September 17, 1948 Hyderabad Liberation Day a Misnomer

Capt. Lingala Pandu Ranga Reddy 11 Gorkha Rifles

Plato is dear to me, but dearer still is truth. History is an unending dialogue between the past and the present. When historical writing becomes scientific and critical, the nature of history changes, the function of historian is neither to love the past, nor to condemn the past nor to be free from the past but to master the past in order to understand its bearing on the present. The war diary of the Third Battalion of 11 Gorkha Rifles, dated 17th September, 1948 innocuously mentioned that it was in the vanguard of the strike force group of 1 Armoured Division of the expeditionary column of the Indian Army and reached Patancheru of Medak District at 3.30 p.m.1 This Battalion had suffered two causalities at Naldurg pass. Otherwise, 17th September was a peaceful day for the Battalion. The Commanding Officer of the Battalion Lt. Col. J.N. Ghosh ordered the release of two large pegs of rum to all the Johnnies (affectionately Gorkha soldiers are called) to overcome the fatigue of marching from Sholapur to Patancheru. It is interesting to note that Lt.Gen. Rajender Singhji, General Officer Commanding, Southern Command, Pune, while ordering the commanders of the five columns, had clearly mentioned that they were going to Hyderabad to aid and assist the Nizam against the depredations of Communists and Razakars.2 And it was on 18th September 1948 the 3rd Battalion of the 11 Gorkha Rifles marched upto Secunderabad cantonment without any impediments. No sooner did the soldiers billet than the officers mess started functioning. As officers

walked groundly, they drank roundly and slept soundly forgotten the fatigue of seven days march. However, motivated alien writers, settler-reporters, self-seeking politicians, rabid fundamentalists and half-baked historians who were ignoramus of Persian, Urdu and Arabic languages had twisted the truth to serve their ends for obvious reasons. It was purely a military intervention and people had no role whatsoever in it. Some writers depict 17th September 1948 as Hyderabads Liberation Day, some others assert that on 17th September Hyderabad state was merged with Indian Union and some more call it as Victory day of Telangana Armed Struggle. And yet another apocryphal assertion is (a statement of doubtful authenticity although widely circulated as being true) that it was the end of Asaf Jahis Rule and the beginning of self-rule. Political commentators, politicians and settler-writers tend to get side-tracked by minutiae, that they often miss the wood for the trees. The euphoria is not only misleading but also a deliberate

attempt of fudging realities and no one would buy into this charlatan. The Indian Independence Act of 1947 while granting independence to both India and Pakistan did not envisage transfer of paramount power. On 15th August 1947 the suzerainty of the Crown in the United Kingdom over Hyderabad, and all other 563 Princely States, came to an end.3 None of the powers previously exercised by the Crown was transferred to the Government of the two new dominions i.e., India and Pakistan. Taking the advantage of this clause, Mir Osman Ali Khan, the VII Nizam chose to associate rather than accede to the Indian Union. Both, the Nizam and the Government of India were adamant on their respective positions and settlement could not be reached. Legally speaking, the Nizam of Hyderabad was right. Under the

circumstances, an alternative arrangement was devised in the form of Standstill Agreement and negotiations were undertaken and it was signed on 27-11-1948.

K.M. MUNSHI AGENT GENERAL: According to the article IV of the Standstill Agreement the Government of India appointed K.M. Munshi as Agent General. The reason for his appointment is not far to seek. A large number of people in the British ruled India were influenced by the propaganda and they began to believe that the conditions in Hyderabad were really bad and that it was the duty of all the Hindus to help their brethren in distress. The Hyderabad State Congress, the Hindu Mahasabha and the Arya Samajists all joined hands and launched the movement. The direction of the movement was placed at the hands of K.M. Munshi, Home Minister of Bombay State, who years afterwards on account of the success achieved by him on this occasion, was selected as the most appropriate person to fill up the post of the Agent General of India at Hyderabad. Munshi exhorted thousands of young volunteers from all over the Bombay Presidency, gave them all the help and encouragement that governmental sources could provide and supplemented with assistance that could come forth from numberless public sources, under the inspiration of the government. The task of these volunteers was simple. They only had to enter the State, wear a garland of flowers, go to a public place in any town and break the laws or rules of the place in some manner or other. They had been told they would be well looked after in the jails of the Nizam and the Government of Bombay would see that they are in no way ill treated. They were also assured that during their absence their families would be suitably financed and fully taken care of. It can be attested with on 17th August, 1938 which was the 51st birthday of the Nizam, 8000 satyagrahis who were in prison, were released. It is of utmost interest to note that out of these, only 1600 belonged to Hyderabad or were Mulkis and the rest all came from other provinces such as Bombay, Central province and Madras, and also some from the north!

He wanted to stay at the Koti Residency, but the Nizam government did not allow him to do so. He was forced to stay at Deccan House. Close to the Bolaram Residency, the British had built a spacious building and named it the Deccan House. It used to be the official residence of the Commander of the British troops and had the traditional grandeur and expanse about it. Munshi, after a few days stay at the Bolaram Residency, chose to shift into the Deccan House. He soon renamed it Dakshna Sadan a Sanskrit version of Deccan House.

Operation Caterpillar However, both sides did not honour the terms of the Standstill Agreement that paved the way for a military intercession. It is this military intercession is usually

referred as the Police Action. In military parlance, it is known as Operation Polo. But strictly speaking, this operation was termed as Operation Caterpillar.4 Originally the military action was named as Operation Polo. However, it was renamed as Operation Caterpillar, in case the earlier code word had become known to the enemy. In edition to this in the earlier plan, air force was not included, whereas in the revised plan Indian Air Force fighter planes were used. No country worth its name would use fighter planes against its own people. However India used fighter planes against Hyderabad. It establishes that Hyderabad was an Independent country.

The negotiations between the Nizam and Government of India finally broke down in the third week of June, 1948. By the end of July 1948, the 1st Armoured Division had built up enough rations that a twenty two thousand strong army would require over a period of sixty combat days, and petrol that would be needed to the army for twenty two days. However, it was postponed owing to Armys commitment in Kashmir and

monsoon rains. Pakistans President Mohammed Ali Jinnah, a great supporter of the Nizam, died in the midnight of 11th September, 1948. The Government of India took the 4

advantage of discomfiture of Pakistan and immediately ordered Indian Armed forces to invade Hyderabad State. Apart from Air force, five Indian army columns and eight Princely States armies were sent to Hyderabad. Maj. Gen. J.N.Chowdhary was the General Officer Commanding, 1st Armoured division. His column advanced from

Ahmedabad to Hyderabad via Sholapur. Brig. K.N. Varma assumed the command of 1st Armoured Brigade and advanced from Bangalore to Hyderabad. Brig. Apji Ranadhir Singh commanded 9 Infantry Brigade and advanced from Bezwada (present Vijayawada), Suryapet and Hyderabad axis. Maj. Gen. Dhar and Brig. Rudra commanded 4th and 5th columns respectively. The Indian Air force was commanded by Air Commdr. A.N. Mukherji.5 (Later, he became the Chief of Air Staff of the Indian Air Force.) The G.O.C. Southern Command while ordering the expeditionary column

commanders said that whichever column reached Hyderabad first, that Commander would become the Military Governor of Hyderabad state.6 In addition to the regular troops, the Government of India sent the following Princely states troops to Hyderabad: Gwalior Lancers, Mysore Lancers, Mewar Infantry, Jaipur Infantry, Rajaram Rifles (Kolhapur), Baroda Infantry, Travancore Infantry and Jodhpur Infantry.7 It is generally believed that Police Action had started on 13th September and concluded on 17th September 1948. This misconception was largely because of nonavailability of primary sources to the serious writers and historians. As military

documents are usually classified, consequently they were not within the reach of civilian historians. In addition to that, as the case of Hyderabad was pending in the Security Council until as late as 2nd September 1979 and attracting international opprobrium, the Government of India had deliberately kept the matter as a top secret.

There are many glaring anomalies: 1. What were the subterfuge measures the Government of India took to gain public sympathy to weaken the Nizam? 2. Why did the Communists confine their activities only to Telangana Region, not other regions of the Hyderabad state? 3. Why did the Communists confine their activities only to Telangana Region not entire Nizams Dominion? 4. 5. Why did India develop cold feet on the plebiscite? When the Government of India invaded Hyderabad state, it used not only Indian army divisions, three squadrons of fighter planes of Indian Air force and 8 Princely state armies yet it preferred to call it as a Police Action. Why was it so? 6. Why did the Government of India, chose 12th September 1948 as D-day to invade Hyderabad state? 7. What made the Government of India to inform about the impending march of the Indian army to Hyderabad state to the High Commissioners of the UK and Pakistan, and Ambassador of the USA? 8. What made the Government of India to allow the Nizam of Hyderabad to reign over Hyderabad state even after the Police Action? 9. 10. Why was the Hyderabad State dismembered and effaced? When was Hyderabad State actually merged with Indian Union, de jure and de facto? 11. Whether the Nizam was a foreigner? Is it apt to refer 17th September as the Liberation day of Hyderabad?

While answering the first question, it may be noted that the Hyderabad State Congress was divided and weak. It could not do much to embarrass the state authorities, and the Communist activity in Telangana was therefore the only alternative left to weaken the Nizam regime. The Andhra ministers of composite Madras province provided Communists with the wherewithal to carry sword and fire. The Government of India connived at it. Andhra ministers were aware of the fact that the new Andhra state would not economically be a viable state and not had a city to locate a capital. Thats why they wanted to dismember Hyderabad state and merge the Telangana region with them. Most of the Communist leaders were Andhras.8 No sooner did the military

occupy Hyderabad, Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy reached Hyderabad to receive Jawaharlal Nehru along with Major General J. N. Choudhry.

Duplicity:
In a bid to stirrup violence in Hyderabad State, Andhra ministers of Madras government had no qualms about it and had certain lurid dramas written up and got them enacted in the border districts of Nalgonda and Warangal. More often than not, those dramas were punctuated with naughty limericks, and pandered to masses. Thats why those dramas had a large clientele. One of the dramas which became very popular was Maa Bhoomi. After formation of Andhra State in 1953, Andhra

Communists enacted the same Maa Bhoomi drama in Andhra districts as well. However, Government of Andhra State banned the drama. Andhra Communists MLAs raised the issue of ban in the Andhra Legislative Assembly at Kurnool in 1955. While replying to the question, N.Sanjeeva Reddy, the then Home Minister of Andhra State averred that Maa Bhoomi was intended to run passions high and set one section of society against other, thereby create troubles for the Government of Hyderabad. Thats why, Congress ministers of Madras State patronized those dramas. As this drama had 7

potential to paraturate dissensions within society and caused law and order problem, the fledging Andhra State could not afford it. Thats why it was proscribed. The trouble is that Andhra ministers find it very easy to strew noble little homilies far and wide but considerably less easy to follow those homilies themselves.

POLICE RAZAKARS: Indian government sings paeans of peace when it suits them. However, it has war like mentality. K.F. Rustumji a senior police officer narrates his experience as superintendent of police of the neighbouring district of Akola (presently in Maharashtra) My task was to collect intelligence and organize raids by specially armed and enlisted homeguards. In order to gain public sympathy, the Government of India raided Hyderabad State to establish a border belt free of the Razakars. In the dead of nights, the Central Province Police in the disguise of the Razakars used to go upto a distance of 15 miles and spread panic and cause reprisals which were highlighted by the press as Razakar atrocities.9 The pseudo Razakars of Central Province were assisted by the Indian army. The Indian army unabashedly called it as Operation Kabbadi. The aim of the operation was geographical encirclement of the Nizam dominions to start an economic blockade. This operation was named after the popular Indian game of Kabbadi which calls for limited forays into enemy territory and the Indian troops were highly amused. After the police action in a bid to oust the Nizams rule the Government of India brought employees from the neigbhouring states of India. They plundered Hyderabad State. Maj Gen Chowdary and his team could not control the wayward Union officers. One wrong decision taken at the time was to disarm the state. All had to surrender weapons. Razakars handed over their weapons to Andhra led Communists.10 This gave an impetus to the first Telangana Terrorists Movement organized by the Communists. 8

While answering the second question as to why Communists depredations were confined only to Telangana: The much orchestrated Telangana Armed Struggle is

neither Telangana nor Armed nor even a Struggle. The Nizam ruled 16 districts, not just Warangal and Nalgonda, which are geographically contiguous to Krishna and Guntur districts of Andhra region of erstwhile composite Madras province. If the Nizam rule was so oppressive the armed struggle should have broken out in all the 16 districts. There were many Deshmukhs and Deshpandes in the 5 districts of Marathwada than that of Telangana. Maratha Deshmukhs owned vast swathes of land and owing to long distance from Hyderabad city they were practically semi-autonomous. But there were no communist forays into this part of Hyderabad state. The reasons are not far to seek. Five districts of Maratha are rain-shadowed ones and there were no irrigation projects worth the name and to cap it, Marathas have the traditions of resistance. Why were Communists movements confined to Warangal and Nalgonda districts only? These two districts do not form even the entire Telangana. Telangana region comprises of 8

districts viz., 1. Warangal, 2. Nalgonda, 3. Mahaboobnagar, 4. Medak, 5. Altraf Balda (present Hyderabad and Ranga Reddy district), 6. Nizamabad, 7. Adilabad, 8. Karimnagar. At that time, Khammam was part of the Warangal district. It was carved out as a separate district in 1953. It is not an armed because comrades used sticks, catapults, slingshots whereas women used pestles and chilly powder. struggle because more often than not they resorted to arsons and felonies. It is not a

The Government of India banned the Communist party in 1940, they made inroads to Munugala enclave in Nalgonda district. Although Munugala is geographically located in the dominions of the Nizam, however, it was under the control of Govt. of India. The Krishna district Collector used to administer it. Owing to distance the

Munugala was almost autonomous and there was no law enforcing machinery. 9

Communists took advantage of the vacuum and established themselves. They made Munugala as their operational base and made inroads into Nalgonda and Warangal districts. In Nalgonda, for instance, the district headquarters was without railway and telegraphic communications. In addition to this, the terrain also, with its outlying forests and lack of communication, was ideally suited for guerilla warfare. The Communists exploited this to their advantage.

Owing to demographic changes and commercialization of agriculture, there was tremendous pressure in Andhra area. It was during this time irrigation projects were built in Hyderabad state. This made them to make inroads into Telangana in the guise of Communists. In addition to this, in Indias freedom struggle, Brahmins were in

forefront of the movement. Subsequently, Reddys had joined the movement. The other dominant community from coastal Andhra, the Kamma community was forced to join the Communist party as it could not be accommodated in the Congress. This community as a propertied class hardly believes in communism in pure form. Selig Harrisons well known thesis is that the main factor determining the strength of the Communists in Andhra is the caste homogeneity of the Andhra communist leadership. He argues that since the founding of Andhra Communist party in 1934, the party leadership has been the property of a single sub-caste, the Kamma landlords.

PLEBICITE:
While answering third question, about the plebiscite, one should be clear that : the Nizams ostensible goal was not to accede either to Indian Union or to Pakistan but his real aim was to be independent. He averred that in pursuance of two nation theory India was partitioned: Pakistan to Muslims truncated India to Hindus. As Hyderabad State was a plural state it was incident on his part not to join with any communal

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country but to be independent, however, he would associate with India. Accordingly, the Nizam issued a Firmana on 11th June, 1947. This necessitated Congress to be all the more careful to keep its secular and democratic credential in tact. In a bid to determine between Hyderabad State and India, the Government of India suggested to a plebiscite to decide whether Hyderabad should accede to India or remain independent. Initially the Nizam was not enthusiastic about it however, he consented to it. The Hyderabads administration appealed to migrating Muslims to Pakistan from the parts of India to settle down in Hyderabad State. The Communists took advantage of discomfiture of the Nizam and besieged the Hyderabads administration to allot land under the ayacut of Nizamsagar and other tanks to Andhras at free of cost, so that the migrant Andhras not only politically support the Nizam, but also contribute to the exchequer through land revenue. Having joined with the Razakars, Communists started a vigorous campaign for Azad Hyderabad in the rural areas of Hyderabad State especially in Telangana Districts. Having strengthened his position, the Nizam offered to abide by the will if his people as ascertained by a plebiscite under the general supervision of any international organization. The Government of India realized the ground realities and changed its stance towards the plebiscite. It insisted that Hyderabad should at once accede in substance and leave the decision to be confirmed by a plebiscite. The Nizam did not agree to it. However, in the bargain fertile lands under the Nizamsagar fell into the hands of Andhra migrants, there sprang up new villages: Andhranagaram, Gunturvaripalle, Kammasadanam etc. Had there been a plebiscite, it could have been touch and go for both, for, in 1952 general election Ravi Narayan Reddy a Communist leader was polled the highest number of votes in India.

POLICE ACTION:

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While answering the fourth question, it is equally interesting to know as to why the Government of India called a pure Military Action as a Police Action. The USA in its war against the Communism in South Korea referred it as Police Action. The Truman Administration called its intervention to save South Korea from the communism as Police Action rather than actual war. Washington wanted to keep Peking (now Beijing) and Moscow out of the fighting and did not want to intensify the battle either rhetorically or militarily.11 The Government of India had followed the same analogy during its military intervention in Hyderabad against the communists and Razakars, which was contemporaneous to Korean war. Same plea Government of India had put forward before the UNO.12 Laws are dumb in time of war.

Why 12TH September? While answering the fifth question, Mohd. Ali Jinnah of Pakistan died on 11th September 1948 at 11 p.m. The Government of India took the advantage of the The

difficulty of Pakistan and resolved to send Armed forces to Hyderabad state.

Indian Army was ordered to march towards Hyderabad at 13:30 (1.30 p.m.) on 12th September, 1948. The D day 12th September and H hour 2000 hrs (8.00 p.m.) the Indian Army crossed the boundary of Hyderabad State at 8 p.m. on 12th September and captured Naldurg at 7 a.m. of 13th September. Thats why majority of the people think that the Army invasion started only on 13th of September. It is interesting to note that when Jinnah died the Government of India in conformity of the international usage ordered all the flags to be flown half-mast in the mourning of Jinnah. First armoured division at Sholapur not only brought down the flags to half-mast, but the troops sent a small delegation to Major General Choudary to ask for the issue of a special rum ration. When asked the reason the delegation referred to the depressing weather and

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distressing or rejoicing news about Jinnah! 13 Claret is the liquor for boys, port for men, gin for women, but he who aspires to be a hero must drink brandy.

Majlis Ittehadul - Muslimeen (M.I.M.): MIM was started as an answer to the aggressive Arya Samaj movement. It is most unfortunate that all the ills of Hyderabad state including present political scenario of Telangana have largely been caused by settlers from other states, be it Hindus or Muslims. Arya Samaj was established in Hyderabad state at Beed town in 1880 and Hyderabad Arya Samaj was founded in 1892. Most of the Arya Samajis were from Bombay Province and they started mass re-conversion from Islam to Hinduism. This caused a major clash between Hindus and Muslims. forbidden Aryas Samajis to hold havan kunds. The Nizams Government

MIM was formed in 1927 by the cultural and religious organization, in which Dr. Syed Mehiuddin Quadri of the Urdu department and Habib-ur-Rahman of the Persian department of Osmania University played crucial roles. Their aims were to promote Urdu language and they interpreted Urdu as a symbol of Dekhan Synthesis. They also worked for awakening and rising of the community. However, it was Inayat Ulla Khan Mushriqui who postulated a lighter version of Dar-ul-Islam. These ideas found their practical expression in the Khaksar movement in 1931. Bahadur Yar Jung became a crusader of this movement.

He pioneered Tabligh Movement for conversion of Hindus to Islam and Tanzim movement for the reconstruction of Islam. All these efforts paved the way for the establishment of MIM. With Bahadur Yar Jung becoming the president of the MIM, this

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body gained a great stature during the years 1939-40 and even began to challenge the sovereignty of the Nizam. They raised the slogan of Anal Malik (we are the masters).

THE RAZAKARS: It was during the presidentship of Bahadur Yar Jung that a plan for raising a corps of volunteers was suggested by one Syed Mohhammad Hasan in September 1940. This gave birth to Razakars. At the inception it was service oriented, however, it veered towards politics toward the end of Bahadurs stewardship. He contemplated to spread its branches in all the districts of the state. The local leader was to be called Salar and he was to head a branch of 30 volunteers known as Jaish. The organization was as follows: Taluq head Salar-e-Saghir, District head Salar-e-Khabir, State head Afsar-e-Ala. Military training was given for those volunteers selected by Afsar-e-Ala. Their uniform was Khaki trousers, khaki shirt and a black fez headgear. Each volunteer was armed with a sword and a dagger.

Bahadur Yar Jung while addressing the Jagirdars Association in 1939 asserted that Hyderabad would be a free kingdom and it should start ordinance factories to manufacture weapons and ammunitions. However, when Lucknow born vakil settled at Latur (now in Maharashtra) Kasim Razvi took over the reins, it became a loose organization and posted law and order problem. He was a cowardly, vainglorious

braggart. With Khasim Razvi taking over the presidentship of MIM in 1946, it became a militant organization. It was when Andhra led Communists, started occupying lands of Hindu Deshmukhs and Muslim Jagirdars, Muslim Jagirdars appealed to the government to protect their lands. In the absence of governments protection, Jagirdars appealed to Razakars to protect their lands from Communists encroachment and in quid pro quo 14

they funded them. Precisely for this reason Communists could not occupy single acre of Muslims. In addition to this the Razakars also resisted the raids, who had entered the state territories from the surrounding provinces and caused grave damage to life, limb and property in the border districts. Because of these, the prestige of the Razakars was enhanced in the eyes of common Muslims. It is not out of place to mention that newly converted Hindus to Islam and other lumpen elements also joined the Razakars to carry on arson.

Taking the advantage of law and order some Andhra led Communists in the guise of Razakars looted private properties. Razakars carried sword and fire wherever they went. These atrocities were denounced by liberal Urdu newspaper Payam. The Razakar fanatics murdered him. They also looted Bibinagar village in a day light. It was castigated by another Urdu daily Imroz and its leader Shoibullah Khan was murdered at Lingampally cross roads in a broad day light. As usual the venal and malleable police did not take cognizance of the offence. Khasim Razvi became the Nizams Frankenstein monster. His vitriolic speech Death with the sword in hand is always preferable to extinction by a mere stroke of a pen. He declared Waters of the Bay of Bengal would wash the feet of the Nizam, and also added we are the grandsons of Mohammad Ghazni and the sons of Babur. When determined, we shall fly the Asaf Jahi flag on the Red fort! Razvi combined fanaticism with charlatanry, and aimed at creating a theocratic and totalitarian State. The Nizam practically became a prisoner of the Majlis during the last days of the regime. He was prevented from acceding to the Indian union in October 1947 and again in June 1948. The Government of India was awaiting for an opportunity to invade Hyderabad, that fanfaronade provided the needed elbi. Equally loose talk of Laiq Ali caused irreparable damage to Hyderabad state. Mir Laiq Ali, an engineer turned Industrialist, became the Prime Minister of Hyderabad. He also 15

bragged if the Indian government takes any action against Hyderabad, one lakh men are ready to join our Army, we also have 1000 bombers in South Arabia ready to bomb Bombay. A

ENTENTE: Communists declared that Telangana was Indias Manchuria and masters of Telangana would be masters of India ! Laik Ali, the Prime minister of Hyderabad State utilized the hostility of the Communist party of India towards the Nehru government. He began to send feelers to Telangana Communist leaders, representing to them the advantages of an alliance against their common Indian enemy who was reported to be preparing for a military intervention. Makhdum Mohiuddin and Ravi Narayan Reddy, two leading communist figures from Telangana, were underground, were contacted. Although the Communist ranks were divided on the issue, the deal was struck on 4th May, 1943, and the Nizam lifted ban on the Communist party in Hyderabad. The Razakars wanted to establish a Muslim oligarchy in the state, the Communists purpose was to exploit the turmoil and confusion so that they could spread their tentacles to the rest of India. Each wanted to use the other for its own ends. Thus, the tables were turned, and it was India which was now hampered in its fight against the Communists of the Madras province. The success and stridency of the Communists were regarded with alarm in Delhi.

QUISLING: One of the pertinent reasons for the Nizam to align with the Razakars and lift the ban on the Communists was owing to the cunning role played by Maj.Gen. El Edroos, Commander-in-Chief of the Nizam Army. He had actually become a quisling. He was not only in touch with the GOC, Southern Command, Lieutenant General, Rajender 16

Singhji but also had surreptitiously passed on the secret information of the Nizams Army such as its strength, deployment and tactics. While Maj. Gen. El Edroos was in England to purchase weapons for Hyderabad Army, he had already informed Government of India about the purchases and much worse on the eve of Indian military invasion, he had passed orders to Hyderabad troops not to fight but to retreat. He unabashedly wrote in his biography - knowing the hopeless situation in which the state was involved and consequent to the move of the troops to different sectors, I had passed on secret instructions to the various sector commanders, that in case of hostilities, they were not to offer any resistance to the Indian Army but to gradually fall back towards Hyderabad or surrender. obeyed These instructions were

The Police Action, in accordance with the Indian Army started on 13th of

September, 1948 A.D. The main opposition offered to the columns of the Indian Army was from the Razakars. Amongst the Hyderabad Armed Forces, the company of the Pathans was the first to receive blow at Naldurg, as they did not withdraw in time. They suffered heavy causalities from the Indian Army. Another Infantry company at Tuljapur, the same area, also suffered casualties but its remnants withdrew to Hyderabad. That was the total of the resistance put up by the Hyderabad Army to the advancing Indian columns.15 The scandal could stand as a paradigm for much of Hyderabad States political life. Soon after the Independence of India, El Edroos had sent his son to Pakistan to join Pakistan Air Force in September 1947. Having seen the duplicity of Edroos, his ADC 2/Lt.Krishna Reddy had no qualms about passing on secret information of Hyderabads Army to K.M.Munshi, Agent-General of India at Hyderabad. Munshi, in turn, passed on this information to Government of India. Krishna Reddy was none other than the grandson of Raja Bahadur Venkatrama Reddy, an illustrious Police Commissioner of Hyderabad and a close confidante of the Nizam. Slavery, they can 17

have any where, it is a weed that grows in every soil. Hyderabad was no exception. Now you can understand the pusillanimity of Telengana Leaders. Another renegade soldier was Lt. Col. Himmat Baig the Southern Sector Commander of the Hyderabad army. Brij Bhatia of the Indian army, who was the SubArea Commander of Sholapur division where the main Indian Army striking force was concentrated, ostensibly wished to visit Bolaram. His real aim was to reconnoiter the Sholapur - Hyderabad axis and accordingly informed his wish to hail-fellow-well-met El Edros. He asked Baig to conduct Bhatia from Naldurg to Hyderabad.16 During their sojourn Baig not only leaked about the deployment of troops, cryptic code but also physically shown military installations. In turn, Bhatia passed on this recondite information to Maj. Gen Chowdhary the column commander. El Edros writes in his biography the meeting between Brigadier Bhatia and Lt. Col. H. Baig that put the wind up Baig, so much so, that, just a few days before the Police Action, he pretended he was ill with appendicitis and was hospitalized at Hyderabad, suddenly to get well without an operation immediately after the police action. Cowards die many times before their death, the valiant never taste of death but once. Advantages of Choudary: J. N. Choudary was commissioned into the 7th cavalry of the British Army. This unit was posted to Secundrabad in 1935. Secunderabad and Hyderabad are twin cities. Twin cities connotes, when two cities are divided or connected by a stretch of water, called twins cities Hussain sagar tank connects these two cities. Secunderabad was the largest military station in India, If one included state forces units. Its purpose was to hold the armys mobile reserve and find that first true for overseas operations. This tradition is still in vogue. When Indian Peace Kipping Force was sent to Srilanka in 1986, the Bison Division of Indian Army which was stationed in Secundrabad became 18

the main striking force. Secundrabad posting facilitated Choudary to fraternize with the officers of the Nizams Army. This gave an inside into the Nizams Army. In 1938, during joint maneuvers between the Hyderabad Cavalry Brigade and its Indian Army counterpart, as a candidate for the Staff College on an exchange basis, Choudary was detailed to act as Brigade Major to Brig. Edroos. In those five days it became quite clear to Choudary that Edroos grasp of soldiering was superficial and what was more, he was indecisive. He had a good manner at a conference but became very much less sure of himself in private. But in 1948, when Choudary was editing the plan for the Police Action against Hyderabad State, this pre-knowledge of EI Edrooss capacity gave him considerable confidence. Because of prior information about the topography and withdrawal of Hyderabad army facilitated Maj. Gen. Choudary to reach Hyderabad earlier than that of the two other column commanders. As he reached earlier he was made military governor of the Hyderabad State. Gen. Choudary requited the services of El Edros. It is not out of place to mention that soon after the formal surrendering ceremony Choudary offered a cigarette to the vanquished Hyderabads army commander El Edros. In reality the surrendered commander should have been put under arrest. As El Edros had helped the Indian army against the Nizam he was made a local commander and was ordered to arrest both Kasim Razvi and Liaq Ali and he accomplished it. That is why Choudary as military governor sought the permission of the government of India to take Edros on the executive committee of Hyderabad state. However, Sardar Patel turned down the request and said that it would send wrong signals to people.
17

Having come to know of

the government of Indias views about his non-inclusion, Edros as his wont resorted to his old game of betrayal and facilitated Liaq Ali to escape from internment to Pakistan. It is pertinent to mention that had there was any role of people the government of India could have appointed K.M. Munshi as the Governor of Hyderabad state or any other 19

civilian rather than Maj. Gen. Chowdary. But the age of Chivalry is gone. That of sophists economists, and calculators have succeeded and the glory of Hyderabad is extinguished. Answering the sixth question, the Government of India informed High commissioners of the U.K. and Pakistan and American Ambassador about the impending march of Indian Army, and it was only intended to aid and assist the Nizam against the Communists. The communiqu did not deliberately mention the word Razakars.18 NATIONAL EMERGENCY

Answering the seventh question, it is travesty of truth and preposterous to say that after the Police Action, Hyderabad State acceded to the Union and the Nizams authority came to an end. The abolition of Asaf Jahi dynasty immediately in the wake of military operation would have an unsettling effect on the Muslims. He had a position not only in Hyderabad state and amongst his co-religionists in the rest of the country but also a certain prestige abroad. After the abolition of Caliphate in Turkey, Muslims

20

looked him as the Calipha.19 In addition to this, India was accused of military aggression. Most of the British newspapers roundly condemned India. Questions were asked in the British House of Commons and even the British Foreign secretary Ernest Bevin went to the extent of accusing India of developing war like mentality over the Hyderabad question. V.P. Menon, the Secretary of the state unequivocally said the Nizams firman provided the basis for the authority the Government of India could exercise in Hyderabad until the new Indian constitution came into vogue. In a bid to assuage the feelings of comity of nations the Government of India requested the Nizam to broadcast on radio to the Islamic world about the Hyderabad States relations to the world. It was done on 23rd September 1948 I have no fear from the Indian Union. I know, and have always known that the Indian Union is a secular state. In the very nature of things, Hyderabad State of whose people are Hindus, cannot possibly become an Islamic State. As in the past centuries, I have no doubt that my Government, true to its age long traditions, will be able to adjust matters amicably.20 Firmana for Merger It was on 24th November 1949 the Nizam issued a firman accepting the Constitution framed by the Constituent Assembly of India as the Constitution of Hyderabad the Government of India interpreted it, though the Nizam had not signed the Instrument of Accession, the acceptance of the Indian constitution by him was regarded as tantamount to accession, and Hyderabad thus became integrated with Indian union. The firmana also added that the decision was subject to ratification by the constituent assembly of the Hyderabad state. For all intents and purposes Hyderabad became the 562nd princely state to accede to India only on 26th January 1950.21 It is appropriate to mention that the larger bench of Honble Supreme Court consisting of Kania, Chief Justice, Fazl Ali, Patanjali Sastri, B.K. Mukherjea, S.R. Das and Chandrasekhara Aiyar, 21

Junior Judges. While dealing Criminal Misc. Petition Nos. 71 to 73 of 1950, Dt. 14-121950 observed that: Constitution of India, Art. 135, Art. 136 Applicability Judgements passed before 26-1-1950 by courts in Nizams territory. The territory of the Govt. of H.E.H. the Nizam was never the territory of India, before 26-1-1950 and, therefore, the judgment and sentence passed by the H.C. of H.E.H. the Nizam on the 12th, 13th and 14th December 1949, cannot be considered as judgments and sentence passed by a Court within the territory of India. On that short ground alone it seems that the petitioners contention must fail (1951 Cri.L.J.391 (C.N.119) Supreme Court Criminal Law Journal 1950-2009). It is pertinent to mention that in the draft constitution, Article 3 was very rigid and the consent of the concerned states assembly was mandatory. It was during this

period the Nizam issued the firmana about the future of Hyderabad state. The founding fathers were apprehensive of the princely states motives. The reason being, no state will hardly agree to be divested of any area which forms part of it. No princely states assembly would consent for its dismemberment. Hence the representation on behalf of the representatives of the territory and the consent of the state or ruler of state as the case may be not necessary.22 Thats why founding fathers of the Indian constitution made this article very flexible. (Hence, Andhra Pradesh states legislative assembly resolution is not necessary for the introduction of Telangana Statehood Bill in the Parliament). It is thus clear the Indian federation is not a federation of indestructible units as in the U.S.A. The Union of India retains all the power over the states. The case with which a state can be re-shaped or merged with another by simple legislative process has no parallel in the history of the federal organizations of the world. Thus our

constitution offers no guarantee to the States against inroads or their territorial integrity. It seems, thus, it is more convenient constitutionally speaking to create a separate state 22

of Telangana rather providing constitutional safeguards guaranteeing proportional representation in the state services for the Telangana people. It is equally interesting to note that when Kasim Razvi, the leader of Razakars was convicted for 7 years rigorous imprisonment in Bibinagar arson case, he preferred appeal to the Federal Court of India, thats how earlier Supreme Court was known as, the Federal Court of India rejected the appeal on the plea that it was not having jurisdiction over Hyderabad state. independent country. It was the ploy of the Government of India that made the Nizam to appoint M.K. Vellodi, an I.C.S. officer as the Chief Minister of Hyderabad State in 1949. The Indian representative, Sir Ramaswamy Mudaliar in the UNO while pleading against the Hyderabad states independence averred that the Hyderabad state adopted democracy and people elected M.K. Vellodi as the Chief Minister and the Nizam became the Constitutional head.23 Subsequently, Benegala Narasinga Rao Indian representative informed the UNO that Hyderabad state was no longer in existence, hence, the Hyderabad States case needed to be dropped. However, the Security Council did not drop the case as late as 2nd September, 1979. Because of this, Hyderabad state was trifurcated and Telangana was forcefully merged with Andhra state against all canons of democracy in 1956. The very name of Hyderabad was an anathema because as a state or as a city it would enliven the cause of the Nizam in the Security Council. Thats why attempts were made to change the name of Hyderabad city into Bhagyanagar. If we say Telangana was merged with Andhra state to become Andhra Pradesh as a linguistic state we would be denying Telangana its own past, falsifying its history and betraying its future. Liberation ? That clearly establishes Hyderabad was an

23

Referring 17th September as the Liberation day is not only incorrect and also palimsesting the history. Liberation means liberating from foreign yoke or from foreign rulers. The Nizam was not a foreigner. Hence the question of liberation did not arise. It is equally incorrect to say that the monarchial rule of Nizam came to an end and ushered in democracy. Can we afford to equate a military rule with democracy? For that matter, even the Indian army did not enter Hyderabad City on 17th September 1948. However, if I am not accused of, sailing close to the wind the military administration liberated wealth from Hyderabad. There was no participation of people and much less of politicians. On 17th September at 5.00 p.m. Mir Osman Ali Khan, the 7th Nizam of Hyderabad, first time visited Radio Deccan and addressed the people that he had ordered the surrender of Hyderabad army and invited Indian army to enter Hyderabad city. However, the physical surrender of Hyderabad army took place only at 16:00 (4 p.m.) on 18th September.24 Curfew was clamped in Hyderabad city on 17th September therefore there is no question of peoples participation much less inviting invading Indian army. It is not out of place to mention that Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India, chided K.M. Munshi, Agent General of India in Hyderabad for his over action and asked him neither to organize any rally nor to receive Indian army at the outskirts of Hyderabad. It was only military show and civilians should not be involved. Speaking to the nation over the All India Radio same evening, Jawaharlal Nehru declared that the future of Hyderabad State would be decided by the people themselves, though he was convinced that future of Hyderabad lay in the closest association with India.25 If Hyderabad state were acceded to the Indian Union on 17th September, 1948 what made Jawaharlal Nehru to speak the way he did it! The Nizam chose to take the case before the Security Council. He submitted the case through a cablegram of Zahir Ahmed, Secretary General of Hyderabad government, External Affairs, dated 21st August, 1948 and addressed to the President. 24

Curiously enough, the Security Council admitted the case and sent notices to the Government of India. Meanwhile, Hyderabad Government sent a delegation which was headed by Moin Nawaz Jung. He presented the case in detail to Security Council and urged for a quick action to safeguard peace and integrity of Hyderabad. Due to certain technicalities, immediate action could not be taken by the Security Council and it was filed on the agenda.26

GREENWICH MEAN TIME (GMT) Having heard the delegates of India and Hyderabad, Sir Alexander Cadogan, the President wound up the meeting, to give time to the members to study the situation carefully and fixed the next hearing for Monday, the 20th September 1948. While adoption by the Security Council of the application of Hyderabad on its Agenda was a fundamental measure of success, however, the postponement of further consideration until the 20th of September presented a very gloomy aspect. The delegation from Hyderabad was fully conscious of the gravity of the situation and knew that it might be too late if the matter was deferred until 20th. Hyderabad delegation contacted almost every member of the Council and pleaded for immediate action. The response was very heartening. Cadogan consulted to convene a special meeting on Friday the 17th September at 11.30 GMT. The possibility of a cease-fire resolution by the Security Council was discussed individually with most of the members and barring Nationalist China, almost every other member was likely to support it. This was all very heartwarming, only if Hyderabad could hold the Indian army on the battle front until then. When sorrows come, they come not single spies, but in battalion. The Indian delegation in Paris got the sent of cease-fire and immediately alerted the Government of India about it. Accordingly Vallabhai Patel asked Munshi, the AgentGeneral in Hyderabad, to bamboozle the Nizam on the Radio Deccan. At that time 25

Nizam was a frustrated and lonely man. He was rarely compos-mentis, ever since the military intervention began. He, at the insistence of Munshi, acquiesced to go to the Deccan Radio Station and broadcast the message which Munshi had carefully drafted. Of special significance was reference to the application of Hyderabad before the Security Council of the UNO, which the Nizam made to announce, he had ordered his delegates to withdraw the case. Of course with a sense of foreboding he read the note. While reading, little did the Nizam realize that he was not only reading the death warrant of the Asaf Jahi dynasty but also four crores of Hindu Muslim subjects. Munshi proved to be the nemesis of the Hyderabad state. History is unsympathetic to failures. The emergency meeting of the Security Council to discuss the possibility of cease-fire resolution was scheduled at 11.30 GMT on 17th September 1948, which was 5 hrs behind the Indian standard time (IST). However, the news of surrender of Hyderabads army and the withdrawal of the case before the UNO was broadcasted at 3.00 PM (IST) i.e., two hours before the scheduled meeting of the Security Council. The All India Radio flashed its message through its external service to the world. This dampened all enthusiasm of the members of the Council who convened an early meeting to discuss cease-fire resolution consequently early meeting was called off. The effect produced by the announcement of the Nizams army was prodigious. It was the most astounding piece of news Hyderabad received since the fall of Golconda in 1687. In tragic life, God vot, No villain need be; passions spin the plot, We are betrayed by what is false with in
George Meredith

At the same time, Mir Osman Ali Khan should also take his share of blame for this debacle. He, unlike forbears preferred to wield a pen to that of a sword. Poetry, perhaps no person can be a poet, or even enjoy poetry, without a certain unsoundness 26

of mind. He, instead of brooding over the issue at the King Koti Palace, could have stayed with his troops at the borders. Didnt the King Emperor George V of Britain visit his troops at the war front during the Second World War ? He could have emulated him. His presence could certainly have boosted the morale of the soldiers and delayed the Indian Armys advance. This could have given ample time to members of the Security Council to deliberate over the Cease-fire resolution. The first two rulers of the Asaf Jah dynasty considered four things great than all things: women and horses and power and war. They relentlessly pursued them. However, it is said to note that after Nizam Ali, the second Nizam, no Asaf Jahi ruler led the tropes into battle. Other five Nizams were: Sikender Jah (1803-1829), NasiruddinDula(1829-1857) Afzal-ud-Dula(1857-1869) Mahabub Ali khan (1869-1911) and Osman Ali Khan (1911-1948-1950). They were not even given military training, let alone preparing them to lead the troops into battle. They only remembered women and forgotten horses, power and war Mir Osman Ali Khan, the last Nizam had two sons Azam Jah and Moazzam Jah. In the changed circumstances Mir Osman Ali Khan could have sent his wards to England to be trained Royal Military College, Sandhurst or USA Military Academy West Point, rather then sending them to Turkey in quest of wives. As of now, the British Royal family continues the tradition of sending its wards to the armed forces for some time. They also see active service in the war front. Had Azzam Jah and his brother were to be at the borders of Hyderabad, during the Indian military invasion in September 1948 instead of mourning about Bella Vista and Hill fort

palaces. The Hyderabad army could have fought valiantly and stalled the progress of the Indian Army for some days. Instead, both the princes looked on beauty and turned away from duty. When Moin Nawaz Jung found that Hyderabad was in danger of being conquered he transferred a large sum of Hyderabad states money into a special fund 27

to the Bank of England. This money was meant to meet the expenses of the case of Hyderabad in the Security Council. This was done in his capacity as Finance Minister, and as a result of his foresight, India was unable to take over the money. India instituted a suit (in the name of Government of Hyderabad) in a British court to obtain the money.27 The claim could have been based upon the premise that conquest gave title, for title had been acquired in no other way. In such cases, the court relied heavily upon the advice of the foreign office. Previously precedents indicated that India could not be regarded as legal successor of the State of Hyderabad unless the British government had given de jure recognition to the conquest (the case of Haile Selassie v. Cable and Wireless Ltd.). In any case, a decision to turn over the money to India could have given legal effect to a transfer of title accomplished by use of force contrary to the charter of the United Nations. The money has not yet been released. Recently, it is heard that lineal descendants of Mir Osman Ali Khan have been urging the Government of India to use its good offices for the release of the money and to be given to them. In fact, this money belongs to Telangana people, none else.

Nizams Pension:

Chief Minister B. Ramakrishna Rao today informed Konda Laxman in the State Assembly that the Nizam, the Rajpramukh, was not being paid any pension. His Privy Purse, the Chief Minister said, had been fixed and guaranteed by the government of 28

India under Article 291 was being charged to an paid from the Consolidated Fund of the Government of India, he said Government had no knowledge, he added, whether the Nizam contemplated to effect any reduction in his privy purse. The Chief Minister told the House that the Nizam received Sarf-e-Khas (private jagir) and that amount was given to the State Government as loan, free of interest, for the execution of the Tungabhadra project.

Soon after the military intervention Operation Caterpillar (not Polo), However, euphemistically called Police Action, the Nizam sent a cable to the UNO withdrawing the case of Hyderabad and the delegation to the Security Council ceased to have any authority to represent him or Hyderabad state. The Security Council did not accept the cable and raised the question whether recognition should be given to the Indian conquest of Hyderabad State and claim to little over Hyderabad. The western media roundly condemned the military conquest and equated with the Italian conquest of Ethiopia, Hitlers conquest of Austria. To cap it all Nawab Jung petitioned to the Security Council of Its leave to move the International Court of Justice at The Hague against the military conquest of India. As its wont the UNO admitted the petition of the Hyderabad delegation. It was during this time Hyderabad State Government in - exile was formed in Karachi and urged the UNO to recognize it. While answering the 10th question, one should not lose the sight of wood while counting the trees. Communists. There was an agreement between the Razakars and the

The Communists should stop the Indian army at the borders of

Hyderabad state and Razakars to protect Hyderabad city. By seeing the army, both the communists and Razakars fled away. After the Operation Caterpillar (Police Action), the Razakars handed over their weapons to the communists in several districts in Telangana.28 Major General Choudary took one wrong decision to disarm the State 29

(both Nizams Army and Police). All had to surrender weapons. That gave an impetus to the Telangana Armed Struggle organized by the Communists.29 Communists boasted that Hyderabad was Indian Manchuria. The Communists did not fight against the Nizam after 1948 but against the Government of India. Incidentally, communists were the first terrorists in the Independent India.30 Taking advantage of this, the Hyderabad State Congress started border camps and was helped by the neighbouring states. The Communists and Congress joined together and styled themselves as United Front. And under the guise of the United Front the communists along with the Congress workers raised squads among the villagers and employed them in demolishing custom houses and arson. Congress and communists looted State Bank of Hyderabad at Umri in Jalna district. The booty was left with Ramananda Tirth and its accountant was P.V. Narasimha Rao (Prime minister of India 1991-96). Ramananda Tirtha used part of the booty to build the Gandhi Bhavan, presently which houses A.P. Congress Committee at Hyderabad, and the rest of the booty was unaccounted for. This incident was brought to the notice of Vallabhai Patel by Janardhan Desai. Commenting about subtle situation, K.M. Munshi observed in The End of an Era, the so called Satyagraha which was conducted by the Congress was scarcely of the Gandhian variety.31 The conflict in Hyderabad State Congress was known as Desai and Gosai conflict. Because of the unsavoury reputation of the

Hyderabad State Congress, the Indian National Congress cancelled its affiliation. It is not out of place to mention that Sarojini Naidu, a prominent Congress leader of the Indian National Congress was a native of Hyderabad state. However, she did not

associate herself with the Hyderabad state Congress for the following reasons - 1) It was not recognized by the AICC, 2) It was a pocket organization of Ramananda Tirth, 3) It indulged in loot and arson.

30

HYDERABAD HOLOCAUST: As Indian army broke through the different fronts it had chosen for attack and made rapid advance towards its destination and objective, disorder broke out in the village and towns on the route and spread to other areas. The Nizams Police and revenue officials left their posts of duty and fled to the capital. There was a great upheaval. It was a communal outbreak on a wide scale, the demonstration of private and public revenge and the fissiparous tendencies gave a helping hand and collected as much as they could. It was like a cloud bursting, of pent up emotion, suppressed hatred, the reaction of the poison preached and practiced for the past twenty years. The doctrine of the right of conquest and the gospel I am the King, its apotheosis in the form of the Government achieved by Kasim Razvi, the Razakars, the speeches, the fear, the hate, the longing to see end of things the communal outbreak was more in the five Marathi speaking districts and witnessed many trouble makers coming from the neighbouring provinces. The only detailed report on the large-scale killings, rape and loot or destruction of property was compiled by Pandit Sundarlal, Moulana Abdulla Misri and Qazi Muhammad Abdul Ghaffar shortly after the conclusion of military intersession. The original report is no longer extant. However, only a small portion of the report is available. The extent of the massacres can be imagined by the admission of Ramananda Tirth, the Congress Chief, that Muslim losses in life and property far out do Hindu sufferings before the military operation. It is true that invading troops committed atrocities. However, it cant be said with any certitude as to who perpetrated the crimes. The Indian military as it advanced after taking over towns handed them over to Princely states troops which were following them. It was those princely state armies and armed police battalions of Madras Province, United Province and Malabar committed atrocities and arson. The report clearly indicates the army lest we might be understood to imply 31

slur on the Indian army, we hasten to record to our considered opinion, that the Indian army and its officers in Hyderabad generally maintained a high standard of discipline and sense of duty.

Government of India needed regular army battalions which had participated in the Police Action for Kashmir operations. As there was international opprobrium against military invasion against Hyderabad State, the Government of India took steps to use police against the Communists, accordingly it appointed V. Monappa a senior civil servant to deal with them. He was assisted by N. Nanjappa a police officer from Madras Province. It was those armed police battalions under the command of above officers crushed the Communists without any compunctions. As there was milieu many lumpun elements took advantage and looted Muslim properties. According to Akhtar Hasan, a member of Progressive Writers Association and editor of the Urdu daily, Payam has this to point out. No doubt the Razakars indulged in a lot of goondaism and has oppressed other communities, but I have to say this, that in comparison to whatever the Razakars did, the wrongs perpetuated on the community in the course of Police Action and thereafter was ten times graver, for which documentary proof is available. After a few months Nehru sent Sundarlalji and Qazi Abdul Ghaffar to Hyderabad particularly towards Osmanabad and other areas where indescribable crimes were committed. The report that Sundarlalji submitted about the situation here never saw the light of the day. I read a few excerpts of it. It is terrible and a heart rendering report. When Sarojini Naidu who was the Governor of U.P. heard of the tragedy of her Hyderabad after the Police Action, it is said she wept. There are excerpts of taped interviews of Akhtar Hasan done before his death, it is translated from Urdu to English by M.O. Faruqi, which appeared in Deccan Chronicle, English Daily on 15-08-1997 Page 6. It is

interesting to note that V.P. Menon the Secretary of the States of Government of India 32

confessed on page 376 of his Story of Integration of Indian States The number of dead was a little over eight hundred.129 By a strange coincidence, 376 is a figure well known in India. It is the number of the sections of the Indian Penal Code which punishes rape. Jawaharlal Nehru, meanwhile permitted himself a brief escape from the vicissitudes of Delhi life. On October 5th 1948 he flew to the home of his lady of love Edwina Mountbatten. Lady Edwina used to cuckold with Nehru with a tacit approval of Dickie. He also took this opportunity to allay opprobrium of England against the invasion of Hyderabad. Accordingly Nehru requested Dickie to put in a good word to King Emperor in this regard, as a quid pro quo, India would become the member of Common Wealth. Mountbatten had taken great care to make sure this came about, writing a letter to the King to introduce his great friend Nehru and enclosing a full briefing on how the latters invasion of Hyderabad had liberated the grateful Nizam from the thrall of fanatics: Razakars and Communists. He also added Dont forget that whereas Jinnah lost no chance of insulting the Crown Nehru has gone out of his way to be courteous about it.32 The Mountbattens other daughter, Pamela agreed: Ive often asked whether I think Nehru and my mother were in love. The answer undoubtedly is yes, they were. Despite his life long insistence that Indian freedom demanded a total rejection of all ties to Britain, Jawahar was soon to agree to Keep India in the Common Wealth. This controversial decision was widely described as the Great Betrayal with India, and as The Most Extraordinary Volte-Face My Brother Made by Nehrus own sister, Betty Hutheesing.33 Little did she know that was a political expediency. In conclusion, the Police Action was mainly against the Communists and Razakars. It was a small rap on the knuckles to get the Nizam into line. As

Government of India referred the military intervention as the Police Action, the Ministry of Defence refused to meet the expenses of Rs. 7.5 crores. The Government of India 33

asked the Ministry of Home Affairs to make the good. The Home Ministry also refused to pay the costs as the Police was not at all involved. Curiously enough, it was the Ministry of Health that paid the expenses. Thats how Government of India functions. Another valid point to counter the view that the Hyderabad state was not merged with the Indian Union on 17th September 1948, is Jawaharlal Nehru the Vice-President (Before 26th January 1950 as he borne this designation) visited Hyderabad on 29-121948. Prominent non-party Muslims of Hyderabad submitted a memorandum to him at Hyderabad in which they demanded the admission of Hyderabad State to the Indian Union. Responding to the Memorandum Nehru declared Hyderabad is geographically an integral part of India and the fate of its people invariably linked with that of the People of India .34 Another important thing that is to be noted is that the Mint of Government of Hyderabad issued currency in the name of H.E.H. the Nizam as late as 1952. It was commonly known as Osmania Sikka (OS Halli). It was an accepted legal tender. This currency was in circulation along with the Indian currency (IG Kaldar) in Hyderabad. If the Nizam was deposed on 17th September 1948, how could the

Government of Hyderabad not only minted coins but also printed Rs.5, Rs.10 and Rs.100 notes in his name as late as 1952.

POLITICAL PENSIONS: It is interesting to note that as all political parties were not having any role whatsoever in the police action they had rightly kept aloof from it, until Indira Gandhi Prime Minister of India declared to introduce political pensions in 1972. It was from that year, all political parties especially Communists had started eulogizing it as a freedom struggle and started claiming political pensions. Especially agitprop writers became very busy to strut their wares at every conceivable place. Since there was a split in the 34

Congress Party Indira Gandhis minority Government depended on the support of the left parties. It was during this time the Naxalite movement started in Srikakulam District of Andhra Pradesh. It was denounced by Andhra communists. They averred that they had already experimented this type of militant movement in Telangana, however, they could not achieve much. Government of India wanted this sort of statement from the Communists against the Naxalites. Consequently, she connived at the ruse. It is equally interesting to note that the left parties had celebrated 1972 as the silver jubilee year of the so called Telangana Armed Struggle. And in this year only Communist Leaders like Puchchalapally Sundaraiah (Sundara Ram Reddy), Ravi Narayana Reddy, Arutla Ramchandra Reddy, Baswapunnaiah, Chanda Rajeshwar Rao and many others published their political autobiographies. If we relay on those dates which Communists claim that they fought in the years 1948-51. That means they did not struggle against the Nizam, but against the Government of India. Another important thing is that all the Hindu convicts who were incarcerated during 1944 to 1951 for any crime got political pensions. Of course, the Government of Andhra Pradesh as its wont had not considered the claims of even the genuine Muslims who fought against the atrocities of the Razakars and jailed during this period. Andhra Communists leaders left them high and dry. The author had requested the Government of India to specify the exact date on which the Hyderabad state was merged with Indian Union. The Ministry of Defence vide their letter No. 2191 Q H dt. 19-10-2004 informed him that it was on 26th January 1950 Hyderabad state was merged with Indian Union. It is appropriate to mention that the larger bench of Honble Supreme Court consisting of Kania, Chief Justice, Fazl Ali, Patanjali Sastri, B.K.Mukherjea, S.R.Das and Chandrasekhara Aiyar, Junior Judges. While dealing Criminal Misc. Petition Nos. 71 to 73 of 1950, Dt.14-12-1950 observed

35

that Constitution of India, Art.135, Art.136 Applicability Judgements passed before 26-1-1950 by Courts in Nizams territory.

Under the words used in Art. 136 the Courts which passed judgments or sentence must be Courts within the territory of India. The territory of the Govt. of H.E.H. the Nizam was never the territory of India before 26-1-1950 and, therefore, the judgment and sentence passed by the High court of H.E.H. the Nizam on the 12th, 13th and 14th December 1949, cannot be considered as judgments and sentence passed by a Court within the territory of India, and as such they do not fall within the class of judgments against which special leave to appeal to the S.C. can be asked for under Art. 136. It is also obvious that such judgments are not covered under Art. 135, Constitution of India. The S.C. has, therefore, no jurisdiction to entertain the petitions for special leave to appeal against such judgments of the High Court of Hyderabad under Art. 136. The territory of the Govt. of H.E.H. the Nizam was never the territory of India, before 26-1-1950 and, therefore, the judgment and sentence passed by the H.C. of H.E.H. the Nizam on the 12th, 13th and 14th December 1949, cannot be considered as judgments and sentence passed by a Court within the territory of India. On that short ground alone it seems that the petitioners contention must fail (1951 Cri.L.J.391 (C.N.119) Supreme Court Criminal Law Journal 1950-2009)

The author had also urged the Honble Supreme Court of India whether it extended its jurisdiction over the Hyderabad state soon after the Police Action to which the court said emphatically no vide its Lr. No. Dy. No. 382/RTI/08-9/SCI dated: 04-102008. Then what is the fun of celebrating 17th September as the Liberation Day or Accession Day. It was the Nizam who had inaugurated the Constitution of India as the head of Hyderabad State. On 26th January 1950 sequel to it, Hyderabad State had become B-state of the Indian Union and he became lifetime Raj Pramukh contrary to the Article 156 of the Indian Constitution, which stipulates 5 years term to the Governor/ Raj Pramukh. This departure was largely made to placate the international opprobrium and to keep the Nizam in good humour. Kindly remember that it was done with the knowledge of Sardar Vallabhai Patel. The Nizam continued to be the Raj Pramukh of 36

Hyderabad State till the formation of Andhra Pradesh on 1-11-1956. Even after this, Jawaharlal Nehru offered him to become the Governor of Andhra Pradesh as per the terms of agreement of 25-1-1950 between the Government of India and him. However, the Nizam politely declined the offer.35 if you have tears, prepare to shed them now. If at all anybody has to celebrate 17th September, it should be the Indian army regiments which had participated in the Operation Caterpillar (Police Action), as the author was commissioned into 11 Gorkha Rifles, he should have a large tot of rum, certainly not others! Of course, I have made it a rule never to drink by daylight and never to refuse a drink after dark.

References:
1. Regimental History of 11 Gorkha Rifles, 11 Gorkha Rifles Regimental Press, Dehradun (A restricted document). Prasad, Dr. S. N. Operation Polo The Police action against Hyderabad 1948. Historical section, Ministry of Defence, Government of India, Delhi, 1972. Copeland, Ian, The Princess of India the Endgame of Empire. University, 1997. Dr. S. N. Prasad Op.cite, p 46 Ibid. p. 104 Ibid. p. 110 Ibid. p. 205 Dr. Rajendra Prasad, Correspondence and select documents Vol. 9, P. 362 V.N. Narayana & Jyoti Sabhrawal (ed) India At 50 Bliss of Hope and Burden of Reality: K.F. Rustomji Policing: Best Times, Worst Times, Delhi 2001 p 183 Ibid. p. 187 Winchester S. Trumans Doctrine New York, 1982 p 162 Khalidi, Omar, Hyderabad, After the fall of Hyderabad, Historical Society, Wi Chita, 1988. D.N. Prasad Op.cit Ibid. p. 104 El Edroos Syed Ahmed and L.R. Naik, Hyderabad of The Seven Loaves, Hyderabad 1994, pp 140-142 Ibid. p. 105 1917 47, Cambridge

2.

3.

4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

16.

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17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27.

Sardar Vallabhai Patel, Correspondence Vol. 9 P. 62 D.N. Prasad Op.cit Menon V.P. The Story of the Integration of the Indian States, Orient Longman, Calcutta, 1961 Kessings Contemporary Archives p 9606 Ibid Shiva Rao (ed) Select Constitutional Assembly Debates, New Delhi - 1952 Op.cit Dr. S.N. Prasad Chaudhuri, J.N. Maj. Gen. Armed Division in Operation Polo (A restricted document) p 29 Dr.D.N. Prasad Op.cit
rd U.N. Doc. S/986, Security Council, Official Records, 3 year, Supp., September 1948, p 5

Mir Liaq Ali, Tragedy of Hyderabad, Pakistan Co-operative Book Society ;td., Karachi, 1950

27a. Dr.D.N. Prasad Op.cit. p. 101 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. The Times (English daily London) 20-9-1948 K.F. Rustomji Op.cit Policing: Best Times, Worst Time. Ibid K.M. Munshi, The End of an Era, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1954 Alexvon Tunzelmann Indian Summer, Simon Sehuster UK Ltd, 2007, p 338 Hutheesing, We Nehrus, pp 237-8 DM to King George VI, 10th October 1948, MP: MBI / F42 Kessings Contemporary Archives p 9606 Yazdani, Zubaida, The Seventh Nizam The Fallen Empire, Cambridge University, Press Cambridge, 1985.

Voice of Telangana
501, Shanti Soudha Apartments, Erramanzil Colony, Hyderabad 500082 Telephone No.- 040-23390918

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ANNEXURE I

STANDSTILL AGREEMENT
Agreement made this Twenty-ninth of November Nineteen Hundred and Forty-seven between the Dominion of India and the Nizam of Hyderabad and Berar.

WHEREAS it is the aim and policy of the Dominion of India and the Nizam of Hyderabad and Berar to work together in close association and amity for the mutual benefit of both, but a final agreement as to the form and nature of the relationship between them has not yet been reached;

AND WHEREAS it is to the advantage of both parties that existing agreements and administrative arrangements in matters of common concern should, pending such final agreement as aforesaid, be continured:

NOW THEREFORE, it is hereby agreed as follows: Article 1: Until new agreements in this behalf are made, all agreements and administrative arrangements as to the matter of common concern, including External Affairs, Defence and Communications, which were existing between the Crown and the Nizam immediately before the 15th August 1947 shall, in so far as may be appropriate, continue as between the Dominion of India (or any party thereof) and the Nizam.

Nothing herein contained shall impose any obligation or confer any right on the Dominion: (i) (ii) to send troops to assist the Nizam in the maintenance of internal order, or to station troops in Hyderabad territory except in time of war and with the consent of the Nizam which will not be reasonably withheld, any troops so stationed to be withdrawn from Hyderabad territory within 6 months of the termination of hostilities.

Article 2: The Government of India and the Nizam agree for the better execution of the purposes of this Agreement to appoint Agents in Hyderabad and Delhi respectively, and to give every facility to them for the discharge of their functions.

Article 3: (i) (ii) Nothing herein contained shall include or introduce paramountcy functions or create any paramountcy relationship. Nothing herein contained and nothing done in favour hereof shall be deemed to create in favour of either party and right continuing after the date of termination of this agreement, and nothing herein contained and nothing done in pursuance hereof shall be deemed to derogate from any right which but for this agreement, would have been exercisable by either party to it after the date of termination hereof.

Article 4: Any dispute arising out of this agreement or out of agreements or arrangements hereby continued shall be referred to the arbitration of two arbitrators, one appointed by each of the parties, and an umpire appointed by those arbitrators.

Article 5: This Agreement shall come into force at once and shall remain in force for a period of one year.

In confirmation whereof the Governor-General of India and the Nizam of Hyderabad and Berar have appended their signatures. MIR OSMAN ALI KHAN, Nizam of Hyderabad and Berar, MOUNTBATTEN OF BURMA Governor-General of India

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ANNEXURE - II 1951 Cri. L. J. 391 (C.N.119) SUPREME COURT (From : Hyderabad)

KANIA. CJ. FAZL ALI PATANJALI SASTRI, B. K. MUKHERJEA, S.R. DAS AND CHANDRASEKHARA AIYAR, JJ.

Criminal Misc. petition Nos. 71 to 73 of 1950, D/- 14-12-1950.

Janardhan Reddy and others, Petitioners v. The State.

(A) Constitution of India, Art. 136 Retrospectivity. Prima facie every legislation is prospective and there is no reason to depart from this rule of interpretation in the case of Art. 136 of the Constitution. Even without the use of the word hereafter the Article conveys the same meaning. (Para 7)

(B) Constitution of India, Art. 135, Art. 136 Applicability Judgments passed before 26-1-1950 by Courts in Nizams territory. Under th words used in Art. 136 the Courts which passed judgments of sentence must be courts within the territory of India. The territory of the Govt. of H.E.H. the Nizam was never the territory of India before 26-1-1950 and, therefore, the judgment and sentence passed by the High court of H.E.H. the Nizam on the 12th, 13th and 14th December 1949, cannot be considered as judgments and sentence passed by a Court within the territory of India, and as such they do not fall within the class of judgments against which special leave to appeal to the S.C. can be asked for under Art. 136. It is also obvious that such judgments are not covered under Art. 135, Constitution of India. The S.C. has, therefore, no jurisdiction to entertain the petitions for special leave to appeal against such judgments of the High Court of Hyderabad under Art. 136. (Paras 7, 8, 9)

(C) Supreme Court Powers of Relief not granted by Constitution Whether can be granted. An omission to provide for a relief in the Constitution cannot be remedied by the S.C. and assumption of jurisdiction which is not warranted by the clear words of Art. 134, 135 or 136 of the Constitution will be tantamount to making legislation by the S.C. which it is never its function to do. (Para 9)

Shri D.N. Pritt, Senior Advocate, (Shri K.B. Asthana, Shri Danial Latifi, Bhawa Shiv Charan Singh and Shri A.S.r. Chari, Advocates, with him), Instructed by Shri I.N. Shroff, Agent, for Petitioner; Shri M.C. Setalvad, Attorney General for India and Shri Rama Raja Iyer, Advocate General, Hyderabad (Shri G.N. Joshi, Advocate, with them), instructed by Shri P.A.Mehta, Agent, for the State.

Judgement In our opinion, the contention of the Attorney General on this point is correct. There appears no reason why in the present case the normal mode of interpreting a legislation as prospective only should be departed from. It was contended by Mr. Pritt that the interpretation sought to be put by the State on Art. 136 will require the insertion of the word hereafter in the clause, for which there was no justification. We are unable to accept this contention because prima facie, every legislation is prospective and even without the use of the word hereafter the language of Art. 136 conveys the same meaning. It should be noticed in this case that before 26-1-1950 the Govt. of H.E.H. the Nizam was an independent State in the sense that no Ct. in India or the Judicial Committee of the P.C. in London had any jurisdiction over the decision of the Hyderabad State Cts. To give the S.C. of India jurisdiction over the decisions of Cts. of such a State, one requires specific provisions or provisions which necessarily confer

40

jurisdiction to deal, on appeal, with the decisions of such Cts. it is common ground that there is no express provision of that kind. There appear to us also no such necessary circumstances which on reasonable construction should be treated as impliedly giving such right of appeal. Indeed the words territory of India lead to a contrary conclusion. Under the words used in Art. 136 the Cts. which passed judgments or sentence must be Cts. within the territory of India. The territory of the Govt. of H.E.H. the Nizam was never the territory of India, before 26-1-1950 and, therefore, the judgment and sentence passed by the H.C. of H.E.H. the Nizam on the 12th, 13th and 14th Decr. 1949, cannot be considered as judgments and sentence passed by a Court within the territory of India. On that short ground along it seems that the petnrs. contention must fail.

It was argued by Mr. Pritt on behalf of the petnrs. that if such construction were put, the territory of the Province of Bombay also may be excluded from the operation of Art. 136. The answer however is that a right to file an appeal from the judgments of the H.C. at Bombay in both civil and criminal matters existed under the Civil P.C., Criminal P.C. and the Letters Patent of the H.C. before 26-1-1950. Such right of appeal to the Judicial Committee of the P.C. which previously existed, was transferred to the F.C. by the appropriate legislation and eventually by Art. 135 to the S.C. Therefore by the interpretation, which we think is the proper interpretation of Art. 136, Const. Ind. The right of appeal from the judgment of the Bombay H.C. is not taken away. It is true that having regard to the words used in Art. 136 which can bear a wider meaning a right to apply for leave to appeal to the S.C. is given in respect of decisions not only of H. Cts. but of other tribunals also. That larger right, if it did not exist before 26-1-1950, can be legitimately construed as newly conferred by Art. 136 and such construction does not give rise to any anomaly. In our opinion, therefore, as the judgments were pronounced and sentences were passed in all these matters before us by the H.C. of Hyderabad, which was in the territory of H.E.H. the Nizam and which territory was not the territory of India before 26-1-1950, and as those judgments were passed before the Constitution came into force they do not fall within the class of judgments against which special leave to appeal to the S. Ct. can be asked for under Art. 136. It is obvious that such judgments are not covered under Art. 135 Const. Ind.

In our opinion, this Ct. has, therefore, no jurisdiction to entertain these petns. for special leave to appeal against such judgments of the H.C. of Hyderabad under Art. 136 of the Constitution. Cases like those of the petrs. are thus not covered by Art. 134, 135 or 136 and therefore the S.C. in the present state of the legislation is unable to render any assistance to them. An omission to provide for such relief in the Constitution cannot be remedied by the S.C. and assumption of jurisdiction which is not warranted by the clear words of Arts. 134, 135 or 136 will be tantamount to making legislation by the S.C. which it is never its function to do.

The petns. under the circumstances, are rejected. Petitions rejected

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ANNEXURE - III FROM THE SUNDARLAL REPORT CONFIDENTIAL

To: (1) The Honourable the Prime Minister, Government of India, New Delhi (2) The Honourable the States Minister, Government of India, New Delhi

Sir, We were asked by the Government of India to proceed to Hyderabad State on a goodwill mission. After completing our task there we now beg to submit our report.

(1)

The delegation consisting of Pandit Sundarlal, Kazi Abdul Ghaffar and Moualana Abdulla Misri arrived at Hyderabad on

the 29th of November and returned to Delhi on the 21st of December 1948. During this period we toured through 9 out of the 16 districts of the state, visiting 7 district headquarters, 21 towns and 23 important villages. In addition we interviewed over 500 people from 109 such villages as we did not visit.

Further 31 public meetings at various places and 27 private gatherings of Hindus, Muslims, Congressmen, Official Members of Jamiat Ulma and of the Ittahadul Muslimeen, the staffs and students of some Educational Institutions, Members of the Progressive Writers Association and of the Hindustani Parchar Sabha, etc., were addressed by members of the delegation.

Amongst important men and officials interviewed by us may be mentioned H.E.H. the Nizam, H.E. the Prince of Berar, Major General Choudhri, Mr. Bakhlo, the Chief Civil Administrator, Swami Ramanand Tirtha, Dr. Makote, Messrs Ramchander Rao, Ramachari, K. Vadya, Venkat Rao and Abul Hassan Sayed Ali, Nawab Ali Yawar Jung, Nawab Zain Yar Jung, Raja Dhonde Raj, Moulana Abu Yousuf, Moulvi Abdul Khair, and Moulvi Hameed uddin Qamar Farooqi.

At all these meetings and interviews the main problem discussed was that of the creation and maintenance of cordial relations between the communities. Appeals were made to the people forget the past and to work unremittingly for the establishment of peace and harmony amongst themselves. The aim and policy of the Indian Union was also explained and special emphasis was laid on the objective which was the establishment of a secular government for the people of Hyderabad, in which all of them irrespective of religion, caste or creed will enjoy equal freedom and civil rights and will have equal opportunities for development and progress. It was made perfectly clear that the military administration had been charged with the duty of implementing that policy. We clarified our position, whenever opportunity presented itself saying that ours was not a Commission of investigation or Inquiry into events proceeding or following the police action and that ours was merely a goodwill mission charged with the task of restoring better communal relations. All the same, we feel it our duty to bring to your notice what we saw and gathered in our tourings, as it has, in our opinion, an importance all its own.

(2)

Hyderabad State has 16 districts, comprising nearly 22,000 villages. Out of them only three districts remained practically,

though not wholly, free of communal trouble which affected the state first during the activities of the Razakars and then during the reprisals that followed the collapse of that organization. In another four districts the trouble had been more serious but nothing like the havoc that overtook the remaining eight. Out of these again the worst sufferers have been the districts of Osmanabad,

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Gulbarga, Bidar and Nanded, in which four the number of people killed during and after the police action was not less, if not more than 18,000. In the other four districts viz. Aurangabad, Bir, Nalgunda and Medak those who lost their lives numbered at least 5 thousand.

We can say at a very conservative estimate that in the whole state at least 27 thousand to 40 thousand people lost their lives during and after the police action. We were informed by the authorities that those eight were the most affected districts and needed most the good offices of our delegation. We, therefore, concentrated on these succeeded, we might say, to some extent at least, in dispelling the atmosphere of mutual hostility and district.

It is significant fact that out of these eight the four worst affected districts (Osmanabad, Gulbarga, Bidar and Nanded) had been the main strongholds of Razakars and the people of these four districts had been the worst sufferers at the hands of the Razakars. In the town of Latur, the home of Kasim Razvi which had been a big business centre, with rich Kuchhi Muslim merchants, the killing continued for over twenty days. Out of a population of about ten thousand Muslims there we found barely three thousand still in the town. Over a thousand had been killed and the rest had run away with little else besides their lives and completely ruined financially.

(3)

Almost everywhere in the affected areas communal frenzy did not exhaust itself in murder, alone in which some places

even women and children were not spared. Rape, abduction of women (sometimes out of the state to Indian towns such as Sholapur and Nagpur) loot, arson, desecration of mosques, forcible conversions, seizure of houses and lands, followed or accompanied the killing. Tens of crores worth of property was looted or destroyed. The sufferers were Muslims who formed a hopeless minority in rural areas. The perpetrators of these atrocities were not limited to those who had suffered at the hands of Razakars, not to the non-Muslims of Hyderabad state. These latter were aided and abetted by individuals and bands of people, with and without arms, from across the border, who had infiltrated through in the wake of the Indian Army. We found definite indications that a number of armed and trained men belonging to a well known Hindu communal organization from Sholapur and other Indian towns as also some local and outside communists participated in these riots and in some cases actually led the rioters.

(4)

Duty also compels us to add that we had absolutely unimpeachable evidence to the effect that there were instances in

which men belonging to the Indian Army and also to the local police took part in looting and even other crimes. During our tour we gathered, at not a few places, that soldiers encouraged persuaded and in a few cases even compelled the Hindu mob to loot Muslim shops and houses. At one district town the present Hindu head of the administration told us that there was a general loot of Muslim shops by the military. In another district a Munsif house, among others was looted by soldiers and a Tahsildars wife molested. Complaints of molestation and abduction of girls, against Sikh soldiers particularly, were bya no means rare. We were generally told that at many places out of the looted property cash, gold and silver was taken away by military while other articles fell to the share of the mob. Unfortunately there was a certain element in the army which was not free from communal feelings probably because some of them could not forget the atrocities committed elsewhere on their own kith and kin.

Lest we might be understood to imply a slur on the Indian Army we hasten to record our considered opinion that the Indian Army and its officers in Hyderabad generally maintained a high standard of discipline and sense of duty. In General Choudhri we found a man without any tinge of communal prejudice, a firm disciplinarian and thorough gentleman.

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We were given by Muslims instances in which Hindus had defended and given protections to their Muslim neighbours, men and women even at the cost of their own lives. In some professions the fellow feeling was particularly marked. For instance at places Hindu weavers defended Muslim weavers against Hindu and protected them often at a very heavy cost (including loss of life) to themselves. Many Hindus helped in the recovery of abducted Muslim women.

(5)

This communal trouble followed close upon the heels of the police action and the consequent collapse of the Razakar

organization, which had stood in the Muslim mind, as an effective barrier against the establishment of responsible government which was synonymous, to the average Hyderabadi Muslim, with Hindu Raj, because it would be based on the will of the Hindu majority. Muslim masses were generally slow to realize that their sufferings were the inevitable repercussions of the atrocities committed on the Hindus only, a few days before, by the Razakars. The Razakars movement had the sympathy of a good number of Muslimans in Hyderabad. Such of them as dared publicly to oppose that madness paid heavily for their temerity, so much so that one of them fell before the bullet of an assassin. Like the Razakars the perpetrators of crimes against the Muslims encouraged the belief that they had the backing of the authorities..

Before closing we must gratefully acknowledge the valuable help and willing cooperation given to us by the Military Administration in Hyderabad, Government officials in the districts we visited, by public workers and prominent citizens and lastly by our two Secretaries Messrs Furrukh Sayer and P.P. Ambulkar.

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Mir Osman Ali Khan the VII Nizam

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Princely States

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Indian Army invasion in Sept. 1948

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Relaying Broadcast of Nizams speech on 17th Sept. 1948 48

Indian Army entering into Hyderabad City on 18th Sept. 1948

Surrender of Razakars

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Confiscated weapons

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Rs.1000/- note with Telugu, Marathi, Kannada and Urdu

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Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung

Kazim Razvi

Liaq Ali

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Pleasure time - Jawaharlal Nehru with Lady Mountbatten

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M.K. VELLODI

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September 17, 1948 Hyderabad Liberation Day a Misnomer

The Research Paper Presented at the Sixty Ninth Session 28 30 December, 2008 of INDIAN HISTORY CONGRESS Held at Kannur University, Kannur, Kerala By
Dr. (Capt.) LINGALA PANDU RANGA REDDY (Retd.)
M.A. (History Gold Medalist Osmania University) M.Phil. (First class First Annamalai University) Ph.D. (Osmania University)

11 Gorkha Rifles

(The Regiment which won the last Victoria Cross for India in the battle of Kohima)

(Stalled Japanese advance into India) in 1944. This Regiment participated in: OP Polo (Hyderabad Police Action) 1948 Ops against Communists in Telangana 1948-51 Deployed in Hyderabad, Karimnagar and Warangal districts during Telangana Agitation 1969 Author was Coy Comdr at Warangal.

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September 17, 1948 Hyderabad Liberation Day a Misnomer

Author: Capt. Lingala Pandu Ranga Reddy (Retd.) Copy Right: Voice of Telangana

Printing courtesy of Sri K.M. Arifuddin Secretary Global & Madina Group of Institutions Hyderabad

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