Negotiating Spain and Catalonia: Competing Narratives of National Identity

INTRODUCTION

Controversial Identities

What is Spanish identity? What does being Spanish mean? If you follow the stereotype, one ready answer could be ‘being Spanish means being passionate’. And indeed, Spanish companies have used this idea of passion and excitement in life in order to promote their products. Take, for example, the car manufacturer SEAT, which, although now owned by the German Volkswagen, has retained its ‘Spanish identity’ in its marketing campaigns. At the end of the adverts for all its products under the SEAT logo you can read the words ‘Auto emoción’ (meaning ‘car emotion’ but also ‘self emotion’). A recent advert for the Spanish lager San Miguel being shown in British cinemas plays with the same idea – this time the reading is ‘Spanish Passion for Life’.

Another concept Spanish companies like playing with, is that of a Spain somehow different from the rest of the European continent. The San Miguel advert mentioned above shows clips of Spanish people enjoying themselves during popular fiestas and also of women dressed up in the Muslim fashion, thus distancing Spain from the rest of Europe. And not only have companies used the idea of ‘difference’ to promote Spain, the Ministry of Tourism during the Francoist Regime came up with the slogan ‘Spain is different’ with the aim of converting Spain into an attractive country for not being the same as the rest of Europe. This construct of Spain as different from Europe also implied a single image of the country as characterized by bullfighters, flamenco dancers and gypsies.

The cases mentioned above refer to the promotion abroad of Spanish products or of Spain itself as a tourist destination. But how are these images of passion, emotion and difference received within Spain? If you approach this book already having some knowledge of Spanish culture you will be aware of the clear unease with these conceptions of national identity amongst many groups within Spain. You will also be aware of the fact that there is not really just one national image with which the majority of Spaniards identify. There are many different ideologically and territorially based conceptions of the country.

The strength of the ideological divisions is epitomized by the Manichean and almost mythological struggle between ‘The Two Spains’ (Las dos Españas)– theconservative and the liberal. Two groups that fight ‘for the appropriation of the identity of the nation’ (Morón Arroyo, 1996: 180), and whose strong opposition has been pointed out (rather simplistically, one might say) as the reason for the breakout of the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939). This divide has haunted Spanish society for so long and with such intensity that bringing it to an end was one of the greatest aims of the 1978 Constitution of the new democracy after the death of Franco. About Spanish identity, the discourse of ‘liberal Spain’ would argue that since Franco promoted the ‘difference’ between Spain and the rest of Europe, all the traces of that difference should disappear. For this discourse, being the same as other Europeans should be the main objective of Spaniards. And this identification with Europe implies that reason and moderation, not passion and emotion, should be the major components of Spanish identity. The discourse of conservative Spain (many times called ‘Eternal Spain’ – La España Eterna) is more in line with those traditional images associated with Spain which tend to establish a difference within the European context.

In peripheral regions such as Galicia, the Basque Country or Catalonia (with their own different languages and what many regard as their own culture altogether different from the rest of Spain), the association of Spain with passion, emotion, bullfighters and gypsies is also challenged on a daily basis. Amongst these peripheral regions, this book will concentrate on Catalonia and it will show how Catalans tend to see themselves as hardworking, moderate, responsible, thoughtful; that is, as characterized by an identity driven by reason and not by passion. It is not uncommon for Catalans to describe themselves as the only true Europeans in Spain. They are not different from the rest of Europe, they would say, they are and always have been a part of Europe. At the same time, they would argue, they are indeed different from the rest of Spain, regarded as a multi-cultural and multi-lingual state with no legitimate right to promote a single national identity for the whole of the country.

The debate on national identity has, of course, political implications regarding conceptions of the structure of the State. On the grounds of linguistic and cultural diversity, many Catalans advocate a federal or co-federal arrangement for Spain where regions have maximum autonomy. The opposite trend supports a unified and more centralized organization of the country. The strength of this struggle between centre and periphery has led some authors to argue that, ‘Spanish history ... can be understood as a permanent tension between the pull towards centralization (centripetal) and the push towards fragmentation (centrifugal)’ (Ucelay da Cal,1996: 32). Perhaps foregrounding the politico-territorial controversy as the only driving force of Spanish history is somewhat exaggerated, but it can be rightly regarded as one of the deepest and most delicate problems which has prevented the emergence of an integrating national identity (Labanyi, 1995: 407).

This debate on Spanishness, Catalanicity, and the role of Catalonia in the whole of Spain, will be looked into in this book, which proposes a narrative study of four main competing discourses of Spanish and Catalan national identities as disseminated in the Spanish press in the period between 1993 and 1996 and, more briefly, after the 2000 elections. It shows how in times of political tension and friction between the all-Spanish parties and the peripheral nationalisms, these four versions of Spanish and Catalan identities can contradict each other and become radically opposed. Indeed, as will be seen, the relationship between them can reach the apocalyptic tones of a war. However, when the political circumstances calm down, those clashing constructions can be modified, and even be merged. In that sense, this study makes good Schlesinger’s observation that national identity should be considered not as a static concept but as one that is constantly being redefined; that is, as a ‘continually reconstructed category’ (1991: 173) which must be regarded as within ‘a determinate set of social relations’ (ibid).

The book is divided into four chapters. Chapter 1 deals thoroughly with the following questions: what are these four discourses, what are their main media outlets, and what makes these periods of time so particular? For introductory purposes, let’s touch briefly on those points.

Four Discourses

First of all, a working definition of discourse. In this book, discourse will be understood as the site of intersection between ideology and language; or, in other words, as broad ideological and linguistic parameters used by writers (in the case of the written media) and offered to the readers as a manner of looking at and talking about particular topics, objects and processes. According to this definition, the discourse of Catalanism, for example, refers to the language use of Catalanist thinkers or politicians, but also to the ideologies propagated by them. This is the conception of discourse of Blain et al. who use the term ‘ in a flexible sense of talking about or constructing ... versions of reality that are ideological’ (Blain et al., 1993: 4).

I have identified two main all-Spanish discourses (categorized along the lines of ‘The Two Spains’ seen above) and two Catalanist discourses. The conservative and unitarian Spain maintains a discourse which promotes a centralized vision of the country and a concept of national identity which is not only at times close to essentialism but also grudgingly accepts regional differences. The political party more akin to such discourse is the centre–right party Partido Popular. I will investigate this discourse mainly through the Madrid daily Abc.

The liberal Spain is more at ease with the concept of devolved powers to the regions, and ‘modernity’ and ‘Europeanism’ are the values that more clearly shape their concept of Spanish identity. In the political spectrum, this liberal Spain is close to the centre–left PSOE (Partido Socialista Obrero Español). I have studied this discourse through El País, which can be regarded as one of its main media outlets.

The two Catalanist discourses have been called ‘differential’ and ‘disjunctive’. Both have a clear common axiom: Catalonia is a nation. However, they differ from each other on their conception of the place of Catalonia and her national identity within the all-Spanish framework. For the ‘differential discourse’, Spain might be regarded as a problematical political structure needing some radical reforms, but Catalonia is as an integral part of it. For this discourse, as long as Spain is constituted as a multi-lingual and multi-cultural space, or as ‘a nation of nations’, Catalonia will fit in the structure. This is the most popular discourse in Catalonia. It is the official line of Convèrgencia i Unió (CiU), the nationalist coalition that has ruled the Catalan Parliament throughout the whole of the democratic period. I have studied this discourse as disseminated mainly by the Barcelona daily La Vanguardia.

The disjunctive discourse takes a more radical stance: Spain and Catalonia are two different historical, sociological and identity realities and should be regarded as separate. Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC), Partit per la Independencia (PI), and less importantly, the more radical factions of CiU, are the political bastions of this trend. The Barcelona newspaper Avui will be looked into as a media outlet for the study of this discourse.

Chapter 1 will also briefly deal with the historical relevance of these four discourses, and will show how the national question in Spain, and the problem of national identity has haunted Spanish political life for centuries. It must be noted,however, that it does not intend to be a thorough historical review, but a brief introduction to the issue.

A list of acronyms of political parties is provided in the appendix.

The Period of Study: 1993–1996 and Beyond

Chapter 1 also answers in full the question ‘why study this period in particular?’ Here it will suffice to note that in the 1993 elections, after losing the overall majority they had enjoyed in the previous two terms, the PSOE sought the collaboration of the moderate Catalanists of Convergència i Unió in central government. This political agreement caused indignation in the centre–right main opposition party Partido Popular (PP) and their supporting media, mainly the Madrid daily Abc. They focused their attacks on the supposedly illegitimate collaboration of the Socialists with a coalition party accused of aiming at dismantling the State, political blackmail and opportunism.

This political atmosphere brought to the fore and radicalized discourses of national identity in the whole of Spain. In the all-Spanish liberal media, the idea of the existence of two Spains clashing with each other and with totally different identities was brought back to life. In the Catalan political field and media, the conviction of Catalonia and Spain as two separate entities with different identities, gained strength. The relationship between discourses reached bellicose tones.

This situation went on at least until the aftermath of the 1996 general elections: it was then the PP that won the elections, but due to the absence of an overall majority, they needed the collaboration of the Catalanists to form a government. That is, the circumstances took an about-turn. After a long process of negotiation, the bad blood between the PP and CiU gave way to an agreement. This agreement and collaboration of an all-Spanish centre–right with the moderate Catalanists were regarded by many as a ‘historical revolution’ (Sahagún, 2001: 378), due mainly to the radically opposed views of both parties on the structure of the Spanish state: centralist and co-federal, respectively. This pact reduced the political tension. Accordingly, the emphasis on difference between ‘The Two Spains’ and between Catalonia and Spain gave way to a very civilized consensus and common ground.

In 2000 the PP obtained its first overall majority. Although CiU was not anymore needed to form a government, the Catalanists maintained their support for the right-wing party. After this second agreement between the PP and CiU the territorial tension abated even more. However, the friction was not totally dispelled in this period of relative calm. The Catalanist daily Avui, as will be seen, established the exception.

Two Analyses

The constructions of national identities and their modifications through time will be the focus of study of this book. However, it is important to note that this is not an analysis of the subject using the instruments of political theory. It is rather a very practical investigation of the subject carried out, through the analysis of texts emblematic not only of each discourse, but also of the degree of competition with other discourses. These two analyses are organized in two case studies, which will take up the whole of chapters 2 and 3. Chapter 2, entitled ‘The Game of the Nations: Football and Identity’, will be dealing with the construction of Spanish and Catalan identities in the coverage and interpretation of the performance of the Spanish national football team during the ’94 USA Football World Cup.

After introducing the origin and general features of the sporting aspects of the four discourses of national identity, the chapter concentrates on the study of the way in which such discourses competed among themselves in order to establish their own constructions of national identity. It shows how, against a background of political turmoil due to the attacks on the political pact between PSOE and CiU, these discourses interacted with each other in a mode which was ‘agonistic’ – that is, implicated in a process where ‘to speak is to fight’ (Lyotard, 1984: 10); or ‘dialogic’, to use Bakhtin’s words (1981).

In that ‘dialogue’ or ‘fight’ between discourses, the images of Spain and its football team produced by newspapers with different ideologies were almost opposite. For example, the more conservative and centralist Madrid daily Abc proposed an image of Spain and its national team that was almost poetic by virtue of the use of ‘extrahistorical language, a language far removed from the petty rounds of everyday life’ (1981: 331), to use Bakhtin’s definition of poetic style. For their part, liberal, differential and disjunctive discourse were closer to the ‘art of prose’ in their being close to an idea of ‘languages as historically concrete and living things ... [their] deliberate feeling for the historical and social concreteness of living discourse, as well as its relativity, a feeling for its participation in historical becoming and in social struggle’ (Bakhtin, 1981: 331).

Let’s exemplify this point. Whereas for Abc the Spanish football team was almost invariably ‘the National Team’, for the Catalan writer and journalist Vázquez Montalbán, writing in the more liberal El País (in an article that will be fully analysed below), the team was ‘The Team of The Autonomies’ – the Autonomies being the 17 autonomous regions in which Spain was structured after the highly centralized Francoist state. That is, for Abc, the team was the representative of a nation, with all the sentimental and eternal connotations of the national concept. Vázquez Montalbán, however, constructed the team as the inapt representative of a rather more prosaic administrative structure shaped by 17 administrative entities.

These two poetic and prosaic constructions had a further implication. Whereas the Spanish ‘nation’ of Abc depicted a united country; with his reference to the Autonomies, Vázquez Montalbán stripped the sporting symbol of Spain off its eternal connotations and emphasized the lack of a solid national identity for the whole of the country. This lack of a national unity and identity was at times strongly constructed by references to the myth of The Two Spains.

The analysis in chapter 2 also includes an epilogue where I discuss the changes in the different discourses and the way they interacted after the relative ‘territorial’ calm brought about by the pacts between the PP and CiU, after the 1996 and the 2000 general elections. In that epilogue it will be clear that the two opposing Spains all but disappeared and most newspapers attempted a common definition of the country.

The shift from opposition to mutual understanding is also clear in chapter 3, which studies the process of negotiation towards the political pact between Partido Popular and Convergència i Unió after the 1996 general election as represented by the Catalan daily La Vanguardia. It is entitled ‘Catalonia: Victim and Redeemer of Spain’, and analyses the narrative strategy displayed by the Catalan newspaper La Vanguardia (close to the Catalan nationalist coalition CiU) with the aim of reworking the relationship between Spain and Catalonia and their constructed identities in order to legitimize the pact between the conservative Spanish party PP and CiU – generally regarded as ‘political enemies’ right up until the 1996 elections. From a relationship of confrontation, the two parties would reach a common ground thanks to the self-assigned redeeming role of the Catalanists. This agreement was also constructed in national terms: thanks to the role of Catalonia, Spain was redeemed and transformed into a place where Catalonia can fit in. The epilogue to this chapter will also analyse (albeit more briefly) the justification ofthe second agreement with the PP proposed by La Vanguardia after the 2000 elections. It will show how the spirit of collaboration and good harmony between the PP and CiU was reflected in the emphasis on the common ground between Spain and Catalonia.

Some Theoretical Points:

Hegemony and Resistance

It is clear from these two summaries that the subject matters of the two chapters, sport and politics, are different. However, they do not constitute isolated analyses. The variation is on purpose: I have attempted to demonstrate that the struggle for establishment of questions of national identity can take different forms in various cultural fields and still be interrelated, since they play a similar role in the broader socio-political scene. In this sense, the Gramscian concept of hegemony is central. For Gramsci, hegemony is the cultural, intellectual and moral leadership, which replaces ‘domination’ as the form of social and political struggle.

As Strinati points out, ‘the [Gramscian] concept of hegemony can be applied to a wide range of social struggles’ (Strinati, 2000: 174). This notion opens up the field of analysis of ideology to areas of cultural life such as popular culture, including sport. In chapter 2 it will be seen how the performance of the Spanish national football team (despite its apparent apolitical