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Notes on the State of Virginia
Notes on the State of Virginia
Notes on the State of Virginia
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Notes on the State of Virginia

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This American classic is the only full-length book written and published by Thomas Jefferson during his lifetime. Written in 1781, Notes on the State of Virginia was begun by Jefferson as a commentary on the resources and institutions of his home state, but the work's lasting value lies in its delineation of Jefferson's major philosophical, political, scientific, and ethical beliefs. Along with his accounts of such factual matters as North American flora and fauna, Jefferson expounds his views on slavery, education, religious freedom, representative government, and the separation of church and state. The book is the best single statement of Jefferson's principles and the best reflection of his wide-ranging tastes and talents. This edition, meticulously edited by William Peden, was originally published by the University of North Carolina Press in 1955.

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Release dateFeb 1, 2011
ISBN9780807899809
Notes on the State of Virginia
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Thomas Jefferson

Thomas Jefferson was the 3rd president of the United States. William Peden is professor emeritus of English at the University of Missouri.

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    Notes on the State of Virginia - Thomas Jefferson

    NOTES ON THE STATE OF VIRGINIA

    THE OMOHUNDRO INSTITUTE OF

    EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY AND

    CULTURE IS SPONSORED JOINTLY BY

    THE COLLEGE OF WILLIAM AND MARY

    AND COLONIAL WILLIAMSBURG,

    INCORPORATED

    NOTES

    ON THE

    STATE OF VIRGINIA

    BY

    THOMAS JEFFERSON

    Edited with an Introduction and Notes

    by

    WILLIAM PEDEN

    PUBLISHED FOR THE

    Omohundro Institute of Early American History

    and Culture at Williamsburg, Virginia

    BY THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA PRESS

    CHAPEL HILL AND LONDON

    © 1954 BY THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA PRESS

    © 1982 BY WILLIAM PEDEN

    All rights reserved

    Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

    Jefferson, Thomas, 1743-1826

    Notes on the State of Virginia / by Thomas Jefferson;

    edited with an introduction and notes by William Peden.

    p. cm.

    Includes bibliographical references and index.

    ISBN 978-0-8078-4588-2 (pbk.: alk. paper)

    1. Virginia—Early works to 1800.

    2. Jefferson, Thomas, 1743–1826—Literary art.

    I. Peden, William Harwood, 1913— . II. Title.

    F230.J5102 1995

    975·5’03—dc2o 95-47378

    CIP

    The paper in this book meets the guidelines

    for permanence and durability of the

    Committee on Production Guidelines for

    Book Longevity of the Council on

    Library Resources.

    Manufactured in the United States of America

    11 10 09 08 07 10 9 8 7 6

    Foreword

    DURING his long and productive life Thomas Jefferson wrote and published only one full-length book. That book was Notes on the State of Virginia. Though he gave it a misleadingly modest title and was originally reluctant to publish it at all, the Notes on Virginia was eventually accepted as an important contribution to American letters and science, and it is recognized today as the best single statement of Jefferson's principles, the best reflection of his wide-ranging tastes and talents. It is, in short, an American classic.

    Yet this remarkable book has long been unavailable to readers, and even scholars do not have ready access to satisfactory texts. The purpose of the present edition, the first to be issued separately in sixty years, is to supply this want, especially for the general reader. The aim has been to include all that Jefferson approved as text and appendices of the Notes, together with his later corrections and additions, and to furnish a brief introductory commentary and such explanatory notes as present-day readers may find helpful.

    Since the Notes on Virginia from the outset has had a complicated history, the editorial method followed here needs to be explained in some detail. The text of the present edition is basically that of the first regularly published edition in English, which was issued by the London bookseller John Stockdale in 1787 with Jefferson's authorization. In his personal copy of the Stockdale edition, which is now in the rare book collection of the University of Virginia, Jefferson throughout the rest of his life made occasional handwritten insertions, sometimes in the margins or body of the text, sometimes by pasting in slips. All such matter that Jefferson added to the text has been printed in the present edition within angle brackets, thus: . Most of Jefferson's insertions, however, were intended as footnotes; these have been incorporated in the notes of the present edition, always preceded by the phrase MS note by TJ. Jefferson's original footnotes, as printed in the Stockdale edition, are distinguished from the present editor's notes by the phrase Note by TJ.All other notes are by the editor, the phrase Ed. note being resorted to only when the present editor has added something to a printed or manuscript note by Jefferson.

    The few cases of departure from the Stockdale text as revised by Jefferson are explained at the appropriate points. The following silent changes have been made in the interest of readability:

    1. Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.

    2. Passages in foreign languages have been translated, with due indication in each case. Foreign phrases found in standard dictionaries have, however, been allowed to stand.

    3. The long s (£) has been printed as s.

    4. ye has been printed as the.

    5. Printers’ symbols like † and § have been replaced by raised numerals to indicate footnotes, and sometimes their position has been altered for the sake of clarity.

    6. Modern usage has been followed for indicating quoted matter.

    7. In a very few cases a comma has been shifted or added to clarify the meaning.

    8. In a very few cases a citation inserted by Jefferson in the text has been shifted to a note.

    9. The numerals in parentheses in the Stockdale text referring to Charles Thomson's commentaries in Appendix No. 1 have been changed to appropriate raised numerals in the sequence of footnote numbers.

    Jefferson's later insertions in the text have been slightly normalized in order to conform to printers’ practice at the time. His added notes have been printed as he wrote them except for capitalizing the beginnings of sentences, adding periods at their end, and altering & to and.

    Although I have collated the Stockdale text with that of the earlier, privately printed Paris edition of the Notes on Virginia and also with Jefferson's original manuscript (owned by the Massachusetts Historical Society), this reader's edition does not contain a complete collation or thorough textual study. These will be included in the definitive edition of the Notes in The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, being edited by Julian P. Boyd and his associates at Princeton. In order to reduce the bulk of the annotation, letters to and from Jefferson have been cited only by dates. Since Jefferson's entire correspondence will eventually be printed in The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, it seems pointless to multiply references that will soon be unnecessary.

    Many individuals and several institutions have aided me in preparing this reader's edition of the Notes on Virginia; it is a pleasure and a privilege to thank them here. Particularly, I am grateful to Lyman H. Butterfield, director of the Institute of Early American History and Culture, and to John Cook Wyllie, curator of rare books, University of Virginia Library. In effect, Mr. Butterfield and Mr. Wyllie have been my collaborators. Although any shortcomings of the present edition are my own responsibility, much of whatever value my work may possess is due to the constant and painstaking efforts of Mr. Butterfield and Mr. Wyllie.

    I am also deeply indebted to the staff of the Library of the University of Virginia, to all the efficient and helpful individuals who aided me constantly, as they have so often in the past; especially, though, I want to thank Harry Clemons and Jack Dalton, the past and present librarians of this Library. I am grateful, too, for the generous cooperation of Harvey N. Deal, reference librarian, and his staff, and to everyone in the division of rare books and manuscripts, particularly Miss Ruth Bird, James Bear, Francis L. Berkeley, Jr., and Russell Smith.

    Finally, I wish to thank Charles Barham, Jr., and the Thomas Jefferson Memorial Foundation for financial assistance; Julian Boyd, for valuable comments concerning my introduction and for help in many ways; Lester J. Cappon, editor of publications, Institute of Early American History and Culture, for his careful reading of my manuscript and for his editorial assistance; Joseph M. Carriere, Department of Romance Languages, University of Virginia, for translations from the French and for many valuable suggestions and comments; Verner Clapp, Frederick Goff, and E. Millicent Sowerby, Library of Congress; John S. Creaghan, S. J., Department of Classical Languages, Bellarmine College, for translations from Latin and Greek; Arnold A. Del Greco, Department of Romance Languages, University of Virginia, for translations from Spanish and Italian; William A. Gwatkin and Saul Weinberg, Department of Classical Languages and Archaeology, University of Missouri; Dumas Malone, Department of History, Columbia University; the Research Council of the University of Missouri, and its chairman, Henry Bent, for granting me a sabbatical leave of absence to work on the Notes; Stephen T. Riley, librarian of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and the Society, for permission to use the microfilm copy of Jefferson's manuscript copy of the Notes; William Runge and Joseph Vance, of the University of Virginia, for information about the 1853 Randolph edition; Coolie Verner, School of Education, Florida State University; and to my wife, Miriam Irby Peden, for her constant help and encouragement. The index, compiled by Lester J. Cappon, is the first to be prepared for any edition of the Notes.

    William Peden

    University of Missouri, 1 June 1954

    CONTENTS

    Foreword

    Introduction

    Query I. Boundaries of Virginia

    Query II. Rivers

    Query III. Sea-Ports

    Query IV. Mountains

    Query V. Cascades

    Query VI. Productions Mineral, Vegetable and Animal

    Query VII. Climate

    Query VIII. Population

    Query IX. Military Force

    Query X. Marine Force

    Query XI. Aborigines

    Query XII. Counties and Towns

    Query XIII. Constitution

    Query XIV. Laws

    Query XV. Colleges, Buildings, and Roads

    Query XVI. Proceedings as to Tories

    Query XVII. Religion

    Query XVIII. Manners

    Query XIX. Manufactures

    Query XX. Subjects of Commerce

    Query XXI. Weights, Measures, and Money

    Query XXII. Public Revenue and Expences

    Query XXIII. Histories, Memorials, and State-Papers

    Appendix No. 1. Charles Thomson's Commentaries

    Appendix No. 2. Draught of a Fundamental Constitution for the Commonwealth of Virginia

    Appendix No. 3. An Act for Establishing Religious Freedom, 1786

    Appendix No. 4. Relative to the Murder of Logan's Family

    Notes

    Index

    Introduction

    THOMAS JEFFERSON'S Notes on Virginia is unique in American literary history. Begun almost accidentally as an essentially statistical survey, the Notes on Virginia is an engrossing commentary on various aspects of American life and history during the last decades of the eighteenth century. In it, along with accounts of such factual matters as iron mines in Virginia or North American birds, Jefferson discusses in detail most of his major intellectual, social, political, scientific, and ethical beliefs. Here are to be found his ideas concerning religious freedom or the separation of church and state, his analysis of the ideals of representative government versus dictatorship, his theories of art and education, his attitude concerning slavery and the Negro, his interest in science.

    The Notes on Virginia is probably the most important scientific and political book written by an American before 1785; upon it much of Jefferson's contemporary fame as a philosopher was based. The Notes reveals more clearly than any of his writings except his letters the flexibility of Jefferson's mind and the breadth of his interests. Anyone interested in Jefferson and his times will find the Notes on Virginia an indispensable book. It is, moreover, a remarkably lively and entertaining one. In spite of its statistics, which are of little interest to the lay reader, the Notes on Virginia is a book for today; it is valuable both as an introduction to Jefferson and as a commentary on problems as relevant to our own generation as they were to his.

    Jefferson became an author almost in spite of himself. His book was commenced and for the most part composed during perhaps the darkest period of his life, in the final months of his career as wartime governor of an invaded Virginia and in the troubled period immediately following his retirement from that office. The motivating impulse behind Jefferson's book was the desire of the French government to amass a body of pertinent information concerning the American states, with whose fortunes the French were becoming increasingly involved at a time when the outcome of the American Revolution appeared extremely dubious. During the summer or early autumn of 1780, at approximately the same time as the disastrous battle of Camden which saw the rout of a demoralized Virginia militia, Fran¸ois Marbois, the secretary of the French legation at Philadelphia, circulated a semi-official questionnaire concerning the American states among various influential members of the Continental Congress.¹ One such set of questions Marbois transmitted to Joseph Jones, a member of the Virginia delegation and uncle of James Monroe. Jones, in turn, gave them to the person he thought most capable of answering the queries, the thirty-seven-year-old governor of Virginia, Thomas Jefferson.²

    Jones’ decision was a wise one. Jefferson, from his youth, had possessed what he later called a canine appetite for learning. Like Francis Bacon, he had taken virtually all fields of knowledge for his province. Since childhood, he had read and loved the classics. As a student at the College of William and Mary and in the law office of the renowned jurist George Wythe, he had studied the intricacies of the law and pondered the histories of earlier epochs. As a practicing lawyer and member of the Virginia House of Burgesses, he had sought to utilize his knowledge of the past to remedy present injustices and to help prepare for a better future. As an assiduous taker of notes, indefatigable letter writer, and respected author of state papers, he had developed a varied and disciplined prose style, simple, vigorous, and at times rising to heights of impassioned lyricism. As an amateur scientist, he had conducted innumerable experiments with seeds and crops, recording with infinite care the miracle of bud and blossom. From his mountain top at Monticello, overlooking the green and golden farmlands of Albemarle, he had peered into the vast laboratory of nature and had scrutinized like a lover the phenomena of the weather. He had been preoccupied with the mysteries of space and of the universe, and with that greatest of all mysteries, mankind. And for years, always the practical man rather than the dilettante, he had committed to writing any and all information which might conceivably be useful to him, in any station, public or private,³ particularly everything pertaining to Virginia.

    The Marbois queries, then, arriving as they did amidst the problems and confusions of the Revolution when the very existence of his native country was imperiled by an invader, rekindled Jefferson's devoted interest in Virginia's history and resources, his fondness for philosophical speculation, his curiosity concerning the wonders of nature. He took the arrival of the Marbois queries as a good occasion to study his own extensive memoranda and to enlarge and arrange them for [his] own use⁴ as well as that of the inquiring Frenchman. Thus it was that, in the temporary lull following the withdrawal of the British forces which had invaded Tidewater Virginia in October of 1780, Jefferson turned with high enthusiasm to his task. I am at present busily employed for Monsr. Marbois without his knowing it, he wrote on November 30,1780, and have to acknolege to him the mysterious obligation for making me much better acquainted with my own country than I ever was before. His queries as to this country … I take every occasion which presents itself of procuring answers to.

    The next few months, however, were disastrous ones for Virginia and for its governor. Benedict Arnold's invasion of the State began on the eve of the new year; less than two weeks later, Jefferson and his fellow officials had evacuated the capital city of Richmond. It is little wonder that Jefferson temporarily abandoned his literary project. Yet he wrote Marbois in March, with his customary talent for understatement, that although present occupations disable me from completing his answers, he intends shortly, to be in a condition which will leave me quite at leisure to take them up.⁶ But disaster, personal as well as official, pursued him. Virginia was ravaged by the invader; Lucy Elizabeth, his year-old daughter, died; his wife was in increasingly ill health. At the beginning of June 1781, Jefferson retired as governor after a series of misfortunes culminating in Tarleton's raid on Monticello and a move by the Virginia legislature to inquire into his official conduct. Always acutely sensitive to public criticism, Jefferson sought refuge at Poplar Forest, his country retreat some ninety miles from Monticello. Here he turned with what must have been a sigh of relief from the world of war and politics to a realm always delightful to him, that of scientific and philosophic thought. Released for the time being from the demands of public life, and during a period of enforced idleness after a fall from his horse, he worked rapidly and efficiently, digesting the memoranda which he had brought with him from Monticello, filling in gaps and omissions, effecting in writing a synthesis of much that he had seen and heard and read and pondered during his active life.⁷

    Jefferson returned to Monticello early in August with his manuscript virtually complete "except as to some few articles which requiring information from very distant parts of the country, I referred [sic] forwarding the whole … till our assembly should meet in October when I hoped to get the information I wanted."⁸ At Monticello, among his beloved books, he probably continued to work sporadically on his manuscript and prepare for his appearance before the Virginia Assembly. This event, delayed until December, brought Jefferson to Richmond, where his conduct as governor was completely vindicated by the legislature. Presumably he received there the necessary information which he speedily incorporated into his manuscript, for he was able to write Marbois from Richmond, on December 20, 1781, that the task was finished. I now do myself, he stated, the honour of inclosing you answers to the quaeries which Mr. Jones put into my hands…. Even now you will find them very imperfect and not worth offering but as a proof of my respect for your wishes.

    Originally, Jefferson seems not to have entertained any ideas concerning the publication of these commentaries on Virginia. He retained, however, at least one copy of his book and circulated it among his friends for suggestions and corrections. Hardly, indeed, had the manuscript intended for Marbois passed from his hands than Jefferson was concerned with the problem of revision,¹⁰ and during the winter he assiduously corrected and enlarged the manuscript.¹¹ The materials which his many friends and informants sent him, together with his own continued research, necessitated still further revision during the following winter of 1783-1784 while he was a delegate to the Continental Congress in Philadelphia.¹² Meanwhile, as more and more people expressed their desire to see the much-circulated data, Jefferson abandoned his original idea to keep his book from the public. But the prohibitive cost of publishing his commentaries in Philadelphia, plus the fact that in May, 1784 Jefferson was appointed a commissioner to aid in negotiating treaties with friendly European powers, caused him to postpone the project till I shall cross the water where I will have a few copies struck off.¹³ Thus it was that when he sailed for France from Boston in the summer of 1784, Jefferson carried with him the carefully revised manuscript, now swelled nearly to treble bulk, of the Notes on Virginia.¹⁴

    Some time following his arrival in Paris in August, Jefferson, perhaps through Benjamin Franklin, met the well-known French printer Philippe-Denis Pierres, who agreed to publish the Notes for approximately one-fourth the cost required for American publication.¹⁵ Jefferson subsequently made a final revision before turning his manuscript over to Pierres late in 1784 or early in 1785. The printing—and with its numerous tables, lists of Indian tribes, and the like, the task must have been a difficult one—was completed early in May, 1785.¹⁶ The edition, published without the author's name on the title page and consisting of two hundred copies, was given the unpretentious title Notes on the State of Virginia,¹⁷ and was intended solely for private distribution. Like many an unrecognized author, Jefferson tended to speak disparagingly of his literary efforts; the care, however, with which he revised his manuscript, corrected proof, and cancelled certain erroneous or misleading sections in the printed book belie his often-repeated assertion that he held it of little value.¹⁸

    If his depreciatory comments concerning the value of the Notes on Virginia appear less than convincing, there is no question concerning the sincerity of Jefferson's efforts to keep his book from the public—at least until he was certain that its publication would not endanger the attainment of his most cherished goals, the emancipation of slavery in Virginia and the reformation of the Virginia Constitution.¹⁹ The day after the book was printed, Jefferson confided to James Madison of Montpelier his hopes of eventually distributing copies among the students at the College of William and Mary. At the moment, however, he was determined not to allow copies of the Notes to go to the public at large.²⁰ Later, in inscribing presentation copies for a few select friends in Europe and America, Jefferson begged each recipient to put them into the hands of no person on whose care & fidelity he cannot rely to guard them against publication.²¹ His efforts, however, were in vain. More and more people became interested in the Notes on Virginia, and in the fall of 1785 Jefferson again confided to Madison that I have been obliged to give so many … that I fear their getting published.²² His fears were realized sooner than he had anticipated; shortly thereafter Jefferson received with considerable consternation the unwelcome news that the French bookseller Barrois had obtained a copy of the Notes on Virginia and was planning to publish an unauthorized translation.²³

    Jefferson, to be sure, was placed in an extremely difficult situation. An apparent rescuer materialized in the person of the Abbe Morellet, translator of Beccaria and member of the French Academy, whom he had probably met through Benjamin Franklin and to whom he had sent a copy of the Notes on Virginia. Faced with the alternatives of watching helplessly the appearance of an unauthorized translation, or of supervising at least in part the work of a man whose talents, rightly or wrongly, he respected, there was little for the disconcerted Virginian to do but agree with Morellet's friendly proposition. Accordingly, therefore, Jefferson set about the task of preparing a map for the proposed publication,²⁴ while Morellet went to work on the translation. The collaboration, however, was far from successful and Jefferson could take little pride in the undistinguished French edition of the Notes which was finally published early in 1787 with only Jefferson's initial and without the translator's name on the title page.²⁵

    Jefferson's increasing dissatisfaction with the Morellet project hastened the inevitable appearance of an authorized edition for general distribution. Finally, on the eve of the publication of Morellet's translation of the Notes and encouraged by James Madison of Montpelier,²⁶ Jefferson opened negotiations with the English bookseller and publisher John Stockdale, who earlier had been anxious to publish Jefferson's book.²⁷ Stockdale speedily assented to publish an English edition, whereupon Jefferson sent him a carefully corrected copy of the 1785 Paris edition of the Notes, and urged Stockdale to print his commentaries precisely as they are, without additions, alterations, preface, or anything else but what is there.²⁸ Jefferson was fortunate in his selection of a publisher; Stockdale did his work swiftly and efficiently.²⁹ The publication of this edition in the summer of 1787 is the high point in Jefferson's literary career.³⁰ The Stockdale Notes represents Jefferson's idea of a definitive text.³¹ It is, moreover, the first edition to carry its author's name; it is Jefferson's first offering of his work to the public;³² and all subsequent editions published during Jefferson's lifetime were based upon it.

    In spite of such assertions that the Notes on Virginia was a bad book, the author of which has no other merit than that of thinking as little of it as any man in the world can,³³ Jefferson for years toyed with the idea of preparing a revised edition. As new or additional relevant information came to his attention, he added it to his personal copy of the Stockdale text in the form of marginal notes or as meticulously written and carefully tipped-in addenda.³⁴ He deleted misleading or inaccurate passages. He checked and further verified his source material, particularly that relating to such controversial portions of the text as the sections in Query VI in which he had taken issue with the French savant Buffon. The demands of his public career, however, prevented his making any serious effort to bring out a revision. His rather rueful comment, made in 1805 at the beginning of his second presidential administration, is characteristic: I had in contemplation some particular alterations which would require little time to make. My occupations by no means permit me at this time to revise the text, and make those changes in it which I should now do.³⁵ But Jefferson did not abandon the project; soon after his retirement from public life he stated his intention to undertake the long-deferred task of revising the Notes on Virginia.³⁶ Unfortunately, however, nothing came of this. Jefferson soon found that in vacating the Presidency and leaving Washington he was not saying goodbye to the responsibilities incurred during almost half a century of active participation in local, state, and national affairs. He continued to be profoundly concerned with the administrative problems of his two successors, Madison and Monroe. He was both blessed and oppressed with an ever-growing correspondence with hundreds of friends and acquaintances from the great days of the past, and with many more recent ones. Besides, there were the multitudes of pleasant but demanding tasks connected with the realization of that great dream of his later years, the founding of the University of Virginia. Thus it was that he wrote to an interested publisher in 1814, five years after leaving Washington, that "I consider … the idea of preparing a new copy of … [the Notes on Virginia] as no more to be entertained. The work itself indeed is nothing more than the measure of a shadow, never stationary, but lengthening as the sun advances, and to be taken anew from hour to hour. It must remain, therefore, for some other hand to sketch its appearance at another epoch, to furnish another element for calculating the course and motion of this member of our federal system."³⁷

    The Notes on Virginia, this measure of a shadow, had been undertaken as a prosaic and matter-of-fact commentary on the resources and institutions of one American state. It developed into one of the wise and thoughtful books written during the eighteenth century. The book begins with an exact description of the boundaries of Virginia. But, writing at a time when Virginia was by far the largest state in the Confederation—claiming territory now comprising numerous states and embracing perhaps a third of the Continent—Jefferson soon progressed as though by irresistible impulse into the vastness of the West.³⁸ Similarly, he advanced from the exposition of natural resources to the contemplation of the larger problem of the physical characteristics of beasts and men in general. From here, just as inevitably, Jefferson's soaring mind led him to question the nature of governments, the relation between the individual and society, and the enigma of man's being. Jefferson's comment that all the manna in heaven would never raise the Mouse to the bulk of the Mammoth is à propos. All the questionnaires in the world would never make Jefferson the mere observer and recorder. Facts he respected, but only as a means to an end. Thus he compiled and modestly presented his readers with a substantial body of facts. But these facts constantly suggest to Jefferson social and political and moral implications. Being Jefferson, the author proceeds from compilation to speculation. The continental vastness of Virginia led Jefferson to identify the social and political aspirations of Virginia—as he envisioned them—with those of America. Thus he conceived of an empire of liberty, a concept characterized by an almost mystical belief in the destiny of America and a shrewdly practical realization of the economic potentiality of this new empire. It is this that makes the Notes on Virginia not only a memorable expression of the ideas of the Enlightenment in a general sense, but most particularly an expression of the American Enlightenment. Here in this brave new world, Jefferson suggests, the ideas of the European philosophes have the best chance to succeed the world has thus far offered. Here, Jefferson believed, men can improve their lot, if they will make the effort. Among other things, this effort depends upon the ability and the freedom to acquire knowledge. And the ultimate goal of knowledge is the betterment not only of Virginians, or of Americans, but of all mankind. Rooted as it is in the empirical, the Notes on Virginia produces a total effect considerably more than the sum of its individual parts. This constant transition from the recording of fact to the exposition of timeless ideas sets the Notes on Virginia apart from the antiquarian productions of Jefferson's predecessors and contemporaries. It was this that thrilled the philosophes. It is this that makes the Notes on Virginia a testament of freedom which constitutes a significant page in the history of man's efforts to free himself, through knowledge, from the shackles of the past.

    Jefferson had feared that his frank comments concerning slavery and his sustained attack on the Constitution of Virginia would precipitate a bitter controversy in America and, particularly, in his native state. Equally explosive proved to be his criticism of orthodoxy in general, and his pleas for the need for freedom not only from religious superstition but from every form of tyranny that from the beginnings of civilization had conspired to enslave that most wonderful of nature's works, mankind. In the Notes on Virginia Jefferson at one time or another criticizes most of the vested interests of his time. He attacks the assumption and usurpation of power by the rich, the powerful, and the well born; the tyranny of the church; the dogmas of the schoolmen; the bigotry of the man on horseback; the enslavement of man by man; the injustice of racial superiority. Specifically, he questions such matters as the origin of shell formation, rejects the theory of the universal deluge, and disagrees with the pontifical statements of Buffon concerning the degeneracy of animal life in the new world. Specifically, he attacks the laws of entail and primogeniture in his own state, and sympathizes with an Indian chieftain whose family had been massacred by the whites. Specifically, he argues for the need to educate all those who have the capacity to learn, regardless of their social or economic status. Specifically, he attacks those legislators who would overthrow a foreign king only to replace him with a native dictator. But his ultimate goal was always essentially the same—the right of the individual to freedom and happiness under just and equitable law.

    By its very nature, then, the Notes on Virginia was destined to become the subject of long and frequently violent controversy. Originally, some of Jefferson's scientific theories were the subject of considerable discussion, particularly in Paris. Not until the book was made available to the American public, however, and not until Jefferson was emerging as a figure of great national importance, did the Notes become the subject of bitter partisan debate.³⁹ During the administrations of George Washington and John Adams, when Jefferson as secretary of state and vice president became the leader of the newly-developing Republican party, his Federalist opponents seized upon controversial passages in the Notes with which to plague him and to attempt to discredit his followers. During the fever of the presidential campaigns of 1800 and 1804, the wrath of Jefferson's political enemies reached a depth of insult and vilification seldom matched in American history. His opponents feverishly searched the past for material which could be exploited for party gain. In the Notes on Virginia they found an almost inexhaustible supply of political ammunition. Detail after detail from Jefferson's book was paraded before the horrified scrutiny of the naive and the self-righteous; incident after incident was wrenched from its context and distorted to serve as partisan propaganda. For his interest in philosophy and science Jefferson was labelled howling atheist and confirmed infidel: his speculations concerning the origin of the earth's surface or the ancestry of the American Indian, for example, were said to be part of his determined campaign to undermine the Bible. For his devotion to the cause of the common man Jefferson was labelled an apostate and traitor to his class. His sympathy for an Indian victim of the white man's cruelty evoked cries of liar and hypocrite. Even his comments concerning the American Negro were perverted into the misstatement that Jefferson had implied kinship between the Negro and the orang-outang.⁴⁰ Not without justification might the harassed statesman lament: O! that mine enemy would write a book! has been a well known prayer against an enemy. I had written a book, and it has furnished matter of abuse for want of something better.⁴¹

    Since that troubled decade, Jefferson has meant many things to many people. He has survived both the adulation of his admirers and the hatred of his enemies; he has triumphed over the apathy and neglect of the later nineteenth century. With the Notes on Virginia he produced one of America's first permanent literary and intellectual landmarks.⁴² Illuminated constantly by the presence of a wise and enlightened mind, the Notes is a living introduction to Jefferson and the lengthening shadow of Jeffersonianism that has left its mark on the length and breadth of our land, in our legislative halls, in our schools, and in the minds of our people. The Notes on Virginia constantly reminds us, to quote one of Jefferson's contemporaries, that for all of us there is proud consolation that such a man has lived.⁴³

    NOTES

    1 Marbois probably prepared the questions himself, at the request of his government, although Gilbert Chinard has suggested the interesting possibility that the questionnaire was framed by the French naturalist Buffon and his associates. See Gilbert Chinard, Eighteenth Century Theories on America as a Human Habitat, American Philosophical Society, Proceedings, 91 (1947), 42.

    2 The list, containing twenty-two queries, is reprinted with commentary in Julian P. Boyd and others, eds., The Papers of Thomas Jefferson (Princeton, 1950 —), IV, 166-67. Jefferson's comment in his Autobiography, begun when he was seventy-seven, that he received the Marbois queries in 1781 is an error of fact, as is also his statement that I had received a letter from M. de Marbois, …addressing to me a number of queries relative to the state of Virginia (Paul Leicester Ford, ed., The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, New York, 1892-99, 1,85).

    3 Autobiography, Ford, Writings of Thomas Jefferson, I, 85.

    4Ibid. Actually, Jefferson expanded and rearranged Marbois’ original twenty-two queries into the twenty-three queries and their answers constituting the Notes on Virginia.

    5 TJ to D'Anmours, Nov. 30, 1780. Jefferson presumably began writing soon after receiving the Marbois queries, but planned to defer any final organization till I shall [have] leisure to go to Monticello where alone the materials exist which can enable any one to answer the queries.

    6 TJ to Marbois, March 4, 1781, probably in answer to Marbois’ now missing inquiry concerning the progress of Jefferson's replies.

    7 TJ to Marbois, March 24, 1782. In this letter Jefferson states that he completed the bulk of the manuscript in a short time. Originally in this letter he wrote, but later deleted the phrase, that the work had been finished in a few days.

    8Ibid.

    9 The manuscript, composed under such difficulties, underwent similar vicissitudes in reaching its destination, and Marbois did not receive it until late in March or early in April of 1782 (Jacquelin Ambler to TJ, March 16, 1782; Marbois to TJ, April 22, 1782).

    10 TJ to Charles Thomson, Dec. 20, 1781; TJ to Isaac Zane, Dec. 24, 1781.

    11 Jefferson's Advertisement to the 1787 Stockdale edition of the Notes on Virginia.

    12 Among the many individuals to whom Jefferson transmitted his manuscript, or portions of it, were his friend and neighbor Thomas Walker (for example, see TJ to Walker, Sept. 25, 1783); George Rogers Clark (for example, see Clark to TJ, concerning big bones and Curious shells, Feb. 20, 1782); the young Dutchman Van Hogendorp, who took a manuscript copy of the Notes on solitary walks and later sent Jefferson a questionnaire of his own (Van Hogendorp to TJ, c. April 6, 1784, May 30, 1784); Thomas Hutchins, from whom Jefferson received information about the Mississippi River which he probably included in Query II (Hutchins to TJ, Feb. 11, 1784); and many others. Such materials heightened Jefferson's diffidence concerning the value of his labors; his realization that certain parts of his book needed to be omitted, many corrected, and more supplied and enlarged led him to caution Chastellux to distrust information from my answers to Monsr. de Marbois’ queries (TJ to Chastellux, Jan. 16, 1784). Further illustrative

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