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BS440 .J17
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A STANDARD
BIBLE DICTIONARY
A STANDARD
BIBLE DICTIONARY
DESIGNED AS A COMPREHENSIVE GUIDE TO THE SCRIPTURES,
EMBRACING THEIR LANGUAGES, LITERATURE,
HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, MANNERS AND
CUSTOMS, AND THEIR THEOLOGY
EDITED BY
MELANCTHON W. JACOBUS, D.D.
(CHAIRMAN OF THE EDIxdSlAL BOARD)
DEAN, AND HOSMER PROFESSOR OF NEW TESTAMENT EXEGESIS AND CRITICISM, IN HARTFORD
THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY
AND
ANDREW C. ZENOS, D.D.
PROFESSOR OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, IN McCORMICK THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY. CHICAGO
E. von D. . Ernst von Dobschiitz, D.D., J. R. S. S.. John R. S. Sterrett, Ph.D., LL.D.,
Professor of Greek, Cornell Univer-
Professor of Theology, University of
sity, Ithaca, N. Y.
Strasburg.
English reading public. It was found, however, on investigation that Guthe's work would
involve so much editorial revision in order to to an American or a British public
adapt it
solutely new Dictionary, altogether independent of any existing one, which it was hoped
would meet the demands of the situation. Of this effort the present work is the result.
proclaimed and established in the message and mission of Jesus Christ. The constituency
to which the Dictionary appeals is not to be helped by an apologetic method that ignores
what a reverent critical scholarship has brought to light regarding the Book of the Christian
religion; nor is it to be served by a radical spirit so enamored of novelty and opposed to
tradition that would seek to establish a new religion on the ruins of the historical facts of
it
great respect and considerable use. In fact, in so far as the Dictionary concerns the Eng-
lish Bible as a version of its original languages, it must, while adopting a standard English
text, have constant reference to such varieties of interpretation as the English versions
actually in use present.
(2) The Concordance made the basis of the list of titles.
to the English Bible has been
At were confronted with a peculiar difficulty; for there is as yet no
this point the editors
complete concordance of the American Revised text. The nearest approach to any such
work that was at their disposal is the elaborate Concordance of James Strong, S.T.D.,
LL.D., which indicates the passages in the Authorized Version where changes were made
in the Revision of 1881, and which shows these changes in a comparative table, but contains
no concordance of them. While every effort has been made to supply this fundamental
lack, it is more than likely that some terms in the American Revision have been inad-
vertently omitted. Apart from this, however, it is obvious that this basal relation of the
concordance to the list of titles does not mean that all the words in the concordance have
been given a place in the list of titles. The purpose of the Dictionary is not to record
the contents of the Bible, but to give information and instruction regarding such parts
PREFACE ix
of the Bible contents as may be of service to Bible readers and students. Furthermore,
it is clear that not all the contents of the Bible which call for such treatment belong legitimately
to a Bible Dictionary; for, again, the purpose of such a Dictionary is not to do the work
of an English lexicon or grammar. There are not a few obsolete English words and phrases
— —
especially in the Authorized Version which are subjects of interesting study in our own
language, but are without significance in the underlying original languages of the Bible.
These can safely be omitted, and both the space and the dignity of the Dictionary be
conserved. Still fiu*ther, there are words and phrases which so obviously belong to the
field of ordinary Bible comment, having little or no significance in the study of the Bible,
that there would be no real service rendered the student or the reader in considering them.
The Dictionary is not intended to do the work of the general English commentary any more
than of the general English lexicon. With these exceptions, however, the effort has been
made to include in the list of titles every term in the American Revision.
(a) This being the working list, it will be found as a matter of fact that its larger part
consists of names of persons and places. These resolve themselves into two classes, the
more important and the less important. As to the latter class, it has been impossible in
many cases to do more than record the Bible statements, there being nothing known
beyond them. But even in doing this the endeavor has been to place these statements in
the critical connections to which they belong, the purpose of the Dictionary being not
simply to gather Bible references, but to present results of scholarship wherever they
have been secured. As to the former class, the endeavor has been to treat them not only
in regard to the facts of the Bible record, but also and more especially in regard to the
relation which they sustain to the progress of the history and the development of the
religion contained within and connected with the Bible. This, the editors believe, will
be conspicuously evident in the most important articles in this class —
such as those on
Assjo-ia, Babylonia, Egypt, Asia Minor, and Palestine on the one hand, and those on
Moses, David, Elijah, Jeremiah, John the Baptist, James, Peter, John, and Paul on the
other. It will be found at its best in what has been written of the One Supreme Person-
ality in all religion.
(h) Closely connected with these person and place articles and necessitated by the
historical method employed in their treatment will be found a class of articles presenting
in larger compass the general subjects of the History of Israel, Semitic Religion, Greek
and Roman Religions, Ethnography and Ethnology, with a specific discussion of the
politico-religious parties of the New Testament times, and the Religious Thought and Life
and Institutions of the Jewish People.
(c) Conversely, in the direction of the details of the people's civic and domestic life,
the reader of the Dictionary will find articles on such subjects as Crimes and Punishments,
Law and Legal Practise, Family and Family Law, Marriage and Divorce, Money, Trade
and Commerce, Agriculture, Artisan Life, Disease and Medicine, Dress and Ornaments,
Burial and Mourning Customs.
(d) It is impossible, however, in any study of the Bible to dissociate the history
and life of the people from the literature inwhich the history has been recorded and the
lifehas found expression. Necessarily, therefore, the plan of the Dictionary has included
a discussion of the origin, composition, and characteristics of the Bible writings, together
with those of the Apocrypha and of the more important writings in the apocalyptic litera^
ture. In the treatment of these writings the editors have been influenced by a considera-
tion of the readers forwhom the Dictionary is intended, and have sought, consequently,
not so much to enter into the details of the critical problems involved as rather, along
with a plain statement of the critical facts which scholarly investigation has brought to
PREFACE
unfold the significance of the writings in their connection with the history
light, to
which
they record and the teachings which they present. This will account for the space de-
voted to the analysis of the contents of the respective books and for the treatment in
many of them of their theological position. With a treatment of the Biblical books nat-
urally is connected a treatment of the languages in which they were written,
of the text
in which they have been preserved, and of their collection into the canons of the Old and
New Testaments.
From such a treatment of the Biblical literature it follows that there must be
(e)
some specific presentation of the theological teachings of the Bible, as a whole. The plan
of the Dictionary confessedly did not permit it to enter the field of systematic theology;
but equally, it did not admit of its ignoring the Biblical basis on which this science is
—
founded the point in fact at which the Bible is perhaps most profoundly searched and
studied. The editors consequently determined upon including among the articles the
fundamental doctrines on which the Scriptures themselves give utterance, such as Faith,
Repentance, Atonement, Sin, Forgiveness, Grace, together with such presupposed doc-
trinal facts as God, such doctrinal inferences as Predestination, and such general fields of
doctrinal thought as Eschatology.
In all these varied directions it has been the endeavor of the editors to maintain the
purpose of the Dictionary to present to the readers and students of the Bible the results of
a reverent scholarship, committed to the accepted facts of criticism, open-mincjed to its un-
settled problems, and thoroughly loyal to the basal truths of an evangelical Christianity.
It is difficult to measure the help to the editorial work which has come from the sym-
pathetic interest of the contributors to the undertaking. The editors desire that their
appreciation of the assistance which has thus been rendered them shall not be underesti-
mated. In addition, they would acknowledge the courtesy of the authorities of the British
Museum in permitting the use of illustrations taken from their magnificent collection of
antiquities as well as the generous use which the Palestine Exploration Fund and the
Egyptian Exploration Fund have permitted of the cuts which their records contain of
the valuable finds made at Gezer and elsewhere.
Thanks are due also to Professor John R. S. Sterrett, of Cornell University, for the
map of the Pauline world; to Professor Samuel Dickey, of McCormick Seminary, for the
excellent photographs of Oriental scenes and places gathered by him while in Palestine and
the East; to Dr. Lewis Gaston Leary, of Pelham Manor, N. Y., for photographs taken
by himself of the tombs of the Cave of Machpelah; to Professor Lewis Bayles Paton, of
flartford Seminary for his map of Jerusalem, and to him in conjunction with Professor
Elihu Grant, of Smith College, for the admirable photographs of objects included in the
complete collection of articles of dress and utensils of domestic and agricultural life gathered
by him and his devoted wife during their year in Jerusalem and Palestine.
The editors would not forget the constant kindness of Professor Charles Snow
Thayer, the librarian of the Case Memorial Library of Hartford Seminary, and of his as-
sistants, Mr. Ananikian and Doctor Chapman, in the bibliographical details of the Dic-
tionary; and also the painstaking care of Mr. Edward F. Donovan, of the publishers'
editorial staff, in correcting the proofs for the press, particulai'ly in the care of the Hebrew
text and its transliteration. To Miss Ethel L. Dickinson special thanks are due for her
efficient service in preparing the manuscript for the printers.
M. W. Jacobus.
E. E. Nourse.
A. C. Zenos.
Hartford, January, 1909
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIOJN^S
N. B. —In the following list subjects likely to be sought for under various headings are repeated under
each heading. Cross-references in this list are to other items in the hst, not to articles in the
Dictionary.
V PAGE
'Agalah, Threshing with an 17
Agricultural Implements facing 16
Alexander the Great, Tetradrachmse (Silver Coins) of 556
Alexandria, Map of 23
Alphabets, Specimens of Early Hebrew and Aramaic 27
Altar of Burnt Offerings 29
Altars, Primitive (Dolmens), in Eastern Palestine 29
Amon, Temple of, at Thebes, Ground-Plan of the 850
Amulets Collectedin Cyprus 191
Ancient Lamps (Simplest and Improved Forms) 474
Palestinian Lamps 475
Seals on Pottery (Jar Handles) 777-778
.Semitic World, Map of the facing 780
Anklet and Toe Rings, Foot with 192
Anointing of a Sacred Stone Pillar 37
Aramaic Alphabet Specimens of 27
Archers in Battle 895
Articles Used in Travel facing 760
Ashkelon, Capture by Rameses II of the Castle of 59
Ass, Pack-Saddle for: see Articles Used in Travel facing 760
Asshur, Military Standard with the Image of the God 84
Asshumasirpars Palace, Archers in Battle seen from 895
Assyrian, Head of an , 68
Slave-Labor Transporting Colossal Bull 818
Astarte, Clay Figure of 783
,Coin from Byblus Showing Symbol of I 783
with a Dove, Clay Figure of 783
PAGE
Basket, Small, for Flour: see Household Utensils, I facing 264
Bellows' see Household Utensils, II facing 266
Bells, Woman's Girdle with 191
Bethel, Stone Circle (Supposed) at 292
Bin, Grain: see Household Utensils, I facing 264
Bird-Hunting with Boomerangs in a Swamp 808
Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser, The 372-37S
Boot, Modern 190
Booth in a Vineyard 108
Bowl, Dough: see Household Utensils, I facing 264
Breastplate of the High Priest, Diagram Showing Arrangement of Stones 830
Bridle: see Articles Used in Travel facing 760
Brook Cherith, An Eastern Jordan Wddy facing 620
Broom: see Household Utensils, II facing 266
Bull, Assyrian Slave-Labor Transporting a Colossal 818
Burnt Oif erings. Altar of 29
Byblus, Coin from, with a Temple and Symbol of Astarte 783
PAGE
Darius Hystaspes, Gold Coins of 557
Denarius (Copper) of the Emperor Tiberius, Roman 55(>
Dervish's Tambourine: see Musical Instruments facing 564
Dibon of Moab, Plan of 181
Dolmens (Primitive Altars) in Eastern Palestine 29
Dough-Bowl: see Household Utensils, I facing 264
Drum, Hand: see Musical Instruments facing 564
Kettle: see Musical Instruments facing 564
Dung-Catcher: see Agricultural Implements facing 15
PAGE
Ground-Plan of Solomon's Temple 850
of the Temple of Amon at Thebes ,
^^^
Oroves of the Cedars of Lebanon, One of the Few Remaining facing 118
Growth of the City, of Jerusalem, Map Showing the facing 402
26
Jordan, W^dy, Eastern f^^ing 620
Judah, Wilderness of gj^
PAGE
ICey of a Palestinian Peasant House, with Lock 356
li^ochba, Coin of Simon Bar 557
482
House of the Forest of, Grotmd-Plan 482
One of the Few Remaining Groves of the Cedars of facing 118
Lilybffium, Sicily, Stele from 784
Lock and Key; see Household Utensils, II facing 266
of a Palestinian Peasant's House 356
with Key 356
Locust 488
(With Extended Wings) 488
Lodge in a Vineyard J 108
Lute: see Musical Instruments facing 564
Lyre: see Musical Instruments facing 564
Necklace, Golden
Nethaniah, Seal of '
Pack-Saddle for Asses and Camels: see Articles Used in Travel, facing 7
Palestine, Map (I) of between 610-6
Map (III) of Central Portion facing 6
Map (IV) of Northern Portion facing 6
Map Southern Portion
(II) of facing 6
Seals on Jar Handles Found in 777-7
Palestinian Lamps, Ancient 4
Pannier for Water-Bottles: see Articles Used in Travel facing 7
Papyrus Plant 6
Skiff Made of 8
Patriarchs, The Monuments to the, Interior of the Mosque at Hebron 5
Pauline World, Map of facing 6
Peasant Plowing, Syrian
People of the Holy Land, Ezekiel's Ideal of the Distribution of the 8
Person Worshiping Before the Sacred Tree 7
Pharaoh with the Crown of Upper and Lower Egypt 6
PhcBnician Temple at Idalion, Cyprus 8
Pillar, Anointing of a Sacred Stone
Pillars from Cyprus 7
Pithom, Store City of, and Its Vicinity 6
Plan of Caesarea 1
Dibon of Moab
of 1
of Modern City of Damascus 1
of Royal Buildings , 8
of the Ruins of Babylon
of the Ruins of Samaria 7
Plate, Metal, for Baking Bread: see Household Utensils, I facing 2
Plow and Ox-goad, Syrian 6
see Agricultural Implements
facing
Plowing, Syrian Peasant
Polished Metal, Mirror of 2
Pool of Siloam, Course of Underground Conduit from the Virgin's Fountain to the 3
Pot for Hot Water: see Household Utensils, II facina 2
for Making Coffee: see Household Utensils, II facina 2
Potter at Work
F«*^«^ -W 'facing
Ancient Seals on Jar Handles 777-'/
Pounder, Washing: see Household Utensils, II facina 2
Pre-Exilic Seals on Jar Handles Found in Palestine
777-7
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xvii
PAGE
Press, Oil- 95
Primitive Babylonian Representations of the Cosmos (The Signs of the Zodiac) 155
Procession of the Gods in Babylonia 790
Simon Maccabaeus
Silver Shekel of
'
Tamarisk-Tree 6S
Threshing-Floor ]
Tower of Babel g-
PAGE
Tray and Stand: see Articles Used in Travel facing 760
Tree,Dance Around a Sacred 166
Tube for Sowing Seed: see Agricultural Implements facing 16
Types of Shepherds' Crooks 802
Underground Conduit from the Virgin's Fountain to the Pool of Siloam, Course of 397
Utensils, Household, I facing 264
II facing 266
Skin facing 108
[Self-evident abbreviations, particularly those used in the bibliographies , are not included here.]
CH Code of Hammurabi.
Ch. Quar. Rev. Church Quarterly Review.
Ckron. Pasch. Chronicon Paachale.
CIG or CIGr. Corpus Inscriptionum GrcBcarum.
CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum.
CIS or CISem. Corpus Inscriptionum, Semiticarum.
Cod. Ham. . Code of Hammurabi.
Cod. V. T. . Codex or Codices Veteris Testamenii.
Cont. Ap. Josephus, Against Apion.
COT Schrader, Cuneiform Inscriptions and
the O T, Eng. transl. by Whitehouse.
Jos.
HELPFUL HIIS^TS FOR THE GUIDAI^OE 01
THE READER
Boz^heads: The larger articles will be found to be divided into sections by box-heads numbered consecutively, no matti
how large the article may be or how it may be divided otherwise. This is done to facilitate easy cross-reference. Wherevi
any reference is made to these longer articles, the number of the box-head section is given, so that it may be turned to an
found instantly, e.g. :
When the box-head section to which reference is made is a long one and the term referred to it is treated
only there, this term is printed in heavy-faced type. In this way it is believed the value of the Dictionary
aa a ready-reference book will be greatly enhanced.
Quotation-Marks: In the use of single and double quotation-marks, the plan has been to use double marks for a
literalquotations from the English Bible (including single terms, in so far as they are used as terms employed in the Englis
Bible) or from other literature. Single quotation-marks are used for terms or expressions that are definitive in characte
or have a somewhat technical significance, and for literal translations of the Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek when such tram
lation does not agree verbally with the rendering of the English Bible, and for other literal translations, including the meat
ings given to the Hebrew, Aramaic, or Greek originals.
Proper Names: In the case of proper names, the meanings have been given wherever they are known or can b
ascertained with a fair degree of probability. In a great many cases this is not possible, and consequently no meaning
have been assigned.
In the transliteration of the Hebrew the aim has been to enable the English reader to understand, a
Transliteration:
how the Hebrew words should be pronounced, and also to avoid the unnecessary printing of large numbei
easily as possible,
of Hebrew words. The system used is slightly different from that in general use, a few modifications having been mad
for the sake of greater simplicity.
In regard to the vowels, no distinction has been made between the natural-long and tone-long, both alike being marke
as long by a — over the vowel letter. The hatephs are indicated by an inverted caret, thus, a, e, o. Vowels with no mar
are short. The indistinct sh^as are indicated by small superior letters, nearly always « or ".
i or ~^ 6 tone, or —
"•
u " " " not,
t:
o " "
") or u '
lute, __ u " " " put,
In pronouncing a transliterated Hebrew word the following general rules will be of service
There are as many syllables as there are vowels, and every syllable must begin with a consonant (J<= '
and iJ= *
a]
consonants).
As a rule, a consonant with the vowel following forms a syllable.
When two consonants, or a double one, occur between two vowels, the first consonant unites with the preceding vowi
to form or complete a syllable, while the second consonant takes the vowel following it, final consonant A belones wit
the syllable of the vowel preceding it.
Hebrew words are, as a rule, accented on the last syllable, but if both vowels of the last two syllables are short ti
accent will generally be placed on the syllable next before the last.
The transliteration of the Hebrew consonants is exhibited in the following table. The letters 2, ^, ^, 3 C T) h
each two sounds, a hard and a soft. When pointed with a daghesh, e.g., 2, these letters have^ hard sound; when
withoi
a daghesh, a soft sound. With the exception of X these two sounds are easily represented in English by b and bh ( = i
HELPFUL HINTS FOR THE GUIDANCE OF THE READER xxiii
d and dh, k and kh, p and ph, t and th. But as gh does not well represent the sound of undagheshed X it seemed best not
to attempt to make any distinction in regard to this letter, but to allow the one letter g answer for both the hard and soft ;i.
Hebrew and Arabic words are transliterated according to the following tables:
HEBREW
KEY TO PROIN^UI^CIATIOI^
Throughout thisbook the Scientific Alphabet, prepared and promulgated by The American Philo-
logical Association,and adopted by the Standard Dictionary of the English Language, has been used to
indicate pronunciations. Where two or more pronunciations are given, the first is the one preferred by
this work. Respellings of simple words have been omitted as unnecessary.
Two pronunciations are intended by the diacritics - and w below a vowel: (1) a formal pronunciation;
(2) an approved colloquial weakening. The mark -- indicates that the colloquial weakening is toward u in
hut. The ^ mark indicates that the colloquial weakening is toward i in pity.
a
A STANDARD BIBLE
DICTIONARY
AARON, ar'un (pri^, ^ahdron): Son of Amram What was done to and for Aaron was what should
and Jochebedj descendant of Levi through Kohath, be done with any high priest. The ceremonial en-
_and three years older than hi s brother Moses (Ex .,_,
.
duement_grescribed in Ex chs. 28, 29
ADDEIsTDA ET COEEIGES"DA
Page 98, eol. 2, second paragraph, line 2, read "Lat." for Page 618, col. 2, first paragraph, line 13, read "Rubin.''
*'LXX." Page 618, col . 2, first paragraph, line 9 from end, read
Page 119, col. 2, article Cedab, line 1, read "TTX. 'erez." "Kethepk."
Page 522, col. 2, line 2, read "one" instead of "two." Page 619, col. 2, line 8 from end, read "Mejdmi'."
Page 522, col. 2, line 28 from end, read "b'rdkhah." Page 621, col. 2, second paragraph, line 15, read "Hlah."
Page 611, col. 1, last line, read "hayyarden." Page 621, col. 2, line 2 from end, read "Zedi,"
Page 612, col. 1, line 22, read " en-Ndkwra." and "'ei- Page 622, col. 1, line 15, read "gabhnunnlm."
Ahyad." Page 622, col. 1, line 19 from end, read " Hamdd."
Page 612, col. 1, line 23, read '"'el-UmshaJ^lpah:' Page 622, col. 2,. first paragraph, line 3 from end, read
Page 612, col. 2, line 18, read " el-' Akaba."
' "Rajib."
Page 613, col. 1, third paragraph, line 10, read "Mu- Page 622, col. 2, line 6 from end, read "Oaka'."
teaeUim." Page 623, col. 1, line 18, read " HaTrvniam. ez-Zerkd."
Page 614, col. 2, second paragraph, line 11, read "Sardr." Page 626, col. 2, line 5, read "n'kotk."
Page 616, col. 2, last paragraph, line 11, read "Enln" for Page 626, col. 2, second paragraph, line 4, omit the sec-
"Dsdienln." end *'Ac."
Page 617, col. 1, first paragraph, lines 11 and 12, read Page 629, col. 1, line 2, for "few" read "none."
"Rds." Page 630, col. 1, line 11 from end, read "and' after
•'
Page 617, col. 1, last line, read "Mukatta*." 'aqqd."
function to the people (cf, the usage in Ezk). metonymy for Nebo (Nu 27 12; Dt 32 49). In Jer
A STANDARD BIBLE
DICTIONARY
AARON, ar'irn (]*in8, ^ahdron): Son of Amram What was done to and for Aaron was what should
and Jochebed, descendant of Levi through Kohath, be done with any high priest. The ceremonial en-
and three years older than his brother Moses (Ex duement prescribed in Ex chs. 28, 29
6l6ff.; Nu33 39). 2. The and Lv eh. 8 is a manual for the sanc-
The Biblical representation of his character, nega- Official tuary ritual. The historicity of Aaron
tive and shadowy as compared with Moses', may be Aspect, himself and of the Aaronic descent of
considered under two aspects, the his- the priestly line need not be doubted,
I . The torical and the official. A clue to the but we must recognize that the prominence of his
Historical seemingly contradictory delineations of name in Ex and Nu reveals and emphasizes the
Aspect. A. is found in the documentary analy- necessity felt for prescriptive rights for the priest-
sis (see Hexateuch). (a) The ac- hood. A. S. C.
count of E, This writer, consistently with the
point of view of a historian in N. Israel, where the
AARONITES. Only in I Ch 12 27, 27 17; cf.
Priesthood, §§ 7 and 8a.
tribe of Levi had no vested rights (cf. I 12 31),K
does not represent A. as a sacrosanct priest. He AB, ab: The fifth month of the Jewish year. See
comes to meet Moses (Ex 4 14), supports him in war Time, § 3.
(Ex 17 12) and jurisprudence (Ex 24 14). He yields
to the people and makes the Calf (Ex 32), and with ABADDON, a-bad'en (I'^Sfe?, 'dhhaddon), only in
Miriam mutinies against Moses (Nu 12). He is Rev 9 11 Hebrew original of Apollyon, Des-
as the '
present at the sacrificial covenant meal between Is- troyer': A name of Hades personified. In the O T
rael and the Kenites (Ex 18 12). The account of his (Heb. text) the term Abaddon appears in its stricter
death in Dt 10 6 (from E) is different from that in etymological sense of destruction ' (Job 26 6, 28 22,
'
Nu 20 22 ff. (P). According to Dt it occurred at Mose- 31 12; Pr 15 11; Ps88 11; also Wis 18 22, 25). In some
rah, seven stations from Mt. Hor (ef. Nu 33 30 ff.), in of these passages destruction is spoken of as per-
the early months of the wandering because of the sin forming fimctions belonging to a person. This is
of the Golden Calf. In E Joshua, instead of A., the beginning of the personification which culminates
serves in the Tent (Ex 33 11). in the apocalyptic figure of an angel, exercising kingly
(b) The account of J. J records only the cove- authority over the abyss (Hades). See also Escha-
nant meal on Sinai (Ex 24 l, 2, 9-ii) and the vague TOLOGY, § 18. A. C. Z.
charge that Aaron "let the people.loose" (Ex 32 25).
Aaron seems to be an afterthought in J's plague nar-
ABAGTHA, a-bag'tha (XO-P^!, 'dhhagtha'): A
rative (cf. Ex 8 25). In both J and P Moses is the chamberlain who served in the presence of Ahasue-
vicegerent of deity and Aaron is Moses' prophet rus. See Chamberlains, The Seven.
(Ex4l6, J; 7 1, P). E. E. N.
(c) The view of the Law of Holiness and of ABANAH, ab'a-na (H^P^?, 'dhhanah, Abana AV;
Ezekiel. In Lv chs. 17-26 A. appears only in re- see II K 5 12) A cold swift stream rising in Mt. Anti-
:
dactional passages connecting the Law of Holiness Lebanon. Breaking out into the plain a few miles
with its present context. In Ezk 40-48 Zadok, not W. of Damascus, its waters irrigate the plain and
A., is the eponym of the priestly line (44 15, etc.). supply the city. It loses itself in the swampy Mead-
(d) View of P. In P Aaron is regularly subor- ow Lakes 20 m. E. of Damascus on the edge of the
dinated to Moses. The first three simpler plagues desert. Its right name was probably Amana (RV
Aaron brings on at Moses' command; thereafter mg.). The modern name is Barada. See also Da-
Moses himself is the actor. In the narratives (Nu mascus. E. E. N.
16, 17) it is Moses in each case who vindicates him.
A. dies at Mt. Hor in the 40th year of the Exodus ABARIM, ab'a-rim (D"'")^!;, 'abharim), '
those-
(Nu. 20 22 ff., 33 38), because of rebellion at Meribah on-the-other-side': The name of the mountain range
(cf. Dt as above). in NW, part of Moab. (The term, however, ac-
In Ex 25-30 and 35-40, and in Lv and Nu Aaron's cording to G. A. Smith (HGHL. p. 548; EB.14) is ap-
name occm-s frequently, but evidently as a con- plicable to the whole E. Jordan range.) Mt. Nebo
venient priestly symbol demonstrating the priestly is the best-known summit, and Abarim is used by
function to the people (cf. the usage in Ezk). metonymy for Nebo (Nu 27 12; Dt 32 49). In Jer
Abba
Abimelech
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
(I K
4 6). 2. The son of Shammua (Neh 11 17, called ABEL-MEHOLAH, 6"bel-me-ho'la (nbin?? '%
Obadiah in I Ch 9 16). E. E. N. 'dbhel m'^holdh), 'dance meadow': Elisha's birth-
place, near Beth-shean (Jg 7 22; I K4 12, 19 16).
ABBEEL, ab'de-el (^K"?^, 'a&/id«'eZ), 'servant of A. S. C.
God': The father of Shelemiah (Jer36 26).
E. E. N.
ABEL-MIZRAIM, l"bel-miz'ra-im (D:-!?^ %
'abhel mitsrayim), 'meadow of Egypt': The stop-
ABDI, ab'dai 0"?^', 'ahhdi), 'servant (of J")': ping-place of Jacob's funeral cortege (Gn 50 1 1).
'acacia-meadow': A locality in
'abhel ha-shittlm),
ABDIEL, ab'di-el (^^^"^52?, 'abhdi'el), 'servant of the lowlands of Moab (Nu 33 49; cf. Mic 6 5). Map
God': A Gadite (I Ch 5 15). E. E. N. III, H5. A. S. C.
ABEL, e'bel (^.?.j, hehhel, etymology doubtful, ABI, ^'bai (in II K 18 2). See Abijah, 7.
formerly translated 'breath,' but with more proba-
bility derived from the Assyrian ablu, son') Adam's '
:
ABIA, a-bai'a, ABIAH, a-bai'a. See Abijah.
second son, murdered by Cain (Gn 4 2 ff.). In the
N T (Mt 23 35; Lk 11 51; He 11 4; I Jn 3 12) A. is pic- ABIALBON, ^"bi-al'ben (•|'i2^3'"^?X. , 'dbhl'albon):
tured as a martyr for a high, religious conception. One of David's heroes (II S 23 31, Abiel in I Ch 11 32).
In He 12 24 the blood of Jesus, which declared for- E. E. N.
giveness, is contrasted with Abel's, which called for ABIASAPH, a-bai'a-saf. See Ebiasaph.
vengeance. A. S. C.
ABIATHAR, a-bai'a-thar ("i?:?^*, 'ebhyathar),
ABEL, 6'bel (b2K, 'abhel), ^meadow' (11820 'father of abundance': A son
of Ahimelech, priest
14-18): 1. See A.-Beth-Maacah. 2. According to at Nob. When Saul massacred Ahimelech and
the Heb. text of I S 6 18, followed by AV, the name his household
for harboring the fugitive David
of a locality near Beth-shemesh. The LXX. reads (I S 22 A. escaped and joined David at Keilah,
11-19),
instead "stone," which is followed by RV. reporting to him what Saul had done. As he also
E. E. N. brought the ephod with him, David appointed him
Abba
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Abimelech
to be the priest of his company, and consulted J" continual war with Jeroboam. The story in I K
through him (I S 30 7). Thenceforward Abiathar produces the impression of a prolonged campaign,
remained with David, and, when the latter became while the Chronicler (II Ch 13) records only a single
king, was associated in the priesthood with Zadok decisive battle. With 400,000 troops he met Jero-
(II S 15 24, 29 35). He survived David, and was de- boam with 800,000 at Mt. Zemaraim. He upbraided
posed and banished to Anathoth by Solomon for Jeroboam and Israel for rebellion against the Davidic
abetting and assisting in Adonijah's plot to wrest dynasty, for apostasy, and the expulsion of the priests
the kingdom from him (I K1 7, 19, 25, 2 22, 26, 27). and Levites. Caught at a disadvantage, the men of
A. C. Z. Judah prayed to Jehovah, who granted them a signal
victory. His character was not exemplary, for he
ABIB, 6'bib: The *earing' month of the old He-
walked in the sins of his father, and his heart was not
brew year. See Time, § 3.
perfect with Jehovah. 2. A
son of Jeroboam I.
ABIDA, a-bai'da (l?T5ii, 'tib/iid^iaS Abidah AV),
He died in fulfilment of Ahijah's prediction (I 14 K
1 ff. ). 3. A son of Samuel (I S 8 2, Abiah AV). 4. The
'the father knows': The ancestral head of a clan
ancestral head of the eighth course of priests, to
of Midian (Gn 25 4; I Ch 1 33). E. E. N.
which Zacharias, the father of John the Baptist,
belonged (Lk 1 5 [Abia AV]; I Ch 24 10; Neh 10 7,
ABIDAN, ab'i-dan QT^, 'dbhidhan), 'the fa-
12 4). 6. A son of Becher (I Ch 7 8, Abiah AV). 6.
ther is judge': A prince of Benjamin in the Mosaic
The wife of Hezron (I Ch 2 24, Abiah AV). 7. The
age (Nu 1 11, 2 22, 7 60, 65, 10 24). E. E. N.
wife of Ahaz and mother of Hezekiah (II Ch29 1).
J. A. K.
ABIEL, ^'bi-el (^«^3i?, 'dbhi'el), 'father is God':
1. Grandfather of Saul and Abner (I S 9 i, 14 51). ABIJAM, a-bai'jam. See Abijah, 1.
son (II S 3 3). 2. The mother of Amasa, daughter of of Gerar, a locality near Gaza. Struck by the beauty
Nahash (II S 17 25; Abigal RV), or of Jesse (ICh of Sarah, and being deceived by Abraham as to her
2 16), which is preferable. A. S. C. true relationship, he took her to wife. Obedient to
a warning from God in a dream, he returned Sarah to
ABIHAIL, ab"i-h§'il (^!n^5«, 'dhhihaytl), 'the her husband with costly gifts, at the same time
father is strength': 1. The father of Zuriel (Nu 3 35)
pleading his integrity and upbraiding Abraham for
2. The wife of Abishur (ICh 2 29). 3. A Gadite his deception (Gn 20 1-18, E). Later, their quar-
rel over the possession of a well was finally settled by
(I Ch 5 14). 4. Niece of David, and mother-in-law
of Rehoboam (II Ch 11 18). 5. The father of the making of a covenant at Beer-Sheba (Gn21
Esther (Est 2 15, 9 29). E. E. N. 22-34, E). A similar story combining both incidents
is related of Abimelech and Isaac (Gn 26 7-11, 26-33,
ABIHU, a-bai'hu (N^H^^S, 'dbhlhu'), *my father is J). Critical scholarship looks upon the two accounts
as doublets.
He': Second son of Aaron (Ex 6 23; Nu 3 2, etc.).
He and his brother Nadab were with Moses on the 2. A son of Gideon by a woman of Shechem. He
Mount (Ex 24 1-2, 9 ff.). Together they became made the attempt to found a monarchy in Is-
first
priests (Ex 28 1) and were slain for offering strange rael. The Shechemites made him king after he had
murdered all of Gideon's sons but Jotham. His
fire (Lev 10 i ff.; Nu3 4, 26 6i; I Ch 24 2). E. E. N.
reign of three years ended in a revolt. Abimelech
ABIHUD, a-bai'hud ("l'1^^3^?., 'dbhihudh), *my took Shechem, and burned it with its citadel and
temple. Later, at the siege of the citadel at Thebez,
father is glory' : A son of Bela (I Ch 8 3)
his skull was fractured by a millstone thrown from
E. E. N.
the wall by a woman. His armor-bearer thrust him
ABIJAH, a-bai'ja (HJJK, in;?*?,, 'dbhiyak, 'dbhi- through at his own request (Jg 8 31, ch. 9).
'J"ismyfather'r 1. Kingof Judah, thesonof
2/a/fcM), 3. A son of Abiathar, David's priest (I Ch 18 16,
Rehoboam, and Maacah, the daughter of Absalom. but see Ahimelech). 4. A Philistine king (Ps34:
In I K 14 31, 15 1 ff., the name is spelled Abijam (an title —probably an error for Achish, cf. I S 21 10).
error). During his reign of three years he waged J. A. K.
Abinadab
Absalom
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
ABINADAB, a-bin'a-dab (2^J^^^^, 'dbinadhabh), ABNER, ab'nqr Om, 'ahhner), 'my father is
'my father is generous': 1. A man of Kiriath- a light': The cousin, or uncle, of Saul (I S 14 50;
Jearim, to whose house the Ark was brought from ICh 8 39 ff.) and his chief of staff. After the defeat
Beth-Shemesh (I S 7 1), where it remained until and death of Saul at Mt. Gilboa (I S 31) Abner came
David carried it to Jerusalem (II S 6 3 f.; I Ch 13 7). forward as the champion of Ishbosheth, Saul's eon
2. The second son of Jesse (I S 16 8), who followed (II S 2 8). He was defeated at the tournament and
Saul against the Philistines (I S 17 13; I Ch 2 13). 3. subsequent battle of Gibeon (II S 2 12ff.), an old
A son of Saul, perhaps also called Ishvi (I S 14 49), ancestral possession (I Ch 8 29). It was there that
slainby the Philistines in the great battle of Mt. he slew Asahel (IIS 2l8ff.), and thus started the
Gilboa (I S 31 2; I Ch 8 33, 9 39, 10 2). 4. See Ben- blood-feud with the sons of Zeruiah. He was loyal
Abinadab. C. S. T. to the house of Saul until Ishbosheth took him to
task for his alleged conduct concerning Rizpah
ABINOAM,a-bin'o-am (C^rjt?, 'dbhlno'am), 'the (II S 3 7 ff.); then he plotted to turn over all Israel
father is pleasantness ': Father of Barak (Jg 4 6, 12, to David, but Joab treacherously murdered him
5 1, 12). E. E. N. before this could be accomplished, whereupon David,
not to lose his hold upon Israel, assumed the duty
ABIRAM, a-bai'ram (^T^^:, 'dbMram), 'the of blood-revenge which was carried out by Solomon
father the High One': 1. A Reubenite (Nu 16
is (IK2 5f.). A. S. C.
I ff.). See KoRAH. 2. Eldest son of Hiel of Bethel
(I K 16 34). E. E. N. ABOMINATION renders Heb. terms as follows:
(1) toebhah, broadly that which gives offense either
ABISHAG, ab'i-shag Qt^^, 'dbhishag): A young to God or to men, possibly because of inherent re-
Shunammite woman, nurse of David in his old pulsiveness {e.g., Gn 46 34; Lv 18 22), or a violation
age (I K
1 3, 15). Adonijah's request for her after of established customs (e.g., Pr 6 16, 11 l). (2)
David's death led to his execution (I 2 17 ff.). K shiqquts, that which is hated as a religious offense.
E. E. N. The term is frequently applied in contempt of the
idols of the heathen (I K
11 5; Jer 13 27, etc.). (3)
ABISHAI, a-bi'shai (^^?^5^;, 'dbhishay): One of sheqets, i.e., 'taboo,' used only in Lv 11 10-42. (4)
the ruthless sons of Zeruiah. He was Joab's elder piggul, sacrificial flesh which has become stale and
brother, chief of staff during David's outlaw period hence loathsome and unfit for food (Lv 7 18, etc.).
and the leader of the Thirty (rS266ff.; II S 23 (The Greek term [used in LXX.] ^BeXvyfia is ge-
18 ff.). His great exploits were the slaughter of 300 neric, and means approximately the same as the
Philistines, the rescue of David from Ishbi-benob English "abomination.") A. Z. C
(IIS 21 17), and the subjugation of Edom (I Ch
18 12, but cf. II S 8 13). Without the calculating ABOMINATION OF DESOLATION (T6 ^bi-
ferocity of Joab, he is consistently portrayed as the Xuy/ia rrjs €pT)^a)(r€cos) only in Dn (9 27, 11 31,
inciter of David to acts of fierce reprisal (I S 26 8; 12 "that maketh desolate," AV; "astonisheth,"
li;
II S 16 9). He disappears from history shortly after AVmg.) and in the 'Apocalypse of Jesus' (Mt 25 15;
Absalom's rebellion, A. S. C. Mk 13 14). The latter, however, is a direct reference
to the former. The original in Dn is susceptible of
ABISHALOM, a-bish'a-lem. See Absalom. more than one rendering. It may be 'the abomi-
nation that desolates' or 'the abomination that
ABISHUA, a-bish'u-a C^r^^^^_, 'dbhlshua'), 'the appals' (cf. Oxf. Heb. Lex. s.v. C^y). The term,
father is wealth': 1. A priest, son of Phinehas (I Ch moreover, which is translated ''abomination" (shiq-
6 4 f., 50; Ezr 7 5). 2. The ancestor of a Benjamite quts) strictly means 'image of a false god' (cf. I K
clan (I Ch 8 4). E. E. N. 11 5; II K
23 13). What the author of Dn had in
ABISHUR, a-bish'ur (")V^^5X„
mind was the setting up in the Temple of a heathen
'dbhishur), 'the
idol, the presence of which there should strike the
father is a wall': A son of Shammai (I Ch 2 28 f.).
devout Israelite dumb with amazement and at the
E. E. N.
same time profane the sacred precincts, and be the
ABITAL, ab'i-tal (V^"^??!?, 'dbhital), 'the father is signal of a terrible distress. This distress is con-
ceived of as laying waste the country (eprffKoa-is,
dew': A wife of David (II "s 3 4; I Ch 3 3).
'desolation,' Dn 9 26; Lk 21 20). The conception
E. E. N.
of Dn seems to have created an apocalyptic figure
ABITUB, ab'i-tub (riVj'^^&r, 'dbhUubh), 'the about which is centered all enmity against the true
father is good': A son of Shaharaim by Hushim God and His will. The figure is used under different
(I Ch 8 11). E. E. N. names in subsequent apocalyptic compositions. It is
probable that the "Man of Sin" in the Little Apoca-
'
ABIUD, a-bai'ud (At^iovd): A son of Zerubbabel lypse' (II Th 2 1-12) is one of these.
The fact that
(only in Mt 1 13). E. E. N. Jesus pomts to the appearance of this
figure as a sign
by which His followers should recognize the definite
ABJECTS (2^?;!, Ps35i5): The RV margin' beginnmg of the final stage of the
Messianic era
"smiters" gives better sense, but is incorrect. Per- has led many persons
to identify the abomination
haps 'strangers' (impious Israelites) are meant. The of desolation with some historic
person, event, or
Hebrew term occurs only here and is of uncertain '
the Roman standard with the figure of the eagle, fice. The could hardly have been the Temple-
site
etc. But such identifications are futile, inasmuch as mount, because (1) Jerusalem seems to have been
apocalyptic figures are embodiments of ideas whose already occupied (Gn 14 18) and (2) is much less than
concrete appearance in the form of historical facts or three days' journey (Gn 22 4) from Beer-sheba.
personages is not necessarily bound to individuals, While some maintain the absolute historicity of
but occurs with every realization of the idea. The the entire Abrahamic narrative, others treat it as a
abomination of desolation is actualized whenever myth, personalized tribal history, or the outgrowth
its conception as above defined becomes an objective of religious reflection. For A.'s actual existence,
fact. A. C. Z. the persistent national tradition is a witness. The
name is stamped too deeply upon the records to
ABRAHAM, ^'bra-ham (ari";3fc!, 'abhraham.): The be but a fanciful creation. On the other hand, the
narrative is so artistic as to indicate idealization.
meaning and derivation of the word are uncertain.
For Abram (2*55^, i.e., Abiram [?]), cf. analogies
The minute particularizationsGn 18) seem (e.g.,
hardly consistent with and we should
literal history,
in Abimelech, etc. AM-ramu occurs on contract-
distinguish between the present form and the orig-
tablets prior to Hammurabi (2250 B.C.)- ' The
inal substratum. Probably under the name of A.
Exalted One is (my) father' (or 'exalted father') is a
are preserved traditions of great tribal movements
probable translation. Abraham is perhaps an am-
which began in Arabia, followed the Euphrates,
plified form, and Clj^ an otherwise unused variant
crossed to Haran, and ended for the time in Canaan.
of 2^1 (pxf. Heh. Lex.). "Father of a multitude'' The leader may well have been named Abraham, but
(Gn 17 5) is a word-play between DH and ]'^n. the clan was originally the concrete reality. While
A. holds a prominent place in the thought of both his name nowhere occurs as a clan title, on an in-
the O T and the N
T. His name occurs repeatedly in scription of Shishak the "field of Abram" is men-
the formulas of inheritance (Dt 18; II K
13 23), and in tioned {PEFQ, Jan., 1905, p. 7); cf. "field of Moab"
the assertion of the continuity of the religion (Ex (Nu 21 20). For a theory of the two names Abram
3 15; I K
18 36). By the prophets he is seldom men- and Abraham, see Paton, Early History of Syria and
tioned, perhaps never in a pre-exiHc passage, but Palestine, pp. 25-46.
this is hardly significant, considering the clear na- It is now the general consensus that the names of
tional consciousness. The prophets assume his the four Idngs (Gn 14) are historical, though not all
personality; he is God's ''friend" (Is 41 8; cf. II Ch have, with certainty, been identified. Gunkel ar-
20 7); he was "one" (Is 51 2; Ezk 33 24; perhaps Mai gues for the historicity of Melchizedek also. The
2 15) Abraham and Sarah are progenitors (Is 51 2; cf.
; forms, however, of the Elamite and Babylonian
also Is 29 22, 6316; Jer 33 26; Mic 7 20). The NT names have suffered much in transmission. The
recognizes A. as a race-father (Mt 3 9; Jn 8 33, 37, 39), synchronism with Hammurabi (Amraphel) postu-
but it is more deeply conscious of his profound sig- lates a date earlier than was formerly assigned to A.
nificance as a hero of faith (He 11 8-1 1), his intimacy The chapter forms the fitting conclusion to the pic-
with God (Jn 8 56), and his spiritual fatherhood (Lk ture of Abraham's greatness.
16 22; Ro4ll £f.).
Literature: Comtn. on. Genesis, by Delitzsch. Dillmann,
The present form of the narrative is due to the Green, Gunkel, Driver; Hommel, Anc. Heb. Trad.; Kit-
writer's desire to picture an ideal figure, embody- tel, Hist, of the Hebrews; Kent, Beginnings of Heb. His-
tory; Orr, Problem of the O T. ^, g^ Q^
ing supreme religious conceptions. The following is
the analysis: (1) Gn
12-14, A.'s character and great-
ABRAHAM^S BOSOM. See ESCHATOLOGY,
ness. (2) Gn 15-22 19, the trials through which
§38.
character was achieved. (3) Gn 23-25 8, the final
acts of a well-rounded life. The thought of the cove- ABRAM. See Abraham.
nant is ever dominant, but first is shown how exalted
the hero was. He marches across the ancient world ABRECH, e'brec {Tp:^^, 'abhrekh): The Hebrew
from the Euphrates to the Nile, his possessions in- original of "bow the knee" in Gn 41 43, The trans-
crease in Canaan, he is able to overthrow the array lation thus given is probably not correct. Abrech
of a world-conqueror. How did A. become so pow- does not correspond to any Hebrew word-form.
erful? The answer —not
is through heaping to- The most probable view is that the true reading
gether wealth, not through flocks and herds, not is abarak, a Babylonian term for a royal minister.
through conquest, but by silent communion with On account of the political predominance of Baby-
God beneath the stars of heaven, by trials that lonia, official terms in use in that country were in
tested his patience and wrung his heart, and by a vogue also in Palestine and Egypt
" in the days of
life which found its goal not in earthly grandeur but Joseph. J. F. McC.
in God. And he leaves the scene, not as one who
has passed his prime, but as a king, who before he
ABRONAH, a-bro'na {^^^T^, 'abhronah, Ebro-
lays down the scepter prepares for his own depar- nahAV): A station on the wilderness journey
ture, and, with dignity and far-sightedness, for his (Nu 33 34 f.). Site unknown. E. E. N.
heir, and for the children who have a claim upon his
love but no share in the great promise of his line.
ABSALOM, ab'sa-lQm (DiV^^Sls*, 'dbhlshalom,
The offering of Isaac, the crowning test of his Abishalom in I K 15 2, 10), 'father of peace,' per-
faith, taught positively the need of a consummate haps so named as a good omen of David's growing
sacrifice forthe final ratification of the covenant, power: David's third son, born at Hebron of
and negatively, that J" did not desire human sacri- Maacah, daughter of Talmai, king of Geshur (II S
Abyss
Acts of the Apostles
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
3 3). His character is delineated consistently (See Palestine, § 4.) At the close of the 3d cent.
throughout as fierce, revengeful, and treacherous. B.C. its name was chansced to Ptolemais. Map IV,
Evidently he inherited his traits from his mother's B 6. C. S. T.
wild mountain ancestry. His first outbreak follows
Amnon's outrage of Tamar (II S 13), and self- ACCURSED: The RV translation of Tlbbp^ (Dt
exiled, he appears to wait in Geshur a vindication of 2123) and bb'p^, (Is 65 20), from the root qalaly
his act. Joab's ruse to bring him back (II S 14) meaning Ho esteem lightly.' The AV has "ac-
seems to embody an attempt to secure the abroga^ cursed" in most OT passages, where the RV has
tion of the right of private blood-revenge. Absa- "devoted" or "devoted thing." In the place of the
lom's recall was, therefore, equivalent to a legal AV "accursed" the in RV
T reads "anathema," N
enactment on the subject (II S 14 11). But his the transliteration of the Greek word. See Anath-
confinement thereafter to his own quarters was an ema, Devoted, also Curse. C. S. T.
affront which his untamed spirit could not brook,
and which precipitated the insurrection wherein he ACCUSATION, See Superscription.
perished (II S 18 14). The narrative (II S 13-19)
is intended to show how the folly of each of the pre-
ACELDAMA. See Akeldama.
sumptive heirs to the throne wrought their ruin ACHAIA, a-k^'ya ('Axat'a): The northernmost
and thus cleared the path for the youthful Solomon. country of the Peloponnesus, but in Homer the
Abijam (I K
15 2) and Asa (I K
15 10) were Absa- country inhabited by the Achaeans, that is, all
lom's descendants through Maacah. A. S. C. Greece. The Romans (after 27 B.C.) adopted the
Homeric usage, and their Provincia Achaia (capital,
ABYSS 'a place of great depth':
{apvo-tros), Corinth) included all Greece along with Thessaly,
As far as knownthe word is found only in the Greek Acarnania, ^Etolia, Euboea, and the Cyclades. This
of the Bible. It occurs frequently in the LXX. as the is N T usage, " Gallio, Proconsul of Achaia " (Ac 18
translation of the Hebrew t^hom, deep. In the T N 12; cf. also 18 27; Ro 15 26, etc.). J. R. S. S.
it is the name of Hades, the place of the dead (Ro 10 7
Lk 8 31; Rev 9 1, 2, n, 17 8, 20 l, 3. In AV of Rev, ACHAICUS, a-k^'i-cTJS CAxaiVos): Mentioned in
it is always rendered "the bottomless pit"). See 1 Co 16 with Stephanas (q.v.) and Fortunatus.
17
also ESCHATOLOGY, § 48. A. C. Z. From the exhortation (ver. 16; cf. I Th 5 12) we infer
that A. and the others occupied some important po-
ACACIA. See Palestine, § 21. sition in the Corinthian Church. Their attitude of
friendliness relieved Paul's anxiety (ver. 18), partic-
ACCAD, ac'ad ("i^b*, 'aA;fcad/i): One of the four ularly in view of what was lacking in the Church's
citieswhich, according to Gn 10 10, were the starting- moral condition at the time (t6 vfxiTepov vo-reprfiiay
point of the dominion of Nimrod in Babylonia. In ver. 17b; cf. 5 1 f.). J. M. T.
the inscriptions the same word-form usually desig-
nates not a city but the division of the country lying
ACHAN, ^'can C\^V> ^okhan, called Achar, I Ch
N. of the district about Babylon. The form Agade, 2 7): A
member of the tribe of Judah, who appro-
however, is written as the name of a very ancient priated treasure from the spoils of Jericho, thus
city, also in N. Babylonia, and supreme over the
violating the law of the ban (herem) (see Curse,
whole country about 3800 B.C. This is doubtless § 2), according to which spoils of war were sacred
the same name as Accad, the g of the so-called to Jehovah. This sin brought defeat on Israel at
Accadian language being regularly represented in Ai. By lot Joshua discovered Achan to be the
proper names by h (c) in Semitic Babylonian. offender. In the valley of Achor he and his family
'Accadian' is the name given by Sir Henry Raw- were stoned to death, while all his property was
linson to a supposed non-Semitic language, spoken
burned (Jos 7 1-26), J. A. K.
ACHMETHA, ac'mg-tha (Np:?}^^, 'ahmHha'): tives dealing with the same class of facts were not
A royal city in Media where the roll was found satisfactory in this very respect, as a basis of ra-
containing a copy of Cyrus' decree permitting the tional historic assurance.
return of the Jews (Ezr6 2). The word is the But, it will be said, there is history and history.
Aramaic equivalent of the Pers. Hagmatana or Ec- We need to know how far Acts is an objective
batana, as the Greeks spelled it. The site of the city record of objective facts. As to the objectivity of
mentioned in Ezra is somewhat uncertain. The old its author's attitude, Ramsay is probably right in
Median Ecbatana can not easily be identified with claiming for Acts a place among histories of the first
the beautifully situated Ecbatana, used by the Per- rank, in which nothing is allowed consciously to
sian kings as a summer residence, now called Rama- deflect the historian from stating things as they
dan; but it is probable that the latter isthe city really occurred. Only this does not mean the dead,
referred to both in Ezra and in To 6 6. E. E. N. a photograph, giving no guid-
superficial fidelity of
ance to the beholder by light and relief. Our author
ACHOR, I'ker, VALLEY OF (liD^? p^JJ, 'emeq gives an interpretation of the story, particularly of
'dkhor), *valleyof trouble*: The valley near Jericho its religiousmeaning, in order to aid one seeking for
where Achan was stoned (Jos 7 24-26). Its identifi- religious truth, so far as this can find expression in
cation with the Wady-el-Kelt is unsatisfactory. history. But this need not make him inaccurate,
Jos 15 7 implies a more southern. Is 65 10 a more or ready to suppress facts material to the line of ex-
spacious valley. Hos 2 15 plays on the meaning of position selected in keeping with the total effect of all
the term. E. E. N. known to the writer, though much can not be brought
in for reasons of space and perspective. Whether
ACHSAH,ac'sa (H^?^, 'akh^ah, Achsa AV), 'an- all that reached him as *facts,' or even all that he
klet': A daughter of Caleb (perhaps in reality a clan) had verified for himself as such, were really objective
given to Othniel for conquering Kiriath-sepher, facts —
at least as we should interpret them to-day
The springs mentioned lay a few miles north of Debir is another question. This can not here be discussed,
(Jos 15 16 ff. ; Jg 1 12 ff. ; I Ch 2 49). E. E. N. save as regards the probability that our author was
himself an eye-witness of a large number of them
ACHSHAPH, ac'saf ('"i$5i!5, 'akhshaph), 'sorcery': and these often, as Harnack points out, of the same
A town on the border of Asher (Jos 19 25) whose 'supernatural' order as those which he records on
king was confederate with Jabin of Hazor against —
the evidence of others and in so far as we can infer
Joshua (Jos 11 1, 12 20). Site unknown. E. E. N. that those others were themselves eye-witnesses or
drew their impressions directly from such. Ap-
ACHZIB, ac'zib O^m, 'akhzXbh), 'winter tor- proach, however, to all such problems lies through
rent' (?): 1. One of the 22 towns of the tribe of a consideration of the general drift of Acts, and of
Asher (Jos 19 29) on the seacoast S. of Tyre; the in- its verisimilitude or otherwise. The question of its
habitants were not driven out by Israel (Jg 1 31). Scope will lead on to those of its Aims, Occasion and
Map IV, B 5. 2. A
town in the Shephelah of Judah, provenance, Authorship, and Date. The final test
mentioned with Keilah and Mareshah (Jos 15 44), of all these will be their mutual coherence as the
with Mareshah and AduUam (Mic 1 14); the same as simplest theory for unifying an immense complex of
Cozeba (ICh4 22) and Chezib (Gn38 5). Map II, phenomena, literary and historical.
D 1. C. S. T. Acts sets forth in orderly sequence (Kade^TJs)
how the Divine Society constituted by the Gospel
ACRE. See Weights and Measures, §2. spread, in ever-widening circles, from
2. Scope its native home in Jerusalem even unto
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES, THE: The book and Plan. Rome, the distant capital of the world.
of Acts is Without it any consecutive
unique. This appears from the commission (18)
knowledge of the Apostolic Age could given at the final interview between Jesus and those
I. Intro- not be attained, even with the aid of who as "witnesses" were to continue His ministry,
ductory. the Pauline letters. With it as back- and who, as so commissioned, were "apostles" in the
ground, all other data fall into order wider sense, as distinct from the Twelve (see 1 6, 14 f.,
and unity in a way which speaks loudly for its his- 21 Lk 24 33 ff., and I Co 15 7, toIs dTrotrroKois irdo-iv).
;
toric worth. As, then, our hopes of constructing We gather that their horizon was still confined to a
a sure picture of primitive Christianity depend Messianic Kingdom for Israel (l6); and, in fact,
largely on Acts, it is essential to form a correct down to ch. xv we find, traced with a care implying
idea as to its historicity. How far does it satisfy a very primitive standpoint (for a.d. 70 effaced
modern requirements? One thing must be borne such shades of distinction), the gradual steps by
in mind: Its author, alone of N T writers, claims which they accepted the logic of Divine facts, even
to write history (Kade^rjs ypayfrai)^ and to have sat- when running counter to preconceived theory, in the
isfied the conditions of accurate inquiry (iraa-Lp annulling of Jewish restrictions upon membership in
oLKpi^as) necessary to give the reader a sense of se- God's Kingdom. The one secret of this triumph
curity Q,va einyvas tt)v a<r^a\eiav) touching
, , . of the Divine over human limitations as of all —
the matters of Christian faith (r«v 7r€7r\rjpo(l>opri- those triumphs which constitute the moral of the
pevav iv fipXv Trpaypdrfov). Such is the claim of the —
book and its high argument lay in the power of the
preface to his work in two parts, of which Acts is the Holy Spirit upon and through the Lord's witnesses.
second. It was meant as serious history, occa- This is surely true to life. Here, too, lay the conti-
sioned too by the consciousness that existing narra- nuity between our author's two books: the same
Acts of the Apostles A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Gentiles
Spirit qualified the Master and His disciples (Lk 4 14, and could not be gainsaid. Thus "to the
24 49; Ac 1 1 f., S, 2 33, cf. 16 7, "the spirit of Jesus") had God given repentance unto life" (H ^^^* ,
borders
both to do and endure; for the pathway of 'glory- This occurred at Csesarea, just beyond the
of the Holy Land of Judaea proper (from
which Peter
through suffering' was God's counsel for both (Lk
in coming from Joppa, 9 43, 11 5, 11;
cf.
24 26, 46; Ac 14 22, cf. 5 4i). The traditional Jewish had passed
forms of thought touching the mode of the King- Knowling, on 8 40), and might hardly have been
dom's consummation within the generation then tolerated nearer to Jerusalem. Further it affected
living (Lk 21 32, cf. 9 32; Ac 1 11, 3 20f.), and the but few in the first instance, and was probably not
natural assumption that Jewish forms of worship and expected to extend very far either numerically or
ritual still held good, did not suddenly fall away. locally. But in both respects God was already on
The Gospel did not destroy save through being seen the to transcend Jewish-Christian thought even
way
to fulfil. These things simply faded away in the more signally. Yet here too progress was gradual,
growing light which spread from the new luminary of and no sharp breach was actually caused with the
the spiritual world; and the subjective power to ap- Palestinian Ecclesia. This, so far, had conceived of
propriate all in Him turned on the Messianic gift, the itselfas "the Ecclesia" (eKKX;?o-/a, 'called sect,' usu-
''Spirit of the Lord" in new form and fulness, which ally rendered "church"), made up of "the saints"
constituted the New Israel out of the Old in spite of proper (9 32, 41; cf. 9 13, 26 10; also I Co 16 1; Ro
its wonted stiff-necked resistance to the Holy Spirit 15 25), while non- Jewish adherents were Messianic
(7 51). Israel was even then a ''crooked generation," proselytes on the skirts of Israel (as with orthodox
from which "salvation" was needful (2 40, 4 12, of. Judaism). Such a conception would be helped by the
14 26). sense that all was still provisional. "The Lord was
Accordingly the Messianic outpouring of the at hand," and He would perfect all in His Ecclesia.
Spirit at Pentecost holds the same determinative But the conception was menaced as soon as mem-
place in Acts as in the Gospel the coming of the bership in the Ecclesia extended far beyond Pales-
Messianic consciousness to Jesus Himself unfolded tine, and included by special Divine bounty large
in the discourse in the synagogue at Nazareth masses of persons hitherto assumed to be exceptions
(3 21b, 4 14^30). The parallel is aU the closer in by special Divine boxinty. This is what happened
that, in both cases, rejection by Judaism follows, be- at Antioch, which therefore is treated as the second
cause the conditions of the Kingdom are presented home of the Gospel, and then as the starting-point
as purely spiritual, so that birth confers nothing but of the Gentile Mission proper. But the actual ex-
prior opportunity. Thus Acts depicts, first, the tent of the fresh departure, in its beginnings, is
Divine power and spirituality of life manifest in the doubtful. According to the best MSS reading in
nucleus of the coming Kingdom, the new Ecclesia; 11 20 the "great number" who there hastened to be-
while Judaism passes self-judgment upon itself, step lieve were "Hellenists," and therefore Jews of a
by step, by hardness of heart to the Spirit's appeal kind, yet not of the kind which had hitherto consti-
(chs. 3-5). Anon we are shown a certain differentia- tuted the great mass of "the Ecclesia" in the Holy
tion within the new Ecclesia itself, between thd less Land. So great a change in relative proportions
—
and the more progressive types those strictly "He- would in itself warrant the sending of some one to
brews," and those in fuller sympathy with Israel's* examine matters and report; and we notice that
wider heritage owing to experience of the Greek Barnabas, himself a Hellenist, was chosen, and not
world, the "Hellenists." The spokesman of the Peter and John (as for Samaria), which would surely
latter is Stephen, whose speech before the official have been the case if anything so revolutionary as a
representatives of strict Judaism indicates the prin- preponderance of uncircumcised "Greeks" (the other
ciples at issue, and foreshadows the line of develop- reading) had appeared at this stage even outside
ment for the Ecclesia. Then the shaking of perse- Palestine.
cution (chs. 6, 7) providentially spreads this true
seed beyond Jerusalem, in various soils more and Hort iJudaisHc Christianity [1894], p. 59 f .) seems riglit in
insistingon the more difficult reading of BD^ EHLP, sup-
more remote from those heretofore held fit for the ported' byN* evayye^KTTa^; see also 13 ^^, cf. 14 ^7. The au-
reception of God's word. Thus the Samaritans re- thor's meaning seems to have been missed by the other MS
spond to Philip the Evangelist and are solemnly authorities, through taking the Se in ^a-av 8i rive^ ef avrlav-
kt\, as adversative to the foregoing ot /ikv ovv Siaa-irapevTe^
adjudged of God by the Messianic gift, through the
—
agency of Peter and John most authoritative of
— to the undue prejudice of ju.ijSei't - . et ju,ij /jlovov 'lovSaioi^',
.
and early ministry of Saul, the leader of the recent in omitting KaC, since its presence in X* AB may well be due
to the feeling that it is needful to the antithetic relation of
persecution, and next in typical incidents taken from
ver. 20 to ver- 5" which they agree with the authorities for
Peter's missionary work in Judaea and then the latter
;
'EAAiji'ay in reading into the passage.
is led to sanction the admission of a group of prose-
lytes to the spirit merely of Judaism, and not to the In any case the extension to Antioch, standing
letter of its requirements (through circumcision) —
in midway between the Jewish and Greek spheres was
sheer deference to God's manifest will in the gift of a momentous step; and there, we read signifi-
the Spirit. This case is made the more significant by cantly, the disciples of Jesus first obtained the name
being challenged at Jerusalem and successfully vin- distinguishing them from Jews proper, "Christians."
dicated by Peter, on the ground that God had acted There too begins the association of Saul with Bar-
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Acts of the Apostles
nabas, which marks the next stage of advance still — salem and CsDsarea (not always quite at first hand) would
contribute something. Other and more purely traditional
without loss of touch with the old center, Judaea (11
elements, e.g. the idea of Pentecost as involving foreign
27-30). But before leaving the fortunes of the Gos- —
tongues in contrast to Peter's speech on that occasion
pel in its first home, we are shown how attempts to may be due to Hellenists in Antioch. The First Mission-
harm it ever turned, by God's grace, to the confu- ary Journey (13-14) probably reflects the account given
by an eye-witness (Titus?) on returning to Antioch. For
sion of its foes (ch. 12): then, with a verse reestab- the latter part of Acts all is due to Luke's memory or notes,
lishing sequence with ch. 11, we pass on to the be- as the case may be; nor is the absence of "we" any sure
ginnings of the real Gentile mission, with its base at disproof of his presence, as it may have merely a psycho-
logical or emotional significance.
Antioch.
—
And now Saul who at the psychological moment
—
,
(13 9) is given his Gentile name, Paul comes out in Henceforth the motifs underlying the narrative,
his true rSle as the main agent of the Divine counsel and causing selection from a larger mass of mate-
in the wider destiny of the Gospel, as surely as Peter rials, become more varied. The central
had been the pioneer of its more restricted scope. 4. Aims, one so far, the universal spirit of the
The 'turning to the Gentiles' is narrated very em- old religion, as of Divine origin — in
phatically in 13 46-48, while the moral of the whole spite of Jewish blindness and hardness of heart, now
mission is pointed in 14 27, "all things that God
had done with them," so showing ''that he had
as in former days (cf. Stephen's Speech) —
persists to
the end, with its climax at Rome (28 17-28). But
opened a door of faith unto the Gentiles." It was with blends more and more another idea, its coun-
it
seemingly the news of this great extension of Gentile terpart, viz., the witness borne by the attitude of
Christianity on principle that drove the more re- typical representatives of the Gentile world, the
actionary wing of the Jerusalem church (now in- Roman Empire in the widest sense, that the hostility
cluding Pharisees, 15 5) to action in Antioch (as also of actual Judaism was vexatious and groundless.
in Galatia), where it was felt that the issue had to be Further, as far as Judaism might try to crush its
fought out (see Galatians, § 3). With the Jeru- rival by suggesting that it was an element of disorder
salem Concordat, which settled it for the time, i.e. and even of disloyalty in the Empire itself, the early
as it arose in Syria and Cihcia (and Galatia), where history of the Christian Church and its relations to
the Jewish element, side by side with the Gentile, the Roman State, its law and order, refuted the
was large, the story, as so far told, reaches its natural charges. Such troubles as had arisen were in fact
conclusion (15 35). Hitherto it has been treated due to Jewish jealousy and misrepresentation. All
from the Hellenistic standpoint, from which the con- these lines of thought meet in Paul himself, both in
ditions of intercourse in the Ecclesia between Jew his outer lot and in his attitude, whether to his na-
and Gentile, set forth in 15 20, 29, seemed to be min- tional religion or to Roman citizenship. To both
imum concessions (ravra ra iirdvayKes) to unity he was essentially loyal. This explains the long and
on the part of godly Gentiles. Hereafter, however, at first sight unduly prolix story of Paul's last visit
the horizon widens enormously; new interests and to Jerusalem and its issues, particularly the repeated
conditions arise: the old platform becomes too nar- speeches of defense. Paul, in fact, was the em-
row in practise, where Gentiles more and more out- bodied apologia of the Church in the Roman Empire,
number Jewish converts in typically Gentile regions. over against all its traducers (cf. Von Soden, Early
Antioch and its associations are largely left behind; Christian Literature [190^1, pp. 230 £f.).
and the history gathers round the career of the The occasion of Acts, then, like that of all NT
Apostle of the Gentiles, whose personal commission writings, is practical. It is determined by pressing
determines his conduct in regions to which, in his religious needs, not by abstract or scientific interests.
judgment, the Jerusalem compact was inapplicable. It is an apology for the religion of Jesus, addressed
primarily to men of faith, yet a faith distressed both
Here space forbids any full discussion. As regards chs. by bitter opposition and by some perplexities of
1-12 the present writer feels that neither the hypothesis of
thought, not as yet quite at home with the deeper
merely oral tradi tiona nor the usual theories
—
3. Sources of written sources Aramaic (so now Har-
—
ideas of the new religion -as one of power sjiown
of —
nack) or Greek can fully meet the case. through suffering, not through prosperity (the notion
Acts. The use of a Hellenistic or Antiochene source of ancient religion generally). But while primarily
would account for the bulk of these chap-
ters, but there is need also of the view broached in the com- meant for actual faith, Luke's writings, perhaps
mentary on Acts in the Century Bible (1901) viz., that Luke
, alone in the N
T, look also to potential faith outside,
wrote some of Acts 1-12 (or even 15 ^3) on the basis of notes in 'men of good-will' who need only to know the
taken down by himself from, the lips of excellent informants,
facts in all the impressiveness of their true order
and largely in their own words (which explains the distinc-
tive language and thoughts shining through the present —
so that their real meaning jumps to the eye in order
Lucan narrative). Probably Philip, Hellenist and Evan- to believe in the ^'Kingdom of God" among men.
gelist, was his main oral source for such notes as to the Je-
Where, then, was such a work likely to arise?
rusalem and Judsean church, taken during Paul's detention
in Csesarea (cf. 21 ^^). Mark or his mother may be the Internal evidence suggests that the region in which
channel through whom most of ch. 12 (with its intimate its first readers were most interested
reference to Mark's home and the maid servant and the 5, Pro- was the Roman province of Asia (note
abrupt naming of James, the Lord's brother) reached
venance. references to Paul's abortive wish to
Luke. Stephen's speech may or may not have come
through Philip; at all events it came through a Hellenist visit it and Bithynia in 16 6f.), where
of the same circle or type as the author of the Epistle to the concrete narrative becomes most detailed and the
the Hebrews (the affinities with which are well pointed out topography most minute (18 24-21 1; contrast the
by Dr. B. W. Bacon, Stephen's Speech, in Yale Biblical
Studies, 1901). For Saul's history during that period, Paul verses given to the last visit to Greece, 20 2-5). Dif-
himself and Luke's own notes of Paul's defenses at Jeru- ferences, even, and abuses among believers emerge
Acts of the Apostles 10
Adam A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
wit-
at Ephesus (18 24-19 7, John's baptism, and 20 26-36, which the Divine power working in Christ's
/
age, in
forecast of that church's futiire dangers), as nowhere nesses was most manifest, was already well-nigh over.
else. Observe too the calm allusiveness of the ref- FinaUy a date between 70 and 80 a.d. best suits
erence to "the school of Tyrannus" (rtvos was soon the most probable theory as to authorship, viz., that
added to soften it) in 19 9, as though self-explanar the whole work, as distinct from a sup-
tory to "Theophilus" and his circle (cf. the abrupt out here
7. Author- posed Travel-diary— cropping
reference to Alexander in 19 33); also the triviality
ship, and there between chs. 16 and 28—
of the itinerary in 20 13-15, save for those familiar
comes from Luke, "the beloved physi-
with the coast between Troas and Ephesus.
cian," companion and helper in the Gospel to Paul,
Here reference may be made to some of the most striking who is the hero of the book's most moving sections
of the readings in Codex BezCE, etc. A whole series of them from ch. 9 onward. Harnack has recently accepted
betray special acquaintance with Asia Minor (Ramsay) and ;
and restated in Lukas der Arzt the arguments used
these are among the oldest of the so-called 'Western' or
^ text. But they are never more than intelligent glosses, by scientific defenders of the traditional authorship,^
showing that Acts was read with more than special interest such as Hobart in The Medicol Language of St. Luke
in the region. The change in 15 ^°f ^^, where the abstinences (1882), and Sir J. C. Hawkins in Hor(B Synopticce
lose their ceremonial or Jewish reference, may also have
(1899), as regards the stylistic unity of Acts gener-
arisen in Asia, especially as it is already found in Irenseus.
ally. At present, then, as far as linguistic evidence
Finally consider the correspondence between this goes, this view may be said to hold the field. The
environment and the motifs of Acts, as already de- weakness of the counterview, which assigns Acts to
scribed: the numbers and influence of the Jews in about 100 A.D., is seen in the paradox to which it is
Asia (referred to in 21 27, 24 19 as prime causes of driven, in order to account for certain Hellenistic
Paul's arrest); the bitterness of their hostility to the features in the warp and woof of the book, that its
Christians both in the later Apostolic age (Rev final author was a 'Hellenistic Jew' (so Wendt and
2 9f.) and in Polycarp's day; the interest for this B. W. Bacon). The form of the preface to both
region of the modus vivendi of Acts 15 20, 29, in the works, and their whole feeling when dealing with
light especially of Rev 2 6, 14 f., 20; and the problem Graeco-Roman matters (cf. Ramsay), make this
of the internal relations of Judaism and Christianity most unlikely. Luke, however, though born a Gen-
tile (whether Syrian or Greek in race), would natu-
there as late as Ignatius' day. Surely these things
constitute strong cumulative evidence for Asia, and rally have much of the Hellenist in his training he —
Ephesus in particular, as the original home of Acts. may have been a Jewish proselyte to begin with
If this be granted, it will add also to our evidence and suits the complex conditions of the problem,
for date, in so far as the tone of Acts is optimistic both of style and thought, completely. Early tra-
touching Rome's attitude to Christians, apart from dition touching him is well summed up in the Mon-
Jewish envy and slander. It assumes archian Prologue to Luke's Gospel: "Luke, a Syrian
6. Date,that Rome may continue its old policy by race, an Antiochene,^ by profession a physician,
of treating Christianity as a form, the . ,
. departed this life at the age of seventy-four in
most legitimate form, of Israel's religion, and as Bithynia." The latter statements, in no way sus-
sharing its status as a religio licita, exclusive of the picious in themselves, agree well with the foregoing
forms of the Imperial cult, as of every other 'idol- theory in all respects.
atrous' worship, yet not therefore disloyal to Rome
One confirmation of Luke's authorship lies in the appar-
and Caesar. When exactly the course of events in ent non-use of the Pauline letters, which any one save a
Asia, the center of fanatical Caesar-worship, ren- o _ , ^ companion of Paul's would eagerly study
o. Kelation, for data. Particularly striking is the case as
dered such hopes untenable, it is hard to say. But
to the regards the Epistle to the Galatians, which
relatively early, we may be sure, apart even from
Pauline runs parallel to much in Acts, and the ab-
the evidence of Rev, the date of which is itself an Letters. seuce of exact harmony with which is by
open question. Harnack thinks a date about 80 some m.ade a prime reason for denying
A.D. most probable: the present writer inclines to a Lucan authorship. As this case is crucial for the histo-
ricity of Acts, we must deal with it somewhat fully, instead
date earlier in the Vespasian era, as better suiting of trying to discuss minor problems of like order.
the words of the Gospel (2132, cf. 9 26f.) touching Some still regard Acts 15 and Gal 2 ^-^o as both histor-
the fulfilment of "all things" before the passing of ically trustworthy versions of the same incident, in spite
of their marked differences. Such differences are, e.g., (1)
the original generation of Christ's hearers. The ex- their ostensible occasion (2) the privacy implied in Gal 3
;
periences of the era of the siege and fall of Jerusalem
seem clearly implied in the wording of Luke 21 but ; 1This is supported by very early and wide-spread evi-
the *' times of the Gentiles" seem only just begin- dence, going back as far as Marcion (c. 140 a.d.) for Luke's
,
ning to be fulfilled (21 24, 28). Still "redemption Gospel. This is natural, if Harnack be right in saying
that a work with a Prologue must from the first have had its
draweth nigh," and some of Christ's generation author's name in the title. Evidence of the use of Acts is
will see it. probable (so Holtzmann) in Ignatius of Antioch and Poly-
carp of Smyrna, c. 115 a.d,, and perhaps even in
Clement of
The argument for a date about 100 a.d. derived from par- Rome (xviii. 1, of. Acts 13 ^^),c. 96 a.d.
allelswith Josephus' Antiquities is quite "in the air" (Har- Knowledge of this fact (and nothing else) is perhaps im-
,?
nack, op. cit., p. 18). It does not account for the diver- plied mthe early reading of D also Aug. after 11 ^i^
"and
gences in the caae either of Theudas (5 ^^, e.g.^ the number when we were gathered together," etc.—unless we have
—
400) whatever be made of the account in Acta or of — here secondary use of an Antiochene source
underlying Acts.
Herod (12 20 ff-). On the other hand, it is unsafe to argue Note also the mtimate knowledge of the Antiochene Church
from the point at which Acts ends (61-62 a.d.) for the nar-
; shownin Attsll 20, 13 1, cf 6 ^fin.
.
rative has reached its natural climax when the Gospel is 3 At best Paul's account could apply only
to a private con-
preached by Paul in Rome. Paulus Romas apex evangelii. ference at the time of Acts 15, but not there
recorded while
Nothing of equal significance could be added. The heroic yet Paul lays all the stress on it (but see
Galatians,' § 3).
Acts of the Apostles
11 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Adam
(where it was important for the purpose of Paul's argument troversy in Antioch some years later (but see Galatians,
to emphasize the public vindication of his own Gospel, if § 3). Thus there is no necessary clash between Acts 15 and
it had then occurred) (3) the practical conditions laid down
;
Gal. 21*1''; and with similar allowance for different per-
for keeping the two separate missions in sufficient touch spective, we may say the same for Acts 9 and Gal 1 i»-2i,
—
with each other as to which Paul's language in Gal 2 i**, touching Paul's movements in the first years after his con-
"only," etc., formally excludes any other terms than those version.
he specifies (4) the clear implication both of Paul's logic
;
(which does not leave him free to pass over any visit be-
Literature: A full discussion of the literature on Acts will
be found in the last edition of Meyer's Kommenter (1899),
tween Gal 1 18 and 2 ^ without explanation) and of the state-
by Wendt, and in Knowling's Comm. in the Expositor's
ment that he remained still unknown by face to the churches
Greek Test. (1906), supplemented by his Testimony of St.
of Judasa (1 ^^^•), to the effect that no visit to Jerusalem fell
between those in Gal 1 ^^ and 2 ^, whereas Acts 11 ^7 fi. re-
Paul to Christ (1905); see also Moffatt's Historical New
Testament (1901), and C. Clemen, Paultts (1904), i. 162-
cords a relief visit to Judeea after Gal l^^; (5) the contrast
between the attitude of Peter and yet more of Barnabas
330. Add Harnack, Lukas der Arzt der Verfasser des
dritten Evangelium u. der Apostelgeschichte (1906), Eng.
(after his Gentile experiences in Acts 13-14) in Gal 2 ^i *',
tr. (1907). J. V. B.
with what we should gather of them in Acts 15 (esp. 30-s6).
Those who see their way around these differences must be
allowed to take their own course but they can not fairly cite
;
ADADAH, ad'a-da (n-}J?iy, 'adh'adhah): A town
Lightfoot's authority, since the 'South-Galatian' theory,
which makes Paul in Galatians address a totally different on the border of Judah (Jos 15
S. 22). Probably
body of readers from, that contemplated by him, has become the Aroer (q.v.) of I S 30 28. E. E. N.
so widely accepted, even by defenders of Acts 15 = Gal 2 i-^".
This changes the whole perspective. In particular it makes
the natural assumption that Paul is defending the inde- ADAH, 6'da (rni^, 'adhah), 'beauty': 1. A wife
pendent authority of his Gospel as proved prior to his '* be- of Lamech (Gn4i9ff.). 2. The Hittite wife of
—
getting" his readers by its agency an assumption involved
Esau (Gn 36 2 ff.).
—
by Lightfoot's 'North-Galatian' theory tell heavily against E. E. N.
Acts 15 = Gal 2 i"i° on the current theory.
Turning, then, to those who agree in regarding the forego- ADAIAH, a-dd'ya (H;-]^^, 'ddhayah), 'J" has
ing historical equation impossible, we have two types of the-
ory. The one frankly denies any real historicity to Acts 15, adorned': 1. The maternal grandfather of King
and in most cases performs a critical operation on its organic Josiah, of Bozketh in the Shephelah of Judah (II
unity, separating the conditions contemplated in 15 ^^' ^*, 22 1). 2. A
Levite of the sons of the Kohathites
of. 21 ^^, from the narrative as a whole, and relegating them
to some later occasion, real or supposed. This leaves Acts (I Ch 6 41). 3. A
Benjamite of the family of Shimei
thoroughly discredited and its Lucan authorship out of the (Shema ver.13), (I Ch 8 21) of Jerusalem. 4, A priest
question. Here Harnack's present position is untenable, as dweUing in Jerusalem (ICh9 12). 5, The father of
Schurer presses home in the TLZ (1906, cols. 406 f.). He
Maaseiah (II Ch 23 1, here spelled ^^^^i\). 6. A
must unify his literature and historical results somehow.
The other simply challenges the traditional dognaa that man of the family of Bani of the post-exilic Jewish
Acts 15 must be meant to refer to the same visit as Gal 2 community who had married a foreign wife (Ezr
1-10, and sets about finding an earlier stage in the story of the
earthly man, Christ the second and last, the spiritu?.l ADINA, a-dai'na (i<;'^^^^, 'ddhlna'), 'delightful';
and heavenly man. A Reubenite chief tain in David's army (I Ch 11 42).
The name of a city in the Jordan valley, near
II. E- E. N.
the mouth of the Jabbok, where the waters were
dammed up when Joshua led Israel into Canaan ADINO, a-dai'no (iJ^IP,, 'ddhino): IIS 23 8 reads
(Jos 3 16). Map III, H 4. C. S. T. '^Adino the Eznite" as a second name of David's
mightiest hero. I Ch 11 11 more correctly omits the
Adami (cf. Hort, in DCB). A. C Z. cities near the Dead Sea that rebelled against
Chedorlaomer (Gn 1019, 14 2,8). It was destroyed
ADAMAH, ad'a-ma (H^^K^, 'ddhamah): A city with Zeboim, Sodom and Gomorrah (Dt 29 22; Hos
11 8). E. E. N.
of Naphtali (Jos 19 36). The identification, Map
IV, G 7, is uncertain. E. E. N.
ADMATHA.' See Princes, The Seven.
ADAMANT. See Stones, Precious, § 3.
ADNA, ad'na (KJ"!P, 'ddhnd'), 'pleasure': 1.
ADAMI-NEKEB, ad"a-mai-nek'eb (Dp.^H ^p^N^ One of the "sons of Pahath-moab " (Ezr 10 30).
'ddhaml ha-neqehh): A town on the NW. border of 2. A priest (Neh 12 15). E. E. N.
Naphtali (Jos 19 33). Its site is uncertain.
E. E. N. ADNAH, ad'na (HjnP, 'Mhndh): 1. A Manas-
ADAR. See Time, § 3, and Addar II. site who deserted Saul for David (I Ch 12 20).
2. A captain under Jehoshaphat (II Chl7l4).
ADBEEL, ad'be-el (b^cp-^^^ 'adhh^'el): A ^son' of E. E. N.
Ishmael (Gn 25 13; I Ch 1 29). An Arabian tribe ADONIBEZEK, a-d6"nai-bi'zek 'ddho-
(p.J?"'^^^:,
Idiba^il near Egypt is mentioned in the Assyrian
inscriptions. E. E. N.
nibezeq), 'lord of Bezek': A
Canaanite king de-
feated by Judah and Simeon at Bezek. He escaped,
ADDAN, ad'dan (]"i<, 'addan): The Babylonian but was pursued, captured, and mutilated. He
died afterward in Jerusalem (Jg 1 5-7).
home of certain exiles who were unable to prove their
A. C. Z.
genealogy (Ezr 2 59). Called Addon in Neh 7 61 ff.
Site unknown. E. E. N. ADONIJAH, ad"o-nai'ja
(";'^"IX., 'Mhomyah),
'my Lord is The fourth son of David. His
J"': 1.
ADDAR, ad'dar (^"^^H^ 'addar): I. Ancestor of a
mother was Haggith. Near the close of David's reign
Benjamite clan (I Ch 8 3). Cf. Ard in Gn 46 21; Nu
he assumed royal state, hoping to become his father's
26 40. II. A town on the S. border of Judah, site
successor. Joab and Abiathar were
his active sup-
unknown (Jos 15 3). In Nu 34 4 it is combined with porters. He made
a feast at the Stone of Zoheleth,
Hezron into Hazar-Addar. E. E. N.
near Jerusalem, and invited all the king's sons and
nobility, except Solomon and his partizans, Be-
ADDER. See Palestine, § 26.
naiah, Zadok, and Nathan. Here he disclosed his
ADDI,ad'dai ('ASSet): An ancestor of Christ (Lk plot for seizing the throne. At this critical juncture
sidered thisan act of treason, and had him put to ADRAMMELECH, a-dram'el-ec C^^T\^, 'ddh~
death (I K
1 and 2). 2. A Levite (II Ch 17 8). 3. rammelekh): 1. One of the gods of Sepharvaim
Ancestral head of a family of Levites (Neh 10 16) (UK 17 31), or Sippar in Assyria, possibly Adar
called Adonikam (q.v.) in Ezr 2 13, etc. (Adrammelech-Adar-King) but a god Adar is un-
;
true reading is * stronghold/ not " cave "; cf. ver. 14 AGAR. See Hagar.
and 517). Rehoboam strengthened its fortifica-
tions (II Ch 11 7) It was reoccupied by Jews AGATE. See Stones, Precious, § 2.
early in postexilic times (Neh 11 30). (See G. A.
Smith, HGHL, p. 229.) E. E. N. §§ 27, 45, and
AGE, AGES. See Eschatology,
Apocalyptic Literature, § 1 (6).
ADULTERY. See Marriage and Divorce,
§10. AGEE, ^'gi {^^^> 'age'): A Hararite, father of
have been, therefore, in early times, as to-day, very the earlier days except with the greatest hardship
little irrigated land. —
to the people but each field had its own definite
Thorough manuring of the soil was unknown. In fallowing year, as was formerly the custom in Ger-
II K
9 37; Jer 9 22, 16 4, reference is made merely to many.
the excrement of animals, especially of the oxen In the tilling of the soil itwas necessary to wait
and asses used in plowing, which lay upon the fields; till autumn, when the early —
rains, mdrehr termed
and such passages as Dt 23 13 f.; I K
14 10; of. Ex 29 early because the old civil year began in autumn
14, show the practise of thorough fertilization to have softened the ground which had grown dry and hard
been most unlikely. Moreover, manure was dried as stone in the summer sun. As the soil to-day
and often used as fuel (Ezk 4 15). This custom is in certain localities is worked with the mattock
still prevalent among
the fellakln of Palestine (cf. (q.v.), so it was perhaps, here and
ZDPV, IX, 29), Instead of manure the people 4, Tillage, there, in early times (I S 13 20; Is 7 25);
employed for fertilization straw and stubbie, which but the ordinary way was to use the
like thorns and thistles were burned (cf. Ex 15 7; Is plow (q.v.); and very hkely the practise then, as
5 24, 47 14). Of significance for the fertility of the now in Judaea, was not to plow till after the sowing.
land is the regulation in Ex 23 10 f , that farms, vine- The sower scatters the seed rather thinly over the
yards, and olive orchards were to lie fallow in the fields, and it is then through the plowing turned
seventh year. This hardly indicates that there was under and covered to a depth of about three to four
a fixed fallowing year for the whole country a re- — inches. Furrows (Job 39 10; Ps 65 lO; I S 14 u)
quirement which could not have been carried out in can not be understood of a deep trench as in Western
16
Agriculture A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
break up the surface of the ground; so that it is not Palestine (ZDPV, IX,
38). ^^ .
sufficiently freed of weeds. For example, in the It is likely that the difference
is ^^-day.
fertile plain of Phihstia there are weed-roots as thick summer seeds was recognized, as it
barley, tne
as one's jOnger, spreading out a yard or more in all former consist of wheat and
mniet, sesame, melons cu-
directions, and at a depth that can not be reached by 5. Seeding, latter of
Seeding could not be
the plow. The ox was generally used to draw the cumbers, etc.
which come
until the early rains had set in,
plow, the ass also being probably used on lighter begun
Threshing-Floor.
soil. The prohibition in Dt 22 10 leads to the con- toward the end of October, at first intermittently
clusion that at one time both were yoked together. and generally at night. Barley was sown first, fol-
A single plowing did not suffice for fallow land. Upon lowed by the wheat. Seed was usually sown with
the first plowing in winter there followed a second the hand (Mt 13 3-8); the more valuable varieties,
in the spring, and n third in summer; indeed, the such as barley, wheat, and spelt, were at times laid
careful farmer plowed in the late summer a fourth in the furrow by a sower who followed behind the
time; cf. Wetzstein in Delitzsch's Isaiah'^, 389 f. plowman, as is still done to-day, and then plowed
Whether harrowing was known in early times is a in, to protect them from the large ants of which
question. Perhaps the word which is generally so there are great numbers in Syria and Palestine,
translated ("1^^) means rather a sort of plowing and which are fond of carrying off the grain into
(cf. PIos 10 11; Is 28 24). For levehng off the fields their holes {ZDPV, IX, 30, note). It was per-
17 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Agriculture
haps also done to keep the seed from drying up, Jl 1 4), and at times by hail (Ps 78 47; Hag 2 17).
since a period of from fom* to five weeks of dry- Ifthe harvest-time were near, those crops which were
ness sometimes elapses after the sowing (ZDPV, especially valuable were protected by watchmen (Jer
IX, 29 f.). 4 17); but it was permitted one who was hungry to
The sunmier grain was sown at the end of January pick ears in passing by (cf. Dt 23 25; Mt 12 i). [On
and in February. The later rain, malqosh, which the subject of this general paragraph see Pales-
falls in March and at the beginning of April, was of tine, §§ 16-23.]
great importance for the ripening of the grain. If it The harvest, qatsir, began in April with the cutting
failed, or if it came too late, or if it was too scanty, the of the barley, at which time lentils and fitches were
grain did not mature properly. Another enemy of also ripe. Two or three weeks later followed the
agriculture was the hot east or southeast wind (qad- harvest of wheat and spelt; but of course the har-
h%m, Arab, chamsin), which scorched, shidddphon, the vest-time varied according to the climatic condi-
ears (Gn 41 6; Dt 28 22), so that they turned yellow, tions of each region. In the hot lowlands about
yeraqon (Am 4 9; IKS 37). The crops were fre- Jericho the barley harvest began near the first of
quently destroyed by grasshoppers also (Am 7 2; April; on the coast it was eight and in the moun-
Agriculture 18
Ahaz
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
tains fourteen days later. The. gr^iji: harvest gen- wind blows from four o'clock in the afternoon till
erally lEisted about seven w.eeks^.frOm Passover to half an hour before sunset, and carries
away the
Pentecost. The grain was _ reaped light chaff. The kernels were then sifted (Am
6, Har-with the sickle, kermesh, maggal, as is 9 9), and thrown together into larger heaps by
vesting, still done (Dt 16 9). The reaper, qniser, means of the winnowing-shovel, rahath (Is 30 24).
grasped a number of stalks with one In the earlier period there were no barns, strictly
hand (Is 17 5; Ps 129 7) and with the other cut them speaking; the stores of grain were stowed away
off some distance from the ground. The grain that in pits resembling cisterns, which were carefully
had been cut remained lying in swaths, ^amlr, behind
the reaper, and was bound by the sheave-binder,
me'a^seph (Jer 9 22) into sheaves, 'dlummah (Gn 37 7),
'omer (Lv 23 10, etc.; Gn 37 7), which were gathered
into shocks, gadhlsh (Ex 22
In Lv 19 9, 23 22,
6).
every one is forbidden, in the interests of the poor,
to harvest his field to its limits. The laborers re-
fresh/themselves, while harvesting, with roasted ker-
nels of grain, qalif and bread dipped in a sour drink,
hornets (Ru 2 14).
The grain was generally threshed, dush (I Ch 21 20)
or habhat (Jg6 11), in the open air, however, which
was possible inasmuch as the harvest-
7. Thresh- time is free from rain (IS12i6ff.).
ing and During threshing-time the harvest men
Storing, spent the night, as is still the custom,
upon the threshing-floor, in order to
guard it (Ru3 6; Robinson, Pcd. II, p. 720). The
threshing-floors, goren, were either permanent loca- Forks and Shovel Used in Winnowing.
tions on mountains or hills or else placed, if possible,
upon a somewhat elevated spot. There were differ- covered up, as is still done at the present time in
ent modes of threshing: cattle were driven over the Palestine (Jer 41 8). In times storehouses
later
sheaves, which were piled knee-deep in layers upon seem to have been in use (II Ch 32 28;
the floor, until they had trodden out the kernels of 8. Variety Pr 3 10; Jer 50 26; Jl 1 17).
grain with their hoofs and reduced the straw to of Yield. The yield varies greatly. On soil
chaff, in which operation the ox was not to be muz- which has been fertilized, and which
zled (Dt 25 4; cf. I Co 9 9; I Ti 5 18); or the thresh- is advantageously located, under favorable con-
ing-sledge, morag, morag haruts, or haruts (rpt/3oXoi/, ditions wheat may yield thirtyfold and barley a
tribulum of the ancients), was used (Am 1 3; Is 28 27; hundredfold (cf. Mt 13 8). On unfertiUzed land, in
II S 24 22). This the plain of Es-
sledge was made draelon, wheat
very likely, as to- does not yield at
day, of wooden the most more
planks joined to- than tenfold and,
gether, in the un- on the average,
der side of which seven to eight-
were set stones fold; barley at
or knives (now most not more
called naurag, cf. than tenfold
ZDPV, IX, 41). and, on the aver-
In addition there age, sixfold. In
was the thresh- the mountains
ing-wagon, 'dga- of Judah wheat
lah, "cart wheel" yields twofold,
(Is 28 27 ff.), which barley threefold.
consisted of sev- See further Food
eral rollers run- and Vines and
A Threshing-Sledge, Showing Under Side.
ning parallel, each Vintage.
of which was pro- Literature Cf. :
vided with three or four iron disks, so arranged that Anderlind, Ackerhau und Viehsucht in Syrien und
the disks of one roller extended into the spaces left besonders in Paldstina, in ZDPV, IX, 1 ff.; Hermann
Vogelstein, Die Landwirtschaft in Pal&stina zur Zeit
by the others (cf. ZDPV, IX, 44). After threshing, der Mishnah, I Getreidehau (1894). -nj -m
the chaff, mots, was separated from the kernels of
grain, bar, by winnowing, zarah, i.e., by throwing AGRIPPA, a-grip'a. See Herod, § 8.
the chaff and grain into the air, with a fork, mizreh
(Is 30 24), Sometimes furnished with two but gen- AGUR, ^'gur ("l^:iS*, 'aguT): The reputed author of
erally with several curved prongs. This was done the whole or part of Pr 30. Nothing is known of his
toward evening and at night (Ru 3 2) ; for the sea personality, but the similarity of Pr 30 1-6 to parts of
Agriculture
19 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Ahaz
Job favors the conjecture that ham-mas-sa' ("the AHARAH. See Ahiram.
oracle," ver. 1) is the name of a region S. of Judah.
Its unique literary character makes it reasonable to AHARHEL, a-har'hel ('?G')0^:> 'dharhel): The
attribute the entire chapter to Agur. A. S. C. ancestor of certain families of Judah (I Ch 4 8).
E. E. N.
AH, a, AHI, 6'hai (H^, ^m„ 'dh, 'dhi), 'brother' AHASAI, See Ahzai.
or 'my brother': In compound personal names Ah
or Ahi may refer (1) to the deity as 'brother/ or (2)
AHASBAI, a-has'bai (^Spnfc?, 'dha§bay): The
to the common human relationship. Names of class father of Eliphalet (II S 23 34; cf. I Ch 11 35).
(1) are very common, c.gr., Ahijah, *Jah (Jehovah) is E. E. N.
brother.' Examples of (2) are much more rare and AHASUERUS, Esther,
a-haz"yu-I'rus. See
of more obscure meaning, e.g., Ahab (= 'father's
§1.
brother'?). See Abi. E. E. N.
AHAVA, a-h^'va (Xin>\ 'dhawa'): A town or
AHAB, ^'hab (^iJOS, 'ah'abh), father's brother':
*
district in Babylonia used to designate a river (or
1. The second king of the Omri dynasty and early canal); also the name of the river, on the banks of
Israel's most conspicuous and potent ruler. Two which Ezra gathered the Jews preparatory to their
alliances give special interest to his reign: his own return to Jerusalem (Ezr 8 15, 21, 31). C. S. T.
marriage to the Phcenician princess Jezebel, and
that of their daughter AthaUah to Jehoram of Ju- AHAZ, 6'haz 0^^, 'akaz), 'He {i.e., J") has
dah. Through the former he gained the support seized': 1. Son of Jotham and king of Judah, c.
of the richest trading people of antiquity, and by the 735-721 B.C. (or later). See Chronology of
latter the old schism of the Hebrew people seemed OT.
in the way of being healed. Though this hope was Tiglath-pileserlll. (745-727) received tribute from
doomed to disappointment, Israel and Judah were Ahaz (called Ja-u-ha-zi, i.e., Joahaz) in 734 B.C. (cf.
joined by close bonds for over a century. II K 16 7). In the same year he de-
But the Phoenician alliance brought with it the I. The As- posed and slew Pekah and thus broke
cult of the Tyrian Baal, an importation distasteful Syrian up the Syro-Ephraimitic alliance (cf.
to people and prophets. The local Baalim had been Record. II K 15 37, 16 5). In 732 b.c. Damas-
regarded as legitimate, and doubtless even identified cus
fell, Rezin was slain, and Tig-
with Jehovah, hence the people resented the intru- a great levee as "King of kings" in
lath-pileser held
sion of the strange god, whose centralized worship the captured city, at which Ahaz was present (ac-
threatened the existence of the local shrines. The cording to II K 16 10).
—
names of Ahab's children ^Ahaziah, Jehoram, Atha- At Damascus Ahaz saw a great altar and ordered
—
Uah vindicate indeed the strength of the J" religion, Urijah to construct one like it. W. R. Smith (Rel.
but the growing syncretism aroused the prophets to Sem.^ p. 487) considers this a great
outline a purer and loftier idea of J", which domi- 2, The permanent altar-hearth, whose ritual,
nated prophetic thought from that time forth. Record described at length in II K 16 13 ff., was
The gross disregard of personal rights shown in the in II Kings thereafter dominant. Possibly Is 29
seizure of Naboth's vineyard (I K 21) was undoubt- 1 6. echoes the struggle about the new altar
edly a potent element in the downfall of the dynasty, ritual, for Ariel ('altar-hearth,' or
while it enabled the prophets to grasp and present 'hearth of God') was probably the technical name
the great principles of ethical monotheism. for the old brazen pillar-altar such as was displaced
Two important synchronisms meet us in this by Ahaz. The dark period of invasion led to human
period: (1) The Moabite Stone, lines 6 and 7, re- sacrifice and much oppression and cruelty (cf. II Ch
fers to Ahab, and suggests that even in his reign 283).
Moab began struggles for independence, which Some of the most striking sections of Isaiah be-
ciilminated under Jehoram (see Mesha). (2) long to this period. Children and babes are their
Ahab ascended the throne as the vassal of Da- rulers, he declares, in a fierce invective
mascus (I K
20 4), but at the battle of Aphek he 3. The against the turbulence of the state (Is
threw off the yoke and a three years' peace fol- Prophetic 3 4). The Syro-Ephraimitic invasion
lowed (I K
22 1). In this period we should prob- Record, called forth the Immanuel prophecy (Is
ably place the invasion of Shalmaneser II., who 7 1-9 7), a declaration that God's pur-
records that A-horob-ba of Sir-a-la-ai (Israel) ap- pose to be with His people was invincible, though
peared with 2,000 chariots and 10,000 soldiers at princes might falter and people be recalcitrant (see
Karkar, 854 B.C., and together with the allied Syr- Immanuel). Inch. 28, dating near the fall of Sama-
ian kings suffered a crushing defeat. The battle ria, the drunken, scoffing, faithless politicians are
must have been indecisive, however, for it was not probably those who favored the Assyrian alliance
followed up, and Ahab's military establishment when Pekah and Rezin were threatening Jerusalem
gave him confidence to seek to wrest Ramoth-gilead with dynastic overthrow (cf. also Is 7 6). Ahaz's
from Damascus, in which enterprise he perished (I K weak, short - sighted policy can be largely ac-
22). Assuming that the battle of Karkar took place counted for by his youth and inability to cope
diu-ing the Peace of Aphek, Ahab's death occurred with the deep-seated corruptions of his predecessors'
probably in 853 B.C. regimes.
2. A prophet, denounced by Jeremiah (Jer 29 21 f .)• 2. A descendant of Saul (I Ch 8 35 f., 9 42).
A. S. C. A. S. C.
Ahaziah 30
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Akeldama
AHAZIAH, e"ha-zai'a ("C^DiS:, 'dhazyah), 'J" text reproduced in our Eng. version. 2. See
Ahime-
hath grasped': 1. King of Israel (855-854), son LECH, I. 3. Father of King Baasha (I K 15 27)
of Ahab and Jezebel. His character was on a 4. Asonof Shisha(IK4 3,AhiahAV). 5 Asonof
Uera to
level with that of his parents. He was a devotee Jerahmeel (ICh 2 25V 6. One who helped
of Baal and also followed in the sin of Jeroboam. carry away captives (I Ch 8 7, Ahiah AV). 7. A
Pelonite; one of David's valiant men
(ICh 11 36).
During his reign Moab rebelled, and probably be-
8. According to the Heb. text a
Levite, caretaker
came independent. Mesha says: "But I saw my
of the sanctuary treasures under David
(I Ch 26
upon him, and on his house, and Israel
pleasiire
20), but, according to LXX.,
instead of ''Ahijah,"
perished with an everlasting destruction" (Mesha
inscription,1. 7. See Mesha). Seriously injured we should read "their brethren." 9. One of the
signers of the covenant (Neh 10 26). E. E. N.
by falling through a latticework, he sent to Ek-
ron to inquire of Baal-zebub. Elijah met his mes- 'dhiqam),
sengers and bade them return with the predic-
AHIKAM, a-hai'kam (^i^^H^; 'the
tion of the king's death (cf. Elijah). He made brother riseth up': One of the trusted courtiers of
a commercial alliance with Jehoshaphat for the Josiah delegated to consult Huldah (II K22 Uff.).
purpose of sending ships to Tarshish. The vessels He was a friend and protector of Jeremiah ( Jer 26 24
were destroyed, and the enterprise came to naught ff.). His son Gedaliah was governor after the fall
E. E. N.
(I K 22 51-53; II K 1 1-18; II Ch 20 35-37). of Jerusalem (Jer 39 H).
King of Judah (843-842), son of Jehoram of
2.
Judah, and grandson of Ahab through his mother,
AHILUD, a-hai'lud 0^h^ni<,,'dh^ludh)/ a, hrother
Athaliah. The Chronicler speaks of him as the is born': 1. The father of David's recorder, Jehosha-
youngest son, as the Arabians had slain all the oth- phat (II S8 16, 20 24; I K 4 3; I Ch 18 15). 2. The
father of Baana, one of the victualers of Solomon's
ers (II Ch 22 1, called Azariah in ver. 6). As an
ally, he went to war with Jehoram against the
household (I 4 12). K E. E. N.
Syrians at Ramoth-gilead. At Jehoram's assassi- AHIMAAZ, a-him'a-az 'dhima'ats),
(Y^^^Ofc?,
nation by Jehu, he was severely wounded, but
made his escape to Megiddo, where he died (II K 8
'my brother wrath': 1.
is A
son of Zadok, David's
priest. In David's flight from Jerusalem, A. and
25-29). J. A. K.
Jonathan were sent back to act as spies and cou-
AHBAN, a'ban C|?D*S*, 'ahhdn): A son of Abishtu* riers. A., with his companion, was despatched by
by Abihail (I Ch 2 29). E. E. N. Hushai to warn David. Eluding their pursuers,
they reached David and delivered the message
AHER, e'hgr ("inX, 'aker): A Benjamite (I Ch which enabled the king to escape. After the battle
7 12; text obscure). E. E. N. with Absalom, A. desired to bear the tidings to
David. At first Joab refused, and sent a Cushite. ,
AHI, e'hai (^HX., 'dhl), contraction for Ahijah: A. finally secured permission, outran the Cushite,
1. AGadite (I Ch5l5). 2. An Asherite (ICh 7 34). and delivered his message first (II S 15, 17, 18).
E. E. N. 2. The father of Saul's wife, Ahinoam (I S 14 50).
the name of a town. E. E. N. Jos 15 13 £f.). Ahiman, Sheshai, and Talmai were
most probably clan names. There may be a myth-
AHIEZER,e"hai-i'zer("lT^^0^:,'<i?ii'e2er),'brother ological touch in the reference to theNephihm. 2.
is 1. A prince of Dan (Nu 1 12, 2 25, etc.).
help': A Levite porter "at the king's gate eastward,"who
2. A
Benjamite, chieftain of a body of archers who returned from Babylon (I Ch 9 17). J. A. K.
deserted Saul for David (I Ch 12 3). E. E. N.
AHIMELECH, a-him'g-lec (^^P^HX., 'dhlmelekk),
AHIHUD, a-hai'hxjd ("lin^HNt^ and "iri^nfcl., 'dhl- 'the king is brother': 1. The head of the priesthood
hudh), 'the brother is praise': 1. A prince of at Nob slain by Saul for assisting David (I S 21, 22).
Asher (Nu 34 27). 2. A name occurring in the gene- Descended from through Ahitub (I S 22 9, cf.
Eli
alogy of Benjamin; text obscure (I Ch 8 7). 14 3; I Ch 24 His son Abiathar was priest under
3).
AHIRAM, Q-hai'ram (2T^^:j 'dhtram), 'the on the E. side of Bethel'* (Jos 7 2; Gn 12 8), destroyed
by Joshua (Jos 8 28) best identified with certain ob-
;
AHISHAHAR, a-hish'a-har ("10^)^0^,, 'dhlsha- ite tribe (Gn 36 24, Ajah AV). 2. The father of
har), 'brother dawn': The head of a Benjamite
is
Rizpah (II S3 7, 21 8, 11). E. E. N.
family (I Ch 7 10). E. E. N.
AIATH, e'yath, AIJA, ^ai'ja. See Ai.
AHISHAR, a-hai'shar ("l^^'^Ofct., 'dhlshar): The AIJALON, ai'ja-len (X^\^, 'ayyalon, Ajalon AV),
overseer of Solomon's household (I K 4 6). '
hart ' : 1. A broad valley NW. of Jerusalem leading
E. E. N.
down to the seacoast plain (Jos 10 12). Map III,
AHITHOPHEL, a-hith'o-fel (^Sn^ufe?, 'dhltho- E 5. 2. A
town in this valley (Jos 19 42, 21 24; Jg 1
,
phel ) brother of foolishness
' Accounted the wisest ' : 35; I 31; I Ch 6 69, 8 13; II Ch 11 10, 28 18), men-
S 14
man in Israel (II S 16 23), a counselor of David, pos- tioned in the Amarna letters as Ailuna. Now called
sibly the grandfather of Bath-sheba (II S 23 34, cf. 11 Yalo. Map III, E 5. 3. A town in Zebulun, site
3). He was a co-conspirator with Absalom (II S 15 12, unknown (Jg 12 12). E. E. N.
etc.), but his advice being rejected he committed
AIJELETH HASH-SHAHAR, ai-j^'leth hash-
suicide, for which his name has perhaps been
sh^'har. See Music, § 6.
stamped with the opprobrious epithet T'^H, thophel.
'
A. S. C.
AIN, ^'in (X-^f *ct2/*^)j 'spring': 1. A place on
NE. border of Canaan, near Kiblah (Nu 34 U). Rob-
AHITUB, a-hai'tub (2VJ^n^., 'dhitubh), 'brother
inson identifies it with the sources of the Orontes
is goodness' : 1. A priest, descended from Eli, and the River. 2, A place in the Negeb of Judah (Jos 15
father of Ahimelech
S 14 3, 22 9). 2. The father
(I
32), assigned to Simeon (Jos 19 7) and apparently the
of David's priest (II S 8 17; I Ch 6 8, 18 16;
Zadok same as the Levitical city (Jos 21 16). Should per-
Ezr 7 2). 3. A priest descended from Zadok (I Ch haps be read with Rimmon (Jos 15 32) as one word.
6 11 f.). 4. A priest, ruler of the Temple in post- See En-Rimmon. C. S. T.
exilic days (I Ch 9 ll; Neh 11 11). E. E. N.
AKAN, ^'kan. See Jaakan.
AHLAB, a'lab (2^0^, 'ahlabh): A Canaanite
town in Asher. Site unknown (Jg 1 31).
AKELDAMA, a-kel'da-ma ('AKfXSa^ax* Acel-
E. E. N. dama AV): The Greek transliterates an Aramaic
word meaning 'field of sleep' (cf. Koifirjrrjpiov, ceme-
AHLAI, a'lai C^m^'Mo-y)'- L A child of She-
tery), and is given as the name of a piece of land
shan; perhaps a son (I Ch 2 31), or, possibly, a daugh- which Judas purchased with the blood-money paid
ter (ver. 34). 2. The father of Zabad (I Ch 11 41). him for the betrayal of Jesus and upon which he
E. E. N. committed suicide (Ac 1 19). In Mt 27 7 f., it is said
AHOAH, a-ho'a (DiH^., 'dhoah): The head of that the high priests and elders purchased the field
with the money returned by the remorse-stricken
the Ahohites, a Benjamite family (I Ch 8 4) to which
Judas, and that the field was used for the burial of
Zalmon (II S 23 28, Ilai in I Ch 11 29) and Dodo (I Ch
strangers, and called "the field of blood." The
11 12, 27 4) belonged. E. E. N.
place is identified with the modern Hakk-ed-Dumm,
AHOLAH, AHOLIAB, AHOLIBAH, AHOLI- S. of the Pool of Siloam, on a level spot, half-way up
BAMAH. See Oholah, etc. the hill. The RV reading is based upon the assump-
Akkub A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 22
Alexandria Troas
tion that the Akeldamach of the Greek text is a mis- power of his military genius, but also because of the
take for 'AKfXSa/ia, the transliteration of NTpT ^J-j[\, policy which he followed in reference to his con-
'
field of blood,'
quests, of bringing to them the riches and stimulus
*
A. C. Z.
of Greek culture. With him Hellenism virtually
AKKUB, ak'kub (O^p^, 'aqguhh): 1. A de- began. Our interest in him in this brief article is
scendant of David (ICh3 24). 2. The head of a concerned entirely with his contact with the Jews.
post-exilic family (I Ch9 17 =Ezr2 42; perhaps = The battle of Issus (333 b.c. ), in which he defeated
Neh 7 45, U
19, 12 25). 3. The head of a post-exilic Darius, made him master of Asia. Soo^ thereafter
family of Nethinim (Ezr2 45). 4. One of the Le- he went to Syria. Damascus, Sidonj Tyre, and
vites who helped to expound the law read by Ezra Gaza one after another, before liis victorious
fell,
in order to blot out the distinction between Jew and 2. Alexander Balas (b^'las) figures in Jewish his-
Gentile, he was stricken with paralysis and died, tory in the time of Jonathan Maccabeus. He was
B.C. 160. J. S. R. a man of obscure origin who palmed himself off as
the son of Antiochus Epiphanes and laid claim to the
ALEMETH, al'g-meth (n^^J?, 'alemeth): I. 1. A Syrian throne occupied by Demetrius Soter. His
descendant of Jonathan (I Ch 8 36, 9 42). 2. A de- remarkable likeness to Antiochus V., son of Antio-
scendant of Becher, the Benjamite (I Ch7 8). II, chus Epiphanes, led many to believe in him, and he
A town in Benjamin. See Allemeth. '
was supported in his pretensions by Ptolemy Philo-
E. E. N. pator of Egypt, Attains II. of Pergamum, and Aria-
rathes V. of Cappadocia; also by the Romans (Polyb.
ALEXANDER, aPegz-au'dgr (Gr., 'defender of XXXIII. 14, 16). He secured the support of Jonar
men'): Alexander the Great. Alexander IIL,
1. than (153 B.C.), and gave him in return high honor,
called 'the Great,' was born at Pella (Macedonia) conferring upon him the title of "the high priest of
in 356 B.C., and died in Babylon in 323 B.C. Brief thy nation, and friend of the king" (I Mac 10 20).
as was his career, it was one of the most brilliant of Balas proved, however, totally unfit for the high posi-
ancient history, not simply because of the irresistible tion which he had gained and after varying for-
Akkub
83 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Alexandria Troas
tunes during five years (150-145 B.C.) fled to Arabia, the northeastern quarter, and were granted large
where he was slain (I Mac 11 17). The general atti- privileges. Indeed, in this Hellenistic center Judar
tude of the Jews toward him is given in I Mac 10 47. ism and Greek culture came into very close contact.
3. Alexander, the son of Simon of Cyrene and Owing to lack of information it is impossible to trace
brother of Rufus. (Mk 15 21). the development of the city, but under the early
Alexander, one of the kindred of the high
4. Ptolemies it became a noted center of commerce,
priest (Ac 4 6). Nothing further regarding him is learning, and civic splendor. Its famous museum
known. and Ubrary were promotive of research, and made
6. Alexander of Ephesus, who was " brought out Alexandria foremost in science. It was here that
of the multitude " by the Jews, to make a defense the first endeavors were made to adjust the OT
for them (Ac 19 33). The purpose of this was most to Greek conceptions; it was here that the Septua-
likely to save the Jews from being mixed up with the gint translation of the OT was made; it was here
Christians in the vengeance of the people. He may that the allegorical interpretation of the Scriptures
or may not have been the same as Alexander the —
was developed all of these being due to the close
coppersmith. touch of Judaism and Hellenism. In the Roman
6. Alexander the coppersmith (;^aXic€vs), of period Alexandria was second only to Rome in im-
ALEXANDRIA
from IOOB.C.tolOOA3>.
whom it is said in II Ti 4 14 that he did Paul "much portance. Alexandria is not mentioned in the T. N
evil." Tradition tells us that Mark went to Egypt and es-
7. Alexander, an early Christian, "who made tablished churches in the famous capital.
shipwreck concerning the faith," and whom Paul J. S. R.
"delivered unto Satan " (I Ti 1 I9f.). Attempts have
been made to identify 5, 6, and 7, but identification
ALEXANDRU TROAS, or simply TROAS,
tro'as (Tpfi>ds), originally Sigiaj on the W. coast of
is simply a matter of conjecture. J. S. R.
the Troad. Antigonus enlarged Sigia, colonized it
ALEXANDRIA, al"egz-an'dri-a: An ancient city, with people from Scepsis and elsewhere, and re-
situated 14 m. W. of the Canopic mouth of the Nile, named it Antigonia Troas, It was further embel-
founded by Alexander the Great 332 B.C. It lay lished by Lysimachus (300 B.C.), who renamed it
on a strip of land 2 m. wide, with Lake Mareotis on Alexandria Troas, A. sided with Rome against
its southern side, and the sea on the northern. Run- Antiochus, and was made a Roman colony (Colo-
ning out from the mainland to an island 1 m. dis- nia Augusta Alexandria Troas). It became one
tant (Pharos Island) was what was called the Hep- of the most important towns in Asia. Caesar
tastadium, an artificial mole. On either side of this planned to make it the seat of government, as did
were two spacious harbors. A canal joined Lake Constantine at first. It was further embeUished by
Mareotis with the Canopic branch of the Nile. The Augustus, Hadrian, and Herodes Atticus, who built
city, which was regularly and beautifully built, an aqueduct and baths, the ruins of which are still
was divided into five districts. The Jews occupied extant, as are those of a temple, gyumasium, and
Algum-Tree A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 24
Alphabet
theater, while the outlines of the port with quay ALLON BACUTH, al"on bac'uth, 'alldn bakhuth
where
and colonnade of granite columns are etill distinct. 'oak of weeping': A place near Beth-el
Many marble columns from A. now adorn the Yeni Deborah, Rebekah's nurse, was buried (Gn 35 8).
E. E. N.
Valid^ mosque in Constantinople (built 1649-87).
A. was a Christian bishopric in Byzantine times. ALMIGHTY. See God.
For Paul's connection with this city see Acts 18 Ethnography ane
8-n, 20 5-12; II Co 2 12; II Ti 4 13. J. R. S. S.
ALMODAD, al-mo'dad: See
Ethnology.
ALGUM-TREE: The almug-tree. See Pales-
tine, § 21. ALMON, al'men: See Allemeth.
ALIAH, a-lai'a (~;^P, 'aly ah): A "duke," prob- ALMON-DIBLATHAIM, al"men-d_ib"la-the'im
ably a clan, of Edom (I Ch 1 51). Alvah in Gn 36 40. (n9:p^5n"Ti?2^P, 'almon dibhldthayemah): One of
E. E. N. Israel's encampments in Moab, between Dibon and
ALIAN, al'i-an 0;"?^^, 'alyan): A Seirite clan (ICh the mountains of Abarim (Nu 33 46). Beth-dibla-
thaim (Jer 48 22, and Mesha-stone, line 30) maybe
I 40). Alvan in Gn 36 23. E. E. N.
the same place. E. E. N.
ALIEN. See Stranger and Sojourner.
ALLAMMELECH, al-lam'e-lec or ar'lam-m^'-
ALMOND, am'und ("1^.^, shaqedh [from npt^, 'to
lec (~^??j'S, 'allamelekh, Alammelech AV): A place keep watch/ or Ho be alert'], so called from its
early blossoming, as though watching for the spring;
in Asher (Jos 19 26). See Map IV, B 7. E. E. N.
cf. the play on the name in Jer 111): The almond, a
ALLEGORY: The description of one thing un- native of W. Asia, was well known in Palestine and
der the forms of another. Essentially, an allegory was a dehcacy much esteemed in other countries,
is an extended metaphor. In the original text of the such as Egypt, to which it was exported from S.
Bible the word does not occur as a substantive. The Palestine (Gn 43 11). The almond blossom was
verb derived from it is used in Gal 4 24 and may mean imitated in the making of the golden candlestick
that the affair allegorized was intended as such, or (Ex 25 33 ff., 37 19 ff.), each of the bowls being shaped
that the interpreter is at liberty to see in it a meaning like its calyx (so Dillmann). In Ec 12 5 the words
different from that on the surface. As the object of "the almond-tree shall blossom" seem to be, on the
the Apostle in the passage in question is practical and whole, the correct rendering. The white (really
homiletical rather than doctrinal and pedagogical, pink-white) blossoms are made the symbol of the
it is probable that he used the word to designate the white hair of the aged man. See also Palestine,
process of appropriating to a specific use by allego-
§21; Food and Food Utensils, § 5. E. E. N.
rizing what was originally intended in a different
sense. The allegorical method of interpretation was ALMS, ALMSGIVING. In the EVV this is an
common in Alexandria among the followers of Philo, exclusively NT word, being found only in Mt, Lk,
and without committing himself to its underlying and Ac. As an English word, the term is derived
principles the Apostle could use it in illustrating from the Greek through the Latin (ikerjfjLoavvrjy ele-
and enforcing Gospel truth by O T utterances. emosyne, Old Eng. aelmese, almes), and is a singular
Other instances of similar allegorizing by Paul are noun with a plural appearance. The essential ele-
the use of Dt 25 4 in I Co 1 9 referring to the muzzling ment of its meaning is that of gratuity bestowed as
of the ox employed in threshing; of Nu 14 16, 23, 30 an expression of compassion as in the presence of
in I Co 10 4 referring to the rock, and of Ex 34 33, 35 in God. The feeling at the root of the conception is
II Co 3 13. More akin to the typological use are the one which finds much encouragement in the laws and
references in the Epistle to the Hebrews to O T pas- institutions of the O T (cf the law on gleaning, Dt 24
.
sages regarding Melchizedek and other matters. As a 19-22). There is, however, a twofold development of
class these may be called allegories read into the O T. the thought in the O T, While on the one side the
Allegories designed to be such at the start are kin- '
;
and securing divine favor in time of danger or dis-
ALLEMETH, (P^^V, 'allemeth, Ale-
al'e-meth ;
tress (To 14 10, 11; Sir 29 12, 40 24). The treatment
meth AV): A Levitical city in Benjamin (I Ch 6 60). ! of the subject by Jesus in the Sermon on the Mount
Called Almon in Jos 21 18. Map II, F 1. E. E. N.
'
ALOES, al'oz, LIGN ALOES: The rendering Clem. Alex.) it denotes Christ as the fountain and
of two Heb. words m'?;n&|, 'dhaldth (Ps 45 8; Song consunmiation of all things, and is common in Chris-
414) and D"*"??^, 'dhallm (Nu 24 6; Pr7l7) and of tian art as a monogram for the eternal Divine Son.
wood native to SE. Asia and well known to ancient itic and although it may not have originated
peoples,
traders. When burned it yields a fragrant odor. with them, was developed by a Semitic people, and
it
Most scholars consider that the text of Nu 24 6 is became the source from which almost all systems of
corrupt, for it does not seem likely that a tree alphabets can be derived. From the Tel-el-Amarna
native to far-off India could be spoken of by Balaam letters, discovered in 1887-88 and dating from about
so familiarly (though Post, in HDB, contends that it 1400 B.C., it is evident that the Babylonian charac-
may once have flourished in the tropical Jordan ters and language were then in use in Canaan. By
valley and thinks that Song 4 14 supports this view). 1000 B.C., however, they had been displaced by Sem-
Dillmann would emend to 'palms,' Cheyne and itic alphabets and languages, which had developed
others to 'poplars.' E. E. N. with the growth of the more or less independent
national life of the various Semitic peoples. In each
ALOTH, e'loth. See Bealoth. people both alphabet and language, although having
ALPHA AND OMEGA, al'fa, o-mi'ga (ro^AX^a an origin in common with that of all the others, be-
Km TO ^Q) : The self-designation of Jehovah (Rev 1 8, came changed and thus adapted to its individual
21 6) and of Christ (22 13, cf. 1 17), and evidently based needs.
on such passages as Is 41 4, 44 6, 48 12; Ps 90 2. The The material for the study of the development of
0.v*^-^.^f^.
^ **0^
In square Hebrew characters the inscription reads:
term, or its equivalent, was not uncommon in Rab- the Semitic alphabet is found in a few inscriptions,
binicaland contemporary Greek writers- It means principally on stones, seals, and coins.
'
the Eternal One,' being in O T an attribute of Jeho- I. Date of Perhaps the earliest inscription is that
vah, the source and end of existence, with whom the Alphabet, on a bronze bowl of Phcenician origin.
writer of Revelation associates Christ in divine life- It is dedicated to Baal-Lebanon by a
giving power. In early Christian literature (Tert. servant of Hiram, King of the Sidonians, and may
Alphabet A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 36
date from about 1000 B.C. From the middle of the characters,
obtains them from the early hieratic
Isaac
9th cent, comes the inscription of Mesha, King of a cursive development of the hieroglyphs.
Moab, called the Mesha Stone (see illustration). Taylor (The Alphabet, Vol. I) accepts this view. On
the other hand, W. Deecke (ZDMG, xxxi. 102
£f.)
The earliest Hebrew inscription was found in the
Siloam tunnel, probably built by Hezekiah, and
therefore dating from the end of the 8th cent, (see
seals from the 4th to the 1st cent, (see illustrations), B. p^iJ ribX^b = Of the freedom (independence) of Zion.
and on coins from the Maccabean era and later (see
illustrations). The important Aramaic inscriptions and Hommel (Gesch. Babyloniens u. Assyrieiis, p.
are from Zinjirli in N. Syria (8th cent.), Nerab, SE. 50 ff.) contend that the forms of the Semitic alphabet
of Aleppo (7th cent.), and others (8th to 3d cent. were derived from certain cuneiform characters. Fr.
B.C.) (see cols. 6, 7, 8 of Plate). Comparison re- Delitzsch (Die Entstehung des dltesten Schrift-Sys-
temSf p. 221 ff .), however, contents himself with
the attempt to prove only a free dependence of the
Semitic letters on the Babylonian writing. Neither
veals a common origin, and also a period of develop- Coin of John Hyrcanus.
ment in the individual alphabets covering several The
inscription reads: John the High Priest and the
centuries, which were, however, slight. The earhest Council of the Jews.
forms of the Greek alphabet, especially where the
writing is from right to left as is the case with the system can as yet be proved to be the direct source
Semitic alphabet, show that these also were derived of aU the letters of the Semitic alphabet. The acro-
from the same source. It is therefore evident that phonetic element of the later Egyptian characters,
the original alphabet must have come into use some however, may have suggested the alphabet to its in-
ventor, for a letter is represented in its earliest form
by the picture of the object, the name of which be-
gins with the letter represented.
A. B.
Silver Shekel of Simon MaccabseuB.
The Hebrew inscription reads: Copper Coin of Herod I.
A. bi^^V^ bp*^ = Shekel of Israel. The Greek inscription: ^ao-tAe'ws 'HpuSou (of King Herod).
B. ni2?"ip D^^'IT* = Jerusalem the Holy.
Above the cup is the Tetter F (N), i. e., the numeral one At present it is impossible to give the etymological
probably indicating the first year of Simon's reign. explanation of all signs used in the Semitic alphabet,
but several are certain: among them
centuries earlier than the dates of the inscriptions 3. Names are the following (consult Plate): N
cited, certainly by 1200 B.C. and (a) 'ox -head,* Heb. 'eleph; 1 (b)
Attempts have repeatedly been made to find the Origin of 'house,' Heh.hayith; ^ (1) *ox-goad,'
source of the Semitic letters in the Egyptian or Indi- malmadh (Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, Vol.
Babylonian characters. J. HaMvy (Re- vidual I, p. 263, gives, as the
vue simitigue, 1896, pp. 47-65; 1901,
name of ^, a
2. Origin Letters. Hebrew word beginning with D, pre-
of pp. 356-370) derives the forms directly fixed to a stem which begins with
^;
Alphabet, from the monumental hieroglyphs; in use this initial O was dropped); )o (m) 'water'
whereas E. de Roug6 (Mermire sur mayim; y (i) 'eye,' 'ayin; S (p) 'mouth,'
peh:
Vorigine igyptienne de Valphabet phenicien, 1874) T (r) 'head,' r'osh; ^ (s, sh) 'row of
teeth,' sken]
27 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Alphabet
n (t) *sign/ taw. Noldeke Specimens of Early Hbbbew and Abauaio Alphabets.
(Beitrdge zur sem. Sprach-
wissenschaft, 1904, pp. 124-
ANCIENT HEBREW ALPHABETS,
136) and Lidzbarski (Ephe-
meris, Vol. II, Heft 2, 1906)
have recently published in-
teresting contributions on
this point. A
study of the
Greek names, which evi-
dently were derived from
the original Semitic forms,
may assist in this investi-
gation. The Aramaic form
of thenames of the Hebrew
alphabet may point to an
Aramaic origin of the alpha-
bet. It is almost certain
that a few names were
given after the original sig-
nificance of the character
had been forgotten and
without the use of the
principle of acrophony,
further than that the
name should begin with the
letter designated. Perhaps
certain letters were de-
veloped out of other let-
ters, as e.g.,H from H, D
from T, D from n, the last-
named by enclosing the orig-
inal form, a a cir-
cross, in
cle. Therehowever, no
is,
cursive, while at the same time the characters are apostolic lists (Mk 3 18; Mt 10 3; Lk 6 15; Ac 1 13),
more ornamental, as in a codex. probably the same as Clopas, husband of Mary
The Aramaic alphabet was undergoing a de- (Jn 19 25). For (a) both names are possible trans-
velopment to the north and east of Palestine literations of the Aram, chalephai, but cf. Zahn,
7, 8), and out of
(see Plate, cols. 6, Forsch. VI, p. 343; and (&) in Mk 15 40; Mt 27 56,
7. Hebrew developed the square letters char-
it the woman who corresponds to Mary, the wife of
Square acteristic of the Hebrew alphabet, best Clopas in Jn 19 25, is called the mother of James
Characters, known to us from its use in the MSS. (Mk adds "the Less") and Joses. There is no rea-
of the O T. It was not a develop- son for the further assumption (Eusebius, HE, III,
ment within the Hebrew alphabet; but was used by 11, 2; IV, 22, 4) that A. was a brother of Joseph,
that people, as they had adopted the earlier Aramaic thus making James son of A. the cousin of Jesus (see
forms, familiar tothem from their residence in Bab- Brethren of the Lord).
ylon. The Aramaic writing did not at once dis- 2.The father of Levi (Matthew) (Mk 2 14), but
place the old Hebrew alphabet, but both were in use, cf. D, which reads 'laKco^ov (James) in place of Atvelv
the Aramaic characters finally securing the prefer- (Levi). J. M. T.
ence in copies of the books of the O T. Strack
(PRE^, Vol. 17) gives as explanation for this that ALTAR: The origin of the term altar is very
the Aramaic characters were considered holy, the obscure. The current theory, that the altar is but a
Hebrew pfofane. At the time of Christ we have development from the sacred stone, of
evidence (Mt 5 18) that this square alphabet was in I.Semitic which the 'pillar,' the waisiscfr/ia^i, was
use, for is the smallest letter.
*"
The changes in the Altars in the later and more direct representa-
forms of the letters were largely due to the attempt General. tive (so e.g. Benzinger, p. 379, Nowack,
to obtain cursive forms, which were as simple as II, p. 18), is not beyond all doubt.
possible and could be made without removing the The ancient legislation (Ex 20 24) requiring that
pen, and also to the similar effort to join the letters altars should be of earth, or, if not, of unhewn
stone
of words. This form of writing gave two forms for only, seems to indicate that the primitive altar
often
Alphabet
39 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Altar
consisted simply of a heap of earth. In any case, abode of deity or indicated the near-by presence of
there can be no doubt that the earliest altars were deity(cf. Gn 28 16-18). The main idea regarding an
of the most simple type. The sacred stone, also, altar was that it was the place of sacrifice {i.e.,
was essentially an altar, in the sense of being a place slaughter, since originally every slaughter was a
where some recognition of the presence of deity could sacrifice) as its Heb. name mizbeah indicates. These
?>:-"^%X?s^"
had a large stone placed before him to which the patriarchal stories in Gn and in the. stories in Jg
people were ordered to bring their animals for and I S. In all these a comparatively simple state
slaughter. This stone was both a sacred stone, set of society (seminomadic or undeveloped agricul-
up in coEomemoration of Jehovah's deliverance of tural) is presupposed, and all usages are correspond-
—
His people, and an altar a mizbeah, 'sacrifice- ingly simple.
Every Canaanite high place had its altar, and as
{i.e., slaughter-) place.' The main idea regarding
the sacred stone was that it either was actually the the main function of the altar was to furnish a place
Altar 30
Ambush
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
of the
for the proper disposition of the blood (afterward, (II K 1614), i.e., directly E. of the porch
of necessity, of the whole or parts of the body, by Temple. u k
allDurntf
burning of the remains of such
sacrificial victim), Solomon's altar was in general use for
altar Ahaz
high-place altars generally show a number of cup- offerings until it was displaced by the
like depressions on the top with one or more drains had made after a model he had seen at Damascus (11
doubtless des-
to collect and carry off the blood (see the reports of K 16 10-16). Both of these altars were
B.C.).
excavations at Gezer in PEFQ, 1902-06). For troyed at the capture of Jerusalem (586
^^
illustrations of ancient Hebrew rock-altars see H. B. In Solomon's Temple there was another " altar,
Greene in Bib. World, May, 1897, and see also G. L. that of the showbread (I K 6 20) made of cedar, over-
called a "table
This in Ezk
Robinson's account of the Edomite high place of laid with gold. is
Petra, 1901.
ibid., Jan., (41 22). Something similar to this has been found
The Kingdom period with its development of city portrayed on the Assyr. monuments. (See the cut
life and the establishment of royal sanctuaries (e.g., in Benzinger, p. 387.) In K, Ch, and Ezk there is
at Jerusalem, Beth-el, and Samaria), with their no specific mention of an altar of incense.
temples and more elaborate cultus, brought about a When the exiles returned, one of their first acts
corresponding development of the altar probably was to build an altar (Ezr 3 3) probably of unhewn
with more or less extensive adoption of foreign types stones (cf. I Mac 4 47) in stricter accord with the old
(Phoenician, Assyrian, etc.). In some Canaanite law of Ex 20 25 than the altars of Solomon, Ahaz, or
cities altars of elaborate form were in use before the Ezekiel had been. This altar was in use as the altar
Conquest. One such was found at Taanach by of the Second Temple until it was desecrated by the
Professor Sellin (July, 1902), with ornamented cor- command of Antiochus Epiphanes (I Mac 1 54).
ners and faces, with horns, a cup for sacrifices, etc. When the Jews regained possession of Jerusalem
(see PEFQ, Oct., 1902). they carefully pulled down the desecrated altar, laid
The detailed information regarding altars in the away its stone and built a new one, also of unhewn
OT concerns mainly those of the Tabernacle and the stone (I Mac 4 44-47). It is thus seen that Ezekiel's
temples of Solomon and of Ezekiel's plan of a magnificent bronze altar was not realized.
2. The vision. For his Temple Solomon dis- The description of the Tabernacle in Ex 25-31 and
Altars of carded David's altar and had a new 35-40, largely of post-exilic date, states ideals rather
the Temple brazen altar constructed. It is prob- than facts. It combines the conceptions of Ezekiel
and Taber- able that this altar was erected on the with the actual practises of the post-exilic Temple in
nacle. site of David's sacrifice on the occasion one ideal presentation. According to this descrip-
mentioned in II S 24 16-25 (cf. I Ch 22 1; tion the Tabernacle had three altars: (1) "The al-
II Ch 3 1), now supposed to be covered by
the place tar," i.e., the altar of burnt offerings, a small port-
the famous Dome
of the Rock (see Jerusalem, §§ able structure, hollow, of wood overlaid with bronze,
4, 25). The
description of this altar has been omit- 5 cubits square and 3 cubits high. It was furnished
ted in I K
7 (though reminiscences occur in 8 64 and with horns and with a bronze gi'ating or network,
9 25), but it can be supplied from II Ch 4 1. It was perhaps intended for carrying away the blood,
20 cubits in length and breadth with a height of 10 rather than for the ashes (Ex 27 1-8). (2) The table
cubits. Its general shape was probably like that of for the showbread (Ex 25 23-30). (3) The altar of
the altar of Ezekiel's vision (Ezk 43 13-17). It *'rose incense (Ex 30 1 ff.). The account of this last seems
in terraces, contracting by means of two inlets to belong to a secondary stratum of the narrative in
[ledges] toward the top." It was 20 cubits square Ex 25-31 and, since even Ezekiel says nothing about
at the base, but the altar hearth was probably not such an altar, was probably added at a later time in
more than 12 cubits square. By some Ezekiel's the post-exilic period after the altar of incense had
altar is taken as an exact reproduction of Solomon's, been added to the furniture of the Second Temple.
but the figures given in Ezk seem to make a struc- When that was no one can say, except that it took
ture 18 cubits square by 12 cubits high, instead of place before the Maccabean period (cf. I Mac 4 49).
20 cubits and 10 cubits (see Davidson's Com. on Ezk Of the altars of Herod's reconstructed temple little
in Camb. Bible). The altar was ascended by a flight is definitely known. See also Temple, Taber-
of steps on its east side. Its faces were probably nacle, and Sacrifice.
ornamented with figures of various kinds. Little Literature; Benzinger, Heb. ArcMologie (1894), pp.
is said of its structure in detail. The material is 378 ff.; Nowack, Heb. Archaologie (1894), II, pp. 75-85;
Addis in EB. E E N.
said to have been brass (bronze). Whether this
refers to the whole or only to its covering or plating AL-TASHHETH, al-tash'heth (Al-taschith, al-
is not known. had horns, apparently because
It tas'kith, AV). See Music, and Musical Instru-
it was customary for more elaborate altars to have ments, § 6.
such. The original significance of these is not
ALUSH, 6'lush (t^^, 'alUsh): An encampment
known. W. R. Smith (Rel. Sem., p. 436) thinks
that they were a survival of the practise of actually
of Israel (Nu 33 13 f.). Site unknown. E. E. N.
placing the head (with the horns) of the sacrificial ALVAH, al'va; ALVAN, al'van: See Aliah,
victim on the altar and leaving them there to hang Alian.
votive offerings on, etc. The horns appear to have AMAD,
been thought the most sacred part of an altar (cf.
^'mad O^W, 'am'adh): A town of Asher
(Jos 19 26). Site uncertain. E
Ex 29 12; Lev 16 18; I K 1 SO). The altar was doubt- E. N.
less provided with drains, etc., but of these noth- AMAL, g'mal (b)}^, 'amal): A son of Helem, an
ing is said. Its location was "before Jehovah" Asherite (I Ch 7 35). e^ -^ j^
31 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Altar
Ambush
AMALEK, am'a-Iek (p.^rp5?, 'dmaUg): The grand- AMASA, am'a-sa («??¥^, 'dmasd'): 1. son of A
son of Esau (Gn36l2), whose descendants are Jether, an Ishmaelite, and David's sister Abigail
described in Nu24 20 as "the first of the nations/* (I Ch 2 17; II S 17 2fi). Absalom appointed him
i.e., the most powerful. The reference in Gn 14 7 to captain of his forces (II S 17 25). After David's
"all the country of the Amalekites " as smitten by victory he gave Amasa the place held by his cousin
Chedorlaomer and his allies does not necessarily Joab (II S 19 13 ff.), probably in order to allay disaf-
carry them back in history to the days of Abraham, fection in Judah. Very soon after this Amasa was
but rather defines their locality in the time of the assassinated by Joab (II 820 4^12; I 5, 32). 2. An K2
author. They are not alluded to in the Table of '
Ephraimite (II Ch 28 12). E. E. N.
Nations' (Gn 10). Geographically, they occupied
the desert region S. of Canaan, extending from AMASAI, a-mas'ai C^)p^:, 'dmasay): 1. A Ko-
Beersheba beyond Kadesh-bamea far into the pen- hathite Levite (I Ch 6 26, 35; 11 Ch 29 12). 2. One of
insula of Sinai and probably also into northern David's captains (I Ch 12 16-18, perhaps the same as
Arabia. They withstood the Israelites, when the Amasa, 1). 3. A priest (I Ch 15 24). E. E. N.
latter under Moses migrated from Goshen to the
Promised Land, attacking them in the rear (Dt 25 AMASHSAI, a-mash'sd (^D^^^ , 'dmash?ay,
17-19). At Rephidim, which is best identified with Amashai AV): A priest (Neh 11 13), called Maasai
Wady Feirdn, they were defeated by Joshua (Ex (I Ch9i2). E. E. N.
17 8-16). When the spies returned they reported
that the Amalekites dwelt "in the land of the AMASIAH, am-a-sai'a (n;D»3?, 'dma§yah), 'J"
South" (Nu 13 29). Not long after this they are bears': One of Jehoshaphat's captains (II Ch 17 16).
spoken of as occupying "the valley," presumably E. E. N.
the valley S. of the Dead Sea (Nu 14 25). Though
powerful at the time of Israel's exodus, they must AMAZIAH, am"a-zai'a (^ri;V??><, 'dmatsyahu), 'J"
have become somewhat reduced through the seces- strengthens': Joash and king of Judah,
1. Son of
sion of the Kenites and Kenizzites (cf. I S 15 6). In c. 798-790 B.C. Though he executed his father's
the time of the Judges, however, they seem to have murderers he refused to follow custom and spared
possessed a foothold in Ephraim (Jg5 14, according their children. Having reduced Edom once more
to the present text) and to have continued their to subjection to Judah, he rEishly engaged in war
marauding expeditions (Jg6 3). with Jehoash of Israel, but was utterly defeated.
Saul was commissioned to exterminate them Jerusalem was captured, its walls partly demolished,
utterly, but he spared Agag, their king (I S 15). In while Amaziah retained his throne only through
David's day Amalekite robbers made a raid upon paying a heavy indemnity and giving hostages.
Ziklag and took it, but they were overtaken by Judah was thus reduced practically to the condition
David and so completely decimated that they seem of subjection to Israel. After this, disaffection
never to have recovered (I S 30). In Hezekiah's showed itself and, like his father, Amaziah was mur-
reign, "the remnant of the Amalekites that escaped" dered by conspirators (II K
12 21, 13 12, 14 1-22; II Ch
were smitten by the Simeonites, who dispossessed 25). Amaziah is 'said to have reigned twenty-nine
them of Mount Seir (ICh4 43). No trustworthy years (II K
14 2). It is probable that a mistake has
data concerning them are to be found outside the been made somehow and that he actually reigned but
O T. Neither Assyrian nor Egyptian records allude nine years. See Chronology of O T (table). 2.
AMANA, a-ma'na (^J;?^;, 'dmdnah): The south- AMBASSADOR: In OTthe equivalent of (1)
ern portion, probably, of the Anti-Lebanon mountain mellts (II Ch 32 31). Properly, 'interpreter* (cf. Gn
range (Song 4 8). E. E. N. 42 23; Is 43 27 [RVmg.]; Job 33 23). (2) marak (II
Ch35 2l; Is 30 4, 33 7; Ezk 17 15), 'One who has
AMARIAH, am"a-rcd'a (";i^^, 'dmaryah), 'J" been sent,' 'a messenger.' (3) tsir (root idea Ho
hath promised': 1. A
son of Meraioth and grand- go'), ambassador in a technical sense (Is 18 2, 57 9;
father of Zadok (I Ch 6 7 f.; Ezr73). 2. Theances- Jer 49 14); parallel to "messenger" (Pr 13 17). In
tral head of one of the subdivisions of the Kohathite Jos 9 4, the Heb. form is verbal, not substantive.
Levites (I Ch 23 19; cf. 24 23). 3. Chief priest in Je- In N T only as a rendering of the verbal form
rusalem under Jehoshaphat (I Ch 6 11; II Ch 19 ll). irpeo-^evetu (II Co 5 20; Eph 6 20). J. M. T.
4. A Levite assistant to Kore, the porter at the
east gate who was over the free-will offerings of AMBER, am'bgr: This word occurs in the AV of
God, in the time of Hezekiah (II Ch 31 14 f.). 5. Ezk 1 2, as the rendering of the Heb.
4, 27, 8 7S?)D,
Ancestor of Zephaniah, possibly son of Hezekiah, hashmal. The RV replaces it with the term "glow-
King of Judah (Zeph 1 1). 6. One of the priests ing metal," which is as satisfactory a rendering as
that sealed the covenant of Nehemiah's time (Neh can be suggested, since the meaning of the term is
10 3). 7. A Judahite who dwelt in Jerusalem (Neh uncertain. E. E. N.
11 4). 8. One of the priests of Zerubbabel's band
which returned from Babylon (Neh 12 2, 13). AMBUSH, AMBUSHMENT. See Warfare,
J. A. K. §4.
Amen
Amos A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 32
AMEN, e"men' or (Mus.) a"men': Originally a of Ephraim (Nu 1 10, 2 18, etc.; I Ch 7 26). 2. A
verbal adjective meaning steadfast/ it became an'
Simeonite (Nu34 20). 3. A Naphtalite (Nu34 28).
adverb /truly,' or an interjection, 'so be it/ 'so it is.' 4. A Judahite, the son of Omri (I Ch 9 4). 5. For
13 E. E. N.
(c) Liturgical; at the close of public prayer and 37).
(1 9), the symbolic name of Hosea's third child themselves pure-blooded natives as compared with
which was indicative of the separation that had the Hebrew immigrants. Later the story may have
taken place between Israel and J". E. E. N. become a taunt. Their language, nearly identical
with Hebrew (comp. their proper names), was a
AMMIEL, am'mi-el (^X^r?P, 'ammi'el), 'God is witness to kinship.
kinsman': 1. One of the spies (Nu 13 12). 2. The The term "children of Ammon" suggests nomadic
father of Machir of Lo-debar (II S9 4f., 17 27). 3. characteristics, and while towns are vaguely referred
The father of David's wife Bathshua (I Ch 3 5), the to, Rabbah is the only one named. Jg 11 gives the
same as Eliam, father of Bath-sheba (II Sll3). first detailed account of their fortunes;
Jephthah
4. A Levite (I Ch 26 8). E. E. N. repudiated their claims on Gilead and drove them E.
of the Jabbok. "When they again attempted to hu-
AMMIHUD, am-mai'hud (I^H^TSr, 'ammihudh), miliate Israel, Saul defeated them (I S 11). David
'kinsman is glory': 1. The father of Elishama, prince was at first friendly to A., but because of the insult to
AxnetL
33 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Amos
his ambassadors (II S 10 1 ff.), besieged and captured AMOS, 6'mes (Dl?:y, 'amos), bearer' or borne'
' ' (by
Rabbah, and discrowned Milcom (IIS12 30.mg.); God?): 1. The prophet Amos was a no&ec?^ or shep-
Jotham reduced them to tribute (II (3h 27 5), Later herd of fine-haired sheep, a tender of
we find them at times in a coalition against Babylon I The
. sycamores, and a native of Tekoa, south
(Jer 27 3), at other times tributary. They .once at- Man. of Bethlehem (Am 1 1, 7 14). In the
tacked Jerusalem (II K 24 2), and later exulted over loneliness of his native mountains, as
her fall (Ps 83). The prophets bitterly denounced with Elijah (I K 19 12 ff.), God's voice was more
them (Amlis; Jer49; Ezk25iff.; Zeph28f.). In clearly heard and His words more perfectly under-
post-exilic days Tobiah the Ammonite (Neh 2 10) stood. So he was impelled to go to Beth-el to preach
was an opponent of Nehemiah. In 164 B.C., under against N. Israel his God-given message. His activ-
a leader, Timotheus, they were defeated by Judas ity may be dated some time between B.C. 765 and 750.
Maccabseus (I Mac 5 6-8). The name finally disap- He repudiated the name nahhx\ prophet (7 14), but
pears in the 3d cent. a.d. only because of Amaziah's implication that he proph-
The name of the chief deity was Milcom, from esied for gain and belonged to a venal gild (7 12).
the same root as TQ'Q, 'king.' In II S 12 30 we Yet he is the first of the writing prophets, the origi-
should follow the RVmg. Perhaps a colossal idol- nator indeed of a new school of prophecy.
statue stood in Rabbah. The analysis of the book, externally, is simple. We
Literatttre: Moore on Judges in Internal. Crit, Comm.; may distinguish four sections: I. 1 2-2 16. Indict-
Driver on Genesis. S C A ment of the kindred peoples for sins
2. The against common humanity, culminating
AMNON, am'neh Ci"^^^!:!, 'amnon): 1. David's
Book. with Israel, who has broken a holier
eldest son, slain by Absalom for violating his sister
law. II. 3 1-6 14. Oracles in which
Tamar (II S 3 2, 13 1-39). 2. A descendant of Ju-
are reiterated the folly of formalism and the futility
dah(ICh4 20). E. E. N. of national hopes, while luxury, extravagance, and
AMOK, 6'mek (p")^?, 'amoq), 'deep': A post-exilic crime are rampant. To this belongs also 8 4-14,
which interrupts its present context.
priestly family (Neh 12 7, 20). E. E. N.
III. 7 1-9 8a. Five visions of judgment with a
AMON, ^'men Cv^^j ^amon), /master-workman': historical appendix. These visions are climacteric in
1. King of Judah, son of Manasseh, and father of the arrangement, though the order is broken first by
godly Josiah. Of his brief reign of two years (641- 7 10-17, and second by 8 4^14. First, we have two
639 B.C.) little is known. Like his father he was de- visions of remediable evils, 7 1-3, 4^6; then the hope-
voted to the worship of Assyrian deities. He was less internal perversity, 7 7-9; and finally the im-
assassinated by some of his courtiers, but the people pending consummation, 8 1-3; with earthquake and
took vengeance upon his assassins. Scholars con- extermination, 9 1-4.
nect these events with a religious struggle between rV. 9 8b-l5. The Messianic future follows ver.
the prophetic and reactionary parties in Judah. The 8a abruptly and differs in phraseology, conception,
former, having put the king to death, was not strong and outlook from the rest of the prophecy. It can
enough to maintain its position (II 21 18 ff.). 2. K hardly have been the, original conclusion of Amos's
The governor of Samaria, under Ahab (I 22 26), K visions of judgment. The five visions seem to be the
3. One of Solomon's temple slaves whose descend- original kernel of the book, and with them is associ-
ants returned from Babylonia with Zerubbabel ated the story of Amaziah's protest, and the prophet's
(Neh 7 59). J. A. K. probable expulsion (7 12). The other sections, artis-
tically elaborated as they are, may well have been
AMORITE, am'o-rait (""110.^, 'emori), perhaps written later by Amos and committed to posterity.
'mountain-dwellers' (Oxf. Heb. Lex.): The early Four passages in I are of doubtful genuineness: 1 2
inhabitants of Palestine. Two strong Amorite is probably a late addition; 1 9 f. is a doublet of 1 6 f .
kingdoms confronted Israel E. of the Jordan prior 24 f. is vague and colorless and to be rejected; while
to the invasion, but they were overthrown and their lllf., according to some, with less reason, is post-
kings, Sihon and Og, slain (Dt 2 33, 3 3). But there exilic.
is evidence that the Amorites early occupied the Prophecy began a new era with the herdsman of
W. and S. of the land as well as the E. The syno- Tekoa. Whatever his predecessors may have done,
nymity of Amorite and Canaanite is uncertain, and he first wrote for posterity the outlines
it is disputed whether the word martu in early Bab. 3. Theol- of an ethical theory of the world. The
and Assyr. inscriptions is equivalent to A. ; but in ogy. Hebrew term SIlD, 'good,' attained with
inscriptions from Hammurabi's age onward, the two him a distinct moral significance (5 14;
terms are interchangeable. Land of Amurri'
'
'
cf. ver. 6). The essence of the Law was equity and not
occurs on Bab. tablets as early as the 12th cent. B.C., sacrifice (5 7, 11, 22-25, 8 4-7). The Day of Jehovah
and is also common in the Amama tablets. The was not to be one of national aggrandizement but of
name is frequent in the enumeration of nations (Ex searching judgment (5 18 ff.). Above all rises the
3 8, and elsewhere). The constant Hebrew tradi- conception of the God of Hosts transcendent in
tion makes the A. the immediate predecessors of the power, inflexible in justice, whose dictates are
Hebraic and Aramean invaders (cf. Paton, Early founded not upon arbitrary will, but upon the very
History of Syr. and Pal.). About 2500 B.C. a new constitution of the world (7 7f.). It would, per-
type of Semitic names appears in Babylonia, and haps, be too much to say that Amos had a system.
racial changes are evident throughout Syria and per- It would be inadequate to characterize him as a
haps Egypt. A. S. C, teacher of ethical monotheism. He was one upon
Amoz A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 34
Angel
counterpart in the nature of God Himself. In his One of those that sealed the covenant (Neh
view of the relation of man to man in society, Amos 10 22). E.E.N.
has not been outgrown, nor have his conceptions of
deity become antiquated. ANAK, e'nak, ANAKIM, an'a-kim (p;5^, 'dnaq).
2. An ancestor of Joseph (Lk 3 25). The legendary ancestor of the gigantic Anakim of
SW. Palestine (Nu 13 22 fE. Dt 2 10 f.; Jos 15 13 f.;
;
Literature: W. R. Smith, The Prophets of Israel (1895); E. E. N.
G. A. Smith, The Book of the Twelve Prophets (1896) in Jg 120, etc.).
the Expositor's Bible; Driver, Joel and Amos (1898) in
the Cambridge Bible; W, R, Harper, Amos and Hosea ANAMIM, See Ethnography and Ethnol-
(1905), in the International Crit. Comm. A. S. C. ogy, § 11.
AMOZ, g'mez (p'^if, 'amots), 'strong': Father of ANAMMELECH, a-nam'e-lec and Q"nam-m^'lec
Isaiah (Is 1 1, etc.). E. E. N. (*^$^^2^, 'dnammelekh) A deity worshiped by
:
who had taken strange wives (Ezr 10 34; cf. ver. II, A town in
Benjamin mentioned along with Nob
19). 3. See Hamran. E. E. N. and Ramah (Neh 11 32). Map II, F 1. A. C. Z.
ANAB, e'nab O^V., 'dnabh), 'grapes': A town of ANATHOTH, an'a-theth (rrinji?, 'dnathoth): A
Judah. eight m. SW. of Hebron (Jos 11 15 50).
21, name connected with that of the Semitic goddess
Map II, D 3. E. E. N. Anat. I. A city of Benjamin (Jos 21 18) where the
priestly family to which Abiathar belonged had its
ANAH, an'a ("J^., 'dnah): The ancestor of a Ho- estates (I K
2 26) and the home of two of David's
rite clan of the same name (Gn 36). In ver. 2 read heroes (II S 23 27, Anethothite AV; I Ch H
28, 12 3,
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Amoz
35
Angel
Anathothite, Antothite AV), It was also the home vey to other gods and men (Muss-Arnolt, Concise
of Jeremiah where the family had property (Jer 1 1, Diet, of Ass. Lang., s.v.)- An objective ground for
32 6-15). Its inhabitants once threatened the proph- such a hierarchy of heavenly beings was furnished
et's Ufa (Jer 11 21-23). After the exile it was reoc- by the astral theology of later times, according to
cupied by the Jews (Ezr 2 23; Neh 7 27, 11 32). Map which the apparent relative size and importance
II, Fl. of sun, moon, and stars suggested subordination.
11. 1. A Benjamite, the son of Becher (I Ch 7 8). Even among the Hebrews echoes of an originally
2. A leader of the men of Anathoth who sealed the astral angelology are to be found in such passages
covenant (Neh 7 27, 10 19). E. E. N. as Isl4l2f., 24 21 (cf. 271). But the Hebrews,
true to their purer revealed religious thought, elim-
ANCHOR. See Ships and Navigation, | 20.
inated this mythology from their doctrine of angels
ANCIENT OF DAYS: An apocalyptic name and fixed mainly upon the relation of God and an-
of God, first used in its Aramaic form in Dn (7 9, 13, gels in contrast with men and the work of angels as
22). It was chosen probably not in order to suggest messengers of God,
the eternity of the divine Being, but to show that In their relation to God and in contrast with men
profound veneration was due Him. The figure im- they are called "gods" (Ps 97 7), "Sons of God"
plies a strongly anthropomorphic conception and was (Job 1 6, 2 1), "Sons of the Mighty" (Ps
taken up by later apocalyptic usage (cf. Ethiopic 2. In Their 29 l, 89 6), "Holy Ones " (Job 5 i; Ps
Enoch 47 3, 48 2-6). A. C Z. Relation 89 5), "Watchers" (Dn 4 13, 17). They
ANCIENTS. See Wise Men and Elder. to God. form the "host of heaven" (I K 22 19),
the "hosts" of Jehovah (Ps 103 21). It
ANDREW (Avbpeas, 'manly'): Son of John, of
is to be understood that these terms are not express-
Bethsaida JuUus, brother of Simon Peter, w^ith whom ive of physical relationship, but rather descriptive
he hved in Capernaum. He was the first called of of the superior nature of these beings. They are far
the disciples of Jesus, to whom he was sent by John above men. As such, superior and mighty, they
the Baptist, and became one of the inner group of form the court of heaven. They are the armies of
four among the Twelve (Mk 13 3). In the lists he is the Most High, "the mighty in strength that fulfil
always next before his friend and fellow-townsman his word" (Ps 103 20), "the ten thousands of holy
Phihp, with whom he is also associated on two im- ones" (Dt 33 2), who are about Him. They attend
portant occasions in the Fourth Gospel (Jn 6 9, 12 upon Jehovah and constitute part of His royal and
22). After Ac 1 13 he disappears from view, but tra- judicial glory. They continually adore Him in the
dition has it that he evangelized Scythia (becoming heavenly sanctuary (Ps 148 2), and are the "council
thus Russia's patron saint) and was martyred in of the holy ones" (Ps 89 7), i.e., are witnesses of His
Achaia. R. A. F. counsels. In a word they form that great, glorious
ANDRONICUS, an"dro-nai'cus (AvbpoviKos): A company whose presence in heaven helps us to
Jew — apparent from the term "kinsman" con-
as is — conceive of the majesty and royal splendor of God
verted before Paul, with whom he probably shared Himself.
imprisonment (Ro 16 7). He is referred to as "of As messengers of God to men they execute His
note among well known in the
the apostles," i.e., will whether be of mercy or of judgment. They
it
circle of the apostles, though possibly here " apostle" mediate His purpose in the moral gov-
is used in the wider sense of that term (see Apostle). 3. AsMes- emment of the world, hence are not
^' ^' ^' sengers personified natural forces, but, from
ANEM, ^'nem. See Engannim. of God the beginning, actual personal agents
ANER, 6'ngr (1J2?, 'aner): I, An Amorite prince, to Men. who, appearing in the form of man,
with whom Abraham entered into covenant (Gn carry out a divine commission which
14 13, 24). Since, however, Eschol and Mamre are may be a deliverance from evil (Gn 19 15), a sum-
names associated with locaUties, it is quite likely mons to duty (Jg 6llf.), an interpretation of
that the same is the case with Aner. If so, it may special situations (Job 33 23), a prophecy (Gn 18 10),
be identical with Neir, a range of hills near Hebron. a warning (Nu 22 31-35), or an actual judgment (II S
II. A
city west of the Jordan (I Ch 6 70). Site 24 16). It was not until later times in OT history
unknown. A. C. Z. that these angels were distinguished in moral char-
acter. At first simply the character of their mission
ANETHOTHITE, an"e-tlieth'ait. See Ana-
was noted; the bearer of it was not characterized.
thoth, I.
All were executors of God's will. Later, however,
ANGEL (Gk. &yye\oSf 'messenger,' the LXX the conception of 'evil angels' grew up out of the
rendering of '^\^hl^, maVakh, sent one'): Belief in
' mission of destruction or judgment upon which they
beings intermediate between man and God has came (cf. Ps 78 49) and from the desire to avoid ma-
existed among all nations. In ancient Semitic king God the cause of moral evil. At times the provi-
polytheism, this belief was associated dential care of God is figuratively spoken of as the
I, An- with the portraiture of the pantheon 'encamping' of the angel of the Lord "round about
gelology as a royal heavenly court in which the them that fear him" (Ps34 7), or as "giving his
in Semitic Supreme Being was the head of a family angels charge" over one (Ps91ll), but this is a
Religion, and the master of a retinue of servants. secondary use of the term angel. Primarily it de-
The sukkalli, 'angel ministers,' of prim- notes a superhuman being distinct from God serving
itive Babylonian mythology are, however, ordi- Him in heaven or among men, and is not a mere
narily the sons of the gods whose messages they con- synonym of our term Providence.
An^el 36
Antichrist
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Prominent among the descriptions of these heav- This number varies in other books (cf. Eth. En, 20,
enly beings is one, The Angel of Jehovah or the 40 2, 78 1, 89 1). All these chief angels have exalted
Angel of God, which deserves special consideration. duties. They stand by the throne of God and each
While any angel executing God's commands might has dominion over some particular sphere. Uriel
be so named (as in I K 19 5, 7; II S24 16), it is more is set over the world's luminaries, and over Sheol
than one of the rank and file, so to speak, who is re- (Eth. En. 21 5, 27 2, 33 3, 4); Raphael, over the spirits
ferred to in such passages as Gn 31 11-13; Ex 32 31; of men (To 3 17); Michael, over Israel; Gabriel,
Is 63 9. This angel in speaking identifies himself with over paradise and the cherubim^ etc. In the Book
God. The conclusion that the "angel of God is God of Enoch the title of Watcher is given to the
himself" descending into visibility or manifesting Archangels (20, 39l2f., 40 2, 61 12). They are the
Himself is the one generally accepted. In Is 63 9 we sleepless ones who stand before the Lord and say:
read, " In all their affliction he was afflicted and the "Holy, holy, holy is the lord of spirits; he fiUeth
angel of his presence saved them." Undoubtedly the earth with spirits " (Eth. En. 39 12). This title
there was to those who seemed to look into the appears also in the Book of Jubilees (4 15). The
face of J" a distinction between God Himself and term is first used in Dn 4 13, 17. Jewish tradition
His manifestation, but the Angel of His presence declares that the names of the angels came frqm
was a veritable theophany. He represented God so' Babylonia.
fully that in dealing with him they were virtually In the N
T we have substantially all the foregoing
deaUng with God. What these temporary manifes- features of the doctrine of angels, but in sober and
tations of God were in the O T, that the Logos, in a reserved form. "A multitude of the
fuller and more abiding sense, is in the N T. It is 5. In the heavenly host praising God" appears
not surprising, therefore, that they have been looked N T. over the shepherds (Lk 2 13) on the
upon as foreshado wings of the Incarnation. night of the nativity. Angels are min-
Beginning with the time of the exile and in con- isters to the saints (He 1 U) and they shall accom-
sequence of the new contact with the more developed pany the Son of Man at his coming (Mt 25 31; II Th
angelology of the Persians, the Jewish 17). Satan and his angels are spoken of in Mt
4. Exilic doctrine started upon a new course and 25 41; Rev 12 7. The distinctions in the Pauline
and Post- in later times became extreme and Epistles referred to under the terms thrones or
exilic often fantastic. This is true especially dominions or principalities or powers (Col 1 16)
Angelology. of extra-Biblical Judaism. Within the are those of the angelic hierarchy. These distinc-
Scriptures the doctrine is indeed always tions appear in Jewish literature of the same general
sober, but it shows marked differences from the sim- period and were probably adopted by Gnostic Ju-
pler doctrines of the pre-exilic period. Some of these daizers (cf. Lightfoot on Col 1 16; see also Gnosti-
are undoubtedly due to the increasing emphasis cism). In Christ's day the Sadducees were dis-
given to the transcendence of God. Angels are tinguished by their denial of angels (Ac 23 8).
assigned a diversity of different functions such as Literature: Schultz's O T Theology; Oehler, O T The-
the interpretation of visions, the protection of the <^^0SV- J. S. R.
faithful, etc. To some of them names are given, as,
e.g., Gabriel and Michael. Such names are always ANIAM, a-nai'gm (C^^'^fet., 'dnl'am): A Manassite
of Hebrew etymology and significant of the service clan or family (I Ch 7 19). '
E. E. N.
rendered or the character of the bearer. Gabriel
signifies 'man of God' and served Daniel as the in-
ANIM, e'nim (D'^^^, 'dmm): A town of Judah
terpreter of dreams and of prophecy (Dn 8 15, 9 21). (Jos 15 50). Map II, E 3. E. E. N.
N
He appears in the T as the foreteller of the birth
ANIMALS. See Palestine, §§24-26.
of John the Baptist (Lk 1 19), and as the bearer of the
glad tidings to Mary (Lk 1 26). In the pseudepi- ANISE. See Palestine, § 23.
graphic books he is glorified as one of the four great
angels that stand at the four sides of God's throne and ANKLETS, ANKLE-CHAINS. See Dress and
act as guardians of the four parts of the globe {Eth. Ornaments, § 11.
En. 91). He is sent upon special missions to the serv-
ants of God, and against their enemies. He taught ANNA, an'a ("Awa) : An aged prophetess, daugh-
Joseph the 70 languages of the world. With him ter of Phanuel, of the tribe of Asher, belonging to the
is closely associated Michael, who ranks just above circle of the Pious ' (see Simeon), who hailed the
'
him, but ranks with him near the throne of the babe Jesus in the Temple as the coming Redeemer
Most High. Michael has his field of activity in of Israel (Lk 2 3G-38). R. A. F.
heaven, while Gabriel executes God's will on earth.
Each is the guardian of one of the divisions of the ANNAS, an'gs Heb. IJrt, ^merciful,'
C'Avi/as;
twelve tribes of Israel, of which there are four, the in Josephus "Avavos ) : Appointed high priest by Qui-
other two being assigned to Uriel and Raphael. rinius in 6 a.d., deposed by Valerius, 15 a.d., who
Into many an incident of the O T tradition has read later appointed Simon, a eon of A. In 18 a.d. his
the name of Michael as the being who warned, res- son-in-law Caiaphas (q.v.) was appointed to the
cued, or protected. Indeed he was looked upon as office (Jn 18 13; cf. Jos. Ant. XVIII, 2 2). As head of
the divine advocate of the Jews, and prayers were the family A. still retained influence, which explains
offered to him. He was the greatest of the Arch- why Jesus was led first to A., probably only for an
angels, of whom there were, according to the Book of informal hearing, and then to the high priest (Jn
Tobit (12 15), seven (the number is not in all texts). 18 13). For the same reason A. is called the high
Angel
37 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Antichrist
priest in Ac 4 6, although the actual high priest at the slippery and bright (Is 21 5; II S 1 21). See Arms
time must have been Caiaphas, or another of A.'s AND Armor, § 7.
sons, either Jonathan or Theophilus (Jos. Ant. XVIII, 2. Symbolical, as a sign of dedication, sometimes
4 3, 5 3). J. M. T. with resulting inspiration (I S 10 1 f., 16 13). Jacob
poured oil upon the pillar at Beth-el (Gn 28 18). The
ANOINT {mdshah, whence 'Messiah/ is em- Tent and its furniture were sanctified with "holy
ployed both literally and figuratively; KpUip [x/"'^- anointing oil" (Ex 30 22 f.). See Ointments and
fiaT, xP'O'os'], always of God's spiritual anointing; Perfumes, § 1. Priests were consecrated by
the other terms [sukh, aXci^eiv, etc.] are used only anointing (Lv 8 12, 30; cf. 4 3; Ps 133 2), and the early
in the physical sense): Anointing originally signified kings were thus designated (I S 10 i, 16 13; cf. II S
smearing with soothing and cleansing unguents. 19 10) and inaugurated' (II S 2 4, 5 3; I Ch 29 22).
Pouring oil upon the head was a later, ceremonial Later monarchs apparently were anointed only un-
form. der exceptional circumstances (II K
9 6, 11 12, 23 30).
1. Practical. The application of scented oils was Metaphorical, signifying divine selection for
3.
a common toilet operation (Ku 3 3; Ps 10415; Pr some particular service or blessing. In this figura-
27 9), which was tive sense Hazael (I K
19 15; cf. II 13), Cyrus K8
discontinued in (Is 45 1), Elisha (I K
19 16; cf, 19), and the prophet-
time of mourning patriarchs (I Ch 16 22; cf. Gn 20 7) were said to be
(II S 14 2; Dn 10 "anointed." Thus also, Israel, or Israel's king, was
3;cf. Mt6 17). It Jehovah's anointed (Hab 3 13; Ps 89 38; La 4 20), and
was also a mark Christians received the unction of the Holy Spirit (II
of welcome to an Co 1 21; I Jn 2 20, 27). For Christ as the Anointed
honored guest (Ps One (Is 61 1 =Lk4 18; Ac 10 38), see Messiah, § 7.
23 5; Lk7 46; Jn See Burial and Burial Customs, § 1.
12 3). Ointments T P T
were frequently ANT. See Palestine, § 26.
Anointing of a Sacred Stone
PiUar.
applied as reme- ANTELOPE. See Palestine, §24.
dies (Isl 6; Lk 10
ANTHOTHIJAH,.an"tho-thai'ja (nV^iD^^J, *an-
34; Ja5 14); but the anointing of the dead (Mk 14
thotklyah, Antothijah AV): A Benjamite (I Ch 8
8; Lk 23 56) seems to have been a token of re-
24). E. E. N.
spect, rather than an embalming process (cf. Jn
11 39). Oil was rubbed upon shields to make them ANTOTHITE. See Anathoth, I.
The actual name Antichrist is first found in the examine here in detail the evidence adduced in sup-
Johannean epistles (I Jn 2 18, 22, 4 3; II Jn 7), but the port of this position, but it seems practically certain
main idea underlies St. PauPs descrip- that this myth had reached Palestine, and may,
I . The tion of the Man of Lawlessness (" Man
'
'
therefore, have had a share in familiarizing the Jews
Name Anti- of Sin" EVV) in II Th 2 1-12 while, from
; with the idea of an arch-enemy of God, and of His
Christ, the manner in which both writers refer cause. Beyond this, with the data at our disposal,
to this mysterious figure, it is evident we can hardly go at present, and we are on surer
that they had in view an oral tradition current at the ground when, for the early history of this belief, we
time CI Jn 4 3 "ye have heard," II Th 2 6 "ye know"). turn to the evidence supplied by the Scriptures
Any attempt, therefore, to understand the doctrine themselves.
of Antichrist as it meets us in the N
T must naturally In the O T we have ample proof of a general Jew-
begin with this tradition, so far as it is now possible ish belief in a fierce attack to be directed against
to trace it. Israel in the end of the days by some hostile person
Here, according to the latest view, we are carried or power, while this attack is frequently
far back. Bousset, in his elaborate monograph, Der 3. Anti- so described as to supply later writers
Antichrist (1895, Eng. transl. The Antir- Christ in with their language and imagery in
2. Possi- Christ Legend, 1896), adoptmg and de- Old Tes- depicting the last attack of all against
ble Con- veloping the suggestion of Gunkel in his tament. God's people. See, e.g., Psalm 88 (89),
nection Schopfung und Chaos (1895), would many of whose words and phrases are
with have us see in the Antichrist legend an reechoed in II Th
1 and 2 (cf. Bornemann, Thess.
Babylonian anthropomorphic transformation of the p. 356 f.), or the account of the fierce onslaught by
Myth, Babylonian Dragon Myth, according Gog from the land of Magog (Ezk 38, 39; cf. Rev
to which the monster (Tidmai), who 20 7 f.).
had opposed the Creator at the beginning, would It is, however, in the Book of Daniel (168-165
again in the last days rear its head in rebellion, only, B.C.) that we find the real starting-point of many of
however, to be finally crushed. It is impossible to the later descriptions of Antichrist, and especially in
Antichrist
Antioch
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 3J
the picture that is there presented of Antiochus people, ... and not the spirit of Beliar rul(
let
Epiphanes. No other foreign ruler was ever regarded over them" Charles), and similar references
(1 20, ed.
by the Jews with such hatred on account both of his to Beliar as a Satanic spirit are frequent in the Testa-
personal impieties and of his bitter persecution, of ments of the Twelve Patriarchs (2d cent. B.C. part m
their religion, and, accordingly, he is here portrayed at least), in which see, e.g., Test. Reub. 4, 6.
as the very impersonation of aU evil. Some of the The most interesting passage, however, for our
traits indeed ascribed to him are of such a character purpose is contained in the third book of the Sibylline
(78, 11, 20, 21, 25, 11 36-45) that it has been thought the Oracles, in a section which in the main goes back to
writer had not so much Antiochus as the future Anti- the same early date, where Beliar is depicted as a
christ directly in view. And, though this is not exe- truly Satanic being, accompanied by all the signs
geticaUy possible, it is easy to understand how this that are elsewhere ascribed to Antichrist (see Orac.
description influenced the Apostolic writers in their Sib. in, 63 ff ., ed. Rzach) And with this there should
.
•account of the arch-enemy of God and man (cf., e.g., also be compared Orac, Sib. ii, 167 f., where it is
II Th 2 4 with Dn 11 36 f. and Rev 13 1-8 with Dn stated that "Beliar will come and do many signs to
7 8, 20f., 25,8 24, 11 28, 30 and see Driver, Daniel, p. men," though here the originally Jewish origin of the
xcvi f.)- With the fall of Antiochus and the rise of passage is by no means so certain.
the Maccabean kingdom, the promise of deliverance, In the same way it is impossible to lay too much
with which Daniel had comforted God's people dur- stress in the present connection on the speculations
ing their dark days, received its proximate fulfilment of Rabbinical theology regarding the person of Anti-
but, when the nation again fell under a foreign yoke, christ, in view of the late date of our authorities. But
the old fears were once more revived and received a we may accept, as in the main reflecting the views
fresh coloring from the new powers by which the of the Jews about the beginning of the Christian era,
Jewish nation now found itself opposed. the conception of a powerful ruler to be bom of the
In determining the Jewish views regarding Anti- tribe of Dan (cf. Gn 49 17; Dt 33 22; Jer 8 16, and see
christ during this period much difficulty is caused by further Friedlander, Der Antichrist in den vor-
the uncertainty regarding the exact date of some of chrisUichen jildischen Quellen [1901] c, ix) and
the relative writings, and the possibility uniting in himself all enmity against God and hatred
4. In of their having received later Christian against God^s people, but whom the Messiah will
Later interpolations. The following refer- finally slay by the breath of His lips (cf Weber, Jiid.
.
moment held in check by a restraining person, or main elements in Christian truth, John passes in
power, apparently to be identified with the "power I 2 18to the conflict into which, at "a last hour,"
of law or government, especially as these were em- truth will be brought with falsehood,
bodied at the time in the Roman State. (2) No 8, In and in token of this points to the de-
sooner, however, has this restraining power been Johannean cisive sign by which this crisis will be
removed (cf. II Es 5 4; Apoc. Bar. 39 7) than a Epistles, known, namely, the coming of "Anti-
general "apostasy" results, finding its consummation christ" —
the absence of the article in
in the 'revelation' of Hhe man of lawlessness.' the original showing that the word has already
(3) As he "exalteth himself against
'the opposer' come to be used as a technical proper name. Nor
all that is (cf. Dn
called God" U
36f.) and actually does "Antichrist" stand alone. Rather he is to be
"sitteth in the temple of God, setting himself forth regarded as "the personification of the principle
as God" —
the description being again modeled on shown in different Antichrists" (Westcott, ad loc),
the DanieUc account (cf. Dn 8 13, 9 27, 11 31, 12 n); who, by their denial that "Jesus is the Christ,"
while (4) the "lying wonders" by which his working deny in like manner the revelation of God as Fa-
is distinguished are illustrated by Orac. Sib. iii, 64 f.; ther (2 22) and, consequently, the true union between
Asc. Isaiah 4 5. (5) And yet, powerful as this in- God and man (4 3),
carnation of wickedness seems, the Lord Jesus at His It is, therefore, into a very different atmosphere
parousia will "slay him with the breath of his mouth," that we
are introduced after the strange symbolism
the words being a quotation from Is 11 4, a passage of the Apocalypse, and the scenic repre-
which the Targum of Jonathan afterward applied 9. Present sentation of the Pauline description.
to the destruction of Armilus, the Jewish Antichrist, Signifi- And one likes to think that the last
and whose use here Paul may well have drawn from canoe of word of Revelation on this mysterious
the Jewish tradition of his time (cf. the use of the Antichrist, topic is one which leaves it open to
same passage in Pss. Sol 17 27, 39; II Es 13 10). everyone to apply to the spiritual work-
The whole description is thus of a very composite ings of evil in his own heart, and in the world around
character, but, at the same time, is so definite and him, a truth which has played so large a part in the
detailed that it is hardly to be wondered at that history of God's people in the past, and which may
there has been a constant endeavor to find its sug- stillpass through many varying and progressive ap-
gestion in some historical personage of the writer's plications before it reaches its final fulfilment in
own time. But, though the sacrilegious conduct of the "dispensation of the fulness of the times" (Eph
Caligula (cf. Tacit., Hist, v, 9) may have influenced 110).
the writer's language in ver, 4, the real roots of the Literature In addition to the special literature referred
:
conception lie elsewhere, and it is rather, as we have to above, mention may be made of the articles on Anti-
christ by Bousset in EB, by James (under the title
seen, in the O T and in current Jewish tradition that
Man of Sin) in HDB, by Ginsburg in JE, and by
its explanation is to be Sought, Sieffert in PliE^, and of the Excursuses by Bornemann
The same may be said, in part at least, of the and Findlay in their Commentaries on the Thessalonian
Epistles; see also E. Wadstein, Die eschatologische Ideen-
various evil powers which meet us in the Johannean
gruppe: Antichrist-Weltsabbat-Weltende und WeUgerickt
Apocalypse. The wild Beast of the (1896). The argument of the foregoing paper will be
7. In Seer (Rev 13-20) vividly recalls the found more fully stated with the text of the passages re-
the Apoca- homed wild Beast of Dn 7 and 8, and ferred to in the Additional Note on The Biblical Doctrine
of Antichrist in the present writer's commentary on The
lypse. the parallels that can be drawn be-
Epistles to the Thessalonians (1907=). Q^ ]\{,
tween the language of John and of
Paul (cf. Rev13 if. with II Th 2 9f.; Rev
12 9, ANTIOCH (*AvTtox€«a): 1. Pisidian Antioch
13 5 ff., 14 11 Th 2 4, 10 fE. Rev 13 3 with II
with II ; was so distinguish it from Antioch in
called to
Th 2 9fF.) point to similar sources as lying at the Syria. It was a Phrygian city situated near the
roots of both. On the other hand, the Johannean frontier of Phrygia and Pisidia (consequently called
descriptions have a direct connection with contem- Antiochia ad Pisidiam, i.e., A. toward Pisidia). It
porary secular history which was largely wanting in is said to have been founded by a colony from Mag-
the earlier picture. This is seen noticeably in the nesia on the Mseander and to have been renamed
changed attitude toward the power of Rome. So Antiochia by Seleucus I. It was declared free by
far from this being regarded any longer as a re- the Romans (190 B.C.). In 39 B.C. it was given by
straining influence, it is rather the source from which Antony to Amyntas, and in 25 B.C. incorporated into
evil is to spring. And we can understand, there- the Province of Galatia. About 6 B.C. Augustus
fore, how the city of Rome and its imperial house maxie it a Roman colony and called it Caesarea. In
supply John with many of the characteristics under the time of Paul A. was a governmental and military
which he describes the working of Antichrist, until, center, and the many Latin inscriptions (cf Sterrett, .
at last, he sees all the powers of evil culminate in the Epigraphical Journey, pp. 127 &.) probably belong
Beast of ch. 17, who, according to the interpretation to this period. Later A. became the metropolis of
of Bousset (adopted by James in HDB), is partly Pisidia. It was situated on the still traceable Royal
representative of an individual "who was and is Road built by Augustus. It is now called Yalowadj.
not," etc., that is, Nero redivivus; partly of a polity, At A. Paul opened his missionary labors in Asia
namely that of Rome. Minor. The church here was one of those addressed
There remain only the references in the Johannean in the Ep. to the Galatians (q.v.) (cf. Ac 13 14-51, 14
Epistles, in which, in keeping with the writer's main 19,21-24, 15 36, 16 4-6,18 23).
object, the spiritual side of the conception is again 2. Antioch on the Orontes ("the [Antioch] by
predominant. Thus, after indicating some of the Daphne"), chief of the sixteen cities founded (301
Antiochus 40
Apocrypha
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Syrian monarchs. A. was succeeded by his son Se- thians (Jos., Ant. XIII, 8 4).
leucus Philopater (187-175), who reigned eleven . Altogether distinct from these Syrian kings is an
years with the same general conditions prevaihng as Antiochus mentioned in I Mac 12 16, 14 22 as father of
under his father. A crisis came under Antiochus IV a certain Noumanius, one of the ambassadors sent
(Epiphanes), who succeeded his brother Seleucus in by Jonathan Maccabseus to Rome. J. S. R.
175. He was a brilliant but moody man —a strange ANTIPAS, an'ti-pas ('Ai/T[e]t7ras): 1. Herod
combination of intellectual power and moral weak-
Antipas, son of Herod the Great. Herod, § 5.
See
ness. With unflagging zeal he sought to Hellenize
2. An early Christian martyr of Pergamum (Rev
Palestine, and this brought on the Maccabean revolt
2 13). E. E. N.
(see Maccabees). At the very first he decided
against the high priest Onias III in favor of Jason, the ANTIPATRIS, an-tip'a-tris {" AvTiiraTpis): A city
leader of the Hellenizing party (II Mac 4 7, 8). All built by Herod the Great, named after his father
attempts of the Jews to resist his policy met with Antipater, on the main road from Csesarea to Lydda
swift censure, and twice he vented hisrage upon Jeru- (Ac 23 31). It was held to mark the NW. limit of
salem (I Mac 1 20 ff. II Mac 5 11 ff.). At last he de-
; Judaea. Map I, C 7. E. E. N.
termined to extirpate the Jewish religion, and issued
ANTONIA, an-to'ni-a: A strong fortress situ-
the sweeping decree enforcing uniformity of (pagan)
ated at the NW. corner of the Temple area, the
worship throughout the land (I Mae 1 41). The ef-
''castle" of Acts 21 34, etc. See Jerusalem, § 38,
forts to carry out this decree involved him in the
and Temple, § 30. E. E. N.
Maccabean war in which one Syrian army after an-
other was defeated by the brilliant Judas Maccabseus ANTOTHIJAH. See Anthothijah.
(I Mac 3 4 35). A., who had intrusted the subjuga-
10,
tion of the land to his generals, was meanwhile away ANUB, e'nub (21^^, 'anuhh): A Judahite person
in the East, where he became mad and died (164). or clan (I Ch 4 8). E. E. N.
Antiochus V (Eupator) was only nine years old
ANVIL: The rendering of Heb. pa'am, lit.
when his father died, and Lysias, the governor of the
'stroke,' in Is 41
7. The Targum renders "mallet."
provinces, undertook the guardianship of the young
The exact meaning is somewhat uncertain. See Ar-
boy. Together they made an expedition into Judsea
tisan Life, § 12. E. E. N.
and at the famous battle of Bethzacharias they de-
feated Judas Maccabseus. The outlook for the Jews APE This animal does not belong to the fauna
:
at this time was very dark, when suddenly the war of Palestine and is mentioned only in the account
was terminated by the attempt of Philip, foster- of Solomon's riches, where it is said that his navy
brother of Antiochus IV, to secure the Syrian throne. brought apes, peacocks, etc., once every three years
Hastily concluding a peace, Lysias and A. hurried (I K
10 22; II Ch 9 21). The Heb. r^ip, qoph, rendered
back to Antioch and suppressed Philip. In the fol- "apes," apparently a loan-word from the Sanskrit
lowing year (162) A. was betrayed into the hands of kajri (see Oxf. Heh. Lex.), was general in mean^
Demetrius Soter, his cousin, and put to death. ing, so that it is impossible to determine what
Antiochus
41 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Apocrypha
species of monkey was meant. The animals were tendency to use the name of some renowned man of
probably purchased by Solomon's agents in S. piety of the earlier days as the seer of the visions
Arabia, though they may have been of African or portrayed (pseudonomy). (5) An elaborate but op-
Asiatic origin. Ancient literature (Egyptian and timistic eschatology. (6) Associated with eschatol-
Assyrian inscriptions, the Amarna letters) contains ogy the division of the whole duration of the world's
references to apes or monkeys, showing that they life into ages (eons), chiefly the present age and the
were well known and prized as curiosities. coming age.
E. E. N. The period during which the Apocalyptic Litera-
ture had the most currency was that between 200 b.c.
APELLES, a-pel'Uz ('ATreXX^s): A Christian in
Rome to whom Paul sent a greeting as "the ap-
and 150 to 200 a.d. During the early
proved in Christ" (Ro 16 10). Nothing more is
2. Condi- part of this interval the conditions were
tions Favor- specially adapted to its being used as
known of him. E. E. N.
ing Itsthe prophetic vehicle of address. The
APHARSACHITES, APHARSATHCHITES, Develop- people had objected to the domination
a-far'sac-aits, af'ar-sath'caits (N^.J^D^Sfc?, 'dphar- meut. of a foreign power (the Seleucid dy-
sathkhaye^ : In Ezr 4 9 the term signifies, apparently, nasty of Syria). They struggled man-
a class of Persian ofi&cials, a meaning that suits the fully to regain their independence, and did so at last,
other two passages also (5 6, 6 6). The different but meantime they endured the stress of severe per-
spelling is probably due to scribal errors. E. E. N. secutions. The apocalyptic form of writing was
adapted to convey to them encouragement in the
APHARSITES, a-fOr'soits (XTp'^fK,, 'dpharsaye'): form of great world pictures, showing that their op-
A term of uncertain meaning, indicating probably pressors were destined to collapse and Israel to rise
either a class of subordinate officials or the Persian into dominion under the Messiah. These pictures
colonists in Syria (Ezr 4 9). E. E. N. were to be understood by them, but to prove unin-
telligible to their oppressors.
APHEK, ^'fek (pCl!?, 'dpheq), variant APHIK, The apocalypses according to dates of composition
Three, probably four, cities whose identity is doubt- are: (1) The EthiopicBook of Enoch (first published
ful: Near Jezreel, whose king was slain by Joshua
1.
in modern times in 1821). (2) The
(Jos 12 18; I S 29 l; I K 20 26, 30; II K 13 17). 2.
3. The Apoc- Slavonic Book of Enoch (1896). (3)
In the territory of Asher, never wrested from the alypses. The SybiUine Oracles (1545). (4)
Canaanites (Jos 19 30; Jg 1 31, Aphik). 3. Identified The Assumption of Moses (1861). (5)
with Afqa,NE. of Beirut (Jos 13 4). 4. NearMizpah Fourth Ezra or 2d Esdras (q.v.). (6) The Syriac
(IS4l). The first and the last are considered Book of Baruch (1866). (7) The Greek Baruch
identical by Robertson Smith. G. L. R. (1886). (8) The Psalter of Solomon (1868). (9)
APHEKAH, a-fi'ka 'dpheqah): A town The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (1714).
(PJ>^.^,,
(10) The Book of Jubilees (1859). (11) The As-
of Judah apparently not far from Hebron (Jos 15
cension of Isaiah (1819). (12) The Histories of
53). E. E. N.
Adam and Eve. (13) The Apocalypse of Elias
APHIAH, a-fai'a (u^K^^, 'dpMah): One of the an- (fragm., 1886). (14) Book of Eldad and Modad
cestors of King Saul (I S9 l). E. E. N. (1713). (15) Prayerof Joseph (1713). (16) Apoc-
alypse of Zephaniah (fragm., 1886).
APHIK, 6'fik. See Aphek. While each of these books does not present all the
APHRAH, af'ra. See Beth-le-aphrah. aspects of a typical apocalypse, the combination of
their characteristics groups them together as liter-
APHSES, af'siz. See Happizzez. ary productions of this type
Literature Porter, The Messages of the Apocalyptic
:
under
future, of wisdom, and of God. The Book of Enoch ing the city of Bethuha from the Assyrians
translation ot a
and the Assumption of Moses are illustrations of this Holofernes. The Greek text is a
kind of literature. Their contents were reputed to Hebrew (Aramaic) original. The Rest of Esther.
These additions to the Book of Esther mention
three
be handed down through secret tradition by the few
from those whose names are given as their authors. times the divine name in the particulars with which
In II Es 14 44-46 will be found an account of the they fiU out the Bible story. This seems to be the
miraculous production of seventy esoteric books of primary purpose of these additions—to give distinct
this kind. This meaning of the word apocrypha '
recognition to God. The original language was
was restricted at first to the pseudepigraphical Greek. The Wisdom of Solomon is a fine example
books. The claims of Gnostic leaders to the posses- of Hellenistic Uterature written by an Alexandrian
sion of just such hidden disclosures gradually added Jew, and containing, besides a setting forth of the
another modification to the word ' apocrypha/ glory and value of Wisdom, an earnest warning
and that was the meaning 'heretical,' and this against the folly of idolatry. Ecclesiasticus. This _
opened the way to the use of the word with which work is of the same general character as the Wisdom
we are familiar, viz.: to mark the non-canonical of Solomon. Its fundamental thought is Wisdom,
books found in our English bibles between the O T and it seeks to give instruction therein by a multi-
and the N T. Cyril of Jerusalem was, as far as we tude of rules for the regulation of hfe in all varieties
know, the first who applied the name apocrypha '
of experience. It was originally written in Hebrew;
^^ ^^^ books which we place under this a considerable portion of this Hebrew original has
List of
^^scription. been lately brought to light. Baruch. The book
OTAnoc-
^^^ following list comprises the books in its preface (1 1-14) describes its origin, and then in
rvDha '
usually classed as O T Apocrypha {e.g., three distinct parts gives us (a) the confession of sin
in the edition published by the Revisers in 1896): and prayer of the Jews in exile (115-3 8), (b) an ad-
The Song of the Three monition to the people to return to the fountain of
I Esdras.
II Esdras. Holy Children. Wisdom (3 9-4 4) and (c) the promise of deliverance
Tobit. The History of Susannah. (4 5-5 9). The first half of the book (11-3 8) was
Judith. The History of Bel and originally Hebrew the latter half was Greek. The
;
Alexandria some of the apocryphal books were read revelations given the Apostles. Works of this de-
in public, but even here canonical authority was not scription were very numerous. They may be classi-
attached to them. They (the Jews) have always fied under four heads:
recognized a difference between these works and I. Gospels. These have as their object either
the OT OT
(see Canon). As for the NT the to offer a narrative which shall rival the canon-
most that can be said is that there are interesting ical Gospels or to add something to their story.
parallels found in James and Paul with Ecclesiasticus It does not fall within the scope of this article to
and the Book of Wisdom (see these titles). The discuss the questions which they severally present;
Apostles held to the same canon as their Jewish rather to give a brief, concise idea of those which
brethren. Owing to the fact that in their Greek were more prominent. (1) First to be noted is
bibles the early Christian writers found apocryphal The Gospel according to the Hebrews. The fragments
books joined with books of the Hebrew Canon, they of this gospel have been brought together and dis-
used them, citing them sometimes as Scriptures. cussed by Nicholson in his edition of it. It seems to
Their very connection with the canonical Scriptures —
have existed in two forms the Nazarene and the
gave them honoring consideration. So Clement of Ebionite, the latter being more heretical. It con-
Alexandria, TertuUian, and Origen used them. At tains additions to the canonical narrative and gives
the same time when investigation into the matter us some new alleged sayings of Jesus.
was carried on we find emphasis placed upon the (2) The Gospel according to the Egyptians. This
number 22 (24) as the number of books in the He- gospel shows marked Gnostic tendencies. Frag-
brew Canon. A series of writers thus support the ments of it are found in Clement, Hippolytus, and
Jewish Canon as distinct from the Alexandrian Epiphanius.
Mehto of Sardis, Origen (despite his own habit of (3) The Gospel according to Peter. An impor-
citing apocryphal books), Athanasius, Cyril of Jeru- tant fragment of this gospel was discovered in 1885.
salem, Gregory Nazianzen, and Jerome. Critical In this work appears a strong Docetic tendency and
judgment was at variance with common usage even it shows acquaintance with all our Four Gospels.
among scholars and for a long time the books were (4) The Protevangelium of James. The narrative
cited. Eastern learned opinion excluded them of this well-known gospel extends from the birth of
from the Canon. In the West, Jerome made the Mary to the slaughter of the Innocents at Bethlehem.
most determined stand for the Hebrew Canon, but This is a good sample of a supplementary gospel. Its
the common usage of the apocryphal books, made date is probably quite early.
possible by their inclusion in the old Latin versions, (5) The Gospel of Thomas, or the Gospel of the
and the inconsistent practise of the Fathers left the Infancy. This has been preserved for us in Greek,
matter undecided, At the time of the Reformation Latin, and SjTiac. It exhibits the life of Jesus from
the question was finally settled in different ways. the fifth to the twelfth year and makes Him at this
The Protestant Church, following Luther's lead, gave time a miracle-worker to satisfy His own whims and
the position of inferior authority to the A., and from ambitions. These are samples of many attempts
that time the word 'apocrypha' has had the meaning made to gratify curiosity by intruding upon the
which Protestantism now gives to it. The Council of silence of the Scriptures.
Trent (1545) made these books of equal authority II. Among the Acts of Apostles we have The Acts
for the Roman Catholic Church with those of the O T of Pavl and Thecla. It is the story of a young
proper. Coverdale was the first to translate the A. woman of Iconium who was converted by Paul and
from Greek into Enghsh. He placed them between suffered much for her faith, but was miraculously
the T and the N T, in which position they have protected. The work is preserved in a number of
appeared in later versions. The English Church versions and dates from perhaps the middle of the
recognizes the A. in its lessons, but only for edifica- second century. It is a romance inculcating conti-
tion and not as authoritative in the sense that the nence and its rewards.
canonical books are. The A. have no recognition in III. Epistles. Under this head we may mention
non-Episcopal churches. the Abgarus Letters —one from the king of Edessa
In refusing to receive the apocryphal books as to our Lord and His answer, which are quite early
canonical, ^Protestantism has by no means declared and the Epistles of Paul to the Laodiceans and Alex-
them to be of no value. On the contrary, their andrians mentioned in the Muratorian Canon.
worth for certain purposes has always been recog- rV. Prominent among early apocalypses is The
nized. To the student of the centuries just prece- Apocalypse of Peter. A large fragment of this apoc-
ding the Incarnation, they are of deep interest as re- alypse was discovered in the same MSS containing
flecting the hfe and thought of Judaism in one of its the Gospel of Peter (see above). It presents the Lord
most eventful periods. complying with the request of His disciples to show
N
The aim and general character of the T Apocry- them their righteous brethren who had gone before
pha are quite different from those of the A. added to them into the other world. To Peter He gives a
the OT, The latter seek to give the revelation of heaven and hell, with a description of
5. The history or reflect the thought of the the terrible punishment of the lost. It was written
Apocrypha period from which they come. The probably early in the 2d cent, and exerted a wide in-
of the N T Apocrypha, on the other hand, are fluence. In the attempt to satisfy a demand for par-
New deliberate attempts to fill in the gaps of ticulars not given us in our N T nearly all the Apostles
Testament, the N T story in the life of Jesus, to were made authors of apocryphal Gospels, while ficti-
further heretical ideas by false claims of tious Acts of the Apostles provided missionary en-
authority, and to ampHfy the prophecies of Jesus by terprise for the Twelve. These are all of too late a
ApoUonia 44
Arab
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
date to require attention here. It is needful only to 26). Upon his departure to Achaia he earned with
say a word regarding the outcome of this mass of him the warm commendation of the Ephesian
apocryphal literature. It has required no such brethren (ver. 27) and coming to Cormth proved
careful discussion as did the Apocrypha of the O T specially helpful in controverting the Jews m
ttor
Un-
to determine its place. The love of the marvelous in denial of the Messiahship of Jesus (ver. 28).
these creations of the imagination and their vivid fortunately, however, his pecuUar
eloquence—so
presentation of some special teaching made them different from Paul's plainness of
speech—gave
very popular. They have been the fruitful source opportunity to the partizan spirit which possessed
of sacred legends and ecclesiastical traditions. It the Corinthian Church to form the bulk of the dis-
is to these books that we must look for the origin ciples into rival followings around these leaders
of some of the dogmas of the Roman Catholic names (I Co 3 4 ff. cf. 1 10-12). That Apollos was in
;
Church. Because they have been thus influential, no way party to this rivalry is evident from the fact
scholarship has been deeply interested in a critical that upon Paul's return to Ephesus, he is found
study of them, and much light has been thrown in there with the Apostle, unwilUng, even at his mag-
recent- years upon their origin, character, and worth. nanimous urging, to return to Corinth while parti-
Literature: Commentaries on the O T Apocrypha: (1) In zanship reigned in that Church (I Co 16 12).
Lange-Schaff Series by Bissell. (2) Fritzsche und Grimm, The only other mention of him is in the brief note
O T Apocrypha. See also Schiirer, HJP. For the NT of Tit 313, where, with *'Zenas the lawyer"—evi-
Apocrypha, consult the editions by Tisohendorf and Lip-
sius. For the Gospel of Peter see the editions by Swete
—
dently as bearers of the letter ^he is commended to
and Zahn. J. g. R. the brethren at Crete to be diligently cared for and
forwarded on the journey. M. W. J.
APOLLONIA, ap"el-lo'ni-a (ATroWavla): A city
of Macedonia, on the celebrated Egnatian way, 30 APOLLYON, a-pel'i-en ('AttoXXvwi/): The Greek
m. W. of Amphipolis and 38 m. E. of Thessalonica name of the Heb. Abaddon (q.v,, Rev 9 11). Unlike
(Acts 17 1). Identified by Leake with the modern the Hebrew, which first designates a place (of de-
P'ollina. E. E. N. struction, Job 26 6, 28 22, etc.), and secondarily the
visits to that place (Ac IS 24-28). He is de- APOSTLE, a-pes'l (dirooTo'Kos, 'a commissioned
scribed as "an eloquent man" and ''mighty in the messenger' Jn 13 16], from aTroa-reWeiv, 'to send
[cf.
—
Scriptures" -the latter term defining the particular from'): A
designation in the early Church of gen-
field in which his gift specially realized itself (ver. eral and not exclusive application. It was given not
24). The seeming paradox that, though instructed only to the originally chosen disciples of Jesus (Mk
in the way of the Lord and able to speak and to 31^19 [ver. 14 Gr.]; Mt 101-4; Lk 6 13-16), but
teach accurately the things concerning Jesus, he knew also to others (e.g., James, the Lord's brother, Gal
only the baptism of John(ver. 25)is possibly explained 1 19; Barnabas, Ac 14 4, 14; Andronicus and Junias,
by saying that his knowledge of the new religion Ro 16 7).
had been confined to an information regarding the Whatever natural tendency there may have been
facts of Jesus' life and teaching and did not involve in the first days after the Ascension to confine this
a definite course of instruction in the truths held by designation to the Eleven, it was offset by the au-
the early Church (cf. Ac 21 21, 24 for the use of kuttj- thority assumed by the Church in the filling, under
xelv in the sense of 'imparting information.' Cf. divine guidance, of Judas' place (Ac 1 23-26), and
also Zahn, Introduction, § 60, n. 4). As a matter of whatever idea may have yet remained of restricting
fact, converts were not at this early period of the this term to the sacred number of the Twelve was
Church's life given the catechetical training which removed by the divine appointment of an extra
later was given to candidates for baptism. The use Apostle in the person of Paul (Ac 9 15; Ro 1 1). The
of Karrjx^lj^ in Gal 6 6, I Co 14 19, in the sense of way was thus opened for the appHcation of the title
'imparting instruction' refers to the teaching of full to such persons as James, who, though apparently
members within the Church and does not cover such not commissioned to any work, was honored for
cases as that of Apollos (or of Theophilus, Lk 1 3 f.). his special relationship to Jesus (Gal 1 19) and his
In other words, in spite of pilgrims from Egypt (Ac special witness to the Resurrection (I Co 15 7), and
2 10), the news of an organized Church based on the Barnabas, who though not related to the Lord nor as
Pentecostal outpouring of the Spirit and involving far as recorded a special witness to the Resurrec-
general charismatic gifts had not reached him, so tion, was divinely set apart for significant work (Ac
that he knew nothing beyond baptism as adminis- 13 1-3).
tered by John as a symbol of reformation of life in Through
this latter application it became natural
preparation for the Messiah. His condition was to give the designation to those who, though not
simply a stage or so more primitive than that of the marked by any outward sign as divinely chosen for
people of Samaria before the coming to them of special work, showed their choice by their notable
Peter and John (Ac 8 14^17), though not so primitive performance of the work given them to do. It is
as that of the disciples of John referred to in 19 1-7. this development in the application of the term
Attracted by his speaking in the synagogue, which has led many scholars to understand Paul in
Priscilla and Aquila gave him the instruction needed I Th 2 6 as associating Silvanus and Timothy and in
to complete his knowledge of Christian facts (Ac 18 I Co 4 9, Apollos with himself as Apostles, and in I
45 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Apollonia
Arab
Co 9 5, 15 6-7, as having in mind a body of Apostles Hebrews as they had been from time immemorial
extended beyond the Twelve (see Lightfoot, Gala- and are still. Its steppes, deserts, and oases were
tians, p. 92 f Lindsay, The Church and the Ministry,
. ; inhabited by nomads in the steppes,
p. 79 f.)- In II Co 8 23 and Ph 2 25, however, the I. Intro- seminomads around the smaller oases,
word in the Greek text is used in its primitive sense ductory. and settled townsfolk in the larger
of commissioned messenger. Thus "messenger," oases, all keeping up relations with the
RV, though "Apostle" RVmg. nomads. Thus, the life there, at the present day,
Once it is used in a highly official sense of Jesus gives us a sufficiently exact idea of their Ufe as the
Christ (He 3 1) where His representative relations Hebrews knew it. The best descriptions are in
to God ("Apostle") and to man ("High Priest") Doughty's Arabia Deserta, but Hogarth's Penetra-
are combined. M. W. J. tion of Arabia may also be used especially for its
elaborate bibliography of exploration.
APOTHECARY, See Ointments and Per- Except for the remotest prehistoric times, it is safe
fumes, § 2.
to start with the position that Arabia was the original
APPAIM, ap'pa-im (2":^^*, 'appaylm)^ 'nostrils' home of the Semites. From it all the
or 'face': A
Judahite (Jerachmeelite) person or clan 2. Arabia Semitic peoples of Asia have gone out in
(ICh230f.). E. E. N. ' the Original successive waves, driven by an economic
Home of law. The population of Arabia is al-
APPAREL, See Dress and Ornaments. the ways on the edge of starvation, just
Semites, larger than what the land can support.
APPHIA, ap'fi-a (jAfir^la, a Phrygian name,
In consequence, there is a steady over-
indicating that the bearer was of native provincial
flowing on its borders; nomads pass over gradually
stock): Greeted (Phm ver. 2) as "our sister." Since
into agriculturists; Bedavnn into Felldhln. The
this epistleconcerns one household exclusively it is
pictiu-e in the prologue to Job is of a tribe half-way
probable that A. was Philemon's wife and the mother
through this process. But further, from time to
of Archippus. J. M. T.
time, the pressure becomes so great that Arabia
APPIUS, MARKET OF ('Atttt/ov ^opov,
Appii pours out its thousands in a conquering army over
Forum AV): A station on the Appian Way,
43 m. the neighboring lands. The early conquests of Islam
S. of Rome, at the northern terminus of the canal are one case in point; those of the Hebrews are an-
through the Pontine marshes (Ac 28 15). E. E. N. other; there must have been many more.
We have, then, to consider the Hebrews as an Arab
APPLE. See Palestine, § 23. clan that abandoned its original nomadic life, seized
rich lands, and turned more or less to
APRON. See Dress and Ornaments, § 1, and
3. The He- a settled, agricultural existence. Yet
Handkerchief.
brews Es- this was not complete, and a yearning
AQUILA ('AKuXaff): A
Jew of Pontus, who mi- sentially back to the nomadic ideal is always
grated to Rome. When Claudius banished the Jews Arabians, evident (of. Rechabites). Nomad
from that city in 49 a.d., A. with his wife, Priscilla, and farmer are a frequent contrast in
went to Corinth, where they carried on their trade of the O T, and now one, now the other is given prefer-
tent-making (Ac 18 1-3). Probably through Paul, ence, according to the writer. A
knowledge, there-
who wrought with them, they were converted to fore, of Arabian institutions and literature and of
Christianity. They accompanied the Apostle to the Arab religion and mind is of the first importance
Ephesus (Ac 18l8f.), where, during the latter's as a guide to the genius of the Hebrews. All the
absence, they instructed Apollos. Their house in forms of Hebrew literature, except the psalm, can be
Ephesus was used as a Christian assembly-place (I paralleled and illustrated from Arabic literature, and
Co 16 19). They are mentioned again, Ro 16 (ver. 3), all the manifestations of Hebrew religion have kin-
a chapter probably addressed to the Ephesian dred appearances in the desert. There can be best
church. But see Romans, § 3. J. M. T. found that common Semitic soil of ideas and emotions
from which the unique religion of the Hebrews rose.
AR ("i;>, *ar), 'city' (?): A city of Moab, in one of
The oldest views of the Hebrews on the Arab tribes
the upper valleys of the Arnon. The exact site is are given in Gn 10 (cf. Ethnography and Eth-
unknown (Nu 21 15, 28; Dt 2 9, 18, 29; Is 15 l). The nology, § 10). Later, they speak of
same place is referred to in Jos 13 9, 16; II S 24 5.
4. Refer- them separately, as Ishmaelites, Midian-
E. E. N. ences to ites, Kedarites (q.v.). For the south
ARA, ^'ra (N'3^(., *dr'a): A descendant of Asher Arab Peo- Arabians, now becoming important for
"
pies in the the earliest history and most primitive
(I Ch 7 38). E. E. N.
Bible. reUgion, see Sabean. Only compara-
ARAB, ar'^b or ^'rab (^l*?, 'drdhh): A town of tively late does the name Arab appear.
Judah (Jos 15 52), to which Paarai the Arbite (II S Yet the evidence is that the Arabs called themselves
23 35) probably belonged. Map II, E 3. E. E. N. so from remote antiquity, and that they knew no
derivation for the name. The Hebrews, on the other
ARAB (3ns?, ARABIA: The use of
'drabh); hand, connected it with the word 'drabhdh, a dry,
these names in the OT
and the Hebrew knowledge sterile tract, and spoke of an ^ArdbM, the inhabitant
of the land and its people must be carefully distin- of such a tract, a nomad (Is 13 20; Jer 3 2). Whether
guished. Middle and northern Arabia and the life this is the true derivation of the name, preserved by
of its populations were practically the same for the the Hebrews, but lost by the Arabs, we can not tell.
Arabah 4G
Aramaic
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
'Arabhah does not seem to exist in old Arabic. In of. Jos 12 14). Map II, E 4. II. A name in the gen-
Is 21 13 the title is probably incorrect, and in the ealogy of Benjamin (I Ch 8 15). E. E. JN.
Khabour). Naharaim is generally supposed to mean and Ammonite allies (see above), and while Rab-
*the two rivers'; but it should probably be explained bath-Ammon was not yet captured, Hadade^er,
as 'the river region.' The Priestly King of Zobah, sent for reenforcements and defied
4. Political Code has Paddan-Aram in the place of the advance of David, who, however, utterly de-
Sub- Aram-Naharaim. The center of popu- feated the combination. The result was the sub-
divisions. lation and trade till long after the Chris- mission of all the Arameans of S. Syria (II S 8 3 ff.).
tian era was the great city or district of (7) Hamath, to be distinguished from "Hamath
Haran (q.v. ) This region was of great importance in
. the great" (q.v.), was a district lying on the SW.
the earUest history of Israel. Abram himself Hved for slope of Hermon, reaching at least as far as the Jor-
a time in Haran (Gn 11 31, 12 4 f.; cf.Dt26 5). In the dan westward, and forming the boundary of Pales-
same region dwelt his kindred, from among whom tine and Israel to the NE. (Nu 34 8; I K 8 65; II K
both Isaac and Jacob obtained their wives. After the 14 25; Ezk 47 16; Am 6 14). In the 10th cent. B.C.
patriarchal period we read that Balaam, the seer, itwas an Aramean kingdom whose ruler Tou, though
came from ''Aram" (Nu 23 7; cf. 22 5), and not long not joining in the league against Israel, became trib-
thereafter "Cushan-rishathaim," King of Mesopota- utary to David (II S 8 9 ff.; cf. I Ch 18 9). As the
mia, invaded the newly formed Hebrew community frontier of a rival people, its control was always
in Palestine (Jg 3 7 ff .). According to II S 10 16 " Syr- aimed at by the powerful kings of Israel (II Ch 8 4;
ians from beyond the River" came to the help of II K 14 28). See Winckler in KAT^, 182, 231 f., and
their kindred who were involved with the Ammon- Oriental. Forschungerij III., Heft 3 (1905).
ites in their war against David, and with them suf- ^(8) Mesopotamia is used in EVV
to translate
fered defeat at his hands. This was the last warlike 'Aram-Nahdraim. The word among the Greeks and
movement against Palestine reported of the Ara- Romans stood for the whole territory lying between '
means to the E. of the Euphrates, though Arameans, the rivers' Euphrates and Tigris, S. of the Masius
as was natural, formed a large element in the army range of mountains and N. of the Syro-Arabian
of Nebuchadrezzar (Jer35ll), and, we may pre- desert proper. This great region, however, is not
sume, of the earlier Assyrian invaders. designated by this or any other single name in the
Other cities and districts settled by Arameans Bible (except perhaps in Ac 2 9). It is through
were the following; those which lay in S. Syria were the influence of the LXX
that the term came to be
ultimately absorbed in the great kingdom of Da- used in the versions for the more Umited area as
mascus: above described instead of Mesopotamia in the larger
(2) Geshur. A district lying close to Bashan (Dt sense. See the articles under that name in HDB,
3 14) which was not subdued by Israel (Jos 13 13), EB, and EBrit.
but at one time took possession of some Israelitic ^ (9) Syria and Syrian. Syria^in the O T translates
territory of northern Gilead (ICh223). Absalom, ^Aram except in the case of 'Aram-Nahdraim and
whose mother, Maacah, was the daughter of Talmai, may be said to comprehend all the Aramean settle-
King of Geshur, fled thither after the murder of Am- ments and their inhabitants W. of the Euphrates
non (II S 13 37). The reference in II S 15 8 shows it above described. According to the common view the
to have been Aramean. word is a contraction of Assyria and was employed by
(3) Maacah was close to Geshur, probably to the Greeks of Asia Minor to designate the neighboring
the N., and equally independent of Israel (Dt 3 14; peoples of the Assyrian Empire. It became after-
Jos 13 13). The Aramean origin of its people is in- ward restricted to the empire of the Seleucidae,
dicated by their descent from Nahor (Gn22 24). formed after the death of Alexander the Great, and
They joined the other Arameans of the neighborhood in N
T to the surviving portion of it which had its
in assisting the Ammonites against David and shared capital in Antioch, and Damascus as its second
in their defeat (II S 10 6-8). See Tob. great city, and which in 65 B.C. was made a Roman
J. F. McC.
(4) Rehob or Beth-rehob, to be distinguished province.
from the city of the same name W. of the Jordan II. A son of Kemuel, son of Nahor (Gn 22 21).
1.
which lay " toward Hamath " (Nu 13 21). It was See 2. A descendant of Asher (I Ch 7 34).
I. § 1. 3.
a small kingdom E. of the Jordan, closely con- For Mt 1 3 f and Lk 3 33 (AV) see Ram.
.
^ E N
nected with Zobah and sent a contingent to join
the Ammonites in their war against David (II S ARAMAIC LANGUAGE: The following parts
10 6-8). of the OT are written in Aramaic: Gn 31 47 (the
(5) Tob was an Aramean which Jeph-
district, to words Y^gar sdhddkuthd); Jer 10 11; Ezr
thah fled for refuge (Jg 113-5), and which also as- I. Where 4 8-6 18, 7 12-26; Dn 2 4b-7 28: there are
sisted the Ammonites in their war against David, Spoken, also several Aramaic words cited in
where it was joined with Maacah as Rehob was with the N
T. Aramaic was a branch of the
Zobah. In II S 10 6-8, omit " the men" before "Tob," Semitic languages, cognate with Hebrew, which, in
t""^ having been written for H^* in ver. 6 and re- several closely alUed dialects, was spoken formerly
peated in ver. 8. in the countries surrounding Palestine, and ulti-
Zobah, the most important of the southern
(6)
mately also in Palestine itself. The name Aramaic
Aramean settlements after Damascus. Already in is given to this group of dialects because "Aram"
the time of King Saul it was pressing upon the people —commonly rendered in both AV and "Syria" RV
of Gilead, as we may infer from I S 14 47. In the or "Syrians" (II S8 5, etc.)—was the name of the
time of David it took the lead of the Arameans in people, spread over different localities (as "Aram
endeavoring to prevent the extension of his domin- of Damascus," "Aram of Zobah," etc., II S 8 5, 10
ion. The next year after the defeat of the Aramean 8), by whom it was spoken.
Aramaic 48
Arba
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
ulary and grammatical forms. Thus, in addition to have been rare and used only in poetry. There are
the difference just noted, in Nos. 1, 2, 3 the relative also reasons for thinking that the language of the N.
and demonstrative pronouns are zi, z'nd, not, as in kingdom differed dialecticaUy from that of Judah;
the others, di, dma: the pron. suffix of the 3d pers. and some Aramaic forms may be due to the fact that
plur. is in Nos. 2, 3, 5, and Jer 10 ll-o?n, in Nos. 4 \ the writings in which they are found originated in
(Daniel) and 6, -on (Ezr has both forms). No. 2 re- the N. kingdom. This has been supposed to be the
sembles Hebrew in certain features more than any of explanation of the Aramaic expressions in the Song
the other dialects do (e.g.j 'to sit* is ysheb, not yHheb, of Sol. but the trend of recent opinion has been to
;
cf. Heb. ydshah). The Biblical Aramaic belongs to attribute them rather to a post-exilic date, to which
the West Aramaic group, of the type spoken in and indeed, viewed in the aggregate, they certainly seem
about Palestine (the relative, for instance, is di, not to point.
zij as in Babylon down to at least 400 B.C.): it is very Literature Lidzbarsid, Handbitch der Nordsem. Epigra-
:
similar to that of No. 8, though in some respects of phik (1898); Cooke, North-Semitic Inscriptions (1903);
an earlier type; it has also (in particular forms) no- Sayce and Cowley, Aram. Papyri from Egypt (1906);
Kautzsch, Gramm. des Bibl.-Aram. (1884); Dalman
table affinities with Nos. 3, 5, 6. It was formerly Gramm. des Judisch-Pal. Aramddsch (ed. 2, 1903), with
called "Chaldee," from the mistaken idea that the full introd. on the different types of Jewish Aramaic
laa'guage of Dn 2 4 ff. was that actually spoken by Noldeke, Mand&iscfie Gramm., 1875 (important for its
philol. notes), Syrische Gramm. (translated, 1904), and
the "Chaldeans" in Babylon. The verse Jer 10 11 art.Aramaic Language in EB; Leviaa, Gramm. of the
has some peculiarities showing that its author must Aram, of the Bah. Talmud (1900); Wright, Comparative
have spoken a particiilar Aramaic dialect (cf. the Grammar of the Semitic Languages (1890). The first
writer's I/O T, p. 255; KpIN also occurs in Egyptian three of these books contain numerous examples of Ara-
maic inscriptions and papyri, illustrative of dialects Nos.
Aramaic, side by side with Ki^nN). 1.2,3,5.6. S. R. D.
Aramaic was formerly used largely aa the language
of commerce and diplomacy, as is shown by II K ARAMITESS, ^'ram-ait"es: An Aramean woman
18 26 (701 B.C.), by some of the Ara- (I Ch 7 14). See Aram, § 1. E. E. N.
4. Use of maic inscriptions on coins and weights,
Aramaic in and some of those from Egypt. How
ARAM-MAACAH, 6'ram-ma'a-ca, NAHARAIM,
Palestine, prevalent it was in the coimtries around
ng"ha-r^'im,REHOB, ri'heb, and ZOBAH, zo'bd:
See Aram, § 4.
Palestine will be apparent from the
preceding enumeration of dialects. It is not, there- ARAN,e'ran (X)^., 'dran),'wM goat' (?): A
fore, surprising that it gradually made
influence
its Horite clan (Gn 36 28; I Ch 1 42). E. E. N.
felt upon Hebrew. Aramaic words appear occasion-
ally in Heb. written c. 600 B.C. ; in Heb. writings da-
ARARAT, ar'a-rat (p^^^, 'drarat): A district
ting from the captivity and later Aramaic words and located in E. Armenia, between Lakes Van and Uru-
constructions become increasingly frequent: there mia and the River Araxes, Thither the sons of Sen-
are many Aramaic words, for instance, in Job, the nacherib fled after killing their father (II 19 37; Is K
later Psalms, Jonah, Esther, the Heb. parts of Dan- 37 38; Armenia AV). In Jer 51 27 it occurs as the
iel; Aramaic words, and sometimes also Aramaic con- name of a "kingdom" along with those of the Minni
structions, are marked in Chronicles, Ezr, and Neh, and Ashkenaz, aU of whom are summoned by the
and especially in Ec. In the end, Aramaic sup- prophet to fight against Babylon. The Assyrian
planted Hebrew altogether as the popular language in inscriptions, from the 9th cent. B.C. forward, fre-
Palestine; and so nearly all the Semitic words quoted quently mention the land of Urarfu, or Ararat. The
in the NT
are distinctively Aramaic (e.g., Akel- altitude of this region above the level of the Medi-
dama, Maranatha, and the formis in -d cited above). terranean Sea is between 6,000 and 7,000 ft. Noah's
Of course, the old view that the Jews forgot their ark is said to have rested on "the mountains of Ara-
Hebrew in Babylonia, and spoke in 'Chaldee,' when rat" (Gn8 4); the reference being probably to a
they returned to Palestine, must be entirely given mountain range, rather than to any particular peak.
up: the 'Chaldee' (Aramaic) of Daniel was not In the Babylonian account of the Deluge also the
spoken in Babylonia at all; Hag., Zee, and other impression is given that the mountain (range) of
Nisir stopped the ship. It is barely possible that
post-exilic writings use Hebrew, which was still
spoken normally in Jerusalem c. 430 B.C. (Neh 13 24). the double-peaked mountain, whose altitude is
The Hebrews, after the captivity, gradually acquired 17,260 and 13,000 ft., respectively, and which is
the use of Aramaic through intercourse with their situated about half-way between the Black and
neighbors in and about Palestine. Caspian seas, may have been in the writer's mind.
Another error is also to be guarded against. It G. L. R.
does not foUow because a word, otherwise unknown .
ARAUNAH, a-re'na (HjnX., 'drawnah): The Jeb-
in Heb. but common in Aramaic, occurs once or twice usite from whom David purchased the threshing-
iQ Heb., that therefore the passages in which it floor over which the destroying angel seemed to be
occurs are late: some regard must be had to the stationed (II S 24 16 ff. I Ch 21 15 ff. cf. II Ch 3 1).
; ;
character of the word, and we must consider, for in- Called Oman
in I Ch 21 15 ff. E. E. N.
stance, whether it occurs in poetry or prose, and
whether it is isolated or accompanied by other marks ARBA, Sr'ba (i'2"!«, *arha'), 'four': Only in con-
of a late style. Such a word may, for example, not nection with Hebron as the "city of Arba." The
have been borrowed by Heb. from Aramaic at a late legendary ancestor of the Anakim near Hebron (Jos
date, but have formed part of the original stock 14 15, 15 13, 21 11). See also Anak and Hebron.
common to both languages, though in Heb. it may E. E. N.
Arbathite 50
Ark
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
data for
ARBATHITE, ar'bath-ait C<^^y, 'arhhathl): erences to details, we have but meager
forming an architectural conception.
Kemams or
A man of Beth-arabah (II S 23 3i; I Ch 11 32).
a rectan-
E. E. N. synagogues are found in Galilee, showmg
ana slight
gular plan, some bases for pillar-supports,
ARBITE, ar'bait (*?"!s*, 'arbl): A man of Arab carved decoration of doorways. Detached
tombs
Arab E. E. N. constructed upon
(II S 23 35). See (2";^). are found in some places, as a rule
Greek or Roman plans. (See also City,
House,
ARCHANGEL. See Angel, Angelology, Iomb.)
Palace, Temple, Synagogue, Tower,
§ 4.
Herod, W. b. r.
ARCHELAUS, ar"ke-le'us. See § 4.
ARCTURUS. See Astronomy, § 4.
ARCHEOLOGY. See Hebrew Archeology.
ARD, ard i^^^, 'ard): The ancestral head of a
ARCHER. See Warfare, § 4.
Benjamite clan.' In Gn 46 21 he is counted as a
brother, in Nu 26 40 as a son of Bela. IH I Ch 8 3 the
ARCHES. See Temple (of Ezekiel), § 23.
name is given as Addar. ^' E- -N-
ARCHEVITE, ar'ke-vait, ARCHI, ar'kai, AR-
CHITE, ar'cait (r.jp.*!^, 'arknoaye): Only
Ezr 4 9
in ARDON, ar'den ((<">*, 'ardon): ''Son " of Azu-
and of uncertain meaning. Possibly a mistake in bah, wife of Caleb (I Ch 2 18). Perhaps a place- or
the text for Cuthites (cf. II K 17 24). Generally ta- clan-name. E. E. N.
ken as meaning people from Erech (q.v.) in Baby-
ARELI, a-ri'lai (^^>!"1^', 'ar^ell): Ancestral head
lonia. E. E. N.
of a Gadite family (Gn 46 16; Nu 26 17). E. E. N.
ARCHIPPUS, ar-kip'us CApxiTnros): A member
of the household of Philemon, probably his son (Col AREOPAGUS, e"re-ep'a-gus: A bare rock NW.
4 17; Phm ver. 2). Though evidently a young man, of the entrance to the Acropolis of Athens; called
he held an important office in the church of Colossse. "ApcLos Uayos ('Hill of Ares') from the near-by tem-
Paul calls him his "fellow-soldier" (Phm ver. 2; cf. ples of Ares. It was generally the seat of a
Ph 2 25; II Ti 2 3). He may have shared with him criminal court with jurisdiction over murder, im-
in some arduous labor for the Gospel. R. A. F. moraUty, etc. The Areopagites were drawn from
the noblest-born and wealthiest citizens, all state
ARCHITECTURE: The practical art of build-
officials being ex-officio members. It was a self-
ing in Palestine was mainly evolved from a single
perpetuating, conservative, all-powerful court, prac-
type, the rectangular, flat-roofed house of stone or
tically governing Athens. Its power was modified
brick.
The common nomadic tent of skins or stuffs by Draco, but Solon extended its jurisdiction to
criminal, political, and moral cases. Under Roman
exerted no discernible influence upon structural
rule all its ancient powers were restored. Before
forms, and the use of wood was confined to small
The house-type was de- this court Paul was summoned and, at least, not
internal details or fittings.
found guilty of serious offense, but rather dismissed
veloped into the dwelling or domestic house, the
palace or royal house, the temple and synagogue or
in contempt. One of the court, Dionysius, was con-
verted to the Christian faith (Ac 17 16-34).
house of religious assembly, the tower or fortress,
J. R. S. S.
the granary or storehouse, and the tomb or house of
the dead. Aggregations of houses in towns were ARETAS, ar'e-tas (AperaSj more properly 'ApiBas^
regularly encircled by protecting walls, having gate- transliteration of Aram, finin): The name of a
ways for communication and towers for defense. A number of the Nabatsean kings (see Arab, § 4).
city like Jerusalem might contain special structures 1. A ruler (Gr. rvpauvos) of the Arabians c. 169
for communication, like stairways or bridges, and in B.C. (II Mac 5 8). 2. A
king of the Arabians c. 96
connection with pools or reservoirs and in the Temple B.C. (of. Jos. Ant. XIII, 13 3). 3. The king men-
area porticos or colonnades were built. It seems tioned in II Co 11 32 in connection with the escape
likely that in the artistic treatment of all these types of Paul from Damascus. His original name was
of building there was almost nothing original to ^neas (Jos. Ant. XVI, 9 4). In the inscriptions
Palestine. In cases where considerable elaboration and coins from his reign (cf. CIS, Pars II, Aram.
may be inferred, it was doubtless an imitation of Nos. 196-217), he is frequently called "Carithath,
Phoenician, Egyptian, or Greek styles. King of the NabatiEans, lover of his people/' in dis-
The typical house-plan was introverted, i.e., the tinction from some of his predecessors who were
exterior was normally barren, broken only by the called "lovers of the Greeks." His reign dates
gateway, while all rooms opened inward upon a probably from about 9 B.C. to 40 a.d. (cf. CIS,
central court. In the palaces of Jerusalem and Pars II, Aram. Nos. 216, 217). There are no Dam-
Samaria there was some use of halls whose roofs ascene coins extant bearing the image or inscrip-
were supported by columns. In these buildings tion of Roman emperors between 34 and 62 A.D.,
precious materials like ivory, gold, silver, and brass so that Damascus may have been ceded to Aretas
and imported woods, like cedar, were used. To during the last years of Tiberius' reign, or, more
columns and walls color and carving were somewhat probably, upon the accession of Caligula (37 a.d.).
applied. The successive Temples were undoubtedly This would explain the statement of II Co 11 32 that
devised with an eye to beauty and impressiveness. an ethnarch of Aretas guarded the city to prevent
But aside from very general accounts (as in PauPs escape. As Aretas and Herod Antipas were
IK 6; IlChS; Ezk40^4) and some scattered ref- enemies, such an alliance of the former with the Jew-
Arbathite
51 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Ark
ish priestly party is not unlikely (Jos. Ant. XVIII^ ARIMATH^A, ar"i-mQ-thi'u (Apifiadaia): The
51,3). home of Joseph, the counselor (Mt 27 57 and ||s).
with Havvoth-jair (tent villages of Jair), but this is ARISTARCHUS, ar^'is-tflr'cus (A^picrrapxas): One
probably a gloss (cf. Driver and also Dillmann, ad of Paul's traveling companions, a Macedonian of
loc). The Targum identifies A. with Trachonitis Thessalonica (Ac 27 2). He was attacked by the
{Tarhona), the el-Leja, a region 30 m. S. of Damas- Ephesian mob (19 29), but escaped death, and ac-
cus, and 40 m. E. of Galilee, covered with lava from companied Paul to Jerusalem (20 4) and to Rome
the volcanoes of the Hauran range. It rises from 20 (27 2). J. M. T.
to 30 ft. above the level of the surrounding plain,
and its greatest length is 22 m. with a maximum ARISTOBULUS, ar"is-to-biu'ltrs ( Kpi<rr6^ov\os):
EB, has proved that simple 'covering,' a favorite and probably, as in the case of the Assyrians, on the
rendering with German writers, is wholly inadequate. left side (cf. Ex 32 27; I S 17 39, 25 13). It was used
"
The LXX.term iKaa-rrjpLov and its significance in the both as a cutting weapon, " to smite with the sword
ceremonies of the Day of Atonement (Lv 16) point (II S 12 9; " to smite with the edge of the sword," Jg
to it as being an instrument of propitiation. 21 10), and as a thrusting weapon, "to thrust through
The full description of the ark is confined to P, with the sword" (I S 31 4; II S 2 16).
but JE must have had its own account (a fragment Along with the sword and spear, the bow, qesheth,
of which we find in Dt 10 iff.) which was omitted was from early times the most used weapon. It was
R
by in favor of P. J. A. K. made of elastic wood (cf. II S 1 22),
3. The sometimes of bronze (II S 22 35). There
ARKITES, ark'aits. See Ethnography and Bow. were probably different sizes. The
Ethnology, § 11. small bow was strung most Hkely with
ARMAGEDDON, ar"mQ-ged'en. See Har-Ma- the hand (cf. II K
13 10); the usual way was to place
GEDOlsr. the foot upon the bow (cf. Ps 7 12, "he hath^bent his
bow," lit. 'trodden his bow,' from darak, 'to
ARMENIA, ar-mi'ni-a. See Ararat. tread') —that is to say, one end of the bow was
placed upon the earth and held fast with the foot,
ARMLET. See Dress and Ornaments, § 11.
while the other was bent down with the hand. The
ARMONI, ar-mo'nai (*'^TD'1N, 'armonl): A son of bowstring was made of the intestines of oxen or
Rizpah, Saul's concubine, executed by order of David camels; the arrows, hitstsim, of reed or light wood.
to satisfy the vengeance of the Gibeonites (I S21 8). Arrow-heads were at first probably of stone, later of
E. E. N. bronze and iron. They were sharpened (cf. Is 49 2),
also poisoned (cf. Ps 120 4) and provided with barbs
(Job 6 4), and in time of siege were wound with tow
ARMS AND ARMOR and pitch, and ignited (cf. Ps. 7 13). The quiver,
Analysis of Contents 'ashpah (Job 39, 23, etc.), or Hi (Gn 27 3), in which
the arrows were kept, was carried by the foot-soldier
. Offensive Weapons II. Defensive Weapons on the back, or at the left side; the chariot-warrior
1. The Spear 7. The Shield
2. The Sword 8. The Helmet had it fastened at the side of the chariot. On the
3. The Bow 9. The Breastplate, or march the bow was probably carried in a leather
4. The Sling Coat of Mail covering, which, however, enclosed perhaps only the
5. The Battle-ax 10. Proteotionfor theLegs.
middle portion of the bow (cf. Hab 3 9).
6. The Chariot
From earliest times the sling, qela', was used by
I. Offensive Weapons: Without doubt the old- the Israelites, not only in warfare (II Ch 26 14; cf.
est weapon which the Israelites brought with them Jg 20 16), but also as a weapon of the
into Canaan from their nomadic life was 4. The shepherd (I S 17 40) and of the hunter
I. The the spear (hdnith ISlSlOf., javelin, Sling. (Job 41 20), as was the case with the
Spear. AV; romah Jg 5 8, called lance [lan- Assyrians, Egyptians, and Persians.
cets AV] in I K 18 28). It consisted It consisted of a leather thong, or was woven from
of a wooden shaft (II S 21 19, 23 7) with a point of rushes, or hair, or the sinews of animals. It was
—
bronze slater of iron (I S 13 19), which because of its made wider in the middle than at the ends and con-
glitter was called lahahh, or lehabhah ("head," liter- tained a hollow place {kapk haqqela'^ I S 25 29) in
ally 'flame,' I or baraq ("glittering," literally
S 17 7) which to set the stone. The slinger grasped the sling
lightning,' Nah The kxdhon ("javelin," Jos
3 3). by both ends and whirled it in a circle about his head
8 18), which is mentioned nine times in the T, sig- several times, and then hurled the shot by letting go
nifies perhaps a smaller type of weapon, which prob- of one end of the sUng. The missile was generally
ably was used mainly as a projectile, while the spear a smooth, rounded stone (I S 17 40; Zee 9 15). The
was a thrusting weapon, and maintained
essentially Benjamites are said to have been especially cele-
its importance even alongside of the sword. The brated as slingers (Jg 20 16).
dart, shebhet, referred to in II S 18 14, and the dart, The maul or war-club, mephlts (Pr 25 18), or bat-
ma^^d', and the pointed shaft, shiryah (haber- tle-ax, mappets (Jer 51 20), was of no great impor-
geon AV), mentioned in Job 41 26, are probably tance among the IsraeHtes. The battle-
varieties of this kind of weapon. 5. The ax referred to
in the marginal reading
The sword (dagger AV, Jg 3 16 ff.). herebh (from Battle-Ax. of Ps 35 corresponds probably to the
3
hdrabh, 'to be sharp'), most likely did not become <rdyapLs of the Persians (Herod. I, 214)
Israel's chief weapon until they had settled in Pales- The chariot, rekebh (Jos 11 4) and merkabhah (Ea
Arkites
53 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Amon
15 4), with which the Israelites had long been ac- mentions helmets of bronze; among the Egyptians
quainted through the Egyptians and Canaanites, leather helmets also were used. Perhaps the Israel-
was first introduced in the time of ites were acquainted with helmets of
6. The Solomon. Even David disabled all the 8. The this substantial sort —made of leather
Chariot, chariot-horses which had been captured Helmet, and protected with bronze or iron
(II S 8 4). In the time of Solomon (cf. II Ch 26 14). Possibly the round
the number of chariot-horses is said to have been caps which are found on the Assyrian monuments
four thousand (I K
10 26). The chariots were prob- most nearly resemble those of the IsraeUtes; see
—
ably two-wheeled and open behind similar to those also the representations on the temple walls at
of the Egyptians Karnak.
and Assyrians. The cuirass,
They were most or breastplate,
likely made of shiryon (Is 59
fig-wood. They I7;cf. Eph6l4),
were not pro- was evidently
vided with not very com-
scythe-blades — mon (I S 17 38
a type of chariot ["coatofmail"];
which was first I K 22 34 ["ar-
introduced by mor"]; Jer46 4,
the Persians 51 3 [brigandine
but were over- AY]). I S 17 5
laid with iron or shows acquaint-
bronze (cf. Jg 4 ance with a coat
3). Probably of mail, shiryon
three persons qasqassim, o f
usually stood in bronze. Among
Hittite War Chariot, Containing Three Soldiers, One of Whom Carries the
the chariot Small Shield. the Assjrrians, as
the chariot- among the Is-
driver, the warrior, and the shield-bearer, shaltsh = raelites, only kings and the principal chariot-warriors
—
Hhe third man' [?] as among the Assyrians, Hit- wore the long coats of mail reaching to the ankles or
tites, and others; whereas among the Egyptians only to the knees on the other handj the com-
;
greater part of the warrior's body. We 10. Pro- Military boots, ^"'on, are mentioned
do not know the form of these shields probably there tection for only in Is 9 5 (cf. margin). know We
—
;
were several forms as among the Egyptians and the Legs, nothing more about them. Probably
Assyrians in the Roman period the Jews are said to
;
neither greaves nor boots were widely
have used the oval shield. The material was either used among the Israelites W. N.
wood or wickerwork, covered with leather, or thick
leather arranged in layers. The latter was treated ARMY, See Warfare, f3-5.
with oil to make it pliable, more durable, and
ARNAN, or'non (^J^lS, 'arndn): One of the de-
capable of resisting moisture (II SI 21; Is 21 5).
Sometimes the shields were studded with bosses scendants of David (I Ch 3 21). E. E. N.
of bronze (Job 15 26). We are to understand the ARNI (Apvel): The NT equivalent of the OT
shields mentioned in I K
14 26 ff. as probably of this
Ram in the genealogy of Jesus (Lk 3 33, Aram AV).
sort* With such shields Rehoboam replaced the E. E. N.
gold-decorated shields of Solomon which had been
seized by Shishak (I K
10 16 ff., 14 25 f.) and used ARNON, ar'nen (T'O'lis*, 'amon) : A river of Moab,
them in solemn processions to the House of God (I formed by the union of many smaller streams spoken
K 14 27 f.). On the march the shield was probably of as the "valleys" of the Arnon (Nu 21 14). It
carried, as among the Greeks, slung from the shoul- flows through a deep trench into the Dead Sea and is
der by a strap, and provided with a cover, which was one of the three principal watercourses E. of the
removed before battle (Is 22 6). In battle it was Jordan. It is first mentioned in Nu 21 13 as forming
on the left arm.
carried the boundary between the Moabites, and the Amor-
The helmet, qobha' or hobha', in early times was ites who had robbed them of their territory N.
used only by prominent persons, as kings, com- of the river. It was considered, theoretically, as
manders of armies, and similar oflScers. I S 17 38 marking the Ijoundary between Moab and the E.
Arod 54
Artisan Life
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
of Persia.
Jordan possessions of Israel, but the Moabites were 'great kingdom') borne by three kings
referred to in the Bible is A.
Longimanus
actually in possession of a large district N. of the The one
(465-425 B.C.), third son of Xerxes (Ahasuerus).
It
Arnon. See Moab and Mesha, Stone of.
cup-bearer
E. E. N. was he who granted the request of his
walls,
Nehemiah to visit Jerusalem and rebuild its
AROD, ar'ed 0^"l^., ^drodh): The ancestral head governor ot the
appointing him at the same time
of one of the Arodites, a clan of Gad (Gn 46 16; district (Neh2 1 ff., 5 14). He also (probably later)
Nu26i7). E. E. N. patronized the migration of Ezra and his
companions
for them from
AROER, to Jerusalem, and provided supplies
a-ro'er 0^''"'^: 'dro'er): The name of
The mention of his
the Syrian satrapy (Ezr7).
three cities: On the N. bank of the Arnon, the
in Ezr 4 7 is, along with the whole
1. section vs.
name
modern 'Ard'ir, built by
the children of Gad (Nu
G-23,at best a gross anachronism, to be referred to
32 34), and subsequently assigned to the tribe of and in 6 14 it is
the time of the rebuilding of the walls,
Reuben, marking the S. boundary of Israelitic ter- J- F. McC.
simply interpolated.
ritory E. of the Jordan (Dt 2 36, 3 12; II 10 33) K
(Map II, J 3). 2. A
city of Judah (I S 30 28), prob- ARTEMAS, ar'te-mas (Aprefias): compan- A
ably the same as the modern 'ArdWa, about 12 m. ion of Paul (Tit 3 12) of whom nothing else is cer-
SE. of Beersheba, Map II, D 5.Possibly the Ada- tainly known. E. E. N.
dah (q.v. ) of Jos ] 5 22 is a corruption of Aroer. 3. E.
of Rabbah in Ammon, belonging to Gad (Jos 13 25; ARTILLERY In AV of : I S 20 40 this term means
Jg 11 33). The allusion to "the cities of Aroer" in Is
simply weapons, as in RV. E. E. N.
17 both
2 is difficult LXX. reads
and doubtful. The
"abandoned forever." A
reference to one of these ARTISAN LIFE
cities is found in the gentilic name Aroerite (I Ch
11 44). G. L. R. Analysis of Contents
In General II. Metal Work
ARPACHSHAD, ar-pac'shad, ARPHAXAD, ar-
I.
1.
Construction and Equip- 10. Smiths
fax'ad. See Ethnography and Ethnology, ment OF HOUBES (a) Coppersmith
§11- 2. Tent-making (b) Goldsmith
3. Masonwork III. Other Indubtries
ARPAD, ar'pad, ARPHAD, ar'fad (1?"]^, 'ar- 4. Mason's Tools; Mortar 11. Spinning
Carpenter 12. Weaving
padh): A mentioned in the OT always with
city
5.
Carpenter's Tools 13. A Fuller's Work
6.
some reference to its overthrow by Assyria (II K 18 34, 7. Potter 14. Needlework: Em-
19 13 -Is 36 19, 37 13; Is 10 9; Jer 49 23). It lay about 8. The Potter's Wheel broidery
9. Pottery 15. Dyeing
13 m. N. of Aleppo and was once the capital of a
16. Tanning
prosperous Aramean kingdom; several times con-
quered by the Assyrians and finally made into an Artisan industry in Biblical Palestine was mainly
Assyrian province by Tiglath-pileser III in 740 B.C. concerned with the construction and furnishing of
E. E. N. the house and with the manufacture
ARRAY. See Warfare, § 4. I. In Gen- and care of personal apparel and arti-
eral. cles of adornment. Neither the OT,
ARROW. See Arms and Armor, § 3. however, nor the N T employs a com-
ARROW SNAKE. See Palestine,
mon term to designate all its different forms. The
§ 26.
nearesti approach to a group designation of the arti-
ART: In contrast with what was true of the san industries is that in the word "trade," tcx^t)
great nations on either side of them, the people of (Ac 19 25, craft AV; also *' art," Ac 17 29; craftsman,
Palestine seem to have had but very meager interest rexvtTTjSy Ac 19 24,38, harash, Dt 2715; rendered
in the arts of design. In their pottery, their textile smith in Is 13 19). The Hebrew term, however, in-
fabrics, and in some architectural fittings there are cludes only those arts which are concerned with the
traces of attention to form, color, and decorative carving of wood and metal: (1) harash *ets, "car-
treatment. But the rigorous religious ban upon penter"; (2) harash rfhosheth, "coppersmith"; (3)
the making of 'graven images' (Ex 20 4) was in harash harzel, "blacksmith"; (4) harash 'ebhen,
later times so interpreted as effectually to repress "stone-mason."
both sculpture and painting as fine arts. The only 1. Construction and Equipment of Houses:
striking exception was the cherubim, said to have The antiquity of the tent as a shelter from unpropi-
been used in the Tabernacle and the Temple (Ex tious weather is beyond dispute. An an-
26 l; I K
6 23-35, etc.). Though the representation 2. Tent- cient tradition traces it back to the very
of plant-forms was unrestricted, yet little of it is making, origin of the human race (Gn 4 20). It
recorded, and this is altogether confined to archi- survived to the latest Biblical genera-
tectural ornament. (On the art of building, see tion. Paul, Aquila, and Priscilla were tent-makers
Architecture and the references there; for the (Ac 18 3). Just how the art of tent-making was
particulars regarding the building of dwellings, see practised is learned from data outside the Bible. In
House concerning the literary fine arts, see Music
; the most ancient times the materials used were the
and Poetry.) W. S. P. skins of animals (Ex 35 23). Later tents were con-
structed out of a special kind of cloth woven
ARTAXERXES, ar"tax-grc'stz (X^P"^0:nii<, 'ar- from goat's or camel's hair. The colors brown and
tahsha^V): A name (Old Persian, Artakhskatra, black seem to have been preferred for this purpose
Arod
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Artisan Life
(Song 1 5). The tents made in apostolic times were which were also used by the carpenter, the saw, the
of Cilician cloth and used in the Roman army. The plane, the pencil, seredh^ mg. "red ocher " (RV Oxf,
cloth was woven to the required width, stitched to- He, Lex. "stylus," Is 44 13), and compasses are dis-
gether and provided with cords and loops and spread tinctly alluded to. In finer carpentry the Israelites
over poles about 6 ft. in height and securely fastened were dependent not only in the earlier
to the ground by tent-pins. (See Houses, I, §§ 1 6. The periods (I K 5 6b), but also as late as
and 2.) Carpen- the date of Ezra (3 7) on the Phoeni-
The work of the mason (oftener in EV "builder/' ter's Tools, cians for the best results. As far as
hdnah, I K5l8; Ex3iO; Neh4 5) in Palestine was Palestine is concerned no great devel-
diverse according to the material he had opment took place even to the latest day; and the
3, Mason- to use. For very ordinary purposes work done by Joseph, the husband of Mary (Mt
work, (houses for the poor) sun-bumt brick 13 65), and by Jesus (Mk 6 3), both called carpenters,
similar to that used in Egypt was con- was of the general type above described. In any
sidered satisfactory. The frailty of such structures, case the occupation did not lead to the expectation
however, and their liability to the vicissitudes of of a high degree of cultm-e or intellectual training.
weather and to attack on the part of robbers (Mt 6 19, Next in importance to wooden furniture in the
7 24f.), rendered them less desirable for those who house were earthen vessels (Lv 6 28, 11 33). These
could afford better ones (Job 419). Public build- were natm-ally numerous and of many
ings, such as the Temple, the royal palace, and many 7, Potter, kinds and imply the existence of a large
private houses were constructed of stone. It is to industry. Potters were numerous
those who prepared the stone for such structures enough to organize into gilds (I Ch 4 23). The
that the name mason is more specifically given (ha- name given to the potter {yotser, Jer 18 2; I Ch 4 23;
rash 'e6/ien, *cutterof stone,' II S 5 11; called "en- K€pafjL€vs, Mt 27 7) also indicates that his art was
graver in stone," Ex 2811; hdrash qlr, I Chl4i; looked upon as preeminently calling into activity
gadhar, 'maker of a wall,' II K
12 12, and hofsebh, creative skill. Allusions are abundant to the pot-
I Ch 22 2; or hewer,' I
' K
5 15). Engraving," Ex 28 ter's work in its various phases of progress. He
11, 21, etc., is literally the * opening ' of the stone. takes the clay fiu'nished in the soil and treads it with
Of the implements used in masonwork occasional his feet (Is 41 25; cf. also Wis 15 7) he kneads it with
;
mention is made of the hammer {maqqebhethf I K his hands like dough, puts it upon the wheel (Jer 18
6 7), which, however, may be also the 3) and fashions out of it vessels according to his
4, Mason's tool used in the quarry in cutting the pleasure. Even God's sovereignty is compared with
Tools ; Mor- stone from its native rock (pattish, the potter's power to make out of the same clay
tar. Is 417; Jer 23 29). The plumb-line some vessels unto honor and some unto dishonor (Jer
{'dnakhf Am
7 7 f.) and plummet (mish- 18 6; Ro 9 21). When the form of the product is
qoleth, II K
21 13; 'ehhen ha-h^dhtl, Zee 410) were satisfactory to him the potter fixes it permanently
evidently employed in securing straight vertical by firing the clay. The process of glazing was also
Unes, and the "measuring-line [rod]" (midddh, Jer evidently familiar (Pr 26 23; Jer 19 2; Sir 38 29ff.).
31 39; Ezk 40 5; Zee 2 1) for the laying out of ground- The chief implement of the potter was his wheel,
plans. The stones built into walls were held to- or rather wheels (Jer 18 3, "frames orseats,"AVmg.).
gether by mortar (morter AV, homer = bitumen, in These were circular slabs of wood so
Gnll3). But by mortar is meant probably also 8, The arranged that they could be made to
something more than the equivalent to modem ce- Potter's revolve in opposite directions. The
ment, namely, the plaster used to smooth the interior Wheel, potter controlled their motions by his
of the walls of houses (Nah3 14;Lv 14 42f.). Forthis feet, thus leaving his hands free to do
purpose clay or lime and sand mixed with straw is the shaping of the clay, while the wheels were chan-
known to serve at the present day in the construc- ging the face presented to him.
tion of Oriental houses. (On §§2-4, see also House.) It is natural to suppose that such a necessary
Closely associated with the mason in the building industry as that of the potter should have had a con-
of houses was the carpenter {hdrash 'ets, II S 5 11; II siderable history even in the simple
K
22 6, riKTcav, Mt 13 55). Carpenters 9. Pottery, conditions of Palestinian life. This as-
5, Carpen- assisted in building and repairing the sumption is borne out by the results of
ter. Temple, I K
6 ff II .
; K
12 11, 22 6. But excavations on the site of the ancient Lachish
the carpenter's art was oftener devoted {Tell-el-Hesxj), under the direction of Prof. Flinders
to the manufacture of the furniture of the house Petrie aiid Dr. F. J. Bliss in 1890-93 (cf. Petrie,
and of wooden agricultural implements. The Tell-el-Hesy, 1901; Bhss, Mounds of Many Cities,
range of his productions was therefore very wide, 1894). These of late have been enriched by other
including articles of the crudest form, benches, tables, excavations at TeU-Zakarya, Tell-es-Safi, and Tell-
plows, and yokes (cf. Justin Martyr, Dial, c, Trypho. ej-Jvdeideh, especially under Stewart Macalister, at
88) as well as the nicest finished carvings, inlaid Gezer {PEFQ, 1899-1906). From the discoveries
work, and veneering (miqla'ath, IK6I8; pit^uhe, made in these places and some in Jerusalem (BHss
I K 6 29). In the latter type of carpentry, the finer and Dickie, Excav. in Jerus., 1898), it appears that
woods often formed the materials (cedar, fir, and the history of pottery must be traced back to as
olive), and opened the way for the development of early a date as the 18th cent. B.C. Its first stage of
taste and the beginnings of the fine. arts. development has been called the Earlier Pre-Israel-
Besides the ax and hammer and measuring-line, ite (Amorite). Bowls and jars, which Petrie thinks
mentioned as used by the mason, suitable forms of show the influence of Libyan art, have been identified
Artisan Life 56
Asa
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
maae of ron,
with this tj'pe. The second is the later Pre-Isra^ ons of war, such as swords and spears
elite (Phoenician) and shows traces of Phoenician must have been early resorted to. In ^^.^/^^^'^
portion of the period of Judges it was
one ot ^ixe con-
influence. Its products are dated as between 1400
Philistines i"^P°^,^^, ^P?^
and 1000 B.C. The third stage, called the Jewish ditions which the victorious
([better] Israelite), includes specimens of productions Israel, that no blacksmith should
be allowed to ply
their territory, ''lest the
Hebrews make
of .the years 1000 to 300. At the latter date the art his trade in
fell under the influence of Greek models and was them swords and spears" (I S 13 19). ,
assimilated to the Greco-Roman type. For pottery The use of copper was probably
developed
'
m the
. ..
as emblematic of frailty, cf. Is 29 16, 30 14, 41 25; Jer Orient even earlier than that of iron. For practical
19 1 ff. It was into a piece of pottery that Jeremiah purposes, however, it was commonly used with soriie
(32 u) placed a deed of purchase. alloy of tin or zinc (brass, bronze,
II. Metal Work: The working of metals is 10 (a.). Cop- whosheth, Job 28 2; Ezk 22l8flf.).
traced back to Tubal Cain (On 4 22). Among the Ca- persmith. Brass is enmnerated with gold and' sil-
naanites, it appears to have been com- ver as if regarded one of the precious
10. Smiths, mon in the period of the Judges ("they metals (II S 8 10; Ezr 8 27; "copper" AV, "yel-
had chariots of iron," Jg 1 19). From low brass" AVmg.); but it is not probable that
there the Israelites may have learned the elements of such enumeration indicates any great scarcity,
work in metals. The materials most commonly since copper-mines are known to have existed at
used are gold, silver, copper, and iron (see Metals). Sinai from the 3d dynasty of Egypt downward
Of the method of working the lower metals nothing (Petrie, Researches in Sinai, 1906). Moreover, the
is learned directly from the text of the O T and little listof articles manufactured from this metal is long,
from without. The term forger used in Gn 4 22 ("in- including household utensils such as pots and. pans
structor of every artificer," AV and RVmg., "whet- and other implements necessary in the construction
ter," AVmg.) is in reality too obscure to serve as a of furniture (cf. Ex 25 ff.; see Temple. §§ 18, 19);
basis for investigation. The manufacture of weap- also Weapons of war such as shields, greaves,
Pottery.
1. Zir, large -water-jar. 7. Jarra, girl's jar for carrying water. 13. Kidre, cooking-pot.
2. Hishshe kablri, large water-jar. 8. Dorak, cooling-jar. 14. Tabnkh, small brazier.
3. Hishshe kabiri, large water-jar. 9. 'Asliye, fiat drin king-flask. 15. Bdshet el-halib, milk-jug.
4. Hishshe sghire, medium water-jar. 10. Ibrik, drinking-jarwith spout. 16. Sherbe, drinking-bottle.
5. Mughtds, drinking-mug. 11. Kidre bidanten, two-handled pot. 17. Zibdiye, dish for eating.
6. Jarra, jar for carrying water. 12. Kidre, cooking-pot. 18. Bdshet el-kalib, milk-jug.
(Prom the Suvia DuvtBon Paton Collection in Hartford Theoioj^i cal Seminary.)
Artisan Life
67 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Asa
javelins, and helmets (I S 17 5 ff . ; II S 22 35). In NT open tract of land ("fuller's field"; cf. Is 7 3). From
times the mention of Alexander the Coppersmith (II samples of fulling work found in Egyptian graves it
Ti 4 14) indicates the specialization of work in this is gathered that the art was highly developed.
metal. (See also Metals.) Of the sewing of garments or the modern tailor's
Gold and silver were imported into Palestine by art nothing is said in Scripture. Sewing (taphar)
Solomon from Ophir (I K
9 26-28). But the art of was probably limited to the repairing
working them was introduced from 14. Needle- (patching) of worn-out or torn ap-
10 (b), Phoenicia. The accomplished gold- Work Em- parel (Ec 3 7; Mk 2 21) and the stitching
:
Goldsmith, smith, refiner ('founder,' tsoreph, Jg broidery, of one piece to another in case more
17 4), was one who knew how to sepa- than one was to be used in making a
rate the pure metal from its alloy (Is 1 25) by melting garment (Ezk 13 18; Gn 3 7). Needlework {ma'dseh
the ore in the refining pot (Pr 17 3) to purify it of roqem, Ex 26 36,2716, etc., "work of the embroid-
its dross (Pr 25 4, 26 27), and to fashion it into use- erer" RV; riqmah Jg 5 30; Ps 45 14, ''broidered
ful and ornamental articles. The various ways of work" RV) is rather the working in for ornamental
working the precious metal are beating ("turned purposes of figures in colored thread or of silver and
work" RV, Ex 25 18, 31 ) with the hammer (ham- gold strands on a background of woven cloth.
mering), plating, overla3dng (Ex 25 11, tsdphdk; The art of dyeing must have been known in Israel;
cf. also I K620ff.), soldering, dehheq, Is 417, but the only clear mention of it has reference to the
"the goldsmith and he that smootheth with the coloring of the skins of animals (Ex
hammer, him that smiteth the anvil, saying of the 15. Dyeing. 25 5, 26 U). In AV "dyed attire"
soldering ["sodering" AV], it is good." Casting, (Ezk 23 15) is a mistranslation for
i.e., forming into a given shape by pouring into a "flowing turban" (so RV). The "dyed garments"
mold the heated liquid, is also implied in such ex- of the conquering hero in Is 63 l are more literally
pressions as "molten image" (Nu 33 52; Hos 13 2; his clothes steeped red in the blood of the foes he had
cf. the distinction between "graven image" and slain (so RVmg. "crimsoned").
"molten image," Nah 1 14; II Ch 34 3, 4). Finally The production of leather from the hides of ani-
gold was beaten into very thin plates, which were cut mals was certainly a common industry in O T times,
into strips, or threads, and these again used in em- but the only leather articles expUcitly
broidering garments or woven into cloth (Ex 39 3, 16. Tan- mentioned are girdles (II K
1 8; cf. also
28 6), (See also Metals,) ning. Mt 3 4). To these sandals and thongs
III. Other Industries: Of the industries must be added (Mk 6 9; Ac 12 8). In
which center about the manufacture of clothing, the the NT the employment appears distinctly in the
first in point of order is that of spinning. well-known but unique case of " Simon a tanner "
11. Spin- The materials used were goat's hair, (Ac 9 43, 10 6).
ning. wool, and flax; but the process is that Literature Delitzsch, Jewish Artisan Life, etc. (Eng.
:
familiar elsewhere in the world and the transl. 1883) S. Meyer, Arbeit u. Handwerk im Talmud
;
(1878): Benziger, Hebr. Arch. (1894), pp. 213 ff., 224 ff.;
implement the spindle, or distaff (Pr 31 19). Like- Nowack, Hebr. Arch. (1894) I, 239 ff ., 251 ff., 265 ff.
wise, as among other people, this was work usually A. C. Z.
done by women at home rather than in public shops
bymen(Ex35 25f.).
ARTS, MAGICAL: Ac 1919, Curious AV. See
Cloth for use inmaking garments was imported Magic and DivinatioN; § 9.
from Egypt and Damascus (linen from the former, ARUBBOTH, a-rub'both (HiS^^;, 'drubboth): One
damask from the latter, Ezk 27 7, 18;
of Solomon's provision districts, probably including
12. Weav- II Ch 1 16). Babylon too had a repu-
much of W. Judah (I 4 10). K E. E. N.
ing. tation for work of superior quality in
this class. But Israel was not desti- ARITMAH, Q-ru'ma (*1?^"^IJ, ^drumdh): A town
tute of its home productions. The Egyptian monu- near Shechem (Jg 9 41). Map III, F 4. E. E. N.
ments present the art of weaving with somewhat
crude implements. In Palestine these must have
ARVAD, ar'vad C^JIS, ^arwddh): A PhcEnician
been still more primitive. The shuttle is, how- city on the Med. coast 125 m. N. of Tyre. The
ever, especially mentioned (Job 7 6). The weaver's inhabitants (Arvadites, Gn 10 18) are described in
beam (IS 17 7; IIS 21 19), to which Goliath's spear Ezk 27 8, 11 as skilful seamen as well as good soldiers.
The city was in existence as late as the Maccabean
is compared in size, was the heavy post of the frame
The fuller (kobhes, II 18 17; Is 7 3, K (c. 917-876 B.C.), son of Maacah and brother of
13. Fuller's 36 2, -yvac^eus, Mk 9 3) took charge of Abijah. His reforming energy was great, and by
Work, the cleaning and bleaching of cloth. bringing sacred articles from other shrines to Jeru-
He washed the material with a prepa- salem (I K 15 15) he enhanced the Temple's preemi-
ration of lye, beat or rubbed it and dried it in the nence. Fearing Baasha's blockade (I K 15 I7f.), he
sun. For this purpose he must own or have use of an purchased Aramean aid, thereby incurring prophetic
Asahel A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 58
Ashtaroth
censure (II Ch 16 7), and bequeathing to his suc- ASH. See Palestine, § 21.
cessors a heritage of war. His defensive works were Levit- A
long remembered (Jer 41 9). The Chronicler alone
ASHAN, ^'shan C(^^, 'ashan), 'smoke':
ical city (still unidentified) in western
Judah (Jos
records the invasion of Zerah (q.v.), the Ethiopian
15 42; I Ch 6 called Ain in Jos 21 16). Bor-Ashan
(IIChl4 9), and perhaps imphes a resort to the 59,
(Chor-Ashan AV, S 30 probably mdicates the
Black Art in his final illness (II Ch 16 12). 2. son A I 30)
b. E. N,
of Elkanah (see I Ch 9 16). A. S. C same place.
ASAREL, as'a-rel (b^;"3^>;, 'dsar'el, Asareel AV, ASHDOTH-PISGAH, ash"deth-piz'ga. See Pis-
GAH.
a-se're-el): An individual or clan (probably Caleb-
ite) of Judah (I Ch 4 16). E. E. N. ASHER (yii^, 'dsher), popularly taken to mean
'happy,' though possibly an old deity name: A
ASARELAH, as"a-ri'la. See Ashabelah.
son of Zilpah, Leah's handmaid, and one of the tri-
ASCALON. See Ashkelon. bal ancestors of Israel (Gn 30 12 f.). See Tribes, §4.
ASCENT: A word applied to a natural ascent ASHERAH, a-shi'ra. See Semitic Religion,
as from a valley to a hill or mountain {e.g., Nu 34 4; §11.
Jos 10 10; II S 15 30, etc.). In I K 10 5 = II Ch 9 4 ASHES. See Mourning Customs, § 2.
we shoiild probably read "the burnt offerings
which he offered" (RVmg.). See also Jerusalem, ASHHUR, ash'ur (1^nt5«, 'ashhur, Ashur AV):
§ 23. E. E. N. A Calebite (clan?), ''father" of Tekoa (ICh2 24,
ASCENTS, SONGS OF. See Psalms, §4. 4 5). E.E.N.
ASENATH, as'e-nath (."139K, 'a§nath): The Egyp- ASHIMA, a-shai'ma. See Semitic Religion,
§12.
tian wife of Joseph (Gn 41 45, 50, 46 20) the daughter ;
of the priest of On (Heliopolis). Her name is usually ASHKELON, ash'ke-len (Xh'O^H, 'ashq^lon): The
explained as standing for Nes-Neith, i.e., who be- modern 'Askelan, 12 m. N. of Gaza on the seacoast
longs to Neith, the goddess of Sais. J. F. McC. (Jer 47 7), was one of the five principal cities of the
ASER, ^'egr (Acrrjp): The AV form in the NT for Philistines (Map I, B 9). The city was built on a
Asher (q.v.) (Lk 2 36; Rev 7 6). rocky amphitheater overlooking the sea. Extensive
Asahel
59 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Ashtaroth
ruins of the town remain. It was the seat of the ASHRIEL, ash'ri-el. See Asriel.
worship of the fish goddess Derceto, with temple and
lake E. of the city. Judah is said to have captured ASHTAROTH, ash'ta-reth (nlllJ^SJ, 'asht&roth):
it (Jg 1 18; cf., however, the LXX
reading; also Jos The plural form of the name of the goddess Ashtoreth,
13 3), but the Philistines still occupied it in the days This is found as the name of a city (Jos 9 10, 12 4, 13
of Samson (Jgl4l9), of Samuel (IS 6 17), and of 12, 31; I Ch 6 71) taken by Israel, before the passage
David (II S 1 20). Three prophets predicted its of the Jordan, from Og, King of Bashan. It is possi-
overthrow (Jer 47 5; Zeph 2 4; Zee 9 6). It was cap- ble, but not probable, that the same city is meant
tured twice by Jonathan the Maccabee (I Mac 10 86, by Ashteroth-Karnaim (Gn 14 6), an abode of the
11 60), by the Crusaders, and by Saladin. Herod Rephaim at the time of the invasion of Palestine by
the Great was bom there, and built it up (Jos, Wars, Chedorlaomer of Elam and his vassals. Eusebius
1,21 11). Its name seems to have been derived and Jerome speak of two places bearing the latter
from a characteristic product, a kind of onion, which name, five Roman miles apart, in the Decapolis.
grew there, called shallot, or escaUot, whence Ash- One of these may be the modern TeU Ashtarah, 21
kelon. Its inhabitants were called Ashkelonites m. E. of the Lake of Galilee (see Map I, H 4). There
(Jos 13 3, Eshkalonites AV). G. L. R. is also a Tell Ashari, 5 m. to the N. of the former.
(8th and
of I Ch 6 71. The coincidence of the form with Tell Greeks. The invasions of the Cimmerians
worthy Phrygians. The Lydian kmg-
Ashtarah (see above) is of attention. 7th cent.) crushed the
about
J. F. McC. dom, which became independent of Phrygia^
ASHTERATHITE, ash'te-rath-ait Cn'Ti'^P, 'ash- 716 B.C., lasted to about 546 b.c, was
and m
con-
emperors each city paid a stipulated tax based on the conquered by Attains II, who placed Nicomedes II
size and productivity of its district. The procurator on the throne. His son, Nicomedes III, was rein-
Augusti ProvincicB A sice was the tax commissioner stated by the Romans, to whom he bequeathed his
for the whole province; in each city he was repre- kingdom in 74 b.c.
sented by an exactor republicw, to whom ten citizens Besides Priapus, the native god of the Bebrycians,
were personally responsible for the city's taxes. the Bithynians worshiped Zeus on mountain-tops
The cities of A. retained their native institutions under the name of Papas, the Phrygian AttiSj Ares,
(usually timocratical). But only citizens had a and the Thracian Bendis. B. was organized as a
voice in the iKKXrja-lat and magistrates alone might Roman province (65 B.C.) by M. luncus, governor
introduce bills. The annually elected ^ovXr}, or coun- of Asia, but after the annihilation of Mithridates by
cil, survived. The y^pova-la, or Senate, had no po- Pompey (66 B.C.) Pontus was annexed to B. {Pon-
litical significance. The Xoyiarai (chosen by the tus et Bithynia, 62 B.C.). B. belonged to the Senate,
emperor) had charge of the city's finances. The and was governed in imperial times by a proconsul
governor appointed the poUcemen, from a list sub- of pretorian rank. Both B. and Pontus retained
mitted by the fiovXr), Tribal unions (xotva) for the their icotvd, presided over by the apxiepevs Uovtov
worship of the tribal god flourished everywhere the ; and the dpxiepei/s BeiBvvias. The native legis-
kolv6p 'Aalas {Commune Asicb) instituted games and lative bodies povXat, cKKKrjo-laLf ^pxavres^ remained in
cared especially for the worship of Roma and Augus- power under the Romans, who, however, gave them
tus; its delegates met yearly, wherever there were a timocratical character (Asia, § 2, above).
provincial temples, to offer prayers for the emperor, Cappadocia, an Old Persian word katpa-tuka (land
the Senate, and the Roman people, and to deliberate of Tucha'), appUed by Persians to the country NE.
on matters affecting the whole province; it might of the Taurus to the Euxine and from
criticize the proconsul and appeal to Rome its presi-
; 4, Cappa- Lake Tatta to the Euphrates. The As-
dent (called dpxtepevs *A<rias because of the pre- docia. Syrians called all C. Tabal. The inhabi-
dominating ciilt character of the Kotvov 'Aa-ias in tants were also called Syrians, or White
the imperial state religion) alone originated bills. Syrians, as contradistinguished from the darker-
The games held on these occasions were also called hued natives of Syria (perhaps a folk-etymology).
Koivov 'Aa-las. These unions ceased to exist when The Cappadocians were Aryans, though probably
Diocletian (297 a.d.) divided A. into seven prov- there were Semitic settlements in C. The country
inces. The 8rjfioi, were individual cities, while an was partially conquered by the Assyrians, probably
t^fos was a union of cities. by Tiglath-pileser I (1115-1100 b.c), certainly by
A. suffered greatly during the civil wars, especially Shalmaneser II (859-825 B.C.), Sargon (722-705
at the hands of Antony, but recovered rapidly and B.C.), and Sennacherib (705-681 B.C.). The Per-
was immensely wealthy during the first two cen- sians divided C. into two satrapies, which ultimately
turies of our era. Her woolen industries and dyeing became kingdoms: Cappadocia ad Taurum and Cap-
establishments (rugs and seamless garments) were padocia ad Pontum (later simply Pontus). The An-
famous, as also were her banks (cf. Rev. 1-3). titaurus and the cafion of the Sarus divide C into
The boundaries of Bithynia (Ac 16 7; I Pll) two halves: in the western half Mt. Argseus rises to a
varied much from time to time, but roughly speaking height of 13,100 ft., in Strabo's time a smoldering,
it was separated from Asia on the S. but now extinct, volcano. The whole surrounding
3. Bi- by the Rhjmdacus and Sangarius, from country is volcanic. There are deep beds of pumice-
thynia, Pontus on the E. by the Parthenius. stone overlain by lava, worn by erosion into lofty
In general mountainous, it has several cones (excavated into dwellings; the canon bluffs
broad plains and one large river (Sangarius). It are also excavated into thousands of chambers).
still abounds in forests. In the Argonaut myth Many of these cones have Doric fagades (temples),
B. is inhabited by Bebrycians, who were dis- while others display Byzantine architecture
placed and absorbed by Thynian and Bithynian (churches). The inhabitants are still troglodytes.
Thracians at a time unknown to history. The Thra- The whole region has but little water and few trees
cians crossed the Bosporus gradually and maintained (though it is the home of the apricot), and was always
their language and customs in their new home. The thinly populated. In earliest times Tyana was the
name Bithynii, alone used in historical times, is an chief city of western C. The plains of Tyana and the
expansion of Thynii. The Bithynians appear occa- Halys region are famous for fat-tailed sheep and for
sionally in early history as an independent, warlike, horses G^g^t roadsters, race-horses in Byzantine
inhospitable people. In Persian times they were times). Mazaca, residence of the Cappadocian
etill under native chieftains, whose power grew grad- kings, later named Eusebia, was refounded by
ually after the death of Alexander, when Zipoetes Claudius and renamed Caesarea (still Kaisariye).
defeated Lysimachus (297 b.c.) and Antiochus C.became a Roman frontier province in 17 a.d. and
(280 B.C.). His son, Nicomedes I, hired Gallic was united with Armenia Minor in 72. Csesarea was
mercenaries, subdued all Bithynia, founded Nico- captured by Sapor in 268 a.d. It then contained
media (264 B.C.), and extended his kingdom. His 400,000 inhabitants, many of whom were massacred.
son Ziaelas and his grandson Prusias I continued his It was always prosperous, because it lay on the an-
policy. Prusias sided with Rome against Antiochus, cientand modern trade-routes. It became Christian
but Rome failed to confirm him in his possessions. at an early period (I P 1 1). To the Church C. fur-
In the consequent war Hannibal led the Bithynian nished Gregory of Nazianzus and St. Basil. N.
troops, but had to surrender Phrygia Epictetus. of the Halys lies Pteria, a Hittite capital, on the
Prusias II, a weakling, was humbled by Rome, and Persian royal road from Sardis to Susa. Here are
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 03
Asia Minor
§3,above),
great rock sculptures. Pteria was supplanted later Nicomedes I (278-250 B.C.; seeBithynia,
Lydia,
by Tavium, a trade-emporium and center of the helped him subdue Bithynia, then settled m^
west-
Roman road-system. The eastern half of C. was Mysia, and Phrygia, whence they harassed
known as Melitene, whose earliest capital, also ern Asia Minor as far as Syria, which paid them trib-
Melitene (Assyrian, Melittu) on the Euphrates, was ute. They were defeated by Antiochus I (281-261
the center of an Assyrian and Roman road-system. B.C.) in one great battle (hence his title Soter, 'Sa-
The later capital of the Cappadocian priest-kings vior ' [e^eXao-ay]). They were afterward defeated by
was at Comana Aurea, in a narrow gorge. It was Attains I (about 235 B.C.), who confined them to a
the seat of the impure worship of the great Asiatic part of Phrygia (from Pessinus to Tavium), thence-
goddess of fertility, here known as Ma. Six thou- forth known as Galatia (from FaXXot, VaXarai).
sand hierodouli served in her temple, practically as They were divided into three tribes: ToUstobogii (in
religious prostitutes and suffered no disgrace by the Pessinus region), Tectosages (in the Ancyra re-
such service. gion), Trocmi (in the Tavium region); each tribe
By Cilicia was usually meant a country in south- was subdivided into four tetrarchies; the twelve
eastern Asia Minor, bounded on the E. by the Ama- tetrarchs were controlled by a Council of 300 to
nus range, on the N. and the W. by the —
judge cases of murder. This pasture-region famous
5, Cilicia. Taurus range (Lycaonia, Isaiu"ia); but for its Angora goats and cats — suited the Gallic pas-
in earhest times C. (Assyrian, KhUaku) toral nomads, who prospered, and, though defeated,
lay N. of the Taurus range, extending N. to beyond were independent and continued to be troublesome.
the Halys River (Pteria) and E. to the Euphrates They became amalgamated with natives, and adopt-
(Melitene). Cilicia proper ('The Plain') was always ed the Greek language so rapidly^t hough still speak-
intensely fertile, populous, and wealthy. It is well ing Celtic in the time of Jerome —that the Romans
watered by the rivers Sarus, Pyramus, and Cydnus. called them Gallo-Graeci. They fought with Antio-
The coast is marshy. The climate is intensely hot in chus the Great against Rome ai^ after his defeat (189
summer, very malarious, and deadly to travelers. B.C.) they were conquered by Manlius, who placed
The vegetation is rank (cotton, sugar-cane, tobacco, them under the suzerainty of Pergamum (q.v.). In
dyestuffs, sesame, wheat, barley), with semitropical 65 B.C. the tetrarch Deiotarus, Cicero's friend, was
trees (myrtle, oleander, fig, palm, orange, lemon, aided by Pompey in retiu-n for services rendered
citron). The marshes pasture great herds of cattle against Mithridates in suppressing the other eleven
and sheep. Western C., because mountainous, was tetrarchs; Pompey made Deiotarus king of G. He
called 'Rugged Cilicia' (T^a;^eTa, Tpaxei^ris). Its died about 40 B.C., when Antony made Amyntas,
chief river is the Calycadnus, where the Emperor secretary and general of Deiotarus, king of G., Pi-
Barbarossa was drowned. sidia, and parts of Lycaonia and Pamphyliain36B.c.
C. (Assyrian, Que) was conquered by Assyria in Amyntas annexed Derbe in 35 B.C. At his death
834 B.C. At that time Tarsus (Assyrian, Tarzi) (25 B.C.) G. became a Roman province, with Ancyra
was its capital. Que was invaded by people from as the residence of the pretorian legate. This Pro-
KhUaku, who changed the name of the country from vincia Galatia comprised G. proper (the kingdom of
Que to Cilicia, after their own name. C became Amyntas), and included portions of Phrygia, Lyca-
an independent kingdom in 607 B.C., under native onia (Iconium, Lystra, Derbe), Isauria, and western
princes, and was not conquered by the Persians till Pisidia to the Pamphylian frontier. Further terri-
c. 400 B.C. After experiencing many vicissitudes tory was annexed to the Provincia Galatia from time
C. became, with Lycia, a Roman province, 100 B.C. to time: the principality of Deiotarus Philadelphus
It was reorganized by Pompey, 66 B.C., after his (western Paphlagonia) in 7 B.C., SebastopoHs in 2
defeat of Mithridates, and the pirates whom he set- B.C., Comana Pontica (Pontus Galaticus) in 35 a.d.
tled at Soli (Pompeiopolis). In 22 B.C. it became an All this was the country known by Paul as Galatia
imperial province. Rugged Cilicia was long inde- (see Galatians, Ep. to the, § 4). Pontus Pole-
pendent, under native kings, whose residence was at moniacus was annexed in 63 a.d., Cappadocia and
Olba. In 137 a.d., it formed one province, with Armenia Minor in 72 a.d. About 72 a.d. the Pisid-
Lycaonia and Isauria, but was finally constituted a ian part of G. was given by Vespasian to Lycia-
province restricted to its natural limits by Vespa- Pamphylia, under a pretorian legate, while the
sian, with Tarsus as capital. C. is difficult of access governor of G. was a consular legate. Trajan
by land: on the N. the Cilician gates (a narrow crev- (106) divided it into two provinces: (1) G. proper,
asse-like cleft in Taurus 83 m. long) constitute a Paphlagonia, Lycaonia, and parts of Phrygia, and
dangerous, easily defended passage; on the E. are Pisidia united under a pretorian legate. (2) Cappa-
the Syro-Cilician gates and the Amanic gates, less docia, Armenia Minor, Pontus (Galaticus, Polemoni-
difficult than the Cilician gates. Under Seleucid acus, Cappadocius) under a consular legate. In 137
Idngs many Greeks settled in Tarsus, which became A.D. Lycaonia and Isauria were transferred to
iL center of trade and the seat of a school of philos- Provincia Cilicia. Between 386 a.d. and 395 A.D.
ophy. (See Tarsus.) Theodosius divided G. into Prima (capital, Ancyra)
The Gauls, or Celts, appeared on the Adriatic and Secunda, or Salutaris (capital, Pessinus). G. is
coast about 300 B.C., and from 280 B.C. distracted now famous for its mohair. The inhabitants still
the Roman world under Belgius and bear traces in their blue eyes and red hair of their
6. Galatia. Brennus. After the repulse of Brennus Celtic descent.
at Thermopylae-Delphi, remnants of Lycaonia was situated on a high table-land (3,000
the mutinous army under Lutarius and Leonnorius ft.)N. of the Taurus range. Its boundaries fluc-
crossed the Hellespont (278 B.C.) at the invitation of tuated from time to time according to its varying
63 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Asia Minor
political fortunes, but in general L. was bounded by pean walls in Greece they have left proof of their cun-
;
Cappadocia, Phrygia, Pisidia, Isauria, and Cilicia. ning in sculptures and rock-cut tombs which imitate
The northern part, in which Iconium is wood construction. The only mention of writing by
7, Lycaonia. situated, is a vast, treeless, waterless Homer is in connection with Bellerophon and L. The
(wells reach water at a depth of 20-30 numerous inscriptions in the Lycian language are
ft.) plain or steppe (frequent mirages); the rivers written in an alphabet pecuhar to L., but based on
that flow into this great land-locked basin disap- the Doric alphabet. Not any of them are very old
pear gradually and completely; the soil contains and they do not settle the nationality of the Lycians,
much salt and in places is semi-barren, but in gen- though they prove them to have been Aryans. It is
eral suitable for pasturing vast herds of fat-tailed not known why the Greeks called this people Lycians
sheep, of which Amyntas, King of Galatia (36-25 (Leka in the Egyptian inscriptions). In Homer Lyc-
B.C.), had 300 herds. The Lycaonians were wild, ians (Sarpedon, Glaucus) appear as allies of the Tro-
warlike border-men, who maintained their inde- jans. The Lycians defended their freedom success-
pendence in Persian times, but were conquered by fully against Croesus, but were conquered by the
the Macedonians. Their ethnical affinities are un- Persians under Harpagus after a heroic resistance,
known. Luke's mention of the ''speech of Lycao- when the Xanthians cremated themselves and their
nia" (Ac 14 11) means only that they did not speak property rather than surrender. The Lycians joined
Greek in his day, and does not prove that the Lyca- the Ionian revolt, were conquered, and became a Per-
onians were neither Semitic nor Indo-European, as sian satrapy. They sent 50 ships to Xerxes' fleet,
has been assumed. then joined the Athenian maxitime league. They
L. belonged to the Seleucids till 190 B.C., when it readily submitted to Alexander. For a time they
was given to Pergamum. In 39 b.c. Polemon was belonged nominally to the Seleucids of Syria, but
made king of L. and of a part of Cilicia by Antony, practically from Alexander to 189 B.C. L. was an in-
but was transferred to the kingdom of Pontus in 38 dependent confederation of 23 republics (70 cities), at
B.C. In 35 B,c, Amyntas, King of Galatia (§ 6, whose head stood the Lyciarch, assisted by a general
above) defeated Antipater Derbetes, robber prince of assembly, held at Xanthus, in which the six chief
southern L. (see Derbe), and annexed his princi- cities (Xanthus, Patara, Pinara, Olympus, Myra,
pality to Galatia. After the death of Amyntas (25 Tlos) had two votes each. The internal affairs of
B.C.), most of L. passed with the kingdom of Ga- each city were managed by a council and general
latia into Roman hands, and along with Galatia assembly (see § 2, above). In 189 B.c. L. was
proper, parts of Phrygia, and western Pisidia to the given to Rhodes by the Romans, though it con-
Pamphylian frontier, formed the Provincia Galatia tinued practically free. It is uncertain when L. be-
(see Galatia, § 6, above). came a Roman province. espoused the cause
It
The chief cities of L. were Iconium, Lystra, Derbe, of Caesar and was conquered by Brutus, when the
Laodicea Combusta, Laranda, Parlais. The whole inhabitants of Xanthus again cremated themselves.
region S. of Iconium abounds in Christian inscrip- L. was given freedom by Antony, but in 43 a.d. it
tions and ruins of Christian churches. The Hittite was again a Roman province, under a legate about ;
road from Pteria, via the Cilician Gates, to Tarsus 72 A.D. Vespasian added Pamphylia to L., thus in-
(the entire Hittite road - system Sardis - Pteria-
: stituting the Provincia Lycia-Pamphylia, under a
Cilician Gates-Susa was known to Herodotus as the pretorian legate, which also included the western
"Royal Road") left L. to one side, though much of end of Pisidia, that hitherto belonged to Galatia
her exports passed through the Cilician Gates. But (see § 6, above). In Roman times L. had become
other roads led through the Tarsus passes direct thoroughly Hellenized in speech and manners, and
from L. to the seaboard at Anemurium, Celenderis, her people were very prosperous, as the remains of
Seleucia, along which the wheat, wool, and salt, the magnificent theaters and other buildings attest.
chief products of L., were transported to the sea. Lydia was named from Lydus, son of the sun-god
Said Pasha's new road to Seleucia follows the line of Attys. In Assyrian the Lydians were called Luddi
one of these roads. Salt is made by crudest proc- (660 B.C.). earliest Greek name
The
esses from the water of Lake Tatta {Tuz Giol) in 9, Lydia. was Maeonia Homer, who calls its
(in
sufficient quantities to supply all interior Asia capital Hyde, afterward Sardis). The
Minor. Greeks assigned two dynasties to L. in mythical
Lycia (Ac 27 5) was bounded by Caria, Phrygia, times Attyadse and Sandonidae> or Heraclidae.
:
Pisidia, Pamphylia, and the sea. The country is The Attyadse were descendants of Attys. Eusebius
very mountainous, Mts. Cragus and says that Sardis was taken by the Cimmerians 1078
8, Lycia. Massacytus being over 10,000 ft. high, B.C., but as the Cimmerians did not appear till
Mt. Solyma (the ladder' ) between
'
, about 670 B.C., the Cimmerians of Eusebius were
L. and Pamphylia, 8,000 ft. The views from such probably Hittites. With the decay of the Hittite
alpine highlands are the finest in Asia Minor. Empire the second mythical Lydian dynasty came
The mountain valleys are fertile. There is only one into power, the Sandonidce, so called because they
broad valley, that of the Xanthus, distinguished were descendants of the god Sandon. The founder
for its fertility and its many cities. The ancient was Ninus, evidently a myth, because the Assyrians
name of L. was Milyas, which persisted only in the never crossed the Halys River prior to the times of
northern highlands. Asshurbanipal; the same dynasty was called Herac-
The first inhabitants of L., known as Solymi, who lidce (from Heracles and Omphale) by the Greeks.
were conquered by the Tramili (Tremilce, TermilcB), It reigned for about 450 years, and was supplanted
were famed among the Greeks as builders of Cyclo- by the Mermnadce in the person of Gyges about 690
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 64
Asia Minor
B.C. Henceforth the name L. was used exclusively, Asia Minor, whose boundaries fluctuated
from time
and the term Maeonia was "burnt"
restricted to the to time, but, loosely speaking, was bounded by
(volcanic) region of the upper Hermus. During Lydia (Mt. Temnus), Phrygia, and
Gyges' reign the Cimmerian invasion took place. 10. Mysia. Bithynia (Mt. Olympus, 6,000 ft.). It
Asshurbanipal aided Gyges (660 B.C.) and therefore into Troas (probably the
was divided
claimed suzerainty over L. Gyges was slain by the first settlement of the Thracian
Briges, or Phryg-
ians, on Asiatic soil), Phrygia Parva on
Cimmerians (652 B.C.). Ardys, Gyges' son, was the Propon-
tributary to Assyria. Alyattes (fourth Mermnad, tis (so named because subject to
Phrygia when the
612-563 B.C.) expelled the Cimmerians, destroyed Greeks were founding colonies), ^olis (Greek colo-
the Phrygian Empire, and took the Greek cities of nists), Teuthrania (Pergamum region), and M.
the seaboard, allowing them to retain their native proper, which in Lydian and Persian times was con-
institutions, though they paid tribute. He made L. fined to the interior. The appellation Mysia was
great and wealthy. Alyattes' son Croesus con- not applied to all this territory until Pergamenian
quered all Asia Minor W. of the Halys River (ex- and Roman times. The Mysians maintained their
cept Lycia). He became famous for his wealth (his tribal independence under the Persian kings, though
gifts to Delphi alone aggregated $6,000,000). After they were never really an independent nation. Their
ruling 15 years, he was conquered by Cyrus (546 origin is not positively known, but they are thought
B.C.), who annexed L. to Persia, when Sardis became to have been akin to the Lydians and Carians.
the western capital of the Persian Empire. The Their language was a combination of Phrygian and
Lydians, who hitherto had been brave and warlike, Lydian. They appear first as allies of Troy. They
were made effeminate by the Persians. They were were conquered successively by Croesus, by the Per-
natural merchants, devoted themselves to commerce, sians (nominally), and by Alexander, after whose
and became business mediaries between Asia and death M. passed to the Seleucids tiU 189 B.C., when
Greece. The 'Lydian market' was famous and fol- it was given by the Romans to Eumenes, King of
lowed every army. They manufactured costly gar- Pergamum. When in 133 B.C. Attains III be-
ments, rugs (Giordiz, Ushak), dyed woolen stuffs queathed his kingdom to Rome M. became a part of
(madder, T\u*key red), cast bronze, and were the first the Provincia Asia (§ 2, above).
to coin money by stalmping a rude ingot of electrum, The interior of M. is a table-land, stepped by
which Crcesus replaced by gold and silver. They were mountains running E. and W. It was once covered
musicians, and also kept the first inns. They grad- by forests, and had but few cities, but the whole sear
ually lost their nationality and adopted the Greek board was dotted with cities colonized by Greeks
language. They inherited from the Hittites the from Elsea in ^Eolis to Cyzicus. The most impor-
nature-worship of Cybele (also called Ma and the tant city of the interior was Pergamum among those
;
Ephesian Diana [q.v.]) and the sun-god Attys, the on the coast were Cyzicus (on the PropontiSj founded
sun-husband of Cybele (Semitic Tammuz = Greek by Miletus), Lampacus, Abydus, Alexandria Troas,
Adonis), who mutilated himself and was therefore Assos, Adramyttium (now 6 m. inland), Myrina,
served by eunuch priests. His death by a boar Elaea. The most famous mountains were Ida (5,750
meant that summer was slain by the boar-tusk of ft.) inTroas, and Olympus (7,600 ft.). The largest
winter. rivers were the Rhyndacus and Macestus, but the
Mt. Tmolus (6,000 ft. high) divides L. into two most famous were the Scamander, Simoeis, Grani-
regions. Famous fertile plains are the Cilbian, cus, Caicus. The inhabitants of M. were Phrygians,
Caystrian, and Hyrcanian. The rivers are the Ca- Trojans, ^olian Greeks, and Mysians proper in the
ystrus, Hermus (tributaries Cyllus, Cogamus, Pac- interior: the latter were a pastoral folk, who played
tolus). The Gygsean lake was noted; on its bank but a small role in history.
were the earliest settlements of the Lydians, who Pamphylia, a name applied originally to the level
removal to Hyde-Sardis retained it as the
after their coastal plain lying between Lycia and Cilicia, S. of the
great national cemetery, whose pyramidal grave Taurus Mountains (Pisidia). The plain
monuments are still extant, among them the tomb 11. Pam- is a chalky being a deposit made
soil,
of Alyattes (200 ft. high, 381 yards in diameter). phylia. by rivers, with carbonate of lime,
After Alexander's death L. passed first to Antig- which here, as in many places in Asia
onus (about 320 B.C.). Later, Achasus was King Minor and Greece, is rapidly discharged, forming
of Sardis (about 218 B.C.) imtil defeated by An- land. The plain is about 75 m. long by 30 m. wide.
tiochus (214 B.C.). In 189 b.c. L. was given by the At an early period Greek colonies were founded at
Romans to Eumenes, and at the death of Attains Olbia (afterward Attalia) and Side, whose sphere of
III of Pergamum (133 B.C.) it passed to Rome and infiuence was extended inland to Perga, Sillenus, and
was incorporated into the Provincia Asia. The Aspendus. The Pamphylians were never independ-
plains of L. are very fertile. In ancient times they ent and never made their mark in history; they seem
produced wine and saffron. At present tobacco, to have been an admixture of aborigines (probably
cotton, famous melons, and Tchaoosh grapes are of the same stock as the Cihcians ) and Greek colonists;
grown. their language and institutions also were partly Greek,
The chief cities of L. were Sardis (the capital and partly barbarian. P. shared the varying fortunes of
the terminus of the Persian Royal Road'), Philadel-
'
Asia Minor; conquered by Alyattes, King of Lydia
phia, Thyatira, Magnesia ad Sipylum, Hypaepa. (612-563), then successively by Persians, Macedo-
L. was Christianized at an early period as a result of nians, Seleucids. After the defeat of Antiochus III
the labors of Paul and his companions. (190 B.C.) P. was presented by the Romans to At-
Mysia, a country in the northwestern comer of tains II, King of Pergamum, who made Attalia
65 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Asia Minor
(formerly Olbia) the capital of P. It passed, by /^w6i2e [Phrygian designation of Cybele], the 'Asiatic
the will of Attalus III (133 B.C.), to Rome, biit it Mother,' associated with the nature-worship of pro-
is not known just when P. was united with Cilicia creative power in animals and plants) and her son-
into a Roman province; it is known, however, that husband the sun-god Sabazius-AUys (i.e., Tammuz,
Cicero was goviernor of Cilicia-Pamphyliar-Cyprus. the Greek Adonis). The sun-god slain by a boar rep-
For a short time P. was a part of the kingdom of resents summer slain by winter. Therefore, his au-
Amyntas of Galatia (36-25 B.C.). It formed a proc- tumnal festivals were sad, accompanied by orgiastic
uratorial province from 25 to 50 a.d. In 74 a.d. rites and self-mutilations, while in his spring festivals
Vespasian united Lycia and P. into one province, to frenzied joy prevailed at the reappearance of the god,
which he added the western end of Pisidia, the moun- expressed by orgiastic dances, bacchanalian wander-
tainous country hitherto belonging to Galatia. Both —
ings in forest to the music of the flute which was
Cilicians and Pamphylians were notorious pirates, therefore banished by Plato and Aristotle from their
whose chief center and slave-market was at Side. republics. There was no real marriage, only tem-
These pirates were suppressed by Pompey (67 b.c.) porary unions. Women gained dowries by prosti-
and settled at Soli (Pompeiopolis) in Cilician terri- tution before the deity, without losing caste, there-
tory. The chief cities were Olbia (AttaUa), Side, fore descent was reckoned from the mother. These
Perga, Sillenus, Aspendus (excellent theater). Fa- orgiastic, obscene rites were adopted by and main-
mous riverswere the Eurymedon (the scene of tained a hold on common Greeks and Romans till a
Cimon's naval battle), the Cestrus (whose ultimate late period. Meantime P. was converted to Chris-
source is the Egherdir lake, whose water flows under tianity atan early period (entirely Christian by 300)
the Taurus Mountains, and rises as the Cestrus, a and abandoned what she had passed on to the GrEECO-
fact discovered by the present writer), Melas, Catar- Romans. But their early training in mysticism
rhactes (or —
Duden Su, 'sinking river' it sinks twice, bore fruits in Montanism, which was strenuously
a phenomenon common in Asia Minor and Greece). opposed by Abercius, the great Phrygian saint (a
In winter the Circassians now bring herds of horses real personage).
from mountains of Paphlagonia to pasture in plains P. isa high plateau, given chiefly to agriculture
of Pamphylia. In summer the climate is deadly, (now wheat and opium) and sheep. The Phrygians
giving rise to pernicious fever. invented not only the flute but farming implements
The original boundaries of Phrygia were vague, but and wagons. Industries also flourished; especially
in prehistoric times it included the whole western in- embroideries, rugs (still made in the Giordiz-Ushak
terior of Asia Minor, extending through region). A rug-pattern appears on the tomb of
12. Propontis to the Hellespont (Phrygia Midas. Monuments of Phrygian art are abundant at
Phrygia. Parva). The Greeks considered the *
Midas-town,' on the tombs of the kings, on the
Phrygians the primeval people, who Acropolis, and at the fortified town hewn in the
spoke the original language of man, while her kings rock (Pidgmish Kale, 'digged castle'). They used
were peers of gods (Tantalus). The Phrygian king- the Greek alphabet, but the inscriptions are not fully
dom supplanted a part of the Hittite Empire (the deciphered.
Hittite road, afterward the Royal Road' of the Per-
*
Pisidia was a district of southern Asia Minor. Its
sians, passed near 'Midas- town'). P. was an inde- boundaries fluctuated much at different times, es-
pendent kingdom for a long time under Midas- pecially in the western end. Loosely
Gordius. The Cimmerians, 680-670 B.C. (Midas 13. Pisidia. speaking, it was bounded by Isauria,
conunitted suicide) held P. for about 80 years. Cihcia, PamphyUa, Lycia, Caria, and
They were expelled by Alyattes (590-585 B.C.), who Phrygia. The nationality of the Pisidians (first
annexed P. to Lydia, when the Halys became the mentioned by Xenophon) is uncertain. Some re-
boundary between Lydia and Media (585 B.C.). gard them as Milyans (see Lycia, § 8, above), others
After the fall of Sardis (546 B.C.) P. was incor- as Solymi, but Strabo says that the language of the
porated into the Persian Empire. After its con- Pisidians was distinct from that of the Solymi and
quest by Alexander it fell to Antigonus. After the Lydians. They were brave, wild, lawless, liberty-
battle of Ipsus (301 B.C.), it belonged to the Seleu- loving border-men, who made frequent predatory
cids of Syria. The quartering of Gauls in P. by At- incursions into neighboring territory. Though under
talus I brought ruin to the country (see § 6, above). the Persians they nominally belonged to the Lydian
The western part of P. was annexed to Pergamum satrapy, they were never really conquered. They
in 189 (Phrygia Epictetus). It passed, by the will offered a stubborn resistance to Alexander and con-
of Attalus III (133), to Rome, and was incorporated tinued to be governed by native dynasts, even when
(120, after the death of Mithridates) into the prov- nominally a part of a Roman province. Indeed, up
ince of Asia (§ 2, above). to 189 B.C. part of the western end of P. formed a
The Phrygians were akin to the Greeks, who separate principaUty (capital Cibyra). It belonged
thought them akin to the Armenians. They prob- nominally to the Seleucids till 189 (the eastern end
ably came from Europe via the Hellespont to Asia till 102). Under the Pergamenian kings it was
Minor, though some may have come overland via united with Pamphylia. In 36 b.c. Antony made
Annenia-Cappadocia. They were most famous in Amyntas (former secretary and general of Deiotarus)
prehistoric times (Homer, Troas, Sipylus, Sinope) king of Galatia, western Pisidia, and parts of Lyca-
and made a tremendous impression on the Greek onia and Pamphylia. At the death of Amyntas (25
mind (cf: Midas, Gordius, Marsyas, Olympus, the B.C.) his kingdom (including western P.)
became a
flute). Their religion, too, had a great influence on Roman province with Ancyra as the residence of a
the Greeks; their chief deities were Cybele (Matar pretorian legate. In 44 a.d. the western end of P.
Asia Minor 66
Asssrria
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
(Pon-
was added to Phrygia as part of Asia (§ 2, above), em interior between the Iris and Halys rivers
and in 72 a.d. to Lycia-Pamphylia. (See also Gala- tus Galaticus). Pontus Polemoniacus got its name
tia, § 6, above.) because it was given by Antony (36 B.C.) to
Polemon
Eusesebes of Laodicea ad Lycum, part of whose
king-
In northern P. lies Lake Egherdir (30 m. long,
3,000 ft. above the sea), whose waters sink under the dom went with his widow Pythodoris (granddaugh-
ter of Antony) to Archelaus of Cappadocia
Taurus Mts. and rise beneath Baulo as the Oestrus. (thence-
Other important rivers rising in P. and flowing forth known as Pontus Cappodocius), Polemon 11
through deep narrow valleys are: the Catarrhactes inherited the throne of Pontus Polemoniacus, but
(Duden Su), the Eurymedon, and the Melas. P. is ceded the kingdom to Nero 63 a.d., when P. became
a rugged, impassable, alpine country containing the a separate province, but in 111 a.d. PHny was con-
highest peaks of the Taurus range with thrilling sular legate with proconsular power in Bithynia et
scenery, and a salubrious climate on its elevated Pontus,
table-lands. The memory of Paul's visit (see An- The people of P. were rude, warlike, barbarous,
tic ch, 1) is still preserved in a village named Baulo and known in earliest times by Greeks as "White
(corruption of Paulus), on a lofty plateau above the Syrians" (see Cappadocia, § 4, above). In the 7th
source of the Oestrus, The name was given to the and 6th cent. Greek colonies were established on the
place probably because Paul rested some time in the coast, at Sinope, Amisus, Side, Themiscyra, Cerasus
invigorating climate of Baulo, with its sublime views ('Cherry'), and Trapezus. The mountainous coun-
(to cure malaria, the ''thorn in the flesh"? See try is intersected by fertile plains of the Iris, Lycus,
also Paul, § 1). P., strangely enough, had many and Thermodon rivers, in which were many native
important wealthy cities. The chief ones were: An- cities: Amasia (in the Iris valley) was the birthplace
tioch (q.v.), Sagalassus (on an elevated plateau at of Strabo, and capital of Mithridates VI and from 7
the foot of an overhanging mountain), Oremna (on B.C. the residence of the Roman governor. Comana
very top of a lofty, inaccessible crag; streets still clear (in the Iris valley, called Pontica, to distinguish it
and distinct), Termessus, Selge, and Pednelissus (a from Comana Aurea; see Cappadocia, § 4, above)
fortress on the Lycian frontier). was a seat of the worship of Ma, and the residence of
Educated Pisidians adopted the Greek language, independent priest-kings (cf. the Amazon myth).
while the peasantry clung to the native tongue and J. R. S. S.
had but a smattering of Greek. P. contains many
ASIARCH, e'shi-arc ( A.(Tidpxns)
Brandis has :
magnificent ruins and Greek and Latin inscriptions,
proved erroneous the identification (Marquardt,
chiefly of the Roman period.
Lightfoot, Ramsay) with the dpxiepevs *A<rlas and
Pontus means 'sea,' It is not an ethnic but a ter-
has shown that the Asiarchs were not officials,
ritorial designation, applied after Alexander to the
but delegates of individual cities to the provincial
country lying between the River Halys
congress {koivov 'Ao-las, Commune Asios; see Asia
14. Pontus. and Colchis, part of which originally be-
Minor, § 2). Therefore there might be several
longed to Cappadocia (first known as
at the same time in the same city ("chiefs of Asia,"
Cappadocia ad Pontum, i.e., Howard the sea,' and
Acts 19 31; see Strabo, xiv, 649). The dignity could
then simply Pontus for short); while the rest re-
be held along with a civil or religious office. It was
mained independent under native dynasts. From
held for one year, not for life. The institution ceased
the 4th cent. B.C. P. was nominally Persian, one of
to exist at the end of the 3d cent., along with the
whose satraps, Ariobarzanes, assimied the title of
Kotvov 'Aa-las, when Diocletian divided the Provinr
king, but the real importance of P. begins with the
kings of Persian stock named Mithridates. Mithri-
cia Asia into seven provinces. The dignity was
much sought for and was perpetuated on coins and
dates I (337) was expelled from Bithynia and killed
inscriptions. Only the wealthy were eligible, for
by Antigonus (302). Mithridates II (302-266)
besides other expenses Asiarchs had to institute
extended his kingdom from Amastris-Ancyra to
games and gladiatorial contests. J. R. S. S.
the Tibareni. Mithridates III was busied in fighting
the invading Gauls (see Galatia and Phrygia, §§6 ASIEL, ^'si-el (V«^'??2?, 'dsi'el), 'God is [my] ma-
and 12, above). Mithridates IV annexed Sinope. ker': A Simeonite "prince" (ICh4 35). E. E. N.
Mithridates V (Euergetes), 156-121, rendered aid to
Rome in the third Punic war and received in return ASKELON, as'ke-len. See Ashkelon.
a part of Phrygia. Mithridates VI (Eupator), the
Great, 121-63, reigned over a kingdom which in-
ASMOD^US, as"mo-di'TTs: An evil spirit men-
cluded most of Asia Minor and extended around the tioned in To 37 ff. See Demonology, § 3.
Black Sea to the Cimmarian Bosporus (Tauric Cher- ASNAH, as'na (H^Q^, 'a§nah), Hhornbush': The
sonesus). Defeated and driven out of P. by Pompey ancestral head of one of the families of the Nethinim
in 66, he retreated to Tauric Chersonesus, where, be- (Ezr2 60). E. E. N.
sieged by his son Phamaces, he committed suicide
(63 B c ) which ended the kingdom of P. Nicomedes
. .
,
ASNAPPER, as-nap'gr. See Osnappeb.
III of Bithynia bequeathed his kingdom to Rome
ASP. See Palestine, § 26.
(74 B.C.), and after the annihilation of Mithridates
(66) P. was annexed to Bithynia (62), and the com- ASPATHA, as-pe'tha (X0?0«, 'a?patha'): One of
bined province was known as Bithynia et Pontus (a Haman's ten sons (Est 9 7). E. E. N,
senatorial province in 27 B.C.). The rest of Mithri-
dates' kingdom was given to native dynasts, and ASRIEL, as'ri-el (h^^y:^^, 'asrl'el): The ancestor
Deiotarus (see Galatia, § 6, above) received the west- of the Manassite clan of Asrielites in Gilead (Nu 26
Asia Minor
67 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Assyria
31; Jos 17 2), The variant genealogical notice in their ends. A band of such men led by the "Egyp-
I Ch 7 14 (Ashriel AV) is probably a scribal error. tian" into the desert is referred to in Ac 21 38.
E. E. N. A. C. Z.
would be most likely to have (Ex 20 17, etc.). The tion" of Israel) in RV only in Pr 5 14, (6) 'dtsereth,
;
horse came into use in Israel at a comparatively late a 'compulsory' meeting, generally rendered "solemn
period and then only as an animal for riding or for assembly" (Lv 23 36, etc.). (7) qahal, the 'assembly'
war, not as a work-animal (of. the figures for the two of Is. as a theocratic unit, frequently used with 5
.
animals at the Return, Ezr 2 68 f.). The ass, on the nearly always rendered "assembly" in (Ex 12 6, RV
other hand, was used both for riding and for work. 16 3, etc.). A derived word, q^hitlah, is used in Dt 33
The O T distinguishes between (1) the kdmor, the 4;Neh5 7.
male animal, the ordinary beast of burden (cf. Gn II, In N T: (1) cKKX^o-ta, the concourse in the the-
42 26 ff., 49 14, etc.), also used for riding, frequently ater (Ac 19 32, 41; cf. ver. 39). (2) a-vvaycoyr), 'syna-
by women (cf. Ex 4 20; Jos 15 18; I S 25 23). (2) The gogue,' i.e., church meeting (Ja 2 2). (3) Travrjyvpis,
possessor of large herds of asses was a rich man (cf ASSIR, as'gr (n^P8, 'as?lr), 'captive': 1. The
Gn 12 16, 32 15; Job 1 3, etc.). name of two Levites (Ex 6 24 = I Ch 6 22 and I Ch 6
The wild ass, pere^ and ^arddh, which goes in herds, 2. In I Ch 3 17, AV (a son of Jeconiah). But
23, 37).
but also loves solitude (Hos 8 9), untamable, rejoi-
cing in its freedom (Job 39 5), is at home only in the
RV has the more correct reading, "Jeconiah the
captive." E. E. N.
desert (Job 24 5; Jer 22 4). See also Palestine,
§ 24. E. E. N. ASSOS, as'es ^Ao-o-os, Ac 20l3f.): A town sit-
uated on a lofty hill on the southern coast of the
ASSASSINS ("murderers" AV): The RV so ren- Troad. Its ruins are extensive. The docks at Con-
from sica, a curved
ders (TtKapioiy Sicarii (derived stantinople were constructed from its ancient build-
Bword, small enough to be carried under the cloak), ings. The mole is still extant. Excavations have
meaning strictly 'daggermen.' They were a semi- been conducted here by the American Archeological
political party and were called "assassins" from Institute. It is now called Bekhram, from a Byzan-
their promptly resorting to murder to accomplish tine officer, Machram. J. R. S. S.
ASSYRIA
Analysis of Contents
1. The Name II. Struggle for Supremacy 12. Achievements of Tiglath-pileser III
2. Earliest History 8. Rivalry with Babylonia 13. The Work Done by Sargon
3. Nineveh and Its Group of Cities 9. First Contact with Israel 14. Sennacherib
4. National Character 10. Attempts on the Westland 15. The Acme of Power
5. Purity of Race III. Assyria Supreme in Southwest 16. Fall of Assyria
6. Periods of History Asia 17. Importance of Assyrian Monu-
I. Pehiod of Dependency 11. Reorganization of the Em- ments
7.Dependence on Babylonia pire 18. Art and Religion
Assyria is the Gr. form of Heb. "iVkL'li!, Asshur^ for a time the principal seat of the new nation and
which designates in O T, for the most part, the As- was always the chief frontier station toward the
syrian land and people, and also the south, the lower Zab being normally
I. The extension of the kingdom as embracing 2. Earliest the border of Assyria proper. Gradu-
Name. the whole Assjoian Empire. In some History. ally the colonists moved northward,
later writings, the empires succeeding and passing the upper Zab they estab-
the Assyrian are referred to by the same name, e.g., lished several fortresses between that river, the Tigris
the later Babylonian (Lam 5 6) and the Persian itself, and the Zagros chain of mountains to the north.
(Ezr 6 22), the reason being that Assyria was the The chief of these walled cities were
original comprehensive type, and therefore a natural 3. Nineveh Calah and Nineveh, which formed the
representative of a great Asiatic empire. and Its center of the kingdom. This historical
Asshur was first of all the name of the patron Group of process is outlined in Gn 10 lO, where
god of a community of Babylonian emigrants, who Cities.Nimrod (cf. ver. 9) represents the
named after him their first permanent settlement, eponymous founder (Mic 5 6) of Baby-
founded on the right bank of the Tigris, north of lonian and Assyrian civilization and history. "Out
its junction with the lower Zab. This city remained of that land he went forth into Assyria, and built
Assyria A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 68
Nineveh and Rehoboth-Ir and Calah and Resen be- 2300 B.C., and the era of the collapse of the old Baby-
tween Nineveh and Calah." In this list Rehoboth- lonian world-empire, about 1650 B.C., when Baby-
Ir is probably a suburb of Nineveh, and the site of lonia proper came under the control of the non-Sem-
Resen is unknown. No mention is made of the city itic Cosseans. During this period the supreme rulers
of Asshur in the O T, perhaps because it had ceased were not 'kings,' but 'regents of the god Asshur.'
to have any importance by the time when the He- Such an appellation impUes semi-independence of
brew traditions took shape. Babylonia, which was wisely permitted under the
The Assyrians, as contrasted with the Babylonians, regime of Hammurabi and his successors. Complete
were a more hardy, warlike, independent people, independence and the assumption of kingship on the
with less general intellectual talent and part of the rulers probably came at last without any
4. National enterprise, but with more political violent break.
Character, genius than the Babylonian or indeed II. Struggle for Supremacy. The second
than any other branch of the Semitic period 1650-745 B.C.) shows Assyria as a rival of
(c.
race. Their territory, being almost entirely moun- Babylonia and an increasingly aggres-
tainous or rugged, though fertile, was not, upon 8. Rivalry sive power generally. The Cossean dom-
the whole, as productive as the Babylonian. The with ination in Babylonia gave the Assyr-
struggle for existence was made keener by attacks Babylonia. ians the opportunity and justification
from robber bands of the northern and eastern for proclaiming themselves heirs of the
mountains. Wars on a larger scale with the Gute old Babylonian dominion, and the great rulers of As-
and the Kasshites, or Cosseans, of the S. and E., syria speak of themselves frequently as successors of
and with many tribes and nations of the N., such as the famous kings of the oldest dynasties of Babylonia.
the Kurds, who stiU control the same region as of The inheritance naturally included the right first of
old, trained them for systematic military operations all tothe Mesopotamian territory through which
and gave these Romans of the East a discipline un- passed the highways of western traffic. This was se-
precedented among Oriental peoples. cured after several centuries of bitter conflict with the
The Assyrians, in contrast with the Babylonians, growing Aramean settlements E. of the Euphrates.
represented also the idea of Semitic independence Assyria on the whole became continually stronger and
and exclusiveness. Their emigration Babylonia continually weaker. Already in the 12th
5. Purity was made either before or at the time of cent. B.C., under the great Tiglath-pileser I, Assyria
of Race, the subjugation of Babylonia by the had, in addition to Mesopotamia, subdued the most
Elamites. They successfully resisted formidable nations or the northern and northwestern
the attacks of the Cosseans, who later ruled in Baby- highlands as far as Cappadocia, and Assyrian armies
lon for nearly six centiiries. Their religion, though had overrun Syria as far as the Phcenician coast-line.
essentially Baby- But these efforts could not be repeated; and it was
lonian,was less adul- not till the 10th cent, that they were systematically
terated with foreign resumed. Meanwhile the Arameans had founded
elements. Their an- their great settlements W. of the Euphrates, and
cestors in N. Baby- Palestine had come largely under the control of the
lonia were of that Hebrews, while both Assyria and Babylonia were
genuine Semitic enfeebled and inactive.
stock which has left It was in consequence of another revival of As-
no trace of *Sume- syrian power and aggression that Israel first came in
rian* influence either contact with the empire of the Tigris
politically or in its 9. First in 854 B.C. The situation created in
oldest literary monu- Contact that year was typical. Shalmaneser
ments. Finally, the with II (860-824 B.C.), whose annals are
numerous sculptured Israel, engraved on the famous black obelisk
representations of in the British Museum, was now king of
Assyrian faces bear Assyria. He was repeating and extending the con-
an unmistakable quests of his father, the warlike and cruel Asshur-
Head of an Assyrian. Semitic stamp. nasirpal (885-860 B.C.). He was approaching
The history of Hamath from the N., and a combination of twelve of
Assyria maybe divided into three periods marked the western states was formed against him. The
respectively: (1) by dependence upon Babylonia, lead was taken by Ben-hadad II, the king of Da-
^^-^ ^^ ^ ^^^g struggle for supreniacy, mascus, by this time the most powerful nation on
6. Periods
1 TT- * (3) by the attainment and mainte- the Mediterranean coast-land. Damascus was also
of History. "^
^ j
nance 01r preemment dominion.
.
' normally a bitter enemy of northern Israel; but just
I. Period of Dependency. The first period in that year the peace of Aphek (I K20 36) had been
may be regarded also as a section of Babylonian concluded, and Israel under Ahab is mentioned by
history, for not only Assyria but the Shalmaneser as contributing a strong contingent
7. Depend- whole region W. to the Mediterranean to the defensive force. Other peoples represented
ence on was during most of the time under the were Ammonites and Arabians from E. of Palestine.
Babylonia, control of Babylonia. The relations of The battle which ensued was indecisive, but Shal-
friendship with the parent country were maneser was interrupted in his march of conquest.
undisturbed, as far as we know, during the centuries As a result of subsequent campaigns the Assyrians
between the founding of the colony, perhaps about succeeded in breaking the leadership of Damascus
69 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Assyria
in theW., so that in 842 Jehu, the usurping king of ofSamaria coincided with the death of Shalmaneser
found it to his interest to send gifts to Shal-
Israel, and the accession of Sargon, the founder of the last
maneser and thus become an Assyrian and greatest Assyrian dynasty.
10. At- vassal. Assyria, however, was over- The reign of Sargon (722-705 B.C.) was almost as
tempts on straining herself, and Damascus had important as that of Tiglath-pileser, since he con-
the West- a reprieve from attack for forty years, solidated and confirmed the work of
land. during which time the Syrians were 13. The the latter. During his reign the em-
able to exert their strength, especially Work pire assumed permanent shape and
under Hazael, against both Israel and Judah. But Done by substantive existence. The west was
the Aramean capital was at last taken in 797, and Sargon. carefully watched, and the way to
never again became the seat of a first-class power. Egypt prepared and guarded, A re-
The strength of Assyria, however, became exhausted bellion in Ashdod was put down in 711 (cf. Is 20),
by strenuous attempts at extension in all directions, and Judah, now a recognized vassal state, was
and for nearly half a century it had enough to do to warned against intriguing with Egypt and the Phi-
maintain its hold even upon Mesopotamia. listines. More important was the work accom-
III. Assyria Supreme in Southwest Asia. plished in Babylonia. There the priesthood of
A series of insurrections in several important cen- Babylon had been favorable to Assyrian interven-
ters was ended in 745 B.C. by the ac- tion under Tiglath-pileser. But a formidable rival
II, Reor- cession to the throne of the most origi- had arisen in the south, by the Gulf, where the Chal-
ganization nal and far-seeing of Assyrian rulers, dean chiefs were asserting their claims against all in-
of the Tiglath-pileser III (q.v.), also known truders (see Babylonia, § 19). The famous Mero-
Empire, in the Bible by his Babylonian name of dach-baladan (q.v.) had, in fact, made himself
Pul (II K
15 19). His policy was to put king of Babylon, and it was not until the twelfth
all troublesome states under direct Assyrian adminis- year of Sargon that he was dislodged. Sargon then
tration, and to hold the tributaries under a rigid made himself regent of the country under the gods of
system of probation whereby sedition or intrigue Babylon.
with outside peoples was punished with heavy fines On the death of Sargon and the accession of his
and increase of tribute. Such penalties were usu- son Sennacherib (705-681 B.C.) a great revolt was
ally so severe that insurrection was resorted to for set on foot. It was headed by Heze-
relief, and direct annexation was the almost invari- 14. Sen- kiah of Judah in the west with the coop-
able reprisal. Thus the work of empire-building nacherib. eration of the Philistines and the back-
was reduced to a system for the first time in the ing of Egypt. In 701 Sennacherib
world's history. His military policy was to keep in invaded the country. The allies of Hezekiah were
check the northern and eastern mountain tribes by defeated, Judah itself ravaged up to the gates of
occupying their territory, a process which involved Jerusalem, and many of its inhabitants carried into
terrible and frequent wars to make Assyrian prov-
; exile, while the capital was saved only after a ter-
inces of the recalcitrant states to make tributaries of
; rible plague had decimated the Assyrian army when
the rest by virtue of his rightful prerogative, since all about to invade Egypt (II K 18 13-19 37).
of them had at one time or another become vassals Politically this disaster to AssjTia was only a mi-
or wards of Assyria; to bring Babylonia imder As- nor incident, and Judah remained a vassal of As-
syrian control; and to make Nineveh the capital of syria until the fall of Nineveh. Esar-
the Semitic world. 15. The haddon (681-668), the best of the
By 738 B.C. all northern and middle Syria had been Acme of Assyrian kings, enlarged the empire by
made an integral part of the Assyrian realm. In Power, the annexation of Egypt. Asshur-
that year Menahem of Israel bought off banipal (668-626) put down revolt in
12. Achieve- Tiglath-pileser with an immense sum of Egypt, but had to relinquish its sovereignty in
ments of K
money (II 15 17-20). In 734 the As- or about 645 B.C. A great rebellion in Baby-
Tiglath- Syrians returned to Palestine, where the lonia, headed by Asshurbanipal's brother as vice-
pileser III, new king Pekah had formed an alliance roy,was put down with terrible severity, and Elam,
against the invaders and attempted to which had long opposed the Assyrian advances in
coerce Ahaz of Judah into joining the combination Babylonia, was finally conquered.
(Is ch. 7). Ahaz sought Assyrian protection. Tig- This rounded out the achievements of Assyrian
lath-pileser, within the next two years, dethroned empire-building. But the majestic structure soon
Pekah and put him to death, made a province of began to fall apart through internal
Israel N. of the plain of Jezreel, took the city of Da- 16. Fall strain and the assaults of the Scythians
mascus, extorted enormous tribute from the Phoe- of Assyria, of the north; and at last its corner-
nician seaports, and appointed his own creatures to stone, the mighty fortress of Nineveh,
rule over the Philistine cities (II K
15 29 £f.). was stormed by the soldiers of the new and virile
Hoshea, who was placed over the dismembered empire of the Medes (607 B.C.). Their alUes, the
kingdom of Israel, kept up tribute-paying till the Chaldeans, who had already thrown off the Assyr-
death of the great Assyrian, but he revolted at the ian yoke, succeeded to the headship of the Semitic
instigation of the Egyptian princes of the Delta in world and to the providential mission which Assyria
724, the third year of Shalmaneser IV. Samaria had unconsciously fulfilled.
was at once invaded and was taken at the close of The resurrected monuments of Assyria, abundant
722. The principal inhabitants were deported to and varied as they are, are perhaps of less impor-
distant provinces of the empire (II 17). K
The fall tance to the student of civilization than the vast
Assyria 70
Astronomy
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
and ever-increasing array of Babylonian antiquities. tional religion. Thus it happened that when Assyria
They do, however, supply great defects and gaps passed away as an empire the cult of Asshur
was
Babylonian records, partly be-
in the ipso facto extinguished, while Marduk of
Babylon
17. Im-cause the longer-lived nation had little survived the poUtical destruction of Semitism under
portance of taste for the chronicling of poHtical Cyrus and the Persians.
Assyrian and military events, and partly be- Literature: For the history and civilization: Hommel,
Monu- cause much of the best Assyrian litera^ Geschichte Babyloniens Assyriens, 1885-88; Tiele,
und
ments. ture consists of transcripts of invaluable Babylonisch-Assyrische Geschichte, 1886-88; Winckler,
Geschichte Babyloniens undAssyriens, 1892;
Rogers, His-
Babylonian documents whose originals relations to the
tory of Babylonia and Assyria, 1900; for
have not yet been found. On the other hand, the Bible Schrader, Die Keilinschriften
• und das alte Testament
Assyrian inscriptions, and especially the royal annals, (2d ed. 1883, Engl. tr. by Whitehouse.is referred to as COT;
are the most valuable material illustrative of the 3d ed., a new work, by Winckler and Zimmern. 1903);
McCurdy, History, Prophecy, and the Monurnents, 1894r-
O T which antiquity has yielded up. By means of 1901 (containing also a connected political history of the
them we have obtained a reliable framework for ancient Semites) Price, The Monuments and the Old Tes-
;
Bibhcal chronology during the most important tament, 1900; Pinches, The Old Testament in the Light of
the Records of Assyria and Babylonia, 1902; Delitzsch,
period of Hebrew history, and the history itself dur-
Babel und Bibel, 1903. For the general subject the best
ing the same period has been rearranged, read- resumes are Murison, Babylonia and Assyria (Bible Class
justed, and made organically intelligible. More Primers), 1900, and the articles on "Assyria" and "Baby-
important still is the commentary upon O T proph- lonia" in EB by King; and for the religion, Jastrow, Re-
ligion of Babylonia and Assyria, 1898.
ecy which they afford. For example, the records of J. F. McC.
Assyrian warfare explain and vindicate the most
powerful exposure and arraignment of imperialistic
aggression ever made, and at the same time help us ASTRONOMY AND ASTROLOGY
to understand, better perhaps than any modern in-
stances, the other declaration of prophecy, that
Analysis of Contents
vainglorious national ambition and even interna- 1. Scope and Nature 6. Figurati-\;e Usage
tional strife have a providential mission of chasten- 2. The Sun and Moon 7. Religious Interest
ing and humiliation. Perhaps most important of 3. The Stars 8. Star-Worship
4. Constellations 9. Astrology
all is that we are now shown by the Assyrian annals
5. Star of Bethlehem,
how prophecy itself was conditioned by and shaped
in accordance with the successive movements of In the current cosmology of Biblical timeS; the
Assyria upon the western lands, and the complica- earth is not a part of the starry universe, but a flat
tions that resulted therefrom. surface, on which the heavens rest like
The Assyrian people in the arts of architecture I. Scope an inverted bowl. Astronomy does
and sculpture alone excelled the contemporary and not therefore include an account of the
Babylonians. Of more importance to Nature, earth, but only of the heavenly bodies.
18. Art and us is their religion, not only because it These were thought to be fixed in the
Religion, affected the worship of Israel (IIK 23 firmament, not absolutely, for they move along cer-
11 f.; cf. 16i0ff.), but also because it tain paths in definite periods (Jos 1012; Is 388),
stands in such close causal relation with the political and can be detached thence and fall (Mt 24 29;
and military system of the Assyrians themselves. Rev 9 1). The whole view is not animated by
Just because the empire of the Tigris was a concen- scientific interest and therefore can not be called
trated unit, ever striving to realize itself in action, a theory. It takes cognizance of those facts only
the cult of Asshur, the patron god of the Assyrians, which have practical bearings. This is true both
became more and more emphasized, as contrasted of the O T and the N T. Winckler's theory, that
with that of the other gods whom they worshiped the Semitic peoples, including the Hebrews, con-
in common with the Babylonians, their political and ceived of the world and human history as con-
military rivals. It is true that the foundation of stituted upon and ruled by principles resident in
their religious system was of Babylonian origin, and the heavenly bodies (see Winckler, Himmels und
certain of the gods, such as the theoretical supreme Weltenhild der Bahylonier, 1901; Die Bahylonische
triad, Anu, Bel, and Ea, Shamash the sun-god, Sin W eltschopfung, 1906) finds no support in Biblical
the moon-god, Adad the thunder-god, and Ishtar the data.
deification of the female principle, were retained and The sun (shemesh, ^tos) is the most splendid
honored. But their own deity, Asshur, who was not of God's works (Ps 19 5-7). Its course is continuous
in the Babylonian pantheon, came to be looked on as and includes a section under the earth
the potential possessor of all the moral attributes of 2. The Sun traversed at night (Ec 1 5). It is the
the other divinities. Thus there was in Assyria a and Moon, source of heat and light for the earth.
stronger tendency toward monotheism than in the Its darkening is the sign and expression
parent state, even when Marduk (or Merodach), the of great calamities. Hence, "the sun shall be dark-
god of the city of Babylon, became supreme in Baby- ened at midday " may describe the occurrence of an
lonia, the chief distinction being that while Marduk eclipse, always an occasion of superstitious dread
was recognized as specially the patron of the capital among unscientific peoples (Is 13 10; Jl 2 10; Am 89;
city, Asshur was always the god of the whole state Mt 24 29; Mk 13 24; Rev 6 12). The moon (ydreah,
and indeed of the whole empire. Asshur was also poet., I'hhdnah, the substitute of the sun
a-eXrjvr)) is
first and foremost a war-god, because war was the for the night period (Gnll6; Ps 121 6, 136 9).
most genuine and spontaneous expression of the na- Eclipses of the moon may be alluded to in the ex-
Assyria
71 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Astronomy
pression "the moon turned into blood" (J12 31; (Mai 4 2), "the bright, morning star" (Rev 22 16)
Rev 6 12). are self-explanatory. The apocalyptic use of astro-
Of the stars (kokhdbhim, aa-repes) as objects of nomical facts includes such instances
interest in themselves,no account is made. In 6. Figura- as the "seven stars" (Rev llBflf.),
a small number of aEusions, how- tive Usage, symbols of the protecting spirit of the
3. The it is possible to detect' current
ever, Seven Churches; the great star Worm-
Stars. astronomical notions. The whole of wood (Rev 8 10 f.), symbol of distress, and the moon
the starry firmament as a body is called subjected to the Church (Rev 12 l) with others less
"the host of heaven" (Gn 2 l), though that phrase clear.
does not always convey the same meaning (I 22 19; K That astronomy is in the Bible geocentric has al-
II Ch 18 18). Of individual stars, including planets, ready been intimated. It might better be called
Venus is mentioned under the name "Day Star" theocentric. It views the material
("Lucifer, son of the morning" AV, Is 1412). 7. Relig- heavens as the handiwork of God and
Saturn appears under the name of Chiun (Am 5 26; ious Inter- the instrument of His pleasure in min-
AV and ERV, but ARV,"the shrine"). But the fact est. istering to men. He created them in
that the star is alluded to as an object of worship the beginning (Gn 1 1, 14 f.) in order to
renders the reference to Saturn quite probable (cf. be the means of fighting the earth and marking the
also Ac 7 43, " Rephan," probably Saturn). beginnings and endings of the seasons. They im-
The grouping of the stars into constellations press the mind by their multitude (Gn 15 6), their
appears in general (Is 13 10), and in the mention of brilliancy, their elevation above the earth (Pr 25 3;
individual constellations as follows Jer 31 37; Job 22 12). Poetically, they are conceived
4. Constel- (1) Orion {h^l, Am
5 8), which, ac- as personal beings, declaring the glory of God (Ps
lations, cording to the Semitic conception, 148 3-5). They sing together for joy and in many
represents a slow-witted giant chained other ways praise their Creator (Job 38 7).
to the skies; hence the question in Job 38 31, "Canst This is in contrast with the ideas of the other
thou loose the bands of Orion?" suggesting the im- peoples of BibHcal lands. These in most cases
potence of man as compared with the omnipotence worshiped the heavenly bodies. The
of God Job 9 9).
(cf. also (2) The Great Bear 8. Star- contrast is all the more significant be-
{'ash, Job 9 32, Arcturus AV).
9, 38 In the latter Worship. cause it is certain that the cosmological
passage the sons of the Bear ("the train" RV) are and astronomical ideas of the Hebrews
the three stars in the tail of the constellation. By are vitally connected with those of Babylonia. The
some, however, this constellation is identified with faithful Israelite was taught that the heavenly
the Pleiades, which is compared to a hen with her bodies as creatures could receive no homage from
brood. Schiapparelli argues convincingly {Astr, in men; but lest he should be too didl to perceive
T, 1905, p. 54 ff.) for the Hyades. (3) The Plei- that their creaturehood precluded their being wor-
ades {klmahj Job 9 9) is identified by its desig- shiped, he was expUcitly forbidden to offer it (Dt
nation as a compact group. From this view we get 4 19). Violations of this law were severely de-
the expression in Job 38 31, "Canst thou bind the nounced by the prophets and prophetic writers (Jer
cluster ('chain' RVmg.) of the Pleiades?" making 1913; Ezk 816; Zee 1 4f.; cf. also Ac 7 43, quoted
the parallelism of the clauses perfect. (4) Mazzaroth from Am
5 26, "star of the god Rephan").
(Job 38 32). This seems to be not a constellation Astrology is the art of interpreting the motions of
(Corona BoreaUs, Hyades) nor the circle of the zodiac the heavenly bodies as portents of future events.
(Job 38 32; AVmg. and RVmg.), with its twelve It was practised probably among the
signs, but the planet Venus or the planets collectively 9, Astrol- majority, if not aU, of the nations
(so II K 23 5, but mg. " the twelve signs"). (5) The ogy, mentioned in the Bible; but Hke star-
Chambers of the South (hadhre themdn, Job 9fl), worship it found no favorable soU in
probably some constellation of the Southern hemi- Israel. Astrologers are spoken of as altogether out-
sphere. (6) The Swift Serpent (nahash bdriah, side of Israel. In Is 47 13 Babylon is challenged to
Job 26 13). There is some uncertainty as to whether save herself from the doom merited by her sin and
this phrase designates a constellation. It is certainly invited to resort "to the astrologers ('dividers of the
the name of a celestial phenomenon, and, if a constel- heavens' RVmg.), the star-gazers, and monthly prog-
lation, it is probably the Dragon located between the nosticators. " All these terms appear to be syn-
Great and the Little Bear. (7) In Job 37 9, though onymous and, as the words which follow indicate,
EVV read "north," and mg. "scattering winds," are different names of men who professed to foretell
there is reason to believe that the Hebrew rrfzartm the future by observing the stars. Jeremiah (10 2)
designates the two constellations of the northern counsels Judah not to be "dismayed at the signs
skies, the Great and the Little Bear (cf. Schiap- of the heavens." Astrologers are named also in
parem,p. 67£f.). Dn 1 20, 2 2 AV, but RV renders more correctly
5. Star The Star of Bethlehem (Mt 2 2 ff.) "enchanters." The Hebrew word for astrologers
ofBethle- has been sometimes interpreted as a (hobhre shdmayim, 'dividers of the heavens') sug-
hem. conjunction of planets (Kepler; cf. gests the method employed, which was the section-
Munter, Stern d. Weisen, 1827), but ing of the firmament and assigning a particular
Was more probably either a comet or a meteor. meaning to each section according to its relation to
Metaphorically, a star stands for a guide because the object sought to be foreshadowed.
stars are so often taken as guides in travel at night, Literature: Schiapparelli, Asiron. in OT (1906); M. A.
md, ^uch expressions as "sun gf righteousaess" Stern, Die St^rnUld^r in Hiob SS^i. ^. Q. Z._
73
Asuppim A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Atonement
(autochthonous
called Cecropia from Cecrops
I Ch 26 15, 17, AV, this word occurs as a proper the out-
RV as founder). Theseus (semimythical) united
noun, but it is given more correctly in "store-
Acropohs was the
lying demes (Panathengea). The
house." E. E. N.
kings. After
seat of worship of Athene and the
ASYNCRITTJS, a-sin'cri-tus C Ao-vvKptros) : A Codrus the kings were replaced by archons chosen
Christian mentioned in Ro 16 14, to whom Paul sends from the family of Codrus, elected for life (1068-752
a salutation. J. M. T. B c ); then the archonship was open to Eupatrids
chosen for ten years (752-682 B.C.). Later, there
ATAB, e'tad (T^^v'. ha'atadh): ''The[threshing]-
were nine annual archons chosen from the Eupa^
floor ofAtad" (Gn 50 U f.). Apart from the state- trids. The chief archon (eponymos) gave the name
ment that it lay "beyond (i.e., E. of) the Jordan" to the year; the second (basUeus) was chief priest;
no information is given of its location. But this is the third (polemarchos) commanded the forces; the
more likely a later addition, since to go from Egypt other six were thesmothetce (legislators). The Areopa^
to Hebron one has no cause to cross the Jordan. gus was supreme in rehgious matters. Draco codified
E. E. N.
the laws in 621 B.C., and Solon instituted the timoc-
ATARAH, at'a-ra (*T^^, 'dtarah): One of the racy in 594; 6,000 judges, chosen by lot, controlled
wives of Jerahmeel, perhaps a clan-name (I Ch 2 26). the officials, and a council of 400 aided the archons,
E. E. N. whose presidents were called prytanes. Pisistratus
the tyrant (561 B.C.) embelhshed A., patronized
ATAROTH, at'a-reth (n11*05J, 'dtaroth): 1. A literature and art, built the altar of the Twelve Gods
city of Moab, occupied by Gad (Nu 32 3, 34 and Stone (center of the state), Enneacrounos, began the Olym-
of Mesha, line 10). Map II, J 2. 2. A town on pieum, finished the old Hecatompedon and other
the S. border of Ephraim (Jos 16 5, in 16 A. Addar). 2
buildings. Clisthenes reorganized the tribes in 508
Map III, E 5. 3. A town on the NE. border of
B.C. A. sent twenty ships against Darius in 498 and
Ephraim (Jos 16 7). Site unknown. 4. Atroth-beth- defeated the Persians at Marathon in 490. Xerxes de-
Joab, a locaUty belonging to the Calebites (I Ch 2 54). stroyed A., but was defeated in 480 by Themistocles.
6. Atroth - Shophan, a town of Gad (Nu 32 35).
As head of the confederacy in 474 under Pericles, A.
Site unknown. E. E. N.
enjoyed her 'golden age,' when the Parthenon, Pro-
The ancestral head pylaea, Erechtheum, and Odeum were built. In spite
ATER, e'tgr (TlJJJ, 'ater): 1.
of the eloquence of Demosthenes, the liberties of
of the sons' of Ater of Hezekiah, one of the large
'
article, "the way of [the] Atharim," has led some to to-day sustained by faith in His name, and so
think of it as an appellative, e.g., "the way of the spreads over the world.
spies," AV (which rests on a wrong reading), or the N
No one doubts that the T connects this new life
'caravan way' (Dillmann). Both the meaning of the with the sacrifice of Christ.* The problem before the
word and the site remain imcertain. E. E. N. theologian is a triple one: (1) How does the NT
73 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Asuppim
Atonement
describe this connection between the Cross and the complete opposition to 'ethical' is 'mechanical.'
forgiveness of sins? (2) What are the principles by Punishment, substitution, vindication of righteous-
which theology can explain that connection in the ness, etc., are ethical facts even when expressed in
Hght of those descriptions? (3) What authority terms of forensic procedure. On the other hand
has this whole view over the modem mind and will? 'ethics' is in danger, if it be maintained that God's
The following classification of passages, not ex- love does not reckon with law, that God's holy char-
haustive, indicates the chief methods of descri- acter is not involved in the forgiveness of sin.
bing the relation of Christ's sacrifice to All truly Christian theories agree in the following
I. N T forgiveness. Some passages belong to points: (a) God, the eternal Father in His holy
Material, more than one group. love, is the source of salvation, the sender of the Son.
(a) The general idea that Christ (6) Christ in His sinless fife, His complete self-sacri-
suffered for or in behalf of persons I Th 5 9 f Gal :
. ; fice,has revealed God's holy love, (c) The con-
2 20; II Co 5 I4f.; Ro 56-11; I P 3 18; He29; Jn3 templation of Christ in life and death moves the
14-17, 10. 15, 12 32 f. IJn 3 16.
; (6) The special idea human heart to repentance and faith, hope and love.
that His death was related in some way to our sins: But the objective, vicarious theories recognize in
Ro4 25, 5 8; I Co 15 3; Gal 1 4, 3 13; I P2 24; He 9 28. the Scripture account elements of vital importance
(c) Sacrificial allusions, in which Christ's death is which must be added to these. The unique empha-
likened to that of the animals sacrificed under O T sis on His Cross is due to unique values in His self-
laws, and generally connected directly with sins: Mt sacrifice. Hence the following additional points are
26 Ro 3 24-26, 5 9, 8 3; II Co 5 21 (cf. Lev 4 21
28; to be noted: (d) The sinless Son of God did actually
LXX); Eph 2 13; I P 1 19; He 7 27,9-10; Jn 129; experience the various results of sin in (1 ) the oppo-
IJn 1 7, 2 2, 4 10; Rev 1 5 f., 7 14. (d) Terms imply- sition and hatred of men; (2) His deep sorrow over
ing purchase or ransom: Mk 10 45; I Th 1 10; Ro 3 24; human wo; (3) His submission to death; (4) the
I Co 6 20; Eph 1 7; I Ti 2 5, 6; Tit 2 14; He 9 15; Rev mysterious and awful clouding of the Father's face,
5 9. both in His various temptations partially (Mt 4 l-ll;
For many centuries Uttle attention was given Jn 12 27 ff. Mk 14 32-39), and on the Cross (Mk 15 34).
;
by theology to the problems involved here. The (c) This phase of His experience (even His death)
. crude notion, founded on passages un- was not an incident in His caUing as the revealer of
2.Theories der (d), that a payment was made to God, but the crowning work to which He had been
of the devil for man's release was never se- appointed by the Father (Mk 10 45, 14 24, 36; Jn 3
Atonement. riously worked out and perished as soon 14:-16, 10 17, 18, 27, 15 13; Ro 3 25 f., 5 8, 8 3; II Co
as the subject was earnestly consid- 5 21; Col 1 12-14, 20; He 5 5, 10; I P 1 17-21; I Jn 4 9, 10)
ered. In the course of discussion, since Anselm and the ground of reconciliation on which pardon is
(1033-1109) definitely opened the problem, two offered. (/) The necessity for this is found in that the
main classes of opinion have emerged: (a) Those, righteousness of God must be vindicated in the very
called moral or subjective theories, which hold that act of offering His mercy. The vindication is no
our dread and selfishness were the only obstacles to mere formality, nor does it consist in setting so
reconciliation, and that Christ so manifested the much suffering as equivalent of so much penalty.
righteousness and love of God that men's hearts are It consists in fulfilUng the righteousness which man
won to faith and obedience, (b) Those, called ob- had broken, and in doing so at all costs to God
jective, or vicarious, or expiatory, which maintain Himself in Christ His Son. To be utterly righteous
that in sin there lay an obstacle to God's offer of among men and for men Christ must die. In a
mercy, that this obstacle was removed by the world of sin nothing short of that would be complete.
sacrificial death of the God-man. Of course within But to do this was to manifest the supreme holiness
these two main groups there are many varieties of of God's will, {g) This necessity existed on man's
opinions; and of some theories there is dispute as side also. In every covenant the conscience of each
to whether they belong more properly to (a) or to side judges for both sides. Man can not accept sin-
(6), (For one of the best classifications of Atone- cerely a pardon whose righteousness is not as com-
ment Theories see Introduction to Dr. Simon's The pletely assured as its love. That which breaks the
Redemption of Man) cf. Stevens, The Christian heart of the penitent is not only the sight of God's
Doctrine of Salvation, Pt. II.) love, but of that love in all its stern righteousness —
Two extremes in each direction may well be con- love that sacrifices all not merely for mercy but also
demned at once. On one side the notion that the for righteousness. The death on the Cross is there-
sufferings freely assumed by Christ and inflicted by fore an act of God in which He dealt with the race as
God form a quantitative equivalent over against a whole, with the general and eternal principles of a
those due from man as penalty for sin, and that men righteous mercy, of a holy love. On that objective
are saved by consenting to that transaction; on the basis the message, the call comes to each soul.
other side the notion that Christ's holy life and mar- On these grounds the various NT forms of de-
—
tyr death as of other prophets, but more power- scribing the work of Christ are interpretable without
fully and widely —
stimulates the acts of repentance prevarication, and an objective atonement is as di-
and faith. The former is too shallow in its view of rectly applicable and potent to-day as in any past
the problem of forgiveness for God and the latter generation.
too shallow in its view of the problem of repent-
Literature: (1) For Scripture material in addition to
ance for man. works in Biblical theology, T. J, Crawford, The Doctrine
An unhelpful distinction has lately been drawn of Holy Scripture Respecting the Atonement (1871);
between ethical and forensic theories. The only R. W. Dale, The Atonement (1880); A. Ritschl, Recht-
Atonement A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY U
Azubah
in the
fertigung und Versdhnung,Yo\. II (1870-74) W. P. Du ;
founded colonies, built roads, enacted laws
Bose, The Soteriology of the N
T (1892); A. Seeberg, Der and morality. His autobiogra-
interest of religion
Tod Christi, etc. (1895) J. Denney, The Death of Christ Un
given on the Monumentum Ancyranum.
;
as Interpreted by the N
T (1902). (2) For history of dis- phy is
cussion, besides histories of the Church and of doctrine, the decree (Lk 2 i) see Chronology of T^J N I-
son of the Kohathites, an ancestor of the prophet which remains uncertain. A. was fortified by Reho-
Samuel (I Ch 6 36). 3. A
son of Zadok, priest under boam (llChUo), besieged by Nebuchadrezzar
Solomon (I K
4 2 cf I Ch 6 9)
; .4. Son of Nathan, an
. (Jer 34 7), and reoccupied by the Jews after the
officer at Solomon's court (I 4 6). 6. K
prophet, A Exile (Neh 11 30). E. E. N.
son of Oded, who met Asa retuming-from the defeat
of Zerah, the Ethiopian, and exhorted him to perse-
AZEL, ^'zel (75J^, 'atsel): A descendant of Jona-
vere in hie religious reforms (II Ch 15 1-8). 6. A son than, son of Saul (I Ch 8 37 f., 9 43 f.). E. E. N.
of Jehoshaphat, massacred by his brother Jehoram
(II Ch 21 2 ff.). 7. The father of Amariah, high priest
AZEM, e'zem. See Ezem.
under Jehoshaphat (I Ch 6 lO; Ezr 7 3). 8. A son of AZGAD, az'gad (T.:^, 'azgadh), 'Gad is strong,'
Jehoram Ch22 6). But see Ahaziah, 2. 9.
(II
or 'fate is strong*: The ancestral head of a large
Two captains who assisted Jehoiada (II Ch 23 l ff.)* family of post-exilic Jews (Ezr 2 12 = Neh 7 17; Ezr
10. A high priest, who withstood Uzziah's attempt
8 12 - Neh 10 15). E. E. N.
to desecrate the altar of incense (II Ch 26 17, 20). 11.
An elder of Ephraim, who rebuked Pekah for taking AZIEL, 6'zi-el (^^^U, 'dzVel), 'God is (my)
Judsean captives in the Syro-Ephraimitish war (II Ch strength': A Levite who played
the psaltery and
28 12 ff.). 12. Two under Hezekiah
Levites, active who was chosen by David to play before the ark
(II Ch 29 12). under Hezekiah (II
13. Chief priest
(ICh 15 20, Jaaziel in ver. 18). E. E. N.
Ch 31 13). 14. A son of Hilkiah, and grandfather of
Ezra (I Ch 6 13; Ezr 7 1). 15. A Judaean leader who AZIZA, a-zai'za {^^X^., 'dzlza'), 'strong': One
opposed Jeremiah's counsels (Jer43 2). 16. Two of the "sons of Zattu" who had taken a strange
persons in the genealogy of Judah (I Ch 2 8, 38 f.). wife (Ezr 10 27). E. E. N.
17. A common name among the exiles who returned
(Neh 3 23, 7 7, 8 7, 10 2, 12 33). 18. The Hebrew AZMAVETH, az-m^'veth (W^IV, 'azmdweth),
name of Abednego (q.v.) (Dn 1 6). J. A. K. Meath is strong': I. 1. One of David's heroes (II S
AZAZ, A Reubenite, the son
23 31; I Ch 11 33). 2. A
descendant of Saul (I Ch
^'zaz (^ly, 'dzaz):
8 36, 9 42). 3. Apparently the father of certain fol-
of Shema (or Shemaiah) (I Ch 5 8). E. E. N.
lowers of David (I Ch 12 3). It is Ukely, however,
that a place-name is here used genealogically. See
AZAZEL, a-ze'zel (VtNJS?, 'dza'zel), Scapegoat
II, below. 4. Oneof David's treasurers (ICh 27 25).
AV, 'removal' RVmg. (Lv 16 8, 10, 26): A name used II. The home of a colony of returned exiles (Ezr
in connection with one of the goats selected for the
2 24; Neh 12 29), called Beth Azmaveth in Neh 7 28.
service of the Day of Atonement (Lv 23 26 ff.). It
It lay a Uttle N. of Anathoth, Map II, F 1.
is not, however, the name of the goat, for that was
E. E. N.
entitled " unto Azazel " just as the other goat was en-
titled " unto Jehovah." Azazel must, therefore, be AZMON, az'men (p)^2|^, 'atsmon): A town on the
the either of the act of sending the goat away
name S.border of Judah (Nu 34 4 f. ; Jos 15 4) called Ezem
into the wilderness or, preferably, of the person to (Azem AV) in Jos 15 29, 19 3; ICh 4 29. Site un-
whom it was sent, possibly a demon in the wilderness. known. , E. E. N.
Apart from this ceremony, however, it is not easy to
trace the existence of belief insuch a person among AZNOTH-TABOR, az"n0th-te'ber (113:^ D'tm^
the Israelites, though it was conamon enough among ^aznoth tdbhor), 'ears of Tabor': probably A place,
other peoples (Wellhausen, Reste Arab. Heid., pp. hills, near Mt. Tabor on the border of Naphtali (Jos
AZBUK, az'buk (pW^, 'azbuq): The father of AZRIKAM, az-rai'kam (D|?'*'1.T^, 'azrlqam): 1. A
Nehemiah, ruler of part of Beth-zur, who assisted descendant of David (I Ch 3 23). 2. A descendant
in rebuilding the wall of Jerusalem (Neh 3 16). of Saul (I Ch 8 38. 9 44). 3. A Levite (I Ch 9 14; Neh
Canaanites at the battle of Gibeon. It is also men- it may indicate that it was once occupied by Caleb-
tioned with Socoh (Jos 15 35; IS171), but these itesand afterward deserted. 2. The mother of King
references are not clear enough to identify the site. Jehoshaphat (I K
22 42; II Ch 20 31). E. E. N.
AZUT A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 76
Babylon
AZUR, e'zur. See Azzur. AZZUR, az'zur (llTr, 'azzur, 'helped': 1. The
AZZAH, az'za. See Gaza. father of Hananiah, the prophet of Gibeon (Jer28 1,
Azur AV). 2. The father of Jaazaniah, a prmce of
AZZAN, az'zan {]i^, 'azzan), 'strong': The the people (Ezk 11 l, Azur AV; same as 1 [?])• 3.
father of Paltiel, prince of Issaehar (Nu 34 26). One of the sien'ers of the covenant (Neh 10 17).
E. E. N. E. E. N.
B
BAAL, be'al or ba'al. I. Significance of the BAALE-JUDAH, b^'ol-i-ju'da. See Baalah, L
term: The word Ba'al (?^5) occurs many times in
BAAL-GAD, -gad (11 ^^?, ba'al gadh), 'Baal of
the Heb. OT with various meanings. 1. In the
good fortune A place in the valley of Lebanon (Jos
' :
11 12
17, 7), "under Mt. Hermon" (13 5). In these
19 22; Is 16 8. 2. In the sense of husband/ as in Ex
'
passages it marks the N. limit of Israel's conquest of
21 3; II S 11 26; see esp. Hos 2 16. 3. To denote the
Canaan. Though often identified with Dan (So-
inhabitants or men of a town, as in Jg 9 2 f. 4. To
mas) its site is uncertain. E. E. N.
denote one who is skilled in some practise or inti-
mately connected with some particular thing (of. BAAL-HAMON, -he'men fliT^n V^l, ba'al
RVmg. at Gn 37 19). 5. As the name of the Sem- kdmon): A place mentioned in Song 8 11. The
itic deity Baal (see Semitic Religion, § 15). location is unknown. E. E. N.
6. In compound personal or place-names. In per-
sonal names Baal referred to the deity. Such BAAL-HANAN, -hd'nan Q^n ^^2, ba'al hanan),
compounds were very common among the Phoeni- 'Baal was gracious': comp. the Carthaginian name
cians and Canaanites. In Israelitic personal names Hannibal. X. The seventh king of Edom (Gn 36 38 f.
compounded with Baal the term was used as the = I Ch 1 49 f.). 2. An official under David (I Ch 27
equivalent of Jehovah i.e., Jehovah was called 28). E. E. N.
Baal. He was the maker, owner, lord. In later BAAL-HAZOR, -h^'zer 0'^^ hp^, ba'al katsor):
times (after the 8th cent.) such compounds were
viewed with disfavor. Place-names compounded
A town in Ephraim, where Absalom had a sheep-
range (II S 13 23). Probably the hilltop Tell 'Asur.
with Baal are ancient and in such "Baal" stood
Map III, F 5. E. E. N.
for the local deity. II. 1. A Reubenite (I Ch 5 5).
2. A Benjamite (I Ch 8 30=9 36). HI. A town in BAAL-HERMON, -her'men (X^in ^^2, ba'al
the S. of Judah, called Bealoth (Jos 15 24), also hermon): A town or place near Mt. Hermon (Jg 3 3;
Baalath-beer in the list of the cities of Simeon I Ch 5 23). Perhaps the same as Baal-Gad (cf. Jos
(Jos 19 8), where it seems to be identified with 13 5). E. E. N.
Ramah of the South. Aside from the fact that it
was somewhere on the border of Simeon's 'territory BAALI, be'al-ai: Used as an appellation of J'' in
(ICh4 33) its site is altogether unknown. Hos 2 16. See Baal, I, 2. E. E. N.
E. E. N. BAALIM, be'al-im. See Semitic Religion, § 15.
BAALAH, b^'a-la (nb2?3, ba'dlah): 1. A city on
BAALIS, b^'al-is (D\b;y5^ fea'^Zts): A king of the
the N. border of Judah (Jos 15 9f.; I Ch 13 6), also
Ammonites (Jer 40 U). '
E. E. N.
called Baale-judah (II S 6 2), Kiriathbaal (Jos 15
60), and Kiriath-jearim (q.v.). 2. A city in the S. BAAL-MEON, -mi'en fl irTp b^2, ba'al m«'o7i),'The
of Judah (Jos 15 29), also called Balah (Jos 19 3) and Baal of Meon' ('the dwelling'?) A prominent town of :
Bilhah (I Ch 4 29), and counted as belonging to Sim- Moab (cf. Ezk 25 9), assigned to Reuben (Nu 32 38;
eon. Site unknown. 3. A range of hills between I Ch 5 8 Jos 13 17, where it is called Beth-baal-meon).
;
Ekron and Jabneel (Jos 15 11). For general location It is called Beth-meon in Jer 48 23 and Beon in Nu
see Map III, C 5. E. E. N. 32 3. In the inscription of Mesha (q.v.) it is called
Beth-baal-meon and represented as "built" (cf. Nu
BAALAH, be'a-la, BAALATH, be'al-ath: Vari-
32 38), i.e., 'built up' or 'fortified' by Mesha. Map
ant forms of Baal. See Baal, III.
II, J 1. E. E. N.
BAALATH-BEER, be'd-ath-bi'gr. See Baal, III. BAAL-PEOR, -pi'er 0'l^S>^ hv^, ba'al p^'or), 'The
BAAL-BERITH, -bi'rith (n^n? Vr3, ha'al h^rlth), Baal of Peor': The god who was worshiped at the
'Baal of the covenant': The name of the Canaan- Moabite town, or place, Peor (cf. Nu 23 28). The
deity was probably Chemosh, the national deity of
ite deity of Shechem (Jg 8 33, 9 4), called Elberith
in 9 46. What the 'covenant' referred to in the the Moabites. During Israel's sojourn in Moabite
territory, the Israelites were drawn away by Moabite
name was is uncertain. There is no evidence
that it was a covenant between the original (Ca-
women to the corrupt worship of the deity (Nu 25 3;
naanite) inhabitants of Shechem and the Israelites.
Dt 4 3; Ps 106 28; Hos 9 10). See also Peor.
This Baal had a temple at Shechem which, like most E. E. N.
pagan temples, served as the treasury of the com- BAAL-PERAZIM, -pe-re'zim (D^V"1?"^5'3, ba'd
munity. E. E. N. p^ratstm), 'Baal of [the deeds of] breaking through':
77 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Azur
Babylon
The scene of one of David's victories over the Philis- officers of Ishbosheth, son of Saul, who murdered
tines (II S 5 20; I Ch 14 11). The name is significant him and were executed by David's order (II S 4 2 ff.).
of the use by the Israelites of Baal = Jehovah. Is 3. The ancestral head of a family of returned
28 21 refers probably to this event. The site is un- Exiles (Ezr 2 2; Neh 7 7, 10 27). E. E. N.
known. E. E. N.
BAARA, b^'a-ra (Xn2J.5, ba'dra'): One of the
BAAL-SHALISHA, b6"al-shal'i-sha (pt)'^ b^^,
wives of Shaharaim, the Benjamite (I Ch 8 8).
ba'ol shalishdh) : A place in Ephraim (II K 4 42). Map E. E. N.
III, E 4. Perhaps identical with ShaHsha (q.v.)
(IS 9 14). E. E.N. BAASEIAH, b6"a-sl'ya (n;\??iJ2, ba'dseyah): A
BAAL-TAMAR, -t^'mor (l^n hv^), 'Baal of the Gershonite Levite, ancestor of Asaph (ICh640).
BAAL-ZEPHON, -zi'fen Q't^, ^^3 ba'cd tsyhon), Nadab. His reign of 24 years was spent in continual
'the Baal of Zephon': A place near which the Israel- warfare with Asa, who forced him to give up Ramah
ites encamped before crossing the Red Sea (Ex 14 2,
by forming an alliance with Ben-hadad (I 15 16 ff., K
16iff.; Jer4l9). J. A. K.
9; Nu 33 7). The site is unknown. E. E. N.
BAANA, b^'a-na (N;r.2, ba'&nd'): 1. The name BABEL, b^'bel (^5?, babhel): The Hebrew
of two of Solomon's officials (I K
4 12, 16). 2. The form of Babylon; used in the EVV only in Gn 10 lo,
father of Zadok, one of those who ''builded the wall" 11 9. See Babylonia, §§2, 25. J. F. McC.
of Jerusalem in Nehemiah's time (Neh 3 4).
BABYLON, bab'i-lirn (b^?, babhel): The city of
E. E. N.
Babylon, as it preceded the making of the kingdom
BAANAH, b^'a-na (HJSJS, ba'dnah): 1. ANetoph- of Babylonia (see Babylonia, § 16), so also long
athite,the father of Heleb (or Heled), one of David's survived its extinction. It undoubtedly owed its
warriors (II S 23 29 = 1 Ch 11 30). 2. One of the two rise at some unknown early period to the develop-
Babylon 78
Babylonia
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
ment of trade with the western oases and along the Nebuchadrezzar (605-561 B.C.; see Babylonia,
great western canal (Pallakopas) on which lay the § 21), the city was surrounded by a
wall of over 50 m.
in circuit, the largest structure of antiquity.
Thje
sister city Borsippa, 7 m. to the SW.
I. Origin. The native name BabU meant 'gate of was protected by a broad moat with enclosing walls
of bronze.
God.' The form BabbU (Babel) might of its own and pierced by a hundred gates
also in Babylonian mean 'confusion' (cf. Gnll 9); A space of 4,000 cubits intervened between it and
the ramparts, within which was a moat
guarding the
but perhaps both of these words are folk-etymologies.
The city lay mainly on the left bank of the Euphra- inner wall. In the city proper the streets were at
tes, as is indicated by the three great mounds along right angles to one another, as in our
modern towns,
with lesser ruins. It was not until the new empire and a canal ran through it from N. to S. parallel to
(seeBabylonia, § 21) that the opposite settlement the Euphrates. The temple of Merodach, hke the
on the right bank was built up on a large scale. other great Babylonian sanctuaries, was of two main
As in all other Babylonian cities it was the relig- parts. There was the temple proper, having a vesti-
ious institutions that chiefly promoted the develop- bule, a long inner court, and an oracle entered once
ment of Babylon. In the hands of the a year to learn the will of Merodach. Attached to
2. Influence priesthood were ample lands held in fee it was a ziggurat or 'high tower,' 600 ft. square at
of simple or by mortgage, and great prop- the base, divided into seven stages, for the sun,
Religion, erties accruing therefrom as well as moon, and five planets.
from separate loans and investments. Under Cyrus (538-529 B.C.) Babylon was made
The priests also were the teachers of youth and the one of the Persian capitals. It revolted twice against
promoters of learning and research, controlling the Darius Hystaspis (521 and 514 B.C.)
schools, workshops, and observatories which were 4. Decline and each time was besieged, taken, and
connected with the temples. The temple-buildings of severely punished. Its religion, how-
themselves were as imposing as the royal palaces Babylon, ever, was encouraged by the Persian
and more numerous. Chief among these in Baby- rulers. Under the Seleucidse it was de-
lon was E-sagila ('the lofty house') sacred to Bel- spoiled in favor of Seleucia, which was made their
Merodach (see Babylonia, § 16, and Semitic eastern capital. Parthian misgovernment and neg-
Religion, §§ 16, 25), now lying under the most lect of agriculture completed its decay, though its
southerly of the three mounds that occupy the site worship and even its written language survived ti'l
of the city proper. This, and not the somewhat within a generation of the Christian era. In the N T
smaller temple of Nebo in Borsippa, marked by the Babylon is referred to directly only in passages
better-preserved lofty ruin Sirs Nimrud, was the reminiscent of the OT(e.g., Ac 7 43). The other
original of the 'Tower of Babel' (cf. Gn 11 1-9). uses of the name are metaphorical, one instance (I P
Babylon owed most of its prosperity 5 13) referring to the city of Rome, and the others
3. The and opulence to its two greatest kings. (Rev 14 8, etc.) to the Roman world-power as op-
Babylon Hammurabi (c. 2200 B.C.; see Baby- posed to Christianity. In N T times and later there
of Nebu- LONiA, § 16) made it not only the was no Christian community in Babylon. After the
chadrezzar. poHtical and business but also the Parthian regime there was a mere village of Babil;
rehgious center in place of Nippur, and and the town of Hillah, 3 m. to the S., has long been
E-sagila became henceforth the pride and inspiration the only center of any permanent settlement.
of true Babylonians. As enlarged and beautified by J. F. McC.
BABYLONIA
Analysis of Contents
Introductort 8. Middle Cities 14. Northern and Southern Dynasties
1. Importance of Babylonia 9. Northern Cities 15. Rule of the Elamites
I. Name and Features III. History 16. Babylon and Babylonia
2. Name 10. Region of Earliest Civili- 17. The Cossean Dynasty
3. Limits of Country zation IS. Native Rule Resumed
4. Soil and Products 11. Progress of Culture 19. Chaldeans and Assyrians
5. River and Canal System 12. Earliest Type of Culture 20. Assyrian Rule and Ruin
II. Divisions 13. Predominance of Central 21. New Babylonian Empire
6. Determined by Waterways Babylonia 22. Decline and Fall
7. Southern Cities 23. Continued Importance
Introductory: Babylonia is, upon the whole, profoundly influenced the form and even the con-
the most important to the Biblical student of all tents of the early portions of the Bible, and it is one
countries except Palestine. In it is of the main problems of archeology to discover to
I. Impor- laid the scene of the creation of man- what extent the religious institutions of Israel were
tance of kind, of the earliest history of the race. tinctured with Babylonian elements.
Babylonia, and of the ancestors of Israel. It was 1. Name and Features: The country known
also the land where in exile Israel was as Babylonia was so called by the Greeks and Ro-
purified and reformed. It was the source and mans, who named it from its capital city
nursery of ancient wisdom and knowledge, the pio- 2. Name. Babylon (q.v.), the Greek and the Latin
neer of civilization in Western Asia, the proprietor form of the native BabU. The Hebrew
and educator of Syria and Palestine for thousands 753, Babel, which is an exact equivalent of the
of years before Israel became a nation. Its literatinre latter, is used in the O T for both the city and the
Babylon
79 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Babylonia
country, and therefore the modern versions also use Tigris. An exception was Ur in South Babylonia,
Babylon in both senses. After the city of Babylon the city of the moon-god, which lay on the right
had been established and recognized as the capital, bank of the Euphrates. E. of Ur and
the kingship of Babylon implied sovereignty over 7. Southern close to the old mouth of the Euphrates
the whole country as though it were a city-state, so Cities, was Eridu, the most southerly city of
that in an important sense Babylon really stood for all Babylonia. To the NW. of Ur was
Babylonia. Erech, the sacred city of Ishtar. E. of Erech was
Babylonia properly embraced aU the alluvial land Larsa (the O T EUasar), and farther to the NE. La-
lyingbetween and beside the lower Euphrates and gash, the modern Tello. Still farther N. were Isin,
Tigris. This included the territory and Adab, the modem Bismya. There does not
3. Limits varying greatly in breadth, stretclaing seem to have been any general native designation for
of the from Hit on the Euphrates southeast- the territory embraced by these southern cities.
Cotantry, ward to the Persian Gulf. The length The middle group of ancient cities begins on the S.
of the country thus defined was consid- with Nippur (the modem Nuffar) in the geographical
erably less in ancient times than it is at present for ; center of old Babylonia. Of the other
the detritus brought down by the great rivers from 8. Middle cities the most important in later times
the Armenian mountains and mingling with the Cities. was Babylon. Borsippa, the seat of
desert sands has long been gaining upon the sea. In the prophet-god Nebo, lay 35 m. NW.
the time of the earliest known Babylonian kingdom of Nippur and 7 m. SW. of Babylon, on the right
the seashore was at least 150 m. farther to the NW. bank of the Euphrates; 15 m. NE. of Babylon, and
than it is at present, and the Euphrates and Tigris half-way to the Tigris, was Cutha, the modem Tell-
flowed into the gulf by separate mouths. Ihrahim, the seat of Nergal, the god of the dead and
The most striking feature of the soil of Babylonia the underworld. In that same group lay the im-
is the absence of metals and stone of any kind. In portant cities of Kish and Isban, whose sites, how-
ancient times the land, except where ever, are still uncertain. This group of cities from
4. Soil the sand predominated close to the sea- Nippur to Cutha probably represented the very an-
and shore, was everywhere very fertile. Its cient kingdom of Shumer (Shinar).
Products, present condition of desolation simply Proceeding northward we come to the series of
implies a lack of proper care, skill, and numerous canals running across to the Tigris. On
industry. The inhabitants in the earliest historic the northern border of these was Sippar
ages drew off the superfluous water into canals and 9. Northern (the modern ruin Abur-Habha), a very
reservoirs, and in the months when the soil was dry- Cities. ancient seat of the sun-god, as Larsa
est it was constantly and systematically irrigated. was in the south. Near it, and prob-
Its productiveness was enormous, especially in ably to the S., was the still more ancient Agade or
wheat, with other cereals, and dates. A
very large Akkad which gave its name
to North Babylonia.
variety of herbs also was cultivated in gardens. This designation was preserved to the latest Baby-
The general aspect of the country was determined lonian times, while the combination 'Shumer and
by this level alluvial soil, intersected by innumerable Akkad' seems to have originally designated North
canals, which in the northern part of and Middle Babylonia, and not the whole of Baby-
5. River the country above Babylon formed a lonia as is generally assumed.
and perfect network. South of this system III. History: The development of early Baby-
Canal a long waterway, originally a separate lonian civilization was necessarily slow, and a great
System, branch of the Euphrates, now known antiquity is to be assigned to its begin-
as the Shatf^en^Nil, ran a course almost 10. Region nings. But it is probable that in no
parallel to the main stream. From it were deflected of Earliest region of the world can the conditions
several canals in its downward course. The Tigris Civilization, of the first steps in human culture be
from Bagdad southward ran nearly parallel to the so easily inferred. The starting-point
Euphrates, till opposite Babylon it began to diverge must be assumed to have been not the south but the
rapidly and ran an easterly course. At its point of central region of Babylonia. It was riparian and not
farthest removal, over 100 m. from the Euphrates, it maritime soil that furnished the occasions of the de-
was in its turn relieved of redundant water by a cisive beginnings of agriculture, and in the most an-
great canal, the Shatt'el-Hai, running nearly due cient times the rivers could have played no part in
S. across to the lowest stretch of the Euphrates. the historical lower Babylonia. In those days also
Lesser watercourses also formed a portion of this the desert had more numerous and larger oases than
third system. those which have been known to later times, and the
II. Divisions: These waterways and canals de- inhabitants of one or more of these, perhaps not far
termined the location of the chief settlements W. of Babylon, became accustomed to observe that
which developed irito cities or city- vegetables and cereals grew luxuriantly in small
6. Divi- states; and the three main systems areas in the neighborhood of the overflow of the
sions De- above indicated gave rise respective- three-branched Euphrates.
termined ly to three well-marked divisions of The natural impulse to repeat and multiply the
by Water- the whole country into what we may favorable conditions thus noted led by degrees to
ways. designate North, Central, and South systematic drainage, irrigation, sowing, and plant-
Babylonia. ing. Then fixed settlements were made; private
Nearly all the many important cities of Baby- property in land was conceded fields and gardens
;
lonia were situated between the Euphrates and were set apart in allotments, making earth-measur-
Babylonia A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 80
Baby-
ing or 'geometry* and mensuration a matter of erward Isban secured control of the whole of
successful king, Lugalzaggisi;
even
gradual invention and development. When stand- lonia,and its
ards of measurement had been adopted dominated aU the country W. to the Mediterranean.
II. Prog- they were transferred to products of the He in his turn also recorded his thanks and homage
ress of soil and other articles of value, whence in the temple at Nippm-.
Culture. arose a system of weights as well as The leading place seems to have passed next to
measures. From the beginning religion South Babylonia. Lagash (§ 7) became supreme
played a leading part in tribal and family affairs. In over South and Central Babylonia not
Babylonia it was largely astral and solar, and hence 14. North- later than 4000 B.C., and a series of en-
measurement of the sky and its divisions went hand ern and ergetic rulers laid there the foundation
in hand with measurement of the earth, while tem- Southern of a great empire. Before 3800, how-
ple-building employed incessantly all the arts of Dynasties, ever, the Semites of the north attained
primitive science. Perhaps most of the first work- to power, and for a time eclipsed the
ing tools were modified weapons; but vessels of splendor of the southern rulers. Inscriptions found
various sorts were readily made from the unsur- in various regions show that Semitic communities to
passed potter's clay that abounded everywhere; the NE. (cf. § 15) were civilized and in close contact
while cement was furnished by the bitumen that with those in Babylonia. Of the latter Akkad came
here and there welled from the soil. The use of the to the front under Sargon I, who brought under his
hand in thus modeling objects of utility led to skilled dominion the whole of Babylonia and the western
labor and the making of objects of primitive art. lands as far as the island of Cyprus. His son, Naram-
With the growth of agriculture and the increase of Sin, inherited his power and ambition. The building
town life came exchange and trade, and therewith up of Sippar (§ 9) was one of his projects, and in view
and thereafter the use of marks or rudimentary of the extent of his dominions he assumed the title of
writing for record and reference. Such were the es- "king of the four quarters of the world." Soon after
sential foundations of Babylonian culture, and, it his death the hegemony returned to Lagash, whose
may be added, the principal elements of the deriva- rulers are found not only asserting a wide-spread
tive science of Babylonia, which foiind its way to authority, but promoting architecture, sculpture,
other peoples and regions in very early days along and other arts of civilization. Abundant inscrip-
with many mythological and religious conceptions tions attest the energy and resources of this dynasty.
and traditions. But the leadership passed at length from its hands
To what race the people belonged who chiefly con- to the ancient city ofUr about 3000 B.C. Its rulers,
tributed to this momentous development it is very by adding to their own proper title that of "king of
difficultto determine. The written Shumer and Akkad, " showed it to be their purpose
12. Earli- and monumental records for many to unify the whole of Babylonia. This dynasty was
est Typehundreds of the earliest years point to a followed (c. 2500) by one whose capital was Isin; but
of Culture, mixture of races. The final determin- Ur not long after regained the supremacy, after
ing element was Semitic, akin to the which Larsa (§ 7, c. 2400) took the lead.
Aramean, the Canaanite, and the Arabian. But the The hegemony of Larsa was ere long interrupted
cuneiform system of writing, the chief factor in the by an invasion of the Elamites (c. 2300), which ended
final stage of cultural evolution, gives much striking in their complete subjugation of Baby-
evidence in the names and values of its many char- 15. Rule Ionia, Larsa naturally being made their
acters of a non-Semitic origin; and a vast number of of the capital. From Gn 14 we l,earn that
inscriptions, especially in the south, which are partly Elamites. these Elamites (under King Chedor-
ideographic and partly phonetic, at first sight point laomer) as rulers of Babylonia con-
the same way. The non-Semitic language, supposed tinued its role of suzerainty over the 'westland.'
to be thus indicated, and its speakers and writers, The expeditions there described had as their object
have been designated *Sumerian.' The term is a to secure control of the trade route from Damascus
misnomer (cf. §§ 8, 9); but the theory as a whole is to the peninsula of Sinai (cf. vs. 5-7), which in
now accepted by most scholars. those early days was even more important than it is
A fixed point in the chronology is afforded by the at present. From the same secondary source we
date of one of the very ancient dynasties, that of are informed that the sovereignty of Babylon in-
Sargon, of Agade or Akkad (§9), about cluded that of the northeastern country as well
13. Pre- 3800 b.c. The recent researches on ("Goiim," "nations," AV, Gn 14 1 = the Bab. Gute).
dominance the site of Nippur, along with excava- The Elamitic yoke was thrown off by Hammu-
of Central tions made at Tello, the ancient Lagash rabi, King of Babylon, probably the "Amraphel,
Babylonia, in South Babylonia, make it probable King of Shinar" (Shumer or Central
that at a date preceding 4500 B.C. Nip- 16. Baby- Babylonia) of Gn 14, who at the
pur was an important political and religious center. Ion and same, time united all Babylonia under
The earliest rulers mentioned were apparently not Babylonia, one administration. Babylon, which
kings of Nippur, but had made that city their relig- thenceforth became the undisputed
ious capital and En-lil (the Semitic Bel) the great capital of the whole of Babylonia and the leading
object of their reverence. For example, the king of city of Western Asia, was not by any means a new
the city of Kish (§ 8), when victorious over his foes, city at this era, though its earliest history is as yet
made acknowledgment in
the temple at Nippur. obscure. The dynasty to which Hammurabi be-
Kish also allied itself with another city-state, Isban, longed, though known as 'the first,' was not native
apparently situated in the same central region. Aft- but Arabian, and he was the fourth of the line. He
81 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Babylonia
was the real founder of the Babylonian type of na- With the revival of Assyrian aggression on a world-
tionality, and one of ihe world's greatest men. His conquering scale Babylonia gradually took an in-
work was epoch-mak. ig in religion, civic administra- ferior place, but it was not till the era of Tiglath-
tion, provincial organization, legislation, irrigation, pileser III that Assyria gained a permanent footing
and national defense. His paternal care extended to in the mother-country. Early in the reign of Na-
hundreds of cities and towns from the Persian Gulf bonassar (747-733), the first king of the Canon of
to the Mediterranean coastland. Among his chief Ptolemy, the Assyrians occupied Akkad, and in 729
monuments were his temples and palaces, his great Babylon itself was taken by Tiglath-pileser, who as-
canals, his legislative code, and the city of Baby- sumed the throne under the name of Pulu (the "Pul"
Ion itself, of which he was the virtual creator, which of II K 15 19).
he made the successor of Nippur as the center of The chief obstacle to the progress of the Assyrians
Semitic religion and culture, and whose patron god was presented by the Chaldeans from the shores of
Merodach was invested with the prerogatives and the Persian Gulf, who had now begun
attributes of Bel himself and even with his name (of. 19. Chal- systematic plans for gaining possession
Is 46 1). This first dynasty of Babylon lasted till deans and of Babylon (§ 18). Their aims seem
about 2100 B.C. The second dynasty ran till near Assyrians, not to have been purely ambitious.
1700 B.C. Little is known of it, but it must have They wished to maintain a native
been active all over the western country, for the Babylonian dynasty, while the aU-powerful priestly
Amarna letters of the next period show that Baby- party in Babylon was quite willing to tolerate As-
lonian influence had permeated the Ufe and thought syrian rule for the sake of its protection and better
of Palestine and Syria for hundreds of years before chances of settled government. Merodach-baladan
their date (1450-1400 B.C.). II was the leading spirit of the first great struggle.
The rulers of this second dynasty, especially He was three times in possession of the capital and
toward the close, had to suffer from inroads of for two periods actual king. For thirty years he
Elamites and Cosseans, the latter of kept intriguing, fighting, or actually reigning in
17, The whom succeeded in obtaining control Babylon. It was in 704 that he sent the embassy to
Cossean of Babylon about 1700 B.C. Their Hezekiah of Judah seeking help in organizing a gen-
Dynasty, rule was long and on the whole not eral revolt against Sennacherib (cf. II K
20 12; Is 39
very prosperous. Their influence was 1). He finally disappeared, embarking
in his flight
mainly political. They conformed to the religion of for the eastern shore of the Persian Gulf. Native
Babylonia, and in their measure they were molded opposition to the Assyrians was still maintained till
by its civilization. They were not devoid of enter- in 690 Sennacherib captured and destroyed Babylon
prise and daring, but they lacked culture and re- itself, turning the Euphrates over its site. During
sources. Their empire was contracted by other these struggles the Elamites rendered faithful and
causes also. Assyria was becoming continually substantial assistance to the Chaldeans.
stronger, and was barring the way to the west. Meso- Babylon was restored (680 B.C.) by the good
potamia became a bone of contention between the Assyrian king, Esarhaddon, who forebore to assume
two nations, and their rivalry resulted in the loss of the title of "King of Babylon" and
the 'westland' altogether. This was also the period 20. Assyr- called himself "viceregent of Mero-
of the expansion of Egypt. By 1600, when the ian Rule dach." Under his regime Babylonia
Asiatic Hyksos were expelled from that country, and Ruin, was prosperous and happy. After his
no Semitic force was strong enough to keep the early death Asshurbanipal became King
Egyptians from successfully invading Palestine and of Assyria and
his brother viceroy of Babylon. For
Syria. They were succeeded there by Hittites and fifteen years the brothers kept on good terms, and
Arameans, and finally Assyrians and not Babylo- when a combination of Chaldeans, Elamites, and
nians resumed the empire of the west. Meanwhile Arameans of the Tigris pasture-lands was made
the two powers were engaged in frequent warfare against Assyria, Babylon held aloof. But the vice-
with occasional treaties of peace; and both of them roy took part in an insurrection which began in
cultivated friendship with Egypt in the 16th and 652 and extended through the whole breadth of the
17th centuries while it was a power in Asiatic affairs. empire. The chief cities of North and Central Baby-
The Cossean intruders were finally expelled by lonia were besieged and yielded only to starvation.
Nebuchadrezzar I, an early member of the 4th Babylon was the last to be taken, and the viceroy
dynasty, about 1130 B.C. He made immolated himself in the flames of his palace (648).
18. Native a desperate effort to reclaim Syria, but During the rest of his life, till 626, Asshurbanipal
Rule had to succumb to the superior power reigned as "king" over Babylon. Within the next
Resumed, of Assyria. Not long after his time three years (648-645) Elam also was finally sub-
Babylon itself was captured by the dued, and Susa captured and destroyed.
Assyrians, but not permanently held. Peaceful rela- Yet, after all, the successor of Asshurbanipal in
tions seem to have been maintained for many years Babylon was a Chaldean, Nabopalassar (625-605),
thereafter. The next dynasty is called that of the who threw off the yoke of the hated
*
Sea-land,' which was probably the result of the 21, New Assyrian, and founded the new Baby-
first effort of the Chaldeans to assert themselves on Babylonian Ionia. As Assyria declined and shrank
a national scale. The 5th, 6th, and 7th dynasties, Empire, in dimensions the Chaldean regime was
regarding which little is known, were of short dura- being constantly strengthened. Nabo-
tion. The 7th had at least one Elamitic ruler. After palassar allied himself with the rising power of the
1000 B.C., the native kings were again in power. Medes, and after the fall of Nineveh (607 B.C.) the
Babylonia 83
Banner
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
people. Cyrus the Great, in 539 B.C., added the 11 K 12 10), a "bundle" (Gn 42 35) or bag (Job 14 17;
Babylonian to the other empires which he had Pr 7 20; Hag 1 6). (5) ^aXdvrtov, "purse" KV
acquired and consolidated with magical ease and (Lk 12 33), the same as (2), above. The term yXmtro-o-
celerity. A midsummer campaign of less than a KOfxov in Jn 12 6, 13 29 means a small box (RVmg.)
week ended in the surrender of the capital, after rather than a bag. E. E. N.
which the whole Semitic world came under Persian
control. Babylon henceforth had no higher rank BAGGAGE: RV for "carriages" AV (I S17 22;
than a province.
Is 10 28; Ac 21 15), and for "stuff," AV and ERV (I
S 10 22, 25 13, 30 24). In every case but Ac 21 15 it
But its importance for Biblical history did not
thereby cease; rather it set itself in a new relation.
means the impedimenta of an army. E. E. N.
23. Con- ince of Persia that the restoration of we read "Azmaveth, the Baharumite," but in the
tinued Im- Jerusalem and the return of the Baby- parallel passage (II S 23 31), "the Barhumite," the
portance of Ionian exiles were made possible and "h" and "r" being transposed. The former is prob-
Babylonia, the maintenance of the precarious set- ably the more correct. See Bahurim. G. L. R.
tlements in Palestine secured. Even
Persian modes of thought had only a slight influence BAHURIM, ba-hu'rim (D^in3, hahunm): A
on the latest canonical writings. Of Judaism Baby- place in Benjamin on the way from Jerusalem to the
lonia was the center and focus for over a thousand Jordan (II S 3 16, 16 5). B. was the home of Shimei,
years. After the fall of Jerusalem (70 a.d.). Baby- who cursed David on his flight from Absalom (II S
lonia took the place of Palestine as a seat of Jewish 16 5, 19 16fF.; I K 2 8). Here also Ahimaaz and Jon-
schools and the interpretation of the Law. Under athan concealed themselves when acting as David's
the Parthian, the Sassanid, and even the Moham- S 17 18). Site unknown.
spies (II E. E. N.
medan rulers, the Jewish scholars and teachers of
Babylon still held a leading place, and it was not till BAJITH. See Bayith.
the Mongolians and Turks converted the country BAKBAKKAR, bak-bak'ar O^JiP^, baqbaqqar):
into a desert that it ceased to be a nursery of Ju-
The head of a Levite family (I Ch 9 is}. E. E. N.
daism.
Literature; See the list of works appended to Assyria. BAKBUK, bak'buk (p^^'p^.baqbuq): The founder
For recent explorations see Peters, Nippur, New York,
of a family of Nethinim who returned from Babylon
1897; Hilprecht, Recent Research in Bihle Lands, 1896;
and reports of excavations by the German expedition with Zerubbabel (Ezr 2 51; Neh 7 53). E. E. N.
under Koldewey on the site of Babylon and by the Uni-
versity of Chicago's expedition at Bismya. BAKBUKIAH, bak"bu-kai'a (H^p?;??, baqbuq^
J. F. McC. yah): A name
occurring three times in Neh (11 17,
BABYLONISH GARMENT (properly, "mantle of all the references being perhaps to one indi-
12 9, 25),
Shinar,'* Jos 7 21 mg.): the reading were correct,
If vidual, a Levite of the "sons of Asaph."
this would be a sample of the excellent and costly em- E. E. N.
Babylonia
S3 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Banner
; / BAKE, BAKER, BAKING. See Food and Food either natural or artificial. The former, which is
'"
Utensils, §§2, 11. seldom mentioned, was believed to result from
hard labor (Ezk 29 18), as well as disease (Is 3 17, 24),
BAKEMEATS. See Food and Food Utensils,
and was perhaps considered a reproach (II K 2 23).
§11.
Baldness was not itself unclean, but apparently
BALAAM, bd'lam (D?^?, hil'am): The son of aroused suspicions of some unclean skin-disease (Lv
Beor and a magician (enchanter) of Pethor, on the 13 40 &.), Disease and Medicine, I (1).
See
banks of the River Euphrates (Nu 22 6; but accord- produced by clipping or sha-
Artificial baldness,
ing to another reading he was of the bme 'ammo ving (cf. Ezk 5 1) is frequently mentioned. The an-
[by omission of a final n for bme 'ammon, 'sons cient belief that the hair was a seat of the vitality
of Ammon'], hence an Ammonite). As the nar- (cf, Jg 16 17) caused the ceremonial shaving of the
rative stands in Nu 22 3-24 25 [JE] it presents in head to be regarded as a sacrifice to a deity or to the
the character of B. the incongruous, tliough not nec- dead hence this was a sign of mourning forbidden to
;
essarily contradictory qualities of a heathen sooth- the Israelites (Dt 14 1 ; Lv 21 6). It seems, however,
sayer (24 1) and those of a man touched by the to have been common in pre-exilic times (Is 22 12;
spirit of J". The incongruity is removed when the Am 8 10, etc. cf. Job 1 20) and baldness is therefore
; ;
narrative is analyzed and its separate portions re- used figuratively for mourning (Jer 48 37; Ezk 7 18,
ferred to the documents from which they were etc.). See Mourning and Mourning Customs,
drawn. But the analysis is not an easy one (cf. § 4. The Arabian
practise of shaving all the head
Kent, Beginnings of Hebrew History, 233-239; except a circular patch in the middle (Jer 9 26, 25 23)
Addis, The Documents of the Hex., I, 175-184); was likewise prohibited (Lv 19 27, 21 5) on account
and the story as it stands has a distinct function and of its connection with heathen worship. At the ex-
spiritual value. It presents the heathen occultist as piration of the Nazirite's vow, the shaven hair was
coming under the power of the spirit of J" and re- offered as a sacrifice to J" (Nu 6 is; cf. Ac 18 18, 21
vealing the irresistible nature of this force. Balaam 24). See Nazirite. Paul says that "it is a shame
was summoned by Balak, King of Moab, just after to a woman to be shorn or shaven" (I Co 11 6). See
the defeat of the Amorites by the hosts of Israel, and Hair; Shaving. L. G. L.
bribed to curse the victorious invaders, but is led
BALM. See Disease and MEmciNE, IV (1),
first by the miracle of the speaking ass, and after-
and Palestine, § 21.
ward directly, to bless them. In four poetically
constructed oracles (Nu 23 7-10 [E], 19-24 [E], 24 3-9 BAMAH, be'ma (*7?5, bdmah), 'high place': In
[J], 16-24 [J]), he foreshadows the uniqueness of J'"8
Ezk 20 the word is used with reference to a sup-
29
people, their strength, the beauty and fruitfulness of posed derivation from ba\ 'to come' ('go'), and ma/t,
their land, their glorious victories, and finally the 'what.' Hence, 'What whereunto go ye?' . . ,
great king ("Star") who shall create an empire out with evident contempt for it. This allusion to its
of Moab, Edom, Amalek, and Kain. After this B. etymology makes the word a quasi-proper noun as
is for a time lost sight of, and when he reappears, it is
rendered in EVV. A. C. Z.
as the corrupter of Israel. Through the means of
Midianite women he lures many to idolatry and is BAMOTH, b^'meth (Hi?:?, 6amoi/t), 'high places':
slain with others for this sin (Nu 31 8, 16 [P]). In the A town of Moab, probably the same as Bamoth
TB. stands for the unavailing curse of the heathen Baal (Jos 13 17) and the Beth Bamoth of the stone
enchanter (Dt 23 5; Jos 24 9; Mic 6 5; Neh 13 2) in the ;
of Mesha (line 27). It was one of the last stations
N T he is the type of the tempter to idolatry, espe- on Israel's march through Moab before the final en-
cially that form of it in which lust plays a large part campment near Pisgah (Nu 21 19 f.). The identifi-
(II P 2 15; Jude ver. li; Rev 2 H); of. Gray on Num- cation. Map II, J 1, is uncertain. E. E. N.
bers, chs. 22-24, in Int. Crit. Com., 1903.
BAND: Often used in OT and NT for divisions
A. C. Z. of an army (cf. II S4 2; II K 6 23; Job 1 17; Mt 27 27).
BALAC, b^'lac. See Balak. See Warfare, § 4j also Beauty and Bands.
BALADAN, bal'a-dan. See Merodach-bala- BANI, be'noi (^J?, bant): 1. One of David's heroes
DAN.
(II S23 36 = Mibhar, I Ch 11 38). 2. A Merarite (I
BALAH, b^'la (nbS, balah): A town in SW. Pales- Ch 6 46). 3. A Judahite, descendant of Pharez (I Ch
Bilhah in I Ch 4
tine (Jos 19 3), 29. Site unknown. 9 4). 4. "Sons of Bani," a post-exilic family (Ezr
Perhaps the same as Baalah. E. E. N. 2 10, 10 29, 34 ff. = Binnui in Neh 7 15. 6. Name of one
or more Levites (Neh 3 17, 8 7, 9 4, 5, 10 13, 11 22). 6.
BALAK, be'lak Rev 2 14, AV):
(p^?, balaq; Balac, A term used for one of the divisions of the post-exilic
King of Moab day (Nu 22-23) and famous
in Moses' community (Neh 10 14); cf. 4. E. E. N.
for his connection with Balaam (q-v.). E. E. N.
BANK. See Trade and Commerce, § 3.
BALANCE. See Weights and Measures, § 4.
BANNER : Banners or standards were used in an-
BALD LOCUST, See Palestine, § 26, and Lo- cient armies very much in the same way as they are
custs.
to-day. (1) The most common word for standard
BALDNESS: As to location, the contrasts OT is ne^ (of uncertain root significance); cf. Ex 17 15
baldness of the forehead (gabbahath) only Lv 13 41 ff.) (?ii$?i='my banner'); Jer 4 6, 51 12, often rendered
with baldness of the crown (qorhdh cf the proper ; . ensign {e.g., Is 5 26, 31 9). (2) Another word is deget
names Korah, Kareah). As to origin, baldness was ('that which is seen'), confined to Nu 1 52, 2 2 ff., 10
Banner 84
Barachias
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
following of Himself in the daily ministry of His paTrTLa-fios is used instead of paTrrio-fia) is doubtless to
actual work. the various ceremonial washings for purification,
It is clear, therefore, that the administration of either of the person, as He 9 10 (cf. Lk 11 38), or of
this rite by His disciples in the early part of His things, as Mk 7 4.
ministry was simply temporary and did not belong That the rite had no high sacramentarian value in
vitally to the work He was carrying on. His state- the Early Church is evident from the secondary
ment that He 'had a baptism to be. baptized with importance attached to it in his ministry by Paul
and would be straitened until it was accompUshed' (I Co 1 14 ff.) as well as from the spiritual emphasis
(Lkl2 50) and His question to the ambitious dis- placed upon it in his Epistle by Peter (IPS 21).
ciples whether they were able to drink the cup that
*
We have no record in the T of the baptism of
N
He was to drink, or to be baptized with the bap- infants; but the fact that the question as to when
tism with which He was to be baptized' (Mkl0 38f.), entrance into the Church took place must have early
are manifestly figurative expressions based on the come to the front in a community so accustomed to
fact of the consecrationinvolved in His baptism at theocratic ideas as the Jewish-Christian Church in
the beginning of His work and drawn out by the fact Jerusalem, and the parallelism between baptism and
that this consecration was now, as His passion ap- circumcision as initiatory rites gives significance to
proached, coming to its supreme and final test. such statements of household baptism as we have in
,
, After His resurrection, as He unfolded to His dis- Ac 16 15, 31-33; I Co 1 16 (cf. Ropes, Apostolic Age,
ciples the work which lay before them (Lk 24 46-49), p. 198). As to the form of baptism it is clear that
His commission of them to ''make disciples of all in so far as the rite of John's ministry was derived
nations and to baptize them " (whether the longer from purification and initiatory ceremonies it was
Trinitarian formula be understood as having been administered in running water, with a partial or
used by Jesus [Mt 28 19] or the simpler one, current entire submergence of the body; and further that in
in the Early Church [Ac 8 16, 10 48, 19 5, 22 16], cf. so far as the rite of the Early Church was a reproduc-
article "Baptism" in EB
) is obviously a recognition on tion of John's, it WELs administered after the same
His part of the fact that, with the withdrawal of His general form. At the same time the fact that in
personal presence, there would arise the need of an Jewish lustrations immersion of the whole body was
organized following of His disciples and of a gather- often symboUzed by an ablution of a part, as in the
ing into its membership, through such an initiatory washing of the hands before meals (cf Lk 1 1 38, where.
rite as had been used by John in the following he had ^aiTTL^cLv is used), opened the way for an early modi-
brought together in preparation for His coming. fication of the form in the direction of affusion and
In view of this commission it is not surprising to sprinkUng (cf. Didache, ch. vii, and the representa-
notice at the very beginning of the Church's life in tions in Stvdia Bibl. et Eccles., vol. v., pt. iv.)
Jerusalem the appearance of this con- Literature: Schurer, History of the Jewish People^
3. In the dition of membership in the following 1896^; Edersheim, Life and Times of Jesiis the Messiah,
Ministry of of the disciples (Ac 2 38, 41); nor is it n. d.; Lambert, The Sacraments in the New Testament,
1903*- M. W. J.
the Early in any way unnatural that realizing,
Church, as the disciples must have done, that the BAPTIST. See John the Baptist.
rite was of the same initiatory character
BAR. See House, § 6 (1).
as that administered by John, it was connected in
the apostolic preaching with the requirement of re- BAR- In proper names compounded with Bar-,
:
pentance rather than with that of faith (Ac 2 38). seven instances of which occur in the T, this ele- N
In fact, the emphasis upon repentance in the early ment signifies 'son' (Aramaic "!2, bar = Heb. 15, ben),
preaching of the Church was part of the strictly Jew- e.g., Bar-Jonah, son of Jonah (Mt 16 17). E. E. N.
ish conceptions with which the Church's life began
(Ac 5 31) and which were recognized by Christ Him- BARABBAS, bar-ab'as (Bapa^^as) The prisoner :
self in His final words to the disciples (Lk 24 44-47). released at the instigation of the chief priests by Pi-
It was only with the growth and development of the late according to a customary but otherwise unknown
Church's consciousness of the personal relations to act of clemency at Passover (Mk 15 7 f. and ||s). He
Jesus in the matter of salvation that the emphasis was a notable criminal in Jerusalem imprisoned with
came to be placed upon faith (Ac 10 43, 13 39, 26 18) accomplices for robbery, sedition, and murder. The
— as Christ Himself had placed it in His ministry name Barabbas (*son of the Father') probably in —
(Mk 5 34 and ||s, 9 23; Mt 8 10-13, 9 28 f., 15 28; Lk 7 50), —
the sense of 'Teacher' is not unknown, there being
and faith came to have baptism connected with it two rabbis with this surname mentioned in the Tal-
in the entrance into the disciples' brotherhood (Ac mud. The reading "Jesus Barabbas" for his full
10 43-48, 1117, 16 30-33, 18 8, 19 3-5; cf. the transi- name in Mt 27 16 f., found by Origen in many MSS.,
tional phases in Ac 8 12 f., 36-38, and notice the inter- and still extant in some cursives and in the Sinaitic-
pretation placed upon 9 18 by Paul in his later state- Syriac and Armenian versions, is doubtless due to an
ment of 22 Eph 4 5; I Co 1 13-15).
16; cf. also early scribal error. R. A. F.
connection of the rite with per-
It is in this close
sonal relations to Jesus Christ that we are to under- BARACHEL, ba-r^'kel (^J^?*:!?, barakWel), 'God
stand Paul's figurative references to baptism (Gal blesses': The symbohc name of Elihu's father (Job
3 27; Col 2 12; R06 3f.; I Co 12 13; cf. also I Co 10 2). 32 2, 6). E. E. N.
The reference in I Co 15 29 is most obscure. (For
BARACHIAH, bar"a-cai'a. See Berechiah.
various views see Expos. Greek Test, ad loc.)
The reference to "baptisms" in He 6 2 (where BARACHIAS, bar"a-cai'as. See Zachariah.
Barak
Baruch, Books of
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 86
upon the support of the churches. From the Apos- into Egypt. Here all authentic records about him
tle's references to him in his subsequent correspond- cease. According to one tradition, he died in Egypt
ence with the churches (Gal 2 1, 5, 9, 13; I Co 9 6; Col at the same time with Jeremiah. According to an-
4 10) there is nothing to show that the relations be- other, he survived the prophet and went to Babylon,
tween them continued strained; rather the contrary. where he died twelve years after the fall of Jerusa-
TertulUan and others in the Western Church held lem (574 B.C.). 2. The son of Zabbai (Zaccai
B. as author of the Epistle to the Hebrews (q.v.). RVmg.) who repaired the wall of Jerusalem (Neh
The Sinaitic MS. contains, at the close of the NT' 3 20). 3. One of those who sealed the covenant in
writings, an Epistle under his name; there is an Nehemiah's time (Neh 10 6) possibly the same as 2.
;
apocryphal Acts of Barnabas and there are obscure 4. The son of Col-hozeh, a descendant of Perez (Neh
BARTIM^US, bar"ti-ml'TT8 (Ba/art/xatos, "son the last years of the 1st cent. The introduction (cf.
of Timseus," perhaps equivalent to Aram, bar- 1 1-15) is a redactorial addition embodying the tradi-
^^
II, The Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch; This is The relation of the work to the Syriac ^^^^*;^
ot that
an apocryphon discovered and published in a Latin probably explained by referring to 76 3 f.
translation in 1866, and later in a more work. Here God promises to give
1, The primitive Syriac text in 1871. Its con- 2. Criti- Baruch after the lapse of 40 days a
Book, tents consist of a purely apocalyptic cism. further revelation regarding the world
section (from which the whole takes its of material elements, including the
name), and a letter purporting to be written by cycle of the earth, the summits of the mountains, the
Baruch to the nine and a half tribes of Israel de- depths of the valleys and of the seas, and the number
ported into Assyria at the time of the fall of Samaria of the rivers. The fulfilment of this promise is not
(722 B.C.). The first of these parts consists of a recorded in what follows, and the Greek Apocalypse
series of seven sections of which the first gives a was composed to show that it was fulfilled and how
sketch of the circumstances in which Baruch saw his itwas fulfilled. A German translation of the work
visions. It was at the time of the fall of Jerusalem is given in Kautzsch's P
seudepigrapha (1900). The
into the hands of the Chaldeans. Jeremiah, by Greek text is to be found in James's edition above
Divine command, went to Babylon with the captives, alluded to. A. C. Z.
while Baruch stayed amid the ruins of Jerusalem.
What he saw in the visions there together with the BARZILLAI, bar-zil'a-ai Cb\% barzUlay): 1.
conversations which he held with heavenly person- An aged and wealthy Gileadite of Rogelim who
ages are narrated in detail in the next six chapters. substantially befriended David when he fled from
The sum and substance of these is that while Israel Absalom (II S 17 27). As he was returning to Jeru-
may suffer for a time, the Messiah will soon appear, salem, David invited B. to spend the rest of his days
and bring to naught the counsels of his enemies. with him at the capital, but B. refused, asking, how-
The letter to the nine and a half tribes is designed ever, favors for his servant (or sons? II S 19 31-39; cf.
to encourage and strengthen the people in the time I K 2 7). 2. The father of Adriel (II S 21 8). 3.
of their distress. It represents their condition as The ancestor of a family of priests who married a
fully known to God, and their sufferings intended for daughter of 1 (supra), but whose descendants could
their own good. not prove their genealogy (Ezr 2 61 Neh 7 63). ;
TT T? isr
The author of the book was evidently a Jew, and BASE. See Temple, § 18.
wrote some time between the middle of the first
Christian century and before the open- B ASEM ATH , bas'e-math (^W^, basmath,
2. The ing of the second, or approximately Bashemath AV): 1. One of the wives of Esau,
Author, about the year 100. The original Ian- daughter of Elon the Hittite (Gn 26 34), but in 36 3
Date, and guage of the document was probably the daughter of Ishmael (cf. 28 9, where Mahalath
Original Hebrew. Its relations to 4th Ezra (II may = Basemath). 2. A daughter of Solomon (IK
Language. Esdras) have roused the keenest inter- 4 15, Basmath AV). E. E. N.
est. Both books seem to issue from
the same conditions, are designed to meet the same BASHAN, b^'shan ("|'^3, hashan), in Heb. usu-
need, and contain the same type of thought. They ally with the definite article prefixed: The broad,
have been called the 'twin Apocalypses.' The rolling, fertile region E. of the Lake of Gennesaret,
Syriac text of the book may be found in Ceriani's extending, roughly, from Gilead on the S. to Hermon
Monumenta Sacra, V, II (1871). An English trans- on the N. Map I, 4, 5.GHTo-day it is one of the
lation with introduction and notes was published by granaries of Palestine. In ancient times the region
Charles (The Apocalypse of Baruch, 1896) and a was celebrated for its oaks (Is 2 13; Zee 112; Ezk
German translation by Rothstein in Kautzsch's 27 6) and fine cattle (cf. Ps 22 12; Am
4 l). Its gen- .
Baruch, Books of
89 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Beam
Egypt. The saZ or 'plaited' basket used for carry- BAYITH, ba'yith, Bajith, b^'jith: This word
ing bread (Gn 40 16; Ex 29 3) or meat (Jg 6 19) was is treated as a proper name in the EV of Is 15 2.
apparently smaller, and dish-shaped. The tene' If a proper noun the RV
margin is the more cor-
was large and deep, shaped Hke an inverted cone (cf rect reading. But hayiih (rr^!!) may be only a
LXX. KdpToKXos), and is mentioned only in connec- textual error for bath (H^), 'daughter,' and in that
with products of the soU (Dt26 2, 28 5). The
tion
case we should read 'The daughter of Dibon is gone
Mubk (Am 8 1) seems to have been a coarsely woven
up to the high places.' E. E. N.
cage-Hke receptacle with a lid.
The NT k6<})lvos (Mk 6
and ||s) was a stout
43, 8 19 BAY TREE (Ps37 35 AV): In the correct RV
wicker hand-basket, often carried by the Jews when reading isgiven: "a green tree in its native soU."
traveling, in order to avoid buying food from LXX. reads: "like the cedars of Lebanon."
Gentiles. Apparently each of the Twelve (cf. Mt 14 E. E. N.
20) disciples had one. The a-jrvpls (Mk 8 8, 20 and ||s)
was a larger flexible provision-basket of plaited ropes BAZLITH, baz'lith {TT^^^, batsllth), and BAZ-
or reeds. The basket in which Paul was let down LUTH (m^!^2, batsluth) : The ancestor of a family
was probably a large rope hamper. It is called of Nethinim (Ezr 2 52; Neh 7 54). E. E. N.
both a aTTvpis (Ac 9 25) and a aapyavr) (II Co 11 33),
the latter word denoting especially the 'plaited'
BDELLIUM. See Stones, Precious, § 3.
structure. See plate of Household Utensils, II. BEALIAH, bi'Vlai'a (n;)iJ5, ft^'aZj/a^i), 'Jehovah
Figs. 2, 3, 4, 6. L. G. L. (I Ch
is Baal (Lord)': One of David's soldiers
BASTARD, See Marriage and Divorce. 12 5). E.E.N.
BAT. See Palestine, § 24. BEALOTH, b§-^'l0th (JTiV^?, b^'aloth): A town
BATH. See Weights and Measures, in the "South" (Jos 15 24). Perhaps the same
§ 3.
as Baalath-beer. See Baal, III. E. E. N.
BATH-: The element Bath- in compound proper
names means daughter. It occurs in only two or BEAM (Bok6s): One of the main timbers of a
three instances in the O T. E. E. N. building. The term is used figuratively in Mt 7 3;
Lk 6 41 f. in contrast to mote (q.v.) in order vividly
BATH, BATHING, See Purification, § 2.
to suggest the inconsistency of criticizing the minor
BATH-RABBIM, bath"-rab'im (a^?rri2, bath- faults of others when our own are so much more con-
rdbbtm,) 'daughter of multitudes': The name of a spicuous, J- ^* T,
Beans A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 90
Bela
from
BEANS. See Palestine, § 23, and Food, § 3. have been used occasionally, as may be inferred
the fact that the sarcophagus of Og, King of Bashan,
BEAR. See Palestine, § 24. is called his "bedstead" (Dt 3 n). But more usually
BEARD : The Israelite was accustomed to wear such bedsteads were made of lighter material and
a fullbeard which was to be shaved only in ex- more easily movable. The place of a bedstead was
ceptional cases, as that of a leper (Lv 14 9), or of
sometimes taken by the raised platform or immov-
able divan along the walls of a room {miUah,Gn 47 31:
extreme mourning (Jer 41 5), although this was con-
II K 4 10; mishkabh, Song 3 1). This was covered
trary to the stricter spirit of the law (cf. Lv 19 27,
21 5), which viewed such defacements as heathenish. with cushions and used as a sofa during the day.
To compel one to cut off his beard was thus to inflict More elaborate and ornamented bedsteads are
upon him an insulting disgrace (II S 10 4 f.). See mentioned in Am 6 4, 3 15 ("beds of ivory") and Est
also Mourning Customs, § 4. E. E. N. 16 ("couches ... of gold and silver"). These-
were used by the wealthy, and offered an oppor-
BEAST: In EVV this term designates: 1. A tunity for indulging the love of display and luxury.
brute animal, as distinguished from man (Ezk Such bedsteads were further furnished with pillars
14 13). 2. A quadruped, as distinguished from other and a canopy like those of palanquins (Song 3 10;
living creatures (Gn 6 7). 3. A wild, as distin- Est 1 6). A. C. Z,
guished from a domesticated, animal (Job 5 22 f.; Ps
79 2). 4. An apocalyptic symbol of brute force, as
BEDAD, bi'dad ("l*!?, b^dhodh): The father of
set over against the divine power, or distinguished Hadad, King of Edom (Gn 36 35; I Ch 1 46).
from humanity (Dn 7 3; Rev 4 6 ff., AV; but RV E. E. N.
''living creatures"). A. C. Z. BEDAN, bt'dan (p?, 6«dAaw): 1. Referred to in
BEBAI,
BEELIADA, bi^e-ld'a-da (i'T???, b<>'elyadhd%
bi'ba-ai (^?3, bebhay): 1. The ancestral
'Baal [in sense of Jehovah] knows ^ A son of David
head of a large post-exilic family (Ezr2ll; Neh
(I Ch 14 7), called EUada in II S 5 16 and I Ch 3 8.
7 16, 8 11, 10 28). 2. One of this family (Neh 10 15).
E. E. N.
E. E. N.
BECHER, bi'kgr ("IJS, bekher): 1. The ances-
BEELZEBUB, be-el'ze-bub : 1. The Heb.
2^DT 7^2, ba'al zihubh, Baalzebub/the god of flies,'
tral head one of the clans of Benjamin (Gn
of
46 21; I Ch 7 6-8). 2. The ancestral head of the
worshiped by the Philistines of Ekron (II K 1 2f., 6,
16). It is not clear whether this Baalzebub was re-
Becherites, a clan or family of Ephraim. But in
I Ch 7 20 we read Bered, which may be the correct
garded as a special divinity, sender of flies, or the sun
form, or there may have been some genealogical as the healer of disease through his piercing rays. 2.
confusion, owing to the contiguity of the territory The Greek form of the same is Bee\fej3oi5A(Beelzebul,
of the two tribes Benjamin and Ephraim. so also AVmg. and RVmg., Mt 10 26, 12 24, 27; Mk 3
E. E. N.
22; Lk 11 16 f.). Jerome calls him the "Chief of the
devils"; Cheyne renders "Lord of the Mansion,"
BECORATH, be-co'rath (nilD?, b'kharath, Be- i.e. J of the nether world; Lightfoot, "Lord of Dung."
chorath AV): An ancestor of Saul (I S 9 l). A. C. Z.
E. E. N.
BEER, bl'gr (1^*3, 6-'er): 1. A place where the
BED, BEDSTEAD (Couch in RVof IChSi; Israelites made a station during the wilderness
Est 1 6, 7 8; Job 17 13; Ps 41 3; Pr 7 16): In the simpler journey (Nu 21 16), also called Beer-elim, well of '
conditions of life reflected in the Bible it was custom- terebinths' (Is 15 8). 2. The place where Jotham
ary to sleep in one's ordinary clothing, using the took refuge from his brother Abimelech (Jg9 2l).
outer garment or cloak for a covering (Ex 22 27). In Both sites unknown. A. C. Z.
more advanced conditions, an ordinary rug or mat
was used as a bed. Later, a mattress either took the BEER-, bt'gr- 0^,h-'er), 'a welP: On account
place of the mat or was used with it, and together of the necessity of a constant water-supply, sites
with a pillow and a simple coverlet or quilt for cold of towns were often chosen because of nearness to a
nights made up the bed furniture of a common indi- well or wells, and named accordingly, as Beer-elim,
vidual. The mattress was rolled up and put away Beer-lahai-roi, Beer-sheba, Beeroth (plural of
for the day within a closet. But bedsteads must beer). a. C. Z.
91 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Beans
Bela
BEERA, bl'gr-a (^^r^h ^^'era'), 'well': A son Beer-sheba (I S8 2); Elijah fled to Horeb via Beer-
of Zophar of the tribe of Asher (I Ch 7 37). sheba (I K
19 3). The mother of King Joash was
E. E. N. born there (II K 12 l). In the days of Amos there
was at Beer-sheba an important sanctuary (Am 5 5.
BEERAH, bt'§r-a (HTJ^?, b'''erah), 'well': A 814). '
G. L. R.
Reubenite "prince," carried away captive by Tig-
lath-pileser III (I Ch 5 6). E. E. N. BEESHTERAH, bg-esh'tg-ra (^'^^t!^^, h^'esht^
rah) (called Ashtaroth in I Ch6 7i; possibly an ab-
BEER-ELIM, bt"er-i'lim {^^^^ % h^'er 'elim),
breviation for Beth-Ashtaroth, 'house of A.'): A
'well of [sacred] trees': According to the common city in Bashan (Jos 21 27). See Ashtaroth.
Heb. text, 'well of mighty ones/ Is 15 8. Site un-
E. E. N.
known. E. E. N. BEETLE. See Palestine, § 26.
BEERI, (*^>:5; 6«'m):
bg-t'rai i. A Hittite, BEGGAR: The Mosaic legislation was designed
father of Judith,one of Esau's wives (Gn 26 34). 2. to prevent the formation of a beggar class among the
The father of the prophet Hosea (Hos 1 i). Hebrews (cf. Dt 15 Ex 23 11). Accordingly,
4, 7, 9, 11;
BEEROTH BENE JAAKAN, bl'ne j^'a-kan. See BEL. See Semitic Religion, § 16.
Jaakan.
BEL AND THE DRAGON. See Daniel, Addi-
BEER-SHEBA (^2*^ ")»<?, h^'ershebha'): The resi- tions TO.
dence of the patriarchs (Gn 21 31, 26 23, 28 10); the
name signifying 'well of seven' (Gn 21 30 f.), or 'well BELA, bi'Ia C^% bela'): I. 1. A king of Edom,
of oath' (26 31-33), or, as Strabo states it (xvi. 4, 24), the first in the list given in Gn 36 32 ff. He is called
"seven wells" (cf. Kiriath-arba, 'fourfold city'). It the "son of Beor," which has led many scholars
is pretty safely identified with the modem Bir'es- to identify him with Balaam, son of Beor (Nu
seha, 28 m. SW. from Hebron. Map II, C 4. The 22 but this is very uncertain. 2. The ances-
5ff.),
neighboring district was called the Wilderness of tral head of one of the clans of Benjamin, the Be-
Beer-sheba (Gn 21 14). Being situated on the S. laites (Gn 46 21; Nu 26 38ff.; I Ch 7 6f., 8 iff.)- 3.
border of the country, the expression naturally arose The ancestral head of one of the clans of Reuben
"from Dan to Beer-sheba" (Jg 20 1; I S 3 20), which is (I Ch 5 8-10).
used conversely by the chronicler "from Beer-sheba 11. A
city near the Dead Sea, one of the five at-
to Dan" (I Ch 21 2; II Ch 30 5). It was a city of tacked by Chedorlaomer (Gn 14 2, 8), identical with
Simeon (Jos 19 2). Samuel's sons became judges at Zoar. E. E, N,
Belial
Bemice A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 93
BELIAL, bi'U-al (^P.^^5, h^liya'al), hdi, 'not/ and tian champions. In David's later years his star was
ya^al [in Hiphil], 'profit^: Primarily 'unprofitable.' in the ascendant, while between the lines appears the
From this neutral sense, however, the term soon story of a bitter rivalry with Joab. When the lat-
passed into the more positive one of 'wickedness.' ter 's shrewdness forsook him, and Adonijah's coup
It is used in the O T almost invariably in connection failed, Benaiah's loyalty was rewarded by the chief
with some prefixed word, such as "son," "daughter," command, and he became his rival's executioner (I
"children," "man," and designates a very wicked K 2 28-35). 2, A Pirathonite, another of the thirty
character (Dt 13 13; Jg 19 22; I S 1 16, 10 27, 25 25, etc. heroes (II S23 30). 3. A
Simeonite prince (I Ch
AV). In the apocalyptic literature Belial is person- 4 36). 4, A Levite of the second degree who played
ified and identified with the genius of all evil, Satan. "with psalteries set to Alamoth" in the time of David
By a change in the last sound of the word it was (I Ch 15 18-20). 5. One of the priests who "did blow
made into Beliar, 'Lord of the Forest' (II Co 6 15). the trumpets before the ark of God" (I Ch 15 24).
A. C. Z. 6. A forefather of Jahaziel (II Ch 20 14). 7. A Le-
third husband, Polemon, King of Pontus. During more than the brief investment of a town by the
The methods for destroying the
the war with Rome (66-70) she became the mistress blockading army.
were of the simplest kind. It
was other-
of Titus and afterward lived with him at Rome. wall, etc.,
of the Egyptian and Assj^-
Public policy alone prevented him from acknowl- wise with the operations
ian armies. These were provided
with scaling-lad-
edging her to be his wife. See Jos. Antiq. {passim)
HJP
I. § 19 (supplement). ders with protected cars which could
be pushed close
and Schurer
on their wall mscnptions),
E. E. N. to the walls (as depicted
the covering of
with battering-rams (Ezk 2122,
BERODACH-BALADAN, be-r6"dac-bal'a-dan Na,h^ 5), etc.
K 20 12; which is perhaps meant by mantelet,
A king of Babylon (II Is39 l). See Mero-
Later kings of Judah sought to
provide themselves
DACH-BALADAN.
with like engines of warfare (II Ch 26 16).
Natu-
BERCEA, be-rt'a (Bepoia): A city of Macedonia in rally,with this development of offensive methods
the province of Emathia, at the foot of Mt. Bermius, there went a corresponding development of defen-
founded by Theron (Beron ) sive works. Walls were made stronger,
or by Beroea, daughter of furnished with bulwarks or outer walls,
Beros. It was the scene etc. By the Romans the science of
of the defeat of Demetrius siege-operations was carried to a high
by Pyrrhus (288 B.C.). state of perfection (cf. Josephus' de-
After the battle of Pydna scriptions in BJ, passim). E. E. N.
(168 B.C.) it was the
first city to surrender
BESODEIAH , bes"o-di'ya (n;iiD2,
BETH-BIRI, -bl'roi 0^3 % beth Ur'i), B. BETHESDA, be-thez'da. See Jerusalem, § 12.
tory lies chiefly in the availability of the spot as a Its special distinction came from its prophetic
HGHL;'Pa\merinZDPV,xvn;SWP,ii,iu. i^ ttt
y
BETHLEHEM, beth'le-hem (CD^"n^5, beth le-
hem), 'house of bread': 1, A city of Judah, called at BETH-MAACAH, -m^'a-ca (n3i?)3 '3, beth ma'&h-
times Beth-lehem-judah (Jgl77ff., 19lfE.; Ru 1 hah, Beth-Maachah AV): The district where the
If.; I S 17 12; cf. Mt 2 1, 5f.), to distinguish it from town Abel was situated."Abel of Beth-maacah"
the city of similar name in Zebulun (see 2), the should be read in II S 20 14. This Abel was attacked
modern village of Beit Lahm ('house of flesh')j 5 m. by Ben-hadad I (I K 15 20) c. 900 B.C. Its people
SSW. of Jerusalem (Map II, F 1), situated in a re- were borne away by Tiglath-pileser III (UK 15 29)
gion which was, and still is, one of the most fertile c. 734 B. c. It was an old city, famous for its circle of
Beth-Haccherem
97 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Bethul
"wise" men and women (IIS 20 18). The fertil- furlongs S. of Lake Semechonitis (Merom, Jos 11 fi),
ity of indicated in its alternate name
the site is the site of the modern et-Tell. Map IV, E 6. Early
Abel-maim, 'meadow of waters' (II Ch 16 4). Its in the reign of Philip the Tetrarch B. was advanced
situation was strong and advantageous. Map IV, to the rank of a city and named Julias in honor of
E 4. E. E. N. Julia, the daughter of Augustus (Ant. XVIII, 2 i).
B. was the home of some of Jesus' disciples, Philip,
BETH-MARCABOTH, -mar'ca-both (niD?-]15 '2,
Andrew, Peter (Jn 1 44, 12 21), and was denounced
bethmarkdbhoth), 'place of chariots': AtownofSim-
by Jesus for its unbelief (Mt 1121 and ||). Jesus and
eon not far from Ziklag mentioned along with Hazar-
His disciples withdrew to B. in order to escape Herod
susah in Jos 19 5; I Ch4 3l. The parallel passage
(Lk 9 10) and to avoid the multitudes (Mk 6
45, 8 22).
(Jos 15 31) has Madmannah (q.v.) and Sansannah
(q.v.) as the names of the places. Since B.-Marca-
The N T passages do
not require the assumption of
a second B. on the W. side of the lake (so Ewing,
both = place of chariots/ and Hazar-susah =
*
where Baal-Peor was worshiped: city of Moab, A Here Amaziah of Judah was defeated by Jehoash of
not far from Mount Pisgah, the place where Is- Israel (II K
14 11 ff.). Later, in the days of Ahaz, it
rael listened to the farewell discourses of Moses (Dt was taken by the Philistines (II Ch 28 18). It was
3 29, 4 46) and the neighborhood in which Moses was probably an ancient seat of sun-worship. Map II,
buried (Dt 34 6). In the assignment of territory E. D 1. 2. A
town of Naphtali (Jos 19 38; Jg 133).
of the Jordan it fell to the lot of Reuben. Regard- Site unknown. 3. A
town on the border of Issachar
ing its more 4efinite identification in modem geog- (Jos 19 22). Site unknown. 4. A city of Egypt,
BETHSAIDA, beth-se'i-da (Brjda-aiBa), 'house of BETHUL, beth'ul (^IDJ, b^hul) : A town in the S.
the fishers': According to Josephus (BJ. Ill, 10 7; of Judah (Jos 19 4) called Bethuel (I Ch430) and
cf. ViL 72; Ant. XVIII, 2 1), a town situated 120 Chesil (Jos 15 30). Site unknown. E. E. N.
Beth-Zur 98
Bible
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
commanding the road between Hebron and Jerusa- 2. The Bible a Collection of the O T (A Brief His-
Books of Various Dates torical Sketch of the
lem (Map II, E 2) and fortified by Rehoboam (11 Literature of the O T)
and by Many Writers
Chll7). It was occupied by a post-exilic colony 3. The Original Language 6. The Growth of the N T
(Neh3 16) and was the scene of several conflicts in and Text of the Bible 7. The Permanent Signifi-
The Relation of the Bible cance of the Bible
the Maccabean war (I Mac 4 19, etc.)- E. E. N. 4.
8. Modern Biblical Study
to Life and History
BETONIM, bet'o-nim (O^JtO?, bHonim), 'pistachio The word Bible is from the Gr. /St^Xo?, the
nuts': A
place on the border of Gad (Jos 13 26). inner layers of the papyrus-plant used in making
Site unknown. E. E. N. the paper of which books, ^i/3Xot, were
I. Name manufactured. The dim. ^i^Xiov was
BETROTH. See Marriage and Divorce. and Names, especially used of a 'book' as a part or
division of a larger work. The pi.
BEULAH, biu'la, 'married': The reference in Is rh ^i^Xla, 'the books/ was applied to the Scriptures
62 to the old Semitic idea that a deity stood in
4 is in consequence of their supreme importance. This
closest relation to the land in which he was wor- Greek plural passed over into the Latin as a singular
shiped, i.e., he owned it, controlled it, gave fertility Uhlia, whence the English word 'Bible/ The oldest
to it, etc. The prophet here uses the term, but not name among the Jews for their Scriptures was "the
in its old purely physical sense. E. E. N, books" (Dn 9 2) or, for the legal part, the "book of
the law" or "book of Moses" (Neh 9 3, 13 l). In
BEWAIL. See Mourning Customs, § 5, NT times the Jews were accustomed to say 'the
writings' (Heb. k'thubhlm; Gr. ypa(f)aL, Lat. Scrip-
BEWITCH. See Magic and Divination.
turce), or, in case of quotation, etc., 'Scripture'
the W. side of the river (Dt 3 20, etc.), but when used 'covenant.' It was easy, however, to take bcaBtjKq
by the author who reports them, the E. side (Dt 1 l, in the sense of a testamentary document and use it
5, etc. Cf. also Gn 50 10). A. C. Z. of the Scriptures of the old and new covenants, and
in ecclesiastical Uterature from the 2d cent, this is
BEZAI,bi'zQ-ai C^V2, hUsay): The ancestral head a common designation of the Scriptures. For the
of a large post-exiUc family (Ezr2l7; Neh 7 23, names applied by the Jews to the various parts of
10 18). E. E. N. the O T see Old and New Testament Canon.
The Protestant Bible in common use is a collection
BEZALEL, bez'a-lel (^«^Vp, hHsaVel, Bezaleel of sixty-six books. Of these thirty-nine originally
AV), shadow of God': 1. The son of Uri,
'in the constituted the Jewish Scriptures and
the son of Hur, who was divinely called to be the 2, The make up the O T. The remaining
chief artificer of the Tent and its furnishings (Ex Bible a twenty-seven originated in Chrisfciari
31-39; I Ch 2 20; II Ch 1 5). 2. One of the "sons Collection circles in the Apostolic Age. In the
of Pahathmoab" who had taken foreign wives (Ezr of Books Roman Catholic Church the O T part
10 30). L. G. L. of Variousconsists of forty-six books (the seven
Dates and Apocryphal books Tobit, Judith, Wis-
BEZEK, bi'zek hezeq): 1. A town ruled
(p.J2, by Many dom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch, I and II
over by Adonibezek, captured by Judah and Simeon Writers. Maccabees being counted as Scripture)
in their invasion of Canaan (Jg 1 4f.). It could not plus the so-called Additions to Esther
have been far from Jerusalem (cf. ver. 7), but its site and Daniel.
is unknown. To identify it with the following with- The material in the Bible was composed at differ-
out distorting the whole narrative is impossible. 2. ent times during a period of more than a thousand
The place where Saul rallied the Israelites before
marching to the reUef of Jabesh-gilead (I S 11 8).
—
years from the foundation of the Hebrew nation
by Moses (c. 1200 B.C.) to about the end of the let
Map III, G 2. E. E. N. cent. A.D. The number of writers whose work is
preserved in the Bible is unknown. A large number
BEZER, bi'zgr 0'^., hetser), 'fortress': The of the OT books and some of the
I.
N
T are anonymous.
head of a family of Asher (I Ch 7 37). II. A city of The range and variety of subjects are indicative of a
refuge, also one of the Levitical cities in the tribe of corresponding variety and number of authors. The
Reuben, Dt 4 43; Jos 20 8, 21 36; I Ch 6 78). It was poet, the historian, and the philosopher ('wise man'),
"in the wilderness in the plain (mlshor, here 'upland the priest, the prophet, and the apostle, the king and
plain')." Of the same place Mesha says (Mesha the statesman, the popular story-teller, the serious
stone, line 27) " I built B., for ruins had become."
: it legislator, the antiquarian delighting in genealogy
Site unknown. E. E. N. and statistics, the zealous reformer,' the faithful
Beth-Zur
)9 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Bible
beacher, the seer, all these and others, even the character. With the growth of the Church in num-
Divine Son of Man Himself, find their words or work bers and culture more attention came to be paid to
represented in the Bible. the copying of the text. At last, mainly through the
a world of varied thought and culture
It is also influence of the first printed editions; one type of
that is reflected in the Biblical material. In one text, unfortunately very corrupt, the so-called Textus
part we are face to face with the primitive simplicity Receptus, became dominant. Only within the last
of the Semitic nomad; in another we are in touch half-century have more critical and therefore correct
with the rich culture of the ancient Babylonian texts become available. (For a full discussion see
civilization; again we
share the experiences incident Text of the New Testament.)
to the predominantly agricultural type of life of the Since the Biblical material was produced under
ancient Hebrew commonwealth at first we witness
; such a variety of circumstances, by so many different
the crude and petty warfare between clans or tribes, authors, and its composition covered such a long
then the larger struggles of Israel with her near period of time, it is evident that the collection in its
neighbors; next we hear the measured tread of present form has a complicated history behind it.
Assyria's victorious armies, creators of the first world The O T was already complete before a word of the
monarchy; then, in succession, it is the Babylonian, N T was written. But neither collection was the
the Persian, the Greek, and finally the Roman em- work of a single age or made at the dictation of
pires that form the background of the Biblical his- any external authority. For full discussion of the
tory. formal steps that led to the final results in both
The original languages of the Biblical books were cases see the articles on O T and N T Canon.
Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek. Nearly all the O T Others of a less formal but fundamental nature will
was composed in Hebrew, the language find mention below.
3, The spoken by Israel in Canaan before the From what has been said in § 2 it is evident that
Original Exile, but after the Return gradually the Bible material, in the process of its composition,
—
Language giving way as the speech of common sustained a most intimate relation to
—
and Text intercourse to the Aramaic, then the 4. The life and that progressive development
of the lingua franca of all 8W. Asia. Parte Relation of of man we call history. This is of
Bible, of Daniel and Ezra and one verse in the Bible fundamental importance to a true
Jer (10 11) are in Aramaic. There is to Life and understanding of the Bible and appre-
also an Aramaic coloring to many expressions scat- History. ciation of its value. The Bible, both
tered through the O T. A
dialect of Aramaic as a whole and as to its separate parts,
was the vernacular of Palestine in N
T times, and it was in the first instance a result, not a cause, a prod-
is probable that Jesus' teachings were spoken by uct of something that was actual in life and history
Him Aramaic and later rendered into Greek by
in before a written record of it was made.
the teachers of the early Apostolic Church (see The O T is the product of something that was in
Aramaic Language). Apart from this Aramaic actual existence in Israel before it found expression
hads of the Gospels, especially the first three and of in writing. Israel and Israel's religion came first,
some material in Acts, the N T was composed en- and was because there was an Israel with such a
it
tirely in Greek, the Greek of ordinary intercourse religion that a literature like that of the O T was a
in the Hellenistic world (see Hellenistic and possibility. The O T is the product of Israel's vital
Biblical Greek). religion and is a competent witness to the vitality
The text of the Bible has doubtless had a very and divine character of that religion. While it is
checkered history. Nothing is known of the means true that the older parts of the O T, once written,
taken to preserve the text of the O T autographs. had an influence on subsequent stages of Israel's
It is probable that much editorial work was done by religious development, the important fact remains
exilic and post-exilic scholars on the material in their that the strong vital, progressive religion of Israel
Hands, and we do not know when the text came to be is the foundation of the written material we have in
so carefully guarded that no more changes were pos- the O T.
sible. The Greek translation of the O T, the Septua^ The same general fact is true of the N T. Jesus
gint (LXX., begun c. 250 b.c, and perhaps com- lived and taught and died and rose and was present
pleted by 150 B.C.), shows that in many places the by His Spirit in His Church before a book of the T N
text before the translators differed from the Hebrew was written. The earhest N T book was probably a
text current to-day (see Greek Versions of the letter of an Apostle to recently planted churches,
T). The great Hexapla of Origen, c. 225 a.d. (a giving needed advice on matters of pressing impor-
six-column edition of the O T, one column giving the tance. It was within a church, aUve, vigorous, pro-
Hebrew text), and the Latin Vulgate of Jerome (390- gressive, and withal not free from faults, that our
405 A.D.), who made use of the Hebrew, also furnish N T literature originated, and almost without excep-
valuable testimony to the ancient Hebrew text. tion do the N T books show themselves to be prod-
Finally, the Massoretes (Jewish scholars who were ucts of what was already at hand in the possession
careful students of the text, 3d to 10th cent, a.d.) of the Church at large or in the hearts of the chosen
settled upon a uniform text which is that repre- few whose understanding of the common faith was
sented in practically all Hebrew MSS. extant. most profound.
The text of the N T has had a corresponding Nothing can be further from the truth, then, than
history. The autographs, written on papyrus, were to say that the reUgion of Israel or Christianity are
perishable and soon disappeared. The first copying 'book-religions.' In both the book is the product,
was of an unregulated and perhaps at times careless not the cause; in both the reUgion was in existence
Bible A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONAKY 100
and in a strong vital touch with Ufe and history significance pointed out), were completed (see
before the book appeared; in both the book is the Hexateuch). Legal material, in the form of
expression of and witness to the strength and vigor codes of smaller or larger compass, was wntten at
as well as character of the religion. How different the great sanctuaries, of which the one at Jerusalem
in these respects the Bible is from other sacred was of chief importance, while poetry, probably
books is as evident as is the related fact, the differ- almost exclusively reUgious, was constantly being
ence between the religions of other sacred books produced. In the 9th cent. B.C., Elijah did his
and the religion that produced the Bible. great work for Israel's religion, but he committed
Israelj both as a nation and as a nation with a none of his teachings to writing. Later a history of
peculiar religion, was the creation of God through his and Elisha's work was written which was em-
Moses. He consolidated the tribes bodied in part by the author of Kings in his large
5. The into a national unity the basis of which history. In the 8th cent. Israel was face to face with
—
Gradual was a religion the religion of Jehovah, a most serious religious crisis. The old barriers of
Growth of the God of Israel. This religion was comparative isolation were broken down. Before
the O T, essentially spiritual and ethical in the rapidly growing power of the Assyrian Empire
character, simple in its mode of worship the smaller nationalities lost their individual exist-
and capable of being expressed in comparatively few ence, while their reUgions were either destroyed or
fundamental propositions. Because of its essential amalgamated into the great Assyro-Babylonian
reality and inherent vitality, in virtue of its Divine pantheon. Such changes threatened the religion of
origin, theapprehension and appreciation on Israel's Jehovah with destruction. It was saved, under God,
part of the true character and significance of her by the prophets, the exponents in new and trying
rehgion were capable of great expansion. It was situations of the true character of Israel's rehgion, a
both possible and necessary for her to grow into an task involving instruction along theological, ethical,
ever-deepening and widening knowledge of its theo- political, and Messianic lines. From Amos (c. 760
logical and ethical principles. As time went on, and B.C.) to the Exile (536 B.C.) the messages of proph-
environment changed; as new modes of life were ecy, though in most cases originally spoken dis-
adopted, new conceptions of the world both of — courses (cf. Jer 36 2), came to be committed to
—
nations and of ideas were forced on Israel's mind; writing. Whether this was done by the prophets
as great national crises were met and bitter experi- themselves or by their disciples we do not know.
ences endured, Israel was called upon to meet such No pre-exilic prophet systematically arranged and
circumstances and adjust herself to them in the light published his prophecies in a complete edition. The
of her rehgion. In the course of this long process prophetic oracles were more probably gathered up
the O T originated and gradually grew into a distinct by disciples into smaller or larger collections which
body of literature. To say that the O T represents were later made up into the books we have at
Israel's national literature may be too sweeping a present.
statement. It probably comprehends the most of In the 7th cent., when the light of the true religion
the religious part of Israel's literature. It is likely of Jehovah was almost extinct, Deuteronomy was
that much old Hebrew literature perished with the written as a statement of the original Mosaic consti-
fall of Samaria in 721 B.C. and of Jerusalem in 586 tution interpreted in the light of the teachings of
B.C. Only that which was religious in character prophecy (Amoe, Hosea, Isaiah, Micah). The lit-
was preserved of the pre-exilic hterature, and in erary form chosen was that of a hortatory address
exilic and post-exilic days those who produced liter- by Moses, followed by code in which much an-
-a,
ature in Israel were mainly interested in religion. cient material is preserved and (partially) adjusted
There is no very early evidence that Moses wrote to new and changed conditions (see Deuteron-
more than the statements of the fundamental prin- omy). Through the discovery of this book and
ciples of Israel's religious constitution. The cove- the Reform of Josiah (621 b.c.) based upon it, Israel
nant terms (Ex 34 10-27), the Decalogue (Ex 20 2-17), (Judah) came to have for the first time a written
and certain directions as to the attitude of Israel rehgious constitution. The Holiness Code (Lev
toward the Canaanite cultus (Ex 20 22-26, 23 20-33 ||
17-26) was also a contemporary attempt to codify
34 10-17) are all that can be safely affirmed as in- the main principles of life (for an Israelite) from the
cluded by both J and E in the written material of the point of view of 'holiness to Jehovah.' During this
Mosaic Age. In addition, according to E, an ancient period, under the influence of the teachings of Deu-
code (Ex 21 1-23 9 in the main) was drawn up by teronomy, the series of historical narratives (Judges,
Moses. The Mosaic era and the era of the Con- Samuel-Kings) was completed (apart from post-
quest and Settlement in Canaan were not conducive exiUc revision). In these, history is almost entirely
to the production of literature, though rich in deeds subordinated to religion. The events simply fur-
of courage and faith. These deeds became the sub- nished the occasion for the religious lessons of the
ject of popular story and song (oral, not written), the history. During the latter part of Josiah's reign
latter especially being generally inspired by strong and the whole of the reigns of his sons and successors,
religious feehng. Jeremiah was opposing in vain the formaUsm and
Under David, Israel became supreme in Canaan essential irreligiousness that affected all ranks of
and under the Kingdom conditions were more favor- society. In the reign of Jehoiakim (608-597) Jere-
able to the development of literature. History was miah revised and published his eariier oral dis-
written first on a small scale, then on a larger. At courses with additions (Jer 36). His later proph-
last the great 'prophetic' histories, J and E (in ecies (just before and after the Exile,
586 B.C.)
which popular tradition was used and its religious were probably taken down and preserved by his
—
101 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Bible
lecretary Baruch and through him or others at last It was the larger (Alexandrian) Canon that at first
iransmitted to the faithful workers in Babylonia. circulated in the Gentile-Christian world (as the lan-
\jnong the Exiles the already existing literature guage of this was Greek, not Hebrew). But quite
fpas and edited. New
carefully preserved, studied, early (from c. 175 a.d. on) the Eastern (Greek)
nessages were delivered to them by Ezekiel (597- churches came to feel that the only true O. T Canon
570) and by 'second' Isaiah (Is 40-66), messages was the Hebrew (Palestinian). In the Western
looking to the new era which these gifted seers (Latin) churches the Apocrypha continued in gen-
taught was sure to come for Israel. The exihc eral use in spite of protests from men hke Jerome
scholars gave much attention to the Law with a view and at last its use was made binding by the Council of
to making it the perfect standard for Israel as the one Trent (1546). (See Apocrypha.)
people of Jehovah. This revision and perfecting of The O T was the Bible of the Jews in N
T times
the Law were incomplete at the time of the Return in and it was the Scripture of Jesus and His Apostles.
536 B.C. The returned Exiles organized themselves Jesus, so far as we know, wrote nothing
mainly on the basis of the Deuteronomic Code. 6,The and in His work He constantly referred
Their efforts to rebuild the Temple were encouraged Growth to the OT as the Scripture fulfilled in
by the prophetic messages of Haggai and Zechariah, of the N T. Him. To Him, what He taught and
who addressed themselves directly to the situation. what He did and what was to follow as
But the tendency of post-exilic Judaism was toward the result of His coming were, all in all, the 'fulfil-
a reduction of religion to formally defined practise. ment' of the OT. In other words, the essential
The 'scribe' (generally of priestly descent) rather religious truths of the O T were the truths on which
than the prophet was now the main religious force. Jesus built in His work as the founder of Christian-
At Ezra succeeded in having his edition of the
last ity. The real religion of the O T passed over into
Law recognized by the public assembly (c. 444 b.c. ). Christianity. Jesus succeeded in implanting this
If this was not the canonization of the Penta- truth into the hearts of His disciples, although it took
teuch in its present form, it was at least the great time and discipline, even after His resurrection, to
step toward such canonization which must have fol- get them to see it clearly. The life and work of
lowed in a comparatively short time. Jesus are the real fulfilment of the O T, and the T N
When this was done the remaining literature, is the record of Jesus' life and work. Familiar as
historical, prophetic, and poetical, while highly N
we are apt to be with the T, it is easy to fail to see
honored and esteemed, was still an unclosed collec- the real order of development of the N
T literature
tion. The later minor prophets and the great his- and its necessary connection with the progress of
torical work, Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah, were as yet Christianity in the Apostolic Age. Because the
unwritten. —
At last ^probably before 200 B.C. it — Gospels and Acts stand first in the Hsts of the T N
was felt that no more prophetic voices were to be Books, it is easy to get the impression that Christi-
heard and the prophetic succession was considered anity began with these documents. Christianity
closed. This, of course, led to the separation of the began with the Gospel, not with the Gospels, and,
prophetic writings as a group —
next to the Law after the Resurrection, with the work of the Apostles,
sacred and authoritative, into which no recent liter- not with the Acts of the Apostles. Jesus proclaimed
ature could gain admission. a Gospel of which He Himself was the incarnation.
In the stress and discouragement of the persecu- He impressed upon a chosen few, who proved fit to
tion by Antiochus Epiphanes, c. 168-165 B.C., the receive it, the fundamental truths of that Gospel
Book of Daniel, the one apocalypse of the O T, was and, what is perhaps still more important, He im-
written to stay and cheer those whose faith was wa- planted in their souls a knowledge of Himself which
vering, by teaching that the Kingdom of God is was doubtless the most powerful and permanent
supreme in spite of all appearances to the contrary, infiuence that ever touched their lives. They simply
and must triumph in the end. This book came too became different men under the tutelage of Jesus.
late to be included in the prophetic canon and thus It was not a reasoned-out, intellectual process they
took its place with the * other books' (such as the went through, but a complete moral and spiritual
Psalms, Job, Proverbs, Ruth, Chronicles, etc.), not transformation. They saw Ufe, duty, and destiny
yet canonized but highly esteemed and considered in a new hght, and the central figure and influence in
as of a somewhat different character from other their new world was Jesus Himself. Deep into their
writings (as, e.g., The Book of Ecclesiasticus). Of hearts and memories His words and deeds penetrated
the books of this division, Job, Proverbs, and Psalms to be brought out and told and partially recorded in
reflect three distinct types of religious experience. days to come. But as yet nothing was written of
In Job a great problem is dealt with. In Proverbs all this; it was living in the life experience of hving
the maxims of practical life are given, while in the men and women. And Jesus left matters thus, know-
Psalms all phases of religious feeling find expression. ing as only He could know that the future was
It is probable that by 100 B.C. the Jews of Palestine assured.
bad come to a general understanding as to the char- Under the inspiration of Pentecost the Apostolic
acter and value of these 'other books' and that this preaching of Christianity began. Preaching, oral
third division of the Canon was closed, practically at proclamation, persuasion, not literature, were the
least, about that time. The Judaism of Alexandria means used, and so it continued for decades.
fvas inclined to a less rigid view and looked upon cer- Multitudes were converted, a brotherhood was
tain other late books (now called the Apocrypha) formed, a new type of life manifested itself, all cen-
w of a sacred or semi-sacred character. (For the tering about a definite belief in Jesus. The move-
ivhole subject see T and N T Canon.) ment spread froni Jerusalem outward into all Pal-
Bible 103
Bilhan
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
joyj.i^^til the
estine. Persecution only increased its vigorous experiences of sorrow as well as of
growth. It reached Antioch, the great metropolis "fulness of time" came. Because the Bible arose
of Western Asia. Paul was converted, the Gospel thus its significance and value must be
was carried into the Gentile world, the First Mis- The
7. permanent. The older view of strictly
inspiration is indeed artificial
sionary Journey was completed, and the Council of Permanent verbal
and untenable, but its real import
Jerusalem had met to discuss the question whether Signifi-
cance of remains intact. The inspiration of
the Gospel was something independent of or subsid-
—
iary to the old dispensation all before a single book the Bible, the Bible may be, at places, not far
(except possibly the Epistle of James) of the T N from the letter, but in most cases it is
It is thus
had been written. in the vital reUgion behind the letter.
This undeniable fact is of sufficient importance to easily seen how mistakes as to fact may be found in
be most carefully considered by all who wish to have the Bible, yet its essential value remain. Criticism,
a correct view of the nature of the N T. That the in its search for the facts as to the origin, composi-
Founder of Christianity did His own work and that tion, authorship, integrity, etc., of the various books,
His followers organized His Church and carried it is both necessary and, when rightly conducted, ,
on through a vigorous, even remarkable, growth for helpful (see § 8, below). The results of all such
twenty years before any of the N T books were pro- research only bring us closer to the truths that the
duced is conclusive proof that there is something Bible, and the Bible alone, contains —
the truths of
more fundamental to Christianity than even the N T. God's revelation of Himself and of His will, in the
It is just here that the real significance of the NT history and life of Israel first, but fully set forth in
—
must be sought -in the relation the NT writings Jesus Christ, whom we can know through the Gos-
bear to that more fundamental something that the pels and the interpretation given in the documents
Christian Church possessed before it possessed these of the ApostoUc Age. E. E. N.
writings. That fundamental something was the Criticism is that branch of Biblical study which
Apostolic Church's conception of Jesus Christ, and aims to ascertain with as much precision as possible
this consisted (1) of the knowledge that Church pos- the facts regarding the origins and
sessed of Jesus' person, teaching, and work, and (2) 8. Modem original forms of the books of the
of the Apostolic interpretation of the significance Biblical Bible.
/ So far as it deals with the ques-
of Jesus' person, teaching, and work for the life and Study. tion of the original text, it is called
destiny of man. In the NT
writings we find the the Lower or Textual Criticism, and is
Apostolic Church's conception of Jesus Christ set properly treated in the articles on the Text. So
forth, not in any formal sense, as in official docu- far as it concerns the origin, i.e., authorship, date,
ments of the Church, but in a no less real sense. integrity, literary form, pm-pose, etc., of the separ
These writings originated as special occasions de- rate books, it is called Higher Criticism, and the
manded, each being called forth by some particular results of its application will be found in the articles
circumstance or reasons affecting only a limited on the separate books or parts of the Bible.
circle. This is true even of the Gospels. They all The Higher Criticism, so called, is a comparatively
deal with living issues, and reflect the actual faith or recent branch of study. There were indeed questions
knowledge of their writers and (in most instances) raised and hints thrown out regarding a method of
readers. inquiry analogous to it even as early as the Middle
The documents of Christianity were Apostolic
first Ages. Spinoza is supposed to have put forth certain
letters, one from the Jewish-Christian Church to suggestions which, if pressed, must have led to the
scattered communities in Palestine and Syria (Epis- use of such a method of study. But it is generally
tle of James, c. 50 a.d. ?), the others from Paul to the admitted that the first to resort to this method was
Thessalonians (c. 50-51 a.d.). Before the year 64 the physician Astruc (Conjectures sur les Memoires,
Paul had written all his Epistles (except the Pas- etc., 1753). He called attention to the use of the
torals). It was in the decade from 60-70 that the names Jehovah and Elohim in successive sections of
Synoptic Gospel traditions took definite shape (the Gn, and from this fact drew the inference that in the
Logia and Mark both before 70, the Gospel of Mat- composition of the book Moses had incorporated
thew probably later). To the same decade the Epis- older documents, each characterized by the use of
tle to the Hebrews belongs, addressed to Jewish one of these names.
Christians to explain difficulties easily likely to But this use of the divine name was only one of
trouble such readers, also I Peter. To the next two several features distinguishing the sections (docu-
decades (70-90) probably belong the later writings ments) in which they occurred. These were next
of the N T (Gospel of Luke, Acts, II Peter, Jude, examined, and their significance developed into the
the Johannine literature). All these were scattered so-called Documentary and Fragmentary theories
over a wide area, not at once brought together, the of the Pentateuch, put forth by men like Eichhorn, ,
very existence of many being probably unknown out- J. D. MichaeUs, and Geddes. (Eichhorn was the
side of a limited circle. For the steps by which they first to use the phrase "higher criticism" as the name
became collected into our N T see New Testament of the new method of study.
Canon. Other material for investigation in a similar way
It was in such a way that the Bible arose, the lit- was soon brought into view by De Wette and Ewald.
erature of a living, divinely inspired and guided relig- This consisted in the mass of historical data fur-
ious development. It was a development that went nished by the O T books themselves. From an ex-
hand in hand with historical movements, with en- amination of this historical material, De Wette was
larging intellectual comprehension, with profound enabled to propound the theory that Gn was the
Bible
103 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Bilhan
work of a writer who found an Elohistic document critics,and extreme and sometimes startling views
and used this as a nucleus for the addition of mate- are often propounded in the name of criticism.
rial from Jehovistic and other sources. This was the As against this danger, two counterbalancing fac-
Supplement theory (or in the form in which Ewald tors may be named: (l)That extreme subjectivism
put it, the Crystallization hypothesis). Meanwhile, on one side corrects extreme subjectivism on the
what was being done in Gn and the Pentateuch be- other. For the student who is approaching the drit-
gan to be extended to the other books of the O T. ical method and critical results with intelligence and
But there remained still another class of facts impartiality, the philosophical bias of one school will
available for criticism, those, namely, which were to nullify the philosophical bias of the other, leaving
be found in the flow of thought. This weis arranged him in possession of the essential facts. (2) While
in the order of a hypothetical development. The each part of the method may be used with too much
meaning of the facts in this sphere was partially subjectivity and become untrustworthy, there is a
shown by Vatke and George quite early (1835); but cumulative effect from the use of all which is in the
it was not fully worked out into a complete theory main trustworthy.
until Kuenen (1865), Graf (1866), and Wellhausen Literature: Zenoj, Elements of Higker Criticism (1895);
(1872) fully presented their conception of it, and McFadyen, Old Testament Criticism and the Christian
made it clear how revolutionary the results would Church (1903); Briggs, T?ie Study of Holy Scripture
Hexatetjch). (1899); Naeh, History of the Higher Criticism of the
prove (see
method, as above
N T (1900) J. A. Smith, Mod. Criticism and the Read-
;
The development of the critical ing of the O T (1901); Ryle, On Holy Scripture and
BUftimarily sketched, made clear its necessity, its Criticism (1904). A. C Z.
nature, and danger. Its necessity was seen to lie
its
BIBLICAL GREEK. See Hellenistic and
in the fact that the truth with reference to many
Biblical Greek.
phases of real importance regarding the origin of the
books of the Bible had been lost or obscured in the BICHRI, bic'rai (^"1?3, Ukhrx): Sheba, who re-
course of the ages since their first composition. This
volted from David (IIS 20 Iff.), is called ''son" of
led naturally to their being ascribed to others than
their real authors, or else their being left anonymous.
Bichri, i.e., he was of the clan of Becher of Ben- —
jamin. See Becher. E. E. N.
The original purpose also and the literary form of
some of them were forgotten and other designs and BID. See Marriage and Divorce.
forms were attributed to them. Some books of
poetry were read as if they were prose, some para^
BIDKAR, bid'kflr ("IJ^I?, bidhqar): Captain of
bolic or allegorical books were taken as accurate Jehu's chariot, i.e., his aide (II K9 25). E. E. N.
history. All this had to be rectified, and the new
method was seen to be helpful in rectifying it.
BIER. See Burial and Burial Customs, § 4.
The nature of the method also became clearly BIGTHA, big'tha(«i'p^.5,6iffi;ia'). See Chamber-
apparent. It is a method which depends upon the
lains, The Seven.
observation of internal marks, mainly of three
classes, i.e. (1) literary, (2) historical, and (3) such BIGTHAIT, big'than; BIGTHANA, big-th6'na
as pertain to the content of thought. The literary (10^3 i^W??* bigthan, bigthand^): One of the cham-
marks are those characteristics of style, including the berlains of Ahasuerus who kept the door of the
choice of words, the construction of phrases, and the palace (Est 2 21, 6 2). E. E. N.
infusion of a tone and spirit into a writing, through
which the author reveals his personality. The his- BIGVAI, big'va-ai C'l^?, higway): 1. One of the
torical marks are the signs of age, place, and environ- leaders of the Return (Ezr 2 2; Neh 7 7). 2. The an-
ment which unconsciously betray a forgery or a cestor of a large post-exilic family (Ezr 2 14, 8 H;
misplaced production and furnish the ground for as- Neh 7 19), possibly the same as 1. 3. representa- A
signing it to its true place; or if it is genuine, of verify- tive of this family (Neh 10 61). E. E. N.
ing its genuineness and dispelling suspicion about it.
The marks drawn from the content of thought are
BILDAD, bil'dad (ini^P, hUdadh), 'Bel loves'
BILL. See Marriage and Divorce, and BITTER HERBS: One of the elements of the
Trade and Commerce, §3. Passover meal (Ex 12 8; Nu 9 ll). The herbs used
were watercress, lettuce, endive, and chicory. They
BILSHAN, bil'shan (|*^^?, hilshan): One of the were either mixed or used separately. Regarding
leaders of the Return (Ezr 2 2; Neh 7 7). E. E. N. their significance different views are held, some
alleging that they symboUzed the sufferings of the
BIMHAL, bim'hal (^H^?, bimhal): One of the
people in Egypt, while others hold that like the pro-
descendants of Asher and a son of Japhlet (I Ch hibition of leaven they were the sign of the haste in
7 33). E. E.N. which the Exodus took place. A. C. Z. '
BIRSHA, bir'sha (ri^-j5, hirsha'): King of BIZTHA, biz'tha. See Chamberlains, The
Gomorrah (Gn 14 2). E. E. N. Seven,
BIRTH, BIRTHDAY, BIRTHRIGHT. See BLACK. See Colors, § 1.
Family and Family Law, §§ 6, 8.
BLAIN. See Disease and Medicine, § 5 (9).
BIRZAITH, bir-z^'ith ; BIRZ AVITH, -vith
(rijT"l5 or rrii"]?, hirzawUhovhirzayith): Aplace(?) BLASPHEMY. See Crimes and Punishments,
in Asher (I Ch 7 31). Site unknown. E. E. N. § 2 (c).
body is extinguished. This is true of both man and explanation of B, as equivalent to the Dioscuri, or
the lower animals (Gn 9 4). Heavenly Twins, see J. Rendel Harris, Expos. Feb.,
From this notion are deducible the prescriptions 1907. J. M. T.
as to the treatment of the blood: (1) Blood was
made an article of food (Lv
not to be
BOAR. See Palestine, § 24.
2. Legis- 7 26f.; Dt 12 16). This law is applied BOAT. See Ships and Navigation, § 1.
lation to all blood, not simply to that of ani-
About mals slain for sacrificial purposes. BOAZ, bo'az (T^2,6o'a3), 'swiftness' (BoOxf.Heh.
(2)
Blood, The tabooing of the blood of sacrificial Lex.): A prominent citizen of Bethlehem, kinsman
victims (I S 14 32). (3) The presenter of Naomi (Ru2lff.). Upon the return of Naomi
tion of the blood of an innocent victim at the altar of from Moab with Ruth, her daughter-in-law, Boaz
Jehovah as pure Ufe to cover the offending life of the was led to take the latter under his protection by
offerer (Lv 1 5, etc. See also Sacrifice). (4) The purchasing the right of redemption from the next of
value of blood as means of ceremonial cleansing, as kin. And as this right included according to the
in the case of purification from leprosy (Lv 14 5-7). Law that of levirate marriage (Dt 25 5 ff.), Boaz took
(5) The law of blood revenge, i.e., a Ufe for a life
Ruth as his wife, and from this marriage sprang
(Gn 9 6; Dt 19
and (6) the use of blood as a means
6), Obed, the grandfather of David (Ru4 21f.). The
a covenant (Ex 24 6). Cf. Trumbull,
of establishing importance of Boaz in history is accordingly in the
Threshold Covenant. See Sacrifice and Offer- main genealogical (cf. Mt 1 5; Lk 3 22, Booz AV).
ings, § 16. A. C. Z. For the pillar called Boaz at the vestibule of Solo-
mon's Temple, see Temple, § 14. A. C. Z.
BLOOD, AVENGER OF {go'el hod-dam, Nu 35
19): The next of kin whose duty it became to visit BOCHERU, bo'ke-ru or bek'g-ru (^153, hohh^ru):
vengeance for the violent death of those related to A Benjamite of the stock of Saul through Jonathan
him. The duty was based on the theory that the (ICh8 38, 9 44). E. E. N.
family, tribe, and clan constituted sacred units.
When the blood of a member of one of these units BOCHIM, bo'kim (D''?2, hdkhim), 'weepers': A
place where the were reproved by an
Israelites
was shed, atonement was required either through the
death of the shedder of the blood or through that of angel (Jg2l, 5). In 2 1 LXX. reads "Bethel,"
"some member of the unit to which the offender be-
which is probably the true reading. In that case
longed (II S 21 1-U; Jg 8 18-21). The earlier law "Bochim" would be a place in or very near Bethel.
made no distinction between intentional murder and See Allon-Bacuth (cf. Moore on Judges, in Int.
undesigned homicide (Gn 9 6). The later legislation CrU. Com.). E. E. N.
(Nu 35 9fif.) was a great improvement over the earlier BODY: The earliest Biblical usage has no fixed
in that it distinguished in this particular and soft- name for the human body as a living organism. A
ened the asperities of natural feeling, placing safe- series of terms used which designate it from some
is
guards about the whole practise and thus preventing portion or peculiarity, such as * belly,' heten (Mic 6 7;
injustice and cruelty. A. C. Z. Job 19 17), which is quite uniformly, however, a syno-
BLOODGUILTINESS. See Blood, 2 (5), and nym of 'womb'; also 'bowels,' me'lm (Song 5 14, 15
Blood, Avenger of. 4); 'back,' gew, gewah, gnviyyah (Is 51 23; Job 20 25;
I S 31 10; also gahh, Job 13 12, AV) 'bone,' 'etsem (Ex
;
BLOOD, ISSUE OF. See Disease and Medi- 24 10, AV); 'thigh,' yarek (Jg 8 30); 'flesh,' hasar (Is
cine, § 5 (7).
10 18); also s/ie'er (Pr 5 11); 'breath,' nephesh (Lv 21
BLOODY FLUX. See Disease and Medicine, 11); 'carcass,' n^hhelah (Dt 21 23), together with an
BOIL. See Disease and Medicine, § 5 (9), and notes to friends and sweethearts, invitations, etc.
Sacrifice and Offerings, § 16. Single tablets do not appear, because the writing
could not be protected from defacement, but double
BOLLED: The English word "boiled" (Ex9 3i) tablets (diptychs) were in the hands of every one,
means 'swollen/ as pods are by seed. But the Heb. and in paintings and reliefs, letters and oracular ut-
term, gibh'ol, is more correctly rendered by the terances are always depicted as diptychs, but trip-
ARV "in bloom." E. E. N.
tychs, tetraptychs, pentaptychs, and polyptychs were
BOLSTER: The of a Heb.
translation in AV common. Double tablets were fastened together by
term (mTa'dshoth) meaning 'at the head of or 'near hinges of string or metal, but often, especially in the
the head' (I S 19 13 ff., 26 7 fE.). E. E. N. case of polyptychs, holes were bored in the center of
the panels; a string was then passed through the hole
BOLT. See House, §6 (i). and tied. If the diptych or polyptych were to be
sent as a letter, the ends of the string were sealed,
BOND : common meaning
Besides having its more
of a fetter or chain (Jer 27 Eph 6 20) or of
2; Ac 26 29;
among the Greeks, with seaUng-clay, but among the
Romans with wax. The tablets were often supplied
a pledge in connection with an oath or vow (Nu 30 2),
with handles by which to carry them or to hang
the word stands in EV for (1) mu§ar, the bond of a
king (Job 12 18), i.e., the obligation imposed by the
them up. Wax tablets were used even as late as the
time of Christ for contracts, bonds, and receipts, and
authority of a king; (2) mdsdreth, the bond of the
from Pompeii we have 126 such tablets which were
covenant (Ezk 20 37), i.e., the relation of the theo-
the property of a banker in 54 B.C. Every scratch
cratic community; (3) a-vvdea-fios, "the bond of in-
made in the wax is distinct and undefaced after
iquity," "the bond of peace," "the bond of perfect-
more than 1,900 years.
ness" (Ac 8 23; Eph 4 3; Col 3 14), i.e., the fellowship
But for documents of length and those intended to
created by the acceptance of these as ideals of con-
be permanent, such as long letters and books, wax
duct. In I Co 12 13, etc., it is used to render bovXos,
tablets were not only too cumbersome
'slave,' or 'bond servant.' See also Slavery, § 1,
2. Papyrus but too perishable. In earhest times
and Trade and Commerce, § 3. A. C. Z.
Paper. books were written on hides, tanned
BONDAGE, BONDMAID, BONDMAN, etc. See Rolls. and untanned (St^^epa, membrana),
Slavery, § 1. which were both cumbersome and
costly. Hides were supplanted by papyrus paper,
BONES, DISEASES OF, See Disease and which was invented and manufactured in Egypt.
Medicine, § 5 (i).
Papyrus paper was made of the inner lining of the
BONNET, See Dress and Ornament, § 8. papyrus-reed. Long and necessarily narrow strips
were placed side by side on a level surface and then
BOOK OF LIFE. See Life, Book of. crossed at right angles by other similar narrow
strips. Sheets thus manufactured were first soaked
BOOK OF THE WARS OF JEHOVAH. See
in mucilaginous water, and then pressed and dried.
Wars of Jehovah, Book op.
A multitude of such sheets were cemented together
BOOKS AND WRITING: In the earliest times into a roll (or "scroll," Is 3 44; Rev 6 14), i.e., one
leaves, bark, hides,and for certain sacred purposes continuous sheet of any desired length.
linen, were used as materials on which In antiquity the word book (/3//3Xoff, liber) did
I. Book to write, but in historical times papyrus not mean either a volume or a subdivision of a work,
Materials, and parchment were the only materials but referred solely to papyrus, the material on which
Wax importance for writings intended to
of the book was written, for ^v^Xos was the name ap-
Tablets, be permanent. For writings not in- plied to the papyrus-plant, and later on the word,
tended to 'be permanent wax tablets with a slight change, was transferred from the
were used (cf. Is 8 l; Hab 2 2; Lk 1 63). They were material to the matter written on the material. The
made of wood and resembled our double slates, long strip of papyrus paper on which a book had
and like our slates the surfaces intended to re- been written was rolled together beginning with the
ceive the writing were sunken panels, whose raised end of the book. The resulting roll was called
edges served to protect the writing from defacement KiikLvBpos Top-os, volumen. As one began to read
when the tablets were closed. The sunken surfaces such a roll, the first column of reading-matter was
were covered with a thin layer of red or black wax, on the left of the reader, whose right hand unrolled
in which the letters were scratched (henCe they were the unread part, while his left hand rolled up the
called xapaKTYipeSj from x^pa<T<r€iv, Ho engrave') read part in direction the reverse of that of the
a,
sheet 90 meters long. Such an unwieldy roll could asis) were placed together in a case (capsa) usually
not be held in the hands and be unrolled and re- of leather,made to fit them. The title of the whole
rolled as read, but could be read only when lying on a work was on the capsa. A statement of the con-
table. The writing on the papyrus sheet was not tents of each roll was made on a shp of leather or
done in unbroken hnes extending from one end of the deep-red parchment, after the invention of the latter.
sheet to the other, but in narrow parallel columns It was called the a-irTvpop, titulus, index, and it was
perpendicular to the length of the sheet. It was fastened to the umbilicus of each roll. Thus any
therefore difficult to consult a book, especially if 'book' could be found easily.
the desired passage was toward the end of a papyrus Papyrus was always the favorite material for
sheet 45 or 90 meters long. This fact suppUes one letters intended to be despatched to a distance. The
reason for the inaccurate quotations of the ancients, papyrus letter was either folded or roUed; it was tied
who usually quoted from memory, not verbatim. in the center and the ends of the string were sealed.
Callimachus, one of the Alexandrian librarians, was Such papyrus letters have been found in recent
therefore justified in his famous saying, that "a big years in Egypt; the strings are still intact and the
book is an awful nuisance," to abate which he took addresses still undefaced.
steps to reduce the size of books or rolls to certain Owing to the non-existence of a postal service in
limits. So that for poetry, novels, letters, etc., small antiquity, letters of private persons were forwarded
and easily handled rolls of about 1,000 lines were only as opportunity offered through
used (cf. a 'book' of Homer). Larger rolls, aver- 3. Parch- traveling friends, merchants, or cap-
aging 1,500-2,000 lines, were used for prose litera- ment and tains of ships. Governments and kings
ture and scientific writings, though some rolls con- Codices, forwarded their letters by special cour-
tained 4,000 lines of prose writing. The size of a iers, and rich individuals utilized their
book was reckoned by lines, not by pages. Poetry slaves as couriers and private secretaries (see Ram-
fell naturally into lines, and the dactylic hexameter say's Letters to the Seven Churches, pp. 1-14).
practically fixed the length of the line at 35 letters Great libraries arose at all the capitals of the Hel-
or 16 syllables. Every column on the papyrus lenistic kingdoms. The most important were those
sheet had the same number of lines, so that an author of Alexandria and Pergamum. Owing to the jeal-
could easily calculate the length of the papyrus ousy and fear felt by the librarians of Alexandria,
sheet needed for his book. The price of books varied lest the library of Pergamum should surpass that
in accordance with the number of lines they con- of Alexandria, the Egyptian Government forbade
tained, because the copiers of books were paid by the the exportation of papyrus. The expectation was
line. Diocletian fixed the wage of the copier at 40 that, if deprived of the material on which books were
denarii for each 100 lines, less than 25 cents. Many written, the library of Pergamum and those of all
publishers used their slaves as copiers, and the slaves the rest of the world could no longer add books to
received merely food and clothes as pay. The work their collections. This corner on the book manu-
of the ancient authors, such as the Iliad, the Odyssey, facture led to the discovery at Pergamum of a new
the Anabasis, Herodotus, etc., were not divided by process of tanning sheepskins. The skins thus
their authors into what we call 'books.' They tanned were called TrepyafiijvT} x^P"^^^ Pergamenian
quoted, the Iliad for instance, by ballads or episodes, paper, a term which was soon shortened to TrcpyofjirjvTjj
and the quotation was merely a general reference. which in turn was corrupted into the English parch-
The division into 'books' was made by the Alexan- ment (the German Pergam,ent is nearer the original).
drian librarians after the time of Callimachus to avoid Parchment was not only much cheaper than papy-
the nuisance of the big work, and to make it easier rus paper, but books made of it were far less cum-
to consult works, so that the '
books ' with which bersome and more easily consulted, for parchment
we are familiar referred to that part of a work con- was too thick and heavy to be used in a roll, and it
tained in a single roU in the libraries of Alexandria. was thick and heavy enough to permit writing on
The Iliad and the Odyssey were divided into 24 both sides. The roll was therefore abandoned; the
'books' solely because therewere 24 letters in the new parchment codex consisted of single leaves
Greek alphabet, so that 'lUad A' meant 'Roll A of bound together practically as in our books to-day.
the Iliad.' The parchment codices were employed chiefly for
Writing was done only on one side of the papyrus works of great length, but they did not become
sheet; the lines were unnumbered; there were no common until the 3d cent, a.d., and indeed the
paragraphs, no punctuation, no accents in classical papyrus roll maintained itself until the 5th cent.
times. When the roll had received the writing, it A.D. Papyrus itself was sometimes employed in the
was soaked in cedar-oil to protect it from moths and codex form.
bookworms; this soaking gave the roll a yellow The ink used in writing both on papyrus and
tinge; the ends of the roll were polished with pumice- parchment was called " writing black (fieKav
'
'
stone and colored, chiefly black. A round stick ypa^iK6v). It was made chiefly of
called 6fi(j>aK6st umbilicus, was fastened to the 4. Ink, pine-soot mixed with gum arabic and
papyrus sheet at the end of the volume; the volume etc. then dissolved in water. Sepia, the
was rolled round this stick, from right to left. The secretion of the cuttlefish —
our India,
ends of these sticks were often even with the edges —
Chinese, or Japanese ink was also used, though not
of the roll, but they often protruded from both ends extensively. Ink prepared from the galls of the
and served as handles (cornua) by which to roll and gall-oak was used at a later period for writing on
unroll the volume (see above). AH the rolls belong- parchment. Red ink, made from red chalk, cinna-
ing to a given work (24 for the Iliad, 7 for the Anab- bar, or red lead, was used for illuminating initial
Books and Writing 108
Brethren of the Lord
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
BOOTH: In the climate of Biblical lands, the BOSS. See Arms and Armor, § 7.
booth or bower {§ukkah), constructed in the form and Medicine,
BOTCH. See Disease § 5 (9).
A *
Booth or Lodge in a Vineyard.
'
'
'
BOWELS, See Man, Doctrine of, § 8 (2).
Skin Utensils.
1. Jerdb kkubz, bread-bag. 7.Jerdb khubz, bread-bag,
2. Jerdb kemah, flour-sack. 8.Jerdb khubz, bread-bag.
3. Mijrabe, small bread-bag of shepherd. 9. Delu, water-bucket.
4. Hdra, reaping-apron. 10. Jerdb khubz, bread-bag.
5. Se'en, water-skin for woman. 11. Jerdb khubz, bread-bag.
6. Kirbe, water-skin for man.
BOZKATH, bez'kath (np_^3, botsqath, Boscath referred to in the Gospels (Mk 3 31 £f. and l|s; Mt 13 fiS;
Jn 2 12, 7 and whose names are given as
3, 5, 10),
AV): A town in the lowlands of Judah (Jos 15 39;
K 22 1). Site unknown. E. E. N.
James, Joses (Joseph, Mt 13 55), Judas, and Simon.
II
As to the specific relationship which they sustained
BOZRAH, bez'ra (?^7V?, botsrah), *
fortress': to Jesus there has been question since the early ages
1. The capital of Edom (Gn 36 33; Is 34 6, 63 1; Jer of the Church, the discussion formulating .itself
Am
1 12), located by modem explorers at finally into three theories, termed by Lightfoot
4913; ef,
Buseira, about 50 m. SE. of the Dead Sea (Robin- (Co7n. on Galatians, p. 242), after the names of their
son, Expl. III. p. 125; Buhl, Edomiter, p. 37). 2. A foremost supporters, the Epiphanian, the Helvidian,
city in Moab (Jer 48 24), probably the same as Bezer
and the Hieronymian.
(Dt 4 43). It was the city of refuge for the Reuben- The Epiphanian theory holds that the brethren of
ites (Jos 20 8). King Mesha claims to have fortified Jesus were children of Joseph by a former wife; the
it (cf. Mesha, Stone of, line 17). A. C. Z, Helvidian, that they were children of Joseph and
Mary, born after Jesus; the Hieronymian, that they
BRACELET. See Dress and Ornament, § 11, were children of Mary, the wife of Alpheus (Clopas)
and sister of the Virgin.
BRAMBLE. See Palestine, § 21.
Of these the first two alone occupied the thought
BRANCH (n^.y, tsemah): A designation of the of the Church up to the 4th cent., the former being
Messiah first used as such by Jeremiah (23 5, 33 15), by far the more prevailing view. In that century
although it had been employed in an impersonal Jerome, in controverting Helvidius' claim for a re-
sense as early as by Isaiah (4 2). It was taken up lationship of full brotherhood, suggested the novel
later by Zechariah (3 8, 6 12) and more definitely
idea that the relationship was one not of brother-
identified with the ideal king of Israel. Its selection hood, but of cousinship; so that, as he boasted, there
was made at a time when the house of David viewed was preserved a virginity not only to Mary but to
as a tree was in a decaying condition, showing signs
Joseph also.
of a speedy and complete collapse. In the prophetic Modern scholarship has discarded the theory of
vision the dying away of the tree was not to be
Jerome, as in fact without the backing of any tradi-
A new branch, shoot, or tion, confessedly motived in the interests of a dis-
its final disappearance.
sprout {netser) would issue from its trunk in the per- tinctive dogma, and wholly without Biblical support.
A. C. Z. Serious consideration is given to the first two theo-
son of the Messiah (Is 11 1).
ries alone and both of these claim abundant and
BRAND. See Firebrand, and Crimes and scholarly following.
Punishments, § 3 (b). It will be sufficient, therefore, if the main argu-
ments of these two views be presented.
BRASS. See Metals, § 3.
I. Argument for the Epiphanian View: (1)
(3) At the Cross Jesus commits His mother to the matter of fact, such determination of the question as
care of his cousin John (Jn 19 which would be
26 f.), may be possible lies in the interpretation of the state-
more natural on His part if His brethren were not ments of Scripture.
Mary's own children than if they were. (4) Besides As to these, (1) it may be at once admitted that
these evidences from the Gospel narrative itself (a) not much is to be determined by the usage of the
it is likely that Joseph out of reverence for Mary as term a5eX<^ot. It is used for relationships outside of
the mother of God would have refrained from mari- full brotherhood (e.g., of first cousins, I Ch 23 21 f. of
;
tal intercourse with her after the birth of Jesus; and first cousins once removed, Lv 10 4; of nephews. On
(6) the general acceptance of virginity as an ideal 14 14 ff., 29 15) and, though its N T use doubtless is
state renders it probable that such a woman as Mary less elastic than its LXX. use, it might easily be used
would have preserved her virgin life throughout her of those who are brothers by less than full blood re-
marriage. (5) The most ancient tradition of the lationship. If Joseph could be spoken of by Mary
—
Church particularly that of Palestine (Hegesippus, herself as Jesus' father, the sons of Joseph could be
—
a native of Palestine, c. 160 a. d.) supports this view, spoken of by others as His brethren. (2) It may
and the most reliable of the old apocryphal narra- also be admitted that the fact that the brethren of
tives (Gospel of Peter, Protevangelium of James) Jesus are found constantly in the company of Mary
and the earliest versions (Curetonian Syriac, Pesh- is not necessarily determinative as to their relation-
itto, Thebaic) seem to confirm it. ship to her. Assuming, as there is every reason to
II. Argument FOR THE Helvidian View: (1) do, that Joseph was no longer living, that Jesus was
Jesus is called Mary's "first-born son" (7r/> ororoKov, busied with the affairs of His public ministry, and
Lk 2 7), the natural implication of which is that she that the sisters were settled in Nazareth in homes
had other children later. (2) In Mt 1 24 f. it is stated of their own (cf. Mk 6 3 and ||), it was but natural
that Joseph at the bidding of the angel recognized that the brethren, whether Mary's own sons or not,
his relationship to Mary and took her to be his wife, should consider themselves responsible for her care.
"and knew her not till she had brought forth a son" (3) It is evident; consequently, that Jesus' com-
(kOI OVK iyiV<£>(TK€V aVTrjP €(OS [ov] €T€KCU vlop), mittal of His mother at the Cross to the care of His
which clearly implies that he did know her after- cousin John throws no light upon the relationship of
ward. (3) In confirmation of these specific points the brethren to Mary; for, in view of their close and
are the facts (a) that the natural and unconstrained constant companionship with Mary, Jesus' action
meaning of brethren (dbeXfpol) is in the direction of is difficult to understand, whether they were her
full brotherhood — especially since in the Epiphanian own sons or not. It must have been due to some
view they would not be blood relations of Jesus at all; motive not clear from the record. (4) There is
and (b) that these brethren not only lived under the more significance in the claim that the brethren con-
same roof with Mary, but are found in her company ducted themselves toward Jesus in the superior
wherever she went (Mk 3 31fif. and ||s; Jn 2 12; Ac spirit of older brothers. This would seem to find
1 14), which would be most natural, if they were her support in the incidents of Mk 3 21, 31 ff. and Jn 7 2 ff.
children as well as Joseph's. (4) Though no sup- In fact, however, it does only when these incidents
port for this view is to be found in the Palestinian are wrongly understood. The reason for the at-
tradition of the Church, it is maintained by a scholar tempt in the earlier part of His ministry to control
likeTertuUian (160-220 a.d.), whose known advo- His actions (Mk 3) was a simple failure as yet to
cacy of asceticism makes such an admission on his understand the spirit of His mission, and was com-
part highly significant. mon to the mother and the brothers and sisters
In examining the above argument (I) it is clear alike; while the spirit of the suggestion of the breth-
that the traditional support of the two views is after ren, toward the close of His ministry (Jn7), is far
all about equal. Hegesippus and TertuUian were more a desire to have Him come to public recognition
not far from contemporaries; and though Hegesip- by the authorities at Jerusalem, now that the popu-
pus, being from Palestine, is more strictly a local lar favor in Galilee had been lost, than a contemp-
witness, TertuUian, being pronouncedly ascetic, is an tuous scorn of His claims. Indeed, it is quite im-
unwilling witness. The fact that the Hegesippian possible to understand the brethren's final belief
view was more widely accepted in the Church is after in these claims after the resurrection save as we
all largely accounted for by that instinctive sentiment recognize a growing appreciation of them as Jesus'
which in every age of the Church has tended to pre- ministry drew toward its close. In neither incident
serve a peculiar holiness for the mother of our Lord. is there anything to necessitate the brothers' being
It is this prevalent view that finds its way into the older than Jesus. (5) The statements of most im-
apocryphal Gospels and the early versions; so that portance in determining the question are naturally
their testimony is not in any strict sense of the those which record Mary's assertion of her virginity
word independent. (II) It is further obvious that (Lk 1 34), which speak of the marital relatione be-
the argument of Joseph's probable marital relations tween Joseph and Mary (Mt 1 24 f.), and which refer
to Mary after the birth of Jesus is the product of this to Jesus as Mary's first-bom son (Lk 2 7).
reverent sentiment of the Church and not of any It must be acknowledged that the natural im-
facts, which are confessedly absent; while the state- pression created by these passages is that Jesus was
ment of the "general acceptance of virginity as an but the first of Mary"s children. Admitting, how-
ideal state" is based upon a wholly wrong view of ever, the interpretation placed by the Epiphanian
marriage itself, which, from all we Icnow of the He- view upon Mary's reply to the angel and accepting
brew domestic life, was not the view that either further the technical meaning of "first born" (Ex
Joseph or Mary is likely to have entertained. As a 34 19 ff.); which, it is urged by this view, does not im-
Brethren of the Lord
Ill A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Burden
ply the birth of subsequent offspring, it is significant dered in AV "broidered," but cf. RV for a more cor-
that the Gospel of Luke, which records these two rect translation. E. E. N.
statements, most open to ascetic interpretation, was
written much later than the Gospel of Matthew and BROOCH. See Dress and Ornament, § 10.
might be supposed to reflect the growth in the Church BROOK: With only a few exceptions the Heb.
of later ideas. The earlier Gospel of Matthew, word rendered "brook" is nahcd, which means either
which reflectsmost strongly the Jewish ideas of the the valley or ravine in which water is found (cf. Gn
early Church, is the Gospel whose nativity state- 26 19; Nu 21 15; Job 30 6) or the brook itself. Nahal
ments convey most simply and most strongly the is the word used for the streams that run only a part
impression that, supernaturally conceived though of the year, drying up in the summer-time, while
He was, Jesus was but the first of Mary's children ndhdr is the proper word for the larger permanent
and that the brethren of Jesus were such in the full river. But this distinction is not always observed.
sense of the word.
^' ^' ^'
Literature For the Hieronymian view, see Jerome adv.
;
BROOM. See Juniper.
Helvidium; Mill, The Accounts of Our Lord's Brethren^
1843; Schegg, Jakobus der Bruder des Herm, 1883. For BROTH. See Food, § 10.
the Epiphanian, see Epiphanius, adv. Hcereses, iii. 2;
Lightfoot, Com. on Galatians, 1865, pp. 241-275; Harris BROTHER. See Family and Family Life,
in DCG. For the Helvidian, see Mayor, Com. on Ep. of §§ 1, 8, and Church, § 2.
St. James, 1897, pp. vff., and art. iu HDB\ Zahn, Forsch.
z. Gesch. d.NT Kanons, VI, 1900. pp. 227-363; Patrick, BROWN. See Colors, § 1.
James, the Lord's Brother, 1906, pp. 4 ff. Siefifert, art. Ja-
;
kobus, and Zockler, art. Maria, in PRE^; Schmiedel, art. BRUISE. See Food, § 1.
Clopaa in EB. M. "W. J.
BRUIT, brat (from the Fr. hruire, 'to make a
BRIBERY. See Crimes and Punishments,
noise'): The word means rumor or report (Jer 10
2(b).
22; Nah 3 19; cf. RV). E. E. N.
BRICK, BRICK - KILN : Brickmaking was
BUCKET (^^tl, d% from nbl, Ho draw'): A
well understood among the Israelites, since their
houses of the more common sort were often con- vessel for drawing water, usually of earthenware.
structed of bricks (see House, § 4), though the The word is used in O T only figuratively (Nu
references to such are very few in the O T (II S 12 31, 24 7; Is 4015). E.E.N.
Is 9 10). The art of brickmaking wels highly de- BUCKLER. See Arms and Armor, § 7.
veloped in Babylonia (cf. Gn 11 3) and in Egypt (cf.
Ex 1 14, 5 7-19). From the Egyptian inscriptions BUKKI, buk'ai (^|??, buqql), short for Bukkiah:
and illustrations on the walls of temples, tombs, etc., 1. A priest in lineal descent from Aaron according
a very complete knowledge of the ancient process of to I Ch 6 5, 51 ; Ezr 7 4. 2. A Danite (Nu 34 22).
briclanaking can be gained. The details agree quite E. E. N.
closely with those in Ex 5 7 ff On Jer 43 9 cf
. . RV A mu-
for the correct reading. E. E. N-
BUKKIAH, buk-kai'a 0^y.l,buqqlyah):
sician, 'son' of Heman (I Ch 25 4, 13). E. E. N.
BRIDE, BRIDEGROOM, BRIDE-CHAMBER.
See Marriage and Divorce. BUL, bTjl: The Heb. term for the eighth month of
BRIERS. See Thorns and Thistles. BULL, BULLOCK, WILD BULL. See Pales-
tine, § 24.
BRIGANDINE, brig'an-din or -dain. See Arms
AND Armor, § 9.
BULRUSH. See Reed.
BRIMSTONE: The Heb. term gophrlth, 'sul- BULWARK: The rendering of (1) Vn, hsl (Is
fur,' is of uncertain derivation. connect it Many 26 1), properly the lesser wall before the main wall,
with kopher, 'bitumen/ of which there is an abun- elsewhere often rendered "rampart" RV ("trench''
dance in the Jordan Valley and near the Dead Sea. AV). (2) "TilJT?, matsodh, 'fortification' (Ec9l4).
The 'raining' of brimstone (Gn 1924, etc.) refers (3) "liVTp, matsor, a besieger's wall (Dt 20 20). (4)
perhaps to combustion of sulfur or petroleum from Oiri;^Jpinn&h, 'comer' (IICh'2616 A V, "battle-
sulfur or petroleum springs which thus could be
ments" RV). See also Besiege, and City, § 3.
used as illustrations of the Divine judgment, espe- E. E. N.
cially under the influence of the story in Gn 19.
(Cf. Dt 29 23; Is 30 33, etc., and in T Rev 14 10, N BUNAH, bu'na (nj^2, bunah), 'intelligence': A
19 20, etc.) E. E. N. 'son' of Jerahmeel (I Ch 2 25). E. E. N.
BROAD PLACE. See City, § 3. BUNNI, bun'nai C^ij, hunni): A personal name
BROAD WALL. See Jerusalem, § 38. occurring three times in Neh. The same person may
be referred to in 9 4 and 10 15, while 11 15 seems to
. BROID, breid, BROIDER, brei'dgr: The word refer to a man belonging to an earlier generation.
',nqmah, so rendered in Ezk chs. 16, 26, and 27, means It is possible that in 9 4 and 10 15 we have only
a
..'variegated' and indicates that the garments were of scribal error (dittography) for Bani. E. E. N.
1^ yariegated colors, not that they were embroidered.
In Ex 28 4 tashhets and in I Ti 2 9 irXeyfia are ren- BURDEN. See Prophecy, § 9.
Burial 113
Byword
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
BURIAL AND BURIAL CUSTOMS 7 14), and was followed by mourners who chanted
lamentations. u v c
Analysis of Contents of the beliet
III. Place of Burial: In view
that family unity survived death we
I. Preparatory to Bur- HI. Place of Burial can under-
ial 6. The Grave
1. Preparation of the 6. Sanctity of the
stand the importance attached to the
Body Grave 5. The custom of placing bodies in a house-
II. Burial IV. Mourning Grave, hold grave; it was thus that con-
2. Interment Cere- 7. Customs nection with the family was preserved
monies 8. Their SigniB-
3. Importance of cance after death (cf. Gn 15 15, 25 8, 17, 35 29, etc.). It is
Burial obvious that in ancient times these household graves
4. Mode of Burial
were located upon land belonging to the family and
I. Preparatory to Burial: Customs and in proximity to the house (cf. Gn 23; I S25 i); ac-
usages connected with death clearly reach back into cordingly the tombs of the kings down to Ahaz are
remote antiquity, and show the family found in the citadel, later in the "garden of Uzza,"
I. Prepara- to have been even then a social-religious which in any case is to be sought for in the vicinity
tion of the unit. When death occurred, it was a (cf Ezk 43 7).
. Preferably such graves were located
Body. duty to close the eyes (Gn 46 4), prob- under shade-trees (sacred trees, Gn 35 8; I S 31 13), or
ably also the mouth of the person. It in gardens (II K
21 18, 26). Gradually the habit pre-
is true this is distinctly mentioned only in the Mishna vailed of placing them outside of inhabited districts
(cf. Tract. Shabbath 23 5— codified about 200 a.d.), and of making use of clefts and of caves, in which the
but the custom certainly antedates this tractate. country abounded. For the most part, however, the
Kissing the dead (Gn 50 l) was probably exceptional. graves were excavated and the effort was made to
The body was washed (Ac 9 37) and anointed (Mk place them on the rocky hiQsides and often on heights
16 i; Lk 24 i; Jn 12 7, 19 40). It was wrapped in a difficult of access (Is 22 16; II K
23 16) but in view of
;
white linen sheet (Mk 15 46 and ||s), the hands and the dangers from beasts of prey, their openings were
feet being bound (Jn 19 40) with grave-bands (RVmg. closed with heavy stones. The sepulcher was always
Gr. Keipiat) and the face with a napkin (a-ovBdpiov, strictly regarded as family property, in which no
'kerchief'), Jn 11 44. How ancient these customs stranger should be laid. Only in later times, as older
were it is not possible to determine. views were relaxed, did strangers, in exceptional cir-
II. Burial: The Israelites did not embalm their cumstances, find burial in them (II Ch 24 16; Mt 27
dead (cf. Gn 50 2 f., 26). From I S 28 14; Is 14 9 ff. 60). For the destitute (II K
23 6; Jer 26 23) and for
Ezk 32 27, we must conclude that in the pilgrims (Mt 27 7) there were common, i.e., public
2. Inter- ancient period the dead were buried cemeteries, where criminals also were interred (Jer
ment Cere- with the garments they had worn while 26 23; Is S3 9; IK 13 22).
monies, hving. According to Jer 34 5; II Ch 16 Inasmuch as the graves of ancestors were in earlier
14, 2119 (cf. Jos. BJ. 1, 33 9), spices were times places of worship (shrines), and as such, holy
burned beside the bodies of prominent men. Later it groimd, it is easy to understand that
was the custom to bury together with the dead ob- 6. Sanctity over the tomb of Rachel a matstsebhah
jects which had been used by them during life, e.g., of the Capillar") was raised (Gn 35 20). It ap-
inkhoms, pens, writing-tablets, keys, etc. Herod Grave. pears probable that the sacredness of
furnished Aristobulus his funeral spices and other some shrines rests upon the fact that
articles (Jos. Ant. XV, 3 4). Probably this custom they were burial-places of heroes (cf. Hebron, Gn
goes back to older times (cf. Jos. Ant XIII, 8 4; XVI, 23,25 9,49 31; Shechem, Jos 24 32; Kadesh-barnea,
7 1). Cremation was not practised in Israel (cf. Nu 20 i). The tomb of Deborah was under a sacred
Comm. on I S 31 12; Am
6 lO) the usage was rather to
; tree near Bethel (Gn 35 8). In later times sepulchers
bury the dead, while cremation, e.g., of criminals (Lv as a whole were regarded as unclean, because asso-
20 14, 21 9; Jos 7 25; cf. Dt 21 23), appears as a disgrace ciated with another worship —
i.e., the worship of
added to the penalty of death (Mishna, Tract. Aboda the spirits of the departed as contrary to the worship
Zara I, 3 rejects cremation as heathen practise. Cf. of Jehovah, and the custom arose of whitewashing
Tac. Hist. V, 5 4). the stones which covered them in order to render
Not to be buried was considered by the Israelites, them distinguishable from afar and keep passers-by
as by other peoples of antiquity, a frightful fate from ceremonial pollution (Mt 23 27).
which one wished visited only on his IV. Mourning: Upon the news of the death of
3. Impor- worst enemies (Am 2 l; cf. Is 33 12; Jer a relative it was customary to rend the clothes (II S
tance of 16 4; Ezk 29 5; II K
9 10). This is to 1 11) and gird oneself with the mourning garment
Burial. be explamed from the belief that the (cf. II S 3 31 ff.), which originally was probably noth-
spirits of the unburied dead were obliged ing but a loin-cloth. Among the Ara-
to drift about restlessly. Even in Sheol the lot of 7. Customs bians the custom prevailed of going
the unburied is lamentable. They must shift about of about naked as a sign of mourning.
imeasily ui nooks and corners (Ezk 32 Mourning. Whether this was practised in Israel
4, Mode 23; Is 14 15, etc.). is doubtfiil (Mic 1 8; Is 20 2 f. are not
of Burial. In
probability burying came usu-
all clear evidences of such a usage). But it was cus-
ally on the very day of death, as at pres- tomary to go bareheaded and barefoot (Ezk 24 17;
ent in the Orient. Of coffins the Israelites knew as II S 15 to sprinkle dust and ashes on the head
30),
Uttle as the ancient Arabs (II 13 21). K
The body (Jos 7 S 1 2), to cover the head, or at least the
6; II
was carried on a fitter or bier (mi^^ah II S 3 31 ; cf . Lk beard (Ezk 24 17; Jer 14 3; II S15 30), or to place
113 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Burial
Byword
the hand on the head (II S 13 18 f.), and to sit in BURY, BURYING-PLACE. See Burial and
dust and ashes (Jer 6 26; Job 2 8). In addition, Burial Customs, §§ 2-6.
various disfigurements and mutilations were self-
inflicted. The head was shaved (Jer 16 6, 47 5); the BUSH, THE BURNING: The instrument of a
beard was cut off, or at least clipped (Jer 41 6, 48 37; theophany in the experience of Moses (Ex 3 2 f. Dt ;
Is 15 2; Lv 19 27); gashes were made on the whole 33 16; Lk 20 37; Ac 7 30, 35). The natural mecha-
body, or at least on the hand (Jer 16 6, 41 6, nism of the phenomenon may have been electrical
etc.). It was quite usual upon the occurrence of a (W. Robertson Smith, Rel. SemJ p. 193 f.). The im-
death to follow the wide-spread custom of holding a portant featiu-e of it is the revelation of God through
funeral repast (Hos 9 4; II S 3 35; Jer 16 7 f.; Ezk 24 it to Moses. The effort to identify the species of the
17, 22). In addition there were separate offerings of bush (Heb. §meh) with the seneh, a thorny shrub, is
food and drink which were placed upon the grave not altogether successful. A. C. Z.
(Dt 26 14). From To 4 18 and Sir 30 18 f., we learn
BUSHEL. See Weights and Measures, § 3.
that this custom continued until quite late. Wide-
spread was also the custom, while the women of the BUSINESS: This term is used in EV in a vari-
house were sitting upon the earth weeping, for pro- ety of senses, corresponding to the different original
fessional female mourners to come and chant peculiar Heb. and Gr. terms. (1) As the rendering of dab-
rhythmic lamentations beginning with 'ekk or 'ekhdh. har, 'word,' often used in the more general sense of
Evidently this custom of funereal lamentation was a 'matter,' 'affair,' like the Gr. Xoyos (Dt 24 5;
religious usage regulated by nearness of relationship
Jos 2 14, etc.). (2) Of m4a'khah, 'work,' i.e., 'occu-
(cf. Zee 12 lO ff.). See also Mourning Customs, § 5.
pation' (Gn 39 11; cf. RV; 1 Ch 26 30, etc.). (3) Of
How these different customs are to be accounted, %nyan, 'travail,' or labor (Ec 5 3, 8 16). Most of
for is a much-debated problem, which has not yet
the other cases need no comment. On Lk 2 49; Ro
been brought to a definite solution. 12 11 (both AV) cf. RV for the correct rendering.
8. Signifi- Particularly, it is in no way certain that
E. E. N.
canoe of all these customs can be traced back
BUTLER. See Cupbearer.
These to one original idea and practise.
Customs. Some may possibly be conceived as ex- BUTTER. See Food, §6.
pressions of the vivid sense of grief
peculiar to the Oriental; but the attempt to say this BUY. See Trade and Commerce, § 3.
of all, as Kamphausen and others have done, has
failed. As far as one class of these customs is con- BUZ, buz (T13, huz)\ 1. The name of a region (Jer
cerned, it is not to be disputed that they probably 25 probably somewhere in N. Arabia, possibly
23)
were connected with the worship of the deceased, the Basil of the Assyrian inscriptions. The inhabi-
once prevalent also in Israel. This in no way means tants were called Buzites (Job 32 2, 6). 2. 'Son'
that the Israelites in all ages were conscious of such of Nahor, who (as a tribe or clan?) may have lived
in Buz (Gn 22 21). 3. A descendant of the tribe of
connection. It is much more likely that in this case,
as in many others, such customs continued even Gad (ICh5i4). E. E. N.
when the original idea from which they sprang had
BUZI, biu'zai (^I'lS, huzl): The father of the
- long since disappeared.
prophet Ezekiel (Ezk 1 3). E. E. N.
Literature: Fr. Schwally, Das Leben nach dem Tode, etc.,
1892; Joh. Frey, Tod, Seelenglaubeund SeelenkuU, 1898;
C. Griineisen, Der AhnenkuUvs und die Urreligion Israels,
BYPATH, BYWAY. See Roads.
1900. W. N. BYWORD: In Job 30 9 the Heb. mxLlah
(1)
BURNING. See Crimes and Punishments, means 'word.' In Job 17 6; Ps 44 14 mdshal, the
(2)
§ 3 (a); Burial and Burial Customs, § 2; ordinary word for 'proverb,' means a saying of more
Mourning and Mourning Customs, § 6; Sacri- than ordinary significance (in a good or evil sense).
fice AND Offerings, §§ 6 ff., 16, and Disease
(3) In Dt 28 37; 1 K
9 7; II Ch 7 20 shmlnah from sha-
and Medicine, § 5 (3). nan, 'to sharpen,' means a 'sharp' saying, i.e., one
BURNT OFFERING. See Sacrifice and Oe^ with a 'sting' to it. See Terms of Blessing and
ferings, § 6. Reproach. E. E. N.
Gab A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 114
Calf, Golden
CAB. See Weights and Measures, § 3. C^SAREA PHILIPPI, fi-lip'ai (Map IV, F 4):
The near one of the sources of the Jordan, is
site,
CABBON, cab'ben Cv^^, kabhon): A
town of
probably the same as that of Baal Gad (Jos 11
Judah near Eglon (Jos 15 40), site unknown. 17) and Baal Hermon (Jg 3 3), so
called because it
E. E. N. was one of the early seats of Canaanitic worship.
CABINS : This term occurs only in Jer 37 16 (AV), Under Greek domination city and district were
for which RV has, more correctly, "cells." caUed Paneas (Jos. Ant. XVIII, 2 1, Havias, Plmy
E. E. N. Hist. Nat. V, 18, Paneas), from a grotto dedicated
to the god Pan (to Hdveiov Jos. Ant. XV, 10 3).
CABUL, k^'bul (^Op, kabhul): A town on the
The tetrarch Philip enlarged the city and called it
border of Asher (Jos 19 27), Map IV, C 6. In I K Csesarea in honor of Augustus (Jos. BJ. II, 9 l).
9 13 it is said that Hiram called the 20 cities in In the T (Mt 16 13; Mk 8 27) and Josephus {BJ.
N
Galilee given him by Solomon "the land of Cabul," III, 9 7; Vita, 13) it is known as Csesarea Philippi, to
indicative in some way of his dissatisfaction. The distinguish it from Csesarea on the coast. Under
meaning of the term is unknown. E. E. N. Agrippa II the city was called Neronias, but after
CjESAR AUGUSTUS. See Augustus. the 4th cent, only the old name Paneas occurs,
stUl preserved in the modern Arabic name of the
C^SAREA, ses"a-ri'a: A city on the coast of place, Bdnids. J. M. T.
Palestine (Map I, C 5). The ancient name of
CESAR'S HOUSEHOLD (o^ « r^s Kalaapos
the place, Strato's Tower
XIII, 12 2),
(Jos. Ant.
oiKias): A group of Christians mentioned only in
may have been derived from the name of one of the Ph 4 22, where greetings are sent from them to the
Sidonian kings (cf. CIGr, 87). The city became a
Chiu-ch in Philippi. Since domus (oiKta) is used
classically to include the dependents as well as the
immediate members of the household (Cic. ad Att.
IV, 12), it is not necessary to assume that the con-
O indicfttei Weill
verts to whom Paul here refers were of distinguished
rank (cf. Dissertation by Lightfoot; in Ep. to the
Phil., p. 169 f.). See also Pretorium. J. M. T,
CAIAPHAS, k^'a-fas or cai'a-fas (Kaia(^aff):
The high priest before whom Jesus was tried (Jn
18 14 f.).His original name was Joseph (Jos. Ant.
XVIII, 2 2), and he was the son-in-law of Annas
(Jn 18 13). He became high priest not later
than 18 a.d. (AtU. XVIII, 2 2), and retained his
office until about 36 a.d. {Ant. XVIII, 2 2,4 3).
His adroitness and capacity for intrigue are weU illus--
trated in Jn 11 49 f. He naturally presided at the
session of the Sanhedrin at which Jesus' arrest was
planned (Mt 26 3), and after His condemnation it
was his official duty as head of the nation to deliver
Him to Pilate with the request for His execution
(Mt 26 57 f.; Jn 18 24, 28; cf. Jos. Ant XX, 10, end;
Contra Apionem, II, 23; Schiirer, HJP, II, i, 182,
199). J. M. T.
tirely independent of both (cf. ver. 15 with ver. 24). ably was "and after Hezron was dead Caleb went in
The "sign" put upon Cain is thought by some to unto Ephrath(ah), the wife of his father Hezron, and
'have been the totem sign of the clan or tribe of Cain. she bare," etc. See Kittel inHandkom. E. E. N.
II, A town in Judah (Jos 15 57), See Kain.
E. E. N.
CALF. See Sacrifice and Offering, § 5, and
Food, § 10.
CAINAN, k^'nan Ciy'J>,,qenan)'. 1. Son of Enoeh.
CALF, GOLDEN, and CALF IMAGES: 1. The
See Kenan. 2, Son of Arphaxad (Lk 3 36). In the account in Ex 32: This narrative is the result of
Heb. text of Gn 10 24, 1112, there is no mention
combining two distinct accounts (J and E), neither
of Cainan. Luke has followed the LXX., where the of which is now preserved intact (see Hexateuch,
name was probably interpolated to make 10 terms
§§ 12-18).
in the genealogy. E. E. N.
In J's account (vs. 7 and [s] 9-14, 25-29) emphasis
CAKE. See Food, § 2, and Sacrifice and Of- is laid on the mutinous disorder in the camp and
ferings, § 12.
on the loyalty of the Levites. E gives a detailed
accomit of the making of the calf (vs. 1-6), of Moses'
CALAH, ke'la (n?2, kelah, Assyrian kalku, surprise as he enters the camp (15-18), and of his
kalah): One of the chief cities (next to Asshur and wrath and rebuke of Aaron (19-24). Ver. 8 may
Nineveh) in Assyria, said in Gn 10 il to have been be editorial; consequently it is tmcertain whether
built by Nimrod. It acquired importance under J's original narrative said anything about a calf. It
Shalmaneser I in the 14th cent. B.C. The period of is in E that we get the fullest description of the apos-
its greatest glory was during the reigns of Assur- tasy as consisting in making a calf to symbolize 3"
nazirpal and Shalmaneser II (885-824 B.C.). Many and in worshiping Him by this means. Since E
of the inscriptions of these kings have been discov- was probably written in northern Israel, this is what
ered on its site, which is identified by Layard and G. might be expected, as calf-worship was practised in
Smith with the mound Nimrudj about 20 m. SE. the northern kingdom.
of Nineveh {Kuyunjik). It was the first of these There is nothing improbable in the story that the
kings (Assurnazirpal) who built and fortified the Israelites in the desert fell into this sin. The prohi-
town, adorned with a palace, constructed a canal,
it bition of metal images as symbols of deity was one of
and induced many to take up their residence in the fimdamental principles of Moses' teaching (see
the city. A. C. Z. Decalogue), while the temptation to symbolize
CALAMUS. See Ointments and Perfumes, their deity under the form of a young bull, for such is
entered into the possession of his share of the land Ex 32 4, 8, which therefore is suspected of having
allotted to Judah. From Jos 14 6, 14, it appears that been edited under the influence of I K
12 28. On
Caleb was not a natural descendant of Judah but a the other hand, in the in Neh 9 18 the singular is
||
Kenizzite adopted into the tribe, within which his found, which after all may be the original reading.
name became the eponym of a subdivision (cf. I S Furthermore, Jeroboam was not guilty of making
25 2, the kalibhl [Calebite], "of the house of Caleb" a complete innovation; for the worship of J" by
EV). The name of Caleb is also given in the variant means of images was practised before his time
form of Chelubai (I Ch2 9, 18), brother of Jerah- (cf. e.g., Jg 17 4, 18 17, 30-31). Nevertheless, it was a
meel. In Chronicles he is designated not as the son step downward, tending to obliterate the essential
of Jephunneh but of Hezron, aremoter ancestor, i.e., distinction between the religion of J" and common
a Hezronite. 2, Son of Hur and grandson of the Semitic religion. The severe judgment pronounced
preceding (I Ch 2 50). A. C. Z. upon Jeroboam expresses the view of the deutero-
nomic author of Kings (see Hexateuch, § 19, and
CALEB-EPHRATHAH, ke"leb-ef'ra-tha (HJinC^
Kings, Books of). It is the view of a later time,
2.?5, kalebh *ephrathdh): According to the com- after the prophetic polemic (Amos, Hosea, Isaiah,
mon text (cf. I Ch 2 24) this term is a place-name. Micah) had aroused and enlightened the conscience
But the Heb. is confused and the true reading prob- as to the true character of such worship.
Galling 116
Gappadocia
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
it must
3.Subsequent history of calf- worship in Israel: the Pharaoh from Ex 9 3. At the same time
of many
Jeroboam I set up this worship at two old and im- have been a more or less common possession
in Palestine (cf. I S 15 3; I Ch 12 40; and
the prohibi-^
portant sanctuaries, Bethel in the S. and Dan in
The
the N. There is no evidence that calf images existed tion of the camel as food in Lv 11 4, Dt 14 7).
camel was used mainly as a beast of burden
(cf. II
at any other N. IsraeUte sanctuary, while Judah
seems to have been free from the practise at least — K 8 9) or for riding, especially on long journeys and
in any officially recognized form. The early oppo- over desert country (cf. Gn24 6i; IS 30 17, etc.).
sition to it in Israel seems to have quieted down. Its milk wa^ also used
(Gn32l5). The structure
Elijah and Elisha made no protest against it, though of its feet, its capacity for going without water for a
they can not have approved it. It stu-vived the de- —
long period as much as a week— and its ability to
struction of the Baal-worship by Jehu and possibly subsist on almost any sort of pasturage, even this-
tles, fit it preeminently for hard
service on the
then took on new strength. Amos' attitude to-
hot, dry, and barren desert. Its wool is woven
ward it is not explicitly noted, but Hosea vehe-
mently opposed it (cf. 85-6 —
where "Samaria" into coarse cloth much used by the Bedawin (cf.
means not the city, but the realm and 13 2). It— II K 1 8, RVmg. and Mt 3 4). The camel, while
maintained its hold until the fall of N. Israel in 721. generally patient and serviceable, is often vindic-
(See also Semitic Religion, § 17.) tive and savage. The word translated "drome-
Literature : Besides Comm. on Exodtis and Kings, see dary" (Is 60 6; Jer 2 23) should be rendered ''young
Bacon, Triple Tradition of the Exodus (1894) Histories of
;
camel." E. E. N.
Israel, by Kittel, Stade, Wade, etc., and the important
discussion by Baudissin in PRE^, vol. 9, pp. 704-713. CAMEL'S HAIR. See Camel and Dress and
E. E. N. Ornament, § 9.
Egypt and Asia Minor. It appears also in the I, ii, p. 80 f., and Mathews, The Messianic Hope in
. Ainarna letters of c. 1400 B.C. as a designation of Pal- the NT, p. 15 f. J. M. T.
estine. The etymology and earliest history of the
name are unknown. Phoenician traditions show that
CANDACE can'da-se (KavBaKrj): According to
Ac 8 26 f.
the queen of the Ethiopians, whose treas-
the Phoenicians themselves were known as Canaanites.
urer was baptized by Philip. It is possible that the
Some hold that the name originally belonged to a
name was a dynastic title rather than a personal
region of Babylonia and was carried west by the
name (cf. Pliny, HN. VI, p. 35). J. M. T.
Semitic emigrants who settled on the Mediterranean
coast 3000-2000 B.C. The OT uses the word Ca- CANDLE. See Lamp.
naanite sometimes in a wider, sometimes in a nar-
rower sense. In Gn 12 6, 24 3, 37; Jos 3 10, it includes
CANDLESTICK In Mt 5 15, Mk 4 21, Lk 8 16,
:
B.C. and continued under Egyptian suzerainty until CAPERNAUM, ca-pgr'na-um (Ka(t)apvaovfi, i.e.,
c. 1300 B.C., when Egypt's hold gradually relaxed.
Kaphar-Nahum, Nahum'): A city of
'village of
The Canaanites lacked organization. Each city held Galilee where Peter and Andrew had taken up
itself aloof from the rest, jealous of its own independ-
their residence before Jesus called them to be His
ence, and thus fell more easily into the hands of the disciples (Mk 1 16-21; Jn 1 44). Jesus Himself made
invading Israelites. The majority of the Canaanites it headquarters of His ministry in GaHlee
the
were probably not exterminated, but gradually ab- after His rejection at Nazareth (Mt 413; Mk 2 i).
sorbed into Israel, which eventually contained a That it was a town of considerable size in the days of
large Canaanite admixture. It was the presence of Jesus there can be no doubt whatever. It contained
the Canaanites among the Israelites and their close the office of a tax-collector (Mk 2 14), a representa-
intimacy with them that rendered the religious tive of the king, Herod Antipas (Jn4 47mg.), and
problem in Israel so serious and difficult. They a military station whose commander had built a
taught their conquerors agriculture and many other synagogue for the people (Mt 8 5-13; Lk 7 l-io). Its
useful arts and also led them to adopt many of their present site is a matter of dispute. The view that
religious practises. The ultimate triumph of Israel Tell-Hum is the ancient Capernaum is supported by
speaks loudly for the strength and vitality of Israel's a tradition going back to the 4th cent., as well
own religion. (See Paton, Early History of Syria as by the excavation of the ruins of a synagogue
and Palestine.) See also Trade and Commerce, there. Further, the last syllable of the name {Hum)
§ 3. E. E. N. seems to be a remnant of Kaphar-N ahum. In favor
of Kahnr-Minyeh the facts are cited that Capernaum
CANAN^AN, ke"na-nl'an (Kai/ayaioy, perhaps must have belonged to the Plain of Gennesaret (Jn
more correctly Kavvaios = Aram, qannai, 'a zeal-
6 1-21), that a place of such size and importance must
ous one,' of which the Gr. equivalent was fiyXtor^ff,
have been on a highroad, and that the name Minr-
'zealot.' Some MSS. have Kavavirr): = Canaanite, yeh is a remnant of the ancient designation of Chris-
so AV): A title borne by the Simon mentioned
tians as Minim, ' heretics.' See Map IV, E 6. (Cf.
toward the end of the lists of the Apostles (Mk 3 18;
G. A. Smith, HGHL, p. 456.) A. C. Z.
Mt 10 4). In Lk 6 15, Ac 1 13 the Greek form zealot'*
is used. The Zealots were the party headed by CAPHTOR, caf'tor; CAPHTORIM. See Eth-
Judas of Gamala in opposition to the census under nography AND Ethnology, § 11.
Quirinius (q.v.), in 6 a.d. (cf. Jos. Ant. XVIII,
CAPITAL. See Temple, § 14.
1 1, 6). They were intensely nationalistic in their
aims and during the civil war committed many ex- CAPPADOCIA, cap"a-d6'shi-a. See Asia Mi-
cesses (Jos. BJ. IV, 5 1-3). See also Schiirer, HJP. nor, § 4.
Captain 118
Centurion
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
the moun-
CAPTAIN ; This term used somewhat loosely in
is of hills associated with it, thus designating
more than 20 m. in length, from
the Eng. Bible (especially the AV) as the rendering tainous territory f "f
of nineteen different Heb. and Gr. words, only one 3 to 8 m. in breadth to the W. and NW.
of Esdrae-
those used in ancient times. In Is 28 27 f . the refer- CAUL: The sacrificial term (Ex 29 13, etc.). (1)
ence is to the 'rollers* of the threshing-sledge (see The Heb. {^yT, 'the excess' or 'that which is
left over') seems to mean the fatty mass near the
opening of the liver (cf. Dill, on Lv 3 4). (2) In
Hos 13 8 (Heb. "l1:iO, "enclosure") it means either the
pericardium or the breast as a whole. (3) For Is 3
18 see Dress and Ornaments, § 11. See Sacri-
fice AND Offerings, § 10. E. E. N.
CASTLE. See City, § 2, Fort, and Jeru- CELLAR: In I Ch 27 27 f., the word n1i:^N {'dtse-
salem, § 38. rendered "cellai-s") means merely
roth, plur. of 'dtsdr,
storehouses or rooms, where wine and oil were
CASTOR AND POLLUX, cas'ter, pel'ux. See
stored. In Lkll33 (RV) the Gr. KpvTTTij means
Twin Brothers and Ships and Navigation.
literally *a hidden place,' i.e., anything similar to
CATERPILLAR. See Palestine, § 26. a vault, crypt, or cellar. E. E. N.
CATHOLIC EPISTLES: A term applied to the CENCHREA, sen-cri'a (Kevxpeia): A harbor of
Epistles of James, Peter, John, and Jude. Since Corinth on the Saronic gulf and a town of some size
no one of these seven epistles is addressed to a spe- (Ac 18 18; Ro 16 i) It contained temples of Aphro-
.
cifically named church or individual, and all (except dite and Artemis, a bronze statue of Poseidon, sanc-
II and III Jn) deal with general rather than merely tuaries of Asclepius and Isis, also the Baths of Helen.
local or individual questions, they easily came to be The mole is still visible. J. R. S. S.
considered by the early Fathers as addressed to the
Church at large, i.e., the catholic (or universal)
CENSER. See Temple, § 19.
Church. The AV expresses this idea by the word CENTURION (eKarovTdpxvs [and -os], 'ruler of a
"general" in the titles of Ja, I P, II P, I Jn, and hundred/ and [ = Lat. centurio]): The
Kevrvplatv
Jude, which is the translation of Ka6o\iKT}, found commander of a 'century,' i.e., a hundred men, the
in many late MSS. With the early MSS. the RV sixtieth part of a legion, in the Roman army. The
centurion mentioned in Mt 8 5-13; Lk 7 2-6 ( =Jn 4
"
omits it. E. E. N.
46 fE?) belonged probably to the small military force
CATTLE. See Nomadic and Pastoral Life
and Sacrifice and Offerings. of Herod Antipas, organized on the Roman model.
In all other cases a Roman ofiicer is meant.
CAUDA, ce'da. See Clauda. E. E. N.
Cephas 130
Cherethites
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
CERTIFY: The words rendered "certify" mean: The same idea is contained in the phrase cVt koit6-
vos, 'over the sleeping-room/ applied to
Blastus (Ac
in IIS 15 28 'to announce or
tell'; in Ezr 4 14, 16,
5 10, 7 24 'to let one know/ In Est 2 22 the RV ren- 12 20). It was the custom for kings to have eunuchs
ders, much more correctly, "told," and in Gal 1 U supervise the affairs of their harems. The seven
"make known." E. E. N. eunuchs of Xerxes, according to Est UOff., were
Mehuman, Biztha, Harbona, Bigtha, Abagtha,
CHAFF: The translation of: (1) mots, always
Zethar, and Carcas. Others, however, are also
correctly rendered "chaff" in both and AV. RV mentioned, as Hegai (2 3), Bigthan and Teresh (2 21,
{2)hdshash, "dry grass" (Is5 24AV, 33 11). (3) *ur,
6 2) and Hatach (4 5). To what extent these per-
Dn 235. (4) ^x^pov (Mt3 12; Lk3 17). In Jer23 sons are historical is unknown. See Esther, Book
28 the RV "straw" is more correct. E. E. N. E. E. N.
OF.
CHAINS: These were either voluntarily worn CHAMELEON, ca-mi'le-en. See Palestine,
for purposes of personal embellishment or imposed §26.
from without as means of preventing movement.
(1 ) Of ornamental chains the most typical are those
CHAMOIS, sham'i or sham'wo. See Pales-
referred to in the stories of Joseph and Daniel (Gn tine, § 24.
41 42; Dn 5 7, etc.). See also Dress and Orna- CHAMPAIGN, sham-pen': In Dt 11 30 ("Arabah,"
ments, § 11. (2) Of restraining chains those worn KV) the original means a low-lying, open plain.
by Paul are the best example (Ac 28 20; II Til 16; A. C. Z.
but cf. also Ac 12 7). In this case for a clearer
understanding it must be borne in mind that the CHAMPION: In I S 17 51 this word renders
prisoner was fastened by the wrist through a chain
gibbor, 'mighty man.' In IS 17 4, 23, it is a good
translation of the Heb. D":33n"2?''i:t, 'man of the
to a guarding soldier, whose wrist was also attached
to the other end of the chain. A, C. Z. middle places,' i.e., the man who stands between
two armies to decide the case of one against the
CHALCEDONY, cal - sed ' o - ni. See Stones, other. E. E. N.
Precious, § 3.
Baladan). Finally, the Chaldean Nabopolassar, CHAPEL The AV : rendering of miqdash, sanc- '
of which his son Nebuchadrezzar was the greatest CHAPLET. See Dress and Ornaments, § 11.
ruler (see Babylonia, §§ 18-22). For Chaldeans
in another sense see Magic and Divination, § 7, CHAPMAN. See Trade and Commerce, § 3.
and Wise Men, § 1. E. E. N. CHAPT (Jer. 14 4, AV; "cracked," RV): The
CHALKSTONES: In Is 27 9 the word
used as is
Heb. term hattah means 'broken,' 'terrified/ or 'dis-
a symbol of brittleness. The altars of idols were to mayed.' E. E. N.
be as easily destroyed as made
if of chalkstones. CHARASHIM, car'a-shim. See Ge-Harashim.
A. C. Z.
CHAMBER. See House,
CHARGER. See Platter.
§§ 5, 6, and Temple,
§§ 11,20,21. CHARIOT. See Warfare, and Arms and
§ 4,
CHAMBERLAIN (UK 23 11): Armor, § 6.
The chamberlain
occupied a position of trust involving political CHARIOT HORSE.
_
used the Latin Vulgate, in which caritas was often been discovered in the cuneiform inscriptions, to
from to render dyoTn/. Caritas, however, means which we owe the supplementary details of the story
'dearness/ 'high esteem,' rather than 'love' in the in Genesis; but the two elements, in the forms Kudur
broad sense of the Gr. dyaTrrj; consequently charity and Lagamar, are well attested as Elamitic words.
should not be used to render dydnrj, since, in the J. F. McC.
modern English, it is not synonymous with love. CHEESE. See Food, § 6.
See also Love. S. D.
CHELAL, kl'Ial (b)?, k'lal): One of the *'sons
CHARM, CHARMER, See Magic and Divi- of Pahath-moab" who married a foreign wife (Ezr
nation, § 3. 10 30). E. E. N.
CHARRAN, car'an {Xappdv, Acts 7 2, 4): The AV CHELLUH, kel'u. See Cheluhi.
spelling for Haran (q.v.).
CHELUB, kt'Iub (3^^?, k4ubh, another form of
CHASTE (dyvost Used to indicate
*
unsullied'):
Caleb): 1. The ancestral head of a clan of Judah,
inward, personal purity which shrinks from con-
possibly a place-name (ICh4 11). 2. The father of
tamination or pollution, consequently free (1) from
Ezri, one of David's officers (ICh27 26).
imperfection generally (I P32); (2) from carnaUty
E. E. N.
(II Co 11 2, ''pure" RV; Tit 2 5). S. D.
CHELUBAI, ke-lu'bd. See Caleb.
CHASTEN, CHASTENING; CORRECT, COR-
RECTION: The Heb. verb yasar is used of pun- CHELUHI, kg-lu'hai (^H^b?, kduhi, Chelluh, AV):
ishment (Pr 7 22), of chastisement inflicted by love One of the "sons of Bani" who had taken a foreign
(PrSll), especially of discipline of children by wife (Ezr 10 35). E. E. N.
parents (Ps 50 17) and is often joined with yakhah,
In the O T
CHEMARIM,kem'a-rim. Sfee Priesthood, § 2
a mUder word (II S 7 14; Ps 6 1 Pr 3 12). ;
the idea of chastisement is inseparable from the fact CHEMOSH, kl'mesh (SJlTS?, hmosh): The na-
of sin. From being an indication of God's anger, tional deity of the Moabites, See Semitic Re-
suffering, especially through the experience of exile,
ligion, § 18.
came to be regarded as purposeful chastisement at
the hand of a righteous and merciful God, and in Is CHENAANAH, ke-n^'a-na (nj^^i?, kma'dnah):
53 5 even vicarious. 1. Father of the court prophet Zedekiah (I 22 11, K
In the N T much
of the mystery of suffering is re- 24; II Ch 18 10, 23). 2. Head of a Benjamite family
When Elam became suzerain of Babylonia, as it did (Gn 36 26; I Chi 41). '
E.E.N.
a few years before this date, it continued the Baby-
CHERETHITES, keKe-thaits C'Dl?, k^'rethi): The
lonian state policy, foreign as well as domestic. The
name of a people in the S. of Philistia, perhaps a
disaster to the second expedition, mentioned in the Ezk
division of the Philistines themselves (I S 30 14;
Biblical narrative, did not permanently affect the
Babylonian control of the West-land, which was con- 25 16; That the word has anything to
Zeph 2 5).
tinued to the 18th or 17th cent. B.C. The dominion do with Crete is doubtful. The Cherethites and
of Elam in Babylonia was itself soon brought to an Pelethites are frequently mentioned as composing
end by the great Hammurabi, the Amraphel of the David's body-guard (II S 8 18, 15 16, etc.). The word
Biblical story, who expelled the foreigners, perhaps Pelethite C*0!?P, p'letht) is probably but a variant
during the lifetime of Chedorlaomer himself, about form of 'Philistines.' Thus David's guard was re-
2250 B.C. The name Chedorlaomer has not yet cruited largely from the Philistines. E. E. N.
Cherith 123
Chosen
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Baby-
CHERITH, ki'rith 0"!^"!?, Jc^rith): The torrent- compared to the colossi at the entrances to
These often had a
valley or wady where Elijah sojourned for a while lonian temples and palaces.
(IK 17 3-5). The statement that it was "before," man's head, a lion's body, and eagle's wmgs; some-
i.e., E. of the Jordan, is indefinite and the site
times they were winged bulls with human he^s.
remains uncertain. E. E. N. Cheyne thinks they were more like the Hittite griffins
in figure, and had a similar function as guardians of
CHERUB (2^1?, k^ubh, pi CHERUBIM): The sacred things. In later Jewish theology they are
Hebrew conception of the cherubim varied at differ- one of the three highest classes of angels, and are
ent periods of history. In the O T they are referred evidently the original of the four living creatures of
to in four connections. After the expulsion of Adam the Apocalypse (Rev 4 6-8).
and Eve from the Garden of Eden, they appear as Literature: Commentaries on Genesis by Driver, Dill-
guardians of the tree of life (Gn 3 24 J). A
different mann, and Delitzsch; on Isaiah by Cheyne; Schultz,
version of this story is alluded to by Ezeldel (28 U,
O T Theology, II, 229 ff. J. A. K.
16): a cherub expei the Prince of Tyre from Eden, CHERUB, kl'rub (3^"1?, k^ubh): A Babylonian
the Garden of God. In the Tabernacle there were (Ezr2 59;
locality where a colony of exiles lived
two golden cherubim at each end of the propitiatory Neh7 6l). J. A. K.
or mercy seat (see Ark). Figures of cherubim were
embroidered on the curtains and the other hangings CHESALON, A town
kes'a-len (I'^P?, k^saldn):
of this sanctuary (Ex 2518, 261, 31 P; cf. He 9 5). on the boundary-line between Judah and Benja-
In Solomon's Temple two huge cherubic figures of min (Jos 15 10), between Kirjath Jearim and Beth
olive-wood overlaid with gold stood in the Holy of Shemesh, modern Kesla, 10 m, W. of Jerusalem.
Holies. Their outstretched wings overshadowed Map II, E 1. A. C. Z.
the ark (I K6 23-28). Cherubim, sculptured in bas-
relief and alternating with palm-trees, ran in a frieze
CHESED, kl'sed OW, kesedh): A 'son'of Nahor
round the wall of the Temple, and decorated the base (Gn 22 22). Probably the name of an Aramean
of the great sea, the capitals, and doors (I K
6 29, 32, clan. E. E. N.
35). They were figm-es connected with religious
symbolism they acted as bearers of Deity, and were
;
CHESIL, kl'sil (b^P?, hsU): A town of Judah
consequently emblematic of Jehovah's presence. (Jos 15 30) called Bethul in 19 4. See also Bethtjl.
Cf. the phrase "Thou that sittest above the cheru-
E. E. N.
bim" (Ps 801). In the Holy of Holies they were CHEST: In II K 12 9f.; II Ch 24 8ff., the Heb.
guardians of the ark and its treasures, as well as 'dron means simply a box or chest suitable for the
symbols of God's presence, and consequently em- purpose mentioned. In Ezk 27 24 the term gma-
blematic of His unapproachability. We have a zlm is of doubtful meaning. There is no sound basis
similar conception of the cherubim in the living for the rendering "chest." Rich garments or cloths
creatures of Ezekiel's vision (Ezk 1; cf. 10 2). These may be meant. E. E. N.
composite figures, each with four wings and four
faces— —
man, lion, ox, and eagle carry the firmament CHESTNUT,
tine,
See Planb-Tree and Pales-
which supports the throne of Jehovah. In discussing § 21.
tion of the cherub in this passage is similar to that of CHEZIB, kt'zib. See Achzib 2.
the symbolic figures in the sanctuary and the living
creatures in prophetic vision. But we also have CHIBON, cai'don. See Nachon.
here a hint of their origin. Primarily they were a CHIEF The rendering of a number of Heb. and
:
the singular ("chief man"). It is not clear whether RVmg. ) near Bethlehem, may refer to a lodging-place
it refers to Publius as the procurator of the island or inn erected by this person. Another well-sup-
an assigned to Malta under the Empire (C/L,
official ported reading is "sheepfolds of Chimham."
X, 7494), or as the actual Governor of the island E. E. N.
(C/L, X, 6785), or whether it was simply a title of CHIMNEY. See House, § 6 G)-
compliment (C/G, 5754 =Kaibel, IGSicU, 601). (d)
In Lk 19 47 it is rendered "the principal men ["chief"
CHINNERETH, kin'g-reth (nn^?, kinnereth);
AV] (of the people)," in Ac 25 2 "the principal men CHINNEROTH, -roth (H^n^?, kinroth); CINNE-
["chief" AV] (of the Jews)," and in Ac 28 17 "the ROTH, sin'e-reth: 1. The name of a town (Jos 19
chief (of the Jews)." In the^rst passage it is seem- 35) extended also apparently to a district (I 15 K
ingly unofficial and has reference to the socially 20). The name is old, being found on the Egyptian
prominent laymen among the people, who were sym- list of towns captured by Thotmes III (16th cent.
pathetic with the "chief priests and the scribes" in B.C.), the form there being Kinneroth. Its signifi-
their hostility to Jesus, In the second passage it is cance is a matter of dispute, also its relation to the
probably official and refers to the Sadducean leaders name Gennesaret. It was located probably in the
in the Sanhedrin (of. v. 15, 24, 23 14). In the third plain of Gennesaret. 2. For the Sea of C. (Jos
passage it is more general and includes doubtless the 11 2, etc.), see Galilee, Sea of. E. E. N,
elders (Trpeo-jSvrcpot) and chiefs (ap^ovres) of the con-
gregation, and the synagogue rulers (apxicvvdyayoi)
CHIOS, kt'os or cai'os (Xlos): A mountainous
island, off the Asiatic seaboard (Ac 20 15), It
of the various communities into which the Jews in
joined Cyrus in 546 b,c., but fought the Persians in
Rome were divided (cf. Schiirer, HJP, II, ii. § 31).
480. It became independent in 355 and later fa-
(2) ^yovfi€voi, which in Ac 15 22 refers to Judas
vored Rome. It has now about 100,000 inhabitants
Barsabbas (q.v.) and Silas (q.v.) in a wholly unoffi-
cial sense, simply as men prominent in the Christian
and a considerable commerce in blue marble, anti-
community for their work and counsel and instruc- mony, ocher, silk, mastic, fruits, and brandy.
J. R. S. S.
tion (cf. V. 32) and so preeminently fitted to accom-
pany Paul and Barnabas on their return mission to CHIRP (occurs only in Is 8 19, "peep," AV).
the brethren in Antioch. M. W. J. See Magic and Divination, § 3.
CHILD, CHILDREN. See Family and Family CHISLEV, CHISLEU, kis'liu. See Time, § 3.
Law, § 6.
CHISLON, kis'len (Ti^P?^
'
ki?ldn): The father of
CHILDBEARING, CHILDLESS. See Family Elidad (Nu34 2l). E. E. N.
AND Family Law, §§ 5, 6.
CHISLOTH-TABOR, kis"leth-t^'bQr. See Che-
CHILDREN OF THE BRIDECHAMBER. See SULLOTH.
Marriage and Divorce.
CHITHLISH, kith'lish (TZ^^^OJ, Kithlish, AV): A
CHILDREN OF THE EAST. See East. town of Judah, in the Shephelah (Jos 15 40). Site
unknown. E. E. N.
CHILEAB, kil'e-ab (3^)p, UVahh)'. According
to the Heb. text of II S 3 3, a son of David by Abi- CHITTIM, kit'im. See Kittim.
gail. In I Ch 3 1 he is called Daniel. The LXX.
of II S 3 3 reads AaXovta, which may imperfectly
CHIUN, cai'un: A deity mentioned in Am 5 26.
also Rev 17 14). In a still more restricted sense, it ch. 3 is devoted to the descendants of David. In
is applied to the people of God as a whole (I Ch 16 13, I: from the same point of view with the
4-8, dealing
"children of Jacob, hie chosen ones"; of. also Ps 105 other tribes, the priestly tribe of Levi is treated at
6; Is 43 20). See also Election. A. C. Z. greatest length (I: 6). I:9 1-34 is on the post-exilic
residents in Jerusalem and certain arrangements
CHOZEBA, co-zi'ba. See Achzib, 2.
relating to the Temple. The introduction (1: 1 1-9 34)
CHRIST. See Jesus Christ and Messiah. ended, the history proper begins. The account of
Saul is limited to his genealogy (I: 9 35-44) and the
CHRISTIAN: The name applied to the followers
narrative of his death (1: 10). The history of David
of Christ by the heathen populace of Antioch (Ac
11 26; of. Tac. Annal. XV, 44) —
a city famous, as was
begins with his election as king over all Israel at
Hebron: all events in his reign of a personal or
Alexandria, for its habit of nicknames. The reason
private character (e.g., the revolt of Absalom) are
was not simply the extended size and
for its giving
omitted; on the other hand, the arrangements for a
the organized form which the disciples had assumed,
temple attributed to him are narrated at consider-
but the preponderating Gentile element which in
able length (1:22-29). After the division of the
that city had entered its membership and which
kingdom the history of Judah occupies almost en-
marked it as distinctly different from Judaism.
tirely the compiler's attention, the N. kingdom being
As an adjective derived from a personal name its
referred to only where absolutely necessary. The
ending (-tavos) is Latin and not Greek (cf. Zahn, /ti-
writer dwells throughout with the greatest satisfac-
troduction, § 40, n. 10; Blass, NTGr., § 27. 4). If its
tion upon the ecclesiastical aspects of the history.
primary form was Chrestianos {Xprjo-rtai'os), as we
The same interest is not less apparent in Ezr, Neh;
might be led to suppose from Suetonius (Claud. 25;
and hence the entire work (Ch, Ezr, Neh) has been
of. Kaibel, IGSicil 78, 754; CIL. X, 7173; also
not inaptly termed by Reuss the "Ecclesiastical
codex X, in all the N T passages, and the possible
Chronicle of Jerusalem." The compiler, it is often
word-play in 1 P 2 3), then there was a mild contempt
supposed, was a Levite, perhaps in particular a
intended in its giving, Chrestos (Xprja-Tos) signifying
member of the Temple choir.
a 'worthy fellow.' It is in this spirit that the name
The basis of the Chronicles consists of a series of
is used by Agrippa in his reply to Paul's impassioned
excerpts from the earher historical books (Gn to
appeal (Ac 26 28), whether the form he actually used
II K; I: 9 3-l7a is also from Neh 11 4-
was ChrestianoSf or ChrisHanos which came to be
2. Charac- I9a), with which is combined much
adopted by the disciples and which consistently is
used in the T.N ter of entirely new matter. These excerpts
Contents, are not made throughout upon the
In I P 4 16 the name is used from the point of view
of the hostile heathen world, and indicates a date for
same
scale. In the preliminary chap-
ters (1: 1-9) they are often condensed, and consist
the Epistle when the followers of Christ were con-
chiefly of genealogical notices; in I: 10-11: 36 (which
demned if they confessed to being Christians (cf.
Ramsay, Church in Rom. Empire, Index [s.v.], and is parallel to I S 31-11 K
25) passages are, as a rule,
transferred in extenso with but slight variations of
see Peter, First Epistle of).
expression; not infrequently, however, the excerpted
The references in Ac 5 41 and Ja 2 7 are not to the
narratives are expanded, sometimes remarkably,
appellative, Christian, but to the personal name,
Christ. M. W. J.
by the insertion either of single verses or clauses, or
of longer passages, as the case may be. It is im-
CHRONICLES, BOOKS
OF: The Books of possible to give here a list of all the Chronicler's ad-
Chronicles, together with those of Ezra and Nehe- ditions; the following are, however, the principal
miah, are the compilation of an author longer passages: 1: 12, 21 26b-29 (dealing mostly
I. Con- whose name has not been handed down with David's preparations for a temple, and organi-
tents.to us, but who may be conveniently zation of the Levites, etc.), 11:115-23, 121, 2b-9a
termed the Chronicler,
'
and who ' (inserted between I K
14 25 and 26), 13 3-22, 14 3-15
wrote probably not before 300 b.c. The books em- 15, 16 7-10, 17 lb-19, 19 1-20 30, 21 2-4, lOb-19, 24 15-22,
brace the period from Adam to the edict of Cyrus 25 5-10, 12-16, 26 5-20 (to "because"), 27 4-6, 28 5-15,
permitting the exiles to return to Judah, 537 B.C.: 17-20, 29 3-3121 (Hezekiah's passover, etc.), 32 2-8,
they thus cover substantially the same period as the 25-29, 33 lib-19 (Manasseh's captivity, repentance,
other great series of historical books, Gn to II K and restoration), 34 3-7, 35 Ib-17 (Josiah's passover),
(from the Creation to 561 B.C.); but they are writ- 21-23 (inserted between II K
23 29 and 30).
ten from a very different point of view, and with a The reader who desires properly to understand the
much more limited aim. Their main object, viz., is method and point of view of the fJhronicler should
to give a history of Judah, with special reference to mark in his RV—
by underlining in the case of sim-
the institutions connected with the Temple; and ple words or verses, and by drawing a line along the
whatever has no bearing upon one or the other of margin in the case of longer passages— these and the
these subjects is either passed over rapidly or other passages peculiar to him. He will then soon
omitted altogether. The author begins (after the discover that they have a character of .their own,
manner of the later Semitic historians) with Adam; in language and expression, not less than in subject-
but I: 1 consists merely of genealogies, excerpted matter, which differentiates them materially from
the
from Gn, leading up (ver. 34) to Esau and Jacob; 2 if. parts transferred unaltered from Samuel
or Kings.
enumerates the sons of Jacob; and the rest of ch. 2 is Thus (1) they often comprise statistical matter,
devoted to statistical particulars (genealogies of genealogies, lists of names, etc. (e.g., most of I: 2-9.
clans and clan settlements) of the tribe of Judah, as 12, 15 4-10, 25 9-31, etc.).
135 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Ohozeba
Chronicles, Books of
(2) Very- frequently they relate to the organiza- works written by the prophets in question, but sec-
tion of public worship, or describe religious cere- tions of the great "Book of the Kings" relating to
monies, especially with reference to the part taken them, and hence familiarly cited under their names.
in them by Levites and singers, as 1: 13 1-5, 15 1-28, Whether the "Commentary of the Book of the
16 4-42 (where the older narrative of the transference Kings" (II: 24 27) is another name for the "Book of
of the ark to the city of David has been enlarged, the Kings of Judah and Israel" is uncertain; but
or, as ^II S 6 12b-15 altered, from this point
in 15 25-28 in any case the name is significant; for 'midhrash'
of view) and most of 1: 22-29, II: 8 13-15, 20 14, 19, 21, (common in postbiblical Hebrew) means a didactic
28,29 3-3121, 35 lb-17. or homiletic exposition, or an edifying religious
(3) In many cases they have a didactic aim: in story (such as To or Sus): the 'midhrash' here re-
particular they show a tendency
to refer events to ferred to will thus have been a post-exilic work in-
their moral causes, to represent, for instance, a great tended to develop the moral or religious lessons de-
calamity as a pimishment for wickedness, and a great ducible from the history of the kings. Now this is
deliverance as the reward of piety; notice, for exam- just the leading motive in many of the narratives
ple, II: 12 1, 2b-8 (the cause of Shishak's invasion), peculiar to Chronicles, which have been apparently
13 17 10, 21 10b, 22 7, 24 23-24, 26 5, 16-20 (only the
18, derived by the compiler from the "Book of the
fact of Uzziah's leprosy is narrated in II K15 5), Kings"; the last-named work, therefore, even if
27 6, 32 25 f., 33 11-13, 35 21-23; and in speeches put not (as many scholars suppose) identical with the
into the mouths of various prophets, II: 12 5-8, 13 "Commentary Book of the Kings," will have
of the
4-12, 16 7-10, 19 2-3, 2014^17, 37a, 2112-15, and else- been similar in character and tendency. The "Com-
where. Attention should also be directed to the mentary of the Prophet Iddo" will have been
short insertions introduced often into the narratives either a particular section of the same work or a
excerpted from Samuel or Kings for the purpose of separate work of the same kind, in which Iddo was
supplementing them from the points of view just in- the prominent figure.
dicated. Comp., for instance, the notes of this kind Much of the additional matter peculiar to Chroni-
on ritual, or the parts taken by Levites, singers, etc., cles can not be historical. In some cases the figures
in II: 5 llb-13a (inserted in the middle of I K
8 10), are incredibly high; in others the scale
6 13, 7 1-3, 6, 23 2, 4, 6a (and much besides in this ch., 4.Histor- or character of the occurrence is such
altered from II Kll), 34l2b-l3; and the explana^ ical Value, that, had they really happened pre-
tions, or reflections, in I: 10 13 f. (the cause of Saul's cisely as described, it is difficult to
death), 21 6 f., 29 f. (justifying David's sacrifice on think that they would have been passed by in Sam-
Zion), II: 1 3b-6a (legalizing the worship at the high uel and Kings; while as regards the speeches as-
place of Gibeon), 8 lib, 12 12, u, 16 I2b, 18 31b, 22 signed to historical characters, and the motives at-
3b, 4b, 24 25 (middle), 25 20b, 27a. tributed to them, these are nearly always conceived
One main source of the Chronicler has been suffi- largely from a point of view very different from that
ciently indicated, viz., the earlier historical books which prevails in the earher narratives, and agreeing
from Gn to
Kings (especially I Sam-
II closely with the compiler's. The compiler lived in
3. Sources What, however, were the
II Kings). an age, two centm-ies or more after the return from
Used by sources from which the additional mat- Babylon, when new religious interests and a new
the Com- ter contained in Ch was derived? The type of piety had been developed, and asserted
pilar. notices contained in 1: 1-9 were derived, themselves strongly. The Chronicler reflects faith-
it is natural to think, from genealogical fully the spirit of his age. A new mode of viewing
and other tribal records (cf. I: 5 17, 9 l). But from the past history of his nation began to prevail: pre-
the time of David onward the Chronicler, like the exilic Judah was pictured as already in possession of
compiler of Kings, refers, as a rule, at the end the institutions, and governed by the ideas and prin-
of each reign, to some definite source where further ciples, which were in force at a later day; the em-
particulars are to be found. The source most fre- pire of David and his successors was projected on a
quently cited is the "book of the kings of Judah magnified scale: the past, in a word, was ideaUzed,
and Israel" (or "of Israel and Judah"), II: 16 11, and its history, where necessary, rewritten accord-
277, etc.; elsewhere (where this book is not men- ingly. Thus the Levitical organization of the com-
tioned) he refers to' some special authority bearing piler's own time, especially the three choirs, are rep-
the name of a prophet (I: 29 29, II: 9 29, 12 15, 13 22, resented as established by David; the ritual of the
20 34, 26 22, 32 32, 33 19) once (II: 24 27) he cites the
; Priests' Code is duly observed under the early kings:
"Commentary (midhrash) of the Book of the religious ceremonies, including even some not men-
Kings" (cf. II: 13 22, the "Commentary (midhrash) tioned in Samuel and Kings at all, are described with
of the prophet Iddo"). That the first of these an abundance of detail suggested evidently by the
books is not the canonical Book of Kings is ap- usage of the compiler's own day; David amasses for
parent from its being cited for particulars which the Temple enormous treasures (I 22 14) and his suc- ;
this does not contain (as II: 27 7, 33 18): inasmuch, cessors have the command of large armies, and are
moreover, as the prophetic histories just mentioned victorious against forces even larger than their own
are never cited with the "Book of the Kings of (e.g., II 13 3, 17, 14 8, 9, 17 14-19). There is doubt-
Judah and Israel" (though this must have extended less a genuine historical nucleus at the basis of many
at least from Asa, II: 16 11, to Jehoiakim, II: 36 8), of these representations; but it has been expanded
and as two of these histories are stated to have by the Chronicler and thrown by him into a form
formed part of that book (II: 20 34, 32 32), it is gen- adapted to describe past events as he conceived
erally supposed that they were not independent they must really have happened, and to inculcate
Chronicles, Books of
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 126
Chronology
Bible,
Bible; W. H. Bennett's vol. in the Expositor's
the lessons which he understood the history to teach.
though not a continuous commentary, contains much
There is thus nothing improbable in the statement that is suggestive and useful, especially on the aims and
that David collected materials for a temple; but the method of the Chronicler. g, R. D.
details in 1 22, 29 must be greatly exaggerated. The
:
Jesus was to thirty, no certain inference can be the Synoptists, by their account of the arrest, trial,
drawn from this as to His birth. anddeathof Jesus(Mkl4lf.,48, 151, 11,21, 46), afford
It would appear on the whole that 5 to 6 B.C. sat- evidence of the superior testimony of John, inasmuch
isfies the various data for the year of our Lord's as the Passover would have been profaned by any
birth. Nothing at all can be gathered with cer- work except what was necessary for preparing food.
tainty as to the season of the year. If the year was 29, the crucifixion took place prob-
There is an early tradition still accepted by a few ably toward the end of March; if 30, early in April.
scholars that the ministry lasted for one year, but
though this seems at first sight to agree III. The Apostolic Age. From 29 or 30 to circa
2. Dura- with the^ Synoptic narrative, it does not 100 A.D.
tion of the fit the facts. The details of His work
Ministry, as recorded and the impression pro- The crucial date for the chronology of the Apos-
duced by Jesus throughout Palestine Age is the trial of Paul by Felix and Festus (Ac
tolic
would lead us to expect a longer period than one 24 24,251). The ordinarily accepted
year. The Synoptic Gospels themselves demand more 4. Acces- date for the accession of Festus is 60,
than one year. For though even Mk does not afford though some incline to 59, others to 61.
sion of
a certain chronological scheme for the life of Christ, But of late a few eminent scholars, re-
Festus.
it is probable that the references to the ripe wheat turning to the date in the Chronicle of
(April to June) in 2 23, and to the green grass (early Eusebius, have placed it in the year Oct., 55-Oct.,
spring) in 6 39, represent a year of ministry; and Lk 56. However, the opinion prevails strongly that
13 34 involves several visits to Jerusalem. In the Eusebius is in error, and that even Josephus and
Chronology 138
Church Life
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Tacitus are mistaken in their references to Felix (d) Paul the prisoner:
and his brother Pallas. We start then from 60 as (1) In Cffisarea (Ac 24 24-27), May of 58 to 60
a.d.
being approximately correct, and with Ac 13-25 (2) Voyage to Rome and two years in Rome (Ac 27,
for our guide arrive at the following tentative 28), spring of 61 to 63 a.d. During his Roman im-
scheme. prisonment Paul wrote Ephesians, Colossians, Phi-
The Missionary Journeys of Paul can be dated as lippians, and Philemon. Many scholars infer from
follows: Ac 20 25, 38 that his hope of acquittal (Ph 1 25) was
(a) First Missionary Journey (Ac 13, 14) to Cy- not fulfilled and that he was martyred at this
prus and S. Galatia, 47-49 or 50; followed by time. But the testimony of Clement of Rome,
the Council at Jerusalem (Ac 15), 50 that he died after having reached "the boundary
5. Mission- or 51. of the West"—i.e., probably Spain (cf. Ro 15 24,
ary Jour- (b) Second Missionary Journey (Ac 28) —
and the impossibility of placing the Pastoral
nays. 15 36-18 22). S. Galatia revisited, Mac- Epistles in their present form within the period
edonia, Athens, Corinth (1^ years, Ac of Acts, are in favor of the view that Paul did not
18 11), Antioch; spring of 51 to spring of 54. Paul die until after a second imprisonment, perhaps in
arrived in Corinth shortly after the expulsion of the 65, though some good authorities place his death in
Jews from Rome (18 2); but unfortunately the date 66 or 67.
of this expulsion can not be fixed, nor that of the (e) A persistent and thoroughly credible tradi-
proconsulship of Gallio (18 12), except that it can tion is that Peter also died as a martyr in Rome
not have been before 50. under Nero, perhaps in 64 or 65, shortly before
(c) Third Missionary Journey (Ac 18 23-2130). which the first epistle may well have been written
S. Galatia, Ephesus, Corinth, Jerusalem; spring of 55 (see Peter, First Ep. of, §3); and Josephus
(or possibly summer of 54) to spring of 58. Ephesus states that James, the brother of Jesus, was put to
2^ years (Ac 18 23, 19 1-20 1); summer of 55 to death by the high priest after the death of Porcius
late autumn of 57. Corinth (3 months) and journey Festus in 62. Some place the Epistle of James prior
via Philippi to Jerusalem (Ac 20 3-21 16); winter of to the time when the controversy between Paul and
57-58 to Pentecost of 58. the Jewish Christians became acute, i.e., before 50.
(d) Two years' imprisonment (Ac 21 17), May of 58 Others put it about 60. Of those who hold that it
to spring of 60. was not written by James, the Lord's brother, most
Galatians 1 11-2 10 is the second source for our place it outside the limits of the Apostolic Age (see
chronology. The visit of Paul to Jerusalem in Ac James, Ep. of, §2 b).
15 is almost certainly to be identified (f ) Though the great movements of Church life, at
6. Paul's with the second visit of Galatians (2 1; least as known to history, were toward the West after
Conversion, cf. 1 18), which was 17 years after his the middle of the first century, so that the churches
conversion (with much less probabil- in Rome and other places rapidly rose into promi-
ity some count it 14 years). So the conversion of nence, the fall of Jerusalem in 70 a.d. left profound
Saul of Tarsus may be placed, after making allow- and endm-ing effects on Christian history. Before .
ance for partial years, in 34 a.d. From Ac 8 1, 9 1 this date the earliest sources of the Synoptic Gospels
we judge that Stephen's martyrdom must be put were put into writing, and during the next decade
very shortly before this. We thus gain the follow- our present Gospels probably took their present form.
ing results for the Apostolic Age as a whole: Acts follows Luke, and Hebrews may be placed
(a) Life of the Church within Jeru- within a few years of the fall of Jerusalem (see also
7. Results salem and in Judsea (Ac 1-7), 29 (or special articles on these books).
for 30) to 34 a.d. Conversion of Saul, (g) Ephesus becomes a center of influence during
Apostolic 34 A.D. the last quarter of the century, and there is a strongly
Age. (b) Extension through Palestine. authenticated tradition, though discarded by some
Antioch a new center (Ac 8-12), 34 eminent scholars to-day, that John the Apostle pre-
to 46 A.D. First visit of Saul to Jerusalem (Ac sided over this church and died there at a great age
9 26; Gal 1 18; II Co 11 32), probably in 37. James, under Trajan, i.e., not before 98 a.d. The Johan-
son of Zebedee, Idlled by Herod (Ac 12 2), 44. nine literature, including the Apocalypse, is to be
Visit of Barnabas and Saul to Judsea and Jeru- assigned to the last decade of the first century.
salem with famine funds. Possibly Saul did not Though serious difficulties surround the ^Ipistles of
go to the capital. II Peter and Jude, there is no inherent reason
(c) The missionary activity of the Apostle Paul against placing them within the Apostolic Age (see
(after his earlier work in Syria and Cilicia, Gal 1 21- also the articles on all these books).
23) — —
narrated in Ac 13-21 16 47 to 58 a.d. (for
Literature For the enormous literature of this subject a
details see above, § 5). In this period are to be :
CHRONOLOGY OF THK OLD TESTAMENT: in 842. Since the reigns of Ahaziah and Jehoram,
While the OT contains a great manychrono- sons and successors of Ahab, are given as 2 and 12
logical notices, as a whole it has no chronolog- years respectively, it is evident the date 842 must
ical system. A
chronological system requires some belong very near the beginning of the reign of Jehu
fixed event or point of time from which all dates ( Jehoram 's successor) and 854 very near the end
may be reckoned. No such event finds mention of Ahab's reign. Since the 2 years of Amaziah may
in the OT, although a limited use is made of mean really but parts of two successive years and
several different eras. In the Pentateuch many the 12 of Jehoram but 10 full years plus part of
events are dated according to the year of life of the two others, the figures 2 + 12 may represent no
person concerned, and the life-periods of a long suc- more than ± 1 + 10 ± 1 = ± 12. 854 B.C., then,
cession of individuals are parts of an era computed may be taken as the date of the close of Ahab's
from the creation of Adam. But this mode of reck- reign and 842 as that of the accession of Jehu. On
oning ends with Jacob. All such dates, moreover, the basis of these dates, using the figures for the
belong to the late P element of the Pentateuch and regnal years of the kings as substantially correct
are entirely absent from the earlier J and E docu- (only subtracting about one year from each reign
ments (see Hexateuch), which gave only the for the overlapping period which otherwise would
vaguest sort of dates and had no chronological be counted twice), we can get approximately correct
system whatever. dates back to Saul's reign.
An attempt seems to have been made at one time For the period beyond Saul no exact dates can be
to use the Exodus as a starting-point for chronology. given. The Exodus and the conquest of Canaan
The notices Gn 15 13, Ex 12 40, and I K6 l seem to can be given general dates in view of the ascertained
belong to calculations connected with such an era. facts that Egj^t was supreme ip Palestine from
But there is no evidence that this system was gener- Thotmes III to the end of the reign of Rameses II
ally used. The chronological figures of the Book of (except during one short interval) or, in round mrni-
Judges give no satisfactory results, partly because bers, from 1500-1250 B.C. The conquest of Canaan
they probably rest primarily on vague tradition, by Israel must have taken place after this supremacy
partly because they belong to events that were in came to an end, especially since there is no trace, in
many contemporaneous, not successive (as
cases Israel's tradition of the conquest, of any conflict
they are viewed in the book), and partly because with Egyptian forces in Canaan.
they are open to the suspicion that they have been For the Patriarchal Age dates are impossible, as
manipulated to work out an ideal scheme of 12 X 40 the early traditions were entirely without figures.
= 480 years from the Exodus to the Temple (of. Only in the case of Abram (contemporary with Am-
IK61). raphel = Hammurabi?) can a possible date be sug-
With the Books of Kings definite chronological gested.
data begin. These are not connected with an era The table on pages 130 and 131 presents either
but with the regnal years of the kings of Judah and generally accepted results or, where no general agree-
Israel. During the period of the divided monarchy, ment has been reached, results that appear to com-
we have two sets of figures in the Books of Kings. mend themselves as reliable. E. E. N.
One is a synchronistic scheme in which the acces- CHRYSOLITE. See Stones, Precious.
sions of the kings in Israel are dated according to
the regnal years of the kings in Judah and vice versa. CHRYSOPRASE, See Stones, Precious.
The other is an independent set of figures for each CHUB. See Cub.
reign. There can be no doubt that the latter is the
older and more trustworthy on the whole and was the CHUN. See CuN.
basis of the synchronism, although the results ob- CHURCHES, ROBBERS OF. See Temples,
tained from the two systems do not agree, indicating Robbers of.
probably that all the figures have not been trans-
mitted correctly.
CHURCHES, THE SEVEN. See Revelation,
Book of.
11 K 24 12 we have the beginning of dating
With
eventsby the regnal year of the great kings whose CHURCH LIFE AND ORGANIZATION: The
sway was supreme over SW. Asia, thus connecting Christian Church, in the proper sense of the word,
the Biblical chronology directly with that of the did not exist in the Ufetime of Jesus.
larger world of events outside of Palestine. From I. Church Though the choice of the Twelve, and the
the Exile on most of the O T dates are of this char- Not Organ- references to a chiirch, or new Israel, of
acter (except in Ezekiel). ized by His own (Mt 16 18), and to a temple not
Fortunately, connection can be made between Jesus. made with hands (Mk 14 58), may be
many events of the O T history and the exact chron- pointed to as evidence that He had in
ological records of Assyria. The correctness of the view the formation of a separate society, He gives no
Assyrian figures, at least for c. 900-625 B.C., can not rules for its constitution or organization. It is vain
be doubted, as they are well substantiated and pre- to seek such either in Mtl6l8flf. or in Mtl8i5ff.
sent a practically Thus the earli-
unbroken record. Even the ordinance of baptism is not connected in
est fixed date of OT given us by the in-
history is the N T with the historical but with the risen Jesus,
scription of Shalmaneser II of Assyria (860-824) to and though we accept as historical the command to
the effect that in 854 Ahab of Israel was one of the repeat the Last Supper (Lk 22 19), nothing is said as
confederates defeated by him at Karkar. The same to the way in which obedience to it was to be ren-
monarch records that Jehu of Israel paid him tribute (Continued on page 132.)
Chronology of the A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 130
Old Testament
Biblical Events
.
Chronology of the
Jl A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONAHY Old Testament
Ezekiel prophesies until c. 570. 561. Evil-merodach. Releases Zedekiah from prison.
559. Nergal Sharezer.
558. Cyrus I becomes king of Persia.
555. Nabonidus (last king of Babylon).
550. The prophet of Is 40-55 (and other prophecies in 56-66?) 550. Cyrus conquers the Medes.
546. Cyrus conquers Croesus of Lydia.
539. Cyrus takes Babylon.
538-536. Edict of Cjttis permitting the Return, and the 538. Cyrus at head of the Persian Empire.
Return under Zerubbabel and Joshua. 529. Carabyses.
522. Revolt of Gaumata (Pseudo-Smerdis).
521 Darius I (Hystaspis) Organizer of the Persian Empire.
.
Greek Period
dered. The life and organization of the Church are of the common funds (Ac 4 35, 37, 5
i «)The sig
nificance of the number twelve for the
new Israe
visible only after the Resurrection and the Pente-
to replaw
costal gift of the Spirit. They are in fact the free was recognized by the choice of Matthias
Judas (Ac 1 15 ff. ). The members of the
Church wen
products of these great events.
The earliest picture of church life is given in Ac aU baptized in the name of Jesus Christ for remissior
2 42: 'They waited assiduously on the teaching of of sins and baptism coincided normally with re-
better than others: they knew Jesus, and could it signifies not merely a pupil but an adherent, it
bear witness to Him (Ac 1 8). To this devotion to seems to have been felt unequal to the truth; Jesus
the teaching (doctrine AV) of the Apostles we in- was more than a teacher, the Christian owed more to
directly owe the knowledge of Jesus preserved in Him than a pupil to his master, and in the Epistles
the Synoptic Gospels. But the Church was devoted the word disappears.
also to the fellowship, the KOLvavla. Its members The first indication of officials and organization is
had a profound sense of their unity. They were given in Ac 6: the appointment of the Seven. There
much together. None of them said any of the is no hint of a constitution Divinely
things he had was his own. 3. Extent fixed beforehand, and now put in effect.
There was no compulsory communism (Ac 5 4), of Organi- A new need emerges in the Church's
but an immense generosity which commanded es- zation in life, and reasonable steps are taken to
teem, as in the case of Barnabas. Out of common the meet it. Neither is there any idea
funds voluntarily given distribution was made to Jerusalem that all office in the Church is implicit
every one according as he had need (Ac 4 35). A Church, in the apostolic position, and that the
spontaneous and genuine attempt was made to real- Apostles here delegate part of their
ize brotherhood, or the oneness of the children of authority to what may therefore be called an apos-
God. Besides the apostolic teaching and the fellow- tolic ministry. The very reverse is the case. The
ship, a characteristic of the Church was the breaking Apostles say: 'This daily ministration, this serving of
of the bread. This was done daily? (Ac 2 46), tables, is not our business; it is not meet that we
and house by house, and is interpreted by the phrase should leave the word of God to attend to it; look
fjieTekdfipavov Tpo<pr}s, "they took their food." If out qualified men whose business it is, and we will
it was sacramental, it was a sacramental meal, and entrust it to them' (Ac 6 1-6). This was done. It
not a sacrament in the modern sense, which excludes is an irrelevant question to ask whether the Seven
the idea of taking bodily nourishment. It is not were deacons. To be a deacon is to have a certain
"the daily ministration" of Ac 6 1 which is in view office, but these men were not invested with an ex-
— this last is rather akin to a food dispensary for isting office, they were appointed to a function. It
—
those distressed by poverty but a sacred meal is equally irrelevant to ask whether the Seven were
shared in by all Christians, like that described in I elders, though, when elders first appear in the Jeru-
Co 11 18 ff., and under the title dyaTrat ('feasts of salem Church (Ac 11 30), it is in connection with the
'
charity,' "love-feasts"), in Jude ver. 12. What we same work, the relief of the poor. The task may have
speak of as the Lord's Supper was always connected been merely a temporary one, and some of the Seven
in the beginning with these love-feasts. It may at least ceased to be local officials — as deacons in the
have been identical with them, or have had a specific technical sense must be — and like Philip the Evan-
place at the beginning, or end, or even in the course gelist did distinguished service for the Church in
of the meal; but it was only the emergence on heathen other ways, and in places far from Jerusalem (Ac
soil of such disorders as are referred to by Jude and 8 5, 26, 40, 21 8). If it is an anachronism to call the
Paul which led to its being decisively separated, and Seven deacons, it is an additional anachronism to
made, in short, in the strict sense, a, sacrament (I speak of the prayer and imposition of hands as their
Co 11 34). If the love-feasts express vividly the ordination (see § 8, below). To lay on hands in
fraternal gladness of the Christian life, the prayers prayer was a spontaneous gesture which needed
to which the Church was devoted bring out its sense no interpretation; here, it signified, is the point on
of access to God. The definite article shows that which all our desires are concentrated; here we de-
stated prayers are meant, perhaps those in the tem- sire God's gifts to descend. The key to it is to be
ple at fixed hours (Ac 3 l). Prayer became a new found in Mk 10 16 where Jesus blessed the children,
thing when it became prayer in the name of Jesus, "laying his hands upon them"; it is a movement of
and in the primitive Church the life of prayer re- affection, impressive no doubt and significant, but
ceived a mighty impulse. not in any dogmatic sense. For the rest, we learn
There is no trace any organization
at this stage of little about the organization of the Church in Jeru-
in the Church. The Apostles were its natural and salem or in Palestine.
inevitable, rather than its official, leaders, and not We come across elders without warning in Ac
only witnessed to Jesus but had the management 11 30. It was so natural for any Jewish society to
;
rule itself by D^J|?.T that the historian takes their ing with things as they are in existmg communities,
existence for granted. It is clear frota Ac 15 2, 4, 6,
e.g., I Co; others more doctrinal, dealing with the
22, 16 4, where they are mentioned in connection with ideal of the Church and its life and
the Apostles, that they had an important place in 4- Paul's ministries, e.g., Eph. Only we must
the administration of the Church (see § 8, below). Ideas of remember that in Paul the real and
"The whole Church" indeed is associated with both the Church, the ideal do not so much contrast as
in Ac 15 22, but the Apostles and elders took the lead interpretand interpenetrate each other.
in guiding its deUberations, and formulating and The actual community of beUevers in Corinth is the
carrying into effect its decisions. In all these pas- Church of God in that city; the apostle describes it as
sages, the Apostles are no doubt the Twelve. Ac- (T&fxa XpioTov, Christ's body (I Co 12 27); and the
cording to the representation in Ac they exercised a ideal and eternal Church of Eph 1 23, "his body, the
general supervision over the spread of Christianity, fulness of him that filleth all in all," is actually
and maintained in this way the sense of unity in the represented in the local churches to which Paul
Church. Thus when Philip preached in Samaria, sends this circular letter.
they sent Peter and John down from Jerusalem to The fife of the Church is one, because it is the life
keep the work in contact with the center. The of one Spirit in it, and this vital unity, or unity of the
prayers of the two Apostles, accompanied with the Spirit (Eph 4 3), is the only unity in which Paul is
laying on of their hands, procured for the Samaritans concerned. "When he says there is one body, he uses
who had been baptized the gift of the Holy Spirit the word body in the organic or physiological sense
(Ac 8 14). As the gift here spoken of is a sensible the Church is one body because one life pervades it
one — upon them; i.e., there was an ecstatic
it fell and unites its members; it is not one corporation, in
burst of glossolalia or prophecy it is not what is — the sense of the law; or one organization, with a legal
either asked or expected in the modern sacrament of constitution to depart from which is schism or death.
confirmation, when a bishop lays his hands on the True Christians are one in Christ, or in the one spirit
baptized; and to speak of what happened here as which all have drunk (I Co 12 13), or in the common
analogous to confirmation is one anachronism more. life of love by which they are all animated; they
The extent to which the life of the Church was con- have one Lord, one faith, one baptism; but it is an-
sciously under Divine guidance is shown especially other matter to say that they form one visible or-
in the stories of Philip and Peter in Ac 8 26, 29, 39, ganization or corporation throughout the world.
10 3, 10, 19. Every step in its expansion is super- This was not the case.
naturaJly guarded and sanctioned, and it is by the To get a fairly proportioned look at the life, or-
ministry of its inspired men — "by the exhortation ganization, and ministries of the apostolic Churches,
of the —
Holy Spirit," Ac 9 31 that it is multiplied. we must start with the Pauline con-
Prayer and the ministry of the word are the main 5. The ception of the o-^jLta Xpia-rov, "the body
duties of the Twelve (Ac 6 4), but there is no trace —
Church a of Christ" ^which, as has been pointed
of officialpreachers. Living out, is appUed both to the local (I Co
Prophets are mentioned, several by name (Aga- Body. 12 27) and to the universal Church (Eph
bus, Ac 11 27, 15 32). Any one might speak the word 1 23; Col 1 24). Every Christian is a
who had the spuritual gift to do so (8 4, 11 19). It member of the body of Christ, and every member
was in point of fact unofficial preachers to whom the has its function in the body. That function is the
Gospel owed its diffusion, and in the most important biaKovia or ministry which it can render to the
cases, likeSamaria (Ac 8 5£f.) and Antioch (Ac 11 22), whole; and the primary truth about Christian min-
the Apostles and the mother-Church supervised and istries is that ministry is not official, but a function
approved as they could. Life was abtmdant, free, of membership in the body. Every membet min-
inspu-ed, but though conscious of its unity and with isters, in virtue of its membership, and at bottom
an instinct for its preservation it neither was nor there is no other ministry possible. The pecufiar
could be organized in legal forms. At the same time, mode in which, or the particular extent to which,
the most singular phenomenon in the life of the —
the life of the whole or if we prefer to say so, the
Church at this period is the kind of ascendency which Spirit — functions in the individual, determines his
came to belong to James, the Lord's brother. ministry, and nothing else can determine it (cf. Eph
We have the first hint of this in Ac 12 17; it is 4 7-16).
conspicuous in Ac 15, 21, and Gal 2. It rested no No office can bring or impart a gift for ministry;
doubt in part on the special appearance of the risen it is the divinely given spiritual gift which marks a
Savior to him (I Co 15 7), in part on his natural man for this or that office. This is why the minis-
relation to Jesus (cf. the later case of his kinsman tries which exist in the apostolic Church are traced to
Symeon as given by Euseb. HE. Ill, 11), and in part God as their source (I Co 12 28), specifically to Christ
on the congeniality of his ideas of religion to the mass as the head of the body (Eph 4 11). The most
of Jewish believers. But even if he was counted an elaborate passage upon them is I Co 12-14, and it is a
apostle (Gal 1 19), his ascendency was personal, not striking fact that neither there nor throughout the
official, and however it may suggest what was later Epistle do we meet the idea of official ministry at all.
known as episcopal, James is never in the NT "God hath set some in the church, first apostles, sec-
spoken of as a bishop. ondly prophets, thirdly teachers, then miracles,
A more varied scene meets us when we pass to the then gifts of healing, helps, governments, divers
Church m the Gentile world. The casual indications kinds of tongues" (I Co 12 28). Both earlier (ver. 10)
of Ac are lost in the abundant information of the and later (ver. 30) Paul mentions in the same
Pauline Epistles. Some are more occasional, deal- way "discemings of spirits" and interpretations of
—
tongues. A close parallel to this is found in Ro God in it than the most fervent single heart. Proph-
12 3-8. There also ministry is conceived as the ex- ets no doubt spoke often of things to come, es-
pecially of the glory to be revealed (I Co 2 9
ff.; Eph
ercise of a spiritual gift (xapia-fia). Every mem-
1 I7f.; Rev passim), and may sometimes
have let
ber of the Church has such a gift; the gifts differ ac-
cording to the grace that has been given to each. imagination run wild; sometimes, as in the case of
Different men are spiritually quaHfied that is, — Agabus (Ac 11 27, 21 10), and the others through
qualified by a special grace and gift of God to — whom the Holy Spirit bore witness to Paul in every
prophesy, to teach, to rule, to give, to show mercy, city that bonds and affliction awaited him in Je-
or in a special sense (ver. 7) "to minister" i.e., in all rusalem, they concerned themselves with a nearer
probability, to do some lowly practical service for the future.
Church. God gives to each as He will, but also, as Here also they had to be subject to criticism. At
Jesus says in the parable (Mt 25 15), to each accord- all events Paul could appeal from the spirit speaking
ing to his several ability. Every member is a min- without through the prophet to the same spirit
ister to the Church, and the laws of the ministry (as speaking with a higher authority within, and, in
explained in Ro 12; I Co 12-13) are the same for all. spite of prophetic warnings, go on to Jerusalem to
The first is humility; it is only with what we have die, if need should be, for the name of the Lord Jesus.
received that we can minister, and therefore gifts About the teachers it is not easy to say much. In
are never to be used for vainglory. The second is Ac 13 1 they are combined, as in I Co 12 28, with the
love nothing that we have received is for ourselves
;
prophets; in Eph 411 they are more closely con-
alone; the manifestation of the Spirit is given to nected, perhaps to some extent identified, with the
every man npos to (ru/x(^epoj/ in the interest of the pastors. Probably teachers had the special xa/^iV-
whole. fiara called in I Co 12 8 "the word of wisdom" and
In the list in I Co 12 28 God's gifts first take the ''the word of knowledge"; and, though the gift of
form of gifted men — apostles, prophets, teachers. teaching, or the right to teach, was not at first con-
These gifted or inspired men were min- nected with any office (see I Co 14 26, " When ye come
The
6. isters of the Church imiversal. They together, every one hath a BiBaxr] " a lesson to—
More Im- were not elected by local churches, they teach), it would be an advantage in many ways,
portant filled no office in them, they did not when once offices did come into being, to have them
Ministries, necessarily remain in one place; indeed filled, other things being equal, with men who could
the apostle of necessity did not. Their also render the Chiu-ch this service. "Wisdom" is
gifthad to be self-attesting; the spiritual power always teleological; if the teacher had "the word of
which accompanied the exercise of it was the only wisdom," he could exhibit the chief end of the
guaranty had. Besides the stricter sense of the
it Christian life, be an expounder of Christian ethics.
word apostle, according to which it includes only "Knowledge" is more abstract; if he had "the word
Paul and the Twelve, there was a larger sense in of knowledge," he could interpret Christianity as a
which it presumably included all who had seen the system of truth, be an expounder of Christian the-
Lord and exercised the vocation of bearing witness to ology. There are indications in the N T that this
His resurrection without restriction to one place (see ministry tempted the fluent and the vain (Ja 3 1).
I Co 15 5, with ver. 7; Ro 16 7). The apostle, in the One other inspired minister is mentioned in Eph 4 H,
sense in which Paul vindicates the title for himself, the evangelist, and two representatives of this class
was the main witness to Jesus and the supreme au- are named in the N
T, Philip (Ac 218) and Timothy
thority for the Gospel. See also Apostle. The (II Ti 4 5). The name implies that the man preached
prophet was a man who had more than the common the Gospel, and so does all we know of Philip's
Christian inspiration, whose x^P'-^H'^* "gift," is career. Perhaps the disappearance of the name in
highly estimated by Paul, and who spoke edification, later times is due to the fact that all wandering
exhortation, and consolation in the Church (I Co preachers, after the death of the Twelve, were
14 3), The Divine impulse in him was not such as to counted "apostles" in the wider sense (see HDB.
carry him irresistibly away; " the spirits of the proph- s.v. Evangelist).
ets are subject to the prophets" (ver. 32). Though The other inspired ministries are of minor impor-
inspired, however, the prophet was not infallible, and tance. Paul describes them by abstract nouns in the
when- two or three had spoken in the Church, the plural number —
Svvdfiets, x°/***^/*°™
time for discernment came. It is clear from Paul The
7- lafidTcav, dvTCKrip.-^eis, Kv^€pvf}<r€iSf yivt]
that discrimination was needed, but not very clear Less Im- yXoxro-wj/. It is as though the person
how it was achieved. We read of a dogmatic test of portant here were of less significance compared
inspired utterances —
inspiration is genuine, if it goes Ministries, with the function. What 8ui/a/i€ty,
to exalt Jesus (I Co 12 3); we read of discernments " miracles, '
were as distinct from
'
of spirits as a separate xapto-jLta (I Co 12 iO) that — gifts of healing, we can not tell. Perhaps the
is, there were men who had, so to speak, a Divine in- particular kind of healings distinguished as exor-
stinct in this region, and coiild tell in a way passing cisms is meant. The word dvTiKrux-^ciSj helps,
analysis whether a fervent utterance really was of suggests the practical "ministry" of Ro 12 7—such
God; we read again of appeals to the whole Church work as came later to be assigned to the official
(I Co 14 29 ol ^\oi ?) not to despise prophecies, or deacon; and Kv^epvria-eis, governments, "wise
pour cold water on the heart which was spiritually counsels" mg. suggests such a function of guid-
aglow, but to prove all such fervid words, and hold ance or administration as came later to be assigned
fast what was good (I Th 5 19 ff. ) —
as though the com- to the official elder. But neither in Ro nor in I Co is
mon sense of the Christian community had more of there any trace of officials. Such gifts are freely
135 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Church Life
given by God, and spontaneously exercised by those the Traveler, pp. 120 ff.). No doubt the Apos-
who have them; the house of Stephanas (I Co 16 15) tlesdescribed the kind of men wanted, the Church
were not in office, but set themselves to minister unto would choose them, and they were introduced to
the saints. All Christians were called to put their their work with fasting and prayer.
Laying on of
^apia-fxaTa into the common stock, and no official hands is not mentioned, but
probably to be taken
is
organization canceled freedom or, as Paul says, for granted. The duties of elders are not defined,
"quenched the spirit." and can only be inferred indirectly. It is clear from
The last I Co 12 is kinds of
gift specified in Ac 20 28, compared with 20 17, that they were mainly
tongues (ver. or "speaking with tongues" (ver.
28), —
pastoral that is, duties of moral supervision. The
30), or "with a tongue" (14 2). It is frequently com- elders of Ephesus are exhorted to take heed to the
bined with prophecy, from the day of Pentecost on- flock of God in which the Holy Spirit has made
ward, as one of the most characteristic of spiritual them bishops (eV/o-KOTrot, overseers mg.), and to
gifts (Ac 2 4-11, 10 46; I Co 13 i, 14 2). Paul himself shepherd the Church of God. So in I P 5 i; Peter
possessed it in a conspicuous degree (I Co 14 18), and exhorts the elders among his readers, as himself an
thanked God for it, but he ranked it as the lowest of elder, to shepherd the flock of God, exercising the
spiritual gifts. account of it in I Co 14, and
It is his oversight {eTno-KOTrovvres; some authorities omit
not the idealized or transfigured one in Ac 2, on which this word). Cf. also IP2 25, "the shepherd and
we must base our conception of it. It had nothing to bishop" of your souls. It is hardly possible to say
do with foreign languages. It was an emotional, not that the antecedents of the name TrpecrfivTepos,
a linguistic, gift; the man who spoke with a tongue "elder," were Hebrew, and those of iiria-Koiros,
spoke out of an emotional rapture; he was carried "bishop," Greek. There are Jewish antecedents for
out of himself by the intensity of his feeling —
a feel- the latter also (see Concordance to LXX. s.v.).
ing stimulated, we must assume, by the great reali- The facts justify us in saying that elder is a title of
ties with which he was brought into contact in the dignity, and bishop is a corresponding title of func-
—
Gospel and in this rapt condition he gave vent to tion. The persons were the same. In every church
inarticulate, unintelligible sounds. His "spirit" was there were several men who had the rank of elders
active in this —
as we might say now, his religious and the duty —
of bishops ^that is, "oversight" (cf.
nature was engaged in it; but his vovs, his under- Tit 15-7). Pastor is a more pictorial name for the
standing, was not. There might be some one present same persons at the same task. Moral supervision
in the assemblies who could interpret this over- and discipline were their preeminent concern.
whelming emotion better than the man who was sub- The edifying of the Church by teaching, prophe-
ject to it: if so, to speak in a tongue might be allowed sying, praise, and public worship generally, -belonged
in church; otherwise, the gift must be exercised (we to the apostles, prophets, and teachers who might
should rather say indulged) in private. It is clear visit it, or to the free exercise of their spiritual gifts
from Ac 211,10 46; I Co 14 16, that, in its general by the members generally. No doubt, however,
character, speaking with tongues was an ecstasy of men would often be chosen as elders or bishops on
praise, a thanksgiving to which Amen was the nat- the ground of their possessing other gifts useful to
ural sequel, a magnifying of God and His mighty the Church, and, as the enthusiastic inspiration
works of redemption. But as a sort of spiritual in- waned, the conduct of the public worship and espe-
toxication its dangers were evident, and Paul warns cially the administration of the sacraments (in
against them. Partly they lay in the temptation to which the Church must act through authorized rep-
indulge what is only valuable when controlled; partly resentatives, if all is to be done decorously and in
in the tendency to vanity, making a display of one's order) would fall into their hands. Thus we see
spiritual ecstasies; partly also in the inevitableness pastors bracketed with teachers, and contrasted with
of reaction, and the mysterious connection of sen- the non-local ministry of apostles, prophets, and
sualwith spiritual susceptibilities. On all grounds evangelists in Eph 4 11. Elders who labor in the
Paul discouraged speaking with tongues in favor of word and in teaching (as well as in their more proper
the intelligible and self-controlling gift of prophecy fimction of moral oversight) are to be reckoned
by which one could build up not only himself but worthy of double honor (I Ti 5 17) when the Pastoral
;
also the Church (I Co 14 3), and in course of time it Epistles were written it was even one of the qualifica-
died out. tions of a bishop that he should be bihaKriKoSy "apt to
The ministry which is a function of membership teach" (I Ti 2 2). The whole body of elders in a
and which depends on the free exercise of spiritual church was called the Trpea-fivreptovj "the presby-
gifts, though it is the vital and funda- tery" (I Ti 4 14). At Lystra it joined with Paul in
8. Organi- mental one on which the being of the laying hands on Timothy, when he was set apart as
zation Church depends, is not the only one. an evangelist. The gift of God given in this ordina-
of Local No society can live and act without tion (I Ti 4 16; II Ti 1 6) can not be interpreted
Churches, some kind of organization, some kind rationally apart from Timothy's experience at the
;»sr.^.' of official ministers who act as its rep- time. It must be a greater degree of humility, of
ii^gfesentatives, and the beginnings of such a min- conscientiousness, or courage, or love, fitting him
istry can be traced in the N
T. We have seen better for his task, and coming to him naturally, by
that there were elders in the church at Jerusalem, the grace of God, in that solemn hour. Probably in
and in Ac 14 23 we read that Paul and Barnabas many cases, as well as that of Timothy, there were
appointed elders in every church foimded during "prophecies leading the way to" the men to be
their first journey. On the mode of appointment, chosen; that is, inspired voices naming fit persons for
Luke is not quite explicit (see Ramsay, St Paul any particular task (I Ti 1 18; Ac 13 2); but, though
Church Life
City
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 136
they were appointed because they were fit, such per- CINNAMON. See Ointments and Perfumes,
sons got a new degree of fitness through the experi- § 1, and Palestine, § 23.
ences connected with their appointment and insti-
CIRCLE. See Cosmogony, § 3.
tution to office. In the later N
T books (Ph 1 i ; I
Ti 3 1-13), we find side by side with bishops a subor- CIRCUIT. See Cosmogony, § 3.
dinate set of officers called technically diaKovoLj CIRCUMCISION: The cutting off of the fore-
deacons. This word is applicable to every min- skin (proeputium). Among the Hebrews, the Law
ister of the Church from the apostle down, but in its
required the submission to the rite by all the male
which it is used of women as well as
special sense, in
members of the community on the eighth day after
men (Ro 16 l; I Ti 3 H), it indicates a class of officers birth (Lvl2 3; Gn2l4[Pj). In later Judaism, the
who seem to have had duties connected with the Law was so strictly interpreted that even the Sab-
Church's charities, its care of the poor, strangers,
bath might be disregarded for the sake of conform-
etc. Their qualifications are all those of character
ing to the time limit prescribed by it {Shahb, 19 2 ff.;
and common sense; nothing is said of teaching. Men Jn 7 22). The person whose duty it was to perform
like Timothy at Ephesus or Titus in Crete were not
the rite was primitively the father of the child (On
church officers, but apostolic delegates; they do not 17 23); but in exceptional cases in earlier days
represent the organization of the Church, but help us
women were known to have administered it (Ex
to see how the organizing was attended to. The 4 25), and in later times it became more and more
development of the monarchical episcopate, as dis- common either to call in a physician (Jos. Ant. XX,
tinctive from the collective oversight just explained,
2 4) or to relegate the duty altogether to a special
lies beyond the limits of the T. N official (the Mehol), as at the present day. Besides
The variety of gifts, functions, and offices in the the male children of the household, it appears from
N T church is only the foil to its essential unity. It Gnl722ff. that slaves also were circumcised; and
is expounded in Ro 12; X Co 12; and according to the law of Ex 12 48 (P) also strangers
g. Essen- Eph 4 in relation to that unity. The
who wished to participate in the Passover. The
tial Unity great conception of the body of Christ
practise was not peculiar to the Hebrews. Among
of Cb.urch. underlies it everywhere. The sense of
the Egyptians there is no doubt that some (Ebers
this comes out in numberless ways: in
Aegypt u.d. Biich. d. Mos., 1,278, 283), andif Herodo-
the fact that early Christian literature is mainly
tus was correctly informed, all persons were circum-
epistolary, in the salutations of the churches to each
cised (Herod. II, 36; cf. also Philo 2. 210,ed. Mangey;
other through the Apostles (Ro 16 16; I P 5 13; He
Erman Egypt, p. 32 f., 539). The Semitic peoples
13 24), in the holy kiss, or kiss of love, which became
generally do not seem to have practised the rite.
a regular part of the church service (Ro 16 16; I Co The Assyrians, Babylonians, Edomites, and Moabites
16 20; II Co 13 12; I Th 5 26; I P 5 14), in the collec-
were uncircumcised. The reproach of uncircumci-
tions which they made for each other's help in times
sion, however, is especially held up against the Phi-
of distress (for Paul's great collection in all Gentile
listines; from which it has been inferred that the
churches for the poor saints at Jerusalem cf. Ac
Canaanites practised the rite. Among extra-biblical
24 17; I Co 16 1-4; II Co 8, 9; Gal 2 10; Ro 15 25-31),
peoples the primary and original aim of the rite was
and even linguistically in the multiplication of com-
that of a sacrifice designed to secure fertility; but
pounds with a-vv. Of these the commonest are
among the Hebrews from the earliest days the idea
o-vvcpyos, variously rendered in AV fellow helper,
of purification appears to have supplanted this con-
-laborer, -worker, and work-fellow ; a-vua-Tparitorrjs,
ception. The ceremony indicated the casting off of
fellow soldier, the Christian ministry being con-
uncleanness as a preparation for entrance into the
ceived as a campaign (Ph 2 25; Phm2); <TvvaixfJ^aK~
privileges of membership in Israel. In the N T, with
o)ro?, fellow prisoner in war, the same figure con-
its transfer of emphasis from the external and formal
tinued (Col 410; Phm 23; Ro 16 7); o-vvbovXos,
to the inner and spiritual side of things, it was firet
fellow slave (Col 1 7, 4 7). Yoke-fellow {trvv^vyos)
declared unnecessary for Gentile converts to the
and fellow elder (crvpirpca-^vrepos) each occurs once
Gospel to be circumcised (Ac 15 28), and afterward
(Ph 4 3; I P 5 1). More significant still are (Tvv<Tmp.a,
the rite was set aside even by Jewish Christians. In
<rvvK\rjpov6p,a, and (rvvfieroxa (Eph 3 6). J. D.
the Pauline Epistles it serves as the basis of a figure
Literature; The best books are Hort's Christian Bcclesia, signifying the casting off of the uncleanness of sin
1897; Hatch, The Organisation of the Early Christian (Gal 2 7 f.; Eph 2 11). A. C. Z.
Churches, 1881; Harnack, Die Lehre der Zwdlf Apostel,
1884, in Vol. 2 of the Texte und Untersuchungen', Gore, CIS, sis. See Kish.
The Ministry in the Christian Church^, 1893; Lindsay,
The Church and the Ministry in the Early Centuries, 1903 CISTERN: The character of the land-surface of
E. von Dobschatz. Die Urchristlichen Gemeinden, 1902 most of Palestine is such that the rain penetrates but
(translated under the title Christian Life in the Primitive a little way and is soon drained off from the steep
Church, 1904).
hillsides through the numerous ravines and water-
CHUZAS, Chuza AV) The stew-
chu'zas {XovCas, : courses. Recourse must be had, therefore, to arti-
ard Herod (probably H. Antipas) (Lk
{iiriTpoTros) of ficial means for collecting and holding the water, and
8 3). As general manager of Herod's estates and cisterns have been numerous and much used in Pal-
household (cf. Plummer, Int. Grit, Com., ad loo.) he estine ever since it has been inhabited. Every well-
was probably a man of rank and means. E. E. N. ordered house had a cistern in its court (see House,
CIELING. See Ceiling. § 6 (f); Food and Food Utensils, §12). The RV
uses "cistern" for "well" inAV Dt 6 U (mg.): I S
CILICIA. See Asia Minor, 19 22 (mg.); II Ch 26 10; Neh 9 25,
§ 5. and for "pit" AV
137 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Church Life
City
in Is30 14 and Jer 14 3. See Palestink, §§ 19, 20, Villages and hamlets QiatseVy perazoth, kaphaTf
and also Libbey and Hoskins, The Jordan Valley and kopher) on one side, and cities ('ir, poet, hiryath) on
Petra, Vol. I, p. 245 f E. E. N. the other, are clearly distinguished in the O T.
CITIZENSHIP: The civic side of community The hatsenm are open locaUties without walls (Lv
life isalmost never referred to in the O T. This was 25 31); also the 'are perazoth (Est 9 19) are desig-
partly because the basis of Israel's social organiza- nated as places without walls, without
tion was the clan or tribe rather than the city, 3. Distinc- gates and enclosures (Ezk 38 li), for
partly because of the emphasis laid on the religious tion Be- which latter kopher is the characteristic
organization of Israel, rendering city and state sec- tween name. The city ('?r), on the contrary,
ondary features in social life and the congregation or "City" and was surrounded by a wall, sometimes
theocratic kingdom primary, and partly because of "ViUage." also by a moat (Dn 9 2fi, "wall " AV),
the life of the people which was mainly agricultural and even by a second smaller wall in the
during the greatest part of its history. The good nature of a rampart (II S 20 15, trench AV; I K
citizen was the faithful Israelite and the lawless a 21 23) {'ir homah), and had a citadel (migdal), the
"son[man]ofBelial"(Jgl9 22;IK21 lOAV). With gates of which were closed cluring the night (Jos
the admission of Greek ideas secular relations were 2 5, 7), and in later times on the Sabbath (Neh 13 19).
distinctly recognized (II Mac 5 8, 14 8). In the N T Such cities were called fortified (II Chi 110, etc.,
the figure of the state is so prominent that even the fenced AV). The gates were provided with
religious community is at times symbolized by it bronze or iron bars and bolts (Dt 3 5; Jg 16 3; Neh
("commonwealth of Israel," Eph 2 12). Likewise 3 6, lock, AV), and were built with chambers over-
the privileges of the spiritualcommunity are figured head (II S 18 24 ff.). From the roof of the struc-
under the conception of citizenship (TroXtTeujua, Phil ture (II S 18 24), or from a tower by the gate (II
3 20; but AV
conversation, and RVmg. "common- K 9 17), a watchman looked out in order to announce
wealth"). In fact, citizenship is the type of the whole approaching danger (Jer 6 17). Near the gates
sphere of conduct both social and moral (of. II Co 1 12, within the city were to be found open places (broad
"behave ourselves" RV, "conversation" AV, and places, broad ways, r^hoboth, streets, AV Jer 5, Am
Eph 2 3, RV). For this figure the conception
"live" 5 16), the centers of communal Ufe. Here contracts
of the kingdom of heaven furnished proper founda- were entered into (Dt 25 7; Ru 4 1 f., 11; Gn 23 10, 18),
tion ("fellow citizen,"Eph 2 19). Of citizenship in the assembUes for judicial or deUberative purposes were
literal sense mention is made but once (Ac 22 25, 28, held (Am 5 12, 15; Is 29 21), buying and selling took
freedom AV). See also Roman. A. C. Z. place (II K 7 l; cf. market-place, Mt 20 3), and
pubUc announcements were made (Jer 17 19). Here
CITY: The beginnings of city building are re- was the center of social intercourse in general (Gn
ferred by IsraeUtic legend to the earliest period of 19 1; Ps 69 12). Here strangers who had no friend
human history, and are associated not in the city passed the night (Gn 19 2 ff. Jg 19 15).
;
1. Age of with nomadic (Abel), but with agricul- The plan and construction of cities were not in
Israelitic tural (Cain) Ufe. As a matter of fact. ancient times essentially different from those of the
Cities. most of the cities of the Israelites were Orient of to-day. As walled cities were
originally Canaanite, and came into 4. Principal used more or less as strongholds, it was
the hands of the IsraeHtes only as the result of a Features of advantage not to extend the walls too
rather long development. For as the IsraeUtes of a City, far from the center. In consequence,
reached Palestinian territory, they succeeded in there was a tendency to contract cities
establishing themselves first in the open places and into as small a space as possible. The streets
especially in the mountain districts; but as nomads (hutsoth) were as narrow as they are to-day (cf. Jos.
they could not at first secure possession of the for- Ant XX, 53; BJ. II, 149,15 5; VI, 8 5). For the
tifiedcities. In course of time, however, these most part they ran through the city in circuitous
Canaanite cities were subdued and to them were courses, so that a straight one was quite the
added also others distinctively Israelite. exception (Ac 9 11). In cities which were built on
Many of the names of cities are characteristic, and steep hillsides, the roofs of the lower houses served
give us the points of view which were determinative as the street for the higher ones, as at the present
in the selection of localities. (1) Names day. The streets were not paved. It is in the days
2. Signif- like Ramah, Mizpah, Geba, etc. (all of Herod Agrippa II that we first hear of the paving
icance from roots signifying elevation) indi- of the streets of Jerusalem with white stones (Jos.
of City cate that a mountain or a hill site was Ant. XX, 9 7). This was, however, after the
Names, preferred, evidently because it could principal street of Antioch had been paved with
be easily defended against assault. (2) stone slabs at the expense of Herod the Great (Jos.
En-gedi, En-gannin (En = 'spring'). Beer- sheeba Ant. XVI, 5 3; BJ. I, 21 11). Street-cleaning was
(Beer= indicate the importance of the
'well'), etc., as unusual in ancient times as it is to-day. Gar-
nearness of a spring, a stream, etc. (3) Designations bage was thrown out of the houses and left to be dis-
such as Jearim ('forest'), Kerem ('vineyard'), posed of by the dogs that roamed at will about the
Abel ('meadow'), etc., show that the location of these city (Ex 22 31; Ps 59 6, 14 f.). There was also no such
citieswas marked by such natural features. Cities in thing as the lighting of the streets. The only care of
valleys, such as Hebron, constituted an exception, them that is referred to is that by night-watchmen
since cities usually were built on the slope of a hill (Song 3 3, 5 7; Is 21 11 Ps 127 1, 130 6). The custom
;
the citadel, or castle, perched on the summit always practised even to-day of establishing bazaar-streets
offering a sure refuge and one difficult to capture. {shilq; cf. sh'waqlm, I K20 34; Ec 12 4; Song3 2)—
City, Fenced
Collection
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 138
CITY OF SALT (nb??n T^?, ^ir ham-melah): A CLAUDIUS LYSIAS: The military tribune (xi^l-
town of Judah in the wilderness (Jos 15 62). The apxos, "chief captain") holding the chief com-
identification with the ruin Tell el Milh (Map II, mand in Jerusalem, who rescued Paul from the mob
E 4) is unsatisfactory. E. E. N. and sent him to Csesarea to Felix (Ac 21 31-23).
He had under him a cohort of Roman auxiliaries,
CITY OF WATERS. See Rabbah. about 1,000 strong, which upon the occasion of the
CLASPS. Jewish festivals was always held in readiness in their
See Tabernacle, § 3.
headquarters in the castle of Antonia, which was
CLAUDA (KAa€Sa), more correctly Gaudos, now connected by stairs with the Temple court. Lysiafi
Gavdho: A small treeless island S. of Crete, with no had bought his Roman citizenship at a high price,
safe anchorage on its E. side (Ac 27 16). Its present and had probably taken the cognomen Claudius from
population numbers but 70 families. J. R. S. S. the Emperor, whose wife and court drove
a flourish-
Oity, Fenced
39 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Collection
ig trade in such sales. Paul's inherited citizenship temple of the Cnidian Aphrodite (by Praxiteles).
reatly impressed Lysias. R. A. F. Games in honor of the Triopian Apollo were cele-
brated conjointly with Rhodes and Cos.
CLAY: This term rendera (1) homer, from a root
J. R. S. S.
aeaning 'red' (Is 45 9, etc.); (2) tU, 'mud/ 'slime/
[lay proper (Ro 9 2i). The rendering "clay ground" for 'flame'; retseph (I K
19 6) or ritspah (Is 6 6), a
I K 7 46; II Ch 4 17) is uncertain, and the "clay" AV heated stone; sh^hor (La 4 8), 'blackness.'
if Hab 2 6 is corrected into "pledge" by the RV.
Mineral coal is not found in Palestine, and the de-
[n the low lands of Palestine clay is abundant and its
posits in Lebanon have been little mined. The
ise for brick, mortar, and pottery was common in
words properly rendered "coal" in EV refer either
3 T times. In Job 4 19, etc., the word is used figura- to charcoal (pekam, 'black'; Is 44 12, 54 16, and es-
tively for the flesh (as made from earth) and in Is
pecially Pr 26 21), or, more broadly, to live embers of
CLEMENT A
fellow worker with
(KKrifirjs):
The N
T dvdpaKtd (Jn 18 18, 21 9) was, of course, a
fire of charcoal. See also Brasier, Hearth,
Paul at Philippi (Ph 4 3). There is nothing to jus-
Chimney. L. G. L.
tify his traditional identification with Clement of
CLOUD The
; of frequent occurrence in
cloud is COCKATRICE. See Palestine, § 26.
figurative speech. (1) Its darkness serves as the
image of mystery (Ps 97 2; Job 3 5), especially the COCK CROWING. See Time, § 1.
profound mystery of the creation (Job 38 9). (2)
Its distance from the earth is made to represent the
COCKLE. See Palestine, § 23.
unattainable (Is 14 14; Ps 108 4; Job 20 6). (3) Its C(ELE-SYRIA, si"le-sir'i-a (KoiXt? Supia), 'hol-
changeableness is the image of the transitory, espe- low Syria' : A term of frequent occurrence in the O T
cially of short hfe (Job 7 9, 30 15; Hos 6 4). (4) But Apocrypha. Strictly considered, it was the desig-
the most suggestive use of the figure is in connection nation of that part of Syria that lay between the
with the divine presence. Not only is Jehovah said Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon ranges, but it was often
to ride upon the cloud (Is 19 1; Nah 1 3), but He used to cover all the Syrian possessions from the
makes a special cloud the sign of His presence (Ex Lebanons S. as far as Egypt. E. E. N.
1321, etc.), both in the guiding of the Israelites
COFFIN: Used only in Gn 50 26. The Heb. word
toward Canaan and in the dedication of the Temple
^aron means literally a 'chest' or 'box,' but is used
(IKSlOf.; IICh5l3f.). A. C.Z.
here evidently in the sense of 'mummy-case.' See also
CLOUT: In Jer 38lif. "clouts" means 'rags,' Burial and Burial Customs, § 4. E. E. N.
or 'ragged cast-off clothes.' In Jos 9 5 it means
'patched' and has been so translated by the RV.
COIN. See Money.
Here the references is to patched shoes. E. E. N. COL-HOZEH, col-ho'ze (njn-^?, kol-kozeh), 'he
mainland. It had two harbors and contained a COLLECTION. See Tax, and Church, § 9.
College
Colossians
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 140
COLLEGE. See Jerusalem, § 36. erly black as in RV. The "black marble" referred
to in Est 1 6 (cf. margin "stone of blue color") was
COLLOP An old English word meaning 'slices of
:
probably a drab slate or marble.
meat' made tender by beating (see Skeat's Diet.)- Bright red, "scarlet," or "crimson," u. color ob-
It is used only in Job 15 27, where RV reads "fat," tained from the kermes-worm or cochineal, and a
which is the meaning of the Heb. E. E. N. richer "purple" from a mollusk, were
2. Scarlet, the badges of royalty, or at least of
COLONY (from the Latin colonus, '
farmer' )
Purple, wealth. The two often occur to-
Settlers sent to foreign parts to establish trading-
stations generally retained their native institutions
and Other gether (Ex 25-28, 35-36, 38-39; Nu
Reds. 4 8,13; II Ch 2 7,14, 314; Pr 3l21f.;
and their allegiance to the mother country. The
Greeks were very successful colonists (Asia Minor, Rev 17 3 f., 18 12, 16), but also the for-
Black Sea, lower Italy [Magna Grsecia], southern mer alone (Gn 38 28, 30; Lv 14; Nu 19 6; Jos 2 18, 21;
France, Spain, northern Africa), and Alexander II S 1 24; Song 4 3; Is 1 18; Jer 4 30; La 4 5; Nah 2 3;
colonized many cities from Egypt to Bactria. Rome Mt27 28; He 919), and the latter alone (Jg8 26;
estabUshed military colonies (of invalid soldiers) Est 1 6, 8 15; Song 3 10, 7 5; Jer 10 9; Ezk 27 7, 16; Dn
everywhere, of which Philippi (Ac 16 12) was an 5 7, 16, 29; Mk
15 17, 20; Jn Lk 16 19). Lydia
19 2, 5;
instance. Roman colonists as such enjoyed certain was a dealer in purple (Ac 16 14).
well-defined privileges which were not granted to It is likely that the term rendered 'blue' was
ordinary provincials. J, R. S. S.
some variety of purple. It occurs only with dyed
stuffs (Ex 25-28, 35-36, 38-39; Nu 4, 15 38; II Ch
COLORS: Both the OT
and the NT
illustrate 2 7, 14, 3 14; Est 1 6, 8 15; Jer 10 9; Ezk 23 6, 27 7, 24).
the general fact that ancient hterature knows little Ruddiness, such as that of a clayey soU, is often
of the modern sensitiveness to color-effects and their indicated, as of the flesh (Gn 25 25; I S 16 12, 17 42;
subtle gradations. Most of the references are casual Song 5 10; La 4 7), a sore (Lv 13), the lips (Song 4 3),
and involve merely primary distinctions. The only animals (Nu 19 2; Zee 1,6; Rev 6, 12 3), wine (Ps
passages where colors are emphasized are the ac- 75 8; Pr 23 31; Is 27 2), pottage (Gn 25 30), dyed
count of the materials and vestments of the Taber- leather or cloth (Ex 25 5, 26 14, 35 7, 23, 36 19, 39 34; Is
nacle and Temple (Ex 25-28, 35-39; Nu 4, 15; II 63 2), painted wood (Jer 22 14; Ezk 23 14; Nah 2 3), a
Ch 2-3), the diagnosis of leprosy (Lv 13-14), and kind of stone (Est 1 6, sardius and ruby?), and the
the apocalyptic visions of 'horses' (Zee 1, 6; Rev fiery twilightsky (Mt 16 2-3). The word for the 'red'
6, 19). eyes of the drimkard (Gn49l2; Pr23 29) probably
White is the symbol of purity, as shown in com- means 'imclear' or 'darkened.' The term bay
parisons with snow (Ps 51 7; Is 1 18), in the vesture a bright red
"strong" in RV.
—
(Zee 6 3, 7 AV) is properly rendered
of angelic beings and of the redeemed
I. White (Dn 7 9, 12 lO; Mt 17 2; Mk 9 3; Lk 9 29; Green is naturally often indicated as the attribute
and Black. Mt 28 3; Mk 16 5; Jn 20 12; Ac 1 10; Rev of vegetation in all its forms (as Ps52 8; Jer 17 8;
3 4, 5, 18, 4 4, 6 11, 7 9; 13, 14, 19 8, 14), in Hos 14 8; Rev 9 4, etc.). In one description of dyed
the mystic "stone" with the "new name" and the stuffs (Est 1 6) the word rendered
heavenly "throne" (Rev 2 17, 20 11). It was also the 3. Green "green" may mean simply a special
color of nobility and elegance (Est 8 15; Ec 9 8; La and kind of linen.
greenish color occurs A
4 7; JgSlO; cf. Rev 19 11, 14). From it came the Yellow. in the test for leprosy (Lv 13 49, 14 37),
—
name "Lebanon" the 'white' mountain. Refer- and also a glistening yeUow (Lv 13 30-
ence is made to the whiteness of the sldn, the teeth, 36); the former of these two words is also used with
and the hair (Song 5 10; Gn 49 12; Mt 5 36), of wool gold (Ps68l3).
(Ezk 27 18; Rev 1 14), of milk (La 4 7), of alabaster In the disposition of the precious stones in the
or marble (Est 1 6; Song 5 15), of ripe wheat-fields high priest's breastplate (Ex 28 17-20, 39 10-13; Ezk
(Jn 4 35), of bread (Gn 40 16), of walls (Mt 23 27; Ac 28 13) and in the foundations of the heavenly Jeru-
23 3), and of blinding heat (Is 18 4). Whiteness of salem (Rev 21 19-20) there was probably an inten-
the skin and hair was a symptom of leprosy (Ex tional color-scheme. W. S. P.
4 6; Lv 13-14; Nu 12 10; II K 5 27, etc.), as paleness
was of fear (Is 29 22). Doubtless 'white' often COLOSSI, co-les'e (KoXoo-o-at): A city of Phrygia
means 'gray' or 'light brown,' as in the description Pacatiana, situated on the S. bank of the Lycus, on
of garments of linen or byssus. rising ground in the open plain (10 m. from Laodicea,
Black, or some dark hue, is the symbol of disaster 13 m. from Hierapolis). See Map of the Pauline
or mourning, as in the visage of the overwhelmed World. The acropolis was on the N. bank. Though
(Job 30 30; Jer 8 21; La 4 8, 5 10; Jl 2 6; Nah 2 10) now quite deserted, ColossEe was the great city of
or the garb of the sorrowing (Job 30 28; Ps 42 9; Jer Phrygia when visited by Xerxes (481) and Cyrus
14 2, etc.). But swarthy skin or hair was a sign of the Younger (401). It lay on the main trade-
race (Song 1 6f., 5 11), as of Ethiopians and other route from the seaboard to the East. It was ruined
Africans. The blacloiess of night or tempest is by the change of the road-system and the establish-
noted (I K 18 45; Job 3 5; Is 50 3; Jer 4 28; He 12 18; ment of Laodicea. 0. was famous for its wool of
Jude 13, etc.), of the raven (Song 5 11), of ice on the violet hue (colossinus), Philemon, Onesimus, Ar-
streams (Job 6 16), and of porphyry or dark marble chippus, and Epaphras, the probable founder of the
(Est 1 6). Black hairs are mentioned in testing the Church at C, all lived here (see Colossians and
leper (Lvl3), and the visions include black horses Philemon). The "worship of angels," against
(Zee 6: Rev 6). Brown (Gn 30 32-40 AV) is prop- which Paul preached (Col 2 IS), was perpetuated in
College
141 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Colossians
the great and pretentious church of Michael the (3 18-4 l), and their relations among the uncon-
Archistrategus, which was destroyed by the Turks verted (4 5f.), the message ends, and with a short
(12th cent.). J. R. S. S. personal conclusion (4 7-18) the letter is brought to
its close.
COLOSSIANS, co-les'ianz, EPISTLE TO THE: A survey of these contents makes clear that the
One of the letters of Paul written during his first Apostle is deaUng in only a general way with the
imprisonment at Rome. From the be- errors which have invaded the Colossian
I. Intro- ginning of a critical study of this Epistle 3. Char- Church. He has not defined them
ductory. (Mayerhoff, 1838) it has been recog- acter of either to his readers or to himself, and
nized that it presents a troublesome the Errors, has not opposed them with anything
problem and that this problem gathers about the more than general truths.
en*ors which it discusses and seeks to counteract. On a more specific study of the Epistle, however,
The Tiibingen School (1845) held these errors to be there are discernible certain characteristics of the
characterized by the Gnosticism of the 2d cent, and situation with which the Apostle had to deal. (1)
consequently denied the authorship of the Epistle The errors were evidently not so developed as to
to Paul. This was modified later (Holtzmann, 1872 ) have caused separation from the Church (2 I8f.),
to the effect that there was an element of asceticism though they appear to have had with their teachers
in the errors which might well have belonged to the a constructive form and to have been propagated in
Apostolic Age, so that a portion of the letter may a dogmatic way (2 3f., 8, 16, 18 f.). (2) They came
have come from Paul. At present the almost uni- from teachers who were Jews and Jews of a Judaistic
versal acceptance of the Epistle as Paul's is due to type (2 8, 11, 14, 16, 20-22; cf. Gal 43 9f.). (3) At the
the conviction that whatever these errors may be same time the insistence upon a regulation of drink,
they lack the developed philosophical character that as well as of food, and on the other hand the absence
would place them later than his day and conse- of any antithesis between faith and works, or any
quently offer no hindrance to assigning the letter in insistence of their legalism as necessary to salvation,
its entirety to him. mark them as of an essentially different type from
In view of these facts there is a peculiar interest those which we find in the neighboring province of
attaching to the thought of the Epistle. After the Galatia. (4) As to what this type could be it is
usual epistolary greeting (llf.) and most difficult, if not impossible, to determine, (a)
2, Con- the customary Pauline thanksgiving Such passages as 2 20-23, which characterize their reg-
tents. for the readers' spiritual condition ulations as an ascetic severity toward the body, and
(13-8), the main message of the letter 2 18, which shows them as given to angel-worship,
(1 9-4 6) begins. It is based upon what the Apostle suggest the influence of Essenism, and yet their as-
has heard of their Christian life, his personal interest ceticism is evidently not practised as an end in itself,
in which keeps him constantly in prayer that it may as it was with the Essenes, while their angel-worship
be divinely nourished in the direction of an increas- was accompanied by visions which were foreign to
ing spiritual intelligence and a consequent fruitful the Essenic cult. Certainly, many things which
activity and faithful endurance on the readers' characterized Essenism are absent here, (b) The
part (1 9-11), recognizing the fact that the life they presence in such passages as 2 2f., 9f., 18 f., of char-
have is due to God's work of salvation through acteristic Gnostic terms and the opposition which
Christ (1 12-14), who is supreme in His place over the such passages as 1 15-20, 2 6, 9-11, 15, 19 furnish to the
Church and the World (1 15-20); so that if their sal- known Gnostic subordination of Christ and the re-
vation is fully to realize itself in their lives, it will be moval of union with Him suggest the influence of
dependent simply upon the stability of their faith Gnosticism, though some of these terms are present
in Him and the firmness of their hold upon the in other of the Apostle's letters, where Gnosticism
hope which He has assured to them in the Gospel can not possibly have come into consideration.
(1 21-23). From all this it is clear that an exact identifying
word as to his ministrant relations to this
After a of these errors with any known system of teaching
Gospel and its bearings upon his service to the in the Apostolic or post-apostofic time
Church at large and the circle of individual churches 4. Histor- is out of the question. At the same
to which his readers belong (1 24-2 2), the Apostle ical Loca- time, the fact that Gnosticism had no
returns to this theme of Christ, whose supreme suffi- tion of the definite origin in any specific school,
This letter shows the development of Paul's min- belongs to all as a general characteristic (Tit 1 4; Jude
istry conditioned by the region of country in which ver. 3) or that in which all participate (Ac 2 44); and
it was carried on. In this region of (3) the notion of ceremonial uncleanness,
which m
sense the word is used in I S 21 4 f Jer 31 5 RVmg.
5. Bearing Western Asia Minor, missionized largely .
;
COMMANDMENTS, THE TEN. See Deca- 1. A tithe supervisor in thedays of Hezekiah (II
logue. Ch31 12 f.; Cononiah AV). 2. A prominent Levite
who lived in the reign of Josiah (II Ch 35 9).
COMMENTARY (^'T\'^, mUhrash, from da- A. C. Z.
rash, 'to inquire,' 'investigate'): In II Ch 13 22 a
reference is made to the "commentary" ("story" CONCISION : A term which occurs but once in
AV) the Bible, Ph 3 2,where it renders the Gr. KaraTofiTj
of the prophet Iddo andthe "com-
in 24
mentary" ("story" AV) of the "book of the Kings."
27 to
('incision') — ^a word not found at all in the LXX.
The Heb. term means "didactic or homiletic exposi- nor in prechristian Gr. in this connection. It is a
tion," or "an edifying religious story" (Driver). paronomasia evidently used here by Paul to char-
Some such works are referred to by the Chronicler acterize as nothing less than the flesh-cutting for-
CONDEMN, CONDEMNATION: The rendering Jesus as the Messiah, Son of God, etc. (MtlO 32a;
of a group of N T Gr. words, the chief element in Lkl2 8a; Jn9 22, 12 42; Rol0 9; II Co 9 13; Ph2li;
which is made up of Kplvciu, with its compound (Kara" ITi6i2f.; He 3 1,4 14, 10 23; IJn223, 4 2 f., 15; II
Kpiveiv) andderivatives ([Kptais AV], KaroLKpta-is,
its Jn7). Also of Jesus' acknowledging His own in
Kpifia, KardKpLp,a, avTOKaTaKptrds). In some pas- the judgment (MtlO 32b; Lkl2 8b; Rev3 5[cf. Gr.
sages the meaning is confined to human action of Mt7 23]). In the papyri SpoXoye'iv is the offi-
and refers (1) to one's judgment against another cial formula for publicly acknowledging a contract,
([KaraKptveivl JnS lOf.; Ro 8 34; [icaraKptcrts] II Co 7 3; sale, receipt, etc.; cf. also Mt 14 7; Ac 7 17, where it is
[Kplfia] I Ti 3 6). In Ro 2 1, 14 23 ("damned" AV), used in the sense of a public assurance or promise.
where Kplveiv is the original, there seems to be in- (4) Of thankfully and worshipfully acknowledging
cluded also the element of one's judgment against God, so 'to praise' Him (Ro 14 ll, 15 [both cited
himself (cf. ver. 22 AV); or (2) to the judgment into from LXX.]; He 13 15). See Sacrifice and Offer-
which another's conduct is brought by one's own ings, §§ 8, 16. S. D.
good life ([KaraKplvetv] Mt 12 41 and 1|; He 117).
In the great majority of passages, however, the
CONFISCATE, CONFISCATION. See Crimes
meaning is distinctively that of the Divine judgment
and Punishments, § 3 (c),
against sin (iKplvetv] Ja 5 7 AV; Jn 3 17 f. AV; [Kara- CONFORM, CONFORMED: The translation of
Kptveiv] Ro 8 3; [KaTaKpia-is] II P 2 6; I Co 11 32; II
the Gr. (rvppop(f)os (Ro 8 29; Ph 3 21 RV); of
Co 3 9; [Kpifia] Mk 12 40 and ||; Ja 3 AV; I Co 11 34 the ptcpl. <rvfipop<j)i(6p,€vos (Ph 3 10) and of o-vv-
;
AV; Ro 3 8; [KaraKpifia] Ro 5 16, 18, 8 1). In Jn 3 a-xrifiaTliea-BaL (Ro 12 2, "fashioned" RV; cf. Gr.
17-19, 5 24 (where only the AV renders KpLveiv and
of I P 1 14). It is evident that in the N
T the com-
Kpia-Ls by "condemn" and "condemnation") there pounds (rvfifxop(f>os and u-viip,op<f>i(eiv place the em-
is meant the judgment brought by men upon them- phasis on the internal (moral and intellectual)
selvesbecause of their rejection of Christ. Parallel aspects, while a-wa-xrjP'aTi^etv refers primarily to the
with this is Tit 3 ll (avroKaTaKpiTos), where the refer- external (physical and formal) relations.
ence is to the judgment brought upon oneself by E. E. N.
persistency in evil. In Ac 13 27 {KpivcLv) Lk 24 20 ;
{Kpipa); Mt 27 3; Mk 10 33 and
14 64 {KaraKpiveiv),
||s,
CONGREGATION : O T word.
Predommantly an
the reference is to the sentence of a court, expressing
In the NT found only in Ac 13 43 AV ("synagogue"
the general judgment of the people; in Lk23 40
RV). The AV uses the term as the translation of a
variety of Hebrew words in all of which the notion
(Kpifia) to the sentence of a court, resulting in con-
demnation to death- of meeting is primary. The RV has properly sub-
group consists of the compounds stituted in aU cases which designate the place of the
The rest of the
and aKaTayvcao'Tos. In
KorabiKa^eLV, Karayiyvwo-Ketv,
meeting of God with the people in the person of their
all but one of the passages where these words occur
representative Moses (Ex 27 21, etc.) the more ac-
curate form Tent of Meeting. Another change in-
the meaning is confined to human judgment. Twice
it is the censorious judgment against one*s fellow troduced in RV, in the interest of greater clearness
man ([KaTaBiKd^etv] Mt 12 7; Lk 6
twice it is the 37);
and uniformity, is the substitution of assembly for
self-judgment which comes from the condemning
"congregation" wherever the theocratical convoca-
tion of the people is meant, as when the original Heb.
character of one's own conduct ([icaTaytyvoD<rK€iv] Gal
is qdhal (Lv4 14). The term "congregation" (in the
2 11; I Jn 3 20 f.); once it is the sentence of a secular
—
court as an instrument of oppression ([icarafiticafety]
RV) is thus almost Hmited to the designation of the
stated meetings of the people for the transaction
Ja 5 6). Once only is the meaning that of Divine
judgment against evil ([KaraStxafeti/] Mt 12 37).
of political or legislative business. The distinction
can not be pressed too closely,but in general it will
There are two passages (I Ti 5 12 [xpt/ia] Tit 2 8 ;
CONFESS, CONFESSION (ofioXoyeXv [e^op^oXo- it in the N T. It was used somewhat vaguely for the
y^lv], ofioXoyla) term which in the N T has
: A consciousness with which a man views his completed
several varieties of meaning. (1) 'To concede,' act, especially for the feeling aroused as he recalls and
'allow' (Jnl20; Ac 24 14; He 11 13). (2) 'To ac- contemplates a wrong deed (Cremer's Lexicon and P.
—
knowledge one's sins' 'confess' in the narrower Ewald). In the N T a distinct development is found.
sense (Mt 3 6; Mk 1 5; Ac 19 18; Ja 5 16; I Jn 1 9). (3) In Ro 2 I4f., Paul finds a double proof that the
'To openly acknowledge' or profess one's faith in law of God is real for the heathen world, first in
anything (Ac 23 8 [cf. Gr. of Tit 1 16]), especially in the very character of their works which imply the
Conscience
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 144
Conversation
con-
power of making moral distinctions; and, second, a duty, but only for the sake of the other's
in a twofold inner movement described in two science. To him your partaking now would be a
that this
independent clauses in the passage. denial of the very thing which you know,
I. Pauline The second clause is not explanatory consecration of the meat is nothing. From this it
Usage. of the first. Their "thoughts" in is clear that the oft-quoted verse (I
Co 8 13) does
mutual intercourse (koyio-jxoi) are not not mean that Paul practised or enjoined permanent
identical with their "conscience." The latter is abstinence from meat. The abstaining conscience
must keep its own dignity and rights by
making ab-
private conscience and individual; the former are
social. The occurrence of o-weiST/o-tff here presup- stinence wholly relative to the good of others, and
poses a well-known meaning which may be found must not erect its act into a new law of permanent
elsewhere. It appears clearly in the two passages in and universal authority. There is a dangerous tend-
Acts, where Paul, reviewing his past, expresses his ency in the 'weak' conscience to become censo-
consciousness of having always tried to preserve his rious (Ro 14 3b, 10a) and in the strong and free con-
sense of integrity before God. At this point the science to become contemptuous (Ro 14 3a, 10b),
NT agrees with extrabibhcal usage, except that and against both the Apostle utters urgent warn-
the religious reference is present. But that is the ings. The guiding principle in this passage (I Co
new element which makes a great change ultimately 8-10) is the same as in Ro 14, although in the latter
in the idea of "conscience." In the remaining pas- for "knowledge" the Apostle substitutes the word
sages of Romans (9 1, 13 5) the meaning is the same. "faith" (14 12). In both passages the awful signifi-
In fact, it will be found that, as its fundamental cance of conscience appears in this that, if a man
meaning, Paul uses the word for that sense of integ- eat who feels or thinks that it may be against the
rity, or of righteous standing before God (or Christ), honor of Christ to do so, he thereby abdicates his
which accompanies the moral and religious conduct own judgment and acts outside of faith. And whoso
of the believer. All other new meanings of the does this is 'destroyed' (Ro 14 I5b) and 'per-
word grow out of consideration of that function of ishes' (I Co 8 11). And in both passages the man
human Christian consciousness. who by his example deliberately exerts that com-
The passage where "conscience" occurs most often pulsion on him is held responsible for the disaster.
(I Co 8-10) illustrates the manner in which the con- In II Co "conscience" is apphed not to his own ap-
ception grew as soon as the fact began to live in the proval of his conduct, but to its approval by others
Christian environment. In the presence of a dif- (4 2,511). This is a new and most important
ficult practical problem conscience appears as a step in the growth of the general conception. And
complex fact. (1) The Christian man who recog- yet it comes naturally through the intensely
nizes God's relation to all things and the nothingness social Christian spirit. For it is the same inner
of idols knows that the consecration of food to idols power in virtue of which I appraise my own con-
means nothing. He is, therefore, free to eat what- duct and that of others, and I must do both "in
ever is set before him. His knowledge of the facts Christ."
becomes the ground of his integrity before God In the Pastoral Epistles conscience is named six
when he partakes. His conscience is clear and sound. times; in three cases (ITi 1 5, 19, 3 9) with "faith"
(2) But he recognizes also that his action affects or "heart," as if it had begun to define itself before
other consciences, of which in this regard there are Christian eyes as a fundamental element or faculty
two classes, (o) The weak conscience of a brother of human nature. In Tit 1 15 it can be, along with
"used until now to the idol" (8 7). This man can the "mind," defiled. And in I Ti 4 2 it is said that
not rid himself of the feehng that in eating meat he certain who fall away from the faith are "branded
continues a former heathen practise. He eats "as in their own conscience as with a hot iron." This
of a thing sacrificed to an idol." He therefore eats does not mean that they lose the power of making
with a "weak conscience," because of an unclear moral distinctions, a quite un-Pauline idea; but that
judgment of the facts, and therefore with a " defiled" they suffer the intolerable shame of their defection.
(8 7) or "wounded" (8 12) conscience —that is, with a It is the intense pain of ineradicable guilt which is
lack of conscious integrity before God. Now Paul theirs.
will not despise his ignorance nor merely pity his The three passages in I Peter in which "con-
confused judgment; he will reverence his conscience. science" occurs yield the same meaning as the
For while the conscience is ignorant, lacking knowl- Pauline. In the first two (2 19, 3 16)
edge (8 7a), yet it is conscience, which if it be forced 2, The the general context is similar. The
by example instead of being set free by insight is Petrine beUever is amid hostile critics and even
wounded, and he perishes (8 10 f.). (6) The igno- Usage, persecutors. His strength and peace
rant conscience of the heathen man (10 27a). If the must be found in the possession of "a
Christian man purchase his food in the open market good conscience" which must be the inner sense of
—
he must do so in his own freedom ignoring the cer- "a good manner of life in Christ" (3 16). The word
emonial connection between meat and idol-worship is used in a startUngway, however, when (2 19) the
(10 25f.). But as soon as the relation becomes author speaks of the a-vvelSTjo-ts Geov, which is vari-
personal, the problem is changed. If a heathen host ously translated. Is it "conscience toward God,"
(10 27) sets meat before you without remark, your or, as Canon Bigg prefers, "consciousness of God"?
own conscience is free. But as soon as any one The phrase was apparently so constructed because
{ris 10 28) calls attention to the connection of the the writer saw that there is no consciousness of God,
meat with idol-worship, the feast becomes a sacred in the Christian sense, without a good conscience
meal, a heathen sacrament. That makes abstinence toward God. It marks the dawn of the great idea
Conscience
145 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Conversation
that conscience is the voice of God in us. But here which are set before us in these brief but momentous
it means that in the sense of uprightness before N T discussions.
Him a man already possesses Him. The very diffi- Literature: P. Ewald, De vocia Si'vei'STjo-ews Vi ac Po-
cult passage which ahnost immediately follows (3 testate, 1883; W. Herrmann, Ethik,^ 1904; Martensen,
20 f.) repeats the word in a sentence that is gram- Christian Ethics (Individual) TrB.na\sition, 1884, 338
, ff.;
H. Schultz, Grundriss d. Evang. Eihik, 1891; Newman
matically dark. The baptized man is saved 'into
Smyth, Christian Ethics, 1892; T. B. Strong, Christian
God,' as the eight souls into the ark. But this Ethics, 1896; B.Weisa, Bib. Theol. 0/ iV 2', Translation,
baptism is not concerned with the outward man, 1893, 1,p.476MI, pp.39-41, 128; G. B. Stevens, Theol.
"the flesh," but with the inner man. In the bap- ofNT 454-456. y^^ D_ M.
tismal rite "the good conscience" is the matter of
CONSECRATE: This term is the correct render-
inquiry, the decisive fact.
ing of the Heb. tiJ'lp^, qadhesh (and cognate words),
In four out of the five places where conscience is
'
*
' '
named in the Epistle to the Hebrews the general signifying 'to be holy,' i.e., 'separate' from that which
topic is the subjective effect of the is common or profane (see Holy). But there are a
3. Usage
atonement of Christ. Whatever effect number of passages where the Heb. or Gr. terms
in the the gifts and sacrifices, the blood-shed- are not adequately represented by the Eng. word
Epistle ding, under the old covenant produced, "consecrate." In Mic 4 13, "devote," in Nu 6 7, 9, 12,
to the they did not reach the conscience. "separate," "separation," in He 10 20, "dedicate,"
Hebrews, The worshiper remained in that re- and in He 7 2S, "perfected," all RV, are more correct
gard unperfect (9 9); he still had the renderings. In the majority of instances, however,
conscience of sins (10 2) or dead works (9 14). But where "consecrate" (and consecration) occur,
the blood of Christ does "cleanse conscience from they render a peculiar Heb. expression meaning lit-
dead works to serve the living God," and men may erally to fill the hand,' or filling' with 'hand' under-
'
'
have their "hearts sprinkled from an evil conscience," stood (cf. Ex 32 29; Jg 17 5, 12 for passages where the
so that they can "draw near with a true heart in ful- force of the literal expression can stiU be discerned).
ness of faith" (10 22). It is evident that in all these The expression goes back probably to a remote an-
passages the good conscience is regarded as the sense tiquity when the priests' hands were "filled" with
of righteousness before God 13 18).
(cf.Our sense the offerings, etc., from which he derived his income.
of guilt prevents all approach to God; and that is See Priesthood, § 2a. E. E. N.
removed only by the blood of Christ. His work of
sacrifice has made it possible for men to enter the
CONSOLATION {irapaKKri^tsy. The "consolation
holy presence of God with bold hearts and confident
of (Lk 2 25) was an expression derived
Israel"
—
prayer that is, with clear consciences. The con-
probably from Is 40 1 (LXX.). The comfort or con-
solation there predicted was popularly understood
science is that in us on which forgiveness through
in later times as referring to the Messianic age
atonement operates.
rather than to the return from the Exile. The "con-
It is evident that in the N
T we have no clearly
solation of Israel" was consequently the time when
defined doctrine or theory of conscience, nor even a
Like other Greek the promises of the prophets would be fulfilled and
description of it.
4. The words (rvvelBrja-is was passing into a all —
especially the lowly —
would rejoice in the rule
of righteousness and peace. E. E. N.
Philosophy new world, to describe great facts
of Con- which were now more clearly perceived
CONSPIRE, CONSPIRACY: The only instance
science, than was
possible for prechristian
where the term "conspiracy" calls for comment is Is
eyes. of these may be stated
Some
8 12, where AV reads confederacy. Here the term
here. (1) The feeling of guilt or of joyous confi-
qesher refers probably to the coalition of N. Israel
dence before God, as in Hebrews, is the deepest fact
and Damascus against Judah which was filling all
in human religious experience. The work of Christ minds with apprehension (cf. 7 1-2). E. E. N.
deals with that, and it is called "conscience." (2)
The believer's feeling of personal integrity and sin- CONSTELLATION. See Astronomy, § 4.
cerity in conduct before God and man, as in Acts,
Romans, Corinthians, is traced to the same inner CONSULT, See Magic and Divination, § 3,
seat of authority. (3) But this feeling is so closely and Council, Counsel.
allied with and dependent upon 'knowledge' or CONSUMMATION. See Eschatology, § 45.
intelligent 'faith' (ICo, I Ti) that the conscience
is human con-
seen to be a moral scrutinizer of all CONSUMPTION. See Disease and Medicine,
duct. (4) As thus conceived conscience is the § 5 (3).
supreme, the most sacred fact in human nature, to
CONTRIBUTION. See Church, § 9.
preserve which is essential and to destroy which
can only be the doom of the individual. There can CONTROVERSY: The Heb. word 3^"1, ribh,
be little doubt that N
T writers, by their emphasis often translated "controversy," means 'a case or
upon this phase of human nature, by making it so suit at law' (Dtl7 8; II S 15 2). In the prophets
concrete, and by attaching to it the very highest and
the term is frequently used for Jehovah's 'case'
most solemn significance in relation to the final against Israel. Once (Is 348) for the 'case' of Zion
destiny of man, presented fresh material and a new E. E. N.
against Edom.
stimulus to ethical inquiry. It may be added with
some confidence that no theory of conscience can hold CONVERSATION: This word is frequently used
ita own which takes no account of those aspects of it in the AV to render various terms signifying 'be-
Conversion 146
Corinthians
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
havior* or 'manner of life/ These or equivalent ex- mus (3^ m. wide). ThessaUan Minyans settled
Kopiv-
pressions have, therefore, been substituted in the here c.1350 B.C. and founded '-Ecj^vpa (later
of the lofty
RV. In Ph 3 20 the Gr. is TToKirevfm, 'citizenship' 60s) on a plateau at the northern foot
E- E. N. and impregnable Acro-Corinthus, which
(q.v.). (1,750 ft.)
the temple
served as a stronghold and as the site of
CONVERSION, CONVERT: The RV retains
of Poseidon (the natural patron-god
of a seafarmg
"convert" only in Ps 51 13 and Ja 5 19 f. The He- people). The purple-fish of Greek waters early
brew and Greek originals are almost uniformly attracted Phcenicians to Corinth. These brought
translated 'to turn.' They are appUed to inanimate
with them their traditions and gods (especially
^
objects or to the movements of living things (cf. Jos Astarte-Aphrodite, whose worship was impure (cf.
1912; IIS 23 10; Ru 1 16; Mk 5 30, 8 33; Lk2 39; The Phoe-
the hierodouli of Cappadocia, q.v.).
Jn21 20; II P2 22). They are most significantly nician sim-god Melkarth supplanted Poseidon on
applied both in the O T and the N
T to that act in Acro-Corinthus, which became sacred to Melkarth
which the soul turns from unbelief or sin to God. (as Helius) conjointly with Astarte (Aphrodite),
Paul uses iTna-rpi^eiv indeed of turning away from while the worship of Poseidon was relegated to
the true Gospel (Gal 4 9), and there are two other They introduced also many manu-
the Isthmus.
natural uses (Lk 22 32; cf. 17 4; Ja 5 19 f.). But the
factiires, which made Corinth the center of indus-
N T generally uses it, sometimes in close union with trial art at an early period (purple dye, artistic
'repentance,' quasi-technically for the great crises
weaving, cloths, rugs, bronze objects, tables, coffers,
when men respond to God's work of redemption
armor, and pottery). Later, emigrants from Attica
in Christ (IThl9f.), and His call through the
became supreme. These probably changed the
preaching of the Gospel (Ac 11 20 f., 26 17-20).
name to Corinth. They glorified the games in honor
W. D. M. of Poseidon at the Isthmus, and opened them to
CONVOCATION. See Fasts and Feasts, § 1, other states.
and Assembly. The Dorian conquest, which occurred under Aletes
(c. 1074 B.C.), brought a Dorian element to Corinth.
COOK, COOKING. See Food and Food Uten- C. was now ruled by Heraclid kings (Bacchiadae) till
sils, § 11.
748, when kings were superseded by prytanes chosen
COOL: As a noun in Gn 3 8 (Heb. riLoh, 'wind,' annually from 200 Bacchiad families. The Dorian
'breeze') evidently used to indicate the time of
it is
conquest did not make Corinth really Dorian; she
day when a breeze is apt to arise as the heat declines detested Dorian exclusiveness and remained lux-
to its lowest degree before sunset. It was in the cool urious, immoral, and commercial. A
new era of
of the early evening that the Orientals usually roused prosperity was introduced by Cypselus (of Eolian
themselves from their midday rest. A. C. Z. stock), who expelled the Bacchiadae and reintroduced
the monarchy 657-629 B.C. Under Periander (629-
COOS, co'es. See Cos. 585) and Psammetichus (585-582) triremes were in-
vented, and a series of trading-stations (colonies)
COPING. See Temple, § 10.
were established in the W. and N., and relations with
COPPER. See Metals, § 3. Miletus, Mitylene, Lydia, and Egypt were cultivated.
The Cypselids were succeeded by the old Dorian
COPPERSMITH. See Artisan Life, § 11. conservative aristocracy, under which Corinth be-
COR. See Weights and Measures, came famous for her wealth, luxury, extravagance,
§ 3.
and licentiousness (abounding in hetcerce, and relig-
CORAL: The
rendering, which is not entirely ious prostitutes). Hence the proverb, "I do not
certain, of the Heb. ra'moth (Job 28 18; Ezk 27 16). advise every man to visit Corinth." Not only Cor-
In Pr 24 7 the same word is rendered ''too high." inth's position between two seas, but the difficulty of
Coral abounds in the Mediterranean Sea, and the va- circumnavigating Peloponnesus, and the easy trans-
riety thought to be referred to is the red coral. fer of wares and even ships by a wooden railway
E. E. N. (dloXKos) across the Isthmus made C. the meeting-
inhabitants were slaughtered or enslaved and the since the Epistle was written after ApoUos had been
statues, pictures, and furniture sent to Rome. The preaching in Corinth (1 12, 16 12), which was sub-
place was uninhabited for 100 years, and the site was sequent to this time (Ac 18 24-19 1).
cursed and given to Sicyon for the maintenance of the 2. Date of It must have been some year during
Isthmian Games. Caesar in 44 B.C. removed the curse I Corin- the longer stay in Ephesus on his third
and refounded the city as a Roman colony (Colonia thians. —
mission tour (53-56 a.d.) most likely
Laus Julia Corinthus). The new city was confined at the end of the period; since it was
to the northern plateau; temples and public build- after Timothy had been sent to Corinth as the repre-
ings were reconstructed. As the political capital of sentative of the Apostle (4 17, 16 10) and after the
Achaia and residence of the proconsul during the Apostle himself had planned a journey soon to fol-
following 100 years C. regained her former magnifi- low to the same place (4 19, 16 5, 7) which from
cence, luxury, and immorality. It is this Grseco- Ac 19 10, 21 f. was after he had been two years en-
Roman city which Pausanias describes, and it was in gaged in his Ephesian work. The probable date
this city that Paul lived and wrought, and it was may, therefore, be given as late in the winter or
this atmosphere that made possible the excesses re- early in the spring of 56.
proved by him (cf. Ac 18 5-17, 20 2 f.; I and II Co; The situation disclosed by I Corinthians is one of
see also Corinthians, Ep. to). C. maintained its marked unspirituality among the members of the
existence untU 1858, when it was annihilated by an Christian community and of distinct
earthquake. Since 1896 the site has been gradually 3. Condi- pastoral anxiety for their condition on
bought and excavated by the American School at tion of the part of Paul. The people were re-
Athens. Corinthian turning, in a measure, to their old pagan
In earliest times Corinth patronized literature, Church, habit of living, as shown particularly
but materialism gained the day and consequently in the party spirit which seemed to
Corinth has no place in literature, though she pro- possess them all (1 10-21, 3 3 f.), the sensuality which
duced many statesmen. In art she is famous for her existed unrebuked among them (5 1 f.), the skeptical
early school of painting and for the Corinthian order questionings to which they were giving themselves
of architecture. The colonies of C. were Sjrracuse, (15 12, 35), and the general attitude of independency
Solium, Ambracia, Anactorium, Leucas, Corcyra, in life and worship (8 9-13, 10 27-33, 11 1-6, 20-22, 12-
Epidamnus, Apollonia, and Potidgea. The results 14) which was threatening their respect and rever-
of American excavations have been disappointing, ence for Paul himself (4 3-19, 5 9-11, 9 1-3).
as nothing of prime importance has been found. Indeed before I Corinthians the Apostle had been
J. R. S. S. moved by their lack of sensitiveness to moral condi-
tions to write the people bidding them
4. Early not to keep company with fornicators
CORINTHIANS, EPISTLES TO THE Corre- (5 9). To this they had replied that
Analysis of Contents spondence. the command was impracticable, indi-
cating either an indifferent or a de-
1. Review of Criticism 7. Date of II Corinthians signed misunderstanding of it as involving the
2.
3.
Date of CorintMans
I
Condition of Church
8. Condition of Church
9. Sorrowful Visit
general population of the city (5 10) —
a misunder-
4. Early Correspondence 10. Painful Letter standing which Paul corrects by showing them
5. Oral Information of the 11. II Corinthians a Com- that his reference was to immoral members of the
Situation posite Epistle
church (5 11).
6. Motive and Contents of 12. Bearing of Epistles on
1 Corinthians Paul's Work In this reply they also lay before the Apostle other
troublesome problems in their church life, such as
These letters belong to a group of Paurs Epistles marriage and divorce (ch. 7), meat offered to idols
(Corinthians, Galatians, and Romans), whose au- (chs. 8 and 10), the exercise of spiritual gifts (chs. 12-
thorship, apart from certain sporadic 14), the collection for the Jerusalem poor (161-4),
I. Criti- attacks, conspicuous by their failure and the possible return to them of ApoUos (16 12).
cism of the (Evanson, 1792; Bruno Bauer, 1852; In addition to this, oral information had come to
Epistles. Dutch Critical School, 1882), has him through members of the household of Chloe
never been questioned. In fact, this concerning the wide prevalence in the
group ha^s been made by such radical critics as the 5, Oral community of a partizan spirit (1 11)
Tubingen School (1845) the standard of Pauline lit- Informa- not that there existed among them
erature, over against which the remainder of the tion as to clearly defined parties or distinct relig-
canonical Epistles bearing his name were shown, to Partizan ious sects, but that the habit of fac-
their satisfaction, to be pious forgeries. Spiritand tionalism gathering around claimed
As a consequence, the chief matters of interest in Other excellencies in certain of their ministers
these letters center, not in their authorship, but in Matters, and boasted superiority in certain of
the conditions of church life in the Apostolic Age and their members had generally possessed
in the relations to that life borne by the work and the church.
the personality of Paul. Doubtless through the same informants Paul
evident from 16 8 f. that I Corinthians was
It is had learned of the aggravated case of immorality in
written from Ephesus shortly before Pentecost. As the community (ch. 5) and possibly also of the litig-
to what year, it is plain that it could not have been ious spirit among them (ch. 6), as well as of their
that of Paul's first visit to the city, on his return skeptical attitude of mind toward the fact of a gen-
from his second mission tour (Ac 18 19, 52 a.d.), eral resurrection of the dead (ch. 15).
Corinthians A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 148
. (.
tents of I I. The Apostle takes up, first of all, dence (101-13), and against idolatry (1014-22). To
the reported factionalism. After tell- this he adds a fuller statement of the
principles of
Corin-
thians. ing them how he had come by the news Christian Uberty (10 23-11 1).
of it, he visits upon it a plain and out- 3. There then follows a rather prolonged discus-
spoken reproof, which extends practically through sion of the complicated question of pubHc worship
the first three chapters of the Epistle. He shows (11 2-14 40). He considers first the matter of appro-
them that this spirit is contrary to the divine pur- priate head apparel in their assemblies (112-16),
pose behind the ministry which he had accomplished from which he proceeds to the vital situation in-
—
among them (1 12-17) in fact, against the spirit of volved in their conduct of the Lord's Supper, which
the Gospel and God's calling of them to its
itself had grown so disorderly as not only to become a
privileges (1 18-31), that it was opposed to the prin- scandal but to bring a deadening influence on their
ciple which had controlled his preaching of this spiritual fife (11 17-34). Finally he takes up the
Gospel, not only among them (2 1-5) but in general confusion which had fallen upon their exercise of
(2 6-16), that it was against the spirit which had spiritual gifts, disclosing the spirit of order and
actuated himself and Apollos in their ministry to mutual service that should actuate it (ch. 12),
them (3 1-15) and against the true spirituality of the while he leads them up to a consideration of love as
life implanted in them by God (3 16-23). the greatest gift of all (ch. 13) and shows them the
II. Such plainness of speech, however, calls for practical worth and value of the gift of speaking
apology, which he gives (4 1-5), stating that the rea- with tongues (ch. 14).
son for his reproof had been his desire for a humble- 4. With ch. 15 he apparently digresses to the orally
ness of life in them such as was seen in Apollos and reported difficulties in the Church, and takes up one
himself (4 6-16), to bring which desire to realization of the most important and significant of their troub-
he had sent to them Timothy (4 17-21). les —their skeptical attitude of mind toward the
III. With his mind relieved on this first point of resurrection. With great earnestness and apolo-
difficulty between them, he takes up the reported getic skill he meets the objections raised against
immoraUty (ch. 5), accusing them not of being them- the doctrine, showing how it is necessitated by the
selves immoral, but of not being sensitive to those historical fact of the resurrection of Christ (15 1-19)
of their number who were, and that too although the and by principles involved in Christ *s relationship
particular case which had been cited to him as con- tothem (15 20-28) and fundamental to their spiritual
doned by them was one of infamous nature (5 1 f.)- hfe (15 29-58).
He prescribes the punishment in the case, which 5. In ch. 16 he returns to the stated questions
apparently involved exposing the offender to the —
from the Church first that concerning the collection
infliction ofa miraculous death (cf. case of Ananias ordered among them for the Jerusalem poor, which
and Sapphira, Ac 5 l-ll), though with the purpose of was evidently languishing for lack of proper method
the saving of his soul in the day of judgment (5 3-5). (16 1-4), and finally, after a discussion of his own
He then renews his reproof of their lack of moral and Timothy's plans of travel (16 5-11), that concern-
judgment, taking occasion to remind them of his ing their request for the return of Apollos to them —
commands to them on this matter in his former a request which the Apostle himself had favored, but
(unpreserved) letter (5 6-13). Apollos for the present had declined (16 12).
rv. In ch. 6 he comes to their irritating habit This ends the Epistle's message, and a few verses
of going to law in cases of dispute among themselves. bring it to its conclusion (16 13-24).
He shows them that such a spirit is out of all har- The Second Epistle was written after Paul had
mony with the high dignity of their relationship to leftEphesus and had come by way of Troas into
the world and the true fellowship of their relations Macedonia (2 12 f.). He had been
to one another (6 1-11), which leads him to a state- 7. Date despondent about the Corinthian
ment of the principle of Christian liberty, though of II church before leaving Ephesus and had
the especial application he makes of the prin- Corin- consequently sent Titus (by the short
ciple is to the matter of immoral relationships thians. sea route) to Corinth for a betterment
(6 12-20). of its affairs. Titus had met him in
V. 1. This application presents to him the first Macedonia, coming north from Corinth (7 5-7; cf. 2
of the specific questions laid before him in the letter 12 f ). If Paul left Ephesus in the spring or the sum-
—
from the Church the question concerning marriage.
.
15-18, 13 1 f., 6-7), emanating seemingly from the In view of these peculiarities it would appear not
Christ party (10 7,11 13, 22 f., 13 3) and in all like- only that these last four chapters were written be-
lihood possessing the spirit, if not actuated by the fore the first nine, but that they contain at least a
claims, of the Judaizers (11 4 f. [cf. Gal 1 6, 2 6-8], IX portion of the painful letter, written after Paul's
13-15 [cf. Gal 1 8 f.], 11 18-20 [cf. Gal 2 4, 4 3, 9, 5 l]).
That development endangered the relation-
this
return to Ephesus from the unsuccessful visit —
position which gains significance from the fact that
ship of Paul to the Corinthian Church of course in the foregoing cross-references those in the earlier
needs no proof. Its seriousness, however, gives sig- chapters (1 23, 2 3,9) are all taken from the pas-
nificance to several indications in II Corinthians sages which expressly refer to this visit and the
that the Apostle had been personally involved in the letter connected with it.
process by which it had come to its strength. This theory is strongly confirmed when the con-
There are, for example, certain passages which tents of these chapters are considered in the order in
seem to show that the visit to Corinth Paul has in which this arrangement places them.
mind when writing is to be his third In chs. 8 and 9 Paul is urging upon them the col-
g. Sorrow- visit to that city (12 14, 13 1-3), while lection for the Judsean saints, citing the generous
ful Visit, it has promise of being a second visit spirit of the Macedonian churches as a stimulus
of sorrow (21, 12 21). The explana- to their own benevolence and disclosing the spiritual
tion formerly given, by which these passages were rewards that follow upon a liberal giving. Through-
referred to the Apostle's third plan to go to them, out his appeal he leaves no doubt as to his confi-
rather than to his third actual visit, is now generally dence in what they will do in the matter the chap- —
abandoned, and a visit, unrecorded in Acts, is ad- ter ending with a thanksgiving that suggests the
mitted to have been made from Ephesus after I hope he has of them.
Corinthians. Its occasion was the development of In contrast to this, ch. 10 begins abruptly with an
this personal hostility which Timothy, who had been assertion of his apostolic authority, over against a
sent to Corinth in connection with the First Epistle, state of criticism and open hostility toward him such
had apparently been unable to hold in check. Its as is not hinted at in any of the preceding chapters
result was unsuccessful (lOlOf.), and the Apostle (10 1-11). In proof of the fact of his authority he
returned to EphesUs in great despondency of mind, cites three things: (a) The independence of his
from which he had~ not recovered when he left the ministry (10 12-18), which united with it a jealousy
city (2 12 f., 7 5). of affection for —
them (11 1-15) an affection which
All this isborne out by certain other passages was all the more marked in comparison with the sel-
which seem to hint at another letter sent by the fishness of his opponents' conduct (ll l6-2la), which
—
Apostle to Corinth a letter of "many lacked the background of the labors and sufferings
10, Pain- tears," written out of ''much affliction that belonged to all his missionary Ufe (11 21b-33);
ful Letter, and anguish of heart" (2 4, 7 8-12) — (6) the visions granted him by God (121-4), to-
a description that can not suit I Corin- gether with the infirmities laid upon him by the
thians, which, though a letter of censure and shame, same divine hand and the contact with God's
was written rather in a balance between anger and strength into which these weaknesses brought him
meekness (I Co 4 21) than in the abandonment of (12 5-10) (c) the manifestation of his apostolic power
;
grief. Added significance to the foregoing descrip- in the working of miracles among them (12 11-13).
tion is afforded by the fact that it is found in the This assertion of his challenged authority is then
passages which refer to events evidently connected followed by a passage which, for the heaviness of
with this unrecorded visit (2 If. [3f.], 5-8 [9], lOf.) heart and bitterness of spirit that it discloses, is
and with Titus' mission in the emergency (7 5-7 unique among Paul's writings (1214-1310). It is
[8f.], 10 f- [12], 13-16). burdened with anxious fear for the stability of his
Apart, however, from all such admissions regard- relations to them (12 14-21), while it is sharp with
ing a special letter of tears, though gaining signifi- threatened action against them at his coming (13
cant interest through them, there has 1-10). With this his message closes.
11. IICor- been a, growing conviction among When we turn to the first nine chapters this stress
inthians a scholars that the peculiar difference in and strain would seem to be all over. The opening
Composite tone and contents of chs. 1-9 from chs. chapter, to be sure, takes up a criticism which is
Epistle. 10-13 points to the composite character being urged against him by the people; but the
of II Corinthians. The cheerful and charge is a mild one, concerning simply his delay in
satisfied character of the earlier chapters discloses a coming to them as he had promised, which seemed
situation in the Church of general loyalty to the to them to be a show of fickleness (1 15-17). This
Apostle; the dissatisfied and anxious character of charge he meets in a spirit of abounding confidence
the latter chapters betrays one of general disloyalty in his own sincerity and in their loyalty toward him
to him. In fact, when we note the peculiar cross- (1 12-14), showing that his delay had been due to his
references between 2 3 and 13 10, 1 23 and 13 2, 2 9, desire to spare them in giving himself time to re-
and 10 6, it would seem that the states of feeling on cover from his sorrow over their condition and them-
the Apostle's part, which in the later passages are selves time for a change of their condition, indicating
considered as threatening the Corinthians, in the that the CEise of hostility toward him, which they
earlier passages are regarded as laid aside and re- had furnished, should now be forgiven by them, as it
—
moved as though between the situation referred practically had already been by himself (1 18-2 10).
to in chs. 10-13 and that referred to in chs. 1-9 there Then, after showing how his anxiety to hear from
had come a change for the better. them through Titus had left him no peace of mind
Corinthians 150
Cosmogony
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
while
on his journey (2i2f.), he comes, by a short transi- element. In fact, Ac 16 1-4 shows us that,
near-by region in mind as his im-
tion (2 14^17), to a review of his ministry among them, still having this
situa-
confirming their renewed approval of it over against mediate field of labor, Paul felt the Jewish
tion must be especially respected in the
way his
such unfriendly element as still remained in the
Church. He shows the fruit of service to be the work was done. t u •
Jewish
proof of a true ministry (3 1-11), while he displays In Europe, however, not only was the
element in the communities less in number and in
before them the plainness and honesty of his
influence (cf. Ac 16 13, 18 12-17), but in
view of the
preaching (3 12-4 6) and at the same time the hard-
ship of his ministry and the secret of his endurance agreement reached at the Jerusalem Council (Gal
2*9) the Gentiles were now much more specifically
(4 7-5 10), closing with an assertion of the absence
from his mind of all spirit of self-glory (5 11-21) and and admittedly the object of Paul's work. The
an exhortation to them to make their lives effective Corinthian Epistles disclose the character of that
in the service to which they were called (6 1-10). European work as it developed in a large city center
This is evidently the end of his message; for there among people uninstructed in refigious principles,
follows upon this simply the practical warning against whose difficulties and shortcomings were not so
—
fellowship with unbelievers (6 11-7 1 unless 6 14-7 1 much in the direction of doctrinal preconceptions as
be a remnant of his first letter to them, referred to in of sheer ignorance of doctrinal truth and crude con-
I Co 5 9 f ), a plea for yet closer fellowship with them,
.
ceptions of ethical obHgation.
with an acknowledgment of the comfort their loy- In other words, the Corinthian Christians being
alty toward him had already produced (7 2-16) and predominantly gentile, these Epistles show us that,
the urging on them of the Jerusalem collection (chs. in spite of the Apostle's long residence among them,
8 and 9; see above). they still tended toward a liberalism of Christian
It is seen from this that, while in both sections in Hving, which seriously threatened their moral char-
our II Corinthians there is a personal element in the acter, while they retained enough of the 'partizan
motive for the writing, there is between them a spirit of the old Greek paganism to endanger vitally
marked difference of direction in which this motive that Christian brotherhood which waS' the heart of
proceeds. In chs. 10-13 it is straight toward a, their religion. It is evident, therefore, that the Cor-
determination to meet and master the hostility inthian stage of Christianity was not so developed
which had manifested itself against the Apostle since in its knowledge and in its disputes as the stage of
I Corinthians, but in chs. 1-9 it is all toward a de- —
the more Jewish churches in Galatia though it was
sire to lay hold of and safeguard the loyalty which clearly more developed than that of the gentile
had finally shown itself in the church. church in Thessalonica. Consequently whatever
With such an understanding of the contents of Judaizing element may have entered into the opposi-
these two parts of our Epistle and of the purpose tion which developed against the Apostle between I
which lay behind them, it would seem that the and II Corinthians, it must have been of a less ad-
only arrangement of them possible is that of the vanced kind than that which animated the great
theory that chs. 10-13 belong to the painful let- "
controversy in Galatia. For though it is clear that
ter written at Ephesus and chs. 1-9 to the letter another Gospel was being preached among the
which followed it on the journey from Ephesus to people (II Co 11 4, 12 f.; cf. Gal 1 6), there is no
Corinth. evidence that the propaganda of circumcision as
There would thus be four letters of Paul to the necessary to salvation was being carried on. If this
Corinthians: (1) The initial letter of prohibition, re- was the same movement as the Galatian as would —
ferred to in I Co 5 9 f., and possibly preserved in frag- —
seem generally to be the fact it was concerning
ment in II Co 6 14-7 1. (2) The letter in answer to itself rather with the preliminary personal opposi-
the Corinthian communication and preserved in our tion to Paul's apostleship than with the central
I Corinthians. (3) The painful letter, preserved debate and controversy over doctrinal truth (cf.
in part in II Co 10-13. (4) The final letter, pre- II Co 10 1-3, 11 5, 12 11; Gall 1, 15, 17,2 6).
served practically entire in II Co 1-9. Literature: Among the N T Introductions accessible to
It is a fact that there was a correspondence be- English readers Jiilicher^, 1906 (Eng. transl. 1004), may
tween Paul and the Corinthian church whi.ch had be consulted for the more advanced critical views, and the
unexampled treasure-house of Zahn^, 1906 (Eng. transl.
not been preserved that led in the latter half of
1907), explored for the conservative positions. Consult
the 2d cent, to the forging of two apocryphal Cor- also the introductions to the Commentaries of Schmiedel,
—
inthian letters one from the church to Paul and 1891; Heinrici, I Co, 1896; II Co 1900; Bachmann,
1905; Findlay, I Co, 1900; Bernard, II Co, 1903 (the
the other a reply of Paul to the church. They
last two in The Expositor's Greek Testament).
formed originally a part of the old Acts of Paul and For a description of the Corinthian situation consult, be-
were admitted by the ancient Syrian and Armenian sides Zahn's Introduction, von Dobschtitz's Christian
churches into the N T which they ac- Life in the Primitive Church (chs. 2-4), 1904.
For the composition of II Co, consult Hausrath Der Vier-
12. What cepted and read.
kapitelbrief des Paulics an die Korinther, 1870, with
the Epis- When Paul went into Europe on reply by Klopper in his Commentar Hber d. zweite Send-
ties Show his second mission tour his work was schreiben an die Gemeinde in Korinth, 1874 also Kennedy,
;
CORNELIUS, cdr-nni-us (KopvrjXios) : A Ro- ciple of genuine faith in Him, in contrast to the false
man official referred to in Ac 10 as a centurion of the confidence exhibited by the prophet's contempo-
"Italian band" (q.v.) and resident in Caesarea, either raries. In Ps 118 22 it is Zion (viewed ideally) over
in connection with his troops stationed there or on against the world (its oppressor) that is the comer-
detached duty from his command, or even possibly stone of J". In the N
T both of these ideas are sub-
retired altogether from active service, his Roman ordinated to the application of the passages to Christ
name probably indicating that he himself was an as fulfilling them in the widest sense possible (Mk 12
Italian. 10 and ||s; Ac 4 12; Eph 2 20; I P 2 6f.). E. E. N.
At the same time the terms in which he is relig-
iously described (ver. 2, "a devout man and one that
CORNET. See Music, § 3 (5).
Again, the six days are divided into two tion ... are but different modes of . . . reading
groups of three each, whose relation of preparation into it a view which it does not express" (the italics
are Canon Driver's). The preeminence of the relig-
and accomplishment will at once be seen from the
following summary: ious conceptions of the narrative will be dealt with
later; but we can not, and need not, escape from the
Light. 4. Lights: sun, moon, and
1.
stars. conclusion that here, as elsewhere in the Bible, the
2. The waters divided by the 5. Living creatures in the inspired writer shares the 'scientific' beliefs of his
firmament. waters, and birds that contemporaries.
fly in front of (Heb. 'on
the face of) the firma- The Hebrew conception of the universe or world
ment. may be briefly stated as follows: The earth is the
(a) Dry land separated 6. (a) Land animals. (6) center of all; apparently a circular disk (cf. Is 40 22)
from the seas, (&) Vege- Man. resting upon unseen foundations (Job 386; Zee 121).
tation.
7, Sabbath of Rest. The firmament (sky or heaven), like a thin, solid
dome (cf. Job 22 14, "vault" [circuit AV]; Pr8 27,
Without attempting a detailed exegesis of Gn circle [compass AV]; Ps 104 9, "bounds"), re-
1-2 4a, the following points should be mentioned for strains the waters above it (Gn 1 6), except when
their bearing upon the general subject under dis- its windows are opened to let down rain (Gn 7 11).
cussion: The Hebrew word bdra ('create,' Gn 1 1), The firmament also rests upon mysterious founda-
while it here denotes the production by Divine power tions (II S 22 8; Job 26 11). In it are fastened the
of something fundamentally new, does not necessarily luminaries (Gn 1 14^17), which move in their fixed
mean 'to create' ex nihilo. An original creation out courses. Sometimes a plurality of heavens (? seven;
of nothing is not denied by Gn 1, but the narrative cf. II Co 12 2; Eph 4 10) are spoken of (Dt 10 U; Ps
begins no farther back than the picturing of a vast, 148 4), in the highest of which God dwells (Dt 26 15;
dark, chaotic, watery mass (cf. IIP 3 5), upon the II Ch 6 21; Am 9 6, upper chambers, rather than
face {i.e., surface) of which the spirit (Hterally "stories" [i.e., 'successive heights'] of AV). Within
'breath') of God was broodingas a bird over her the mass of the earth is the dark abode of the de-
nest.^ The syntax of ver. obscure; it should
l is parted, called Sheol, Abaddon, Hades, or the Pit (Nu
be translated probably as follows: 'In the begin- 16 33; Ps 15 11; Is 38 18; cf. Rev 6 8, 9 ll). Beneath
ning of God's creating the heavens and the earth — the earth is the great deep (Is 51 lO), whose store-
now the earth was without form and void and dark- houses and fountains (Gn 7 11) feed the seas.
ness was upon the face of the deep then God said. — Such a rapid generalization, however, is apt to
Let there be hght.' The primeval light is here rep- give the impression that the O T portrays a very
resented as something in itself, independent of the rigid, mechanical universe; and the outlines of the
luminaries (cf. ver. 14ff,). Furthermore, darkness picture need to be softened by a consideration of the
seems to be thought of as having a distinct existence following important facts: There is no single con-
and abode, and not as the mere absence of light (cf. nected passage which describes the cosmos as a con-
Gn 1 5, 18 with Job 26 10, 38 19 f.). sistent whole, or even brings together all the funda-
It already appears that the conceptions of Gn mental conceptions just mentioned. A
very large
1~2 4a are not exactly those of modern astronomy, proportion of the cosmological references are found
geology, or paleontology. Other dis- in formal poetry, and ought not to be interpreted as
3, Gn crepancies might be noted, of which the literal prose; while many others are in highly figura-
ii_2 4a and following are perhaps the most obvious: tive prophecy or apocalypse. The inspired writers
Modern (1) There is no reason for supposing showed no more hesitancy in employing metaphors
Science, that the Hebrew word yom in Gn 1 is that were shifting and contradictory than do we in
used in any but its ordinary sense of a using these very same crystallized figures of speech
day of twenty-four hours; but even if the writer in our modern poetry and colloquial prose.* Along
used this word figuratively, the periods there men- the horizon everything is vague and mysterious;
tioned could not possibly be identified with the geo- concerning some things all that the Bible tells is
logical ages. (2) The sun and stars are said to
have been created after the earth. (3) According ^ E.g., Keil, Genesis.
to Gn 1 there is light, and evening and morning, be- 2 E.g., Prof. Arnold Guyot, Creation (1893); Prof. J. D.
Dana, in Bib. Sacra, Apl., 1885; Sir J. W. Dawson, The
fore thereis a sun. (4) Plant life precedes sunlight.
Origin of the World According to Revelation and Science
(5) Birds precede all land animals, and vegetation is (1893); Wm. E. Gladstone, The Impregnable Rock of Holy
complete in its highest forms before any animal life Scripture.
3 See further H. Morton, 'The CosEaogony of Genesis
appears.
and Its Reconcilers,' in B b. Sacra, Apl. and July, 1897.
To compare the sun rises' with Ps 19 » "•
** '
is the reductio
1 See Oxford Helps, '
Genesis,' § 5. ad absurdum for a too mechanical criticism.
153 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Cosmogony
that man knows nothing about them; indeed, the The cuneiform text just mentioned dates from the
whole question of the original creation and present 7th cent. B.C., but the poem was originally composed
structure of the universe is frequently stated to be probably at least as early as 2000 B.C. This great
beyond the comprehension of the human reason {e.g., epic, entitled " When in the Height," fromits opening
Jer 31 37; Is 40; Job 26 li, 36 29, 37 16 f., 38). In words, consists of 994 lines, divided into seven sec-
other words, the O T does not draw the universe in tions of approximately equal length, each inscribed
plan and elevation, but paints it in perspective, seen upon a separate tablet. *'The poem embodies the
from man's point of view; the instruments used beliefs of the Babylonians and Assyrians concerning
are not the theodolite and telescope, but the brush the origin of the universe; it describes the coming
and palette of poetic imagery. In the light of such forth of the gods from chaos, and tells the story of
an understanding of the Hebrew cosmology, one how the forces of disorder, represented by the prime-
class of apologetic problems simply vanishes. val water-gods, Apsu and Tiamat, were overthrown
The narrative of Gn 1-2 4a has points in common by Ea and Marduk respectively, and how Mar-
with several ancient cosmogonies;^ but archeolo- duk, after completing the triumph of the gods
gists are now agreed that its immediate over chaos, proceeded to create the world and
4. The source is to be found in the beliefs man" (King). Its central theme is the glorifica-
Babylonian concerning the beginning of the uni- tion of Marduk, the supreme god of Babylon,
Creation verse which were held by the Assyrians and the actual account of the creation of the
Epic. and Babylonians.^ These beliefs have world does not begin till near the end of the Fourth
long been known in an incomplete form Tablet. The Seventh Tablet gives the fifty titles
through Greek-Christian references to the writings of of Marduk, and ends the poem with a fine hymn
Berossus, a Babylonian priest (c. 300 B.C.); but it of praise. A
few lines from the opening and clo-
was not until 1875 that fragments of a cuneiform sing are given to illustrate the style of the epic
account of the Creation were discovered at Nineveh (King's translation):
by George Smith. Since then other tablets have
been brought to light, until we now have more than
**
WHEN IN THE HEIGHT heaven was not named,
And the earth beneath did not yet bear a name.
enough to indicate the general plan of the Baby- And the primeval Apsu, who begat them,
lonian cosmogony.* And chaos, Ti&mat, the mother of them both,
Their waters were mingled together.
1 See Dillmann, Genesis (trans. 1897), pp. 27-94; EB, And no field was formed, no marsh was to be seen;
fl.v. Creation. When of all the gods none had been called into being,
2 For other parallels between Hebrew and Babylonian And none bore a name, and no destinies [were ordained];
narratives, see articles Flood, Paradise, Eden. Then were created the gods in the midst of [heaven],
3 See L.
W. King, The Seven Tablets of Creation (1902), Lahmu and Lahamu were called into being [. .]•
vol. I, translation and notes; also his more popular Baby- Ages increased [. . .],
.
lonian Religion and Mythology (1899), pp. 63-120. Then Ansar and Kisar were created. . . ."
Cosmogony A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 154
Coulter
Tidmat; and the occasional personification of the the outlines of the BibHcal cosmogony were derived
deep as a sullen, couching monster (Dt 33 13; see from the Babylonian beHefs embodied in the crea-
also Serpent, Dragon, Rahab, Leviathan) tion epic. Therefore it is impossible to 'reconcile'
is undoubtedly a survival of the Babylonian Genesis with modern science. To insist upon such
dragon myth. (4) The creation of a firmament to
a reconciHation shows a misconception of the char-
divide the waters (Gn 1 6) is parallel to the act of acter of divine revelation; and has put a stumbling-
Marduk, who used half of the cleft body of Tidmat block in the path of many an earnest, intelligent
inquirer after spiritual truth. The methods of Gen-
for a similar purpose. (5) The Biblical account of
the creation of the heavenly bodies (Gn 1 14-19) finds esis and geology have nothing in common. The
an exceedingly close parallel in the beginning of the Bible is silent concerning the operation of second-
Fifth Tablet. (6) In each narrative the culmina- ary causes which can be investigated by the human
ting act is the creation of man. According to the reason. While the more speculative minds of Egypt,
Babylonian epic, he was made from the blood of Babylonia, and Greece put foundation under foun-
Marduk, who spoke thus: dation and creator behind creator in a vain attempt
to provide a firm basis for their cosmogony and on-
"My blood will I take, and bone will I [fashion],
tology, the inspired writers disregarded all inter-
I will make man, that man may ....
I will create man who shall inhabit [the earth?]. mediate processes in order to press home the supreme
That the service of the gods may be established, and that truth that "God said and it was so"! Th\is the
. . .
COUNCIL The
: chief court of the Jews. Under to carry the sentence into execution, except as
the Romansa measure of self-government was con- approved and ordered by the representative of the
ceded the Jewish nation, both as a Roman government.
1. Origin rehgious community and as a race, The law by which the Sanhedrin governed was
of Council. The recognized headship of the com- naturally the Jewish, and in the execution of it this
munity was accordingly vested in the tribunal had a police of its own, and
councU of leaders known in the Jewish writings as 5, The made arrests at its discretion (Mt 26 47).
Beth-din hag-gddhol, or by the Greek name Ivvibpiov, Law It Accordingly, to the extent that the pro-
synedrium, reduced into the Aramaic Sanhedrin Observed, visions of this law were respected in
(erroneously Sanhedrim). The original of this body the trial of Jesus, that trial and execu-
liesprobably in the Persian period, although it can tion were legal (but cf. Taylor Innes, The Trial of
not be traced clearly farther back than the time of Jesus, 1899 Rosadi, The Trial of Jesus, 1905). The
;
the Greek dominion. In this early stage of its exist- trial and stoning of Stephen, however (Ac 6 12 ff.),
ence, however, it was known only under the name appear to have been too summary and out of har-
Senate, yepova-la (Ac 5 21; Jos. Ant. XII, 3 3). The mony with the procedure prescribed by the law,
name Sanhedrin appears first imder Herod. and therefore illegal.
The membership of this court was according to Among the administrative duties of the Sanhedrin
the Mishna {Sanh. 1 6) fixed at 71 in imitation of W£is the collection of taxes. Under the procurators,
the ancient court of elders (Null 16). the custom had been estabfished
2. Consti- Those qualified to be members were in 6. Taxa- throughout the empire of committing
tution and general of the priestly house and es- tion, the levying of taxes to the local au-
Member- pecially of the Sadducean nobility. thorities of the subject countries, for
ship. But from the days of Queen Alexandra the most part to the senates of the towns. In
(69-68 B.C.) onward there were with accordance with this practise the Sanhedrin became
these chief priests also many Pharisees in it under responsible for the collection in Judtea (Jos. BJ. II,
the name of scribes and elders. These three classes 17 1). In carrying out this provision it sold the
are found combined in Mt 27 41; Mk 11 27, 14 43, 53, revenue to tax-purchasers or speculators (publicans).
15 1. How such members were appointed is not The foregoing holds true of the period between
entirely clear. The aristocratic character of the 6-66 A.D., i.e., the period of the Roman proc-
body and the history of its origin forbid the belief m-ators. Before the opening of this
that it was by election. Its nucleus probably con- 7. Tempo- period restrictions and restorations of
sisted of the members of certain ancient families, to rary Limi- the jurisdictions took place alternately.
which, however, from time to time others were tations of Gambinius, the proconsul of Syria, for
added by the secular rulers. Power, instance (57-55 B.C.), subdivided Ju-
The presiding officer was the high priest, who at daea into five districts, assigning each to
first exercised in it more than the authority of a a separate council {a-vvibpiov, a-vvobos, Jos. Ant.
member, claiming a voice equal to that XIV, 5 4; BJ. I, 8 5). Thus he limited the jurisdic-
3. High of the rest of the body. But after the tion of the Jerusalem council very materially. This
Priest's reduction of the high priesthood from a was, however, done away with by JuHus Csesar in
Place in It. hereditary office to one bestowed by 47 {Ant. XIV, 9 3-5; BJ. 1, 10 7), and the Sanhedrin
the political ruler according to his was restored to its former supremacy. With the de-
pleasure, and the frequent changes in the office in- struction of Jerusalem the council was abolished.
troduced by the new system, the high priest natu- While the general authority of the Sanhedrin ex-
rally lost his prestige. Instead of holding in his hands tended over the whole of Judgea, the towns in the
"the government of the nation," he came to be but country had local councils of their
one of many to share this power; those who had 8. Extent own (a-vvedpta, Mt 5 22, 1017; Mk 13 9;
served as high priest, being still in esteem among of Juris- ^ovXal, Jos. BJ. II, 141) for the ad-
their nation and having lost their office not for any diction, ministration of local affairs. These
reason that could be considered vaUd by the reUg- were constituted of elders (Lk'7 3), at
ious sense of the community, exerted a large in- least 7 in number (Jos. Ant. IV, 8 14; BJ. 11,20 5),
fluence over the decisions of the assembly. In the and in some of the largest towns as many as 23.
N T they are regarded as the rulers (Mt 26 59, 27 41 What the relation of these to the central council in
Ac 4 5, 8; Lk 23 13, 35; Jn 7 26), and Josephus' testi- Jerusalem was does not appear clearly. They were
mony supports this view. probably not inferior courts in a uniform system with
The functions of the Sanhedrin were reHgious the right of appeal from the lower to the higher, but
and moral, and also political. In the latter capacity rather independent judicatories with a definite recog-
they further exercised administrative nized work. And yet their mdependence did not
4. Func- as well as judicial functions. As a re- amount to absolute unrelatedness to one another.
tions. Ugious tribunal, the Sanhedrin wielded Some sort of mutual recognition existed among them;
a potent influence over the whole of the for whenever the judges of the local court could not
Jewish world (Ac 9 2), but as a court of justice, after agree it seems that they were in the habit of referring
the division of the country upon the death of Herod, their cases to the Sanhedrin in Jerusalem (Jos. Ant.
its jurisdiction was limited to Judaea. Here, how- IV, 8 14; Mishna, Sanh. 11 2). A. C. Z.
ever, its power was absolute even to the passing of
the sentence of death (Jos. Ant. XIV, 9 3, 4; Mt 26 COUNCIL, also COUNSEL: A conference more
3 f.; Ac 4 5, 6 12, 22 30), although it had no authority or less informally held {§ddh, Ps 55 14;Pr 15 23), but
Council
157 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Covenant
not necessarily of those who bore no office or re- Laban with Jacob (Gn 31 44), Jonathan with David
sponsibility. The council of leaders in Jerusalem (I S 18 3, 23 18), Solomon with Hiram (I K5 26),
((rvfipoiikiop, Mt 12 14; Ac 25 12) included probably Ahab with Ben-hadad (I K 20 34), etc:
members of the Sanhedrin, as well as leading lay- But in Biblical usage, this general conception of
men. The act of holding such councils (counsels) covenant developed into a much more specific one.
is called "consulting" (Ps 83 3) and its finding For (1 ) as a contract includes a binding
'counsels' {^ovXtj, Lk 23 5i). A. C. Z. 2. The element, or creates an obligation, a
Biblical covenant becomes a bond, imposed by
COUNT: Besides being the usual, rendering of
Covenant, two covenanting parties upon each
mdndh, sdphar, -^-qc^L^eLyj and o-u^i/f?^0ifeti/, all mean- other, or by one upon himself and the
ing in general Ho calculate/ the word renders (1)
other. Hence in passages such as Gn 15 18 f. the
the Heb. hdshabh = Gr. Xoyl^eo-dai, 'to think' or
covenant is made by J" (cf also Jos 24, by Joshua in
.
'impute' (Gn 15 6; Ro2 26; Ph 3 13). (2) paqadh, behalf of J"; Jos 9 7, Joshua with the Gibeonites; II K
'to mspect' (I Ch 21 6). (3) Zx^lv, 'to hold' (Mt 14 5; 11 4 by Jehoiada, and II K23 3 by Josiah, in behalf
Phm 17), and (4) T^yeitrQai, 'to account* or 'esti- of J"). The part of Abram (or those who may be
mate' (Ph 3 7, 8; He 10 29). A. C. Z. called the second party in the affair) is passive. It
COUNTENANCE: In most instances this is the is quite proper to speak of it as voluntary; but the
rendering of words meaning 'face' or 'appearance.' covenant is not in these instances entered into by
In Bn 5 6, 9, the original zlw means the 'brightness' God and man upon absolutely the same terms. (2)
or 'color' of the face. In I S 16 12 'eye/ in I S 25 3 The second limitation of the general idea is intro-
'form' is the hteral meaning of the Heb. E. E. N. duced with the religious element in it. A
covenant
is not merely a contract as between men and before
COUNTRY : In most instances the suitable ren- men. God is invoked in it as a third party. He has
dering of terms meaning 'land/ 'field/ or 'place.' a share in its terms and results. Even when the
The following cases caU for remark: In Dt 3 14 the agreement aims at outward material ends, it is not
original word means a 'district marked off in Mk 6 1, '
; complete until by a religious service J" has been
4 and ||s; Jn 4 44; He 1114, it means 'fatherland'; brought into the transaction. To this end an oath,
in Lv 16 29, 17 15, 24 22; Nu 15 13; Ezk 47 22, the one curse, or sacrifice is an indispensable ceremonial ac-
Heb. word means 'native'; in Mk 12 l and ||s and Mt companiment. When Abimelech (Gn 26 26 ff.), act-
2514, "went into a far country" is simply 'went ing for himself, Ahuzzah, and Phicol, proposed to
away from home.' In Jos 17 11, Jer 47 4, and Ac 4 36 Isaac that they should enter into covenant, he used
RV gives the more correct rendering. E. E. N. the formula "L^t there now be an oath betwixt us,
even betwixt us and thee," and 'let us make a cove-
COUNTRYMAN: The translation of yivos, 'race'
nant" (ver. 28). The word used here for "oath" may
(II Co 11 26), and 'of the same tribe'
of o-vix<j>vX€Tt}s,
also be rendered "curse" (cf. also Gn 31 44 ff., the
(I Th2 14). In the first instance Paul is referring
covenant between Laban and Jacob). (3) A third
to the Jews, in the second to the fellow citizens of
limitation is the creation of a new relation between
the Thessalonian Christians. E. E. N.
the covenanting parties. In the later development
COURSE This term signifies one's way or habit
: of the idea and in some extrabiblical expressions of
of life (Jer 8 23 lO).
6, In Eph 2 2 it renders the Gr. it, this is symbolized by some act or acts denoting
atcoy, 'age.' In Acts 13 25, 20 24; II Ti 4 7 the Gr. the possession of a common life. The partaking of a
is fipo/xo?, 'running course/ i.e., the task or mission sacrificial meal, of salt (which is in such cases the
of life. In Ja 3 6 the Gr. rpoxosj 'a running thing,' substitute of blood), or of blood itself, either poured
'a wheel/ refers to one's natural disposition, tem- out in the form of a libation or used in other em-
perament, tendencies, etc. in other words, to the en-
;
blematic ways (W. Robertson Smith, Rel. of Sem., p.
tire compass of one's life. Other occurrences need 451), was made to serve as the sign of the new and
no explanation. (See also Cosmogony, § 3, and irrevocable relationship, the object of which was
Priesthood, § 10.) E. E. N. mutual benefit and helpfulness. So far as the cove-
nant was concerned, those who entered upon it were
COURT. See House, § 6 (f), Palace, and Tem- bound to regard each other as members of a new
ple, §§ 6, 20, 27,29 f. organic entity. So sacred and intimate wels the new
COUSIN: In AV of Lk 1 36, 58, in the sense of relation that nothing could surpass the enormity of
'kinswoman' or 'relative' (cf. 'cousin' RV); as used the sin of covenant-breaking. The sin is loathed and
to-day, is too definite. In Col 4 10 " cousin," RV-, denounced by the prophets in unmeasured terms (cf.
is preferable to "sister's son," AV. E. E. N. Hos6 7, 8 1, 10 4; Is 24 5; Jer 11 10). On the other
hand, it is a sure manifestation of God's perfection
COVENANT (nn5, b'rUh, Assyr. biritu; cf. Zim- that He can not and does not forget His covenants,
mern, Bab. Bussps., 59, 82, from a root bdrdh, 'to but remains constant to the rights and obligations
determine,' Assyr. baru, Gr. 8ia6f}K7], created by them (cf. Ro 3 1-4).
I. General 'disposal'): Broadly, a compact or Accordingly, the covenant of God with His people
Idea. agreement. In this sense covenant is is an expression of His love for them. It may be
used frequently of contracts among called the divine constitution or ordinance, which
men. Abimelech at Gerar entered into covenant is designed to govern human relations with Him-
with Abraham (Gn 21 27), and afterward under self. As such it appears in the record of His deal-
similar conditions with Isaac (Gn26 28). Abraham ings with Noah (the Noachian covenant, Gn 9 11 ff.).
entered into covenant with the Amorites (Gn 14 13), Even the story of Eden has been read by some ia
Covenant 15d
Grimes and Punishments
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
the terms of the covenant idea. But it is more COVERT: (1) In I S 2520 the meaning is that
particularly the Divine mode of defining the relation Abigail was concealed from view as she drew near
with the Chosen People. Abraham to David and that the meeting between them was
3. God's was taken into covenant at the very sudden. (2) In 11 K 16 18 RV reads "covered
Covenant beginning (Gn 15 18) with a symboUcal way." The sense of the entire verse is obscure,
an Ex- and impressive ceremony. With Moses and what is meant is not known. E. E. N.
pression of and the new stage of development in
His Grace, the life of the people, Israel as a na- COVET, COVETOUSNESS : This term ex-
presses various ideas: (1) Desire to have. As such
tion is pictured as entering into cove-
it is not only innocent, but when its object is worthy,
nant with J" in an even grander and more impressive
transaction (the Sinaitic covenant, Ex 34 10, 27, 28). commendable (I Co 12 31, 14 39, "desire" RV). Also,
By a covenant with Phinehas an everlasting priest- ,however, (2) desire inordinate and without any
ulterior purpose, in which case it is folly (Lk 12 15 ff.)
hood was estabhshed (Nu25l2f.). Other cove-
nants with the same ruling idea are those with and idolatry (Eph 5 5; Col 3 5). (3) Desire to possess
Joshua and Israel (Jos 24 25), David (Ps 89 4, 132 12; that which belongs to another. Such desire is
Jer33 2l), Jehoiada (II K 11 17), Hezekiah (II Ch contrary to the moral law (Ex 20 17, "lust" AV;
29 10), Josiah (II K
23 3), and Ezra (Ezr 10 3). Ro 7 7). Possibly (4) the effort to secure what one
It was characteristic of the covenant idea that
has no right to possess (I Ti6l0, "to reach after"
when entered into it bound not only the individual RV). A. C. Z.
but his family and posterity, and as a COW. See Nomadic and Pastoral Life, §
4. Cove- counterpoint the benefits and privileges 4, and Palestine, § 24.
nant with secured by it were transferred to the
Collective offspring of the parties to it. The COZ. See Hakkoz.
Bodies. covenant with Abraham was made with COZBI (^21?, kozhi), 'deceitfur: A Midianite
him and with his seed forever (Gn 17
princess, slain by Phinehas (Nu 25 7 f., 15, 18).
10). Moses was not an individual but a representa-
E. E. N.
tive of the whole people before J"- The covenant
COZEBA. See Achzir.
with David was the means of blessing to the whole
lineage of the great king (II S 23 5; II Ch 13 5, 21 7; CRACKNELS. See Food, § 2.
Jer 33 21). The national poetry embodied in glowing
terms the conviction that the covenant with David CRAFT. See Artisan Life, § 1.
was the ground for the unfailing care on the part of CRAFTSMEN, VALLEY OF. See Ge-Hara-
J" over the royal dynasty as weU as over the people SHiM and City, § 4.
ruled by it.
Israel'sexperiences with the covenant led the CRANE. See Palestine, § 25.
prophets to despair of its continuance, but its lapse
CRAWLING THINGS. See Palestine, § 26.
would not be final (Hos 1 9f., 2 2,23,
5. The 3 3). They predict its renovation and CREATE, CREATION. See Cosmogony, §§ 1-3.
Prophetic reestablishment under better condi-
New tions. In this form they called it the CREDITOR. See Trade and Commerce, § 3.
Covenant. New Covenant differing from the old CREEPING THINGS. See Palestine, § 26.
(1) in spirituahty. It should be a
covenant written on the hearts of God's people CRESCENS, cres'senz (Kp^o-Krjs): An early Chris-
(Jer 31 31), and God's people should be not a tribe tianmentioned in II Ti 4 10 as having gone to Gaul
or nation but a society of individuals who should (Or. TaKaTta, which must be rendered 'Gaul,' not
know Him and keep His covenant. (2) In uni- "Galatia"; cf. Zahn, Introd. toNT,^ 33, n. 8). The
versality. Through Israel the new religion of God fact that Titus was sent at the same time to
should extend to other nations and the covenant Dalmatia suggests that both journeys may have
should embrace these too (Is 49 6). (3) Its results been undertaken for the purpose of preaching the
would be forgiveness of sin and a new righteous- Gospel in new regions. According to later tradition
ness (Jer 31 34). (see Tillemont, Mem. I, 585) C
was the founder of
The covenant conception having served its pur- the Church in Vienne and Mainz. J. M. T.
pose in the O T, it disappears from the N T, yielding
to the expression of God's relation to
CRESCENTS. See Dress and Ornaments,
6. Covenant man in the terms of an individual fel-
§11.
in N T. lowship and indwelling. In the Epistle CRETE (KpTjTT]): Modern Candia, a rich and
to the Hebrews, however, it is still made beautiful island, one of the chief seats of the worship
to serve the basis of the difference and contrast be- of Zeus, whose birthplace was Mt. Ida or Dicte. Long
tween the better order of things introduced through before the Phoenician traders came, and even before
Jesus Christ and the old order either under the the Mycenaean Age, the island had a highly devel-
Abrahamic or the Sinaitic covenants (7 22, 8 6 £f., oped civilization, which seems to have been buried by
etc.). A. C. Z. invasions from the N. (For excavations now pro-
ceedmg at Knossos and elsewhere see Ch. Quar. Rev.,
COVERING. See Tabernacle, § 3 b. For usage Jan., 1906.) "The pottery found in southern Pales-
in Ex 22 27; Job 31 19, cf. Dress and Ornaments, tine is Cretan, confirming the Hebrew tradition
that
§3, the Philistines were strangers who wandered in from
—
159 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Covenant
Grimes and Punishments
there after Pentecost (Ac 2 11), it did not appar- 5 33), and the guilty party was to be punished ac-
ently make headway until the visit of Paul and cording to the lex talionis. In the CH the false charge
Titus (Tit 1 5). Fair Havens was touched at by of a capital crime makes the accuser liable to the
Paul on his way to Rome, and Phoenix was a good death penalty (§ 1 ), and the slanderer of a priestess or
harbor to the W. (Ac 27 8, 12). R. A. F. of a married woman was to be branded on the fore-
head (§ 127). The breaking of a vow that had
CRICKETS. See Palestine, § 26.
been strengthened by an oath was not permissible
CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS: The fundamen- (Nu 30 2; cf. Lv 5 1-6; Jg 17 2 ff.). The oath of pur-
tal principle of Hebrew penology is strict retribu- gation is required in seven instances by the CH (§§
tion. The lex talionis, including prop- 131, 227 et at.). The O T regards human life as
1. Hebrew erty as well as the person, is enunciated sacred, because it was created in the Divine image
Penology, in all three sections of the Mosaic codes (Gn 9 6). Manslaughter is carefully distinguished
(Ex 21 23-25; Lv 24 17, 19 f.; Dt 19 21). from murder, the latter being the result of premedi-
This was an ancient Semitic penal custom, and we tation and malice, the former of accident (Ex 21 13;
find it expressed in the CH
[Code of Hammurabi Dt 19 4). In the case of manslaughter the offender
(c. 2250 B.C.)] in phraseology almost identical with could find an asylum (Nu 35 n, 15; Dt 19 5), but
Biblical language: son for son, §§ 116, 230, daughter murder was always a capital crime and the penalty
for daughter, § 210, eye for eye, § 196, limb for limb, could not be commuted by a ransom (Nu 3531 ff.).
§ 197, tooth for tooth, § 200, life for life, § 229, slave Parricide and infanticide are not mentioned in the
for slave, §§ 219, 231. The punishment of crime had Mosaic codes, but there are many instances of assas-
two great purposes: (1) deterring others from simi- sination and suicide in the O T (Jg 3 20 ff I S 31 4 ff ).
.
;
.
lar offenses (Dt 17 13), (2) the extirpation of the evil The tribal custom of blood revenge (see Blood,
from Israel (Dt 13 5). In reviewing this subject the Avenger of) which is entirely unknown to the CH,
historical development of the Hebrews must be kept prevailed among the Hebrews in the earlier periods
in mind. In the nomadic state crime was revenged of history, but the attempt was made later to regu-
rather than punished, and it was looked upon as an late it (Dt 24 16; Nu 35 12-34).
injury done to a tribal brother (see Blood, Aven- (c) Offenses against the moral order and the fun-
ger of). When the nation passed into the agri- damental laws of the theocracy: Every improper
cultural and later to the commercial state of society, use of the Divine name (Lv 24 11), speech derogatory
the object of punishment was to protect life and to the majesty of God (Mt 26 65), and sins with a
property. Under the ethical influence of the religion high hand i.e., premeditated transgressions of the
of Jehovah, crime came to be regarded as a violation basal principles of the theocracy (Nu 9 13, 15 30; Ex
of the righteousness and holiness of God, and was —
31 14) ^were regarded as blasphemy; the penalty
punished in order to vindicate these Divine attri- was death by stoning (Lv 24 16). The Mosaic
butes. The N
T reflects Roman as well as Hebrew codes dealt with the improper relation of the sexes in
ideas in regard to both crimes and punishments. detail. To lie carnally, and fornication are gen-
The more serious infringements of the Law may be eral terms for illicit sexual intercourse (Lv 18 20).
grouped into three classes: (a) Injuries to property. The prevalence of prostitution, at a later date in
Under this group falls theft, which is Israel as well as in the Graeco-Roman world, was ap-
2. Crimes, absolutely prohibited in the Decalogue palling (Pr 4 6-19; Ro 1 26), but it was strictly pro-
(Ex 20 15). The CH
is more severe hibited (Lvl9 29; Dt 23l7f.). See also Harlot.
than the Biblical codes in its treatment of this evil. The abominable Canaanitic practise of having tem-
In the former, stealing is a capital crime—the re- ple prostitutes (q^dheshoth) was forbidden (Dt 23 17),
ceiving, purchasing, and selling of stolen goods, the The devotee, or sacred prostitute, enjoyed the privi-
theft of a child, the detention of a slave, brigand- leges of special legislation in the CH (§§ 110, 178, 181,
age, looting at a fire, appropriating state levies all — 182). The Mosaic codes, however, debarred a son of
being pimishable with death (cf. Ex 22 2; Jos 7 25; harlotry or of fornication from the congregation (Dt
Ex 21 16). The owner of a vicious buU was liable for 23 2). Adultery is a capital crime in the CH (§ 129).
any injury inflicted on the slave of another by the Incest in its various forms is prohibited in Lv 18 6-18.
goring of the animal (Ex 21 28 &.). The CH, §§ 250- The CH, §§ 154-158, deals severely with this crime,
252, inflicts a fine for a similar case. The practise of in one case — —
a man with his son's wife drowning
Crimes and Punishments
Crucifixion
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 160
—
being the penalty, in another a man with his moth- sometimes punishment (Dt22 18;
refer to corporal
er— death at the stake. Sodomy, common enough I K 12 14). mentioned as a terrible
The scorpion is
among the Canaanites, is looked upon as an abomina- instrument of castigation; it consisted probably of
tion and absolutely prohibited (Lv 18 22; Dt 23 17). thongs armed with pieces of lead (I K
12 14; II Ch
The purpose of punishment has been noted above. 10 14). In the N T the terms stripe and scourge
Torture and barbarous methods of inflicting penal- have a twofold signification. In some passages the
ties e.g., blinding, maiming, tearing out writer had in mind the Jewish form of punishment
3. Punish- the tongue, and suffocating, which were which was administered with a whip of three lashes
ments. —
common in antiquity are foreign to the (II Cor 11 24; cf. Jos. Ant IV, 8 21). Again the
spirit of the O T. Torture was first reference may be to the Roman custom of beating
introduced by the Herods. (a) Capital punishment slaves and criminals (Ac 16 22, 22 25; II Co 1 1 25). At
was administered in various ways. Stoning was the PhiUppi Paul alludes to the Porcian law, which ex-
ordinary method of inflicting the death penalty empted Roman citizens from this penalty (Ac 16 37).
among the Hebrews (Ex 19 13 ff.; Lv 20 27, 24 10-23; This is not to be confused with the scourging of Jesus,
Dt 13 5, 10, 21 21; Ac 7 59). The stoning took place which was flagellation with thongs. The branding
outside of the camp and in the name of the congre- of slaves was a common custom (Is 44 5; CH, §§ 226,
gation (Lv 24 14), the witnesses casting the first 227), and, according to Babylonian law, the slan-
stones. Beheading was not known as a judicial derer of a woman was to be branded on the forehead .
penalty in the Mosaic codes, and when death by the (§ 127). Imprisonment is a penalty unknown to
sword is mentioned in the O T we are to think both the CH and the Mosaic codes, but it is men-
of thrusting rather than decapitation. The latter tioned toward the close of the monarchy (Jer 32 2,
was first introduced among the- Jews in the Ro- 37 16), and implied in the mention of prison garb (II
man period (Mt 14 10 ff.). The hanging of the K25 29), and use of chains, fetters, and stocks (II
living was introduced by the Romans; the He- S 3 34; Jer 20 2, 29 26; Ac 16 24). The so-called
brews sometimes impaled or hung the lifeless body law of jealousy was really an ordeal for a woman
on a tree (Dt 21 23 ff.; Gal 3 13), the exposure of suspected of adultery (Nu 5 11-31). In the CH the or-
the body being intended as an added indignity. deal by water was employed as a test for a sorcerer
The Heb. yaqa^ (translated "hang") is uncertain in and a suspected wife (§§ 2, 132).
meaning (Nu25 4; IIS 21 6). Gallows are men- (c) Penalties in means or money: Fines in our
tioned as a Persian institution in the story of modern sense were unknown, but the injured party
Haman (Est 2 23, 7 9).
According to the CH, § 153, a received an indemnity for loss or injury from the
woman who murders her husband is to be impaled. guilty person. Three instances are given in the
The Babylonian code imposes burning as a pen- OT (Ex 21 32; Dt 22 19, 29), while the CH pun-
alty for incest (§ 157; cf. Lv20 14, 21 9), for theft ishes twenty-one offenses in this way. The res-
at a fire (§ 25), and upon a priestess for entering toration of things lost, stolen, or injured is a
or conducting a wine-shop (§ 110). The oft-recur- fundamental principle in the Mosaic codes, and is
ring phrase cut off is not a designation for the quite prominent in the CH, which contains forty-eight
death penalty, but signifies excommunication (Ex enactments exacting restitution in some form. The
12 15,19; Lv7 20fF., 23 29; Nu9l3). Crucifixiou restitution of a stolen ox must be fivefold, of a
was a terrible method of punishment adopted by the sheep fourfold (Ex 22 i; cf. Lk 19 8) in the CH, § 112,
;
Romans from the Orient, and used by them only on goods lost by carrier in transportation must be re-
slaves and the vilest criminals (Cicero: extremum stored fivefold. For other O T instances see Ex
summumque supplicium). Roman citizens were 221-9; Lv 6 4f., 24 21. A Roman jailer or guard
always exempt. The shape of the cross upon which allowing a prisoner to escape made himself liable to
our Savior suffered was probably -j", the crux im~ the penalty imposed on the criminal (Ac 12 19, 16 27).
missa or Latin cross (T crux commissa). The The CH, in fifteen enactments, punishes with for-
upright was 7^- ft. to 9 ft. high and remained per- feiture, which is twice mentioned in the O T (Dt
manently in the ground; the crosspiece (patibulum) 22 9; Ezr 10 8). Confiiscation was not practised by
was carried by the criminal. A piece of wood the Hebrews, but is referred to as a "Persian custom
{sedile) was used as a saddle to support the sufferer. (Ezr 7 2G).
The crime was either proclaimed by a crier or in- Literature: Keil, Biblical ArcJieology, II, 337 ff. (1887);
scribed on a board (Htulus; see Superscription) Scharer, History of the Jewish People, II, 11, 90 ff.; JE
separate articles on various crimes and punishmenta; for
which was nailed to the cross. In the history of the The Code of Hammurabi, see edition of R. F. Harper
passion of Jesus, we have a detailed account of the and article by C. H. W. Johns in HDB, Vol. V; in German,
procedure at a crucifixion. (See Cross, I.) the works of Benzinger and Nowack on Heb. ArcMologie
(b) Physical punishments other than capital (1894). J. A. K.
From its frequent mention in the OT (Ex 21 20; Pr CRIMSON. See Colors, §2, and Dress and
10 13, 17 26, 26 3; Jer 20 2, 37 16; Is 50 6), we infer that Ornaments, § 5.
beating was a very common punishment among the
CRIPPLE. See Disease and Medicine, § 4 (4).
Hebrews. According to Dt 25 3 the penalty was in-
flicted before the judge, with the culprit in a recum- CRISPING PINS. See Dress and Ornaments,
bent position. The phrase "cause him to lie down" §11-
(Dt 25 2) suggests the bastinado. The humane CRISPUS,cris'pus (KpioTTToff): A ruler of the Jew-
spirit of the Deuteronomic legislation mitigated the ishsynagogue in Corinth who with his entire family-
severity of this penalty by restricting the number of accepted Christianity (Ac 18 8) and probably was
strokes to forty. The words chasten and chastise baptized by Paul himself (cf. I Co 1 14). J. M. T.
Crimes and Punishments
161 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Crucifixion
CROO:;-BACKED. See Disease and Medi- claiming of which was his consecrated liTe-work (I
CINE, § 4 (5). Co 1 17; cf. ver. 23, 2 2; Gal 3 i; also vs. 10-13); as
a consequence his union with Christ through faith
CROSS (aravpos, probably a 'stake' or 'pole/
was summed up in his claim to have been crucified
radically cogaatc with t-or/y-yLit) : The N T word
with Christ (Gal 2 20) and in this experience to be
for the instrument on which Jesus was put to death.
crucified to the world (Gal 6 14; Ro 6 6; cf. Gal 5 24).
I. Physical: The early usage of the term a-Tavpos
Though Jesus' allusion to the manner of His
corresponded to its primary meaning (cf. Odyssey,
coming death was unintelligible to the Jews (Jn 12
14 11, 'poles for fencing'; Xen. Anab. V, 2 21, 'stakes
32 ff.). His warning to His disciples of the necessary
for fortification'; Hdt. 5 6, 'foundation piles'). As
cross-bearing which their following of Him would
a means of execution it was first used in its form of a involve (Mk 8 34 and ||s; Mt 10 38; Lk 14 27) was per-
stake {crux simplex) for inipaling the victim the — fectly clear, in view of the crucifixions inflicted by
custom being practised by the Assyrians, Persians,
Antiochus Epiphanes, Alexander Jannseus, Varus,
Phoenicians (Carthaginians), and Egyptians, and
and Titus. There is therefore no anachronism in
passing from the Persians and Carthaginians to the
the statement; while to Jesus Himself it was part of
Greeks and Romans. This form was later elaborated
His prophetic consciousness of His death. See Cru-
into the crux compacta, of which there were, in the
cifixion.
times of Christ, two varieties —
the crux commissa
Literature: Besides works on the Life of Christ and
('St. Anthony's cross') shaped like a Tj and the crux
commentaries on the passion narrative in the Gospels,
immissa (the 'Latin cross') shaped, as we generally cf. Zockler, D, Kreuz Christi (1875 [Eng. transl. 1878]).
know it,a "|". The 'St. Andrew's cross' (crux
like M. W. J.
decussata), shaped like an X? was of much later CROSSWAY. See Way.
origin and of a usage much disputed. The cross used
at Jesus' death was almost certainly the crux im- CROW. See Time, § 1.
missa, not only because this is the testimony of the
oldest tradition, but because it is impossible other-
CROWN: An ornamental head-dress symbolic of
unusual honor or prerogative. Crown, diadem, and
wise to understand the setting "up over his head"
fillet are used in the Bible without very
of His "accusation" (Mt 27 37; cf. also ||s).
1. Lin- strict regard to different shades of
The upright (staticulum) was of some strong wood
guistic meaning. In general, the first of these
and, after implanting in the ground, did not stand
Usage. terms takes the most conspicuous place
more than 9 ft. high. This was left permanently
among them. It is applied (1) in a
erected outside the walls of the city, only the cross-
literal sense: (a) to the round border or edge of ob-
bar (patibulum) being carried by the criminal to the
jects like the ark or the altar (Ex 25 11, 30 3, zer,
place of execution, where it was affixed, with him
"rim or molding" RVmg.) and (6) to the headgear
fastened on it, to the upright. On this upright there of persons distinguished from the ordinary as kings
was placed a short piece of wood {sedUe or cornu) on
and queens (nezer, II K 11 12; kether, Est 1 11, etc.;
which the body rested as on a saddle. Whether
'dtarah, II S 12 30; BLabTjfia, AV Rev 19 12; (rr4<j)avos,
there was also a support for the feet (suppedaneum
Mt 27 29, etc.); also to the emblem of priestly office
lignum; Greg, of Tours,
cf. De Glor, Martyr^ vi) is worn upon the miter (Ex 29 6; cf. also Zee 6 11.
still in question.
Wellhausen and Nowack, however, think Zerub-
II. The infamy of such a punishment,
Religious:
babel and not Joshua must be meant). Brides
together with the primary significance of Jesus''
and bridegrooms also wore crowns as they do at the
death in His redemptive work, quickly brought the
present day in Asia Minor (Ezk 16 12; Is 61 10, "gar-
crucifixion into prominence in the thought and
land," RV, but cf. mg.). Victors in athletic con-
preaching of the Apostolic Church (cf. Peter's early
tests were crowned (I Co 9 25; cf. Prize). (2)
references to it, Ac 2 23, 36, 4 10), The Cross thus Metaphorically, "crown" is the head as that mem-
became not only in its suffering and shame a mark ber of the body on which the literal crown is worn
of the self-sacrificing love of Jesus (Ph 2 8; He 12 2),
(qodhqodh, Job 2 7) and also any cause of justifiable
but also in its infamous indignity an assertive sym-
pride (Pr 12 4, 16 31, 17 6; Is 28 5; Ph 4 1; Ja 1 12).
bol of the disciples' faith, in which they gloried (Gal
The Egyptian and Assyrian kings wore crowns of
5 14), for which they were willing to be persecuted
definite shape, the former combining the two em-
(Gal 6 12; cf. He 13 13), to which those of unchristian blematic head-dresses of the upper and
living were counted enemies (Ph 3 18; cf. He 6 6), and 2, The the lower country, and the latter using
in which, because of its infamous character, as a pen- Royal a truncated cone with a low projecting
alty, the unbelieving were scandalized (Gal 5 11) and
Crown in point on its summit. That the He-
found nothing but ridicule and contempt (I Co 1 18) Israel, brews had something of a similar na-
—as in fact the disciples themselves were confused ture distinguishing their kings is prob-
and mystified references to His coming
by Jesus' able, but no data have survived as to its form. The
death before they realized its necessity (Mk 8 31 f. material of crowns was generally some precious
and ||s). From this it easily grew to be the term in
metal (Zee 6 9-15). The date of the introduction of
which Christian work was most strikingly presented crowns is fixed by Nowack {Hehr. Arch., 1894,
in its triumph over the condemnation of the Law
I, p. 307) as the reign of Solomon. But if so, II
(Col 2 14) and
consequent reconciliation of sinners
its
S 1 10 must be regarded as due to a later working
to God and to each other (Eph 2 16). In
(Col 1 20) over of the narrative. A. C. Z.
fact, with Paul it came to stand as the sympathetic
term for the Gospel of God in Jesus Christ, the pro- CRUCIFIXION. See Jesus Christ, § 16,
Crucify 162
Cyprus
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
show the terrible nature of the sin of apostasy. (See CURE. See Disease and Medicine, § 7 f.
Cross, II.) E- E. N.
CURIOUS: To devise "curious" ("skilful" RV)
CRUSE: The rendering of three different Heb. plan works requiring
works (Ex 35 32) means to
terms: (1) haqhuq (I K
14 3) means a small earthen-
thought. In Ps 13915 "curiously" means 'woven
ware flask. (2) ts4dhlth (II K
2 20), an earthen-
together'; the "lowest parts of the earth" being the
ware dish. (3) tsappahath (I S26 11 ff.; I 17 12 ff., K womb. For Curious Arts see Magic and Divi-
19 6), a bottle-shaped vessel, probably of metal, used E. E. N.
nation, § 9.
on journeys for carrying drinking-water, or for oil,
etc. In the NT, RV substitutes "cruse'' for AV CURSE In the Bible "curse" means in general an
:
"box" in Mt 26 7; Mk 14 3; Lk 7 37. A
small jar or expressed wish or prayer for evil, i.e., an impreca-
flask of alabaster is meant, E. E. N. tion. It may be pronounced with
I. In reference to all sorts of beings, such as
CRYSTAL. See Glass.
General, the day (Job 3 8). "When its object is
CUB Mbh, Chub AV): Probably a mistake
(3^3, God it is tantamount to blasphemy
in the Heb. text of Ezk 30 5 for Lud (so LXX.), {harak [in Piel] Job 15,11,2 5,9, AV ["renounce"
i.e., Lydia. E. E. N. RV]). More frequently, however, it is a prayer
addressed to God for some evil toward another per-
CUBIT. See Weights and Measures, § 2. son or thing. As such it may be as vague as a mere
oath or invocation of the Divine name, and is prop-
CUCKOO, CUCKOW. See Palestine, § 25.
erly translated by the English oath (Jg 17 2; Is 65
CUCUMBER. See Food, §3, and Palestine, 15 ["oath" RVmg.]).
Job 5 13 the Heb. niphtdllm has in it the idea of fraud From the destruction which followed the curse in
or deceit ("cunning" RV, "froward" AV). the narrower sense the accursed thing (Jos 6 17, 7 12)
E. E. N. was viewed simply as that which was
3. De- consigned to destruction. The Ca-
CUPBEARER QiteraUy 'drink-giver'; in Gn40 1- struction naanites were thus put under the ban
419 translated butler; cf. "butlership," Gn40 21): of the of extermination (Jos 2 10, 6 17, "de-
On account of frequent intrigues and attempts at Accursed. voted," RVmg.). The conception in
poisoning, the office of cupbearer to an Oriental
this form is transferred to the N T as
monarch was one of considerable responsibility and anathema (Gal 1 8f.; Ro 9 3). When Christ is said
honor. The loyalty of the persons who served the
to have become a curse (Gal 3 13) it is because
king's wine had to be above suspicion, and they
according to the Law (Dt 21 23) the mode of death
often, like Nehemiah, enjoyed the esteem and con-
which He suffered rendered its subject accursed (de-
fidence of their royal masters. The O T mentions voted his body to destruction). "Curse" and "ac-
the cupbearers of Pharaoh (Gn 40 i), Solomon (I K cursed" seem to be used here as exact synonyms.
10 5 =11 Ch9 4), and Artaxerxes (Neh 1 li).
A. C. Z.
L. G. L.
CURTAIN The curtain was a much more nec-
:
CUPS: The exact form and size of some of the essary and familiar piece of household furniture in
vessels called "cups" in EV are uncertain. The or- Oriental life than elsewhere, especially in the trans-
dinary drinking-cup was the kd§ (Gn 40 11; II S 12 3) ition from the tent
of the nomad to the house of a
or TTOT^pcov (Mt 10 42; Mk 14 23). The qaswah (I more settled condition of society. Accordingly it is
Ch28l7;Nu4 7) seems to have been a jug (cf. Ex of frequent occiurrence in poetic composition as the
;
Crucify
163 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Cyprus
symbol of that which either hides or adorns. Of CUT, CUTTING. See Mourning Customs,
the latter use Is 40 22; Ps 104 2, and of the former § 3, and Semitic Religion, § 26.
Jer 4 20, 10 20, are illustrations. See also Taber-
CUTH, CUTHAH, cuth, cutha (n^3, kuth; nri^S,
nacle, § 3. A. C. Z.
kuthah): A place whence the Assyrians deported
CUSH, CTjsh (tM^, hush) : I. 1. A
descendant of colonists to plant them in Samaria (II 17 24, 30). K
Noah, the eldest son of Ham (Gn 10 6, etc.; I Ch The same place is mentioned on the Assyr. in-
18). See Ethnography and Ethnology, § 10. scriptions as Kutu. It was near Babylon and
2. The name of a Benjamite (Ps 7, title) sup- was the chief center of the worship of Nergal, a god
posed to be the enemy (of David) referred to in of war, hunting, pestilence, and of the realm of the
the Psalm. A. C. Z. dead. (Cf. KAT.^p. 412 ff.) E. E. N.
II, The name of a country. Until recently it
CUT OFF, See Crimes and Punishments,
was thought that all the occurrences of this word
§ 3 (a).
in the Heb. O T (except possibly in Gn 2 13) referred
to the same country, viz., Ethiopia, consequently it
CYMBAL. See Music, § 3 (l).
is often so translated {e.g., Is 11 il, 18 l,- etc.). But CYPRESS. See Palestine, § 21, and House,
recent researches (especially by Winckler; of. KAT,^ §4.
p. 144 ff.) have made it probable that two districts
CYPRUS (Kvirpos, 'copper'): An island of 3,584
were known both to the Assyrians and to the He-
sq. m., 45 m. from the coast of Asia Minor and
brews under the same name, "Gush." One of them
was Ethiopia (q.v.). The other was in the W. and S.
60 m. from that of Syria. A
very fertile plain run-
ning E. and W. is bounded on the N. and S. by two
of Arabia, not always exactly defined. Winckler con-
mountain ranges in which there were formerly rich
siders that the Arabian Cush is meant in the following
copper-mines that gave the island its name. There
passages: Gn 2 13, 10 6ff.;Nul2 l; II S 18 21; II Ch
was also a valuable export of timber, which, to-
14 8 ff., 21 16; Is 20 3, 43 3, 45 14; Hab 3 7; Ps 87 4.
gether with other productions, made a large trade.
E. E. N.
In the O T its inhabitants were called Kittim (Gn
10 4; Is 23 1,12; Ezk 27 6) from Kitti (Kition =
CUSHAN-RISHATHAIM, cu"shan-rish"a-th^'im
(D^n;?*^T ^12?13, kushanrish'dthayim): King of Meso-
modern Larnaka) on the S. coast. In very early
days there were Mycenaan settlements on the island,
potamia, Aram-Naharaim (AVmg. and RVmg.),
but afterward the Phoenicians took possession,
who oppressed the children of Israel for 8 years though side by side with them Greeks were found,
when a rebellion under Othniel, the son of Kenaz
who, isolated by the Persian rule, organized them-
and younger brother of Caleb, of the tribe of Judah,
selves, in dependence upon Egypt, in autonomous
put an end to his rule (Jg 3 8-10). It has been
cities according to Greek polity (Mommsen), their
questioned whether there is a foimdation in tradi-
coinage being very well known. Paphos, at the W.
tion for the story as thus given. The reasons for end of the island, was the home of the wide-spread
this doubt are (1) the improbability of the sub-
cult of the Phcenician Astarte, the Greek Aphrodite.
jugation of Canaan at this time by an enemy from
After the time of Alexander the Great, Cyprus be-
such a distance, and (2) the equal improbability
came one of the most valuable possessions of Egypt.
that Othniel, a Kenizzite clan in the extreme S.,
Taken by Rome in 58 b.c. it first came under im-
should be the liberator (cf. Moore on Judges, in Int.
perial administration, but was transferred a few
Crit. Com. 1895). But the improbability of an Ara- years later to the control of the Senate (see Prov-
mean conquest of Canaan is not conceded in view of
ince) and was in the time of Paul governed by the
the inactivity of Assyria just before the reign of
proconsul Sergius Paulus (Ac 13 7, 12), whose name
Tiglath-pileser I (1120 B.C.). (Cf. McCurdy, HP has been with probability identified on an inscrip-
and M. I, As to the Kenizzite clan of Oth-
p. 230. )
tion. Jews had settled in Cyprus in early times and
niel, it is not certain that it was so insignificant.
were there in large numbers at the beginning of the
If there be no corroboration from without of the sub-
Christian era; in the reign of Trajan they massacred
stantial correctness of the story, there is, on the other
thousands of the native Cypriotes and were there-
hand, nothing to compel its being set aside as un-
after forbidden to live on the island. Soon after the
trustworthy. But see Judges. A. C. Z. persecution that arose on the death of Stephen,
Christianity secured a foothold in Cyprus. This
CUSHI CV^^, kushl): 1. "The Cushite" is the des-
island was the first place visited by Saul and Barna-
ignation of the woman whomMoses married (Nu 12 l
)
bas, a native of Cyprus (Ac 4 36), on their first mis-
also of the messenger sent by Joab to report to Da-
sionary journey. They landed at Salamis on the E.,
vid the death of Absalom (IIS 18 21). Probably
the largest city of the island, and traversed its entire
both persons were of Ethiopian origin (see Cush,
length to Paphos, the capital, about 100 m. to the W.
II). 2. The greatgrandfather of Jehudi (Jer 36 14).
(Ac 13 4-12). Later, Barnabas, with Mark, returned
3. The father of Zephaniah (Zeph 1 1). A. C. Z.
to the island, evidently to carry on the work already
CUSHION : This term does not occur in the AV. begun (Ac 15 39), It was men of Cyprus and Gyrene
It has been introduced into the RV (Mk4 38) as who first preached the Gospel to Greeks in Antioch
the rendering of 7rpo(rK€(j>aKaiop, rest for the (Aclll9f.), and the early disciple Mnason, with
*a
head.' A. C. Z. whom Paul lodged in Jerusalem, was a Cypriote (Ac
21 16). Nothing further is known regarding the
CUSTOM. See Tax, and Law and Legal history of Christianity in Cyprus in the Apostolic
Practise, § 1 (i). Age. But see Hebrews, Ep to, § 6, R. A. F.
Cyrene
Damascus
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 164
CYRENE, sai-ri'ni {Kvpi'ji/i]): The rich and pow- a campaign of two weeks the city of Babylon sur-
erful capital city of Cyrenaica (North Africa). It rendered to the Persians without resistance. AH
was founded 631 B.C. by people from the island of the lowlands of W. Asia were thus added to his
Thfera under Battus. C. was situated on a lofty hill possessions, including Syria and Palestme to the
10 m. from the sea and was a center of Greek learning border of Egypt, Babylon being made one of his
and culture. It was the birthplace of Aristippus, capitals. He died in 529, probably on some eastern
Carnead^s, and Cailimachus. Its kings took part in journey or expedition, for his later years were de-
the games of Greece (cf. the Charioteer of the group voted to the organization of his own Iranian peoples.
at Delphi). While C. fought successfully against the His tomb remains at the oldest Persian capital,
Libyans and Egyptians, it was worsted by Carthage Pasargedse (modem Murghab; see JacksoH; Persia
and became tributary to Cambyses 524 B.C. The Past and Present, 1906, p. 278 ff .)
Cyrenaic Pentapolis under the protectorate of the Cyrus has a twofold importance in the Bible,
Ptolemies was founded in 321 B.C. Under the Ptol- being an imposing figure in both prophecy and his-
emies C. became the home of large numbers of Jews tory. In the former he presents himself to the great
(cf. Ac 6 9). It became an independent kingdom in prophet of the close of the Exile as the servant and
117. It was bequeathed to Rome in 96 and with friend of Jehovah Himself, under whose protection
Crete was made a Roman province in 67 B.C. Its and guidance he should destroy the power of Israel's
ruins are vast in extent, but hostile natives prevent oppressors, restore the captives to their own land,
excavations. Simon of Cyrene was not a negro, but and rebuild the Temple in Jerusalem (Is 41 2 f., 44 28-
a Jew of Cyrene (Lk 23 26, AV "Cyrenian")- 45 6). In the latter he, in the first year of his reign,
J. R. S. S. actually gives the exiles permission to return, also
CYRENIUS, sai-ri'ni-TTs. See Quirinius. encouragement and support in their migration (Ezr
1 1 ff.). The fact that the glowing anticipations of
CYRUS, sai'rus (^T'3, kdresh)^ the Latinized the seer were not fulfilled under Cyrus himself does
form of Gr. Kvpos,for the old Persian Kurush: The not diminish his significance as a grand prophetic
founder of the Persian Empire and the greatest of ideal any more than the collapse of his empire under
the kings of W. Asia. He was hereditary prince of his unworthy son and successor detracts from his
Anshan or Elam, a dependency of Media at the
S. greatness as a statesman and consummate ruler of
time of his birth, c. 590 B.C. He was, however, of men.
the Persian royal race, a great-grandson of Achsem- Babylonian inscriptions of Nabonidus and of
enes the founder of the line, Anshan having first Cyrus himself materially supplement and correct
come under the control of the petty Persian rulers the traditions and legends of the classical writers.
and then with them under the suzerainty of the These inscriptions state also that Cyrus, after the
Median kings. In 550 he threw off the yoke of Me- capture of Babylon, restored many exiled peoples to
dia, the troops of whose king Astyages came over to their homes.
him without giving battle. He thus became ruler Literature Besides the general Oriental histories of
:
of the great Median Empire, which reached west- DuDcker and Meyer, see E. Lindl, Cyrus, Munich, 1903.
ward to the river Halys. In 546 he took Sardis, the For Old Testament relations see Winckler in KAT^ (In-
dex under "Kyros"); McCurdy, History, Prophecy, atid
capital of Crcesus, the king of Lydia, and thereby
the Monuments, Vol. Ill, §§ 1373-1420, where are given
secured the sovereignty of Asia Minor, including its translations from the relevant inscriptions, which are
Greek colonies. In 539 war arose between him and dealt with in full by Hagen, in Beitrdge zur Assyriologie,
Nabonidus, the last native king of Babylonia. After III, 205-257. J. F, McC.
view of the fact that a respectable woman of Athens against and defeated Omri of Israel (I K 20 34).
would not have been present in such a public gather- Ben-hadad II (870-844, Hadadezer in the inscrip-
ing. Her association with Dionysius may be in- tions of Shahnanezer II) came into con-
tended to imply that she was a woman of rank. 3. Later flict with Ahab and was byhim defeated
J. M. T. History, at the battle of Aphek and compelled
to yield the king of Israel the right to
DAMASCUS, da-mas'cus (p'^^!l,dammeseq, but "make streets" (i.e., bazaars) for himself in D.
also darmeseq, I Ch 18 5, II Ch 28 5, and dum~ Shortly after this, Ben-hadad put himself at the head
meseq, II 16 10. K In the Egyptian of a confederacy including Israel and other neigh-
1. Name lists of the 16th cent, called timasqu boring states, which was designed to stem the grow-
and and of the 13th cent, ti-ramaski [W. ing power of Assyria in Western Asia. But in this
Location. Max Asien u. Eur., 1893, pp.
Miiller, plan the confederacy completely failed, being de-
Assyrian, dimaski.
162, 234]. Ety- feated at the decisive battle of Karkar (854). These
mology obscure): A
well-known city located in the reverses undoubtedly rendered Ben-hadad unpopular
NW. end of a fertile plain which the rivers Abana in his own realm. He was finally slain by Hazael,
(the modern Barada) and Pharpar convert into a who assumed his place on the throne (II K8 15).
beautiful garden Under Hazael
spot. The whole (844-813) the
plain is excep- prestige of Da-
tionally rich in mascus revived in
natural features, spite of two de-
and must from feats sustained at
the first have the hands of
offered attrac- Shalmanezer II
tions to travelers (843 and 840).
between the In his wars with
Mediterranean Jehu, this king
seaboard and the succeeded in
Mesopotamian wresting from
valley as a con- Israel the terri-
venient place for tory E. of the
rest, and also to Jordan and S. as
the merchants as far as the river
a suitable site for Amon K
(II 10
a center of dis- 32 f.; Am 1 3) and
tribution. It is threatened Judah
no wonder that into paying him
a populous and Plan of Modern City of Damascus. a large tribute (II
prosperous town K12l7f.). Haza-
grew up at this point, aLnost as early as the country el's son and successor (Ben-hadad III, or Mari, 812-
on either side was fairly settled. 770) was obUged to abandon the war against Israel
The origin of the city is not traceable to any defi- and defend himself against Assyria. In the twenty
nite date or agency, although the belief prevailed years between 773 and 753, Damascus suffered five
among the later Jews that it was found- separate attacks, aU of which resulted in the ex-
2. Early ed by Uz, grandson of Shem (Jos. haustion of its resources. The immediate successor
History. Ant. 1, 6 4). It is mentioned as exist- of Mari is not certainly known. The names of Ta-
ing in the days of Abraham (Gn 14 15). beel and Tabrimmon II both occur (770-740).
Eliezer, Abraham's steward (Gn 15 2), is called a It was imder Rezon (740-732) that Damascus finally
Damascene. It is very probable that between the succumbed to the attacks of Tiglath-pileser III. Its
15fch cent. B.C. and the 13th Damascus was a sub- beautiful territory wels devastated, its people taken
ject of warfare between the Egyptians and the Hit- into captivity, and its king put to death (Schra-
tites; but it was about the year 1200 that the Syri- der, cor. 1,252).
ans (Arameans) secured possession of it and made For the next five centuries Damascus was simply
it the capital of their kingdom. In the days of the residence of Assyrian, Babylonian, or Persian
David the city as well as the kingdom of which it was governors. BibUcal allusions to it
the capital was made subject to Israel (IIS 8 5). 4. Damas- are scarce and doubtful (Jer 49 23-27;
But this relationship could not have lasted very cus from Ezk47 16 ff., 48 l). In the Greek pe-
long, for soon afterward 950) Rezon (Hezion),
(c. 732 riod it even ceased to be the capital of
son of Eljada, established a strong dynastic rule at Onward. Syria and was supplanted in that capac-
Damascus (I K
11 23-25), which lasted until the com- ity by Antioch, though the Seleucids
plete collapse of Syria under the irresistible blows kept possession of it throughout. In 85 B.C. it was
of the Assyrian power in 732. captured by the Nabattean king, Aretas (Jos. Ant.
Rezon was succeeded by Tabrimmon (I 15 18), of K XIII, 15 2), and in 65 acknowledged the sovereignty
whom, however, nothing more is known than that he of Rome. When the Apostle Paul fled from it, it
was the father of Ben-hadad I (c. 900). Ben-hadad was under command of an ethnarch. In N T times,
helped Asa against Baasha and later made war there were evidently many Jews in Damascus (Ac 9 2;
Damnation 166
The Book
Daniel, of
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
E. E. N.
a later time, was placed one of the two golden calves
made by Jeroboam I (I 12 29). K E. E. N. DANIEL Oi<::i% daniyyel), 'God is my judge':
1. Son of David and Abigail, the Carmelitess (I Ch
DAN, DANITE. See Tribes, § 4.
3 1). 2. Son of Ithamar, one of those who sealed the
DANCE: Throughout the O T period down to the covenant with Nehemiah (Ezr8 2; Neh 10 6). 3. A
Greek era, the dancing in vogue among the Hebrews sage whose reputation entitled him to be classed
was predominantly a religious exercise. In very an- with Noah and Job (Ezk 14 u, 20). In addition to
cient times it his exemplary piety, he had also acquired a, great
was customary name for his exceptional wisdom (Ezk 28 3). There
for worshipers to is no valid reason for distrusting the traditional
engage in a joy- identification of this Daniel with the Daniel of the
ous religious pro- book bearing that name. Neither is there any evi-
cession around dence of the existence of another Daniel at an earher
the sacred tree date. Outside the book, however, the three refer-
or other sacred ences in Ezekiel are the only ones made to him until
symbol. (See a very much later time (I Mac 2 59 f Mt 24 15 [Mt .
;
Contents. Part II guistic Aspects guage. natural divisions, is in Hebrew and ch.
Language Internal Evidence : 7 in Aramaic, Preiswerk (Der Sprach-
Bate and Authorship; Type of Religious wechsel im B.Dn, 1903, pp. 88, 112) alleges that ch. 1
The Rival Views Thought
has been translated from Aramaic into Hebrew and
The Exilic Date 10. Authenticity
The Maccabean Date: 11. Canonicity ch. 7 from Hebrew into Aramaic. But aside from
External Evidence 12. Interpretation the support which such an allegation is intended to
Internal Evidence: His-
furnish to the theory of two underlying documents,
torical Aspects
there is no evidence for it. Moreover, why should
This book consists of two parts easily distin- the translation of Hebrew and Aramaic respectively
guishable. The
part (chs. 1-6) is narrative in
first stop precisely where it does? Another attempted ex-
form and has for its theme Daniel as planation of the facts is in the theory that the speech
I. Con- a sage and interpreter of dreams; the of the Chaldean magicians in 2 4 is given in their
tent. subject of the second (chs. 7-12) is a own language. But as the conversation with the
Part I. series of visions seen by him. The Chaldeans is so brief, the continuation of the narra-
narrative element in it is at a minimum. tive in the Aramaic dialect is on this theory unac-
The book opens with a portraiture of Daniel and counted for. As against these grounds a more sat-
the three young Jewish nobles, who because of isfying explanation may be found in a comparative
ceremonial scruples refused at Babylon to eat the use of the two languages at the time of the composi-
king's food and were prospered for their fidelity to tion of the book. If this be fixed in a period when
the national law (eh. 1). This incident is followed Hebrew was being largely supplanted by Aramaic
by an account of Daniel's successful interpretation in popular usage, the author may be imagined as re-
of Nebuchadrezzar's dream of the composite image sorting to the more intelligible dialect in portraying
(ch. 2). Next comes the story of the refusal of affairs in Babylonia and turning to the less familiar
Daniel and his three associates to worship the image Hebrew when desirous of limiting the circle of those
set up by the king and their subjection to the ordeal who could understand his meaning; i.e., in the more
of the fiery furnace (ch. 3). Daniel is then pictured purely apocalyptic sections of his book. As this
as interpreting the king's dream of a tree (ch. 4). dealt with current affairs, the risk of incurring the
He also plainly explains the meaning of the hand- displeasure of the Syrian authorities would be thus
writing on the wall at Belshazzar's banquet (ch. 5), lessened. At the same time the encouragement and
and is promoted by Darius the Mede, but on account confidence in a speedy relief would be imparted to
of envy is subjected to the ordeal of the lion's den the narrower circle of the faithful.
(ch. 6). Strictly speaking Dn is anonymous. In this it
The second part of the book contains an account differs from Is, Jer, and Ezk. So far as it contains
of four great visions seen by Daniel. The first is an any traces of the date of its origin and
apocalyptic representation of the four 4. Date its authorship, the proper use of these
2. Part great world powers (Babylonian, Medo-
II, and Au- data will depend upon a correct con-
Persian, Persian, and Macedonian or thorship; ception of its literary form. If this
Greco-Syrian) in the form of four beasts, followed by the Rival proves to be that of a purely historical
the establishment of the "people of the saints of the Views, prophetical book, these facts can only
Most High, whose kingdom is an everlasting king- be read as a claim on the part of the
dom" (ch. 7). The second vision is also an apoca- book that it was written in the Exilic period and by
lyptic representation, but of the Macedonian power the illustrious sage (prophet) who is its chief char-
with its fourfold development. Here Alexander acter. Upon this understanding of it the prophet
the Great appears in the form of a he-goat who over- Daniel would bear the same relation to the book
came the ram (the Persian Empire). From one of which Ezekiel does to the book bearing his name, etc.
the four divisions of the Greek Empire a king arises But if Dn be an apocalypse, written according to the
who proceeds to desecrate the sanctuary (ch. 8). current methods of composition governing the writing
The third vision is given in answer to a prayer of pen- of apocalyptic productions, it is plain that the author
itence and is cast in the form of a Divine communi- lays no claim to giving precise history or accurate
cation through the angel Gabriel, which concerns minute prediction, but, wishing to convey a message
the Messianic Kingdom to come in 70 weeks (ch. 9). of hope, and to infuse fortitude under trial into the
The fourth vision given by direct angelic visitation
is hearts of a persecuted generation, he transfers him-
assuring Daniel of God's love for His faithful people self back to the time of a great God-fearing man, and
and detailing the course of events under the tyran- through his figure conveys his message. In so doing
nical and sacril^ous king of the N., Antiochus he embodies such knowledge as he possesses of the
Epiphanes (c. 175-165 B.C., chs. 10-12). age and environment of his hero. In no case, how-
One striking feature of the book is its bilingual ever, does he, on this supposition, aim to produce the
character. The portion of it which is included be- impression that his work is that of the sage himself.
tween 2 4 and 7 28 is in Aramaic, all the rest in He- Of these two alternatives, the first prevailed in
brew. To account for this fact, it has been assumed ancient times, as may be gathered from the treatment
(by Meinhold, Kom. z. B. Dn, in Strack-Zockler, pp. of Porphyry's attack on the genuineness of the
261, 262) that Dn is drawn from sources of which the book and the defense by Christian writers (Jerome.
Daniel, The Book of 168
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Daniel, Apocryphal
PrcBf.in Dan.). In modern times the criticism of day but an atmosphere and surrounding into which
he had mentally transferred himself. On the
other
Dn begins with doubts regarding the authorship of
chs. 1-7 (Spinoza, Newton), which were hand, the history of the Maccabean
followed by the view that the Aramaic Internal Age as reflected in the book is mi-
5. The 7.
section (2 4-7 28) was an interpolation Evidence nute and accurate Farrar on Dn
(of.
Exilic :
Date. (J. D. Michaelis), and were finally sup- Historical in Expositor's Bible, pp- 38-62). (2)
planted by the theory that the whole Aspects. The fact that the author touches upon
book is the work of a Jewish patriot of the time of the conditions of the Exile, passes over
Antiochus Epiphanes (Corrodi, 1783, followed by the entire period between Cyrus and Alexander, and,
Eichhorn, etc. ). The argument for the Exilic date of glancing at that conqueror as a landmark, proceeds
the book is chiefly based on the alleged traditional at once into a minute description of events during
acceptance of it as such from the earliest days. It the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes is accounted for
is, however, also supported by such features of it as best by the Maccabean dating of the book. The
come into view in the effort to defend this traditional historical conditions of the Exile were necessary as
theory against attacks from the critical view-points. the literary framework for his great hero. The
The weakness of the argument is that the tradition, intermediate period was irrelevant and therefore
when traced to its earliest date, becomes quite un- omitted. The details of the Maccabean Age were
certain. The Baba-Bathra (146) ascribes the writing introduced because they were of all-absorbing in-
of Dn not to Daniel but, along with that of some terest. Upon the theory of an Exilic date such a
other books, to "the men of the great synagogue." selection of historical material is unexplainable.
The first portion of the book, at least, bears out the The linguistic aspects of Dn point to the Macca^
assertion that Daniel is rather the hero and sub- bean Age. The language of the Hebrew section
ject of it than the author. Of the latest advocates affiliates it with that of Esther and
of this position the ablest areC H. H. Wright, Dan- 8. Internal Chronicles, the latest books of the T
iel and His Prophecies (1906); Kennedy, /)ameZ/rom Evidence: (Driver, LOT\ p. 504 ff.). Its Ara-
the Christian Point of View (1898). Linguistic maic is not the Babylonian but the Pal-
The Maccabean date of Dn is supported by con- Aspects, estinian variety of that language (of.
siderations both external and internal. Of the Koenig, EinL, p. 387; Driver, op. dt,
former (1) the place of the book in p. 502). Certain Persian words (about 10 to 15) fix
6. The the Hebrew canon between Esther and the earliest limit for the composition of the book as
Maccabean Ezra in the group of Hagiographa, and c. 500 B.C., while the Greek terms for musical instru-
Date: not with the prophets, shows that it ments used in 3 4 f point to a date subsequent to 331
.
External was composed after the second group B.C. The explanation sometimes offered for the
Evidence, of the canon (the N^bhi'im) had been intrusion of these words in a book of the 6th cent.
closed. The effort to break the force B.C. which assumes that they might be stray names
of this fact by pointing to the Psalter, which is introduced through occasional intercourse between
also put among the Hagiographa, although com- Babylonia and the Greeks of Asia Minor is inade-
pleted before the second division of the canon quate, inasmuch as two of them at least belong to a
had been closed, is unavailing, because from the much later age. Sumponyah ("dulcimer," a-vficjxo-
nature of the case the Book of Psalms could not have via) is first found in Plato, and psanterin ("psal-
been put either in the first division (Pentateuch) or tery," yfra\Ti)piov) by its change of I into n betrays
in the second (Prophets). A better analogy is fur- the influence of the Macedonian dialect and must
nished by the Book of Jonah, which, though in every therefore be later than the conquest of Alexander.
respect exactly like Dn, found a, place among the The type of religious thought which prevails in
prophets simply because it was composed before the the book confirms the conclusion pointed to. by the
collection of the N''bhi'%mh.ad been completed. (2) considerations already adduced. The
The silence of Ben Sira regarding the prophet indi- 9. Internal theology of the book is akin to that of
cates that Daniel was not prominently before the Evidence: the Books of the Maccabees and quite
mind of the faithful Hebrew, as would have been the Type of different from that of the ExiUc pro-
case had such an account of him as Dn presents been Religious ductions or even from that of the wri-
published (Sir 49). According to Ben Sira no man Thought. tings of Haggai, Zechariah, Ezra, and
has arisen like Joseph since Joseph's day, but as Nehemiah.
Koenig points out (EinL, p. 386) Daniel is such a If Dn was not intended to be taken as the work of
perfect analogue to Joseph, especially in the matter the man whose name it bears but as an apocalypse
of rising to a first place in a foreign realm because of in which the prophet's figure was used
the successful interpretation of dreams, that the 10. Au- as the vehicle of a Divine message to
failure to recognize him is unaccountable upon the thenticity, the persecuted generation of Jews who
Exilic dating of the book. (3) The total absence of Hved in the middle of the 2d cent.,
any trace of the influence of Dn upon subsequent af- there can be no question of its authejiticity. For the
fairs is also a fact not accounted for by the theory question of authenticity can arise only when facts
of its Exilic date. are discovered that point to a conclusion con-
The internal grounds for the Maccabean date may tradicting the claim of authorship made by a
be grouped as (1) those which are drawn from the book for itself. As a book cast into the apocar
nature of the historical details included in the book. lyptic form, Dn could not but be put, in ac-
These show that to the author the conditions of the cordance with the legitimate literary principles
Exile were not the familiar environment of his own governing such forms, into the mold in which it is
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Daniel, The Book of
169
Daniel, Apocryphal
found. Even such a statement as 12 4 belongs to composed them. Their date also is unknown. They
the literary framework, and does not constitute a have been preserved for us in the Greek Bible and in
claim of Danielic authorship. the versions made from it. It has been much dis-
Whether Dn deserves a place in the canon of cussed whether the original of this section was
Scripture does not depend either upon the personal- Hebrew or Greek. The question is not easy of set-
ity of the author or the species of lit- tlement, since every extant version is based on the
II. Can- erature he may have chosen for his LXX. As yet there is no unanimity in the matter.
onicity. message, but upon the recognition of This apocryphal addition to the Book of Daniel is
the book by the spiritual consciousness entitled in some MSS. "The Judgment of Daniel."
of God's people as containing a real message of per- In Greek MSS. and in the Old Latin
manent value. This recognition was accorded to 2. The version placed before Dn ch. 1 in
it is ;
the book in the days of Jesus and by Jesus Himself. History of the Vulgate it stands at the end as
It has been concurred in by almost the unanimous Susannah. Dn ch. 13. The Greek text is extant
body of believers. No investigation of a literary in two recensions, the LXX. and that
historical character can shake its place in the rule of of Theodotion, which differ from each other in some
faith. details. There are several Syriac versions of the
Much of the difficulty experienced with the mean- book. The story is as follows Susannah, the wife
:
wives and children had entered the room. The of sixty-two, on the throne of Babylon. In 9 1 he is
proof was irrefutable; the false priests were slain, said, in addition, to have been "the son of Ahas-
and Daniel was honored. uerus of the seed of the Medes" (cf. 11 i). Both of
In the Story of the Dragon the same question was these alleged personages are unhistorical; and, judg-
at issue as to whether it was a living god. Daniel ing from the character of the other references to mat-
denied it and offered to slay him. The king gave ters of history in the Book of Daniel, it is perhaps not
him permission to try, and Daniel making lumps necessary to assume that the author, writing nearly
"of pitch, and fat, and hair" gave them to the four centuries after the fall of Babylon, had any
dragon to eat, whereupon he burst asunder. Baby- definite individuals in mind. Fortunately, the cunei-
lon was indignant at the death of their god and form inscriptions have given us the history of the
compelling the king to give up Daniel cast him into Babylonian succession after the fall of the native
the lions' den, where he was miraculously kept dynasty. The last Chaldean ruler was Nabonidus,
unharmed. The king's wonder at this led him to not Belshazzar, who was the crown prince. After
honor the prophet and to acknowledge the prophet's the surrender of Babylon, and the formal entry of
God. Cyrus three months later, his son Cambyses, as it
Neither of these stories, of course, is authentic, would appear, was made king, but only for less than
but each is framed from material taken from current a year; thereafter Cyrus himself assuming the title
legends and ideas. The dragon myth had wide cir- and function. It is barely possible that some tradi-
culation. As in the case of the History of Susannah, tion of Gobryas, the Median general of Cyrus who
the two Greek recensions, that of the LXX. and that occupied the city till his sovereign came to take
of Theodotion, differ in details. The original lan- possession, may have lain at the foundation of the
guage of these stories has generally been considered references in Daniel. But this hypothesis would at
to be Greek. Gaster's discovery of an Aramaic text best be only another illustration of the author's
of the Story of the Dragon in the Chronicles of notion of the relative unimportance of the minute
Jerahmeel gives strong support to the few who have details of history. J. F. McC.
stood for an Aramaic original and has started again
the question of Aramaic originals for them both, but DARKNESS: In figurative language darkness
as yet a clear decision is not possible. often appears as the syixibol of mystery (Ps 139 12;
The Roman and Greek Churches accept these I Co 4 5), of ignorance (Is 42 7; Ps 82 5), and oftener
stories as canonical; the Protestant Church holds of moral evil or sin (Is 5 20; Mt 4 16; Jn 3 19). Cases
them to be apocryphal. J. S. R.
of physical darkness are alluded to in connection
with the creation, the plagues in Egypt, the cruci-
DANJAAN, dan"j6'an (1^^ nj^n, ddnah ya'an) fixion of Jesus (Mt 27 45), and the last day (cf. Es-
(IIS 24 6): The text seems to be corrupt.
here CHATOLOGY, A. C. Z.
§ 39).
The LXX. is unintelligible, but indicates that 'Dan'
occurred twice. Some would amend: "And from DARKON, dar'ken Q'p'^yi, darqon): The ances-
Dan they went round to Sidon." Others would tral head of a subdivision of "Solomon's servants"
read "and to Ijon" for "Jaan." E. E. N. in post-exilic days (Ezr 2 56; Neh 7 58). E. E. N.
DANNAH, dan'a (Hi^ danna/i): A city in the hill- DARK SAYING. See Proverb.
country of Judah (Jos 1549). Map II, D2. E. E. N.
DARLING: The rendering of the Heb. ^^rC;,
DARDA, dar'da (jJ^Iti, darda') : A person famous yahxdh, 'only,' 'only one,' in Ps 22 20, 35 17, where it
for hiswisdom(I K 4 31). He is called a son of Mahol, is used poetically for one's life or soul. E. E. N.
but in I Ch 2 6, where the same set of names occurs,
he is called Dara and counted as a son of Zerah, DART. See Arms and Armor, § 1.
son of Judah. Mahol may have been the name of
a family of the clan of Zerah, a subdivision of the
DART IN THE LIVER. See Disease, §6 (3).
the accounts in the Books of Samuel and in I K ate farewell of David (20 lb-42). David goes to Nob,
1-2. The account in I Chronicles is based for its where he secures bread (21 1-7) and then becomes
main facts on the earlier account in the head of a band of relatives and malcontents
2. Sources Samuel and Kings, While the Chron- (22 1-2). Saul slays all the priests at Nob but Abia-
for the icier may have had access in a few thar (22 6-23) and hunts for David from place to
History of instances to other ancient sources of place (23 1-14, 24-29, 24 1-22). During these experi-
David. information, most of the remarkable ences David marries Abigail, the rich widow of Nabal
differences between his narrative and of Carmel, SE. of Hebron (25 2-42), also Ahinoam
that in the earUer books must be laid to his unhis- (25 43f.). David finally seeks the protection of
torical imagination. He projected back into David's Achish of Gath and is*given Ziklag, on the SW. bor-
time the fully developed liturgical and other arrange- der of Palestine (27 1-12). Summoned by Achish to
ments of the Temple service in his own day. Com- march against Saul (28 1-2), he is sent back because
pare, e,g., the account of the bringing of the Ark to of the opposition of the Philistine nobles (29 l-ii).
Jerusalem in I Ch 15 with the earlier account in Returning to Ziklag he finds it plundered and burned
II S 6, and the difference in point of view will at once by Amalekites. He overtakes and routs the rob-
be apparent. See Chronicles. bers, and makes a shrewd use of part of the spoil by
We are thus practically limited to the accounts sending presents to leading men in Judah and else-
in I and II S and I K 1-2 for our knowledge of Da- where (301-31). An account of Saul's defeat and
vid. This material will be found, on examination, death follows (31 1-13) and of David's grief at the
to consist of excerpts from older and originally in- news (IIS 11-16), also the beautiful elegy he com-
dependent narratives in addition to editorial notes posed on the occasion (1 17-27). David now moves to
of various kinds. See Samuel, Books of. Hebron and is chosen king of Judah (2 1-4). A mes-
David is introduced, for example, in I S 16. The sage to Jabesh-gilead has no immediate effect (2 5-7).
account in 16 1-13 is a natural sequence to ch. 15. Abner gradually regains control of N. Israel for the
But at 16 U a new strand of narrative appears. house of Saul (2 8-10). War breaking out between
Saul is persuaded to send for David, already famous David and the house of Saul, David is victorious and
as "skilful in playing, a mighty man of valor, and a Abner capitulates (2 11-3 21). The murder of Abner
man of war," etc., as one who by his playing on the by Joab (3 22-39) and of Ishbosheth, Saul's son (4
harp might soothe the troubled spirit of the king. 1-12), does not prevent the crowning of David as king
David comes to Saul, who likes him, makes him his of all Israel at Hebron (5 1-2). The Philistines now
armor-bearer and provides for his permanent stay attempt to crush David, but are defeated (5 17-25).
at court. The sequence to this narrative is cer- A brief account of David's other wars follows (8
tainly to be found in such a passage as 18 6 ff. (note 1-14) and the narrative closes with a summary state-
that in ver. 6 the correct reading is "Philistines" ment regarding David's government (8 15-18).
[plural] and the reference originally may not have (2) Interwoven with A is another accoimt (which
been to the GoUath story). But instead of this we we will call B), in which David, a mere lad, is
have next the account of David and GoUath, ch. anointed by Samuel (I S 16 1-13) after Saul has for-
17-18 5, in which David is introduced, as if for the feited all rights to the throne. David comes into
first time (cf. vs. 12-16, in which ver. 15 is evidently a public view, still a mere youth and unknown to the
harmonizing insertion). Here David is very young king, by his triumph over Goliath (17 1-58). At the
(vs. 14, 33), knows practically nothing about war court he and Jonathan become fast friends (18 1-5),
(33fF.), is unknown to Saul (33ff., 55 ff.), and his place but Saul becomes jealous and tries in various ways
at court is due to his great deed of valor in slaying to kill David (18 12-19, 30). Jonathan brings about
Goliath (18 1-5). Similarly the statement in 20 2 is a reconciliation (19 1-7), but when Saul again at-
irreconcilable with that in 19 l ff., and the account in tempts to kill him (19 8-10) David flees to Samuel
ch. 24 is practically a duplicate of that in ch. 26. (19 18-20 la), then goes to Nob and gets the sword of
Such clear indications of different strands of narra- Goliath (21 8 f.) and thence flees to Achish (21 10-15).
tive will be found, on close examination, to be sup- Taking his parents to Moab, David next finds refuge
ported by so many others that little difficulty is ex- in the forest of Hereth (22 3-5). Samuel dies (25 l),
perienced in making out separate accounts of David's after which David spares Saul's life in the .wilderness
early career. of Ziph (26 1-25). Saul in despair and hard pressed
(1) One of these (which we will call A), the one by the Philistines has recourse to the witch of Endor,
beginning (so far as David is concerned) with 16 14, in order to get a message from Samuel, from whom
is a sober, straightforward narrative, a fine example he hears his doom (28 3-25). These passages are
of Hebrew prose, in which the facts are left largely to marked by the tendency to idealize David and to
speak for themselves. No attempt is made to ideal- show how it was the Divine will to take the kingdom
ize David, and the religious coloring is not conspic- from Saul and give it to his successor. See Samuel,
uous. Its outline is as follows: David's introduc- Books op.
tion to Saul (16 14-23). Saul, jealous because of (3) The most of II Samuel is from an ancient
David's success and popularity (18 6-8), attempts to history of David as king in Jerusalem (symbol Da*^),
kill him, first privately (18 9-11), then through the perhaps the oldest piece of consecutive historical nar-
offer of Michal to David as wife, provided David (at rative in the O T. This began, apparently, with 5 3,
the risk of his life) furnishes the stipulated dowry telling of the union of the tribes under David. The
(18 20-29). David now flees (19 11-17) after revealing capture of Jerusalem follows (5 6-10), then the build-
Saul's murderous intent to Jonathan, who is sur- ing of David's palace and a note regarding his family
prised, but finds that it is so and takes an affection- (5 11-16). The basis of ch. 6 (the Ark brought to
173
David A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Between
Jerusalem) and of ch. 7 (the Divine promise regard- was) David soon became very popular.
him and Jonathan, Saul's eldest son, ^ warm
tnend-
ing David's dynasty) belonged to this source. Chs.
9-20, practically entire, constituted a large section ship grew up. In war David performed such deeds
of valor that in popular song his name
was placed
of this ancient history, concerned mainly with in-
ternal affairs. Only in ch. 10 (the parallel to 8 3-12) above Saul's. These things at last aroused Saul to
and 12 26-31 is any notice given to foreign affairs. a violent jealousy, and he determined to kiU David.
Here 10 6-19 awaken suspicion as perhaps being Saul saw in David an enemy to his house and felt
that his death was a pubUc necessity. David acted
a later insertion. After relating David's kindness
to Jonathan's son Mephibosheth (ch. 9), the with forbearance and magnanimity in this trying
trouble with the Ammonites is recounted (10 1-5, situation. His marriage to Michal, Saul's daugh-
11 1) mainly as a setting for the story of David's sin ter, only made his position more dangerous. At
with Bathsheba (11 2-27), followed by the rebuke of last David saw that he must leave court and, after
David by Nathan (12 1-15), the death of Bathsheba's an affectionate farewell to Jonathan, he resorted t-o
child (12 15-23), the birth of Solomon (12 24 f.), and the Hfe of a freebooter. Gradually a band of like-
the successful issue of the war with Ammon (12 minded spirits gathered about him, some of them
26-31). The story of Absalom's rebellion is traced wild, lawless men, a condition of affairs made possible
from its beginnings in the trouble between Absalom only through Saul's inefficient government. These
and Amnon to its conclusion in the death of Absa- years were years of valuable discipline for David,
lom and David's restoration to his throne (13-19). giving him lessons in war and strategy, in command
As a sequel we have the story of Sheba's unsuccess- of others, and in self-rehance that proved valuable
ful rebeUion (20 1-22). The notice (20 23-26) con- in later years. At the end of this period David had
cerning David's cabinet seems to have closed the won for himself a strong hold on the affections of the
account of David's active reign, while I 1-2 (in K clans of Judah, had materially increased his personal
the main) probably formed the closing section of possessions, and was head of a band of about 600
this history. trusty followers who placed allegiance to him above
(4) Finally we have a little collection of material that to any other person or cause.
in II S 21-24 of various dates and inserted by the David's recourse to Achish of Gath was the only
compilers of II S in their present position. It con- solution of a difficulty. He had become too strong
tains (a) an old notice of a famine and the execution to live any longer in Judah without becoming in-
of the sons of Saul to satisfy the Gibeonites (21 l-u). volved in civil war with Saul. By taking a position
(b) A group by David and
of stories of heroic deeds in the S. at Ziklag, under a nominal vassalage to
his men which Goliath's
in the Philistine wars, in Achish, David was free from entanglements and
death is accredited to Elhanan, not David (21 15-22). could patiently await the issue of circumstances.
(c) A late psalm of praise attributed to David With the defeat of Israel by the Phihstines and
(ch. 22 = Ps 18). (d) An ancient poem, "the last the death of Saul and his sons on Mt. Gilboa came
words of David" (23 1-7). (e) An old Hst of David's David's opportunity. But he moved cautiously.
heroes (23 8-39). (f ) The story of the census, with its He was still the vassal of Achish. The move from '
disastrous result, and its incidental but important Ziklag to Hebron, there to be recognized by the tribe
sequel, the purchase of the threshing-floor of Arau- of Judah as king, was not significant enough in the
nah as a place of sacrifice, the site of the later eyes of the Philistines to provoke hostilities. The
Temple-altar (24). Philistines were concerned with controlling Central
Of these sources Da' is probably the oldest. It Israel rather than Judah. The court at Hebron was
was written out of full information, in a spirit of re- not a magnificent establishment, nor did the power
markable impartiality, David's faults and Umitations of David at first appear formidable. David's po-
being set forth with no apologies. It was com- lite message to Jabesh-gilead met with no response.
piled not long after David's death and before the N. Israel was not yet ready to accept David as king.
dominance of the tendency to idealize him, so But when Abner, after five years of patient effort,
marked in later Hebrew literature. Narrative A is had succeeded in putting N. Israel on an independ-
of almost equal antiquity and impartial objectivity. ent basis (against the PhiUstines) and had placed
Most of the material in II S 21-24 is also old and Ishbosheth, Saul's youngest son, on the throne, a
historically trustworthy. On the other hand, narra- civil conflict was inevitable. Two kingdoms in
tive B isand belongs to the time when David
late Israel, with such a man as David at the head of one,
was looked back to as the ideal man and king. See were impossible. The conflict lasted about two
the discussion of this narrative in Samuel, Books years. Joab's treacherous murder of Abner, and
OF. We possess, therefore, an abundance of good the murder of Ishbosheth by two traitors threatened
material wherewith to construct a history of the to interfere with the plans for consolidation, but
life and work of David. David succeeded in proving his innocence, and the
David w£is bom c. 1040 (see Chronology of inevitable goal of the whole course of events in
O T), the son of Jesse, a farmer of Bethlehem. His Israel for ten or more years was reached when the
early life, that of a shepherd lad, gave elders or representatives of the tribes met at Hebron
3. David's him opportunity to develop his musical and there constituted David Idng of all Israel. This
Life. talents. The border warfare with the was done on the basis of a covenant or agreement,
PhiHstines early attracted his daring the particulars of which are not given. Of this we
spirit, and he had already gained some renown when may be sure, that N. Israel accepted David as king
he was called to quiet the spirit of the afflicted Idng over them not because he was king of Judah, but for
by his skill on the harp. At the court (such as it what he was in himself. There was no recognition
173 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY David
of a suzerainty of Judah over the other tribes in this The story of the quarrel between N. Israel and Judah
transaction. The Philistines were quick to see the after the defeat ofAbsalom's forces, while it reveals
significance of what had taken place at Hebron and the jealousy between these two parts of Israel, also
attempted to crush David before he had fully or- shows the strong affection felt for David in the
ganized his kingdom. Two signal defeats (II S 5 17- nation as a whole.
25; cf. 23 13-17), followed by others (II S 8 1, 21 16-18, Absalom's rebellion occurred probably in the last
23 9-12), taught them that Israel under David was decade of David's fife. It was a severe ordeal and
supreme in Palestine. after his restoration David entrusted most of the
Unlike Saul, David saw the need of a strongly duties of government to others. This gave Adoni-
centralized government. To this end a capital, cen- jah his opportunity for his unsuccessful attempt to
trally located and capable of being strongly fortified, prevent the succession of Solomon, whom David had
was a necessity. Such a location was at hand in the already designated his successor. With the installar
old Canaanite fortress- of Jerusalem (q.v.), still un- tion of Solomon, son of Bathsheba, as his successor,
conquered and occupied by the Jebusites. One of David's public Hfe closed. Not long after he died,
David's first acts was the capture of this strong 70 years of age.
position and the estabHshment here of his seat of David's work for Israel was of greatest impor-
government. Here he built a palace, otherwise tance. In a sense he but completed what had been
improved and more strongly fortified the city, and, partially accompfished by Samuel and
as adding both dignity and sanctity to his capital as 4. Esti- Saul. But even with this reservation
well as doing honor to the national religion, to this mate of his fame will endure as Israel's greatest
place he brought the Ark, the most ancient symbol of David's ruler after Moses. He
not only re-
the national faith. Reign and united Israel and gave it for the first
David's wars with neighboring nations all occurred Work. time a strong, well-organized, and well-
probably in the first decade of his reign. The administered government, but he gave
occasion of the war with Ammon is explicitly given it a new national consciousness. Under him Is-
(II S 10 1-5). The Syrian wars were an outgrowth rael attained to a true sense of her national signifi-
of the Ammonite war (10 6-19; cf. 8 3-12). The cance among the small nationalities of SW. Asia.
reasons for the conflicts with Moab and Edom are It was due to David that Israel emerged from the
not stated. The outcome of these campaigns was condition of a body of loosely confederated tribes to
to give Israel the foremost place among the small that of a nation acting as a unit along well-defined
nationalities between the Euphrates and Egypt. fines of national policy. The Davidic Age was an
The overlordship of Israel, involving the payment of age of awakening for Israel, and David was its incar-
annual tribute, was recognized by Edom, Moab, nation. Under him for the first time Israel had a
Ammon, and a number of the petty Syrian king- capital city, a central government, a standing army,
doms to the NE. a court, and a supreme court of justice.
Following these wars was a period, probably of That all this was without influence upon Israel's
ten to fifteen years' duration, of peace and prosperity. refigion is unthinkable. David himself was sin-
The central government was strong and efficient. cerely loyal to Jehovah, Israel's God. His battles
The king was a supreme court of appeal, open to were fought and his victories won in the name of J"-
every Israehte, where impartial justice was sure to None of his public acts was marked by any dis-
be decreed. The spoils of war and the tribute of loyalty or unfaithfulness to J", as such things were
conquered nations brought in a revenue more than understood at the time. In his royal sanctuary at
sufficient to meet all demands without heavy internal Jerusalem the most ancient and revered symbol of
taxation. The king was popular, the people happy the national faith was highly honored and carefully
and contented. Seeds of future trouble indeed were guarded. It is probable that the worship at this
being sown, but that harvest was not all to be sanctuary was somewhat elaborate and dignifled,
reaped in David's day. It was in this period that and that the later view of David as the founder of
Nathan the prophet declared the unique significance the Temple fiturgy was not entirely without founda-
of David's dynasty, laying the foundation of the tion. Through David the popular conception of the
prophetic view of the Messianic significance of that power of J" must have been greatly strengthened.
dynasty (IIS 7). Of the personal character of David an estimate
Absalom's rebellion, though prompted mainly by founded mainly on the objective account of Da"^ and
his own ambition, was made possible only through of the old elements in A and in II S 21-24 can not be
the presence of certain elements of disaffection in far from correct. He was a child of his age, and his
Judah, David's own tribe. That Absalom won over faults, as they appear to us, were mainly the faults
to his cause Ahithophel of Giloh in Judah and that he of his age. This is the only just way to judge of his
organized his rebellion in Hebron, David's old capi- readiness to accept Saul's stipulations regarding his
tal, shows that it was in Judah that the opposition to marriage to Michal (I S 18 25 £f.); of his harsh treat-
David was strongest, though at no time was the ment of conquered enemies (II S 12 31, mild in com-
majority of the population on Absalom's side. parison with those of Assyria at a later date) of his ;
David's strict adherence to the terms of the cove- yielding to the demands of the Gibeonites for blood
nant arrangement, in not favoring Judah unduly at revenge on Saul's house (II S 21), since by refusing
the expense of Israel, may have caused resentment he would bring the same nemesis upon his own
in Judah. Into the details of the story so fully told house; or of his charge to Solomon to see that Joab
in II S 13-20 we do not need to enter. Nowhere else paid the just penalty for his murders of innocent
do David's greater qualities appear so conspicuously. K
men (I 2 5 f.). For his criminal connection with
David
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 174
Decalogue
of writing some of those attributed to him. DEAD, THE. See Burial and Burial Cus-
David was brave, generous, and magnanimous. toms, and Eschatology, §§ 15-21, 37-39, 42^4,
He was a master-spirit who drew others to him and and 49.
for whom they would gladly lay down their Hves (of.
II S 23 13-18). He was a discemer of men and knew DEAD BODY. See Burial and Burial Cus-
how to use each in the place for which he was best toms, §§ 1-5.
fitted. As a king he showed a kingly dignity and DEAD SEA (D;, yam, *sea'[Am8l2; Mic7l2];
bearing, but was withal affable and approachable. rb^D D^j yam hammelah, Salt Sea [Gn 14 3; Nu
Politically he was shrewd and far-seeing, and his
34 12]; T\^')ij) 2;, yam hor-'drahhah,
military skill gave him victory in all his wars. His
people trusted and loved him as a just ruler. In his I, Name, "the sea of the Arabah," "sea of the
family Ufe his affection for his children often got the plain," AV [Dt 3 17, 4 49]; "^JiT^lpjl D^,
better of his judgment, and yet his bitter cry," Would yam haqqadhmom, east sea, former sea [Ezk AV
I had died for thee, Absalom, O son, sonl" my my 4718; J12 20; 8]): Zee 14
In extrabiblical sources
must touch every parent's heart. 'Ao-^aXrirty, 'Sea of Asphalt' (Pliny, HN. V, 1515;
It was then not without reason that later Israel Diod Sic. 2 48,19 98; Josephus of ten also SoSo/itnff, ;
looked back to David as the ideal man and king, and 'Sea of Sodom' Ant. V, 1 22). In Arab. Bahr-
made him the type of the ideal Head of the Messianic Lut, Sea of Lot (?). The name "Dead Sea" is not
Age.' Biblical and in the
; N
T there is no reference to it
Literature: Hebrews (1883, transl.
Kittel, History of the whatever.
1895-6), §§ 43-46; McCurdy, History, Prophecy, and the The Dead Sea is the most striking of the geograph-
Monuments, vol. II (2d ed. 1897), §§ 518. 522, 523; vol.
ical features of Palestine,or at any rate the most
I (3d ed. 1898), pp. 238-253; Guthe, Geschichte Israels
(1899), pp. 74-109 (a most excellent discuaaion); Wade, remarkableits inland bodies of
of
Old Testament History (1901), pp. 224-276 (a very 2. Physical water. It is 40 m. in length and 9 to 10
complete account). The art. on David by H. A. Features, m. in width. It is divided into two
White in HDB. is of high merit, g^ i^ ^^ unequal parts by a small peninsula
DAVID, CITY OF. See Jerusalem, § 15. projecting from the E. shore in its southern part.
This peninsula is called lisdn ('tongue'), but offers
DAY. The uses other than literal of the term day
no specially interesting features. The lake is sur-
are: (1) A period of time (Dt 16 3), and in the plural
rounded by high cliffs on the W. side, rising some-
(I K10 21). (2) Some outstanding single day, such
times to the elevation of 1,500 ft., and by moun-
as the birthday of an individual (Job 3 1; Hos 7 5) or
tains on the E. side, the highest of which reach up
the day of death (Ps 37 13; Jer 50 31) or of a great
to 2,500 ft. above the water. It has no outlet to
battle (Is 9 4; Ps 137 7). (3) An apocalyptic meas-
the S., and receives the waters of the Jordan from
ure of time (Dn 12 11, etc.; Rev 2 10, etc.), and (4) the N. The constant evaporation caused by the
figuratively (Jn 9 4; I Th 5 5, 8). A. C. Z. intense heat and the great depth of the valley
DAY OF ATONEMENT. See Fasts and below the surrounding country is so rapid as to
Feasts, § 9. counterbalance the accession of water from the
Jordan and the other affluents and to main-
DAY OF JUDGMENT. See Eschatology, §§ tain the level exactly. The basin of the Dead
5, 36, 49.
Sea is made up by the junction of two valleys
DAY OF THE LORD. See Eschatology, running respectively from N, to S. and from S. to
§§4-7. N., and becoming deeper as they approach each
DAY»S JOURNEY. See Weights and Meas- other. The soil of these valleys abounds in cer-
tain saline substances (chlorides of sodium, calcium,
ures, § 2.
and magnesium, to which must be added certain
DAY'S MAN (Job 9 33), Umpire RV: The Heb. compounds of bromium). These give the water its
term (D^?"):) means 'one who judges' or 'decides.' bitter and its salt taste and its oily consistency, as
Job longs for some one to come between him and well as its great density. Owing to this last feature,
David
175 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Decalogue
to death by Joshua (Jos 10 3). lowing Augustine, includes the one prohibiting the
n. 1. A city in the S. of Judah (Jos 10 38), also making of images with the first and preserves the
called Kiriath-sepher (Jos 15 15; Jglll), supposed original number by subdividing the last command-
to be in the neighborhood of Hebron, but its exact ment. Among the Jews, whom the Greek Church
identification with any modem site seems impossible and Protestants (except Luther) generally follow, the
(cf. Map II, D 3). In history it figures as first arrangement naturally suggested in the EVV is held
captured by Joshua (Jos 10 38) and afterward by to be correct.
Othniel, perhaps with a temporarily successful effort The Classical and Deuteronomic versions of the
at independence during the interval (Jg 111-15). Decalogue are substantially the same; they differ
2. Another city of the name appears in Jo8lr5 7, mainly in the reasons annexed to the
located in the NE. section of Judah, but the text 3. Original foiu-th and fifth, and in the arrange-
seems confused and the LXX. translates as if from Form. ment of the tenth commandment.
an original n^i?D"I instead of *1^D1. 3. For the the ground of this difference and
Upon
Debir in Jos 13 26 (''Lidebir" RVmg.) see Lode- the historical situation reflected, which shows not a
bar. A. C. Z. rituaUstic but an ethical setting, some have judged
DEBORAH, deb'o-ra (nnlDH, rf^&to-a/i), 'bee': 1.
that the Classical Decalogue was not a product of
the Mosaic, but of the early Prophetic Age. The
The associate and inspirer of Barak in the conflict
pre-Prophetic Age could produce only a rituEdistic
with the Canaanites under Jabin and Sisera (Jg 4).
decalogue such as that of Ex 34 16-26 (so Wellh.,
She is described as the prophetess who judged Israel
etc.)- As a middle ground between this view and
during the period, holding her court at a place named
the traditional, it has been held that a decalogue
after herself between Ramah and Bethel in the hill-
was given in a simple and rudimentary form in the
country of Ephraim. When the oppression became
Mosaic Age as follows:
intolerable,Deborah sent for Barak and together
they planned the campaign which culminated in the
1. Thou shalt have no other gods besides me.
overthrow of the Canaanites at the battle of Kishon.
2. Thou shalt not make unto thee any (graven)
The victory won by Israel in this battle is the sub-
image.
ject of a poem of great fervor and vivid imagery
3. Thou shalt not take the name of J" thy God
entitled"The Song of Deborah" (Jg 5). (Cf. G. A.
for a vain end.
Cooke, The History and Song of Deborah, 1892.) 2.
The name of Rebecca's nurse (Gn 35 8). A. C. Z. 4. Remember the Sabbath-day to hallow it.
DECAPOLIS, de-cap'o-lis (AeKawoXis): The name DEDAN, di'dan Qy], d'dhdn [pi DEDANIM,
applied in Roman times to a region E. of the ded'a-nim, DEDANITES]) A
Cushite or N. Arabian
:
Jordan including parts of Gilead, Golan, and Am- people (Gn 10 7, 25 3; Is 21 3, etc.). See Ethnog-
monitis, with Scythopolis (W. of the Jordan). The raphy AND Ethnology, § 11. E. E. N.
boundaries of D. were never defined geographically,
as it was not a geographical unit with connected ter-
DEDICATE, DEDICATION. See Sacrifice
ritory, but consisted of city districts, most of which
AND Offerings, § 18.
were, indeed, contiguous. In the wake of Alexan- DEDICATION, FEAST OF. See Fasts and
der's conquest many Greek colonies were planted E. Feasts, § 2.
of the Jordan on those high plateaux which Israel had
used for pasturage. These Hellenistic colonies had DEED : In the account of the transference of a
a common history: that of independent civic com- piece of property to Jeremiah by his cousin (Jer 32
munities under the Seleucids and Ptolemies, to whom 6 ff.), there is a reference to the "deed" (vs. 10 fE.,
they merely owed allegiance, and paid taxes and con- Heb. sepheVj 'writing,' "evidence" AV) which was
tributions. signed by Jeremiah and witnessed by competent
Most of them were annexed to Judsea by Alex- witnesses. As there is no statement as to an official
ander Jannseus (king of the Jews, 104-78 B.C.). record or register of the deed, it is probable that no
When Pompey conquered and reorganized Palestine such custom was in vogue, the deed alone properly
in 62 B.C. he restored their freedom to these cities, witnessed being sufficient evidence of ownership.
which about this time formed a league consisting For additional security a copy was made, which was
originally of ten cities (Sexa, ten, ' noKts, * city' )
' . The not sealed but left "open," and in this case deposited
exact date of this event is uncertain, but as the term with the sealed deed in an earthen jar for safe-keep-
Decapolis appears only in Roman times, and as the ing. The "open" deed would be the one ordinarily
era of most of these cities began in 62 B.C., the League consulted; only in case of serious dispute would the
dates probably from the reorganization by Pom- seals of the other one be broken.
pey. The cities were subject to the Roman Senate, This is the only instance in the O T where such de-
but administered their own affairs, had the right of tails are mentioned, but it may be taken as a fair il-
coinage, their own courts, financial budgets, and era. lustration of common procedure. E. E. N.
The number and names of the cities composing the
Decapolis are given variously and the title was pre- DEEP, THE. See Cosmogony, § 3.
served even after other cities were added to the list.
DEER, FALLOW. See Palestine, § 24.
Phny gives (as perhaps the original ten) Damascus, :
Philadelphia, Raphana, Scythopolis, Gadara, Hip- DEFENSE, DEFENSED CITY. See City, § 3.
pus, Dium, Pella, Gerasa, Canatha. Ptolemy's list
omits Raphana and adds Abila, Abila Lysanise, Cap- DEFILEMENT. See Purification.
itolias (perhaps Raphana ) Saana, Ina, Samulis
,
DEGREE. See Dial.
Heliopolis, Adra, and Gadora. From other sources
we know of Canata and Bosra (Bostra). Scythop- DEGREES, SONGS OF: A title applied in AV
olis commanded the trade-route and was the outlet to Psalms 120-134 (Song of Ascents, RV). See
to the sea for the Decapolis. Hippus and Gadara Psalms. e. E. N.
were given to Herod by Augustus, Abila to Agrippa
II by Nero, but the League was not dissolved until DEHAITES, de-hg'aits (^IH^.^ dehdwe\ Deha-
the third century, when Philadelphia, Gerasa, Cana- vites, de-h^'voits, AV) Apparently
: the name of a
Decapolis
177 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Demon, Demonology
people (Ezr 4 9). No satisfactory identification has A new period of belief in demons began when
been reached. Probably we should read with LXX. Israel came
into contact with the Babylonians and
(B) "ShushanchiteSjthat is (= dehawe') Elamites," a the Persians. All such siu-vivals of
reading which the original Aramaic permits. 2. Influ- primitive religion among the Hebrews
E. E. N. ence of were evolved under the influence of
DEKAR, di'kar. See Ben-Deker. Babylo- the highly developed demonology of
DELAIAH, nian and Babylonia of this period. Through
d@-l^'ya (iH^^n f'^)% ddayah), 'J"
Persian this influence the supernatural beings
has drawn out' (?) : 1. A descendant of David, I Ch
Beliefs, came to be sharply separated into two
3 24 (Dalaiah AV). 2. The ancestral head of the 23d
classes, the good, or angels, and the
course of priests (I Ch 24 18). 3. The son of She- bad, or devils. There was, in fact, a tendency to
maiah and one of the princes who entreated King
associate with each the mythology of Babylonia.
Jehoiakim not to burn the roll on which the prophe-
(See Dragon.)
cies of Jeremiah were written (Jer 36 12, 25). 4.
In the Grecian period, particularly in the two
The ancestor of a post-exilic family (Ezr 2 60; Neh
centuries immediately preceding the Christian Era,
7 62). 5. The father of Shemaiah and son of Mehetabel
demonology developed very rapidly be-
(Neh 6 10). E. E. N.
3. Develop- cause of the general polytheistic spirit
DELILAH, de-lai'la (H^^^^, d^ilah): A Philistine ment in of the day. The Jews of this period,
woman, Samson's mistress (Jg 16 4 flf.), E. E. N. the Greek though consistent monotheists, saw no
Period. inconsistency in a highly developed
DEMAS, dl'mas (Arjfias): A companion and fel- belief in an unseen world peopled with
low worker of Paul, mentioned in the salutations of angels and demons. They came to beheve also
the Epistles to the Colossians (4 14), and to Phile- more distinctly in the influence of these superhuman
mon (ver. 24) and, consequently, known in Christian beings upon men. Angels watched over the birth
circles in Asia. At the writing of these Epistles he and subsequently cared for the welfare of individuals
was with Paul in Rome. Later, at the time of Paul's (cf. Mt 18 10 and see Angels). The popular belief
second imprisonment, he forsook him and apparently that demons (devils AV) caused sickness of various
gave up his faith (IITi4iO). Nothing more is sorts, both physical and psychical, is well illustrated
known of him. E. E. N. in the story of young Tobias (To 3 7 ff., 6 7, etc.), and
where it is said that he is "commended by all and by that all diseases were regarded by the Jews of Jesus'
day as caused by evil spirits, there can be no doubt
the truth itself." He may have been the bearer of
that such a belief formed a very large, if not a con-
the Epistle. J. M. T.
trolling, element in therapeutics. Similar beliefs are
DEMON, DEMONOLOGY: Belief in the exist- still common among primitive peoples and among
ence of superhuman good and malevolent spirits those nations like the Chinese which have not come
is probably as old as any form of re- under the influence of modern scientiflc conceptions.
I. Early ligious belief, and is the survival of These evil spirits came to be regarded as forming a
Hebrew primitive religion. This is doubtless kingdom by itself with a supreme ruler, Satan. To
Belief, true in the case of the earlier Hebrews. cast evil spirits out from those whom
The oldest form of such belief seems 4, Satan, they possessed was therefore an attack
to have included "hairy s^'irim" (rendered "wild upon the kingdom of Satan (Mk 3 23fF.).
goats"), which correspond in a way to the satyrs It was believed that when the Messiah finally came
of the Greeks and the jinns of the Arabs (cf. Lv to judge the world and to save his people, he would
17 7; Is 13 21), These demons were believed to in- be involved in a final struggle with this kingdom of
habit the deserts. Another class was composed of Satan and would destroy it and the demons who
the storm-demons, the shedhim (Dt 32 17), who were with Satan would be cast into the lake of fire (cf. Mt
supposed to bring destruction to the people. Most of 25 41; Eth. EtwcK, 55 4; Test. Levi, 18).
these demons were malevolent and were supposed to The Christianity of the N
T does not materially
have come from the underworld rather than from modify the belief in demonology of the people of its
heaven. Belief in such was evidently inherited by time. Jesus is represented as strug-
the Hebrews from their Semitic ancestors, if not 5. N T Con- gling with Satan in His casting out of
from the ancient Sumerian religion. There was early ceptions. demons (cf. Mk 3 27), and the power
a further tendency among the Hebrews to identify to perform the latter act was made
various diseases with demons, as in the case of the evil coordinate in His instruction to the Apostles with the
spirit that troubled Saul in I S 16 14-16. Generally, injunction to preach the coming of the kingdom of
however, in the O T diseases are conceived of as sent God (Mk 6 7). The demonology of the N
T is not
from J" and are not attributed to demons. concerned with the moral character of an unfortu-
Den A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 178
Deuteronomy
was impossible to tell just which spirit was in control In Job 15 34, Is 49 21, the Heb. means 'unfruitful,'
of the personality until it was tested by the question 'barren.' In Ps 34 21 f., Is 24 6, Hos 13 16, and Jl 1 18,
as to the lordship of Jesus (IJn 4 1 I Co 12 3, 10).
; the AV
is wrong, for the Heb. means 'guilty,' cf.
In all this there is no evidence that Jesus and His RV. In Is 13 22 and Ezk 19 7 'palaces' is the correct
disciples consciously accommodated themselves to rendering.
current beliefs they knew to be erroneous. They In the N
T passages the idea is that of a 'waste,'
seem rather to have shared in the popular demon- 'desert' condition, except in I Ti 5 5, where the Gr.
ology, although they never committed themselves means 'to be alone.' See also Abomination of
to the absurdities which marked some of the rab- Desolation. E. E. N.
binical teachers. In this fact may be seen another
illustration of the survival of elements of Judaism
DESTINY: As used in Is 65 11 (RV) the word
M. referspossibly to a Semitic deity (see Semitic
in early Christianity. S.
Religion, § 22). E. E. N.
DEN Palestine was hilly and abounded in caves
:
and rocky fastnesses where wild beasts and robbers DESTRUCTION. See Abaddon.
could make their hiding-places. References to such
DETESTABLE THINGS: The rendering of shiq-
places abound in the O
T. The den of lions, in
quts, often translated "abomination," in Jer 16 18;
Dn ch. 6> was a pit or cave fenced in where the royal Ezk 5 11, 7 20, 11 18, 21, 37 23. The term is always ap-
lions were kept. E. E. N.
plied to idol-worship as something utterly abhorrent
DENOUNCE: In Dt 30 18 this word is used in to the true Israelite. E. E. N.
the sense of 'declaring fully or plainly' the real
meaning of the Lat. denuntiare, E. E. N-
DEUEL, diu'el (^X^:'^ d'^iVel): A Gadite, the
father of Eliasaph, a prince of Israel (Nu 1 14, 7
DEPUTY An : lower rank than the gov-
officer of 42, 47, 10 20, called Reuel in 2 14). E. E. N.
ernor of a province (satrap), whose exact functions
are, however, not clearly to be defined from the data
available. The word renders natsahh (I K22 47) and DEUTERONOMY
-pehah (Est 8 9, 9 3 AV; Ezk 23 6 RVmg.). See also
Proconsul for NT
references.
Analysis of Contents
A. C. Z.
(Ac 14 6, 20) and later (Ac 16 l). It was the birth- of a duplicate copy of the law there
place of Timothy (Ac 16 1) and also, probably, of referred to. It was applied to the whole Book of
Gains (Ac 20 4). j. r. g. g.
Deuteronomy by the Alexandrian Jews, probably
because they considered it to be a restatement of
DESCRY: A term that means 'to catch sight of,' the whole preceding legislation (in Exodus, Leviti-
especially from a distance, as does a scout or spy: cus, Numbers).
used in Jg 1 23 AV in the sense of 'to investigate,' 2. Synopsis The questions of the authorship,
'spy out,' or 'explore.' E. E. N. of Contents, date, etc., of Deuteronomy can be dis-
1. The Ten Commandments, with an exposition and thought and events. (4) If small sections, such as
application, especially of the first two (chs.
2 10-12, 20-23, 3 9, 11, 10 6 f., are evidently later inser-
5-11)
(1) The Commandments stated, the circum- tions, it is a priori probable that other material in
stances of their promulgation recalled, with the book is also due to editorial work on it subse-
an urgent plea that they be obeyed (ch. 5) quent to its original
pubfication.
(2) The fundamental principle that Jehovah is
.
one God to be supremely loved and honored There is a quite general agreement among
and obeyed (ch. 6) scholars that chs. 5-26 and 28 contain the kernel of
(3) No compromise whatever with the Canaanite the original book; that is, that Deuteronomy in its
worship (ch. 7)
original form purported to give the fundamental
Promises, warnings, reminiscences, and ap-
(4)
peal (chs. 8-11) law of Israel together with a hortatory address of
2. The Code, chs. 12-26 Moses urging loyal obedience to this law with warn-
The arrangement of the Code is unsystematic. ings as to the danger of apostasy.
There are a number of long sections dealing
with important subjects, and on the other hand To this nucleus there were added from time to
there are many brief sentences, each dealing time (all, however, within a comparatively short
with a specific subject. The following analy- period and from the same literary and reUgious circle
sis is based upon that given by Carpenter-
or 'school') the second introduction (chs. 1-4), the
Harford (Comp. of the Hex., p. 474 ff.)
A. Laws Governing the Main Theocratic Institu- supplementary address and notices, and the Song
tions (chs. 12-18 and ch. 26) at the end (chs. 29-32 and 34 11 f. ). When this book
(1) Centralization of worship (12 i"^^) in this form was combined with JE (see Hexa-
(2) Apostasy (12 20-13 ^s)
(3) Ceremonial Purity (14 1-21)
TEUCH, § 20), excerpts from JE (27 6-7a, 3114 f., 23,
(4) Tithes (14 22-29) 33, 34 lb-5a, 6, 10) were inserted in its text. When
(5) Debtors and Slaves (15 i-is)
JED were finally combined with P (see Hexateuch,
(6) Firstlings (15i»-23)
§ 30) a few additional statements from P were added
(7) A Sacred Calendar (16 1-")
(8) Administration of Justice (16i8-20) (1 3, 32 48-52, 34 la, 5b, 7b-9).
(9) Offenses against Religion (16 21-17'; cf. (2) The Book of Deuteronomy, whether we think only
above) of the original kernel or of its final enlarged form, is
(10) Judgment and Rule (17 8-20)
(11) Priests and Prophets (18)
a distinct, separate work only loosely
(12) The Offering of First-fruits and the Tithe 4. The connected with the preceding Book of
(26; cf. (4) above) Relation Numbers or the following Book of
B. A
Miscellaneous Collection of Laws (chs. 19-25)
of Deuter- Joshua. At Nu 27 12 ff. Moses is ready
(1) Administration of Justice (19 1-21, 211-8. 221.)
(2) Warfare (20 ^-^o, 21 1*^") onomy to to ascend the mountain to die just as
(3) The Family and Purity (21 1^21, 22i3-30. 23"'.) the Prece- in the case at Dt 31i4 ff., 32 48 ff. It is
(4) Kindness and Humanity (221-8. 23i«'-, 24'0'2i) ding Books in only the few extracts from JE and P
A large number of other laws difficult to clas-
(5)
of the Pen- (see the preceding section) that the
sify (cf. the passages not included above)
3. Concluding peroration, with solemn warnings tateuch, connection is made between the history
against disobedience (28 i—29 i) Numbers and that in Joshua.
in
III. Additional Material, not Closely Connected with the
The book,as a whole, makes no claim to Mosaic
Foregoing (27 and 29 2-34 12)
1. directions by Moses and the elders (ver. 1) or
The authorship, but the addresses and the law are re-
the priests (ver. 9) regarding the blessing and ferred directly to him. The nature of this reference
the curse (ch. 27) must be estimated in the light of the following facts
2. A supplementary discourse, reminiscent and hor-
tatory, with warning and promise (29 2-30 20) (1) The lack of unity in the book, which fimits the
3. The last words and work of Moses (31 i-34 12) question to the portions assigned directly to Moses.
Encouragement (31i-«)
(1) (2) The pecufiar Uterary style of these portions,
(2) Direction to teach the Law (31 9-")
which is very marked and such as to strongly distin-
(3) Moses and Joshua at the Tent to receive a,
charge (SI"'- =») guish Deuteronomy from the other books of the Pen-
(4) The Song of Moses, with directions concern- tateuch. This is apparent, even in a translation
ing it (3118-22. 24-30^32 1-47) such as we have in the EngUsh Bible, and is more
(5) Moses commanded to ascend Mount Nebo to
die (32 «-")
apparent in the Hebrew. The hypothesis of the
(6) The Blessing of Moses (ch. 33) actual Mosaic authorship of both the material in
(7) Moses' Death (341-12) Genesis-Numbers and that in Deuteronomy involves
an insoluble Uterary puzzle. A satisfactory solu-
With the exception of the two long poems in chs. tion is possible only when actual Mosaic authorship
32 and 33 Deuteronomy is marked by a generally is posited in neither case. (3) There are discrepan-
uniform style throughout. But this cies between the narrative of Exodus-Numbers and
3. The fact is not in itself sufficient to estab- that in Deuteronomy. Compare, e.g., Dt 1 9-13 with
TJnity of hsh the unity of the book as altogether Ex 18 13-26; Dt 1 22-23 with Nu 13 1-3; or Dt 10 i-4
Deuteron- the work of one hand. The analysis with Ex 25 10 f., 36 2, 371 (as to the time of the ma-
omy. given above reveals a number of facts king of the Ark). These are only a few of a number
that tell strongly against this. (1) In of such discrepancies (see the fist in Driver, Int.
the place there are evidently two introductions
first Crit. Com., pp. xxxvff.). (4) The narrative in
to the Code. One (4 44-11 32) is very closely finked Deuteronomy presupposes the JE but not the P
to the Code, while the other (1 1-4 43) is not. (2) portions of the Pentateuch. This is true notwith-
Ch. 27 breaks the connection between chs. 26 and 28. standing the discrepancies just alluded to, which
(3) The whole section from 29 2 to the end of the only tell against identity of authorship. The gen-
book is marked by many abrupt transitions and eral view of the Exodus-^wildemess history and the
changes and by much confusion as to the order of events noted are just such as would be expected
Deuteronomy 180
Dibon
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
from one who knew JE, but felt at liberty both to mands of the situation in II K
22 8-23 25 as Deuter-
quote it verbatim and to handle its contents some- onomy does. (3) In the religious conditions of
what freely. But in no case is any dependence on P Manasseh's reign (c. 690-640 B.C.), a period of relig-
ious decUne, which must have caused much
anxious
evident; and the general view of Deuteronomy is de-
cidedly not that of P. (5) The kernel of Deuteron- thought on the part of many who were loyal to the
omy is an expansion of the code of JE (Ex 20-23 religion of Jehovah. Such conditions would natu-
and 34 12-26). The whole of this code (with the rally lead to an attempt to restate and reenforce
exception of the long section on penalties, Ex 21 the fundamental principles of Israel's religion. It
15, 17-22, and 20 25 f., 22 29b) is taken up, enlarged, is hkely, therefore, that Deuteronomy was written
commented on, and added to in Deuteronomy, in in the reign of Manasseh, some time near 650 B.C.
such a way Deu-
as to create the impression that in The purpose of Deuteronomy was to set forth the
teronomy we have a revision of ancient law in true nature of Israel's religious foundation, and
order to adapt it more perfectly to changed condi- thus counteract the disintegrating
tions, i.e., to a more advanced social and economic 6. Purpose and corrupting influences then so
stage of national Hfe. The relation of Deuteronomy and Sources powerful. The prophetic teachings of
to the code of P is very different. Deuteronomy, of Deu- Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, and Micah had
indeed, touches many points which are also included teronomy. both broadened and
deepened the
in P. But in many of these cases the legislation of views concerning the religion of Jeho-
Deuteronomy is different, both in letter and spirit, vah and Israel's true character. Deuteronomy
from that of P. Cf., e.g., the law as to the place of sought to combine the teachings of prophecy with
sacrifice, Dt 12 1-28 with Lvl7l-9 (in this same the traditional practises of rehgious and social Hfe.
connection note the different views as to ordinary It was an earnest, serious, worthy purpose. Since
slaughter and sacrifice) or the law concerning the Moses was traditionally considered the source of all
eating of the firstlings, Dt 15 19-23 (where the wor- Israel's law, and as there was probably a tradition of
shipers eat them) with Nu 18 17 ff. (where the priests a farewell address by Moses, it was natural that the
have the flesh as a part of their revenue). In Deu- whole presentation was not only made in the name
teronomy all Levites are priests and there is no of Moses but that he was represented as actually
reference (except in the insertion in 10 6) to the speaking it. In antiquity the standards of literary
Aaronic priesthood, while in P only the sons of Aaron usage were not the same as they are to-day.
are priests and the Levites are their assistants. The The sources at the disposal of the author (or
elaborate cultus-systera of P with its emphasis on authors) of Deuteronomy were: the JE history
the Tabernacle (only mentioned once in Deuteron- (probably already combined into one work) the tra- ,
omy in the JE passage 31 Hf.), the priesthood, the ditional law, especially as it had been developed at
sacrificial system, finds no emphasis in Deuteron- the great sanctuary at Jerusalem; and the teach-
omy. In its sacred calendar (ch. 16) the Day of ings of prophecy. All these sources were handled
Atonement (cf. Lev 16 and 23) is not mentioned. with freedom in consonance with the fundamental
These and many other similar facts lead to the in- purpose to produce a comprehensive national con-
ference that Deuteronomy has no knowledge of the stitution rather than a priestly manual or law-book.
fully developed code of P and stands midway be- Naturally the author of Deuteronomy is no longer
tween the ancient legislation in JE and the later known. It may have been the joint product of
code in P, in which, naturally, much of the previous several writers, although the uniform-
legislation would be embodied. 7. Author, ity of style is more favorable to single
Indications serving to give us a general date for authorship. It is also impossible to
Deuteronomy (in its original form) may be found, in say to what class the author belonged. He was well
addition to the inference just noted, acquainted with priestly law, but may not have been
5. Date of (1) in the relation of Deuteronomy to himself a priest. Some person or persons connected
Deuteron- the other literature of the O T. There with the Temple must have made some use of the
omy. is no definite trace of the presence or in- book, otherwise its being found there is inexplicable.
fluence of Deuteronomy in the litera- The religious value and significance of Deuteron-
ture of the O T before Jeremiah. The early writing omy are very great. Its ruling ideas can perhaps be
prophets, Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, and Micah, show no summed up as follows: (1) The abso-
acquaintance with the book, nor do the early nar- 8. Ruling lute unity and supremacy of Jehovah.
ratives embodied in Judges-II Kings, or the J Ideas. (2) The centralization of all formal
and E elements of the Pentateuch. On the other worship at one sanctuary (i.e., Jeru-
hand, Jeremiah and the editorial material of salem). The heinousness and dangers of all
(3)
Joshua-II Kings are full of traces of the influence Caananite forms of worship and of all familiar
of Deuteronomy both in phraseology and in ideas. intercourse with Canaanites (under these terms the
(2) In connection with the narrative in II K 22 8 ff., pressing rehgious dangers of the times were indica-
where we read of "the book of the law" being found ted). (4) The definite regulation of the whole
in the Temple and of the reform of Josiah (621 B.C.) moral and religious life of the people by the prin-
based on that book. It has long been recognized ciple of loyalty to Jehovah. These ideas are urged
that the reforms of Josiah were of just that character upon the conscience of the people with a fervor
that Deuteronomy might have inspired and that the and earnestness that are truly remarkable.
warnings and exhortations of Deuteronomy were After its discovery and sanction by Josiah, the Book
just such as might have aroused the king to action. of Deuteronomy at once seems to have become very
No other part of the Pentateuch answers to the de- influential. It was read and studied by Jeremiah,
Deuteronomy
181 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY DiboiL
though he was not in agreement with all its ideas. many breasts and symbols, is an Asiatic idol, not
It profoundly influenced also the historians who conceivable by a Greek brain, for Greeks detested
worked up the ancient records into the ugly. Her cult was equally un-Greek, equally
9, The In-the historical books now known as Oriental, wild, orgiastic, and impure. Girls gained
fluence of Judges, Samuel, and Kings (see above, dowries by religious prostitution in her temple, in
Deuteron- §5 (l)). It seems to have been soon which there was an army of eunuch priests, also
omy. issued in a second enlarged edition. In priestesses of three grades (who gave rise to the
the course of time it was combined Amazon myth), and hierodouli (male and female).
with the JE history, and in this form was the most The priests' titles were also Asiatic (Mcya^ufos,
influential book of exilic and post-exihc Judaism, 'Ecro-^v). Associated with the chief of eunuchs, or
supplanted it with a new
until the 'priestly' school archpriest, was an archpriestess. This Artemis was
and more comprehensive presentation of Israel's never really Hellenized, though her priests tried hard
law, now known as the 'Priest's Code' (P). to effect it, by associating the pure Greek Apollo
Literature: A full and adequate discussion of Deuteron- with their impure goddess, by claiming that Apollo
omy will be found in Driver, Int. Crit. Com. on Deuter- and Artemis were born and nurtured on the outskirts
onomy, and in Carpenter-Harford's The Composition of of Ephesus, by building a succession of Greek temples
the Hezateuch (1899, 1904). ^ E. N. in her honor, by decorating them with works of
DEVIL. See Demon, Demonology, § 3, and Greek art, and by introducing Greek games; but
Satan. the goddess and her worship remained Asiatic. (See
Ephesus.) J. R. S. S.
DEVOTED THINGS. See Curse, § 2.
DIBLAHjdib'la (Th:^\ dibA.?d;i, Diblath, dib'lath,
DEVOTIONS (to. ae^aa-^aTa, Ac 17 23): term A
that does not designate 'religious services/ but AV) (Ezk 6 14) No such place is known and the true
:
"objects of your worship"; therefore, the AVmg. reading may be 'to Riblah' in the extreme N. of the
"gods that ye worship," though a paraphrase, con- Lebanon region, making the whole expression mean:
veys the meaning exactly. J. R. S. S.
'from S, to N.,' i.e,, from one end of the land to the
other. E. E. N.
DEW. See Palestine, §§ 19, 20.
DIBLAIM, dib-le'im (pi:?:^% dihhlayim): Father
DIADEM, dai'a-dem (from hia-heiv, 'to bind of Hosea's wife, Gomer (Hos 1 3). E. E. N.
around'): A
band or fillet worn around the headgear
by the kings of Persia hence a badge of royalty. The
; DIBON, dai'ben (p^n, dlbhon) 1. A city of Moab,
:
term is used in the O T (AY) to render (1) tsdwpeh, Map II, J 3, situated on two knolls covered to-day by
*turban/ in general (Job 29 14 [cf. RVmg.]; Is 62 3).
(2) Mitsnepheth, the high priestly turban, in particu- j}rBo/\r
lar (Ezk 21 26, "mitre" RV), and ts'phlrah, "chaplet"
(Is 28 5). In the N T the Gr. dtddrjfia, "diadem"
("crown" AV), occurs in Rev 12 3, 13 1, 19 12.
A. C. Z.
DIAL (n (b^?3, ma'dloth), The word several
'steps' :
arose with the worship of Apollo. The representa^ Plan of Dibon of Moab.
tions of the Ephesian Artemis in art and her entire
cult were m
no sense Greek, but persistently Asiatic. ruins of no small extent and significance. D. was
in the territory wrested from Moab by Sihon, which.
The famous statue of the Ephesian Artemis, with its
Dibn 183
Disease and Medicine
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
when Israel conquered Sihon, became the possession term, which should be pronounced dayyanaya
'judges,' and consequently the
Dinaites were
of the tribes of Reuben and Gad (Nu 32 3, 31-34; Jos means
the re-
13 8 f., 17). The presence of the Gadites in Dibon is Persian officials who attempted to hinder
to Artaxerxes
witnessed to not only by the name Dibon-Gad (Nu building of the Temple by writhing
text ofGn (3021) as it now stands, D. was a daughter DIP. See Meals, § 2, and Sacrifice and Of-
of Jacob by Leah, and after Jacob moved from Aram ferings, § 16.
into Canaan she was violated by Shechem, son of
DIPHATH, dai'fath. See Riphath.
Hamor (ch. 34). On hearing of this the sons of Jacob,
but more particularly Simeon and Levi, avenged the DISCERNING OF SPIRITS. See Church, § 6.
deed by slaying the inhabitants of Shechem and res- DISCIPLE Predominantly
{fiadrjTrjs, 'learner'):
cuing their sister. Nothing further is said of her.
The narrative in ch, 34 is composite, the oldest
a NT word (but cf. 'learner,' limmudh, Is 8 16 and
If one looks on a beautifulchild, and wishes it were chasm the climate is tropical. Around the borders
hiS; it isbelieved that the child will be smitten by of Palestine and Syria are the deserts, generally dry
some disease or die. If some object of value is and hot, but swept in winter by bleak, cold winds.
looked upon by another with covetousness, its value It must be plain that in a country, small though
to its owner is believed to be lost. To avert this he it soil, climate, and expo-
be, with such a variety of
who speaks of an object of desire, first utters the name sure, there must be many types of disease. Thus, in
of God, to signify that His protection is invoked the irrigated plains fevers and dysenteries prevail;
against envy and covetousness. Thus, instead of in the damp, ill-ventilated, and ill-drained cities
saying to a mother, "What a pretty child !"one should rheumatism, and contagious and infectious diseases,
say, "The name of God upon him, how beautiful he and tuberculosis in all its forms; in the dry, dusty,
isl" Rupture is known as 'a wind.' Rheumatism sunny regions ophthalmia; while in the pure air
bears the same name. Epilepsy is known by the of the plateaux and deserts where germs are few,
name 'wrestling,' as if one had been overcome in those diseases prevail which are due to exposure
a struggle. Certain catarrhal and inflammatory and fatigue under the blazing sun, and in the keen,
troubles are called nizU, which signifies a 'descent' biting winds.
from somewhere in the regions above. If you see a The produce skin-
filthy habits of Asiatic peoples
man eating, you should say "two healthsl" meaning diseases and ophthalmia. The free use of raw meat
"may God give you two healthsl" If you see him causes worms. Raw pork often begets trichinosis.
worldng, you say "rest," that is, "may God give you From this Hebrews and Mohammedans are, of
rest!" It is generally believed that God strikes course, free. The large amount of fruit, often hard
men blind for their sins. One of the most common and unripe, of vegetables fried in fat, butter, or
curses is the word "blindnessl" that is, "may God oil, and of salads, engenders dyspepsia, diarrhea,
strike you blind !" Also it is believed that God pun- and dysentery. Violent temper produces cerebral
ishes by sudden death. So there is the curse, "may congestion and many nervous diseases- Unbridled
he cut off your agel" In a general way Orientals passion produces nervous prostration. Intensity of
are disposed to look for occult causes for disease. grief often wrecks the health or brings about in-
When none can be found, they say that the affection sanity.
is "from God." And when disease is supposed to be It is useless to expect to find a system 9f medicine
incurable, or is very intractable, one says "may in the Bible. During the fifteen hundred years
God cure you I" If a person is asked how he re- occupied in the preparation of the sixty-
covered from a disease, he is apt to reply "God/'.that 3. Medical six books of the O T and N T the nation
is, "God cured me." It is therefore in strict ac- Knowledge which furnished all the sacred writers
cordance with the ciurent and ancient Semitic belief in the was successively under the influence
that God sends specific diseases and general pesti- East. of Egypt, Syria, Assyria, Babylon,
lences as punishment for individual and national Persia, Greece, and Rome, most of
sins. The scathing denunciations of Dt 28 59-66 are which were renowned for their learning and their
such as would appeal to the Oriental mind with the cultivation of the healing art. It is presumable
vividness of conviction. It is noteworthy that be- that the Hebrews borrowed from their conquer-
sides the specific diseases (Dt 28 22), and the general ors many of their ideas of disease and methods of
pestilences (ver. 59), and the diseases of Egypt (ver. treatment, and that Hebrew medicine, at any par-
60), God threatened them with "every sickness and ticular epoch, reflected the views of the prevailing
every plague which is not written in the book of this systems of that day. We have no reason to suppose
law" (ver. 61). Here He no doubt alludes to the that the Hebrews made any advances on the learning
great variety of diseases arising from the diversity and skill of their masters. Of one thing we are cer-
of climate and the physical features of the country tain: There was from the earliest period of the He-
to which they were going, and of those lands in brew state a medical profession. In Egypt medi-
which they should thereafter be scattered. cine had made great advances before the Israelites
In no part of the world is there so great a variety left that coiHitry, and they doubtless carried some
some-
The medical topics in Scripttire are not
allusioiis to resembUng bird's claws (Dn 4 33). Horns are
numerous, and few of them shed clear light on the times produced on various parts of the body-
those m
opinions and practise of physicians or of the public. (11) Withered Limbs (Mt 12 10) are
Such information as is given is presented below which the muscles are wasting, owing to spinal dis-
part, to
under the following heads: ease, to injury to the nerve supplying the
I. Physical Abnormalities; II. Diseases congenital deficiency in the number of fingers and
AND Infirmities; III. Injuries; IV. Reme- toes, or to anything which stiffens joints and leads
(1) Baldness. It occurs naturally from advancing (1) Diseases of the Bones. Many of the diseases
age or skin-disease, or is. produced by shaving, as is of the bones have been alluded to under Physical Ab-
common among Moslems, or by use of normahties. Besides these the Bible
4. Physical medicines which cause the hair to fall 5, Diseases mentions dislocations (Ps 22 14), atro-
Abnormali- out. This disqualified from the priest- and Infir- phy (Ps 31 10), fracture (Is 38 13),
ties, hood (Lv 21 5). (2) Blemishes (Lv mities, caries (Hab 3 16), inflammation (Jer
21 17). Among them are mother's 20 9).
marks, freckles, party-colored hair, albinism, squint, Diseases of the Bowels.
(2) Bloody Flux is
white spots on the cornea, staphyloma, red nose, Dysentery, a disease caused by parasites in the
harelip, moles. None of these is mentioned in intestine, and producing and mucous dis-
colic
Scripture. charges, with great straining and disttess, and pro-
(3) Broken Feet and Broken Hands (Lv 21 19). lapse of the bowel (II Ch 21 19), and often resulting
This doubtless refers to ill-united or non-united frac- in abscess of the Hver. It is one of the dangerous
tures, or to unreduced dislocations, which deform diseases of warm cHmates.
the members and thus rendered their victims ineUgi- (3)Constitutional Diseases. Burning Ague
ble to the priesthood. (Fever Lv 26 16 RV) is a malarial affection, very in-
(4) Crippling Deformities (Cripple Ac 14 8) are jurious to the system, and destructive to life. It
such as incapacitate a person from walking (Lame may have a paroxysm each day, or every other day,
Ac 3 2), or such as embarrass his movements by or every third, or seventh, or fourteenth day. In
imperfect development of hmbs, by clubfeet, club- some of the more malignant forms of it the brain,
hand, rickety limbs, knock-knees, bow-legs, bandy- lungs, liver, spleen, kidneys, or other organs may be
legs, congenital dislocations of the hips. All these congested, and the patient dies speedily from the
would doubtless have disquaUfied from the priest- severity of the infection. In most he is sick for a
hood. long while, and may either recover or die worn out by
(5) Crooked Back (Lv2l20). This is of two the induced disease of one or more of the vital or-
kinds, lateral curvature, a sort of screw formation of gans. Consumption (Lv 26 16) may refer to tuber-
the spine, and angular curvature, arising from tuber- cular disease in its proiiean forms, or to wasting from
cular disease of the vertebrae or from injury. These any chronic disorder. Tubercular disease is ex-
disqualified from the priesthood. ceedingly common, especially among Moslems and
(6) Dwarfishness (Dwarf Lv 21 20). Of this Jews, owing to close intermarriage, to the seclusion
there are two varieties, one in which the whole body of women, to the filth of the narrow lanes and high
is reduced in size, the other in which 'the trunk and walls by which all houses in the quarters inhabited
head are of normal size, but the legs, and usually the by these people are shut in from sim and air. It was
arms, are shorter than natural. No person suffering probably as common in Biblical times, as cities were
therefrom could enter the sacred office. then very compactly built, and hygienic laws disre-
(7) Flat Nose (Lv 21 18) results from injury or garded. Dropsy is rather a symptom than a disease.
disease, causing a sinking or loss of all or a part of It is the accumulation of watery fluid in the limbs or
the bones and cartilages of the nose. cavities of the body, from weakness or disease of the
(8) Lameness (Lv 21 18) is caused by wounds, heart, kidneys, or other organs, or pressure on veins,
paralysis, ununited or badly united fracture, stiff- or injuries, or diseases of nerves, or disorders of the
ness of joints or muscles, or some of the deformities lymphatics. It is curable when its cause is curable,
mentioned above. The victim is said to be halt. otherwise it is usually a sign of approaching death.
(9) Maiming (Maimed Mt 18 8) is mutilation Extreme Burning (Fiery Heat Dt 28 22 RV) or
by loss of a Hmb or a part of one, or of any part Fever is a symptom of inflammation, or the result
of the body, as the eye, or the loss of any function of microbial infection. Of the latter class are ty-
(Lv 21 20) by injury or disease. Adoni-bezek had phus, typhoid, and malarial fevers, all of which are
seventy kings whose thumbs and great toes he common, especially the last. Inflammation (Dt
caused to be cut off. By the irony of fate he suf- 28 22) is too much blood in a part, usually caused
fered the same mutilation (Jg 1 6 f.). by microbes, and causing fever. If not cured, it
(10) Superfluous Parts (Lv 21 18). Such are a leads to permanent injury and destruction of the
sixth finger on a hand, or a sixth toe on a foot (II S inflamed part, or to blood-poisoning. It often des-
21 20). The writer has seen eight somewhat rudi- troys life. Pining away (Lv26 39) is a failure of
mentary fingers webbed together on each hand, and nourishment and loss of vitaUty, sometimes due to
six toes on each foot of the same individual. Some- organic disease and sometimes to mental despond-
times the nails become hypertrophied and deformed, ency, as in the case of the imprisoned and banished,
185 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Disease and Medicine
or the afflicted and bereaved. Scurvy (Lv 21 20, Sleep (Gn 2 21; Mk 5 39) is a state of suspended con-
22 22) results from too much salt meat, too little sciousness in which the subject may do or experience
vegetable food, bad air, privation of light, and certain things, which he afterward remembers. It
crowded, filthy quarters. It is characterized by differs Uttle from dreams or visions (cf. II Co 12 1-4).
tender, swollen, bleeding gmns, falling of the teeth, (9) Diseases of the Skin, Blains were a ma-
purplish or livid spots on the skin, ulcers, swelling lignant form of ulceration, sent as a plague (Ex 9 9).
of joints, fever, and often death. It is probable, Boils (Ex 9 9) are very common in warm climates.
however, that the Hebrew word here used, which is Hezekiah's boil (II K207) was doubtless a carbuncle,
also used in Dt 28 27 and translated Scab AV, which differs from a boil in its greater extent, and its
"scurvy" RV, refers to a skin-disease [see below numerous and large cores. For such an affection a
under (9)]. lump of figs, not a single fig, would be required as a
(4) Diseases of the Ears. Deafness is spoken poultice. Botch (Boil RV) of Egypt (Dt 28 27) is
of without specification of form or cause. Stopping probably the preUminary swelling of a boil or abscess,
of the ears (Zee 7 ii) refers to plugging them with before suppuration or sloughing. (For Plague of
the fingers or any other stopper. Unstopping of the Boils see under Murrain below. ) Broken and
ears of the deaf (Is 35 5) x'efers probably to the re- loathsome skin (Job 7 5) may refer to the filthy state
moval of ear-wax, which caxises partial deafness. of the skin around and among boils from incrustation
(5) Diseases of the Eyes. Diseases of the eyes of dry matter or to eruptions as eczema, impetigo,
are numerous and common in the East. Few are and the hke. Canker (IITi2 17 AV) is Gangrene
mentioned in Scripture in such a way as to indicate RV, not cancer. There are several forms of gan-
their nature. Blindness is often alluded to, but few grene. The one here alluded to is probably that of
hints of its form and causes are given. Some are the aged, a disease which spreads usually from a toe
born blind. Others have had their eyes put out. to the rest of the foot, then to the leg, g-nd sometimes
Others, as Paul, have lost their sight temporarily, to the thigh. It ultimately kills its victim by ex-
or, as Jacob, permanently. Jacob had Dimness of haiistion or blood-poisoning. Few recover from it.
eyes (Gn 4810; cf. 27 1), perhaps from cataract, Freckled Spot (Lv 13 39 AV) may refer to freckles
or from extreme presbyopia, for which in those days or to Tetter RV; that -is, vesicles like fever-blisters.
glasses had not been invented. Failing of Eyes Fretting Leprosy (Lv 13 51 f.) seems to refer to some
(Dt 28 65) would refer to asthenopia from excessive fungus growth or mildew that rots garments. Itch
weeping, aild anemia from general debility. Red- (Dt 28 27) is a tormenting, pustular eruption, caused
ness of Eyes (Pr 23 29) is not ophthalmia, but the by a minute insect, which bores into the skin. Al-
congestion of alcoholism. Scales falling from the though it can be cured by assiduous treatment, it ^
eyes (Ac 9 18) may refer to crusts of dried discharge is exceedingly intractable to native methods. If
which had glued the lids together. Tender Eyes garabh, Lv 21 20, 22 22; Dt 28 27 be itch (see below),
(Gn 29 17) refer probably to trachoma (granular the word here translated "itch/* heres, may refer
lids), a disease very common in the East. to pruritus, another tormenting skin-disease, ex-
(6) Diseases of the Feet. Asa's disease (II Ch ceedingly common in the East and characterized
16 12) may have been senile gangrene or elephan- by intense, insupportable itching which leads the
tiasis. sufferer to tear his skin with his nails. Leprosy.
(7) Diseases of theHeart and blood-vessels. The leprosy of the Bible is characterized by scabs,
Emerods, or are dilated veins, due to con-
piles, bright spots, and hairs changed in color, and spread-
gestion caused by constipation, which prevails very ing in the skin. A part affected by it has a whitish
extensively in the indolent East. They lead to ex- appearance, sometimes compared to snow. It did
hausting, sometimes fatal, hemorrhage. Faintness not disable its victim, and is never spoken of as a
(Lv 26 36)may be due to mental causes, as fear or fatal disorder. Naaman was able to exercise the
despair, or to physical, as hunger, thirst, overheat- function of a general while a leper. Apparently the
or pain, or to loss of blood (La 2 12), or
ing, fatigue, lepers went about as easily as others. When a man
which case it is often fatal.
to disease of the heart, in was covered with the eruptions he could enter the
Issue of Blood (Mt 9 20) refers to chronic and ex- Tabernacle or the Temple. These symptoms and
hausting hemorrhage from the wopib. Trembling facts point to some disease such as psoriasis or sim-
Heart (Dt 28 65) may be palpitation, or arrhythmic ple lepra. The ceremonial uncleanness of the
beat. leper seems to have been connected with the idea of
Diseases of the Nervous System. Bpilejjsy
(8) diversity of surface aijd dissimilarity of color, and
is the RV term for Lunacy AV (Mt 4 24), a disease in when the pati^t, by.^aj^pread of the disease over the
which the patient loses consciousness, and has con- whole surface of his body, became homogeneous in
vulsions similar to those in demoniacal possession. his aspect, he was ceremonially clean. There were
Madness (insanity) was feigned by David (I S 21 13). many such prescriptions in the Levitical law. Pie-
God threatened with madness those who should for- bald cattle, patched garments, party-colored stuff or
sake Him (Dt 28 34). Festus charged Paul with it walls, mildewed tissues, and, in general, what lacked
(Ac 26 24). Nebuchadrezzar was insane (Dn 4 33); simpHcity and equality, as shaven or clipped beards
also Saul. Palsy is a loss of nerve power, and, by and hair, or bald spots, or freckles or pimples, were
consequence, of muscular power, resulting from in- ceremonially unclean. The fact that a complete
jury or disease of the brain, spinal cord, or nerves. leper was permitted to mingle with the people, and
A variety of it is trembling palsy (Jer 23 9), in which enter the sanctuary, is proof positive that the disease
the patient suffers from irregular movement, beyond was not regarded as contagious. This form of lep-
the control of the will. Trance (Ac 10 lO) or Deep rosy has no resemblance to the other affection known
Disease and Medicine
Dodai
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 186
under the name of leprosy, the elephantiasis Grceco- doubtless refers under the expression "my throat
rum of medicine. The latter is
contagious, is charac- is dried,"
terized by nodes under and in the skin, by a dusky, (11) Worms, probably maggots, devoured Herod
lurid hue, by a leonine expression of the coimtenance, alive (Ac 12 23).
by deep ulcerations, caries of the bones, destruction
of joints, dropping off of fingers and toes, deformities
HI. Injuries.
of the limbs, and fever. These grave symptoms crip- (1) Bruises are frequently alluded to. They
ple the patient, and ultimately destroy his life. The are the result of blunt instruments,
confusion between these widely diverse diseaees is a 6. Injuries, which crush the flesh. They are not
signal instance of the persistence of an error founded infrequently followed by gangrene.
on the existence of the same name for totally different (2) Burns. David alludes to burning coals fall-
things. Murrain of cattle, the fifth plague (Ex9l-7), ing on his enemies (Ps 140 10). Figuratively, he
may well have been anthrax, the splenic fever of our who does good to an enemy heaps coals of fire upon
days. The plague immediately following it was one his head (Ro 12 20). The Levitical law prescribed
of boils on men. These may refer to malignant burning for biu-ning (Ex 21 25).
pustule, which is the result in men of the infection
(3) Dart in Liver (Pr7 23) seems flgurative. It
with the anthrax bacillus of splenic fever. Plague does not refer to any disease due to debauchery.
or Pestilence (Ps9l6, lO) is probably general, re- But wounds of the liver are generally fatal, and to
ferring to epidemics, as distinguished from sporadic
such are compared the consequences of vice.
diseases. While it is possible that the bubonic
(4) Dislocations are mentioned, of the shoulder
plague existed in Biblical times, we have no account (Job 31 22), foot (Pr25l9), thigh (Gn 32 25), and of
in the Bible of symptoms which would enable us to all the bones (Ps 22 14).
be sure that this disease is intended in the many
(5) Fractures are mentioned, of the arm (Job
passages alluding to pestilence. Of the epidemic dis- 31 22), teeth (Ps 3 7; Pr 25 19), heart (Ps 34 18, figur-
eases common in the East we may mention cholera, ative), skull (Jg9 53). The object of breaking the
which seems to have been endemic in India from legs of the two thieves on the cross (Jn 19 31-36) was
remote times, typhus, typhoid, smallpox, and mea- to hasten, by the shock of a new injury, the death
sles. Scab and Scall are patches of cuticle, separating which threatened not to take place before the sunset
from the skin, and are given among the characteris- of Friday.
tics of leprosy. There are innumerable scabby dis-
(6) Miscarriage from injiuy (Ex 21 22) was pun-
eases prevaihng in the East, as the various forms of
ished by assessing the injurer, or by his execution, if
lepra or dry tetter, dandruff, the scabby stages of
the result were fatal.
impetigo, eczema, Boils, ^Aleppo Buttons,' etc.
(7) Moonstroke (Ps 121 6). Orientals often
Scurvy (Dt28 27 RV, "scab" AV) may perhaps be
carry umbrellas to protect them from the moon.
Favus {yjrapa LXX.). This is a disgusting disease of They do not seem to know what evil they thus seek
the scalp, very common among the poorer classes. to avert.
The Hebrew word gardbh, which is also used (Lv21
(8) Sunstroke (Ps 121 6; II K 4 19; Jon 4 8) is
20, 22 22), is found in the cognate Arabic, in which it sometimes fatal, more generally evanescent.
signifies 'itch.' Sores are ulcers, or tubercular,
(9) Wounds. They were produced by arrows,
cancerous, or syphihtic lesions of the skin and the
darts, javelins, spears, swords, knives, stones, clubs,
tissues beneath it. They are very common in the and bones. Frequent allusion is made to the pain,
East, and often very disgusting and distressing, and
bleeding, inflammation, putrefaction, and healing of
frequently fatal. Putrefying sores (Is 1 6 AV) are
wounds, and to death resulting from them. Among
gangrenous areas. Running Issue (Lvl5 2) may wounds were those from the teeth of beasts, and
refer to a discharging sinus or fistula, or to gonor-
poisoned wounds from serpents (Dt 32 24).
rhea. Wen
is a sac containing fatty matter, situated
means of treating the eye implies the use of other I Ch 1 38 ff.). In cases probably the same clan
all
remedies for the very numerous and wide-spread (represented genealogically as an individual) is
diseases of the eye. meant. E. E. N.
(4) Food medicines. Mint, anise, cummin, as car- DISPENSATION. See Kingdom of God.
minatives; honey, figs, and the like, as laxatives;
nutrients, as meat (Lk 8 55). DISPERSION, DISPERSED: In the T period N
(5) Mandrake (Gn30l4) was in repute as an the Gr. term dida-iropa (diaspora) had come to have
aphrodisiac, a quite distinctive, meaning. It stood for that vast
(6) Midwifery (Ex 1 15) implies the use of such multitude of Jews who lived outside of Palestine,
means as the women who practised it understood. scattered throughout the Gentile world, though still
was used in the treatment of wounds (Lk
(7) Oil constituting one religiously united people, sharing the
10 and for anointing the sick (Ja 5 14).
34), same hopes, and looking to Jerusalem as their spir-
(8) Ointments were used in the treatment of itual capital and to the Temple as their one house of
ulcers and wounds (Is 1 6). worship. (See Israel.) It is in this sense that the
I I
(9) Poultices of figs, and doubtless of other term is used in Jn 7 35. In Ja 1 1 it is evidently
emollients, were used for boUs and abscesses (II applied to Jewish Christians in Palestine and Syria
K 20 7). as being apart from the mother-church in Jerusalem;
(10) Stimulants, consisting of wine and strong but in the remaining passage, I P 1 1, it is apparently
drink, were given in cases of exhaustion (Pr 31 6), used in a spiritual sense of Gentile Christians as
or of debility and gastric disturbance (I Ti 5 23). constituting the true Israel, who as pilgrims in this
Wine was used as an antiseptic and stimulant in the world (1 17, 2 11) are as yet removed from their
treatment of wounds (Lk 10 34). heavenly home. E. E. N.
(11) Surgery was early recognized as an art.
Joram went to be healed of his wounds (II K 8 29). DISPOSITION (Starayij) (only in Ac 7 53 AV
The good Samaritan understood the principles of ["as was ordained by angels" RV "as the ordi-
it
emergency treatment of recent injuries (Lk 10 34). nance of angels" RVmg.]): The meaning is that
The frequent allusions to God as the healer of wounds the law given by God in its essence was put into
implies that the art of heaUng was widely recognized. orderly form by angelic mediation. A. C. Z.
(12) Water of bitterness (bitter water AV)
DISTAFF. See Artisan Life, § 13.
(Nu 5 18-27) was not a remedy for disease, but a cer-
emonial test for conjugal infidelity in a woman. It DISTRIBUTION. See Church, § 2.
may be compared to the test for witchcraft, by use
of the Calabar bean, still prevalent in some parts of DIVIDE (dpSoTOfietp, "handling" RV): Used in II
Africa. Ti 2 15 of the skilful application of parts or aspects of
the truth adapted to affect persons specially in need
V. Hygiene.
of such instruction. A. C. Z.
Among the hygienic measiu-es inaugurated by DIVINATION. See in general Magic and Div-
Moses were ination.
(1) Bathing (Lv 15 5 ff.; Nu 19 19) was frequent
and ceremonially obligatory. The DIVORCE, DIVORCEMENT, See Marriage
8. Hygiene, habit thus acquired doubtless led to AND Divorce.
ablutions other than those enjoined. DIZAHAB, diz'a-hab O^T'^^i, dlzahabh),' of gold':
(2) Circumcision is an ordinance of great hy- One of the five places that define the territory within
gienic benefit in warm climates,and contributes to which said to have rested when Moses de-
Israel is
the prevention of various diseases, and is to be rec- livered the discourses recorded in Dt (1 l). Some
ommended for general adoption. difficulty is experienced in identifying these places.
(3) The Marriage laws of Moses prohibiting in-
The suggestion that Dizahab
is the same as the mod-
cest and close consanguinity were of the greatest ern Mina-edh~Dhahab (Burkhardt) has not foimd
wisdom and benefit to the physical development of universal acceptance. A. C. Z. "*
were an excellent precaution in camp life, and argue DOCTRINE. See Church, § 2, and Educa-
an attention to sanitation highly distinctive in that tion, § 10.
age.
The Sabbath Rest, and the frequent feasts, DODAI, DODO, do'dai, do'do (^Ij^ /il-n ,'i"l1^, do-
(5)
dudng which the people enjoyed a combination of dhay, dodho): 1. The grandfather of Tola, one of the
'judges' (Jg 10 1). 2. One of David's heroes (11 S
bodily repose and spiritual edification, were perhaps
the most distinctive and beneficial of all the Mosaic 23 9; I Ch command of one of the divisions
11 12), in
of the army, according to I Ch 27 4. 3. One of
provisions for the physical and moral well-being of
the Hebrew people* Q- E. P, David's mighty men (see IIS 23 24; IChll26).
Dodanim
Dress and Ornaments
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 188
Here there has been, possibly, some confusion with of the later notices, Jos 11 2, 12 23]; I K 4 11). It
David in connection with the Goliath episode (cf. was counted as belonging to Manasseh (Jos 17 11).
IIS 2119). Dor retained its importance during the checkered his-
The name Dodo appears to be an old Canaanite tory of the following centuries. It was closely allied
name (of a deity?), being found on the Tel-el- with the Phoenician towns and was given to Esh-
Amarna tablets and on the Moabite stone, line 12. munazar, King of Sidon, by one of the early Ptole-
See Mesha, Stone of. E. E. N. mies (c. 300 B.C.). Its prosperity declined after the
firstcentury a.d. The modern village Tanturah is
DODANIM, do'da-nim (C^^i^, dodhamm) : A small and insignificant. E. E. N.
Japhetic people (Gn 10 4). See Ethnography
AND Ethnology, § 11. E. E. N. DORCAS, der'cas {AopKas): The Greek name of
a Christian disciple in Joppa whom Peter, accord-
, DODAVAHU, d6"da-va'u (1";"'"^^ dodkawahu, ing to Ac 9 36-43, raised from the dead. The Ara-
Dodavah AV): Father of Ehezer (II Ch 20 37). maic original, which is recorded in the same passage
E. E. N. and doubtless is the name she bore, is T^hltha' (Eng.
DOE. See Palestine, and Food, Tabitha) ='a roe,' which is soHietimes used in the
§ 24, § 10.
O T as a term of endearment (cf. Song 2 9 ts^bhi).
DO EG, do'eg ("^^j do' eg): An Edomite, a servant J. M. T.
of Saul, who executed Saul's command to slay the DOTHAN,do'thaii (p^ dothan): The name both
priests of Nob (I S 21 7, 22 9-18, 22). The account is
obscure at two points: (l)As to the position held of a plain and a town. See Map III, F 2. The
former is a convenient pass from the coast plain to
by D. The Heb. of IS 21 7 reads "the mightiest
the Plain of Esdraelon, and is traversed by an
of Saul's shepherds" a most unusual expression.
ancient and still-used caravan route. Its pasturage
The conjecture that 'runners' be read instead of
"shepherds" has been widely accepted. The LXX.
is very fine (Gn 37 17; II K 6 13). E. E. N.
reads "tending the mules," i.e., in charge of Saul's DOUGH. See Food, § 2.
mules or asses. (2) As to the reason why D. was
at Nob "detained before Jehovah." The most nat- DOVE: There is no positive evidence that the
ural supposition is that D. was ceremonially unclean dove was regarded as a sacred bird among the Is-
and was at Nob for purposes of purification. Or he raelites; but from slight indications it may be in-
may have been awaiting an oracle. ferred that some sort of distinction was given it in
The reference to D. in Ps 52 (title) has no his- its class. It was offered in sacrifice (Lv 1 14). Jesus
torical value. E. E. N. calls it harmless (Mt 10 16) and it is made the symbol
of the Divine Spirit at His baptism (Lk 3 22) See also .
DRAGON'S WELL. See Jerusalem, § 10. day. This consists of a rectangular, seamless piece
of coarse woolen so folded and sewed together that
DRAM, dram (AV): A Persian coin, the same as
the front is left open on either side
the Daric (RV). See Money, § 8. E. E. N.
3. The and large holes provided for the free
DRAUGHT-HOUSE : A place of refuse vor gar- Cloak. movement of the arms. This garment
bage (II 10 27).K BaaPs temple was converted was used as it is to-day for a cover at
into such a place to make it altogether unclean and night (Ex 22 25 f. Dt 24 12 f.), or as a saddle in riding
;
portion
by a greater richness and ornamentation than that head in such a manner as to let the middle
neck and thus protect it, while the
of men, and also scented with expensive perfumes hang over the
thrown
(Ps 459; Song 411). In Is 3 16 ff. there is a long list two ends are drawn under the chin and
holds
of such costly female garments, an exact knowl- behind the head. A thick cord of wool, 'okdl,
edge of some of which —
particularly the robes, the piece upon the head. In later times it was the
p4higil, the sashes, qiskshurim, and the shawls, custom of the Israelites, both men and women, to
—
mitpahoth can no longer be recovered. To the wear a head-covering more like the turban of the
present day a similar luxury in the matter of clothing fellaheen of to-day. These wear a piece of cotton,
has been preserved among women of the Orient. folded twice or thrice and worked into the form of a
For the protection of the feet small cap, taktje, which protects the other parts of
sandals were worn in travel- the headgear from perspiration.
ing, na'dlaylm, made Over this is laid one, sometimes two, felt caps
7. Foot- of wood or leather (lobbade) and the Turkish national headwear of a red
wear. strips, which were tarbush or fez. About this finally is wound a piece
tied about the feet of unbleached cotton cloth with red stripes and
with thongs or "shoe-latchets" fringes, or a colored flowered kerchief, or a yellow
{s'rok, Gn 14 23; Mk 1 7). These, and red striped keffije, or a black cashmere shawl, or
however, were not a piece of white muslin, or a piece of green cloth.
worn indoors(Lk Such a piece of headwear not only protects the head
7 38) any more than from the rays of the sun, but serves as a pillow and is
in holy places (Ex a hiding-place for all sorts of valuables. This sort of
3 5; Jos 5 15). Ac- head-covering is referred to in the turban, tsanlph,
cordingly priests hood, RV of Is 3 23 (cf. Job 29 14 "diadem"). For
were required to Modern Boot, the act of putting on, the term "cover," hahhash
perform their work (Ezk 1610; Ex 29 9; Jon 2 6), is ordinarily used.
barefoot {ydheph). Ordinarily walking without But this properly signifies nothing more than to bind '
sandals was a sign of great poverty (Dt 25 10), or about,' while tsdnaph means 'to roll up after the
ofdeep mourning (II fashion of a coir (cf. Is 22 18). How the winding of
S 15 30; Ezk 24 17, the miter, tsamph (Zee 3 5), of the high priest differed
23). from the common process is not known.
As to the headgear The bridegroom was distinguished by a decoration
of the Israelites there of the head called headtire, p^'er (Ezk 24 17,23;
almost no infor-
is Is 3 20, bonnet AV 61 3; garland RV), which con-
Modern Shoe. mation in the earlier sisted of kerchiefs wound together and was probably
writings. Only in worn over the turban (Ex 39 28, "bonnet" AV). In
I K 20 31 is mention made of ropes upon the head ancient times the veil was used by women only in
in connection with sackcloth on the loins. This certain cases. In fact, the only mention of it is
suggests the portraiture of Syrians when the bride veiled herself before the bridegroom
8. Head- on Egyptian monuments, who appear (Gn 24 65, 29 22 ff.). In later days, the veil and simi-
dress. with a cord tied about their long flow- lar articles of apparel under foreign influences became
ing hair. Inasmuch, however, as this more customary among the upper classes (Is 3 16 ff.).
would afford no protection against the rays of the The veil, tsa'lph, is properly nothing but a square
sun, to which the peasants were much exposed, this piece of cloth (Gn 24 65). Mufflers, r-'aloth (Is 3 19),
probably very old custom did not survive. It is are probably veils consisting of two pieces, of which
likely that the Israelites used a head-covering similar the one began over the eyes and was carried back-
to that of the modern Bedouin. It consisted of a ward over the head, thus falling on the neck, while
rectangular piece of woolen keffije, which is folded the other began under the eyes and hung down over
into triangular form diagonally and placed over the the breast.
191 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Dress and Ornaments
Sackcloth, saq, was the distinctive apparel of nose-ring, or nose-jewel, was fastened to the nose
mourners in all ages. It was a garment woven from as at present in the Orient, where either one of the
either goat's or camel's hair and was nostrils or the partition between them is pierced
9. Mourn- worn next the skin (Job 16,15),
ing Gar- either as the only piece of clothing
ments. (I K
20 31, 21 27; Is 3 24, 32 li) or as
an imdergarment (II K
6 30). It '- ^-
A
"."j
-^.'
was held together by a girdle (Ezk 7 18; Is 20 2).
See also Mourning Customs.
11.Ornaments. From the earliest days, it h\
was the habit of men for the purpose of display
to carry a (matpeh) and a
staff
I. Worn (hotham).
signet-ring According
by Men. to Herodotus (I, 195) and Strabo
(XVI, i, 20) every Babylonian car-
ried a seal-ring and a staff, the head of which
was ornamented with a carved flower. From Amulets Collected in Cyprus.
Golden Necklace
20), as did also other articles of adornment. The possibly beads of gold strung together in a chain.
Drink 193
East
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
What was the appearance of the neck-chain, r«- beverage. The shekhar was usually made ^rom
bhidh (Gn 41 42), we do not know.
Bracelets, tsdmldh, are mentioned eeveral times
fruits
but also
—
grapes, pomegranates, apples,
from gram and honey. A
and dates;
Nazu-ite was
(Gn 24 22 ff.; Ezk 16 U, 23 42). How these differed stric.tly forbidden to use any form of strong
drink
from the 'ets'adhah (Nu 3150; 11 S 1 10) is not (Nu'e 3, 8), and the priests were not allowed to use it
known. Probably the latter encircled the upper while on duty (Lv 10 9; cf. Ezk 44 21). Under cer-
arm and the former the wrist. The bracelets or tain circumstances it could be used as a libation (Nu
"chains" of Is 3 19 (RVmg.) were in any case an 28 7; Dt 14 26). In a similar manner the Babylo-
adornment of the arms like the sheroth of the present nians used sikaru (strong drink) in their ritual.
day. Finger-rings, tabba'oth, were also worn by J. A. K.
women (Is 3 21). Granddaugh-
DRUSILLA, dru-sil'a (Apovo-lXKa) :
On the girdle were often carried all sorts of ar- of Felix (Ac 24
ter of Herod the Great and wife 24).
ticles of adornment such as perfume-flasks and
See Herod, §11. E. E.N.
purses or satchels (Is 3 22, crisping-pins AV), hd-
rltlm, which, how- DRY THROAT. See Disease and Medicine,
ever, more often § 5 (10).
served an orna-
mental rather than DUKE : The chieftain of a tribe (see Tribes, § 1).
a useful purpose. E. E. N.
On the feet were DULCIMER, dul'si-mgr. See Music, § 3 (5).
worn spangles,
Foot with Anklet- and Toe-Rings. *dkhds%m (Is 3 18, DUMAH, du'ma ("TJI", dumah), 'silence': I.
DROUGHT, See Famine, and Palestine, §§ ing contempt, worthlessness, or humiliation {e.g., II
19, 20.
K 9 37; Ps 83 10; Mai 2 3; and cf. AV rendering of
Ph 3 8, "refuse" RV). The reference in Ezk 4 12 ff.
DRUNKENNESS: This was not an uncommon is to the common use of the dimg of cattle as fuel in
vice in ancient Israel. Noah, Lot, and Nabal are the East. E. E. N.
mentioned as being drunken, and in Isaiah's day
prophets and priests seem to have been addicted to DUNGEON. See Prison.
too free a use of intoxicants (Is 28 7). That Eli
should accuse Hannah of being drunk implies that
DUNG GATE. See Jerusalem, § 38.
women did not escape the allurements of this vice DURA, The name of the plain
du'ra (K"1^1):
(I S 1 13). The many warnings of the Wise man (Pr where Nebuchadrezzar set up his golden image (Dn
20 1, 23 31) and the figures of speech based upon the 3 1). The word dUrd^ may be the same as the Assyr.
staggering of the drunken man (Ps 107 27; Job 12 25;
dUru, 'wall.' Three places of this name are men-
Is 19 14) are evidences of the frequency of the evil
tioned in the Assyr. inscriptions. There is also a
and its power in Hebrew society. That the Savior small river Dura about 6 m. S. of Babylon, on the
was termed a wine-bibber, that the Apostles should banks of which are some mounds called the Mounds
be accused of being drunk with new wine on the Day of Dura. No closer identification of the place men-
of Pentecost, indicate that this vice prevailed also in
tioned in Dn is as yet possible. E. E. N.
N T times (Ac 2 13). Among the Hebrews the rich
rather than the poor seem to have fallen easy victims DUST In a few passages (Ex 9 9; Dt 28 24 [' 'pow-
:
to this evil (Is 5 11). The intoxicant is usually termed der"]; 29 5; Nahl3; Ezk 26 10) the Heb.
Is 5 24,
strong drink (Heb. shekkar, Gr. a-iKipa, Lk 1 15), means literally 'fine dust.' In most instances OT
although wine is also mentioned as an inebriating the Heb. word is 'aphdr, the fine soil of the earth's
:
Drink
193 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY East
.surface, often used figuratively. To 'shake off the DWELL, DWELLING-PLACE. See House;
dust of one's feet' was symbolical of freedom from Tabernacle and Heaven, § 4. ;
EAGLE ; A bird noted for its swift flight and its also of the soil or ground. (3) 'aphar, 'soil' or 'dust'
untamable temper, and, therefore, made the figure (in only a few passages). (4) yij (in the N T), which
of rapidity of motion (II S 1 23; La 4 19; Rev 12 14), of combines the usage of (1) and (2). (5) heres,
pride and indomitable spirit (Job 39 27; Pr30l9), 'earthenware,' is sometimes rendered "of earth" or
and of strength (Ps 103 5). It appears also in apoc- ''earthen" in the O T, as is also the corresponding
alyptic passages symbolically embodying the ideas Greek term in the N T (II Co 4 7; II Ti 2 20). In Dn 2
of strength and keenness of vision (EzklOl4; Rev 10 the Aram, means 'dryland.' In RV tebhel, 'world,'
favorable disposition toward a petitioner. See also Antioch, Aleppo, Baalbek, Beirut, and other cities
Slavery. A. C. Z. of Syria have often been overthrown with fear-
ful loss of life, Jerusalem has suffered compara-
EAR OF GRAIN (Gn 41 5; Mk 2 23 and |ls,
tively little. The most terrible earthquake that
etc.): Since the grain of Bible lands was not corn, as
Palestine has known during modern times occurred
this word is commonly used in America (i.e., maize),
Jan. 1, 1837, when Safed was wholly destroyed with
but barley, rye, or wheat, the "ears" spoken of are
a loss of 4,000 lives, and the shocks traveled, with
the heads containing the grains E. E. N.
decreasing force, as far as Hebron.
EAR, TO, and EARING: Terms that are used According to Josephus (Ant. IX, 10 4) the famous
several times in the AV (e.g., in I S 8 12; Dt 21 4; Is earthquake during the reign of Uzziah (Am 1 l Zee ;
30 24; Gn 45 6; Ex 34 2i) in their old sense of Ho plow' 14 5) was considered a result of the king's sacrilege
or 'tUl'; cf. RV and see Agriculture, § 4, and also (II Ch 26 16 f ). See also I S 14 15. There were mi-
.
dered are: (1) ^erets, which is the most comprehen- look toward the place of the sunrising was to look
sive term, meaning 'the earth' as distinct from the 'before' one.
jf heavens (Gn 1 1), but also used in a great variety of
ll^ftpplications. (2) 'Mhamah, the earth as tillable, or * The noun occurs much less frequently than the verbs
piabitable, often used in a more general sense, and '
quake,' '
tremble,' '
shake,' etc.
A'
£ast 194
Ecclesiastes
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
though other terms for S. were used, as ddrom and EBED, t'bed (IPJJ, 'ehhedh), 'servant': 1. The
negebh (the "South" in RV
[e.g-., Gn 12 9], lit. the
father of Gaal (Jg 9 26 ff.). 2. A leader of the "sons
dry, waste land S. of Judah). of Adin," who returned from Babylon with Ezra
The North was occasionally called 'the left,' as in (Ezr 8 6). E.E.N.
Jos 19 27, etc., but the usual word for N. is tsaphon,
'the hidden,' as the northern regions were the most EBED-MELECH, l"bed-mi'Iec (t]b^"15?, ^ebhedh
unknown and of mystery.
full In Job 23 8 f will be . melekh), 'servant of the king' or, possibly, 'serv-
found a complete illustration of the Heb. usage of the ant of Melech' (a name for deity): An Ethiopian
terms 'before,' 'behind,' 'left,' 'right' as equivalent (Cushite) who was in the service of Zedekiah.
to E., W., N., S. (cf. also Ezk 47 15-20). See also He took compassion on the prophet Jeremiah, who
Geography, § 3. E. E. N. had been thrown into a cistern to die of starvation,
and obtained permission from the king to rescue him.
EAST, EAST COUNTRY, CHILDREN OF THE For his faith in J" he was promised a safe escape in
EAST These terms were often used in a somewhat
:
the destruction of Jerusalem (Jer 38 7-12, 39 15-18).
loose sense, politically, to designate (1 ) the inhabit-
E. E. N.
ants of the country E. (and NE., cf. Gn 291) of
Palestine, especially the nomadic tribes (Ezk 25 4; EBENEZER, eb^en-i^zgr (nj^n 15^*, 'ehhen ha
Jer 49 29) of the Syrian Desert, which correspond to 'azer), 'stone of [the] help': A stone set up by Samuel
the modern Bedouin. Some, if not all, of these to commemorate a victory over the Philistines upon
peoples were regarded as descending from the con- the site of the battle where it was obtained (I S 7 12).
cubines of Abraham (Gn 25 6), and therefore closely It was situated a few miles N. of Jerusalem between
related to the Israelites. The B'ne-qedhem include Mizpah and Shen, and became a familiar landmark in
Kedar (Jer 49 28), are coupled with Midian and local descriptions (I S 4 i, 5 l). A. C. Z.
Amalek (Jg 6 and were neighbors and con-
3ff.),
querors of Ammon and Moab (Ezk 25 4, 10). They
EBER, i'bgr (1.?^', 'ehher): 1. The legendary an-
were famous for their wisdom (IK 4 30), and the cestor of one of the (geographical) divisions of the
scene of the Book of Job is therefore laid among Semitic race (Gn 10 21, etc., also Nu 24 24). See
them (Job 1 3).— L. G. L. (2) The farther East Ethnography AND Ethnology, § 11. 2. The an-
beyond the Euphrates, the seat of the Assyrian, cestralhead of one of the Gadite clans (I Ch 5 13;
Babylonian, and Persian monarchies (cf. Is 43 6; Heber AV). 3. A son of Elpaal, a Benjamite (I Ch
Zee 8 7; Dn 11 44;Mt2l). E. E. N. 8 12). 4. A son of Shashak, a Benjamite (I Ch 8 22;
Heber AV). 6. A priest, head of the family of Amok
EAST GATE. See Temple, § 23. (Neh 12 20). E. E. N.
EAST SEA. See Dead Sea.
EBEZ, rbez (y?S, 'ahhets; Abez AV): A town
EAST WIND The : wind from the des-
hot, dry in Issachar (Jos 19 20) not certainly identified.
ert, that fills the air with dust and is exceedingly E. E. N.
unpleasant for man and often fatal to young vegeta-
EBIASAPH, e-bd'a-saf {^^^^, 'ehhyasdph), 'the
tion. It blows generally in the spring. It is fre-
quently referred to in the OT. On Hab 1 9 (AV) father gathers' (or *adds'). The
correct form is
cf. RV. E. E. N.
Abiasaph as in AV at Ex 6
Korahite Levite,
24: A
represented in Ex 6 24; I Ch 9 19 as 'son' of Korah, in
EASTER. See Fasts and Feasts, § 7. other passages (I Ch 6 22 f., 37) as a more remote de-
EAT: The moral aspects of eating are taken ac-
scendant. He was probably considered the ancestor
count of in a series of prescriptions and prohibitions of a division of Levites of post-exilic days.
into irrevocable covenant (Jer 41 1). This concep- haps the same as Abdon. Map IV, B 5. E. E. N.
tion underlies the sacrificial meal in which God is
EBRONAH, eb-ro'na. See Abronah.
taken as a participant (Ex 24 11). It was the worst
form of treason, therefore, to break a covenant en- ECCLESIASTES, ec-U"zi-as'ttz :
" Ecclesiastes, or
tered into through the ceremony of eating together the Preacher," is derived from the LXX. translation.
(Ps 41 9; Jn 13 18). Another moral bearing of eating The Hebrew title is" Qoh^leth," or, in
was seen in the unsatisfying nature of it when not I. Title, full, "The words of Qoh^eth, son of
connected with a righteous life (Mic 6 14; Ezk 12 18). David, king in Jerusalem." The LXX.
Figuratively, to "eat up" is to destroy (Ps 53 4). translators regarded Q. as meaning 'one who is a
See also Meals. A. C. Z. member of, or who addresses an Ecclesia (eKKXijo-ia),'
an assembly of people of any kind, and therefore
EBAL,i'bQl(^r;y,'e6/iaO: 1. A 'son' of Joktan, named the book Ecclesiastes (l^KKXrja-tao-Trjs). The
son of Eber (I Ch 1 22, called Obal in Gn 10 28); see real meaning of Q. is unknown. Its root
East
Id5 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Ecclesiastes
the assembling of persons. It is used in the book (i) The author does not dream of questioning the
as a mascnluie proper name, a nickname, for Solo- existence of a personal Being, omnipotent, omnis-
mon, and was certainly meant to be intelligible in cient, who is absolute ruler of the
that sense to the first readers. Probably it alludes 4, Funda- universe. This, for him, is beyond
to some story about Solomon now lost. The differ- mental question. This Being he calls God
ent renderings, "collector of sayings," "convener," Ideas, (a) (^Elohim), not Yahweh (Jehovah), and
''Wisdom" personified in Solomon, "great orator," Theoretical. His relations are with the entire hiunan
have no real basis. race; there is no thought of an elect
Ecclesiastes is unique in the extant literature of family or of any process of revelation. In one or
the Hebrews in that it is a self-communion on the two places the author gives advice expressly opposed
part of the author, something between to the Mosaic code (6 9, 9 9; cf. Nu 15 39; Dt 29 19).
2. Plan of reflections jotted down as they arose His references to public religious functions are gen-
Book. and an ordered philosophy of life. Evi- eral and suggest tjiat men should rather refrain
dently it was written in the first place therefrom (5 iff.)- (ii) Between Genesis and Paul
by the author for himself, or, perhaps, his friends, he is the oidy Biblical writer to refer to the Fall. It
and came to the wider public only through some and its consequences were, for him, of the first im-
accident. Thus it falls in the class of the "Pens^es" portance. Through the Fall man became an object
of Pascal, the "Religio Medici" of Sir Thomas of apprehension to God. The fear of God had to be
Browne, and the "Meditations" of Marcus Aurelius. impressed upon him lest he climb further. Thus it
But it goes beyond these in that it has a dramatic was not a Fall to the author but a step upward which
element, and tries to reconstruct a historical charac- brought loss of tranquillity. So God has arranged
ter. The author takes the figure of Solomon, who all the workings of the universe in circles, and ap-
had asked of God wisdom and had had added thereto pointed to each event its due season. The circles
riches, whom the unchanging tradition of the East are too great for man to trace them, but they negate
describes as a preeminently successful man, what- all real progress, and explain how good things and
ever the religious might say of him, and he asks what bad come each in their turn. Thus all life is transi-
such a man, in the end, got out of life. So he creates tory (vain), is recurrent, and is incalculable. Judg-
for us Solomon philosophizing, reciting what he had ment is the tm-ning of the wheel, with its opposites,
done, how much had been really worth while, and and the coming of each thing in its turn (3 17, 11 9).
how the scheme of the universe struck him. But But still further to confuse the scheme of the world
Solomon, speaking thus from the dead (" I . was . . for man and thus keep him down, God has put some-
king," 1 11), is only a mask for the author himself, and thing in his heart (3 11). What this is is obscure. One
after the first two chapters he takes off the mask and, rendering is * eternity,' another is the world'; a *
except for an occasional "Qoh6leth," speaks of him- probable conjecture is toil.' Man has become like
'
self, his own times and vicissitudes. Apart from God, knowing good and evil, and to prevent him
this, the book is planless; one idea suggests another, going further he is put under the curse of toil. So man
but there is no orderly development. Yet, toward can not help toiling, although against his primary
the end, as often in Hebrew books, come a couple of nature, and must puzzle himself over the problems
chapters which hold fairly together with some con- of the world; such puzzling is in his blood. God
tinuity of thought, leading naturally to a finish in the made men simple, but they have made for them-
same phrase as that at the opening. selves many reckonings of IKe (7 29; cf. 25, 27). (iii)
One or two allusions seem historical (4 13 ff., 9 The rule of God is non-moral. The circlings bring
14 ff.), but have not been satisfactorily identified. now good, now bad; each from God. Sin is a mistake
The general atmosphere suggests a in one's attitude toward God, by which He is an-
time of oppression and the overturning gered; the good is he who is good before God.
man
3. Date,
of old things when the wise man will Whence comes the absolute moral sense in man
find safety in quiet withdrawal; but also to be re- which revolts against this, the author does not state,
With world is based
over. This, too,
membered are the aristocratic aloofness and philo- (iv) this life is
sophic disdain of the author. Finally, the language on the early stories in Genesis. Man
dust out of is
is unique in the O T, resembling its latest parts, and the ground; God breathed into him the breath of life;
even post-biblical Hebrew of the time of the Mishna. at death the dust returns to the dust and the
Sometimes it is very clumsy, simply scribbled; at breath sinks back into God all is over (12 7). There
;
others it is handled with elaborate and loving literary is no difference in this between man and the beasts
skill.Here, too, the strongly subjective personality (3i8ff.). Yet in his time there evidently existed
of the author must be considered; he may easily a doctrine of spiritual existence after death which he
have been an antiquarian in language, or a lover of did not accept.
the phrases of the market-place. Possible dates (i) It is for man to
accept the universe, including
range from the later Persian through the Greek all this, as he findsHe can not change it. Above
it.
period, perhaps even down to Herod the Great in the all, he must fear God, who, if angered,
Roman period. It is certainly after Malachi (Mai 5, (b) Prac- may destroy him. His attitude should
2 7; cf. Ec 5 6), and most probably before Ecclesias- tical. be that toward an absolute earthly
ticus 200 B.C.); almost certainly before the monarch; compare 5 l ff. and 8 l ff. (ii)
(c.
Maccabffian revival (168-142 B.C.). There may be It is for man to the best of this that is, to
make —
general Greek influence, but specific philosophical enjoy in a temperate, decent manner the good things
influence is still unproved. The bases of his thought which life offers, and, above all, to work and find
are Semitic and Hebrew. pleasure in working; he will never have any in the
Scclesiastes 196
Ecclesiasticus
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
results of working. Work, and joy in the working this "Ben Sira" as he is called in later Jewish wri-
is his gospel; also not to worry over the govern- tings. The opinions that he was a priest or that he
ment of things, over good and evil. That way lies was a physician have not been clearly
madness, and the wise man must shut his eyes and 2. The estabhshed. Certainly he was a man
take what God sends him, happy if God grants him Author, of culture and wide experience. This
with it the power to enjoy. Thus he may overcome we learn not only from the statements
the curse in a fashion, but he can never escape from of the prologue, but from the book itself. From this
his prison-house, (iii) For all this wisdom is an latter source we know that he traveled quite exten-
advantage, if only that the wise man sees the path he sively (34 11), and that he was exposed to danger
treads and the end to which he goes. It teaches him (51 12). While faithful to the Law, he shows sympathy
to beware of excess and to meet each situation with with some customs which he encountered in his trav-
the fitting action, good or evil. All Hfe is of God, and els, andreveals his contact with Hellenistic thought.
the fearer of God will do his duty by all (7 13-18). He was a Jewish philosopher firmly convinced of the
He is intensely personal; the last product of the superiority and worth of his own faith, and yet lib-
old Wisdom School; deeply impressed by the older eral enough to recognize what was strong and worthy
wisdom writer who molded the stories outside the bounds of Judaism (39 1-5).
6, The Man of the Fall in Genesis. Only sympa- The two data used in determining the date of
and His thetic reading will make him and his Ecclesiasticus are: (a) the reference to Simon, the
Book. book intelligible. To some both will high priest, the son of Onias (50 1),
always be repellent. But probably no 3. Date, and (b) the statement in the prologue
otlier book of the OT
creates so friendly a relation- that the translator of the book arrived
ship with those who care for it. feel that this We in Egypt "in the eighth and thirtieth year when
man is real; he is talking out himself. He has the Euergetes was king." The first datum has been
gift, too, of charm in his style. He could not have the subject of much discussion, owing to the fact that
written to pubhsh. How
came about we can
that —
there were two high priests each of them "Simon
not tell. For all this Sir Thomas Browne is his near- the son of Onias." The first was Simon "the Just,"
est parallel. Very possibly 12 9-14 were added by who flourished c. 310-291 B.C.; the second was Simon
his editor; they can not be by himself. Apart from II, son of Onias II, 219-199 B.C. The balance of
this epilogue the text is generally sound. 8 12 f. is evidence brought out in this discussion seems to
certainly a timid gloss. In 3 read, "for he hath
17 favor Simon II. The second datum is much more
appointed a time." In 5 20 read, "God busies him definite. The Euergetes referred to in the Prologue
with." In 6 3 read, "even though he have a burial." WELs Ptolemy VII, Physcon, called Euergetes II.
In 11 1 read margin; the reference is to prudent busi- Ptolemy III (247-222 B.C.), who also bore the title
ness enterprise. In 12 l read "remember thy well," of Euergetes, reigned only 25 years, while Physcon
compare Pr 5 15-18 and 9 9. Throughout understand reigned 54 years in all, being coregent with his
*vain,' 'vanity,' as 'transitory,' Hransitoriness.' brother for 25 years (170-145 B.C.). In the thirty-
Literatuhe; For exegesis the English reader will find, eighth year of Physcon 's reign (this seems the more
most trustworthy the translation of Delitzsch's commen- natural appHcation of the reckoning) the grandson
tary. For the book as a whole and for further bibliog- went to Egypt, and shortly after made the translar
raphy he should use Davidson's article in EB. Most
English commentaries are unsatisfactory. The best is tion of his grandfather's work, perhaps in c. 131 B.C.
by Barton, Int. Crit. Com. (1908). -^ -^^ ,, Two generations carry us back to the early part of
D. B. M. the 2d cent. B.C. as the probable date of the book.
Schiirer fixes the time as 190-170 B.C.
ECCLESIASTICUS The great theme of the book is Wisdom. It is
Analysis of Contents therefore to be classified with the Wisdom literature,
1- Title 4. Contents whose purpose was to give "a universal
2. Author 5. Text 4. Con-moral-religious criticism of life." The
3. Date 6. Canonicity tents.book may be divided into two great
7. Real Value
divisions. Part I, including chapters
The Book of Ecclesiasticus, in some respects the 1-43, is devoted to the consideration of Wisdom in
most important of the O T Apoc, has been known by both its doctrinal and practical aspects. Part II,
various names. In the Greek MSS. including chapters 44-50, is given to the praise of
I. Title. (A and N) it is entitled Wisdom of famous men. There seems to be no special definite
Jesus, Son of Sirach, in B Wisdom plan controlling the material. The writer seeks to
of Sirach. The Latin Church Fathers, beginning
set forth the bearing and value of Wisdom in every
with Cyprian, referred to it as ''Ecclesiasticus/' i.e., relation of life. The most convenient division of
the 'church book,' because of its frequent use in Part I is that suggested by Deane (Expos. 1883), in
the churches for catechetical instruction. The accordance with which chapters 1-22 form the first
Greek Church Fathers called it "The All-Virtuous subdivision and the prayer in 23 1-6 brings it to a
Wisdom" {Uapdperos •^ocjita). In the Talmudic close. The second subdivision extends to 35 20 and
period, the Jews spoke of it as the "Book of Ben also closes with a prayer, 36 1-17. The third ends
Sira." with the hymn of praise on the works of creation,
Near the close of the book (50 27) the author says 42 15-43. The first verse of the book is vh-tually the
of himself: "Jesus the son of Sirach of Jerusalem text for the whole. "All wisdom cometh from the
hath written in this book the instruction of under- Lord and is with him forever." In the mind of the
standing and knowledge." Very httle is known of. author Wisdom begins in the fear of the Lord and
Ecclesiastes
197 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Ecclesiasticus
continues in the constant recognition of man's two- rabbinic writings there are citations from the He-
fold relationship —
to God and to man. No life can brew. Until recently this original was lost. In
be wise that is not in accord with the Divine com- 1896 came the good news that a fragment of it had
mandments. There is no earthly condition or re- been discovered among manuscripts brought by Mrs.
lationship where Wisdom should not manifest itself, Lewis and Mrs. Gibson, two English ladies, from the
and so the author traverses in thought every human East. This discovery was followed by another of
6ituation —
sorrow, joy, fortune, misfortune, pov- nine leaves from the same volume to which the Lewis
erty, riches, sickness, health, the family, business, fragment belonged. As these came from Cairo,
government —
telling what Wisdom should be and means were taken to make further search and as a
accomplish in them all. It is in these particulars result to-day the following portions of the Hebrew
that we catch a view of the customs and culture of original are known: 3 6-16, 26; 4 23b, 30-31; 5 4-8, 9-13;
his time. He speaks as a man of his time who, with 6 18-19, 28, 35; 7 1, 4, 6, 17, 20-21, 23-25; 18 30-31; 19 1-2;
ripe culture and earnest spirit, seeks to lift the life 20 4-6, 12; 25 7c, 8c, 8a, 12, 16-23; 26 1-2; 27 5-6, 16;
about him. Nor is it alone on the human side that 30 11-33 3; 35 9-38 27; 39 15-51 30. There are varied
he considers this great reality, Wisdom. Wisdom is readings recorded in the margins, but the work in
ever with God, the first-born of His creatiu'es, the the main is the original of Ben Sira. The critical
archetype for all the works of God. Wisdom is value of these fragments is well summed up by Toy
from the beginning and is immanent in God. Be- (EB IV, 4651): "So far they have not contributed
cause God is Wisdom, man can not comprehend Him. much to the restitution of the original text, in pas-
Wisdom is the creative power of the world (24 3) and sages in which the versions are obscure. They often
is eternal (1 1). As in the Book of Wisdom, so here confirm one or more of the versions and sometimes
Wisdom is personified and hypostatized. For man correct or explain words or lines, but in general the
there could be no higher setting forth of this Wisdom text of Ben Sira remains nearly as it was before the
than in the Law, hence man must be faithful to the discovery of the fragment." Much yet remains to
Law. Thereby he can and will manifest the fruits of be done to secure a satisfactory text. '
Wisdom. When it comes to the consideration of Although never regarded as canonical by the Jews,
the problems made by the conception of Divine Ecclesiasticus was held by them in high esteem. It
Wisdom, and the inequalities of Hfe, little attempt is often cited in the Talmud, and in one
is made at explanation. The writer is a predesti- 6. Recog- passage (Bab. Talmud, Berackkoth,
narian (16 26, 23 20, 33 10-13). He does not fail, how- nition of 48a), with the formula "it is written"
ever, to emphasize both the justice and mercy of God. Ecclesias- applied elsewhere to acknowledged
He has nothing to say of the immortality of the soul ticus. books. There are no citations from it
nor of the resurrection of the body. While he ac- in the NT. Resemblances of thought
cepts the facts of sin, he estimates its punishment as are found between it and the Epistle of James, but
well as the rewards of righteousness chiefly in terms direct quotation from it on the part of James can
of this life (11 28, 21 4, 23 24r-27). Forgiveness of sin is not be established- Direct quotations begin with
dapendent chiefly on almsgiving and prayer (3 ZO, Clement of Alexandria, who uses the formula rj ypafjyrj
17 25, 29 12). Despite what might be expected from Xe'yet. Origen uses the same. Augustine and Jerome
the declaration that Wisdom begins in the fear of the both distinguish it from canonical books, but give it
Lord, there is in the book a certain external satisfac- a, high place for purposes of moral instruction.
tion ofthe demands of righteousness which does not From the end of the 2d cent, the book has been
accord with a truly wise life. Observances of rites, much used in the Church. By some its authorship
expectations of earthly gain, and personal comfort was given to Solomon by all it was cited with respect.
;
are considered at times apart from any real spiritual The numerous versions of it testify to the honor in
association. It may be justly said that with all its which it was held. In the MSS. of the Greek Bibles
exalted teaching, the book lacks in spiritual tone. it was generally grouped with the other poetical
In this way it presents some striking contradictions. works of the O T. So in the Western Church it was
It extols purity, sympathy, truthfulness, and kind- at an early date grouped with Proverbs, Ecclesias-
ness, and yet note the author's aversion to women tes. Canticles, Wisdom, and attributed to Solomon.
(9 2), histreatment of an enemy (12 lO-ll), and how The Councils of Hippo (393) and Carthage (397) in-
he would punish a servant (42 5). These are but cluded in it the Hebrew canon. The Council of
samples of the Wisdom which has not yet learned the Trent (1546) declared it canonical. While in Protes-
deepest meaning of "fearing the Lord." Widely tantism it has been reckoned uncanonical, its worth
varying estimates have been made of the tone of has always had full recognition.
the book, but it may with truth be said that the Apart from the high moral instruction which it
general tone "is worthy of the first contact between contains the book has an especial value for the fol-
the two great civilizations of the ancient world lowing reasons: (a) It gives us a pic-
(Jewish and Hellenistic), and it breathes a spirit 7. Its Real ture of manners, customs, and thinking
which an Isaiah would not have condemned nor a Value, in a time otherwise not much known.
Sophocles or a Theophrastus have despised." (b) It shows us how a broad-minded
Until a few years ago Ecclesiasticus Jew looked upon the questions which a complex
5- The was known only from the Greek and civilization brought. The book shows traces of
Text. Syriac versions, and such translations Greek influence. Nestle speaks of the book as "the
as were made from them. The origi- chief monument of primitive Sadduceeism " {HDB
nal was in Hebrew, as the translator in the Pro- IV, 549). (c) It contributes testimony to the for-
logue declares, Jerome knew a Hebrew text and in mation of the Hebrew canon, especially in the av-
Ecstasy
Education
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 198
rangement of the "Hymn of the Fathers." Che. eWAddr, near Gaza. 2. Tower of Eder, or 'flock-
44-50. tower' (Gn35 lying between Beth-lehem and
2i),
Literatdee: Commentaries: Edersheim in Speaker's Hebron, or possibly a village near Ephrath. Its
Commentary on Apocrypha, edited by Wace; Bissell in name indicates that it was used as a watch-tower
Lange's Commentary on Apocrypha; Fritzsche in Kgf.
to protect the flocks against robbers. I. M. P.
exeg. Handhuch zu d. Apokryphen. See also the articles
in HDB and in EB. Cowley and Neubauer have pub- EDOM, i'dem (cH^, 'Mhom), 'red'; The name
lished a translation of the Hebrew text, 3915-4911 (Clar-
endon Press, Oxford). Articles on the Hebrew texts will given to the land SE. of Palestine (Jer 49 17; Ezk 25
also be found in the Expository Times, vols. VII-XI. 12); also called Seir (Gn 32 3; Nu 24 18; Dt 1 44, etc.).
J. S. R. The inhabitants were called Edomites (I S 21 7).
ECSTASY. See Trance. Its boundaries are somewhat vaguely designated,
but at the time of its greatest extension it reached
ED (1)^, 'edh), 'witness' (Jos 22 34): The He- from the Dead Sea S. to Elath and Ezion-geber,
brew text here not in order. It reads literally,
is
while on the E. the Arabian Desert and on the W.
"They called the altar ^ it is a witness between us the River of Egypt furnished its natural limits. Its
that J" is God.' " The Syriac reads, "and they made
length from N. to S. was about 100 m. It is slightly
an altar of witness," using the Aramaic expression
higher at the central portion, sloping on one side
we find in Gn 31 47. E. E. N. toward the Dead Sea and on the other toward the
EDAR, i'dar. See Eder. ^lanitic branch of the Red Sea (Gulf of Akabah).
EDEN (1^;?, 'edhen), 'delight': I. 1. The original
At the highest point it rises to 600 ft. above sea-level.
It derives its name from the color of the red sand-
residence of the firsthuman pair (Gn 2 8, 15, 3 23, 24)
it is also called "the garden of God" (Ezk 28 13, 31 stone of its precipitous hills.
9),"the garden of Jehovah" (Is 51 3), and in non- The earliest contact of E. with Israel is that men-
BibUcal usage. Paradise. tioned in Nu 20 14 ff.; Jg 11 17, when the kings of the
According to Gn 2 8 ff.
God Himself prepared it and it was abundantly irri- country refused the Israelites permission to go
gated, furnished with a luxuriance of vegetation, and through their land, thus compelling them to take the
made the home of all the animals created by God, circuitous route to Palestine through Moab. David
which here recognized man as their lord. The loca- reduced E. to a tributary of Israel (II S 8 14; Ps 60,
tion of E. has been the subject of many speculations, title). After the division of the kingdom, Judah
some of which have nothing but their grotesqueness maintained its supremacy over E. for the most part,
:
to give them interest. however, through vassal kings of Edomite stock (II
Palestine, Syria, Armenia,
Mongolia, Kashmir, Merv, Australia, Mesopotamia, K 3 9; but cf. I K 22 47). Under Joram (849) E.
and even the North Pole have all been suggested as obtained independence (II K
8 20 f.), but lost it again
the site. Of these Lower Mesopotamia and Armenia fifty years later when Amaziah routed an army of
scription must, however, in any case be regarded The cuneiform inscriptions, however, furnish data
as conceived more or less ideally. from which it appears that Tiglath-pileser III (734)
There is no spot
on earth from which one vast river branches into subjugated its king, Kaushmalaka, and in 701
four channels that encircle such tracts of land as are Sennacherib conquered Malikrammu and annexed E.
here named. The fact that the Gihon is said to to the Assyrian empire. Though making common
compass the whole land of Cush may be taken cause with Judah against Nebuchadrezzar in 609
as a reason for thinking that the Nile was meant, (Jer 27 3), the Edomites broke out in a new flame of
especially as the sources of the Nile were supposed by hatred against their former allies, at the time of the
many to be located in Asia (cf. Pausanias, II, 5 2; and destruction of Jerusalem (La 4 21; Ob ver. 8 £f. Ezk ;
Strabo, XV, 1 25). The identity of the Pishon is in- 25 12 ff.; Is 34 5, 63 1 ff.). Nothing more is known of
volved with that of the land of Havilah, and as their history until B.C., when the E. portion of
300
Havilah is said to yield the best quality of gold and the land was seized
by the Nabatseans, with Petra as
precious stones, either India or Arabia could be taken the capital. The W. portion, now known as Idu-
for it. If it were the former, the Pishon must be masa, was attacked by Judas Maccabeus (I Mac 5
3)
the Indus; otherwise it is the sea around the Arabian in 164. In 109 John Hyrcanus conquered it, and
peninsula, which was supposed to be a very wide compelled its inhabitants to be circumcised (Jos.
river (cf. Worcester, Genesis in the Light
Ant. XIII, 9 1; 5/ I, 2 6), By this act the race of
of Modern
Knowledge, 1901). 2. An Aramaean kingdom on Esau was absorbed into that of Jacob. In the NT
the right bank of the Euphrates, SW. of Haran (II Idumaea is mentioned only in Mk3 8; but it was
K noted as the native land of the Herodian dynasty. In
1912; Is 37 12; Ezk 27 23; 1 5). Am
It was con-
Roman times it was accounted one of the eleven to-
quered by Asshurbanipal, King of Assyria (668-626
B.C.). parchies of Judaa (Jos. BJ III, 3 5). See also Esau.
A. C. Z.
II. A Levite in the days of Hezekiah (II Ch 29 Literature: Buhl, Geschichte der Edomiter
(1893); Hos-
12,
kina and Libbey, The Jordan Valley
31 J5)- E. E. N.
and Petra (1905)
A. C. Z.
EDER, I'dgr (n^r, ^ed/ier), 'flock': I. The head EDREI, ed'rg-ai
of a Levite family (I Ch 23
CVW>
'edhre%): 1. One of
23). the residences of Og, King of Bashan
A town (Jos 12 4; Nu
II. 1. of Judah near the southwestern 21 33), now the large town of ed-Der'dt, between
frontier (Jos 15 21), identified by Conder with Kh, ^l-Meze%Til> and Bosrah. Map I, H5. Numerous
Ecstasy
199 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Education
ruins and inscriptions have been found at Edrei, be- now became the teachers of Israel. While the sub-
sides a remarkable series of ancient subterranean stance of the teaching developed into three parts
dwellings, apparently excavated to serve as a refuge (i.e., the Law, the Traditions (History), and Wis-
in time of siege (Schumacher, Across the Jordan, dom), it was all generally under the direction of the
pp. 121-148). 2. A
city of Naphtali (Jos 19 37), per- same class of teachers. See Wisdom.
haps Ya'ter, 12 m. SE. of Tyi-e. L. G. L. The Book of Proverbs, of which the Wisdom of the
Son of Sirach is a later reflection, furnishes, under the
EDUCATION name instruction, musdr (1 2, etc.),
5. Prov- a mass of details of the educational
Analysis op Contents erhs and ideas of this period. First of all, the
The Post-exilic Period Its Light instructors of the children were still
1. In the Earliest Times 6.
2. From Deuteronomy to 7. The School System Es- on the in the main their parents (Pr 1 8, 4 1-
the Exile tablished Subject. 4, 6 20, 13 1, 30 17). The chief substance
3. Under Ezra 8. The System at Work
The Wise Men as Teachers 9. "Schoolmaster" of the teaching concerned religious
4.
6. Proverbs and Its Evi- 10. Doctrine matters. The fear of J" is the beginning ("the
dence 11. Non-Jewish Learning chief part" RVmg.) of knowledge (Pr 1 7). Educa-
12. Education of Women
tion is of the greatest importance. It means the
In pre-Deuteronomic Israel, the training of the expulsion of an innate folly (Pr 22 15, cf. 14 7, 18). It
young appears to have been entirely in the hands is, therefore, a source of great delight to have one's
of their pai'ents, especially the fathers. offspring come under its influence (Pr 10 l, 23 24).
1. In the No trace of any institution resembling As a means of enforcing the lessons of life the rod
Earliestthe modern school is to be found; nor is may be used (13 24, 23 13), but with moderation (Pr
Times. there evidence of any help available to 19 18 RV).
the parent in the form of a familiar It was during the post-exilic period that profes-
method, model, or means of instruction. Both the sional teachers made their appearance, and also that
subject and the method of education were absolutely a place for the meeting of groups of chil-
at his discretion. It is safe to assume, however, 6. Post- dren for instruction was found in the
that even from the earliest days the instruction of exilic synagogue (to-day called Schvle in Yid-
the young included the inculcation, first of religious Period. dish, and Scola by thePortuguese Jews).
ideas, and second, of the traditions of the nation Details, however, as to the beginning of
(chiefly the story of the Exodus). The discipline of the system are scanty. It is probable that after the
chastening inflicted by the parent is an image of synagogue-school was organized the children in it
that inflicted on Israel by J" (Dt 8 5). were made to memorize the precepts of the Torah
With the promulgation of Deuteronomy, a crys- verbatim. To this end resort must have been had,
tallized body of precepts was put into the hands as in all primitive coimtries and in the Orient to-day,
of the parent to communicate to his to mnemonic helps, such as acrostics and numerical
2. From children, and a definite injunction proverbs Pr 30 and 31).
(cf.
Deuteron- placed upon him to be faithful in this The fullest development of the educational sys-
omytothe task (Dt4 9, 6 7). The method of in- tem of Palestine, however, is to be foimd in the
Exile, struction was natiiraUy oral, and the Roman period, i.e., from 75 B.C. to 70
times and conditions, as well as the 7. School A.D. It is a question as to whether
effectiveness with which the task was performed, System Simon ben Shetab or Joshua ben Gamla
depended on the circumstances of each case. It Established. (Gamaliel) deserves the credit of inau-
was a great gain, however, to have a definite sub- gurating the new system (Schurer
stance of teaching to impart. stands for the latter, Kennedy [in HDB] and Box
This condition of things lasted with very little [in EB] for the former). Whoever introduced it,
practical change until after the Exile. Reading and it was based upon compulsory attendance of aU chil-
writing were during this period the dren. under Gamaliel the age for
It is certain that
3. Under accomplishment of the few (II 5 7, K attendance was fixed at from six to seven.
Ezra. 22 8 £f., 23 2). When Ezra undertook The school was held either in the synagogue-room
to render the Law (Torah) the organic or in a separate building on the same premises
principle of the national life, he gave the whole sub- (Berakh. 17a). The further expansion
ject of education a new impulse. In order to accom- 8. The Sys- of the system involved the separation
plish his end, it was necessary very largely to extend tem at of the students of higher branches from
the circle of those who could read the Law, and Work, high schools and colleges. Of the syn-
further to make provision for the circulation of agogues of Jerusalem it is said that each
copies of it among the people. Ezra himself was a had a Beth Sepher and a Beth Talmvd, i.e., a primary
"ready scribe" (Ezr 7 6). The number of accred- and a higher school for the more advanced scholars
ited teachers was greatly increased (Ezr 8 16). who might wish to become learned in the Law; a
Meantime, in the pre-exilic period, a stillhigher institution (professional) was developed,
4. The Wise class of men had appeared who under known as the Beth hammidrash (Yalkut Jes. 257;
Men as the name of "the Wise" (Sages) culti- Jos. Ant. XVIII, 10 5; BJ, 1, 3 72). Similarly, teachers
Teachers. vated a type of erudition with results were classed in three groups, the highest grade being
that survive in the so-called Wisdom that of Sage (Hakima), the second that of Scribe
Literature of the O T. These, together with the (Saphir), and the third the Master (Hazzan). All
copyists and expounders of the Torah (the Scribes), together are evidently included in the N T terms
Education 300
Egypt
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
doctor (Lk 2 46, teachers), or "doctors of the law" EGLAH, eg'la (rib^^, 'eglah), 'heifer': One of
(Ac 5 34). These were found in every village (Lk David's wives, mother of Ithream (II S3 5; I Ch
5 17) and were called Rabbis (Jn 3 2). The method 3 3). The expression "David's wife" in these pas-
of procedure in such schools could not have been dif- sages awakens the suspicion that originally the name
ferent from what may be witnessed in the great Mos- of a former husband was read, as in the case of Abi-
lem universities at the present day (cf Ac 22 3). Here .
gail, ''wife of Nabal" (II S 3 3). E. E. N.
scholars seated on the groimd in a circle face the/
EGLAIM, eg'la-im {^'"k^^, 'eglayim): A city of
teacher, who occupies a seat raised slightly above the
pupils. From this position he imparts instruction Moab (Is 15 has not been identified, but
8). It
which the pupil is required to repeat accurately over probably is the Agallim mentioned by Eusebius, 8
and over again until he is thoroughly f amiHar with it. Roman m. S. of Kir (see Map II, 4), a region H
abounding in ruins. E. E. N.
Repetition was so thoroughly identified with this
process that both teaching and learning came to be EGLATH - SHELISHIYAH, eg " lath - shel " i -
called Mishna, repetition/ That the home, however,
*
shai'ya (H^'^V^ n^-H??, 'effZai/i sMishiyydh): A term
continued a means of religious training is evident
used in Is 15 5; Jer 48 34, apparently as a place-name
from expressions such as II Ti 3 14.
as in RV, although Hhe third Eglath' would be a
The task of taking children to school primarily very unusual form for a proper name. Many scholars
devolved on the parent {Kidd. 30a); but in certain E. E. N.
suspect a corruption of the text.
cormnimities the fear lest on account of
Q. "School- lukewarmness the parents should neg- EGLON, eg'len (l^h^^, 'eglon), ^circle': I. A king
master." lect this duty led to the choice of special of Moab who formed an alHance with Ammon and
officials to perform it (maphtir kenes- Amalek against Israel in the period of the Judges,
sioth [Cholin 51a]). Among the Greeks the same and having overcome, held the IsraeHtes in sub-
duty devolved on a special servant who, from the jection for 18 years (Jg 3 12-14). When his tyranny
nature of it, was called the 'child-conductor' (Gal became intolerable, Ehud, the left-handed Benja^-
3 24 tutor, schoolmaster AV). mite, upon the pretext of bringing him the annual
The substance of instruction was from the earliest tribute, secured a private interview and assassinated
days viewed as something to be seized hold of (leqah, him (Jg 3 15-25). Cf. Moore in Int. Crit. Com.
"doctrine," Dt 32 2; Job 114; Pr 4 2); II. A city of the Amorites in the Shephelah. Its
10, Doc- also what is heard {shmtu'ah, Is 28 9, king, Debir, joined the alliance of the five cities
trine. but "message" RV, "report" RVmg. against Joshua (Jos 10 3). With the collapse of the
But in the NT
the Gr. fitSaxi? and allies, it fell into the hands of Joshua and was des-
fiiSoCT-KaXta, probably 'teaching,' are rendered by troyed (Jos 10 16-27). See Map II, C 2.
"doctrine" in AV (also in RVin ITi5l7; Mt7 28). A. C. Z.
The question of instruction in other than the
Hebrew language, or in other subjects than the wis- EGYPT
dom of the Fathers is not a simple one. Analysis of Contents
11. Non- Officially, nothing but the traditional
I. Introdtjctort
Jewish system was recognized; and yet there
Learning, are traces of the introduction of Hel-
lenic methods and even of the existence
of an institution in Jerusalem which was designed to
convey and disseminate Greek philosophy and Greek
ideals. In one of these Herod the Great was a
student (Jos. Ant. XV, 10 6). At any rate, many
Jews did certainly acquire a considerable amount
of Greek learning. Some familiarity with it was a
necessary quahfication for membership in the San-
hedrin, and the Apostle Paul seems to have been
versed in it. The distinctive feature of Greek edu-
cation, which involved the appearance of the pupils
in public gymnasia in nude form, was distasteful and
offensive to the Jewish sense of modesty (I Mac
1 I4fif.; II Mac 4 10).
"When education passed out of its household stage
its development was almost exclusively with refer-
ence to the male members of society.
12. Educa- The training of girls remained a task of
tion of the mother and had for its main object
Women, their preparation for ideal motherhood
(Pr 3127-29).
Literature: Art. Erziehung in Hamburger, RE.; Kitto,
art.Education in Kitto, Bibl. Cycl.^\ Edersheim, LTJM.
(1896), I, p. 225; Schurer, HJP., II. ii, pp. 46-52; art. by
Kennedy in FIDB., and by Box in EB. A. C Z.
EGGS. See Food, § 10.
—
1 1 1 1 r 1
1
iTfll
Education
201 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Egypt
breadth of the Nile valley which forms the real Egyp- kingdoms. Ancient authorities agree unanimously
tian country as marked off from the desert, varies that the dynasty of united Egypt was
first historic
from 3 to 10 m. S. of the Delta, which near the sea that of King Menes, whose tomb is
attains a breadth of 120 m. The soil of the valley is 4. The Old thought to have been discovered just
of great fertility. The dark-colored mud brought Empire, N. of Thebes in 1897. Already the
down by the Nile suggested the native Egyptian center was established at
political
name of the country, Kevit, the 'black land,' as dis- Memphis Lower Egypt. In the fourth dynasty
in
tinguished from the bright-colored soil of the desert. the civilization of Egypt comes before us as a
It is now generally agreed that the ancient Egyp- finished product. This is the dynasty of the great
tians had close Semitic affinities. The points of pyramid-builders, the largest pyramid being that of
contact that are surest are the hnguis- Cheops {Chufu), the second of the fine. The fifth
2. The In- tic. The languages of both races have dynasty was little distinguished. The sixth has left
habitants, nearly the same set of pronominal written and artistic memorials all through Egypt,
suffixes, the same endings for genders, jvith records of expeditions to Nubia and NW.
and also most of their numerals alike. They have Arabia. Of the dynasties from the seventh to the
besides in common the use of a construct state, as twelfth we know little directly. It is clear, however,
well as several analogies in verb-inflection. More that the rulers of Memphis were unable to hold that
fundamental still is the practical identity of the con- city as their capital, since they transferred their resi-
sonants, including the peculiar Semitic gutturals. dence to Heracleopolis, S. of the FayAm. Here they
The vocabularies, however, are disappointing, show- failed to maintain themselves against the princes of
ing very few close resemblances. It is also very Thebes, to whom they at length gave their alle-
questionable whether the original ideographic sys- giance.
tems of writing have a common origin. But gram- With the tenth dynasty the "Old Kmgdom'* came
matical analogies are the surest test of relationship, to an end. The "Middle Kingdom," which lasted
and they point here to a kinship radical even if very from the eleventh dynasty to the four-
remote. But both the physiognomy of the monu- 5. The teenth, showed great vigor and enter-
mental sculptures and the racial peculiarities betray Middle prise in its earlier stages. The period
the presence of an additional, non-Semitic element in Empire, is signalized by the predominance of
the population, which is neither negro nor negroid. Thebes. Of the twelfth dynasty mon-
We are forced to the conclusion that the missing imients are found everywhere as far up the Nile
components are to be sought among some of the as the Second Cataract. A complete conquest of
vanished races of Northern Africa, of which the Lib- Nubia was now effected, with a great increase of
yans NW. of Egypt, and the Cushites to the S., may wealth in gold, slaves, and fighting men.
be regarded as representative. In the thirteenth dynasty began that steady influx
On the very difficult subject of chronology the of the Asiatics which resulted finally in the rule of
chief sources of information are the ancient lists of the Hyksos, as Manetho terms them.
kings with more or less definite notations 6. The Their origin is not yet fully made out.
3. Chro- of time attached to them. The current Hyksos. The invaders were, it is certain, largely
nology. division of historical time is that of Semites from Palestine and Syria; but
Manetho, an Egyptian priest who wrote they possibly may have been impelled by non-
in Greek about 270 B.C., and whose work has been Semites from Asia Minor. It was in the eastern
fairly well preserved in summaries or references by part of the Delta that the strangers had their head-
Josephus, Africanus, and Eusebius. He made out quarters, whence at length they made their author-
31 dynasties of kings, with the length of each ity felt throughout Egypt proper. A marked result
dynasty in years. A supplement is afforded by of their sway was the introduction of Semitic words
monumental lists in temples, in tombs, or on papyri. into the language of the Egyptians and of Semitic
These do not give the regnal years. Armals of kings gods into then worship. Upper Egypt was natu-
inscribed in temples or in tombs give important data. rally least contented under the foreign rule, and long
In spite of these helps, there is no agreement among resistance on its part gradually changed into aggres-
scholars as to the lengths of the earlier dynasties. sion, so that finally at the close of the seventeenth
Consequently also the total length of Egyptian his- dynasty the Hyksos were almost wholly expelled
, tory is still a matter of conjecture. A
table of from the country.
"minimal dates" compiled by Edouard Meyer makes With the eighteenth dynasty (c. 1587-1400 b.c.)
the first dynasty to have begun in 3180 b.c. Petrie begins the "New Kingdom," Thebes bemg again
puts it at 4777 B.C. Perhaps the beginning of the the capital. Egj^t now attains to the
history of Egypt as a unified state may be put a 7. New sununit of its power. It was found
century or two after 4000 b.c. Back to the 16th Empire, that the only sure means of excluding
cent. B.C. a reasonable degree of accuracy has been 1 8th the troublesome Asiatics was to occupy
gained, and astronomical calculations have aided in Dynasty, their territory, and so campaigns in
fixing a few important epochs. Western Asia became the order of the
II. History.— Two stages may be inferentially day. Two of the greatest conquerors of the time
traced in the antecedents of the history proper. were Thothmes I, the third ruler of the dynasty, and
At first there was the formation of numerous small Thothmes the sixth of the line. The latter ex-
III,
communities, each with its own tutelary deities. tended his sway as far as the Euphrates. In the first
Then the natural division of the country ( § 1 20 years of his rule he conducted fifteen campaigns
favored for a time the existence of two dominant in Asia; but the remainder of his long reign (1503-
Egypt 303
Ehud
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
1449 B.C.) was mainly devoted to the arts of peace. coast. The combination was defeated, and E^t
Had
He was the most powerful of all the Pharaohs. It was saved for a time. In Palestine Meneptah
was really a new Egypt that he ruled. Horses and no very secure dominion. Among the peoples
chariots, imported from Asia, had changed the aspect whom he claims to have subdued in that region
of war and made it a, new profession. Asiatic wives, Israel is given a place— the only
mention ot the
customs, and gods became fashionable. The closest name, so far as is yet known, upon the Egyptian
relations were maintained with all Western Asia. monuments. It is doubtful whether the Hebrew
Wealth and luxury increased enormously. The "Exodus" had then (c. 1260 B.C.) taken place. The
official classgrew at the expense of the tillers of the closing years of the dynasty were marked by con-
soil, and of that class the priesthood was the greatest fusion and anarchy.
gainer. At length, the fourth ruler after Thothmes Something like order was effected by Rameses III
III, Amenophis IV, "the heretic king," being tired (c. 1220-1190), the founder with his father of the
of the priestly yoke, determined to found a new and twentieth dynasty. He had to repel
—
more manageable religion the sole worship of the 9. Loss of renewed attacks from the Libyans;
sun's disk {Aten). To this end he chose a new cap- Palestine, also a more formidable incursion of
ital on the site of the modern Tell-el-Amarna, half- the maritime barbarians, who were de-
way between Thebes and the old capital Memphis. feated near the very border of Egypt. Their devas-
The attempt was unsuccessful. A few years later tations broke up the remnants of the Hittite empire
the dynasty itself came to an end with Thebes once in Syria and made Palestine more insecure than ever
more the seat of government (c. 1380 B.C.). A for the Egyptians.
great discovery has made known to us the Asiatic The New Kingdom now gave place to foreign
relations of this dynasty. At El-Amarna were found domination, which lasted from the twenty-second
in 1887 over 300 letters, on tablets bearing cuneiform to the twenty - fifth dynasty. The
characters, from Babylonia, Assyria, N. Mesopota- 10. The founder of the new order was She-
mia (Mitani), Syria, and Palestine. From the two Libyan shonk (Shishak), a Libyan who had
countries last named native governors, appointed by Regime, been commander of the army. It was
the Egyptian court, describe the precarious condi- he who gave shelter to Jeroboam as a
tion of their garrisons during the reigns of Ameno- fugitivefrom King Solomon. But in the reigns of
phis III and IV. Among the familiar localities Jeroboam and Rehoboam he made a raid upon the
from which letters were written were Tyre, Beirtit, two kingdoms of Israel. Though Jerusalem was
Accho, Gaza, Askalon, and Jerusalem. occupied and plundered, the Egyptians soon disap-
The no less famous nineteenth dynasty had not peared. Not long thereafter, the Ethiopians began
only to set Egypt right internally but also to reestab- the invasion which made them masters of the whole
lish its power La Asia. The Hittites, now of Egypt. The end of the Libyan regime found 20
8. Nine- a strong confederacy, completely occu- independent princes in the Delta. These were
teenth pied Syria and were threatening Pales- subdued by Pianchi, the Ethiopian king, who wisely
Dynasty, tine. Seti I, the third king of the hne, left to them their petty realms on condition of vas-
after much
fighting, was fain to treat salage. Hence the twenty-third and twenty-fourth
with the Hittite king. They agreed that the Egyp- dynasties are named after Egyptian kings. But the
tians might rule as far as Lebanon and the Hittites twenty-fifth under Sabako, grandson of Pianchi, is
thence northward. Seti's successor, Rameses II (c. titularly Ethiopian (728-645 B.C.).
1340-1273), spent the first 21 of the 67 years of The princes of the Delta accordingly followed the
his reign in desperate conflicts with the Hittites, lead of the Ethiopians, though seeming often to act
which left him very nearly where he began. A an independent part. Thus one of
treaty with the Hittites, a very elaborate affair, was 11, Ethio- them, named Seve ("So," II K 17 4),
then made, which was long faithfully kept on both pian allied himself with the Philistines of
sides. Rameses spent the most of his reign in beau- Dynasty. Gaza and Hoshea of Israel against
tifying and strengthening his kingdom. To carry Assyria. As a result, however, Egypt
out his designs he made use of the populations of the narrowly escaped invasion. When the Assyrian
conquered tribes. Among others were the Hebrew Sennacherib came against Palestine (701 B.C.), the
people who had settled and prospered on the E. of Ethiopian Tirhaka (702-662 B.C.) marched to the
the Delta. During the Asiatic invasions their lot was relief of Hezeldah, King of Judah, and was defeated.
naturally grievous. Rameses in particular pressed But Tirhaka remained a constant obstacle to As-
them hard with his rigorous system of forced labor. syria until Esarhaddon, son of Sennacherib, carried
Pithom (q.v.) and Raamses (q.v.) were two of the mili- the war into Africa, and in 670 an-
tary stations which they helped to construct in order 12. Assyrian nexed the country as far as Thebes. A
to make sure the hold of Egypt upon N. Arabia and Domina- rebellion against his successor, Asshur-
Palestine. But the most dangerous enemies did not tion. banipal was put
, down with great sever-
come from the old roving tribes of the eastern desert ity. Thebes was taken, and met with a
and its oases. Meneptah, the son of Rameses II, cruel fate at the hands of the Assyrians (cf. Nah 3
found his reckoning with the western Libyans the 8 ff.). A final defeat in Nubia itself made an end of
most serious business of his reign. With them the Ethiopian dynasty. The Assyrian triumph was
were allied pirates and land robbers from various promoted by Necho I, a powerful prince of the Delta,
parts of the eastern and northern shores and islands who after the flight and death of Tirhaka went over
of the Mediterranean, who had already wrought to the conquerors. But the son of Necho Psara-
much destruction on the Syrian and Phoenician metichus I, with the help of troops sent by Gyges,
Egypt
303 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Ehud
King of Lydia, rebelled against Assyria, and by 645 —had practically more sway than had the personifi-
B.C. Asshurbanipal had to relinquish Egypt, where cation of objects of nature, as in myths of the sun-
his people had been in control a quarter of a cen- god, darkness, clouds, and rain, or in the deification
tury. of the hidden powers residing in trees or rivers and
Thus Psammetichus became the founder of the fountains or in haunted or uncanny neighborhoods.
twenty-sixth dynasty, under which the power of Thus the doctrine of inmiortality early took hold of
Egypt revived greatly. He and his suc- the people and gave character to their religion every-
13. Revival cessor, Necho II, favored the immigra- —
where. The polytheism of Egypt originally to a
of Native tion of Greek settlers and developed a —
great extent a polydemonism arose from the com-
Rule. great maritime commerce. The decline bination of many local cults. This in its turn was
of Assyria encouraged the hope that due to the political alUance and ultimate union of the
Egypt might found a new Asiatic empire. Just be- *'nomes" or the districts into which the country was
fore the fall of Nineveh, Necho struck into Palestine very early divided (§ 4). Further back we see in
and Syria (608 B.C.). Josiah of Judah, as a vassal each of the surviving divinities a tribal deity which
of Assyria, intercepted his march and was slain at was doubtless in many cases the totem of a family or
Megiddo. His kingdom came under Egyptian con- clan. At the other extreme we see how Ptalj, the
trol. Syria was also soon subdued by Necho. But deity of Memphis, became, with the rise of that city,
the whole country had to be given up after his de- a great national god and a like honor was conferred
;
feat at Carchemish (604 B.C.) by Nebuchadrezzar, later upon Amon as the god of Thebes (" No-amon,*'
the Chaldean crown prince. Yet Egyptian in- Jer 46 25; cf. Nah 3 8). Again, the various leading
trigues in Asia were still continued. Jehoiakim of deities are grouped about one or the other of the two
Judah, once an Egyptian vassal, and the last king, imperial gods Ra and Osiris the one giving and con-
;
Zedekiah, were induced to revolt against Babylon. trolling life, the other ruling the world of the dead.
The promised help was precarious, and the two cap- Along with those four was Hapi, the god of the Nile.
tivities of Judah were the result. Some time after Other famous deities, not easily classified, were
the fall of Jerusalem, Egypt was overrun by Nebu- Horus, Hathor, Nest, Isis, and Set. The rampant
chadrezzar (cf. Jer 46 13 f.), but was not long occu- animism of the religion is shown in the prevailing
pied by him. Generally Egypt prospered untU after notions as to human existence. Besides the soul,
the rise of Persia under Cjtus the Great. In his the spirit, and the shadow of the man, there was the
time Amasis (Ahmes II) was on the throne. To most important of all, his Ka, or ' double.' The coun-
check the progress of Cyrus he made a futile league terpart of each individual was held to survive with
with Croesus, King of Lydia, and Nabonidus, the him after death as long as the body remained incor-
last native king of Babylon. rupt. Hence the need and practise of embalming
Cambyses, son of Cyrus, subdued Egypt and Ethi- the dead. The various divinities were worshiped,
opia in 525. The Persian dominion thus established we may presume, partly as emblems, partly as sur-
lasted for more than 100 years. The vivals of primitive totem superstition, and partly
14. Persian great statesman Darius Hystaspes because certain sacred objects, beneficent or malefi-
Regime, (521-486) tried with success to admin- cent, hadto be propitiated. The religion of Egypt,
FoUowed ister Egypt on its old religious and, like itslanguage and political system, was too sin-
by Brief locally, on its old political lines. A gular and unsympathetic to exercise any appreciable
Native few revolts at intervals failed; but an influence on the people of any other country or race.
Rule, outbreak against Darius II in 414 made Literature The most useful general works on Egypt are
:
the country once more independent. Erman, Aegypten u. aegyptisches Leben, 1885 (Eng. tr.,
Egyptian Life, 1894), and Baedeker's Handbook (ed. by
It maintained itself under three nominal dynasties
Steindorff, 1902). These works contain historical sec-
(twenty-eighth to thirtieth) till the vigorous Arta- tions, and excellent histories have been written by Ed.
xerxes III of Persia (Ochus) subdued it after a des- Meyer, 1887; Wiedemann, 1891 (valuable forO T.study);
perate struggle (about 349 B.C.)- The brief reigns Petrie, 1894, 1896; Breasted, 1905. The last-named has
published Historical Records of Egypt, 5 vols., 1906-7.
of Ochus and Darius Codomannus are reckoned as
There are also two good primers of Egypt, one by Wendel,
the thirty-first dynasty. 1887, and the other by Murison, In Bible Class Primers,
Alexander of Macedon, after the final defeat of 1902. The articles by Crum in DB and W. M. Miiller in
Darius (331), went over into Egypt. With the BB are very valuable summaries. All these have much
to say about the religion and art of Egypt. The latter is
founding of Alexandria he established dealt with in the special work of Perrot and Chipiez, His-
15. Egypt also that Hellenic culture which toler- toire de VArt, vol. I, 1882. J. F. McC
Hellenized. ated and at length superseded the old
EGYPT, RIVER OF. See River of Egypt.
Egyptian civilization. Hence when
Egypt again became independent under the Ptole- EHI, I'hai CHX, *ehl): The ancestor of a Benjamite
mies (323-31 B.C.) its ancient form and spirit were clan(Gn46 21). But the text here is corrupt and
changed forever. should be changed according to Nu 26 38f., bo that
The religion of Egypt is in its early stages very for Ehi we should read Ahiram (q.v,). E. E. N.
obscure. is also mysterious all through the
It
dynastic ages. The basis of the pop- EHUD, i'hud ("nnx, 'ehudh), 'strong': 1. A great-
16. Religion ular religion was, as elsewhere, partly grandson of Benjamin (I Ch 7 10, 8 6). 2. A son of
of Egypt, animistic and partly mythological. Gera, a left-handed Benjamite leader of Israel, one
The former element is relatively much of the earlier judges. He delivered Israel from the
stronger than in the purely Semitic religions. That oppression of Eglon, the Moabite tyrant (Jg 3 15-4 1),
is to say, the worship of spirits —
^in men and animals by assassinating him. A. C. Z.
Eker
Election
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 304
cities of the Phihstines, Map III, C 5. In the division subverted by a subject prince, the great Hammu-
of the land under Joshua it was assigned to Judah rabi (Amraphel, Gn 14 1), about 2240 B.C., and the
(Jos 3 5 45), but also later to Dan (Jos 19 43). It is Elamites never again became lords of all Baby-
about 25 m. SW. of Jerusalem and 9 m. from the sea lonia. After the Assyrians began to subdue Baby-
(mod. Akir). It had a shrine of Baalzebub (II K lonia E. was drawn into sympathy with the latter
1 2, 3, 6), where the Ark of J" was for a time held for self-preservation, and became for a time its stead-
by the Philistines (I S 5 10, 6 16). The city is men- fast ally. With the complete subversion of Baby-
tioned but once in the Egjrptian records. In the lonian autonomy by the Assyrian Assurbanipal E.
Assyrian inscriptions, however, from Sennacherib fell a prey to the conqueror (645 B.C.). Susa was
and later (cf. Schrader, COT, II, 164), its kings are taken, and many of the people deported to Samaria
often named. A. C. Z. (Ezr 4 9f.). Upon the breaking up of the Assyrian
empire N. Elam fell to the Medes, and Anshan, as
EL: The Hebrew 7N, ^el, means God, i.e.,
already mentioned, to the Persians. In Is 21 2 E. is
deity. a part of compound proper
It is frequently made equivalent to the rising kingdom of Persia.
names, in some instancej prefixed, in others post- J. F. McC.
fixed to the other element. It is often found in the
form ell, e.g., Eliab (see also Abi, names with), which
II. 1. A son of Shem (Gn 10 22; I Ch 1 17), ances-
ELDER: The unit of primitive Semitic society- has been employed, on the rehgious side, in seeking
was the clan, or large family, whose eldest represent- out an otiose deity or that deity is a universal im-
atives constituted the ruling element of the clan. In personal principle, to discover which is the acme of
primitive Israel the elders of the clans represented the human effort, has no place in the whole course of his-
nation as a whole. When Israel conquered Canaan tory described by the Bible. There God is constantly
and adopted the agricultural mode of life, it was an presented as the One whose action is the cause of re-
easy transition for the clan-elders to become the ligious experiences, as truly as of the natural world
elders of the city or town communities, which were itself. That human nature is active, too, goes without
composed (at first) mainly of members of the same saying. But this human activity, the life of a free
clan. It was this fundamental element of the an- spiritual being, does not abolish, it merely deter-
cient Hebrew society that formed the basis of the mines the form of the Divine action. Hence the
later extension of the significance of the term to in- fully developed view of God in the later prophets of
dicate the chief men of a community, the wise men, the O T looks upon Him as the actual Lord of all
the leading men of the synagogue, or of the local peoples. Egypt and Assyria no less than Israel and
church, the influential leaders of the Jewish nation, Judah, a Pharaoh (Gn 41 28-32; Ex 6 1, 7 3) and Cyrus
etc. See Church, §§ 3, 8; City, § 5; Family and (Is 44 28, 45 1) no less than Moses and David, are the
Family Law, §§ 4, 8, and Law and Legal Prac- servants of His will. But this universal authority
tise, §§ 1 (1), 2 (1). E. E. N. and power of God are not characterized by mere
sameness of interest and operation toward all. The
ELEAD, el'§-ad 0^^)^, 'eVadh), 'God has wit- Divine will defines its purpose with each race and
nessed' or God is witness' (I Ch 7 20 ff. ) The passage
' : with each man. This definiteness of God's will, this
is very interesting —a specimen of the fragments of selective action, has appeared most clearly along one
ancient folk-lore which occur here and there in the central line of history, viz., in His dealings with Is-
genealogical hsts of the O T. Elead was evidently rael and above all in the person and gospel of Jesus
an Ephraimitic clan that was destroyed by the men Christ. The will of God is set forth as the continu-
of —
Gath ^probably in the days of the Judges, its
E. E. N.
ous working out of a purpose of grace, which at last
fate causing great sorrow in the tribe. is to include all nations within its sweep (Gn 12 3; Is
45 6, 49 1-7, 66 19; Mai 1 11; Acts 3 24 f.; Gal 3 8, etc.)-
ELEADAH, el"g-g'da (~1?^«, 'eVadhah): The But, as in the consummation God's grace must ap-
head of an Ephraimite family (I Ch 7 20; Eladah prehend and perfect each man, so in its whole his-
AV; cf. Elead). E. E. N. torical course it operates deliberately, selectively.
It is God's will which directs all the steps toward
ELEALEH, i"le-^'le or ^"le-a'le i?Y4\^, 'eValeh): that far-off goal.
A town of Moab, near Heshbon. Map II, J 1. It These steps appear, as to the O T, (1) in the choice
became the possession of the Reubenites at the time of a people through whom the end is to be achieved
of the Conquest (Nu 32 3, 37), but the Moabites after- (Dt 4 37, 7 6-8, 1015, 14 2; IK
38; Is
ward reoccupied it (Is 15 4, 16 9; Jer 48 34). I. In the 14 i; Hag 2M, 5). Hence Israel is even
E. E. N. "my chosen" (Is 42 l, 45 4, 65 9,
O T. called
ELEASAH, el"e-^'sa iy^^^t^}^, 'eVasOh). More 22), and we speak of them as "the Chosen
correctly Elasah, 'God has made' or 'done' 1, An :
People." (2) In the choice within that people of indi-
viduals, etc., as the special organs of revelation (as
officialunder King Zedekiah, entrusted with a mes-
sage to Nebuchadrezzar (Jer 29 3). 2. A descendant kings, I S 10 24, 12 13; II S 6 21; I K
8 16; I Ch 28 5,
3. A descendant of Jonathan
29 prophets, I S3 4 ff.; Is 6 8, 9; Jer 1 4 ff.; Ezk 2 1-3;
l;
of Judah (I Ch 2 39).
(I Ch 8 37, 9 43). 4. One of the "sons of Pashhur"
Am 7 15; place of worship, Dt 12 11; etc.). (3) In the
dealings of God with each soul, as to its own rela-
who had taken a foreign wife (Ezr 10 22).
E. E. N. tions to Him. This aspect of experience is of course
described with special fulness throughout the Book
ELEAZAR, el"e-^'zar 0V4^^^•y 'eVazar), 'God has of Psalms. There the sense of relationship with J"
helped': 1. The th^rd son and successor of Aaron is always as of one who depends whoUy upon the
in the high-priestly office (Nu 20 25 £E.) which he held Divine righteousness, mercy, and encompassing wis-
under Moses and Joshua (Jos 24 33). 2. AsonofAbi- dom and power.
nadab, appointed guardian of the Ark of the Covenant The idea of the Divine initiative is expressed by
in the days of Samuel (I S 7 l ff.)- 3. A son of Dodai the use of two words, bdharj 'to choose,' and qard\
and one of David's three heroes (II S 23 9). 4. One '
fro call' the one looking at the matter from the side
;
of the sons of Merari of the tribe of Levi (I Ch 23 21). of God's will and the other from the side of that
6. A priest and musician in Nehemiah's time (Neh overt act in which His will becomes known to the
12 42). 6. A priest in Ezra's time (Ezr 8 33). 7. human mind. But some of the references given
One of the "sons of Parosh" who had taken a foreign above, especially as to the prophets, show that this
wife (Ezr 10 25). 8. One of the ancestors of Joseph, Divine initiative is often most powerfully set forth,
the husband of Mary (Mt 1 15). A. C Z. where neither word is used, but where the circum-
Election; Peter, First stances are stated through which the Divine will be-
ELECT. See also
Epistle of, §§ came manifest.
2, 3.
In the N T this aspect of God's relations to men is,
ELECTION: The religion of revelation regards if possible, made still more prominent. Again, two
God as active from the beginning and throughout words are used to describe the fact in its two ele-
the whole course of history. The notion that man ments, of choice (eKXeyeo-^at, e^Xoyi^, €kK€kt6s) and
Election
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 306
Elienai
call (kXtjo-iSj KKrjTos). Of Jesus it is never said that the fact of election in its relation to the fact of free-
He was "called," except in a quotation (Mt 2 I5;cf. dom. Compare the article Predestination.
Hos 11 1). But He is said to have been Literature: For fuller list see HDB, article Predestina-
tion, also article Election (by Dr. J. O. F. Murray). On
2. Teach- chosen (Lk 9 35 Jn 1 34 [?]). Jesus again
;
ELEPH, I'lef (^)^, 'eleph, with article): A ancestor of Joseph, the husband of Mary (Mt 1 13).
town in Benjamin, mentioned just before Jerusalem 6. An ancestor of Jesus (Lk 3 30). A. C. Z.
(Jos 18 28). Probably the modern Lifta, about 2 m. ELIAM, e-lai'am (D^J^^^, 'Ul^am), 'God is kins-
NW. of Jerusalem. C. S. T.
man': The father of Bath-sheba (II S 11 3), the
1.
used in the sense of God at one time in Israel, Baali- 6, A priest who had married a foreign wife (Ezr 10 22
ada may have been the original form). 2. The father = Neh 12 41). 7. A leader of 200 of the "sons of
of Rezon of Zobah (I K 11 23). 3. A Benjamite chief Pahath-moab," who returned with Ezra from Baby-
captain in Jehoshaphat's time (II Ch 17 17). lon (Ezr 8 4). 8. One of the "sons of Zattu" who
E. E. N. married a foreign wife (Ezr 10 27). E. E. N.
ELIAH, e-loi'a. See Elijah.
ELIEL, g-lai'el (^S^^M, 'UVel), 'El is God/ or 'my
ELIAHBA, t"lai-a'ba (Np^^^^, 'elyahha'), 'God
God is El': 1. A chief of the half-tribe of Manasseh,
hides': One of David's heroes (II S 23 32; I Ch 2. A Kohathite (I Ch 6
E. of the Jordan (I Ch 5 24).
1133). E.E.N. 34) = EUab (I Ch 6 27) = EUhu (I S 1 l), the great-
the Baptist, whose mission was to break down an vation,' Eliseus in the AV of NT: The successor
evil condition of things and restore a better one (Mt and perpetuator of Elijah's work, by
17 11). I. Pro- whom he was ordained and anointed to
Literature: For further discussion cf. Cornill, Propk. Isr., phetic Call, this end (I K 19 16, 19) (854-802 B.C.).
pp. 12, 15, 20, 29-36; Kittel, Hist, of Heb., II, pp. 213, He was a native of Abel-Meholah, situ-
266 ff., 275; Montefiore, Hibbert Lectures, p. 91 f.; Milli- ated on the southern side of the plain of Beth-shean,
gan, Elijah (in Men of the Bible Series).
not far from the Jordan. Here his father Shaphat
2. A
son of Jeroboam, a Benjamite (I Ch 8 27, was evidently the owner of a considerable landed
Eliah 3. One of the "sons of Harim," a priest
AV) estate. He "was plowing with twelve yoke of
(Ezr 10 21). 4. One of the "sons of Elam" (Ezr oxen before him, and he with the twelfth" when
10 26). A. C. Z. Elijah found him and by the symbolic throwing of
his mantle on him called him to the work of the
ELIKA, e-lai'ka (Xp/^.^?, 'Ulqa'): One of David's prophet. Henceforth E. became Elijah's disciple
heroes (IIS 23 25). E. E. N. and servant (II 3 11). K In his last sickness he was
visited by King Joash, to whom he showed in a sym-
ELIM, I'lim (^Yi^j 'elim): The second station
bolic transaction, through the shooting of arrows,
of the Israelites after crossing the Red Sea (Ex 15 that he was to conquer Syria three times and might
27; Nu
339), commonly identified with the Wady have inflicted on her a crushing defeat, had his faith
Ghurundel, 63 m. from Suez and 7 m. from Ain been stronger (II K
13 14-19). The last mention of
Hawwara (Ordnance Survey of Sinai, I, 151), an his name relates to the case of a man brought for
oasis whose natural features agree with those de-
burial and cast hastily into the grave in which E.'s
scribed in the text. A. C. Z. bones were found, and by the mere touch of the
ELIMELECH, §-hm'g-lec (^^^"'^M, 'Ulmelekh), corpse with the bones of its restoration to life (II K
13 20-21).
'God is king': A Bethlehemite, husband of Nao-
The narratives upon which knowledge of E.'s
mi, who migrated to Moab in a time of famine,
and died there. One of his sons married Ruth, an-
life and work is based are given in III-25, 4 K 2
1-44, 7 1-8 5, and 13 14^21. They
5 1-6 32,
cestress of David (Ru 1 2 ff.). E. E. N.
2. Sources bear marks of diversity of origin and of
ELIOENAI, eri-o-i'noi. See Eliehoenai. of some chronological displacement. In
ELIPHAL, e-loi'fal. See Eliphelet. Ifistory. view of the healing of Naaman's
leprosy (II K
ch. 5), it does not seem
ELIPHALET, e-lif'a-let. See Eliphelet. likely that the war between Israel and Syria men-
statesmanship achieved its master stroke. Sending ELISHUA, el"i-shu'a (PV^'^Xj??, 'Elishua'),
'God is
one of the "sons of the prophets" to Jehu, a restless help': A son of David (II S5 15; I Ch 14 5; by mistake
and ambitious warrior, he symbolically intimated called Elishama in I Ch 3 6).
E. E. N.
to him, through the act of anointing with oil, that he
was called to wrest the scepter from the hands of the ELIUD, e-lai'ud ('eXioxJS = OT Elihud): An
descendants of Jezebel (II K
9 1-10). The task was ancestor of Joseph (Mt 1 14 f.). E. E. N.
one committed to by him Elijah (I K 19 16), and its
accomplishment proved the end of official Baal wor- ELIZAPHAN, el"i-ze'fan (1P)J^)J5. 'Ultsaphan),
Affairs. to the cause of Israel (IIK68ff.). rock': "Prince" of Reuben (Nu 1 5, etc.).
ELON,ilen Q'hi^, 'elon), 'terebinth': I. l.AZeb- EMBALM, EMBALMING. See Burial and
ulunite, one of the minor judges of Israel (Jg 12 11 f.). Burial Customs, § 2.
2. A "son" of Zebulun (Gn 46 14), head of the family
ELPARAN, el-p6'ran ^^^, 'elpa'ran): A EMINENT PLACE: The Heb. gabh, rendered
Ql^^ "eminent place" (Ezk 16 24, 31, 39 AV; "lofty" RV),
place in Edom (Gn 14 6). See Elath and Paran. is rendered "high-place" (q.v.) in other passages.
E. E. N.
Here it indicates a place on which an altar for illicit
ELPELET, el-pi'let (^^^^ij, 'elpelet, Elpalet AV). worship was built. In Ezk 17 22, as the AV trans-
See Eliphblet. lation of another Hebrew word, thdlul, it means
'lofty,' so RV. C. S. T.
ELTEKEH, el'te-ke («|?n^N and ^pribx, eWqe'
and ^elt'qeh): A city of Dan, mentioned after
EMMANUEL, em-man'yu-el. See Immanuel.
Ekron (Jos 19 44) and a Levitical city (Jos 21 23). EMMAUS, em'a-us {'Efifiaovs): A village men-
Near Eltekeh {Altaku) Sennacherib won a victory tioned in Lk 24 13. According to the best read-
over the combined forces of Palestinians, Egyp- ing (ABD) 60 stadia distant from Jerusalem. An
tians, and others (cf. II K
18 13 ff., 19 8 ff.) and after- Emmaus (Afifiaovs, 60 stadia from Jerusalem) is
ward despoiled E. and its neighboring town Timnath mentioned by Josephus {BJ, VII, 6 6), who says
(Prism inscrip. of Sen. Col II 69 ff.)- Consequently E. that Titus had a colony of soldiers there. This sug-
must have been situated near Timnath, probably be- gests the modern Kulonieh, which is approxi-
tween Timnath and Ekron. The identification Map mately this distance from Jerusalem. Map II, E 1.
III, E 5, is probably incorrect. E. E. N. E. has also been identified with Nicopolis (I Mac 3 40,
57, 4 3-25), the modernMmwjas in theShephelah,20 m.
ELTEKON, el'te-ken Cij^^)^, 'elt-qon): A city
from Jerusalem, Map III, D
5, but this distance is too
in the highlands of Judah (Jos 15 59). Not yet great. J. M. T.
identified. E. E. N.
EMMOR, em'er. See Hammor.
ELTOLAD, el-to'lad CiVlnbij, 'eltoladh): A city
in the extreme S. of Judah (Jos 15 30), also as-
EN- Cl'^iJ, 'en): The prefix 'En' m Hebrew proper
signed to Simeon (Jos 19 4). Elsewhere called names stands for the word meaning 'spring' or 'foun-
Tolad (I Ch 4 29). Not yet identified. E. E. N. tain, in opposition to
'
a well or cistern. Places with
names compounded with 'En' were almost certainly
ELUL, i'lul: The sixth month of the Jewish located near a spring. E. E. N.
year. See Time, § 3. E. E. N.
ENAIM, g-ne'im (D^ri^, *enayim): A town of
ELUZAI, e-lu'zoi C^^^\i<,, 'el'uzay): 'God my Enam). Ac-
Judah (Jos 15 34, where it is spelled
refuge' (?): One of those who deserted Saul for cording to Gn it was situated on the road to
38 14
David (I Ch 12 5). E. E. N.
Timnah and was the scene of Judah 's incest with
ELYMAS, el'i-mas. See Bar Jesus. Tamar. Driver locates it in the Shephelah Conder ;
ENDOR O^ T-J?, 'en dor), 'fountain of dor': A 13): I. 1. The eldest son of Cain, mentioned in
city in the territory of Manasseh, 4 m. S. of Tabor, Gn 4l7f. as the builder of a city which he called
made famous as the residence of the witch to whom after himself. This points to a place that bore the
Saul resorted (I S 28 7). Its modern successor, En- name, which can not now be identified. 2. Son of
duT, ie built upon a rock full of caves (cf. Socin, in Jared and father of Methuselah, descendant of Seth
Baedeker, Palestine'', p. 460 f.)- Map III, G 1. (Gn 518-24). The absence of the usual formula
^" ^' ^* "And he died" at the end of the account given of
ENEAS, See ^Eneas.
i-nl'as.
him and the substitution of the phrase, "And he was
EN-EGLAIM, en-eg'la-im (D?^^?? X^^, 'en'egla- not because God took him," gave occasion to a great
yim), 'fount of the two calves' (Ezk 47 10) From the :
number of speculations and comments in later times
(cf. Shiirer, HJP, II, i. 342, iii. 70). The translation
context it is likely that En-eglaim lay N. of En-gedi,
of Enoch is paralleled in Assyrian mythology by the
near the mouth of the Jordan. It has not been
identified. Some suspect an error for Beth-hoglah translation of Sit-Napisti(m). II. city (cf. 1, A
E. E. N. above). A. C. Z.
(q.v.).
EN-HADDAH (n^n ]^V, ' en haddah): A -pl^ce in together by a redactor as follows: (1)
2. Literary The original Book of Enoch, compri-
Issachar (Jos 19 2i). Perhaps the modern KefrAddn.
Analysis. sing chs. 1-36 and 72-105. (2) The
Map III, F 2. E. E. N.
Book of Similitudes, comprising chs.
EN-HAKKORE,en-hak'o-re (Nlipri-1^2?, 'en haq- 37-71, and (3) The Apocalypse of Noah, or, more
qore'), 'spring of the partridge.'The context, how- correctly, certain fragments of a book which prob-
ever, gives the meaning 'spring of him who called': ably existed as a whole under some title ascribed to
The name of a spring in Lehi, from which Samson Noah. These fragments are inserted within the
quenched his thirst after slaying the Philistines other two parts of Enoch, and are to be found in chs.
with the jaw-bone of an ass. Location unknown 54 7-55 2, 60, 65 1-69 26, and 106-107.
(Jg 15 19). C. S. T. The original Book of Enoch has its starting-point
in Gn 6 2 f,, and recounts the punishment of the sin-
EN-HAZOR, en-h6'zer (^'^n ]'^^, 'en hatsor), ning angels. In the course of giving information
'spring of Hazor': A town in NaphtaU (Jos 19 37). about the places of this punishment, Enoch nar-
The site is not certain, but may be the same as the rates his extensive travels throughout the universe
modern Kh. Haztreh (Map IV, D 5). E. E. N. (1-36). A second section is called The Book of the
Enchanter
313 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Enosh
Luminaries of Heaven, and consists of chs. 78-82, (Baldensperger, Beer); others from the 2d cent.
still
treating of geographical and cosmological matters A.D. ; and others, claim that it may have been
finally,
such as the course of the sun and the published as a Jewish apocalypse before the Chris-
3. Con- stars, of the winds and the four quarters tian Era, but that it was revised by a Christian who
tents of of heaven, and the changes which are interpolated into it the Son of Man passages. The
Original destined to come over these things in truth probably lies nearer the view which makes
Enoch, the last days. A third section, consist- it a prechristian writing. The occurrence in it of the
ing of chs. 83-90, narrates two visions phrase "Son of Man" does not interfere with this
of Enoch, both prophetic in form, but together conclusion, as this phrase is not altogether a distinct-
known as the historical part of the book, because ively Christian expression and should not be re-
they portray in a general way the history as it trans- garded as the sign of a Christian author or redactor
pired and is recorded in the O T. The first vision is (cf. Baldensperger, Selbstbewusstsein Jesu^, p. 90;
a picture of the Deluge; the second covers the whole Dalman, Words of Jesus, p. 234 f.). The best edi-
course of Israel's career under the symbolical form tion, with introduction and notes for English readers,
of a warfare of the clean animals (sheep, lambs, and is by Charles {Book of Enoch, 1893).
goats = Israel) with unclean animals (dogs, swine, II. The Slavonic Enoch. —
tFnder this name
foxes, and birds of prey = Israel's enemies). From has come to be known a book first made accessible
the fact that Israel was put under the care of 70 in modern times in 1896 by Professor
angels, this portion of the work has been also called 1. Recovery Charles and Mr. MorfiU. Its existence
the Vision of the Seventy Shepherds. At the close of in Modern in a Slavonic text was hinted at by
the section the Messiah appears, born in the form Times. Russian scholars and seized upon as a
of a white buU. The last section (91-105) is called subject of investigation with the result
the Book of Exhortations and seems to bring the that the book was fully recovered.
story to a practical conclusion. Enoch commits The Slavonic Enoch is divided into 68 chapters,
matters into the hands of his son Methusaleh pre- which may be grouped under three large sections as
paratory to his ascension. Another special section foUows: (1) Chs. 1-38. This section
occurs toward the beginning of this part and is called 2. Contents, gives an account of the ascension of
the Ten Weeks (91 12-17, 93). Enoch into the seven heavens and his
The Book of SimUitvdes (chs. 37-71) is Mes- travels and experiences there. (2) Chs. 39-56 de-
sianic or Christological. It takes its name from the scribe Enoch's return to earth and give his admo-
fact that it consists of three parables nitions and instructions to his children. (3) Chs.
4. Book of (similitudes): (1) Chs. 37-44; (2) 45- 57-68 contain a rehearsal of some additional in-
Similitudes. 54, and (3) 55-71. AU these are viv- structions, closing with the account of a solemn scene
idly apocalyptic and eschatological. in which before an assembly of 2,000 people Enoch
It is in this section that the Messiah is pictured (46, is taken up into heaven (Gn 5 24). But just before
47) under the name "the Son of Man," standing be- this took place, a thick darkness fell upon the earth,
side the "Head of Days," and that his character and so that the manner of his assumption was accom-
task as the conqueror of the heathen are plainly set plished unwitnessed by mortal eye (ch. 67).
forth. The original language of the Slavonic Enoch was
In the Noachic fragments, the subject of the flood undoubtedly Greek. This is clear from the explana-
is pictured as an event in the future (from the view- tion of the name Adam given in it,
point of Enoch, of course), including 3. Origin, which depends altogether upon the
5. Noachic accounts of Leviathan, Behemoth, and
- Greek spelling of the name.* The
Fragments, various nature-elements which come date of the composition can not be earlier than that
into play in the great catastrophe. To of the Ethiopic Enoch {Book of Similitudes), or later
this is added a revelation to Noah of the punishment than 70 a.d. The former date is established by the
of the fallen angels and of the judgment of men by evident references to the Ethiopic Enoch, the latter
the Son of Man. The last of these fragments (106, by the fact that the Temple was stiU standing when
107) contains an accoimt of the marvels which this book was written. There are also evidences that
should accompany the birth of Noah himself, and is the author was an Alexandrian Jew. Further than
made as a revelation to Enoch. this, little is known of its origin or history.
That the first of these three documents of which the The most interesting feature of the book is the ex-
Ethiopia Enoch consists was composed during the plicit form in which there is presented in it the doc-
period 200-175 b.c. is not generally trine of the seven heavens. This doc-
6. Dates of disputed. As to the third, its fragmen- 4. The trine not only became a fixed article of
the Several tary character gives very Httle ground Seven faith in medieval lore, but also passed
Sections, for a successful investigation of the Heavens, into some forms of N T expression, and
circumstances and date of its origin. left its traces even in the thought of the
The Book of Similitudes has naturally furnished a Apostle Paul (II Co 12 2). The best edition of the
bone of contention for critics.undoubted rela-
Its book is that by Charles and Morfill {The Book of the
tion to the N T and its importance from this point of Secrets of Enoch, 1896). A. Z. C
view have called forth careful study; but no definite
consensus- has yet been reached. It is contended on
ENOSH, fnesh (ti'iJS, 'enosh, Enos AV), 'man':
one side that it must have been written in the Mac- The son of Seth (Gn 4 26,' etc.). E. E. N.
cabaen Age (Ewald). Others date it from 95 b.c. * The letters of the name are the initials of the four points
(Dillmann, Charles); others from the days of Herod of the compass: 'ACi'aroA^) A(ii(ns), *A(pkto9), M(etn)fi^pia).
Enquire 314
Ephesians
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
deer' or
ENQUIRE. See Magic and Divination, § S, EPHER, i'fgr ("1P5?, 'epher), 'young
clan
and Revelation, § 7. 'fawn': 1. The ancestral head of a Midianite
or tribe (Gn 25 4; I Ch 1 33). See Ethnography
EN-RIMMON, en-rim'en (|i^1"]^??; 'en rim-
AND Ethnology, § 11. 2. The head of a family of
mon), 'spring of pomegranates': A town in Judah Judah (I Ch 4 17). 3. The head of a family of Ma-
(Neh 11 29), probably the Rimmon of Zech 14 lO. nasBeh(ICh5 24). E. E. N.
"Ain and Rimmon" in Judah (Jos 15 32) and "Ain,
Rimmon" in Simeon's territory (Jos 19 7; I Ch 4 32) EPHES-DAMMIM, i"fez-dam'im (O^^tl ^^,
should probably be read En-Rimmon. ("Ain" in 'ephesdammlm): The place where the PhiUstines
Jos 21 16 and ''Ashan" in I Ch 6 59 [44].) Map II, encamped in the Valley of Elah, between Socoh and
D3. C.S.T. Azekah (I S 17 i). Map II, D 1. The name is given
EN-ROGEL, en-ro'gel. See Jerusalem^ § 10. as Pas-Dammim in I Ch 11 13. The exact site is un-
certain. E, E. N.
ENROLMENT taxing AV, literally
(oTroypaqb^),
'registering' for any purpose, hence a census: The
EPHESIANS
Romans made such censuses for the purpose of taxa-
tion periodically (Lk 2 2; Ac 5 37; of. Ramsay, Was Analysis oit Contents
Christ Born at Bethlehem^ 1898). See also Chro-
1. Introductory (3) Emphasis on Chris-
nology OF THE NT. A. C. Z. 2. Contents tian Unity
3. Peculiarities (4) Literary Affinity to
EN-SHEMESH, en-shi'mesh {t)^'^'T^^; 'en
(IJ Lack of Local Color Colossians
shemesh), 'fountain of the Sun': A place on the (2; Absence of Personal 4. Relation to Paul's Work
Tone 5. Readers
border of Judah between En-rogel (near Jerusalem)
and Adummim. The usual identification (Map II, One of Paul's letters written in connection with
F 1) is far from certain. E. E. N. the Epistle to the Colossians during his first Roman
ENSIGN. See Banner, and Ships and Navi- imprisonment.
gation, § 2.
From the time of the Reformation (Erasmus, 1516)
Ephesians has attracted attention because of its pe-
ENSUE: In I P 3 11 AV. The correct rendering
and its unusual-
culiarities of diction
is "pursue," as in RV. E. E. N.
1. Intro- ness of thought, from a Pauline point
EN-TAPPUAH, en-tap'yu-a (rilS!:^^^', 'en tap- ductory. of view. In fact, it was definitely re-
jected as the work of the Apostle (Be
puah), 'fountain of Tappuach.' SeeTAPPUACH.
Wette, 1826) even before the advent of the Tiibingen
ENTERING IN: Used in AV (1) of the ap- School (1835), whose critical presuppositions that all
proaches to a town (cf. Jg 3 3; 6 14, "entrance"Am the N
T writings which lacked the note of contro-
RV); (2) of the gate of any enclosed place (cf. Ex versy and attributed to the Apostolic Age must have
35 15, "door" RV); or (3) of the act of introduction been produced in the 2d cent, made the Epistle's
(IThl9). A. C. Z. characteristic presentation of the idea of church unity
an easy mark for attack. In spite of the failure of
EP^NETUS, e-pi'ne-tus' ('ETraiWros, Epenetus this school to maintain its views, this Epistle is still
AV), 'approved,' 'praised': A Christian brother
quite generally disowned as Paul's, though scholars
mentioned by Paul in Ro 16 5 as "my beloved,
like JiJlicher {N T Inirod. ) balance in an opinion for
who is the first-fruit of Asia unto Christ," prob-
and against, while Harnack {History of Dogma) con-
ably, therefore, the first one converted by Paul at
siders the weight of external evidence in its favor
Ephesus. E. E. N.
sufficient to offset the unfavorable evidence from the
EPAPHRAS, ep'a-fras ('E'jTa(ppas): A name in- letter itself.
timately associated with the Colossian Church Few letters of the NT
consequently demand a
(6 e| vfjLOiv, Col 4 12), Its bearer was probably the more careful study of their contents. After a brief
founder of this and neighboring churches (4 13). He greeting (1 If.) the Apostle begins his
was also a faithful friend and possibly a fellow-pris- 2. Con- main thought
(1 3-6 18) with a long and
oner of Paul's (Phm 24). J. M. T. involved doxological passage (1 3-14)
tents.
embodying a thanksgiving for the spir-
EPAPHRODITUS, ep-af"ro-dai'tus C^Tracjypd-
itual blessingsof the plan of salvation. At the head of
fitroff): A
messenger of the Philippian Church by
this plan is the great fact of our election and redemp-
whom their gifts were defivered to Paul (Ph4i8).
tion by the death of Christ (1-4-8), and through it is
He fell sick in Rome (Ph 2 25-30) and upon recovery
revealed the mystery of His will (1 9), the consumma-
was sent back with the Philippian Epistle.
tion of which is the establishment of the Headship of
J. M. T. Christ (1 10), in whom God's people are secured in
EPHAH, i'fa {r-i^^V, 'epMh): 1. A concubine of their inheritance through faith —
the Gentile equally
Caleb (I Ch
2 46). 2. A
'son' of Jahdai (I Ch 2 47). with the Jew (1 11-14).
3. A 'son' of Midian (On 25 4, etc.). See Ethnog- In view of all this, as it applies to the readers, Paul
raphy and Ethnology, § 11. 4. A measure. See gives thanks for their Christian life and prays for
Weights and Measures, § 3. C. S. T. their progress in spiritual knowledge (1 15-18)
especially in the knowledge of the Divine power
,
EPHAI, I'fai C^^^, 'ephay): A Netophathite exercised toward them in spiritual things, the great-
(Jer 40 8). E. E. N. ness of which is illustrated in the results accom-
Enquire
315 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Ephesians
plished by it in the resurrection and exaltation of (3 5f.), in the exhortation to their Christian living
Chriet (1 19-23), and the actuality of which is recog- (4 3-5, 13-16), and is specially evident in the passage
nized in their experience of their own former spiritual where the theme comes to its expression
Epistle's
death (2 1-3) and their present spiritual life with (2 11-22), There are no such unfolding and up-
Christ (2 4.10). gathering of this thought in any other of the Apos-
He reminds them, accordingly, of their former and tle's letters —
not even in the Pastorals, which have
present theocratic condition (2 11-13), the change in- so much to do with the organized Ufe of the Church-
volved in which had been secured by the work of (4) At the same time a detailed study of the vocab-
Christ (2 14-18) and of the fact that this change ulary and phraseology of the Epistle makes evident
should lead them up to a fuller appreciation of the that, with all these differences, it stands in specific
ideal unity within the membership of the Church (2 Hterary affinity vnth the Epistle to the Colossians.
19-22). Paul manifestly not only wrote these two letters at
In order to the realization of such unity he prays the same time, but in very much the same train of
for the readers' growth in spiritual grace and in the thinking, reproducing in Ephesians what he had
knowledge and the love of Christ (3 13-19), prefacing already written in Colossians, in spite of the altered
it with a fuller statement of the mystery of the Gos- setting in which he placed it in the latter Epistle.
pel and his own relation to it as an Apostle (3 1-12) Obviously these pecuharities call for explanation,
(in order to remove the prejudice which might arise and just as obviously the only explanation which
in their minds from the fact that it was the preach- will satisfy the conditions is one that
ing of his Gospel that had brought him into his im- 4. Relation comes from something more than the
—
prisonment showing that his chains were not the to Paul's literary habits of the Apostle. In
fault of his Gospel, but of the Jews' failure to grasp Work. proportion as these pecuharities go
his Gospers truth), and following it with a doxology beyond word and phrase their reason
(3 20f.). must be sought for in the Apostle's life and work.
After a sustained plea that they should walk It is consequently worth while to call to mind the
worthy of their calling (41-16) and perform the duties effect produced upon Paul by the situation to which
of their new life by conquering their old sin (4 17-24), he addressed his Roman Epistle. It gave him
and special exhortations within the field of the social his first realization of the significance of the racial
and the domestic life (4 25-6 9), the message closes dualism in the Church and the importance which
with an urgent call to watchfulness and strength in attached to the harmony and fellowship between the
their spiritual struggle (6 10-18), while a brief per- elements which constituted it. From Ph 1 13-20 it
sonal conclusion (6 19-24) brings the letter to its is evident that this was confirmed to him by his
Ephesus during this time, but no salutations of any munity, but formed an encyclical letter in all likeli-
sort are given in the letter (cf . in contrast Col 4 10 ff, ). hood to the churches of the region which to a large
He had with him Rome
workers who were known
in measure was only indirectly ministered to by Paul
to the Ephesians (e.g., Timothy), but no one is asso- during his three years' stay in Ephesus. A letter
ciated with him in the letter's opening address (1 if.; so addressed to a sisterhood of churches would
cf. in contrast Col 1 1, 7 f.; Phm ver. 6). (2) Equally specially invite such a fellowship theme, while the
marked is the absence of personal tone, a habit of general character of its recipients would render un-
the Apostle's correspondence and one to be confi- likely a specific personalness of address.
dently expected in a message to such a well-known Finally, when we remember that Colossians, ad-
church. With the trivial exception of the request dressed as it is to a local church troubled with the
for prayer and the reference to Tychicus' commis- speculative errors that tended to subordinate Chris-
sion to acquaint the readers with his affairs — all con- tianity, gathers its thought around the theme of
fined to four verses in the conclusion (6 19-22) — the Christ's supremacy, the fact that Ephesians, ad-
entire letter is general in its references, even where dressed to a circle of churches troubled more or less
the personal pronoun is used (cf. 1 15 ff., 3 1 ff., 14 ff., with the same errors, simply advances its thought
4 1 ff., 17 ff., in contrast with I Th 1 6 ff., 2 1 ff., etc. upon that of Colossians and discloses as its theme
IITh2iff., 37ff., etc.; ICo 1 lOff., 2 l ff., etc.; II Co the unity of the Church in Christ supreme this —
lisff., 2 9ff., etc.; Gal I6ff., I7ff., etc.; Ro 1 11 ff., fact shows how natural it was that Ephesians should
U 13 ff., 15 14 ff., etc. Ph 1 3 ff., 12 ff., 2 19 ff., etc. even
; ; be so similar to Colossians and yet at the same time
with Col l24ff., 2 Iff.). so different and distinct.
(3) There is also this particular emphasis upon Ephesians stands thus as an almost necessary
Christian unity within the —
Church already referred letter for Paul, in view of the Unes along which his
to. appears in the opening doxology (1 12-14), in
It thought was developing and the increasingly sig-
the passage explanatory of the Apostle's commission nificant problems presented by his work.
Ephesus 316
Ephod
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
group of churches
as to the specific with the priests of the Artemisium,
whom they
The question
as was case in other uree^
to which the Epistle was addressed and the further never assimilated, th-e
burned
question as to the mention of a specific colonies. The Artemisium was
5. Recipi- locaHty (eV 'E0eo-&), 1 i) in the ad- 2 From by the Cimmerians 678 or 669 B.C.,
Ionian Set- but the town defied them. This
aristo-
ents of dress of a letter intended for a general
in the
Letter. group of churches are more or less tlement to cratic republic was overthrown
7th cent, by the tyrant Pythagoras,
compUcated, though they do not affect Cession to
the position above assumed. The details of the Persia. who, to atone for excesses, was m-
discussion may be found in the Introduction of Zahn structed by the Delphic oracle to
This
(§ 28), the Biblical Essays of Lightfoot (X), and build a temple on the site of the tabernacle.
the introductory portions of the Comm. of Abbott, temple was the so-called ''columnless temple," with
Ewald, Haupt, and Salmond. three courts. In the center stood the shrine of
Literature: Among the English Introductions to the N T, green stone which, because of its sanctity, formed
Jiilicher (Eng. trans. 1904) presents the most balanced the center of all successive temples. Melas, another
views regarding the Ep; while Zahn (Eng. trans. 1907) tyrant, married the daughter of Alyattes. Their
gives the most thorough study of its problems. Further
son, Pindarus, was tyrant of E. when his uncle Croe-
critical material of value will be found in the introductions
to the Comm. of v. Soden (Hand-Com. z. N T, 1891) sus ascended the Lydian throne (568) and de-
Haupt (Meyer, Krit.-exeget. Kom. ub. d. N
T^, 1897) manded the surrender of E. Croesus attacked E.,
Abbott (Internat. Crit. Com., 1897) Salmond (Expos. Grk.
,
but Pindarus bound the city to the Artemisium by
Test., 1903), Ewald (Zahn, Kom. z. N
T, 1905) , Robinson
a rope (a mile long), thus dedicating the city to the
(1903) , Westcott (Posth., 1906) For detailed discussion
.
of the Ep's problems consult Holtzmann, Kritik der goddess. Croesus is said to have withdrawn out of
Epheser und Kolosserbriefe (1872) Lightfoot, Biblical
,
respect for the goddess, but really he effected his
Essays (Posth., 1893), Hort, Prolegomena to St. Paul's
purpose. Pindarus was banished, and the Greeks
Epp. to the Romans and Ephesians (1895, 1896)
M. W. J. forced to abandon their town on Coressus, to settle
in the plain about the Artemisium, and pay tribute
EPHESUS to Croesus, while the tyranny gave place to a de-
mocracy. Croesus tried to make amends by favor-
Analysis of Contents
ing the priests, and by contributing to the first great
1. Early History 4. History After Establish- —
temple then under construction on the site of the
2. History After Ionian Set-
tlement 5.
ment of Christianity
Language, People, Gov- —
"columnless temple" some sculptured columns and
3 History after Persian ernment, and Life golden bulls. This colossal dipteral temple, planned
Freedom by Chersiphron, a Cretan, was 120 years in building;
Ephesus was originally situated at the mouth of —
indeed, before completion it was remodeled prac-
the Cayster, but is now 6 m. inland. The name (of —
tically rebuilt by Paeonius and Demetrius. Frag-
Asiatic origin) referred originally to the ments of Croesus' columns are now in the British
I. History sanctuary of the Asiatic goddess of Museum, one containing a dedicatory inscription and
Prior to procreation, wrongly identified later by the name of Croesus. Nevertheless E. declined to
nth Cent,the Greeks with their Artemis (Roman support Croesus against Cyrus (546), whose general,
B.C. Diana) (q.v.). This sanctuary, which Harpagus, took the city but spared the Artemisium
was probably founded by the Hittites — the only temple ppared by Xerxes later on. In
(Kara Bel), was a mere tabernacle in a grove on the the Ionian revolt (500) E. was loyal to Persia. In
shore of the sea with a spacious harbor. The religion 470 it was a member of the Athenian confederacy,
of this sanctuary was the same as that of all anterior paying 7J talents tribute. In the Peloponnesian
Asia. Its territory was inviolable and had the right war E. was fickle, now Athenian, now Spartan. It
of asylum. It was situated at the junction of was ceded to Persia by Antalcidas in 387. The Arte-
natural trade-routes —
advantages which induced misium was burned in 356 by Herostratus.
settlers (Carians, Leleges, Lydians) to flock thither E. was freed from Persia by the battle on the
in prehistoric times. They dwelt on a hill (origi- Granicus in 334 and given a democratic constitution
nally the island Syria) overlooking the sanctuary, by Alexander, who assigned the Persian
afterward called the Artemisium, which long before 3. From tribute to the Artemisitun and fixed
the Greek immigration had an organized hierarchy Freedom the limit of the right of asylum at one
of eunuch priests and virgin priestesses, the chief from Persia stadium. His offer, however, to re-
priest having the Persian title ofMegabyzus (Longi- to Estab- build the temple then under construc-
manus, 'Mighty One'), later called apxiepevs and lishment of tion at his own expense was rejected.
Neocoros ('temple-sweeper,' 'warden') by the Chris- Ladies contributed their jewelry to the
Greeks, while the priestesses were called Melissoe tianity. temple. Its architect was Chirocrates.
('bees') and the sacrificial priests Essenes ('king The pavement was 1.5 meters above
[ = our queen] bees'). The armed guards of male and that of the burned temple. It was four times as
particularly female hierodouli gave rise to a tradition large as the Parthenon, and was one of the seven
that E. was founded by Amazons. wonders of the world.
Such was E. in times prior to 1087 B.C., when E. was subject successively to several of the Dia-
Ionian adventurers under the leadership of Andro- dochi. In 286 Lysimachus, in order to force a
clus, son of Codrus, came from Athens, settled the change of site, stopped up the sewers, inundated the
eastern foot of Mt. Coressus, and gave the name city, and inclosed a new city on Coressus with strong
of Samorna (Smyrna) to the settlement. They walls. He transplanted the inhabitants of Colophon
conquered the earlier inhabitants and made a treaty and Lebedus to the new E., and renamed it Arsinoe
Ephesua
17 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Ephod
E. had now become the third city of Christianity EPHODi, t'fed (iSX, 'ephodh): The father of
after Jerusalem and Antioch). It was next to Hanniel (Nu34 23). A. C. Z.
Alexandria (300,000) the most popu-
4. Its lous city of the East (225,000). In EPHOD^ ("TiDN): In connection with worship,
Christian 92 a.d. a great library was constructed the word ephod appears to have designated two
History, by Celsus. In 20 a.d. Hadrian visited quite different things. (1) An article of priestly
E., embellished""^ city, cleaned the apparel (see Priesthood, § 10^ ).
larbor, built a commercial hall on the quay, changed (2) Something else, the exact nature of which is
he bed of the Cayster, built the Olympieum, and not easy to determine, the references to it being
istituted the games 'Abpidvetcu Later (from the found in the old narratives in Judges and Samuel.
dcent.onward)E.,as the metropolis of the churches The plainest statements are in I S 23 69 and 30 7,
f Asia, became a shrine to which Christians made where we read of Abiathar the priest being in David's
ilgrimages because of its association with Paul, camp with the ephod ''in his hand," 'carrying it' and
'imothy, as its first bishop, and John, who after the being told by David to "bring it" for purposes of
ill of Jerusalem (70 a.d.) and his exile in Patmos, oracle-consultation. It is clear that here the ephod
lade E. the headquarters of Christianity and died is not a garment but something that was carried
here (100 a.d.). According to popular tradition about by the priest and used by him in obtaining
ohn was followed thither by the Virgin Mary (who answers from deity. This sense is also suitable in
ied and was buried there), Mary Magdalene, An- I S 2 28, 14 3 (where 'wearing' should be 'bearing')
rew and Philip, his fellow townsmen of Bethsaida. and 18 (where we should read "ephod " with the LXX.
The language of the Ephesians was nominally instead of "Ark "). We are left in entire ignorance of
onic Greek, but from earliest times the population the shape of this instrument. It may well have
was very mixed; so that the Hellenism been made of costly material and possibly was a box
5. Lan- was not pure, and the Greek blood was of some sort containing the sacred stones (see IIrim
guage, further adulterated by the worship of and Thummim). If it was usually hung up in the
People, the Asiatic goddess with its attendant sanctuary, we have a suitable explanation of I S
Govern- religious prostitution; for people who 219.
ment, and came as pilgrims to the sanctuary, as In Jg 8 27 Gideon is said to have made an ephod of
Life. caravaneers from the Orient, as refu- gold, which he put (no special emphasis need be laid
gees enjoying right of asylum, as mer- on this verb; cf. the usage of the same word in 6 37)
lants engaged in commerce and slave trade, as in his town Ophrah, where it became a center of wor-
aanciers on business with the Bank of the Arte- ship. In Jg 17 5, 18 14 ff. Micah the Ephraimite is
isium, all begat children by the female devotees at said to have made for his sanctuary an ephod, tera-
le shrine, without loss of reputation to mother or phim, and a graven (and a molten?) image. That in
lild. The money belonging to the goddess was these passages in Judges ephod is to be understood
ored in the Artemisium. This resulted in the es- as an image is a widely held opinion —
but there is no
hlishment of the Bank of the Artemisium, which direct proof of this, and the expressions in 18 H, 18, 20,
nt money and received deposits from cities, kings, seem to make a distinction between ephod and
id private persons. The Megabyzus was president image. The ephod both of Micah and Gideon mny
Ephphatha
EsarhaddozL
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 318
have been instruments of divination similar to those purchased the cave of Machpelah (Gn 23 ff., 25 9,
— '
—
{Gram J p. 278), was eph-phthahah fern. plur. im- lowers of Epicurus (341-270 B.C.), whose tenets op-
posed those of the Stoics. He started from hedon-
perative 'be opened.' E. E. N.
ism and the atomistic theory, and contended that
EPHRAIM, I'fra-im (D^pX, 'ephrayim): I. happiness consists in pleasure by which man arrives
The youngest son of Joseph. See Tribes, §§ 3, 4. at virtue through absence of pain. The theory was
II. The term is frequently used, especially in the sensualistic. It encouraged friendship and dis-
Prophets, to designate the Northern Kingdom of couraged engaging in business and politics, which
Israel, since the tribe of Ephraim was the most disturb serenity of mind. Epicurus placed the doc-
powerful element in that kingdom. III. A city of trine of the swerving of atoms in the forefront of the
Judsea mentioned only in Jn 11 54 as the place to doctrine of the genesis of the world and of cognition
which Jesus retired after raising Lazarus. The town and therefore exalted Chance to supreme power.
near which Absalom had his sheep range (II S 13 23) There are either no gods, or else they do not care for
and the 'A0at/3e/xa of I Mac 11 34 are to be identified man. The Epicureans were very dogmatic, and
with the same place; also called Ophrah (Jos 18 23, claimed infallibility for their doctrines. They
etc.) and Ephron (II Ch 13 19). Map II, F 5. See bound their adherents to defend certain fundamen-
also Palestine, § 7 (5). E. E. N. tal principles. They held that ethics and morals are
of more importance than knowledge, which should
EPHRAIM, I'fra-im, FOREST OF (2^5^ 1^^ be sought mainly to banish the disturbing- elements
ya'ar 'ephrayim, wood of Ephraim AV): The of fear and superstition. Epicureanism reflected
scene of the decisive battle between the forces of the elegance and freedom of Athens, and was there-
David and those of his rebellious son Absalom (II fore regarded by the early Christians as embodying
S 18 6). From the account in II S chs. 17 and 18, the essence of paganism. J. R. S. S.
the place was E. of the Jordan. Possibly it was so
named from a colony of Ephraimites, E. of the Jor- EPILEPTIC. See Disease and Medicine,
dan (cf. Jos 17 14-18), to which there may be a refer- § 5 (8).
grace, or peace from above; while in some (I Co, Ro, Exiles in Babylon (Jer 29 [Shemaiah to the rulers of
Col, I Th, II Ti) there are added personal remem- Jerusalem, vs. 25, 31]), Elijah to Jehoram (II Ch 21
brances or requests from the writer himself. few A 12-15), Hezekiah to the remnants of the Northern
(Ja, II P, I Jn, Jude) can not be said to have any- Kingdom (II Ch 30 1, 6), between officials at the Res-
farewell salutation. toration (Ezr 4 7 ff., 5 5 ff. cf Neh 2 7-9, 6 5, 17, 19),
; .
trations of this form are given by Ro, Gal, Eph, and of Revelation, apocalyptic though it is in its contents,
Col. In Ph this is modified somewhat by the
form is cast in the form of a letter from the Seer "to the
cussion. This informahty is seen in its extreme Shelah (I Ch 4 21). 3, An ancestor of Jesus (Lk
form in the personal letters to Timothy and Titus. 3 28). E. E. N.
Outside of Paul's letters, the variety is more
ERAN, i'ran (Tj??, 'eran): The ancestral head of
marked. I P and He are the only ones which can be
the Ephraimite clan of Eranites (Nu 26 36).
said to reproduce the general Pauline form, and in
E. E. N.
Hebrews the homiletic quality of the discussion so
dominates it as to reduce to a minimum its resem- ERASTUS C'Epatrroff) : 1. One of those minister-
blance to Paul's form. II P and Jude resemble each ing to Paul (ot hiaKovovvres) , who was sent in ad-
other, but only feebly suggest the Pauline cast. Ja vance from Ephesus to Macedonia (Ac 19 22). 2,
is a homily, after the style of the O T wisdom wri- The "treasurer (otKoi/ojuos) of the city," probably of
tings; while the pecidiar literary relation of I John Corinth, in Ro 16 23. This is all the more likely if
to the Fourth Gospel makes it practically throughout this Erastus be identical with the following. 3. An
a spiritual application of the Gospel's narrated facts, Erastus who, according to II Ti420, remained in Cor-
and the specifically personal character of II and III inth, presumably because it was his home.
Jn places them in the category of Phm. J. M. T.
To the character of their contents is due the desig- ERECH, i'rec 'erekh): A city of S. Baby-
{^\))^.,
nation of I and II Ti and Tit as the "Pastoral Epis-
lonia to the E. of the lower Euphrates, the modern
tles." The name "CathoUc," however, as applied to
Ja, II P, I, II, and III Jn, and Jude, while origi-
Warka, the inscriptional Uruk and Arku, whose im-
nating in the conception of them as circular or ency-
mense ruins indicate the site of a large city with a
very long history. It is mentioned in Gn 10 10 as one
clical letters, was appUed at the first only to certain
of the four cities founded by Nimrod. Its antiquity
of the group and came later to have the more eccle-
is attested by its having been the center for S. Baby-
siastical sense of ^generally accepted' (see Catholic
lonia of the worship of the goddess Ishtar (cf. Ash-
Epistles and Pastoral Epistles).
toreth), the Semitic Venus. It was also the prin-
In general, it is clear that these N T writings took cipal scene of the great Gilgamesh or 'Nimrod* Epic.
form in the way of natural cor-
their epistolary
See Babylonia, § 7. Archevites are named in
respondence and not as pure literary productions.
Ezr 4 9 f as among the peoples settled in Samaria by
.
Jezreel (II K
10 1-7), Ben-hadad to the king of Israel haddon = Assyr. Assur-ahoriddin) 'Assur has given ,
(H K 5 5-7), Sennacherib to Hezekiah (II 20 12; Is K a brother': A son and successor of King Sennach-
39), Hiram to Solomon (II Ch 2 il), Jeremiah to th^ erib (705-681 B.C.) on th? throne of Assyria, 681-
Esau 220
Eschatology
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
668 B.C. He came to his rule after a revolution in ably with Edom for the country inhabited by Esau's
which his father was slain (cf. Is 37 38; II K 19 37). descendants, and the descendants of Seir are given
As soon as he was established he rebuilt Babylon, in the genealogy of Esau-Edom, probably
as a par-
which his father had destroyed (689 B.C.). His allel table (Gn 36 20-30). In the old accounts in JE
early military activity was a defense of his country the interest centers about the relations between Esau
from the Cimmerians on the N. His most notable and Jacob. In these stories Jacob is represented
and far-reaching campaign was that in which he as gaining the advantage over E. in connection with
invaded Egypt, 674 B.C. In 673 he repeated the the question of inheritance (the birthright, 25 29-34
attack and in 670 his army victoriously reached E [?], the blessing, ch. 27 E [?], and J). But on his re-
Memphis, captured it, and Egypt became a vas- turn from Aram, Jacob is constrained to sue for favor
sal to Assyria. While on the way to put down from E., who is represented as meeting him gra-
revolt in Egypt in 668, Esarhaddon fell a victim ciously and forgiving all past offenses (chs. 32, 33
to death. I. M. P. mainly J). In P the interest is mainly in Esau's
marriages to Hittite (26 34 f.) and Ishmaelite (28 8 f.)
ESAU, i'se OV^, 'esaw), 'hairy,' according to wives, which is the reason for sending Jacob to
the popular etymology of Gn 25 25, which, however, Paddan-Aram (28 1-7).
is pronounced unsatisfactory by Buhl and others In the stories are told with remarkable impar-
JE
The name of the first-born of the twin sons of Re- tial objectivity. While E. is a "hunter,'' "a man of
bekah and Isaac (Gn 25 21 ff.). The story of E. in Gn the field," and therefore a contrast to the "quiet,"
is made up of several strands (J, E [?], and P. See businesslike, crafty Jacob, little is said that shows
Genesis, § 4). The notice in 25 25 seems to be com- that the writers condemn him. If Jacob well rep-
posite, as in it emphasis is laid upon his ruddy color, resents Israel's national traits, E. may also repre-
whence name Edom, and upon his skin being Hke
his sent those of Edom. For, after all, it is the story of
a "hairy" (se'ar) garment, whence the name Seir, two peoples, the elder of which (Esau-Edom) was
with which the name Esau is connected without ex- at last compelled to give way to the younger (Israel),
planation. But the origin of his" name Edom is given that gives these stories their real historical signifi-
later (25 29-34, as ''red/' in connection with the red cance, as is plainly indicated in the oracle in 25 23.
pottage). The name Seir is used often interchange- See also Edom. E. E. N.
ESCHATOLOGY
Analysis of Contents
''
Eschatology of Jesus
1. Definition 17. state After Death 33, Eschatology in the Teaching of
2. Development 18. Sheol. Hell (AV) Jesus
. Old Testament Eschatology 19. Mode of Existence in Sheol 34. The Kingdom of God in the Fu-
i. The Nation 20. Consciousness in Sheol ture. The Parousia
3. General Features of O T Escha- 21. Separation from J" in Sheol 35. Sources of the Material in the
tology 22. Individual Resurrection Parousia Discourse
4. The Day of Jehovah 23. The Eschatology of Ecclesiastes 36. Parousia and Judgment
5. A Day of Righteous Judgment II. The Intertestamental Period 37. Immortality and Resurrection
6. Precursors of the Day 24. Formative Influences 38. Intermediate State: Hades
7. A Day of Israel's Glory 25. Literary Sources: Apocrypha 39. Rewards and Penalties Hereafter
8. Supremacy of Israel 26. Philo and Josephus ; f.
Eschatology of the A postles
9. Ezekiel's Ideal Israel 27. Apocalyptic Literature 40. Early Apostolic Eschatology
10. National Resurrection 28. Messianism in Apocalyptic Liter- 41. Pauline Eschatology
11. Literal and Figurative Blended ature 42, Pauline Idea of Resurrection
12. The Remnant 29. Expansion of Ideas 43. The "Spiritual Body"
13. Transition to Individualism 30. tiehenna 44. The Resurrection of Jesus
14. Individualism in Jer and Ezk 31 Paradise 45. The Consummation
S- The Individual III. New Testament Eschatology 46. Deutero-Pauline Eschatology
15. Death 32. General Aspects 47. Johannine Eschatology
16. Immortality 48. Eschatology of the Apocalypse
49. Summary
Eschatology (from eo-xara, 'last things') is strictly department of the Biblical system of thought, shows
the systematic presentation of ideas regarding the signs of gradual development, and may, therefore,
ultimate condition of mankind, and of be properly subdivided into the escha-
I Defini- the world in general but, more broadly,
. ; 2. tology, I of the O T, II of the inter-
r>evel-
tion. it includes ideas regarding events lead-
opment. testamental period, and III of the NT.
ing to the ultimate things. Further, These three sections represent three pe-
by ultimate is meant not only the absolutely last, riods of unequal duration. The first covers more
but also all that relatively to the present may be than 1,000 years and ends with the 2d cent. B.C.
regarded as last, i.e., the end of the series of events, The second lasts for approximately 200 years, and
as far as the present Hfe of the individual is con- the third for somewhat less than one century.
cerned, and the end of the present dispensation, Beginning with the first, the two later phases repre-
as far as the world is concerned. In a rehgious sent the appearance of distinctly new features.
system its importance is even greater than that
of the systematic presentation of origins or cos- I. Old Testament Eschatology.
mogony. The Nation. The central subject in the O T is
i-
Biblical eschatology, at least as much as any other the Chosen People. In eschatology, therefore, the
Esau
331 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Eschatology
defitiny of Israel furnishes the starting-point of the heavenly bodies as well as in the earth itself (Is
development of thought. And in the portraiture 24 1; J12 2, 10).
of the future of the Chosen People two But behind the Day of Judgment the eschatolog-
3. General things are distinguished: a final future ical prospect of the Israelite beheld a day of glory.
Features of glory reserved for it and an interve- This too was rooted in the character
OTEscha- ning period of judgment, called "the 7. A Day of Jehovah, as a God exercising mercy
tology. Day of Jehovah." Both of these are of Israel's and keeping faith with His covenant
comprehended under the eschatological Glory, people. At this point eschatology co-
phrase latter days (last days, also "end of days," alesces with the vaguer forms of the
Is 2 2; Ezk 38 16). Messianic hope (see Messiah). Deutero-Isaiah por-
The "Day of Jehovah" ("Day of the Lord" AV), trays the prospect of the renovation and restoration
as a phrase, was first used in the 8th cent, and is rep- of the nation (Is ch. 60). It is an age of perfection
resented as a consummation to which the people which needs no further change and undergoes none.
were eagerly looking forward (Am 5 18-20). Be- The characteristics of it are the gathering together
fore it became a popular expression, however, the of all Israelites from all parts of the world (Is 43 6),
phrase must have been used by the the bestowment of all earthly blessings upon them
4. The Day prophets in oral encouragements and (Am 9 11-15), the passing away of sorrow and sigh-
of Jeho- warning. At any rate, in its first ap- ing (Is 35 10, 65 19), and the change of all into right-
vah. pearance it had already attained a mis- eous servants of Jehovah who glory in Him (Is
leading content and Amos aims to cor- 45 25).
rect the misconception. To the expectant people The other nations are in this prospect brought
the Day of J" conveyed the meaning of a time into subjection to Israel either by conquest as a
of indefinite duration (cf. Day) when J" would consequence of the warfare which
show His favor to His people by delivering them 8. Suprem- they themselves have brought on by
either from foreign oppression or from social irreg- acy of Is- their attack on God's people (Ezk 38 18;
ularities and injustices. This conception takes its rael. Jl 2 20; Zee ch. 14 [passim]; Ob ver. 18),
name, no doubt, from J'"s special manifestation at or by the voluntary adoption of the
the time, just as "day of Midian," "day of Temp- God of Israel as a God, because they shall recognize
tation," etc., are times distinguished by these fea- Him as the righteous King of the whole earth (Is
tures. It is, however, often spoken of also as that 2 2-4). To this they will be led either by the
day (Is 17 7, 30 23; Mic 4 6; Zee 9 16, etc.). manifestation of His great and fearful power
The prophets of the pre-exilic period, true to their (Zeph 3 8,9; Is 16 8 ff.), or by the teaching of
character as ethical teachers, develop the idea by Israel, especially by the Servant of J" (Is 42 6,
calling attention to the fact that, if 49 6, 50 5 ff., 51 4 f ., 60 3). This, however, means that
5. A Day of Jehovah
reveals Himself at any time. Israel is to rule over them and not merely take a
Righteous must be as the God of righteousness.
it primacy among them, as the first among equals
Judgment, in order to visit punishment upon sin. (Dn 7 27).
With the preaching of this idea the Of this ideal condition Ezekiel draws a general
Day of Jehovah became the Day of God's appear- pictm^e, as far as it concerns the internal conditions
ance to judge the nations of the earth for their un- and arrangement of the land together
righteousness (Zeph 1 7; Is 13 6, 9; Jl 3 14 [spectacular 9. Ezekiel's with its laws and the ritual provisions
judgment in the Valley of Jehoshaphat]). But Ideal Israel, that should prevail in the restored
God's justice is from the nature of the case set Israel (chs. 40-48).
against unrighteousness in all places with equal This is the rpstitntin p gnj^r psnrrppi.inn nf Tarnpl.
rigidity. Israel no exception, and, therefore, both
is It is the era ushered in by a new covenant un-
new
branches of the Chosen People must submit to the der which aU the imperfections of the
visitation of justice. The thought is enunciated 10. Na- old pass away. To use a term derived
with considerable emphasis by Amos (5 18). But tional Res- from pagan lore, it is the "Golden
the idea of judgment upon all nations opposed to urrection. Age." In this renovation even the
the will of Jehovah is not bound up in the single material creation and the animal king-
phrase "Day of Jehovah. " It appears independently dom will have a share. The earth shall increase her
as the constant refrain of the prophetic discourses; fruitfulness (Is 30 23-25, 32 15). Prosperity will
it is given eschatological distinctiveness only extend through all the departments of life (Jer
through its association with the Day. The usage 31 18; Jl 3 18; Am
9 13). Noxious beasts and birds
of the exilic and post-exilic period is best under- of prey will change their natures; so that man shall
stood upon the basis of this free application of the no longer fear them (Is 11 6-8, 65 25), or else they
term (Ezk 13 5, 30 3; JI 1 15, 2 l, 11, 31; Ob ver. 15). will be exterminated (Ezk 34 25, 28). The age of
The specific character of such a period is more man will be prolonged, and none shuU die in youth
distinctly emphasized by placing between it and (Is 65 20). Physical infirmities will be removed,
what precedes it certain events of as will also disease (Is 29 is). The light of the
6. Precur- exceptional or preternatural aspect. moon will be equal to that of the sun, and that of
sors of the These were conceived as affecting not the sun will be sevenfold greater (Is 30 26), or
Day, only the inner social and moral life of Jehovah Himself will take the place of both sun
nations, but also the world of physical and moon (Is 60 19). In fact, this will be a new
nature. They included portentous convulsions and world with new heavens and a new earth (Is 65 17,
alterations in the order and movements of the 66 22).
Eschatology A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 22:^
All these representations could not have been are not identical. The spirit of life is indeed neces-
meant literally, but that some of them were there sary for existence on earth; but the person may
can be little doubt. Yet, however continue to exist in another form after
II. Literal meant and however understood, they 16. Im- it has left the body. This doctrine,
and Figur- are in themselves evidences of an mortality, however, is quite different from the idea
ative expectation of a deeper and more of inherent immortality in the Greek
Blended, essential transformation affecting the sense, which involves the indestructibility of the
character of the people, and this is essential being of man. The Hebrew notion in-
grounded in God's love and work in His Chosen volves simply the belief that death does" not end all
People. for the individual. The prohibition of necromancy,
As to the method of the realization of this ideal, the sharp distinction between'man and other ani-
it was understood that it would be by the sepa- mals, and belief in resurrection, though distinctly
ration of a nucleus of righteous mem- enunciated only in the latest times (Dn 12 2), put
12. The bership in the nation. How large this this conclusion beyond doubt.
Remnant, nucleus should be at the outset is not Just what becomes of the person at death is a
clear. Isaiah believed that it would question answered variously. According to the
include the main body of the state, or at least as popular conception he is "gathered to
much of it as could control the whole body. More 17, State his fathers" (Jg 2 10; II K
22 20, or ''hie
frequently, however, the name ''remnant," applied After people," Dt 32 50). But this is very
to it, carries with it the conception of a small be- Death, vague. A
more developed answer is
ginning (see Remnant, and cf. Is 37 4; Zeph 3 13; found in the doctrine of Sheol.
Zee 8 12). The OT Sheol 1 (Hell AV) and the HadesNT
The moral line of distinction between the sound must be distinguished from the grave. Abraham,
and unsound parts of the Chosen People is the link Moses, Jacob, and Aaron are buried in
of connection between the collectivism 18. Sheol. graves far from the sepulchers of their
13. Transi- and individualism of the O T. For the Hell (AV). ancestors, and yet they are gathered
tion to Remnant is after all constituted of to their fathers, or pass into Sheol.
Individual- persons who sustain independent rela- Sheol is then a distinct place, but where it is located
ism. tions with Jehovah, not shared in by is not clear, unless it be conceived as in the depths of
the general body. Their course is not the earth (Pr 15 24; Ps 86 13). It is a region of dark-
determined by the whole body, else they must be ness (La 3 6; Ps 143 3). It is the land where light
of the same character and under the same con- is as midnight (Job 10 22). It is a vast place, for it
demnation. receives all and is never full (Pr 27 20; Ezk 32 21).
In this transition to the individualistic view of It is known also by other names, such as the pit
religion Jeremiah served as a pioneer. Every one (Ps 28 1, 30 3; Ezk 32 18) Abaddon, ^.c., 'destruction'
;
shall die for his own iniquity is his (Job 26 6, 28 22; Pr 15 11; Ps 88 11); "the lower parts
14. Individ- dictum (31 29 f.'). The collapse of the of the earth" (Is 44 23; Eph4 9); also poetically a
ualism in national with the Captivity no
life "place of sUence" (Ps 94 17, 115 17), "the land of for-
Jer and doubt helped to bring into view the getfulness" (Ps 88 12) and in a still more imaginative
;
To what extent even consciousness was believed to great prominence. This was due to (1) the dis-
continue in the state after death is uncertain. That tressing circumstances of the period, in which, how-
some degree of mental activity must ever, the conviction that all was well,
20. Con- exist in any condition in which the 24, Forma- and should ultimately issue in an aus-
sciousness distinctiveness of man is preserved goes tive picious consummation never failed or
in Sheol. without saying; but it is possible both Influences, faded; (2) fresh and great interest in
to exaggerate the amount of feeling the individual and the contemplation of
implied and to minimize it. It is not safe to infer the problems of rehgion from that view-point; and
from the use of the term "knowing ones" (Lv 19 31; (3) contact with the Greek world with its doctrine
Is 19 3, "familiar spirits" RV) that the dead ap- of immortality, which was carefully wrought out
pealed to in necromancy were regarded as more than upon philosophical grounds. The three branches
usually gifted in knowledge (I S 28) or that there of eschatology (the world, the nation, and the indi-
is an earlier and a later doctrine on the subject. The vidual) are, however, still held in view.
more legitimate inference is that the thought of the Of the three classes of writings of the period (the
superior wisdom of the departed was entertained Apocrypha, the works of Josephus and Philo, and the
among the heathen, but that in Israel it was espe- apocalyptic literature) the first fur-
cially repudiated as contrary to the principles of 25. Literary nishes nothing distinctive. In II Mac-
Jehovah worship. Nevertheless it is true that the Sources : cabees the latest development of O T
later thought of the O T is more consistent on this Apocrypha, eschatology (especially the idea of the
point to the effect, namely, that the departed pass a bodily resurrection of the faithful) is
dreamlike incoherent semiconscious existence (Job acutely presented; but the other Apocrypha contain
10 22). either no eschatological data or only such as are'
The most important aspect of existence in Sheol duphcated in the canonical O T.
to the Israelite was its separation from J". This Jewish eschatology, as far as reflected in Philo and
caused him great regret (Ps 6 5, 88 10-12; Josephus, shows the development of a difference
21. Separa-Is 38 18); therefore the dead are between Palestinian and Alexandrian
tion from mourned (II S 1 17), and the prospect 26. Philo types of thought; but essentially its
J" in Sheol. of future reunion with them affords no and general outUne and fundamental posi-
comfort (II S 12 23). Whatever differ- Josephus. tion are the same in both. The Mes-
ences between dwellers in Sheol may exist, they are siah and the Messianic restoration of
based not on moral grounds but on racial distinc- prosperity are quite prominent (Philo, De Exec. 8-9
tions. The idea of translation to heaven, as in the De Prcem. et Poen. 15-20; Jos. Ant. IV, 6 5; X, 11 7).
case of Enoch and Ehjah, does not seem to hav^ Philo believed in the final state for the individ-
formed an appreciable factor in the religious thought ual at death without- subsequent judgment and
of the Hebrews. resurrection, but with everlasting rewards and pun-
That the dead should be raised from the grave, ishments; and in a special place of punishment (Tar-
reclothed in bodily Ufe, and rewarded or subjected to tarus, as among the Greeks, De Exec. 6). Josephus,
punishment is a conception which ap- on the other hand, held to the very safe idea of an
22. Individ- pears only in the latest generations of intermediate condition for both righteous and wicked
ual Resur- the O T period, and plays an important and a resurrection for the righteous only {Ant.
rection. part in ministering comfort to the XVIII, 814; B/, II, 13).
siirviving comrades and kinsfolk of The most prolific source of eschatological notions
martyrs (Dn 12 2). The question of the return for this period is the apocalyptic literature. So
from Sheol is, however, suggested with a decided large a place is given to the last things
negative bias by Job (14 u). In 19 25-29 of the 27, Apoc- in these writings that with some the
same book (a most obscure passage, "in my flesh" alyptic terms "apocalyptic" and "eschatolog-
AV, "from my flesh" ERV, "without my flesh" Literature. ical" are interchangeable. It is the
ARV), the testimony for a belief in a bodily resur- chief feature of this Uterature that it
rection is quite doubtful. divides the whole history of the world into two sec-
The type of thought in Ecclesiastes (q.v.) does not tions called eons, or ages, separated by a sharp line.
allow itself to be fused with that of the other OT All that precedes the moment of separation is the
books. That in this book there are 'present age' (6 alcbv ovros), all that follows is the 'age
23. The two inconsistent systems is very to come' (6 alatv 6 ipxop-evos). They differ from each
Eschatol- clear. Whatever the occasionand other in moral character and also in outward condi-
ogy of cause may be, the pessimistic system tions. The present age is controlled by brute forces
Ecclesias- is more nearly allied to the materialistic it is the world-kingdom, symbolized under the figures
tes. view of man's nature and future. Ev- of beasts. The future is the age of the Divine king,
idently, however, this was felt to be presented under a himian aspect (Dn 7 27). The
incompatible with the spirit of the Israelite. Either duration of the evil age is absolutely fixed, and
the author himself, or some one else for him, explains though reckoned differently {Eth. En. 16 l, 18 16,
the eschatological correlatives (cf. 12 13 f.). See also 10,000 years; Assump. Mos. 5,000 years) it is near its
Ecclesiastes, § 4 (iv). end, and the question with those living is whether
they shall continue through it and witness the ad-
II. The Intertestamental Period. vent of the new eon.
In the interval between the close of the O T and The future age is naturally characterized by the
the opening of the N
T, eschatology assumed very setting up of the Messianic kingdom and the coming
224
Bschatology A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
of
of the Messiah. In both these matters, the thought thought. The struggles and the final victory
the Church are very largely in the foreground;
and
is rooted in the O
T, but developed into a diversity
yet they come into view as features of a world
dis-
of form not always capable of reduc-
28. Mes- tion into a systematic unity. But for pensation rather than as experiences of a limited
sianism in the most part these developments are circle of human beings.
Apocalyptic subsequent to the beginning of the T N
Literature, and influenced by it. More emphasis,
I. Eschatology of Jesus.
however, is laid in the Apocalypses upon
the dolor es Messice, i.e., the disturbances which are All NT teaching naturally begins with the words
to precede and introduce the Messianic Age, and of Jesus. And in this realm the establishment and
on the appearance of an anti-Messianic personality growth of the Kingdom of God upon
representing all enmity against God (Antichrist, cf. 33. Escha- earth forms the starting-point. There
Sih. Or. 3 63). tology in can be no doubt that the Kingdom of
The individual eschatology of the Apocalypses the God, as Jesus conceived it, was an inner
carries out the O T conception on the various phases Teaching living organism. Neither can there be
of the subject to their fuller outline, es- of Jesus, any doubt that such an organism must
29. Expan- pecially those which cluster about judg- find a body in an outward order of
sion of ment, resurrection, and retribution. things. The question, however, what this body was
Ideas. On all these subjects, ideas were more to be, and by what processes it was to make its ap-
clearly outlined. Belief in the resur- pearance and take its place in the world is not so
rection took into its scope the reembodiment of all easily answered. On the one hand, it is stoutly
men with a view to their being judged either in- contended that the Kingdom, even in the teaching of
dividually or in a great and common assize and Jesus, can only be a visible organization, which Jesus
being assigned to their respective destinies of reward thought would be divinely established for Him by a
or penalty. Sheol was also developed into the con- sudden manifestation of power (Bousset, Die Predigt
ception of a place subdivided into two caverns, Jesu in ihrem Gegensatz zum Judenthum; Shailer
separated by a wall or chasm (gulf, Lk 16 26), Mathews, The Mess. Hope in N T, 1905). On the
one occupied by the departed just and the other by other hand, there is abundant ground for the position
the unjust. that Jesus viewed the Kingdom as already estab-
Furthermore, the growing use of the Valley of lished while He was teaching His disciples, and that
Hinnom (ge-hinnom) as the figure of everything He expected it, while starting with small beginnings,
suggestive of disgust and abhorrence to attain through natural processes unto a world-
30. Ge- furnished a ready mold for the thought wide diffusion and growth.
henna, of a place of punishment for the wicked. Whichever of these two antagonistic views may
Gehenna (and in a simpler form, "the be correct, remains true that for the disciples of
it
Valley," Jer 2 23, 31 40) is clearly identified with Jesus the essential portion of the foun-
Sheol in Assump. Mas. 10 10 (cf. also Eth. En. 99 11, 34. The dation and organization of the King-
103 7 f.).i Kingdom dom lay in the future. Only after His
Acounterpart of Gehenna, a place for the right- of God earthly work was ended and Jesus had
eous after death, was found in the idea of Paradise in the returned as the glorified Messiah would
(a Persian word meaning p ark, *
Future. the Kingdom be in full manifestation.
31. Para- 'garden'). But the location of Para- The Hence the promise of His second com-
dise, dise is uncertain. By some it was Parousia. ing {irapova-la, Mt 24 3, 27, 39) of which
thought to be a portion of Sheol sepa- the time is concealed from all, even
rated by a chasm from the abode of the wicked, by from the Son (Mk 13 32), but of which He gives
others it was made a place in the presence of God certain signs that they may recognize it. This
Himself (Heaven, so the Pharisees, Jos. Ant. XVIII,
IS; B J, 11,8 U; Wis 3 14, 4 10, 5 5, 7). Finally the Es-
thenceforth is the central factor in all N
T escha-
tology.
senes regarded it as a place on the renovated earth in The parousia, however, is in the eschatological dis-
the future. In the Apocalypses, so far as the subject
course of Jesus (Mt chs. 24, 25; Mk eh. 13) associated
is touched upon, Paradise is located on the earth (Eth.
with the end of the world, and with the
En. 32 8-23; Jub. 4; but cf. IV Esd 6 51-76).
35- Sources collapse of the Jewish community, and
of the it has been impossible to extricate the
III. New Testament Eschatology. Material matter from the obscurity which has
True to its essential characteristics, NT thought in the surrounded it on this account. While
completely eliminates from eschatology the national Parousia the assumption that there is a double
phase and distributes the interest on Discourse, coming spoken of, or that a Jewish
32. Gen- the individual and universal aspects of Apocalypse has been adopted into the
eral the subject. The problem of the des- teaching of Jesus and given as a discourse of His, and
Aspects. tiny of a special community, however, other assumptions of the same kind are arbitrary
is not totally left out of consideration. and improbable, there is, on the other hand, a con-
The Christian brotherhood clustering around Jesua siderable amount of vagueness in the evangelic
Christ assumes a place among the subjects of reports of what Jesus said, indicating that perhaps
from the very nature of the case the reporters of the
1 This is the purely Palestinian form of what Philo clothea discourse were not able to grasp His thought with
under the Greek term Tartarus. clearness.
335 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Bschatology
Closely associated with the declaration of the two compartments of Sheol, can be given here only a
parousia is the other declaration that its object figurative significance.
would be the Judgment. This is The rewards and punishments of moral conduct in
36. Parousia clearly an indication of the whole set- this life are measiired out at the Judgment and be-
and ting and trend of the discourses in come permanent. The wicked are cast
Judgment. Mt chs. 24 and 25. A judgment is more 39. Re- down into Gehenna (Mt 5 29f., 10 28;
explicitly foretold also in other con- wards and Mk 9 43). Sometimes, however, the
nections (Mt 10 15, 11 22, 24). In this Judgment Penalties place of punishment is called outer
Christ Himself is the Judge; those who are judged Hereafter, darkness (Mt 8 12), or a place where
are all classes of men, including peoples of the there are wailing and gnashing of teeth
past ages, such as the Queen of Sheba, Sodom (Mt 22 13, 24 51), a place of torment (Lk 16 23) and of
and Gomorrah (Mt 11 20, 24), and Nineveh; hence unquenchable fire (Mk 9 43, 45). Of the duration
also the Gentiles, the twelve tribes of Israel (Mt of this punishment, all that may be said is that it is
19 28), and His own adherents. The rule of Judg- eternal (eonian, or age-long), just as its counter-
ment is the ethical one of the exercise of love (Mt part is eternal life for the righteous (Mt 25 46, ever-
25 31f.). lasting AV). There is, however, an intimation of
The question of resurrection comes into view as a the modulation of penalty according to the amount
point of controversy between the Sadducees and of knowledge of the sinner (Lk 12 46, 48). The
the Pharisees, on which His teaching righteous enter into the joy of their father; they
37. Immor- is sought. And Jesus unhesitatingly inherit the kingdom; they possess treasures in
tality andplaces Himself on record (Mt 22 23 f .
heaven; they live like the angels in a state above
Resurrec- Mk 12l8f.; Lk 20 27; cf. also Mt 8 11; need and care (Mt 25 31-46).
tion. Lk 13 28) in favor of the essential truth
of the belief. The difficulties of the ^. Eschatology of the AposUes.
Sadducees upon the subject have no existence for
Him, because it belongs to a different order of reality The apostolic treatment of these subjects is an
from those of common experience. But to the same unfolding of the germs given in the thought of
order belongs also immortality. In fact, the latter is Jesus. In general, it may be included under the four
in the conception of Jesus based upon the former, types (the earlier, the Pauline, the Deutero-Pauline,
and both are rooted in man's relation to God as the and the apocalyptic).
object of God's paternal love. Jesus appeals to the The first phase of apostolic eschatology (that of
fact that J" calls Himself the God of Abraham, Isaac, James, Peter, and the Acts) revolves about the con-
and Jacob (Mt 22 32). This was the ground for be- ception of the parousia. It forecasts
lieving that the patriarchs were not dead. For 40. Early some trials and persecutions but also an
whom God attaches to Himself in the relation im- Apostolic impending restoration (aTroKaTaa-Taa-iSf
plied in such an utterance, the experience of death Eschatol- Ac 3 21, restitution AV). The belief
can not be the end of aU. This is an explicit asser- ogy. in the underworld, with its corollary
tion of the immortality only of some men; but it the intermediate state, also comes to
does not exclude the doctrine of the immortality of the surface (I P 3 19-21, 4 6); but the interpretation
all. Further, to the Jewish mind at least, the fact of the passages in which it is expressed is beset with
that the patriarchs were living carried with it the great difficulty. The ''spirits in prison" alluded to
implication that they must some time be raised out in them may be either men in Hades or the fallen an-
of their graves. For in mere bodiless existence they gels of II P 2 4 and Jude 6; and, so long as it is im-
could not be ideally perfect. possible to say what they are, nothing definite can
The question, then, what becomes of men at death, be built on these expressions.
was never asked of Jesus or taken up by Him inde- The Pauhne eschatology is presented in a variety
pendently. BeHef in an intermediate of forms which do not blend into an altogether per-
38. Inter- state, however, connecting the present fect unity. Especially is this true of
mediate dispensation with that which shall be 41. Pauline the necessary inferences that may be
State: at His second coming (and the Judg- Eschatol- drawn from them. An important
Hades, ment) underlies as an assumption and ogy. place in it is occupied by the establish-
unifies the two parts of His teaching. ment of God's kingdom through the
And as a substructure for this idea the belief in an second coming of Jesus (described as "the day of the
underworld fSheol,' 'Hades') appears in a trans- Lord Jesus Christ," "his revelation," I Co 1 7, "his
formed and spiritualized aspect. Hades is no longer coming," "presence," I Th 2 RVmg.). This com-
19,
a place distinctly and per se, but the figure of a place, ing, however, has for its end the judgment of men
or a place as the figure of a moral reality. This is by Christ Himself. It is to introduce a universal
undoubtedly true also of such other terms as were de- crisiswhich would include in its scope the heathen
signed to give a notion of the hereafter. Abraham's as well as the Jews, and to consist in the revelation
bosom (Lk 16 22) can not be regarded as anything of the depths of men's moral character (it is a day of
more than the name of a fellowship with the right- the manifestation of God's wrath, Ro 2 5; II Co
eous and faithful (cf. Paradise, above, §31). Simi- 5 10). But it is to be characterized also by the
larly, the statement that a gulf is fixed between those manifestation of the Antichrist as a single person
who are in Abraham's bosom and those in torment (II Th 2 8. See Antichrist).
(ver. 26), though perhaps reflecting the intertesta- But the eschatological idea most fully elaborated
mental notion that a chasm ("gulf") separates the by Paul is that of the resurrection. His relation with
Bschatologry 336
Esdras, Books of
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
urrection of Jesus. The fact indicates heavenly Jerusalem. The Millennium (a period
44. The the existence of a law of resurrection symbolically limited to a thousand years) is to be
Resurrec- whose operation at the last day will be ushered in by the casting of Satan into the abyss
tion of universal (I Co 15 20). The appHca- (q.v., 20 1, bottomless pit AV), and to be character-
Jesus. tion of this law, however, must be lim- ized by the prevalence of ideal righteousness, peace,
ited by his view that it is through and prosperity. It is to end with the release of Satan,
the implanting of a Divine life in them that Christ and the renewal of the struggle and its final stage.
secures the resurrection of those who belong to Him The general resurrection issues in the judgment of
(of. Ro 8 11). But if so, a resurrection for unbe- the wicked and their being cast into the lake of fire
lievers, if it take place at all, must be secured in some together with Hades and Death. This is the Second
other way; and just what this way is the Apostle Death (20 14, 218).
does not say. Hence it has been said, though not The essentials of Biblical eschatology, as they
convincingly, that his idea does not include the appear when all that was formal and temporary in
resurrection of unbelievers (Kabisch, Eschatol. d. the process of their gradual revelation
Paulus, 1893, p. 267 ff.). 49. Sum- is laid aside, include the following:
Another cardinal point in the Pauline eschatology mary. (1) A
continuity of conscious exist-
is the doctrine of the consummation. Here Paul ence for the individual (personal im-
passes into the realm of cosmic appli- mortality). This, however, viewed as Hfe, is so
45. The cation of Biblical ideas. The Gospel much richer and fuller for those who are identified
Consum- which originates with the creation of with Christ that comparatively speaking they only
mation. man bears also upon the destiny of may be said to be immortal. (2) An intermediate
man, to the uttermost end. But if it state of pure psychical existence, whose nature must
does this for man, it can not stop there; it must have necessarily be incapable of explanation. (3) Bodily
its sweep through the whole sphere of intelligent resurrection for all. But neither is the reassumption
beings; hence the Apostle looks forward to the time of the material of the body necessary to the concep-
when all things shall be headed and ruled by the Cre- tion of such resurrection, nor is any mode of revivi-
ator alone (I Co 15 24). fication included in the doctrine. (4) A new world
The Deutero-PauHne eschatology, as given in the dispensation, or order of being, ushered in by a re-
Epistle to the Hebrews, though not so expUcit as manifestation of the Incarnate and Risen Savior.
that of the Pauline writings, moves (5) The judgment of all men by the Risen Christ,
46. Deu- along the same hnes. The single fea^ issuing in the separation upon spiritual and moral
tero-Paul- ture of it which may be said to in- principles of those who are in living fellowship with
ine Escha- troduce a strikingly new form is the God through Christ from those who are not. (6)
tology. summing up of all the portents and The award of eternal blessedness to the former and
convulsions foreshadowed in the old of eternal loss to the latter (perdition), because of
prophets under the figure of a shaking of all things persistence in alienation from God.
(He 12 26, "make to tremble").
The Johannine eschatology includes the two forms Literature: W. R. Alger, A Grit. Hist, of the Dod. of a
Future Life, 1871 Salmond, The
; Christ. Doct. of Jmrnor-
given in the Gospel and Epistles on the one side, 1897; Charles, A Crit. Hist, of the Doct. of a Future
tality,
and in the Apocalypse on the other. Though dif- Life in Israel, in Judaism and in Christianity, 1899;
Bschatoiogy
nif A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Esdras, Books of
Kabisch, Eschatol. des Paulus, 1893; Volz, Judaische canonical books. It is followedby a list of the re-
Eschatol., 1903; H. A. A. Kennedy, St. Paul's Conception
turned (5 7-45 = Ezr ch. 2). Next comes the narrative
of the Last Things, 1904; L. A. Muirhead, The Eschatol-
ogy of Jesus, 1904. A. C. Z. of the setting up of the altar of burnt-offering, the
celebration of the Feast of Tabernacles, the laying of
ESCHEW: An AV term (Job 11, 8, 2 3; I P3 11), the foundations of the Temple, the rejection of the
for which the RV has "turn away," which is the sense offer of theenemies to cooperate in the building and
of the original. Eschew is an old English word the suspension of the work (5 46-70 = Ezr 31-4 5).
meaning 'to shun/ related to 'shy.' E. E. N. The story of the resumption of the work and the
ESDRAELON. See Palestine, § 9. completion of the Temple is then appended (chs. 6
and 7 = Ezr 5 and 6). II. The remainder of the
ESDRAS, ez'dras, BOOKS OF book narrates the return under Ezra during the reign
of Artaxerxes (458) and his reforms, including the
Analysis of Contents abohtion of mixed marriages and the promulgation
1. Name 6. History of I Esdraa of the Law (chs. 8'and 9 = Ezr 7-10 and Neh 7 73-
I ESDRAS II Esdras (IV ^^ra)
2. Contents of I Esdraa 7. Contents of II Esdras
8 13). At this point the book breaks off abruptly, as
3. The Relation to Ezra- 8. V Ezra if the author had never finished it or the end were
9 25). The fourth vision presents in a symbolic city of Judah (Jos 15 52), probably in the neighbor-
figure the sorrow of Zion followed by her glory (9 26- hood of Hebron. E. E. N.
10 58). The fifth depicts the fourth world-empire ESH-BAAL, esh'-be"al. See Ishbosheth.
under the figure of an eagle coming out of the sea
(10 60-12 51). The sixth portrays the Messiah under ESHBAN, esh'ban (l?"ifi<, 'eshban): The head of
the form of a man who comes out of the stormy sea, is a Horite family or clan (Gn 36 26; I Ch 1 41).
attacked by a countless multitude of enemies, whom, E. E. N.
however, he overcomes, and gains a great number of
followers (131-58). The seventh vision consists of ESHCOL, esh'col (V^i}, 'eshkol), 'cluster' (of
the familiar legend of Ezra's restoring the lost Scrip- grapes, etc.): 'brother' of Mamre (Gn 14 13,
I. The
tures. Ezra prays for the privilege of rewriting the 24). II. The Valley of Eshcol, noted for its grapes,
sacred books, lost before his day. His prayer is an- mentioned in the story of the spies (Nu 13 23 f., 32 9;
swered. He makes arrangements for the writing Dt 1 24). It was, apparently, not far from Hebron,
down of what he shall dictate, and is given a liquid but this is not certain. There may have been some
which when drunk by him imparts the power of re- connection between I and II, 'EschoP being a clan
producing the contents of the lost writings. These in the Valley of Eschol. E. E. N.
together with seventy other books he dictates, but ESHEAN, esh'e-on or i'she-on. See Eshan.
publishes only those at present contained in the O T
Canon (14 1-50). The last portion of the book (chs. ESHEK, i'shek (pfjt?, 'esheq): One of Saul's
15 and 16) contains a long and tedious arraignment descendants (I Ch 8 39). e. E. N.
Esdras, Books of
339 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Esther
ESHKALONITES, esh'ka-lon-aits. See Ash- most important aid is the Greek version (1st cent.
KEIiON. B.C.). This has come down in five main recen-
sions: that of the Uncials, of Origen, of Hesychius, of
ESHTAOL, esh't6-el (^X^'f?, 'eshta'ol): A town
Lucian, and of the old Latin. All agree in present-
assigned to Judah but to Dan in 19 41.
in Jos 15 33,
ing a text that differs from the Massoretic text
That it was occupied by Danites is certain from the
more widely than any other book in the LXX.
old stories in Jg (13 25, 16 31, 18 2 ff.). A later occu-
Many verses have long additions, and there are 107
pation by Judah is indicated by the notice in I Ch new verses not found in the Hebrew. Jerome, in the
2 53 of the Eshtaolites (Eshtaulites AV) as Caleb-
Vulgate, translated the longer additions, but removed
ites. The identification with the modern Eshua is
them from the body of the book and placed them at
probably correct. See Map II, E 1. E. E. N.
the end. This senseless arrangement is perpetu-
ESHTEMOA, esh"te-mo'a (P^?:n?)^il, 'eshtmda'), ated in the English Apocrypha. In Swete's edition
andESHTEMOH, esh'te-mo (nbnCN^ 'esht^moh): A of the LXX. they are given their proper place, and
are designated by the letters A, B, etc. The attempt
town in the Judsean hill-country (Jos 15 50; I S 30 28)
has been made at various times to show that these
assigned to the Levites (Jos 21 14). See Map II, E 3.
additions have been translated from a Hebrew or
The statements in I Ch 4 17, 19, must be interpreted
as relating to places (indicative of origin, depend- Aramaic original that stood in a larger recension of
Esther; but modern critical authorities are agreed
ency, etc.), not individuals. E. E. N.
that there is no trace of them in Hebrew or Aramaic
ESHTON, esh'ten (Y^^^^, 'eshton): Probably a literature, and that they are not translated from a
place, not an individual (see I Ch 4 11 f.). E. E. N. Semitic language, but are interpolated to correct the
lack of religion in the Hebrew book in its original
ESLI, es'lai ('Eo-Xet): An ancestor of Jesus (Lk
form.
3 25). E. E. N.
In regard to the unity of the book in general no
ESPOUSE, ESPOUSAL. See Marriage and doubt can be felt. Only the section 9 20-10 3 presents
Divorce. difficulties which have suggested to a
ESROM, ez'rom. See Hezron. 3. Unity, number of critics that it comes from a
different hand. Possibly it is a quota-
ESSENES, es'sinz: A Jewish sect (cf. Jos. Ant. tion by the author of Esther from the book men-
xiii, 5 9; xvii, 1 5; BJ, II, 8). E. E. N. tioned in 10 2.
The book makes no claim of age or authorship for
The statement of 9 20, "Mordecai wrote these
ESTHER itself.
things," does not refer to the foregoing
Analysis of Contents 4. Date, book but to the letter that follows.
1. Contents 4. Date The "book" mentioned in 9 32 is not
2. Text Historical Character
5. Esther, but the letter mentioned in 9 29. Esther
3. Unity 6. Origin of Purim is never quoted by any prechristian writer. The
7. Religious Value and Canonicity
earliest literary evidence of its existence is the
ESTHER (Person and Book) The Book of Es- : LXX. Purim is first mentioned in II Mac
version.
ther, according to 1 l, is an episode from the reign 15 The external evidence, accordingly, does not
36.
of Ahasuerus. Since Grotefend's deci- demand an earlier date than the 1st cent. B.C.
1, Con- pherment of the proper names in the The internal evidence leads to a similar conclusion.
tents. Persepolis inscriptions it has been gen- In 1 1, 13f., 4 11, 8 8, the author speaks of the times
erally recognized that this monarch is of Xerxes as long passed. In 3 8 the Diaspora of the
Xerxes. The Hebrew form ^Ahashwerosh corre- Greek period is known. The conversion of multi-
sponds to the Babylonian and Aramaic spelling of tudes to Judaism (8 17, 9 27) was not true of the Per-
the Persian Khskaydrshd, Xerxes. Accordmg to sian period, but was characteristic of the proselyting
Ezr 4 6, his reign fell between those of Darius and zeal of the Greco-Roman period (cf. Mt 23 15).
Artaxerxes. The book narrates how Esther, a Jew- The intellectual standpoint of the book also indi-
ish maiden, became Xerxes' queen; how she deliv- cates a date in the late Greek period. There is no
ered her people from the destruction planned by trace of the Messianic hope that characterized the
Haman, the king's favorite and how, in commem- ; early days of the return from captivity. The bitter
oration of this deliverance, the feast of Purim was in- hatred of the Gentiles, and the longing for their de-
stituted. struction that this book discloses, were first induced
MSS. of the are more numerous
Hebrew Esther by Antiochus' determination either to Hellenize or
than of any other portion of the O T. All are de- to exterminate the Jews. Mordecai's refusal to bow
scendants of a single standard codex before Haman not in accord with old Hebrew
(3 2) is
2. Text, that was adopted by the Scribes about usage, but shows a Greek spirit of independence.
100 a. d. From this codex are de- The prominence given to financial considerations
scended also a larger number of targums and mid- (3 9) is also indicative of a commercialism that
rashes than are attached to any other Biblical book developed in the Greek period. The national pride,
(see JE, article Esther). These are too late to be bereft of religious enthusiasm, indicates that the
of any text-critical value. Their additions to the book was not written at the time of the Maccabsean
Massoretic text rest upon no documentary author- and self-
struggle, but in the period of worldliness
ity, but only upon legendary oral tradition. complacency that followed the attainment of inde-
For the r^storatioo of the pre-Massoretic text our pendence in 135 B.C.
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 330
Esther
With this conclusion the language of the book is in unchangeabihty of the laws of the Medes and Per-
19, 8 8), the idea that no person
could ap-
accord. The Hebrew is as late as any in the O T. sians (1
There are a number of words that are found else- proach the king without summons on pain of death
where only in the Mishna and other Rabbinical (411).
writings. Aramaic influence is conspicuous in dic- (6) There are a number of
incidents in Esther
tion and construction. which, although they can not be shown to be unhis-
In regard to the historical character of the book torical, are yet so contrary to Persian law and cus-
the following facts may be noted; (1) Ahasuerus is tom as to be improbable. Thus 2 2, 4, 8, 10, 17, are
a historical personage, and the picture contrary to the law of the Avesta and the testimony
g. Histor- of his character in Esther corresponds of Herod, iii. 34 that the queen might be selected
ical with that of Xerxes given by Herod., only from seven of the noblest Persian families.
Character, vii. ix; ^Esch. Pers. 467 ff., Juv. x. 174- Mordecai's free access to Esther (2 11, 4 2-17) is con-
187. The incidents of Esther can be trary to the custom of Oriental harems. The ap-
fitted into the life of Xerxes without great difficulty. pointment of two foreigners, Haman the Agagite
Apart from this there are no coincidences with the (cf. Nu 24 7; IS 15 8) and Mordecai the Jew, as
9 7-9, 29. Not one of these persons appears in the Mordecai, who is well known to be a Jew, is her uncle,
Greek account of Xerxes' reign, and their names and comes to the palace every day to inquire after
can not even be shown to have been in use in the her (2 11), and all the Jews in Susa fast for her be-
time of Xerxes. A number are certainly Persian, fore she ventures to go to the king (4 16). Haman
but it is not clear that they are old Persian. Some obtains an edict to destroy all the Jews because
are probably of Babylonian, Aramaic, or even He- Mordecai the Jew will not do obeisance to him (3 6),
brew origin. They might all have been picked up in but Haman's friends and family are ignorant as to
the Greek period by an author who knew something Mordecai's race (6 13). Xerxes deUvers the Jews to
about Persia. destruction (3 ll), yet heaps honors upon Mordecai
(4) The account of the origin of Purim given by the Jew (6 10 f.). Haman is still the royal favorite,
this book is historically improbable. It represents it but he is given the menial task of conducting Mor-
as instituted by Esther and Mordecai, and as adopted decai through the streets (6lOf.). Xerxes author-
by the Jews in commemoration of their deliverance izes the act of Haman (3 ll), yet he is much sur-
but Purim is not a Hebrew word, and it is unnatural prised at the information that Esther gives him of
that a Jewish commemoration should be called by Haman's plot (7 5 f.).
a foreign name. In 3 7, 9 26, it is said that the feast is (8) The book contains a number of details which
so called because "Haman cast Pur, that is, the lot" can not be proved to be untrue, but which are so
but it is unlikely that the trivial circumstance of the intrinsically improbable that one has difficulty in
way in which Haman determined the day of de- believing that they are historical, e.g., 1 1-5, 12, 13-15,
struction should give its name to the day of deliv- 16-22, 2 1-4, 12, 16, 3 1 (cf. Ex 17 8; Nu 24 7; I S 15 8),
erance. Moreover, there is no Persian word pur 2 5 (cf. I S ch. 15), 2 23, 3 6-9 (cf. II Targ. 3 9, 4 l),
with the meaning 'lot.' If Purim had originated in 3 8-15, 5 4, 7, 14, 6 1, 4, 7 5, 8, 8 11,9 2 f., 13 f.
the time of Xerxes, as Esther represents, and had In view of these facts the conclusion seems to be
been enjoined upon all the Jews in all provinces inevitable that the Book of Esther is not historical,
of the empire (9 20), and had been accepted by the and that it iS doubtful whether even a historical
Jews for themselves and for their posterity (9 27), kernel underlies its narrative.
there is no reason why it should not have been All the objections urged above against the his-
included in the Priestly Code as promulgated by toricity of the account of Purim in the Book of
Ezra. Esther apply with equal force to any
(5) Some of the statements in regard' to Persia 6. Origin theory that assigns it a Hebrew origin.
and Persian customs are confirmed by classical his- of Purim, A feast that the Jews had invented
torians, e.g., 1 6-8, 14, 3 2, 7, 13, 4 2, 5 14, 6 8, 8 10. All would not be called by a foreign name
that this proves is that the author had some famili- for which no rational explanation can be given.
arity with Persian life which he used for local Purim must be a holiday adopted by the Jews from
color. It is offset by statements which show that he their neighbors, just as Fourth of July and Thanks-
had no first-hand knowledge of the Achsemenian giving Day have been adopted by them in America.
Empire, e.g., 127 satrapies(l 1, 8 9; cf. Herod, iii. 98), The only question is, From which nation was this
the veihng of women (1 9-12; cf. H^rod. x. 110 f.), the feast borrowed?
331 A STAKDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Esther
A Persian origin is naturally suggested by the The Alexandrian Jews were so conscious of the
facts that the scene of the book is laid in Persia,and religious deficiencies of Esther that they tried to
that has a strong Persian color (so Hitzig, Meier,
it remedy them with the apocryphal
Fiirst, Zunz). Lagarde {Purim^ 1887) pointed out 7. Relig- additions noted above (§ 2). This
that in the Lucianic Greek recension Purim appears ious Value, free treatment shows that no sacred
as Phourdaia, which he conjectured was the same as Canonic- character was yet attached to the book,
the Persian Farwardlgan, a sort of All Saints' Day. ity. In Palestine there was long opposi-
This theory has found wide acceptance, but labors tion before it was admitted to the
under the difficulties that Farwardlgan does not fall Canon. It is never quoted by Christ, nor by any of
on the 14th of Adar, and that the Greek form Phour- the N T writers. The early Christian Church made
daia is less likely to be correct than the Hebrew no use of it, and no Church Father attempted an
Purim. exposition of it. Melito (c. 170 a.d.) omits it from
Of late the theory of Babylonian origin has become his Canon, and Oiigen (c. 225) does not include it
dominant. In WZKM, vi. (1892), p. 70 ff., Jensen among the historical books. The Syrian Chris-
shows that Esther is the regular Syrian form of the tians regarded it as apocryphal, and the Nestorians
name of Ishtar, the Babylonian goddess. Her other never had it in their O T.
name Hadassah, is the Babylonian hadashatu, In significant contrast to this attitude of early
'bride,' used as a title of goddesses. Mordecai Judaism and early Christianity stands the high
(Gr., MapSoxo-los) is the same as Marduk (Mero- esteem of this book in later Judaism. The Synod of
dach), the chief male divinity of Babylon. He is the Jamnia in the 1st cent, decreed it to be canonical.
cousin of Esther, as Marduk is of Ishtar. Haman, Later writers sought to explain away the opposition
the adversary of Mordecai, is the same as Hamman, of their predecessors, and praised the book in most
or Humman, the chief divinity of the Elamites, in extravagant terms. Rabbi Simeon b. Lakish (c.
whose capital, Susa, the action of this book takes 300 A.D.) ranked it next to the Law. Maimonides
place. Vashti is an Elamite deity, probably declared that although the Prophets and the Wri-
feminine. Zeresh some Gr. MSS. Geresh),
(in tings should pass away when the Messiah came, yet
the wife of Haman, may be the same as Kirisha, this book and the Law should remain. This is the
another Elamite goddess, apparently the consort attitude of orthodox Judaism. Esther is inserted
of Humman. The conflict of Esther and Mordecai with the Law in the synagogue rolls and is treated
against Haman, Vashti, and Zeresh is the con- with the highest reverence. More targums and mid-
flict of the gods of Babylonia against the gods of rashes are based upon it than upon any other por-
Elam, which is a reflex of the 1,000 years' struggle tion of the T.
for supremacy between Babylonia and Elam, ending With this verdict of late Judaism modem Chris-
with the victory of Babylonia. Jensen, Winckler tians can not agree. The book is so conspicuously
(AOi^,ii. 274f.),and Zimmern (KAr,^ 514 f.) point lacking in religion that it should never have been
out other mythical parallels, and create a strong sus- included in the Canon of the O T, but should have
picion that the story of Esther is a Euhemeristic been left with Judith and Tobit among the apocry-
Jewish version of Babylonian legends learned at the phal writings. God is never once mentioned in the
time of the Captivity. This view has found the ap- book. The author doubtless believes that there is a
proval of Noldeke, Wildeboer, Smend, Comill, and God (cf. 4 14, 16., 9 31 f.), but he has no consciousness
most recent writers. If the story of Esther is Baby- of His nearness. He alone of all the writers in the
lonian, then the feast which it aims to explain must O T and Apoc ascribes deUverance to men. Fasting
be Babylonian also, but thus far it has not been is the only reHgious rite that he names. He has not
identified with certainty. Zimmern {ZATW, 1891, one noble character in his book. Xerxes is a sensual
pp. 157-169) suggests that Purim = -pukhru, 'assem- despot. Esther, for the chance of winning wealth
bly,' a name of Zagmuk, or the New Year Feast of and power, takes her place in the herd of maidens
Marduk. Jensen identifies it with the Ishtar feast, who become concubines of the king. She wins her
in the month Ab. It is more likely that with Johns victories not by skill or by character, but by her
{EBj 3979) we are to connect Purim with the Baby- beauty. She conceals her origui, is relentless to-
lonian observances in the month Adar. The 13th ward a fallen enemy (7 8-10), secures not merely
of this month is known to have been unlucky, that the Jews escape from danger, but that they
and the 14th and 15th lucky. The eponyms en- fall upon their enemies, slay their wives and chil-
tered upon their office on the first of Nisan, and dren, and plunder their property (8 U, 9 2-10).
they must have been chosen during the preceding Not satisfied with this slaughter, she asks that
month. The word puru, or hum, means 'stone,' Haman's ten sons may be hanged, and that the
then 'lot,' 'inheritance,' and 'eponymate,' and may Jews may be allowed another day for kilUng their
easily have been appfied to the day in Adar on which enemies in Susa (9 13-15). The only redeeming
the oflScials for the new year were selected. On this traits in her character are her loyalty to her people,
theory Purim was the Babylonian Election Day, a and her bravery in attempting to save them (4 16).
time of feasting and sending of presents, that the Mordecai sacrifices his cousin to advance his interests,
Jews adopted from their neighbors during the Exile advises her to conceal her religion, displays wanton
and continued to observe long after they had for- insolence in his refusal to bow to Haman, and helps
gotten its real origin. The decision of this interest- Esther in carrying out her schemes of vengeance.
ing question depends upon the publication of further All this the author narrates with interest and ap-
Babylonian material in regard to the religious ob- proval. He gloats over the wealth and the triumph
servances of the month Adar. of his heroes, and is oblivious to their moral short-
Etam 333
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Ethnography
general level of the O T and even of the Apoc. Its near Libnah (Joe 15 42), assigned to Simeon m 19 7.
E. E. N.
lesson of hatred toward one's enemies and of bloody Site unknown.
vengeance upon them is irreconcilable with the
teaching of Christ. The verdict of Luther is not too ETHIOPIA, t"thi-6'pi-a: In the EV of the OT
severe: "I am so hostile to this book that I wish it this term represents directly the N T Gr. word
Al^lo^ir, which in the LXX. is
the equiv-
did not exist, for it Judaizes too much, and has too
much heathen naughtiness." I. Name alent of the Hebrew Cush (q.v.) of the
and Bound- O T. The Gr. word originally meant
Literature: Articles Esther and Purim in the Encyclo-
aries. 'dark-skinned,' and was employed
pedias and Bible Dictionaries; the Introductions oi Keil,
Haevernick, Bleek, Kuenen, Riehm, Cornill, Strack, Konig, both of the population to the south of
Baudissin, Wildeboer, Kautzsch, Wright, Driver, Reuss; Egypt and of dark-hued southern peoples gener-
the commentaries of Keil, Schultz, Cassel, Streane, The ally. The equivalent Cush is in the EV used only of
most complete modern commentary is that of Bertheau-
one of thesonsof Ham (GnlO 6-8 = I Ch 1 8-l0),except
Ryssel. The most up-to-date discussions are found in the
commentaries of Wildeboer, in the Kurtzgefasster Kom- in Is 11 11, where it appears in place of the usual
mentar, and of Siegfried, in Nowack's Handkommentar. "Ethiopia." Cush is the common Semitic name of
There is no modern commentary in English, but one by the Ethiopian country and people, being borrowed
Prof. L. B. Paton is announced as about (1908) to appear in from the Egyptian, in which Kosh is their regu-
the International Critical Commentary. L. B. P. lar designation. Cush, as a coimtry, corresponds
ETAM, i'tam (D'J^J?/eiam): A rocky district
1. roughly to the modern Nubia, and the Cushites ap-
2. A
pear to have been the principal ancestors of the Nu-
in the W. of Judah (Jg 15 8, li), near 3, below.
Rehoboam rebuilt and fortified bians. Their extreme northern boundary was the
town in Judsea which
first cataract of the Nile at Assouan; but, as Cush
(II Ch 11 6). The Etam of I Ch 4 3 is probably the
eponym of this place. Map II, F 1. 3. A village in was normally subject or tributary to Egypt, no defi-
nite limit was regularly maintained. The southern
Simeon, according to Conder the modern Beit-Atiab
(others Aitun) 11 m. SW. of Hebron (I Ch 4 32).
boundary was still more indefinite, depending on the
II, D 3.
I A. C. Z. extent of the Egyptian conquests and trade at dif-
ferent periods. The people were not of the negro
ETERNAL: Time whose limits on account of type, but essentially Hamitic (cf. Gn 10 6). The
their remoteness are hidden from view. The word Egyptians themselves, however, seem to have classed
may be applied to the past or to the future (Dt 33 27; them with the negroes, as the Greeks and Romans
Is 60 In the
15). N
T eternal (alcavios, Mt 19 16, did the Ethiopians. Their dark-brown color, due
etc.) denotes that which belongs to the coming age to their southern habitat, is referred to in Jer 13 23.
{alo3v) and is strictly equivalent to age-long (Mt In the reign of the 12th dynasty (c. 2000 e.g.)
19 16; Ro 2 7). For this and Eternal Life see also northern Ethiopia became independent, but was
ESCHATOLOGY, § 39. A. C. Z. again subdued along with much south-
2. History, ern territory in the 16th cent. B.C. The
ETHAM, i'tham (CnX, 'etham): A station on new province, extending at length to
the Exodus route, reached after leaving Succoth, in the third cataract of the Nile, was made thoroughly
the W. edge of the wilderness (Ex 13 20; Nu 33 Egyptian in manners and religion. Under the 22d
6 f.), called "the wilderness of Shur" (Ex 15 22), and or Libyan djmasty, native rulers threw off the yoke
"the wilderness of Ethan" (Nu 33 8). It lay on the of Egypt, and about 750 B.C. the new Ethiopian
E. border of Egypt, perhaps N. of Lake Timsah. kingdom gained control of Egypt itself, though the
Cf the Egyptian word hetem, the name of a fortress
.
princes of the Delta retained their autonomy and
on the E. boundary of Egypt. C. S. T. some freedom of action. This situation explains the
relations between Seve (EV So), "Kng of Egypt,"
ETHAN, i'than (i^N, 'ethan): 1. A wise man,
and Hoshea, King of northern Israel (UK 17 4),
"the Ezrahite" (I K
4 31), designated as the author
and the alliance of Tirhakah, "King of Ethiopia,"
of Ps 89 (title). According to I Ch2 6, 8, a son of
Zerah ( = Ezra[hite]?). 2. An ancestor of Asaph
with Hezekiah of Judah (II K
19 9). The Ethio-
pians were still in control when Egypt was subdued
(I Ch 6 42), called Joah in ver. 21. 3. A 'son' of Kishi,
by the Assyrians (668 B.C.). After the subjugation
like Heman and Asaph, the eponymous ancestor of
of Ethiopia itself in its final struggle the country
a gild of temple-singers (I Ch 6 44, 15 17, 19). Iden- ceased to exercise any influence abroad. Royal
tified with Jeduthun (cf I Ch 16 41, 25 l, 6 II Ch 5 12,
. ;
authority, however, was frequently wielded by pow-
35 15). C. S. T. erful native chiefs, and at the beginning of the
ETHANIM, eth'a-nira : The old name of the Christian era Meroe, in southern Nubia, was the seat
seventh month of the Jewish year. See Time, § 3. of a kingdom whose rulers held their title through
the female line. Hence the queen-mother, who
E. E. N.
seems to have borne ofiicially the name Candace
ETH-BAAL, eth-be'al (^P:riN, ' ethha' at) /man oi (q.v.), was often the virtual ruler. The chamberlain
Baal': A king of Sidon, father
Jezebel (I 16 31).
oJP K of one of these quasi-queens is mentioned in Ac 8 27 ff.
Eth-baal (or Ithobaal) was priest of Astarte in Sidon. Some of the references to the southern 'Cush' in
He murdered Phelles, King of Sidon, and usurped the O T can hardly be explained of the African
the throne c. 887 B.C. (Winckler) cf. Jos. Contra Ap., ; Ethiopia, and it has been conjectured that, as the
I, 18. See Chronology of O T (Table). Assyrians seem to have understood Cush as inclu-
E. E. N. ding southern Arabia as well, the Hebrews may have
Etam
S33 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Ethno^aphy
had a similar usage. Upon this hypothesis the in- however, form one of its principal divisions. They
vasion of Judah by ''Zerah the Ethiopian" in the were, in fact, a very composite people, that came into
time of Asa (II Ch 14 8-14) is explained; existence late in the history of the Sem-
3. The since at this date the Ethiopians were 3. Classi- ites. Apreliminary distinction might
Arabian confined to their own proper territory, fication. perhaps be made, in the whole family,
Cush. while the South-Arabian kingdom of between African and Asiatic Semites.
Ma'in was flourishing and aggressive. The evidence of language and, to a less degree, of
The "Cushites" of II Ch 21 16 may also be plausibly physical features points clearly to a remote affinity
referred to the same region. Cf. Winckler in KAT^, between the Egyptians and the Semites of Asia.
p. 143 ff. See also Cush. J. F. McC. With the Egyptians must be grouped the Berbers
and other N. African tribes. All these taken to-
ETH-KAZIN, eth"-ke'zin O^VP, ^^^, 'ittah gether are often termed Hamitic, from the name of
qatsin,Ittah-Kazin AV): A town on the E. border the second son of Noah. The Hamites, therefore,
of Zebulun (Jos 19 13). Site unknown. E, E. N. are to be reckoned as adistant kindred of the Semites,
currently so called. The separation between them
ETHNAN, eth'nan (^^^n^*, 'ethnan): The head
and the Asiatic Semites took place at an extremely
of a Judahite family (I Ch 4 7). E. E. N. early period. The latter, or the Semites par ex-
cellence, may be geographically divided into the
ETHNARCH, eth'narc. See Aretas.
inhabitants of Arabia, of Upper and Lower Meso-
ETHNI, eth'nai C^^-^, 'ethni): An ancestor of potamia, of Syria, and of Palestine. But this sort
Asaph (I Ch 6 41). E.E.N. of classification is superficial, since everywhere
within the limits of Semitism important changes
of population have constantly been taking place,
ETHNOGRAPHY AND ETHNOLOGY through shifting and substitution. A more ac-
Analysis of Contents curate general division is that into Northern and
Southern Semites, with subdivisions according to
1. Treatment of the Subject 6. The Canaanitea the following scheme
2. Geographical Limits 7. The Hebraic Peoples
The Southern Semites A. Northern Semites: I. Babylonian. II. Ara-
3. Glassiiication 8.
4. The Babylonians 9. Indo-Europeans maean. III. Canaanitic. IV, Hebraic.
5. The Aramseans 10. The Ethnological Lists B. Southern Semites: I, Arabian. II. Sabean.
11. Minor Ethnological Terms
III. Abyssinian.
may be most profitably
The races of the Bible This classification is also very general. No single
by taking up one by one the peoples
studied either (1) people, known to have lived separately from every
mentioned in Scripture, referring them other, can be exactly comprehended under any one
I Treat- to their several racial divisions, and then
, of the above-mentioned racial names, each of which
ment of the inquiring into the most important dis- designates rather a group of peoples, more or less
Subject. tinctive features of these divisions; or, closely allied in origin and affiliation, and found at
(2) we may first distinguish the races one time or another during the long Semitic ages
that are prominent in the Bible according to their associated together. Hence brief historical state-
characteristics and their history, and then show the ments will have to accompany the following expla-
place occupied by each people in this classification. nation of the table.
Both methods will be followed in this summary However the question of Semitic beginnings may
presentation. be complicated by the problem of the starting-place
In one main aspect, the ethnology of the Bible of the Hamites, or the secondary Sem-
lands in antiquity was strikingly similar to that of 4. The ites of Africa, it seems reasonably
to-day. The geographical sphere of Babylo- certain that the Semites of Asia had
2. Geo- O T was the region
chief interest in the nians, their origin among the oases of central
graphicalextending from the Mediterranean Sea and north-central Arabia. The first
Limits. to the mountains of Persia, and from permanent settlement was made by colonies that
the southern moimtain boundaries of occupied Babylonia, or the fertile lands between the
Asia Minor and Armenia to the first cataract of the lower Euphrates and Tigris, a region whose southern
Nile on the SW. and to the estuary of the Euphrates portion had been already a possession of an alien
and Tigris on the SE. These Umits include the low- race. This Semitic settlement was made not later
lands of Western Asia along with Egypt proper. Be- than 5000 b.c. The rich commimities that there-
yond this region many countries were known to the after developed, of which the city of Babylon even-
T writers and mentioned by them, but their in- tually became the political center, were the perpetual
habitants were to the Hebrews strange and remote, resort of invaders and immigrants from among non-
at least until the Persian supremacy. Now this Semitic peoples to the E. and NE., so that Babylo-
same territory was from the remotest times the nia proper was never the home of a purely Semitic
proper home of one race and one only, that is, the population. The Assyrians, an offshoot that founded
Semitic. And to-day scarcely any other race than an empire on the Tigris, to the N., and the later Chal-
the Semitic has any representation in this region. deans, to the S., were more genuinely Semitic.
The Semites have their current name from Shem, The Aramaeans were more widely extended in their
the eldest son of Noah. Their chief BibUcal signifi- permanent settlement than any other branch of the
cance is that the Hebrews, the people of Revela^ Northern Semites. They were found on both sides
tion, belonged to that race. The Hebrews did not, of the lower Tigris and Euphrates, in Lower and
Ethnogfraphy and
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY ^34
Ethnology
continued to prevail until after the Mohammedan tical with the Chabire, a small aggressive tribe in S.
conquest. We, therefore, make a very general Palestine in the 15th cent. B.C. A remote Baby-
division upon these lines into E, and W. Aramaeans. lonian derivation seems also to be claimed in Gn 11
The ubiquity of this branch of the Semites, as well 28, 31, though their ancestors in the district of Ur on
as their inability to consolidate into large communi- the lower Euphrates may have been nomadic Ara-
ties, is illustrated by the fact that more ancient maeans. Like the Edomites, though to a less degree,
dialects of Aramaic have survived than of any other the Hebrews received an Arabian admixture, not
Semitic language. Aramseans are still found in con- merely in the old tribal days (Kenites, Kenizzites,
siderable numbers in the region of ancient Assyria, etc.), but all through the period of their abode in
in Kurdistan, and in Urumiah in Persia. The im- Canaan.
portance of distinguishing between language, race, The Bible has little interest in the Southern
and local habitation is illustrated by the fact that the Semites. Hence a formal classification is of minor
Aramaic dialect employed by these survivors, the consequence here; but a few words of
modem 'Syriac,' is not derived from the ancient 8. The explanation are necessary to prevent
classical Syriac; and that the latter is itself an incor- Southern confusion. In one sense all the S.
rect designation, since it was properly the language Semites. Semites are 'Arabian/ all having had
of a people in Mesopotamia proper, divided from their origin and earliest home in the
Syria by the Euphrates, and is, therefore, a dialect great peninsula, for Sabean (from the Gr. form of
not of W. but E. Aramaic. Again, the Aramaic the Biblical "Sheba") is a term roughly inclu-
portions of the O T, which are written in a dialect ding the peoples of S. and SW. Arabia, and the an-
of W. Aramaic, are still often improperly called cestors of the ancient Abyssinians crossed over the
'Chaldee,' though the Chaldeans did not speak Red Sea from the same region. On the other hand,
Aramaic at all, but Babylonian or 'Assyrian' (see the term Arabia has immensely enlarged its signifi-
Aramaic Language). cation since early Bible times- The Arabs of the T
The third branch, the Canaanitic, like the Ara- were merely the most important tribe of north-cen-
maean, did not form any permanent settlements till tral Arabia and are to be coordinated with Ishmael,
long after the Babylonian. Canaan, Midian, Kedar, and the other desert tribes extending
6. The Ca- like most other racial terms, was orig- from Palestine and the peninsula of Sinai to the bor-
naanites. inally a local name, the designation of ders of lower Babylonia. Another remark must be
a district and community in Phoenicia, made as to the character of the tribal aggregations.
so that, roughly speaking, the Canaanites originally They were very numerous, and many of them wealthy
were practically equivalent to the Phoenicians, who, and powerful, some of them being ruled by kings,
down to the end of their history, called themselves or oftener by queens. Their habitat was much more
by this synonym. They had kindred in the high- fertile than at present, the oases being more numer-
lands of Palestine, of whom the several smaller local ous and extensive. It was from their population
tribes, Perizzites, Hivites, Jebusites, and Girgash- that the more settled communities to the W., N.,
ites,were doubtless subdivisions. It is quite possible and E. were constantly replenished.
that the Canaanites were originally a branch of the The Indo-European race, corresponding to the
Amorites. One fact is clear, that both peoples settled descendants of Japhet, is comparatively of httle
in and about Palestine from the N., the Canaanites Biblical significance. Its various races
tending at first to the seacoast, while the Amorites g. Indo- were of interest mainly to the later
were attracted to Anti-Lebanon and its eastern Europeans, prophets, and that by reason of their
slopes, whence they spread southward, E. of the influence, direct or indirect, upon the
Jordan. There is some reason to suppose that the fortunes of Israel, or because they became involved
Canaanites (and Amorites) were preceded in Pales- in one way or another with peoples that were the
tineby non-Semitic peoples or hordes, who are per- subject of prophetic discourse. The Indo-Euro-
haps represented indistinctly by the more or less peans that are thus distinguished are the Medes and
legendary Anakim, Bephaim, Emim, and Zamzum- Persians (q.v.), various branches of the Scythian
mim of Dt, chs. 2 and 3. race {e.g., Ashkenaz, Gomer) and of the Hellenes
The Hebraic division comprised, besides the He- (Javan) (see § 11, below). The NT
has naturally
brews, the peoples lying nearest to them to the S. much more Indo-European peoples. These
to say of
and E.: the Edomites, Moabites, and Ammonites. are usually referred to, however, not as races but
The chief evidence for the relationship is found in according to the political and geographical divisions
the personifying genealogical traditions of the He- in vogue under the Roman Empire. Outside the
brew literature, according to which Edom was the great races already mentioned the Bible writers
Ethnography and
335 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Ethnology
rarely step. Elam, for example, is neither Semitic pean, and the compiler (P) uses in their case the most
nor Indo-European, but it is assigned to the family recent knowledge of his time (5th cent. B.C.). But
of SheminGn ch. 10. the same writer is strangely in error as to the "sons
The genealogical tables of Gn ch. 10 (and the sum- of Ham." Ham is really an old name of Egypt,
mary in I Ch ch. 1) make a composite document and the Ilamites were doubtless at first intended to
drawn from the two sources J and P. include by synecdoche all North-Africans (cf. § 3,
10. The The framework (vs. la, 2-7, 20, 22, 23, 31, above). But either political and religious antago-
Ethnolog- 32) was taken from P by a redactor, nism or some fanciful association led him, as well as
ical Lists, the remainder being excerpted by him J, to place among the Hamites many who were of
from J. These component parts are pure Semitic stock. Gush, properly meaning Ethi-
accordingly of different ages as regards their first opia (q.v.), is rightly a "son of Ham" (ver. 6). But he
compilation; but this does not affect their general is made, for reasons not yet quite clear, to include
character. The lists of names are often not directly several of the Arabian tribes, as well as the great
those of races, but of persons, of countries, and even Semitic race of liabylonians and Assyrians (vs.
of cities. This is due to the fact (1) that both social 8-12, J). More striking still is the assignment of the
and political commimities were regarded by the early Canaanites to the race of Ham (cf. Gn 9 18, 25-27, J),
Semites as the direct descendants of individuals, (2) apparently on account of the long and bitter struggle
that a race and its dwelling-place were identified in for the possession of the "land of Canaan." Of
ordinary speech, and (3) that the city was the ulti- course, consistency throughout the lists was im-
mate political unit, not easily separated in thought possible; and we find, for example, that while P
from the foimder, who himself was the quasi-head assigns Sheba and Havilah to Ham, J correctly in-
or "father" of his community. Thus the cities Tar- cludes them (ver. 29) among the descendants of Shem.
shish, Kittim, and Sidon appear explicitly as per- On the other hand, Shem is made by P the ancestor
sons and impUcitly as tribes or races. A good of the Elamites, although these were non-Semitic,
illustration of the general principle is afforded by probably on account of their close relations with
Gn 25 where the "sons of Ishmael" are ex-
12-16, Babylonia; and for some obscure reason, of the Lyd-
pressly said to be named "by their villages (cf. ians also.
Is 42 11) and their encampments" (cf. also Gn 36 The following names minor importance occur in
of
40-43). the genealogical lists of the early historians Abida;
:
Another important feature of the tables is that a 'son' of Midian, i.e., a tribe of Midian-
their compilers did not take account of the inhabited 11, Minor ites (Gn 25 4 I Ch 1 33) Otherwise un-
; .
world as a whole, of which they were profoundly Ethnolog- known. Abimael, a S. Arabian people
ignorant, but only of the peoples of their own ac- ical Terms, descended from Joktan (Gn 10 28; I Ch
quaintance. These were, primarily, their own 1 22). Otherwise unknown. Adbeel,
Semitic kindred and neighbors, and, secondarily, a 'son' or tribe of Ishmael (Gn 25 13; I Ch 1 29), is
the peoples of which they learned, directly or indi- mentioned also in the inscription of Tiglath-pileser
rectly, through political association, trade, or migra- III under the form IdihaHl as one of the tribes
tion: i.e., the Egyptians and Cushites, the Persians, "among the western countries whose dwelling-place
Medes, and Elamites, the most noted islands and is remote." He names also a chief of the same
coast-lands of the Mediterranean, and the best- region, IdihiHl. In the LXX. Gn 25 3 he appears
of
known peoples of Asia Minor. The widening of the in the form "Nabdeel," as an additional son of Dedan.
outlook was due mainly to the extension of the Almodad, a 'son' or tribe of Joktan in S. Arabia
Assyiio-Babylonian regime and the ubiquitous near Hadramaut (Gn 10 26; I Ch 1 20). Exact loca-
the Phoenicians. The most significant step
traffic of tion not known. Amorites. See § 6, above.
taken beyond the primitive style of genealogies was Anamim, a people descended from Mizraim (Gn
the remarkable attempt to group the families, cited 10 13; I Ch 1 11), located somewhere near Egypt, but
according to genetic principles, in comprehensive the precise region is not known. Arkite, descend-
and exhaustive divisions. The tables are thus ants ('sons') of Canaan, the singular with Gentile
"a first essay in ethnography made at the . . . names being generally used in Hebrew for the plural
point where the narrators close the history of early (Gn 10 17; I Ch 1 15), were the inhabitants of Arka,
mankind and turn to that of the ancestors of Israel. a town and district of Phoenicia about 12 m. N. of
They are prompted by the scientific impulse to de- Tripolis, probably referred to in the Amama Letters
clare something as to the origin of the peoples of the under the name Irkata, and taken by Tiglath-pileser
world, by the artistic motive to round off completely in 738 B.C. Arpacbshad, the third son of Shem and
the primitive history, and especially by the desire to the second in line of descent from Shem to Abraham
make it clear how Israel was divinely chosen from (Gn 10 22, 11 10). This word-form is a monstrosity,
out of the general mass of humanity" (Gtmkel, and has defied all attempts at identification with any
Genesis, 2d ed., p. 76 f.). known people. Occurring with Asshur and Aram,
Criticisms of the lists in Gn ch. 10 on the score of it is natural to think of the people of Babylonia.
accuracy are not a necessary part of this article. Since the second half of the name is the singular form
Certain inconsistencies will be noted below under the of Chasdim {Kasdim),ox Chaldees, it almost certainly
individual names. A
general remark must be made, forms here a separate word with that significance.
however, as to the degree in which the classification The remainder of the word still awaits a satisfactory
is in agreement with the well-established modem explanation. Arvad, Arvadite. The Phcenician
racial divisions. The "sons of Japheth" (vs. 2-5) are, city of Arvad, the mod. Rudd, was the most impor-
as far as we can identify them, wholly Indo-Euro- tant of the northern coast settlements. It was built
Ethnography and 336
Ethnology
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
been further suggested that the Skuthoi (Scythians) Jendel, and now known as el J of, is referred to. It
represent the same famous people. The medieval is a large oasis on the way from Damascus to Medina.
and some modem Jews have made the word equiv- See Map of Ancient Semitic World. The "Dumah" of
alent to the Teutonic race. Asshurim, the eldest Is 21 11 is a misreading for "Edom" (so LXX.). Eber,
son of Dedan (Gn 25 3). In the parallel I Ch 1 32, 'son' of Shelah and great-grandson of Shem. He was
the sons of Dedan are entirely lacking. The exact counted the eponymous ancestor of the Hebrew
location of none of them is known. See Dedan, race (Gn 10 24 f., 11 14 £f. I Ch 1 18 f.). The name
;
below. In Gn 25 18 and Ps 83 8 read the singular coincides in form with the word 'ebher, 'the other
form "Asshur," instead of "Assyria" (EV), but not in side,' and it has been assumed that it is the same
Nu 24 24, where the reference is to the Assyrian Em- word, alluding to the fact that the Hebrews came
pire, or rather to its surviving elements. We should from the other side of the Jordan. But the fact is
perhaps read instead "Ashur" and "Ashurim." that E. is derived iTom'ihhri, 'Hebrew,' not vice
Canaan, the fourth son of Ham, according to P (Gn versa, and the origin of 'Hebrew' is as yet uncertain.
10 6; I Ch 1 8), whose name is substituted by J for Ham The Hebrews were probably the same as the Chabiri
in Gn 9 25, probably also in ver. 22, where the words of the Amarna Letters, a small warlike tribe in S.
"Ham the father of" are apparently repeated from Palestine, whose earlier history is obscure. E. was
ver. 18. The list of Canaan's descendants (Gn 10 considered the ancestor not only of the Hebrews, but
15-19; I Ch 1 13-16) is from J and the Redactor. See of a vast number of eastern and southern Arabians
§§6 and 12, above. Caphtor, Caphtorim, children (Gn 10 25-30), whose relations with the Hebraic
of Mizraim (Egypt), son of Cush (Gn 10 14). Am 9 7 peoples are unknown. Eldaah, a 'son,' or tribe, of
and Jer 47 4 declare that the Philistines came from Midian (Gn 25 4; I Ch 1 33). Otherwise unknown.
Caphtor, which in the latter passage is called a mari- Elishah, a 'son' of Japheth (Gn 10 4; I Ch 17).
time country, and Dt 2 23 informs us that the C. The people, or region, meant is not certain. Perhaps
expelled the Avvim as far as Gaza. Of the many at- the combination with Elissa, or Elisa, the traditional
tempts made to locate this original home of the Phi- foundress of Carthage, is the most probable, as this
listines,the most convincing is that which identifies name was also used for Carthaginian territory by
it with Kefto, or Kajto, which in the Egyptian in- Roman writers. The statement in Ezk 27 7 that
scriptions stands for the S. coast of Asia Minor. Tyre imported "blue and purple from the sea-lands
This is confirmed by the fact that among the in- of Elishah" is in harmony with this view. Equally
vaders of Syria and Palestine from the N. in the so is an identification with Sicily and lower Italy,
time of Rameses III (c. 1200 B.C.) were the Puru- which is indicated by the Targum; but the similarity
sati, the Egyptian form of the Hebrew P4ishti, of the names may be urged in favor of the N. African
Philistine. Any one of the other proposed identifi- locality. Ephah, a 'son' of Midian (Gn 25 4; I Ch
cations, with the Phoenicians, the Egyptians of the 1 33), and, therefore, the name of a people of NW.
Delta, and with the island of Crete, is much less Arabia. In Is 60 6 it appears as being engaged in
probable (see Casluhim). Casluhim, a people of the caravan trade, bringing gold and incense from
unknown location named in Gn 10 14 as descendants Sheba. Apparently the Chaydpa mentioned in cunei-
of Mizraim, and, therefore, related to the Egyptians, form inscriptions of the 8th cent. B.C. is the same
The words which follow in the traditional text, name, being really phonetically equivalent to the
"Whence went forth the Philistines," should prop- original Hebrew form. Epher, 'brother' of the fore-
erly come after "Caphtorim" in the same verse. going, not yet identified with any known people or
Dedan was a somewhat widely spread Arabian people region. Perhaps the word is merely an erroneous
assigned in Gn 10 7 to the race of Cush (see § 10, repetition of Ephah. Gether, a 'son,' i.e., tribe, of
above), while in Gn 25 3 and I Ch 1 32 he appears as Aram (Gn 10 23). In I Ch 1 17 wrongly given as a
a son of Jokshan (son of Keturah), and a brother of 'son' of Shem. Otherwise unknown. Girgashite,
Sheba. He is grouped with Sheba (q.v.) and Tar- see Canaan, § 6, above. Gomer, the eldest 'son' of
shish in Ezk 38 13 as a wealthy trading people, Japheth (Gn 10 2 f.; I Ch 1 5 f.). The name, origi-
indicative of his rank among the tribes of Arabia. nally Gamer (so LXX.), is the same as the Assyrian
In Ezk 27 20 he is one of the chief customers of Tyre Gimirrai (the Kimmerians of the Greeks), who in the
Ethnography and
337 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Ethnology
7th cent. b.c. came from N. of the Black Sea, settled of the ancient Amorite stock. They lived, accord-
in Asia Minor in large swarms ("hordes," Ezk 38 6), ing to Joa 9, in central Palestine (see Gibeon). In
and, followed and reenforced by the Scythians, did Jos 11 3, which apparently places them farther N.,
much to hasten the downfall of the Assyrian Empire. the words "Hittite" and "Hivite" have exchanged
As preceding the Scythians, G. is called the 'father' places in the Massoretic text. The LXX. gives the
of Ashkenaz (q.v.). Gamir, the Armenian name of right order. II S 24 7 throws no light on the ques-
Cappadocia, is probably a memorial of the Kimme- tion of the northern location. Hul, a 'son' of
rian invasion. Hadad, the eighth 'son' of Ishmael Aram (Gn 10 23; in I Ch 1 17 erroneously a son of
(Gn 25 15, Hadar AV; I Ch 1 30, "Hadar" AVmg.). Shem). A desert people not yet identified. Ish-
Otherwise this N. Arabian tribe is unknown. Ha- bak, a 'son' of Abraham and Keturah (Gn 25 2; I Ch
doram, a 'son' of Joktan (Gn 10 27; I Ch 1 30). 1 32). An identification with YasbuJc, a district of
Otherwise this S. Arabian tribe is unloiown. Ham, N. Syria mentioned by Shalmaneser II, is very im-
see § 10, above. Hamath, Hamathite. H. was probable, since the descendants of Keturah seem
the most important city of central Syria, on the great to have Uved wholly to the S. or SE. of Palestine.
bend of the Orontes, and the chief emporium of the Japheth, the third 'son' of Noah, according to the
trade between the middle Euphrates and Damascus. regular order of enumeration, both in P and J (Gn
The modem name is Hamdh. It had close relations 5 32, 6 10, 10 1, 9 18), but perhaps originally regarded
with the N. Phoenician cities. For this reason, as the second (cf. Gn 9 24 and 10 21). He was the re-
perhaps, the Hamathites are named among the puted ancestor of the peoples on the northern high-
descendants of Canaan (Gn 10 IS). The center of a lands of W. Asia, and of the coasts and islands of the
powerful state, its capture by Tiglath-pileser III of Mediterranean, mostly of the Indo-European stock.
Assyria in 738 b.c. was long regarded as a notable See § 9, above. Javan, the fourth 'son' of Ja-
achievement (Is 10 9; II K
18 34, 19 13). Some of pheth (Gn 10 2; I Ch 1 5), and the ancestor of "the
its inhabitants were deported to Samaria after the the nations," that is, the peoples inhabiting
isles of
fall of N. Israel. In Am
6 2 it is called "Hamath the the coast-lands and islands of the Mediterranean
great," in distinction from Hamath on the border Sea (Gn 10 4f.). The word (]J^, yawdn) is identical
of Palestine. See also Aram. Hanoch, the third with Ion (originally lawon), the eponym of the Io-
'son' of Midian (Gn 25 4; I Ch 1 33). Hanakia, nian Hellenes. "The sons of Javan," however, were
three days' journey N. of Medina, may represent the scattered far beyond the limits of the Hellenic race;
tribe and region. Havilah, a region of Arabia see Elishah, above, and Tarshish, Kittim, Roda-
somewhat difficult to locate. According to P (Gn nim, below. Apparently J. has this place in the lists
10 7; I Ch 1 9), H. was a son of Cush and, therefore, of P because of the importance of the lonians in the
of African origin, while in J (Gn 10 29; I Ch 1 23) he is trade and navigation of the Mediterranean, in which
a son of Joktan of the line of Shem. In Gn 2 11 H. is they competed with the Phoenicians, and because of
encompassed by Pishon, one of the four rivers of the their close relations with the Persian Empire in the
country of Eden, which favors a NE. situation. Gn 5th cent, b.c, during which time this portion of Gn
25 isalso places H. on the E. borderof the Ishmaelites. ch. 10 was written. In no Biblical text is it clear
Yet the descendants of Joktan were, as far as we that a distinction is made between the lonians
can locate them, dwellers in SE. and S. Arabia. The proper and the Greek peoples as a whole, though, as
probable explanation of the apparant contradiction it appears from Assyrian inscriptions of Sargon II
is that, like Sheba and Dedan (q.v.), H. was properly and Sennacherib, Ionian pirates and sailors were
not the name of a well-defined territory, but of a busily employed on the Phoenician coast as early as
tribe, or people, whose settlements stretched over a the 8th cent. B.C., before any other Greeks came
wide range of country, both in the N. and in the S, of upon the scene. In Ezk 27 13 J. appears as furnishing
the peninsula. The mention of H. in I S 15 7 is prob- slaves and copper to the markets of Tyre. A similar
ably merely an echo of Gn 25 18. Hazarmaveth, a reciprocal trade is alluded to in Jl 3 6. In Is 66 19,
'son' Joktan (Gn 10 26; I Ch 1 20), the modem
of another late passage, setting forth the subjection of
Hadramaut or Hadramut, an extensive region east of the world to Zion, the citation of names is probably
Jemen in S. Arabia, running parallel to the Indian a gloss. Zee 9 13 predicts the successful insurrection
Ocean. In ancient times when its productiveness of the Jews against the Hellenized empire of the Se-
was maintained by the people and its rulers, it was leucidse in the 2d cent. B.C., and the same general
prosperous and populous, a fact attested by the situation is implied in Dn 8 21, 10 20. In Ezk 27 19
abundant ruins of its former civilization, which have "Javan" is clearly out of place and a false reading.
been explored and described by modem travelers. Jebusite, a 'son' of Canaan (q.v.) (Gn 10 16; I Ch
Its inhabitants are called Chatramitotce by Strabo, 1 14). The Jebusites were the ancient inhabitants
who gives the name Sabata to their capital city. See of Jerusalem and the neighborhood, and are named
Sabtah, below. Heth, the name of the Hittite patro- usually last in the lists of the early peoples inhabit-
nymic, given as a 'son' of Canaan (Gn 10 ISjICh 1 ing Palestine (Gn 15 21, etc.). Jerah, a 'son' of
13) along with Sidon, the Phoenicians, the Jebu- Joktan (Gn 10 26; I Ch 1 20), waa a tribe or district,
sites, and other Canaanite tribes. See Hittites. probably in SE. Arabia, as yet unidentified. Jetur,
Hivite, a collective term for Hivites, named as a a 'son' of Ishmael (Gn 25 15; I Ch 1 31), According
'son' of Canaan (Gn 10 17; I Ch 1 15) along with other to I Ch 5 19 war was waged against J. by Reuben,
tribes inhabiting Palestine. The name occurs also in Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh. His territory,
most of the frequent enumerations of these Canaan- therefore, lay to the E. of Jordan, and it may very
ite communities (Ex 3 8, 17, etc.). A comparison of well have been the same as Itursea (q.v.). Jobab, a
Jos 9 7 with II S 21 2 shows that the Hivites were 'son' of Joktan (Gn 10 29; I Ch 1 23), a tribe, or
Ethnography and 338
Ethnology
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Ludim,
region, of S., or SE., Arabia. Locality unknown. dynasty. See also Ludim, below. Lud,
of the same
Jokshan, a 'son' of Abraham and Keturah, and apparently the singular and plural forms
and their
father of the two Arabian peoples Sheba and Dedan word, generally held to mean the Lydians
(Gn 25 2 f.). Apparently an ancient people of cen- country. See Lydia. While Lud appears in the
tral Arabia, that can not be certainly identified. list of the sons of Shem (Gn 10 22; I
Ch 1 17), the his-
Joktan, one of the two 'sons' of Eber and the father toric Lydians were not of Semitic descent, but
neither were the Elamites in the same list.
The lat-
of thirteen tribes, or peoples, in J's list of the de-
associated with
ter, however, were always closely
'
the boundary districts given in Gn 10 30. Kadmonite, is given among the descendants of
Mizraim, i.e.,
named along with Kenite and Kenizzite in the most Egypt (Gn 10 13; I Ch 1 U) in a list of peoples all
comprehensive Hst left to us of the early inhabitants clearly African. The only solution of the difficulties
of Palestine (Gn 15 19-21), The last two are from thus involved is that we should read "Lubim" in-
the Sinaitic peninsula, and the Kadmonites are nat- stead of "Ludim." The same reading would also be
urally to be grouped with them. All three contrib- an appropriate substitute in Jer 46 9, and it would
uted to the growth of the people of Israel through also be a gain to exchange "Lud" for "Lub" in Is
their settlement in S. Canaan. Kedar, a 'son' of 66 19; Ezk 27 10, and 30 5. Madai, the Heb. word
Ishmael (Gn 25 13; I Ch 1 29). An important no- for the Medes and their country. In Gn 10 2; I Ch 1
madic tribe of the Syro-Arabian desert, probably 5, M. is the third 'son' of Japheth. See Medes and
lying to the E. of Nebaioth and N. of Dedan (q-v.). also § 9, above. Magog, the second son of Japheth
The people of K. were noted for their wealth in (Gn 10 2; I Ch 1 5). In Ezk 38 2 the word appears
flocks and herds (Is 60 7; Ezk 27 21), and are a favor- as the name of a country, and in 39 6 as the name of a
ite type of tent-dwellers (Jer 2 10, 49 28 f.; Song 1 5), people (cf. Rev 20 8). No attempt made to identify
of seminomadic life (Is 42 11), and of the love of war the racial name has been successful. It is quite pos-
which marked the Arabian tribes (Ps 120 5), Ked- sible that the word is a mistake for " Gog" in Gn ch.
emah, a 'son' of Ishmael, i.e., a N. Arabian tribe 10, due to the scribe having intended to write "Gog"
(Gn 25 15; I Ch 1 31). Perhaps equivalent to Kad- and having then written the first syllable of the fol-
monite (q.v.). Kittim (Chittim AV, except in lowing "Madai" at the beginning without erasing it.
Gn and Ch). The third 'son' of Javan (Gn 10 4; I Ch The words "of the land of Magog" in Ezk 38 2 would
1 7). The connection with Javan (the lonians) is then have been a gloss, as the ungrammatical com-
not quite evident, for the name, as generally under- bination with "Gog" in the original Hebrew suggests.
stood, is derived from Kition (Citium), a settlement In Ezk 39 6 the word should be "Gog," as the LXX.
on the SE. end of the island of Cyprus, the modem has it, and as the parallels 38 14, 16, 18, 39 l make
Larnaka, and the first settlers on Cyprus were not probable. See Gog. Mash, the youngest 'son' of
Hellenes at all. The probable explanation is that Aram (Gn 10 23). In the parallel passage I Ch 1 17
when these lists of P were written (5th cent. B.C.) "Meshech" takesits place, but wrongly, since Meshech
Hellenic influence in Cyprus was paramount. In was a son of Japheth. The favorite identification
the 8th cent. B.C. Greek settlers were already begin- with Mons Masius (the mod. Tur *Ahdin) in N.
ning to rival the earlier Phoenicians who had founded Mesopotamia gives perhaps a too remote situation,
Kition and given its name, as equivalent to Cyprus, and it is possible that the people of the "desert of
currency in Palestine. In the 5th cent. B.C. Greek Mash" on the E. side of the Syro-Arabian desert is
kings ruled in the neighboring city of Salamis. Ezk —
meant a region often mentioned in the Assyrian in-
27 6 (6th cent. B.C.) illustrates the importance of the scriptions. Massa, a 'son' of Ishmael (Gn 25 14; I Ch
place as the supposed mother-city of the westward 1 30), and, therefore, a tribe of N. Arabia. Its exact
islands. In Nu 24 24; I Mac 1 1, 8 5 the word is ap- location is unknown, but it appears to be mentioned
plied to the Macedonians and in Dn 11 30 even to in an inscription of one of the later Assyrian kings
the Romans. See also Japheth, Javan, above, and under the Gentile name Mas^a'a, 'the Mas'aites.'
Cyprus. Lehabim (only in Gn 10 13; I Ch 1 11) is These tribesmen were in confiict with the people of
perhaps the same as Lubim and should be read Nebaioth (q.v.), from which we infer that they hved
"Lehubim." Lubim (q.v.) seems to be almost nec- not far from E. Palestine. This supposition would
essary here as associated with Mizraim or Egypt. agree with the fact that in Pr 31 1 mg, we read "the
Letushim, the second 'son' of Dedan (Gn 25 3), and, words of Lemuel, king of Massa. " The sayings given
therefore, an Arabian tribe SE. of Palestine, located in Pr chs. 30, 31 (cf. RVmg.) are part of the wisdom
by some (doubtfully) in the district of Sinai. See of the border-land of the Hebrews. The supposed
Dedan, above. Leummim, a son of Dedan (Gn reference to Massa in Pr 30 1 is perhaps a gloss.
25 3), that is, a tribe in N. Arabia, not yet identified. Medan is mentioned among the sons of Abraham
Lubim (so correctly transliterated in Nah 3 9; II and Keturah (Gn 25 2; I Ch 1 32). There can be
Ch 12 3, 16 8, but changed to "Libyans" in EV in little doubt, however, that the word is here merely a
Dn 11 43). The Libyans were an Oriental people of doublet for '*Midian," which immediately follows,
Hamitic stock living to the W. of Egypt, to which just as in Gn 37 36 "Midianites" has been replaced
country they long furnished mercenary soldiers. by "Medanites" (cf. RVmg.). Hence the existence
They at length subdued Egypt itself and, under the of Medan is more than questionable. Meshech, a
Bibhcal Shisbak (I K 14 25), founded an important 'son' of Japheth, named along with Tubal (Gn 10
2).
Ethnography and
339 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Ethnology
It occurs only in conjunction with Tubal, except in tan tribes. uncertain, though the
Identification
Ps 120 5 (where Kedar is joined with it as a type modem Dh^far on the S. coast of Arabia has much to
of warlike barbarians). The same combination is commend it. Sheba, a 'son' of the Cushite Raa-
found even /in Is 66 19, where we should read ''Me- mah (Gn 10 7; I Ch 1 9), but in Gn 10 28, 1 Ch 1 22 of
shech" instead of "that draw," and omit "the bow" Joktan, of the line of Shem, while in Gn 25 3, I Ch
as being a gloss to the supposed reading. In As- 1 32, he is a 'son' of Joktan, 'son' of Keturah. These
syrian inscriptions we find in like fashion the TabaU variant traditions represent various ways of account-
( = Tubal) and MushM ( =Meshech) mentioned ing for the same people (or possibly different sections
together. They were determined opponents of of it), the inhabitants of the Sheba in SW. Arabia so
Assyria in the 12th cent. B.C. The former lay to frequently mentioned in the O T (I K
10 1-13; Job 6
the NE. of Cilicia, the latter between them and the 19; Ps 72 10; Is 60 6; Jer 6 20; Ezk 27 22 f., 38 13, etc.)
upper Euphrates. The same two peoples are repre- and famous for its wealth and commerce. See Dedan,
sented by the Tihareni and Moschi of the classical above, and Sheba, Queen op. Shelah, Salah AV, a
writers. In Ezk 27 13 they are mentioned as traders 'son' of Arpachshad (Gn 10 24, 11 12 f.; I Ch 1 18).
in slaves and bronze articles. For "Meshech" in I Unidentified. The LXX. makes S. a son of Cainan,
Ch Mash. Mibsam, a 'son' of Ishmael (Gn
1 17 see son of Arpachshad. Sheleph, a 'son' of Joktan
25 13; I Ch 1 29), not otherwise known. Raamah (Gn 10 26; I Ch 1 20). Probably a S. Arabian tribe,
is named by P (Gn 10 7; I Ch 1 9) as a 'son' of Cush as the place-name Salf is common in that region.
and 'father' of Sheba (but cf. ver. 28) and Dedan. He Shuah, a 'son' of Abraham by Keturah (Gn 25 2 I Ch ;
is also associated with Sheba as a trading people in 1 32). An Arabian tribe, or region, to which Bildad
Ezk 27 22. A suitable identification has been found the "Shuhite," Job's friend (Job 2 li, 8 i, etc.), be-
with the RammanitcB of Ptolemy, a tribe living NW. longed. Perhaps "the land of Suhu," of the Assyr-
of Hadramaut (see Hazarmaveth) and therefore ian inscriptions, a region on the Euphrates near its
E. of Sheba. A
combination with the Regma of junction with the Belik, is meant. Sidon, reckoned
Ptolemy on the Persian Gulf has also been proposed, genealogically as the "first-bom" of Canaan (Gn 10
but the locaKty is not so suitable. J. F. McC. 15; I Ch 1 13). It stands here for Phoenicia, as the
oldest city of Phoenicia, See Phcenicia and Sidon.
(Gn 10 28; Ebal in I Ch 1
Obal, a 'son' of Joktan Sinite, a 'son' of Canaan (Gn 10 17; I Ch 1 15).
been a center of trade from India and elsewhere, has of the iEgean Sea, mentioned in Egyptian inscrip-
much to commend it. Pathrusim, descendants tions of the 13th cent. B.C. Togarmah, a 'son'
of Mizraim (Gn 10 1 12).
14; I The people of
Ch of Gomer (Gn 10 3; I Ch 1 6), located (Ezk 38 6) in
Pathros are mentioned in Is 11 11; Jer 44 1, etc. the extreme N., and spoken of in Ezk 27 14 as a place
Pathros was a designation of Upper Egypt. Peleg, whence horses and mules were procured by Tyrian
one of the 'sons' of Eber (Gn 10 25, 11 16-19; I Ch 1 merchants. Probably the same as the Assyrian
19, 25). Probably an ancient place-name, but uni- Tilgarimmu, N. of the Taurus Mts. and near the river
dentified. Tradition assigned the 'division' of the Halys. Tubal (Gn 10 2). See Meshech, above.
earth to his days, probably a fanciful etymological Uzal, a 'son' of Joktan (Gn 10 27; I Ch 1 2l). Prob-
deduction from his name (palag = 'to divide'). Put, ably a S. Arabian district. Its commerce was famed,
a 'son' of Ham (Gn 10 6; I Ch 1 8). Frequently as its exports of steel and spices are mentioned in Ezk
mentioned as a source of supply for soldiers, espe- 27 19 RVmg. (the correct reading). It is perhaps to
cially for the armies of Egypt (Jer 46 9; Nah 3 9; Ezk be identified with San'd, the capital of Yemen,
30 5; cf. also Ezk 27 10, 38 5), always with Lud, or the whose old name was Azal, according to Arabian tra-
Lubim, or Cush. Probably the land of Punt, the dition. Zemarite, a 'son' of Canaan (Gn 10 18;
region along both sides of the Red Sea, frequently I Ch 1 16). The people of Simirra (of the Assyrian
mentioned in Egyptian inscriptions. Riphath, a inscriptions), the same as the Sumur of the Amama
'son' of Gomer (Gn 10 3; in I Ch 1 6 Diphath). Oth- a place S. of Arka, between it and Gebal.
letters,
erwise unknown. Sabtah, a 'son' of Cush (Gn 10 7; Zimran, a 'son' of Abraham by Keturah (Gn 25 2;
I Ch 1 9). Perhaps the same as Sabotah, the capital I Ch 1 32) and therefore a tribe, or district, of Arabia,
of Hadramaut (cf. Hazarmaveth, above). Sabtecah, Perhaps the region of Zahram, an Arabian city W. of
a 'son' of Cush (Gn 10 7; I Ch 1 9). Not identified, Mecca, on the Red Sea. E. E. N.
perhaps a variant for Sabtah. Seba, a 'son' of Literature (on §§ 1-10): Knobel, Die V Mkertaf el der Gene-
Cush (Gn 10 7; I Ch 1 9). Some part of Arabia is sis (1850); Chwolson, Die Semitischen Vdlker (1872); De-
litzsch, Wo lag das Paradiesf (1881); Hommel, Die Semit.
probably meant, or an Arabian people on the W.
Vdlker und Sprachen (1883); Sayce, The Uaces of the Old
coast of the Red Sea. S. is mentioned also in Ps 72 Testament (1891); the Commentaries on Gn, eapecially
10; Is 43 3. Sephar, a place in Arabia mentioned in those of Dillmann, Delitzsch, Holzinger, Ball, and Gunkel;
Gn 10 30, as showing the general location of the Jok- Glaser, Skizze der Geschichte und Geographic Ara^iens
Eubulus 340
Exodus
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
(1890); Barton, A
Sketch of Semitic Origins (1902); the EURAQUILO, yn-Tofcwi-lo (BvpaKv\(ov, from Or.
articles of the Old Testament by M. Jastrow,
on Races ^dpos, 'east wind,' and Lat. Aguilo, 'northeast
and on Semites by J. F. McCurdy in HDB, Extra Volume that beat
(1904), and on Geography by Francis Brown in EB, Vol.
wind'): The popular name of the wind
II (1901). down upon the ship on which Paul was making his
EUBULUS, yu-biu'luB (Ei?/3ouXoff) : A Roman voyage to Rome (Ac 27 13 f.). It showed itself in
a sudden change from the mild south
wind under
Christian from whom greetings are sent in II Ti 4 21.
Nothing further is known of him. J. M. T. which the ship had been sailing, taking the form of
a typhonic squall {avefios ru^mi/tKo?, ver. 14) from
EUCHARIST. See Lord's Supper. the mountainous heights of the island, the precursor
EUNICE, yu'nis (EvviKr}): The mother of Tim- of a long-continued NE. gale. The AV Euroclydon
(Cod. is one of the many variants
BO which arose
othy (II Ti 1 5). According to Ac 16 1 she was a Jew-
from the fact that the name was not in common use
ess, whose home was in Derbe or Lystra, and who had
and thus lent itself easily to corruption. M. W. J.
probably been converted to Christianity as a result
of Paul's first missionary journey. J. M. T. EUTYCHUS, yu'ti-ctrs (Euruxoff) lad in Troas, : A
EUNUCH (O^lp, saris, cvvovxos):emascu- An otherwise unknown, the name, however, not being
lated person. Such were commonly employed in Ori- uncommon. While asleep, seated in a window of the
ental courts as a measure of safety against possible room where Paul was preaching at ?ome length, he
fell from the third story and was taken up for dead.
intrigues with inmates of harems. There is no clear
evidence, however, that such persons were used by
Paul stretching himself upon him declared "his life
is in him" (Ac 20 7-12). R. A. F.
the kings of Israel. The term sdris seems to have a
double derivation and significance ("officer," Gn 37 EVANGELIST. See Church, § 6.
36). Pharaoh's eunuch was married (39 l). One of
the meanings of the word is associated with the As- EVE ("jn, havmah): Adam's wife (Gn3 20, 4l;
syrian sarit Rab-saris, II
(cf. K
18 17). But if there II Co 11 3; I Similar word-formations are
Ti 2 13).
EVIL ONE, THE. See Satan. II P2 14) ; (3) of ^anah (III*), 'to toil' or 'work hard'
EVIL SPIRIT. See Demon, Demonology. (Ec 1 13, 3 10); (4) of gazal, 'to rob' (Ezk 22 29); (5)
of halakk, 'to walk'; (6) of 'asah and iroLeiv, 'to do' or
EVIL THING: The term is used (1) of material 'make' (Jer 9 24; Rev 13 12); (7) of do-KeXp, i.e., 'to
conditions, involving destitution and suffering; as in
train' or 'discipline' [oneself] (Acts 24 16).
the case of Lazarus (Lk 16 25). (2) Of utterances, as
expressions of evil thoughts and passions (ra', Pr EXILE. ^' ^' ^'
See Israel, § 7.
1528; 7rovr}p6s, Mt 12 35; Mk 7 23, also <t>av\os, Tit
2 8). (3) Of moral purposes and aims (Ro 1 30; I Co
10 6). A. C. Z. EXODUS
EWE. See Sacrifice and Offerings, §8. Analysis of Contents
EXACTOR (Is 60 17; Dn 11 20, but "raiser of
Name
taxes" AV) The more usual meaning of the Hebrew
1. 6. Differencea Between E and
:
2. Contents J
word thus rendered is 'oppressor' or 'tyrant.' In 3. Complex Character of the 7. Changes in the Order of
the passages referred to above the context indicates Narrative Events
4. The Narrative of P 8. Comparison of J and E
the especial form of oppression practised. A. C. Z. The Narratives of J and E
5. with P
9. The Importance of Exodus
EXALT: In this term the general idea of raising
or being raised above the ordinary level predomi- Exodus, the second book of the Bible, was so
nates —
(1) Metaphorically, "to exalt the gate" (Pr named by the Alexandrian Jews, because the first
17 19 gdbhdh) is to claim superiority, or arrogate to
part narrates the exodus (e^oBos, 'going
oneself prerogatives above the ordinary (also ndsd'
I. Name, out') of Israel from Egypt. In the
Hos 13 1). This sense is most frequently foimd in Hebrew Bible the book is called
the reflexive (Ob ver. 4; Ezk 31 14). (2) To esteem m?0^ nbxi. w'eleh shnnoth ("now these are the
highly {rum), especially in the phrase "exalt J"" names"), or simply m?it2?, shindth ("names"), from
(Ex 15 2; Ps 99 5,f). (3) To raise morally or socially its opening words.
(I K 16 2; Ps 89 19; also sagabh, Job 36 22). In the
Exodus is but a part of the larger history known
N T all these shades of meaning are included in as the Hexateuch (q.v.). It begins with the story
the comprehensive v-^ovv (Mt 11 23, 23 12; Ac 2 33). of the oppression of Israel in Egypt and
A. C. Z. 2, Con- ends with the account of the setting up
EXAMINE, EXAMINATION. See Law and tents. of the Tabernacle at Sinai. A brief
Legal Practise, § 4. outline may be given as follows
EXCEL, EXCELLENT, EXCELLENCY: The I. The deliverance of Israel from Egypt through Moses, chs.
original Hebrew and Greek terms translated by 1-18.
1. The changed status of Israel in Egypt (ch. 1).
these words represent the following general ideas:
(1) The great increase of the Israelites (1^"0«
(1) Of elevation, exaltation, in Ex 15 7; Dt 33 26, 29;
(2) The measures taken by the king of Egypt
Job 13 11, 20 6, 37 4, 40 10; Ps 47 4, 62 4, 68 34, 148 13; to oppress and diminish them (1^-22).
Pr 8 6, 31 29; Is 4 2, 12 5, 13 19, 60 15; Ezk 24 21; 2. Moses commissioned to be the leader of Israel
tuary (chs. 35-39). 14Sf., lOa, 11-14, 10b, 20b, 21b, 1410b, 15a, ir.a, 19a. 20a, 24b, 27o,
(12) The Sanctuary completed and set up on the first 24a, 25, 27b, 28b, 30 The 31. The passage of the Red
day of the second year (ch. 40). passage of the Red Sea. Sea. (The angel of God
(The sea driven back by overthrows the Egyp-
In P's narrative special emphasis is laid (a) on wind. Cf. the account in tians.)
the name Jehovah, as unknown to the patriarchs P.)
1522-25a. 27 Marah and Elim. 151-21 The Song of Triumph.
(6 2 f.) (b) on Aaron, as playing an important part
;
1525b-2o^ 164 [and other
in the transactions of the Exodus; (c) on the cultus-
verses?] Fragments of E's
significance of the Passover, unleavened bread and manna story.
firstlings, and of the manna; (d) on the Tabernacle, 172-7Water at Massah (cf. I72-?Water at Meribah (cf.
quite closely in Exodus and in many places a sure sistant judges (cf. Dt 1^-
18).
analysis is very difficult, if not impos- 193-9 (JE) "-"a. 20-2U The 193-9 (JE) 10-11. "b-19 The
5, The sible. The following table presents re- great theophany on Mt. great theophany. M.
Narratives suits that are in part only tentative. Sinai. J" speaks. M. leads the people out to
of J and E.
alone near J". meet God, God speaks.
[Possibly a version o£ the 201-17The Ten Command-
Decalogue stood here in ments spoken by God.
E.
J.]
1^ Death of Joseph. liB-20a, 21 Command to the [Also the Covenant terms The people are afraid
2018-21
midwives to slay the male now found in 3410-28 may and ask M. to go and
children. have stood here originally receive the rest of God's
18-12 Oppression of Israel. in J's account.] message.
2n-u Moses kills an Egyp- 2^-10 Moses, his birth and 2022-28 Principles of worship.
tian.
215-22
preservation. 21i-23» A code of "judg-
M. flees to Midian and ments.'*
marries the daughter of a 2310-19 Principles of worship.
priest-chieftain 2320-33 Promises and warn-
223a The death of the king ings.
of Egypt. 1924-26, 201-2. B.12
Ratificar 240-11 Ratification of the
3^-3 Theophany at the bush 31-3 Theophany at the bush Covenant by
tions of the Covenant by the people at
(also in E). (also in J). M. and A. and elders of a sacrifice.
34a, 6. 7-9a. 16.18 Jekovah 34b. 6. 9b.i5. 19-22
God com- Israel.
commissions M. to deliver missions M. and reveals 2512-14, 18b,j{^ gQga up again
Israel. Himself as Jehovah. to the Mount to receive
,41-16 xhe objections of M. 4i7f, M. giyen
a rod. Says the tables. Stays 40 days
are overcom,e. Aaron farewell to Jethro. and nights.
appointed his spokesman. 327-" J" tells M. that the 3118 M_ receives the tables.
4i9-20a M. commanded to re- 420b-23 M takes the rod of people have apostatized
turn to Egypt. God and returns to Egypt. (.mutinied in J originally?)
424-26 j^n incident on the and declares that He will 321-6 The people make a
way. destroy them. M. inter- calf and worship it.
427f- A. meets M.
cedes.
243 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Exodus
and wonders are wrought by J" either immediately the Sabbath in connection with the
or by the use of nature forces (such as the wind). manna, and, above all, upon the Tabernacle, as the
In E Moses' rod plays an important part in these main thing revealed to Moses at Sinai. In both
matters (cf. P). (5) In J, at the great theophany J and E there is a* recognition of the cultus elements
on Mount Sinai, Moses alone draws near to J" to hear of Israel's ancient rehgion, but all is of a more simple,
His words and later the Covenant is ratified on the undeveloped character. It is also Ukely that in the
Mount by a few chosen individuals representing the original form of J or E more was said about the
people. In E both Moses and the people draw near Ark, the Sanctuary, and the Levitical priesthood
the Moimt to meet God and only later is Moses than now appears. The final editor preferred P's
asked by the people (who are afraid) to go and re- account of these things and left only mere frag-
ceive the message alone. The Covenant in E is ments of the older accounts. But in both J and E
ratified by the people as a whole after its terms were the emphasis was placed on the spiritual and moral
written in a book. (6) In J the apostasy is more aspects of the Covenant rather than on the merely
like a mutiny, to be put down in blood, and the loyal formal.
Levites the priesthood as their reward.
receive The history contained in Exodus is of the highest
Moses is forewarned of the trouble before he de- importance. In J and E we have the oldest and
scends, and acts at once as soon as he reaches the gate fullest accounts of the Mosaic con-
of the camp. In E the trouble is idolatry and Moses 9, The stitution we possess. theseThough
is ignorant of it until he draws near the camp. (7) Impor- differ in details, they
are funda-
In J the promise of an angel to guide them does not tance of mentally at one in representing this
satisfy Moses, who wants the presence of J" Him- Exodus, as due to a great spiritual awaken-
self. In E the angel is considered the same as J" ing in the soul of one man, who had a
Himself. vision of God and who was enabled to translate
The editor who combined J with E, or some later that vision into terms of actual life; who gave the
editor, often thought it necessary to alter the order tribes of Israel a principle of unity of unique and
of the original documents, so that the far-reaching significance; who brought about the
7. Chan- combined narrative might read satisf ac- existence of a religion of moral and spiritual im-
ges in the torily. Minor instances of this are 4 19, port and tendency among men. It is in the basis
Order of which seems out of place; 4 22 f., which of fact in the Exodus narrative that we find the
Events. seems to belong with 10 26-11 8; 17 2-7, explanation of Israel and of Israel's subsequent
which, in part, may have been trans- history. Criticism, by analyzing this narrative into
ferred 11 4 ff.; 18 l-ll, which, in part, may
from Nu its component parts, has only enabled us to get
have belonged to an account of a visit of Hobab, closer to the facts, firmly recorded in Israel's na-
Exorcism, Exorcist
Ezra and Nehemiah
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 244
tional traditions, which lay at the basis of the refer to his age, the year of his birth was 627 B.C.
account. But this is by no means
fixed. He was married, and
Literature: Dillmann, Exodus und Leviticus, 2, Auflage his wife died at the beginning of the year 587 B.C.
(1880) Bacon, Triple Tradition of the Exodus (1894)
:
It has been conjectured upo^ the basis of certain
Carpenter-Harford, The Comp. of the Hex. (1902) Moore ;
affinities of thought that Ezekiel was at one time a
in EB, II; Driver, LOT. E. E. N.
pupil of Jeremiah's. In the circumstances this is
EXODUS, THE. See Israel, § 3. highly probable.
EXORCISM, EXORCIST. See Magic and The familiar portion of Ezekiel's life begins with
Divination, his call to the prophetic work, which took place in
§ 9.
the 5th year of King Jehoiachin's cap-
EXPIATE, EXPIATION. See Sacrifice and 2. Pro- tivity, 592 b.c. (1 2). At this time
Offerings, § 16.
phetic Ezekiel was living in one of the Jewish
EXTORTION, EXTORTIONER. See Crimes Ministry, colonies of exiles established at Tel-
and Punishments, § 2 (a). Abib (probably the TU-ahub, 'hill of
EXTREME BURNING. See Disease and deluge,' of Assyrian inscriptions), on a canal in
Medicine, § 5 (3).
Babylon called the Chebar (the Nar-kabari, of Baby-
lonian tablets, probably the present Shatten-Nil)
EYE: The eye is regarded in the Bible from the
Peters, Nippur II, pp. 106-192). Here he had a
point of view of its importance as the chief organ of
house (8 1, 24 l, 18) and was apparently held in high
perception. It is of priceless value (Ps 17 8); but
esteem by his fellow Israelites. Their elders were
it is the avenue through which allurements reach the
accustomed to visit him for purposes of consultation
soul and sensation is born (Ezk 6 9; I Jn 2 16; II P
(14 1, 20 1). He frequently uttered public prophetic
2 14). Hence, too, it often denotes the whole man.
discourses which were fistened to by large and ea-
It is the eye that spares or withholds pity (Is 13 18;
ger crowds (33 30-32). The Babylonian authorities
Ezk 16 5); mocks (Pr 30 17); is satisfied or not (Pr
were evidently not very rigid in their treatment of
27 20). It is the light of the body (Mt 6 22). The
the exiles; for both prophet and people enjoyed a
expression "evil eye" is used in a superstitious sense
reasonable measure of freedom. How long the
in the modern Orient; but it is questionable whether
ministry of Ezekiel lasted is not known. It could
it is so to be taken in Pr 23 6 or Mt 20 15. A. Z. C not, however, have been less than 22 years. The
EYEPAINT: It was, and still is, the custom of latest date he mentions is the 27th year of the cap-
Oriental women to stain their eyebrows and eye- tivity of Jehoiachin, 570 B.C. (29 17). A late un-
lashes with a dark paint {pUkh, II 9 30; Jer 4 30; K verifiable tradition has it that he was put to death
kdhal, Ezk 23 40) usually composed of oil mixed with by a Jewish prince whom he reproved for idolatry.
powder of antimony, which was thought to add to The Book of Ezekiel is from the literary and crit-
their luster and beauty, especially by making them ical view-point in a fair state of preservation. The
appear larger. The ointment was kept in small text is, indeed, full of corruptions; but
horn-like vases "Keren-happuch," 'horn of eye-
(cf. 3. The its general smoothness and intelligi-
paint/ the name of one of Job's daughters, Job Book in bifity arenot seriously impaired, except
42 14). E. E. N. General, in a few and unimportant places. The
prophet's dominant idea is that the
EYESALVE. See Disease and Medicine, hope of Israel for the future rests with the exiles.
§ 7 (3).
The religious life of Jerusalem after the deportation
EZBAI, ez'bai C^STX, 'ezbay): Father of Naari under Jehoiachin seems to have been reduced to a
(IChll37;cf. IIS23 35). E. E. N. very low state. From this Ezekiel looked for a
restoration, first through a speedy return of the cap-
EZBON, ez'ben (I'^V?!^, 'etshon): 1. A "son" of tives, and afterward through a reorganization of
Gad, ancestor of a Gadite family (Gn 46 16) called Israel upon an ideal basis (chs. 40-48). The book
Ozni (and the family Oznites) in Nu 26 16. 2. The may be divided into four parts.
head of a family of the clan of Bela in Benjamin I. Prophecies defivered before the siege of Jeru-
(I Ch 7 7). E. E. N. salem in 587 B.C. (chs. 1-24). The portraiture of
EZEKIAS, ez"e-kai'as. See Hezekiah. the inaugural vision which the whole
4. Proph- book opens is more than usually elab-
EZEKIEL, e-zi'ki-el (^N|?.^^^ y^hezqe'l), 'God ecies orate and also highly symbolical (1 4-28,
strengthens': Ezekiel, the son of Buzi, is known Against repeated in 3 23, 8 4, 10 20). Upon the
through his prophetical writings as one of the lead- Judah. whole, it gives the impression of an
ing Israelites of the early exiUc period. apocalyptic rather than an ecstatic
I. Life Though there is considerable obscurity experience. Its symbolism is designed to present
Before Pro- as to his birth and early Hfe, the follow- God in all His power. The flashing fires evidently
phetic Call, ing facts are beyond question: He was stand for the forces of nature, while the rainbow
of priestly descent, for he calls himself represents the hope of help, and the living creatures,
"the priest." He belonged to the priestly family of various forms of Ufe, all of which are God's creatures
Zadok, serving at Jerusalem, for he limits the priest- and ministers. The wings and wheels signify om-
hood to the sons of Zadok (40 46, 43 19). He was nipresence and the many eyes omniscience. The
bom during the reign of Josiah, but the exact year is blaze of Ught in which the whole is framed is the
left in doubt. If the words, "in the 30th year," glory of God. Like the visions of Moses and Isaiah,
with which he introduces the record of his work (1 1) this, too, is intended to assure the prophet that his
Exorcism, Exorcist
245 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Ezra and Nehemiah
ministry is to have the approval and support of though it lacks the spontaneity of the earUer proph-
Jehovah. The elaborateness of the vision furnished ets,and is more Uke the style of the hterary man
the rabbinical interpreters a favorite subject for than that of the fervent orator, and
speculation, and was put on a par with the story of 8. Style, neither the coldness of the
yet there is
the Creation, both serving as bases for cabalistic and mere thinker's method
of expression
theosophical mythologizing (Zunz, Die Gottes- nor the prosaic formality of the professional writer,
Dienstl. Vortr. d. Juden, p. 162). The remainder but rather the fervor and poetic glow of an aggres-
of this portion of the book foreshadows impending sive, earnest soul.
ruin over Judah and Jerusalem, and justifies this by
Literature : C. H. Toy, Ezekiel in Polychrome Bible,
the exposure of the idolatry and sin of the people 1899; Driver, LOT
(1899, ch. 5, pp. 278-298); Skin-
(2-24). Whence Ezekiel derived the concrete im-. ner, Ezekiel, in Expositor's Bible, 1895).
agery of his visions is a secondary question, and A. C. Z.
yet it is not difficult to see that both in the Cherubim EZEL, i'zel (brxn, ha'azel): The name of a
of the Temple and in the winged bulls of Babylonia
stone according to the ordinary text in I S 20 19.
he had the materials for the construction of even
The name is unintelligible- The LXX. reads here
such a symbolical structure as the chariot of ch. 1.
and in ver. 41 'this Ergab,' and as Ergab (or Argob)
II. Chs. 25-32. As the prediction of disasters to
may mean 'cairn' or 'heap of earth,' this reading is
God's people might be construed as a vindication of
accepted by many scholars, though not entirely free
the heathen, these are next shown to
from diflaculty. E. E. N.
5. Prophe- be under condemnation for their trans-
cies Against gression. Taken in their order, the EZEM, I'zem (D^^, 'etsem, Azem AV): A
Heathen prophecies against foreign nations are town in Simeon (Jos 19 3; I Ch4 assigned to
29),
Nations, those against: (1) Ammon (25 1-7); (2) Judah in Jos 15 29. Site imknown. E. E. N.
Moab (25 8-11); (3) Edom (25 12-14);
(4) the Philistines (25 15-17) ; (5) Tyre (26 1-28 19) ; (6) EZER, I'zgr (I'^X, 'etser) : A son of Seir (Gn
Sidon (28 20-2G); and (7) Egypt (29-32). The proph- 36 21 ff.; I Ch 1 38 ff., Ezar AV). E. E. N.
ecy against Egypt includes six separate discourses
and a fimeral dirge, making the sacred number 7. EZER, i'zgr ("Ijy, 'ezer), 'help': 1. AnEphraim-
III. Prophecies of restoration (chs. 33 - 39). ite (I Ch 7 21). 2. A Judahite, the father of Hushah
Here the prophet rises out of the contemplation of (I Ch 4 4). 3. A
Gadite warrior who joined David
distress and ruin to a vision of a glorious at Ziklag (I Ch 12 9). 4, A
son of Jeshua, and one of
6. Proph- future. But he first vindicates and those who repaired the wall of Jeinisalem (Neh 3 19).
ecies of characterizes the office of the prophet 6. A
musician who assisted at the ceremony of dedi-
Restoration, so clearly brought into view in the ful- cating the wall of Jerusalem (Neh 12 42).
filment of the foreshadowing of doom E. E. N.
for Jerusalem (33). He then points to the devasta-
tion of the flock of Israel because of false shepherds,
EZION-GEBER, i"zi-on-gi'ber l^y^, 'etsyon ("ip5
and predicts the coming of the good shepherd whom gebher, E.-gaber AV): A station of the wilder-
he calls David (cf. 34). He foretells doom for Edom ness journey mentioned before Kadesh (Nu 33
35 f.), but reached after Kadesh (Dt 2 8). It was
(35) and blessing and renewal for Israel, both
plainly (36) and under the figure of the Valley of in the Arabah, near Elath (Eloth), the port of Edom,
Dry Bones restored to a Uving army (37) and closes at the head of the Gulf of Akabah, where Solomon
with a symbolical denunciation of the enemies of and Jehoshaphat built ships for the gold trade with
God under the names of Gog and Magog (38-39). Ophir (I K
9 26, 22 48; II Ch 8 17, 20 30). The modern
IV. Vision of the ideally restored Israel (chs. 'Ain el-Ghudyan. C- S. T.
40-48). This opens with an ideal temple (40-43),
EZNITE, ez'noit. See Adino.
which is followed by the vision of an
7, Vision ideal priesthood and sacrifice (44-46), EZRA, ez'ra (N^??, 'ezra'), 'help': 1. See Ezra
of Ideal and an ideal legislation for the land (47, AND Nehemiah. 2. Ezrah RV. See Ezrah. 3.
Israel, 48). To this, however, is prefixed a The head of a priestly house returning from the Exile
vision of the river of life (48 1-12). In with Zerubbabel (Neh 12 1), supposed to be iden-
this section Ezekiel puts what the.event proved to be tical with Azariah (Neh 10 2). 4. A priest, contempo-
his most important contribution to the growth of Is- rary with Nehemiah (Neh 12 33). A. Z. C
rael's thought, and that in a twofold way, i.e., first by
propounding the doctrine of the separateness of the
civil from the ecclesiastical power or, at any rate,
EZRA AND NEHEMIAH
the independence of the latter, and second by giving Analysis op Contents
to his ritual code distinctive features, which place it
1 Period and Events Covered 4. Author and Historical
between Deuteronomy and the Holiness Code (Lv by the Books Value
chs. 17-26). He has, accordingly, been conceded an 2. The Sources of Ezra 5. Personality and Work of
epoch-making place in the history of the rehgion of 3. The Composition of the Ezra and Nehemiah
Book of Nehemiah 6. Importance of Ezra and
Israel. (He is called "the father of Judaism.") Nehemiah
The style of Ezekiel is marked by love of elabora-
tion. He makes frequent use of vivid imagery, and The books of Ezra and Nehemiah occupy the last
is fond of pursuing a thought to its detailed applica- place in that portion of the Hebrew O T which re-
tion. His diction, however, is never obscure, al- cords the continuous history of Israel. The period
Ezra and Nehemiah A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 346
covered in them extends from the beginning of the found the book of the genealogy of them that
return from the Babylonian captivity (536 B.C.) to came up at the first and I found written therein
the second visit of Nehemiah to Pales- (7 5b), Nehemiah incorporates the list
I. Period tine (432 B.C.). The chief events 3. The of the first returning exiles (7 6-73a),
and Events in this period are: The building Composi- which is found also in Ezr 2. (3) Chs.
Covered of the Temple in the 2d -6th years tion of 8-10, however, are from another hand;
by the of Darius Hystaspis (520-516; cf. Ezr the Book for(a) Nehemiah is here spoken of
Books, 6 15); the return of Ezra (458; cf. of Nehe- in the third person (8 9,10 1) (b) while
;
7 1-10 44); the completion of the walls miah. in his memoirs Nehemiah has the
of Jerusalem after Nehemiah 's first return (445; title Pehah, i.e., 'circuit superinten-
cf. Neh 1 l~7 73a); the recognition of the Law as dent' (5 14 f., 18), in 8 9 and 10 l he is called Tir-
the constitution of the post-exilic theocracy (c. shatha\ i.e., ' deputy'; (c) Nehemiah uses the Divine
444; cf. 7 73b-10 40); the consecration of the walls name "Jehovah" for God only in 1 5, and "Lord"
of Jerusalem (11 1-13 3); the prohibition of mixed only in 1 11 and 4 14, though for the most part he
marriages; the expulsion of a son of the high priest uses "God" and especially "God of Heaven." But
and the resultant organization of the Samaritan in 8 1, 6, 8, 10, 14, 9 3-5 onward the three designations
community (432 B.C.; cf. 13 4-31). "Jehovah," "Lord," and "God" are indiscrimi-
(1) The first document that the author has turned nately employed. (4) Ch. 11 presents a Ust of
to account is eh. 2, containing the list of those who Jerusalemites which Nehemiah himself might have
returned from Babylon in 536 B.C. incorporated in his memoirs. (5 ) The passage
2. The That this is a source appears from its 12 1-26, as shown by the mention of the high priest
Sources form, as well as from the fact that the Jaddua, belongs to the time of Alexander the Great;
'
of Ezra, same list is found in Neh 7 6-73a. (2) since it was then that 'labbovs ofl&ciated as high priest
Next come a couplet of documents in (cf. Jos. Ant. XI, 8 7). (6) In the passage 12 27-43
the passage 4 7-23, viz., a letter of the Samaritans and we have another portion of the "Memoirs," while
other enemies of Judah to Artaxerxes, and the an- in vs. 44-47 the expression "in the days of Nehe-
swer of the king. These letters, composed in Ara- miah" points to another source. Finally, (7) the pas-
maic, which was widely used at the time, originally sage 13 1-31 probably belongs even from ver. 1 on,
referred to the building of the wall; they speak only instead of from ver. 4 on, to the "Memoirs" (cf.
of the fortifications of Jerusalem (12 f., 16, 21, 23), Driver, LOT, p. 551).
and are concerned with Artachshasta, who can be (1) There are indications that the sources dis-
identified only with Artaxerxes I, Longimanus closed by the critical analysis of the two books have
(465-424), mentioned about 15 times in these books. been worked over by more than one
(3) Documents which originally related to the build- 4. Au- hand, (a) Inamediately after each of
ing of the Temple are preserved in the Aramaic sec- thor and the two identical lists, Ezr ch. 2 and
tion (4 24-6 18). These,with the exception of 6 I4b, had Historical Neh 76-73a, we find the statement "and
been earlier worked over into a primitive history of Value, when the seventh month was come,"
the building of the Temple; for the narrative frame- etc., which can scarcely be attributed
work which surrounds them in the above section to the separate editors of the lists as they now stand,
makes use of the same simple expression "the king" (b) The manner of designating the Persian king
in designating the Persian monarch (5 6, 6 1, 13) as above referred to, § 2 (3). (2) The main question,
is used in the letter (5 5 f., 13 f., 17, 6 3 f., 8, 10). however, is whether both the books of Ezra and
(4)
Similarly the Persian monarch is called "the king" Nehemiah as they now stand have one final author,
in the Aramaic letter, 7 12-26 (vs. 14 f., 20 f., 26). and whether he is identical with the Chronicler, (a)
(5)
The same pecuUarity is met with in the Hebrew sec- If we investigate the passages which must have ori-
tion, 7 27-9 15 (7 27 f., 8 1, 22, 25, 36), which rightly ginated in the editing of the books, viz., Ezr chs. 1, 3,
passes among modern scholars under the name of 4 1-5,
7, 24, 6 14b, 7 1-11, 10; Neh chs. 8-10, 12 1-26, 44-47,
"The Memoirs of Ezra," because Ezra speaks in it in it iscertain that the final editing of our books was
the first person. (6) To these "Memoirs," however, done in the days of the Chronicler; for in distinc-
cannot be assigned 7 1-11 and ch. 10, since in these tion from the simple designation "the Icing" see —
passages Ezra is spoken of in the third person. Keil
has indeed said {EM., p. 478) that Ezra must needs
—
above, § 2 (3 ) there is used the expression " the king
of Persia" (Ezr 1 1 f., 8, 4 3, 5, 7, 24, 6 14b, 7 1). At
introduce himself in the third person (7 1-11); but all events, the mention of Jaddua (Neh 12 11, 22)
even if this be admitted, he could not have given his points to the time of Alexander the Great (Jos. Ant
genealogy so defectively as to make himself the son XI, 8 7); for Jaddua must have been high priest
of Seraiah, who was chief priest at the time of the before one could speak of "his days." Nehemiah,
capture of Jerusalem (II K 25 18). Further, the however, could not have survived to a time when
description "ready scribe" (7 6) would be too petty such an expression could be used (contrary to Keil,
a self-characterization to be used by a great man. Einl,, § 149), while, on the other hand, in 12 26 the
(1) The passage 1 1-7 5 consists of "Memoirs of "days of Nehemiah" are considered as belonging to
Nehemiah"; since in this section the narrative of the remote past, (b) A double editorship is demon-
Nehemiah's deeds is in the first person, while its strable, at leastbeyond reasonable doubt. A signifi-
unity is evident from the repetition of the expres- cant evidence of this is found in the fact that the
sion "the good hand of my God" (2 8, 18), and of list of those who made up the first
other characteristic phrases (2 12, 20, 4 4f., 21, 5 19,
company of re-
turning exiles is given both in Ezr ch. 2 and in Neh
6 14, 16, 7 5). (2) After the introductory words, "I 7 6-73a. In the latter case Nehemiah himself in-
U7 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Ezra and Nehemiah
serts the list into, his memoirs with the introduc- 300 (I Ch 3 19 ff.—post-exilic genealogy of Zerub-
tory words (ver. 5): "And I found the book of the babel) would, in spite of this fact, have concluded
genealogy of them that came up. " The repetition of his book with the suspension of the building of
this list in Ezr ch. 2 shows, first, that the setting of the Temple, which occurred about 530 and is the
this chapter was not written by Nehemiah, and also fact with which the section ending Ezr 4 23 is con-
that the final editing of the two books is from different cerned. (3 ) Credibility. The trustworthiness of
hands. For it is hardly conceivable that an editor the documents and memoirs which have been used
having once appropriated a list, as is done in Neh in the books of Ezra-Nehemiah has been demon-
7 6-73a, should again make use of it in the selfsame strated at length, especially by Ed. Meyer {Die
work, (c) On the other hand, both books offer no Entstehung des Jvdenthums, 1896), by whom the ex-
serious objections to a double editorship; for the treme views presented in C. C. Torrey's Composition
formal similarity of the passages cited under (a) and Historical Value of Ezra-N ehemiah are shown
(Ezr chs. 1, 3, 4 1-5, etc.) furnishes no proof of identity to be without critical foundation; but the historical
of editorship, (d) The question as to the identity value of the sections which belong to the final edi-
of the final editor with the Chronicler is answered tors of the books has been of late underestimated.
affirmativelyby Comill {EM,^ 1905, p. 156). How- At the same time the present writer recognizes (cf.
ever, inasmuch as he makes no attempt to explain Einh, p. 282 f.) that the beginning of the building of
the twofold use of the list in Ezr ch. 2 and Neh ch. 7, the Temple has been pushed further back in Ezr 3 2
his statement that, where in the two books no earlier (contrary to Hag 1 2, 9, 2 15-17, and Zee 1 16, etc.)
sources have been worked over, the style, spirit, than was actually the case. These statements of
view-point, and manner of expression are wholly the two prophets are too definite to admit of being
those of the Chronicler proves nothing as to identity misinterpreted (as by Jampel, p. 61 f.). On the
of authorship. Neither can the original unity of other hand, it is too much to say, as Cornill does
Chronicles and Ezra-Nehemiah be evidenced from (p. 156), that the Chronicler has written Ezr ch. 1,
the identity of the conclusion of Chronicles with the 3 2-4 7, 24 altogether out of his own imagination.
beginning of Ezra. For (a) there is no smooth con- He has simply followed the historical traditions
nection between the narratives of Chronicles and which were accepted in his days. Still less can the
Ezra; while 03) it is quite as likely that the edict of value of Ezr 1 be destroyed by the claim that in the
liberationwas chosen by the Chronicler as a suitable year 536 no return of Ezra took place (Rosters' Het
conclusion for his work as that in the doubtful par- Herstel, 1894). Such claim is rendered most im-
tition of an originally integral work it was partly probable by the statement on the Cyrus Cylinder
allowed to remain in one portion and to be repeated (line 11), "I collected all their people and restored
in the other, (y) The two texts do not agree them to their dwelling-places." Further, Rosters'
throughout. Recently the conclusion to II Chron- claim that in Hag 1 2, 12, he finds no distinc-
icleshas been ascribed to the effort to have this tion between those who remained and those who
book end with comforting expressions (K. J. Grimm, returned is an unreasonable demand for definite-
Euphemistic Liturgical Appendixes, 1901, p. Iff.). ness of statement. (For a consideration of Rosters'
But he overlooked the fact that the book would have other objections cf. Sellin's Studien zur Entstehungs-
concluded with a cheerful note even without ver. geschichte der Judischen Gemeinde, Bd. II, 1901, p.
22 f. S. Jampel (Die Wiederherstellung Israels 56 ff.)
unter den AchaemenideUf 1904, p. 17) has there- The books of Ezra and Nehemiah bear the names
fore attempted to modify the theory of Grimm by of these two men because they were the chief
alleging that the book should have closed with an figures in their narratives. Of the
encouraging expression (w^yd'al, "and let him go 5. Per- two, Ezra was the priest and "reads'"
up"). But this is quite precarious and petty. On sonality scribe," i.e., a man learned in the
the other hand, the conclusion of II Chronicles can and Work Scriptures (7 6, 11 f.), who came from
not be called a quotation from Ezr ch. 1, brought of Ezra Babylon to Jerusalem with a book of
into connection with I K 22 28 and Mi 1 1 for this ; and Nehe- the Law in his hand (7 14, 25), in order
would be a different matter from citing the begin- miah. to enforce its prescriptions. This law-
ning of the book in order to show that it was a con- book consisted of the combined prin-
tinuation. If this principle were valid, then Deu- cipal portions of the Pentateuch, and not simply of
teronomy must point forward to Joshua. A new the so-cdled Priest Code (against Comill, p. 91);
proof of the original connection of II Chronicles with for we can not suppose that the Priest Code alone
Ezra Jampel thinks he has discovered {op. cit.,p. 17) could at any time have been called "The law of
in the waw copulative with which the Book of Ezra Moses" (Ezr 7 6; Neh 8 1), or "The law of God"
begins. But as the expression wayhl, etc. ("And (Neh 8 8), or "All the commandments, ordi-
it came to pass in the days of") begins such books nances, and statutes of Jehovah" (10 29). Neither
as could not have been continuations of preceding is it possible that the Covenant was concluded
ones {e.g., Est 1 1), so the simpler phrase, "And (RV before the basis on which it was laid existed.
'now') in the first year," might begin a book which With this agrees also Wellhausen {Proleg., 1895,
did continue a preceding history, since later the p. 415). This relation of Ezra to the Pentateuch
connective wayM ("And it came to pass") was is also indicated by echoes from Jewish and Chris-
often omitted (cf. Konig, Syntax, § 370, a,b). Be- tian antiquity (cf. the writer's Einl, p. 241 f.)-
sides, it is altogether unlikely that II Chronicles When Ezra came to Jerusalem, in the 7th year of
once ended with Ezr 4 23 (Jampel, p. 13); for then Ring Artaxerxes (458 B.C.), he found his chief task
the Chronicler who wrote not long before the year to be the preserving of Israel in its temptation
Ezra and Nehemiah 24S
Faith
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
the king (in the 20th year of Artaxerxes) he carried Neh 5 which the former governors are criticized
15, in
through, in spite of all opposition from the Samari- for selfishness, is no support for Van Hoonacker's
tans and other enemies, the building of the walls of position that Ezra could not be open to criticism
Jerusalem (Neh 2 12-7 5). He took an active part and therefore must have followed rather than pre-
in securing the adoption of the Law by the people ceded Nehemiah; because Ezra was not a governor,
(8 9), held a great feast at the dedication of the walls while Neh 8 1, 9, show Ezra and Nehemiah to be
of Jerusalem (12 27), and contended vigorously (on in perfect accord, (e) Finally, inasmuch as Van
the occasion of a second visit in the 32d year of Arta- Hoonacker does not venture to dispute the fact that
xerxes) for the sanctity of the Temple (13 7-9), the Ezra had already attained to a conspicuous place
rights of the Levites (ver. 10 ff.), the strict observance before Nehemiah's first visit, 445 B.C. (cf. Neh 8 1 ff.),
of the Sabbath (vs. 15-22), and against mixed mar- he must admit that Ezra could not at that time have
riages (ver. 23 ff.). been a young man. Kuenen {Gesammelte Abhand-
But the sequence and time of these actions of lungen, pp. 212 ff., 317 ff.) has emphasized the fact
Ezra and Nehemiah have been much discussed of that Ezra would have been a very old man if he had
late. Especially have suspicions been raised as to made a second journey from Babylon to Jerusalem
Ezra's having worked in Jerusalem before Nehe- in the 7th year of Artaxerxes II. Mnemon, i.e., in
miah, as, e.g., by A. van Hoonacker {Nouvelles 398 B.C., as Van Hoonacker's theory demands.
etudes sur la restauration juive apres I'exile de Baby- If, finally, one were to state in a few words the
lone, 1896). Proceeding from Ezr chs. 7-10 he takes significance of these two men in Israel's history, it
exception (a) to the fact that, according to 9 9, Ezra must be said: There inhered in them indeed a strong
found the city wall completed. But this objection is tendency to subject all things to legal enactment and
without foundation; for in this verse we find Ezra to carry out the principle of righteous-
saying, "God ..hath extended loving -kindness
. . 6. Impor- ness by works (Neh 5 19, 13 22, 3i),
to us . to give us a wall in Judah and in Jerusa-
. tance of These limitations, however, are char-
lem." The word gader indeed means "wall," e.g., of Ezra and acteristic of the post-prophetic stage of
a vineyard, Is 5 5; but in our passage the whole Nehemiah. development to which they belonged.
manner of expression, especially through the pre- On the other hand, the services through
cedence of the words "in Judah," is so qualified that which they surpass other representatives of the same
it does not presuppose the completion of the city —
era their enthusiasm for their God and for their
wall, while further in Ezra-Nehemiah the wall of people and the spirit of self-sacrifice which mastered
Jerusalem is never rendered by the term gadher, but —
them are worthy of all praise.
some 30 times by homh. (b) Further he, along with Literature: Besides the works mentioned in the article,
others, finds a difficulty in the fact that the struggle see Bertholet's Kurzer Handkommentar zu Ezra-NeJie-
against mixed marriages is brought to a victorious miah, 1902, andOettli's Geschichte Israels, 1905, p. 499 ff.;
FABLE, See Myth. and moral being, as his God. Apart from the great
FABLES 'myths')
(fivBot, A
term confined, with
:
passage in Gn 15 6, none of these words occurs in
any really significant way until we reach the story of
one exception, to the Pastoral Epistles (I Ti 1 4,
Moses and the Exodus. But as soon as the prophet
4 7; II Ti 4 4; Tit 1 14), and used to designate specu-
appears to speak for the invisible and living God, the
lative additions to and embellishments of the O T
subject of belief or trust appears. At first the ques-
Law, which were urged by propagandists upon the
tion is whether the hearers will believe the prophet
faith and conduct of Christians (ITi 1 4-7; cf Tit .
2.
In the Old Testament
In the Synoptic Teaching
3.
4.
In the Fourth Gospel
In the Pauline Epistles
Synoptic ness, life, etc. —
this word "faith" be-
Teaching comes illumined and expanded beyond
of Jesus 5. In the Other Epistles
of Jesus, all its past uses and meanings. The
This word must be studied in connection with its process begins with Christ Himself in
great aUies, ^'belief" ("believe"), and ''trust." All His explicit teaching, and His practical demands.
three are used in Scripture to describe a fundamen- (1) He, first of all teachers, made men think directly
tal act or attitude of personal beings toward one of faith, as an act of supreme power. Thus He con-
another, without which fellowship, either within nects His own works of heahng on several occasions
human relations or between the human and the with the faith of the patient (Mt 8 13, 9 2, 22, 29;
Divine, would be impossible. Mk 5 36, 9 23, 24; Lk 17 19). He avows that He has
Although the true nature of faith is first fully dis- been seeking faith "in Israel" (Mt 8 10; Mk 9 19). The
covered in the N T, we find that in the O T the com- extraordinary power of faith is set forth in one saying
plete fact is prepared for through certain or set of sayings, which appears in different connec-
I. In the important stages of experience. The tions and forms, as if the idea were central in His
OT. three principal Heb. verbs ^aman, 'to mind and found various outlets (Mt 17 20; Lk 17 5, 6;
believe,' hdtah, 'to trust,' and hdsdh, Mt 21 21; Mk 11 22-24). He rebukes His disciples for
'totake refuge,' occur oftener than the correspond- lack of faith (Mt 14 27, 31; Mk 4 40, 8 17-21). (2) The
ing nouns. (1) It may be said, as we look back demand of Jesus for faith underlies His whole teach-
from our Christian vantage-ground, that faith as a ing concerning God and concerning His own relation
conscious religious act was bom when the Israelite to the kingdom of God. For the law that we shall
first began to discover his relations with a personal approach God as Father (Mt 6 4, 6-15; Mk 11 22-26),
Faith 250
Family and Family Law A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
pnn-
that we shall repent and seek forgiveness (Mk 1 15, 11 capable of direct comparison with other ethical
variously expressed.
23-25; Lk 7 47-50, 8 12-15, 15 17-19), as the primary ciples. (1) The object of faith is
It may be a rumor (I Co 11 18),
condition of right relation with Him, that wc shall
a
meet and the chances of life as His children
all ills 4. In the historical fact (I Th 4 14;
Ro 10 9; cf.
(Mt 6 makes the act of trust the supreme
25-32), Pauline Ro 4 17), testimony to a fact (I Co 15 2
thing. The whole work of Jesus with His disciples, Epistles. £f. ; I Th 2 13; IITh 1 10 cf; .
II Th 2 15),
as even the passages above referred to indicate, the truth (II Th 2 13), the gospel (Ph
aimed at creating in them a profound and complete 1 27), the blood of Christ (Ro 3 25). God is the ob-
trust in Himself, the Messiah, the head of the king- simply (Ro 4 3, 17; Gal 3
ject of faith 1 8; Tit 6; I Th
dom of God and Savior of men. The faith which won 3 8), or as He acts (Ro 4 5, 24; cf. 10 9; Col 2 12).
heahng was first of all faith in His own power and Christ is named as the object eighteen times, twice
grace (Mk 5 36, 9 22-24). with the verb (I Ti 1 16, 3 16), but sixteen times with
It is one of the most remarkable facts of the the noun (Ro 3 22; Gal 2 20; Eph 1 15; Ph 1 29, etc.).
Fourth Gospel that the verb Trta-Tcveiv occurs in it Pfleiderer says truly that we nowhere read of iria--
not less than 95 times, while the noun T€V€Lv Xpia-T^ as we do of ma-Teveiv Oew; it is
3. In the does not occur even once.
wla-Tis equally true, and even more significant, that we do
Fourth Moreover, in I Jn the noun is used only not read of 7rl(ms Oeov, as we do of ttio-tis Xpia-Tov,
Gospel. once, in the great saying of 5 4, while Faith in God is faith in Him as the Father of Jesus
the verb occurs nine times. The act of Christ, and in His redeeming mercy through Christ.
faith is represented in this Gospel as occupying a Faith in Christ is faith in Him as the complete Re-
very prominent place in the discussions of Jesus. It deemer and the absolute Lord of human souls. The
is viewed as the characteristic of the new way and cross, the atoning act of God in Christ (Ro 3 24, 25,
is spoken of absolutely (1 7, 4 48, 53, 6 47, 64, 11 15, 8 3, 32; II Co 5 19 ff.), so conditions the relations of God
14 29, 20 8). Of course in most cases an object is and man that henceforth we can neither conceive of
named, but this freely and variously. Thus, it is God except as the redeeming God, nor of the cross
God as the Sender of the Christ (5 24, 12 44; cf 14 1, 10,
. as a mere past event, but as an act through which
11, 17 6), i.e., the faith in Christ carries with it and in God so related Himself with sin and righteousness in
it faith in God. They are inseparable objects of one human nature that righteousness (justification, for-
act and not objects of two acts in different directions. giveness) became available to mankind. This faith
But, again, Christ Himself is usually described as the is neither faith in a mere theory of salvation, nor is
object of faith. It may be His name (1 12, 2 23), or it faith in a God who is not a savior in some definite
His spoken word (2 22, 3 12, 4 21, 50, 5 47, 8 45), or His manner. The Pauline faith is fixed on God, who sent
works (10 38), or the fact that He is the Christ (11 27, His Son as an offering for sin, and on the living Christ,
42, 6 69, 8 24, 13 19, 20 31), the one "sent" of God who offered Himself. The Eternal God, the Creator
(5 38,1142,16 27-30,17 8, 21). But most generally it is and Lord of all, is henceforth so conditioned for
Christ Himself in the fulness of His Divine authority man's apprehension and faith. To trust in Him is
and power and grace on whom faith is directed (2 11, to trust in the power of that cross; to trust in that
3 16, 18, 4 39, 7 5, 31, 38, 9 35-38, 12 42, 14 l). The re- blood (Ro 3 25) is to trust in Him. (2) The effect of
sults of faith are usually summed up in the words faith is the justification (cf. Justification) of the
"eternal hfe" (3 16, 5 24, 6 40, 47, 20 31), but other believer (Ro 1 17, 3 24-27, 4 1-25, 5 i; Gal 2 16, 3 1-29;
descriptions occur (1 12, 3 18, 6 35, 12 36, 46). It can Eph 2 8; Ph 3 9). This is the gateway to all else, the
not be said that there is any doctrine of faith in this indwelling Spirit (Eph 3 16, 17), peace (Ro5 1), son-
Gospel which is not implicit in the Synoptics. The ship (Gal 3 26), etc. This is the heart of Paul's Gos-
fuller emphasis is found (a) in the prologue and pel, in which the real implications of Christ's person
chapter 20 (b) in the historian's statements regard-
; and teaching and atoning work come to light. As
ing the relations of men to Jesus (2 1, 23, 4 39, 41, 7 5,
] the faith of Abraham was reckoned to him for right-
11 48, 12 11, 42, 20 8); (c) in the various discussions eousness, when as yet the legal system was not es-
between Jesus and the educated Jews who opposed tablished, and the promise of God alone stood before
Him (d) in the last conversations with the disciples.
; him, so in Christ the legal system is abolished, and
There is even here no formal examination of faith the promise of a universal grace confronts the world.
in a theological manner. It is not compared with He who puts his faith in God-in-Christ as the offerer
other principles, as in the Epistles. But the abun- of mercy is thereby at once in right relations (right-
dant use of the verb shows that the author recognizes eousness) toward God. God henceforth treats him
this as the crucial point in the relation of Christian- as righteous in holy and loving mercy. This faith is
'ity to Judaism, i.e., on the human side. "What the basis of all further fellowship between the be-
Christ is to temple, sacrifice, legal enactment, that liever and God. (3) It is natural that faith so po-
faith is to the corresponding human acts which those tent and significant should gradually become a term
institutions evoke. This he seems clearly to see, but equivalent to the gospel or the Christian religion.
he buries it in the substance of his stoiy, without It contains an intellectual element. Because
formal defense. through faith man is justified, all that a man appre-
The words "faith" (Trla-rts) and "believe" {ins- hends concerning God, Christ, humanity, becomes
T€V€iv)occur almost 200 times in the thirteen Pauline supremely important. These various elements coar
Epistles. The verb does not occur in Col or Phm. lesce more or less definitely into a system
of facts,
In contrast with the O T and with Jn the noun oc- historical and spiritual, which are naturally called
curs nearly three times oftener than the verb. The his '-faith" (I Co 2 5, 15 1-4, 16 13; II Co
1 24; Eph
great fact has been at last fully identified, and is 4 5; Ph 1 27; Col 1 23; I Ti 3 9, 5 8; Tit 1 13). From
Faith
351 A, STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Family and Family Law
this element in the act of faith theology takes its riae. FAMILIAR SPIRIT: The Heb. DiX, 'ohh, means
(4) Finally, the Pauline view of faith includes its literally 'the the departed.' As certain
spirit of
nature and power as an ethical force comparable persons professed or were supposed to harbor, or
with love and hope, joy and peace. It is no mere be in communion with, such spirits, they were said
technicality of an abstract religion. It describes the ''to have familiar spirits" (Lv 19 31, etc.). The
attitude of person to person, and hence implies both etymological significance is obscure. See Magic
an emotional and a volitional element. It, there- AND Divination, § 3. E. E. N.
fore, determines conduct (Ro 6 U-23, 14 1, 22, 23; Gal
2 20, etc.), and the moral quality of that conduct is
itself derived from Him who is the object of faith.
FAMILY AND FAMILY LAW
He, and not a series of legal prescriptions, molds
Analysis op Contents
the ideal, and guides the steps of the Christian man
(Ro 7, 8, 14 22, 23; I Co 6 11, 19; Gal 5 6). All Pauline 1. Terms Denoting Family 5. The Wife and Mother
2. The Significance of the 6. Children
moral exhortations rest on this conception.
Family in Heb. Society 7. Servants and Dependents
In the other N T writings we find no such deep 3. Marriage 8. Family Property
grasp of the new principle as in Paul, although there 4. The House-father 9. The Family in the TN
is nothing inconsistent with his doctrine
of faith. Yet there are characteristic The term 'family/ as it occurs in the Eng. Bible,
5. In the
differences of emphasis. The Ep. of is nearly always the translation of the Heb. word
Other
nn^^^^ mishpdhdh, which properly
Epistles. James, in the famous passage 2 14-26,
seems to correct a false deduction from I. Terms means 'clan/ although it is often used
the Pauline doctrine. James does not deny the lat- Denoting in the narrower sense of 'family.' In a
ter; but he insists that the principle of faith is not
Family, few instances H^S, hayith, 'house/
antinomian, since a living faith, as that of Abraham, is rendered "family" and in a large
must issue in works, and so be ''made perfect," or proportion of cases in which "house" is retained the
reach its end. And this, in other words, Paul says reference is to the household or family. Other
abundantly. The Ep. to the Hebrews describes faith terms, such as seed, "flesh/' etc., are often used
at length in 11 1-12 6: (1) Faith is defined as that figuratively for family. Family relationships, es-
which deals with the future (promised) and the in- pecially the more remote ones, as those of uncle,
visible (God, Christ), and this is illustrated. (2) It 'cousin,' nephew, etc., are often expressed only
isproved that faith is the real substance of O T his- generally rather than exactly, the word brother,
tory and also a new thing, not because created by but e.g.f being frequently used to cover such relations
consummated in Christianity. (3) But we are com- (cf. 14 14, 24 48; Lv 25 25, etc.).
Gn
manded to live by faith, not by legal observances, The words "family," "house/' "household/' as
because Jesus has appeared as its "author and per- used in the O T, do not represent exactly the same
fecter." As such He has become its object (12 6). ideas as these same terms do with us.
Thus it appears that on all sides the T reveals N 2, The In Heb. society the mishpdhdh was the
Christ as the Person so appeared from God
who has Significance fundamental social unit. It might be
and acted for God that all other religious instru- of the composed of a number of 'families,' in
ments fall away; and faith, issuing in obedience, in- Family our more restricted sense of the word.
cluding an eager but patient expectation, becomes in Heb. It was the foundation of the clan.
the great and universal principle, filling the present Society, often equivalent to it, and as such the
with the power of the future, binding man to God. main constituent element of the tribe.
Literature: J. KOstlin, Der Glaube und seine Bedeviung
In the more primitive conditions that lay behind
fur ErkentUniss, Leben und Kirche, 1895; A. Schlatter, Der Heb. society, as we find it in the O T, doubtless the
Glaube im NT, 18962; Cremer, Bxblico-Theological Lexicon 'family' was relatively less important than the clan
of NT Greek (Trans. 18782) Warfield
; in HDB, art. Faith;
or tribe. But with the development of a more
B. Weiaa. Die Religion des N TA 16; A. C. McGiffert, The
complex type of life in Canaan, tribal and clan rela-
Apostolic Age (1897), pp. 141-145. 457-460, 473-475, 498;
A. B. Bruce, St. Paul's Conception of Christianity (1894), tions receded and the family attained to the position
chs. viii, xii; P. Wernle, Die Anfdnge unserer Religion, of prime importance. The Heb. family was made
19042, pp. 192-194, 216-223; R. Smend, A. T. Religions-
geschichte (1889) the works on O
; T
Theology of H. Schultz up of several groups, or units, at whose head stood
and A. B. Davidson; and on NT
Theology by B. Weiss, one 'father,' or master. There might be several
Holtzmann, and Stevens; conunentaries on the Epp. to wives, each with hor own set of children, also concu-
Galatiaua, Romans, and of James. "\Y'^ "£). M. bines with children. There might also be a larger
FALCON. See Palestine, § 25. or smaller number of servants, male and female.
Some of the servants might be married and have
FALL, See Sin.
children. It was also possible that one or more of
FALLOW DEER. See Palestine, § 24, and the sons of the father might be married and living
Food, § 10. on the paternal estate still under the father's care
and authority, with wife or wives under the control
FALSE WITNESS. See Law and Legal Prac-
of the husband's mother. "Within this complex it is
tise, §4(2),andCRiMEs AND Punishments, 2(b).
impossible to draw the line between the family, in
FAMILLAR FRIEND: In Job 19 14 this ex- our sense of the term, and the mishpahdh or hayith of
pression means
'acquaintances.' In Ps4l9; Jer the O T. It is true that our O T evidence relates
'20 10 it is a good rendering of *endsk sMoml, 'man of mainly to the more independent, well-to-do property
my peace,' E, E. N, owners, Doubtless, there were many email families
358
Family and Family Law A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
(husband, one wife, and children) in Israel, but the for the family with its ancestors constituted a cultus-
larger 'house' corresponded more nearly with the unit. For an example of such family sacrificial ob-
ideal of the majority, especially in the earlier pre- servances see I S 20 6.
exilic days. To the house-father was thus due a reverence that
deity (of.
The basis of the family was, of course, marriage. bordered closely on the reverence due to
5th Command-
We are concerned here only with the facts regarding the place in the Decalogue of the
crime worthy
marriage as we actually find them in the ment). To dishonor a, parent was a
3. Mar- O T. For theories as to the nature of of death (Ex 21 15, 17). Within his own domain the
riage, the marriage relation among the prim- master's authority was well-nigh absolute. Hia
itive Semites see Marriage and Di- wife, or wives, looked up to him as their lord (cf. Gn
vorce. In the O T marriage is viewed as a relation 18 12). He was the chief, the elder, the father.
in which the husband is master, lord, owner. There Even to extreme old age he retained, nominally at
may be some traces of a more primitive condition least, this authority (cf. the story of Jacob). These
when the wife was more independent (matriarchate) house-fathers constituted the elders of the Heb.
or when polyandry was practised. But these lie be- communities, the ancient men, whose counsel and
yond the horizon of O T history. means were the basis of tribal administration and
In the T there is no specific word for marriage. who maintained their importance long after the
The expressions are always concrete and relate to the tribes had become httle more than a convenient
actual condition. The man is the ha'al, 'master,' fiction. On the father rested the responsibility of
'owner,' of his 'woman'; he 'takes' a woman; the training and instructing his household in the tra-
wife is b^'ulah, i.e., 'under the dominion of a ba'aV; ditions of the family, tribe, or nation (Gn 18 19; Ex
or she is 'the woman' of a man. 12 26, 13 8; Dt 6 7) and to him the sons looked for
The marriage contract was between the husband their education after coming out from under the
(or his father) and the family of the bride, rather tutelage of the mo-ther (Pr 1 8, 3 12, 4 l, 13 l, etc.).
than between the two as individuals. The bride While Heb. law and custom gave such large power
was practically purchased, the mohar, dowry, 'pur- to the house-father, the O T is full of evidence that
chase-money,' being paid to the father of the bride. the Heb. families were no strangers to kindness and
This fact placed a restriction on polygamy. A man affection. The fathers loved their children and were
could have only as many wives as he could afford to loved by them (cf. the stories of Jacob and Joseph,
pay for with a mohar sufficient to satisfy the family of Jephthah, of David, etc.). Naturally, the po-
of each wife. No disgrace was attached to polyg- lygamy that was probably the rule rather than
amy, or to the concubinage that might exist be- the exception was the source of much discord and
tween a master and his female slaves. Notwith- of many evils. But in spite of this, the Heb. family
standing this commercial aspect of marriage, there is was a nursery of virtue, and often the home of a
abundant evidence in the O T that the love of the faith and piety that were a genuine anticipation of
young people for each other often played an im- the higher ideal realized later in the Christian home.
portant part in the preliminaries of a marriage (cf. While the wife was really bought and paid for
Jacob and Rachel, Gn ch. 29; David and Michal, I S and was thus legally the property of the husband
18 20; and in general, Song of Solomon). Ancient (see § 3, above, and cf. the old form of
Heb. society gave more liberty to its women than is 5. The the 10th Commandment, Ex 20 17,
the case in the Mohammedan East of to-day. The Wife and where the wife is a part of the "house"),
Law forbade the marriage of two (probably full) sis- Mother, the actual position of a Heb. wife was,
ters to the same man (Lv 18 18); but the story of at least in many cases, far from that of
Jacob seems to show that actual practise was often a mere slave or chattel. Her family, for instance,
different (or did Rachel and Leah have different generally stood ready to avenge any undue ill
mothers?). Marriage between half-brothers and treatment from her husband. Women of spirit
sisters was allowable (Gn 20 12; IIS 13 13). For and ability appear to have found no difficulty in
further particulars on this point see Marriage and maintaining a fairly independent position {e.g.,
Divorce. Sarah, Rebekah, Abigail, etc.). In families where
The head of a Heb. household was the chief per- there were two or more wives, "one beloved and the
sonage of what was a religious as well as a social other hated," the lot of the latter was doubtless hard.
institution. The family in primitive The Law forbade unjust discrimination against the
4. The Heb. society had a religious signifi- son of the "hated" wife, if it was the first-bom (Dt
House- cance. Through it the cult of the 21 15), but contained no provision for alleviating the
father. tribal and family deities was practised lot of such a woman herself. "That was a case
and perpetuated. The house-father belonging to the inner sphere where the husband
may well be viewed as the priest of the group of was supreme. If the husband's mother was alive,
which he was the family-head. He was responsible the wife, or wives, were to a certain extent under
for the religious life of his family and he was also the her dominion even in the royal harem. She was the
chief reUgious functionary. It was he who offered g%htrah, often mentioned in the notices of the
the sacrifices to the family deities, or, as later was Books of Kings and elsewhere (I K
15 13; II K
10 13;
the case, to Jehovah the national deity, on behalf cf. I K14 15, etc.). On the wife rested a large re-
of his family and their interests (cf. the cases of the sponsibility. Much of the manual labor was per-
patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Job, etc.). This formed by the Heb. women. Grinding the meal,
will explain such passages as Gn 31 63, 32 9, and, in baking, weaving the cloth, churning, etc., all fell to
part, also the reverence paid to the family sepulcher, the women to do. Hence the representation of the
^53 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Family and Family Law
ideal wife as we find it in Pr 31 lO ff. The restric- redeemed from being devoted to Him only by a
tions upon the participation by Heb, women in the redemption sacrifice (Ex 13 U ff., 22 29, 34 19 f.). This
social life of their times were not so many, or so may have had its roots in a primitive Semitic or
severe, as is the case in Syria to-day; though women Canaanite custom of actually sacrificing all first-
did not mingle with men as freely as is allowed in born sons to deity. All the children, both boys and
modem Western society. girls, were under the tutelage of the women of the
To become a wife and mother was the fond de- house until the boys gradually came to be attached
sire of every Heb. woman. Not to be married was more closely to the men and were taught by them the
a disgrace, and to become a childless wife was knowledge of the profession from which the family
equally mortifying. On
the other hand, to be a gained its Hvelihood (different in different ages, local-
—
mother especially of a son —
was the crowning joy ities,and special circumstances). The father and
of life (cf the story of Hannah, I S 1 f,, or of Rachel,
. mother were the chief fountains of knowledge and
Gn ch. 30) In primitive society, the greater the num-
. authority (cf. Pr 1 8, etc.). In well-to-do families
ber of sons the greater the number of spears. The nurses (cf. II S 4 4) and instructors, or tutors (II K
standing of a family depended on the number of its 10 1, 5), were not uncommon (cf. also the case of
valiant men. Thus early was fostered the desire Nathan and Solomon, II S 12 25). Schools, as such,
for sons, and it continued to exist among the Hebrews were not known in ancient Israel. Instruction was
until the latest times. The high position and honor imparted largely within the family circle. Ancient
accorded to the Heb. mother is one of the brighter Hel). law seems not to have recognized any period
characteristics of the O T. The mother, as well as when a boy became 'of age.' So long as the father
the father, was to be honored according to the Law was alive and vigorous the sons were supposed to be
(Ex 20 12, 21 15). the children, both boys and girls, subject to him, although a son who had set up an
were almost entirely under the tutelage of the mother independent home would not be so completely under
during their earlier years, and the daughters re- the father's rule as one who remained on the paternal
mained so until their marriage (cf. Pr 1 8, etc.)- See estate. A daughter was the property of the father
also Marriage and Divorce. until she was married (Ex 21 7 ff.; cf. 22 ifi f.; Lv
As with other peoples of comparatively simple life, 19 29). A widow or divorced woman might return
childbirth among the Hebrews does not appear to to her father's house and again become his property
have been viewed as particularly dan- (cf. Gn38ll).
6. Chil- gerous, though of course not free from The servants and other dependents of a Heb.
dren, pain (cf. Gn 3 16; Ex 1 19). The employ- house formed no unimportant element. The serv-
ment of midwives (q.v.) was common. ants were the property of the master
The term rendered "birth-stool" (Ex 1 16) is no 7. Serv- or his wife (or wives), whose authority
longer clearly understood. This is also the case with ants and over them was nearly absolute. Fe-
the expression to bear "upon the knees" (Gn 30 3, 50 Depend- male servants might be the individual
23) of another. As soon as the babe was bom, the ents. property of one of the wives {e.g.,
navel cord was cut; then the child was washed, Hagar, Sarah's maid, Gn 16 1 ff., or
rubbed with salt (as is still done in Syria), and Zilpah and Bilhah, Gn 29 24, 29), who had inde-
wrapped in swaddling-clothes (Ezk 16 4). The pendent authority over them (Gn 16 6, 21 8 ff.).
mother was considered ceremonially unclean for Certain restrictions were placed upon a too severe
seven days after the birth of a boy, and for fourteen exercise of this authority. Six years was the limit
after that of a girl. She was also "to continue in the of the service of a Heb. slave, unless he chose to be-
blood of her purifying" thirty-three additional days come a hfe-servant (Ex 21 2-5). If married before
after the birth of a boy, and sixty-six after that of his term of service, his wife came in and went out free
a girl (Lv 12 1-5). Names were given, generally at with him; but if his master had given him his wife,
birth, either by the mother (Gn 4 l, 25, 29 32, etc.) she and her children remained the master's (Ex 21
or by the father (Gn 5 29, 16 15; Ex 2 22, etc.). The 2-5). Similar provision was made for the rights of
legitimacy of a child was derived from the father, the woman who had been sold into slavery (Ex 21
not from the mother, and in case a wife was cliild- 6-11). The Law sought also to protect servants from
less she welcomed the child of her husband by one of extreme injury at the hands of the master (Ex 21
her maid-servants as if it were her own (Gn 30 1-12), 20 f., 26 f.). Furthermore, they were not to be sent
and gave it its name. In later times the name ap- away empty-handed (Dt 15 12-14, 18) and in case a
pears to have been given a boy on the occasion of servant ran away and made good his escape, he was
his circumcision (Lk 1 59, 2 2i), which took place not to be returned (Dt 23 15). Heb. servants shared
on the eighth day after birth (Gn 17 11 ff.; Ex 12 3. in the family sacrifices and festivals (Dt 16 11, etc.)-
See Circumcision). Heb. children were generally The lot of non-Heb. slaves (acquired by capture,
nursed by their mothers, and were kept at the breast purchase from foreigners, etc.) was less fortunate.
a long period (probably as much as two or even These were more completely under the power of their
three years, as is the case in Syria to-day). Mother- owners and the Law was not so careful to protect
love among the Hebrews was strong, and although them against abuse. They were servants for life and,
girlswere far less welcome than boys, we hear noth- as property, could be passed on as a part of the
ing of the practise of exposure of female infants (ex- family inheritance (Lv 25 44 ff.). They were obliged
cept its condemnation as pagan, Ezk 16 5). The to observe the requirements of Israel's religion. It
weaning of a child, especially the first-bom or heir, was expected that male foreign slaves would be cir-
was the occasion of festivities (Gn 21 8). The first- cumcised, and thus made capable of eating the Pass-
born boy was considered sacred to J" and could be over (Ex 12 44 f.). Toward a female captive the Law
Family and iPamily Law A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY ^54
Fasts and Feasts
took a humane and kindly attitude (Dt 21 10-14). Be- ter.' The grain was fanned by throwing it up with
the winnowing shovel and allowing the
wind to blow
sides bond-servants, a Heb. householder was Hkely
to have a number of hired servants (see Dt 24 14), away the chaff. The reading ''fanner" m
Jer 51 2 13
—
and also "strangers" that is, foreigners who, for somewhat doubtful. See also Agriculture, § 6.
E. E. N.
one reason or another, put themselves under his pro-
Toward the latter the Law took a friendly
tection.
FAR: In the expressions ''far from thee," "far
attitude, seeking to guard them from undue oppres-
from me," "far be it," the word "far" represents':
sion (cf. Ex 20 10, 22 21 ff.; Dt 1 16, 10 18, 14 21, etc.), expresses the idea of
(1) The Heb. halilah which
though making a distinction between them and Is- religious abhorrence, i.e., it would be considered a
raelites (Dt 15 1-6, 23 19).
profanation to do so and so. In many cases the AV
That property belonged to the family rather than translated the same Heb. expression by "God for-
to the individual appears to have been a fundamen-
bid," which the RV has changed (cf. Gn 44 7, 17; Jos
tal principle of Heb. society, though the
22 29, 24 16; I S 12 23, 14 45, 20 2; Job 27 5). (2) The
8. Family master had undisputed control so
Gr. tXfcoff o-ot (Mt 16 22), 'propitious' or 'merciful to
Prop- long as he lived. The distribution of
thee/ i.e., 'God be merciful to thee and avert, it.*
erty. property after his death was also, at E. E. N.
See also Forbid,
least in early times, made according to
his directions. While the Law directed that the first- FARE. See Ships and Navigation, § 2.
born should always possess the birthright, i.e., the FARE, FAREWELL. See Epistle.
right to a double portion of the property, even
though he were the son of the "hated" wife (Dt 21 FARTHING. See Monet, § 9.
15-17), it is likely that in actual practise there were
FASHION Behind the
: occurrences of the word in
many exceptions to this rule (cf. Ishmael and Isaac, the EV stands a variety of Heb. and Gr. terms. In
Jacob and Esau, Solomon as David's chief heir, etc.). some cases the rendering "fashion," while not always
One son could not inherit to the exclusion of all the literally exact, well represents the sense of the orig-
others. All sons of the same father were 'brothers,' inal term and needs no comment. In the following
even though some of the sons may have been bom instances the rendering calls for some explanation:
of harlots (cf. the case of Jephthah, Jg 11 l ff., In Ex 26 30, I K 6 38, Ezk 42 11 the idea is that of a
where might, not right, drove J. away). A special 'plan' (lit., 'judgment'). In Lk 9 29 it is the 'ap-
provision for the inheritance of daughters is given in pearance' that is meant. The word in Ja 1 11 means
Nu 27 1-11, 36 1-12. Widows, as a rule, appear to literally 'face'; in Mk 2 12 it is simply the adv. 'thus.'
have had no special inheritance, but could, if child-
In I Co 731, Ph 2 8 the Gr. <rxw^ ^^ comprehensive;
less, claim the right of marriage to the husband's 'fashion' only imperfectly expresses its meaning,
brother (Dt 25 5-10). which is 'the whole external arrangement,' 'the
The family estate or patrimony (Dt 18 8) was scheme.' The same word in verbal form occurs in II
considered a sacred possession given by J" of old and RV
Co 11 13, 14, 15, where the renders "fashion," and
as such was to be retained as long as possible as RV
in I P 1 14. The rendering is to be preferred in
the possession of the same family. To the nearest
IKS 18; Job 10 9; Ps 139 16; Is 22 11, 44 10; Ac 7 44;
heirs (kinsmen) belonged the right of redemption
R0I22; Ph3 21. E. E, N.
(cf. Ru 4 1-12; Jer 32 6 ff.). Even a king could not
override this ancient principle (cf. I K
21 3 f.). The FAST, FASTING: In the OT, isUm, 'to abstain,'
year of jubilee was designed to restore all landed isom, 'abstinence from food,' are the words commonly
property to the families that originally owned it (Lv used. In Is 58 3, 5 these are parallel to 'innak
25 8 ff.). It is not likely that all the provisions of nephesh, 'to afflict' or 'humble the soul.' The latter
this law were ever actually carried out. It was due expression is the technical term for 'fasting' (cf. Ps
to this strong feeling regarding the family rights and 35 13, where "with fasting" is added). In the N T
the hereditary privileges of the family that the Jews we have vrja-rc-ueLv, 'to abstain,' and vrja-Tela^ 'ab-
took such care to preserve the family genealogies, of stinence from food.' Before special communion
which we have so many examples, especially in the with J", Moses (Ex 34 28; Dt 9 9, 18) and Elijah (I K
later literature (Priests' Code, and Ch, Ezr, Neh). 19 8) fasted (cf. also what is said of Jesus, Mt 4 2,
No comprehensive attempt is made in the N T to and of Paul, Ac 9 9) it may be considered as having
;
regulate family life. The Jews possessed the highest been done in preparation for receiving some great
and purest type of family life known in revelation. Fasting was also an expression of grief
9, The antiquity. The N
T specifications seek over the death of friends (e.g., over Saul and Jona-
Family only to bring it all more completely than, IS 31 13; II S 1 12). Surprise is expressed
in the N T. under the supreme principle of Chris- that David does not fast after the death of his child
tian love. See also Burial and (II S 12 20 ff.). Nehemiah fasted in sorrow for the
Burial Customs, Marriage and Divorce, condition of Jerusalem (Neh 1 '4). Here, however, it
Mourning Customs, and Slavery. expressed al^o the humbling of himself before God,
Literature: Nowack (§§ 26-33) and Benzinger (§§19-23)
because of sin, as in Lv 16 29, 31; Ps 35 13, 69 10, and
in their books on Heb. Archiiologie W^4:); also the article Dn 9 3. This was preparatory to intercession for for-
by Benzinger in EB. E E N. giveness and help, or in hope that God would be
FAMINE. See Palestine, § 20.
made favorable in time of especial need (I S 7 6; Is 58
3, 6; II Ch 20 3). Ahab humbled himself when Eli-
FAN, FANNER: The Heb. word {zarok) ren- jah threatened evil, and thus averted it from himself
dered 'to fan' (Is 41 16, etc.) means literally 'to scat- (I K21 27 f.); Nineveh was similarly saved (Jon 3
¥'amily and Family Law
S55 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Fasts and Feasts
outward act or symbol (Jer 14 12; Jl 2 12 f. Zee 7 5). ; Weekly and monthly festivals. (1)
There is a suggestion in Jer 14 12 that the act was an 2. The Sabbaths. (2) New Moons, each with
offering to J". Fasting also preceded difficult un- Sacred a prescribed and elaborate ritual. II.
dertakings, in order to gain the favor of God (Est Calendar. Annual festivals. (1) Passover (pe§ah),
4 16; Ezr 8 21). Before the Exile the fasting of indi- observed on the 14th of the first month,
viduals and nations was for the most part voluntary, called Nisan,
or earher, Abib. (2) Unleavened
in connection with some especial need or calamity. Bread (matstsoth), beginning on the 15th of the
The only command to fast in the Law is in connec- month Abib and continuing 7 days (Ex 23 15, 34 18).
tion with the Day of Atonement (Lv 16 29, 31, 23 27, (3) Weeks, or Harvest {qatslr), or Pentecost. (4)
29). After the Exile (Zee 8 19, 7 3, 5) four addi- Trumpets, or New-year's day, observed on the 1st
tional yearly fasts were kept on days commemora- of the 7th month. (5) The Day of Atonement,
ting national disasters. (See Fasts and Feasts, observed on the 10th of the 7th month, (6)
§ 2, IV; cf. also Est 9 31, where weeping and fasting Tabernacles, or Booths {^ukkoth) or Ingathering
are connected with the Purim feast.) In connection ('asiph), observed on the 15th of the 7th month,
with fasting we find the rending of garments (I 21 K originally a seven-day feast, later extended to eight
27; Jl 2 13), and the use of sackcloth and ashes (Is days. The ritual for these seasons is given at length
58 5). No work was permitted on the appointed in Ex ch. 12; Lv chs. 16, 23; Nu chs. 28, 29; Dt. ch.
fast-days. Ordinarily the fast was from simrise to 16. III. CycHc festivals. (1) The Sabbatical Year,
sunset (II S 1 12) but the Day of Atonement lasted
; every 7th year to be observed, land to lie fallow,
from evening to evening. If a fast extended over slaves to go free, debts to be released. (2) Jubilee,
several days, men abstained from food during the wherein coimtry property reverted to the original
day only. Public fasts were proclaimed (I 21 9; K owners and Hebrew slaves were ipso facto manu-
Ezr 8 21) and sanctified (Jl 1 14, 2 15). Fasting was mitted (Lvch. 25). IV. Lesser festivals not prescribed
not allowed on the Sabbath and regular feast-days. in the Law. (1) Purim, celebrated on the 14th
The near approach of the Messianic era would make and 15th of Adar (March), in memory of the deliver-
fasting unsuitable (Zee 7 3, 5), In the N T there is ance of the Jews from Haman's plot (see Esther,
evidence that fasting was common among the Jews Book of, § 6). (2) The Feast of the Dedication
(cf. Lk 18 12). Jesus, like the prophets, laid em- (Jn 10 22), established by Judas Maccabseus on the
phasis upon the inner meaning of the outward act 25th of Chislev (Dec-Jan.) 165 B.C., to commemo-
(Mt 6 16, 18), and recognized that it was a sign of sor- rate the reconsecration of the Temple, desecrated
row (Mt 9 14, 15). In Mk 9 29, Mt 17 21, apd I Co 7 5 just 3 years before by pagan sacrifices (I Mac
"with fasting" is a gloss, C. S. T. 1 41, 64; II Mac 6 10, 11). The Feast was celebrated
8 days, Ps ch. 30 (cf. the title) was read as a part
of the ritual. (3) The Feast of Rejoicing for the
FASTS AKD FEASTS Law, on the completion of the annual reading of
the 53 Parashas or 'Lesson-sections' of the Penta-
Analysis of Contents
teuch, followed Tabernacles on the 23d of Tishri.
1. Terms Used 5. Origin and Development (4) Fast-days: (a) for the capture of Jerusalem
2. The Sacred Calendar of the Feasts
3. The Festivals in the Codes 6. New Moon by the Chaldeans on the 9th of the 4th month
4. The Festivals in the His- 7. The Passover (Jer 39 2). (b) For the burning of the city and
tory 8. Tabernacles Temple on the 7th of the 5th month (II 25 8 ff.). K
9. The Day of Atonement The capture of Jerusalem and the destruction of
The Heb. uses two words for 'feast,' hag (^H) the Temple by Titus, which occurred in the 4th
and 5th months respectively, gave a new significance
and mo'edh ("iJP'iTD), often rendered solemn feast.
to these anniversaries, (c) For the assassination of
The latter is the more comprehensive, Gedaliah in the 7th month (Jer 41 1 f.; II 25 25; K
I. Terms as it conveys the idea of set time, Zee 7 5). (d) For the beginning of the siege of Je-
Used, while the former prescribes in a meas- rusalem on the 10th day of the 10th month (II 25 1 K
ure the mode of observance. Another Jer 52 4; cf. also Zee 8 19). (5) The Feast of Wood-
later term, holy convocation C^^p l^"3p?), em- offering, on the 3d of Elul (Sept.), when wood was
bodies the notion of form and ceremonial. The brought and stored for the perpetual altar-fires (Jos.
hag was a pilgrimage feast; the same word is used in BJ, xvii, 3; cf. Jth 2 17; Neh 13 31). (6)Nicanor's Day,
Arabic to-day of the pilgrimage to Mecca. Origi- in commemoration of the victory of Judas Macca-
nally it may have described the festal procession, or baeus over Nicanor, 160 B.C., on the 13th of Adar
even the dance, at the shrine, and the word occurs in (March) (I Mac 7 49). (7) The Feast of the Re-
this sense in Ps 42 4, though *to observe a hag^ covered City, in memory of the recapture of the
meant 'to visit the sanctuary' (Ex 23 14-17). In Acra on the 23d of the 2d month, 141 B.C. (I Mac
early Uterature no precise dating is given for any 13 50-52).
of the sacred seasons. This was partly due to the Other festivals of a more local or popular char-
fact that the harvest varied greatly in different parts acter, like Sheep-shearing (I S 25 4; II S 13 23),
of the land, for the three great feasts were in their were common at different periods.
256
Fasts and Feasts A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Ten days at
The difficulties felt by every reader when studying (conformably to Babylonian custom)-
the y^^^ to raise
regulations are real and insoluble upon the some time must have been added to
the festal
a solar year, /ne oia
it from a lunar (355 days)
to
theory of a nearly simultaneous origin
7th--was i^^sted
The the entire legislation; but many
of 1st month-now become the
3. Moon, through
Festivals in obscurities disappear with the recogni- with peculiar sacredness, and its New
of Trumpets, was the most honored of the
the Codes, tion that 4 (5) law codes of different the Feast
have existed
dates exist in Ex-Dt and Ezk. The 12 Days of Atonement seem once to
respectively
four Pentateuchal festal rescripts and Ezekiel's or- on the 1st of the 1st and 7th months
(Ezk 45 These particular days, by some rec-
18, 20).
dinal arranged chronologically are as follows: (1)
the calendar, necessitated probably by
Ex 34 18 ff. (J) and Ex 23 10-19; cf. 21 2-7 (Book of tification of
of change, fell
the Covenant [E]); (2) Dt 15 1-6, 12-18 and 16; (3) wrong intercalation in this process
consequently,
Lv 23 9-11, 14-l8a, 39-43 (Holiness Code); (4) Ezk according to later usage on the 10th;
we find that on the 10th of Nisan a
lamb was to be
45 18 ff. and portions of 46; (5) Lv 16 1-34, 23 4-8, 21-
chosen, which became now the
Paschal Lamb (Ex ch.
23, 33-38, 44; Nu chs. 28, 29 (P). 25 has much
Lv ch.
12), and on the 10th of
the 7th month occurs the only
material common to (3) and (5). There is a notice-
able advance in these five codes from simplicity to Day of Atonement recognized by P. On the 10th of
elaborateness of ceremonial. This could only be the the 7th month also, Jubilee was to be proclaimed, a
result of a nation's growth in spiritual conscious- provision hard to understand except on the theory
ness under the influence of spiritual and ecclesias- that this was the old New-year's day. Ezekiel seems
tical leaders. The joyousness and festivity of domes-
to have lived at the time of transition from the old to
tic and communal gatherings are exchanged for the
the new style. The Sabbatical year and Jubilee
solemnity of holy convocations, wherein the sense were but priestly extensions of the festal system,
of sin overshadows everything else. though doubtless both had some existence in early
Though bulking so largely in the legislation, the custom (Ex 21 2-7; Dt 15 1-6; Jer 34 13 f Ezk 46 17).
;
seldom mentioned in the history. The Certain seasons of the Sacred Year require a some-
feasts are
great feasts of Solomon (IKS 65), Hez- what extended treatment.
ekiah (II Ch 30 23), Josiah (II K 23 21; This is the oldest of the Hebrew, if not of the Sem-
4. The
Nehemiah itic, feasts. Its observance is testified to in the
Festivals 11 Ch 35), Ezra (6 19-22),
Law was promul- earliest stratum of the history (I S 20 5;
in the (Neh ch. 8) when the
History, gated are unique and extraordinary 6. New II K
4 23), It is therefore remarkable
events. The testimony of the proph- Moon, that there is no mention of it in the first
The pilgrimage legislation (Ex chs. 21-23), nor in Dt.
ets is much more impressive.
feasts of N. Israel with their extravagant and tumul-
This silence seems intentional, ignoring as it does
tuous ritual were revolting to Amos. Hosea de- popular usage. Pagan customs and superstitions
scribes them as a part of the very web of national
doubtless rendered the observance obnoxious to the
life, but more a tribute to Baal than to 3". Isaiah reUgious leaders (cf. "days of Baalim," Hos 2 13, and
also was acquainted with a gorgeous ritual and a the diatribe in Is 1 13, 14). Yet the New Moon is
clearly recognized as an integral part of the reUgious
festal cycle (Is chs. 1 and 29).
Legislation was the crystallization of usage, and calendar (II K
4 23; Am
8 5; Hosea often), and later
Nu 29 betrays but a the chief feasts were dependent for their appointment
the finished product in chs. 28,
few traces of its origin. Yet a compari-
upon its determination. Ezekiel provided for New
Moon feasts with elaborate sacrifices (Ezk 46 6ff.).
5 Origin son of early legislation and practise with
.
house to protect, but 12 13 evidently implies that J" waved before 3" (Lv 23 11). This took place at the
passed hy the blood-marked houses. (2) Theories beginning of the period which 50 days later cul-
of Origin. P. was strictly a family feast, celebrated minated in the Feast of Weeks (Pentecost in the
in the household (note the exception in Dt 16 5 f.). N T). The entire 7 weeks was a festal season; prob-
The father presided, and the lamb always possessed ably therefore the 7 days of Unleavened Bread began
a sacrificial character (Nu 9 7,13). It preserved, a festivity which terminated with Pentecost, and
therefore, the memory of clan and nomad life, and this 8th day found a counterpart later in the 8th day
was the festival of a pastoral people. The victim of Tabernacles. Ezekiel omits Pentecost from his
was to be from the flock (or the herd, Dt 16 2; cf. calendar, which would indicate a tendency to ignore
Ezk 45 22). The date in the later legislation is the the agrarian origin of the feasts. Undoubtedly since
14th of Nisan, the day of the full moon. There is no the old agricultural feasts were dated with reference
evidence that P. was a sacrifice of firstlings, the regu- to the moon, namely, at the full moons, P. and Un-
lation in Ex 12 5 being that the lamb shall be a year- leavened Bread were brought together. Yet they
ling.The firstling law was independent of P. P., are carefully distinguished, and though the name
New Moon, and Sabbath appear to belong to the "Passover" is applied to both, it is quite clear that
same cycle of observances and, Uke the New Moon, P. Unleavened Bread did not begin until the morning
is not mentioned in the Book of the Covenant, nor in of the 15th. Since Unleavened Bread was a festival
Ex 34 18-24 (the reference in ver. 25 is incidental). A of first-fruits it suggested a like significance for P.
7th day rest-period is the only moon-feast definitely consequently, the firstling law was closely connected
recognized in this stratum of the legislation. One with that of P. The combined feast is appropriate to
phase of the struggle to suppress or reconstruct the the spring month. The legislation calls this double
feasts of the lunar cycle appears in Dt, where P. is to feast a memorial, a "night of observances" {shimmu-
be celebrated at the central sanctuary and not in the rlm, Ex 12 42), but this was an added idea which,
home; but later the old custom was restored (Ex 12 however, deepened the religious significance of all
3 fE. [P]), and has been continued ever since. P. was the rites. (4) The Ordinal. The following passages
anight feast, and therein differed from all the others, are given in the generally accepted chronological
for, according to W. R. Smith (E. Brit, s.v.), feasts order of the Codes: Passover, Ex 12 21-27, 34 25b
were reckoned from morning to morning, but the (J); Dt 16 1-7; Ezk 45 21; Ex 12 1-13, 43-50; Lv23 5;
Paschal Lamb was to be slain "between the eve- Nu 9 1-14, 28 16 (P). Unleavened Bread, Ex 13 3-10,
nings"; the family was to eat it that night, and no 34 18 (J), 23 15 (E); Dt 16 3; Ezk 45 21 f.; Lv 23 9-14
one was to venture forth until morning. It was a (the wave-sheaf). Holiness Code (H); Lv 23 6-8;
species of consecration of the entire household by a Ex 12 14-20; Nu 28 17-25 (P). Ex chs. 12 and 13 is a
comraunion feast, and the Lamb being a sacrifice, fundamental passage for both feasts. Certain differ-
deity was a participant and hence a protector. "Be- ences in the ordinal should be noticed, (a) The
tween the evenings" (Ex 12 6) has been variously month in the earlier law is called "Abib," in the later
rendered, the usual interpretation being 'between law "the first month," or "Nisan." (b) The
sunset and dark.' But as the feast was nocturnal, memorial idea is found as early as the Book of the
the "evenings" may be those of the 14th and 15th, Covenant, (c) Dt brings in the new provision that
or the phrase may mean in "the middle of the night." P. shall be observed at the central sanctuary, and Un-
(3) Combination with Unleavened Bread. In all leavened Bread at home, (d) The Passover animal
the codes we find somewhat extensive provision for in Dt is from the flock, or the herd, and is to be
the feast of matstsoth, or Unleavened Bread, ap- boiled; in the later law it is to be from the sheep,
pointed for the 15th Abib (i.e., Nisan), and to be or the goats, and must be roasted. Ezk, however,
kept 7 days. In the Book of the Covenant and in commands the use of a bullock, (e) In H there is
Ex 34 18-21 this feast and not P. is mentioned in the no mention whatever of either feast, although the
cycle of agricultural observances, and coordinated ceremony of the wave-sheaf may imply an original
with the other two harvest feasts. In Dt we matstsoth law. (f) In Lv 23 6-8 the double feast has
find the word "Passover" somewhat loosely applied become one of the holy convocations with fire offer-
to the whole period beginning with P. itself. The ings to J" during the week. In Nu 28 17-25 an elab-
worshiper returns home on the morning of the 15th orate ritual appears, part of which includes a sin-
Abib, and celebrates Unleavened Bread there. The offering. Thus we see that the old joyous agrarian
7th day of Unleavened Bread is to be kept with a character of the feast has disappeared, leaving but
solemn assembly. Here two things seem evident: few traces behind, (5) Historical Celebration. The
(a) there has been a concession to popular feeling in Samaritans have preserved in many respects the
giving an ecclesiastical standing to P., and (b) the ancient features of the celebration; since it is certain
feast of Unleavened Bread overshadows it. In Ezk that their present ritual has been kept rigidly pure
45 21 also, the feast is called "Passover." It is to from later excrescences, retaining even the ancient
begin on the 14th of the month and to continue 7 features of the sprinkling of blood and of eating
days with the use of unleavened bread. Sacrifices with signs of haste which were omitted from the
are provided for each day and a bullock for a sin- later Jewish ritual. In some respects they are
offering on the 1st day. This requirement keeps the nearer the provisions of Dt than of P, for they
agrarian idea prominent, while P. has given its name come together at the appointed time on the summit
to the entire period. Unleavened Bread celebrated of Mt. Gerizim, and under the superintendence of the
the beginning of the grain harvest. At some point chief priests slay the lambs and eat them in a family
in its progress, which none of the existing data en- meal during the night of the 14th. Their feast fur-
ables us to fix, a sheaf of the first-fruits was to be nishes the most perfect example of an ancient Sem-
Fasts and Feasts 358
Festus
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
religion
itic rite. There are other notices of the celebration monial, and the ideal expression of Israel's
Hebrews with
of P., that at Gilgal (Jos 5 lOf.), and the one men-
e.g., and as such supplied the writer of
tioned in Ezr 6 19-22. The greatest celebration in some of his most striking typology.
observe that,
pre-exilic history occurred in the 18th year of King In conclusion, it is important to
transforming genius of Israel's religious
Josiah, following the discovery of the Book of the under the
Law (nK232l fif.)- H Ch ch. 35 expands this account, teachers, these feasts became the
medium of ex-
J", and the
and is interesting as illustrating the mode of pro- pression for the people's gratitude to
cedure in the time of the Chronicler, whose ordinal memories of His grace, which quickened their sense
is noteworthy for being that of Dt rather than of of unworthiness. Only a narrow view would insist
P. In the N T, P. is several times referred to, the that a people could put no more into a form of wor-
name of course applying to the whole period of 7 ship than existed in the crude period of inexperienced
days. There are some features of the later usage childhood, for this would deny to growing spiritual
important to notice At the time of Christ, P. was a
: consciousness that larger expression which maturity
family feast, although the lamb seems to have been demands.
slain according to Levitieal rules.- The drinking of Literature: The works of Nowack and Benzinger on Heh.
4 cups of wine seems to have been prescribed. After Archaologie (1894); Addis, Documents of the Hexaieuch
(1893, 1898); Carpenter and Battersby, The ComposUion
the first cup, the eldest son asked the meaning of the
of the Hexateuch (1902); the leading commentaries on Ex-
rite and the father recited the Exodus history, after Dt; W. H. Green, The Hebrew Feasts (1885); W. R. Smith,
which Pss 113 and 114 were sung. Then followed Religion of the Semites (1888-89) Schaefer, Passak Maszoth
;
in Ex 34 22b (J), 23 16 (E); Dt 16 13-15; Ezk 45 25; FATLINGS: Cattle fattened for slaughter (cf. Lk
Lv 23 39-43 (H), 33-36; Nu 29 12-38 15 23, "fatted calf"); especially for sacrifice. In I
8, Taber- (P). In the Law it is called Ingath- 15 9 the Heb. means literally 'second' {i.e., as over
nacles. ering {^d§iph), and Booths (sukkoth). against firsthngs), which were thought to be of
In H and Ezk it is called "the Feast." better quality. Cattle were fattened by withdraw-
Dt and Hprescribe 7 days, P adds an 8th, probably ing them from the open pasture and keeping them in
the last great day (cf. Jn 7 37 ff.), with a special ritual. the stall (cf. Am
6 4). See Food, § 10. E. E. N.
T. is to be kept at the year's "revolution," fquphah,
Ex 34 22b), a word peculiar to this feast (cf. Is 29 l), FAVOR: "To find favor" is 'to please,' "to
show favor" is 'to be pleased.' At times the Heb.
or at the close of the year (Ex 23 16), and the Lawwas
to be read every 7th year (Dt 31 10). Its final and
has the sense of *grace,' in the LXX. often having
historical feast of the Jewish year, it is probably de- ]ir!I are the Heb. words most frequently translated
scribed in Jg 9 27 ff., 21 19, and I S ch. 1, and ante- by "favor." The noun occurs commonly in the ex-
dated the Israelite occupation. Traces of its observ- pressions "to find" or "to give favor in the eyes of"
ance still survive. Fires are kindled on the slopes some one (of man, Gn 30 27; Ex 11 3; of God, Gn 18 3;
of Lebanon at the present day upon a date which Nu 11 11, 15). Eight other Heb. roots, implying
approximately corresponds to this autumn festival. 'kindness,' 'acceptance,' 'good-will,' 'pity,' are
The joyous character, which in early times must translated by "favor." "['i^'J, ratson, 'good-will/
have been almost bacchanalian (Is 9 3; cf. Hos 9 1-5), is used 15 times, and in passages implying perhaps
was never entirely lost, but prophetic and priestly more especially the help of God (Ps 5 12, 30 6, 89 17,
agencies gradually reformed the practise and made T. 106 4). D^^?, pamm, 'face,' is used 4 times. The ad-
the greatest of the Hebrew feasts (Zee 14 16). The
jectives "well" and "ill-favored" (Gn 29
17, 39 6, 41 2,
Temple was dedicated at this season (I K865f.; II
4, 18; Dn the personal appearance as
1 4), referring to
Ch 7 8-10; note the divergencies). Jeroboam insti- pleasing, are translations of ydpheh, 'beautiful,' and
tuted a like feast in the 8th month (I K 12 32). The ra', 'evil,' 'bad.' C. S. T.
celebration in Neh ch. 8 follows Lv 23 39-43. To the
later extracanonical ritual belonged the lighting of FEAR: The term "fear" occurs both as ex-
candles and water libation (see Jn 7 37 ff.). pressing a common emotion and a religious expe-
Much space is given to this fast in rience. In the former sense, it is not distinctive.
9. The Lv 16 1-34, 23 26-32; Nu 29 7-11. Its One man fears another, or he may fear dangers and
Day of germ seems to be found in Ezk 45 18-20, harmful powers in nature (Ps 31 11, 64 1 Jer 6 25, 46 5, ;
Atone- but no public observance can be traced "terror" RV). As a religious feeling, fear assumes a
ment. prior to 444 b.c. Neh chs. 8-10 concern great variety of forms according to the degree of
the 7th month of that year, but men- vividness in which the apprehension of God's per-
tion no such fast. The Day of A. represents, how- sonality enters into it. The very essence of religion
ever, the culmination of the Jewish expiatory cere- is a form of fear produced by the realization of the
fasts and Feastfl
359 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Festus
being and nature of God. "The fear of Jehovah is FELLOW: Besides meaning 'man' {Hsk, I S 29 4
the beginning of wisdom" (Ps 111 10; Pr 9 10); but AV, and 'enosh, Jg 18 25), ''fellow" in the O T rep-
this is a form of emotion which in modem phraseol- resents (1) 'companion' {habher, Ps 45 7), (2) 'com-
ogy would more properly be called 'awe' or 'rever- patriot' {'amlth, Zee 13 'fellow-countryman,'
7), (3)
ence,' It grows from the contemplation of what 'friend' [rea', Ex 2 13; Jg 7l3f.; I S 14 20). In
God and not of what He may do to one as an
is, the NT often for (4) 'this man' (ovtos, used con-
individual. Fear is thus tantamount to religion. teniptuously, e.g., Mt 26 61; Lk 22 69), (5) 'man'
Jacob swears to Laban by the "Fear of his father {dvr)p, e.g., the 'loafers' in the market-place, Ac 17
Isaac" (Gn 31 53), which would appear to be either 6), (6) 'partner' {fxeroxoSy He 1 9), (7) 'comrade'
a method of avoiding the use of the Divine name or (eraiposj Mt
11 16). S. D.
a metonymic use of the name of the emotion proper
before God for the name God
Himself. To fear
of
FELLOW - CITIZEN,
- HEIR, - MEMBER,
-PARTAKER. Kingdom of God, § 8f.
See
God is to worship Him (Job 1 1) ; but this noble form
of fear may degenerate as the true nature of God is FELLOW -DISCIPLE, -ELDER, -HELPER,
less and less clearly understood into a paralyzing -LABORER, -PRISONER, -SERVANT, -SOL-
sense of terror. This is discouraged and held up as DIER, -WORKER, -YOKE. See Church, § 2.
something to be overcome and expelled from the
heart (Ezk 2 i I Jn 4 is).
; A. C. Z.
FELLOWSHIP: This term represents (1) 'a de-
posit' {tsumeth yadh, Lv 6 2 AV), (2) 'joint partici-
FEAST, FEASTING. See in general Fasts pation' {fi€ToxT)y II Co 6 14), (3) most frequently
AND Feasts, and Food; also see Meals, § 3.
'communion,' 'community of possession' {Koivrnvla),
where the emphasis is not so much on the personal
FEAST, SET. See Fasts and Feasts, § 1. relationship as on the sphere of it; i.e., on the thing
FEAST, SOLEMN. See Fasts and Feasts, which is shared, the object of the common in-
§1.
terest {e.g., I Co 1 9; II Co 8 4; Gal 2 9; Ph 3 10; I Jn
I3f.). S. D.
FEAST OF THE DEDICATION. See Fasts
AND Feasts, § 2, iv. FELLOWSHIP WITH, TO HAVE: This phrase
signifies (1) 'to be joined in alliance with' {hahhar,
FEATHERS: For the occurrence of the word in Ps 94 20), (2) 'to become partaker with' (koivchvos
Job 39 13 (RV), cf. the correct rendering of the RV. yive(r9m, I Co 10 20), (3) 'to be joint partaker
For the word as used of God in a figurative sense, with' (a-vyKotvavelv, Eph 5 11; Ph 4 14 RV; Rev 18 4).
see God, § 2. E. E. N. See also Communion and Communicate. S. D.
FEET, DISEASES OF. See Disease and FERRET : One of the list of imclean animals in
Medicine, § 5 (6). Lv 11 30 AV. See Palestine, § 24. E. E. N.
imperial family, brother of Pallas, the favorite of (II S 19 upon a doubtful Heb. text. It
18) rests
Nero, was appointed procurator of Judaea at the re- is likely that a verb instead of a noun should be
quest of the high priest Jonathan probably in 52 a. d. read meaning either "and they crossed the ford to
Though a freedman, he was given a procuratorship bring over the king" or "and they did the service
with military command, "an unheard-of novelty." of bringing over the king" (cf. Bib. Heb. ed Kittel,
His predecessor Cumanus (for he seems to have been inloc). E.E.N.
procurator of Juda?a) by his misgovemment left for
FESTIVAL. See in general Fasts and Feasts.
Felix a disturbed province, which Felix in turn trans-
mitted to Festus in a much worse condition; for FESTUS {^rjoTos) Porcius Festus, a member of
:
"with all manner of cruelty and lust he exercised the Porcian gens, was appointed by Nero procurator
royal functions in the spirit of a slave." (Tacitus.) of Judcea in succession to Felix. He was apparently a
He was married three times, his last wife being the man of good character, but entered on a governorship
Jewess Drusilla, daughter of Agrippa I, whom he un- involved in difficulties, largely owing to the mis-
scrupulously persuaded to desert her husband and management of Felix. Apart from the N T and
further to defy Jewish law by marrying him, though Josephus nothing is known of him. The date of his
he had not become a Jew. Under the severity of his accession is important for N
T chronology; since im-
regime disturbances increased; the Zealots became mediately upon his coming to office Paul was brought
aggressive, a band of secret assassins known as the before him for trial and appealed from him to Csesar
Sicarii terrorized Jerusalem, and a fanatical out- (Ac chs. 25, 26). Some scholars assign Festus' ac-
break, led by an Egyptian Jew (Ac 21 38), was cession to 55 or 56 a.d., following the Eusebian
crushed relentlessly. During the last two years of Chronicle, which, however, is untrustworthy, and
Felix' rule, while Paul was a prisoner in Csesarea relying also on the statement of Josephus that the
(Ac 23 24-24 27), a conflict arose between the Jews influence of Pallas with Nero saved his brother Felix
and Syrians of that place, which was referred to when the Jews appealed against him to Rome. The
Rome for decision. In the meantime Felix, after fact that Pallas fell into disfavor early in the reign of
having goaded the country almost into rebellion, was Nero appears also to support this date. But he may
recalled, but was acquitted, perhaps through the have recovered his influence, or Josephus may be in
influence of Pallas. R. A. F. error, and thus the way is open for a later date.
260
B'ettei'
Float
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Albinus succeeded Festus, after a few months' in- FINE FLOUR. See Sacrifice and Offer-
terval, not later than 62 a.d., and the governorship ings, § 12, and Food, § 1.
FEVER. See Disease and Medicine, § 5 (3). not 'linen'; (b) is the older term, (c) the later.
In Pr 7 16 the Heb. term is of uncertain meaning.
FIELD Of the numerous terms rendered ''field,"
:
Cf. RV. E. E. N.
the most commonly used are sddheh and sddhay,
which usually designate (a) the wild uncultivated
FINGER As used of God in
:
an anthropomorphic
sense, see God, § 2.
land, in contrast to that which is more thickly in-
habited or worked (cf. Gn 25 27, etc.), or (b) the open FINING POT. See Artisan Life, § 12.
country, in contrast to the enclosed city or town
FIR, FIR-TREE. See Palestine, § 21.
(cf. Dt 21 1, etc.). The same term is also used in a
more restricted sense for (c) the territory belonging FIRE (for this the common Hob. word is 'esh =
to a particular tribe or people {e.g., Gn 36 35; cf. 14 7 TTvp in the N
T. Two other Heb. words, 'ur and
RVmg., etc.), and (d) particular localities, as "the 'erdh, and y^qedhah, and two Aramaic, nur and yqe-
fuller's field" (Is 7 3), etc. Other terms more rarely dha' [Dn 3 22 f ., 7 ll] occur a few times) "Fire" was
:
used are: (1) hutSj 'a place outside' (Job 5 10; Pr 8 used in both a literal and a figurative sense. (1) In a
26) (2) helqah, 'portion' or 'lot' (II S 14 30) (3) sh'- literal sense: (a) of its use for domestic purposes in
; ;
dhemdh, cultivated portions, as vineyards, etc. (Dt processes of cooking (Ex 12 8, 9, 39; Jn 21 9), and for
32 32; Is 16 8; II K23 4; Jer3l40; Hab3l7); (4) bar warmth (Is 44 16; Jer 36 22; Mk 14 64). (b) of castr
(Aram.), 'open country' (Dn 2 38, 4 12-32); (5) dypos ing (Ex 32 24), working (Is 44 12), and refining (Jer
(Mt 6 28, etc.), with the same sense as (b) above; (6) 6 29) metals, and, therefore, a symbol of purification
Xoi>p^ (Jn4 35; Ja5 4), the same as (3) above; (7) (Mai 3 2; Mk 9 49) and testing of character (Zee 13 9;
Xo>ptov (Ac 1 18 f.), like (d) above. See also Agri- Mai 3 3; I Co 3 13). (c) For burning refuse (Ex 12 10;
culture, §§ 2-4. E. E. N. Lv 8 17, 9 11), and infected garments (Lv 13 52).
(d) It is viewed as a destructive agency in the
FIERY HEAT. See Disease, § 5 (3). form of lightning (Nu 11 1, 2, 3; II K
1 10), and in
FIERY SERPENT: A serpent whose bite was war in the burning of cities or property (Jos 6 24,
especially painful and poisonous (Nu 21 6). See 7 15; Jg 9 15; I S 30 1). Hence it was a figure of
Palestine, § 26, and Seraphim. war (Is 10 17, 26 11; Jer 17 27). (e) As a means of
FIG, FIG-TREE. See Palestine, § 23; Food, punishment of grave offenses (Lv 20 14; Jos 7 15).
(f) As an important means of offering sacrifices
§ 5;and Disease and Medicine, § 7 (9).
unto J" (Ex 29 18; Lv 1 9). Fire was to be kept con-
FIGHT. See Warfare. tinuously burning on the altar of burnt-offerings
FIGURE: In Dt 4 16 the word translated ''fig- (Lv 6 13), and acceptance of sacrifices was shown by
ure" means a 'statue' or 'image' of a deity (cf. the fire of J" consuming the offering (Jg 6 21 I K 18;
was considered to be specially sig- of the stalks from which linen was made (Pr 31 13;
a festal season
Is 19 9; Hos 2 5, 9) (4) of the cords (Jg 15 14; Ezk
nificant (cf. Lv 23 7, 35, 39 f.; Nu 28 18). The *'first ;
and fish must have formed a principal article of diet. FLEECE: gez "fleece" means literally
In Dt 18 4
Nevertheless, the references in the Bible to fish and 'shearing,' and 'the shearing of thy sheep' means the
fishing are comparatively few. Fish {dag, dagah) 'wool,' the product of the annual sheep-shearing, the
were taken with nets, or with hooks, or by spearing. "first" of which was to be given to the priesthood as
The nets used were either the drag-net {mikhmereth, a part of their means of support. The quantity
Is 198; Hab Il5; aayTjvr), Mt 1347) or the casting-net covered by the term "first" appears to have been
{herem, Ezk 26 5, etc.; a^(i)i^\-q<Trpov, Mk 116). The left indefinite. See Sacrifice and Offerings,
kind of net indicated by m^sudhah (Ec 9 12) is un- § 19. E. E. N.
known, while biKTvov, the common term for net FLESH, FLESHLY: The word "flesh" in Bib-
in the Gospels, is probably generic in meaning (see
lical usage signifies (1) the whole animate creation on
also Net). For hooks several terms occur, as hak- earth {e.g., Gn 6 13). (2) The soft, meaty parts of
kdh (Job 41 1), tsinnah (Am 4 2), sir (Am 4 2, here an animal or man {e.g., Lv 4 11). (3) The body, or
with the addition dugah, 'fishing'), and ayKitrrpov the surface of the body {e.g., Lv 6 lO; Nu 8 7). (4)
(Mt 17 27). In Job 41 7 we have the sole O T refer- Human beings {e.g., Job 34 15), often in contrast to
ence to the fish-spear, tsiltsal. In the Law dis-
spiritual beings {e.g., Dn 2 11), and at times, especially
tinction was made between clean and unclean fish in Paul, with emphasis on the moral weakness of
(Lv 11 9-12; Dt 14 9 f.). Of fish-worship there is no man that is so closely connected with his bodily
hint in the O T apart from the prohibition in the 2d life {e.g., Ro 6 19, 7 18; Gal 5 17). See also Man,
Commandment. For the fish of Palestine, see Pal- Doctrine of, §§ 6, 7. E. E. N.
estine, § 26. For their use as food, see Food, § 8.
See alsoTrade and Commerce, § 4. The art. Fish FLESH - HOOK {mazleg and mizlag, 'hook')
EB is comprehensive and valuable. E. E, N, A metal hook with one or more (three in I S 2 13)
teeth, used for handling large pieces of flesh, espe-
FISHER'S COAT. See Dress and Ornaments, cially in connection with sacrifices (I S 2 13 f. Ex 27 ;
possibility of such a geological catastrophe since the was no more and "every voice was hushed"; "all
appearance of man on the earth. mankind had turned to clay." The ship grounds on
Most peoples of antiquity had a flood legend. Mt. Nisir and on the 6th day after the Baby-
One notable exception were the Egyptians. Among lonian hero, like Noah, sends forth birds a dove —
the Greeks two traditions were current and a swallow which return, and a raven which
7. Ethnic —
that of the Ogygian deluge, which finds the waters abated. Like the Bibhcal hero,
Flood inundated Attica, and the story of the Parnapishtim offers a sacrifice return above which
Legends, flood of Deucalion. The latter was "the gods gathered like flies." Bel is enraged be-
probably the Babylonian account in a cause Parnapishtim has escaped, but finally being
Hellenic mold, which later was intermixed with appeased, he blesses Pamapishtim and his wife by
elements borrowed from the Biblical narrative. The conferring on them the gift of immortality. The
Indian legend is connected with an incarnation of points of similarity between the Bab. and Heb,
Brahma and Vishnu. The absence of a flood legend stories are apparent on the surface. But what the
from Egyptian folk-lore is due to the annual inunda- reader misses in the former is the lofty moral earnest-
tion of the Nile, which was viewed as the greatest ness and the religious motive of the Biblical story,
blessing the land enjoyed. It is now known that J" sends the deluge because the entire human race
flood legends exist all over the world. They occur has become morally degenerate; in the Bab. account
in the German and Scandinavian mythologies, and the flood is due to the caprice of the gods. The gross
are found among the Chinese, the Mexicans, the polytheism of the one and the lofty monotheism of
Peruvians, the Indians of N. and S. America, and the the other are evident. Note the chaste anthropo-
aborigines of the islands of the Pacific. The theory morphism: "J" smelled the sweet savor" of the
that all these legends are reminiscences of a universal sacrifice (8 21) and the offensiveness of the simile:
deluge is now generally discarded. Many are modi- "the gods gathered Uke flies about the sacrifice."
fications and adaptations of the Biblical story which Furthermore, the Noachian deluge manifests not
has been scattered world-wide by missionaries; oth- only the judgment of God but also His grace (8 20-22;
ers are due to special local causes. F. H. Woods cf. Ro 3 25). Both stories refer to the same event,
(HDB, B.v.) classifies these legends into three groups and embody an early Semitic tradition. That the
with respect to their origin: (1) Those which are Hebrews borrowed it directly from the Babylonians is
connected with cosmogonic myths, regarding water only the view of extremists. The theory propound-
as a creative element. (2) Highly colored tradi- ed by Cheyne {E, Brit, s.v.), jointly with Zim-
tions of some historical event, or extraordinary mem {EB, s.v.), that the Babylonian legend is a
natural phenomenon, as the subsidence of an island nature myth has not been generally accepted. An
or coast, the creation or destruction of an island by a actual, extraordinary inundation of the plain of
volcano, a tidal wave, the inundation of a plain by Babylonia Hes at the basis of the story. There was
the overflowing of a river, the formation of a lake, probably an imusual amount of rain, accompanied
the melting of snow. (3) Flood stories, which ap- by a hurricane from the SE., and an earthquake
pear to have originated in an attempt to account for which produced a tidal wave or lowered the surface
some otherwise unexplained fact, as the dispersion of of the land. Such a combination of natural phe-
peoples, differences of language, the color of the skin, nomena would be sufficient to produce a great catas-
the existence of fossils and glaciers. trophe in Babylonia.
The Babylonian flood story must be discussed Literatttke: Commentaries on Gn by Delitzseh, Dillmann,
more fully, as it closely resembles the Biblical ac- and Driver; for the Babylonian story cf. Kent, Beginnings
count and furnishes the key for the in- of Hebrew History (1904), p. 373; Jastrow, Religion of Baby-
lonia and Assyria (1898); for the geological theory: Prest-
8. The terpretation of the latter. The former wich. Certain Phenomena Belonging to the Close of the Last
Babylonian had long been known in the version of Geological Period, and Their Bearing on the Tradition of the
Flood Berosus, but the cuneiform original was Flood (1895); Wright, Scientific Aspects of Christian Evi-
dences, p. 132 ff.; also Bibliotheca Sacra, 1902; Andr^e,
Story, discovered in the library of Asshurban-
Die Flutsagen Ethnographisch Betrachtet (1891).
ipal (660 B.C.). The story was reduced J. A. K.
to writing at least as early as 2000 B.C. It consti-
tutes Canto xi of the Babylonian Gilgamesh, in FLOOR. See House, §6(b). For Threshing-
which epic Pamapishtim, the Babylonian Noah, Floor, see Agriculture, § 6.
reveals the secret of immortality to Gilgamesh. The
FLOTES. See Float.
gods having decided to destroy the city of Shurippak
by a flood, Ea, the Babylonian Neptune, warns Par- FLOUR. See Food, § 1, and Sacrifice and
napishtim to "build a ship, to look after life." Then Offerings, § 12.
follows the description of the ship. Its dimensions
are different from those of Noah's ark, but it was built FLOWER : While Palestine is noted for the vari-
in 6 stories and pitched within and without with 'bitu- ety and beauty of its flowers, Uttle is said of them
men' (Heb. and Bab. Words are identical). Into in the Bible except by way of reference to them as il-
this shipPamapishtim brings his family, his posses- lustrations of quickly vanishing temporal beauty
sions, "and all living creatures of all kinds." Then and glory (Is 28 l, 4, 40 6 f.; Ja llO f.; I P 1 24). In
is described the storm which terrifies men and sends Song 2 12 and Mt 6 28 (|| Lk 12 27) there is an appre-
even the gods to the edge of the heavens cowering ciation of their beauty. In the carving and em-
like dogs. The tempest continues 6 days and broidery of the Temple and Tabernacle flowers had
nights; on the morning of the 7th a calm broods on an important place, aa also in the ornamentation of
the face of the waters, but the "race of mortals" the metal-work (Ex 25 31 ff., 37 17 ff.; I K
7 26, 49).
Flute 364
Food and Food Utensils
A STANDAKD BIBLE DICTIONARY
cakes cooked in a pan, marhesheth, well known to the 30 12). They were also, like figs, pressed into cakes,
Bedawin of to-day (cf. Niebuhr, Beschreihung, etc., d'bhelim (I S 25 18). It is uncertain whether the
p. 52). Possibly the same thing is meant by niq- Israelites were acquainted with grape-honey, since
the Arabic dibs, corresponding to the Heb. d'bhdsh,
"honey" EV, is used bolji for the artificial fruit-
honey as well as for the natural product (cf. Gn 43
U; Ezk 27 17). Olives were eaten both raw and
prepared, as they are to-day. Besides these may
be mentioned also the pomegranate, rimmon (Dt
8 8; Song 4 3), the fruit of the mulberry-fig, shiqmdh
(sycamore Am 7 14), which was eaten by the poor,
the fruit of the date-palm, idmdr, which also was
treated in the same manner as figs and grapes, the
pistachio n\its,botnim (Gn 43 ii), almonds, sh^qedhim
(Gn 43 11), and walnuts, 'egoz (Song 6 ll). The
Baker's Oven, Showing the Loaves on Hot Ashes. —
dried fruit of the carob-tree the so-called St.-John's-
bread Kepdriov, husks EV (only in Lk 15 16), was
qtidkim (cracknels AV I 14 3) K
An especially thin,
.
more fit for swine than for men. The unripe husks
round cake is evidently meant by raqiq (Ex 29 2, 23), were frequently used to give water a pleasant taste.
while halldh (Lv It is a matter of debate as to whether the Israelites
2) refers probably were acquainted with the apple. In the Hellenistic
to one somewhat period many varieties of produce were imported
thicker and per- —
from other countries mustard, pumpkins, beans,
forated. Fre- lentils from Egypt, asparagus, horse-beans, Persian
quently cakes were nuts, etc.
spread with oil (Lv
2. Animal Foods.
2 4; Ezk 16 13), or
the dough was Next to bread and vegetables the most important
mixed with oil food was milk, hdldbh, both of larger and smaller
(Nu 11 8; cf. Lv cattle (Dt 32 14), especially goat's milk
2 5), or honey (Ex 6. Milk, (Pr 27 27), which was usually kept in
16 31). In times skins, n'odh (Jg 4 19). The Bedawin
Tab^n, or Small Oven, Used in Ba-
of famine, bread alone used camel's milk. As a drink the fresh milk,
king. (Under View.) was also made of which in a hot climate develops a sour taste soon
beans, pol, lentils, after milking, is most effective in quenching thirst.
'dddshlnij millet, dohan, and spelt, khv^sTnim Among the peasantry of to-day no meal is served
(Ezk 4 9). without this sour milk (cf Gn 18 8). Cream, hem'dh,
.
As a relish with bread, vegetables and fruit were is mentioned frequently (Gn 18 8; Is 7 22, etc.), but
used. The leguminous vegetables, yaraq (Pr 15 17; the word means also thick milk, cheese (Pr 30 33),
Dt 11 10), also 'esehh (Gn 9 3), such and probably butter. At the present day butter is
3. Vegeta- as beans (II S 17 28), lentils (cf. pot- made by pressing and shaking a goatskin filled with
bles. tage of lentils Gn 25 34), marsh-millet milk and himg between poles. The modem Arabs
(Ezk 4 9), cucumbers, qishshmm, mel- use a great deal of butter, both fresh and melted.
ons, 'dbattthim, and especially garlic, shumlm (Nu 11 Whether this was also the case with the Israelites in
5), onions, bHsdllm, and leeks, hatslr (Nu 11 5), were Palestine is doubtful, since they had olive-oil to take
all well known. In times of stress, wild gourds, paq- its place. It is also probable that they were ac-
qurath sddhe, prepared with meal, were used in pot- quainted with the 'sweet milk cheese,' k&rUse-
tage (II K 4 39 f.), also saltwort, malluah (Job 30 4). hdlabh (I S 1718). The special word for cheese is
The spices were cummin, kammdn, fitches, i.e., g'bhindh (Job 10 10), which was in all probability
black cummin or dill, qetsah (Is 28 25; Mt 23 23), prepared then as at the present. The curdled
mint, rjdvoo-fiov (Mt 23 23; Lk 11 42), and milk is first drained of its liquid, the curd is then
4. Spices, mustard, a-ivams (Mt 13 31, 17 20). salted and molded into lumps the size of one's
Salt, meZai^, was always very important. hand and finally placed in the sun to dry. To-
"To eat a man's salt" meant to eat of his food (Ezr day such cheese is often mixed with water and
4 14). A "covenant of salt" was unbreakable; it was furnishes with its somewhat sour taste a most cool-
ratified by a meal seasoned with salt, i.e., of bread ing drink.
and salt, as is the custom to-day (cf. Nu 18 19; II Ch By honey, d^bhdsh, so often mentioned in connec-
13 5). tion with milk, not only bee-honey but also fruit-
The fruits, perl (cf. Gn 1 29), known and used were: honey is meant. While bee-culture
figs, especially the early fig, hikkurah (Is 28 4; Jer 7, Honey, was unknown to the Israelites, wild
24 2), and the late fig, t'^'enah (Jer 8 13, bees were abundant, as at the present
5. Fruits. 29 17). The latter were generally dried time (Dt 3213; I S 14 25f.). The liquid honey,
and pressed into round or square cakes, nopheth tsuphvm, that drips from the comb, ya^dr or
d'bhelah (I S 25 18; II K
20 7). Grapes, 'dnabhtm ya'dr d'bhdsh (I S 14 25, 27), is mentioned many times
axid 'eshkol 'dnabhim (Nu 13 23 were used both
f.), (Ps 19 11; Pr 16 24, etc.), and is still highly prized.
fresh and dried, i,e., as raisins, tsimmuqim (I S 25 18, Honey was used with pastry (Ex 16 31) and mingled
Food and Food Utensils 366
Foot
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
with the drink as well as eaten alone. It was a fa- ing meat. prohibition in Ex 23 19 shows that It
The
vorite food for children (Is 7 15), was common to boil the young animals
niilk, as la m
Vemson was
There are but few notices concerning fish as an the custom among the Arabs, to-day.
article of diet (cf. Nu 115). In fact, little is said of somewhat rare, but found on the royal table
Jl U
the fact that there was no
them at all. in the O T (of.. Jer 16 16; 5 3). This was due to
8. Fish. Ezk47l0; Ec 9 12). But they must large extent of wild land, and the Israehtes, more-
(cf Gn 25 27).
have been as much relished then as in over were not specially fond of hunting .
the days of Jesus (Mt 7 10, 14 17, 15 34; Lk 24 42; Jn According to Dt 14 3 ff. and Lv 11 1 ff. it was allow-
21 9). The last two references show that they were able to eat only animals that chew the cud and have
often broiled and eaten with honey. According to cloven hoofs. Dt names, in addition to oxen,
Dt 14 10, Lv 119, fish without fins and scales were sheep, and goats, the hart, 'ayal, gazel, ts'bhi,
unclean and not to be eaten. It was in post-exilic fallow deer, yahmur, wild goat, 'aqqOj antelope,
times that the Jews came to use fish in large quanti- dlshon, oryx, ^'o, and the zemer, probably a
ties. In the neighborhood of the "fish-gate" in variety of deer or stag. Among the fowl, doves,
Jerusalem there was the fish-market (Zeph 1 10; Neh yonah, and turtle-doves tor, also quail, s^law (Ex
3 3, 12 39; II Ch 33 14), where sun-dried or salted fish 16 12 f.), were eaten, and from Is 10 14, Lk 11 12, it
were sold. According to Neh 13 16 they were im- may be inferred that eggs also were an item of food.
ported by Tyrian dealers. Others came from Egypt, It was forbidden to eat any animal not duly slaugh-
where cured fish constituted an important article of tered, e.g,, such as had fallen or was torn a pro- —
export. In later times the salting of fish was exten- hibition probably due to the ancient prejudice re-
sively carried on in Palestine, though the industry garding the shedding of blood (cf. I S 14 32 ff.; Dt 12
was learned from foreigners (cf the name of the town
. 16, 23, etc.).
Tarichese, 'curing-places,' from rdpLxosy a 'cured fish,' Cooking was done by men as well as by women.
at the S. end of the Sea of Galilee). The former indeed considered it their duty only to
From the prohibition in Lv 11 29 f. it would seem slaughter and boil or roast the meat, as
that lizards, tsabh, were occasionally eaten, just as 1 1 , the Bedawin and Fellaheen do to-day.
The
to-day in many districts the Bedawin Prepara- It was the task of the women to grind
9. Reptiles are fond of the daff, which corresponds tion of the meal, bake the bread and cakes,
and to the tsabh, though the qualifying Food. make the cheese and butter, prepare
Locusts, phrase "after its kind" in the passage Utensils, the vegetables, etc. (cf. Gn 18 6; I
cited may be intended to give the word 8 13). Even women of the royal family
a quite general meaning. According to Lv 11 21 f. it occasionally engaged in such work (cf II S 13 8). It.
—
was allowable to eat locusts -the varieties ^arbe, was an exception for a man to prepare vegetables
^oVam, hargol, hdgahh, and gehh being expressly (cf. Gn 25 29; II K 4 38). Cooks, tabhahim,.a.TG men-
mentioned. It is probable that this was a habit sur- tioned (I S 8 13, 9 23), but were found only in some
viving from the earlier nomadic times, against of the more wealthy homes, Bakemeats, "baked
which Dt 14 19 utters a protest without actually for- food" (Gn 40 17, KV), refers to delicacies prepared
bidding it. by the cooks of the royal household. There were
Meat has always been more rarely used as food in bakers, 'opMm, only in the larger towns (Hos 7.4).
the Orient than with us only on the royal table was
: The furnishings of a Hebrew kitchen were very
it an article of daily diet (I 5 3), K simple. In addition to the hand-mill and bake-
10. The and this was probably because of the oven there were the vessels, kadh, which the women
Use of daily offering (see Sacrifice and filled with water at the spring or well, and carried
Meat. Offerings). Otherwise animals were home on their shoulders (Gn 24 14). In such ves-
slaughtered for food only on festal oc- sels meal and other similar things were kept (I K
casions, such as the yearly pilgrimages to the Sanc- 17 12). Meat was boiled in pots of .earthenware and
tuary, hagglm, and the annual festivals of families or of brass. Inasmuch as the manufacture of the
relatives, or under special circumstances, such as
, latter had been learned from the Phcenicians (I K
visits, etc. (cf. Gn 18 7; II S 12 4). The primitive 7 13 f,), they were similar in form to those of Phoe-
style of .preparing the meat was by roasting. It was nicia. A
number of names of such vessels, or dishes,
not until they lived in Palestine and came under have come down to us, but it is no longer possible
the influence of the Canaanites that the Israelites to distinguish clearly among them (e.g., klyyovj
learned to boil their meat (cf. seethe AV, Ex 23 19; dudh, qallahath, pdrur, sir, tseldhdh, §aph, mizrdqj
cf. broth, Jg 619; I S 2 13), and even then, in the kaph, I K
7 40, 50; I S 2 14; II Ch 35 13; Tpv^\iov^ Mk
—
Passover ritual, roasting the old custom of the 14 20). For fruits and bakemeats, there were
—
nomadic shepherds was retained. The supply of baskets of various sorts, of which we know the
meat was derived from the cattle- raising industry. names, but not their different forms (dudh, Jer
Sheep were- of greatest importance for this purpose 24 2; sal, Gn 40 17; tene, Dt 26 2). The three-pronged
(I S 25 11, 18, etc.). Lambs, karim (Am 6 4), up to forks, mazleg, of I S 2 13 were used, not for eating,
three years old were favorites. In addition, fatted but for drawing the meat out of the pot. Knives,
calves, m'^rf (Is 1 11), and oxen (I S 14 32) are re- ma'dkeletk, were used only for slaying the animals
ferred to, also kids, g^dhl Hzzim (Gn 27 9, etc.). The and cutting the meat for cooking (Gn 22 6, 10).
hindquarters, shoq (I S 9 24), thighs, yarek, and shoul- Liquids were kept usually as they are to-day, in goat^
ders, katheph (Ezk 24 4), were considered the best skin "bottles," hemeth (Gn 21 15), and n'odh (Jg
parts. ' It is evident from Gn 27 6 ff. that the women 4 19) oBly in later times, and then rarely, were
;
of Israel, even in early times, were skilful in prepar- metal vessels used for this purpose.
Household Utknsils — II.
1. Sanduk, chest for clothes. 9. Ibiik kahwe, pot for making coffee.
2. Kuffe, basket for carrying earth. 10. Tahunet knhwe, coffee-mill.
3. Sal, basket for fruit or vegetables. 11. 7'un;era, copper kettle.
4. Maktaf, large basket with handle. 12. Munfah, bellows.
6. Kurmi. stool. 13. Jurn, mortar for grinding coffee.
6. Kartfili, basket with handle, 14. Mukense, broom.
7. Sukkara and MifMh, lock and key. 15. Mudakka, wshing-pounder.
8. Ibrik md, pot fo,- hot water. 16. Dikmak, mallet.
(Fi-fini tlieSnvfa DHvisim Pjiton Colleotfoii tii Hartford Ttionlndcrtl S(.Miiiiuii\,)
t*ood and Food tTtensils
36'? A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Foot
water by others. Wells, b^'er^ furnishing "living" Wisdom Lit. (Job, Pr, Ec). The various original
terms express many varieties of meaning which the
spring water (Gn26 l9;Nu21 iff.; Jn 4 11), were rarer
English words only imperfectly reproduce. (1)
and most highly prized. The water of such springs
ndbhal, wbhaldh (rare in the Wisdom Lit.) signify
was usually collected in basins that were walled up
more than mere folly. The verb means to 'despise,'
and covered over, into which one descended by
'contemn' (cf Dt 32 15). The ndbhal, then, is one who
steps. They were the common possession of a clan .
24; Jg5 27; II S 22 39; Ro 16 20; I Co 15 25). (2) FOREKNOW, FOREKNOWLEDGE, FORE-
Possession (Jg 4 10; cf. Mt 15 3D; Ac 4 35). (3) Hu- ORDAIN. See in general Election.
mility, in salutation, supplication, or homage (Dt
K 4 27; Est 8 3; Mk 5 22; Rev 1 17), as of a dis- FOREPART: In Ac 27 41, generally for the prow
33 3; II
of the ship. See Ships and Navigation, § 2.
ciple at the feet of his teacher (Lk 10 39; Ac 22 3), or
as shown in the act of washing the feet of another ( Jn FORERUNNER: The rendering in He 6 20 of
11 2, 13 5). (4) Poetically, the part of the body in npoBpofjLos, applied to Christ, who as eternal
which is
action is man himself (Ps 25 15; Jer 18 22;
used for the High Priest enters in our behalf into the Divine pres-
Lk 1 79; 5 9).AcWashing of feet, customary at the ence, thus insuring our personal approach to God.
end of a journey, or on entering a house, was an act It is used also in the LXX. of Nu 13 20 and Is 28 4 for
of courtesy to a guest. In AV
ken, the "base" of the the first ripe fruits, and in Wis 12 8 for the advance
laver, is rendered "foot" (Ex 30 18, etc). C. S. T. guard of an army. See also Jesus Christ, and
§ 4,
ons of the footman see in general Arms and Ar- FORESAIL, FORESHIP: Technical terras used
mor. only in the account of Paurs voyage (Ac 27 40, 30).
FOOTSTOOL Twice an exact translation of
:
See Ships and Navigation, § 2.
kebhesh (II Ch 9 18), and of virowoBiov (Ja 2 3). It is FORESKIN. See Circumcision.
elsewhere the translation, in Dt, of the late word
hddhom, 'stool/ and in the N
T of vttottoSiov with the FOREST. See Palestine, § 21.
addition "of the feet." The footstool is used figura-
FOREST OF ARABIA (31^3 IJ?!, ya'ar ha-
tively of the earth (Is 66 l; Mt 5 35; Ac 7 49), of the
Temple (La 2 i), of the Ark (Ps 99 5, 132 7; I Ch 28 ^drabh) : A
forest or thicket, probably a hiding-place
for Arabian merchantmen of the tribe of the Dedan-
2), and of enemies, in a metaphor of their conquest
by the Messianic King (Ps 110 1; Mt 22 44, etc.). itea (Is 21 13). Site unknown. The second word
is translated by many "in the steppe"; by others
C. S. T.
the vowel-pointing is changed to mean "in the eve
FORBID the expression "God [or the Lord]
(in ning." C. S. T.
forbid ") In the O T this is the rendering of the Heb.
:
FORD : In the OT a "ford," or place of crossing, FORGER. See Artisan Life, § 10, and Tubal
is mentioned in connection with three rivers, the Cain.
Jabbok (Gn 32 22), the Amon (Is 16 2), and the Jor-
FORGIVE, FORGIVENESS O T par-
(also in the
dan (Jos 2 7; Jg3 28). In antiquity bridges were
almost unknown and fords were therefore of great
don, and in the N T remission) The
idea of forgive-
:
FOREHEAD: The forehead is often treated in a whether viewed as a Divine prescription or an in-
somewhat symbohc way, as indicative of the char- herent right. The vast majority of cases
of forgive-
acter or personality (e.g., "a harlot's forehead," Jer ness in the Scriptures are of this latter
type
^^ (Jos 24
3 3; cf. Ezk 3 8 f.). It was on the forehead of the 19;Ro4 27).
high priest that the golden plate with its inscription The conditions of forgiveness are repentance and
"Holy to Jehovah" was placed (Ex 28 38). Marks, reparation, or atonement; but they are
not mechan-
or signs, or names are spoken of as placed on the fore- ically conceived, nor presented
as equally indis-
heads of the faithful (Ezk 9 4, where the mark is the pensable in every case. In fact, neither
seems to
Heb. letter D in its old form X or have been fulfilled when Jesus on the
f ; Rev 7 3, 9 4, His executioners. The ground for His
cross forgave
14 1, 22 4), or of the servants of the beast (Rev 13 le! forgiving was
14 9,17 5,20 4). that they knew not what they were
E.E.N. doing (Lk 23 34).
In the parable of the prodigal son,
FOREIGNER. See Gentiles. while repentance is
a condition fully met by the conduct
of the offender,
Footman
369 A STANDAKD BIBLE DICTIONARY Foul Spirit
nothing is said of atonement, or reparation. But "pattern" for "form," the less accurate AV render-
in the more formal treatment of the subject both ing of VTroTviraxTis.
atonement and repentance are made conditions (Mk II. See also God, § 2, and Man, § 2.
1 4; Lk 24 47; Ac 2 38), and reparation is prescribed M. W. J.
yasadk, or its derivatives) is used (1) of the walls of a cate acquaintanceship and intercourse of varying de-
building or city, for which the N
T equivalent is gen- grees of intimacy. In II S 15 37, 16 16; I 4 5 the K
erally SefieXios (I K 7 10; Ps 137 7; Lk 6 48, etc.), and word is used probably in a somewhat technical, i.e.,
official, sense. Another frequently used term is 'ohebh
(2) of God's creative act of establishing the earth, for
'lover,' like the Gr.
which the N T equivalent is /cara/SoX^ (Job 38 4; Mt (participle of'ahabh, 'to love'), lit.
Pr 14
i^iXos (II S 19 II Ch 20 7; Est 5 10, 13, 6 13;
13 35). Figurative applications of both of these 6;
20, 1824, 27 6; Is 41 8; Jer 20 4, 6; Zee 13 6). In Jer
usages are also found (Pr 10 25; Is 28 16, the principle
of faith; Ro 15 20; II Ti 2 19, etc.). In Job 38 6 the 38 22the original means 'men of my peace.' In Pr
Heb. is 'edheUj usually rendered 'socket,' but here 16 28, 17 9 the Heb, term implies the existence of a
used to give the sense that the foundations were sunk bond of union, or a confidential relation. '*To speak
deep. In Is 16 7 the RV "raisin-cakes" (idolatrous friendly" (Jg 19 3; Ru 2 13) is literally 'to speak to
offerings) is the more probable rendering. In Is 6 4, the heart.' In Job 19 19 "inward friend" is literally
RV reads "foundations" for ''posts" (AV), and in Ps 'men of my counsel.' In the N
T the word rendered
89 14, 97 2, "foundation" for "habitation" (AV). In *'friend," except in four instances, is the common
the early period the laying of the foundations of Gr. term 4>i\os, In Mt 20 13, 22 12, 26 50 the
Gr. is iralpoSf 'companion' or 'comrade.' In Ac
buildings, walls, etc., was accompanied by the sacri-
12 20 the statement is literally "and having per-
fice of young children, whose bodies were immured
in the foundation (cf. Jos 6 25; I 16 34, and consult K —
suaded Blastus" "friend" not being in the original
the report of the discoveries at Gezer in PEFQS). at all. E. E. N.
See also Cosmogony, § 3. E. E. N. FRINGE, FRINGES: In Dt 22 12 we have an
ancient law requiring Israelites to wear "fringes"
FOUNTAIN: I. In metaphorical usage a foun-
{g^dhlllm) upon the four corners of their garments.
tain is the emblem of any source of spiritual blessing
In Nu 15 38 f. the same law is given in an expanded
(Jl 3 18), whether issuing in cleansing (Zee 13 1) or
form, only here the word rendered "fringes" is tsU-
in refreshment and revival (Rev 7 17, 21 6). Once
sith, which seems to have taken the place of the older
Jacob is called a fountain, referring to the peaceful
word. 'Tassels' is a much more correct rendering
contentment of his condition (Dt 33 28). Preemi-
than "fringes," since g^dhlllm means something
nently, however, God is the fountain of life, i.e., the
'twisted,' and these were to be attached to the corner,
source of all good (Ps 36 9; Jer 2 13, 17 13), Hence
the knowledge of God is also a fountain of life (Pr
not the hem, of the garment. These tassels were
fastened to the garment {i.e., the outer garment or
13 14).
simlah) (see Dress and Ornaments, § 3) by a
II. See Palestine, §§14,20; also En-.
cord of blue, and worn for the purpose of reminding
A. C. Z.
the wearer of his obligation, as an Israelite, of loyalty
FOUNTAIN GATE. See Jerusalem, § 38. to J", though the original purpose, in the time of Dt
and earlier, may have been quite different. Much
FOUR, FOUR AND TWENTY, FOURTEEN.
was made of these in later times as distinct badges of
See Numbers, Significant and Symbolic, § 7.
Judaism (cf. Zee 8 23). They seem to have been
FOURFOLD. See Crimes and Punishments, N
common in T times t;f. Mt 9 20, 14 36, 23 5). When
§ 3 (c). the Jews adopted Gentile dress, they gradually
ceased wearing the tas&els as part of their ordinary
FOWL. See Palestine, § 25.
garb, and confined them, aa now, to the tallith (an
FOWLER. See Hunting. adaptation of the old simlah, worn by men at the
synagogue-service, also, in a smaller form, as an ar-
FOX. See Palestine, § 24. ticle of underwear). E. E. N.
FRANKINCENSE. See Sacrifice and Of- FROG. See Palestine, § 26, and in general
ferings, § 15, and Ointments and Perfumes, Plagues.
§ 2 (4). FRONTLETS. See Phylacteries.
FRAY:This old English word in AV and ERV FROWARD: The North Eng. form of the prepo-
at Dt 28 26, Jer 7 33, Zee 1 21 means 'to frighten.' sition 'fromward,' meaning 'turned from,' often with
Cf. AmRV. E. E. N. the idea of perversity. In AV it is used as adjec-
FRECKLED SPOT. See Disease and Medi- tive, noun, and adverb in the rendering of several
cine, § 5 (9).
Heb. words, which are translated in other passages
by "perverse," "crooked," "false," and "wayward."
FREE, FREEDOM, FREEDMAN, FREE- All these words appear in Pr much oftener than else-
WOMAN, See Slavery, and Liberty, Chris- where, referring to conduct in private and public
tian. life. ARV retains "froward" only in II S 22 27, Ps
FREEWILL-OFFERING. See Sacrifice and 18 26, and I P 2 18. C. S. T.
Offerings, § 10. FRUIT:In the great majority of instances the
FRET, FRETTING. words rendered "fruit" are, in the O T, p'^ri, and, in
See Disease and Medi-
the N T, KapTTos, both words being of general signifi-
<JINE, § 5 (9).
cance and applied (1) to the produce of the earth
XRJED. See Sacrifice and Offerings, § 16. and its plants, (2) to the increase of animals, inclu-
Foundation
371 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Gad, Valley of
ding man, and, (3) figuratively, to the results or con- 21 29 RV, Jg 12 4 the idea is that of one who has 'es-
sequences of human actions, especially in the moral caped.' (3) In II K
2511 'deserters' are meant.
sphere. Other terms rendered "fruit" are: 'ehh, (4) In Is 15 5, 43 14; Ezk 17 21, "fugitive" is the
'bloom' or 'budding' (Dn 4 12, 14, 21); yhhul, 'result' proper term. (5) In la 16 3, 21 14 RV, 'wanderers'
(Dt 11 17; Hab 3 17; Hag 1 10); ydedh, 'child' (Ex 21 is a better rendering than "fugitives." E. E. N.
22); lehem, 'bread' (Jer 1119); ma'dkhalf 'eating'
FULFIL, See Prophecy, §§ 8, 12, 13.
(Neh 9 25); m'>le'ah, 'fulness' (Dt 22 9); nobh, nlbh,
and t'mubhah (all from nubh, 'to grow'), meaning FULLER, See Artisan Life, § 13.
'fruit,' as the result of growth (Jg 9 11; Is 27 6; La 4
FULLER'S FIELD, THE, See Jerusalem,
9; Mai 1 12, and, figuratively, Is 57 19); t^bhu'ah, 'in-
§11.
crease,' and often so rendered; zimrdh, meaning
doubtful (Gn43ll); fcoa^, 'strength' (Job 3139); FULNESS. See Gnosticism in N T.
yevvrjfjia, 'product' (Mk 14 25, and ||s; Lk 12 18; II FURLONG A measure of
: length. See Weights
Co 9 10), and oirSpa, 'ripe fruit' (Rv 18 14). See AND Measures, § 2.
also Palestine, § 23, and Food, § 5. E. E. N.
FURNACE: Several original terms are so ren-
FRYING-PAN: The translation of marhesheth,
dered in the Bible. (1) tannur (Aram, 'atiun, Dn
Lv 27,7 9 —^probably a shallow pan, whether of metal
3 6ff.), properly 'oven' (Gn 15 27; Neh 3 11, 12 38;
or earthenware is not certain. E. E. N.
Is 31 9); see Food, § 11. (2) hibhshan, a 'kiln'
FUEL ; about fuel in the
Little is said specifically or 'smelting-fumace' (Gn 19 28; Ex 9 8, 10, 19 18).
Bible, It may
be inferred that in ancient times, (3) kuTj a 'crucible,' for metal-working, often used
when the country was more abundantly wooded, figuratively (Pr 17 3; Dt 4 20, etc.). (4) 'dill (Ps
wood was commonly used as fuel. The references to 12 6) is of uncertain meaning. (5) Kdfiivos (Mt 13
coals are generally to stones heated red hot, but at 42, etc.), a term of comprehensive meaning, signify-
times to charcoal, which was burned in a brasier, or ing various kinds of furnaces. E. E. N.
pan, of earthenware (Jer 36 22 ff,; Zee 12 6), and
used for heating rooms, also, probably, in the smelt-
FURNITURE In all instances save one the Heb.
:
GAAL, ge'al (bi?5, ga'aV) : A son of Ebed, who GAD (*n3, ^ad^), 'fortune': I. 1- A son of Jacob;
organized a revolt of the Shechemites against Abime- see Tribes, §§ 2-4. 2, A prophet who advised, or
lech (Jg 9 26-41). Whether Gaal was an Israelite admonished, David, first, when as an outlaw he was
or Canaanite (probably the latter), and whether he passing from place to place in his efforts to elude
acted as a patriot or a demagogue aiming to set up Saul's search (I S 22 5), and again, when the king
his own personal authority in the place of that of took the census (II S 24 11 I Ch 21 9 ff.). Together
fif. ;
Abimelech, are questions on which the story does not with Nathan he further assisted David in the ar-
furnish sufficient material for definite answers. rangements of the Levitical musical service (II Ch
A. C. Z. 29 25), and wrote a record of some portion at least of
the great king's reign (I Ch 29 29).
GAASH, gg'ash (llJi'J, ga'ash): The name of a
II. That there was a form of Canaanitish idolatry
hill north of which Joshua was buried (Jos 24 30; Jg adopted by some Hebrews, in which a fortune-god
2 9). The brooks (or 'brook valleys') of Gaash are was worshiped imder the name of Gad, is attested by
also mentioned (II S 23 30). For location see Tim- Isaiah (65 U); ARVmg. "Gad." The name of this
nath-Serah. E. E. N. fortime-god appears also in such compounds as
GABA, g^^ba. See Geba. Baal-gad (Jos 11 17, 12 7, 13 6) and Migdal-gad (Jos
15 37). It is probable that in Leah's naming of her
GABBAI, gab-b^'ai (""SS, gabbay): A prominent maid's son "Gad" (Gn 30 11) there is a trace of the
Benjamite in post-exihc times (Neh 118). worship of this deity. See Semitic Religion,
E. E. N. § 23. A. C. Z.
GABBATHA, gab'a-tha. See Jerusalem, § 44. GAD, VALLEY OF OP bn^, nahal ha-gadh,
GABRIEL, gelbri-el. See Angel, § 4.. II S 24 5), 'torrent valley [wady], of Gad'; ..The
Gadarenes A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 27Z
Galatians, Epistle to the
valley of the Araon, the boundary between Moab within their own circle (5 13, 15, 26; cf. 5 6, 20, 6 1-5),
and Gad (cf. Dt 2 36; Jos 13 9). In II S 24 5 read, practically united them in an attack upon the au-
with LXX. (Lucian), Wellhausen, and Driver: "And thority of Paul's apostleship as under-
they began from Aroer, from the city , . .toward 2. Circum- lying the Gospel which he had preached
GADDIEL, gad'i-el (p^^^h gaddi'el), 'Fortune is was based bears allthe marks of having come to the
God' : One of the spies (Nu 13 10). E. E. N. Apostle not through general rumor, nor through offi-
cial correspondence, but through a personal messen-
GADI, ge'dai C1|, gadhi): The father of King ger (cf. 1 6-10, 3 1-5, 4 12-20, 5 1-15, 6 11-13). It Was
Menahem (II K 15 14, 17). E. E. N. produced under the pressure of strong feeling (cf. 1
6-8, 11-17, 20, 3 1-5, 4 11-16, I9f., 5 2-4, llf., 6 U f. Note
GAHAM, g^liam (CnS, gaham): Probably an in contrast to Paul's other letters the absence from
Aramsean clan-name, connected genealogically with the greeting of any thanksgiving for the readers'
Nahor(Gn22 24). E.E.N. spiritual life).
At the same time, the order of its thought is simple.
GAHAR, ge'har ("in5, gahar) : The ancestral
After the formal address (1 1-5), in which he seems to
head of a subdivision of the Nethinim (Ezr 2 47 ; Neh forecast the claim he is to make for
7 49). E. E. N. himself (ver. 1), and the rebuke he is to
3, Order
of Con- administer to the churches (ver. 4), the
GAI, g^'ai {^^'X 9<^y')f 'valley': The name of a
tents. Apostle passes at once to a considera-
place in Philistia (I S 17 52, "the valley" AV). The
tion of the situation (1 6-10).
true reading is "Gath" (cf. RVmg. and the latter
He states in language the plainness of which
half of the verse). C. S. T.
can not be misunderstood his astonished disap-
GAIUS, ge'us (rmos) 1. A traveling companion
:
pointment at the unreasonable and alarming
of Paul (Ac 19 29), possibly identical with Gaius course the readers are pursuing (vs. 6, 7a) and his
of Derbe (Ac 20 4). 2. One of the two persons unhesitating anathema upon the false teachers who
in Corinth whom Paul himself had baptized in were responsible for it (vs. 7b-9), justifying the so-
addition to the household of Stephanas (I Co 1 14; lemnity of his condemnation by the disinterested
see Crispus). 3. The person to whom III Jn is ad- motive involved in the language (ver. 10).
dressed. 4. Gaius "my host" (Ro 16 23). If Ro ch. With this said, he takes up the personal element in
16 was written from Corinth, he is possibly to be the controversy and presents, in a detailed review of
identified with 2. J. M. T. his life from his conversion to tho period of the Je-
rusalem Council, a vindication of his apostolic au-
GALAL, g^lal (bj*?., galaT): The name of two thority (1 11-2 21). He begins this vindication with
post-exilic Levites (1. I Ch 9 15. 2. I Ch 9 16; Neh a solemn statement of the origin of his Gospel that —
11 17). E. E. N. it had not come from man but from God (1 11 f.). In
proof of this he calls to their mind the bitter zeal of
GALATIA, ga-l^'shi-a. See Asia Minor, § 6. his Jewish life (1 13 f.), in order that they might un-
derstand the significance of the change which had
GALATIANS, EPISTLE TO THE —
come over him in his conversion a change which
was due to nothing ehort of a Divine agency, and had
Analysis of Contents for its purpose nothing less than the entrusting to
1. Introductory 4. Composition and Loca- him of this Gospel which he preached (1 15, 16a).
2. Circumstances of Writing tion of the Churches To this subjective experience he adds a statement
3. Order of Contents 5. Date
6. Bearing of Epistle on Paul's Work of objective facts, showing not merely his independ-
ence of the Jerusalem Apostles subsequent to his con-
The Epistle to the Galatians belongs to the group version (1 16b-24), but the acknowledgment which
of practically undisputed letters of Paul (see Corin- these same Apostles made of the equality of his
thians, Epistles to the, § 1). In apostleship at the time of the Jerusalem Council (2
I. Intro-
ductory.
this group it holds a place of special
importance because of the pecuUarly
1-10)— an equality of which he was conscious enough
to rebuke Peter himself, the head of that apostolic
large autobiographical element it pos- circle, for conduct inconsistent with the principles
sesses, which brings it into significant relation to they all confessed (2 11-14). These facts gave evi-
the record of the Book of Acts. dence that his Gospel was of Divine and not of human
It was written on the receipt of unexpected and origin since with a human gospel he would have had
;
disturbing news of a threatened defection of the no expectation of such action on the part of the
readers from the Gospel preached to them by the other Apostles, and no justification for such action
Apostle (1 6 f., 3 1-4, 4 13-16, 5 7-9). The defection, on his own part.
while it was occasioned by teachings which aroused The circumstances in which this equality was
in the readers a spirit of pride and vainglory that acknowledged and this rebuke administered were
stimulated them to feelings of jealousy and hostility all the more significant for Paul's argument, because
Gadarenes
273 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Galatians, Epistle to the
the question before the Jerusalem Council had been Law makes possible a realization of the promises
the observance of the ceremonial law by the Gentile through bringing man to an appreciation of the need
converts, as necessary to their admission into the of faith (3 21-29).
Christian brotherhood —
the very same matter as This presentation of the relation of the principles
was being urged by the false teachers in Galatia of faith and works is then illustrated from the posi-
(2 1 f.). As to this question Paul had had a con- tion of an heir under the Roman law (4 1-7). This
ference with the Apostles at the time of the Council, brings the Apostle to still another statement of his
and had taken strong ground against the compulsion disappointment at the readers* present course (4 8-
of these converts to such observance (2 3-s), and had 20), in which he recalls to them his enthusiasm for
won the Apostles to his view (2 3, 6 f., 9 f.). his Gospel, and their personal attachment to him-
Peter^s inconsistency had also to do with this self when he first preached to them (4 13-16), appeal-
same question. After his acknowledgment of ing to them through an allegorical presentation of
Paul's position at the Coimcil —
that nothing should the superiority of the covenant of the promise to
be required of the Gentiles as a condition of salva- appreciate the blessings which belonged to them
tion and, therefore, of church-membership, beyond through faith (4 21-31).
faith in Jesus Christ (cf. Ac 15 7b-ll), he had so Upon this follows the practical portion of the
turned against the Gentile converts at Antioch as Epistle, beginning withan exhortation to stand fast
practically to deny them Christian fellowship, be- from the bondage of the Law (5 1-12),
in their liberty
cause of their unceremonial observances (2 11-13). and then proceeding, through an elaboration of what
In his rebuke of this Apostle, which, of course, we do this idea of liberty should mean to their living (5 13-
not have here fully reproduced, Paul presents the 26), to a group of admonitions regarding their fellow-
principle of justification by faith in such a way as to ship and service within the Christian brotherhood
show that Peter could not be logically true to it and (6 l-io), closing with a final restatement of the Apos-
act as he had done (2 15-21). This closes the personal tle's position (6 n-l5), and the benedictory remarics
discussion of the situationand leads the way to the (6 1&-18).
more purely doctrinal discussion (chs. 3 and 4). The churches to which this burning remonstrance
This discussion is opened with a renewed state- was addressed must have had a definite Jewish ele-
ment of his astonished disappointment at the course ment within their membership in order
the readers are pursuing (3 1-4), in which he con- 4. Compo- to give the false teachers a point of con-
fronts them with the inconsistency it showed with si tion and tact for their ceremonial propaganda;
all their previous experience (vs. 3, 4a), though he Location although the previous nature-religion
hints at the hope that this experience may yet assert of the of the Gentile majority, through its
itself (ver. 4b). Churches, ascetic tendencies, had left them open
He then proceeds to place before them the mu- to the legalism it enjoined (4 8-10).
tually exclusive principles of the Gospel of faith, Where in Asia Minor these churches were located
which they had received and accepted, and the gos- —
has been a question of much debate the accepted
pel of works, which they were now following (3 5- view, up to recent times, being that they belonged
4 31). He reminds them (1) that Abraham, to to that northern portion of the large Roman prov-
whom the false teachers harked back, as the father ince of Galatia known as Galatia proper. As long
of circumcision and the representative of the cove- ago, however, as the close of the 18th cent, it was sug-
nant of the Messianic promises, was justified not by gested that they may have been the churches of Paul's
works, but by trust in God; so that they who lived first mission tour, since those were within the Galati-
by faith were the true children of Abraham, and the an province. See Map of the Pauline World.
real recipients of the promises (3 6-9) ; for they who In the last decade this suggestion has gained in
live by works must keep the whole Law, and this has favor, largely through its strong advocacy by Ram-
never been possible in the sight of God, since the say (1893), and is now the widely accepted opinion
only basis on which God ever justifies man is faith of scholars. It has many arguments in its favor
and the Law is not something toward which faith chiefiy (1) that it allows one of Paul's moat impor-
can be exercised (3 10-12). (2) That Christ had re- tant letters to go to churches whose founding is
deemed man from the penalty consequent upon his given us in detail in Ac, and whose situation near
failure to keep the Law, in order that, instead of the Syria not only opened them to just such a Jewish
fruitlessness of works, man might receive the prom- propaganda as this letter contests, but makes such
ised blessings through faith (3 13 f.). (3) That, if an agitation almost inevitable, in view of the fact
it be claimed that the promises to Abraham were that it was the Gentile success of Paul's first mission
superseded by the Mosaic Law (3 15-17), it must be among these churches which caused in Antioch the
remembered (a) that the promises were of the nature outbreak of the whole controversy (cf Ac 15 1 ff.) No
. .
of a covenant (3 15 f .) ; so that the Law, though sub- mention is made in Ac of the founding of churches in
sequent to them, could not annul them (3 17 f.) —
in Galatia proper; while such churches as may have
factj if it could, it would invalidate the very prin- been there in Paul's time must have been too remote
ciple on which they were given, which was one of from Syria to be in vital contact with any such spe-
free promise received in trust, and not of earned re- cifically Jewish movement as this crusade for cere-
ward for obedience to law (3 18) and (b) that the Law monialism. (2) That it will account for several
was given, not to supersede the promises, but by references in the letter which otherwise would be ob-
showing man his inability to keep its commands to scure, e.g.j Paul's repeated mention of Barnabas (2 1,
bring him, through a consciousness of his spiritual 9, 13), who had been with him on his first
mission tour
helplessness, to faith in Christ (3 19 f.); so that the only (cf. Ac ch. 13 f., 15 36-41), Paul's reference to
Galatians, Epistle to the 374
Galilee, Sea of
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
ger') of God Ac
14 il-U), Paul's complaint
(4 14; cf. for he will have the Galatians understand that cir-
that, though he is charged with preaching circum- cumcision has been put before them as a substitute
cision, he is still persecuted by those who advocate for Christ. "Behold I Paul say unto you, that, if ye
this rite (5 11; cf. Ac 16 1-3), the attention Paul receive circumcision, Christ will profit you nothing.
calls to the marks of Jesus, which he bears branded Yea, I testify again to every man that receiveth
on his body (6 17; cf. Ac 14 19 f.). circumcision, that he is a debtor to do the whole law"
With this location of the churches it would seem (5 2 f.; cf. also 6 12-14). It is difficult to account for
that the Epistle must have been written as late as the the Hght and easy treatment of circiuncision with the
latter part of Paul's second mission Corinthians, if he had already been taught by the
5. Date, tour; since he evidently had visited the Galatians the fatal significance it could have in the
leaders at least twice before sending life of the soul. All this is confirmed by the fact that,
them the letter. (Note the difference in the attitude although there was no Judaizing movement at all in
of the readers in 4 13-15 and 1 9, implying two visits.) Rome, the Epistle to that church shows that the doc-
It has been assigned, accordingly, to the time of trinal impressions of the Galatian discussion were
Paul's first visit to Corinth, when the Thessalonian still strong in Paul's mind when he wrote that letter.
Epistles were written (Zahn), and even as late as to (Note the doctrinal treatment of circumcision in Ro
the time of his return visit to Antioch in Syria, be- 2 25-29, 4 9-17, which would be quite natural, if Gala-
tween his second and third mission tours (Ramsay). tians had just preceded Romans.) It is but reason-
Apart, however, from the fact that it was written able to suppose that these impressions must have
while the Apostle was on a journey, accompanied by been equally strong when Paul wrote to the Corin-
traveling companions, and not while he was in some thians, if Gal had just preceded the letter to them.
city center, the guest of the local church (see above, Recognizing the fact of development in Paul's for-
§ 2), it is clear from the general similarity of the mulating of his doctrinal ideas and the continuity of
situation in Corinth when II Co was written to the thought involved in such development, Epistles so
situation in Galatia (see Corinthians, Epistles similar in doctrinal thought as Ro and Gal are not
TO THE, § 13, and above, § 2), that the absence of all likely to have been separated by Epistles so dissimi-
warning in II Co (especially chs. 10-13) to thedoctrinal lar to either as I and II Co.
possibiUties of the Judaizing movement can not be Taking all things into consideration, the writing
adequately explained, if Paul had already expe- of Gal is best assigned to that part of Paul's journey
rienced the severity of the Galatian defection. from Ephesus to Corinth which he spent possibly
If one reads Paul's appeal in II Co 11 2-4, where he in Epirus (cf. Ro 15 19), after his last letter to the
says "If he that cometh preacheth another Jesus,
whom we did not preach, or if ye receive a different
—
Corinthian church or to the fall of 56 a.d.
The early apostolic Church was wholly Jewish in
spirit, which ye did not receive, or a different gospel, its membership. It was, therefore, naturally Jewish
which ye did not accept, ye do well to bear with in the spirit of its worship and its
him," one wiU receive the impression that it is almost 6. Bearing thought, and Jewish in the purpose of
devoid of any suspicion of the doctrinal possibilities of Epistle its evangel. It considered the rehgion
of the movement. In fact, it is not much beyond on Paul's of Jesus as the vital outcome of Juda-
what he had said in I Co 3 ll,where he reminds his Work, ism, to which, in form, it still belonged,
readers, as he had reminded ApoUos and himself, and which it aimed simply to reform up
that no man's work would abide, unless it was to this new standard of the Gospel. Theoretically
founded on Jesus Christ and the gospel truth which this was right, but practically it involved the spirit
He had revealed. It is something veiy different of the old exclusivism by which all Gentilism was to
when he says in Gal 1 8, "Though we or an angel come into the new religion by way of Judaism.
from heaven should preach unto you any gospel Consequently when Paul appeared with his commis-
other than that which we preached unto you, let him sion to the Gentiles the Church accepted him, not
be anathema." It is hard to explain such mildness foreseeing what his work implied (cf. Ac 9 26-29),
to the Corinthians, if he had gone through the bit-
The how-
startling results of his first mission tour,
terness of such an experience as he had with
the ever, made this vividly real, and the controversy
Galatians. And it is equally clear if, at the time regarding the admission of Gentiles without circum-
I Co was written, circumcision was before the
cision became a necessary issue (cf. Ac 1425-15 1, 3-5).
m any way whatever (as it would appear topeople have This controversy was joined first at Antioch, car-
been from I Co 7 18 f.), that it is impossible to under^
ried upto Jerusalem for decision, and settled there by
stand why no hint was made regarding its
significance, if Paul had behind him as he
doctrinal —
compromise (Ac 15 1-21) the principle of salvation
wrote the by faith being admitted, but the racial lines and prej-
great truths brought out by the Galatian
contro- udices of Judaism being recognized (Ac 15 7-11).
versy. The reference which Paul makes to circum- But being a compromise, it did not settle the dispute
cision m
I Co 7 18 f. is purely general.
"Was any — in fact, accepting as it did a duality of life and
man called being circumcised? let him not become thought inside the Church, it made further dispute
uncircmncised. Hath any been called in uncircum-
inevitable, and rendered certain that, within the
cision? let him not be circumcised. Circumcision is regions near Jerusalem and Syria in which Paul's
nothing, and uncircumcision is nothing; but the
Gentile work was being carried on, this dispute would
keeping of the commandments of God." It is sim- become a Judaizing propaganda against his ministry;
ply a statement of the duty of contentment with It is to contest this propaganda that Gal was written
one's condition. It is another ihm^, however, when '—showing us the first stage in the practical workmg
Oalatians, Epistle to the
375 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Galilee, Sea of
out of the religious dualism within the Apostolic GALILEE, SEA OF (also called Lake Gennesaret
Church. (See Corinthians, Epistles to the, [Lk 5 1, originally Tevpija-dpf I Mac 11 67], and Sea
§13.) of Tiberias [Jn 6 21 1]; in the O T Sea of Chin-
1,
LiTEnATtrRB : Among the introductions accessible in Eng- nereth [Nu 34 11; Jos 13 27] and Chinneroth [Jos
lish, Jiilicher(Eng. trans. 1904) fairly represents the more
criticism, while Zahn (Eng. trans. 1908) places
12 3]. In I K
15 20 [Cinneroth AV] the term is evi-
advanced dently used of the plain of Gennesaret, and not of the
its unrivaled wealth of learning on the conservative side.
Consult also the introductions to the Comm. of Lipsiua sea): The largest fresh-water lake of Palestine,
(1891), Sieffert (1899), Ramsay (1900), Kendall (Ex- being 13 m. from N. to S. and somewhat less than 7
positor's Greek Test, 1903), Zahn (1905), For discus- m. from E. to W., at its widest part. Its shape is in
sion of the South Galatian theory see, besides* Zahn,
Introduction, Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire,
general that of an irregular pear, its depth less than
1893, and St. Paul the Traveller and Roman Citizen, 1896. 200 ft. and its surface 681 ft. below the level of the
M. W. J. Mediterranean. The river Jordan enters it at the
Beth^iid t Julla^
SCALE OF MrLES
GALBANUM. See Ointments and Perfumes, extreme NE. and issues from it at the extreme SW.,
§ 2, and Palestine, § 23. at a point much lower, as shown by the cataract-like
aspect of the water at this point. It constitutes a
GALEED, gal'e-ed ("1^5?^^, gal'edh), 'witness-pile':
bright, hghl^blue body of water, which on account of
The name given by Jacob to a pile of stones, raised
the low level is generally warmer than similar bodies
as a "witness" to the compact between himself
in other parts of the world. Its temperature ranges
and Laban (On 31 47, 48). Apparently intended as
from 69° on the surface to 59° at a depth of 65 ft. and
an explanation of the word Gilead (cf . the witness-
lower. It is located in a volcanic region, the moun-
Jos 22 34).
altar of C. S. T.
tains on the E. and the country on the N. being full
GALILEE, GALILEAN. See Palestine, § 36. of lava formations and basalt rocks. The hot
Galilee, Sea of
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 376
Gaza
springs at Tiberias, which always have been and are GALLANT SHIP: An expression found in Is
to the present day famous for their medicinal quah- 33 21 where the prophet, in comparing the New Je-
ties, and the frequent earthquakes show
that the rusalem to a great city, naturally used illustrations
volcanic forces in this region are not yet exhausted. drawn from the large commercial cities on the JNue
The scenery about the lake does not lack in variety, or Euphrates with their well-appointed ships and
boats (see also Ships and Navigation). The
as the sky-line never runs on a dead level for any
distance, but either rises, as in the E., with the steep Heb. word rendered "gallant" is 'addlr, 'large,'
'mighty,^ 'glorious.' E. E. N.
mountains, or sinks to the very level of the shore, as
in the NW., where the water imperceptibly passes GALLERY: (1) In Song 7 6 this is renderingAV
into the plain of Gennesaret, and thence slopes up to of rahat, a word of uncertain meaning, for which
the hills of Galilee. The only feature needed to put RV gives "tresses." (2) For other occurrences see
it on an equality with the most beautiful landscape Temple, § 25. E. E. N.
in the world is that of thick woods on at least a por-
tion of the highlands around.
GALLEY. See Ships and Navigation, § 2.
itself were the scenes of many of the most remark- a prince of Manasseh (Nu 1 10, 2 20, etc.), in charge
able events recorded in the Gospels, such as the feed- of a section of the census in the wilderness (Nu 10 23).
ing of the 5,000 (Mt 14 13 and ||s). 2, A rabbi in the Apostohc Age (to be distinguished
Literature: G. A. Smith, HOHL, pp. 437-465. from a later one of the same name) a grandson of the
,
ing in Hellenistic usage any kind of bitter liquid, in- head of the 22d course of priests (I Ch 24 17).
cluding myrrh (cf. Mk 15 23). L. G. L. E. E. N.
Galilee, Sea of
377 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Gaza
GARDEN. See Eden, and Palestine, § 23. its king, with whom David later took refuge (I S 21
10 ff.). Still later, David captured and reduced
it to
GARDENS, THE KINGS', See Jerusalem,
subjection (II S 8 l; cf. I Ch 18 l). Rehoboam for-
§38.
tified it (II Ch 11 8) but in the days of Uzziah it ap-
;
GAREB, ge'reb (2% garebh): I. One of David's pears to have regained its status as an independent
chiefs (II S 23 38; I Ch 11 40), said to be a mem- Phihstine city (II Ch 26 6). In the wars of Syria
ber of the Ithrite family of Kiriath-jearim (cf. against Judah, it was seized by Hazael as a prelimi-
I Ch 2 53). It is probable, however, that the Heb. nary step to an attack on Jerusalem (II 12 17). K
text should be vocalized so as to read "the Jattirite," From Am
6 2 it has been inferred that it was taken by
i.e., an inhabitant of Jattir (cf. I S 30 27). II. An un- Sargon in 711. Its name is to be recognized as the
identified hill near Jerusalem (Jer 31 39). Gintu Asdudim of that monarch's inscription (cf.
L. G. L. Schrader, COT, II, p. 143). In the Onom. Sac. it is
located 5 Roman m. from Eleutheropolis {Beit Ji-
GARLANDS : The rendering of the Gr. o-reft/xara,
brin) in the direction of Diospolis (Lydda), which
which occurs but once in the N T (Ac 14 13). The
would point to the modem Dikkerin, a village with
reference is to the wreaths used in heathen sacrifices.
ancient ruins that might possibly be those of a city
They were ordinarily made of the leaves and flowers
like Gath. But according to modem explorers a
of such trees or plants as were most acceptable to
more probable site is Tell-es Safiyeh, 10 m. SE. of
the divinity to whom the sacrifice was to be offered.
Ekron and 10 m. E. of Ashdod (cf, G. A. Smith,
If the phrase ravpovs koX are^fiara is a hendiadys for
Tovpovs i(rT€p.pivovs, then they are to be under-
HGHL, pp. 194-195). See Map I, C 9. A. C. Z.
stood as adorning only the victims; otherwise they GATHERED TO ONE'S FATHERS. See Bur-
may have been intended for the ministering priests ial AND Burial Customs, §§ 3-6, and Escha-
and such temporary altars as they may have planned TOLOGY, § 17 f.).
GATE. See City, § 3; Wise Men; Temple, ventional territorial limit in the S., e.g., of the coun-
and Jerusalem, passim. tiy of the Canaanites (Gn 10 19 [J]), of the conquest
§ 8;
of Joshua (Jos 10 41), of the realm of the Avvim (Dt
GATH (DS, gath)f 'wine-press'; gentilic, Gittite 2 23) and Solomon (I K 4 24). Map
of the empire of
(II S 6 10) : One
the five cities of the Philis-
of II, A 2.was an important city as early as the
It
tines (II S 1 20). It is first mentioned as a place days of Rameses II, in whose lists its name occurs
where Anakim were still living at the time of Joshua (Rec. of the Past, 2d ser., VI, pp. 27, 41). In the
(Jos 11 22). The Ark of the Covenant was held here distribution of the land by Joshua it was assigned to
for a time (I S 5 8). It is also known as the resi- Judah (Jos 15 47), but never possessed. It was for-
tified, for it had gates (Jg 16 3), and possessed a
tem-
dence of two Philistines, i.e., Goliath, the gigantic
champion whom David slew (IS 17 4 ff.), and Achish, ple of Dagon (Jg 16 23 ff.). Its location on the high-
Cazelle 378
Genealogy, OT
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
road between Egypt and Mesopotamia brought it Shaphan, the secretary of King Josiah, appomted '^i
into relations with the Assyrians. Tiglath-pileser by Nebuchadrezzar as governor of those left the m
III subjugated its king Hanno in 734. It rebelled, land after the fall of Jerusalem (II K 25 22 f.), and
but was again conquered by Sennacherib (701) and assassinated by Ishmael (Jer 41 18). 2. One of
Esarhaddon (676); of. Schrader, COT, I, pp. 91, 149, the sons of Jeduthun (I Ch 25 3, 9). 3. A son of
247. A. C. Z. Hezekiah and grandfather of Zephaniah (Zeph 1 1).
4. A son of Pashhur, a ruler who consigned Jeremiah
GAZELLE. See Palestine, § 24, and Food,
to prison (Jer 38 1). 5. A priest who married a for-
§10. A. C. Z.
eign wife (Ezr 10 18).
GAZER, g^'zgr. See Gezer.
A
GEDER, gi'dgr ("115, gedher), 'walF: Canaan-
GAZEZ, g^'zez (T.tJ, gazez): The name of two the same as Beth-gader (Jos 12 13).
ite royal city,
individuals, both Calebites (I Ch 2 46), though Site unknown. Gedeiite, an inhabitant of Geder
there may be a textual error in the verse. (ICh27 28). E.E.N.
E. E. N.
GEDERAH, ge-dt'ra (Ti'^lX, g^dherah), 'a walled
GAZZAM, gaz'gm (2^5, gazzdm): The "sons of place' (usually 'a sheepfold'): A town in the
Gazzam" were a subdivision of the Nethinim (Ezr lowlands of Judah (Jos 15 36). See Map II, D 1.
GELILOTH, ge-lailoth (n'h^% g'llloth), 'cir- houses and their pedigrees' {zar'dm, Neb 7 6l).
cles/ 'stone circles' or, more broadly, 'dis-
i.e., What loss of privilege befell these secular famihes is
tricts': A
place in the boundary of Benjamin (Jos not specified, but of certain priestly families in hke
18 17) called Gilgal in 15 7. It was between Jerusa- case it is related that "these sought their register
lem and the Jordan, not far from the ^scent of among those who were reckoned by genealogy,* but
Adummim (q.v.), but is still unidentified. it was not f oimd therefore were they deemed polluted
:
GEMARIAH, gem"a-rai'a priest with Urim and Thummim" (Neh 7 64-66), i.e.,
(H^^I.^O?, g'maryah), 'J"
till the doubt left by the defectiveness of the family
accomplishes': 1. A
noble of Judah, in the days
of Jehoiakim, apparently somewhat favorably dis-
register could be determined by the sacred lot. The
exclusive policy of Ezra, involving as it did the ille-
posed toward Jeremiah (Jer 36 10-12, 25). 2. A son
gitimacy of marriages between Jews and those who
of Hilkiah, sent to Babylon by Zedekiah and the
were not Jews, must also have stimulated genealog-
bearer of a letter from Jeremiah to the Jewish cap-
ical research and record. This cause, too, or any-
tives there (Jer 29 3). E. E. N.
thing corresponding to it, was absent in earlier times,
GEMS: This term is found only in Pr 26 8 ERV for intermarriages had then been recognized and
where the Heb. is 'ebhen, 'stone.' While a jewel or frequent.
precious stone may be meant, and would make good We can scarcely be wrong, then, in concluding
sense, both AV and ARV
correctly render the word that genealogies were kept much more regularly
"stone," avoiding all inferences. E, E. N. after the Exile than before. Indeed,
2, Genea- if we ask how early and how direct is
logical Rec- the evidence for genealogies, in partic-
GENEALOGY, OLD TESTAMENT ords Before ular for iminterrupted genealogies of
Analysis of Contents the Exile, individuals, recorded in writing before
the Exile, it must be admitted that it is
1. Reasons for Genealogical 4. Geographical and Ethno-
Records logical Relations Ex-
relatively late and indirect. The laws of Dt 23 2-8
2. Genealogical Records Be- pressed Genealogically (7th cent. B.C.) perhaps presuppose, and would cer-
fore the Exile 5. The Lists in I Chronicles tainly require for their satisfactory fulfilment, such
3. Significance of the Terms 6. The Levitical and Priestly records; while the narrative of the census in II S
Used Genealogies
ch 24, and such allusions as those in Ex 32 32, Jer
Zeal in establishing and recording genealogies is 22 30 may point, if not to actual genealogical records,
promoted by anything which connects privilege to records from which genealogies might be con-
with the estabhshment of descent. structed.
I, Reasons For example, the remarkable genealog- A certain form of genealogical knowledge was in
for Genea- ical records of the Arabs, which in many any case doubtless prevalent in early Israel. It
logical respects are a most suggestive parallel must be remembered that by their social organization
Records, study to that of the Jewish genealogies, the Israehtes consisted of a number of tribes, these
appear to owe their character and ex- tribes of a number of clans, these clans of a number
tent to the method introduced by the Calif Omar I of houses or families, the family even being a more
of distributing the spoil taken from the infidels so complex group than the family (in its more re-
that certain classes of the believers and their children stricted sense of a man, his wife, and their children) is
received a larger share than other Arabs. In the with us. Thus when we read in a relatively early
circumstances of the Exile and the Return we find a passage (Jos 7 16, 17 JE) that "Joshua brought Israel
sufficient cause, if not for the creation, yet certainly near by their tribes; and the tribe of Judah was taken.
for great extension of genealogical zeal among the And he brought near the family ('clan') of Judah;
Jews. So long as the Jews were in their own land, and he took the family of Zerahites; and he brought
actual possession of the patrimony and discharge of near the family of the Zerahites, man by man and ;
the duties connected therewith may frequently have Zabdi was taken: and he brought near his house-
served as sufficient proof of the inclusion of the hold, man by man; and Achan, the son of Carmi, the
owners in the Jewish nation; but divorced from son of Zabdi, the son of Zerah, of the tribe of Judah,
their land they needed other proofs of their descent, was taken," ^ we can see that Judah was one of many
if, in the Exile, they were to look forward to, or at tribes constituting Israel, Zerah one of many clans
the Return were to claim with confidence reinstate- constituting Judah, Zabdi one of many families con-
ment in what were then to rank as the full privileges stituting Zerah, and Achan, himself the father of a
of Jews by descent. Thus we find Ezekiel, at the family, one of many individuals belonging to differ-
beginning of the Exile, making allusion to written
registers, when he says of the false prophets that
^ The verb rendered "reckoned by genealogy" (hUkyd-
hesh) and the noun from which it is formed (yd^ash, Neh
"they shall not be in the council of my [J'"s] people, 7^ only) are confined to the books of Ch, Ezr, and Neh. The
or be written in the writing [register, mg.] of the origin and primitive meaning of these words are obscure
house of Israel, neither shall they enter into the land and their sense is to be determined entirely from the pas-
sages where they occur (I Ch 4 33, 5 1. ^• i?, 7 <* ?• ^- *°, 9 *- ^^l
of Israel" (Ezk 13 9). And in the list of those who II Ch 12 15, 31 "' ly- 19; Ezr 2 62 = Neh7 84; Ezr 8 1.3; Neh 7 6).
returned from the Exile we find certain families 2 For text and a more literal translation, see Bennett in
mentioned who were unable to show 'their fathers' SBOT.
3^0
Genealogy, t A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
constituted the family of Zabdi (cf. also I S 10 21). of the perfumers isa "son of the apothecaries (ct.
Now we may well believe that in early Israel a man NehSsAV; RV paraphrastically "one of the per-
could commonly have given the name of his family, fumers") members of prophetic societies, or gilds
;
prophets," or
clan, or tribe, and moreover many or all of the fam- of porters, are respectively "sons of the
"children [sons] of the porters" (Ezr 2 42);
the Jews
ilies that constituted his clan, and of the clans that
'the com-
made up his tribe. And early records of the names as exiled are termed collectively hag-golah,
of these tribal divisions may well have been kept in pany of exiles' (Ezk 11; Jer28 6; Ezr 10 8, etc.), or 6'7i^
records made for various purposes. But this is a hag~golah, "children of the captivity" (Ezr 4 1; etc.).
Nor is this usage to be explained by the
descent of
very different matter from genealogies of individuals
carried upward through many generations. calUng, or profession, from father to son; for this
Whatever we may infer as to early periods, it is would not explain why a single perfumer is a son of
certain that of the genealogical material preserved the perfumers (plural), nor such a closely allied
in the O T by farthe greater part is found in works phrase as 'sons of the troop' ("men of the army," II
—
of post-exilic origin ^in the Priestly Code (P), in Ch 25 13 RV), with which we may compare the ex-
Ch, Ezr, Neh. In pre-exilic writings it is rare to pression "sons of the caravans" in the Aramaic
find an individual identified more closely than by of Palmyra, or even the N
T "sons of the bride-
reference to his father: in some cases, especially in chamber." Various other relations are also expressed
the Book name of the grandfather is
of Jeremiah, the by the term 'son'; hostages are 'sons of pledges'
also given; but it is altogether exceptional (and (II K 14 14), valiant men 'pons of might' (II S 2 7);
probably due to the kingly position of the last- cf. the N
T "sons of thunder." All these expres-
named ancestor) that the prophet Zephaniah's an- sions, it must be observed, occur in ordinary prose.
cestors are given (Zeph 1 1) to the fourth generation 'Son' is also used with geographical terms:, Ezekiel
before him. Contrast with this the lengthy genealo- (16 26, 28, 23 17) terms "Egyptians," "Assyrians, "and
gies with which Ezra (Ezr 7 l), Tobit (To 1 l), and " Babylonians " respectively 'sons of Egypt,' 'sons
Judith (Jth 8 1) are provided. But though the of Assyria,' and 'sons of Babylon.' Joel (3 6) terms
genealogical material is found mainly in the later those whose home was Jerusalem "children [sons]
literature,much of it relates to far earlier periods; of Jerusalem"; " children [sons] of the province" are
the genealogies of P end with the Mosaic Age, those of the exiles who returned and settled in the province
I Ch chs. 1-9 (mainly, if not exclusively, apart from of Judah (Ezr 2 l). So, in poetry it is true, "rams of
interpolated sections) are apparently intended ^ not the breed of Bashan" (Dt 32 14) are in Hebrew idiom
to descend below the age of David (cf. 4 31, 7 2). If, 'sons of Bashan.' Towns or villages dependent on
then, these genealogies are throughout genuine, the another are its 'daughters' (cf. "Heshbon and in all
custom of carefully registering tribal, clan, and fam- the towns [daughters mg.] thereof," Nu 21 25). Is
ily divisions and, in some cases, lengthy lines of the the case different when an ethnographical takes the
descent of individuals must have been widely preva- place of a geographical term? Did the expression
lent far earlier than the direct evidence would sug- 'sons' ("children" RV) of Esau, Heth, Lot, Manasseh,
gest. There thus emerge important questions: with Israel, etc., mean the actual children or, at least, the
what degree of trustworthiness should the O T lineal descendants of individuals named Esau, Heth,
genealogies be credited? Are many or any of them etc.? Certainly in later times the Jews treated
artificial constructions resting less on fact than on their descent from the patriarchs literally enough.
imagination and theory? Or are the genealogies, This is not the place to examine in detail the vahdity
even when genuine and accurate tables of relations, of the claim, but it must be pointed out that such an
referred to the correct period ? inference can not be safely drawn from the term
Before attempting to give the very brief answers, "sons of Israel," for this is ambiguous; it may mean
which will alone be possible here, to these questions, persons physically descended from an individual
it will be well to consider the language named Israel, or persons belonging to the people so
3. Signif- of the genealogies. For we shall thus named. That the latter usage occurs is obvious in
icance of see that a number of the O T genealo- one case; for we can not sharply distinguish the use
the Terms gies are not intended to be and conse- of this term "sons" in "sons of Manasseh" and
Used. quently must not be criticized as tables "children [sons] of the half-tribe of Manasseh" (I
showing the descent of individuals; Ch 5 23), yet in the latter case "sons" can only mean
they are modes of describing the relations between 'members' of the half-tribe. (2) The second lin-
tribes, clans, families, and places. It is not always guistic use needing to be kept in mind is the frequent
easy to decide to which type particular genealogies personification of a whole group of people, so that the
were originally intended to belong; again, it is not whole is spoken of, or represented as speaking, as an
improbable that descriptions once intended in the As
individual. illustrations it may suffice to cite:
one sense came to be taken in the other. But these "And the Egyptians [Heb. Egypt] said. Let me flee"
difficulties will be lessened if we approach the geneal- (Ex 14 25; RV paraphrastically, as often, "Let us
ogies by a study of certain linguistic usages of the flee") "and the men of Israel said unto the Hivitea,
;
Hebrews, and, in particular, two: (1) Terms of Peradventure ye [Heb. thou] dwell among us" (Jos
kinship, more particularly the term 'son,' are used to
9 7): "The children of Joseph spake unto Joshua,
cover other relations than those occasioned by phys- saying. Why hast thou given me but one ... in-
ical descent. What we should term membership in heritance, seeing I am a great people" (Jos 17 14;
cf. further Nu 20 14-21, 21 1-3; Jg 1
3; Gn 34 30). See
iBenzinger, Die Backer der Ckronik, p. 1. also Int. Crit. Comm. on Numbers, p. 265 f
381 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Genealogy, T
We may now examine some instances of genealo- In detail there is room for some difference of inter-
gies which clearly describe geographical and ethno- pretation, but the general drift of the genealogical
graphical relations. And first, Gn ch. —
statement is clear the clan Caleb first settled in the
4, Geo- 10 The
: RV
rather obscures the ob- district of Azubah and was there subdivided into
graphical vious meaning by transliterating cer- certain clans (Jesher, Shobab, and Ardon); subse-
and Ethno- tain names which it elsewhere trans- quently Azubah passed out of the possession of the
logical lates: so "Mizraim" (ver. 6) is regularly —
clan which then settled in Ephrath the district
Relations elsewhere rendered "Egypt," "Cush" which included Beth-lehem /Mic ch. 5ff.; Gn 35 19);
Expressed commonly by "Ethiopia," "Asshur" during the occupation of Ephrath a main subdivision
Genealog- (ver. 22) by "Assyria." If we substi- of the clan was called Hur, and was again subdivided
ically. tute the familiar for these entirely ex- into divisions named Shobal, Salma, and Hareph,
ceptional English equivalents of the who inhabited the towns Kiriath-jearim, Beth-le-
Hebrew words, Gn 10 6, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18 runs thus: —
hem, and Beth-gader respectively ^the ShobaHtes of
"And the sons of Ham Ethiopia and Egypt and Put
: Beth-lehem being split up into the families of Ith-
and Canaan. And Egypt begat Ludim, and Ana- rites, Putites, and others. Here, as in Gn ch. 10,
mim, and Lehabim, and Naphtuhim, and Pathrusim, 'sons,' 'grandsons,' 'great-grandsons,' represent the
and Casluhim, . .and Caphtorim. And Canaan
. divisions, subdivisions, and further subdivisions of
begat Sidon, his first-bom, and Heth and the Jebusite an ethnic group: but here 'son' or 'wife' may also
and the Amorite and the Arvadite and the
. . . represent the town or district inhabited.
Zemarite and the Hamathite." The meaning of all Facts remain facts, and literal descriptions of the
this is clear; the terms 'sons' and 'to beget' are used same facts, if true, must agree whatever their age or
metaphorically; and what is stated is that one of the origin; but metaphorical descriptions of the same
three great divisions of the inhabitants of the world fact may vary largely according to the taste of the
known to the Hebrews included as its subdivisions writer. A relation which one may describe as that
Ethiopians, Egyptians, Putites, and Canaanites; of father and son, another may prefer to describe as
and in those subdivisions the inhabitants and sub- that of husband and wife. Further, in the course of
jects of Egypt included Ludites (all the terms in centuries tribal divisions and tribal relations vary.
ver. 13 are plurals in Hebrew), the inhabitants of Up- A tribe may increase and it may fall at one time into,
per Egypt (Pathros) and Caphtor and others; the say, five, at another into ten main divisions; or the
Canaanites included thePhoenicians(who are intended reverse may happen; or, again, a once independent
by Sidon, which, being regarded as the most an- tribe, or clan, through diminution may become in-
cient settlement in Canaan, is described metaphor- corporated with another, or a particular subdivi-
ically as Canaan's "first-bom"), Hittites, Jebusites, sion of a tribe may become so important as to form
inhabitants of Arvad and Hamath (in N. Syria), and a new independent tribe; or, once more, a clan which
others. The compiler of Gn ch. 10, like the com- occupied a particular district may move to another.
pilers of the Arabic genealogies, may have held the Then in the metaphorical language of these genealo-
theory, which would, however, conflict no less with gies it will be said, in the first case, that X ( =the
the facts of the growth of nations given in the Bible tribe) had five sons, but at a later or earlier period,
than with the findings of modem historical and sci- as the case may be, it will be said with equal correct-
entific research, that each nation consisted exclu- ness that he had ten; in the next case X and Y will
sively of descendants from a common ancestor, and be at one time described as brothers, at another as
again that all aUied nations were descended from an- father and son. The last case may be variously ex-
other common though more remote ancestor, but pressed. As above, in the case of Caleb, X being the
this is not directly stated in the chapter; the geneal- clan, Y and Z the districts, X may be said first to
ogy supplies no links between terms so wide as Y
marry and then Z, or at one time X may be father
Egypt and Canaan on the one hand and terms so of Y, at another of Z; or againX may be first son of Y
relatively limited as Caphtor and Sidon on the and then son of Z. In spite of frequent textual cor-
other. The value of the genealogy lies in the hght ruption and not infrequent ambiguity of the meta-
it casts on the geographical distribution and, to phorical terms, up to a certain point the geographical
some extent, on the political relations of nations at and ethnographical genealogies of the O T may be
the periods to which its several parts belong. understood, once the general method is appreciated;
The metaphorical language of Gn ch. 10 is rela- but if it be disregarded and the names taken to repre-
tively simple; 'sons' are obviously subdivisions of sent individuals and the terms to be literal descrip-
the ethnographic groups that rank as 'fathers.' tion of fact, then various genealogies being com-
Elsewhere it is often more elaborate and sometimes pared will simply bristle with contradictions and
more ambiguous- For example, in I Ch 2 18 f., 50-55 difficulties. For example, in I Ch 7 6, Benjamin is
we read that Caleb married Azubah, and, after her said to have three, in I Ch 8 1 f., and Nu 26 38 five, and
death, Ephrath; that the first-bom of the second in Gn 46 21 ten sons; in Gn 46 21 Gera is a son of Ben-
marriage was Hur and the sons of Hur, Shobal, Sal- jamin and brother of Bela, in I Ch 8 7 a grandson of
ma, and Hareph, were fathers respectively of Kiriath- Benjamin, and a son of Bela; similarly Ard and
jearim, Beth-lehem, and Beth-gader, and that the Naaman are sons of Benjamin in Gn, but of Bela in
families of Beth-lehem were Ithrites, Putites, and Nu 26 40. According to Nu 26 29-32 Manasseh's son,
others. The presence of names of well-known dis- Machir, had by his son Gilead (a district!) six grand-
tricts and towns (Ephrath, Beth-lehem, Kiriath- —
sons lezer, Helek, Asriel, Shechem, Shemida, and
jearim) at once indicate that the terms 'son,' Hepher; but in Jos 17 l, 12 the six grandsons of
'father,' 'marry,' 'beget' are used metaphorically. Machir become eons of Manasseh and younger
Genealogy, T
Genesis
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 383
brothers of Machir. The real difficulty in such ticity of any of the rest, and some of them contain
cases is to determine the periods to which the several features which create suspicion. Freest from sus-
descriptions apply; there is seldom reason to doubt picious features is the genealogy of Saul. On the
that such descriptions are genuine descriptions of other hand, the priestly and Levitical genealogies
fact. are so full of suspicious features that they may safely
The Book of Genesis is articulated by a succession be treated as not genuine. They contain, certainly,
of interrelated genealogies — of heaven and earth, some names of actual persons gleaned from earlier
1-2 4a; of Adam, ch. 5; of Noah, 6
of the sons of
9 f. ; sources, but alsomany 'dummies,' mere names that
Noah, ch. 10; of Shem, 11 10-26; of Terah, 11 27, 32; of represent no actual persons in the periods implied,
Ishmael, 25 12-16; of Isaac, 25 19 f.; of Esau, ch. 36; and as a whole they seek to establish lines of descent
of Jacob, 35 22b-26, 37 2. The character and value that must be regarded as historically unproved and
of these must in the main be determined by wider improbable, in some cases even demonstrably wrong.
considerations than those that fall under the pres- The genealogies of I Ch ch. 6, for example, present a
ent subject. However, the first of the foregoing series of features which are known to be character-
genealogies is obviously metaphorical and so, as we istic of post-exilic names, but which are entirely dif-
have seen, is the fourth. On the other hand, in some ferent from those that mark groups of well-attested
cases it is clearly the intention of the writer that we early names. Thus the same name recurs in the
should think of individuals; the twelve 'sons' of Ish- same genealogy, implying the custom of naming chil-
mael are expressly said to be twelve princes (25 6; cf. dren from ancestors, yet this custom, as Jewish,
17 20). Whether he be right or wrong, the list has can not be clearly traced beyond the 5th cent. b.c.
value; for it preserves the names of actual Ish- Names compounded with the Divine name Yah(weh)
maelite clans, even though the 'sons' of Ishmael form a highly suspicious proportion of the whole;
thus named may as individuals be nothing more the formations of the names are those most frequent
than an inference from an incorrect theory of the in late and least frequent in early times; some of the
origin of clans and tribes. As the genealogies pre- names are frequent in later, but otherwise unattested
sent twelve 'sons' of Ishmael, so they present twelve in the earlier periods. An indication that these gen-
'sons' of Israel; and these 'sons' again, whether they ealogies could not in all cases be, even if real, com-
ever had existence as individuals or not, are the plete is found in the wide difference in the number of
twelve tribes of Israel, though it must be added that genealogies that separate contemporaries from a
the twelve 'sons' of Israel, as tribes of Israel, are not common ancestor.
an entirely fixed and permanent quantity; for the Finally, reasons for the invention of these
twelve sometimes includes and sometimes excludes genealogies are to be found in the history of the
Levi, sometimes makes of Joseph a single tribe and priesthood, and particularly in the
sometimes two —
Ephraim and Manasseh. In Gn 6. The movement powerfully started by Eze-
ch. 36 there can be little doubt that we are dealing Levitical kiel (Ezk
ch. 44), which illegitimized
with clans and their relations, and not with indi- and certain priests and their descendants,
viduals. The earlier genealogies of Genesis are, in Priestly and confined the priesthood to a single
part, of yet a third type; they tabulate neither clans Genealo- line,and required all servants of the
nor individual men, but mythical names and matter. gies. Temple to be Levites and not, as here-
Turning to the early chapters of I Ch, we find that tofore, aliens.
the main purpose here also is to present the names of The basis of fact in the Levitical genealogies, as in
the tribes and their subdivisions at a the genealogies of the other tribes, is to be found in
5. Thetime when each 'son' is a clan number- the names of the Levitical divisions; but from the
Lists in I ing many individuals; so most clearly narratives we can see that the divisions no more re-
Chronicles, and exclusively in the case of Issachar mained constant in Levi than in other tribes. In
30 ff.).
(7 1-5), Manasseh Asher (7
(7 14
In these cases the genealogies given seldom
ff.), Nu 26 58 the primary divisions of Levi are five —the
Libnites, the Hebronites, the Mahlites, the Mushitea,
exceed three or four, and, of course, in no way cor- and the Korahites (gentilics formed from Libnah,
respond to the number of generations between an in-
dividual common
— —
Hebron names of places and MahU, Mushi [Moses],
ancestor and the numbers given. and Korah) elsewhere (Nu 2657; I Ch ch. 6, etc.) they
;
ch iv S. R.
course, have been compiled at a Dnver Genesis, especiallypp. 112-114 (on Gn ch. 10) and,
late period from the generally standard commentaries on
books of Kings. It is difiicult to Gn, Ch, Ezr, and
prove the authen- Neh; G. B. Gray, Studies in Hebrew Proper
Names, ch.
Genealogy, T
383 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Genesis
iii(a detailed examination of the historical character of the latest document, which was adopted by the
the names and name-lists in P and Ch) and Expos., 1902
compiler as the basis for his large composite work
(March) pp. 225-240. On the Arabic genealogies, Sprin-
,
ger,Das Leben u. d. Lehre d. Mohammed, ch. iii, p. cxx ff, (Gn-Jos). An analysis of P in Gn will be found
W. R. Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia, ch. i. under Hexateuch, § 27, and need not be repeated
G. B. G. here.
Of the two older documents (J and E), J began
GENERAL: This word occurs once (I Ch 27 34 with creation and passed gradually to the story of
AV) as the rendering of sar, elsewhere generally ren- Israel's ancestors, a method later imitated by P.
dered "captain" (q.v.). E. E. N. Since no certain trace of E is found before ch. 15, it is
GENERATION. See Time, Genealogy, probable that E began with Abraham. From ch. 20
§ 5;
Genesis, § 2; Cosmogony, 1; and Jesus onward J and E can be traced as parallel narratives
§ 4; §
dealing with the same ancient traditions, and in
Christ, § 18.
much the same way. The narrative of J can be
traced with comparatively little difficulty because of
GENESIS
its consistent use of the name Jehovah for God and,
Analysis of Contents as far as ch. 20, by means of its easy, flowing narrative
style. After ch. 20 the analysis is more difficult, not
1. The Name 6. Sources of the Material
in Gn only because there are now three interwoven nar-
2. Outline
3. Analysis
Critical 7. Historical Value of Gn ratives instead of two, but because, on the one
4. Contents of J and E 8. Religious Value of Gn hand, two of these (E and P) use 'God' instead of
5. Comparison of the Docu- 'Jehovah,' and, on the other, the style of E is much
ments in Gn
more nearly that of J. The places most difficult to
The first book of theO T was called by the Jews analyze are those where J and E are closely inter-
n'^^X'lS, b're*shlth Cin the beginning'), from its woven. In such sections the style and contents of
first word. The word Genesis is Greek the two documents are often so similar that a sure
I.The {y4ve(Tis), meaning or 'generation,' analysisis impossible.
The History of Abraham. Cont. The History of Isaac and Jacob (Israel).— Coni.
E. J.
E.
J.
6. A. and Hagar. Ish- 18. Joseph and his breth- Joseph and his brethren (42
i^- ren (42 27 '•• 38-43 13. 1-26, 29-37, 43 1*' 45 1-9.
mael born (16 2,
45 lo*. lOb-28).
4-14). 16-34, 44 (all),
7. The revelation at Mam- 19, Jacob moves to Egypt Jacob moves into Egypt
i-s).
re. (Goshen) (46 28-34, 47 (46
(1) When the heir 1-4, 6b, 12).
was to be born (18 20. Joseph's administra- Jacob adopts Joseph's chil-
1-15), tion (47 13- 27a. 29-31). dren (48 i '• 8-22).
(2) Of the destruc- 21. The blessing of Jacob
(49 lb-28»).
tion of Sodona (18
16-33), 22. Burial, etc., of Jacob Joseph's kindness to his
8. The destruction of Sod- A. and Sarah at Gerar; (50 1-11- "). brethren (50 "-21).
om, rescue of Lot. Sarah taken by Abimelech Joseph's charge to his
Origin of Moab and (20 1-18). brethren; his death (50
Ammon (ch. 19).
22-26)^
12. A. sends for a wife for The great test of A.'s faith
editor, or compiler, and inserted in its present po-
Isaac. Rebekah (ch. (22 i-ia. 19). sition.
24). Reading the narratives for the sake of comparison,
13. A.'s children by Ke-
certain distinctive characteristics of each will reveal
turah (25 I'O-
themselves. In P we have a carefully
5. Compar- planned, systematic narrative, arranged
The History of Isaac and Jacob (Israel).
ison of the according to an exact chronological
1. The birth of Esau and Documents scheme, with a view to the progress of
Jacob (25 11*^' 21-26a).
in Gn. history toward a certain well-defined
2. Jacob purchases Esau's
end. The writer of P was profoundly
birthright (25 27-34).
3. Isaacat Gerar, deal- convinced that the goal of human history was Israel,
ings with Abimelech. the theocratic people, with its holy institutions, and
The well Beersheba in Gn we have that part of P's history in which the
(26 1-33).
4. Jacob, by deceit, gains preliminary imfolding of that Divine purpose is re-
Isaac's blessing away vealed. Thus the Sabbath is founded at creation;
from Esau (27 J'-'S). commands concerning food are given from the be-
5. Jacob's flight to Haran, Jacob's dream and vow at
hia vision at Bethel Bethel (28 " '•• " '• 20-
ginning (1 29 f., 9 3 if.); emphasis is placed upon cir-
(28 10. 13-16. 19). 22), cumcision as the sign of the covenant (ch. 17); God
6. Jacob at Haran. Ra- Jacob's arrival at the home is known to the primeval world as 'God' {'El) simply,
chel (29 2- n). of Laban (29 1).
to the patriarchs as 'God Almighty' ('El Shadday)
7. J.'s marriages and sons J.'s marriages and sons (29
(29 31-36. 30 * ^" 7- 18. 15-23, 25-28a, 30, 30 1-3, 6, 17- (17 1; cf. 28 3, 35 11), to be later known to Israel as
20b, 24), 20a, c, 21-23). Jehovah (see Ex 62). In P there is no mention of
8. J. grows wealthy (30 J. flees from Laban (31 =* *•
sacrifice or priesthood in the primeval, or in the
26-43). Iga, 18-21).
9. J. flees from Laban (31 patriarchal, world, for these came only later with
1.3). the founding of Israel's institutions by Moses. The
10. Laban pursues; recon- Laban pursues he and ; theological conceptions of P are advanced. God is
=»«-*8'
ciliation (31 60), Jacob agree to respect
great, infinite, transcendent, and while He reveals
each other's right (31 22-
45, 49, 51-65), Himself, there is no hint of any external means (as
11. J.'s meeting with Esau; J. at Mahanaim (32 1-2). by a vision or angel). All that is said is simply,
the struggle at Pe-
niel (32 2-33 i').
"God said unto" this or that one. Furthermore,
12. J. at Shechem; Dinah J. at Shechem; buys land; there is comparatively little in P that savors of a
episode (34 2^, 3b, 6, erects an altar (33 10 '-) close touch with popular tradition, or seems to have
7, 11 f., 19, 25a, o, 26,
30 f.),
been drawn from popular story. All is exact, care-
13. J. at Bethel again (35 fully planned and worked out, the result of much
J. at Bethel (35 i-s).
^*). thought and even research (cf. the genealogies of
14. Birth of Benjamin, etc. Ishmael, or Esau, the geographical material in ch.
(35 16-22).
10, the table in ch. 5, or the chronological scheme
15. Joseph envied and sold Joseph's dreams; his breth-
into Egypt (37 2b-4.
ren sell him to Midianites
into which the events are fitted). In both J and E,
12-18, 25b-27,
21, 28b,
(37 6-11. 19'-. 22-25a, 28a, a, on the other hand, the narrative is of a much more
31-36). 29 f,, 36),
popular character. It shows itself to have been
16. Judah and the Canaan-
ites (ch. 38).
drawn quite directly from the popular tradition.
17. Joseph in Egypt; im- Joseph in prison interprets The stories are told in a vivid, realistic way, designed
prisoned and yet hon- dreams (40 i-^^). to interest and attract the listener or reader. In
ored (39 i-23).
Pharaoh's dream; Joseph
these stories there is no connected chronology in —
fact, there is no chronology at all. In religious and
becomes chief minister
marriage; the famine (41 moral character the material in J and varies E
-'-.7),
greatly. Much of most ancient and primitive ma-
Genesis
385 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Gentiles
terial has been preserved, or still lingers in these heaven' and earth, manifested in the creation of His
stories along with more advanced and refined relig- covenant people Israel.
ious or moral conceptions {e.g., in the stories of In the light of modern science and of recent arche-
paradise, of the visit of the three angels to Abraham, ological discovery the historical value of Gn chs. 1-11
or of Jacob at Peniel) is no longer an open question. We can
In considering the sources whence the writers of 7, Histor- not go to Gn ch. 1 for our cosmogony, or
the documents in Gn drew their material a distinc- ical Value our geology. We can not go to Gn chs.
tion must be made between the ultimate of Gn. 2-3 for the literal facts of the origin of
6, Sources origin of the material and its condition man, or of eviL Neither can we go to
of the when the authors J, E, or P made use of 4 17 ff. for exact knowledge of the origin of early civi-
Material it. In both J and E we have evi- lization, nor does the story of Babel really account
in Gn. dently quite a collection of ancient tra- for the origin of the diverse languages. We must
dition. Close examination of J will judge the material or formal elements of aU these
reveal the fact that behind the collection, as we find narratives precisely as we do the very similar matter
it in that document, there were earHer and smaller found in abundance all over the ancient world. The
collections which were at hand and used by the case is somewhat different with the contents of chs.
author of J. It is altogether probable that quite a 12-50. Here, to a large extent, we are dealing with
process of collection, and even editing, is to be traditions centering for the most part about places
posited before the composition of J. The ultimate in the land actually occupied by Israel and about
sources of Gn were separate traditions, each having persons considered to be the actual forefathers of the
its specific occasion and independent history before nation. Such traditions might easily be greatly
being taken in hand, altered, and adjusted to a elaborated and embellished in the course of trans-
place in a group of more or less easily connected tra- mission, until finally committed to writing, and it is
ditions. Doubtless the homes of many of these tra- exceedingly difficult to determine what is to be con-
ditions were the various holy places, or sanctuaries, sidered the historical kernel and what the later elab-
which figure in them, as Beersheba, Hebron, Beth-el, oration. That a great part of the substratum of
or Shechem, Some of them may have been origi- the traditions in Gn is historical seems to be a
nally Canaanite, and later transformed by the He- reasonable position.
brews. Some may have related originally to the The question of the religious value of Gn is, in
movements of tribes, retold later as the experiences great measure, distinct from that of its historical
of individuals (e.g., chs. 34 and 38). The fragments value. The Hebrews belonged to a
of ancient poetry (4 24 f., 25 23, 27 27 ff., etc.) may 8. Relig- world full of all kinds of mythological
well in some instances at least be much older than ious Value legends, and of all grades and varieties
the narrative in which they are embedded, and their of Gn. of theistic conceptions. It was cer-
original reference may have been to different circxnu- tainly no small matter that they were
stances. None of the material in 1 1-11 25 is spe- able to face that world and make use of many of
cifically Israelite, and its formal elements at least its theories and yet triumph over its religious defi-
must have been derived by the Israelites from the ciencies in the interests of a pure, spiritual, ethical,
larger Semitic world of which they were a part, and and monotheistic faith. It is just such a victory of
to which they were very closely related. We now Israel's religion that we find in Gn, and of that vic-
find all this vivid material collected, edited, and ar- tory the Book of Gn itself is an incontestable witness.
—
ranged according to one ruling purpose a national- The book is everywhere instinct with this vital faith.
religious purpose —to show how Israel originated as Whether the writers are dealing with the ancient
the people of J"- It was along these lines that the Babylonian cosmogony (as in ch. 1) or with the old
ancient document J was constructed and, though legend of Jacob wrestling with an angel (the original
dealing exclusively with patriarchal stories, this was significance of which must remain unknown), it is
also the method followed by the writer of E. the same earnest rehgious feeling and purpose that
As to the sources of P, while it is evident that this are manifested. It is Israel's religion, the post-
work is planned much along the same lines as J, it is Mosaic religion of Israel, that we find in Gn. And it
just as evident that the author was not interested is in what Gn tells us, and seeks to teach, of the char-
especially in merely reproducing popular tradition. acter and progress of this religion in that ancient
His creation and flood stories, his comprehensive world that we are to find its highest value and may
chronology, his interest in ceremonial prescriptions, discern its inspiration.
his careful array of facts of a geographical, ethno- Literature: The literature on Genesis is enormous. Tlie
logical, and genealogical character, together with his following commentaries will be found most serviceable:
Dillmann, Driver, and Gunkel, 2d ed. Dods in Expos-
advanced theological conceptions, all reveal reflec- very suggestive along religious lines. See
itor's Bible is
tion, study, and calculation —in other words, the care- also Literature under Hexateuch. -^ jj^ j^^
ful working over of ancient material from certain
well-defined points of view. Consequently, in re- GENNESARET, gen-nes'a-ret, LAKE OF. See
gard to P, the question of sources is comparatively Galilee, Sea of.
unimportant. P presupposes acquaintance on the GENNESARET, LAND OF. See Palestine,
part of his readers with the general body of popular
§10.
tradition. It was the purpose of the author, as a
scholar and theologian, to lift those elements of an- GENTILES (goy, pi. goytm, and eBpos, pi. eOurj,
cient tradition to the high level of a delineation of 'people,' nations): Since the Israelites
nation,
the lofty, supreme purpose of God, the One Maker of looked upon themselves as a "peculiar people" (Ex
G-entiteS 386
Geography
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
19 5 AV), the "chosen" (Is 43 20) nation, they con- miah (Ezr 10 2 ff.; Neh 13 26 f.) protested and the
wise men
sidered other nations to be on a lower level and "strange" women against whom the
less privileged than themselves. These conceptions warned the heedless (Pr2 16; etc.) were foreigners.
are disclosed, in the T, especially in the post- The zar was not necessarily of foreign blood. The
exilic writings, and are found frequently in the term is used at times of class distinctions within
Apocrypha and Apocalyptic Literature, and in the Israel, as, e.g., of the non-priestly vs.
the priestly
literature of later Judaism. The term heathen, (Ex 29 33; Lv22l2; etc.). In the same way the
common AV, conveys this idea, but the RV
in the term is applied to the "strange" woman as one out-
has rightly preferred the more impartial rendering side the pale of respectable society (Pr 2 16, 5 3; etc.).
"nations." In N T times, the Jew divided mankind But it was often used of foreigners as people entirely
into three classes, Jews, Greeks CEXXijves, made to different from, or even hostile to, Israel (Is 1 7; Ezk
include Romans, thus meaning the civilized peoples 11 9; etc.). In the post-exilic and N
T times the dis-
of the Roman Empire, often rendered "Gentiles" tinction between the Israelite and the non-Israelite
AV), and barbarians (the unciviHzed, Ac 28 4; Ro was emphasized in the scrupulous abstinence on the
1 14; I Co 14 11). The terms uncircmncised, un- part of loyal Jews from all familiar, unrestrained fel-
circumcision were also used, sometimes with deep lowship with Gentiles, like eating with them, etc.
meaning, to designate those who had no share or lot (Ac 11 3; Gal 2 12). Another striking evidence of
with Israel in her pecuHar privileges (Gn 17 4; Jg 14 the same prejudice was the demarcation of a portion
3, 15 8; IS 31 4; Gn 34 14; Ac 11 3; etc.). Besides of the Temple court as the "court of the Gentiles,"
these general terms there are several special terms, beyond whose bounds no foreigner could pass with-
which show the attitude of Israelites toward foreign- out incurring the death penalty (see Temple, § 32,
ers who lived among them. Two of these, ger (gen- and cf. Ac 21 28). Notwithstanding this, the way of
erally sojourner RV, but stranger AV, once alien, entrance into Judaism from without was always
Ex 18 3 AV) and toshabh (also sojourner RV), ex- open. Proselytes {irpo<rrjkvToi) were numerous
press the nearer relationship, while zdr (stranger) and zealously sought for (Mt 23 15). These corre-
and nekhar or nokhrl (stranger, strange woman, sponded to the O T gerlm who had received circum-
etc., sometimes alien) designate the more remote. cision, without the local and political allegiance
The ger (pi. gerlm) or toshabh was one who put him- natural to the OT times. Strictly speaking, there
self under the protection of Israel and of J", Israel's was but one class of proselytes, as the so-called 'pros-
God, who submitted to many of the requirements of elytes of the gate' mentioned by Josephus (in the
Israel's law, and was entitled to certain privileges NT, "devout" men, who "feared God," Ac 10 2;
not accorded to the "stranger^ {zar ov nekhd.r). In etc.) were not proselytes proper, but merely Gentiles
the earliest code the ger was given the benefit of favorably disposed toward the Jewish faith, who
the Sabbath rest, and it was recommended that he attended synagogue services, and were wilhng to
be treated kindly (Ex 20 10, 22 21, 23 9, 12). In the impose on themselves some of the Jewish rules of
Code of Dt the same kindly spirit prevails, the ger life (cf. Nowack, Heb, Arch., I, p. 339 f. See also
being classed with the Levite, the fatherless, and the Proselytes). The occasional occurrence in the
widow (Dt 14 21, 29, 16 11, 26 11-13), and guaranteed NT of "sojourner" (He 11 9; I P 2 11) or "alien"
the same just judgment as was the right of the Is- (He 1134) is but a figurative echo of O T usage,
raelite himself (24 14, 17, 19-21, 27 19). At the same and not especially significant. See also Nethinim
time Dt 14 21 permits the Israelite to give to a ger and Slavery. E. E. N.
meat that he himself was not to eat, because the
GENUBATH, ge-nu'bath {TQ^%, g<^uhhath): A
animal had "died of itself," In the Holiness Code it
is presumed that the ger offered sacrifices to J" (Lv
son of Hadad, the Edomite, and the sister of I'ah-
17 8, 22 18) he is required to observe various cere-
;
penes, the Egyptian queen. He was reared (not
monial and other requirements (Lv 17 10 ff., 18 26, "weaned") in the royal palace with the children of
20 2, 24 16, 22) he is to be treated kindly (19 10; etc.).
;
the Pharaoh (I K
11 20). E. E. N.
On the other hand, if a rich ger acquires a Heb. slave
by purchase, the latter can be redeemed at once (Lv GEOGRAPHY
25 47). In P, while the ger is supposed to offer sacri- Analysis op Contents
fice to J" (Nu 15 14 ff.), he must be circumcised in
1. Geography in General 7. Plains and Rivers and
order to partake of the Passover (Ex 12 19, 48 f.; Nu 2. Form and Size of the Seas
9 14), by which act he becomes an IsraeUte. The Earth 8. Adjacent Foreign Coun-
3. Points of the Compass tries
status of the toshabh was exactly that of the ger, the
4. The Land of Israel 9.Egypt and Africa
two terms being synonymous. 5. The Ideal Limits of the 10.The Uttermost Parts
The status of the nekhar (or nokhrl) was based on Land H. Growth of Geographical
the idea that he had (or desired) no cultus-fellow- 6. Natural Features Knowledge
ship with Israel. His real allegiance was to another The
ancient Orient gave no consistent and inter-
people and another deity. Hence even the humane ested study to the surface of the earth. While the
Code of Dt does not extend the privileges of the year aspect of the heavens attracted the
of release to the nokhrl, and permits the exaction of I. Geogra- Babylonians, and a considerable amount
usury from him (Dt 15 3, 23 20). No nokhrl could phy in of correct information was secured,
be king (Dt 17 15), and in P he is stringently for- General, making up a crude science of astron-
bidden to partake of the Passover (Ex 12 43). In omy knowledge of places upon the earth
,
Ezk 44 7-9 he is forbidden to enter the sanctuary. was regarded as of secondary importance. Espe-
The "strange" wives against whom Ezra and Nehe- cially is this true of the Hebrews in the earUer stages
Gentiles
387 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Geography
of their history. Their contact with the world out- quarter (negebh, from obs. nagabh). There do not
Bide of their own
territory was not like that of the seem to be corresponding terms for North and East
Phoenicians, motived by aggressive commercialism, in this system.
but occasioned by initiative from without, and was The center of geographical knowledge was the
for the most part indirect. Their knowledge of the Holy City. About it three irregular circles might be
world was thus not the same from one age to an- drawn, indicating geographical knowl-
other, but increased with each generation. 4. The edge according to its degree of definite-
As to the form of the visible earth, the Jews held Land of ness. The innermost of these would
that it was circular, and surrounded by water, Israel, contain the Holy Land. But even of
which extended as far as where the this territory all knowledge was pre-
2. Form dome of heaven, like an inverted bowl, dominantly practical, and not distinct enough to
and Size rests on it (Job 26 10; Pr8 27). The leave its traces in the form of maps or minute de-
of the surface of the earth was believed to scriptions.* The name given to the land varies ac-
Earth. be gener- cording as it is viewed
ally plain, as the residence of cer-
but studded with moun- tain peoples —
the land
tains, and broken by of Canaan (Gn 11 31),
rivers and lakes. It the land of the Hebrews
was vast beyond the (Gn 40 15), the land of
power of man to meas- Israel (I S 13 19); or as
ure or compute (Job 28 possessed of sacred as-
5, 38 18) but yet it was
J
sociations —
the "holy
limited within certain land" (Zee 2 12), the
boundaries which were "pleasant land" (Zee 7
definitely known to ex- 14), the "glorious land"
ist (Dt28 64; Job 28 24; (Dnllie), the "land of
Jer 10 13; Ps 2 8). The J"" (Hos 9 3), "the land
center of it was the which J" sware to Abra-
Holy City, Jerusalem ham, Isaac, and Jacob"
(Ezk 5 5; "navel of the (Gn 50 24), and "the
earth" LXX.). Around land of promise" (He
this point the
central 119).
nations the earth
of The ideal limits of
were arranged as de- this land the Hebrews
scribed in Gn ch. 10. foimd in the empire
Within the circle of achieved and main-
the known earth the He- tained for
brews were accustomed 5. The a brief pe-
to distin- Ideal riod under
Eablt Babylonian Map of the WonLD. Limits of David and
3. Points guish four
of the and only A map of the world as it was known in "the late Babylonian the Land. Solomon
Compass. four direc-
period" (Sayce would substitute *'eariy" for "late") has (I K 4 21,
been recently published in the 22d vol. of the Cuneiform
tions in the 9 26). Roughly speak-
Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum, Plate
hori zon (cardinal ing, it was bounded on
28, and is reproduced here by permission. It is said to be
points),and four winds by a tourist of the age, is accompanied by explantory text, the N. by the range of
to correspond with these and throws a flood of light on the subject. For a popular Lebanon, on the S. by
(Jer 49 36; Ezk 37 9; account by Sayce, cf- Exp. Times, Nov., 1906, p. 68 ff. the wilderness of Paran,
Zee 6 5; Dn 8 8). The on the W. by the Medi-
designation of these directions was made according terranean, and on the E. by the Arabian desert.
to three different The first of these took
systems : (1) Its length was designated in the phrase "from Dan
the rising sun as its fixed point, and by placing the to Beersheba" (I S 3 10, 24 15; etc.). The subdivi-
observer face to face with it named the East 'front' sion of it among the tribes was probably not a
(qedhem), the West 'behind' {'ahdrdn)^ the North fixed one, though certain ideal boundaries were
'the left hand' {snnd'l), and the South 'the right hand' held in mind for each tribe, as dating from the
(yamin, teman) (see also East). (2) The second Mosaic age (Nu 32 33-42, 34 2-12; Jos chs. 15,16, 17).
system was based on the daily apparent motion of Four districts were specifically dis-
the sun; hence the East was "the rising of the sun" 6.Natural tinguished (Dt 1 7), as the "Arabah,"
{mizrah), the West the "going down" of the sun Features, or Jordan Valley, ^he "Shephelah," or
im'ho' hasshemesh, Ps 50 1; Mai 1 11), the North the lowland along the western coast, the
region of darkness (tsaphon), and the South the re- "Negeb," or South country, and the Seashore. To
gion of light or brightness (darom). (3) The third these the hill-country of Ephraim and the hill-coun-
non, "that goodly mountain" (Dt 3 25), and the Anti- 9, Egypt whole length to Syene ("from Migdol
lebanon ranges, was the northern section of the land. and Africa, to Syene," Ezk 29 10, 30 6, RVmg.) was
Mt. Hermon, the southernmost summit in the more or less familiar ground throughout
group, was the most conspicuous of the mountains. the whole of the Biblical period. S. of Syene lay
Other mountains which secured a fixed place in the Ethiopia (or Gush; of. II K
19 9) and Seba. To the
popular geography were Mt. Naphtali (Jos 20 7), Mt. W. of Egypt the whole coast of Africa was com-
Tabor (Jos 19 22; Jg 8 18), Mt. Gilboa (I S 31 l f.), prehended under the one great name of Libya (Jer
Mt. Carmel (I K 18 19 ff. Is 35 2), Mts. Ebal and Ger-
; 46 9, 'Tut," q.v.).
izim (Dt ch. 27), and, in the outer rim of the coun- To the eye of the Hebrew, at least before the Exile,
try, the mountains ofBashan (Ps 68 15; Is 2 13), the circle within which the inhabited earth is fixed
Mt. Gilead (Dt 3 12), Mt. Nebo, and Mt. Pisgah was one with a radius of approximately
(Abarim, Dt32 49). 10. The 1,000 miles. The furthest countries
Chief among the lowlands of the country were the Uttermost known in any sense were: to the E,,
Valley of Jezreel (Jos 17 16; Jg 6 33), the Plain of Parts. Persia^ Media, Elam (Pdra^, Mddhay,
Sharon (Is 33 9), the Lowland ("Vale" and 'Elam) and Susiana to the N., ;
7. Plains AV) or Shephelah (Jos 10 40), the Armenia to the Caucasus, and the regions of Asia
and Rivers Valley of Sorek (Jg 16 4), the Plain of Minor, as far as the Black Sea ("Magog," "Togar-
and Seas, Jordan (Gn 13 10), which is in the vicin- mah," "Ararat," and "Gomer"); to the W., Cyprus,
ity of Jericho, and was also called the the coasts of Greece, the Archipelago, Ionia, and
Valley of Jericho (Dt 34 3), and its extension beyond Libya ("Elisha," "Javan," "Kittim," "Caphtor,"
the Dead Sea, the Valley of Salt (II S 8 13). Be- and "Lubim"); and to the S., Ethiopia, Yemen, Ha-
sides the Mediterranean, called "the Sea" par ex- dramaut, E. Arabia ("Cush," "Phut," "Seba," "Ha-
cellence (Nu 34 5), the Dead Sea (also called the "Sea zarmaveth," "Ophir," ''Raamah" EV).
of the Arabah," "the Salt Sea" Dt 3 17, and the The foregoing stands in general for geographical
"East Sea" Ezk 47 is), the Sea of Chinneroth (Jos ideas in the O T as a whole. Naturally, these are
12 3), or Chinnereth (Nu 34 11), later called the not equally full and clear in all the
Lake, or Sea, of Gennesaret, Galilee, or Tiberias, II. Growth periods of the history. They devel-
were noted. Of rivers, the principal one was the of Geo- op from cruder and vaguer notions.
Jordan, constituting, as it does, the chief line of graphical Events such as the wars of DaAdd, the
division between the E. and W. parts of the country. Kiiowledge. commercial enterprises of Solomon, the
But besides this great river, others were familiar, Babylonian Exile, and contact with
such as the Shihor-libnath (Jos 19 26), the Kishon the Greek world vastly enlarged and clarified them.
(Jg 5 21; I K 18 40), the River of Egypt (Gn 15 18); In the N T geographical ideas coalesce with those of
and on the E. of the Jordan, the Jarmuk, the Jabbok, Graeco-Roman science. Nothing approaching a sys-
and the Arnon. tematic presentation is given anywhere, but the
From the earliest days the relations of the He- accounts of the missionary journeys of Paul furnish
brews with the outside world brought them into materials for the identification of Biblical ideas with
direct touch with Phcenicia, although those of the best authorities outside (cf. Ramsay, St.
8. Adjacent mention is made only of its cities Tyre, Paul the Traveller^ 1896). See also Asia Minor,
Foreign Sidon, Arvad, etc. To the E. of Phce- etc., and cf. Francis Brown in EBj article Geogra^
Countries, nicia lay the great stretch of land phy. A. 0. Z.
known as Aram (Syria), extending to GEOLOGY OF PALESTINE. See Palestine,
the Euphrates. The Euphrates itself, together with
§§ 14r-16.
the Tigris {Hiddeqel)^ was familiar as the territory
of Asshur, Nineveh, and Babylon, gradually recog- GERA, gi'ra (^!1^', gera'): The ancestral name
nized as having^ an internal unity under the name of of one of the clans of Benjamin (Gn 46 21). In
Mesopotamia (^Aram-Nahdraim). To the E. and the list in I Ch 8 3 £f. one or more Geras are men-
the SE. of the land of Israel lay Moab, with its cities tioned as subdivisions of the clan of Bela of the tribe
of Kir and Ar (Is 15 1), the territory of Ammon, and Benjamin. The fact that both Ehud (Jg 3 15) and
Edom (also called Mt. Seir, together with Mt. Hor Shimei (II S 16 6, etc.) are called "sons" of Gera also
[Nu 20 23], one of its conspicuous summits), with indicates that Gera was one of the ancient clans
Ezion-geber and Elath (I K 9 26; Dt 2 8), its ports, of Benjamin. E. E. N.
and Bozrah and Sela (Is 34 6), its principal cities. To
the "W". of Edom the Wilderness of Paran, gradually
GERAH, gi'rd. See Weights and Measures,
§4.
passing into the Wilderness of Shur (Gn 21 21; Ex 15
23), stretched as far as the border of Egypt. Further GERAR, gl'rar ("1";^, g^rar) : An ancient city S.
S. was the peninsula of Sinai, with the mountain of Gaza, near the boundary of Canaan (Gn 10 19),
from which it takes its name, though this mountain visited by Abraham (Gn 20 l, 2) and Isaac (Gn 26
is but a single peak in the range called Horeb (Ex 1, 6). It is commonly identified with Umm e^Jerdr^
3 1). Still more remote, and almost lost in the dim on the deep torrent-valley Jurf el-Jerdr (Gn 26 17).
distance, was the land of Sheba (1 K 10 l), and Ophir Map A
But according to Gn ch. 20, it lay be-
II, 3.
60 far away that its exact location has been made tween Kadesh and Shur, and Trumbull {Kadeshr
the subject of conjectures (Arabia, India, Africa?). Barnea, p. 61 ff.) identifies it with the Wddy JerHr^
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Geography
389
Gezer
ing supported by the best MSS., and is adopted priesthood directly descending from Gershon, the
by recent editors. That of Lk is more doubtful, son of Moses, and that their ancestor's name is in-
but "Gerasenes" isbetter supported than "Ger- cluded among the sons of Levi by a conventional
gesenes." In Mt "Gadarenes" is to be preferred genealogical connection. 2. The eldest son of
to the "Western" reading "Gerasenes") IJndoubl^
:
Moses and Zipporah (Ex 2 22), and the ancestor of
edly the textual difficulty is complicated by -a,
Jonathan, the priest of the idolatrous sanctuary at
geographical one. According to the narrative Dan (Jg 18 30). 3. A son of Phinehas, or at least
the scene is laid on the E. shore of the Lake of the head of a branch of the priestly family of Phine-
Galilee, where a cliff rises abruptly from the Lake.
has (Ezr8 2). A. C. Z.
But this will not suit either of the cities which at GERUTH-CHIMHAM, gi'ruth-kim'ham. See
first sight are suggested by the readings in the Gos- Chimham.
pels. Though there were several places called Ge-
rasa, none is known on the E. shore of the Lake, GESHAN, gi'shan {]t^p,, geshan; in AV Gesham,
and the famous city of that name lay two full days' except in ed. of 1611) : A descendant of Caleb (I Ch
journey to the SE. The ancient Gerasa, modem 2 47). C.S.T.
Jerdsh, was in Gilead, or Persea, a little N. of the
Jabbok, and its ruins to-day are among the most GESHEM, gi'shem (Df J.,
geshem, Neh 2 19,
magnificent in Syria. It was a Hellenistic town, 6 written Gashmu 6 6): He is called "the Ara-
1 f.,
foimded possibly by Alexander the Great, and after bian." He joined with Sanballat and Tobiah in
varied fortunes it enjoyed in the time of Christ opposing Nehemiah, when rebuilding the wall of
much prosperity, as one of the cities of the Decapolis, Jerusalem. C. S. T.
and a center of Greek culture and religion. More is
to be said for the identification of the Gerasa of the
GESHUR, gl'shtrr, GESHURITE, ge-sha'roit: 1.
See Aram, § 4 (2). 2. Geshur in the S. of Palestine.
Gospels with Gadara, since the "country of the Gad-
In Jos 13 2 Geshurites are named in connection with
arenes" {f) VaBapiris, Jos. BJ, III, 10 10) was a polit-
Philistines, and in I S 27 8 (Heb. text) David is said
ical district extending to the SE. shore of the Lake,
to have warred against the Geshurites, where evi-
with Gadara as its capital. This city was 6 m. from
dently a southern tribe is meant. If the Heb. text
the Lake, finely situated in a fertile region, with beau-
of I S 27 8 is correct, we have evidence of a southern
tiful views over the Jordan Valley, Galilee, and the
Geshur (omitted in LXX. B), of which nothing more
Lake. Some of the most famous literary men of the
is known. Possibly Absalom's mother was from
1st cent, belonged to Gadara; and the ruins of its
this Geshur, not from the northern one. E. E. N.
theaters, temples, baths, and mausoleum show how
close was the contact of Galilee with the luxurious GETHER, gl'thgr. See Ethnography and
culture of the Greeks. At the same time though the Ethnology, § 11.
Decapolis, especially the country stretching to the
Lake, was so completely pagan that herds of swine GETHSEMANE, geth-sem'a-ng : A garden across
would occasion no horror to the common people, yet the Kidron (Jn 18 1), a resort for Jesus and
the distance of Gadara from the Lake is too great to His disciples (Mk 14 32; Mt 26 36;
Lk 22 39). The
allow of any identification. On the other hand, the name means one probably being in the
'oil-press,'
identification of the city mentioned in the Gospels enclosure. The traditional site, if not authentic, is
with a place now called Kersa^ Gersa, or Kursij at least near the original place, lying on the W.
first made by Dr. Thompson, is almost certain. It slope of the Mt. of Olives, about 50 yards beyond the
lies at the mouth of the Wddy Samak, about the Kidron. R. A. F.
middle of the E. shore, where a cliff covered by
ruins rises sheer above the beach, with numerous
GEUEL,
— J o —
giu'el (^^<'l^<^
V ;' 9''u'el),
'
'majesty of God':
tombs in the vicinity, Origen and Eusebius knew One of the ^ies (Nu 13 15) E. E. N.
of a village on the E. of the Lake, which they called
GEZER, gi'zer (I.J.^, gezer), also Gazer AV (II
Gergesa. But this is probably the same as Kersa,
from which the adjectives Gergesenes and Gerasenes S 5 25; I Ch gentihc Girzites (II S 27 8),
14 16),
Gizrites RVmg., Gezrites AV, Gerzites AVmg.
would be derived, the latter form having been
(the variants are probably due to textual cor-
suggested perhaps by the similarity in sound to
ruptions): An ancient city named in the Amama
the well-known Gerasa. The reading "Gadarenes"
tablets (c. 1400 B.C.) as in alliance with Ashkalon,
in Mt may have been a gloss by the editor of the
Lachish, and Jerusalem. At the time of the Israelite
Gospel, to whom the reading "Gerasenes" was in-
conquest it had a king of its own, whom Joshua de-
explicable. R. A. F.
feated, and put to death (Jos 10 33, 12 12). It was
GERGESENES, ger"ge-slnz'. See Gerasa. assigned to Ephraim as a Levitical city (Jos 16 3,
GERIZm, ger'i-zim. See Palestine, § 7 (d). 21 21), but was not subjugated by Israel. It passed
Ghost 390
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Gift
(AV).- See
into the possession of Solomon, as the dowry of his ogy, probably well rendered by "giants
E. E. N.
Egyptian wife (I K916). It figures largely in the Nephilim.
Maccabfean wars, under the name Gazara (I Mac GIANTS, VALLEY OF. See Rephaim.
4 15, etc.)- Its modem site Tell-Jezer (see Map III, A district of
D 5) has been made the scene of some of the most GIBBAR, gib'ar (*?:., gibbar):
successful excavations in Palestine (cf. Clermont- Judah (Ezr 2 20). Probably ^ mistake for Gibeon
Neh7 E. E. N.
Ganneau, Arch. Res. in Palestine, II, 257, and Stew- (cf. 25).
art Macalister, Reports in PEFQ, 1904-06, and GIBBETHON, gib'e-then (Tiri55, gibbHhon),
Excavations in Gezer, 1907). A. C. Z. *mound,' 'height': A Danite (Jos 19 44) and Levitical
city of refuge (Jos 21 23). It was a frontier Philis-
GHOST An old
: English term, which, apart from
tine city toward Ephraim and was besieged by
the expression "Holy Ghost," occurs only in the
Nadab, who was slain here by his general, Baa^
phrase "to give up the ghost" (Job 11 20; Jer 15 9,
etc.), which is used as the equivalent of 'to die' (Mt
sha, who conspired against him (I K
15 27). Twenty-
five years later it was in the possession of the Phil-
27 50; Jn 19 30, "spirit" RV). A. C. Z.
istines. Exact site unknown, but see Map III,
GHOST, HOLY. See Holy Spirit. E 5. C. S. T.
GIBEA, gib'e-S- See Gibeah.
GIAH, gai'a (H'',]!, giah): Apparently a place
near Gibeon (II S 2 24). The text of this verse is
GIBEAH, gib'e-a gihh'ah, and ^^, gehha',
(H^??-!,
doubtful, and the name "Giah" may be due to a Geba EV), 'hill': 1. A
town of Judah (Jos 15 57;
transcriptional error. E. E. N. ICh2 49). Site unknown. 2. Geba of Benjamin,
a town on the N. border of Benjamin. Map III,
GIANT, GIANTS: Four Heb. words are so ren- F 5 (Jos 18 24; I S 13 2 f., 16, 14 2, 5, 16; I 15 K
dered: (1) gibbor (Job 16 14), which means simply 22; UK23 8; I Ch 6 60, 8 6; II Ch 16 6; Neh 7 30,
a physically strong and courageous man. (2) r^pha- 11 31, 12 29; Is 10 29; Zee 14 10). Though similarity
Hm ("Rephaim" RV), the name of a part of the pre- of the spelling has led to confusion with Gibeah of
Canaanite inhabitants of Palestine (Dt 2 11, 20, 3 11, Saul, such passages as Jos 18 24, 28 and Is 10 29
13; Jos 12 4, 13 12, 15 8, 17 15, 18 16). See Rephaim. clearly show that these two names did not refer to
(3) raphah, possibly a proper name and, if so, the the same place. See Geba. 3. Gibeah of Saul. A
father of a race of giants in SW. Palestine. The town a few m. S. of Geba, identified with the ruins
word may, however, mean 'giant.' In any case, the TaUl-el-fiLl, about midway between Ramah (Map
passages in which it occurs indicate that in historic III, F 5) and Jerusalem.' It was famous in Israel's
times there were remnants of a race of gigantic men tradition as the scene of the shameful deed and its
in SW. Palestine (II S 21 16-22. The in I Ch 20|| bloody vengeance recorded in Jg chs. 19 and 20 (cf.
4-8 reads rapha\ which may be a mistake or a simple Hos9 9, 10 9). It was the home of Saul and his
variant for raphah, or it may show that the original headquarters while king, and here seven of his sons
reading for both texts was r^phaHm). See also were executed and exposed to satisfy the vengeance
Anak. (4) n^phllim, a term of unknown etymol- of the Gibeonites (II S 21 6). It was also the home
Ghost
291 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Gift
of Ittai,one of David's heroes (II S 23 29), and of and torches are spoken of), 21, 22b, 8 4-21. The main
Micaiah, the mother of Abijah, King of Judah (II Ch thread of another version is found in 6 25-32, 36, 7 2-8,
13 2). In 11 S 6 3 f. read "hill" with RV. 16-20 (the parts in which trumpets are spoken of), 22a,
E. E. N. 23-25, 8 1-3. Of the other parts of the narrative,
GIBEATH, gib'g-ath, GIBEATHITE, gib'e-ath-
some sections as 6 1, 7-10, 8 33-35 are probably edi-
ait. See Gibeah, 2.
torial. The first story is the simpler and more
objective, and gives probably the more accurate ac-
GIBEON, gibVen (|i2?3-., gibh'on): An ancient count of Gideon's victory over the Midianite hordes.
Hivite city (Jos 9 3, 17), which was apparently the In this old story great emphasis is laid on Gideon's
head of a league or confederacy, the other cities valor (6 12, 14, 8 21, etc.), on his faith in V, coupled
being Chephirah, Beeroth, Kiriath-jearim (ver. 17).
with bold reliance on his own resources, and on his
By a stratagem it secured terms of peace with Israel military skill. There is here no reference to the re-
under Joshua, and persisted as a non-Israelitish ligious condition as corrupt and disloyal to J". In
community as late as the days of David (II S 2 12).
the other narrative miracle plays a prominent part,
In spite of the discovery of their ruse, Joshua kept and far less is accredited to Gideon's own initiative
the compact with the Gibeonites, driving an alliance
and ability. In both, however, it is J" who gives the
Amorite kings from before the city (Jos 10 10, 12), victory.
of
In the civil war following the death of Saul, Abner This signal deliverance from their enemies led the
and Joab, representing Ishbosheth and David respect- people of central Israel to offer Gideon a crown, the
first recorded movement toward monarchy in Israel.
ively, met with their armies in its neighborhood (by
"the pool," II S 2 12), but avoided a battle for a time Loyalty to the old tribal constitution led him to re-
fuse, although for the rest of his life he was practically
by selecting twelve champions on each side to set-
tle their differences (cf. Helkath-hazzurim). In king in that section of Israel. His home town be-
this affair mention is made of the Wilderness of G.,
came the center of a somewhat inferior type of wor-
but such a region can not be identified. Later, the ship of J", and the ephod (q.v.) he made was the ob-
place was the scene of a battle between David and
ject of idolatrous reverence. He lived on a large
the Philistines (II S 5 25, here "Geba," but in I Ch
scale,having an extensive harem and many children.
1416 "Gibeon"). Here, too, "at the great stone" The evil results of this departure from the primitive
Joab slew Amasa (II S 20 8). Saul rashly put to
Israelite simplicity showed themselves in the career
death many of the Gibeonites; but the survivors were of his son Abimelech (q.v.). E. E. N.
given satisfaction by David through the delivery of GIDEONI, gid'Vo'nai CiV% gidh'om): The
seven from among Saul's descendants into their hands
father of Abidan (Nu 1 11, 2 22, etc). E. E. N.
to be put to death (II S 21 1 ff.). G. was appointed
a priestly city by Joshua (Jos 21 17) and had a GIDOM, gai'dem (2jJ"!,5, gidh'om): A place men-
"great high place," at which Solomon offered his first tioned in Jg 20 45, otherwise unknown. E. E. N.
sacrifice as king (I K 3 4; of. Accord-
also I K9 2).
GIER EAGLE. See Palestine, § 25.
ing to I Ch 21 20 even the tabernacle was for a time
erected here. It was the residence of Hananiah the GIFT: The giving of gifts, or presents, in an-
prophet (Jer28l). Some of its inhabitants took cient timeswas not usually from disinterested mo-
part in the rebuilding of Jerusalem (Neh 3 7). The tives. Some return, in service or oth-
Valley of Gibeon (Is 28 21) refers to Geba, where 1. O T erwise, was expected, or some obligation
J" triumphed through David (II S 5 22 ff. = I Ch Usage. was thereby recognized, or confessed.
14 13 ff.). Map I, D 8; III, F 5 (cf. G. A. Smith, Consequently 'gifts' played an impor-
HGHL, p. 250 ff.). A. C. Z. tant part in the ordinary life of the times, and the
terms "gift," or "present," in the English Bible
GIBLITE, gibaoit. See Gebal. should not be interpreted exactly according to
GIDDALTI, gid-dartoi (^'?^lI3, giddaltl): A mu- Western standards. When the Heb. term is minhah
('gift,' or "present" AV) and is used in a political
sician,the ancestral head of the 22d division of
the choir of the Second Temple (I Ch 25 4, 29).
sense, the ARV renders it by "tribute." The 'gift'
of
pensations or graces of the Spirit are called ''gifts/' tory by Joshua, G. was assigned to the half-tnbe
XaptVjLtara,fiepitTfiol {e.g., Ro 12 6; I Co 12 4 ff.; He Manasseh and Gad, with a boundary between the
24, etc.) See also Sacrifice, § 18, Crimes and two, shifting from the Jabbok (Dt 3 16; Jos 12 2) to
Punishments, § 2 (b), and Church, §§ 5-7. a line drawn NE. and SW. from the S- end of the sea
E. E. N. of Chinnereth, through Mahanaim. The N. part of
GIHON, gailaen. See Eden, and Jerusalem, the district was given to Manasseh, and the S. to Gad
§11- (but, according to I Ch 5 11, 16, Gad extended as far
N. as Bashan). G. is, generally speaking, a mass of
GILALAI, gira-lai C22}, gil&lay) : A post-exilic
low mountains ranging in height from 1,500 to 2,500
musician (Neh 12 36). E. E. N. ft. above the sea-level. It abounds in beautiful
A scenery and, though presenting a rugged and barren
GILBOA, gil-bo'a {^1-k}, gilhoa'): collective
aspect from a distance, turns out. on nearer approach
name for a hilly district (about 1,700 ft. above the It was famed
to be pleasing and measurably fertile.
sea at its highest point) located in the neighbor-
as the home land of Jephthah (Jg 111), and of Elijah
hood of Shunem, Jezreel, and Bethshean, renowned
(I K 17 1) also for its rich pasturage (Mic 7 14; I Ch
;
In its largest extent it is identified with the whole connection between the E. and W. sides, the posses-
sions of the tribe of Naph-
tali reaching over to the E.
side, thus extending the
name over the hills in the
neighborhood of Jezreel; (3)
that the text was originally
different, admitting of the
application of the name to
the region E. of the Jordan
(cf . Moore on Jg 1 1) ; or (4)
that Mt. Gilead is a textual
corruption for Mt. Gilboa.
The last supposition is the
best solution of the difficulty.
A. C. Z.
11 14 f., 13 7 f., 12, 15, 15 12, 21, 33). Judah received dings" (Lk 2 the rendermg of the Greek verb
10) is
evayyeXi^ea-Bat, (used in LXX. for Heb. bdsar in such
David at G. on his return after the death of Absalom
(II S 19 15 [16], 40 [41]). At Gilgal was a frequented passages as Is 40 9, 52 7, etc.). This verb is more
sanctuary in the 8th cent. (Hos 4 15, 9 15, 12 U [12]; frequently translated "to preach" or "to preach the
gospel." See also Gospel, Gospels, § 1.
Am 4 4, 5 5). Samuel visited a G. with Bethel and
Mizpah (I S 7 16). The prophets may have referred E. E. N.
to the G. in the Jordan Valley, but, as Bethel and GLASS: The rendering of z^khokhith (Job 28 17),
Mizpah are on the central range of hills, the Gilgal where the poet compares wisdom to the pure glass.
visited by Samuel was near Bethel and identical with In Dt 33 19 Zebulun and lesachar are promised "the
the following. 2. The modern village Jiljilia, on a hidden treasures of the sand." Targum Pseudo-
hill lying between Bethel, Shechem, and Samaria. Jonathan interprets this as meaning that "from the
Map III, F 4. Here there was a school of the sand they will produce mir-
prophets (II K
4 38), connected with EHjah and rors and vessels of glass." \
Elisha. The order in II K
2 1-7, Gilgal, Bethel, legend tells of a pavement < l
Jericho, is evidence that this G. is to be found in the glass in the palace of Solomo]
hill-country rather than in the Jordan Valley. 3. A Undoubtedly the ancient H'
place associated with Mt. Gerizim and Mt. Ebal brews were acquainted will
(Dt 11 30), if not the G. of 1, then the Juleijil just E. glass, as its manufacture rui
ofMt. Gerizim. Map III, F 3. 4. place mentioned A back to an extremely earl
in Jos 12 23 as in Sharon, unless we are to read, age. Glass beads of remo
with LXX., "Galilee." 5. place on the border A antiquity have been dis-
between Judah and Benjamin (Jos 15 7), over against covered in the excavations
G
Adummim (cf. Map II, 1) =Geliloth (Jos 18 17) cf. ; at Gezer. The Egyptians
Beth-gilgal (Neh 12 29), a place near Jerusalem. manufactured at an glass
This last G. may be the same as 1> C. S. T. early period. have a We
lion's head of opaque blue
GILOH, gailo ifO^^ giloh) A town of Judah (Jos :
glass with the name of Nu-
1551), thehome of Ahithophel, the Gilonite (I S 15 antef IV, of the 11th dynasty;
12). The identification on Map II, E 2 is probable, a bead of glass bearing the
but not certain. E. E. N. name of Queen Ha't-sepsut; Mirror of Polished
GIMZO, gim'zo gimzo): A town
(l^^pS, in the and a green opaque jar of Metal.
Thothmes III. The Phceni-
NW. of Judah (II Ch 28 18). Map III, D 5.
ciana learned the art probably from the Egyptians;
GIN. See Hunting.
E E N
"
' '
they used glass beads for bartering with rude Afri-
The can tribes. The Romans executed works of great
GINATH, gai'nath (nrS, ginath) father of
Tibni, the rival of Omri (I K 16 21 f.).
:
E. E. N.
beauty m
this material. In the N T we read of
the "sea of glass like unto crystal" (Kev 4 6), and
GINNETHOI, gin^e-tho'ai (^ 'H^^, ginwihoy, Gin- the golden streets of the New Jerusalem are "as
it were of transparent glass" (Rev 21 18, 21). The
netho AV), and GINNETHON Q'^fh ginnHhon):
force of the comparison Ues in the transparency of
The head and ancestor of a priestly family in post-
the glass. The crystal (Job 28 17; Ezk 1 22) is the
exilic days (Neh 10 6, 12 4, 16). E. E. N.
translucent rock-crystal, which was well known to
GIRD, GIRDLE. See Dress and Ornaments, the ancients. The glass of antiquity was opaque,
§2. hence the transparency of it is emphasized when it is
GIRGASHITE, ger'ga-shoit (^^^Jl^, girgashl), compared to crystal. The terms mar'ah (Ex 38 8)
AV), generally Girgashites and gillayon (Is 3 23), rendered "glass" AV, refer to
also Girgasite (Gn 10 16
commonly used
mirrors made of polished metal in
in AV (Gn 15 21; Dt 7 1; Jos 3 10, 24 11; I Ch 1
J- K.
antiquity. -A-.
14; Neh9 8) One of the tribes, or divisions, of
:
the Canaanites. The references, however, throw no GLEAN, GLEANING. See Agriculture, § 5,
light on their location. A. C. Z. and Vines and Vintage, § 2.
GIRZITE, ggr'zait. See Gezer. GLEDE. See Palestine, § 25.
GISHPA, gish'pa (N|?^., gishpa', Gispa AV): GLORY: The generic idea in the Heb. and Gr.
terms rendered by "glory" is that of 'excellency,' or
One of the overseers of the Nethinim (Neh 11 2i).
E. E. N. 'preeminence.' In some {^addereth,
I. Orig- Zee 11 3; hadhar, Ps 90 16, etc.), it is a
GITTAH-HEPHER, gif'a-hl'fgr. See Gath-
inal matter of adornment; in others {hodh,
HEPHER. 13 etc.;
Tenns. Job 39 20, etc.; ts'hhi, Is 19,
GITTAIM, git'a-im (Q!Q5, giMayyim), 'two wine- tiph'erethy Is 10 12, etc.; toJuir, Ps 89 44
presses' (?): A
town of Benjamin (II S 4 3; Neh ["brightness" RV]) it is 'beauty'; in a third class
U 33). Site unknown. E, E. N. the distinctive idea is 'preciousness,' or 'rarity'
Glory 394
Gnosticism
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
I* mani-
{yqdr, Dn 2 37, etc.); in a fourth, and by far the allthe people were able to see (Ex 16 17).
most numerous, class of passages in the O T, the fested itself in the Tent of Meeting (Ex 40 34, 35;
specific thought that of 'honor' {hahhodh, 'weight,'
is Lv 9 23"; Nu 14 lO, 16 19, 42, 20 6) and filled the
Gn 45 13; Ex 2 In the N T the conception
37, etc.). Temple at its dedication (II Ch 7 1 ff-)- There are
of glory is primarily visual, that of a halo of light two possible explanations of the literary relationship
(5o^a). This conception was moreover taken over of the conceptions of Ezk and P. Either P describes
from the O T through the LXX., in which bo^a is a theophany in the form of a dazzling light, which
the usual rendering of kabhodh. The Gr. kK4os (I P served as a basis and preparation for Ezekiel's more
2 20) is rather 'praise' than "glory." definite vision, orEzekiel's vision is an apoca-
These variations blend in two distinct uses, a gen- lypse,which paved the way for the idea of the more
eral and a more specific. The former is the appU- constant and broadly perceptible halo imphed in P.
cation of the term to human conditions, General critical considerations favor the second
2. The including the idea of glory as external alternative. Again, upon the basis of the unity of
More Gen- pomp. The kings and prominent' these two pictures of physical glory (Ezk and P),
eral Use of characters of public and social life dis- the question will next arise whether the physical as
the Term, play such glory in their appearance a whole is older than the general and metaphorical
among men (Is 8 7; Mt 6 29; Ps 45 13). conception. Though the former may seem more
With this is naturally associated intellectual pre- primitive, the facts leave practically no ground for
eminence (Est 5 11). It includes, further, the con- this view. The conception of a specific glory in
ception of honor in the esteem of men, hence it is material form could arise much easier after than
synonymous with reputation (I Oh 16 24; Ps 96 3), or before the greatness and splendor of God had been
anything for the possession of which one may be fully appreciated.
proud, or admire and defer to another. Even in- An intermediate conception of the glory of J"
animate objects are in this sense endowed with glory appears in Ex 33 18-22. That here the reference is to
(of. "the glory of Lebanon," Is 35 2, 60 13; "the something different from the physical
glory of the celestial bodies," etc., I Co 15 40, 41). S. Glory glory appears from Moses' earnest pe-
Poetically, when glory is attributed to God, speaking in Ex 33 tition for a vision of God's glory. He
of His distinctive character, it may thus become 18 £E. could not have asked for a glimpse of
equivalent to the word 'self' (Gn 49 6„"honor" AV; that which he could have seen by visit-
Ps 57 8). ing the Tent of Meeting, Therefore, in the answer
The specific meaning of the term is associated to the petition, the glory is identified with the person
with the name of J", and grows out of the fact that of God Himself. "It shall come to pass while my
when glory is attributed to God, it is glory passeth by" is explained by "until I have
3, Specific sometimes in the general sense above passed by" (Ex 33 22).
Use the defined, and sometimes in a more
: The terms glorify and glorious, while frequently
Glory of J", special sense. In the former, common used in the O T and the N T, occur in their ordinary
in the Pss, God's glory is the revelation cognate meanings and involve nothing which has not
of His preeminence, calling for awe and admiration, been covered in the foregoing discussion of the pri-
whether conceived as external splendor or inward mary term glory. A. C. Z.
power (Ps 19 1, "the heavens declare the glory of
GNAT. See Palestine, § 26.
God," 66 2, 96 3, 7). In its specific sense, the glory
of J" is conceived of as a physical phenomenon ac- GNOSTICISM: The beginnings of Gnosticism
companying the revelation of His presence. This can not be traced or ascribed to any one person,
usage appears imiformly in Ezk and in the Hexa- place, or time. This much only is
teuch (P). I. Its Be- clear, that Gnostic "tendencies" had
The representations of God's physical glory gin- been cropping out here and there
found in these two places differ in some respects. nings. throughout the Orient long prior to
The glory of J" as seen by Ezekiel (1 the rise of any definite leader or sys-
4. Glory 27 f., etc.) is a definite shape with color: tem. The fact is Gnosticism was but one of the
of J"; a "as.. . the appearance of fire, .
.
. . variegated products of the gradual intermingling of
Physical As the appearance of the bow that is in the old faiths and philosophies under the tolerant
Appear- the cloud in the day of rain, so was the rule of Rome. The movement, however, did not
ancd. appearance of the brightness round become aggressive and missionary until after the ad-
about." This is associated with a vent of Christianity. The zeal of the early Christians
vision. In a true sense the description is apoca- and their radiant hopes intensified the "general thirst
lyptic. As such, it may be an actual theophany or for religion," and there sprang up here and there
a literary expedient to express a revelation received a peculiar eclectic, syncretic reUgion, which in due
by the prophet in a subconscious form. In either time came to be known as Gnosticism. The word
case, the reahty of the revelation will depend not on "Gnosis" (yvSta-Ls) is used by Paul (I Co 1 5, 81,7,
its external form, but on the fact that God wished 10, 11, 13 8; II Co 2 14, 4 6, 6 6, 8 7, 10 5, 11 6; Ro 2 20,
to,^ and did, make His will known to the prophet. In 11 33, 15 14; Ph 3 8; Col 2 3) without any essentially
neither case, however, was the glory visible to the sinister import. The same is true of certain other
physical eye of any one but the prophet himself. words {alSp, ^aQvs, fivo-r^piov^ nXrjpcofjLa, <TO<j>ia,
The glory of J" as described in P is a brightness of which eventually became technical terms
TeXeios),
undefined form. "Devouring fire" is the nearest with the Gnostics, and were thereafter more or
approach to a description given (Ex 24 17). This less off?^sive to the Christians. Thig does nQt
395 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Glory
Gnosticism
prove the absence of Gnosticism in the regions crisis. Some of them were of the circumcision and
where Paul was laboring, but only that the Gnos- assumed to be teachers of the Law. But many views
ticsas such had not yet invaded and menaced the widely aberrant from the common Jewish and Chris-
Christian fellowship. tian faith were stealtliily taught. Here again we
Gnosticism was an eclectic, philosophico-mystic have a pretentious philosophy, a specious cosmology,
which drew its constituent elements from
religion, a mild Docetism, a practical asceticism, and per-
the current disintegrating systems of haps also libertinism, and u. tinge of simony. Most
2. Constit- religion and philosophy, while at the of these are constituent elements in one or another of
uent same time it freely appropriated the the later Gnostic systems.
Elements, apostolic teaching and absorbed some- In Jude and II P there is an advance over the sit-
thing of the virile faith and zeal of uation described in the Pastorals, in that these
youthful Christianity. The result of such a com- "false teachers" have got well entrenched in the
mingling and combining of the old faiths and the new churches, or at least in certain Syrian and Asian
was Gnosticism in one or another of its manifold communions (cf. Jude 1 3 f.; II P 2 l f., 3 2 f.). And
forms. they have perhaps also advanced farther in their
The earliest traces ofthe Gnostic temper recorded divergence from the common Christian conception of
in the NT literature are found in the story of Si- the unique and central position of Christ. But their
mon Magus (Ac 8 9 f.). Simon's chief teaching is still inchoate, and they are without com-
3. Simon claim, it is true, was to the possession manding leadership. Of course these "false proph-
Magus, of magical power, but such an assump- ets" were aberrant from the common faith in
tion was not wholly foreign to historic varying degrees, some being wholly unconscious of
Gnosticism, and besides, in this instance, it seems to their divergence. There were among them charla-
have rested back upon premises entirely germane to tans and rogues, but there were doubtless also those
the Gnostic philosophy. Simon himself may never who were seeking for the truth and for the lofty
have been or become a Gnostic, but his adherents pathway of the Christian life. It is plain that we
with a smattering of Christian truth were destined to have here the germs of Gnosticism, which needed
develop in that direction (see Simon Magus). only time and occasion to put forth and bud and
The chief information concerning the contact be- blossom.
tween Christianity and nascent Gnosticism in T N In the Johannine writings the "Gnostic temper
times comes to us through five groups and teaching" are shown to be even more wide-spread
4. N T of documents PauPs Epistle to the
: and perhaps more self-conscious and antichristian.
Sources. Colossians, the Pastorals, II P and The churches at Ephesus and Pergamum are com-
Jude, Rev, I, II, and III Jn, and the mended for having rejected those who claimed to be
Ignatius and Polycarp epistles. It need not be apostles, and then they are warned against the
assumed that some specific form of Gnosticism was "Nicolaitans," who seem to be crystalHzing into a
present in each or indeed in many of the commu- sect. In Thyatira the "woman Jezebel, who calleth
nities covered by these documents. But Gnostic herself a prophetess," has secured a following, which
tendencies were everywhere emerging, which fore- professes to "know the deep things of Satan," and
shadowed the coming struggle. Many of the ele- observes and practises things contrary to the Chris-
ments in the future Gnostic systems were causing tian faith. In Smyrna and Philadelphia the
irritation, especially to the churches of Asia Minor, churches are greatly troubled by those professing to
and the Apostles and other leaders recognized them be Jews, "but are of the synagogue of Satan" (Rev
as foreign and even hostile to the Christian faith, and chs. 2 and 3). It is in I and II Jn, however, that the
uttered their words of warning. main advance and divergences are marked. From
It is clear from a study of the Colossian Epistle such passages as I Jn 1 8, 2 18 f,, 4 1-3; II Jn 7 f., it is
that the Christian communities of the Lycus valley plain that the cardinal doctrine of the Christian faith
were being troubled by self-appointed teachers, has been called in question. Plainly the crisis has
whose doctrines arose through an intermingling of come, the climax has been reached, and the breach
current Jewish and Christian and even pagan ele- must be made. The "false prophets who have gone
ments. The essentially Gnostic notes are found in out into the world" must not be allowed to return
the pretentious philosophy, angel-worship, and as- and bring back "this teaching," and lead the breth-
cetic requirements referred to in ch. 2. And the ren astray. The familiar tone of these Epistles in-
emphasis which Paul in this Epistle puts upon the dicates an intimate knowledge of the inner life of the
headship of Christ (1 15 ff.) leaves us to infer that Christian communions to which they are addressed.
this central Christian doctrine was suffering serious The author saw the "tendencies" in the teaching
reduction at the hands of these precocious theolo- which he so vigorously condemns and repudiates; and
gians. Here surely was soil from which the later he foresaw whereunto it would grow. Evidently the
Gnostic systems may easily have sprung. churches were not aware of the great danger which
The situation reflected in the Pastorals is still more threatened them, else the warning need not have
advanced. From such passages as I Ti 1 3 f., 4 1 f., been reiterated again and again.
63f.;IITill3f.,2l4f.,3lf.,43f.;Titll0f.,2lf., 39f., The Ignatian epistles combat two heretical tend-
it is evident that the C^hristian commimities of Ephe- encies. The one was a false conception of the per-
sus and Crete were much perturbed. False teaching son of Christ, which questioned the reality of His
of various kinds and degrees was rife among them. earthly physical life, and seems to have been es-
Certain men, among whom were Hymenseus and pecially rife in Ephesus, Tralleis, and Smyrna. The
Philetus, had crept into the churches and created a other was a disposition on the part of some in the
Gnosticism
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 396
God
churches of Magnesia and Philadelphia to relapse pillows S 19 13), and for tent cloth (Ex 26 7),
(I
acceptable
into "Judaism," which meant "the keeping of the which gave it a place on the list of articles
Law," the observance of the Sabbath as offerings for the sanctuary (Ex 25 4, 35 6)-
5. The to the neglect of the Lord's Day, the
Evidence exploiting of "antiquated fables," the
GOAT'S SKIN The skins of goats in early times
:
Our examination of the five groups of documents, S 21 18 f.), otherwise unknown. The text here
with reference to the origin and progress of Gnos- may be corrupt, since in I Ch 20 4 (|| II S 21 18)
known locality near, or in, Jerusalem (Jer 31 39). of their fathers_(Ex 3 4,15, 6 3); (b) Melchizedek
E. E. N. was priest of 'El 'Ely on, 'God Most High' (Gn
GOAT. See Food, § 10; Nomadic and Pastoral 14 18 ff.); (c) even J" is known to other tribes before
Life, Palestine, § 24; and Sacrifice and
§ 4; Moses receives his revelation (Ex 3 18). Recent
Offerings, § 5. For Scapegoat, see Azazel. knowledge of Babylonian and Egyptian religions
GOAT: makes it clear that something more had been at-
In reference to Daniel's vision, see Dan- tained by some races than a simple monolatry.
iel, Book of, § 2.
But it was not true ethical monotheism, and there-
GOAT'S HAIR: This material was used in the fore perished. The god was still attached to some
making of a coarse cloth (Nu 31 20), for the fiUing of astral body (as Sin to the moon), or to some great
Ctnosticism
297 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY God
natural phenomenon (some believe that J' may They naturally passed from a literal to a symbolic
have been the name of a thunder-god). That which use, as when even we speak of the heart or the mind
distinguishes the movement in Israel may be set of God; and it may well be that for the nobler spirits
forth as follows: (1) Moses had an experience of in Israel this anthropomorphism in its grosser forms
the presence and power of God deeper and purer ceased at a much earlier date than for the mass of
than any man before him. (2) This experience, the people. (B) In the matter of religious practise:
or voice, of God fitted him to become the leader of a (1) Some practises, as idolatry, polytheism, human
group of tribes out of Egyptian bondage, in a manner sacrifice, sensual ceremonies, were utterly condemned
which they ever after recognized as the act of God from the beginning of the worship of J'- That
(Ex 15 13, 20 2; Am 3 l; Hos 13 4, etc.). (3) The they survived, or intruded themselves at later
name of J* received an interpretation which released periods, in no wise proves that they were not felt
it from all mere physical association (Ex 3 13 f), to be condemned by the inward nature of J" worship.
made it the name of a supreme and Hving personality It began to make and mark its distinctiveness at the
and attracted to itself the truth in older names (El, very start, or it could never have done so later.
Elohim, El Shaddai [God Almighty], Adonai; see (2) Some practises, as circumcision, sacrifice, feasts,
article Divine Names, EB, III, 3320-3331). (4) purification, perhaps the Sabbath, which were
The covenant between Israel and J*, founded under already in use, or were taken over in Canaan, were
Moses, was founded on His righteousness and grace, gradually changed in form and meaning. Hence
His good will, and on their continued trust and we may well expect to find, as we do, that the use
obedience toward Him as their only God. (5) That and value of these are found to alter from one stage
covenant (see Covenant, § 3) required of the to another, as the growing revelation of God flung
people complete trust in God and obedience to His its light upon them. (3) Other practises, as the
will. Hence the rise of that great system of Law observation of sacred places, stones, trees, animals,
in which the will of God was formally announced etc., continued for a while without explicit con-
(Smend, 41 ff.). All these elements were present demnation, but were found to be inconsistent with
in the religion of Israel from the time of Moses, and the worship of J", when His self-revelation had
formed the conditions under which heathen beliefs become more familiar to the general thought of the
and practises were gradually cast out and a true people.
monotheism was estabhshed. In the study of the growth of the knowledge of
Though signs are found, as said above, that some God in Israel, it is necessary to pay attention alike
races had lofty conceptions of their gods, yet the to the main periods of the people's
Semitic tribes immediately related to 3, Periods history and the instruments of revela/-
2. Errone- Israel, as well as the Canaanites among and Instru- tion. (1) For it was always in con-
ous Beliefs whom they settled, as a rule practised ments of nection with their changing economic.
and idolatry of a profuse kind, while some Revelation, social, and political circumstances that
Heathen reached what has been called 'monola- the light of that knowledge increased.
Practises. try' (a tribe owning allegianceto one The settlement in Canaan brought contact with
god as its god). The worship of 3" was more highly civilized peoples, new forms of worship,
begun under Moses amid such beliefs and practises. new customs. And these brought at once stimulus
From the first, three things stood firm and clear and temptation. The rise of the kingship ushered
whenever a prophet spoke (1) That J' is alone Lord
: in a new era in which great strides were made alike
of Israel, (2) that He loathes idolatry, and (3) that in national unity and intelligence, and in the need
He has a fixed will (or character) and demands the for that prophetic instruction through which hence-
Barae of His people. From these vital centers the life forth the knowledge of God grew more definite,
and light spread. It is natural to find that in belief more spiritual, more awful. Contact with the great
and practise Israel continued many things whose in- empires of the East (Assyria, Babylon, Persia)
consistency with the worship of the living God was evoked tremendous changes in which the nation's
only gradually and painfully discovered. Students of life seemed to be utterly quenched. The long and
the T are laboriously striving to trace out the long terrible struggle was made the occasion of sublime
and tortuous path through racial, political,economic, revelations of God by Amos, Hosea, Isaiah (chs.
as well as intellectual and moral, changes, by which 1-39), Jeremiah, etc. The Exile was midnight for
from age to age the self-revelation of God was ac- the nation, but dawn for the Church of Israel. Out
complished. (A) In the matter of belief, for ex- of it the people of J^ came with such clear knowledge
ample, we find that the Israelites long retained of the hving God as no human mind had ever pos-
the habit of thinking of their God as if He were a sessed (Ezekiel, Isaiah [chs. 40-66], the collection of
human being (anthropomorphism), not only as to the Psalms, etc.). (2) The instruments of revela-
the possession of moral and intellectual character- tion were (a) institutions of religious and political
istics {e.g., mercy, grace, patience, long-suffering, life (the covenant, sacrifice, priesthood, temple,
loving-kindness) and limitations (e.g., His fury, law, the judgeship, kingship, etc.); (b) events in
jealousy, hate, vengeance, wrath), but even of history (famine and poverty, wealth and power,
physical organs {e.g., His back, face, finger, foot, war and victory, defeat and exile). These in-
form, hand, heart, mouth, and voice). See also stitutions and events were not peculiar to Israel.
the poetic expressions "pinions" (feathers AV) and All peoples, small and great, have had them. That
"wings" (Ps 91 4). So gradual and laborious was which made them channels and occasions of revela-
the removal of these ideas that scholars are in tion was the work of the prophets (see Prophecy).
doubt as to when they can be said to have died out. Under their teaching, spread over many centuries.
God A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 398
with the
the people were held to their faith in J'' and were process therein described. (1) It began
taught to see in Him the Lord of their life, the faith- appearing of Jesus (identified by John the Baptist,
ful, merciful, omnipotent, righteous, and invisible Mk 1 1-8) as the Messiah. He avoided the title
King, not of Israel only, but, at last. Of all nations. because of its current misinterpretations, but He
The name by which the O T doctrine of God is accepted it (Mt 8 29, 14 33) when His personality
known is monotheism. It is nowhere set forth in a and work had opened the eyes of men to the truth.
formal manner. It is the general view He at once elucidated and fulfilled the true meaning
4. The Re- of God, which is gained from a survey of Messiahship by (a) the energy of His personal will,
suiting of the whole literature. It is implied authority, power (Mk 1 21-28, 3 13, 4 41, 6 1-6, etc.),
Mono- in the earliest teachings; it is made ex- which overawed the people and even awoke dread
theism, plicit in the latest. It begins in the con- among His disciples at certain crises (Mk 5 17, 10 32;
viction of that covenant relationship Lk 5 8, 26) ; (b) the sublimity and finality of His
between J' and Israel; it culminates in the spiritual teaching about God and man. He spoke with con-
experience of many psalms and the Messianic prophe- vincing and original authority (Mt 7 28 f., 13 54;
cies of second Isaiah. When we bring the various Mk 1 22, 6 2, 11 18); (c) the emphasis on His rela-
elements together we have as a result that doctrine of tionship to God as the Son to the Father, especially
God out of which the Christian is historically derived. when compared with His assurances that all men
The following references are given merely as illus- must call God their Father (Mt 5 44 f., 6 9, 18, 11 25-27;
trations, for which many parallels are in the O T cf. Jn 5 IS, 10 24-39). This emphasis was no mere
(1) There is but one God, Jehovah of Israel (Jer formal claim to His ov/n share in a general human
10 6-10; Is 42 8). He alone is the living God (Jer relationship. It was the foundation in His own
4 2, 10 10); the idols are dead things (Is 44 9-17). consciousness for the demand that men come to
(2) The living God is the Creator of all things (Gn Him, believe in Him, follow Him, obey Him, as the
1 liT.; Is 42 5, 45 18; Ps 104; Pr 8 22-29), Himself condition of their right relationship with God (Mt
eternal (Ps 90 2; Is 44 6, 48 12). (3) He is, there- 721-27, 10 32 f., 37-39, 1125-30, 12 50, 16 27, 17 5,9,
fore, the Ruler of all nations, as well as of the uni- 18 5 f., 10, 21 33-45). It is of course prominent and
verse (Job chs. 38-39; Pss 8, 19; Am
9 7; Is 19 25, 45 explicit in the Fourth Gospel; (d) the exercise of
1-13, 18) .He is omnipresent (Ps 139) omnipotent (Is
, His authority to forgive the sins of individual per-
43 6, 45 9, 50 2 f., 64 1-4), omniscient (Job 34 21 ff.; sons (Mk 2 1-12) ; (e) His description of the kingdom
Dn 2 20-22; Pr 8 22-31; I S 16 7). (4) Among the of God (or of heaven) as both present and future,
moral attributes of God we find His holiness (see established here and fulfilled there, which may have
Holiness and the expression Holy One of Israel,
cf . led His disciples to misunderstand the course of
especially frequent in Isaiah), supreme and all- coming events, but made all the more clear and im-
inclusive (Ex 15 11; Is 5 16, 57 15; Lv 11 44 f.). His pressive His consciousness as Master of life eternal
righteousness, which appears in His just dealings (Mt 5 3, 10 [io-Tivl 13 37 f.; Lk 17 20 f.; Mk 10 17-21,
with men^ rewarding each according to his works 24-31; cf. Jn, passim)) (f) His view of His own death
(Gn 18 25; Ps 18 25 ff.; Is 42 21, 45 24); as righteous, as no mere disaster and close of His active ministry,
He is also faithful to His covenant word and there- but as the supreme act whose full personal and,
fore to His people (Dt 4 30f., 7 9; Hos 2 laf.; Ps therefore, moral significance must henceforth con-
43 3; Is 40 8) ; from His very righteousness and faith- dition the relations of God and man (Mk 10 45,
fulness comes His mercy. He is full of compassion, 14 22-25). In all these self-expressions there moved
of unhmited kindness (Dt 7 8; Ex 34 6; Is 40 1; Ps
a consciousness of a new type, not that of prophetism
103). (5) One of the most remarkable elements in nor of private saintUness, a consciousness which all
the monotheism of Israel is that J" is God of the through seemed to act and speak and reveal itself
future. This reUgion arose from His promises, which as if veiled, restrained, as if only preparing the field
became more wonderful in their scope and character and itself for its full scope. (2) All this, as the N T
as the national tragedy deepened. The Messianic tells the story, would have remained unapprehended
is an essential element in monotheism;
without it and fruitless, save as a baffling and pathetic mys-
God is not a fully spiritual being and His attributes tery in one man's picture of humanity and of the
are shorn of their absolute nature. Hence the Mes-
inscrutable Divine, but for (a) the resurrection (Lk
sianic element in all the varied meanings and forms 24 5-7, 19-27; Jn 20 8 f.; Acl 2-4, 3 26, 13 29-37, 17 31;
of that great hope is always a reflection of the Ro 1 4; I Co 15 3-8, 20; I P 1 3) and (b) the gift of the
character, as well as a revelation of the authority,
Holy SpiAt (see Holy Spirit). In these events
power, and purpose of J'' before the faith of His
the inner nature, source, and meaning of His con-
people (cf the spirit of the King in Ps 72 with
that
.
sciousness became fully revealed. And through the
of Ps 103, or the spirit of Is ch. 53 with that of Is
change which the whole of these facts and events
ch. 41) (see Messiah; Prophecy).
wrought in the relations of those men toward God
When we pass to the N T we find ourselves in a the human consciousness broke into a new era, a new
new world made for us by a new religion. The universe, and a new, sublime, and luminous knowl-
change is due to the creative personal- edge of God. For it was God who had sent His Son
5. In the
ity of Jesus Christ. It was as rapid as and His Spirit, and He stood revealed in the whole
N T. was great, and yet it passed through
it
redeeming work which was thus done before the eyes
certain well-defined stages. And, as and upon the hearts of men.
in the O
T, the full NT
doctrine of God is not gained Only a brief summary of the main features in the
from any one stage, not even from the oral teaching new doctrine of God can be given here. Those
of Jesus, but is the effect of the whole reveaUng Jewish monotheists were surprised out of their
399 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY God
pure monotheism into a new way of conceiving Trinitarianism has always characterized the doctrine
and worshiping God. (1) We find them rendering of the Church as a whole. (2) The T doctrine of N
worship and ascribing Divine titles God retains all the highest O T conceptions of Him,
6.Apostolic and glory to Jesus Christ as Lord as the Creator and Lord of Nature (Mt 5 34 f., 6 26,
Theology. (Jn 20 2S; Ro 16 27; I' Co 1 2, 16 22- 31; Ac 7 48-60, 17 24-28; Ro 1 20, 11 33-36; Col 1 15-19;
24; II Co 12 8; Rev 1 4f.), and in Jn 1 1-4) ; holy and righteous (the whole teaching of
prayers and ascriptions of praise His name is con- Jesus rests on the idea that God is of an inflexible
tinually used along with the name of God the Father. justice and holiness, as well as mercy, in His rule and
And, indeed, as God acts through Christ on man, judgment of men) (Mt 5 3-10, 6 33, 11 21-24, 13 41-43,
worship is given to God through Christ (Ro 5 11; 24 46-51; cf. Ro 1 17, 2 5-16, 3 21-30, Jn 3 10); almighty
Judever25; He 13 20). (2) The supreme blessings of and all-wise (Mt 19 26, 25 31-46, 28 18-20; Jn 10 27-29;
the soul are said to be derived from all three names, Roll 33; I Co 2 10 f.; I Til 17); merciful and gracious
Father, Son, and Spirit: grace (Ro 1 7, 15 15; I Co (Mt 5 7, 45, 6 14 f., 7 11, 11 25 f., 29 f.); but the T N
15 10, 16 23; II Co 6 1, 13 14), peace (Eph 6 23; Ro 8 6; contains the supreme revelation of His character as
Gal 5 22), life (Ro 6 23, 8 2; IJn 5 ii f.), love (Ro 5 5, holy love, for which indeed a noun seems to have
8 35, 39; Eph 3 14-19; IJn 4 10-13). (3) In many pas- been coined, aywrn^ (Mt 5 43-48; Jn 3 16; I Jn 4 7-13;
sages all three names are used in a coordination and Ro 5 5, 8, 8 35-39; Eph 2 4, 3 17-19). It is in the
interchange of powers and attributes which were new fellowship of this God thus revealed as Father of
and startling to the whole world— both of Jew and Jesus Christ the Redeemer, and as indwelUng Spirit,
Gentile (Mt 28 19; Ro 5 5 f., 15 30; I Co 2 10-16,
8 1-17, that those hearts of apostolic men reached a com-
6 19 f.; II Co 13 14; Gal 5 16-24; Ti 3 4-7; Jn 14 16, 26, bined fervor of love and moral clearness, in peace
15 20; I Jn 3 23 f., 4 2 f.). Although in certain passages and hope and power, which are accepted wherever
the relations of Christ to God and to the universe are the gospel goes as the very essence of the Supreme
discussed, or abruptly stated (Ph 2 5-11; Eph ch. 1; Good itself.
human experience is realized in their faith, worship, volume; art. Names of God in EB, coll. 3320-3331 Addis, ;
love, and obedience, directed toward the three Hebrew Religion. Works on N T Theology by B. Weiss
(translated), H. J. Holtzmann, Stevens; B. Weiss, Religion
names Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, as three coordi-
nate, living, Divine sources of mercy, righteousness,
des NT (1903) Lutgert, Gottes Sohn und Gottes Geist ( 1905)
;
II Til 8-10, 14). of; Jesus Christ; Love; Majesty; Mercy; Presence;
Christian men were forced to think out the im- Righteousness; Spirit; Strength of Israel.
plications of thiswhole situation. (1) The redemp- W. D. M.
tionwrought by Christ, the revelation GOD, CHILDREN OF. See God, Sons and
7. The of the will, power, wisdom, purpose, Daughters of (3).
Christian hohness, and love of Grod were now
Idea of too clear, too glorious, too real; to ad-
GOD, SON OF. See Jesus Christ, § 14 (b).
God, mit of doubt on the part of those who GOD, SONS AND DAUGHTERS OF: phrase A
had passed into Ufa and light. Using used in whole or in part with various meanings.
every hint in the apostolic records, they gradually (1) In Gn 6 1, Job 1 6, 2 l the expression "sons of
worked out various theories regarding the ultimate God" refers to the heavenly spirits who minister about
significance and relations of the three names. The the throne (cf. I K
22 19 ff.; Is 6 2 fE.) and make up
Trinity of historical experience was there, given once the court of the Supreme Ruler. The passage Gn 6 1
for all in the very origin and nature of the Christian stands practically alone in the O T in its conception
life. Its explanation resulted in various forms of of the possibility of union between spiritual beings
Trinitarian doctrine. This is not the place to re- and the daughters of men. It may be a fragment
count them. Sufficient to say that the instinct of of Semitic mythology, which the writer in Gn (J)
the Church has ever been to reject any theory of the saw fit to make use of (see Genesis, § 4ff.). (2)
Divine nature and the three names which, by re- The expressions "my sons" and "my daughters"
action, weakens faith in the reality of the Atone- in Is 43 6 refer to the exiled Israelites, who are to be
ment, the act of Divine redemption on the Cross or ; restored to their land through Cyrus. This passage
in the permanent relation of the Father and the was evidently in Paul's mind in II Co 6 18, where he
Son to the earthly life of man through the Spirit; or uses it of Christians in distinction from unbelievers
in the reality of the immediate and personal revela- (II Co 6 18). (3) In the O T 'my sons' (''children"
tion of God the Father in these events, facts, and inEV) is frequently applied by the prophets in the
experiences. Since what we may call realistic name of J" to Israel as the people of J" (Is 1 2, etc.).
Trinitarianism is the essential, or typical, view of This expression reappears in the N T in the more
God given in the N
T, some form of theoretic spiritual sense of those who truly recognize God as
300
Godhead A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Gospel, Gospels
^mind
do His will (Mt 5 9, 45, applied, first, to a city and later to the ^i^tri^
their Father and seek to
root, ^^anrng
Ro 8 16 f., etc. [riKva]). E. E. N. about; etymologically, however, .the
etc. [vLoi];
'circuit,' would point to the
opposite ^^^^^'
GOD FORBID. See Forbid. Site uncertain.
specifically 'related to God' (II Co 1 12; I Ti 1 4). former nearly always in a moral or spiritual sense,
Hence "after a godly sort" (II Co 7 9, "after a godly the latter often in a material or esthetic sense. Both
manner" AV) means, strictly, 'according to the adjectives frequently occur in the expression "good
will of God,' or 'in a way suitable in relations with works" with almost equivalent meaning KoKoSy
God.' A.C.Z. however, generally retaining something of its fun-
damental esthetic coloring. The following addi-
GODS. See in general Greek and Roman Idol- tional instances call, for comment: In Mic 7 2 the
atry, and Semitic Religion. word hdsldh means 'full of love,' 'kindly.' In Ec
GOING, GOINGS, GOINGS FORTH, or OUT, 5 11 "good" AV ="advantage" RV. In Dt 2 4, 4 15;
GOING UP: The verb 'go' represents a large num- Jos 23 11, 'good' renders the adv. m'odh, 'very,' 'very
ber of different words in the Heb. or Gr. originals. much'; in Jer 13 10 it renders a verb meaning 'to suc-
In most cases the interpretation involves no diffi- ceed,' and then 'be fit for.' In Job 15 3 the Heb.
culty. One or two special usages call for remark. means 'to be of no profit' in Jer 18 4 it means 'as it
;
"Goings forth" is used frequently of the boundary of was right in the eyes of the potter'; in Gn 24 12
a district (Nu 34 5, etc.). "Going up" in the AV "send me good success" stands for 'cause (it, i.e.,
is frequently much better rendered in the by RV success) to meet {i.e., happen),' while in Jos 1 8
"ascent" (Joa 15 7, etc.). E. E. N. "good success" means thou shalt 'deal wisely.' In
I Co 15 33 the Gr. is xPV<'"^°^f li*- 'useful' or 'kind';
GOLAN (])% golan): A city of refuge (Dt 4 here used in a sense akin to 'morally refined.' In Gn
43; Jos 20 8, 21 17) in the territory assigned to the 46 29 "good while" means 'again,' or 'still more,' and
half-tribe of Manaeseh. Both a town, Golan, and a In Ac 18 18 it means 'a (sufficient) number of days.'
district, Gaulanitis, were known to Josephus {Ant. In Ro 16 18 "good words" means 'courteous, pleasant
XIII, 15 3; XVII, 8 1). The latter is called by the speech calculated to disarm euspicion.' Practically,
Arabs Jaulan. It was one of the provinces in the "the good" are contrasted with "the evil" {e.g., Mt
tetrarchy of Philip, bounded by the Jordan on the 5 45), but nowhere is a strict definition of "the
W., by the Jarmuk on the S., and by Mt. Hermon good" given. That which is in harmony with
on the N. The E. boundary was formed perhaps by recognized ethical standards or with the spirit and
the river 'Allan (cf. G. A. Smith, HGHL, p. 541, and teachings of the gospel is 'good' {dyad6s or Kak6s).
Schumacher, The Jaulan). Perhaps the name was Good works are the natural fruit of good hearts (Mt
Godhead
301 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Gospel, Gospels
7 17). God alone is absolutely good, and only GOSHEN Cj^^;i, goshen): 1. A district in Egypt
through a true perception of Jesus' relation to God in which Jacob and his family were placed (Gn
can one know how to call Him good (Mk 10 18 and 45 10, 46 28, 47 27, 50 8 [all J]; Ex 19 26 [P]). It was
||s). See also Justification. E. E. N. noted for its adaptation to pastoral life and regarded
as in general unsuitable for agriculture, perhaps be-
GOODLY APPAREL. See Dress and Orna-
cause of its distance from the Nile and the difficulty
ments, § 5.
of irrigation. But that it must have been cultivated
GOODMAN: In Pr 7
the meaning is 'hus-
19 to some extent appears from Nu 11 5. The LXX.
band' ("the man" RV). The woman appears pur- renders Gn 45 10 Tia-ffi 'Apa^iasy intimating that
posely to refrain from saying 'my husband.' 'Good- G. was located in the nomos (political division) Ara-
man' was once frequently used in the sense of 'head bia] and names Hcroopolis (^pcowj/ TroXty, Gn 46 28)
of the house,' In the N T the Gr. term is oIko- ostensibly as its capital. The site of the city has
fifffTTOTT^ff, i.e. 'master, or head of the house' (Mt 20
J been identified as the modem Tell-Mashkuta in the
li,etc.;cf.RV). E.E.N. Wddy Tumilat, and excavated by Naville {The Store
City of Pitliom, 1888), but, according to the geogra-
GOODNESS: In most cases this word is the ac- pher Ptolemais, the nomos Arabia had Phacussa for
curate rendering of the original terms. In the O T its capital. This would identify G. with Ke?em
the terms tobh and tuhk are comprehensive. God's —
(Egyptian, Pa Sept 'home of [the god] Sept'), mod-
goodness is manifest in the blessings He bestows on ern Seft-Henna, which is somewhat NW. of Pithom.
His servants, i.e., the good things of life, and also
The difficulty has been solved by Steindorff's sug-
the more spiritual blessings of forgiveness and, love
gestion in PRE^j art. Gosen, that the capital of the
{e.g., Ex 3319, cf 34 , 6) . The word hesedh often trans- nomos may have been changed from one city to the
lated "goodness" in AV (e.^., Ex 34 6) is much better other, as was frequently the case in the subdivisions
rendered by "mercy" or "loving-kindness" (so RV). of Egypt. G., therefore, as a district was undoubt-
In the NT in Ro 2
11 22, the Gr. x/>'7ot-o?, xPV^~
4,
edly in the E. portion of Egypt, and N. of the south-
Tarr}Sj signify 'kindness' (cf. Eph 2 7), or 'benignity,'
ern point of the Delta. 2. A district in the Negeb
not 'goodness in the abstract.' See Good, Good and the Shephelah (Jos 10 41, 11 16); but an exten-
Works. E. E. N. sion of the Goshen in Egypt may be meant. 3. A
city in Judah (Jos 15 5i). Site unknown.
GOOD PLEASURE, GOOD WILL: In the NT A. C. Z.
evboKia usually refers to God's 'good will,' either in
the sense of His delight or satisfaction (II Th 1 ll) GOSPEL, GOSPELS
or of His sovereign purpose or will (cf. Mt 11 26; Eph
Analysis of Contents
1 6, 9; Ph 2 13). The passage that has occasioned I. Gospel
most comment is Lk 2 14. Here for "good will to- 1. Usage of the Term
meaning of a 'formulated message.' In this Mark true of the formal Apostolic preaching as it was of the
shows, as he does elsewhere (e.gr., 1 4), a tendency informal reminiscences of the disciples. Naturally
to introduce into his narrative, primitive though it is, also, as the gospel generation aged, this oral and
phraseology borrowed from the developed thought fragmentary character of its record was felt to be
of the Apostolic preaching. It is in this technical imperfect, and created the desire to have in more
sense that the term is to be understood in Peter's permanent and completed form what it had pre-
council speech (Ac 15 7), and in Paxil's farewell at served of the past. As a result, these oral records
Miletus (20 24) —
the only instances in which Lk uses came to be committed to writing, at first fragmentary
the word in either of his writings. For it he substi- (cf. Lk 1 1 f.), then more collected, until there were
tutes in his Gospel the cognate verb {evayyeXl^ea-Bai, evolved the gospel narratives, as we have them in the
Ho announce good news'), using it mostly in connec- N T (cf. Lk 1 2-4). This process was at no time
tions where to his mind the primary idea of heralding strictly historical. The motive of the disciples in
the good news is present (e.g., 3 18, 4 18, 7 22; cf. their oral reminiscences and of the Apostles in their
Mt II). Such connections are also clear in certain formal preaching was not so much to make a record
Acts passages {e.g., 8 12, 25). At the same time, of the past as to make an impression on the present.
when the verb is used in connection with objective (Cf Lk 1 4, where Theophilus is approached as one
.
truths, or distinctive messages, there is an evident who had been favorably impressed with the religion
technical meaning, which is most apparent in Ac, of Jesus; cf. also Jn 20 30 f.) Their motive was
where it seems to represent the formulated Apostolic primarily evangelistic. In fact, however nmch
preaching {e.g., 5 42, 11 20, 14 15, 17 18). It is quite their experience of Jesus' personal self may have
natural, therefore, that in the Epistles both noun made them lovingly retain in their memory the
and verb should appear almost constantly in their things He had said and done, it was on the future
technical meanings {e.g. [evayyiXiov], Ro 1 16, 15 16; rather than the past that they dwelt; for He had
I Co 9 23; 11 Co 9 13, Gal 1 6f., 2 5, 7, 14; Col
11 4; left them with the promise of a personal return
1 5, 23; II Th 1 8; II Ti 1 8; I Pe 4 17; [euayyeXi^eo-(9at], to earth to consummate His work. For this re-
Ro 1 15; I Co 9 16, 18; Gal 1, 16, 23; I P 4 6), and turn they themselves waited with keen expectancy,
that there should be meanings developed be- and against its coming they sought to win the
yond this, as (a) of the distinctively Pauline gospel world to a faith in their Lord (cf I Th 1 9 f. Ac
. ;
among these Gospels, and also significant differ- the three canonical Gospels wrote their narratives
ences. How can these identities and diiferences be in their individual ways. This might seem to have
afccounted for at one and the same been Luke's process, but more probably he did not
4. Interre- time? The significance of the identities so much compile the written narratives, which
lations of lies not merely in the fact that these existed in his day, as correct them by recourse to
the First Gospels give the same general outline of oral testimony, and, whatever he may have done,
Three Gos- narrative, filled in with the same gen- the agreements among the canonical narratives are
pels. Synop- eral incidents, but in the fact that these too minute to have arisen from accidental combina-
tic Problem, same general incidents are placed before tions of such occasional writings, (c) The Two-
us in what is generally the same order —
Document Form that there were at the basis of the
— at times even when this order is.unchrouological —
canonical Gospels two documents -a narrative of the
(e.^., the Baptist's imprisonment, which is narrated events of Jesus' ministry and a collection of His
in connection with Jesus' third teaching tour [Mk sayings. In general, this last is the form which is in
6 17-20; Mt 14 3-5], though it occurred much earlier), most acceptance among scholars to-day, largely be-
and that they are given frequently in what are cause it seems to account for the peculiar character
identical words {e.g., the parenthetic introduction to both of the agreements and the differences among the
Jesus' remark to the palsied man [Mlt 2 10; Mt 9 6; canonical Gospels disclosed by more detailed study
Lk 5 24], the marked identities in which can not be of their narratives. Such study shows that there is
accidental). On the other hand, the significance of not merely a certain portion of the narrative which
the diiferences lies not merely in the fact that these is common to all three Gospels (the Triple Tradition)
Gospels give their narratives generally in differing a certain portion which is common to but two Mt —
words, phrases, and form of incidents, but in the fact and Mk, or Mt and Lk, or Mk and Lk (the Double
that whole portions of the general narrative are Traditions), and a certain portion which is peculiar
omitted by some (e.ff., the Nativity by Mark, the to each (the Single Traditions) but that the resem-
;
North Galilean Ministry by Luke), or presented with blances in the Triple Tradition appear most stri-
confusing variations by all (e.g., the post-resurrec- kingly in the parallels which contain the discourses of
tion appearances) also that the order of whole parts
, Jesus, while the resemblances in those portions of the
of the general narrative is at times disarranged (e.g., Double Tradition between Mt and Lk which contain
the Sermon on the Mount, placed early by Mt, when the discourses of Jesus are much more detailed and
it was reaUy later, as by Lk). close than those in the discourse parallels of the
To meet this problem three general theories have Triple Tradition. This would seem to indicate that
been suggested: (1) The Successive Dependence there was a document containing discourses of Jesus
—
Theory that one of the Gospels was behind the three Gospels, standing more conspic-
5. Solutions the original and was used by one of the uously behind Mt and Lk than behind Mlc. Further,
of the others, and these two by the third. detailed study shows that the Triple Tradition is
Problem, This accounts for the resemblances, on made up of both incidents and discourses and that
the basis of copying, but fails to account the Double Traditions, of which Mk is a part, are
for the strangeness of the differences. (2) The Oral made up largely of incidents; it would, therefore,
—
Theory -that all three Gospels drew from the seem that there was room for another document,
common source of oral tradition. This must ac- giving the events of Jesus' ministry, which Mk most
count for the differences, on the basis of the natural nearly represents.
variation of tradition; but it fails to account for the The attempt to identify these two basal docu-
significance of the identities. (3) The Documentary ments is not equally easy. As to the first, its
—
Theory that all three Gospels are dependent on one identification with Mk, substantially in the form in
or more underlying documents. This would seem to which this Gospel now exists, is universally ad-
account for the resemblances, on the basis of a com- mitted, though it is being much more generally
munity of documents, and also for the differences, recognized that the old emphasis placed upon Mk's
on the basis of one or more combinations of them. strict historical sequence of narrative can not be
It is in the direction of this last theory that critical —
maintained that the element of grouping enters
scholarship has moved, though it has held it in even into his arrangement of material, and that it is
different forms: (a) The Single-Document Form a question as to just how far his narrative is primary
that there was a basal written Gospel, from which — i.e., derived wholly from the Petrine reminiscences
each of the authors of the three canonical Gospels —or is itself a composite document, dependent on
drew his material in his own individual way, the other sources (see Mark, Gospel op). As to the
general view being that this Gospel was in the second, its identification presents peculiar difficulties.
Aramaic language. This, however, finds it so diffi- The older view has been that it was to be identified
cult to account for the significant differences of the with the Logia referred to by Papias as having beeji
narratives that it is forced to assume that this basal written by Matthew in Aramaic (Eus. HE, III,
Gospel went through several recensions, a separate 39), and that it consisted of the discourses of Jesus,
one of which lay at the basis of each of the canonical gathered together and furnished with more or less
Gospels (cf. Schmiedel, art. Gospels in EB), which historical setting. The growing query, however, as
is virtually abandoning the problem to the im- to how far this definitely traditioned writing of Mat-
penetrable fogs of a lost and undiscoverable lit- thew, which from the time of Irenseus was spoken
erature,
.
(b) The Multiple- Document Form — ^that of as a Gospel, could be confined to a collection of
there was a general collection of fragmentary docu- discourses, has brought scholars gradually to the
ments, from combinations of which the authors of confession of less knowledge regarding the origin
Gospel, Gospels 304
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Governor
definite symbol /^ (Logia), with which it had been 8 19-21). There is then given an account of a day °^ P, ^^?^®
i-^^. and Ms), by
designated, by the more general symbol Q (Quelle, teaching by the seaside at Capernaum (Mk 4
While there thus less certainty regard-
is which method Jesus is represented as havmg ^^^^ 1 k^Jz'
'source').
courage this grouping tendency of His hearers (Mk 4 ,
universally recognized that its
ing its origin, it is still and lis). Following this is the account of a departure ot
character was that of a collection of discourses, Jesus and His disciples across the lake and a short sojourn
in the GentUe region of Gerasa, from which He returned to a
rather than of an ordered narrative and that, while
not only further activity at Capernaum and a second visit to JNazareth,
it may itself have been composite, it is where His claims were again presented and again rejected
earUer than the Mk source, but is not resolvable into (Mk 4 35_6 6a^ and Us). A third teaching tour is then recorded,
its component parts. In fact, it is not generally which seems to have issued in a sending out of the Twelve on a
more extended mission, while Jesus continued His restricted
agreed that it can be reconstructed from the Gospels
work (Mk 6 6^-13, and ||s). Upon the return of the Twelve.
which we have (see Matthew, Gospel of). As to Jesus, hearing of the death of the Baptist, departed with them
the interrelation of the other two Gospels, scholars into the less populated regions across the lake, where they
are almost unanimously agreed that Lk made no use were followed by the multitude, which He miraculously fed
(Mk 6 30-48, and ||s). The narrative then brings Jesus back to
of Mt, though inquiry of sources so characterized his Capernaum, which place He left with His disciples for a.
work (see Luke, Gospel of). ministry of some extent in the regions of Tyre and Sidon, and
In brief, then,the generally accepted Synoptic the Decapolis (Mk 6 *7-bb, 7 24_8 26^ and IJs), toward the close
of which period He made His first announcement to Hia
theory is that there was a collection of the discourses,
disciples of His coming Passion, and, in the company of the
or teachings, of Jesus, which lay at the basis of at three with whom He was most intimate, was transfigured
least two of the Gospels (Mt and Lk)—perhaps of all, (Mk 8 27-9 13, and l|s). After the account of a short ministry
besides which Mt and Lk evidently used Mk, making at Capernaum the Gospels unite in representing Jesus as
having finally departed from Galilee for Jerusalem (Mk 10 1,
its order and language fundamental to their own.
and lis), Lk recording, in connection with the journey, an
The material from these two sources Mt treated in a extended ministry of teaching (chs. 10-18). There then
_
topical way, and Lk in a chronological way, giving follows the narrative of Jesus' final ministry in Jerusalem
it a characteristic Hterary setting, both of them
(Mk 11 1-14 1 ^•' 10 '•, and Us), culminating in the Passover
with His disciples (Mk 14 i2-3i, and ||s), the Passion in Geth-
adding to it items from other sources, oral and semane (Mk 14 32-42^ and Is) the Betrayal by Judas (Mk 14 *3-62,
,
|
written, peculiar to themselves {e.g., the Nativity and lis) the Trial before the Sanhedrin and Pilate (Mk 14 ^3-
,
Stories [Mt and Lk], the Genealogies [Mt and Lk], 1520, and lis), the Crucifixion and the Resurrection (Mk
15 21-16 8, and ||s). There is then given an account of Jesus'
the details of the last journey to Jerusalem [Lk], the
appearances to His disciples after His Resurrection, Matthew
arraignment of the Pharisees [Mt], and the Ascension confining his narrative to those which took place in Galilee
[Lk]). The Documentary Theory is thus not an (28 i»-20)^ Luke to those in the neighborhood of Jerusalem
exclusively documentary theory, but calls to its aid (24 i3-*3), Mark, his Gospel ending as it does with the 8th
verse, giving no account of them. The general narrative is
both the oral and the dependence theories and has then closed with an account of the Ascension, given alone by
in this breadth its distinctive superiority over the Luke(24-i'i-63).
others.
The characterization of Jesus presented by this
The composite narrative presented by these three Gospels narrative is one of strong and irresistible impress-
is briefly as follows: Following the introductory material iveness.
given by Mt and Lk (Genealogies [Mt 1 ^-^''; Announced by angels and supematurally born,
6 Outline Lk 3 ^^^^], Annunciation and Birth of Baptist He comes into the world bearing upon Himself all
18-2>; Lk 1 «-38. 67-80, 2 1-20],
nf ^r^rr^nf^<i and of JesUs [Mt 1
the marks of the unseen universe, and, though httle
ite Warra- 239-62J) jg ^ preliminary narrative, consisting is said of His childhood, and we become really
tive, of a description of the ministry of the Baptist,
acquainted with Him as He enters upon His public
culminating in the induction of Jesus into His
public ministry, through His Baptism and Temptation (Mk work, we realize, from such record as is given, that
1 1-13, and lis). There then follows a record of Jesus' min- His consciousness of Himself is of one who stands
istry in Galilee, beginning with a visit to His home in Naza- separate from those around Him in His communion
reth, where His claims are rejected, and from which place
He withdraws to Capernaum (Mk 1 1* '., and Us; Lk 4 I'^^i^ with God, that it is this consciousness of His spiritual
and tis). where He formally attaches to Himself a disci- isolation among men that brings Him to a conscious-
pleship, and makes the place a center from which His ness of His Divine mission in the world, that it is
work is carried on (Mk 1 i^3*, and ||s). As far as this work
in this consciousness that He comes to His baptism
is represented as following any distinctive method it is that
of preaching tours through the surrounding country, with as the symbol of His public consecration to His work,
a return to the home city. The Gospels unite in recording and that it is to test this consciousness that the
Huch a tour soon after His coming to Capernaum (Mk
Spirit drives Him into the wilderness to His temp-
1 36-3B, and lis). It was confined, apparently, to the villages
of the immediate neighborhood and was of short duration, tation-
being followed by a considerable period of activity in Caper- It is on this understanding of Himself and His
naum itself, which excited increasingly the hostility of the work that He enters upon His pubUc ministry, and
Scribes and Pharisees (Mk 1 «„2 28 [3 i-a (?)]^ 3 7-12^ and jls).
it is because of Himself and His work so understood
There is given then, in evident preparation for a more ex-
tended tour, the formal choosing of the Twelve (Mk 3 i3-i9a, that He challenges at once the ceremonialism of
and lis), with its accompanying discourse (the Sermon on the the Pharisees and Scribes. He takes up from the
MountlMt 5 1-8 1, and 1|]). This is followed by one or two beginning an attitude of judgment with reference to
selected incidents from the tour (Lk 7 i-**, and H), leading up
to the incident of the healing of the blind and dumb demoniac
—
the ceremonial Law ignoring it when it symbolized
on the return to Capernaum (Mk 3 lob-ao^ and |!s). This and developed separation between man and God
is presented as significant in its arousal of popular en- and between man and his fellow man, and observing
thusiasm to an open acclaim of Jesus as the Messianic Son of
itin full when it symbolized and effected their
David and the meeting of this claii^i by the Scribes and
Pharisees with the countercharge of Beelzebub (Mt 12 22-24 j
—
communion and at the same time directs His
Mk 3 ^] Lk 11 1* 'Oi the outcome of which conflict was a ministry toward the ceremonially unchurched, call-
Gospel, Gospels
305 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONAKY Governor
ing to His discipleship the tax-gatherer, and making Ijiterattjre : Besides the N
T Introductions of Zahn (1908)
clear that it was for the sinner that His ministry of and Jiilicher (1904), sections in which treat of the literary
interrelations of the Gospels, the following books, to a
helpfulness was intended. Inevitably this confronts
greater or less extent, confine themselves to a consideration
Him with a hostility from the Scribes and Pharisees, of this problem: Weizsacker, Untersuch. ilb. d. Evangel.
and sets in motion two tendencies among His hearers Geschichte^ (1901); Wendt, Lehre Jem, vol. I (1886);
— ^the one of criticism under the influence of this
Ewald, Hauptproblem d. Bvangelienfrage (1890); Well-
hausen, Einleit. in d. drei ersten Bvangelien (1905) Blass,
opposition, the other of sympathy under the power of
;
with the necessary accompaniment of strengthen- Die Synoptische Frage (1899), Quellen des Lebens Jesu
(1906); Wright, Composition of the Four Gospels (1890);
ing the criticism, He adopts the parable in His teach-
Badham, Formation of the Gospels^ (1892) Jolley, Synoptic ;
ing and makes an ever-increasingly clear statement Problem (1893) Robinson, The Study of the Gospels (1902)
;
of the personal relationships with Himself which His Burton, A Short Introduction to the Gospels (1904) Scott- ;
discipleship demanded. Moncrieff St. Mark and the Triple Tradition (1907) Barth,
, ;
In such a consciousness of Himself and His work, Element in the Gospels (1907); Bosanquet, Outlines of
and in such assertion of them against the material- Synoptic Record (1904); Harnack, The Sayings of Jesus
ism around Him, He carries on in Galilee and the (1908).
For a study of the Consciousness of Jesus Forrest, The
surrounding regions His ministry of healing and of
:
revelation of the sin of man and of the love of God. geheimniss (1901); Gai-vie, Studies in the Inner Life of
From the beginning, however, this consciousness of Jesus (1907) Holtzmann, D. Messianische Beiousstsein
;
Himself and His work makes clear to Him that His Jesu (1907).
For helps in Synoptic work Rushbrooke, Synopticon (1880)
:
ministry must not only involve hostility from the Abbott and Rushbroolw, Common Tradition of the
materialism of Judaism, but an inevitable develop- Synoptic Gospels (1884) Wright, Synopsis of the Gospels
;
ment of this hostility into an open persecution of in Greek (1896); Hawkins, Horw Synopticce (1899) E. A. ;
to final issue the conflict between the ceremonialism eleven times in AV. It corresponds to our modem
of the nation and His spiritual mission to the world. hortatory 'come,' which RV gives instead in Gn 11
There He casts aside all reserve; face to face with 3-7, 38 16; Ec 2 1; Ja 4 13, 5 1. In other cases RV
His enemies He makes plain His Messianic claims, omits it as an unnecessary addition (Jg 7 3; II 5 5; K
and shows with unmistakable clearness the national Jer 18ll;Is5 5). E.E.N.
consequence of their rejection, while He gathers
GOVERNMENT, GOVERNMENTS: The term
closer to Himself His disciples and, as far as it was
"government" means properly
in la 9 6 'princely' or
possible to their unaroused conceptions, prepares
'royal authority.' On II P 2 10 cf. RV. On I Co 12
them for the result. With the calmness of this
28, and for the organization of the early Church, see
great consciousness of all He was in Himself and
Church, § 7. For the different forms of govern-
of all His mission meant for the world. He comes to
ment in ancient Israel, see Israel. E. E. N.
His Passion and His death. From the beginning
He had shown the personal relations to Himself GOVERNOR: In the OT
the one word that
which His discipleship involved. Increasingly He properly means 'governor' is pehdh, used chiefly in
had laid emphasis upon that faith without which the documents of the Persian period (Ezr, Neh, Hag,
that discipleship could not issue in acceptance with Mai). It signifies (in the Bible) both the 'satrap/
God, and now as the end came in His death it was or 'governor,' of one of the main subdivisions of the
this same personal relationship between Himself and Persian Empire {e.g., Ezr 5 3, Tattenai, who was
His disciples that gave it all its significance as the satrap of the region W. of the Euphrates), or the
only way to that forgiveness of sin and reforming of governor of a subdivision of a satrapy {e.g., Judah, of
life which was the object of all He had come to do. which Nehemiah was "governor"; cf. Neh 5 14). In
To some conception of this personal element in both cases the appointment was made directly by the
salvation the disciples apparently came through the king. The functions of the governors of the smaller
instruction given them by Jesus during the period provinces were administrative and civil rather than
of His presence with them after the Resurrection, military. The word "Tirshatha" (Ezr 2 63, etc.,
though it is clear that their final comprehension of AV) is a Persian term, the equivalent of pehah.
it came from that understanding of His redemptive Other O T terms rendered "governor" are expressive
relation to them which gradually resulted from their of leadership, or authority, but are not of technical
maturing spiritual experience. This conception of significance.
Jesus is what lies before us, then, in these Gospels In the N
T Pilate is called "governor" of Judaea,
the conception of a man among men, possessed of all Felix and Festus of all Palestine, with their head-
the qualities of humanity, its frailties of body, its quarters at Caesarea. The Gr. term is 7}yef^Q}v,
sympathies of heart, its powers of mind, but lacking standing for the Latin 'procurator,' i.e., a governor of
that one common element of sinfulness, not only in a far town, or unruly country, appointed directly by
the manifestations of life, but in the consciousness of the emperor, and wh9 was only partially subordinate
soul, that marked Him out as separated from them to the Imperial legate of the province, to which his
all and gave Him thus the isolated right beyond any district belonged. Such 'governors' were usually of
mere Messianic meaning to the title "Son of God." equestrian rank, Felix, a freedman, being an excep-
Gozan 306
Greece
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
better
tion to this rule (see Schlirer, I, i, pp. 43^8). Qui- ically, to that phase of it which might be
rinus ("Cyrenius/' Lk 2 2) was an Imperial legate, not rendered 'thankfulness.' (For the use the
^
i m
i bo
a procurator, of the large Province of Syria, On II of x'^P^s to designate 'thanks' cf. Lk 17 9;
Co 11 32 see Aketas. On Ja 3 4 cf. RV. In Gal 4 2 10 30; II Co 9 15.)
"steward" ("governor" AV) is the overseer of the Viewed in the Ught of this special Gospel meanmg,
household. E. E. N, grace finds its source in God's love to man Paul tells .
GRACE: The rendering of two Heb. {hen, t^hin- plan of salvation with which it is possible for him
nah) and two Gr. {x^-pf'S, evTrpeireLo) words. I. to fall in. In this same Epistle the Apostle says,
General : In the main, two leading ideas are repre- "By grace have ye been saved through faith, and
sented by the Eng. term: (1) The objective idea of that not of yourselves, it is the gift of God" (2 8),
'outward grace,' or 'beauty,' and (2) the subjec- in which he characterizes the way in which they
tive idea of 'personal kindness,' or 'favor.' In the have been redeemed as one not based upon their
O T the former is represented, with two exceptions, own righteousness, a condition they could never
fulfil, but upon the gracious provision of God, made
in all the passages in which RV retains the term
effective, subjectively, by that faith in Christ which
"grace," the Heb. being hen (Ps 45 2, 84 11; Pr 1 9,
it was always possible for them to exercise, if they
3 22, 4 9, 22 11; Zee 4 7, 12 10). In the excepted
passages (Ezr 9 8; Pr 3 34) the latter is represented, would (Jn 5 40, 6 37). As to its process, it does no
the Heb. being in Ezr Phinndh, and in Pr hen. In violence to the human spirit, but works upon it, nega^
the passages where AV rendered hen by "grace," tively,in devitalizing those impulses and forces which
RV has substituted "favor" (Gn 6 8, etc.; Ex 33 12, make it easy for the will to move away from God
etc.; Nu 32 5; Jg 6 17; Ru 2 2, 10; I S 1 IS, etc.;
and, positively, in vitalizing those which make it easy
11 S 14 22; Est 2 17; Jer 31 2). In the N T the for the will to move toward God. "With fear and
term "grace" is abundantly used, both ideas being trembling," Paul wrote to the Philippians, "work out
represented, and the term receiving a large develop- the salvation you have received from God, for it is
ment along the line of the latter. Practically but God which worketh in you both to will and to do"
one Gr. word ix^pf'S) is employed throughout, the (2 13; cf. I Co 15 10; He 13 21). Naturally, therefore,
exception being the passage Ja 1 11, where evTrperreia when it has been admitted by the receptive soul
might have been better rendered 'beauty* or 'shape- within itself, its energizing establishes a condition
liness.' II. Particular: In the N T usage of the of that soul which most properly is termed a state of
term we have the objective idea in such passages as grace, and which can be increased in its effectiveness
Lk 4 22 and Col 4 6. The subjective idea, in general, by the soul's own cooperation (II P 3 18), or des-
is found in Lk 2 52 "favor" EVV; Eph 4 29. This idea troyed by its resistance (II Co 6 1). See also
is enlarged, however, in the direction of emphasizing God, § 2. M. W. J.
the undeserved nature of the kindness, or favor, GRACE, MERCY, AND PEACE. See Epistle.
shown {e.g., Lk 1 30), but more specifically, as char-
acterizing the favor shown by God in His redemp- GRACIOUS : This word is the rendering of (1) the
tive work {e.g., Ro 4 4, 16, where x^P^^ ^^ contrasted Heb. noun hen, 'grace,' in the construct form, e.g.,
with 6(j)€lX7}fia, 11 6, where the contrast is with 'a, woman woman" (Pr 11 16);
of grace,' "gracious
€^ epymv, and Eph 2 8, where the contrast is with "words . . . 10 12). (2) Of hanan,
of grace" (Ec
e| vfio3i/; cf. also II Co 8 9). Naturally, from this in the sense of 'charming,' 'winning' (Jer 22 23 AV;
Gospel use of the term, we have a further enlarge- but "to be pitied" RV, and "how wilt thou groan"
ment in the direction of designating the spiritual ERVmg.). (3) Generally of hanan and hannun,
force exerted by God upon those who are receptive 'gracious,' always of God, to designate Hia exercise
to His work {e.g., Jn 1 16; Ac 11 23; 11 Co 6 1, 9 14, of mercy. (4) Of tobh, 'good' (Hos 14 2 AV; cf.
12 9; I Ti 1 14; II Ti 2 1; He 4 16), which is further RV). (5) Of xaptros (Lk 4 22 AV, but "of grace"
broadened out to include the special gifts of life by RV). (6) Of xp^^"^^^} 'serviceable,' 'useful' (I P
which God renders men capable of His service 2 3). A.C. Z.
{e.g., Ro 1 5; Gal 2 9; I Co 1 4, 3 10; Ph 1 7). The GRAIN, GRAINS. See Palestine, § 23; Agri-
combination of these two usages is seen conspicu- culture, §§ 4-6, and Food, § 1,
ously in such a passage as I Co 15 10 (cf also II Co
GRAPE, GRAPES, WILD GRAPES.
.
bear grain and those that are suitable only for fodder, and the easy accessibility from the sea to any part of
herbs, and vegetables. (5) Of ^op^'o^* which may the interior counteracted the difficulties of transit by
mean either green grass (cf. Mk 6 39, etc.) or the land. The coast-line is deeply indented with bays and
blade of grain (Mt 13 26). E. E. N. inlets, affording safe harbors. Therefore the deter-
GRASSHOPPER. See Locust. mining element in Greek geography was, not the
mountains, but the sea, which the Greeks thought of
GRATE, GRATING. See Altar, § 2.
as a bridge, or means of passage. The many prom-
GRAVE, GRAVE-CLOTHES. See Burial and ontories served as points from which the mariner
Burial Customs, §§ 1, 5, 6. might begin his voyage, passing readily from island
GRAVE, GRAVEN, GRAVING. See Artisan to island, till Asia was reached, and hence Greek
Life, §§ 3-5, and Metals, § 1. I
colonization began with Asia. In a similar way
GRAVING TOOL. See Metals, § 1. foreign merchants, attracted chiefly by the purple-
fish, settled first on the promontories, which became
GREAT OWL. See Palestine, § 25. centers of foreign religious worship and civilization.
GREAT SEA. See Mediterranean Sea. All Greek colonies were situated on the sea; intercom-
GREAVES. See Arms and Armor, § 10. munication was by the sea, which was necessary not
only for commerce, but for the transmission of ideas
GRECIANS, GREEKS. See Greece and Hel-
and for progress in general. The dwellers
in inland
lenism.
cities were conservative, courageous, full of
rustic,
GREECE: Ancient Greece was bounded on the endurance, sterile of imagination, hostile to innova-
N. by Macedonia and Illyria, on the E. by the ^gean tions, narrow in their sympathies and ideas, tena-
Sea, and on the W. by the Ionian Sea. cious of ancient habits. The dwellers in the sea-
1. Natural Its greatest length from Mt. Olympus towns were progressive, tolerant, active, eager for
Features, to Cape Matapan was about 250 m., but gain, ready for change, innovation, revolution, dar-
it varied greatly in width. G. fell natu- ing at sea, full of imagination, fickle in character,
rally into three great divisions Northern (Epirus and
: given to pomp and luxury, open to refining influ-
Thessaly), Central, and the Peloponnesus the pen- — ences, delicate in taste and intellectual sympathy.
insula S. of the Isthmus. To this continental As the configuration of Greece kept the country
Greece must be added many islands in the iEgean disunited and perpetuated separate autonomy, so
and Ionian seas, as well as numerous colonies in Asia the smallest town was an autonomous unit; even
Minor, Thrace, the Black Sea region, Sicily, S. Italy, small islands contained two or three separate states,
France, and N. Africa, for much of Greece's influence hostile to one another. These autonomous city-
on the world came through these islands and colonies. states formed the basis of politico-philosophical
The Greeks themselves called their coimtry Hellas speculation. But still the Greeks were united for
originally a small territory in S. Thessaly ^and they — social, religious, recreative, intellectual, and esthet-
spoke of themselves as Hellenes. The name Greeks ical purposes. And being at once mountaineers and
(Graci) came to us through the Romans, who heard mariners they had access to a mass of social and
the name TpoLKoi in S. Italy, whither it had come political experience. Their national games brought
from Illyria. the conservative of the interior into close touch with
G. is so covered by ramifications of moimtains that the radical of the sea-town, and the meeting stimu-
but little of its surface is left for plains and valleys. lated the observant faculties, and the vagaries of
These moimtains are the distinctive both sections were thereby modified. Greece was
2. features of the inland landscape; they
Influ- also the meeting-place of the nations. Ideas and
ence of the were also mythological centers, where movements emanating from the Orient passed
Natural gods held intercourse with men. The through Greece, where they were assimilated and
Features national character was molded in then recast in the Greek intellectual mold, ere they
on the great measure by mountains. the were passed on to the West.
National Being mountainous, Greece is also very Except in the few alluvial plains the soil of Greece
Character, rocky, and in earliest times the Greeks is poor, necessitating careful agriculture, a fact which
utilized their rocks to build city walls always produces a sturdy race, but this thinness of
(Cyclopean walls). Therefore the stones of Greece soil led the Greeks of an early period to abandon
had a great influence on the national institutions. agriculture for maritime pursuits Greece never pro-
;
They not only promoted city Hfe by insuring the duced enough grain to supply her needs, and im-
safety of the dwellers withia the city walls, but, ported grain at an early period.
being chiefly marble, they made Greek architecture The most striking characteristics of the Greek
and sculpture possible. Again, mountains are nat- — —
mind that is, of Hellenism were the variety of
:
ural barriers, which protect against invasion, while its aptitudes, its graceful versatiUty, its
large rivers are means of transit^ facilitating inter- 3. The vivacity and penetrating keenness, its
state commerce and intellectual intercourse. But Greek balanced development of diverse facul-
since the rivers of Greece were not large enough to Mind. ties, its reason tempered with imagina-
subserve this end, land traffic between towns and be- tion, sentiment with intelhgence, pas-
tween the land-locked mountain valleys was difficult. sion with reflection; it was supple, subtle, astute,
Nature herself ordained that Greece should be so- wily, adaptable. The Greek thought with acute-
Greek A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 308
Grief
ness, and imagined with brilliancy; his mind was living tree, inwhich the divine hfe was manifested
incapable of entertaining the vague, the obscure, or by the leaves and foliage, and for age on age the
indefinable. Yet his conceptions were moderate and whispering of the leaves and the soughing of the
within bounds, and hence his gods were not mon- wind through the tree, or bush, were regarded as
sters, but anthropomorphic. The Greek was social; the actual voice of God (cf. II S 5 24; Gen 3 8). The
he sought out his fellow man, both to receive from tree was the permanent manifestation of divme life,
him and to give to him; he was fond of gossip and and continued to be such even after the extinction of
chat; he possessed a great experience of life (seen life in the tree. For, like the tree, the gods of early
even in the Epos) he was eminently curious and in-
; mankind were mortal, because the gods were deified
quisitive, in the best sense, about the enigmas of the men (cf. the Cretan Zeus, Adonis, and Tammuz).
world, and for that reason he propounded all the The tree-trunk, though no longer living, continued
great problems and inaugurated all the correct meth- to be the indwelling-place of God. Thus the tree
ods. The characteristic excellences of Greek litera- shaded off into the tree-pillar, the
ture are plastic neatness of conception, hmpidity, 3. Sacred wooden column, and ultimately into the
transparency, even in abstruse matters, such as Wooden stone column (bcetylus). The living tree
metaphysics. The Greeks copied nothing slavishly. and Stone might transfer the divine presence and
They did employ models, but they recast them and Pillars, essence to a pillar or a stone by means of
put upon them the imprint of their own individual- a special rite of ritual invocation con-
ity and liberty. In their temperament the Greeks sisting of charms and incantations, and through the
were eternally youthful and gay, though ever sen- pillar or stone the divine presence could pass into
sitive to the miseries of life. They fixed their the priest or worshiper. This possession of the
thoughts on the ideals of youth and beauty; the po- divine presence by the pillar or the stone was not
etry of life characterized all their writings, and mod- permanent. The spirit of God might depart from
ern pessimism was unknown to them. J. R. S. S. the pillar or stone, in which case they became merely
sacred objects, i.e., idols. Thus the earhest stage
of religious evolution in prehistoric Greece known
GREEK AND ROMAN IDOLATRY to us (in great measure from Evans' excavations in
Analysis of Contents Crete, JliS, 1901, 99 ff., though by no means wholly
so) was a dual cult of tree and pillar (stone, dolmen,
1. Idolatry in General 4. Idols Proper
2. Earliest Cult Imageless
: 5. Contact with Biblicalldeas menhir). AMycenaean shrine exhibits the sacred
3. Sacred Wooden and Stone 6. Graeco-Roman Polytheiam. tree with spreading boughs, enclosed by walls and
Pillars in the NT lintels, while the sacred pillar stands in front of the
Idolatry (elBcoXoKaTpeia, from ei'SwXov and \aTpela) shrine. We have also scenes in the ritual of this
is, in general, 'worship of idols.' But sl8<o\ov means cult, e.g., the ritual watering of trees. While the
primarily 'a form' or 'shadow/ hence palm-, pine-, cypress-, and the plane-tree were all
1. Idolatry a 'fantom/ II. V, 451; Od. IV, 296; sacred, yet the fig-tree was traditionally the most
in General, 'a reflection in water/ Aristotle, Divin, sacred. Beneath it the Cretan Zeus was suckled by
in Somn. 2 12; 'an imagination,' or the goat Amalthia, and beneath the Ficus Ruminalis
'fantasy,' Plato, Phwd. 66c; Herod. I, 51; then, 'a Romulus and Remus were suckled by a wolf. The
likeness (or image) of a god' (II Ch 17 12 LXX.). sacred stones were set up beneath the eacred tree.
In O T usage, many different words {'dwen, 'wicked- Such a stone was called a fiairvXos by the Greeks,
ness,' or 'deceit,' 'Hll, 'nothingness,' miphletseth, and beth'el (cf. Jacob's baetylic pillar, Gn 28 16) by the
'shameful thing,' semel, 'image/ 'dtzdhh [from a root Semites (cf. also the menhirs of Druidical worship).
meaning to 'cut off,' and then 'to portray'], a 'rep- Though the earliest cult objects were trees, pillars,
resentation of deity,' and gillulim, possibly 'things sacred stones, yet we find that symbolical objects^
of stone/ used of idols in a contemptuous sense) con- —
such as the double ax might also stand for the
vey the idea of an idol; idolatry being described as visible impersonation of the Divinity, and thus be-
the act or custom of worshiping {'dbhadh, 'to serve/ come an object of worship, the aniconic image of
and predominantly, shdhdh, 'to bow down/ Aram. God, the material form or indwelling-place of the
§^gkadh) idols. Idolatry may thus be (1) the worship Divinity, just as were the aniconic images of wood
of images, made to represent gods, or of images pure or stone. The cult of the double ax explains the
and simple (Ex 20 4 f.; Ps 115 4; Hos 8 4); (2) the Cretan Lahyrinthos, as simply the House of the
worship of those gods themselves (polytheism, Ps Double Ax (Ka^pvs = TriXcKos), i.e., the prehistoric
96 5; I Co 8 Iff.); or (3) the setting up of any- palace itself at Knossos. As time went on, other
thing beside God Himself in the supreme place as an bcetyli of meteoric origin came to be cult objects, or
object of affection or authority over one's life (e.g., the indwelling-place of God. Indeed, Baetylos was
"coveteousness," Col 3 5). the son of Ouranos, i.e., 'sky-fallen' (cf. Zeus
Temple images in human form (anthropomor- Kappotas), and to the very end of antiquity "Diana
phism) did not appear until comparatively late in the of the Ephesians" was a half -aniconic meteorite
development of the himian race in the "that fell down from Jupiter" (Ac 19 35). In
2. Earliest Mediterranean basin, and, in the earliest classical times the old sacred tree-trunks, often
Cult : phase of Mediterranean religion known supposed to have been washed ashore (thus avowing
Imageless. to us, the cult of the gods was aniconic. the introduction of the cult from foreign parts), and
In this period, which goes back to stones, usually of meteoric origin, were called (oava,
7000 B.C., and continued for millennia thereafter, the and these C<^ava continued to be the real cult object
most realistic impersonation of the godhead was the even after man could create such Divine works as
Greek
309 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Grief
Phidias* chryselephantine statue of Athene. Even Even the Roman eagle which Herod had put on the
sepulchral stelcB were the bsetylic habitations, or Temple was regarded by the Jews as an insult to
indwelling-places, of the ghosts of the deceased. their religious beUefs (Jos. Ant. XVII, 6 2; BJ, I,
Throughout this centuries-long prehistoric period 33 2). Accordingly, in the N T idolatry is not
the idols of mankind remained aniconic, even though merely the worship of images, or of gods through
in the minds of the worshipers God was thought of images, but also polytheism.
in the human form, and that, too, long before they Whenever, as in the experience of Paul at Ephesus
began to depict God in the shape of cult images. (q.v.) (Ac 19 23ff.), or at Athens (Ac 17 16-31), a
The transition toanthropomorphism may be Christian of Jewish antecedents faced
clearly traced in scenes in which the aniconic im- 6. Graeco- the polytheistic cult, he could not, in
personation of the godhead appears Roman the nature of the case, distinguish be-
4. Idols side by 'side with the anthropomor- Polytheism tween the worship of images (statues)
Proper, phized conception of the Deity — in the N T. as such and the deities represented by
duality which was a compromise be- them. To him, therefore, the com-
tween the idea of the aniconic habitation and that munity in which this took place was "full of idols"
of the Deity pictorially deUneated in hxmaan form. (Ac 17 16, ''wholly given to idolatry" AV). The
Henceforth the anthropomorphized figure of the unknown God (Ac 17 23) easily served as the in-
Deity usurped the place of the aniconic pillar, choate figure out of which the\ Apostle was able to
bgetyhc stone, or double ax. At first the pillar, mold for them the conception of the only true God.
or dead tree-trunk, was indented at the top, or at Although such objects of worship are called gods by
either side, to represent the head of the god. The Paul (I Co 8 5), as well as by their own worshipers
next step was to round off this square head, and to (Ac 14 11), it is only for the sake of convenience that
carve upon it rude suggestions of eyes, nose, and the term is applied to them by the Christian thinker
mouth. The third step was to indicate the arms by (cf. Gal 4 8). For the Apostles eagerly seized the
mere protuberances at the shoulder. The fourth opportunity offered at Lystra to denounce the whole
step was to outline the pendent and closely clinging system as "vain things" (Ac 14 15, "vanities" AV).
arms by deep vertical incisions at either side of the On this occasion the special deities brought into view
tree-trunk, while the part of the tree-trunk below were Jupiter and Mercury, the first as the supreme
the lower extremities of the rude arms remained for god of the Olympian mythology, being identified
centuries in the unchanged form of the sacred tree- with Barnabas, who in all probability was physically
trunk, or pillar. The fifth step was to make the toes the more stately and imposing of the two Apostles,
protrude from the tree-trunk, which for the time and the second, the spokesman and messenger of the
being was thought of as representing a gown, stiffly gods, with Paul, who was the leader in the preaching
falling and without folds. The sixth step was to of the new religion. Mention of a mythological
indicate the legs, still clinging closely together. It name without connotations of worship is also made
required many ages to separate the legs, and to make in Ac 28 U, where the Twin Brothers (Castor and
the image stand squarely on both feet, and it re- Pollux AV Dioscuri RVmg.) are spoken of. These
;
the Hebrew mind, by nature unanalytic, by training GREET, GREETINGS. See Salute, Saluta-
entirely unaccustomed, and by statute forbidden, to tion.
represent the godhead in any visible form. Every GREYHOUND. See Palestine, § 24.
image was a token of creature worship, and a viola-
tion of the second commandment of the Decalogue. GRIEF. See in general Mourning Customs.
Grind, Grinding
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 310
Habergeon
their work with song (cf. ver. 4). The expression is Pr 9 18; Zeph 1 7. Present participle of avaK€is-
(2)
used here probably in a figurative way for the molar Oai, 'to recline at table' (Mt 22 10 f.). (3) Aor. mfin.
teeth, apt to fall out in old age. E. E. N. of KaraXveiv, 'to lodge'(Lk 19 7 AV, "gone in to
lodge" RV). (See Hospitality.) The larger
GROSS: "Waxed gross" is the translation in Mt
houses had a guest-chamber (Mk 14 14; Lk 22 11;
13 15; Ac 28 27 of the Gr. naxvvecv ('to make thick'
C. S. T.
I S 9 22, "parlor" AV).
or The NT passages are both quotations
'fat').
(after the LXX,) of Is 6 9> where the Heb. has a GUILE : In general this word conveys the same
similar meaning. The same expression is found else- meaning in Biblical usage as elsewhere (Ex 21 14;
where in the O T (Dt 32 15; Neh 9 25; Jer 5 28), al- Ps 34 13; Jn 1 47), i.e., the quality, or act, of conceal-
ways meaning that prosperity had rendered the peo- ing one's true intention and producing a misleading
ple so satisfied that they cared nothing for the higher impression. It is named as something to be depre-
word, but is involved in the verb eSa(/>tfeti/, from GUILTLESS: This word renders: (1) the Heb.
€8a<t>os; see (5), above. E. E. N. ndqdh (vb.) and naql (adj.), the root idea being 'to
GROVE. See Semitic Religion,
empty' (as a vessel, by pouring out its contents),
§ 11.
and hence 'to cleanse,' or purify (Nu 3 22; Jos 2 19 f.,
GUARD: The rendering of several Heb. and Gr. "quit" AV; II S 3 28, 14 9). (2) dvatrios, 'free
terms: tahbdh, 'slaughterer,' used only of three
(1) from legal blame,' from a negative and airia, 'legal
foreigners (Potiphar in Gn 37 36, etc. ; Nebuzara- cause for complaint' (Mt 12 5, 7, "blameless" AV).
dan in II K 2.5 8, etc., and Jer 39
9, etc., and Arioch E E.N.
in Dn 2 14). The Heb. term
perhaps not an ex-
is
GUILT-OFFERING. See Sacrifice and Of-
act reproduction of the Egyptian or Babylonian fering.
originals, though the 'chief of the slayers' (i.e.,
'sacrificers') may well have been an official who stood
GULF. See Eschatology, § 38.
very near the king and was entrusted with the duty GUNI, gu'nai (^^'i?-, gum): 1. The. ancestral head
of guarding his body. (2) ruts, 'runner,' used of He- of the clan of Gunites, of the tribe of Naphtali
brews themselves in I and II K
and II Oh. These (Gn 46 24; Nu 26 48; I Ch 7 13). 2. The head of a
'runners,' or trusted foot-soldiers, stood close to Gadite family (I Ch 5 15). E. E. N.
the king and performed various functions. Their
'chief was doubtless an officer of rank. That they
GUR, gtjr (-1^5, gur), ASCENT OF: A place
near Ibleam where Ahaziah, King of Judah, was
were a 'body-guard' in the strictest sense is not cer-
tain. David, e.g., had a special guard of foreigners
wounded (II K
9 27). Site unknown. E. E. N.
(Gherethites and Pelethites; cf. II S 20 23, 23 23, GUR-BAAL, -b^'al (^P3 IV., gur ba'al), 'dwell-
where mishma'ath, not ruts, is used). (3) mishmar, ing of Baal': An probably
unidentified place,
'watch' (Neh 4
22 f.; Ezk 38 7). (4) On Ac 28 16; somewhere in Edom, inhabited by Arabians (II Ch
Ph 1 13, Pr^torium. (5) The Kova-roydLa,
see 26 7). The true reading may be tur-baal, 'rock of
"guard" RV, "watch" AV of Mt 27 65 f., is somewhat Baal,' as suggested by MSS. of the LXX. and the
difficult to explain. It may refer to the Temple Vulgate. E. E. N.
guard that under a Roman officer kept charge of the
high-priestly vestments (see Jos. Ant. XV, 11 4).
GUTTER: The word
rahat, so translated in Gn
1.
§6. text in I Ch 11 6. E. E. N.
Grind, Grinding
311 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Habergeon
H
HAAHASHTARI, h6"a-hash'ta-rai C1.51$?nKn, based upon a division of it into three sections: (1)
ka'&hashtan) : A descendant of Judah (I Ch 4 6). That of those who believe that the three parts be-
E, E. N. long to three different settings and au-
4. Unity, thors, of which only the first is trace-
HABAIAH, hab-e'ya {rr'^n,hdbhayah), 'J" hides':
able to Habakkuk (Kuenen). (2) That
The ancestral head of a priestly family whose of those who hold that the first and second parts
members coiild not estabUsh their .genealogy (Ezr are a single composition by Habakkuk, but that the
2 61, called Hobaiah in Neb 7 63). E. E. N.
third is a later production. And (3) that of those
HABAKKUK, ha-bak'uk (p^pSO, hdhhaqquq), who assign the whole to Habakkuk. The reasons
for dividing the book into three separate sections are
either from hdbaq, 'to embrace/ or cognate with
not very strong, and its advocates are constrained
Assyr. hamhukiXku, the name of a plant (Delitzsch,
to admit that they can only establish a high degree
Proleg. 84) A prophet of Judah, probably a resident
:
HACHMONITE, hac'mo-nait C^P^H, hakhmoni): sion of his victory over Hadadezer (I Ch 18 10).
See Ethnography and Ethnology, § 11, and
In I Ch 11 11 Jashobeam, one of David's heroes,
Adoniram. a. C. Z.
is said to be "the son of a Hachmonite." In the ||
HAGABA, HAGABAH, hag'a-ba, hag'a-ba (^t^Jq, babel. The date of his prophetic ministry is def-
np3n^ hdgabhd', hdgdbhdh, variant forms of Hagab) initely given by himself as the second year of
The ancestral head of a subdivision of the Nethinim Darius (Hystaspes), i.e., 520 B.C.
1 . The There was a belief in the early Chris-
(Ezr 2 45 = Neh 7 48). E. E. N.
Prophet, tian Church that he had predicted the
HAGAR, h^'gar O^T}, hagar, Agar AV, in NT), Return and was quite young when it
meaning uncertain; the root means possibly 'to took place. From Hag 2 3, however, it has been
flee'; cf. Hegira, the 'flight' of Mo-
the Arab. inferred that he had seen the First Temple in his
hammed The name of Sarai's handmaid, the
:
youth, and was very old when he took part in the
mother of Ishmael. The story of H. is told both in erection and dedication of the Second.
J and E, with some additions in P. The story in J The name Haggai is usually rendered as an ad-
(Gn 16 lb, 2, 4-14) relates how the childless Sarai jective meaning 'festal/ with the conjecture that it
gave H., her Egyptian {mitsrith) handmaid, to was given him because of his birth on
Abram, hoping thereby to obtain children. But the 2. The some festal occasion or day. Others,
insolence of H. offended Sarai, who treated her so Name however, consider it the contraction of
harshly that she fled to the desert. Here an angel Haggai. Haggiyah, which was the name of a
appeared to her near a well and comforted her by the Levitical family (I Ch 6 29), and still
promise that her seed should be very numerous, told others that of Haggariah ('J" girds,' though such a
her to name the child soon to be bom Ishmael, and name does not occur), just as Zaccai (Zacch£eus) is a
indicated beforehand his character. In gratitude short form of Zachariah. The supposition that the
she named the well Beer-lahai-roi (q.v.). In obe- name is a symbolical title, Uke Malachi, ascribed to
dience to the angel, she returned to Sarai (16 9, the author of the book originally published as an
which may be editorial, to harmonize J with E). anonymous work, because all his prophecies were
In E (Gn 21 9-21) the story follows much the same uttered on festal occasions (Andr^e), has not com-
fundamental outline. Ishmael, a child still quite mended itself.
young (cf. vs. 14 ff.), playing about on the occasion The Book of Haggai consists of four prophetic
of the feast celebrating the weaning of Isaac, aroused discourses, each of which is distinctly dated. The
Sarai's jealousy, who demanded the expulsion of first (1 2-11) was given on the first day
the "bondwoman" H. and her child. Abraham, 3.The of the sixth month and was intended to
loath to consent, does this only in obedience to a Book: stir the people to rebuild the Temple.
Divine command. With a bit of provision H. was Contents. It opens with a denunciation of their
sent away the next morning into the wilderness. indifference to its ruined condition, as
Here she and the child were saved from dying of contrasted with their own ceiled houses (1 1-6). It
thirst by an angel of God, who showed her a well contains also the specific command, " Go up to the
and also promised that her son should be the father mountain and bring wood and build the house,"
of a great nation. which is enforced by the statement that the drought
The additions of P (Gn 16 3, 15) are chronological and the plagues from which the people were suffering
notices fitting the stories into P's chronological were sent to them because of their neglect of God's
scheme. house (vs. 7-11). This discourse is followed by a
The two accounts of J and E are so similar in their brief narrative telling how Zerubbabel and Joshua
main points that it seems probable that they are but obeyed the command (vs. 12-15^. The second dis-
variant forms of the same original tradition, the course (2 2-9), delivered on the 20th of the 7th
basis of which is to be sought in early (and now un- month, is a, note of encouragement to those who
known) tribal movements, which resulted in the were disappointed with the outcome of labor and
formation of closely related tribal groups (Isaac, sacrifice. It holds out the bright prospect of greater
Ishmael). H. is called an "Egyptian," but the glory for the Second Temple than had been enjoyed
adjective mitsrith may possibly refer to Mutsri — by the First. " The precious things of all nations shall
N. Arabian locality. H. (viewed as a tribe) may come and I will fill this house with glory, saith Jeho-
also have some connection with the E. Jordan vah of hosts." The third discourse (2 11-19), dated
Hagrites, or Hagarenes (I Ch 5 10, 19-21; Ps 83 6), the 20th of the 9th month, gives an explanation of
The story as now found in Gn emphasizes the Divine the uncleanness of the people and a promise of bless-
selection of and special providence over Isaac ing. The fourth discourse (2 21-23), dated four days
(Israel), and at the same time reveals a broad sym- later, rebukes the detractors of Zerubbabel and en-
pathy for other tribes (Ishmael), for whom there is courages him personally.
also a place in the same providential care. These discourses were probably delivered in a
Both Jewish and Mohammedan speculations have more elaborate and extended form and are reported
indulged in many fancies concerning H. (cf. Ryle in substance only. The genuineness
in HDB S.V.). Even Paul does not hesitate to 4. Critical of the fourth discourse has been ques-
allegorize (in rabbinical fashion) the story for an Questions. tioned, but on grounds regarded utterly
illustration in his argument in Galatians (4 21-31). insufficient even by some most rigid
HAGGI, hag'gai C^~, haggi), 'my feasts The HALAH, h^la (nbq, hdlah) :Savgon, after he had
Israel-
ancestral head of one of the clans of Gad, the captured Samaria, transported the captive
of Go-
Haggites (Gn 46 16; Nu 26 15). E. E. N. ites to Halah, and to the Habor, the river
zan, and to the cities of the Medes (H 17 6, 18 K
HAGGIAH, hag-gai'a (n;-.r /J" is my 11). There are several views as to the location of
feast' : A Levite (I Ch 6 30). E. E. N. Halah. (a) It has been identified with the Calachene
of Strabo, a plain of N. Assyria, which Ues to the
HAGGITH, hag'gith (n^-'.n, haggith) / festive' : The E. of the Tigris, (b) Others regard it as the Hebrew
wife of David and mother of Adonijah (II S3 4, name of Chalkitis in Mesopotamia, near the river
etc.). E.E.N. Chaboras. A cuneiform inscription mentions a
territory, Halahha, near Haran. This points to the
HAGRI, hag'rai (^"l,p, hagrl): 1. The father of
same region as Chalkitis. (c) The LXX. regards
Mibhar, one of David's heroes (I Ch 11 38, Haggeri Halah as the name of a river of Gozan. The second
AV) but probably more correctly given in II S 23 36
,
view of its location is the most probable. J. A. K.
as "the Gadite." 2. Jaziz, the Hagrite, superin-
tendent of David's flocks (I Ch 27 30, 31, Hagarite HALAK, h^'lak (p^n^ "IH?. ^^^^^ hehalaq),
AV). Both 1 and 2 may be explained by 3. 3. The *the (bare) mountain': In Jos 11 17, 12 7 it
smooth
Hagrites (I Ch 5 10,19,20, Hagarites AV; also is given as the southern limit of Joshua's conquest.
Hagarenes, Ps 83 6, but RVmg. "Hagrites"), the It has been identified with the white cliffs 8 m. S. of
name of a tribe with which the Reubenites waged the Dead Sea, and also with Jehel Madara, SW. of
war and from which they took spoils. Following the the pass on the road between Petra and Hebron.
suggestion furnished by the name, the tribe was C. S. T.
later derived by Jewish writers from Hagar. A HALHUL, halliul {h^n)n, halhul): A town in
similar, probably cognate, name appears in the list
the hill-country of Judah (Jos 15 58). It is the
of Tiglath-pileser III {COT, II, 32), and it is certain
that such a tribe flourished in northern Arabia. modern HalhiXl, a well-situated village 4 m. N. of
Hebron, on a hill just E. of the road to Jerusalem.
A. C. Z.
HAHIROTH,
A spring, rock tombs, and old walls are near at hand.
ha-hai'reth. See Pi-hahiroth.
Map II, E 2. C. S. T.
HAI, he'ai. See Ai.
HALI, h^lai ("'70, Mil) : A town on the border
HAIL. See Palestine, § 19, and Plagues. of Asher (Jos 19 25). Map IV, C 5. Identification
HAIR: Among Hebrews black hair was
the uncertain. E. E. N.
common (Song 4 i, 5 li), and a luxuriant growth was HALL. See House, § 6 (f), and Pr^torium.
considered a mark of beauty. Men wore their hair
trimmed (Ezk 44 20), but not shaven, and the beard HALLELUJAH, hal"e-lu'ya, literally, 'Praise
was carefully dressed. A few had long hair (Ab- Jah': A liturgical ejaculation frequent in the last
salom, II S 14 2G), which might be braided (Samson, part of the Psalter. It occurs at the opening of
Jg 16 13, 19). Women wore the hair long (Song 4 1; eleven Psalms (106, 111, 112, 113, 117, 135, 146,
147, 148, 149, 150), and at the close of thirteen (104,
1 Co 11 15), but fastened in some way, often in
artistic locks and coils (II K 9 30; Is 3 24). Baldness
105, 106, 113, 115, 116, 117, 135, 146, 147, 148, 149,
was a disgrace (II K 2 23; Is 3 24). Shaving the 150) .In all these cases it is probably not an integral
head was a sign of mourning (Jer 7 29; Am 8 10), part of the Psalms, but rather a traditional accla-
which was forbidden in later times (Dt 14 1), mation used with them. From its occurrence the
as were alsoforms of cutting the hair
certain group Pss 113-118 was known as the Hallel (or
(Lv_19 27; Ezk 44
In connection with the
20).
Egyptian Hallelujah), which was regularly used at
Nazirite vow, the hair was allowed to grow until the celebration of the Passover, doubtless being
the vow was accomplished (Nu 6 2, 5), when it was the hymn sung at the institution of the Lord's
cut off and burned (Nu 6 IS; cf. Ac 18 18, 21 Supper (Mt 26 3D). Another Hallel (the Greek or
24).
Great Hallelujah) included more or less of the group
The expression ''a hairy man" in II 1 8 does not K Pss 146-150, and part of it was sometimes added
refer to the prophet's person, but to his mantle,
which in all likelihood consisted of undressed skin to the foregoing. In the N
T the word occurs only
(cf. Gn 25 25; Zech 13 4). in Rev 19 1-6 in the Greek form Alleluia, which has
C. S. T.
been extensively adopted in Christian liturgies and
HAKKATAN, hakVtan {y^^Jl, ha-qatan), 'the hymns. W. S. P.
little one': The father of Johanan (Ezr 8 12).
HALLOHESH, ha-lo'hesh {Vn'hri, ha-lohesh, Ha-
E. E. N.
lohesh AV), 'the whisperer': The ancestral head
HAKKOZ, hak'koz i\:^r\, ha-qots), 'the thorn' of a post-exilic family (Neh 3 12, 10 24). E. E. N.
(?): 1. The head of a family of Judah (I Ch 4 8).
2. The ancestral head of the seventh course of HALLOW, HALLOWED THINGS: The Heb.
priests (I Ch 24 10; Ezr 2 61; Neh 3 4, 21, 7 terms so rendered are all connected with the root
63, Coz
^"^)-
E.E.N. ^Ip^, qadhash, which meant primarily 'separation'
or 'placing apart' and (in its different forms) is most
HAKUPHA, ha-kiu'fa (XD^pq, Mqupha'): The commonly rendered "holy," "be holy," "holiness,"
ancestral head of a subdivision of the Nethinim (Ezr etc. A "hallowed thing" was thus something set
2 51 = Neh 7 53). E. E.N. apart from ordinary to a sacred use. To "hallow"
Haggi
315 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Hamon-gog
a person or thing was to withdraw him, or it, from the Gr. Emmaus, the modern HUmmdm (Jos. Ant.
common occupations, or uses, to those of a, sacred XVIII, 2 3, ^ AfiiiaBovs) =^ possibly Hammoth - dor
character (cf. Ex 20 U, 29 i; I S 21 4, etc.). God's (Jos 21 32), and Hammon (I Ch 6 76 [6i]). C. S. T.
name is to be "hallowed'' in that not to be
it is
and passage through it will thereby be blocked. 1. An officer under Uzziah (II Ch 26 H). 2'
(Jer 36
^^f
12).
The AV reading in ver. 11, "stop the noses," has no father of Zedekiah, prince of Judah
s pol-
basis in the Heb. E. E. N. 3. A prophet who pubUcly opposed Jeremiah
icyand contradicted his declarations regardmg the
HAMOR, he'mer (llOT, Mmor), ^ass': The
outcome of the siege of Jerusalem. In his
reply
name of a Hivite, "the father of Shechem," who Jeremiah predicted the speedy death of H. (Jer ch.
along with his son was slain by the sons of Jacob 28). 4. The grandfather of Irijah (Jer 37 13). 5.
for the wrong done their sister Dinah (Gn 34 2 ff.). One of Daniel's three companions (Dn 1 6 ff., 2 17 ff.).
Some maintain that under the guise of an incident 6. A Hemanite musician (I Ch 25 4, 23). 7. A
in the life of two families, the story has embalmed descendant of Benjamin (I Ch 8 24). 8. A descend-
an episode in the tribal relations of Israel with a ant of David (I Ch 3 19, 21). 9. One of the "sons
Canaanite tribe, Hamor (a totem-clan, whose symbol of Bebai" who had married a foreign wife (Ezr 10 28).
was the ass). Another view identifies the sons of 10. A perfumer of Jerusalem who helped repair the
Hamor, the Hamorites, with the Amorites. wall (Neh 3 8). 11. A son of Shelemiah who helped
A. C. Z. 12. An officer under
repair the wall (Neh 3 30).
HAMRAN, ham'ran. See Hemdan. Nehemiah (Neh 7 2). 13. A representative of a
HAMUEL, ham'yu-el or ha-miu'el. See Ham- family of the same name who signed the covenant
MUEL. (Neh 10 23). 14. A priest (Neh 12 12, 41). E. E. N.
HAMUL,he'mul (^^?^n, ^amwZ), pitied': The an- *
Nehemiah, who brought news of the fate of Jeru- raised in blessing, or extended for an oath, or that
salem to Susa (Neh 1 2), and later was over the city is upon the neophyte when inducted into hia
laid
gatekeepers in Jerusalem (Neh 7 2). 3. A chief duties, speaks where the voice is unheard, or has
musician who took part in the dedication of the wall ceased forever. The narrative and poetic sections
of the O T owe their dramatic power in no small
at Jerusalem (Neh 12 36). 4. A priest who had
married a foreign wife (Ezr 10 20). 5. A musician, degree to this. "A hand upon the throne of Jah"
son of Heman, in David's service (I Ch 25 4, 25). (Ex 17 16 mg.) has all the significance of a gage of
battle, and is as well an appeal that fears not to
C. S. T.
bring J" Himself into the fray. The priest who
HANANIAH, han'Vnai'a (inj^^H, Mnanyahu, enters on his functions must have his 'hands filled/
n;^in, hdruinydh), '3" is gracious': Fourteen per- Eng. "be consecrated" (Ex 29 9; Jg 17 5)—whether
eoos bearing this name are mentioned in the O T. with sacrificial portions, or priestly emblems^ or the
Hamor
S17 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Haran
priests (I Ch 24 15). E. E. N.
dering (in Col 2 14 AV) of a term used in the sense
of a 'written obUgation,' as a 'note,' 'bond,' etc.
HARA, he'ra {i^yj, hdra^): A section of the
Here Paul uses it of the Law, as though it were a
Assyrian Kingdom, to which the Israelites from
note, or bond, indicative of an infinite debt.
Samaria were deported (I Ch 5 26). The corre-
E. E. N.
sponding account in II K
17 6, 18 H reads ''in the
HANES, he'nlz (u^H, hane?) : An Egyptian city, cities of the Medes/' for which the LXX. has "in
mentioned with Zoan (Is 30 4), giving perhaps the the mountains of theMedes" CV^ ^y}, hare mddai).
limits of the Egyptian kingdom. If so, it may be The LXX. is to be preferred, and would account for
Heracleopolis magna (Coptic Hn^s, Or. "Avva-is, J<ir) (I Ch 5 26). C.S.T.
Herod. 2 137) in middle Egypt, between the Nile
and Fayum, the ruins Ahnds el Medina. The texts HARADAH, ha-r^'da or har'a-da ("Vin, hdra-
and versions of Is 30 4 f. vary, and the meaning is dhdh) A station on the wilderness route between
:
obscure. Some think that Hanes is for Taphanhes Sinai and Kadesh (Nu 33 24). Site unknown.
on the NE. frontier of Egypt, near Zoan, which E. E. N.
would give two cities near Palestine. C. S. T.
HARAN, h^'ran CjlH, haran): 1. A son of Terah
HANG, HANGING. See Crimes and Punish- and brother of Abraham. He was the father of
MBNTS, § 3. Lot, of Milcah, the wife of his uncle Nahor, and of
HANGING, HANGINGS. See Tabernacle, § 3.
Iscah. He is represented as dying before his father
Terah (Gn 11 26 f., 31 [P], 28 f. [J]). Probably be-
HANNAH, han'a (H^n, hannah), 'grace': One hind these individual names tribal or clan relations
of the two wives of Elkanah and the mother of are signified. 2. A Levite (I Ch 23 9). E. E. N.
Haran 318
Hasmoneans
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
ancient paganism continuing until the 11th cent. The ancestral head of a subdivision of the Nethinim
It was at or near H. that the family of Abram made (Ezr 2 51; Neh 7 53). E.E.N.
their home after their migration from Ur, another
great center of moon-worship (Gn 11 31 f., 12 4 f., HARIM, h^'rim (Q^"in and Din, harim, 'dedi-
27 43, 28 10, 29 4). A range of mounds on both sides cated,' or 'devoted': 1. The ancestral name of a
of the river is all that remains of the ancient city. large post-exilic family (Ezr 2 32, 10 31; Neh 3 11, 7 35,
II. A son of Caleb (I Ch 2 4G). E. E. N. 10 27). Like other names in the list this may also be
the name of the place where these returned Jews
HARARITE, he'ra-rait Cl^^, hdrarl), 'the moun- lived, though it is not yet identified. 2. The ances-
man from Harar'?): A designa-
taineer' (or 'the tral head of the third course of priests (I Ch 24 8),
tion of two of David's heroes. 1. Shammah (II of the large priestly family called by this name
i.e.,
S 23 Ch 11 34, where "Shagee" perhaps=
11, 33; I (Ezr 2 39, 10 21; Neh 7 42, 10 5). 3, An individual
Shammah). 2. Ahiam (II S 23 33; I Ch 11 35). belonging to 1 or 2 (Neh 12 15). E. E. N.
It is possible that in I Ch 11 34 "Hararite" refers to
Jonathan. E. E. N. HARIPH, h^'rif (H^irj, hariph, Hareph I Ch 2 51)
HARNESS: The AV rendermg of shiryon in I (Ezr 8 19). 7. One of twelve priests entrusted with
the holy vessels (Ezr 8 24 =Neh 12 24). 8. One who
K 22 34. See Arms and Armor, § 9.
helped repair the wall of Jerusalem (Neh 3 17) and
HAROD, hi'red ("i1i!1, hdrddh): 1, The spring sealed the covenant (10 11 [12]). 9. A Levite (11 22).
of Harod was the place where Gideon's army en- 10. A priest (Neh 12 21). C. S. T.
camped before his night attack on the Midianites
HASHABNAH, ha-shab'na (D^prq, hdshahhnah):
(Jg 7 1). It is now identified with 'Ain Jdlud, at
The head of a post-exilic family (Neh 10 25).
the foot of Mt. Gilboa, at the W. end of the valley
E. E. N.
Jezreel (see Map IV, D 8). 2. Shanmioth, the Ha-
rodite, one of David's captains (II S 23 25; in I HASHABNEIAH, hash"ab-ne-ai'a (n;^5'^n, hd-
Ch 11 27 Harorite, which is clearly an error) ^ shahhivyah, Hashabniah AV) 'J" has thought of me' ,
point of the defile, commanding the entrance to the son of Zerubbabel (I Ch 3 20). ' E. E. N.
plain (see B 7).
Map IV, J. A. K.
HASHUM, h^'shura (C^n, hashum): 1. The an-
HARP, HARPER, See Music and Musical cestral of a large post-exiUc family, also possi-
head
Instruments, § 3. bly the home of the family, as well as its represent-
HARROW. See Agriculture, § 4. ative men (Ezr 2 19, 10 33; Neh 7 22, 10 18). 2. A
priest or scribe (Neh 8 4). E. E. N.
HARSHA, har'sha {^t^p, harsha'), 'deaf: The
ancestral head of a subdivision of the Nethinim HASHtJPHA, ha-shu'fa. See Hasupha.
(Ezr2 52;Neh7 54). E.E.N. HASIDiEANS, has"i-dl'anz or -d^'anz. See
HARSITH, har'sith, THE GATE. See Jeru- Pharisees, § 3.
salem, 32. HASMONEANS, has"mo-ni'anz or -ne'anz. See
§
HASRAH, haz'm or has'ra. See Harhas. of Mt. Hermon, between Jaulm and the Lejd (sonie-
times considered a part of the Hauran). In the
HASSENAAH, has"e-ne'a (nXJ^D, ha-sma'dh):
Bible the name is found only in Ezk 47 16,
18 as
The "sons of H." repaired part of the wall of Jeru- marking the ideal border of Canaan on the E.^ The
salem (Neh 3 3). The name is peculiar, but as yet modem Arabs call essentially the same district
there is no satisfactory explanation (cf. Cheyne in el-Haurdn. The name occurs also in the ancient
EB S.V.). See also Senaah. E. E. N.
inscriptions of Assyria. In Graeco-Roman times
HASSENUAH, the same region was known as Auranitis, which was
has"e-niu'a (n^\J50, ha^smu'ah,
bounded on the N. by Trachonitis, and on the NW.
Hasenuah and Senuah AV): Apparently a Ben-
by Gaulanitis and Batansea, all included in the
(ICh9 7; Neh 11 9). See Senaah.
jamite clan-name
kingdom of Herod the Great. Upon his death they
E. E. N. Troglodytes, doubtless, once
fell to Philip (Lk 3 l).
HASSHUB, hash'trb (3Vii'n, hashshuhh), 'thought occupied the rocky E. portion. G. L. R.
oV (i.e., by God): 1. Apparently the ancestral head
of a subdivision of Merarite Levites (I Ch 9 14; Neh HAVEN: In the 'blessing of Jacob' (Gn 49 13)
The name of several individuals (Neh Zebulon represented as dwelling at the "haven"
is
11 15). 2.
E. E. N. of the sea and becoming a "haven" for ships. The
3 11, 23, 10 23).
Heb. hoph, however, means no more than 'shore'
HASSOPHERETH, has"o-fi'reth. See Sophe- or 'beach/ and is so rendered where it occurs else-
RETH. where (Dt 1 7; Jos 9 1; Jg 5 17 [AV]; Jer 47 7; Ezk
HASTY FRUIT: This expression is found in Is 25 16). It is the proximity of Zebulon to the Medi-
28 4 AY. For the correct rendering see RV. terranean coast and to the Phoenicians with their
E. E. N. maritime commerce that is implied. In Ps 107 30
the word mahoz may mean *city' rather than 'haven,'
HASUPHA, ha-su'fa (^tCY^^, hdsupha', Hashu-
but this is not certain. On Ac 27 12 see Fair
pha AV); The ancestral head of a subdivision of
Havens. E. E. N.
the Nethinim (Ezr 2 43=Neh 7 46). E. E. N.
HAVENS, FAIR. See Fair Havens.
HAT: The Aramaic (Dn
original, J^JS^lP, karb^la'
3 21), is rare and occurs but once in the T, and HAVE TO DO "WITH: In all instances but one
this phrase the rendering of idiomatic questions
is
while "hat" (AV) conveys a wrong idea of its mean-
RV rendering "tunic" is not certain. 'Tur- which read literally, 'What is there to you [sing, or
ing, the
pi.] and to me [or some other person]/ i.e., what
ban' would seem to be nearer the correct meaning.
See Dress, §8. E.E.N. community of interest or what relationship can be
supposed to exist between the two parties, a negative
HATACH, he'tac. See Hathach. answer being implied (Jos 22 24; Jg 11 12; II S 16 10;
HATE OF GOD. See God, § 2. I K 17 18; Mt 8 29, 27 19; Mk 1 24; Jn 2 4). In He
4 13 the literal reading is: 'with whom is our account*
HATHACH, h^'thac {Ipri, Uthakh, Hatach AV) (or reckoning, Xoyos), referring to man's account-
A eunuch at the court of Ahasuerus (Est 4 5 ff.). ability to God. E. E. N.
E. E. N.
HAVILAH, hav'i-la. See Ethnography and
HATHATH, he'thath (nnn, Mthath):
'
A son of
Ethnology, § 11.
Othniel (I Ch 4 13). E.E.N.
HAWOTH-JAIR, h^'Voth-jS'ir (I^N; riln, haw-
HATIPHA, ha-tai'fa or hat'i-fa (Xptpq, Utlpha'),
woth ya'lr) A group of trans-Jordanic towns, or vil-
:
'snatched away': The ancestral head of one of lages, conquered by the Manassite clan Jair (Nu
the subdivisions of the Nethinim (Ezr 2 64 = Neh 32 41, spoken of as an individual in Jg 10 4). The
7 56). E.E.N. terra hawwoth originally signifying a group of Beda-
HATITA, ha-tai'ta or hat'i-ta (X'^^tPu, hdtUa'): win tents, was later applied even to fortified cities
The ancestral head of one of the subdivisions of (I K 4 13). Their number varies, Dt 3 4-60, Jg
the porters, or doorkeepers, of the Second Temple 10 4-30. The two traditions, one locating them
(Ezr 2 42 = Neh 7 45). E. E. N.
in Gilead (I K 4 13),
the other in Bashan (Dt 3 14),
are not mutually exclusive; the former includes the
HATTIL, hat'il (b^lSH, to^iZ): The ancestral head latter. J. A. K.
of one of the subdivisions of "Solomon's servants" HAWK. See Palestine, § 25.
(Ezr 2 57=Neh 7 59). E. E. N.
HAY: The terms so rendered (/tai sir, Pr 27 25;
HATTUSH, hat'ush {tT^n, hatpush): 1. A de- Is 15 6 AV, and Co 3
are very general
x^P'^^s, I 12)
scendant of David (I Ch 3 22). The same person in meaning, signifying grass or the early blade of
is probably referred to in Ezr 8 2, though the texts grains, such as barley, rye, etc. See also Pales-
of Ch and Ezr are not quite harmonious. 2. A tine, § 22. E. E. N.
priest (Neh 10 4, 12 2). 3. One of those who helped
HAZAEL, h^'za-el or hazVel (^XTq, h&zd'el),
in building the wall of Jerusalem (Neh 3 10).
'God sees,' Assyr. Hazailu: A king of Damascus, c.
E. E. N.
850 B.C. He had been singled out by Elijah to
HAURAN, hau"ran' or he'ran (l^in, hawran), 'hol- succeed Ben-hadad II, and when sent by that king
low land': The fertile basin, now practically treeless, to EHsha to inquire the issue of a sickness, he was
about 50 m. square and 2,000 ft. above sea-level, SE. told by the prophet that he would murder his master
Kfasrah
331 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Heal, Healing
and inflict distress on the people of Israel. Though the land of Israel (Ezk 47 16). It is probable that
disclaiming the character which these words ascribe the original reading was Hazar-enon (q.v.).
to him, he committed the crime upon the first E. E. N.
opportunity. He was engaged in war against Is- HAZERIM, hdtserim),
ha-zi'rim (D^nSt!, 'vil-
rael during the reigns of Jehu and Jehoahaz (II K lages': This term, found in Dt 2 23 AV (cf. RV),
10 32,33, 13 22). He was succeeded by Ben-hadad refers to the original inhabitants of the coast region
III. Hazael is named in the inscription of Shal-
W. of Judah, who were expelled from their rude vil-
maneser II as one of those whose territories he had
lages by the Philistine invaders. E. E. N.
invaded A, C; Z.
HAZEROTH, ha-zi'reth (Dll^q, Mtseroth): One
HAZAIAH, ha-z^'ya (n^tq, hdzayah), 'J" hath
of the encampments of the Israelites between Sinai
seen' : The head of a post-exilic family (Neh 115) and Kadesh. In the list of stations it is situated be-
E. E. N.
tween Kibroth-hattaavah and Rithmah (Nu 3317 f.).
HAZAR-ADDAR, h^"zar-ad'dar. See Addar. It has been questionably identified with 'Ain el-Ha-
HAZAR-ENAW, he"zar-l'nan Q^^^ n^q, kdtsar dra, which lies 40 m. NE. of Jehel MiXsa, toward
the head of the Gulf of 'Akabah, J. A. K.
'man), HAZAR-ENON, 4'non {p^S "n, h. 'enon),
'enclosure of the fountains': The (ideal) border of HAZEZON-TAMAR, haz "g -zen -t6 'mar. See
the land of Israel in the priestly theory of Israel Hazazon-tamar.
(Nu 34 9 f.; Ezk 47 17, 48 1). No proposed identi-
seems satisfactory. E. E. N
HAZIEL, he'zi-el (^>?^m, Uzl'eT), 'God sees': A
fication
Gershonite Levite (I Ch 23 9). E. E. N.
HAZAR-GADDAH, h^"zar-gad'a (H^^S l^q, hd~
HAZO, h^'zo An Aramsean
O^n, hdzo): clan,
tsar gaddah): A city in the S. of Judah (Jos 15 27).
counted among the descendants of Nahor (Gn 22 22).
Site unknown. E. E. N.
Perhaps the Hazii in N. Arabia of the Assyrian in-
HAZAR-HATTICON, h^"zar-hat'i-cen. See Ha- scriptions. E. E. N.
ZER-HATTICON.
HAZOR, h^'zer 0'i)in,hdtsdr): 1. The capital
HAZARMAVETH, h6"zQr-me'veth (Hl^'l^q of Jabin's kingdom (Jos 11 l), possibly at Jehel
kdtsarmdweth): An
Arabian clan, descended from Hadkireh W. of
the waters of Merom. Map IV,
Joktan (Gn 10 Ch 1 20). See Ethnography
26; I t> 5. 2, 3. Two in the Negeb of Judah (Jos
towns
AND Ethnology, § 11. E. E. N. 15 23, 25). The site of the first is imknown. The
second is also called Kerioth-hezron (q.v.). 4, A
HAZAR-SHUAL, hg"zar-shu'al (V:?V^ -)^n, M- Benjamite town (Neh 11 33), probably the ruin
tsar sku'dT): A town
in the S. of Judah near Beer- Hazzur, 4 m. NW. of Jerusalem. Map II, F 1.
sheba (Jos 15 28), assigned also to Simeon (Jos 5. An unknown locality, mentioned in connection
19 3; I Ch 4 28). It was reoccupied in post-exilic with Kedar (Jer 49 28 fE.). L. G. L.
days (Neh 11 27). Not yet certainly identified.
E. E. N. HAZOR-HADATTAH, h^"zer - ha - dat'a ("l'i?I?
HAZAR-SUSAH, HAZARSUSIM, hg"zar-su'sa, nnin, katsor hddhattahf Hazor Haddatah AV),
-Bu'sim ([C'DID] DD^D "i^O, hdtsar susah [or -Im]) 'new town': A place in the S. of Judah (Jos 15 25).
A town in SW. Judah occupied
'village of horses': Site unknown. The text here may contain an error.
by Simeonites (Jos 19 5; I Ch 4 31). It may have E. E. N.
had some connection with the commerce in horses HAZZELELPONI, haz"e-lel-p6'nai (^JlB^'^-^n,
carried on by Solomon (I K
10 28 f .). Site unknown. hatsts^lelpont, Hazelelponi AV) : A female name in
See also Beth-Marcaboth. E. E. N. the genealogy of Judah (I Ch 4 3). C. S. T.
HAZAZON - TAMAR, haz ''a - zen - t^ ' mar HEAD: While nearly all the instances in which
(lljn"]113^_n, hatsdtson tamdr, Hazezon-tamar AV), the word *head' occurs in the Bible are self-explana-
'Hazazon of the palm': A place identified with tory, a few specimens of idiomatic usage may be
En-gedi (q.v.) in II Ch 20 2. But this does not well noted. (1) "Heads" of ''fathers' houses," or of
suit the other notice in Gn 14 7, which seems to the people or of tribes, etc., is a non-technical way of
demand a location farther S. That En-gedi was designating chieftains, princes, elders, etc. (2) To
famous for its palm-trees seems well attested (Jos. say that blood was "upon the head" of any one was
Ant. IX, 1 2), and the notice in II Ch 20 2 is probably to charge him with responsibility for the death of
correct. But there may have been another town some one (cf. Jos 2 19; II S ll6). (3) To say that
of the same name, possibly the Tamar in the S. of any one 'lifted up' his head meant that he asserted
Judah, to which Gn 14 7 refers. See Tamar. himself in pride or power, etc. (cf. Jg 8 28; Ps 83 2,
E. E. N. etc.). (4) To 'lift up' another's head was to exalt
HAZEL. See Palestine, § 21. him to a station of power, etc. (cf. Gn 40 20; II K
25 27). E. E. N.
HAZELELPONI, haz"e-lel-p6'nai. See Hazze-
LELPONI. HEADBAND. See Dress and Ornaments, § 8.
HAZER-HATTICON, he"zgr-hat'i-cen (IJJn HEADTIRE. See Dress and Ornaments, § 8.
I'lD'^nn, hatser hattikhon, Hazar-hatticon AV), 'the HEAL, HEALING. See Disease and Medi-
middle village': A place on the (ideal) N. border of cine, § 7, and, in general. Miracles.
Healing, Crifts of
Hebrew Archeology
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONAltY 3^3
HEALING, GIFTS OF. See Church Life and Heal conception of heaven may be viewed either as a
Organization, § 7. coemological or as a religious one. These two, how-
ever, were not entirely separate and un-
HEALTH: This Eng. word once had a much 1. Twofold related. It is because the cosmological
broader meaning than it now has. In the O T we
Interest, notion was what it was that the reUgious
find it representing: (1) *drukhah (from 'drakh, 'to
conception was an outgrowth from it.
be long'), primarily meaning the new flesh that Cosmologically, heaven is either one of the two
gradually forms in the case of a wound, then healing,
great divisions of the universe (Gn 1 l) or one of the
or health (Is 58 8; Jer 8 22, 30 17, 33 6). (2) marp'e
three (heaven, earth, and the waters
*
and riph'uth (both from rdph'd, 'to heaP), 'healing.' 2. Cosmo- under the earth, Ex 20 4). Usage,
(Pr 4 22, 12 18, 13 17, 16 24; Jer 8 15, and Pr 3 8)
logical however, is not exact, and the twofold
(3) In Ps 42 11, 43 5, 67 2 the Heb. means 'salva-
Conception, division of the universe, in the first
tion,' 'help,' or 'safety,' and is so rendered in RV.
case, as weU as the threefold in the
(4) In II S 20 9 the Heb. is shdlom, the ordinary
second, is made for the sake of presenting the idea
Balutation (lit. 'Is there peace?' or 'Is it well with
of the universe exhaustively rather than for the sake
you?'). In Ac 27 34 cf. RV for the correct render-
ing. E. E. N.
of showing its parts analytically. A more fixed
cosmological notion is given in the identification of
HEAP, HEAPS: In Jg 15 16 the Heb. contains a heaven with the firmament, which was conceived in
play on words, the terms for 'ass,' 'heap,' and the the form of an inverted bowl resting upon the earth
verb 'to heap up' all being quite aUke in sound. The and keeping the waters above separated from the
RV rendering is probably not quite correct. We waters under the earth. Besides this function,
should read, "With the jaw-bone of an ass I have heaven, or the firmament, was viewed as the place
heaped them in heaps." On Jg 31 21, cf RV. . in which the sun, the moon, and the stars were fixed
E. E. N. (Ezk 32 7 f.; Gn li4 fE.; Mt 24 29). In this sense
HEAR, HEARING. See Prophecy, heaven is the sky (Mt 16 2). Whether heaven was
§ 6.
considered by the Bibhcal writers as a simple vault
HEART, See Man, Doctrine of, § 8, and with several divisions or stories is a disputed ques-
God, § 2. tion. As a matter of fact, the conception is not the
HEART, DISEASES OF. See Disease and same through all the stages of Biblical cosmology.
Medicine, § 5 (7). There is no clear trace of more than one heaven
in the earUer Hebrew thought. By "heaven of
A
HEARTH: word which occurs in the seven AV heavens" (Dt 10 U; I K 8 27; Ps 148 4) is meant
times; the RV retains "hearth" in only one of these probably 'the height of heaven.' The word shd-
passages. Is 30 14, and uses it in three additional ones. mayim is itself a plural form. Yet, as both the
Several Heb, words are thus translated. (1) *dh Babylonian and Persian cosmologies recognize seven
(Jer 36 22 f.) is correctly translated in brazier, RV heavens, and as the apocalyptic literature unmista-
which was used to warm the winter-room. The kably presents this conception {Slav. En.; Asc. Is.,
modem brazier is made of burnt clay, and, filled etc.), it is no longer doubted that later Bibhcal
with coals, is placed in a hollow in the center of the thought adopted this idea. Yet there is no evidence
room. When the coals are burned out, a wooden of a behef in more than three heavens (cf. Paul's
frame is placed over the brazier and on this a rug, reference to the "third heaven," II Co 12 2; also cf.
to keep in the warmth. (2) kiyyor (Zee 12 6 RV), "all the heavens," Eph 4 10).
a pan of fire, for domestic use, perhaps similar to (1). The rehgious conception of heaven is built alto-
(3) moqedh (Ps 102 3 [4] RV), 'firebrand' (cf. Is gether upon the fact that heaven is above. What is
33 14, "burnings"). (4) yaqudh (Is 30 14), 'fire
above is higher in dignity and worth
burning on the hearth.' (5) moq^dhdh (Lv 6 9 [2]
3. Religious than what is beneath. Hence heaven
RV), the hearth ('place of burning') on top of the
altar, translated by some 'fire-wood.' (6) har'el =
Conception, was viewed as the abode of God (I K
8 30). The prohibition of the making
Wlel (Ezk 43 15 f. RV; cf. Is 29 ff. RVmg.), "altar of images of God deepened and intensified this
hearth," the upper portion of the altar on which the
thought, and in the days of the restoration from the
offerings were burned. See also Ariel. Gn 18 6 is Exile the distinctive name of God became "God of
correctly translated (RV) "make cakes," omitting Heaven" (Ezr 1 2, 5 10; Neh 1 4, 6). Meanwhile the
"on the hearth." C. S. T. same feehng which led to the disuse of the proper
HEAT OF THE DAY. See Time, § 1. name Jehovah and the substitution for it of 'ddhdnay,
'Lord,' worked toward the exclusion of the word
HEATH There is no heath in Palestine or in the
:
'God' from the language of Ufe and the substitution
deserts near by. The plant referred to in Jer 17 6,
of 'heaven' for it, the LXX. fumisliing the connect-
48 6 is thought to be a variety of juniper, with small
ing-link in the transition. At the opening of the
scale-hke leaves close to the stem, and consequently
called 'ar'dr ('naked').
N T period "Kingdom of God" and "Kingdom of
E. E. N.
Heaven" were already synonymous and interchange-
HEATHEN. See Gentiles. able (cf. Kingdom of God).
HEAVE, HEAVE-OFFERING. Besides the person of God, other superhuman
See Sacrifice
AND Offering, beings, such as angels, are thought to dwell in
§ 17.
heaven (Mk 12 26; Mt 18 10; Lk 2 13); also the Mes-
HEAVEN (in the OT generally expressed by siah and all preexistent beings, even the Torah
and
shdmayim; in the NT by ovpavos, pi. -o/): The Bib- a prototype of the sanctuary are found there (He
dealing, Gifts of
333 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Hebrew Archeology
in misery (cf. also Tests, of the Twelve Pair,), and called Onomasticon). Epiphanius, in the second
the fifth heaven is inhabited by the Crigorij who part of his writing, Ilepl ficTpav koI ora^/iwi/,
are sad and silent on account of sympathy with treated of Biblical measures and weights. From
their fallen brethren in the second heaven. the Middle Ages we get only itineraries and reports
In the N
T the idea of heaven is very much of pilgrimages.
spiritualized. At times it appears indeed as nothing With the closing years of the 16th cent., however,
more than a symbol of the state of there began to be a decided activity in this depart-
5. Spiritual ideal perfection (Eph 1 3, 2 6). When ment. After Sigoniua had treated the
Heaven, it is called paradise, for instance (Lk 3. Revival subject of sacred antiquities in his
23 43), it is in order to present the in- of Interest De Re-publica Hebrceorum (1583), Arias
nocence of the Garden of Eden as restored in the in 1 6th Montanus discussed the same subject
final sinless condition of true believers. Hence the Cent. in the Apparatus, Tom. iii, of the An^
many characterizations of the heavenly life as the werp Polyglot (1593). One of the
reward of the beUever (Mt 5 12; Col 1 5; I P 1 4). first to cite Greekand Roman parallels and even
Heaven is also regarded as lasting forever (Ps 89 29; Rabbinical literature was Cunaeus. More abundant
cf. also Jer 33 25 of the sun and stars as everlasting). and more exact in this direction was the Moses and
But such representations express the thought of the Aaron (1616) of Goodwin. Numerous treatises on
relative permanency of the celestial as compared individual branches of archeology followed. The
with the terrestrial. most successful of these was the De Jure Naturali et
In all the eschatological representations the reno- Gentium of Selden. BibUcal geography and natural
vation of the whole creation includes also the passing history, however, received a noticeable impulse from
away of the heavens as they exist and Bochart, Reland, Celsius, .and others. Most of the
6. Heaven the creation of new heavens (II P 3 10, writings which appeared before the middle of the
inEscha- 13; Rev 21 1 ff.). As they now stand, 18th cent, are collected in the Thesaurus Anti-
tology, they are blemished by the moral im- quitatum Sacrarum of Blasius Ugolinus, 1744r-69
perfection of man, and must give place (34 vols., foho). But the most of these works lack
to substitutes which are absolutely free from sin. true historical method. It was impossible for them
All these representations of heaven are conventional to secure the right insight into the subject, because
and pertain to the form rather than to the essence of their adoption of the typology of the Reformers,
of religious teaching. Hence the perplexities that in accordance with which all ceremonies are to be
sometimes appear in the effort to make a full and explained preeminently as types and shadows of
consistent picture to the mind of the realities of Christ.
heaven, either in the cosmological or in the eschato- A new impulse, however,was given to archeolog-
logical sphere, must be relegated to the region where ical science by Spencer {De Legibus Hebrmorurriy
the figure is transcended by the reality. A. C. Z. 1675). To be sure, many of his results
HEAVENS. See Cosmogony, § 3. 4. Influence are erroneous, his citation of proofs
of Spencer often arbitrary, and his interpretation
HEBER, hi'bgr (^5^, hehher), 'associate': 1, A
and stillunder the influence of typology.
Kenite, the husband of Jael who slew Sisera (Jg
Others. Nevertheless, it must be admitted that
4Uff.). 2. An Asherite head of a family, the
he smoothed the way for historical
son of Beriah (Gn 46 17). 3. The father of Soco,
investigation in this field of study, recognizing and
and a son of Ezra (I Ch 4 18). 4. A Benjamite, son stating the problem of the origin of the legislation,
of Elpaal (I Ch 8 17). A. C. Z.
and through his free attitude toward the cultus of the
HEBREW, HEBREWS. See Ethnography O T making a historical solution of the problem
AND Ethnology, § 7, and Eber in § 11. possible. Up to his time, all that was kindred to
HEBREW ARCHEOLOGY: According to the Hebrew cultus among the heathen was considered
literal meaning of the word, there would be included as simply imitation of the Biblical. The views of
under archeology {apxaioXoyiay anti- Spencer were opposed by Witsius in his JSgyptiacaj
X. Meaning quitates) all that is known of the life and by Lund in his Antiquitates. But neither of
of the and history of the Hebrews. In this was able to master the historical task
these scholars
Term. sense, however, the word is no longer which Spencer had placed before himself, and, there-
used. It has come rather to designate fore, contributed nothing to the real knowledge
a historical discipline, which has for its subject-mat- of the subject. Starting with the fundamental
ter the scientific presentation of the specific natural assumption of the old method of interpretation, that
and social conditions of the Hebrews. Christ is to be f oimd typically everywhere throughout
Hebrew Archeology 334
Hebrew Language
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
and of Reland {Palestina, 1714). attitude toward Scripture he was under the bondage
The rationahsm which prevailed in the 18th cent. of dogmatism. This was followed by the "theolog-
exerted a stimulating influence on archeological ical" treatment of archeology still current, which is
studies in so far as the interest in dogma really nothing but a return to the old typological
5. Influence faded, and it was sought to give due explanation of the Israelitic cultus. This typology
of Ration- weight to the facts themselves. Up was revived by Bahr in his Symbolik des Mosaischen
alism. to this time Israel had been looked Cultus, Bahr did indeed attempt to oppose the
upon only as incidentally addressed in arbitrary method by setting up the rule that
the revelation intended for all mankind, and so it "symbols can only have such a meaning as is in
was scarcely possible to arouse any considerable harmony with the religious ideals of Mosaism and its
interest in the national phases of Israel's history. clearly articulated principles." So Hengstenberg,
The effort was now made, however, to understand Kurz, Keil, and others exerted themselves to remove
Israel as one of the Semitic peoples. some excrescences. In the main, however, they all
Under the stimulus of this new conception special assumed that without symbolism and typology it is
attention was given to the study of the private and not possible to reach a full understanding of the
political hfe of Israel, and scholars religious institutions of Israel.
6. Modern sought to make use of the observations Through the general acceptance of the modem
Research, of numerous travelers in the Orient Pentateuchal criticism, which is associated with the
for a better understanding of Israelitic names of Reuss, Graf, and Wellhausen,
antiquities. Special interest was manifested in the 8. Influence a powerful impulse was given to ar-
sphere of the geography and topography of PalestiQe. of Penta- cheological research. The altogether
Men like Hasselquist, Seetzen, Burckhardt, Van der teuchal different conception of the Priestly
Velde, Robinson and his traveling companion Eli Criticism. Code and its assignment to the post-
Smith, Tobler, De Luynes, Wetzstein, and others, exilic times necessitated an entirely
broke the spell of tradition and cleared the way new idea of the ritual development of Israel. In
for an untrammeled investigation in the realm of addition, has come the newly awakened interest in
historical geography and topography. With due the history of religion, with fresh information in the
regard to the connection between the natural fea- field of Semitics, through the labors of W. R. Smith,
tures of the land and its poUtical history, Ritter, Wellhausen, and others, and the material brought
the renowned geographer, made good use of all the to view by the excavations, especially in the Eu-
available material on the geography of Palestine. phrates valley, through which we have secured a
In more recent years, systematic researches in clear insight into the collective life of these peoples.
Palestine have been imdertaken through accurate We have thus for the first time come to know more
measurements, excavations, etc. In these enter- accurately the ground from which Israel sprang,
prises England {The Palestine Exploration Fund, and can estimate with approximate correctness the
1865), America {The Palestine Exploration Society^ influence which was exercised upon her by other
1871), and Germany {Deutsche Palaestina-Vereinf peoples.
1877) have been the principal participants. Among Literature ;From, the point of view of this modern critical
the investigations which relate to private and pubhc school,Wellhausen has treated Biblical antiquities in hia
antiquities, those of J. D. Michaelis are especially Prokgomena^ (1897); in special chapters of his Geschichte
des Volkes Israel (1889) Stade has taken up the customs
noteworthy. These concern more directly the sub-
and manners of Israel in its ancient period. Complete ar-
ject of Israelitic law. It is true Michaelis' work cheologies have been written by Benzinger (Hebrdische
suffers, Uke that of the rationalistic age in general, Archaeologie^ 1894), and the writer (Hebr&ische Archae-
through failure to understand the religious tinique- ologie, 1894). -y^_ ^_
ness of Israel. Prom fear of falling into the error HEBREW LANGUAGE: Hebrew is one of the
of the earlier archeologists i.e., of estimating the most important members of the Semitic group,
customs and manners of Israel from the standpoint closely related both to the Arabic and to the Ara-
of a later age— rationaUsm fell into the opposite error maic, and emerging upon the fleld of history long
of assigning their origin to barbarism and the primi- after the Babylonian.
tive stage of civilization, where a keener eye might The name 'Hebrew! properly covers
have seen other forces at work; and thus Israel was I. Affini- the dialects of the group of kindred
drawn down to the level of other peoples. The ties. peoples, Moab, Ammon, Edom, and
first attempt at a purely systematic organization of Israel, as well as the Phoenicians. He-
the discipline from the historical point of view was brew was sometimes called the '^language of Ca-
undertaken by De Wette. He was, however, sur- naan" (Is 19 18), which would suggest that it was
Hebrew Archeology
335 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONAKY Hebrew Language
spoken by the Canaanites, or Amorites, who were nearly obliterated the traces of the primitive Semitic.
dispossessed by Israel. Most of the roots are expressions of physical facts
Very few inscriptions remain by which the primi- and actions, and therefore intellectual and relig-
tive character ofthe language may be determined. ious notions must be rendered figuratively and
The Siloam inscription (see Jertj- symbolically. This will accoxmt also for the strong
2. Monu- SALEM, § 34), dating perhaps from anthropomorphisms of the O T.
ments. Hezekiah's reign (8th cent. B.C.), is (2) Grammatical Peculiarities, (a) The alphabet.
the oldest on Palestinian soil. The The present character is a development from an
Moabite Stone, written in a dialect almost identical older and more rudimentary form, which did not
with that of the O T, is about a century older. go out of use probably until about 300 b.c, traces
Phosnician inscriptions of various dates are also remaining on coins even later (see Alphabet).
found, and coins of the Maccabaean period exist. The alphabet is consonantal and contains a number
The LXX. may be regarded as furnishing some of sounds difficult to represent by our characters or
data for the study of early Hebrew. our vocal organs; prominent among these are the
The O T Hebrew has been so carefully worked so-called gutturals. The LXX. recognized at least
over by the scribes that many of its irregularities two which are not represented in the
gutturals,
have been obUterated. As originally present alphabet, but which are current in Arabic,
3, Linguis- spoken and written, it must have been and the letter Resh was evidently doubled in the
tic Develop- more Irregular than its present written LXX. period, but not later. The mode of writing
ment and form. It has been rhetorically de- from right to left is retained by most Semitic
Change, veloped, probably from an early period, languages, and was probably prevalent everywhere
as the result of its religious use. This in early times.
has kept it pure from colloquial degeneration and (b) Orthoepy and Orthography. The vowel
has emphasized the fuller and more dignified forms system is a late addition to the Hebrew alphabet,
of pronunciation, somewhat as the English Bible the vowel signs being introduced probably about
has enriched and preserved our speech. The LXX. the 7th cent, a.d., to represent and preserve the
is a witness to some pronunciations and spellings traditional synagogue pronunciation. Together with
current about 250 B.C., which differ from the present them, a number of diacritical marks were invented
Massoretic text. The Massoretes themselves worked to indicate doubling of letters and certain distinc-
with sedulous care upon the words and forms and tions in sound. Three stages may be noted in the
have given to us a vocalization which represents the history of the Hebrew text: In the beginning, He-
synagogue method of reading. This uniformity brew writing must have had no indication of vowels
makes it difficult to distinguish between the form or diacritical marks. It has been conjectured that
of the language at different periods, but, speaking the perpendicular Une, occurring frequently and
broadly, there are two main divisions the golden age
: called Paseg, was the first sign introduced by Hebrew
of Hebrew Hterature, which produced the historical copyists to guide the reader James Kennedy,
(cf.
books (excluding Chronicles), most of the Prophets, The Note Line in the Hebrew Scriptures). During
and some of the poetical writings, and the post- the second stage, the characters for h (H), y (*•),
exilic, in which were written most of the books of the and w (1) were used to represent the long vowels
Hagiographa and the three latest prophets. The a, I, and w, but at a third and later stage, since these
differences in style, while not numerous, consist in a might be ambiguous y standing for i or e, and w
general lack of lucidity. In marked contrast to for o or u respectively —
points and marks were
Chronicles, the Books of Kings are striking exam- added to make clear to the reader which guttural,
ples of simpUcity, clearness, and brilliancy. Yet the palatal, or labial vowel was intended. The old
general Hkeness is noteworthy in a language whose letters were retained in many instances in connec-
literary monuments cover 1,000 years. tion with the vowel-points and were called matres
Hebrew has much in common with its kindred lectionis. A prime peculiarity of Hebrew words is
tongues, the triliterality of its roots, the structure the vowel system and the vowel quantity. A group
of its verb system, its noun formation, of vowels, which are called 'tone long,' and which
4. Lin- its tendency to coordinate its sentences, occur only in the accented and the adjacent syllable,
guistic together with a sparing use of particles, are a unique product of Hebrew vocalization, for
Structure, and the use of siiffixed pronominal which there is no exact parallel in the other written
forms, where Aryan languages use Semitic languages.
separate pronoims. All these testify to a common (c) Etymology. The Massoretic reworking has
origin and a close relationship to the primitive introduced great regularity, especially in the books
speech. Word-formation by prefixes, by prefixed most read, but this ecclesiastical process has not
words, and by suffixes shows that the Hebrew and obscured the fimdamental principles of the language;
its sister tongues occupy a different, if not a lower, it has in a measure accentuated them. The par-
stage in linguistic development from the Aryan. ticles are most of them nouns which have undergone
(1) Lexical Peculiarities. Almost every Hebrew processes of denudation and metamorphosis, but
verb is reducible to three radicals, but there are be- they represent the earliest stratum of the language.
sides a number of monosyllabic words, as well as The noun is to be considered the basis of the linguistic
those built up by means of weak letters, which structure, and, with pronominal fragments appended
seem to point to a biliteral stage. The personal or prefixed, it was used to express various phases of
pronouns and the numerals do not in all respects fall verbal action. Hebrew words (aside from pronouns,
into the triliteral scheme. But the language has numerals, particles, and certain monosyllables) cw=
Hebrew Langfuage 336
Hebrews
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
planted it, but its literary develop- The situation disclosed by this argument is ob-
5. Later ment continued somewhat longer. In viously one in which the readers are under pressure
Develop- the Mishna it maintained a scho-
to abandon the religion of Clu-ist (cf.
ments. lastic existence which was largely arti-
3- Situation 2 1-3, 3 6, I2f., 4 1, 11, 6 4.6, 10 26-39).
ficial, analogous to that of the eccle-
of the It is not certain that this abandonment
siastical Latin. A. S. C. Readers, involved a return to Judaism, though
the references to "dead works'* in6 l,
HEBREWS, EPISTLE TO THE: The longest 9 14, and to the crucifying of the Son of God "afresh"
and most significant of the anonymous Epistles of in 6 10 29) give plausibiUty to such a view. If it
6 (cf .
the NT. It is peculiar both in its form did, however, the return was not of the character of
I. Peculiar- and in the character of its contents.
the Galatian apostasy, in which the ceremonial
ity of Form In form, it lacks the usual epistolary of cult
was considered necessary to salvation (see Gala-
and Con- address, which may be due to a pur- TiANS, Epistle to, §§ 2, 3); it was
tents, posed anonymity on the part of the rather of such
a character aa found in this O T cult
writer, or to the loss of its opening an entire
rehgious contentment. In any case,
the situation
section (see § 6, below). At the same time, it con- was one of an indifference toward
tains a conclusion which, even if its closing verses
the Christian
faith, and did not necessarily
involve a propar
were not originally a part of the Epistle (cf . Jiilicher, ganda and a polemic (cf, 3 12 f., 4 n^
5 ^ 10 25
337 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Hebrew Language
Hebrews, Epistle to the
12 12-16, 25), though there was more or less danger of the foregoing points in favor of an Ephesian
the errors of false teaching (13 9). To what this region.
pressure was due may be difficult to state definitely. That the letter was written from Italy (outside of
It would seem, however, to have come, not so much Rome, as seems to be implied in the note regarding
from the severity of the afflictions the readers had Timothy's release from prison and his
been suffering, as rather from their long continuance 5. Place and expected joining of the author, 13 23) is
(this seems to be the peculiar significance of the Time. clear from the salutation phrase in 13 24
exhortations to patience in such passages as 3 6, 14, ( Kcrird^ovrai vfids ol diro rrjs 'iraXtas),
4 1, 14, 10 23 f., 36, 12 13), and from the obloquy with which indicates the persons so greeted as of (belong-
which these sufferings were accompanied (11 26, ing to) Italy, rather than as journeying from Italy
13 3,13). It is not, indeed, necessary to assume
from 12 4 that their persecutions were bloodless, for
(cf. usage of d-rro in Ac 10 23, 12 1, 17 13 —
especially
the passage from Pseudo-Ignat. ad Her., § 8, cited
the statement refers to their struggle against the by Westcott in Com., p. xlix). The time of writing
temptations which beset them and may, in a figura^ will depend on the definiteness with which the
tive way, mark it simply as lacking in determination. persecutions referred to can be identified. As the
Their leaders had doubtless suffered death (13 7), Epistle was used by Clement of Rome (96 a.d.), it
and even some of their own number had been im- may have been written early enough to refer to the
prisoned (13 3), while the persecutions they had Claudian Edict (48 a,d.), or late enough to refer to
endured upon their acceptance of Christianity had the Jewish "War (65 a.d.). The later date is perhaps
been real in character and of considerable propor- preferable, though it is clear that much of the sig-
tion (10 32-34). But these had been a long time nificance of all the old dispensation references would
since (5 12-14). Their present emergency, whatever be lost were the writing after the destruction of
its extent, had its force more in the bitterness of a Jerusalem (70 a.d.).
scornful ostracism than in the suffering of bodily Special interest in the study of the Epistle gathers
harm (12 2 f., 13 13). around the identity of its author. It is clear that
As to the identity of the readers it is evident, from he was a Jewish Christian of decided
the argument addressed to them, that they must 6. Author, culture, and one whose culture was of
have been Jewish Christians. Unless it that peculiar character which belonged
4. Readers, was purely academic reasoning, the to Alexandrianism. Fundamentally different as he
author's use of the Hebrew Scriptures is from Philo in his main position, he was evidently
and the Hebrew cultus as the background for his acquainted with the philosophy of that writer, whose
thought gets all its significance from the Hebrew allegorical method of interpretation he does not
character of those to whom he wrote. The familiar hesitate to use (ch. 7), with whose peculiar con-
reference to O T personages, the confident reasoning ception of the typological relation between the vis-
from T angelology and Mosaic institutions, can ible and the invisible world he is in large agree-
only presuppose Jewish readers, as we understand ment (6 5, 8 2, 9 23, 11 10, 16, 12 22-28, 13 14), and to
the racial conditions in the early Christian Church. whose phraseology he exhibits often striking similari-
This is confirmed by the situation which the argu- ties (cf. 11 10, 13 14 with passages from Philo cited in
ment discloses. Where the readers were located, Dnmimond, II, 53; 10 27, 12 29 with II, 17; 8 5, 9 23
however, may not be so evident; for while it is clear with I, 289; 1 7, 14 with I, 289; 6 20, 7 25 with II, 193,
from such passages as 5 11 f., 10 32-34, 12 1-5, that 235). This makes it impossible that the Epistle
this Epistle is a communication to a definite group could have been written by Paul, in spite of the
of Christians, yet the circumstances of the readers general tradition to that effect held by the Eastern
are not concretely enoughreferred to for any betrayal Church and the later (after the 4th cent.) acquies-
of their local surroundings. Jerusalem, Rome, and cence in this tradition on the part of the Western
Alexandria have aU been urged; but in view of the Church. Equally out of the question is the theory
decided difficulties involved in each of these locali- of an authorship by Luke or by Clement of Rome,
ties, it may not be unwarranted to consider that the though supported by a similarly early tradition.
readers belonged to the general Ephesian region of The suggestions that Apollos was the author (first
Asia Minor. Some parts of this district had been made by Luther), or Barnabas (first revived by
colonized with Jews from Babylon, among whom Cameron, a Scotch critic of the 17th cent.), seem to
not impossibly may have grown up a Christian com- be the only reasonable possibilities. Apollos was
munity dominantly Hebrew in character. In ad- an Alexandrian Jew, a man of culture, learned in the
dition to this, no district outside of Alexandria itself Scriptures (Ac 18 24; cf. I Co, passim) and of special
was more affected with Jewish Alexandrianism so ; power in reasoning with the Jews (Ac 18 25 f.). In
that the peculiar typology involved in the author's addition, he may be said to have belonged especially
argument gains distinct significance, if those to to the Ephesian region, where he first entered upon
whom the argument was addressed were Jews of an his specific Christian work (Ac 18 24-26). At the
Alexandrian rather than a Palestinian cast of mind. same time, as far as we know, he was not specifically
This locality would be confirmed by the evidently a disciple of the original Apostles; so that, if 2 3 be
close relationship between the readers and Timothy taken literally, it militates against his authorship.
(13 23), since this region was the special field of On the other hand, Barnabas was a Levite, of the
Timothy's evangelistic work. The suggestion of island of Cyprus (Ac 4 36), which would bring him
Walker (Expos. Times, Dec, 1903) that the readers easily within the influence of Alexandrianism. He
are to be located in Cyprus, though it has much was of close connection with, indeed of special
to support it, ig of value only as far as it stees esteem and influence among, the original disciples
Hebrews, Epistle to the 338
Heleph
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
(Ac 4 36, 9 26 f., 11 22 f.), though he worked for some essentially temporary character of the old
Covenant
—the Covenant and its ordi-
time with Paul in Antioch (Ac 11 26, 15 35), and, itself (7 22, 8 6-13),
after his separation from the Apostle, went with nances (9 9 f.) ;
(d) on the essentially earthly type-
Mark to his home land in Cyprus (Ac 15 39). Per- —
character of its institutions the tabernacle (8 2, 5,
haps, from Paul's reference to him in I Co 9 6, he was 9 1-n, 23f.), the sacrifices (9 12-14, 25 f.), the cere-
known in ministry to the Corinthian Church; pos- monies (9 18-22), the whole cultus (10 i; cf. 12 18-27).
sibly, through the greeting to the Colossians from This view of the perfection in finality of Christianity
Mark, as ''cousin of Barnabas" (4 10), he was known naturally involves the idea of the supremacy of
to the church of that place. At the same time, we Christ Himself. This supremacy of Christ is ex-
have no knowledge of his literary ability, while the pressed in the conception of Him as Son in His
inaccuracy of statement regarding the Tabernacle relation to God. It is this Sonship which makes
contents (9 1 ff.) and the priestly ritual (7 27) does Him superior to the angelic messengers of the old
not well agree with his Levitical connection. He dispensation (ch. If.), to the Mosaic leaders of the
may have felt, however, that the typological char- old Covenant (ch. 3 i.), and to the priestly minis-
acter of his argument did not call for circumstantial trants of the old cultus (chs. 5-10). It places Him
accuracy in its details. In fact, inaccuracies in in an absolutely different class from them and makes
general, if not these particular ones, might be more Him in a Divine way what no human being could be,
reasonably looked for from one who, like the Levite however exalted in nature, or character, or office,
Barnabas, was acquainted at first hand with the able to speak the final word of God to man (chs.
confused observance of Jewish ritual in his day, than 1-3), and to accomplish the final task of God for
from one who, like the outsider Apollos, must have man (chs. 5—10). At the same time, great as is the
got his knowledge of Mosaic institutions solely from author's conception of this Divine message and
a study of the Scriptures. The suggestion of his mission, it is merged with a peculiar human view of
name gains distinct support from TertuUian's ref- the experience of temptation and suffering which it
erence of the Epistle to him in a way to show that involved (2 10, 18, 4 15, 5 7 f., 12 2 f.), with the result
he understood it to be the generally accepted idea of that this Divine Son is brought into closest sympathy
his day {De PudicUia, 20). In fact, it would seem with humanity in its struggles (2 11, 4 15), and brings
that Tertullian had MS. authority for the presence humanity into directest access to God for help (2 9 f.,
of Barnabas' name in the address of the Epistle 17 f., 4 16, 6 18-20, 7 19-25). In discussing the main
(cf. Harnack, Chronologie, I, 477). This tradition
assumes new significance if, as suggested by Zahn
—
proposition of his argument viz., the priesthood of
—
Jesus -the author illustrates it by the Melchizedek
(§ 45, p. 303), its origin is to be found among the priesthood to prove its eternal efficiency (7 1-24)
Montaniat churches of the Province of Asia. The and contrasts it with the Aaronic priesthood to show
suggestion of an authorship by Silas (Miinster, 1808) itssupreme worth (7 26-28). The supremacy of that
has nothing positive to commend it, while that of a worth is shown in the fact that the sacrifice which
double authorship by Aquila and Priscilla (Har- He offers for humanity's sin is the sacrifice of Him-
nack, in ZNTW, I, 1900) is more curious than con- self and the eternal character of that
(7 27, 9 14),
vincing. efficiency shown in the fact that it is carried into
is
While the Epistle belongs in general to the group heaven itself and is constant before the Throne of
of N T writings that views Christianity from the God (6 17-20, 8 1, 9 24). Salvation is conceived
Jewish rather than the Gentile point of characteristically in the theocratic sense of ideal
7. Relation view, it is so individual in its concep- covenant relations with God (6 13-20, 8 8-12, 9 15-22),
of Epistle tions as to occupy a unique position, and is thus viewed not only as sacrificial cleansing
to N T and individual standpoint is so sig-
its from the guilt of sin (9 11-14, 24-28, 10 1-4, 10-12), but
Thought. nificant as to make it one of the most as triumph over the struggle with sin (3 12-14, 4 11-16,
important books in the N
T collection ch. 11),ideaUzed in the rest of fellowship with God
— especially in the matter of its Christology. (4 1-10, 7 22-25, 12 14-24,
13 13 f.). Faith is, therefore,
This peculiar character is due not alone to its looked at rather from the O T idea of a confident ex-
method in presenting its thought, but also to the pectation and trust in the Divine promise than from
striking character of the thought itself. In general, the Pauline idea of a personal relationship with Christ
its central idea of the finality of Christianity (1 l, 2a)
(cf. especially ch. 11). At the same time, while the
is shown by the fact not only that the O T Covenant
technical Pauline idea is not definitely present, the
was by its nature insufficient to bring about the
conception of faith as the heart of all relation-
fulfilment of the promises made to the Fathers, but
ship to God is so gloriously urged that the necessity
that these promises, in view of the essential character of it in the Christian relationship, to Christ Him-
of Jesus, were fulfilled completely and finally in the
self, underhes impHcitly all the author's view of the
new Covenant established by His mission on earth. Christian religion.
This is worked out by laying emphasis (a) on the Literature For Introductions, that
: of Jiilicher (Eng. transl.
essential superiority of Jesus over the personages of 1904) gives an admirable discussion of the Epistle's thought,
the OT dispensation —the angels as helpers in the as well as of its critical questions that of Zahn (Eng. transl.
;
Hort's Judaistic Christianity (1894), and the articles of II. 1. A son of Kohath, the son of Levi (Ex 6 18),
Bartlett in the Expositor, 1902, 1903, 1905, should be
whose family, the Hebronites (Nu 3 27), or "sons of
studied. See also ch. VI of Scott's N
T Apologetic (1907).
Hebron" (I Ch 15 19), are frequently mentioned in
M. W. J.
enumerations of Levites. In the time of David
HEBRON, hllDrun C|'i"i5n, hehhron), 'associa- the clan was large and powerful (I Ch 26 30-32).
tion': I. A city, probably the oldest in Palestine 2. In I Ch 2 42 f. H, is probably not the name of a
(so Jos. BJ, IV, 9 7), said to have been built seven person, but of the Calebite town (cf. I, above).
years before Zoan (Tanis) in Egypt (Nu 13 22). Its 3, A town of Asher (Jos 19 28 AV) see Ebron. ;
Caleb (Jos 21 12), who drove out the sons of Anak hegay, hege') ; A eimuch under Ahasuerus (Est 2 3 ff.).
HELEZ, Mlez (V^lI; helets): 1. One of David's burg, 1901), and the literature mentioned therem;
also Mahaffy, The Progress of Hellenism in Alex-
heroes and an officer in his army, called a "Paltite"
in IIS 23 26, i.e., an inhabitant of Beth-pelet in S. ander's Empire (Chicago, 1905).
Alongside of this spoken Koine, which was
the
Judah, but a "Pelonite" (I Ch 11 27) and a man of wntten,
Ephraim in I Ch 27 10. 2. A descendant of Judah language of general intercourse, stands the
E.E.N. or literary. Koine, which was modified
(ICh2 39).
traditional
3. Material in varying degrees by the
HELI, hilai (UXl) The father : of Joseph, hus- for Study of classic idiom. The best sources of the
band of Mary (Lk 3 23). E. E. N. the Koine, vernacular Koine are those texts which
stand nearest to the spoken language,
HELKAI, hellca-ai or hellce C*|?^n, helqay): The viz.: (1) The Papyri of Egypt, and the Inscriptions,
head of a priestly family (Neh 12 15). E. E. N. especially those of Asia Minor; although it appears
more distinctly in private papers than in the official
HELKATH, hellmth (Hp.^H, helqath), 'portion': documents of the state or magistrates. The lin-
A town assigned to the Levites on the border of guistic investigation of these sources has progressed
Aeher (Jos 19 25, 21 31; Hukok in I Ch 6 75). See little beyond its eariiest stages. The most important
Map IV, C 6, but the identification is uncertain. works are Schweizer, Grammatik der pergamenischen
E. E. N. Inschriften (Berlin, 1898); Nachmanson, Laute und
HELKATH-HAZZURIM, her'kath-haz'ziu-rim Formen der magnetischen Inschriften (Upsala, 1903)
(D'*"l-^n "n, helqath hatstsurim), 'the field of the Mayser, Grammatik der griechischen Papyri aus
The name given to the place of the der Ptolewxteerzeit (Leipzic, 1907) Cronert, Memoria
;
sword-edges':
E. E. N. grcEca Herculanensis (Leipsic, 1903). (2) The liter-
conflict mentioned in II S2 16.
ary works of the period. These and the followiag
HELL. See Eschatologt, §§ 18-21, 29 f., 38. sources are, in comparison with the former, less sig-
nificant. With certainty only those elements in these
HELLENISM. See Greece.
sources can be assigned to the spoken language which
HELLENISTIC AND BIBLICAL GREEK: The deviate from the classical, or are confirmed by immis-
term 'Hellenistic/ as applied to the Greek language, takable evidence from the Koine itself. On the other
includes approximately the entire de- hand,even the Atticists wereinfluenced bythespoken
X. The Term velopment of Greek from Alexander language of their time (cf. W. Schmid,Der Atticismus
*Hellen- the Great to the close of the period of in seinen Hauptvertretern, 5 vols,, Stuttgart, 3887-
istic' antiquity, except in so far as the ancient 1897). Xenophon and Aristotle were forerunners,
dialectscontinuedpartially to bespoken, Polybius the first representative, of this new hteraiy
and the Attic was revived in the literary movement form; the Biblical and early Christian Greek is
known as Atticism (2d-5th cent. a.d.). On the whole, related, however, most closely to the language of the
it is best designated as the Koine (i.e., the 'common' Papyri and the Inscriptions (see below). (3) The
speech), though this historic term was not altogether Atticizing grammarians of the Imperial Period, who
uniform in its application by ancient writers- This give rules for writing good Attic (cf. especially
Koine, the world-speech of Hellenistic civilization, the Ae^eis 'AmKal of Moeris, also extracts from
was contrasted by them with the Ionic, Attic, Doric, Phrynichus and the ^AvraTTtKLo-Trjs). What they
and ^olic dialects. The so-called Atticists, e,g., reject belongs to the vernacular, what they defend,
Moeris, designated it as the language of the "EXXjyve?, explain, and authenticate is foreign to the living
in opposition to that of the 'AttlkoI ; accordingly language. (4) Grseco-Latin grammatical manuals
iW-qviCetv means 'to speak the Hellenistic language,' {H ermeneumata) and vocabularies, as, e.g., the
and ''EXk7}vi(rTr}s (Ac 6 1, 9 29) is 'a (Hellenistic) Colloquium Pseudo-Dositheanum, edited by Krum-
Greek-speaking Jew.' bacher {Festschrift fiir Christ, Munich, 1891), or
The geographical limits of the Koine were ap- the Greek glosses found in the Corpus Glossariorum
proximately identical with those of Alexander's Latinorum. (5) The Greek elements preserved in
empire. Within these Hmits the Hel- the Latin, Gothic, and Oriental languages. These
2. Geo- Ionization of Asia Minor was the most last exhibit features of the type of Greek spoken
graphical complete of all; in fact, at the close in Syria and Asia Minor. Cf. Thumb, Die griechir
Distribution of antiquity it came httle short of schen Lehnworter im Armenischen (BZ, ix, 1900);
of the being a purely Greek coimtry' 'the — Krauss, Griechische und lateinische Lehnworter im
Koine. original native languages (such as Talmud, Midrasch, und Targum, 1 (Beriin, 1898).
the Lycaonian, Acts 14 11, or the Indispensable to any complete investigation is (6) a
Galatian) exercising no longer any important in- comparison with Modern Greek. Since Modem
fluence upon its speech. In Syria and Egypt Greek, including its various dialects (excepting
the Koine was the language rather of the Hel- Tsaconian, the descendant of the ancient Laconian),
lenistic cities, of which there were a great num- is to be traced directly back to the vernacular
ber, as, for example, in the district from the Phoeni- Koine, it can be taken advantage of in the recon-
cian coast to some distance E. of the Sea of Galilee. struction of the latter, just as the Romance languages
In general, however, the Palestinian Jews acquired serve for the reconstruction of vernacular Latin.
Greek only as the language of commerce, or for Middle and Modem Greek often put us in a position
literary purposes, and still maintained their Aramaic to supplement and explain the written tradition of
mother tongue. Cf. on the expansion of the Greek the Koine, since much which appears as pecuhar
language. Thumb, Die griechische Sprache (Strass- therein already shows the characteristics of Modem
Helez
331 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Hellenistic
Greek; as, e.g.y forms like TKa^av ( = e\afiov), or structure of the Koine is almost neghgible. In
the substitution for the infinitive of iva (Modem vocabulary it isthat of the Latin alone which is
Greek vd) with the subjunctive. The evolution of noticeable (cf. Wessely, Die kit. Elemente in der
Modem Greek also determines our whole conception Gracitdt der Papyri, Wiener Stud., xxiv and xxv;
of the Koine as a universal dialect which absorbed O. Hahn, Rom und Romanismus im griech. Osten,
and supplanted the older ones. Helps to the study Leipsic, 1907), while the Oriental languages {e.g.,
of Modem Greek are Hatzidakis, Einleitung in die
: the Rabbinical Hebrew) received from Greek far
nevgrieckische Grammatik (Leipsic, 1892); Thumb, more than they contributed.
Handbuch der neugriecK Volkssprache (Strassburg, Out of this wide expansion of the Koine it follows
1895) ; Bibliography in G. Meyer, Neugriech. Studien d, priori that there must have been dialectic differ-
I.(Vienna, 1894); Thumb, In dogerm. Forschungen, ences in it; i.e., that it was spoken
Anzeiger i, vi, ix, xiv, xv. As to method, compare 5- Dialectic differently, for example, in the Pelo-
also Thumb, Prindpienfragen der Koine-Forschung Differences. ponnesus, in Asia Minor, and in Egypt.
{Neue Jahrb, /. d. klass. Altertum, xvii). Since, however, the written texts pre-
The foundation of the Koine is to be sought in the serve the characteristics of the common language
Attic dialect, which had already extended itself more than does the spoken word, it ia only, occa-
beyond its original boundaries by the sionally possible to show the existence of dialectic
4. Develop- time of the DeUan League. The con- idiosyncrasies within the Koine. Nevertheless, we
ment of quests of Alexander the Great and the know that the Greek of Egypt and Asia Minor
the £ome. establishment of their dominions by possessed certain phonetic peculiarities {e.g., the
his successors transformed the Attic interchange of r, 8, 6). On the other hand, the
into a world-speech, but in the process it lost certain assumption of a peculiar Alexandrian,or Macedonian,
of its peculiarities (rr instead of aa, for example), Greek has no justification in the evidence preserved
simphfied its accidence, and incorporated certain to ub; for what is adduced by ancients or modems
foreign elements into its vocabulary. The begin- as Alexandrian or Macedonian is only conamon
nings of this transformation are already visible in Hellenistic property after all.
Xenophon and the Later Comedy. The ancient Equally erroneous is it to call Biblical Greek
dialects were gradually supplanted by theKoine dur- (LXX. and N T) a peculiar dialectic variety of the
ing a period extending from the 4th cent. B.C. to Koine. It is neither an example of
about the 2d cent. a.d. The Ionic offered the least, 6. Biblical "Jewish-Greek" (which is nowhere
the Doric the greatest, resistance an Achaian- — Greek, denionstrable) nor of a specific "Chris-
Dorian Koine forming the transition to the Attic tian Greek," but rather a monument
Koine in the case of the latter. This process was —
of the Koine as a whole the first earnest and really
naturally not without its effect upon the Koine magnificent attempt to employ the spoken language
itself; at the same time it is quite incorrect, with of the time for literary purposes. The contest
Kretschmer {Die Entstehung der Koine, Vienna, between the "Purists" and the "Hebraists," which,
1900), to assume that the Koine grew up out of a with its dogmatic presuppositions, lasted for cen-
variegated mixture of the ancient dialects. The turies (the former seeking to demonstrate the
Ionic excepted, these dialects left only a few gram- Classic, the latter the Hebraistic, coloring of Biblical
matical traces in certain circumscribed localities Greek), is to-da^ utterly pointless; since the study
{i.e., the territories occupied by the ancient dialects), of the Koine ever more unmistakably shows the
and the majority of these traces were lost during Hellenistic character of the language of the Bible,
the later (Modem Greek) development. Even the In this respect Deissmann's work, beyond all others,
lexical influence exercised by the ancient dialects has been epoch-making; cf. particularly his Bible
does not seem to have been important. Only the Studies (2d ed. Edinburgh, 1903).
Ionic has shared extensively in the evolution of the Biblical Greek shows in phonetics, morphology,
Koine. The noiuis in -as, -aSos, and ~ovs, ~ov8os, syntax, and lexicography the characteristics of the
the frequent employment of neuters in -fia, for contemporary Hellenistic Greek. In the light of
example, are Ionic in origin; though, most of all, the recent investigation it is no longer possible to main-
Ionic constituents of the vocabulary of the Koine tain that it is colored through and through with
give it an Ionic tinge, quite different from that of pure Semitisms. Much of that which was regarded as
Attic prose. To these tonic elements belong also the due to "Hebraism" proves to be the property of the
poetic words which appear often in the Papyri and Koine, and the result of the inner development of
the New Testament, and still live in Modem Greek the language. The specifically Christian concep-
(compare oKeKTap, fiapeca, fiaaTd^co, evrpeirofiaif tions (hke els rb ^vop.a, a-<0Tr]p, evayyeXio-rrjs) are
€pt<l)os, 7r«pafai, poKos, apvopxu, and many others). also formed in the spirit and with the resources of
Such words have foimd their way not only into the Koine, Even the translation-Greek of the LXX.
the language of poetry, but also, and quite inde- and the Apocalypse betrays the influence of the
pendently, into the Hellenistic vernacular. It is, Hebrew original to a much less degree than is
therefore, quite erroneous, for example, to adduce generally supposed. The criterion of the presence
the medical expressions in Luke, which are Ionic in of Hebraisms must, therefore, be used with the
origin, to prove his acquaintance with Hippocrates. greatest caution in Uterary problems {e.g., in the
The most of the characteristics which differentiate establishment of an Aramaic original in the case of
the Koine from Attic are the result of a natural NT writings). While it is tme that NT Greek
further development. The influence exercised by presents a unity with the Koine, nevertheless it may
the non-Grecian languages on the grammatical be fairly questioned whether it does not betray
Hellenistic
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 333
Herod
traces of a local origin. It quite possible to sup-is HEM. See Dress and Ornaments, § 3.
pose that the text of the was written in theNT hl'mam (D^^n, hemam): The ances-
Asiatic or Egyptian Koine, just as certain ancient
HEMAM,
tral head of a Seirite family (Gn 36 22; Homam in
manuscripts (A and X) point toward an Eastern
I Chi 39). E.E.N.
origin through some of their phonetic peculiarities.
Even within the NT it is possible to surmise dif-
HEMAN, hi'man (^l?^^, heman), 'right hand,'
ferent shadings not only in style, but also in dialect.
So that it does not seem accidental that the Gospel 'trustworthy': 1. A son of Zerah, one of the three
of John shows peculiarities in the use of the posses-
wisest men with whom Solomon was compared (I
and the language of Christian writers not only lost HEMLOCK: The rendering of the Heb. ro'sh in
the charm of originality characteristic of Biblical Hos 10 4. The same Heb. word is elsewhere ren-
Greek, but came even to participate in the artificiali-
dered "gall" or "poison" (Dt 29 17 [cf. RVmg.];
ties of Atticism.
Ps 69 21; La 3 5; Jer 9 14, etc.). In Hos 10 4 it is
Literature Helps to the study of the Koine are
: (a) :
evident that some troublesome, quick-growing, and
Bibliography as to the earlier works, G. Meyer, Griech.
probably noxious weed is meant, a fit symbol of the
Grammatik (3. Aufl., Leipsic, 1896), p. 25; as to recent
literature, Thumb, Die Forsckungen uher die hellenistische corruption of justice then prevalent in Israel. Its
Sprache in den Jahren 1S9G-1901, 1902-4; Archiv f. frequent collocation with wormwood (Am 6 12, etc.)
Papyrusforsch., Bd. ii and iv; Witkowski, Bericht ilber
shows that it was bitter, and other references in-
die Literatur zur Koine aus den Jahren 1898-1902,
Bursians Jahresber., exx. (b) Grammar: K. Dieterich, dicate that it was considered poisonous. See Gall.
Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der griech. Sprache (Leipsic, In Am 6 12 "hemlock" AV is the rendering of
1898). The Koine is also discussed in the Grammar of G. la'dnahj 'wormwood' (q.v.). See also Palestine,
Meyer, and especially in Jannaris, An Historical Greek
Grammar (London, 1897); also in the works of Hatzidakis, § 21. E. E. N.
Schweizer, and Nachmanson, above mentioned, (c) Lexi-
cography the larger lexicons are especially supplemented
:
HEN Qn, hen), 'grace': This word (in Zee 6 14)
by Sophocles, A Greek Lexicon of the Roman and Byzantine may not be a proper noun (cf. RVmg.), or it may
Periods (New York, 1888) and van Herwerden, Lexicon
grcecum suppletorium et dialecticum (Leyden, 1902, Appen- be a mistake for ' Josiah' cf ver. 10. E. E. N.
; .
HERB: This word renders several Heb. and Gr, led to interchange of the names in some MSS. (D°
terms. (1) The most common is *esehhj which E L with some forms of the Syriac). J. M. T.
includes both grains and grasses {e.g., Gn 1 11; Ps
HERMOGENES, hgr-moJVnfz (Epfioyevrjs, 'Ep-
106 20), and is often rendered "grass." (2) deshe\
the 'fresh/ 'young grass' (11 19 26, etc.). K
(3)
fioy., W. H.): A
person mentioned in II Ti 1 15,
where he is said to have been among those
by Paul
yardq, 'green plants/ including vegetables (Dt 11 10;
("all") in Asia who "turned away from me." The
I K 21 2; Pr 15 17). (4) 'or, 'ordh, apparently, the
special mention of H. and Phygelus would seem to
'bright/ 'shining grass/ though used in a broader
indicate that they were leaders in the movement.
sense (II K
4 39; Is 18 4, 26 19). (5) In Job 8 12
Later apocryphal stories concerning H. are found in
hdi^r evidently refers to tall grass. (6) The two N T
the Acts of Paul and Thecla, 1 and 4, 11-14.
terms, /3oraw/ (only Heb 6 7) and \dxavov, are both
J. M. T.
of general significance, the former indicating a plant
fit for food, the latter a cultivated (vs, a wild) plant.
HERMON, hgr'men (i^^'PP, hermon), 'sacred
E. E. N. [moimtain]': The large mountain that forms the S.
portion of the Antilebanon range. As its name
HERD. See Nomadic and Pastoral Life.
indicates, it was probably from ancient times viewed
HERES, hi'riz(D"nn, ^eres), 'sun': 1. Mt. Heres as a sacred locality and, in fact, numerous shrines
existed on its slopes, and one even on its summit.
(Jg 1 35), a locality in the territory of Dan, prob-
ably the same as Ir Shemesh (q.v.), or Beth She-
In Dt 3 9 we learn that the Phoenicians called H.
mesh (q.v.); cf. Jos 19 41; I K
4 9; II Ch 28 18 (so Sirion (cf. also Ps 29 6), while the Amorites called
it Senir, which, however, designated probably some
Moore, on Judges in Int. Crit. Com.). Map II, 1. D
2. The Ascent of Heres (Jg 8 13, "when the sun was
adjacent part of the same range (cf. also I Ch 5 23;
Song 4 8; Ezk 27 5). This same name (as Sanlru) is
up" AV) was a pass near Succoth, E. of the Jordan,
given to the mountain in the Assyr. inscriptions, and
but its exact location is unknown. See also City
(as Sanlr) to the portion of the range N. of Damascus
OF Destruction and Timnath-serah.
E. E. N. by the Arabs. A fourth name, Sion, is found in Dt
4 18. H. is a lofty mountain (9,166 ft. high), whose
HERESH, hl'resh (^in, heresh):
*
A Levite (I Ch summit, consisting of three peaks ("the Hermons,"
*
Rom., in he.) H. is identified with the author of an Idumaean family which furnished a number of
"The Shepherd," but inasmuch as this is a work of kings and other rulers for Palestine
I. Intro- and the adjacent countries during
the
the 2d cent., and since Ro ch. 16 was apparently con-
duction. latter half of the century before Christ
tained in very early MSS. of the Ep. to the Romans,
the identification is hardly possible. J. M. T. and throughout the first century of the
Christian era. The father of Herod was Antipater,
HERMES, hgr'miz {'Epfi^s): A person saluted a man of remarkable ability, whose father was
by Paul in Ro 16 14. Confusion between this name governor of Idumsea under Alexander Jannseus and
and that of Hermas, mentioned in the same verse. Queen Alexandra. The origin of the family is not
334
Herod A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
known. Possibly it came from Ascalon. Antipater Although he taxed the people severely, in ^^^j*^ ?^
sold his
had probably succeeded his father when the civil famine he remitted their dues, and even
war broke out between Hyrcanus II and hie brother to get means to buy them food.
While he
plate
Aristobulus (69 B.C.), and the opportunity was never became actually friendly with the Pharisees,
given for him to employ his abilities as the former's they profited by his hostihty to the party of the
champion and master. Hasmoneans, which led at the beginning of his
I. Herod I [The Great] (37-4 B.C.), the son of reign to the execution of a number of Sadducees who
Antipater, was early given office by his father, were members of the Sanhedrin.
who had been made procurator of The fact that Herod's kingdom included many
2. Herod the Judaea by Caesar, Hyrcanus 11^ the Greeks as well as Jews led him to adopt a self-
Great as high priest and ethnarch, being little contradictory pohcy. He favored both
Governor more than a puppet in the hands of the 3b. Building parties of his subjects. For the Greeks
of Galilee, energetic Idumsean. The first office Activity, he built temples in the cities where they
which Herod held was that of governor lived, as well as in towns outside of his
of Galilee. He was then a young man of about own kingdom. It was this general policy, as well
twenty-five, energetic and athletic. Immediately as the example of Augustus, that led Herod to
he set about the eradication of the robber bands rebuild a number of cities. The most important
that infested his district, and soon was able to work of this sort was the refounding of the city of
execute the robber chief Hezekiah and several of his Strato's Tower, which he named Csesarea (q.v.), and
followers. For this he was summoned to Jerusalem beautified with a temple to Augustus, colonnades, a
by the Sanhedrin, tried and condemned, but with mole, and many public buildings, making it the
the connivance of Hyrcanus II he escaped by night. chief city of hiskingdom. Throughout the Roman
During the disorders following the assassination period itremained the seat of the Roman governor
of Csesar, Herod and Antipater were loyal to Cassius, of Judaea. He also rebuilt the city of Samaria (q.v.),
and assisted him in raising money from the towns renaming it Sebaste in honor of the wife of Augustus.
of Palestine. In 42 B.C. Antipater was assassinated Here also he erected a great pagan temple and other
by one Malchus, who in turn was killed by assassins public buildings, the ruins of some of which remain
sent by Herod. After the death of Brutus and to-day. He built many amphitheaters and theaters
Cassius at Philippi, Herod and his brother Phasael at Jerusalem and in other cities, and established
were accused by the Jewish aristocracy at least games at Csesarea and at Jerusalem. He surrounded
twice before Antony; but in each case Antony himself with Greek scholars, the most prominent
showed favor to the brothers and finally appointed among whom was Nicolas of Damascus. For the
them tetrarchs. In 40 B.C. Antigonus, the son of Jews he rebuilt the Temple at Jerusalem in great
Aristobulus II, attempted to recover the throne by magnificence, making it, with its courts and colon-
using the Parthians as allies. He succeeded in nades, one of the noblest buildings of antiquity. This
getting hold of Phasael, who committed suicide in rebuilding apparently began about 20 B.C., and was
prison, but Herod I escaped to the fortress of not finally completed until in the time of the procu-
Massada, whence he was forced to flee with his en- rator Albinus, 62-64 a.d. (cf. Jn 2 20, and see Tem-
tire family to Petra. Being refused refuge there, he ple). Although he removed the high priests at will,
went to Alexandria and thence to Rome, via Rhodes. Herod was careful to respect the prejudices of the
Herod's purpose in going to Rome seems to have Jews, and did not attempt to introduce statues into
been to obtain the kingship for Aristobulus, the the public buildings of Jerusalem, and even omitted
grandson of Hyrcanus II, whose sister images on his coins.
3.As King Mariamne he was to marry. But on his By way of maintaining order, he established
of Judaea, arrival at Rome, Antony and Octavius citadels throughout the territory, and maintained a
appointed him king rather than Aris- strong band of mercenaries. In addi-
tobulus, and within a few days after his arrival 3c. Main- he established strict police regula-
tion,
at the capital he returned to Palestine to get pos- tenance of tions, and maintained a system of spies.
session of his kingdom (39 B.C.). For the next two Order, Notwithstanding the fact that there
years he was engaged in fighting the forces of
Antigonus, whom he finally defeated, and in 37 B.C.
—
were popular disturbances doubtless
to some extent associated with the Messianic move-
gained possession of Jerusalem. Antigonus was —
ment ^Judaga was at peace throughout his reign.
beheaded by Antony at the request of Herod. During his last years, it is true, the people became
As king, Herod confronted serious difficulties. increasingly imeasy, and there was a threatened
The Jews objected to him because of his birth and revolt imder Pharisaic leadership; but the old king
reputation. The Hasmonean family .
crushed this with characteristic severity.
3a. Prob- regarded him as a usurper, notwith- As an allied king with Rome, Herod was expected
lems of standing the fact that he had married to maintain order on the frontier (see above, 3a).
His Reign. Mariamne. The Pharisees were shocked In pursuit of this pohcy he fought,
at his Hellenistic sympathies, as well 3d, Rela- and was given suzerainty over, the
as at his severe methods of government. On the tions to Arabians. He annexed and colonized
other hand, the Romans held him responsible for the Rome. Trachonitis, which had been held by
order of his kingdom, and the protection of the a body of robbers; and he seems to
eastern frontier of the Republic. Herod met these have been able to keep back the wandering tribes
various difficulties with characteristic energy and of the desert. In fact, it was because of this
ey^U cruelty, and generally with cold sagacity. energetic policing of the frontier, as well as main-
335 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Herod
tenance of peace within his own dominion, that he and sent into exile. This accounts for the state-
kept the friendship of Augustus. At least twice ment in Mt 2 22, and possibly also suggested the
during his reign this friendship was threatened, but point of the parable (Lk 19 12 ff.). His territory
he was able to adjust matters. The conjecture became a procuratorial province subject to the
(Ramsay, Was Christ Born at Bethlehem? [1898]) census. Archelaus, like all his family, was a builder,
that during the latter half of his reign Judaea was among his pubUc works being the establishment of
more completely under the control of the empire, the city Archelais.
even to the point of being subject to the census, III. Herod Antipas (4 B.C.-37 a.d.) was the son
can hardly be said to be as yet thoroughly estab- of Herod I and Malthace, and was a full brother of
lished. Throughout his reign, however, he was Archelaus. By the will of his father
never given complete independence, but was sub- 5. Herod he was appointed tetrarch of Galilee
ject to the general limitations set allied kings, Antipas. and Peraea in 4 b.c. His long reign
among them being the restriction of the coinage was marked by no serious outbreak or
to copper coins, liability to a certain degree of con- disturbance, and Galilee seems to have become
trol from the nearest propretor —in Herod's case exceedingly prosperous. Persea also enjoyed pros-
—
that of Syria ^inability to carry on war, except perity, although this must have been due in con-
with the consent of the emperor; or to appoint his siderable measure to the development of the Greek
own successor, except with the imperial approval. cities within Peraean territory belonging to the
It is probably because of the animus of Josephus, Decapolis. Herod Antipas was a builder of cities,
as well as the perspective of his account of Herod, his most important undertaking being the erection
that his success as an administrator of Tiberias, on the Sea of Galilee (q.v.). The
36, In- has been considerably obscured by the city was built and organized in the Greek style, and
trigues of tragedies within his own family circle. was controlled by a castle built above it. It was
His Reign. In estimating the prejudice which led built in part over a graveyard, and for some time
to the successive execution of the was regarded as unclean by the Jews. Antipas also
surviving members of the Hasmonean house, in- rebuilt Sepphoris, and walled the city of Betha-
cluding his wife Mariamne and their two sons rampha, naming it Livias (or Julias). He also
Alexander and Aristobulus, it is to be borne in mind helped the Greek found in Cos
islands, as tablets
that, like all Oriental kings, Herod was subject to and Delos indicate. His general pohcy was that of
constant plots on the part of his family, and the friendship with the Romans, but he was also careful
sympathizers of the Hasmonean house. A study of to attend feasts at Jerusalem, and to stamp no image
his reign will show that his executions were the on his coins. He joined in a protest against Pilate
outcome of the efforts of his rivals to displace him. for having set up a votive shield in the Temple.
The only exception to this was his execution of He married his niece Herodias (Mk 6 17; Mt 14 3),
his wife Mariamne, because of jealousy bom of in- the wife of his half-brother Herod Philip (not the
trigues, instigated to a large extent by his sister, tetrarch PhiUp), of Rome. This necessitated the
who was jealous of the influence of Mariamne and divorcing of his wife, who was the daughter of
her mother. The execution of his two sons (by Aretas, King of Arabia, and involved him in war
Mariamne) was due to a series of plots on their part, with that monarch, in which he was defeated. At
and an antiplot on the part of his eldest son, An- the time of the Gospel history, however, Gahlee was
tipater, to secure the succession. It can hardly be at peace.
doubted, further, that during the later years of the In 37 A.D. Agrippa, the brother of Herodias, was
old king's Hfe he was suffering from a disease which made king of the former tetrarchy of Philip, and
made him easily susceptible to suspicion (cf, Mt Herod was induced by his wife to seek royal honors
2 3-12, 1&-19). for himself. Agrippa, however, who had quarreled
At his death (4 b.c.) Herod left a will, according with his brother-in-law while superintendent of the
to which his kingdom was to be divided among his markets in Tiberias, poisoned the mind of Caligula
three sons. Archelaus was to have by charging that Antipas was gathering an army
3f. Disposi- Judsea, Idumaea, and Samaria, with preparatory to revolt, Antipas was in consequence
tion of His the title of kmg (Mt 2 22) ; Herod banished (39 a.d.) to Lyons, whither Herodias
Kingdom, Antipas was to receive GaHlee and accompanied him, and where probably he died.
Persea, with the title of tetrarch This is the ^Herod' most frequently mentioned in the
Philip was to come into possession of the trans- NT (Mt 6 17 ff., 8 15; Lk 3 l, 9 7, 13 31 f.; Ac 4 27,
Jordan territory, with the title of tetrarch (Lk 3 l). 13 1, etc.). He was the one who imprisoned the
This will was ratified by Augustus, with the excep- Baptist (Mk 6 14-29, and lis) and the one to whom
tion of the title given Archelaus. Pilate sent Jesus (Lk 23 7-16).
II. Archelaus (4 B.C.-6 a.d.), after the ratification IV. Herod Philip, son of Herod I and Cleopatra
of Herod's wiU by Augustus, succeeded to the rule of Jerusalem (4 B.C.-34 a.d.). By the will of his
of Judsea, Samaria, and Idumaea, having father he was made tetrarch of that
4. Arche- the title of ethnarch, with the xmder- 6. Herod section of the Herodian kingdom lying
laus. standing that, if he ruled well, he was to Philip. E. and N. of the Sea of Gahlee. The
become king. He was, however, highly region was not strictly Jewish, and
unpopular with his people, and his reign was marked was composed of a number of small which
districts
by disturbances and acts of oppression. The situa- had been conquered by, or given Herod I
to,
tion finally became so intolerable that the Jews ap- Batansea, Trachonitis, Gaulanitis, Itursea, and Au-
pealed to Augustus, and Archelaus was removed ranitis. He was, on the whole, the most respect--
Herod 336
Hexateuch
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
as a
able of Herod's sons. He was fond of building. a fatal disease after being saluted by the people
Banias he rebuilt as a Greek city, with the right of god (44 A.D.; cf. Ac 12 20-23).
/**
asylum, and named it C^sarea. In order to dis- VI. Herod Agrippa II (49-c. 100 A. p.), ^°",
tinguish it from various other towns of the same the preceding, was a boy at the death of his father
name, it was known as Csesarea PhiUppi (q.v.)- and was not aUowed to succeed hun.
He also rebuilt Bethsaida (q.v.), a town a few miles 8. Herod He was, if possible, more friendly to
from the entrance of the Jordan into the Sea of Gal- Agrippa II. the Jews than his father had been,
ilee, and named it Julias, in honor of the daughter of and maintained also friendship with
Augustus. Furthermore, he built various temples to Claudius. In 49 a.d. he was appointed the successor
the heathen gods. He stamped an image on his coins. of his uncle Herod, as king of the Httle kingdom of
In general, he seems to have been a good ruler, Chalcis, with which position went also the right to
traveling over his territories, rendering justice to his appoint the high priest. In 53 a.d. he exchanged
subjects. He was married to Salome, the daughter Chalcis for territory that had been a part of the
of Herodias, and died in 34 a.d. without issue. tetrarchy of Philip, to which Nero added portions
V. Herod Agrippa I, son of Aristobulus, the son of Persea and Galilee, mcluding the city of Tiberias.
of Herod I and Mariamne (37-44 a.d.). He was At the outbreak of the revolt of 66 a.d. he did all
one of the most interesting characters that he could to restore peace, and to persuade the
7. Herod of the period. After the execution of Jews to give up their mad undertaking. In this, how-
Agrippa I. his father he seems to have gone to ever, he was unsuccessful, and took the side of the
Rome and to have acquired the habits Romans against the Jews. He seems to have reigned
of the wealthy young men of the early empire. imtil his death, which was probably about 100 a.d.
At forty he foimd himself bankrupt, in disfavor It was before this Agrippa and his sister Bemice
with Tiberius, and compelled to leave Rome to that Paul was brought by Festus (Ac 25 13-26 32).
escape his creditors. He went to Palestine, and was Herod Agrippa I had three daughters. The
about to commit suicide when his wife Cypros eldest, Bemice, married her uncle Herod of Chalcis,
induced his sister Herodias, at that time the wife and subsequently Polemon II, King
of Herod Antipas, to obtain for him the position of 9. The of CiUcia, and Uved as wife on the Pala-
superintendent of markets in Tiberias. In a short Herodian tine with Titus. She is mentioned in the
time he quarreled with Herod Antipas, and became "Women N T as being present at the trial of Paul
a friend of Flaccus, proconsul of Syria. He lost Mentioned (Ac 2513,23, 26 30). The youngest of
favor with that official by taking bribes from the in the N T. the three was Drusilla. After various
citizens of Damascus. Reduced to extremities, he adventures she became the wife of
went to Italy, where he was imprisoned by Tiberius, PhiHp, procurator of Judsea. She was present at
because he had been overheard to tell Caius that the trial of Paul (Ac 24 24), Like her sister Bemice,
he desired the death of the emperor. Upon the her reputation was not above reproach. Herodias
death of Tiberius he was released from prifion by his was the daughter of Aristobulus, son of Herod the
friend Caius, and made king over the territory Great. It was her unholy relationship with Herod
which had belonged to his imcle Philip (37 a.d.). Antipas (see § 5, above) that brought her and An-
He does not seem to have Uved much in his kingdom tipas imder the denunciation of the Baptist, and
until after the deposition of Herod Antipas. In it was her resentment that led finally to John's death
39 A.D. he was given the latter's tetrarchy. During (Mk 6 17-28).
the antisemitic outbreak under Caius (Cahgula) he Literature: Besides Josephus and the Latin historians,
was able to obtain some favors from the emperor, the best modern authority is Schurer, HJP.
g ]yj
and so won popularity with the Jews. He seems HERODIAWS, he-ro'di-onz: The
adherents, or
to have had some share in the elevation of Claudius
partizans, of the Herod dynasty and, as such, well
to the empire after the assassination of Caius, and,
content with Roman overlordship, but desirous of
in consequence, was given the province of Judsea
seeing one of this family over Judsea in the place
(41 A.D.). His kingdom thus became practically co- of the Roman procurator (Mk 3 6, 12 13 and ||s).
extensive with that of Herod I. Herod Agrippa
The principles of Jesus' teaching were no more
was popular with the Jews, because he was careful
favorable to the Herodian policy and ideals than
to regard Pharisaic observances. He had power to
they were to Pharisaism; consequently, the other-
appoint the high priest, but he was careful in no
wise strange union of Herodian and Pharisee against
way to outrage the feelings of the Jews, and further
Him. E. E. N.
added to his popularity by using his influence with
Claudius for the good of the Jews throughout the HERODIAS, hg-ro'di-as. See Herod, § 9.
empire. According to Ac 12 1 ff. he persecuted Chris- HERODION, h0-ro'di-en (-Rpo^blav): A relative
tians to increase his popularity. He strengthened of Paul (Ro 16 n). E. E. N.
the fortifications of Jerusalem and apparently began HERON. See Palestine, § 25.
the formation of a confederacy of neighboring kings.
This project, however, was nipped in the bud by the HESED, hl'sed. See Ben-hesed.
legate of Syria. Notwithstanding his regard for HESHBON, hesh'ben {Xi^V}, heshhon): A city
Jewish customs, outside of Palestine he was a of Moab, advantageously situated on two hills com-
thoroughgoing HeUenist. In Beirtit he built baths manding an extensive view of the lower Jordan
and a sumptuous theater. He also erected an Valley. Map II, J 1. Sihon made H. the capital of
amphitheater for gladiatorial games. He was in the his Amorite kingdom (Nu 21 25-34; Dt 1 4; etc.).
midet of games in Csesarea when he was seized with Taken from Sihon by Israel, it was occupied by the
Herod
337 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Hexateuch
Reubenites and Gadites (Nu 32 3,37; Jos 13 26f.; the OT and in different senses by different writers.
I Ch 6 81; and cf. Mesha, Moabite Stone, line 10). The question here were the Hebron "Hittites"
is:
Later, we find it again in possession of Moab and its simply Canaanites who were considered as being
overthrow predicted by Isaiah and Jeremiah (Is connected genealogically with a certain Heth, or
15 4, 16 8 f.; Jer 48 2 ff., 49 3). The site is one of were they an offshoot of the great Hittite people
great fertility, well supplied with water (cf. Song who had separated themselves from the main body
7 4). The extensive ruins show that it was a flour- and settled in S. Palestine near Hebron? This does
ishing city in Roman times. E. E. N. not seem likely, and the first view is more probable.
Ahimelech (I S 26 6) and Uriah (II S 11 3 ff.) prob-
HESHMON, hesh'mon heshmon) A town
(I'iTO^ri, :
HEXATEUCH
Analysis of Contents
1. The Term 12. The J and E Histories "
3. The 'Priestly' Material of the Hexa-
2. General Outline 13. The Documents no Longer in teuch (P and PC)
3. Mosaic Authorship a Late Idea Form
Their Original 21. The Priests the Teachers of the
The Structure of the Hexateuch III. History of the Formation of Law
I.
Sections using God alternate with others strands. In some passages Moses and
Aaron to-
features.
gether deal with Pharaoh, Aaron as speaker
and
using Jehovah. The passages 6 S-8, 7 1-5, 8 20-22
are clearly ''Jehovah" paragraphs, and on the basis performer of the wonders (7 2, 10, 19-20, 8 5, 6, 16,
of similarity of style and conception 7 7-10 (in the 9 8), while in others Moses acts alone (7 14-15, 8 1, 20,
main), 12, 16 (last clause), 17b, 22, 23, 8 2b, 6-12, I3b 9 1, 13, 22, 10 21-29). In some the emphasis is laid
are to be classed with them. On the other hand, on Aaron's rod (7 8 5, 16), in others on Moses*
9, 19,
6 13-22, 7 6, 11, 13-16a, 17a, 18-21, 24, 8 l-2a, 3-5, 13a, rod, or hand (9 22 f ., 10 12 f., 21 f.; cf. also 14l5f.,
14-19, 9 1-17 make up another narrative in which 21). 11 1-3 breaks the connection between 10 28 f.
God is the name for deity. In this the conception and 11 4-8 by introducing a matter belonging to an
of deity is quite abstract, the style is formal and entirely different situation, and apparently from
statistical, and the catastrophe is cosmic rather another narrative. (3) In 18 13-17 assistant judges
than local. In these respects the narrative of the are appointed by Moses at Jethro's suggestion, but
first group of passages contrasts remarkably. in Dt 1 9-18 the same transaction is placed after the
(3) There are two ancient genealogical tables, 4 1, giving of the Law, Jethro is not mentioned, and the
16-24 and 5 1-28. In the first, man's descent is selection is made by the people, not by Mosea.
traced through Cain to Lamech; in the second, (4) In 19 1-24 18 there are evidently three accounts,
through Seth to Lamech. Since the two tables are a. 19 1-2 and 24 15-I8a form a complete though brief
altogether or nearly identical in respect to a number introduction to the great revelation concerning the
of the names, they may represent but two versions Sanctuary and its services (Ex chs. 25-31, 35-40;
of some very ancient list. In the first Jehovah is Lv [all]; etc.). b. A
closely interwoven double
used, the style is easy and flowing, and many per- narrative in 19 3-24 14, 15b. Evidence for this is
sonal incidents are given. In the second God is used, (a) the alternation of God and Jehovah, which is
and the style is very formal and repetitious. (4) The otherwise inexplicable (19 3, 17-20, 20 1) ; (b) in the
story of Abraham's experience in Egypt, 12 10-20, Jehovah parts of ch. 19 the people keep away from
is strikingly parallel, in general outline, to 20 1-18. the moimt when Jehovah descends, but in 19 17, 19,
In the first Jehovah, in the latter God, is tHe name 20 1, 18-21 Moses and the people are quite near
for deity. At this point a new phenomenon appears where God is, and only at the people's request is the
The style of 20 1-18 is imlike that of the preceding distance between them and God increased; (c) 24 1-2,
sections which use the same name God. It is the 9-11 can be interpreted only as describing the rat-
easy, flowing narrative style of the Jehovah passages. ification of a covenant, or a covenant-meal. But
The significance of this will be noted later. (5). In essentially the same significance must be given to
ch. 17 God gives Abraham the promise of seed, while 24 3-8; (d) the religious injunctions in 20 22-26, 22
in ch. 18 Jehovah makes a similar promise. The 29-30, and 23 10-33 are repeated partly in identical
sequel of ch. 18 is found in 21 i (Jehovah); that of words in 34 10-27, a passage which also is loosely
ch. 17 in 21 2-6 (God). (6) Ch. 37 contains two stories attached to its context.
of Joseph's transportation to Egypt. In one (vs. Ex. chs. 25-31, 35-40, the entire Book of Leviticus,
28a, 36), Midianites take him out of the pit and and Nu 1 l-lO 28 are closely connected, marked by
carry him away. In the other (vs. 27, 28b) his the same style, deal with the same sub-
brethren sell him to the Ishmaelites. 6. From ject, and are written from the same
(1) In 1 1-7 7 there is, on the whole, a triple Leviticus, points of view. In these respects they
narrative, (a) 1 1-5 [with 6 14-27], 7, 13-14, 2 23b-26, are sharply distinguished from the
6 1-7 7 form one complete account of narrative sections that precede and follow them.
S. From the initial stages of the Exodus move- (See also Leviticus and Ntjmbeks.)
Exodus, ment. Read consecutively they are (1) Examining the narrative in Nu from 10 29 on,
found neither to presuppose nor require we find there are two accounts of the expedition
anything mentioned in the intervening sections. of the spies, (a) In 13 l7b-20, 22-24,
It is also evident that 6 2-3 and those passages in 7. From 26b-3l, in which the region about
Genesis in which a knowledge of Jehovah in the Numbers, Hebron is the hmit reached, (b) In
patriarchal age is assumed (cf. Gn 4 26, 12 8, 13 18, 13 1-I7a, 21b, in which the whole land
15 2,7, 16 5, 22 14, 24 3,7,12,27,31,35,40,42,44,48 of Canaan is examined. It is noteworthy that Dt
and many others) could not have been written by 1 19-25 agrees with (a) rather than with (b). (2) The
the same hand, (b) Separating out from Ex 1 1-7 7 accoimt of the great rebellion of Dathan and others
the passages noted under (a), there remains a series in ch. 16 shows itself to be composite, (a) On, son
of paragraphs, some using God, others Jehovah, the of Peleth, is mentioned at first as one of the leaders,
rest being less distinctive. Naturally, after ch. 3, but nothing more is said of him. (b) The motive
and to a greater degree after 6 2-3, the name Z", of the rebels is twofold. That of Korah is jealousy
having now been revealed to Moses, could be used of the religious prerogatives of either the whole tribe
freely by all the writers. But this only makes the of Levi Ds, the whole congregation, or of Moses and
alternation of Jehovah and God more significant, Aaron vs. the rest of the Levites (see Numbers, § 2).
and such a passage as 3 2-7 clearly evidences itself But Dathan and Abiram are jealous of Moses'
as woven together from two separate threads of authority and declare that he has not fulfilled his
narrative. Using this hint we may tentatively promises, (c) The paragraphs alternate, vs. 4-11
assign 1 1&-21, 3 l, 4b, 6, 9b-i5, and 4 17, 20b to the deahng with Korah, 12-U with Dathan and Abiram,
document using God, and the remaining passages 16-19 with Korah, while 20-35 is a composite ac-
to the one using Je/iova/i. (2) The plague narrative, count of the punishment, which differs in each case.
7 8-12 36, is also seen to be composed of eeveral (3) In the Balak and Balaam story (ch. 22) there
.
seem to be two narratives, (a) In ver. 7 the "elders II. Analysis into the Oeiginal Documents
of Midian" go for Balaam, but in ver. 8 it is the
"princes of Moab." (b) In ver. 20 God directs It is, from what has been said, evident that
Balaam to go, but in ver. 22 ff. He is angry with him Genesis, Exodus, Numbers, and Joshua are com-
for going, (c) In ver. 6a Balaam lives in Pethor by posite, based upon older and originally
the Euphrates, in ver. 5b in "the land of the children lo. Not independent accounts. Their unity is
of his people" (i.e., according to the probable read- Many Frag- only apparent, due to editorial adjust-
ing, in the land of Ammon). (d) The form of the ments, but ment, not to single authorship. These
oracles in ch, 23 is very different from that in eh. 24. Several separate accoimts are, however, not all
Deuteronomy forms a separate book directly con- Main independent. While almost any sec-
nected neither with Numbers nor with Joshua. Its Docixments. tion of the Hex. can be shown to be
style is distinct from that of the pre- composite, its component elements are
8. From ceding books. Its introductory narra- related to those of other sections. In other words,
Deuteron- tive traverses briefly the same ground the separate strands in any given section are but
omy. as Exodus and Numbers, but its repre- sections of long, comprehensive documents that
sentation of the events is different (cf underlie the whole Hex. The character of these
Dt 1 9-18 with Ex 18 13-26; Dt 1 19-40 with Nu ch. 13; documents must next be determined.
Dt 2 1-8 with Nu 20 14-21). Its code (chs. 12-26, 28) As we have seen, Gn 1 1-2 4a has a distinct style,
is an amplification of the brief code in Ex chs. 20-23, vocabulary, and theological point of view. Gn ch. 5
the additional matter being suitable to a time much has the same style, vocabulary, and
later than the Mosaic age. The religious polemic ri. The point of view, also 6 9-22, many verses
in Dt chs. 4^11 fits the situation in Judah in the 7th 'Priestly* of ch. 7 (especially in vs. 13-24), 8 13-19,
cent, as it does no other, while the literary affinities Document. 9 1-17, 28-29, 10 1-32, and 11 10-27. In
between Dt and other portions of the O T appear only P or PC. all these the theological position is
from the 7th cent, onward (c.gr., Jeremiah has much strictly monotheistic and somewhat
in common with Dt, but Hosea, Amos, Micah, and transcendental, the Divine plan rather than human
Isaiah [I] practically nothing; see Deuteronomy). motives is emphasized, and long stretches of history
The Book of Joshua presents a complex, difficult are covered in a merely statistical way. The writer
to disentangle. At some points there are traces of has an exact and comprehensive chronology. The
double or threefold narratives, as in —
plan of the history is genealogical note the "genera-
g. From other parts of the Hex. (1) In 2 15 a tions" of (1) the heavens and the earth, 2 4a; (2) of
Joshua, suitable conclusion of the narrative Adam, 5 1; (3) of Noah, 6 9; (4) of the sons of
between Rahab and the spies is reached Noah, 10 1; (5) of Shem, 11 10; (6) of Terah, 11 27
and vs. l6-2t appear to be part of another account. (cf. the continuation in 25 12, 19, 36 i, 37 1). In
(2) In 2 15 Rahab's house is represented as built into, 1 29-30, 2 1-3, 9 3-4, 12 we detect an interest in cere-
or a part of, the city wall; but in 6 22, after the wall monial usage and symbolism. These facts all point
has fallen down flat (6 20), Joshua sends the spies to an originally complete narrative, in which the
into the city to find the house. Evidently there same style and point of view were consistently main-
were origiaally two different traditions, either of the tained. This narrative can be traced by these its
location of Rahab's house or of the way in which characteristic marks through the rest of the Penta-
the city was taken. A careful study of ch. 6 does, teuch and on into Joshua (see below, § 28). It is
in fact, reveal a twofold narrative of the capture of the narrative of the origin of Israel, as the theocracy,
the city. (3) In 8 3 ff. Joshua sends 30,000 men and of Israel's religious institutions. The goal of the
to lie in hiding behind Ai, while he makes a feigned national development was reached in the establish-
attack in front. But in 8 10 ff. the very same plan ment of theSanctuarj^Priesthood, and religious serv-
is described, only the ambushment consists of but ices. It neglected, sometimes contradicted, popular
5,000 men. (4) In 10 36-43 Joshua, at the head of tradition. According to it the patriarchs did not
aU Israel, attacks and utterly destroys, among other offer sacrifices (as they had no priests or legitimate
places, Hebron, Debir, and the whole southern sanctuaries), nor did they know, or use, the name
country, from Kadesh-bamea to Gaza. But in Jehovah (Ex 6 2-3). Because of its character this
14 6-12 the same region is given to Caleb to be con- document is known as the Priestly narrative (symbol,
quered by him, and the story of its conquest by P), and the legislation in it as the Priest's Code (PC).
Caleb follows in 15 13-19 (cf. Judges 1 9-2i). Similarly On the same basis of stylistic and other afiinities
in ch. 8 all Israel makes the attack on Bethel and Ai, other passages show that they once belonged to-
while in Judges 1 22-26 Bethel is captured by the gether. Gn 2 4b--4 26 finds its con-
house of Joseph alone. (6) In 13 l Joshua, at 12. The J tinuation in 5 29b, 6 1-8, 7 1-5, 7-9, 12,
Gilgal, "old and well stricken in years," apparently and E 16b, 17b, 22 f., 8 2b, 6-12, 13b, 20-21, 9 18-28,
after the main work of conquest is over, is com- Histories, etc. In all these the name for deity is
manded to divide the land (13 7). But 18 l ff. Jehovah, the style is that of the story,
breaks into this procedure with another accoimt of told vividly and realistically. The tone is deeply
an allotment to only seven tribes at Shiloh. In 23 l reUgious and a profoimd interest is felt in man as
Joshua, again "old and well stricken in years," gives a moral-religious being who is working out hia lot in
his farewell charge to Israel (place not mentioned), struggle and sorrow. As an Israelite, the writer was
but in ch. 24 we have another and different farewell interested in the origin of Israel. He set forth the
at Shechem. Such features do not favor the theory diversified character of the ancient world by a
of single authorship. genealogical table, fragments of which remain.
340
Hexateuch A STANDAKD BIBLE DICTIONARY
plan and content. Like P, both of these narratives as to the origin of which tradition was fixed, as the
can be traced from Genesis on into Joshua. On the Passover (Ex 12 21-27), the Priesthood (Ex 23 25-27),
basis of their use of the Divine names God (Heb. and the Sanctuary (Ex 33 7-11). b. They also had
'Uohlm) and Jehovah, these documents are denoted access to tradition, which among people of simple
by the letters E and J. culture always holds a most important place. This
The three histories J, E, and P, with the once historical tradition was of two kinds: (a) A general
separate work Deuteronomy (D), form the docu- national tradition, much the same everywhere in
mentary basis of the Hex. They now Israel, to the effect that their forefathers came
13. The survive only as combined into one originally from the East, once lived in Canaan, had
Documents large work, not in their original form. been delivered by Moses from oppression in Egypt,
Wo Longer Omissions and other changes were and had conquered Canaan after receiving from
in Their necessary in order to weave them into Moses a national and religious organization. Any
Original one. The combination was made, Israelite historian would have constructed his history
Form, however, in a, conservative spirit. In on this general basis, (b) There were also many
most cases as much as possible of the specific, particularly local, traditions varying greatly
original documents was preserved. Very different in quantity and character, according to locality,
accoimts of the same thing could, in some instances, or according to the tribe in whose midst they were
be placed one after the other, as Gn 1 1-2 4a (P), handed down. The tribe of Ephraim, e.^., was partic-
and 2 4b-25 (J). Very similar ones could be inter- ularly interested in the traditions concerning Joshua
woven, as the story of the Flood (J and P), or of the the Ephraimite, Judah in those concerning Caleb.
call of Moses in Ex ch. 3 (J and E). In some cases Each local sanctuary, as Beersheba, Hebron, Bethel,
the compiler let differences or contradictions stand Gilgal, Shechem, was a center of tradition. Originally,
(e.^., Ex ch. 3 [JE] and Ex ch. 6 [P]) or changed the these traditions were independent and of different
order {e.g., Ex 34 10-26 [J] =parts of Ex chs. 20-23 values. Some may have been Israelite transforma-
[E], but placed at a different time), or omitted parts tions of Canaanite originals. The process of amal-
of one narrative in favor of the representation in an- gamating these various traditions and building up
other (the account of the organization of the worship therefrom a connected story of the patriarchal age be-
by Moses in J and E was mostly omitted in favor of gan long before the writing of J and E. The tendency
P's account). This process of editing and combining to embellishment as the stories were repeated from
was long and complex, not all done in one period, by generation to generation must have been strong, and
the same persons or always under the same influences. it is no longer easy to get back to the original facts
This can be shown most satisfactorily by tracing the on which they were based. In many cases it is
history of the Hex. from its beginning to its final form. best to admit this frankly and not to insist upon
the historical accuracy of details, c. Finally, there
III. History of the Formation of the were current in Israel many general views regarding
Hexateuch God, man, and the world which Israel shared with the
general Semitic world of the day. The presence of
1. The Two Most Ancient Histories J and E.
these is very noticeable in the early narratives in J.
Of the four main documents from which the Hex. While the historians of Israel used these conceptions
was compiled the oldest were J and E. Each was freely, they also modified them in accordance with
a complete narrative beginning very early, J at their own higher ideas of deity, duty, worship, etc.
341 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Hezateuch
Such was the general character of the material to place, since the two narratives had been written
which our two historians had access. They used it from somewhat different points of view, and were
carefully and conscientiously. Actuated not at all identical in oth6r respects, considerable
15, The mainly by practical religious motives, editorialadjustment was necessary. Such passages
Spirit in they were not 'critical' in the modern as appear to be the work of this editor, or redactor,
Which sense. But they were not inclined to are denoted in modem criticism by the symbol
J and E sacrifice truth in order to glorify the RjE. As the author of Deuteronomy appears to
Were men of the past. Of Noah, Abraham, have had some of these Rje passages before him,
Written. Isaac, Jacob, Judah, Moses, Aaron, it is probable that the combination took place before
Miriam, and others, things are told Dt was written, i.e., not later than c. 650 b.c.
which are not to their credit. A degree of objec- The separate existence of J and E did not cease at
tivity was actually attained, rare indeed in the once when they were combined into JE, but it was
annals of the ancient world. only in this form that they attained to a permanent
The two histories followed much the same general place in Israel's literature.
outline, and frequently related the same events.
Each has its own style and other 2. Deuteronomy (D).
16. Com- peculiarities. J
the richer in the
is With the details of the origin ofD we are not
parison of variety of his material, broader in view, here concerned (see Deuteronomy). Assuming
J with E, more liberal in spirit, and of deeper in- that it originated somewhere near 650
sight into the motives that actuate 19, The B.C. and was, in 621, made the basis
human conduct. In E the conception of God is, Influence of the covenant obligation of II K
ch.
perhaps, more abstract. In both, the mastery of a of Deuter- 23, it is evident that the book must
chaste narrative style marked by profound pathos onomy. have become very soon widely known
and winsomeness is noteworthy. and influential. This is made certain
The questions that center about the authorship of by the fact that the O T literature dating from c.
J and E can be answered only approximately, (a) 600 and after is full of Deuteronomic phraseology
Who the authors were is unknown, as and is written from a distinctly 'Deuteronomic'
17. The is the case with most O T books. It point of view. When Judah went into exile in 586,
Authors: may be more correct, especially in re- they carried Deuteronomy with them as their law-
Their Date gard to J, to think of a 'school' rather book and JE as the record of their early history.
and Place, than an individual author. These During the Exile these writings were studied with
works are often termed 'prophetic' his- great care and devotion, and at some time within
tories, because of their general harmony with the this period they were combined with
teaching of such prophets as Amos, Hosea, and 20. Com- Dinto one work by a Deuteronomic
Isaiah. All that can be said with certainty is that bination of editor. This was easily accompUshed
the were earnest, sincere Jehovah-wor-
writers JE with D. by wedging D into JE at the place
shipers, probably members either of the prophetic where Moses' last days were recorded.
or priestly orders, (b) In regard to the place of The editor left the record of JE from the beginning
composition, many points of difference between the to the Mosaic period practically intact. There are
two histories seem best explained by the theory that no signs of his work up to Ex ch. 13. From there on
J was written in Judah, and E in the Northern many sentences, or expressions, in Ex and Nu seem
Kingdom. And it may be noted that the general to be from him. Into D the editor inserted from
agreement of these narratives, written by different JE Dt 25 5-7, 31 14-23 (in part), ch. 33, and 34 l-lO
hands and in different parts of Israel, is incidental (in part). The narrative of the conquest of Canaan
evidence of no small value for the antiquity and by JE was completely worked over under the in-
essential accuracy of the historical tradition con- fluence of a radically different view from that of JE.
tained in them. According to JE, Israel, except the East-Jordan
The way in which J and E
were preserved is a tribes, crossed the Jordan at one time and united
matter of no little Careful study shows
importance. in the attack on Jericho, but then divided and con-
that they are not now complete and quered the highland region slowly and with difficulty.
i8. The that both have suffered at the hands Judah and Simeon worked their way southward,
Preserva- of copyists or editors. Since they had conquered Hebron, and thence gradually spread over
tion ofJ no strictly 'canonical' character at first, the whole territory later known as Judah. The
and E. they were easily subject to changes of house of Joseph conquered the middle highlands
various kinds. They could be sup- under Joshua. The other tribes followed in the
plemented here and there by additions. A
possible wake of the house of Joseph, and conquered each for
case of this is the Flood narrative in J, which does itself the territory in and north of the Plain of
not seem to be anticipated in Gn ch. 4. The process Esdraelon. But the Deuteronomic school, forgetful
of copying gave abundant opportunity for many of the slow and difficult process of the conquest,
minor changes. It is likely that E was brought held that all Israel, including the East-Jordan
into Judah, probably to Jerusalem, about the time tribes, marching together under Joshua, conquered
of the fall of the Northern Kingdom (722 b.c). the whole land in one or two great sweeping cam-
There it was preserved and studied, and furnished, paigns, in which the Canaanites were exterminated
in addition to J, a valuable history of Israel's origins. and their cities in many cases utterly destroyed.
Of far greater importance was the fusion of the two Compare, e.g.,Jos 14 6ff. and 15 14-19 (JE) with
histories into one compilation, JE. When this took 10 28-43 (Deuteronomic), or Jos 17llf. (JE) with
343
HexateUch A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
practically ignored, as not describing the conquest [(3) Distinctions between clean and unclean
in its true character as God's signal and complete
animals, ch. 11?]
Dt 9 The The family and sexual purity, 18 6-30, 19 20-21,
act of providence for His people (cf. 1-5). 2.
ch. 25.
When Israel settled in Canaan and the religion
Jehovah became established, its official custodians 7. Hortatory conclusion, ch. 26.
of
were the priests of the various sanc- The moral tone of this code is high and its religious
21. The tuaries. These made known the 'law,' spirit earnest and pure. Its emphasis on form, while
Priests the or custom, regarding all matters of not excessive, shows the presence of a tendency to
Teachers of religious or moral character, and of reduce reUgion to correct formal practise. Many of
the Law. right procedure in the courts of justice the laws of HC were already old when incorporated
(such as they were). Within priestly into the code, and thus afford little evidence for
circles there grew up gradually an extensive body of its date. The question as to its date is compHcated
such teaching regulative of worship and conduct, by the similarities between it and Ezk. Its affinities
supposed to be based on Moses' directions, especially with Dt and with Ezk point to a date either a little
as time passed and much of it became very ancient. before or after the Exile. If Ezekiel used HC, it
Of the early history of this material we actually would then be pre-exilic. If HC was influenced by
know very little. Codifications were made early, as Ezk, its date would then be somewhere near 540 B.C.
seen from the code in
is (Ex chs. E The influence of Ezekiel on the priestly legislation
22. Codi-21-23, in the main). At the more must have been large. In the outline he laid down
fication of important sanctuaries this body of for the organization of the new com-
Priestly priestly 'law' was preserved with care, 24. Ezekiel munity (chs. 40^8), when it should
Law. and also continuously expanded, with and the once more occupy the Holy Land, holi-
increasing emphasis on ritual, and in Priestly ness to Jehovah was the governing
view of the constant need of new applications of prin- Legislation, principle, a holiness that was to find
ciples already formulated. Such legal material as expression in every detail of formal
we find in the.H., apart from what was recorded in worship and community life. In his delineation of
E, probably represents mainly the work of the the new Jerusalem he begins with the Sanctuary and
priests of the great Sanctuary at Jerusalem the — its details (chs. 40-43), passes next to the worship
Temple —and their exilic and post-exilic successors. (chs. 44^46), and then gives regulations for the holy
In Jerusalem, in pre-exilic times, a large body of territory, to be occupied exclusively by a holy
such 'law' was probably in possession of the priests people (chs. 47-48). In this sketch it is note-
of the Temple, partly written, but much also un- worthy how important a place is assigned to the
written, consisting either of oral tradition or of well- priests.
known ceremonial. On this the author of Dt must Under such influences many of the Exiles looked
have drawn mainly in constructing his written code forward to the establishment in Palestine of a com-
(Dt chs. 12-26, 28) which was adopted as the national
, munity life which should perfectly
constitution in 621 B.C. Another example of such 25. Inter- express exclusive devotion to Jehovah.
codification is the code found embedded in Lv, est of the In such circles, composed mainly of
mainly 17-26 (see Leviticus). This sec-
in chs. Exiles in priests, the work of perfecting an ideal
a whole, presents such striking
tion, as the Law. constitution for Israel was undertalten.
23. The contrasts to the main portion of the In addition to the codes in JE, D, and
Holiness P material in the Hex. that it proba- HC, they were, doubtless, in possession of much
Code (HC). bly represents the conditions of a time traditional material. Probably little progress had
earlier than that to which the main been made at the time of the Return in 536. The
body of P belongs. In its present form it has been colonists who rebuilt the Temple and restored the
extensively worked over and altered by later post- worship probably used mainly the codes of D and
exihc hands. This code covers the following points HC. But those who remained in the land of cap-
343 A STANDARD BIBLE IDICTIONAHY Mexatetich
tivity had an idealistic love for Jerusalem with its are vindicated (see Numbers). Appropriately, ch. 18 eon-
tains legislation concerning priestly revenues, and ch. 19 deals
Temple, and for the institutions of Israel, and for
with the purification of the ceremonially unclean. In ch.
these they worked assiduously. 20 the itinerary is resumed with the story of the rebellion at
The result of such work we hear of first in the case Kadesh (20 ^' 2, 3b, i. e-sa, 0-18), ^.t Mt. Hor Aaron died,
of Ezra, who, c. 458, set out from Babylonia for succeeded by Eleazar (20 22-29). Finally the steppes of
Jerusalem with "the book of the law" Moab were reached (21 »*- lo-"*, 22 1), and the Promised Land
was in sight. Here Israel fell into grievous sin, in connection
26. Ezra's in his hands, intending to make its con- with which the zeal of the priest Phineas, son of Eleazar,
Law-Book, tents Icnown to the community there. was conspicuous (25 ^is). j^ second census was taken, which
Just what the contents of this 'book' b recorded with extensive genealogical details (ch. 26). At
this place the law of inheritance for heiresses is given (27 ^" * ^).
were is a question of great importance, but difficult Moses, warned that he is soon to die, was now directed to
to decide. have Joshua consecrated by Eleazar as his successor (27
The correctness of the prevalent view that it was 12-23), Very curiously, we have next a list of the offerings
proper to the several calendar seasons (chs. 28-29), followed
P can be estimated best after a general survey of the by a law regulating vowa (ch. 30). In this strange place
contents of this ancient document. occurs the record of the holy war against Midian (properly be-
27, The material in P comprises two main
Con- longing after ch. 25), ending with the law concerning division
tents of P. elements: (1) a historical narrative of spoil (ch. 31). Next comes the arrangements made with
the Eaat-Jordan tribes (32 i". 2b, a, is, 19, 28-30). An old
and (2) a large body of law^. The itinerary, somewhat out of place, follows (33 i"^»). Then
manner in which these two elements are related to come directions concerning the allotment of the land (33 "**""'
^^, 34) and the Levitical cities (ch. 35) and, once more, the
each other is seen in the following summary:
law concerning heiresses (ch. 36). Moses then ascended the
After the example
of J the writer began with the Creation. mountains of Abarim and died (Dt 32 *8-", 34 ^^' ^-9), FqI-
From a standpoint of lofty monotheism, in exact, Btatistical lowing this we have the story of the conquest of Canaan by
style he unfolded the Divine plan of which Israel, a holy Joshua (Jos 3 ^' «, nb-ie^ 4 7b, s, 13, ib-x7, 19^ 5 10-12^ q 19, 24b^
nation, was to be the culmination. In ten sections, indicated 7 1, 9 ^'"21)^ and the final establishment of Israel in full
by the word "generations," he sketched the Creation (Gn possession of its religious institutions in the land (13 ^^^^,
1 1-2 ^) the ten genealogical steps from
, Adam
to Noah 14 1-6, 15 1-13. 20-62^ 17 I-IO^ 18 1, 11-28^ I9 1-48, d8-61^ 20 1-0,
(5 1-28, the great universal deluge (6 8-22, cha. 7 and 8
30-32)^
21 ^-^°, 22 ^84).
[passim], 9 ^"), the descendants of the sons of Noah (10 *-',
20, 22-23, 30-32)^ the "generations" of Shem (11 7-26), of Terah
(= Abraham) (11 27_25 n [passim]), of Ishmael (25 12-"), of In this extended history the relation between
Isaac (25 19-35 29 {passim]), of Esau (ch. 36 [in part]), and of the narrative and much of the legal material is so
Jacob (cha. 37-50 [passim]). In the history of Abraham he
close that they can not be separated.
gave exact statistics of A.'s age, tells of his separation from
his family (11 27. 31 *-, 12*>>,6), and from Lot (13 «>. 12). After 28. The The narrative, evidently, was written
relating the birth of Ishmael (16 i*> ^) in A.'s eighty-seventh Construe- largely to furnish a setting for the legal
year, he recorded the appearance of God Almighty to A. in his
tion of P. matter. The circumcision law, for
ninety-ninth year, prom.ising to make him a father of many
nations, at the same time instituting the rite of circumcision,
example, is given in connection with
and definitely assuring him of the birth of Isaac (ch. 17) who, , Abraham's history, the Passover law on the occasion
in due time, was bom (21 ^-*). After this Sarah died (ch. 23) of the departure from Egypt, etc. On the other
and then Abraham (25 ^-na). After a formal notice of
^^-is),
hand, many laws seem to have been inserted irre-
Ishmael (25 a brief account of Isaac follows (25 i9-20).
Only fragments of P'a narrative of the boys Jacob and Esau spective of any connection with the narrative.
remain (25 26'', 26 "-35, 28 !-»), also of Jacob's experience Furthermore, the code is not entirely homogeneous
with I.aban (29 24, 29), xhe covenant relation of Jacob is and self-consistent. The same subject is frequently
clearly indicated (35 ^^^' ^^). Jacob's sons and his return
to Isaac are noted (35 22b-29), After a summary description treated of in different places, not always harmoni-
of Esau's descendants (36 i-^o- dO-43)^ the history of the line of ously. Many sections seem to be supplementary
Jacob is given, preserved only in fragments (37 *"2, 41 *^, additions registering the altered practise of later
46 ^-27, 47 6, 8-11, 28)^ closing with the notices of the adoption
times (for details, see especially Carpenter and Har-
of Joseph's sons (48 ^-s), of the last words of the patriarch
(49 la. 28b-33a)^ and of his burial (50 12-U). ford, op. dt., pp. 429-506). The only possible ex-
The oppression in Egypt is briefly told (Ex 1 i-*> 7- ^3-14^ planation of such phenomena seems to be that after
2 23-25), Then comes the great revelation of God as Jehovah
the main historical work had been completed, it
(Ex 6 2-8), with the conmiission to Mosea and Aaron (6 "—7 ^^).
Four plagues —
blood, frogs, lice, boils — follow (7 "-11 ^"^
was afterward and at many different times supple-
[passim]), as demonstrations of Jehovah's supreme power. mented by additional material, some of it already
The Passover is then instituted to be observed on the 14th well known and long in use, as, e.g., HC, which
of the current month, henceforth to be the first month of the
probably was not a part of the first draft of P,
year, and its law is given at length (12 1-20. 24. 28, 40-51^ 13 1-2),
The itinerary is narrated briefly, special attention being and other portions later in date and registering
given to the law concerning the manna (13 20, 14 [passim], new developments of priestly teaching. In this way
16 ^3> ^39, 17 la 19 i-2a).
the old was preserved and the new was incorporated
At Sinai the theocracy was formally organized. Moses
ascended the Mount (24 i6-i8a) and there received the Divine into the body of authoritative law. No serious at-
plans concerning the Sanctuary, called in P 'the dwelling* tempt was made to reconcile differences. It was
(generally rendered "Tabernacle"), and its officiab and serv- probably felt that later enactments simply super-
ices (chs. 25-31). Coming down with radiant face (34 29-36) seded earher ones.
he at once undertook the construction of the Tabernacle and
the organization of the worship (Ex chs. 35-40, and Lv [all; Returning to the subject of Ezra's "book of the
see § 23, above]). Acensus was then taken (Nu chs. 1-4), law" the question actually is, whether Ezra had in his
in which special care was given to the enumeration of the
hand only the original draft of P, without its later
Leyites. After several laws (chs. 5-6), the offerings of the
princes' at the dedication of the altar are described (ch. 7);
supplements, or a later edition, in the 'editing' of
then come regulations on various topics, closing with details which he himself may well have been concerned." To
regarding the order of the camp (8-10 28). the present writer it seems most probable that, while
Next comes the story of the spies (13 i-"». 21a, 2B-2to, 32^
14 ». 2, 6-7, 10, 28, 32, 3B),
the original draft of P antedated Ezra, the edition
Ch. 15 contains legal material and
obs. 16-17 record the great rebellion of Korah, in which the Ezra succeeded in getting adopted as the constitu-
divinely appointed prerogatives of the Aaronic priesthood tion of the community in Palestine was not PC
Bexateuch 344
High Place
A STANDAIM) BIBLE DlCTlONAIlY
as we have it now, since there are a number of According to one tradition, he gathered about him
sections that appear to be later than the time of a company of learned men, and put them to work
Ezra. Those, however, are not very numerous or collecting fiterary productions. A sec-
important. 2. Patron tion of the Book of Proverbs claims
It remains, finally, to consider the combination of of Learn- to have been copied by "the men of
the four main elements of the Hex. into their present ing. Hezekiah, king of Judah" (Pr 25 l). A
JE +D tradition attributes to him 'and
late
_, form. It was the fusion
^
of —3— his college' the writing of the Song of Solomon and
29. The Rd
Ecclesiastes. This, though not trustworthy as to
Comhina- (see § 20) with P that produced the Hex.
P The content, gives evidence of an older belief in a con-
tion of editor who did this took for his
with siderable Hterary activity during bis reign. The
basis P's well-concatenated chronology
"writing" imder his name (Is 38 10-20) need not be
JE + D. ical narrative. This was not a difficult
his own composition, but only given his name be-
matter, since P itself had followed the
general outline of JE. To combine JE with P was cause it expressed his feeling. His deference to
Isaiah as a prophet of J^ leaves no room for doubt
therefore easy for an editor who was not anxious
that he appreciated spiritual ideals.
to smooth away or eliminate all conflicting or con-
tradictory representations (see § 13). His method In civil affairs H. aimed to advance the prestige
was simply to insert in P at the proper places and glory of the Judsean kingdom in every direction.
the more discursive narratives of J and E. In He imdertook a campaign against the
most places where this was not possible, the rep- 3. Political Phihstines, and subjugated their terri-
resentation in P was retained and that of JE Rule. tory as far as Gaza (II K
20 13). He
further carried out an extensive scheme
omitted. The material of Dt was left practically
The whole process required naturally more for the fortification of Jerusalem and a provision of
intact.
or less editorial work. The date of this final com- ample water-supply against the time of siege con- —
bination is in dispute. At all events, it took place structing a pool and conduit (II K
20 20). See
probably in Ezra's day, or not long after, since the Jerusalem, § 34.
It was during the reign of H. that Merodach-
sect of the Samaritans (q.v.), which originated not
far from c. 400 B.C., possesses the same Pentateuch as baladan of Babylon attempted to form a great
coalition with the purpose of breaking
the Jews; that is, they took over the Hex., and pre-
served the legal portion (to the death of Moses) 4. Assyrian up the Assyrian Empire. H. seized
practically intact. Of the 'Joshua' part they were Relations, the opportimity and declared Judah
less careful, and therefore the Samaritan Book of
independent by refusing to pay tribute
Joshua is not identical with that of the O T. to Assyria. At the same time he was attacked by
The subsequent division into the Law (Gn-Dt) an apparently fatal illness (carbuncle), but recovered
and Joshua, and the still later subdivision of the in answer to prayer, Isaiah assuring him of this by
Law (Torah) into five parts, called a sign (Is ch. 38). Merodach-baladan, on learning
30. Later by the Jewish scholars the 'five-fifths of H.'s recovery, sent an embassy ostensibly to
Subdivi- of the Torah,* were early, probably congratulate him, but in reality in order to draw
sions. before 250 B.C., but the details are not him into the alUance against Assyria. H. received
known. the envoys with extraordinary effusiveness, attempt-
ing to impress them with the largeness of his re-
LiTEBATUHE : The
literature on the H. is enormous, and
sources by showing them the accumulated treasures
a complete bibliography is out of the question here.
The English reader will find the most exhaustive and and mihtary equipment of his realm. This course
satisfactory treatment of the whole subject, with analytical of conduct was severely rebuked by the prophet
tables, etc., in The Composition of the Hexateuch by Car-
penter and Harford, London, 1902; see also Driver, LOT.
Isaiah, who predicted the downfall of the
also
dynasty and the H, had displayed
loss of the riches
^' ^' ^* Upon the accession of Sen-
HEZEKI, hezVkai. See Hizki. to the Babylonians.
nacherib, H. was compelled to submit once more
HEZEKIAH, hez^g-kai'a OH^J^Tn, Mzqiyyahu), to Assyrian suzerainty, and paid a heavy tribute,
'J" strengthens': The son and successor of Ahaz as to levy which it became necessary to empty the
king of Judah c. 719-690 B.C. (II K treasury and even strip the gold from the Temple
I.The 18 1-20 19; II Ch chs. 29-32). He (II K 18i5f.). But the greed of the Assyrians
Reformer came to the throne after a weak ad- was not so easily satisfied. In 701 Sennacherib
King, ministration, and gave himself to undertook a great campaign against Palestine, and
strengthening and reforming the na- threatened to subject Jerusalem to the treatment
tion. He began with the purification and centraliza- received by Samaria at the hands of his father.
tion of the national worship at Jerusalem. To this But at a critical point, on account of some mysterious
end he abolished some of the local sanctuaries (high disaster to the Assyrian army, traced by the Biblical
places), and made impossible, at least for a time, narrator to the Divine will, the campaign came to
the idolatrous practises associated with them. naught, and H. was left unmolested for the rest of
With these shrines he also demolished the brazen his days (see also Sennacherib). A. C. Z.
serpent, giving it the contemptuous name "nehush-
tan" Ca thing of brass'), because the people had HEZION, hi'zi-Qn C]i^?D, hezydn): The grand-
fallen into the habit of burning incense to it. father of Ben-hadad and therefore probably one
I,
H.'s ideal of his responsibilities as king included a of the first kings of Damascus (I K 15 18). Possibly
regard for the intellectual culture of his people. identical with the Rezon of I K 11 23. E. E. N.
Hexateuch
345 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY High Place
HEZIR, hl'zgr (I^Tq, hdztr): 1. The ancestral H. was the home of the early Christian writer Papias
head of the seventeenth course of priests (I Ch 24 15) (70-130 A.D.). In 320 a.d. H. was wholly Christian,
2. The head of a family of post-exilic Jews (Neh and the mouth of the Plutonium was closed. Cybele-
10 20). E.E.N. worship and the woolen industries made H. wealthy,
as is attested by its vast ruins, both pagan and
HEZRO, hez'ro ("ilVD, hetsro), and HEZRAI,
Christian. J. R. S. S.
hez'ra-ai (^IVD; hetsray): One of David's heroes
from Carmel in S. Judah (II S 23 35; I Ch 11 37).
HIGGAION, hig-g^'yen: A word of debated
meaning that occurs apparently as a rubric, or
E. E. N.
musical direction, in Ps 9 16 (^vith. selah) but also in
,
HEZRON, hez'ren QinVn, pi?ri, hetsrdn): I. 1.
the text proper of Ps 19 14 ("meditation" RV), 92 3
An eponymous ancestor of a Reubenite family (''solemn sound" RV), and La 3 62 ("imagination"
(Gn 46 9; Ex 6 14; Nu 26 6; I Ch 5 3). 2. A son of RV, better 'murmuring' or 'muttering'). The ver-
Perez, an eponymous ancestor of a family of Judah, sions of the LXX. render it in Ps 9 by various words,
the Hezronites (Gn 46 12; Nu 26 21; Ru 4 18, 19; mostly meaning 'song' (w5^, fieKos, <f>6oyy{]^ etc.).
I Ch 2 5 ff. ; cf. Mt 1 3; Lk 3 33, Esrom AV). II. 1. A Its derivation would favor some meaning like
place on the boundary of Judah, W. of Kadesh-
S. 'meditative murmur,' a low, unobtrusive sound, a
bamea (Jos 15 3 =Hazar-addar, Nu 34 4). 2. A talking to oneself. W. S. P.
town in S. Judea (Jos 15 25 = Kerioth-hezron, called
HIGH, MOST. See God, § 1.
Hazor, perhaps connected with I, 2). Map II, E 3.
C. S. T. HIGH PLACE: This is the Hteral rendering of
HIDDAI, the Heb. hamah, which, while often meaning simply
hid'da-ai or hid'd^ (^in, hidday): One
'heights' or 'elevations of land' (cf. Dt 32 13; II S
of David's heroes, from near Mt. Gaash (II S 23 30),
called Hurai in I Ch 11 32. E. E. N.
I 19, 25;Am 4 13; Mic 1 3), is most frequently used
of places of worship located on such heights (I S
HIDDEKEL, hid'de-kgl. See Tigris. 9 12-25, etc.), and then of sanctuaries in general,
HIEL, hai'gl (hiji^n, hi'el),''n Uves': A Beth- irrespective of their location. The ancient Semites
appear to have looked upon a hilltop as especially
elite, who rebuilt Jericho in the reign of Ahab
suitable for places of worship. When Israel entered
(I K 16 34), and brought upon himself the curse of
Canaan the land was dotted with these 'high-place'
Joshua (Jos 6 26). A
building accident may have
sanctuaries. The Israelite conquerors took over
caused the death of his two sons, or they may have
many of these, and appropriated them to their own
been sacrificed to insure the stabiUty of the founda-
worship of J*, although retaining many of the features
tion and wall. Cf. Macalister, Bible Side Lights
common to the old Canaanite worship. Through-
from the Mound of Gezer (1907), p. 165 f. C. S. T.
out the preprophetic literature there is nothing to
HIERAPOLIS, hcd'Vrap'o-hs Clepa IlSkis): A indicate that this was considered contrary to Isra-
city between the Maeander and Lycus rivers, on a el's religion. Such a passage as Ex 20 24, in fact,
lofty (1,250 ft.) terrace overlooking the plain. H. expressly sanctions such sanctuaries, since a place
grew up around a shrine of Cybele, whose sacred where J" recorded His name became a holy place
nature was enhanced by two natural phenomena: and was likely to become a 'high place' {i.e., a local
hot mineral (medicinal) springs and the Plutonium. sanctuary). These local sanctuaries were numerous
The water of the springs, charged with carbonate of in ancient Israel. Mizpah in Gilead (Jg 11 11),
lime, rapidly forms an incrustation on anything over Dan (Jg 18 29ff.), Bethel (Gn 12 8, 28 20-22; Jg
which it flows (it has raised the ancient level 15-20 20 26 f., 21 2; I S 10 3; Am 7 13), Mizpah in central
ft., and has partially covered many of the ancient Israel (Jg 20 1; I S 7 6), Gibeon (I K 3 4; note the
buildings). It now falls from niunerous pool-basins apology in ver. 2, and the apologetic reason given in
in cascades (white stalactites) over a precipice 100 II Ch 1 3), Ramah (I S 7 17, 9 12 ff,, used by Samuel),
ft. high. The site is visible from afar (called Gilgal (I S 10 8, 11 15; Am 4 4, 5 5), Nob (I S 21 2),
"Cotton Castle")- The Plutonium, or 'Entrance to Bethlehem (I S 20 6, 29), Hebron (II S 5 l ff., 15 7),
Hades/ was a narrow hole in the ground which Beersheba (Gn 21 33; Am —
5 5) all these, and doubt-
emitted fumes deadly to all breathing them (eunuch less many others, were "high places" whose altars
priests of Cybele alone were immime). The town, even EHjah held in highest honor (I K 19 10, 14).
which arose about the shrine (J-epov) of Cybele, was In the course of time the worship at these places
here called Hiera-polis ('sacred city')* because became corrupt, largely through the revival of old
Greek influence predominated, but in the Sandukli Canaanite practises. In the 8th cent. Amos, and
valley, where native influence predominated, the especially Hosea, severely condemned it. The
town about a similar hot spring and shrine was called Code of Dt placed all these sanctuaries imder the
Hieropolis ('city of the hieron'). The mineral ban by prescribing that only in one place (Jerusalem)
water was efficacious for rheumatism and well should sacrifices be offered, while the hortatory
adapted to dyeing (woolen stuffs, rugs), hence gilds sections of Dt severely condemn all Canaanite forms
of dyers flourished here. Historically H. is quite of worship. It was in consequence of the public
insignificant. Christianity was introduced into H. adoption of Dt in the reform under Josiah (621 B.C.)
in connection with Paul's mission work at Ephesus that these ideas became authoritative. The Books of
(Ac 19 10), through which Colosse, Laodicea, H., Kings, edited in the spirit of Dt, consequently viewed
and other towns received the gospel. Paul refers all high places as illegitimate and condemned the
to the interest taken by Epaphras in the Christians kings of Judah who (in aU innocence) worshiped at
of H. (Col 4 12 f.). John (Aiidrew also) labored here. their altars. See Sanctuary. E. E. H.^
346
High Priest A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Hold
18 18 ff.). 3- A
son of ShaUum (I Ch 6 13), and high C. S. T.
priest during the reign of Josiah. He discovered the HIRAM, hoi'rom (PT^f Mrdm), probably from
Book of the Law, which furnished the king the 'dhlrdm, 'exalted brother'; an alternate form in
documentary sanction needed for his reformation Chronicles is Huram: 1, A king of Tyre whose reign
(II K 22 4ff.). 4. A
Merarite Levite (I Ch 6 45). overlapped the last portion of David's and the first
5. A priest residing at Anathoth, and father of of Solomon's (II S 5 11; I K
5 i). Josephus {Ant.
Jeremiah the prophet (Jer 11). 6. A priest who VIII, 2 6-9, 5 3; cf. Cont. Ap, I, 17 f.) testifies that
assisted Ezra (Neh 8 4). 7. The father of Gemariah
Hiram was the son of Abibaal and reigned thirty-four
(Jer 29 3), probably the same as 3. A. C. Z.
years, dying at the age of fifty-three. But II S
represents him as offering aid to David toward the
HILL, HILL-COUNTRY: In both the AV and
building of his palace immediately after the latter's
RV the Heb. gihh'ah is always translated by "hill,"
settlement at Jerusalem, or in the eighth year of his
when it is not used as the name of a town situ- and I K alludes to him as still living in the
reign,
ated on a hill (Jos 24 33; Jg 19 16; I S 11 4). In a
twentieth year of Solomon, thus giving his reign
few other passages it might be understood as a
not less than fifty-two years. The difficulty has
proper name (cf. Jos 5 3; Jg 7 1; II S 2 24). It is the
been met by the supposition that the order of II S
Heb. term for isolated elevations which can not be
is not chronological, the help given to David having
classed as mountains. In poetical passages, how-
come at the end of that king's reign. Others assume
ever, it is used as parallel with "mountain" (Is
a corruption of text in II S, or a corruption, or error,
42 15, 55 12; cf. Gn 49 26; Dt 33 15). The idolatrous
rites of the Canaanites, which were adopted in part
in Josephus' accoimt. A
better explanation is that
the H. of II S is the Abibaal of Josephus. Of the
by Israel, took place on the 'hills' (Is 65 7; Jer 13 27;
two names, however, that used by Josephus is only
cf. Dt 12 2; II K
17 10; Hos 4 13, etc.). In the AV
an oflftcial title. H.'s reign constitutes the Golden
(I S 9 11) ma'dleh is translated "hill." RV has it
Age of the history of Phcenicia. For his services in
correctly "ascent." In Is 5 l qeren ('the horn,' or
the building of the Temple, Solomon offered him
'top') is translated "hill." The RV translates
which he declined. The
twenty cities in Galilee,
'ophel ('the height' in a fortified city, and especially
relations of H. and Solomon were, on the whole,
the name an elevation on the SE. portion of the
of
intimate and friendly. 2. The artificer whom the
Temple Hill, II Ch 27 3, 33 14; Neh 3 26 f.) by "hill"
king of Tyre sent to Solomon to assist in the com-
(II K 5 24; Is 32 14; Mic 4 8). In the N T "hill" is the
pletion and decoration of the Temple (I K 7 13, 40,
translation of ^ovvos (Lk 3 5, 23 30) and Spos (Mt
5 14; Lk 4 29, 9 37 AV). In the AV we find "hill" as
43; II Ch 2 13, 4 11, le). He was the offspring of a
mixed marriage, his mother being either a Danitess
the translation of har, which is a much more general
(I K 7 14) or the widow of a man of Naphtali, and hia
term than gibh'dk. In most instances the RV has
father a Tyrian. His name is given also as Huramr
more correctly used "mountain" (Ex 24 4; Nu 14 44;
'abhi (II Ch 2 13 Heb. text). A.'C. Z.
I K 11 7, etc.). The Heb. har means a 'mountain'
or 'mountain range,' and also a 'mountainous region';
HIRELING hired servant, sakhiTy fii(r6ios,
(or
with this last meaning it is translated in the AV
IMo-daTos) : The man who worked
for wages, and not
(Jos 13 6, 21 11; cf. Lk 1 39, 65) "hill-country," but
a mere slave ("servant"). While ordinary day-
elsewhere "mound" or "mountains." The RV
labor was not imknown in Palestine (cf. Mt 20 1, 7),
uses "hiU-country" more frequently and uniformly
probably it was more usual for men to be hired for
for the mountainous tracts of country on both sides
stipulated periods (cf. Lv 25 50-55; Is 16 4). The
of the Jordan (Dt 2 37, 3 12). From a distance they
have the appearance of one mountain. It is used
Law protected the rights of such (cf Lv 19 13, 25 5 f. .
at Kadesh on the Orontes, and, although Rameses the exact nature of this relation remains an un-
n claimed to have won a decisive victory, the Egyp- solved question. According to EVV (Jg 4 11) he was
tians were compelled to recognize the Hittite su- Moses' brother-in-law. In Nu 10 29 the same Heb.
premacy over the region N. and NE, of Kadesh. word is rendered "father-in-law." But, as in the
A treaty of peace between them was at last signed last-named passage, the word "father-in-law" may
(c. 1300 B.C.), a document remarkable for its many with equal propriety be regarded as applying to
provisions regulating intercourse between the two Reuel, it is more likely that H. was a brother of
powers. The Hittites remained a powerful people Zipporah, the wife of Moses. The two passages also
for many centuries after this, until at last they be- differ in that Nu makes him a Midianite and Jg a
came absorbed iato the Assyrian Empire. The Kenite. A. C. Z,
racial character of the Hittites is obscure. The
Egyptian moniiments show them to have been a HOBAH, ho'ba (HJin, hdhhah): The place to
people of pecuhar physiognomy, in many respects which Abraham pursued Chedorlaomer and his allies.
like the Mongolian type. They left many monu- It was on the "left hand" (i.e., N.) of Damascus (Gn
ments and inscriptions scattered through Asia 14 15). A spring, Hoha, about 50 m. N. of Damascus,
Minor, which up to this time (1908) have defied may indicate the locality. E. E. N.
decipherment, in spite of many iagenious attempts.
Quite recently a number of bilingual inscriptions HOBAIAH, ho-b^'ya- See Habaiah.
have been found, which are now being studied by
Hugo Winckler and, doubtless, in due time the key HOCK (hough AV) A
verb meanuig to cut the
:
to their language will be discovered. When their cords of the hock joints of horses in order to render
inscriptions have been read many obscure points in them unfit for use (Jos 11 6, 9; II S 8 4; I Ch 18 4).
their history will be cleared up. In the O T most of See Arms and Armor, § 6, and Warfare, § 5.
orites (cf. the LXX. of Is 17 9). Many take 'Hivite' One of the 'daughters' of Zelophehad. Probably a
as a descriptive adjective rather than an ethnolog- clan- or place-name (Nu 26 33, 27 1, 36 11; Jos 17 3).
term. view be correct, it signifies a tent- E. E. N.
ical If this
dweller (Lat. Paganus), In and after the reign of HOHAM, bo'ham (CHin, hohdm): The Canaanite
Solomon, the Hivites who had not been assimilated king of Hebron, one of the confederates against
by the Israelites were subjected to forced labor Gibeon, defeated by Joshua (Jos 10 3 flE.).
(I K 9 20 f.). See also Ethnogkaphy and Eth- E. E. N.
nology, § 11. J. A. K.
HOLD: word frequently used in AV as the
A
rendering of: (1) m'isadh, iwisudhdh, 'a mountain
HIZKI, hiz^kai ^pTn, hizqt): A Benjamite (I Oh
fastness' or 'stronghold' (cf. I S 22 4, etc.). In a
817, Hezeki AV). E. E. N. number of these references the cave of Adullam
HIZKIAH, hiz-koi'a, HIZKIJAH, hiz-kai'ja. seems to be meant. (2) ts^riah, the meaning of
See Hezekiah. which is imcertain in Jg 9 46, 49, though in I S 13 6 it
evidently means a hiding-place, and is rendered
HOBAB, holoab (DDn, hohhabh), 'beloved': A "pits." In all such instances gives "strong-ARV
man whom Moses pressed into service as the guide hold." (3) TTjprjarts (Ac 4 3, "ward" RV), *a place
of the tribes of Israel through the wilderness (Nu of confinement.' (4) (hvKaKn (Rev 18 2), 'a prison.'
10 29-32). He was related to Moses by marriage, but E. E. N.
;;
348
Holiness A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Holy Spirit
(II Co 1 12); holy, renders qadhosh (Ex 5. Holiness that is unholy. No one can come
all
I. Notion 19 6, etc.), also hasidh(Dt 33 8, etc.,but a Positive into the presence of God; for His
of Taboo, rarely) Sljios (Mt 4 5) ; Upos (I Co 9 13)
; Quality, presence is a consuming force (I S 6 20;
(Ac 2 27) Among the ancient Ori-
oo-tos . Is 6 5; cf. also Ex 3 5). This is prob-
ental people, including the Semites, the idea of holi- ably the connecting-link between the extra-biblical
ness appears to have been at first non-moral. At its notion of taboo and holiness. When the positive
root the study of comparative religions finds the energy of God's holiness was realized to be a force
notion of taboo, i.e., the prohibition of contact with incompatible with the evil of sin, it imdoubtedly
some things from fear of harm, because of a mys- worked a corresponding fear that creature weakness
terious and supernatural force in them (cf. J. G. likewise might perish in His presence, because of its
Frazer, Golden Bough, 1900, 1, 319 f., 387 f.; see Von frailty and imworthiness.
OreHi, Religionsgeschichte 1899, pp. 830 £f.). But no ^
The second active aspect of holiness is its self-
sooner was the notion of taboo taken up into He- impartation. What it does not destroy it changes
brew thought than it was subjected to a process into its own kind. If holiness in God
of spiritualization, culminating in its becoming a 6. Self- is divinity, holiness in all else must be
rniique ruling idea through the O T. Impartation grounded in and measured by its re-
The O T word qodhesh, in which the idea is pre- of Holi- lation to God. Hence those who are
dominantly expressed, is derived from a root kindred ness, nearest to God are holiest. For this
to that which means 'newness' {hd- reason, to angels is attributed this char-
2. Separate- dhash, so Dillmann; but DeUtzsch as- acteristic;they are even called "holy ones" (Job 5 1,
ness of sociates it with the Sumerian kadistu, 15 15; Dn 8 13), though this does not mean that they
God. *free from defect,' putting it into con- are absolutely pure or perfect, for God finds folly
nection with sacrifice). But whatever in them (Job 4 18, 15 15). From this relation to
the origin of the word, its usage is quite fixed; it Himself which justifies their being called holy, they
means 'separateness' as the basis of relation to God also receive the name of "sons of God" (Job 38 7).
God's separateness, which requires the same in the The holiness of human beings is based on their
creature's relation to Him; and an adequate con- relation to God. But this relation requires both an
ception of the notion of holiness, must therefore outward and an inner character. As
begin with the definition of it as God's uniqueness. 7. Holiness far as it is outward its ethical value
God is holy, because He is God. His holiness is in Man. hes simply in association with and
His divinity. It includes His majesty, His great- serviceableness to God. It may be,
ness, His exaltation, His matchlessness ("Who is like therefore, merely formal. Priests are made holy
to thee, glorious in holiness" [Ex 15 11]; "There is as they are by a special ceremony set apart to the
none holy as J"" S 2 2]). God swears by His
[I service of J* (Ex 29 l ff.), and are to be distinguished
holiness as He swears by Himself (Am 4 2, 6 8; Ps and respected as such (Lv 21 8). Prophets likewise
60 6, 89 35; Is 45 22). are called "holy men of God" (II K
4 9; II P 1 21
The name Holy One (of Israel), used predomi- AV), and become holy by appointment of God (Jer
nantly in the prophetic period, is simply a quaUta- 1 5) . The Nazirite during the days of his separation
tive equivalent for God (cf. Hos 11 12). was to be called holy (Nu 6 5). In this sense the
3. The This is shown in the parallelisms of men with David at Nob are called holy (I S 21 5 f.),
Holy One. expression, where the terms are inter- and the whole nation was holy (Dt 7 6, 14 2).
changeable (the ascription of holiness Human holiness, as an attribute of character, is
to the deity, however, is not an exclusively He- by the same reasoning dependent on a true relation
brew idea). The Phcenician inscriptions contain the to God, but goes deeper into one's inner
phrase "the holy gods." According to Ezekiel, God 8. Holiness being. Its mainspring and controlling
reveals Himself as Jehovah, the God of Israel, the and Right- principle are the realization of God's
mighty and true God, by sanctifying {i.e., mani- eousness. true character ("ye shall be holy, fori
festing) Himself in His hoUness (20 41 f., 28 22, 36 23, Jehovah your God am holy," Lv 19 l).
38 15, 23, 39 7). Holiness, therefore, when predicated In this command the so-called Law of Holiness is
of J", denotes not so much an attribute of His as the summed up. Such holiness must be attained by
totahty of His character. It distinguishes Him perfect conformity to the will of J", but, in accord-
from all other beings. ance with the whole conception of the O
T, this will
When holiness came to be identified with divinity is expressed in a system of precepts including both
Holiness
34d A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Holy Spirit
(Ryle, Canon of O T, 1892, p. 199). life of man is more than a mere effect of the Spirit
In the NT the idea of hohness attains its com- of God. It is that Spirit in a special form and mani-
pletely spiritual stage. The standard pronounced festation. The metaphysical problems were not yet
for it is the sinlessness of Jesus Christ. in sight. With complete naivete the individual life
II. Holiness The etymology of the words employed was thus pictured as a work of the Spirit of God
in N T. can not be pressed. The sense of these which, when life ceased, returned, not as a human
words is already fixed. They are not soul, but as the Spirit of God to Him who gave it.
chosen for their etymological connotations. Ac- (3) A further step is involved where the Spirit of
cordingly, to give the essence of the N
T idea would Jehovah is associated with the performance of special
be simply to repeat that God only is absolutely holy feats of strength, valor, or skill, in the service of the
(I P 1 16) ; all other holiness is derivative. But God theocratic kingdom (Jg 3 10, 6 34, 11 29, 14 6; I S 11 6).
is holy because He is morally good. And both im- (4) This doctrine attains a new and most character-
personal and personal beings become holy by associ- istic form when it is connected with the work of the
ation with and assimilation to Him. Those who have prophets. True, other religions had their prophets
entered into the ideal relation with God, as given in (as the prophets of Baal, I K
18 19), but prophecy
the person and teaching of Christ, are holy ones in Israel possessed features which are unique and
(saints). traceable only to the selective will and purpose of
Literature : W. Robertson Smith, TAe Prophets of Israel, God (cf. Briggs, Messianic Prophecy, Cap. I; A. B.
1882, pp. 224 ff., also Rel of Semites, I8892, pp. 140 flf.; Davidson, Old Testament Prophecy, chs. i, ix, x).
Schultz, O T Theol, Eng. tr. 1892; Davidson, O T Tkeol, No other people attributed their prophetic prowess
imNT,
1904, pp. 142 ff.; Issel, Der Begriff d. Heiligk. 1887.
A. C. Z. to the Spirit of their god. This was peculiar to
Israel, and was one of the vital elements in the de-
HOLM-TREE. See Palestine, § 21.
velopment of their whole view of God and His rela-
HOLON, holen ("['Vri; holon): 1.
]1^n, town A tion to men. At first, as in all else, this feature of
of Judah (Jos 15 51) and a priestly city (Jos 21 15, Divine revelation connects itself with the crude
called Hilen in I Ch 6 58). Site unknown. 2. A beginnings of what later became distinctive and
-city of Moab (Jer 48 21) Site unknown. E. E. N.
. complete. Prophecy appeared in connection with
Holy Spirit 350
Hophni
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
to
the
abnormal excitation, and these states of frenzy and and nature, some accounts tracing these
ecstasy were taken as manifest proofs of the Spirit's miraculous power of the Holy Spirit (Mt 1 1^20;
presence and power (I S 10 6, 10, 19 9, 20, 23 f.). At Lk 1 35; cf. Jn 1 14). (b) All the Gospels affirm
times J" even sent forth a "lying spirit" (I K
22 the descent of the Spirit upon Him at His bap-
21 ff.)- B^t gradually this view gave way to ahigher tism (Mk 1 10, 12; Mt 3 16, 41; Lk 3 22, 4 1, 14; Jn
one, according to which the Spirit of J'^ possessed the 1 32 f.). (c) Thus, Jesus asserts that the Mes-
mind and heart of men, who were not subjects of sianic prophecy (Is 61 i) is fulfilled in His person
physical convulsions, but who were in living commu- (Lk 4 18; cf. 12 18, 28, 32; Jn 3 34). And yet,_ in
Mt
nion with Himself (Mic 2 7, 3 8; Hos 9 7; Ezk 2 2, His own recorded sayings the mention of the Spirit
3 12, 14, 24, etc.; Neh 9 30; I Ch 12 18; II Ch 15 l). does not occur often. "It is significant that in no
This was accompanied by the growth of the concep- case does Christ speak of the Spirit as acting upon
tion that the Holy Spirit controlled the history of his followers while he is present with them. He
Israel as a whole (Neh 9 20 ff. Is 63 10-14), and above
; would keep the thought of the disciples fixed upon
all was guiding it toward the Messianic Age (Ezk 36 himself as the revelation of the Father" (I. H.
26 f., 39 29; Is 4 4, 44 3; Zee 4 6; Jl 2 28 f.). The more Wood, ut inf., p.l37; cf. pp.141-143). (d) Apart from
direct connection of the work of the Spirit with man's Mt 12 28 (cf. Lk 11 20) and Lk 11 13 (cf. Mt 7 ii), we
moral and spiritual experience appears in the directly have one reference to the prophetic action of the
Messianic prophecies, especially as they gather round Spirit in the O T (Mt 22 43), one terrible warning
the figure of the Servant of Jehovah (cf. Is 11 2, 4, that in resisting Him the Jewish leaders were in
42 1, 59 21, 61 1). (5) Beyond this, passages are not danger of the supreme sin (Mt 12 31 f.; Mk 3 29), one
wanting which view the Holy Spirit as connected promise that the Spirit will aid them in future
with the inner experience of the individual (Ps 51 emergencies (Mt 10 20; Mk 13 11; Lk 12 12), and the
10 f., 139 7, 143 10). It was reserved for a later stage final command to baptize "into the name of the
of revelation to bring this into full view. Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit" (Mt 28 19).
Throughout this O T usage of the words "Holy In the Fourth Gospel our Lord is represented as
Spirit," or "Spirit of Jehovah," we do not find any speaking at great length regarding the Spirit with
attempt to define these terms. There is in certain His disciples at their last gathering. His previous
passages (Ps 51 10; Is 48 16, 63 10-14; Ezk, passim) a references are even more sparse than in the Synoptics
tendency to hypostatize the Spirit. But even there (Jn 3 5-8, 6 63). But the last discourses glow with
we can not assert that a distinct subsistence is at- references to the coming' of the Spirit, as to the
tributed to it. It may be still either a personifica- supreme gift of God and the supreme experiences of
tion of an attribute or a periphrastic expression for man. (a) The Holy Spirit is the Spirit of truth, the
Jehovah Himself. And yet the persistent, deliberate paraclete, the comforter, without whom even the
concentration of thought upon the idea of the Spirit person and work of Christ in their hearts would not
of Jehovah as coming forth to deal with human be complete (16 7-l3a). (b) He will open up to
nature and history has confessedly produced this them the truth in its fulness as Jesus taught it
tendency to use language which at least is not incon- (14 26) and as it concerned their destiny (16 13).
sistent with, and to a later age may even sound like, (c) He will not give a new revelation to supersede
the recognition of distinctions within the Divine that of Jesus, but will unfold to their hearts and
nature. This was a stage through which the minds minds the whole meaning and power of Jesus Him-
of men were compelled to pass. self (15 26, 16l4f.). (d) This Holy Spirit is sent
N
When we enter upon the T we find the doctrine by the Father in Christ's name (14 26) ; He is also sent
of the Spirit marvelously enriched. Professor Wood by Christ (16 7), "from the Father" (15 26), but He
has pointed out that in the Jewish also "comes" (16 7), It seems violent to say that
2. In the period (in the apocryphal lit.) the Spirit these passages either merely personify a ftiode of
N T, is used to describe God's relation to the Divine action, or so identify the Spirit with God
The Gos- Israel in the past (O T hist.) and in that He is in no way distinguished from the Father.
pels. the future (Messianic hope), but that While no ontological definition is given, it is not too
no one claimed the gift of the Spirit for much to say that an ontological distinction is in-
himself or his contemporaries. The spirit of prophecy volved in this mode of speech.
had ceased. The N T is filled with the fact that the Judging by the mere number of our Lord's
Messianic Age had now arrived and the ancient prom- references to the Holy Spirit, we should be quite
ise that the Holy Spirit would be no official or eso- unprepared for the extraordinary phe-
teric boon, but be poured out upon "all flesh" was 3. Acts and nomena disclosed in the remainder of
now made good (Ac 2 4, 17 f., 33, 38). (1) This age was Epistles, the N
T as to His presence and power.
heralded by the revival of the prophetic gift in the (1) In the Book of Acts, we find events
case of John the Baptist (Lk 1 15-17; cf. 1 41, 67, 2 which remind us of the O T. The entrance upon
25-27, 36). But he himself claimed it not, conscious the new age is marked by excitements which affect
of the surpassing glory of the kingdom which was at even the physical life (Ac 2 2-4, 15 f., 33, 38). Like
hand (Mk 1 8, lO; Mt 3 11, 16; Lk 3 16; Jn 1 32 f.). (2) phenomena occur repeatedly, not only to Jews (9
The Messiah Himself, Jesus of Nazareth, stood in re- 17), but to Samaritans (8 15-19) and to Gentiles
lations to the Spirit of God which were all His own, (10 44, 11 15). (2) Among the more striking re-
and which yet were the channel through which He sults were the strange gift of tongues (I Co chs.
entered into His new action upon human history, 12-14), working of miracles (Ac 13 9 ff.; I Co 12 10,
(a) Even within the apostolic period accounts had 29; Gal 3 5), prophecy (Ac 11 28, 21 4, 10 f.). (3) In
arisen of the new foundations for His very self the Epistles of Paul we find abundant references
Holy Spirit
351 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Hophni
Holy There are apparently two main J. S. Candlish, The Christian Doctrine of the Holy Spirit;
to the Spirit.
A. Kuyper, The Work of the Holy Spirit (1900). For prac-
points of depurture, in addition to his knowledge tical purposes, H. C. G. Moule, Veni Creator (1890) William ;
of the O Tand the influence of the Christian Arthur, The Tongue of Fire (various edd.) J. M. Campbell,
;
with the person and work of Jesus Christ, (a) The HONEST: (1) The AV use word to trans-
of this
inner power found in the new con-
of the Spirit is late the adjective KoXds, which means 'excellent/
sciousness of sonship toward God (Gal 4 6; Ro 8 9, 16), 'beautiful,' 'good' (in an esthetic rather than moral
through apprehension of God's love and mercy was in accord with the usage of its day (1611).
sense),
(Ro 5 5; Tit 3 4r-6). This Spirit is the means of our In modem English the word 'honest' is of much more
approach to God (Ro 8 26 f.; Eph 2 17; Ph 2 1, 3 3) restricted meaning. Consequently, in RV "honor-
the enlightener of our minds (I Co 2 10-16); the able," "honorably" have been substituted (except
source of our power, as individual Christians (Eph in Lk 8 15) as more suitable renderings (cf. Ro 12 17;
3 16) and as preachers (Ro 15 19; I Co 2 4); the seal I P 2 12; etc.). (2) In Ph 4 8; I Ti 2 2 for a-€fiv6s,
of our acceptance with God and the earnest of our a-€fiv6n]s ('grave,' 'venerable,' and 'gravity,' 'dig-
immortal life (Ro 8 15 f.; I Co 6 il; II Co 1 22; Eph nity'), RV gives "honorable" and "gravity." (3) In
1 13 f., 4 30); the stimulator of acts of worship (I Co Ro 13; I Th 4 12 the Gr. eva-xvH'^vt^s is exactly
13
14 2, 12, 14 f.) the bond of Christian communion (I
; rendered "becomingly" in ARV. E. E. N.
Co 12 13; II Co 13 13; Ph 2 l) ; the life of the Church, HONEY. See Food, § 7.
"the body of Christ" (Eph 1 20-22; I Co 6 19, 20).
See Church Life and Organization, §§ 5 ff. The
HOOD. See Dress and Ornaments, § 8.
Church is founded on the confession of Jesus as Mes- HOOK: The translation of several Heb. words:
siah, a confession which is due to the Holy Spirit (I Co (1) wdWj a 'hook,' or 'peg,' of silver fastened on,
12 3; cf IJn 4 2 f.) the confessor passes under "the
. ; or in, the posts of the tabernacle to support hangings
law of the Spirit of life" (Ro 8 2), his whole ethical (Ex 26 32, 38 28, etc.). (2) hah, a 'hook,' or 'ring,'
and religious experience flows from that new prin- for the nose, used in reference to captives (II 19 28; K
ciple (Ro 8 5-10, 12-14), the new warfare of which he is Is 37 29; Ezk 29 4, 38 4. Also Ezk 19 4, 9 for RV
conscious is the proof of that Spirit's hving presence "chains" AV). (3) hakkah, a 'fish-hook' (Job 41 l
in him (Gal 5 16 f.), and his victory means the posses- [40 25]; Is 19 8; Hab 1 15). (4) 'agmon (Job 41 2
sion of all the present virtues and joys (Gal 5 22). [40 26]), "hook" AV, more RV.
correctly "cord"
(b) The Holy Spirit is constantly connected with the (5) hoah (Job 41 2 [40 26]), "thorn" AV, "hook" RV.
person and work of Christ. The Spirit without the (6) sh'phattayim (Ezk 40 43), 'hooks' or 'pegs'; by
historical Christ has no grip on intelligent faith, some translated 'their edge.' (7) tsinnah (Am 4 2),
the historical Christ without the inner power of the the 'hook' or the 'barb' of a fishing-spear. (8) ^yKur-
Spirit has no meaning or relation to the individual rpov (Mt 17 27), 'fish-hook.' C. S. T.
wiU. The Spirit is "of Christ" as well as "of God" HOOPOE, hu'po. See Palestine, § 25.
(Ro 8 9) ; in Him he was the Spirit of hoUness (Ro
1 4), and it is even said "the Lord is the Spirit" HOPE : Both the elements of the generic idea of
(II Co 3 17 f.).Accordingly, the effects of the Di- hope i.e., expectation and desire for the thing
vine grace in the heart are traceable to both (Gal expected—distinctly appear in the BibUcal usage.
4 6; Eph 3l6f.). As was said of the Johannine, As soon as that which is expected is reahzed, hope
BO of the Pauline teaching, the Holy Spirit is both ceases (Ro 8 24). Further, the term sometimes
distingxiished from, and identified with, both Christ designates the expectation itself, and sometimes the
and God. No theological explanation is attempted. thing expected (Col 1 5 is an instance of the latter
Something greater is here, the disclosure in the usage). Hope and faith are closely related, but
field of experience through inspired men of the whereas faith seizes upon the invisible in general,
threefold operation of God upon human nature. whether past, present, or future, hope is limited to
That the Father, Son, and Spirit, thus revealed in the realization of future good. Faith as a Hving
relation to man, are described in mutual relations principle, however, includes true hope. The hope
and in a fundamental identity is the conviction of the wicked shall come to naught (Pr 11 23, 24 20),
which underlies all the historical discussions of the but the hope of the righteous is not vain (Ps 115 11,
doctrine of the Trinity. 9 19, 37 5, 40 4). Hence the definition of faith in
Heb 11 1 as "the assurance of things hoped for."
Literature The best discussion of the Biblical material is by
:
A, C. Z.
I. H. Wood, The Spirit of God in Biblical Literature (1904) HOPHNI, hef'nai (**J?)n, hophni): One of the
H. GunkeUDie Wirkungen d. heiligen Oeistes, etc. (1899);
H. H. Wendt, Die Begriffe Fleisch und Geist im Biblischm two sons of EH, caUed "base men'' (IS 2 12, "sons
Spracfigehrauck (1878) F. Denio, in The Supreme Leader,
; of Belial" AV). Hophni and Phineas were priests
gives a good bibliography E. H. Winstanley, The Spirit
;
and through their selfish and arbitrary exercise of the
in the N
T (1908). For the O T, A. B. Davidson, The The-
priestly function brought disrepute upon the wor-
ology of the O T (1904) H. Schultz, A T Theologie (Eng.
;
Transl. 1889). For the N T, George Stevens, The Theology ship of J" For this they were twice rebuked (I S
of the NT (1899); H. J. Holtzmann, Lehrbuch der T N •
2 27-36, 3 11, 14, 18), and finally perished in the battle
TheoCogie (1896) B. Weiss, Religion d.NT (1903) (§ 13 "•).
;
of Aphek, whither they had accompanied the Ark
For doctrinal discussion, John Owen, Discourse on the
Holy Spirit', Smeaton, The Doctrine of the Holy Spirit of the Covenant (for the derivation of the name cf.
(1882) R. C. Moberly. Atonement and Personality (1901)
; Hal6vy, Etudes SdbSennes, No. 14). A. C. Z.
Hophra A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
352 W
Hosea
1. Horns
of cattle
HOPHRA, hef'ra. See Pharaoh. HORN (HP., qeren, Kipas):
made into
were used as substitutes for bottles,-'being
HOR, her {~\h, hor): 1. A mountain - top on flasks for carrying oil (I S 16 1; I 1 39). Long K
which Aaron died (Nu 20 23 f., 21 4 [P]; Dt 32 50, as trumpets
horns (especially of rams) were also used
i \
noted also as one of the stages in the wilderness 2. Its pointed shape makes
the horn
(Jos 6 13).
wanderings, Nu 33 37), not far from Kadesh-bamea, 3. Smce
the emblem of a peak (Is 5 i, RVrngO-
identified with the modem Jebel Nehi Harun, about they are em-
an animal uses its horns as weapons,
50 m. S. of the Dead Sea, near Petra, by a tradition K 22 Dn 8 To "exalt
blems of power (I 11; 3 ff.).
as old as Josephus {Ant. IV, 4 7) and supported by- power or to claim power
either to confer
the horn" is
Jerome {Onom. 303, 144), This moimtain domi- 4. The cor-
for oneself (I S 2 10; Ps 75 4 f., 89 24).
ners of the altar were also called horns (I K 1 50 f.)
nates the surrounding country, being nearly 5,000 ft.
in height and crowned by a rugged double peak.
from the horn-like extensions with which they were
But Mount Hor is defined as "by the border of the finished off (Jos. BJ. V, 5 6). See also Altar, § 2,
land of Edom"; and this description does not suit A.C. Z.
and Music, § 3 (2).
the location of Jebel Nehi Harun. H. C. Trumbull
{Kadesh Barnea, pp. 128 £f.) with probable correct- HORNET (nynV, tsir'ah, from tsar'a, *to strike'):
ness has located Mount Hor at Jebel Madurah, NW. The hornet is named as a pest through which God
of Edom (cf. Buhl, Edomiter, p. 22). 2. Apeak was to drive out Israel's enemies from the land of
named as the ideal N. boundary of Canaan in Nu promise (Ex 23 28; Dt 7 20). There is no record of a
34 7 [P]. is nothing to determine its exact
There literalplague of hornets during the period of the
identity. Many
regard Mt. Hermon, on account of conquest, unless Jos 24 12 be taken as such (as it is
its conspicuity, as the only landmark that could in Wis 12 8-10). See also Palestine, § 26.
have been intended, but others contend that it was A. C. Z.
a NE. spur of the Lebanon range, Jebel Akker, ac- HORONAIM, her"o-n^'im (D^JilH, n::in, kdro-
cording to Porter^ Five Years in Damascus, II,
A. C. Z. naylm), 'two hollows': A city in S. Moab (Jer
333.
48 3, 34; Is 15 5, "the way of H."; Jer 48 5, ''the
HORAM, ho 'ram (D'^h, hordm): A Canaanite descent of H."), near Zoar. It is mentioned in the
king of Gezer who was conquered and slain by Moabite Stone as a city to which one descended. It
Joshua (Joa 10 33). E. E. N. was probably at the foot of some cliff, and S. of the
Arnon. See also Map II, 1. H
C. S. T.
HOREB, ho'reb. See Sinai.
HORONITE, her'o-nait (^^I'nri, ha-horom), 'the
HOREM, ho'rem (nr.n, ^5rem), 'sacred': A forti- Horonite': Agiven to Sanballat, who op-
title
fied city in Naphtali (Jos 19 38). Site unknown. posed Nehemiah (Neh 2 10, 19, 13 28), since he was
C.S.T. from Beth-horon. C. S. T.
HOR-HAGIDGAD, her"-ha-gid'gad (^n^.H nn, HORSE. See Palestine, § 24, and Warfare,
hor haggidhgadh) : A stationon the wilderness jour- §4f.
ney (Nu 33 32 f.). The same as Gudgodah (Dt 10 7). HORSE GATE. See Jerusalem, § 32.
E. E. N.
HORSELEACH: The Heb. term (Hp^l^i?, 'dluqah)
HORI, ho'rai, HORIM, ho'rim, HORITES, ho'-
is of uncertain significance, and may mean 'sucker.'
roits ("'in, D^in, horij horim) : The original inhab- The reference (Pr 30 15) may be to a variety of
itants of Edomor Mt. Seir, who were dispossessed leaches, or bloodsuckers, well known in the East
by the Edomites (Gn 14 6, 36 2 [?], 20-29; Dt 2 12, 22; and very troublesome to man and beast. Some
I Ch 1 39). The name is usually held as equivalent scholars, however, think that a mythological vam-
to 'cave-dwellers,' and as the primitive inhabitants of pire-like creature is referred to. E. E. N.
Palestine were of this character, this explanation
seems most reasonable. In Edom, in particular,
HORSEMEN. See Warfare, § 4. (For Ezk
27 14 AV, see Ethnography and Ethnology,
there are many evidences of this. The name was
thus probably not the real name of these people, § 11, imder Togarmah.)
but an epithet given them by their conquerors. HOSAH, ho'sa (mDH, hosah) I. A city on the :
Similarly, Judah and Simeon, 'devoted' the Canaan- Gospels in the story of the triumphal entry (Mt
ites of Zephath to destruction, and then called the 21 9, 15; Mk 11 9-10; Jn 12 13), and quoted from
place Hormah (Jg 1 17). It is possible that the Ps 118 25. It is the Gr. form of the Heb. hoshi'ah-
last two references (also Jos 12 14) are to the same na\ 'Savel we pray.' The same expression occurs
event. H. was counted both to Judah and to Sim- in the plural in II K
19 19, and similar ones, without
eon (Jos 15 30, 19 4). The site is uncertain. the particle of urgency, frequently in the Psalter.
E. E. N. W. S. P.
Hophra
353 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Hosea
Hezekiah is to be included. Yet it may be safely like the concrete dispute narrated by Amos out of
inferred that the prophet was in public life not less his own experience (Am 7 10 if.). H.'s character is
than ten years and not more than thirty i.e., from distinguished by fulness of feeling, combined with a
about 750 to about 730 B.C. Of his personal life keen perception of spiritual truth, and courage in its
and. experiences nothing is known, except what is expression.
gathered from incidental allusions in his discourses. The Book of H. may be conveniently subdivided
He was evidently a native as well as a prophet of the into two main parts. Chs. 1-3 are in narrative form
Northern Kingdom, He cherished a living interest and give the allegorization of his tragic
in the affairs of his generation. Whether he oc- 3, Content, domestic experience, as already ex-
cupied an ofiicial position of any sort it is not certain. plained. Chs. 4^14 are a series of
Some have conjectured that he belonged to the denunciations, relieved by pleas in behalf of J', ad-
gild of prophets, while others have inferred from dressed to the people (exhortations to turn from
his intimate knowledge of the corruptions of the idolatry and sin). A more minute analysis of this
priesthood that he was a priest. AU that may be section is not practicable (for an attempted analysis
asserted is that he was a leading citizen of the realm. see Harper in Int. Crit. Com., Amos and Hosea,
H.'s call to the prophetic work came in connec- p. clx), partly because of the abrupt breaks and re-
tion with a sad domestic experience. He married a iterations to which the prophet resorts in his pas-
woman (Gomer) who afterward proved sionate way of preaching his message. In general,
2. Domestic unfaithful to him. When her eldest however, the theme of the whole section is given
Experience son was bom, H. gave him the sym- in the opening words of 4 1 "There is no truth, nor
:
Used as a boUcal name of Jezreel (1 4), To the goodness, nor knowledge of God in the land."
Parable, next child, a daughter, he gave the The text of the book has been very much tam-
name " Lo-ruhamah " (RVmg., " that pered with by later hands. A
sufficient occasion
hath not ojbtained mercy," 1 6). The next son was for this was furnished by the obscuri-
calle ''Lo-ammi" (RVmg., "not my people," 1 9). 4. Condi- ties of H.'s style. His utterances are
After this, Gomer left H., and became the slave tion of at times ejaculatory. It is doubtful,
concubine of a man who could better satisfy her Text. however, whether the amount of cor-
love of luxurious living (2 5), But H. persisted in ruption has not been largely exagger-
his affection for her, sought her out, and bought her ated in recent efforts at criticism. Some instances
back with the price of a slave. She was thus brought where the text appears to be corrupt may be nothing
into the new relation of a slave to her husband. more than the natural irregularities of the author's
That all this is the story of an actual occurrence own method of expression, or the consequences of
has been denied by ancient and modem scholars. the arrangement of his discourses. These were no
It has been alleged that it would be unthinkable for doubt at the beginning fragmentary.
God to conunand conduct so contrary to His own The integrity of the work has also been called into
moral law; that it must have taken years to bring question. The following seem to be interpolations:
into view the significance of the Divine command, if (1) References to Judah by a Judaistic
the prophet's experience had been literally lived 5. Integ- editor (1 7, 5 10, 12, u, 6 lla, 8 14, 10 lib,
through; and that during this time the prophet must rity. 11 12b). (2) Messianic allusions (1 10-
have endured mental agony on account of the com- 2 1, 6-7, 14^16, 18-23, 14 1-8). (3) Ex-
pulsory but revolting relationship with an unchaste planatory insertions of technical, archeological, or
woman. But these considerations are based upon historical character (4 I3d, 5 6, 7 4, l6o, 8 8b, 9 lb, 9,
Hosen 354
House
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
12 13 4b-7). Hopeless corruption H.'s fate nothing further is known. Hia character
10, 10 5, 14b, 3, (4)
conditions of
(4 4, 18, 5 2, 7, 11, 6 7, 7 4, 8 10b, 13, 9 8, 13, 10 9, 11 3, must be estimated in the light of the
cour-
6f, 12). the realm. He was not strong, but possessed
behall ot the
been assumed that the primary form of
It has age enough to make a desperate effort in
2. The
H.'s composition was poetical, or at least metrical. people's freedom from foreign oppression.
original name of Joshua, the son of Nun
(Nu 13 8,
This, in general, is a correct assump-
Oshea AV; Dt 32 44). 3. A son of Azaziah, an
6, Metrical tion; but the restoration of the dis-
Fonn, courses to their primitive form involves Ephraimite chief under David (I Ch 27 20). 4. A
textual reconstruction, for which no Levite who, with others, set his seal to the covenant
(Neh 10 A.C. Z.
adequate materials are available at present. 23).
Hosen
355 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY House
to the stars as objects of worship. (5) TravBoxevs, is specifically for the women and children, though
'innkeeper' (Lk 10 35). (6) ^evos, 'one who shows also used as kitchen and storehouse. Entrance to
hospitahty' (Ro 16 23). E. E. N. this room, in ordinary cases, is forbidden to men.
Only one who is pursued may venture to take refuge
HOSTAGE(S). See Warfare, §5. here, where the real home is (Jg 4 17 fE.).
HOST OF HEAVEN. See Semitic Religion. The booth, or hut, §ukkhdh, constructed of
branches or bushes, was used as a merely temporaiy
§33.
abode, e.g., of the field-watcher (Is 1 8; cf. II S 11 il;
HOSTS, LORD OF. See Host, and God, §§ 3, 4. Jn 4 5 flf.), or for cattle (Gn 33 19).
HOTHAM, ho'tham pnin, hotham), 'seaF: 1.
II. The Houses of the More Civilized Period.
The ancestor of a clan of Asher, I Ch 7 32 ( = He-
2. The father of Shama and Jeiel
When the Israelites passed from the nomadic to
lem in ver. 35?).
Hothan AV). the agricultural mode they came to erect
of life
Ch 11 E. E. N.
(I 44,
permanent houseshayith in which —
HOTHIR, h6'th§r ("1^0 <'1, hothir): One of the 3. Structure work the Canaanites were their teach-
Conditioned ers. In Palestine, as everywhere, the
chiefs of the Hemanites, musicians of the Second
by Climate, manner in which houses are constructed
Temple (I Ch 25 4, 28). E. E. N.
is dependent on the character of the
HOUGH, See Hock. climate and land. As far as the former is concerned,
inasmuch as the houses were not constructed to
HOUR. See Time, § 1. protect from the cold, but to furnish covering from
sxm and rain, there are required, on the one hand,
cool cellar-like rooms, and, on the other, a hght,
HOUSE airy structure, inasmuch as the climate permits con-
stant abode in the open air. The peasants use
Analysis of Contents houses simply to protect them from the cool of the
night while sleeping, or in order to enjoy their meals
I. Tent of the Nomads 3. Structure Conditioned by undisturbed by others, or to entertain friends, etc.
1. Evidence of Early Use Climate
of Tent 4. Structure Conditioned by It is the same with the townsmen. They love the
2.Construction Material at Hand outdoor life much more than Westerners do. In
II. HoTJBES OF THE MoRE 5. Various Kinds of Houses ancient times artisan work was carried on in houses
Civilized Period 6. Detaila of Structure
as little as it is at present. It was conducted either
I. The Tent of the Nomads. on the streets or in special booths, which were
situated in definitely fixed quarters in the city,
The 'house' of the nomad the tent, 'ohel is — where similar crafts were near one another, as is the
even to-day called bait ('house') by the Beda- case with the Oriental bazaars of to-day.
win. For a long period the Israehtes, The character of the land infiuenced the style of
1, Evidence as nomads, dwelt in tents, and even building to the extent at least of hmiting the material
of the many years after the main body of the to that which the land could furnish,
Early Use nation had settled down in permanent 4, Structure High forests never existed in Palestine
of the Tent, abodes individual clans, Hke the Kenites Conditioned consequently, there was no long timber
(I S 15 6; cf Jg 4 17) and the E. Jordan
. by the Ma- at hand for building purposes, and in
tribes, continued to use tents, because the nature of terial at ordinary houses the use of wood was
the land they occupied compelled them to follow the Hand. greatly limited. For such woodwork
pastoral mode of hfe. as was indispensable the sycamore,
The Heb. idiom preserved a number of survivals shiqmdhf was used (I K
10 27; Is 9 9). For large and
from the nomadic days, e.g., ndsa', 'to depart,' lit. costly buildings, where long timbers were needed, re-
'to pull out (the tent-pin)'; hdlakh l^'oholoy 'to go sort was had to imported lumber, such as cedar, 'erez
home,' lit. 'to return to his tent.' (I K7 2 f Jer 22 14) ; and cypress, b^rosh "(I
.
; 9 K
The tent was either round and partly conical, or andohve, zayith, were used but seldom, and then
11 f.),
—
long something after the foim of an inverted ship's only to a limited extent, e.g., for doors, windows, and
hull. Usually the tent coverings, similar purposes. In a hilly country like Palestine
2. Construe- 2/*n'oi/i, were woven from the hair of there is no scarcity of good building stone. The
tion of the the black goat (Song 1* 5), and stretched white limestone can be quarried easily, and, as it is
Tent.
over three or five poles, 5 to 6 ft. high. not hard, can be worked with no difficulty. In the
In the roof of the tent were sewed lowlands houses were constructed of sun-dried brick,
wooden rings, which were connected by tightly I'bhhndh, though occasionally the bricks were burned.
drawn cords, methar, with the tent-pins, yathedhf As the conditions of life in Palestine have
driven fast into the ground. By this means the remained practically the same for centuries, the
tent was held upright. If a cord broke or a pin method of building houses was not
was pulled up, the tent collapsed (cf. Job 4 21, 30 ll). g. Various different in ancient times from what it
Instead of hair-cloth, however, skins were often used Kinds of is at present. The prosperous fellahin
for the tent covering. Somewhere about the middle Houses, in the hill-coimtry and in well-situated
of the tent a support was placed to hold up the roof. towns build for themselves vaulted
In most cases the tent of a Bedawi is divided into houses of more or less finely hewn stone. Such
two parts, of which the second, or innermost, hedher, buildings are either founded upon the native rock,
356
House A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Husband and Wife
But in
roofs should be provided with a battlement.
one root to
spite of this, one could easily leap from
this manner to
another, so that it was possible in
go the length of whole streets (cf. 13 15, and Jos.
Mk
5
Ant. XIII, 3). Houses of the well-to-do were often
'dhyyah,
provided with a superstructure on the roof,
used as a sleeping-, guest-, or sick-chamber
(I 17 19; K
II K 4 10 f.). Here also one went for prayer (II K
Tob 3 Dn 6 11; cf. Ac 10 9). This usually
23 12; 10;
noticed how quickly whole villages, when deserted, (h) The rear rooms, hedher, of the larger houses were
completely disappear, leaving no trace of their for- reserved for the women (Jg 15 1; Song 1 4, 3 4). To
mer existence. these no man besides the head of the house had
(a) On the inner side the walls were often plastered access. Here also were the sleeping-rooms (II S 4 7,
or whitewashed, taphel (Ezk 13 10 ff., 22 28). Some-
13 10; II K
11 2). Such a room is evidently referred
times they were also painted with to by the term "inner chamber" (closet AV), in
6. Details of vermilion, shashar (Jer 22 14). More Mt 6 6. (i) In the more eldgant houses there were
Structure, expensive buildings were adorned with both summer and winter rooms, the situation of
artistically carved panelings (I K 7 7; which was determined by the position of the sun.
cf. ceiled Jer 22 14; Hag I 4), decorated with ivory
Winter rooms were heated by means of a brazier,
'ah (Jer 36 22), which to-day is made of fire-brick,
(I K 22 39; Am 3 15), gold, silver, or precious stones
(I Ch 29 2 ff.). (b) The floor was simply a layer of and is placed in a depression in the middle of the
clay, or plaster, which, in the more costly houses, room. In order to conserve the heat after the fire
is burned out, a wooden frame is placed over the
was overlaid with boards (I K
6 15), or with marble
and other expensive stones (Est 1 6). The floors brazier and covered with a jng. (j) Windows,
were covered with rugs, or, in the case of the poor, which were constructed only of latticework
with mats of straw, on which one might tread only (casement Pr 7 6 AV) Qialldn^ 'side openings,'
without sandals, (c) The ordinary house of the ^drhah, 'openings in the roof) —and served also for
House
357 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Husband and Wife
chimneys, in houses of to-day are fonned almost (Lv 17 13), The wild animals allowed
to be eaten
wholly on the inner or court side, because of the in Dt such as the gazel, roebuck, wild goat,
ch. 14,
dirt of the street. In ancient times, however, this etc., could be taken only in the chase, and I 4 23 K
was not the rule (of. Jg 5 28; Pr 7 6). (k) Doors were shows that wild meat was not unknown on the royal
sometimes of stone, as in the buildings in the Hauran, table. The more dangerous pursuits, such as lion-
but usually of wood and somewhat low. Occasion- hunting, a favorite pastime of the Assyrian kings,
ally they were plated with bronze or gold (II Ch are not mentioned in the O T, though indirectly the
4 9, 22). Such doors were provided above and below hunting of the hippopotamus may be referred to in
with bronze hinge-pivots, tslr (Pr 26 14), which Job 41 26-29. The hunter made use not only of
fitted into sockets, pothoth (I K
7 50), in the stone ordinary weapons, such as the bow and arrows
threshold. Large doors had also several folding (Gn 27 3), the sword, spear, and club (Job 41 26 fif.),
leaves, ts'la'lm g^'lUlm (I 6 34). K(1) In the door but of nets, snares, and traps of various kinds, with
was fastened an iron ring for a knocker (Lk 12 36, which to catch both birds and quadrupeds. Several
13 25; Ac 12 13), and a wooden bar, min^al, man'ul, kinds of nets are mentioned, as the her em (Mic 7 2;
and bmah, which was pushed back from within. Hab 1 15), the mikhmar (large enough to catch an
There were also others that by means of a key, like- antelope, Is 51 20), and the resheth (the nature of
wise of wood, Tnaphteh (Jg 3 25; Is 22 22), could be which can be inferred from Job 18 8; Ps 9 15, 10 9,
unfastened and pushed back from without, (m) Ac- 140 5; Pr 1 17; Ezk 12 13, etc.). The exact meaning
cording to Dt 6 9 (cf. 11 20) the door-post, nfrnzah, of the terms rendered snare and gin is uncertain;
was adorned with inscriptions, as, for example, Dt moqesh perhaps means a noose, while pah refers to
6 4 £E., a custom that has spread all over the Moham- bird-traps, probably of various kinds (Ps 124 7; Pr
medan E^st. The same practise was also in vogue in 7 23; Am 3 5, etc.). In Job 18 10 hebhel Ccord'), ren-
ancient Egypt (see Willcinson, Manners and Cus- dered noose in RV, and malkhodheth, trap (from Idh-
toms, etc., vol. ii, pp. 102, 123). (n) From Ezr 3 hadh, 'to take'), both refer to some kind of snare.
10 f.; Job 38 evident that, in the case of a large
6 it is Fowler in Heb. is yaqush (Ps 91 3, 124 7; Pr 6 5; Hos
building, the laying of the comer-stone (always one 9 8; and cf. the foregoing moqesh). Animals were
well selected for this purpose) was a festal occasion. often caught also in pits (cf. II S 23 20; Ps 35 7),
Similarly, when the headstone was put in position which was perhaps the method mainly used for the
(Zech 4 7) and the house was dedicated (I
, 8 63 K more dangerous animals. Consult Driver in Camb.
Ezr 6 16), there was a joyous celebration. Possibly Bible, Joel and Amos, p. 157, and A. R. S. Kennedy
I K 16 34 (cf Jos 6 26) finds its explanation in some
. in EB, article Fowl. E. E. N.
such ceremony. W. N. HUPHAM, hiu'fam, HUPHAMITE, hiu'fom-oit.
HOZAI, ho'za-ai Cr^^y hozay) : A word taken as See HuppiM.
a proper noun by RV in II Ch 33 19. Perhaps the HUPPAH, hup'a (HSH, huppah): The ancestral
tme reading is 'his seers' (I^J^H). E. E. N.
head Ch 24 13).
of the thirteenth course of priests (I
HUKKOK, huklcek (pp?in, huqoq): A town of E. E. N.
Naphtali (Jos 19 34), Map I, E 4, though this identi- HUPPIM, hup'im (Q^Sn, hupplm): The ances-
fication is not certain. E. E. N, tral head one of the clans of Benjamin (Gn 46 21;
of
HUKOK, hiu'kek. See Helkath. I Ch 7 12, 15), the Huphamites (Nu 26 39, where the
name is Hupham). E. E. N.
HTJL, hul. See Ethnography and Ethnol-
ogy, § 11. HUR, bur (1in, Mr), 'noble' (?): 1. An Israel-
ite associated with Aaron in supporting Moses at
HULDAH, hul'da (H^^^H, huldah): A prophetess
Rephidim (Ex 17 10, 12) and in the oversight of the
of repute (II K
22 14; II' Ch 34 22), the wife of
people during Moses' absence in the Mount (Ex
ShaUum, the keeper of the wardrobe. King Josiah
24 14). According to Josephus {Ant. Ill, 2 4, 6, 8 l)
sent Hilkiah, the priest, to her to inquire about the
he was the husband of Miriam. 2, The father of
law-book which had been found in the Temple.
Caleb (I Ch 2 50; probably I Ch 4 1 refers to the
C.S.T.
same). 3. A
son of Caleb and the grandfather of
HUMTAH, hum'ta (n!p?pn, humtah): A city of Bezaieei (Ex 31 2 I Ch 2 19)
; According to Josephus
.
Judah, near Hebron (Jos 15 54). Site uncertain. the same as 1. 4. A king of Midian (Nu 31 8; Jos
E. E. N. 13 21), 5. An officer under Solomon (I 4 8). K
HUNTING: The references to hunting are not 6, The father of Rephaiah, prominent in Jerusalem
numerous in the O T. While the Hebrews, in their at the restoration (Neh 3 9). A. C. Z.
nomadic period, were doubtless accustomed to the HURAI, hiu'ra-ai or hiu'rl. See Hiddai.
chase (cf. the story of Esau, Gn 25 27, 27 3 fif.), after
their settlement in Canaan comparatively less atten- HURAM, hiu'ram huram) 1. The ances-
(D^lin, :
tion was given to hunting, either as a profession or tral head of one of the clans of Benjamin (I Ch
as a pastime. No national hero is spoken of as a 8 5). For 2 and 3 see Hiram. E. E. N.
hunter. Yet this sport was not entirely unknown. HURI, hiu'rai C^l^H, hurt): A descendant of
The old word tsldh (from tsudh, ^to,hunt') meant
Gad (I Ch 5 14). E.E.N.
not only venison (Gn 27 3), but was also used for
"victuals,'' a "provision" in general (Jos 9 5, 14; HUSBAND AND WIFE, See Family and
Jg 7 8; Neh 13 15, etc.). The Law provided that Family Law, § 4f., and also under Marbiage
animals taken in hunting should be properly killed AND DlVOI^CE,
Husbandman A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 358
Imla
HUSBANDMAN: An old English word mean- tisement might prove salutary (cf. a similar case in
ing literally 'master of the house/ and used to I Co 5 5), though it did not, for at the time of
translate (1) Hkkdr, 'tiller of the soir (II Ch 26 10; II Ti Hymenaeus still represented a deadly error
Jer 31 24, etc.). From Am
5 16 we would infer that that was eating insidiously into the life of the
such persons were often asked to take the part of Church. ^' A. F.
professional mourners. (2) 'Ish 'ddhdmdh, 'man of
HYMN. See Hallelujah, Music, § 7, and
the soir (Gn 9 21). (3) yewpyoy, 'cultivator of the
Praise.
ground/ a term of general significance. In II K
25 12 the text is uncertain and in Zee 13 5 gives RV HYPOCRITE, HYPOCRISY, HYPOCRITICAL
the correct rendering. (Gr. terms from vTroKplvofiat, lit. 'to answer/ then
E. E. N.
applied to actors on the stage and thus coming to
HUSBAND'S BROTHER. See Marriage and mean 'dissimulation/ 'hypocrisy') In the O T the :
name of a place in Judah, whence came Sibbecai They occur in the LXX. only in Job 34 30, 36 13,
(q.v.) the Hushathite, one of David's heroes (I Ch but are more common in other Gr. versions of the
4 4, "Shuhah" in ver, 11; II S 21 18, 23 27; I Ch 11 O T, always in the sense of 'godless' or 'profane.' In
29, etc.). E. E. N. the N T the words are confined almost entirely to the
Synoptic Gospels, Jesus thereby characterizing the
HUSHAI, hiu'sha-ai or hiu'sh^ Ct^n, hushay) : Pharisees apparently as a class that pretend to a
An Archite and loyal friend of David, who used piety which they do not really possess. The T
him as a spy in the court of Absalom to defeat the (LXX.) meaning is rare (Mt 24 51; cf. I P 2 l); the
counsel of Ahithophel (II S 15 32-17 23; I Ch 27 33). classical sense of 'actor' does not occur (unless in
Probably he was the father of Baana (I K4 16). Mt 6 If.). R.A.F.
C. S. T. HYSSOP (2'i??<, 'ezohh): A plant described in IK
HUSHAM, hiu'sham {^t^n, husham): A king 4 33 as one "that springeth out of the wall." It was
of Edom (Gn 36 34 f.). See also Cushan Risha- used in the Passover service, a bunch of it being
thaim. E. E. N. dipped in the blood of the sacrificial animal, and ap-
HUSHATHITE, hiu'shath-dt. See Hushah. plied to the lintel(Ex 12 22) also in other ceremonials
;
IBHAR, ib'har (nn?":, yihhhar), 'He [J"] chooses': in I Ch 6 70. Map IV, D 8. See also Gath-Rim-
A son of David (11 S 5 15; I Ch 3 6, 14 5). E. E. N. MON. jE_ E, N,
IBLEAM, ible-om (DJ?>?:, yibhh' dm): A C^naan- IBNEIAH, ib-nl'ya or ib"ne-ai's (H^;)?^ ,
yihhn-ydh),
itetown, assigned to either Asher or Issachar, but '.V builds': The head of a Benjamite family (I
actually held by Manasseh, though not in the earliest Ch9 8), E.E.N.
period of the Conquest (Jos 17 11; Jg 1 27). In or
near Ibleam Ahaziah, King of Judah (II 9 27), and K IBNIJAH, ib-nai'ja (H^jp';, yihhniyyah), 'J"
perhaps also Zachariah, King of Israel (II 15 10 ac- K builds': The ancestor of the preceding Ibneiah (I
cording to LXX.), were slain. It is called Bileam Ch9 8).
jp^E.N.
359 A STANDAKD BIBLE DICTIONARY Husbandman
Imla
real historical importance of I. dates from the times Ira, one of David's heroes (II S 23 26; I Ch 11 28, 27 9).
of the Seljuk sultans, enlightened rulers, who em- E. E. N.
bellished the city, surrounded it with strong and ILAI, oila-oi or oil^ (^^''y, 'Hay) : One of David's
lofty walls, constructed palaces, mosques, medresses, heroes (I Ch 11 29, called Zalmon in 11 S 23 28).
khans, etc. The walls of I. were faced with ancient E. E. N.
stones, often containing inscriptions, architectural
ILLYRICtJM, il-llr'i-cirai CJX\vpiK6v): The Ro-
fragments, and works of sculpture, while the space
man name of the province on the Adriatic, N. of
between the facings was filled with mud. After Macedonia and W. of Thrace. Its southern portion
the destruction of I. in 1832 the stone facings were
was called Dakuatia, a name which during
the
utilized to build a new city, thus exposing the in-
Apostolic Age was extended to denote the whole
tagUo impressions of inscriptions, etc., almost the
province. By Greeks the term lUyria was applied
only remains of Grasco-Roman Iconium.
to parts of Macedonia. The province, inhospitable
J. R. S. S.
and mountainous, 'separates, rather than connects,
*
IDALAH, id'a-la (hV^.T, yidW&lah): townA of Italy and Greece" (Mommsen). At the same time
-Zebulun (Jos 19 15), about 2 m. S. of Bethlehem of it contained important cities. In Ro 15 19 "Illyr-
Zebulun. Map IV, C 7. E. E. N. icum" very probably means the Roman province,
but whether Paul evangelized it can not be deter-
IDBASH, idl^ash {tT^,, yidhhash): The name mined by this verse, some holding that his statement
of a small clan of Judah (I Ch 4 3) E. E. N. indicates merely the limit up to which his labors
reached. (See Sanday and Headlam on Romans
IDDO, id'do: The Eng. equivalent of several
in Int. Crit. Cok.), R. A. F.
Heb. names: 1 (N^:?, Hddo'). (a) The father of
Ahinadab (I K 4 14). (b) A Levite (I Ch 6 21,
IMAGE. See Greek and Roman Idolatry,
"Adaiah" in ver. 41). 2 (I'lJ?.;;, ye'ddy and iny, § 24, and Man, Doctrine op,
Semitic Religion,
Hddo). A prophet, or seer, who wrote accounts of the §3.
reigns of Rehoboam, Jeroboam, and Abijah (II Ch IMLA, imla, IMLAH, imla (N^^^, H^ip:, yimW,
929, 1215, 13 22). 3 O^P, Hddd, and Xl^y, Hddo'), yimlah)j 'he fills': The father of the prophet Mi-
(a) The grandfather of the prophet Zechariah caiah (I K
22 8 f.; II Ch 18 7 f.). E. E. N.
Xmmanuel 360
Ir-Nahash
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
IMMANUEL, im-man'yu-el Qi< ^^"^V, Hmmdnu- It is quite possible that 1 and 2 are identical. I
'Sl), 'God with us'; also Emmanuel, Mt 1 23 AV: The 3, The father of a certain Zadok (Neh 3 29).
II, The Babylonian home of a priestly
family
symbolical name given to the child whose birth was
promised as a sign of safety to Ahaz by the prophet (Ezr 2 59). E.E.N.
Isaiah (7 14), and used again in 8 8, 10, not, however,
IMMORTALITY. SeeEscHATOLOGY, §§ 14-22,
as the name of an individual, but in its literal sense
37-39, 42 f ., 49.
(in 8 8 the text, "thy land [^Vl^], O Immanuel,"
is probably corrupt, the final "] standing for *'?, 'be- IMNA, im'na (5?^^^ yimna') : The ancestral head
cause'; so emended, the verse should read: "And of a family of Asher (I Ch 7 35). E. E. N.
the stretching out of his wings shall fill the breadth
IMNAH, im'na (^J^!, yimnah): 1. The ances-
of the land because God is with us").
In Mt 1 23, the Virgin Mary is identified with the tralhead of one of the clans of Asher (Gn 46 17;
mother of Immanuel, and Jesus Christ with Imman- Jimnah AV; the Imnites, Nu 26 44, Jimnites AV; I
uel himself. The question has been raised whether Ch 7 30). 2. A Levite (II Ch 31 14). E. E. N.
this identification was in the mind of Isaiah himself, IMRAH, im'ra ("7'?^ yimrah): A descendant of
or made by the evangelist erroneously, or by way of
Asher (I Ch 7 36). '
E.E.N.
appropriating the words of an ancient oracle as
suitable to his purpose, but not with the intention of IMRI, im'rai (^1^^, Hmri): 1. A descendant of
committing their original author to his interpreta- Judah (I Ch 9 4). 2. The father of Zaccur (Neh
tion of them. The difficulties in the way of taking it 3 2). E. E. N.
to be the primary intention of Isaiah to foretell the
INCARNATION. See Jestts Christ, § 18.
virgin birth of Jesus are insuperable. The design
of his employing the phraseology he does is so INCENSE. See Sacrifice and Offerings,
palpably fulfilled in the circumstances of his own day §15.
that as remote a reference as this to the birth of INCEST. Crimes and
See Punishments,
Jesus seems exegetically impossible. On the other 2 (c).
§
hand, all interpretations which find in the reference
to Immanuel a double sense, i.e., a first intention to INDIA, in'di-a (l^n, hdddu): The only reference
speak of a child that might be bom in his own days to I. in the Bible is in Est 1 l, where it figures
8 9,
and a secondary one to predict the virgin birth of as one of the extreme limits of the empire over which
Jesus, are artificial and arbitrary. They have the the Persian king held sway. How much of the
appearance of ingenious devices to escape a difficulty modem Indian world was covered by it in this con-
rather than natural explanations of the facts of the nection is xmknown. The term Hoddu was in-
case. The only admissible view, as far as the in- troduced into the Semitic language by way of the
tention of Isaiah is concerned, is that he had in mind Persian Hindoo. It is highly probable, however,
a child bom in his own days, whose birth would be that though the country was not clearly known,
symbolical of the Divine favor displayed in such its wares were imported and used among the He-
manifest power as to assure His people that God was brews in comparatively early days. A. C. Z.
with them. But if this was Isaiah's thought, the
INDITE: The word rendered "inditing" in Ps
use of the passage by Matthew must be either the
result of misunderstanding of the prophet's meaning,
45 1 AV rdhash, 'to be agitated,' and the idea is,
is
consisting of a rude hut, or shelter of some sort, of "tongues"); of dreams (Gn 40 6,8, etc.; Dn 2
would be found on the caravan roads through un- 4 ff.), of symboUsm (Dn 7 16 ff.
in visions ; cf . 9 20 £f.),
inhabited regions. (2) KaroXv/io, rendered "gue8l>- and of prophecy (II P 1 20). See also Church
chamber" in Mk 14 14 and Lk 22 11, is rendered Life and Organization, § 7. A. C. Z.
"inn" in Lk 2 7, although it is by no means certain
that a public lodging-house is meant. Joseph may
INWARD PART: The rendering of (1) hedher,
'a secret place or chamber,' used metaphorically of
have relied upon the hospitality of some acquaint-
the human motives or feehngs (Pr 20 27, 30). (2)
ance to place his "guest-chamber" at his disposal.
qerebh and ea-aSev, expressing the idea of 'being
(3) iravdoKiov (or iravBoxelov, from iras-bix^^^^h
within,' 'in the middle,' or 'in the midst,' hence often
Ho receive every one') in Lk 10 34 is properly an
used of the heart as the seat of emotion and deter-
"inn," corresponding to the modem khdrij the
innkeeper being called the wavboxcvs. For an mination (Ps 5 9, 49 11; Is 16 il; Jer 31 33; Lk 11 30;
cf. Ps 62 4; Mt 7 15). The term fuhoth (Job 38 36;
extended description of a modem khan see the
articles on Inn in HDB
and EB, See also Hospi- Ps 51 6) is of uncertain meaning. E. E. N.
tality. E. E. N. INWARDS. See Sacrifice and Offerings,
INNERMOST PARTS. See Ships and Navi- §§ 6-10.
gation, § 2. lOB, yob (Dl^, yohh) :The ancestral head of one
INQUIRE. See Magic and Divination and of the clans of Issachar (Gn 47 13, Job AV), called
Revelation. " Jashub" in Nu 26 24, and I Oh 7 1. E. E. N.
INQUISITION. See Law and Legal Prac- IPHDEIAH, if-di'ya {^7^^^., yiphd'yah, Iphe-
tise, § 4 (2). deiah AV), 'J' redeems': A descendant of Benjamin
INSECTS. See Palestine, § 26. (ICh8 25). E.E.N.
INSPIRATION. See Prophecy, § 6, and Reve- IPHTAH, if'ta (nnp^
Jiphtah AV), yiphtah,
lation, §§ 3-5. 'he opens': A town of Judah, somewhere near Lib-
INSTRUCT, INSTRUCTION. See Church Life nah (Jos 15 43). Site unknown. E. E. N.
AND Organization, § 6, and Education, § 5. IPHTAH-EL, if'ta-el"(^S-nnp:, yiphUih 'el, Jiph-
INSTRUMENT: The Heb. hit 'im-
('vessel,' tael AV),'God opens': A valley on the boundary
plement,' etc.) was frequently translated "instru- between Zebulun and Asher (Jos 19 14, 27). Prob-
ment" in AV in plapes where a more specific term ably the valley near Jotapata. See Map IV, C 6.
might have been chosen. In most of such cases E. E. N.
RV has given more appropriate renderings (cf. Gn IR, gr (VJ?, 'ir, 'watcher'), IRI, ai'rai CTV, 'Irl,
49 5; Ex 25 9, etc.). In Ro 6 13 the Gr. oirXa means
'my watcher'): The ancestral head of a clan of
'weapons.' For musical instruments see Music Benjamin (I Ch 7 7, 12). E. E. N.
AND Musical Instruments, § 3. E. E. N,
IRA, ai'ra (^^T5?» 'Ira'): 1. A chief minister, or
INSTRUMENTS OF WAR. See Arms and priest, in the time of David (II S 20 26). In the
Armor. parallel list (IIS 8 18) two sons of David are named
INTERCESSION: In the O T the Heb. ^^^, paga' in the place of Ira. 2. An Ithrite, one of David's
(both qal and hiphil), 'to meet,' 'fall in with,' heroes (II S 23 38; I Ch 11 40). 3. A son of Ikkesh,
is used in the sense of interceding (Jer 7 16, 27 18, a Tekoite, also one of David's heroes (II S 23 26;
36 25; Is 53 12, 59 16). In the N T we have the I Ch 11 28, 27 9), and captain for the sixth month.
terms ivrvyxaveiv (Ro 8 27, 34, 11 2; He and7 25) It is possible that 1 is identical with 2 or 3,
C. S. T.
virepevTvyxaveiv (Ro 8 26), and although these words
are not used in the related passages in the LXX., IRAD, ai'rad OTV, 'Iradh): The son of Enoch,
they correspond exactly to the Heb. paga*. 'To in the genealogical table of J (Gn 4 18); cf. "Jared"
meet' some one for the sake of another is to 'inter- in the table of P (5 16 f.). E. E. N.
cede' for the latter. E. E. N.
IRAM, ai'ram {^^^V, 'Iram): A "duke" ('clan
INTERDICT. See Decree. Edom (Gn 36 43; I Ch 1 54). E. E. N.
chieftain') of
INTERPRETATION: The
necessity for inter-
IRI, cn'rai. See Ir.
pretation arises whenever means
for the expression
of thought either are by nature, or become through IRIJAH, ai-rai'ja (n;^!<l':, yir'iyah), 'J" sees':
lapse of time and through change, clouded and beset The official who arrested Jeremiah at the time of the
by obscurities. The interpreter's task in etu^h case siege of Jerusalem (Jer 37 13, 14). E. E. N.
is remove the obscurity, and let the thought
to
IR-NAHASH, ir"-n^'hash (t/nj-T^, Hrnahash),
intended to be expressed appear as fully and clearly
as originally designed. In Biblical usage interpre- 'serpent city,' but Nahash may be a pr. n. and
tation is always mentioned in connection with "city of N." the correct reading: place referred A
obscurities naturally inherent, and not with those to in I Ch 4 12. The text may be corrupt and
which arise because of changed conditions. In- we may read (with the LXX.) "the city of N.,the
terpretations are needed of utterances in unknown brother of the Kenezzite." The passage well illus-
languages (Gn 42 23; II K 18 26, 28; ^eScpfiriveveiv, Mt trates the tendency to personify places by the
1 23, etc.; cf. ipftrjvela, I Co 12 10, 30, 14 5, 13, 26-28, genealogists. Site imknown. E. E. N.
Iron
Isaiah
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 36:3
IRON, ai'ren (]''iN^^ yir'on): I. A city of Naph- of the desert, or seized with prescient faith the fertile
19 Map IV, D 5. II. See Metals, plains of Palestine. A. S. C.
tali (Jos 38).
§ 3. E. E. N.
when Esau and Jacob dwelt together, jealous of Nu 23 7, The very first message which he
etc.).
one another's prerogatives, and held to temporary brings from God (1 2b, 3, "I have nourished and
community of interest by the need of united front brought up children, and they have rebelled against
when the aborigines shut them out from water me," etc.) possesses the highest degree of symmetry
rights in the hard-won oases. It is a picture of a But further on, we meet phrases like this;
of parts.
land punctuated with wells whose waters are often "When you come to appear before me, who hath
embittered with strife that we see, and yet a rip- required this at your hand, to trample my courts?"
ple of laughter runs through it all of tribesmen — etc. (1 12), in which there is too httle symmetry to
who could stop in the midst of their bickerings to admit of their having been produced under the
jest with destiny, or to sport even under the eye impulse to express himself in poetic form. The
of the traditional foe. Isaac occupied but a comer utterances of Isaiah should as a whole be called
of the land, and vanished from that as his more discourses.
sturdy sons swept away into the rocky fastnesses was a public speaker.
(2) I. He was a ndbhl'
;
Iron
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Isaiah
('prophet'), and this means 'one who makes declara- the overpowering will of J" (Jer 20 7). They denied
tion or announcement' (cf. Arab, naha'aj nuntiavitj that they derived their special knowledge from na-
in Nbldeke-Miiller, Delectus Carminum Veterum ture, or from history, or from their human under-
Arahicorum, p. 216, or Assyr. nabu, 'to call,' 'an- standing. I. noted indeed that God teaches the
nounce,' 'command,' Delitzsch, Assyr. WB, p. farmer through the nature of things to observe the
440). But nahhV is more particularly a 'speaker' law of rotation in tilling the soil (28 24-29). But as
in the realm of man's highest interests, i.e., of re- regards his own knowledge he says, "I have heard
ligion, consequently the interpreter of the deity or from the Lord Jehovah of Hosts" (22b). He
'his mouth/ as Aaron was to be "the mouth" of advised his contemporaries not to overlook the
Moses (Ex 4 16), or his nahhi' (Ex 7 l). I. by im- hand of God in history (5 12), but he himself foretold
plication calls himself such an interpreter of God, the future course of events (318; cf. 37 36). I.
when he names his wife "the prophetess" (8 3), and speaks of his consciousness of 'being moved by
when he designates himself as "the mouth" of God God's hand,' i.e., by a superhuman impulse (8 il),
(30 2). I.'s discourses were remarkable. Whether and of being the instrument of God's spirit (30 1 f .
one looks at the general arrangement (cf., e,g.j ch. 1) cf. Mic 3 8). Before one rejects his claim, let him
or the artistic working over of details, there is every- consider the prophet's overflowing words: "W« unto
where in his addresses the same perfection. The them that call evil good, and good evil," etc. "Wo
same art which is evinced in the complete discourses unto them that are wise in their own eyes, and pru-
is disclosed also in the formation of sentences, and dent in their own sight 1" (5 20 f.) One who so boldly
in the choice of individual expressions. His periods denoimces sophistical perversions of moral ideas and
are finely rounded off {e.g., 1 12, 3 6 f., 8 6-8, 29 3 f.). speaks of the conceit and self-deception of others
His metaphors are full of artistic splendor. Note his should not be charged with basing his own call on
use of darkness and light as pictures of distress and mere imagination. I. must have come into myste-
bliss (5 30, 8 22 f., 9 1, etc.); or his comparison of the rious contact with the Divine Spirit behind the
hosts of the enemy with floods of "water (8 7 f., 28 I7b, visible universe — the Spirit as a rule concealed from
etc.). His antitheses are sharp, as in 3 24, where the man. It is precisely the latest discoveries regarding
words "branding instead of beauty" are most effect- the substauces and forces of the universe that warn
ive. His use of assonance is brilliant, as, e.g., in the us against the opinion that all secrets have been
original of 5 7: "He looked for justice {ts^dhaqah), fathomed and that there can be no Divine Spirit
but, behold! oppression" (ts^'dqah) (cf. also 17 12, (Is 31 3; Jn4 24).
etc.). The forceful compactness of his style, as Where I. exercised this prophetic function is
contrasted with Ezekiel's, was famed as early as the briefly told. For every reference to his residence,
time of the Talmud (Bah, Chagiga, 13a), where I. either directly (7 3 ff.,37 2 ff.) or indirect-
is compared to a man of the city and Ezekiel to a 4. Place ly (1 9 f., 8 18, etc.), points to Jerusalem,
villager. It is no wonder that Jerome Ukened him and Time. It is more difficult to fix the time of his
to Demosthenes. activity, for O T chronology is full of
This nabhi' was (1) no soothsayer. Many in Israel diflficulties. We know indeed that I. prophesied
had indeed yielded to various kinds of divination. during the rule of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and
The O T historians were too truthful Hezekiah (1 l), the record of whose reigns is given
3. His In- to conceal these wrong practises, but in II K chs. 15-20 and II Ch chs. 26-32. But the
spiration, they record also that the true religion dates of these reigns can not be fixed with absolute
of Israel had nothing to do with them precision. In general, the computations of Rost ,
(Nu 23 23). I. expressly condemned the seeking are correct (KA T^, pp. 319 ff.). According to these,
after departed ("famiUar") spirits (8 19; cf. 3 2, 29 4). Uzziah reigned from 790 to 739 and Jotham from
(2) I. was no advocate of a foreign civilization (2 6 750 to 735, first as regent for his father, who was
[cf. the present writer's booklet. Die babylonische incapacitated by his leprosy (II K 15 5). Rost
Gefangenschaft der Bibel, 1905, pp. 54 ff.]). Just as dates the reign of Ahaz from 735 to 720, but in that
little was he a preacher of partizan opinions. There case Ahaz must have stiU been reigning at the time
was a type of prophet of J" in Israel by whom the of the fall of Samaria (722). This event, however,
views and tendencies of dominant parties were took place under Hezekiah, according to II K 18 l,
represented. These were the prophets whom I. and the historian must have known under what
denounces as false leaders of his people (3 2), king of Judah such a fearful catastrophe occurred.
"teachers of hes" (9 15), "friends of wine" (28 7). The reformation of Hezekiah was begun under the
Such persons, whom he ironically calls "the proph- deep impressions produced by this calamity. It
ets" and "the wise men" of the people (29 10, 14), may be conjectured that the sixteen years assigned
held that the long-suffering of God was inexhaustible to Ahaz are due to the imitation of the ntonber
(5 19), and cried "peace" where there was lio peace sixteen in the years of his predecessor; Hezekiah's
(cf. Jer 6 14, etc.). They were actuated by material reign may then be placed in the years 724-696.
motives and prophesied for money (cf. Mic 3 5, 11). Further, the number fourteen (Is 36 i) may have
(3) I. belonged to the true prophets of Jehovah, arisen from twenty-four, since Manasseh is not in-
who were conscious of being commissioned by the cluded among the kings during whose reigns I.
living God, They were convinced by an experience, ministered, and the T lends no support to the
which surpassed all other experiences, that they tradition that I. was put to death during the per-
were entrusted with a religious mission (Am 7 15; secutions of the prophets imder Manasseh (II
K
Is 6 Iff.). They knew that against this they had 21 16), and especially to the legend that he was
objected (6 5 ff.), and had been overruled only by sawn asunder {Ascens. Is. 5 11), and was thus one
364
Isaiah A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
of the martrys of the faith referred to in He 1 1 37 Ahaz compelled to appeal to Assyria for aid
felt
such as
(II K
16 7-9). (c) Social abuses followed,
oppression of
(1) The General Political Situation at the Time in miscarriages of justice (1 10, etc.), the
SW. Asia. —^The contact of Israel and Assyria which, the poor (3 5 ff., etc.), and effeminacy and
profligacy
according to the cuneiform inscriptions, (5 11 ff., etc.).
5. Historical had begun in the years 854 (Ahab at When I. came to his ministry it was one ol those
Setting, the battle of Karkar) and 842 (Jehu moments in human history when God s mercy
specified as paying tribute), was in the yields to His justice, and His holiness
days of I. quite close. To Assyria's lust of conquest 6. Char- is disclosed. In other words, at such
a vigorous impulse had been given by the king, who acter of His moments. His exaltation over all that
at first was called Pulu ("Pul," II K 1519), and Teaching, is merely secular, particularly the
later, Tiglath-pileser III (ver. 29), and who reigned unesthetic, the non-moral, and the
from 745 to 727. From II K
15 19 we would infer that irreligious, is brought into view (Is 6 3, 1 4b). But
Tiglath-pileser came into the land of Israel c. 738. in the same historical crisis, all the more radiantly
He was in Philistia in the year 734 (KAT^, p. 321), was that grace of God revealed, which ever leads
and in 732 captured Damascus. His aggressive the way for man in the stages of his development.
policy was continued by Shalmaneser IV (727-722), Because of this twofold characteristic of his age
who began the conquest of Samaria. His successor, there were two aspects to I.'s message. (1) On the
Sargon (722-705), mentions the capture of the city one hand, he was called to lament the bitter fruit
as an event occurring in the first year of his own produced by the vineyard of God (5 1-7). Thus
reign (Winckler, Gesch. Ass. u. Bab., 1892, p. 234). we see him as a censor
of the indifferent masses
In the battle of Raphia, Sargon defeated the Egyp- (5 11), ofthe self-sufficient princes (7 11), of a high-
tian king So' (II K17 4) —
a name contracted from minded minister of state (22 15), and of priests un-
Seve, or Sdbako, the first Pharaoh of the Ethiopian faithful to their duty (28 7 ff., etc.). I. was a most
dynasty. Later (in 711), through his tartan, or impressive teacher of morality. It is difficult to
general-in-chief, he made war against the freedom- find anywhere a more severe arraignment than his
loving city of Ashdod in Philistia (Is 20 l), and in words: "The ox knoweth his owner, but Israel
. . .
709 wrested the suzerainty over Babylonia from the doth not know," etc. (1 3). Idolatry (2 20, 8 19),
—
patriot Marduk-bal-Iddin the Biblical Merodach- covetousness, which exhausts a people (3 5, 5 19),
—
baladan of Bit Yakin on the Persian Gulf (Weber, oppressive injustice (1 17, 3 Hi., 10 if.), pleasure-
Sanherib, 1905, p. 7). Sargon's son Sennacherib seeking, and gluttony (3 16 ff., 22 13a, 28 7) have
(705-686) undertook a campaign against Palestine never been scourged with greater vigor than by I.
(701), besieged Jerusalem (II K
18 13 ff.; Is 36 1 ff.), The thunder of his woes against the conscienceless
defeated at Altaku, in Philistia, an army led by the administrators of the vineyard of the Lord (5 8-24)
Ethiopian prince Tirhaka (II K
19 9), but was is Uke that of the words of Jesus in Mt 23 13-29.
providentially overthrown in the neighborhood of (2) But besides this ministry of stem admonition I.
Pelusium, his host being devastated by a frightful was called to exercise one of edification and comfort.
pestilence (Is 37 36; Herodot. II, 141). "What is here He was given the task of pointing out in clear terms
said of Tirhaka is not invalidated by the fact that the spiritual character of the Kingdom of God. For
he did not become Pharaoh over all Egypt earlier when great world-powers were developing in SW.
than 691, and the assertion that Is ch. 36 f. has Asia, it was the time to warn Israel against alliances
confused two sieges of Jerusalem by Sennacherib with them, to hold it back from attempting to com-
(so, e.g., Marti, Comm. ilb. Is. 1901, on 37 9) is un- pete with them, and to remind it earnestly of its
founded {wayydshobh, "and he returned," II K religious and ethical mission. Consequently, when
19 9b, is the correct reading). That Sennacherib an aUiance with Egypt was proposed, I. bitterly
was drawn northward to Jerusalem later in a cam- complains that the spirit of the Eternal {i.e., the
paign against the queen of the Arabians (Weber, prophet himself as the instrument of this spirit) had
Sanherib, 1905, p. 21 f.) is not attested by the not been consulted (30 1 f.), and, further, held before
cuneiform inscriptions. the citizens of the kingdom the high ideal: "In
(2) The Ethical and Religious Character of the quietness and in confidence shall be your strength"
Age. —In the time of I. the internal affairs of Israel (30 15b). Finally, like a sun-bom rainbow the
had reached a critical stage of greatest significance, promise shines forth that, when the religion of the
(a) Loyalty to the national religion was, especially Eternal shall have attained supremacy over all forms
in the kingdom of Samaria, at a low ebb (I 12 28, K of worship, the people shall tum their swords into the
etc.), "They walked in the way of Jeroboam," i.e., tools of peaceful industry (2 2-4). With this we
they approved of Jehovah-images, and the nation touch upon the last portion of the task which I.
was in danger of giving up those prerogatives that was to accomplish. It was given him to let new
belonged to it in virtue of its peculiar religious light fall upon the way through which God was
history (Is 2 5f.). From the east and the west designing to realize His plan of leading humanity into
strange views poured in (2 6), and the tendency harmony with Himself. There were two points in
to idolatry was universal (2 20, etc.). (b) At the particular which he was to illuminate more clearly.
same time, and as a result, the sense of the fun- First, in his day the eye of prophecy was opened
damental national unity with the sister kingdom more widely to the recognition of the superhuman
was almost lost. For Pekah, the king of Samaria, endowment the coming deliverer. The child
of
as an ally of a foreign enemy, went even to the extent *'Immanuel, God with
us," whose birth (7 14) is set
of besieging Jerusalem (II K 16 6; Is 7 l ff.), so that forth mysteriously—only with the mention
of its
— — :
mother —
^is, in the words, "Thy land, O Immanuel" foUowmg facts: first, the confession of I. that he
(8 8b), designated as the ruler of the holy land, was a "man of unclean lips," whereupon a cleansing
and is further endowed with all the attributes of of his lips follows (6 6ff.), and, secondly, the words
an ideal prince (9 6, 11 2). But see Immanuel. In of God, ''^Vhom shall I send?" etc., and the offer
the second place, the prophet saw more clearly the of Isaiah, "Here am I; send me" (ver. 8). It is
fact of the sufferings of that perfect Son of David. possible to see why ch. 6 has been displaced in the
In Amos (9 ll), and Micah (5 1), indeed, a humilia- interests ofan unchronological order by the discourse
tion of the house of David precedes the advent of of ch. 1. The
expressions in ch. 6, "In the year that
the ideal Son of David. But I. discloses the exceed- King Uzziah died" (ver. 1) and "hear ye now con-
ingly lowly condition of the house of David when the tinually" (ver. 9), may have led to the idea that I.
Savior King should spring from it. For not from the had been prophesying for some time, while the lofty
outspreading branches of the tree, but out of its tone of the introduction to ch. 1, "Hear, O heavens,"
roots will the ideal Son of David issue (111; cf. the etc., and the impressive diction of the entire chapter,
echo of this in the later passage 53 2). In the refer- may have led to the putting of this discourse at the
ence to curdled milk and wild honey (7 15, 22) the — beginning of the collection ; for it is noticeable that
products of a devastated land we find the same — significant and weighty expressions are made the
teaching. In short, the nature of the future King- beginnings of divisions in the book (cf. 4 l, 9 l, 11 1).
dom of God and the character of its coming ruler (3) But although the chronological arrangement of
were revealed to no other prophet so clearly as to I. the book is not an absolute one, it does not appear so
The Ught which was thrown by his prophetic knowl- completely destroyed as has been recently claimed.
edge upon the highest goal of human destiny il- F. Wilke, in his book Jesaja und Asur (1905), em-
lumined the following centuries (Sir 48 25). phasizes the fact that the relation of I. to the
The Book of Isaiah consists of two parts. The Assyrian world-power was not a simple one. He
first (chs. 1-39) contains, in the main, the record claims that the prophet could not "in the same
of the prophetic work of I., the son of Amoz, the breath" have put into view the deepest humiliation
contemporary of Ahaz and Hezekiah. The second of Jerusalem through Assyria, and a glorious salva-
part (chs. 40-66) belongs to exilic (and post-exilic ?) tion from the attacks of this enemy (p. 7) Therefore,
.
times. According to Driver, whose view represents he holds that I. passed from a pro- Assyrian to an
fairly the general critical position (LOT, pp. 206 ff.), anti-Assyrian attitude, and that this change of
the first part falls conveniently into six subdivisions position after a lengthy preparation reached its
9, culmination in the year 701, when Sennacherib be-
I. Chs. 1-12. A
first collection of oracles relating to both
sieged the temple-city of Jehovah. But no one has
Judah, and larad, of various dates from 740-701 B.C., ar-
ranged as follows : Ch. 1. The "great arraignment" (probably thus far claimed that I. gave utterance to his various
belonging to 701, the time of Sennacherib's invasion of expressions on the relation of Assyria to the destiny
Judah), Chs. 2-5. Among I.'s earliest prophecies (circa
of Jehovah's people "in the same breath." More-
734, in Ahaz's reign, or earlier). Ch. 6. Isaiah's call to his
ministry. 7 ^-9 '. At the time of the Syro-Ephraimitic
over, Wilke incorrectly describes I.'s attitude toward
war (735-734). 9 ^-10 4. Addressed mainly to Ephraim the Assyrians. For instance, the warning of I.
(circa 735). 10 ^11 ^. Relating to the advance of Assyria (30 1 ff.) against an alliance with Egypt (cf. Wilke,
(date uncertain). 11 1^—12 *. Date uncertain, possibly post-
p. 43) is not quite a demand on his part to take sides
exilic.
II. Chs. 13-23.
Relating chiefly to foreign nations (im- with the Assyrians; Israel as God's people was to
plicated in one way or another in the general political situ- act on an entirely different principle. It was not to
ation between 734 and 701).
enter into ambitious rivalry with the world-powers
III. Chs. 24r-27. An early post-exilic prophecy of strong
evangelical character. (30 5ff.). But, thirdly, I. himself tells us (10 5ff.)
IV. Chs. 28-33. Relating chiefly to the political crisis why he could no longer see in Assyria the executor of
which led to Sennacherib's invasion of Judah (705-701). the punishment overhanging the impenitent major-
V. Chs. 34, 35. Of exilic date, relating to Edom V8. Israel.
ity. It was because the Assyrian in his pride had
VI. Chs. 36-39. A
historical narrative, taken mainly from,
UK chs. 18-20.. overstepped the Divine commission. The question,
therefore, is simply this whether I. could have issued
:
The book containing the discourses of I. possesses even one threat against the Assyrian world-power
(1) chronological order in the main; for it names the without destroying the general impression of his
year of the death of Uzziah circa 739 prophecies, viz.: that Assyria was to be the Divine
7, The (6 1) It speaks of Ahaz reigning, and
. agent in Israel's pxmishment. Since, however, the
Book. Its the kingdom of Samaria as an aggres- spirit shown by Assyria in the destruction of Samaria
Arrange- sive power (7 1 ff.). It mentions the might have led the prophet to infer (10 5 ff.) that
such an overstepping of the Divine command could
I
'
ment. year of the death of Ahaz circa 724
(14 28). It alludes to Sargon sending occur later in her attitude toward the kingdom of
an army against Ashdod circa 711 (20 l). It men- Judah, it was quite possible for him to threaten
tions the fourteenth year of the reign of Heze- Assyria, while holding her up as the Divine agent
kiah —^probably the twenty-fourth, or in any case in Judah's punishment. Consequently Wilke is not
the year 701 (36 1) —
so that its contents undoubtedly right in placing all the passages of I. that are friendly
advance chronologically. (2) But the chronolog- to Assyria (5 26-30, 7 1-16, 8 1-8, etc.) in one single
ical order is not preserved in all its parts. Ch. 6, for period, antecedent to the year 701, and in a later
example, relates the inauguration of the prophet period all those which ring with the assurance of
to his office. Reasons adduced to make it appear victory over Assyria (9 1-6, 10 5-34, 11 1 ff., 14 24-27,
that this chapter narrates a special experience in the 33 12-14, 18 4-6, 29 6-9 f., 30 27-33, 31 10-19, 37 6ff.).
course of I.'s prophetic ministry are overruled by the (4) The same general chronological arrangement,
Isaiah A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 366
Ishbosheth
though somewhat disturbed by other considera- employed which in I.'s time were confined to poetic
into prose?
tions on the editor's part, obtains in the next main usage, and only later found their way
division (chs. 13-39). seen in the sequence
This is The mildest assimiption is that the discourses in
of the following events: the death of Ahaz is men- which these unusual particles are found have been
tioned (14 28) circa 724 —
Samaria is not yet —
worked over by later hands a process which was
— —
captured (28 1) before 722 events in the four- just as possible with these discourses as with the
IKS
U-53 with
teenth year of King Hezekiah are recorded (36 l). dedicatory address of Solomon (cf.
The place and order of this division seem to be best 11 Ch 6 1-42). (b) Other indications of this fact
understood as follows: After the chronological that certain portions of the book are not from I. are
principle of arrangement has led in 10 5 ff. to the found in their contents. In the discourses of chs.
mention of Assyria as the most important of the 1 ff. the people are indeed threatened with the pun-
contemporary foreign enemies of the theocracy, ishment of exile (6 12, etc.); but in chs. 40 ff. they
other discourses against opponents of the kingdom stand before the prophet as already in captivity. It
of God were appended, whether they were foreign might be asked, however, whether I. could not have
nations (chs. 13 ff.) or Israelites who had no concep- addressed the people prophetically as exiles? But
tion of the Divine ideal for the nation's life (ch. 28) this would contradict the essential parallelism that
or those in Judah who ignored the warnings and exists between history and prophecy. In the T
teachings of the prophets as agents of the Divine —
we have a succession of prophets each prophet
Spirit (chs. 29 ff.). But this arrangement has been speaking to the people of his own period in the
more or less influenced by other considerations. language of their own time which they could under-
There is, for instance, incorporated among the so- stand. Had it been otherwise, God must have
called "discourses against strange peoples" (chs. opened to the hearers a historical horizon unknown
13-27) a discourse against Jerusalem (ch. 22). It to them. Consequently such passages as Is 41 2,
has been conjectured that the reason for this was the 44 28, 45 1, in which Cyrus is referred to as a great
effort to place side by side characteristic expressions, personality well known to the hearers, must have
as, e.g. "they fled away" (21 I5a), and "all thy rulers
J been written in Cyrus' own days, and 46 l, when
fled away"(22 3a). It is customary to call such ex- Bel and Nebo are placed side by side, must belong
pressions "catch-words," though they constitute only to the period shortly before the fall of Babylon,
a species of repetition (cf. Konig, Stil. Rhet. Poet. as is evident from a similar arrangement of the
p. 154). Comill has advanced the theory (ZATW, names in the cuneiform inscriptions of that time
vol. iv, pp. 33 ff.) that regard for such "catch-words" (Keilinsfihr, Bihl. Ill, 2, pp. 47, 127, 131, etc.).
has influenced the one who arranged the whole book (2) On
the other hand, it must not be overlooked
(cf. W. Kothstein, Die Genealogie d. Konigs Jo- that the discourses in chs. 1 ff. and 40 ff. are bound
jachim, 1902, App.). This is not altogether im- together by a number of common characteristics.
possible. Furthermore, it has been claimed that Chief among these is the designation of God as the
the discourses in chs. 13 ff. are put together because, "Holy One of Israel," which appears as an echo
with the exception of chs. 18 and 20, they all begin theophany of 6 l ff., in 1 4b, 5 19,
of the 24,10 17, 20,
with the word "burden" (massd')j and that this 12 6, 29 19, 30 11, 12, 15, 31 1, 37 23, 41 14, 16, 20,
17 7,
word, according to this writer, indicates a threaten- 43 3, 45 11, 47 4, 48 17, 49 7, 54 5, 55 5, 60 9, 14.
14 f.,
ing message. But as a term for prophecies this This common feature can not indeed prove that the
word does not signify threatening. It is the simple discourses of 40 ff. issue from I. ; for common elements
expression 'discourse,' or 'utterance,' as is clear from of this sort may have been due to imitation, and the
its use in the sense of "visions" in La 2 14. So name of God alluded to is also found in Jer 50 29,
that these chapters are not necessarily messages of 51 5; Ps 71 22, 78 41, and 89 19. A consideration of
doom, while the term itself is scarcely characteristic all the differences and agreements leads to the con-
enough to have occasioned the incorporation of ch. clusion that either there existed literary remains
22 in this series. In any case the designation of I. of I. (e.g., chs. 53, 56 9-57 11), which were enlarged
as the recipient of these prophetic oracles (13 l) by a later author, which is not probable, or that a
must have come from the fact that either the sec- prophet who through his faith belonged to the
tion 13 1-14 23, or the discourses of chs. 13-23, "holy seed" of 6 13 was an indirect pupil of I. (8 16,
constituted at one time a partial collection of the 50 4, 54 3), and has imitated the great master in
prophecies of Isaiah. several features. The comforting speeches of this
(1) But the Book of Isaiah contains also imita- prophet came to be appended to the collection of the
tions of the genuine discourses of I. (a) It could prophecies of I., because, according to an ancient
not allhave proceeded directly from tradition registered in the Talmud, his book closed
8.The Sec- this prophet, for some parts of it con- the series of the three great prophets. The name
ond Part, tain traces of a pecuUar style of diction of this prophet could, however, easily remain un-
Chs. 40-66. The negative "not," e.g., is generally known, or become imknown, as was the case with
represented by Id' (cf. 1 3b, etc.), but the "man of God" who announced to Eli the destruc-
by the more unusual bal in 14 21, 26 10, 11, 14, 18, tion of his house (I S 2 27 ff.). This fact does not
33 20, 21, 23, 24, 35 9, 40 24, 43 17, 44 8 f Further, the
. affect the Divine nature of the content of these
usual expression for the conjunction "also" is gam prophecies. Their character lies essentially in the
(cf 1 15, etc.) but in 26 8 f ., 11, 33 2, 35 2, 40 24, 41 10,
. ;
following three grounds of comfort: (1) In the
23, 26, 42 13, 43 7, 19, 44 15, 16, 45 21, 46 11, 48 12, 13, calling to mind the fact of the absolute supremacy
15, it is the poetic 'a-ph. How is it to be explained of the God of Israel (chs. 40-48), which made possible
that in a portion of the discourses particles are the use of a political agent m
the deliverance of hie
Isaiah
367 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Ishboaheth
people from captivity, (2) God was to work out the ushered into the presence of God Himself. But the
inner or spiritual salvation of Israel, and therewith, chief object of his ascension was to receive the
at the same time, that of all mankind (chs. 49-55). revelation of the Messiah's advent to earth (chs.
(3) In the promise that God would reward those 7-10). Being now taken back by the angel to the
who were true to the Law, no matter how often firmament, he saw in detail the circumstances of
the opposite might seem to be the case, while those the birth, life, sufferings, death, and resurrection of
who despised the Law would not in the end escape Jesus, and His ascension into the seventh heaven.
their punishment (chs. 56-64). At this point the angel left him and his soul returned
[As indicated in the analysis of chs. 1-39 (§ 7, above), a
into his body. But because he told this vision to
considerable amount of post-exilic material is included in the Hezekiah, Manasseh put him to death (ch. 11).
first main division of the book. Some of this It is quite clear from the outline here given that
0. Other (as chs. 24-27 and 34, 36) was probably
the Ascension of Isaiah is a composite book, consist-
w___ inserted by the post-exilic compilers of I.'s
oracles in the belief that it was of Isaianio ing of at least two principal works, i.e.,
Isaiamc origin. Other portions (as 11 i'>-12 «) may 4. Composi- the Martyrdom and the Vision* Each
Elements, have originated in a desire to supplement the tion, Date, of these is complete, and has probably
original prophecies by making them more ap-
Authorship, been enlarged from an original some-
plicable to the changed situation of later days.]
More detailed exposition of many points will be found in what briefer in compass. The Vision
the writer's EinUit. in d. AT, pp. 312 ff., and The Exiles' was produced probably in the 2d cent, of the Chris-
Book of Consolation (1899). [See also the commentaries of tian era. The Martyrdom antedates it by a century
Skinner {Canib, Bible), Whitehouse (New Century Bible),
and G. A. Smith (Expos. Bible), and on the general critical or more, being, to all appearances, a reduction into
questions Driver, in LOT
and G. A. Smith, in HDB.I literary form of the old tradition regarding the
E. K. death of the great prophet.
ISAIAH, ASCENSION OF: The occasion for The Ascension of Isaiah has been edited in the
the use of the name and personality of Isaiah in Ethiopic text discovered by Laurence in 1819, and,
apocalyptic writings is to be found as revised upon the basis of two additional MSS.,
1, Isaianio probably in the fact that he was in- by Dilhnann (1877). It has been translated into
Apoca- troduced in his ministry through the English, and published in the Lutheran Qimrterly
lypses. means of a vision. How large this use Review (1878, pp. 513 ff.). See also Kautzsch,
was is not positively known, but the Pseiidepigrapha. A. C. Z.
titles of four leaianic apocalyptic books are men-
ISCAH, iz'ca 0"'5P^ yi§hhah): A name men-
tioned by ancient writers. These are The Martyr- :
Part I. Lord, and when Hezekiah desired to means 'man' and is used in a few compound proper
prevent this by putting Manaeseh to noims with this significance. In most proper nouns
deathj the prophet forbade him (ch. 1). His pre- beginning with 'ish', this syllable is but a part of
diction was fulfilled in due time, and after having the verbal form contained in the name. E. E. N.
fled into the wilderness he was, upon the charge of
treason against the Holy City and usurpation of ISHBAH, ish'ba (n2?)':, yishhah): The clan ap-
authority higher than that of Moses, seized and parently from which Eshtemoa was peopled (I
brought back before the king (2 1-3 12). The real Ch4l7). E.E.N.
reason, however, for Satan's hatred of Isaiah was
ISHBAK, ish'bak. See Ethnography and
the prediction of the coming of Messiah from the
seventh heaven, and of his death, resurrection,
Ethnology, § 11.
ascension, and second coming. The mission of the ISHBI-BENOB, ish"bQi-bi'neb (2i? ^?:&t, yishhi
twelve Apostles, the persecution of the Christians, bhmdbh) A name occurring in II S 21 16. The
:
the coming of Antichrist, and his destruction were Heb. text of this and the preceding verse is
also predicted (3 13—i 22). At all events, Manasseh doubtless corrupt. The original reading probably
caused Isaiah to be sawn asunder (ch. 5). was, "and David and his servants with him went
Part II gives an account of a visioii of the prophet down and dwelt in Gob and fought with the Philis-
which he saw in the twentieth year tines," etc. The name of the gigantic opponent of
3. Contents, of Hezekiah, and told to the king and David has been lost (see Gob). E. E. N.
Part I|. his counselors (ch. 6). In this vision
he was taken up by an angel through ISHBOSHETH, ish'^o'sheth (pp l^^ii, Hsh
the firmament into the seventh heaven, where he saw bosheth), 'man of shame' (also Eshbaal, 'man of
the patriarchs Adam, Abel, and Enoch, and was Baal,' in I Ch 8 31): The fourth son of Saul (II S
Ishhod 368
History of
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Israel,
2 8).After the death of his father and his three (II K 25 23 ff.; Jer 40 8-41 18). 6. A priest (Ezr
E. E. N.
elder brothers at the battle of Mt. Gilboa, I. would 10 22).
An effort to avert this by selecting twelve men on dently such passages show different authorship and
each side and allowing the issue to rest with the variant traditions. "Midianites" and "Ishmaelites"
result of a combat between them proved unsuccess- could easily be confused, as meaning Arab tribes
ful, since all the combatants were mortally wounded. inhabiting the deserts E. and SE. of Israel. See
Ishmael and Midian. E. E. N.
A battle was then fought in which the followers of I.
suffered a crushing defeat. He continued to hold ISHMAIAH, ish-md'y(i Cin^^^^% yishma'yahu),
out, but when Abner transferred his allegiance to
'J* hears': One of David's heroes (I Ch 12 4,
1-
David on account of a rebuke which I. administered
Ismaiah AV). 2. The head of the tribe of Zebulon
to him for unlawful intimacy with his father's con-
(I Ch 27 19). E. E. N.
cubine, Rizpah, his cause became desperate, and he
was himself murdered by two of his captains, a ISHMEELITE, ish'me-el-ait. See Ishmaelitb.
crime which David promptly punished. A. C. Z.
ISHMERAI, ish'me-rai or ish'me-r6 (^l?p??^, yish-
ISHHOD, ish"hed' ("I^H^X, Hshhodh, Ishod AV), m'ray) A descendant of Benjamin (I Ch 8 18).
:
ISHI, oi'shai or ish'ai CV^^., yish'l), 'my help': ISHPAH, ish'pa (HD?)':, yishpah, Ispah AV): A
I. 1 Descendants of Judah (I Ch 2 31, 4 20).
and 2. descendant of Benjamin (I Ch 8 16). E. E. N.
3. A descendant of Simeon (I Ch 4 42). 4. The head
ISHPAN, ish'pan {]%^'^., yishpan) : A descendant
of a family of Manasseh (I Ch 5 24). All are prob-
ably clan-names. II 'iskl). A symbohc of Benjamin (I Ch 8 22)," E. E. N.
CV*'^,
term, expressive of the ideal relation between J" and ISH-TOB, ish'-tob (^itD rJ-'X, 'ish tobh): In II
Israel, meaning 'my husband' in a higher sense than S 10 6-8 AV this occurs asa proper name. RV
ha'alt, 'my master' (Hos 2 16). E. E. N. reads, "men of Tob," which is probably correct.
See Tob. E. E. N.
ISHIAH, oi-shai'a. See Isshiah.
ISHIJAH, ai-shai'ja. See Isshijah, ISHVAH, ish'va, ISHUAH, ish'yu-a (DJ^:, yish-
wah), and ISHVI, ish'vai, ISHUI, ish'yu-ai (^1?):,
ISHMA, ish'ma (X^^*:, yishma') : The ancestral yishvn): 1. Ishvi ("Isui," also "Jesui" and "Ishuai"
head of a clan of Judah (I Ch 4 3). E. E. N. AV) was ancestral head of one of the clans of
Asher, the Ishvites (Jesuites AV) (Gn 46 17; Nu
ISHMAEL, ish'ma-el, ish'me-, or -me'- (hi^^^W^.,
26 44; I Ch 7 30). "Ishvah" ("Ishuah" AV) in Gn
yishmd'e'l), 'God hears': 1. The son of Abraham 46 17 and "Isuah" in I Ch 7 30 (omitted in Nu AV
and Hagar, Sarah's maid (Gn 16 11 ff.). Isaac, son 26 44) are probably only duplicates of Ishvi. 2, A
of Sarah, Abraham's full wife, supplanted I. as the son of Saul (I S 14 49), probably the one called else-
heir of Abraham, and through Sarah's jealousy, I.
where Eshbaal, or Ishbosheth. E. E. N.
and his mother were expelled from Abraham's home
(Gn 17l8ff., 218-21). Nevertheless, I. was cir- ISLE, ISLAND: These terms render the Heb. %
ciuncised and thus (according to later theory) viewed pi. —
Hyylm) i.e., a place whither one betakes himself
as having some real connection with the Covenant for resting, from the standpoint of a mariner (Gr.
(Gn 17 23-2«). I. is represented as the ancestor of the vrja-iov, vrja-os). The singular is used (Is 20 6, 23 2, 6)
Ishmaelites, subdivided according to Gn 25 12 ff. for the "coastland" RV ("isle" AV) of Philistia and
into 12 tribes. These "sons of Ishmael" were in Phcenicia, with the adjacent country; cf. Jer 25 22
reality tribes of NE. Arabia (Gn 25 18), believed to RVmg. If Caphtor (Jer 47 4) is Crete, the Heb. word
have had some early genealogical connection with is also used for an island. The plural form (Is 40 15)
Israel. They were thus easily confused with the is used for islands in our sense of the word, and per-
Midianites (cf. Gn 37 25; Jg 8 24). Their wild, war- haps also hi Jer 2 10; Ezk 27 6, if Chittim is Cyprus.
like character is indicated by the terms appUed to I. Elsewhere the plural designates, in general, lands
himself in Gn 16 12 ("a wild ass of a man") and in washed by the ocean in part the seacoaste and is-
;
NT the translation is exact, except perhaps in Rev 'J* supports' : A temple overseer under Hezekiah (I
6 14, 16 20, where distant lands are meant. Ch31 13). E.E.N.
C. S. T. ISMAIAH, is-m^'ya- See Ishmaiah.
ISMACHUH, is"ma-cai'a On'l^1^^^„yi?makhyahu), ISPAH, is'pa. See Ishpah.
ISRAEL, HISTORY OF
Analysis op Contents
1. The Preparation I. The United Kingdom 6. The Kingdom of Judah
(1) Land and People (1) The Government of Saul (1) Rehoboam to Jotham
(2) Predecessors of Israel (2) The Reign of David (2) Ahaz to Josiah
2. The Unorganized Stage (3) The Reign of Solomon (3) Jehoahaz to Zedekiah
3. The Growth of Tribal Union . The Kingdom of Israel 7. The Chaldean Regime
(1) First Palestinian Period (1) Jeroboam I to Elah (1) The Remnant in Palestine
(2) Egypt and the Exodus (2) Omri to Joram (2) The Babylonian ExUe
(3) The Permanent Settlement (3) Jehu to Shallum 8. The Persian Period
(4) The Judges (4) Menahem to Hoshea 9. The Hellenistic Era
10. The Maccabaean Period
admixture was a consequence of residence in Pales- tamian seat of the same divinity. Here a young
tine in days before and after Moses and Joshua. An chief, Abram, formed a new expedition to Canaan at
Arab infusion began early (Gn chs. 16, 21), was the head of a considerable clan, who finally chose S.
continued by the accession of Kenites, Kenizzites, Palestine as its pasture-ground. Here toward the
and others, and by immigration from the desert all end of the 15th cent. B.C. the proximate descend-
through their history. A
close relation subsisted ants of this clan were known as "Hebrews" (the
between Israel and Edom, Ammon, and Moab. Chabire of the Amama tablets). A
Uttle later still
(2) Predecessors of Israel. Israel is an 'ancient' another family-group, or clan, was founded under
people in only a qualified sense. More than three the leadership of the eponym Jacob-Israel.
thousand years before the settlement in Canaan, (1) First Palestinian Period. The "sons" of Ja-
lower Bjabylonia had been drained and cultivated by cob were divided into four groups, named from his
a mixed Semitic and non-Semitic population, and wives and their handmaids. The four
was laying the foundations of one of the most potent 3. The eldest first secured an independent foot-
civilizations the world has known, with highly de- Growth of ing. But Reuben, E. of Jordan, was
veloped trade, industry, jurisprudence, mythology Tribal earlyabsorbed by border tribes. Simeon
and religion, art and science. Palestine was con- Union, and Levi were almost destroyed in
trolled by the Babylonians from about 4000 e.g. a feud with the Canaanites, with whom
to 1700 B.C. In the 16th cent. B.C. Egypt overran they had made alliance (Gn ch. 34). Simeon was
Palestine and Syria, and held Palestine by mili- later absorbed by Judah, who had strengthened
tary occupation, with interruptions, till 1180 B.C. himself by Canaanitic alliances (Gn ch. 38). Levi
Meanwhile the native races of Palestine were unable was distributed among the other tribes. Issachar
and unwilling to amalgamate. The chief of these and Zebulon early made a settlement in the valley of
370
Israel, History of A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
from Canaan. But the Pharaohs of the 19th dynasty people of the land, and came to worship the local
cruelly oppressed the Hebrews, and after a residence Baals, while nominally devoted to J*. The Joseph
of over a century in Egypt they migrated to their tribes, Manasseh (Machir) in the N., Ephraim in the
ancestral home. Their leader was Moses, of the center, and "Benjamin the yOTingest" (Ps 68 27)
family of Levi, who by a long residence among the formed the main bulwark of the settlement. They
Kenites had become imbued with the religion of J", joined the northern tribes in the first great unifying
whose seat was in Sinai. Pursued by the Egyptians, struggle when lesachar, Zebulon, and Naphtali were
a way was opened for them over an arm of the Red contending for their life against a combination of
Sea. This signal proof of the favor and power of 5" northern Canaanites {circa 1130 B.C.). Judah and
concihated them to His religion. Moses led the the eastern tribes long held aloof from common
march to Sinai, and there confirmed their allegiance action. (4) The Judges, The chief impulse to
by a formal covenant. Here also he propounded to federate came from the attacks of outsiders: Ar-
them the principles of law, order, and justice which amaeans (who were now filling up Syria), Moabites,
were put into practise during a long desert wandering Midianites, and Ammonites. The whole domain of
as a preparation for settled fife. Thus Moses be- Israel was not overrun at one time by any of these
came the first and greatest of the prophets of Israel. invaders. The incursions of the Midianites {circa
(3) Ths Permanent Settlement. The Egyptians had 1090 B.C.) threatened it seriously, since the center of
now {circa 1170 B.C.) withdrawn entirely from the country was attacked by way of Manasseh. On
Palestine, so that no united nation opposed the each occasion a "judge," or regulator, was chosen,
entrance of the Hebrews. They had, moreover, the who acted as dictator till the danger was over. On
help of their kindred remaining in the country, this occasion Gideon, the dictator and deliverer, was
mostly E. of the Jordan, and of their allies the made a virtual king against his will by his fellow
Kenites and other half-Arab tribes. An entrance tribesmen. The most deadly foes were the Philis-
371 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Israel, History of
tines, who, by 1040 b.c, were everywhere victo- ties of David drew all Israel to him, and in less than
whose
rious over Israel, the best portion of terri- twenty years he had completely quelled the old
tory they held as tributary. Samuel, the last and Philistine oppressors, and made Israel the most
greatest of the judges, tried in vain to unite his powerful people of SW. Asia, by bringing into sub-
discouraged people, who were again becoming dis^ jection the Moabites, Ammonites, and Edomites, as
integrated, in part by the tendency to form separate well as the Aramaeans of S. Syria. His statesman-
city governments after the fashion of old Canaan, ship was shown by his organization of the govern-
and in part by the prevalence of Canaanitic customs, ment, his choice of officials, and the selection of
social and rehgious. He at last acceded to the Jerusalem as his capital. Like Saul, however, he
popular demand and anointed as king Saul, a sub- failed as a ruler to fulfil the promise of his early
stantial landholder of Benjamin. years. The extension of his kingdom had not been
(1) T}be Government of SauL Saul at first res- complete before the seeds of dissension and dis-
cued Jabesh in Gilead from the Ammonites, and content had been sown outside of his own tribe of
many of his people rallied to his sup- Judah, which he favored to the neglect of his north-
4, The port against the Philistine occupation. ern and eastern subjects, while his domestic crime
United Aided by his heroic son Jonathan, he and folly robbed him of his moral prestige. It was
Kingdom, expelled the Philistines from the Ingh- thus easy for the crown prince Absalom to win a
lands, and bade fair to establish the large following in an endeavor to seize the throne;
kingdom securely, when a mental disorder impaired and it was only through the devotion of a few loyal
his will and judgment, so that the better part of his friends and the strategy of his able general Joab
reign was clouded with distraction and failure. A that the insurrection was checked by the defeat and
loyal young officer, David of Bethlehem, a friend of death of his rebellious son (see also David). (3) The
Jonathan, prevented by SauFs suspicious jealousy Reign of Solomon, At the death of David (circa
from taking the lead against the national foe, was 965 B.C.) his son Solomon came to the throne, after
at length obliged, with a band of followers, to seek a court intrigue on the part of Adonijah, the next
SJialoo/
protection among the Philistines, to whom he for heir after Absalom, had come to naught. The reign
a time became a professed vassal. Jonathan, still of Solomon was remarkable for the prosperity of its
faithful to him, at the side of his father and two
fell opening and the decline of its closing years. He
of his brothers in battle against the Philistines. developed trade and industry, cultivated friendship
David, still nominally a vassal of the Philistines, and commercial relations with neighboring princes,
was made king in Hebron by his own tribe of Judah, and organized his kingdom into districts for adminis-
and after a few years was accepted by the other trative purposes. He was, however, no genuine
tribes also, who for him abandoned Ishbaal (Ish- patriot, as he sought chiefly the aggrandizement of
bosheth), the son of Saul (circa 995 B.C.). (2) The his own and of Judah and Jerusalem, for
court,
B&ign of David. The sagacity and popular quali- which he impoverished the rest of the country.
373
Israel, History of A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
But his n^^^^^S^
His reign was memorable for religion and literature, political aims with fair success.
future needs. The hope of the restoration which great Judas Maccabseus, recovered Jerusalem, puri-
Jeremiah had predicted was revived by Ezekiel and fied the Temple, and restored the ancient religion.
later by the "Second Isaiah" and others, till the After many vicissitudes of fortune and
expectation was fulfilled by the liberator Cyrus, 10. The much heroic effort, often dashed with
King of Persia, to whom Babylon itself surrendered Maccabeean cruelty and worldliness, independent
without fighting, in July, 539. One of the first Period, rule was finally firmly estabHshed by
public acts ofCyrus was to offer release to all foreign Simon Maccabasus in 141 B.C. It was
captives and a safe conduct to their former homes. maintained till 63 B.C., when Pompey the Great
The Jews warmly embraced the opportunity made Syria a Roman province, with Judtea as an
offered by Cyrus. Sheshbazzar, a "prince" of the integral part, while the sacred territory itself was
Une of David, with a large band of fol- placed under the control of a vassal high priest (see
8, The lowers, set out for Palestine in 538 B.C. also Maccabees and Herod). J. F. McC.
Persian Samaritans and other neighbors offered Literature Among the many histories of Israel mention
:
Period, bitter opposition to the resettlement, may be made here of Stade, Geschichte des Volkes Israel.
and the difficulties of the whole situa- (1887); Wellhausen, Israel, u. jildische Cfeschichte (1897);
Kittel, Geschichte der HebrOer (1888-92); Wade, A Short
tion were so great that, although the foundations of History of the Hebrews; McCurdy, History, Prophecy, and
a new Temple were soon laid, it was not completed the Monuments (1894-96); Kent, History of the Hebrew
till 521 B.C., in the reign of the generous and tolerant People (1897).
Darius Hystaspes. The leader now was Zerubbabel, ISSACHAR, is'a-car. See Tribe, Tribes, §§ 2, 4.
also of the Davidic Hne, whose exertions were in- ISSHIAH, 1. The
(py^^„ yishskiyyah)
is-shai'a :
Artaxerxes I, on the poHtical, social, and moral side, ISUAH, is'yu-a. See Ishvah.
and, on the rehgious side, by Ezra, a priest and scribe ISUI, is'yu-cd. See Ishoah.
from Babylonia, both of whom came armed with
royal authority. Ezra promulgated a new edition
ITALIAN BAND. See Augustan Band.
of the Law, the pillar of Judaism (444 B.C.). Nehe- ITALY ; The classical, as it is the modem, name
miah rebuilt the walls of Jerusalem, relieved the of the European region of which Rome is the center
poor from oppressive financial burdens, suppressed and capital. It is referred to in four N T passages:
mixed marriages, and restored the right observance (1) In Ac 18 2, as the country from which Aquila
of the Sabbath. The result was that for a century had come with his wife Priscilla,because of the edict
the Jewish state held well together, and religious of Claudius expelling aU Jews from Rome (see
purity was no longer seriously affected. Claudius). (2) In Ac 27 l, as the destination of
After Israel came under Hellenistic sway through the company of prisoners, sent from Syria, under
the conquests of Alexander the Great, the Ptolemies charge of the centurion Julius, of which prisoners
of Alexandria held control for over a Paul was one (see Paul, § 16 f-)- (3) In He 13 24,
9. The Hel- century (323-203). They succeeded as the country where resided the Christian brethren
lenistic Era. in doing what the old Pharaohs had who sent greetings to the readers of the Epistle (see
failed to accomplish in Palestine (§ 1 Hebrews, Epistle to the, § 5). (4) In Ac 10 l,
(2), above), for they exercised both political and as the country that gave its name to the legion
intellectual influence. This was done more by reflex stationed at Csesarea, of which Cornelius was the
than by direct action. Large numbers of Jewish centurion (see Augustan Band). M. W. J.
colonists in Egypt, strongly attached to the religious ITCH. See Disease and Medicine, § 5 (9).
and social system estabHshed by Ezra, became ITHAI, ith'a-oi or oi'the. See Ittai.
prosperous and cultured, and reacted intellectually
upon the Jews in the home-land. Alexandria be-
ITHAMAR, ith'a-mar (IPO**^, Hthamar): The
came a great center of Jewish thought and study, youngest son of Aaron and, in late priestly circles,
and constant intercourse with Jerusalem strength- considered the head of one of the two main priestly
ened and deepened Judaism in both regions. It lines (Ex 6 23; Nu 3 2, 4, 4 28 fE., etc.; I Ch 24 3-6; Ezr
8 2). See Priesthood, § 10. E. E. N.
was in Egypt that the Septuagint translation of
the Old Testament was made by and for Hellenistic ITHIEL, ith'i-el (^N^n^K, Hthl'el): 1. A Ben-
Jews. In 203 B.C. the Egyptian gave way to jamite (Neh 11 7). 2. A word of uncertain sig-
Syrian control Tznder Antiochus III. Antiochus IV nificance in Pr 30 l. The rendering of the RVmg.
(Epiphanes) succeeded in corrupting the priesthood, though widely adopted, is not certain. E. E. N.
and, introducing heathen rites, actually profaned
ITHLAH, ithla (H^O^:, yithlah, Jethlah AV):
the Temple (170-168 B.C.).
Nothing seemed now to oppose the final and per- A town in the old Danite territory (Jos 19 42). Site
unknown. E. E. N.
manent triumph of the Gentiles. But a noble priest,
Mattathias, raised the standard of revolt in 167 ITHMAH, ith'ma (H^D^ yithmah): A Moabite,
B.C. Two years later his son and successor, the one of David's heroes (I Ch 11 46). E. E. N.
Ithnan 376
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Jabesh-Gilead
ITHNAN, ith'nan (^l^l^ yithnan) : A city in the Augustus (23 B.C.). Zenodorus died in 20 B.C.,
extreme S. of Judah (Jos 15 23). Site unknown. when Augustus gave the rest of his possessions-:
"P "P -M" (tetrarchy of Lysanias I) to Herod. After Herod's
ITHRA, ith'ra. See Jether. death (4 b.c.) it passed to his son Philip, who held it
till his death in 34 a.d. In 37 a.d. CaUgula gave the
ITHRAN, ith'ran (^"lO^ yithran), 'eminent': 1.
two tetrarchies to Agrippa I, with the title of king,
The ancestral head of a Horite clan (Gn 36 26; I and in 40 a.d. added thereto the tetrarchy of Herod
Ch 1 41). 2. The head of an Asherite family (I Ch Antipas. Agrippa I was confirmed in its possession
7 37), probably the same as "Jether" in ver. 38. by Claudius (41 a.d.), who also gave him the whole
E. E. N. kingdom of his grandfather Herod. On his death
ITHREAM, ith're-am (^J'>0^ yithr^'am),
'the the tetrarchy was incorporated into the Provinda
A son of David (II S 3 5; I Ch Syria, and administered by procurators. But in
people is eminent':
E. E. N. 53 A.D. Claudius conferred on Agrippa II the tet-
3 3).
rarchy of Philip and that of Lysanias I (Abilene),
ITHRITE, ith'rait (^10!, yithrl): 1. The desig- and they were held by him till his death in 100 a.d.
In the reign of Tiberius, as is clear from an inscription
nation of a family of Kiriath-jearim (I Ch 2 53).
found at Abila, Abilene was severed from the king-
2. Two of David's heroes, Ira and Gareb, are called
Ithrites (II S 23 38; I Ch 11 40), perhaps = Jattirites,
dom of Chalcis (that of Lysanias I). The tetrarch
E. E. N. of this separate Abilene was a Lysanias II, and the
i.e., from Jattir (q.v.).
name of Lysanias continued to cling to the place
ITTAH-KAZIN, if'ta-ke'zin. See Eth-Kazin. (Lk 3 1 is correct). J. R. S. S.
ITTAI, it'ta-d, it'^, or it-t^'ai (^lDi<, Httai; per- IVAH, ai'va. See Ivvah.
haps from riN, 'eth, 'with,' 'companionable'): 1. A
IVORY (D^2n^'^, shenkabhiniy 'elephant's tooth,'
Philistine of Gath, who
shortly before Absalom's
of David's captains, and
or simply shen, 'tooth'; €\€(f>dvTivos, Rev 1812):
rebellion had become one "J^,
who remained loyal to David, accompanying him in Ivory was brought to Palestine both by ship
his flight (II S 15 19 ff.). He was made captain of (I K10 22) and by caravan (Ezk 27 15). It was a
one-third of David's forces (II S 18 2 ff.). 2. son A type of richness and beauty (Song 5 14; cf. 7 4).
of Ribai from Gibeah of Benjamin, one of David's Solomon's throne was of ivory overlaid with gold
heroes (II S 23 29 =Ithai [I Ch 11 3i]). C. S. T. (I K10 18), and we read also of benches (Ezk 27 6),
beds (Am 6 4), and houses (I 22 39; Ps 45 8; Am K
ITURiEA, ai"tu-ri'a or if'yu- {'iTovpata) A dis- : 3 15) which were apparently decorated with ivory
trict to the NE. of Palestine, beyond the Jordan, inlays. L. G. L.
in the neighborhood of Jehel Hauran. The name,
derived from Jetur (Gn 25 15), is thought to mean IVVAH, ivVa (n^^2?, Hvnuah, Ivah AV): A city
'country of the mountaineers.' The Iturseans were probably in Syria and conquered by Sargon as
reckoned among the 'sons' of Ishmael (Gn 25 15), or would be inferred from II K
18 34, 19 13, and Is
desert tribes of N. Arabia; Strabo says they were 37 13. From this city colonists were brought to the
mixed with Arabs, along with whom they inhabited conquered cities of Israel in Samaria, if Avvah
the mountainous region. In agreement therewith (HJP, 'awwdh, II K
17 24) is the same place.
are the inscriptions of the Hauran region, which C. S. T.
cover the 1st to the 6th cent, and contain Arabic
lYE-ABARIM, ai"ye-ab'a-rim (Q^1?ijn ^l^, Hyye
names of gods and men. The Itureeans were semi-
nomads, wild, warlike border-men, and for a long ha'&bharlm, 'iyim of the further regions' name- —
ly, the highlands of Moab; Ije-abarim AV): Asta^
time there was no definitely defined territory called
tion of Israel on the E. border of Moab (Nu 21 11,
I., the ethnic name (Iturseans) alone being used until
33 44), the same as Iyim (33 45, lim AV). It is
the 4th cent. a.d. (In Lk 3 l the word is probably
called Iyim of "the further regions," to distinguish it
an adjective.) I. overlapped Trachonitis, and even
shifted beyond Trachonitis to the Beka'. An in- from Iyim in S. Judah. C. S. T.
dependent kingdom of I. is often mentioned in IYIM, ai'yim (lim AV). See Ite-abarim.
Maccabsean times, after its conquest (105 B.C.) by
Aristobulus I, who annexed it to Judsea. This lYYAR, i"yar': The second month of the Jewish
bordered on, and at one time included, Galilee, and year. See Time, § 3.
centered in the Anti-Lebanon region (Abilene). Its
king, Ptolemseus, son of Mennaeus, resided at Chalcis IZHAR, izTior ("iH^t, yitshar), 'he shines,' or
and harried the whole region until he was crushed 'oil': The
ancestral head of one of the great sub-
by Pompey (66 B.C.), from whom he bought im- divisions of the Kohathite Levites, the Izharites
munity at the price of 1,000 talents. He reigned (Ex 6 18; Nu 3 19, etc.). E. E. N.
from about 85 to 40 B.C., and was succeeded by his
eon Lysanias I, who was executed by Antony, IZLIAH, iz-loi'a (DlfJ^bn, yizWah, Jezliah AV):
36 B.C. Antony gave the tetrarchy to Cleopatra A Benjamite (I Ch 8 18). E. E. N.
(36 B.C.), who leased it to Zenodorus, but as Zeno-
dorus assisted the Arabs in their raids in Trachonitis, IZRAHIAH, iz"ra-hai'a (H^nnp, yizrahyah), 'J'
the leased tetrarchy was cut up, and part of it is risen' or 'shines': 1. The ancestral head of a
(Trachonitis) bestowed on Herod the Great by family of Asher (I Ch 7 3). 2.A leader of the
Ithnan
377 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Jabesh-Gilead
aingers at the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem IZRI, iz'rai C^IV^, yitsrt) : A Levite, the leader
(Neh 12 42, where the fonn is Jezrahiah). E. E. N. of the fourth course of musicians (I Ch 25 11, Zeri
in ver. 3). E. E. N.
IZRAHITE, iz'ra-hait, E'^inir, yizrah[i]: The
patronymic (?) of Shamhuth Perhaps
(I Ch 27 8). IZZIAH, iz-zai'a (H^H; yizzlyah, Jeziah AV):
the same as ''Zerahite" (ver. 11), but, possibly, a One of the "sons of Parosh," who had taken a foreign
copyist's mistake. See Shamhuth. E. E. N. wife (Ezr 10 2fi). E. E, N.
JAAKAW, je'a-kan OJ^S!) ya'dqdn) An Edomite : JAAZIAH, je^a-zai'a Cin^yS?^ ya'dzyahu): 'J"
clan (I Ch 1 42; Akan iii Gn 36 27). The 'wells strengthens': A Merarite Levite (I Ch 24 26 f.).
(Beeroth) of the sons of Jaakan' are mentioned in E. E. N.
Dt 10 6 as a station on the wilderness journey. JAAZIEL, ja-6'zi-el (^X't^',-, ya'dzi'el), 'God
Their exact location is unknown. E. E. N,
A Levite musician
strengthens' : (I Ch 15 18;"Aziel"
(HDp^^ ya'dqobhah): in ver. 20). E. E. N.
JAAKOBAH, j^"Q-k6'ba
The head of a Simeonite family (I Ch 4 36), JABAL, j^^bal (bj^, yabhal): A son of Lamech
E. E. N. (Gn 4 20). With his "brothers," Jubal and Tubal,
JAALA, ja-lla (N^i?!, ya'&W), JAALAH, ja-^la he is counted as one of the originators of early
(nj5!!, ya'dldh) : The ancestral head of a subdivision
civilization. The Heb. word for 'ram' is very sim-
ilar to "Jabal," but this may have_ nothing to do
of "sons of Solomon's servants" (Ezr 2 56= Neh
with the statement that he was the "father" of tent-
7 58). E. E. N.
dwellers and cattle -owners, i.e., of the nomads.
JAALAM, ja-elom. See Jalam. "Jubal," also, is similar to yohhel, 'ram,' or 'ram's
horn,' a musical instrument. The original source of
JAANAI, j^'a-noi or -n^. See Janai. this genealogical list is too remote to determine what
it actually signified. It may have been semi-
JAARE-OREGIM, je"a-ri-er'e-jini (D^JlX ^^V^,
mythological in its earliest form. E. E. N.
ya"^r& 'or^glm) Evidently a textual corruption in II
:
S 21 19 for yd'tr, which appears in the parallel JABBOK, jabljek {^T., yabboq): A river E. of
passage (I Ch 20 5). The small resh in ya"^re (see the Jordan, named as the N. limit of the domain
Hebrew text) indicates that the word was early of Sihon, King of the Amorites (Nu 21 24; Jos 12 2;
regarded as textually suspicious, while 'ovglm, Jg 11 22). It also furnished the N. boundary-line
'weavers,' has arisen through a scribe's error in of Ammon (Dt 2 37, 3 16). Its sources are in the
repeating the word at the end of the verse. vicinity of Rabbath Ammon, whence it flows NW.
A. S. C. by N., approaching Gerasa and turning W., and
JAARESHIAH j^"a-r§-shai'a (-"I^^IS^!, ya'dresh- emptying into the Jordan about 25 m. N. of the
AV) A descendant of Benjamin Dead Sea. Its modem name, derived from its clear
yah, Jaresiah : (I
blue aspect, is Nahr ez-Zerka (cf. GASmith, HGHL,
Ch8 27). E.E.N.
p. 534f.). A.C. Z.
JAASIEL, ja-e'si-el (bx^^TO-, ya'dsfel): One of JABESH, jg^besh (2;.?;, yabhesh), 'dry' The father :
JACAN, jg'can ya'kan, Jachan AV): The of a personalized tribe. There must be at least a
(l?:p!,
starting-point and a germ in a true historic existence.
head of a Gadite family (I Ch 5 13). E. E. N.
Yet personification is a frequent figure of speech,
JACHIN, jd"kin Q^?;, yakhm), 'He establishes': and no one could for an instant assume that wher-
I. 1.The ancestral head of one of the clans of ever Jacob is mentioned a man is meant. The beauty
Simeon (Gn 46 10; Jarib in I Ch 4 24), the Jachinites of many a prophetic oracle is due to bold personificar
(Nu 26 12). 2. The ancestral head of the twenty- tion. When we ask, however, what elements of the
first course of priests (I Ch 24 17), whose representa- story we should connect with the man Jacob, we
tives are referred to in I Ch 9 10; Neh 11 10. II. One are at once involved in uncertainty. Probably the
of the brazen pillars of the Temple. See Temple, picture is so complex that satisfactory division is
§ 16. E. E. N. impossible. The birth of the twins (Gn 25 24 ff.) is'
told as if it were a genuine family history, but the
JACINTH, i^'sinth. See Stones, Precious.
oracle (Gn 25 23) relates to nations. The bargaining
JACKAL. See Palestine, § 24. over the mess of pottage is realistic and personal,
JACOB, j^'cQb (:p^;X ya'dqobh), 'supplanter,' a but Gn 25 30 recalls the red rocks of Esau's territory.
Rebekah's incitement of Jacob to impersonate Esau
meaning attested by Hos 12 3: It has frequently
is a very human touch, but the blessing (Gn 27 27 ff
been suggested that originally the name was Jacob-el; .)
has little significance as a racial memory; but the immigration swept into Palestine and was amalga-
names of the sons and the mimetic etymologies mated with earlier indigenous inhabitants. It may
appear like the efforts of a later age to account for well be that the distant memory of such events
groupings, antipathies, and characteristics which survives in the dual name, but it is far from the
antedated the historians' memory. So, too, the purpose of the writer of Gn to tell such a story.
struggles with Laban and the nomadic movements The man who wrestled at Penuel went into the
in Palestine are a bewildering mixture of personal —
contest as Jacob -'he who grasps the heel' seeking —
and racial elements. a material victory; when he comes out he is Israel
Does the author of the present narratives inten- 'he who perseveres with God' —
and has won by his
tionally personify? This question should probably persistence and his steady courage where before his
be answered in the negative. Originally the stories work had been underhanded and ignoble.
were doubtless told for the sake of entertainment, Outside of Gn the name is usually national. The
but the prophetic purpose was edification. The locaUty to which it seems originally to have been
picturesque element was retained and perhaps even —
confined was the central region the mountains of
heightened, but the prophetic writer of Gn did not Ephraim. This is confirmed by the occurrence of
care so much to tell how a shrine became sacred as "Jacob-el" in the Thothmes list, where it is asso-
to magnify the moral or spiritual significance of an ciated with other towns in this geographical area, and
event transacted there. We
find that the question also by the fact of the strong centralization of the
asked during the celebration of the Passover (Ex people's hfe in the territory of the Northern Kingdom.
12 26) became the occasion for the recital of the old Bethel and Shechem were the spots around which
story of deliverance ;undoubtedly the question thus religious memories clustered most tenaciously.
embalmed in that rite was the type of many asked The father and the best-loved son, with little Ben-
when worshipers gathered at pilgrimage shrines. jamin lying to the S., were the great eponyms of the
Curiosity might first have dictated the inquiry, but richest portion of the land. It was in the Exile
curiosity became the occasion for teaching and the that the deep consciousness of race unity asserted
answer the vehicle for a lesson or a doctrine. So itself and the men of Judah, who were longing for the
when asked about the pillar at Bethel or the sanctity homeland, could be addressed as "Jacob my serv-
of Penuel, an answer must be forthcoming. The ants," whom a career of suffering and trial was to
method at first might have been crude, but in the fit for a mission to the world and the inheritance of
(Ex 15 2, mg.), and sometimes in compound proper JAIR, j§'gr (I^X;, ya'lr): 1, A descendant of
names. See Jehovah. E. E. N. Manasseh, whom the dominant tradition made the
conqueror of Amorite territory N. of the Jabbok,
JAHATH, jgOiath (nr?!, yahath): 1. A elan of
and the eponymous hero of the Hawoth-jair ('tent-
Judah, living near Kiriath-jearim (I Ch 4 2; of.
villages of Jair') whose number varies in the different
,
JAHDAI, ja'doi or ja'd6 (**!!n^, yahday): A JAKEH, j^'ke (Pr 30 l). See Agur.
Calebite(ICh2 47). E.E.N. JAKIM, j^'kim (Q'^p^, yaqlm), 'He raises': 1.
JAHDIEL, ja'di-el (bx^ng!, yahdl'et), 'God gives The ancestral head of the twelfth course of priests
JAHZEEL, ja'ze-el (bNV'7-, yakts^'el), 'God di- N T persons. 1. The son of Zebedee (Mk 1 19) and
Salome (cf. Mt 27 56 with Mk 15 40), and the elder
vides': The ancestral head of a clan of Naphtali
(Gn 46 24; Jahziel in I Ch 7 13), the Jahzeelites (Nu brother of John (before whom he is always named,
26 48). E.E.N. Mk 1 19, 29, 5 37, 9 2, 10 35, 41, etc.), and, with him, one
of the Apostles (Mk 3 17; Mt 10 2; Lk 6 14), some-
JAHZEIAH, ja-zl'ya i^'^^T' yahz'yah), 'J" sees/ times called "the greater" to distinguish him from
AV Jahaziah (Ezr 10 15): Son of Tikvah; accord- "James the less.'* On the supposition that Salome
ing to RV, one of four to oppose Ezra in getting was a sister of Mary (cf the four names given in Mk
.
the Jews to put away their foreign wives. RVrag. 15 40 and Mt 27 56 with the statement of Jn 19 25),
and AV represent him as one who helped Ezra. these brothers were the cousins of Jesus. It was pos-
C. S. T. sibly because of such relationship that Salome re-
JAHZERAH, ja'ze-ra (H"! Tg^ yahzerah) : A quested of Jesus special honors for them in the ex-
pected Messianic kingdom (Mt 20 20 f See John the .
party he was selected along with Peter (who was opposed to the admission of Gentile converts without
cast into prison, ver. 3) as the first object of official circumcision (Ac 15 1). The former were willing
cruelty shows, probably, that he had not ceased to to accept these converts into all the privileges of the
be prominent among the Apostles and that, beyond spiritual covenant people of God without submission
his brother, he had retained his bold aggressiveness to Jewish rites, but felt that the Jewish Christians
of character. In this he evidently shared with Peter should continue piously to observe the Law for
and it marked them both for attack. The state- themselves, even though (inconsistently) it made
ments in the Hypotyposes of Clement of Alexandria impossible full fraternization with the Gentile
and the ApostoUca Historia of the Pseudo-Abdias element in the Church. From this point of view
regarding his death and those regarding his patron the recognition of Paul and Barnabas as fellow
sainthood in the Church of Spain are wholly apoc- workers with the Jerusalem Apostles (Gal 2 9 f.)
ryphal. 2. The son of Alphseus, one of the Apostles was for James a perfectly sincere act. On this basis
(Mk 3 18; Mt 10 3; Lk 6 15; Ac 1 13), possibly a also the pressure exerted at Antioch by the repre-
brother of Matthew (cf. Mk 3 18 with 2 14). Beyond sentatives of this piety party on Peter (Gal 2 12),
this, nothing certain is told us about him in the N T. as the acknowledged leader of this element in the
If Alphseus =Clopas (Jn 19 25), then he was "James Church, was easy to understand and not without
the less," his mother was Mary, and his brother Joses justification. Its unfortunate results were due to the
(Mk 15 40); but the identity of these names is most way in which Peter yielded to it, rather than to its
questionable. The further supposition (on the character as a demand.
basis of Jn 19 25) that his mother was a sister of According to Josephus {Ant XX, 9 l), the Sad-
Mary and that he was thus the cousin of Jesus is ducees took advantage of the interval between the
not warranted, in view of Mk
15 40 and Mt 27 56. death of Festus and the coming of Albinus, in the
(See above, under 1.) 3. The brother of the Lord year 62 a.d., through the high priest Annas, to
(Gal 1 19), a later son of Joseph and Mary (see summon J. before the Sanhedrin on the charge of
Brethren of the Lord), in patristic literature breaking the sacred laws. Though J. was found
called "the Just." The brothers of Jesus were un- guilty and stoned, the indignation of the better class
believers in Him throughout His ministry, J.'s of the Jews at the high-handed action of the high
conversion being due apparently to a special ap- priest was such that, on their complaint to Agrippa
pearance of Jesus to him after the Resurrection (I and Albinus, Annas >vas deposed from his position.
Co 15 7). The N T references to him are thus prac- This account may be accepted as in general represent-
tically confined to the period after the Ascension. ing the facts in the case, though there is no reason
He is first mentioned as remaining with his brothers to believe that the Pharisees did not unite with the
in Jerusalem, in company with his mother, the Sadducees in the action, or that the protest to the
faithful women, and the Apostles, awaiting the king and the governor was motived by any personal
promised gift of the Spirit (Ac 1 13 f.). At the time sympathy or regard for J. The account of his death
of Paul's first visit to Jerusalem, he was already of given by Hegesippus (Eus. HE, II, 23) is legendary
prominence in the Church (Gal 1 19); see Apostle;
at the time of Peter's imprisonment, his importance
— possibly derived from the aprocryphal Ascents of
James; while the tradition of his election to be first
had not decreased (Ac 12 17) while at the time of the
; bishop of Jerusalem (Clem. Alex, in Eus. HE, II, 1)
Jerusalem Council he is referred to, with Peter and and his exalted position of rulership over the Church
John, as one of the "pillars" of the Jewish Christian at large {Clementine Recognitions, 1 68) are to be
discipleship in general (Gal 2 9). In fact, the Acts resolved in the NT
statements of his leadership in the
account of the Council shows him to have been the early Church given above.
authoritative head of the Jerusalem community To James has been assigned the apocryphal
383 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY James
James, Epistle of
Protevangelium Jacohi, as well as the Jerusalem (or by the self-complacent rich, this judgment upon them leads
Antioch) Liturgy —
the earliest service of the Eastern him to a pronouncement of wo upon this class of the Church's
—
Church and the Ascents of James, unknown except
people, because of their miserly oppression of the poor and
their self-indulgent luxury (5 i-o). This brings him to the
through description by Epiphanius (Patiarium, 30^ general thought of patience, which is presented from various
16, 25).
points of view through the remainder of the Epistle (5 ^-^).
There ia, first, an exhortation to the patient endurance needed
Literature: In addition to works quoted under articles under such oppression, to which endurance the sufiferers are
Brethren of the Lord, and Jamea, Epistle of, see Hort,
encouraged by the nearness of the coming of the Lord, having
Judaistic Christianity (1898); and The Christian Ecchsia
an inspiring example in the O T prophets and patriarchs
(1898); Patrick, J'ames the Lord's Brother (1906); Sieffert, (57-11); tiieji there is a warning against that mark of im-
in PRE,* M. W. J. patience which is given by swearing (5 12), in cctatrast with
which the readers are Urged to turn to prayer in trouble
(suggesting possibly the grace of praise in joy and the wisdom
JAMES, EPISTLE OF of availing themselves of the healing help of the Church in
sickness), 5 i3-i5; in general, they are urged to enter into the
Analysis of Contents fellowship of the Christian brotherhood in all their spiritual
experience, from which habit of fellowship comes the possibil-
1. Form and Contents 3. Author ity of large service and rich blessing to one another (5 1^-20).
abuse of speech (3 2), this being followed naturally by a those to which distinctively Jewish converts would
general presentation of the importance, depravity, and un- —
naturally be tempted for, after all, such faults
tamableness of the tongue, which is illustrated by various
examples (3 ^i2)_ Over against such possibilities the author
might belong to Jews outside the Church but that —
exhorts his readers to meekness and peaceableness (3 ^^*^). its Jewish message is cast in a specifically Christian
To this he adds a reminder that the source of factions and mold {e.g. the idea of a Divine birth, through the
J
warrings among themselves is their own unspiritual living word [cf. Jn 1 13; I P 1 23]; a perfect
of truth, 1 18-21
(41"*), against which he enters a strong and urgent plea
moral law which is a law of liberty, 1 25, 2 12 [cf.
(47-10). There then follows an exhortation against the
evidently related fault of uncharitable judgment, usurping, as Jn 8 32, 36; Gal 2 4]; an heirship in the kingdom of
it does, the place of God, as Judge and Interpreter of the Law
God through faith, 2 5 [cf. He 11 13, 32, 39 f,]; the
(4 11 f.)^ Possibly because of the idea of haughtiness in their contemplation of suffering and trial as a source of
thinking, the author proceeds to a condemnation of those
exultant joy, 1 2, 9-12 [cf. Mt 5 10-12; I P 4 14]).
presumptuous plans for the future which ignore the uncer-
tainty of life (4 13-17), As such plans seem to be made largely A letter, however, addressed to Jewish Christians
James, Epistle of 384
Jareta
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
covering such an extent of country as is implied in another their own ideas (3 1), falling into a spirit
this idea of the Dispersion necessitates an early of dogmatism and proselytism ruinous to peace
period in the Apostolic Age, when the among themselves (1 19 f., 3 ^16). (c) These tend-
of the
2b. Date. Christian Church was
exclusively Jew- encies were accompanied naturally by a loss
ish and communities of this exclusively sense of their spiritual privileges as children of God
Jewish character had spread beyond Palestine, as (1 5, 12, 17 f., 2 5, 4 6-8a, 10, 5 7 f., 10 f., 13-17,_ 19 f.).
far as Damascus (Ac 9 2, 26 10-12), and Antioch In brief, their religious life had lost its spiritual
(Ac 11 20-23), and Phcenicia (Ac 15 3). In this letter fervor and was becoming hardened into the spirit
there is no allusion to the presence of Gentiles in the of the world around them. That such a condition
Church; there is no reference to sins of idolatry, or could have developed soon in the Jewish Christian
mention of the relation of masters and slaves. The communities is evident from the experience of the
readers' surroundings within as well as without the Jerusalem Church itself (Ac 5 1-11, 6 l). The en-
Christian brotherhood are Jewish (cf. 2 2, 6 f., 18 f., thusiasm of Pentecost did not become a permanent
5 12). This inference as to the early date of the grace. The new religion was young; it did not
letter is confirmed by the reference to the Parousia have behind it the steadying force of accumulated
in 5 7-9, where the situation obviously is not one in habit, and the same human nature was present that
which the coming of the Lord has been so long in these early days manifested itself with such greed
delayed that the expectation of it has been given up of gold in the Church of Samaria (Ac 8 9-24) and later
or questioned (as in II P 3 3-9), but one in which it is with such bitterness of faction in the Church of
still a vital hope to be summoned to one's aid in the Corinth (I Co 1 10 fE.). To meet such a situation this
midst of trial and suffering (as in II Th 1 4-10; cf. letter might have been written even before the con-
also Mt 24 33). It is further strengthened by the version of Saul (35 A.D.). At all events, the treat-
unorganized condition of the church life disclosed ment of faith and works in 2 14^26 makes clear that it
in 3 1, where the instruction referred to is not carried must have been written before the great discussion
on by special persons appointed to this function (as aroused by Paul's first mission journey i.e., before
the bLhda-KoKoi of I Co 12 28 and Eph 4 11), but in- 49 A.D. For this treatment presupposes no such
discriminately by individual members of the com- controversy. And if it be claimed that deadening
munity (more as the bibdo-KoKoi of Ac 13 1 and Ro of faith resulted later from the abuse of Paul's
12 7). The elders referred to in 5 14 correspond to Gospel and this letter simply misunderstands Paul's
the TTpea-pvTepoi of general fimctions, who were the position, it must be remembered that no letter
natural officials of primitive communities (cf. the written to Jewish Christian churches after the
case of the Jerusalem Church, Ac 11 29 f. and the Council in Jerusalem could have treated the relation
Church of Paul's first mission, Ac 14 23; cf, also I Th of faith and works this way; for on the basis of the
5 12 and see Elders). In heaUng with oil
fact, the issue before this Council the argument which would
which they accomplished mentioned but once
is have been directed against the Jewish Christian
elsewhere in the N T (Mk 6 13), and is more of a fore- was not that faith but works was overemphasized.
runner of the later Charismata than a sequence from Aa a matter of fact, the discussion in this second
them. chapter is in perfect accord with the position of Paul,
It is clear that the religious condition to which the and the argument it presents is against that fossil-
letter was addressed, while in agreement with an izing of faith which came from a reversion to Jewish
undeveloped period of the Church's life, formalism and not against that distortion of it which
2C. Situ- at the same time discloses a falling came from an abuse of Gentile liberty, James is not
ation. away from the religious enthusiasm of talking about faith as the act of entrance upon the
the first years of the Church's living, Christian life, but as the habit of grace within the
due not so much to oppressive measures from out- Christian life. It is the perfecting rather than the
side (2 6 f.) as to the loss of vital conceptions of beginning of Christian experience which is before his
religious duty and privilege on the pari of the mind (cf. ver, 22 and with this cf such references to.
readers themselves, (a) There was a tendency to faith as in 1 3, 6, 2 1, 5, which lead up to this passage.
underestimate the spiritual value of the changes of Cf. also Thielemann, in NKZ, 1894, Heft 7). This
fortune which came to them (1 9-11) and so not only is a situation, then, earlier than that brought about
to yield to the influences of the world in their by Paul, and assigns the Epistle to a date as early
attitude toward the rich (2 1-4, 9), but to adopt the at least as 48 a.d.
spirit of the world in their own business (4 2-4, 13-17, With the Jewish Christian character of the readers
5 1-6) and to lose the sense of brotherly relations determined, and the early date of the Epistle
among themselves (1 26 f., 2 8-12, 4l, llf., 5 9). assured, the problem of authorship
(b) There was, deeper than this, a tendency to for- 3. Author, practically solves itself. The James of
get the vital connection between creed and conduct the address designates himseM not as
— to think that faith was enough without its realiza- an apostle but "a servant of God and of the Lord
tion in life (1 5-8, 2 14-20, 3 16 f.)—in fact, to revert Jesus Christ.'' He can not be, therefore, the son of
to their old Jewish confession of monotheism (2 19) Zebedee, nor the son of Alphseus, but must be the
and hearing of the Scriptures (1 22-25), as all that was son of Joseph, the brother of the Lord. As head of
required of them, or to concentrate religion along the Jerusalem Church it would be well within his
certain agreeable lines, ignoring those which were not rights and privileges to send a pastoral letter to the
to their liking (2 8-13). In consequence of this life- Jewish Christian commimities of Syria and Phoe-
less orthodoxy they were possessed with an inordi- nicia, and it would be but natural that he should
nate zeal to go about aa teachers, imposing upon one endeavor to meet their failing spiritual life with such
James, Bpistle of
3d5 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Jareb
exhortations and warnings as this Epistle presents. (1896). See also Harnack, Chronologie d. AUchristlichen
Litteratur, i; Feine, Der Jakobusbrief nach Lehranschau-
To claim that the address is the work of the 2d-cent. ungen u. Entstehungsverhaltnisse (1893); Dale, Discourses
forger (Hamack, Chronologie, i, 485-491) is to un- on the EiPistles of Paul (1895). M. W. J.
derestimate the temptation which must have come
to one who desired to pose as this revered authority JAMIN, i^'min (^t^^, yWrnln), 'the right hand (or
in the early Church so to describe himself in the side)':1. The ancestral head of a clan of Simeon
address or so to refer to himself in the body of the (On 46 10, etc.), the Jaminites (Nu 26 12). 2. The
letter as to leave no possible doubt regarding his ancestral head of a family of Judah (I Ch 2 27).
identity. It is of no significance that the James of 3, A priest (Neh 8 7). E. E. N.
the Protevangelium does not clearly distinguish him-
self. That document was a gospel and the T N JAMLECH, jam'lec ^V^^ yamlekh), 'He grants
at all, it would be in his later controversy with the apocryphal work is the one upon which II Ti 3 8 is
hyper-Gentile movement, dealt with especially in based. All efforts to reach further into the origin of
Romans which freedom from the cere-
(q.t.), in these names, or to reduce them into some sort of
monial law was exaggerated into irresponsibility to mythical emblems, are for the present to be regarded
the moral law, and in this debate Paul would have as mere guesses. A. C. Z.
had to show his agreement with James and not his
opposition to him, or his modification of his views.
JANOAH, ja-no'a (0*0^, ydnoah): 1. A town
The Judaizers, as Mayor contends {Epistle of St. of Naphtali, depopulated by Tiglath-pileser in 734
James, pp. xc ff.), may have misinterpreted James's B.C. (II K
15 29). Map IV, F 5. This site, how-
views in support of their own position, Paul
but if
ever, seems too far W. 2, town on the border of A
had been acquainted with his letter, he would have Ephraim (Jos 16 6, 7, JanohahAV). Map HI, 4. G
pointed out the misinterpretation, as well as com- JANUM, j^'num. See Janim. ^- ^' ^'
bated the false views. This he nowhere does. It is
barely possible that James may have been used in
JAPHETH, je'feth. See Ethnography and
other Epistles, though such use would be confined
Ethnology, §§ 9, 11.
to I Peter (cf. Mayor, pp. xcvii-ciii). JAPHIA, ja-fai'a (P^P^ yaphia'): I. 1. A king
It belongs to the group of the Antilegomena, being of Lachish, conquered and slain by Joshua (Jos 10 3),
recognized by Eusebius as one of the disputed books, 2. A
son of David (II S 5 15; I Ch 3 7, 14 6). II. A
though accepted by himself. It is omit- town on the border of Zebulun (Jos 19 12). Map
5. Canonic- ted from some of the early lists (e.g., IV, C 7. E. E. N.
ity. the Miiratorian Canon), but included
in others (e.g., the Peshitto). It is fully JAPHLET, jaflet (to!??^, yapklet), 'He deliv-
quoted as Scripture first by Origen. Its brief form, ers': I. The ancestral head of a clan of Asher
its unpronounced authorship, and the fact that it (I Ch 7 32 f.). II. A town on the SW. border of
was originally sent to an exclusive Jewish circle in Ephraim, the home of the Japhletites (Jos 16 3,
the East may largely account for its tardy recog- Japhleti AV). Site unknown. E. E. N.
nition as part of the literature of the ApostoUc Age.
JAPHO, j^'fo. See Joppa.
Literature: Among the Introductions in Engliah, Jiilicher
(transl. 1904) represents the advanced, Zahn (transl. 1908)
JARAH, j6'ra (Hn;^^!:, ya'rah): One of SauFs
the conservative German view. The most extensive descendants (I Ch 9 42), called Jehoaddah in I Ch
Commentary is that of Mayor (1897^), besides which may be 8 36. E. E. N.
conaulted Beyschlag in Meyer, Krit.-exeget. Kom. ilh. d. N
T (18978) and Von Soden in Holtzmann, Hand-Kom. z. A king
N T (1893). The most important discussion is that of JAREB, jS'reb or jar'eb (2i;, yarebh):
Spitta, ZuT Oeschichte u. Litteratur d. UrchristentumSt ii of Assyria (Hos 5 13, 10 6). As this name does not
d86
Jared A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Jehoahaz
into the possession of Moab (Is 16 8 f.), and was a ice of the Sanctuary at the time of David (I Ch 9 16,
city of the Ammonites in the time of Judas Mac- 16 38 f., 25 1 f.; II Ch 5 12, 29 14, 35 15), the same as
cabseus (I Mac 5 8). Eus. and Jer. in the Onovmsti- Ethan (I Ch 6 44, 15 17, 19). It is rather the name of
con place it 15 m. N. of Heshbon and 8 m. W. of a post-exilic musical gild (Neh 11 17) which was con-
Philadelphia. The ruins of Khurbet Sar would nected by the Chronicler with the Levites. In the
correspond to this. For another identification see titles of Pss 39 ("for" mistake for "after the manner
Map I, 8. G"The Sea of Jazer" (Jer 48 32) seems of"), 62, 77 the RV translates correctly "after the
to be a corruption of the text. C. S. T, manner of (the choir of) ydkuthUn". C. S. T.
JAZIZ, j6'ziz (t**?;, yasnz) : David's chief shepherd JEEZER, j§-l'zgr, JEEZERITE, jg-l'zer-oit.
(ICh27 3l). E.E.N. See Abiezer.
JEDIDAH, j§-dai'da (H^T, ydhldhah), 'beloved': II K14 i), involved in unsuccessful wars with Ben-
The mother of Amon, King of Judah (II K 22 i). hadad II of Syria. He reigned 16 to 18 years (815-
E. E. N. 799 B.C.). 2. The third son and immediate suc-
battle ofMegiddo (608 B.C.), became master of the Ezk 1 2), and included, besides the great number
the
kingdom of Judah, Jehoahaz was seized and carried above alluded to, the mother and the wives of
to Riblah and thence to Egypt, where he was de- king. While the majority of the other captives
tained until his death. 3. The same as Ahaziah, lived in comparative freedom in the land, J.
was
King of Judah (II Ch 21 17, 25 23). A. C. Z. kept in prison in Babylon during the entire reign
of Nebuchadrezzar. At the end of that period, he
JEHOASH, je-ho'ash (i£?N*in*J, yho^ash, also called
was released by Evil-merodach (561 B.C.), restored
Joash), 'J" gives,' or 'J" is strong': 1. The son to his royal ranlc, though not returned to his king-
of Ahaziah, and king of Judah (II ch. 11 f., etc.)K dom in Jerusalem, and supported at the expense of
(837-798 B.C.)- He was rescued as an infant by the king of Babylon in royal state. According to a
Jehoiada, the priest, from Athaliah's effort to an- tradition (incorporated in Targ. Sherd, near the ^
nihilate the royal family. At the age of seven he beginning), many prominent Jews imprisoned by
was proclaimed king, Athaliah being put to death. Nebuchadrezzar were also liberated at the same
He is said to have reigned forty years, but the six time for the sake of J. How long after this date J.
years of Athaliah's usurpation may be included in survived, the records do not state (cf. Jer 52 31-33).
this reckoning. He undertook to raise funds for the A. C. Z.
repairing of the Temple at Jerusalem, and, after
JEHOIADA, je-hoi'a-da (I'.T-n:, y^oyadha'),
some difficulty with the Temple priesthood, he
'J^ knoweth' : 1. The father of Benaiah, an officer of
succeeded. Being threatened with an invasion by
Hazael, he stripped the Temple of its gold and sent it
David (II S 8 18; I K 1 8 and often; I Ch 11 22 and
of the prophet,bumed a MS. containing prophecies who rescued and concealed Joash, the young son
which had come into his possession, and attempted and heir of Ahaziah.In II K
11 2 she is called
to seize and punish the prophet himself, but was Jehosheba. C. S. T.
foiled by Jeremiah's hiding himself (Jer ch. 36). In
the 6th or 7th year of his reign, after three years of
JEHOSHAPHAT, je-hosh'a-fat (top^JlH';, y^hosha-
submission to Babylon, he rebelled. It was some phat; called also Josaphat in Mt 1 8 AV), 'J* has
years before Nebuchadrezzar undertook to march judged' : 1. The son of Asa, King of Judah, and
in force against him and other rebellious vassals. Azubah, the daughter of Shilhi (I K
15 24, 22 41,
How he came to his end is uncertain. According to etc.; II Ch 20 31). He succeeded his father on the
II K 24 6 he died at Jerusalem (in peace? cf. Jer throne and reigned twenty-five years (873-849 B.C.).
22 18 f., 36 30), but according to II Ch 36 6 f. he was He at once adopted a conciliatory policy toward
deported to Babylon. A. C. Z. the Northern Kingdom, entering into a contract
with Ahab, whose daughter Athaliah he secured as
JEHOIARIB, jg-hei'a-rib (2^Tln^, yhoyarlbh, the wife of his son Jehoram. He also aided Ahab in
ICh 9 10, 24 7; S^l^r, ydyaribh, Neh 11 10, 12 6, 19), his campaign against Ben-hadad I, of Damascus (I K
'J" contendeth' The name of one of the twenty-four
: 22 1 ff.; II Ch 18 3 ff.). He further took part in the
classes of priests. It was counted the first in the war of Jehoram against Mesha (q.v.) of Moab (II K
time of David (I Ch 24 7), and the seventeenth in 3 4), undertook an expedition into Ophir, and had a
the time of Zerubbabel (Neh 12 6). They dwelt in vessel built for this purpose. But as the expedition
Jerusalem in the time of Nehemiah (cf. Neh 11 10, was wrecked in the neighborhood of Ezion-geber,
which should read as I Ch 9 10). C. S. T. he took this as an omen that Judah's glory should be
limited to land, and abstained from further enter-
JEHONADAB, jg-honVdab (^njiH';, y^hona-
prises to build up the navy (I K
22 48). His
dhabh, also called Jonadab), 'J" is noble': 1. A attitude toward the religion of J" was one of en-
nephew of David, who planned for Amnon the thusiastic adherence. Both personally and through
sin against Tamar (II S 13 3-6). 2. The son of
his officials, he undertook to instruct the people in
Rechab (II K15 l5flF.), who organized his family
the requirements of the true service of 3", and did
into a jclan characterized by their nomadic type of
much to put an end to Asherah-worship and the
life and by total abstinence from wine. The strict- high places within his territory. But his success
ness with which this feature of clan life was preserved in this regard was evidently not complete (II Ch
was used by Jeremiah (ch. 35) as a ground of rebuke ch. 19; cf. I K
22 43; II Ch 20 33). 2, The son of
to the Israelites for their own failure to keep the Nimshi and father of Jehu (II K
9 14). 3. The son
commandments of J^ A. C. Z. of Ahilud and recorder under David and Solomon
JEHONATHAW, je-hen'a-thon. See Jonathan. (II S 8 16; I K
4 3). 4. The son of Paruah and
prefect in Issachar under Solomon (I K
4 17). 6. One
JEHORAM, je-ho'ram (2'^'in'^, yhoram; also of David's heroes (I Ch 11 43, Joshaphat). 6. A
called Joram), 'J" is exalted': 1. A king of Israel trumpeter under David (I Ch 15 43). A. C. Z.
(851-842). He was the son of Ahab, and suc-
ceeded his brother Ahaziah. His reign was note-
JEHOSHAPHAT, VALLEY OF. See Jeru-
salem, § 5.
worthy for the rebellion of Mesha (q.v.), King of
Moab. To quell this rebellion, Jehoram appealed JEHOSHEBA, je-h6sh'§-ba. See Jehoshabeath.
to his old ally, Jehoshaphat, and with
father's
JEHOSHUA, jg-hesh'yu-a, JEHOSHUAH, jg-
Jehoshaphat's aid and that of the king of Edom
hesh'yu-a. See Joshua.
defeated Mesha's forces (II ch. 3). K
In the last
year of Jehoram's reign, his nephew Ahaziah, King JEHOVAH, je-hoVa (p^fi^^, y%owah, but prop-
of Judah, made him a visit at Jezreel, where both erly nin^, yahweh) In compound personal names J",
:
kings were surprised and slain by Jehu (q.v.)- like 'El ('God'), was frequently used as a component
2. Son of Toi (Tou) of Hamath (II S 8 10), called, part, nearly always as the subject to which the other
however, in I Ch 18 10 Hadoram. 3, son of A part of the name forms the predicate. In such
Jehoshaphat, King of Judah. For the sake of names the shortened form yo (yho) was used at
cementing the alliance entered into by his father the beginning, and yah (yahu) at the end (y = j). In
with Ahab, Jehoram married the latter's daughter the Eng. transliteration the final syllable is often
Athaliah, and under her influence favored the in- written 'iah.' This use of the name of J* appears
troduction of Baal-worship into Judah (II 8 18). K prominently first in the Davidic period and ulti-
According to II Ch 21 4 when he succeeded his father mately became very popular. See also God, § 2,
and found himself in a strong position he slew his and Names, § 6. E. E. N.
brothers. During his reign (849-841) Edom and JEHOVAH -JIREH, -jai're (D^T'"*, yahweh
Libnah revolted, the former establishing itself into a
yir'eh), 'J" will see': The name of the placewhere
separate kingdom (II Ch 21 10). The mention of a
Isaac was brought to be sacrificed (Gn 22 14). In
letter written to Jehoram by Elijah (II Ch 21 12 ff.)
the light of the latter half of the verse it may be
can be regarded only as an anachronism (see Elijah).
inferred that the original reading was "3" will be
4. A Levite, son of Jeshaiah (I Ch 26 25). 5. A
seen," i.e., 'will reveal Himself.' The verse is a late
priest (II Ch 17 8). A. C. Z.
addition to the earlier narrative, connecting the
JEHOSHABEATH, jl"ho-shabVath (n5?3'i§"in':, scene directly with the Temple mount in Jerusalem,
yhoshabh'ath), '3" is an oath' The daughter of King
: and the proverbial expression quoted probably had
Jehoram and wife of Jehoiada the priest (II Ch 22 ii), reference originally to Mt. Zion. E. E, Nt
Jehovah-Niasi
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 390
Jeremiah
JEHOVAH-mSSI, -nis'sai C^^ "', yakweh ni§§i), of J'- Their judgment on his policy is expressed
sins of
'y my The
banner': name of the altar erected by in the formula: "He departed not from the
Moses to commemorate his victory over the Amalek- Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, wherewith he made
ites (Ex 17 15), The name was indicative of the Israel to sin." During the latter half of his reign,
confidence in J" as the giver of the victory. war again broke out between Syria and Israel, and
E. E. N. Jehu was not able to prevent the king of Syria from
inflicting considerable damage upon Israelitic terri-
JEHOVAH-SHALOM, -shelem (Dl^?? '^, yahweh
Hazael wrested from Israel
tory, E. of the Jordan.
shalom), 'J" is peace': The name given to the altar
large tracts of land within the borders of Manasseh
erected by Gideon after receiving the encouraging
and Gad. But these operations did not lead to
message "peace be unto thee" from the angel (Jg
any decisive results within Jehu's lifetime. Jehu is
6 24). This altar was probably still standing when
mentioned on the black obelisk of Shalmanezer III
the narrative was written. E. E. N.
(860-824) as paying tribute to Assyria in the year
JEHOZABAD, je-hez'a-bad ("Ipl'i'"!^, y^hozabkadh)^ 842. He doubtless put himself under the suzerainty
of Assyria with the hope of aid against the encroach-
'J" gives': One of the
1. conspirators who slew
Joash, King of Judah (II K 12 21). His mother
ments of Damascus. He died at the end of a reign
of twenty-eight years {circa 842-815), leaving be-
seems to have been a Moabitess (II Ch 24 26). He
hind him a good reputation for intrepidity and
was executed for his crime by Amaziah, son of
Joash (II K
14 5), who, however, refrained from strategy. 3. An Anathothite, one of David's heroes
following the usual custom of visiting the sins of
(IChl2 3). 4. AsonofObed,aJudahite(ICh2 38).
fathers upon their children (II K 14 6). 2. A son 5. A son of Josibiah, a Simeonite (I Ch 4 35).
A. C. Z.
of Obed-edom (I Ch 26 4). 3. An officer under
Jehoshaphat (II Ch 17 18). E. E. N. JEHUBBAH, j§-hub^a (HSn^,
'"
y^ubbah): An
Asherite (I Ch 7 34)" E. E. N.
JEHOZADAK, je-hez'a-dak (plV^^^ y'hotsa-
dhdq; also called Jozadak and Josedech), *J* is JEHUCAL, je-hiu'cal (^31!^;, yhukhal, Jehukal
righteous' : A priest of the line of Zadok. He was AV), 'J* is able': An officer under King Zedekiah
the son of Zeraiah and father of the high priest (Jer 37 3; called Jucal in 38 l). E. E. N.
Jeshua, who accompanied Zerubbabel at the return
from the Captivity (I Ch 6 14 f.; Ezr 3 2, 8, etc.; Hag
JEHUD, jllrod (niH*;, yehudh): A city of Dan
1 1; Zech 6 11, etc.). A. Z. C. (Jos 19 46). Map III, D 4. E. E. N.
E. E. N.
(11 14).
He was holding the post of general in the Israelitic
army when Jehoram, the son of Ahab, retired to JEHUSH, ji'htTsh. See Jeush.
Jezreel to recover from the wounds received in the
JEIEL, je-ai'el, JEHIEL, je-hai'el {h^^J^), y^'i'el):
siege of Ramoth. The denunciations of the house
of Ahab, based on the wicked character of Jezebel,
1. The head of a Reubenite clan (I Ch 5 7). 2. An
by the prophets Elijah and Elisha had prepared the ancestor of Saul (I Ch 9 35). 3. One of David's
heroes (I Ch 11 44). 4. An Asaphite Levite (I Ch
people for the overthrow of the dynasty and the
15 18,21, 16 6; II Ch 20 14). 6. A scribe under
transfer of the reins of government into new hands.
Jehu was designated as the man best qualified to Uzziah (II Ch 26 11). 6. A Levite (II Ch 35 9).
bring the change about, and at the same time succeed 7. One of the "sons of Nebo" (Ezr 10 43). See also
to the throne (I K 19 16). In accomphshing the Jeuel. E. E. N.
task given him by the prophet, he boldly assumed JEKABZEEL, je-kab'ze-el. See Kabzeel.
the royal title and, being accepted by his fellow
officers, through a rapid movement surprised
JEKAMEAM, jek"a-mi'am yqam'am): (DiJ^pp.:,
Jehoram at Jezreel, and without hesitation slew The ancestral head of a family of Kohathite Levites
him with his own hand. He also mortally wounded (I Ch 23 19, 24 23). E.E.N.
Ahaziah, King of Judah, who was at the time visiting
JEKAMIAH, jek"Q-mai'Q (n;^p_';, yqamyah), 'J'
his kinsman. After the death of Jehoram, his first
effort was toward exterminating the house of Ahab,
avenges': 1. A descendant of Jerahmeel (I Ch 2 41).
JEPHTHAH, jef'tha (n*np:, yiphtak; also called of shield and spear, who joined David at the "strong-
He
Jephthae in U 32 AV), 'He [God] opens': One hold in the wilderness." 6. A
priest who went up to
of the major judges of Israel (Jg 11 1-12 7). He Jerusalem with Zerubbabel (Neh 12 l), sealed the
was a Gileadite, and became prominent, first as the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh 10 2 [3]), and also
head of a company of irresponsible men ("vain joined in the procession in dedication of the wall
fellows"), and afterward undertook successfully the (Neh 12 34), unless the J. in this passage is another
championship of Israel against the Ammonites. man. 7. A
Rechabite (Jer 35 3). 8. The prophet
The most interesting feature of the story of J. is Jeremiah. See next article. C. S. T.
his vow (Jg 11 31), The text leaves no room for
doubt that in fulfilment of it he sacrificed his
daughter. Efforts to evade this conclusion have JEREMIAH, jer^'g-moi'a
proved futile. Either J. was ignorant of the law
against human sacrifices, or he flagrantly violated it.
Analysis of Contents
The last undertaking of J. was his successful war 1. Life and Times of the 4. Personal Characteristics
with the Ephraimites, who attacked him because Prophet 5. Significance of His Work
2. General Character of the 6. The Text of the Book of
they said he had not invited them to go with him
Book Jeremiah
against Ammon (Jg 12 1 £f.). Criticism has busied 3. Contents
itself with the tracing of the account in Jg to its
sources, but has not achieved a consensus. The Jeremiah (on the name see foregoing article) was
story is by some (Welihausen, Moore) assigned to the prophet of the decline and fall of the Hebrew
one source, into which an interpolation has been monarchy (called Jeremy in Mt 2 17,
incorporated (11 12-28). Moore, however {Int. Crit. I. Lifeand 27 9 AV, and Jeremias in Mt 16 14
Com.f ad he), believes in the preservation of genu- Times of AV). Beginning his prophetic minis-
ine history through this source. Others (Budde the Prophet, try in the 13th year of Josiah (626
and Cheyne) assign it to two sources. Budde finds B.C.), he continued it till we lose sight
these preserved respectively in 11 l-U and 11 34-40. of him in Egypt, whither he was carried against his
Cheyne (EB) finds that one of these originally was will shortly after the fall of Jerusalem in 586. If
concerned with Jair, and either by textual corrup- at his call he was a youth of twenty or twenty-two,
tion or otherwise was transferred to J. Cf. Moore he must at his death have been over sixty. He was
(Int. Com.), Budde {HandkomTnentar), and
Crit. of priestly descent, being one of a little community
Frankenberg {Composition d. Deuteron. und Richter- of priests settled at Anathoth (I K 2 26), 3 m. N. of
hilcher, 1895, pp. 35-38). A. C. Z. Jerusalem, where his family owned land (32 8).
His prophetic 'call' took place (1 2, 25 3) in the
JEPHUWirEH, je'fmi'§ (n;2';, yyhunneh): 1.
13th year of Josiah, five years before the mem-
The father of Caleb (Nu 13 6, etc.). 2. The head orable discovery of the 'book of the law' (i.e., Dt)
of an Asherite family (I Ch 7 38). E. E. N. in the Temple (II K
22 3 ff.). Of his personal life
JERAH, jl'ra. See Ethnography and Eth- during the rest of Josiah's reign and the three
nology, § 11. months of Josiah's successor, Jehoahaz, no particulars
are known; but his book contains abundant details
JERAHMEEL, jg-rQ'm§-el (^l^^OI^ yrahm^'el), of the part played by him in the anxious times
'God has mercy': 1. The eponymous ancestor of which began soon after the accession of Jehoiakim
the clan, or tribe, of Jerahmeelites living in the (609 B.C.). Politically, the 4th year of Jehoiakim
"South" of Judah (I S 27 10, 30 29) and afterward (605), in which Nebuchadrezzar defeated Pharaoh-
absorbed into the tribe of Judah, so that J. was necho at Carchemish, was the turning-point of the
reckoned genealogically as one of the grandsons of age. J. at once grasped the situation. He saw that
Judah and the brother of Caleb (I Ch 2 9, 25-27, 33, Nebuchadrezzar was destined to achieve further
42). 2. The name of a subdivision of the Levites successes; he greeted him with an ode of triumph
(I Ch 24 29). 3. A
son of Jehoiakim, King of Judah (46 3-12), promised him the conquest of Egypt
(Jer36 26). E.E.N. (46 14^26), and declared that the whole of Western
Asia would fall under his sway (ch, 25), implying
JERED, jl'red (l^);, yeredh): The "father of
thereby, what he afterward taught explicitly, that
Gedor"(I Ch 4 18), probably the name of the clan,
the safety of Judah lay in yielding to the inevitable,
or family, which inhabited Gedor. E. E. N.
and accepting the condition of dependence upon
JEREMAI, ier^'e-m^'ai or jer'e-m^ (^??T, yrS- Babylon. Jehoiakim became for a while Nebuchad-
rmy, a shortened form of "Jeremiah") One of the :
rezzar's vassal, but after three years revolted (II
"sons of Hashum" (Ezr 10 33). E. E. N. K 24 l). Under Jehoiachin, his son and successor
(697), Jerusalem was besieged by the Chaldeans.
JEREMIAH, jer'Vmai'a (IH^??']":, yirmlyahU,
After a reign of three months the king surrendered,
njTpT, yirm'ydh), 'J' casts' (or 'looseneth,' so Oxf, and both he and his court, and the 61ite of Jerusalem
Heb, Lex.), i.e., from the womb 1. A man of Libnah,
: generally, were exiled to Babylonia (II K 24 10-16).
father of Hamutal, wife of Josiah and mother of Zedekiah, Jehoiachin's imcle, having sworn a solemn
Jehoahaz (II K 23 31) and Zedekiah (II 24 18; K oath of allegiance to Nebuchadrezzar (Ezk 17 11-18),
Jer 52 2). 2. The head of a family of Manasseh, was made king over those who remained in Jeru-
E. of the Jordan (I Ch 5 24). 3. A Benjamite who salem. After a few years, however, Zedekiah en-
used sling and bow, and who joined David at Ziklag tered into treasonable negotiations with Pharaoh
(I Ch. 12 4). 4, 6. Two Gadites (I Cb 12 10, 13), users Hophra; and in his 9th year (588 B.c.)j the second
393
Jeremiah A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
jud^en^
siege of Jerusalem by the Chaldeans began. Jere- markable poetical power, he announces the ^^^^^^^^
to be inflicted by a formidable
but
miah now (21 1-10) declared unambiguously that the "^^^^f^J^^.Jj^^rdes
suggested by thenomes
North. The imagery is probably
besiegers would prevail, adding as a piece of prac- of Scythians who were, c. 625
b c overrunnmg Western
i-i«) form a second group of
tical advice to the people generally that desertion Asia. Chs. 7-10 (excluding 10
DroT>hecies belonging probably to
the early part of the reign
to the Chaldeans was the sole guaranty of personal descnbed m
ofJehSm (romTch'; 7 with ch. 26). The scene
safety (21 9). His counsel did not proceed from any 7 1-28 is a striking one. The prophet stands
at the gate of the
pomting to J s dwelling
unpatriotic motive, though it is easy to see that it Temple, rebukes the people for
and bids
might be so interpreted; it was simply a corollary among them as of itself guaranteemg their security,
place, to amend their
them, if they desire to remain in that
from the position adopted by him in 605 (ch. 25). section, J., ma
ways and their doings.' In the rest of this
Jeremiah^s further experiences during the siege are succession of plaintive elegies, bewaUs
the corruption of the
nation, and describes the alarm and despair which wiU seize
told in chs. 37, 38. Arrested in the N. gate of the of them. 10 1-"
the people when they see the foe in the midst
city on a charge of deserting to the Chaldeans, he
(against standing in awe of the idols of the heathen) in-
was confined first in a dungeon, then, after having terrupts the connection, and, to judge from the argument and
been sent for by the king, and questioned by him as situation presupposed by it, is not J.'s at all. In 11 1-8 J.
to the issue of the siege, in a part of the palace exhorts the people to obey the Deuteronomic law; but in
1 1 8-17 he is warned that Judah, for its disobedience, is doomed
precincts called the "guard-court," after that in a to disaster, and that he must not intercede on his people's
disused underground cistern, from which he was behalf. In 11 1^— 12 ^ he describes a plot formed against his
released only by the intercession of a friendly for- life by his own townsmen, and the moral perplexities which
the impunity of the conspirators raised in his mind. The
eigner, an Ethiopian, Ebed-melech, to be again
passage 12 7-i7 threatens exile to some of Judah's unfriendly
confined in the guard-court, where, after a second neighbors, but promises them restoration if they afterward
interview with the king, he remained until after the embrace from the heart Israel's religion. In ch. 13 the corrupt
capture of Jerusalem by the Chaldeana. J. was condition of the people and the certainty of approaching
exile are again insisted on by the prophet ver. is f. here
;
treated with consideration by the Chaldeans, and (cf. II K 24 8) belongs to the reign of Jehoiachin. Chs. 14,
allowed to live where he pleased till he was forced 15 contain a dialogue between the prophet and J", arising
by some of the Jews left in Palestine to accompany out of a drought (interpreted as a sign of J'"s anger). J.
intercedes for his people, and seeks to excuse them on the
them into Egypt (chs. 42-44). ground that they have been deluded by their prophets, but
The foregoing outUne of the history of J.'s time J" refuses to hear him. He bewails the hard fate imposed
will be of use in enabling the reader to understand upon him of having to predict the ruin of his country, but
the scope and contents of the Book of in the end (15 19-21) is taught that his success and happiness
depend upon his abandoning the false path of distrust and
2. General Jeremiah. The book consists partly despair. In 16 i— 17 1^ the coming disaster, with its cause, the
Character of prophecies, partly of narratives of people's sin, is set forth in even plainer terms than before.
of the Book, events in the prophet's life. Its several The passage 17 1^^'^ is an exhortation to obey the Sabbath
parts are not arranged chronologically, —
(thought by many recent critics not to be J,'s the importance
attached to ceremonial observances, vs. 2^"^*, being contrary
the imperfect order being due, no doubt, to the fact to his usual teaching). In ch'. 18, by observation of the
that the book reached its present form by a series of methods of a potter, J. is taught the conditional nature of
stages. Welearn from ch. 36 that its nucleus con- prophecy. In spite of the judgments pronounced against
Judah, therefore, it would not be too late for it to repent, were
sists of a collection of prophecies, delivered during
it not too obstinate to do so. His words provoke another
the twenty-three preceding years, which were first plot against his life (ver. i^), and the ch. ends with vehement
committed to writing in the 4th year of Jehoiakim imprecations against its authors. Chs. 19, 20 describe how
J. was thrown into the stocks for having declared by the
(605), at J/s dictation, by his friend and amanuensis,
symbolism of a broken cruse the irretrievable nature of the
Baruch; after the king, when the roll was read before disaster impending upon the nation. After his release lie
him in the following year, had burnt it in a fit of pas- breaks out into a passionate complaint of the misery of his
sion, it was rewritten, we are told, loith many addi- lot (20 1-18) he could not resist the impulse to prophesy,
;
by J. himseK which must have formed the nucleus of the prophet respecting its issue he replies that the city will
;
the present book were not verbal reproductions of the inevitably fall into the hands of the Chaldeans. The passage
21 11—23 8 contains J.'s judgments on the contemporary kings
discourses as they were originally delivered. The
of Judah; the exile of Jehoahaz (608) is pathetically foretold
original collection comprised in all probability (not (22 10-12) the exactions of Jehoiakim (608-597) are contrasted
;
counting later additions) chs. 1-9, 10 17-25, 25, 46-49 bitterly with the justice exercised by his father, Josiah
This was after- (22 13-10) rejection and banishment are to be the fate of
33, perhaps also parts of chs. 11-20.
;
ward gradually enlarged by the insertion or addition, rulers, there is drawn a picture of the rule of the future ideal
partly of prophecies of later date than 605 (including king, and of the happiness which he will secure for his people.
some, as 10 1-16, not by J. himself), partly of bio- Next, 23 ^^°, we have a polemic against the false prophets
graphical and historical notices, till the book assumed who misled the people by deceptive promises of security, and
made no efforts to reclaim them from their sin. Ch. 24 was
its present form. The narratives in the third person written shortly after the exile of Jehoiachin (597); by the
about J. are generally supposed to be from the hand significant figure of the two baskets of good and bad figs
it is shown that the exiles with Jehoiachin are much better
of Baruch.
than those left in the city with Zedekiah, and that the hopes
Cha. 1-6 consist of prophecies dating mainly from the reign of the future depend upon them. Ch. 25 contains the proph-
of Josiah. Ch. 1 describes the vision of J.'s call it is to be
; ecy of the 4th year of Jehoiakim (605), in which J. declares
his m^ission to announce the weal or wo of that Nebuchadrezzar is to have the rule of the entire known
3. Contents, nations, and he is not to be discouraged by the world. Ch. 26 tells how J. nearly lost his life for threatening
opposition which his words may provoke. that, if the people did not amend their ways, Jerusalem would
Chs. 2-6 contain J.'s earliest prophecies (626 b.c.-c. 619); share the fate of Shiloh (cf. ch. 7). Chs. 27-29 (beginning of
in 2 1-4 * the prophet passes his verdict upon Israel's history Zedekiah's reign) describe how J. exposed the futility of
he reproaches it with its declension from the ideal of the past, attempting to throw off the yoke of Babylon and of hoping
and its persistent idolatry, while promising it, if penitent, a that the Babylonian domination would speedily cease; and
return of J'"s favor in 4 ^-6, in strains of deep feeling and re-
; how he even wrote to the exiles in Babylonia, exhorting them
303 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Jeremiah
to settle down contentedly in their new home. Chs. 30-33, his life is to lead his people; if only it will be led, to
dating from the dark days of the siege of Jerusalem, contain
better things.
J.'s promises (addressed to Israel as well as to Judah) of a
brighter future ultimately to come in eh. 32 the prophet, in
; J.'s poetry is exquisite. It has not indeed the
the full assurance that his countrymen, though exile is majesty of Isaiah or the brilliance of Job; but sweet
imminent, will again own their native soil, redeems from a
and tender elegies, beautiful in diction and instinct
cousin land belonging to his family at Anathoth; 31 ^^~^^ is
the great prophecy of the New Covenant, when Israel will with pathos, flow without art or effort from his lips.
be ruled by a law written in the heart, filling all with the He has been well called by Comill the "poet of the
knowledge of J" and prompting all to perfect obedience. heart." The deep springs of human feeling toward
Chs. 34-45 are largely historical; ch. 34 (end of Zedekiah's
his neighbor, toward his people, and toward his God
reign) tells us of the rebuke which J. addressed to the people
when they refused to fulfil the promise, made when the siege are revealed by him more clearly than by any other
was temporarily raised, to emancipate their Hebrew slaves writer of the O T, more clearly even than by Hosea.
in ch. 35 (end of Jehoiakim's reign) J. points a lesson to his
countrymen from the faithfulness of the Rechabites to the
In the history of religion J. marks an epoch in
precepts of their ancestor; oh. 36 is important, as it relates that he brings out, more distmctly than had been
how Jeremiah's prophecies were first committed to writing in brought out before, the significance and
the 4th year of Jehoiakim (605), and how after the king in the
5. Signifi- reality of personal religion, of a direct
following year had burned the roll in a fit of passion, it was
rewritten, with additions; chs. 37, 38 give particulars of J.'s
cance of relationship of the individual soul to
personal history during the siege (see § 1, above); chs. 39-44 His Work. God. A lonely man, without domestic
narrate what happened to him after the fall of the city, in- or social joys (16 2, s, 15 17), full of un-
cluding his forced migration into Egypt in 43 ^-is he foretells
;
requited affection for his people, mocked and mis-
the future conquest of Egypt by Nebuchadrezzar and in ch. ;
44 he rebukes the fugitives in Egypt for relapsing into their understood by those whom he loved, he casts him-
old idolatries, and declares that of the entire body a handful self upon God, and finds a refuge and a solace in
only should return into Judah; ch. 45 is a short prophecy communion with Him. As a prophet to his con-
of minted encotiragement and rebuke, addressed to Baruch,
and forming a supplement to 36 ^-^. Chs. 46-51 are proph- temporaries, his labor was in vain; but his life was
ecies on foreign nations, declaring successively, with much not spent in vain, either for himself or for the future.
variety of imaginative form, the doom impending upon Egypt, "Through sorrow and wo there arose within him the
the Philistines, Moab, Ammon, Edom, Damascus, Kedar,
certainty of personal fellowship with God, the truest
Elam, and Babylon. The first seven of these prophecies
(that on Elam is assigned to Zedekiah's reign) in so far as they
,
essence of piety" (Wellhausen). J. opens out his
most recent commentators consider them to have
are J.'s (for whole soul to God ; he unfolds before Hun his thoughts
been more or less amplified by later hands), will reflect the and feelings and emotions, and looks to Him for a
profoundimpression produced upon the prophet by Nebuchad-
rezzar's victory over the Egyptians at Carchemish (cf. ch.
response. It is in accordance with this sense of
25). The incident narrated in 51 s^-ete ig no doubt historical; the religious significance of the individual that he
but the preceding prophecy (50 ^-51 ^s) displays a spirit and emphasizes (31 30) the truth of individual respon-
point of view so unlike J.'s that it is generally recognized as
sibility; and that in his great prophecy of the New
not his work. Ch. 52 contains an account of the capture of
Jerusalem, and the exile of the inhabitants —excerpted, in the Covenant the essence of religion is identified by him
main, from II K
24 i8-25 30. with a personal knowledge of God implanted in the
heart (31 33 f.; cf. 3 16, where an external symbol
J. possessed a susceptible, deeply emotional nature. of religion, as the Ark, is to be no more needed in
The adverse course of events impresses him pro- the ideal future). When he had passed away, men
foundly, and he utters without reserve began to realize the greatness and beauty of his
4. Personal the emotions which in consequence are character. "The oppressed people saw in his suffer-
Character- stirred within him. The trials which ings a type of itself, and drew from his constancy
istics. he experienced in the discharge of his coiurage to endure and be true. Imagery from the
prophetic office, the persecution and scenes of his life and echoes of his words fill many
detractionwhich he encountered from those to of the Psalms, the authors of which were like him
whom his words were unwelcome (11 18-23, 15 10, 15, in his sorrows, and strove to be like him in his faith"
1715-17, IS 18, 20 7-10, 26 U ff., 37l5ff.), the dis- (Davidson).
appointment which was the only fruit of his efforts The LXX. text of Jer differs more widely from
to convince his people of their sin, and the ruin to the Heb, than is the case in any other book of the
which, as he saw too truly, his country was hasten- O. T. There are numerous omissions,
ing, overpowered his sensitive, highly strung organ- 6. The Text sometimes of single words (often,
ism. He breaks out into bitter lamentations and of the Book however, of unimportant words, as
complaints; he bewails pathetically his nation's of Jeremiah, "the prophet" attached to the name
doom (4 19-21, 6 26, 7 29, 8 18-22, 9 1, 13 17, and else- Jeremiah, or of the parenthetic "saith
where) he calls for vengeance upon his persecutors
;
Jehovah"), sometimes of clauses or passages (as
he reproaches the Almighty with having misled 8 10-12 [ =6 13-15], 11 7-8, 29 14, 16-20, 30 10 f. [ =46 27 f.],
him (20 7) and with forsaking him (15 18) he wishes ; 33 14-26, 39 4-13, 48 40 f. [=49 22]; chs. 27, 28, also
himself unborn (20 14-18; cf. 15 10). His mental are materially shorter in the LXX. than in the Heb.)
struggle is intense; he would gladly relinquish the there are also occasionally additions, variations of
thankless office imposed upon him; but ever and expression, and transpositions (the foreign proph-
again the higher voice within him bids him be ecies 46-51 stand in the LXX. after 25 13). Though
trustful and courageous (1 7 f., 17-19, 12 5 f., 15 19-21, some of these differences may have originated with
20 11, 13), and his human wishes and human weak- the translators, many must have existed in the Heb.
ness are overcome. Love for his country is pow- MSS. used by them, and they combine with the
erful within him, though he knows it to be in unchronological arrangement of the Heb. to show
vain (7 16); through two long chapters (14-15) he that in early times many hands worked at the
pleads on behalf of his erring nation. The a;im of 'redaction' of the book, and that it must have
Jeremiah, Epistle of 394
Jeruel
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Duhm has the highest admiration and appreciation; JERIBAI, jer'i-bai or jer'i-bi (^21^, yrlhhay):
but it is arbitrary thus to limit his literary ability, One of David's heroes (I Ch 11 46). E. E. N.
nor has this conclusion of Duhm's been indorsed by
other scholars (see especially Cornill). JERICHO, jer'i-c6 0^^% yrtho), 'city of fra-
345 men of Jericho are reckoned in Nehemiah's house of Joseph engaged in work upon the fortifica-
census (Neh 7 36), and this city also furnished work- tions of Jerusalem. But, instigated by the prophet
men who helped rebuild the walls of Jerusalem Ahijah of Shiloh, he rebelled against his master,
(Neh 3 2). These later towns were for the most and was compelled to flee to Egypt, where he took
part S. of the old Jericho, and the plain up to the refuge with Shishak.' As soon as Solomon died, J.
entrance of the Wddy el-Kelt is dotted with ruins. returned and put himself at the head of the people,
Cleopatra's concession, taken by Herod, was here, now fully determined no longer to endure the yoke
and Roman ruins are visible, including plaster, still of heavy taxation imposed upon them during the
bright with the red so dear to Roman eyes. In one reign just closed. When the overtures made to
of these structures Herod the Great died, Rehoboam had been flatly rejected, the northern
Christ's feet trod this region more than once, and tribes secededand Jeroboam was made their king.
the scene of the Temptation may well have been He fixed his capital at Shechem, but probably
first
in the forbidding mountains above. To reach the changed it to Tirzah. Very little is known of his
reputed place of the Baptism He must have passed conflict with Judah. Perhaps both kingdoms soon
through the streets and villas of the town. The became engaged in a more absorbing warfare with
road that leads to Jericho He made the background Shishak. For the purpose of preventing the people
for a parable (Lk 10 30). His last journey to of the Northern Kingdom from gravitating back to
Jerusalem led Him into Jericho, where He healed the house of David, Jeroboam revived two old shrines
Bartimeus (Lk 18 35) and met Zaccheus (Lk 19 1 f.). at Bethel and Dan, setting up golden calves as
One does not wonder, then, at the numerous monas- images of J". By the prophets of J'^ this was de-
teries once to be found here. But the Moslem's nounced as a capital sin, and occurs as the refrain
touch has blighted the palm-groves, the land is now of the story of such of the subsequent kings as
the Sultan's freehold, and er-Rihaj the present adopted Jeroboam's policy. 2. Jeroboam II (784;-
village, with its few hundred dark-visaged, Egyptian- 745), the son of Jehoash, of the dynasty of Jehu.
like inhabitants, is but a travesty of past mag- Under his government Israel reached the summit of
nificence. A. S, C. her power, extending her control over nearly the
JERIEL, jer'i-el or jl'ri-el C>^'^T,, yri'el), 'God whole territory ruled by David. This was rendered
possible by the weakening of the countries E. of the
sees': The ancestor of a clan of Issachar (I Ch
Jordan through repeated Assyrian invasions, a con-
7 2). E. E. N.
dition of things predicted by Jonah, the son of
JERIJAH, je-rai'ja. See Jeriah. Amittai (II K
14 25). At the same time the religious,
social, and moral conditions of the people reached a
JERIMOTH, jer'i-meth (D'iTD^-l';, yftmoth): 1.
low ebb, against which the prophets Amos and
The ancestor of a clan of Benjamin (I Ch 7 7). 2. Hosea, contemporaries of this king, entered a vig-
One of David's warriors (I Ch 12 5). 3. A son of orous protest in the name of J*. A. C. Z.
David (II Ch 11 18). 4. A Hemanite musician (I
Ch 25 4). See also Jeremoth. E. E. N. JEROHAM, je-ro'ham (Dri")'!, yroham), prob-
ably a shortened form of Jerahmeel, 'God pities':
JERIOTH, jer'i-eth or jl'ri-eth (nl:?^^";, y-nfoth):
1. An ancestor of Samuel (I S 1 i). 2. The father
Either the wife or daughter of Caleb (I Ch 2 18). of Joelah and Zebadiah (I Ch 12 7). 3. The head of
The text seems to be corrupt. The name is prob- a Benjamite family (I Ch 8 27, 9 8). 4. A Danite
ably that of a place. E. E. N. (I Ch 27 22). 5. The father of Azariah (II Ch 23 l).
6. A priest (I Ch 9 12; Neh 11 12). E. E. N.
JEROBOAM, jer^'o-bo'am (D?5T, yarabh'am),
probably 'the people increases': 1, The son of JERXJBBAAL, jer"ub-bg'al or jg-mb'ba-al. See
Nebat of the tribe of Ephraim, and a resident of Gideon.
Zereda (I K 11 26). He was the leader of the ten JERUBBESHETH, jer"ub-bl'sheth or je-nrb'be-
tribes in their revolt against Rehoboam, and became
sheth. See Gideon.
the first king of the Northern Kingdom (931-915).
During the lifetime of Solomon, J. proved himself JERUEL, je-ru'el or jer'yu-el (^i<^% yru'el): A
a capable administrator of affairs, and was appointed portion of the wilderness of Judah (II Ch 20 16).
by the king as overseer of the contingent from the Map II, F 2. E. E. N.
Cross-section Showing Comparative Heights op Different Parts op Jerusalem. (See Jerusalem, pp. 396-405.)
396
Jerusalem A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
JERUSALEM, je-ru'sa-lem
Analysis of Contents
16. Zion IV. Period of Hezekiah and Man^
Introductory
Ophel assek
1. Historical and Religious 17.
18. Moriah 33. Interval Between Solomon
Importance
Location and Climate II. History and Hezekiah
2.
Canaanite Period Hezekiah's Conduit
34.
I, Topography 7.
19. Jebusite Jerusalem Hezekiah's Wall
35.
3. Method of Study
Davidic Period Manasseh's Wall
36.
4. Location of Temple 77.
7. The Valley of Jerusalem 20. MUlo V. Persian, Greek, Maccabman, and
The Kidron 21. David's Wall Herodian Periods
5.
6. Hinnom 22. David's Palace 37. Nehemiah's Wall
The Guard-House 38. Gates, etc., in Nehemiah's
7. Rephaim 23.
8. The Vale of Shaveh David's Sepulcher
24. Wall
9. The Tyropoeon 777. Solomonic Period 39. Between Nehemiah and N T
II. The Springs of Jerusalem 25. The Temple Times
10. En-rogel 26. The King's House VI. New Testament Period
11. Gihon 27. The House of Pharaoh's 40. Extent of the City
III.The Pools of Jerusalem Daughter 41. Jesus' Visits to Jerusalem
12. Bethesda 28. The Porch of Judgment 42. The Upper Room
13. Siloam 29. The Porch of Pillars 43. The Palace of Caiaphaa
IV. The Hills of Jerusalem 30. The House of the Forest of 44. The Praetorium and Pave-
14. Topographical Arrange- Lebanon ment
ment 31. Solomon's Wall 45. Golgotha, Calvary
15. The City of David 32. Gates in Solomon's Wall 46. Akeldama, Potter's Field
erected in the city. We take up, then, first the loca- suggests that it is to be identified with the modern
tion of the Temple. Wddy er-Rabahiy the broad valley that encloses
The Temple is one of the few fixed spots in the Jerusalem on the W. and S. All the
topography of ancient Jerusalem. Solomon's sanc- 6. Hinnom. O T references favor this identification.
tuary remained undisturbed until its destruction According to Jos 15 8, 18 16 Hinnom was
by Nebuchadrezzar in 586 B.C. During the brief the boundary-line between the tribes of Judah and
period of the Exile its site was not forgotten (cf. Benjamin; but Jerusalem lay wholly in the tribe of
I/dftnom 'y
l^lle\
C'(V Tf 5//
swmijht-
Jiidron.
I // e^h - Jclierif
yiiVtcj^iL'i,,. .jitijj;.^-'.' y'j.L>i-ji.. .
.
•.,.-' ''''-.^ -"I'l'
Jer 415; Hag 2 3; Ezr 312). It was rebuilt by Benjamin (cf. Jer 6 1 and the frequent phrase
Zerubbabel in the old place in 516 b.c. (Ezr 6 15). "Judah and Jerusalem"), hence Hirmom can not
Herod's Temple, according to Josephus be identified either with Wddy Sitti Maryam or with
4. The Lo- {Ant. XV, 11 2; BJ V, 5 1), was , El-Wad, the valley that runs through the heart of
cation of merely an enlargement and beautifica- the city. The valley gate of Neh 2 13 must have
the Temple, tion of its predecessor. An unbroken opened upon the Valley of Hinnom, but the excava-
tradition of Jews, Christians, and Mo- tions of Bliss seem to have proved that this gate was
hammedans places it on the site of the Haram esh-
Sherlf, the 'Noble Sanctuary,' or Mosque of Omar.
The correctness of this tradition is confirmed at every
point by archeology (see Temple). From this fixed
point we must set out in our study of the ancient
city.
of authority.
The valley of the "Son (Sons) of Hinnom" situated near the SW. corner of the modem city.
(hinnom), or simply "valley of Hinnom," is always The Arabian geographer Idrisi (1154 a.d.) applies
called the gay, or 'broad, open valley,' in contrast the name Jehennam, that is, Ge-Hinnom, or Valley
to the nahal, or 'brook,' of Kidron. This name of Hinnom, to Wddy er-Rababi, and in 1838 Robin-
Jeriisalem A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY • 398
hood of the modem city: 'Ain Um ed-Derau 'Spring wall of the Temple, Bethesda has been tradi-
of the Mother of Steps/ as it is called by the Moslems, tionally identified with Birket IsraHlj a large
or *Ain Sitti Maryam, 'Spring of the pool N. of the Haram, The excavations of the
10. En- Lady Mary/ as it is called by the White Friars near the Church of St. Anne have
rogel. Christians, which lies in the Wddy Sitti disclosed a vaulted cistern, which the Crusaders be-
Maryam, a short distance from the SW. lieved to be the Pool of Bethesda. Neither of these
comer of the city; and Bir 'Eiyub, 'Job's Well,' sites, however, fulfils all the conditions of the nar-
which lies in the same valley a short distance below rative of John, The Gihon, or Virgin's Fountain,
its junction with Wddy er-Rabdbi. With these is the only intermittent spring in the vicinity of
springs En-rogel and Gihon must be identical. The Jerusalem (see § 8, above) and, therefore, this is
evidence is probably the site of Bethesda, where the waters
clear that were periodically troubled. It is true that no
En-rogel is remains of porches are to be seen here, but no
Btr 'Eiyub, excavations have been undertaken at this point.
According to In all other respects this identification fulfils the
Jos 15 7, 18 requirements of the Gospel narrative.
16, it was The names Shiloah (Shelah, Neh 3 16, Siloah AV)
reached by and Siloam are the exact equivalent
going down inHeb. and Gr., respectively, of SiU
the Valley of wan, in the modern Arabic name
Hinnom. Ac- {'AinSilwan)
cording to II BtOmnctioJprmm of the pool at
and I ^^^^-,-x....^
S 17 17 the mouth
K 1 9, it was of El-Wad,
out of sight All the an-
of the city, cient refer-
but not very ences agree
remote from with this
it. The identification
name may Section of the Underground Conduit at the Virgin's Fountain. (cf. Neh 3 15;
mean 'Spy's Jos., BJ, V,
Spring,' certainly not 'Fuller's Spring.' Apparently 4 1, 2, 612 2; II, 16 2; VI, 7 2, 8 5), In spite
1, 9 4,
the City of David lay close to the Pool of Siloam 50 6, 2S, 51 10). (5) The post-exiUo prophet.a in like
(cf. Neh 12 37). II Ch 32 30 shows that it lay between manner spealc of Zion as the dw'oUing-place of J'
Gihon and Siloam II Ch 33 14, that it lay due west
; (cf. Zech 2 10, 8 2 f.; Jl 2 1, 16, 3 16, 17, 21; Is 2-1 23).
of Gihon. According to I Mao 1 33, 7 32 f., 14 36, it (6) In the Psalter, Zion is scarcely ever mentioned
was identical with the Aki-a of the Syrians and was except in comiection with the Temple and its
in immediate proximity to the Temple. Jos. {Ant. worship (cf. Ps 20 2, 78 68 f., 87 2, 5, 48 2, 74 2, 76 2,
VIII, 3 1-2) also equates the City of David with the 99 2, 132 13, 146 10, 9 11, 14, 2 6, 53 6, 87 3, 14 7, 50 2,
Akra of the Syrians. 110 2, 12S 6, 133 3, 134 3, 51 IS f., 65 1, 84 7, 137 1, 3,
In BJ, I, 1 4; V, 4 1, 6 1, he identifies it with the 102 21, 147 12, 125 1). (7) In the Apocrypha, Zion
Lower City, and says that it was separated from the is identified with the Temple mount in the same
Upper City by a deep valley. There is universal manner as in the earlier literature (cf, I Mac 4 37 f.,
agreement that the Upper City of Josephus is S\V, 5 64, 7 32, 14 27; Sir 24 10; I Es 8 81). (8) Josephus
but in regard to the identification of the Lower City never uses the name Zion, but in A^it, I, 13 2 he
there has been a great variety of opinions. Brocar- states that David's tent for the Ark (on Zion, accord-
dus, Robinson, Conder, Fergusson, De Saulcy, ing to II S 6 12) was pitched on the same mountain
Pierotti place it on NW; Fallmerayer, Williams, on which the Temple afterwai-d stood. We thus
Lewin, De Vogii^, Warren, Mei'rill, Scliick place it iind an imbroken tradition from the earliest times
on N; Schultz, Ivraft, Schafter on NE; Tobler and down to about 100 a.d. identifying Zion with the E.
Mommert on C; von Alten and Thrupp on E; 01s- hill. In certain poetical passages Zion is used in
hausen, Caspari, Menke, Riess, Furrer, von Klaiber, parallehsm with J., as though it were a name for the
Wilson, Benzinger, Buhl, Guthe, W. R. Smith, G. whole city, biit this is evidently a case of synecdoche.
A. Smith, and most recent authorities on SE. The In prose Zion is never anything else than the Temple
last theory is the only one that does justice to all hill. The modern tradition which identifies Zion
the statements of Josephus in BJ, V, 4 1, SE with SW is probably derived from the old "Zion"
is lower than SW, the Upper City; it is separated Church that stood in this quarter (see § 42, below)*
from it by a deep valley, the Tyropceon; it is lower The hill of Ophel {'Ophel) is first mentioned in
than the Temple hill ; and there is no valley at present Mic 4 8 as "the hill ["Ophel" mg.] of the daughter
between it and the Temple, although the excavations of Zion," Since Zion was the E. ridge,
of Guthe seem to show that such a valley once 17. Ophel. Ophel must have lain on the same
existed (cLAnt.XlV, 16 2; 57, II, 17 6; IV, 19 2; ridge. From Neh 3 26 f., 11 21; II Ch
VI, 6 3, 7 2). After the destruction of J. the thread 27 3, 33 14; Jos., BJ, V, 4 2, 6 l, it ia certain that
of authentic tradition was broken, and the City of Ophel was the part of the E. hill immediately S. of
David was supposed to have lain on SW, where the Temple.
401 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Jerusalem
The use of the name "Moriah" for the Temple the following building operations: A
structure called
mount is peculiar to II Ch 3 1. Gn 22 2, 14 (editorial) "Millo" is mentioned in II S 5 9; I K
9 15, 24, 11 27;
seems also to know it, since it explains II Ch 32 6. From these passages we
1 8. Moriah, as meaning the place where men
it 20. Millo. gather that it was a fortification of some
ought to appear before J''; that is, the sort, which was already in existence
Temple. In all early writings Zion is the name for when David took the city, and it could be successively
the Temple mount. Moriah is apparently a late enlarged by David, Solomon, and Hezekiah; that it
Jewish designation that has arisen from the conjec- lay in the City of David; and that it defended this
ture that the altar on Zion was the scene of Abra- city on its weakest side. Apparently it was a ram-
ham's sacrifice of Isaac (in Gn 22 2 it is described as part, which protected the N. end of the SE. hill.
one of the mountains of the land of Moriah), If this The LXX. identifies it with the Akra, a citadel S.
is a real name, it must be supposed to refer to one of of the Temple. The name millo, 'filling,* like Assyr.
the smaller peaks of the E. ridge, or Zion. Moriah mullX, or tamliX, suggests that it was a double wall
wiU then be the northern summit, Ophel the central, filled inwith earth, such as the excavations have
and City of David the southern. disclosed in the contemporary city of Gezer.
In II S 5 9 it is stated that "David built round
II. History of Jerusalem, about from Millo." This can only refer to a wall
enclosing the City of David. It began
/. The Canaanite Period. 21. David's at the Millo, or embankment, which
Concerning the origin of the city of Jerusalem Wall. crossed the S. portion of the E. hill,
we have no information. Even the etymology of the followed the Kidron at some distance
name
uncertain.
is Ezk 16
says of3 above bed, encircled the rocky cliff at the S. end
its
ig. Jebusite the city: "Thy birth and thy nativity of the hill above Siloam, and then ran up the E. side
Jerusalem, is of the land of the Canaanite; the of the Tyropoeon valley to join the Millo once more.
Amorite was thy father, and thy Traces of this wall and of the rock scarps that formed
mother was a Hittite.'' In Gn 14 18 it is uncertain its foundation were discovered by Bliss on the E. and
whether Salem, the residence of Melchizedek, has S. sides of the SE. hill. In this wall perhaps was the
anything to do with Jerusalem (see Salem). The Tower of David (Song 4 4). The tower near the
identification first appears in Ps 76 2 and is followed Jaffa Gate, known to-day as the Tower of David, is
by Jos. Ant. I, 10 2; VII, 3 2. Even if Salem be really the tower Phasaelus, built by Herod as a part
Jerusalem, the story of Melchizedek is of such un- of his palace.
certain origin that it throws no light upon the early In II S 5 9 (LXX.), 5 11 it is recorded that David
history of the city (see Melchizedek). built him a house
in the City of David. Neh 12 37
In the Tell-el-Amarna tablets (1400 B.C.) the city indicates that it stood at the N. end
appears as Urusalim (Winckler, T ell-el- Amarna 22. David's of the city. According to II S 5 11,
Letters, Nos, 179-185). Its king Abd-khiba appeals Palace, it was erected by Tyrian workmen
to the Pharaoh Amenhotep IV for help against an sent by Hiram. The walls were of
invading people called the Khabiri (Hebrews?). J. stone, and it was roofed with cedar beams from
next appears at the time of the Israelitic conquest Lebanon (cf. II S 7 2, 11 8, 9, 27, 15 16, 19 11, 30, 20 3).
about 1200 B.C. According to Jos 1 10, its king Neh 3 16 mentions, as situated in the City of
joined with the kings of Hebron, Jarmuth, Lachish, David, the '^house of the mighty men.'*
and Eglon in a confederacy against the Israelites. 23. The This seems to have been a dwelling
He was defeated by Joshua, but his city was not Guard- for the men of the body-guard, whose
taken (cf. Jg 1 1-7), According to Jos 15 63; Jg 1 21, House, names are recorded in II S 23 8-39,
19 12, the city remained in the hands of the Jebusites. I K
2 10 tells us that "David slept
The Jebusites appear in lists of the tribes of Canaan with his fathers and was buried in the City of David."
in JE (Gn 10 16, 15 21; Ex 3 8, 17, 33 2, 34 11; Nu All the other kings of Judah down to Ahaz were
13 29), in D
(Ex 13 5, 23 23; Dt 7 l, 20 17), also in Jos buried in this tomb, according to the
3 10, 9 1, 11 3, 12 8, 24 11; Jg 3 5; I K
9 20 =11 Ch 24. David's Book of Kings. Ezk 43 7 speaks of it
8 7; Ezr 9 1; Neh 9 8. They were doubtless of the Sepulcher. as adjoining the wall of the Temple.
same Semitic stock as the other Canaanites. In the Neh 3 16 mentions it as lying between
light of Urusalim in the Amarna letters it seems the Pool of Siloam and the Water Gate on the E. side
likely that Jebus, as a name for the city, is a late of the city. These statements are inconsistent with
formation out of Jebusite. The stronghold of the the traditional location of the Tomb of David on the
Jebusites was subsequently called the City of David. S. end of the W. hiU (cf. Jos. Ant. XIII, 8 4; XVI,
It must, therefore, have lain on the S. end of the E. 7 1; Ac 2 29),
of Holies means properly 'west/ and shows that it City of David. According to I K3 l, 9 16, Solomon
lay at the W. end of the Temple (cf. Ezk 8 16), The built the waU of J. round about, Jerusalem must
David,
Temple proper was surroimded with a court, which be a larger idea than the City of
enclosed
in I K 6 36 is called the inner court, to distinguish 31. Solo- and this new wall must have
itfrom the great, or outer court, that enclosed all mon's WaU. part at least of the W, hill, which before
Solomon's buildings. In Jer 36 10 it is called the this time had been undefended.
In
upper court, because it stood on a higher level. I K 8 1 =11 Ch 5 2; II K 9 28, 14 20; Is 10 12, 32, 22 10,
Unlike the later Temples of Zerubbabel and of 30 19; Jer 51 35; Zee 1 14; Neh 3 15, 12 37 the City
Herod, Solomon's Temple had only one coiirt (see of David, or Zion, is distinguished from J. as a part
Temple, §§ 6, 24, 27, 31 f.). from the whole. This indicates that even in pre-
According to I K
3 1, 7 1, 9 1, 10, 15, 10 4, fi, 12, exilic times the city had spread to the W. hill. On
Solomon built a palace for himself at the same time the N. Solomon's wall probably coincided with the
that he reared the house of J*. This is first, or inner, wall described by Jos. BJ, V, 4 2,
26. The frequently mentioned in the later his- which ran from the Tower of Hippicus, near the
King's tory under the name of the "king's modern Jaffa gate, straight E. to the W. wall of the
House. house." From many passages it is Temple, On the S. it probably followed the inner
clear that it adjoined the Temple line of fortification discovered by Bliss around the
(cf. I K
6 36, 7 8, 12; Is 1 26 £f.; Ps 2 6; II 12 18, K S. summit of the W. hill. Not until a later time was
14 14, 16 8, 18 15, 24 13, 25 9; Jer 36 12 ff.). It can it found necessary to enclose the lower S. slopes of
not have adjoined it on the N., because that quarter the W. hiU (see § 35, below).
was not yet enclosed, nor on the E, or W., because The upper gate, or gate of Benjamin, is described
there was no room. It must accordingly have in I K 15 35 =1 Ch 27 3; II Ch 23 20; Jer 20 2, 37 13;
lain S. of the Temple. With this agree numerous Ezk 8 3, 14, 9,2; Zee 14 10 as lying in the
passages which speak of the palace as higher than 32. Gates in N. wall of the Temple court, which was
the City of David and lower than the Temple (cf. Solomon's at the same time the N. wall of Solo-
I K
8 1, 9 24, 10 5; II K
11 19; Jer 22 1, 26 10; Mic Wall, mon's city. The gate of Ephraim,
4 8). according to II K 14 13 =11 Ch 25 23;
Adjacent to Solomon's palace, probably on the W., Neh 8 16, 12 39, was situated in the N. wall on the W.
was the house of Pharaoh's daughter, or the Harem hill, 400 cubits from the NW. corner of the city.
(I K
7 8, 9 24), These two buildings The corner gate, according to II K 14 13 = II Ch
27. The were surrounded with a court spoken 25 23, 26 9; Jer 31 38, lay at the NW. corner of
House of of as "another court" (I K
7 8), or the Solomon's city, substantially on the site of the
Pharaoh's middle court (II K
20 4 mg.), or the modern Jaffa gate. The valley gate, according to
Daughter, court of the guard (Jer 32 2; II 11 5, K II Ch 26 9, Neh 2 13-15, 3 13, opened upon the Valley
19; II Ch 23 6; Neh 12 39, 3 25). The of Hinnom, and is to be identified with the ancient
N. wall of this court was identical with the S. wall gate which Bliss excavated on the SW. slope of the
of the inner, or Temple court. W. hill. It was probably the same as the gate
According to I K
7 7, S. of the middle, or palace Harsith of Jer 19 2, Just beyond this lay the '
court stood the "porch of judgment." "turning of the wall" (II Ch 26 9), which corresponds
28, The It served as the royal audience-cham- with the bending northward of the inner wall dis-
Porch of ber, and contained Solomon's throne covered by Bliss, The horse gate, according to II
Judgment. of ivory and gold (I 10 18-20). K K 11 16 =11 Ch 23 15; Jer 31 40; Neh 3 28; Jos. Ant,
A little S. of the porch of judgment IX, 7 3, lay in the E, wall near the SE. corner of the
stood the "porch of pillars" (I 7 6), K Temple enclosure.
29. The which measured 50 by 30 cubits. Ap-
Porch of parently, it served as an anteroom IVn Period of Hezekiah and Manasseh.
Pillars, to the throne-room in which Solomon After the death of Solomon J. does not seem to
held audience. have received any enlargement for nearly 200 years.
The most southerly of the buildings on the Temple It was not until the Northern Kingdom
hill was the "house of the forest of Lebanon" (I K 33. The In- began to decline after the death of
7 2). Its dimensions were 100 by 50 terval Be- Jeroboam II in 744 B.C. that the for-
30. The cubits. Its roof was supported by tween Solo- tunes of Judah revived. Uzziah is the
House of forty-five pillars of cedar wood in three mon and first king of whom extensive building
the Forest rows. According to I K
10i6f., Is Hezekiah. operations are recorded (cf, II Ch ch,
of Lebanon. 22 8 (cf. 39 2 =11 K
20 13), it was used 26; Jos. Ant IX, 11 2), His son
as a royal armory. Its name was de- Jotham, according to II Ch 27 3, "built the upper
rived from the cedar trunks that formed its pillars. gate of the house of Jehovah, and on the wall of
Its proximity to the palace is shown not only by the Ophel he built much" (cf. Jos. Ant IX, 11 2).
narrative of I K
ch. 7, but also by I 10 16 f.,K Under Hezekiah (719-691 b.c.) still more extensive
which states that the shields were kept in it that public works were undertaken.
were borne before the king on festal occasions. The II K 20 20, 18 17 =Is 36 2; II Ch 32 4, 30; Is 7 3,
last three buildings, as well as the inner and the 22 9, 11 speak of a new conduit, constructed by
middle court, were included in the outer, or great Hezekiah in anticipation of Sennacherib's invasion,
court, which surrounded all Solomon's edifices to bring the waters of Gihon down to the W. side
(I K 7 12). See Lebanon. of the City of David. This can only be the rock-
According to II S 5 9, David built the wall of the hewn tunnel xmder the E. hill, which leads the
Copyright 1908 by Funk ifc Wagnalls Company, Neio York and London.
403 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Jerusalem
waters of the Virgin's Fountain to the upper pool thiswas the second or the third wall described by
of Siloam. In this an ancient Heb. inscription has Josephus (BJ, V, 4 2) is one of the most difficult
been found, the so-called Siloam In- problems of Jerusalem archeology, in regard to
34. Heze- scription, which reads as follows: "The which there is as yet no consensus of opinion. The
kiah's tunnel. And this was the history of theory which identifies the present wall with the
Conduit, the tunnel. While^till . . . the picks third wall appeals to the location of the Church of
were each over against one another, the Holy Sepulcher inside of this wall. Christ was
and while three cubits still [remained to be excavated crucified outside of the second wall; hence it is
there was heard] the voice of one calling to the claimed that the present N. wall can not be the
other, for there was a zdh in the rock, toward the second. Unfortunately the genuineness of the Sep-
south and toward the north. And on the day of the ulcher rests upon too slender historical evidence
tunnel the quarrymen struck pick against pick, one for its location to be a decisive argument in the case.
over against the other. And the waters flowed from It is also claimed that remains of the second wall
the source to the pool, one thousand two hundred are found inside of the Church of the Sepulcher; but
cubits. And a hundred cubits was the height of the a careful examination of the stones makes it doubtful
rock over the head of the quarrymen." This was whether any of them ever belonged to a city wall.
doubtless erected by Hezekiah's workmen, and is the The wall as laid down by Schick inside of the Sepul-
oldest Israelitic inscription of any length that has cher follows an inconceivably bad course, running on
come down to us. The word motsa^ which this low ground all the way, and making three rectangular
inscription uses for 'source' is the same one that II bends without reason. It does not correspond with
Ch 32 30 uses for the 'spring' of Gihon (see §§11 and Josephus' description of it as "circling about," and
12, above). it does not do justice to his statements in regard to
From II Ch 32 5; Is 22 10 f. it appears that Heze- the distance between the second and the third wall,
kiah built a new outer wall. Two outer walls are the size of the city, and the distance of the third wall
known to archeology, one on the N., from the monument of Helena and from Scopus.
35. Heze- the other on the S. From the expres- We must conclude, accordingly, that the remains
kiah's sion "between the two walls," which along the hne of the present N. wall are to be iden-
Wall. Is 22
10 f. (701 b,c.) uses of the upper tified with Manasseh's wall, the second wall of Jo-
pool of Siloam, it appears that Heze- sephus; and that the third wall built by Agrippa
kiah's wall must have been the outer wall on the S., in 43 A.D. is to be sought still further N. in the re-
since the two walls can only have been the wall on mains described by Robinson in 1838.
the W. side of the E. hill, and the wall on the E.
side of the W. hill. This is the wall described by V. Persian, Greehj Maccahoeanj and Herodian
Nehemiah in 3 13-15, 12 31-37; Jos. BJ, V, 4 2, and Periods.
it is the outer hne of fortification on the S. excavated Nehemiah rebuilt on the old lines and included
by Bliss. It ran in a long loop around the extreme allthat had been added by the early kings. On the
S. end of the W. hill, crossed the Tyropoeon above E. and W. his line coincided with that
Siloam, and there joined the wall of the City of 37. Nehe- of David and Solomon, on the S. with
David. miah's that of Hezekiah, and on the N. with
According to II Ch
33 U, Manasseh "built an Wall. that of Manasseh. His account of it
outer wall to the city of David, on the west side of found in Neh 2 2-15, ch. 3, 12 27-40.
is
Gihon, in the valley, even to the en- This was identical with the wall of Josephus {BJy
36. Manas- trance at the fish gate." The mention V, 4 2), exclusive of the third, or outer wall on the N.
seh's Wall, of the fish gate shows that Manasseh's From Neh 3 1, 32, 12 39, it appears that the sheep
construction was the second wall on the gate was identical with the upper gate, or gate of
N., in which the fish gate is known to have been Benjamin (see § 32, above), and lay on
situated (Neh 3 3, 12 39). The mishneh, or second 38. Gates, the N. side of the Temple enclosure.
quarter, college AV (II K
22 U =11 Ch 34 22; Zeph etc., in A httle NW. of this lay the tower of
1 10), which lay near the fish gate, is not mentioned Nehemiah's Ham-meah, Meah AV (Neh 3 1, 12 39).
before Manasseh. Manasseh and his successors are Wall. This is identical with the birah, or
the first kings who are said to have been buried in J., castle, which Neh 2 8 describes as "the
but not in the City of David (II K
21 18; II Ch castle which appertaineth to the house (of Jehovah)"
S3 20; II K 21 26, 23 30 =11 Ch 35 24). Apparently, (cf. Neh 7 2). The word is the Assyr. birtu, 'for-
therefore, the mishneh was the new quarter enclosed tress,' and is not found in the O T before the Persian
by Manasseh's second wall on the N., and in this period. The castle was the residence of the Persian
quarter were the tombs of Manasseh and his suc- governor and later of the Hasmonsean (Maccabaean)
cessors. Here also was the Maktesh (Zeph 1 11), priest-kings. Josephus {Ant. XV, 11 4; XVIII, 4 3;
or 'the mortar' (mg.), a region inhabited by BJ, I, 21 1) calls it Baris. It was rebuilt by Herod
Canaanites. This outer wall was the one rebuilt the Great and was named Antonia in honor of Mark
by Nehemiah (Neh 3 1-8, 12 39) and described by Antony. Josephus gives a detailed description of it
Jos. 5J, V, 4 2. From neither of these descrip- in BJf V, 4 2, 5 8. From this it appears that it
tions can the course of this wall be traced with cer- lay on the site of the modern Turkish barracks, on a
tainty, and the evidence of archeology is equally cliff near the NW. comer of the Temple court. Ac-
obscure. Only one fact is certain, namely, that an cording to BJ, V, 5 8, it was connected with the
ancient wall followed the line of the present N. wall Temple by a portico. It was garrisoned with a
from the Jaffa gate to the Damascus gate. Whether strong force of Roman soldiers, who were ready to
Jerusalem A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 404
Jeshimon
rush out in a moment, if there should be any com- same king that the Temple underwent a complete re-
involving ex-
motion in the Temple (cf. Ac 21 30-40, 23 10, 16, 32). construction (see Temple, §§ 29-34),
fortifications of
This castle should be carefully distinguished from tensive alterations in the walls and
the Temple hill. In fact, the J. of the N
the Akra, or 'citadel,' which lay S. of the Temple (see
T times was
§ 15, above). practically a new city.
Still further NW. was the tower of Hananel,
Hananeel AV (Neh 3 l, 12 39; Jer 31 38; Zee 14 10),
VL New Testament Period,
on the cliff near the present Damascus gate, at the Nehemiah's wall was the outermost wall in the
N. corner of the city. Just beyond this was the fish time of Christ, and there was probably
gate (Neh 3 3, 12 39; II Ch 33 14; Zeph 1 10), which 40. Extent a large extramural population. The
is to be identified with the modern Damascus gate. of the City, third wall on the N. was not built
Apparently it was the same as the middle gate by Agrippa until several years after
(Jer 39 1-3). The old gate (Neh 3 6, 12 39; Zee 14 10, the Crucifixion.
read ]t'^, 'old/ instead of ]V^i<'\, 'first') is iden- was only that of an occa-
Christ's relation to J.
tified by Zee 14 10 and by the order in Neh with sional visitor. His first three appearances are con-
the corner gate that stood in the NW. corner nected with the Temple (Lk 222-39, 41-50;
of Solomon's wall (see § 32, above). The broad 41. Jesus' Jn 2 13-22); His fourth, with the Pool of
wall (Neh 3 8, 12 39) corresponds with the present W. Visits to Bethesda (Jn ch. 5; see § 12, above);
wall of the city S. of the Jaffa gate. The tower of Jerusalem. His fifth, with the Temple (Jn ch. 7f.);
the furnaces (Neh 3 11, 12 38) corresponds with the His sixth, with Siloam (Jn ch. 9; see
rock-cut foundations of a tower known as Maudslay/s § 13, above). On His seventh and last visit He
Scarp in the grounds of Bishop Gobat's School. made His triumphal entry into the Temple and
The valley gate (Neh 2 13, 3 13, 12 31) we have met taught there on Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday of
already at the SW. corner of Solomon's wall (see Passion Week (Mk chs. 11-16, and ||s).
§ 32, above). The dung gate (Neh 2 13, 3 13, 12 31) On Thursday Jesus ate the Last Supper with His
is the ancient gate excavated by Bliss at the extreme disciples. The scene of this meal was a large upper
S. corner of the city. The fountain gate (Neh 2 14, room (Mk 14 15), probably in the home
3 15, 12 37), as its name implies, lay close to the 42. The of Mary, the mother of Mark. This
fountain of Siloam at the point where the wall Upper same upper room seems to have been
crossed the Tyropceon valley. It is the same as Room. the meeting-place of the infant Church
"the gate between the two walls" (II K
25 4; Jer after the Ascension. Epiphanius re-
39 4, 52 7). Next came the pool of Siloam (Neh cords (Weights and Measures, ch. 14) that Hadrian,
2 14, 3 15; see § 13, above). The king's garden on his visit to J. (135 a.d.), found this building still
(II K 25 4; Jer 39 4, 52 7; Neh 3 15) was the fertile standing in spite of the destruction of the city in 70
tract in the mouth of the Tyropoeon that was A.D. Tliis testimony is confirmed by other early
watered by the overflow from Siloam. Here ap- evidence, and there seems, accordingly, good reason
parently were situated the king's wine-presses to believe that the traditional Ccenaculum on the S.
(Zee 14 10). The stairs of the city of David (Neh end of the W. hill (now the Moslem Tomb of David)
3 15, 12 37) correspond with rock-hewn steps that is the real scene of the Last Supper, of the descent
may still be seen at the S. end of the E. hill. The of the Holy Spirit, and of the founding of the first
waU described in Neh 3 16-26 followed the line of the church of Christendom. Adjoining the Ccenaculum
one excavated by Bliss and Guthe on the E. side a building known as the "Church of Zion," or
of the E. hill. The "tower standing out" is the "Church of the Apostles/' existed as early as the 4th
tower excavated by Warren S. of the Haram. The cent.
water gate (Neh 3 26, 12 37, 8 1) lay near this tower Fromthe Last Supper Christ went to the Garden
and gave access to the spring of Gihon. The horse of Gethsemane on the W. slope of the Mount of
gate (Neh 3 28) we have met already in Solomon's OUves (Mk 14 26; Jn 18 1). Here He
wall by the SE. comer of the Temple court (see 43. Palace was apprehended by the ofiicers and
§ 32, above). The gate of Hammiphkad, 'the of Cai- taken to the High Priest Annas, and
mustering' (Neh 3 31), was identical with the old aphas. by him sent to Caiaphas (Jn I812, 24).
east gate of the Temple (see Temple, § 8). A tradition whiqh goes back to the
During this interval J. had come to be the religious Bordeaux Pilgrim (333 a.d.) places the priestly
center of world-wide Judaism. Under the Mac- palace on the W. hill near the Ccenaculum. This is
cabees and, to a still greater degree, probably correct, since this was the quarter in which
39. Between under Herod the Great, its population the Jewish priestly aristocracy dwelt.
Nehemiah increased rapidly. The Maccabsean From the palace of Caiaphas He was taken to the
and N T princes paid much attention to build- Prsetorium (Gr. -nrpaiT^piovy judgment-hall AV) of
Times, ings and fortifications. On the W. Pilate (Jn 18 28). Tradition identifies
hill they erected their palace. On the 44. The this with the Castle of Antonia aj; the
same hill Herod the Great erected his most mag- Praetorium NW. comer of the Temple area, on the
nificent palace (Jos. BJ, V, 4 4). Herod greatly and Pave- site of the modem Turkish barracks
strengthened the fortifications of the city, notably ment. (see § 38, above) ; but it is unlikely
by the erection of the three imposing towers, Hippi- that the governor made his residence
cus, Phasaelus, and Mariamme, all in the W. wall. with the common soldiers in the fortress, and the
A hippodrome, a gymnasium, and a theater were best recent authorities are agreed that by Prsetorium
also features of the J. of Herod. It was under the is meant the palace of Herod the Great, on the site of
Jerusalem
405 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Jeshimon
the modem Citadel, near the Jaffa gate. The Jews Smith, in EBrit.^; Benzinger, in Baedecker's Palestine,
1906*; G. A. Smith, articles in Expositor, 1902, 1905, 1906;
were unwilling to enter the Praetorium for fear of
Jerusalem, From the Earliest Times to A.D. 70, 2 vols.,
ceremonial defilement, so Pilate went out to them 1908; ^c\nc\i,BaugeschichtederStadtJer.,ZDPV, 1893-94.
to a place called Gabbatha, or Pavement (Jn 19 13), xvi-xvii; Ba.ndeiy, Sacred Sites of the Gospels, IQQZ; Spiess,
which was probably the large open court in the Das Jerusalem des Josephus, 1881; Wilson, Jerusalem, the
Holy City, 1888 M.omiaeTt,Topoffraphie des aUen Jerusalem,
center of Herod's palace, corresponding with the
;
court in the center of the modern Citadel. Pilate Jerusalem, 1900; Euekert, Lage des Merges Sion, 1898;
sent Jesus to Herod Antipas, Tetrarch of Galilee, Robinson, Biblical Researches, 1838, and Later Biblical
Researches, 1852. Merrill, Ancient Jerusalem, 1908; Pa-
who was probably residing at the old palace of the
ton, Jerusalem in Bible Times, 1908 ( = articles in Bib-
'Hasmonseans on the E. side of the W. hill opposite lical World, Jan.-Dec, 1907).
the Temple, on the site of the modern Ashkenazi Excavations: Wilson, The Recovery of Jerusalem, 1871; War-
Synagogue (cf. Jos. Ant. XIV, 12, 4 2, 13 3 f.; ren, Underground Jerusalem, 1876; Warren and Conder,
Jerusalem Work from 1867-188^, Pal. Expl. Fund Guthe,
XVIII, 4 3; XX, 8 11; BJ, I, 6 l, 13 3 f.; II, 16 3,
: ;
be crucified.
and the second wall: Wilson, PEFQ, 1902-03; Schick,
ZDPV, 1885; Paton, JBL, 1905, part ii. On Nehemiah's
The traditional scene of the Crucifixion and en- Wall: Schick, ZDPV, 1891; Mitchell, JBL, 1903, part ii.
tombment is the Church of the Holy Sepulcher in the On other special topics connected with Jerusalem see the
NW.quarter of the modern city. If Index Vol. of the PEFQ, 1869-92; and the Index Vols,
the second wall on the N. ran inside of
Gol-
of the ZDPV.
45.
Maps: Wilson, Ordnance Survey of Jerusalem, 1867-70;
gotha, this site, it may be genuine; but if, as Zimmermann, Karten u. Pldne z. Topographic des alten
Calvary, is probable (see § 36, above), the second Jerusalem, 1876 Schick, Karte der weiteren Umgehung von
;
"Akeldama" (from the Aram. NlOlyp.n, Mqald^ma'j ndh) A town of Ephraim, near Bethel, captured
:
Meyer and Gottheil, in JE; Wilson, in Smith. Z>B2; w. R. (18 23 19,24,26 1,3). J.A. K.
Jeshishai 406
A STANDAnn BISLE I)][CT10NAIlY
Jesus Christ
JESUS CHRIST
Analysis of Contents
I. Inthoductort 11.Later Persean and Judsean (d) Son of David
1. Sourcea Period Savior
(e)
2. Chronology II. The Work of Jesus (f) His Teaching Con-
Environment
3. 12. The Miracles of Jesus cerning His Death
II. Events Preliminary to ti 13. The Teaching of Jesus Regard- 16. The Prophetic Teaching
Ministry ing the Kingdom of God of Jesus
4. The Forerunner General III. Closing Scenes
6. The Baptism of Jesus 14. The Teaching of Jesus Regard- 17. The Last Days of Jesus
6. The Temptations ing the Kingdom of God IV. The Resurrection
III. The Ministry Specific 18. The Resurrection
/. Chronological Arrangement 15. His Teaching Regarding Him- IV. Appended Discussion
7. Opening Events self 19. The Birth of Jesus (The
8. Early Judsean Period (a) The Christ Incarnation)
9. Galilsean Period (b) Son of God
10. North GalilEean Period (c) Son of Man
Introductory.
siftedby Ropes {Texte u. Uniersuckungen, V, 4;
I.
XIV, 2), but they do not add to our knowledge of
The only sources for the life of Christ which need Him; and the same must be said of the apocryphal
to be considered are the four Gospels. The refer- gospels, not excepting the Gospel of Peter, a large
ence in Tacitus {Ann, XV, 44) merely fragment of which was discovered in 1892, and of
I. Sources, alludes to Christ as the originator of an the A6yia 'lr}(rov (1897), and New Sayings of Jesus
exitiabilis superstitio, which in spite (1904), published by Grenfell and Hunt. The in-
of His execution under Pilate succeeded in reaching terest of religion and of history in Jesus must be
Rome; that in Josephus {Ant. XVIII, 33) is a satisfied from the canonical Gospels, or not at all.
Christian interpolation. The later calumnies of the The indubitable Pauline epistles, of course, estab-
Talmud and the show the relation of
Toledoth Jesu lish the fact that He lived, and that He made an
Jews to Christians, but have nothing to do with the extraordinary impression on His followers but they ;
life of Jesus (cf. Herford's Christianity in Talmud hardly yield any picture of His life. It is important,
and Midrash). Even the other writings of the N T therefore, to indicate the nature and value of our
add nothing to speak of. In Ac 20 35 we have the Gospels.
one word of Jesus outside of the Gospels which is Taking together Mk, Mt, and Lk, there are some
indubitably authentic; there may be another con- points on which scholars are practically agreed.
cealed in I Th 4 15. The ^ypacjia, or unwritten (1) The common framework of the narrative that —
sayings of Jesus, have been collected by Resch and is, the general order of the events —
is originally due
Jeshishai
407 A STANDARlD BIBLE DICTIONARY Jesus Ghrist
to Mk. Hence in questions of order, Mk, Mt, and of Jesus to somewhat over two years. References
Lk, aa against John, are not three witnesses, but in the Synoptics yield undesigned and, therefore,
one, Mk's narrative, according to the unanimous strong support to this. Thus the "green grass" in
tradition of the Church, represents the teaching of Mk 6 39 suggests the spring season, as in Jn 6 10,
Peter; but the oldest tradition (Papias' elder in and, though the incident may be misplaced, the
Euseb. HE, III, 39) does not claim for it the merit same holds of the plucking the ears of corn, Mk 2 23.
of chronological order. (2) The great mass of words Earlier visits of Jesus to Jerusalem, though not
of Jesus, common to Mt and Lk, but not found in Mk, mentioned by the Synoptics, are suggested not only
probably came from a document used in a somewhat by Mt 23 37 ("how often would I have gathered thy
different form by the first and third Evangelists; children together"), but by Lk 10 38 (the village is
this document in its original form was older than Mk Bethany, close by Jerusalem), and by the friends
(though Wellhausen, Einleitung, S. 73 ff ., denies this), and acquaintances whom Jesus evidently had in the
and was the work of the Apostle Matthew, (3) Ta^ capital (Mk 14 13 ff., 15 43. Probably "the hundred
king into account the space between the baptism and and twenty" of Ac 1 15 were not all Galilseans).
the death of Jesus, the matter peculiar to Mt belongs Hence we adopt the chronological, which carries with
to what is historically of least value in his Gospel, it the geographical, framework of John; and hold
that peculiar to Lk to what is of most value in his. that the public life of Jesus extends over two years
(4) The use which a historian can make of John and some months, and was carried on in Jerusalem
has been and is much disputed. The extremes are and Judaea and, even on occasion, in Samaria, as
represented by Loisy {Le quatrihme Evangile) or well as in Galilee and Persea. It is true that the
Wrede (Charakter und Tendenz des Johannes- almost total absence of chronological data within the
evangeliums) on the one hand, who do not regard Synoptics, and the unquestionable fact that incidents
it as historical at all in comparison with the Synop- are narrated in them (c.^., in Mk 2 1-3 6) in an order
tics, and by Westcott or Godet on the other. San- determined not by time, but by some inward af-
day's Criticism of the FourthGospel (1905) gives a fair finity, make it impossible to distribute the matter
survey of the whole question. The difficulty arises of the Synoptics with any certainty over the time
from the juxtaposition in the Fourth Gospel of what assumed by John; but this does not affect the
seem irreconcilable things; on the one hand, an truth either of his chronology or of their facts. It
element that is either irreducibly historical or, only means that we can not draw up a calendar of the
which is an impossible alternative, gratuitous fiction life of Jesus. If we look at the date, as opposed to
— ^notes of time, place, personal names, and char- the duration of the ministry, our starting-point must
acters, more vivid and precise than anything in the be Lk 3 i. The fifteenth year of Tiberius is from
Synoptics; and on the other, especially in the dis- 28-29 A.D., counting from the death of Augustus in
courses ascribed to Jesus, something at once sys- 14 A,D, But as Tiberius had been associated in the
tematic and elusive, a mingling in xmcertain pro- government from the end of 11 or the beginning of
portions of tradition, symbol, and doctrine, which 12 A.D., Jesus might have appeared as early as 26.
makes the page waver as we read, as the colors Allowing for uncertainties in the coimting of parts
waver in watered silk, and suggests that what we of years, Luke's date synchronizes fairly well with
hear is not so much the voice of Jesus, as He spoke that of Jn 2 20. The building of the Temple began
in the fields of Galilee or the streets of Jerusalem, in 20-19 B.C., and forty-six years brings us to 26
as the voice ofthe Risen Lord, speaking through His or 27 A.D. The most probable result of careful
Spirit in the soul of an aged, deeply experienced, investigation is that the three passovers in the
and profoundly reflective disciple. This state of the ministry of Jesus were those of 27, 28, and 29 a.d.
case has simply to be recognized. The notes of On the whole of this intricate subject cf. C. H.
time and place in John are of the highest value, Turner, Chronology of the N T, in HDB, also An-
especially where they seem intentionally to correct drews, lAfe of Our Lord, and Stevens and Burton,
the Synoptic tradition (e.g., Jn 3 24, compared with Harmony of the Gospels for Historical Study,
Mt 4 12) ; but for the historical form of the teaching When Jesus was born Herod the Great ruled all
of Jesus we must depend mainly on the Synoptics, Palestine under the suzerainty of Rome. On his
The hfe of Jesus, so far as it is covered by the death his kingdom was divided, and
apostolic testimony —
in other words, so far as we 3. Environ- Jesus became politically the subject of
have strictly historical evidence for it ment. his son Herod Antipas — the person
2. Chronol- extends from the baptism of John to the who is always meant when Herod is
ogy. Ascension (Ac 1 2i). To know the mentioned in the Gospels without any addition
length of this period is more important (Mk 6Hff.; Lk 1331, 238). When He visited
than to be able to date either its beginning (which is Jerusalem, He passed from Herod's jurisdiction and
elaborately done in Lk 3 l) or its end. The Synop- came directly under that of Rome; for Judaea on the
tics mention only one passover, that at which Jesus death of Archelaus (Mt 12 22), 6 a.d., had been in-
died, and leave a prima fade impression that His corporated in the Roman province of Syria, and
ministry lasted a year or rather less (Lk 4 19 was in- was governed by a procurator (cViVpoTror, fiy€fi&v,
terpreted thus by many of the Fathers and perhaps Lk 3 l; Mt 27 2), who resided at Csesarea and alone
by the Evangelist); but John corrects this. He had the power of life and death. In internal affairs
mentions at least three passovers (2 13, 6 4 this is — much was left to the Sanhedrin, or council of elders,
shown to be a passover by the "much grass" in ver. chief priests, and scribes, and especially to the high
10, even if the words t6 Trdaxa were not originally in priest. During the whole public life of Jesus, Herod
the text —and 12 l) ; that is, he extends the ministry Antipas was tetrarch of Galilee and Persea, Pontius
A STANDAUD bible MCTIOlsrARY 408
Jesus Christ
and (Joseph) Caiaphas Jesus instead of God). It does not foUow that
John
Pilate procurator of Judsea,
understood this. Jesus knew the Baptists
By sig-
high priest in Jerusalem. this political envi-
ronment we can not say that Jesus was influenced nificance better than he did himself.
at all. The one thing He resolutely excluded from 4, The Fore- When the Jews asked John,
"Art thou
His conception of the Kingdom of God was the runner. Elijah?" (Jn 1 21), he said, "I am not."
political and national hopes of Jewish patriotism. But Jesus said of him to the people: "If
We might almost say as much of His relations to ye are willing to receive it, this is Elijah, that is to
the religious parties, the characteristics of which are come" (Mt 11 14). This may partly explain the dif-
known to us from the Gospels and Josephus. He ference between the Synoptics and the Fourth Gos-
had attended none of their schools (Jn 7 15). The pel in their representation of this subject. In the
Sadducees had the center of their power in Jerusa- Synoptics, though John baptizes Jesus, he bears no
lem. He can have been little in contact with them, express testimony to Him; the one greater than him-
and their worldly, rationalizing, unspiritual temper self, who comes after him and is to baptize with the
must have been extremely antipathetic to Him. Holy Spirit and with fire, is never in so many words
The Pharisees were to be found everywhere. They identified with Jesus. What John does, as Jesus
represented the popular conception of religion. represents it, is to initiate a powerful moral move-
Having a zeal forGod, though it was not according ment associated with Messianic expectations (Mt
to knowledge, they might have been expected to 11 12), which, so far as it does not come to nothing
command a certain amount of sympathy from Jesus, through moral relapse (Mt 12 43-45; Jn 5 35), finds
and indications have been sought in the Gospels its goal and satisfaction in Jesus. The one moral
that He tried to form some kind of connection with peril the Baptist has to encounter is the possibiUty
them (Lk 7 36, 11 37, 14 1; cf. Mt 23 2 f.), but without of being "offended" in Jesus (Mt 11 6); i.e., of failing
success. Jesus never appears in the Gospels except to see that in Jesus the hopes which inspired and
as the critic and eventually the judge of Pharisaism had been inspired by his own work were finding
(Mt chs. 5-7, 15, 23). Of the Essenes of Josephus their true fulfilment, and, therefore, of turning from
{Bell. Jud. II, 8) there is no trace in the Gospels, not Him in unbelief. This is imquestionably the strictly
even in connection with John the Baptist. historical view. The r61e of forerunner was one
The rehgious environment of Jesus in His early which John filled to a large extent unconsciously;
years was that which we see in Lk chs. 1 and 2. He when, therefore, the Fourth Gospel represents his
was brought up among lowly people, dutifully functions as summed up in bearing witness to Jesus
observant of the commandments and ordinances (Jn 1 6-8, 3 26, 5 35), and includes in his testimony
of God, and devoted to the hope of Israel. The the sublimest doctrines of the Christian faith (1 16,
religion of obedience and of hope could degenerate, 1 29-34, 3 31), it is putting explicitly into his lips
and no doubt it had degenerated in multitudes, something which was in a way involved in his rela-
and especially in the Pharisaic party, into what tion to Jesus, but which he could not have so ex-
may be called legalism and apocalyptic (cf. Holtz- pressed. Jesus realized it as the truth of John's
—
mann, Neut. TheoL, I, 30) a religion which affected relation to Himself, but John could not. The depth
in its own strength to fulfil punctiliously all God's of the impression John made on Jesus is seen by
requirements, to put God by doing so under obliga- Jesus' frequent references to him. His extraordinary
tion to it, and then to claim from Him, as of right, appreciation of his greatness, and the recurrence in
the fulfilment in a blanldy supernatural fashion of His own utterances of impassioned phrases of the
the wildest national ambitions. But it could also Baptist (Mt 11 7-19, and inLk; Mt 17 10-13, 21 23-32;
||
be saved from degeneration, and doubtless was, in 7 19; cf. 3 10; 23 33, cf. 3 7). Jesus recognized un-
people like Zacharias and Elizabeth, Joseph and equivocally the Divine mission of John, and regarded
Mary, Simeon and Anna, and 'the poor' or 'the acceptance of his baptism as included in the fulfil-
meek,' in the land generally. It was among them ment of all righteousness (Mt 3 15). Accordingly
that Jesus was brought up, and the purest tradition He came from Galilee to Jordan to be baptized with
of Jewish piety was continued in Him. Apart from the rest.
this the Gospels allow us to see only two forces The baptism of Jesus was a crisis in His life and
which counted for much in His life, the O T and the occasion of a great spiritual experience. The
John the Baptist. narrative in Mk may be read as though
In the O T He makes most frequent reference 5. Baptista no one were concerned but Jesus. It
to Deuteronomy, the Psalms, the second part of of Jesus, is He who sees the heavens rent asunder
Isaiah, and Daniel, but is evidently familiar also and the Spirit as a dove descending; it
with the historical books. To John, as the one is to Him that the voice comes out of the heavens,
contemporary spiritual influence the power of which "Thou art my beloved Son, in thee I am well
He amply acknowledged, it is necessary to pay more pleased" (Mk 1 9-11). In Jn, on the other hand, the
attention. occasion is one on which the Baptist receives this
same revelation; and the third person ("This is my
II. Events Preliminary to the Ministry,
son") in Mt 3 17 and the "bodily form" in Lk 3 22
The relation of John to Jesus, as Jesus Himself suggest that these evangeUsts also conceived that
understood it (Mt 11 10; Lk 7 27), was that of one others as well as Jesus heard and saw. However
who prepared the way for a greater to follow (Mai the literary and historical questions thus raised are
3 1. It is Jesus who makes the quotation; observe to be settled, they do not affect the intention of Jesus
the change from "my face" in Mai to "thy face" nor His experience. The great difliculty in the
in the Gospels, in order to apply the prophecy to baptism has always been to understand how one
409 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Jesus Christ
whom the Evangelists, like all N T writers, regarded ning of a new, baptism was to Jesus what it was to all
aa sinless could submit to a baptism of repentance who heard John's summons, but in one important
having remission of sins in view. The difficulty respect it differed. For the others baptism with
was felt by John no doubt after some inter-
himself, water and baptism with the Spirit were contrasted,
course with Jesus (Mt 3 14 f.), and it was felt by the for Him they coincided. Their normal coincidence
author of the Gospel of the Hebrews (cf. Nestle's was to be the rule in the Church (Jn 3 5), and in this
N T Grceci supplementurrij p. 76). There is no an- sense the baptism of Jesus is the type of Christian
swer to it unless we can
say that Jesus in pure baptism.
love identified Himself with His people, made com- Jesus was now empowered for His work, but He
mon cause with them as a sinful people, mourn- was not to enter on it at random. It was His task,
ing over their sin and repelling it as they did, only in the Messianic consciousness revealed
with a far deeper sense of what it meant. In doing 6. The in the heavenly voice, to bring in the
this He aU righteousness," -i.e., He did
"fulfilled Tempta- Kingdom of God among men but how ? ;
justice to allthe moral interests of God and man tions. What paths were open to one who was
involved in the situation. He exhibited the grace called to win or to exercise ascendency
of God to the sinful in an act which showed Him among men for God? This is the problem we see
inexorable to sin. It was not a/ chance that He Jesus confronting in the Temptation. The same
heard in that hour, and not another, the heavenly spirit with which He was anointed drove Him into
voice which declared Him Son of God. The heav- the desert to face it alone. It was a terrible experi-
enly voice spoke in O T words, since the Divine as- ence, and in the narratives we find in Mt and Lk
surance of what He was and was called to be was He gave His disciples some idea of it. The form
mediated to Jesus through Ps 2 7 and Is 42 1. He is largely poetic and imaginative, the essence is
was to unite in His own person and work the spiritual. The temptations, if we may use such a
victorious Messianic King of the Psalm, and the distinction, are not personal, but official; or rather
Servant of the Lord, "graced with meelcness and they are the temptations of Jesus, not in a private
constancy," whom we see in the prophet. This is capacity (e.gr., as a carpenter of Nazareth), but in
the revelation of the baptism for us. It shows that His new Divine calling as the Son of God and Serv-
Jesus, in His own consciousness, from the very ant of the Lord. They are temptations aU of which
beginning of His ministry, united these two char- throw light on the Kingdom of God, rather than on
acters which His people had never been able to the moral trials of common life. Jesus has in His
relate to each other. How two ideals, apparently mind the heavenly voice and the calling which is
so disparate, came to coalesce in His mind, we can involved in it, and as He looks on the actual
not tell. We
know nothing of a growth of the world in which that calling has to be realized, what
Messianic consciousness. No doubt it had psycholog- are the paths which He open and inviting to Him ?
ical antecedents and conditions, which prepared (1) The first is that which suggests that an easy
for it and made it possible, but we can only con- way to win ascendency over men for God is to supply
jecture vaguely upon them. It appears as suddenly their bodily wants, turn the stones to bread, base
as a lightning flash, and it shows no tra«e of develop- the Kingdom on material comfort. This was a real
ment or of modification. How the seemingly incon- temptation, which Jesus encountered in His work.
sistent elements in it were to be fused only His future When He fed the five thousand, they wanted to take
life would show. But see Gospel, Gospels, § 6. Him by force and make Him (Messianic) King,
Can we tell, then, what is meant by the Spirit Jn 6 15. But He resisted it from the beginning, and
descending and abiding on Him ? The Spirit in the in spite of His compassion for the destitute, which
T means God in act, God putting forth His power, makes humanity the principle of the last judgment
and the nearest synonym for spirit here would be (Mt 25 35-42), He insists on giving a primacy to the
one suggesting this. Compare Ac 10 38 and Lk 4 14, spiritual. He says here to Himself what He says to
and the fact that Jesus did no mighty work till all in Mt 6 33. (2) As the first temptation deals
after this time, and referred such works to the Spirit with the nature of the Kingdom, so the second deals
(Mt 12 28). Jesus was from this time on divinely with the methods to be used in its establishment. To
empowered for the work He had to do. Without cast Himself down from the pinnacle of the Temple,
such 'accesses' of Divine excitement as are elsewhere and, upheld by angels, to alight unhurt, was to
referred to the Spirit (Ac 4 31, 13 9), He had God appeal to men by a miracle of ostentation; it was to
always with Him in the power His work required take leave of piety and of moral sanity, and to try
to heal (Lk 5 17), to preach the glad tidings (Lk 4 18), by dazzling men's senses or dumfounding their under-
to be gentle and constant tiU He had achieved standings to win them for God. This temptation
victory for God (Mt 12 18), to read men with super- also often came to Jesus. We see it in the character-
human insight (Jn 2 24f.). No question can be istic temper of the Jews (I Co 1 22), as again and
raised here about the personahty of the Spirit, or again they ask a sign from heaven (Mt 12 38, 16 1;
the similarity of the experience of Jesus to that of Jn 6 30). Jesus steadily declined it. He always
Christians who received the Spirit after Pentecost acted within the limits of piety and sanity. His
(on this last subject, cf. O. Holtzmann, War Jesus miracles were works of mercy, wrought in and for
EhsiatikerT) . Thus divinely assured of His calling faith. He was no thaumaturge. He decided from
and divinely empowered for it, Jesus was prepared the beginning that, as the Kingdom was spiritual
to face His life's work. He never returned to in its nature, only spiritual methods were open to
Nazareth to resume the old family and business Him in introducing it. He would "speak the word"
relations. As the end of an old life and the begin- unto them—that was all. (3) The third Tempta-
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 410
Jesus Christ
for
tion deals with the power at His disposal in founding It was followed by the journey to Jerusalem
liere
the Kingdom. Any one born to rule, as Jesus was, the passover in the mmistry 27 a.d.
first
sees at a glance what enormous power in the world John puts the cleansing of the Temple.
is wielded by evil. It has vast resources at its 8.Early It is inconceivable, surely, that Jesua
did this twice. Once, it was an inspired"*
-
from evil? Can he for the sake of some supposed Hence we must choose between John and the
advantage, present or remote, allow, so to speak, its Synoptics, and as the tradition preserved in the
right to exist ? Can he compromise with it, only for latter, according to which Jesus visited Jerusalem
the moment of course, till by its help he gets into a only once, had really no choice, if it was to record
position where he can repudiate it? For a man this incident at all, we conclude that John has
who is in dead earnest to accomplish something in placed it rightly. Its spontaneity does not deprive
this present evil world, this is the most importunate it of the character of an appeal to all whose hearts
of temptations, but Jesus discerns and repels it were right with God to rally round Jesus as represent-
from the first. He repels it with passion (Mt 4 10), ing His Father (ver. 16), and the words about the
as seeing in it the utmost maUgnity of the Tempter. destruction of the Temple and the rebuilding of it
He can make no compromise with evil; His only re- in three days have the originality of Jesus in them,
source must be God. And here again He says to and explain, as nothing else does, the charges of the
Himself what He says later to all: "What doth it false witnesses in Mt 26 61 and For the rest,
||.
profit a man to gain the whole world and forfeit his John tells little of a ministry which probably ex-
life (i.e., himself)?" (Mk 8 36). In this spiritual tended over three-fourths of a year. The passover
conflict, in which He was sustained by heavenly was in the spring; the "yet" in Jn 4 35 probably
help (Mk 1.13), Jesus overcame in principle all the implies December or the January following. It was
kinds of temptations which He encountered in His a ministry including miracles (Jn 2 23), and beget-
calling. They recurred continually (Lk 22 28), but ting a kind of faith. Men believed in Jesus, but He
once decisively vanquished (Mk 3 27 and ||s), the did not beUeve in them (2 25). The chief persons
prince of this world had nothing in Him (Jn 14 30). to whom it introduces us are Nicodemus and the
woman of Samaria. What we learn from the first
III. The Ministry. is the gulf which had to be bridged before a Jew
could comprehend Christianity as the Evangelist had
7. Chronological Arrangement.
come to comprehend it, and as it was enshrined in
The ministry of Jesus begins after the Temptation, the sacraftient of the new birth. The reference to
and in some special sense after the arrest of John Christian baptism in 3 6 seems to the present writer
(Mk 1 14; Lk 4 14, cf. 3 19 f.; Mt 4 12). indisputable, and it has this value it defines the —
7, Opening How it was related to the last, except Spirit in an way. The Spirit which re-
historical
Events, chronologically, is not apparent. Even generates is that which is normally coincident with
the chronology was not clear to the baptism in the name of Jesus, uplifted on the cross,
synoptists; for Jn 3 24 consciously corrects them, in a death of atonement for sin (Jn 3 15, 1 29), In
and so makes room for a Judaean ministry, including the woman of Samaria we see the thirst of the soul
at least the events of Jn 1 19-4 45, before the Gali- for God in the most unexpected quarter, and the
Isean ministry, as recorded by the synoptists, begins incredible grace and joy with which it is satisfied by
{cLTischendorS Synopsis Evangelica,^^ 14 ff.). The
J Jesus. That the woman who had had five husbands
two returns of Jesus from Judsea to Galilee, men- may to some extent represent the Samaritan people,
tioned in Jn 1 44 and in 4 1-3, had somehow ceased so that in this or that trait the narrative has a
to be distinguished in the primitive oral tradition, symbolic rather than a literal value, is, in view of
and with this confusion of perspective the ministry many features in John, not to be questioned (cf.
in the Synoptics is shortened by nearly a year (cf Holtzmann, Hand^Commentar). Nevertheless, the
Godet on Jn 3 24). During this period, the work of work of Jesus in Samaria is not a reflection into His
Jesus is of a preliminary character; as Godet puts it. lifetime of what only took place later; it is a prepara-
He has to act as His own forerunner. After receiv- tion for and an anticipation of Ac 8 6,
ing testimony from the Baptist, He attracts His The ministry of Jesus in Jerusalem secured for
first followers from the Baptist's circle (Jn 1 29-fil), Him a welcome when He returned to Galilee. The
impressing them by the superhuman penetration Galilseans received Him gladly, having
with which He reads their characters, and awaken- 9. Galilsean seen all that He
did at the feast (Jn
ing from the first the highest hopes in their minds. Period. 4 46). From this point on, we have
The miracle at Cana, as the frontispiece to John's to dispose of the whole material of the
Gospel, represents for him the significance of Jesus, Synoptics (Mk 1 14 ff.; Mt 4 12 ff,; Lk 4 14 ff.) as well
just as Lk 4l6ff. does for the earher EvangeUst. as the few incidents selected for interpretative com-
Jesus is for John the person who raises religion from a ment by John, Any arrangement of the synoptic
lower to a higher power, transforming the cold bap- matter in the Johannine framework is precarious,
tism of His forerunner into the glowing baptism of for reasons already stated (see § 7 f above) The, .
.
the Spirit. How the brief visit to Capernaum (Jn order of events in Mk is often topical, rather than
2 12) is related to the settlement there which made chronological. In Mt the teaching of Jesus is
Capernaum His own city (Mt 4 13) we do uot know. arranged in long discourses (che. 5-7, 10, 13, 18,
— ;
23-25), which, as compositions, are the work of the spoken in the mood of despondency, or pathetic
Evangelist, and unite matter of various dates. Lk irony, as we see from the quotation of Is 6 9 (Mt
also, in the long insertion (9 51-18 14), connects with 13 13 ff.), and at the end Jesus is rejected in Nazareth.
the last journey of Jesus to Jerusalem practically In ch. 14, when Jesus on the return of the Twelve
everything which Mk
had not located in Galilee, feeds the 5,000, they want to "take him by force
while the topography of this journey itself is in Lk and make him a king" (Jn 6 16), and He has to
very hard to make out. It is scarcely exaggerating compel His disciples (Mt 14 22), who are susceptible
to say that the synoptists have no chronology ; they to the same poUtically Messianic hopes, to enter the
have a certain plan and structure which exhibit their boat and face a storm, while He gets rid of the
conception of the work of Jesus, and enable us to get crowds. It was inevitable that multitudes who
a grasp of it as a whole; but there is scarcely another found their hopes so inexorably treated should turn
note of time to set beside 9 2, till we Mk come to away, as the Fourth Gospel tells us (Jn 6 66).
Passion week. The clearest indication, if not of a Finally, in Mt ch. 15 (||Mk
ch. 7) we have a decisive
precise sequence of events, yet of a certain movement breach between Jesus and the rehgious authorities of
in the life of Jesus, is given in the Gospel of Mt. His nation on the subject of tradition
The whole is broken into two periods marked by the ID. North a breach so violent that it led to His
identical phrase, "from that time Jesus began" in Galilsean retreat into the northern lands beyond
4 17, 16 21, The first was mainly occupied with Period. Palestine, and the practical close of His
preaching, the second with teaching; the first was ministry in Galilee. It is not possible
more public, and if the word may be used, evangel- to say more of the course of events in the first part
istic; the second more private, and devoted to the of Jesus' life than that it had this general character.
instruction of the Twelve; the first presents Jesus When it cuhninated in the conclusive falling away
proclaiming the Kingdom of God, interpreting its of the people from Him, He turned to devote Him-
laws, and calling men into it; in the second we see self in private to the education of the men who had
Him preoccupied with His own Person and death in become sure in spite of everything that He was the
their relation to the Kingdom. The healing minis- Christ, and that He had "words of eternal life"
try, as dependent in some way upon the people, is (Jn 6 68). To trace the sequence of events after
more conspicuous in the first period than in the Jesus withdrew to the parts of Tyre and Sidon
second; although Mt, when Jesus toward the close (Mk 7 24) is all the more difficult, as at this point in
of His life comes again into contact with multitudes, the synoptic story there is possibly a series of doub-
notes that this side of His activity was renewed lets (Mk 6 33-7 37 being in much parallel to, and
(19 2, 20 29 Besides this broad distinction
ff., 21 U). perhaps another tradition of, Mk 8 1-26). But the
it is possible to trace a gradual change within the confession at Csesarea Philippi marks a decisive
first period. From 4 17 to 11 1 we have hardly the moment in the history, and so does the Transfigura-
sense of a check in the story, though Pharisaic tion a week later. With it Jerusalem enters the
opposition appears in 9 1-17 (9 34 is probably an horizon of the synoptists, and though Jesus seems
anticipation of 12 24). The Evangelist evidently to bid a kind of farewell visit to His own city (Mk
means to suggest that the course of Jesus began 9 33 f.), He does not wish any one to know of His
with a great and growing promise of success. This passing through the country (9 30). His work in
is the import of 4 23-25 and of 9 35-38 this is the ; Galilee is done.
force, too, remarks as 7 28 f., 8 27, 9 33. His
of such He goes up to Jerusalem 'via Persea and Jericho.
work increased upon His hands till He had to share It is only in the Fourth Gospel that the program of
it with the Twelve (Mt 10 l), whom He had chosen these last months can be more fully
thati they might be with Him, and that He might send II. Later traced. From this source we see that
them forth to preach and to heal (Mk 3 14). The Perasan and Jesus went to Jerusalem at the Feast
sending forth of the Twelve on a kind of apprentice Judsan 6f Tabernacles 28 a.d. (Jn 7 2), re-
mission marks the culminating point of the hopeful Period, maining there apparently till the Feast
activity of Jesus. From this time forward un- of Dedication in December of the same
toward events multiply, and from 1 1 2 to 16 20 almost year (10 22); that He then retired to Persea (10 40),
every section in Mt might be headed trKovbctkov^ or to the district with which He had been familiar in
"offense." For one reason or other, Jesus proved the days of the Baptist, returning thence after about
unacceptable to His own people. Superi&cially three months on hearing of the illness of Lazarus;
attracted as they almost always were, they came and that after this last event He withdrew once more
at last on something in Him to which they could not to a city called Ephraim, only coming back, about
be reconciled. Thus in 11 2 we hear how the Fore- a fortnight later, for the last passover (29 a.d.) and
runner hesitated. was not the Messiah he
Jesus what followed. (For an arrangement of the events
anticipated, the awful Judge with the ax and the lying within the second great period of Jesus' minis-
fan. In 12 1-14 we have two of the Sabbath miracles, try, see Stevens and Burton's Harmony, part vi f .
and words of Jesus in connection with them which so Gilbert's Student^ s Life of Jesus, pp. 140 ff.)
angered the Pharisees that they conspired to kill
Him. Later in the same chapter we see Pharisaic
//. The Work of Jesus,
antipathy culminate in blasphemy against the Spirit Without pursuing the purely historical question
of God at work in Jesus to redeem men from the further, we may now attempt to give some idea of
tyranny of the devil, and even His own kinsfolk the teaching of Jesus. We may trace a progress in
fail to appreciate Him (Mt 12 46 ff.; Mk 3 21, 31 ff.). His teaching, but hardly in His mind; it is for
In the beginning of ch. 13 the parable of the sower is pedagogic reasons that subjects emerge in one order
^1%
Jesus Christ A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
scientific practi-
rather than another. Speaking broadly, He may relation of his patients to a modern
the physician
be said to teach, first, about the Kingdom of God; tioner (although here also confidence in ~
Miracles e/jya, 'works.' The Evangelists do not the mighty works of Jesus, those on which the
of Jesus, think of defining them, as theologians Apostles (Ac 10 38) and He Himself (Mt 12 28; Lk
have sometimes done, by relation to 1 1 20) laid greatest stress were the cures of demoniacs.
laws of nature, of which they had no conception, Possession by demons was the theory of the time for
and for the religious appreciation of them it is not the explanation of many morbid conditions of the
necessary that we should do so either. The N
T mind and body, but no science, either medical or
interpretation of them is entirely personal and psychological, has accepted it as a working hypoth-
ethical. The wonderful works of Jesus show what esis in modern times. As Jesus did not come to
God can do and is minded to do through Him for teach medicine or psychology, but to reveal the Fa-
thosewho need and seek His help, and they show ther in delivering men from all that disabled and
to some extent the conditions on which His help is ruined life, it does not matter that on the cause of
given. The great mass of them consisted of works such illnesses He shared the opinions of those around
of healing. Among diseases specially mentioned are him. What matters is the fact that by the power
leprosy, fever, paralysis, blindness, deafness and of God bestowed upon Him He actually delivered
dumbness, epilepsy, and insanity- In addition to men from them. It is hardly possible to argue
disease in its more ordinary or manageable forms that out of the many instances of possession recorded
there is what is known as ''possession" by a demon, in the Gospels those are to be distinguished as truly
or demons (not by "the devil")- But besides in- such in which the possessed recognize Jesus as the
dividual healings narrated in the Gospels, Mk, Mt, Messiah (cf. Gilbert, Student's Life of Jesus, p. 192;
and Lk all refer in general terms to the healing Alexander, Demonic Possession; Weiss, Lehen Jesu^,
ministry of Jesus as a great and characteristic part I, 436 ff.)- Many who admit the works of heafing,
of His work (Mt 4 23 f., 9 35, cf. 10 1, where He ex- without allowing them to be in any proper sense
tends His power to the Twelve, 19 2, 21 H; Mk supernatural {e.g., O. Holtzmann in his Lehen Jesu,
1 32 ff.; Lk 9 11). Indeed, it has been held that in who finds analogies in abundance at Lourdes and
Mk we have the argument from miracle, as in Mt Treves), peremptorily exclude the 'nature miracles'
that from prophecy, that Jesus is the Christ. The — the feeding of the multitude, the stilling of the
healings worked by Jesus were personal, not scientific, storm, the walking on the sea, and the raisings
achievements. He did not use any of the resources from the dead. It can only be said here that these
of medical science; He had no treatment, no regimen, things can not be judged alone. All of them are
no arts of any description. What we read of in represented in the oldest stratum of apostolic
Mk 7 32, 8 23; Jn 9 6 has symbolic or educational tradition in Mk, and the first in particular is con-
significance for the sufferers (whose infirmities made nected, as an event which made an overwhelming
it difficult communicate with them), but not
to impression on the multitudes, with a crisis in the
medical value. The great word in all the wonderful life of Jesus (Jn 6 15 and ||). When the supreme
healings is faith {jrla-Tts). The healer must have miracle of the resurrection of Jesus Himself is ad-
faith, i.e., such a dependence on God and such an mitted, there is no a priori reason for questioning
assurance of God's will and power to help as con- these. In the Fourth Gospel the miracles are the
ducts the Divine power to the case before him. same in kind as in the others, with the exception
While Jesus never failed in this respect (Jn 11 41 f.) that no case of possession is mentioned. But the
His disciples sometimes did (Mt 17l9f.). But mode in which they are conceived of is different.
those who were to be healed also required faith, i.e., The motive of Jesus in them is not represented as
such an attitude of the soul to God as recognized and compassion (as in Mk 1 41 and often), but as the
took hold of His saving power present in Christ and manifestation of His own or the Father's glory (Jn
operative through Him. Faith in this sense estab- 2 11, 11 4). Where faith is spoken of, it is not so
lishes a sympathetic personal relation between Je- much as the condition of healing, but as a con-
sus and those who seek His help, and it is on such sequence of it (2 11, 4 53, 11 45). Although faith
a relation that His power to heal ordinarily depends which had only this basis did not command the
(Mk 6 5). The miracles of healing, therefore, have confidence or approbation of Jesus (2 23 f ., 4 48,
an essentially spiritual side. They imply a relation 20 29), yet not to be moved to faith by the wonderful
to Jesus which has no precise counterpart in the works of Jeeus is a sin (12 37 ff., 14 11, 6 26; cf. Mt
413 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Jesus Christ
1120f.). Another peculiarity in John is that the or through it, and in deaUng with conceptions so vast
miracles are all treated as symbols and made texts and undefined there is nothing of which the human
for discouBses of Jesus (ch. 5, on Life and Judgment; mind is so capable as inconsistency. Men did not
ch. 6, on the Bread of Life; chs. 8 and 9, on the believe in a political, or an eschatological, or a
Light of the World; ch. 11, on the Resurrection and spiritual, Kingdom of God. In various moods, or
the Life). at various times, they beUeved in varying propor-
Without attempting any chronological outline, tions in all three. If instead of political we say his-
we may now
try to present the main features of the torical, it may even be said that Jesus beheved in
teaching of Jesuson the basis indicated above. all three. He was "a minister of the circumcision, '*
The Synoptics represent Jesus as beginning His in the interest of God's truth, to confirm the promises
ministry with an announcement of the Kingdom made to the fathers (Ro 15 8). Though He utterly
of God (Mlc 1 15; Mt 4 17; Lk 4 43). renounced the zealot's idea of a national Kingdom
i3.Teaching He is sent to preach it as glad tidings, of God, loyalty to which required the repudiation
Regarding and its near approach {rjyyiKev) is of allegiance to Ccesar (Mk 12 13 £E. and ||), it was no
theKing- made the ground of appeal for repent- part of His purpose to deny Israel's prerogative.
dom of God ance and faith. What is meant by the The choice of Twelve as apostles, and the striking
—General. "Kingdom of God"? The expression promise of Mt 19 28; Lk 22 30 preclude the thought.
does not occur in the O T, though the If Israel actually excluded itself, it was not He who
idea is common enough there that God is King questioned its historical preeminence (Mt 10 5 f.,
and exercises sovereignty. The expression itself, 23, 15 24-26). Excellent illustrations of the ideas
however, was current among Jesus* contemporaries, which went to constitute 'the Kingdom of God' in
and was related in some way both to their history the popular reHgious mind are seen in the Benedictus
and to the promises of God. It is from the idea of (Lk 1 68-79) and in the famous prophecy Is 2 2-4;
sovereignty, or reign, rather than from that of Mic 4 1-5. In the last, especially, we see the min-
kingdom that we must start in attempting to grasp gling of what might seem inconsistent elements.
the teaching of Jesus. The exercise of royal power There is something national, for Jerusalem and Zion
by God is primary, not the sphere within which it is are represented as the city of the Great King, to
exercised, nor the community subject to it, nor the which all nations go on pilgrimage; there is some-
blessings attendant on its estabhshment. All these thing eschatological, or apocalyptic, in the super-
are involved, but the main thing is that God takes natural elevation of the Temple hill to overtop the
to Himself His great power and reigns. In start- highest mountains in the world; but the essential
ing {rom this point Jesus started with the O T thing is the universal diffusion of the true religion,
behind Him and could hope to be understood. and the universal peace and felicity consequent
Micaiah (I K
22 19) and Isaiah (Is ch. 6) had seen upon it. When Jesus speaks of the Kingdom, His
God as a King on His throne surrounded by minister- range of utterance is not narrower. Sometimes
ing spirits. In many of the Psalms He is celebrated we have the day of judgment in O T colors, the
in this character (97 1, 103 19, 145 13). There are future sovereignty coming gloriously to view some-
;
T passages which present this as Israel's ideal: times the thought is that of an inner coming of the
God its King, and no other {e.g.j I S 8 7 £f.). Of all Kingdom which is already in process, and takes its
T passages, however, the most important for the start from the message of Jesus (of. Hamack, What
N T idea of the Kingdom is Dn ch. 7. The sover- is Christianity? p. 34). The relation of the different
eignty had belonged to a succession of brutal powers views is undetermined. Just because His teaching
(Dn 7 1-8), but is at last to be transferred by God to is always practical, never abstract, Jesus speaks in
humanity. "One hke unto a son of man" that is, — all tones; in one moment possibly meeting hearers,
a human form —
is brought before the Ancient of whose minds are not open to us, half-way, using
Days, and "there was given him dominion, and their language, and partly accepting, partly ignoring,
glory, and a kingdom, that all the peoples, nations, partly enlarging or correcting their thoughts; at
and languages should serve him his dominion is an
; another giving expression intentionally to what is
everlasting dominion, which shall not pass away, characteristically new and original in His own view
and his kingdom that which shall not be destroyed" of the Kingdom. This must be remembered in any
(7 14). It is the explanation of this when we read attempt to systematize His words.
(7 27) :"and the kingdom and the dominion, and The essential truth about the Kingdom is that it
the greatness of the kingdoms under the whole is the Kingdom of God; its nature is determined by
heaven, shall be given to the people of the saints Him. The various ideas of it have
of the Most High [i.e., to the faithful Jews]: his 14. Teach- the unity which belongs to the per-
kingdom is an everlasting kingdom, and all nations ing Regard- sonality and life of Jesus, in whom
shall and obey him." . From this time forth,
serve ing the God is revealed. Jesus did not preach
ideas connected with this passage entered into all Kingdom of a new God, but He embodied a new
Jewish thoughts about the Kingdom. It was a God — revelation of God, and the Kingdom
Kmgdom which in some sense came from heaven it ; Specific, which He preached is specifically the
was set up by the direct interposition and act of Kingdom of the Father (Mt 6 10, 13 43,
God. It was a Kingdom which was at once univer- 26 29). It is the Father's good pleasure to give it
sal and everlasting. What the precise relation is to His children (Lk 12 32). Those who inherit it at
between this Kingdom and the existing Jewish its consummation are the blessed of the Father (Mt
people is not made manifest. We are not told how 25 34). The fullest idea of what is essential to it
the sovereignty of God is to be wielded over Israel, may be derived from the study of the Beatitudes,
A STANDARD BIBLE DICrTIONARY 414
Jesus Christ
which show the rare and difficult virtues on which possibiUty of all kinds of power and enjoyment
its citizens are felicitated; from the Lord's Prayer, money is infinitely fascinating, and whether as pos-
the supreme
or, as it should rather be called, the disciples' prayer, sessed or coveted it is the great foe of
further shown
which shows the spiritual aspirations of those who good. The worth of the Kingdom is
are to possess it; and from the healing miracles, as by the incomparable greatness which belongs to its
Jesua interprets them in words like Mt 11 S, 12 28, members. The least in it—the least who has got
in which its redemptive character is declared. Pro- from God that which Jesus was conscious of possess-
ceeding empirically, we notice the following points ing—is greater than the greatest outside. In some
(a) Jesus is sure of its coming. Now when any- sense he is nearer and dearer to God (Mt 18 10, 11 11.
thing is Urgently needed and longed for, assurance, The "little ones" in Mt 18 11 are the children of the
expressed in terms of time, becomes imminence. Kingdom; see ver. 6).
The Kingdom has drawn near. When Jesus speaks (c) The conditions of membership in the King-
of it, He speaks, like all the prophets and like the dom, or perhaps we should say the ideal of citizen-
seer in the Apocalypse, of things which must shortly ship, are illustrated in all the teaching of Jesus, but
come to pass (Rev 1 l, 22 6). The much-discussed especially in the Beatitudes, in such discourses as
question whether the Kingdom is present or future the Sermon on the Mount (Mt chs. 5-7), the teach-
is another form of the question whether it is spiritual ings on humility, forgiveness, and self-denial with
or eschatological (transcendent). The answer is a view to avoiding "offense," either in self or in
that it is both, and that in the perspective of Jesus others (Mt ch. 18), and, by contrast, in the criticism
(cf. Holtzmann, Neut. Theol, I, 215) the difference and demmciation of spurious piety (Mt ch. 23),
tends to disappear. The end is near, the dawn is or of pride, ambition, and similar faults in disciples
part of the morning, the present time part of the last (Mt 20 25 fE.). But the great lesson is that which
time. It is perhaps not fanciful to aay that on this is given in the spirit and life of Jesus Himself. The
question the Gospels reflect to some extent the Kingdom is here in Him, and He is not only its
mood of different periods in the life of Jesus. At founder but its ideal citizen. Hence the final im-
first, there is confident hope, the Kingdom has portance in His teaching of words hke Mt 11 29;
drawn near {^yyiKev, Mt 4 17). This rises into as- Jn 13 15. To be a genuine citizen or member of the
surance that the Kingdom is actually present, as Kingdom is to be in Him ( Jn ch. 15)
in His victories over Satan Jesus realizes that the (d) There are ranks, or degrees, in the Kingdom,
redeeming love of the Father is here and now over- though the principles on which they are assigned
turning the tyranny of the devil and establishing are not those that prevail in the kingdoms of this
its own
sovereignty on earth (Mt 12 28; ei^^ao-ev world (cf. Mt 5 19, 18 1-4, and especially 20 21 ff.).
€(f>'
vfias
17
jSao-tXem rod Beov), At a later stage, No one can enter at all except in the uncalculating
when the shadow of the Cross fell on His path, spirit of the child, who, when Jesus says "Come,"
the final coming of the Kingdom withdraws into a goes to Him with no reserve. No one can be great
future beyond death. The two conceptions of it in it except by service. Even the Son of Man,
as present and future, spiritual and eschatological, who sits on its throne, is subject to this law. He
seem to be combined and indeed organically con- attains to the dignity of the throne by a career of
nected in Mk 10 15 £E., "Whosoever shall not receive unexampled service, not stopping short of the sur-
the [present] kingdom of God as a little child, he render of His life for others (Mk 10 45).
shall in no wise enter therein [in its future glory]." (e) The mysteries of the Kingdom {i.e., the laws
For a consistent but paradoxical argument in favor of God's working in it) —once hidden but now an
of the exclusively eschatological view of the King- —
open secret are revealed in the parables of Jesua,
dom, cf. Johannes Weiss, Die Predigt Jesu vom and in the interpretation of them to His disciples
Reiche Gottes. (Mt 13 11 flf.). Thus it is like a seed, the fortime of
(b) It is the supreme good, the sum of all possible which depends on the soil into which it is cast
blessings. Jesus shows this in various ways. Every- (Mt 13 3 flf., and ||). Like a seed, it has in it an
thing else is to be made secondary to it C'Seek first incalculable vitality and power of expansion (Mt
the Kingdom," Mt 6 33; Lk 12 31). No price is too 13 31 ff., and jj). Further, like a seed, it has an
high to pay for it (Mt 13 44-46), Though it is God's internal law of development —"first the blade, then
gift, we have to count the cost of accepting it, and —
the ear, then the full corn in the ear" ^which can
not only to count but to pay (Lk 14 25 £f.). The not be precipitated or reversed by any effort of man
salvation of the Kingdom is not only a gift but a (Mk 4 26 ff.). It is another mystery of the Kingdom
high calling, and the ethically indispensable con- that Jesus anticipates for it in the world a mixed
dition of accepting the calling may be the most and disappointing history (Mt 13 24 ff., 36 ff., 47 fl.)-
painful sacrifice of nature and of natural affections This, of course, is denied by those who hold an
(Mk9 47; cf. vs. 43 and 45, where fo)^ is synonymous exclusively eschatologi^cal view of the Kingdom, and
with the Kingdom of God). The Kingdom is not they accordingly assign to the Evangelist, not to
bought with such sacrifices, as if the paying of them Jesus, the heading of such parables as the Tares and
gave men a claim upon God; it is rather a sphere of the Drag-net. But it is impossible to carry the
reality of such a kind that a man must remain eschatological view of the Kingdom consistently
permanently alien to it, if he allows any natural good through the Gospels; and though the Kingdom ia
to rival this supernatural and Divine one. It is in properly an ideal state in which there are no aKovhaKa
this connection that we should have to appreciate ("things that cause stumbhng," Mt 13 4i), no person
the vehement words Jesus speaks about money (Mk that works avofiia ("iniquity," iUd.), nothing o-aTrpdv
10 23 ff. and II, and many more). As a permanent ("bad," Mt 13 48), it does not exist as such in history.
41S A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Jesus Christ
Even the institutions and persons by whom God is faith. But did Jesus share it? Did He claim to be
actually represented in this world represent Him the Christ, or ask men to accept Him in this char-
very imperfectly and ine£fectually, and they get acter; and if so, what did the term mean for Him?
inextricably interwoven with persons and interests It is quite true to say that Jesus was only made the
which do not represent Him at all. What both the Christ by His exaltation (Ac 2 36), and that, there-
parables teach is that this is not final, but that it fore, while He was on earth He was not so much the
lasts as long as time. Christ as the person who was destined for that
(f) In the consummated Kingdom Jesus anticipates dignity; but it does not follow that He did not claim
reunion with His ovm, and the fulfilment of all the dignity, or that it was not recognized by the
longings imsatisfied here (Mt 26 29; Lk 22 16). It disciples as inherent in Him. It is not fancy which
is in this connection that life (Mt 7 14, 18 8 f., 19 17), recognizes in the day at Caesarea Philippi a great
or etermal life (Mt 19 16, 29, 25 46; cf. Mk 10 30, crisis in the relation of Jesus and His disciples (Mt
"in the world to come, eternal Hfe"), is used as a 16 I3flf., and ||); and whether we say, with inter-
synonym for the Kingdom of God. The life of the preters generally, that here the Twelve first reached
world, or age, to come, or the life of the consum- and confessed the Messianic dignity of Jesus, or,
mated Kingdom of God, is life in a new mode or with Weiss, that here the Twelve persevered in their
order. It is not the restoration of nature with all belief in His Messianic character, when the mass of
the natural relations —
a conception which is quite His followers gave up the hopes they once had
unrealizable. To assume that it is would be to cherished that this was the great deliverer (Jn 6 66),
discredit the idea of immortality altogether, as the in either case the Messianic consciousness is revealed
Sadducees tried to do by this very plan (Mt 22 23 flf.). as present in the mind of Jesus. Not only to others,
As Jesus argues against them, "the power of God" but to Himself, He bore this character. He was
(Mt 22 29) is not exhausted in the natural order with the Christ, the Anointed of the Lord. If the his-
which we are familiar. God can sustain being in toricity of this could be regarded as doubtful, it
—
other modes ^in an order, e.g., in which men neither would be quite impossible to make any use of the
many nor are given in marriage ^in which all — Gospels as historical documents. (For an elaborate
relations are spiritual, not physical, and in which attack on it see Wrede, Das Messiasgeheimniss in
the problems raised by the Sadducees simply lapse. den Evangelienj 1902.) But it is raised beyond
It is into such a world that the resurrection of Jesus doubt by its association with such an unquestiona-
gives us a glimpse ; and the children of God, or the ble fact as Mt 16 22, by the triumphal entry in which
children of the Kingdom, can be ultimately described Jesus deliberately acts in the Messianic r61e (Mk
as children of the resurrection (Lk 20 36), 11 9f.), by the accusation before Pilate (Mk 15 2),
It is assumed in all Jesus' teaching about the by the title on the cross (Mk 15 26), and by the
Kingdom of God that He Himself has a relation to consent of all existing evidence. When 'the Christ'
the Kingdom and its coming which can became a technical or proper name for the expected
IS. Teach- be shared by no other. The great deliverer of Israel we do not know. It seems to occur
ing Regard- cause of God is in some way identified first in Psalms of Solomon, 17 36. The essential
ing Himself, with His personality, and men's rela- element in the meaning is that the person so desig-
tion to it is determined by their rela- nated is God's King. He has a place in the King-
tion to Him. This may be said to be quite ex- dom and in relation to its establishment into which
plicitly the burden of the Fourth Gospel : "If ye no other can intrude. To call Jesus the Christ is
believe not that I am" —
that is, that I am the great to recognize His unique and incomparable signifi-
decisive Personality on whom everything in the cance in religion. It is to declare that through Him
relations of Grod and man turns — "ye shall die in God's sovereignty is to be reaUzed, and all God's
your sins" (Jn 8 24) ; but it is implied throughout the promises fulfilled (II Co 1 20). No doubt men
Synoptics. Jesus' consciousness of what He is in might have wrong conceptions of the Kingdom and
relation to God and His Kingdom comes out, indeed, of the King. They might try to take Jesus by force
more impressively for us in words like "for my sake" and make Him a king after their own ideas (Jn
(Mt 5 11), or "Many shall say unto me in that day" 6 15), compelling Him to enlist under their banner,
—
(Mt 7 22) the voice of Jesus at the day of Judgment instead of enlisting under His. Such possibilities
being that on which eternal destiny depends, or "He constrained Jesus to reserve in the use of this title.
that loveth father or mother more than me is not He did not go about proclaiming Himself the
worthy of me" (Mt 10 37), than in any of the titles promised King. He silenced the possessed whom
used to describe Him, either by Himself or others. Mk represents as knowing Him to be the Christ
What we overhear is more weighty even than what (1 34, 3 12). He straitly charged the disciples, even
we hear. Yet it is necessary to pass these titles in after the confession at Caesarea Philippi, to tell no
review, and to apprehend their meaning as far as one of Him (8 30). The sense in which He is the
we can. Christ is apprehended only when God reveals it
(a) All the Evangelists call Jesus the Christ (Mt — —
(Mt 16 17) or which is the same thing when it is
U; Mk 11; Lk 2 U; Jn 20 31). "Jesus is the experimentally discovered through intercourse with
Christ" was the earliest Christian confession (Ac Jesus. It only leads to confusion to snatch at the
2 36, 17 3),and in a sense it is the Evangelist's busi- word, and suppose that we can fill it with the
ness to prove that He is. He may appeal to proper meaning from prejudices or hopes of our
prophecy, as Matthew does, or to miracles, as Mark own, or even from the letter of the O T. It was to
virtually does, or he may conduct the argument in prevent such misconceptions and interruptions of
a higher sphere like John, but in any case this ia his His work by false hopes that Jesus, till close upon
Jesus Christ A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 416
the end of His life, avoided Messianic claims. It "AU things have been delivered to me of my Father.
does not follow, of course, that He was not conscious Thisis the idea which pervades the
Fourth Gospel:
of His Messianic Kingship from the first. The "The Son can do nothing of Himself," "My teaching
very reverse was the case (see § 5, above). It was is not mine," etc. (Jn 5 19, 7 16, etc.).
Further,
for pedagogic reasons that He revealed the nature there isthe idea that as Son Jesus has absolute
of the Kingdom before He explicitly put Himself competence in His vocation, the power to make all
forward as King. men His debtors for the knowledge of God. The
(b) Closely connected with the title Christ is that "all things" which have been delivered to Him must,
of Son of God. Here it is necessary to distinguish in agreement with the context, refer to the whole
between the direct use of this title by others and the contents and administering of God's revelation;
virtual use of it by Jesus. It throws no light on His in this work of self-revelation the Father has no
mind to observe that He is spoken of as Son of God organ but Jesus, and in Jesus He has an adequate
by the demoniacs (Mk 3 11, 5 7; Mt 8 29), or by the organ. This is an anticipation of Jn 14 6; but even
men in the boat when He stilled the storm (Mt when we have grasped it, a mystery remains. For
14 33), or by the centurion who saw Him die (27 54). Jesus goes on to declare that in His own relation to
In this last passage, where the speaker may be a God there is something which has no parallel else-
pagan, the meaning is indeterminate; in the first, where: "No one knoweth the Son save the Father;
*'Son of God" is probably equivalent to 'Messiah,' neither doth any know the Father save the Son,
as in Mt 26 63; Jn 1 49. In Mk 1 1, "Son of God"— and he to whomsoever the Son willeth to reveal
if —
the reading is correct may be used in this him." He is so far from standing on a level with
Messianic or, as it is sometimes called, 'officiar all men as a son or child of God — an expression
sense, or it may be used in the full Pauline sense; —
never applied to Him that as "the Son" He stands
in Mt and Lk (cf Mt 1 22 f. and Lk 1 34 f.) the
. between God and all others, and they can not know
Divine sonship is regarded by the Evangelists as God as Father without coming under obligations to
dependent on the supernatural birth. But what Him. (4) One other passage is of importance for
Jesus meant by the Divine sonship which was the Hght it casts on the consciousness of Jesus as
attested at His baptism, and in the consciousness Son of God, Mt 17 24^-27. Here we see that to Imow
of which He lived and died, is another matter. God as Father is to be emancipated from the obliga-
That it included the Messianic vocation is certain tions of the ritual law the Son is not bound to pay
:
from the baptism narrative, but is that all? The a Temple tax. The filial spirit is in such things a
present writer can not think so. There are various law to itself. The Pauline conception of Christian-
ways in which Jesus brings out what is involved in ity is here traced to its source in the mind of the
His relation to God, and they all point to something Son, and the Pauline idea that liberty is to be used
more profound, and, if it may be so expressed, more only in accordance with a law of love is in harmony
essential. (1) There is the parable in Mt 21 33-46, with the fact that out of consideration for others
and ||. Here, all God's previous messengers to ("Lest we cause them to stumble," ver, 27) Jesus
Israel are represented as ^ovKol ("servants"), did not exercise the liberty which He claimed.
while Jesus is vlos ("Son") and Kkrjpovofjios ("heir"). For the connection of sonship and liberty in His
This generalizes, so to speak, the earlier saying, thoughts, see also Jn 8 32-36. If we take these
"A greater than Jonah, than Solomon, than the passages together, we conclude that, in the mind of
Temple, is here" (Mt 12 6, 41 f.). As Son i.e., as Jesus, to be the Christ and to be the Son of God
one whose relation to God was distinct from that of were not identical. The Divine sonship was His
all others —
^Jesus was greater than all. (2) There is nature it was primary and essential ; the conscious-
;
the striking saying, "Of .that day and that hour ness of it stirred in Him (Lk 2 49) long before He
knoweth no one, not even the angels in heaven, entered on His public work; it was the basis on
neither the Son but the Father" (Mk 13 32;Mt24 36). which His unique vocation to be the Christ i.e., to
The limit here put on the knowledge of Jesus shows be the Son of God in the historical sense suggested
that this is a genuine word. A later generation by Ps 2 7, 89 26; II S 7 14—rested; but it was not
would rather have expunged than invented it. It exhausted in this. Messiahship was the form which
gives Jesus a place above both men and angels, a Divine sonship naturally took in the historical
place in which "the Father" and "the Son" are used situation; but both in Himself and for us Jesus is
in absolute correspondence with each other. We something more and greater than the Messiah.
see that there could no more be another who was It should be noted that the Synoptics give no in-
" the Son" than another who was " the Father." stance in which Jesus expressly calls Himself Son of
This is the truth which is covered and secured in the God (yet see Mt 27 43, and the narratives of the
Fourth Gospel, when it calls Jesus the "only be- Baptism, Temptation, and Transfiguration). He,
gotten Son" (Jn 1 14, 18, 3 16, 18; cf. I Jn 4 9). (3) however, speaks of God as the Father, where the
There is the passage Mt 11 25 fE., with the in Lk 10 || correlative is not sons, but the Son; He says "my"
21 Here an important light is thrown on the con-
£f.
Father and "your" Father, but never unites with
tents of the relation of the Son to the Father. Ac- others (not even in the Lord's Prayer, which is
cording to Harnack, what this passage teaches is that indeed rather the disciples' prayer) to say "our"
the Sonship of Jesus consists in His knowledge of Father; and He speaks of Himself as "the Son,"
the Father. It is as the person who perfectly knows
the Father that He is the Son {What is Christianity?
sim-pliciter. —
This last use which is found in Mt
11 27, 24 16; Mk 13 32— becomes predominant in Jn.
p. 128). But there is more than this. First, there (c) To judge from the Gospel record, the mind
is the idea that sonship implies absolute dependence. of Christ about Himself is expressed most character-
4ir A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY JesuB Clirist
istically inthe title the Son of Man {6 vl6s rov dvdpm- pretation had become current in the interval be-
irov). This is found in all the Gospels, and practi- tween the writing of Dn and the ministry of Jesus;
cally from beginning to end (Mt 8 20, 26 64; Mk 2 10, at all events, in that part of the apocalyptic Book of
14 62; Lk 5 24, 22 69; Jn 1 51, 13 31). In all, it is Enoch called "The Book of Similitudes," which
used by Jesus alone. Except in Ac 7 66, it is not most scholars allow to be pre-Christian, this change
found elsewhere in the NT. In Rev 1 13, 14 14 the has been effected. There we find a Son of Man, a
reference is not to the Gospels, but to Dn 7 13. person existing with God, a person who sits on the
Obviously, in the Gospels it is a technical or proper throne of glory and has the sum of judgment com-
name, and a Greek reader could not without guid- mitted to him. If the Jude who wrote the Ep. of
ance discover what it meant. The catechists, or Jude is the same as the Lord's brother of that name
Evangelists, who coined the Gr. phrase 6 vl6s (Mk 6 3), then Jesus may have known the Book of
Tov avOpaTTov and gave it currency must at the Enochjiov Jude quotes it (ver. 14 f.; see Jude, Epis-
same time have explained the sense in which they tle OP, § 7). But whether or not, it is clear that He
used it. No doubt it represented something in individualized the human form to which the ever-
Aramaic, but the fact that Aramaic scholars find lasting Kingdom is to be given, and that He identi-
it difficult or impossible to conjecture what the fied Himself with it (cf. Charles, The Book of Enoch,
Aramaic original can have been is not a sufficient 1893).
reason for concluding that Jesus did not and could In this sense, "The Son of Man" may be said to be
not have used any such title at all. For this a Messianic title. When Jesus used it, He meant to
paradoxical view, see Lietzmann, Der Menschensohn convey the idea that in spite of appearances He
(1896) ; Wellhausen, SHzzen und Vorarheitenj VI, was the person who was yet to come in that heavenly
187. Against it, Fiebig, Der Menschensohn (1901) glory. It is to be defined by relation to "the King-
Dalman, The Words of Jesus (1902), pp. 234 ff.; dom of God" just as clearly as "the Son" alone is to
Driver, "Son of Man" in HBD, Assuming that Je- be defined by relation to "the Father." It is natural
sus did use, as a designation of Himself in the third to argue that, if it is a Messianic title, Jesus could
Aramaic words which were represented in
person, use it only after He had been acknowledged as
Or.by 6 vl6s tov dv6po)iTov, the question remains: —
Messiah i.e., after the day at Csesarea Philippi
What did He mean by this title, and how did it and ^mong those whom He allowed to speak of Him
originate? It is natural to think of ante- O T in this character i.e., among the Twelve. This,
cedents for this as well as for "Son of God" or "the of course, is not what the Gospels represent. He
Anointed"; and three OT sources have been sug- seems to use it all along, and in any audience. How
gested for it. First, there is the frequent use of is this to be explained? We may say either (1) that
"son of man" in Ezk (2 1, 3, 8, etc. ; ninety times in the term is not so unambiguously Messianic as has
where it contrasts the prophet as a frail human
all), been suggested, and that Jesus, using it to veil as
creature with God. But there is no indication in well as to reveal His thought, might employ it
the Grospels that Ezekiel was ever in the Speaker's freely under any circumstances. To the present
mind in His use of the term. Second, there is the writer, this seems hardly intelligible. Or (2) we
notable passage in Ps 8 4, "What is man that thou may say that some of the passages have been
art mindful of him, and the son of man that thou chronologically displaced, and, though they come
visitest him"? This passage is messianically in- early in our Gospels, are really late in the life of
terpreted in He 2 6, and the application of words Jesus e.g.f Mt 10 23. Or (3) we may say that in
from Ps 8 to Christ in I Co 15 27 is evidence that some passages Jesus has been misunderstood by a
Paul of this interpretation, and probably,
knew translator from the Aramaic, and is represented as
therefore, of"the Son of Man" as a designation of saying the "Son of Man," and speaking of Himself,
Jesus. But neither is there anything in the Gospels when He really said "man" and meant something
to suggest that Jesus ever thought of the Psalm of universal application. This last explanation has
in using it. The third possible source has already been given of the two passages Mk 2 10, 28, where it
been referred to in speaking of the Kingdom of God is said logic requires 'man' generically, not the
(see above, § 9). It is Dn 7 13 f.: "There came with individual 'the Son of Man'; and it is pointed out
the clouds of heaven one like unto a son of man . . . that when these two are disposed of, there are no
and there was given him dominion, and glory, and a others in Mk till after Csesarea Philippi, For the
kingdom." There is imdoubtedly an allusion to this appUcation of (2) and (3) with a view to getting
in passages like Mk 14 62; Mt 16 28, 24 30. The rid of all the passages in which the Gospels present
difference is that the indefinite "one like imto a son the title prematurely, see Wellhausen, as above.
of man" —that is, 'a huiman form,' as contrasted To investigate the literary question here is im-
with the brute forms in the earlier visions ^has — possible, but the elements of meaning associated
become definite. The description has become a with the title must be indicated. (1) It always
title, the significant common noun to use the — includes the idea of ultimate triumph. The Son of
—
grammatical distinction ^has become a meaning- Man, as reminiscent of Dn 7 13, is never anything less
leas proper noun, and we are left to discover its than the destined King in the coming Kingdom of
import as we can. In Dn, the 'human form' repre- God. It is this which gives the power and pathos
sents the people of the saints of the most high; it is a to words like Mt 8 20, 20 28. (2) In the express
symbol of the faithful Jews, God's people, as the teaching of Jesus, it always includes the idea of the
beasts are of the pagan empires ; but in the mind of path of suffering which leads to that triumph. After
Jesus it is individualized and definitely identified the confession at Caesarea Philippi Jesus began to
with Himself. Probably the individualizing inter- teach the Twelve that the Son of Man must suffer
Jesus Christ A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 418
many things (Mk 8 3 and ||, 9 31, 10 33, 14 21, 41). of God," and the "Son of Man," small importance
attaches to the title the "Son of David." It
was a
To represent His sufferings and death as those of the
Son of Man is to bring them within His vocation as designation for the Messiah as at once
descendant
founder of the Kingdom of God, and to give them and representative of the great King. The Evan-
gelists and the scribes agreed in regardmg
Davidic
an essential place in His work. It is to carry-
(Mt l, 22 42 f
through in His mind and life the fusion of the ideals descent as a mark of the Christ 1 ;
of Ps 2 and Is ch. 42 —
the Messianic King and the Ro 1 4; II Ti 2 8), and Jesus was hailed as Messiah
suffering Servant of the Lord —
announced at His under this title at the triumphal entry into Jerusalem
baptism: the suffering of the Son of Man, so re- (Mt 21 9, 15), and by various persons who sought His
pellent and unintelligible to the disciples, is a help, or saw it rendered (Mt 9 27, 12 23, 15 22, 20 30 f.).
summary formula for this fusion, (3) In the title It has been argued that in Mt 22 42 f and . He
||
"Son of Man," as used in the Synoptics, we may disclaims Davidic descent, but this is more than
fairly emphasize the idea of humanity, as it is em- doubtful. Probably His descent from David was
phasized in Dn 7 13. It is humanity, however, in taken for granted by Himself, as it is throughout
the ethical, not metaphysical sense humanity, not — the N T, and the aim of His appeal to the Scribes is
as contrasted with divinity, but as opposed to brutal- —
to show that it is not a relation to David a relation
ity. The Kingdom which comes with the triumph —
no doubt shared with others ^which is the essential
of Jesus is at the same time the Kingdom in which thing in Messiahship, but a relation to God. Not
humanity attains its rights. The reign of inhuman- any son of David is Messiah, but only that greater
ity, of violence and wrong, comes to an end. Hence than David to whom the Lord has said, "Sit on
everything in the work of Jesus which is congruous my right hand." The Davidic title, as the one
—
with this all that is human, sympathetic, redemp- which most easily attracted those political associ-
tive, emancipating —
is ascribed to Him as the ations of Messiahship which Jesus utterly rejected,
"Son of Man." See especially Lk 19 10; Mk 10 45; would inevitably be attractive to the people, and as
Mt 8 20, and even Mt 11 18 f., where Jesus contrasts inevitably appeal less to Him than "Son of God" or
Himself with the less human Baptist, who had in a "Son of Man."
way renounced the society of his kind. But the (e) The only other title of Jesus found in the
supreme proof of this is Mt 25 31 flf. When -the Gospels is Savior, and this not in His own words.
Son of Man sits on the throne of His glory to judge It occurs in the angelic annunciation of His birth
all nations, the principle of His judgment is human- to the shepherds (Lk 2 11), where the meaning is
ity. It is by this men stand or fall before Him. undetermined, and it is implied in Mt 1 21, "Thou
Inhumanity is to Him the unpardonable sin. "I shalt call his name Jesus, for it is he that shall save
was an hungered and ye gave me no meat" is the his people from their sins." The phrase "his people"
damning accusation. There seems some echo of here probably means Israel, and the salvation is
this in Jn 5 27, but the peculiarity of the Fourth probably conceived of in that half-spiritual, half-
Gospel is that it associates the title with the pre- national fashion which is so vividly illustrated in
existence of Jesus in a way to which we have no Lk 1 68-79. Throughout the ministry of Jesus,
analogy in the other three (Jn 3 13, 6 27, 62). Apart <Tti>Ceiv ('to save') is mostly used of miracles of
from this, John throws no further Ught on Jesus' healing, or deliverance from bodily danger (e.g.,
consciousness of Himself as thus expressed. But Mt 9 21 f., 8 25, 14 30) ; but, as these were conditioned
it is clear from all that has been said that Jesus is by faith, which involved a personal and spiritual
not merely a son of man, a human being simpliciter, relation to Jesus, blessings of a higher order were
any more than He is only a child of God, a creature involved, and these are no doubt often included in
with our common relation to the Father. Just as in such expressions as, "Thy faith hath saved thee."
relation to God He calls himself absolutely the Son, When we read that the Son of Man came "to save
so in relation to the Kingdom of God, which is at that which was lost" (Lk 19 10), it is the profounder
the same time the Kingdom of humanity, He is not spiritual sense which is in view, and in the Fourth
merely one of our race, but the Son of Man who Gospel this preponderates to the practical exclusion
has the unique vocation of estabUshing the Kingdom of the other (Jn 3 17, 5 34, 10 9, 12 47). Here also
of God through His ministry, His sufferings, and His Jesus is expressly characterized as "the Savior of
glory. Both titles, the "Son of God" and the "Son the world" (Jn 4 42). It is His vocation to bring
of Man," have this incomparable character. If we eternal life to all men.
think of Jesus as Jesus thought of Himself, we can (f) In close connection with the revelation of the
not think of anybody else in His place, or fulfilling self-consciousness of Jesus stands His teaching on
His function. The titles, however, are not to be His death. All the Evangelists represent Him as
contrasted, nor interpreted of a human and a Divine
nature. There is no suggestion of such a contrast
—
devoting much attention to this indeed, making
it the main subject on which He instructed the
in the Gospels, not even where some have found it,
Mt
—
Twelve during the last period of His life (Mk 8 31,
in 16 13, Son of Man ... the Son of
16 ("the 9 31, 10 33 £f., and ||s). It does not follow that He
the hving God"). To say that He gives us the Himself first thought of it or realized it then. The
knowledge of the Father and makes us sons of God, allusion to the suffering Servant of the Lord in the
and to say that He makes us men and partakers in voice at the Baptism, the spiritual conflict in the
the triumph of humanity in His everlasting King- Temptation in which He renounced all compromise
dom, is not to say two things, but one and the same. and defied evil to do its worst, beatitudes like Mt
On the Incarnation cf. § 18, below. 5 10 f., the fate of the prophets and the forerunner,
(d) In comparison with the "Christ," the "Son and the sense of antagonism in the world around
41d A STAKt)ARD BIBLE DlCTIONAHY Jesus Christ
Him, must have suggested the actual issue of His death of Jesus. For fuller examination of this see
career; and the beautiful and ominous word in Mk the writer's Death of Christ (1902), pp. 36-60.
2 19, which evidently belongs to the earlier and more By this we understand the teaching of Jesus about
radiant period of the ministry, proves that it was what lay beyond His death. It is impossible to be
habitually latent in His thoughts long before He certain here that in no respect has the
spoke of it. The one idea on which stress is laid in i6. Pro- teaching of Jesus been misapprehended
the reiterated teaching referred to is the necessity phetic by those who reported it, or uncon-
of His death. That it was historically necessary Teaching sciously colored by hopes which they
was apparent, if Jesus remained true to God and to of Jesus, did not directly owe to Him, or by
Himself; He had irreconcilable enemies who would ideas and expectations to which His
scruple at nothing to put Him out of the way; teaching only indirectly gave birth in their minds.
the forces were actually at work around Him which But the following points may be regarded as certain;
could and would kill Him. The problem, humanly (1) Jesus foretold His own resurrection. All the
speaking, presented to Him was to discern in this three predictions of the passion (see foregoing) end
historical necessity a Divine necessity; to see that
what came upon Him as an inevitable fate was also
with "and after three days" or "on the third day"
— —
"rise again." "After three days" and "on the
the will of the Father, to which it was indispensable third day" are in meaning exactly the same (cf. Mt
that He should submit in order to the fulfilment of 27 63, 64). prediction of His resurrection
Jesus'
His vocation. If His death was to be interpreted as was as special as that of His death. Any Jew then
a part of His work, it must be not merely endured, could predict His own death and resurrection, as
but accepted His passion must become a great ac-
; any Christian can now; but it was the resurrection
tion, in which something infinitely important is done not at the last day (Jn 11 24), but after so brief
for the establishment of the Kingdom of God. That an interval, that was as incomprehensible to the
this was the conviction of Jesus, the whole Christian disciples as the death (Mk 9 10). (2) Jesus taught
faith of the NT is the proof, and it is fair to infer that the prophecy of Dn 7 13 would he fulfilled in
from all the evidence at our disposal that He was Him; i.e., He would come again in glory, bringing
assisted in giving shape to it by the prophecies of the in the perfected Kingdon* of God and humanity
T and especially of Is ch. 53 (cf. Lk 22 37; Mk (see §§ 13-15, above, on Kingdom of God and on
10 4S), where the peculiar expression "for many," Son of Man). The N
T Church certainly held this
in connection with the idea of 'giving the life' or coming to be one in visible splendor, in the clouds
'the soul,' is an allusion to Is 53 10-12, where both of heaven, and quite distinct from the resurrection.
ideas occur in combination. The two notable (3) Of the time of this coming Jesus expressly de-
sayings of Jesus on the significance of His death clared Himself ignorant (Mt 24 36; Mk 13 32), yet.
(Mk 10 45, and 14 22 ff., and ||) can not be fully
||, He is often represented as speaking of it as certain
discussed here. may be said that, ac-
Briefly, it to occur within the lifetime of those He addressed
cording to the first saying, His death is conceived (Mt 10 23, 16 28; Mk
9 1). This is not open to
of as having a hberative power; it is at the cost of it question, even if we admit that passages hke Mk
that many are set free He could not render them
; 13 30 refer not to the Advent, but to the destruction
the service essential to them at a lesser cost. How of Jerusalem, and it has caused much difficulty.
the figure here is to be reduced to terms of thought Jesus has not come as the N
T Church believed He
is not expressly said; the circle of ideas in which had promised to do. Was He mistaken, or was He
the mind of Jesus moves is the same which is repre- misunderstood ? In answering these questions we
sented in Ps 49 7-9; Job 33 22-24; Mk 8 36 f. In the must remember that almost all the language of
second saying. His death is represented as the basis Jesus which has given rise to them is apocalyptic,
of a new covenant, i.e., a new rehgious relation and that it is not quite plain how much in such
between God and man. In virtue of that death, language is Uteral, and how much has to be spiritual-
somehow, men can enter into this new relation— ized. If no one takes the four great beasts and the
the new relation, undoubtedly, which is predicted sea literally in Dn ch. 7, is it certain that "coming
in Jer 31 31-34 —
a relation in which the law is written on [or with] the clouds of heaven" is to be taken
on the heart, and all men know God, because He has literally? Peter saw at Pentecost (Ac 2 16-21) the
forgiven their iniquities and remembers their sins no fulfilment of Jl 2 though at Pentecost there was
30,
more. Here, again, it may be said, problems are no "blood and and vapor of smoke." Is it not
fire
stated rather than solved; but it is important to possible that the Early Church took Jesus' words
notice that the connection of the death of Christ too prosaically, and cherished and transmitted
with the forgiveness of sins, which is central in hopes not really to be traced to Him ? We are the
apostohc teaching, is covered by the
explicitly more led to ask such questions because in Mt 26 64
word of Jesus, in which He describes His blood as and the final word of Jesus to His accusers rep-
II
covenant blood. In no single utterance is the unique resents the exaltation of the Son of Man and His
self-consciousness of Jesusmore aniazingly revealed coming on the clouds of heaven as something of
than in that in which He bases on His own death which they could be conscious from the moment of
the establishment for sinful men of the perfect and His condemnation on. He did come in Divine
final relation to God. Within the covenant, God power, and fill Jerusalem with His presence as it
and men form one community they have a common
; had never been filled while He lived. This, too,
and common aims; God enters into the life of
life in spite of occasional references to "the last day
men, men are partakers in the eternal life of God, (Jn 6 39, 44, 64, 11 24, 12 48), and to the Judgment
and all this has been made possible through the (5 28), seems to have been the ultimate deposit of
420
Jesus Christ A STANDARr) BIBLE DICTIONARY
historical.
truth and meaning which the prophetic teaching of Jews' in the arrest; but this can hardly be
Jesus left with the Apostle John. In his Grospel What follows, on to the sentence of Pilate, is usually
been mi-
there is no reference whatever to the coming of the described as the Trial of Jesus. It has
Son of Man on the clouds of heaven; the place of nutely scrutinized in the light of legal and historical
this is taken by the coming of the Spirit, which is knowledge. For a critical examination of it, see,
the same as the coming of Jesus in the Spirit, to besides the Lives of Jesus, and Commentanes
on the
dwell with His people and to be in them forever Gospels, Brandt, Kn'iiA; der evan^felischen Geschichte
(Jn chs. 14r-16). The tension of perpetual watch- (1893); Taylor Innes, The THal of
Jesus Christ
fulness (Mt 24 42, 25 13) finds a moral equivalent in (1899); Rosadi, THal and Death of
Jesus Chnst
the sense of the perpetual presence of Jesus. The (Eng. trans., 1905). Jesus was taken first before
idea of a final Parousia and a spectacular consumma- Annas, the ex-high priest, who retained great in-
tion of all things is not excluded by Mt 18 20, 28 20; fluence, and there in the early hours of morning
Jn 14 23; but it is in some sense held in abeyance, subjected to some informal questioning (Jn 18 19)
while yet its motive power is not lost. It is in this and insult (ver. 22), A little later He was passed on
way also that we must appreciate much of what is to the legal high priest, Caiaphas. So John records,
said in pictorial forms about the Judgment accom- while the other evangelists bring Him straight from
panyingthe Parousia (Mt 16 27, 25 31 flf.). Wherever Gethsemane to the high priest's (Caiaphas', Mt
Christ is, men are judged by Him; they gather to His 26 57) house. As John connects Peter's denial with
side or are repelled from Him, and a day is coming —
both scenes (18 17 is in Annas' house, 18 25 after
in which it will be apparent that this is so, and that it ver. 24 — in Caiaphas'), it would seem that the two
is final. All the most solemn and inexorable words residences were contiguous, and had a court in
about judgment and its finality are from the lips common. What took place before Caiaphas and
of Jesus it is almost as though no Hps but those of
; such members of the Sanhedrin as could be gathered
love incarnate were at liberty to say things so tre- together so early (Mk 14 53; Mt 26 57) is usually
mendous. called the Jevxish trial. It ended in the condemna-
tion of Jesus to death for blasphemy (Mk 14 63 f.;
///. Closirig Scenes,
Mt 26 65 f.). But what was the blasphemy? Ac-
Reverting from the teaching of Jesus to the out- cording to Mk and Mt, it was the claim to be the
line of His life (cf. § 7 ff., above), we come now to Christ, and especially to be the Son of Man who
—
the closing scenes the Passion week. should come in the clouds of heaven. This also is
1 7. The For all the Evangelists, this begins with all that is alluded to by Luke, though he does not
Last Days, the processional entry into Jerusalem, call blasphemy (22 66-71). Many authorities
it
in which Jesus deliberately acts in the hold thatit was not blasphemy, and that the real
Messianic character. We can not be sure that the blasphemy for which Jesus could be and was con-
controversies and parables with which the week is demned was that of saying He would destroy the
filled in the Gospels all belong to this visit to Jeru- Temple and replace it in three days (Mk 14 58; Mt
salem, or even to this environment. The important 26 61; cf. Ac 6 11-14). This is the view, e.g,, of Well-
events are the Last Supper, the prophetic discourses hausen. But it is impossible to set aside the direct
of Jesus as recorded in the Synoptics and John evidence of the synoptic tradition (Mt 26 64 and ||).
respectively, the Agony in the Garden, the Betrayal, There were many ways in which the memorable
Trial, Crucifixion, and Resurrection. words of Jesus to the high priest could become
All Gospel Harmonies and Lives of Jesus show a distribu-
known to Christians, and there is no difficulty in
tion of the events according to days from Palm Sunday to believing that it was some assertion of His personal
Easter Sunday. For an examination of the chronological claims which His unscrupulous enemies construed
difficulties see Sanday in HDB, II, 633 ff. ; Gilbert, Student's as blasphemy (cf. Mt 9 3 and ||). A claim to Messiah-
Life, 311 ff. ; Andrews. Life of Our Lord, 447 ff. The chief
difficulty is that arising out of the fact that Mk, Mt, and Lk
ship is not in itself blasphemy, for there must be one
clearly regard the Last Supper of Jesus with the Twelve as a true claim; but such a claim by such a person as
paasover, while in John the passover as obviously is not Jesus was constructively blasphemy to all whose
celebrated till the next day; cf. Mk 14 "; Lk 22 "; Jn 13 28,
Messianic hopes were irreconcilable with calling
18 28. In other words, John puts the Last Supper and the
Crucifixion a day earlier in the month than the synoptists. Him King. But those who condemned Him as
Yet all four agree in putting the Crucifixion on the same day worthy of death could not carry out their sentence.
of the week— Friday (Mk 15 *2; Mt 27 82; Lk 23 "; Jn 19 "•
The Roman governor had the power of life and
31, 42; "preparation" [n-apao-Kev^] = Friday). Of these per-
plexing phenomena, which may be due conceivably either to death in his own hands, and there had to be a fur-
—
some confusion in the synoptic tradition which is virtually
—
only one witness or to some modification of the history in
ther consultation or conspiracy (Mk 15 l; Mt 27 l)
to secure his support. This leads to the Roman
Jn under the influence of a theological motive {e.g., to make
Jesus, as our Paschal Lamb, die at the very hour when the
trial. The charge of threatening to destroy and
Passover was slain), no satisfying, harmonizing explanation rebuild the Temple would have been vain here, and
has ever been offered. The best, as resting on the fullest it is certain that in substance the charge made
knowledge of Jewish customs and possibilities at the time,
was political. This is apparent from the title on the
is that of Chwolson in Das letzte Passahmahl Christi, 1892; see
also § 11, above. cross, and from Pilate's question, "Art thou the
King of the Jews" ? which appears in all the Evan-
When Jesus left the upper room, He went to the gelists (Mk 15 2; Mt 27 li; Lk 23 3; Jn 18 33). In a
Mount of Olives and Gethsemane, after the
there, in
Agony, He was betrayed to His enemies by Judas.
—
sense it was the same charge that of claiming to
be Messiah—on which they themselves had con-
According to Jn (18 12) 'the (Roman) cohort and demned Him, but with a difference. In reality,
the tribune' took part with 'the servants of the Jesus was rejected by His nation and condemned by
431 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Jesus Ohrist
the Sanhedrin because, though avowing Himself Resurrection (Ac 1 22), as their qualification was to
Messiah in some sublime sense, He refused to do —
.have seen the Lord (I Co 9 i) ^and, on the other
anything for the national and political ideals which hand, the new life, Spirit-quickened, both of which
they called Messianic; whereas Pilate was asked to are still with us in the N
T as a whole and in the
condemn Him on the groimd that, as a claimant of specifically Christian life of the Church, are our
the Messianic dignity. He was inevitably a public assurance that Christ has risen. This assurance is
danger (Lk 23 2; Jn 19 12). Nothing could have quite independent of any perplexities which may
been more unscrupulous or insincere, and Pilate arise from the study of the Gospel narratives.
saw through it all; but he dreaded an accusation These narratives were composed at a time when
at Rome, and after repeated attempts to get rid it was no longer possible to recover exactly the
of Jesus^by sending Him to Herod (Lk 23 7), by notes of place or sequences of time which would
trying to shame the mob into accepting Him, instead have enabled the writers to present a story con-
of Barabbas, as the subject of amnesty at the feast cordant in all its details and it may not have been
;
(Mt 27 15 and ||), by emphatically asserting His their intention to present such a story at all. Their
innocence (Lk 23 22), and even, after the scourging literary or practical purpose may have been quite
and the mockery by the soldiers, appealing to their different. The following points should be noted:
—
compassion (Jn 19 6) ^he finally gave way, and (1) All the evangelists represent Jesus as foretelling
delivered Jesus up to their will (Lk 23 25). The His Resurrection (see §16 (1), above). (2) Mk and
execution followed immediately upon the sentence Mt agree verbally (Mk 14 27 f.; Mt 26 31 f.) in what
of Pilate. It is told with most tragic simplicity in is virtually a program of the Passion and its sequel:
Mk, which has only one word uttered on the cross "All ye shall be offended in me [this night]; for it is
(15 34 =Ps 22 l), no accompanying marvel but the written, I will smite the shepherd, and the sheep
three hours' darkness (ver. 33), and no incident of shall be scattered abroad. Howbeit [but], after
purely spiritual meaning except the rending of the I am raised up I will go before you {irpodita vfias^
Temple veil (ver. 38). In Mt the desire to see proph- as the shepherd goes before his flock) into Galilee."
ecy fulfilled has modified a historical detail (cf. (3) In Mt this program is carried out. The risen
27 34; Ps 69 22, with the fact in Mk 15 23), and it is Jesus does not appear to His disciples in Jerusalem
difficult to believe that in 27 52 ff. we are not in the on the contrary, first the angel at the tomb (28 7)
domain of legend. Luke's Gospel, as usual, has and then Jesus Himself (28 10) intimates to them
preserved all that was touching and pathetic in the through the women that Galilee is the rendezvous.
tradition: the daughters of Jerusalem (23 27ff.), There eventually they do see Him and receive the
the penitent robber and the royal promise of Jesus great commission (28 16). Appearance to the Eleven
to him (ver. 39 fE.), and the prayers of Jesus Himself in Jerusalem is clearly and intentionally excluded.
(vs. 34, 46), not to mention the impression made on (4) Mk also, it can hardly be doubted, carried out,
the multitude (ver. 48). John claims for one incident like Mt, the program announced in 14 28, It is
connected with the death of Jesus, to which he expressly referred to in 16 7, and it is to the present
attached great importance (cf. I Jn 5 6), the author- writer inconceivable that Mk 16 7 was not—in the
ity of an eye-witness (19 35), and possibly this ex- original conclusion of the Gospel — carried out as in
tends to his whole narrative here. He seems to Mt ch. 28. The present conclusion of Mk (16 9-20) is
have attached special significance to fulfilments secondary, and is based on various passages in Mt
of prophecy at the cross (19 23 f., 28, 36, 37), and ch. 28, Lk ch. 24, Jn ch 20, and Ac (passim). (5)
perhaps to correspondences between the death of While Mk and Mt were originally at one in recording
Jesus and that of the Paschal Lamb; so that 19 36 = only an appearance of Jesus to the Eleven in Galilee,
Ex 12 36, rather than Ps 34 21. All the Evangelists Lk proceeds on quite another fine. He omits the
record the burial of Jesus by Joseph of Arimathasa, Passion and the Resurrection program of Mk 14 27 f .
a member of the Sanhedrin, who had not shared in Mt 23 31 f. He changes the words spoken to the
the responsibility for His death. With him John women at the tomb. Though Galilee is mentioned,
associates Nicodemus (19 39), combining at the same it is not as the place where Jesus has appointed to
time embalming and entombment (ver. 40), meet His disciples, but as the place where He was
when He spoke of His Death and Resurrection
IV, The Resurrection. (Lk 24 6 f.). In conformity with this, Jesus, who
On the third day after He was buried —on the Sun- has already appeared to Peter and to two disciples
day after the Friday —Jesus appeared to His own, on the way to Emmaus, appears also on the Resur-
and the Christian Church was bom in rection Day to the Eleven and their company in
i8. faith in His Resurrection. The Evan-
The Jerusalem (24 36), and after reassuring them as to
Resurrec- gelists are not the oldest nor the most His identity by such material proofs as Lk is partial
tion. important witnesses for the Resurrec- to (vs. 39-43, cf. 3 22; Ac 10 41), forbids them to
tion, nor is the evidence for it sensibly leave the city till they are endued with power from
affected by the difficulty of combining their accounts. on high. Here appearances in Galilee are clearly
Att older and fuller tradition than they yield is and intentionally excluded. The most natural ex-
preserved in I Co 15 3-8, and the essential evidence planation of the differences between Mk and Mt on
for the Resurrection must always consist of this, the one hand and Lk on the other is that it was no
and of that which is pointed to by Peter in Ac 2 33: part of an Evangelist's conception of his duty to give
"He hath poured forth this, which ye see and hear." all the appearances of Jesus, with details of time and
On the one hand, the historical testimony of the place. AH the Evangelists must have been familiar
Apostles—-Tirliose function w£^s to be witneseeB to the with the tradition sununa,ri?ed in I Co 15 3-8, yet
Jesus Christ A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 433
Jethro
all of them ignore it. The idea was rather to give Jesua, the Person in whom we recognize that God is
one appearance only of Jesus to the Eleven, and tp with us, actually came —
to be a man among men.
impart to that one a representative or universal Apart from the Gospels of Mt and Lk the N T does
character, by connecting with it, through a great not raise such questions, Mt and Lk do, and they
commission, the whole significance of the Resurrec- agree in representing Jesus as supernaturally born
tion for the apostolic Church. This is what Mk, of a virgin. The personality of which they speak
—
Mt, and Lk alike do in substance it is what Jn does owes its origin to an immediate act of God, an act
—
also in ch. 20 ^and the key to their treatment of the of which we must conceive, not as sexual but as
Resurrection is, therefore, theological, or literary, creative. It is this act in virtue of which Jesus is
rather than historical. As for the divergence be- to the Evangelist "Son of God" (Lk 1 34 f.). God
tween Lk and the other Synoptics as to the scene makes the second Adam as truly as He made the
of this representative appearance, it is clear that, first; only, not of the dust of the ground, but of the
tion of Jesus, as covered by the apostolic testimony, our sins, and that He confronts us in the light and
and in particular the mind of Jesus Himself His — life of God for our salvation. How He came to be
consciousness of His own unique relation to God and here in this character he never seems to ask. It is
—
to the human race are the original and sufficient —
the same with Paul ^though one may wonder
basis of Christianity, whether we are, or are not, whether an intimate friend of Luke could be ignorant
9,ble to answer questions as to the mode in which tihis of, or indifferent to, Lk chs 1 an4
2, He is ix\-
Jesus Christ
423 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Jethro
terested in the motive of Christ's coming to earth, ilher die evang, Geschichte, lOOl^. Excellent summary of
not in method (Gore on II Co 8 9). The second
its
the whole discussion may be found in Wernle's Die synop-
tischeFrage^ 1899. For the latest aspects of the discussion,
consideration is that Mt and Lk do not at all, like see Wellhausen, Einleitung in d. drei ersten Evangelien, 1906,
Paul and John, conceive of a preexistent Divine and Jiilicher's Einleitung in d. N
T 1906^ (Eng. transl.,
person coming into the world. Their Gospels con- 1904); Zahn, Einleitung in d, N
T 19078 (Eng. transl.,
1908). Shorter introductions are Wright, The Composition
tain no hint of a preexistence of Jesus; His super-
:
personality. In this respect the Evangelists have no Gospels, 19043; Wernle, Quellen des Lebens Jesu, 1904;
contact with the Apostles. The most we can say Burton, A
Short Introduction to the Gospels, 1904.
Lives of Christ: Historically the most influential has
is that as their genealogies connect Jesus with O T been Strauss's Leben Jesu kritisch bearbeitet, 1835. Nean-
history, in Lk with universal human history, and der's, 1837, was the best answer to Strauss, and retains its
with the Divine purpose in process of achievement value. The richest German Life is Keim's Jesws von
Nazara, 3 vols., 1867-72. On a sounder critical basis,
there, so the story of the virgin birth connects Him
but often perverse and unequal to the greatness of the sub-
with the creative power of God. In both connec- ject, is Weiss's Leben Jesu, 1902i O. Holtzmann's Leben
tions there is a great truth. He does fulfil the Jesu, 1901, is thorough in its rejection of the supernatural,
Divine purpose in Hebrew and in human history, but gives little help toward understanding the Jesus of the
Gospels. All these works have been translated into English.
and He does in some peculiar way come from God; On a smaller scale may be mentioned P. W. Schmidt,
but whether the genealogies are accurate, and Die Geschichte Jesu, 1900, and Bousset, Jesus, 1904 (Eng.
whether the peculiar relation to God involves a transl., 1906). Renan's Vie de Jisus, 1863, needs no de-
scription R^ville's J6sus de Nazareth, 1897, is an ambitious
virgin birth, are questions on which Christian
;
not have been invented in view of Ps 51 5 to assert 1900. All three are designed for students and are very
serviceable. The same holds of Sanday's article, Jesus
the sinlessness of Jesus. Sinlessness is not physical
Christ, in HDB
(since reprinted separately). On the
but moral, and there can be no physical guaranty of teaching of Jesus, the most elaborate book is Wendt's Die
it. The purity and beauty of the narrative, also, Lehre Jesu, 2 vols. (vol. i, 1886; vol. ii, 1890). The second
as contrasted with the mythological stories of volume of the first edition has been translated as The Teach-
ing of Jesus, 2 vols., 1892. Most New Testament Theol-
antiquity, where the gods are invested with the ogies cover the ground and refer to the literature on special
passions of men — which have their real
stories subjects Holtzmann's Lehrbuch der neut. Theologie, 1897,
:
parallel in the fall of the angels (Gn 6 l), not in Mt contains most matter; the relevant sections in Stevens'
—
and Lk argue for its truth. In particular, the New Test. Theology, 1899, are clear and good. Cf. also A.
B. Bruce, The Kingdom of God, 1899, and The Training of
primitive Palestinian character of the hymns, and the Twelve (this last, the first edition of which appeared in
of the whole scenery, characters, and language in Lk 1871, is one of the best books ever written on the teaching
chs. 1 and 2, is in favor of historicity. It seems to of Jesus). The most inspiring book in English is Ecce
Homo, 1865. The critical books on the subject are em-
exclude Greek influence entirely, and as the idea of a phatically not inspired. One of the freshest is Johannes
Son of God in the physical sense is as repellent to the Weiss, Die Predigt Jesu vom Reiche Gottes, 1900^. For
Hebrew as to the Moslem mind, and can not have students may be mentioned the short and compact presen-
tation in Gilbert's The Revelation of Jesus, 1899. j^ j)^
originated spontaneously, the inference is that the
narrative is based on fact. It is not against this JETHER, ji'thgr ("iD^ yether), 'abundance':
that it provides a way of expressing the assurance 1, In Ex 4 18 for Jethro, father-in-law of Moses (see
that the Ufe of Christ is throughout Divine. If He RVmg.). 2. The first-born son of Gideon, a youth.
was Son of God at all, He did not begin to be so at He feared to draw sword to slay Zebah and
his
—
any given age at twelve (Lk 2 49), or at the Baptism Zalmmma (Jg 8 20). The Ishmaelite husband of
3,
(Mk 1 11), or at the Transfiguration (9 7), or at Abigail, David's sister (I Ch 2 17; in II S 17 25, called
the Resurrection (Ac 13 33; Ro 1 4). He never was "Ithra the Israelite") and father of Amasa (I K 2 5,
anything else. This is the truth guarded by the 32). 4, 6. Two men of Judah (I Ch 2 32, 4 17). 6. A
virgin birth. It is in harmony with that unique man of Asher (I Ch 7 38). C. S. T.
relation to God and man which is of the essence
of His consciousness, that there should be something
JETHETH, jl'theth (HO!*, y'theth): A clan-chief-
unique in the mode of His entrance into the world tain of Edom (Gn 36 40; I Ch 1 51). E. E. N.
as well as in that of His leaving it. The possible JETHLAH, jethla. See Ithlah.
points in a line of transmission for Lk's narrative are
suggested by Sanday, Expository Times, vol. xiv JETHRO, jeth'ro or jl'thrS (1"lO':, yiihro): A
(1902-3), pp. 296 ff. See also Box in Preuschen's sheik and priest of the Kenites (Jg 1 16), a Midianit-
Zeitschrift (1905); Gore's Essay in his Dissertations ish tribe. There is considerable confusion as to his
(1895); Orr, The Virgin Birth of Christ (1907). name in the O T narrative. In Ex 2 18 he is called
Reuel, and in Nu 10 29, Jg 4 11 Hobab, son of Reuel
LiTERATtJRE For the literary and historical criticism of the
: (see Hobab). That Jethro and Reuel are names
Gospela. the primary works are Holtzmann, Die synopt. of the same person is an explanation as old as the
Evangelien, 1863; Weiss, Das Marcus-evangelium u. seine
synopt. Parall^lm^ 1§73-, ft^d W^iz^^cker, Uniers^chungen
LXX., the latter being regarded as an official title.
434
Jetur A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Job
Jewess,
The Targums and many modem scholars look upon Her" name was Bithiah. She is called "the
possibly because of the foreign extraction
nnpHea m
Jethro and Hobab as two sons of Reuel, It is
her designation "daughter of Pharaoh." E. 1^.
-IN
preferable to regard Reuel as a elan-name, and
Jethro (J) and Hobab (E) as identical. Raguel
JEWRY. See Judea.
(Nu 10 29 AV) is an incorrect spelling of Reuel.
Jethro represented as counseling the great law-
is JEZANIAH, jez"a-nai'a. See Jaazaniah.
him in organizing a judicial system,
giver, as assisting
and as acting as guide (Ex 3 l, 18 1 ff.; Nu 10 29 fE.).
JEZEBEL, jez g-bel (V?r^, Hzehhel): The
From these meager data of the O T it has been in- daughter of Ethbaal, King of Tyre, and the wife of
ferred that Z" was originally the tribal god of the Ahab. In her own home, she had been educated as
Kenites, and that the religion of Israel, as taught by a zealous Baal-worshiper. As the queen of Ahab
Moses, was learned by him at the feet of Jethro. she not only claimed the right of continuing in her
A more probable interpretation of the O T narrative ancestral religion, but tried to impose the same
is that Jethro, the worshiper of the ancient Semitic
upon the people of Israel. She succeeded so far
god El, as the clan-name Reuel indicates, recog- as to induce Ahab to erect a temple to Baal, and
nized J", the Hebrew God, as a superior deity, be- import a large retinue of Baal priests (I 16 32). K
cause of the deliverance of His people from Egypt, The movement was unflinchingly resisted by the
and consequently offered sacrifices to J" (Ex 18 9 ff.). prophets of J", headed by Elijah. When the latter
In the pre-Mosaic age the closely related Kenites prevailed in the test at Mt. Carmel, she threatened
and Hebrews possessed the same customs and him with death, and thus caused his flight and
religion. This bond led Moses to seek an asylum temporary retirement from public life. Later, she
with Jethro, and later brought that leader into the secured Naboth's vineyard for Ahab by causing its
camp of Israel. J- A. K. owner to be judicially murdered, and confiscating
Ethnography and Eth-
hisproperty (I K
21 13). This brought EUjah once
JETUR, jl'tur. See
more to the front to denounce the crime and predict
nology, § 11, and Itur^a. the speedy punishment both of Jezebel and Ahab,
JEUEL, je-uH jiu'el, or jl'u-el (bX'lS'^, y-'u'eT): The prediction was fulfilled when Ahab died from
1. The head of a clan of Judah (I Ch 9 6).
ancestral wounds received in battle, and Jehu, after his en-
2. A Levite (II Ch 29 13). 3. A leader of Ezra's counter with Joram and Ahaziah, came to Jezreel
company (Ezr 8 13). 2 and 3 = Jeiel AV. and demanded the life of Jezebel (II 9 30 ff.). K
E. E. N, The name of Jezebel became in later times the apoc-
alyptic symbol of seduction to idolatry (Rev 2 20).
JEUSH, jl'ush (^^2?';, y^ush), 'he comes to help*: A. C. Z.
1. A son of Esau by Oholibamah (Gn 36 5, 14
[Kethibh, yHsh], 36 18; I Ch 1 35). 2. A Benjamite JEZER, jl'zgr, JEZERITE, jt'zsr-oit. See
(T Ch 7 10 [Kethibh,
yHsh]). 3. A Levitical family Abiezer.
(I Ch 23 10, 11). 4.A son of Rehoboam (II Ch 11 JEZIAH, je-zoi'a. See Izziah.
19). 5. A Benjamite of the family of Saul (I Ch 8
JEW Cy\rr,, rhudhl, Gr. "lovbaios): This word JEZOAR, je-z6'ar. See Izhar.
does not occur in O T literature earlier than the JEZRAHIAH, jez'-'ra-hai'a. See Izrahiah.
period of Jeremiah. It then meant a citizen, or
subject, of the kingdom of Judah (II 25 25; K JEZREEL, jez'r@-el (b«:g1]:, yizr^'e'l), 'God
Jer 32 12, 34 a, etc.). In II K
16 6 it means Judaeans soweth,' or if formed word Carmel, 'sown
like the
in contrast to Syrians (or Edomites?), As early as land': 1. A place in Judah, near Carmel (Jos 15 56;
the days of Hezekiah the language of Judah was I S 25 43; probably also I Ch 4 3), David's wife
called Jewish (ri^']in"J, y^hudhuh). The exiles were Ahinoam, the Jezreelitess, probably came from this
calledJews because they came from Judah, As these place (I S 27 3, 30 5; II S 2 2, etc.). Map II, E 3.
exilesfrom Judah became the main historical repre- 2. A town E. of the great plain of Esdraelon, now
sentatives of ancient Israel, the term *Jew' became Zer'in. Map IV, C 8. The deep vale (valley of
equivalent to 'Israelite,' and this is its general sense Jezreel) that leads down from Jezreel to the Jordan
in the later literature (cf. its usage in Ezr-Neh, Est, was the gateway for the tribes of the desert, at-
Dn, the N T, Josephus, etc.). In the T there is a N tracted by the rich harvests of the plain. Upon
contrast at times between the Jew (Israelite) and the such a motley horde, Gideon's little band fell hke
Gentile (Mk 7 3 Jn 2 6 Ac 10 28, etc. ; cf also Jewess,
; ; . a thunderbolt from the heights above Jezreel (Jg
Ac 16 1, 24 24), or the Samaritan (Jn 4 9), and at 7 1 flf.), and drove them in panic down the valley.
other times between the Jews and Christ, or Chris- There are no certain references to Jezreel as a for-
tianity (Jn 2 18; II Co 11 24, etc.). E. E. N. tress until Ahab's day, when with Samaria it was
deed was echoed later in the prediction of judgment tending to embalm the body of Je^us, and there re-
to come on Jehu'a house (Hos 14), A. S. C. ceived the message of His resurrection (Lk 8 3, 24 10),
E. E. N.
JIBSAM, jib'som. See Ibsam.
JOASH, jo'ash {t^T, t)^"', yd*ash): 1. The father
JIDLAPHjjidlaf (}])T.,yidhmph): The ancestral of Gideon (Jg 6 ll). The narratives in Jg chs, 6-8
head of a Nahorite clan (Gn 22 22). E. E, N. represent J. as a man of ranlc and influence notwith-
standing Gideon's words (Jg 6 15). He was of the
JIMNA, jim'na, JIMNAH, jim'na, JIMNITE, Abiezrite clan of Manasseh, the owner of a holy tree
jim'nait. See Imna, Imnah. (Jg 6 11) and proprietor of the altar of Baal in
Ophrah (Jg 6 29-31). Jg 6 31 represents him as giving
JIPHTAH, jif'ta. See Iphtah.
Gideon the name of Jerubbaal. 2. A son of King
JIPHTHAHEL, jif'tha-el". See Iphtabl. Ahab, who perhaps represented the king in Samaria,
during his absence on the field of battle. Ahab sent
JOAB, jo'ab (31J1\ yo'ahh), 'J* is father': 1. the prophet Micaiah, after he had prophesied un-
The son of David's sister Zeruiah and general-in- favorably, to J. to be put in prison (I 22 26 f IIK .
;
Sheba (although the command in this case had been of Popular and holding by God in an evil genera-
given to Amasa, whom J. treacherously murdered), Story, (Ezk 14 14, 20), a prophet (prob-
tion
and promptly put it down. At the end of David's ably) and upright (Sir 49 9) and patient ,
reign, J. espoused the cause of Adonijah, who claimed ( Ja 511) Later still in legend and comment the same
,
the succession, and was slain by Benaiah at the ideas are found attaching to the name. (2) On the
command of Solomon (I K
2 34). 2. A Judahite, evidence of the book itself there existed a prose story
descendant of Caleb (I Ch 2 54). 3. The son of of Job, the beginning and end of which were the
Seraiah (I Ch 4 14). 4. The foimder of a family,
present Prologue (chs. 1, 2) and Epilogue (42 7, end)
names of members of which occur in the list of the the middle has been removed. This story told of
Job's trial by God at the instance of the Satan ('the
returned exiles (Ezr 2 6, 8 9; Neh 7 11), A. C. Z.
—
Accuser') how he was tempted by his wife and with-
—
JOAH, jo'a (nJJI^, yo'ah), "J' is brother': 1. An stood her ^how his friends spoke unseemly things of
God, but he did not, remaining patient and upright
officerunder Hezekiah (11 K
18 18, 26; Is 36 3 S.),
— how the Lord appeared and rebuked the friends,
2. A
Levite (I Ch 6 21; II Ch 29 12). 3. door- A
praised Job for his constancy, and restored unto him
keeper (I Ch 26 4). 4, An officer under Josiah (II
double. It had been shown that Job would serve
Ch 34 S). E. E. N.
God for naught, and it was suggested that the appar-
JOAHAZ, joVhaz (THXi*", yd'ahaz), 'J" strength- ently unmerited afflictions of the righteous might all
ens': The father of Joah (II Ch 3 48), See also be such trials as this. The evidence for this is in the
Jehoahaz. E. E. N. Epilogue with its blame of the friends and praise
of Job and its crude restitution, and in the current
JOANAN, jo-an'on C^&avdv, Joanna AV): An Hebrew views of Job in (1) above. Of the source
ancestor of Jesus (Lk 3 27). E. E, N. of this story there are two possibilities: one that it
was a pure folk-tale, of popular origin, for edifying
JOANNA, j6-an'a Clcaawo) : The wife of Chuza, amusement; the other that it was a bit of the
superintendent of the estates and household affairs Wisdom literature, carefully told by a wise man for
of Herod Antipas. She became a faithful disciple a purpose, i.e., to explain the misfortunes of the
of Jesus, helped Him with her means, and accom- righteous. On
first hypothesis it was like the
the
panied Him from Galilee to Jerusalem. She was stories of Elijahand Elisha; on the second, like
also one of the women who went to the tomb in- the Book of Jonah, The probabihties are with the
Job 436
Joel
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
second, and it may even have been constructed to interpolation to supplement the supposedly imper-
suggest an explanation to the people of their mis- fect defense of God by the friends. In reality it
fortunes. repeats, and adds nothing. Artistically,
But the Job of this story was a quite impossibly 3* The inferior. Then, chs. 38-41 give
too, it is
stohd and wooden figure. No real man could have Speech of a long and disjointed speech by God out
behaved So. A poet then appeared Elihu (Chsi. of a whirlwind, broken (40 3-6) and fol-
with-
2. The Use who took this figure and situation and 32-37) and lowed (42 1-6) by a very humble
Made of humanized them. We are no longer to Chs. 38-42. drawal of everything by Job. Finally,
This Story have a puppet representative of the we have the Epilogue referred to above.
by the oppressed righteous but a great living The problem is the relation of these parts. This
Poet. Chs. tragic figure. The change begins with problem is twofold: (a) Is this denouement the
3-31. the friends of Job. They sit now in work of the Poet? If so, it is the most
silent sympathy, but thinking their own 4. The Prob- terrific irony and puts the author in
thoughts, which are thereafter to make them the lem of the the position of the author of Ec, only
'Job's comforters' of all time. Under their eyes Job, Book. in open revolt. God crushes Job with
now human, breaks down and curses the day of his His wisdom and might, but does not
birth which brought him to this pass (ch. 3). He solve his moral problem. At most, He exhibits to
is conscious of no sin meriting such punishment, him the esthetic anodyne of nature. God's attitude
and would have recoiled in horror from a God who here is much the same as in ch. 28. Beyond this,
made such a bargain in flesh and blood with the His position is essentially that of the friends; but
Satan as had passed in heaven. The God he had they had no whirlwind and storm. A comparison
known was not such a God, and thus he could not of this with 9 17 suggests that the speech may be
explain what had befallen him. The tragedy is to be by the Poet. If not, it must have been written, and
his awakening to the real God, and to an independent by some other great poet, to make a suitable transi-
sense of right within himself to which he must hold. —
tion to the Epilogue a theory beset by difficulties.
This is developed in the colloquies with his friends But (b) the problem of the Elihu speech may suggest
which follow in three cycles, the last incomplete, a different result. The author of this speech cer-
of six speeches each, one by each friend with a reply tainly expresses his own mind. He does not create
from Job (chs. 4-27). In these the friends, too, Elihu; he speaks through him. Also he fits him to
develop. Their first view is that Job's suffering the patriarchal scheme; Job is from Uz Elihu is from
;
is intended to awaken him and lead him away from Buz; both sons of Nahor, brother of Abraham (Gn
sin; soon, however, they conclude that it is absolute 22 21). All the names in the book, apart from Job,
punishment for gross sin. In Job himself two belong to side-lines of the patriarchal genealogies,
—
ideas war and if the book is a drama this is its except Barachel ('God ['El] blesses') and Elihu ('He
—
action the remembrance of his past loving inter- is my God'). These meanings indicate an attitude
course with God and his idea of justice. He is led and can not be accidental. 'Elihu,' then, considered
to look around on the world, and he sees that there that Job was wrong, but that the friends had failed
injustice seems to triumph even as in his case. He is to answer him. He tries, and practically repeats
driven to the conclusion that the rule of the world is them; his position and theirs are one. But this
non-moral. If God would only appear and explain; is also the same as the position taken in the speech
but let Him not come in awful might and in a whirl- of the Lord. In what condition, then, did the book
wind to crush him (9 17). So he tries to divide God lie before 'Elihu' ? It is hard to think that he would
into Him of the past and Him of the present, and to have written as he did, if it had been complete
the first he makes appeal. The details of the long except for his speech. The Lord's condemnation
discussion we need not follow. There is much repeti- of the friends and praise of Job would have pre-
tion, but also a steady development. We can see vented. His position would have been to condemn
two sides to the artist. He was creating a great the whole book as profane. And even if the book
tragic character and in so doing was working out had ended for him with 42 6, i.e., had only contained
one of the greatest human problems. But he was the speech of the Lord and Job's submission, but no
a Semitic artist also, and loved brilliant words and condemnation of the friends, the speech of the Lord
pictures for themselves. These, often, are weari- would have satisfied him that he could not write
some and do not appeal to us. His problem he anything further. Apparently, then, he added his
did not solve; his tragedy did not reach 'reconcili- protest to a copy which ended with "The words of Job
ation.' Perhaps he could not; certainly the defec- are ended" (31 40). This means that the speech of
tive sense of structure in the Semitic mind stood the Lord is not by the Poet of the colloquies. These
in his way. Ch. 24 is very disjointed; ch. 25 is a critical results (a and b) can only be left face to face
very short speech by Bildad; ch. 26 an equally short the problem is still unsolved.
reply by Job 27 1-6, a continuation by Job ; 27 8, end,
; Another question may be raised. Could the Poet
is in the tone of the friends, and may be Zophar's of the colloquies have reached a 'reconciliation,'
last speech ; ch. 28 is a poem apart, telling that man starting as he did? (a) If the Lord had appeared,
can reach anything in the earth except Wisdom not in storm but calmly, and had said to Job, "What
this God has kept for Himself; chs. 29-31 are a you have said is true, and what your friends have
final clearing of himself by Job. So far certainly, said is not true. But you knew me as your friend
except for ch. 28 and stray verses interpolated, we in the past; can you not trust me now? Consider
have the great unknown poet. this sense of justice in yourself which you say I
Chs. 32-37 are the speech of Elihu, an undoubted violate. Did I not make you and it? Must it
Job
43t A gfAi^bAtlD felBLE biCTiONARY
Joel
One of David's
In favor of the post-exilic date stand the following JOHA, jo'ha (Nni% yoW): 1-
considerations: (1) The kingdom of the Ten Tribes soldiers (ICh 11 45). 2. A Benjamite (^^^^ ^^)-
5. Date: Whenever he uses the name Israel, he jo-h^'nan O^n'% yohanan, shortened
JOHANAN,
Post-ExiUc? means Judah (cf. 2 27, 3 2, 16). (2) The John),
from yhohanan, the Heb. equivalent of
people are scattered among the nations
'r has been gracious': 1. A
captain, apparently
(3 2). (3) Jerusalem was not to be molested by- army, who
of an escaped remnant of Zedekiah's
strangers any more (3 17) which indicates that at
submitted to Gedaliah, the governor appointed by
;
alted' (?) : A fortified city in Gad (Nu 32 35; Jg 8 11). figuration, Mk 9 2 and ||a; at the agony in Gethsem-
modern Khirbet-AgUhdt, NW. of 'Ammdn,
It is the ane, Mk 14 33 and ||s; with Andrew also, at the last
about midway between that place and es-Salt. teaching before the Passion, Mk 13 3, and with Peter
Map III, J 4. C. S.T. alone in the preparation for the Last Supper, Lk
22 8), and was doubtless, with his brother, promi-
JOGLI, jeglai c)>l, yogll), 'exiled': A Danite nent among those whom Jesus chose specially for
(Nu 34 22). E.E.N. his service (see James, 1). The name "Boanerges"
Joel
439 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY John the Apostle
(q.v.), referred to by Mark in his list of the Apostles for this tradition are Irenaeus, Polycrates of Ephesus,
as given to the brothers by Jesua (3 17), was doubt- and Clement of Alexandria. In their corroborative
less suggested later by some such incident as that re- support of one another they would appear to furnish
ferred to in Lk 9 51 ff., in agreement with which is the us reliable facts. The credibility of their statements
spirit of John's action in the case of the man, outside has been assailed, however, on the basis that they
the discipleship, who was casting out demons in confuse the Apostle John with another John, known
Jesus' name (Mk 9 38 f. and ||s). Perhaps it was be- as the Presbyter John, whose existence and im-
cause of the relationship of these brothers to Jesus portance are claimed to be proved by the statement
and their acknowledged intimacy with Him that their of Papias, Bishop of Hierapolis, in the prologue
mother requested special honors for them in the to his expository work on the Oracles of the Lord,
coming Messianic Kingdom (Mt 20 20 ff.) though it
; preserved by Eusebius {HE, III, 39). In this state-
is not imposaiWe that their impetuous character was ment Papias clearly distinguishes between two Johns,
largely responsible for the request, if it did not lead one of whom he classes with the Apostles, Andrew,
them to present it first themselves (of. Mk 10 35 ff.)* Peter, Philip, Thomas, James, and Matthew, and the
Though J. seems in the Synoptic narrative to have other with the disciple Aristion. That this clear
been equally pronounced with his brother in im- distinction between these same named and yet
petuous and ambitious characteristics, he does not differently classed men is lost sight of by these other
appear from the record of Ac to have developed witnesses calls for better proof than has so far been
into the same aggressiveness in the propaganda of furnished. If it was from Polycarp that Irenaeus
the new reUgion; for when Herod laid his persecuting derived his information as to the Apostle's residence
hand on the Church James was the first object of his and work in Ephesus, as would seem clear from
cruelty. At the same time, he is mentioned with Adv, Hmr. iii, 34, it would seem an almost desperate
Peter twice in the public life of the Jerusalem Church assertion that he could not have understood whether
(the healing of the lame man, Ac ch. 3, with the Polycarp meant the Apostle or the Presbyter John;
resultant hearing before the Sanhedrin, ch. 4; and the for whether in the strict sense of the word he was a
commission to the newly established community in pupil of Polycarp or not, he lived at the time when
Samaria, ch. 8), though in each case Peter precedes Polycarp was carrying on his work and related his
him in word and action. Furthermore, Paul refers experience of his preaching in terms which can not
to him in his account of the Coimcil as, along with be understood of anything less than an intimate
Peter and James, one of the "pillars" of Jewish personal knowledge of what he said (cf. Eus. HE,
Christendom, though his name is the last of the V, 20). As to Polycrates, he was not only Bishop of
three (Gal 2 9). Ephesus, but was old enough to have been living
If to this record in Ac and the Synoptics there be at the time of Polycarp. When, therefore, in his
added the references to himself by the author of the letter to Victor, Bishop of Rome (Eus. HE, V, 24),
Fourth Gospel as applying to this Apostle, as we he refers for authority as to the Gospel observance
believe they do (see John, Gospel of, §§ 2-4), of the Passover on the fourteenth day of the month
these milder characteristics of the man are more among other witnesses to "John, who was both a
fully brought to light. In this Gospel he is first witness and a teacher, who reclined upon the bosom
mentioned in connection with the coming to Jesus of the Lord and being a priest wore the sacerdotal
of disciples of the Baptist for personal acquaintance plate,'! and adds that "he fell asleep at Ephesus,'!
(1 35-40). At the close of Jesus' ministry, at the he can hardly be accused of failing to identify
Last Supper, he recHned at the table in front of the this John with the John of Polycarp, or of confusing
Master and, at Peter's suggestion, asked Him who it Polycarp's John with the otherwise unknown Pres-
was that should betray Him (13 23-25), It is he also byter of Papias. His reference to the priesthood
through whose acquaintance with the high priest of John may not be clear, but it can not disturb
Peter was admitted to the court of Caiaphas' house the identity of the John he has in mind. Clement
(18 16), and to whom at the cross Jesus committed tells of John's residence in Ephesus, where he carried
the care of His mother (19 26). He and Peter were on among the churches a work of episcopal authority
the first of the disciple band to receive the announce- (Qiiis Divis Salv. xlii). That in this statement he
ment from the women of the open tomb and to in- referred, after all, to the Presbyter and not to the
vestigate the facts (20 1-10). In the closing chapter Apostle seems to be beyond all likelikood. It is
of the Gospel he figures prominently in Jesus' revela- indeed somewhat surprising (1) that there is no
tion of Himself at the Sea of Galilee, He was the reference to this Ephesian residence of John by such
first to recognize the Master (ver. 7), and received older fathers as Ignatius and Polycarp, especially
from Him an intimation of the long-continued serv- by the former in his Epistle to the Ephesians, and
ice he was to render to His cause (vs. 20-23). (2) that we have a definite statement of Papias
The tradition which attaches itself to the name of presented (a) in the Chronicle of Georgius Har-
the Apostle John is considerable in extent. In brief, martoloa (9th cent.) and (b) in the Fragment from
it gives us to understand that his later life was passed Philippus Sidetes (5th cent.) to the effect that John
in missionary activity in Ephesus and the surround- suffered martyrdom along with his brother James
ing region; that in the persecution of Domitian at the hands of the Jews, That these are possible
(81-96 A.D.) he suffered banishment to the island of explanation, however, and afford no evidence
of Patmos, from which exile, on the accession of against the common tradition is clear from the
Nerva (96 a.d.), he returned to Ephesus, where he argument of Drummond, Character and Authorship
continued to live and work tmtil his death in the of the Fourth Gospel, pp. 214-219, 228-234.
reiga of Trajan (9^117 a.d.). The chief witnesses In view of such testimony there does not appear
430
John the Baptist A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
that might
to be justifiable reason for doubting at least the tached to the rite of baptism, the unrest
easily flame into political disturbance,
the tact tnat
main facts which tradition has handed down as to
it was Herod Antipas who put John to
death—these
the later life and activity of the Apostle John. As
all constitute chief points in the
Synoptic account
to the bearing of this tradition on the authorship of
the Fourth Gospel see John, Gospel of, § 4. also. On the other hand, the differences are such as
throw the balance in favor of the accuracy
of the
The material for a consideration of the religious
Synoptics. For Josephus' superficial
explanation
thought of John lies so exclusively within the con-
of the purpose or character of the
baptism of John
tents of the Fourth Gospel and the First Epistle
is hardly adequate, and is even
inconsistent with the
that the reader is referred to these articles for its
presentation. earnest insistence on righteousness he justly ascribes
LiTBRATtJBE: Bcsidcs the list given under art. John, Gospel to him. Furthermore, that Herod Antipas put John
OF, reference may be made to the larger lives of Christ, e.g., to death merely to forestall the possibiUty of his
Edersheim (1884*); Weiss (Eng. transl. 1894); Holtzmann heading a revolution is altogether vague and im-
(Eng. transl. 1904) Smith, In the Days of His Flesh (1905)
Something more definite must have been
;
probable.
to special works such as Macdonald, Life and Writings of
St. John (1877); Niese, Leben des Heiligen Johannes (1878); the reason for Herod's hostility. Whether Josephus
Culross, John Whom Jesus Loved (1878); Gloag, Life of St. knew of Herodias' hatred of John is, of course, not
John (1891); Rankin, First Saints (1893); Abb6 Fouard, St. certain. That Josephus either did not know or, if
John (1905), and to arts, by Strong in and Riggs in HDB
DCG. M. W. J. he did know, did not care to say anything about the
'Messianic' element in John's preaching is not at all
unlikely.
JOHN THE BAPTIST The references to John in the Synoptics center, in
Analysis cf Contents the main, about one point, i.e., the relation of the
John's Further Ministry,
work of John to that of Jesus. This work is viewed
1. The Sources 5.
2. Life of John Previous to Imprisonment, and as a preparatory work, to "make ready the way of
His PubHc Ministry Death the Lord." His was thus essentially a prophet's
3. John's Mission 6. Jesus' Opinion of John work, and John is viewed as the last of the prophets,
4. John and Jesus
the one who closed the succession by ushering in the
(la3dvv7}9 6 ^airria-n^s, Mt 3 1; 'l. o ^airri^wvy 'J. new Messianic Age. The Synoptic account is frag-
the baptizer,' Mk 1 4) : The son
aged priest of the mentary. Only scraps of what must have been once
Zachariah and his wife Elizabeth, and the forerunner a large amount of information have been preserved.
of Jesus Christ. The broken character of these notices, the disagree-
Thesources on which we are dependent for our ment between John's proclamation and the actual
knowledge of John the Baptist are (1) The references : course of events that followed it, the remarkable
to him in the Synoptics, with which strictures uttered by Jesus on the man He so
I. The we may also place those in Ac; (2) the —
highly honored all make strongly in favor of the
Sources, references in the Fourth Gospel; and genuineness of the Synoptic account. The story
(3) the brief account in Josephus. It of John's birth in Lk ch. 1 is not, of course, a part of
may be helpful to note at the outset the general the common Synoptic tradition. Except to those
character of these somewhat diiTerent representa- who are consistently skeptical of nearly everything
tions, beginning with the one mentioned last. in the Gospels, there is little, however, in Luke's
In speaking of the defeat of the forces of Herod account of the birth of John that should occasion
Antipas by Aretas, King of Arabia Petra, Josephus serious difficulty. The beauty and simplicity of the
turns aside to say that some of the Jews looked upon narrative; the 'Hebraistic' style, indicating that his
this defeat as a Divine judgment on Herod for his information was drawn from an Aramaic source; the
treatment of "John who was called the Baptist, for type of thought, which is that of the pre-Christian
Herod slew him who was a good man and had com- Messianic expectations rather than what became
manded the Jews that they should practise virtue, —
current in the Apostolic Age all tell strongly in
both in respect to righteousness toward one another favor of the historicity of Luke's account (cf. Plum-
and piety toward God, and that they should come mer in Int. Crit. Com., Luke, p. 6, and see also
together in a baptism. For baptism would thus Luke, Gospel of).
appear acceptable to him, not when they used it as a The references to the Baptist in the Fourth Gospel
request for the forgiveness of certain sins, but as a share the peculiarity of that Gospel's account of the
purification of the body after the soul had been teachings of Jesus. At times it is difficult to draw
thoroughly cleansed by righteousness." And he goes the line between the words of the Baptist and those
on to say that Herod feared lest John's popularity of the Evangelist, his reporter {e.g., 3 30 f.), and at
might lead to some political disturbance and so he others between what the Baptist himself may have
thought it best to forestall any such thing by putting said or meant and the interpretation put upon his
John out of the way. He therefore sent him to words by the Evangelist after years of meditation
the castle of Machaerus, where he was executed. This on the significance of John's appearance (e.g., 1 29).
notice in Josephus is of great importance, for back To the author of the Fourth Gospel this significance
of the somewhat vague generalities of the Jewish was that of a "witness" (1 8, etc.; cf. 5 33). The
historian must have been facts substantially the baptism of Jesus by John is not expressly alluded
same as we have recorded, more in detail, in the to,although such statements as we find in 1 31 f.
Synoptics. The great popularity of John, the imply it, and indicate the importance attached to it
appellation "the Baptist," his insistence upon by the Evangelist. If this Gospel was written by
righteousness, the relatively great importance at- one of the disciples of the Baptist whose "witness,"
431 A STANDABD BIBLE DICTIONARY John the Baptist
(Mt
God (Mt 3 This brief interview with Jesus
13-17). phetic succession under the old dispensation
to John that some of his con- 11 9, 12; Lk 16 16). His personal righteousness
and
must have suggested
ceptions of the appearance of the Coming One needed integrity were unquestioned
(Mt 11 7 f.
revision, (b) Consequently, we find, in the second 6. Jesus* -Lk 7 24 f.). To him was granted an
place, that John's view of the Messiah's work under- Opinion honor greater than ever befell any
went some modification. Only thus can we account of John, other man, that of being the forerunner
for his words to "Behold the Lamb of
his disciples, to prepare the way of the Lord (Mt 11
God who taketh away the world" (Jn
sins of the 10 f . = Lk 7 27 f .) . He was in truth the Elij ah who was
1 29). If we bear in mind that these words were to come (Mk 9 12 f.=Mt 17 U t; Mt 11 14). He was
spoken after his meeting with Jesus, the contrast the herald of a new age, through whom many had
between them and the report in the Synoptics will been stirred up to press into the Kingdom of God
be less surprising, John had been led by that meet- (Mt 11 12; Lk 16 16). And yet John did not belong
ing to reexamine his views of the Messiah and his to the new era. Incidentally, the rules of fasting
work. He had built his views on O T prophecy. he laid upon his disciples showed this (Mk 2 18-22 and
Had he included all that prophecy taught? What ||s). But it was in his whole view of the Messianic
of the great passage on the Suffering Servant in Is ch. Age, in which judgment, not mercy, was uppermost,
53? The sight of Jesus might easily have led him and in his altogether one-sided view of the Messiah's
to ponder over that prophecy, and while still under work that he was not one of the great ones in the
the spell of that impression he again saw Jesus once (new) Kingdom of God according to Jesus (Mt 11 U
or twice and pointed Him out as "the Lamb of God." =Lk 7 28). This was not a judgment on John's
In the Evangelist's report, the words "that taketh personal character, or a dictum regarding his final
away" (aipcay; instead of 'beareth,' as in Is) prob- salvation. It had to do altogether with the value
ably belong to him rather than to John. For John of John's view of the Kingdom. And it was out of
could not have had that fuU light on the person and His loving wisdom that Jesus sent John's messengers
work of Christ which the Fourth Gospel imparts to back, not with a categorical answer to his question,
him, and still have been subject to the limitations but with one well calculated to give John the clue
Jesus assigns him (Mt 11 11 =Lk 7 28; cf. Mk 2 18-22), to the truth he was seeking. E. E, N.
or have sent from prison to ask Jesus whether He
were really the One who was to come (Mt 11 7 ff. =
Lk 7 24 fif.). Thus the meeting with Jesus and ob- JOHN, EPISTLES OF
servance of His work had a rather perplexing effect Analysis of Contents
on John. He certainly did not revise at once or
altogether his Messianic program, and he could not I. First Epistle II. Second and Third
1. Authorship Epistles
easily adjust it to the facts as they actually trans-
2. Literary Relation to 4. Writer's Designation of
pired. On the whole, the conviction that the Mes- Fourth Gospel Himself
siah must sooner or later bring matters to a great (a) Contents 5. Situation
crisis and execute the Divine judgment on the sin- (b) Situation 6. Time and Place
(c) Place, Date, and 7. Readers
ful nation remained fundamental with John. It was Occasion 8. Authorship
not given to him to see that the fundamental note 3. Theology 9. External Evidence
of the Messianic era was love, not wrath.
Thus awaiting some definite, signal manifestation Three N T writings belonging to the group of the
on the part of Jesus, John continued his ministry
so-called Catholic Epistles (q.v.).
Herod who was angered at John. And from the Apostle John (John, Gospel
it was her relentless hate that at last was gratified OF, § 2a), the Epistle also is to be considered as from
by gaining Herod's consent to the execution of the him.
fearless preacher of righteousness (Mk 6 17-29 = The fact, however, that the Epistle is not ad-
Mt 14 3-12). John's influence did not die with him. dressed to any one church, or to any paTticular
Some of his disciples betook themselves to Jesus. group of readers, and the peculiar form
Others probably sought to perpetuate his work in- 2. Literary of its opening verses, in which a refer-
dependently of Jesus, and traces of their influence we Relation ence to the facts of the historical Gospel
meet with, twenty-five years later, in Asia Minor to Fourth as in some way underlying the Epistle's
(Ac 18 25, 19 Iff.). A superstitious feeling that Gospel, message is so evident, raise the ques-
John might rise from the dead and reappear, or that tion of the literary relation between
he might be reincarnated seems to have been these two writings of the Apostle.
prevalent for a time (Mk 6 14-16; cf. Lk 9 7-9; Mk This question can be answered only by a con-
8 28and||s). sideration of the contents of the Epistle and the
The significance of John can not be a matter of situation which these contents present.
doubt to one who takes Jesus' words as authoritative. The Epistle opens with a preliminary statement in which
He was a prophet, the last and greatest of the pro- is given the basis of its message, viz. the historical fact of the
:
John the Baptist
433 A STANDAKD BIBLE DICTIONARY John, Epistles of
Word —
of life and the Apostle's personal relation to it a fact as Son of God, especially 5 5 f., which claims deity
already announced to the readers with a view to their spir-
for Christ at His death as well as at His baptism,
itual fellowship with him. On the basis of this
/q\ Con- historical fact the Apostle states his purpose that the Epistle moved in very much the same
^
in writing the letter, in order that his joy may Gnostic surroundings as the Gospel^ (cf. in the
tents. be fulfilled (11-4).
Gospel such passages as 14 7-9, 17, 20, 17 3, 26, which
There follows then a summation of the truth
heard from the Word of life, viz. : that God is light and is assert this spiritual knowing; 1 14, which declares
without darkness, with its bearing upon the readers' fellow- this fact of Christ in the flesh; 6 50-68, 16 15, 17 f.,
ship with one another, their common relationship to Jesus 12 27, 16 28, 32, 17 1, 11, 18 11, which show Christ as
Christ and to God (1 ^^°). This constitutes the introduc-
tory part of the Epistles.
Son of God in His death for the world's salvation)
The message proper is then begun with a further statement cf.the announced purpose of the Gospel's writing
of the purpose of its sending — that the readers may not sin (20 30 f.) that the readers might have a more abim-
(2 1*), accompanying which is a pastoral reminder of their
dant spiritual life through their faith in Jesus as the
privileges and obligations in the matter of sin (2 1**"/^), bring-
ing the Apostle to a restatement both of the present and of a Son of God.
previous message, from the point of view of the younger and This similarity in the surroundings is made more
the older classes among his readers (2 ^^^*). evident by the fact that both Gospel and Epistle
This is followed by an exhortation against a love of the
world, with reasons for the urging (2 *^'7) and ^ statement
have in view a tendency among their readers to
in general of the fact of Antichrist (2 is-so)^ accompanied by ignore the commands of God, especially at the point
assurances of the fact of their spiritual life '(2 ^ '- ^ft), which
brings him to a presentation of the theme of the love of God,
—
of love not only to God, but to one another (cf Gos- .
outgoing
interest to the Epistle's theology. In general, it not only of fellowship with God but of the
is apparent that, while the Epistle's thought does of our love in fellowship with one another). So the
not, as the Gospel's, gather around Holy Spirit is presented as given us by God not only
to inform us of truth (as Gospel 14 26, 16 13
Theology, the personality of Christ, yet it is Christ f.), but
3.
not simply in His redemptive relations by His energizing within us to produce in ue an assur-
to us but in Himself that forms its background. He ance of our relation to God (3 24, 4 13) and to bring us
is never called th^ Son of Man, yet not only is the to a living confession of Christ (4 2). Over against
fact of His incarnation asserted (4 2; cf. 1 2), but this is the energizing of the spirit of Antichrist (4 3).
His nature as the Son of God is constantly kept at As a consequence of all this, eternal life is pre-
the front. It is as the Son that He manifests the sented not as a future possession but as a present
-eternal life, which was with the Father (1 2; cf. 5 20), activity. It is the Christian's present spiritual
;so that it is with Him, the Son, as well as with the living. The world lies in the power of the Evil One
Father, that we have our spiritual fellowship (1 3, (5 19; cf. 3 8-10); consequently, sin is not simply
2 24). It is the confession of Him as Son that con- unrighteousness (19, 3 6 f., 5 17) and lawlessness
stitutes this fellowship (4 15), and it is the denial (3 4), also hatred (3 10-13, 15), and darkness
it is
of the Son, as well as of the Father, that constitutes (1 6, 2 9-11), and death (3 14), and it can not escape
the Spirit of Antichrist (2 22b, 23). It is thus as our notice how these qualities of sin are interwoven
Son that He has come into the world in His re- to make up the general idea of sin as a resultant
demptive mission (4 9 f,, 14, 3 8), and through Him force, contrasted with the composite resultants of
as Son that God has given us eternal life (5 10-12). God's Divine energizing in the life of the soul. The
As Son, therefore, He cleanses us from sin through forces of sin are gathered up in the term Antichrist,
His death (1 7). At the same time. He is the Christ. which is not necessarily an individual (in spite of
As such He came into the world and accomplished the personal cast of 2 18 f,), but simply the per-
His mission (5 6). As such He is the propitiation for sonification of the principles of evil (2 22, 4 3), a
sin (2 2, 4 10) and the Advocate with the Father in persistent yielding to which may result in the hope-
the sinner's behalf (2 1). With Him both as Christ lessness of spiritual life (5 16 f.). As a remnant of the
and as Son is our fellowship (5 20). The denial of the old dominant forces of the evil life sin is still
Him as Christ is, therefore, of the same Antichrist in the Christian (1 8-10, 2 lb) but no longer as the
spirit as the denial of Him as Son f,, 4 2 f.), and
(2 22 —
habit of life as such it is impossible in one begotten
belief in Him as Christ is of the same Divine spirit of God (3 6, 9). Consistently with this idea of the
as belief in Him as Son (3 23, 4 2; cf. ver. 15, 5 l; energizing of God in the spiritual life the Christian
cf. ver. 5). He is termed also in one passage the is the product of the life of God (2 29, 3 9, 4 7, 5 l,
Word (Aoyoff) of life (1 l). 4, 18), and faith is distinctively the overcoming by
God is represented as Spirit, apprehensible only Him of the evil infiuences of the world (5 4 f.).
by the spiritual attitude of life (4 12; cf. 3 23). It
is to this spiritual sense that God reveals Himself II. Second and Third Epistles.
in His relations to us (4 7 f.). He alone is the true The pointof chief interest in the study of these
God and the only source of spiritual life (5 20; cf. Epistles the question of their authorship. They
is
2 29, 3 10). He is presented to us as the Father both claim as author one who desig-
(2 1, 31); He is also presented to us under the 4, Writer's nates himself "the Elder" (6 irpea-pv-
figure of love (4 8, 16), which is viewed not simply Designation repos), the question being who is to be
as an attribute, but as an energizing activity, im- of Himself, understood by this name.
parting itself to us and in us, not only evidencing The likelihood of a satisfactory an-
our possession of the Divine nature and fellowship swer to this question lies naturally along the line
(4 7, 12, 16), but perfecting itself in our obedience of an induction of the contents of these letters,
to God's commands (2 5; cf. vs. 15-17, 3 14), especially though such induction can not promise much be-
in that command which brings us into love of one cause of the restricted form of the writings.
another (3 23, 4 12). This love has prompted God The situation presented by the letters is briefly
to send His Son for the saving of the world (4 9 f.)
as follows:
and to bring us into filial relations with Himself
(1) The Second Epistle was written to the mother of a
(3 1). Further, He is presented under the figure of
household, certain members of which were walking in the
light (15), which is viewed specifically as an energi- truth, presumably certain others not so
zing activity. In fact, since this statement is pre- It was written to urge three
'^^Iking (ver.
*).
K. Situa-
sented as summing up the message of the Epistle
*''
. things (a) The following out of the command
:
the meanwhile to warn Gaius against following this example evidently to a class of mature men, appointed to
of Diotrephes, and to encourage hini in hia good conduct until the general oversight of the community [cf. I Th
they should see each other (vs. "• *^' ^*)-
5 12]; I Ti 5 1, where obviously age is meant [cf.
From this it is clear: (1) That these were purely Tit 2 2-8]. See Apostle), it is clear that the author
personal letters. (2) That the II Ep. moves in a may have used the term here of himself, as Papias
surrounding which reminds us of that of the I Ep., may have used it of the Apostles in his statement,
which is confirmed by a closer study of the false to designate one who belonged to the older genera-
teachers referred to in the former, showing them to tion which was passing away.
have been (a) of the same Cerinthian class, denying Such a term would be quite in accord with the
the Divine Sonship of Jesus (vs. 3, 9; cf. I Ep. 4 10, 14, situation presented in these letters. To this Chris-
5 10 f.); (b) of the same Docetic class, denying that tian mother, in trouble about her household, to
Jesus is come in the flesh (ver. 7; cf. I Ep. 4 2 f.); (c) this Christian Gaius in the emergency of his church
of the same Antinomian class, ignoring the com- administration, it would give his encouragement
mands of God (vs. 4, 6, 9; cf. I Ep. 3 7-12). (3) That and warning a peculiar appeal, through this relation-
the III Ep. shows the author to be in responsible ship which he held to the venerated past. If Paul
charge of a certain church, or churches, with con- could use a similar term ("the aged," Trpea-^vrrjs) in
fidence enough in his influence to quell by his his personal letter to his friend Philemon (ver. 9),
personal presence ambitious opposition to his au- John might with even greater propriety use this
thority when
absent. term in his personal letters to these friends.
Nothing definite
is disclosed in the letters as to the If it be contended (Ebrard, Com. on the Epistles
time and place of their composition, though the of John, p. 370) that the opposition to the author
similarity of conditions between II of the III Ep. is not supposable in the case of an
6. Time Ep. and I Ep. would seem to associate —
Apostle the opposition to Paul being based on the
—
and Place, them in the Ephesian region and at the fact that he was not one of the Twelve ^we must
time of the labors of the Apostle John. remember that if the situation presented to us in Rev
The persons to whom the letters are sent seem is in any way historical, we have evidences of a
distinctly enough designated, at least in the case of hostility to the Apostolic claims of John himself,
the III Ep.; yet nothing can be de- especially in the case of the Ephesian Church, which
7. Readers, termined as to their identity. The make the opposition of Diotrephes perfectly possible
phrase of address in the II Ep. ("the (cf. Rev 2 1-3; cf. also 2 8 ff., 18 ff., 3 7 ff.).
elect lady," eicKeKT^ Kvpla) has been variously in- These letters came to be fully accepted by the
terpreted, but obviously is nothing more than an Church only at a relatively late date. For a con-
indefinite term for the individual to whom the letter siderable while they were placed in the
is sent. 1 The Gaius of the III Ep. may be any one 9. External class of Antilegomena, and in Jerome's
of those of the same name mentioned in the N T Evidence, day were generally denied Apostolic
(Ac 19 29, 20 4; I Co 1 14 and Ro 16 23), or may be origin and assigned to authorship by
another person. The name was a common one. The the Presbyter. The earlier tradition, however, and
Diotrephes of the III Ep. is mentioned nowhere that held by prominent Fathers such as Irenajus
else in the N T, while the Demetrius is not likely and Clement of Alexandria, was that they came
to be identified with the Demetrius of Ac 19 23 ff. from the Apostle, the Presbyter tradition arising
This all comes to the general result that while the later. This may iDe accounted for by the fact that
Epistles disclose nothing which definitely decides as private letters they would be relatively slow in
their authorship, such indications as coming to light and when known would be naturally
8. Author- they give are in the direction of an questioned as to their Apostolic credentials, espe-
ship. authorship by the Apostle John. The cially as they did not contain an Apostolic name (as
only question is whether the author's Philemon did). This would tend to confirm such
peculiar designation of himself as "the elder" is one doubt as might arise from the slowness of their
which the Apostle could and naturally might in the appearance and formulate it into an assignment
circumstances of these letters use of himself. of them to the otherwise unlcnown Presbyter of
In answering this question we must remember Papias. The fact, however, that when they first
that the only testimony we have as to the existence appeared they were held to have come from the
of a so-called Presbyter (Elder) John is that of Apostle by persons who in those times were the best
Papias, and that there is absolutely no proof of informed and that this view persisted even when
his residence and work in Asia and the Ephesian the suspicion regarding them formulated itself into
region (cf. Drummond, Character and Authorship the other view shows that the evidence for the
of the Fourth Gospel, pp. 194-235, and John, Gospel earlier opinion must have been peculiarly strong,
OF, § 3). When we recognize^ however, that in while the later opinion is more of the character of a
Papias' statement the Apostles, including John, as suggestion of ignorance than of a statement of fact.
well as this unknown disciple Jo-hn, are designated
Literature Among Introductions, those of Jiilicher (Eng.
:
elders (jrpetr^vrcpoC), and when we consider the fact transl. 1904) and Zahn (Eng. transl. 1908) will best pre-
that in the NT this term is not used exclusively sent the opposite positions of modern German scholarship.
in an official sense (cf. Ac 14 23, where it refers Among Commentaries, the following will be found most
helpful: Ebrard (Eng. transl. 1860); Haupt (Eng. transl.
1879); Wolf (1887) ;Westcott (1886); Huther (18693);
and
"Weiss (1899) in Meyer Krit-exeget. Kom. ilb. d. N T;
1 If the term be taken as a mystioal designation of the
Holtz-
church addressed, it may be that thia II Ep. is the letter to
the local church referred to in III Ep. ver, ^ (cf. Zahn, Introd.,
mann in Haud-Com. Z.NT (1892). Also art. by Saln^ond
mHDB. M.W.J.
§ 71).
436
John, Gospel of A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
JOHN, GOSPEL OF
Analysis of Contents
1.
4d7 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY John, Gospel of
Gh. 6 furnishes the one point of detailed contact with the When we come to study the material covered by
Synoptic narrative, presenting to the readers the feeding of
the multitude with which Jesus' Galilean ministry waa
this outline we find at the outset that while the
brought to its close (cf. Mk 6 32-44 and ||s). It gives in ad- author is not named there is used an
dition, however, the subsequent address of Jesus in the syn- (a)Bearing expression in referring to one of the
agogue at Capernaum before the crowd which had followed upon Au- disciples which is significant as appear-
Him back to the other side of the lake (6 ^fi-sa Ev's ex- —
planation 6 ^^), with its effect on the people (6 "o-^^* Ev's — thorship. ing to be the author's designation of
explanation 6 ^^^' o^) and on the Twelve (6 O'*-^!— Ev's ad- himself ("the disciple whom Jesus
dition as to effect on Jesus of the hostility of the Jews 7 0- loved," 13 23, 19 26, 20 2, 21 7, 20). Naturally such
There then follows Jesus' final departure from Galilee at
a phrase turns us to one of the three disciples
the time of the Feast of Tabernacles, for His closing ministry
in Jerusalem (7 ^^*'), the state of feeling in the city concerning
—
Peter, James, and John ^who were on terms of in-
Him (7 11-13) with His teaching in the Temple and its effect timate fellowship with Jesus. Of these three, how-
upon the people (7 i4-8i)j the effort of the Pharisees and chief ever, Peter is excluded, because of his definite naming
priests to arrest Him, with Jesus' reply and its popular effect
(7 32-38)^ and finally His appeal on the last day of the Feast
along with this peculiarly described disciple (13 23 f.,
—
and its effect (7 37-44 Ev's explanation 7 3^), closing with the 18 15 f., 20 2-10, 21 7, 20-23). James is also excluded
report of the officers to the Pharisees and chief priests and because of his early martyrdom (Ac 12 2, 44 a.d.).
the effort of Nicodemus to stay action (7 **-^3
«o).
—
Ev's explana-
John alone remains, and while he is not described
tion 7
Then is given Jesus' further public teaching
— —
probably in
connection with this same Feast with the Pharisaic hostility
elsewhere by this phrase, he is found in such com-
panionship with Peter in the Jerusalem Church life
which it developed and Jesus' escape from the city (8 i^"*^
(Ac 3 1-11, 4 1-22, 8 14; cf. also Gal 2 9) as would
excise episode of the woman taken in adultery, 8 i-n), Jesus'
return to the city and His healing of the blind man with the correspond with the companionship of Peter and his
hostility it aroused (9 i~^) and Jesus' discourse (9 3o-io 21)^ peculiarly described disciple in the Gospel narrative
finally Jesus' presence at the Feast of Dedication, with the
(see passages above; cf. also Lk 22 8). Assuming
Jews' demands on Him for a plain statement of His Messiah-
ship and Jesus' answering discourse (10 22-38), its irritating
that the Apostle John is thus referred to, is he to be
effect upon the Jews, and Jesus' escape to the other side of identified with the author of the Gospel? In answer
the Jordan, followed by a sympathetic multitude (10 39-42)_ to this question there are certain things which a more
Ch. 11 presents Jesus* return from the east of the Jordan
detailed study of the Gospel renders quite evident.
to Bethany upon annoimcement of the sickness of Lazarus
(11 i"i* —Ev's explanation 11 ^ and reserving statement ver.^), (1) Such study shows that whoever the author
whom He raises from the dead (11 17-44)^ tj^e effect of the may have been he was a Jew. The evidence for this
miracle upon the Jews who were present (11 *^^') and upon is briefly: (a) His familiarity with the situation of
the Pharisees and chief priests (11 *''-^^),with. the departure
of Jesus and His disciples to Ephraim (11 ^4),
Jewish national affairs e.g., (a) the loss by the
There then is presented Jesus' last visit to Jerusalem. Jews of the legal right to put to death (18 31, 19 7);
closing the main narrative of the book (11 *^20 3i). This (j3) the function of the high priest in the trial of a
large section opens with a statement of the coming Passover
prisoner (18 19, 24, as compared with 18 13). (b)
Feast, the curiosity of the people, and the command of the
Pharisees for Jesus' arrest (11 66-s7). Following this come His familiarity with the Jewish parties e.g., (a)
Jesus' arrival at Bethany and the Supper given Him in the party composition of the Sanhedrin (7 45-52)
—
Lazarus' home {12 i"* Ev's explanation 12 • and additional
(/3) the identification of the chief priests with the
statement 12 ^), the council of the Jews against Lazarus (12
^^ '•), Jesus' triumphal entry into Jerusalem, with its effect on
Sadducees, as in their subordination to the popular
the Pharisees (12 "-is—Ev's comment 12 i^-is), the desire of leadership of the Pharisees (passim), and their
certain Greeks to see Him, with His remarks. His withdrawal haughty aristocracy of manner (11 49), (c) His
—
from publicity (12 ^o-aa Ev's statement as to the persistent
familiarity with Jewish customs e.g., (a) the minor
unbelief of the Jews, with confirmation from prophecy,
12 37-43)^ and His further remarks (12 ""M). feasts— as Dedication (10 22; cf. I Mac 4 59); (jS) the
This brings the narrative to the Passover Meal of Jesus with custom of attending the feasts in Jerusalem (7 2-13),
His disciples (13 i), which is given in detail, with the preceding the habit of the Galileans in particular (4 45), as well
controversy among the disciples (13 ^^), the disclosure of the
betrayer during its course (13 21-35)^ and the questions of the
as the ceremonial details during their observance
disciples (13 36-38)^ leading up to His consolatory discourse as those of the last day of the Feast of Tabernacles
(chs. 14-16), and valedictory prayer (ch. 17). (7 37) ; (y) the necessity which controlled the Sab-
There then follow the departure of Jesus and His disciples
bath of the Passover (19 31, 42); (g) the law of de-
from the room and their arrival in Gethsemane (18 i), with
the narrative of the betrayal (18 ^1^), the taking of Jesus filement during the feast (18 28) and of purifica-
to Annas (18 i3» —Ev's explanation 13^), the trial before tion before the feast (1155-57); (e) the marriage
Caiaphas (18 1^^*), and the presentation of Jesus before customs (2 1 ; cf 3 29) and the manner of burying
flf. .
Pilate for judgment (18 ^s), with the details of His examina-
(11 44, 19 39 f.). (d) His famiUarity with ideas and
tion by that official (18 28-19 12), and the final surrender to
the demand of the crowd for His Crucifixion (19 i^-ifl). conceptions peculiarly Jewish e.g., (a) the relations
This is followed by a narrative of the Crucifixion (19 >^"37 between the Samaritans and the Jews (4 9) O) the;
Ev's explanation 19 3imandseIf-testimonyvs. 36-37)^ the burial
Rabbinic avoidance of conversation with a woman
(19 38-42)^ and the Resurrection, with its accompanying ap-
pearances to the disciples (20 i-^s), closing with the Ev's (4 27) (y) the importance attached to education in
;
statement as to the motive of the narrative (20 30 '•). the Rabbinic schools (7 16, 49) (S) the Messianic
;
C!h. 21 is added evidently by way of supplement or epilogue, expectations among the people (ch. 7). (e) The
giving an appearance of Jesus to His disciples at the Sea of
fact that he was acquainted with the Hebrew text
Tiberias (21 1-«), with its effect upon the disciples (21 ^'<
Ev's explanation 21 7'*' ^), the following meal upon the shore sufficiently to correct the LXX. rendering of his quo-
—
(21 9-14 Ev's explanation 21 8=1 and statement 21 1*), Jesus' tations by the original reading e.g., the citation
questions to Peter, with Peter's responses and the commis-
sions given him (21 I'^-iO. and finally Jesus' prophecy regard-
from Zee 12 10 (19 37), and that from Ps 41 9 (13 18).
ing Peter, with Peter's query and Jesus' response (21 18-23 Finally (f) the fact that his style bears a Hebrew
Ev's explanation 21 1^ and statement 21 23), stamp and betrays a Hebrew influence e.g., (a) the
This is closed with a formal assurance by those who pub- repetition of phrase with advancement of thought
lished the Crospel as to the reliability of the record, with the
in 1 1-5, 1011-16, 15 1-10, 17 2-5, 9 f., 16-17); O) the
impression of the writer representing them as to its relation
in extent to the whole of Jesua' life (21 24 f.). parallelism of ideas with contrasted juxtaposition
A StANDAfet) BIBLE t)ICTlONAIi"¥' 43^
John, Gospel of
of Jesus
of words in 6 35, 12 44f,, 13 20; (y) the symbolic at close range, but from the view-point
tendency of thought in 1 4 f., 5 25, 6 55 f., 12 32, 14 19. own knowledge of them. In fact, there is a frequent
intimations
(2) It shows the author was a Palestinian Jew appreciation of Jesus' own less evident
i.e., a Jew who knew the land through a personal and allusionsand a profound entrance mto His
acquaintance which came from living in it. From action and thought which would most naturally
the frequency and detail of geographical and topo- accord not simply with a personal participation m
graphical reference in Mt and Mk, as over against His ministry, but with a peculiar closeness of com-
Lk, it would seem that such a characteristic agreed panionship in all the life he was privileged to live
with the Palestinian residence of the first two writers. with the Master (cf. 4 34-38, 6 6, 64 f., 71, 11 6, 13 11,
But this characteristic is more marl<:ed in the Fourth 28 f.). If it be said that this, after all, might be the
Gospel than in either Mt or Mk, and it is often of a result of a native power of vision into the self of
peculiarly detailed and descriptive kind e.g.j (a) a Jesus and of a keenness in the reading of the dis-
distinguishing of places from others of similar name ciples' character exercised by some spiritual genius a
(128,21,11), (b) a definiteness regarding out-of-the hundred years after the earthly ministry had been
way places (3 23, 11 54), (c) a descriptiveness regard- finished, the question immediately arises whether
ing well-known places (4 5 f., 11, 20, 6 19, 22-25), such vision and insight would not have been im-
(d) a familiarity of detail regarding Jerusalem and measurably more possible under the stimulus of a
the Temple (2 20, 5 2, 8 20, 10
18 1, 19 13, 41).
23, personal contact with Jesus and His disciples in the
The significance of these references evident in the
is actual events which that ministry produced. Al-
fact that several of them are to places destroyed or together the author's narrative has nothing in it of
lost sight of in the fall of Jerusalem and consequently the artificial. The statements of fact are not forced.
which could only with difficulty have been known of The reproductions of impressions are not labored.
in the 2d cent. The undesigned way in which they appear bears
(3) It shows the author was an eye-witness of the stamp of naturalness. The very frankness
the events which he describes. Obviously, in propor- with which sometimes the impressions of the event
tion as theforegoing points have to do with the occur- are corrected by the better understanding of later
rences in Jesus* ministry, the familiarity which they years (2 22, 12 16), and the independency with
disclose is that which goes most naturally with an which in essential matters the Synoptic point of view
actual participation of the narrator in what occurred. — which by the 2d cent, had attained a position of
Obviously also, els this familiarity discloses itself to be —
authority in the Church is handled (e.g., as to the
the characteristic of the narrative in general, the in- scene of the ministry, the duration of the ministry,
ference of personal contact with the events recorded the cleansing of the Temple, the date of the Last
is strongly confirmed. Now, as a matter of fact, Mat- Supper, and the Crucifixion) betray a first-hand
thew and Mark display this characteristic in their gen- knowledge of the facts. In view, then, of this in-
eral narrative, as over against Luke, whose versatility direct testimony as to the eye-witness character
would have enabled him easily to crowd his record of the record, such passages as 19 35, where the
with the marks of personal participation in its events author calls upon Christ Himself (ckcIpos; cf.
if he had had it. This participation, however, Mat- Zahn, Introd., § 65) to witness to the truth of what
thew did personally have (see Matthew, Gospel op, he says, and 21 24, where those who publish the
§ Ij), while Mark had it through Peter—from whom Gospel indorse the truthfulness of its contents, are
he got his material and who was one of Jesus' most most significant. The first is the outpouring of the
intimate and perhaps most impressionable disciples. author's own soul in memory of the closing scene
It is interesting, therefore, to note that this familiar- of the great tragedy on Calvary; the other is the
ity is characteristic of the Fourth Evangelist's nar- deliberate assurance of those who knew him and his
rative to a greater degree than it is even of Matthew's personal contact with the history which he gives.^
or Mark' s. It is not a mere definiteness of statement
that is displayed, since this is possible where there ' That the Gospel shows signs of editorial work is, of
has been no personal presence (cf. Mt 4 13, before course, to be frankly admitted, in view of such a statement
Matthew's call) much less is it mere length of state-
; as this in 21 24 f. In fact, it may be that the designation of
ment, for this is even more possible without a per- the author as "the disciple whom Jesus loved" (13 ^^, 19 ^fl,
20 2' 2°) is more likely to have come from those who knew
sonal presence (cf. Mt 4 24 f., before Matthew's call) the author's relationship to Jesus than from this self-eliminar
but a familiarity of touch which gives to the narra- ting author himself ; while the Baptist's designation of Jesus els
tive a personal cast that most naturally involves "the Lamb of God, that taketh away the sin of the world"
(1 29) is so different from his conception of the Coming One
a personal contact with the events (cf., e.g., 1 3^52,
as given us in the Synoptics as to suggest a development of
4 4-42, 6 1-14, 1 1 1-46, 19 25-27. Notably in comparison his spiritual ideas by others (see John the Baptist, § 4).
with Synoptic parallels 7 2-10 [cf. Lk 9 61-56], 12 1-8 Obviously, the displaced arrangement of the Gospel's mar
[cf. Mk 14 3-9; Mt 26 6-13], 13 1-20 [cf. Lk 22 24-30],
terial (e.fir., oh, 6 before oh. 6, though directly connected
with 7 1^24; 7 1-14 before vs. 1^24^ though they stand rightly
18 2-12 [cf. Mk 14 43-52; Mt 26 47-56; Lk 22 47-63]). before vs. 25-30 j 7 4&-62 after vs. s'"*-*, though they properly
This personal cast comes to its finest expression precede them; chs. 15, 16 after 14 ^i, which is clearly the
in the passages where the author gives the character close of the discourse, instead of after 13 20, or the "Jesus
saith" of 13 3i; 18 i»-24 between vs. ^s and 2b, which properly
of the disciples and some of the followers of Jesus
belong together, instead of after ver. ^^, to which they
(e.g., Philip, 6 7, 14 8; Thomas, 11 16, 14 5, 20 24-29; clearly relate)— all this displacement is most naturally ac-
Peter, 13 6-9, 20 3-10, 21 3-22 [cf. the bold statement counted for by editorial manipulation of the original ma-
terial (see Burton, Short Introduction to the Gospels, pp. 117-
of Mt 14 28-31]; Martha and Mary, 11 20-32, 39, 12 2).
129), Such editing, however, does not affect the bearing of
There is an intimacy of knowledge in what is said, the general material of the Gospel upon its authorship as
as though the subjects had been studied not only presented in the foregoing section.
M A STANMM) MBLE MCTIONARY J'ohn, Crospd of
As to the time when the Gospel was written, on the External evidence is practically at one in ascribing
upposition that ch. 21 is by the author, ver. 18 f. to the Gospel a Ist-cent. origin and an authorship'
would seem to indicate that Peter's by a John whose contact with the
b)Bearing death had taken place, while vs. 20-23 3. External Gospel history is of first-hand charac-
ipon Date, would seem to imply that the author's Evidence. ter. In fact, it is so clear that by this
was well advanced and for that
life John external evidence understands the
eason the tradition that he was not to die was being Apostle that such scholars as Drummond {Character
evived. On the supposition that ch. 21 is by and Authorship of the Fourth Gospel, pp. 346-351),,
mother hand, or hands, it would have no bearing Stanton {The Gospels as Historical Documents, pp,
)ii the question save that ver. 24 would show by its 232-238), Sanday {Criticism of the Fourth Gospel,
ise of the present tense that the editors were con- pp. 238-248), Ezra Abbot {The Fourth Gospel, pp-
semporary with the author. Apart, however, from 75 f., 84 f.), and Hamack {Chronologie d. altchrist.
iny testimony in this ch. the lateness of the Gospel's Literatur, I, p. 677) on careful and painstaking inves-
f?riting is evident from the maturity which pervades tigation frankly admit it. This evidence is, in brief,
the Gospel's thought, as seen in the principle which that at the close of the 2d cent, the Gospel was uni-
apparently controls the selection of material —
e.^., versally accepted throughout the Church as the Apos-
(a) the production of Jesus' profound discourses tle John's. From this date its acceptance as John's
(chs. 2-8, 10-17), (b) the development of thoughts can be traced back to Irenaeus, the significance of
present germinally in the Synoptics (cf. Mt 11 4-6 whose assignment of it to this source lies in the fact
with Jn 5 36, 10 25, 38, 14 U, 15 24; Mt 9 15, 26 11 that he was a pupil of Polycarp, who was himself a
with Jn 13 1-3, 33, 36, 7 34, 8 21, 14 2 f., 12, 19, 28, pupil of the Apostle John (see John the Apostle) .1
16 5, 10, 16, 17 11). But this maturity of the Apos- At the same time its use, independent of assignment
tle's thought is due to a lateness in the Apostolic to Apostolic authorship, can be traced to the first
Age; since it is difRcult to understand where the decade of the 2d cent., showing it thus to be a
reason for
—
—
such selection would be even with a product of the Apostolic Age. Tha* external evi-
mature mind^unless it was in the author's times. dence, therefore, unchallenged at the time as it was,
His advance upon the synoptists finds its natural by those whose every interest would have been ta
explanation in the advance of the thought of the dispute it, confirms the evidence from the Gospel
Church, which must have progressed with an ad- itself as to the identity of the author not only with
vance in the age. a John of Jesus' disciple band, but with the John
As to the place of writing, there is nothing in the of His Apostolic circle, is too strong to be successfully
Gospel to determine it; although from controverted.
(c) Bearing what has been shown as to the lateness This John external evidence locates at Ephesus,
upon Place, of its date it is not likely that it was from which place he carried on his later work
written in Palestine. throughout the surrounding region, until his death in
As to the readers, it is clear from 20 30 f. that the reign of Trajan (see John the Apostle). The
they were already Christians evi-— importance of this testimony in connection with the
(d) Bearing dently those with whom the author character of the Gospel's contents is obvious; for
upon had come in contact in his work and Western Asia was a field of speculative thought even
Readers, whom he sought by this presentation of in the Apostolic Age (see Colossians, Epistle
Christ's life to win to a more vital TO the, § 4), and developed along lines which bear
faith in Him. significantly upon the so-called philosophical ele-
As to the purpose of the writing, it is clear the ment in the Gospel. This fact has been used, conse-
author was not aiming at producing a history; the quently, to show that the Gospel is the product of
narrative is too meager for that. Nor its environment, and thus, after all, a philosophical
(e) Bearing did he have in mind the writing of a treatise, and not a record of historical fact. To this
upon biography; there are only glimpses of end the Ephesian residence of the Apostle is disputed
Purpose, the life which are given to us. His and the authorship of the Gospel assigned to another
object was religious, as 20 30 f makes
. — —
John of Ephesus the Presbyter with whom it is
plain and clear. And if it be said that all the syn- claimed the Fathers have confused the Apostle,,
optists had a similar object (Gospel, Gospels, §3), who lived and died in Palestine and who had neither
it is apparent that the religious object of this Fourth the ability nor the quality which would produce
Gospel in a unique way centered itself on bringing such a speculative work. This is one of the points;
out the personaUty of Christ as it had impressed of the revived attack upon the Gospel to-day (Har-
itself upon the author's own spiritual life — not by a nack, Chronologie, I, pp. 675-680; Jiilicher, In-
display of His miraculous deeds, for the miracles troduction, pp. 402-429; Schmiedel in EB, II, cols.
given are few; nor by a disclosure of the people's 2506-2514; see also Wernle, Beginnings of Chris-
enthusiasm for Him, for it is the popular coldness
and hostility to Him which characterize the record,
Character and Authorship of the Fourth Gospel, pp. 228-235,
but by a presentation of Jesus' own consciousness
and for a discussion of the theory of Delff, which would sup-
of His divinely human self. This constitutes the plement it, that the author was a younger disciple attached
internal evidence. It would seem to establish the to the circle of the Twelve, see Sanday, Criticism of Fourth
identity of the author referred to in § 2a, above.* Gospel, pp. 19, 99-108.
1 In explanation of the failure of Irenseus distinctly to
Jesus' later ministry. If it be demurred finally that as a product of his own idealizing through the
it isunthinkable that a Galilean peasant, siich as the suggestion of his surroundings. We do not believe
son of Zebedee, should have been capable of seeing we overstate it when we say that the hostility to the
such a side of Jesus if it did exist, and capable of Fourth Gospel does not come from an impartial
giving it to us if he saw it, we must not forget that if historical criticism of the document as literature,
John belonged to the intimate circle of Jesus' dis- but from a fundamental prejudice to the Divine per-
ciples, and if, in this circle, he could be designated as sonality which it presents.
the disciple whom Jesus specially loved, then there I. The thought of the Gospel gathers around
must have been in the relation of the disciple to the Person of Christ. By this is meant not merely
Jesus that personality of acquaintance with the that the Evangelist makes Jesus' dis-
Master which could have formed the foundation 5. The courses the contents of his Gospel, but
of such a knowledge of the deeper and more thought- Theology that Jesus makes the contents of His
ful side of Jesus which would have made possible of the discourses Himself (see preceding §).
an attention to and a reproduction of just such Gospel. This is their characteristic; their sub-
discourses as this Fourth Gospel characteristically ject is the self of Jesus. That per-
gives. If it is natural for the more pragmatic sonality of whose presence we are so conscious in
Matthew and Peter to have caught the more practical the Synoptic narrative is presented to us here with
side of Jesus' ministry and reproduced it in their a directness and a fulness that have made these
narratives, is it beyond all naturalness that the more discourses the storm-center of the Gospel's criti-
mystical John could have caught the more thought- cism. If it can be gathered from the Synoptics that
fid side of Jesus* ministry and reproduced it in his Jesus' consciousness of His self was the source of His
—
narrative especially when the manifestation of that consciousness of His Messiahship and created not
side must have been so largely confined to the later only the spirit in which, but the view-point from
Jerusalem ministry which he makes substantially which, all His Messianic work was done, then from
the contents of his record ? Much is and ought to these discourses it must be convincingly clear that
be made of the subjective element disclosed in the this self-consciousness of Jesus was the ever-present
author's handling of his material. On this veiy fact of His life, the eternal conviction in all that He
basis, however, if the Gospel was written when and said, and the undying motive and reason in all that
where tradition places it, the environment of thought He did. Jesus' teaching regarding Himself is thus
and life in which the author found himself must naturally the heart of the Fourth Gospel's theology
have stimulated him to just such a deeper recollec- (seeGospel, Gospels, § 6).
tion and profounder presentation of the life which In this teaching Jesus speaks of Himself in three
he had witnessed and the personality with which ways: (1) As the Christ, (2) as the Son of Man,
he had come in contact. Such a character as is here (3) as the Son of Grod. (1) As the Christ, Jesus came
presented may not have been created by the philo- necessarily face to face with the traditional national-
sophical and theological atmosphere of Western ism of the Jews, especially in the later controver-
Asia at the close of the 1st cent., but the deeper sial stage of His ministry. Over against their con-
appreciation of it as it had actually shown itself and ception of what the Messiah should be stood the
the more thoughtful disclosure of it as it had come spiritual conception with which He informed the
to be appreciated must have been influenced by title. As Messiah He was not a political revolu-
such surroundings, as they could not have been tionist (6 14 f.), not even the king who should fulfil
by the simpler life and thought of the early years the theocratic ideal (1 41, 49-51); He was the repre-
of the Apostolic Age. It is, of course, urged that in sentative of a new spiritual order which, apart from
the criticism of the Epistle to the Hebrews it is all theocratic conditions, was to estabUsh the will
claimed that a man like Paul could not possibly have of God in the hearts and fives of men (cf. the talk
written in such an elevated style and with such with the Samaritan woman, leading up to His
strange philosophical ideas as the writer of this acknowledgment of Messiahship, 4 7-26). Naturally,
Epistle, which is all that is claimed against the therefore. He does not enter into the poHtical debates
Fourth Gospel. This ignores, however, the impor- of the people regarding His Messialiship (ch. 7),
tant fact that the cases are not similar. Paul has nor answer their request for a plain aimouncement
given us an established character of style and views of His Messianic claims (10 24). What He was as
in his accepted Epistles. Disagreement with these Messiah was so far above what they thought the
on the part of the author of Hebrews is so great that Messiah to be that He could not use the title with
there can be no identity of authorship. On the other any hope of being understood. It is only with the
hand, John has given us no such standard. In fact, Samaritan woman at the begiiming (4 26) and with
we get a picture of the man from the Synoptic the disciples at the end (17 3) that the title is as-
history and from the Book of Acts and from acknowl- sumed but the conception of the spiritual opposite
;
edged tradition which shows him to have been in to their ideas is always present. When we examine
the direction of just such a writing. The question this conception we find that Jesus practically
is simply whether he could have grown, not changed, identifies it with His conception of Himself as the
to it. As a matter of fact, the whole problem re- Son of Man (cf. 7 31-34 with 12 34-36) and as the
duces itself to the query whether it is easier to un- Son of God (cf. 9 22 with ver. 35; 10 24 with vs. 25-38;
derstand the Apostle as reproducing Christ's own cf. also Martha's unrebuked identification, 11 27).
expression of His personality, as he had come (2) As Son of Man, Jesus came again in conflict
spiritually to appreciate it under the pressure of his with traditional Messianic conceptions, though at a
environment, or as creating this personality itself farther remove from popular ideas; for whatever
443
John, Gospel of A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
of His
the people may have known of it from its usage in Tabernacles (ch. 8), He speaks of the accord
the O T (Dn ch. 7), they had no distinct under- words as the Son of Man with what had been taught
standing of it (12 34). Jesus was, therefore, more Him by His Father (ver. 28). It is plain, therefore,
that in a real sense His prerogatives as
Son of God,
free to use it and to put into it His consciousness of
character as Son of
His relationship to man. As He presents it, this His origin as Son of God, His
God, belong to Him also as Son of Man
and so, in
relationship is that of One who had descended from
Heaven as His abode (3 13) and was, therefore, to fact,' as Messiah. In other words, Jesus' whole
ascend again into Heaven (6 62), and who was thus presentation of Himself rests upon and is derived
to establish in Himself communication between from the unity of His consciousness of the unique
Heaven and Earth (1 51). Because of this heavenly relation which He sustained to God.
origin and consummation, He was the dispenser of When we come to study the Evangelist's own
eternal life to men (6 27, 33, 51-54) and, at the same conception of Jesus as apart from Jesus' conception
time,theexecutor of judgmentamongthem(5 27). In of Himself, we find that, while he does not use the
this mission, however. He was to be lifted up upon term Son of Man, he speaks of Jesus as the Messiah
the Cross (3 14, 8 28, 12 32), and through this Cross through whom has come into the world the revelar
to be glorified (12 23 f., 13 31). This title designates tion of God and spiritual life (1 17; cf. ver. 18), and
thus the imique character of His personality as the as theSon of God whose origin was with God (13 3)
Founder and Head of the Kingdom of God, and in and with whom He is in imique relations (1 18)—
proportion as it resolves into itself the title of involving, according to 1 1-3, 10,a fellowship with
Messiah shows His conception of His Messiahship God and an instrumentality in His creative activity
to involve in itself a nature beyond that of man.
—
before the world was ^who was commissioned by
(3) This is brought out distinctly in His use of God to the redemption of the world (3 16 f., 34 f,;
the title Son of God; for through this title Jesus cf. 1 ^14), and through whom alone this redemption
presents His more intimate relationship to God in is possible (3 18, 36). These titles he unites in his
His origin with God (8 42), whom He knows thus in declaration of the purpose for which his Gospel
a primary way (8 55) and whose heavenly glory He was written (20 31).
possessed before His coming into the world (17 5), That he uses such Philonic terms as d \6yos (1 1,
in the character of His work as perfectly represent- 14) and 6 fiopoyevijs (1 14, 18, 3 16, IS) to express his
ing the will of God (5 30, 6 38, 8 29, 46), and thus conception of the person of Christ shows that he ia
as perfectly revealing God's truth (8 40-46, 14 6 f., interpreting his idea for the Hellenic world around
18 37; cf. 8 26 with vs. 31 f. and 36; cf. 17 4, 6-8 with him. But there is no evidence that this interpretar
vs. 14-17), and in the character of His own self, as tion goes so far as a misrepresentation of Jesus Him-
one with God not only morally (17 21-23), but self, in which the author struggled unsuccessfully
actually (10 38, 14 9, 11) and essentially (10 30, 17 5). to fuse the actual statements of Jesus with the
Such a title, whether understood by the people philosophy of his day (as maintained by Scott,
in a Messianic sense or not (1 49; cf. Mt 26 63), was The Fourth Gospelj 1906, ch. xii). For in the first
certain to arouse the fiercest resentment from their place, it is to be noted that these terms are rigidly
monotheism (5 18, 8 58f., 10 30-39), and we might excluded from the discourses.^ They appear only
have thought that for this reason it would have in those passages which represent the Evangelist's
been declined by Jesus. Its use is, therefore, all own interpretation of this Personality; in fact, they
the more significant as showing that, while Jesus stand conspicuously as the expression of his own
avoided the political controversy into which the ideas. Furthermore, it is clear that the discourses
title of Messiah would have inevitably brought Him, themselves show nothing short of a perfect con-
He did not hesitate to face the people with the title sistency between Jesus* statements regarding Him-
which expressed the fundamental claim on which self and that fundamental consciousness of His
He was conscious the whole character of His work separate relationship to God which He possessed
for the salvation of the world depended. At the in virtue of a sinlessness it was not possible for
same time, it is evident that with Jesus these two humanity to posit of itself, and of f imctions human-
titles, Son of Man and Son of God, involve much of ity itself could not exercise. This is all the more
the same idea. In His discourse at the unnamed significant when we realize that this consciousness is
Feast (ch. 5) He speaks of His work as the Son, disclosed in the Synoptic record which is claimed
asserting the power which He possessed as Son of as the standard of Jesus' thought and life (see
God to raise the dead (vs. 25-29) and at the same Gospel, Gospels, § 6). This being, then, the
time the judgment He was to execute as Son of Man teaching of Jesus and of the Evangelist on the
(ver. 27). So in His discourse after the feeding of doctrine whose presentation is characteristic of the
the multitude (ch. 6) He declares that through Gospel, the remaining points in its theology can be
acceptance of the Son men were to have eternal briefly stated.
life and be raised at the last day (ver. 40), and along II. The idea of God. The statements of Jesus
with this asserts that it is His prerogative as Son of and of the EvangeUst regarding the nature of God
Man to give to men eternal life (ver. 27) in fact, that
; and His relationship to the world do not differ es-
eternal life and resurrection at the last day are sentially from the presentation given us by the syn-
possible only through acceptance of this Son of optists. There is the same monotheism (5 44, 17 3),
Man (ver. 53 f.), and that spiritual life is to be —
the same Fatherhood ^in a general way toward
found only in His words, who as Son of Man is to
ascend where He was before (ver. 62 f.; cf. ver. 68). ' 17 ^"^ is not a Logos passage, and the Nicodemus discourse
Again, in the discourse following the Feast of ends, obviously, with 3 ^\
443 A STAKDAKD BIBLE DICTIONARY John, Gospel of
allmen (3 16, 4 23), and in a unique way toward Such impetuousness as he showed in his early
Jesus Himself (3 35, 5 20, 10 17, 15 9, 17 24) and discipleship seems to have been the outcome of a
through Him toward His disciples (14 23, 16 27, 17 23), nature whose strength lay in the intensity of its
His commission of Jesus is the supreme evidence of affections. He was not a 'Son of Thunder' in the
His love to the world (3 16), which He desires not to same way as was his brother, Herod did not find
condemn but to save (3 17, 5 22), though judgment, in him the aggressive propagandist he did in James
in the sense of testing, is essentially involved in the (Ac 12 1 f.) the Master did not find in James the
;
revelation of Jesus' mission (12 47-50). At the same devoted 'son' He did in him (Jn 19 26 f.). The
time, God is in His nature Spirit (4 24), and so can be stories told us by tradition of his rushing from the
apprehended only by spiritual vision (6 46, 14 9), and, public bath when he knew the heretic Cerinthus was
though the giver of spiritual life to the world (5 26, under the same roof, and of his allowing himself
6 57; cf. 1 12 f.), can in this giving be appropriated to be taken captive by a robber band in order to
only by a spiritual attitude (5 40, 6 37-39, 14 21-23). reclaim a youth whom he had converted and who
III. The idea of the world. As the physical had fallen again into evU life, if they are to be
universe, it has come into being through the in- accepted as true, show, after all, the man of intense
strumentality of Jesus in His preexistent relation- emotions rather than the man of aggressive action.
ship with God (1 3, 10); as the world of human life, This was really at the heart of what in the Gospel
it was entered by Jesus as its spiritual light (3 19, story he did with the exorcist (Mk 9 38 f.) and what
8 12, 9 5, 12 35 f., 46); as the human world alienated with his brother he proposed to do with the Samari-
—
from God which is the characteristic idea of the tans (Lk 9 51-54). From the day of that first
world in this Gospel (8 23, 12 31, 14 17, 30, 17 14, 25, acquaintance with Jesus at the Jordan to the morn-
18 36) — ^it was the object of God's redeeming love ing of the Resurrection Day at the empty tomb,
(3 16) and of Jesus' redeeming mission (12 46 f.). Its he loved. Peter outran him to the sepulcher and
sin is represented as a darkness, which is complacent pushed ahead of him into the darkened place, but
with itself and hates to subject itself to the light he was the first to imderstand and to believe.
(3 19-21), is of misleading influence (12 35) and of en- The influence of this character upon John'
slaving power (8 34), is a state and condition of the thinking is evident. It is not so much that he has
soul, whose sinful acts are simply manifestations of flung his faith against the error with which he was
itself (8 24, 34), and has its source and impersonation surrounded, but rather that he has taken the greatest
in the devil (8 44).
—
truth of that faith ^the person of his Lord and —
IV. The idea of the Holy Spirit. As distinct in made it his message to his day. This it would not
His personality from Jesus (14 16, 26, 15 26, 16 7, 14 f.). have been possible to do had he not first thrown
He a teacher of the truth which Jesus Himself
is himself into that truth and been mastered by it.
revealed (14 26, 16 13 f.) and thus the glorifying John is not speculative in his presentation of Christ.
witness to Him (15 26, 16 14), dwelling within His He is not a dialectician like Paul. The words of
disciples and inspiring them to an understanding of Jesus, as he heard them in those Gospel days, dis-
His words (14 26) and transforming them in char- closed to him the unfathomable truth of that Divine
acter and life (7 38f,), In relation to the world. life, and he meditated upon them in all the experi-
He convicts it of its sin, convincing it of the right- ence of his after-life, but with a profoundness of
eousness of Jesus and bringing it to realize the judg- spiritual vigor he could never have possessed had.
ment which rests upon it (16 8-11). The Spirit thus he surrendered himself less intensely to Him who
continues redemptive work, fostering the
Jesus' spoke them. The wondrous vision of that Divine
the disciples and giving effectiveness
spiritual life of personahty burned itself into his soul and he con-
to His message of truth to the world. templated it, but with the open eye of spiritual
V. The idea of eternal life. It is a condition of strength impossible in one who loved less passion-
the soul, the opposite of its condemned alienation ately than did he. John is a mystic, but not a weak
from God (3 16-21, 36, 10 28). It is made possible one. His thought is strong, because his nature
by the death of Jesus (3 14 f., 10 10-18, 12 32 f., was intense. His truth is profound, because his
15 13), through faith in whom it is made effective love of Him who incarnated it and revealed it in
(3 16-18, 6 11 25). This
40, 47, faith is a personal Himself was the passion of his life.
relation to Jesus, in which one isunited spiritually Literature : Among Introductions those of Jiilicher (Eng.
to Him as the branch is united to the vine (15 1-8). transl. 1904) and Zahn (Eng. transl. 1908) are the best
representatives respectively of the liberal and conservative
It is called by Jesus a knowing of God and Himself
tendencies of modem German scholarship. Perhaps the
(17 3), which is that conscious attitude of the soul most complete introductory work on this Gospel repre-
in which it not only spiritually apprehends God, as senting present English scholarship is Drummond's Char-
revealed in Christ, but so opens itself to Christ's acter and Authorship of the Fourth Gospel (1904). Among
the Commentaries those of B. "Weiss in Meyer's Krit.-exeget.
incoming that He becomes the ruling power of its Kom. iiber d. N
T (1902") and Zahn in Kom. z. N T
life. It is —
as is its opposite —
a present spiritual (1908) are conspicuous for their exegetical insight, that
state and condition, though —
as is also its opposite of Holtzmann in Hand-Corn. z. N T (1891) for its critical
— it is to be consiunmated in the future world (6 54).
refinement. The comprehensive Commentary of Godet
(Eng. transl. 1887) is in critical and exegetical protest
From the facts of the Apostle's life (see John against the liberal tendencies of his day. The English
THE Apostle) and from the thought works of Dods, in Expositor's Greek Test. (1897) and West-
cott (190214) are scholarly and thorough. Of the New
6. Personal- of his Gospel (see preceding §) and
Testament Theologies, including the German works of
ity of John, of his Epistles (see preceding art., § 3),
"Weiss (Eng. transl. 1888), Beyschlag (Eng. transl. 1895),
it is plain that he presents to us a and Holtzmann (1897), that of Stevens, in the Inter-
personality whicl^ commands our attention, nqtioml Theological library (1899)» is the best. His
John Mark 444
'
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Jonah, Book of
name
work on the Jokannine Theology (1894) faila to dis-
single Judah (Jos 15 38). Site unknown. 2. The
tinguish in the Gospel between the teaching of Jesus and given by Amaziah of Judah to a place
h.dom m
the conceptions of the Evangelist. Lowrie, The Doctrine was, ap-
of St. John (1899), is most suggestive. Of special critical which he conquered. Its former name
works those to be recommended are Lightfoot, E'ssays on parently, Sela 'the
cliff,' usually, but probably
Supernatural Religion (1889); Ezra Abbot, Exterrml Evi- wrongly, identified with Petra, the capital of Mom
dence of the Fourth Gospel (1891); Sanday, The Criticism E. E. N.
of the Fourth Gospel (1905); Scott, The Fourth Gospel, in
(II K
14 7). Site unknown.
Literature of the New Test. Series (1906); Stanton, The
JONA, jo'na, JONAS, jo'nas. See John.
Gospels as Historical Documents (1904); Harnack, Cftro-
nologie der Altchrist. Lit. (1897-1904), also article by Rey- JONADAB, jen'a-dab. See Jehonadab.
nolds in HDB. The volume of Addresses on the Gospel of
St. John, published by the St. John Conference Committee, JONAH, jo'na (n3i% yonah), 'dove'; in NT,
Jonas (Mt 12 39 ff.; Lk 11 29 ff. AV) 1. A prophet,
Providence, R. I., 1905, will be found comprehensive in
:
contents.
For full bibliographies on the Gospel, though necessarily the son of Ammittai (II K 14 25; see Jonah, Book
lacking the recent books, reference may be made to lists of. 2. The father of the Apostle Peter. See John.
contained in Luthardt, St. John the Author of the Fourth A. C. Z.
Gospel (Eng. transl. 1875), in the Eng. transl. of Meyer's
Krit.-exeget. Kom. iiber d. N
T (1875) and in Watkins'
Modem Criticism in Its Relation to the Fourth Gospel JONAH, BOOK OF
(Bampton Lectures for 1890). M. J. W.
Analysis of Contents
JOHN MARK. See Mark.
1. General Nature 6. N T does Not Support
JOIADA, joi'a-da (rn;1\ yoyadha'), 'J' knows': Contents Historicity
2-
1. One who repaired the wall of Jerusalem
of those 3. Jonah the Prophet 7. Positive Proof Against
Miraculous Element Historicity. Date
(Neh 3 Jehoiada AV). 2. A high priest, son of
6,
4.
Jonah a Parable
5. Hiatoricity of Contents 8.
Eliashib. He was a contemporary of Nehemiah
and held office c. 430, but the exact dates of his According to its place in the O T, counted as one
rule are not known (Neh 12 10 f., 22, 13 28). of the twelve minor prophets. But whereas the
E. E. N. other books in this group contain for
1. General the most part prophetic discourses
JOIAKIM, jei'a-kim (D'^p^'i"', yoyaqim), 'J' sets
Nature, with just enough narrative material
up': A
high priest, son of Jeshua (cf. Ezr 5 2, etc.). at intervals to show the occasion upon
He ruled c. 500—450, but exact dates can not be which these were delivered, the Book of Jonah is
given (Neh 12 10, 12, 26). E. E. N.
occupied mainly with a story, and the prophetic
JOIARIB, jei'a-rib (3"i;T\ yoyarthh), 'J" will message in it is put as briefly as possible.
Ch. 1 begins with the account of Jonah's receiving
contend': 1. The head of a priestly family (Neh 1
the commission to preach at Nineveh, though what
10, 12 6, 19; Jehoiarib in I Ch 9 10). 2. One of
his message was to be is not yet stated
Ezra's assistants (Ezr 8 16). 3. A descendant of
Perez (Neh 115). E.E.N. 2. Contents, (ver. l f.). To avoid obedience to this
command he takes passage on a ship
JOKDEAM, jek'de-am (CJ^'ji^^ yogd'^'am): A city for Tarshish (ver. 3). On the way a storm imperils
of Judah (Jos 15 56).Perhaps the same as Jorkeam the safety of the vessel with all on aboard, and the
(I Ch 2 44). Site unknown. E. E. N. crew, on the assumption that their danger is due
to the anger of the god of some one on the vessel, cast
JOKIM, jo'kim iO^\>'^^,yoqim), 'J" will set up': lots to find out who this may be, and Jonah is taken
Probably the name of a post^exilic family (I Ch (vs. 4-7). This leads to their ascertaining his identity
4 22). E. E. N. and the cause of the wrath of his god (vs. 8-10).
JOKMEAM, jek'me-am (Di^^p.;, yogm^'am): 1,
A consultation on what should be done results in his
being cast into the sea; but a monster especially
A Levitical city in Ephraim (I Ch 6 68), called prepared by J' swallows and holds him for three
Kibzaim in Jos 21 22. Site unknown. 2. On I K days and three nights (vs. 11-17). Ch. 2 gives the
4 12 see JoKNEAM. E. E. N. prayer of Jonah "out of the fish's belly." The
JOKNEAM, jek'ne-am (Di?Jp;, yoqn^'am): One language of the prayer, however, is that of one who
speaks as if surrounded by waters and sea vegeta-
of the royal Canaanitish cities situated on Carmel
tion rather than of one imprisoned in the body of a
(Jos 12 22). It lay on the SW. border of Zebulun
living monster (vs. l-iO). Ch. 3 telle of the recom-
^
Jeroboam II (782-740), and predicted the restora- therefore, have used the book as a prophecy or,
tion of "the border of Israel from the entrance of better, as a prophetic parable, in which the repentant
Hamath unto the sea of the Arabah" Ninevites represent those Gentiles who saw the ex-
3, Jonah the (II K 14 25) can not reasonably be cellency of the religion of J". (Cf C. H. H. Wright,
.
Prophet, doubted. The question is whether the Essay Sy 1886, The Book of Jonah, etc.)
book was written by this prophet, and The grounds upon which criticism builds a con-
designed to be a record of his own experiences or a clusion opposed to that of tradition are: (1) The
work of fiction with a moral lesson at the center of impossibility of harmonizing the con-
it,composed by some anonymous prophet of a much 7. Positive tents of the book yith the setting with-
later date. The prophetical teaching of the book Proof which it must have arisen, if it is to
in
will depend on a correct answer to this question. Against be taken as history. In the days of
One view of the book is that it contains a plain Historicity. Jonah, "the sonof Ammittai," Nineveh
statement of facts. The reasons for this view are Date. did not possess the magnitude and im-
primarily the traditional acceptance portance assigned to it in the book.
4. Mirac- of the book as true history, as far back This feature of it is easily understood and appre-
ulous as its existence can be traced. Refer- ciated as a skilful, artistic touch in a work of imagina-
Element, ences to it are to be found in the tion, but it becomes gross misrepresentation if the
Apocrypha (II Es 1 40; To 14 4, 8; work is to be judged strictly as history. It is clearly
III Mac 6 8; cf. also Jos. Ant. IX, 10 2). Moreover, settled from the well-attested evidence in the case
it is to all appearances used in the N T as reliable that the city of Nineveh was enlarged, embellished,
history. Objections to its historicity drawn from and fortified by Sennacherib (701-687 B.C.), who also
the predominance of the prodigious element in the made it the capital of his empire. It had indeed
story are answered by the counter-proposition that served as such before the year 880, when Asshur-
similar objections would hold against the acceptance nazirpal, on ascending the throne, made Calah the
of all accounts of miracles, that there is nothing seat of government and royal residence. Calah
impossible in the miracles narrated, and that these remained the capital between 880 and 701 B.C.
are indeed on a level with those ascribed to Jonah's Precisely in the days of Jonah, therefore (c. 781-
earlier contemporaries, Elijah and Elisha, in the 741), Nineveh had fallen into a secondary place.
Books of Kings. Sennacherib found it "a wretched poor place." Nd
On the other side, it is alleged that the appeal to matter how one may interpret the description of it
tradition is ineffective. Tradition expresses the as "an exceeding great city of three days' journey"
mind of witnesses quite remote from (Jon 33), it is impossible to take the description
5. Histo- the time of the composition of the literally, in view of the testimony of the monuments.
ricity of book. The earliest point to which it (2) The silence of the Hebrew records with reference
Contents, can be traced is at least 200 years short to such a signal triumph of the religion of J', as the
of the latest date assigned to the wri- acceptance of it by the king of Assyria, is unaccount-
tiag, and more than 600 years after the date claimed able. (3) At the time the book was written the
by the historical view, and within this period a false greatness of Nineveh was a thing of the past ("Nine-
conception of it was, in the circumstances, bound to veh was an exceeding great city"). This fixes the
grow. The use of the book as history in the N T date of its production to later than 606 B.C., when
is only apparent. N
The T does not commit Jesus Nineveh was destroyed. (4) From ch. 2 it appears
Christ or its own authors to one or the other of the that the author was acquainted with and used
contending theories. If the understanding of these several of the later Psalms in composing the prayer
N T men was that the book is an allegory, a parable, of Jonah. (5) The character of the language of the
a legendary story, or any other form of fiction, they book is that of the post-exilic period, not that of the
could not have used it in any other way than they 8th cent. Its affinities relate it with Ezra-Nehemiah.
do, and if so, the method of its use does not indicate It contains Aramaic elements and the grammatical
what their view of it was. constructions, which in the O T are found in the
N
On the use made of the book in the T, especially latest books (cf. G. A. Smith in Expositor's Bible).
by Jesus, it may even be argued that it is inconsistent (6) The book does not claim to be a work of Jonah,
with the conception of it as a nar- but one about Jonah. If it were by a contemporary,
6. N T Does rative of facts. Jesus refers to the or even by an immediate follower, it might still be
Not Support story of the Ninevites as a great moral regarded as a true account of the prophet's ex-
Historicity, fact, which would put to confusion the periences, but since it is a late production, it can
men of His own generation at the only be considered a work in which Jonah figures as
Day of Judgment (cf. Lk ll29ff.; Mt 12 39 ff.). the central person of a story. Upon these grounds,
This, however, is quite different from His consider- especially the affinity with Ezra-Nehemiah in
ing it historical in the strict sense of the word. For language, and an allusion to Joel, the date of the
if the repentance had actually occurred. He must book is fixed at some year not much earlier than
have viewed it either as transient or as permanent. 300 B.C. Its acceptance in the Canon in this case
He could not have viewed it as transient and de- as one of the twelve minor prophets becomes per-
duced from it the argument He did. On the other fectly natural.
hand, He could not have viewed it as permanent in The conclusion to which these considerations point
face of the silence of the Books of Kings, and the isthat the Book of Jonah was produced as a protest
still more significant silence of the prophets Isaiah, against the extreme form of Jewish nationalism
Jeremiah, Nahum, and Zephaniah. He must, in the latter half of the 4th cent. B.C., that in liter-
Jonam A STANDAM) BIBLE DICTIONARY 446
Jordan
word for
ary form it is an imaginative work with a moral by the insertion of an "n" into the Heb.
ditfacuity ot
lesson, and that the ancient prophet is chosen as its Moses, probably to obviate the supposed
ot an idol.
hero for his known anti-Assyrian bias. a descendant of Moses becoming the priest
8. JonahIt is no valid objection against this view The old tradition represents him as a Levite engaged
a Parable, to say that the prophet Jonah is a his- to be his priest by Micah in Ephraim,
but earned
torical character and the weaving of his away by the Danites to their city, where he became
3. A
personahty into a work of the imagination is im- the founder of a priestly family (Jg ch. 17 f.)
proper, for that is precisely what all historical son of Abiathar, the high priest in the time of David
fiction has been doing through the history of litera- (II S 15 27). 4. A son of Shimea, a nephew of David
ture. The lesson of the etory is that J" is the God (II S 21 21; in I David's uncle RV, but
Ch 27 32,
not of the Jew only, but also of the Gentile; that He brother's son RVmg.). One of David's heroes
5,
is patient and merciful; that His love extends far (II S 23 32; I Ch 11 34). 6, A son of Uzziah, one of
beyond the limits of the Jewish world into the re- David's treasurers (I Ch 27 25). 7. A son of Jada
moteness where Nineveh lies; that it includes not (I Ch 2 32). 8. The father of Ebed (Ezr 8 6). 9. A
only the Ninevites, but the heathen sailors whose son of Asahel (Ezr 10 15). 10. A Levite (II Ch 17 8).
prayers He hears ; that He cares even for the cattle 11, A son of Joiada of the house of Jeshua (Neh 1211).
(4 11). Contrasted with the true breadth of God's 12. A priest (Neh 12 14). 13. A son of Shemaiah, a
love stands the narrowness of Jonah's own view of Levite (Neh 12 18, 35). 14. A scribe in whose house
the heathen world. Rather than carry a message Jeremiah was imprisoned (Jer 37 15). 15. A son of
to Nineveh, he tries to escape in an opposite direc- Kareah, probably same as 14 (Jer 40 8). A. C. Z.
tion. He has no desire to share the favor of God
with others, and would even rejoice at their destruc- JONATH-ELEM-REHOKIM, jo^nath-i'lem-re-
tion. His attitude of mind, however, is the correct ho'kim. See Music, § 6.
JORAI, jo'ra-ai (""^i^ yoray): The ancestral head channel running comparatively straight N. and S.
of a Gadite family (I Ch 5 13), E. E. N. with a stony bed and basalt cliffs on each side.
Between these the water runs for 10
JORAM, yordm): 1. For the men-
jo'ram (C'jl'', 5. Middle m. almost in the form of continuous
Huleh, it runs below the sea-level through the re- flood; it is rather the generally precipi-
mainder of its course, the only stream in the world, tous aspect of the banks, with their steep bluffs on
so far as is known, to do this. Between the Hasbany each side. The crossing of the Jordan is effected
source, however, and Lake Huleh, it falls nearly either at certain places where it runs shallower
1,200 ft., while from Lake Huleh it drops 690 ft. to —
fords or over bridges. Of the fords there appear
the Sea of Galilee (682 ft. below the Sea), and to have been a large number. Five are known to
thence another descent of 610 ft. brings it into the exist between Lake Huleh and the Sea of Galilee,
Dead Sea, so that at its mouth it is 1,292 ft. below and fifty-four between the Sea of Galilee and the
the level of the Mediterranean. Its course is in- Dead Sea. The latter are unequally distributed.
terrupted by the two lakes just named (Merom, or Above the juncture with the Jabbok they are
Huleh, and the Sea of Galilee, or Tiberias). This numerous; but from that point to Jericho they cease
breaks the Valley of the Jordan into three natural and recur in the neighborhood of Jericho to the num-
divisions. ber of five. These last are probably those men-
The northernmost section is known as the Upper tioned in Jos 2 7; Jg 3 28. Of these fords perhaps a
Jordan Valley, and runs through a rich grazing dozen are passable ordinarily, but they are at the
district, the plain of Huleh (the OvXdSa present day known only to those who dwell in their
4. The of Josephus, Ant. XV, 10 3; XVII, 2 1), immediate neighborhood. One of the most famous
is that of Adama (mod. Tell ed-Damiyeh),
believed
Upper sinking, however, at its lower end into
Jordan, a morass overgrown with reeds and by some to be the spot at which the hosts of Israel
papyrus rushes, and offering a favorite crossed under Joshua (Jos 3 4)., Another is Beth-
resort to a large variety of water-fowl. Barah (Jg 7 24; Bethabarah in Jn 3 26; see §. 12,
to the
In the Biblical period bridges over the Jordan name "great valley" is applied in I Mac 5 52
of Betnsnean.
were unknown. The word does not occur in the O T. region W. of the Jordan, in the vicinity
It was only after the Roman conquest (3) The scene of the baptism
of John is laid at
9. Bridges, that any were built, and of these all "Bethany (Bethabarafc, or Betharabah AV) beyond
the earlier ones have been washed away Jordan" (Jn 1 28, 3 26), a much-disputed site, but as
by the annual floods, some possibly by waterspouts. ^dbharah is in II S 19 18 rendered "ferry-boat"
The ruins of five or six may be seen just below the ("convoy" mg.) and in II S 15 28, 17 16 "fords of the
Sea of Galilee. Three comparatively modern ones wilderness" ("plains" AV), the term indicates the
are still standing. The Jisr Benat Yakub ('bridge existence of a resting-place ('house of
the ford') on
of Jacob's daughters'), between Lake Huleh and the E. side, and a suitable locality for John's work,
the Sea of Gahlee, has probably been in existence Cf. G.A. Smith, HGHL, pp. 467 ff., and consult in-
for 500 years at least. Another is to be found about dex; also Libbey and Hoskins, The Jordan Valley
two hours' ride S. of the Sea of Galilee, and a third and Petra, 1905, Vol. I. See also Palestine, § 12,
at Jericho. A. C. Z.
From the nature of the case, it was to be expected JORIM, jo'rim ('lapelfx): An ancestor of Jesus
that such a feature as the J. should play a very im- (Lk 3 29). E. E. N.
portant part in the history of Palestine.
10. Jordan Accordingly, it is met at the very
JORKEAM, jSrlcg-am, JORKOAM, -ko-am. See
JOKNEAM.
in History, beginning as a boundary and division
Political line. As a boundary it figures in JOSABAD, J6s'a-bad. See Jozabad.
Signifi- Jacob's retrospect of his experiences JOSAPHAT, jes'a-fat. See Jehoshaphat.
canoe. (Gn 32 10), in the definition of the rela-
JOSE, jo'se. See Jesus.
tions of the nine and one-half tribes to
the two and a half (Dt 3 30, 27 4; Nu 34 10-12), and in JOSECH, jo'sec ('laarrjx, Joseph AV) An : ancestoiF
the prospective view just before the conquest (Jos of Jesus (Lk3 26). E.E.N.
12). It is also given as the ideal boundary-line of JOSEDEK, JOSEDECH, jes'e-dec, SeeJEHOZA-
the land by Ezekiel (47 48). But as such it seems, DAK.
with a single exception, never to have served as the
scene of armed conflict. That exception is the case JOSEPH, jo'zef
Narrative, consequent jealousy,hissale into Egypt, Egyptian Tales) is frequently cited as the parallel, if
and complete disappearance from the not the original, of Gn 39 1-20. It would
homeland. (2) Ch. 38 accomplishes two purposes: 4' Egyptian be difficult to deny the dependence of
first, it serves to intensify the sense of Joseph's loss Analogues, the one upon the other, though the con-
by the picture of the hf e in Canaan going on without two are different. Both
clusions of the
him. He has vanished completely, and while Judah's reflect the same conditions
of life, and the Egyptian
story is being told, the mind of the reader is held in background is, therefore, consistent and authentic.
suspense. But, secondly, the conduct of Judah and The gold collar and the garment of byssus (Gn 41 42)
his sons forms a sharp antithesis to Joseph's (ch. were parts of the regular investiture of a high court
39). (3) Ch. 39 l-20a. Joseph though a slave is official. Abrech (q.v.), 'ahhrekh (41 43 mg.), may be
in high favor with his master, but at the moment the Assyrian word abarahJcu, the title of a dignitary,
of prosperity the sinful passion of his master's wife such terms readily passing from land to land. The
is turned to hate by his resistance to her advances, names (Gn 41 45) have been variously identified, but
and to the humihation of slavery is added that of they have an undoubted Egyptian stamp, though
imprisonment. (4) Chs. 39 20b-40. In prison he they have undergone considerable phonetic change
grows in favor and is able to interpret the dreams of in becoming Hebraized. The famine, whose length
officers near to Pharaoh, but they leave the prison is remarkable, finds two or three parallels in Egyp-
and he is forgotten. (5) Ch. 41. Pharaoh dreams, tian history, and one which occurred in the XVII
and when all others have failed to interpret, the dynasty has been by some identified with the Bib-
butler remembers Joseph, who, as the result, is lical account. The crown ownership of the land,
suddenly exalted to power and influence. (6) Chs. together with the rate of taxation and the exemption
42-45 24 (sections VI, VII, VIII of Gunkel's divi- of the territory of the priests, recorded and explained
sion) are better treated as one — Joseph's power (Gn47 13-26), are well-evidenced economic conditions.
and the way he used it. The crisis of the story is It is difficult to determine under what Pharaoh
reached in these chapters, and two delicate touches Joseph flourished. The best evidence locates him
appear. First, it is Judah who stirs Joseph so at the end of the Hyksos period, perhaps under
deeply. The two representatives of the great divi- Apepi II. All such calculations must, however, be
sion of the Hebrew race are brought face to face, received with great caution (see Driver in HDB,
one as suppliant, the other as superior, yet both are art. Joseph).
dignified, there is no cringing on the one side nor The story has been read as if intended merely to
haughtiness on the other. The one is ready to glorify the progenitor of the leading tribes of the
sacrifice himself for the good of all, the other acts, Northern Kingdom and to answer ques-
not from the privileges of his station, but from the 5.Purpose tions about the origins of tribal life.
impulses of his heart. There seems to be an echo and We need not reject such theories al-
of this in Dt 33 7. It is as if the writer, weary of the Teaching. together, but we should miss much if
division of the two kingdoms, pictured the union we took the tale simply for an attempt
that might come through noble self-renunciation to minister to ancestral pride. As in all O T stories
wherein neither thought of himself, but only of his the ethical element predominates, but there is more
Joseph
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 450
Joshua, Book of
in it than virtue triumphant. Joseph presents a sorely grieved him and shot at him and persecuted
of ^eri-
noble ideal of character, remarkable as so many O T him, at Shechem and upon the heights
it is
representations are, because the features most ex- —
zim alone the hard-won inheritance of Joseph (Cm
con-
alted are those least often seen, such as faithful- 48 22)—that the light of early Hebrew faith
poor flickermg rays
ness in public and in private, and gentleness where tinues to burn and to shed its
harshness might be condoned, with no trace of over the mountains and valleys, where dwelt the ten
rancor for injuries most deep. In the speech of thousands of Ephraim and the thousands of Manas-
Judah (44 18 £f.) the grand note of self-sacrifice is seh (see Samaritans; Fasts and Feasts, § 7).
struck, which glorifies the narrative and reads almost Literature: Tomkins, Life ami Times of Joseph; Enmn
Of what Life in Ancient Egypt (1895) Peine. History of Egypt,
like a foregleam of the Suffering Servant. ;
soon as Moses died, Joshua took charge of the people II. The Conquest of the Interior Highland (chs. 7-12)
Conquest of Ai (and Bethel), etc. (7 i-8 ^9)
1.
and led them across the Jordan. 2. Law read on Mts. EbaJ and Gerizim (8 ^o-ae)
The story of his public life from this point onward 3. Defeat of the confederacy against Gibeon (9 i-lO ")
is given in the book that bears his name. In a quick 4. Other conquests in the W. and S. (10 28-43)
5. Defeat of the Canaanites in the N. (11 i-^^)
succession of campaigns he attacked
6. Summary of conquests under Joshua (11 ii-12 2*)
2. Story of and took Jericho and Ai (Jos chs. 1-8).
III. The First Allotment of Territory (clis. 13-17)
Life in Being then confronted with the alliance 1. The earlier allotment by Moses to the E. Jordan
Book of of the five kings, which was headed by tribes (ch. 13)
Joshua. Adonizedek of Jerusalem, he waged a 2.The allotment by Eleazar at Gilgal (chs. 14^17)
(1) Of Judah (chs. 14-15)
warfare of conquest against these, and (2) Of the House of Joseph (chs. 16-17)
practically broke all opposition to the entrance of the rV. The Second Allotment, at Shiloh (chs. 18-21)
Hebrews into the land (ch. 10). The resistance made Of seven tribes (chs. 18-19)
1.
Of the cities of refuge (ch. 20)
2.
by Jabin, King of Hazor, with his allies on the plain 3. Of the Levitical cities (ch. 21)
beside Lake Merom was not vigorous enough to turn V. Dismissal of E. Jordan Warriors (ch. 22)
the tide backward (ch. 11). There remained the VI. Joshua's Last Days (ch. 23 f.)
the representative of the people he also received the region is asked for by Caleb, given to him, and in
announcement of the coming of the Messiah under 15 13 ff. conquered by Caleb as a part of the inherit-
the name of the Branch (Zee 3 1-8). A. C. Z. ance of Judah (cf. also Jg 1 2-20). In 13 1-7 J. is an
old man, and, the main work of the conquest being
over, he is directed to allot the land to the nine and
JOSHUA, BOOK OF one-half tribes, but in 14 6 ff. the hill-country of
Analysis of Contents Judah is not yet conquered, and in chs. 14-17, in-
1. Name 4. Explanation of This Lack stead of nine tribes, only Judah and the house of
2. Contents of Unity Joseph get their allotment at this time; 13 1-7 is,
3. Contents Not Homo- 5. Process of Composition therefore, no suitable caption for what follows. In
geneous 6. Historical Value
the story of the second allotment (ch. 18 f.) the
The sixth book of the O T, constituting the last introductory statement, 18 1-2, has no connection
portion of the Hexateuch (q.v.). The book was with, nor does it find any explanation in, the pre-
named from Joshua, the leader of ceding narrative. Finally, that two farewell ad-
I. Name. Israel in the conquest of Canaan, dresses should have been delivered by Joshua (chs.
narrated in the book, perhaps because 23 and 24) is in itself remarkable, and the more so
he was considered the author of most of its contents. when we compare them and find them so different in
According to the later Jewish scholars, Jos was the style and point of view. See also Hexateuch, § 20.
first of the four "former Prophets" (Jos, Jg, S, K. The onlysatisfactory explanation of
See OT Canon, §8). 4. Explana- such inconsistencies is to be found in
The contents of Jos may be analyzed as follows tion of the theory that in Jos several origi-
I. The Crossing of the Jordan and Establishment of This Lack nally separate narratives have been
THE Camp at Gilgal (chs. 1-6) of Unity, combined into one somewhat inco-
1. Preparations for the crossing (1 ^-3 ^^)
herent whole. The main thread of the
2. Contents. 2. The crossing of the Jordan (3 ^*-^ ")
3. The camp at Gilgal (4 "-5 i2) narrative in chs. 1-12 (Div. I and II) is probably
4. The capture of Jericho (5 ^3-6 2?) that of JE, 1 10-Ua, 2 (all but 9b-ll and 24b), 3 1-3,
Joshua, Book of 453
Judas Iscarlot
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
6f., 9-lOa, 11-14, 17a, 4 lb-7a, 8b, lOb-11, 18, 20, 5 2-3, 9, historian of Israel to-day. The geographical notices,
but 18-19 and 7 (except ver. l), 8 giving the tribal boundaries and the cities
belonging
13-15, 6 (all 27), (all
but lb-2a, 8b, 27 f., 30-35), 9 3-9a, 11-16, 22 f., 26 f., to each tribe (chs. 13-19) contain valuable mformar
10 l-7a, 9-14, 16-24, 26-27, 111, 4-9, may with reason be tion on the historical geography of Palestine.
assigned to this source. In chs. 13-24 (Div. III-VI) LiTEEATURB Driver, WT^ pp. 103-1 16 Carpenter-Harford,
;
:
the later Deuteronomic and Priestly elements pre- The Comp. of the Hexateuch (1902), pp. 347-378, 522 f. Arti-
dominate, especially the latter. Only 13 l, 7, 13, cles by G. F. Moore in EB and G. A. Smith in
HDB. Com.
15 14-19, 63 (cf. Jg. 1 10-15, 21), 16 1-3, 10 (cf. Jg. 1 29), by H. W. Robinson in The New Century Bible. E. K. N.
17 11-18 (cf. Jg 1 27b), 18 2-6, 8-lOa, 19 47, and eh. 24 JOSIAH, jo-sai'a (^^it^"^ yoshiyyahu), 'J* sup-
(except vs. 13 and 31) seem to belong to the ancient ports': 1. The son of Amon and
Jedidah, the
JE narrative. daughter of Adaiah, and king of Judah (638-609).
For the passages that seem to have belonged to He was raised to the throne at the age of eight,
the Priestly narrative see Hexateuch, § 28 (end). upon the assassination of his father (II 21 23, 25). K
The remainder of the material is *Deuteronomic,' It was in the eighteenth year of his reign that his
that is, it was written under the influence of the distinctive policy was inaugurated. In that year
great ideas of Dt in which Israel's history is viewed he sent Shaphan, the scribe, to superintend some
almost exclusively on its religious side (see Deuter- repairs in the Temple. While engaged in this work,
onomy, § 6). Shaphan was given a copy of the Law by the high
The problem of the process of composition of Joa priest, Hilkiah, which the latter said he had found
is a complex one. The following view, it is believed, in the Temple. The book was read to the king and
will be found to satisfy the main con- by him recognized as the ideal national constitution
5. Process ditions. The original combined JE of Israel. Upon its basis, Josiah instituted thorough-
of Com- narrative probably included an account going religious reforms, centralizing all the worship
position, of the conquest of Canaan, ending with of the land in the Jerusalem Temple (II 22 1-20). K
Joshua's farewell and death (see It is generally agreed that this book was Dt, but
Hexateuch, §§ 12 and 20). In consequence of the that it was forged for the purpose of furnishing the
combination of JE with Dt, the connection of the king with the instrument of his reformation is not
material in JE relating to the conquest with the rest to be thought of. It is probable that it had taken
became looser. This part of JE was worked over in form gradually as an ideal around a nucleus of
the spirit of the Deuteronomic school more exten- Mosaic prescriptions. But it can hardly be ques-
sively than were the preceding portions (see Hexa- tioned that in Josiah^s reformation the Deuteronomic
teuch, § 20). Later, these older portions of the legislation for the first time became operative as the
Hexateuch were combined with the Priestly narra- national constitution (see also Deuteronomy). In
tive, and either then, or not long after, all this 609 Pharaoh Necho made an invasion into Palestine
material relating to the conquest was separated from which Josiah imdertook to resist, and in doing so
the preceding, resulting in the formation of the lost his life in the battle of Megiddo. 2. A son of
Pentateuch (as the Law) and the present Book of Zephaniah, contemporary of the prophet Zechariah
Joshua (see Hexateuch, § 30). (Zee 6 10). A. C. Z.
Notwithstanding the late character of much of its
material, Jos contains historical information of the JOSIBIAH, ja8"i-bai'a. See Joshibiah.
highest value. With Jg ch. 1 the JE JOSIPHIAH, jes"i-fai'a (n;50'i% yo?iphyah), 'F
6, Histor- portions of Jos give us practically the
adds': The father of Shelomith (Ezr 8 10).
ical Value, only connected account we possess of
E. E. N.
the conquest of Canaan by Israel.
While a complete account of the conquest is not JOT the Gr. l&ra): The smallest
(the letter i,
hence the r^sum6 of Joshua's work in 10 28 ff. and JOTBATHAH, jofba-tha (-"l^Jt?;, yotbathah,
ch. 12, so contrary to the older notices in JE, in Jg 1, Jathbath AV) A station on the wilderness journey
:
and in other early accounts. Ch. 23 reveals the (Nu 33 33 f.; Dt 10 7). Site unlmown. E. E. N.
"Deuteronomic" point of view perfectly. It was
forgotten by both the Deuteronomic and Priestly JOTHAM, jo'thom (Cnl", yotham), 'J* is per-
schools that the work of conquest broke Israel into fect': 1, The youngest the seventy sons of
of
a nmnber of separate, detached elements, and that Gideon, who alone of all his brothers escaped the
the unity under one military leader (Joshua) and murderous designs of Abimelech. Through the
one priestly head (the high priest) never really ex- parable of the trees selecting the bramble to be their
isted. That was an ideal of postrexiUc days pro- king he warned the Shecheraites against Abimelech
jected back into the remote past. It is only in the (Jg 9 5, 7, etc.). 2. A son of Uzziah (Joatham in Mt
ideals they set forth, not in their actual historical 1 9) and king of Judah (c. 750-734 B.C.). He began
characters, that such elements are of value to the his reign as coregent, when leprosy appeared upon
Joshua, Book of
453 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Judas Iscariot
the person of his father (II K 15 6). He is said to Epistle of Jude (q.v.), he shrank from calling himself
have and extended the dominion of Judah
fortified "the brother of the Lord," desiring to be identified
over the Ammonites*(II Ch 27 3-6), and to have built as the brother of the well-known James. Hegesippus
the upper gate of the Temple. 3. A son of Jehdai says that his grandsons, arrested for claiming descent
(I Ch 2 47). A.C.Z. from David, though they were poor peasants, were
JOtJRNEY, SABBATH DAY'S. See Weights scornfully discharged from custody by Domitian.
AND Measures, § 2. (See Brethren of the Lord.) R. A. F.
JOZABAD, jez'a-bad 0?|1^ yozahhadh), 'J' JUDAS BARSABBAS. See Barsabbas.
gives' 1, 2, 3. The name of three of David's soldiers
:
JUDAS OF DAMASCUS: The person in whose
(I Ch 12 4 [Josabad AV], 20). 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9. The home the converted Saul of Tarsus was found by
name of six Levites (II Ch 31 13,35 9; Ezr 8 33,
Ananias (Ac 9 11). Otherwise unknown.
10 23; Neh 8 7, 11 16). 10. A priest (Ezr 10 22).
R. A. F.
E. E. N.
JOZACAR, jez'a-cSr (*1?IT^, yozakhdrj Jozachar
JTJDAS OF GALILEE: So called,though a
native of Gamala in Gaulonitis. Together with a
AV) One: of the conspirators who slew King Joash
Pharisee, Sadduk, he led an agitation against the
(II K 12 21). In II Ch 24 26 by a scribal error he is
Roman authority when Quirinius undertook a census
called Zabad.
His mother was an Ammonitess.
See also Jehozabad. E. E. N.
for the purpose of taxation ^probably in 7 a.d.,
after the deposition of Archelaus (Ac 5 37).
—
It was
JOZADAK, jez'a-dak. See Jehozadak. essentially a religious movement, based on the be-
liefthat God alone was to be their ruler, and from it
JUBAL, juljol (bj'l"', yubhal): A son of Lamech,
sprang the Zealots (q.v.), who became a distinctively
legendary originator of the art of music (Gn 4 21). political party over against the more or less religious
See also Jabal. E, E. N. sects of Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes. Josephus
JUBILEE, YEAR OF. See Fasts and Feasts, says nothing about the death of Judas and his fol-
§ 2, and Sabbath, § 5. lowers, but his sons perished in later revolts.
R. A. F.
JUBILEES, BOOK OF: An apocryphal writing,
commonly classed with the Apocalypses. It was
known to the ancients and medieval Christian JUDAS ISCARIOT, is-car'i-et
announcement the enthusiasm of the Galileans simple term "James," which in post-apostohc
days
this
died out, and whereas in the other disciples their might sufficient identification.
not be a He does not
love for Jesus struggles victoriously call himself d8e\<j)6d€os, as James was called
by
3. Betrayal with their disappointment, in Judas Theophylact and frequently by the Greek fathers (cf
of Jesus, it settles into demonic hatred (Jn 6 Suicer's Thesaurus), He knew that so far as re-
70), and at last utterly ruins his soul gards "the common salvation" he stood in the same
(17 12). Possibly the evil showed itself in pilfering relation to Jesus as did other men. Eusebms (HE,
from the common fund, and he may have been 19 f.) quotes from Hegesippus "an ancient tradi-
iii,
detected by John, who of all the Evangelists has the tion" that two of Jude's grandsons, who had sur-
most aversion for him (Jn 12 6). The actual be- vived him, were brought before Domitian (81-96
trayal (Mk I4l0f., 18-21, 42-46; Mt 26 14-16, 21-25, A.D.), who had been informed that they belonged to
46-50; Lk 22 3-6, 21-23, 47, 48; Jn 13 2, 10 f., 18 f., 21-30, the royal house of David and were estabhshing a
—
18 2-9) presents difficulties, but we infer (a) Jesus kingdom in Palestine. But when the emperor found
knew that Judas was betraying Him, and Judas was that they owned but 39 acres of land between them,
conscious of this knowledge at the Last Supper, and when he saw their rustic dress and their hands
which he seems to have left before the Eucharist was horny with manual labor, he dismissed them with
instituted; (b) the disciples, shocked at the possibil- contempt. This makes it necessary to date the
ity of such treachery, do not suspect Judas, for Epistle prior to or early in the reign of Domitian;
Jesus simply says that one of those in table fellow- but it does not justify Professor Bacon's inference
ship with Him will betray Him. (c) Avarice was a {N T Introd. p. 166): "What there is of history re-
partial motive (Mt 26 15; Jn 12 6), but Judas also lating to Judas is, therefore, unfavorable to the idea
was a tool of Satan (Lk 22 3; Jn 13 2, 27). (d) Judas that he issued an encyclical in the Greek language
knew the resort of Jesus and took every precaution to the universal Church, at a time when the warn-
to avoid miscarriage of his plans, but at the garden ings of the Apostles were a thing of the past [ver.
seems to have been disconcerted by the Master's 17 f.], and the predicted heresies of the last times
self-possession. It is not quite clear how the kiss were, in this writer's judgment, already corrupting
of the traitor can be adjusted to the Johannine the Church." The mention of "the last times" is
account. more appropriate to the Apostolic Age than to any
The two narratives of Judas' death (Mt 27 3-10 ; Ac other.
1 18 f.) present serious discrepancies, which can only Considering the obscurity of the writer and the
be reconciled with much ingenuity, brevity of the letter, the external attestation is as
4. Final Mt emphasizes the traitor's remorse. strong as could reasonably be ex-
Estimate, while Ac brings into prominence his 2. External pected.* It is included in the Mura-
fate. The attempt to interpret the Attestation. torian Canon ("Epistola sane Judae et
conduct of Judas favorably, as, e.g., that he wished superscriptse Johannis duse in catholica
to force Jesus to lead a popular movement, is incon- habentur," cf. Hilgenfeld, Einleitung, p. 94). It is
sistent with the narratives. His remorse shows that also included in the Old Latin and the Peshitto vei>
he was not wholly bad. Avarice, desire to save sions. Clement of Alexandria in both of his great
himself since the death of Jesus was inevitable, works (Peed, iii, 8 Strom, iii, 2) quotes it as Jude's.
;
despair at being involved in a spiritual movement TertuUian (De Cult. Fern. 1 3) refers to it under the
which was issuing in a Messianic fulfilment wholly name of Jude. Origen again and again cites it as
different from what he had hoped for, intolerance of Jude's and in terms of laudation (see full quota-
the constant rebuke of his selfish nature by the tions in Kirchhofer's Quellensammlung, or Charteris'
penetrating insight of Jesus, all contributed to the Canonicity).
awful ruin. R, A. F. Though the address mentions no special church or
JODAS MACCABEUS. See Maccabees. coimtry, and although all salutations are wanting,
"yet in itself there is nothing impos-
JUDDAH, jud'da. See Juttah. 3. Destina- sible in the theory that it was addressed
tion. to a single church, or group of churches"
JUDE (jud), EPISTLE OF (Jiihcher, Introduction, p. 229). Chase
thinks it probable that it was addressed to the church
Analysis of Contents
of Syrian Antioch. This would agree well with the
1. Authorahip 4. Contents allusion to "the common salvation," common to the
2. External Attestation 5. Errors Combated
3. Destination 6. Relation to Other Literature
Jewish writer and his Gentile readers.
This short Epistle consists of only 25 vs., or, if we
The
Epistle purports to be from "Jude, a servant deduct the address and the conclusion, of only 20,
of Jesus Christ, and brother of James." The writer
does not claim to be an apostle (cf ver. ^ On the absence of traces of its
.
employment in the sub-
I, Author- 17). For his identification he thinks apostolic age Von Soden remarks that this '*freilich bei
ship. itenough to indicate his relation to seiner Kiirze keine Instanz gegen seine Bekanntschaft bil-
"James," who must, therefore, be a den kann" ("to be sure, in view of its brevity, this can not
count for anything against its being known"). Eusebius,
well-known person, almost certainly the Lord's though placing it among the Antilegomena, states that it
brother (Mk 6 3; Mt 13 55). The writer, then, is not was used in most of the churches (HE, ii, 23). Jerome
an ambitious forger, but a man conscious of his own (De Vir. III. 4) ascribes its occasional rejection to its
citation of apocryphal books, but says that both by its
obscurity and content to be known through his
antiquity and its use it has won a place for itself and is
greater brother. An early date is indicated by the reckoned among the sacred Scriptures.
Judas Iscariot
455 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Jude, Epistle of
The address ("to them that are called, beloved in owned to be very indistinct; and, though Jiilicher
God the Father, and kept for Jesus Christ") is suf- speaks of "the distinctively Gnostic type of their
ficiently general to justify its being 'defilements' " (cf. also Von Soden, Harid-Commen-
4. Contents, classed with the Catholic Epistles. The tar) J it is more in accordance with the writer's state-
writer explains that he had intended ments to consider his invective as uttered against
"to write of our common salvation," but was in- some inchoate and undeveloped heresy, which as yet
duced to restrict this purpose to an exhortation "to only manifested itself in the common Antinomianism
contend earnestly for the faith which was once de- and immorality. Von Soden declines to identify
livered unto the saints." In ver. 4 he describes the whatever Gnostic teaching may have underlain this
danger to which his readers were exposed and which immoral outburst with any definite known heretical
caused him anxiety: "Ungodly men, turning the tendency. And Professor Bacon says (Introduction^
grace of God into lasciviousness," had crept in. The p. 169) that "accurate location in time and place
letter describes and denounces these men. In vs. 5-7 of the special Gnostic sect here antagonized is
three instances of judgment falling upon persons of a impracticable."
similar type are adduced: Israel destroyed in the A striking peculiarity of the Epistle is the use it
wilderness, the angels who fell kept in bonds for the makes of apocalytic literature. Not only is ver.
judgment of the great day, and Sodom and Go- 14 f. quoted from the Book of Enoch
morrah suffering the punishment of eternal fire. 6, Relation 1 9, 5 4 (written before 170 B.C.), but
Vs. 8-10 exhibit the similarity in certain particulars: to Other several of the ideas and expressions
they resemble Sodom in defiling the flesh, the angels Literature, bear traces of familiarity with other
in setting at naught dominion, and Israel in railing parts of the same composite apoc-
at dignities; while in ver. 11 fresh analogies are in- ryphon. In ver, 14 Enoch is called "the seventh
troduced in the persons of Cain, Balaam, and Korah. from Adam," as in Enoch 60 8. The first part of
In the remainder of the Epistle a still more detailed Enoch is entirely occupied with the sin of angels in
threefold description is given of these inunoral per- intercourse with women (Gn 6 1-4), and emphasis is
sons. The key to the order of this second half of the laid on their having left their own habitation, "the
Epistle (vs. 12-23) is found in its division into three high, holy, eternal heaven" (15 3, 7-10), while in
paragraphs, each beginning with ovtol ela-iVy vs. Jude (ver. 6) it is also this aspect of their sin which
12, 16, 19, balanced in each instance by the action is marked in the words airoKiiTovras rh Xbiov oIktj-'
of the godly party, iTrpo<f>r}T€u<r€v de, ver, 14; vfiels njpiov. Again, their reservation to "the judg-
bit ver. 17; vfiels Se, ver. 20. This triple arrange- ment of the great day" (18 14-16, 22 4, 10 5, 12 f.) is
ment dominates the Epistle to an extraordinary spoken of in similar terms in both writings. The
extent. contention of the devil with Michael the Archangel
Here, then, we have one of the urgent emergencies, for the body of Moses (ver. 9) is also derived from
which frequently alarmed the leaders of the primi- an apocryphal source, the Assumption of Moses.
tive Church. It is difficult, however, Professor Charles, who dates this apocryphon be-
5. Errors to locate the disturbance. The persons tween 7 and 30 a.d., has collected the allusions to it
Combated, alluded to probably belonged to the in Clement, Origen, Didymus, and others. From
class of itinerants mentioned in the the fragments thus preserved it would appear that
Didache. They had "crept in." They were mem- when, on Moses' death, Michael was sent to remove
bers of the Christian Church. Otherwise they could his body, the devil, as lord of the material world,
not have partaken of the "love-feasts" (ver. 12). claimed the body as that of a murderer (through his
Neither could they have been spoken of as "twice- slaying of the Egyptian <^ov4a . . . Sta t6 irard^at.
dead"; nor could they have been compared to the Tov AtyvTTTiov), thus "blaspheming" Moses. In
angels that fell (ver. 6), or to Israel dehvered from reply> Michael uttered no railing accusation, but
^gypt (ver. 5), The comparison to Korah in- simply said, "The Lord rebuke thee." Even this
dicates that they had revolted from the recognized does not complete the indebtedness of Jude. Along
ecclesiastical authority, while themselves claiming with the Assumption must be reckoned The Testa-
to be "shepherds" of the people (ver. 12 f.). But, ment of Moses, of which a Latin version discovered
especially, they were inamoral and licentious, by Ceriani has been edited by Professor Charles.
"sensual," "walking after their ungodly lusts," From this also Jude borrows some of his invective.
"defiling the flesh," comparable to the fallen angels The "murmurers, complainers" of Jude ver. 16 are
and to Sodom and Gomorrah. They were also the "quaerulosi" of the Test. 7 7; they "walk after
"mockers," "denying our only Lord and Master their lusts and their mouth speaketh great swelling
Jesus Christ." These characteristics induced Clem- words," representing Test. 7 9, "et manus eorum et
ent of Alexandria to believe that Jude was pro- mentes immunda tractantes, et os eorum loquetur
phetically alluding to the followers of Carpocrates, ingentia"; while "showing respect of persons for the
who, as he says, would have been an excellent sake of advantage" finds its parallel and source in
legislator for dogs and swine and goats. Grotius Test, 5 5, "mirantes personas locupletum et accipien-
also, influenced by these resemblances, supposes tes munera."
that the Epistle was written not prophetically but The resemblance is only apparent, not real, between
directly against the Carpocratians, and ascribes it Jude ver. 22 f. and the Didache 2 7: ots ixep ikiy^eis
to Jude, the last Jewish bishop of Jerusalem, and, irepl di S}v TTpoa-ev^rj, obs fie dyaTrijaeis. The rela-
therefore, in the reign of Hadrian. In this he is tion of Jude to II P is discussed in connection
followed by Pfleiderer and Holtzmann. But any with the latter. See Peter, Epistles of. The
allusion in the letter to doctrinal teaching must be influence of Paul is traceable in the use of dyios.
Judge A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONAKY 456
Judith
ver. 3; icKijToSf ver. 1; ^i;x"^°^ Trvevfia firi exovres, then either out of their original place (2 ^^^)' ^^
ver. 19; t^ . . . irta-Tci eiroiKodofiovvres iavTovs, are merely a late editorial addition to
connect the
ver. 20. book with the preceding Book of Joshua.
LiTERATUKE Among Introductions there need only be
* In the second main division a distinct difference
mentioned those of Jiilicher (1904), Zahn (1908), and Ba- is to be observedbetween the introductory section
con (1900). Much may also be learned from Plummer in
(2 6-3 6, with the setting, e.g., 3 7f., 12 f., 4 I, etc.,
the Expositor's B-Q>le (1891), and from Bigg, in the Inter.
Crit. Com., as well as from Farrar's Early Days of Chris- given to the separate stories of the judges) and the
tianity (1882). Professor Charles's editions of The Book stories themselves. The stories themselves say little
of Enoch (1893); and the Assumption of Moses (1897) about the rehgious sifuation, but in the long intro-
should also be consulted. Burton's Bampton Lectures ( 1829)
and Mansel's Gnostic Heresies (1875) give ample details ductory section and in the shorter interspersed com-
regarding the erroneous teachings of the apostolic and sub- ments this is the aspect on which all the emphasis is
apostolic ages. Von Soden's three pages of exposition with laid. The stories were, therefore, not composed by
Hand-Commentar (1890) are all that
the author of the context in which we now find them,
introduction in the
can be desired. J^^ J)
but were already at hand and used by him to point
JUDGE. See Law and Legal Practise, §§ 2, 4. out the religious lessons of Israers early history.
The two stories in the third division are likewise in
no close logical or chronological connection with
JUDGES the rest of the book. Neither of them relates to
Analysis of Contents the deeds of a judge, and both concern events that
were thought to have taken place very soon after
1. Name 4. Composition
2. Contents 6. Chronology the Conquest,
3. Unity 6. Historical Value The critical problem presented by Jg is complex.
Two features stand out clearly: (1) the abundance
The eighth book of the O T. The name "Judges" of very old material in the book and
was given to it because the main portion of the
4. Composi- (2) the use made of this material by
book relates the deeds of leaders who tion of later writers, who belonged to an en-
I. Name, are said to have "judged" Israel. The Judges, tirely different age, and whose main
Heb. term shophe^, translated "judge,"
interest was not historical but religious.
must not be understood in an exclusively judicial
The oldest material in Jgto be found in the stories
is
sense. As used in this book it is practically equiva-
of the deeds of deliverance wrought by heroes of the
lent to 'ruler.'
olden time, and in the poem in ch. 5. Such material
The analysis of Jg is simple. The book consists
was preserved, doubtless, in the various localities
of three main divisions.
where the valiant deeds were performed, and was
I. A Fragmentary Account of the Conquest of Canaan available for a later collector. In some cases, as the
BT THE Different Tribes (1 ^-2 ") account of Gideon's defeat of the Midianites, the
2. Contents. The movements of Judah and Simeon
1.
1-21)
(1
present story may be the result either of weaving
2. The conquest of Bethel by the House of Joseph (1 22-20) together two separate versions of the event, or of
3. The unsubdued Canaanite cities in various tribes the working over of an old narrative by the collector.
(1 27-30)
That fragments of the J and E documents are to
4.The rebuke by the angel at Bochim (2 '-^
II. Israel under the "Judges" (2 ^-16 3i) be found in Jg chs. 3-21 does not seem probable.
1. Introductory, giving the religious significance of the The collector of these stories was interested mainly
history of the judges (2 6-3 6) in the religious significance of Israel's early history.
2. The deeds of the judges (3 '-16 ^i)
It is a disputed question, however, whether it was
III. An Appendix, Containing Two Stories of the
Times of the Judges (chs. 17-21) he who wrote the introductory passage (2 6-3 6)
1. The migration of the Danites, and the establishment and the related paragraphs interspersed between the
of the Sanctuary at Dan (cha. 17-18) stories. One theory is that there was an early pre-
2. The outrage at Gibeah, and the vengeance visited on
the tribe of Benjamin (chs. 19-21) Deuteronomic Book of Judges (to which portions of
the stories of Eli and Samuel [in I S] also may have
The unity of Jg is only superficial. The three belonged), the work of the collector, who provided
main divisions have no real internal connection. the stories with a general introduction and a setting,
They do not form, taken together, a but whose religious pragmatism was not so pro-
3. Unity, progressive, self-consistent narrative. nounced as that of the later Deuteronomic school.
The introductory statement, "And it This pre-Deuteronomic Judges was then revised by a
came to pass after the death of Joshua," prefaces a later writer of the Deuteronomic school, who omitted
narrative that deals with events which took place the EU and Samuel parts (probably also chs. 9 and
while Joshua was yet alive. Much of the material 17-21), added the story of Othniel (3 7-11), and
in ch. 1 found also in Jos, partly in identically the
is
worked over the introduction (2 6-3 6) and similar
same words (cf. 1 10-15 with Jos 15 13-19; 1 21 with passages, in the spirit of the rigid pragmatism of the
Jos 15 63), and relating to Joshua and his contem- Deuteronomic writers. At a still later date this
poraries. The question (ver. lb), "who shall go Deuteronomic Judges was enlarged by the addition
up for us first against the Canaanites," plainly refers of 1 1-2 6, and the restoration of chs. 9 and 17-21,
to the beginning of the conquest, and can not be thus producing the book in its present form. Another
applied to a time after Joshua's death. The next theory (that of Kittel) is that the original collection,
notice of Joshua's death in 2 8 is in perfect order, made by a writer of the Deuteronomic school (who
for there it serves to introduce the history of the wrote the introduction and gave the stories their
age succeeding Joshua, Th^ first words of Jg are getting) was later revised by another, who put the
Judge
45^ A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Judith
book in its present form by adding 1 1-2 5 and chs. tribal organization, the jealousy and strife between
17-19, and by revising it slightly here and there. different tribes and clans, the great degree of inter-
Either of these theories gives an adequate ex- mixture (both social and religious) with the Canaan-
planation of the facts discoverable on close study. ites, the conflicts with invading barbarians, the
The second is the more simple and is, in the judg- beginnings of the long contest for supremacy with the
ment of the writer of this article, more satisfactory. Philistines (Samson stories) and with the Ammonites
In Jg the periods covered by the different oppres- (Jephthah story), the generally rude and rough
sions, the careers of the various judges, and the eras character of the age, and the fundamental religious
of peace are given in great detail. The basis of the unity of Israel (loyalty to J") all are —
5. The total amounts to 410 years. If we well reflected in these ancient stories. The Ode of
Chronology add to this sum the years of the wander- Deborah in Jg ch. 5 is one of the most important
of the ing (40), of Joshua's life (30?), of Eli historical documents in the O T. Evidently com-
Judges. (40), and Samuel (40?), Saul (20?), posed on the occasion of the great victory over Sisera,
David (40), we have a total of over it gives us a view of the times of the greatest value,
600 years between the Exodus and the building of both for what it tells us of the conditions in Israel in
Solomon's Temple. But this figure is altogether too that day, and for the historical presuppositions as
high. It contradicts the statement in I K6 1 that to the preceding Mosaic period. No theory of Is-
the Temple was begun 480 years after the Exodus, rael's early history that is inconsistent with the Ode
which is itself an excessive estimate, probably based of Deborah can be accepted as correct. The two
on an artificial scheme of twelve 40-year periods stories in the Appendix (chs. 17-21) differ in his-
from Moses to Solomon, Since the Exodus could torical worth. The first one (ch. 17 f.) is full of most
not have taken place much before 1250 b.c. and reliable and valuable information regarding early
David's accession must be placed circa 1000 B.C., religious conditions in Israel. The second story as
only about 150 years can be assigned to the period it stands is less trustworthy. The account in ch.
of the judges. The simplest solution of the problem 19 is in the main old and historical. But this was
is that the stories of the various judges were origi- used by a later writer as a basis for a narrative,
nally independent of one another and that the judges which is artificial and contains many historical im-
themselves were really local heroes, whose authority probabilities. While some early disaster may have
was in most cases limited to the tribe to which they befallen Benjamin, and while very probably the
belonged. Many of them were probably contem- maidens of Shiloh were accustomed to dance at the
poraries. It was through the later arrangement of annual feast of J', the main narrative, which thinks
the stories in a chronological succession that the ex- of all the tribes of Israel as acting in that early period
cessively long sum total was obtained. If we assign as a rehgious unit, is contradicted by all that we
50 years to the era of Deborah (including Othniel, know of those times, which were characterized by
Ehud, and Shamgar), 50 more to the era of Gideon anything but unity.
(including Abimelech, Tolah, and Jair), and 50 more LiTEKATURE The Com. by G. F. Moore in the Int. Crit. Com.
I
to the era of Jephthah and Samson (with the rest of is by far the best commentary in English. See also Driver,
the 'minor' judges), we shall have an approximately
LOT\ E. E. N.
correct chronological distribution of the material in JUDGMENT. See Eschatology, §§ 29, 36, 39,
the book. (See also Chronology of the O
T.) 41, 46-49.
In estimating the historical value of Judges a dis-
tinction must be drawn between the statements JUDGMENT HALL, See Pr^torium.
made by the editors of the old stories and JUDGMENT SEAT: In ancient Israel the judge
6. The the stories themselves. The editors be- was accustomed to sit in giving judgment (Ex 18 13),
Historical longed to the Deuteronomic school and and the royal throne was preeminently a seat of
Value of viewed the early history almost entirely judgment (I K 7 7; Is 16 5; Pr 20 8). It was thus
Judges, from a reUgious standpoint. The re- natural that J'"s throne should be thought of as a
verses and misfortunes narrated in the judgment seat (Ps 9 7; Jl 3 12; Dn 7 9 £E.). The T N
old stories were, therefore, interpreted as indisputable speaks not only of the throne of God (Rev chs 4-5,
evidence of religious defection, which was thus pun- etc.), but of the judgment seat of Christ (Ro 14 ID;
ished by J*, who also in His gracious forbearance II Co 5 10) as the bar before which all men must
took pity and raised up defiverers. That there is a appear (cf. Mt 25 31). In a figurative sense, Jesus
certain amount of truth in this 'pragmatic' view told His disciples that they also should sit on
of the history no one would care to deny, but it is thrones to judge Israel (Mt 19 28; Lk 22 30).
nevertheless a late interpretation writers who
by The term /3^/ia is used in a strictly technical
failed to see the real character of Israel's early life sense in Mt 27 19; 13; Ac
18 12-17, etc., of the
Jn 19
in Canaan as revealed in the old stories and poems judgment seat of the Roman governor, and in Ac
(see Hexateuch, § 14 f.). Apart from its Deuter- 25 19 of the tribunal of the emperor himself at
onomic sections Jg must be considered of great Rome. E. E. N,
historical value. The first part (1 1-2 6) was
JUDITH (n^l^n^, yhudhith), 'woman of Judah':
drawn largely from the old JE history and contains
just the information needed to supplement and 1. Adaughter of Beeri the Hittite and one of the
correct the narrative in Jos (see Joshua, §§ 3-5). wives of Esau (Gn 26 34). 2. The daughter of
In the second part (2 6-16 31) the stories of Deborah, Merari, of the tribe of Simeon, and the widow of
Gideon, etc., well reveal the character of the struggles Manasses of the same tribe (Jth 8 l, 2), the heroine
of the Book of Judith. J. S. R.
and problems of the pre-kingdom period. The loose
Judith, Book of
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 45S
Jutah
JUDITH, BOOK OF: One of the O T Apocrypha. JULIA, juOi-a (lovXla): One of a
group of
group
It is a romance written with the purpose of en- persons greeted in Ro 16 15. Probably the
couraging the people in their fideUty represents a Christian household (cf. Ro 16 3), m
I. General to the God of Israel, and stimulating which case Julia was the wife of Philologus, and the
Character, them to a careful observance of the mother of Nereus and his sister. The name was a
precepts of the Law. Under names common feminine one, occurring frequently among
that belong to a much earHer time than that from slaves and freedmen (cf. CIL, VI, 20416). J. M. T.
personnow stands in right relations. It does not no man can be righteous toward God, since it is
mean that he has become a righteous character faith that creates the base and quality of all action.
(see Sanctification), nor that he has not sinned The fear that thus a doctrine of works is reestablished
in the past (see CondemN; Condemnation), but that and that this view of faith would imply that man
now God, his holy judge, treats him as righteous. is saved by his own merit is groundless. For (a)
This is the righteousness or justification {BiKaioirvvr)) faith is the response of man's soul to the revealed
of God (Ro 1 17, which makes the fundar
3 21-26), and realized grace of God. His redeeming love in
mental difference between the Jew and Gentile and Christ and that alone made faith possible. Faith is
the Christian man. It is made the subject of full and not the result of man's age-long prowess in the search
explicit discussion in Paul's letters to the Galatians for God; it is the response to God's mercy. And
and the Romans, His argument has force in the
its (b) faith is thus in its very spring and essence the
fact that it brings to light the inner meaning of the denial of personal merit, the acceptance of Divine
Divine forgiveness and the human responsive faith, mercy. To claim merit for it would be to stifle its
which form for all N T writers the kernel of the very life. To class it with "works" because we call
Gospel, and of the new experiences which it has it a human righteous act would be to ignore its
created (on the significance of the term "sanctifica- fundamental difference from all "works." When,
tion" in the Ep. to the Hebrews, see A. B. David- therefore, God reckons the believing man as righteous
son's Commentary, in Handbooks for Bible Classes, there is no fiction on God's part and no merit on
pp. 203-209). (2) This act of God stands in con- man's part. And yet he is righteous.
trast (a) with the ideal of law, according to which The
principle of justification by faith is implicit
God' s approval depends on man 's independent in the teaching of Jesus, as in the prayer of the
achievement of personal righteousness (good works, Publican (Lk 18 the reception of the Prodigal
19 ff.),
or works of the law, Gal 3 10-12); and (b) with the Son (Lk 15 the treatment of the Sinful Woman
11 ff.),
state of condemnation ("cursed") in which every (Lk 7 31-50), and throughout His teaching about
man, because guilty of sin, must find himself, apart forgiveness at the hands of the Father.
from God (Jews, Gal 3 10; Gentiles,3 8, 13 f.; Ro'l 18-32; Literature : Cremer's Lexicon has a full and careful dis-
all men, Ro 3 9). (3) This act of God has been made cussion (s.v. fiiKatos and derivatives) ; Sanday and Head-
possible (a) by the death of Christ, who assumed the lam, on Romans in Int. Crit. Com. (1895), is a mine for
Pauline theology; D. W. Simon in HDB
s.v. See also for
curse (Gal 3 13), and became propitiatory, through the systematic discussion Ritschl's Rechtfertigung und Vers6h~
shedding of His blood (Ro 3 25, 8 3; of. IJn 2 2, 4 10; nung, vol. Ill (1883^) (translated under the title Justifi-
He 9 11-14; I P 1 19, 3 18; Mk 10 45, 14 24) (see Atone- cation and Forgiveness) (for the Biblical material, see vol.
II); A. B. Bruce, The Christianity of St. Paul (1894).
ment). The man who sees in this death the atoning
Consult also the main works on New Testament Theology.
act of God will see in it the offer of mercy to himself;
W. D. M.
but (b) to see this, with inward trusty is for a sinner
the supreme act of faith in God. The awakened JUSTUS, jus'tus CloCoToff) The surname of three
:
conscience can not accept an easy immunity. The persons mentioned in the N
T. 1. Joseph, called
dream of immunity is the worst defiance of God. Barsabbas, who was one of the two from whom the
But in the cross of Christ God is revealed as at once disciples chose the successor of Judas, the lot falling
righteous and merciful (Ro 3 26, 5 8-11). Conse- upon his colleague Matthias (Ac 1 23fif.). 2, Titus
quently, our trust for the removal of guilt is fixed {TiTios, proselyte whose house Paul made
WH), a
on that holy will, so rich in mercy (Eph 1 6 f., 2 4 f.), his home and doubtless the center of his mission,
which was once for all revealed on that cross of His when the opposition of the Jews in Corinth com-
Son. (4) This act must be distinguished from the pelled him to abandon his teaching in the Synagogue
process of sanctification. It conditions, underlies, and give himself to work among the Gentiles (Ac
and makes possible that process, but its power lies 18 7 f .) 3. Jesus, who was one of the fellow workers
.
in its being directly apprehended in its own meaning of the Apostle who proved a comfort to him in his
and glory. On the other hand, too many, to escape first Roman imprisonment, and from whom he sent
the Roman Catholic view, have described it as if it greetings to the Church at Colossae (4 11). In the
were, for experience, a complete and separate system case of 1 and 3, 'Justus' is a Gentile surname assumed
of facts and relations. It is what birth is to life. To by a Jew; in the case of 2, it is the surname of a
be real it must be realized, and that can only be in Roman, who had associated himself with the worship
a life which is its confirmation and its fruit (Ro 5 17, of the Synagogue {a-e^oixevos tov Beov). M. W. J.
21 [8tKaioa~uvTJ]; Gal 5 2-6). (5) Dr. Sanday says,
"The Christian life is made to have its beginning in a JUTAH, jut'a, JUTTAH, jot'ta (H^r, yutah
Apostle says explicitly "faith is reckoned for righte- hill-country of Judah, S. of Hebron, which was
ousness." We
must remember that faith, while given to the priests for a city of refuge. It is the
it is a human act, is viewed by the N
T as unique modern Yuttd, a large Moslem village standing on
in itskind. It is the act in which the fundamental a high ridge, with stone houses, cisterns, rock-tombs,
right relation with God is really established. The and rock wine-presses. The inhabitants are rich in
man who trusts in God is righteous. Without that flocks. Map II, E 3. C. S. T.
Kabzeel
K eren-Happuch A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 460
K
KABZEEL, kab'ze-eU^Xypp., qahhts^'el): A town KANAH, k^'na (HJp^, qanah), 'reed': i, A
in the extreme S. of Judah (Jos 15 21), the home brook forming the boundary between Ephraim and
of Benaiah, captain of David's guard (II S 23 20). Manasseh (Jos 16 8, 17 9). Map III, E 4. 2. A
It was reinhabited by the Jews in post-exiUc times city of Asher (Jos 19 28). The identification is not
(Neh 11 25; here called Jekabzeel). Site unknown. certain. Both the modern Kanah near Tyre (Map
E. E. N. IV, C 4) and Kh. Kana in Galilee (Map IV, C 7) have
KADESH, k^'desh (t^np^, qadhesh), 'holy': A been suggested. E, E. N.
name which occurs in the LXX. as that of a KAREAH, ka-rl'a {n^,Jl, qareah), 'bald': The
Hittite city (possibly a royal residence, II S 24 6).
father of Jonathan, a leader of the remnant of the
It was situated N. of Damascus toward Hamath on
the Orontes river. The Heb. text reads "Tahtim-
Jews (II K
25 23, Careah AV; Jer 40 8 ff.).
E. E. N.
hodshi" (q.v.). A. C. Z.
KARKA, karlca 0'1?p,"!p., qarqa'ah, Karkaa
KADESH-BARNEA, -bdr'ng-a {"^Tl^ t^X'.y 5^" AV) : A
town on the S. border of Judah (Jos 15 3).
dhesh-harnea^), 'the holy place of Bamea': city A Site unknown. E. E. N.
located at the S. end of the Israelite territory, accord-
ing to Ezk 47 19 C'Meriboth-kadesh") between KARKOR, kar'kSr (ipi.^, qarqor): The place
Tamar and the river of Egypt, but according to Nu where Gideon overthrew Zeba and Zalmunna
34 4 between the latter point and Akrabbim. Ac- (Jg 8 10). It lay E. of Jogbehah, but its site is
cording to Gn 20 1 it was near Gerar. It was for a unknown. E. E. N.
long time the site of the camp of the tribes of Israel
(Nu 20 1 [J]; Dt 1 46; Jg ch. 6 f.). The modern site KARTAH, kar'ta (nrT]p_, qartah): A city of
has been made the subject of dispute, but it is more Zebulun assigned to "the Levites (Jos 2134). It
than probable that Trumbull was right in identi- may be the same as Kattath (19 16). E. E. N,
fying it with Ain Kadis in the plateau between
Nakb es Safat and E. of Wddy GeriXr^ where a rich KARTAN, kar'tan (|ri"]p_, qartan): A city of
spring with several wells and pools contribute Naphtali, assigned to the Levites (Jos 21 32), called
toward rendering the place an oasis. It was also Kiriathaim (Kirjathaim AV) in I Ch 6 76. Site un-
called En Mishpat, 'fountain of judgment' (Gn 14 7), known. E. E. N.
evidently because the locality served as a seat of KATTATH, kat'tath (n*^;?, qaftath): A city of
judgment for a time (cf. H. C. Trumbull, Kadesh
Zebulun (Jos 19 15). Perhaps the same as Kartah
Barnea, 1884, pp. 238-332). A. C. Z.
(21 34), and Kitron (Jg 1 30). Site unlmown.
KADMIEL, kad'mi-el ('^X^^np,, qadhmi'el), 'El E. E. N.
is the ancient one' 1, The ancestral head of a
:
KEDAR, ki'dar (in p., qedhar): One of the sons
Levitical family which returned with Zerubbabel (Gn 25 13; I Ch 1 29) and the eponym of
of Ishmael
(Ezr 2 40; Neh 7 43, 12 8, 24). 2. One or more in- an important tribe of nomads of Arabian origin
dividual Levites of this name and family may have (Jer 2 10). Their flocks and tents were famous (Ezk
assisted in rebuilding the Temple (Ezr 3 9), in the 27 21; Jer 49 28 f.), and served as familiar embellish-
services of the day of humiliation (Neh 9 4, 5), and in ments of poetic speech (Ps 120 6; Song 1 5). But
sealing the covenant (Neh 10 10). C. S. T. in Is 42 11 they are said to inhabit "villages," and in
Is 21 16 f. to furnish mighty "archers," which may
KADMONITE, kad'men-ait Cp'-\'p_, qadhmoni):
mean either that a portion of the people had settled
The Heb. word signifies a dweller in the East, and is down to agriculture and military life, or that the
synonymous with 'sons of the East.' It refers to the "villages" were simply encampments and the
Arabs of the Syrian desert (Gn 15 19). J. A. K. warriors only such as a nomad people might de-
KAIN, ken velop. There seems to be no doubt, however, that
(]^p_, qayin): I. Another term for
the name
did not always indicate the small section
the Kenites (Nu 24 22, RVmg.; "the Kenite" AV); of Ishmael alluded to in Gn. In the Assyrian
see Kenite.
records K. is placed in juxtaposition with Nebaioth,
A town in the mountains of Hebron (Jos 15 67;
11.
as
it is also in Is 60 7 (cf. COT, I, p. 133 f.; II,
Cain AV), more correctly Hakkain, probably an p.
107 f.), and its religion is said to be the worship of
old Kenite settlement,' traditionally the tomb of
Syrian deities. See also Ethnography and Eth-
Cain. Supposed to be identified with the modern
nology, § 11. A.C.Z.
Yukin, near Hebron (Buhl, Pal. p. 162). Map II, E 3.
A. C. Z. KEDEMAH, ked'g-ma (DTpn.p., qedhmah), 'east':
KALLAI, kal'la-d (^Vp_, qallay): A priest(Neh An Ishma^lite tribe (Gn 25 15; I Ch 131). See
12 20). E. E. N. Ishmael. E. E. N.
KAMON, kg'men (1'i?:p^, qamdUy Camon AV): KEDEMOTH, ked'g-moth (ni?:)lp, q'>dhemdth),
The burial-place of Jair, one of the Judges (Jg 10 5). 'east (regions)': The wilderness of K. was near
1.
Map II, F 8. E. E. N. the upper waters of the Arnon on the E. of Moab
Kabzeel
461 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Keren-Happuch
(Dt 2 26). 2. The city K. assigned to Reuben KENAN, ki'non (]y"p„, qenan, Cainan AV): The
(Jos 13 18, 21 37) was probably in the same locality, son of Enoch in the Sethite genealogy (Gn 5 9;
some miles E. of Dibon. Map I, G 10. E. E. N, I Ch 1 2), the equivalent of Cain in the genealogy of
KEEPERS: In Ec 12 3 "keepers of the house*' Kain [found in Nu 24 22; Jg 4ll]): The Kenites
refers primarily to the watchmen, or porters, who were a nomadic people whose original home lay in
guarded the entrance to the houses of the well-to-do. the region S. of Palestine. Moses' father-in-law,
It is perhaps appUed figuratively here to the arms Hobab, was a Kenite (Jg 1 16, 4 ii), and hence we
as the guardians of the body. In all other cases in may infer that they were originally counted with the
the Bible "keeper" means 'watchman,' 'guard,' or Midianites. The Kenite clan of which Hobab was
'caretaker.' E. E. N. chief threw in its lot with Israel on the march from
Horeb to Canaan, and later joined Judah when that
KEHELATHAH, ki"hg-ld'thS (rin^nj^, qehela- tribe undertook to conquer S. Palestine (Jg 1 16 ff.).
thdh): A station on the wilderness journey (Nu The Kenites took possession of a district to the S. of
33 22 f.). Site unknown. E. E. N. Judah proper, and there became closely identified
with the Amalekites (in Jg 1 16 read "and they went
KEILAH, (H^^p, qe'llah): 1. A waUed
ke-oi'la and dwelt with the Amalekites" cf Moore in Int. Crit. ; .
Under the latter name he is mentioned among the KENIZZITE, ke-niz'zoit. See Kenaz.
expounders of the law as read by Ezra (Neh 8 7), KERCHIEF : The rendering of the Heb. mi$pahdth
and among the signers of the Covenant (Neh 10 10). (Ezk 13 18, 21), a head-covering or veil of some sort,
A. C. Z. the exact nature of which is unknown. See also
KELITA, keri-ta. See Kelaiah. Deess and Ornaments, § 8. E. E. N.
ancestralhead of the Nahorites, from whom Aram qeren happukh)One of : Job's daughters (Job 42 14).
was descended (Gn 22 21; but cf. 10 22). 2. A prince The name means 'horn of eye-paint,' the reference
of Ephraim (Nu 34 24), 3. Levite A (I Ch 27 17). being to the black antimony dye used for the eye-
E. E. N. brows and eyelashes. E. E. N.
Kerioth 463
Kingdom of God
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
KERIOTH, kt'ri-eth (ril'li?, qmyydth, in Jer KINAH, kai'na (HJ/;^, qtnah): A town in the
48 41 with the article), the pi. of qiryahy 'city*: A extreme S. of Judah (Jos 15 22). Site unknown.
place in Moab (Jer 48 24) with royal palaces (Am E. E. N.
2 perhaps the capital city. On the Moabite Stone
2), KINDRED: The translation of a number of Heb,
(see Mesha) it is mentioned as containing a princi- and Gr. terms in AV, most of which have been more
pal sanctuary of Chemosh. Buhl {GAP) identifies it correctly rendered by other words in RV. Atten-
with Rabbath Moab, the capital city of the district tion may be called to the following: i. In the T.
'Ar, S. of the Arnon. C, S. T.
(1) In Ezk 11 15, the term rendered
"kindred"
KERIOTH-HEZRON, ki"ri-eth-hez'ren. See means 'redemption.' This gives no good sense, and
Hezron. it is probable that the original reading was 'cap-
tivity,' or 'exile,' giving the meaning 'fellow exiles.'
KEROS, ki'res (DTp., qero§): The ancestral
(2) In Ru 3 2, the Heb. means literally 'acquaint-
head of a family of Nethinim (Ezr 2 44 =Neh 7 47). ance.' (3) In Gn 24 7, etc., the Heb. word (ren-
E. E. N. dered "nativity" in RV) is the same as that ren-
KETTLE: The rendering of dudh (II S 2 14). See dered "kindred" in 12 1, etc. It is derived from the
Food, § 11. verb meaning 'to give birth to/ and both senses are
KETURAH, k§-tu'ra (HIVl:;^, q'turah), 'frank-
correct. In Est 2 10, 20, 8 6 it is rendered "race."
(4) The Heb. word for 'family' is sometimes used in
incense': The wife or concubine of Abraham, a broad sense for "kindred" (Gn 24 38; Ps 22 27, etc.).
perhaps like Hagar taken during Sarah's lifetime. 2. In the N T. (1) In Ac 4 6 yivos means 'family,'
She was the mother of six sons, representing Arab while in 7 13, 19 it has its usual meaning of 'race.'
tribes S. and E. of Palestine. But the episodical (2) In Ac 3 25 irarpidy 'family,' is used in a very
nature of the passage (Gn 25 1-6), the plurals in
broad sense, almost equivalent to 'race,' or 'nation.'
ver. 3, and the broad geographical distribution of her
(3) In Rev 1 7, 5 9, etc., the RV "tribe" is the hteral
descendants argue strongly for a tribal interpreta- meaning of the Gr. ^uX?;. E. E. N.
tion of Keturah's personality. A. S. C.
KEY. See House, and Lock.
KING: The Heb. word melehh, 'king,' appears
§ 6 (1),
to be derived from a root, mlhh^ meaning 'to decide'
KEZIAH, ke-zai'a (ra'^'Vp!, q'tsi'ah), 'cassia': or 'to give counsel/ which reminds us of the status
One of the daughters of Job (Job 42 14). E. E. N. of the chief, or sheik, of a tribe, whose main function
KEZIZ, kl'ziz. See Emek-Keziz. was to give counsel rather than to rule absolutely.
The verb malakh, 'to rule,' or 'to reign,' is denomi-
KEZZIZ, VALLEY OF. See Emek-Keziz. native from melekh. The original constitution of
KIBROTH-HATtIaVAH, kib"reth-hat-t6'a-va Israel was patriarchal (see Family and Family
(njXrnn rillpp, qibhroth hatta'dwdhf 'graves of lust' Law, §§ 2, 4) and tribal. There was no central au-
A on the wilderness journey from Horeb
station
thority, even in religion. Leadership in war or in
to Kadesh (Nu 11 34 f., 33 16 f.; Dt 9 22). It was the
time of peace was due to individual prowess or
abilities, was not hereditary, and was, after all,
scene of the wonderful supply of quail, the greedy
eating of which brought on a plague causing the
subordinate to the government of the tribes through
death of many in the camp. Site unknown. their "elders." As Israel became more firmly
E. E. N. established in Canaan and entered more fully into
the experiences of a settled, instead of a nomadic,
KIBZAIM, kib-z6'im (D':^3|^, qihhtsayim): A the essential weakness of the tribal constitution
life,
Levitical city of Ephraim named in connection with became only too evident. Such experiences as the
Gezer and Beth-horon (Jos 21 22), called Jokmeam invasion by the Midianites (Jg chs. 6-8) and the
(q.v.) in I Ch 6 68. E. E. N. conquest of central Israel by the Philistines (I S chs.
KID. See Sacrifice ANn Offerings, § 5; 4^6) showed the need of union under one capable
Food, § 10. head. Gideon refused the offer of a crown (Jg 8 22 f.),
KIDNEYS: although he exercised great authority in his own
In the O
T'the Heb. hlaydth is used
in two senses. —
of the kidneys with
(1) Literal
locality until his death. The attempt
kingdom by Gideon's incapable son Abimelech was
to found a
their fat. In one passage the term is used to in-
dicate the choicest part of the wheat (Dt 32 14). abortive (Jg ch. 9). It was in the days of Samuel, a
See Sacrifice and Offerings, § 10. seer of great influence in central Israel, that the
(2) By
—
metonymy for the emotional nature of man with desire for a king came to be generally prevalent. See
Israel, History of, § 2 (2). The oldest narrative
its impulses and affections. In such passages it was
rendered in AV by reins, for which RV substitutes (I S 9 1-10 16, 11 1-13) represents Samuel as at one
"heart" (cf. also Rev 2 23). with the people in this matter, and gives as the
E. E. N.
motive the desire for a leader to save Israel from the
KIDROW, kid'ren (]1"1-]|2, qidhron): The name of Philistines. Saul was the choice of the people,
the valley E. of Jerusalem, the stream of which is dry consequent on his leadership of the volunteers of
during the greater part of the year. Originally the central Israel in a successful campaign against the
spring Gihon (see Jerusalem, § 11) emptied its Ammonites. As king, Saul's status was midway
waters into this part of the valley. The Valley of between that of the chief of a tribe and the more
Jehoshaphat (Jl 3 12) is not to be identified with the fully developed regal state exhibited by David.
Kidron, at least that portion of it near Jerusalem. Saul was the war leader of all Israel, and in war
See also Jerusalem, § 5. E. E. N. his authority was supreme. But in other respects
Eerioth
463 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Kingdom of God
his court andthe organization of his government were of his people, he was also their representative before
crude and primitivt;. It was otherwise with David God. He was really their high priest. He officiated
(q.v.), in whom Israel found a man of truly regal at the national sacrifices, prayed for his people, and
character. David was chosen king by the tribal blessed them in the name of J* (I S 14 33 f ; II S 6 18 f
. .
"elders," first of Judah (II S 2 4), then, seven years I K8 12 ff ., 13 4, etc.) It was easy, therefore, for the
.
later, by those of all Israel (II S 5 3). As king, Messianic thought at times to conceive of the ideal
David was the military head, the supreme judge, and future as the time when a perfect king should reign as
the religious head of all Israel. Hie authority was God's own representative, and his kingdom be the
not absolute, for there were many ancient customs realization of the rule of God in Israel and on earth
and rights which he was expected to uphold, not to (Is 9 6-7, 11 1-fi, 32 1 ff.; Jer 23 5; Ezk 32 22-24, etc.).
annul (cf. the later case of Ahab and Naboth, I K E. E. N.
ch. 21); still, in many respects his will was the su-
preme law of the land, and in the selection of his KINGDOM OF GOD: A N T phrase based upon
officials, both military and civil, less attention was OT antecedents, used with various shades of mean-
paid to the local tribal nobles and more to persons ing centering in the idea of the spiritual
who would be directly dependent upon the king 1 Usage of reign of God among men. The phrase
himself. As the supreme court of appeal, this Terms, "kingdom
of heaven" {^aa-iXela rSiv
king and his oificials practically supplanted the old used in the N T by Mt only,
ovpavoav) is
tribal courts in matters of great importance. In and is an exact equivalent of the phrase "kingdom of
these and other respects the tendency of the king- God" (patriKela Tov Seov), The expression is based
dom was to break down the old tribal system. on the popular substitution in later Judaism, under
Under David the kingly government took on a dig- stress of superstitious feeling, of the word "heaven"
nity that it had not at all possessed under Saul. for the name of God, wherever it occurred. Out-
It was organized, and there was a real court and side of the N
T, it was in use as the Targumic name
cabinet (II S 8 15-18, 20 23-26). Under Solomon, this of the Messianic empire {malkhutha* dhishmayyd*)
organization was extended to cover a larger field, an alternate form of the older phrase, which, how-
especially in connection with the economic measures ever, it never completely displaced. Which of the
for the maintenance of the royal establishment (I two expressions Jesus Himself adopted, and whether
K 4 1-28). Under Solomon also the royal preroga- He hmited Himself to one or the other are open
tives were insisted upon in an autocratic spirit questions. (Cf Stanton, The Jewish and Christian
.
(cf. I K 12 8-11) unknown in earlier days, and ex- Messiahll88&], pp. 209-210; Dalman, Words of Jesus
ceedingly distasteful to the majority of his subjects, [1902], pp. 91 ff .). Less technical and formal ex-
especially those outside ofJudah (I S 8 10-18; I K pressions denoting the same idea are, "kingdom of
12 The northern tribes remembered that the
4-7). their [my, Mt 26 29] father" (Mt 13 43) ,"thy kingdom"
house of David held its power only by their free (in the Lord's Prayer, Mt 6 10), "the kingdom," with-
consent, and at the death of Solomon refused their out qualification (Mt 8 12) and, after the recognition
;
allegiance to his son, who declined to renounce the of Jesus as the Messiah, "kingdom of Christ" (Pauline
autocratic policy of his father. The Northern King- usage, I Co 6 9 f. Gal.5 21).
;
dom thus originated in a protest against absolutism, The root of the conception of the kingdom of
and it is likely that the first kings were somewhat God is to be found in the O T. In one of the earlier
cautious about interfering with time-honored passages of the Hexateuch (Ex 19 5 f.),
customs. Omri was the real organizer of the North- 2. Antece- Moses is represented as bringing the
em Kingdom. Being the choice of the army, he dents in promise of J" to the people of Israel
had the power to enforce his authority. His cen- the O T. that they should be "a kingdom of
tralizing policy sought to diminish the independ- priests and a holy nation." This was
ent power and significance of the old local and distinctly assumed as the case realized in the last
tribal constituencies, and to make the throne stages of the period of Judges. Gideon refuses the
supreme, and under the Omri dynasty the Northern throne offered him upon the ground that J* only must
Kingdom came to be as closely organized about and rule over Israel (Jg 8 23). When the people de-
dependent on the throne as was that of Judah. manded a king from Samuel and he took the matter
Under ordinary circimastances the kingdom was to 3", he received the answer that it was not him-
hereditary, but the many changes of dynasty show self that the people had rejected but J^ (I S 8 7; cf.
that this was no unchangeable law. Primogeniture 12 12). In its simplest form, the idea current in
was also recognized, but not as an essential con- this period may be put in the proposition: Israel's
dition. government is ideally a theocracy, i.e., the reign of
There was something ideal in the conception of a God, and Israel, accordingly, the kingdom of God.
king to the mind of the ancient Israelite. The With the establishment of this monarchy the idea
limits of the royal authority were somewhat vague, naturally receded into the background, but the
and hence there was all the greater need that, as the thought that God was the true king of Israel was
final court of appeal and the fountainhead of justice, never completely lost sight of. When Israel's need
the king be perfectly just and impartial. As the became great, the prophets foresaw the reestablish-
head of the state, he was to be the successful leader ment of the reign of J' in the future as the only
of its armies, the wise provider of all things con- effective remedy of the ills from which the nation
ducive to public welfare, having at heart his people's was suffering. This lies at the root of the Messianic
interests, quick to detect and punish the evil and re- idea, which culminates in the apocalyptic conception
ward the good (Dt 17 14-20; I K
12 7). As the chief of Daniel.
464
Kingdom of God A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONART^
What the notion of the kingdom of God is in Dn class of men. It is a body politic, growing from
power
appears plainly from its coordination with the other small beginnings into large proportions and
cnu-
kingdoms. Just as Assyria and Baby- (Mt 13 31; Mk 4 26). Its members are the
3, Apoca- Ionia became great world-empires, and dren of the kingdom (Mt 13 38). Like eve^ human
must have offices and
lyptic Ideal: controlled the whole known world, organization this, too, its
be ap-
A Divine and were followed by Medo-Persia and officers;but to suppose that these are to
World- the Macedonian rule of Alexander and pointed without reference to their character
and on
Empire, his successors, so the people of God's the same principle as in the poHtical sphere—
choice woiild supplant the last of these order to lord it over their fellow members—is a
and grow into a power which would hold perpetual grievous error. They that rule shall be they that
sway, or dominion (sholtdn), over the world (Dn chs. serve. They shall rule in the very act of serving
3, 7, 11). But there were hindrances delaying this their brethren (Mt 20 21 ff.). (4) A fourth class
consummation, in particular the heathen nations, of passages designates the kingdom as an order of
hostile preternatural powers (Satan, stars, demons), things, or a dispensation. In the vision of Daniel,
and the alien dynasty of the Herods. This concep- it had been foreshadowed that with the coming
tion was the current one in N
T times, being given a of the fifth kingdom a revolution would occur in
central and regulative place. The phrase "king- the affairs of Israel and, in fact, of the whole world.
dom of God" ["kingdom of heaven"] assumed a And it was the nearness of this new order of things
very clear and definite sense as the realm over which that John the Baptist had preached. Jesus came
God rules (cf. Targum, Is 40 9; Mic 4 7; also Targ. with the same message, and taught His disciples
Jon. Is 53 10, "The kingdom of the Messiah"; see to announce the coming of the kingdom, to pray for
also Cremer, BibL Theol. Lex., ^aa-ikevs; Schiirer, it, and to prepare for it (Mt 6 10-13; Lk 9 2, 11).
HJP, II, ii, 170). The new feature of the dispensation thus announced
The Targumic is evidently the usage which is its spirituality. Its laws are essentially ethical.
served as the starting-point for the development It is an order of things in which humility and purity
of the conception in the N T. John count for more than self-assertion and outward
4, Teaching the Baptist took the imminence of the conformity to standards (Mt 11 11; Lk 7 28). It is
of Jesus, kingdom as the occasion and motive of an administration of justice and equity. Faithful-
his preaching of repentance (Mt 3 2). ness and diligence are rewarded in it and sloth and
In the teaching of Jesus the conception became imbrotherliness are punished (Mt 21 43; cf. 25 1 ff.).
primary, and at the same time received a new moral The thought of Jesus regarding the kingdom of
and spiritual significance. God may be gathered also from His use of other
The usage of Jesus represents the kingdom (1) parallel expressions. After His answer
figuratively, under the form of a place. This the
is 5. Parallel to the rich young man who asked Him
case in all expressions involving the act of entering and Con- what he must do to inherit eternal Hfe,
into the kingdom (Mt 7 21, 18 3; Mk 10 15, 23; Lk trasted Con- Jesus turned to His disciples and said,
18 24f.). Sometimes, the place is more narrowly ceptions. "How hardly shall they that have
presented as an enclosure, or. walled territory, or riches enter into the kingdom of God"
city with gates that can be closed (Mt 23 14). It is (Lk 18 24), and His disciples asked Him, "Then who
better to enter into the kingdom of heaven with can be saved?" (Lk 18 26). The three phrases
one eye than, having two, to be cast out (Mk 9 47). "kingdom of God," "eternal life," and "be saved"
Men are said to be "near" or "far" from the kingdom are in this passage applied to the same thing.
(Mk 12 34). It requires effort to enter (Mt 11 12). But Whether the conversation is reported verbatim
the difference between those who enter and those or through the mediation of later developments, it is
who do not is not the difference between the Jew and certain that it indicates at least the understanding
the Gentile, but that between those who possess a which prevailed of the kingdom of God before the
certain fitness for it and those who do not (Lk 9 62). Synoptic Gospels were cast into their present form
But after entrance has been secured, it is a place from their sources. The identity of the two phrases
of enjoyment, a place where even Jesus Himself shall "kingdom of God" and "eternal life" is still further
eat and drink (Mt 26 29; Mk 14 25; Lk 22 16, 18). illustrated by the fact that the Fourth Gospel uni-
(2) In a second class of passages, the kingdom is formly presents the latter as the great theme of
represented as a possession. Of the poor in spirit Christ's teaching, thus putting it in the place occu-
and of those who are persecuted for righteousness' pied by the idea of the kingdom in the Synoptic
sake it is said, "theirs is the kingdom of heaven" account. The expression "kingdom" occurs in the
(Mt 5 3, 10; Lk 18 16 f.). It is something that can Fourth Gospel only in two reports of conversations
be given and taken away. It will be taken from the by Jesus, viz., those with Nicodemus and with
Jews and given to a nation bringing forth the Pilate (Jn 3 3, 18 36 ff.). In the case of the conver-
fruits thereof (Mt 21 43). It is promised to the little sation with Pilate the expression was forced into
flock (Lk 12 32). The parables of the treasure the narrative by the circumstances. Being charged
hidden in the field and the merchantman seeking with assuming the title of king, Jesus could not
goodly pearis (Mt 13 44-46) give this view of it. It avoid referring to the idea.
is the most valuable of possessions, and it is the Further, additional light is thrown on the notion
height of wisdom to seek for it and the summit of of the kingdom of God by the occurrence of con-
prosperity to secure it (Mt 6 33; Lk 12 31). (3) A trasted notions, such as that of the kingdom of
third class of passages represents the kingdom of Satan (Mt 12 26; Mk 3 24; Lk 11 18). This kingdom
God as an organization, constituted of a certain involves an organization controlled by one domi-
465 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Kingdom of God
nating power, and it is necessary that its law should might be conceived as taking place in the form
be harmoniously observed by its subjects, else its ordinarily represented in the Apocalyptic writings.
integrity disappears and it collapses (Mt 12 26 f .
Both the foregoing conceptions persist throughout
Lk 11 18). The kingdom of God is finally identified the Apostohc teaching, and run parallel 'without
with the 'coming age' of the apocalyptic literature any tendency either toward the absorp-
(Lk 18 30; Mk 10 30), and the 'present age,' being the 8. The tion or toward the expulsion of the one
obverse of the coming, falls into the place of opposi-
^
Kingdom by the other. In the Epistles of Peter,
tion to the kingdom of God. in Apostolic the eschatological idea prevails. The
The two aspects of a kingdom, that of a reign and Teaching, kingdom is a future manifestation (I P
that of a realm, are in this teaching both present, 1 7 f ., 4 13) ; Christ Himself would come
but indistinguishably interwoven. As in glory and establish it (I P 4 5 f.). In the Epistle
6. Realm a matter of fact, they could not ex- of James, it is a privilege to be enjoyed by those
and Reign, ist apart from each other. Where who love Jesus as Christ that they shall inherit the
there is an actual reign there must be kingdom (Ja 2 5). On the other hand, in Revelation,
realm, and where there is a realm there is also a it is more than a future reign of God. With the
reign. But though the two aspects of reign and ascension of Jesus, Satan has been overthrown, and
realm are not to be separated from each other, the the kingdom has come (12 10). Believers are already
usage of the time laid the emphasis on the former, rulers in it (1 6, 5 10). The Seven Churches are in
permitting the idea of realm to appear as a corollary the domain of Christ. In the Johannine writings,
(cf. Schiirer, HJP, II, 539, n. 43; Dalman, Words the conception and phraseology of the kingdom
of Jesus, T^, 94 f.). yield to those of eternal life, which is represented
What Jesus says as to the time and method of the as a present good secured by faith in Christ (Jn
establishment of the kingdom of God has given rise 3 36, 6 54; I Jn 5 11, 13). But most clearly does this
to difference of opinion. On the one alternation of the idea from a present to a future
7. The Com- side, it is claimed that His thought on reality appear in Paul's system of thought. Here
ing of the this point coalesces with that of the the two advents of Christ mark the developments.
Kingdom. Apocalyptists (apocalyptic-eschatolog- The first coming has already resulted in the establish-
ical view), and that, like them. He ment of a kingdom of which His disciples are fellow
looks upon the coming of the kingdom as a future citizens, Eph 2 19; a dispensation of the fulness of
event to be ushered in with a unique display of su- the times, Eph 1 10 the body of Christ, Eph 1 23, 4 12,
;
pernatural power (J. Weiss, Predigt Jesu vom Reiche etc., constituted by the predominance of certain inner
Gottes^ [1906]; Schmoller, Die Lehre v. Reiche Got- realities (Ro 14 17; I Co 4 20), Men are transferred
tes [1891]; Issel, Reich Gottes [1891]; Cone, Rich and into it ("the kingdom of the Son") by faith in God
Poor in the N
T [1902]; Baldensperger, Das Selbst- through Jesus Christ (Col 1 13). Yet this kingdom
hevrusstsein Jesu^ [1903]; Bousset, Die Predigt Jesu is associated with the future coming of Christ (II
in ihren Gegensatz zum Judenthum [1892]). On the Ti 4 1), and is to be inherited (Gal 5 21; I Co
other side, His utterances are interpreted as repre- 6 9 f.). Paul also distinguishes between the kingdom
senting the kingdom as a present evolving organism of God, pure and simple, and the kingdom of Christ
(ethico-religious view). Exclusively taken, either but the difference is simply that the former repre-
one of these views fails to accoimt for all the facts in sents an earUer stage in the Apostle's thought and
the case, some of which seem to support one and the latter a later one. Yet the kingdom of Christ
some the other of the alternative views. There is is the means of furthering the kingdom of God
no doubt that here there is a problem which might (I Co 15 24-27). It was only after the close of the
be solved by denying the genuineness of either class Apostolic period that the identification of the king-
of utterances attributed to Jesus. The eschatolog- dom of God with the Church of Christ began to be
ical discourses may have been incorporated into the made.
ethico-reHgious teaching of the Master by His re- The new meaning thus imparted to the conception
porters, because these were unable to fully appreci- of thekingdom of Grod broke down the older barriers
ate His pure religious thought; or, less probably, of mere national and racial privilege
the ethico-religious elements may have been read g. The about it. Both in the teaching of
back into His speeches, though developed later in Kingdom Jesus and still more clearly in the
the course of ApostoUc activities; or the eschatolog- and the system of Paul, the kingdom was to
ical may have been b\it the form current in His Individual, extend over the great heathen world
day which Jesus used as a medium for His ethico- (cf Eph 3 6, where Grentiles are referred
.
religious ideals; or, again, the eschatological may to as fellow heirs, fellow members of the body, and
have formed the chief content of His teachings, and fellow partakers of the promise) and even possibly
,
those instances of His usage in which the kingdom leave out some of the old Jewish commimities (Ro
appears as a present reality may be proleptical. All 9 31 f.). From being the commonwealth of Israel,
these methods of dealing with the data do more it came to be regarded as the community of the
or less critical and exegetical violence to them. The righteous within Israel, and, finally, as the righteous
truth is that the primary element in Jesus* con- among all nations. The conditions of membership
ception is the ethico-religious, and the eschatological are, accordingly, placed within the reach of the world
is used, partly as a vehicle for conveying this, and at large, and consist in repentance from sin and
partly as a possible culmination and expression trustful acceptance of the Christ as Savior (Mt 16 16;
outwardly of the inner reality. The kingdom is then Ac 13 39, 3 19, 17 30; Ro 1 16). The privileges of such
a present and growing power, whose final triumph membership are correspondingly lifted out of a
Kingdom of God 466
Kings, Books of
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
material sphere (currently expressed in such phrases 2 12, perhaps following ancient Heb. authorities in
as 'eating bread in the kingdom of God' [Lk 14 15], BO doing. The exact relation of the original
Heb.
'partaking in a banquet of manna,' or 'of the flesh of book of 'Kings' to the preceding historical books
leviathan/ or ^Behemoth') into the more spiritual is obscure. It is certain that the older
material
one of the vision of God, the recognition of sonship, in them all has been edited by compilers in the
the satisfaction with righteousness, the communion same spirit, and that together they form
a closely
with the devout of past ages, and the completion of connected series. But whether they were origi-
communion with God already begun. But on their nally planned as such a series, and were once but
part, the members of the kingdom must maintain four parts of one large work all edited by the same
a Christian character. As such, they are to be hand, are questions that can not be answered
distinguished by humility, meekness, a forgiving definitely.
spirit, a devout and prayerful attitude toward God, Disregarding the artificial subdivision into two
earnest aggressiveness in extending the kingdom, books, the entire work consists of three main parts:
and a fraternal loving attitude toward their fellow (1) The history of Solomon's reign (I K
members. Over one another they are to watch 2. General chs. 1-11). (2) A synchronous history
with care (Mt 18 15-20), and serve one another with Structure of the two kingdoms (I K ch. 12-11 K
devotion. and ch. 17), (3) The history of Judah from
The Biblical idea of the kingdom of God may then Purpose, the fall of the Northern Kingdom to
be said to center about the thought of a special the Exile (II K ch. 17, end). Through-
order of things or dispensation, the out each of these three parts we find evidence of
lo. Sum- chief characteristic of which is that the use by the editor, or compiler, of a variety of
mary. men recognize God as absolute sov- sources, sometimes quoted verbatim in longer and
ereign. But they do so because, in the shorter excerpts, at other times used more indirectly,
person and teaching of Jesus Christ, He is revealed but always in accord with one ruling purpose, to set
to them as their Father. The relation of the indi- forth the history from a religious rather than from a
vidual to the kingdom is thus established by faith, political point of view, and to show what lessons were
i.e. by the acceptance of the revelation made by
J to be learned from it regarding J^'s dealings with His
Jesus; but those who accept Him irrespective of people. In political events or measures, as such,
previous station in life or nationality are banded the compiler took little interest. Of the careers
together as His new people. The order of things of some of the most important kings {e.g., Omriand
thus begun is to be completed in the future. Yet Jeroboam II) he gives only the briefest notices. The
its complete manifestation at the last will not bring record of a half-century is compressed into a few
a new reality into existence, but will only fill out lines {e.g., the reign of Manasseh). This was due
and reveal its outline. simply to the 'pragmatic' or didactic aim of the his-
Literature In addition to the works mentioned in the
: torian. He selected from his sources only those
article, the followingmay be consulted Bruce, Kingdom : things that seemed best suited to his main purpose.
of God^ (1890) Candlish, Kingdom of God Mathews, Mes-
sianic Hope in the
;
N
T (1907).
;
The signs of the compiler's hand are manifold.
A. C. Z.
(1) He makes definite reference to three works as
authorities (cf. I K 11 41, 14 19, 2«, and see below, § 4).
KINGS, BOOKS OF (2) The constant recurrence of certain favorite for-
mulas, which form the framework, as it were, of
Analysis of Contents the whole, (a) Those by which a reign is intro-
1. Name and Place in the 4. Sources duced, which include, when complete, the synchro-
O T Canon 5. Chronological Scheme nism with the contemporaneous reign in the other
2. General Structure and Text
6. kingdom, the name of the king, his age, length of
Purpose 7. Historical Value
3. Date reign, name of queen-mother, and a statement as to
his character (I K 14 21, 22 41 f., etc.). (b) Those
In the Heb. Canon Jos, Jg, I and II S (as one book), by which the account of a reign is closed, which
and I and II K
(as one) form a group called the include a reference to the editor^s authority, a
'Early (or Former) Prophets.' How old notice of the king's death and burial, and the name
I. Name this grouping is can not now be as-
and Place certained, but it antedates the LXX.
of his successor (I K11 41 ff., 14 19 f., 29, 31, 15 7 f.,
etc.). (3) The synchronistic scheme, according to
in the O T and persisted (in Heb. MSS.) untU the
which the accession of a king in one kingdom is
Canon, age of printing. Both Origen and dated according to the regnal year of the contem-
Jerome speak of the difference between poraneous king in the other. This appears as a
the LXX. division into two books (Third and Fourth regular element of the formula (2) (a) just noted,
'Kingdoms') and the Heb. designation of the whole and is carried through the entire period of the
as one book of 'Kings.' Our subdivision of S and
divided kingdom. It is not likely that these syn-
K into two books each, based as it is on the LXX.,
chronisms were in the original authorities; they were
is of no special significance, and is purely
arbitrary, probably computed by the editor on the basis of
having no basis in the text. The dividing line figures found in his sources. (4) The presence of a
between K
and S has also been drawn somewhat large number of passages, scattered through the
arbitrarily, since I K
chs. 1 and 2 are really the con- work, all revealing the same religious point of view
clusion of the history of David narrated in II S.
and holding a most important place in the general
Lucian, in his recension of the LXX., made a much
composition of the work. Some of them appear
more natural division between II S and I K at I K conspicuously in the framework (cf. (2) above) as
Kingdom of God
467 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Kings, Books of
judgments on the character of the individual kings, of identical, or similar, expressions in K and Dt
while others of more extended character seek to collected by Driver, LOT, pp. 200-203, and by
show why misfortunes came upon different kings or Bumey in HDB, II, pp. 859-861). The probability
the nation {e.g., I K 11 1-13, 32-39, 15 4f., 29-31; II K is, therefore, that some one, profoundly influenced
17 18-23, The standpoint from which these
etc.)- by Dt and the reformation of Josiah's time, also
are written the 'Deuteronomic' Kings are con-
is perhaps by the earnest appeals and denunciations
demned for "worshiping at the high places, a of Jeremiah, undertook to compile a history of the
practise clearly contrary to the Deuteronomic theory kingdom in which the great religious and moral
of one only legitimate sanctuary. The sins of Sol- teachings of Dt would be seen to be illustrated and
omon, of Jeroboam, of N. Israel in general, and of enforced in the actual course of events. The exact
Manasseh are all of just the kind that are especially date of Ri can not be fixed. In view of his reference
condemned in Dt. The doctrine that the national in II K
24 5 to one of his sources as containing a full
prosperity was directly dependent upon its loyalty account of Jehoiakim's reign (608-597), it is prob-
to J', and that disloyalty would surely be visited able that he wrote in Zedekiah's reign (597-586), on
with heavy retribution is also a cardinal doctrine the eve of the fall of the kingdom. The date of the
of Dt (see Deuteronomy, § 8). Along with such second revision by R^ does not need to be placed
passages as these, a number of others, which are later than the Return (536). Somewhere between
similar in literary style and mode of thought, will 561 and 536 satisfies all conditions, as the few
naturally be classed as from the compiler rather than passages that seem to show acquaintance with the
from his sources. Priests' Code (I K
6 la, "most holy place" 6 16,
The narrative of K is carried down to the time "the golden altar'* 7 48, a few expressions in 8 1-7, and
when Evil-merodach, King of Babylon (562-560 II K18 31b) can easily be accounted for as late
B.C.), released the captive Jehoiachin, glosses.
3. Date, of Judah, from prison, i.e., some time The compiler R had at his disposal a number of
1
later than 561. This makes the book, sources,some of which he names, while others can
as it stands, of exiUc (or possibly post-exilic) date. be detected by close study of the work.
There are also a number of editorial sections, such as 4. Sources. The sources named are "the book of the
II K17 19 f., 21 10-15, 23 26 f., possibly also I 9 6-9, K acts of Solomon" (I K 11 41), "the
where an exilic point of view seems presupposed. book of the chronicles of the kings of Judah" (I K
But over against these indications of exilic date there 14 29, etc., cited for all reigns except those of Ahaziah,
are others which imply an earlier date for large por- Athaliah, Jehoahaz, Jehoiachin, and Zedekiah), and
tions of the work. (1) The frequently recurring "the book of the chronicles of the kings of Israel"
expression "unto this day" can be assigned often (I K14 19, etc., cited for all reigns except those of
only to the editor (not to his source), and refers to Jehoram and Hoshea). (1) The "book of the acts
conditions that passed away with the Exile (cf I . K of Solomon" must have been one of the main sources
8 8, 9 21, 12 19; II K
8 22, 16 6). In other instances, used by R^ for his history of Solomon's reign (I K
as I K
10 12; II K
17 23, 41, a pre-exilic date for the chs. 1-11). But he did not draw all his information
phrase is not certain, but it is probable, while in from this work. The introductory part of the ac-
others, as II K
10 27, it may belong to the source count of Solomon (I K chs. 1-2) was, in the main,
used by the compiler. (2) The presence of two taken from the history of David's reign in Jerusalem
separate strata in the editorial matter. One such (see David, § 2 (3), and Samuel, Books of. The
stratum has just been referred to as evidence of remainder of the account of Solomon's reign (chs.
exihc, or post-exilic, date. The other, however, 3-11) comprises three main kinds of material: (a)
seems to demand a pre-exilic date that is, there — Annalistic and statistical notices, such as we find
seems to be no consciousness, on the part of the in 31, 4 1-28, 9 10-28, 10 14-20, 26, 28 f.; (b) an ex-
writer, of the fall of Jerusalem, or of the cessation tended account of the building of the Temple and of
of the rule of David's line, or of the captivity of its furnishings in 6 2-7 51 ;(c) a series of notices, all
Judah (e.g., IKS 22-43, 11 29-39; II K
8 19, 17 18-23, in serving to show Solomon's great wisdom and glory
which vs. 19 f. are a later insertion). The con- (3 6a, 7-13, 16-28, 5 If., 6-11, 13-18, 8 1-13, 62-66 [?], 10
clusion, therefore, to which the evidence seems to 1-10, 13), with which 11 14-25 may be connected. Of
point is that the work was composed before the these three groups it is likely that (b) was taken by
fall of Jerusalem (586 B.C.), and that during or Ri from a larger description of the Temple, perhaps
shortly after the Exile it was revised, and also preserved in its archives; (c) comprises just the
supplemented by the addition of the account of the kind of material we should expect to find in a "book
downfall of the Judsean kingdom, all in the same of the acts of Solomon," while (a) was probably
spirit* as that in which the original book had been derived ultimately from the royal annals of Solo-
written. The work as we have it is thus, in the mon's reign. Whether (a) was found by R^ in the
main, the work of two editors, whom we may call "book of the acts of Solomon," or was gathered by
Ri and R2. him directly from the royal archives or through
The date of the first draft of the work by R* can some intermediate source is difficult to decide. It is
not well have been earlier than the publication and more probable that (a) was not a part of the "acts."
adoption of the book of Deuteronomy as the standard (2) The exact nature of the two books "of the
exposition of Israel's religious constitution in 621 chronicles of the kings" of Judah and Israel is
B.C. (see Deuteronomy, § 5). The influence of Dt determine. The designation *book of the
difl^cult to
is evident in all parts of the work. It extends even words (i. e.j deeds or affairs) of the days' is the
to minute points of phraseology (cf. the long lists technical term for official records (i.e., chronicles)
Kings, Books of A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 468
Kiriath
torical works (perhaps based largely on the archives) Jehoshaphat. . . 25 " (24) Elah .^^ *\ ^^^
Jehoram 8 " (7) Zimri (7 days)
were meant. In any case, much of the precise de- " Omri 12 years (11)
Ahaziah 1 (1)
tailed information in regarding the two kingdoms, K Ahab 22 " (21)
Ahaziah 2 "
such as the length of the different reigns, the specific (1)
Jehoram 12 " (11)
events of these reigns, etc., must have been derived
98 years (90)
primarily from official records. But there is also 95 years (90)
much in K
that may well have been drawn by Ri
from other sources. The story of Elijah, especially Here an apparent discrepancy of 3 years. But
is
the length of each reign is evidently only approxi-
in I K
chs. 17-19 and 21, and most of the story of
Ehsha in II K
chs. 2-8 were derived probably from mate. Rehoboam's reign, e.g., was not exactly 17
written 'prophetic' histories of these men. There years to a day, but probably 16 + or possibly even
are also accounts too extended and of too general
16—, the year to which the last part of one reign
a character to have been drawn immediately from and the first part of the next belonged is counted
twice, and in the case of short reigns (1 year or 2
official annals, though largely political in character,
years) even a few months might be reckoned as
and not marked by that specifically reHgious tone
2 years. Consequently, there is probably no real
that distinguishes the 'prophetic' stories. These
discrepancy between these two lists. But if, on
may well have been taken from written narratives
of a popular nature, dealing with important events the basis of these figures, one attempts to con-
of both kingdoms. Another special source seems struct a synchronistic table, he will find that it
will not agree with the synchronisms given in K
to have been a biography of Isaiah, used for certain
events of Hezekiah's reign. The following tabular and supposedly constructed from the same figures.
presentation of the distribution of the sources (with In most instances, in the synchronism, 1 year
is deducted from the figures given for the separate
the symbols by which they are frequently designated
by modern scholars) used by R^ may be found reigns, but this is not always the case. For the next
useful period, from the accessions of Athaliah and Jehu
to the fall of Samaria, the difference between the
A. (Annals, or official records including the "books of the totals of the two lists is about 20 years about —
chronicles of the kings"). I
23-28 10 11 f. (7)
3 i '•, 4 ^-^a- 22
16-20, 26, 28 f.^
K
H 26-31, iO, 12
f.,
^-^^' 18 f.,
26-28,
14
9 lo-u.
1-6. 12,
160 years for Judah and 144 years for Israel and as —
18, 25-28 15 16-22, 27-20 1Q 9-11, 16a-l8, 21 I., 23b-24, 34; 22^^ '• ' the actual length of the period was only about 120
II K 11 8 2t*-22 10 32 f, 11 1-12, 18b.20 12 18 f.
I3 3, 7, 22, 24 f. years (842-722 B.C.), it is evident that serious errors
14 5-6a, 7-14, 19-22, 25 29 17
I5 6, 10, 14, IB, 19 I. , 25, f
., IQ &-9, '. I7 a-6,
,
must be charged to the text as we now find it. For
2*-28(7), * (?), 8 (?), 10 (in part),
18 ^^^^^ 21*23 f.,
22 ^^^- 20 b^
23 l-4a, 6-15, 21-24, 29-30, 33-35 24 >• '. the next period, from 722 to 586 (the fall of Jeru-
S. (Acts of Solomon), IKS ^"i^. 16-28, 5 1, 10 1. (7)^ 12-18, s 1-0 salem) the (single) list of figures for the kings of
(nearly all), lO-l^ 10 i->o, i3, H 14-26.
Judah is approximately accurate. The necessary
T. (History of the building of the Temple and Palace) 6 ,
^-b.
corrections to be made in the figures of the second
8-10, 15-21, 23-28, 31-7 61_
Ej. (Stories of Elijah), I K 17 I-I8 3o. 32b_i9 ». iib-21^ period can be seen in the article Chronology of
21 I-20a, 27-2»j
HK1 2-8, THE O T.
Es. (Stories of EUsha), II K2 i-24, 4 i-6 23, 8 i-is. 13 i-^-^i.
K
The Heb. text of as now found in MSS. presents
N. (Stories of the Northern Kingdom), I K 20 i-^S 22 i-a?,
serious difficulties, and in many places the difference
II K 3 ^-27, 6 24-7 20, 9 1-8, 11-28. 30_10 27.
Jud. (JudEean stories), II K 12 s-i?, 16 lo-io. between it and the ancient versions,
(Biography of Isaiah), II
Is. 18 1^-20 lo. K 6. Text, especially the LXX., is very consider-
The rem.ainder of the work, not covered by these references,
able. Furthermore, MSS. of the LXX.
can be considered as editorial, belonging either to the main
editor (R 0, or to his later reviser (R2),or to later hands (Rl). reveal the presence of at least two different types
Sections that may be assigned to R2 or
24 f., 8 44-61, 9 6-9, I3 l-33a^ 15 6,
1 are I 4 20'., R : K of text as known to these translators. For details,
IQ 7, Ig 31, I9 flb-Ua, 20 ^5-43, reference must be made to the literature noted below.
22 33; II K
1 0-17a, 13 4-0, 12 f., 23, 14 17. 28 f., I7 7-17, 19, 29-40,
21 7-15, 23 1^20, 26 f.,
24 2 f., a-25 so. K
The textual history of may be roughly represented
thus:
In K there are two separate sets of chronological X = Original book compiled by R*.
data. (1) The length of each reign in both king- X2 = Revision made by R^.
doms. (2) The synchronism of each "1
I
5. Chrono- reign with that of the contemporary B C = Various types of text, all differ-
(etc.)
logical king in the sister kingdom. Theoret- ing from one another, because of the
Scheme. addition of supplementary glosses,
two ought to harmonize
ically, these
mistakes, etc., 6th to 2d cent. B.C.
and ought to agree also with
perfectly, Other forms of Heb. text, readings of
the well-established data of contemporary Assyrian which are found in Lucian's recension
chronology. But this is not the case, nor do the of the LXX. and in other witnesses.
which he addressed himself, and it is due to him alone i^"jn 'p, -heres [Jer 48 The Targum has Kerak
36]) :
that we of to-day possess a working outline of the in all five passages, and "Kerak in Moab" for "Kir
history of Israel during its most important period. Moab" in Is 15 1. It is the modem El-kerakjiortress,
Literature: The commentaries of Benzinger (1899), Kittel on the wddi of the same name, E. of the Dead Sea,
(1900), and Skinner {New Century Bible, 1905); Driver, above the peninsula, Lisdn. From II K 3 21, 24 f it .
LOT; Bumey, Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Books of Kings was evidently not far from the southern boundary of
(1903), also hia article on Kings in HDB. g. E. N. Moab and was a fortified city. It lies on a precipitous
KING'S DALE (in Gn 14 17 referred to as "the hill, only sUghtly connected on the eastern side with
same is the King's Vale" ["dale"
vale of Shaveh, the the highlands. Its summit was originally accessible
AV]): The place where Abraham was met by the only through two rock tunnels. The present walls are
King of Sodom and Melchizedek on returning from largely medieval ; only the lower portions are ancient.
his victory over Chedorlaomer. mentioned
It is also Water was provided for by means of deep wells, cis-
as the place where Absalom erected a memorial to terns, and tanks.
To-day the population is 20,000,
himself (II S 18 18). It was probably near Jerusalem. among them 2,500 Greek Christians. They are half
The word rendered "vale" means 'valley land,' or a nomadic, rough, and hostile. Buhl identifies Kir-ha,-
'low lying plain,' in distinction from hilly land. See raseth with Kerak, but not with Kir Moab (Is 15 1),
also Jerusalem, § 8. E. E. N. which he places farther to the north. C. S. T.
KING'S POOL. See Jerusalem, § 10.
KIRIATH, kgr'i-ath (n^.l.p, qiryath, Kirjath AV),
KINSMAN: (1) In the majority of the occur-
'city of: the construct form of qiryah,
K. is
rences of this term in the O T, it is the rendering of
'city,' and forms the first element in a number of
go^el, 'redeemer/ 'avenger,' ptcpl. of gd^alj 'to
compound city-names. 1. K. is found alone once
redeem,' 'to avenge.' It referred originally to the
(Jos 18 28) for K-jearim (see 5 below). 2, K.-arba,
duty of every tribesman, or clansman, to support or
'city of Arba,' an ancient name for Hebron (Gn 23 2;
avenge the cause of his tribe, clan, or family, and
Jos 14 15, etc. See Hebron). 3. K,-arim and
thus easily became the term whereby to designate
K.-baal, see 5 below, 4. K.-huzzoth (K-hUtsoth),
one's nearest relatives. (2) In Ru 2 1, II 10 11 K 'city of streets' (though the LXX. favors 'city of
(cf. RV), and Pr 7 the Heb. term means Uterally
4
sheepf olds'), a city of Moab (Nu 22 39). Site un-
'acquaintance.' (3) In Job 19 14 and Ps 38 U (cf.
known. 5. K.-jearim, 'city of forests (or thickets).'
RV) the Heb. means 'one who is near.' (4) In Lv
18 12 f., 17 and Nu 27 11 it means 'flesh,' i.e., 'blood
An important town of Judah, on the W. boundary-
line of Benjamin (Jos 15 9, 60, 18 14 f.). Once it is
relation.' (5) In the N
T the one term is a-vyyev^s, called Kiriath (Jos 18 28), also Baalah (Jos 15 9; I
i.e., 'relative' (in various degrees: Mk 6 4; Lk 1 36, 58,
of the place has been found in inscriptions. The of Calebites from Hebron (I Ch 2 50-53). In spite of
more common identification of Kir has been with its importance and the many references to it, the
KIRIATHAIM, kgr"i-a-th^'im (D^n^^"i;?, qlrya- treacherous pools along its course, and m
the plain
of Acre it seems to lose itself in marshes E,
o±
thayim), 'double city': 1. A
city in the old Moab- ^f^VJ^-
It is probably "the brook before Jokneam
l.Jos
ite territory assigned to Reuben (Nu 32 37; Jos
^•^- '•
13 19), and afterward reoccupied by Moab (Jer 48 l, 19 11).
KIRIATH-JEARIM,-jiVrim. See Kiriath (5). KITTIM, kit'im (D^riD, hittim', frequently Chit-
KIRIATH-SANNAH, -san'a. See Kiriath (6). tim AV) According to the table of nations (Gn
:
is found in its bed during the whole year only in the KNEEL: This term renders the Heb. h'arakh,
last 7 m. of its course, in which
an abun- it receives pray (for blessing),' and the Gr.
literally 'to bless,' 'to
dant supply from springs in Mt. Carmel, and from yovunerelvj 'to faU on the knees,' also the nouns
two streams from the NE. emptying into it in the berekh and yow, 'knee,' in construction with such
plain of Acre. In the rainy season, however, the verbs as 'to bend,' *bow,* etc. A man knelt to show
streams from the hills of Galilee and Ephraim be- homage or reverence to God (Is 45 23; Ro 14 U;
come rushing torrents, dangerous to chariots and K
Ph 2 10) or Baal (I 19 18; Ro 11 4), and to worship
horsemen {Jg 4 7, 13, 5 21; Ps 83 9 [10]), and over- and pray, usually with the hands stretched out,
flow the whole plain, which is settled only on the as if before an idol (IKS 54; II Ch 6 13; Ezr 9 6;
higher ground about it (cf. G. A. Smith's instruct- Dn 6 10; Lk 22 41; Ac 7 60, 9 40, 20 36, 21 6). By
ive description of the campaign against Sisera in kneeling as well as by prostration (Ru 2 10; Lk 17 16),
HGHL, pp. 391 ff.). There are always deep and a man did homage to his king or superior (Lk 5 8)
Kiriathaim
471 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Eolaiah
in mockery, Mk 15 19). This homage he showed sense, unknowable (cf Job 36 24 ff.), this was not
when presenting a petition
often (II K
1 13; Mt 17 14; allowed to interfere with religion or ethics, both
Mkl40, 10 17). C.S.T. of which, in Hebrew thought, rested on a knowledge
of God. Even the strong sense of the limitations
KNIFE: The earliest knives were of flint (Jos of human knowledge did not drive the author of
5 2f.; cf, KV), which were gradually displaced by Ec to atheism, irreligion, or immorality. It was all-
those of bronze or iron. The shape of an ordinary important that the Israelite should know that "J' is
knife was that of a dagger or dirk. The words used God" (Ex 7 17, 16 12, 31 13; Ezk 6 7, etc.). But such
are not especially distinctive. In Gn 22 6, 10; Jg knowledge, which might be purely theoretical or
19 and Pr 30 14, the Heb. term ma'kheleth sig-
29,
formal, or might be taught by the severe discipline
nifiesthe large knife used for slaying animals. In
of events, still lacked something. Not simply to
Jos 5 2 f., I K
18 28, and Ezk 5 1 f,, the term herebh
.
tent to say "such knowledge is too wonderful for rapture as he thinks what it means to "know" God
me" (Ps 139 9). The skepticism which carelessly in Christ, it is very instructive to note how he
said "What doth God know?" (Job 22 13;Ps73 ll;Is always holds himself and his readers down to the
5 19 ff.; cf. 22 13 f., 29 15) was utterly revolting to the fimdamental personal, ethical, experiential elements
devout Hebrew. The primitive anthropomorphic of this knowledge {e.g., in I Co ch. 13 f.).
mode of thought shows itself occasionally, as in the E. E. N.
old narratives in Gn ch. 3 f., 11 1-9, etc., where God's KOA, ko'a (Plp, qoa'): A term mentioned only
ability to know or discover all things e.g., human
in Ezk 23 ("Pekod and Shoa and Koa and all the
23
—
actions is not viewed as immediate omniscience, but
Assyrians"). Shoa and Koa are often coupled in
as dependent partly upon investigation. However,
the Assyrian inscriptions, however, where they
as time passed the sense of His omniscience impressed
appear as the SutH, and Kutil (or Guti; cf. "Goiim,"
itself ever more strongly, and was expressed most
Gn 14 1), peoples dwelling E. of the Tigris on the
significantly in passages like Job 21 22, 23 10, 28 23,
steppes between the upper courses of the Adhem
chs. 38-4:0; Is chs. 40-48, etc. Especial emphasis
and DiyaUh rivers. L. G. L.
was laid upon God's knowledge of the human heart,
and in this fact the devout Israelite found great KOHATH, koliath (nnp, q'hath): One of the
comfort (cf. Pss 1 6, 37 18, 44 21, 69 5, 94 11, 103 14,
sons of Levi (Gn 46 ll; Ex 6 16-18; Nu 3 17) and the
1^9 1 ff., etc). Naturally, this conviction of the all-
reputed ancestor of one of the great divisions of the
knowing and all-directing wisdom of God was a See Priesthood, § 9 d.
Levites, the Kohathites.
fundamental postiilate of Hebrew prophecy. E. E. N.
As to man's knowledge, that on which the Bible The
lays especial emphasis are its religious and moral
KOLAUH, ko-l^'ya (^^,^^p, qolayah): 1.
aspects. In the O T knowledge of God is the father of the false prophet Ahab (Jer 29 2i). 2.
essence of religion, and while God is held to be The head of a Beniamite family (Neh 117).
infinite and surrounded by mysteiy and so, in a E. E. N.
Korah A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY ^n
Lamentations
KORAH, ko'ra {T^ypt qdrah), 'baldness': 1. A [here the name is spelled Kore, >«Tp, qore'l 31,
son of Esau (Gn 36 5, 14, Oh 1 35). 2. One of
18; I 26 1, Korhite AV, 19). It was this K. who rebelled
the "dukes" of Esau =Edom, perhaps a mere agamst Moses in the desert (Nu 16 1-49, 26 9-11, 27 3).
LAADAH, 1^'a-da ('"Tn;?^, la'dah): Probably a the Amama letters L. is represented as under Egyp-
late clan of Judah, inhabiting Maresha (ICh 4 21). tian control. Until the excavations conducted in
E. E. N. behalf of the PEF by Flinders Petrie (Tell el-Hesy,
LAADAN, 1^'a-dan. See Ladan. 1891) and F. J. Bliss (A Mound of Many Cities,
1893) the modern site was supposed to be Umm
LABAN, le'ban (1?^, labhan), 'white'; perhaps
Lahis. These excavations have shown that Tell
named from the Moon-god, who was worshiped at el-Hesy is the real site. Map II, C 2. Cf. G. A.
Haran, and of whom 'white' is an epithet: A de- Smith, HGHL, p. 234. A. C. Z.
scendant of Nahor, and brother of Rebekah. His
covetousness is well characterized in Gn 24 30, LADAN, le'dan Q^vX la'dan, Laadan AV): 1.
where the sight of the presents sent by Abraham An Ephraimite (I Ch 7 26; Eleadah, ver. 20). 2. cf.
makes him obsequious in his courtesy. He is no The ancestral head of a division of the Gershonite
more attractive on his next appearance, and his Levites (I Ch 23 7-9, 26 21). See also Libni.
attempt to overreach Jacob by giving him Leah E. E. N.
instead of Rachel (Gn 29 23) receives its reward in LADDER: The translation of the Heb. sullam,
more than one stroke of poetic justice. The bargain which occurs only in Gn 28 12. A better rendering
which he makes with Jacob (Gn 30 31 ff.), laughing from the root-meaning would be 'a flight of steps.'
in his sleeve the while at Jacob's simplicity, leaves The figure was suggested by the conformation of the
him unexpectedly with a dwindling flock (Gn ch. mountains near Bethel, and was used to signify the
31), while Jacob drives his sheep to a safe distance, communication between heaven and earth. Cf ver. .
providing beforehand for a three days' start when 17, "the gate of heaven." C. S. T.
the time should be ripe for flight (Gn 30 36, 31 25).
But the most unexpected blow of all was that LADY: In Is 47 5,7 the RV gives the more
Rachel should steal his teraphim (Gn 31 19). His correct rendering "mistress." 29 and Est In Jg 5
story carries with it a satire upon the Aramseans, 1 18the Heb. sdrdh means a 'princess,' or woman of
who had to be watched lest they fleeced their own rank. On II Jn 1 5 see John, Epistles of.
kin, but whose cleverness often overshot itself. E. E. N.
Laban and his sons left behind on the hither side of LAEL, Wei (^xb, la' el), [belonging] 'to God': A
Galeed (Gn 31 48) are like a racial vestige, sloughed Gershonite Levite, father of the "prince'' of the
off as the Jacob-Israel nation developed into its family (Nu 3 24), to which was entrusted the care of
larger heritage. A. S. C. the tabernacle and tent (Nu 3 25 f.). It is one of the
LACE: This word is the rendering of pathil many names in Nu in which 'el appears as a suffix.
C. S. T.
(inEx 28 28; etc.), which means the 'thread,' or
'string/ by which the rings of the breastplate were LAHAD, l^Tiad On% lahadh): The ancestral
joined (laced) to the rings of the ephod. E. E. N. head of a Zorahite family in Judah (I Ch 4 2).
E. E. N.
LACHISH, le^kish (^^?^, lakhish): A royal
LAHAI-ROI, la-hai'-rei. See Beer-lahai-roi.
Canaanite city captured by Joshua (Jos 10 3, 31 f.,
12 11, 15 39) and assigned to Judah. It was made LAHMAM, la'mam (Q^H^, lahmam, in some MSS.
a fortress for the defense of Judah (II Ch 11 9). It lakmds) : A city of Judah (Jos 15 40), Map II, D 2.
was to L. that Amaziah fled, but in vain, when he E. E. N.
discovered that a conspiracy had been formed against LAHMI, la'mai: In I Ch 20 5 we read, "Elhanan
him (II K 14 19; II Ch 25 27). Later (701 B.C.) . . , slew Lahmi brother of Goliath." In the II ||,
camp sent messengers to Hezekiah summoning him slew Goliath." In the Heb. 'Beth-lehem' and
to yield to Assyrian suzerainty (see p. 94), It was Lahmi' are almost identical in appearance, and
'[the]
to L., therefore, that Hezekiah sent the tribute re- might easily be confused. But it is more likely that
quired and made his submission (II K
18 14). Neb- in Ch the text of II S has been altered to avoid
uchadrezzar also laid siege to the city (Jer 34 7). In contradicting I S ch. 17. E, E. N.
Korah
473 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Lamentations
LAISH, 1^'ish (t^bj layish): I, The original like the sons of L. in the first list, figures as the
name of the city Dan in the extreme N. of Israel promoter of civilization by being the first to in-
(Jg 18 7ff.)j a,lso called Leshem (Jos 19 47). See troduce the culture of the vine (Gn 9 20). If the
Dan. On Is 10 30 see Laishah. II. A Benjamite two genealogies are different Heb. versions of the
{IS25 44;IIS3'15). E.E.N. same prehistoric Semitic tradition, as is now usually
held, then instead of two patriarchs we have one.
LAISHAH, la-ai'sha (H^^^b, layishah): A city of The Babylonian counterpart of L. (2) is Otiartes, or
Benjamin, not far from Anathoth (Is 10 30). Ardates, the ninth of the antediluvian kings, who,
E. E. N. according to Berossus, reigned for 12 sars^ or
LAKE OF FIRE. See Eschatology, § 48. 432,000 years. As L. is the father of Noah, so
Otiartes is the father of Xisuthros, the hero of
LAKKUM, laklcum (D^pZ, laqqUnij Lakum the Babylonian flood story. J. A. K.
AV) A city of Naphtali (Jos 19 33), Site unknown.
:
senses: (1) In the literal sense, as the name of the LAMENTATIONS: One of the poetical books of
young of the sheep, either male or female. As this the Bible usually placed in the EVV between Jere-
animal was common in Palestine (see Palestine, miah and Ezekiel and attached to Jer as
§ 24), there are many Heb. terms rendered "lamb." I, Name. Ru is to Jg. The Eng. name is derived
These are: (a) kehhes, kibhsah, and kahhsdh (Ex from the Latin Lamentationes Jeremiad,
29 38; Gn 21 28; Lv 14 10). (b) kesehh, kisbhah (Gn which was used by the Fathers. The Vulgate title
30 40; Lv 5 6). (c) 0leh (I S 7 9; Is 65 25), also of the book, however (Threni Jeremice), is not a
40 11). (d) kar, especially of a half -grown
tota'tm (Is translation but a transliteration of the LXX. Qprjvoi
ram (Dt 32 14; Am 6 4; Ps 37 20). (e) tson, 'flock' 'lepefjLLov, In the Heb. Bible the book is called
(Ex 12 21), also ben tsdn, 'a son of the flock' (Ps riS^N, 'ekhah, 'how?' from its first word, in analogy
114 4, 6). (f) seh (Gn 22 7; I S 17 34). (g) Hmmnlm with many other Biblical books (see Genesis, § 1
(Ezr 6 9). (h) afivos (Jn 1 29). (i) apv6s (Lk 10 3). Exodus, § and in the usage of the Synagogue
1, etc.),
(j) apvlov (Jn 21 15; Rev 5 6, etc.). The place of it is reckoned as one of the Five Rolls (Megilloth) and
the lamb in the sacrificial system was a conspicuous is included in the Hagiographa.
and important one (see Sacrifice and Offerings, As extant. La consists of five chapters, each one
5 ff.). In common life, its flesh furnished a delicate of which complete in itself (in spite of Ewald's
is
article of food (Am 6 4). It was not lawful to slaugh- contrary view). The first four of these
ter a lamb before it was eight days old (Lv 22 27). 2. Structure consist of verses alphabetically ar-
(2) Metaphorically, the figure of the lamb appears in and ranged (acrostics). But here the iden-
poetic phraseology designed to convey the idea of Contents. tity of structural plan ends. In chs. 1
harmlessness as contrasted with ferocity (Is 11 6), and 2 each letter of the Heb. alphabet
of guilelessness as contrasted with cunning (II S is assigned one verse, and each verse consists of three
12 3ff.; Jer 11 19; Is 53 7), and of playfulness (Ps members [clauses]. In ch. 3 each letter of the alpha-
114 4, 6). (3) Symbolically, the "Lamb" was a bet is given three verses, but each verse consists of a
designation of Christ, with a twofold reference to the single member. In ch. 4 each letter is given one
T. In the testimony of John the Baptist (Jn 1 29, verse, and each verse consists of two members.
36) to Jesus, the aiivos is evidently the lamb of Is 53 7, Moreover, in chs. 2-4 the alphabetic arrangement de-
but in Rev 5 6 and passim the meaning is undoubt- viates from the present order of the Heb. letters by
edly sacrificial, and Christ is viewed as the antetype placing D before i?, a transposition which has never
of the paschal lamb. A. C. Z. been satisfactorily explained. Finally, ch. 5, though
consisting like the others of twenty-two verses, is not
LAME, LAMENESS. See Disease and Medi-
arranged as an acrostic. The literary form is that
cine, § 4 (8).
of the elegy (qlndh) characterized by a special meter,
LAMECH, 1^'mec (y^X lemekh): This name oc- the second line of which is shorter than the first
curs in both of the genealogies of the antediluvian usually three accents followed by two. If this be
patriarchs (Gn 41-24 [J]; Gn ch. 5 [P]). In the regarded, as it is almost universally, the true form of
former list, known as the Cainite genealogy, Lamech Lamentations, each of the first four chapters is a
appears as the son of Methushael, and is represented separate elegy, and the fifth is a prayer. The general
as introducing polygamy into human society by theme of the whole book is the grief of the faithful,
mariying two wives —
Adah and Zillah. The in view of the desolation of the Holy City by the
latter is the mother of Jabal, who is the father of Babylonians in 586 b.c. In the first elegy the poet
tent-dwellers and herdsmen. The former bears bewails the fall of Jerusalem and the destruction of
Jubal, the ancestor of musicians, and Tubal-cain, the Temple (1 l-H), though he recognizes the event
the founder of metal industries. Thus the sons of as a penalty for sin (vs. 6 and 8). Yet he laments
L. are looked upon as the foimders of civilization and her doom as a bitter and comfortless one (1 12-22).
the originators of the arts. The song of L. is a In the second elegy the desolation of the city and the
sword-lay, the boasting of an Arab sheik after the horrors of the siege are once more brought into view
slaughter of his enemies (Gn 4 23-24 [J]). The ninth (2 1-10), and their distressing features intensified by
member of the second, or Sethite, genealogy also allusion to the joy of the enemies of Israel (vs. 11-17).
(Gn 6 26-29 [P]; cf. Lk 3 36) is Lamech, a man of The city itself is then represented as making her
exemplary piety and fathe?; of No?ih, The latter^ appeE^l to God to consider her distress (vs. I8-22),
Lamentations
Laodicea
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 474
The third elegy begins with a complaint of the poet in that of unity, and the starting-point for the denial
in his own person (3 1-21), but proceeds to recall the of the unity of La is the consideration that one man
love of God as the ground of Jerusalem's hope for the would scarcely have made the same sub-
future (vs. 22-35). This leads to an exhortation to 4. Unity, ject the topic of five different
composi-
penitence and confession (vs. 36-55) and a prayer for tions. Further, there are internal char-
vengeance upon the enemy (vs. 55-66). The fourth acteristics evidencing differences of date (cf. EB,
elegy bewails the fate successively of the people (4 S.V.). Yet on attempting to assign the different parts
1-6), the princes (vs. 7-11), the priests and prophets (vs. to different authors analysis has not gone so far as
12-16), and the king (vs. 17-20), and closes with a pre- to claim five authors for the book. Some (Thenius)
diction of doom on Edom (ver. 21 f.). The last of the hold that the 2d and 4th chs. were composed by
five poems in the book laments before J* the manifold Jeremiah, while the 1st, 3d, and 5th were by three
sorrows of Zion (5 1-18), and pleads fervently for de- other authors. Others (Stade and Budde [formerly])
liverance from them (vs. 19-22). believe chs. 1,2,4, and 5 to be the work of one author
A very ancient tradition ascribes the authorship and ch. 3 of another. Most investigators, inclu-
of La to the prophet Jeremiah. As early as the days ding Noldeke, Lohr, Cornill, Wildeboer, and Budde
of the Chronicler (c. 250 B.C.) a docu- [later] divide the elegies into three groups (chs. 2
3. Author- ment, called "the lamentations" (qi- and 4, 1 and 5, and 3), assigning each group to a
ship, ndth),'wsis supposed to contain a dirge separate author. But these attempts at analysis
composed by Jeremiah upon the death attach too much significance to slight and doubtful
of Josiah (II Ch 35 25). However, the only passage data, and are far from being established upon sound
in La which may be construed as referring to Josiah critical foundations. The authorship of chs. 1, 2, 4,
is 4 20, which speaks of "the anointed of Jehovah," and 5 by Jeremiah is quite probable. Ch. 3 was
and this, though conceivably a mournful retrospect written at a later time, and perhaps by another
by Jeremiah of the fate of his friend Josiah (the last author, but no part of the collection is later than
pious king of Judah), is almost certainly a reference 530 B.C.
to the fate of Zedekiah. Shortly after the age of the Litkrature: Driver, LOT^ pp. 456-465; QothtM, Irdrod.tothe
Chronicler (c. 200 B.C.) the LXX. translator of La O T (1907), pp. 411-418; Streane in Camh. Bible (1889);
into Greek incorporated the tradition at the opening Adeney in Expositor's Bible (1895) Cheyne on Jeremiah in
;
(see illustration). From ancient times the lamp has corresponding to (2) above. Furthermore, we have
been an indispensable household article, not alone (6) $r}p6s, 'dry land' (Mt 23 15), (7) x^P^y 'region,'
of the dwelling-house, but even of the tent of the 'place,' 'country' (Mk Lk
15 H; Ac 10 39), and
1 5;
fellahm. It was burned both day and night, not (8) the diminutive x^P^'oV) 'small place,' 'plot of
only to light the room of the tent, which was some- ground' (Ac 4 34, 5 3, 8). The land of promise (He
what dark even in the daytime, but mainly in order 119) is the land of Canaan promised to Israel's an-
that fire, which it was difhcult to obtain easily, might cestors (Ex 12 25; Dt 6 3, etc.). The expression
always be at hand. Even at the present day among "born in the land" (Lv 24 16; Nu 15 30 AV) is but
the Arabs it is only the very poor that sleep in one word in Heb. and is better rendered "home-
born" as in RV. See also Country and Ground.
E. E. N.
LAND CROCODILE. See Palestine, § 26.
LANDMARK: The rendering of the Heb. g-bhul
(nearly always rendered "border," q.v.) in Dt 19 14,
27 17; Pr 22 28, 23 10; and of g'hhulah in Job 24 2.
(2) of 'erets, which means 'land' as a portion of the rain-coats, embroidered outer garments {chlamides)
earth's surface, and is properly used in such ex- (cf. Rev 3 18), "I counsel thee to buy of me [not
pressions as "land of Canaan," "land of Israel," etc. the black garments of thy looms, but] white garments
The great majority of occurrences of "land" are that thou mayest clothe thyself." L. produced
renderings of this term. In addition, we have (3) many wealthy citizens (one of them, Hiero, gave
sadheh, 'field,' 'open country,' sometimes rendered the city over $1,000,000), and the remarkable
*'land" (Ru 4 3; I S 14 14, etc.). In the N T we find family of the rhetor Zeno, whose son Polemon be-
(4) dypos, corresponding to (3) above, and (4) yfj. came king of Lycaonia (39 b.c), king of Pontus
Laodiceans 476
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Law and Legal Practise
19.
(38 B.C.), and progenitor of a long line of kings and LATTER RAIN. See Palestine, §
Law Courts
both of Philip and of the Apostle John. J. R. S. S. (1) The Preliminaries (2) Modes of Procedure
LAODICEANS. See Laodicea. The people of Israel, during the course of their
national history up to the time when the Pentateuch
LAPIDOTH, lap'i-deth (Hll^Bb, lap^ndhoth):
and its laws became firmly canonized
The husband of Deborah (Jg 4 4). E. E. N. I. Origin of as the one great inspired body of
Israelitic authoritative law, came successively
LAPWING. See Palestine, § 25.
Law, under the influence of different en-
LASEA, la-sl'a (Aao-ca): A very small island vironments, each of which had a de-
E. of Cape Lithinos, about the center of the S. coast cisive effect on Israel's life and contributed its share
of Crete, called Traphos, on which the town of to the formation of Israelitic law. Of these we
Las{s)cea is located. Luke's mention of it in con- specify as most important the following four: (1) The
nection with Fair Havens (Ac 27 8) is the only known first determining influence came from the primitive
reference to it in antiquity. J. R. S. S. type of life, which was the nomadic. In this early
period there was no such thing in Israel as 'law,'
LASH A, A border town of
le'sha (^i^b, laska'): as we now use the term. The fundamental basis
Canaan (Gn 10 19),unknown, but commonly
site of the tribe was the family (q.v.), in which the
located in SE. Palestine. Jerome {Qucest. in Gen. will of the father was supreme. In the exercise of
10 19) identifies it with the hot springs of CaUirrhoe, his authority the father of a primitive Semitic
mentioned by Pliny and Josephus, situated in the family was doubtless guided by custom. Custom,
Wddy Zerka Ma'in, in Moab. Dillmann, Com. on as interpreted or sanctioned by the father's author-
Gen., ad loc, thinks this too far N. Wellhausen con- ity, was law. What had been the rule for his fathers
siders it the same as Laish on the NE. border, but before him, what had been in vogue for generations
this is improbable. C. S. T. in his family, these determined the father in his
decisions. And as a Semitic family was not only a
LASSHARON,las-she'ren (l"i^0i lashsharon; La- social but a religious unit, all family customs carried
sharon AV):A place mentioned only in Jos 12 18 with them the authority of religion, and thus to the
as a royal city of Canaan. From the readings of the early Semite religion and law were almost one and
LXX. we should perhaps take the first letter as the inseparable. In the process of centuries many of
preposition ^ and read, "the king of Aphek in Sha- these family customs became so strongly intrenched
ron," a district in Galilee between Tabor and Ti- and of such binding authority that no father of a
berias. C. S.T. family would even think of abrogating them. In
the case of Israel we find them regnant, or at least
LAST DAYS, LATTER DAYS. See Escha- influential, down to the latest periods. They
TOLOGY, § 3.
maintained themselves with a wonderful tenacity,
LATCHET. See Dress and Ornaments, § 7.
and it is therefore in these ancient family customs
that we are to seek for the origin of much of Israel's
LATIN {'Pcofxaia-Tl, "PcofiaiKos, 'Roman'): The law. The tribe was but the union of large clans,
officiallanguage of the Roman Government. Al- or families, and tribal custom was but the extension
though neither as widely known nor as far on the to a larger sphere of the principles already embodied
way toward recognition as an international language in family custom. In the tribe, the heads of famiUes,
as Greek, it could not have been dispensed with in or clans, formed the authoritative body, but the
a legal declaration such as the inscription on the authority of these over the tribe was not nearly so
Cross was designed to be (Jn 19 20; Lk 23 38). strong as that of the father over his family. Tribal
A. C. Z. custom, however, being the wider appUcation of
Laodiceans
47? A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Law and Legal Practise
family custom, was of the highest authority. (2) The During the latter half of the kingdom period (735-
stage of national organization under the influence of 536 B.C.) the contact between Israel and the civihza-
the religion of J', as taught by Moses and made by tion of the Euphrates Valley was very close, and
him the bond of union among the tribes of Israel. during the Exile and after the Jews were face to face
Through Moses, the influence of religion on the with this ancient and complex civilization. If Is-
whole of Israel's life took on a new significance. rael made use, in her own way, of the Creation and
Among all the early Semites, family and tribal Flood stories of the East, there is no reason why she
customs were under the protection of the family should not have done the same with its law, and in
or tribal deity. When the customs were violated the Priestly law there may be much that is the
or disregarded it was the same as disobeying the result of such appropriation.
Divine will, and a punishment, or some other mani- From these various fields of influence and environ-
festation of Divine displeasure, was liable to take ment those who built up Israel's system of law drew
place. Under Moses the same Divine sanction of in formulating their decisions. It was
Israel's inherited customs was inculcated and — 2. Formal the sum total of such decisions that
something more. For J", as Moses taught, was in Sources of formed the sources which the codifiers
a very unique sense a God of righteousness, one to Israel's used who have given us the codes
whom righteousness, in a higher sense than was Law. of the Pentateuch. Those who thus
commonly conceived of, was a matter of supreme formulated law in Israel were (1) The :
interest. Moses taught Israel, in cases of dispute Elders, a general term inclusive of fathers of leading
between man and man, the "statutes of God and his families, heads (sheiks) of tribes, and, after the
laws" (Ex 18 16), and in such sentences of justice settlement in Canaan, the chief men of a town
and in all his work with Israel Moses gave Israel ("elders of the city," Ru 4 2 ff.; cf. Dt 19 12, 21 3 ff.,
the light of higher conceptions of reUgion and right 22 15 ff.; I K21 8, etc.). These elders, or "judges"
than were possessed by other Semitic peoples. In (Dt 16 18), pronounced judgment in cases of dispute
these higher conceptions we must find the reason between man and man. It was for them to decide
for many of the specific enactments of later Israelitic the guilt or innocence of the accused, and fix the
law. It is evident, therefore, that in the foregoing penalty. In earliest times criminal cases (theft,
citation the word statutes is used in the sense of oppression, etc.) were probably most numerous.
formulated law, the sense in which it is commonly But with the more complex life of the kingdom-
used by the later Deuteronomic and Priestly schools. period many other cases acquired their attention.
(3) The third determining influence came from (2) The Priests. Of equal importance with the
Canaanite law and custom. When Israel conquered elders were the priests, and, as time went on, the
Canaan, it did so only after a protracted struggle, priest gradually encroached upon the sphere of the
during which the majority of the Canaanites were elders, until finally (but not until after the Exile)
not exterminated but only gradually subdued. almost the entire judicial system was in the posses-
Israel gained her foothold first in the highlands and sion of the priests. This progress is clearly reflected
in the least thickly settled parts of the country. in the codes. The oldest civil code (Ex chs. 21-23)
The Canaanite cities in the more open lowland-places makes no mention of priests as judges, except
were the last to yield. The presence of this large possibly in the reference to the judgment of God
Canaanite element, which had been so long in (Ex 22 8). In the code of Dt the secular judges
possession, and which by intermarriage and other (elders) are fully recognized, but the attempt is
ways was gradually absorbed into Israel, was of being made to give the priests a larger share (cf.
highest significance for Israel's customs and re- Dt 17 8 ff., 19 15 ff.). In the Priestly Code (and in
ligion. The Canaanites were well advanced in the echoes of its legislation in Chronicles) the
civihzation. It was their cities and their farms Levites, or priests, alone are recognized as judges.
that Israel appropriated. It was their tongue that In most ancient times the priest's duty was primarily
Israel came to speak. They were Israel's teachers to care for the (a) sanctuary, and to give forth the
in agriculture and other arts of civihzed Ufe. Their Divine oracle. The old custom of 'casting the lot'
influence on Israel's religion was very great. It was probably one of the earliest modes of determin-
would therefore be passing strange if, in the codified ing the Divine oracle, and from this perhaps arose
law of Israel, as we find it in the Pentateuch, there the term torah (usually rendered "law"), from
were not many enactments that, in whole or in part, ydrahj 'to cast,' though some modern scholars deny
reflect ancient Canaanite practise. (4) A fourth this derivation. Thus the priest had to do mainly
determining influence was that of the Babylonian with matters having a religious significance, and
civilization. The whole of SW. Asia, during all the the sanctuary became a place of religious instruction.
T period, was under the influence of the Baby- When the sanctuaries became great centers, as they
lonian culture. A knowledge of Babylonian lit- did in the kingdom-period, the priesthood became
erature had been prevalent in Canaan long before more influential, and it was natural for them to
the conquest by Israel. Where Babylonian civiliza- claim (as is done in Dt) a large share in deciding
tion, commerce, and literature were known it is civil aswell as religious cases. (3) The King and
probable that Babylonian law was also known. the royal courts. The king in Israel, especially
This is probably the reason for the many remark- after David, was a supreme court of appeal. The
able that exist between the Code of
similarities king was supposed to decide 'justly,' i.e., in accord-
Hammurabi of 2250 b.c. and the Code in Exodus, ance with what was recognized as custom and
although it is not necessary to suppose that the 'right' in Israel, as well as in accordance with his
Babylonian code is directly quoted in the Pentateuch. natural sense of justice. The king was thus not
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 478
Law and Legal Practisd
short-
supposed to be a mere autocrat bound by no will bered inmost ancient times, a code, even the
but his own, and could not lightly override ancient est, impHes a knowledge of writing. It is a
prwn
probable, then, that even the
earlier
law. Able kings, Uke David, Solomon, Omri, and
Jehoshaphat, doubtless did much to arrange a 3. Codifica- of Israel's codes dates
from the time
system of courts, religious and civil, all working tion of when Israel had become acquainted
harmoniously, but of their work only the faintest Israel's with the civilization of Canaan, and
traces remain in the unreliable statements of the Law. after it had relinquished its nomadic
late Chronicler. (4) The Prophets. The prophets type of life. It is also only when people
gave forth their utterances as of Divine authority; are living in settled communities with something
they spoke a Divine "word'' which they called like a fixed judicial system that the need of codes
torah, "law" (Is 8 16). The prophets dealt with will arise, and an authority will be at hand to
principles, however, and only rarely interfered with promulgate them. If Moses did anything in the
special cases, and then only by way of rebuke. But way of giving Israel a code, it must have been a
the prophetic teachings, being an exposition of the brief and simple one, and it must have been given
fundamental principles of Israel's religion and of at Kadesh, where for many years Moses acted as the
conduct, exercised a great influence on Israel's law- supreme judge of Israel, rather than at Sinai, where
makers, as is evident in the Code of Dt compiled Israel stayed but a few months. In any case, what
under their influence. (5) The learned class of Israel received from Moses were principles rather
Scribes. From the Exile on, much was done by than detailed statements, and the earliest code we
learned scribes, mostly in the way of expanding and have in the O T was probably formulated in Canaan
extending the application of legal principles already by those who felt that they were but putting into
recognized. The early stages of this activity are no definite form the principles of justice taught by
longer known. Of only one such man do we have Moses. (2) The oldest codes. The oldest codifica-
any definite knowledge, Ezra, the "ready scribe," tion of Israelitic law we find in Ex chs. 20-23 and
through whose efforts the Priestly law was finally 34 10-26.
codified. But Ezra was only one of many. After This consists of: (a) Two sets of the fundamental prin-
the canonization of the Law (in the Pentateuch), ciples of Israel's covenant with J". One of these is the
the application of this Law to all manner of circum- Decalogue (originally two pentads of five short commands
each). The other covers the more external and ceremonial
stances was made the object of serious study, and features of the Covenant, and is found in two recensions, one
comprised the greatest portion of the work carried of which was given in J (34 i»-26)^ the other in E (20 22-20,
on in the scribal schools. The opinions of the most 22 29, 23 10-33). Both of these recensions show many marks
of elaboration, especially in the way of warning against the
learned and honored scribes, or Rabbis (doctors of
seductions of Canaanite practises, and were made to serve
the Law; cf. Lk 5 17; Ac 5 34; lawyers; cf. Mt 22 35, a historical rather than a legal purpose in the documents in
etc.), were held to be of nearly as great authority as which they stand. The original form back of both recensions
the written Law itself. In process of time there came was very likely a decalogue (double pentad) prescribing:
1. J" alone to be worshiped. 2, No molten gods. 3. Feast
about an organization of the legal bodies, at the
of unleavened bread. 4. Gift of first-bom and firstlings.
head of which, as the final court of appeal, was the 5. The Sabbath. 6. Feast of Weeks and Ingathering. 7. No
Sanhedrin (q.v.). In the rabbinical schools the leavened bread with a sacrifice. 8. Passover. 9. First-fruits.
decisions of the learned Rabbis were not at first 10. A kid not to be seethed in its mother's milk. Both of
these sets of fundamentals may well go back to Moses.
committed to writing, but passed on orally through (b) A civil code (Ex 21 i-23 ^), called "the judgments."
many generations, gradually becoming more nu- It has been analyzed as follows (Carpenter-Harford, Comp.
merous and complex as time went on. Finally, circa of the Hex., p. 4:72 t):
200 A.D., the first codification of scribal law was 1. Concerning Hebrew slaves (21 2-11, two pentads).
made, the Mishna. This in its turn was commented 2. Violence punishable by death (21 12-17).
3. Injuries (21 i8-27).
on orally, until at last, circa 600 a.d., these com- 4. Cattle (21 28-36).
ments on, and discussions of, the Mishna, which 6. Property, theft and damage (22 i-^).
constitute the Gemara, were reduced to writing, 6. Property, breach of trust (22 '-^^^ two pentads).
7. Various ordinances (22 i8-27)_
resulting in the Talmud (= Mishna + Gemara). 8. Reverence (22 28).
Thus through the decisions of its elders in the petty 9. Administrationof justice (23 1-9).
local courts, of its priests at the various sanctuaries,
The fact that two of the sections can be subdivided into two
notably the larger ones, of the king and the royal pentads each makes it possible that the code was originally
courts, in the teaching of the prophets, and through longer, and that each section once formed a complete deca-
logue, but this is only hypothesis.
the painstaking toil of its scribes, Israel came to
have in her possession a large body of formulated So far as we
laiow, this was the only attempt at
law, a portion of which we have codified in the codification between the conquest and the labors
Pentateuch, which represents but the survival of a of the author(s) of the Deuteronomic code. To what
selected part of the ancient Law, another portion of extent this code (of Ex) was well known throughout
which is contained in the voluminous material of all Israel is uncertain. It is also uncertain whether
the Talmud. all the sanctuaries or courts had the same body of
We shall now proceed
to note briefly the stages law. This code probably represents what was
through which Israel's law passed, until it reached taught at the most important centers (Jerusalem,
the form in which we now find it in the Pentateuch. Bethel, Samaria, etc.). As it was based on custom,
(1) Preliminaries to Codification. Nothing can it is likely that there were no serious divergencies
be said of codification in the period before Israel from it in any part of Israel, and that its general
became acquainted with the art of writing. How- principles were pretty well known. It is just such a
ever the traditional laws and customs were remem- code as this that is presupposed by the early prophets
47d A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Law and Legal Practise
(Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, Micah) as known and violated were embodied. Later enactments, or formulations,
by the leadmg men of their day. (3) The Code of were placed side by side with the earlier ones, in
Deuteronomy. The Exodus code must have been spite of the inconsistency and even contradictions
formulated very early, for between it and the much thus introduced at many points. With the adoption
more elaborate Code of Dt the difference is so great of this law-book in 444 b.c. (Dt had been adopted
that it can be accounted for only by a long period in 621) the process of codification did not immedi-
of development. The Code of Dt was formulated ately cease. Some additions were probably made
about 650, and probably contains the Law as it had after Ezra's time. But it was not long before the
been long practised in Judah, especially in the Law, as we have it in the Pentateuch, came to be
capital. In this code, however, we have another considered holy and of fmal authority, although the
factor to reckon with. Its author, or authors, were actual practise in Judaism has never been identical
reformers, and at many points altered existing law, at every point with the letter of the Law.
in order to make it conform more nearly to their A case at law (cause, or controversy) might be
ruling ideas. This is particularly true of the sections criminal, civil, or religious, but the Law does not
dealing with religious practise, where the aim of Dt make these distinctions. The whole
was to centralize all worship at Jerusalem and to 4. Pro- law was supposed to rest on a religious
enhance the standing of the Leviticai priesthood. cedure at basis, and offenses against moraUty,
For an analysis of the Code of Dt and other par- Law. or against religious ceremony, were
ticulars see Deuteronomy, § 2. (4) The Holiness equally against religion. The same
Code. To a certain extent parallel to the Code of Dt courts had jurisdiction (in the OT
period) over all
is the so-called Holiness Code found mainly in Lv cases. (1) Constitution of the Courts. In the O T the
chs. 17-26 (with fragments in earlier chapters of Lv; term "court" does not appear. "Judge," "judges,"
see Leviticus, § 3, and also Hexateuch, § 23). "elders," etc., are the concrete terms that take its
This code covers, in part, the same ground as the place. Passing by the little known primitive
Code of Dt, but differs from it in that it is mainly con- patriarchal period, the earliest courts in Israel of
cerned with 'holiness/ a conception which is made which we have any record are those mentioned in.
to include both moral and ceremonial purity. The the early historical narratives and in the old code
moral tone of this code is high, in spite of its strong of Ex chs. 21-23. The "elders," or "judges," here
leaning toward ceremonialism. As the code stands spoken of were, doubtless, the heads of the prominent
in Lv it is probably the result of a number of re- families in their respective localities, and other men
visions. Its first draft was probably drawn up distinguished for wisdom or judgment. Except as
before the Exile, but its final revision took place we may infer from the inunemorial custom of viewing
after EzekieFs prophecies were published. (5) The the father of a family as a judge, we have no light on
Contribution of Ezekiel. Toward the end of his the question how these persons were appointed or
prophetic ministry (572 B.C.) Ezekiel formulated his recognized as judges. From Ex 18 21 (cf. Dt 16 18)
conception of the restored Israel (Ezk chs. 40-48). it may be inferred that some mode of selection was
The central, dominating element here is that of in vogue. In the towns of Canaan there was also,
holiness. Israel is (to be) a holy community, in doubtless, a judicial system of some sort. Here the
whose midst J' dwells in His sanctuary. This is basal social form was the city, not the family, or
viewed as the most important fact for Israel. The clan, as in Israel. So we read of "the elders of the
Temple as J^'s dwelling-place, the Priesthood as His city" as the judges (Jg 8 16, 11 5; Ru 4 2, etc.; cf.
ministers, the sacrifices and offerings as the means of Dt 19 21, 21 3, 22 15, etc.), an expression that may
—
communion with Him these things held the first have been adopted in Israel from Canaanite usage.
place with Ezekiel, while "the prince," the laity, To what extent and how these primitive courts were
and secular affairs in general were relegated to an organized we do not know. When the kingdom was
altogether secondary place. There can be no organized the king became a supreme court of ap-
doubt that the views of Ezekiel proved a powerful peal. It is quite likely that some correlation was
influence with all the subsequent workers on Israel's established between the local courts and the royal
Law. The tendency became ever stronger to em- courts in the capitals (Jerusalem, Samaria), but we
phasize and develop the ceremonial elements. The have no record of anything of the kind, except in
conception of Israel as a nation was displaced by the the late notices in Chronicles, where David is said
conception of Israel as a church. It was along to have appointed 6,000 Levites as "officers and
these lines that the workers labored who revised the judges" (I Ch 23 4), and Jehoshaphat (a century
'
Holiness Code and who sought to develop and per- later) is said to have set judges in all the fortified
fect other elements of their traditional Priestly cities of Judah, with a supreme court of Levites,
law, much of which had not been as yet codified. priests, and elders in Jerusalem (II Ch 19 5-8). To
(6) The Priestly Code. The climax of these labors the last reference some degree of historical truth
was reached when, in the middle of the next century may be allowed, but the first is plainly unhistorical.
(5th cent. B.C.), Ezra had in his hand a completed In Dt, while the old secular judgeship is recognized
Priestly Law-book, which he wished to take to as legitimate, an effort is made to give the Levites
Jerusalem and there have it adopted as the law of ( = priests) a larger and more important place in this
the community. This law-book was both a history work (cf. Dt 17 Sff., where the priests, as knowing
(of Israel as the Covenant People) and a code. For J"s law, give the decision hi difficult cases; 19 17,
its analysis see Hexateuch, § 27. It was a complex "priests" and "judges"; cf. also 21 5). Dt probably
in which numerous earlier codes, as the manual for reflects the historical development in this matter,
worshipers (Lv chs. 1-7), the Holiness Code, etc., for as time went on the position of the priesthood at
Law and Legal Practise A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 480
Lebanon
judges, had
the greater sanctuaries became even more important. (Dt 22 or the discernment of the
15 flf.),
During the Exile, when Israel was deprived of in- to be relied upon. In desperate cases recourse was
had to the judgment of God (Ex 22 8 f.; cf. Nu 5
11-
dependence and was living in a foreign land, it was
natural that the priestly students and expounders 31;Dt 21 1-9; cf. also I Co 5 3-5). For other details
of Israel's Law should favor the theory that the see Crimes and Punishments. E. E. N.
Levites and priests were alone capable of acting as
Literature: In general the reader should consult the best
judges, and it is to these classes alone that the commentaries on the Pentateuch, such as
Ddlman (Ex-Lv,
judges belong, according to the Priestly Code and and Nu.Dt. and Jos). Driver on Dt. (Int Crit Com.). In
Carpenter-Harford Comp. of the Hexateuch, valuable
the literature that echoes the teaching of this code.
discussion and conspectus of the codes will be found. Cf.
But as the restored community (536 B.C.) was or- also the works on Archdologie by Benzmger
and Nowack.
ganized not on the basis of PC (adopted 444 b.c.)» LAWYER. See Law and Legal Practise,
but on that of the earlier codes of JE and Dt, this 2
§ (5).
theory did not hold in actual practise (hence the
references to elders in Ezr 5 6, 9, 6 7, 14, 10 8, 14),
LAYING OF HANDS: The act of laying on
ON
of hands expressed different ideas, as follows: (1)
During the Persian period, the Persian governor
Most commonly it indicated the self-identification
was, of course, the final court of appeal, though
of the person that performed the act with the one
probably in all religious questions he gave full au-
on whom hands were laid. In the offering up of
thority to the high priest and his council of priests.
the offerer indicated his willingness to be
sacrifices,
The power of the priesthood with the high priest at
considered one with the victim by placing his hand
its head increased greatly in the later Persian period,
on head (Ex 29 10 ff.; Lev 1 4f., 3 2, 8, 4 4£f.).
its
and at the beginning of the Greek period the priest-
hood was supreme. In the council that assisted the (2) The impartation of an inner or spiritual gift.
Thus the father's blessing (Gn 48 14), the good-will
high priest, which was composed of priests, we
of Jesus Christ for children (Mk 10 13, 16), health
have the origin of the Sanhedrin (q.v.). Toward
to the sick (Mk 5 23), and the bestowal of the Holy
the end of the Maccabaean and in the Roman periods
Spirit by the Apostles (Ac 19 6). (3) Consecration
the Pharisees became influential, and a certain
to the service of God. Joshua, when he succeeded
proportion of the members of the Sanhedrin was
Moses (Nu 27 18, 23; Dt 34 9), the deacons, when
of this party, though the priests (the Sadducees),
they were set apart to their service (Ac 6 6), like-
with the high priest at their head, appear to have
wise the Levites (Nu 8 10), the missionaries (Ac 13 3),
predominated. The Sanhedrin did not displace
and ministers in the Apostolic Church (I Ti 4 14,
the local courts, and it was not a simple court of
5 22; II Ti 1 6) were ordained by the laying on of
appeal. It decided questions that the lesser courts
hands. (4) Another symbolical use of the act is
could not decide. It decided also many matters
independent of the lower courts. Its decisions were
more difficult to explain, viz., that in which the
witnesses against one accused of crime punishable
binding throughout Jewish Palestine, but death-
sentences needed the sanction of the Roman gov- by death laid their hands on him (Lev 24 14). This
ernor. It is doubtless with special reference to the may be a refiex of the sacrificial laying on of hands
procedure of Roman law that the terms examine, as in (1), with the idea involved of devotion to
examination, are used in the N T (Lk 23 14; Ac 4 9, death. On (2) and (3) see also Church, § 8; cf. also
12 19, 24 8, 28 18). (2) Modes of Procedure. The Ordain. A. C. Z.
procedure was simple as compared with Occidental LAZARUS, laz'a-rus (Aafapoy, from Heb. Elea-
usage. The courts were held in the open, generally zar, 'God has helped') : 1. L. of Bethany. A
in the broad place near the city gate. Only at the friend of Jesus, and brother of Mary and Martha
royal court (Solomon's hall of judgment) and in the (Lk 10 38 f.). He is not mentioned in the Synoptic
later Greek and Roman period were houses of judg- Gospels, but his resurrection from the dead forms
ment used. The proceedings in early times were the climax of the seven miracles of Jesus recorded
public. The civil or reHgious authority did not by John (11 1-44). He is described as subsequently
prosecute officially, but heard and decided accusa- making a feast for Jesus in Bethany, at which Mary
tions or cases brought before it. Each side, accused anointed the Lord's feet (12 1-8). He is supposed,
and accuser, stated or pleaded its case. The accuser on account of the silence of Luke and the order in
stood at the right hand of the accused, who, at least which the three are named in John (11 6), to have
in post-exilic times, was clothed in mourning garb been the youngest of the family, the circle of whose
(cf. Zee 3 1 £f.; Jos. Ant. XIV, 9 4). Witnesses, at acquaintance it is inferred was large (11 19), and ,
least two, preferably three, were summoned (Dt their circumstances comfortable (12 3). His name
19 15; Nu 35 30). They testified on oath, and the se'ems to be preserved in the designation of El-
heaviest penalties were laid upon false witnessing Azariyehj a village on the SE. of the Mount of
(Dt 1915-21; Lv 10 11) if, on special investigation Ohves, about If m. from Jerusalem, which is
(inquisition, Dt 19 18), this was discovered— an in- generally identified with the ancient Bethany.
dication that such corruption of justice was common His resurrection constituted the occasion for many
(cf. IK 21 10). Bribery of judges is also severely Jews believing on Jesus, and also was the determin-
condemned in both the Law and the Prophets, and ing cause of the Sanhedrin's plot to put Jesus (and
was, doubtless, a source of much abuse. In cases incidentally Lazarus) to death (11 46-53, 12 10). The
of death-penalty, the witnesses were the first to lay interest centers about this miracle. The problem is
hands on the condemned to put him to death (Dt inseparably connected with the larger one of the
17 7; cf. also Ac 7 58). In certain cases where wit- authorship and historicity of the Fourth Gospel.
nesses were not available circumstantial evidence Those who believe this Gospel to be purely an
481 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Law and Legal Practise
Lebanon
allegorical fiction take the story of Lazarus to be a through the father's ruse (Gn 29 23). L. was the
free composition out of elements drawn from the mother of six sons and one daughter (Gn 29 32 ff.).
Synoptic Gospels. His name is obtained from the She was buried in the patriarchal tomb at Hebron
beggar of the parable (Lk 16 19-31), and the whole (Gn 49 31). In Ru 411 she is styled one of the
is an attempt to present a demonstration of the builders of Israel. Under the name of Leah, tra-
truth of Abraham's words in Lk 16 31, or a personi- ditions of large Aramsean accretions to the original
fication of Paul's in Ro 7 24, 8 20 f The personali-
, Hebrew stock have probably localized themselves
ties of the sisters, the practical Martha and the (see Tribes, § 2). A. S. C.
contemplative Mary, are borrowed from Lk 10 38-42,
and the details of the miracle are an enhancement
LEANNOTH, le-an'neth: A
musical term from
'anah, 'to sing' (Ps 88, title) in the phrase "Mahalath-
of those of the raising of the daughter of Jairus
Leannoth," which would appear to be equivalent
(Mk 5 22 f. and ||s), and of the son of the widow of
to "Mahalath, to be sung." But the meaning of
Nain (Lk 7lif.). The supper is explained as a
combination of the Bethany meal (Mt 26 6; Mk
"Mahalath'! is unknown. A. C. Z.
14 3), and the story of the anointing by the sinful LEASING: An old English word meaning 'false-
woman in the house of Simon the Leper (Lk 7 36). hood' (Ps 4 2, 5 6 AV). E. E. N.
It is more usual, however, to-day to admit that there
are many trustworthy data imderlying the accounts
LEAVEN: The term which renders two Heb.
words (s''6r, 'ferment,' and hdmets, 'to be sour') and
of the Fourth Gospel (cf. John, Gospel of), and
one Gr. word (C^fir)), all of which are used to signify
that it is not to be considered, therefore, simply a
religious and dogmatic allegory. In that case, the
a linnp of sour dough. The daily bread of the
Hebrews was kneaded in a trough, and the yeast
story of Lazarus may contain trustworthy elements,
was added in the form of a small piece of dough.
even though it may be difficult to determine just
Bread prepared in a great hurry or in an emergency
how much is fact and how much is due to modifica-
and interpretation of the fact in the mind of the
was unleavened (Gn 18 6; Ex 12 34). Leaven was
tion
absolutely prohibited in connection with the Pass-
Evangelist. Obviously it is very difficult to explain
over and the Feast of Unleavened Bread (see Fasts
the absolute silence of the Synoptic GJospels regard-
AND Feasts, § 7), as well as in meal-offerings (Ex
ing Lazarus, containing references as they do to the
two sisters and an anointing at Bethany, even
12 IS; Lv
2 11, 6 17). At the Exodus imleavened
bread was used on account of a pressing emergency
though we freely admit the partial character of the
(Ex 12 34-39), and the prohibition of leaven ever
sources of these GJospels. Such an event with such
afterward was due to the sacred associations cling-
consequences as are described in the Fourth Gospel
ing about the first Passover, The Feast of Un-
could hardly escape notice. There are also certain
leavened Bread being an agricultural festival, the
details in the narrative (e.g., the tone of Christ's
unleavened cakes represented the first-fruits un-
prayer at the tomb, ver. 41 f.), which, as they stand
mixed with last year's harvest. The exclusion of
at least, strike us as incongruous. Yet, on the other
leaven from all sacrifices (Ex 23 18, 34 25 [JE]) and
hand, it is perhaps more difficult, once the hypothesis
from meal-offerings (Lv 2 11, 6 17 [P]) was due to the
of pure allegory is abandoned, to psychologically
feeling that fermentation was closely allied to putre-
explain the story's composition as an ideal con-
faction and corruption, a view that the Hebrews
struction by the Evangehst to illustrate his view of
shared with other peoples of antiquity. The peace-
Christ as "the resurrection and the life." It is too
offering (Lv 7 13) and the wave-loaves (Lv 23 17)
stupendous for any personal follower of Jesus, at
are only apparent exceptions, as they were not
least, to have simply invented. Some historical
placed upon the altar. In the N T leaven is usually
foundation is required, and the underlying facts,
regarded as a symbol of corruption, which has a
whatever they are, may therefore belong to that
mighty pervasive power (cf. I Co 5 6-9; Gal 5 9). In
body of trustworthy information regarding aministry
this sense Christ used the phrase "the leaven of the
of Jesus in Judsea which appears to have been known
Pharisees and the leaven of Herod" (Mk: 8 15). In
to the author of the Fourth Gospel alone. Assu-
one of the parables the Savior uses it in a good sense,
ming this to be true, and that our philosophical
as an emblem of the pervasive power of the Kingdom
attitude to the miraculous does not preclude its
of God (Mt 13 33 and ||). In Rabbinical literature
possibihty, the resurrection of Lazarus may have
leaven is a symbol of evil desires, and in Jewish
occurred, and the words "I am the resurrection and
theology it is used figuratively for the inherited
the life" have had, therefore, more than a purely
corruption of human nature, J. A. K.
spiritual significance. 2. L. of the Parable (Lk 16
19-31). A beggar pictured by Christ in contrast to LEBANA, lg-b6'na, LEBANAH, l^bl'na (HJ?^,
an unnamed rich man to illustrate the truth of the I'bhdnah) The ancestral head of one of the divisions
:
words recorded in Lk 16 13, 15, Though designated of the Nethinim (Ezr 2 45; Neh 7 48). E. E. N.
by name, he is probably a hypothetical personage.
LEBANON, leb'a-nen 01^?^, hhhanon [in Heb.
LiTERATtTRE I ScG that cUcd undcr art. on John, Gospel of.
prose with the art.], from Idbhen, 'to be white,'
S. D.
because of its appearance when the snow covers its
LEACH, LEECH. See Horse-Leech. summits, as it does for the greater part of the year,
LEAD. See Metals, § 5.
though according to some it was the whiteness of its
cUffs that gave L. its name) In general the double
:
LEAH, ll'a (nxb., le'ah)y 'gazel,' or 'wild cow': range of mountains ruiming from NNE. to SSW.
The daughter of Laban, and Jacob's first wife for about 95 m. from the plain of Jun Akkar on the
Lebanon
Leprosy
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 48^
N. to the turn of the river Litany westward and sea abound in chalk. The vast masses of lime-
Banias on the S. The two parallel ranges are stone collect the rain and melted snow and yield
separated by a broad valley (the ancient Ccele- it up in the form of innumerable springs
where the
Syria), narrowing toward its S. end, alluded to in the sandstone intervenes. The scenery of the Lebanon
Bible, as the Valley of Lebanon, and now called is exceptionally fine and has served as
the basis of
elBukeiah. By classical writers the W. range was the poetical allusions in the Bible, which are many
named the Libanus and the E. the Anti-Libanus (cf. and richly colored.
also Jth 1 7). In Biblical usage the two are given Politically, the Lebanon appears as a part of the
the same name (Dt 1 7, 3 25, 11 24; Jos 1 4, 9 i). The ideal land of Israel (Jos 13 5; Dt 11 24), but was
House of the Forest of Lebanon —Front Elevation. (See also Jerusalem, § 30.)
whole mass abuts on the Mediterranean to the W. never conquered (Jg 3 3). The actual boundary
and slopes down into the plateau of Syria to the E. of the land is, however, given as "Baal-Gad in the
The average height of the range is not far from Valley of Lebanon" (Jos 11 17). In other particulars
6,000 ft., rising, however, at the highest point (Mt the Lebanon is noted for its height, which makes
Hermon) to 10,400 ft. The general structure of the it a place of outlook (Song 8 8), for its streams
Lebanon is rugged and irregular, except for the (Song 4 15), its snowy summits (Jer 18 14), its
main direction of the chain of summits, and abounds fragrance (Song 4 11; Hos 14 7), probably the odor
in precipitous cliffs and hollows, which make it of its cedar forests; these are also mentioned on
their own account (Jg 9 15; Is 2 13, etc.) and poet-
ically called "the flower of Lebanon" (Nah 1 4), "the
glory of Lebanon" (Is 35 2, 60 13). The "violence
done to Lebanon" is evidently the cutting down
of these stately forests (Hab 2 17). Besides the
cedars, however, large pines, firs, oaks, and cypress
groves are to be found on the range; while the
ahnond, the mulberry, the fig, the olive, the walnut,
the apricot, the pear, the pomegranate, the pis-
tachio, and the grapevine also flourish. Of animal
life the region sustains, besides the domestic fauna,
the mountain, or wild goat, the gazel, the panther,
the bear, the jackal, the hyena, the boar, etc.; but
these are rarely alluded to (cf. II 14 9 = 11 ChK
25 18). Whether the Tower of Lebanon in Song
7 4 was connected with Solomon's royal House of the
Ground-Plan of the House of the Forest of Lebanon. Forest of Lebanon (I K
7 2; see Jerusalem, § 30),
difficult for the traveler, and at the same time or was an independent structure, either real or
an easy hiding-place for the fugitive. This feature imaginary, does not appear. In the N T no men-
has made the Lebanon territory the home of such per- tion is made of Lebanon. A. C. Z.
secuted peoples as the Maronites and the Matawile, LEBAOTH, le-b^'6th (HlXD^, hbha'dth), 'lion-
as well as of such untamed and warlike races as the
ess' (?): A city of Judah (Jos 15 32), also assigned
Amorites, the Ituraeans, and the Druses.
to Simeon and called Beth-lebaoth (19 6) and Beth-
The
geological constitution of the range is mainly
biri (I Ch 4 Map E 4.
31). II, E. E. N.
threefold. The strata are irregular and faulty. The
lowest of them is cretaceous (Glandaria limestone), LEBB^US, leb-bl'us. See Thadd^us.
the middle consists of Trigonia sandstone and the LEBONAH, le-bo'na (Hjl^^, Hhonah): A city
uppermost of Hippurite limestone. This last forms Ephraim near Shiloh (Jg 21
of 19). Map III, F 4.
the summits. The foothills in the vicinity of the
E. E. N.
Lebanon
4S3 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Leprosy
LECAH, li'ca (HD^., lekhah): Probably the name the disease eats into the joints, causing the falling
of a place inhabited by the Judahite clan Er (I Ch off of fingers and toes. If nodules do not appear,
4 21). E. E. N. their place is taken by spots of blanched or dis-
colored skin {macular leprosy). Both forms are
LEEK.See Palestine, § 23, and Food and
based upon a functional degeneration of the nerves
Food Utensils, § 3. of the skin. Its cause was discovered by Hansen
LEES. See Vines and Vintage, 2. in 1871 to be a specific bacillus. Defective diet,
however, seems to serve as a favorable condition for
LEGION from Lat. legio):
{Xeyiav, or \eyeatv,
the culture of the bacillus.
The unit of organization in the Roman army, con-
Leprosy was one of the few abnormal conditions
sisting of a body of troops including both infantry
of the body which the Levitical law declared unclean.
and cavaby and varying in size, composition, and
Elaborate provision was therefore made
tactical arrangement at different periods. In the
2. Cere- for testing its existence, and for the
N T period a legion contained 5,000 to 6,000 men, monial Un- purification of those who were cured of
composed of ten cohorts of six centuries each. The
cleanness it. As to the description of the disease,
total military force of the empire consisted of
of Leprosy, it is rather external and conventional
twenty-five legions, ofwhich four were stationed in
than scientific. Both in the diagnosis
Syria. See Augustus. The name "legion" came to
and the prescription for ceremonial treatment the
be used in Greek, Rabbinical Hebrew, and probably
term used is generic, and includes other ailments
in Palestinian Aramaic for any great number, and
which fall outside the correct modern definition of
occurs in this sense, with perhaps the additional
leprosy. It would be wrong, however, to infer that
thought of obedience to a superior will, in Mt 26 53;
the whole subject is treated without any effort at
Mk 5 9 and ||s. S. D.
discrimination. On the contrary, Lv. ch. 13 deals
LEHABIM, le-h^'bim. See Ethnography and with it in a somewhat systematic manner.
Ethnology, § 11. As a subject for ceremonial treatment, leprosy is
given the general name of "plague ['stroke'] of
LEHI, li'hoi Cnp, l'kl)j 'jaw-bone': A place, as
leprosy." It is then divided into three
yet unidentified, somewhere in the northern Sheph-
3. Distinc- kinds, as it might affect (1) the human
elah of Judah, famed as the scene of Samson's single-
tions. skin, (2) articles of clothing, or (3)
handed slaughter of the Philistines with the jaw-
houses. So far as it appears in the
bone of an ass (Jg 15 9-19; II S 23 11, where for
human body, two stages in its development are
"into a troop" we should read "in Lehi"). Jg marked, the incipient and the confirmed. In the
1517-19 should be interpreted as follows: In the
incipient stage it was possible to mistake for it sev-
place known as Ramath-lehi ('height of Lehi') there eral other diseased conditions. Hence the provision
was a "hollow place" or basin, in which there was a
that, when a suspicious case appeared, it must be
spring known ae Eiv-hakkore, 'the spring of the one
brought to the priest to be tested (Lv 13 2, 9, etc.).
who calls' (or, since qdre% 'caller,' means 'partridge,' From the moment, however, that the priest began
'the partridge spring'). The text does not mean his inspection and failed to declare his subject clean,
that the 'hollow' was in the jaw-bone. In ver. Ifi,
the person under test was designated a leper, and
instead of "heaps upon heaps," read, "I have piled
considered unclean (Lv 13 3, 20, etc.).
them in heaps." Cf. Moore on Jg in Int. Crit Com.
In the incipient stage leprosy was only construct-
E. E. n. ively such, and might be cured. According to its
LEMUEL, lem'yu-el 09^^), l^u'el [Pr 31 i], development, which was scrutinized
^pf^i), l-mo'el [31 4]), 'belonging to God': The name 4. Test of and judged by the priest, it might be
of a king to whom was attributed the poem in Pr Leprosy, declared (1) a "scab" {§appahath,
31 formerly commonly identified with Solo-
2-9, psoriasis, Lv 13 2), (2) tsara^aih-
mon. RVmg. makes him king of Massa (cf. Gp 25 14; ndsh&neth, false leprosy (Lv 13 11), (3) an inflamed
I Ch 1 30), perhaps an unknown Arabian city (see cicatrix ("scar of the boil," tsarepheth hashsh^hinj
Massah). Toy {Int. Crit. Com., ad loc.) considers Lv 13 23, "burning boil" AV), (4) a scar of a former
the L. of ver. 4 a scribal repetition of the preceding burn {s'^eth hammikhwah, Lv 13 28), (5) a scalled-
letters. C. S. T. head {netheq, "ringworm," Lv 13 37), (6) a "tet-
ter" {hohaq, Lv 13 39), or (7) a baldness {gMeak,
LENDING. See Trade and Commerce, § 3.
Lv 13 41). But any of these abnormal conditions
LENTILS. See Palestine, § 23, and Food might turn into a permanent leprosy, in which case
and Food Utensils, § 3. the subject was required to be isolated, have dis-
tinctive signs by which he might be recognized, and
LEOPARD. See Palestine, § 24.
be regarded as unclean (Lv 13 46 f.). For the puri-
LEPROSY (n^l^, tsara'ath, or n^-l^-i^^J, nega'- fication of thisuncleanness a special cereftionial
tsara'ath, Xdirpa): From the medical point of view, was provided (Lv ch. 14. See also under Purity,
what is called leprosy in the Bible is Purification, § 12 (3)),
I. Medical not a single disease, but a group of es- The leprosy of clothing, as far as it
Definition. sentially dissimilar diseases. True lep- 5. Leprosy can be identified, was the result of a
rosy, as known in modem times, is an of Clothing, fungus, or mildew, produced by un-
affection characterized by the appearance of nod- known causes. It was to be tested
ules in the eyebrows, the cheeks, the nose, and the for a week, and if persistent, the garment was to
lobes of the ears, also in the hands and feet, where be burned (Lv 13 47-69),
Leshem
Libya
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 4S4
The leprosy of a house (Lv 14 33-57) is also hard (c) Legislation following the death of Nadab and Abihu
to identify. It is described as consisting in hol- the Day of Atonement (ch. 16).
[Insertion—The Holiness Code (chs. 17-26), with a
low streaks, greenish, or reddish, in supplement concerning vows (ch. 27).]
6. Leprosy color, and lower than the wall, i.e., as The large section of P, to which all this belongs, is continued
of Houses, if issuing from its interior portions. It in Nu, concluding at Nu 10 ^°.
is probable that 'dry rot' is meant. Disregarding the obvious connection with P and
Its treatment involved the scraping or removal viewing it as a book by itself, Lv may be divided into
of part of the wall, the carrying of the dust to a four parts. I. The manual of offerings (chs. 1-7).
place for refuse, the replastering or rebuilding of II. The consecration of the Priesthood (chs. 8-10).
the destroyed portion of the house, and the cere- III. The laws of ceremonial purity (chs. 11-16).
monial cleansing of it as a whole (Lv 14 48-53). (Cf. IV. Thelawofholiness (chs. 17-27).
Benzinger, Heb. Arch., 1894, pp. 103, 118, 450, 481, It is generally recognized to-day that the exten-
488 ff. Cf. also Disease and Medicine, § II (9).) sive literature known as the P element of the
(a) Aaron and his sons formally inducted into the priestly not (unclean) be eaten (vs. 4-8); (c) the water-
office (ch. 8 f.), according to the directions in Ex ch. animals that may and may not be eaten (vs. 9-10);
29 and 40 i2-i«. (d) the birds that may and may not be eaten (vs.
(b) The death of Nadab and Abihu (10 i-")» with addi-
tional legal prescriptions in va. i2-2o_ 11-20); (e) that which dies of itself may not be
[Insertion —A code concerning ceremonial purity, chs. eaten (ver. 21). It is evident that the whole section
11-15.] in Dt is much simpler than the corresponding one in
485 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Leshem
Libya
Lv, and also that in Lv there are really two sets of LIBERTINES. See Synagogue of the Liber-
prescriptions, one using the term "unclean" (as in TINES.
Dt)j the other using the term "abomination" (not in LIBERTY, CHRISTIAN; This term is used to
Dt). These and other facts seem to indicate that in denote the breadth of action allowed the believer
Dt we find the earlier and simpler law on this subject, as distinguished from the non-believer. The nearest
and that the form in Lv is based on an old source, approach to the conception in the O T is that under-
which has been supplemented by later additions. lying the release from obligation and penalty, which
Ch. 16, in the main, forms a fitting conclusion to the was provided for in the law of the Sabbatical year of
preceding material in chs. 11-15. The command Jubilee (q.v.) (d^ror, Lv 25 10; Is 61 l; Jer 34 8f.).
for atoning ceremony, covering all phases of sin in Furthermore, he who serves J" is conscious of an
the nation as a whole, might well conclude the group
advantage in this particular (Ps 119 45). In the
of laws on ceremonial purity. But in ch. 16, as it N T the new light on the inner relationship of the
now stands, there is interwoven another set of pre- believer with God reveals liberty to be one of the
scriptions which have to do with Aaron and his
essential results of faith (Jn 8 32f.). In general,
sons alone and by ver. 1 are connected with ch. 10. this larger range for the play of human activity is
These prescriptions (found in vs. l, 3, 6, 11, etc.) viewed as obliterating restraints created by other
are probably later additions to the original law.
conditions. Bondage and slavery in the political
(3) Part IV, The Holiness Code, also appears to be sense cease to be sources of distress to the possessor
made up of different strata. A
general analysis of of Christian liberty (I Co 7 21; Col 3 11). Thisliberty
this code will be found in the article Hexateuch, consists in the change of attitude toward the law,
§ 23 and need not be repeated here. If this analysis
whereby conduct becomes loving conformity to the
be compared with the Code of Dt (see Deuteron- will of the Father, instead of constrained obedience
omy, §§2, 4), it will be found that the two present '
to arbitrary prescriptions (cf. 'against such there is
many striking similarities, enough to suggest that no law" Gal 5 23; also Ro 7 3; Gal 2 4, 5 i). More-
both have been modeled on the earlier code in Ex 20 over, the principle of sin as a dominant force over
22-23 end, although their many differences also show
conduct loses its compelling power. To this extent
that they are entirely independent of each other. the believer is free from sin (Ro 6 18, 8 2). The
Within this code, many passages may be found added knowledge gained by the believer enables him
which are either contrary to or only loosely con- to see many actions as indifferent, and therefore to
nected with the context, and have all the appear- be done or not, according to his pleasure (I Co 10 23-
ance of being added to the original code. Thus in This is "the perfect law of liberty" (Ja 1 25),
29).
ch. 23 a large amount (vs. 1-8, 21, 23-38, 39a, c, and
which, however, places upon its subject the respon-
44) seems to belong more naturally with the later
sibility of guarding against its misuse and abuse
and more precise (as to fixed dates, etc.) priestly (Gal 5 13; I P 2 16). A. C. Z.
material (that forms the main thread of P) than
with the earlier and more vague specifications that LIBNAH, lib'na (."O^X lihhnah): i. The third
are characteristic of the original Holiness Code. station after Hazeroth (Nu 33 20f.). 2, town A
The same differences can be noted in chs. 17, 21 f., in the Shephelah, probably a member of the coalition
and 24 f. (for detailed examination and proof, see against Gibeon defeated by Joshua (Jos 10 29f.).
Driver LOT, pp. 50-57). Ch. 27 is n.ot a part of this It was made a priestly city (Jos 21 13). Apparently
code, but a later piece of legislation (P), dealing lying S. of Lachish, it joined in the revolt of Edom
with the estimation and commutation of vows, con- against Judah (II K
8 22). In the days of Hezekiah
secrated things, and tithes. In. its original form, it was evidently a strongly fortified town, and re-
the HolinessCode probably antedated Ezekiel. quired the attention of Sennacherib in order to
This prophet seems to have been well acquainted secure his base of operations against Jerusalem
with it (or its constituent elements, in case it was (II K 19 8; Is 37 8). L. was the birthplace of the
compiled after his date), and largely influenced by it. wife of Josiah, the mother of Jehoahaz and Zedekiah
(See also Hexateuch, § 24.) (II K23 31, 24 18). Map I, C 9. A. S. C.
Lv is thus a book in which materials originating
LIBNI, lib'nai (^J?K lihhnl): i. The ancestral
in widely separated periods are found closely woven
head of one of the divisions of the Gershonite Levites,
together. In general, the earlier por-
the Libnites (Ex 6 17; Nu 3 18-21, etc.). Also called
4- General tions are marked by greater simplicity,
Ladan (q.v.). 2, Another Levite, the grandson of
Character less preciseness in details and specifica^
Merari (I Ch 6 29). E. E. N.
of Lv, tions, a closer touch with the old
agricultural type of life, less emphasis LIBYA, lib'i-a (At^vrj): The name of the large
on ceremonialism per se, and more on morality and territory which included in ancient times Cyrenaica
spirituality. The moral character of the Holiness in the W. and Marmarica in the E.; the whole of
Code is especially high. "Holiness to Jehovah'' is L., therefore, lay between Egypt (the Delta) and the
here more than mere formalism. In the later por- Roman province of Africa. Accordingly, the "parts
tions the rigid ceremonialism of the later Judaism is of Libya about Gyrene" (Ac 210) meant the western
more manifest and the cultus is made all-important. portion of the country. In the O T, L. is the AV
Literature: Driver, LOT; Paton in JBL (1895); Baentsch, translation of the Heb. put (Ezk 30 5, 38 5). Liby-
Das Heiligkeits-gesetz (1893) ; Harford-Battersby in HDB, ans is the rendering of puf (Jer 46 9 AV, "Put"
vol. iii, art. Leviticus; Carpenter-Harford, The Composition RV) and of luhhvm (Dn 11 43); though this word is
of the Hexateuch (1902). E. E. N, rendered "Lubim" in II Ch 16 8 and Nah 3 9. See
LEVY, See Solomon, § 3, and Tax, Taxation. Ethnography and Ethnology, § 11. A. C. Z,
Lice A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 486
Living Creature
breath (Gn 2 7; in Job 41 21 it is rendered "breath"), bodies (Ps 136 7), of the lightning (Job 36 32), or in
but more generally in the blood (Gn 9 4; Lv 17 14; the simple sense of 'brightness,' or 'shining' (Job
Dt 12 23, etc.)- The more usual rendering of this 41 18; Is 13 10, 30 26, etc.). This term is often used
term is "soul" (which can be understood in more figuratively: (a) Of the guidance, strength, and com-
than one sense), but where it is rendered "life," it fort vouchsafed by God to those who trust Him
is nearly always the physical existence that is in- (Job 22 28, 29 3; Ps 27 1, etc.); so in the expression
tended (Gn 9 4f., 19 17; Dt 19 21, etc.). Frequently "the light of thy countenance," where the idea of '
a broader meaning is given to the term (e.g., Gn communion with God is also set forth (Ps 4 6, 44 3,
44 30), and at times "soul" would seem to be a better 89 15) (b) as the equivalent of physical life (Job 3 16,
;
rendering than "life" (e.g., Pr 6 26). The combina- 20; Ps 49 19, etc.), or of the true moral life (Job 24 13;
tion nephesh hayah, rendered "living soul" (Gn 1 20, Pr 4 18, etc.). (2) ma'ar, 'a light given,' used of
30), indicates the individual entity, the seat of per- the planets, sun and moon (Gn 1 14-16), and of the
sonality, which, though originating in the Divine lamps in the Tabernacle (Ex 25 6, 27 20, etc.), less
breath being breathed into the material form, is specifically in Ps 74 16, 90 8; Pr 15 30). (3) nur, in
not altogether destroyed when, at death, man re- various derivative forms ner, nlr, etc., used of
turns "unto dust" (Gn 3 19). See also Man, Doc- David (II S 21 17), of the continuance of his dynasty
trine OF, § 3. (3) yamtm, 'days,' is rendered "life" (I K 11 36; II K
8 19; II Ch 21 7), and in a more
in I K 3 11; II Ch 1 U; Ps 61 6, 91 16. (4) In Job literal sense in Dn 2 22, 5 il, 14; Job 3 4. (4) nogeah,
7 15 AV "life" renders 'etsem, 'bone'; cf. RV. (5) In 'brightness' (Is 50 10). On the AV of I 7 4f. and K
the N T, fflH? is the equivalent of the O T hay. It Is 8 20 cf RV.. (5) In the N
T the principal term is
is used to indicate conscious existence, especially in (f>S)s, which corresponds to 'or in the O T. Besides
its higher moral and spiritual aspects. Of this God ' its use in a physical sense, metaphysically the term
487 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Lice
Living Creature
stands for the highest form of spiritual and moral rendered "line" but once (Ezk 40 3; cf. Gn 38 18,
life of which God is the source (I Jn 1 6, 7), and is
25; Ezk 40 3; Jg 16 9, etc.). (5) seredh, in Is 44 13,
mediated to man through the Word Jesus Christ — is of doubtful meaning. The RV "pencil" is prob-
(Jn 1 4 £F., etc.). Consequently, the saving truth of ably correct, but not certain. (6) Kavmv (II Co
God and the Christian character and life, which 10 16) is strictly a 'reed,' then a rod for measuring,
expresses it, is called light (Mt 5 14; Jn 3 I9f.; Ro and then came to be used in the sense of 'limit,' or
13 12; Eph 5 8, etc.). Related to are the nouns
<l>5is 'bounds.' The RV "province" is a fair interpre-
<l>cDfTTi]p, literally 'light-giver,' used of beacon- tation. E. E. N.
lights, metaphorically in Ph 2 15, but perhaps more
literally in Rev 21 il, and ^(urtcr/ids, 'illumination' LINEN: The various words translated "linen"
(II Co 4 4, 6), the verb ^wrifetv, 'to give light to' in the O T are for the most part of somewhat un-
(Jn 1 9; I Co 4 5, etc.), and the adj. <l><0Teiv6s (Mt certain meaning, and possibly in some cases varieties
6 22; Lk 11 34 ff.). (6) Xuxi'off, lamp' (Mt 6 22; Lk of cotton as well as of linen are meant. Where the
11 34, 12 35; Jn 5 35; II P 1 19; Rev 21 23). (7) Xafiirds,
Heb. word is pishteh, 'flax,' the meaning "linen" is
'torch,' then 'lamp' (Ac 20 8); and the related verb practically certain (Lvl3 47-49; Jer 13 l;Ezk44 17 f.).
XdnwetVy 'to give light as a torch' (Mt 5 15). (8)
Sadhlm (Jg 14 12 f. ; Pr 31 24; Is 3 23) means a square
(jieyyos, 'the light (of some bright object)' (Mt 24 linen garment, something like a robe, that could
29, etc.). (9) The verbs KdUiv, 'to bum' (Mt 5 15), be used as a wrapper, made probably of fine material.
ctTTTftv, 'to kindle' (Lk 8 16, 11 33, 15 8), im^aiveivy 'to In I K 10 28, II Ch 1 16 RV has the correct reading.
shine upon' (Lk 1 79), and iirK/iavo-Kciv, 'to shine The N T terms present no difficulty, all meaning
upon' (Eph 5 14). II. Terms relating to weight. linen of various degrees of fineness. See also Fine
(1) From qalal, 'to be light' (I K 12 4, etc.), we have Linen, and Dress and Ornaments, § 5.
qal, of agility and swift-footedness (II S 2 18), and E. E. N.
the verb itself, in the sense of 'to consider insignifi- LINTEL: In I K 6 31 the meaning of the Heb.
cant' (I S 18 23; I 16 31; II K K
3 18, 20 10; Is 49 6; term 'ayll is very uncertain. RVmg. suggests 'posts,'
Ezk 8 17), and the sense of 'unsatisfactory,'
q^loqel, in but 'projection' may be nearer the truth. The
possibly 'contemptible' (Nu 21 5). (2) pahaz^ 'im- verse then would mean that the door-opening was
reliable' (Jg 9 4; Zeph 3 4). (3) a/ieXew, 'to" be care- pentagonal in form, thus:
less' (Mt 22 5). (4) iXa^pos (Mt 11 30; II Co 4 17).
f^ See illustration
.
is made to the process of securing lime from its com- LITTER: The word tsabh
translation of the Heb.
poimds by intense heat. In these passages it is used in Is 66 20. The same word occurs in Nu 7 3 with
figuratively to mean complete destruction. In Dt 'dgdlah ("wa^on"), where it indicates that the
27 2, 4, the Heb. word is translated "plaster," to des- wagons were covered like palanquins. By itself the
ignate the substance made from lime, and put on term meant 'a covered conveyance,' constructed so
walls to secure a smooth surface for decorating. that it could be carried by two mules, one in front
C. S. T. and one behind. C. S. T.
LINE: a 'cord' or 'rope,' then
(1) hebhel, strictly,
LIVER. See Sacrifice and Offerings, § 10;
a 'measuring-iine,' as in II S 8 2; 7 17; Zee 2 l. Am Man, Doctrine of, § 8; Magic and Divination,
This word is often rendered "portion" or lot, and
§ 4; and Disease and Medicine, § 6 (3).
in Ps 16 6 it means the lot, or portion, of land marked
off by the measuring-line, which was the Israelite's LIVING CREATURE (pi. hayyoth, in N
T, ffiov,
patrimony. (2) qaw, and qeweh (from qdwah, 'to be ''beast" AV): The name given to a symbolical fig-
stretched,' 'fixed,' or 'strong'), a line, especially ure first presented in Ezekiel's vision
one used for measuring (I 7 23; II K
21 13; Jer K I, In the (Ezk 1 5ff.), and again in Rev 4 6-9,
31 39, etc.). In Is 28 10, 17 it is doubtful whether Bible. 5 6, 8, 11, 6 1, 3, 6-7). The dependence
the Heb. qaw hqaw should be rendered "line upon of the latter on the former is quite mani-
line," as these syllables are probably mere imitations fest, though the figure is worked over with a con-
of the thick, foolish utterance of the drunkard. A siderable amoimt of originality, and the LXX.
derivative of qdw, tiqwahj is found in Jos 2 18, 21. translation of the Heb. word in Ezk is the hnk of
(3) huf, 'cord,' or 'thread,' is rendered "Une" in connection between the two. The figure is com-
IK 7 15. (4) pdthil (from -paihal, 'to twist') is posite. It contains a human element and elements
Lizard 488
Lord's Prayer
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
drawn from the world of lower animal life, either (6) gebh, only in pi. gabhim (Is 33 34). (7) ghazarn,
terrestrial or aerial. In Ezk 10 1 B., the living 'shearer' (Jl 1 4, palmer-worm AV). (8) yelek,
creatures are called "cherubim"; but as cherubim, 'lopper' (Jl 1 4; Nah 3 15; Ps 105 34). (9) ha§U, fin-
they differ from those which symbolize the Divine isher' (Ps 78 46, but usually translated caterpillar).
presence in the construction of the Mercy Seat (I Certain of these kinds were permissible as food, and
K 6 23 ff. see also Cherubim).
; were and are largely eaten by the natives, being
The aflfinity between these "living creatures" and regarded very palatable (cf. Lv 11 22; Mt 3 4). The
the winged bulls, the sphinx, and the griffin of ex- destructiveness of the locust is particularly noted
tra-Biblical lore is most unmistakable. by Biblical writers; hence threats of judgment are
Extra- But only with the winged bull of the
2. couched in terms of a visitation of a locust pest
BiblicalAssyrian cult is the relation such as to (Jl 1 4f.; Nah 3 15; Jer 51 14, 27, canker-worm RV,
call for explanation.
Parallels, And here it is not "caterpillar" AV). Upon the basis of this character-
difficult to see that, whereas the form of istic of the insect arose later the apocalyptic figure
the Biblical living creature is derived from Meso- of the locust with certain features of the war-horse,
potamia, the use made of it is radically different. of the warrior, of the king, of the woman, and of the
The Biblical figure represents the highest elements lion attached to it (Rev 9 3-11). This is evidently
of creation, as ministering to and worshiping the a symbol of destruction, and is represented as ap-
Creator. They are never, as in Mesopotamia, them- —
pearing in large numbers an army imder the com-
selves objects of homage or worship. A. C. Z. mand of Abaddon. A. C. Z.
LIZARD. See Palestine, § 26, and Food and LOD (lb, lodh), or Lydda (AvSSa), during the
Food Utensils, § 9. Roman period called Diospolis, now Ludd: A village
LO-AMMI, lo"-am'ai. The symbolic name of lying in a fertile hollow of the Plain of Sharon, 11m.
Hosea's third child (Hos 1 9). See Ammi, and SE. of Jaffa. Map III, 5. D
It is mentioned in the
HosEA, E. E. N. later books of the O T (I Ch 8 12; Ezr 2 33; Neh 7 37,
§ 2.
11 35), and once in the N
T (Ac 9 32 ff.). Its exposed
LOAVES. See Food and Food Utensils, § 2. position, in the path of armies going from the coast
LOCK. See House, § 6 (0 and City, § 3, E. to Jerusalem, subjected L. to devastation by Roman,
Saracen, Crusader, and Mongol. In the time of
LOCUST: A migratory insect of which forty
Josephus, however, the city was large and pros-
different species are known to exist in Palestine
perous, and was a celebrated seat of Rabbinical
(Tristram, The Natural History of the Bihle,^ 1889,
learning. It later became the seat of a bishopric
pp. 306 ff.), though the Rabbis assert that there are
(see Robinson, BRP
[1868], ii, 244-248). According
to ancient Christian tradition (adopted also by the
Moslems), St. George was bom at L. in the 3d cent.
A.D., and, after his martyrdom, was buried there.
The cathedral of St. George, whose crypt was said to
contain the hero's tomb, has been frequently de-
molished, and its ruins now enclose both a mosque
Locust (Oedipoda migratoria). and a Greek church. L. G. L.
as many as 800 species. Those named in the O T, LO-DEBAR, lo"-di'bar ("iJT lV or )^h, lo'- or lo-
without regard to scientific classification, are
strict dh^bhar) : A place E. of the Jordan, near Mahanaim
the following: (1) 'arheh, 'multiplier' (Ex 10 4^6; Lv (II S 17 27), where Mephibosheth, son of Jonathan,
11 22). (2) sol'am, 'bald locust' (Lv 11 22). (3) dwelt (II S 9 Gratz translates the same Heb.
4f.).
words in Am 6 13 by Lodebar ("thing of nought"
RV). Others find the same place in Debir (Jos
13 26 RVmg.). C.S.T.
ver-
forms (against Wetstein, on Mt 6 9). The similari- account of the events, the occurrence in Paul's
ties alleged are for the most part verbal, and the sion of them of the command, "This do in remem-
sources from which they are drawn of much later brance of me," must be accounted for. This can
date than the times of Jesus. The purpose for be done (1) as an addition of Paul's, on his own
which the prayer was given is not defined with initiative. In this case, the ordinance as a per-
precision. Evidently, however, it was neither to manent institution must be regarded as a creation
furnish a stereotjrped form which should do away of Paul's. But this is scarcely probable from the
with the free expression of the individual at the historical point of view. Paul, as a late comer into
throne of God, nor, on the other hand, to show the the community, would not have ventured to tell
true nature of prayer to those who were totally un- eye-witnesses what the facts exactly had been upon
accustomed to it. The disciples both knew and any definite historical occasion. But (2) Paul may
used prayer but they had misleading and confusing
; have embodied into his account a later addition to
models before them in the practise of the Pharisees. the words used by Jesus. Yet, how could such
It was as a corrective of these, and at the same time an addition have arisen? Spitta (Urchristentum,
as a comprehensive summary of all that might prop- 1893) answers that if Jesus died on the 14th Nisan,
erly find a place in their devotional utterances, that the very day of the Passover, His death broke up the
the ideal was given. whole tenor of the lives of His disciples, and made
The contents of the Lord's Prayer are usually out- it impossible for them to enter into the festivities
lined as consisting of seven petitions: (1) Hallowed engaged in by the rest of the people. But by the
be thy name. (2) Thy Kingdom come. (3) Thy will law of Nu 9 10, the disciples must have returned to
be done on earth, as it is in heaven. (4) Give us Jerusalem to celebrate the Passover on the 14th
this day our daily bread. (5) Forgive us our debts. lyyar. This accounts for the fact that they were
(6) Lead us not into temptation. (7) Deliver us found at Jerusalem at that time. But in observing
from the evil one. Of these the fourth is beset by the Passover in the Hght of what had occurred, they
obscurity in both versions of the gospel record. This saw the death of their Master very differently; the
is occasioned by the use of the term iiriova-ios (deriv, parallel between Jesus and the paschal lamb, slain at
uncertain; possibly through the ptcpl. of iinivaiy the same hour in which He died, forced itself upon
'to be at hand') which occurs nowhere else, either them, and the idea that He was the Passover sacriifice
in Biblical or in classical Greek. The explanations dawned on them but with the awakening of this idea
;
of the term proposed are: (1) That it means bread the peculiar meaning of the Lord's Supper began.
of subsistence, i.e., sufficient; (2) bread for the The original circumstances were lost sight of, and
morrow; (3) but best of all, because of the cus- new words and acts imagined in their places. Paul
tomary time of prayer in the evening, as having simply reproduces this account of later origin.
reference to the bread that shall be immediately (3) Professor Briggs proposes the conjecture that
needed (cf. Cremer, Bib.-Theol. Worterbuch^ (1893); Jesus met His disciples between His resurrection and
Chase, The Lord's Prayer in the Early Church, His ascension, and having again sat at supper with
Texts and Studies (1891). A. C. Z. them repeated the words He spoke on the night of
His betrayal, explaining more fully their sacrificial
LORD'S SUPPER, THE {KvpiaKhv belrevov, I Co significance, especially with reference to the Sinaitic
11 20): The name observed from the
of the ordinance covenant (Ex 24 1-12), and then added the charge to
earliest Apostolic days to signify the communion of commemorate His death, reported by Paul. Paul
the disciples of Jesus Christ in His sacrificial death, simply combined the record of the two occurrences
and to commemorate that death as well as to draw into one in I Co 11 23 ff. (The Messiah of the Gos-
the disciples together into a closer fellowship with pels, p. 123). These theories seem too ingenious to
one another. There are four accounts of the institu- represent the true history, and have found no favor
tion of the ordinance (Mt 26 26-29; Mk 14 22-25; Lk 22 with critical investigators. From the point of view
15-20; I Co U
23-26). These differfrom one another, of pure probability they have no advantages over
and according to their differences fall into two groups, the harmonistic theory which would make the ac-
Mt and Mk, and Lk and Paul respectively. Mt and count of Paul the fuller, and that of Mk the more
Mk say nothing of a formal institution of a new rite defective, report of the same event. There is only
by Jesus. Luke and Paul do. In the two groups one ground on which it can be claimed that Mk's
there is again a primary and secondary character accoimt is more primitive than Paul's, and that is
discernible. Mt is dependent on Mk, and Lk on its omitting of a feature contained in the other.
Paul. Reduced to their primitive forms the sources Chronologically, Paul's was given in a written form
show that Mk represents Jesus as introducing the earlier than Mk's, and in an oral form it had evi-
elements with the simple formula, "Take ye"; and dently been preached to the church at Corinth still
Paul reports Him
to have added, "This do in re- earlier. In the absence of stronger grounds for
membrance me." The question must therefore
of doubt in the authenticity of the whole account as
be raised whether Jesus originally used the fuller given by him, the best explanation of the facts re-
form given by Paul, or the simpler given by Mk. garding the sources is that Paul's report is full, and
If the former alternative is true, then Jesus in- Mk's omits one feature of the affair, less important
stituted the Lord's Supper, and with such additions from the point of view of his purpose.
and developments in meaning as may be traced in Upon the ground of the facts as above stated, it
the history of its observance, it has been perpetuated appears that for the body of the followers of Jesus
by the Church to the present day. If, on the other the supper was to be an institution commemorative
hand, it is Mk who gives the original and correct and symbolical, both of what Christ accomplished
Lord's Etupp6f
491 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Lot
through His death, and of what He was to be to realization of the anticipation of the completed
them continually, that it was to symbolize the union redemption in the future ("till he come").
of His followers with Himself, and also to serve as a
method of its progressive realization. In bringing
Literature: Schultzen, Das Abendmahl im T (1805); N
Adamaon, The Christian Doctrine of the L&rd'a Supper
His death to the memory, it should signify the (1905) Lambert, The Sacraments in the
; T (1903) Percy N ;
sacrificial nature of that death as a basis of a new Gardner, Origin of the Lord's Supper (1893). A. C. Z,
covenant. The underlying assumptions are that
LO-RUHAMAH, l6"-ru-hd'ma (nipri^ !^\ lo'mha-
the covenant is a relationship of the most cordial
mah), 'not pitied': The name of one of Hosea's
and intimate kind, that in order that -it may exist
children. She was probably so named by the
all sources of offense must be removed, and that in
prophet in view of his wife's infidelity to him. Latei
the case of man's relation to God the source of of-
when his domestic tragedy enlightened him as to
fense was sin, therefore it must be obliterated by a
the religious condition of Israel, he used the name
sacrifice. (See Sacrifice and Offerings, § 8.)
symbolically of Israel (Hos 1 6, 8, 2 23). See Hosea,
The Lord's Supper, however, was to be not only a
§ 2. E. E. N.
memorial festival, but also a symbol of Christ's
present relation to the believer. Through the bread LOT (tDib, lof): The nephew of Abraham, who
and the cup the believer was to represent to himself emigrated with his uncle from Ur to Canaan (Gn
the nourishing and strengthening of his inner life by 11 27-12 5), where the relatives at length separated
communion with Christ. It has been alleged, upon on account of strife between their herdsmen. L.
the basis of comparative religion, that in the pagan took his flocks and his herds to the fertile plain of
faiths there are parallels to the eating of food which the Jordan, and ultimately dwelt in the wicked city
is believed either to be, or to represent, the Divine life of Sodom (13 5-13). He was captured in a raid by
and thus to bring the worshiper into vital relations the eastern kings, but was rescued by his imcle
with the Deity. Thus in the cult of Dionysus, a bull (14 12-16). Angelic guests (? cf. He 13 2) warned L.
which was regarded as the incarnation of the god of the impending doom of the cities of the plain
of fertility, was torn and its flesh eaten raw, in order (19 1-13; cf. Lk 17 28 f.), and he escaped with his two
that his divine life might be transmitted to those daughters to the little city of Zoar (19 15-23). His
who took part in the ceremony. (Cf. other illus- daughters' husbands, however, ridiculed his fears
trative details in Frazer, Golden Bough, II, 260-300; and refused to leave Sodom (19 14), and his wife (see
Percy Gardner, Ezpl. Evang., 240 ff.) But whether Lot's Wife) also perished. From Zoar, L.and his
such antecedents underlay the Christian sacrament daughters fled to the hill-country E. of the Jor-
at its inception or not, it is evident that its meaning dan, where they lived in a cave (19 30). ^ Here, of
was primarily that of the mystic infusion of the incestuous unions, were bom Moab and Ben-ammi
spirit of Christ symbolized in the external act of the (19 31-38), the ancestors of the Moabites and the
eating of a common meal. The thought is dimly Ammonites (cf Dt 2 9, 19; Ps 83 8).
.
present in the sacrificial festival-meal of the earlier Many modem scholars explain the details of the
Israelitic ritual. (Cf. Sacrifice and Offerings, story of L. as personifying the characteristics, mi-
§ 3.) The institution was doubtless developed out grations, and alliances of certain tribes of which he
of the O T Passover, and conveys in an exalted and was the supposed ancestor (see Patriarchs). Thus
spiritualized form the idea that in partaking of a he is thought to be the personification of an Aramaic
sacrifice one enters into communion with God. clan once closely allied with a Hebrew tribe (Abra-
This is only a part of the significance of the Lord's ham's), but which later separated and moved east-
Supper, but it is a prominent part. On the other ward. It is supposed also that the ancestry of the
hand, while it is possible to lay undue stress on the hated nations Moab and Ammon was intended to be
influence of ideas drawn from the mystery cults of brought into disrepute through the story of their
pagan religions on the Lord's Supper, it is not neces- shameful origin. It is indeed possible that incest
sary to deny the kinship between the symbolism was common among these eastern tribes. The res-
used in the institution and the similar rites in the cue of Lot by Abraham (Gn ch. 14) belongs to a
mystery cults, in order to realize its spiritual import. unique portion of the Pentateuch, which must be
Even in such passages as Jn ch. 6 the main stress is studied with the aid of the commentaries.
on the spiritual significance of the metaphorical In rabbinical literature L. is usually represented
language; and the Church in the Apostolic and sub- in an unfavorable light as self-indulgent and quarrel-
Apostolic ages clearly perceived this. some (cf. JE, S.V.). The Koran, however, fre-
The words, "Having given thanks" in Lk 22 17-19 quently refers to him as a preacher of righteousness
{evxapioTTjo-as . • . €v^api<TTj)<Tas) , denoting prob- {e.g., Sura 29 27 ff. cf II P 2 7), and calls the Sodom-
; .
ably an act in the old paschal ritual, have served as ites "the children of Lot." The modem Arabic name
the ground for one of the names of the Lord's Supper for the Dead Sea is Bahr LUf, "the Sea of Lot."
in the historical usage of the Church (the Eucharist). L. G. L.
For the modem mind, the meaning of the Lord's LOT: (1) The Heb. word
gdral, always rendered
Supper, as presented in the N T, may be found (1) in "lot," "lots," probably derived from the root
is
the commemorative aspect of it, bringing to mind which appears in Arab words, meaning 'stones,'
grl,
the redemptive death of Christ, (2) in the expression
'stony place,' etc.; since in the primitive method of
of commimion with God under the new covenant,
"casting lots" stones were probably used. In Pr
(3) in the communion of the disciples with one
another, (4) in the promotion of the spirit of grati-
> Hence Ewald and Dillmann identify Lot with Lotan the
tude (Eucharist) for redemption, and (5) in the Horite ('cave-dweller'). Cf. Gn 36 20.
Lotaa
Luke
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 49:3
may be inferred that stones (marked in some way) upon this conception, and use as the figure of the
it
were placed in the fold of a, garment or, perhaps particular feelmg of J" toward Israel
more often, in a vessel of some sort, and then the 2. Love of The first to present God as entertaining
shaking of the garment, or vessel, would throw a God to Man. toward His chosen people the senti-
stone out on the ground, according to which the ments that in earthly relations are
was given. Hence the expressions "the lot
decision cherished toward those nearest and dearest is Hosea
came forth" (Heb. 'came up/ or 'out'), or "fell." (Hos chs. 1-3, and 11 4). But the thought is taken
Other methods, however, may have been employed, up by Jeremiah (2 2, 31 3), and becomes very com-
to which these same terms would apply. The lot mon—in fact, characteristic — of the relation in which
was but one means of divination employed by the J" is represented as sustaining to His people (Is 63 9).
Hebrews. Others were the ephod (q.v.) and the He is the Shepherd, the Father, the Guardian, m
all
Urim and Thummim (q.v.). The lot was used to de- of which capacities He is actuated by the tenderest
termine such cases as the inheritances of the tribes affection. (2) In the Teachmg of Jesus. At the
(Nu 26 55; Jos 14 2, etc.), the courses of the priests, very outset, the teaching of Jesus reveals love as the
and Levites (I Ch 6 54flf., 24 5, 26 U), the scape- central and dominant affection of God. In fact,
goat on the Day of Atonement (Lv 16 8 ff.), the dis- God's love is all-comprehensive, not being limited to
covery of one guilty of some sin (Jon 1 7); i.e., in any race, but extending beyond the bounds which
cases in which Divine guidance was desired, or in the O T seers had seen as Hmiting it. In the Synop-
which the decision was left to chance (cf the two N T
. tics, the revelation is contained implicitly in the
instances, Ac 1 26 and Mk 15 24 and ||s, where the Gr. various phases of the doctrine of God's fatherhood.
is kKtjpos). In a few cases the word is used to in- In the Johannine reports of the teaching of Jesus
dicate one's fate or condition in life (Pr 1 14; Is 17 14; it is explicit (Jn 3 16). The conception is fully-
Jer 13 25). In other cases the term is used for the presented by Paul (Ro 5 5, 8 35, 39), and by John
landed inheritance resulting from the lot (Jos 15 1; (I Jn 4 8 f ., etc.) as the basis of redemption from sin.
Jg 1 3; Ps 16 5, etc.). (2) In a few mstances "lot" (1) Love to r in the O T. The love of the faithful
renders the Heb. hebhel, 'line' (Dt 32 9; I Ch 16 18; to God is even more clearly defined. It is a con-
Ps 105 11). See Line. E. E. N. dition of the normal life, which results
3. Love of in blessing (Ex 20 6), and must reach
LOTAN, lo'tan (li^i\ lotan):The ancestral head Man to God, the highest possible pitch of intensity
of a Horite clan of the same name (Gn 36 20-29; I Ch and the largest fulness (Dt 6 5). This
1 38). E. E. N. is the note that remains constant in the religion of
Israel amidst its changing forms of thought and
LOT'S WIFE : The wife of Lot is said to have dis- worship. From the Song of Deborah (Jg 5 31) to
obeyed the angelic command (Gn 19 17) while fleeing the Psalms of the latest period (Ps 145 20, 146 8) the
from Sodom, and to have looked backward, where- love for J" is a characteristic of the Israelite; and the
upon she became a pillar of salt (19 26). Christ ground of the good pleasure of J" in him. (2) Love
refers to her fate as a warning against thinking of the to God in the Teaching of Jesus. But though this
safety of worldly goods at the advent of the Son of condition is at the root of obedience to the Law of
Man (Lk 17 32). God throughout the O T, it assiunes a new signifi-
Salt formations are common near the S. end of the cance in the teaching of Jesus, who fixed the eyes
Dead Sea. Jebel Usdum, "Mount Sodom," is a of His disciples upon it, as distinguished from its
ridge of rock salt 5 m. long and several hundred ft. consequences. It was possible to entertain regard
high. Near its base are numerous detached pinnacles for these consequences and obey the Law outwardly
of salt, and at different times particular 'pillars'
from motives other than love. On the law of love
have been popularly identified with Lot's wife (Wis the commandments and the prophetic teachings had
10 7; Jos. Ant I, 11 4; cf. the frontispiece in Stanley's grown as ripe fruit upon a living plant. Apart from
Sinai and Pale stine),a\thongh it wouXdhehapossihle
this connection they would be futile. What it was
for a comparatively small mass of rock salt to outlast
necessary to strive for and attain was not observ-
many rainy seasons. ance of commandments as such, but conformity
See Thompson, Land and Book, I, 295 ff., with
to all that is required because of love to God. The
illustration; Palmer, Desert of Exodus, II, 478 ff.
teaching of the N T throughout is simply the unfold-
L. G. L. ing of this principle. Hence the idea of love is raised
LOVE: The idea of love occupies a central into the place of a new commandment (Jn 13 34).
place hi the rehgion of the Bible as a whole. In the It is even called the "law" (Ja 2 8).
earlier writings the conception is that
(1) Love the Basis of Ethics. The law of love is
I. Early of a human affection as between in- N
through the T the basis of Christian ethics. What
Form of dividuals of the same sex or of opposite Jesus says of the fundamental and con-
Conception, sexes. David's tender feeling toward 4. Love trolling place of love in the O T ethics
Jonathan and Jonathan's toward David Among He means to apply to all ethics, and
islove {^ahdhhah, II S 1 26). But in the same passage Men. both Paul and James make the apphcar
the ideal of such love in its full strength and purity is tion accordingly. Every commandment
recognized to be the love of a woman (cf. Gn 29 20; mtended to govern the relations of men is fulfilled in
Ezk 16 8, 23 17). This is a conception which natu- the commandment of love (Gal 5 14; Ko 13 8). (2)
rally does not disappear in later Biblical usage (Song Brotherly Love. But the law of love reaches its in-
2 4f., 3 5, 8 6f.; Ec 9 6). tensest and fullest expression in the peculiar bond
493 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Lotan
Luke
which faith in Jesus Christ creates among its indi- ization had no connection with that of Assyria. Pos-
vidual possessors. These constitute a brotherhood; sibly Lud was the name of a lost North Syrian tribe.
and the love that brings and keeps them together is (2) The Egyptian. The Ludim are said to be begot-
brotherly love (<f>i\abe\(f>ia). When the affection is ten by Mizraim, or Egypt (Gn 10 13— the phrase
commended to them, it is done by the use of the same *begot' denoting a geographical relation rather than
term (He 13 1). What distinguishes the believer's actual descent). They appear as mercenaries in the
feeling toward God and Christ is, however, specific- Tyrian and Egyptian armies, and are famous as
ally dydtrrj, 'the love of delight.' Christian love is archers (Is 66 19; Jer 46 9; Ezk 27 10). Various
thus the distinctive element of the fully developed conjectures have been made as to the identity of
religion of the Bible. As such it is made the subject the Ludim. Some have cut the Gordian knot by
of special treatment in two particularly significant emending the text and reading "Libyans." Others
passages (I Co ch. 13; I Jn ch. 4). A. C. Z. have regarded them as identical with Lud (Gn 10 22),
i.e., Lydians. This conjecture is supported by the
LOVE-FEAST. See Church, § 2.
LXX. (Ezk 30 5), where "Lud" is rendered "Lyd-
LOVING-KINDNESS: This
a predominantly
is ians," According to this theory, Lydians were set-
^ Biblical word. It translates the Heb. hesedh, and tled in NE. Egypt. Others haveidentified them with
this, in the main, when that word is used to express the Berber tribe Lewdta; stiW others with the Rebu =
God's love to man. In many places, however, the Lebu, who inhabited Cyrenaica (see Ethnography
same Heb. word, when used of God*s love to man, AND Ethnology, § 11). J. A. K.
was in AY rendered "mercy" (Gn 19 7, 24 27, etc.),
"goodness" (Ex 34 c), "kindness" (Ps 31 2i), "merci- LUHITH, lu'hith (n^nib, r\^nh, imth): The "as-
ful kindness" (Ps 117 2). ERV, though showing a cent of Luhith" was in Moab, S. of the Arnon.
preference for the distinctive term "loving-kind- According to Eusebius (Onom.), there was a place of
ness," preserves in most of these passages the older that name between Areopolis (Rabbath-Moab) and
term; but ARV introduces "loving-kindness" Zoar. It was the way of escape for Moabites fleeing
throughout (cf. also Oxf. Heh. Lex. s.v. "IDH, II). to Zoar (Is 15 5; Jer 48 5). C. S. T.
See also God, § 2. A. C. Z.
LUKE {AovKas, probably contracted form of
LOW COUNTRY, LOWLAND: The Heb. term AovKavos): One of Paul's companions and fellow
shpheldh (from shaphal, 'to be low,' *sink down') workers.
was given to the region between the central range He ismentioned by name in only three passages,
of Palestine and the seacoast plain, which is partly
and all these are in the Epistles of Paul (Col 4 14;
highland, partly lowland, and, from the point of
Phm ver. 24; II Ti 4 11). At the same time, the
view of the highlander, continually 'falls' toward critical certainty of his authorship of the Third
the sea. It is uniformly rendered"lowland" in RV. Gospel and the Book of Acts places at our disposal
The AV often renders it "valley," or "vale" (Dt 1 7; the so-called diary passages in the latter writing
Jos 9 1, 11 2, etc.), or "plain" (ICh 27 28, etc.), only
(16 10-17, 20 5-21 18, 27 1-28 16) as additional sources
rarely "lowland." See Palestine, § 7 (2), and cf. for our knowledge of his life and work in the early
G. A. Smith, HGHL, pp. 199-237. E. E. N. Church. From the first passage (16 10-17) we learn
LOWEST HELL. See Eschatology, § 18. that L. accompanied the Apostle from Troas to Phi-
lippi on his second mission journey. The second pas-
LUBIM, lu'bim. See Ethnography and Eth- sage (20 5-21 18) tells us that some six years later, on
NOjLOGY, § 11.
the third mission tour, L. was again with Paul at Phi-
LUCAS, lu'cas. See Luke. lippi, from which place he j ourneyed with the Apostle
to Jerusalem. It may be that L. spent these inter-
LUCIFER, lu'si-fgr. See Day-Star. vening years in Philippi, carrying on, as the Apostle's
LUCIUS, 1. Lucius of Gy-
lu'shi-TJs (Aovkios): representative, the work begun on the occasion of
rene, mentioned among the prophets and teachers his first visit to the place. This would be the more
in the church at Antioch (Ac 13 l). 2. Lucius, likely if Philippi were L.'s home — as has been in-
whom Paul calls his fellow countryman (o-vyyevijst ferred (Renan) — though the early tradition recorded
Ro 16 21; cf. Ro 9 3). Possibly to be identified by Eusebius (HE, iii, 4 6) and found in the ancient
with 1. This is all the more probable if the Jason Argumentum Evangelii Secundum Lucan (c. 225
of Ro 16 21 and of Ac 17 5, 7, 9 are identical, and if A.D.) makes him a native of Antioch. This seems to
the Sosipater of Ro 16 21 is the same as the Sopater be confirmed by the frequent and significant refer-
of Ac 20 4. Origen (Horn, in Rom. 16 21) identifies ences in Ac to Antiochian persons and incidents
L. with Luke (AovKas) the physician, but the names (c.ff.,6 5, 11 19-21, 26, 13 1-3, 14 26,15 2, 23,35, 18 22; cf.
are philologically distinct. J. M. T. also the reference to Naaman as the Syrian, Lk 4 27).
These references would remain significant were they
LUD, lud (l^b, ludh), LUDIM, lu'dim (D^^b, lu- made because of an Antiochian residence on the part
dhim: The name of apparently two races mentioned of Theophilus, for which, however, the tradition is
in the T, a Semitic and an Egyptian. (1 ) The Sem- not strong. The third passage (27 1-28 16) shows
itic. According to Gn 10 22, Lud was one of the four him as Paul's companion on his voyage to Rome.
sons of Shem. Commentators have very generally The references made to him by the Apostle are all
identified Lud with Lydus, the eponymous ancestor in the Epistles written during his two imprisonments
of the Lydians. The difficulty with this view is that atRome. In Col (4 14) he is mentioned simply as
the Lydians were not a Semitic race, and their civil- among those in Paul's company sending salutations
Iiuke
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 494
Luke, Gospel of
to the Colossian Christians; similarly in Phm (ver. Plummer, in Int Crit. Com., pp. xlvui-lxvi;
ities cf.
24) he is among those greeting the Colossian Chris- Zahn, Introduction [Eng. transl.], § 61, notes 11-13.)
of the
tians to whom the Apostle is writing; while in II Ti This, however, is no help to a discovery
(4 u) he is spoken of as the only one who had re- author's identity, for Ac tells us nothing more of its
mained faithfully by the Apostle as the fatal ending author than does the Gospel. Our only recourse,
to his captivity drew near. While these items seem therefore, is to a critical induction of the Gospel,
relatively unimportant, they show us that L.'s fidel- with help from Ac, as to such indications as bear
ity to Paul kept him at the Apostle's side through upon its origin.
—
not only his first imprisonment Col and Phm hav- An outline of its contents presents the following
ing been written toward the close of that period narrative scheme ,
but disclosing him as with the Apostle at the end of Chs. 1 and 2 contain the introductory portion,
his second imprisonment —
II Ti being his last letter consisting of the prologue (1 1-4) and
— is most likely to have kept him in his company (a) Outline, the preliminary history, i.e., the birth
during his brief return to his Eastern mission-field and early years of Jesus and the Bap-
and his second journey as a captive to Rome. tist (1 5-2 52).
The evidence gathered from the Third Gospel and The remaining chapters are taken up with the
from Ac that their author was a Gentile Christian narrative proper, which is divided into two parts:
is confirmed by the fact that in the Col passage L. (I) The active ministry of Jesus (3 1-21 38) and (II)
belongs to the Apostle's fellow workers who are His passion, resurrection, and ascension (22 1-24 53).
marked off from those "who are of the circumcision" (I) The active ministry is presented in a way which
(ver. 11). The reference to him in this Col passage conceives of it somewhat differently from the way in
as a "physician" is amply borne out by the lan- which it is viewed by the other two Evangelists.
guage of the Gospel and Ac (for full discussion see After a preliminary narrative (3 1—4 13), which gives
Harnack's Lukas d. Arzt [Eng. transl., pp. 175- the political situation at the opening of the Gospel
198] and Plummer, Com., pp. while the
Ixiii-lxvi), events (3 1, 2a), an account of the ministry of the
literary quality of such portions of his writings as are —
Baptist (3 2b-l8) to which is added an accountof his
most likely the products of his own style {e.g., the death, later in the history (3 19 f.) —
and an account
prologue of the Gospel and the diary sections of of the induction of Jesus into His work, through His
Ac) show him to have been a man of culture as well baptism (3 21 f.) and His temptation (4 1-13) be- —
as of scientific education. tween which is interpolated His genealogy (3 23-38)
The legend which makes him a painter and assigns — the Ministry in Galilee is taken up and presented
to him a picture of the Virgin found at Jerusalem is as His popular work, i.e.. His work among the
unreliable. people (4 14^9 17).
For discussion of his authorship of the Third In this, taking Mk's sequence of events as the
Gospel and Ac, as well as his tendencies of theolog- standard, there are some displacements {e.g., 5 l-ll
ical thought, see articles on these books. should precede 4 31b-37, and 8 4-18 should follow'
Litbrattire; Consxilt in general the literature given for the 8 19-21, while 11 14-36 has been placed in the later
following article, and article on Acts especially Commen-
:
ministry, though it should really precede 8 19-21).
taries on Luke and Acts: also Ramsay, St. Paul the Trav- The reason for the first two misplacements may
eler (1904) and Lives of Paul. M. W. J. be due to document sources peculiar to the Evan-
gelist; the reason for the latter will be apparent
when we see that the period between the Galilean
LUKE, GOSPEL OF and the Jerusalem ministry is considered by the
Analysis of Contents Evangelist as Jesus' Educational work, i.e., the work
in which He gave Himself particularly to the instruc-
1. Authorship (f) Motive
(a) Outline (g) Time tion and training of His followers (9 lS-19 28) for
;
(b) Prologue (h) Place this passage (11 14-36) is looked at from this point
(c) Literary Character 2. External Evidence of view though really it is part of the event recorded
(d) Pauline Character 3. Sources
(e) Theophilus 4. Theology
in Mk 3 20-30, which occurred as the climax of the
second preaching tour (see Gospel, Gospels, § 6).
The third of the Synoptic Gospels (q.v.). In This educational work is represented as carried on
common with all the narrative writings of the T, N (1) in regions near to Galilee (9 18-50) and (2) in
it attaches to itself no name of author, regionscoveredbyjourneys to Jerusalem (9 51-19 28),
I. Author- though, together with Ac, it states dis- The latter portion includes some significant dis-
ship. tinctly for whom it was written (1 3). courses {e.g., those connected with the mission of
In fact, this
dedication is admittedly the Seventy, 10 1-24, with the request of the disciples
so like that of Ac
that the reference in the latter to concerning prayer, 11 1-13, with the ceremonial
"the former treatise" (1 1) is universally recognized criticism in the Pharisee's house 11 37-12 12 [cf.
as a reference to this Third Gospel; so that both 13 10-17, 14 1-14], with the request concerning in-
books are acknowledged as being by the same heritance 12 13-59, and that concerning the signs of
author. This is confirmed by the significant con- the times 17 20-37) and a number of His more elabo-
tinuity disclosed by the closing passage of the Gospel rate parables {e.g., the Good Samaritan 10 25-37, the
(24 44-53) and the opening passage of Ac (1 1-14) and Rich Fool 12 13-21, the Lost Sheep, the Lost Coin,
by the striking simHarity in the general style and in and the Prodigal Son, ch. 15, the Unjust Steward and
the specific linguistic peculiarities of the two writings. Dives and Lazarus, ch. 16, the Unjust Judge, 18 1-8,
(For a detailed display of these linguistic peculiar- the Pharisee and the Publican, 18 9-14, the Ten
Iiuke
495 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Luke» Gospel of
Pounds 19 11-27), and in its general contents is light his literary versatility. From this it is natural
peculiar to the narrative of this Gospel, not being to infer that the author was a Gentile Christian of
paralleled by either of the other Synoptics. The Greek culture, which indeed has never been ques-
Jerusalem Ministry j with the public entry into the tioned by scholars.
city, extends from 19 28 to 21 88, consisting largely A broader study of the Gospers contents gives in-
in controversies with the authorities, aroused by dication of a spirit and line of thinking which are
their challenging questions (20 1-8, 20-40), illustrated strikingly like Paul's. Beyond a coin-
by parables (20 9-19), and closed by His eschatolog- (d) Pauline cidence with Paul's Epistles in vocabu-
icaldiscourse (21 5-38), all of which are paralleled by Character. lary and phraseology (cf. Plummer,
the other Gospels. (II) Then follows, in common pp. liv-lix for list), there is in the
with the other Gospels, including the Fourth, the material peculiar to the Gospels such a breadth of
narrative of the Passion (22 1-23 S6a), the Resuj^ national view (e.g., 2 32, 4 25 ff., 9 62-55, 10 26-37, 13
redion (23 56b-24 12), with the subsequent appear- 28-30, 24 47 [cf . Mt 632,10 and such an emergence
—
ances to the disciples (24 13-43) ^which, in distinc-
5, 18])
*words,' 'stories') inwhich he had been instructed (14). From this it is evident that he
{irepi^v KanjxTjBrjs Xoytov). was favorably inclined toward Christianity and had
These statements would seem to indicate that the had some information, if not distinct instruction,
author was not an eye-witness of the Gospel events, regarding its claims. It was the author's piu-pose
though not necessarily outside of the Gospel genera- to win him fully to the new religion by placing be-
tion; for his Gospel, while dependent upon an in- fore him in their full historical setting the Gospel
vestigation of the facts, evidently accomplished that stories {\6yoi) which had been told him.
investigation through a personal examination of oral As to the time when the Gospel was written, it
sources of information, rather than through a critical must be clear from a comparison of 19 41-44 and 21
study of written documents. In addition, he states 20-24 with parallels in Mt (24 15-28) and
distinctly that these events occurred in the genera- (g) Time. Mk (13 14-23) that the author is writing
tion to which he himself belonged (cf. the ^fiiv of from a point of view taken when these
ver. 1). events of the predicted catastrophe of Judaism had
The fact that the author gave himself to such occurred. Both passages are peculiar to this Gos-
examination would seem to suggest that he was pel and contain (especially 19 41-44) military terms,
possessed of literary capacity, which is lacking in the other Synoptics, which would readily
(c) Literary borne out by the classical character of agree with the presence before the writer*s mind of
Character, the prologue itseK and the essential the actual events, while the announcement of the
superiority in style of the rest of the Parousia is connected not so much with the definite
book over that of the other Gospels (cf Plummer,
. event of the downtreading of Jerusalem by the Gen-
as cited above). This is brought out conspicuously tiles, as with the indefinite event of the times of the
in Ac, where, in the portions which relate the au- Gentiles being fulfilled (21 24), which would seem to
thor's personal experience (16 10-17, 20 5-21 18, 27 1- place it further in the future, in the mind of the
28 16), he exhibits a literary style, which shows his author, than in that of either of the other ^moptists
ability to write when not constrained by the style (cf. the €vB4tas of Mt 24 29 and the eV ex^ivais tols
of his sources (cf these sections with the distinctly
. ^fiepais of Mk 13 24 with the indefinite statement of
Aramaic style of the first half of the book). In fact, Lk 21 25). It was written, therefore, after 70 a.d.;
if it be claimed that the Aramaic style of the first though from its early currency in the post-Apostolic
part of Ac and of the chapters in the Gospel which Church (see § 2 below) and much more from the
immediately follow the prologue is due to the au- early character of its thought (see § 4, below) it is
thor's adaptation of his narrative to the distinctly not likely to have been much later than this date.
Jewish events narrated, it simply shows in stronger About 80 A,D, is most probable.
Luke, Gospel of A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 496
collec-
No information is given of its place of composition, Gospels shows rather that behind them lay a
narrative
though perhaps, in view of the Gentile tion of sayings of Jesus with more or less of
Evangelists
(h) Place, writer and the Gentile cast of the setting, from which collection these two
writing, it was more likely outside of drew much of their discourse material mcommon,
Palestine than within it. though in distinctively different ways— Matthew
This induction leaves the Gospel a thoroughly pos- making larger use of the original source as a whole
sible product of the Apostolic age —
in fact, in view of and subjecting its contents to his arbitrary grouping
—
and with
the statements of the prologue, makes it impossibly plan, Luke using only excerpts of it
later than the Gospel generation (see § 1 (b) above). greater freedom of literary handling (cf. Allen, pp.
It also discloses nothing which prevents its having lix ff., and for the origin and character of this source
been written by the man whose name it bears (see in general see Gospel, Gospels, § 5).
preceding article). »The presentation which Luke makes of the teach-
Both of these conclusions are borne out by the ings of Jesus and his selection among the incidents
testimony of post-Apostolic literature. Its recog- of the Gospel history bring to notice
nized currency in the Church can be Theol- certain traits in his thinlcing which are
4,
2. External traced back through Tatian (170 a.d.), ogy. worthy of consideration. (1) As to
Evidence, who makes frequent and abundant use God : Luke unites with the other syn-
of it, Marcion (140 a.d.), by whom it optists in representing Jesus as declaring not only
was the only Gospel accepted and who held it in an the sovereign power (18 27) and absolute goodness
abbreviated and corrupt form of text, showing that of God (18 18 f.), but also His Divine Fatherhood—
the original text was not a new production in history primarily toward Jesus' own disciples, involving a
but had been long enough in use to undergo altera- relation to them of care and protection in the
tion, to Clement of Rome (100 a.d.), who seems to outcome of their life of trust and obedience to Him
have had both the Gospel and Acts before him in his (12 32). At the same time, as compared with Mat-
Epistle to the Corinthians. From the time of the thew, he makes but slight use of the term Father,
Muratorian Canon (170 a.d.) onward the Gospel is though he alone records the parable of the Prodigal
and this reference is
distinctly referred to as Luke's, Son (ch. 15), which, in agreement with his spirit of
made not as an individual opinion but as the ac- universalism, implies a Fatherly relation extending
cepted belief of the Church. For the selection of this beyond the circle of actual discipleship; while, un-
name rather than that of an Apostolic eye-witness of like Matthew, he makes no use at all of the title
the events, there must have been strong ground in King in his representations of Jesus' ascription of
the facts of the case. power to God, and records but one of the parables
The critical conclusion from the above internal of Kingship and then eliminates this King-element
and external study of the Gospel is that it was from it (e.g., cf. 14 16 with Mt 22 2). (2) As to Jesus
written by Luke, the companion of Paul (see pre- Himself: In common with the other synoptists Luke
ceding article). presents Jesus as referring to Himself as the Son of
That written narratives of the Gospel events were Man and as the Son of God, though the latter title
in existence whenthe Gospel was produced is dis- He never explicitly uses in any of the Synoptics.
tinctly stated in the prologue (1 i). It By the former title He designates His relation to
3, Sources, is most improbable, therefore, that the Kingdom of God not only as its Founder, in
though Luke by preference made his which relation it is His function to seek and to save
investigation of facts through the per- the lost (19 10), to forgive sins (5 24), to determine
sonal sources at his disposal, he made no use what- the significance and use of the Sabbath (6 5) and the
ever of the written sources at his hand. In fact, it conduct of the natural life (7 34), but as its Servant,
is obvious that some of his material must have come in which relation He has to surrender the comforts
from documents (e.g., the Genealogy, 3 23-38, the of life (9 58) and to submit to the sufferings of per-
Annunciation narrative, 1 5-79, the Nativity story, secution and to the sacrifice of death (9 22, 44, 18 31,
2 1-39, the Childhood record, 2 41-51. Note the evi- 22 22, 48), in return for which, however, is to come
dent conclusions of these documents, respectively to Him at last the glory of His revelation and His
atl 80,2 40,2 52). exaltation in the consummation of the Eongdom
Beyond these individual cases, however, it is (12 8, 40, 17 22-30, 21 27, 36, 22 69). In these passages
clear that there are identities between this Gospel the reference to the redemptive function (19 10) and
and the First Gospel which are so striking in char- to the betrayal at the hands of Judas (22 22, 48) are
acter as to compel the conviction that a common peculiar to Luke. Though, as said above, the title
document lies behind them {e.g., 3 7-10, 17 =Mt Son of God is never explicitly used by Jesus of
3 7-10, 12; 4 3-13 =Mt 4 3-11; 6 41 f. 7 6b-9 =
=Mt 7 3-5; Himself and the relationship which the title in-
Mt 8 8-10; 7 22-28=Mt 11 4-11; 7 31-35 =Mt 11 16-19; volves is implicitly asserted only in a few passages
9 58-60 =Mt 8 19-22; 11 19 f., 23 =Mt 12 27 f., 30; 11 (Lk 2 49, 10 22 [Mt 11 27]; Lk 22 29, 42, 23 34, 46, 24 49
24^26 =Mt 12 43-45; 11 29-31 =Mt 12 39-42). They can and the parable of the Vineyard, Lk 20 9-18 and ||s),
not be due to a mere use of the First Gospel by Luke, yet in this relationship there is claimed a unique
since they form only a portion of his parallels with intimacy with God, involving a mutual knowledge
this Gospel, the remainder showing such differences of uncomparable character (10 22), a mutual har-
as to raise the question whether he had it before mony of will in absolute devotion on the filial side
him at all when he wrote (but cf. Allen on Mt in (22 42) and in absolute acquiescence on the Father's
Int Crit. Com. pp. xlvii-lx). The fact that they
J side (23 34), a distinct representativeship by way
are confined to the discourse parallels between these both of commission from God to His people (20 9-18,
497 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Luke, Gospel of
22 29, 24 49) and of being intrusted by God with a hended it (24 21; Ac 1 6). It might seem that in his
work to be accomplished (2 49; cf. the consciousness version of the Beatitudes Matthew brings out more
of its accomplishment in the cry 23 46 [Jn 19 30]). distinctly the spiritual nature of the Kingdom in his
be noted that the seemingly deprecatory pas-
It is to description of the character of its subjects (cf. Mt
sage (Mk 13
32) does not appear in Lk, nor does the 5 1 fE. with Lk 6 20 fif.) but that Luke's conception
;
apparently despairing cry on the Cross, "My God, of the Kingdom is not a physical one is evident from
why hast thou forsaken mel" (Mt 27 46; Mk 15 34), his portrayal of its spiritual characteristics in the
while 'the final word of intimate trustfulness and parables of Grace and Forgiveness, which he alone
the intercessory plea (23 34, 46) on the Cross, and records (e.g., Lost Sheep, ch. 15 3-7; Lost Coin, 15
the childhood passage of whole-hearted devotion 8-10; Prodigal Son, 15 11-32; Dives and Lazarus,
(2 49) as well as the less significant statements of 16 19-31; Pharisee and Publican, 18 9-14; cf. 7 36-50),
22 29, 49 are given by Lk alone. Although Jesus is He has also emphasized more than the other syn-
thus represented as but in a slight way referring to optists the conditions of suffering and self-sacrifice
His personal relationship with God, He is at the same necessary for entrance into it (cf. 9 61 f., 14 28-35,
time shown as acquiescing in the application of this 16 1-13). In agreement with this spiritual concep-
Divine title to Himself by others. This is significant tion of the Kingdom, noticeable that Luke does
it is
in the two instances of the heavenly reference to not record those parables of the Kingdom which
Him as Son, where it is implied that He stands as represent it as an objective good to be appro-
the unique object of the Father's pleasure (3 22, priated by men (Hid Treasure, Mt 13 44; Costly
9 35), and in the Tempter's and in the Demoniac's Pearl, Mt 13 45f. ; cf. the parable of the Great Supper.
reference to Him as the Son of God, where His 14 16-24 =Mt 22 2-14; emphasizing the graciousness
possession of supernatural power is implied (4 3, 9, of the invitation rather than the material benefit
8 28). Mark and Matthew record other occasions on of the feast). It is also in agreement with this
which the title is given to Jesus, both by His friends spiritual idea that he brings out the universal pur-
and by His enemies; Luke, however, but twice re- pose of the Kingdom (cf. the added citation in 3 6,
cords such references, and these are by the demons at the notes of universalism in the Nativity section, 1 79,
Capernaum (4 41) and by the High Priest at His trial 2 32, the historical statements, 4 25-27, the commis-
(22 70), in both of which cases the title is used sion to the Seventy 10 l f., the Gentile factor in the
apparently in nothing more than a Messianic sense. Kingdom's future 21 24). At the same time, it is
While Mark consistently presents Jesus throughout strange that he makes no record of Jesus' ministry
his narrative as the Wonder Worker, whose ministry in the regions of Tyre and Sidon (cf Mk 7 24r-8 26 .
impresses the people with its marvel, Luke begins and Mt ||). (4) As
Messianic Salvation:
to the
his narrative with a nativity story in which the Luke, in common with Matthew and Mark, seems to
wonder element is developed throughout his narra- represent Jesus as assigning eternal life to the world
tive, alone of all the synoptists applies to Jesus the to come (18 30), and yet, with them, he makes clear
title Lord (5 17, 7 13, 10 1, 39, 41, 11 39, 12 42, 13 15, that the salvation which Jesus bestows upon His
17 5 f., 18 6, 19 8, 22 61, 24 3, 34), and alone closes his disciples covers the present as well as the future life
narrative with the wonder of the Ascension and the (ibid.). It does not consist in material things (12 33)
promise of the sending of the Holy Spirit (24 49-51), in fact, Luke shows in the parable of the Rich Fool
It is noticeable that this Evangelist frequently repre- in what glaring contrast to them it stands (12 16-21).
sents Jesus not only as Himself holding communion At the same time, it more than makes up for the
with God in prayer (3 21, 5 16, 6 12, 9 18, 28 f.. Ill, loss of these things (18 29f.), and even seems to
22 32, 41, 44 f.), but as urging prayer upon His dis- secure them in the best sense of their possession
ciples as the need of their spiritual life (6 28 [ =Mt (12 22-31). As to the general conditions on which
5 44], 115-13, ISlflF., 2136, 22 40,46 [ =Mt
26 41; this salvation is bestowed, Luke, together with Mat-
Mk 14 38]). (3) As to the Kingdom of God: While, thew, presents Jesus as laying emphasis upon the
with the other synoptists, Luke represents Jesus as significance of personal relations to Himself (10 16,
making use of the current theocratic phrase "the 12 8; cf. 10 21-24). In the matter of the more defi-
kingdom of God" ( = "kingdom of heaven" in Mt), nite conditions of repentance and faith, however,
he is particular to bring out Jesus' conception of its —
Luke as the other synoptists makes but slight —
non-national and non-political character. It is Luke mention of the former of them, representing Je-
alone who records Jesus' address at the Nazareth sus as speaking of repentance but twice once in —
synagogue, in which He discloses the narrowness His earlier ministry (5 32) and again in His closing
of the people's national idea of the Kingdom (4 16-30) commission to His disciples (24 47). He gives
it is Luke alone who has preserved the parable of the more prominence to faith, mentioning it several
Good Samaritan (10 25-37), the incident of the Ten times as referred to by Jesus (5 20 [ =Mt 9 2; Mk
Lepers (17 11-19), and Jesus' rebuke of His disciples' 2 5], 7 9 [ =Mt 8 10, 13], 7 50, 8 48 [ =Mt 9 22; Mk
national bigotry, when they desired to punish the 5 34], 8 50 [ =Mk 5 36], 17 19, 18 8, 42 [ =Mk 10 52]),
Samaritans for not receiving them on their journey which is natutal in one so Pauline in his way
(9 51-56), in contrast with which is Matthew's record of thinking as this Evangelist. (See § Id, above.)
of Jesus' instruction to the Twelve (10 5 ff,; cf. also At the same time it is remarkable that as to the
15 24) ; and it is Luke alone who records Jesus' reply means by which the bestowal of this salvation is
to the Pharisee's inquiry as to when the Kingdom of made possible, Luke alone does not refer to the
God should appear (17 20 ff.), emphasizing the dis- death of Jesus (cf. Mk 10 45 and Mt 26 28), beyond
tinctive character of this teaching by showing the recording His general remark to the disciples on the
slowness with which Jesus' own disciples appre- way to Emmaus (24 25-29). On the other hand, it
Iiuke, Gospel of 49S
Maccabees, The
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
is noteworthy, as an early element in his thinking, (d) Spciisy Ro 127 means properly 'sensual
in
—
to what an extent Luke as James in his Epistle desire.' In Ja 4 5 einiroMv is rendered more
(e)
connects poverty and humbleness of social rank correctly by "doth long unto" in RV. E. E. N.
with possession of the blessings of the Kingdom (of.
Parable of Dives and Lazarus, ch. 16; the Lukan
LUTE. See Music AND Musical Instruments,
version of the Beatitudes, ch. 6; the O T passage §3(3),(b).
read by Jesus in the Nazareth Synagogue, 4 18; and LUZ, luz O^h, luz): 1. A noted place in Canaan
the following: 12 33 [cf. Mt 6 19], 3 11, 5 11, 28 [cf. Mt (Gn 35 6, 48 3), renamed Bethel (Gn 28 19; Jg 1 23)
4 22, 9 9], 6 27,30,38, 1141, 14 12-14,21,33, 19 8). by Jacob, on the border between Ephraim and Ben-
(5) As to Eschatology: Luke, together with the other jamin (Jos 16 2, 18 13). In Jos 16 2 it is distinguished
synoptists, and, in fact, along with the entire early from Bethel. Perhaps Bethel was the original name
Church, has blended many of the teachings of Jesus of the sanctuary E. of Luz. See Bethel. 2. A town
regarding the progress and development of His N. of Canaan, foimded by a refugee from Luz
Kingdom with His announcement of its consumma- (Bethel), which was taken by Ephraim (Jg 1 26).
tion at His Second Coming (e.g'., cf. eschatological Site unknown. C. S. T.
address, ch, 21, and the passage and parable, 17 20-
LYCAONIA, lic'Vo'ni-a. See Asia Minor, § 7.
18 8), though, as said under (3) above, the spiritual
character of this development and consummation is LYCIA, Hsh'i-a. See Asia Minor, § 8.
perhaps more conspicuous in Lk than in the other
Synoptics (cf 17 20-18 8). So also in the presenta-
.
LYDDA, lid'a. See Lod.
tion of the Judgment Luke, with the other synoptists, LYDIA lid'i-a (AuSia): One of PauPs early
blends Jesus' teachings as to the process of judgment converts in Europe, a native of Thyatira (Ac 16 14),
with those as to its final pronoxmcement; though he is in the district known as Lydia. The omission of all
less inclined than the others to display the crisis ele- mention of L. by Paul in his Epp. renders it probable
ment in it (cf. 13 25-27 with Mt 7 21-23, 6 43-45 with that XvKa is an adjectival form = 'the Lydian,'
Mt 12 33-37), which also is in agreement with his and not the convert's personal name. Only Audi;
conception of the definite spiritual character of the (Lyda) is found in inscriptions as a proper name
Kingdom. (cf. CIG, Nos. 653, 6975). Perhaps, therefore, L.
Literature: Among the numerous Introductions, those of may be identified with one of those women who in
Jiilicher (Eng. transl. 1904) and Zahn (Eng. transl. 1908) Ph 4 2 are said to have labored with Paul in the
best represent respectively the liberal and conservative ele- Grospel. See also Asia Minor, § 9. J. M. T.
ments in modern German scholarship. The best Commen-
taries are Plummer in Ird, Crit. Com. ( 1896) Bruce in Expos.
,
LYE: The rendering of the Heb. nether (Jer 2 22
Gr. Test. (1897), Weiss in Meyer KrU.-Exeget. Kom. -Ub. d.
N
7'fl(1901), and Holtzmann in ifand-Com. z. N
^3(1901).
RV; "niter" AV), the equivalent of the Gr. virpov,
For the Theology of the Gospel consult Stevens, N
T The- Lat. nitrum, i.e., natron, or carbonate of soda (cf.
ology (1899) and Holtzmann, Lekrb. d. NT'lichen Theo- Pr 25 20),a mineral alkali, which when mixed with
logie (1897), espec. pp. 438-454. Special works: Harnack,
Lukas d. Arzt (Eng. transl. 1907) Weiss, Qitellen des Lukas
;
oil was used as soap. E. E. N.
Evang. (1907); Burton, Short Introd. to the Gospels (1904);
Robinson, Study of the Gospels (1902). M. "W". J.
LYSANIAS, lai-s6'ni-as (Av<ravias) The tetrarch :
to address the populace (Ac 21 39), protected him by the writer, through a Latin inscription on a
against their violence (Ac 22 24), and finally sent pedestal in situ), which in the time of Paul
(still
him under guard to Caesarea (Ac 23 23 f.). supported a statue of Augustus (Divum Aiig[u8tuni]
J. M. T. Col[onia] Julia Felix Gemina Lustra consecravit
LYSTRA, lis'tra(AuaT/3a) : A city of Lycaonia, with d[ecreto] d[ecurionumJ). Thus L. was a Roman
which province it passed, in 36 B.C., into the kingdom colonia (founded about 6 B.C.), and coined money
of Galatia, and on the death of Amyntas (25 B.C.) into (only four coins are known, one of which was bought
the Roman Provinda Galatia (see Asia Minor, § 6). by the writer at Iconium). There are almost no
Of little importance historically, L, is known chiefly remains of the old city and only a few inscriptions
from Luke's mention of it in connection with the (chiefly Latin). L. was the home of Timothy (Ac
visits and preaching of Paul (and Barnabas). The 16 1), and of Artemas, one of the seventy disciples,
Bite, now called Zolderaj 1 m. N. of Khatyn Serai said to have been first bishop of Lystra.
(six hours' travel S. of Iconium) was discovered J. R. S. S,
M
^ MAACAH, mi'a-ca, MAACHAH (HpJ?^, ma'd- MAASEIAH, m6"a-si'ya (^HJ*??^^^, ma'dseyah%
khdh) : I. A district of Syria, near Mt. H ermon, and N. and JT^^S???, ma'dseyah), *work of God' : 1. A Levite,
of Geshur (II S 10 6, 8; I Ch 19 e f.), the home of the appointed as singer when the Ark was brought from
Maachathites (Dt 3 U; Jos 12 5, 13 ii, 13; II S 23 the house of Obed-edom (I Ch 15 18, 20). 2. A
34 [?]). See Aram, § 4 (3). II. 1. A 'son' of Nahor, captain who joined Jehoiada against Athaliah (II
Abr^am's brother (Gn 22 24). As Nahor was an Ch 23 1). 3. An officer under Uzziah (II Ch 26 11).
Aramsean, this Maacah is probably the genealogical 4. A son of Ahaz, slain by Zichri of Ephraim (II Ch
equivalentof I, 2. One of David's wives, the daughter 28 7). 5. A governor of Jerusalem under Josiah
of Talmai, King of Geshur, and the mother of Absalom (II Ch 34 8). 6. An officer of the Temple under
(II S 3 3; I Ch 3 2). 3. The father of Achish, King of Jehoiakim (Jer 35 4), probably the same as the
Gath (I K
2 39; but cf. I S 27 2). 4. One of the wives following. 7. A priest in the reign of Zedekiah
of Rehoboam, King of Judaii, and the mother of (Jer 21 1, 29 25, 37 3). 8. The father of the false
Abijah (I K 15 2; II Ch 11 20 ff.); perhaps identical prophet Zedekiah (Jer 29 21). 9, 10, 11. Three
with 2. 6. The mother of King Asa (I 15 13; II K priests who had foreign wives (Ezr 10 18, 21, 22).
Ch 15 16) but there seems to be some confusion here
; 12. One of the "sons of Pahath-Moab" who had a
with 2. 6. Caleb's concubine (I Ch 2 48), and prob- foreign wife (Ezr 10 30). 13. The father of Azariah,
ably the name of a clan rather than an individual. who repaired the wall (Neh 3 23). 14. One who
The term Maacathite, as used in II S 23 24; II K stood at the right of Ezra when the Law was read
25 23; I Ch 4 19 and Jer 40 8, may refer to members (Neh 8 4). 15. One who explained the Law (Neh
of this clan, 7. A Benjamite woman (I Ch 7 15 f.). 8 7). 16. One who sealed the covenant (Neh 10 25
8. The wife of Jehiel, the "father" of Gibeon (I Ch [26]). 17. A Judahite family name (Neh 11 5 =
8 29, 9 35). Hanun (I Ch
9, The father of 11 43). Asaiah 4, 18. A Benjamite family name (Neh
10. The father of Shephatiah (I Ch 27 16). 11 7). 19, 20. Two priests (Neh 12 41 f.). Jer 32 12
E. E. N. and 51 59 AV have "Maaseiah" for "Mahseiah",
m6"a-de'ai C^^^, ma'ddhay): One of
MAADAI, RV. C. S. T.
(Neh 12 36). E. E. N. E. E. N.
warn-
Epiphanes (175-164 B.C.) to force Greek worship Hyrcanus, the third son of Simon, by a timely
ing, escaped the fate of his father, became
l^is
upon the Jews brought on the crisis in which this ^^f^"
The successors of Alex- cessor, and ruled the land for thirty-one
years (1^5
family came to leadership.
of
ander the Great had taken up his policy of furthering 105 B.C.). His reign is notable for its extension
E. of the Jordan, also
Greek culture and customs among their subjects. the kingdom. Territory
rule, and
Up to the time of Antiochus the Jews had been Samaria and Edom, were brought under his
allowed religious freedom, but he, not content with he was independent of the Syrian kings. His policy
the measure of Hellenization which had already of conquest and employment of foreign troops
been accomplished in Palestine, determined to make awakened strong opposirion. During his reign the
the Jews give up their religious rites and ceremonies, Pharisaic party became a prominent factor m the life
and adopt heathen practises. In the execution of of the nation. The whole drift of his administration
his mad purpose he polluted the Temple, and sent was away from their ideals, and their opposition
his agents throughout the land to compel the people caused him, near the end of his reign, to side with the
to worship idols. At the little town of Modin, where Sadducees. On the whole, however, his rule was
(I) Mattathias, an aged priest, and his five sons were prosperous. Josephus pays him a high tribute of
living, the horror and anger of the Jews struck fire. praise {Ant XIII, 10 7). Hyrcanus left the govern-
The Syrian official who attempted to carry out the ment to his wife and the high-priesthood to his eldest
king's wish was slain, the idolatrous altar was over- son (VI) Aristobulus. Trouble, however, came soon,
turned, and, with a call to all who wished to be for Aristobulus, ambitious to have full power, im-
faithful to the Law to come to them, Mattathias and prisoned his mother. Once at the head of the gov- ^
his five sons fled to the mountains. The father lived ernment, he showed his sympathy with the Sad-
but about a year after this, and at his death in 167 ducees, took the title of king, encouraged Hellenism,
B.C. committed the leadership to (II) Judas. This and carried on a war of conquest. He was caUed the
vigorous young captain won victory after victory, "Phil-Hellene." A fatal illness ended his career in
and was able to restore the temple worship in three 104 B.C. Bad as this man was in the eyes of the
years after its defilement by Antiochus (Dec, 165 Pharisees, he did not compare in shamelessness and
B.C.). The question of religious liberty being soon infamy with his successor (VII) Alexander Jannaeus,
thereafter settled, the Maccabees now set before the third son of Hyrcanus. For twenty-six years
themselves the larger ambition of political independ- (104-78 B.C.) this man fought, intrigued, and mur-
ence. For this Judas fought on against great odds, dered in pursuit of his selfish ambitions, and won for
and at last fell in the battle of Elasa (161 B.C.). himself a place among the reprobates of Jewish his-
For seven years, with superb skill and unflagging tory. His reign was marked by fierce internal con-
zeal, he had defended the faith. The leadership was flicts growing out of the opposition of the Pharisees.
then given to his brother (III) Jonathan, whose Theoutcomeof hiswhole career was widened territory
successes were rather those of the politician than and external glory, but deep inner unrest and uncer-
the warrior, though he did not escape the disagree- tainty. (VIII) Alexandra, his wife, succeeded him
able duties of war. He profited largely by the upon the throne, and her reign of nine years has been
quarrels and intrigues of the Syrian court, and lost called the "golden age" of Pharisaism. In eveiy
his life by a trap into which Tryphon, an aspirant possible particular she reversed the policy of Jan-
for the Syrian throne, led him at Bethshan (143 B.C.) nasus. As Josephus says, "while she governed other
As John and Eleazar had both perished, there was people, the Pharisees governed her." The high-
only one son of Mattathias left, and the people priesthood was given to the indolent and incom-
called him heartily to lead them. His reign was petent Hyrcanus, eldest son of Jannseus, while the
short but brilliant. By his glowing zeal, unremit- younger son, Aristobulus II, because of his shrewd,
ting energy, and clever diplomacy (IV) Simon energetic and ambitious nature, was studiously kept
achieved the independence of the nation (142, B.C.), out of power. He became the rallying center for the
and the troubles in Syria left him free to attend to Sadducees, and used them for his own aims. The
the needs of his own government. He it was who death of Alexandra in 69 B.C. brought (IX) Hyrcanus
drove the Syrians from the citadel in Jerusalem, n to power, but his brother (X) Aristobulus II made \
where for twenty-six years they had disturbed the him give up both his royal and high-priestly ranlc.
peace of the city. So completely did he free the At this time the Herodian house began to exert a
land from the fear and trouble of war that ''every dire influence on the affairs of Palestine. Antipater,
man sat under his vine and fig-tree, and there was father of Herod the Great, sided with the deposed
none to make them afraid" (I Mac 14 12). In Sept., Hyrcanus II, and Aristobulus II was shut up within
141 B.C., the people in great assembly resolved that tTie Temple enclosure. At this juncture Scaurus,
he should be civil governor, military chief, and high Pompey's lieutenant, arrived in Syria, to whom both
priest ''forever, untfl there should arise a faithful the rival parties appealed for aid. On this appeal
prophet" (I Mac 14 41). Thus his exalted position (65 B.C.) Aristobulus II won the day. But Pompey
was made hereditary. Simon's reign was char- himself came to Damascus in 63 B.C., and again the
—
acterized by two important political acts ^his em- Roman authority was asked to decide. Aristobulus
bassy to Rome, and his coinage of money. It had II, who foolishly determined to resist the demands of
been fitting that his prosperous career should end the Romans,was finally overcome and Judsea became
in a peaceful death; but, involved again in the tur- henceforth a Roman province. Her independence
moils of the court at Antioch, he was, with his two was taken away, and the Hasmonean rulership over-
sons, treacherously murdered by his son-in-law at a thrown. Hyrcanus II was reappointed high priest,
banquet at Docus near Jericho, 135 b.c. (V) John but he was simply a tool in the hands of the Idu-
501 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Maccabees, Thd
Maccabees, Books of
maean Antipater (q.v.) and the Romans. In the London Polyglots, where it is accompanied by a
course of the succeeding years the Hasmoneans made Latin translation. These books differ greatly from
desperate efforts to reinstate themselves in power. one another in character and worth. Indeed, their
There was a charm about the very name which led worth is in general in accord with their order, the
the Jews to second these fruitless attempts. Thou- first being very valuable as a history and the fifth
sands lost their lives in trying to put Alexander, the having no independent value whatever.
son of Aristobulus II, upon the throne in 57 b.c, (1) The Contents of I Maccabees. The brief, vivid
Aristobulus II himself made another attempt in 56 narrative of this work begins with an account of the
Hashmon
I
Simeon
Johanan
I I
I
John Simon (tl35 b.c.) Judas (tl61 B.C.) Eleazar Jonathan (tl43 b.c.)
Alexander Aristobulus
and Alexander again in 55 b.c. All these attempts events which led to the Maccabaean uprising (see
were frustrated by the Romans and Antipater. One Maccabees, The) and ends with the death of Simon.
last attempt did succeed, and for a while (40-37 B.C.) Its history covers thus the forty years
(XI) Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus II, was king I. IMacca-between 175-135 B.C. In an intro-
of Jud«a. He accomplished this by calling in the bees. duction (1 1-9) the author aims to show
help of the Parthians. His coins were stamped with how the stream of Hellenism found its
the title "King" on one side, and "High Priest" on way into Judaea, and then, taking up the story of
the other. He was, however, neither a statesman the mad folly of Antiochus, he carries us on through
nor a general. In trying persistently to get revenge the brilliant campaigns of Judas Maccabaeus from
upon Herod, the son of Antipater, he wasted his 166-161 B.C. (chs. 1-9). While Judas is the real
energy and at last the Idumaean overthrew him and hero of the book, the narrative covers the successful
put him to death in 37 b. c. Thus ended the dynasty administration of Jonathan (161-143 B.C.) and the
of the Hasmoneans. Herod married Marianme, the prosperous reign of Simon (143-135 B.C.), to show
daughter of Alexander, and by her had two children, how the aims of Judas were realized in both the re-
Alexander and Aristobulus. All three were at last ligious freedom and political independence of the
murdered by the cruel jealousy of Herod himself nation. In a simple, straightforward style it sets
(see Herod). forth the heroic, triumphant patriotism of the brave
Literature: The Books of Maccabees: Streane's The Age souls who stood for the Law and God against fearful
of the Maccabees (1898); Histories of the Jews by Gratz, odds. It is the work of a true historian. Events
Cornhill Schiirer's The Jewish People in the Times of Jesus
;
are left to speak for themselves. In all that pertains
Christ (transl. 1891) Riggs, History of the Jewish People,
to the struggle itself the account is trustworthy. It
;
part of the
heart was with those who fought and planned so put the time of its preparation in the last
written
nobly for the nation's welfare. He wrote his work 1st cent. B.C. Jason's work may have been
irom
in Hebrew, and it has come down to us in a Greek about 160 B.C. Like I Mac, this is also written
quite
translation. One singular fact, which all students the point of view of orthodox Judaism. It is
Ihe
of the book have marked, is the absence of the name in accord with the spirit of the Pharisees.
forth the
of God. This is not due to an undevout spirit, but writer is not content with simply setting
It is in the record of noble events of the stirring times between 175 B.C.
and
rather to a reticent faith.
deeds that we must seek for the expression of faith. 160 B.C. He aims to give their reUgious value, and
There are several hints which help us to the de- so to strengthen faith. God is behind and in the
termination of the date, though this can not be history, "watching above His own." Glorious is
fixed within narrow limits (cf. 13 30, 16 23 f.). The the Temple in Jerusalem, and to its sacred enclosure
friendly spirit toward the Romans (8 12-16) prevents and service the writer would bind more closely the
us from dating the work as late as 63 B.C. The period hearts of his brethren in Egypt and all lands. They
of writing may be put at some time in the early part could join with the home people in celebrating those
of the 1st cent. B.C. Some of the sources which the Maccabjean feasts which commemorated the death of
author has used are found in 8 22 f., 10 18-20, 25-45, Nicanor and the dedication of the Temple, and thus
11 30-37, 12 6-15, 14 22-45. 15 16-21. These consist of promote national unity. True to its religious tone,
letters and decrees. For the facts of the history he the book emphasizes the punishment of the wicked,
may have reUed, in part, upon personal recollection, the chastisement in suffering for those who are
and, in part, upon the word of witnesses then living, faithful, and the joyful hope of resurrection. The
(1) The Contents of II Maccabees. The narrative last doctrine is expressed with exceptional clearness.
of II Mac begins with the attack upon the Temple The third book has nothing whatever to do with
by Heliodorus, the minister of the Syr- the Maccabees, and may have got its name, as Fritz-
2. II Macca- ian monarch Seleucus IV (175 B.C.), sche thinks, from being "a sort of pro-
bees. and ends with the victory of Judas 3. Ill Mac- legomena to a complete history of the
Maccabseus over Nicanor (160 B.c). cabees. Maccabees.'* The original language of
For the few years which preceded the reign of the work was Greek, and it is found in
Antiochus Epiphanes it is our sole authority. At most MSS. of the LXX., including A and B. (1) The
the opening of the book are two letters (1 1-9 and Contents of III Maccabees. At Raphia (217 B.C.)
I 10-2 18), supposed to be written by the Jews in Ptolemy IV defeated Antiochus the Great. Because
Judaea to their countrymen in Egypt, inviting them of gifts and congratulations from the Jews, Ptolemy
to celebrate the feast of Dedication. These letters visited Jerusalem. While there, he insisted upon
have no connection with the narrative, are from entering the sanctuary against the earnest and
different hands, and are both forgeries. From 4 7 on, united opposition of both priests and people.
the account runs parallel with that of I Mac, and this Providence saved the Temple from desecration, for
parallelism affords opportunity for an easy com- Ptolemy was stricken with a fit, as he was about
parison of the characteristics of each narrative. In to carry out his design. Returning to Egypt, he
II Mac is found a copiousness of detail which some- was bent upon revenge, and so sent out an edict
times helpfully supplements the narrative of I Mac, that all the Jews should be shut up in the hippodrome
but along with this is found an amount of exaggera- at Alexandria and then murdered. Before this was
tion and inaccuracy which makes the whole work done the name of every victim was to be secured.
inferior. A notable feature, entirely absent from I So immense was the number that the means of
Mac, is the miraculous element. The chief value of registration failed, and for a time the Jews were safe.
II Mac as a source of information to the historian Ptolemy then planned to turn loose upon the people
is in those facts where it is not directly at variance 500 elephants made frantic with wine. Night and
with I Mac, and where additional and not improbable day the Jews prayed unto God and their prayer was
material makes more complete the picture of times heard. For two days the execution of the fatal
or events. (2) Author, Date, and Aim, With the order was delayed by the oversleeping of the king,
exception of chs. 1 and 2, the author claims that his and by his opportune loss of memory. The de-
work is an epitomization of a work in five books, liverance came through the sudden descent of two
written by Jason of Gyrene. Of him we know angels, who turned the elephants back upon the
nothing more. Criticism of this epitome makes Egyptian army. Such a signal rescue changed
evident that Jason did not know I Mac, and that he completely the attitude of the king toward the
gained his material largely from oral sources. In a Jews. They were set free, honored with a seven
work thus produced it is not easy to say how much days' banquet, and given favor throughout the land.
in the way of style and method is due to the original In memory of this deliverance they ordained a
writer and how much to the epitomizer. In two festival to be annually observed "for all the time
places (2 19-32 and 15 38-39) we have the writing of of their sojourn among strangers, from generation to
the latter, and these passages would seem to show generation." At the same time they put to death
that the rhetorical effects sought, after all, through more than three hundred of their nation, who had
the book are due to the epitomizer rather than to apostatized at the time of the trouble, (2) Author,
Jason. The original work was in Greek, as was this Date, and General Character. The author was an
epitome, and the Greek of the latter is that of one Alexandrian Jew. The date of the work is uncertain.
who knew well how to use it. No certain date can It may have been written near the close of the 1st
be given to the work. It was known to Philo, and cent. B.C., or in the 1st cent. a.d. The book as a
so must have existed before 40 a.d. Conjecture has whole is a fiction, though some historical facts are
Maccabees, Books of
503 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Machpelah
isshown to-day. Josephus {BJy IV, 9 7) speaks of an unbroken line of evidence supporting the claims
the marble monuments of the patriarchs. From of the Hebron Hardm, its genuineness is better
the allusions of early pilgrims and historians it established than that of any other ancient site in
appears that the site and general outline of the Palestine of commensurate importance; and perhaps
sacred enclosure at Hebron have not been changed no spot on earth possesses such a combination of
during our era; but no less singular than the silence hoary antiquity, religious interest, and fascinating
of the later Biblical writers concerning the sepulcher mystery.
of the patriarchs is the fact that we possess no
Literature Stanley, Lectures on the Jewish Church, i,
conspicuous structure which now encloses the tra-
:
Warren. These ancient walls are surmoimted by MADIAN, m6'di-an. See Midian.
modem ones, plastered and whitewashed. Lofty
minarets rise at diagonally opposite comers, and MADMANNAH, mad-man'a (115^^75, madhTnanr-
flights of steps along the short sides of the quad- ndh) I. A Calebite (I Ch 2 49), perhaps a genealogical
:
rangle give access to the interior platform, which statement of the origin of the town of the same name.
is about 18 ft. above the lowest ground adjoining. II.A town in the S. of Judah (Jos 15 31), also called
One end of the enclosure is entirely taken up by Beth-marcaboth (Jos 19 5; I Ch 4 3i). Map II, D 3.
are covered with flagging and carpets, third A can not, however, be identified with certainty under
opening allows one to see down through a well-like either name. Ewald's suggestion that Magadan is
shaft into a httle whitewashed room, about 12 ft. Megiddo is impossible, unless Megiddo be located,
square, whose floor is apparently on a level with the with Conder, near Beisan, instead of Lejjun (but
ground outside the Hardm. This room seems to be see Megiddo). 'Dalmanutha' is probably a corrup-
an antechamber which, through a doorway in its S. tion of Delimnitha {\tfMvrj, 'harbor'; see Herz in
wall, gives access to the sepulchers. Just what Ues Expos. T., Sept., 1897), which points to Magdala as
beyond that door will possibly remain unknown as the modern Mejdel, a few miles N. of Tiberias on the
long as the Moslems rule Palestine. There is prob- shore of Lake GaUlee. This town is said in the
ably, however, a small double cave, not extending Jerusalem Talmud (Ta'anith, 4 8) to have been a
beyond the walls of the mosque. prosperous one, but is nowhere else mentioned out-
In view of the many centuries before our era dur- side of the Gospels. A. C. Z.
ing which there was no aUusion to the cave of
Hebron, not to mention the unsolved critical prob- MAGBISH, mag'bish (^""S^^, maghish) : A place
lems relating to patriarchal history, the claim that occupied by the returned exiles (Ezr 2 30). Site
the genuineness of the traditional sepulcher of the unknown. Perhaps the same as Magpiash, q.v.
patriarchs has been finally proved (e.g., Warren in (Neh 10 20). E.E.N,
HDBj Stanley, Thompson, Robinson [?]) would
seem to be unjustified. But while as yet there is not MAGDALA, mag'da-la. See Magadan,
Magdalene 506
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Magic and Divination
I. General accuracy of definition is difficult. Magic, powers of the unseen world for help (Is
Significance however, properly has to do with the 3. The 8 19) and ignored their God. This, like
of the use of objects to produce certain re- Practise of all other efforts of the kind, testifies to
Terms, suits upon human beings, or to in- Magic and the deep-seated desire of humanity to
fiuence the spirits, or jinns. It, there- Divination fijid some kind of a sympathetic re-
fore, in one respect resembles a crude form of science, in Israel, sponse from a power greater than.
while in another it approaches the sphere of relig- Terms human, and as God often seems too far
ion; for magic rites are often but imperfect prayers or Used. away to be a present help, lesser powers
external forms through which deity is to be moved. are turned to, who are felt to be more
Divination, on the other hand, is an effort to dis- accessible and perchance more closely allied to hu-
cover the future or the fate of the individual, or to manity. In this respect Israel was at one with the
learn of events which have some bearing upon the larger world of its day.
inquirer's life or fortunes. It, therefore, is closely The Heb. word which is most frequently used of
akin to prophecy, and in many of its forms, as it magical methods the verb qd$am (together with
is
becomes more highly developed, we find it closely the deriv. noun qesem, usually rendered divination,
approximating to the work of the seer or true but witchcraft in I S 15 23), generally rendered to
prophet. Yet the diviner may use magic arts to divine or to use divination, or as a ptcpl. diviner,
accomplish his purpose. The most fully developed the root of which is found also in the Arabic kismetj
systems of magic and divination were found in Egypt 'destiny.* This, therefore, throws light upon the
and Babylonia (cf Gn 41 8 ; Ex 7 11 ff ; Dn 1 20, 2 2,
. flf.
.
Hebrew conception. Magic or sorcery was an effort
etc.). It has been a question whether the Hebrews to determine fate, not so much by foretelling as by
borrowed theirs from the one or the other. It is working out the destiny by means of charms, or
probable that a certain proportion of Hebrew magic spells, or potions, or the use of objects which in
was indigenous, but the influence of Babylonia was themselves are supposed to possess power, or into
far more potent, during the period of the kingdom, which the sorcerer himself has infused efficacy.
and during and after the Exile, than that of any Sometimes the arts may be practised by any individ-
other land. Correlative terms for magic and divina- ual and by simple methods, an instance of which
tion are sorcery and soothsaying. These two words occurs in Gn 30 14, where dodhd'lm, 'love-apples,'
usually imply a lower depth than the former and are rendered "mandrakes," are mentioned as possessing
generally used when the practises are prohibited. powers similar to those of a love-philter. The tera-
The word magic, which seems to come to us from phim, which seem to have been often found in house-
Babylonia and perhaps from Persia, carries with it holds, were probably used in connection with such
an element of superiority, just as divination might arts (cf. Gn 31 30, 34; I S 19 13). The lot and the
be regarded as legitimated by the results which it ephod were also familiar, a staff as well (Hos 4 12).
sought. Sorcery in every instance is resorted to More often, however, the seeker must have gone to
when people desire the accomplishment of some a person supposedly endowed with peculiar powers.
purpose which is counter to morality or religion, and The most striking illustration of this is foimd in
soothsaying pertains to an unholy desire to peer into Saul's experience (I S 28 3 ff.), who, though he had
the unseen world or the future. The soothsayer may expelled all who practised the black art, in his own
be a sorcerer. Note how the term is used of Balaam extremity searched out a witch to help him, of
(Jos 13 22; cf. Nu 22 7, 24 l), in connection with whom he might inquire, or consult, i.e., learn the
whose efforts victims were slain and sacrifices of- issue of the coming battle. The name by which she
fered. is called is a fairly common one in the O T, ba'aktth
The Hebrew legislation was emphatic in its con- 'obkf 'the possessor of 'obh,* rendered "that hath
demnation and it
of all that pertained to these arts, a familiar spirit." This Heb. term *dbh has been
prescribed the most condign punishment for them. much discussed, and the balance of opinion seems
Lv 20 27 condemns the witch or the wizard to death, to be that it is derived from a word which also means
Magdalene
507 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Magic and Divination
*bottle,*from its hollowness, the significance being literally, 'one who inquires of the dead.* The whole
that the sound which is produced by the sorcerer in passage is, therefore, a comprehensive denunciation
answer to the inquirer is 'hollow' and muffled, as if of those who use magical arts ('sympathetic magic')
coming from some cavity (cf. Is 29 4). This is not as well as of those who assume to have intercourse
altogether satisfactory, and yet, in some ways, it with the departed.
suits the conditions of the case. Those who gave Besides several passages in the legal literature that
responses often inhabited a cave and were thought forbid sorcery, the prophets Isaiah and Ezekiel are
to receive communications from a hollow in the very specific in their attacks upon such
earth. Such was probably the case at Delphi, and 4. The At- unholy practises. Isaiah singles out spe-
so, we may suppose, at Endor. The use of the word titude of the cial classes, and in his condemnation
'possessor' or 'mistress* indicates a certain power Prophets of the daughters of Zion (3 16 ff.) he
over the unseen world, and thus *dbh may be a gen- Isaiah and enumerates their ornaments, several of
eral term. With this phrase is generally connected Ezekiel. which, from their names, must have
the word yidd'oniy translated wizard, but it more had a magical use. In fact, it is prob-
probably refers to the spirit which was the sorcerer's able that pendants and bangles were originally worn
familiar or 'control.' It is naturally derived from to keep off evil influences, as indeed is the case in
the root yddka'j 'to know,* and would apply very many parts of the world at the present day. The
well to the spirit that the medium most often called most spiritual conception of the radical difference
upon, or which dwelt within her. In the use of this between the true and the false is found in Is 8 19 flf.,
term we see how sorcery and soothsaying are com- where the hopeless people who are seeking "familiar
bined, for the arts necessary to call the spirit would spirits" that chirp (peep AV) and mutter (ironical,
be sorcery, while the response of the spirit itself probably suggestive of sounds made by the sorcerers)
would be soothsaying and in the realm of divination. are exhorted to seek instead the living God.
Dt 18 10 f., already referred to, contains two Ezekiel, more than a century later, found the
groups of terms which must indicate the popular people saturated with the strange customs of the
conception of the relationship of different kinds of Orient. Lying divinations and false visions were the
divination. At the head of the first group (ver. 10) evils with which he had to contend. Wizards and
we find denounced the one who makes his son or his witches preyed upon the superstitions of the popu-
daughter "to pass through the fire.". At first sight lace. In 13 17-23 some peculiar kind of charm is
this would seem to be a form of heathen sacrifice, referred to. The obscurity of the expressions, how-
but this conception is probably wrong, for while the ever, is great. The "pillows" and the "kerchiefs"
child might have been killed by the ordeal, evidently (ver. 18) are probably amulets, possibly the pred-
the act was to enable the inquirer to get some light ecessors of the phylacteries and frontlets which in
upon the future. It may have been a drastic later Judaism had a magical use, although then they
method of consulting omens. Fire ordeals of various had been conventionalized and become a part of
kinds are characteristic of the superstition of many decent and orderly dress. The "handfuls of barley"
primitive peoples. Another term, the ptcpl. m^'onen, and "pieces of bread" (ver. 19) have sometimes been
practiseth augury (observer of times AV, also ren- supposed to be the fees paid the witch, but it is more
dered "soothsayer" Is 2 6; Jer 27 9, enchanter AV; likely that they were employed in some magical rite
Mic 5 12, and "sorceress" Is 57 3), is of doubtful (cf. the use of a portion of the meal-offering in the
origin. W. Robertson Smith suggests that it is from test for adultery, Nu 5 26). One of the most interest-
a root, 'anan, signifying 'to murmizr,' and that the ing passages is Ezk 21 21, where the king of Babylon
diviner received his message through the murmuring is represented as consulting the omens before deci-
of leaves as at Dodona (cf. also the "sound of going in ding whether he should advance against Jerusalem
the top of the mulberry-trees," II S 5 24), or the hum or Rabbah of Ammon. On arrows were written
of insects (cf . the name
of the prophetess Deborah, the names of the two cities, they were shaken in
'a swarm of bees' [?], and Baalzebub, 'the lord of the quiver, the king drew one, and on it was the
flies'). The term mmaheshj enchanter, seems to word "Jerusalem." Teraphim were included in the
have the general sense of 'practising divination' or augury used, and this gives us a clue to the employ-
'observing omens.* It is used of hydromancy (Gn ment of teraphim in general, and to the reason for
44 5), and, in spite of its form, probably has no con- their exclusion from legitimate rites. The last clause
nection with serpent-charming. The word m'kkash- of ver. 21 is the only definite Biblical allusion to the
sheph, sorcerer (witch AV; cf. also Ex 22 18; II Ch consultation of the entrails, but the examination of
33 6; Mai 3 akin to the Assyrian kasapu, and is
5), is the liver was one of the commonest Babylonian
often associated with the astrologers (Ex 7 ll) and practises. In a cabinet in the British Museum there
wise men (Dn 2 2). It is probably of foreign origin, is a clay model of a sheep's liver, the surface of which
and perhaps to be regarded as a general term sum- is divided into small squares like the "regions" of
marizing the preceding. The last word of the first an astrologer's map of the heavens, and in each
group in the above-mentioned passage, Dt 18 10 f., square are cuneiform characters evidently intended
is hdbkar, charmer, which seems to contain the idea to explain how certain appearances in each region
of 'binding,' and has been interpreted as mean- are to be interpreted.
ing 'the tying of magic knots.' But W. Robertson The so-called false prophets may in many cases
Smith's suggestion, that it means 'to weave a spell,' have been soothsayers, and prophetism, starting
is far more acceptable. The second group of words with the more naive and innocent forms of divina^
(ver. u) represents different ways of consulting the tion, gradually rose to greater heights and more
unseen world, ending with the term necromancer, spiritual conceptions with the greater insight into
Magic and Divination A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 508
Mahath
were neither totems nor sacred, but whose use was the two chief municipal officers of a Roman colony;
forbidden because associated with magical practises. called by courtesy pretors (cf. RVmg.), before
In the N T there are sundry allusions to magic and whom political charges were brought. On Jg 18 7,
sorcery. The form then most prevalent was that of Lk 12 11, Tit 3 1, cf. RV. R. A. F.
exorcism (Ac 19 13 and cf. Mt 12 27),
Q. Magic in which the main feature was the pro- MAGOG, m^'geg. See Ethnography and
in the N T,nunciation of magic formulas, or in- Ethnology, § 11, and also Gog, 2.
Two masters of this art are prominently named diluvian patriarchs in the Sethite genealogy (Gn 5
in the Apostolic narrative, Simon Magus (q.v.) 12flf.). 2, Adescendantof Judah(Nehll 4). 3. The
(Ac 8 9 ff), and Bar- Jesus, surnamed Elymas (q.v.) N T form is Maleleel (cf. Lk 3 37). E. E. N.
(Ac 13 6ff.), the latter title being of Semitic origin
and testifying to his reputation for occult wisdom.
MAHALI, m^lia-lai. See Mahli.
Lastly, the girl possessed of "a spirit of divination" MAHANAIM, m6"ha-ng'im, Dr^q^, mahdnayim:
(Ac 16 16; Gr. 'a spirit, a Python' so RVmg.) should
;
A place of some importance- The earliest reference
be mentioned. She is the N T equivalent of the to it is in Gn 32 2 (E). Here Jacob, as he was return-
"familiar spirit" of the O T. Serpent superstition ing from Mesopotamia, met the angels of God, and
and clairvoyance seem combined in the descrip- gave to the locality the name Mahanaim, i.e., *two
tion of this girl, and, if we knew more of the details camps,' or 'companies.' Mahanaim became the capi-
of her case, such an example might cast some light tal of N. Israel under Ish-bosheth (II S 2 8, 12, 29). It
on certain words which occxir in Dt 18 10 f. Sorcery was David's headquarters during the revolt of Absa-
comes in for final denunciation in Rev, where its lom (II S 17 24), and became the seat of one of Solo-
identification with spiritual wickedness is complete. mon's prefectures (I K
4 14). The exact location has
Sorcerers are among those who are to be forever shut never been determined; it was certainly trans- Jor-
out from the heavenly city (22 15). As a sorcerer danic, and lay to the N. of Jabbok and the S. of
was the representative of that which militates Penuel. Driver advocates an identification with Deir
against the unity of the body politic, the aider and 'Alld, situated on the route which passes N. and S.
abetter of treason and treachery, so he could have along the Jordan Valley. Following Jos 13 26, G. A.
no consideration when the city was cleansed of Smith is satisfied with locating it on the borders of
everything that loveth and maketh a lie. Gad. (See Map III, J 2.) J. A. K.
Literature: The works of Benzinger and Nowack on Heb.
Arch&ologie (both 1894); W. R. Smith in the Journal of
MAHANEH-DAN, m^'ha-ng-dan" (yrri;in)2,ma-
Philology, XIII, XIV. Much illustrative material may hdnehrdhan) 'camp of Dan': A name given to the
J
be found in Frazer's Golden Bough; see also Jevons, place where the Danites encamped (Jg 13 25, 18 12).
Introduction to the Hist, of Religion (1904*), chs. iii, iv,
vi-viii; and Introd. to Comp. Religions (1908), cha. iii, iv.
Perhaps two places are thus named, one between
A. S. C. Zorah and Eshtaol (13 25), the other on the border
of Benjamin, behind (west) of Kiriath-jearim.
MAGICIAN. See Magic and Divination, § 7.
C.S.T.
MAGISTRATE: A term for a civil official. In MAHARAI, ma-har'a-ai (^!!n^, mahdray): One
Ezr 7 25 it is equivalent to the ordinary Heb. term
of David's heroes (II S 23 28; I Ch 11 30, 27 13).
for "judge." In Lk 12 58, the language of which is E. E. N.
apparently molded by Gr. usage, it translates the
term apxa>v, an officer higher than the 'judge' (cf. MAHATH, mi'hath (nn^, mahath): A Kohath-
Mt 525) in Ac 16 20 ff. it renders the word a-rparr^yoi,
; ite Levite of Hezekiah's time (I Ch 6 35; II Ch 29
which is the ordinary Gr. equivalent for the duoviri, 12, 31 13). See Ahimoth. E. E, N.
Mahavite A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY &16
Maleleel
MAHAVITE, m^'ha-vait, THE (D"*]n;D, mahd^ MAKAZ,m^'kaz (Yp_7?, maqats)'. A town near
wlm): Eliel, one of David's heroes, is called "the Shaalbim and Beth-shemesh (I K
4 9). Site un-
Mahavite" (I Ch 11 46). The term is obscure and known. E. E. N.
probably a scribal error for some other word.
E. E. N. MAKHELOTH, mak-hlleth (HlVn;^^, rmiqher-
MAHAZIOTH, ma-h^'zi-oth (DlN'^Tn.^, maU- loth): A station on the wilderness journey (Nu
33 25 f.). Site unknown. E. E. N.
zl*dth), 'vision': One of thenames in the peculiar
verse (I Ch 25 4; see Joshbekashah), later taken MAKKEDAH, mak-kl'dd (Hn)?,^, maqqedhah): *
MAHLI, malai (^?n^, mahll) : 1. A son of Merari here they are numerous. The houses are built over
and in front of caverns of various sizes, and small
(Ex 6 19; Nu 3 20; Ch
and the founder of
I 6 19 [4]),
caves exist in the face of chffs N. of the village. The
the Levitical family of Mahlites (Nu 3 33, 26 58; Ezr
Syriac of Jos 10 10 renders 'Makkedah' as Mokor,
8 18), descended from his two sons by the marriage
which approaches closely the Arabic miighr (pi.
of the daughters of one to the sons of the other (I
mughdr), 'a cave.' See PEFSt (1875), 165-167.
Ch 23 22). 2. The son of Mushi, and grandson of
L. G. L.
Mahli (I Ch 6, 47 [32], 23 23, 24 30). C. S. T.
MAKTESH. See Jerusalem, § 36,
MAHLON, malon. See Chilion.
MALACHI, mal'a-cai C^X^^, maVahhi), 'my
MAHOL, m^liel (Vln^, mahol) The : father of the
messenger'; possibly originally
Malachiah, 'the
three wise men, Heman, Calcol, and Darda, with messenger of J"' The name of the last
whom Solomon is compared (I K 4 31 [5 ll]). His I.
:
may receive presents, it can not be Nehemiah, for not a mere arbitrary impulse, that led to its being
Nehemiah repelled the possible charge of doing so placed at the very end of the O T Canon, although
(Neh 5 14-18). From all these facts, it may safely not the latest in date of the O T books.
be inferred that the prophecy belongs to the Persian Literature: Driver, LOT^ (1897), p. 355; Cornill, Introd.
period, and more especially to the time immediately to the O T (Eng. tranal. 1907); Commentaries: V. Orelli,
preceding the reforms of Ezra and Nehemiah. For Minor Prophets (1893); Perowne, Malachi in Cambridge
Bible (1890); G. A. Smith in Expositor's Bible; S. R.
these it prepared the way. The years 460-50 B.C.
Driver in 7'?ie New Century Bible. \^ Q^ 2,
may be regarded as the time of its composition.
Whether the name of the book is the name of the MALCAM, marcam (RV), MALCHAM (AV)
prophet who wrote it is an open question. The (Dp?^, malkdm): I. The eponym of a Benjamite
title "The burden of the word of
family (I Ch 8 9). II. A deity of the Ammonites
3. Author- Jehovah", (cf. Zee 9 i and 12 l) in- (Jer 49 Zeph 1 6), the same
1, 3; as Milcom.. See
ship. dicates the appearance of a new type of Semitic Religion, § 26. C. S. T.
superscription for prophecies. If the
two sections in Zee are to be regarded as prophetic MALCHIAH, mal-cai'a, MALCHIJAH, mal-coi'ja
discourses anonymously published and later ap- (nj5^?p, in*5??5, malkiyyah, malkiyydhu), 'my king
pended to the Visions of Zechariah, it is not unlikely is Jah' : 1. A
descendant of Gershom (I Ch 6 40
that another anonymous prophet of the same general [25]). 2, A priest, the father of Pashhur (I Ch 9 12;
period shoiild have published his message tmder the Neh 11 12; Jer 21 1, 38 1). 3, The head of the fifth
generic appelative of 'messenger* or 'messenger of course of priests (I Ch 24 9, perhaps = preceding).
J*.' This view of the use of maVakhl seems to be 4, 5, 6. Two of the "sons of Parosh" (Ezr 10 25) and
supported by 3 l and the tradition that Malachi was one of the "sons Of Harim" (Ezr 10 31) who had
none other than Ezra himself {Targ. Jon. h. Uzziel, married foreign wives; the last also repaired the wall
which adds to the name 'Malachi' the words *'whose (Neh 3 11). 7. A son of Rechab who repaired the
name is Ezra the scribe," an opinion adopted by dung-gate (Neh 3 14). 8. A goldsmith who repaired
Calvin), Against these considerations the reason the wall (Neh 3 31). 9. One who stood at Ezra's left
for taking 'Malachi' as a proper noun is that it seems while he read the Law (Neh 8 4). 10. One who
to be so translated in the LXX. In addition to sealed the covenant (Neh 10 3 [4]) ; perhaps the same
this it is alleged "that every other book of the as 2, 11. priest A who assisted in dedicating the
Minor Prophets opens with the name of its author." wall (Neh 12 42). C. S. T.
But this is a mere assumption (cf. Jonah; see also
Driver, LOT% p. 321 f.). MALCHIEL, mallci-el (V^^S^Q, malkl'el), MAL-
In Uterary form the book is characterized by a CHIELITE, 'God is king' The ancestral head
-ait, :
quasi-dialectic type of discussion. This consists of the Malchiehtes, one of the clans of Asher (Gn 46
in the laying down of a general propo- 17; Nu 26 45; I Ch 7 3i), E. E. N.
4. Literary sition which provokes contradiction
MALCHIJAH. See Malchiah.
Features, leading to counterstatements, and end-
ing with a vindication of the main MALCHIRAM, mal-cai'rom (DT????, malkirdm),
position, perhaps more fully elaborated (cf. 1 2 f., 'my king is exalted' : A descendant of David (I Ch
2 17 f., 3 8 f.; 13 f.). By some this has been taken to 3 18). E.E.N.
be a sign that the prophecy was from the first cir-
MALCHISHUA, mal"cai-shu'a (S'lli)''?^^, rmilkt-
culated in writing. A better explanation of the shua^)y 'the king is noble' (?): Ason of Saul, slain
fact is that the author adopted a method of teaching
which was just coming into use and which later at the battle of Mt. Gilboa (I S 14 49, 31 2, Mel-
chishua AV, etc.). E. E. N.
became a favorite in the schools and synagogues of
Judaism. As to the book itself, it is more than prob- MALCHUS, mal'cTjs (MaXxos) : One of the
able that it represents a collection of sayings from a mixed company of Roman soldiers and officers of
number of addresses delivered at different times. the Sanhedrin who arrested Jesus (Jn 18 3). He
The type of prophecy represented in Malachi is seems to have been a slave belonging to the house-
also different from that of his predecessors, and hold of the high priest. In the m^l^ that preceded
points to a new development in this the arrest his right ear was partially severed by
5. Type of direction. While the prophet's great Peter, and healed by Jesus (Jn 18 3, 10). Luke also
the motive is, Hke that of earUer prophecy, records the incident, but not the name (Lk 22 49 f.).
Prophecy, the law of righteousness laid down by J. M. T.
J'' for His people, his outlook into the
MALEFACTOR: The Eng. translation of two
future is peculiar. It foreshadows the great and
Gr. words having practically the same meaning.
terrible day of J" as about to break upon the accus-
(1) KaKOTTotos {KaK6v iroi&v,in some MSS.) (Jn 18 30
tomed order of things, and bring unsparing judg-
AV, "evil-doer" RV). But in I P 2 14 (AV) it is
ment. But while the coming of this consummation
rendered "evil-doer." It is possible that Koxoiroios
is to be abrupt, it is to be prepared for
in I P 4 16 may mean 'astrologer* (cf. Artemid.
6. Sum- by the return of Elijah, (2) KUKovpyos (Lk 23 32f.; II Ti
Oneir. IV, 59).
mary. Thus, by its style of composition, by J. M. T.
2 9, "evil-doer*: AV),
its type of prophecy, and by its system
of thought, the book puts itself at the end of one MALELEEL, ma-lllg-el (MaXeXcriX): An an-
order of things,and points to the beginning of an- cestor of Jesus (Lk 3 37), See Mahalalel.
other. It was an accurate instinct, therefore, and E. E. N.
&12
Mallothi A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Man, Son of
power-
MALLOTHI, mal'othai COl^^, mallothi), 'I have etc.). (6) ffi6&or, properly an adj., 'strong,
to warriors
fulfilled': Taken as a proper name (I Ch 25 4, 26),
ful,' but also, especially when referring
substantive. In either case it
or heroes, used as a
but more probably part of an ancient hymn. See (Gn 10 9; Jos lU 2;
man
E. E. N. is generally rendered mighty
JOSHBEKASHAH. zakhar, 'male (Lv
Ru 2 1; II K 5 1, etc.). (7)
MALLOWS. See Palestine, § 21. 1533;Nu31l7f.,etc.). In a number of passages,
(8)
of," thus ml
"man" stands for the Heb. hen, "son
MALLUCH, maruc (t)^V?3, mallukh), also MALLU- 'son of worth ; m K
The name of a post-exilic family
K 1 52 "worthy man" is lit. 11
CHI, mal'lu-cai : 1.
2 16 "strong men" is lit. 'sons of strength,, etc.
and of several of representatives (Neh 10 12 T
its
Mera- AV).
4,
A
2),
(9) &v6pi07ros in the T N corresponds to the
called Malluchi in 12 14 (Melicu 2,
'adham, as the most generic term, which is used
rite Levite (I Ch 6 44). 3. One of the "sons of
in a great variety of senses. (10) avrjp corresponds
Bani'' (Ezr 10 29). 4. One of the "sons of Harim"
to the O T %sh, 'man' as an individual, etc., but
E. E. N.
its use is very general (Mt 7 24; Mk 6 20;
(Ezr 10 32;Neh 10 27). Jn 1 13,
etc.). (11) ap<rr)v or ^ppr^v, 'male, Ms used in Ro
MAMMON ([lafKovaSy an Aram, word for 'riches'
1 27; Rev 12 5. (12) The adjectives avQpamvos ('hu-
[Mt 6 24; 16 9, 11, 13]): The origin of the word
Lk
The following explanations are man,' 'of man') and r£kcios ('perfect/'fuU-grown,'
is quite obscure.
'adult') are found in I Co 2 13, 4 3, 10 13; Ro 6 19; I P
proposed: (1) Mammon was a deity of wealth; but E. E. N.
(2) The
2 13; Ja 3 7, and I Co 2 6, 14 20.
there is no trace of belief in such a deity.
word comes from the root dman, 'to trust' {md'dman,
'
'that which is trusted'). (3) It comes from matman, MAN, DOCTRINE OF: The term 'man* (the
rmkman, rendering of the following Heb. and Gr. terms:
'that which is treasured/ or (4) from 'to
probably the 'adham, 'Ish, 'inosh, gehher, apSpairos,
desire' (cf. Nestle, EB). The last is
I, General djnjp) is used of the human race, or'
correct derivation. A. C. Z.
Features, human nature generally, or else of
MAMRE, mam'rg (Xl^^, mamre'; more fully, the individual. It is in the former
ARVmg.] of Mamre". sense that it becomes a doctrinal term. Whether
"the oaks", ["terebinths"
the Bible has a distinctive science of man (anthro-
(Gn 1318, 1413, 18 1): I. The site of Abraham's
pology) is a much-mooted question, but must be
camp, which is placed by early Christian and mod-
answered upon the whole in the negative. This
ern Jewish tradition at er-Rdmeh, 2 m. N. of Hebron,
answer carries with it the view that each large
Near this is a ruin called "The House of the Friend
period of Biblical thought (as that of the O T, or
{i.e., Abraham)/! and a second ruin, which is prob-
ably the basiUca erected by Constantine in the that of the N T) incorporates within itself the scien-
tific ideas of its time, and that these are used as the
neighborhood. Since the 12th cent., however, the
vehicles for the communication of the essentials of
Christians have located Mamre IJ m. NW. of the
religion. Inasmuch, however, as the latest stages
city, where at the present time a very ancient tree is
revered as "Abraham's Oak.'' Both of these sites, of this development are controlled by the earlier,
however, seem too far from Machpelah (Gn 23 17) and do not at the end present radically contradictory
tenets, the subject may be said to possess at least
and Hebron (Gn 13 18, 23 19).
II. An Amorite chief, owner of the "oaks" men-
a relative unity.
tioned above, and confederate with Abraham (Gn As to the origin of man the Bible contains two
1413,24). L. G. L. accounts (Gn 1 27 [P], and Gn 2 7 [J]). In both,
the creature of (5od. P puts
man is
MAN : The original Heb. and Gr. terms rendered 2. The this in a generic, J in a specific, form,
"man" are numerous, and each has its distinctive Origin i.e., according to P, God created man
meaning. Only the briefest discussion can be given of Man. as a part of the world; according to J,
here. (1) The most generic term is 'adhdm, properly He fashioned him out of the dust of
collective for 'man' in general, the genus Homo, the ground, and then breathed into him the breath
mankind (Gn 1 26f., 2 7, etc.), in distinction from of life. The essential truth to be taught in both was
God (Nu 23 or from other creatures (Gn 6 7, etc.).
19), that man owes his being to God, and has a spiritual
An individual a "son of man" (Ezk 2 1, etc.).
is affinity with Him. The mode of his coming into
This word has no plural; "men" is literally 'sons existence is a subordinate question to be answered
of man.' (2) 'Ish indicates man as an individual, by natural science.
the male, the husband, the man of affairs, the The Biblical account of man's creation includes
citizen, etc. (Gn 2 23 f., 4 l, 13 16, 41 33; Hos 2 16, also a statement of his endowment with the image
etc.). (3) ^enosh, a collective, like 'ddhdm, and used (form) of God. This has been under-
much in the same way (Dt 32 26; Job 28 4, 32 8; Is 3, The stood to involve the presupposition
51 7, etc.). The Aramaic equivalent 'enasfi is used Image of that God has a bodily form, which
in Ezr 4 11; Dn 2 10, etc. (4) ba'al, 'owner,' 'master,' God in Man. serves as the pattern for that of man,
is often rendered "man" (pi. "men") (Gn 20 3; Ex or to consist in a superadded quality
24 14; Jg 9 2 £f., etc.; see also Baal and Family and of a moral nature, or in simple lordship over the other
Family Law, § 3). (5) gehher, properly man as creatures. None of these views is satisfactory.
'strong,' 'vigorous,' 'brave/ and found mostly in Yet the frequent repetition of the statement (Gn
.poetry (Ex 10 H; Jos 7 14; Jg 5 30. Often used in a 5 1, 9 6; Ja 3 9; Col 3 10) forbids the dismissal of it
more general sense; cf. Job 3 3, 14 10; Ps 34 8, etc.). as a mere rhetorical embellishment. The image of
The Aram, equivalent is g'hhar (Ezr 4 2i; Dn 2 25, God is better understood to be that which brings
;
Mallothi
513 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONAEY Man, Son of
man into relation with God; in other words, to be his (3) relationship by marriage (Gn 2 23; Jg 9 2; Ro
personality (Ps 8 5). 9 6, 8), the seat of all weakness ("All flesh is as
(4)
The same account includes a statement that God grass," Is 40 6; "The spirit is wilhng, but the flesh
createdman, male and female, which, however, is is weak," Mt 26 41), (5) moral turpitude (Ro 8 i,
4, The Dis- ical notion of an androgynous first Individual members or organs of the body are
tinction of man, but with the idea dominant identified with special fimctions of the mind, (1)
Sex. throughout the Bible that the two sexes The heart is the organ of thought (Pr
are on an equal footing, as far as re- 8.Localiza- 23 7; Mk 2 6; Lk 24 33), but not ex-
lationship to God is concerned (Gal 3 28). This is tion of clusively of the reasoning powers; for
in contrast with some forms of heathenism, in which Faculties in it is also the seat of the affections and
woman is of inferior origin and occupies a lower the Body, appetites (Ps 104 15), e.g.y of joy (Is
place than man. 30 29), anger (Dt 19 6), hatred (Lv
According to the prevalent representation of the 19 17), and, in fact, of the whole personal life, in-
Bible regarding man's constitution, he is a unitary cluding all the moral impulses, both the discrimina-
being. In every relationship he acts tive and the directive, 'Heart' is thus synonymous
5. Unity as one, both in the present life and with 'conscience' (Job 27 6), (2) The bowels are
and Com- in that after death. A separation of more consistently the seat of the emotions, especially
plexity body from spirit is not held in view. of those which, on account of their intensity or
of Man. And yet the complexity in unity of the suddenness, produce a more perceptible reflex con-
human being is not ignored. On the dition in the body (Is 16 11 AV, 63 15. La 1 20 ARV,
one side, man is in contact with the material world, however, renders more according to the sense),
and possesses a nature which can be expressed only (3) The liver less frequently (La 2 11), and (4) the
in.terms of matter; on the other, he has powers that kidneys (Ps 7 9, 26 2, etc., "reins" AV and ERV;
go beyond the world of matter. From this point ARV here also renders, according to the sense,
of view, man is a twofold being. This doctrine is "mind") appear as seats of feeling.
found in its simplest form in the idea of the "inner The more purely psychological data of the Bible
man" (Ro 7 22; II Co 4 16; Eph 3 16). It is implicit are scanty and more or less elastic. The conception
in Gn 2 7, and constantly comes to the surface in the of mind, except where it has been in-
designation of the superphysical in man, by the 9. Psycho- troduced by ARV in renderings accord-
phrase the inward parts (Ps 5 9, 51 6). logical almost altogether
ing to the sense, is
A still more exhaustive way of speaking of the Notions, N T, And here
a characteristic of the
whole man
resorted to by
is Paul. It consists in it appears predominantly in the syn-
specifying body, soul, and spirit as onymous terms vovs, jQouXt;, the first of which de-
6. Trichot- parts of a complete human nature (I notes the deliberative reason, as applied to the
omy. Th 5 23). This appears also in ex- moral hfe, with a bias either toward good or toward
pressions in which a distinction be- evil (Ro 7 23; Col 2 18; Rev 13 18); while the second
tween soul and spirit is alluded to (I Co 15 44, 46; denotes the act or state of intelligence, rather than a
He 4 12) Some apparent support for this distinction
. separate power or faculty.
is further found in the O T use of two separate words The BibHcal conception of will must be gathered
to designate soul and spirit respectively (nephesh from what is said incidentally of willing as a phase
and ruah). But on closer examination, this usage of human activity. A
name for the
of the T
does not appear to be based upon a con- 10. Will, so-called faculty of will is nowhere
sistent psychological theory, but is rather a con- given. Neither is there a question of
ventional one. So far as the distinction is observed, the freedom of the will, or of its determination.
the word 'soul' stands for the principle of life as Practically, will arises in appetency, or strong in-
embodied in individuals, while spirit is the same clination, and culminates in a wish {deXrjfia [Ac
principle as cause imderlying the constituted life. 1322; Eph 2 3] and emdv^iia [Ro 6 12]). An in-
In the N
T, with its tendency toward keener clination of a weaker nature, however, may show
analysis, spirit and soul are more clearly discrimi- itself first in the form of a deUberation {fiovXjjfia [I
nated from each other. The former is used of that P 4 3]). The power of choice involves the power to
specific side of human nature which allies man to accomplish what is chosen (Jos 24 15, 22 of. also the ;
"vessel," or instrument (II Co 4 7), or the "temple" Delitzach, BiU. Psych. (Eng. transl. 1867); Beck, Bibl.
Psych. (Eng. transl. 1877) J. B. Heard, Tripartite Nature
;
Gn 2 21), (2) human nature in general (Jn 1 14), MAN, SON OF. See Jesus Christ, § 14 (c).
Manaen A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 514
Mark
names
MANAEN, 111811^611 {Mavarfv = Heb. Mtiakem) : under Esarhaddon (687-662 B.C.), who
A prophet in the church at Antioch, when Paul and Manasseh as one of twenty-two tributary vassal
5S-bO);
Barnabas undertook their first missionary journey princes {MenasS, Mins^, Schrader, COT, 11,
(Ac 13 l). He is also called a a-vvTpo<fios of Herod but Manasseh rebelled against Asshurbampal and
the Tetrarch. "While this may mean that he was was probably reconquered and taken for a time to
Assyria as a prisoner. No extrarBiblical
account of
the "foster-brother" -of Herod (cf. CIG, 3109), more
however, has been preserved.
probably it ia simply a court title meaning 'friend' such an occurrence,
or 'associate' (see especially two Delos inscriptions The Chronicler who relates this incident attributes
reported in Bulletin de Correspondance helUnique the misfortune to Manasseh's disobedience to the
[1877], I, 285, and cf. Deissmann, Bible Studies,^ prophetic voice (II Ch 33 il). It iB further added
310 f.). J.M.T. that this experience brought Manasseh to his senses,
that he humbled himself before God, was restored
MANAHATH, manVhath (nnD?p, maTmhath): I.
to Jerusalem, reenacted his father's reforms, and
A son of Shobal, and the eponym of a Horite clan strengthened the fortifications of the city. Later
of Edom (Gn 36 23; I Ch 1 40). II, A place on the
tradition attributes to him the composition of a
border of Judah, to which certain Benjamite clans prayer in his distress (see Manasses, Prater of).
were carried captive (I Ch 8 6). Site unknown. 2, One of the "sons of Pahath-moab" who married a
C.S.T. foreign wife (Ezr 10 30). 3, One of the "sons of
MANAHATHITE, man'a-hath-ait Cn^J^, ma- Haahum". who also married a foreign wife (Ezr
nahtlj Manahethite AV) A.Calebite clan descended
: 10 33). A. C. Z.
from Salma (I Ch 2 54). We should read the same MANASSES, ma-nas'stz. See Manasseh.
word for "Menuhoth" (I Ch 2 52), which was also
MANASSES, PRAYER OF: An apocryphal
a Calebite clan and likewise inhabited Manahath,
document, based upon the reference in II Ch 33
which ultimately became a city of Judah. C. S. T.
12 f. In the foregoing passage no prayer is given,
MANAHETHITE, man'a-heth-ait. See Mana- but we are told (ver. 18) "that the rest of the
HATHITE. acts of Manasseh and his prayer unto his God . . .
fire" (ver. 6), i.e., he practised human sacrifice. In MANGER : The Gr. Kfyarinj properly means 'feed-
fact, he completely reversed his father's policy, and
ing-place' (from Trarcla-daif 'to eat'), and should be
even persecuted the prophetic party, especially the thus rendered in Lk 13 15 ("stall" AV and RV), as
prophets. Many who resisted him were actually it is correctly rendered in 2 7, 12, 16. E. E. N.
put to death (II K 21 16, 24 4; Jer 2 30), The syn- MANIFEST, MANIFESTATION {(pavepovv, <l>avi-
cretism thus introduced seems to have survived paa-Ls) : In their general meaning these terms do not
as late as the days of Ezekiel (Ezk 8 16), At all materially differ from 'reveal' and 'revelation' ; but
events, Jeremiah, after Manasseh's death, was full they are found in a more specific usage in the N T,
of prophetic indignation and horror at Manasseh's underlying which usage there is the idea of a sharp
sins, and looked for their expiation as still in the separation between spiritual and material realities.
future (Jer 15 4). Politically, Manasseh's reign was The breaking of the spiritual into the sphere of the
prosperous and free from petty warfare with the material is designated a "manifestation," i.e., the
surrounding nations. Judah's relation to Assyria bringing into visibility of what is real but invisible.
had been defined under Sennacherib as that of The terms are favorites in the Johannine writings (Jn
tribute-paying vassalage. This condition continued 2 U, 17 6; I Jn 3 2, etc.), though also used in the
6X5 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Mabaeil
Mark
Pauline Epistles (I Ti 3 16). They are still more alogically) as a descendant of Hebron and father of
specifically applied to the second comirfg of Christ, Beth-zur (ICh 2 45). It is now Khurbet MaHn, a
as a spectacular revelation of Himself, emerging from conical hill with caves and extensive ruins, which
His present invisibility (Col 1 26, 3 4; IJn 2 28). rises 200 ft. above the site of Carmel. Map II, E 3.
A. C. Z. E. ofMa'in a waste pasture-land slopes down toward
MANNA : The food miraculously provided for the the Dead Sea. This is apparently the Wilderness
Israelites during their desert wanderings (Ex 16 15 ff.; of Maon, in which David took refuge (I S 23 24 fif.).
Nu 11 6flf.; Jos 5 12). According to Ex 16 15, the The Maonites (Heb. ma'dni; Jg 10 12) are apparently
name originated in the exclamation man ku\ 'what the same as the Meunim (q,v.), and the original home
is it?' but Ebers suggests the derivation from Egyp- of the tribe seems to have been in Edom (I Ch
tian mennu, *food.' In appearance it resembled 4 41; II Ch 20 1 ARVmg.), possibly at Ma'dn, 13
hoar frost or bdellium (see Stones, Precious) or m. SE. of Petra. L. G. L.
coriander seed (Ex 16 14, 31; Nu 11 7), which is about
a sixth of an inch in diameter, whitish, globular, and
MARA, mS'ra (KITJ, mara'), 'bitter': A name
aromatic. sweet, sticky gum exuding from a
The given by Naomi to herself, because of her bitter ex-
species of Tamarisk is called manna by the modern perience (Ru 1 20). C. S. T.
Arabs (Ritter, Geog. Pal. I, 271-292), and attempts
MARAH, mi'ra (Hl^p, marah), 'bitterness': The
have been made to identify this with the Biblical
food. Exudations from other shrubs have also been name of a bitter spring made sweet by Moses (Ex
15 23 ff.), the site of which constituted the first
suggested, and the scales of various lichens; but
station of the Israelites after crossing the Red Sea
none of these has any practical food-value (all being
mediciaal rather than nutritive), or occurs in suffi-
(Nu 33 8 f.). Not yet located. C. S. T.
cient quantities, or possesses the other requisite qual- MARALAH, mar'a-la (nb^l^^, mar'dlah): A
ities to satisfy the Scriptural descriptions. The 'man-
city of Zebulun (Jos 19 ii). Site uncertain, but see
na' of the American Pharmacopoeia is an exudation
Map IV, C 7. E. E. N.
from a species of ash, and comes chiefly from south-
ern Italy and Sicily. L. G. L. MARANATHA, mar^a-nath'a An Aramaic ex- :
MAOCH, me'ec (^1^^, ma'dkh): The father of MARK: The rendering of (1) 'othj 'sign' (Gn 4 15
Achish, King of the Philistine city of Gath (I S 27 2), AV). The sign was placed on Cain to protect him,
called Maacah in I K2 39. C. S. T. not to mark him as a murderer. (2) mattarah, from
matar, 'to watch,' and hence the object on which
MAON, m^'en (^IS?^, ma'dn), MAONITES, m^'gn-
the eye is fixed when shooting (I S 20 20; Job 16 12;
aits, *^
ma' oni A city in the hill-country of Judah
Jly p, :
La 3 12). (8) mipkg'd, 'that against which one
near Ziph and Carmel (Jos 15 55), represented (gene- strikes,' the Obstacle in the way (Job 7 20) Job com- ,
Mark A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 516
Mark, Gospel of
plains that God (purposely) strikes against him and would imply that M. was then with Paul at
continually. (4) taw, the last letter of the Heb. Rome and was about to start thence on a journey to
the East, expecting to visit Colossae. The
letter to
alphabet, the old form of which was T (Ezk 9 4, 6).
Here the word seems to mean simply a mark or Philemon, ver. 24, shows that this was the case. M.
brand, not necessarily the letter itself. (5) qa'qa' did leave Rome, but whether he visited Colossae we
in Lv 19 28 probably refers to barbarous customs do not know. He was in the East when Paul, at the
of tattooing. (6) o-KOTrds (Ph 3 14 AV) is 'goal/ time of his second imprisonment, wrote to Timothy
as in RV. (7) a-rlyfia (Gal 6 17), 'imprints/ or and asked him to come to him and bring M. with
'brands/ mean the scars of the wounds Paul had him, since "he is useful to me for ministering." Pre-
received for his loyalty to Christ. As slaves were sumably M. was in Rome with Paul when the latter
branded to show to whom they belonged, so Paul was executed.
calls these marks the 'brands' showing to what In I P 5 13 there is a reference to M. which only
Master he belonged. (8) x'^P^'YH'^t ^ 'stamp* im- adds to the perplexity of the problem concerning the
printed on a surface, is used in Rev 13 16 f., 14 9, etc., latter part of his life. If I P was written at Babylon
of the mark branded or stamped on the foreheads (as Weiss holds) and some years before the execution
of the followers of Antichrist. E. E. N. of Paul, M. must have been associated with Peter
after his visit to Cyprus with Barnabas, and then
MARK, mark, JOHN (uapKos) Of the life of M.,
: later transferred himself from Peter to Paul. But if
the supposed author of the Second Gospel, but few I P is late and was written from Rome, M. may have
notices are contained in the NT. His Jewish name joined Peter after the death of Paul. Other solu-
was John, but like many Jews of the day he had a tions are, of course, possible, but no one of them can
Gentile (Latin) surname, Mark (Marcus, Gr. MdpKos). be considered more than a conjecture.
Presumably, he was a native of Jerusalem, where his The earliest Christian tradition, outside of the N T,
mother had a large house (Ac 12 12) and was ap- associates M. with Peter as his ipfierjevTrjs, a term
parently a woman of some means. How M. and his capable of several renderings. The more common
mother became identified with the primitive Chris- rendering, 'interpreter/ would signify that M. may
tian Church of Jerusalem we do not know. Some have been used by Peter to interpret his Aramaic
have thought that the peculiar episode related in the discourses into Greek, such as people in Rome, for
Gospel (14 51 f.) refers to him and is, as it were, his example, might more readily appreciate. Papias,
signature to his Gospel. In any case, we may be to whom we owe this notice, thinks of M. as the con-
sure that by 44 A.n. —i.e., less than fifteen years after stant companion of Peter and consequently well
—
Pentecost ^both M. and his mother were prominent fitted to compose a Gospel in which Peter's teaching
members of the Christian community in Jerusalem. was accurately reproduced even if not correctly ar-
The mother of M. was sister to either the mother ranged (see Mark, Gospel op, § 1 pi]). Later tradi-
or father of Barnabas, since M. is called the latter's tions connect M. with Alexandria, of which city he
dve'^i6s{Co\ 4 10 "cousin" RV, not "nephew" as AV). is reputed to have become the first Christian bishop.
When Paul and Barnabas returned to Antioch, after His supposed remains were taken thence by the
their visit to Jerusalem with alms from the Church Venetians in the 9th cent, and thus St. Mark became
of Antioch, they took with them "John whose sur- the patron saint of Venice. But nothing certain is
name was Mark" (Ac 12 25). A year or two later M. known of his later career, although many legends
was selected to accompany them on their first mis- exist in the apocryphal literature of the early Chris-
sionary journey as a helper, virrjperTjs (not a menial tian centuries. E, E. N.
servant, nor,on the other hand, a colleague; Ac 13 5).
M.remainedwith them while they evangelizedCyprus,
But when they crossed over to the mainland, to MARK, GOSPEL OF
Perga of Pamphylia, and planned to go thence into Analysis of Contents
the interior of Asia Minor, M. withdrew and returned
1. Authorship (f) Motive
to his home in Jerusalem (Ac 13 13). Paul was
(a) Contents (g) KesultB of Internal
much displeased at this, although he appears to have (b) Author's Nationality Evidence
had no objection to M.'s presence in Antioch after (c) Readers (h) External Evidence
he and Barnabas had returned from their journey. (d) Place (i) Sources
Ce) Time 2. Theology
Possibly M. returned to Antioch in their company
after the Apostolic Council of 49 or 50 a.d. But The second of the so-calledSynoptic Gospels (q.v.).
when Paul and Barnabas planned a second journey As is the case with all the narrative writings of the
the latter wished to take M. along again, but Paul N T there is no one named as the author of this
refused (Ac 15 37). The disagreement was so posi- Gospel; though the incident given in 14 51 f. is held
tive that Paul and Barnabas parted, and Barnabas by some scholars to be the author's reference to
with M. visited Cyprus once more (Ac 15 39), c. 50 himself, largely on the basis of what is generally as-
A.D. After this time the history of M. is involved in sumed to be the Fourth Evangelist's indefinite ex-
obscurity. In Col 4 10 (c. 60 or 61 a.d.) Paul writes pression of self-reference (cf. Jn 18 16 i.,
to the Church of Colossse that in case M. comes to I. Author- 20 i-io). But even so, there is noway
them, they should receive him, stating also that they ship. of identifying the person there re-
had had some communications regarding him. It is ferred to.
evident that during the preceding ten years M. had As a matter of fact,
it is only by a careful study of
been restored to the Apostle's favor, but when and the contents of the Gospel that we can come to any
how is not known. Col was written from Rome conclusions as to the directions in which its author-
Mark
517 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Mark, Gospel of
ship lies, and these conclusions must at the best be the Aramaic language, which he translates for his
tentative, until subjected to the testimony of the readers' sake (cf. 3 17, 5 41, 7 11, 34, 9 43, 10 46, 14 36,
external evidence. 15 22, 34).
The material of the narrative is arranged in an On the other hand, it is equally clear that the
order which not only follows the recog- readers were Gentile Christians, not simply because
(a) Con- nized general development of Jesus' they were unacquainted with the lan-
tents. ministry, but is practically chronolog- (c) Read- guage and customs of Palestine, for so
ical in its sequence of individual events. ers. were the Jewish Christian readers of Mt
(q.v., §1 d), but because, in addition
After an Introductory Statement, containing the title of
the Gospel (1 ^), the record enters at once upon the Public to the explanation of Aramaic terms, there are
Ministry of Jesus (1 2-13 37), some Latin terms {e.g., 2 4, 6 55 KpdParros, 6 27 a-ire-
This is prefaced by a preliminary narrative con- (1 ^-is), KvkdTaip, 7 4,8, ^4(rT7jSy 15 39, 44 f. AcevruptW 15 16,
sisting of a brief account of the ministry of the Baptist
leading up to Jesus' induction into His work through t6 Uavibv iroi€'iv)j which are used only by him and
(1 ^^),
His baptism (1 »") and His temptation (1 "f.). The Min- some which seem to be used not so much from the
istry proper is then taken up —
very much as Luke gives it in writer's habit of speech as from his desire to be un-
his later Gospel —
from the aspect of Jesus' work among the
derstood by the readers (cf. 12 42, 15 16). At the
people, viz.
same time there is, apart from the remarks of
A, His Popular Ministry (1 1*-8 20),
This popular work is described others, an almost total absence of T quotations.
(A) As it covered the region of Galilee proper (1 >*-7 ^3), There is no indication as to where the Gospel was
prefaced Uy a statement of His coming into Galilee and the written, though perhaps from what has just been said
theme of His message (1"'-), and then taking up the
action of the Ministry, beginning with the call of the four a Latin country might be more likely
fishermen (1 1»"20) and the opening day of the Capernaum (d) Place, than a Greek or Hebrew one would be
work (1 21-34) an(j recording the tours out from Capernaum in other words, the Western rather than
which, while spoken of as for the purpose of preaching
the Eastern region of the Early Church.
(Ktipvfftretv, 1 ^) are reported practically in their character-
,
uttered
This evidence uniformly ascribes the origin of the itspiecing togetherinto one discourse sayings
Gospel to Mark and to M. as in some way connected (cf. Menzies, The Earliest
Gos-
on different occasions
consistently
in the writing with Peter. That M. pel, pp. 30-33), it not only presents a
(h) Ex- could have been associated with the developed plan of Jesus' ministry, but it is in the
temal Apostle is of course evident from a main current of its narrative chronological m^ its
Evidence, glance at the N T notices of him (see sequence of sayings and events. When we consider
previous article). The diflEiculty is sim- the expression used in Papias' statement, however,
ply to determine just what was this association from it becomes evident that this lack of order M.'s m
a literary point of view. writing was a lack of orderly arrangement {rd^is)
Gathering from Jerome back to Papias such state- rather than of orderly sequence (Ko^e^^s)—a con-
ments as have a bearing upon the problem, and dition we could easily understand as applying to
considering their respective values in the way of evi- our Gospel providing M. had in mind some other
dence, it becomes quite clear that, as in the case of Gospel writing up to whose standard arrangement
Mt, Papias furnishes the point of departure for all of material M. had not, in his opinion, come.
the succeeding tradition, not merely because he was As such a standard each one of the Gospel narra-
the earliest witness, but because we can understand tives has been suggested (Mt—Holtzmann, Taylor;
how the other statements by those who came after Lk —Salmon; Jn— Jiilicher, Harnack, Zahn), inclu-
him have been developed from his. ding the Logian document (B. Weiss). Whether it
The statement of Papias is as foUows: "Mark, who is possible to decide among them or not, it is clear
had been Peter's interpreter, wrote down accurately, that with the above imderstanding of his statement
though not in order, whatever he remembered of the there is no reason to doubt that Papias was talking
things said or done by Christ. For he did not hear about our Second Canonical Gospel, substantially
the Lord, neither did he follow Him, but at a later as we have it before us to-day, and not about some
time, as I said, followed Peter, who delivered his hypothetical fragmentary writing by M., which
discourses according to the needs [of each occasion], possibly may have formed the basis for our Gospel
but not with the idea of making a complete arrange- but which has been hopelessly lost.
ment of the Lord's sayings. So that Mark erred in That the sources M. may have had for his nar-
no respect, thus writing down such things as he re- rative were confined to these Gospel discourses of
membered for of one thing he made great care, not to
;
Peter is not likely, whether he wrote
omit anything of what he had heard, or to falsely (i) Sources, during the Apostle's lifetime, when he
state anything in them [as he gave them]." ^ could freely consult with him and gain
From this it would seem that the literary relation from his personal reminiscence such purely individ-
between M, and Peter was connected with Peter's ual incidents as 1 30 ff., 35-38, 3 16, 8 32 £f., 14 30, 66-70,
fragmentary Gospel preaching. This, however, 16 7, which may not have entered into his public
raises the question as to how M. could get from such discourses, or whether he wrote after Peter's death
desultory discourses such a connected narrative as and gathered from the current tradition of the early
our Second Canonical Gospel gives us. Christian community such incidents as the above
In turning to Papias' statement for more detailed (note that Mt 14 28-31, 15 15, 16 17-19, 17 24-27, 18 21;
investigation we find that it tells us that M., who Lk 5 3 fE., 12 41, 22 31 f. are omitted in Mk, which
had been with Peter as his interpreter {ipfnjvevrfjs, alone gives 11 21; cf. also 14 30, 37 with ||s) and such
'translator' —
before audiences whose language the collections of Jesus' sayings as may be evident in
Apostle could not use well enough for pubhc dis- chs. 4, 9, and 13. (See evidence for a written docu-
course), committed to writing what he could re- ment in the phrase 6 dvaytvaxrKcctv voeirta of ver. 14.)
member of Peter's Gospel discourses (StSao-KoXtat), In any event it is most probable that what M. has
which were deUvered not with the purpose of making given us in his Gospel is a reproduction of the com-
a completely arranged presentation {a-vvTo^is) of the mon Apostolic preaching in the Early Church, based
Lord's sayings, but in a way to suit the needs of each perhaps in general on Peter's presentation of it, but
occasion (tt/jAs ras xP^'^^^)t ^md that the writing of at the same time modified by his own wider experi-
them itself was not in order {ov fiev roi rd^ei). ences in company with Paul (cf such Pauline traits
.
The query is, of course, how such a description as 13 35-37 [ = Ro 13 12], 14 36 [ = Ro 8 15; Gal 4 6],
suits the contents of our Gospel. It might be pos- 1 15 [ = Gal 4 4]) and Barnabas.
sible that the statement of Peter's purpose in his dis- This might account for the absence from Mk of the
courses not to completely present the sayings of the Nativity stories and the Genealogies given by Mt
Lord was intended to explain the fragmentary ap- and Lk, which would not be part of such preaching,
pearances of such sayings in our Gospel; but it is not and even for the absence of the Preaching of the
so easy to explain the criticism of M.'s own writing Baptist, the Sermon on the Mount (excepting small
as being not in order; for whatever may be said of fragments, 4 21, 24, 9 43, 47, 60, 10 11, 11 25), the dis-
the Gospel's bringing together into immediate con- course to the Twelve (excepting the brief saying
nection events more probably separated in time or 6 10 f.), with the whole incident of the Seventy and
the parabolic and discourse material peculiar to Lk
* MapKos fxkv ipfXT}V€VTrtg HeTpov yevdjitecos 6<ra efitnjfioveva-eVf
aKpt)3(ri5 eypail/eVf ov fj.iv rot rafet Tavjrb tou xP'O'tov ^ Xe^fleVra
(chs. 9-19 [excepting scattered sayings in Mk ch. 10])
^ npaxQdvra. Dure yap ^Kouo-e tov Kvpiov, ovre 7rap7)Ko\ov0r}<rev which may have come from the primitive Logian
auT<o, v<TTepov fie us ei^ijf , IleTpw os npbg ras ;fpeia$ eirotecTb) ras
document. The fact that generally speaking the
OLSafTKaXta^ cl\K* ovx wtnrep o-uvto^lv t&v KvpiaK&v jrotovp.ei'Oy
Aoytoi/, toicTTe ovSeu rifAapre Mapicos, outus evia ypai^a? wc direjUL-
sayings of Jesus find their way into Mk only in
vr}p.6v€va-€v. 'Evo^ yap inoirja-aTO n-pdcoiai', tou ttijSev Siv t^kovw scattered fashion shows perhaps that he gave them
TrapoAtireti' ^ tpevffairQat, Tt iv avrots (Eus. HE, iii, 39). only as they found their way fragmentarily into
519 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Markf Goispel of
the common preaching (note examples of this in necessary relation to the Salvation which His Mes-
Paul's speech at Miletus, Ac 20 35). In truth, the sianic rule was to offer to the world. As Son of
fact that Mk
has practically but one so-called col- Man He was to be delivered into the hands of His
lected discourse, and this the prophetic one on the enemies (9 31, 10 33, 14 21 [bis] 41), through whom
coming catastrophe and the Parousia (ch. 13), shows He was to suffer many things and be killed (8 31,
how the thought of the primitive disciples was for- 9 12, 31, 10 33), and in this death was to give His life
ward rather than backward (cf, Burkitt, The Gospel a ransom for many (10 4S). From this death, how-
History and its Transmission, p. 264 f.), and how ever. He was to be raised again (8 31, 9 9) and to be
when they preached "Jesus and the resurrection" exalted to the right hand of God (14 62), whence He
they were likely to give, not so much His teachings was to come in glory to judge the world (13 26; cf.
as the facts of His ministry culminating in His 8 38). In all of these passages M. is paralleled by the
death and resurrection as the basis of their personal other synoptics. Associated with this title is the
experience of Him as the Savior of the world. It is more significant one of the Son of God which, how-
the later Gospels, whose plan and purpose were less ever, neither M, nor the others represent Jesus as
objective —as Mt with its Messiahship of Jesus and explicitly using of Himself. At the same time, they
Lk with its universalism of Jesus' religion ^which — all represent Him as accepting its explicit ascription
incorporated the teachings of Jesus as a prepondera- to Himself by others and as implicitly ascribing it to
ting element in their record of His life and work.* Himself. M. restricts this ascription of it to Jesus
When we come to study in detail the thought of by others to four occasions, in all of which he is
M., it becomes at once clear that we have relatively —
paralleled by his fellow evangelists on the occa-
little material at our disposal. The sions of Jesus' baptism (1 li) and His transfigura-
2, The- objective character of the Gospel has tion (9 7), when its use designates Him as the unique
ology. resulted in a characteristic failure to object of the Divine love and as gathering up in
preserve for its readers the teachings of Himself and the mission He was accomplishing the
Jesus. Its presentation of Jesus lies more in what it Divine satisfaction; on one occasion of demonic heal-
represents Him as having done than in what it re- ing (5 7), when it shows Him as regarded by the de-
cords Him as having said. A
statement of its theol- mons as possessed of supernatural powers (to which
ogy, therefore, must necessarily be meager. It is also is prefaced by M. alone a general statement to the
evident that, Mk being the primary Gospel which same effect in connection with His Capernaum work
both Mt and Lk almost wholly have reproduced in following His first preaching tour, 3 11), and at His
their narratives, there is not likely to be much in trial, where the challenge of the High Priest ("Art
M.'s theology which is not shared by the others. thou the Christ, the Son of the Blessed?" 14 61), as
Such peculiarities of position as he may have had far as it can be considered as employing this title, is
in all probability have been made common property made in nothing more than a technical Messianic
by those who so copiously drew from his narrative sense, though Jesus' reply transforms it into the title
to construct their own. The differences which the Son of Man, in which He assumes the possession of a
others show in comparison with him are likely to be Divine glory and power (the confession of the centu-
in the direction of positive additions to his rather rion at the Cross [15 39], though employing this spe-
neutral lines of thinking. cific title, in all likelihood represents nothing more
(1) As to God: While M. shares in the general than a pagan idea of a superhuman hero). The im-
synoptic custom of representing Jesus as ascribing plicit ascription to Himself by Jesus of this title is re-
to God absolute goodness (10 17 f.) and unlimited —
corded by M. in but three passages inall of which he
power (10 27, 12 24, 14 36), he has not, as they have, is paralleled by the other synoptists — once when He
preserved in these ascriptions either the title King is speaking of the final acknowledgment by the Son
or, with four exceptions (8 38, 11 25, 13 32, 14 36), the of Man before His Father of those who have been His
title Father. In but one of these excepted passages true followers on earth (8 38) ; again in His agony in
is His Fatherhood presented as related to Jesus' dis- Gethsemane, where He surrendered Himself in loyal
ciples, and in no case is it even inferentially consid- obedience to the Father's will (14 36) and finally, in
;
looking forward as the reahzation of His mission (14 Menzies, The Earliest Gospel (1901); Swete, The Gospel
According to St Mark (1902). See also J. Weiss. Das
25). There does not seem to be, as there is with the Hamack, / Chronologw d.
alteste Evangelium (1903);
others, any emphasis laid upon the universalismof its altchristliche Literatur (1905); W^lhausen, Emkitung in
scope (though cf. the phrase pecuUar to Mk in 11 17; d. drei Ersten Evangelien (1905); Das
Evangelium Marci
cf. also 14 9 [ = Mt 26 13]), or upon the non-nation-
(1903); Burkitt, The Gospel History and Its Transmission
(1906) Jiilicher, Neue Linien in d Kritik d. Evangel. Ueber-
alism of its plan and purpose (though M. unites
;
(4) As to the Messianic Salvation: Together with tioned in Mic 1 12. Site unknown. E. E. N.
all the synoptists M. represents Jesus as appar-
ently confining eternal life to the future world,
MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE
yet at the same time portraying the rewards of Analysis of Contents
His discipleship as realized in the present life (10 1. The Legal Character of 5. Divorce
29 f.). As to the character of this salvation, this Marriage in the O T. Be- 6. Widowhood and the Levi-
trothal rate Marriage
passage is the only one in which it seems to be de- 2. Marriage Negotiations; 7. Prohibited Marriages
scribed, and here the impression is that it makes the Wedding 8. Historical Development in
good the loss of material things which may come 3. Polygamy Reference to Marriage
4. Adultery and Fornication Customs
through following Him. As to the general con-
ditions on which this Salvation is possible, Jesus is In the O T marriage belongs within the sphere of
represented by M., as well as by the other synoptists, individual law, that is, it took place through a com-
as emphasizing the need of personal relations to Him- mercial contract which was concluded
self (8 34 f., 38, 10 29, 14 5-9) while of the specific con-
; I. The between the man who wished to marry
ditions, both faith (1 15,25, 5 34, 1052; cf.65f.,9 42) Legal and the man who had control over the
and repentance (1 15; cf. 6 12) are mentioned, though Character woman who was sought in marriage. It
special attention seems to be called by M. to the of Marriage concerned to a certain degree also the
enduring of persecutions (13 9-13). In common with in the O T. family or the local community, but the
Matthew, the death of Jesus is presented as the Betrothal, larger public, the people or the state,
means by which this Salvation is secured (10 45, had no interest in the marriages of in-
14 24 [cf. the more specific statement in Mt 26 28]). dividual Istaelites. The legal character of marriage
(5) As to Esckatology: M. shows no difference from isnowhere specifically described in the O T, but pre-
the other synoptists in his merging of the ideas of supposed as understood. For example, the Book
development and consmnmation in the Kingdom (cf of the Covenant (Ex 21 9) speaks of the (known)
the eschatological discourse, ch. 13). At the same rights of daughters, the prophet Ezekiel (16 38-41)
time, besides the parables of the Sower and the Lamp of the (known) law concerning the adulteress. The
(4 21-25), the only parables by the sea which he has carefully guarded position of the first>-bom son (Dt
given are those which emphasize the development 21 15-17) necessarily presupposes fixed regulations
through which the Kingdom is to go (4 26-32). On concerning marriage, and the married woman is
the other hand, he does not seem to have entered into spoken of as h'^'Ulath ba'al (Dt 22 22; Gn 20 3; cf.
any presentation of the idea of judgment beyond the Dt 24 1; Is 54 1; Pr 30 23), i.e., as 'acquired by a
simple statements attached to the parable of the husband,' 'taken into possession.* The prescrip-
Lamp (4 21-25), to the announcement of His Passion tions concerning marriage were not by any means
(8 38), to the remarks on humility and forgiveness all of Israelitic origin. Many regulations may have
(9 43-49), and the pronouncement of national doom been retained by Israel from ancient usage, but
contained in the parable of the Householder and the others were probably taken over from the Canaanite
Vineyard (12 l-U). civilization. If a comparison is made between the
Jesus' prophetic discourse (ch. 13) is, apart from Israelitic law concerning marriage and that of the
the parables, the only collected discourse of any Code of Hammurabi, many distinctions as well as
length which M. has reproduced. This may be due remarkable points of agreement will be found. The
to the prominence in the Early Church of the hope latter can not be explained otherwise than as dUQ
Mark, Crospel of
521 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Marriage and Divorce
to the fact that Babylonian law (c. 2000 B.C.) had the mohar for a kmg*s daughter, Saul fixed upon
exercised an influence upon Israel through the two hundred foreskins of slain Philistines as the
medium of the Canaanite civilization. In addition, price (I S 18 20-27) ; and in order to show the ardent
there are also found such regulations as correspond character of Shechem's love, the narrator of Gn
to the higher spirit of the Israelitic religion. 34 11 f. represents him as declaring himself ready to
So far as the steps preparatory to a marriage are meet any conditions (cf. also the case of Jacob, Gn
concerned, the matter of first importance was the 29 15 ff., and of Othniel, Jos 15 16 f.).
choice of a bride. In antiquity the youths and From a comparison of Ex 22 16 and Dt 22 28 f. it
maidens mingled more freely than has come to be may be inferred that the average price paid for a
the case to-day in Oriental countries, under the in- bride to her father was 50 shekels (so also Cod. Ham.
fluence of Islam. The drawing of water at the 138 f.). It was always understood in such cases
springs or wells, the work in the field, or the care of that the father gave over to the bridegroom the bride
the flocks furnished opportunities where they could as an inviolate virgin; for the Law (Dt 22 20 f.) pre-
see and speak to one another (Ex 2 16 fif.; Gn 29 9-ir; scribed that if this was found not to be the case the
I S 9 11-13; cf. Dt 22 25-27). The young man who bride was to be publicly stoned. It is true that in
wished to marry was consequently easily in the Israel young women were sold in marriage who were
position to seek out for himself, among the maidens no longer virgins; but in such cases the price was re-
of his age and station, the one whom he would prefer duced. Thus, it appears, Hos 3 2 may be taken as
for his life companion; but custom demanded that it indicating that 30 shekels was the usual price of a
should be the father, or one who represented him as slave (cf. Ex 21 32). The same passage shows also
head of the family, who picked out the wife for the that there were various ways of making the payment,
son who was in position to marry. Thus Abraham these being probably so arranged for beforehand.
selected the wife for Isaac (Gn 24 2 flf.), Isaac for Ja- The bridegroom paid over the contract price to the
cob (28 1 ff.), Judah for Er (38 6), Hagar, the mother, father of the bride or his representative, as is evident
for Ishmael (21 21). Of course, there was nothing from such passages as Gn 29 18, 28; I S 18 27; Gn
to prevent the wish of the son being the occasion 34 11 f.; Dt 22 29 (so also Cod, Ham.), The same
of the father's suit (Gn 34 4, 6; Jg 14 1 fE.), or that custom holds to-day among the inhabitants of
the inclination of the daughter should be respected Palestine. Custom did not allow the father to do
(I S 18 20). Indeed, the case is narrated of a son who with the mohar as he pleased. The bride still had
took a strange wife against the will of his parents the right to expect of the father that he would devote
(Gn 26 34 f., 27 46; Jg 14 1-10). But the rule was a part of it to her, or at least to her benefit. Only
that the will of the father or of the parents was de- in this way can the dissatisfaction of the daughters
cisive. This decision was determined mainly by the of Laban be explained over the fact that he, as a
fact that in every marriage two important condi- genuine miser, had used the gain he secured through
tions, relating intimately to the life of the times, had Jacob's service exclusively for himself (Gn 31 15).
to be considered (1) the size and limits of the families
: It is not contradictory to this that at their marriage
or clans involved, and (2) the assm-ance or certainty he had given to Leah and Rachel each a slave as a
that the family estate would be kept ia the posses- handmaid (29 24, 29), for there are other references
sion of the proper family line. One did not willingly to a gift {berdkhdh) which a father might give his
permit his daughter to pass over into a strange daughter at the time of her marriage (Jos 15 18 f.).
family, because there she would be deprived of All such gifts are not to be understood as the dowry
the protection of her own family or clan (Gn 29 19), which the woman brought to her marriage, but they
and one was not inclined to allow the share of ever remained as the individual property of the wife.
the family in the promised land which was in- It is in the post-exilic times that we first hear of an
herited from his fathers to be broken up and inheritance brought by daughters from their parental
pass into strange hands (Nu 36 l ff.)- These inter- estate to their husbands (To 8 12; Sir 25 22) as also of
ests could be better conserved when the knowl- inheritances of daughters in general (Nu chs. 27, 36).
edge of the parents regarding the prospective wife As distinct from the mohar we are also to consider
of the son was determinative rather than the irre- those presents of all kinds which the bridegroom
sponsible inclination of the son himself. The ulti- gave the bride before the marriage (Gn 24 53, 34 12)
mate ground for this law was, without doubt, the which are expressly distinguished from the mohar by
complete, imlimited authority which a father pos- being termed mattan (cf. Cod. Ham. 159 f.). These
sessed over the members of his own family. were the private property of the bride and could be
The second transaction preparatory to the com- viewed as an assurance that the marriage price would
pletion of the marriage contract related to the deter- be paid. It was only through the actual payment
mination of the price through which of the mohar that the young man came to acquire
2. Marriage the bridegroom acquired his prospec- any authority or claim upon the prospective wife.
Kegotia- tive bride from her father. This was Consequently, the Hebrew expression eres (espoused
'
tions : arranged between the parents (or their II S 3 14; Hos 2 21; Dt 20 7) is to be understood as
The Wed- representatives) of the young people something different from 'to be betrothed to one.'
ding. and was called the mohar (dowry, The bride was thereby designated as one upon whom
Gn 34 12; Ex 22 16; I S 18 26, still no longer the father but another had the claim
called mahr by the natives of Palestine) Its .
(mo'orasahj Ex 22 15; Dt 22 23). Whoever violated
amount, also its kind, differed according to the such a (prospective) bride was liable to the same
position and desirability of the bride: when David punishment as the adulterer (Dt 22 23-27; so also
declared that he was without the means to procure Cod. Ham. 130). On the other hand, whoever vio-
Marriage and Divorce A STANDARD BIBLE DiCTIOKARt &2ii
lated a virgin who was still free had to pay her not disappear from his family (ver. 4). And m To
father the mohar and marry the woman (Ex 22 15; 10 7-10 the question comes up for special discussion
Dt22 28f.). whether the young Tobias should remain with
The marriage was completed by the bride being Raguel or should return with his wife to his father.
led from the house of her parents into the house of Here also belongs, in a certain sense, the case of
the bridegroom or that of his parents. This transac- Samson's marriage (Jg ch. 14 f.), which was so ar-
tion, the espousal proper (Song 3 11), signified not ranged that Samson's wife remained in the house
only that now the father had released the bride from of her parents and was visited by Samson only from
his authority and handed her over to the control of time to time (cf. § 8, below). In all such cases the
her future husband (cf. To 7 12), but also that the bride was not brought to the parental house of the
bride had now entered into the fatnily or clan of her bridegroom, and the joyous wedding-week was held
husband (Ps 45 10). Nowhere do we find any men- in the house of her parents.
tion of any covenant or formalities of a religio- Israelitic marriages were regularly polygamous,
juridical sort, as an appeal to God or the like. This in remarkable distinction from the regulations of the
is easily understood if one but keeps in mind that Cod. Ham., which holds fast to monog-
marriage was not considered as going beyond the 3. Polyg- amy as fundamental. According to the
domain of individual law. What we find in Mai amy. terms noted in § 2, an Israelite could
2 14 has to do only with the mode of expression marry as many wives as his means
chosen by the prophet, and the case of Ru 4 11 f. would allow, consequently the rich, and especially
is particular, not general. The Cod. Ham. (128) princes, are mentioned as having a large number (cf
holds that a marriage contract was necessary for the the case of Gideon, Jg 8 30; of David, II S 3 2-5, 5 13;
genuineness of a marriage, but the oldest Israelite and of Solomon, I K 11 1-4). Poor people contented
notices say nothing of this. In To 7 15 we find the themselves with one wife, although that cases were
first mention of such a custom, in order to set forth not rare in which a man had two wives is evident
the pious care and wise forethought of Raguel. from the fact that the law in Dt 21 15-17 deals partic-
Unfortunately, we do not possess a complete de- ularly with such cases. Theoretically, all these wives
scription of the procedure at a wedding. Only a few stood on an equal footing among themselves and
details are occasionally mentioned the elaborately
: with reference to their husband. Actually, however,
clothed bridegroom (Is 61 10), surrounded by his the relationship was generally different. Barrenness,
friends, viol rov wiKJiStvos, sons of the bridechamber loss of youthful charms, or a blemish of some sort
(Mt 9 15; cf. Jgl4ll), betook himself toward evening not only easily robbed a wife of the love of her hus-
(Mt 25 1 ff.) to the house of the bride. She was then band, but also drew upon her ridicule and abuse on
led thence, veiled (Gn 29 23, 25, 24 65), and decked the part of the other wife who was still able to bind
with rich ornaments (Jer 2 32; Is 49 18), surrounded the husband to herself. Consequently, the Law calls
by her friends (Ps 45 1 4), accompanied by music the one smu'dh {i.e., 'set aside,* 'neglected'), the
and song, with lights (Mt 25 l ff.), to the house of the other .'dhubhdh {i.e., 'the loved,' 'cared for') (Dt
parents of the bridegroom, into the bridechamber 21 15-17), both expressions being from the view-point
(To 7l5fE.). Now began the wedding- "week" of the husband. How such wives were accustomed
(Gn 29 27 f.; Jg 14 12; doubled in To 8 18), partici- to treat each other is expressed in the term tsarah,
pated in by those who were bid, which was filled that is, 'enemy,' 'adversary,' with which Peninnah,
with eating and drinking, joking, singing, and dan- the rival wife of Hannah, is designated from the
cing, the guests being clothed in wedding-garments. view-point of the latter, in I S 1 6. Alongside of
J. G. Wetzstein in his essay, Die syrische Drescktafel these legitimate wives the O T also recognizes con-
{Zeitschr. fiir Ethnologie, 1873, pp. 270-302), has cubines (Heb. pillag'^shim) (cf Gr. TraXXaKtff, and the
.
made a collection of the marriage usages and mar- Arab, belkls), that is, female slaves (handmaids,
riage songs of the modern peasants east of the maid-servants) who belonged to the husband and
Jordan and of Lebanon, and in comparison there- were subject to his authority (II S 15 16, 16 21 f.), or
with has recognized the Song of Solomon as a collec- were the property of his wives, and had been given
tion of wedding-songs. K. Budde has carefully over by these to the husband {e.g., on account of
worked out this conception in The New World, their own childlessness) and yet continued to be
March, 1894. According to this theory, we have in under the authority of the respective wives so that
the Song of Solomon a small collection of such songs these remained their mistresses {g'bMrdh, Gn 16 4)
as were sung by the youth in the neighborhood of and could at any time reduce them again to the posi-
Jerusalem at wedding-feasts. In these the friends tion of slaves (Gn 16 6). So, e.g.j BHhah, the female
of the bridegroom (thirty in Jg 14 11; sixty in Song slave of Rachel (Gn 29 29), was made the concu-
3 7) played the chief part, their leader being termed bine of Jacob (35 22). Such concubines could
in Jn 3 29 6 (^i\os rov w^<j>iovy the friend of the either belong to another people or be Israelites.
bridegroom. With the former the law of Dt 21 10-14 is concerned,
In the O T there are also found cases in which the with the latter that of Ex 21 7-11 (cf, Dt 15 12-18;
husband enters the family or clan of the wife. So Jer 34 8 ff.).
Jacob, who indeed later, with the consent of his wives, Between the prescriptions regarding adultery in
severed his connection with Laban, had good ground the case of men and those in the case of women there
to fear that Laban might take away his wives from were marked differences. For men they were lax,
him (Gn 31 14-16, 31). Further, we find in Nu 27 l-ll for women, strict. The prohibition of the Seventh
the regulation that any one who married an heiress Commandment (Ex 20 14; Dt 5 17) is indeed gen-
did so in order that the name of the father might eral; but it leaves open the question of what consti-
A2S A STANMnt) BIBLE DICTIONARY Marriage and Divorce
tutes adultery for a man and what for a woman. Am 2 7, Hos 4 13 f., but also from the measures of
The rigidity of the prescriptions relating to the vir- kings Asa and Jehoshaphat of Judah (I 15 12, K
ginity of the woman who was sought 22 46) and the prohibition in Dt 23 18. Between
4. Adultery in marriage (Dt 22 13-21, 23 ff.; cf. § 2, such 'holy' women and harlots there was often very
and Forni- above) shows that a chaste life on the littledifference (cf. Gn 38 12-18). Such uncleanness
catidn. part of a woman before marriage was at the sanctuaries was always denounced as con-
to be the rule. And since the woman trary to the religion of J". To have intercourse with
was obtained by the man as his wife under fixed harlots was, even in ancient Israel, an offensive
regulations, it is easily understood that absolute matter. The narrative in Gn ch. 38 attempts to
fidelity was to be expected of her. If she were con- excuse the conduct of Judah (vs. 12-15, 20-23). The
victed of guilty conduct, in earlier times she was Book of Proverbs is fully cognizant of the dangers
burned (Gn 38 24), in later times she was brought out of such conduct and emphatically warns against it
naked (Hos 2 5) before the assembled people of the (5 3 ff., 6 20 ff., 7 4 ff., 22 14, 23 27 f., 29 3 f., 30 20). The
locality and by them stoned to death (Ezk 16 38-40, demands of Jesus and the Apostles are remarkable
23 45-47; cf. Dt 22 20 f.; Jn 8 5). Presumably, the not only for their incisiveness, but above all for their
same punishment was meted out to the man who had new religious basis (Mt 5 27-32; I Co 6 9-20; Eph 5 3-5;
seduced the wife of his neighbor (Dt 22 22; Lv 20 10). ColS 5-8;Tit2 2-6; Ja4 4-8).
That in other cases, not made public, the private In accordance with the fimdamental principles
vengeance of the injured husband was to be feared involved in the contraction of a marriage (cf. § 2,
is evident from Pr 6 34. On the other hand, inter- above), the husband alone had the right
course with the concubine of another was not 5, Divorce, to dissolve the marriage, and since in
viewed as adultery, but probably only as injury to such a case he did not receive back the
his property (Lv 19 20). That wives were jealously mohar paid for the wife, so he also volimtarily re-
Watched by their husbands is evident, not only nounced his right to his property when he sent away
from the provisions of Dt 22 13-19, but also from the (Heb. shillah, Gr. diroKveiv, Mt 5 32, 19 3) his wife.
law regarding the drinking of the bitter curse-water Probably the husband's right to drive (Heb. garashj
("water of jealousy," Nu 5 ll-3l), whereby the guilt Lv 21 7) his wife out of the house was in ancient
or innocence of the suspected wife was supposed to Israel unlimited, as it is to-day in Islam. The wife
be established. Even if this law belongs to the went back to her family, with whose wrath the
latest strata of the Pentateuch, it certainly deals husband, at least usually, had to reckon, and had the
with an ancient custom, traces of which are also to privilege of marrying again. But in case the hus-
be found among other peoples. To the husband band was compelled by the wife's family to divorce
was granted much more liberty. Though he also her, and she was given to another man, the first
was forbidden to commit adultery with another husband had the right, as the case of David (II S
man's wife, he was allowed to increase the nmnber of 3 14:-16) shows, to demand back his wife. Dt attempts
his own wives and concubines, according to his de- to regulate such matters in the direction of making
sires and means, and also to have intercourse with divorce more difficult. For example, it stipulates
women outside of his own house, provided only that that the husband must give the wife a "bill of di-
these were not already bound by a betrothal or by a vorcement" (Heb. sepher k'rlthuth, Dt 24 1; Jer 3 8;
completed marriage. In case he violated a still free Is 50 1), and further that something immoral or un-
virgin, he was dealt with according to the law in seemly must be the ground of the divorce (Heb.
Ex 22 15, Dt 22 28 f. What a wife was entitled 'erwath dahharj Dt 24 1), and, finally, that the
to demand from a husband is told in Ex 21 10. divorced wife, in case she in the meantime has
We nowhere read anything to the effect that he married another man, can not again become the
was forbidden extramarital intercourse with other wife of her first husband (Dt 24 1-4; cf. Jer 3 1).
women. There was abundant opportunity for this The expression ^erwath ddbhar was indeed variously
not only in pre-Israelitic Canaan, but also after the understood by the learned Jews. In the time of
Conquest. Harlots (q.v.), zondh, zonoth {wopvT}, I Christ the stricter school of Shammai took it to mean
Co 6 15) were to be found not only in the cities (Is unchaste, shameless conduct on the part of the wife.
23 15 f.; Pr 7 6-23), but also in the country districts The milder school of Hillel, on the other hand,
(Gn38 15). The expression nokhriyydh ('foreigner') understood it to signify some contrariness of dis-
for "harlot" (Pr 2 16, 5 20, 6 24, 7 5, 23 27) implies position or fault on the part of the wife. The latter
that this practise was carried on in Israel originally view, which was also approved by later rabbis,
by foreign women. Married women sometimes made harmonizes well with the meaning of the lawgiver,
a long absence of their husbands from home the who uses the expression in 23 15 in the broader sense
occasion of having dealings with other men (Pr 7 18- (cf. also Cod, Ham. 141, 143).
20). The house of a harlot was a sort of inn where There could be two cases, according to Dt, when a
any one, even an enemy of the land, might stop man lost the right to dismiss his wife: (1) When he
(Jos 2 1 ff.). had done her the injustice of wrongly charging that
In particular, that characteristic of the Caananite she entered the married state not as a virgin (Dt
cultus whereby men and women yielded themselves 22 13-19), and (2) when he was compelled to marry
at sanctuaries, in honor of the deity, was a great a virgin who, while yet unbetrothed, had been
incentive to unchastity. Such persons (masc. violated by him. Mai 2 10-16 goes beyond Dt when
q'dheshlm, fem. q'dheshothj i.e., 'dedicated to deity,* it denounces him as dealing "treacherously" who
hence not permitted to marry) were to be found at divorces "the wife of his youth." Nevertheless, the
the sanctuaries of J", as is evident not only from later times held to the regulation of Dt (cf. Mt 5 31 f.,
Marriage and Divorce A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 534
Mary
attempt
19 3-12). The provisions of Cod. Ham. 134 ff. are brother (cf. the opposite in Ps 60 8). The
in Lv 18 16, 20 21 to forbid such marriages
was not
more favorable to the wife.
Throughout the O T widows appear as needing In Mt 22 24 the usage of Dt ch. 25
is
successful.
of the
assistance. Their condition must, therefore, have presupposed as in vogue and made the basis
been sad. Legally, they belonged to Since daughters, in case there
were no
discussion.
sons, had the right of inheritance (Nu 27
l ff.), the
6. Widow- the private property of the husband
levitate marriage was probably limited
to such cases
hood and (§ 2, above), and could, like this, be
in which the father had left behind no children
at all.
the Levi- inherited! So Absalom played the r6Ie
rate Mar- of the heir of his father David when he The later law (Nu 27 4) provided that the name of
riage. took possession of the concubines left the father could be preserved in the family through
behind in Jerusalem by David (II S the daughters (cf. § 2, above).
16 20-22; cf. 20 3). Asimilar meaning is implied in Under this heading belong, in the first place, the
the conduct of Abner (II S 3 7 ff.), and in the de- mixed marriages, i.e., unions with Canaanite or
mand of Adonijah (I K
2 13-22; cf. Gn 35 22). Fur- other heathen peoples, which are for-
thermore, this was the ground of the custom that a 7. Pro- bidden in Dt 7 1-4, 23 4-7; Ex 34 15 f.,
son should marry his stepmother, which indeed is hibited because thereby the worship of other
forbidden in Dt 22 30, 27 20; Lv 18 8, 20 11; but never- Marriages, gods would be introduced into Israel.
theless was usual even down to the time of Ezekiel This prohibition marked a sharp dis-
(Ezk 22 10). On the other hand, we find instances tinction against the earlier customs which saw
of widows living by themselves with their sons or nothing irregular in marriage with the native popu-
other dependents (II K
4 l ff., 8 l ff. cf. II S 14 5 ff.
; lation of Canaan. When, after the occupation of
Ru 1 6 ff.; also the case of the widow of Zarephath, Canaan, the unity of the local commimity found place
I K 17 8 ff.). Such instances may be in part cases alongside of the tribal unity and in part supplanted
in which the widow sought to conserve the property it, it was impossible to avoid marriages between
of her husband for her minor sons. A widow herself Israelites and Canaanites. Numerous passages show
had no right of inheritance to the property of her that this actually took place (Jg 3 6f.; II S 11 3,
husband. There seems to have been no fixed regula- 23 34; I K
7 14, etc.; Dt 21 10 ff.). The prohibition
tion in ancient Israel concerning the care of widows, of Dt evidently found its reason in the religious or,
but, on the other hand, their defenseless position was more correctly, cultus view-point of the party of
used by many men as the occasion for advancing reform of those days (7th cent.). After the Exile
their own interests (II K
8 1 ff.; Is 10 2; Mic 2 9). it cost Nehemiah and Ezra anxious care to carry
The prophets came forward, therefore, as their through the prescriptions of this law among the
champions (Is 1 17; Jer ch. 6). Dt provides that the Jewish families in and about Jerusalem (Neh 13 23 ff.
gleanings of the field and the vineyards should be Ezr ch. 9 f.; Mai 2 14, where *esheth h'rlthehh means
left for them (24 19, 21; cf. Ru 2 2), and includes them 'your wife of the Jewish faith'). Furthermore, in
among those who should have a share in the tithes Dt and in PC marriages with persons of the following
of the third year and be invited to take part in the degrees of relationship are forbidden: with the wife
sacrificial meals (14 28 f., 26 12, 16 11, 14). In later of a father (Dt 22 30, 27 20; Lv 18 8, 20 ll) with one's
;
times (as earlier in the Cod. Ham. 171 f.) widows own sister or step-sister (Dt 27 22; Lv 18 9, 11, 20 17);
were better cared for. Tobias, e.g.^ received his full with the mother-in-law (Dt 27 23) ; with a niece (Lv
inheritance from Raguel only after the death of his 18 10) with an aimt on the father's or mother's side
;
mother-in-law (To 8 20). (Lv 18i2f., 20 19); with the wife of the father's
The position of the childless widow was particu- brother (Lv 18 14, 20 20); with a daughter-in-law
larly sad, since even during the lifetime of her hus- (Lv 18 15, 20 12) ; with the wife of a brother (Lv 18 16,
band she usually enjoyed no consideration (IS 1 6 f. 20 21) ; with mother and daughter (or niece) at the
Gn 16 4), In case a husband died without leaving same time (Lv 18 17, 20 14; cf. Dt 27 23); with two
behind a son even by one of his concubines, the ancient sisters at the same time (Lv 18 18), Such marriages
custom demanded that his surviving brother should were, however, in the earlier times not rare (cf. the
marry the widow in order to preserve the name and cases of Abraham, Jacob, etc.; also Ezk 22lOf.,
inheritance of the dead. Then the first son born of and above). The prohibition in regard to these
§ 6,
this marriage was counted as the descendant and marriages was probably worked out in connection
heir of the dead brother. This attempt to give to with the opposition against Canaanite cults (cf.
one already dead a son by means of the 'levirate Lv 18 3, 24 ff.).
marriage' (from levir, ^husband's brother') is evi- The regulations concerning marriage were of the
dently to be traced back to the prehistoric wor- greatest importance to the Israelites, since the social
ship of ancestors which demanded that the worship organization of the people rested alto-
due a father should be assured through his son after 8. Histor- gether upon the family. For clan and
the father's death. For a widow this preserved a ical Devel- tribe were nothing else than expanded
valuable right for which Tamar contended with the opment in families. The head of a family was the
greatest cleverness against Judah (Gn ch. 38), who Reference master of all its branches through the
;
had promised her his third son. In Dt 25 5-10 this to Marriage means of the family, custom and law
custom is sanctioned, and yet it ia allowed to the Customs, were regulated. The family also was the
brother-in-law to refuse to enter upon such a mar- primary cultus organization (I S 1 1 ff.
riage. The custom therein prescribed of drawing off 20 6, 28 f.; Ex 13 8, 14; Dt 12 7, 12, 18, 16 U, 14). An
the shoe (Heb. hdlitsak; cf. Ru 4 7) signified prob- Israelitic family was founded by the father, who
ably the renunciation of the inheritance of the wished to continue the existence of his clan. The
Marriage and Divorce
525 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Mary
father was the master of the wives and children. J. Wellhausen, Die Ehe bei den Arabern, in Nachtrichten
Of matriarchy only a few traces survived in Israelitic von d. Oesellsckaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen (1893).
pp. 431 fif.; F. A. Klein, in ZDPV, Bd. IV, VI; Baldens-
customs. One may compare the marriage of Sam- perger, in PEFQS (1899-1901); Heb. Archaologie of
son (Jg ch. 14 f.; cf. § 2, above). Marriages between Nowack (1894), Benzinger (1907^). H, G.
brother and sister (not of the same mother; cf Gn .
pose that the relationship was not reckoned accord- MARSENA, mflr-sl'na. See Princes, The
ing to the father. Seven.
Polygamy, which it is evident from Jos. {Ant.
XVII, 1 2) was a prevalent custom, involved a lower MARSHAL: The rendering of ^opMr (Jg 5 14,
prove the condition of women. At the same time, least six women in the N T. In the O T "Miriam"
the growing estimation of the worth of woman, the occurs only as the name of the sister of Moses (Ex
increasing individualizing of spiritual life, together 15 20; Nu 12 1; Mic 6 4) and of the daughter (or son?)
with the deep horror of unbridled sexual license, led of Jether (I (3h 4 17). The frequency of its Greek
to the judgment that only lifelong monogamy with equivalent in the N T can be easily accounted for as a
absolute prohibition of divorce corresponded to the result of the popularity of "Mariamme" {Mapidfifirj,
Divine ideal of marriage (Mk 10 2-12; I Co 7 lOf.). and less correctly "Mariamne" Mapidfivr)), the grand-
On a lower level than the formulation of Jesus daughter of Hyrcanus II, the last Hasmonean ruler
(Mk 10 5-9) is to be placed the judgment of Paul, of the Jews and the favorite wife of Herod the Great
who saw the ideal in absolute celibacy and considered (Jos. Ant. XIV, 12 l; BJ, XII, 1 3). i. Mary the
marriage only as a lesser, although often wholesome, mother of Jesus. See Mary, the Virgin.
evil (I Co 7 1-7, 38; cf. I Ti 3 2, 12, 4 3-5, 5 9; Tit 1 6; 2. Mary Magdalene. —
Among the women who
Rev 14 4) than license. accompanied Jesus and the Twelve on the tour
Litehatube: W. Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage m through Galilee one named Mary bore the surname
Early Arabia (1885); Ch. Stubbe, IHe Ehe im A T (1886); Magdalene, UayBahjprj, 'of Magadan' q.v. (but cf.
Mary- 536
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
Mary, the Virgin
as_ is evi-
Schmiedel in EB, art. Mary, § 26. For variant ex- ment to Jesus was none the less strong,
His
planations of the surname cf. also Lightfoot, Hor. denced by the fact that she was found visitmg
This Mary at the earliest opportunity
Heb. on Mt 27 56). is singled out as one tomb, apparently alone,
from whom Jesus had cast out "seven demons" (Lk offered after His burial (Jn 20 i). The Magdalene
Mk 16 9), As demonic possession in those days of tradition and art is almost altogether
a creature
8 2;
was assumed to be the general cause of ailments and of the imagination. She derives her
name from
disorders, this means that she was cured of a serious Mary of Magdala, her interest as a penitent from the
disability; but exactly what this was is disputed. assumed identity of this Mary with the sinful woman
According to some, the ailment was mainly moral of Lk 7 36, and the remainder of the creation is pure
aberration, possibly complicated with physical and fancy.
mental disease. Those who thus explain the case 3. Mary the Mother of James and Joses, Wife
allege that Jewish usage confused certain forms of of Clopas. —Another Maiy, Synoptics
"the mother James
of
27 66, 61;
immorality with demonic possession (cf. Lightfoot, and Joses," is named in the (-Mt
Hor. Heb. on Lk 8 2; Jer. Vit Hil. Erem.; the latter cf. Mk 15 40) as one of those who witnessed the
specifically names possession by an amoris doemon). Crucifixion. In Mt 28 1 this same Mary
is called "the
If this be the true description of the evil from which other Mary." the parallels Mk 16 1 and Lk
When
Jesus delivered Mary, it becomes at once extremely 24 10 are brought into comparison, no doubt is left
probable that she is the same as the "sinner" who that "the other Mary" is "the mother of James and
anointed His feet at the house of Simon the Pharisee Joses." In the Johannine report of the Crucifixion,
(Lk 7 36 ff.). Some have gone further and identified however, the place of the mother of James and Joses
her with Mary, the sister of Martha and Lazarus in the list of the woman who witnessed the Cruci-
of Bethany (cf. David Smith, In the Days of His fixion is occupied by "Mary the wife of Clopas" (Jn
Flesh, 1905, pp. 206-211). Of this Mary, too, it is 19 25). At first sight this identification also appears
said that she "anointed the Lord with ointment and to be beyond doubt, but considerable difficulty is ex-
wiped His feet with her hair." The identification of perienced on account of the confused data regarding
Mary Magdalene, however, with Mary of Bethany Clopas. This nstme is certainly not to be identified
upon this ground is quite precarious. Anointing, with Cleopas in Lk 24 18. It may be regarded as the
though not frequently mentioned, when spoken of at same as Alphaeus, since both represent the same
all, is assumed to be a not unusual act of courtesy, Aramaic Halphay (cf. Lightfoot, Gal. p. 256; but, per
and could easily have occurred twice during the contra, cf. Schmiedel in EB, art. Clopas). In such
career of a personage such as Jesus Christ. All that a case James "the Less" (Mk 15 40) must have been
is known otherwise of Mary of Bethany is incon- like Matthew (Levi) a son of Alphaeus, and, as par
sistent with her being the sinful woman of Simon's tristic tradition has it, a "tax-collector" (cf. Chrysost.
banquet. Whether Mary Magdalene was the same Horn, in Matt. 23, "two tax-collectors, Matthew and
as that sinful woman must depend on the nature of James"). If true, this identification would place
her aberration and cure. If this was moral, the two Mary's interest in Jesus in a clearer light. But
designations may refer to the same person; if only Clopas may be altogether independent of any one of
mental, they must belong to different individuals. the persons mentioned in the Synoptic narrative.
The reasons for identifying the two which are de- If so, he was either the father or the grandfather of
rived from the alleged linguistic usage (as given James and Joses, the former if Mary was the wife, the
by Lightfoot, cited above) lose their force when latter if she was the daughter, of Clopas. But neither
closely scrutinized; and apart from these reasons of these methods of identifying the mother of James
there is no ground for the view that Mary Magdalene and Joses with the Mary of Clopas is convincing, and
was the "sinner" of Lk 7 36 ff. The nature of the it is possible to suppose, since the name is common
ailment described as possession by "seven demons" enough otherwise, that the author of the Fourth
must be largely a matter of speculation and conjec- Gospel may have had some other Mary in mind re-
ture. The number itself may be taken in a twofold garding whom nothing else is known. (See Breth-
sense. It may refer to the unusual violence of the ren OF THE Lord.)
attacks of the malady, making the cure a permanent 4. Mary of Bethany, —
Mary, the sister of Martha,
source of the greatest relief and gratitude. But the appears in Lk 10 38-42 as an eager listener at the feet
"seven demons" may also be conceived as possess- of Jesus. The residence of the two sisters is in this
ing the sufferer not simultaneously but successively. passage given as "a certain village." In Jn ch. 11 f.
It is not unusual after a mental ailment has been Martha and Mary again appear as the friends and
cured by suggestion for it to return. This recur-
'
hosts of Jesus, but this time more definitely located
rence may have been counted as a second demon, and at Bethany. The characterization of the two sisters,
each subsequent lapse following a temporary cure an as well as their names, is the same as in the Lucan
additional one. This ingenious suggestion, made by story, and whatever hesitancy may exist about
Schmiedel (EB, art. Gospels, § 144), would imply identifying the household of the "certain village"
that the cure of Mary by Jesus consisted not in one with that of Bethany is altogether overbalanced by
permanent act but in many successive treatments, these obviously common characteristics. Mary of
a view which, to say the least, is not the prima facie Bethany takes a place among the disciples of Jesus
meaning of the Gospel narrative. Mary's disciple- as a distinct type of the mystic and contemplative
ship seems to belong to the latter part of Jesus' believer. The view that she was the same person as
ministry. Apart from Lk 8 2, she appears by name Mary Magdalene, or the "sinner" of Lk 7 37, is not
only in the story of the Passion and Resurrection supported by sufficient evidence.
(Mt 27 56, 28 1, and ||). But even if late, her attach- 6. Mary the Mother of Mark. —
"Mary the mother
Mary
537 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Mary, the Virgin
of John whose surname is Mark" (Ac 12 12) was the earthly and physical character (Mt 12 46-50). Yet at
owner of the house in which the disciples assembled His crucifixion, which Mary witnessed in a womanly
for prayer when Herod put James to death and cast and motherly spirit, Jesus also showed His appreci-
Peter into prison. The latter upon his deliverance ation of the earthly filial relation through the com-
from prison immediately hastened to this meeting- mittal of His mother to the care of the beloved
place. Besides these details no further information disciple (Jn 19 26-27). After the resurrection and
is given of her in the NT. It is safe to infer, how- ascension of Jesus, Mary appears as a devout mem-
ever, that she was a widow, otherwise her husband's ber of the first company of believers (Ac 1 14), but
name must have stood as that of the owner of the without any discernible preeminence among them.
house. She also must have occupied a prominent In these few and simple allusions to her the N T
place in the Christian community. The fact that gives in a restrained and chastely rational picture all
Barnabas was a "cousin" (Col 4 10, "sister's son" the authentic materials we possess regarding Mary.
AV) of Mark shows her to have been related to Soon after the close of the Apostolic Age, the
Barnabas. In later Christian literature her house is process began 6i embellishing and expanding these
located on Mt. Zion (the SW. hill, according to later authentic data. The result is shown
theory). The house also is said to have served as 2. Mary in best in the Prote^angelium Jacobi
the meeting-place of Christ and the disciples at the the N T (cf. Tischendorff, Ev. Apocr.^ 1876),
time of the Last Supper, of the Ascension, and of Apocrypha, although individual traces of this
Pentecost. See Jerusalem, § 42. mythologizing tendency are to be found
6. Mary the Friend of Paul. —
^The "Mary'" who as early as Justin Martyr andTertullian. According
bestowed much labor on the Roman Christians to the document named, the parents of Mary were
("you," Ro 16 6, "us" AV) was apparently an active Joachim and Anna, a childless pair, who like Hannah
Christian in Rome. About her life and services, (I S ch. 1) vowed that in case their prayer for off-
however, nothing more is known than is given in this spring should be answered, they would consecrate
brief salutation by Paul. The condition of the text the child to a life of service in the Temple. Mary
leaves it somewhat uncertain whether the services was born and Anna at once placed her under the
for which she is singled out were rendered to Paul care of pure virgins. One year later, her father
{els T^iJi-as), among the Romans {iv vfilv) or to the secured her special consecration by priests with the
Romans {elsvfias). A. C. Z. accompaniment of a sacrificial banquet. At the end
of her third year, she was led in a procession of torch-
MARY, THE VIRGIN: In the N
T the Virgin bearers to the Sanctuary, and there "grew like a dove
Mary represented as a descendant of the house
is which builds her nest in the Temple." Her nourish-
of David (Lk 1 27; Ro 13; but these ment came through the hands of angels. When she
I Mary as may be references to the genealogy of
. reached the age of twelve, it became necessary that
Represented Joseph). Her kinswoman Elisabeth, she should be removed from the Temple. The ques-
in the N T. however (Lk 1 36), was "of the daugh- tion how to accomplish this was answered by an
ters of Aaron" (Lk 1 5). But this re- angel directing that all the widowers should be
lationship, too, may have
been established some assembled together into the presence of the high
generations earlier by marriage. In the evangelic priest Zachariah and that each should bring a staff
narratives, Mary appears quite rarely. Of her per- in his hand. The high priest took the staves into
sonal history before her betrothal to Joseph the the Holy Place, where he offered his prayer. Coming
N T gives no hint. In the accounts of the birth of out thence, as he returned them to their owners a
Jesus, she naturally stands in the foregroimd (Mt dove flew out of the staff of Joseph, the carpenter of
118,20; Lk l27ff., 2 5 ff.), and in general these Nazareth, and alighted on his head. This was recog-
accounts are so framed as to harmonize with the nized as the sign of Joseph's being chosen to take
extraordinary character of the circumstances re- charge of Mary (not as his wedded wife but as a
corded. They throw a poetic halo about the person ward entrusted by the Temple officials to his care).
of Mary as well as about the mystery of the Nativity. Presently it became necessary to weave a new curtain
In the story of the life and work of Jesus, however, (veil) for the Temple. Seven virgins were appointed
the personality of His mother is not put into a promi- to do this work, and Mary was added to the number.
nent place. His words as a child of twelve in the It was during the making of the curtain that the
Temple (Lk 2 49) are just as full of mystery for her angel of the annunciation appeared to her (as in Lk
as they are for Joseph. When she is again men- ch. 1). Mary, being found pregnant, was called with
tioned (though this time the report is found in the Joseph before the Sanhedrin, and at the instigation
characteristically different account of the Fourth of the learned Rabbi Hannas, both she and Joseph
Gospel, Jn 2 1-12) she seems to have some intimation were made to undergo the ordeal of "bitter water",
of His possessing more than natural powers. Yet as prescribed in Nu 5 18 n. This they stood, proving
there is something about her notion, at least, as to the their innocence. On the way to Bethlehem (as in
use of these powers that stands in need of correction. Lk 2 4), the time for the birth of her child having
But in the matter of the failure of His brothers to arrived, she took refuge in a cave. The universe,
believe in Jesus (Jn 7 5), the evidence, though nega^ visible and invisible, lapsed into a profound silence
tive,indicates that Mary was more sympathetic and of expectation. Joseph hastened to bring a midwife,
expectant in her attitude than they. Jesus, on His but f o;md the cave overshadowed by a cloud which
part, is represented as placing more stress on the presently lifted, revealing a great light and the infant
spiritual relationship to Him involved in obedience Jesus was seen resting on the bosom of His mother.
to His Father's will than on relationships of a merely When Salome was informed by the midwife of the
Mary, the Virgin 528
Matthew A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
wonder of a virgin giving birth to a child, she dis- and partly upon the
origin for the Savior of mankind,
believed and was punished with the burning of her harmony between it and the church doctrme of
hand; but upon taking the child into her arms as Christ's person and work. (For a full discussion,
directed by an angel, she was at once healed. From Lobstem,
see Saltan, Birth of Jesus Christ, 1903;
Birth and
this point onward the apocryphal narrative coalesces Virgin Birth of Christ, 1903; Sweet, The
Infancy of Jesus Christ, 1906; Orr, The
with the canonical, recounting the visit of the magi, Virgin
the murder of the children at Bethlehem, and other Birth of Christ, 1907.) Historically, the question
details, with the exception that instead of represent- whether Mary is the sole human parent of Jesus must
ing Jesus as saved from Herod's murderous inten- stand or fall with the acceptance or rejection of the
tions by flight into Egypt, it states that He was evangelic infancy-narratives as absolutely credible
taken into a cleft in the mountain and there con- testimony, issuing from Mary herself. In the ab-
cealed until the danger was past. sence of strong grounds for their rejection, their
Another class of additions to and embellishments general apparent sanity, their freedom from objec-
of the biography of Mary are those which relate the tionable features on a subject of such delicacy,
manner of her leaving the earthly life. These are of and the early and implicit credit given them in the
a somewhat later origin. Two apocryphal Greek Christian community entitle these narratives to be
writings now extant in Latin translations {De Tran- believed as true accounts of fact.
situ Marios) of the end of the fourth or the beginning The thought of the virginity of Mary at the time
of the fifth century contain the legend of the trans- of the birth of Jesus has led to further developments.
portation of the soul of the Virgin to heaven by These, however, for the most part
Christ and His angels, followed subsequently by the 4. Mary in possess a historical rather than a Bib-
transportation also of her body in a cloud. In the Ecclesias- lical interest. They are traceable to
earlier centuries it was more commonly believed, upon tical Liter- diverse motives. The predominance of
the basis of Lk 2 35, that she had suffered martyr- ature and the ascetic idea and the belief in the
dom. Epiphanius is uncertain as to whether or not Dogma, superior merit inherent in the celibate
Mary died and was buried. The current tradition and virgin state led to the notion that
finally settled down to the negative of this question. the mother of Jesus must be not only a virgin before
The title "Virgin" has been attached to the name and in the process of giving birth to her Divine Son,
of Mary in all Christian literature because of the firm but must have remained a virgin ever afterward
belief that the birth narratives (Mt (perpetual virginity) Accordingly, Jesus could have
.
3. Mary, 1 18-25; Lk 1 26-2 21) record exact his- had no brothers or sisters in the strict and true sense
the Virgin, torical facts. The position of tradi- of the terms. Hence to explain the occurrence of
tional Christianity on this point was in the phrase "brethren of the Lord" it was proposed
ancient times met by Jews and opponents of Chris- to construe it as meaning either cousins, or children
tianity among the heathen (Celsus) with the allega- of Joseph by a previous marriage (the Hieronym-
tion that Jesus was the unlawful son of Mary and ian and Epiphanian views; see Brethren of the
Panderas {UavdTjp, UavBrjpaSj corrupted from Trap- Lord). Another interest centering about the person-
6evos, 'virgin,' the distinctive title of Mary among ality of Mary was the dogmatic one of the sinlessness
Christians). The Talmud (cf. Laible's essay, Jesus of Jesus. If she was the mother of the sinless nature
Christus im Talmud, in Schriften des Institutum Jw- of Jesus she must herself have somehow been purged
daicum in Berlin, 1891, pp. 9-39), in addition, rep- of original sin. The idea legitimately worked out
resents Mary as a professional braider of women's led, though only as late as the middle of the 19th
hair, a calling which was not considered very rep- cent., to the dogma of the immaculate conception of
utable. The animus of all this, however, is too Mary. Still another interest finds its starting-point
transparent to admit of its being allowed weight as in the respect that Mary had earned as the mother
historical evidence. In modern times, doubts re- of the Savior of mankind. In the Biblical narrative,
garding the virgin birth have been based on histor- this natural deference to her as a privileged char-
ical-critical and scientific-philosophical grounds. (1) acter appears in the addresses of the angel and of
The birth narratives in Mt and Lk, the only portions Elisabeth (Lk 1 28, 42). From natural felicitation to
in which explicit mention of the virgin birth is made, veneration and from veneration to adoration, first
are said not to belong to the earliest tradition of the akin to that due to God and afterward identical with
life and work of Jesus. (2) The idea of the virgin it, were inevitable steps, though many generations
birth was, it is alleged, first deduced from a misin- passed before the last one was taken. The con-
terpretation of Is 7 14, and then constructed into a troversy whether Mary should be called the "mother
historical statement and inserted in the evangelic of God," involving the story of Nestorianism with all
narrative. (3) The notion of virgin birth for ex- leads to subjects which are altogether
its sequels,
traordinary men is quite common among the peoples outside the field of Biblical interest even in its
of the earth, even those most developed intellec- broadest and most indirect associations.
tually (Hindus, Greeks, etc.), and was imported into
the story of Jesus. (4) The notion is an outcome Literature : The Ante-Nicene Christian Library, vol. XVI
(Clark), contains translations of the apocryphal Protevan-
in the historical sphere of the dogma of the essential
gelium Jacobi, Evang. ThomcB, Evang. de Nativitate Maries,
divinity of Jesus. Per contra, the defense of the Historia de Naiiv, Marice et de InfanticB Salvatoris, His-
traditional conception is conducted partly upon the toria Josephi, Evang. Infantice, deDormitione, and de Travr
presumptive truth of the evangelic narrative, whose situ Marice. See also Lehner, Die Marienverehrung in den
ersten Jahrhunderten (1881), and Neubert, Marie dans
early date and genuineness are strenuously contended
I'Eglise Antenicienne (1908); and article by J. B. Mayor
for, partly upon the a -priori fitness of such an earthly in HDB.
A. C. Z.
Mary, the Virgin
529 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Matthew
MASH, mash. Neh 11 22) and leader of the singers (Neh 11 17, 12 8).
See Ethnography and Eth-
3. A Levite of the sons of Asaph, and a contempo-
nology, § 11.
rary of Jehoshaphat (II Ch 20 14) (= preceding?).
MASHAL, m^'shal. See Mishal. 4, 5, 6, 7. Four who married foreign wives (Ezr 10
MASON, See Artisan Life, 26 f., 30, 37). 8. A doorkeeper in the Temple (Neh
§ 4.
(Gn 25 u). See Ethnography and Ethnology, MATTATHA, mat'a-tha {Marradd) : An ancestor
§11. E.E.N. of Jesus (Lk 3 31). E. E. N.
MASSAH, mas'a ("IJ^, 7na§sdK)j 'testing'; cf.
MATTATHIAS, mat'Vthai'as {MarTaSlas, Heb.
"temptation" AVmg., "tempting," or "proving" mattithya, 'gift of J"'): This name, common in the
RVmg. The name given the place where the chil-
:
later O T times, occurs also in the Maccabaean
dren of Israel tempted J* by doubting His presence period. 1. A
priest in Modein, the father of the
with them (Ex 17 7). Massah is also named in Dt fiveMaccabaean brothers (I Mac 2 i). See Macca-
616, 9 22; Ps 95 8; but it is uncertain whether this bees, The. 2. One of the captains in the army
is independent of the Massah where Levi was tested of Jonathan Maccabeeus (I Mac 11 70). 3. A son
(Dt33 8f.). A. C. Z. of Simon the high priest (I Mac 16 14^16). 4, An
MAST. See Ships and Navigation, § 2.
envoy sent by Nicanor to Judas Maccabaeus (II
Mac 14 19). 5, 6. The name is twice found in Luke's
MASTER: This term renders: (1) ddhon, es- genealogical table. In 3 25 M. the son of Amos, the
pecially when this
refers to persons other than God seventh removed from Joseph, and in 3 26 the son of
(Gn 24 9 ff., etc.). It is used also to translate (2) Semein, the thirteenth from Joseph. J. M. T.
sar, 'prince,' 'chief (I Ch 15 27); (3) ba'al, 'owner'
(Ex 22 8; Jg 19 22 f.; Ec 12 11; Is l3); (4) 'er MATTATTAH, mat'at-ta (Hl^n^, mattattak,
(Mai 2 12, "him that wakeneth" RV), and (5) rdbh Mattathah AV) : One of the "sons of Hashum''
(Jon 16; Dn 1 3, 4 9, 5 11); (6) Mda-KoKos (mostly (Ezr 10 33). E.E.N.
in the Gospels in AV, "teacher" RV); (7) bea-iroTTjSj
'sovereign master' (I Ti 6 l f.; II Ti 2 21; Tit 2 9; MATTENAI, mat'Vii^'ai Ci^^, mattmay): 1,
I P 2 18) ; (8) ema-TaTTjs, 'overseer' (Lk 5 5, 8 24, 45, One Hashum" (Ezr 10 33). 2. One
of the "sons of
9 33, 49, 17 13) (9) KadrjyrjTrjs, 'guide,' 'leader' (Mt
;
of the "sons of Bani" (Ezr 10 37). 3. priest (Neh A
23 10); (10) Kvptos, 'lord' (Mt 6 24; Eph 6 5; Col 3 22, 12 19). E.E.N.
etc.) (1 1) Kv^epmjrrjs, 'steersman,' 'shipmaster'
;
This call was evidently intended by Jesus as a rection), nevertheless is presented in such a topical grouping
of its teachings and its events as really to control the whole
further object-lesson to the scribes and Pharisees,
disposition of its material. There comes first
before whom He had just healed the paralytic in
A. The Galilean Ministry (5 i-15 20), consisting of
proof of His right to forgive sins without resort to I. A group of representative discourses treating of
ceremonialism; for along with all his class M. was the Messianic Kingdom (5 i-7 29) then :
unchurched by the religious leaders of the people, II. A group of representative miracles, typical of
—
Messianic times showing Jesus' popularity (8 i-
so that no more practical evidence of Jesus' inde- —
9 34) an alternation which is then repeated with
pendence of ceremonialism could be given than to III. A group of representative discourses treating of
call M. to His discipleship. It is evident that before —
the Messianic Kingdom showing a growing op-
3S-13 ^^), and
position against Jesus (9
his call M. must have been familiar with Jesus and
IV. A group of representative miracles, illustrating
His gospel message and mission, since the prompt- Messianic times (14 i-^^) —followed by an ap-
ness of his response implied an intelligent imder- parently isolated discourse treating of the Mes-
sianic Kingdom (15 1-20). Then follows
standing of what was involved in the caU, The
B. The North Galilean Ministry (15 21-17 20)^ presented in
"great feast" which, following his call, M. made to his
V. A group of miracles illustrating in outlook the
new Master (Lk 5 29 ff.) was, therefore, of special sig- future missions to the Gentiles (15 21-39), then
nificance; for it was given not only with an under- VI. A group of discourses treating of the rejection of
standing of what his call involved for himself, but Israel and announcing the coming Passion (ch.
VIII. The triumphal entry into the city, with its con-
and his general position in the theological thought of nected incidents and remarks (21 i"i''), and then
the Early Church, see the following article. IX. Agroup of representative discourses treating of
M. W. J. the rejection of Israel (21 18_25 4s).
Then there is given the concluding narrative of
D. The Passion and the Resurrection, closing with the Final
World Commission to the Disciples (chs. 26-28).
MATTHEW, GOSPEL OF
It is obvious from even a cursory study of these
Analysis of Contents contents that the author was a Jewish Christian.
1. Authorship and Historical (f) Time (1) The whole narrative is cast so in the
Character (g) Place (b) Nation- Messianic mold that any other con-
(a) Contents (h) Results of Internal ality of elusion is quite impossible. (2) Fur-
(b) Nationality of Au- Evidence
thor (i) External Evidence
Author, ther than this, a detailed study will
(c) His Gentile Point (i) Sources show that Jesus is not only presented
of View (k) Conclusions definitely as the Jewish Messiah (e.g., 1 1 [cf. 9 27,
(d) Readers 2. Theology
Motive 12 23, 15 22, 21 9, 16], 1 16-18, 2 4, 27 17, 22 [cf. 2 2]),
(e)
but His birth, the events of His life and His death
The first of the group of the so-called Synoptic are connected with O T specific predictions, and are
Gospels (q.v.). displayed in a perfectly Jewish spirit as the necessary
This Gospel, in common with the others, fails to outcome of the Divinely prearranged plan (e.^.,1 22 f.,
name any one as its author, or even to hint, as some 2 16, n f.,- 23, 4 14-16, 8 17, 12 17-21, 13 36, 21 4 f., 27 9).
of the others do, at a more or less (3) Finally, there is a distinct tendency in the narra-
1. Author- possible identification. Consequently, tive to revert to theocratic terms and points of view
ship and whatever knowledge is to be obtained (e.g., Palestine = "the land of Israel," 2 20 f.; Jeru-
Historical as to its authorship and its historical salem = "the Holy City," 4 5, 27 63, "the city of the
Character, relation to the events which it records Great King," 5 35; God ="the God of Israel," 15 31
must come from a critical study of its [which is different from Lk's LXX. citation 1 68];
contents and a comparison of the results thus se- the Apostles are sent to "the lost sheep of the house
cured with the early traditions of the post-apostolic of Israel," 10 6, 15 24; Gentiles are held to be outside
age. the immediate field of Christ's mission, 15 23, 26 f.,
Its contents are peculiarly arranged.
and as people of outside life and religion, 5 47, 6 7, 32,
After the prelimi-
nary history, comprismg the genealogy (1 i-i?) and the Na- 18 17) ; the permanency of the Law is emphasized,
, ^ _ ^
tivity story (1 18-2 is) and a brief statement
,
6 17-19; while the Sermon on the Mount is brought
(.a) Contents, of the preaching of the Baptist (3 »-i2), the into comparison with the teachings of the Pharisees
record of Jesus* public ministry is introduced
with an account of His induction into it through His and also with the O T, as it is not in Lk (cf. chs. 5-7
bap-
tism (3 13-17) and His temptation (4 i-u), and a statement of with Lk 6 20-49).
the beginning of His work in Galilee (4 i2-25)_ xhis public At the same time, it is evident that the author is
ministry, while it discloses a certain geographical arrange-
ment (5 1-15 20, covering His own country of Galilee, 15 21-
not a narrow-minded Jew: (1) He not only recognizes,
17 21, the outside regions of Tyre and Sidon, 17 22-20 ^, but is in perfect accord with the Gentile element in
Galilee and the regions beyond the Jordan, and chs. 21-28 the Church— in spite of his recording (a) such an
His final ministry in Jerusalem, with His Passion and Resur- episode as that of the Syro-Phoenician woman in ch.
531 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Matthew, Gospel of
naturally expect would be the liberal standpoint facts which disclose themselves upon a more detailed
Matthew, Gospel of A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 533
investigation of the contents of the Canonical Mt, the Apostle both the writer of the primary docu-
in comparison with the contents of Mk
and Lk. ment and the compiler of the canonical narrative.
This investigation shows that the Canonical Mt The apparent uncertainty of modern scholars as
had two main sources for its material. The first and to the origin and contents of thisMatthean document
more comprehensive was the Canon- (see Gospel, Gospels, § 5) does not essentially affect
(j) Sources, ical Mk, whose contents have been its value as a source for the ministry of Jesus; since
practically reproduced in Mt's narra- whatever the facts as to these points may ultimately
tive, the phraseology often being altered to suit the prove to be, it shows itself where it appears in the
author's linguistic taste (for display of alterations Gospels so primary in its characteristics that its re-
of. Allen in Int. Crit. Com., pp. xix-xxxi, and Haw- liability as a source must remain beyond question.
kins, Horce Synopticce, pp. 114 ff.), or his theological The claim that the statement of Papias refers to
ideas (cf. Allen, pp. xxxi-xxxiv and Ixxi-Ixxix), an original narrative Gospel written by the Apostle
the sequential order being largely broken to suit in Heb. and afterward translated by him into Gr.—
the author's topical plan of arrangement. The other making our Canonical Mt a Gr. translation of the
source was a document apparently used in com- original Heb. and not an original Gr. writing (Zahn,
mon with Lk, which lay behind the discourse ma- Introd. § 54 — overlooks the fact that it is obviously
terial of their narratives (seeLuke, Gospel of, inconceivable that the Gr. of Mark's Gospel should
§ 3), and which must have contained, with more or have been originally translated into the Heb. of this
less narrative setting, something approaching a original Mt Gospel and then retranslated into the
collection of the sayings, or teachings, or discourses Gr. of our Canonical Mt, with such fidelity to the
of Jesus. Such a document, whatever its specific Markan original. The identities of word and phrase
character and make-up, lends significance to Papias' which the Canonical Mt shows to the Canonical Mk
statement, since at once the reason for his usage betray a contact at first hand and not through such
of the term to Xoyia becomes apparent and his a double process as this theory involves.
reference to a genuine Matthew Gospel-writing most When we study the character of the thought in the
probable. First Gospel we see at once that it moves in a dis-
Assuming some such document as referred to in tinctively O T atmosphere. Jesus is
Papias' statement, we can account for the confusion 2, Theology, presented to the readers as in Himself,
in the subsequent tradition; since having been more His Kingdom, and its accompanying
or less incorporated into the Canonical Gospel, this salvation the direct fulfilment of Messianic predic-
original writing would most likely have disappeared tions and as thus specially accredited to the Jewish
from use and knowledge, leaving as the only Heb. Christian circle to which the Gospel was sent. In
document under Matthew's name this apocryphal any detailed consideration of the main themes the
Gospel of the Nazarenes, which, known as it was following facts will emerge: (1) As to God: With the
only at second hand till later times, might be thought other synoptists M. represents Jesus as ascribing to
to be the writing to which Papias referred. This God absolute goodness (19 16 f .) and unlimited power
in its turn might account for the substitution by over all creation (11 25, 10 28). At the same time,
Irenaeus of the term rh evayycXtov for Papias' to. His application to God of the title "King" is in the
Xoyia and its retention from his day onward. theocratic sense of the O T term rather than with the
This external evidence, therefore^ that Matthew idea of creative rule (5 35 [cf 15 31] and the King and
.
wrote his Gospel in Heb. reduces itself to this state- lordship parables of the Unmerciful Servant, 18 23 ff.
ment of Papias which seems to indicate that the [peculiar to Mt], the Householder and his Vineyard,
writing in question was not a Gospel, but some col- 21 33-45 [cf. espec. ver. 43 with ||s], and the Marriage
lection of words or sayings uttered by Jesus in con- Feast, 22 2 ff. [cf. ver. 2 with Lk 14 16]). Similarly,
nection with incidents in His ministry as made it His ascription to God of the title "Father," while it
different from the ordered narrative of a Gospel and shows this rule exercised beneficently over all His
so justified the usage of the title ra XtJyta, in dis- creation (5 45, 6 26, 10 29 [cf. Lk 12 6, without the title
tinction from the title to cvayyeXtov, "Father"]), displays, as in the other Synoptics, His
The only remaining question is as to who compiled peculiar relation to Jesus* own disciples, and in this
this primary Matthean document with the Canonical sense is used conspicuously by M, (5 16, 45, 48, 6 l, 4,
Mk into our Canonical Mt. Manifestly, 6, 8 f., 14 f., 18, 26, 32, 7 11, 21, 10 20, 13 43, 18 14, 23 9).
(k) Con- it is a matter of secondary importance (2) As to Jesus Himself: While, in common
elusions, how this question shall be answered; with the other synoptists, M. does not represent
since the discourses of Jesus in the Jesus as explicitly using the title "Son of God" of
Canonical Gospel are so vitally connected with a Himself, he does make clear, as they do, that He ac-
first-hand report of Jesus* utterances through this cepts its explicit application to Himself by others
early Matthean writing and the substance of the (e.g., in the Divine declaration at His baptism, 3 17,
narrative is so reproductive of the primary record and His transfiguration, 17 6, in the Tempter's ap-
of Mk. Matthew may have written nothing more proach to Him, 4 3, 6, in the demon's appeal, 8 29, and
than his primary document, yet our Canonical in the high priest's challenge, 26 63), and that He
Gospel is too closely and intimately connected with implies it of Himself {e.g., in His remarks connected
eye- and ear-witness reports of Jesus' life and teach- with the upbraiding of the Galilean cities, 11 25-27, in
ings to give us anything less than an essential history His eschatological discourse, 24 36, in the parable of
of His ministry. In other words, nothing is gaiaed in the Householder and his Vineyard, 21 33-45). At the
the way of historical reliability by insisting upon the same time, it is noticeable to what extent M. alone
rather tmusual literary procedure which would make represents Jesus as implying the title of Himself
53f} A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Matthew, Gospel of
(e.g., 7 21, 10 32 f., 12 50, 15 13, 16 17, 18 10, 19, 35, passages peculiar to himself (5 10, 19 [bis], 20, 13 24,
20 23, 22 2 [cf. Lk 14 16], 25 34, 26 39, 42, 53, 28 19), 44, 45, 47, 62, 16 19, 18 1, 4, 23, 19 12, 20 1, 22 2, 25 l).
though His acceptance of its explicit application to In three passages the other phrase is represented as
Himself by others as given by M. alone is really con- —
used one paralleled in the other Gospels with the
fined to the confession of the disciples, 14 33, 16 16. same phrase (12 28 [ =Lk 11 20]), two in passages
(The use of the title by the railing mob, 27 40, 43, peculiar to this Gospel (21 31, 43). At the same time,
and the impressed centurion, 27 54, can hardly be we find reproduced other phrases peculiar to M.
considered in this connection.) In the implicit use e.g., "my Father's kingdom" (26 29), "the kingdom of
of the title by Jesus there is the assertion of a rela- their Father" (13 43),"thy kingdom" (6 10 [ = God's],
tion of unique intimacy with God, involving the 20 21 [ = kingdom" (6 33, 13 41, 16 28),
Jesus']), "his
consciousness of a mutual knowledge (11 25-27 [ =Lk and the simple term "kingdom" (4 23, 8 12, 9 35, 13 19,
10 2lf.]; and yet see the strangely contradictory 38, 24 14, 25 34). While it may not be possible to de-
statement, 24 36) ; a mutual harmony of wiU (26 39, termine the reason for the peculiar phrasings of this
42, 53 [ =Mk 14 36; Lk 22 42]) and a commission of common term which M. presents, it is clear that the
peculiar revelatory and representative character frequency of his reproduction of the Kingdom idea
(7 21, 10 32 [ =Mk 8 38; Lk 9 26], 12 50, 15 13, 16 17, is due to his O T conception of the Messiah's mission
18 10, 19, 35, 20 23, 25 34, 28 19). In the explicit as embodying God's sovereignty and rule, (For
application of the title to Jesus there is implied, in detailed chscussion of the term see Allen, in Int
the Divine declarations, 3 17 and 17 5, the fact that Crit, Com., pp. Ixvii-lxxi.) In common with the
He is the peculiar object of the Father's pleasure, in other synoptists, M. represents Jesus as making
the use of it by the Tempter, 4 3, 6, and the Demoniac, strong its distinction from the national and political
8 29, the possession of supernatural power and in the kingdom conceived of as the Messianic promise to the
confession of the disciples, 14 33, 16 16, and the chal- Covenant People; though he brings out particularly
lenge of the high priest, 26 63, a Messianic claim. that its membership is based on character and
As do all the synoptists, M. represents Jesus as conduct (5 3-10, 19, 20, 7 21, 13 41, 18 1-3, 19 14, 23 f.),
making frequent application to Himself of the title the test of greatness in it is humility (18 4), and its
"Son of Man" {e.g,, 8 20, 9 6, 11 19, 12 8, 32, 16 27 f., realization is to be in the perfect doing of God's will
17 9,12,22, 2018,28, 24 30b, 26 24 [&is], 45,64), al- (6 10) ; while he portrays its special value as an ob-
though the instances in which he alone places it on jective good (13 44^46) —
because of which perhaps
Jesus* lips are noteworthy {e.g., 10 23, 12 40, 13 37, there will be by some a counterfeiting of real con-
41, 16 13, 19 28, 24 27, 30a, 37, 39, 44, 25 31, 26 2). In nection with it (13 47-50), and its progress will meet
no case is this title applied to Jesus by others, while with hindrance and embarrassment (13 24 ff.). While
Jesus' own use of it involves the conception of a the Jews are represented as by right its "sons" (8 12),
relationship to the Kingdom not only as its Foimder their rejection of their privileges will cause them to
{e.g., in the revealing of truth, 13 37, the forgiving be cast out (8 11 f.) and the Kingdom to be given to
of sin, 9 6, the determining of the conduct of life, 11 others who wiE satisfy its conditions (21 43). In
19, and of the use of the Sabbath, 12 8), but as its this sense, M. understands that the Kingdom is to
Ministering Servant {e.g.j in the resigning of the be universal (21 31), and portrays it as conceived of
comforts of life [8 20], in submission to the persecu- by Jesus as a present fact (11 12, 12 28, 21 31, 23 13),
tions of foes [17 12], in yielding to the sacrifice of as well as a future consummation (8 11 f., 13 40 flf.,
death [12 40, 17 22, 20 28, 26 2, 24, 45], in return for 47 flf., 24 30 ff., 25 31 ff.) and as thus characterized by a
which is to be the final exaltation to a throne of constant element of growth (13 31 f., 33).
judgment and eternal glory [13 41, 16 27 f., 19 28, (4) As to the Messianic Salvation: M., as the other
20 18, 24 27-44, 25 31, 26 64]). synoptists, represents Jesus as conceiving of the Mes-
Throughout his references to Jesus' life and teach- sianic Salvation as a thing not merely of the future,
ings, it is evident that M. takes a Messianic point of but of the present life (19 29[ =Mk 10 30; Lk 18 30]),
view, for he omits few opportunities of connecting though the details gathering around its future con-
both the words and the acts of Jesus with the summation are given special prominence by M. (13 30,
Messianic forecasts of the Scriptures, e.g., His birth 39-43, 47-50, 19 28, 25 31-46). This Salvation does not
(1 22), His childhood (2 15, 17, 23), His Galilean consist in material good (6 19 f. [ =Lkl2 33 f.]), though
work (414-16), His healing ministry (8 17), His it replaces the loss of such good a hundredfold (19 29
avoidance of publicity (12 17-21), His method of [ =Lk 18 29 f.]), and secures it in the true sense of its
teaching (13 35), the manner of His triumphal entry possession (6 33 [ =Lk 12 22-31]). In common with
(21 4f.), the disposal of the betrayal money (27 9), the other synoptists, M. represents Jesus as em-
and at times represents Jesus Himself as so con- phasizing in general the need of personal relations
necting the experiences of His ministry and the to Himself in order to the bestowal of this Salvation
events of His hfe, e.g., the misconceptions of His (10 34-39 [ =Lk 12 61-53, 14 26 f.; Mk 8 34], 11 29), and
teachings (13 14), His betrayal (26 24), His desertion as presenting as its specific conditions both repent-
(26 31), His arrest (26 54, 56). ance (4 17 [=Mk 1 15; cf. 11 20 f. =Lk 10 13], 12 41
(3) As to the of God: For this phrase
Kingdom [ =Lk 11 32], 21 32) and faith (8 13, 9 2 [ =Mk 2 5; Lk
M. represents Jesus as using almost exclusively 5 20], 9 22 [ =Mk 5 34; Lk 8 48], 9 29, 15 28 [cf. Mk
the phrase "Kingdom of Heaven" seven times — 7 29]). M., as does Mark, represents Jesus as referring
where the other phrase is reproduced by Mark to His death as the means by which the bestowal
(3 2, 4 17, 8 11, 13 11, 31, 19 14, 24), eight times of this Salvation is secured (20 28 [ =Mk
10 4S]; cf.
where it is reproduced by Lk (5 3, 7 21, 10 7, the additional passage 26 28, peculiar to Mt).
11 11, 12, 13 33, 18 3, 23 13), and eighteen times in (5) As to Eschatology : M. follows the general
Matthias
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY ^34
Medes
synoptic custom of merging the anno\incements of MATTOCK" The term renders the following Heb.
Jesus regarding the crises in the Kingdom's de- words: (1) maUreshah (I S 13 20), wMch, however,
velopment with those regarding its final consum- is somewhat uncertain. It means the 'plowshare ;
the element of the final pronouncement of the judg- MEAH, ml'a. See Jerusalem, § 38.
ment (cf 7 21-23 with Lk 6 46; 12 33-37 with Lk 6 43-45;
.
cf. also as peculiar to Mt, 25 1-13, 31-46). This is MEAL. See Food and Food Utensils, § 1.
doubtless due to the peculiar influence upon his MEAL - OFFERING, See Sacrifice and Of-
thought of the O T idea of the Messianic rule, which, ferings, § 12.
whatever its hidden and confused development, is
MEALS: Two regular daily meals are mentioned
fully to reveal itself in its final judgment. See the
in the Bible, besides which there was doubtless in
similar element characterizing the Baptist's an-
= Lk 3 the early morning a slight and informal
nouncement of this rule (3 11 f. [ 15-17]).
I. The some relish. (1)
repast of bread, with
Literature Of the various
: N T
Introductions available to
Regular The simple (Lk 11 37 mg.,
'breakfast'
the English reader those of Julicher (Eng. tranal. 1904)
and Zahu (Eng. transl. 1908) represent respectively the Daily "dinner" AV), or lunch, was eaten
liberal and the conservative schools of modern German Meals,during the heat of the day, probably
scholarship. To their exhaustive presentations of the shortly before noon (Ru 2 14) (2) The .
was common in the Maccabsean age; cf. I Mac 2 1 ff., The N T apitrrav (apto-Toi') IS always rendered dine, dinner)
byAV; but ARV sometimes calls this meal a "breakfast"
11 70, 16 14; II Mac 14 19; also Lk 3 26) One of the :
(Lk 1137f-mg. cf. Jn 21 12. is "dinner" is retained, how-
; ;
little company of Jesus' foUowerSj who was chosen ever, inMt 22 *; Lk 14 i^). The terms 'breakfast,' 'dinner,'
by lot to take the place of Judas among the Twelve etc., are inevitably somewhat misleading, as the meals thus
(Ac 1 21-26), on the ground that he had "companied named vary in hour and in formality, even in different sections
of the same country.
with" them and was, therefore, competent to witness
to the teaching and work of Jesus. The historicity The early Hebrews sat at meals (Gn 27 19; I K
of the transaction is denied (Zeller, Acts), but on 13 20; I S 20 25, etc.), either on chairs, or squatting
insufficient grounds. The method of the choice by in Arab fashion. But in spite of the
lot has been challenged, as clouding the title of M. 2. Customs invectives of the prophets (Am 3 12,
to a place among the Twelve (Stier, Words of Ap-p.j at Meals. 4; cf. Ezk 23 41), by N T times it had
6
i, 1). But he was recognized as such (Ac 6 2), even become the usual custom among the
though nothing authentic of his life and ministry better classes to eat reclining^ luxuriously upon low
is known. Eusebius considered him one of the couches. These were ordinarily arranged around
Seventy {HE, I, 12); Clement (Strom., IV, 6 35) three sides of the table, the fourth being left open
identifies him with Zacchseus; the Clem. Recog. (I, for convenience in serving. Each person rested
60) with Barnabas Hilgenf eld {N T Extra Can. 105)
; , upon his left elbow, with the body at such an angle
with Nathaniel. His name soon became the center to the table that the head was near the "bosom" (Jn
around which apocryphal writings clustered. These 13 23) of the person next behind. Certain places on
include a Gospel, a group of Traditions, and some these couches were considered more honorable than
Discourses. (Cf Harnack, Chronol. 597 ff .)
. There , . others (Mt 23 6; cf. Lk 22 24). For the position at
are also apocryphal ^cis of Andrew and Matthias (cf. the Last Supper, see Edersheim, ii, 492 ff.
Bonnet, Acta Apost, Apocr., 2, 1, 1898). A. C. Z. The meals were naturally prepared and served by
the women (Mt 8 16; Lk 10 40), who ordinarily ate
MATTITHIAH, maf'ti-thoi'a (n;r;ir:i^,ma«i%a?i)
1. A Levite (I Ch 9 31). 2. A musician (I Ch 15 18, 1 Thus AV
"sit at meat" (ava/ceiffflai, avaKkiveiv, etc.) is
usually explained as "recline" by ARVmg. {e.g., Mt 9 ^f*; Lk
21, 16 5). 3. Another musician (I Ch 25 3, 21). 4,
13 28; Jn 12 2). These verbs are sometimes used, however,
One of the "sons of Nebo" (Ezr 10 43). 5, One of where it seems hardly likely that the actual position was a
Ezra's assistants (Neh 8 4). E. E. N. reclining one {e.g., Mt 14 **).
Matthias
&^& A gtANDARD BIBLS DICTIONARY Medes
with the men of the family (Dt 16 U; I S 1 4; Job 1 4). sick or weak, as in La 4 10), food suitable for a
There was but Httle cutlery, except for carving, and sick one (Ps 69 21; II S 13 5, 7, 10). (4) fareph (Ps
but few dishes, perhaps only one (cf. Lk 10 42a), 111 5; Mai 3 10). (5) mazon (Gn 45 23; Dn
Pr 31 15;
into which each dipped his hand (Mt 26 23). The 4 12, 21), path (from pathath, 'to break in pieces'),
(6)
modern Syrians sop a piece of bread in the gravy, a 'bit,' or 'morsel' (for food) (II S 12 3 AV). (7)
oil, or sauce; or fold it around a piece of meat, which tsedhahj 'provisions for a journey' (Ps 78 25 AV).
can thus be taken out of the stew without soiling (8) ppStfia, 'food,' pp&atfios, 'eatable,' and ppoKrts,
the fingers (cf. Rev 2 14; Jn 13 26; cf. also Pr 19 24). 'eating,' all frequently rendered "food" in RV (Mk
Meals to which friends were previously invited 7l9;Lk2441;Jn432;Rol4l7,etc.). (9) irpo(r<l>dyiov,
(Lk 14 16), or feasts held upon special occasions 'anything eaten with' [bread or other food] (Jn 21 6
such as birthdays (Gn 40 20; Job 1 4; AV). (10) Tpdir€{a, 'table' (Ac 16 34). (11) rpo^iy.
3, Special Mt 14 6), marriages (Gn 29 22; Est 2 18; 'nourishment' (Mt 3 4, 6 26, 10 lO, etc. AV, "food".
Meals, Mt 22 2), funerals (II S 3 35; Jer 16 7), RV). (12) fjidyciv, 'to eat' (Mt 25 35, 42; Lk 8 56
Banquets, laying of foundations (Pr 9 i-B), vintage AV). See also Food, §§ 8-10. E. E. N.
etc. (Jg 9 27), sheep-shearing (I S 25 2, 36),
MEAT-OFFERING. See Sacrifice and Of-
and the numerous religious festivals
ferings, § 12.
were, of course, more formal and elaborate. A
second invitation was often sent when all was pre- MEBUNNAI, me-bun'nai (^5?^, m^hhunnay) One :
pared, or a servant conducted the guests to the of David's heroes (II S 23 27), called Sibbecai in I
feast (Est 6 14; Lk 14 17; Mt 22 2 «f.). These customs Ch 11 29, 27 11. E. E. N.
still .prevail in the Lebanon region. The host
welcomed the guests with a kiss (Lk 7 45), after
MECHERATHITE, me-kt'rath-ait Cny,)?, m*-
which the feet were washed, because of the dust of kherathi): Probably a scribal error in I Ch 11 36 for
the journey (Gn 18 4; Jg 19 21; Lk 7 44). The head Maacathite (cf. II S 23 34). E. E. N.
was anointed (Ps 23 5; Am
6 6; Lk 7 46) and some- MECONAH, me-c6'na (njb)p, m'khonah), Me-
times crowned with garlands (cf. Is 28 1). The
guests were then seated according to their respective
konah AV) A town
in Judah, near Ziklag, occu-
:
MEARAH, The
me-^'ra (H^y^, m'^'arah), 'cave': church, built in the 5th cent. A full description
name of a cave region, not taken by Joshua (Jos with plates will be found in Libbey and Hoskins,
13 4), belonging to Sidon, somewhere in the Lebanon The Jordan Valley and Petra (1905), vol. i, chap,
C. S. T. xii, and Appendix. A. C. Z.
country, E. of Sidon.
MEASURES. See Weights and Measures. MEDES, midz, MEDIA,mi'di-a, MEDIAN: Media
madhay) was a mountainous country, boimded
MEAT : (1) The rendering of several related terms
(•'"IT},
(derived from akhal, 'to eat'), 'akhllah, 'oklah, 'okhel, on the N. by the Caspian Sea, on the E. by a great
and ma'dkhal, all meaning 'food' or 'eating' (I K desert, on the S. by Susiana and Persia, and on the
19 8; Gn 1 29; Lv 11 34, etc.) and usually rendered W. by Assyria and Armenia. This territory, about
"food" in RV. (2) lehem, 'bread,' but frequently 600 m. in length and 250 m. in breadth, is approxi-
used broadly for food in general (Lv 22 11, 13; Nu mately covered by the provinces Ardelan and Irak
28 24; X S 20 24, etc.). (3) b'rUth and biryah (from Ajemi of modern Persia. In ancient times, M. had
barahj 'to eat,' especially to strengthen oneself when two capitals: namely, Rhague andEcbatana (q.v.).
Mediator 536
Melchizedek
A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY
litera-
It began to attract the attention of the warlike ple. In the Apocrypha and in the apocalyptic
Assyrian kings as early as the middle of the 9th cent, ture instances of mediation include the intercession
or the beginning of the 8th B.C. At that time, to of angels, who take the prayers of men
judge from the names of its leading inhabitants as 2. Priestly before the throne of God
(To 3 26),
they appear in the Assyrian lists, its population was Mediation. Enoch is besought by the fallen angels
of Indo-European or Aryan stock, an inference which to plead for them (Eth. En. 13 4-7).
is confirmed by the nature of the names reported in In the Assumption of Moses, Moses makes inter-
the classical writers. This affinity of the Medes with cession for the people of Israel (11 17, 12 6); while
the Aryan race is also reflected in Gn 10 2, which Enoch attempts to correct the common belief that
represents Madai as the son of Japheth. According there is any efficacy in such intercession {Slav. En.
to Herodotus (I, 95 ff.), M. was made into a kingdom 53 1). The idea survives, and is carried into the
by Deioces, who was succeeded by his son Phraortes; N T {evTvyxdveiv, evrev^is). Here it is, however, con-
but of these two monarchs nothing is known except nected with the work of Christ for His people (He
what the Greek historian reports. The real power 7 25), or the work of the Holy Spirit in behalf of the
of M. began with Kyaxares (584 B.C.), the conqueror praying believer (Ro 8 27), or the sympathetic plea
of Nineveh but the glory of the monarchy was short-
; in prayer by believers for their fellow men (I Ti 2 l).
lived. The successor of Kyaxares, Astyages (the Mediation by creatures, especially angels before
Ishtuvegu of the cuneiform inscriptions), being de- the throne of God, became obnoxious to later Jew-
feated by Cyrus (550 B.C.), Median independence ish thought, on account of the great
came to an end, and Persia took the leadership in the 3. Angelic risk involved of corrupting the mono-
Mesopotamian valley. The Medes never came into Mediation, theistic idea by the temptation to offer
direct contact with the Hebrews. Sargon did indeed worship to angels, or other creatures, as
deport some of the conquered Israelites of the North- intermediaries between God and man. Accordingly
ern Kingdom into their cities (II K
17 G, 18 11), and in the Rabbinical schools the idea was discounte-
the prophets of Israel (Is 13 17, 21 2; JerSl 11) re- nanced, and Moses alone was given the title mediator
garded Media as the scourge in the hands of J" for the {Pesiq, Rah. 6). Among Christians the belief in the
punishment of Babylon; but these are indirect rela- intercession of saints, of angels, and of the Virgin
tionships. In the later books of the T {e.g., Est Mary was largely developed in the later post-
1 3, etc.) M. appears as second to Persia, though still apostolic ages.
recognized as a large and almost coordinate portion The counterpart of mediation in behalf of man
of the great monarchy. In Dn 5 31 "Darius the before God the presentation of God's word and
is
Mede" ("Median" AV) is named as "taking the king- will to men by an intermediary. The
dom,' but the reference is not as yet historically 4. Prophetic twofold ground for such mediation is
confirmed. A. C. Z. Mediation. (1) the necessity of communicating
God's wiU to men, and (2) the in-
MEDIATOR {fieo-lrrjs), 'middleman*: One who by capacity, or unwillingness, of men to receive it
his friendly offices establishes cordial relations be- directly from Him. Moses becomes God's mediator
tween two naturally hostile or estranged persons, to Pharaoh and the Israelites (Ex 4 10 ff.). Later,
or parties. The term "mediator" occurs only in Gal in the giving of the Law on Mt. Sinai, at the express
3 19 f.; I Ti 2 5; He 8 6, 9 15, 12 24. The synonym request of the people all communications from God
"umpire" ("daysman" AV) is found in Job 9 33. are made to them through Moses (Ex 20 19). Hence
The idea of mediation, however, is not only common, the later uniform representation that Moses was the
but regulative in the religious thought both of the mediator of the old covenant (He 8 6; Philo, Vita
O T and the N T (cf. in the O T the verb paga', 'to Moys, 3 19; Ass. Mas. 1 14, 3 12). But even Moses
make intercession/ Is 53 12). being supposed incapable of receiving the Law
The basis for the idea of mediation is that of in- directly, the idea arose that it was delivered to him
tercession before a monarch by one who enjoys his through angels (Jos. Ant XV, 5 3; cf. also Hermas,
favor in behalf of one who, either be- Simil., Vlll, 3 3, who names Michael as the individual
I, Inter- cause he has lost it or because he never angel; cf. Ac 7 53; Gal 3 19). A. C. Z.
cession, had it, seeks it. In this sense mediator-
ship is common in human relations.
MEDICINE. See Disease and Medicine. ^
Jonathan makes intercession for David before Saul MEDITERRANEAN SEA (also called Great Sea
(I S 19 4); Abigail for Nabal before David (I S [Nu 34 6; Jos 1 4, 15 12; Ezk 47 lO], mnder, or
25 18-31); the king of Syria for Na^man before the Western Sea [Dt 11 24; Jl 2 20; Zee 14 8]): The in-
king of Israel (II K
5 6). But it is preeminently land ocean lying between Europe, Western Asia, and
in the approach to God that mediation is necessary. Africa, 2,320 m. long by 100 to 600 m. broad, and,
Abraham intercedes for Abimelech (Gn 20 7, 17) between Sicily and Africa, divided into two basins
also for Sodom and Gomorrah (Gn 18 23); Moses for by a submarine ridge. Its main divisions were the
Pharaoh and the Egyptians (Ex 8 8, 30, 9 28-33, Phcenician (Levant), the ^gean, the Adriatic (in-
10 17 f.) and also for Israel (Ex 17 11, 33 13; Dt 9 18). cluding the Ionian; see Adria), and the Tyrrhene
Other cases of intercession are those of Samuel Seas. During the summer months the prevailing
(I S 7 5, 12 19, 23; Jer 15 1) and Job (42 8). winds ("Etesian") in the E. portions are from the
This mediation in behalf of the inferior before the NW. In the winter, fierce gales ("Levanters")
superior (for man before God) is in principle identical sweep down from ENE., and in the western portions
with the priestly function, and is carried through violent storms from the NW. and the NE. The Syr-
the priestly ritual all along the history of the peo- tes ("quicksands" Ac 27 17) on the shores of Africa,
Mediator
537 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Melchizedek
the straits of Messina, between Sicily and Italy, and Ch 35 22; Zee 12 11). "The waters of Megiddo"
Cape Malia on the S. of Greece were regarded by (Jg5 19) are apparently those of the Kishon, one of
ancient mariners with dread. The commerce of the whose tributaries rises near elrLejjUn. See also
Hebrews was chiefly by land, and they regarded the Har-magedon. L. G. L.
sea with some fear. Their coast-line, almost harbor-
less, except N. of Carmel, was unfavorable to the
MEHETABEL, me-het'a-bl (bN?t?^n^, m^hep-
growth of maritime trade; but they had intercourse ahh'el), MEHETABEEL, bll, AV, 'God benefits':
with "the Isles," and had the Western world opened 1. The wife of Hadar, King of Edom (Gn 36 39; I Ch
up to them by the Phcenicians. In N T times the 1 60). 2. The father of Delaiah (Neh 6 10).
these terms in the course of Jewish history explains MELCHI, mel'cai (MeXxft): The name of two
the important use in the N
T of the corresponding ancestors of Jesus (Lk 3 24, 28). E. E. N.
Gr. adjectives itpaos and itpavs (Mt 5 5, 11 29, 21 5; MELCHIAH, mel-cai'a. See Malchijah.
I P 3 4) and the nouns irpaoTrjs and TrpavTijs (I Co
4 21, frequently in Paul; Ja 1 21, 3 13; I P 3 15).
etc.,
MELCHISEDEC, mel-kiz'e-dek. See Melchiz-
edek.
When Jesus says, "I am meek and lowly in heart"
(Mt 11 29), He must be understood as using the word MELCHISHUA, mel"cai-shu'a. See Mal-
in its acquired sense, in which whole-hearted sub- chishua.
mission to the will of God was the dominant note. MELCHIZEDEK (p'^^"*'5^S, malkl-tsedheq,
E. E. N.
Melchisedec, He 5 6, etc. AV), 'king of righteous-
MEGIDDO, me-gid'6 (I'^A'?, m^^iddo), MEGIDDON ness' M. appears abruptly in the narrative of Gn 14 18
:
(in Zee 12 li) : A very ancient Canaanite stronghold as "priest of God Most High," and "king of Salem,"
(Jos 12 21, 17 11), captured by Thotmes III, and and, in his priestly capacity, by the symboUcal use
mentioned in the Tell-el-Amarna tablets, as well as of bread and wine bestows a blessing on Abraham.
in Assyrian inscriptions. The ruins of el-LejjiXn Such a person combining in himself the priestly and
(Latin, Legio)y 4^ m. NW. of Taanach (q.v.), mark royal offices was afterward seen in the ideal king
the site of the city in Roman times, but the ancient of Israel, to whom, therefore, a priesthood "aftei"
citadel was on the neighboring Tell'el-Mutasellim the order of Melchizedek" was ascribed (Ps 110 4).
(Map IV, C 8). This fortified city (I K 19 15) com- In He 5 6, 7, this is elaborated in its apphcation to
manded the mouth of the chief pass from Sharon, as Christ. Of the historicity of Melchizedek doubts have
Well as the road from En-gannim to the sea, and was been expressed. But as it is admitted that Gn ch. 14
80 important a strategic point that the whole plain contains a historical kernel, such doubts are not
of Esdraelon was C£vlled "the valley of Megiddo" (II justified, A- C, Z.
Me lea A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY 538
Mercy
MELEA, mi1§-a
"
(MfXea) : An ancestor of Jesus MEMPHIS, mem'fis (Me>^ts), only in Hos 9 6,
(Lk 3 31). E.E.N. where Heb. is moph; and Noph in the AV of Is 19 13,
Jer 2 16, 44 1, 46 14, 19, and Ezk 30 13, 16, where the
MELECH, milec (T)^^, melekh), 'king': A grand- Heb. is noph: The capital of Egypt. In the sacred
son of Jonathan, son of Saul (I Ch 8 35, 9 41). texts it is called Hat-ka-ptah Chouse of the Image of
E. E. N. Ptah'),the name applied to the whole land ("At-yu-
TTTos, *E-gy-pt'). The secular name of the city was,
MELICU, meri-kiu. See Malluchi.
however, Men-no fer ('the fine residence'), and was
MELITA, mel'i-ta An island in the Mediterranean,
:
abbreviated into Mennefe and Menfe; hence the
the scene of Paul's shipwreck (Ac 28 l), the modern Greek form, which has prevailed in later historical
Malta (the identification with Meleda, on the Dal- times. The city was situated on the W. bank of
matian coast, is baseless). It lies 58 m. S. of Sicily the Nile, 12 m. S. of modern Cairo, and covered a
and ISO m. N. of Cape Bon in Africa, and has an large area of territory, probably shifting and chan-
area of 95 sq. m. Occupied in turn by the Phoeni- ging its boundaries as the kings of the several dynas-
cians, Greeks, and Carthaginians, it came under ties chose new sites for their palaces. According to
the Romans in 218 B.C. and formed part of the tradition, it was built by Menes of the first dynasty,
province of Sicily. Paul's ship, after drifting from and held a place of prime importance to the days
Cauda near Crete for a fortnight, close-hauled on the of the Ptolemies, even though other cities, especially
starboard tack under an ENE. gale, reached what Thebes, rivaled and at times surpassed and sup-
is now called St. Paul's Bay, 8 m. NW. of Valetta, planted it as a political center. It weis the seat of a
and struck a shoal formed, it would appear, between temple of the god Ptah ('the world creator'), who
the island of Salmonetta and the shore on the W. was thought to be embodied in the Apis bull; but
side of the bay. The vessel went to pieces, but the there were also many foreign deities worshiped in
ship's company all escaped to the beach (Ac 27 14^44). the city, especially Astarte. With the exception
The inhabitants of the island ("barbarians" and of the necropolis with its pyramids, the ruins of
abundantly superstitious, Ac 28 2-6) probably spoke Memphis, which even to the 12th cent. a.d. were
Punic, though Publius, "the chief man of the island," said to extend half a day's journey, have totally
and his family apparently knew Greek as well as disappeared. A. C. Z.
Latin. This title for the governor is confirmed by
MEMUCAN, mg-miu'can. See Pkinces, The
early inscriptions from the neighboring island of
Seven.
Gozo. The "viper" episode has been questioned,
but the fact that to-day in a very thickly populated MENAHEM, men-a-hem (OHJ^, m'nahem),
island there are no poisonous serpents is no evi- 'comforter' : The son of Gadi (II K 15 14) and mili-
dence as to condition in the 1st cent. After three
its tary governor of the earlier capital of Israel, Tirzah.
months of great hospitality on the part of the in- When Shallum usurped the throne, Menahem re-
habitants, and doubtless of more or less missionary fused to submit, made an attack on Samaria, where
work on the part of Paul, he and his companions the king was holding court, captured the city, put
sailed to Syracuse on an Alexandrian ship which had the usurper to death, and was himself proclaimed
wintered at Melita. Nothing certain is known of king {circa 744 B.C.). His rule, however, was at
Christianity in the island imtil the middle of the 5th first opposed, and it was necessary to suppress a
cent., though some hold that Christian inscriptions rather formidable rebellion. This Menahem did,
of the 2d cent, have been discovered. R. A. F. evidently witl^ a strong hand, inflicting cruel revenge
upon the disaffected. In order to maintain himself
MELON. See Palestine, § 23; and Food and in power, he placed himself under vassalage to Pul,
Food Utensils, § 3. King of Assyria (II K
15l9f.)j better known as
MELZAR, mel'zar. See Steward. Tiglath-pileser III. But to secure this alUance,
he was compelled to pay a large sum of money
MEMORIAL In most cases the occurrence of this
: (1,000 talents) to the Assyrian king, which he in
term in the Bible needs no explanation. That turn exacted from the wealthy men of his realm.
through which a person or an event, or even God The alliance turned out to be a serious disaster for
Himself, is to be remembered is a "memorial" (Ex Israel; since it offered the Assyrians the occasion for
3 15, 12 14; Jos 4 7; Mk 14 9, etc.). The term a hold upon the nation, which was destined to end
'azkhdrah, used as a technical term in the manual of in complete absorption into the larger kingdom.
offerings (Lv 2 2, 9, 16, 5 12, 6 15) and in other places Menahem's poUcy was resisted in Israel by an anti-
in the Priests' Code (Lv 24 7; Nu 5 26), is rendered Assyrian party. But though in constant peril, the
"memorial" as if derived from zakhar in the sense of king ended his reign in peace (circa 735 b.c), and
'to remember.' The term is used of the portion of was succeeded by his son Pekahiah. A. C. Z.
the vegetable offering that was burned on the altar
as incense and of the frankincense that was sprinkled
MENAW, ml'nan. See Menna.
on the showbread (Lv 24 7), and the idea seems to MENE, MENE, TEKEL, UPHARSIN, ml'nl,
have been that it was the fragrance of the incense tl'kel,yu-far'sin (rOIDI Vpn XJ^ X3^, mme\ mme',
that caused it to serve as a "memorial.'' As the t^qel, uphar^m) The words that appeared on the wall
:
primaiy meaning of zakhar was, apparently, *to at Belshazzar's feast (Dn 5 26). As Belshazzar and
stick,' or 'prick,' perhaps it was the pungency of the his lords were desecrating the sacred vessels that Ne-
incense that led to its being called 'azkharak. (So buchadrezzar had brought from Jerusalem, the form
Pillmann on Lv 2 2-4.) E, E, N, of a hand appeared writing upon the plaster of the
Melea
539 A STANDARD BIBLE DICTIONARY Mercy
wall these mysterious words. The king's wise men MERAIAH,m§-r6'ya (HJI^, m'rayah): The head
failing to interpret them, Daniel was called, and house of Seraiah in the days of
of the priestly
after a lengthy exordium, presented his interpreta- Nehemiah (Neh 12 12). E. E. N.
tion. The words are Aramaic, and by Daniel's inter-
pretation were to be paraphrased as in ARV, while MERAIOTH, me-r^'yeth (Hin^??, mndydth) :
the marginal rendering of the four words is "num- 1.A priest in the ancestry of Ahitub (I Ch 6 6 f., 62;
bered, numbered, weighed and divisions.'' There is Ezr 7 3). 2. A son of Ahitub (I Ch 9 11; Neh ch. 11).
almost endless discussion as to their rendering, many 3. By mistake in Neh 12 15 for "Meremoth," q.v. (cf.
A place in Reuben, assigned to the Levites (Jos MERCURIUS, mgr-kiu'ri-us, MERCURY. See
1318, 2137; I Ch 6 79), later reoccupied by the Greek and Roman Religion, § 6.
Moabites (Jer 48 21). Site unknown; but it was MERCY: This term is the translation in of AV
somewhere between Medeba and Dibon. E.E.N.
derivatives of several Heb. roots: (1) hesedh, 'good-
MEPHIBOSHETH, me-fib'o-sheth (n"^3^5^, ness,' 'kindness,' in most passages, of God; for which
MERED, mt'red CO!^., meredh): A clan of Judah A place noted for the great victory of Joshua over
King Jabin of Hazor and his allies (Jos 11 5). It is
(I Ch 4 17, 18). E.E.N.
usually identified with the modern Bahrat elrHuleh,
MEREMOTH, mer'e-DaQth (PlT^l^, nvremoth) the northernmost of the three bodies of water
1. A priestly family (Neh 10 5, 12 3, 15; here Merai- through which the Jordan flows (see Jordan). But
oth should be Meremoth). 2. A priest in Ezra's day the identification is strongly contested by some on
(Ear 8 33; Neh 3 4, 21). 3. One of the "sons of the grounds (1) that the word yarrif 'sea,' would have
Bani" (Ezr 10 36). E.E.N. been used if such a large body of water had been
meant, and (2) that the situation does not harmonize
MERES, mi'rlz. See Princes, The Seven. with the geographical data of Jos 118. Accordingly,
MERIBAH, mer'i-ba (H?**"!^, m^nbhah), 'strife*: it is proposed to find the Waters of Merom in a
The name of two places where similar occurrences are locality in upper Galilee abounding in springs, near
reported to have taken place during the course of the modern village Meron, or Marun er-Ras, a little
the Exodus. (1) The first is in the region of Mt W. of Safed, Map I, E 4 (so Buhl, Geog, Pal, p. 234).
Horeb, N. of Mt. Sinai, and in connection with the The solution of the difficulty seems to lie along the line
murmuring ("striving" RV, "chiding" AV) of the of identifying the site, not with any particular spot,
children of Israel (Ex 17 1-7; see also Mass ah). but with a district (suggested in the Vulgate regione
(2) Meribath-kadesh, in the wilderness of Zin in the Merome of Jg 5 18). Such a district is in general that
neighborhood of Kadesh (Ezk 48 28; cf. also Nu which, including the lake Huleh, stretches northward
27 14; Dt 32 51, where the rendering is "Meribah of and is traversed by a stream, to which the phrase
Kadesh"). Here also the people foimd no water Waters of Merom is more strictly to be applied. (Cf.
and "strove" with ("chode" AV) Moses. By smiting Schenkel, Bib, Lex., 1869-75). A. C. Z.
the rock Moses caused water to gush forth. The
MERONOTHITE, me-ron'o-thait (^0^^^, rne-
similarity of these accounts has led many to assume
that they are different versions of the same story,
ronothi) 'man Meronoth'
of The designation
: of
There is valid reason, however, for believing that the No other reference to Meronoth occurs. Site un-
same circumstances, repeated in two different places, known, but it was probably near Gibeon. E. E. N.
gave the same name to the places. This is especially MEROZ, mt'rez (T'l^,