MOLDOVA STATE UNIVERSITY

FACULTY OF FOREIGN LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES

ENGLISH PHILOLOGY DEPARTMENT
A READER IN ENGLISH LEXICOLOGY
CHIINU 2005
Dumitru MELENCIUC. A Reader in English Lexicology.
- Moldova State University, 2005.
Alctuitor: Dumitru MELENCIUC.
Lexicologia limbii engleze. Crestoma(ie. - Chiyinu: CEP USM, 2005. - 304p.
INTRODUCTION
This reader is intended for teachers of English, for undergraduate and postgraduate students to
supplement the theoretical Course in Modern English Lexicology, which forms part of the
curriculum for the English sections of the Department of English Philology at Moldova State
niversity, !aculty of !oreign Languages and Literatures" #n accordance with this $asic aim the
material is divided into more or less autonomous parts, each providing exercises, test %uestions,
tas&s and topics for discussion" #n the section meant for undergraduate and postgraduate students
an extended list of lexicological terms on the themes discussed and wor&ing definitions of
principal concepts involved are given" Most of them are $orrowed from '( Course in Modern
English Lexicology) *"S"+ins$urg, S" S" ,hide&el, +"#",nya-eva, ("("San&in" M",./001,)1 and
also 'Seminars in English Lexicology) $y E" Medni&ova 2Moscow, ./341, and are chiefly $ased
upon definitions given in 5"(&hmanova6s Dictionary of Linguistic Terms" 7e have also used
materials and examples from 'Confrontational Linguistics), Dumitru Melenciuc, SM, 8999:
')Comparativistics' Dumitru Melenciuc, SM, 899;: '*eadings in Modern English
Lexicology) compiled $y S" S" ,hide&el et"al", 'Practical Lexicology) $y M",ashcheyeva et"al",
<English 7ord) $y #"(rnold, ./3;: L"Mina=eva, M"Davydov, +"Egorov, E">a&ovleva,
#"Magidova, 5"Mindrul, E" ?ifontova, T"Shish&ina, S"@ardanean" (n 5utline of English
Phonetics, MS, ./3; 2ed" 5"(&hmanova and L"Mina=eva1: #ntonational Course, $y Melenciuc
D" 2ChiAinBu, ./4;1"Most of the examples come from newspapers and fiction written $y
7"S"Maugham, C"P"Snow, 7"Scott, P"($rahams, >">oice, >" London, >"C"Priestley, *"Curns,
D"7"Longfellow, C"Doyle, M"Cornforth, E"+urneg, Twain, P" Stanley, *"+ordon, Ch"Cronte,
#"Murdoch, (" Cennett, 5"Denry, !" Steel, ("Sillitoe, ("Chrisitie, P"Mortimer, >",">erome,
E"7augh, 5"Dane, M"Spar&, 7"Thac&eray, ,"(mis, Ch"Dic&ens, +"+reene, D"Cateson,
E"Cowen, S"+i$$ons, >"Craine, >"Tey, *"Stanley, ?"Coward, ("7ilson, C"MacDonald, >"Cary,
>"Lindsday, >"Trevor, D"D"Lawrence, >"Tey, >"+alswarthy, D"Cates, >"London, >"(ldridge,
*",ipling, ("Cronin, M"Spar&, 7"Scott, P"Cerg, E"@oynich, M"Dic&ens, P"C"Shelley,
+"+"Cyron, ("Duxley, D"Cecill, 5"7ilde, P"+"7odehouse" (t the end of the $oo& a list of
recommended literature is given" 7or&s $elonging to $oth English and (merican linguists and
fiction writers have $een used" To all these authors due ac&nowledgment is tendered"
8
THE OB1ECT OF LEXICOLOGY
Lexicology 2from 5r" lexis EwordE and logos ElearningE1 is the part of linguistics dealing with the
voca$ulary of a language and the properties of words as the main units of a language" The term
vocabulary is used to denote the system formed $y the sum total of all the words that the
language possesses" The term word denotes the $asic unit of a given language resulting from the
association of a particular meaning with a particular group of sounds capa$le of a particular
grammatical employment" ( word therefore is simultaneously a semantic, grammatical and
phonological unit" The general study of words and voca$ulary, irrespective of the specific feature
of any particular language, is &nown as general lexicology" Linguistic phenomena and properties
common to all languages are generally referred to as language universals" Special lexicology
devotes its attention to the description of the characteristic peculiarities in the voca$ulary of a
given language" The evolution of any voca$ulary, as well as of its single elements, forms the
o$=ect of historical lexicology" This $ranch of linguistics discusses the origin of various words,
their change and development, and investigates the linguistic and extraFlinguistic forces
modifying their structure, meaning and usage" Descriptive or synchronic lexicology deals with
the voca$ulary of a given language at a given stage of its development" #t studies the functions of
words and their specific structure as a characteristic #nherent in the system" The descriptive
2synchronic1 lexicology deals with the English word in its morphological and semantic structures,
investigating the interdependence $etween these two aspects" The $ranch of linguistics, dealing
with casual relations $etween the way the language wor&s and develops, on the one hand, and the
facts of social life, on the other, is termed socio-linguistics"
THE CONNECTION OF LEXICOLOGY WITH PHONETICS, STYLISTICS, HISTORY
OF THE LANGUAGE AND GRAMMAR
The treatment of words in lexicology cannot $e divorced from the study of all the other
elements in the language system to which words $elong" #t should $e always $orne in mind that in
reality, in the actual process of communication, all these elements are interdependent and stand in
definite relations to one another" 7e separate them for convenience of study, and yet to separate
them for analysis is pointless, unless we are afterwards a$le to put them $ac& together to achieve
a synthesis and see their interdependence and development in the system" The word, as it has
already $een stated, is studied in several $ranches of linguistics and not in lexicology only and the
latter, in its turn, is closely connected with general linguistics, the history of the language,
phonetics, stylistics and, especially, grammar"
The connection of lexicology with phonetics is very important" 5n the acoustic level words
consist of phonemes, end therefore phonemes participate in signification" They have no meaning
of their ownG The formFmeaning unity is introduced only on a higher level, i"e" on the level of
morphemes" ?evertheless, phonemes are not lexicologically irrelevantH as their function is
$uilding up morphemes, they serve to distinguish $etween meanings" Stylistics, although from a
;
different angle, studies many pro$lems treated in lexicology" These are the pro$lems of meaning,
synonymy, differentiation of voca$ulary according to the sphere of communication and some
other issues" !or a reader without some awareness of the history of words, the images hidden in
their root and their stylistic properties, a su$stantial part of the meaning of a literary text, whether
prosaic or poetic, is lost" The close connection $etween lexicology and grammar is conditioned
$y the manifold and insepara$le ties $etween the o$=ects of their study" Even isolated words, as
presented in a dictionary, $ear a definite relation to the grammatical system of the language,
$ecause they $elong to the same part of speech and conform to some lexical and grammatical
characteristics of the word class to which they $elong" 7ords seldom occur in isolation" They are
arranged in certain patterns conveying the relations $etween the things for which they stand,
therefore alongside with their lexical meaning they possess some grammatical meaning" The two
&inds of meaning are often interdependent" That is to say, certain grammatical functions and
meanings are possi$le only for the words whose lexical meaning ma&es them fit for these
functions, and, on the other hand, some lexical meanings in some words occur only in definite
grammatical functions and forms and in definite grammatical patterns" 5n the other hand the
grammatical form and function of the word affect its lexical meaning" ( wellF&nown sample is
the same ver$ <goI when it is used in the continuous tenses, followed $y <toI and an infinitive
2except <goI and <comeI1" #t serves to express an action in the near or immediate future, or an
intention of future actionH EJou are not going to sit there saying nothing all the evening, are youKE
(nother point of interest is the survival of two grammatically e%uivalent forma of the same word
when they help to distinguish $etween its lexical meanings" ( few nouns, for instance, have two
separate plurals, one &eeping the etymological plural form, and the other with the usual English
ending Fs" !or example, the form <$rothersI is used to express the family relationship, whereas the
old form brethern survives in ecclesiastical usage or serves to indicate the mem$ers of some clu$
or society"
#t may also happen that a form that originally expressed grammatical meaning, for example,
the plural of nouns, $ecomes a $asis for a new grammatically conditioned lexical meaning" #n this
new meaning it is isolated from the paradigm, so that a new word comes into $eing" <(rmsI, the
plural of the noun <armI, for instance, has come to mean EweaponE" 2*"S"+ins$urg, S" S"
,hide&el, +"#",nya-eva, ("("San&in" M",./001
LEXICOLOGY AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS
The Prague school of linguists was the first to recogni-e the functional stratification of
language and its diversity dependent on extralinguistic reality" #n the ./09Fies a tremendous
increase of sociolinguistic investigations was o$served" Many valua$le materials concerning
sociolinguistics were pu$lishedH a great num$er of monographs, collection of articles, =ournals such as
ELanguage in SocietyE, Philadelphia, the S(, E>ournal of Sociology of LanguageE, Dolland" Many
symposiums and conferences, dealing with theoretic pro$lems and practical aspects of
L
sociolinguistics, were organi-ed 2e"g" The 7orld Sociolinguistic Congress, Toronto, ./3L: The
7orld Linguistic Congress, @ienna ./33 etc"1" Sociolinguistics achieves a great popularity as a
result of the cooperation with linguistics and sociology and uses their methods, principles in its
scientific research" Language as a social phenomenon is an integral part of the culture and social
life of" the society, words, recogni-ed within the voca$ulary of the language are part of the
language, on which the influence of extraFlinguistic factors tells in the first place" The extraF
linguistic factors influencing the usage and the development of language represent one of the crucial
pro$lems of linguistics" The $ranch of linguistics dealing with causal relations $etween the way the
language wor&s and develops and the facts of social life is termed sociolinguistics" The given term
is used in different meanings $y various scholars" Thus, some linguists thin& the analysis of
speech $ehaviour in small social groups is the main point of sociolinguistics" (" D" Schweit-er has
written that such microsociological approach alone cannot give a complete picture of sociology of
language" #t should $e com$ined with the study of such macrosociological factors as the effect of
mass media, the system of education, language planning, an analysis of the social stratification of
society as a whole" There are different definitions in the linguistic literature, which denotes a serious
divergence of opinions around this %uestion" That is why there is not only a vie w concerning the
status of sociolingustics and its place among the linguistic and sociological disciplines" EMany
scholars consider sociolinguistics an autonomous science, $ut they do not hold the same opinion
on its natureH some of them %ualify it as a linguistic $ranch, which enter linguistics li&e psychoF
linguistics, the others suppose that sociolinguistics arose on the =oint of linguistics and sociology that
is why it must $e treated as a $ound line su$=ect" #n addition there exists a point of view that
sociolinguistics is not an autonomous discipline, $ut an interFdisciplinary sphere of research, that
develops with the common efforts of sociologists and linguistsE" The eminent +erman scientist
7underlich D" proposes four acceptations for sociolinguistics, differing one from another through
their volumes and their nature" The widest understanding of sociolingaistics origiFnates from the
integrity of communicative process, connected with the social and individual aspect of
communication" 7underlich considers that within sociolinguistics attempts must $e made to
connect the social and linguistic aspect with the theory of communication in small groups and at last
with a linguistic analysis of the individual speech act" (nother wide definition deals with social
factors, which influence the individual speech act" E!or all that, the social differentiations are
considered close to some parameters of various speech $ehaviour, such as role, theme,
circumstances, etc" (ccording to the narrow sense one of the main sociolinguistic aim is to study the
relations $etween the types of speech codes and diverse social parameters" !inally, 7underlich
considers that sociolinguistics must ta&e into account the correlation $etween the $ehaviour and
social parameters, characterising the spea&er6s status, profession and social situation, etc" #t must $e
mentioned that even the widest acceptation of sociolinguistics, proposed $y 7underlich, suffer of a
considera$le narrowness" The wea& point of all the definitions given a$ove is, that they are only
directed to speech communication and reflect the theoretical purpose of those sociolinguistic
M
directions, which state the primacy of speech in language C"?" +olovin considers that
sociolinguistics, in the wide sense, has to explain the whole totality of language articulation and the whole
system of its variants $ecause they are not conditioned $y internal circumstances, $ut $y various
social influences" +olovin distinguishes at least seven levels of functional languageH regional
dialects: written and oral forms of the common language, the functional styles: monologue and
dialogue varieties of the common language: social, professional variants of language, style of
language and its individual variants" !rom +olovin6s standpoint the su$=ect of sociolinguistics, in
the narrow sense, is to study the articulation in language and its functioning mar&ed within the
social groups and classes" #n this connection +olovin gives a model list of goals, outlining the
su$=ect and the aims of sociolinguistics" #n the narrow sense, these goals concern with the age,
social classes and professional difference: the class differentiation within the historical periods:
the difference determined $y the psychological state of person, the social situation of the country"
There are some %uestions that have nothing to do with sociolinguistic research, for instance,
regional dialects, which enter the sphere of linguistic geography and dialectology" This pro$lem
comes certainly into a close contact with sociolinguistics, mainly when the regional dialect
$ecomes at the same time a social dialect 2e"g" Coc&ney is a local dialect of London and at the
same time it is a dialect of lower classes of townspeople1" 7ritten and oral speeches, the
monologue and dialogue speech, social and individual varieties of language do not represent the
sociolinguistic su$=ect" (D these %uestions are studied $y stylistics and partly $y psychoF
linguistic" The academician >irmuns&y @"M" comes in his wor& EMarxism and Social
LinguisticsE to the following conclusionsH E#n the narrow sense, sociolinguistics examines the
correlation $etween two ranges of pro$lemsH a1 social differentiation of language into the exact
layers of its historical development 2within a given community, at a given period1: $1 the process
of social development of language, its history as a social phenomenon" +irmuns&y defines this
type of division as a conventional one, $ased on opposition $etween diachronic and synchronic
approach" Summing up, the su$=ect of sociolinguistics represents the study of social
differentiation of language and functioning of any national language, according to diachronic and
synchronic approaches" To %uote (&hmanova and Marchenco6s wor& E5cNOPNQR NSTUSPVRNWX
YOZWOVWN[PWY\W]WEH 6There are three main directions of sociolinguistic researchesH .1
Sociolinguistics as a discipline, ela$orated on various linguistic materials of languages, reflects
such factors as social situation, socialFclass, age, spea&ersE educational %ualification: 81
Sociolinguistics as a science of the Elanguage existenceE: ;1 Sociolinguistics as a $ranch of
linguistics, dealing with the esta$lishment of the successive correlations $etween the microF
linguistics phenomenon and the features of pu$lic life, within a given communityE" These
acceptations differ from each other" #f the first notion concentrates on the deviation from the
ideal forms of the language existence and its social differentiation, that is to say such deviation as
$ilingualism, the interference of different languages, then the second one studies the means of
cultivation of common language and its conversion into a more valua$le means of internal
0
communication" (s to the third acceptations, citing the !rench Sociolinguist M" Cohen, who
underlines the fact, that the most particular methodological %uestion deals with the esta$lishment
of the process $etween the concrete social factors and linguistic processes" #n the wor& E5 TUR^_R\R
YOZWOVWN[PWY\W]WE ?i&olis&y L" devotes a good deal of space descri$ing the su$=ect of
sociolinguistics" !irst of all he enumerates a large num$er of aspects dealing with language
situations, i"e" different &inds of investigations concerning spontaneous language process, the
interrelation $etween languages and dialects, the formation of supraFdialectal speech categories,
the language standardi-ation and the formation of national literary language" E#n connection with
the language situation the $ilingual phenomenon and diglossia are studiedE" The area of research
also involves the pro$lems connected with language policy and specifically with the conscious
process of language normali-ation made $y society, the formation of the literary language, the
codification process, the termF$uilding etc" !rom ?i&ols&y6s standpoint, sociolinguistics studies
the way the social categories are reflected in the language existence or in the language system,
$esides that, it determines the usage of language $y person and society" +enerally,
sociolinguistics is interested not only in the influence of society upon the language $ut the whole
system of coexistence, correlations $etween language and society and also its importance as an
active social factor" The ?ew Encyclopaedia Critannica gives the following explanation of
sociolinguisticsH Sociolinguistics is the study of the sociological aspects of language, and
concerns itself with the language, which maintains the social roles in a community"
Sociolinguistics attempts to single out those linguistic features that are used in particular
situations and which mar& various social relationships among the participants and the significant
elements of the situation, influences on the choice of sounds, grammatical elements and voca$ulary
items and may include such factors as age, sex, education, occupation, race and peerFgroup
identification, among others" !or example, an (merican English spea&er may use such forms as
EDe don6t &now nothingE or EDe doesn6t &now anythingE depending on such considerations as his
level of education, race, social class, of consciousness, of the effect he wishes to ma&e on the
person he is addressing" #n some languages such as >apanese, there is an intricate system of
linguistic forms that indicate the social relationship of the spea&er and the hearer" Social dialects,
which exhi$it a num$er of socially significant language forms, serve to identify the status of
spea&ers, this is especially evident in England, where social dialects transcend regional dialects
$oundaries" Sociolinguistics is also concerned with $ilingual language situations" The influence of
social considerations on language change has $een investigated" Languages are powerfully affected
$y social, political, economic, cultural and technical change" The influence of those factors
upon linguistic phenomena is studied $y Sociolinguistics" #t shows that social factors can
influence, for instance, have a num$er of specific features as compared to words used in other
spheres of human activity" The word $eing a linguistic reali-ation of a notion changes with the
progress of human consciousness" This process is reflected in the development of lexical
meaning" (s the human mind achieves an ever more exact understanding of the world of reality
3
and the o$=ective relationships that characteri-e it, the notions $ecome more and more exact
reflections of real things" The history of the social, economic and political life of the people,
the progress of culture and science $ring a$out changes in notions and things influencing the
semantic aspect of language" !or instance, Eof courseE meant Ethe ground under people6s feetE,
the soil and Ethe world of manE as opposed to heaven that was supposed to $e inha$ited first $y
+ods and later on, with the spread of Christianity, $y +od, his angels, saints and the souls of the
dead" 7ith the progress of science earth came to mean the third planet from the sun and the
&nowledge is constantly enriched" 7ith the development of electrical engineering earth means a
connection of a wire conductor with the earth: either accidental 2with the result of lea&age of
current1 or intentional 2as for the purpose of providing a return path1" ( D. Melenciuc.
Comparativistics. USM, 2003.)
THE SOCIOLINGUISTIC PROCESS OF BORROWING INTO THE BRITISH VARIANT
OF ENGLISH
#t has already $een mentioned in one of our papers that due to various sociolinguistic
processes English and *omanian have discovered a certain tendency to get closer together,
especially concerning their wordFstoc&s" Thus, the *omanian language, which originates from
Latin, appeared as a result of the disintegration of the *oman Empire and at a given moment it
lost a considera$le amount of the original wordFstoc&" The active reromani-ation process $egan
in `@#F`@## centuries $y $orrowings from !rench 2a$out L9a of the words1, Latin, #talian and
other languages" #t is interesting to o$serve that Elately 2during the transition to the mar&et
economy1 we have had a constant stream of $orrowed wordsE from English, many of them $eing
of *omance origin, and thus contri$uting to the further reromani-ation of *omanian" (s a result
of this process now we detect %uite a large num$er of etymological dou$lets, triplets etc"
Distorically, again due to numerous sociolinguistic events, English has undergone a considera$le
romani-ation of its voca$ulary 2more than 0Ma of the wordFstoc&1" The $orrowing of lexical
units from the a$ove mentioned sources contri$uted to the formation of a considera$le part of
the voca$ulary etymologically 2directly or indirectly1 going $ac& to the same source" The words,
$eing $orrowed from this or that language, continue to develop their semantic structure under the
influence of a given extralinguistic reality of the given linguistic communityH historic conditions,
traditions, culture, development of science and technology, etc" This fact conditions the
difference in the semantic structure of lexemes, which is also connected with the fact that the
$orrowing of this or that lexeme too& place at different times, and that means that the semantic
structure of the lexeme at the time was different or could $e different" Cesides, the lexeme could
$e $orrowed $y different languages in different wayH a1 $orrowing the entire semantic structure
of the given lexeme: $1 $orrowing $y various languages of only part of the semantic structure of
the lexeme, and in this case they may $orrow the same part 2as $eing very important at the
moment1 or every language could $orrow different parts of the given semantic structure to $e
4
further developed in the target languages" The process of $orrowing of lexical units may, li&e
other ways of augmenting the voca$ulary, $e motivated $y the need for ade%uate denotation
of new cognitive contents or concepts arising in the process of the material and spiritual
development of societyE" This was no dou$t so in the case of large num$ers of foreign words,
which entered the English lexicon in more than .M centuries which have passed since the first
arrival of +ermanic invaders in Critain" #t would $e a mista&e to assume that E$orrowingE only
occurred where the native language 2the ErecipientE, or EreceivingE, language1 lac&ed a suita$le
expression or word or had no means of its own with which to fill what is sometimes called a
EgapE, or Evacant slotE in the lexical system" @ery often, in fact, loans were made 2for example
in the Middle English period1 in spite of the availa$ility of perfectly ade%uate lexical items of
native origin, which F in the end F were either replaced $y them or su$=ect to semantic or
stylistic EreFinterpretationE" The causes of word F $orrowing are o$viously of sociolinguistic
motivation" (part from necessity of $orrowing to meet new communicative re%uirements, mere
was undou$tedly much $orrowing which did not serve this purpose, redundant $orrowing" #n
particular historical situations, the use of words of another language was, to a certain extent,
certainly, also a matter of fashion or prestige" This applied to donor languages such as !rench,
which was used for several centuries as the first or second language of the upper class of the
English society" #t also applied to Latin, which had all through the Middle (ges played an
important part as the language of scholarship and learning" Latin made its first impact on the
development of English during the period of the *oman occupation of Critain 2approx" ("D" M9F
L991" The native languages spo&en in Critain at this time were all Celtic, $ut Latin was the
language of the *oman army and the provincial administration" The Latin castra 2Emilitary cbmpE1 is
reflected in the numerous Critish place names ending in EchesterE 2Manchester, 7inchester etc"1"
The 5ldFEnglish period in the history of the English language and literature covers, four centuries
2399F..991" (ngloFSaxon or 5ld English is very different from later EnglishH not only is its
voca$ulary %uite small and overwhelmingly +ermanic, $ut, highly inflected" The num$er of Latin
words that entered English during this period was related mainly to the Christian religion" The
?orman Con%uest had a strong impact on the development of the English language" ?orman
!rench $ecame the language of the royal court and administration and of most of the aristocracy,
although (ngloFSaxon rernained the language of the lower classes" ?orman !rench had a heavily
Latini-ed voca$ulary, most of which gradually entered the English language" #ts interaction with the
less inflected !rench made the English language far less inflected" 7hen English $ecame again
the official language in England it was considera$ly romani-ed 2Some of the Latin $orrowings
words turned out to originate from +ree&1
:
Dere are some words, which go $ac& to lexical units
$orrowed from LatinH anchor, $utter, chal&, cheese, &ettle, &itchen, church, mile 2milia passum1,
pepper, pound 2pondo1, sac& 2saccus1, sic&le, street, wall, wine, apostle, emperor, city, paper, chest,
circle, etc" Thousands of place and river names remained after the *omans had leftH London, Carlisle,
Devon, Dover, Cornwall, Thames, (von""" During the Middle English period the pronunciation of
/
English underwent the +reat Sound Shift, as a result of which the pronunciation changed radically"
During the *enaissance and the following centuries, Latin words or wordFelements tended to $e
adopted and put into currency in English 2often in neologisms, i"e" newly coined words1 forms,
which were closer to the original Latin" The *enaissance period $rought an influx of +ree&F
derived words into the English language" Most of the Scandinavian $orrowings were made during
the /
th
F.9
th
centuriesH Common names Fanger, $yFlaw, ca&e, caii, clumsy, do-e, egg, fellow, gear,
get, give, hale, hit, hus$and, &ic&, &ill, &ilt, &indle, law, low, lump, rag, raise, root, scathe, scorch,
score, scowl, scrape, scru$, seat, s&ill, s&in, s&irt, s&y, sty, ta&e, they, them, their, thrall, thrust, ugly,
want" !rench $orrowings can $e classified into several groupsH .1 Law and governmentH attorney,
$ailiff, chancellor, chattel, country, court, crime, defendant, evidence, government, =ail, =udge, =ury,
larceny, no$le, parliament, plaintiff, plea, prison, revenue, state, tax, verdict: 81 ChurchH a$$ot,
chaplain, chapter, clergy, friar, prayer, preach, priest, religion, sacrament, saint, sermon: ;1 NobilityH
$aron, $aroness: count, countess: du&e, duchess: mar%uis, mar%uess: prince, princess: viscount,
viscountess: no$le, royal 2contrast native wordsH &ing, %ueen, earl, lord, lady, &night, &ingly,
%ueenly1: L1 MilitaryH army, artillery, $attle, captain, company, corporal, defense, enemy, marine,
navy, sergeant, soldier, volunteer: M1 CookingH $eef, $oil, $roil, $utcher, dine, fry, mutton, por&,
poultry, roast, salmon, stew, veal: 01 Culture and luxury goodsH art, $racelet, claret, clarinet, dance,
diamond, fashion, fur, =ewel, o$oe, painting, pendant, satin, ru$y, sculpture: 31 Other: adventure,
change, charge, chart, courage, devout, dignity, enamour, feign, fruit, letter, literature, magic, male,
female, mirror" #n the Modern English period and in the Early Modern English Period 2.M99F.0M91
the Latin and +ree& elements of the English voca$ulary continue to grow, especially in science and
technology" There was also a constant influx of words from +erman, Dutch, Spanish, #talian, *ussian,
(ra$ic, Dindi, Malay, Chinese, >apanese1 and from the indigenous languages of (frica and ?orth
and South (mericaE" Let6s adduce some examplesH .1 Words of Latin originH agile, a$domen,
anatomy, area, capsule, compensate, dexterity, 6discus, disccdis&, excavate, expensive, fictitious,
gradual, ha$itual, insane, =anitor, meditate, notorious, or$it, peninsula, physician, superintendent,
ultimate, vindicate: 81 Words of Greek originH 2many of these via Latin1 anonymous, atmosphere,
autograph, catastrophe, climax, comedy, critic, data, history, ostraci-e, parasite, pneumonia, s&eleton,
tonic, tragedy: ;1 Arabic via SpanishH alcove, alge$ra, -enith, algorithm, almanac, a-imuth, alchemy,
admiral: L1 Arabic via other Romance languages: am$er, cipher, orange, saffron, sugar, -ero"
The Modern English period 2.0M9 F present1 has $een a period of colonial expansion, industrial
and technological revolution, and (merican immigration" These caused a new flux of $orrowingsH
7ords from European languagesH a1 !rench still continues to $e the ma=or source of enriching the
English voca$ularyH
.1 High cultureH $allet, $ouilla$aisse, ca$ernet, cachet, chaise longue, champagne, chic, cognac,
corsage, faux pas, nom de plume, %uiche, rouge, roulette, sachet, salon, saloon, sangfroid, savoirFfaire:
81 War and MilitaryH $astion, $rigade, $attalion, cavalry, grenade, infantry, palisade, re$uff,
$ayonet: ;1 OtherH $igot, chassis, cli%ue, denim, garage, grotes%ue, gean2s1, niche, shoc&: L1 Cana-
.9
dian FrenchH chowder: M1 Louisiana !renchH =am$alaya" #t was mentioned a$ove that direct and
indirect borrowings from Latin and other Romance languages resulted in a percentage of the English
word stoc& prevailing 0Ma" ( considera$le amount of Latin origin words $orrowed into 5ld
+ermanic language, then into English, are found in most +ermanic languages" This
sociolinguistic fact proves that diachronically all the +ermanic tri$es and peoples were in
permanent contact with the *omans, then with the *omance countries, many words entered
English and other +ermanic languages after the migration period and served to meet new
communicative needs arising from their cultural changes $rought a$out in the process of
Christiani-ation, etc" Thus, for example, the following English words have their correspondents
of Latin origin in the +erman language as wellH plant, palm, plum, mill, chest, mar&et, chal&, nun,
school, devil, false, cat, street, etc" Most of the $orrowings from Latin can $e classified according
to specific fields of human activity, such as church and Christian doctrine, education, and the
administration of law or neigh$ouring fields" These include $orrowings such asH .1 congregation,
scripture, catholic, evangelic, ceremonial, alpha$et, educate 2n1, descri$e 2n1, discuss 2n1,
pedagogue, testament, contract, elect 2n1, prosecute 2n: 81 EducationH class, auditorium, museum,
matriculate, summary, appendix, critic, topic: ;1 Political, administration, law voca$ularyH
competition, complete, negotiation, agenda, veto, status, legislator, confiscate, censor: L1 ($stract
notionsH adoption, conflict, com$ine, commend, discuss, alienate, complete, imaginary, immortal"
The (ngloFSaxons who invaded Critain m the @
th
century had already many Latin words in their
voca$ulary ac%uired $y the 5ld +ermanic language through early commercial and cultural
contacts with the *omansH EmileE 2Lat" mille 2passuum1 d a thousand dou$lepaces1: EpoundE
2pondo d 2$y1 weight1: EwineE 2Lat" vinum d must, unfermented fruit =uice1" (fter the introduction
of Christianity in Critain there was an influx of words pertaining to ecclesiastical activity and
learning" Typical words areH a$$ot, altar, angel, candle, canon, cleric, deacon, mass, minister
2Lat" monasterium1, mon&, nun, priest" To Christian learning and education we owe the loans
school, master 2Lat" magister1, grammatical" Many $orrowings were accepted in a shortened
formH exult 2Lat" F are1, dispel 2F lere1" capital 2F is1, denunciation 2F em1" The process of
$orrowing $rought to the formation of synonymous dou$lets, triplets etc"H $rother F fraternal, foot
F pedestrian, father F paternal, son F filial, $rotherhood F fraternity, sisterhood Fsorority, eye F
ocular, heaven F celestial, sun F solar, horse F e%uestrian, &ing F regal, cloudy F ne$ulous, cat F
feline, dog F canine, etc" The !rench #nfluence on English started even $efore the ?orman
Con%uest" Cut the process of $orrowing was really considera$le during the Middle English
times" #t was a real invasion of !rench lexemes into the English word stoc&" 7ords of the
following type were $eing $orrowed at the timeH countre 2country1, lac 2la&e1, coste 2coast1,
mountain 2e1, river 2e1, fro2u1nt2i1er, val2l1ey, $ordure 2$order1, village, hamelet 2hamlet1,
Emperor, $aron 2$aronie1, du&2e1, no$le 2no$leman1, dame, gentil 2Fman, F woman 1, etc" 5f the
native aristocratic names remained only a fewH &ing, %ueen, lord, lady, &night, earl" The new
names of rulers were of ?ormanF !rench originH soverein 2sovereign1, 2under the1 reule 2rule1
..
c2o1roune 2crown1, govern2e1ment, tresorie 2treasury1, parlement 2parliament1, cha2u1ncerie
2chancery1, etc" Loans referring to concepts of Christian doctrine or Christian ethics were addedH
Charite, innocence, virginite, conscience, vertu2e1 2virtue1, vice, sauvaciounc salvacion 2salvation1"
!rench remained an important source of lexical $orrowing in Modem English period, reflecting
the character of the relations in various spheres of life, Specially in the social and cultural, in
which the !rench had ta&en the lead" The political, trade and industry voca$ulary is widely
representedH society, aristocracy, democracy, patriot, repu$lic, regime, fraction, minority,
aristocrat, ca$inet, communism, economy, commerce, traffic, machine" (rtistic and cultural ties
with !rance are reflected in loans li&eH artist, architect, $aro%ue, renaissance, rococo, $allet,
$urles%ue, prelude, vase, essay, cartoon, $rochure, envelope" 7ar and military termsH $attalion,
$arricade, parole, volley, campaign, war, peace, defense, army, soldier, troops, guard, sergeant,
lieutenant, general" Some loans survived from DEH sword, helmet, spear, to fight, weapon"
7ays and mannersH courteous, honour, no$le, fine, gracious, agreea$le, courage, amia$le, glory,
valour, =oy, comfort, delight, pleasure, dance, feast, luxury: ta$le, plate, saucer, for&: dinner, supper,
$rea&fast" Law and =usticeH .1 Names of crimesH adultery, arson, $urglary, treason, fraud, per=ury,
assault, $attery" 81 Terms connected with wills and propertyH heir, heritage, legacy, estate,
property, assets" The ?orman rulers made !rench and Latin the medium of all legal proceedings,
and today most terms pertaining to that sphere are of !rench originH =ustice, =ury, court, plaintiff,
defendant, accuse, evidence, proof, sentence, verdict, punishment" ;1 Clothes and fashionH
gown, garment, froc&, costume, ha$it, collar, lace, $utton, $uc&le, plume, ?orman aristocracy
could affordH satin, sa$ie, ermine: ru$y, diamond, =ewel, sapphire" The $asic colours are
represented $yH red, green, $lac&, white" L1 Food terminologyH $roil, stew, grate, mince, souse,
grill, soup, pastry, dainty, =elly" 7ordFpairs were formed here as wellH calfFveal, swineFpor&, oxF
$eef, sheepFmutton, deerFvenison"
Among loans of 17-18 centuries we can findH fanfare, cli%ue, envelope, salon, $an%uet, canteen,
roulette, criti%ue, vignette, nuance, chignon, casserole, cuisine, picnic, eti%uette, de$ut, souvenir,
visFbFvis" euite a num$er of the $orrowed words have practically preserved the forms they had in
!renchH agreea$le, comforta$le, $lamea$le, changea$le, passa$le, &nowa$le, spea&a$le, un$eara$le,
un$rea&a$le: seasona$le, persona$le, merita$le"
The influence Scandinavian languages was due to invasions and from temporary coF
existence of the related languages in certain parts of England" Let6s give some examples of
Scandinavian $orrowingsH felan2e1 f fela2u1-e 2fellow1, egge 2egg1, hus$onda 2hus$and1m stei& f
ste& 2stea&1, e-e f aye 2eye1, s&irte 2s&irt1, scoru 2score1, scinn2n1 2s&in1, $op g $oth 2$ooth1, ri&e f
cre&e 2cree&1, sneare 2snare1, lin&2e1 2lin&1, reise2n1 2raise1, wante2n1 2want1, tacan, ta&e2n1 fta&e1,
hittan 2hit1, wei& f we& 2wea&1, ill2e1 2ill1, sle$: f sley f sli2-1 2sly1, los f loos 2loose1, $on f $oun2d1
2$ound 2for11, wrang f wrong 2wrong1" The Dutch and Low +erman influence was not so strong
and limited the num$er of loans to certain speciali-ed spheres in which mem$ers of these
language communities were particularly active" 5verFseas trade involved shipping, and nautical
.8
terms figure %uite prominently among the Modem English loans from Low DutchH dogger 2a
fishing $oat1, $uie f $oy2e1 2$uoy1, de&&e 2dec&1, $otye f $uty 2$ooty1, doc&, yacht, yale f yaule f
yawl" ClothFmanufacture and $rewing, etc"H tu$$e 2tu$1, pa& f pa&&e 2pac&1, spole 2spool1, $ra&e
2$ra&e1, doler f dollar, $rand2e1mne f $randymne f $randy"
The Low +erman 2Dutch, !lemish, Saxon1 is represented chiefly $y loans reflecting maritime
relationsH $oom, $ow, $owsprit, $uoy, commodore, cruise, doc&, freight, &eel, &eelhaul, lea&,
pump, reef, scoop, scour, s&ipper, sloop, smuggle, splice, tac&le, yawl, yacht, free$ooter, sto&er,
smugger, smac& 2the vessel1, cruise, yawl, reef, walrus, $eleaguer, holster, free$ooter, furlough,
onslaught" Military termsH $eleaguer, $lunder$uss, raster" Cloth industryH $ale, cam$ric, duc&
2fa$ric1, fuller6s earth, mart, nap, selvage, spool, stripe" (rtH easel, etching, landscape, s&etch" !ood
and drin&H $oo-e, $randy 2mne1, coleslaw, coo&ie, cran$erry, crullers, gin, hops, stoc&fish, waffle"
5ther domainsH $ugger 2orig" !rench1, crap, curl, dollar, scum, split, uproar" Thus, we can
conclude that Latin and !rench remained the most important sources of lexical $orrowing into
English"
+radually English a$sor$ed a$out h39a of its modern word stoc& from various languages of the
world and created a rich voca$ulary of international words, which English now is generously
giving to most languages of the world"
( D. Melenciuc. Comparativistics. USM, 2003.)
THE SOCIOLINGUISTIC PROCESS OF BORROWING INTO AMERICAN
VARIANT OF ENGLISH
Discussing the su$=ect of enriching the word stoc& of a language we should ta&e into
consideration the literary variants and dialects" The (merican 2SE1 and Critish 2CE1 variants
of the English language can serve as a good example, $ecause they $oth, for a period of time,
have developed separately and ac%uired certain specific features" (t the $eginning of the `@##
century 2.09L1 coloni-ers from +reat Critain started to arrive in ?orth (merica and, thus, the
English language $egan to spread there" The English language word stoc& at the time was "not
so rich to express the multitude of phenomena, new o$=ects and notions the immigrants had to
deal with" There was an urgent necessity of creating new words and they were $eing created $y
means of composition, derivation, conversion, a$$reviation, lexicali-ation of grammatical forms,
change of grammatical forms, change of the meaning of the words existing in English 2and this
lead to differences in the semantic structure of many lexemes in (merican and Critish variants of
English1, etc" Most of the words to fill the gap were $orrowed from the #ndian languages and
languages of the people coming from different parts of the world" During the coloni-ation of
?orth (merica English, !rench and Spanish coloni-ers contacted each other and as a result a lot
of !rench and Spanish words were $orrowed into the SE" Dere a some examples of words
$orrowed from !rench 2Canada and Lousiana1H E$ayou, cache, depot, dime, $ureau, armoire, dindon
sauvage, $arouche sauvage, aigle tete $lanche: ?ames of placesH Detroit, !ond du Lac, Prairie du
.;
Chien, Eau Claire, (u Sa$ie, Lousiana etc" The num$er of $orrowings from !rench into SE is
smaller than the one in the CE" The $orrowings from Spanish have $een and still are %uite
considera$le" There are more than ;4 million Spanish spea&ing people in the S(" ( Spanglish
dialect has $een formed, i"e" a &ind of mixture of English and Spanish" Dere are some examples
of Spanish $orrowingsH creole, alligator, ranch, canyon, marihuana, pia-a, tornado, $onan-a,
eldorado, wrangler, mos%uito, hom$re, amigo, pronto: ?ames of placesH Eldorado, Sbn
!rancisco, Los (ngeles, Sbn Diego, Sbn Pedro, Sacramento, !lorida, 5rlando, etc" 7e should
also distinguish direct $orrowings from the indirect ones, and loan translations from the #ndian
languages of ?orth (merica" Many $orrowed lexemes found their way not only into Critish
English, $ut also into many other languages due to the translation of many $oo&s all over the
world" Let6s give several examplesH hominy, pone, succotash, mac&inaw, moccasin, wigwam,
to$oggan, tomahaw&, sagamore, papoose: #ndirect $orrowingsH coyote, canni$al, canoe, chocolate,
cocoa, potato, tomato, savannah: Loan translationsH $ig chief, fierwater, medicine man, pale face,
pipe of peace, war dance, war hatchet, war paint, to $ury the hatchet etc"

Diachronically many
lexemes have $een $orrowed from the languages of the immigrants, To mention the fact that the
$orrowed words were then shared with the Critish @ariant of English, if they had not $een
$orrowed there $efore" #n the S(, there is a considera$le num$er of population originating from
+ermany" That6s why the +erman element is largely expected to $e found in the (merican
@ariant 2and then shared with the Critish variant1" Let6s give some examples of lexemes
$rought $y +erman immigrants to the S( or as a result of relations with +ermany" Some of the
$orrowings could $e indirect, including via the Critish @ariant of EnglishH $um, dun&, feldspar,
%uart-, hex, lager, &nac&wurst, liverwurst, loafer, noodle, poodle, dachshund, pret-el, pinochle,
pumpernic&el, sauer&raut, schnit-el, -wie$ac&, 2$eer1 stein, lederhosen, dirndl, $lit-&rieg, -eppelin,
strafe, F$oat, delicatessen, ham$urger, wiener, hausfrau, &indergarten, 5&to$erfest, schuss,
underF&ind, sprit- 2coo&ies1, 2apple1 strudel" 5f the Low +erman dialects it is Dutch, which has
contri$uted most significantly to the growth of the English voca$ulary of $oth Critish and
(merican @ariants" ?avigation and exploration in the .3
th
century $rought England into
particularly close contact with the Dutch" Trade has made a large num$er of more or less
international words pertaining ships and the seaH s&ipper, yowl, dec&, doc&, $uoy" 7ords li&eH $oss,
waffle, coo&ie, Santa Claus are (mericanisms of Dutch origin" (chievements in medicine, physics
and chemistry have contri$uted to further $orrowingsH *oentgenFray 2not usually `Fray1, heroin, pepsin,
aspirin, inferiority, complex, uranium, relativity 2Einstein1, molecule, protein" To the culinary
voca$ulary $elongH noodle, ham$urger, delicatessen, schnapps" Miscellaneous loans includeH
&indergarten, semester, seminar, poodle, hand$oo&, Diesel, ice$erg 2Eis$erg1" The +erman influence
is most potent in the ./th century, the leading position of +ermany in philosophy and literary
criticism has contri$uted to such $orrowingsH enlightenment, leitFmotif, fol&song, gestalt" ,ant, for
example, is responsi$le forH o$=ective, su$=ective, nihilism"
.L
The Spaniards and the Portuguese were explorers, and English due to early contacts and clashes
with them started to $orrow a large num$er of exotic words, many denoting phenomena from the
?ew 7orldH negro, potato, mulatto, mos%uito, tomatoes, vanilia, alligator, $anana, canni$al, mai-e,
lime, chocolate, to$acco, cor&, sherry, chili, cigar" To warli&e or maritime contact with Spain testifyH
(rmada, galleon, desperado, em$argo, cas&, tornado" More recent loans areH Cronco, Lasso, canyon,
hacienda, mustang, ranch, poncho, siesta, vamoose 2Spanish vamos1 5f Portuguese origin areH caste,
al$ino, flamingo, coco2nut1, $uffalo, yam, mandarin, madeira, port 2wine from oporto1, guinea" Other
Spanish loansH $ravado, comrade, toreador, matador, som$rero, guitar, parade, escapade, pia-a,
domino, corral, coc&roach 2reFformed in English from cucaracha1, armada, ado$e, alligator, alpace,
armadillo, $arricade, $ravado, canni$al, canyon, coyote, desperado, em$argo, enchilada, guitar,
mari=uana, mesa, mos%uito, mustang, ranch, taco, tornado, tortilla, vigilance" The group naturally
divides into words, which remain strongly Spanish in form and those that are assimilated"
Corrowings from Portuguese are not numerous" !rom the ?ew 7orld, (frica and the East,
Portuguese contri$uted with cocoFnut, molasses, sargasso, macaw: madeira, palaver, assaga: $uffalo,
=oss, castle, verandah, emu, mandarin, pagoda: $on-e 2from >apanese1" The Italian influence on
English started in the Middle (ges when the #talians were leading in $an&ingH florin, ducat,
million" (s in other European languages, the musical voca$ulary of English is derived from
#talianH allegro, violin, solo, opera, piano, stan-a, concerte, duet, virtuoso, andante, soprano, alto,
prima donna, adagio" Terms pertaining to architecture and the artsH citadel, villa, corridor, portico,
frie-e, arcade" Painting and sculptureH fresco, pastel, miniature, ferra cotta, $ust" Life and customsH
$alcony, cupola, loggia: firm 2commercial house1: macaroni, vermicelli, pi--a: um$rella:
propaganda" The #talians were not coloni-ers, they were travellers" This made the $orrowings from
#talian less militaryH alto, arsenal, $alcony, $roccoli, cameo, casino, cupola, duo, fresco, fugue,
ga-ette 2via !rench1, ghetto, gondola, grotto, macaroni, madrigal, motto, piano, opera, pantaloons,
prima donna, regatta, se%uin, soprano, opera, stan-a, stucco, studio, tempo, torso, um$rella, viola,
violin" Lexemes of the type given $ellow have $ecome #talian (mericaFnisms, a contri$ution of the
numerous #talian immiFgrantsH cappuccino, espresso, linguini, mafioso, pasta, pi--a, ravioli, spaghetti,
spumante, -a$aglione, -ucchini"
( relative separation of the SE and CE in their Eevolution has $rought to certain phonologic,
grammatical and lexical differences" The same differences are o$served in the semantic structures of
many lexemes in $oth English variants, and in words of common origin in English and *omanian"
Thus, the lexeme E$ugE in Critish English has a much narrower meaning 2ploAnitB, $loha1 than in
the (merican variant, where it has ac%uired a wider meaning of EinsectE, and also that of E$acteriaE,
EfashionE, etc" The com$ination E$ed $ugE corresponds to the CE E$ugE" euite a num$er of the so
called (mericanisms can $e found in the archaic or dialectal Critish English, thus, the e%uivalent of
the EautumnE in the S( is EfallE, which is archaic in CE" The same lexeme may $e used to express
different meaningsH Thus, EpavementE in the S( means Ehard part of the streetE and the CE of
the given lexeme is rendered in the S as Esidewal&E" #n the ``
th
century, especially after the
.M
Second 7orld 7ar, there was an active mutual influence $etween SE and CE" The fact that the
S( has $ecome one of the leading political, military and economic power in the world and has
made SE variant prefera$le" #ts influence on the CE has considera$ly increased due to modern
communication means as well" Many E(mericanismsE are not re=ected on the Critish #sles, especially
among the young generation" Even in pronunciation of words we can detect changes in the CE as a
result of the SE influence" Thus, for example, one can hear on CCC the same pronunciation of Ejt,
d, s, -kE in front of EjrkE 2=k sounds 2they existed in some Critish dialects1H E+lad to meet youE 2EtE is
pronounce li&e EehE in EchoiceE1: EPress reportE, ELast yearE 2EsE pronounced li&e EshE in EfishE1: E#t
was you"""E 2the sound j-k is pronounced li&e j;k in EgarageE or EmeasureE1: EDid you see him
yesterdayKE 2EdE in front of EyE here is pronounced li&e jdsk in E+eorgeE or in E=oyE1" Many new
words and expressions are $eing $orrowed constantly due to television, cinema, radio, internet,
tourism, $usiness relations, economic, cultural, political and military relations" Practically there
is a process of leveling out of the variants and creating a &ind of general or world English" Still
there are many words that the (mericans and the Critish would recogni-e that they are not
part of their variant yet, $ut part of the world EnglishH apartment Fflat: dormitory 2fraternity,
sorority1 F hostel: cereal Fporridge: pants F trousers: vacation F holiday: campus F grounds: accord
F agreement, ctc"

( D. Melenciuc. Comparativistics. USM, 2003.)
LEXICOLOGY AND SUPRASEGMENTAL PHONOLOGY
#t is common &nowledge that ver$al communication is $ased on a system of differences F on the
a$ility of the spea&er or listener to distinguish $etween EsameE and EdifferentE" Cut, of course, the
ordinary user of language $ecomes fully conscious of differences and similarities of sound only in
the more o$vious casesl Thus, for exampleH [['What are you 'working \for?[[ [['What are you
\working for?[ The first variant is interpreted as "what are you trying to obtain", the second F
"why are you working". The two sentences present a clear differentiation of the two stressFpatterns
as leading to a change of purport" #n some instances it is possi$le to carry the variation stressFpatterns
through a series of three F all of them correlated with differences in meaningH a. blackbird`s \ nest -
nest of a blackbird; a black \bird's nest - bird's-nest which is black; a black bird's
\
nest - nest
of a black-coloured bird" English punning ha$its often ma&e use of a sentence with the stressF
pattern so distorted as to suggest a ridiculous utteranceH Did you "ever -see a .horse
/
fly?[[ This
sentence is a distortion of the expectedH g Did you "ever -see a /horsefly?!
?ow let us turn to examples of another &ind" #f two sentencesH gg The sun's rays meet gg and g The
sons raise I meat gg are pronounced in the same way 2as indicated1 they are practically
indistinguisha$le, the am$ivalence $eing resolved $y context alone" To &eep them apart as such the
following pronunciation will have to $e adoptedH The sun's rays [ meet vs" The sons raise meat.
5ne more exampleH gg When I eat ice-cream, I love it, vs" gg When I eat,[ I scream: "I \love it".
#f anyone wrote the following sentence in a letter to youH "He doesn't lend his books to
anybody", what meaning would it convey to youK (t first sight you might interpret it asH "He lends
.0
his books to nobody". Cut it may also meanH He is rather particular as to the persons he lends
his books to, he does not lend them to everybody". Let us now imagine that the sentence is used
$y someone who is tal&ing to us" #n this case we need no context to help us: the sentence itself" #t
will now contain an element which will ade%uately differentiate the two meaningsH
1. [[ He doesn't 'lend his 'books to \anybody
2. [[ He doesn't 'lend his 'books to \/anybody
7e have to loo& very closely at our material 2and try to understand what it is that ena$les us to
apprehend correctly these completely different meanings"
7e $egin $y wor&ing on the "feature" level to try and discover those parameters on which
semiologically relevant oppositions are $ased, we then pass on to the content plane and explain
the concepts of "meaning" and "purport".
#t is generally &nown that the term EmeaningE is still not infre%uently regarded as denoting
something elusive and mysterious" Cut as far as we are concerned this is most emphatically not the
case" Linguistic meaning is a reverberation in the human consciousness of "objects" of
reality (phenomena, relationships, qualities, and processes) which becomes a fact of language
because a constant and indissoluble connection is established between the reverberation and
a certain sound. Thus the particular reverberation becomes the content of the word, with
respect to which its sound-form or expression functions as a "sound-envelope" or "caul" -
indispensable not only because It is the physical expression of the content and the vehicle for
communicating it to other people, but also because without it the given lexical meaning could
not oome into being, exist and develop. Cut when people tal&, the EnoisesE they ma&e are $asicalF
ly 2from the point of view of their semiological relevance1 prosodic" The EcontentE that attaches to
them must therefore $e denoted $y a special term EpurportE F the potential content of the utterance
2not Emeaning) $ecause this term is most conveniently used when descri$ing the various units of
the ElexisE1"
The prosody of speech is divided into syntactic and suprasyntactic" Cy syntactic
prosody we mean Ethe phonology of the sentenceE" Syntactic prosody is the science of those
phenomena of speech, which serve a very wellFdefined purposes that of expressing syntactic
relations" Syntactic prosody is concerned with the syntactic", grammatical function of EintonetionE F
the different &inds of content the expression of which depends on the particular type of prosodic
organi-ation of the tterance" The following examples will help us to $ring out the pointE more
clearlyH [[ Yesterday, I 'went to the \cinema [[
Said in this way the utterance is a statement, $ut if we su$stitute a rising tone for a falling one
the utterance will $ecome a %uestionH gg Yesterday, I went to the
\
cinema?[[ 5r we can change the
prosodic arrangement in such a way that it will sound li&e thisH [[Yesterday? I 'went to the \cinema. [[
Syntactic prosody should clearly $e distinguished from suprasyntactic prosody which in its turn is
divided into Logical and tim$re suprasyntactics" Syntactic prosody functions on the semantic
level. #n contrast to syntactic prosody, suprasyntactic prosody is concerned with the metasemiotic
.3
function of speech sounds F the different emotional, expressive, evaluative connotations which find
expression in stylistically mar&ed types of prosodic arrangement" The first of the two varieties of
suprasyntactics, the logical one, deals with the soFcalled accent dIinsistence F the greater degree of
EforceE on one or more sylla$les in an utterance" #ts function is to $ring into prominence a certain
element in the utterance for the sa&e of contrast or some other metasemiotic purpose: [[ 1ohn 'gave
the book to \ Peter [[ (Ion i-a dat cartea lui \Petru ;[[Van'a.dal knigu \Pete [ [[ 1ean a donn le-livre
a \Pierre [[ 6Thus within the scope of Modern European languages logical suprasyntactics could $e
regarded as an EalmostFuniversalE" 7e shall hasten to add that we spea& of a linguistic EuniversalE not
$ecause this most involved su$=ect is at all within our range, $ut simply $ecause we want to
emphasi-e the pedagogical unimportance of logical suprauyntactics" #t is so simple arid o$vious a
phenomenon F insofar as purport is concerned m that it need hardly $e mentioned at all" This does not
mean to say, of course, that the prosodic means employed are identical even in cognate languages" (s
far as timbre suprasyntactics is concerned we find that, unfortunately, we are not standing on very
solid ground" The trou$le is that so far the constituents of tim$re suprasyntactics have not $een
studied, or, to $e more exact, very little research has $een done into this matter" The investigation of
tim$re suprasyntactics is only $eginning, $ut even at the present stage we can with sufficiently good
reason try to analyse certain situations"
Cy tim$re we mean the specific suprasyntactic expression of various emotional, expressive, and
evaluativeFovertones" Thus, for exampleH
Natasha: Hae \dare you sit down in .front of .me! \Get out! \Leave the room! Why you \keep
this woman /here I \don`t under/stand.
Olga: Forgive me but I \also don`t understand. Natasha:
But she`s only a /peasant - she ought to live in the /country. She is quite /useless here. You`re
\spoiling her. I like \order in the \house. No idleness /here.
The prosody in this passage serves to express the spea&er6s emotions $y means of variations in
tempo 2allegro, allegrissimo1, loudness 2forte1 and range 2narrowed1" (part from these features we
find some phenomena of sound which do not depend on either pitch, loudness or tempo for the
contrastive effect" 7e mean the paralinguistic features, i"e" Ethe vocal effects caused $y different
configurations of the glottal and supraglottal organs" #n the passage adduced a$ove the spea&er uses
tremulousness" Ta&en together, these prosodic features reali-e the tim$re of anger and irritation
and do so $ecause of the latent contrast with what is usually termed as EneutralE" Tim$re
suprasyntactics is thus seen to comprise a complex of prosodic and paralinguistic features which
are at the spea&er6s disposal and can $e freely drawn upon whenever the intention of metacontent is
indicated"
Lexicological Phonetics
Lexicology is a su$division of linguistics which concerns itself with the study of words and
wordFe%uivalents"
.4
This does not mean that the pro$lem of the word has never $een tac&led $y phoneticsF
phonology" 7hat can $e descri$ed as phonology of the word has collected a large num$er of facts,
as far as types of stress the phonetic $ehaviour of evenFstressed words, prosodic and accentual
patterns are concerned" Cut so far the phonology

of the word was phonetically oriented, it ignored
the main pro$lems of lexicology" ( new $ranch of phonetics, which we propose to call
lexicological phonetics" This $ranch of phonetics will concern itself with $oth the inherent and
adherent prosodic features which are reali-ed in the voca$ulary of a language"
Lexicological phonetics studies the different phonetic means with the help of which the
semantic structure of lexemes, their inherent and adherent stylistic connotations, etc. are
realized in speech, the words (glosses) appearing as lexical units, as elements of the
vocabulary each of which is endowed with the ability to express individual reference to
certain elements of extra-linguistic reality. It is very important to note that lexicological
phonetics is lexicentric , for it concentrates on words and seeks to discover in how far
phonetics and phonology can go together to help raise the study of the vocabulary to a higher
level of scientific precision.
7hat is, then, the most important pro$lem which lexicology has solved already insofar as the
written form of language is concerned and which it has to solve on the $asis of the oral formK The
$asic %uestion is still the pro$lem of the word" Dow do we &now that a given segment of speech is
a wordK Dow do we &now where one word ends and another word $eginsK Dow do we &now that
this is the same word and not another one when it occurs several minutes laterK True, the
phonology of the word has already done a lot along these lines $ut unfortunately all these
interesting data can $e applied to very specific situations, to certain types of words only"
Lexicological phonetics wor&ed out the method which can $e applied to all the words in a
language" This method consists in studying the flow of speech from, the point of view of those units
which are called words and their specific phonetic $ehaviour in different registers" The application
of this method showed that different words $ehave differently in the flow of speech , e"g"H This is
de\lightful, in
\
deed! They 'only .felt how im\prudent .must \be. ... and he was 'looked .at with
'great admi\ration[[ un'til his .'manners .gave a ,dis\gust. which 'turned to the \tide of his
popul\arity. [[ After a'busing you so a
\
bominably to your
/
face[ I could have 'no \scruple in a\busing
you to \ all your re\lations. #n each of these examples we find words whose prosodic arrangement
leaves us in no dou$t as to their prominence in the flow of speech" 7e mean the ad=ectivesH
delightful, imprudent , great: the nounsH admiration, disgust: the adver$H a$omina$ly" (ll these
words, although they $elong to different parts of speech, are thus naturally $rought together"
Dowever different their concrete lexical meanings or other peculia rities, they all stand out in the
flow of speech, are prosodically prominent $ecause of the shared lexical property of inherent
metasemiotic connotation"
Cy inherent connotation we mean a permanent stylistic characteristics of a linguistic unit" Thus,
for example, words li&e super$" selfish, wic&ed, wretched possess inherent metasemiotic
./
connotation" 7henever a word of this &ind is used, $oth the spea&er and the listener are aware of
its expressiveFemotionalFevaluative overtones" #t is therefore6Fvery easy to thin& of a suita$le context
in which these properties are most clearly manifested, e"g"H ggWe were to 'have a .su'perb. \dinner"
gg
[[ I have been a \ selfish
`[
being 'all my \life in
\
practice [ though 'not in \principle. [[ [[ Is it a

very
\
wicked
/
place? [[
#f inherent connotation is an 6emic6 phenomenon, it must $e endowed with definite structural
characteristics" (ccording to #"+6u$$enet, words with inherent connotation can $e divided into
three groupsH .1 7ords whose inherent connotation is firmly rooted in some extralinguistic o$=ect:
8 1 7ords whose inherent connotation is due to linguistic rnotivation: ;1 7ords whose inherent
connotation is structured $y prosodic means alone" #n our case it is prosody that matters from first to
the last" That is why we focus our attention on those phenomena of sound which accompany the
enunciation of this &ind of words in actual utterancesH [[ 'Oh \1ane 'this is
[
bitter!
[
'This is \wicked![[
The word 6$itter6 is associated with the su$stance of an unpleasant taste" Cut here it is used for a
different purpose, $y Mr"*ochester to express his attitude to >ane6s decision to leave him forever"
The word 6$itter
I
is $rought out $y means of a high falling tone and increased loudness" (nother
exampleH gg It was \coldness both from her and her \mother. [[ The word 'coldness' is always
associated with low temperature" Cut here again the word is used figuratively" #t means 'unkind,
unfriendly, unwelcome', and this meaning is accompanied $y a strong inherent connotation" #n
the sentence a$ove the word is said with a falling tone, decreased loudness, and narrowed range"
5therwise stated, the inherent connotation of words of this group is normally reinforced $y means
of a certain prosodic arrangement" The second group comprises those words whose inherent
connotation depends on 6motivation6, i"e" words whose inner form is transparent, e"g"H A
\
mazing
[
girl.
/
Tomas, but where are you going to find a husband for her. [[ The semantic structure of
the word 'ama-ing) leaves us in no dou$t as to its connotationH that which ama-es" #n the example
the word is $rought out $y means of a falling tone and lento tempo" (long with the prosodic
features we can o$serve a paralinguistic featureH laughter. Ta&en together, they reinforce the
inherent connotation of the word in %uestion" (nother exampleH [[ He is a statesman of in'comparable
a\bility, Your \Grace. [[ The word 6incompara$le6 has got a distinct semantic structure" ( num$er of
prosodic features 2a high level tone, increased loudness1 are used $y the spea&er to $ring out the word
in the flow of speech" #n the case of words li&e 6ama-ing6, 6incompara$le6, etc" the prosodic expression
of inherent connotation is su$servient to either the 6referential6 or the 6motivated6 connotation
contained in them" (s far as group ; is concerned, the inherent connotation not motivated $y lexical
andcor morphological means and structured $y prosodic means alone, for exampleH [[ Now you must
'all

taste to \ finish with [such a de'lightful and de

[
licious
[
present of

Uncle
\
Pumblechook[[ #n
this case there are two words with inherent connotationH 6delightful
.
and 6delicious)" Cut we shall
concentrate our attention on the ad=ective 6delicious6, $ecause it is neither referentially conditioned nor
linguistically mar&ed, The word is said with a high level tone and prolongation ofthe sound jlk , and
89
conse%uently the word stands out very clearly" (nother exampleH [[
\
Pray do 'not .talk of that
\odious /man. [[ There can $e no dou$t whatsoever that the word 6odious6 is a word with inherent
connotation" #t is $rought out $y means of a falling tone, slow tempo, and increased loudness" !rom
what has >ust $een said we may conclude that whenever we come across a word possessing inherent
connotation we should $ring it out $y a num$er or prosodic and paralinguistic features" Cut this rule
is not without exception" Cases when words of this &ind are not $rought out $y the spea&er do occur,
and we shall dwell upon them at some length" Let us ta&e the following examplesH [[But within a
'fortnight before the
/
marriage [ this terrible event oc
\
curred.[[ [[ A
\
terrible
\
story. [[ The second
time the word 6terri$le6 F a word with strong inherent connotation F is $rought out $y means of a high
falling tone and held sylla$le, while the first time it is not" 7hat is the reasonK 7e shall $egin $y
examining the extraFlinguistic context to see if any situational factors can account for it" #n other
words, we shall turn to the category of ver$al reaction to a situation, i"e" Ewho, says what, whenE"
This is a passage from EThe Spec&led CandE $y Sir (rthur Conan Doyle" Miss Stoner tells
Dr"7atson and Sherloc& Dolmes a$out the mysterious death of her sister" She saysH [[But within a
'fortnight be.fore the
/
marriage[ this
[
terrible e.vent oc\curred. [[7hen she finishes her story
Dr"7atson exclaimsH [[ A
\
terrible
\
story. [[
Thus, we can say that if the latter sentence is a natural reaction to an awful crime, the former
can $e regarded as a statement made $y a girl who, though she understands that this death was
terri$le 2it was her sister6s death1, uses the 6terri$le event6 as a cliche, $ecause it is not the first time
she is telling her story" Cesides, we should remem$er that this is a young woman and she is not
completely at home in a strange flat" (nother exampleH [[ It's 'really .very \painful
/
for me to be
'forced to

speak the \truth.[[ The word 6painful6 is emphasi-ed" This is a sentence from 'The #mportance of
Ceing EarnestE $y 5scar 7ilde" !or >ac& it is indeed very painful to have to confess that he has no
$rothers" Cut in the following sentence the situation is differentH [[ My 'dear \sir + it's 'painful for
me to dis
/
\cuss it. [[ The phrase containing the word 6painful6 is used here $y Milverton, a
$lac&mailer, in a way which approaches enantiosemy, for it has got nothing to do with his real
feelings"
7e can conclude that in general words possessing strong inherent connotation are pronounced
differently from words which are devoid of any specific inherent characteristics of this &ind" (ll the
deviations from this rule can $e explained in terms of Ewho, says what, whenE"
7e now turn to the analysis of adherent stylistic phenomena in terms of lexicological
phonetics" By adherent linguostylistic phenomena we mean those connotations which are
created by 'evocation'. In contrast to inherent connotation which "clings to the words",
adherent connotation may be acquired by a word only under certain conditions. To illustrate
what has =ust $een said we shall analyse the following sentenceH [[ He had 'told her a

bout his
\
love. [[
There had 'followed

days of + '.drunken \beauty when they had 'wandered a

bout

half 'fainting

hand in \hand. #t is %uite o$vious that the wordFcom$ination 6drun&en $eauty6 is not used in
8.
ordinary speech, although there is nothing in the components ta&en separately that would prevent
us from using them in everyday situations" #t is the com$ination of elements that is unusual" 7e are
accustomed to such com$inations as, for example, 6drun&en man6, 6drun&en %uarrel
.
, etc", on, the one
hand, and 6true, false, or real $eauty6, on the other" #f we turn to the recorded text we immediately
notice that this wordFcom$ination is clearly $rought out $y the spea&er $y means of the slowed
down tempo and a virtual pause $efore the first element of the wordFcom$ination" #t is useful to
compare the prosodic arrangement of this wordFcom$ination with the way usual or customary
wordFcom$inations with the words 6drun&en6 and 6$eauty6 are pronounced" [[There was a 'company
of

three or

four

drunken
/
soldiers near the
[
road. [[ [[ The cri'terion of

true
/
beauty is that it
\
increases on exami`nation; of /false - that it \lessens. [[ #n these sentences nothing draws attention
to the wordFcom$inations with the words under consideration as far as their prosody is concerned"
?o variations of tempo or pausation occur" Let us study another example of a 6free6 wordF
com$inationH [[ A 'young .man was

playing /golf against him\self. [[ He was 'not carelessly

.knocking a .ball a\bout [ but 'rather .practising par.ticular /strokes with a
'
sort of
'
micros
'
.copic \fury:[ like a+.'neat and `tidy
\
whirlwind.[[ #n this sentence the wordFcom$ination
6microscopic fury6

especially prominent owing to the halfFunit pause $efore wordFcom$ination and
slowed down tempo" #n this example the deceleration of tempo leads to a change in the stressF
pattern of the ad=ective" (lthough, 6microscopic6 is normally pronounced with a primary stress on
the second sylla$le and a secondary F on the first, in our sentence it appears as an evenFstressed
word" #t has a high level tone on the first sylla$le and a midFlevel one on the second" Some more
examples: grey in 6grey whiteness6 as against grey in 6grey coat6. [[ A 'heavy .sky seemed to .cover
the
/
world with the [ 'gray 'whiteness, of a .white-washed \ceiling. [[ He had his 'grey \overcoat
'
on. [[ The com$ination 6grey whiteness6 clearly stands out $ecause of the reduced tempo and a pause
$efore it" Thus, it has $ecome a$solutely clear that the greater the metasemiotic $urden of the wordF
com$ination, the more o$vious the contrasts on the prosodic level" ?ow the adherent 6connotation
to exemplify which we can use the sentence from E( Man for (ll SeasonsE $y *o$ert ColtH [[ Sir
'Thomas /Paget is re\tiring. [[ The utterance pronounced in the fashion indicated is different fromH [[
Sir 'Thomas /Paget is re\tiring. [[ - not only insofar as the expression plane is concerned, $ut the
content plane as well" #n the first case the word 6retiring6 ac%uires the adherent connotation which
can $e paraphrased as followsH 'Sir Thomas Paget was not simply retiring, he was made to
retire or "shoved out"'. One more example: 1ailer: [[ I'm a 'plain 'simple \man and just 'want
to

keep

out of
\
trouble.[ More: [[\0h 'sweet \ 1esus! [ 'These 'plain \simp.le \men!
#n the first sentence the com$ination 6a plain simple man6 is not $rought out $y the spea&er, it
is used as a chliche" #n the second sentence there can $e no dou$t as to its prominence" The change
of tone, loudness and range $rings home to us the fact that Sir Thomas More cannot approve, of
the =ailer6s $ehaviour, and more than thatH there appears a certain connection $etween the meanings
of the word 6simple6H .1 $elonging to a low class, and 81 wea&Fminded, idiotic" The evidence of
these examples suggests that practically any word may $ecome metasemiotically charged, and the
88
greater the metasemiotic $urden, the clearer the expression of prosodic contrast" #n other words, if
on the semantic level you ta&e what you get, on the metasemiotic one you are the master of the
situation, you can ma&e the word $ehave differently """
Cut the lexical pro$lems under investigation are $y no means confined to the more o$vious
manifestations of metasemiotic connotations" Lexicological phonetics goes into the specific
pro$lems of the lexis much more deeply" Thus, for instance, if we were to compare, the following
uses of the word common in terms of lexicological phonetics, we would find that it is on the $asis
of the latter that the reali-ation of different meanings of common is most readily effectedH [[
\
Why
he is a 'common ..labouring \boy.[[ [[
\
Why he is a \common 'labouring
\
boy. [[ #n this example we
can o$serve a semiologically relevant opposition of prosodic features which helps to differentiate
the two meanings of the word common H .1 ordinary, and 81 vulgar" Thus, there can $e 6no dou$t
whatsoever that the meaning6 the word here depends on the way it is spo&en" (nother exampleH [[
What \he wanted was to be a\mused [ to 'get

through.! the ' twenty

four

hours
\
pleasantly without

sitting down to \dry

\
business. gg jDry means 6$oring6"k [[ Is your

coat /dry? gg Dry means 6not

wet6"
#f we compare the pronunciation of the word dry in these sentences we shall see that the prosodic
arrangement of the word in %uestion 2a midFfalling tone, slow tempo, narrowed
H
range1 in the first
sentence differs drastically from that the second one" 5ne more exampleH [[ My 'dear
'
sir [ you may
de\pend upon my not

taking so .material a /step without her

l
adyship's concurrence. [[
I'could`nt but \approve of his material

point of \view. [[ 7ithin this pair of examples we can

o$serve an opposition of prosodic structure of the word 6material6 which helps to draw a distinction
$etween .1 material F 6important, essential6, and 81 material F 6worldly, considering only the things of
the senses6" The examples adduced, a$ove give a more or less clear picture of how the analysis of
prosody can $e used in semantic analysis"
@ery often we find such prosodic reali-ations of words which serve to ma&e the word convey a
meaning which could not $e conveyed without a change in prosody"
#f, for example, the following sentenceH ESir 'Thomas is a \man"" F is pronounced as indicated it
will hardly ma&e sense, $ecause the prosody here is purely 6semantic6, presenting it as a statement" #n
the original text from which this sentence is ta&en it was pronounced differently" This is the context
in which it appears in *o$ert Colt6s E( Man for (ll SeasonsE" #t is part of a dialogue $etween
Thomas Cromwell 26a very a$le man6, who had a remar&a$le a$ility 6to get things doneE, according
to the ,ing1 and the Spanish (m$assador" The ,ing, Denry the @###, decides, to divorce his wife
who is the daughter of the ,ing of Spain FThe Pope is opposed to the divorce" The ,ing is trying to
ma&e Sir Thomas More who is a good Catholic and a very honest man ta&e his side"
Chapuys: After the launching, I understand, the King will take his barge to Chelsea.
Cromwell: Yes.
Chapuys: To . . . .
Cromwell: Sir Thomas More's.
8;
Chapuys: Will you be there?
Cromwell: Oh no - they''11 talk about the divor.ce.
The King will ask him for an answer.
Chapuys: He has given his answer!
Cromwell: The King will ask him for another.
Chapuys: Sir Thomas is a good son of the Church!
Cromwell: [[ Sir 'Thomas is
t
a \man.
7hat is the difference $etween the word man in this sentence and in the sentence we adduced
$efore, separated the context of the dialogue and analysed as suchK The sentence may $e su$divided
into a num$er of differences" The sentence ESir Thomas is a manE potentially can have different
meanings" !or exampleH
Sir Thomas: I'm afraid of mice, Nanny.
Nanny: [[
s
Nonsense, Sir 'Thomas is a\man,\ he should not be afraid of \mice.
Man - 'adult male, human being']
Young woman: I must buy some meat. Sir Thomas likes it.
Old woman: Cats prefer fish.
Young woman: Sir / Thomas is a
\
man. Man - 'human being].
(ll of these contexts reali-e the different meanings of the word man" 7e adduced them $ecause we
wanted to present an ela$orate $ac&ground against which is reali-ed the meaning in the authentic
context F a very unusual one" #n this context the 6capacity6, or 6depth6 of the word $ecomes extremely
great" #f we compare our context with all the other contexts adduced a$ove 2and registered in the
dictionaries1 we shall see that all the other meanings are very easy to reali-e" The prosodic means
used in all those cases are simple and ordinary" #n our case we would not spea& even of
connotations" 7e should say that the semantic capacity of the word is increased tenfold $ecause of
recourse to particular prosodic means"
(lthough there is always the danger of reading into the text more than is actually contained in it,
we thin& that the way the word man is spo&en here =ustifies us in assuming that $y this simple
prosodic device the spea&er achieves a very unusual effect indeed" Cromwell, who is a clever man
and at the same time the ,ing6s courtier cannot possi$ly commit himself $y actually saying clearly
what he means" Cut he has to say something that will ena$le the Spanish (m$assador to
understand what the state of affairs actually is"
The investigation of lexical polysemy is closely connected with another property of the word
F e n a n t i o s e m y , i"e" the a$ility of a word to express antonymic meanings" (s has $een
stated in the pu$lications on the su$=ect, enantiosemy forms the $asis of irony in the oral form of
language and as a rule is reali-ed through a specific prosodic structure" The given complex of
sounds or letters on the segmental level is enantiosemically split up $y means of a change in the
prosody of the utterance " Thus, for instanceH [[ He is as fine a fallow as ever I saw. [ He simpers, and
smirks, and makes love to, us all. [[ I am prodigiously proud of him. [[ I de'fy even Sir William
8L
Lucas himself to proiduce a .more 'valuable, \son-in-\law.[ #n this case the word Evalua$le
)
is used
enantiosemically" The following features ta&en together serve to create this impressionH .1 a risingF
falling tone, and 81 slow tempo"
Another example: Algernon: And who are the people you amuse?
1ack: Oh, neighbours, neighbours.
Algernon: Got nice neighbours in your part of Shropshire.
1ack: Perfectly horrid! Never speak to any of them!
Algernon: [[ How i/mmensly you must a
\
muse them![
#n this example the word 6immensely6 is pronounced with rising tone which is a part of the complex
risingFfall tone 2the second part is reali-ed within the word 6amuse61" This prosodic arrangement serves
to express a meaning which: is antonymous to immense F 6enormous, very large6"
#n connection with the pro$lem of enantiosemy a %uestion is $ound to ariseH should we not $e
=ustified in assuming that in cases of this &ind we are no longer dealing with two different uses of the
same word $ut with two separate wordsK To give an answer is $y no means simple, for .1 the
difference on the expression plane is very su$tle and does not affect the $asic phonemic composition,
and 81 the difference on the content plane is contextually $ound and deli$erately conveyed to express
irony"
#t has already $een mentioned that lexicological phonetics deals with purely lexicological
pro$lems" The list of these pro$lems would not $e complete if we did not dwell on the %uestion of
patterns and productivity in their lexical aspect"
(s every$ody &nows, in all languages there exist such patterns and structural models which
regularly recur $oth in language and speech" #n this part we shall discuss some patterns in the field of
derivational morphology" (s has $een stated in the $oo& EPatterns and ProductivityE, derivation
manifests itself in two different was, and for two different purposes" 5n the one hand, product
wordF$uilding means are employed to form neologisms, i"e words which are created to denote a new
concept or thing $ecause such is the social need of the given speech community" The second type
of derivation is represented $y occasional words, i"e" words coined Efor the nonce)" Thus, we can
say that neologisms are semantic formations, whereas occasional words are metasemiotic onesl
#t has already $een explained a$ove that the division into neologisms and occasional words is $asic
to wor& in this field" Cut how does one succeed in drawing a distinct line $etween the two &inds of
derivationK (gain the method of lexicological phonetics stood us in good stead" #t has $een
conclusively shown $y the authors that occasional words, 'nonce formations), invaria$ly include in
their expression certain specific prosodic features " Thus, for exampleH ." [['After a /shower and
a 'tepid, \touristy 'breakfast[ on his
/
balcony[ overlooking the beautiful /beach[ he,[ had 'gone -up
to

Government \House.[ 2. [She was really

quite \nice-looking, [ in a 'tall and 'tweedy and

young

sort of
\
way....[ 3. [[ They 'scuttled for 'day and
/
days \ till they 'came to a 'great forest.,
'exclusively 'full of .trees and /bushes[ and 'stripy, [speckly, patchy-\blatchy

shadows and there

8M
they \hid ... 4. II One of the 'chief effects of /love is that you 'see the .air .sort of in\habited, like
'seeing a .face in the \moon;[ and you 'feel- you 'feel dancey and \soft at the same
\
time.[[
The analysis of these examples shows that irrespective of their syntactic position occasional
words are said in a way which ma&es them stand out in the flow of speech" The specific prosody of
enunciation is characteri-ed $y the following prosodic featuresH pauses 28, ;, L1,6 deviations from the
normal tempo 2.1, increased loudness 2L1, emphatic tones 2., L1" Thus, the lexicoFphonetic analysis
has proved that these ad=ectives are active on the metasemlotic level" This was clearly $orne out $y a
peculiar prosodic structure of the newly formed words"
THE PROSODY OF ENANTIOSEMY
#n contrast with polysemy the term 'enantiosemy) is hardly used in lexicology" (mong the
most erroneous statements which fre%uently appear in this connection is the pronouncement that
one and the same word can $e used in two exactly opposite or polar meanings" Thus, for instance,
it is usually $elieved that the word 'pretty) may have a distinctly usually pe=orative meaning" The
same applies to the words li&e 'clever, $eautiful), etc" #t is generally assumed that in such cases
everything depends on the context" Thus, if we say '( pretty story indeed) or '#snIt he cleverK),
or 'Loo& at that $eautyG) m the words 'pretty, clever, $eauty) will $e alleged to have ac%uired the
meanings of 'nasty, stupid, fright) without further ado" The point we are now going to ma&e is
that a word which on the segmental level is a meliorative ad=ective can ac%uire a pe=orative
meaning only if it is pronounced with an altogether different prosody" The word 'pretty) in
'7hat a pretty girlG) is not a homophone of 'pretty) in '( pretty story indeed)" Thus, neither the
lexical content of the utterance itself, not its syntactic structure, not the immediate context of the
given word, even ta&en together, are sufficient to show that we are dealing with enantiosemy, for
it is only prosody that can ena$le us to decide conclusively" Thus, for exampleH Sir Oliver: Oh,
he`s a
/
\model for the 'young man of the
/\/
age! He, he. But how`s this, Sir Peter? You don`t
join us in your friend 1onson`s praise, as I expected. The intonation of the word 'model)
shows is again used enantiosemically" The tempo is reduced 2particularly noticea$le is the
excessive lengthening of the initial consonant1" The falling tone is preceded $y a rise, that is to
say, a riseFfallH the two together, according to English phoneticians, are typical of ironical
utterances"
ExampleH Mrs. Candour: Ha, ha, ha! How I \hate to
g
hear you talk so! But surely now
sister is or \/was very /handsome.
Crab: Who. - Mrs. Evergreen? O lord! She`s six-and -fifty if she`s an hour.
This example is especially interesting $ecause her the enantiosemic expression is
meliorative, in contrast with the preceding example where the $asic meaning of the word was
meliorative and it was enantiosemy, which turned it into a pe=orative one, i"e" a $asically
pe=orative word $ecomes meliorative under the influence of the factors descri$ed a$ove" 7hat are
the different prosodic factors which are reali-ed in this caseK They areH range m middle, loudness
80
m normal, tempo m reduced, tone m gradually descending, tim$re m neutral" (ll these factors could
$e characteristic of the intonation of mild reproach, $ut they could never $e used to express
hatred and indignation" #n this way the intonation for the word 'hate) as such tends to reduce its
negative meaning to nought" (t any rate it helps to reduce it very considera$ly" (t the same time
the intonation of the last part of the utterance, raising the pitch almost to the upper limit of the
spea&erIs voice range, and the gradual intensification of the tim$re 'spread) shows that the word
'hate) is used here enantiosemically" 7hat we have discussed a$ove is sufficient to ena$le us to
formulate certain conclusionsH
."The enantiosemy of words is expressed $y means of a particular emotionally coloured
intonation" #n certain cased a very pronounced paralinguistic colouring is revealed not on the
word in %uestion, $ut on those words which form part of the immediate context"
8"Enantiosemy is reali-ed when there is a contradiction $etween the direct meaning of the
word and the normal meaning of the intonation with which this word is pronounced" #n other
words, an utterance the lexical content of which should $e ta&en to express a certain meliorative
attitude of the spea&er is accompanied $y a prosody which expresses some &ind of negative or
pe=orative emotion" #t is the presence of a contradiction of this &ind which ena$les the listener to
understand that the word is used enantiosemically" #n this connection the following %uestion is
=ustifiedH can we spea& of the English language, of languages in general $eing endowed with a
stoc& of intonations which do not express any particular emotion $ut show us %uite clearly that
the word in %uestion should $e apprehended enantiosemicallyK"""
;"7e have already said that for enantiosemy generally the contradiction $etween the proper
meaning of the words and the intonation is typical" This, however, does not mean that any case of
contradiction of this &ind will necessarily $e a case of enantiosemy" euite often a contradiction of
this &ind will not lead to a drastic change in the meaning of the wor&, they will only tend to
wea&en it" Thus, for instance, the phrase 'euite a pleasure) when pronounced with a highFfall
will express pure =oy, a real desire to please or $e of use" #f, however, the same phrase is
pronounced with a low fall, which expresses a %uiet, neutral, and sometimes indifferent attitude to
the interlocutor or to the su$=ect of the conversation, the meaning of the phrase will not $e
polari-ed, it will only $e considera$ly wea&ened, and in the actual fact reduced to formal
politeness" To pronounce this sentence with an intonation of contempt or disgust would turn into
irony or enantiosemy" Thus, $etween the two polar casesH i"e" on the one hand, complete
agreement $etween the lexical and prosodic means and, on the other hand, their incompati$ility
we find a large num$er of intermediate or $oarderline cases"
L"Enantiosemy is not confined to certain types of classes of words" They can $e words which
$elong to different thematic groups, as well as different parts of speech" Dowever different they
may $e, they are $rought together $y one common characteristicH they all express the attitude of
the spea&er to the su$=ect of conversation, his su$=ective evaluation of what is ta&ing place" The
semantic range of expressing this attitude is very great" 7e can $e dealing with words which
83
express the more concrete emotions 2merry" sad1, words expressing a more general evaluation
2food m $ad and different modal words 2certainly, $y the way1
M"To descri$e the interaction of prosody and lexis from the point of view of enantiosemy, the
opposition of two &inds of connotation is found useful, i"e" of the positive, or meliorative, and
negative, or pe=orative ones" Cy using this terminology we can say that for a great mass of words
and wordFcom$inations which are used enantiosemically an inherent positive or negative
connotation is typical, and that enantiosemy with a 'minus characteristic), i"e" the change from
ameliorative connotation to a pe=orative one occurs more fre%uently than the other variant"
7ords with inherent connotation are contrasted with those which have no definite connotation in
spite of the fact that they $elong to the category of evaluative words, such as, for instance, the
word 'remar&a$le)" This word ac%uires a definite connotation only in context and it is intonation
which helps us to define with what connotation the word was used" #t is interesting to note that
this group of words grows incessantly at the expense of those, the enantiosemic use of which has
now $ecome part and parcel of everyday use to such an extent that they have particularly lost
their inherent connotationl
2L"Mina=eva, M"Davydov, +"Egorov, E">a&ovleva, #"Magidova, 5"Mindrul, E" ?ifontova,
T"Shish&ina, S"@ardanean" (? 5TL#?E 5! E?+L#SD PD5?ET#CS, MS, ./3; 2edited $y
5"(&hmanova and L"Mina=eva11"
WORD-MEANING.
l. Referential Approach" There are $roadly spea&ing two schools to Meaning of thought in
presentFday linguistics representing the main lines of contemporary thin&ing on the pro$lemH the
referential approach, which see&s to formulate the essence of meaning $y esta$lishing the
interdependence $etween words and the things or concepts they denote, and the functional
approach, which studies the functions of a word in speech and is less concerned with what
meaning is than with how it wor&s" (ll ma=or wor&s on semantic theory have so far $een $ased
on referential concepts of meaning" The essential feature of this approach is that it distinguishes
$etween the three components closely connected with meaningH the soundFform of the linguistic
sign, the concept underlying this soundFform, and the actual referent, i"e" that part or that aspect
of reality to which the linguistic sign refers" The $est &nown referential model of meaning is the
soFcalled E$asic triangleE, which, with some variations, underlies the semantic systems of all the
adherents of this school of thought" #n a simplified form the triangle may $e represented as shown
$elowH concept sound Fform dv]. (s can $e seen from the diagram the soundFform of the
linguistic sign, e"g" jdvk, is connected with our concept of the $ird, which it denotes and
through it with the referent, i"e" the actual $ird". The common feature of any referential approach
84
is the implication that meaning is in some form or other connected with the referent" Let us now
examine the place of meaning in this model" #t is easily o$served that the soundFform of the word
is not identical with its meaning, e"g" jdvk is the soundFform used to denote a pealFgrey $ird"
There is no inherent connection, however, $etween this particular soundFcluster and the meaning
of the word dove. The connection is conventional and ar$itrary" This can $e easily proved $y
comparing the soundFforms of different languages conveying one and the same meaning, e"g"
English jdvk, *ussian jgolu$6k, +erman jtau$ek and so on" #t can also $e proved $y comparing
almost identical soundFforms that possess different meaning in different languages" The soundF
cluster j&otk, e"g" in the English language means 6a small, usually swinging $ed for a child6, $ut in
the *ussian language essentially the same soundFcluster possesses the meaning 6male cat6" !or
more convincing evidence of the conventional and ar$itrary nature of the connection $etween
soundFform and meaning all we have to do is to point to the homonyms" The word seal jsiHlk, e"g",
means 6a piece of wax, lead6, etc" stamped with a design: its homonym seal jsiHlk possessing the
same soundFform denotes 6a sea animal6" Cesides, if meaning were inherently connected with the
soundFform of a linguistic unit, it would follow that a change in soundFform would necessitate a
change of meaning" 7e &now, however, that even considera$le changes in the soundFform of a
word in the course of its historical development do not necessarily affect its meaning" The soundF
form of the 5E" word lufian jluviank has greatly changed, and has $een transformed into love
jlvk, yet the meaning 6hold dear, $ear love6, etc" has remained essentially unchanged" 7hen we
examine a word we see that its meaning though closely connected with the underlying concept or
concepts is not identical with them" To $egin with, concept is a category of human cognition"
Concept is the thought of the o$=ect that singles out its essential features" 5ur concepts a$stract
and reflect the most common and typical features of the different o$=ects and phenomena of the
world" Ceing the result of a$straction and generali-ation all concepts are thus intrinsically almost
the same for the whole of humanity in one and the same period of its historical development" The
meanings of words however are different in different languages" That is to say, words expressing
identical concepts may have different meanings and different semantic structures in different
languages" The concept of a $uilding for human ha$itation is expressed in English $y the word
house, in *ussian $y the word ou, $ut the meaning of the English word is not identical with that
of the *ussian as house does not possess the meaning of 6fixed residence of family or houseFhold
which is one of the meanings of the *ussian word ^O_: it is expressed $y another English
polysemantic word, namely home which possesses a num$er of other meanings not to "$e found
in the *ussian word ou"
The difference $etween meaning and concept can also $e o$served $y comparing synonymous
words and wordFgroups expressing essentially the same concepts $ut possessing linguistic
meaning which is felt as different in each of the units under consideration, e"g" big, large; to die,
to pass away, to kick the bucket, to join the majority; child, baby, babe, infant. The precise
definition of the content of a concept comes within the sphere of logic $ut it can $e easily
8/
o$served that the wordFmeaning is not identical with it" !or instance, the content of the concept
six can $e expressed $y 6three plus three6, 6five plus one6, or 6ten minus four6, etc" 5$viously, the
meaning of the word six cannot $e identified with the meaning of these wordFgroups" To
distinguish meaning from the referent, i"e" from the thing denoted $y the linguistic sign is of the
utmost importance, and at first sight does not seem to present difficulties" To $egin with, meaning
is linguistic whereas the denoted o$=ect or the referent is $eyond the scope of language" 7e can
denote one and the same o$=ect $y more than one word of a different meaning" !or instance, in a
speech situation an apple can $e denoted $y the words apple, fruit, something, this, etc" as all of
these words may have the same referent" Meaning cannot $e e%uated with the actual properties of
the referent, e"g" the meaning of the word water cannot $e regarded as identical with its chemical
formula D
8
5 as water means essentially the same to all English spea&ers including those who
have no idea of its chemical composition" Last $ut not least there are words that have distinct
meaning $ut do not refer to any existing thing, e"g" angel or phoenix. Such words have meaning,
which is understood $y the spea&erFhearer, $ut the o$=ects they denote do not exist"
Thus, meaning is not to $e identified with any of the three points of the triangle"
#t should $e pointed out that among the adherents of the referentia1 approach there are some
who hold that the meaning of a linguistic sign is the concept underlying it, and conse%uently they
su$stitute meaning for concept in the $asic triangle" 5thers identify meaning with the referent"
They argue that unless we have a scientifically accurate &nowledge of the referent we cannot give
a scientifically accurate definition of the meaning of a word" (ccording to them the English word
salt, e"g", means 6sodium chloride 2?aCl16" Cut how are we to define precisely the meanings of
such words as love or hate, etc"K 7e must admit that the actual extent of human &nowledge
ma&es it impossi$le to define wordFmeanings accurately". #t logically follows that any study of
meanings in linguistics along these lines must $e given up as impossi$le" Dere we have sought to
show that meaning is closely connected $ut not identical with soundFform, concept or referent"
Jet even those who accept this view disagree as to the nature of meaning" Some linguists regard
meaning as the interrelation of the three points of the triangle within the framewor& of the given
language, i"e" as the interrelation of the soundFform, concept and referent, $ut not as an
o$=ectively existing part of the linguistic sign" 5thers and among them some outstanding Soviet
linguists, proceed from the $asic assumption of the o$=ectivity of language and meaning and
understand the linguistic sign as a twoFfacet unit" They view meaning as Ea certain reflection in
our mind of o$=ects, phenomena or relations that ma&es part of the linguistic signFits soFcalled
inner facet, whereas the soundFform functions as its outer facet"E The outer facet of the linguistic
sign is indispensa$le to meaning and intercommunication" Meaning is to $e found in all linguistic
units and together with their soundFform constitutes the linguistic signs studied $y linguistic
science" The criticism of the referential theories of meaning may $e $riefly summari-ed as
followsH ."Meaning, as understood in the referential approach, comprises the interrelation of
linguistic signs with categories and phenomena outside the scope of language" (s neither
;9
referents 2i"e" actual things, phenomena, nor concepts $elong to language, the analysis of meaning
is confined either to the study of the interrelation of the linguistic sign and referent or that of the
linguistic sign and concept, all of which, properly spea&ing, is not the o$=ect of linguistic study"
8" The great stum$ling $loc& in referential theories of meaning has always $een that they operate
with su$=ective and intangi$le mental processes" The results of semantic investigation therefore
depend to a certain extent on Ethe feel of the languageE and cannot $e verified $y another
investigator analysing the same linguistic data" #t follows that semasiology has to rely too
much on linguistic intuition and unli&e other fields of linguistic in%uiry 2e"g" phonetics, history of
language1 does not possess o$=ective methods of investigation" Conse%uently it is argued,
linguists should either give up the study of meaning and the attempts to define meaning
altogether, or confine their efforts to the investigation of the function of linguistic signs in speech"
Functional Approach to Meaning. #n recent years a new and entirely different approach to
meaning &nown, as the meaning functional approach has $egun to ta&e shape in linguistics and
especially in structural linguistics" The functional approach maintains thatE the meaning of a
linguistic unit may $e studied only through its relation to other linguistic units and not through its
relation to either concept or referent" #n a very simplified form this view may $e illustrated $y the
followingH we &now, for instance, that the meaning of the two words move and movement is
different $ecause, they function in speech differently" Comparing the contexts in which we find
these words we cannot fail to o$serve that they occupy different positions in relation to other
words" (To) move, e"g", can $e followed $y a noun 2move the chair1, preceded $y a pronoun 2we
move), etc" The position occupied $y the word movement is differentH it may $e followed $y a
preposition (movement of smth), preceded $y an ad=ective 2slow movement), and so on" (s the
distri$ution . of the two words is different, we are entitled to the conclusion that not only do they
$elong to different classes of words, $ut that their meanings are different too" The same is true of
the different meanings of one and the same word" (nalysing the function of a word in linguistic
contexts and comparing these contexts, we conclude that meanings are different 2or the same1 and
this fact can $e proved $y an o$=ective investigation of linguistic data" !or example we can
o$serve the difference of the meanings of the word take if we examine its functions in different
linguistic contexts, take the tram (the taxi, the cab,, etc"1 as opposed to to take to somebody. #t
follows that in the functional approach 2.1 semantic investigation is confined to the analysis of
the difference or sameness of meaning: 281 meaning is understood essentially as the function of
the useFof linguistic units" (s a matter of fact, this line of semantic investigation is the primary
concern, implied or expressed, of all structural linguists"
Relation between the Two Approaches 7hen comparing the two approaches descri$ed
a$ove in terms of methods of the Two (pproaches to linguistic analysis we see that the functional
approach should not $e considered an alternative, $ut rather a valua$le complement to the
referential theory" #t is only natural that linguistic investigation must start $y collecting an
ade%uate num$er of samples of contexts". 5n examination the meaning or meanings of linguistic
;.
units will emerge from the contexts themselves" 5nce this phase had $een completed it seems $ut
logical to pass on to the referential phase and try to formulate the meaning thus identified" There
is a$solutely no need to set the two approaches against each other: each handles its own side of
the pro$lem and neither is complete without the other" R.S.Ginsburg, S. S. Khidekel,
G.I.Knyazeva, A.A.Sankin. M.,1966)
TYPES OF MEANING
#t is more or less universally recogni-ed that wordFmeaning is not homogeneous $ut is made up
of various components the com$ination and the interrelation of which determine to a great extent
the inner facet of the word" These components are usually descri$ed as types of meaning" The
two main types of meaning that are readily o$served are the grammatical and the lexical
meanings to $e found in words and wordFforms"
Grammatical Meaning. 7e notice, e"g", that wordFforms, such as <girl, winters, =oys, ta$lesI
though denoting widely different o$=ects of reality have something in common" This common
element is the grammatical meaning of plurality, which can $e found in all of them" Thus
grammatical meaning may $e defined as the component of meaning recurrent in identical sets of
individual forms of different words, as, e"g", the tense meaning in the wordFforms of ver$s
(asked, thought, walked, etc"1 or the case meaning in the wordFforms of various nouns (girl's,
boy's, night's, etc"1" #n a $road sense it may $e argued that linguists who ma&e a distinction
$etween lexical and grammatical meaning are, in fact, ma&ing a distinction $etween the
functional 2linguistic1 meaning, which operates at various levels as the interrelation of various
linguistic units and referential 2conceptual1 meaning as the interrelation of linguistic units and
referents 2or concepts1"
#n modern linguistic science it is commonly held that some elements of grammatical meaning
can $e identified $y the position of the linguistic unit in relation to other linguistic units, i"e" $y its
distri$ution" 7ordFforms speaks, reads, writes have one and the same grammatical meaning as
they can all $e found in identical distri$ution, e"g" only after the pronouns he, she, it and $efore
adver$s li&e well, badly, to-day, etc" #t follows that a certain component of the meaning of a
word is descri$ed when you identify it as a part of speech, since different parts of speech are
distri$utionally different 2cf" my wor& and # wor&1"
Lexical Meaning" Comparing wordFforms of one and the same word we o$serve that $esides
grammatical meaning, there is another component of meaning to $e found in them" nli&e the
grammatical meaning this component is identical in all the forms of the word" Thus, e"g" the
wordFforms go, goes, went, going, gone possess different grammatical meanings of tense, person
and so on, $ut in each of these forms we find one and the same semantic component denoting the
process of movement" This is the lexical meaning of the word, which may $e descri$ed as the
component of meaning proper to the word as a linguistic unit, i"e" recurrent in all the forms of this
word" The difference $etween the lexical and the grammatical components of meaning is not to
;8
$e sought in the difference of the concepts underlying the two types of meaning, $ut rather in the
way they are conveyed" The concept of plurality, e"g", may $e expressed $y the lexical meaning
of the world plurality; it may also $e expressed in the forms of various words irrespective of
their lexical meaning, e"g" boys, girls, joys, etc" The concept of relation may $e expressed $y the
lexical meaning of the word relation and also $y any of the prepositions, e"g" in, on, behind, etc"
2cf" the book is incon, $ehind the table). #t follows that $y lexical meaning we designate the
meaning proper to the given linguistic unit in all its forms and distri$utions, while $y
grammatical meaning we designate the meaning proper to sets of wordFforms common to all
words of a certain class" Coth the lexical and the grammatical meaning ma&e up the wordF
meaning, as neither can exist without the other" That can $e also o$served in the semantic
analysis of correlated words in different languages"
Part-of-speech Meaning. #t is usual to classify lexical items into ma=or wordFclasses 2nouns,
ver$s, ad=ectives and adver$s1 and minor wordFclasses 2articles, prepositions, con=unctions, etc"1"
(ll mem$ers of a ma=or wordFclass share a distinguishing semantic component which though
very a$stract may $e viewed as the lexical component of partFofFspeech meaning" !or example,
the meaning of 6thingFness6 or su$stantiality may $e found in all the nouns e"g" table, love, sugar,
though they possess different grammatical meanings of num$er, case, etc" #t should $e noted,
however, that the grammatical aspect of the partFofFspeech meanings is conveyed as a rule $y a
set of forms" #f we descri$e the word as a noun we mean to say that it is $ound to possess a set of
forms expressing the grammatical meaning of num$er 2cf" ta$leF ta$les1, case 2cf" $oy, $oy6s1 and
so on" ( ver$ is understood to possess sets of forms expressing, e"g", tense meaning 2wor&edF
wor&s1, mood meaning 2wor&GF2#1 wor&1, etc" The partFofFspeech meaning of the words that
possess only one form, e"g" prepositions, some adver$s, etc", is o$served only in their distri$ution
2cf" to come in (here, there) and in (on, under) the ta$le1"
5ne of the levels at which grammatical meaning operates is that of minor word classes li&e
articles, pronouns, etc" Mem$ers of these word classes are generally listed in dictionaries =ust as
other voca$ulary items, that $elong to ma=or wordFclasses of lexical items proper 2e"g" nouns,
ver$s, etc"1" 5ne criterion for distinguishing these grammatical items from lexical items is in
terms of closed and open sets" +rammatical items form closed sets of units usually of small
mem$ership 2e"g" the set of modern English pronouns, articles, etc"1" ?ew items are practically
never added"
Lexical terms proper $elong to open sets, which have indeterminately large mem$ership: new
lexical items which are constantly coined to fulfill the needs of the speech community are added
to these open sets" The interrelation of the lexical and the grammatical meaning and the role
played $y each varies in different wordFclasses and even in different groups of words within one
and the same class" #n some parts of speech the prevailing, component is the grammatical type of
meaning" The lexical meaning of prepositions for example is, as a rule, relatively vague
(independent of smb, one of the students, the roof of the house). The lexical meaning of some
;;
prepositions, however, may $e comparatively distinct 2cf" in/on, under the table). #n ver$s the
lexical meaning usually comes to the fore although in some of them, the ver$ to be, e"g", the
grammatical meaning of a lin&ing element prevails 2cf" he works as a teacher and he is a
teacher).
Denotational and Connotational Meaning. Proceeding with the semantic analysis , F we
o$serve that lexical meaning is not homogenous either and may $e analysed as including
denotational and connotational components" (s was mentioned a$ove one of the functions of
words is to denote things, concepts and so on" sers of a language cannot have any &nowledge or
thought of the o$=ects or phenomena of the real world around them unless this &nowledge is
ultimately em$odied in words which have essentially the same meaning for all spea&ers of that
language" This is the denotational meaning, i"e" that component of the lexical meaning which
ma&es communication possi$le" There is no dou$t that a physicist &nows more a$out the atom
than a singer does, or that an arctic explorer possesses a much deeper &nowledge of what arctic
ice is li&e than a man who has never $een in the ?orth" ?evertheless they use the words atom,
(rctic, etc" and understand each other" The second component of the lexical meaning is the
connotational component, i"e" the emotive charge and the stylistic value of the word"
Emotive charge" 7ords contain an element of emotive meaning: e"g" a hovel denotes 6a small
house or cottage6 and $esides implies that it is a misera$le dwelling place, dirty, in $ad repair and
in general unpleasant to live in" 7hen examining synonyms large, big, tremendous and like,
love, worship or words such as girl, girlie; dear, dearie we cannot fail to o$serve the difference
in the emotive charge of the mem$ers of these sets" The emotive charge of the words
tremendous, worship and girlie is heavier than that of the words large, like and girl. This does
not depend on the EfeelingE of the individual spea&er $ut is true for all spea&ers of English" The
emotive charge varies in different wordFclasses" #n some of them, in inter=ections, e"g", the
emotive element prevails, whereas in con=unctions the emotive charge is as a rule practically nonF
existent" The emotive charges one of the o$=ective semantic features proper to words as linguistic
units and forms part of the connotational component of meaning" #t should not $e confused with
emotive implications that the words may ac%uire in speech" The emotive implication of the word
is to a great extent su$=ective as it greatly depends of the personal experience of the spea&er, the
mental imagery the word evo&es in him" 7ords seemingly devoid of any emotional element may
possess in the case of individual spea&ers strong emotive implications as may $e illustrated, e"g"
$y the word hospital. 7hat is thought and felt when the word hospital is used will $e different in
the case of an architect who $uilt it, the invalid staying there after an operation, or the man living
across the road"
Stylistic Reference. 7ords differ not only in their emotive charge $ut also in their stylistic
reference" Stylistically words can $e roughly su$divided into literary, neutral and collo%uial
layers" The greater part of the literary layer of Modern English voca$ulary are words of general
use, possessing no specific stylistic reference and &nown as neutra. words" (gainst the
;L
$ac&ground of neutral words we can distinguish two ma=or su$groups F standard collo%uial words
and literary or $oo&ish words" This may $e $est illustrated $y comparing words almost identical
in their denotational meaning, e" g", 'parent-father-dad'. #n comparison with the word father
which is stylistically neutral, dad stands out as collo%uial and parent is felt as $oo&ish" The
stylistic reference of standard collo%uial words is clearly o$served when we compare them with
their neutral synonyms, e"g" chum-friend, rot-nonsense, etc" This is also true of literary or
$oo&ish words, such as, e"g", to presume 2cf" to suppose), to anticipate 2cf" to expect) and
others"
Literary 2$oo&ish1 words are not stylistically homogeneous" Cesides generalFliterary 2$oo&ish1
words, e"g" harmony, calamity, alacrity, etc", we may single out various specific su$groups,
namelyH .1 terms or scientific words such as, e" g", renaissance, genocide, teletype, etc": 81
poetic words and archaisms such as, e"g", whilom - 6formerly6, aughtF6anything6, ereF6$efore6,
al$eitF6although6, fareF6wal&6, etc", tarry-6remain6, nayF6no6: ;1 $ar$arisms and foreign words, such
as, e"g", $on motF6a clever or witty saying6, apropos, faux pas, bouquet, etc" The collo%uial
words may" $e su$divided intoH .1 Common collo%uial words" 81 Slang, i"e" words which are
often regarded as a violation of the norms of Standard English, e"g" governor for 6father6, missus
for 6wife6, a gag for 6a =o&e6, dotty for 6insane6" ;1 Professionalisms, i"e" words used in narrow
groups $ound $y the same occupation, such as, e"g", la$ for 6la$oratory6, hypo for 6hypodermic
syringe6, a buster for 6a $om$6, etc" L1 >argonisms, i"e" words mar&ed $y their use within a
particular social group and $earing a secret and cryptic character, e"g" a suckerF 6a person who is
easily deceived6, a squiffer F6a concertina6" M1 @ulgarisms, i"e" coarse words that are not generally
used in pu$lic, e"g" bloody, hell, damn, shut up, etc" 01 Dialectical words, e"g" lass, kirk, etc" 31
Collo%uial coinages, e"g" newspaperdom, allrightnik, etc"
Emotive Charge and Stylistic reference. Stylistic *eference and emotive charge words are
closely connected and to a certain degree interdependent" (s a rule stylistically coloured words,
i"e" words $elonging to all stylistic layers except the neutral style are o$served to possess a
considera$le emotive charge" That can $e proved $y comparing stylistically la$eled words with
their neutral synonyms" The collo%uial words daddy, mammy are more emotional than the
neutral father, mother; the slang words mum, bob are undou$tedly more expressive than their
neutral counterparts silent, shilling, the poetic yon and steed carry a noticea$ly heavier emotive
charge than their neutral synonyms there and horse. 7ords of neutral style, however, may also
differ in the degree of emotive charge" 7e see, e"g", that the words large, big, tremendous,
though e%ually neutral as to their stylistic reference are not identical as far as their emotive charge
is concerned" ." #n the present $oo& wordFmeaning is viewed as closely connected $ut not
identical with either the soundFform of the word or with its referent"
Proceeding from the $asic assumption of the o$=ectivity of language and from the
understanding of linguistic units as twoFfacet entities we regard meaning as the inner facet of the
word, insepara$le from its outer facet which is indispensa$le to the existence of meaning and to
;M
intercommunication" 8" The two main types of wordFmeaning are the grammatical and the lexical
meanings found in all words" The interrelation of these two types of meaning may $e different in
different groups of words" ;" Lexical meaning is viewed as possessing denotational and
connotational components" The denotational component is actually what ma&es communication
possi$le" The connotational component comprises the stylistic reference and the emotive charge
proper to the word as a linguistic unit in the given language system" The su$=ective emotive
implications ac%uired $y words in speech lie outside the semantic structure of words as they may
vary from spea&er to spea&er $ut are not proper to words as units of language. (~A Course in
Modern English Lexicology R.S.Ginsburg, S. S. Khidekel, G.I.Knyazeva, A.A.Sankin.
M.,1966)
WORD-MEANING AND MEANING IN MORPHEMES
#n modern linguistics it is more or less universally recogni-ed that the smallest twoFfacet
language unit possessing $oth soundFform and meaning is the morpheme" Jet, whereas the
phonoFmorphological structure of language has $een su$=ected to a thorough linguistic analysis,
the pro$lem of types of meaning and semantic peculiarities of morphemes has not $een properly
investigated" ( few points of interest, however, may $e mentioned in connection with some
recent o$servations in this field"
Lexical Meaning #t is generally assumed that one of the semantic features of some
morphemes which distinguishes them from words is that they do not possess grammatical
meaning" Comparing the word man, e"g", and the morpheme man-2in manful, manly, etc"1 we
see that we cannot find in this morpheme the grammatical meaning of case and num$er o$served
in the word man. Morphemes are conse%uently regarded as devoid of grammatical meaning"
Many English words consist of a single rootFmorpheme, so when we say that most morphemes
possesK lexical meaning we imply mainly the rootFmorphemes in such words" #t may $e easily
o$served that the lexical meaning of the word boy and the lexical meaning of the rootFmorpheme
boyFin such words as boyhood, boyish and others is very much the same" >ust as in words lexical
meaning in morphemes may also $e analysed into denotational and connotational components"
The connotational component of meaning may $e found not only in rootFmorphemes $ut in
affixational morphemes as well" Endearing and diminutive suffixes, e"g" -ette (kitchenette),
-ie(y) (dearie, girlie), -ling (duckling), clearly $ear a heavy emotive charge" Comparing the
derivational morphemes with the same denotational meaning we see that they sometimes differ in
connotation only" The morphemes, e"g" -ly, -like, -ish, have the denotational meaning of
similarity in the words womanly, womanlike, womanish, the connotational component,
however, differs and ranges from the, positive evaluation in -ly (womanly) to the derogatory in
-ish (womanish).1 Stylistic reference may also $e found in morphemes of different types" The
stylistic value of such derivational morphemes as, e"g" -ine (chlorine), -oid (rhomboid), -escence
(effervescence) is clearly perceived to $e $oo&ish or scientific"
;0
Functional (part-of-speech) meaning. The lexical meaning of the affixal morphemes is, as a
rule, of a more generali-ing character" The suffix -er, e"g" carries the meaning 6the agent, the doer
of the action6, the suffixFless denotes lac& or a$sence of something" #t should also $e noted that
the rootFmorphemes do not possess the partFofFspeech meaning 2cf" manly, manliness, to man);
in derivational morphemes the lexical and the partFofFspeech meaning may $e so $lended as to $e
almost insepara$le" #n the derivational morphemes Fer and Fless discussed a$ove the lexical
meaning is =ust as clearly perceived as their partFofFspeech meaning" #n some morphemes,
however, for instance -ment or -ous 2as in movement or laborious), it is the partFofFspeech
meaning that prevails, the lexical meaning is $ut vaguely felt" #n some cases the functional
meaning predominates" The morpheme -ice in the word justice, e"g", seems to serve principally to
transfer the partFofFspeech meaning of the morpheme just-into another class and namely that of
noun" #t follows that some morphemes possess only the functional meaning, i"e" they are the
carriers of partFofFspeech meaning"
Differential Meaning. Cesides the types of meaning proper $oth to words and morphemes
the latter may possess specific meanings of their own, namely the differential and the
distri$utional meanings" Differential meaning is the semantic component that serves to
distinguish one word from all others containing identical morphemes" #n words consisting of two
or more morphemes, one of the constituent morphemes always has differential meaning" #n such
words as, e" g", bookshelf, the morpheme -shelf serves to distinguish the word from other words
containing the morpheme $oo&E, e"g" from bookcase, book-counter and so on" #n other
compound words, e"g" notebook, the morpheme note- will $e seen to possess the differential
meaning which distinguishes notebook from exercise-book, copybook, etc" #t should $e clearly
understood that denotational and differential meanings are not mutually exclusive" ?aturally the
morpheme -shelf in bookshelf possesses denotational meaning which is the dominant component
of meaning" There are cases, however, when it is difficult or even impossi$le to assign any
denotational meaning to the morpheme, e"g" cran- in cranberry, yet it clearly $ears a
relationship to the meaning of the Fword as a whole through the differential component 2cf"
cranberry and blackberry, gooseberry) which in this particular case comes to the fore" 5ne of
the disputa$le points of morphological analysis is whether such words as deceive, receive,
perceive consist of two6 component morphemes" #f we assume that the morpheme Fceive may $e
singled out it follows that 6the meaning of the morphemes re-, per, de- is exclusively differential,
as, at least synchronically, there is no denotational meaning proper to them"
Distributional Meaning. Distri$utional meaning is the meaning of the order and arrangement
of morphemes ma&ing up the word" #t is found in all words containing more than one morpheme"
The word singer, e"g", is composed of two morphemes sing- and -er $oth of which possess the
denotational meaning and namely 6to ma&e musical sounds6 (sing-) and 6the doer of the action6 (-
er). There is one more element of meaning, however, that ena$les us to understand the word and
that is the pattern of arrangement of the component morphemes, ( different arrangement of the
;3
same morphemes, e"g" `ersing, would ma&e the word meaningless" Compare also boyishness and
`nessishboy in which a different pattern of arrangement of the three morphemes boy-ish-ness
turns it into a meaningless string of sounds" 2'( Course in Modern English Lexicology) 2ed"
5"(&hmanova and L"Mina=eva1 *"S"+ins$urg, S"S",hide&el, +"#",nya-eva, ("("San&in" M",
./001

WORD-MEANING AND MOTIVATION
!rom what was said a$out the distri$utional meaning in morphemes it follows that there are
cases when we can o$serve a direct connection $etween the structural pattern of the word and its
meaning" This relationship $etween morphemic structure and meaning is termed morphological
motivation"
Morphological Motivation. The main criterion in morphological motivation is the
relationship $etween morphemes" Dence all oneFmorpheme words, e"g" sing, tell, eat, are $y
definition nonFmotivated" #n words composed of more than one morpheme the carrier of the
wordFmeaning is the com$ined meaning of the component morphemes and the meaning of the
structural pattern of the word" This can $e illustrated $y the semantic analysis of different words
composed of phonemically identical morphemes with identical lexical meaning" The words
finger-ring and ring-finger, e"g", contain two morphemes, the com$ined lexical meaning of
which is the same: the difference in the meaning of these words can $e accounted for $y the
difference in the arrangement of the component morphemes" #f we can o$serve a direct
connection $etween the structural pattern of the word and its meaning, we say that this word is
motivated" Conse%uently words such as singer, rewrite, eatable, etc", are descri$ed as motivated"
#f the connection $etween the structure of the lexical unit and its meaning is completely ar$itrary
and conventional, we spea& of nonFmotivated or idiomatic words, e"g" matter, repeat. #t should
$e noted in passing that morphological motivation is ErelativeE, i"e" the degree of motivation may
$e different" Cetween the extremes of complete motivation and lac& of motivation, there exist
various grades of partial motivation" The word endless, e"g", is completely motivated as $oth the
lexical meaning of the component morphemes and the meaning of the pattern is perfectly
transparent" The word cranberry is only partially motivated $ecause of the a$sence of the
lexicalF meaning in the morpheme cran-. 5ne more point should $e noted in connection with the
pro$lem in %uestion" ( synchronic approach to morphological motivation presupposes historical
changea$ility of structural patterns and the ensuing degree of motivation" Some English placeF
names may serve as an illustration" Such placeFnames as ?ewtowns and 7ildwoods are lexically
and structurally motivated and may $e easily analysed into component morphemes" 5ther placeF
names, e"g" Essex, ?orfol&, Sutton, are nonFmotivated" To the average English spea&er these
names are nonFanalysa$le lexical units li&e sing or tell" Dowever, upon examination the student
of language history will perceive their components to $e EastnSaxon, ?orthn!ol& and
;4
SouthnTown which shows that in earlier days they were =ust as completely motivated as
?ewtowns or 7ildwoods are in Modern English"
Phonetical Motivation. Motivation is usually thought of as procceeding from form or
structure to meaning" Morphological motivation as discussed a$ove implies a direct connection
$etween the morphological structure of the word and its meaning" Some linguists, however, argue
that words can $e motivated in more than one way and suggest another type of motivation which
may $e descri$ed as a direct connection $etween the phonetical structure of the word and its
meaning" #t is argued that speech sounds may suggest spatial and visual dimensions, shape, si-e,
etc" Experiments carried out $y a group of linguists showed that $ac& open vowels, are suggestive
of $ig si-e, heavy weight, dar& colour, etc" The experiments were repeated many times and the
results were always the same" ?ative spea&ers of English were as&ed to listen to pairs of
antonyms from an unfamiliar 2or nonFexistent1 language unrelated to English, e"g" ching-chung
and then to try to find the English e%uivalents, e"g" light-heavy, (big-small, etc"1, which foreign
word translates which English word" ($out /9 per cent of English spea&ers felt that ching is the
e%uivalent of the English light 2small1 and chung of its antonym heavy 2large1" #t is also pointed
out that this type of phonetic motivation may $e o$served in the phonemic structure of some
newly coined words" !or example, the small transmitter that speciali-es in high fre%uencies is
called 6a tweeter6, the transmitter for low fre%uencies F 6a woofer6" (nother type of phonetic
motivation is represented $y such words as swish, sizzle, boom, splash, etc" These words may $e
defined as phonetically motivated $ecause the soundFclusters jswi-, si-l, $um, spl--k are a
direct imitation of the sounds these words denote" #t is also suggested that sounds themselves may
$e emotionally expressive which accounts for the phonetic motivation in certain words" #nitial jfk
and jpk, e"g", are felt as expressing scorn, contempt, disapproval or disgust which can $e
illustrated $y the words pooh! fie! fiddle-sticks, flim-flam and the li&e" The soundFcluster jink is
imitative of sound or swift movement as can $e seen in words ring, sing, swing, fling, etc" Thus,
phonetically such words may $e considered motivated"
This hypothesis seems to re%uire verification" This of course is not to deny that there are some
words, which involve phonetic sym$olismH these are the onomatopoeic, imitative or echoic words
such as the English cuckoo, splash and whisper. (nd even these are not completely motivated
$ut seem to $e conventional to %uite a large extent 2cf" kyxapexy, cucurigu and cock-a-doodle-
doo). #n any case words li&e these constitute only a small and untypical minority in the language"
(s to sym$olic value of certain sounds, this too is disproved $y the fact that identical sounds and
soundFclusters may $e found in words of widely different meaning, e"g" initial jpk and jfk, are
found in words expressing contempt and disapproval (fie, pooh) and also in such words as
plough, fine, and others" The soundFcluster jigk which is supposed to $e imitative of sound or
swift movement (ring, swing) is also o$served in semantically different words, e"g" thing, king,
and others"
;/
Semantic Motivation. The term motivation, is also used $y a num$er of linguists to denote
the relationship $etween the central and the coexisting meaning or meanings of a word which are
understood as a metaphorical extension of the central meaning" Metaphorical extension may $e
viewed as generali-ation of the denotational meaning of a word permitting it to include new
referents, which are in some way li&e the original class of referents" Similarity of various aspects
andcor functions of different classes of referents may account for the semantic motivation of a
num$er of minor meanings" !or example, a woman who has given $irth is called a mother; $y
extension, any act that gives $irth is associated with $eing a mother, e"g" in ?ecessity is the
mother of invention. The same principle can $e o$served in other meaningsH a mother loo&s
after a child, so that we can say She became a mother to her orphan nephew, or Romulus and
Remus were supposedly mothered by a wolf. Cf" also mother country, a mother's mark ( a
birthmark), mother tongue, etc" Such metaphoric extension may $e o$served in the soFcalled
trite metaphors, such as burn with anger, break smb's heart, jump at a chance, etc" #f
metaphorical extension is o$served in the relationship of the central and a minor word meaning it
is often o$served in the relationship $etween its synonymic or antonymic meanings" Thus, a few
years ago the phrases a meeting at the summit, a summit meeting appeared in the newspapers"
Cartoonists portrayed the participants of such summit meetings sitting on mountain tops" ?ow
when lesser diplomats confer the tal&s are called foothill meetings. #n tFhis way $oth summit and
its antonym foothill undergo the process of metaphorical extension" 2'( Course in Modern
English Lexicology)" *"S"+ins$urg, S" S" ,hide&el, +"#",nya-eva, ("("San&in" M", ./001
CHANGE OF MEANING
7ordFmeaning is lia$le to change in the course of the historical development of language"
Changes of lexical meaning may $e illustrated $y a diachronic semantic analysis of many
commonly used English words" The word fond 25E" fond) used to mean 6foolish6, 6foolishly
credulous6: glad 25E, glaed1 had the meaning of 6$right6, 6shining6 and so on" Change of meaning
has $een thoroughly studied and as a matter of fact monopoli-ed the attention of all semanticists
whose wor& up to the early ./;96s was centered almost exclusively on the description and
classification of various changes of meaning" ($undant language data can $e found in almost all
the $oo&s dealing with semantics" Dere we shall confine the discussion to a $rief outline of the
pro$lem as it is viewed in modern linguistic science" To avoid the ensuing confusion of terms
and concepts it is necessary to discriminate $etween the causes of semantic change, the results
and the nature of the process of change of meaning" These are three closely $ound up, $ut
essentially different aspects of one and the same pro$lem" Discussing the causes of semantic
change we concentrate on the factors $ringing a$out this change and attempt to find out why the
word changed its meaning" (nalysing the nature of semantic change we see& to clarify the
process of this change and descri$e how various changes of meaning were $rought a$out" 5ur
aim in investigating the results of semantic change is to find out what was changed, i"e" we
L9
compare the resultant and the original meanings and descri$e the difference $etweenFthem mainly
in terms of the changes of the denotational components"
Causes of Semantic Change. The factors accounting for semantic change may $e roughly
su$divided into two groupsH a1 extraFlinguistic and $1 linguistic causes" Cy extraFlinguistic causes
we mean various changes in the life of the speech community, changes in economic and social
structure, changes in ideas, scientific concepts, way of life and other spheres of human activities
as reflected in word meanings" (lthough o$=ects, institutions, concepts, etc" change in the course
of time in many cases the sound form of the words which denote them is retained $ut the meaning
of the words is changed" The word car, e"g", ultimately goes $ac& to Latin carrus which meant 6a
fourFwheeled wagon6 2ME" carre1 $ut now that other means of transport are used it denotes 6a
motorFcar6, 6a railway carriage6 2in the S(1, 6that portion of an airship, or $alloon which is
intended to carry personnel, cargo or e%uipment6" Some changes of meaning are due to what may
$e descri$ed as purely linguistic causes, i"e" factors acting within the language system" The
commonest form, which this influence ta&es is the soFcalled ellipsis" #n a phrase made up of two
words one of these is omitted and its meaning is transferred to its partner" The ver$ to starve,
e"g", in 5ld English 25f" steorfan1 had the meaning 6to die6 and was ha$itually used in collocation
with the word hunger 2ME" sterven of hunger1" (lready in the .0th century the ver$ itself
ac%uired the meaning 6to die of hunger6" Similar semantic changes may $e o$served in Modern
English when the meaning of one word is transferred to another $ecause they ha$itually occur
together in speech" (nother linguistic cause is discrimination of synonyms, which can $e
illustrated $y the semantic development of a num$er of words" The word land, e"g", in 5ld
English 25E" land) meant $oth 6solid part of earth6s surface6 and 6the territory of a nation6" 7hen
in the Middle English period the word country 25!r" contree) was $orrowed as its synonym, the
meaning of the word land was somewhat altered and 6the territory of a nation6 came to $e denoted
mainly $y the $orrowed word country. Some semantic changes may $e accounted for $y the
influence of a peculiar factor usually referred to as linguistic analogy" #t was found out,6 e"g", that
if one of the mem$ers of a synonymic set ac%uires a new meaning other mem$ers of this set
change their meanings too" #t was o$served, e"g", that all English adver$s which ac%uired the
meaning 6rapidly6 2in a certain period of timeF$efore .;991 always develop the meaning
6immediately6, similarly ver$s synonymous with catch, e"g" grasp, get, etc", $y semantic extension
ac%uired another meaningF6 to understand6"
Nature of Semantic Change. +enerally spea&ing, a necessary condition of any semantic
change, no matter what its cause, is some connection, some association $etween the old meaning
and the new" There are two &inds of association involved as a rule in various semantic changes
namelyH a1 similarity of meanings, and $1 contiguity of meanings" Similarity of meanings or
metaphor may $e descri$ed as a semantic process of associating two referents, one of which in
some way resem$les the other" The word hand, e"g", ac%uired in the .0th century the meaning of
6a pointer of a cloc& or a watch6 $ecause of the similarity of one of the functions performed $y the
L.
hand 2to point at something1 and the function of the cloc& pointer" Since metaphor is $ased on the
perception of similarities it is only natural that when an analogy is o$vious, it should give rise to a
metaphoric meaning" This can $e o$served in the wide currency of metaphoric meanings of
words denoting parts of the human $ody in various languages 2cf" 6the leg of the ta$le6, 6the foot of
the hill6, etc"1" Sometimes it is similarity of form, outline, etc" that underlies the metaphor" The
words warm and cold $egan to denote certain %ualities of human voices $ecause of some &ind of
similarity $etween these %ualities and warm and cold temperature" #t is also usual to perceive
similarity $etween colours and emotions" #t has also $een o$served that in many speech
communities colour terms, e"g" the words black and white, have metaphoric meanings in addition
to the literal denotation of colours" Contiguity of meanings or metonymy may $e descri$ed as the
semantic process of associating two referents one of which ma&es part of the other or is closely
connected with it" This can $e perhaps $est illustrated $y the use of the word tongueF 6the organ
of speech6 in the meaning of 6language6 2as in mother tongue; cf" also L" lingua,1" The word
bench ac%uired the meaning 6=udges, magistrates6 $ecause it was on the bench that the =udges
used to sit in law courts, similarly the House ac%uired the meaning of 6mem$ers of the Douse6
(Parliament). #t is generally held that metaphor plays a more important role in the change of
meaning than metonymy" ( more detailed analysis would show that there are some semantic
changes that fit into more than the two groups discussed a$ove" ( change of meaning, e"g", may
$e $rought a$out $y the association $etween the soundFforms of two words" The word boon, e"g",
originally meant 6prayer, petition6, 6re%uest6, $ut then came to denote 6a thing prayed or as&ed for6"
#ts current meaning is 6a $lessing, an advantage, a thing to $e than&ed for"6 The change of meaning
was pro$a$ly due to the similarity to the soundFform of the ad=ective boon 2an (nglicised form of
!rench bon denoting 6good, nice61" 7ithin metaphoric and metonymic changes we can single out
various su$groups" Dere, however, we shall confine ourselves to a very general outline of the
main types of semantic association as discussed a$ove" ( more detailed analysis of the changes
of meaning and the nature of such changes $elongs in the diachronic or historical lexicology and
lies outside the scope of the present6 text$oo&"
Results of Semantic Change. *esults of semantic change can $e generally o$served in the
changes of the denotational meaning of the word 2restriction and extension of meaning1 or in the
alteration of its connotational component 2amelioration and deterioration of meaning1" Changes
in the denotational meaning may result in the restriction of the types or range of referents denoted
$y the word" This may $e illustrated $y the semantic development of the word hound 25f" hund),
which used to denote 6a dog of any $reed6 $ut now denotes only 6a dog used in the chase6" This is
also the case with the word fowl 25E" fugol, fugel) which in old English denoted 6any $ird6, $ut in
Modern English denotes 6a domestic hen or coc&6" This is generally descri$ed as Erestriction of
meaningE and if the word with the new meaning comes to $e used in the speciali-ed voca$ulary
of some limited group within the speech community it is usual to spea& of speciali-ation of
meaning" !or example, we can o$serve restriction and speciali-ation of meaning in the case of the
L8
ver$ to glide 25E" glidan) which had the meaning 6to move gently and smoothly6 and has now
ac%uired a restricted and speciali-ed meaning 6toF fly with no engine6 2cf" a glider). Changes in
the denotational meaning may also result in the application of the word to a wider variety of
referents" This is commonly descri$ed as extension of meaning and may $e illustrated $y the
word target, which originally meant 6a small round shield6 2a diminutive of targe, c f" 5?"
targa), (cf" Modern *omanian targa) $ut now means 6anything that is fired at6 and also
figuratively 6any result aimed at6" #f the word with the extended meaning passes from the
speciali-ed voca$ulary into common use, we descri$e the result of the semantic change as the
generali-ation of meaning" The word camp, e"g", which originally was used only as a military
term and meant 6the place where troops are lodged in tents6 2cf" L" campusF6exercising ground for
the army61 extended and generali-ed its meaning and now denotes 6temporary %uarters6 2of
travellers, nomads, etc"1" (s can $e seen from the examples discussed a$ove it is mainly the
denotational component of the lexical meaning that is affected while the connotational component
remains unaltered" There are other cases, however, when the changes in the connotational
meaning come to the fore" These changes, as a rule accompanied $y a change in the denotational
component, may $e su$divided into two main groupsH a1 pe=orative development or the
ac%uisition $y the word of some derogatory emotive charge, and $1 ameliorative development or
the improvement of the connotational component of meaning" The semantic change in the word
boor may serve to illustrate the first group" This word was originally used to denote 6a villager, a
peasant6 2cf" 5E" ebur 6dweller61 and then ac%uired a derogatory, contemptuous connotational
meaning and came to denote 6a clumsy or illF$red fellow6" The ameliorative development of the
connotational meaning may $e o$served in the change of the semantic structure of the word
minister which in one of its meanings originally denoted 6a servant, an attendant6, $ut nowF6a civil
servant of higher ran&, a person administering a department of state or accredited $y one state to
another6" #t is of interest to note that in derivational clusters a change in the connotational meaning
of one mem$er does not necessarily affect all the others" This peculiarity can $e o$served in the
words accident and accidental. The lexical meaning of the noun accident has undergone
pe=orative development and denotes not only 6something that happens $y chance6, $ut usually
6something unfortunate6" The derived ad=ective accidental does not possess in its semantic
structure this negative connotational meaning 2cf" also fortune: bad fortune, good fortune and
fortunate).
Interrelation of Causes, Nature and Results of Semantic Change. (s can $e inferred from
the analysis of ovarious changes of wordFmeanings, they can $e classified according to the social
causes that $ring a$out change of meaning 2socioFlinguistic classification1, the nature of these
changes 2psychological classification1 and the results of semantic changes 2logical classification1"
Dere it is suggested that causes, nature and results of semantic changes should $e viewed as three
essentially different $ut insepara$le aspects of one and the same linguistic phenomenon as any
change of meaning may $e investigated from the point of view of its cause, nature and its
L;
conse%uences" Essentially the same causes may $ring a$out different results, e"g" the semantic
development in the word knight 25E6" cniht) from 6a $oy servant6 to 6a young warrior6 and
eventually to the meaning it possesses in Modern English is due to extraFlinguistic causes =ust as
the semantic change in the word boor, $ut the results are different" #n the case of boor we
o$serve pe=orative development whereas in the case of knight we o$serve amelioration of the
connotational component" (nd conversely, different causes may lead to the same result"
*estriction of meaning, for example, may $e the result of the influence of extraFlinguistic factors
as in the case of glide 2progress of science and techni%ue1 and also of purely linguistic causes
2discrimination of synonyms1 as is the case with the word fowl. Changes of essentially identical
nature, e" g" similarity of referents as the $asis of association, may $ring a$out different results,
e"g" extension of meaning as in target and also restriction of meaning as in the word fowl. To
avoid terminological confusion it is suggested that the terms restriction and extension or
amelioration and deterioration of meaning should $e used to descri$e only the resu.ts of semantic
change irrespective of its nature or causes" 7hen we discuss metaphoric or metonymic transfer of
meaning we imply the nature of the semantic change whatever its results may $e" #t also follows
that a change of meaning should $e descri$ed so as to satisfy all the three criteria" #n the
discussion of semantic changes we confined ourselves only to the type of change which results in
the disappearance of the old meaning which is replaced $y the new one" The term change of
meaning however is also used to descri$e a change in the num$er 2as a rule an increase1 and
arrangement of wordFmeanings without a single meaning disappearing from its semantic
structure" 2'( Course in Modern English Lexicology)" *"S"+ins$urg, S" S" ,hide&el,
+"#",nya-eva, ("("San&in" M", ./001
MEANING AND POLYSEMY
So far we have $een discussing the concept of meaning, different types of wordFmeanings and
the changes they undergo in the course of the historical development of the English language"
7hen analysing the wordFmeaning we o$serve, however, that words as a rule are not units of a
single meaning" Monosemantic words, i"e" words having only one meaning are comparatively few
in num$er, these are mainly scientific terms, such as hydrogen, molecule and the li&e" The $ul&
of English words are polysemantic, that is to say possess more than one meaning" The actual
num$er of meanings of the commonly used words ranges from five to a$out a hundred" #n fact,
the commoner the word the more meanings it has"
Semantic Structure of Polysemantic Words. The word table, e"g", has at least nine
meanings in Modern English: F ." a piece of furniture: 8" the persons seated at a ta$le: ;" sing" the
food put on a ta$le, meals: L" a thin flat piece of stone, metal, wood, etc": M" pi" sla$s of stone: 0"
words cut into them or written on them 2the ten ta$les1: 3" an orderly arrangement of facts,
figures, etc": 4" part of a machineFtool on which the wor& is put to $e operated on: /" a level area,
a plateau" Each of the individual meanings can $e descri$ed in terms of the types of meanings
LL
discussed a$ove" 7e may, e"g", analyse the eighth meaning of the word table into the partFofF
speech meaningF that of the noun 2which presupposes the grammatical meanings of num$er and
case1 com$ined with the lexical meaning made up of two components" The denotational semantic
component, which can $e interpreted as the dictionary definition, part of a machineFtool on which
the wor& is put, and the connotational component which can $e identified as a specific stylistic
reference of this particular meaning of the word table" #n polysemantic words, however, we are
faced not with the pro$lem of analysis of individual meanings, $ut primarily with the pro$lem of
the interrelation and interdependence of the various meanings in the semantic structure of one and
the same word"
Diachronic Approach. #f polysemy is viewed diachronically, it is understood as the growth
and development of or, in general, as a change in the semantic structure of the word" Polysemy in
diachronic terms implies that a word may retain its previous meaning or meanings and at the
same time ac%uire one or several new ones" Then the pro$lem of the interrelation and
interdependence of individual meanings of a polysemantic word may $e roughly formulated as
followsH did the word always possess all its meanings or did some of them appear earlier than the
othersK (re the new meanings dependent on the already existing meaningsK (nd if so what is the
nature of this dependence can we o$serve any changes in the arrangement of the meanings and so
on" #n the course of a diachronic semantic analysis of the polysemantic word table we find that
of all the meanings it has in Modern English, the primary meaning is 6a flat sla$ of stone or wood6
which is proper to the word in the 5ld English period 25E" tabule from L" tabula); all other
meanings are secondary as they are derived from the primary meaning of the word and appeared
later than the primary meaning" The terms secondary and derived meaning are to a certain extent
synonymous" 7hen we descri$e the meaning of the word as EsecondaryE we imply that it could
not have appeared $efore the primary meaning was in existence" 7hen we refer to the meaning as
EderivedE we imply not only that, $ut also that it is dependent on the primary meaning and
somehow su$ordinate to it" #n the case of the word table, e"g", we may say that the meaning 6the
food put on the ta$le6 is a secondary meaning as it is derived from the meaning 6a piece of
furniture 2on which meals are laid out16" #t follows that the main source of polysemy is a change
in the semantic structure of the word" Polysemy may also arise from homonymy" 7hen two
words $ecome identical in soundFform, the meanings of the two words are felt as ma&ing up one
semantic structure" Thus, the human ear and the ear of corn are from the diachronic point of view
two homonyms" 5ne is etymologically related to L" auris, the other to L" acus, aceris.
Synchronically, however, they are perceived as two meanings of one and the same word" The ear
of corn is felt to $e a metaphor of the usual type 2cf" the eye of the needle, the foot of the
mountain) and conse%uently as one of the derived or, synchronically, minor meanings of the
polysemantic word ear.1 Cases of this type are comparatively rare and, as a rule, illustrative of
the vagueness of the $orderFline $etween polysemy and homonymy" Semantic changes result as
a rule in new meanings $eing added to the ones already existing in the semantic structure of the
LM
word" Some of the old meanings may $ecome o$solete or even disappear, $ut the $ul& of English
words tend to an increase in num$er of meanings"
Synchronic Approach. Synchronically we understand polysemy as the coexistence of
various meanings of the same word at a certain historical period of the development of the
English language" #n this case the pro$lem of the interrelation and interdependence of individual
meanings ma&ing up the semantic structure of the word must $e investigated along different lines"
#n connection with the polysemantic word table discussed a$ove we are mainly concerned with
the following pro$lemsH are all the nine meanings e%ually representative of the semantic structure
of this wordK #s the order in which the meanings are enumerated 2or recorded1 in dictionaries
purely ar$itrary or does it reflect the comparative value of individual meanings, the place they
occupy in the semantic structure of the word table? #ntuitively we feel that the meaning that first
occurs to us whenever we hear or see the word table, is 6an article of furniture6" This emerges as
the $asic or the central meaning of the word and all other meanings are minor in comparison" #t
should $e noted that whereas the $asic meaning occurs in various and widely different contexts,
minor meanings are o$served only in certain contexts, e"g" 6to &eep the ta$le amused6, 6ta$le of
contents6 and so on" Thus we can assume that the meaning 6a piece of furniture6 occupies the
central place in the semantic structure of the word ta$le" (s to other meanings of this word we
find it hard to grade them in order of their comparative value" Some may, for example, consider
the second and the third meanings 26the persons seated at the ta$le6 and 6the food put on the ta$le61
as e%ually EimportantE, some may argue that the meaning 6food put on the ta$le6 should $e given
priority" (s synchronically there is no o$=ective criterion to go $y, we may find it difficult in
some cases to single out even the $asic meanings since two or more meanings of the word may $e
felt as e%ually EcentralE in its semantic structure" #f we analyse the ver$ to get, e"g", which of the
two meanings 6to o$tain6 (get a letter, knowledge, some sleep) or 6to arrive6 (get to London, to
get into bed) shall we regard as the $asic meaning of this wordK ( more o$=ective criterion of
the comparative value of individual meanings seems to $e the fre%uency of their occurrence in
speech" There is a tendency in modern linguistics to interpret the concept of the central meaning
in terms of the fre%uency of occurrence of this meaning" #n a study of five million words made $y
a group of linguistic scientists it was found that the fre%uency value of individual meanings is
different" (s far as the word ta$le is concerned the meaning 6a piece of furniture6 possesses the
highest fre%uency value and ma&es up M8a of all the uses of this word, the meaning 6an orderly
arrangement of facts6 2ta$le of contents1 accounts for ;Ma, all other meanings $etween them
ma&e up =ust .;a of the uses of this word"
5f great importance is the stylistic stratification of meanings of a polysemantic word as
individual meanings may differ in their stylistic reference" Stylistic 2or regional1 status of
monosemantic words is easily perceived" !or instance the word daddy can $e referred to the
collo%uial stylistic, layer, the word parent to the $oo&ish" The word movie is recogni-a$ly
(merican and barnie is Scottish" Polysemantic words as a rule cannot $e given any such
L0
restrictive la$els" To do it we must state the meaning in which they are used" There is nothing
collo%uial or slangy or (merican a$out the words yellow denoting colour, jerk in the meaning 6a
sudden movement or stopping of movement6 as far as these particular meanings are concerned"
Cut when yellow is used in the meaning of 6sensational6 or when 1erk is used in the meaning of
6an odd person6 it is $oth slang and (merican" Stylistically neutral meanings are naturally more
fre%uent" The polysemantic words worker and hand, e"g", may $oth denote 6a man who does
manual wor&6, $ut whereas this is the most fre%uent and stylistically neutral meaning of the word
worker, it is o$served only in 8"4a of all occurrences of the word hand, in the semantic
structure of which the meaning 6a man who does manual wor&6 (to hire factory hands) is one of
its marginal meanings characteri-ed $y collo%uial stylistic reference" #t should also $e noted that
the meaning, which has the highest fre%uency is the one representative of the whole semantic
structure of the word" This can $e illustrated $y analysing the words under discussion" !or
example the meaning representative of the word hand, which first occurs to us is 6the end of the
arm $eyond the wrist6" This meaning accounts for at least 33a of all occurrences of this word"
This can also $e o$served $y comparing the word hand with its *ussian e%uivalents" 7e ta&e it
for granted that the English word hand is correlated with the *ussian pyxa, $ut not with the
*ussian USpOqWr though this particular e%uivalent may also $e found, e"g" in the case of to hire
factory hands.
Historical Changeability of Semantivc Structure. From the discussion of the diachronic
and synchronic approach to polysemy it follows that the interrelation and the structure
interdependence of individual meanings of the word may $e descri$ed from two different angles"
These two approaches are not mutually exclusive $ut are viewed here as supplementing each
other in the linguistic analysis of a polysemantic word" #t should $e noted, however, that as the
semantic structure is never static, the relationship $etween the diachronic and synchronic
evaluation of individual meanings may $e different in different periods of the historical
development of language" This is perhaps $est illustrated $y the semantic analysis of the word
revolution. 5riginally, when this word first appeared in ME in .;M9F.LM9 it denoted 6the
revolving motion of celestial $odies6 and also 6the return or recurrence of a point or a period of
time6" Later on the word ac%uired other meanings and among them that of 6a complete overthrow
of the esta$lished government or regime6 and also 6a complete change, a great reversal of
conditions6" The meaning 6revolving motion6 in ME was $oth primary 2diachronically1 and central
2synchronically1" #n Modern English, however, while we cart still diachronically descri$e this
meaning as primary it is no longer synchronically central as the arrangement of meanings in the
semantic structure of the word revolution has considera$ly changed and its central and the most
fre%uent meaning is 6a complete overthrow of the esta$lished government or the regime6" #t
follows that the primary meaning of the word may $ecome synchronically one of its minor
meanings and diachronically a secondary meaning may $ecome the central meaning of the word"
L3
The actual arrangement of meanings in the semantic structure of any word in any historical period
is the result of the semantic development of this word within the system of the given language"
Polysemy and Arbitrariness of Semantic Structure. The words of different languages,
which are similar or identical in lexical meaning especially in the denotational meaning are
termed correlated words" The wording of the ha$itual %uestion of English learners, e"g" E7hat is
the English for Y\OVKE, and the answer EThe English for Y\OV is 6ta$le6E also shows that we ta&e
the words table Y\OVto $e correlated" Semantic correlation, however, is not to $e interpreted as
semantic identity" !rom what was said a$out the ar$itrariness of the soundFform of words and
complexity of their semantic structure, it can $e inferred that oneFtoFone correspondence $etween
the semantic structure of correlated polysemantic words in different languages is scarcely
possi$le" (r$itrariness of linguistic signs implies that one cannot deduce from the soundFform of
a word the meaning or meanings it possesses" Languages differ not only in the soundFform of
words: their systems of meanings are also different" #t follows that the semantic structures of
correlated words of two different languages cannot $e coFextensive, i"e" can never Ecover each
otherE" ( careful analysis invaria$ly shows that semantic relationship $etween correlated words,
especially polysemantic words is very complex"
The actual meanings of polysemantic words and their arrangement in the semantic structure of
correlated words in different languages may $e altogether different" This may $e seen $y
comparing the semantic structure of correlated polysemantic words in English and in *ussian" (s
a rule it is only the centralFmeaning that is to a great extent identical, all other meanings or the
ma=ority of meanings usually differ" #f we compare, e"g", the nine meanings of the English word
table and the meanings of the *ussian word Y\OV, we shall easily o$serve not only the difference
in the arrangement and the num$er of meanings ma&ing up their respective semantic structures,
$ut also the difference in the individual meanings that may, at first sight, appear similar"
Table: ." ( piece of furniture 8" The persons seated at a ta$le ;" The food put on a ta$le, meals:
coo&ing ?ote" This meaning is rare in Modern English" sually the word board 2or cooking) is
used" (Cf. board and lodging, plain cooking.) L" ( flat sla$ of stone or $oard M" La$s of stone
2with words written on them or cut into them1 0" Ci$l" 7ords cut into sla$s of stone 2the ten
ta$les1" 3" (n orderly arrangement of facts, figures, etc" 4" Part of a machineFtool /" ( level area,
plateau
c1on: ." sUR^_R\ OpY\SNOP]W 2YW^R\t uS Y\OVO_1 8" vU" SUw" xSY\OVWZS ;" sWyS TO^SPSR_SX
NS Y\OV1, R^S ?ote" Commonly used, stylistically neutral" 2Y\OV W ]PSU\WUS, TUOY\Or, YQ\NQr,
PR[R\SUWSNY]Wr Y\OV1" L" vU" sVW\S M" vU" v]UWzSVW 0" vU" xSTOPR^W 3" vU" {SpVWZS 4" vU"
sVSN|SrpS /" vU" sVS\O (s can $e seen from the a$ove, only one of the meanings and namely
the central meaning 6a piece of furniture6 may $e descri$ed as identical" The denotational meaning
6the food put on the ta$le6 although existing in the words of $oth languages has different
connotational components in each of them" The whole of the semantic, structure of these words is
altogether different" The difference is still more pronounced if we consider all the meanings of
L4
the *ussian word Y\OV, e"g" 6department, section, $ureau6 2cf" S^URYNQr Y\OV, Y\OV uS]SuOP1 not
to $e found in the semantic structure of the word table. The pro$lem of polysemy is mainly the
pro$lem of interrelation and interdependence of the various meanings of the same word"
Polysemy viewed diachronically is a historical change in the semantic structure of the word
resulting in disappearance of some meanings 2or1 and in new meanings $eing added to the ones
already existing and also in the rearrangement of these meanings in its semantic structure"
Polysemy viewed synchronically is understood as coFexistence of the various meanings of the
same word at a certain historical period and the arrangement of these meanings in the semantic
structure of the word" 8" The concepts of central 2$asic1 and marginal 2minor1 meanings may $e
interpreted in terms of their relative fre%uency in speech" The meaning having the highest
fre%uency is usually the one representative of the semantic structure of the word, i"e"
synchronically its central 2$asic1 meaning" ;" (s the semantic structure is never static the
relationship $etween the diachronic and synchronic evaluation of the individual meanings of the
same word may $e different in different Eperiods of the historical development of language" L"
The semantic structure of polysemantic words is not homogeneous as far as the status of
individual meanings is concerned" Some meaning 2or meanings1 is representative of the word in
isolation, others are perceived only in certain contexts" M" The whole of the semantic structure of
correlated polysemantic words of different languages can never $e identical" 7ords are felt as
correlated if their $asic 2central1 meanings coincide" 2'( Course in Modern English Lexicology)"
*"S"+ins$urg, S" S" ,hide&el, +"#",nya-eva, ("("San&in" M", ./001
POLYSEMY AND HOMONYMY
7hen we analy-e the word meaning we o$serve that words as a rule are not units of a single
meaning" Monosemantic words, i"e" words having only one meaning are comparatively few in
num$er, these are mainly scientific terms, such as 6hydrogenI, <molecule6 and the li&e" The $ul& of
English words are polysemantic, that is to say possess more than one meaning" The actual num$er
of meanings of the commonly used words ranges from five to a$out a hundred" #n fact, the
commoner the word the more meanings it has" Thus, the words 6air6 has the meaningsH #" 6the
mixture of gases that surrounds the earth and which we $reathe6: 8"6a very light wind6: ;"6a tune or
melody6 L"6a" style or manner6: M"6a way of acting or $ehaving6" #n a polysemantic word the main
2or central1 and secondary meanings are distinguished" #n the a$ove case the main meaning of the
word 6air6 is the first one, all the other meanings are secondary" The word is polysemantic in the
language $ut in actual speech it is always monosemantic, that is it has only one meaning" #t is the
context that ma&es the polysemantic word monosemantic, e"g"H 'The air was close and dus&y),
'De loo&ed at him with a piteous air of uncertainty)" #n the first sentence the meaning of the word
air is 6the mixture of gases6, whereas in the second sentence the meaning is 6a way of acting or
$ehaving6" 6There is o$vious semantic connection, direct or indirect, $etween the secondary
meanings and the central meaning" Thus, the word 6hand6 is the name of the part of the $ody F 6the
L/
end of the arm $eyond the wrist6, and this meaning is its central meaning, its secondary meanings
areH 6a wor&er in a factory or doc&yard6: 6a mem$er of a ship crew6: 6a person who does something6:
6s&ill with the hands6: 6a pointer on a watch or cloc&6: 6a side or direction6: 6handwriting6: 6a
signature6: 6a measurement 2four inches, the $readth of the hand16" (ll these meanings are in some
way or other connected with the central meaning F 6the terminal part of human arm6" #t is due to
this particular semantic interrelation that we consider all these meanings as forming different
meanings of one and the same word" There are cases, however, when the central and the
secondary meanings of the same word drift apart to such an extent that there is no o$vious
semantic connection $etween them" ?ow polysemy is broken and gives place to lexical
homonymy, whereas the unity of the word is destroyed" (s an example of this process we may
ta&eH pupil F one receiving instructions: pupil F the circular opening in the center of the eye" There
might $e du$ious cases when it is hardly possi$le to say where polysemy ends and where
homonymy $egins" To give only one exampleH foot 2part of the human $ody1 and foot 2part of the
measure system1" (re they the two meanings of the polysemantic word or are they homonymsK
Homonyms and Their Classification. Domonyms are words which are identical in sound
and spelling, or, at least, in one of these aspects, $ut different in their meaning" E"g" < $an&I, n" m
<a shoreI: 2<$an&I, n" F an institution for receiving, lending, exchanging and safeguarding money"
English voca$ulary is rich in such pairs and even groups of words" Their identical forms are
mostly accidentalH the ma=ority of homonyms coincide due to phonetic changes, which they suffer
during their development" #n the process of communication they are more of an encum$rance,
leading sometimes to confusion and misunderstanding" Jet it is this very characteristic which
ma&es them one of the most important sources of popular humor" The pun is a =o&e $ased upon
the play upon words of similar form $ut different meaning 2i"e" on homonyms1 as in the
followingH E( tailor guarantees to give each of his customers a perfect fitE" 2The =o&e is $ased
upon the homonymsH #"I !itI, n" F perfectly fitting clothes: ##" <fitI, n" F a nervous spasm1"
Domonyms, which are the same in sound and spelling are traditionally termed homonyms proper"
2See the examples given at the $eginning of this chapter1" Domonyms which are the same in
sound $ut different in spelling are called homophones" E"g" <nightI, n" m <&nightI, n": <peaceI, n" m
<pieceI, n": <seaI, n" m <to seeI, v" The third type of homonyms is called homographs" These are
words, which are the same in spelling $ut different in sound" E"g" H <to $owI j$auk , v" m to incline
the head or $ody in a salutation: I$owI j$ouk" , n" F a flexi$le strip of wood for propelling arrows"
Conse%uently all cases of homonymy may $e classified into fu1l and partial homonyms, i"e"
homonymy of words and homonymy of individual wordFforms" The $ul& of full homonyms are
to $e found within the same parts of speech 2e"g" seali n - sealg n1, partial homonymy as a rule is
o$served in wordFforms $elonging to different parts of speech 2e"g" seali n - seals v1" This is not
to say that partial homonymy is impossi$le within one part of speech" !or instance in the case of
the two ver$sFlie jlaikF6to $e in a hori-ontal or resting position6 and lie jlaikF6to ma&e an untrue
statement6Fwe also find partial homonymy as only two wordFforms jlaik, jlai-k are homonymous,
M9
all other forms of the two ver$s are different" Cases of full homonymy may $e found in different
parts of speech too: e"g" for jfoHkFpreposition, for jfoHkFcon=unction and four jfoHkFnumeral, as
these parts of speech have no other wordFforms" Domonyms may $e also classified $y the type of
meaning into lexical, lexicoFgrammatical and grammatical homonyms" #n seal; n and seals n, e"g",
the partFofFspeech meaning of the word and the grammatical meanings of all its forms are
identical 2cf" seal jsiHlk Common Case Singular, seal's jsiHl-k Possessive Case Singular for $oth
seal and seal). The difference is confined to the lexical meaning onlyH seali denotes 6a sea animal6,
6the fur of this animal6, etc", sealsF6a design printed on paper, the stamp $y which the design is
made6, etc" So we can say that seal;; and seali are lexical homonyms $ecause they differ in lexical
meaning" #f we compare seal,F6a sea animal6, and 2to1 seal,F6to close tightly, we shall o$serve not
only a difference in the lexical meaning of their homonymous wordFforms $ut a difference in
their grammatical meanings as well" #dentical soundFforms, i"e" seals jsiHl-k 2Common Case Plural
of the noun1 and 2he1 seals jsiHl-k 2third person Singular of the ver$1 possess each of them
different grammatical meanings" (s $oth grammatical and lexical meanings differ we descri$e
these homonymous wordFforms as lexicoFgrammatical" LexicoFgrammatical homonymy generally
implies that the homonyms in %uestion $elong to different parts of speech as the partFofFspeech
meaning is a $lend of the lexical and grammatical semantic components" There may $e cases
however when lexicoFgrammatical homonymy is o$served within the same part of speech, e"g", in
the ver$s 2to1 find jfaindk and 2to1 found jfaundk, where the homonymic wordFformsH found
jfaundk F Past Tense of 2to1 find and found jfaundkFPresent Tense of (to) found differ $oth
grammatically and lexically" Modern English a$ounds in homonymic wordFforms differing in
grammatical meaning only" #n the paradigms of the ma=ority of ver$s the form of the Past Tense
is homonymous with the form of Participle ##, e"g" asked jaHs&tk F asked jaHs&tk: in the paradigm
of nouns we usually find homonymous forms of the Possessive Case Singular and the Common
Case Plural, e"g" brother's F brothers" #t may $e easily o$served that grammatical homonymy is
the homonymy of different wordFforms of one and the same word" The two classificationsH full
and partial homonymy and lexical, lexicoFgrammatical and grammatical homonymy are not
mutually exclusive" (ll homonyms may $e descri$ed on the $asis of the two criteria Fhomonymy
of all forms of the word, or only some of the wordFforms and also $y the type of meaning in
which homonymous words or wordFforms differ" So we spea& of full lexical homonymy of seal
(n) and seals E, and of partial lexicoFgrammatical homonymy of seal n and seal v.
Sources of Homonymy. The description of various types of homonyms in Modern English
would $e incomplete if we did not give a $rief outline of the diachronic processes that account for
their appearance" The two main sources of homonymy areH .1 diverging meaning development
of a polysemantic word, and 81 converging sound development of two or more different words"
The process of diverging meaning development can $e o$served when different meanings of the
same word move so far away from each other that they come to $e regarded as two separate units"
This happenedE, for example, in the case of Modern English flower and flour which originally
M.
were one word 2ME" flour, cf" 5!r" flour, flor, L. flos-florem) meaning 6the flower6 and 6the
finest part of wheat6" The difference in spelling underlines the fact that from the synchronic point
of view they are two distinct words even though historically they have a common origin"
Convergent sound development is the most potent factor in the creation of homonyms" The great
ma=ority of homonyms arise as a result of converging sound development which leads to the
coincidence of two or more words which were phonetically distinct at an earlier date" !or
example, 5E" ic and 5E" eage have $ecome identical in pronunciation 2MnE" # jaik and eye jaik1"
( num$er of lexicoFgrammatical homonyms appeared as a result of convergent sound
development of the ver$ and the noun 2cf" MnE" love-(to) love and 5E" lufu- lufian). 7ords
$orrowed from other languages may through phonetic convergence $ecome homonymous"F 5?"
ras and !r" race are homonymous in Modern English 2cf" racei jreiskF6running6 and races jreiskF6a
distinct ethnical stoc&61"
Polysemy and Homonymy: Etymological and Semantic Criteria. 5ne of the most
de$ata$le pro$lems in semasiology is the demarcation line $etween homonymy and polysemy,
i"e" $etween different meanings of one word and the meanings of two homonymous words" #f
homonymy is viewed diachronically then all cases of sound convergence of two or more words
may $e safely regarded as cases of homonymy, as, e"g", race, and races can $e traced $ac& to two
etymologically different words" The cases of semantic divergence, however, are more dou$tful"
The transition from polysemy to homonymy is a gradual process, so it is hardly possi$le to point
out the precise stage at which divergent semantic development tears asunder all ties $etween the
meanings and results in the appearance of two separate words" #n the case of flower, flour, e"g", it
is mainly the resultant divergence of graphic forms that gives us grounds to assert that the two
meanings, which originally made up the semantic structure of one word are now apprehended as
$elonging to two different words" Synchronically the differentiation $etween homonymy and
polysemy is as a rule wholly $ased on the semantic criterion" #t is usually held that if a connection
$etween the various meanings is apprehended $y the spea&er, these are to $e considered as
ma&ing up the semantic structure of a polysemantic word, otherwise it is a case of homonymy,
not polysemy" Thus the semantic criterion implies that the difference $etween polysemy and
homonymy is actually reduced to the differentiation $etween related and unrelated meanings"
This traditional semantic criterion does not seem to $e relia$le, firstly, $ecause various meanings
of the same word and the meanings of two or more different words may $e e%ually apprehended
$y the spea&er as synchronically unrelated" !or instance, the meaning 6a change in the form of a
noun or pronoun6 which is usually listed in dictionaries as one of the meanings of case, seems to
$e synchronically =ust as unrelated to the meanings of this word as 6something that has happened6,
or 6aF%uestion decided in the court of law6 to the meaning of case 8F6a $ox, a container6, etc"
Secondly, in the discussion of lexicoFgrammatical homonymy it was pointed out that some of the
meanings of homonyms arising from conversion 2e"g" seal;, n-seaL v: paper n-paper v1 are
related, so this criterion cannot $e applied to a large group of homonymous wordFforms in
M8
Modern English" This criterion proves insufficient in the synchronic analysis of a num$er of other
$orderline cases, e"g" brother-brothersF6sons of the same parent6 and brethren F 6fellow mem$ers
of a religious society6" The meanings may $e apprehended as related and then we can spea& of
polysemy pointing out that the difference in the morphological structure of the plural form
reflects the difference of meaning" 5therwise we may regard this as a case of partial lexical
homonymy" #t is sometimes argued that the difference $etween related and unrelated meanings
may $e o$served in the manner in which the meanings of polysemantic words are as a rule
relata$le" #f is o$served that different meanings of one word have certain sta$le relationship,
which are not to $e found $etween the meanings of two homonymous words" ( clearly
percepti$le connection, e"g", can $e seen in all metaphoric or metonymic meanings of one word
2cf", e"g", foot of the man-foot of 6the mountain, loud voice-loud colours, etc", cf" also deep well
and deep &nowledge, etc"1" Such semantic relationships are commonly found in the meanings of
one word and are considered to $e indicative of polysemy" #t is also suggested that the semantic
connection may $e descri$ed in terms of such features as, e"g", form and function 2cf" horn of an
animal and horn as an instrument1, or process and result 2to runF6move with %uic& steps6 and a
runFact of running1" Similar relationships, however, are o$served $etween the meanings of two
partially homonymic words, e"g" to run and a run in the stoc&ing"
Moreover in the synchronic analysis of polysemantic words we often find meanings that
cannot $e related in any way, as, e"g" the meanings of the word case discussed a$ove" Thus the
semantic criterion proves not only untena$le in theory $ut also rather vague and $ecause of this
impossi$le in practice as in many cases it cannot $e used to discriminate $etween several
meanings of one word and the meanings of two different words"
Formal Criteria: Distribution and Spelling" The criterion of distri$ution suggested $y some
linguists is undou$tedly helpful, $ut mainly in cases of lexicoFgrammatical and grammatical
homonymy" !or example, in the homonymic pair paper n-(to) paper v the noun may $e
preceded $y the article and followed $y a ver$: (to) paper can never $e found in identical
distri$ution" This formal criterion can $e used to discriminate not only lexicoFgrammatical $ut 6
also grammatical homonyms, $ut it often fails in cases of lexical homonymy, not differentiated
$y means of spelling" Domonyms differing in graphic form, e"g" such lexical homonyms as
knight-night or flower-flour, are easily perceived to $e two different lexical units as any formal
difference of words is felt as indicative of the existence of two separate lexical units" Conversely
lexical homonyms identical $oth in pronunciation and spelling are often apprehended as different
meanings of one word" #t is often argued that in general the context in which the words are used
suffices to esta$lish the $orderline $etween homonymous words, e"g" the meaning of case in
several cases of robbery can $e easily differentiated from the meaning of case in a jewel case, a
glass case. This however is true of different meanings of the same word as recorded in
dictionaries, e"g" of case as can $e seen $y comparing the case will be tried in the law-court and
the possessive case of the noun" Thus, the context serves to differentiate meanings $ut is of little
M;
help in distinguishing $etween homonymy and polysemy" Conse%uently we have to admit that no
formal means have as yet $een found to differentiate $etween several meanings of one word and
the meanings of its homonyms" #n the discussion of the pro$lems of polysemy and homonymy
we proceeded from the assumption that the word is the $asic unit of language" Some linguists
hold that the $asic and elementary units at the semantic level of language are the lexicoFsemantic
variants of the word, i"e" individual wordFmeanings" #n that case, naturally, we can spea& only of
homonymy of individual lexicoFsemantic variants, as polysemy is $y definition, at least on the
synchronic plane, the coFexistence of several meanings in the semantic structure of the word"
E`E*C#SES
Exercise. I. !ind homonyms in the following extracts" Classify them into homonyms proper,
homographs and homophones" #" EMine is a long and a sad taleGE said the Mouse, turning to
(lice, and sighing" E#t is a long tail, certainly,E said (lice, loo&ing down with wonder at the
Mouse6s tail: E$ut why do you call it sadKE 8" a1 My seat was in the middle of a row" $1 E# say, you
haven6t had a row with Cor&y, have youKE ;" a1 9ur #nstitute foot$all team got a challenge to a
match from the niversity team and we accepted it" $1 Some$ody struc& a match so that we could
see each other" L" a1 #t was nearly Decem$er $ut California sun made a summer morning of the
season" $1 (nd not for the first time during those fourteen years old >olyon wondered whether he
had $een a little to $lame in the matter of his son" c1 9n the way home Crane no longer drove li&e
a nervous old maid" M" a1 She loved to dance and had every right to expect the $oy she was seeing
almost every night in the wee& to ta&e her dancing at least once on the wee&Fend" $1 EThat6s
right,E she said" c1 7rite to me as often as you can, please" 0 "a1 Do you always forget to wind up
your watchK $1 Crane had an old !ord without a top and it rattled so much and the wind made so
much noise" 3" a1 #n Crittany there was once a &night called Eliduc" $1 She loo&ed up through the
window at the night" 4" a1 De had a funny round face" $1 FDow does your house faceK F #t faces
the South" /" a1 De didn6t sha&e his hand $ecause he didn6t sha&e cowards6 hands, see, and
some$ody else was elected captain" $1 Mel6s plane had $een shot down into the sea" #9" a"1 De was
a lean, wiry Jan&ee who &new which side his experimental $read was $uttered on" $1 De had a
wife of excellent and influential family, as finely $red, as she was faithful to him" ## "a1 De was
growing progressively deafer in the left ear" $1 # saw that # wag loo&ing down into another cove
similar to the one # had left"6 .8" a1 #ron and lead are $ase metals" $1 7here does the road leadK #;"
a1 De had never $een seen since that day" $1 7e can6t agree on this point, $ut please don6t ma&e a
scene" .L" ,r&anius invited him and a couple of the other $oys to =oin him for a drin&, and while
Dugo didn6t drin&, he went along for the company" Exercise" ##" !ind homophones to
the following words" Translate them into your native language or explain their meanings in
EnglishH heir, dye, cent, tale, sea, wee&, peace, sun, meat, steel, cum, coarse, write, sight, hare,
aloud, $ear, $each, $eet, $erry, $erth, $lue, $een, $ra&e, $red, $ow, current, deer, due, fare, flour,
for, fir, gate, grate, grown, heal, horse, hole, lane, led, made, miner, pane, mane, prey, pare, pale,
sail, sole, sought, sta&e, site, way, waste, whether, vein, sow, saw"
ML
Exercise. III. !ind homophones in the following sentences" State to what part of speech they
$elong" ." The advancing tide rolled nearer than usual to the foot of the crags" #n the same way
his other articles were tied up with the other reading San !rancisco paper" 8" ($out life and the
$oo& he &new more than they" (lice and !at were rather li&e new ac%uaintances" ;" 7e used to
have street parties and $anners across the road" De rode up to the little wic&et of (lice6a garden"
The dogs stood aloof and $ayed loudly" De $ade them all farewell" M" (t school he6d won first
pri-e" The only way they can $eat us is $y ma&ing us turn on one another 2id"1 0" The scene was
worthy of an artist6s pencil" There was laughter in the heart of Sam Du Plessis and it was to $e
seen in his eyes" 3" *avenswood answered this o$servation with a cold and distant assent" They
divided into two groups so as to move with more rapidity and ma&e the ascent on the hill $y dus&"
4" The funeral rites were always considered as a period of festival to the living" The Marchioness
of writes in this fashion" /" Mrs" Crawley made an expedition into England leaving $ehind her
little son upon the Continent, under the care of her !rench maid" .9" Jou will hardly see them in
any pu$lic place without a sha$$y companion in a dyed sil&, sitting somewhere in the shade close
$ehind them" Cut no !orsyte had yet died: they did not die: death $eing contrary to their
principles""" .." (ll night long he paced the room" They were not actual diamonds" They were the
very $rightest paste and shone prodigiously"
Exercise IV" 7hich of the following words are monosemantic 2use a dictionary1"
aphorism, apathy, application, arch, $and, $ehold, cave, central, denture, divide, intercede,
measure, mischance, miser, minx, prominent, promise, promote, prompt"
Exercise V. (naly-e the following text, classifying elements comprising it into two groupsH
categorematic words 2normal words 1 and syncategorematic words 2formFwords1" Loo&ing at
words, we soon $ecome aware that they fall into two rough categories } words that mean
something, when in isolation, li&e 6apple6, 6gramophone6, 6tulip6: words that only possess meaning
when com$ined with other words in phrases or sentences}such as 6it6, 6and6, 6if, 6or6" These are, of
course, analogous to the two types of morpheme that can exist within the word itself, li&e the free
form 6eat6 and the $ound form 6Fing6 in 6eating6" So in the statement 6The orange is yellow6, we can
pic& out 6orange6 and 6yellow6 as words, which carry meaning if chal&ed up singly or written in the
s&y $y s&yFwriting aircraft" These free forms, $ecause they possess independent meaning, are
called autosemantic words" 6The6 and 6is6, on the other hand, mean nothing outside the context of
a sentence: they only develop meaning when we ma&e a synthesis of them with words li&e
6orange6 and 6yellow6" 7e can say that they are synsemantic.
2(nthony Curgess" 7ords1
ExerciseVI. *ead the passages given $elow and answer %uestions, which follow them"
Ambiguity of the Term 'Word'" The term 6word6 has $een used in the preceding paragraphs
in three %uite different senses" The first two senses are readily distinguished in terms of the notion
of 6reali-ation6" >ust as we must distinguish $etween the morph as the phonological 2or
MM
orthographical1 representation of the morpheme, so we must distinguish $etween phonological
2or orthographical1 words and the grammatical words which they represent" !or example, the
phonological word jseenk and the corresponding orthographic word sang represent a particular
grammatical word, which is traditionally referred to as 6the past tense of sing': whereas the
phonological word j k and the corresponding ortho graphic word cut represent three
different grammatical wordsH 6the present tense of cut', 6the past tense of cut', and the 6past
participle of cut'" #t has already $een mentioned that phonological and orthographical words in
English are generally in oneFtoFone correspondence with one another in the sense that they
represent the same set of 2one or more1 grammatical words 2cf" the examples =ust given1" Cut
there are some instances of 2a1 oneFmany or 2$1 manyFone correspondence $etween phonological
and grammatical wordsH cf" 2a1 --' postman, postmen: jmiHtkH meat, meet,
etc": 2$1 jriHdk, jredkH read 26the present tense of read', 6the past tense of read': jredk is also in
correspondence with the orthographic word red, and jriHdk with the orthographic word reed).
Many other languages $esides English, whose spelling conventions are popularly said to $e only
partly 6phonetic6 2in a nonFtechnical usage of the term 6phonetic61, provide similar examples of
oneFmany or manyFone correspondence $etween phonological and orthographic words"
Word and lexeme. There is a third, more 6a$stract6, usage of the term 6word6" #t was this usage
that we employed a$ove when we said, for instance, that in traditional grammar 6whereas singing
is $ut a form of the word sing ... singer is a different word, with its own set of forms, or
6paradigm6: and the same, more 6a$stract6 sense was implicit in our reference to sang as 6the past
tense of sing6" Modern linguists have tended to neglect, or even to condemn, this more 6a$stract6
usage" Cloomfield, for example, says that the school tradition is 6inaccurate6 in referring to units
li&e book, books, or do, does, did, done, as 6different forms of the same word6" Cut it is
Cloomfield himself who is here guilty of inaccuracy" #t is up to us to decide which way we wish
to define, the term 6word6" The important thing is to &eep the three senses apart" Modern linguists
have not always done this consistently and as a result they have fre%uently misinterpreted
traditional grammatical theory" #t is, of course, the more a$stract sense that the term 6word6 $ears
in classical grammar" Dowever, since most linguists now employ the term 6word6 to refer to such
phonological or orthographic units as ~or -' sang, on the one hand, or to the grammatical
units they represent, on the other 2and indeed do not always distinguish even $etween these two
senses1, we shall introduce another term, lexeme, to denote the more 6a$stract6 units which occur
in different inflexional 6forms6 according to the syntactic rules involved in the generation of
sentences" 2>ohn Lyons" Introduction to Theoretical Linguistics, pp" ./0F./31
WORD-MEANING IN SYNTAGMATICS AND PARADIGMATICS
#t is more or less universally recogni-ed that wordFmeaning can $e perceived through
intralinguistic relations that exist $etween words" This approach does not in any way deny that
M0
lexical items relate to concrete features of the real world $ut it is suggested that wordFmeaning is
not comprehensi$le solely in terms of the referential approach" #ntralinguistic relations of words
are $asically of two main typesH syntagmatic and paradigmatic" Syntagmatic relations define the
meaning the word possesses when it is used in com$ination with other words in the flow of
speech" !or example, compare the meaning of the ver$ to get in He got a letter, He got tired, He
got to London and He could not get the piano through the door. Paradigmatic relations are
those that exist $etween individual lexical items which ma&e up one of the su$groups of
voca$ulary items, e"g" sets of synonyms, lexicoFsemantic groups, etc" Paradigmatic relations
define the wordFmeaning through its interrelation with other mem$ers of the su$group in
%uestion" !or example, the meaning of the ver$ to get can $e fully understood only in comparison
with other items of the synonymic setH get, o$tain, receive, etc" Cf" De got a letter, he received a
letter, he o$tained a letter, etc" Comparing the sentences discussed a$ove we may conclude that
an item in a sentence can $e usually su$stituted $y one or more than one other items that have
identical partFofFspeech meaning and similar though not identical lexical meaning" The
difference in the type of su$groups the mem$ers of which are su$stituta$le in the flow of speech
is usually descri$ed as the difference $etween closed and open sets of lexical items" !or example,
any one of a num$er of personal pronouns may occur as the su$=ect of a sentence and the overall
sentence structure remains the same" These pronouns are strictly limited in num$er and therefore
form a closed system in which to say he is to say not I, not you, etc" To soma extent the meaning
of he is defined $y the other items in the system" The sets of items in which the choice is limited
to a finite num$er of alternatives as here are descri$ed as closed systems" The mem$ers of closed
systems are strictly limited in num$er and no addition of new items is possi$le" The sets in which
the num$er of alternatives is practically infinite as they are continually $eing adapted to new
re%uirements $y the addition of new lexical items are descri$ed as open systems" Closed systems
are traditionally considered to $e the su$=ect matter of grammar, open systems such as lexicoF
semantic fields, hyponymic, synonymic sets, etc". are studied $y lexicology" The distinction
$etween syntagmatic and paradigmatic relations is conventionally indicated $y hori-ontal and
vertical presentation as is shown $elow"
Polysemy and Context. !rom the discussion of the paradigmatic 2FHe got a letter - I
received a note ) She o$tained an epistle and syntagmatic relations it follows that a full
understanding of the semantic structure of any lexical item can $e gained only from the study of a
variety of contexts in which the word is used, i"e" from the study of the intralinguistic relations of
words in the flow of speech" This is of greatest importance in connection with the pro$lem of the
synchronic approach to polysemy" #t will $e recalled that in analysing the semantic structure of
the polysemantic word table we o$served that some meanings are representative of the word in
isolation, i"e" they invaria$ly occur to us when we hear the word or see it written on paper" 5ther
meanings come to the fore only when the word is used in certain contexts" This is true of all
polysemantic words" The ad=ective yellow, e"g", when used in isolation is understood to denote a
M3
certain colour, whereas other meanings of this word, e"g" 6envious6, 6suspicious6 or 6sensational6,
6corrupt6, are perceived only in certain contexts, e"g" 6a yellow loo&6, 6the yellow press6, etc" (s can
$e seen from the examples discussed a$ove we understand $y the term context the minimal
stretch of speech determining each individual meaning of the word" This is not to imply that
polysemantic words have meanings only in the context" The semantic structure of the word has an
o$=ective existence as a dialectical entity, which em$odies dialectical permanency and varia$ility"
The context individualises the meanings, $rings them out" #t is in this sense that we say that
meaning is determined $y context" The meaning or meanings representative of the semantic
structure of the word and least dependent on context are usually descri$ed as free or
denominative meanings" Thus we assume that the meaning 6a piece of furniture6 is the
denominative meaning of the word table, the meaning 6construct, produce6 is the free or
denominative meaning of the ver$ make, The meaning or meanings of polysemantic words
o$served only in6 certain contexts may $e viewed as determined either $y linguistic 2or ver$al1
contexts or extraFlinguistic 2nonFver$al1 contexts" The two more or less universally recogni-ed
main types of linguistic contexts, which serve to determine individual meanings of words are the
lexical context and the grammatical context" These types are differentiated depending on whether
the lexical or the grammatical aspect is predominant in determining the meaning"
Lexical Context. #n lexical contexts of primary importance are the groups of lexical items
com$ined with the polysemantic word under consideration" This can $e illustrated $y analysing
different lexical contexts in which polysemantic words are used" The ad=ective heavy, e"g", in
isolation is understood as meaning 6of great weight, weighty6 (heavy load, heavy table, etc"1"
7hen com$ined with the lexical group of words denoting natural phenomena such as wind,
storm, snow, etc", it means 6stri&ing, falling with force, a$undant6 as can $e seen from the
contexts, e"g" heavy rain, wind, snow, storm, etc" #n com$ination with the words industry,
arm's, artillery and the li&e, heavy has the meaning 6the larger &ind of something6 as in heavy
industry, heavy artillery, etc" The ver$ take in isolation has primarily the meaning 6lay hold of
with the hands, grasp, sei-e6, etc" 7hen com$ined with the lexical group of words denoting some
means of transportation 2e"g" to take the tram, the bus, the train, etc"1 it ac%uires the meaning
synonymous with the meaning of the ver$ go. #t can $e easily o$served that the main factor in
$ringing out this or that individual meaning of the words is the lexical meaning of the words with
which heavy and take are com$ined" This can $e also proved $y the fact that when we want to
descri$e the individual meaning of a polysemantic word, we find it sufficient to use this word in
com$ination with some mem$ers of a certain lexical group" To descri$e the meanings of the
word handsome, for example, it is sufficient to com$ine it with the following wordsFa1 man,
person, $1 size, reward, sum. The meanings 6goodFloo&ing6 and 6considera$le, ample6 are
ade%uately illustrated $y the contexts" The meanings determined $y lexical contexts are
sometimes referred to as lexically 2or phraseologically1 $ound meanings, which implies that such
meanings are to $e found only in certain lexical contexts" Some linguists go so far as to assert
M4
that wordFmeaning in general can $e analysed through its colloca$ility with other words" They
hold the view that if we &now all the possi$le collocations 2or wordFgroups1 into which a
polysemantic word can enter, we &now all its meanings" Thus, the meanings of the ad=ective
heavy, for instance, may $e analysed through its colloca$ility with the words weight, safe, table,,
snow, wind, rain; industry, artillery, etc" The meaning at the level of lexical contexts is
sometimes descri$ed as meaning $y collocation"
Grammatical Context. #n grammatical contexts it is the grammatical 2mainly the
syntactic1 structure of the context that serves to determine various individual meanings of a
polysemantic word" 5ne of the meanings of the ver$ make, e"g" 6to force, to enduce6, is found
only in the grammatical context possessing the structure to make somebody do something or in
other terms this particular meaning occurs only if the ver$ make is followed $y a noun and the
infinitive of some other ver$ 2to ma&e sm$" laugh, go, work, etc"1" (nother meaning of this ver$
6to $ecome6, 6to turn out to $e6 is o$served in the contexts of a different structure, i"e" make
followed $y an ad=ective and a noun (to make a good wife, a good teacher, etc"1" Such meanings
are sometimes descri$ed as grammatically 2or structurally1 $ound meanings" Cases of the type
she will make a good teacher may $e referred to as syntactically $ound meanings, $ecause the
syntactic function of the ver$ ma&e in this particular context 2a lin& ver$, part of the predicate1 is
indicative of its meaning 6to $ecome, to turn out to $e6" ( different syntactic function of the ver$,
e"g" that of the predicate (to make machines, tables, etc"1 excludes the possi$ility of the meaning
6to $ecome, turn out to $e6" #n a num$er of contexts, however, we find that $oth the lexical and
the grammatical aspects should $e ta&en into consideration" The grammatical structure of the
context although indicative of the difference $etween the meaning of the word in this structure
and the meaning of the same word in a different grammatical structure may $e insufficient to
indicate in which of its individual meanings the word in %uestion is used" #f we compare the
contexts of different grammatical structures we can safely assume that they represent different
meanings of the ver$, $ut it is only when we specify the lexical context, i"e" the lexical group with
which the ver$ is com$ined in the structure to take nnoun (to take coffee, tea; books, pencils;
the bus, the tram) that we can say that the context determines the meaning" #t is usual in modern
linguistic science to use the terms pattern or structure to denote grammatical contexts" Patterns
may $e represented in conventional sym$ols, e"g" to take smth as take+Pr, to take to smb as
take tonPr" #t is argued that difference in the distri$ution of the word is indicative of the
difference in meaning" Sameness of distri$utional pattern, however, does not imply sameness of
meaning" (s was shown a$ove, the same pattern to ta&eFiFJ@ may represent different meanings
of the ver$ to take dependent mainly on the lexical group of the nouns with which it is com$ined"
Extra-Linguistic Context (Context of Situation). Dealing with ver$al contexts we consider
linguistic factorsH lexical groups of words, syntactic structure of the context and so on" There are
cases, however, when the meaning of the word is ultimately determined not $y these linguistic
factors, $ut $y the actual speech situation in which this word is used" The meanings of the noun
M/
ring, e"g" in to give somebody a ring, or of the ver$ get in I've got it are determined not only $y
the grammatical or lexical context, $ut much more so $y the actual speech situation" The noun
ring in such context may possess the meaning 6a circlet of precious metal6 or 6a call on the
telephone6: the meaning of the ver$ to get in this linguistic context may $e interpreted as 6possess6
or 6understand6 depending on the actual situation in which these words are used" #t should $e
pointed out, however, that such cases, though possi$le, are not actually very numerous" The
linguistic context is $y far a more potent factor in determining wordFmeaning" #t is of interest to
note that not only the denotational $ut also the connotational component of meaning may $e
affected $y the context" (ny word, which as a language unit is emotively neutral may in certain
contexts ac%uire emotive implications" Compare, e"g", fire in to insure one's property against
fire and fire as a call for help" ( stylistically and emotively neutral noun, e"g" wall, ac%uires
tangi$le emotive implication in Sha&espeare6s Midsummer ?ightIs Dream 2(ct @, Scene .1 in the
context "O wall, O sweet and lovely wall". Dere we clearly perceive the com$ined effect of
$oth the linguistic and the extraFlinguistic context" The word wall does not ordinarily occur in
com$ination with the ad=ectives sweet and lovely. So the peculiar lexical context accounts for the
possi$ility of emotive overtones which are made explicit $y the context of situation"
Common Contextual Associations Thematic Groups. (nother type of classification
almost universally used in practical classroom teaching is &nown as thematic grouping"
Classification of voca$ulary items into thematic groups is $ased on the coFoccurrence of words in
certain repeatedly used contexts" #n linguistic contexts coFoccurrence may $e o$served on
different levels" 5n the level of wordFgroups the word question, for instance, is often found in
collocation with the ver$s raise, put forward, discuss, etc", with the ad=ectives urgent, vital,
disputable and so on" The ver$ accept occurs in numerous contexts together with the nouns
proposal, invitation, plan and others" (s a rule, thematic groups deal with contexts on the level
of the sentence" 7ords in thematic groups are =oined together $y common contextual associations
within the framewor& of the sentence and reflect the interlin&ing of things or events" Common
contextual association of the words, e"g" tree-grow-green; journey-train-taxi-bags-ticket or
sunshine-brightly-blue-sky, is due to the regular coFoccurrence of these words in a num$er of
sentences" 7ords ma&ing up a thematic group $elong to different parts of speech and do not
possess any common denominator of meaning" Contextual associations formed $y the spea&er of
a language are usually conditioned $y the context of situation, which necessitates the use of
certain words" 7hen watching a play, for example, we naturally spea& of the actors who act the
main parts, of good 2or $ad1 staging of the play, of the wonderful scenery and so on" 7hen we
go shopping it is usual to spea& of the prices, of the goods we buy, of the shops, etc"
MEANING RELATIONS IN PARADIGMATICS AND SEMANTIC
CLASSIFICATION OF WORDS
09
Modern English has a very extensive voca$ulary" ( %uestion naturally arises whether this
enormous wordFstoc& is composed of separate independent lexical units, or it should perhaps $e
regarded as a certain structured system made up of numerous interdependent and interrelated su$F
systems or groups of words" This pro$lem may $e viewed in terms of the possi$le ways of
classifying voca$ulary items" (ttempts to study the inner structure of the voca$ulary revealed
that in spite of its heterogeneity the English wordFstoc& may $e analysed into numerous su$F
systems the mem$ers of which have some features in common, thus distinguishing them from the
mem$ers of other lexical su$Fsystems" 7ords can $e classified in various ways" Dere, however,
we are concerned only with the semantic classification of words" Classification into
monosemantic and polysemantic words is $ased on the num$er of meanings the word possesses"
More detailed semantic classifications are generally $ased on the semantic similarity 2or polarity1
of words or their component morphemes" The scope and the degree of similarity 2polarity1 may
$e different"
Conceptual or semantic Fields. 7ords may $e classified according to the
concepts underlying their meaning" This classification is closely connected with
the theory of conceptual or semantic fields" Cy the term Esemantic fieldsE we understand closely
&nit sectors of voca$ulary each characteri-ed $y a common concept" !or example, the words
blue, red, yellow, black, etc" may $e descri$ed as ma&ing up the semantic field of colours, the
words mother, father, brother, cousin, etc"Fas mem$ers of the semantic field of &inship terms,
the words joy, happiness, gaiety, enjoyment, etc" as $elonging to the field of pleasura$le
emotions, and so on" The mem$ers of the semantic fields are not synonyms $ut all of them are
=oined together $y some common semantic component the concept of colours or the concept of
&inship, etc" This semantic component common to all the mem$ers of the field is sometimes
descri$ed as the common denominator of meaning" (ll mem$ers of the field are semantically
interdependent as each mem$er helps to delimit and determine the meaning of its neigh$ours and
is semantically delimited and determined $y them" #t follows that the wordFmeaning is to a great
extent determined $y the place it occupies in its semantic field" Thus the semantic field may $e
viewed as a set of lexical items in which the meaning of each is determined $y the coFpresence of
the others" #t is6 argued that we cannot possi$ly &now the exact meaning of the word if we do not
&now the structure of the semantic field to which the word $elongs, the num$er of the mem$ers
and the concepts covered $y them, 6 etc" The meaning of the word captain, e"g", cannot $e
properly understood until we &now the semantic field in which this term operatesFthe army, the
navy, or the merchant service. #t follows that the meaning of the word captain is determined $y
the place it occupies among the terms of the relevant ran& system" #n other words we &now what
captain means only if we &now whether his su$ordinate is called mate or first officer 2merchant
service1, commander 26navy61 or lieutenant 26army61" Semantic dependence of the word on the
structure of the field may $e also illustrated $y comparing mem$ers of analogous conceptual
fields in different languages" Comparing, for example, &inship terms in *ussian and in English
0.
we o$serve that the meaning of the English term mother-in-law is different from either the
*ussian \RyS or YPR]UOPt as the English term covers the whole area which in *ussian is divided
$etween the two words" The same is true of the mem$ers of the semantic field of colours 2cf"
blueFYWNWr, [OVpOr1, of human $ody 2cf" hand, arm- U]S1 and others"
Lexical groups descri$ed a$ove may $e very extensive and may cover $ig conceptual areas,
e"g" space, matter, intellect, etc" 7ords ma&ing up such semantic fields may $elong to different
parts of speech" !or example, in the semantic field of space we find nounsH expanse, extent,
surface, etc.; verbs: extend, spread, span, etc.; adjectives: spacious, roomy, vast, broad, etc.
There may $e comparatively small lexical groupsE of words $elonging to the same part of speech
and lin&ed $y a common concept" The words bread, cheese, milk, meat, etc" ma&e up a group
with the concept of food asFthe common denominator, of meaning" Such smaller lexical groups
consisting of words of the same part of speech are usually termed lexicoFsemantic groups" #t is
o$served that the criterion for =oining words together into semantic fields and lexicoFsemantic
groups is the identity of one of the components of their meaning found in all the lexical units
ma&ing up these lexical groups" (ny of the semantic components may $e chosen to represent the
group" !or example, the word saleswoman may $e analysed into the semantic components
6human6, 6female6, 6professional6" Conse%uently the word saleswoman may $e included into a
lexicoFsemantic group under the heading of human together with the words man, woman, boy,
girl, etc" and under the heading female with the words girl, wife woman and also together with
the words teacher, pilot, butcher, etc", as professionals. #t should also $e pointed $ut that
different meanings of polysemantic words ma&e it possi$le to refer the same word to different
lexicoFsemantic groups" Thus, e"g" make in the meaning of 6construct6 is naturally a mem$er of
the same lexicoFsemantic group as the ver$s produce, manufacture, etc", whereas in the
meaning of compel it is regarded as a mem$er of a different lexicoFsemantic group made up $y
the ver$s force, induce, etc" LexicoFsemantic groups seem to play a very important role in
determining individual meanings of polysemantic words in lexical contexts" (nalysing lexical
contexts we saw that the ver$ take, e"g", in com$ination with any mem$er of the lexical group
denoting means of transportation is synonymous with the ver$ go (take the tram, ` the bus,
etc"1, 7hen com$ined with mem$ers of another lexical group the same ver$ is synonymous with
to drink (to take tea, coffee, etc"1" Such wordFgroups are often used not only in scientific
lexicological analysis, $ut also in practical classFroom teaching" #n a num$er of text$oo&s we find
words with some common denominator of meaning listed under the headings Flowers, Fruit,
Domestic Animals, and so on"
Hyponymic (Hierarchical) Structures and Lexico-Semantic Groups.
(nother approach to the classification of voca$ulary items into lexicoFsemantic groups is the
study of hyponymic relations $etween words" Cy hyponymy is meant a semantic relationship of
inclusion" Thus, e"g", vehicle includes car, bus, taxi and so on: oak implies tree; horse entails
animal; ta$le entails furniture. Thus the hyponymic relationship may $e viewed as the
08
hierarchical relationship $etween the meaning of the general and the individual terms" The
general term (vehicle, tree, animal, etc"1 is sometimes referred to as the classifier and serves to
descri$e the lexicoFsemantic groups, e"g" LexicoFsemantic groups 2LS+1 of vehicles, movement,
emotions, etc" The individual terms can $e said to contain 2or entail1 the meaning of the general
term in addition to their individual meanings, which distinguish them from each other 2cf" the
classifier move and the mem$ers of the group walk, run, saunter, etc"1"
#t is of importance to note that in such hierarchical structures certain words may $e $oth
classifiers and mem$ers of the groups" This may $e illustrated $y the hyponymic structure
represented $elow" Plant F grass, flower, $ush, shru$, tree: Tree F maple, oa&, ash, pine: Pine F
white pine, yellow pine" (nother way to descri$e hyponymy is in terms of genus and differentia"
The more specific term is called the hyponym of the more general, and the more general is called
the hyperonym or the classifier" #t is noteworthy that the principle of such hierarchical
classification is widely used $y scientists in various fields of researchH $otany, geology, etc"
Dyponymic classification may $e viewed as o$=ectively reflecting the structure of voca$ulary and
is considered $y many linguists as one of the most important principles for the description of
meaning"
( general pro$lem with this principle of classification 2=ust as with lexicoFsemantic group
criterion1 is that there often exist overlapping classifications" !or example, persons may $e
divided into adults 2man, woman, hus$and, etc"1 and children 2$oy, girl, lad, etc"1 $ut also into
national groups 2(merican, *ussian, Chinese, etc"1, professional groups 2teacher, $utcher,
$a&er, etc"1, social and economic groups, and so on" (nother pro$lem of great importance for
linguists is the dependence of the hierarchical structures of lexical units not only on the structure
of the corresponding group of referents in real world $ut also on the structure of voca$ulary in
this or that language" This can $e easily o$served when we compare analogous groups in different
languages" Thus, e"g", in English we may spea& of the lexicoFsemantic group of meals, which
includesH breakfast, lunch, dinner, supper, snack, etc" The word meal is the classifier whereas
in *ussian we have no word for meals in general and conse%uently no classifier though we have
several words for different &inds of meals"
EXERCISES
Exercise. #" a1 Translate the following into your native language" $1 +ive examples of your own
with the underlined words using them in other meanings" #" ( $all might have done for me in the
course of the war and may still, and how will Emmy $e $ettered $y $eing left a $eggar6s widowK"
8" (s the time passed he started to set the type for the little sheet they pu$lished wee&ly" ;" The
slender, flexi$le right hand was $adly cut and gra-ed" The +adfly held it up" L" Considera$le
scandal, indeed, arose against Sir +eoffrey Peveril, as having proceeded with indecent severity
and haste upon this occasion: and rumor too& care to ma&e the usual additions to the reality" M"
5ne evening Mr"@enus passed a scrap of paper into Mr" Coffin6s hand, and laid his finger on his
0;
lips" 0" To $e sure it is pleasant at any time: for Thornfield is a fine old Dall rather neglected of
late years perhaps" 3" # was honored $y a cordiality of reception that made me feel # really
possessed the power to amuse him: and that these evening conferences were sought as much for
his pleasure as for my own $enefit 2id"1" 4" 7hat of thatK More une%ual matches are made every
day 2id"1" /" Listen, then, >ane Eyre, to your sentenceH tomorrow, place the glass $efore you, and
draw in chal& your own picture, faithfully, without softening one defect 2id"1" .9" Taggart sat
down too, lit his own pipe, too& a sheet of paper and scrawled the wordsH E+eorgie +re$e (rticleE
across the top" .." """ # thin& # have a right to &now why you as& me that" .8" E?o crowding,E said
Mr"*ochester: Eta&e the drawings from my hand as # finish with them: $ut don6t push your faces
up to mineE" .;" #t appeared as if there were a sort of match or trial of s&ill you must understand,
$etween the &ettle and the cric&et
Exercise" ##" Comment on the different meanings of the word EoneE as used in the following
sentences" Translate them into your native language" De lit his pipe: and almost at once $egan to
revolve the daily pro$lem of how to get a =o$, and why he had lost the one he had" 8" The +adfly
shudderedH E(hGE he said softly, Ethat hurts, doesn6t it, little oneKE ;" Cut it is not easy for one to
clim$ up out of the wor&ing class F especially if he is handicapped $y the possession of ideals and
illusions" L" !or it is in the nature of a !orsyte to $e ignorant that he is a !orsyte, $ut young
>olyon was well aware of $eing one" M" One cold, rainy day at the end of (pril +eorge 5s$orne
came into the Coffee Douse, loo&ing very agitated and pale" 0" De did not utter one word of
reproach" 3" 5ne mighty groan of terror started up from the massed people" 4" One can6t eat 5ne6s
ca&e and have it" /" To $ite off one's nose in order to spite one's face" .9" EOne minuteG66 said
Soames suddenly, and crossing the room, he opened a door opposite"
Exercise" ###" Comment on the meaning of the word EthingE as used in the following
sentences" Translate them into your native language" ." Everything was very good: we did not
spare the wine, and he exerted himself so $rilliantly to ma&e the thing pass off well, that there
was no pause in our festivity" 8" EDora, indeedGE returned my aunt" E(nd you mean to say the
little thing in very fascinating, # supposeKE ;" # $egan $y $eing singularly cheerful and lightF
hearted, all sorts of halfFforgotten things to tal& a$out came rushing into my mind, and made me
hold forth in a most unwonted manner" L" Sir Carnet was proud of ma&ing people ac%uainted with
people" De li&ed the thing for its own sa&e, and it advanced him" M" 7hen he wanted a thing, a
fresh o$stacle only rendered him the more resolute" 0" EDon6t cry, Miss Com$ay,E said Sir 7alter,
in a transport of enthusiasm" E7hat a wonderful thing for me that # am here"""E 3" Logical
positivists never tal& a$out "thingsFinFthemselvesE or a$out the Eun&nowa$leE, $ecause they
regard such tal& as senseless" 4" This is very $ad, for fog is the only thing that can spoil any plan"
/" De was satisfied with most things and, a$ove all other things, with himself" .9" E?o,E she
answered" E# am not # can6t $e" # am no such thing" 7hy should . $e penitent, and all the world
goes free"""E .." !or my sa&e you are prepared to do this terri$le thing. .8" Come, old $oy, you
had much $etter have the thing out at once" .;" EThe very thingE said >aco$, E# will charter two
0L
river steam$oats, pac& them full of these unfortunate childrenE" .L" That # can6t tell you much
a$outH a man doesn6t remem$er the next few days after a thing of that &ind, as a rule" .M"Tranto"
7ell, >ohn" Dow are thingsK .0"Mrs" Culver" # %uite agree that titles have degraded" euiteG The
thing is to ma&e them respecta$le again" .3" E7e are $oth misera$le as it is,E said she" E7hat is
the use of trying to ma&e things worseK Lot us find things to do, and forget thingsE" .4" Jour
letter in the first consoling thing # have had since my disaster ten days ago" ./" Delia Caruthers
did things in six octaves so promisingly"
Exercise" #@" Translate into your native language the examples given $ellow" Discuss the
various meanings of the underlined words" #" She was still in her pretty $all dress, her fair hair
hanging on her nec&, and the circles round her eyes dar& with watching" 8" Mr" Coffin lighted his
pipe and loo&ed with $eaming eyes into the opening world $efore him" ;" (ccordingly,
mysterious shapes were made of ta$les in the middle of rooms, and covered over with great windF
ing sheets"
ANTONYMS
(ntonyms may $e defined as two or rarely more words of the same language $elonging to
the same part of speech, identical in style and nearly #dentical in distri$ution, associated and used
together so that their denotative meanings render contrary or contradictory notions" (ntonyms
form $inary oppositions, the distinctive feature of which is semantic polarityG #ts $asis is regular
coFoccurance in typical contexts com$ined with approximate sameness of distri$ution and
stylistic and emotional e%uivalence" (ntonymy is not evenly distri$uted among the categories of
parts of speech" Most antonyms are ad=ectives, which is natural $ecause %ualitative characteristics
are easily compared and contrastedH strong F wea&, old F young, friendly F hostile"
Exercises
Exercise #" +ive antonyms to the following words" alert, discord, amity, alive, active, postF
meridian, ugly, artless, appearance, assist, arrange, courage, attentive, descend, safety, consistent,
aware, $enefactor, timidity, convenient, competentH, continue, conductor, preceding, correct,
sufficient, fre%uent, distinct, faulty, expensive, afterthought, hostile, faithful, wet, enemy,
employed, lower, &ind, misanthropy, final, improper, temporary, order, polite, uniformity, slow,
sane, exhale, rational, postFwar, distrust, progressive, normal, underestimate, painful, thesis"
Exercise ##" !ind antonyms for the words given $elow" >ust, =ustice, use 2n1, use 2v1, fortunate,
fortune, grateful, gratitude, li&e 2v1, li&e 2adv"1, life, lively, mova$le, moved, related, relativeH
good, deep, narrow, clever, young, strong, $lac&, sad, $ig, to love, to re=ect, to give, to laugh, to
tie, to open up, slowly, =oy, evil, dar&ness"
Exercise ###" Change the following sentences to express opposite meanings" #" (ll the
seats were occupied" 8"De always wore striped shirts with attached collars" ;"The room was
lighted $y the strong rays of the sun" L"De added three hundred to the sum" M" # came in while you
were asleep" 0" ( lamp is a necessary thing in this room" 3"The door was closed and loo&ed "
0M
4"Light curtains hung in the diningFroom windows: therefore it was light" /"#n the second year of
their residence the company seemed especially to increase" .9"The little $oy was outside the car"
.."!ood and water were scarce during the long summer" .8" De drew two croo&ed lines"
Exercise #@" !ill in the $lan&s with words antonymous to those underlined" ."7hy did
you re=ect my offer and his""" 8"De may $e dexterous at foot$all, $ut he is very """ on the dance
floor" ;"(lthough the temporary effect of the drugs seems $eneficial, the ultimate effect is""" L".
en=oy a climate that is rigorous in winter and """ in summer" M"Don6t $e antagonistic to my
suggestions" # am ma&ing them in """ way" 0"The $as&et was disposed on a low settee $eside the """
cup$oard" 3"Some of the $oo&s were excluded from the list, $ut those that were """ were
o$ligatory" 4" #6m afraid the sweet cream will get """ if you &eep it in the warm" /" Most of the
exercises, she did, were correct, several were not""" " .9"?ear the $an& the river was shallow, and
we had to go to the middle where it was """ enough to swim"
Exercise @" !ill in the $lan&s with ad=ectives antonymous to those given in $rac&ets" #"
2light1H a """ $lue dress" 8" 2old1H a """ manG 2light1 a """ $oxH 2old 2a """ house" ;" 2hard1H an""" tas&,
a """ $ed" L" 2soft1H a """ voice, a """ cushion" M" 2fresh1H """ $read, """ flowers" 0" 2wild1 """ $irds, """
flowers" 3" 2clever1H a """ little $oy, a """ student" 4" 2straight1: a """ line" a """ roof" /" 2rough1H a """
surface" a """ person" .9" 2lose1: to """ a $oo&, to """ a $ottle"
SYNONYMY
Synonyms can $e defined as two or more words of the same language, $elonging: to the same
part of speech and possessing one or more identical or nearly identical denotational meanings, $ut
differing in morphemic composition, phonemic shape, shades of meaning, style and idiomatic
use" #f we ta&e, for instance, the synonyms EfaceE and EvisageE we see that they come together as
$oth of them denote the front part of human head: 66largeE and 66$ig) are synonyms as they indicate
a considera$le si-e" Synonyms are usually arranged into synonymic groups or sets" The num$er
of words in a synonymic group depends upon the principles, which lie at the $asis of grouping
synonyms and it may range from two words to ten" !ew words in a language are identical in
meaning, for instance, Esemasiology) and EsemanticsE" Such synonyms are called complete or
a$solute synonyms" Two words denoting the same thing, having the same denotative meaning $ut
differing in style are called as stylistic synonyms" Thus, E$egin) and 'commenceE are stylistic
synonyms, also Eenemy) and EfoeE" There are synonyms that may differ in emotive connotation
2fatherFdaddy1" They can $e referred to stylistic synonyms" Synonyms that differ in additional
implications, which constitute the semantic components of the denotational meaning are &nown
as ideographic synonyms" !or example, the ad=ectives 6fast6, 66rapidE, EswiftE, E%uic&E, EspeedyE,
EhastyE agree in meaning hut each of them has its own additional implication F EfastE emphasi-es
the way in which the moving o$=ect covers the ground, ErapidE characteri-es the movement itself,
Eswift) implies great rapidity and so on" Due to the difference in significance, synonyms are not
usually used indiscriminately" !ew words are complete synonyms and are interchangea$le in any
context" Some synonyms may $e interchangea$le within certain limits" !or instanceH Ewide
00
2$road1 river roadE, $ut only Ewide interestE and E$road mind"66
Semantic Equivalence and Synonymy. Lexical units may also $e classified $y
the criterion of semantic similarity and semantic contrasts" The terms generally used to denote
these two types of semantic relatedness are synonymy and antonymy" Synonymy is often
understood as semantic e%uivalence" Semantic e%uivalence however can exist $etween words and
wordFgroups, wordFgroups and sentences, sentences and sentences" !or example, 1ohn is taller
than Bill is semantically e%uivalent to Bill is shorter than 1ohn. 1ohn sold the book to Bill and
Bill bought the book from 1ohn may $e considered semantically e%uivalent" (s can $e seen
from the a$ove these sentences are paraphrases and denote the same event" Semantic e%uivalence
may $e o$served on the level of wordFgroups" Thus we may say that to win a victory is
synonymous with to gain a victory, etc" Dere we proceed from the assumption that the terms
synonymy and synonyms should $e confined to semantic relation $etween words only" Similar
relations $etween wordFgroups and sentences are descri$ed as semantic e%uivalence" Synonyms
may $e found in different parts of speech and $oth among notional and functional words" !or
example, though and albeit, .on and upon, since and as are synonymous $ecause these
phonemically different words are similar in their denotational meaning" Synonyms are
traditionally descri$ed as words different in soundFform $ut identical or similar in meaning" This
definition has $een severely critici-ed on many points" !irstly, it seems impossi$le to spea& of
identical or similar meaning of words as such as this part of the definition cannot $e applied to
polysemantic words" #t is inconceiva$le that polysemantic words could $e synonymous in all their
meanings" The ver$ look, e"g", is usually treated as a synonym of see, watch, observe, etc", $ut in
another of its meanings it is not synonymous with this group of words $ut rather with the ver$s
seem, appear 2cf" to look at smb and to look pale). The num$er of synonymic sets of a
polysemantic word tends as a rule to $e e%ual to the num$er of individual meanings the word
possesses" #n the discussion of polysemy and context we have seen that one of the ways of
discriminating $etween different meanings of a word is the interpretation of these meanings in
terms of their synonyms, e"g" the two meanings of the ad=ective handsome are synonymously
interpreted as handsomeF6$eautiful6 2usually a$out men1 and handsomeF6considera$le, ample6
2a$out sums, si-es, etc"1" Secondly, it seems impossi$le to spea& of identity or similarity of
lexical meaning as a who.e as it is only the denotational component that may $e descri$ed as
identical or similar" #f we analyse words that are usually considered synonymous, e"g" to die, to
pass away; to begin, to commence, etc", we find that the connotational component or, to $e
more exact, the stylistic reference of these words is entirely different and it is only the similarity
of the denotational meaning that ma&es them synonymous" The words, e"g" to die, to walk, to
smile, etc", may $e considered identical as to their stylistic reference or emotive charge, $ut as
there is no similarity of denotational meaning they are never felt as synonymous words" 6Thirdly,
it does not seem possi$le to spea& of identity of meaFnFi n g as a criterion of synonymity since
identity of meaning is very rare even among monosemantic words" #n fact, cases of complete
03
synonymy are very few and are, as a rule, confined to technical nomenclatures where we can find
monosemantic terms completely identical in meaning as, for example, spirant and fricative in
phonetics" 7ords in synonymic sets are in general differentiated $ecause of some element of
opposition in each mem$er of the set" The word handsome, e"g", is distinguished from its
synonym beautiful mainly $ecause the former implies the $eauty of a male person or $roadly
spea&ing only of human $eings, whereas beautiful is opposed to it as having no such restrictions
in its meaning" Thus it seems necessary to modify the traditional definition and to formulate it as
followsH synonyms are words different in soundFform $ut similar in their denotational meaning or
meanings" Synonymous relationship is o$served only $etween similar denotational meanings of
phonemically different words" Differentiation of synonyms may $e o$served in different
semantic components F denotational or connotational"
#t should $e noted, however, that the difference in denotational meaning cannot exceed certain
limits, and is always com$ined with some common denotational component" The ver$s look,
seem, appear, e"g", are viewed as mem$ers of one synonymic set as all three of them possess a
common denotational semantic component Eto $e in one6s view, or =udgement, $ut not necessarily
in factE and come into comparison in this meaning 2cf" he seems 2loo&s1, 2appears1, tired). (
more detailed analysis shows that there is a certain difference in the meaning of each ver$H seem
suggests a personal opinion $ased on evidence 2e"g" nothing seems right when one is out of
sorts); look implies that opinion is $ased on a visual impression 2e"g" the city looks its worst in
March), appear sometimes suggests a distorted impression 2e"g" the setting sun made the
spires appear ablaze). Thus similarity of denotational meaning of all mem$ers of the synonymic
series is com$ined with a certain difference in the meaning of each mem$er" #t follows that
relationship of synonymity implies certain differences in the denotational meaning of synonyms"
#n this connection a few words should $e said a$out the traditional classification of voca$ulary
units into ideographic and stylistic synonyms" This classification proceeds from the assumption
that synonyms may differ either in the denotational meaning 2ideographic synonyms1 o r the
connotational meaning, or to $e more exact stylistic reference" This assumption cannot $e
accepted as synonymous words always differ in the denotational component irrespective of the
identity or difference of stylistic reference" #n the synonymous ver$s seem, appear, look the
stylistic reference may $e regarded as identical though we o$serve some difference in their
denotational component" Difference in the denotational semantic component is also found in
synonymous words possessing different connotational components" The ver$s see and behold,
e"g", are usually treated as stylistic synonyms: see is stylistically neutral and behold is descri$ed
as $oo&ish or poetic" #t can $e readily o$served, however, that the difference $etween the two
ver$s is not confined solely to their stylistic reference" Though they have a common denotational
component 6to ta&e cogni-ance of something $y physical 2or mental1 vision6, there is a mar&ed
difference in their compara$le meanings" The ver$ behold suggests only 6loo&ing at that which is
seen6, e"g" E$ehold them sitting in their gloryE 2Shelley1" The ver$ see denotes 6have or use power
04
of sight6 2e"g" the blind cannot see), 6understand6 2e"g" don't you see my meaning?), 6have
&nowledge or experience of 2e"g" he has seen a good deal in his long life) and others"
Conse%uently, the interrelation of the denotational and the connotational meaning of synonyms is
rather complex" Difference of the connotational semantic component is invaria$ly accompanied
$y some difference of the denotational meaning of synonyms" Therefore it would $e more
consistent to su$divide synonymous words into purely ideographic 2denotational1 and
ideographicFstylistic synonyms"
Criteria of Synonymy" #t should $e pointed out that neither the traditional definition of
synonyms nor the modified version suggested here provide for any o$=ective criterion of
simi.arity of meaning" #t is sometimes argued that the meaning of two words is identical if they
can denote the same referent, in other words, if an o$=ect or a certain class of o$=ects can always
$e denoted $y either of the two words" This approach to synonymy does not seem accepta$le
$ecause the same referent in different speech situations can always $e denoted $y different words,
which cannot $e considered synonyms" !or example, the same woman can $e referred to as my
mother $y her son and my wife $y her hus$and" Coth words denote o$viously the same referent
$ut there is no semantic relationship of synonymy $etween them" (ttempts have $een made to
introduce into the definition of synonymy the criterion of interchangea$ility in linguistic contexts"
#t is argued that for the linguist similarity of meaning implies that the words are synonymous if
either of them can occur in the same context" The definition of synonyms proceeding from the
contextual approach is often worded as followsH synonyms are words which can replace each
other in any given context without the slightest alteration in the denotational or connotational
meaning" The contextual approach invites criticism for many reasons" 7ords interchangea$le in
any given context are very rare" Modern linguists generally assume that there are no complete
synonyms, i"e" if two words are phonemically different then their meanings are also different"
Thus $uy and purchase are similar in meaning $ut differ in their stylistic reference and therefore
are not completely interchangea$le" That department of an institution, which is concerned with
ac%uisition of materials is normally the Purchasing Department rather than the Buying
Department. ( wife however would rarely as& her hus$and to purchase a pound of $utter" #t
follows that practically no words are su$stituta$le for one another in all contexts" This fact may
$e explained as followsH firstly, words synonymous in some lexical contexts may display no
synonymy in others" (s one of the English scholars aptly remar&s, the comparison of the
sentences the rainfall in April was abnormal and the rainfall in April was exceptional may
give us grounds for assuming that exceptional and abnormal are synonymous" The same
ad=ectives in a different context are $y no means synonymous, as we may see $y comparing my
son is exceptional and my son is abnormal. Secondly, it is evident that interchangea$ility
alone cannot serve as a criterion of synonymy" 7e may safely assume that synonyms are words
interchangea$le in some contexts" Cut the reverse is certainly not true as semantically different
words of the same part of speech are, as a rule, interchangea$le in %uite a num$er of contexts" !or
0/
example, in the sentence I saw a little girl playing in the garden the ad=ective little may $e
formally replaced $y a num$er of semantically different ad=ectives, e"g" pretty, tall, English, etc"
Thus a more accepta$le definition of synonyms seems to $e the followingH synonyms areE words
different in their soundFform, $ut similar in their denotational meaning or meanings and
interchangea$le at least in some contexts"
Patterns of Synonymic Sets in Modern English. The English wordFstoc& is extremely rich in
synonyms which can $e largely accounted for $y a$undant $orrowing" euite a num$er of words
in synonymic sets are usually of Latin or !rench origin" !or instance, out of thirteen words
ma&ing up the set see, behold, descry, espy, view, survey, contemplate, observe, notice,
remark, note, discern, perceive only see and behold can $e traced $ac& to 5ld English 25E"
seon and behealdan), all others are either !rench or Latin $orrowings" Thus a characteristic
pattern of English synonymic sets is the pattern including the native and the $orrowed words"
(mong the $est investigated are the soFcalled dou$leFscale patternsH native versus Latin 2e"g"
bodily-corporal, brotherly-fraternal); native versus +ree& or !rench 2e"g" answer-reply,
fiddle-violin). #n most cases the synonyms differ in their stylistic reference, too" The native word
is usually collo%uial 2e"g" bodily, brotherly), whereas the $orrowed word may as a rule $e
descri$ed as $oo&ish or highly literary 2e"g" corporal, fraternal).
Side $y side with this pattern there exists in English a su$sidiary one $ased on a tripleFscale of
synonyms: nativeF!rench and Latin or +ree& 2e"g" begin (start)-commence 2!r"1 F initiate 2L"1:
rise-mount 2!r"1Fascend 2L"1" #n most of these sets the native synonym is felt as more collo%uial,
the Latin or +ree& one is characteri-ed $y $oo&ish stylistic reference, whereas the !rench stands
$etween the two extremes" There are some minor points of interest that should $e discussed in
connection with the pro$lem of synonymy" #t has often $een found that su$=ects prominent in the
interests of a community tend to attract a large num$er of synonyms" #t is common &nowledge
that in ECeowulfE there are ;3 synonyms for hero and at least a do-en for battle and fight. The
same epic contains .3 expressions for sea to which .; more may $e added from other English
poems of that period" #n Modern (merican English there are at least twenty words used to denote
moneyH beans, bucks, the chips, do-re-mi, the needful, wherewithal, etc" This linguistic
phenomenon is usually descri$ed as the law of synonymic attraction"
#t has also $een o$served that when a particular word is given a transferred meaning its
synonyms tend to develop along parallel lines" 7e &now that in early ?ew English the ver$
overlook was employed in the meaning of 6loo& with an evil eye upon, cast a spell over6 from
which there developed the meaning 6deceive6 first recorded in .M/0" Exactly half a century later
we find oversee a synonym of overlook employed in the meaning of 6deceive6"G This form of
analogy active in the semantic development of synonyms is referred to as radiation of synonyms"
(nother feature of synonymy is that the $ul& of synonyms may $e referred to stylistically mar&ed
words, i"e" they possess a peculiar connotational component of meaning" This can $e o$served $y
examining the synonyms for the stylistically neutral word money listed a$ove" (nother example
39
is the set of synonyms for the word girl 2young female"1H doll, flame, skirt, tomato, broad, bag,
dish, etc" all of which are stylistically mar&ed" Many synonyms seem to possess common emotive
charge" Thus it was found that according to *oget 8 LL synonyms of the word whiteness imply
something favoura$le and pleasing to contemplate (purity, cleanness, immaculateness, etc"1"
Semantic Contrasts and Antonymy. (ntonymy in general shares many features typical
of synonymy" Li&e synonyms, perfect or complete antonyms are fairly rare" #t is usual to find the
relations of antonymy restricted to certain contexts" Thus thick is only one of the antonyms of
thin 2a thin sliceFa thic& slice1, another is fat (a thin man-a fat man). The definition of antonyms
as words characteri-ed $y semantic polarity or opposite meaning is open to criticism on the points
discussed already in connection with synonymy" #t is also evident that the term opposite meaning
is rather vague and allows of essentially different interpretation" #f we compare the meaning of
the words &indF6gentle, friendly, showing love, sympathy or thought for others6 and cruelF6ta&ing
pleasure inFgiving pain to others, without mercy6, we see that they denote concepts that are felt as
completely opposed to each other" Comparing the ad=ective kind and unkind we do not find any
polarity of meaning as here semantic opposition is confined to simple negation" Unkind may $e
interpreted as not kind which does not necessarily mean cruel, =ust as not beautiful does not
necessarily mean ugly. #t is more or less universally recogni-ed that among the cases that are
traditionally descri$ed as antonyms there are at least the following groups"
." Contradictories which represent the type of semantic relations that exist $etween pairs li&e
dead and alive, single and married, perfect and imperfect, etc" To use one of the terms is to
contradict the other and to use not $efore one of them is to ma&e it semantically e%uivalent to the
other, cf" not dead-alive, not single-married. (mong contradictories we find a su$group of
words of the type young - old, big - small, and so on" The difference $etween these and the
antonymic pairs, descri$ed a$ove lies in the fact that to say not young is not necessarily to say
old. #n fact terms li&e young and old, big and small or few and many do not represent a$solute
values" To use one of the terms is to imply comparison with some normH young means 6relatively
young6" 7e can say She is young but she is older than her sister`. To be older does not mean
6to $e old6" #t is also usual for one mem$er of each pair to always function as the unmar&ed or
generic term for the common %uality involved in $oth mem$ersH age, size, etc" This generali-ed
denotational meaning comes to the fore in certain contexts" 7hen we as& How old is the baby?
we do not imply that the $a$y is old" The %uestion How big is it? may $e answered $y It is very
big or It is very small. #t is of interest to note that %uality nouns such as length, breadth, width,
thickness, etc" also are generic, i"e" they cover the entire measurement range while the
corresponding antonymous nouns shortness, narrowness, thinness apply only to one of the
extremes"
8" Contraries differ from contradictories mainly $ecause contradictories admit of no
possi$ility $etween them" 5ne is either single or married, either dead or alive, etc" whereas
contraries admit such possi$ilities" This may $e o$served in cold - hot, and cool and warm which
3.
seem to $e intermediate mem$ers" Thus we may regard as antonyms not only cold and hot $ut
also cold and warm. Contraries may $e opposed to each other $y the a$sence or presence of one
of the components of meaning li&e sex or age" This can $e illustrated $y such pairs as man-
woman, man-boy.
;" #ncompati$les" Semantic relations of incompati$ility exist among the antonyms with the
common component of meaning and may $e descri$ed as the reverse of hyponymy, i"e" as the
relations of exclusion $ut not of contradiction" To say morning is to say not afternoon, not
evening, not night. The negation of one mem$er of this set however does not imply semantic
e%uivalence with the other $ut excludes the possi$ility of the other words of this set" ( relation of
incompati$ility may $e o$served $etween colour terms since the choice of red, e"g", entails the
exclusion of black, blue, yellow and so on" ?aturally not all colour terms are incompati$le"
Semantic relations $etween scarlet and red are those of hyponymy"
7e &now that polysemy may $e analysed through synonymy" !or example, different meaning
of the polysemantic word handsome can $e singled out $y means of synonymic su$stitution a
handsome man-a beautiful man; $ut a handsome reward-a generous reward. #n some cases
polysemy may $e also analysed through antonymy 2e"g" a handsome man-an ugly man, a
handsome reward-an insufficient reward, etc"1" This, is naturally not to say that the num$er of
meanings of a polysemantic word is e%ual to the num$er of its antonyms" ?ot all words or all
meanings have antonyms 2e"g" table, book, etc" have no antonyms1" #n some cases, however,
antonymy and synonymy serve to differentiate the meanings as in the word handsome discussed
a$ove"
#nterchangea$ility in certain contexts analysed in connection with synonyms is typical of
antonyms as well" #n a context where one mem$er of the antonymous pair can $e used, it is, as a
rule, interchangea$le with the other mem$er" !or instance, if we ta&e the words dry and wet to $e
antonymous, they must $e interchangea$le in the same context 2e"g" a wet shirt-a dry shirt).
This is not to imply that the same antonyms are interchangea$le in all contexts" #t was pointed out
a$ove that antonyms that $elong to the group of contraries are found in various antonymic pairs"
Thus, for instance there are many antonyms of dry- damp, wet, moist, etc" The
interchangea$ility of each of them with dry is confined to certain contexts" #n contrast to dry air
we select damp air and in contrast to dry lipsFwe would pro$a$ly use moist lips. #t is therefore
suggested that the term EantonymsE should $e used as a general term to descri$e words different
in soundFform and characteri-ed $y different types of semantic contrast of denotational meaning
and interchangea$ility at least in some contexts"
Semantic Similarity of Morphemes and Word-Families. Lexical groups composed of
words with semantically and phonemically identical rootFmorphemes are usually defined as
wordFfamilies or wordFclusters" The term itself implies close lin&s $etween the mem$ers of the
group" Such are wordFfamilies of the typeH lead, leader, leadership; dark, darken, darkness;
form, formal, formality and others" #t, should $e noted that mem$ers of a wordFfamily as a rule
38
$elong to different parts of speech and are =oined together only $y the identity of rootF
morphemes" #n the wordFfamilies discussed a$ove the rootFmorphemes are identical not only in
meaning $ut also in soundFform" There are cases, however, when the soundFform of rootF
morphemes may $e different, as for example in sun, sunny, solar; mouth, oral, orally; brother,
brotherly, fraternal, etc": their semantic similarity however, ma&es it possi$le to include them in
a wordFfamily" #n such cases it is usual to spea& of lexical suppletion, i"e" formation of related
words of a wordFfamily from phonemically different roots" (s a rule in the wordFfamilies of this
type we are li&ely to encounter etymologically different words, e"g" the words brother and
mouth are of +ermanic origin, whereas fraternal and oral can $e easily traced $ac& to Latin" 7e
fre%uently find synonymic pairs of the type fatherly- paternal, brotherly-fraternal. Semantic
and phonemic identity of affixational morphemes can $e o$served in the lexical groups of the
type darkness, cleverness, calmness, etc": teacher, reader, writer, etc" #n such wordFgroups as,
e"g" teacher, musician, etc", only semantic similarity of derivational affixes is o$served" (s
derivational affixes impart to the words a certain generali-ed meaning, we may single out lexical
groups denoting the agent, the doer of the action 2?omina (genti1 F teacher, reader, etc" or
lexical groups denoting actions 2?omina (cti1 - movement, transformation, etc" and others"
Exercises
Exercise #" sing dictionary definitions find out the difference $etween the following pairs
of synonymsH a$domen m $elly: adherent F supporter: aliment F food: am$uscade F am$ush:
annunciation m announcement: anomaly mirregularity: ar$iter F =udge: aught m anything: $ehest
Fcommand: $enison m $enediction: $evy m company: $ourn m stream: calligraphy m handwriting:
chastisement m punishment: clough m ravine: coad=utor F assistant: commendation m praise:
commixture F $lending: concomitance m coexistence: contention mstrife: contusion F $ruise:
conundrum m riddle: dale m valley: delectation m en=oyment: erudition m learning: exodus F deF
parture: extrusion m expulsion: hegemony m leadership: hilarity F merriment: homogeneity m
uniformity: incentive m motive: inception F $eginning: ine$riate m drun&ard: ingress m entrance:
interim F meantime: interment m $urial: #re F angerH irruption F invasion: =eopardy F danger:
=o$ation F reprimand: larceny F theft: malefactor F criminal: malnutrition F underFfeeding:
mendicant F $eggar: moiety F half: mulct F fine: munificence F li$erality: o$secration F entreaty:
o$se%uies Ffuneral: occident F the west: orthography F spelling: pa$ulum F food: pixy F fairy:
poltroon F coward: poniard F dagger: promontory F headland: pugilist F $oxing: pustule F pimple:
sepulchre F tom$: so$ri%uet F nic&name: spoo& F ghost: steed Fhorse: thuri$le F censer:
tintinna$ulation F tin&ling: tiro F $eginner: unanimity m agreement: vendor m seller: voca$le m
word: allot m assign: annunciate F proclaim: $an%uet m regale: $emoan F lament: command m
order: conserve F preserve: decode F decipher: decrease F diminish: em$olden F encourage: endorF
se F confirm: enounce F enunciate: entice F allure: exasperate F irritate: entwine F interweave:
exhume F disinter: exile F$anish: flurry F agitate: fondleF caress: imperil m endanger: infringe F
transgress: infuriate F enrage: =am F s%uee-e: leap F =ump: merit F deserve: misguide m mislead:
3;
out$alance F outweigh: shove F push: shrie& F scream: splutter F sputter: stifle F smother: sunder F
sever: tally F correspond: thrust F push"
Exercise ##" +ive synonyms of +ermanic origin to the following wordsH vital, voluntary, to reply,
to in%uire, faith, error, to cease, $everage, enemy, to support 2a claim1, to educate 2a child1"
Exercise @###" +ive synonyms of *omanic originH speech, thoughtful, happiness, wood, &ing,
$oo&, freedom, corner, nap&in, end, enough, home"
Exercise #`" +ive synonyms of Scandinavian originH heaven, lac&ing, row"
Word-Groups and Phraseological Units.
7ords put together to form lexical units ma&e phrases or wordFgroups" #t will $e recalled that
lexicology deals with words, wordFforming morphemes and wordFgroups" 7e assume that the
word is the $asic lexical unit" The smallest twoFfacet unit to $e found within the word is the
morpheme which is studied on the morphological level of analysis" The largest twoFfacet lexical
limit comprising more than one word is the wordFgroup o$served on the syntagmatic level of
analysis of the various ways words are =oined together to ma&e up single selfFcontained lexical
units"
The degree of structural and semantic cohesion of wordFgroups may vary" Some wordFgroups,
e"g" at least, point of view, by means of, take place, seem to $e functionally and semantically
insepara$le" Such wordFgroups are usually descri$ed as setFphrases, wordFe%uivalents or
phraseological units and are traditionally regarded as the su$=ect matter of the $ranch of
lexicological science that studies phraseology" The component mem$ers in other wordFgroups,
e"g" a week ago, man of wisdom, take lessons, kind to people, seem to possess greater semantic
and structural independence" 7ordFgroups of this type are defined as free or varia$le wordF
groups or phrases and are ha$itually studied in syntax"
Dere, however, we proceed from the assumption that $efore touching on the pro$lem of
phraseology it is essential to $riefly outline the features common to various types of wordFgroups
viewed as selfFcontained lexical units irrespective of the degree of structural and semantic
cohesion of the component words"

SOME BASIC FEATURES OF WORD-GROUPS
To get a $etter insight into the essentials of structure and meaning of wordFgroups we must
$egin with a $rief survey of the main factors active in uniting words into wordFgroups" The two
main linguistic factors to $e considered in this connection are the lexical and the grammatical
valency of words"
Lexical Valency (Collocability). #t is an indisputa$le fact that words
are used in certain lexical contexts, i"e" in com$ination with other words" The
3L
noun question, e"g", is often com$ined with such ad=ectives as vital, pressing, urgent,
disputable, delicate, etc" This noun is a component of a num$er of other wordFgroups, e"g" to
raise a question, a question of great importance, a question of the agenda, of the day, and
many others" The aptness of a word to appear in various com$inations is descri$ed as its lexical
valency or colloca$ility" The range of the lexical valency of words is linguistically restricted $y
the inner structure of the English wordFstoc&" This can $e easily o$served in the selection of
synonyms found in different wordFgroups" Though the ver$s lift and raise, e"g", are usually
treated as synonyms, it is only the latter that is collocated with the noun question. The ver$ take
may $e synonymically interpreted as 6grasp6, 6sei-e6, 6catch6, 6lay hold of, etc" $ut it is only take
that is found in collocation with the nouns examination, measures, precautions, etc", only catch
in catch smb. napping and grasp in grasp the truth. There is a certain norm of lexical valency
for each word and any departure from this norm is felt as a literary or rather a stylistic device"
Such wordFgroups as for example a cigarette ago, shove a question and the li&e are illustrative
of the point under discussion" #t is $ecause we recogni-e that shove and question are not
normally colloca$le that the =unction of them can $e effective" 7ords ha$itually collocated in
speech tend to constitute a cliche" 7e o$serve, for example, that the ver$ put forward and the
noun question are ha$itually collocated and whenever we hear the ver$ put forward or see it
written on paper it is natural that we should anticipate the word question. So we may conclude
that put forward a question constitutes a ha$itual wordFgroup, a &ind of cliche" This is also true
of a num$er of other wordFgroups, e"g" to win (or gain) a victory, keen sight (or hearing).
Some linguists hold that most of the English in ordinary use is thoroughly saturated with cliches"
The lexical valency of correlated words in different languages is not identical" Coth the English
word flower and its *ussian counterpartF ZPR\O], for example, may $e com$ined with a num$er
of other words all of which denote the place where the flowers are grown, e"g" garden flowers,
hot-house flowers, etc" 5ne more point of importance should $e discussed in connection with the
pro$lem of lexical valency F the interrelation of lexical valency and polysemy as found in wordF
groups" !irstly, the restrictions of lexical valency of words may manifest themselves in the lexical
meanings of the polysemantic mem$ers of wordFgroups" The ad=ective heavy, e"g", is com$ined
with the words food, meals, supper, etc" in the meaning 6rich and difficult to digest6" Cut not all
the words with more or less the same component of meaning can $e com$ined with this ad=ective"
5ne cannot say, for instance, heavy cheese or heavy sausage implying that the cheese or the
sausage is difficult to digest" Secondly, it is o$served that different meanings of a word may $e
descri$ed through the possi$le types of lexical contexts, i"e" through the lexical valency of the
word, for example, the different meanings of the ad=ective heavy may $e descri$ed through the
wordFgroups heavy weight (book, table, etc"1, heavy snow (storm, rain, etc"1, heavy drinker
(eater, etc"1, heavy sleep (disappointment, sorrow, etc"1, heavy industry (tanks, etc"1, and so
on" !rom this point of view wordFgroups may $e regarded as the characteristic minimal lexical
sets that operate as distinguishing clues for each of the multiple meanings of the word"
3M
Grammatical Valency. 7ords are used also in grammatical contexts" The minimal
grammatical context in which words are used when $rought together to form wordFgroups is
usually descri$ed as the pattern of the wordFgroup" !or instance, the ad=ective heavy discussed
a$ove can $e followed $y a noun 2e"g" heavy storm or $y the infinitive of a ver$ 2e"g" heavy to
lift1, etc" The aptness of a word to appear in specific grammatical 2or rather syntactic1 structures
is termed grammatical valency" The grammatical valency of words may $e different" To $egin
with, the range of grammatical valency is delimited $y the part of speech the word $elongs to" #t
follows that the grammatical valency of each individual word is dependent on the grammatical
structure of the language"
This is not to imply that grammatical valency of words $elonging to the same part of speech is
necessarily identical" This can $e $est illustrated $y comparing the grammatical valency of any
two words $elonging to the same part of speech, e"g" of the two synonymous ver$s suggest and
propose. Coth ver$s can $e followed $y a noun (to propose or suggest a plan, a resolution). #t is
only propose, however, that can $e followed $y the infinitive of a ver$ (to propose to do smth.).
The ad=ectives clever and intelligent are seen to possess different grammatical valency as clever
can $e used in wordFgroups haying the patternH (clever at mathematics), whereas intelligent can
never $e found in exactly the same wordFgroup pattern" Specific linguistic restrictions in the
range of grammatical valency of individual words imposed on the lexical units $y the inner
structure of the language are also o$served $y comparing the grammatical valency of correlated
words in different languages" The English ver$ influence, for example, can $e followed only $y a
noun (to influence a person, a decision, choice, etc"1"
?o departure from the norm of grammatical valency is possi$le as this can ma&e the wordF
group unintelligi$le to English spea&ers" Thus e"g" the wordFgroup mathematics at clever is
li&ely to $e felt as a meaningless string of words $ecause the grammatical valency of English
nouns does not allow of the structure ?ounnatn(d=ective"
#t shouldFalso $e pointed out that the individual meanings of a polysemantic word may $e
descri$ed through its grammatical valency" Thus, different meanings of the ad=ective keen may
$e descri$ed in a general way through different structures of the wordFgroups &eenn@,F keen
sight (hearing, etc"1, keen + on nF?Fkeen on sports (on tennis, etc"1, &ieennF@2inf"1Fkeen to
know (to find out, etc"1"
!rom this point of view wordFgroups may $e regarded as minimal syntactic 2or syntagmatic1
structures that operate as distinguishing clues for different meanings of a polysemantic word" 2'(
Course in Modern English Lexicology)" *"S"+ins$urg, S" S" ,hide&el, +"#",nya-eva,
("("San&in" M", ./001
STRUCTURE OF WORD-GROUPS
Distribution as the Criterion of Classification. Structurally wordFgroups may $e approached in
various ways" 7e &now that wordFgroups may $e descri$ed through the order and arrangement of
30
the component mem$ers" The wordFgroup to see something can $e classified as a ver$alFnominal
group, to see to smth as ver$alFprepositionalFnominal, etc" (ll wordFgroups may $e also
analysed $y the criterion of distri$ution into two $ig classes" #f the wordFgroup has the same
linguistic distri$ution as one of its mem$ers, it is descri$ed as endocentric, i"e" having one central
mem$er functionally e%uivalent to the whole wordFgroup" The wordFgroups, e"Fg", red flower,
bravery of all kinds, are distri$utionally identical with their central components flower and
bravery 2cf", e"g", I saw a red flower-I saw a flower). #f the distri$ution of the wordFgroup is
different from either of its mem$ers, it is regarded as exocentric, i"e" as having no such central
mem$er, for instance side by side or grow smaller and others where the component words are
not syntactically su$stituta$le for the whole wordFgroup" #n endocentric wordFgroups the central
component that has the same distri$ution as the whole group is clearly the dominant mem$er or
the head to which all other mem$ers of the group are su$ordinated" #n the wordFgroup red
flower, e"g", the head is the noun flower and in the wordFgroup kind to people the head is the
ad=ective kind, etc" #t follows that wordFgroups may $e classified according to their headwords
into nominal groups or phrases 2e"g" red flower), ad=ectiva. groups 2e"g" kind to people), ver$al
groups 2e"g" to speak well), etc" The head is not necessarily the component that occurs first in the
wordFgroup" #n such nominal wordFgroups as, e"g", very great bravery, bravery in the struggle
the noun bravery is the head whether followed of preceded $y other words"
7ordFgroups are also classified according to their syntactic pattern into predicative and nonF
predicative groups" Such wordFgroups as, e"g", 1ohn works, he went that have a syntactic
structure similar to that of a sentence, are classified as predicative, and all others as nonF
predicative"F. ?onFpredicative wordFgroups may $e su$divided according to the type of syntactic
relations $etween the components into su$ordinative and coordinative" Such wordFgroups as red
flower, a man of wisdom and the li&e are termed su$ordinative $ecause the words red and of
wisdom are su$ordinated to flower and man respectively and function as their attri$utes" Such
phrases as women and children, day and night, do or die are classified as coordinative" '(
Course in Modern English Lexicology) *"S"+ins$urg, S" S" ,hide&el et"al"2 M", ./001"
MEANING OF WORD-GROUPS
(s with wordFmeaning, the meaning of wordFgroups may $e analysed into lexical and
grammatical components"
Lexical Meaning. The lexical meaning of the wordFgroup may $e defined as the com$ined
lexical meaning of the component words" Thus the lexical meaning of the wordFgroup red flower
may $e descri$ed denotationally as the com$ined meaning of the words red and flower. #t should
$e pointed out, however, that the term com$ined lexical meaning is not to imply that the meaning
of the wordFgroup is a mere additive result of all the lexical meanings of the component
mem$ers" (s a rule, the meanings of the component words are mutually dependent and the
33
meaning of the wordFgroup naturally predominates over the lexical meaning of its constituents"
Even in wordFgroups made up of technical terms, which are traditionally held to $e
monosemantic the meaning of the wordFgroup cannot $e descri$ed as the sum total of the
meanings of its components" !or example, though the same ad=ective atomic is a component of a
num$er of terminological wordFgroups, e"g" atomic weight, atomic warfare, etc", the lexical
meaning of the ad=ective is different and to a certain degree su$ordinated to the meaning of the
noun in each individual wordFgroup and conse%uently the meaning of the whole group is
modified" #nterdependence of the lexical meanings of the constituent mem$ers of wordFgroups
Fcan $e readily o$served in wordFgroups made up of polysemantic words" !or example, in the
nominal group blind man (cat, horse) only one meaning of the ad=ective blind, i"e" 6una$le to
see6, is com$ined with the lexical meaning of the noun man 2cat, horse) and it is only one of the
meanings of the noun manF6human $eing6 that is perceived in com$ination with the lexical
meaning of this ad=ective" The meaning of the same ad=ective in blind type (print,"
handwriting) is different" (s can $e seen from the a$ove examples, polysemantic words are
used in wordFgroups only in one of their meanings" These meanings of the component words in
such wordFgroups are mutually interdependent and insepara$le" Semantic insepara$ility of wordF
groups that allows us to treat them as selfFcontained lexical units is also clearly perceived in the
analysis of the connotational component of their lexical meaning" Stylistic reference of wordF
groups, for example, may $e essentially different from that of the words ma&ing up these groups"
There is nothing collo%uial or slangy a$out such words as old, boy, bag, fun, etc" when ta&en in
isolation" The wordFgroups made up of these words, e"g" old boy, bags of fun, are recogni-a$ly
collo%uial"
Structural Meaning. (s with polymorphemic words, wordFgroups possess not only lexical
meaning, $ut also the meaning conveyed mainly $y the pattern of arrangement of their
constituents" ( certain parallel can $e drawn $etween the meaning conveyed $y the arrangement
of morphemes in words and the structural meaning of wordFgroups" #t will $e recalled that two
compound words made up of lexically identical stems may $e different in meaning $ecause of the
difference in the pattern of arrangement of the stems" !or example, the meaning of such words as
dog-house and house-dog is different though the lexical meaning of the components is identical"
This is also true of wordFgroups" Such wordFgroups as school grammar and grammar school
are semantically different $ecause of the difference in the pattern of arrangement of the
component words" #t is assumed that the structural pattern of wordFgroups is the carrier of a
certain semantic component not necessarily dependent on the actual lexical meaning of its
mem$ers" #n the example discussed a$ove (school grammar) the structuralF meaning of the
wordFgroup may $e a$stracted from the group and descri$ed as 6%ualityFsu$stance6 meaning" This
is the meaning expressed $y the pattern of the wordFgroup $ut not $y either the word school or
the word grammar. #t follows that we have to distinguish $etween the structural meaning of a
given type of wordFgroup as such and the lexical meaning of its constituents"
34
Interrelation of Lexical and Structural Meaning in Word Groups. The lexical and
structural components of meaning in wordFgroups are interdependent insepara$le" The
insepara$ility of these two semantic components in wordFgroups can, perhaps, $e $est illustrated
$y the semantic analysis of individual wordFgroups in which the norms of conventional
colloca$ility of words seem to $e deli$erately overstepped" !or instance, in the wordFgroup all
the sun long we o$serve a departure from the norm of lexical valency represented $y such wordF
groups as all the day long, all the night long, all the week long, and a few others" The structural
pattern of these wordFgroups in ordinary usage and the wordFgroup all the sun long is identical"
The generali-ed meaning of the pattern may $e descri$ed as 6a unit of time6" *eplacing day,
night, week $y another noun the sun we do not find any change in the structural meaning of the
pattern" The group all the sun long functions semantically as a unit of time" The noun sun,
however, included in the group continues to carry the semantic value or, to $e more exact, the
lexical meaning that it has in wordFgroups of other structural patterns 2cf" the sun rays, African
sun, etc"1" This is also true of the wordFgroup a grief ago made up $y analogy with the patterns a
week ago, a year ago, etc" #t follows that the meaning of the wordFgroup is derived from the
com$ined lexical meanings of its constituents and is insepara$le from the meaning of the pattern
of their arrangement" Comparing two nominal phrases a factory hand-'a factory wor&er6 and a
hand bag-'a $ag carried in the hand6 we see that though the word hand ma&es part of $oth its
lexical meaning and the role it plays in the structure of wordFgroups is different which accounts
for the difference in the lexical and structural meaning of the wordFgroups under discussion" #t is
often argued that the meaning of wordFgroups is also dependent on some extraFlinguistic factors,
i"e" on the situation in which wordFgroups are ha$itually used $y native spea&ers" !or example,
the meaning of the nominal group wrong number is linguistically defined $y the com$ined
lexical meaning of the component words and the structural meaning of the pattern" Proceeding
from the linguistic meaning this group can denote any num$er that is wrong" (ctually, however,
it is ha$itually used $y English spea&ers in answering telephone calls and, as a rule, denotes the
wrong telephone num$er" 2'( Course in Modern English Lexicology)" *"S"+ins$urg, S" S"
,hide&el, +"#",nya-eva, ("("San&in" M", ./001
INTERDEPENDENCE OF STRUCTURE AND MEANING IN WORD-GROUPS
(s $oth structure and meaning are parts of the wordFgroup as a linguistic unit, the
interdependence of these two facets is naturally the su$=ect matter of lexicological analysis"
Syntactic Structure (Formula) and Patterns of Word Groups.
#n connection with the pro$lem under discussion the term syntactic 2or syntagmatic1 structure
re%uires some clarification" 7e &now that wordFgroups may $e generally descri$ed through the
pattern of arrangement of the constituent mem$ers" The term syntactic structure 2formula1
properly spea&ing implies the" description of the order and arrangement of mem$erFwords as
parts of speech" 7e may, for instance descri$e the wordFgroup as made up of an (d=ective and a
3/
?oun (clever man, red flower, etc"1, a @er$Fa ?oun (take books, build houses, etc"1, or a ?oun,
a Preposition and a ?oun 2a touch of colour, a matter of importance, etc"1" The syntactic
structure 2formula1 of the nominal group: clever man and red flower may $e represented as
(n?, that of the ver$ groups take books and build houses as @n?, and so on" These formulas
can $e used to descri$e all the possi$le structures oi English wordFgroups" 7e can say, e"g", that
the ver$al groups comprise the following structural formulasH @n? (to build houses), @nprpn?
(to rely on somebody), @n?nprpn? (to hold something against some' body), @n?n@2inf"1 (to
make somebody work), @n@2inf"1 (to get to know), and so on"
The structure of wordFgroups may $e also descri$ed in relation to the headFword, e"g" the
structure of the same ver$al groups (to build houses, to rely on somebody) is represented as to
build n ?, to rely + on n ?" #n this case it is usual to spea& of the patterns of wordFgroups $ut
not of formulas" The term pattern implies that we are spea&ing of the structure of the wordFgroup
in which a given word is used as its head" The interdependence of the pattern and meaning of
headFwords can $e easily perceived $y comparing wordFgroups of different patterns in which the
same headFword is used" !or example, in ver$al groups the head word mean is semantically
different in the patterns mean+A^ (mean something) and meann@ 2inf"1 (mean to do
something). Three patterns with the ver$ get as the headFword represent three different meanings
of this ver$, e"g" getn(K (get a letter, information, money, etc"1, get+ +to n? (get to Moscow,
to the Institute, etc"1, getn?n@2inf"1 (get somebody to come, to do the work, etc"1" This is also
true of ad=ectival wordFgroups, e"g" clever+W (clever man) and clever+at+V (clever at
arithmetic), keen+V (keen sight, hearing), keen+on+A (keen on sports, tennis). ?otional
mem$erFwords in such patterns are ha$itually represented in conventional sym$ols whereas
prepositions and other formFwords are given in their usual graphic form" This is accounted for $y
the fact that individual formFwords may modify or change the meaning of the word with which it
is com$ined, as in, e"g", anxious+tor+ N (anxious for news), anxious+about+A (anxious about
his health). Croadly spea&ing we may conclude that as a rule the difference in the meaning of
the headFword is conditioned $y a difference in the patternc of the wordFgroup in which this word
is used"
Polysemantic and Monosemantic Patterns. #f the structure of wordFgroups is different, we
have ample grounds to infer that the difference in the syntactic 2or syntagmatic1 structure is
indicative of a difference in the meaning of the headFword, of wordFgroups" So we assumeF that
ver$al groups represented $y different structural formulas, e"g" @n? and @n@2inf"1 are as a rule
semantically different $ecause of the difference in the grammatical component of meaning" This
is also true of different patterns of wordFgroups, e"g" getn? and getn@2inf"1" #t should $e pointed
out, however, that although difference in the pattern signals as a rule difference in the meaning of
the headFword, identity of pattern cannot $e regarded as a relia$le criterion for identity of
meaning" Thus structurally identical patterns, e"g" heavy+A, may $e representative of different
meanings of the ad=ective heavy which is perceived in the wordFgroups heavy rain (snow,
49
storm), cf. heavy smoker (drinker), heavy weight (table), etc" all of which have the same
patternF heavyn(" Structurally simple patterns are as a rule polysemantic, i"e" representative of
several meanings of a polysemantic headFword, whereas structurally complex patterns are
monosemantic and condition =ust one meaning of the headFmem$er" The simplest ver$al structure
@n? and the corresponding pattern are as a rule polysemantic 2compare, e"g" take+N (take tea,
coffee); take the bus, the tram, take measures, precautions, etc"1, whereas a more complex
pattern, e"g" take+to+N is monosemantic 2e"g" take to sports, to somebody).
Motivation in Word Groups. 7ordFgroups li&e words may also $e analysed from the point
of view of their motivation" 7ordFgroups may $e descri$ed as lexically motivated if the
com$ined lexical meaning of the groups is deduci$le from the meaning of their components" The
nominal groups, e"g" red flower, heavy weight and the ver$al group, e"g" take lessons, are from
this point of view motivated, whereas structurally identical wordFgroups red tapeF6official
$ureaucratic methods6, heavy fatherF6serious or solemn part in a theatrical play6, and take
placeF6occur6 are lexically nonFmotivated" #n these groups the constituents do not possess, at least
synchronically, the denotationFal meaning found in the same words outside these groups or, to $e
more exact, do not possess any individual lexical meaning of their own, as the wordFgroups under
discussion seem to represent single indivisi$le semantic entities" 7ordFgroups are said to $e
structurally motivated if the meaning of the pattern is deduci$le from the order and arrangement
of the mem$erFwords of the group" Red flower, e"g", is motivated as the meaning of the pattern
%ualityFsu$stance can $e deduced from the order and arrangement of the words red and flower,
whereas the seemingly identical pattern red tape cannot $e interpreted as %ualityFsu$stance" The
degree of motivation may $e different" Cetween the extremes of complete motivation and lac& of
motivation there are innumera$le intermediate cases" !or example, the degree of lexical
motivation in the nominal group black market is higher than in black death, $ut lower than in
black dress; though none of the groups can $e considered as completely nonFmotivated" This is
also true of other wordFgroups, e"g" old man and old boy $oth of which may $e regarded, as
lexically and structurally motivated though the degree of motivation in old man is noticea$ly
higher" #t is of interest to note that completely motivated wordFgroups are, as a rule, correlated
with certain structural types of compound words" @er$al groups having the structure @n?, e"g" to
read books, to love music, etc", are ha$itually correlated with the compounds of the pattern (6n
2!ner1 (book-reader, music-lover); ad=ectival groups 2e"g" rich in oil, shy before girls) are
correlated with the compounds of the pattern ?n(, e"g" oil-rich, girl-shy. #t should also $e noted
that seemingly identical wordFgroups are sometimes found to $e motivated or nonFmotivated
depending on their semantic interpretation" Thus apple sauce, e"g", is lexically and structurally
motivated when it means 6a sauce made of apples6 $ut when used to denote 6nonsense6 it is clearly
nonFmotivated" #n such cases we may even spea& of homonymy of wordFgroups and not of
polysemy" #t follows from the a$ove discussion that wordFgroups may $e also classified into
4.
motivated and nonFmotivated units" ?onFmotivated wordFgroups are ha$itually descri$ed as
phraseological units or idioms"
Word-Structure. Segmentation of 7ords into Morphemes. Close o$servation and
comparison of words clearly shows that a great many words have a composite nature and are
made up of smaller units, each possessing soundFform and meaning" These are generally referred
to as morphemes defined as the smallest indivisi$le twoFfacet language units" !or instance, words
li&e boiler, driller fall into the morphemes boil-, drill- and -er $y virtue of the recurrence of the
morpheme -er in these and other similar words and of the morphemes boil- and drill- in to boil, a
boil, boiling and to drill, a drill, drilling, a drill-press, etc" Li&ewise, words li&e flower-pot and
shoeFlace are segmented into the morphemes flower-, pot-, shoe- and lace- 2cf" flower-show,
flowerful, etc", shoe-brush, shoeless, etc", on the one hand: and pot-lid, pottery, etc", lace-
boots, lacing, etc", on the other1" Li&e a word a morpheme is a twoFfacet language unit, an
association of a certain meaning with a certain soundFpattern" nli&e a word a morpheme is not
an autonomous unit and can occur in speech only as a constituent part of the word" Morphemes
cannot $e segmented into smaller units without losing their constitutive essence, i"e" twoF
facetedness, association of a certain meaning with a given soundFpattern, cf" the morpheme lace-
denoting 6a string or cord put through small holes in shoes6, etc": 6to draw edges together6 and the
constituent phonemes j#k, jeik, jsk entirelyo without meaning"
#dentification of morphemes in various texts shows that morphemes may have different
phonemic shapes" #n the wordFcluster please, pleasing, pleasure, pleasant the rootFmorpheme is
represented $y phonemic shapesH jpliH-k in please, pleasing, jplegk in pleasure and jple-k in
pleasant. #n such cases we say that the phonemic shapes of the word stand in complementary
distri$ution or in alternation with each other" (ll the representations of the given morpheme that
manifest alteration are called allomorphs of that morpheme or morpheme variants" Thus jpliH-,
ple-k and jplegk are allomorphs of one and the same morpheme" The rootFmorphemes in the
wordFcluster duke, ducal, duchess, duchy or poor, poverty may also serve as examples of the
allomorphs of one morpheme" '( Course in Modern English Lexicology) *"S"+ins$urg, S" S"
,hide&el et"al"2 M", ./001"
Principles of Morphemic Analysis. Types of Word Segmentability. (s far as the
complexity of the morphemic structure of the word is concerned all English words fall into two
large classes" To C.ass # $elong segmenta$le words, i"e" those allowing of segmentation into
morphemes, e"g" agreement, information, fearless, quickly, door-handle, etc" To C.ass ##
$elong nonFsegmenta$le words, i"e" those not allowing of such segmentation, e"g" house, girl,
woman, husband, etc" The operation of $rea&ing a segmenta$le word into the constituent
morphemes is referred to in presentFday linguistic literature as the analysis of wordFstructure on
the morphemic level" The morphemic analysis aims at splitting a segmenta$le word into its
constituent morphemesFthe $asic units at this level of wordFstructure analysisFand at determining
48
their num$er and types" The degree of morphemic segmentFa$ility is not the same for different
words" Three types of morphemic segmenta$ility of words are distinguishedH complete,
conditional and defective" Complete segmenta$ility is characteristic of a great many words the
morphemic structure of which is transparent enough, as their individual morphemes clearly stand
out within the word lending themselves easily to isolation"
(s can $e easily seen from the examples analysed a$ove, the transparent morphemic structure
of a segmenta$le word is conditioned $y the fact that its constituent morphemes recur with the
same meaning in a num$er of other words" There are, however, numerous words in the English
voca$ulary the morphemic structure of which is not so transparent and easy to esta$lish as in the
cases mentioned a$ove" Conditional morphemic segmenta$ility characteri-es words whose
segmentation into the constituent morphemes is dou$tful for semantic reasons" #n words li&e
retain, contain, detain or receive, deceive, conceive, perceive the soundFclusters jnFk, jdiFk,
jlonF. seem, on the one hand, to $e singled out %uite easily due to their recurrence in a num$er of
words, on the other hand, they undou$tedly have nothing in common with the phonetically
identical morphemes reF, deFas found in words li&e rewrite, re-organize, deorganize, decode;
neither the soundFclusters jnFk or jdiFk nor the jFternk or jFsiHvk possess any lexical or" functional
meaning of their own" The type of meaning that can $e ascri$ed to them is only a differential and
a certain distri$utional meaningH 8 the
jnFk distinguishes retain from detain and the jFternk distinguishes retain from receive, whereas
their order and arrangement point to the status of the re-, de-, con-, per- as different from that of
the -tain and -ceive within the structure of the words" The morphemes ma&ing up words of
conditional segmenta$ility thus differ from morphemes ma&ing up words of complete
segmenta$ility in that the former do not rise to the full status of morphemes for semantic reasons
and that is why a special term is applied to them in linguistic literatureH such morphemes are
called pseudoFmorphemes or %uasiFmorphemes" #t should $e mentioned that there is no unanimity
on the %uestion and there are two different approaches to the pro$lem" Those linguists who
recogni-e pseudoFmorphemes, i"e" consider it sufficient for a morpheme to have only a
differential and distri$utional meaning to $e isolated from a word regard words li&e retain,
deceive, etc" as segmenta$le: those who deem it necessary for a morpheme to have some
denotational meaning %ualify them as nonFsegmenta$le words" Defective morphemic
segmenta$ility is the property of words whose component morphemesFseldom or never recur in
other words" 5ne of the component morphemes is a uni%ue morpheme in the sense that it does
not, as a rule, recur in a different linguistic environment" ( uni%ue morpheme is isolated and
understood as meaningful $ecause the constituent morphemes display a more or less clear
denotational meaning" There is no dou$t that in the nouns streamlet, ringlet, leaflet, etc" the
morpheme6Flet has the denotational meaning of diminutiveness and is com$ined with the
morphemes stream-, ring-, leaf-, etc" each having a clear denotational meaning" Things are
entirely different with the word hamlet. The morphemeFlet retains the same meaning of
4;
diminutiveFness, $ut the soundFcluster jhaemk that is left after the isolation of the morpheme -let
does not recur in any other English word with anything li&e the meaning it has in the word
hamlet. #t is li&ewise evident that the denotational and the differential meaning of jhaemk which
distinguishes hamlet from streamlet, ringlet, etc" is upheld $y the denotational meaning of -let.
The same is examplified $y the word pocket which may seem at first sight nonFsegmenta$le"
Dowever, comparison with such words as locket, hogget, lionet, cellaret, etc" leads one to the
isolation of the morpheme Fet having a diminutive meaning, the more so that the morphemes
lock-, hog-, lion-, cellar-, etc" recur in other words 2cf" lock, locky; hog, hoggery; lion, lioness;
cellar, cellarage). (t the same time the isolation of the morpheme Fet leaves in the word pocket
the soundFcluster jpo&k that does riot occur in any other word of Modern English $ut o$viously
has a status of a morpheme with a denotational meaning as it is the lexical nucleus of the word"
The morpheme jpo&k clearly carries a differential and distri$utional meaning as it distinguishes
pocket from the words mentioned a$ove and thus must $e %ualified as a uni%ue morpheme" The
morphemic analysis of words li&e cranberry, gooseberry, strawberry shows that they also
possess defective morphemic segmenta$ilityH the morphemes cran-, goose-, straw- are uni%ue
morphemes"
The oppositions that the different types of morphemic segmenta$ility are involved in hardly
re%uire any comments with the exception of complete and conditional segmenta$ility versus
defective segmenta$ility" This opposition is $ased on the a$ility of the constituent morphemes to
occur in a uni%ue or a nonFuni%ue environment" #n the former case the linguist deals with
defective, in the latter with complete and conditional segmenta$ility" The distinction $etween
complete and conditional segmenta$ility is $ased on semantic features of morphemes proper and
pseudoFmorphemes"
Thus on the level of morphemic analysis the linguist has to operate with two types of
elementary units, namely full morphemes and pseudoF2%uasiF1morphemes" #t is only full
morphemes that are genuine structural elements of the language system so that the linguist must
primarily focus his attention on words of complete morphemic segmenta$ility" 5n the other hand,
a considera$le percentage of words of conditional and defective segmenta$ility signals a
relatively complex character of the morphological system of the language in %uestion, reveals the
existence of various heterogeneous layers in its voca$ulary"
Classification of morphemes. Morphemes may $e classifiedH a1 from the semantic point of
view, $1 from the structural point of view" a1 Semantically morphemes fall into two classesH rootF
morphemes and nonFroot or affixational morphemes" *oots and affixes ma&e two distinct classes
of morphemes due to the different roles they play in wordFstructure" *oots and affixational
morphemes are generally easily distinguished and the difference $etween them is clearly felt as,
e"g", in the words helpless, handy, blackness, Londoner, refill, etc"H the rootFmorphemes help-,
hand-, black-, London-, -fill are understood as the lexical centres of the words, as the $asicF
constituent part of a word without which the word is inconceiva$le" The rootFmorpheme is the
4L
lexical nucleus of a word, it has an individual lexical meaning shared $y no other morpheme of
the language" Cesides it may also possess all other types of meaning proper to morphemes.
except the partFofFspeech meaning which is not found in roots" The rootFmorpheme is isolated as
the morpheme common to a set of words ma&ing upFa wordFcluster, for example the morpheme
teach-in to teach, teacher, teaching, theor- in theory, theorist, theoretical, etc" ?onFroot
morphemes include inflectional morphemes or inflections and affixational morphemes or affixes"
#nflections carry only grammatical meaning and are thus relevant only for the formation of wordF
forms, whereas affixes are relevant for $uilding various types of stemsFthe part of a word that
remains unchanged throughout its paradigm" Lexicology is concerned only with affixational
morphemes" (ffixes are classified into prefixes and suffixesH a prefix precedes the rootF
morpheme, a suffix follows it" (ffixes $esides the meaning proper to rootFmorphemes possess the
partFofFspeech meaning and a generali-ed lexical meaning" $1 Structurally morphemes fall into
three typesH free morphemes, $ound morphemes, semiFfree 2semiF$ound1 morphemes" ( free
morpheme is defined as one that coincides with the stem 8 or a wordFform" ( great many rootF
morphemes are free morphemes, for example, the rootFmorpheme friend FF of the noun
friendship is naturally %ualified as a free morpheme $ecause it coincides with one of the forms of
the noun friend. ( $ound morpheme occurs only as a constituent part of a word" (ffixes are,
naturally, $ound morphemes, for they always ma&e part of a word, e"g" the suffixes Fness, Fship,
Fi-e, etc", the prefixes unF, dis", de-, etc. (e.g. readiness, comradeship, to activize; unnatural,
to displease, to decipher). Many rootFmorphemes also $elong to the class of $ound morphemes,
which always occur in morphemic se%uences, i"e" in com$inations with roots or affixes" (ll
uni%ue roots and pseudoFroots are $ound morphemes" Such are the rootFmorphemes theor- in
theory, theoretical, etc", barbar - in barbarism, barbarian, etc", -ceive in conceive," perceive,
etc" SemiF$ound 2semiFfree1 morphemes. are morphemes that can function in a morphemic
se%uence $oth as an affix and as a free morpheme" !or example, the morpheme well and half on
the one hand occur as free morphemes that coincide with the stem and the wordFform in
utterances li&e sleep well, half an hour, on the other hand they occur as $ound morphemes in
words li&e well-known, half-eaten, half-done. The relationship $etween the two classifications
of morphemes discussed a$ove can $e graphically presented in the following diagramH
structurallyH free semiFfree F$oundF morphemes semanticallyH roots" maffixes" Spea&ing of wordF
structure on the morphemic level, two groups of morphemes should $e specially mentioned" To
the first group $elong morphemes of +ree& and Latin origin often called com$ining forms, e"g"
telephone, telegraph, horoscope, microscope, etc" The morphemes tele-, graph-, scope-,
micro-, hone- are characteri-ed $y a definite lexical meaning and peculiar stylistic referenceH
tele- means 6far6, graph- means 6writing6, scope- 6seeF F6g6, micro- implies smallness, phone-
means 6sound"6 Comparing words with tele- as their first constituent, such as telegraph,
telephone, telegram one may conclude that tele- is a prefix and graph-, phone-, gram are rootF
morphemes" 5n the other hand, words li&e phonograph, seismograph, autograph may create
4M
the impression that the second morpheme graph is a suffix, and the firstFa rootFmorpheme" This
undou$tedly would lead to the a$surd conclusion that words of this group contain no rootF
morpheme and are composed of a suffix and a prefix which runs counter to the fundamental
principle of wordFstructure" Therefore, there is only one solution to this pro$lem: these
morphemes are all $ound rootFmorphemes of a special &ind and such words $elong to words
made up of $ound roots" The fact that these morphemes do not possess the partFofFspeech
meaning typical of affixational morphemes evidences their status as roots" The second group
em$races morphemes occupying a &ind of intermediate position, morphemes that are changing
their class mem$ership" The rootFmorpheme man- found in numerous words li&e postman
j6poustmank, fisherman j6fi-mnk, gentleman j6dgentlmnk in comparison with the same
root used in the words man-made j6m-nmeidk and man-servant j6m-n,sHvntk is, as is
wellF&nown, pronounced, differently, the j-k of the rootFmorpheme $ecomes jak and sometimes
disappears altogether" The phonetic reduction of the root vowel is o$viously due to the decreasing
semantic value of the morpheme and some linguists argue that in words li&e cabman,
gentleman, chairman it is now felt as denoting an agent rather than a male adult, $ecoming
synonymous with the agent suffix Fer" Dowever, we still recogni-e the identity of jmnk in
postman, cabman and jm-nk in man-made, man-servant. ($rasion has not yet completely
disassociated the two, and we can hardly regard jmank as having completely lost the status of a
rootFmorpheme" Cesides it is impossi$le to say she is an Englishman (or a gentleman) and the
lexical opposition of man and woman is still felt in most of these compounds 2cf" though
Madam Chairman in cases when a woman chairs a sitting and even all women are tradesmen).
#t follows from all this that the morpheme -man as the last component may $e %ualified as semiF
free"
Procedure of Morphemic Analysis. The procedure generally employed for the purposes of
segmenting words into the constituent morphemes is the method of #mmediate and ltimate
Constituents" This method is $ased on a $inary principle, i"e" each stage of the procedure involves
two components the word immediately $rea&s into" (t each stage these two components are
referred to as the #mmediate Constituents 2#Cs1" Each #C at the next stage of analysis is in turn
$ro&en into two smaller meaningful elements" The analysis is completed when we arrive at
constituents incapa$le of further division, i"e" morphemes" #n terms of the method employed these
are referred to as the ltimate Constituents 2Cs1" !or example the noun friendliness is first
segmented into the #C friendly recurring in the ad=ectives friendly-looking and friendly and the
-ness found in a countless num$er of nouns, such as happiness, darkness, unselfishness, etc"
The #C -ness is at the same time a C of the noun, as it cannot $e $ro&en into any smaller
elements possessing $oth soundFform and meaning" The #C friendly is next $ro&en into the #Cs
friend-and Fly recurring in friendship, unfriendly, etc" on the one hand, and wifely, brotherly,
etc", on the other" ?eedless to say that the #Cs friend-and Fly are $oth Cs of the word under
analysis" The procedure of segmenting a word into iFts ltimate Constituent morphemes, may $e
40
conveniently presented with the help of a $oxFli&e diagram friendliness" #n the diagram showing
the segmentation of the noun friendliness the lower layer contains the #Cs resulting from the first
cut, the upper one those from the second, the shaded $oxes representing the #Cs which are at the
same time the Cs of the noun" The morphemic analysis according to the #C and C may $e
carried out on the $asis of two principlesH the soFcalled root principle and the affix principle"
(ccording to the affix principle the segmentation of the word into its constituent morphemes is
$ased on the identification of an affixational morpheme within a set of words: for example, the
identification of the suffixational morpheme -less leads to the segmentation of words li&e useless,
hopeless, merciless, etc", into the suffixational morpheme -less and the rootFmorphemes within a
wordFcluster: the identification of" the rootFmorpheme agree- in the words agreeable,
agreement, disagree ma&es it possi$le to split these words into the root -agree- and the
affixational morphemes -able, -ment, dis-. (s a rule, the application of one of these principles is
sufficient for the morphemic segmentation of words"
Morphemic Types of Words. (ccording to the num$er of words are classified into
monomorphic and polymorphic" Monomorphic or rootFwords consist of only one rootFmorpheme,
e"g" small, dog, make, give, etc" (ll po.ymorphic words according to the num$er of rootF
morphemes are classified into two su$groupsH monoradical 2or oneFroot words1 and polyradical
words, i"e" words, which consist of two or more roots" Monoradical words fall into two su$typesH
.1 radica. suffixa. words, i"e" words that consist of one rootFmorpheme and one or more suffixal
morphemes, e"g" acceptable, acceptability, blackish, etc": 81 radicalFprefixal words, i"e" words
that consist of one rootFmorpheme and a prefixal morpheme, e"g" outdo, rearrange, unbutton,
etc" and ;1 prefixoFradicalFsuffixal, i"e" words which consist of one root, a prefixal and suffixal
morphemes, e"g" disagreeable, misinterpretation, etc" Polyradical words fall into two typesH .1
polyradical words which consist of two or more roots with no affixational morphemes, e"g" book-
stand, eye-ball, lamp-shade, etc" and 81 words which contain at least two roots and one or more
affixational morphemes, e"g" safety-pin, wedding-pie, class-consciousness, light-mindedness,
pen-holder, etc"
Derivative Structure. The analysis of the morphemic of words defines the ultimate
meaningful constituents 2Cs1, their typical se%uence and arrangement, $ut it does not reveal the
hierarchy of morphemes ma&ing up the word, neither does it reveal the way a word is
constructed, nor how a new word of similar structure should $e understood" The morphemic
analysis does not aim at finding out the nature and arrangement of #Cs which underlie the
structural and the semantic type of the word, e"g" words unmanly and discouragement
morphemically are referred to the same type as $oth are segmented into three Cs representing
one root, one prefixational and one suffixational morpheme" Dowever the arrangement and the
nature of #Cs and hence the relationship of morphemes in these words is differentFin unmanly the
prefixational morpheme ma&es one of the #Cs, the other #C is represented $y a se%uence of the
root and the suffixational morpheme and thus the meaning of the word is derived from the
43
relations $etween the #Cs un- and manly- 26not manly61, whereas discouragement rests on the
relations of the #C discourage- made up $y the com$ination of the prefixational and the rootF
morphemes and the suffixational morpheme -ment for its second #C 26smth that discourages61"
Dence we may infer that these threeFmorpheme words should $e referred to different derivational
typesH unmanly to a prefixational and discouragement to a suffixational derivative"
The nature, type and arrangement of the #Cs of the word is &nown as its derivative structure"
Though the derivative structure of the word is closely connected with its morphemic or
morphological structure and often coincides with it, it differs from it in principle"
Derivative Relations. (ccording to the derivative structure words fall into two $ig classesH
simplexes or simple, nonFderived words and complexes or derivatives" Simplexes are words,
which derivationally cannot $e segmented into #Cs" The morphological stem of simple words, i"e"
the part of the word which ta&es on the system of grammatical inflections is semantically nonF
motivated and independent of other words, e"g" hand, come, blue, etc" Morphemically it may $e
monomorphic in which case its stem coincides with the free rootFmorpheme as in, e"g", hand,
come, blue, etc" or polymorphic in which case it is a se%uence of $ound morphemes as in, e"g",
anxious, theory, public, etc"
Derivatives are words which depend on some other simpler lexical items that motivate them
structurally and semantically, i"e" the meaning and the structure of the derivative is understood
through the comparison with the meaning and the structure of the source word" Dence
Fderivatives are secondary, motivated units, made up as a rule of two #Cs, i"e" $inary units, e"g"
words li&e friendliness, unwifely, school-masterish, etc" are made up of the #Cs friendly+
-ness, un-+wifely, schoolmaster+ish. The #Cs are $rought together according to specific rules of
order and arrangement preconditioned $y the system of the language" #t follows that all
derivatives are mar&ed $y the fixed order of their #Cs"
The $asic elementary units of the derivative structure of words areH derivational $ases,
derivational affixes and derivational patterns which differ from the units of the morphemic
structure of words 2different types of morphemes1" The relations $etween words with a common
root $ut of different derivative structure are &nown as derivative relations" The derivative and
derivative relations ma&e the su$=ect of study at the derivational level of analysis: it aims at
esta$lishing correlations $etween different types of words, th structural and semantic patterns
words are $uilt on, the study also ena$les one to understand how new words appear in the
language" The constituents of the derivative structure are functional units, i"e" units whose
function is to indicate relationship $etween different classes of words or differentlyF$ehaving
words of the same class and to signal the formation of new words" #t follows that derivational
functions are proper to different linguistic units which thus serve as #Cs of a derivative" #t must $e
also noted that the difference $etween classes of words is signalled $y $oth the derivative
structure of the word, or to $e more exact $y the stem it shapes, and $y the set of paradigmatic
inflections that this structure presupposes" !or example, the nominal class of words to which
44
derivatives li&e historian, teacher, lobbyist are referred is signalled $y $oth the derivative
structure, i"e" the unity of their #Cs history+ian, teach+ nFer lobby+'ist shaping the stems of
these wordsFand the nominal set of paradigmatic inflections which these stems precondition, i"e"
historiano1, historian2s1, historians, historians61" The class of words li&e enrich, enlarge is
li&ewise signalled $y their derivative structure (en-+ +rich, en'+large) and the ver$al set of
paradigmatic inflexions" Dence the paradigmatic systems of different classes of words have,
among their functions, the function of distinguishing the formal ma&eFup of word classes" #t
follows that the paradigmatic system of inflections in cases of meaningful a$sence of the #C,
which determines the class mem$ership of the motivated stem functions as the sole indication of
its derived nature"
Derivational Basis. ( derivational $ase as a functional unit is defined as the constituent, to
which a rule of wordFformation is applied" #t is the part of the word which esta$lishes connection
with the lexical unit that motivates the derivative and determines its individual lexical meaning
descri$ing the difference $etween words in one and the same derivative set, for example the
individual lexical meaning of words li&e singer, rebuilder, whitewasher, etc" which all denote
active doers of action, is signalled $y the lexical meaning of the derivational $ases singF,
rebuild-, whitewash- which esta$lish connection with the motivating source ver$" Structurally
derivational $ases fall into three classesH .1 $ases that coincide with morphological stems of
different degrees of complexity, e"g" duti/y/, dutiful/;/; day-dream, to day-dream,
daydreame/-; 81 $ases that coincide with wordFforms: e"g" paperFhound, unsmiling, unknown;
;1 $ases that coincide with word groups of different degrees of sta$ility, e ,g" second-rateness,
flat-waist-ed, etc"
Cases $uilt on stems of different degree of complexity ma&e the largest and commonest group
of components of derivatives of various classes, e"g" girlish-ness, colour-blind-ness, ex-film-
star, unbutton, etc" Cases of this class are functionally and semantically distinct from all &inds
of stems" !unctionally, the morphological stem is the part of the word, which is the starting point
for its forms, it is the part which semantically presents a unity of lexical and functional meanings
thus predicting the entire grammatical paradigm" The stem remains unchanged throughout all
wordFforms, it &eeps them together preserving the identity of the word" Thus the stems in the
a$oveFgiven words are ex-filmstar, unbutton which remain unchanged in all the forms of each
word as, e"g", exFfilmstar2s1, exFfilmsiar2s1, exFfilmistar26s1, exFfilmstars1" Stems are characteri-ed
$y a phonetic identity with the wordFform that ha$itually represents the word as a whole 2the
common case singular, the infinitive, etc"1"
( derivational $ase unli&e a stem does not predict the part of speech of the derivative, it only
outlines a possi$le range and nature of the second .C and it is only the unity of $oth that
determines the lexicalFgrammatical class of the derivative" ( derivational $ase is the startingF
point for different words and its derivational potential outlines the type and scope of existing
words and new creations" The nominal $ase for example, hand- gives rise to nouns, e"g" hand-
4/
rail, hand-bag, shorthand, handful, to ad=ectives, e"g" handy, or ver$s, e"g" to hand. Similarly
the $ase rich- may $e one of the #Cs of the noun richness, the ad=ective gold-rich, or the ver$ to
enrich.
Semantically the stem stands for the whole semantic structure of the word" #t represents all its
lexical meanings" ( $ase, semantically, is also different in that it represents, as a rule, only one
meaning of the source word or its stem" The derivatives glassful and glassy, e"g", though
connected with the stem of the same source word are $uilt on different derivational $asesF, as
glassful is the result of the application of the wordFformation rule to the meaning of the source
word 6drin&ing vessel or its contents6, whereas glassy F to the meaning 6hard, transparent, easilyF
$ro&en su$stance6" Derivatives fiery, fire-place, to fire, fire-escape, firearm, all have $ases $uilt
on the stem of the same source noun fire, $ut the words li&e fire-escape fire-engine and fire-
alarm are semantically motivated $y the meaning 6destructive $urning6, the words fire-arms,
ceasefire, (to) fire are motivated $y another meaning 6shooting6, whereas the word fiery 2as in
fiery speech, eyes) is motivated $y the meaning 6strongFemotion, excited feeling6" The same
difference can $e exemplified $y the words starlet, starry, starlike, starless which are all
motivated $y the derivational $ase meaning 6a heavenly $ody seen in the night as distant point of
light6, as compared to stardom, starlet, to star motivated $y the $ase meaning 6a person famous
as actor, <singer6 though $oth represent the same morphological stem of the word star. Stems that
serve as this class of $ases may themselves $e different morphemically and derivationally thus
forming derivational $ases of different degrees of complexity, which affects the range and scope
of their colloca$ility and their derivational capacity" Derivationally the stems may $eH a1 simple,
which consist of only one, semantically nonFmotivated constituent" The most characteristic
feature of simple stems in Modern English is the phonetic and graphic identity with the rootF
morpheme and the wordFform that ha$itually represents the word as a whole" (s has $een
mentioned elsewhere simple stems may $e $oth monomorphic units and morphemic se%uences
made up of $ound and pseudoFmorphemes, hence morphemically segmenta$le stems in such
words as pocket, motion, retain, horrible, etc" should $e regarded as derivationally simple" $1
derived stems are semantically and structurally motivated, and are the results of the application of
wordFformation rules: it follows that they are as a rule $inary, i"e" made up of two #Cs, and
polymorphic, e"g" the derived stem of the word girlish is understood on the $asis of derivative
relations $etween girl and girlish; the derived stem of a greater complexity girlishness is $ased
on the derivative relations $etween girlish and girlishness. This is also seen in to weekend, to
daydream, derived from the nouns week-end and day-dream and are motivated $y the
derivative relations $etween the noun and the ver$" Derived stems, however, are not necessarily
polymorphic" #t especially concerns derivatives with a -ero #C, i"e" meaningful a$sence of the
derivational means in which case the distinction $etween the stem of the source word and the
motivated stem of the derivative is signalled $y the difference in paradigmatic sets of inflections
which they ta&e" !or example, the stem of the ver$ (to) parrot, though it consists of one overt
/9
constituent and is a oneFmorpheme word, should $e considered derived as it is felt $y a native
spea&er as structurally and semantically dependent on the simple stem of the noun parrot and
$ecause it conveys a regular relationship $etween these two classes of wordsFver$s and nouns"
The same is true of the stems in such words as (to) winter, a cut, a drive, etc" c1 compound
stems are always $inary and semantically motivated, $ut unli&e the derived stems $oth #Cs of
compound stems are stems themselves" The derivative structure and morphemic composition of
each #C may $e of different degree of complexity, for example, the compound stem of the noun
match-box consists of two simple stems, the stem of the noun letter-writerFof one simple and
one derived stem, and the stem aircraft-carrier of a compound and derived stem"
The structural complexity of the derivational $ases $uilt on derived and compound stems is a
heavy constraint imposed on the colloca$ility and semantic freedom of these $ases and
conse%uently on their derivative potential" Compare, for example, the derivational capacity of the
simple stem girl, which can give rise to girly, girlish, girlless, girl-friend, and the limited
capacity of girlish which gives only girlishness and girlishly. 8" The second class of derivational
$ases is made up of wordFforms" #t is o$vious that wordFforms functioning as parts of the word
lose all syntactic properties they possess in independent use" This class of $ases is confined to
ver$al wordFformsFthe present and the past participlesF which regularly function as #Cs of nonF
simple ad=ectives, adver$s and nouns" The colloca$ility of this class of derivational $ases is
confined to =ust a few derivational affixes such as the prefix un-, the suffix Fly, in e"g" unnamed,
unknown, unwrapped, etc", smilingly, knowingly, etc" The derivational $ases in %uestion may
$e also collocated with other $ases which coincide only with nominal and ad=ectival stems, e"g"
mockingbird, dancing-girl, ice-bound, time-consuming, ocean-going, easy-going, etc" The
third class of derivational $ases is made up of wordFgroups" !ree wordFgroups ma&e up the
greater part of this class of $ases" Li&e wordFforms, wordFgroups serving as derivational $ases
lose their morphological and syntactic properties proper to them as selfFcontained lexical units"
Cases of this class also allow of a rather limited range of colloca$ility, they are most active with
derivational affixes in the class of ad=ectives and nouns, e"g" in words li&e blue-eyed, long-
fingered, old-worldish, dogooder, second-rateness, etc" Thus, we may conclude that each class
of $ases, though it ma&es use of one of the structural units of voca$ulary, is distinct from it and
differs from it $oth in form and meaning" The greater the degree of structural complexity of the
$ase, the more limited its derivative potential"
Derivational Affixes. Derivational affixes are #Cs of numerous derivatives in all parts of
speech" Derivational affixes differ from affixational morphemes in their function within the word,
in their distri$ution and in their meaning" Derivational affixes possess two $asic functionsH .1 that
of stemF$uilding which is common to all affixational morphemesH derivational and nonF
derivational" #t is the function of shaping a morphemic se%uence, or a wordFform or a phrase into
the part of the word capa$le of ta&ing a set of grammatical inflections and is conditioned $y the
partFofFspeech meaning these morphemes possess: 81 that of wordF$uilding which is the function
/.
of repatterning a derivational $ase and $uilding a lexical unit of a structural and semantic type
different from the one represented $y the source unit" The repatterning results in either
transferring it into the stem of another part of speech or transferring it into another su$set within
the same part of speech" !or example, the derivational suffix Fness applied to $ases of different
classes shapes derived stems thus ma&ing new words" #n kindliness, girlishness, etc" it repatterns
the ad=ectival stems kindly-, girlish-, in second-rate-ness, allatonceness it turns the phrases
second rate, all at once into stems and conse%uently forms new nouns" #n most cases
derivational affixes perform $oth functions simultaneously shaping derived stems and mar&ing
the relationship $etween different classes of lexical items" Dowever, certain derivational affixes
may in individual sets of words perform only one function that of stemF$uilding" The derivational
osuffix Fic for example performs $oth functions in words li&e historic, economic, classic as it is
applied to $ases history-, economy-, class- and forms stems of words of a different part of
speech" Cut the same suffix Fic in public, comic, music performs only its stemF$uilding function
shaping in this case a simple stem" The same is true of the suffix -ous in such words as joyous,
courageous, famous as compared with anxious, conscious, curious. StemF$uilding is the
common function shared $y $oth derivational and nonFderivational morphemes, $ut with the nonF
derivational morphemes it is the only structural function" Cesides, the nonFderivational affixes
shape only simple stems, for example, the morpheme -id in stupid, rapid, acid, humid; the
morpheme -ish in publish, distinguish, languish. #t follows that nonFderivational morphemes are
not applied to stems, $ut only to rootFmorphemes or morpheme se%uences" Semantically
derivational affixes are characteri-ed $y a unity of partFofFspeech meaning, lexical meaning and
other types of morphemic meanings unli&e nonFderivational morphemes, which, as a rule, lac&
the lexical type of meaning" #t is true that the partFofFspeech meaning is proper in different
degrees to the derivational suffixes and prefixes" #t stands out clearly in derivational suffixes $ut
it is less evident in prefixes: some prefixes lac& it altogether, in others it is very vague and in this
case it finds expression in the fact that these prefixes tend to function inF either nominal or ver$al
parts of speech" Prefixes li&e en-, un-, de-, out-, be-, unmista&a$ly possess the partFofFspeech
meaning and function as ver$ classifiers when they ma&e an independent #C of the derivative, e"g"
deice, unhook, enslave; derivational prefixes aF, unFpossess the ad=ectival partFofFspeech
meaning, e"g" unhesitating, unknown, unkind, etc", amoral, asynthetic, asymmetric, etc" #n
prefixes co-, under-, mis- this type of meaning is vague $ut they tend to $e active in one part of
speech onlyH co- in nominal parts of speech 2i"e" nouns and ad=ectives1, e"g" copilot, co-star, co-
president; mis-and under- are largely ver$al prefixes, e"g" underwork, underdo, underfeed,
etc" The prefix over-evidently lac&s the partFofFspeech meaning and is freely used $oth for ver$s
and ad=ectives, the same may $e said a$out non-, pre-, post-. The lexical meaning in
derivational affixes also has its peculiarities and may $e viewed at different levels" .1The lexical
2denotational1 F meaning of a gene rFi c type proper mostly not to an individual affix $ut to a set
of affixes, forming a semantic su$set such as, for example, the meaning of resem$lance found in
/8
suffixes -ish, -like, Fy, -ly (spiderish, spiderlike, spidery); the causative meaning proper to the
prefix en- (enslave, enrich), the suffixes -ize, -(i)fy (brutalize, formalize, beautify, simplify,
etc"1: the meaning of a$sence conveyed $y the prefix un- and the suffix -less; the meaning of
a$stract %uality conveyed $y the suffixes -ness, -ity, etc" 81 5n the other hand derivational affixes
possess another type of lexical meaningFa n individual meaning shared $y no other affix and thus
distinguishing this particular affix from all other mem$ers of the same semantic group" !or
example, suffixes Fish, -like, -y all have the meaning of resem$lance, $ut Fli&e conveys an overall
resem$lance, -ish conveys li&eness to the inner, most typical %ualities of the o$=ect, Fy in most
cases conveys li&eness to outer shape, form, si-e of the o$=ect" Suffixes -er, -ist $oth possess the
meaning of the agent, $ut the distinguishing feature of the suffix -er is that it conveys the
meaning of the active doer 2animate or inanimate1, whereas -ist conveys the meaning of
profession (flutist, biologist) and followers of principles and $eliefs (socialist, leftist) and thus
has the meaning only of human $eings" Derivational affixes semantically may $e $oth monoF and
polysemantic" Derivational affixes are highly selective and each is applied to a specific set of
$ases, which is due to the distri$utional type of meaning found in all affixes" (ll affixes are
selective as to the structural peculiarities of $ases 2their morphemic, derivational, phonological
and etymological features1, some in addition are highly responsive to the lexicalFsemantic
properties of the $ases they are collocated with" !or example, the ad=ectival suffix -able is
collocated with ver$al $ases with practically no semantic constraints imposed on them" 5n the
other hand the ad=ectiveFforming suffix Fful is restricted in its colloca$ility to nominal $ases of
a$stract meaning (useful, beautiful), while its homonym the nounFforming -ful also collocating
with nominal $ases chooses $ases of concrete meaning and within this class only nouns which
have in their semantic structure a semantic component 6container6 (chestful, lungful, bagful).
Semi-Affixes. There is a specific group of morphemes whose derivational function does not
allow one to refer them unhesitatingly either to the derivational affixes or $ases" #n words li&e
half-done, half-broken, half-eaten and ill-fed, ill-housed, ill-dressed the #Cs half- and ill- are
given in linguistic literature different interpretationsH they are descri$ed $oth as $ases and as
derivational prefixes" The comparison of these #Cs with "the phonetically identical stems in
independent words ill and half as used in such phrases as to speak ill of smb, half an hour ago
ma&es it o$vious that in words li&e ill-fed, ill-mannered, half-done the #Cs ill- and half- are
losing $oth their semantic and structural identity with the stems of the independent words" They
are all mar&ed $y a different distri$utional meaning, which is clearly revealed through the
difference of their colloca$ility as compared with the colloca$ility of the stems of the
independently functioning words" (s to their lexical meaning they have $ecome more indicative
of a generali-ing meaning of incompleteness and poor %uality than the individual meaning proper
to the stems of independent words and thus they function more as affixational morphemes similar
to the prefixes out-, over-, under-, semi-, mis- regularly forming whole classes of words"
Cesides, the high fre%uency of these morphemes in the a$oveFmentioned generali-ed meaning in
/;
com$ination with the numerous $ases $uilt on past participles indicates their closer ties with
derivational affixes than $ases" Jet these morphemes retain certain lexical ties with the rootF
morphemes in the stems of independent words and that is why are felt as occupying an
intermediate positionc as morphemes that are changing their class mem$ership regularly
functioning as derivational prefixes $ut still retaining certain features of rootFmorphemes" That is
why they are sometimes referred to as semiFaffixes" To this group we should also refer well- and
self- (well-fed, well-done, self-made), -man in words li&e postman, cabman, chairman,
-looking in words li&e foreign-looking, alive-looking, strange-looking, etc"
Derivational Patterns. Either $ases nor affixes alone can predict all the structural and
semantic properties of words the #Cs of which they may $e" #t is the com$ination of $ases and
affixes that ma&es up derivatives of different structural and semantic classes" Coth $ases and
affixes due to the distri$utional meaning they possess show a high degree of consistency in their
selection and are collocated according to a set of rules &nown as derivational patterns" (
derivational pattern is a regular meaningful arrangement, a structure that imposes rigid rules on
the order and the nature of the derivational $ases and affixes that may $e $rought together" (
pattern is a generali-ation, a scheme indicative of the type of #Cs, their order and arrangement
which signals the part of speech, the structural and semantic peculiarities common to all the
individual words for which the pattern holds true" Dence the derivational patterns 2DP1 may $e
viewed as classifiers of nonFsimple words into structural types and within them into semantic sets
and su$sets" DPs are studied with the help of distri$utional analysis at different levels" Patterns of
derivative structures are usually represented in a generali-ed way in terms of conventional
sym$olsH small letters o, n, a, d, num" stand for the $ases which coincide with the stems of the
respective partK of speechH ver$s, nouns, ad=ectives, adver$s, numerals: vFed, vFing stand for the
$ases which are the past and present participles respectively" #n words of the long-fingered or sit-
inner type the derivational $ases are represented $y $rac&eted sym$ols of the parts of speech
ma&ing up the corresponding collocations" #n terms of patterns of this type, &nown as structural
formulas,. all words may $e classified into four classesH suffixal derivatives, e"g" friendship,
glorified, blackness, skyward; prefixal derivatives, e"g" rewrite, exboxer, non-smoker,
unhappy, etc": conversions, e"g" a cut, to parrot, to winter, etc": compound words key-ring,
music-lover, wind-driven, etc" Cut derivational formulas are not indicative either of any one
lexicalFgrammatical or lexical class of words, as, for example, the formula a,nFs may e%ually
represent suffixal nouns as in blackness, possibility and ver$s, as in sharpen, widen, or
ad=ectives as in blackish. $1 derivative structure and hence derivative types of words may $e
represented at the level of structural patterns which specify the $ase classes and individual affixes
thus indicating the lexicalFgrammatical and lexical classes of derivatives within certain structural
classes of words" DPs of this level are $ased on the mutual interdependence of individual affixes
and $ase classes and may $e viewed in terms of each" The suffixes refer derivatives to specific
parts of speech and lexical su$sets as, for example, vnFerFF? signals that the derivatives $uilt on
/L
this pattern are deFver$al nouns which represent a semantic set of active agents, denoting $oth
animate and inanimate o$=ects, e"g" reader, runner, .singer, unli&e, for example, denominal
nouns with the underlying pattern nFerFiF? which stands for agents denoting residents or
occupations, e"g" Londoner, villager, gardener. The DP nnFishFF( signals a set of ad=ectives
with the lexical meaning of resem$lance, whereas aFFishF( signals ad=ectives meaning a small
degree of %uality, etc" c1 DPs may $e specified as to the lexicalFsemantic features of $oth #Cs"
DPs of this level specify the semantic constraints imposed upon the set of derivatives for which
the pattern is true and hence the semantic range of the pattern" !or example, the nominal $ases in
the pattern nnessn? are confined to nouns having in their semantic structures a component 6a
male animate $eing6, e"g" lioness, traitress, stewardess, etc": the nominal $ases in nnFfuln? are
limited $y nouns having a semantic component 6container6, e"g" lungful, earful, mouthful,
whereas in nnfuln( the nominal $ases are confined to nouns of a$stract meaning" The same is
true of the pattern nnFyF( which represents different semantic sets of derivatives specified $y
semantic constraints imposed on E$oth the $ases and the suffixH nominal $ases denoting living
$eings are collocated with the suffix Fy meaning 6resem$lance6, e"g" birdy, spidery,' catty, etc",
$ut nominal $ases denoting material, parts of the $ody attract another meaning of the suffix Fy
that of 6considera$le amount, si-e6 resulting in the ad=ectives li&e powdery, grassy, leggy, starry,
etc" #t follows that derivational patterns may $e classified into two typesF structural pattern and
structuralFsemantic pattern"
Derivational Types of Words. (ccording to their derivational structure there are to two large
classesH simple, nonFderived words or simplexes and derivatives or complexes" Complexes are
classified according to the type of the underlying derivational pattern intoH derived arid compound
words" Derived words fall into affixational words, which in their turn must $e classified into
suffixal and prefixal derivatives, and conversions" Each derivational type of words is une%ually
represented in different parts of speech"
Comparing the role each of these structural type of words plays in the language we can easily
perceive that the clue to the correct understanding of their comparative value lies in a careful
consideration of .1 the importance of each type in the existing wordFstoc& and 81 their fre%uency
value in actual speech" 5f the two factors fre%uency is $y far the most important" (ccording to
the availa$le word counts in different parts of speech, we find that derived words numerically
constitute the largest class of words in the existing wordFstoc&, derived nouns comprise
approximately 03a of the total num$er and ad=ectives a$out 40a, whereas compound nouns
ma&e a$out .Ma and ad=ectives only a$out La" Simple words come to .4a in nouns, i"e" a trifle
more than the num$er of compound words: in ad=ectives simple words come to approximately
.8a" Cut if we now consider the fre%uency value of these types of words in actual speech, we
cannot fail to see that simple words occupy a predominant place in English" (ccording to recent
fre%uency counts, a$out 09a of the total num$er of nouns and 08a of the total num$er of
ad=ectives in current use are simple words" 5f the total num$er of ad=ectives and nouns, derived
/M
words comprise a$out ;4a and ;3a respectively while compound words comprise an
insignificant 8a in nouns and 9"8a in ad=ectives" Thus it is the simple, nonFderived words that
constitute the foundation and the $ac&$one of the voca$ulary and that are of paramount
importance in speech" #t should also $e mentioned that nonFderived words are characteri-ed $y a
high degree of colloca$ility and a complex variety of meanings in contrast with words of other
structural types whose semantic structures are much poorer" Simple words also serve as $asic
parent forms motivating all types of derived and compound words" (t the same time it should $e
pointed out that new words that appear in the voca$ulary are mostly words of derived and
compound structure"
Historical Changeability of Word-Structure. ?either the morphemic nor the derivational
structure of the word remains the same $ut is su$=ect to various changes in the course of time"
Changes in the phonetic and semantic structure and in the stress pattern of polymorphic words
may $ring a$out a num$er of changes in the morphemic and derivational structure" Certain
morphemes may $ecome fused together or may $e lost altogether" (s a result of this process,
&nown as the process of simplification, radical changes in the structure of the word may ta&e
placeH rootFmorphemes may turn into affixational or semiFaffixational morphemes, polymorphic
words may $ecome monomorphic, compound words may $e transformed into derived or even
simple words" There is no dou$t, for instance, that the Modern English derived noun friendship
goes $ac& to the 5ld English compound freondscipe in which the component scipe was a rootF
morpheme and a stem of the independently functioning word" The presentFday English suffixes
-hood, -dom, -like are also &nown to have developed from rootFmorphemes" The noun husband
is a simple monomorphic word in Modern English, whereas in 5ld English it was a compound
word consisting of two $ases $uilt on two stems hus-bond-a. Sometimes the spelling of some
Modern English words as compared with their soundFform reflects the changes these words have
undergone" The Modern English word cupboard =udging $y its sound is a monomorphic nonF
motivated simple word" Jet its spelling $etrays its earlier history" #t consisted of two $ases
represented $y two monomorphic stems j&pk and j$oHdk and was pronounced j6&p $oHdk: it
signified 6a $oard to put cups on6: nowadays, however, having $een structurally transformed into a
simple word, it denotes neither cup nor board as may $e seen from the phrases like a boot
cupboard, a clothes cupboard. ( similar course of development is o$served in the words
blackguard j6$l-gaHdk traced to j6$l-& gaHdk etc" #n the process of historical development some
wordFstructures underwent reinterpretation without radical changes in their phonemic shape:
there are cases when simple rootFwords came to $e understood as derived consisting of two #Cs
represented $y two individual items, e"g" beggar, chauffeur, editor. The reinterpretation of such
words led to the formation of simple ver$s li&e to edit, to beg, etc" 2'( Course in Modern
English Lexicology) *"S"+ins$urg, S" S" ,hide&el et"al", M", ./001"
/0
WORD BUILDING
Various Types and Ways of Forming Words. The availa$le linguistic literature on the su$=ect
cites various types and ways of forming words" Earlier $oo&s, articles and monographs on wordF
formation and voca$ulary growth, in general, $oth in the *ussian language and in foreign
languages, in the English language in particular, used to mention morphological, syntactic and
lexicoFsemantic types of wordFformation" (t present the classifications of the types of wordF
formation do not, as a rule, include lexicoFsemantic wordF$uilding" 5f interest is the classification
of wordFformation means $ased on the num$er of motivating $ases which many scholars follow"
( distinction is made $etween two large classes of wordF$uilding meansH To Class # $elong the
means of $uilding words having one motivating $ase" To give an English example, the noun
catcher is composed of the $ase catch- and the suffix -er, through the com$ination of which it is
morphologically and semantically motivated"
Class ## includes the means of $uilding words containing more than one motivating $ase"
?eedless to say, they are all $ased on compounding 2cf" the English compounds country-club,
door-handle, bottle-opener, etc", all having two $ases through which they are motivated1" Most
linguists in" special chapters and manuals devoted to English wordFformation consider as the
chief processes of English wordFformation affixation, conversion and compounding" (part from
these a num$er of minor ways of forming words such as $ac&Fformation, sound interchange,
distinctive stress, sound imitation, $lending, clipping and acronymy are traditionally referred to
7ordF!ormation"
(nother classification of the types of wordFformation wor&ed out $y D" Marchand is also of
interest" Proceeding from the distinction $etween full linguistic signs and pseudo signs a he
considers two ma=or groupsH .1 words formed as grammatical syntagmas, i"e" com$inations of
full linguistic signs which are characteri-ed $y morphological motivation such as do-er, un-do,
rain-bow; and 81 words which are not grammatical syntagmas, i"e" which are not made up of full
linguistic signs" To the first group $elong Compounding, Suffixation, Prefixation, Derivation $y a
ero Morphemes and Cac&FDerivation, to the secondFExpressive Sym$olism, Clending, Clipping,
*ime and ($laut +emination" L"7ordFManufacturing" M" #t is characteristic of $oth groups that a
new coining is $ased on a synchronic relationship $etween morphemes"
Word-Formation. Definition. Basic Peculiarities. 7e proceed from the understanding of
7ordF!ormation and the classification of wordFformation types as found in (" #" Smirnits&y6s
$oo& on English Lexicology" 7ordF!ormation is the system of derivative types of words and the
process of creating new words from the material availa$le in the language after certain structural
and semantic formulas and patterns" !or instance, the noun driver is formed after the pattern vnF
er, i"e" a ver$al stem n the nounFforming suffix -er. The meaning of the derived noun driver is
related to the meaning of the stem drive- 6to direct the course of a vehicle6 and the suffix Fer
meaning 6an active agent6H a driver is 6one who drives6 2a carriage, motorcar, railway engine, etc"1"
Li&ewise compounds resulting from two or more stems =oined together to form a new word are
/3
also $uilt on %uite definite structural and semantic patterns and formulas, for instance ad=ectives
of the snow-white type are $uilt according to the formula nna, etc" #t can easily $e o$served that
the meaning of the whole compound is also related to the meanings of the component parts" The
structural patterns with the semantic relations they signal give rise to regular new creations of
derivatives, e"g" sleeper, giver, smiler or soot-black, tax-free, etc" #n conformity with structural
types of words descri$ed a$ove the following two types of wordFformation may $e distinguishedH
wordFderivation and wordFcomposition 2or compounding1" 7ords created $y wordFderivation
have in terms of wordFformation analysis only one derivational $ase and one derivational affix,
e"g" cleanness 2from clean), to overestimate 2from to estimate), chairmanship 2from
chairman), openhandedness 2from openhanded), etc" Some derived words have no derivational
affixes, $ecause derivation is achieved through conversion, e"g" to paper 2from paper), a fall
2from to fall), etc" 7ords created $y wordFcomposition have at least two $ases, e"g" lamp-shade,
ice-cold, looking-glass, day-dream, hotbed, speedometer, etc"
7ithin the types, further distinction may $e made $etween the ways of forming words" The
$asic ways of forming words in wordFderivation, for instance, are affixation and conversion" #t
should $e noted that the understanding of wordFformation as expounded here excludes semantic
wordF$uilding as well as shortening, soundF and stressFinterchange which traditionally are
referred, as has $een mentioned a$ove, to minor ways of wordFformation" Cy semantic wordF
$uilding some linguists understand any change in wordFmeaning, e"g" stockF6the lower part of the
trun& of a tree6: 6something lifeless or stupid6: 6the part of an instrument that serves as a $ase6, etc":
bench- 6a long seat of wood or stone6: 6a carpenter6s ta$le6, etc" The ma=ority of linguists, however,
understand this process only as a change in the meaning ; of a word that may result in the
appearance of homonyms, as is the case with flowerF6a $lossom6 and flourF6the fine meal6,
6powder made from wheat and used for ma&ing $read6: magazineF6a pu$lication6 and
magazineF6the cham$er for cartridges in a gun or rifle6, etc" The application of the term wordF
formation to the process of semantic change and to the appearance of homonyms due to the
development of polysemy seems to $e de$ata$le for the following reasons" (s semantic change
does not, as a rule, lead to the introduction of a new word into the voca$ulary, it can scarcely $e
regarded as a wordF$uilding means" ?either can we consider the process a wordF$uilding means
even when an actual enlargement of the voca$ulary does come a$out through the appearance of a
pair of homonyms" (ctually, the appearance of homonyms is not a means of creating new words,
$ut it is the final result of a long and la$ourious process of senseFdevelopment" !urthermore, there
are no patterns after which homonyms can $e made in the language" !inally, diverging senseF
development results in a semantic isolation of two or more meanings of a word, whereas the
process of wordFformation proper is characteri-ed $y a certain semantic connection $etween the
new word and the source lexical unit" !or these reasons diverging senseFdevelopment leading to
the appearance of two or more homonyms should $e regarded as a specific channel through
which the voca$ulary of a language is replenished with new words and should not $e treated on a
/4
par with the processes of wordFformation, such as affixation, conversion and composition" The
shortening of words also stands apart from the a$ove twoFfold division of wordFformation" #t
cannot $e regarded as part of either wordFderivation or wordFcomposition for the simple reason
that neither the derivational $ase nor the derivational affix can $e singled out from the shortened
word 2e" g" lab, exam, Euratom, V-day, etc"1" ?or are there any derivational patterns new
shortened words could $e formed on $y the spea&er" Conse%uently, the shorteningFof words
should not $e regarded as a way of wordFformation on a par with derivation and compounding"
!or the same reasons, such ways of coining words as acronymy, $lending, lexicali-ation and
some others should not $e treated as means of wordFformation" Strictly spea&ing they are all,
together with wordFshortening, specific means of replenishing the voca$ulary different in
principle from affixation, conversion and compounding"
7hat is said a$ove is especially true of soundF and stressFinterchange 2also referred to as
distinctive stress1" Coth soundF and stressFinterchange may $e regarded as ways of forming words
only diachronically, $ecause in Modern English not a single word can $e coined $y changing the
rootF6 vowel of a word or $y shifting the place of the stress" SoundFinterchange as well as stressF
interchange intact has turned into a means of distinguishing primarily $etween words of different
parts of speech and as such is rather wideFspread in Modern English, e"g" losing-song, to live-life,
strong-strength, eic" #t also distinguishes $etween different wordFforms, e"g" man-men, wife-
wives, to know-knew, to leave-left, etc" SoundFinterchange falls into two groupsH vowelF
interchange and consonantFinterchange" Cy means of vowelFinterchange we distinguish different
parts of speech, e"g" full-to fill, food-to feed, blood-to bleed, etc" #n some cases 6owelF
interchange is com$ined with affixation, e"g" long-length, strong-strength, broad-breadth, etc"
#ntransitive ver$s and the corresponding transitive ones with a causative meaning also display
vowelFinterchange, e" g" to rise-to raise, to sit-to set, to lie-to lay, to fall- to fell. The type of
consonantFinterchange typical of Modern English is the interchange of a voiceless fricative
consonant in a noun and the corresponding voiced consonant in the corresponding ver$, e"g" use-
to use, mouth-to mouth, house-to house, advice-to advise, etc" There are some particular cases
of consonantFinterchangeH to speak-speech, to break-breach; defence-to defend; offence-to
offend; evidence-evident, importance-important, etc" ConsonantFinterchange may $e
com$ined with vowelFinterchange, e"g" bath-to bathe, breath-to breathe, life-to live, etc" Many
English ver$s of LatinF!rench origin are distinguished from the corresponding nouns $y the
position of stress" Dere are some wellF&nown examples of such pairs of wordsH 'export n-to
ex'port v; 'import n-to im'port v; 'conduct n-to con'duct v; 'present n-to pre'sent v;
'contrast n-to con'trast v; 'increase n-io in'crease v, etc" StressFinterchange is not restricted to
pairs of words consisting of a noun and a ver$" #t may also occur $etween other parts of speech,
for instance, $etween ad=ective and ver$, e"g" 'frequent a-to fre'quent v: 'absent a-to ab'sent v,
etc.
//
Word Formation as the Subject of Study. 7ordFformation is that $ranch of Lexicology
which studies the derivative structure of existing words and the patterns on which a language, in
this case the English language, $uilds new words" #t is selfFevident that wordFformation proper
can deal only with words which are analysa$le $oth structurally and semantically, i"e" with all
types of Complexes" The study of the simple word as such has no place in it" Simple words
however are very closely connected with wordFformation $ecause they serve as the foundation,
the $asic source of the parent units motivating all types of derived and compound words"
Therefore, words li&e writer, displease, atom-free, etc" ma&e the su$=ect matter of study in
wordFformation, $ut words li&e to write, to please, atom, free are not irrelevant to it" Li&e any
other linguistic phenomenon wordFformation may $e studied from two anglesFsynchronically and
diachronically" #t is necessary to distinguish $etween these two approaches, for synchronically the
linguist investigates the existing system of the types of wordFformation while diachronically he is
concerned with the history of wordF$uilding" To illustrate the difference of approach we shall
consider affixation" Diachronically it is the chronological order of formation of one word from
some other word that is relevant" 5n the synchronic plane a derived word is regarded as having a
more complex structure than its correlated word regardless of the fact whether it was derived
from a simpler $ase or a more complex $ase" There are cases in the history of the English
language when a word structurally more complex served as the original element from which a
simpler word was derived" Those are cases of the process called $ac&Fformation 2or $ac&F
derivation1 ., cf", beggar-to beg; editor- to edit; chauffeur-to chauff and some others" The fact
that historically the ver$s to beg, to edit, etc" were derived from the corresponding agentFnouns is
of no synchronous relevance" 7hile analysing and descri$ing wordFformation synchronically it is
not enough to extract the relevant structural elements from a word, descri$e its structure in terms
of derivational $ases, derivational affixes and the type of derivative patterns, it is a$solutely
necessary to determine the position of these patterns and their constituents within the structuralF
semantic system of the language as a whole" Productivity of a derivative type therefore cannot $e
overloo&ed in this description"
Productivity of Word Formation Means. Some of the ways of forming words in presentFday
English can $e resorted to for the creation of new words whenever the occasion demandsFthese
are called productive ways of forming words, other ways of forming words cannot now produce
new words, and these are commonly termed nonFproductive or unproductive" !or instance,
affixation has $een a productive way of forming words ever since the 5ld English period: on the
other hand, soundFinterchange must have $een at one time a wordF$uilding means $ut in Modern
English, as has $een mentioned a$ove, its function is actually only to distinguish $etween
different classes and forms of words" #t follows that productivity of wordF$uilding ways,
individual derivational patterns and derivational affixes is understood as their a$ility of ma&ing
new words which all who spea& English find no difficulty in understanding, in particular their
a$ility to create what are called occasional words or nonceFwords" 8" The term suggests that a
.99
spea&er coins such words when he needs them: if on another occasion the same word is needed
again, he coins it afresh" ?onceFwords are $uilt from familiar language material after familiar
patterns" ;" ?eedless to say dictionaries do not as a rule record occasional words" The following
words may serve as illustrationH 2his1 collarless 2appearance1, a lungful 2of smo&e1, a Dickensish
2office1, to unlearn 2the rules1, etc"
The delimitation $etween productive and nonFproductive ways and means of wordFformation
as stated a$ove is not, however, accepted $y all linguists without reserve" Some linguists consider
it necessary to define the term productivity of a wordF$uilding means more accurately" They hold
the view that productive ways and means of wordFformation are only those that can $e used for
the formation of an unlimited num$er of new words in the modern language, i"e" such means that
E&now no $oundsE and easily form occasional words" This divergence of opinion is responsi$le
for the difference in the lists of derivational affixes considered productive in" various $oo&s on
English Lexicology" *ecent investigations seem to prove however that productivity of
derivational means is relative in many respects" Moreover there are no a$solutely productive
means: derivational patterns and derivational affixes possess different degrees of productivity"
Therefore it is important that conditions favouring productivity and the degree of productivity of
a particular pattern or affix should $e esta$lished" (ll derivational patterns experience $oth
structural and semantic constraints" The fewer are the constraints the higher is the degree of
productivity, the greater is the num$er of new words $uilt on it" The two general constraints
imposed on all derivational patterns areFthe part of speech in which the pattern functions and the
meaning attached to it which conveys the regular semantic correlation $etween the two classes of
words" #t follows that each part of speech is characteri-ed $y a set of productive derivational
patterns peculiar to it" Three degrees of productivity are distinguished for derivational patterns
and individual derivational affixesH .1 high .y F productive, 81 productive or semiFproductive and
;1 nonFproductive"
Productivity of derivational patterns and affixes should not $e identified with fre%uency of
occurrence in speech, although there may $e some interrelation $etween them" !re%uency of
occurrence is characteri-ed $y the fact that a great num$er of words containing a given
derivational affix are often used in speech, in particular in various texts" Productivity is
characteri-ed $y the a$ility of a given suffix to ma&e new words" #n linguistic literature there is
another interpretation of derivational productivity $ased on a %uantitative approach". (
derivational pattern or a derivational affix are %ualified as productive provided there are in the
wordFstoc& do-ens and hundreds of derived words $uilt on the pattern or with the help of the
suffix in %uestion" Thus interpreted, derivational productivity is distinguished from wordF
formation activity $y which is meant the a$ility of an affix to produce new words, in particular
occasional words or nonceFwords" To give a few illustrations" The agent suffix -er is to $e
%ualified $oth as a productive and as an active suffixH on the one hand, the English wordFstoc&
possesses hundreds of nouns containing this suffix 2e"g" driver, reaper, teacher, speaker, etc"1,
.9.
on the other hand, the suffix -er is freely used to coin an unlimited num$er of nonceFwords
denoting active agents 2e"g", interrupter, respecter, laugher, breakfaster, etc"1" The ad=ective
suffix -ful is descri$ed as a productive $ut not as an active one, for there are hundreds of
ad=ectives with this suffix 2e"g" beautiful, hopeful, useful, etc"1, $ut no new words seem to $e
$uilt with its help" !or o$vious reasons, the nounFsuffix -th in terms of this approach is to $e
regarded $oth as a nonFproductive and a nonFactive one" 2'( Course in Modern English
Lexicology)" *"S"+ins$urg, S" S" ,hide&el, +"#",nya-eva, ("("San&in" M", ./001
Affixation
Prefixal and Suffixal Derivatives. (ffixation is generally defined as the formation of words $y
adding derivational affixes to different types of $ases" Derived words formed $y affixation may
$e the result of one or several applications of wordFformation rule and thus the stems of words
ma&ing up a wordFcluster enter into derivational relations of different degrees" The -ero degree of
derivation is ascri$ed to simple words, i"e" words whose stem is homonymous with a wordFform
and often with a rootFmorpheme, e"g" atom, haste, devote, anxious, horror, etc" Derived words
whose $ases are $uilt on simple stems and thus are formed $y the application of one derivational
affix are descri$ed as having the first degree of derivation, e"g" atomic, hasty, devotion, etc"
Derived words formed $y two consecutive stages of coining possess the second degree of
derivation, etc", e"g" atomical, hastily, devotional, etc" #n conformity with the division of
derivational affixes into suffixes and prefixes affixation is su$divided into suffixation and
prefixation" Distinction is naturally made $etween prefixal and suffixal derivatives according to
the last stage of derivation, which determines the nature of the #Cs of the pattern that signals the
relationship of the derived word with its motivating source unit, cf" unjust 2ufi6n=ust1, =ustify,
2=ustnnFify1, arrangement 2arrange n -ment), non-smoker (non- n smo&er1" 7ords li&e
reappearance, unreasonable, denationalize, are often %ualified as prefixalFsuffixal derivatives"
The reader should clearly reali-e that this %ualification is relevant only in terms of the constituent
morphemes such words are made up of, i"e" from the angle of morphemic analysis" !rom the
point of view of derivational analysis such words are mostly either suffixal or prefixal
derivatives, e"g" sub-atomic sub- n 2atom n n Fic1, unreasonable un- F 2reason n Fa$le1,
denationalize de- n F 2national n Fi-e1, discouragement dd 2disF n courage1 n -ment. (
careful study of a great many suffixal and prefixal derivatives has revealed an essential difference
$etween them" #n Modern English suffixation is mostly characteristic of noun and ad=ective
formation, while prefixation is mostly typical of ver$ formation" The distinction also rests on the
role different types of meaning play in the semantic structure of the suffix and the prefix" The
partFofFspeech meaning has a much greater significance in suffixes as compared to prefixes,
which possess it in a lesser degree" Due to it a prefix may $e confined to one part of speech as,
e"g", enslave, encage, unbutton or may function in more than one part of speech as, e"g", over- in
overkind a, to overfeed v, overestimation n: unli&e prefixes, suffixes as a rule function in any
.98
one part of speech often forming a derived stem of a different part of speech as compared with
that of the $ase, e"g" careless a F cf" care n: suitable a F cf" suit v, etc" !urthermore, it is necessary
to point out that a suffix closely &nit together with a $ase forms a fusion retaining less of its
independence than a prefix which is as a general rule more independent semantically, cf"
readingF6the act of one who reads6: 6a$ility to read6: and to re-readF 6to read again"6 2'( Course in
Modern English Lexicology) *"S"+ins$urg, S" S" ,hide&el et"al" M", ./001"
Prefixation. Some Debatable Problems. Prefixation is the formation of words with the help
of prefixes" The interpretation of the terms prefix and prefixation now firmly rooted in linguistic
literature has undergone a certain evolution" !or instance, some time ago there were linguists who
treated prefixation as part of wordFcomposition 2or compounding1" The greater semantic
independence of prefixes as compared with suffixes led the linguists to identify prefixes with the
first component part of a compound word" (t present the ma=ority of scholars treat prefixation as
an integral part of wordFderivation regarding prefixes as derivational affixes which differ
essentially $oth from rootFmorphemes and nonFderivational prepositive morphemes" 5pinion
sometimes differs concerning the interpretation of the functional status of certain individual
groups of morphemes which commonly occur as first component parts of words" D" Marchand,
for instance, analyses words li&e to overdo, to underestimate as compound ver$s, the first
components of which are locative particles, not prefixes" #n a similar way he interprets words li&e
income, onlooker, outhouse %ualifying them as compounds with locative particles as first
elements" There are a$out M. prefixes in the system of Modern English wordFformation"
(ccording to the availa$le wordFcounts of prefixal derivatives the greatest num$er are ver$sF
L8,La, ad=ectives comprise ;;,Ma and noun:H ma&e up 88"La" To give some examples, prefixal
ver$sH to enrich, to coFexist, to disagree, to undergo, etc": prefixal ad=ectivesH antiFwar, $iannual,
uneasy, superFhuman, etc": prefixal nounsH exFchampion, coFauthor, disharmony, su$committee,
etc" #t is of interest to mention that the num$er of prefixal derivatives within a certain part of
speech is in inverse proportion to the actual num$er of prefixesH 88 form ver$s, L. prefixes ma&e
ad=ectives and L8F nouns" Proceeding from the three types of morphemes that the structural
classification involves 8 two types of prefixes are to $e distinguishedH .1 those not correlated with
any independent word 2either notional or functional1, e"g" un-, dis-, re-, pre-, post-, etc": and 81
those correlated with functional words 2prepositions or prepositionFli&e adver$s1, e"g" out-, over-,
up-, under-, etc" Prefixes of the second type are %ualified as semiF$ound morphemes, which
implies that they occur in speech in various utterances $oth as independent words and as
derivational affixes, e"g" 'over one6s head6, 'over the river6 2cf" to overlap, to overpass1: 6to run
out', 6to ta&e sm$ out' 2cf" to outgrow, to outline1: 6to loo& up', 6hands up' 2cf" upstairs, to upset1:
'under the same roof, 6to go under' 2cf" to underestimate, undercurrent1, etc"
#t should $e mentioned that English prefixes of the second type essentially differ from the
functional words they are correlated withH a1 li&e any other derivational affixes they have a more
generali-ed meaning in comparison with the more concrete meanings of the correlated words:
.9;
they are characteri-ed $y a unity of different denotational components of meaningFa generali-ed
component common to a set of prefixes and individual semantic component distinguishing the
given prefix within the set" $1 they are deprived of all grammatical features peculiar to the
independent words they are correlated with: c1 they tend to develop a meaning not found in the
correlated words: d1 they form regular sets of words of the same semantic type" 5f late some new
investigations into the pro$lem of prefixation in English have yielded interesting results" #t
appears that the traditional opinion, current among linguists, that prefixes modify only the lexical
meaning of words without changing the part of speech is not %uite correct with regard to the
English language" #n English there are a$out 8M prefixes, which can transfer words to a different
part of speech in comparison with their original stems" Such prefixes should perhaps $e called
convertive prefixes, e"g" to begulf 2cf" gulf n1, to debus 2cf" $us n1: to embronze 2cf" $ron-e n1,
etc" #f further investigation of English prefixation gives more proofs of the convertive a$ility of
prefixes, it will "then $e possi$le to draw the conclusion that in this respect there is no functional
difference $etween suffixes and prefixes, for suffixes in English are also $oth convertive 2cf"
hand-handless) and nonFconvertive 2cf" father-fatherhood, horseman-horsemanship, etc"1"
Some recent investigations in the field of English affixation have revealed a close
interdependence $etween the meanings of a polysemantic affix and the lexicoFsemantic group to
which $elongs the $ase it is affixed to, which results in the difference $etween structural and
structuralFsemantic derivational patterns the prefix forms" ( good illustration in point is the prefix
en-. 7hen within the the prefix is com$ined with noun $ases denoting articles of clothing, things
of luxury, etc" it forms derived ver$s expressing an action of putting or placing on, e"g" enrobe
2cf" ro$e1, enjewel 2cf" =ewel1, enlace 2cf" lace1, etc" 7hen added to noun $ases referring to
various land forms, means of transportation, containers and notions of geometry it $uilds 6derived
ver$s denoting an action of putting or placing in or into, e"g" embed 2cf" $ed1, entrap 2cf" trap1,
embark 2cf" $ar&1, entrain 2cf" train1, encircle 2cf" circle1, etc" #n com$ination with noun $ases
denoting an agent or an a$stract notion the prefix enF produces causative ver$s, e"g" enslave 2cf"
slave1, endanger 2cf" danger1, encourage 2cf" courage1, etc"
Classification of Prefixes. nli&e suffixation, which is usually more closely $ound up with
the paradigm of a certain part of speech, prefixation is considered to $e more neutral in this
respect" #t is significant that in linguistic literature derivational suffixes are always divided into
nounFforming, ad=ectiveFforming, etc" Prefixes, however, are treated differently" They are
descri$ed either in alpha$etical order or su$divided into several classes in accordance with their
origin, meaning or function and never according to the part of speech" Prefixes may $e classified
on different principles" Diachronically distinction is made $etween prefixes of native and foreign
origin" ."Synchronically prefixes may $e classifiedH .1 according to the class of words they
prefera$ly form" *ecent investigations, as has $een mentioned a$ove, allow one to classify
prefixes according to this principle" #t must $e noted that most of the M. prefixes of Modern
English function in more than one part of speech forming different structural and structuralF
.9L
semantic patterns" ( small group of M prefixes may $e referred to exclusively ver$Fforming 2enF,
be-, un-, etc"1" The ma=ority of prefixes 2in their various denotational meanings1 tend to function
either in nominal parts of speech 2L. patterns in ad=ectives, L8 in nouns1 or in ver$s 288 patterns1:
81 as to the type of lexicalFgrammatical character of the $ase they are added to intoH a1 dever$al,
e" g" rewrite, outstay, overdo, etc": $1 denominal, e"g" unbutton, detrain, ex-president, etc" and
c1 dead=ectival, e"g" uneasy, biannual, etc" #t is of interest to note that the most productive
prefixal pat tern for ad=ectives is the one made up of the prefix un- and the $ase $uilt either on
ad=ectival stems or present and past participle, e"g" unknown, unsmiling, unseen, etc":
;1 semantically prefixes fall into monoF and polysemantic: L1 as to the generic denotational
meaning there are different groups that are distinguished in linguistic literatureH a1 negative
prefixes, such asH un-, non-, in-, dis-, a-, e"g" ungrateful 2cf" grateful1, unemployment 2cf"
employment1, non-politician 2cf" politician1, non-scientific 2cf" scientific1, incorrect 2cf"
correct1, disloyal 2cf" loyal1, disadvantage 2cf" advantage1, amoral 2cf" moral1, asymmetry 2cf"
symmetry1, etc" #t may $e mentioned in passing that the prefix inF occurs in different phonetic
shapes depending on the initial sound of the $ase it is affixed to: in other words, the prefixal
morpheme in %uestion has several allomorphs, namely il- 2$efore j.k1, im- 2$efore jp,mk,1irF
2$efore jrk1, in- in all other cases, e"g" illegal, improbable, immaterial, irreligious, inactive,
etc": $1 reversative or privative prefixes, such as uria-, de-, disaF, e"g" untie (cf. tie1, unleash 2cf"
leash1, decentralize 2cf" centrali-e1, disconnect 2cf" connect1, etc": c1 per=orative prefixes, such
as mis-, mal-, pseudo-, e"g" miscalculate 2cf" calculate1, misinform (cf. inform), maltreat (cf.
treat), pseudo-classicism 2cf" classicism1, pseudo-scientific 2cf" scientific1, etc": d1 prefixes of
time and order, such as fore-, pre-, post-, ex-, e.g. foretell 2cf" tell1, foreknowledge 2cf"
&nowledge1, pre-war 2cf" war1, post-war 2cf" war1, post-classical 2cf" classical1, ex-president
2cf" president1: e1 prefix of repetition re-, e"g" rebuild 2cf" $uild1, re-write 2cf" write1, etc": f1
locative prefixes, such as super-, sub-, inter-, trans-, e.g. superstructure 2cf" structure1, subway
2cf" way1, inter-continental (cf. continental1, transatlantic 2cf" atlantic1 , etc" and some other
groups: M1 when viewed from the angle of their stylistic reference English prefixes fall into those
characteri-ed $y neutral stylistic reference and those possessing %uite a definite stylistic value" (s
no exhaustive lexicoFstylistic classification of English prefixes has yet $een suggested, a few
examples can only $e adduced here" There is no dou$t, for instance, that prefixes li&e un-, una-,
out-, over-, re-, under- and some others can $e %ualified as neutral prefixes, e"g", unnatural,
unknown, unlace, outnumber, oversee, resell, underestimate, etc" 5n the other hand, one can
hardly fail to perceive the literaryF$oo&ish character of such prefixes as pseudo-, super-,, ultra-,
uni-, bi- and some others, e"g" pseudo-classical, superstructure, ultraviolet, unilateral, bifocal,
etc" Sometimes, one comes across pairs of prefixes, one of which is neutral, the other is
stylistically coloured" 5ne example will suffice hereH the prefix over- occurs in all 6functional
styles, the prefix super- is peculiar to the style of scientific prose" 01 prefixes may $e also
classified as to the degree of productivity into highlyFproductive, productive and nonFproductive"
.9M
Peculiarities of Some Suffixes. Suffixation is the formation of words with the help of
suffixes" Suffixes usually modify the lexical meaning of the $ase and transfer words to a different
part of speech" There are suffixes however, which do not shift words from one part of speech into
another: a suffix of this &ind usually transfers a word into a different semantic group, e"g" a
concrete noun $ecomes an a$stract one, as is the case with child-childhood, friend-friendship,
etc" Chains of suffixes occurring in derived words having two and more suffixal morphemes are
sometimes referred to in lexicography as compound suffixesH -ably -able + -ly (e.g. profitably,
unreasonably); -ical-ly -ic + -al + -ly 2e"g" musically, critically); -ation -ate + -ion 2e"g"
fascination, isolation) and some others" Compound suffixes do not always present a mere
succession of two or more suffixes arising out of several consecutive stages of derivation" Some
of them ac%uire a new %uality operating as a whole unit" Let us examine from this point of view
the suffix -ation in words li&e fascination, translation, adaptation and the li&e" Adaptation
loo&s at first sight li&e a parallel to fascination, translation. The latter however are firstFdegree
derivatives $uilt with the suffix -ion on the $ases fascinate-, translate-. Cut there is no $ase
adaptate, only the shorter $ase adapt-. Li&ewise damnation, condemnation, formation,
information and many others are not matched $y shorter $ases ending in -ate, $ut only $y still
shorter ones damn-, condemn-, form-, inform-. Thus, the suffix -ation is a specific suffix of a
composite nature" #t consists of two suffixes -ate and -ion, $ut in many cases functions as a single
unit in firstFdegree derivatives" #t is referred to in linguistic literature as a coalescent suffix or a
group suffix" Adaptation is then a derivative of the first degree of derivation $uilt with the
coalescent suffix on the $ase adapt-. 5f interest is also the groupFsuffix -manship consisting of
the suffixes -man 8 and -ship. #t denotes a superior %uality, a$ility of doing something to
perfection, e"g" authormanship, quotemanship, lipmanship, etc" 2cf" statesmanship, or
chairmanship $uilt $y adding the suffix -ship to the compound $ase statesman- and chairman-
respectively1" #t also seems appropriate to ma&e several remar&s a$out the morphological
changes that sometimes accompany the process of com$ining derivational morphemes with
$ases" (lthough this pro$lem has $een so far insufficiently investigated, some o$servations have
$een made and some data collected" !or instance, the nounFforming suffix Fess for names of
female $eings $rings a$out a certain change in the phonetic shape of the correlative male noun
provided the latter ends in Fer, For, e"g" actress 2cf" actor1, sculptress 2cf" sculptor1, tigress 2cf"
tiger1, etc" #t may $e easily o$served that in such cases the sound jak is contracted in the feminine
nouns" !urther, there are suffixes due to which the primary stress is shifted to the sylla$le
immediately preceding them, e"g" courageous 2cf" courage1, stability 2cf" sta$le1, investigation
(cf. investigate1, peculiarity 2cf" peculiar1, etc" 7hen added to a $ase having the suffix -able/-ible
as its component, the suffix Fity $rings a$out a change in its phonetic shape, namely the vowel jik
is inserted $etween j$k and j#k, e"g" possible-possibility, changeable-changeability, etc" Some
suffixes attract the primary stress on to themselves, there is a secondary stress on the first sylla$le
.90
in words with such suffixes, e"g" employ'ee 2cf" em6ploy1, govern'mental 2cf" govern1,
picturesque 2cf" picture1"
Main Principles of Classification. There are different classifications of suffixes in
linguistic literature, as suffixes may $e divided into several groups according to different
principlesH .1 The first principle of classification that, one might say, suggests itself is the part of
speech formed" 7ithin the scope of the partFofFspeech classification suffixes naturally fall into
several groups such asH a1 nounFsuffixes, i"e" those forming or occurring in nouns, e"g" -er, -dom,
-ness, -ation, etc. teacher, Londoner, freedom, brightness, 1ustification, etc.); $1 ad=ectiveF
suffixes, i"e" those forming or occurring in ad=ectives, e"g" -able, -less, -ful, -ic, -ous, etc"
(agreeable, careless, doubtful, poetic, courageous, etc"1: c1 ver$Fsuffixes, i"e" those forming or
occurring in ver$s, e"g" -en, -fy, -ize (darken, satisfy, harmonize, etc"1: d1 adver$Fsuffixes, i"e"
those forming or occurring in adver$s, e"g"Fly, -ward (quickly, eastward, etc.). 81 Suffixes may
also $e classified into various groups according to the lexicoFgrammatical character of the $ase
the affix is usually added to" Proceeding from this principle one may divide suffixes intoH a1
dever$al suffixes 2those added to the ver$al $ase1, e:g" -er, -ing, -ment, -able, etc. (speaker,
reading, agreement, suitable, etc.); $1 denominal suffixes 2those added to the noun $ase1, e"g"
-less, -ish,
-ful, -ist, -some, etc. (handless, childish, mouthful, violinist, troublesome, etc.);
c1 deFad=ectival suffixes 2those affixed to the ad=ective $ase1, e"g" -en, -ly, -ish, -ness, etc"
(blacken, slowly, reddish, brightness, etc"1" ;1 ( classification of suffixes may also $e $ased on
the criterion of sense expressed $y a set of suffixesH Proceeding from this principle suffixes are
classified into various groups within the $ounds of a certain part of speech" !or instance, nounF
suffixes fall into those denotingH a1 the agent of an action, e"g" -er, -ant (baker, dancer,
defendant, etc"1: $1 appurtenance, e"g" -an, -ian, -ese, etc" (Arabian, Elizabethan, Russian,
Chinese, 1apanese, etc"1: c1 collectivity, e"g" -age, -dom, -ery (-ry), etc" (freightage,
officialdom, peasantry, etc"1 d1 diminutiveness, e"g" -ie, -let, -ling, etc" (birdie, girlie, cloudlet,
squirreling, wolfling, etc"1" L1 Stilt another classification of suffixes may $e wor&ed out if one
examines them from the angle of stylistic reference" >ust li&e prefixes, suffixes are also
characteri-ed $y E%uiTeFah definite stylistic reference falling into two $asic classesH a1 those
characteri-ed $y neutral stylistic reference such as -able, -er, -ing, etc": $1 those having a certain
stylistic value such as -oid, -i/form, -aceous, -tron, etc" Suffixes with neutral stylistic reference
may occur in words of different lexicoFstylistic layers e"g" agreeable, cf" steerable (steerable
spaceship); dancer, cf" transmitter, squealer; 1 meeting, cf" monitoring (the monitoring of
digestive processes in the body), etc" (s for suffixes of the second class they are restricted in use
to %uite definite lexicoFstylistic layers of words, in particular to terms, e"g" rhomboid, asteroid,
cruciform, cyclotron, synchrophasotron, etc" M1 Suffixes are also classified as to the degree of
their productivity"
.93
Polysemy and Homonymy of Affixes. (s is &nown, language is never sta$leH sounds,
constructions, grammatical elements, wordFforms and wordFmeanings are all exposed to
alteration" Derivational affixes are no exception in this respect, they also undergo semantic
change" Conse%uently many commonly used derivational affixes are polysemantic in Modern
English" The following two may well serve as illustrations" The nounFsuffix -er is used to coin
words denoting .1 persons following some special trade or profession, e"g" baker, driver,
hunter, etc": 81 persons doing a certain action at the moment in %uestion, e"g" packer, chooser,
giver, etc": ;1 a device, tool, implement, e"g" blotter, atomizer, boiler, eraser, transmitter,
trailer, etc" The ad=ectiveFsuffix my also has several meanings, such as .1 composed of, full of,
e"g" bony, stony; 81 characteri-ed $y, e"g" rainy, cloudy; ;1 having the character of, resem$ling
what the $ase denotes, e"g" inky, bushy. The various changes that the English language has
undergone in the course of time have led to chance coincidence in form of two or more
derivational affixes" (s a conse%uence, and this is characteristic of Modern English, many
homonymic derivational affixes can $e found among those forming $oth different parts of speech
and different semantic groupings within the same part of speech" !or instance, the adver$Fsuffix
-ly added to ad=ectival $ases is homonymous to the ad=ectiveFsuffix -ly affixed to nounF$ases, cf"
quickly, slowly and lovely, friendly; the ver$Fsuffix -en attached to nounF and ad=ectival $ases is
homonymous to the ad=ectiveFsuffix -en tac&ed on to nounF$ases, cf" to strengthen, to soften and
wooden, golden; the ver$Fprefix -uni added to nounF and ver$F$ases is homonymous to the
ad=ectiveFprefix -tin 2 affixed to ad=ectival bases, cf" to unbind, to unshoe and unfair, untrue,
etc" 5n the other hand, there are tfvo homonymous ad=ectiveFsuffixesE -ish, and -ish 2 occurring
in words li&e bluish, greenish, and girlish, boyish. #n some $oo&s on English Lexicology the
suffix -ish in these two groups of words is regarded as one suffix having two different meanings"
#f we pro$e deeper into the matter, however, we shall inevita$ly arrive at the conclusion that we
are dealing with two different homonymous suffixesH one in bluish, the other in girlish. The
reasons are as followsH the suffix -ishi in bluish, reddish, etc" only modifies the lexical meaning
of the ad=ectiveF$ase it is affixed to without changing the part of speech" The suffix -ish 2 in
bookish, girlish, womanish, etc" is added to a nounF$ase to form an ad=ective" Cesides, the
suffixes -ish 1 and -ish 2 differ considera$ly in the denotational meaning so that no semantic
connection may $e traced $etween themH the suffix -ish 1 means6 6somewhat li&e6 corresponding
to the *ussian suffix -ona1- in such ad=ectives as [OVpOPS\Qr, ]USYNOPS\Qr, etc":" the suffix
-ish2 means 6of the nature of, resem$ling6, often derogatory in force, e" g" childish F URpXqRY]Wr,
NRYRUtRuNQr 2cf" childlike F ^R\Y]Wr, TUOY\Or, NRPWNNQr: hoggish "F YPWNY]Wr, zS^NQr, etc"1
Synonymy. #n the course of its long history the language has adopted a great many words
from foreign languages all over the world" 5ne of the conse%uences of extensive $orrowing was
the appearance of numerous derivational affixes in the English language" nder certain
circumstances some of them came to overlap semantically to a certain extent $oth with one
another and with the native affixes" !or instance, the suffix -er of native origin denoting the agent
.94
is synonymous to the suffix -ist of +ree& origin which came into the English language through
Latin in the .0th century" Coth suffixes occur in nouns denoting the agent, e"g" teacher, driller;
journalist, botanist, economist, etc" Ceing synonymous these suffixes naturally differ from each
other in some respects" nli&e the suffix -er, the suffix -ist isH .1 mostly com$ined with nounF
$ases, e"g" violinist, receptionist, etc":
81 as a rule, added to $ases of nonF+ermanic origin and very seldom to $ases of +ermanic origin,
e"g" walkist, rightist; ;1 used to form nouns denoting those who adhere to a doctrine or system, a
political party, an ideology or the li&e, e"g" socialist, capitalist, chartist, Darwinist, etc" 7ords
in Fist denoting 6the upholder of a principle6 are usually matched $y an a$stract noun in -ism
denoting 6the respective theory6 2e"g" Socialism, etc"1" Sometimes synonymous suffixes differ in
emotive charge" !or instance, the suffix Feer also denoting the agent is characteri-ed, in particular,
$y its derogative force, e"g" sonneteerFY\WwOTVR\, profiteerF cnexynnn1, etc"
There is also a considera$le num$er of synonymous prefixes in the English language" *ecent
research has revealed certain rules concerning correlation $etween words with synonymous
prefixes of native and foreign origin" #t appears, for instance, that in prefixalFsuffixal derivatives
the general tendency is to use a prefix of *omanic origin if the suffix is also of *omanic origin
and a native prefix in the case of a native suffix, cf" unrecognized-irrecognizable; unlimited-
illimitable; unformed-informal; undecidedFindecisive, etc" Though ade%uately reflecting the
general tendency o$served in similar cases this rule has many exceptions" The $asic exception is
the suffix -able which may often occur together with the native prefix un", e"g" unbearable,
unfavourable, unreasonable, etc"
Productivity. Distinction is usually made $etween dead and living affixes" Dead affixes are
descri$ed as those, which are no longer felt in Modern English as component parts of words: they
have so fused with the $ase of the word as to lose their independence completely" #t is only $y
special etymological analysis that they may $e singled out, e"g" Fd in dead, seed, -le, F., -el in
bundle, sail, hovel; -ock in hillock; -lock in wedlock; Ft in flight, gift, height. #t is %uite clear
that dead suffixes are irrelevant to presentFday English wordFformation, they $elong in its
diachronic study" Living affixes may $e easily singled out from a word, e"g" the nounFforming
suffixes -ness, -dom, -hood, -age, -ance, as in darkness, freedom, childhood, marriage,
assistance, etc" or the ad=ectiveFforming suffixes -en, -ous, -ive, -ful, -y as in wooden,
poisonous, active, hopeful, stony, etc.
Dowever, not all living derivational affixes of Modern English possess the a$ility to coin new
words" Some of them may $e employed to coin new words on theFspur of the moment, others
cannot, so that they are different from the point of view of their productivity" (ccordingly they
fall into two $asic classesFproductive and nonFproductive wordF$uilding affixes" #t has $een
pointed out that linguists disagree as to what is meant $y the productivity of derivational affixes"
!ollowing the first approach all living affixes should $e considered productive in varying degrees
from highlyFproductive 2e"g" Fer, -ish, -less, re-, etc"1 to nonFproductive 2e"g" -ard, Fcy, Five, etc"1"
.9/
Conse%uently it $ecomes important to descri$e the constraints imposed on and the factors
favouring the productivity of affixational patterns and individual affixes" The degree of
productivity of affixational patterns very much depends on the structural, lexicoFgrammatical and
semantic nature of $ases and the meaning of the affix" !or instance, the analysis of the $ases from
which the suffix -ize can derive ver$s reveals that it is most productive with nounFstems,
ad=ectiveFstems also favour its productivity, whereas ver$Fstems and adver$Fstems do not, e"g"
criticize 2cf" critic), organize 2cf" organ), itemize 2cf" item), mobilize 2cf" mobile), localize 2cf"
local), etc" Comparison of the semantic structure of a ver$ in -ize with that of the $ase it is $uilt
on shows that the num$er of meanings of the stem usually exceeds that of the ver$ and that its
$asic meaning favours the productivity of the suffix -ize to a greater degree than its marginal
meanings, cf" to characterize-character, to moralize-moral, to dramatize-drama, etc" The
treatment of certain affixes as nonFproductive naturally also depends on the concept of
productivity" The current definition of nonFproductive derivational affixes as those, which cannot
$e used in Modern English for the coining of new words is rather vague and may $e interpreted in
different ways" !ollowing the definition the term nonFproductive refers only to the affixes
unli&ely to $e used for the formation of new words, e"g" -ous, -th, fore- and some others 2cf"
famous, depth, to foresee). #f one accepts the other concept of productivity mentioned a$ove,
then nonFproductive affixes must $e defined as those that cannot $e used for the formation of
occasional words and, conse%uently, such affixes as -dom, -ship, -ful, -en, -ify, -ate and many
others are to $e regarded as nonFproductive" The degree of productivity of a suffix or, to $e more
exact, of a derivational affix in general may $e esta$lished on a statistical $asis as the ratio of the
num$er of newlyFformed words with the given suffix to the num$er of words with the same
suffix already operating in the language" To give an illustration, we shall ta&e the suffix Fi-e" The
dictionaries of new words compiled $y P" Cerg 2./M;1 and M" *eifer 2./M41 as well as the
(ddenda section of 7e$ster6s ?ew #nternational Dictionary 2./M41 contain L9 new ver$s $uilt up
with the help of the suffix Fi-e" 5n the other hand, The Thorndi&e Century >unior Dictionary
2./L.1 has .83 ver$s derived $y means of the same suffix" Conse%uently, the productivity
measure of the suffix Fi-e is L9H .83dd9";.M" ( similar examination of the ver$Fsuffixes Fate, Fen,
Fify yields the following results characteri-ing the productivity measure of each of the ver$sH the
suffix FateF9"9;L, the suffix FenF9"9.4 and the suffix FifyF9"9.3" Thus, these figures lead ene to the
conclusion that the suffix Fi-e is the most productive of the four under investigation and that the
suffix Fate is more productive than -en and -ify.
The theory of relative productivity of derivational affixes is also corro$orated $y some other
o$servations made on English wordFformation" !or instance, different productive affixes are
found in different periods of the history of the language" #t is extremely significant, for example,
that out of the seven ver$Fforming suffixes of the 5ld English period only one has survived up to
the present time with a very low degree of productivity, namely the suffix -en 2cf" to soften, to
darken, to whiten).
..9
( derivational affix may $ecome productive in =ust one meaning $ecause that meaning is
specially needed $y the community at a particular phase in its history" This may $e well
illustrated $y the prefix deFin the sense of 6undo what has $een done, reverse an action or process6,
e"g", deacidify 2paint spray1, decasuali-e 2doc& la$our1, decentrali-e 2government or
management1, deration 2eggs and $utter1, deFreserve 2medical students1, desegregate 2coloured
children1, and so on"
!urthermore, there are cases when a derivational affix $eing nonproductive in the nonF
speciali-ed section of the voca$ulary is used to coin scientific or technical terms" This is the case,
for instance, with the suffix -ance, which has $een used to form some terms in Electrical
Engineering, e"g" capacitance, impedance, reactance. The same is true of the suffix -ity which
has $een used to form terms in physics and chemistry such as alkalinity, luminosity, emissivity
and some others"
Origin of Derivational Affixes. 7hile examining the stoc& of deriviational affixes in
Modern English from the point of view of their origin distinction should first of all $e made
$etween native and foreign affixes, e"g" the suffixes -ness, -ish, -dom and the prefixes be-, mis-,
un- are of native origin, whereas such suffixes as -ation, -ment, -able and prefixes li&e dis-, ex-,
re- are of foreign origin" Many of the suffixes and prefixes of native origin were originally
independent words" #n the course of time they have gradually lost their independence and turned
into derivational affixes" !or instance, such nounFsuffixes as -dom, -hood, -ship may $e traced
$ac& to wordsH -dom represents the 5ld English noun dom which meant 6=udgement6: 6sentence6"
The suffix -hood goes $ac& to the 5E, noun had, which meant 6state6, 6condition6: the ad=ective
suffix -ly 2e"g" manly, friendly) is also traced $ac& to the 5E" noun lie F6$ody6, 6shape6" Some
suffixes are &nown to have originated as a result of secretion" (n instance of the case is the suffix
-ling occurring in words li&e duckling, yearling, hireling, etc" The suffix is simply the extended
form of the 5ld English suffix -ing and has sprung from words in which Fing was tac&ed on to a
stem ending in j.k as lytling. Many suffixes, however, have always $een &nown as derivational
affixes within the history of the English language, for instance -ish, -less-, -ness, etc. The same
is true of prefixesH some have developed out of independent words, e"g" out-, under-, over-,
others have always functioned as derivational affixes, e"g" mis-, un-. #n the course of its historical
development the English language has adopted a great many suffixes and prefixes from foreign
languages" This process does not consist in $orrowing derivational affixes as such" #t is words that
the language $orrows from a foreign language and the $orrowed words $ring with them their
derivatives formed after wordF$uilding patterns of this language" 7hen such pairs of words as
derive and derivation, esteem and estimation, laud and laudation found their way into the
English voca$ulary, it was natural that the suffix -ation should $e recogni-ed $y English spea&ers
as an allowa$le means of forming nouns of action put of ver$s" #n this way a great many suffixes
and prefixes of foreign origin have $ecome an integral part of the system of wordFformation in
English" (mong $orrowed derivational affixes we find $oth suffixes, e"g" -able, -ibie, -al, -age,
...
-ance, -ist, -ism, -ess, etc", and prefixes, e"g" dis-, enem]-, inter-, re-, non- and many others" #t
is to $e mar&ed that %uite a num$er of $orrowed derivational affixes are of international currency"
!or instance, the suffix Fist of +ree& origin is used in many European languages to form a noun
denoting 6one who adheres to a given doctrine or system, a political party, an ideology6 or 6one,
who ma&es a practice of a given action6 2cf" socialist, capitalist, Marxist; artist, scenarist,
realist and their *ussian e%uivalents1" 5f international currency is also the suffix -ism of +ree&
origin used to form a$stract nouns denoting 6philosophical doctrines, political and scientific
theories,6 etc" 2e"g" materialism, realism, Darwinism). Such prefixes as anti-, pre-, extra-,
ultra- are also used to coin new words in many languages, especially in political and scientific
terminology 2e"g" anti-fascist, pro-German, extra-territorial, transatlantic, ultra-violet). The
adoption of countless foreign words exercised a great influence upon the system of English wordF
formation, one of the result $eing the appearance of many hy$rid words in the English
voca$ulary" The term hybrid words is, needless to say, of diachronic relevance only" Dere
distinction should $e made $etween two $asic groupsH
.1 Cases when a foreign stem is com$ined with a native affix, asFin colourless, uncertain.
(fter complete adoption the foreign stem is su$=ect to the same treatment as native stems and
new words are derived from it at a very early stage" !or instance, such suffixes as -ful, -less,
-ness were used with !rench words as early as .;99: 81 Cases when native stems are com$ined
with foreign affixes, such as drinkable, joyous, shepherdess. Dere the assimilation of a
structural pattern is involved, therefore some time must pass $efore a foreign affix comes to $e
recogni-ed $y spea&ers as a derivational morpheme that can $e tac&ed on to native words"
Therefore such formations are found much later than those of the first type and are less numerous"
The early assimilation of -able is an exception" Some foreign affixes, as -ance, -al, -ity, have
never $ecome productive with native stems" *einterpretation of $orrowed words gave rise to
affixes which may not have $een regarded as such in the source language" !or instance, -scape
occurring in such words as seascape, cloudscape, mountainscape, moonscape, etc" resulted
from landscape of Dutch origin" The suffix -ade developed from lemonade of !rench origin,
giving rise to fruitade, orangeade, gingerade, pineappleade, etc": the noun electron of +ree&
origin contri$uted the suffix -tron very widely used in coining scientific and technical terms, e"g"
cyclotron, magnetron, synchrophasotron, thyratron, etc"
Conversion.
Conversion, one of the principal ways of forming words in Modern English is highly
productive in replenishing the English wordFstoc& with new words" The term conversion, which
some linguists find inade%uate, refers to the numerous cases of phonetic identity of wordFforms,
primarily the soFcalled initial forms, of two words $elonging to different parts of speech" This
may $e illustrated $y the following casesH work-to work; love-to love; paper-to paper; brief-to
brief, etc" (s a rule we deal with simple words, although there are a few exceptions, e"g"
wireless-to wireless.
..8
#t is fairly o$vious that in the case of a noun and a ver$ not only are the soFcalled initial forms
2i"e" the infinitive and the common case singular1 phonetically identical, $ut all the other noun
forms have their homonyms within the ver$ paradigm, cf" (the) dog's jdog-k (head) - (many)
dogs dogz] (he) dogs jdog-k, etc" #t will $e recalled that, although inflectional categories have
$een greatly reduced in English in the last eight or nine centuries, there is a certain difference on
the morphological level $etween various parts of speech, primarily $etween nouns and ver$s" !or
instance, there is a clearFcut difference in Modern English $etween the noun doctor and the ver$
to doctor F each exists in the language as a unity of its wordFforms and variants, not as one form
doctor. #t is true that some of the forms are identical in sound, i"e" homonymous, $ut there is a
great distinction $etween them, as they are $oth grammatically and semantically different" #f we
regard such wordFpairs as doctor-to doctor; water-to water; brief-to brief from the angle of
their morphemic structure, we see that they are all rootFwords" 5n the derivational level,
however, one of them should $e referred to derived words, as it $elongs to a different part of
speech and is understood through semantic and structural relations with the other, i"e" is
motivated $y it" Conse%uently, the %uestion arisesH what serves as a wordF$uilding means in these
casesK #t would appear that the noun is formed from the ver$ 2or vice versa1 without any
morphological change, $ut if we pro$e deeper into the matter, we inevita$ly come to the
conclusion that the two words differ in the paradigm" Thus it is the paradigm that is used as a
wordF$uilding means" Dence, we may define conversion as the formation of a new word through
changes in its paradigm" #t is necessary to call attention to the fact that the paradigm plays a
significant role in the process of wordFformation in general and not only in the case of
conversion" Thus, the noun cooker (in gas-cooker) is formed from the word to cook not only $y
the addition of the suffix -er, $ut also $y the change in its paradigm" Dowever, in this case, the
role played $y the paradigm as a wordF$uilding means is less o$vious, as the wordF$uilding
suffix -er comes to the fore" Therefore, conversion is characteri-ed not simply $y the use of the
paradigm as a wordF$uilding means, $ut $y the formation of a new word so.e.y $y means of
changing its paradigm" Dence, the change of paradigm is the only wordF$uilding means of
conversion" (s a paradigm is a morphological category conversion can $e descri$ed as a
morphological way of forming words" The following indisputa$le cases of conversion have $een
discussed in linguistic literatureH .1 formation of ver$s from nouns and more rarely from other
parts of speech, and 81 formation of nouns from ver$s and rarely from other parts of speech"
5pinion differs on the possi$ility of creating ad=ectives from nouns through conversion" #n the
soFcalled Estone wallE complexes the first mem$ers are regarded $y some linguists as ad=ectives
formed from the corresponding nounFstems $y conversion, or as nouns in an attri$utive function
$y others, or as su$stantival stems $y still others so that the whole com$ination is treated as a
compound word" #n our treatment of conversion on the pages that follow we shall $e mainly
concerned with the indisputa$le cases, i"e" dever$al su$stantives and denominal ver$s"
Conversion has $een the su$=ect of a great many linguistic discussions since .4/. when D" Sweet
..;
first used the term in his ?ew English +rammar" @arious opinions have $een expressed on the
nature and character of conversion in the English language and different conceptions of
conversion have $een put forward" The treatment of conversion as a morphological way of
forming words accepted in the present $oo& was suggested $y the late Prof" (" #" Smirnits&y in
his wor&s on the English language" 5ther linguists sharing, on the whole, the conception of
conversion as a morphological way of forming words disagree, however, as to what serves here
as a wordF$uilding means" Some of them define conversion as a nonFaffixal way of forming
words pointing out that the characteristic feature is that a certain stem is used for the formation of
a different word of a different part of speech without a derivational affix $eing added" 5thers hold
the view that conversion is the formation of new words with the help of a -eroFmorpheme"
The treatment of conversion as a nonFaffixal wordFformation process calls forth some
criticism, it can hardly $e accepted as ade%uate, for it fails to $ring out the specific means ma&ing
it possi$le to form, for instance, a ver$ from a noun without adding a derivational affix to the
$ase" Cesides, the term a nonFaffixal wordFformation process does not help to distinguish $etween
cases of conversion and those of sound interchange, e"g" to sing-song; to feed-food; full-to fill,
etc" which lie outside the scope of wordFformation in Modern English" The conception of
conversion as derivation with a -eroFmorpheme, however, merits attention" The propounders of
this interpretation of conversion rightly refer to some points of analogy $etween affixation and
conversion" (mong them is similarity of semantic relations $etween a derived word and its
underlying $ase, on the one hand, and $etween words within a conversion pair, e"g" ." actionFdoer
of the actionH to wal&Fa wal&er 2affixation1 to trampFa tramp 2conversion1: 8" actionFresult of the
actionH to agreeFagreement 2affixation1, to findFa find 2conversion1, etc" They also argue that as
the derivational complexity of a derived word involves a more complex semantic structure as
compared with that of the $ase, it is $ut logical to assume that the semantic complexity of a
converted word should manifest itself in its derivational structure, even though in the form of a
-ero derivational affix" There are also some other arguments in favour of this interpretation of
conversion, which for lac& of space cannot $e considered here"
#f one accepts this conception of conversion, then one will have to distinguish $etween two
types of derivation in Modern EnglishH one effected $y employing suffixes and prefixes, the other
$y using a -ero derivational affix" There is also a point of view "on conversion as a
morphologicalFsyntactic wordF$uilding means,. for it involves, as the linguists sharing this
conception maintain, $oth a change of the paradigm and a change of the syntactic function of the
word, e"g" 1 need some good paper for my rooms and He is papering his room. It may be
argued, however, that as the creation of a word through conversion necessarily involves the
formation of a new wordFstem, a purely morphological unit, the syntactic factor is irrelevant to
the processes of wordFformation proper, including conversion" Cesides, there is also a purely
syntactic approach commonly &nown as a functional approach to conversion" Certain linguists
and lexicographers especially those in +reat Critain and the S( are inclined to regard
..L
conversion in Modern English as a &ind of functional change" They define conversion as a shift
from one part of speech to another contending that in Modern English a word may function as
two different parts of speech at the same time" #f we accept this point of view, we should logically
arrive at the conclusion that in Modern English we no longer distinguish $etween parts of speech,
i"e" $etween noun and ver$, noun and ad=ective, etc", for one and the same word cannot
simultaneously $elong to different parts of speech" #t is common &nowledge, however, that the
English wordFstoc& is su$divided into $ig word classes each having its own semantic and formal
features" The distinct difference $etween nouns and ver$s, for instance, as in the case of doctor-
to doctor discussed a$ove, consists in the num$er and character of the categories reflected in
their paradigms" Thus, the functional approach to conversion cannot $e =ustified and should $e
re=ected as inade%uate"
Synchronic Approach" Conversion pairs are distinguished $y the structural identity of
the root and phonetic identity of the stem of each of the two words" Synchronically we deal with
pairs of words related through conversion that coexist in contemporary English" The two words,
e"g" to break and a break, $eing phonetically identical, the %uestion arises whether they have the
same or identical stems, as some linguists are inclined to $elieve" #t will $e recalled that the stem
carries %uite a definite partFofFspeech meaning: for instance, within the wordFcluster to dress-
dress-dresser-dressing-dressy, the stem dresserFcarries not only the lexical meaning of the rootF
morpheme dress-, $ut also the meaning of su$stantivity, the stem dressy- the meaning of %uality,
etc" These two ingredientsFthe lexical meaning of the rootFmorpheme and the partFofFspeech
meaning of the stemFform part of the meaning of the whole word" #t is the stem that re%uires a
definite paradigm: for instance, the word dresser is a noun primarily F$ecause it has a nounFstem
and not only $ecause of the noun paradigm: li&ewise, the word materialize is a ver$, $ecause
first and foremost it has a ver$al stem possessing the lexicoFgrammatical meaning of process or
action and re%uiring a ver$ paradigm" 7hat is true of words whose root and stem do not coincide
is also true of words with roots and stems that coincideH for instance, the word atom is a noun
$ecause of the su$stantival character of the stem re%uiring the noun paradigm" The word sell is a
ver$ $ecause of the ver$al character of its stem re%uiring the ver$ paradigm, etc" #t logically
follows that the stems of two words ma&ing up a conversion pair cannot $e regarded as $eing the
same or identicalH the stem handF of the noun hand, for instance, carries a su$stantival meaning
together with the system of its meanings, such asH .1 the end of the arm $eyond the wrist: 81
pointer on a watch or cloc&: ;1 wor&er in a factory: L1 source of information, etc": the stem hand-
of the ver$ hand has a different partFofFspeech meaning, namely that of the ver$, and a different
system of meaningsH .1 give or help with the hand, 81 pass, etc" Thus, the stems of wordFpairs
related through conversion have different partFofFspeech and denotational meanings" Ceing
phonetically identical they can $e regarded as homonymous stems" ( careful examination of the
relationship $etween the lexical meaning of the rootFmorpheme and the partFofFspeech meaning
of the stem within a conversion pair reveals that in one of the two words the former does not
..M
correspond to the latter" !or instance, the lexical meaning of the rootFmorpheme of the noun hand
corresponds to the partFofFspeech meaning of its stemH they are $oth of a su$stantival character:
the lexical meaning of the rootFmorpheme of the ver$ hand, however, does not correspond to the
partFofFspeech meaning of the stemH the rootFmorpheme denotes an o$=ect, whereas the partFofF
speech meaning of the stem is that of a process" The same is true of the noun fall whose stem is
of a su$stantival character 2which is proved $y the noun paradigm fall-falls-fall's - falls', whereas
the rootFmorpheme denotes a certain process" #t will $e recalled that the same &ind6 of nonF
correspondence is typical of the derived word in general" To give $ut two examples, the partFofF
speech meaning of the stem blackness F is that of su$stantivity, whereas the rootFmorpheme
$lac&Fdenotes a %uality: the partFofFspeech meaning of the stem eata$leF 2that of %ualitativeness1
does not correspond to the6 lexical meaning of the rootFmorpheme denoting a process" #t should
also $e pointed out here that in simple words the lexical meaning of the root corresponds to the
partFofFspeech meaning of the stem, cf" the two types of meaning of simple words li&e black a,
eat v, chair n, etc" Thus, $y analogy with the derivational character of the stem of a derived word
it is natural to regard the stem of one of the two words ma&ing up a conversion pair as $eing of a
derivational character as well" The essential difference $etween affixation and conversion is that
affixation is characteri-ed $y $oth semantic and structural derivation 2e"g" friend-friendless,
dark- darkness, etc"1, whereas conversion displays only semantic derivation, i"e" hand-to hand,
fall-to fall, taxi-to taxi, etc": the difference $etween the two classes of words in affixation is
mar&ed $oth $y a special derivational affix, and a paradigm, whereas in conversion it is mar&ed
only $y paradigmatic forms"
Typical Semantic Relations. (s one of the two words within a conversion pair is
semantically derived from the other it is of great theoretical and practical importance to determine
the semantic relations $etween words related through conversion" Summing up the findings of the
linguists who have done research in this field we can enumerate the following typical6 semantic
relations"
Verbs converted from nouns (denominal verbs). This is the largest group of words related
through conversion" The semantic relations $etween the nouns and ver$s vary greatly" #f the noun
refers to some o$=ect of reality 2$oth animate and inanimate1 the converted ver$ may denoteH .1
action characteristic of the o$=ect, e"g" ape n-ape vF6imitate in a foolish way6: butcher n-butcher
vF6&ill animals for food, cut up a &illed animal6: 81 instrumental use of the o$=ect, e"g" screw n-
screw vF6fasten with a screw6: whip n-whip vF6stri&e with a whip6: ;1 ac%uisition or addition of
the o$=ect, e"g" fish n-fish vF6catch or try to catch fish6: coat nF6coveringFof paint6Fcoat v-6put a
coat of paint on6: L1 deprivation of the o$=ect, e"g" dust nFdust vF6remove dust from something6:
s&in nFs&in vF 6strip off the s&in from6: etc"
II. Nouns converted from verbs (deverbal substantives). The ver$ generally referring to an
action, the converted noun may denoteH .1 instance of the action, e"g" jump v-jump nF 6sudden
spring from the ground6: move o-move nF6a change of position6: 81 agent of the action, e"g" help v-
..0
help nF6a person who helps6: it is of interest to mention that the dever$al personal nouns denoting
the doer are mostly derogatory, e"g" bore u-bore nF6a person that $ores6: cheat v- cheat nF6a
person who cheats6: ;1 place of the action, e"g" drive u-drive n-6a path or road along which one
drives6: walk v -walk n F 6a place for wal&ing6: L1 o$=ect or result of the action, e"g" peel v-peel
nF6the outer s&in of fruit or potatoes ta&en off: find v-find nF6something found, esp" something
valua$le or pleasant6: etc" !or convenience the typical semantic relations as $riefly descri$ed
a$ove may $e graphically represented in the form of a diagram" #n conclusion it is necessary to
point out that in the case of polysemantic words one and the same mem$er of a conversion pair, a
ver$ or a Fnoun, $elongs to several of the a$oveFmentioned groups ma&ing different derivational
$ases" !or instance, the ver$ dust $elongs to +roup L of Denominal ver$s 2deprivation of the
o$=ect1 when it means 6remove dust from something6, and to +roup ; 2ac%uisition or addition of
the o$=ect1 when it means 6cover with powder6: the noun slide is referred to +roup ; of Dever$al
su$stantives 2place of the action1 when denoting 6a stretch of smooth ice or hard snow, on which
people slide6 and to +roup 8 2agent of the action1 when it refers to a part of an instrument or
machine that slides, etc"
Denominal Verbs action characteristic of the o$=ect a nurse - to nurse instrumental use of
the o$=ect g a: sawFto saw ac%uisition or addition of the o$=ect a nutFto nut deprivation of the
o$=ect bone - to bone.
Deverbal Substantives instance of the action to step-a step agent of the action to tramp-a
tramp place of the action to purchase- a purchase o$=ect or result of the action"
Basic Criteria of Semantic Derivation. #t follows from the foregoing discussion that within
conversion pairs one of the two words has a more complex semantic structure, hence the pro$lem
of the criteria of semantic derivationH which of the two words within a conversion pair is the
derived mem$erK The first criterion ma&es use of the nonFcorrespondence $etween the lexical
meaning of the rootFmorpheme and the partFofFspeech meaning of the stem in one of the two
words ma&ing up a conversion pair" #n cases li&e pen n-pen v, father n-father v, etc" the noun is
the name for a $eing or a concrete thing" Therefore, the lexical meaning of the rootFmorpheme
corresponds to the partFofFspeech meaning of the stem" This type of nouns is regarded as having a
simple semantic structure"
The ver$s pen, father denote a process, therefore the partFofFspeech meaning of their stems does
not correspond to the lexical meaning of the roots, which is of a su$stantival character" This
distinction accounts for the complex character of the semantic structure of ver$s of this type" #t is
natural to regard the semantically simple as the source of the semantically complex, hence we are
=ustified in assuming that the ver$s pen, father are derived from the corresponding nouns" This
criterion is not universal $eing rather restricted in its application" #t is relia$le only when there is
no dou$t that the rootFmorpheme is of a su$stantival character or that it denotes a process, i"e" in
cases li&e to father, to pen, a fall, a drive, etc" Cut there are a great many conversion pairs in
which it is extremely difficult to exactly determine the semantic character of the rootFmorpheme,
..3
e"g" answer v- answer n: match o-match n, etc" The nonFcorrespondence criterion is
inapplica$le to such cases" The second criterion involves a comparison of a conversion pair with
analogous wordFpairs ma&ing use of the synonymic sets, of which the words in %uestion are
mem$ers" !or instance, in comparing conversion pairs li&e chat o-chat n: show u-show n: work
v-work n, etc" with analogous synonymic wordFpairs li&e converse-conversation; exhibit-
exhibition; occupy-occupation; employ-employment, etc" we are led to conclude that the nouns
chat, show, work, etc" are the derived mem$ers" 7e are =ustified in arriving at this conclusion
$ecause the semantic relations in the case of chat u-chat n: show v-show n: work v- work n are
similar to those $etween converse-conversation; exhibit-exhibition; employ-employment.
Li&e the nonFcorrespondence criterion the synonymity criterion is considera$ly restricted in its
application" This is a relatively relia$le criterion only for a$stract words whose synonyms possess
a complex morphological structure ma&ing it possi$le to draw a definite conclusion a$out the
direction of semantic derivation" Cesides, this criterion may $e applied only to dever$al
su$stantives and not to denominal ver$s" 5f more universal character is the criterion $ased on
derivational relations within the wordFcluster of which the converted words in %uestion are
mem$ers" #t will $e recalled that the stems of words ma&ing up a wordFcluster enter into
derivational relations of different degrees". #f the centre of the cluster is a ver$, all derived words
of the first degree of derivation have suffixes generally added to a ver$F$ase" The centre of a
cluster $eing a noun, all the firstFdegree derivatives have suffixes generally added to a nounF$ase"
Proceeding from this regularity it is logical to conclude that if the firstFdegree derivatives have
suffixes added to a nounF$ase, the centre of the cluster is a noun, and if they have suffixes added
to a ver$F$ase, it is a ver$" #t is this regularity that the criterion of semantic derivation under
discussion is $ased on" #n the wordFcluster hand n-hand v-handful-handy-handed the derived
words have suffixes added to the nounF$ase, which ma&es it possi$le to conclude that the
structural and semantic centre of the whole cluster is the noun hand. Conse%uently, we can
assume that the ver$ hand is semantically derived from the noun hand. Li&ewise, considering the
derivatives within the wordFcluster float n-float v- floatable-floater-floatation-floating we see
that the centre is the ver$ to float and conclude that the noun float is the derived mem$er in the
conversion pair float n-float u" The derivational criterion is less restricted in its application than
the other two descri$ed a$ove" Dowever, as this criterion necessarily involves consideration of a
whole set of derivatives it can hardly $e applied to wordFclusters which have few derived words"
5f very wide application is the criterion of semantic derivation $ased on semantic relations
within conversion pairs" #t is natural to conclude that the existence within a conversion pair of a
type of relations typical of, e"g", denominal ver$s proves that the ver$ is the derived mem$er"
Li&ewise, a type of relations typical of dever$al su$stantives mar&s the noun as the derived
mem$er" !or instance, the semantic relations $etween crowd n-crowd are perceived as those of
an o$=ect and an action characteristic of the o$=ect, which leads one to the conclusion that the
ver$ crowd is the derived mem$er: li&ewise, in the pair take v-take n the noun is the derived
..4
mem$er, $ecause the relations $etween the two words are those of an action and a result or an
o$=ect of the actionFtype n relations of dever$al su$stantives, etc" This semantic criterion of inner
derivation is one of the most important ones for determining the derived mem$ers within a
conversion pair, for its application has almost no limitations" To sum up, out of the four criteria
considered a$ove the most important are the derivational and the semantic criteria, for there are
almost no limitations to their application" 7hen applying the other two criteria, their limitations
should $e &ept in mind" (s a rule, the word under analysis should meet the re%uirements of the
two $asic criteria" #n dou$tful cases one of the remaining criteria should $e resorted to" #t may $e
of interest to point out that in case a word meets the re%uirements of the nonFcorrespondence
criterion no additional chec&ing 6is necessary" 5f late a new criterion of semantic derivation for
conversion pairs has $een suggested" #t is $ased on the fre%uency of occurrence in various
utterances of either of the two mem$erFwords related through conversion" (ccording to this
fre%uency criterion a lower fre%uency value testifies to the derived character of the word in
%uestion" The information a$out the fre%uency value of words although on a limited scale can $e
found in the availa$le dictionaries of wordFfre%uency with semantic counts" To give an
illustration, according to M" 7est6s ( +eneral Service List of English 7ords, the fre%uency value
of four ver$Fnoun conversion pairs in correlative meanings ta&en at random is estimated as
followsH to answer 2@d 0;a1Fanswer 2?d;Ma1, to help 2@dd0.a1Fhelp 2?dfa1, to sample 2@d
.9a1F sample 2?d/9a1, to =o&e 2@d4co1F=o&e 2?dd48a1" Cy the fre%uency criterion of
semantic derivation in the first two pairs the nouns (answer and help) are derived words
2dever$al su$stantives1, 6in the other two pairs the ver$s 2to sample and to =o&e1 are converted
from nouns 2denominal ver$s1" 5f interest is also the transformational criterion of semantic
derivation for conversion pairs suggested in linguistic literature not so long ago". The procedure
of the transformational criterion is rather complicated, therefore only part of it as applied to
dever$al su$stantives is descri$ed here" The transformational procedure helping to determine the
direction of semantic derivation in conversion pairs is the transformation of nominalisation 2the
nominalising transformation1"8 #t is applied to a change of a predicative syntagm into a nominal
syntagm" Cy analogy with the transformation of predicative syntagmas li&e EThe committee
elected >ohnE into the nominal syntagm E>ohn6s election $y the committeeE or Ethe committee6s
election of >ohnE in which the derivational relationship of elect and election is that of a derived
word (election) to its $ase (elect) the possi$ility of transformations li&e *oy loves nature F
*oy6s love of nature F >ohn visited his friendFF >ohn6s visit to his friend She promised help FF
her promise of help proves the derived character of the nouns love, visit, promise. !ailure to
apply the nominalising transformation indicates that the nouns cannot $e regarded as derived
from the corresponding ver$ $ase, e"g" She $osses the esta$lishment Fn her $oss of the
esta$lishment # s&inned the ra$$it Fn my s&in of the ra$$it" De taxied home Fn his taxi home"
Diachronic Approach of Conversion. Origin. Modern English voca$ulary is
exceedingly rich in conversion pairs" (s a way of forming words conversion is extremely
../
productive and new conversion pairs ma&e their appearance in fiction, newspaper articles and in
the process of oral communication in all spheres of human activity gradually forcing their way
into the existing voca$ulary and into the dictionaries as well" ?ew conversion pairs are created on
the analogy of those already in the wordFstoc& on the semantic patterns descri$ed a$ove as types
of semantic relations" Conversion is highly productive in the formation of ver$s, especially from
compound nouns" 89th century new words include a great many ver$s formed $y conversion, e"g"
to motorF6travel $y car6: to phoneF6use the telephone6: .to wireF6send a telegram6: to
microfilm-'produce a microfilm of: to tear-gasF6to use tearFgas6: to fire-bombF6drop fireF$om$s6:
to spearhead-'act as a spearhead for6: to blueprint-'work out, outline6, etc" ( diachronic survey
of the presentFday stoc& of conversion pairs reveals, however, that not all of them have $een
created on the semantic patterns =ust referred to" Some of them arose as a result of the
disappearance of inflections in the course of the historical development of the English language
due to which two words of different parts of speech, e"g" a ver$ and a noun, coincided in
pronunciation" This is the case with such wordFpairs, for instance, as love n 25E" lufu1Flove o
25E" lufian1: wor& n 25E" weorc1Fwor& v 25E" wyrcan1: answer n 25E" andswaru1Fanswer v 25E"
andswarian1 and many others" !or this reason certain linguists consider it necessary to distinguish
$etween homonymous wordFpairs which appeared as a result of the loss of inflections and those
formed $y conversion" The term conversion is applied then only to cases li&e doctor nF doctor u:
$rief aF$rief v that came into $eing after the disappearance of inflections, wordFpairs li&e wor& nF
wor& o $eing regarded exclusively as cases of homonymy" 5ther linguists share Prof"
Smirnits&y6s views concerning discrimination $etween conversion as a derivational means and as
a type of wordF$uilding relations $etween words in Modern English" Synchronically in Modern
English there is no difference at all $etween cases li&e taxi nF taxi u and cases li&e love n-love v
from the point of view of their morphological structure and the wordF$uilding system of the
language" #n either case the only difference $etween the two words is that of the paradigmH the
historical $ac&ground is here irrelevant" #t should $e emphatically stressed at this point that the
presentFday derivative correlations within conversion pairs do not necessarily coincide with the
etymological relationship" !or instance, in the wordFpair awe n-awe v the noun is the source, of
derivation $oth diachronically and synchronically, $ut it is %uite different with the pair mould v-
mould nH historically the ver$ is the derived mem$er, whereas it is the other way round from the
angle of Modern English 2cf" the derivatives mouldable, moulding, moulder which have
suffixes added to ver$F$ases1" ( diachronic semantic analysis of a conversion pair reveals that in
the course of time the semantic structure of the $ase may ac%uire a new meaning or several
meanings under the influence of the meanings of the converted word" This semantic process has
$een termed reconversion in linguistic literature"8 There is an essential difference $etween
conversion and reconversionH $eing a way of forming words conversion leads to a numerical
enlargement of the English voca$ulary, whereas reconversion only $rings a$out a new meaning
correlated with one of the meanings of the converted word" *esearch has shown that reconversion
.89
only operates with denominal ver$s and dever$al nouns" (s an illustration the conversion pair
smoke n-smoke v may $e cited" (ccording to the 5xford English Dictionary some of the
meanings of the two words areH SM5,E n ." the visi$le volatile product given off $y $urning or
smouldering su$stances 2.9991. c1 the act of smo&e coming out into a room instead of passing up
the chimney 2.3.M1 SMOKE ." intr" to produce or give forth smo&e 2.9991 c1 of a room,
chimney, lamp, etc"H to $e smo&y, to emit smo&e as the result of imperfect draught or improper
$urning 2.00;1" Comparison ma&es it possi$le to trace the semantic development of each word"
The ver$ smo&e formed in .999 from the noun smoke in the corresponding meaning had
ac%uired $y .00; another meaning $y a metaphorical transfer which, in turn, gave rise to a
correlative meaning of the noun smoke in .3.M through reconversion"
Productivity. Traditional and Occasional Conversion.
Conversion is not an a$solutely productive way of forming words $ecause it is restricted $oth
semantically and morphologically" 7ith reference to semantic restrictions it is" assumed that all
ver$s can $e divided into two groupsH a1 ver$s denoting processes that can $e represented as a
succession of isolated actions from which nouns are easily formed, e"g" fall v-fall n: run v-run n:
jump o-jump n, etc": $1 ver$s li&e to sit, to lie, to stand denoting processes that cannot $e
represented as a succession of isolated actions, thus defying conversion" Dowever, a careful
examination of modern English usage reveals that it is extremely difficult to distinguish $etween
these two groups" This can $e exemplified in such pairs as to invite-an invite, to take-a take, to
sing-a sing, to bleed-a bleed, to win-a win, etc" The possi$ility for the ver$s to $e formed from
nouns through conversion seems to $e illimita$le" The morphological restrictions suggested $y
certain linguists are found in the fact that the complexity of wordFstructure does not favour
conversion" #t is significant that in MnE there are no ver$s converted from nouns with the suffixes
-ing and -ation. This restriction is counter$alanced, however, $y innumera$le occasional
conversion pairs of rather complex structure, e"g" to package, to holiday, to wireless, to
petition, to-reverence, etc" Thus, it seems possi$le to regard conversion as a highly productive
way of forming words in Modern English" The English wordFstoc& contains a great many words
formed $y means of conversion in different periods of its history" There are cases of traditional
and occasional conversion" Traditional conversion refers to the accepted use of words, which are
recorded in dictionaries, e"g" to age, to cook, to love, to look, to capture, etc" The individual or
occasional use of conversion is also very fre%uent: ver$s and ad=ectives are converted from nouns
or vice versa for the sa&e of $ringing out the meaning more vividly in a given context only" These
cases of individual coinage serve the given occasion only and do not enter the wordFstoc& of the
English language" #n modern English usage we find a great num$er of cases of occasional
conversion, e"g" to girl the $oat: when his guests had $een washed, mended, $rushed and
$randied"
Conversion and Sound-(Stress) Interchange. SoundFinterchange in English is often
com$ined with a difference in the paradigm" This rises the %uestion of the relationship $etween
.8.
soundFinterchange and conversion" To find a solution of the pro$lem in terms of (" #"
Smirnits&y6s conception of conversion the following three types of relations should $e
distinguishedH 1) breath - to breathe (s far as cases of this type are concerned, soundF
interchange distinguishes only $etween words, it does not differentiate wordFforms of one and the
same word" Conse%uently it has no relation to the paradigms of the words" Dence, cases of this
type cannot $e regarded as conversion" 2) song-to sing #n the a$ove given example the vowel in
song interchanges with three different vowels, the latter interchanging with one another in the
forms of the ver$ to sing: Fsing Song sang sung Li&e the previous type, the words songFto
sing are not related $y conversionH song differs from to sing 2sang, sung1 not only in the
paradigm" #ts rootFvowel does not occur in the wordFforms of the ver$ and vice versa" 3) house-to
house #n such cases the type of soundFinterchange distinguishing the two words 2ver$ and noun1
is the same as that which distinguishes the wordFforms of the noun, cf" house jhausFhouses
jhau-i-k and to house jhau-kF houses jhau-i-k" Conse%uently, the only difference $etween the
two words lies in their paradigms, in other words, wordFpairs li&e house-to house are cases of
conversion" #t is fairly o$vious that in such cases as present-to present, accent-to accent, etc"
which differ in the position of stress, the latter does not distinguish the wordFforms within the
paradigm of the two words" Thus, as far as cases of this type are concerned, the difference in
stress is similar, to the function of soundFinterchange in cases li&e breath 'to breathe.
Conse%uently, cases of this type do not $elong to conversion" There is, however, another
interpretation of the relationship $etween conversion and sound 2stress1Finterchange in linguistic
literature" (s soundF and 2stressFinterchange often accompanies cases of affixation, e"g" courage-
courageous, stable-stability, it seems logical to assume that conversion as one of the types of
derivation may also $e accompanied $y soundF 2stressFinterchange" Dence, cases li&e breath-to
breathe; to sing-song; present-to present; increase-to increase, etc" are to $e regarded as those
of conversion" 2'( Course in Modern English Lexicology)" *"S"+ins$urg, S" S" ,hide&el,
+"#",nya-eva, ("("San&in" M", ./001
Compounding or Word-Composition
Compounding or word F composition is one of the productive types of wordFformation in
Modern English" Composition li&e all other ways of deriving words has its own peculiarities as to
the means used, the nature of $ases and their distri$ution, as to the range of application, the scope
of semantic classes and the factors conducive to productivity" Compounds, as has $een mentioned
elsewhere, are made up of two #Cs which are $oth derivational $ases" Compound words are
insepara$le voca$ulary units" They are formally and semantically dependent on the constituent
$ases and the semantic relations $etween them, which mirror the relations $etween the motivating
units" The #Cs of compound words represent $ases of all three structural types" The $ases $uilt on
stems may $e of different degrees of complexity as, e.g., week-end, office-management,
postage-stamp, aircraft-carrier, fancy-dress-maker, etc" Dowever, this complexity of structure
.88
of $ases is not typical of the $ul& of Modern English compounds" #n this connection care should
$e ta&en not to confuse compound words with polymorphic words of secondary derivation, i"e"
derivatives $uilt according to an affixal pattern $ut on a compound stem for its $ase such as, e"g",
school-mastership, ex-housewife, to weekend, to spotlight.
Structure. Compound words li&e all other insepara$le voca$ulary units ta&e shape in a
definite system of grammatical forms, syntactic and semantic features" Compounds, on the one
hand, are generally clearly distinguished from and often opposed to free wordFgroups, on the
other hand they lie astride the $orderFline $etween words and wordFgroups and display close ties
and correlation with the system of free wordFgroups" The structural insepara$ility of compound
words finds expression in the unity of their specific distri$utional pattern and specific stress and
spelling pattern" Structurally compound words are characteri-ed $y the specific order and
arrangement in which $ases follow one another" The order in which the two $ases are placed
within a compound is rigidly fixed in Modern English and it is the second #C that ma&es the
headFmem$er of the word, i"e" its structural and semantic centre" The headFmem$er is of $asic
importance as it preconditions $oth the lexicoFgrammatical and semantic features of the first
component" #t is of interest to note that the difference $etween stems 2that serve as $ases in
compound words1 and wordFforms they coincide with . is most o$vious in some compounds,
especially in compound ad=ectives" (d=ectives li&e long, wide, rich are characteri-ed $y
grammatical forms of degrees of comparison longer, wider, richer. The corresponding stems
functioning as $ases in compound words lac& grammatical independence and forms proper to the
words and retain only the partFofFspeech meaning: thus compound ad=ectives with ad=ectival
stems for their second components, e"g" age-long, oil-rich, inch-wide, do not form degrees of
comparison as the compound ad=ective oil-rich does not form them the way the word rich does,
$ut conforms to the general rule of polysylla$ic ad=ectives and has analytical forms of degrees of
comparison" The same difference $etween words and stems is not so noticea$le in compound
nouns with the nounFstem for the second component" Phonetically compounds are also mar&ed
$y a specific structure of their own" ?o phonemic changes of $ases occur in composition $ut the
compound word ac%uires anew stress pattern, different from the stress in the motivating words,
for example words key and hole or hot and house each possess their own stress $ut when the
stems of these words are $rought together to ma&e up a new compound word, 'keyholeF6a hole in
a loc& into which a &ey fits6, or 'hot-houseF6a heated $uilding for growing delicate plants6, the
latter is given a different stress patternFa unity stress on the first component in our case"
Compound words have three stress patternsH a1 a high or unity stress on the first component as in
'honeymoon, 'doorway, etc" $1 a dou$le stress, with a primary stress on the first component and
a wea&er, secondary stress on the second component, e"g" 'blood- vessel, 'mad-'doctorF6a
psychiatrist6, 'washing-machine, etc" These two stress patterns are the commonest among
compound words and in many cases they ac%uire a contrasting force distinguishing compound
words from wordFgroups, especially when the arrangement and order of #Cs parallel the wordF
.8;
order and the distri$utional pattern of a phrase, thus a 'greenhouse-'a glass house for cultivating
delicate plants6 is contrasted to a 'green 'houseF6a house that is painted green6: 'dancing-girlF6a
dancer6 to a 'dancing 'girlF6a girl who is dancing6: a 'mad-,doctorF6a psychiatrist6 to 6mad
6doctorF6a doctor who is mad6" The significance of these stress patterns is nowhere so evident as in
nominal compounds $uilt on the nFfFn derivational pattern in which the arrangement and order of
the stems fail to distinguish a compound word from a phrase" c1 #t is not infre%uent, however, for
$oth #Cs to have level stress as in e.g., 'arm-'chair, 'icy-'cold, 'grass-'green, etc. The
significance of the stress pattern $y itself should not $e overestimated though, as it cannot $e an
overall criterion and cannot always serve as a sufficient clue to draw a line of distinction $etween
compound words and phrases" This mostly refers to level stress pattern" #n most cases the level
stress pattern is accompanied $y other structural and graphic indications of insepara$ility"
+raphically most compounds have two types of spellingFthey are spelt either solidly or with a
hyphen" Coth types of spelling when accompanied $y structural and phonetic peculiarities serve
as a sufficient indication of insepara$ility of compound words in contradistinction to phrases" #t is
true that hyphenated spelling $y itself may $e sometimes misleading, as it may $e used in wordF
groups to emphasi-e their phraseological character as in e"g" daughter-in-law, man-of-war,
brother-In-arms or in longer com$inations of words to indicate the semantic unity of a string of
words used attri$utively as, e"g", I-know-what-you're-going-to-say expression, we-are-in-the-
know jargon, the young-must-be-right attitude. The two types of spelling typical of
compounds, however, are not rigidly o$served and there are numerous fluctuations $etween solid
or hyphenated spelling on the one hand and spelling with a $rea& $etween the components on the
other, especially in nominal compounds of the nnn type" The spelling of these compounds varies
from author to author and from dictionary to dictionary" !or example, the words war-path, war-
time, money-lender are spelt $oth with a hyphen and solidly; blood-poisoning, money-order,
wave-length, war-ship- with a hyphen and with a break; underfoot, insofar, underhandF
solidly and with a $rea&". #t is noteworthy that new compounds of this type tend to solid or
hyphenatedFspelling" This inconsistency of spelling in compounds, often accompanied $y a level
stress pattern 2e%ually typical of wordFgroups1 ma&es the pro$lem of distinguishing $etween
compound words 2of the nnn type in particular1 and wordFgroups especially difficult" #n this
connection it should $e stressed that Modern English nouns 2in the Common Case, Sg"1 as has
$een universally recogni-ed possess an attri$utive function in which they are regularly used to
form numerous nominal phrases as, e"g" peace years, stone steps, government office, etc" Such
varia$le nominal phrases are semantically fully deriva$le from the meanings of the two nouns
and are $ased on the homogeneous attri$utive semantic relations unli&e compound words" This
system of nominal phrases exists side $y side with the specific and numerous class of nominal
compounds which as a rule carry an additional semantic component not found in phrases" #t is
also important to stress that these two classes of voca$ulary units F compound words and free
phrases F are not only opposed $ut also stand in close correlative relations to each other"
.8L
Meaning. Semantically compound words are generally motivated units" The meaning of
the compound is first of all derived from the com$ined lexical meanings of its components" The
semantic peculiarity of the derivational $ases and the semantic difference $etween the $ase and
the stem on which the latter is $uilt is most o$vious in compound words" Compound words with a
common second or first component can serve as illustrations" The stem of the word $oard is
polysemantic and its multiple meanings serve as different derivational $ases, each with its own
selective range for the semantic features of the other component, each forming a separate set of
compound words, $ased on specific derivative relations" Thus the $ase board meaning 6a flat
piece of wood s%uare or o$long6 ma&es a set of compounds chess-board, notice-board, key-
board, diving-board, foot-board, sign-board; compounds paste-board, carboard are $uilt on
the $ase meaning 66thic&, stiff paper6: the $ase $oardFmeaning 6an authori-ed $ody of men6, forms
compounds school-board, board-room. The same can $e o$served in words $uilt on the
polysemantic stem of the word foot. !or example,Fthe $ase foot- in foot-print, foot-pump,
foothold, foot-bath, foot-wear has the meaning of 6the terminal part of the leg6, in foot-note,
foot-lights, foot-stone the $ase footF has the meaning of 6the lower part6, and in foot-high, foot-
wide, footruleF6measure of length6" #t is o$vious from the a$oveFgiven examples that the
meanings of the $ases of compound words are interdependent and that the choice of each is
delimited as in varia$le wordFgroups $y the nature of the other #C of the word" #t thus may well
$e said that the com$ination of $ases serves "as a &ind of minimal inner context distinguishing the
particular individual lexical meaning of each component" #n this connection we should also
remem$er the significance of the differential meaning found in $oth components, which $ecomes
especially o$vious in a set of compounds containing identical $ases" The lexical meanings of the
$ases alone,
Structural Meaning of the pattern. The lexical meaning of the $ase alone, important as they
are, do not ma&e the meaning of the compound word" The meaning of the compound is derived
not only from the com$ined lexical meanings of its components, $ut also from the meaning
signalled $y the patterns of the order and arrangement of its #Cs" ( mere change in the order of
$ases with the same lexical meanings $rings a$out a drastic change in the lexical meaning of the
compound or destroys it altogether" (s an illustration let us compare life-boat-'a $oat of special
construction for saving lives from wrec&s or along the coast6 with boat-life-'life on $oard the
ship6: a fruit-market-'market where fruit is sold6 with mar&etFfruitF6fruit designed for selling6:
board-school with school-board, etc" Thus the structural or distri$utional pattern in compound
words carries a certain meaning of its own which is largely independent of the actual lexical
meaning of their #Cs" #t follows that t h e lexical meaning of a compound is derived from the
com$ined lexical meanings of its components and the structural meaning of its distri$utional
pattern" The structural meaning of the derivational pattern of compounds may $e a$stracted and
descri$ed through the interrelation of its #Cs" #n analysing compound ad=ectives, e"g" duty-
bound, wind-driven, mud-stained, we o$serve that their underlying pattern nn@en conveys the
.8M
generali-ed meaning of instrumental or agentive relations which can $e interpreted as 6done $y6 or
6with the help of something6: the lexical meanings of the $ases supply the individual action
performed and the actual doer of the action or o$=ects with the help of which the action is doneF
duty-bound may $e interpreted as 6$ound $y duty6, wind-driven as 6driven $y wind6, mud-
stained as 6stained with mud6" The derivational patterns in compounds may$e monosemantic as
in the a$oveFgiven examples, and polysemantic"8 #f we ta&e the pattern nnaF ( which underlies
such compound ad=ectives as snow-white, world-.wide, air-sick, we shall see that the pattern has
two different meanings which may $e interpretedH a1 through semantic relations of comparison
$etween the components as in world-wide-'wide as the world6, snow-white-'as white as snow6,
etc" and $1 through various relations of adver$ial type 2circumstantial1 as in road-weary-'weary
of the road6, colour-blind-'blind to colours6, etc" The structural pattern nnn FF ? that underlies
compoundF nouns is also polysemantic and conveys different semantic relations such as relations
of purpose, e"g" bookshelf, bed-room, relations of resem$lance, e"g" needle-fish, bowler-hat,
instrumental or agentive relations, e"g" steamboat, windmill, sunrise, dogbite. The polysemy of
the structure often leads to a certain freedom of interpretation of the semantic relations $etween
the components and conse%uently to the polysemy of the compound" !or example, it is e%ually
correct to interpret the compound noun toy-man as 6a toy having the shape of a man6 or 6a man
who ma&es toys, a toyFma&er6, the compound clock-tower may li&ewise $e understood as a
6tower with a cloc& fitted in6 or 6a tower that serves as or is at the same time a cloc&6"
The Meaning of Compounds. Motivation. #t follows that the meaning of a compound up of
the com$ined lexical meaning of the $ases and the structural meaning of the pattern" The
semantic centre of the compound i s the lexical meaning of the second component modified and
restricted $y the meaning of the first" The semantic centres of compounds and the semantic
relations em$edded in the structural patterns refer compound words to certain lexicoFsemantic
groups and semantic sets within them as, for exampleH .1 compound words denoting action
descri$ed as to its agent, e"g" sunrise, earthquake, handshake, 81 compounds denoting action
descri$ed as to its time or place, e"g" day-flight, street-fight, ;1 compounds denoting individual
o$=ects designed for some goal, e"g" bird-cage, table-cloth, diving-suit, L1 compounds denoting
o$=ects that are parts of the whole, e"g" shirt-collar, eye-ball, M1 compounds denoting active
doers, e"g" book-reader, shoe-maker, globe-trotter. The lexical meanings of $oth components
are closely fused together to create a new semantic unit with a new meaning , which is not merely
additive $ut dominates the individual meanings of the $ases and is characteri-ed $y some
additional semantic component not found in any of the $ases" !or example, a hand-bag is
essentially 6a $ag, designed to $e carried in the hand6, $ut it is also 6a woman6s $ag to &eep money,
papers, faceFpowder and the li&e6: a time-bomb is 'a $om$ designed to explode at some time6, $ut
also 6after $eing dropped or placed in position6" The $ul& of compound words are monosemantic
and motivated $ut motivation in compounds li&e in all derivatives varies in degree" There are
compounds that are completely motivated li&e sky-blue, foot-pump, tea-taster. Motivation in
.80
compound words may $e partia., $ut again the degree will vary" Compound words a hand-bag, a
flower-bed, handcuffs, a castle-builder are all only partially motivated, $ut still the degree of
transparency of their meanings is differentH in a hand-bag it is the highest as it is essentially 6a
$ag6, whereas handcuffs retain only a resem$lance to cuffs and in fact are 6metal rings placed
round the wrists of a prisoner6: a flowerF$ed is neither a piece of furniture6 nor 6a $ase on which
smth rests6 $ut a 6garden plot where flowers grow6: a castle-builder is not a 6$uilder6 as the
second component suggests $ut 6a dayFdreamer, one who $uilds castles in the air6" There are
compounds that lac& motivation altogether, i"e" the native spea&er doesn6t see any o$vious
connection $etween the wordFmeaning, the lexical meanings of the $ases and the meaning of the
pattern, conse%uently, he cannot deduce the lexical meaning of the word, for example, words li&e
eyeFwashF6something said or done to deceive a person6, fiddlestic&sF6nonsense, ru$$ish6, an eye-
servant-'a servant who attends to his duty only when watched6, a night-capF6a drin& ta&en $efore
going to $ed at night6 all lac& motivation" Lac& of motivation in compound words may $e often
due to the transferred meanings of $ases or of the whole word as in a slow-coach-'a person who
acts slowly6 2collo%"1, a sweet-toothF6one who li&es sweet food and <drin&6 2collo%"1" Such words
often ac%uire a new connotational meaning 2usually nonFneutral1 not proper to either of their
components" Lac& of motivation may $e often due to unexpected semantic relations em$edded in
the compound" Sometimes the motivated and the nonFmotivated meanings of the same word are
so far apart that they are felt as two homonymous words, e"g" a night-cap: .1 6a cap worn in $ed
at night6 and 81 6a drin& ta&en $efore going to $ed at night6 2collo%"1: eye-wash: .1 6a li%uid for
washing the eyes6 and 81 6something said or done to deceive some$ody6 2collo%"1: an eye-opener:
.1 6enlightening or surprising circumstance6 2collo%"1 and 81 6a drin& of li%uor ta&en early in the
day6 2"S"1
Classification. Compound words may $e descri$ed from different points of view and
conse%uently may $e classified according to different principles" They may $e viewed from the
point of viewH .1 of general relationship and degree of semantic independence of components: 81
of the parts of speech compound words represent: ;1 of the means of composition used to lin& the
two #Cs together: L1 of the type of #Cs that are $rought together to form a compound: M1 of the
correlative relations with the system of free wordFgroups" Each type of compound words $ased on
the a$oveFmentioned principles should also $e descri$ed from the point of view of the degree of
its potential power, i"e" its productivity, its relevancy to the system of Modern English
compounds" This description must aim at finding and setting a system of ordered structural and
semantic rules for productive types of compound words on analogy with which an infinite
num$er of new compounds constantly appear in the language"
Relations between the ICs of Compounds. !rom the point of view of degree of semantic
independence there are two types of relationship $etween the #Cs of compound words that are
generally recogni-ed in linguistic literatureH the relations of coordination and su$ordination, and
accordingly compound words fall into two classesH coordinative compounds 2often termed
.83
copulative or additive1 and su$ordinative 2often termed determinative1" #n coordinative
compounds the two #Cs are semantically e%ually important as in fighter-bomber, oak-tree, girl-
friend, Anglo-American. The constituent $ases $elong to the same class and most often to the
same semantic group" Coordinative compounds ma&e up a comparatively small group of words"
Coordinative compounds fall into three groupsH a1 *eduplicative compounds which are made up
$y the repetition of the same $ase as in goody-goody, fifty-fifty, hush-hush, pooh-pooh. They
are all only partially motivated" $1 Compounds formed $y =oining the phonically variated
rhythmic twin forms which either alliterate with the same initial consonant $ut vary the vowels as
in chit-chat, zig-zag, sing-song, or rhyme $y varying the initial consonants as in clap-trap, a
walkie-talkie, helter-skelter. This su$group stands very much apart" #t is very often referred to
pseudoFcompounds and considered $y some linguists irrelevant to productive wordFformation
owing to the dou$tful morphemic status of their components" The constituent mem$ers of
compound words of this su$group are in most cases uni%ue, carry very vague or no lexical
meaning of their own, and not found as stems of independently functioning words" They are
motivated mainly through the rhythmic dou$ling of fanciful soundFclusters" Coordinative
compounds of $oth su$groups 2a, $1 are mostly restricted to the collo%uial layer, are mar&ed $y a
heavy emotive charge and possess a very small degree of productivity" c1 The $ases of additive
compounds such as a queen-bee, an actor-manager, unli&e the compound words of the first two
su$groups, are $uilt on stems of the independently functioning words of the same part of speech"
These $ases often semantically stand in the genusFspecies relations" They denote a person or an
o$=ect that is two things at the same time" ( secretary-stenographer is thus a person who is
$oth a stenographer and a secretary, a bed-sitting-room (a bed-sitter) is $oth a bed-room and
a sitting-room at the same time" (mong additive compounds there is a specific su$group of
compound ad=ectives one of #Cs of which is a $ound rootFmorpheme" This group is limited to the
names of nationalities such as Sino-1apanese, Anglo-Saxon, Afro-Asian, etc" (dditive
compounds of this group are mostly fully motivated $ut have a very limited degree of
productivity" Dowever it must $e stressed that though the distinction $etween coordinative and
su$ordinative compounds is generally made, it is open to dou$t and there is no hard and fast
$orderline $etween them" 5n the contrary, the $orderline is rather vague" #t often happens that
one and the same compound may with e%ual right $e interpreted either wayFas a coordinative or a
su$ordinative compound, e"g" a woman-doctor may $e understood as 6a woman who is at the
same time a doctor6 or there can $e traced a difference of importance $etween the components
and it may $e primarily felt to $e 6a doctor who happens to $e a woman6, cf" also a mother-goose,
a clock-tower. #n su$ordinative compounds the components are neither structurally nor
semantically e%ual in importance $ut are $ased on the domination of the headFmem$er, which is,
as a rule, the second #C" The second #C thus is the semanticallyFand grammatically dominant part
of the word, which preconditions the partFofFspeech meaning of the whole compound as in stone-
deaf, age-long which are o$viously ad=ectives, a wrist-watch, road-building, a baby-sitter
.84
which are nouns" Su$ordinative compounds ma&e the $ul& of Modern English compound words,
as to productivity most of the productive types are su$ordinative compounds"
Different Parts of Speech. !unctionally compounds are viewed as words of different
parts of speech" #t is the headFmem$er of the compound, i"e" its second #C that is indicative of the
grammatical and lexical category the compound word $elongs to" Compound words are found in
all parts of speech, $ut the $ul& of compounds are nouns and ad=ectives" Each part of speech is
characteri-ed $y its set of derivational patterns and their semantic variants" Compound adver$s,
pronouns and connectives are represented $y an insignificant num$er of words, e"g" somewhere,
somebody, inside, upright, otherwise, moreover, elsewhere, by means of, etc" ?o new
compounds are coined on this pattern" Compound pronouns and adver$s $uilt on the repeating
first and second #C li&e body, ever, thing ma&e closed sets of words some any every no n $ody
thing one where 5n the whole composition is not productive either for adver$s, pronouns or for
connectives" @er$s are of special interest" There is a small group of compound ver$s made up of
the com$ination of, ver$al and adver$ial stems that language retains from earlier stages, e"g" to
bypass, to inlay, to offset. This type, according to some authors, is no longer productive and is
rarely found in new compounds" There are many polymorphic ver$s that are represented $y
morphemic se%uences of two rootFmorphemes, li&e to weekend, to gooseflesh, to spring-clean,
$ut derivationally they are all words of secondary derivation in which the existing compound
nouns only serve as $ases for derivation" They are often termed pseudoFcompound ver$s" Such
polymorphic ver$s are presented $y two groupsH .1 ver$s formed $y means of conversion from
the stems of compound nouns as in to spotlight from a spotlight, to sidetrack from a side-track,
to handcuff from handcuffs, to blacklist from a blacklist, to pinpoint from a pin-point; 81
ver$s formed $y $ac&Fderivation from the stems of compound nouns, e"g" to baby sit from a
baby-sitter, to playact from play-acting, to housekeep from house-keeping, to spring-clean
from spring-cleaning.
Means of Composition. !rom the point of view of the means $y which the components are
=oined together compound words may $e classified intoH .1 7ords formed $y merely placing one
constituent after another in a definite order which thus is indicative of $oth the semantic value
and the morphological unity of the compound, e"g" rain-driven, house-dog, pot-pie 2cf" dog-
house, pie-pot). This means of lin&ing the components is typical of the ma=ority of Modern
English compounds in all parts of speech" (s to the order of components, su$ordinative
compounds are often classified asH a1 asyntactic compounds in which the order of $ases runs
counter to the order in which the motivating words can $e $rought together under the rules of
syntax of the language" !or example, in varia$le phrases, ad=ectives cannot $e modified $y
preceding ad=ectives and noun modifiers are not placed $efore participles or ad=ectives, yet this
&ind of asyntactic arrangement is typical of compounds, e"g" red-hot, bluish-black, pale-blue,
rain-driven, oil-rich. The asyntactic order is typical of the ma=ority of Modern English
compound words: $1 syntactic compounds whose components are placed in the order that
.8/
resem$les the order of words in free phrases arranged according to the rules of syntax of Modern
English" The order of the components in compounds li&e blue-bell, mad-doctor, blacklist 2ann1
reminds one of the order and arrangement of the corresponding words in phrases a blue bell, a
mad doctor, a black list 2(n?1, the order of compounds of the type door-handle, day-time,
spring-lock 2nFfFn1 resem$les the order of words in nominal phrases with attri$utive function of
the first noun 2?n?1, e"g" spring time, stone steps, peace movement. 81 Compound words
whose #Cs are =oined together with a special lin&ingFelement F the lin&ing vowels jouk and
occasionally jik and the lin&ing consonant jsc-kFwhich is indicative of composition as in, e"g",
speedometer, tragicomic, statesman. Compounds of this type can $e $oth nouns and ad=ectives,
su$ordinative and additive $ut are rather few in num$er since they are considera$ly restricted $y
the nature of their components" The additive compound ad=ectives lin&ed with the help of the
vowel jouk are limited to the names of nationalities and represent a specific group with a $ound
root for the first component, e"g" Sino-1apanese, Afro-Asian, Anglo-Saxon. #n su$ordinative
ad=ectives and nouns the productive lin&ing element is also jouk and compound words of the type
are most productive for scientific terms" The main peculiarity of compounds of the type is that
their constituents are nonFassimilated $ound roots $orrowed mainly from classical languages, e"g"
electro-dynamic, filmography, technophobia, videophone, sociolinguistics, videodisc. (
small group of compound nouns may also $e =oined with the help of lin&ing consonant jsc-k, as in
sportsman, landsman, saleswoman, brides-maid. This small group of words is restricted $y the
second component which is, as a rule, one of the three $ases man-, woman-, people-. The
commonest of them is man-.
Types of Bases. Compounds may $e also classified according to the nature of the $ases and
the interconnection with other ways of wordFformation into the soFcalled compounds proper and
derivational compounds" Compounds proper are formed $y =oining together $ases $uilt on the
stems or on the wordFforms of independently functioning words with or without the help of
special lin&ing element such as doorstep, age-long, baby-sitter, looking-glass, street-fighting,
handiwork, sportsman. Compounds proper constitute the $ul& of English compounds in all parts
of speech, they include $oth su$ordinative and coordinative classes, productive and nonF
productive patterns" Derivational compounds, e"g" long-legged, three-cornered, a break-down,
a pickpocket differ from compounds proper in the nature of $ases and their second #C" The two
#Cs of the compound longFleggedF6having long legs6Fare the suffix -ed meaning 6having6 and the
$ase $uilt on a free wordFgroup long legs whose mem$er words lose their grammatical
independence, and are reduced to a single component of the word, a derivational $ase" (ny other
segmentation of such words, say into long- and leggedF is impossi$le $ecause firstly, ad=ectives
li&e legged do not exist in Modern English and secondly, $ecause it would contradict the lexical
meaning of these words" The derivational ad=ectival suffixFed converts this newly formed $ase
into a word" #t can $e graphically represented as long legs -+- (long-leg) n Fedk F long-legged.
The suffix -ed $ecomes the grammatically and semantically dominant component of the word, its
.;9
headFmem$er" #t imparts its partFofFspeech meaning and its lexical meaning thus ma&ing an
ad=ective that may $e semantically interpreted as 6with 2or having1 what is denoted $y the
motivating wordFgroup6" Comparison of the pattern of compounds proper li&e baby-sitter, pen-
holder jn
n
2v n Fer1k with the pattern of derivational compounds li&e long-legged t2ann1 n Fedk
reveals the differenceH derivational compounds are formed $y a derivational means, a suffix in
case of words of the long-legged type,, which is applied to a $ase that each time is formed anew
on a free wordFgroup and is not recurrent in any other type of words" #t follows that strictly
spea&ing words of this type should $e treated as pseudoFcompounds or as a special group of
derivatives" They are ha$itually referred to derivational compounds $ecause of the peculiarity of
their derivational $ases which are felt as $uilt $y composition, i"e" $y $ringing together the stems
of the mem$erFwords of a phrase which lose their independence in the process" The word itself
e"g" long-legged, is $uilt $y the application of the suffix, i"e" $y derivation and thus may $e
descri$ed as a suffixal derivative" Derivational compounds or pseudoFcompounds are all
su$ordinative and fall into two groups according to the type of varia$le phrases that serve as their
$ases and the derivational means usedH a1 derivational compound ad=ectives formed with the help
of the highlyFproductive ad=ectival suffix -ed applied to $ases $uilt on attri$utive phrases of the
(n?, ?um" n ?, ?n? type, e"g" long legs, three corners, doll face. (ccordingly the derivational
ad=ectives under discussion are $uilt after the patterns j2ann1 n Fedk, e"g" long-legged, flat-
chested, broad-minded; j2num" n E1 n Fedk, e"g" two-sided, three-cornered; j2nnn1 n Fedk, e"g"
doll-faced, heart-shaped. $1 derivational compound nouns formed mainly $y conversion applied
to $ases $uilt on three types of varia$le FphrasesF ver$Fadver$ phrase, ver$alFnominal and
attri$utive phrases" The commonest type of phrases that serves as derivational $ases for this
group of derivational compounds is the @ n (dv type of wordFgroups as in, e"g", a breakdown, a
break-through, a cast-away, a lay-out. Semantically derivational compound nouns form lexical
groups typical of conversion, such as an act or instance of the action, e"g" a holdupF6a delay in
traffic6 from to hold upF 6delay, stop $y use of force6: a resu.t of the action, e"g" a breakdownF6a
failure in machinery that causes wor& to stop6 from to $rea& downF6$ecome disa$led6: an active
agent or recipient of the action, e"g" cast-offs F 6clothes that the owner will not wear again6 from to
cast offF6throw away as unwanted6: a show-offF6a person who shows off from to show offF6ma&e a
display of one6s a$ilities in order to impress people6" Derivational compounds of this group are
spelt generally solidly or with a hyphen and often retain a level stress" Semantically they are
motivated $y transparent derivative relations with the motivating $ase $uilt on the soFcalled
phrasal ver$ and are typical of the collo%uial layer of voca$ulary" This type of derivational
compound nouns is highly productive due to the productivity of conversion" The semantic
su$group of derivational compound nouns denoting agents calls for special mention" There is a
group of such su$stantives $uilt on an attri$utive and ver$alFnominal type of phrases" These
nouns are semantically only partially motivated and are mar&ed $y a heavy emotive charge or
lac& of motivation and often $elong to terms as, e"g", a kill-joy, a wet-blanketF6one who &ills
.;.
en=oyment6: a turnkeyF6&eeper of the &eys in prison6: a sweet-toothF6a person who li&es sweet
food6: a red-breastF6a $ird called the ro$$in6" The analysis of these nouns easily proves that they
can only $e understood as the result of conversion for their second #Cs cannot $e understood as
their structural or semantic centres, these compounds $elong to a grammatical and lexical groups
different from those their components do" These compounds are all animate nouns whereas their
second #Cs $elong to inanimate o$=ects" The meaning of the active agent is not found in either of
the components $ut is imparted as a result of conversion applied to the wordFgroup which is thus
turned into a derivational $ase" These compound nouns are often referred to in linguistic literature
as E$ahuvrihiE compounds or exocentric compounds, i"e" words whose semantic head is outside
the com$ination" #t seems more correct to refer them to the same group of derivational or pseudoF
compounds as the a$ove cited groups" This small group of derivational nouns is of a restricted
productivity, its heavy constraint lies in its idiomaticity and hence its stylistic and emotive
colouring"
Correlation between Compounds and Free Phrases. The linguistic analysis of extensive
language data proves that there exists a regular correlation $etween the system of free phrases and
all types of su$ordinative 2and additive1 compounds" Correlation em$races $oth the structure and
the meaning of compound words, it underlies the entire system of productive presentFday English
composition conditioning the derivational patterns and lexical types of compounds" The structural
correlation manifests itself in the morphological character of components, range of $ases and
their order and arrangement" #t is important to stress that correlative relations em$race only
minimal, nonFexpanded nuclear types of phrases" The $ases $rought together in compound words
are $uilt only on the stems of those parts of speech that may form corresponding wordFgroups"
The head of the wordFgroup $ecomes the headFmem$er of the compound, i"e" its second
component" The typical structural relations expressed in wordFgroups syntactically are conveyed
in compounds only $y 6the nature and order of its $ases" Compounds of each part of speech
correlate only with certain types of minimal varia$le phrases" Semantically correlation manifests
itself in the fact that the semantic relations $etween the components of a compound mirror the
semantic relations $etween the mem$erFwords in correlated wordFgroups" !or example,
compound ad=ectives of the nn@en type, e"g" duty-bound, snow-covered, are circumscri$ed $y
the instrumental relations typical of the correlated wordFgroups of Vpn+by/with n ? type
regardless of the actual lexical meanings of the $ases" Compound nouns of the nFon type, e"g"
story-teller, music-lover, watch-maker, all mirror the agentive relations proper to phrases of the
? who @FfF?, cf" a story-teller and one who tells stories, etc" Correlation should not $e
understood as converting an actually functioning phrase into a compound word or the existence
of an individual wordFgroup in actual use as a $inding condition for the possi$ility of a
compound" 5n the contrary there is usually only a potential possi$ility of conveying the same
semantic content $y $oth a wordFgroup and a compound, actually this semantic content is
conveyed prefera$ly either $y a phrase or $y a compound word" Correlation, it follows, is a
.;8
regular interaction and interdependence of compound words and certain types of free phrases,
which conditions $oth the potential possi$ility of appearance of compound words and their
structure and semantic type" Thus, the fact that there is a potential possi$ility of individual
phrases with the underlying pattern, for example, as ( n as ? in as white as snow, as red as
blood presupposes a potential possi$ility of compound words of the nna type snow-white, blood-
red, etc" with their structure and meaning relation of Fthe components preconditioned" #t happens,
that in this particular case, compound ad=ectives are more typical and preferred as a language
means of conveying the %uality $ased on comparison" Compound words, due to the fact that they
do not re%uire any explicit way to convey the semantic relationship $etween their components
except their order, are of much wider semantic range, leave more freedom for semantic
interpretation and convey meaning in a more compressed and concise way" This ma&es the
meaning of compounds more flexi$le and situationallyE derived" #t follows o that motivation and
regularity of semantic and structural correlation with freeFwordFgroups are the $asic factors
favouring a high degree of productivity of composition and may $e used to set rules guiding
spontaneous, analogic formation of new compound words" #t is natural that those types of
compound words which do not esta$lish such regular correlations and that are mar&ed $y a lac&
or very low degree of motivation must $e regarded as unproductive as, for example, compound
nouns of the ann type, e" g" bluebell, blackbird, mad-doctor.
Corrlation Types of Compounds. The description of compounds words through the
correlation of varia$le word groups ma&es it possi$le to classify them info four ma=or classesH
ad=ectivalFnominal, ver$alFnominal, nominal and ver$Fadver$ compounds" (d=ectivalFnominal
comprise four su$groups of compound ad=ectives, three of them are proper compounds and one
derivational" (ll four su$groups are productive and semantically as a rule motivated" The main
constraint on the productivity in all the four su$groups is the lexicalFsemantic types of the headF
mem$ers and the lexical valency of the head of the correlated wordFgroups" (d=ectivalFnominal
compound ad=ectives have the following patternsH .1 the polysemantic nna pattern that gives rise
to two typesH a1 compound ad=ectives $ased on semantic relations of resem$lance with ad=ectival
$ases denoting most fre%uently colours, si-e, shape, etc" for the second #C" The type is correlative
with phrases of comparative type as ( n as n ?, e"g" snow-white, skin-deep, age-long, etc" $1
compound ad=ectives $ased on a variety of adver$ial relations" The type is correlative with one of
the most productive ad=ectival phrases of the ( n prp LF ? type and conse%uently semantically
varied, cf" colour-blind, road-weary, care-free, etc" 81 the monosemantic pattern nn@en $ased
mainly on the instrumental, locative and temporal relations $etween the #Cs which are
conditioned $y the lexical meaning and valency of the ver$, e"g" state-owned, home-made. The
type is highly productive" Correlative relations are esta$lished with wordFgroups of the @enn
withc$y n ? type" ;1 the monosemantic num" n n pattern which gives rise to a small and peculiar
group of ad=ectives, which are used only attri$utively, e"g" 2a1 two-day 2$eard1, 2a1 seven-day
2wee&1, etc" The type correlates with attri$utive phrases with a numeral for their first mem$er" L1
.;;
a highly productive monosemantic pattern of derivational compound ad=ectives $ased on
semantic relations of possession conveyed $y the suffix -ed. The $asic variant isH e"g" low-
ceilinged, long-legged. The pattern has two more variantsH e"g" one-sided, bell-shaped, doll-
faced. The type correlates accordingly with phrases with (having) n (n?, with (having) n ?um
n ?, with n? n ? or with + N + of + N. The three other types are classed as compound nouns"
@er$alFnominal and nominal represent compound nouns proper and ver$Fadver$ derivational
compound nouns" (ll the three types are productive"
@er$alFnominal compounds may $e descri$ed through one derivational structure ftnp, i"e" a
com$ination of a nounF$ase 2in most cases simple1 with a dever$al suffixal nounF$ase" The
structure includes four patterns differing in the character of the dever$al nounFstem and
accordingly in the semantic su$groups of compound nouns" (ll the patterns correlate in the final
analysis with @n? and @nprpn? type which depends on the lexical nature of the ver$H e.g.
bottle-opener, stage-manager, peace-tighter. The pattern is monosemantic and is $ased on
agentive relations that can $e interpreted 6onecthatcwho does smth6" 81 e"g" stage-managing,
rocket-flying. The pattern is monosemantic and may $e interpreted as 6the act of doing smth6"
The pattern has some constraints on its productivity which largely depends on the lexical and
etymological character of the ver$"6 ;1 e"g" office-management, price-reduction. The pattern is
a variant of the a$oveFmentioned pattern 2?o 81" #t has a heavy constraint which is em$edded in
the lexical and etymological character of the ver$ that does not permit colloca$ility with the
suffix -ing for dever$al nouns" L1 e"g" wage-cut, dog-bite, hand-shake, the pattern is $ased on
semantic relations of result, instance, agent, etc" ###" ?ominal compounds are all nouns with the
most polysemantic and highlyFproductive derivational pattern nFrFn: $oth $ases are generally
simple stems, e"g" windmill, horse-race, pencil-case. The pattern conveys a variety of semantic
relations, the most fre%uent are the relations of purpose, partitive, local and temporal relations"
The pattern correlates with nominal wordFgroups of the ?nprpn? type" #@" @er$Fadver$
compounds are all derivational nouns, highly productive and $uilt with the help of conversion
according to the pattern j2v n adv n conversion" The pattern correlates with free phrases y n
(dv and with all phrasal ver$s of different degree ofcsta$ility" The pattern is polysemantic and
reflects the manifold semantic relations typical of conversion pairs" '( Course in Modern English
Lexicology) *"S"+ins$urg, S" S" ,hide&el et"al"2 M", ./001"
Sources of Compounds. The actual process of $uilding compound
words may ta&e different formsH #1 Compound words as a rule are $uilt spontaneously according
to productive distri$utional formulas of the given period" !ormulas productive at one time may
lose their productivity at another period" Thus at one time the process of $uilding ver$s $y
compounding adver$ial and ver$al stems was productive, and numerous compound ver$s li&e,
e"g" outgrow, offset, inlay 2adv n v1, were formed" The structure ceased to $e productive and
today practically no ver$s are $uilt in this way" 81 Compounds may $e the result of a gradual
process of semantic isolation and structural fusion of free wordFgroups" Such compounds as
.;L
forgetFmeFnotF6a small plant with $lue flowers6: $ull6sFeyeF6the centre of a target: a &ind of hard,
glo$ular candy6: mainlandF6a continent6 all go $ac& to free phrases which $ecame semantically and
structurally isolated in the course of time" The words that once made up these phrases have lost,
within these particular formations, their integrity, the whole phrase has $ecome isolated in form,
speciali-ed in meaning and thus turned into an insepara$le unitFa word having ac%uired semantic
and morphological unity" Most of the syntactic compound nouns of the 2ann1 structure, e"g"
$lue$ell, $lac&$oard, madFdoctor, are the result of such semantic and structural isolation of free
wordFgroups: to give $ut one more example, highway was once actually a high way for it was
raised a$ove the surrounding countryside for $etter drainage and ease of travel" ?ow we use
highway without any idea of the original sense of the first element" 2'( Course in Modern
English Lexicology)" *"S"+ins$urg, S" S" ,hide&el, +"#",nya-eva, ("("San&in" M", ./001

Abbreviation, Clipping, Blending.
The somewhat oddFloo&ing words li&eH flu, pram, la$, M"P, are called Eshortenings, contractions,
a$$reviationsE or Ecurtailed wordsE and are produced $y the way of word $uilding called Eshort F
ening 2contraction1E" This comparatively new way of word $uilding has achieved a high degree of
productivity nowadays, especially in (merican English" Shortenings 2or contractedccurtailed
words1 are produced in two different ways" The first is to ma&e a new word from a sylla$le 2rarer,
two1 of the original word" The latter may lose its $eginning 2as in EphoneE made from
EtelephoneE1,, its ending 2as" in EholsE from EholidaysE, EvacE from EvacationE, EfluE from
Einfluen-aE1 or $oth the $eginning and ending 2as in EfridgeE from ErefrigeratorE1" The second
way of shortening is to ma&e a new word from the initial letters of a word group usually called
a$$reviationH "?"5" from the nited ?ations 5rgani-ation, C"C"C" from the Critish
Croadcasting Corporation" M"P" from Mem$er of Parliament" This type is also called Einitial
shorteningsE" They are found not only among collo%uialisms and slang" Coth types of shortenings
are characteristic of informal speech in general and of uncultivated speech particularly"
Shortenings are words produced either $y means of clipping full words or $y shortening word
com$inations, $ut having the meaning of the full words or com$inations" ( distinction is to $e
o$served $etween graphical and lexical shortenings: graphical a$$reviations are signs or sym$ols
that stand for the full words or com$ination of words only in written speech" The commonest
form is an initial letter or letters that stand for a word or com$ination of words" Cut with a view to
prevent am$iguity one or two other letters may $e added" !or instanceH p" 2page1, s" 2see1, $"$"
2$allF$earing1" Mr 2mister1, Mrs 2missis1, MS 2manuscript1, fig" 2figure1" #n oral speech graphical
a$$reviations have the pronunciation of full words" To indicate a plural or a superlative letters are
often dou$led, asH pp" F pages" #t is common practice in English to use graphical a$$reviations of
Latin words, and word com$inations, asH e"g" exampli gratia1, etc" 2etcetera1, vi-" 2videlicet1, i" e"
.;M
2id est1, ff" 2folios1" #n oral speech they are replaced $y their English e%uivalents, 6for example,
6and so onI, 6namely6, 6that is6, 6the following pages6 respectively" +raphical a$$reviations are not
words $ut signs or sym$ols that stand for the corresponding words" Lexicology deals with lexical
shortenings" Two main types of lexical shortenings may $e distinguishedH a$$reviations or
clipped words or clippings and initial words or letter words" ($$reviation or clipping is the result
of reduction of a word to one of its partsH the meaning of the a$$reviated word is that of the full
word" There are different types of clippingH .1 $ac&Fclipping F the final part of the word is
clipped, asHI docI F from <doctorI, <la$I F from <la$oratoryI, 6magI F from <maga-ineI,I mathI F
from <mathematicsI,I prefa$I F # from <prefa$ricatedI: 81 foreFclipping F the first part of the # word
is clipped asH <planeI F from <aeroplaneI,I phoneI F from <telephoneI, <dromeI F from
<aerodromeI" !oreFclippings are less numerous in Modern English: ;1 the fore and the $ac& parts
of the word are clipped and the middle of the word is retained, F asH ItecI F from <detectiveI, <fluI F
from <influen-aI" 7ords of this type are few in Modern English" Cac&Fclippings are most
numerous in Modern English and are characteri-ed $y the growing fre%uency" The original may
$e a simple word 2<gradI F from <graduateI1, a derivative 2IprepI F from 2<preparationI1, a
compound, 2foots F from <footlightsI, <tailsI F from <tailcoatI1, a com$ination of words 2 pu$ F
2fromI pu$lic houseI, <medicoI Ffrom <medical studentI1" (s a result of clipping usually nouns are
produced, as IpramI F from <peram$ulatorI,I varsityI F for <universityI" #n some rare cases
ad=ectives are a$$reviated 2as, <impossI F from <impossi$le,I piIF from <piousI1, $ut these are
infre%uent" ($$reviations or clippings are words of one sylla$le or of two sylla$les, the final
sound $eing a consonant or a vowel 2represented $y the letter <oI1, as, <trigI 2for <trigonometryI1,
<>apI 2for <>apaneseI1,Idemo$I 2for <demo$ili-edI1,I linoI 2for <linoleumI1,I moI 2for <momentI1"
($$reviations are made regardless of whether the remaining sylla$le $ore the stress in the full
word or not 2cp" <docI from IdoctorI,I adI from <advertisementI1" The pronunciation of
a$$reviations usually coincides with the corresponding sylla$le in the full word, if the sylla$le is
stressedH as, <docI j6do&k fromI doctorIj6do&tk: if it is an unstressed sylla$le in the full word the
pronunciation differs, as the a$$reviation has a full pronunciationH as, <adI jdk, $ut
<advertisemenIt jd6vHtismtk" There may $e some differences in spelling connected with the
pronunciation or with the rules of English orthoepy, as <mi&eI F from <microphoneI, <$i&eI F from
<$icycleI,I phi-IF from <physiognomyI,I lu$e m fromI lu$ricationI" The plural form of the full
word or com$inations of words is retained in the a$$reviated word, as, <pantsI F from
<pantaloonsI,I digsI F from <diggingsI" ($$reviations do not differ from full words in functioning,
they ta&e the plural ending and that of the possessive case and ma&e any part of a sentence" ?ew
words may $e derived from the stems of a$$reviated words $y conversion 2as <to demo$I,I to
taxiI,I to permI1 or $y affixation, chiefly $y adding the suffix y, ie, deriving diminutives and pet
names 2as, <han&yI F from <hand&erchiefI,I nightyI 2nightie1 F from <nightgownI"I n&ie F from
<uncleI, <$accyI F from <to$accoI, <aussieI F from <(ustraliansI,I grannyI 2ie1 F from
<grandmotherI1" #n this way ad=ectives also may $e derived 2asH <comfyI F from <comforta$leI,
.;0
<mi--yI F from <misera$leI1" (d=ectives may $e derived also $y adding the suffix Fee, asH
<PortugeeI F for <PortugueseI, <ChineeI F for <ChineseI" ($$reviations do not always coincide in
meaning with the original word, for instanceH <docI and <doctorI have the meaning 6one who
practices medicine6, $ut <doctorI, is also the highest degree given $y a university to a scholar or
scientist. and a person who has received such a degree, whereas <docI is not used in these
meanings" (mong a$$reviations there are homonyms, so that one and the same sound and
graphical complex may represent different words, as <vacI 2<vacationI1,I vacI 2<vacuum cleanerI1:
<prepI <2preparationI1,I prepI 2<preparatory school1" ($$reviations usually have synonyms in
literary English, the latter $eing the corresponding full words" Cut they are not interchangea$le,
as they are words of different styles of speech" ($$reviations are highly collo%uial: in most cases
they $elong to slang" The moment the longer word disappears from the language, the a$$reviation
loses its collo%uial or slangy character and $ecomes a literary word, for instance, the word <taxiI
is the a$$reviation of the <taxica$I, which, in its turn, goes $ac& to <taximeter ca$I: $oth words
went out of use, and the word <taxiI lost its stylistic coloring"
b) Initial Abbreviations. #nitial a$$reviations are words F nouns F produced $y shortening
nominal com$inations: each component of the nominal com$ination is shortened up to the initial
letter and the initial letters of all the words of the com$ination ma&e a word, asH MP } <Mem$er
of ParliamentI" #nitial words are distinguished $y their spelling in capital letters 2often separated
$y full stops1 and $y their pronunciation } each letter gets its full alpha$etic pronunciation and a
full stress, thus ma&ing a new word as *" (" !" j6aHr6ei6efk } <*oyal (ir !orceI: TC" j6tiH=u 6siHk
} <Trades nion CongressI" Some of initial words may $e pronounced in accordance with the
rules of orthoepy, a ?" (" T" 9" j<neitouk, " ?" " j6=uHnouk, with the stress on the first sylla$le"
The meaning of the initial word is that of the nominal com$ination" #n speech initial words
function li&e nouns: they ta&e the plural suffix, as MPs, and the suffix of the possessive case, as
MP6s, P576s" #n Modern English the commonest practice is to use a full com$ination either in the
heading or in the text and then %uote this com$ination $y giving the first initial Of each word" !or
instance, E>ac& Cruce is giving CS concertE 2the heading1" E>ac& Cruce, one of Critain6s leading
roc&F=a-- musicians, will give a $enefit concert in London next wee& to raise money for the
pper Clyde shop stewards campaignE" ?ew words may $e derived from initial words $y meansH
of adding affixes, as JCLFer, exFPM, exFP57: MP6es or adding the semiFsuffix Fman, as +#F
man" (s soon as the corresponding com$ination goes out of use the initial word ta&es its placeF
and $ecomes fully esta$lished in the language and its spelling is in small letters, as <radarI }
radio detecting and ranging, <laserI } light amplification $y stimulated emission of radiation:
<maserI } microwave amplification $y stimulated emission of radiation" There are also semiF
shortenings, as, <(F$om$I 2atom $om$1, <DF$om$erI 2hydrogen $om$er1, <F$oatI 2ntersee
$oat1 } +erman su$marine" The first component of the nominal com$ination is shortened up to
the initial letter, the other component 2or components1 $eing full words"
.;3
Some of the Minor Types of Modern Word-building.
Sound-Imitation (Onomatopoeia).
7ords coined $y this interesting type of word $uilding are made $y imitating different &inds
of sounds that may $e produced $y animals, $irds, insects, human $eings and inanimate o$=ects"
Some names of animals and especially of $irds and insects are also produced $y soundF
imitationsH crow, cuc&oo, hummingF$ird, whipFpoorFwill" There is a hypothesis that sound
imitation, as a way of wordFformation, should $e viewed as something much wider than =ust the
production of words $y the imitation of purely acoustic phenomena" Some scholars suggest that
words may imitate through their sound form certain nonFacoustic features and %ualities of
inanimate o$=ects, actions and processes or that the meaning of the word can $e regarded as the
immediate relation of the sound group to the o$=ect" #f a young chic&en or &itten is descri$ed as
EfluffyE there seems to $e something in the sound of the ad=ective that conveys the softness and
the downy %uality of its plumage or its fur" Such ver$s asH to glance, to glide, to slide, to slip F are
supposed to convey $y their very sound the nature of the smooth, easy movement over a slippery
surface" The sound form of the wordsH shimmer, glimmer, glitter F seems to reproduce the
wavering, tremulous nature of the faint light" The sound of the ver$sH to rush, to dash, to flash F
may $e said to reflect the $revity, swiftness and energetic nature of their corresponding actions"
The word EthrillE has something in the %uality of its sound that very aptly conveys the tremulous,
tingling sensation it expresses" Some scholars have given serious consideration to this theory"
Dowever, it has not yet $een properly developed"
Reduplication. #n EreduplicationE new words are made $y dou$ling a stem, either without any
phonetic changes as in E$yeF$yeE 2coil" for goodF$ye1 or with a variation of the rootFvowel or
consonant as inH pingFpong, chitFchat 2this second type is called Egradational reduplicationE1" This
type of word $uilding is greatly facilitated in Modern English $y the vast num$er of
monosylla$les" Stylistically spea&ing, most words made $y reduplication represent informal
groupsH collo%uialisms and slang" E"g" wal&ieFtal&ie 2Ea porta$le radioE1, riffFraff 2Ethe worthless
or disreputa$le element of societyE1" #n a modern novel an angry father accuses his teenager son
of Edoing nothing $ut dillyFdallying over the townE F 2dillyFdallying F wasting time, doing
nothing, loitering1"
Back-Formation (Reversion). The earliest examples of this type of wordF$uilding are the
ver$ Eto $egE that was made from the !rench $orrowing E E$eggarE, Eto $urgleE from E$urglarE,
Eto co$$leE from Eco$$lerE, 'to $utle) from '$utler)" #n all these cases the ver$ was made from
the noun $y su$tracting what was mista&enly associated with the English suffix EFarcFerE" The
pattern of the type Eto wor& F wor&erE was firmly esta$lished in the su$conscious of EnglishF
spea&ing people at the time when these formations appeared, and it was ta&en for granted that any
noun denoting profession or occupation is certain to have a corresponding ver$ of the same root"
So, in the case of the ver$s to beg, to burgle, to cobble the process was reversedH instead of a
noun made from a ver$ $y affixation 2as in EpainterE from Eto paintE1, a ver$ was produced from
.;4
a noun $y su$traction" That is why this type of word $uilding received the name of E$ac&F
formationE 5r EreversionE" Later examples of $ac&Fformation areH Ito butle` from butler`, to
baby-sit` from baby-sitter`, to force-land` from forced landing`, to blood-transfuse` from
blood-transfusion`, to fingerprint` from finger printings`, to straphang` from straphan-
ger`.
Exercises Exercise" #" Consider
your answers to the following"
." 7hat is understood $y the main ways of enriching English voca$ularyK 8"7hat are the
principal productive ways of English word $uildingK ;" 7hat do we mean $y derivationK L"
7hat is the difference $etween fre%uency and productivity of affixesK M" +ive examples of your
own to show that affixes have meanings" 0" 7hat languages served as the main sources of
$orrowed affixesK #llustrate your answer $y examples" 3" 7hat features of Modern English have
produced the high productivity of conversionK Prove that the pair of words <loveI, n" and <loveI,
v" do not present a case of conversion" 4" 7hat is understood $y compositionK 7hat do we call
words made $y this type of word $uildingK /" #nto what groups and su$groups can compounds $e
su$divided structurallyK #llustrate your answer with examples" .9" 7hich types of composition
are productive in Modern EnglishK Dow can this $e demonstratedK .." 7hat is the
interrelationship $etween the meaning of a compound word and the meanings of its constituentsK
Point out the principal cases and give examples" .8" 7hat are the criteria for distinguishing
$etween a compound and a wordFcom$inationK .;" 7hat are the two processes of ma&ing
shortenings6K Explain the productivity of this way of wordF$uilding and stylistic characteristics of
shortened words" +ive examples" .L" 7hat minor processes of word $uilding do you &nowK
Descri$e them and illustrate your answer with examples"
Exercise" ##" Explain the etymology and productivity of the affixes given $elow" Say what
pairs of speech are formed with their helpH Fness, Fous, Fly, Fy, Fdom, Fish, Ftion, Fed, Fen, Fess, For,
Fer, Fhood, Fless, Fate, Fing, Fal, Fful, unF" . 2in1FdisF, overF, a$F"
Exercise" ###" Deduce the meanings of the following derivatives from the meanings of their
constituents" Explain your deduction" 7hat are the meanings of the affixes in the words under
examinationK *eddish, ad=": overwrite, v,: irregular, ad=": illegal, ad=,: retype", v,: oldFwomanish,
ad=" : disrespecta$le, ad=,: inexpensive, ad=": unladyli&e, ad=": disorgani-e, v,: renew, v.; eata$le,
ad=": overdress, v": disinfection, n": sno$$ish, ad=": handful, n": tallish, ad=": sandy, ad=": $rea&a$le,
ad=": underfed, ad="
Exercise" #@" #n the following examples the italici-ed words are formed from the same root
$y means of different affixes" Translate these derivatives into your native language and explain
the difference in meaning" a1 Sallie is the most amusing person in the world F and >ulia Pendleton
the least so" $1 (nn was wary, $ut amused" 8" a1 De had a charming smile, almost womanish in
.;/
sweetness" $1 # have &ept up with you through Miss Pittypat $ut she gave me no intimation that
you had developed womanly sweetness" ;" # have $ean having a delightful and entertaining
conversation with my old chum" Lord 7is$each, FSay, are you doing anythingK F ?othing in
particular" F Come and have a yarn" There6s a place" # &now =ust round $e here" FDelighted" L" a1
Sallia thin&s everything is funny F even flun&ing Fand >ulia is $ored at everything" She never
ma&es the slightest effort to $e pleasant, $1 7hy are you going to (mericaK FTo ma&e my
fortune, # hope" FDow pleased your father will $e if you do" M" a1 Long $efore he reached the
$rownstone house""" the first fine careless rapture of his mad out$rea& had passed from >erry
Mitchel, leaving nervous apprehension in its place, $1 #f your nephew has really succeeded in his
experiments you should $e awfully careful" 0" a1 The trou$le with college is that you are
expected to &now such a lot of things you6ve never learned" #t6s very confusing at times" $1 That
platform was a confused mass of travelers, porters, $aggage, truc&s, $oys with maga-ines,
friends, relatives" 3" a1 (t last # decided that even this rather mannish efficient woman could do
with a little help" $1 De was only a $oy not a man yet, $ut he spo&e in a manly way" 4" a1 The
$oy6s respectful Canner changed noticea$ly" $1 #t may $e a respecta$le occupation $ut it sounds
rather criminal to me" /" a1 E7ho is leading in the pennant raceKE said the strange $utler in a feF
verish whisper, $1 #t was an idea peculiar suited her temperament, an idea that she might have
suggested herself if she had thought of it""" this idea of his fevered imagination"
Exercise" @" Explain the difference $etween the meanings of the following words produced
from the same root $y means of different affixes" Translate the words into your native languageH
wateryFwaterish, em$arrassedFem$arrassing, manlyFmannish, colorfulFcolored, distressedF
distressing, respectedFrespectfulFrespecta$le, exhaustiveFexhaustingFexhausted, $oredF$oring,
touchyFtouchedFtouching"
Exercise" @#" !ind cases of conversion in the following sentences"
l" The cler& was eyeing him expectantly" 8"nder the cover of that protective din he was a$le
to toy with a steaming dish, which his waiter had $rought" 3, (n aggressive man $attled his way
to Stout6s side" L" 5ust a few yards from the front door of the $ar there was an elderly woman
comforta$ly seated on a chair, holding a hose lin&ed to a tap and watering the pavement" M"7hat
are you doing hereK F #6m tidying your room" 0" My seat was in the middle of a row" # couldn6t
leave without inconveniencing a great many people, so # remained" 3" Dow on earth do you
remem$er to mil& the cows and give pigs their dinnerK 4" #n a few minutes Papa stal&ed off,
correctly $ooted and well muffled" /" EThen it6s practically impossi$le to steal any diamondsKE
as&ed Mrs" Clair with as &een an air of disappointment as though she had $ean =ourneying there
for the express purpose" .9, Ten minutes later # was speeding along in the direction of Cape
Town" .." *estaurants in all large cities have their ups and downs" .8" The upshot seemed to $e
that # was left to face life with the sun of 43 pounds" .;" E( man could $e very happy in a house
li&e this if he didn6t have to poison his days with wor&,E said >immy" .L" # often heard that fellows
after some great shoc& or loss have a ha$it, after they6ve $een on the floor for a while wondering
.L9
what hit them, of pic&ing themselves up and piecing themselves together"
Exercise" @##" Explain the semantic correlations within the following pairs of wordsH Shelter
F to shelter, par& F to par&, groom F to groom, el$ow F to el$ow, $rea&fast F to $rea&fast, pin F to
pin, trap F to trap, fish F to fish, head F to head, nurse F to nurse"
Exercise" @###" 7hich of the two words in the following pairs is made $y conversionK
Deduce the meanings and use them in constructing sentences of your ownH star, n" F to star, v" age,
n" F to age, v" picture, n"F to picture, v" F touch, n"F to touch, v" color, n"F to color, v" ma&e, n"F to
ma&e" v" $lush, n"F to $lush, v" finger, n"F to finger, v" &ey, n" F to &ey, v" empty, ad=" F to empty, v,
fool, n"F to fool, v", poor, ad=" F to poor" v" $rea&fast, n"Fto $rea&fast, v" pale, ad=" F to pale, v"
house, n"F to house, v" dry, ad=" F to dry, v" mon&ey, n"F to mon&ey, v, nurse, n" F to nurse, v" for&,
n" F to for&, v" dress, n"F to dress, v" slice, n"F to slice, v" floor, n" Fto floor, v"
Exercise" #`" (rrange the compounds given $elow into two groups: (" #diomatic" C" ?onF
idiomatic" Say whether the semantic change within idiomatic compounds is partial or total"
Consult the dictionary if necessary: lightFhearted, ad=": $utterfly, n": home$ody, n,: ca$men, n":
mediumFsi-ed, ad=": $lac&$erry, n": $lue$ell, n": goodFforFnothing, ad=": wolfFdog, n" highway, n":
dragonFfly, n": loo&ingFglass, n": greengrocer, n": $luestoc&ing, n": goose$erry, n": nec&lace, n":
earth%ua&e, n": la-yF$ones, n""
Exercise" `" Say whether the following lexical units are wordFgroups or compounds" (pply
the criteria outlined in the foregoing text to motivate your answerH railway platform: snowman:
light dress: traffic light: railway station: landing field: film star: white men: hungry dog: medical
man: landing plane: top hat, distant star: small house: green light: evening dress: top student:
$luecoat: roughhouse: $oo$y trap: $lac& s&irt: hot dog: $lue dress: Fshaped trapH $lac& shirt"
Exercise XI. Translate the following sentences: define the type of the shortenings in $old
type" ." The windows have green @enetian $linds and rep curtains" 8" 5n the polished lino the
old noisedFup cleaner sounded li&e a s%uadron of aeroplanes" ;" # suppose # shall find the address
in the phone $oo&" L" There were two prams in the hall and the smell, mil&y and faecal, of small
children" M" 7ishing you congrats and all the $est from my wife and #, Jours faithfully, Mr and
Mrs Darper" 0, Tony spo&e to the vet's wife and Mr Partridge from the shop, then he was =oined
$y the vicar" 3" E#6ll leave you those mags,E she said" EJou ought to read them sometime"E 4"
7ell, you &now we were going to Spain these hols" /". do nearly all shopping and most of the
coo&ing since my old ma's had her op" .9" 7hen # came $ac& from !rance they all wanted me to
go to college" # couldn6t" (fter what #6d $een through # felt # couldn6t go $ac& to school" # learnt
nothing at my prep school anyway".." #t was his sister6s voice from the stairs" E5h, Matthew, you
promisedE}E# &now, sis" Cut # cant"E .8" Put the mac over your head, do" .;" Jou don6t mean to
say that $loody Critish gent is coming to inspect youK .L" De wrote their language in his
occasional sales memos to Mr Callendar" .M" She had given *eggie a good education, sent him to
riding lessons, and pushed him through his professional exams in the property $usiness" .0" >eff
>efferies stopped his van outside one of the few detached houses in (rchi$ald *oad" .3" +oing
.L.
out, having lost the firm6s expensive dem model and with it his commission, (rnold met Miss
*iley6s friend coming in with a $undle of foolscap sheets" .4" E#s Donald coming in this evening
to see !elicityKE as&ed ?an" Donald was their son, who was now in the Sixth !orm at St Cride6s"
EDe6s ta&ing =unior prep,E said O[" ./" EThese infraFred coo&ers, Detty } where did you get
6emK They haven6t $een put on the mar&et yetE } E# must have seen it in a maga-ine or on the
telly"E 89" ELoo&, #6ll rev the engine again, and you watch the $ac& wheels"E
PHRASEOLOGY
7ordFgroups viewed as functionally and semantically insepara$le units are traditionally regarded
as the su$=ect matter of phraseology" The word EphraseologyE has very different meanings in this
country and a$road" The term has come to $e used for the whole ensem$le of expressions where
the meaning of one element is dependent on the other, irrespective of the structure and properties
of the unit 2@"@"@inogradov1: with other authors it denotes only such set expressions which, as
distinguished from idioms, do not possess expressiveness or emotional coloring 2("#"Smirnits&y1,
and also vice versaH only those that are imaginative, expressive and emotional 2#"@"(rnold1"
?"?"(mosova overcomes the su$=ectiveness of the two last mentioned approaches when she
insists on the term $eing applica$le only to what she calls fixed context units, i"e" units in which it
is impossi$le to su$stitute any of the components without changing the meaning not only of the
whole unit $ut also of the elements that remain intact" 5"S"(hmanova has repeatedly insisted on
the semantic integrity of such phrases prevailing over the structural separateness of their
elements" ("@",oonin lays stress on the structural separateness of the elements in a
phraseological unit, on the change of meaning in the whole as compared with its elements ta&en
separately and on a certain minimum sta$ility" (ll these authors use the same word EphraseologyE
to denote the $ranch of linguistics studying the wordFgroups they have in mind" Continued
intelligent devotion to the pro$lems of phraseology of such scholars as ?"?"(mosova,
("@",oonin and many others has turned phraseology into a fullFfledged linguistic discipline" #n
English and (merican linguistics the situation is very different" ?o special $ranch of study exists
and the term EphraseologyE is a stylistic one, meaning <mode of expression, peculiarities of
diction: i"e" choice and arrangement of words and phrases characteristic of some author or some
literary wor&" English and (merican linguists as a rule confine themselves to collecting various
words, wordFgroups and sentences presenting some interest as to their origin, style, usage, etc"
These units are ha$itually descri$ed as idioms, $ut no attempt has $een made to investigate these
idioms as a separate class of linguistic units" Phraseological units are usually defined as nonF
motivated wordFgroups that cannot $e freely made up in speech $ut are reproduced as readyF
made units" This definition proceeds from the assumption that the essential features of
phraseological units are sta$ility of the lexical components and lac& of motivation" This approach
to English phraseology is closely $ound up with the research wor& carried out in the field of
phraseology $y (cademician @"@"@lnigradov" #t is conse%uently assumed that unli&e components
.L8
of free word groups, which may vary according to the needs of communication, mem$erFwords
of phraseological units are always reproduced as single unchangea$le collocation" Thus, for
example, the constituent 6red6 in the free word group 6red flower6 may, if necessary, $e su$stituted
for $y any other ad=ective denoting color 2$lue, white, etc"1, without essentially changing the
denotational meaning of the word group under discussion 2a flower of a certain color1" #n the
phraseological unit 6red tape6 2$ureaucratic methods1 no such su$stitution is possi$le, as a change
of the ad=ective would involve a complete change in the meaning of the whole group" ( 6$lue
2$lac&, white1 tape would mean 6a tape of a certain colorI" #t follows that the phraseological unit
6red tape6 is semantically nonFmotivated, i"e" its meaning cannot $e deduced from the meaning of
its components and that it exists as a readyFmade linguistic unit which does not allow of any
varia$ility of its lexical components" Ta&ing into account mainly the degree of idiomaticity
phraseological units may $e classified into three $ig groups: phraseological fusions,
phraseo1ogica1 unities and puraseological collocations 2@"@"@inogradov1" Phraseological
fusions are completely nonFmotivated wordFgroups, such as red tape F 6$ureaucratic methods6:
heavy father F 6sarious or solemn part in a theatrical play6: &ic& the $uc&et F 6die6, and the li&e" The
meaning of the components has no connections whatsoever, at least synchronically, with the
meaning of the whole group" #diomaticity is, as a rule, com$ined with complete sta$ility of the
lexical components and the grammatical structure of the fusion" Phraseological unities are
partially nonFmotivated as their meaning can usually $e perceived through the metaphoric
meaning of the whole phraseological unit" !or example, <to show oneIs teeth, to wash one6s dirty
linen in pu$licI if interpreted as semantically motivated through the com$ined lexical meaning of
the component words would naturally lead one to understand these in their literal meaning" The
metaphoric meaning of the whole unit, however, readily suggests 6ta&e a threatening toneI or
6show an intention to in=ure6 for <show one6s teeth <and 6discuss or ma&e pu$lic one6s %uarrels6 for
<wash one6s dirty linen in pu$licI" Phraseological unities are as a rule mar&ed $y a comparatively
high degree of sta$ility of the lexical components" Phraseological collocations are motivated,
$ut they are made up of words possessing specific lexical valence, which accounts for a certain
degree of sta$ility in such wordFgroups" #n phraseological collocations varia$ility of mem$erF
words is strictly limited" !or instance, <$ear a grudgeI may $e changed into <$ear maliceI, $ut not
into <$ear a fancyI or <)li&ingI" 7e can say <ta&e a li&ing 2fancy1I $ut not <ta&e a hatred
2disgust1I" These ha$itual collocations tend to $ecome &ind of cliches where the meaning of
mem$erFwords is to some extent dominated $y the meaning of the whole group" Due to this
phraseological collocations are felt as possessing a certain degree of semantic insepara$ility"
#n his $oo& on modern English lexicology ("#"Smirnits&y suggests a classification of
phraseological units based on an underlying semantic principle combined with structural pe-
culiarities" Ceing wordFe%uivalents phraseological units may $e more or less complex 2cf" nipple
words and compound words1" There are phraseological units with one semantic centre, i"e" with
the domination of one component over another" This semantically dominating element also
.L;
determines the e%uivalence of the phraseological unit to a certain class of words" This type of
phraseological units is termed collocation 2ver$Fadver$ collocation, e"g" to loo& afterH attri$utive
collocation, e"g" outFofFtheFway: prepositionFnoun collocation, e"g" in ancordance with1" There are
phraseological unlts with two centres" They differ from collocations $y the a$sence of the central
word, which focuses the main semantic and grammatical properties of the whole" They are
termed set expressions 2ver$Fnoun set expressions, e"g" to fall in love: ad=ectiveFnoun set expresF
sions, e"g" $lac& $all: phraseological repetitions, e"g" spic& and span"1" There exist set expressions
with more than two centres, such as <every other dayI, <every now and thenI, etc" #dioms proper
form a special class in phraseology and should $e distinguished from the phraseological units
listed a$ove1" The distinction lies in the fact that idioms proper are such com$inations of words
which occur in metaphorical use and possess a special stylistic coloring or expressiveness"
Structurallu idioms proper can $e classified together with other phraseological units" There are
also idioms, which are sentenceFe%uivalents, e"g" <much water haa flown under the $ridgesI"
C"("Larin, ?"?"(moaova and @",oonin exclude phraseologicalFcollocations from phraseology"
("@",oonin suggests his own classification and approach to the pro$lem of phraseology" The
main features of this new approach which is now more or less universally accepted $y linguists
are as followsH ." Phraseology is regarded as a selfFcontained $ranch of linguistics and not as a
part of lexicology" 8" Phraseology deals with a phraseological su$system of language and not
with isolated phraseological units" ;" Phraseology is concerned with all types of set expressions"
L" Set expressions are divided into three classesH phraseological units 2e"g" red tape, mare6s nest,
etc"1, phraseomatic units 2e"g" win a victory, launch a campaign, etc"1 and $orderline cases
$elonging to the mixed class" The main distinction $etween the first and the second classes is
semantic1 phraseological units have fully or partially transferred meanings while components of
phraseomatic units are used in their literal meanings" M" Phraseological and phraseomatic units are
not regarded as wordFe%uivalents $ut some of them are treated as word correlates" 0"
Phraseological and phraseomatic units are set expressions and their phraseological sta$ility
distinguishes them from free phrases and compound words" 3" Phraseological and phraseomatic
units are made up of words of different degree of wordness depending on the type of set
expressions they are used in" 2Cf" e"g" <small hoursI and <red tapeI1" Their structural separateness,
an important factor of their sta$ility, distinguishes them from compound words 2of" e"g" $lac&$ird
and $lac& mar&et1" 5ther aspects of their sta$ility areH sta$ility of use, lexical sta$ility and
semantic sta$ilityH 4" Sta$ility of use means that set expressions are reproduced readyFmade and
not created in speech" They are not elements of individual style of speech $ut language units" /"
Lexical sta$ility means that the components of set expressions are either irreplacea$le 2e"g" red
tape, mare6s neat1 or partially replacea$le within the $ounds of phraseological or phraseomatic
varianceH lexical 2e"g" a s&eleton in the cup$oard F a s&eleton in the closet1, grammatical 2e"g" to
$e in deep water F to $e in deep waters1, positional 2e"g" head over ears F over head and ears1 ,
%uantitative 2e"g" to lead sm$" a dance F to lead sm$" a pretty dance1" mixed variants 2e,g, raise
.LL
2stir up1 a hornets6 nest a$out one 6s ears m arouse 2stir up1 the past of hornets1" .9" Semantic
sta$ility is $ased on the lexical sta$ility of set expressions" Even when occasional changes are
introduced the meaning of set expressions is preserved" #t may only $e specified, made more
precise, wea&ened or strengthened" #n other words in spite of all occasional changes
phraseological and phraseomatic units, as distinguished from free phrases, remain semantically
invariant or are destroyed" !or example, the su$stitution of the ver$al component in the free
phrase <to raise a %uestionI $y the ver$ <to settle 2to settle a %uestion1 changes the meaning of the
phrase, no such change occurs in <to raise 2stir up1 a hornets6 nest a$out one6s ears"
PHRASEOLOGICAL UNITS (SET EXPRESSIONS)
#t has $een repeatedly pointed out that wordFgroups viewed as functionally and "semantically
insepara$le units are traditionally regarded as the su$=ect matter of phraseology" #t should $e
noted, however, that no proper scientific investigation of English phraseology has $een attempted
until %uite recently" English and (merican linguists as a rule confine themselves to collecting
various words, wordFgroups and sentences presenting some interest either from the point of view
of origin, style, usage, or some other feature peculiar to them" These units are ha$itually
descri$ed as idioms $ut no attempt has $een made to investigate these idioms as a separate class
of linguistic units or a specific class of wordFgroups" (merican and English dictionaries of
unconventional English, slang and idioms and other highly valua$le referenceF$oo&s contain a
wealth of prover$s, sayings, various lexical units of all &inds, $ut as a rule do not see& to lay
down a relia$le criterion to distinguish $etween varia$le wordFgroups and phraseological units"
Paradoxical as it may seem the first dictionary in which theoretical principles for the selection of
English phraseological units were ela$orated was pu$lished" 2 #t should $e recalled that the first
attempt to place the study of various wordFgroups on a scientific $asis was made $y the
outstanding *ussian linguist (" (" Schachmatov in his worldFfamous $oo& Syntax"
Schachmatov6s wor& was continued $y (cademician @" @" @inogradov whose approach to
phraseology is discussed $elow" #nvestigation of English phraseology, was initiated in our
country $y prof" (" @" ,unin F Phraseol, Dictionary: See also (" @" ,unin" English #dioms" ;d
ed" M", ./03"1 The term itself phraseological units to denote a specific group of phrases was"
introduced $y linguists and is generally accepted in our country"
Free Word-Groups Versus Set-Phrases. Phraseological Units, Idioms, Word-
Equivalents (ttempts have $een made to approacho the pro$lem of phraseology in different
ways" p till now, however, there is a certain divergence of opinion as to the essential feature of
phraseological units as distinguished from other wordFgroups and the nature of phrases that can
the properly termed phraseological units" The complexity of the pro$lem may $e largely
accounted for $y the fact that the $orderFline $etween free or varia$le wordFgroups and
phraseological units is not clearly defined" The soFcalled free wordFgroups are only relatively free
.LM
as colloca$ility of their mem$erFwords is fundamentally delimited $y their lexical and
grammatical valency, which ma&es at least some of them very, close to setFphrases"
Phraseological units are comparatively sta$le and semantically insepara$le" Cetween the extremes
of complete motivation and varia$ility of mem$erFwords on the one hand and lac& of motivation
com$ined with complete sta$ility of their lexical components and grammatical structure on the
other hand there are innumera$le $orderFline cases" Dowever, the existing terms, e"g" setFphrases,
idioms, wordFe%uivalents, reflect to a certain extent the main de$ata$le issues of phraseology
which centre on the divergent views concerning the nature and essential features of
phraseological units as distinguished from the soFcalled free wordFgroups" The term setFphrase
implies that the $asic criterion of differentiation is sta$ility of the lexical components and
grammatical structure of wordFgroups" The term idioms generally implies that the essential
feature of the linguistic units under consideration is idiomaticity or lac& of motivation" This term
ha$itually used $y English and (merican linguists is very often treated as synonymous with the
term phraseological unit universally accepted in our country" The term wordFe%uivalent stresses
not only the semantic $ut also the functional insepara$ility of certain wordFgroups and their
aptness to function "in speech as single words" Thus differences in terminology reflect certain
differences in the main criteria used to distinguish $etween free wordFgroups and a specific type
of linguistic units generally &nown as phraseology" These criteria and the ensuing classification
are $riefly discussed $elow"
Criteria of Stability and Lack of Motivation 2idiomaticity1.
Phraseological units are ha$itually defined as nonFmotivated wordFgroups that cannot $e freely
made up in speech $ut are reproduced as readyFmade units" This definition proceeds from the
assumption that the essential features of phraseological units are sta$ility of the lexical
components and lac& of motivation". #t is conse%uently assumed that unli&e components of free
wordFgroups which may vary according to the needs of communication, mem$erFwords of
phraseological units are always reproduced as single unchangea$le collocations" Thus, for
example, the constituent red in the free wordFgroup red flower may, if necessary, $e su$stituted
for $y any other ad=ective denoting colour (blue, white, etc"1, without essentially changing the
denotational meaning of the wordFgroup under discussion 2a flower of a certain colour1" #n the
phraseological unit red tape 2$ureaucratic methods1 no such su$stitution is possi$le, as a change
of the ad=ective would involve a complete change in the meaning of the whole group" ( blue
(black, white, etc"1 tape would mean 6a tape of a certain colour6" #t follows that the phraseological
unit red tape is semantically nonFmotivated, i"e" its meaning cannot $e deduced from the
meaning of its components and that it exists as a readyFmade linguistic unit which does not allow
of any varia$ility of its lexical components" #t is also argued that nonFvaria$ility of the
phraseological unit is not confined to its lexical components" +rammatical structure of
phraseological units is to a certain extent also sta$le" Thus, though the structural formula of the
wordFgroups red flower and red tape is identical, the noun flower may $e used in the plural 2red
.L0
flowers1, whereas no such change is possi$le in the phraseological unit red tape: red tapes would
then denote 6tapes of red colour6 $ut not 6$ureaucratic methods6" This is also true of other types of
phraseological units, e"g" what will Mrs" +rundy sayK, where the ver$al component is invaria$ly
reproduced in the same grammatical form"
Classification. Ta&ing into account mainly the degree of idiomaticity phraseological units
may $e classified into three $ig groupsH phraseological fusions, phraseological unities and
phraseological collocations"
Phraseological fusions are completely nonFmotivated wordFgroups, such as red
tapeF6$ureaucratic methods6: heavy fatherF 6serious or solemn part in a theatrical play'; kick the
bucketF6die6: and the li&e" The meaning of the components has no connections whatsoever, at
least synchronically, with the meaning of the whole group" #diomaticity is, as a rule, com$ined
with complete sta$ility of the lexical components and the grammatical structure of the fusion"
Phraseological unities are partially nonFmotivated as their meaning can usually $e perceived
through the metaphoric meaning of the whole phraseological unit" !or example, to show one's
teeth, to wash one's dirty linen in public if interpreted as semantically motivated through the
com$ined lexical meaning of the component words would naturally lead one to understand these
in their literal meaning" The metaphoric meaning of the whole unit, however, readily suggests
6ta&e a threatening tone6 or 6show an intention to in=ure6 for show one's teeth, and 6discuss or ma&e
pu$lic one6s %uarrels6 for wash one's dirty linen in public. Phraseological unities are as a rule
mar&ed $y a comparatively high degree of sta$ility of the lexical components" Phraseological
collocations are motivated $ut6 they are made up of words possessing specific lexical valency
which accounts for a certain degree of sta$ility in such wordFgroups" #n phraseological
collocations varia$ility of mem$erFwords is strictly limited" !or instance, bear a grudge may $e
changed into bear malice, $ut not into bear a fancy or liking. 7e can say take a liking (fancy)
$ut not take hatred (disgust). These ha$itual collocations tend to $ecome &ind of clichs, where
the meaning of mem$erFwords is to some extent dominated $y the meaning of the whole group"
Due to this phraseological collocations are felt as possessing a certain degree of semantic
insepara$ility"
Some Debatable Points. The current definition of phraseological units as
highly idiomatic wordFgroups which cannot $e freely made up in speech, $ut are reproduced as
readyFmade units has $een su$=ect to severe criticism $y linguists of different schools of thought"
The main o$=ections and de$ata$le points may $e $riefly outlined as followsH ." The definition is
felt to $e inade%uate as the concept readyFmade units seems to $e rather vague" #n fact this term
can $e applied to a variety of heterogeneous linguistic phenomena ranging from wordFgroups to
sentences 2e"g" prover$s, sayings1 and also %uotations from poems, novels or scientific treatises
all of which can $e descri$ed as readyFmade units" 8" !re%uent discussions have also led to
%uestioning this approach to phraseology from a purely semantic point of view as the criterion of
idiomaticity is found to $e an inade%uate guide in singling out phraseological units from other
.L3
wordFgroups" Corderline cases $etween idiomatic and nonFidiomatic wordFgroups are so
numerous and confusing that the final 6decision seems to depend largely on one6s Efeeling of the
languageE" This can $e proved $y the fact that the same wordFgroups are treated $y some linguists
as idiomatic phrases and $y others as free wordFgroups" !or example, such wordFgroups as take
the chairF6preside at a meeting6, take one's chanceF6trust to luc& or fortune6, take trouble 2to do
smth1 F 6to ma&e efforts6 and others are mar&ed in some of the English dictionaries as idioms or
phrases, whereas in others they are found as free wordFgroups illustrating one of the meanings of
the ver$ to take or the nouns com$ined with this ver$" The impractica$ility of the criterion of
idiomaticity is also o$served in the traditional classification of phraseological collocations" The
extreme cases, i"e" phraseological fusions and collocations are easily differentiated $ut the
$orderline units, as for example phraseological fusions and phraseological unities or
phraseological collocations and free wordFgroups, are very often dou$tful and rather vaguely
outlined" 7e may argue, e"g", that such wordFgroups as high treason or show the white feather
are fusions $ecause one finds it impossi$le to infer the meaning of the whole from the meaning of
the individual components" 5thers may feel these wordFgroups as metaphorically motivated and
refer them to phraseological unities" The term idiomaticity is also regarded $y some linguists as
re%uiring clarification" (s a matter of fact this term is ha$itually used to denote lac& of motivation
from the point of view of one6s mother tongue" ( wordFgroup which defies word $y word
translation is conse%uently descri$ed as idiomatic" #t follows that if idiomaticity is viewed as the
main distinguishing feature of phraseological units, the same wordFgroups in the English
language may $e classified as idiomatic phraseological units $y *ussian spea&ers and as nonF
idiomatic wordFgroups $y those whose mother tongue contains analogous collocations" Thus,
e"g", from the point of view of *ussian spea&ers such wordFgroups as take tea, take care, etc" are
often referred to phraseology as the *ussian translation e%uivalents of these wordFgroups do not
contain the ha$itual translation e%uivalents of the ver$ take. !rench spea&ers, however, are not
li&ely to find anything idiomatic a$out these wordFgroups as there are similar lexical units in the
!rench language 2cf" prendre du th, prendre soin). This approach to idiomaticity may $e
termed interlingual as it involves a comparison, explicit or implicit of two different languages"
The term idiomaticity is also understood as lac& of motivation from the point of view of native
spea&ers" (s here we are concerned with the English language, this implies that only those wordF
groups are to $e referred to phraseology, which are felt as nonFmotivated, at least synchronically,
$y English spea&ers, e"g" red tape, kick the bucket and the li&e" This approach to idiomaticity
may $e termed intralingual" #n other words the =udgement as to idiomaticity is passed within the
framewor& of the language concerned, not from the outside" #t is readily o$served that
classification of factual linguistic material into free wordFgroups and phraseological units largely
depends upon the particular meaning we attach to the term idiomaticity" #t will $e recalled, for
example, that ha$itual collocations are wordFgroups whose component mem$er or mem$ers
possess specific and limited lexical valency, as a rule essentially different from the lexical
.L4
valency of related words in the *ussian language" ( num$er of ha$itual collocations, e"g" heavy
rain, bad mistake, take care and others, may $e felt $y *ussian spea&ers as pecu.iar.y English
and therefore idiomatic, whereas they are not perceived as such $y English spea&ers in whose
mother tongue the lexical valency of mem$er words heavy, bad, take presupposes their
colloca$ility with rain, mistake, care. ;" The criterion of sta$ility is also critici-ed as not very
relia$le in distinguishing phraseological units from other wordFgroups ha$itually referred to as
phraseology" 7e o$serve regular su$stitution of at least one of the lexical components" #n to cast
smth in smb's teeth, e"g" the ver$ cast may $e replaced $y fling; to take a decision is found
alongside with to make a decision; not to care a twopenny is =ust one of the possi$le variants of
the phrase, whereas in others the noun twopenny may $e replaced $y a num$er of other nouns,
e"g" farthing, button, pin, sixpence, fig, etc" #t is also argued that sta$ility of lexical components
does not presuppose lac& of motivation" The wordFgroup shrug one's shoulders, e.g., does not
allow of the su$stitution of either shrug or shoulders; the meaning of the wordFgroup, however,
is easily deduci$le from the meanings of the mem$erFwords, hence the wordFgroup is completely
motivated, though sta$le" #diomatic wordFgroups may $e varia$le as far as their lexical
components are concerned, or sta$le" #t was o$served that, e"g", to cast smth in smb's teeth is a
highly idiomatic $ut varia$le wordFgroup as the constituent mem$er cast may $e replaced $y
fling or throw; the wordFgroup red tape is $oth highly idiomatic and sta$>e" #t follows that
sta$ility and idiomaticity may $e regarded as two different aspects of wordFgroups" Sta$ility is an
essential feature of setFphrases $oth motivated and nonFmotivated" #diomaticity is a distinguishing
feature of phraseological units or idioms which comprise $oth sta$le setFphrases and varia$le
wordFgroups" The two features are not mutually exclusive and may $e overlapping, $ut are not
interdependent" Sta$ility of wordFgroups may $e viewed in terms of predicta$ility of occurrence
of mem$erFwords" Thus, e"g", the ver$ shrug predicts the occurrence of the noun shoulders and
the ver$ clench the occurrence of either fists or teeth. The degree of predicta$ility or pro$a$ility
of occurrence of mem$erFwords is different in different wordFgroups" 7e may assume, e"g", that
the ver$ shrug predicts with a hundred per cent pro$a$ility the occurrence of the noun shoulders,
as no other noun can follow this particular ver$" The pro$a$ility of occurrence of the noun look
after the ver$ cast is not so high $ecause cast may $e followed not only $y look $ut also $y
glance, light, lots and some other nouns" Sta$ility of the wordFgroup in clench one's fists is
higher than in cast a look, $ut lower than in shrug one's shoulders as the ver$ clench predicts
the occurrence of either fists or teeth. #t is argued that the sta$ility of all wordFgroups may $e
statistically calculated and the wordFgroups where sta$ility exceeds a certain limit 2say M9a1 may
$e classified as setFphrases" Predicta$ility of occurrence may $e calculated in relation to one pr
more than one constituent of the wordFgroup" Thus, e"g", the degree of pro$a$ility of occurrence
of the noun bull after the ver$ take is very low and may practically $e estimated at -ero" The two
mem$erFwords take the bull, however, predict the occurrence of by the horns with a very high
degree of pro$a$ility" Sta$ility viewed in terms of pro$a$ility of occurrence seems a more
.L/
relia$le criterion in differentiating $etween setFphrases and varia$le or free wordFgroups, $ut
cannot $e relied upon to single out phraseological units" Cesides, it is argued that it is practically
impossi$le to calculate the sta$ility of all the wordFgroups as that would necessitate investigation
into the lexical valency of the whole voca$ulary of the English language"
Criterion of Function" (nother angle from which the pro$lem of phraseology is viewed is
the soFcalled functional approach" This approach assumes that phraseological units may $e
defined as specific wordFgroups functioning as wordFe%uivalents" The fundamental features of
phraseological units thus understood are their semantic and grammatical insepara$ility which are
regarded as distinguishing features of isolated words" #t will $e recalled that when we compare a
free wordFgroup, e"g" heavy weight, and a phraseological unit, e.g. heavy father, we o$serve that
in the case of the free word group each of the mem$erFwords has its own denotational meaning"
So the lexical meaning of the wordFgroup can $e ade%uately descri$ed as the com$ined lexical
meaning of its constituents"8 #n the case of the phraseological unit, however, the denotational
meaning $elongs to the wordFgroup as a single semantically insepara$le unit" The individual
mem$erFwords do not seem to possess any lexical meaning outside the meaning of the group" The
meanings of 6the mem$erFwords heavy and father ta&en in isolation are in no way connected
with the meaning of the phrase heavy fatherF6serious or solemn part in a theatrical play6" The
same is true of the stylistic reference and emotive charge of phraseological units" #n free wordF
groups each of the components preserves as a rule its own stylistic reference" This can $e readily
o$served in the stylistic effect produced $y free wordFgroups made up of words of widely
different stylistic value, e"g" to commence to scrub, valiant chap and the li&e" ( certain
humorous effect is attained $ecause one of the mem$erFwords (commence, valiant) is felt as
$elonging to the $oo&ish stylistic layer, whereas the other (scrub, chap) is felt as stylistically
neutral or collo%uial" 7hen we say, however,, that kick the bucket is highly collo%uial or heavy
father is a professional term, we do not refer to the stylistic value of the component words of
these phraseological units kick, bucket, heavy or father, $ut the stylistic value of the wordF
group as a single whole" Ta&en in isolation the words are stylistically neutral" #t follows that
phraseological units are characteri-ed $y a single stylistic reference irrespective of the num$er
and nature of their component words" Semantic insepara$ility of phraseological units is viewed as
one of the aspects of idiomaticity, which ena$les us to regard them as semantically e%uivalent to
single words" The term grammatical insepara$ility implies that the grammatical meaning or, to
$e more exact, the partFofFspeech meaning of phraseological units is felt as $elonging to the
wordFgroup as a whole irrespective of the partFofFspeech meaning of the component words"
Comparing the free wordFgroup, e"g" a long day, and the phraseological unit, e"g" in the long
run, we o$serve that in the free wordFgroup the noun day and the ad=ective long preserve the
partFofFspeech meaning proper to these words ta&en in isolation" The whole group is viewed as
composed of two independent units 2ad=ective and noun1" #n the phraseological unit in the long
run the partFofFspeech meaning $elongs to the group as a single whole" In the long run is
.M9
grammatically e%uivalent to single adverbs, e.g. finally, ultimately, firstly, etc" #n the case of
the phraseological unit under discussion there is no connection $etween the partFofFspeech
meaning of the mem$erFwords (inFpreposition, longFad=ective, runFnoun1 and the partFofFspeech
meaning of the whole wordFgroup" +rammatical insepara$ility of phraseological units viewed as
one of the aspects of idiomaticity ena$les us to regard them as grammatically e%uivalent to single
words" #t is argued that the final test of the semantic and grammatical insepara$ility of phrases is
their functional unity, i"e" their aptness to function in speech as single syntactic units" #t will $e
o$served that in the free wordFgroups, e"gH heavy weight, long time, the ad=ectives heavy and
long function as attri$utes to other mem$ers of the sentence (weight, time), whereas the
phraseological units heavy father and in the long run are functionally insepara$le and are
always viewed as ma&ing up one and only one mem$er of the sentence 2the su$=ect or the o$=ect,
etc"1, i"e" they are functionally e%uivalent to single words" Proceeding from the assumption that
phraseological units are nonFmotivated wordFgroups functioning as wordFe%uivalents $y virtue of
their semantic and grammatical insepara$ility, we may classify them into noun e%uivalents 2e"g"
heavy father), ver$ e%uivalents 2e"g" take place, break the news), adver$ e%uivalents 2e"g" in
the long run), etc"
(s far as their structure is concerned these groups are not homogeneous and may $e
su$divided into the same groups as varia$le phrases" (mong ver$ e%uivalents, for example, we
may find ver$Fnoun units (take place) and ver$Fadver$ units (give up), adver$ e%uivalents
comprise prepositionFnoun groups 2e"g" by heart, at length), adver$Fcon=unctionFadver$ groups
2e"g" far and wide), etc"
Phraseological Units and Idioms Proper. (s can $e inferred from the a$ove discussion the
functional approach does not discard idiomaticity as the main feature distinguishing
phraseological units from free wordFgroups, $ut see&s to esta$lish formal criteria of idiomaticity
$y analysing the syntactic function of phraseological units in speech" (n attempt is also made to
distinguish phraseological units as wordFe%uivalents from idioms proper, i"e" idiomatic units such
as that6s where the shoe pinches, the cat is out of the bag, what will Mrs Grundy say?, etc"
nli&e phraseological units, prover$s, sayings and %uotations do not always function as wordF
e%uivalents" They exist as readyFmade expressions with a speciali-ed meaning of their own which
cannot $e inferred from the meaning of their components ta&en singly" Due to this the linguists
who rely mainly on the criterion of idiomaticity classify prover$s and sayings as phraseological
units" The proponents of the functional criterion argue that prover$s and sayings lie outside the
province of phraseology" #t is pointed out, firstly, that the lac& of motivation in such linguistic
units is of an essentially different nature" #dioms are mostly $ased on metaphors, which ma&es the
transferred meaning of the whole expression more or less transparent" #f we analyse such idioms,
as, e"g", to carry coals to Newcastle, to fall between two stools, or fine feathers make fine
birds, we o$serve that though their meaning cannot $e inferred from the literal meaning of the
mem$erFwords ma&ing up these expressions, they are still metaphorically motivated as the literal
.M.
meaning of the whole expression readily suggests its meaning as an idiom, i"e" 6to do something
that is a$surdly superfluous6, 6fail through ta&ing an intermediate 6course6 and 6to $e well dressed
to give one an impressive appearance6 respectively". The meaning of the phraseological units, e"g"
red tape, heavy father, in the long run, etc", cannot $e deduced either from the meaning of the
component words or from the metaphorical meaning of the wordFgroup as a whole" Secondly, the
$ul& of idioms never function in speech as wordFe%uivalents, which is a proof of their semantic
and grammatical separa$ility" #t is also suggested that idioms in general have very much in
common with %uotations from literary sources, some of which also exist as idiomatic readyFmade
units with a speciali-ed meaning of their own" Such %uotations which have ac%uired speciali-ed
meaning and idiomatic value, as, e"g", to be or not to be 2Sha&espeare1, to cleanse the Augean
stables 2mythology1, a voice crying out in the wilderness 2the Ci$le1, etc" differ little from
prover$s and sayings which may also $e regarded as %uotations from English fol&lore and are
part of this particular $ranch of literary studies"
Some Debatable Points. The definition of phraseological units as idiomatic
wordFgroups functioning as wordFe%uivalents has also $een su$=ect to criticism" The main
disputa$le points are as followsH ." The criterion of function is regarded as not %uite relia$le
when used with a view to singling out phraseological units from among other more or less
idiomatic wordFgroups" The same wordFgroups may function in some utterances as an insepara$le
group and in others as a separa$le group with each component performing its own syntactic
function" This seems largely to $e accounted for $y the structure of the sentence in which the
wordFgroup is used" Thus, for example, in the sentence She took care of everything-take care is
perceived as a single unit functioning as the predicate, whereas in the sentence great care was
taken to keep the children happy-take care is undou$tedly separa$le into two componentsH the
ver$ take functions as the predicate and the noun care as the o$=ect" The functional unity of the
wordFgroup seems to $e $ro&en" 8" #t is also argued that the criterion of function serves to single
out a comparatively small group of phraseological units compara$le with phraseological fusions
in the traditional semantic classification $ut does not provide for an o$=ective criterion for the
$ul& of wordFgroups occupying an intermediate position $etween free wordFgroups and highly
idiomatic"
Criterion of Context" Phraseological units in Modern English are also approached from the
contextual point of view 2prof" (mosova1"" Proceeding from the assumption that individual
meanings of polysemantic words can $e o$served in certain contexts and may $e viewed as
dependent on those contexts, it is argued that phraseological units are to $e defined through
specific types of context" !ree wordFgroups ma&e up varia$le contexts whereas the essential
feature of phraseological units is a nonFvaria$le or fixed context" ?onFvaria$ility is understood as
the sta$ility of the wordFgroup" #n varia$le contexts which include polysemantic words
su$stitution of one of the components is possi$le within the limits of the lexical valency of the
word under consideration" #t is o$served, e"g", that in such wordFgroups as a small town the word
.M8
town may $e su$stituted for $y a num$er of other nouns, e"g" room, audience, etc", the ad=ective
small $y a num$er of other ad=ectives, e"g" large, big, etc" The su$stitution of nouns does not
change the meaning of small which denotes in all wordFgroups 6not large6" The su$stitution of
ad=ectives does not li&ewise affect the meaning of town" Thus varia$ility of the lexical
components is the distinguishing feature of the soFcalled free wordFgroups" #n other wordFgroups
such as small business, a small farmer the varia$le mem$ers serve as a clue to the meaning of
the ad=ective small. #t may $e o$served that when com$ined with the words town, room, etc" a
small denotes 6not large6, whereas it is only in com$ination with the nouns business, farmer, etc"
that small denotes 6of limited si-e6 or 6having limited capital6" 7ordFgroups of this type are
sometimes descri$ed as traditional collocations" nli&e wordFgroups with varia$le mem$ers
phraseological units allow of no su$stitution" !or example, in the phraseological unit small
hoursF 6the early hours of the morning from a$out . a"m" to L a"m"6F there is no varia$le mem$er
as small denotes 6early6 only in collocation with hours. #n the phraseological unit small beer,
small has the meaning weak only in this fixed nonFvaria$le context" (s can $e seen from the
a$ove, a nonFvaria$le context is indicative of a speciali-ed meaning of one of the mem$erFwords"
The speciali-ed meaning of one of the lexical components is understood as the meaning of the
word only in the given phrase 2e" g" small hours), i"e" this particular meaning cannot $e found in
the word ta&en in isolation or in any of the varia$le wordFgroups in which the word is used" #t
follows that speciali-ed meaning and sta$ility of lexical components are regarded as
interdependent features of phraseological units whose semantic structure is uni%ue, i"e" no other
wordFgroups can $e created on this semantic pattern" The two criteria of phraseological units F
speciali-ed meaning of the components and nonFvaria$ility of context F display unilateral
dependence" Speciali-ed meaning presupposes complete sta$ility of the lexical components, as
speciali-ed meaning of the mem$erFwords or idiomatic meaning of the whole wordFgroup is
never o$served outside fixed contexts" Phraseological units may $e su$divided into phrasemes
and idioms according to whether or not one of the components of the whole wordFgroup
possesses speciali-ed meaning" Phrasemes are, as a rule, twoFmem$er wordFgroups in which one
of the mem$ers has speciali-ed meaning dependent on the second component as, e"g", in small
hours; the second component (hours) serves as the only clue to this particular meaning of the
first component as it is found only in Fthe given context (small hours). The word that serves as
the clue to the speciali-ed meaning of one of the components is ha$itually used in its central
meaning 2cf", for example, small hours, and three hours, pleasant hours, etc"1" #dioms are
distinguished from phrasemes $y the idiomaticity of the whole wordFgroup 2e"g" red
tapeF6$ureaucratic methods61 and the impossi$ility of attaching meaning to the mem$ers of the
group ta&en in isolation" #dioms are semantically and grammatically insepara$le units" They may
comprise unusual com$inations of words which when understood in their literal meaning are
normally uncolloca$le as, e"g" mare's nest (a mareF6a female horse6, a mare's nestF6a hoax, a
discovery which proves false or worthless61" nusualFness of colloca$ility, or logical
.M;
incompati$ility of mem$erFwords is indicative of the idiomaticity of the phrase" #dioms made up
of words normally $rought together are homonymous with corresponding varia$le wordFgroups,
e"g" to let the cat out of the bag F 6to divulge a secret6, and the clue to the idiomatic meaning is to
$e found in a wider context outside the phrase itself"
Some Debatable Points. The main o$=ections to the contextual approach are as followsH ."
?onFvaria$ility of context does not necessarily imply speciali-ed meaning of the component or
the components of the wordFgroup" #n some cases complete sta$ility of the lexical components is
found in wordFgroups including words of a narrow or specific range of lexical valency as, e"g",
shrug one's shoulders. 8" Some wordFgroups possessing a certain degree of idiomaticity are
referred to traditional collocations" The criterion of traditional collocations, however, is different
from that of phraseological units" #n the contextual approach traditional collocations are
understood as wordFgroups with partially varia$le mem$ers: the degree of idiomaticity is
disregarded" Conse%uently such wordFgroups as, e"g", clench fists (teeth) and cast (throw, fling)
something in somebody's teeth may $oth $e referred to traditional collocations on the ground of
su$stituta$ility of one of the mem$erFwords in spite of a tangi$le difference in the degree of
idiomatic meaning"
Phraseology as a Subsystem of Language. Comparing the three approaches discussed a$ove
2semantic, functional, and contextual1 we have ample ground to conclude that they have very
much in common as the main criteria of phraseological units appear to $e essentially the same,
i"e" sta$ility and idiomaticity or lac& of motivation" #t should $e noted however that these criteria
as ela$orated in the three approaches are sufficient mainly to single out extreme casesH highly
idiomatic nonFvaria$le and free 2or varia$le1 wordFgroups" Thus red tape, mare's nest, etc"
according to the semantic approach $elong to phraseology and are descri$ed as fusions as they
are completely nonFmotivated" (ccording to the functional approach they are also regarded as
phraseological units $ecause of their grammatical 2syntactic1 insepara$ility and $ecause they
function in speech as wordFe%uivalents" (ccording to the contextual approach red tape, mare's
nest, etc" ma&e up a group of phraseological units referred to as idioms $ecause of the
impossi$ility of any change in the 6fixed context6 and their semantic insepara$ility"
The status of the $ul& of wordFgroups however cannot $e decided with certainty with the help
of these criteria $ecause as a rule we have to deal not with complete idiomaticity and sta$ility $ut
with a certain degree of these distinguishing features of phraseological units" ?o o$=ective criteria
of the degree of idiomaticity and sta$ility have as yet $een suggested" Thus, e"g", to win a victory
according to the semantic approach is a phraseological com$ination $ecause it is almost
completely motivated and allows of certain varia$ility to win, to gain a victory. (ccording to the
functional approach it is not a phraseological unit as the degree of semantic and grammatical
insepara$ility is insufficient for the wordFgroup to function as a wordFe%uivalent" Small hours
according to the contextual approach is a phraseme $ecause one of the components is used in its
literal meaning" #f however we classify it proceeding from the functional approach it is a
.ML
phraseological unit $ecause it is syntactically insepara$le and therefore functions as a wordF
e%uivalent" (s can $e seen from the a$ove the status of the wordFgroups which are partially
motivated is decided differently depending on which of the criteria of phraseological units is
applied" There is still another approach to the pro$lem of phraseology in which an attempt is
made to overcome the shortcomings of the phraseological theories discussed a$ove" The main
features of this new approach are as followsH ." Phraseology is regarded as a selfFcontained
$ranch of linguistics and not as a part of lexicology" 8" Phraseology deals with a phraseological
su$system of language and not with isolated phraseological units" ;" Phraseology is concerned
with all types of set expressions" L" Set expressions are divided into three classesH phraseological
units 2e"g" red tape, mare's nest, etc"1, phraseomatic units 2e"g" win a victory, launch a
campaign, etc"1 and $orderFline cases $elonging to the mixed class" The main distinction $etween
the first and the second classes is semanticH phraseological units have fully or partially transferred
meanings while components of phraseomatic units are used in their literal meanings" M"
Phraseological and phraseomatic units are not regarded as wordFe%uivalents $ut some of them are
treated as word correlates" 0" Phraseological and phraseomatic units are set expressions and their
phraseological sta$ility distinguishes them from free phrases and compound words" 3"
Phraseological and phraseomatic units are made up of words of different degree of wordness
depending on the type of set expressions they are used in" 2Cf" e"g" small hours and red tape.)
Their structural separateness, an important factor of their sta$ility, distinguishes them from
compound words 2cf" e"g" blackbird and black market). Other aspects "of their sta$ility areH
sta$ility of use, lexical sta$ility and semantic sta$ility" 4" Sta$ility of use means that set
expressions are reproduced readyFmade and not created in speech" They are not elements of
individual style of speech $ut language units" /" Lexical sta$ility means that the components of
set expressions are either irreplacea$le 2e"g" red tape, mare's nest) or partly replacea$le within
the $ounds of phraseological or phraseomatic varianceH lexical 2e"g" a skeleton in the cupboard-
a skeleton in the closet), grammatical 2e"g" to be in deep water-to be in deep waters),
positional 2e"g" head over ears-over head and ears), %uantitative 2e"g" to lead smb a dance-to
lead smb a pretty dance), mixed variants 2e"g" raise (stir up) a hornets' nest about one's ears-
arouse (stir up) the nest of hornets). .9" Semantic sta$ility is $ased on the lexical sta$ility of
set expressions" Even when occasional changes are introduced the meaning of set expression is
preserved" #t may only $e specified, made more precise, wea&ened or strengthened" #n other
words in spite of all occasional changes phraseological and phraseomatic units, as distinguished
from free phrases, remain semantically invariant or are destroyed" !or example, the su$stitution
of the ver$al component in the free phrase to raise a question $y the ver$ to settle (to settle a
question) changes the meaning of the phrase, no such change occurs in to raise (stir up) a
hornets' nest about one's ears. .." (n integral part of this approach is a method of
phraseological identification, which helps to single out set expressions in Modern English"
.MM
Some Problems of the Diachronic Approach. The diachronic aspect of phraseology has
scarcely $een investigated" >ust a few points of interest may $e $riefly reviewed in connection
with the origin of phraseological units and the ways they appear in language" #t is assumed that
almost all phrases can $e traced $ac& to free wordFgroups which in the course of the historical
development of the English language have ac%uired semantic and grammatical insepara$ility" #t is
o$served that free wordFgroups may undergo the process of grammaticali-ation or lexicali-ation"
Cases of grammaticali-ation may $e illustrated $y the transformation of free wordFgroups
composed of the ver$ have a noun 2pronoun1 and Participle ## of some other ver$ 2e"g" 5E" he
haefde hine Seslaegenne1 into the grammatical formFthe Present Perfect in Modern English" The
degree of semantic and grammatical insepara$ility in this analytical wordFform is so high that the
component have seems to possess no lexical meaning of its own"
The term lexicali-ation implies that the wordFgroup under discussion develops into a wordF
e%uivalent, i"e" a phraseological unit or a compound word" These two parallel lines of
lexicali-ation of free wordFgroups can $e illustrated $y the diachronic analysis of, e"g", the
compound word instead and the phraseological unit in spite (of). Coth of them can $e traced
$ac& to structurally identical free phrases". 2Cf" 5E" in stede and ME" in despit.)
There are some grounds to suppose that there exists a &ind of interdependence $etween these
two ways of lexicali-ation of free wordFgroups which ma&es them mutually exclusive" #t is
o$served, for example, that compounds are more a$undant in certain parts of speech, whereas
phraseological units are numerically predominant in others" Thus, e"g", phraseological units are
found in great num$ers as ver$Fe%uivalents whereas compound ver$s are comparatively few" This
leads us to assume that lexicali-ation of free wordFgroups and their transformation into words or
phraseological units is governed $y the general line of interdependence peculiar to each
individual part of speech, i"e" the more compounds we find in a certain part of speech the fewer
phraseological units we are li&ely to encounter in this class of words" @ery little is &nown of the
factors active in the process of lexicali-ation of free wordFgroups which results in the appearance
of phraseological units" This pro$lem may $e viewed in terms of the degree of motivation" 7e
may safely assume that a free wordFgroup is transformed into a phraseological unit when it
ac%uires semantic insepara$ility and $ecomes synchronically nonFmotivated"
The following may $e perceived as the main causes accounting for the loss of motivation of
free wordFgroupsH a1 7hen one of the components of a wordFgroup $ecomes archaic or drops out
of the language altogether the whole wordFgroup may $ecome completely or partially nonF
motivated" !or example, lac& of motivation in the wordFgroup kith and kin may $e accounted for
$y the fact that the mem$erFword kith 25E" cyth1 dropped out of the language altogether except
as the component of the phraseological unit under discussion" This is also o$served in the
phraseological unit to and fro, and some otters" $1 7hen as a result of a change in the semantic
structure of a polysemantic word some of its meanings disappear and can $e found only in certain
collocations" The noun mind, e"g", once meant 6purpose6 or 6intention6 and Fthis meaning survives
.M0
in the phrases to have a mind to do smth., to change one's mind, etc" c1 7hen a freeF wordF
group used in professional speech penetrates into general literary usage, it is often felt as nonF
motivated" To pull (the) strings (wires), e"g", was originally used as a free wordFgroup in its
direct meaning $y professional actors in puppet shows" #n Modern English, however, it has lost
all connection with puppetFshows and therefore cannot $e descri$ed as metaphorically motivated"
Lac& of motivation can also $e o$served in the phraseological unit to stick to one's guns which
can $e traced $ac& to military English, etc" Sometimes extraFlinguistic factors may account for
the loss of motivation, to show the white featherF6to act as a coward6, e"g", can $e traced $ac& to
the days when coc&Ffighting was popular" ( white feather in a gamecoc&6s plumage denoted $ad
$reeding and was regarded as a sign of cowardice" ?ow that coc&Ffighting is no longer a popular
sport, the phrase is felt as nonFmotivated" d1 7hen a wordFgroup ma&ing up part of a prover$ or
saying $egins to $e used as a selfFcontained unit it may gradually $ecome nonFmotivated if its
connection with the corresponding prover$ or saying is not clearly perceived" A new broom, e"g",
originates as a component of the saying new brooms sweep clean. New broom as a
phraseological unit may $e viewed as nonFmotivated $ecause the meaning of the whole is not
deduci$le from the meaning of the components" Moreover, it seems grammatically and
functionally selfFcontained and insepara$le too" #n the saying %uoted a$ove the noun broom is
always used in the plural: as a mem$erFword of the phraseological unit it is mostly used in the
singular" The phraseological unit a new broom is characteri-ed $y functional insepara$ility" #n
the saying new brooms sweep clean the ad=ective new functions as an attri$ute to the noun
brooms, in the phraseological unit a new broom 2e"g" Well, he is a new broom!) the whole
wordFgroup is functionally insepara$le" e1 7hen part of a %uotation from literary sources,
mythology or the Ci$le $egins to $e used as a selfFcontained unit, it may also lose all connection
with the original context and as a result of this $ecome nonFmotivated" The phraseological unit
the green-eyed monster 2=ealousy1 can $e easily found as a part of the %uotation from
Sha&espeare E#t is the greenFeyed monster which doth moc& the meat it feeds onE 25thello, ##, i"
.0M1" #n Modern English, however, it functions as a nonFmotivated selfFcontained phraseological
unit and is also used to denote the T"@" set" (chilles heel-6the wea& spot in a man6s circumstances
or character6 can $e traced $ac& to mythology, $ut it seems that in Modern English this wordF
group functions as a phraseological unit largely $ecause most English spea&ers do not connect it
with the myth from which it was extracted" 2'( Course in Modern English Lexicology)"
*"S"+ins$urg, S" S" ,hide&el, +"#",nya-eva, ("("San&in" M", ./001
Exercises
Exercise I. State, which of the underlined wordFgroups are phraseological units"
#" 7here do you thin& you lost your purseK 8" 7hen losing the game one shouldn6t lose one6s
6temper" ;" Dave a loo& at the reverse side of the coat" L" The reverse side of the me dal is that
we6ll have to do it ourselves" M" ,eep the $utter in the refrigerator" 0" ,eep an eye on the child" 3"
De threw some cold water on his face to wa&e up" 4" # didn6t expect that he would throw cold
.M3
water upon our pro=ect" /" The tourists left the $eaten trac& and saw a lot of interesting places" .9"
The author leaves the $eaten trac& and offers a new treatment of the su$=ect"
Exercise II. sing the dictionary define the meaning of homonymous free wordFgroups and
phraseologlcal unitsH $lue loo&: $lac& $all: $lue $ottle: hot head: $ig house: dancing master:
flying man: $lue stoc&ing: shooting party, s&iing instructor"
Exercise III. Ma&e up two lists out of the following com$inations of words F free
com$inations of words and set phrasesH at death6s door: at long last: $eat a$out the $ush: $ig
house: $ite off more than one can chew: $lac& suit: $lac& sheep: $y heart: dance around the room:
draw a $lan&, draw the curtains: fall in love, fly high: going strong: open wide: pass through the
door: pay through the nose: red tape: smell a flower: smell a rat:
Exercise IV. Explain the meanings of the following com$inations of words as a1 free word
com$inations and $1 as phraseological units" +ive e%uivalent for the phraseological unit in your
native languageH $e on firm ground, the $ird is flown, $lac& $all, $low one6s own trumpet, $rea&
the ice, $urn one6s fingers, first night, give sm$ a ring, &eep one6s head a$ove water, loo& after,
meet sm$ halfFway, run out, show sm$ the door, throw down the glove, touch $ottom"
Exercise V. Ma&e up two lists out of the following wordFgroups F phraseological fusions
and phraseological unities" Explain the difference $etween the two types of phraseological unitsH
catch cold: $lan& verse: pay a visit: suffer losses: &now which way the wind $lows: shut one6s
eyes to smth: see the world through rosy spectacles: a house of cards: a new $room: offer an
apology"
Exercise VI. (rrange the expressions according to their degree of 6freedom6 or 6setness6H #" $ad
actor, $ad loo&, $ad $rea&, $ad character, $ad de$t, $ad fortune, $ad hat, $ad headache, $ad =o$,
$ad language, $ad odor, $ad tongue: 8" $ig $ird, $ig $oy, $ig $usiness, $ig card, $ig drin&, $ig
head, $ig heart, $lac& house, $ig words: ;" $lac& art, $lac& $all, $lac& diamonds, $lac& eye, $lac&
eyes, $lac& ingratitude, $lac& list, $lac& mar&etH, $lac& magic, $lac& night, $lac& trousers: L" $lind
man, $lind coal, $lind date, $lind lead, $lind story, $lind usage, $lind window: M" $lue $eans, $lue
$lood, $lue flower, $lue fun&, $lue noses, $lue s&irt, $lue stoc&ing, $lue water"
Exercise VII. Translate the following sentences: pic& out idioms: find e%uivalents in your native
language, where possi$le" ." She was the life and soul of the party" 8" De too& me out to dinner
the other night and he had a $oo& with him" E+ot anything for me to readKE # said" E7hat6s thatKE
E5h, # don6t thin& that6s your cup of tea,E he said" E#t6s poetry" #6ve =ust $een reviewing it"E ;" Poor
?orman &new no more a$out the stage than a $a$e un$orn" L" EDow well do you &now ?ightinF
galeKE # was provo&ed enough to say it" (s soon as # did, # &new it was a false step" M" 7hen #
heard Crawford tal&ing a$out Etrou$leFma&ersE, that was the last straw" 0" Then he returned to
harmless tal&, deli$erately small $eer" 3" Martin6s a dar& horse" # should li&e to &now what he
wants for the college" 4" ECy the way, Staffy, who6s going to $e your $est manKE /" #t had all
started out of nothing } and then they were hammer and tongs with 6Emily saying all sorts of
things she couldn6t possi$ly have meant } that she6d leave the house and never come $ac& }
.M4
that she was grudged every mouthful she ate } ohG (ll sorts of silly things" .9" De6d $e a fish out
of water in England" .." (fter all, what6s eight thousand poundsK ( drop in the ocean" .8" There
was a time when the $lac& sheep of the family was sent from my country to (merica: now
apparently he6s sent from your country to Europe" .;" # don6t want to $e a s&eleton at the feast,
$ecause #6ve $een feeling very gratified myself, $ut # thin& it would $e remiss not to remind you
that the thing6s still open" .L" E7hat a$out themK 7hy my father should want to marry again at
his ageE } # can understand that,E said Philip" E(fter all, he had rather 6a raw deal in marriage"E
.M" Don6t $e a dog in the manger, Sheppey"
Exercise VIII. Translate the following -oosemic idioms: see whether there are corresponding
idioms in in your native language" (" ." top dog: 8" clever dog: ;" dead dog: L" dirty dog: M" $ig
dog: 0" red dog: 3" dum$ dog: 4" gay dog: /" la-y dog: .9" luc&y dog: .." sea dog: .8" the $lac&
dog: .;" hot dog: .L" spotted dog: C" ." mil& cow: 8" the fatted cow: ;" old $ird: L" the golden
calf: M" lost sheep: 0" coo&ed goose: 3" fighting coc&: 4" old cat: /" great lion: .9" dar& horse: .."
dead horse"
Exercise XI. Comment on the changes the idioms have undergone in the following sentences" ."
The gleam of the sea through the trees turned my thoughts to $athing" # dressed %uic&ly and went
out" Co$ rose to meet me, waving an a$surdly long tail" The hatchet was definitely $uried now"
That little matter of the =ug of water was forgotten" 8" 5ne had clearly got the idea this Crutt was
out of a =o$: had he not said something a$out irons in the fireK ;" 7hile Doward stood there, his
mouth open, not putting a face on it, not aggressive, for once undefiant" L" #f he Estuc& in his
heelsE he would go on mismanaging" M" # hate the idea of Larry ma&ing such a mess of his life" 0"
# was laying a trap for him: # felt # couldn6t play him such a dirty tric&" 3" Jou6ll have to $e
loo&ing out for a nice safe investment then" Don6t put too many eggs into one $as&et, that6s all" 4"
#t will put his foot right on the ladder" There6s no one who deserves to have his foot on the ladder
more than young Eliot" /" Cut now at eighty, with his curious second wind that # had seen $efore
in very old men, he could produce it again, far more vigorously than ten years $efore" .9" (s soon
as ever # can get a =o$ #6m going $ac& to wor&" #6ve got several irons in the fire and #6m hoping to
land something $efore long" +osh, it6ll $e good to $e $ac& home again" .." 7ell, #6ve got two or
three irons in the fire, which means # shall have to stic& around for a $it" .8" (re you certain
>enny will $e Tony6s tea" .;" (s for offering him tenderness} one ought to &now that gently,
inexora$ly, he would throw it $ac& in one6s teeth" .L" (nd there were groups of young fellows
&ic&ing up a hell of a row" .M" Perhaps after all it was there where the new world lay: in some
almost impossi$le fusion where$y he could eat his ca&e and have it" .0" Cy the time we6d paid
expenses we weren6t any $etter off than we6d $een $efore" # was at my wit6s end" .3" Come, let us
not $eat a$out the $ush" .4" The game is up, Martha } you see, # &now" ./" # feel so terri$ly
alone and so wrongly, full of self pity that # had to write to you if only to get things off my chest,
perhaps my letter will not reach you" 89" E(nd you say that Mr" *ichmond, the plaintiff, did all
.M/
those thingsKE EJes, My Lord, yes } Mr" StanmoreKE said the =udge, condescending to put the
$all into play again" 8." Creathing heavily, Cowen now xFed out his original line of dialogue and
typedH +regory, you6re =ust pulling my leg" 88" Cut he does ma&e me feel li&e a piece of china in a
$ull shop sometimes" 8;" (ntoine, the manservant, $rought in a tray with an array of $ottles and
#sa$el, always tactful, &nowing that nine men out of ten are convinced they can mix a $etter
coc&tail than any woman 2and they are right1, as&ed me to sha&e a couple" 8L" My common sense
tells me that #6m ma&ing a mountain out of a molehill" M" The Du&e with a slight smile made a
modest gesture of protest" Machiavelli, his heart in his mouth, for he &new that what he had to say
was not what Du&e wanted, went on $landly" 80" E*o$inson" ?ice English name"E De loo&ed
across to Dorsham" ELarge, yellow faceKE he said" E!atK !inger in financial pies generallyKE 83"
( nice little international pit he had thought, in which to dip his fingers, in which to platy a$out"""
84" Stein was on the roc&s" Cut what roc&sK #n midFocean or near shoreK 7as he desperate or
only resigned to uncomforta$le economiesK 8/" 7hen the Master as&ed me to act as his deputy
less than two months ago, # fully expected that $efore this term was over he would $e $ac& in the
sFsaddle again" ;9" nfortunately, that cuts no ice with the !ellowship examiners" ;." #6ve $een
hanging out of the window for the last five days to see you coming and every time the $ell rang
my heart leapt to my mouth and # had all # could do to swallow it again" ;8" Cut off your hair" #
thin& this was the first time that >ane =i$$ed" Der hair was long and thic& and as a girl she had
$een %uite vain of it: to cut it off was a very drastic proceeding" This really was $urning her $oats
$ehind her" #n her case, it was not the first step, that cost so much, it was the last" ;;" 7ould she
$e arch, would she $e familiarK 5r would she put on airsK
Exercise XII. Comment on the changes the prover$s underwent in the following texts" ." 5f
no city, in my experience, is this much more true than of Paris" There high society seldom admits
outsiders into its midst, the politicians live in their own corrupt circle, the $ourgeoisie, great and
small, fre%uent one another, writers congregate with writers, painters ho$no$ with painters and
musicians with musicians" The same thing is true of London, $ut in a less mar&ed degree: there
$irds of a feather floc& much less together""" 8" 7hen our ship comes home, she would say, and at
once sternly warn me a$out Ecounting our chic&ens $efore they are hatchedE" ;" 7hy the Court
could meet in the summer, couldn6t itK 5r if they were in a special hurry, what was to prevent
them meeting hereK #f Mahomet can6t go to the mountainG Jes, indeedG L" #f you insist #6ll admit
that what is sauce for the gander is sauce for the goose" M" E#f she6d had character she6d have $een
a$le to ma&e something of life"E E#f pots and pens""" (ren6t you very hard #sa$elKE 0" ( mangoose
in the hand is worth two co$ras in the $ush" 3" (nd always give 6em a $ottle of medicine even if
you and the whole Pharmaceutical Society &now it6s useless } even a straw6s a comfort to a
drowning man"
.09
STYLISTICS OF THE WORD
The voca$ulary of the English language is not homogeneous $ut presents a great variety of words
to serve different purposes and ma&e our speech expressive, such as, stylistic words, emotive
words and expressive words" The main stoc& of the English voca$ulary ma&e neutral words that
do not $ear any coloring, as, <manI,I girlI, <coldI, <greenI,I to goI,I to spea&I, <to eatI, <to drin&I,
<to sleepI, <weI, <thatI and others: when used in speech these words simply state a fact: they are
used in any style of speech, are of neutral stylistic value and no emotive value is inherent in them"
?eutral words ma&e the $asis of any utterance" 7ords characteristic of a particular style of
speech possess a stylistic coloring or value" #n Modern English two principal layers of stylistic
value are distinguishedH $oo&ish or literary words and collo%uial words" Coo&ish words ma&e a
characteristic feature of official documents, of poetry, of technical and scientific $oo&s, of fiction
and literary wor&s in highFflown style" Collo%uial words are found in familiar and informal
speech, which may $e standard and su$FstandardK The distinctive feature of stylistic and emotive
words is that they do not directly affect the meaning of the utterance: they ma&e it more
emotional or refer it to a particular style of speech" Emotive and stylistic words always are
synonymous to neutral words, as, for instance, <to commence6 2literary1 has the synonym <to
$eginI 2neutral1: <lad <2collo%uial1 stands for, <$oyI: the words <to converseI 2literary1 and <to
chatterI 2collo%uial1 stand for <to spea&I in corresponding styles of speech: the words <to
imploreI, <to entreatI,I to $eseechI are emotional and $ear the emotive value and are synonyms
for <to as&I" 7ords of a certain stylistic value differ in valency from the corresponding neutral
words and are prefera$ly used in com$ination with words having the same stylistic value, as, for
instance, the words <to $eginI and <to commenceI: the first is of neutral stylistic coloring: whereas
the latter is a $oo&ish word" E#n official documents <commenceI is appropriateH the play $ill tells
us the performance will <commenceI, though we as& each other when it <$eginsI" The grave
historical style =ustifies <commenceI, we <commenceI hostilities, though, we <$eginI a %uarrel:
similarly we <commenceI operations, $ut merely <$eginI dinner"E #n case the word is used in a not
appropriate style a humorous effect is achieved as, for instance, in the passageH <Mr" 7in&le,
stooping forward with his $ody half dou$led up, was $eing assisted over the ice $y Mr" 7ellerI"
The ver$ to <assistI is $oo&ish and so here it is completely out of place, since it is applied to %uite
an ordinary occasion"
@arious types of $oo&ish words may $e distinguishedH words that may $e found in any text of
$oo&ish style, asH <elevateI, IconsentI, <participateI, <errorI, <proceedI, <compriseI and others: speF
cial words or terms, that is words denoting special things or expressing ideas of a particular
$ranch of study" Every $ranch of science and techni%ue has their own terminology} a set of
special words and sta$le wordFcom$inations, in most cases, nominal com$inations" Dence, there
are mathematical terms, $iological terms, linguistic, terms, phonological terms and others" Terms
have a narrow field of usage: their use is restricted to special $oo&s, scientific, technical or of
other $ranches of study, as, <linguisticsI,I philologyI,I literatureI, IartI, <musicI and others"
.0.
Special terms are current and &nown only among those who are specialists" Their meaning is
usually more concrete and narrower than that of other words" (rchaic words or archaisms are
words that are o$solete and are no longer in use $ut are found in poetry, official documents and in
older literary wor&s: they may $e also found in later prose of highFflown style" (rchaism is an
important source of stylistic effect: it involves words, their meanings, idioms, grammatical
structure and form, spelling and pronunciation" (rchaisms may $e employed in poetry or in
modern literary prose wor&s as a stylistic device to give an ancient flavor" #n older texts they were
not archaic $ut current at the time of writing" Ta&e, for instance, the following lines from
Sha&espeare6s sonnetH <#n me thou see6st the twilight of such day" (s after sunset fadeth in the
westI" The forms of the ver$s <see6stI and <fadethI represent the normal inflexions at the time of
Sha&espeare: the same holds true for the pronoun <thouI" #n Modern English they are no longer in
use and are archaic" #n Cyron6sH <Come hither, hither, my little pageG 7hy dost thou weep and
wailK 5r dost thou dread the $illows6 rage, 5r trem$le at the galeKI The o$solete inflexions
<2dostI1,I thouI as well as <hitherI 2here1, <$illowI 2sea wave1 are archaisms ma&ing a
characteristic feature of poetic diction" ?eologisms are words derived or devised or introduced in
a new sense for this particular situation $y the writer as a stylistic device, as, for instance,
Thac&eray6s coinage of the word <lordolatryI or of the word <voordlingI: or again 56Denry6s
<clepfopigiaI" These words are also called EnonceFwordsE" 5r ta&e some recent coinages, asH De
was a fundamentalist coloristically"
?one of these words are in use or are to $e found in any dictionaries" ?onceFcom$inations of
words are also devised $y creative writers for the sa&e of expressiveness, especially as
complicated attri$utes, asH '(ll these languageFofFtheFstreets and moralsFofFtheFgutter playwrights
and writers are =ust a phase)" 'Der face had that #6veFneverFdoneFaFday6sFwor&FinFmyFlife
Madonna mas&)"
These ma&e a distinctive feature of the English language" Most of these writer6s neologisms
are found only in the wor&s of the writer as a characteristic feature of his style and some of them
find their way into literary English and $ecome part and parcel of the English voca$ulary, as, the
word <sno$I introduced $y Thac&eray in the meaning 6a person respecting others on account of
their high ran& and wealth, or a person who despises others on account of their low ran& and lac&
of wealth6" 7ords of local coloring are words denoting things characteristic of the life of the
people of a particular country: these are words that $ear the ethnographical coloring: these are the
names of national clothing, of national customs, national food, songs, dances and so on" E"g"H
<&iltI 2part of Dighland male dress1, <wigwamI, <tomahaw&I,I toreadorI, <som$reroI, <samovarI,
<geishaI, and others"
Coo&ish words are mostly $orrowings from foreign languages, from Latin, +ree& and !rench in
particular" Corrowed words get assimilated, or anglici-ed, with the time: they ac%uire the
pronunciation and the spelling affected $y the English language and ta&e the inflexions of the
English language: as a result of it loan words lose their foreign loo& and do not $etray their
foreign origin: as, <ta$leI 2!rench1, <cler&I 2Lat"1, <easelI 2Dutch1, <windowI 2Scand"1, <cor&I
.08
2Spanish1" These are fully assimilated words" The degree of assimilation, however, may $e
different } there may $e nonFassimilated words which display their foreign origin in
pronunciation, spelling and do not ta&e the English inflexions, asH <$illetFdouxI,I nuanceI,I
protgI: they are in use for stylistic purposes or $ecause they have no English synonyms" Partly
assimilated words may $etray their foreign origin in a different way" To ta&e only a few
instancesH in <cafI the spelling is alien to the English language $ut its pronunciation is anglici-ed
j6&-feik and the stress is shifted: it is assimilated grammatically as the plural is <cafesI" The word
<communi%ueI displays its origin $y its foreign spelling and partly $y its pronunciation" The
spelling of <stan-aI and <fiascoI $etrays their #talian origin, $ut their pronunciation and inflexions
are anglici-ed j6st-n-k, jfi6-s&ouk, pi" <stan-asI, <fiasco2esI1: <chauffeurI has the foreign
spelling and pronunciation $ut has derived the ver$ <to chauffI $y $ac&Fformation, which is
enough evidence of its $eing fully assimilated" Coo&ish words are mostly polysylla$ic as a large
num$er of them are words of *omanic origin: they are used mostly in $oo&s of elevated style or
in $oo&s on science" Collo%uial words are characteristic of collo%uial style of speech" This layer
of the voca$ulary is represented $y shorter words, in most cases of one or two sylla$les: from the
point of view of their origin they are mostly (ngloFSaxon" 7e distinguish standard collo%uial
words, which ma&e part of Standard literary English, and su$Fstandard collo%uial words
$elonging to unconventional English" There is, however, no hard and fast $orderline $etween
these layers, and the elements of each layer are highly mo$ile" Slang words, words of =argons,
vulgar words are su$Fstandard and $elong to unconventional English, as, <nic&erI 2sl"1, <to na$I
2sl"1, <digsI 2sl"1, <damnI 2vulg"1, <$loodyI 2vulg"1, <pussI 2vulg"1, <mugI 2vulg"1, <to wolfI 2vulg"1,
<$oo-erI 2vulg"1" Slang ma&es speech expressive and emotional: it is often metaphorical, colorful,
it evo&es images: slang is often represented $y witty figurative coinages, as, for instance, <sleepF
producerI 2a dull performance1 orH E5pen your peepers, (lexander, and =ust loo&, loo&, loo&"E 2D"
Cates1 Slang is one of the expressive stylistic features of Modern English" @ulgar words ma&e an
utterance emotional and sometimes expressive: vulgar words $elong to the su$Fstandard, coarse
layer of the voca$ulary: they are employed in literary wor&s as a stylistic device, usually to give a
characteristic feature of a low disreputa$le personage" ($$reviations constitute one of the
distinctive features of collo%uialisms, as, <gymI,I linoIIdormI < examI, <phoneI, <techI, <$accyI,
<sisI, etc" Emotive words are words expressing different &inds of emotions: they are employed to
excite wonder, indignation, annoyance, contempt, =oy and other feelings" 7ith some words
emotional connotation ma&es part of the meaning of the word, as <adoreI is much more emotional
than <loveI, although $oth are designations of essentially the same feeling, or the ver$ <to
$eseechI is much more emotional than <to as&I as it implies anxiety, entreaty" Supplication in <to
longI is more emotional than in <to wishI, as it implies yearnings, vehemence" There are words
that express emotion when used in speech, as, <greatI and <largeI, for instance, mean to
understanding very much the same thing: $ut the former is an emotional word and the latter is
not" E#f # say <# found a large ta$le in my roomI # am simply stating a fact: $ut if # say <# found a
great ta$le in my roomI, # am expressing my surprise or annoyance"E #n the sentenceH E#6m
awfully sorry #6m lateE, or E#6m awfully glad to see youE, the word <awfullyI does not give
anything to our understanding, does hot $ear any additional information, $ut ma&es the utterance
emotional, intensifying the meaning of the ad=ectives, it stands for <veryI, <extremelyI"
#nter=ections are words that express merely emotions, surprise, annoyance, satisfaction, pain,
anger, =oy and others, as, for instanceH <ohI, <hay,I goshI" Sound imitation words may also $e
classed as expressive means of the language: a characteristic feature of sound imitation words is
their motivation, i" e" their phonemic structure presents the imitation of sounds that are found in
.0;
reality, so that new roots are created: the meaning of the word is closely connected with its
sounding: its motivation is clear" #t may $e imitation of sounds produced $y $irds or animals, as,
<cuc&ooI,I chirpI,I miaowI, imitation of sounds in nature, as, <splashI, <whirlI, <crac&I: imitations
of sounds produced $y things when moving, as, rattle, $u--, hiss, rustle: imitation of sounds
produced $y people, asH giggle, murmur, hum, and others" Sound imitative words are utili-ed for
expressive purposes" These are the words that ma&e up the stylistic resources of the voca$ulary,
which may $e placed at the disposal of the writer or the spea&er" Coo&ish words create an
impression of solemnity, pathos, irony" Stylistics of the word is a source of expressiveness"
Exercises
Exercise I. Comment on the degree of the assimilation of the words in $old type" ." De sent a
note to his sister, via his man >oseph and her maid (ntoinette to as& her to come to the li$rary so
that they could have a tal&" 8" # lit my lantern and dressed, $undled my things into my rucksack
} I hadn6t got much, so it didn6t ta&e a minute } and slipped my arms through the straps" ;" 5n
her marriage then Mrs Deccom$ nee Miss Jardes had gone to6 live at Seale, on the ,entish
coast""" L" 7e had a drin& and wal&ed along to a restaurant where he could lunch in the open
air" M" >ago had supported me and ever since had $orne me the special grateful affection that one
feels toward protege. 0" They ate in alternate mouthfuls, $loc& chocolate and brioches. 3" De
too& her through narrow tortuous streets and after a while stopped at a small hotel with a
pretentious facade. 4" 7hat she did see was the pension on the crag in Swit-erland" /" 7e
arranged to meet at the Dome next day to have an aperitif and eat at some place on the
boulevard. .9" # said that we proposed to spend the evening after hall wor&ing out a modus
operandi. .." Cut, as # expect you &now, we have to rec&on with a certain amount of
personalia. .8" 7hile Co$ and # held our wine, trying to gather up enough courage to drin& it,
Mrs 7ether$y got a stool out of a corner, &noc&ed the carton full of magazines from it to the
floor, clim$ed up on it and $egan rummaging around in a high cup$oard" .;" The main house, a
@ictorian grande dame, was pric&ly with cupolas, little $alconies and chimneys" .L" EPearlGE he
said, wiping his eyes" E7hat a wonderful name for a desperado." .M" #t was delicious, $ut #
reali-ed with sin&ing heart that smo&ing salmon $ellies would $e added to my canning duties, and
in order to learn # would pro$a$ly have to spend at least a couple of days in Clamface6s or his
$rothers6 wigwams, or wherever they lived" .0" The Swensens and Shar&ey # didn6t mind, $ut #
did not li&e the other #ndians, and when they came to call # filled up Stove6s reservoir with water
and after # scru$$ed the house from top to $ottom" .3" The orchestra of a piano, accordion,
violin, trumpet and saxophone manned $y hardFwor&ing sweaty musicians" .4" The dance hall
was very large and $rilliantly lighted: festooned with dusty green and pin& crepe-paper
steamers, heated to approximately ninety degrees and pac&ed with dancers" ./" That6s fine for one
chef d'oeuvre, $ut it gets to $e a $ore" 89" (nyway # rec&on in a wee&6s time #6ll have a fully
grown face fungus to improve the picture, and #6ll loo& li&e the only ascetic bon-vivant in town"
Exercise II. Pic& out collo%uialisms from the extracts $elow" ." #6ve always $een a good runner,
.0L
%uic& and with a $ig stride as well, the only trou$le $eing that no matter how fast # run, and # did
a very fair lic& even though # do say so myself, it didn6t stop me getting caught $y the cops after
the $a&ery =o$" 8" (nd even when # =ogtrot on $ehind a wood and they can6t see me anymore they
&now my sweepingF$rush head will $o$ along that hedge top in an hour6s time and that #6ll report
to the $lo&e on the gate" ;" # feel li&e the first man $ecause #6ve hardly got a stitch on and am sent
against the fro-en fields in a shimmy and shorts" L" (nd there are thousands of them all over the
pox eaten country, in shops, offices, railway stations, cars, houses, pu$s } #nFlaw $lo&es li&e you
and them, all on the watch for 5utFlaw $lo&es li&e me and us } and watching to phone for the
coppers as soon as we ma&e a false move" M" Cut even though some people would call this frostF
pain suffering if they wrote a$out it to their mams in a letter, # don6t, $ecause # &now that in half
an hour #6m going to $e warm that $y the time # get to the main road and am turning on to the
wheat field footpath $y the $us stop #6m going to feel as hot as a potF$ellied stove and as happy as
a dog with a tin tail""" 0" Don6t # come out three mornings a wee& on my longFdistance running,
which is fifty times $etter than $oo-ing" 3" Corstal6s Corstal6 no matter what they do: $ut anyway
# moaned a$out it $eing a $it thic& sending me out so early to run five miles on art empty
stomach, until they tal&ed me round to thin&ing it6 wasn6t so $ad } which # &new all the time }
until they, called me a good sport and patted me on the $ac& when # said #6d do it and that #6d try
to win them the Corstal Clue *i$$on Pri-e Cup !or Long Distance Cross Country *unning 2(ll
England1" 4" (t the moment it6s dead $lo&es li&e him as have the whipFhand over $lo&es li&e me,
and #6m almost dead sure it6ll always $e li&e that, $ut even so, $y Christ, #6d rather $e li&e # am }
always on the run and $rea&ing into shops for a pac&et of fags and a =ar of =am }

than have the
whipFhand over some$ody else and $e dead from the toe nails up" /" Corstal didn6t hurt me in that
respect, so since #6ve got no complaints # don6t have to descri$e what they gave us to eat, what the
dorms were li&e, or how they treated us" .9" Cut anyway, we were all &ids then, and wanted to
go out to the woods for a change, to get away from the roads of stin&ing hot tar one summer" .."
Cut they never dreamed that what happened was going to happen, =ust li&e the governor of the
Corstal who spouts to us a$out honesty" .8" #t6s a good =o$ # can only thin& of these things as fast
as # can write with this stu$ of pencil that6s clutched in my paw, otherwise #6d have dropped the
whole thing wee&s ago" .;" The time was autumn and the night foggy enough to set me and my
mate Mi&e roaming the streets when we should have $een rooted in front of the telly or stuc& into
a plush posh seat at the pictures, $ut # was restless after six wee&s away from any sort of wor&
and well you might as& me why #6d $een $oneFidle for so long""" .L" (nd when the dough ran out
# didn6t thin& a$out anything much, $ut =ust roamed the streets } loo&ing for another =o$, # told
mam } hoping # suppose to get my hands on another five hundred nic&er so6s the nice life we6d
got used to could go on and on for ever" .M" To $egin with, the adverts on the telly had shown us
how much more there was in the world to $uy than we6d ever dreamed of when we6d loo&ed into
shop windows $ut hadn6t seen all there was to see $ecause we didn6t have the money to $uy it
with anyway"
.0M
Exercise III. Translate the following extracts" Comment on the alien words and wordF
com$inations and their stylistic function" ." # started life with the ghastly monnic&er +eorge
Plum$ in ./;L in a su$ur$an semiFdetached four miles from Cirmingham6s Cullring, where the
sun $a&es down every morning on a lot of snottyFnosed toreros with their waterproof muletas
shuffling through the sand on their way to their offices in ?ew Street" My old man was one such
snottyFnosed torero and his daily corrida was performed in the District and ?ational Can&" 8"
E7ell, #6ve thought over this demarche of +etliff6s"E ;" # must leave these minutiae to the
younger men" L" They had given him carte blanche, so here he was, dropping in" M" Eddie
$rought one hand out of his poc&et and pinched a heavy moire fold of the curtain $y which he
stood" 0" (rts and crafts had succeeded Sturm und Drang. 3" 5n the whole, they wal&ed a$reast
out as far apart as they could: at times they converged so close that they =ogged el$ows, if they
split up into twos, the twos called across to each other } this was daylight, there was no tete-a-
tete. 4" The twitch of the coral $all did not distur$ the apathy of the li$rary cat } this furious
mouser had $een introduced when mice $egan to get at the belles lettres, $ut he only wor&ed $y
night" /" The pause""" was underlined $y the swimming entrance of Phyllis, who changed the
plates and $rought in a straw$erry compote. .9" 7hatever manias might possess him in solitude,
ma&ing some haunted landscape in which cup$oards and ta$les loo&ed li&e cliffs or opa%ue
$ottomless pools, the effect 2at least to a woman1 coming in here was, that this was how this funF
damentally plain and rather oldFfashioned fellow lived when en pantoufles. .." E#6m not so
young, as all that"E E7ell, in statu pupillari..." .8" E*espect6s a $road human instinct,E said Mr
Pippingham, letting one eye wander to meet the souffle" .;" E7ell, good$ye" Bon appetit,"
added Eddie, in a loud $itter tone" .L" 7hen it came to my debut Mi&e De Cohn left nothing to
chance" .M" ?ow #6ve not promised her anything, $ut # suppose one says some pretty daft things
in extremis and they6re always the things a $lo&e forgets and a girl remem$ers"
Exercise IV. Translate the sentences $elow" Pic& out neologisms" Comment on the sphere of
life where they $elong" ." (mong the motorists were hundreds who had spent the night in their
cars in layF$ys after $eing caught up in the giant crawl at the wee&end" 8" (fter tea # rang him up"
E7ant a $a$yFsitter again tomorrow, Co$KE ;" E(ren6t we $a$yFsittingKE Susan as&ed" L" Jou6re
the first person # ever met who had a &ing for a pinFup" M" ClastFoff } and from the launch pad
the enormous roc&et lifted slowly and ma=estically, its $ase shrouded in $rilliant flame" 0" #n
Cam$ridge, undergraduates voted yesterday to remove college gates as a sym$ol of solidarity"
This followed a 8LFhour sitFin, when rooms near the niversity6s Senate Douse were ta&en over"
3" Pulsars, pulsating stars first found $y the Mullard *adioFo$servatory at Cam$ridge earlier this
year, give out a$solutely regular $ursts of energy at intervals of, up to a$out one second" 4" More
than half the pupils at Liverpool6s Dolt comprehensive school were sent home yesterday when .L
teachers, mem$ers of the ?ational (ssociation of Schoolmasters, $egan a wor&FtoFrule in support
of a salary claim" /" The hovercraft has still to prove itself as a moneyma&er for transport operaF
tions" .9" #f he was to lose a day6s pay he was certainly intending to get the $liss of a lieFin" .."
.00
The diagram $elow shows the plan to or$it the moon after $lastFoff tomorrow, until splashdown
next !riday" .8" Carr6s legislating aims to hamstring the right to stri&e" .;" Communists o$=ect to
concept of revolutionary suicide or revolutionary supermanism" .L" The manned lin&Fup
spaceships was the prototype of such a platform" .M" The announcement on completion of the
flight programme said space wal&ers, during their hour outside the spaceships Eperformed a
num$er of assem$ly operations, too& picturesE"
Exercise V. Set off sound imitation and sound imitative words"
." #t6s a good life, #6m saying to myself, if you don6t give in to coppers and CorstalF$osses and
the rest of them $astardFfaced inFlaws" TrotFtrotFtrot" PuffFpuffFpuff" SlapFslapFslap go my feet on
the hard soil" SwishFswishFswish as my arms and side catch the $are $ranches of a $ush" 8"
Suddenly he stopped in the path, opened his deathFli&e =aws and uttered a loud ha ha" ;" 7ell, it
gives us the chance for a little ringFaFdingFding } ehK L" There is a tatFtatFtat on the door" M" (
nasty irritating tapFtapping noise it is, too" 0" Don6t mind me, Cowen wanted to say to himH go
$rrmmm, $rrrmmm if you want to" 3" Cut when he expects the rope to come from the window he
hears instead of this someone who ma&es ErrrrrrD, rrrrrrDE" 4" Then the next evening the
!ather goes to the street he ma&es Eowr, owrFowrE as he always does" /" Crrr, it6s cold as ice
waiting hereG Let me get in" .9" So when # visit her # ma&e a dog Eowr, owrFowrE and she throws
from her window a rope, which # clim$" .." ESSShh, tal& %uietly"""E E7hyKE .8" The syphon
hissed again" .;" Dis voice $ro&e off instantly and $anging the tray down on the slatted ta$le, he
strode to the veranda rail" .L" #t made her purr and rise on her hind legs to paw my shoulder as #
crouched on the patio whistling to her in the early afternoons" .M" De waited" The cloc& tic&ed"
The Etymology of the English Vocabulary
Some Basic Assumptions. The most characteristic feature of English is usually said to $e its
mixed character" Many linguists consider foreign influence, especially, that of !rench, to $e the
most important factor in the history of English" This wideFspread viewpoint is supported only $y
the evidence of the English wordFstoc&, as its grammar and phonetic system are very sta$le and
not easily influenced $y other languages" 7hile it is altogether wrong to spea& of the mixed
character of the language as a whole, the composite nature of the English voca$ulary cannot $e
denied" To comprehend the nature of the English voca$ulary and its historical development it is
necessary to examine the etymology of its different layers, the historical causes of their
appearance, their volume and role and the comparative importance of native and $orrowed
elements in replenishing the English voca$ulary" Cefore em$ar&ing upon a description of the
English wordFstoc& from this point of view we must ma&e special mention of some terms" ." #n
linguistic literature the term native is conventionally used to denote words of (ngloFSaxon origin
$rought to the Critish #sles from the continent in the Mth century $y the +ermanic tri$esFthe
(ngles, the Saxons and the >utes" Practically, however, the term is often applied to words whose
.03
origin cannot $e traced to any other language" Thus, the word path is classified as native =ust
$ecause its origin has not yet $een esta$lished with any degree of certainty" #t is possi$le to
con=ecture that further progress of linguistic science may throw some light upon its origin and it
may prove to have $een $orrowed at some earlier period" #t is for this reason that Professor (" #"
Smirnits&y relying on the earliest manuscripts of the English language availa$le suggested
another interpretation of the term native F as words which may $e presumed to have existed in the
English wordFstoc& of the 3th century" This interpretation may have somewhat more relia$le
criteria $ehind it, $ut it seems to have the same draw$ac&F$oth viewpoints present the native
element in English as static" #n this $oo& we shall proceed from a different understanding of the
term native as comprising not only the ancient (ngloFSaxon core $ut also words coined later on
their $asis $y means of various processes operative in English" 8" The term $orrowing is used in
linguistics to denote the process of adopting words from other languages and also the result of
this process, the language material itself" #t has already $een stated that not only words, $ut also
wordF$uilding affixes were $orrowed into English 2as is the case with -able, -ment, -ity, etc"1""G"
#t must $e mentioned that some wordFgroups, too, were $orrowed in their foreign form 2e"g", coup
d'etat, visFaFvis1" #n its second meaning the term $orrowing is sometimes used in a wider sense" #t
is extended onto the soFcalled translationFloans 2or loanFtranslations1 and semantic $orrowing"
TranslationFloans are words and expressions formed from the material availa$le in the language
after the patterns characteristic of the given language, $ut under the influence of some foreign
words and expressions 2e" g" mother tongue< L. lingua materna; it goes without saying <Fr.
cela vasans dire;" Semantic borrowing is the appearance of a new meaning due to the influence
of a related word6 in another language 2e"g" the word propaganda and reaction ac%uired their
political meanings under the influence of !rench, deviation and bureau entered political
voca$ulary, asFin right and left deviations, Political bureau, under the influence of *ussian1"
!urther on we shall use the term $orrowing in its second meaning, as a $orrowing proper or a
word ta&en over in its material form" Distinction should $e made $etween true $orrowings and
words formed out of morphemes $orrowed from Latin and +ree&, e"g" telephone, phonogram.
Such words were never part of Latin or +ree& and they do not reflect any contacts with the
peoples spea&ing those languages" #t is of importance to note that the term $orrowing $elongs to
diachronic description of the wordFstoc&" Thus the words wine, cheap, pound introduced $y the
*omans into all +ermanic dialects6 long $efore the (ngles and the Saxons settled on the Critish
#sles, and such late Latin loans as alibi, memorandum, stratum may all $e referred to
$orrowings from the same language in descri$ing their origin, though in modern English they
constitute distinctly different groups of words" ;" There is also certain confusion $etween the
terms source of $orrowings and origin of the word" This confusion may $e seen in contradictory
mar&ing of one and the same word as, say, a !rench $orrowing in one dictionary and Latin
$orrowing in another" #t is suggested here that the term source of $orrowing should $e applied to
the language from which this or that particular word was ta&en into English" So when descri$ing
.04
words as Latin, !rench or Scandinavian $orrowings we point out their source $ut not their origin"
The term origin o f the word should $e applied to the language the word may $e traced to" Thus,
the !rench $orrowing table is Latin $y origin 2L" tabula), the Latin $orrowing school came into
Latin from the +ree& language 2+r, schole), so it may $e descri$ed as +ree& $y origin" #t should
$e remem$ered, however, that whereas the immediate source of $orrowing is as a rule &nown and
can $e stated with some certainty, the actual origin of the word may $e rather dou$tful" !or
example, the word ink was $orrowed from 5ld !rench, $ut it may $e traced $ac& to Latin and
still further to +ree& 2cf" +r" kaio-), and it is %uite possi$le that it was $orrowed into +ree& from
some other language" The immediate source of $orrowing is naturally of greater importance for
language students $ecause it reveals the extraFlinguistic factors responsi$le for the act of
$orrowing, and also $ecause the $orrowed words $ear, as a rule, the imprint of the sound and
graphic form, the morphological and semantic structure characteristic of the language they were
$orrowed from"
Words of Native Origin. 7ords of native origin consist for the most part of very ancient
elementsF#ndoFEuropean, +ermanic and 7est +ermanic cognates" The $ul& ofFthe 5ld English
wordFstoc& has $een preserved, although some words have passed out of existence" 7hen
spea&ing a$out the role of the native element in the English language linguists usually confine
themselves to the small (ngloFSaxon stoc& of words, which is estimated to ma&e 8MF;9a of the
English voca$ulary" To assign the native element its true place it is not so important to count the
num$er of (ngloFSaxon words that have survived up to our days, as to study their semantic and
stylistic character, their wordF$uilding a$ility, fre%uency value, colloca$ility"
Semantic Characteristics and Collocability. (lmost all words of (ngloFSaxon origin
$elong to very important semantic groups" They include most of the auxiliary and modal ver$s
(shall, will, must, can, may, etc"1, pronouns 2#, you, he, my, his, who, etc"1, prepositions (in,
out, on, under, etc"1, numerals (one, two, three, four, etc"1 and con=unctions (and, but, till, as,
etc"1" ?otional words of (ngloFSaxon origin include such groups as words denoting parts of the
$ody (head, hand, arm, back, etc"1, mem$ers of the family and closest relatives (farher,
mother, brother, son, wife), natural phenomena and planets (snow, rain, wind, sun, moon,
star, etc"1, animals (horse, cow, sheep, cat), %ualities and properties (old, young, cold, hot,
light, dark, long), common actions (do, make, go, come, see, hear, eat, etc"1, etc" Most of the
native words have undergone great changes in their semantic structure, and as a result are
nowadays polysemantic, e"g" the word finger does not only denote a part of a hand as in 5ld
English, $ut also .1 the part of a glove covering one of the fingers, 81 a fingerFli&e part in various
machines, ;1 a hand of a cloc&, L1 an index, M1 a unit of measurement" Dighly polysemantic are
the words man, head, hand, go, etc" Most native words possess a wide range of lexical and
grammatical valency" Many of them enter a num$er of phraseological units, e"g" the word heel
enters the following unitsH heel over head or head over heelsF 6upside down6: cool one's heel-6$e
.0/
&ept waiting6: show a clean pair of heels, take to one's heelsF6run away6, turn on one's heelsF
6turn sharply round6, etc"
Derivational Potential. The great sta$ility and semantic peculiarities of (ngloFSaxon words
account for their great derivational potential" Most words of native origin ma&e up large clusters
of derived and compound words in the presentFday language, e"g" the word wood is the $asis for
the formation of the following wordsH wooden, woody, wooded, woodcraft, woodcutter,
woodwork and many others" The formation of new words is greatly facilitated $y the fact that
most (ngloFSaxon words are rootFwords" ?ew words have $een coined from (ngloFSaxon
simple wordFstems mainly $y means of affixation, wordFcomposition and conversion" Some
linguists contend that due to the large additions to its voca$ulary from different languages,
English lost much of its old faculty to form new words" The great num$er of compound and
derived words in modern English, the diversity of their patterns, the sta$ility and productivity of
the patterns and the appearance of new ones testify to the contrary" Such affixes of native origin
as Fness, Fish, Fed, unF misF ma&e part of "the patterns widely used to $uild numerous new words
throughout the whole history of English, though some of them have changed their colloca$ility or
have $ecome polysemantic, e"g" the agentFforming suffix Fer, which was in 5ld English mostly
added to nounFstems, is now most often com$ined with ver$Fstems, $esides it has come to form
also names of instruments, persons in a certain state or doing something at the moment" Some
native words were used as components of compounds so often that they have ac%uired the status
of derivational affixes 2e" g" -dom, -hood, -ly, over-, out-, under-), others are now semiF
affixational morphemes" #t is noteworthy that to the native element in English we must also refer
some new simple words $ased on words of (ngloFSaxon origin" 7ords with a new nonFderived
stem $ranch off from primary simple words as a result of simplification of some derivatives in a
cluster of words and their semantic isolation, as in king, kind n, kind a and kin n, from which all
of them were derived 2cp" 5E" cyning, cynd, cynde, cyn), or bless and bleed derived from blood
(cp. 5E" bledsian, bledan, blod). Sometimes a word split into two or more words with different
forms and meanings 2i"e" etymological dou$lets1 due to the difference in function and stress, as is
the case with off and of 2from 5E" of which was stressed as an adver$ and unstressed as a
preposition1" Dialectal forms of a word may develop into independent words, as in one and an 2
5E" an), whole and hale 2 5E" hal). ?ew rootFwords $ased on (ngloFSaxon words also came
into $eing with the rise of homonyms owing to the split of polysemy" The semantic
characteristics, sta$ility and wide colloca$ility of native words account for their fre%uency in
speech" Dowever there are some words among them, which are now archaic or poetic 2e"g" lore,
methinks, quoth? whilom, ere, welkin, etc"1, or used only as historical terms 2e"g" thane,
yeoman denoting ran&s, stocksF 6an instrument of torture6, etc"1" 7hat has $een said a$ove shows
that the native element, has $een playing a significant role in the English language" To fully
estimate the importance of the native element in English, it is essential to study the role of
.39
English derivational means and semantic development in the life of $orrowings, which will $e
dwelt upon in the sections $elow"
BORROWINGS
Causes and Ways of Borrowing. #n its .M century long history recorded written
manuscripts the English language happened to come in long and close contact with several other
languages, mainly Latin, !rench and 5ld ?orse 2or Scandinavian1" The great influx of $orrowings
from these sources can $e accounted for $y a num$er of historical causes" Due to the great
influence of the *oman civili-ation Latin was for a long time used in England as the language of
learning and religion" 5ld ?orse was the language of the con%uerors who were on the same level
of social and cultural development and who merged rather easily with the local population in the
/th, .9th and the first half of the ..lth century" !rench 2to $e more exact its ?orman dialect1 was
the language of the other con%uerors who $rought with them a lot of new notions of a higher
social systemFdeveloped feudalism, it was the language of upper classes, of official documents
and school instruction from the middle of the ..th century to the end of the .Lth century" #n the
study of the $orrowed element in English the main emphasis is as a rule placed on the Middle
English period" Corrowings of later periods $ecame the o$=ect of investigation only in recent
years" These investigations have shown that the flow of $orrowings has $een steady and
uninterrupted" The greatest num$er has come from !rench" They refer to various fields of socialF
political, scientific and cultural life" ( large portion of $orrowings 2L.a1 is scientific and
technical terms" The num$er and character of $orrowed words tell us of the relations $etween the
peoples, the level of their culture, etc" #t is for this reason that $orrowings have often $een called
the milestones of history" Thus if we go through the lists of $orrowings in English and arrange
them in groups according to their meaning, we shall $e a$le to o$tain much valua$le information
with regard to England6s contacts with many nations" Some $orrowings, however, cannot $e
explained $y the direct influence of certain historical conditions, they do not come along with any
new o$=ects or ideas" Such were for instance the words air, place, brave, gay $orrowed from
!rench" #t must $e pointed out that while the general historical causes of $orrowing from
different languages have $een studied with a considera$le degree of thoroughness the purely
linguistic reasons for $orrowing are still open to investigation" The num$er and character of
$orrowings do not only depend on the historical conditions, on the nature and length of the
contacts, $ut also on the degree of the genetic and structural proximity of languages concerned"
The closer the languages, the deeper and more versatile is the influence" This largely accounts for
the wellFmar&ed contrast $etween the !rench and the Scandinavian influence on the English
language" Thus under the influence of the Scandinavian languages, which were closely related to
5ld English, some classes of words were $orrowed that could not have $een adopted from nonF
related or distantly relatedF languages 2the pronouns they, their, them, for instance1: a num$er of
Scandinavian $orrowings were felt as derived from native words 2they were of the same root and
the connection $etween them was easily seen1, e"g" drop 2(S"1F drip 2Scand"1, true 2(S"1Ftryst
.3.
2Scand"1: the Scandinavian influence even accelerated to a certain degree the development of the
grammatical structure of English" Corrowings enter the language in two waysH through oral
speech 2$y immediate contact $etween the peoples1 and through written speech 2$y indirect
contact through $oo&s, etc"1" 5ral $orrowing too& place chiefly in the early periods of history,
whereas in recent times written $orrowing gained importance" 7ords $orrowed orally 2e"g" L"
inch, mill, street1 are usually short and they undergo considera$le changes in the act of adoption"
7ritten $orrowings 2e"g" !r" communi%ue, $ellesFlettres, naivete1 preserve their spelling and
some peculiarities of their soundFform, their assimilation is a long and la$orious process"
Criteria of Borrowings. Though $orrowed words undergo changes in the adopting language
they preserve some of their former peculiarities for a comparatively long period" This ma&es Fit
possi$le to wor& out some criteria for determining whether the word $elongs to the $orrowed
element" #n some cases the pronunciation of the word 2strange sounds, sound com$inations,
position of stress, etc"1, its spelling and the correlation $etween sounds and letters are an
indication of the foreign origin of the word" This is the case with waltz 2+"1, psychology 2+r"1,
souffle 2!r"1, etc" The initial position of the sounds jvk, jdk jgk or of the letters x, j, - is a sure
sign that the word has $een $orrowed, e"g" volcano 2#t"1, vase 2!r"1, vaccine 2L"1, jungle 2Dindi1,
gesture 2L"1, giant 25!r"1, zeal 2L"1, zero 2!r"1, zinc 2+"1, etc" The morphological structure of the
word and its grammatical forms may also $ear witness to the word $eing adopted from another
language" Thus the suffix in neurosis 2+y"1 $etray the foreign origin of the word" The same is
true of the irregular plural forms papyra 2from papyrus, +r"1, pastorali 2from pastorale, #t"1, $eaux
2from $eau, !r"1, $acteria 2from $acterium, L"1 and the li&e" Last $ut not least is the lexical
meaning of the word" Thus the concept denoted $y the words ricksha(w), pagoda 2Chin"1 ma&e
us suppose that we deal with $orrowings" These criteria are not always helpful" Some early
$orrowings have $ecome so thoroughly assimilated that they are unrecogni-a$le without a
historical analysis, e"g" chalk, mile 2L"1, ill, ugly 2Scand"1, enemy, car 2!r"1, etc" #t must also $e
ta&en into consideration that the closer the relation $etween the languages, the more difficult it is
to distinguish $orrowings" Sometimes the form of the word and its meaning in Modern English
ena$le us to tell the immediate source of $orrowing" Thus if the digraph ch is sounded as j>k, the
word is a late !rench $orrowing 2as in echelon, chauffeur, chef1: if it stands for j&k, it came
through +ree& 2archaic, architect, chronology: if it is pronounced as jt=6k, it is either an early
$orrowing 2chose, 5!r": cherry, L", 5!r": chime, L"1, or a word of (ngloFSaxon origin 2choose,
child, chin1"
Assimilation of Borrowings. #t is now essential to analyse the changes
$orrowings have undergone in the English language and how they have adapted themselves to its
peculiarities" (ll the changes that $orrowed elements undergo may $e divided into two large
groups" 5n the one hand there are changes specific of $orrowed words only" These changes aim
at adapting words of foreign origin to the norms of the $orrowing language, e"g" the consonant
com$inations jpnk, jpsk, jptk in the words pneumatics, psychology, Ptolemey of +ree& origin
were simplified into jnk, jsk, jtk, since the consonant com$inations jpsk, jptk, jpnk, very fre%uent at
the end of English words 2as in sleeps, stopped, etc"1, were never, used in the initial position" !or
the same reason the initial j&sk was changed into j-k 2as in +r" xylophone). The suffixes -ar, -or,
-ator in early Latin $orrowings were replaced $y the highly productive 5ld English suffix -ere,
.38
as in L" Caesar>0E'. Casere, L. sutor>OE. siitere. Cy analogy with the great ma=ority of nouns
that form their plural in Fs, $orrowings, even very recent ones, have assumed this inflection
instead of their original plural endings" The forms Soviets, bolsheviks, kolkhozes, sputniks
illustrate the process" 5n the other hand we o$serve changes that are characteristic of $oth
$orrowed and native words" These changes are due to the development of the word according to
the laws of the given language" 7hen the highly inflected 5ld English system of declension
changed into the simpler system of Middle English, early $orrowings conformed with the general
rule" nder the influence of the soFcalled inflexional levelling $orrowings li&e feolaga 2MnE"
fellow), straet 2MnE" street), disc 2MnE" dish) that had a num$er of grammatical forms in 5ld
English ac%uired only three forms in Middle EnglishH common case and possessive case singular
and plural (fellow, fellowes, fellowes). #t is very important to discriminate $etween the two
processesFthe adaptation of $orrowed material to the norms of the language and the development
of these words according to the laws of the language" This differentiation is not always easily
discerni$le" #n most cases we must 6resort to historical analysis $efore we can draw any definite
conclusions" There is nothing in the form of the words procession and progression to show that
the former was already used in England in the ..th century, the latter not till the .Mth century"
The history of these words reveals that the word procession has undergone a num$er of changes
alongside with other English words 2change in declension, accentuation, structure, sounds1,F
whereas the word progression underwent some changes $y analogy with the word procession
and other similar words already at the time of its appearance in the language"
Phonetic, Grammatical and Lexical Assimilation of Borrowings.
Since the process of assimilation of $orrowings includes changes in soundFform, morphological
structure, grammar characteristics, meaning and usage linguists distinguish phonetic, grammatical
and lexical assimilation of $orrowings"
Phonetic assimilation comprising changes in soundFform and stress is perhaps the most
conspicuous" Sounds that were alien to the English language were fitted into its scheme of
sounds" !or instance, the long jek and jek in recent !rench $orrowings, alien to English speech,
are rendered with the help of jeik 2as in the words communique, chaussee, cafe1" !amiliar sounds
or sound com$inations the position of which was strange to the English language, were replaced
$y other sounds or sound com$inations to ma&e the words conform to the norms of the language,
e"g" +erman spitz j-pitsk was turned into English jspitsk" Su$stitution of native sounds for
foreign ones usually ta&es place in the very act of $orrowing" Cut some words retain their foreign
pronunciation for a long time $efore the unfamiliar sounds are replaced $y similar native sounds"
Even when a $orrowed word seems at first sight to $e identical in form with its immediate
etymon as 5E" s&ill <: Scand" s&il: 5E" scinn Scand" s&inn: 5E" ran Scand" ran the phonetic
structure of the word undergoes some changes, since every language as well as every period in
the history of a language is characteri-ed $y its own peculiarities in the articulation of sounds"
.3;
#n words that were added to English from foreign sources, especially from !rench or Latin, the
accent was gradually transferred to the first sylla$le" Thus words li&e honour, reason were
accented on the same principle as the native father, mother.
Grammatical Assimilation. sually as soon as words from other languages were introduced
into English they lost their former grammatical categories and paradigms and ac%uired new
grammatical categories and paradigms $y analogy with other English words, as in Corn" sing"
Sputnik Poss" sing" Sputnik's Corn" pi" Sputniks Poss" Dowever, there are some
words in Modern English that have for centuries retained their foreign inflexions" Thus a
considera$le group of $orrowed nouns, all of them terms or literary words adopted in the .0th
century or later, have preserved their original plural inflexion to this day, e"g" phenomenon 2L"1
-phenomena; addendum 2L"1 -addenda; parenthesis 2+r"1Fparentheses. 5ther $orrowings of
the same period have two plural formsFthe native and the foreign, e.g. vacuum (L.) - vacua,
vacuums, virtuoso 2#t"1 F virtuosi, virtuosos. (ll $orrowings that were composite in structure in
their native language appeared in English as indivisi$le simple words, unless there were already
words with the same morphemes in it, e"g" in the word saunter the !rench infinitive inflexion Fer
is retained 2cf" 5!r" s'aunter), $ut it has changed its %uality, it is preserved in all the other
grammatical forms of the word 2cf" saunters, sauntered, sauntering), which means that it has
$ecome part of the stem in English" The !rench reflexive pronoun sF has $ecome fixed as an
insepara$le element of the word" The former #talian diminishing suffixes -etto, -otta, -ello(a),
-cello in the words ballot, stiletto, umbrella cannot $e distinguished without special historical
analysis, unless one &nows the #talian language" The composite nature of the word portfolio is
not seen either 2portafogli < porta F imperative of 6carry6 n fogliF6sheets of paper61" This loss of
morphological seams in $orrowings may $e termed simplification $y analogy with a similar
process in native words" #t must $e $orne in mind that when there appears in a language a group
of $orrowed words $uilt on the same pattern or containing the same morphemes, the
morphological structure of the words $ecomes apparent and in the course of time their wordF
$uilding Felements "can $e employed to form new words"8 Thus the word bolshevik was at first
indivisi$le in English, which is seen from the forms bolshevikism, bolshe-vikise, bolshevikian
entered $y some dictionaries" Later on the word came to $e divided into the morphological
elements bolshevik. The new morphological division can $e accounted for $y the existence of a
num$er of words containing these elements (bolshevism, bolshevist, bolshe-vise; sputnik,
udarnik,' menshevik). Sometimes in $orrowed words foreign affixes are replaced $y those
availa$le in the English language, e"g" the inflexion -us in Latin ad=ectives was replaced in
English with the suffixes -ous orFalH L" barbarus > > E. barbarous; L. botanicus > E.
botanical; L. balneus > E. balneal. Lexical Assimilation. 7hen a word is ta&en over into
another language, its semantic structure as a rule undergoes great changes"
Polysemantic words are usually adopted only in one or two of their meanings" Thus the word
timbre that had a num$er of meanings in !rench was $orrowed into English as a musical term
.3L
only" The words cargo and cas&, highly polysemantic in Spanish, were adopted only in one of
their meaningsF 6the goods carried in a ship6, 6a $arrel for holding li%uids6 respectively"
#n some cases we can o$serve speciali-ation of meaning, as in the word hangar, denoting a
$uilding in which aeroplanes are &ept 2in !rench it meant simply 6shed61 and revue, which had the
meaning of 6review6 in !rench and came to denote a &ind of theatrical entertainment in English" #n
the process of its historical development a $orrowing sometimes ac%uired new meanings that
were not to $e found in its former semantic structure" !or instance, the ver$ move in Modern
English has developed the meanings of 6propose6, 6change one6s flat6, 6mix with people6 and others
that the !rench mouvoir does not possess" The word scope, which originally had the meaning of
6aim, purpose6, now means 6a$ility to understand6, 6the field within which an activity ta&es place,
sphere6, 6opportunity, freedom of action6" (s a rule the development of new meanings ta&es place
M9F.99 years after the word is $orrowed" The semantic structure of $orrowings changes in other
ways as well" Some meanings $ecome more general, others more speciali-ed, etc" !or instance,
the word terrorist, which was ta&en over from !rench in the meaning of 6>aco$in6, widened its
meaning to 6one who governs, or opposes a government $y violent means6" The word umbrella,
$orrowed in the meaning of a 6sunshade6 or 6parasol6 2from #t" ombrella < ombraF 6shade61 came to
denote similar protection from the rain as well" sually the primary meaning of a $orrowed word
is retained throughout its history, $ut sometimes it $ecomes a secondary meaning" Thus the
Scandinavian $orrowings wing, root, take and many others have retained their primary meanings
to the present day, whereas in the 5E" feolase 2MnE" fellow) which was $orrowed from the same
source in the meaning of 6comrade, companion6, the primary meaning has receded to the
$ac&ground and was replaced $y the meaning that appeared in ?ew English 6a man or a $oy6"
Sometimes change of meaning is the result of associating $orrowed words with familiar words
which somewhat resem$le them in sound $ut which are not at all related" This process, which is
termed fol& etymology, often changes the form of the word in wohole or in part, so as to $ring it
nearer to the word or words with which it is thought to $e connected, e"g" the !rench ver$
sur(o)under had the meaning of 6overflow6" #n English -r(o)under was associated $y mista&e
with round and the ver$ was interpreted as meaning 6enclose on all sides, encircle6 2MnE"
surround). 5ld !rench estandard 2L" estendere-'to spread61 had the meaning of 6a flag, $anner6"
#n English the first part was wrongly associated with the ver$ stand and the word standard also
ac%uired the meaning of 6something sta$le, officially accepted6" !ol& etymologi-ation is a slow
process: people first attempt to give the foreign $orrowing its foreign pronunciation, $ut
gradually popular use evolves a new pronunciation and spelling" (nother phenomenon which
must also receive special attention is the formation of derivatives from $orrowed wordFstems"
?ew derivatives are usually formed with the help of productive affixes, often of (ngloFSaxon
origin" !or instanceH faintness, closeness, easily, nobly, etc" (s a rule derivatives $egin to appear
rather soon after the $orrowing of the word" Thus almost immediately after the $orrowing of the
word sputnik the words pre-sputnik, sputnikist, sputnikked, to out-sputnik were coined in
.3M
English" Many derivatives were formed $y means of conversion, as in to manifesto 2.3L41
manifesto 2#t", .0LL1: to encore 2.3L41 encore 2!r", .3.81: to coach 2.0.81 coach 2!r", .MM01"
Similarly hy$rid compounds were formed, e"g" faint-hearted, ill-tempered, painsta king.
Degree of Assimilation and Factors Determining It. Even a superficial examination of
$orrowed words in the English wordFstoc& shows that there are words among them that are easily
recogni-ed as foreign 2such as decollete, facade, Zeitgeist, voile) and there are others that have
$ecome so firmly rooted in the language, so thoroughly assimilated that it is sometimes extremely
difficult to distinguish them from words of (ngloFSaxon origin 2these are words li&e pupil,
master, city, river, etc"1"
nassimilated words differ from assimilated ones in their pronunciation, spelling, semantic
structure, fre%uency and sphere of application" Dowever, there is no distinct $orderFline $etween
the two groups" There are also words assimilated in some respects and unassimilated in others,
they may $e called partially assimilated" Such are communique, detente not yet assimilated
phonetically, phenomenon 2pi" phenomena), graffito 2pi" graffiti) unassimilated grammatically,
etc" 6So far no linguist has $een a$le to suggest more or less comprehensive criteria for
determining the degree of assimilation of $orrowings" The degree of assimilation depends in the
first place upon the time of $orrowing" The general principle isH the older the $orrowing, the more
thoroughly it tends to follow normal English ha$its of accentuation, pronunciation, etc" #t is
natural that the $ul& of early $orrowings have ac%uired full English citi-enship and that most
English spea&ing people are astonished on first hearing, that such everyday words as window,
chair, dish, box have not always $elonged to their language" Late $orrowings often retain their
foreign peculiarities" Dowever mere age is not the sole factor" ?ot only $orrowings long in use,
$ut also those of recent date may $e completely made over to conform to English patterns if they
are widely and popularly employed" 7ords that are rarely used in everyday speech, that are
&nown to a small group of people retain their foreign peculiarities" Thus many ./th century
!rench $orrowings have $een completely assimilated 2e"g" turbine, clinic, exploitation,
diplomat)^ whereas the words adopted much earlier noblesse jno6$lesk 2ME"1, ennui ja6nwiHk
2.0031, eclat jel6&lcci 2.03L1 have not $een assimilated even in point of pronunciation" (nother
factor determining the process of assimilation is the way in which the $orrowing was ta&en over
into the language" 7ords $orrowed orally are assimilated more readily, they undergo greater
changes, whereas with words adopted through writing the process of assimilation is longer and
more la$orious"
INTERRELATION BETWEEN NATIVE AND BORROWED ELEMENTS
The Role of Native and Borrowed Elements. The num$er of $orrowings in 5ld English was
meagre" #n the Middle English period there was an influx of loans" #t is often contended that since
the ?orman con%uest $orrowing has $een the chief factor in the enrichment of the English
voca$ulary and as a result there was a sharp decline in the productivity of wordFformation"
.30
Distorical evidence, however, testifies to the fact that throughout its entire history, even in the
periods, of the mightiest influxes of $orrowings, other processes, no less intense, were in
operationFwordFformation and semantic development, which involved $oth native and $orrowed
elements" #f the estimation of the role of $orrowings is $ased on the study of words recorded in
the dictionary, it is easy to overestimate the effect of the loan words, as the num$er of native
words is extremely small compared with the num$er of $orrowings recorded" The only true way
to estimate the relation of the native to the $orrowed element is to consider the two as actually
used in speech" #f one counts every word used, including repetitions, in6 some reading matter, the
proportion of native to $orrowed words will $e %uite different" 5n such a count, every writer uses
considera$ly more native words than $orrowings" Sha&espeare, for example, has /9a, Mi . ton
4. a, Tennyson 44a." This shows how important is the comparatively small nucleus of native
words" Different $orrowings are mar&ed $y different fre%uency value" Those well esta$lished in
the voca$ulary may $e as fre%uent in speech as native words, whereas others occur very rarely"
The Influence of Borrowings. The great num$er of $orrowings in English left some imprint
upon the language" influence is o$served in the volume of its voca$ulary" Due to its history the
English language, more than any other modern language, has a$sor$ed foreign elements in its
voca$ulary" Cut the adoption of foreign words must not $e understood as mere %uantitative
change" (ny importation into the lexical system $rings a$out semantic and stylistic changes in the
words of this language and changes in its synonymic groups" #t has $een mentioned that when
$orrowed words were identical in meaning with those already in English the adopted word very
often displaced the native word" #n most cases, however, the $orrowed words and synonymous
native words 2or words $orrowed earlier1 remained in the language, $ecoming more or less
differentiated in meaning and use" Cf", e"g", the sphere of application and meaning of feed and
nourish, try and endeavour, meet and encounter. (s a result the num$er of synonymic groups
in English greatly increased" The synonymic groups $ecame voluminous and ac%uired many
words rarely used" This $rought a$out a rise in the percentage of stylistic synonyms"
Influence of Borrowings on the Semantic Structure of Words. (s a result of the
differentiation in meaning $etween synonymous words many native words or words $orrowed
earlier narrowed their meaning or sphere of application" Thus the word stool of (ngloFSaxon
origin, which in 5ld English denoted any article of furniture designed for sitting on, under the
influence of the !rench $orrowing chair came to $e used as the name for only one &ind of
furniture" Due to $orrowings some words passed out of the literary national language and have
$ecome dialectal" (nother instance of foreign influence upon the semantic structure of some
English words is semantic $orrowing, i"e" the $orrowing of meaning from a word in a foreign
language" This often ta&es place in English words having common roots with some words in
another language 2international words today reflect this process $est1, e"g" the words pioneer and
cadres which are international words have ac%uired new meanings under the influence of the
*ussian nnonep and xapm. Sometimes English words ac%uire additional meanings under the
.33
influence of related words having %uite different roots, e"g" the political meanings of shock and
deviation have come from the *ussian yapnmn and yxnon"
Influence of Borrowings on the Lexical Territorial Divergence. ($undant $orrowing
intensified the difference $etween the wordFstoc& of the literary national language and dialects"
5n the one hand, a num$er of words were $orrowed into the literary national languagep which
are not to $e found in the dialects 2such as literary words, scientific and political terminology,
etc"1" #n a num$er of cases the dialects have preserved some (ngloFSaxon words which were
replaced $y $orrowings in the literary language" Thus the Scotch dialect has preserved such
words as ken -uNS\t 25E" cennan); eke F <do$avlenieI 25E" eaca); eath F <[VS^]WrI, <VR[]WrI
25E" ease); fleme F <OpUS\W\tI P pR[Y\PO 25E" flyman). 5n the other hand, a num$er of words
were $orrowed into dialects and are used throughout the country" Thus, the Scottish and #rish
dialects have suffered much greater Celtic influence than the literary national language or the
Southern dialect, as the Celtic languages were longer spo&en in Scotland and #reland F some
sections of the population use them even now" The #rish dialect, for example, has the following
words of Celtic originH shamrockF<trilistnicI, dun-holm`, colleen F <devush&aI, shillelagh F
<du$in&aI, etc" #n the ?orthern, Scottish and Eastern dialects there are "many more Scandinavian
$orrowings than in the national literary language as most Scandinavian settlements were found in
the north of the country, e"g" busk F 6get ready6: fell-6hill6: munF6mouth6: wapentakeF6division of
shire6" Some Scandinavian $orrowings ousted native words in dialects" Since many of these words
were of the same root a great num$er of etymological dou$lets appeared, e"g" dag-dew, kirk-
church, benk-bench, kist-chest, garth-yard, loup-leap, etc"
Influence of Borrowings on the Word-Structure, Word-Clusters and the System of
Word-Building. The great num$er of" $orrowings could not $ut leave a definite imprint on the
morphological structure of words in English" ( num$er of new structural types appeared in the
language" This too& place when the morphological structure of $orrowings, o$scured" at the time
of adoption, $ecame transparent in the course of time and served as a pattern for new formations"
(mong the affixes which can $e considered $orrowed $y English some are highlyFproductive
and can com$ine with native and $orrowed items 2e"g" re-, inter-, -able, -er, -ism, etc"1, others
are not so productive and com$ine only with *omanic stems 2coF, deF, transF, Fal, Fcy, -ic, Fical,
etc"1, still others are often met with in $orrowed words, $ut do not form any new words in English
2Fous, Five, Fent, etc"1" Some $orrowed affixes have even ousted those of native origin, e"g" in
Modern English the prefix pre- expressing priority of action has replaced the native prefix fore-,
which was highly productive in Middle English and early ?ew English, especially in the .0F.3th
centuries" (nother imprint of $orrowings on the structural types of words in English is the
appearance of a great num$er of words with $ound morphemes, such as tolerate, tolerable,
tolerance, toleration, etc" Clusters of words in English also underwent some changesF$oth
%uantitative and %ualitativeFdue to the influx of $orrowings" 5n the one hand, many clusters of
words were enlarged" ?ot only were new derivatives formed with the help of $orrowed affixes,
.34
$ut some $orrowings entered the clusters of words already existing in English" Mention has
already $een made of Scandinavian $orrowings li&e drip. Some Latin and !rench $orrowings
entered the clusters of words $orrowed from *omanic languages $efore, e"g" when the !rench
$orrowings exploitation, mobilization, militarism, employee, personnel, millionaire were
ta&en over into English in the ./th century, they occupied the position of derivatives of the words
exploit, mobilize, etc" $orrowed much earlier" 5n the other hand, the influx of $orrowings in
English has changed the very nature of wordFclusters which now unite not only words of the
same rootFmorpheme, $ut also of different synonymous rootFmorphemes, as in spring-vernal,
two-second, dual, sea-maritime, etc"
Influence of Borrowings on the Phonetic Structure of Words and the Sound System. (s a
result of intense $orrowing there appeared in the English language a num$er of words of new
phonetic structure with strange sounds nd sound com$inations, or familiar sounds in unusual
positions" Such are the words with the initial jpsk, jpnk, jptk 2as in +r" psilanthropism) which are
used in English alongside with the forms without the initial sound jpk" #f there were many
$orrowed words containing a certain phonetic peculiarity, they influenced to some extent the
sound system of the language" Thus a$undant $orrowing from !rench in the Middle English
period accounts for the appearance of a new diphthong in EnglishFjoik, which, according to Prof"
C" (" #lyish, could not have developed from any 5ld English sound or sound com$ination, $ut
came into English together with such !rench words as point, joint, poise. The initial js&k, which
reappeared in English together with Scandinavian and other $orrowings, is nowadays a common
$eginning for a great num$er of words" ($undant $orrowing also $rought a$out some changes in
the distri$ution of English sounds, e"g" the 5ld English variant phonemes jfk and jvk developed
into different phonemes, that is jvk came to $e used initially 2as in vain, valley, vulgar) and jfk in
the inter vocal position 2as in effect, affect, affair) which was impossi$le in 5ld English" The
affricate jdsk, which developed at the $eginning of the Middle English period and was found at
the end or in the middle of words 2as in bridge-of, brics;), under the influence of numerous
$orrowings came to $e used in the initial position (as in jungle, journey, gesture).
The Enrichment (Replenishment) of the English Word-Stock
Interdependence of Various Aspects of the Word. The foregoing description of the word
dwelt on its structural, semantic, stylistic and etymological peculiarities separately" #n actual
speech all these aspects are closely interrelated and interdependent and the pattern of their
interdependence largely preconditions the comparative value and place of the word in Modern
English" This interdependence is most vividly $rought out in the fre%uency value attached to the
words in the language" Dowever it must $e pointed out that fre%uency value alone, important as it
is, is not an ade%uate criterion to esta$lish the most important relationships $etween words or the
most useful section of voca$ulary"
Notional and Word Forms. The fre%uency distri$ution singles out two
.3/
classes, all the words of the language fall intoH the soFcalled notional w o r d s, the largest class,
having a low fre%uency of occurrence in comparison with a numerically small group of the soF
called form or function words" !orm words in terms of a$solute figures ma&e a specific group of
a$out .M9 units" ?otional words constitute the $ul& of the existing wordFstoc&: according to the
recent counts given for the first .999 most fre%uently occurring words they ma&e /;a of the total
num$er" The results of these counts. 2given $elow graphically1 show the numerical interrelation
of the two classes" we o$serve that the ver$s (to) keep and (to) turn develop meanings peculiar
to form words without $rea&ing o6ith the class of notional words" (ll notional lexical units are
traditionally su$divided into parts of speech, i"e" lexicalFgrammatical classesH nouns, ver$s,
ad=ectives, adver$s" ?ouns numerically ma&e the largest classFa$out ;/a, ver$s come secondF
8Ma of all notional words, they are followed $y ad=ectives F.3a and adver$s ma&ing .8a, the
smallest group of notional words" The fre%uency value of words show that the form words,
though insignificant in terms of a$solute figures, constitute the most fre%uent group of words
insepara$ly $ound up with almost all patterns notional words are used in" #t is interesting to note
that the first ten words in order of fre%uency areH the, of, and, to, a, in, that, is, was, he. The high
fre%uency value of these .M9 function words accounts for the fact that this small group ma&es up
approximately half the lexical items of any English text" The fre%uency value of different lexicalF
grammatical classes of notional words also shows a different distri$ution as compared with the
a$solute figures for the same classes, as it is the ver$s that prove to $e words of highest fre%uency
and greatest potential colloca$ility"
Frequency, Polysemy and Structure. The interdependence of various features of the
word may $e easily o$served through a comparative analysis of these aspects in relation to any
chosen individual feature" Thus choosing, for example, the semantic structure as a starting point
we o$serve that there is a certain interdependence $etween the num$er of meanings in a word and
its structural and derivational type, its etymological character, its stylistic reference" The analysis
may start with any other aspect of the word F its structure, style or origin F it will generally reveal
the same type of interdependence of all the aspects" 7ords of highest fre%uency, those that come
into the first 8999 of most fre%uently occurring words all tend to $e polysemantic and structurally
simple" #t should $e noted, however, that structure and etymology $y themselves are not always
indicative of other aspects of the wordFsimple words are not necessarily polysemantic, words that
etymologically $elong to late $orrowings may $e simple in structure" !re%uency most clearly
reflects the close interconnection $etween polysemy and the structure of the word" The higher the
fre%uency, the more polysemantic is the word, the simpler it is in structure" The latest data of
linguistic investigation show that the num$er of meanings is inversely proportional to the num$er
of morphemes the word consists of" Derived and compound words rarely have high fre%uency of
occurrence and are rarely polysemantic" Comparison of the words, mem$ers of the same wordF
cluster, for example heart-hearty-heartily-heartless-heartiness- heartsick shows that it is the
simple word of the cluster heart that is Fmar&ed $y the highest freguency 2it $elongs to the first
.49
M99 most fre%uently occurring words1" 7e also find that "the word is highly polysemantic, heart
has 0 meanings". 5ther mem$ers of the cluster which are all polymorphic and complex have
fewer meanings and many of them are practically monosemantic, e"g" hearty has ; meanings,
heartily F8 and the rest only ." (ll of these words have much lower fre%uences as compared with
the simple mem$er of the clusterFheartily $elongs to the 0th thousand, heartless to the .;th,
heartiness and heartsick to the 89th thousand" The same is o$served in the simple word man
having / meanings and polymorphic derived words manful, manly, manliness, which have only
one meaning, etc" Thus the interdependence of fre%uency, polysemy and structure manifests itself
not only in the morphemic structure of the word, $ut also in its derivational structure" Derived
words are as a rule poorer in the num$er of meanings and have much lower fre%uencies than the
corresponding simple words though they may $e morphemically identical" #t may $e very well
exemplified $y nouns and ver$s formed $y conversion, e"g" the simple noun hand has .M
meanings while the derived, ver$ (to) hand has only one meaning and covers only La of the total
occurrences of $oth"
Frequency and Sfylistic Reference. !re%uency is also indicative of the interdependence
$etween polysemy, stylistic reference and emotive charge" #t can easily $e o$served in any
group of synonyms" (nalysing synonymic groupings li&e make-manufacture-fabricate; heavy-
ponderous-weighty-cumbrous; gather-assemble; face-countenance-mug we find that the
neutral mem$er of the synonymic group, e"g" make 2the first M99 words1 has 84 meanings,
whereas its literary synonyms manufacture 2the 8nd "thousand1 has 8 and fabricate 2the .Lth
thousand1 which has a narrow, specific stylistic reference has only one meaning" ( similar
relation is o$served in other synonymic groups" The inference, conse%uently, is that stylistically
neutral voca$ulary units tend to $e polysemantic and to have higher fre%uency value, whereas
words of narrow or specific stylistic reference or nonliterary voca$ulary units are mostly
monosemantic and have a low fre%uency value" The following examples may serve as
illustrationH the neutral word horse, in addition to its $asic meaning, has the meaningsF6a frame6, 6a
rope6, 6cavalry6: its poetic synonym steed has only one meaning" The neutral word face forms a
variety of wordFgroups in its $asic meaning, in addition, it has at least ; more
meaningsF6$oldness6, 6impudence6, e"g" to have the face to do smth; 6an outer part6, 6a surface6, e"g"
the face of a coin, the face of a clock. The word face also enters a num$er of phraseological
units, e"g" to put a new face on a matter, on the face of it. #ts literary $oo&ish synonym
countenance has only two meanings and a much poorer colloca$ility: its third synonym mug
$elongs to slang, has a heavy emotive charge, is monosemantic and its lexical valency is greatly
restricted" The fre%uency values of these words spea& for themselves Fface $elongs to the first
M99 words, countenance to the Lth thousand and mug to the 0th thousand of the most fre%uently
occurring words"
Frequency, Polysemy and Etymology. !re%uency value may also serve as a clue to the
etymological character of the word and its interrelation with polysemy" The most fre%uently
.4.
Eused words as we have seen are characteri-ed $y polysemy, structural simplicity and neutral
stylistic reference" They generally $elong either to the native words or to the early $orrowings,
whichFare already fully assimilated in English" Late $orrowings li&e regime, bourgeoisie, genre,
kuru 2a fatal disease of the human nervous system1, duka 2a retail shop in ,enya1, etc" are
generally mar&ed $y low fre%uency and are very seldom polysemantic" The interrelation of
meaning and etymological factors, more specifically the period and the degree of assimilation,
ma&es itself felt a$ove all in the stylistic reference and emotive charge proper to words and is
clearly o$served in synonymic groups which in most cases consist of $oth native and $orrowed
mem$ers"G The analysis of the synonymic group, for example small, little, diminutive, petite,
wee, tiny, minute, miniature, microscopic, shows that they come from different sourcesH small
from 5E" smael; little from 5E" lytel; diminutive from !r"" L" diminutivus; petite from !r"
petite; viee6 2Scand" origin1 from ME" wei, wee, we; tiny 2origin du$ious1 from ME" tine;
minute from !r" L" minuta; microscopic from +r" mikros n +r" scopos; miniature from lt"
L" miniatura. 5f these words only small and little are polysemantic (small has 4 meanings and
littleF3 meanings1 and are widely used in Modern English 2$oth $elong to the first M99 most
fre%uently occurring words1" (ll the others are monosemantic and $y far of lesser practical value"
!or example petite, a late !rench $orrowing, is scarcely ever used in English and is felt as a
Eforeign elementE in the English voca$ulary, minute lies outside the 89,999 most fre%uently
occurring words, miniature, diminutive $elong to the 4th thousand" Their lexical valency is very
low" #t may also $e easily seen that words of this synonymic group differ greatly in their stylistic
reference" 5nly the two native words small and little $elong to the neutral literary layer: the rest
have a specific stylistic referenceH microscopic coined in recent times from +ree& morphemes is
used more or less as a term, diminutive is $oo&ish, wee 2which "for the most part occurs in
Scottish dialects1 has a poetic tinge in literary English"
Frequency and Semantics. Frequency also reflects the interdependence and
comparative importance of individual meanings within the word" !or example, the ad=ective
exact has two meanings 6entirely correct, precise6, e"g" the exact time, smb's exact words, etc"
and 6capa$le of $eing precise6, e"g" exact observer, exact memory. The comparison of the
fre%uencies of these individual meanings shows that they are not of e%ual importance in the
semantic structure of the word: it is the first meaning of this word that is much more important
than the second as it accounts for 34a of total occurrences of the word, leaving only .4a to the
second meaning" The, ad=ective blue which is a polysemantic unit of a high fre%uency value may
serve as another example" 5n comparing the fre%uencies of individual meanings of this word we
find that its neutral meaning 6the colour of the s&y6 accounts for /8a of the occurrences of the
word, whereas the meaning 6sad6 2cf" to look (to feel) blue) and the meaning 6indecent, o$scene6
2cf" to tell blue stories, to talk blue) are $oth mar&ed $y a heavy emotive charge and ma&e only
8a and 9"Ma of the occurrence of this word respectively" Thus, as we see, the semantic
fre%uencies of individual meanings give a $etter and a more o$=ective insight into the semantic
.48
structure of words" 7e may now conclude $y pointing out that fre%uency value of the word is as
a rule a most relia$le and o$=ective factor indicating the relative value of the word in the language
in general and conditioning the grammatical and lexical valency of the word" The fre%uency value
of the word alone is in many cases sufficient to =udge of its structural, stylistic, semantic and
etymological peculiarities, i"e" if the word has a high fre%uency of occurrence one may suppose
that it is monomorphic, simple, polysemantic and stylistically neutral" Etymologically it is li&ely
to $e native or to $elong to early $orrowings" The interdependence so mar&edly reflected $y
fre%uency can $e presented graphically" Celow we show the analysis of two groups of synonyms"
Development of Vocabulary. (s has $een already mentioned, no voca$ulary of any living
language is ever sta$le $ut is constantly changing, growing and decaying" The changes occurring
in the voca$ulary are due $oth to linguistic and nonFlinguistic causes, $ut in most cases to the
com$ination of $oth" 7ords may drop out altogether as a result of the disappearance of the actual
o$=ects they denote, e"g" the 5E6" wunden-stefnaF 6a curvedFstemmed ship6: garspear, dart6: someF
words were ousted. as a result of the influence of Scandinavian and !rench $orrowings, e"g" the
Scandinavian take and die ousted the 5E" niman and sweltan, the !rench army and place
replaced the 5E" here and stabs. Sometimes words do not actually drop out $ut $ecome o$solete,
sin&ing to the level of voca$ulary units used in narrow, speciali-ed fields of human intercourse
ma&ing a group of archaismsH e"g" billowF6wave6: welkinF6s&y6: steedF6horse6: slayF6&ill6 are
practically never used except in poetry: words li&e halberd, visor, gauntlet are used only as
historical terms" Jet the num$er of new words that appear in the language is so much greater than
those that drop out or $ecome o$solete, that the development of voca$ularies may $e descri$ed as
a process of neverFending growth"
The appearance of a great num$er of new words and the development of new meanings in the
words already availa$le in the language may $e largely accounted for $y the rapid flow of events,
the progress of science and technology and emergence of new concepts in different fields of
human activity" The influx of new words has never $een more rapid than in the last few decades
of this century" Estimates suggest that during the past twentyFfive years advances in technology
and communications media have produced a greater change in our language than in any similar
period in history" The speciali-ed voca$ularies of aviation, radio, television, medical and atomic
research, new voca$ulary items created $y recent development in social historyFall are part of this
unusual influx" Thus war has $rought into "English such voca$ulary items as blackout, fifth-
columnist, paratroops, A-bomb, V-Day, etc": the development of science gave such words as
hydroponics, psycholinguistics, polystyrene, radar, cyclotron, meson, positron; antibiotic,
etc": . the con%uest and research of cosmic space $y the Soviet people gave $irth to sputnik,
lunnik, babymoon, space-rocket, space-ship, space-suit, moonship, moon crawler, lunokhod,
etc" The growth of the voca$ulary reflects not only the general progress made $y man&ind $ut
also the peculiarities of the way of life of the speech community in which the new words appear,
the way its science and culture tend to develop" The peculiar developments of the (merican way
.4;
of life for example find expression in the voca$ulary items li&e taxi-dancerF, 6a girl employed $y
a dance hall, cafe, ca$aret to dance with patrons who pay for each dance6: to job-huntF6to search
assiduously for a =o$6: the political life of (merica of toFday gave items li&e witchFhuntF6the
screening and su$se%uent persecution of political opponents6: ghostwriter-6a person engaged to
write the speeches or articles of an eminent personality6: brinkmanshipF6a political course of
&eeping the world on the $rin& of war6: sitdownerF6a participant of a sitFdown stri&e6: to sit inF6to
remain sitting in availa$le places in a cafe, unserved in protest of >im Crow Law6: a sitter-in; a
lie-in oralie-downF6a lying down of a group of people in a pu$lic place to disrupt traffic as a form
of protest or demonstration6: to nuclearize F 6to e%uip conventional armies with nuclear weapons6:
nuclearization; nuclearismF6emphasis on nuclear weapons as a deterrent to war or as a means of
attaining political and social goals6"
Structural and Semantic Peculiarities of New Vocabulary Units. #t must $e mentioned as a
noteworthy peculiarity that new voca$ulary items in Modern English $elong only to the notional
parts of speech, to $e more exact, only to nouns, ver$s and ad=ectives: of these nouns are most
numerous" ?ew voca$ulary units are as a rule monosemantic and most of them are mar&ed $y
peculiar stylistic valueFthey primarily $elong to the speciali-ed voca$ulary" ?eutral words and
phrases are comparatively few" Terms used in various fields of science and techni%ue ma&e the
greater part of new words" The analysis of the development of the voca$ulary of Modern English
shows that there are two aspects of the growth of the languageFthe appearance of new lexical
items which increase the voca$ulary numerically and the appearance of new meanings of old
words"
?ew voca$ulary units are mostly the result of the new com$inations of old elements" Entirely
new lexical items ma&e an insignificant section of voca$ulary"
Structurally new voca$ulary items represent two types of lexical unitsH words, e"g" blackout,
microfilm-reader, unfreeze, and wordFgroups, mostly phraseological units, e"g" blood bankF6a
place where $lood plasma are stored6: atomic pileF6reactor6, etc" 7ords in their turn comprise
various structural typesH a1 simple words, e"g" =eep F6a small, light motor vehicle esp" for military
use6: zebra F 6street crossingFplace, mar&ed $y $lac& and white stripes6: $1 derived words, such as
collaborationistF6one who in occupied territory wor&s helpfully with the enemy6: centrismF6a
middleFofFthe road or a moderate position in polities6, a preppie F 6a student or graduate of a
preparatory school 2si"16: e1 compounds, e"g" corpsman 2mil"1 F 6a mem$er of a hospital s%uad
trained to administer first aid to wounded servicemen6, script-show F 6a serial program on radio
and television6: house-husband - "S" 6a married man who manages a household6, etc" The
analysis of new words for their derivational structure shows a mar&ed predominance of derived
and compound words and a rather small num$er of simple words" 7ordFgroups comprise a
considera$le part of voca$ulary extension" Structurally, the $ul& of the wordFgroups $elongs to
the attri$utiveFnominal type $uilt on the ( n ? and ? n formulas, e.g. frequency modulation, jet
engine, total war, Common Marketeer, machine time, etc" 7ordFgroups and different types of
.4L
words are une%ually distri$uted among various lexical stylistic groups of the voca$ulary, with a
predominance of one or another type in every group" !or example, new words in the field of
science are mostly of derived and compound structure $ut the technical section of the voca$ulary
extension is characterised $y simple words" The greater part of wordFgroups is found among
scientific and technical terms: the political layer of voca$ulary is rather poor in wordFgroups"
Cesides this peculiar distri$ution of different types of words, every type ac%uires its own specific
peculiarity in different lexical stylistic groups of the voca$ulary, for example, although derived
words are typical $oth of scientific and technical terms, words formed $y conversion are found
mostly among technical terms"
WAYS AND MEANS OF ENRICHING THE VOCABULARY
There are two ways of enriching the voca$ulary as has $een mentioned a$oveH (" voca$ulary
extension the appearance of new lexical items" ?ew voca$ulary units appear mainly as a result ofH
." productive or patterned ways of wordFformation: 8" nonFpatterned ways of wordFcreation: ;"
$orrowing from other languages" C" semantic extension F the appearance of new meanings of
existing words which may result in homonyms"
Productive Word-Formation Productive" Productive wordFformation is the most effective
means of enriching the voca$ulary" The most widely used means are affixation 2prefixation
mainly for ver$s and ad=ectives, suffixation for nouns and ad=ectives1, conversion 2giving the
greatest num$er of new words in ver$s and nouns1 and composition 2most productive in nouns
and ad=ectives1" 6?ew6 words that appear as a result of productive wordFformation are not entirely
new as they are all made up of elements already availa$le in the language" The newness of these
words resides in the particular com$ination of the items previously familiar to the language
spea&er" (s has already $een mentioned productivity of derivative devices that give rise to novel
voca$ulary units is fundamentally relative and it follows that there are no patterns, which can $e
called 6fully6 productive" Productive patterns in each part of speech, with a set of individual
structural and semantic constraints, serve as a formal expression of the regular semantic
relationship $etween different classes or semantic groupings of words" Thus the types of new
words that may appear in this or that lexicalFgrammatical class of words can $e predicted with a
high degree of pro$a$ility" The regularity of expression of the underlying semantic relations,
firmly rooted in the minds of the spea&ers, ma&e the derivational patterns $idirectional rules, that
is, the existence of one class of words presupposes the possi$ility of appearance of the other
which stands in regular semantic relations with it" This can $e clearly o$served in the high degree
of productivity of conversion" !or instance the existence and fre%uent use of the noun denoting an
o$=ect presupposes the possi$ility of the ver$ denoting an action connected with it, e"g" the nouns
stream, sardine, hi-fi, timetable, lead to the appearance of ver$s to stream F6to divide students
into separate classes according to level of intelligence6, to sardineF6to pac& closely6: to hifiF6to
listen to hiFfi recordings6: to timetable 6to set a timeta$le6" Similarly a ver$ denoting an action
.4M
presupposes a noun denoting an act, result, or instance of this action as in the new words, e"g" a
holdup, a breakdown, a layout, etc"
The clarity and sta$ility of the structural and semantic relations underlying productive patterns
allows of certain stretching of individual constraints on the structure and meaning of the
derivational $ases ma&ing the pattern highly productive" Dighly productive patterns of this type
are not many" The derivational affixes which are the #Cs of these patterns such as -ness, -er,
mini-, over- $ecome unusually active and are felt according to some scholars Eproductive as
individual unitsE as compared to affixes Eproductive in a certain pattern, $ut not in another"E The
suffixal nominal patterns with suffixes -ness and -er deserve special mention" The suffix -ness is
associated with names of a$stract %ualities and states" Though it is regularly added to ad=ectival
$ases, practically the range of $ases the suffix can $e collocated with is $oth structurally and
semantically almost unlimited, e"g" otherness, alone-ness, thingness, oneness, well-to-doness,
out-of-the-placeness, etc" The only exception is the ver$al $ases and the sphere of the
derivational pattern a n Fity F ? The nominal suffix Fer denoting an active doer may serve as
another example" The suffix gives numerous suffixal and compound nouns and though it is
largely a dever$al suffix as in brain-washer, a double-talker, a sit-inner new nouns are freely
formed from $ases of other parts of speech, e"g" a roomer, a YCLer, a one-winger, a ganger,
etc" Jet the $ul& of productive patterns giving rise to freelyFformed and easily predicta$le lexical
classes of new words have a set of rigid structural and semantic constraints such as the lexicalF
grammatical class and structural type of $ases,8 the semantic nature of the $ase, etc" The degree
of productivity is also connected with a certain power of analogy attached to each pattern"
The following productive types giving the greatest num$er of new voca$ulary items may $e
mentionedH dever$al suffixal ad=ectives denoting passive possi$ility of the action, e"g" attachable,
acceptable, livable-in, likeable, etc": prefixal negative ad=ectives formed after two patternsH .1
e"g" unguarded, unheard-of, unbinding, etc", 81 e"g" unsound, uncool, especially with dever$al
ad=ectival $ases as in unthinkable, unquantifiable, unavoidable, unanswerable, etc": prefixal
ver$s of repetitive meaning 2reF n n vFF @1, e"g" rearrange, re-train, remap, etc": prefixal ver$s
of reversative meaning 2unF n vF@1, e"g" uncap, unbundle, unhook, undock, etc": derivational
compound ad=ectives denoting possession e"g" flat-bottomed, long-handled, heavy-lidded, etc"
The greater part of new compound nouns are formed after pattern, e"g" wave-length, sound-
track, etc"
The $idirectional nature of productive derivational patterns is of special interest in connection
with $ac&Fderivation as a source of new ver$s" The pattern of semantic relationship of the action
and its active doer, the action and the name of the process of this action are regularly represented
in Modern English $y highly productive nominal patterns with suffixes -er and -ing" Dence the
noun whose structure contains this suffix or may $e interpreted as having it is understood as a
secondary unit motivated $y a ver$ even if the ver$ does not actually exist" This was the case
with editor, baby-sitter, housekeeping, a new EsimplerE ver$ was formed to fill the gap" The
.40
noun was felt as: derived and the EcorrespondingE ver$ was formed $y ta&ing the suffix or the
suffixFli&e soundFcluster away" The following ver$s, e"g" to beg, to edit, to stage-manage, to
babysit, to dress-make are the results of $ac&Fformation" Cac&Fderivation as a reFinterpretation
of the derivational structure is now growing in productivity $ut it functions only within the
framewor& of highly productive patterns with regularE and transparent derivative relations
associated formally with a certain suffix" Many new $ac&Fderived ver$s are often stylistically
mar&ed as collo%uial, e"g" enthuse from enthusiasm, playact from play-acting, tongue-tie from
tongue-tied, sight-see from sight-seeing. The correct appraisal of the role of productive wordF
formation and its power to give analogic creations would $e incomplete if one does not ta&e into
account the soFcalled occasional or potential words" Cuilt on analogy with the most productive
types of derived and compound words, easily understood and never stri&ing one as EunusualE or
EnewE they are so numerous that it is virtually impossi$le to ma&e conversation toFday, to hear a
speech or to read a newspaper without coming across a num$er of words which are new to the
language" 5ccasional words are especially connected with the force of analogous creations $ased
on productive wordFformation patterns" #t often happens that one or another word $ecomes,
sometimes due to social and political reasons, especially prominent and fre%uent" 5ne of its
components ac%uires an additional derivative force and $ecomes the centre of a series of lexical
items" #t can $e $est illustrated $y new words formed on analogy with the compound noun sit-in,
which according to ( Dictionary of ?ew English gave three sets of analogic units" The noun sit-
in is traced $ac& to ./09 when it was formed from the ver$ sit-in introduced $y the ?egro civilF
rights movement" #n the first series of analogic creations the -in was associated with a pu$lic
protest demonstration and gave rise to sit-in and sit-inner, kneel-in, ride-in, all motivated $y the
underlying ver$al units" The original meaning was soon extended to the staging of any &ind of
pu$lic demonstration and resulted in a new series of nouns li&e a teach-in, study-in, talk-in,
read-in, etc" which $ecame independent of the existence of the corresponding phrasal ver$s" (
third development was the wea&ening of the earlier meanings to cover any &ind of social
gathering $y a group, e"g" think-in, sing-in, fish-in, laugh-in, etc" The second components of
compound nouns often $ecome such6 centres of creations $y analogy as for instance the
component -sick- in seasick and homesick gave on analogy car-sick, air-sick, space-sick. The
compound noun earthquake led to birthquake 2dd population explosion1, youthquake 2d a
worldFwide agitation caused $y student uprisings1, starquake 2d a series of rapid changes in the
shape of the star1" The noun teenager led to goldenager, skyscraper to thighscraper 2dd a
miniFs&irt1, house-wife to house-husband. The derivative component -proof, gave sound-proof,
bullet-proof, fool-proof, kiss-proof, love-proof, etc"
Productive wordFformation has a specific distri$ution in relation to different spheres of
communication, thematic and lexical stylistic groups of new words" ?ew terminological
voca$ulary units appear mainly as a result of composition ma&ing extensive use of $orrowed
rootFmorphemes, and affixation with sets of affixes of peculiar stylistic reference,. often of LatinF
.43
+ree& origin which are scarcely ever used outside this group of words, for example suffixes -ite,
-ine- -tron, etc" The suffixes -in, -gen, -ogen are productive in the field of chemistry and
$iochemistry, e"g" citrin, penicillin, carcinogen; -ics in the naming of sciences as in radionics,
bionics; the prefixes non-, pan-, suffixesFism, -ist are most productive in political voca$ulary,
e"g" Nixonomics, Nixonomist, etc"
#n comparison with speciali-ed voca$ulary items, lexical units of standardFcollo%uial layer are
more often created $y affixes of neutral stylistic reference, $y conversion and composition"
Various Ways of Word Creation. ?ew words in different notional classes appear also as
a result of various nonFpatterned ways of word creation" The two main types of nonFpatterned
wordFcreation areH #" @arious ways of transformation of a wordFform into a word usually referred
to as .exica.i-ation and ##" Shortening, which consists in su$stituting a, part for a whole"
Shortening comprises essentially different ways of word creation" #t involves ." transformation of
a wordFgroup into a word, and 8" a change of the wordFstructure resulting in a new lexical item,
i"e" clipping"
Lexica1ization. Due to various semantic and syntactic reasons the grammatical flexion in
some wordFforms, most often the plural of nouns, as in, e"g" the nouns arms, customs, colours,
loses its grammatical "meaning and $ecomes isolated from the paradigm of the words arm,
custom, look. (s a result of the reFinterpretation of the plural suffix the wordFform arms,
customs developed a different lexical meaning 6weapons6 and 6import duties"6 respectively" This
led to a complete $rea& of semantic lin&s with the semantic structure of the words arm, custom
and thus to the appearance of new words with a different set of grammatical features" #t must $e
noted that there is no unanimity of opinion on whether all such items should $e viewed as new
words or only as new meanings" Different approaches to the pro$lem are connected with the
$orderFline $etween polysemy and homonymy l and many individual cases are actually open to
dou$t"
Essentially the same phenomenon of lexicali-ation is o$served in the transition of participles into
ad=ectives" The process is also &nown as ad=ectivi-ation" #t may $e illustrated $y a num$er of
ad=ectives such as tired, devoted, interesting, amusing, etc" which are now felt as homonymous
to the participles of the ver$s to tire, to marry, etc" Lexicali-ation is a long, gradual historical
process, which synchronically results in the appearance of new voca$ulary units"
Shortening" Distinction should $e made $etween shortening which results in new lexical
items and a specific type of shortening proper only to written speech resulting in numerous
graphical a$$reviations which are only signs representing words and wordFgroups of high"
fre%uency of occurrence in various spheres of human activity as for instance, RD for Road and St
for Street in addresses on envelopes and in letters: tu for tube, aer for aerial in *adio
Engineering literature, etc" English graphical a$$reviations include rather numerous shortened
variants ofFLatin and !rench words and wordFgroups, e"g"H i.e. 2L" id est1F6that is6: R.S.V.P. 2!r"F
*eponde- s6il vous plait1 F6reply please6, etc" +raphical a$$reviations are restricted in use to
.44
written speech, occurring only in various &inds of texts, articles, $oo&s, advertisements, letters,
etc" #n reading, many of them are su$stituted $y the words and phrases that they represent, e"g"
Dr. doctor, Mr.mister, Oct. October, etc": the a$$reviations of Latin and !rench words and
phrases are usually read as their English e%uivalents" #t follows that graphical a$$reviations
cannot $e considered new lexical voca$ulary units" #t is only natural that in the course of
language development some graphical a$$reviations should gradually penetrate into the sphere of
oral intercourse and, as a result, turn into selfFcontained lexical units used $oth in oral and written
speech" That is the case, for instance, with a.m. t6ei6emkF6in the morning, $efore noon6: p.m.
j6piH6emkF6in the afternoon6: S.O.S. j6es 6ou 6esk 2ddSave 5ur Souls1F6urgent call for help6, etc"
Transformations of wordFgroups into words involve different types of lexical shorteningH elipsis
or su$stantivi-ation, initial letter or sylla$le a$$reviations 2also referred to as acronyms1,
$lendings, etc" Su$stantivi-ation consists in dropping of the final nominal mem$er of a fre%uently
used attri$utive wordFgroup" 7hen such a mem$er of the wordFgroup is dropped as, for example,
was the case with a documentary film the remaining ad=ective ta&es on the meaning and all the
syntactic functions of the noun and thus develops into a new word changing its class mem$ership
and $ecoming homonymous to the existing ad=ective" #t may $e illustrated $y a num$er of nouns
that appeared in this way, e"g" an incendiary goes $ac& to an incendiary bomb, the finals to the
final examinations, an editorial to an editorial article, etc" 5ther more recent creations are an
orbital 2Cr" 6a highway going around the su$ur$s of a city61, a verbal 26a ver$alFconfession
introduced as evidence at a trial61, a topless which goes to three different wordFgroups and
accordingly has three meaningsH .1 a topless dress, $athing suit, etc", 81 a waitress, dancer, etc"
wearing topless garments, ;1 a $ar, nightFclu$ featuring topless waitresses or performers"
Su$stantivi-ation is often accompanied $y productive suffixation as in, e"g", a one-winger from
one-wing plane, a two-decker from two-deck bus or ship; it may $e accompanied $y clipping
and productive suffixation, e"g" flickers 2coil"1 from flicking pictures, a smoker from smoking
carriage, etc" (cronyms and letter a$$reviations are lexical a$$reviations of a phrase" There are
different types of such a$$reviations and there is no unanimity of opinion among scholars
whether all of them can $e regarded as regular voca$ulary units" #t seems logical to ma&e
distinction $etween acronyms and letter a$$reviations" Letter a$$reviations are mere
replacements of longer phrases including names of wellF&nown organi-ations of undenia$le
currency, names of agencies and institutions, political parties, famous people, names of official
offices, etc" They are not spo&en or treated as words $ut pronounced letter $y letter and as a rule
possess no other linguistic forms proper to words" The following may serve as examples of such
a$$reviationsH CBW d chemical and $iological warfare, DOD d Department of Defence 2of the
S(1, ITV d #ndependent Television, #nstructional Television, SST d supersonic transport, etc"
#t should $e remem$ered that the $orderFline $etween letter a$$reviations and true acronyms is
fluid and many letter a$$reviations in the course of time may turn into regular voca$ulary units"
5ccasionally letter a$$reviations are given 6pronunciation spelling6 as for instance dejay 2dd D">"
.4/
dd disc =o&ey1, emce 2d M"C" d master of ceremonies1 in which case they tend to pass over into
true acronyms" (cronyms are regular voca$ulary units spo&en as words" They are formed in
various waysH .1 from the initial letters or sylla$les of a phrase, which may $e pronounced
differently a1 as a succession of sounds denoted $y the constituent letters forming a sylla$ic
pattern, i"e" as regular words, e"g" UNO j6=uHnouk d nited ?ations 5rgani-ations: NATO
j6neitouk dd ?orth (tlantic Treaty 5rgani-ation, UNESCO j=uH6nes&ouk: laser j6leisak dd dlight
amplification $y stimulated emisson of radiation: radar j6reidak dd ddradio detection and ranging:
BMEWS j6$iHm=uH-k dd Callistic Missile Early 7arning System: $1 as a succession of the
alpha$etical readings of the constituent letters as in, e"g", YCL j6wai6siH6elk d Joung Communist
League: BBC j6$iH6$iH6siHk d Critish Croadcasting Corporation: MP j6em6piHk d Mem$er of
Parliament: SOS fes6ou6esk d Save 5ur Souls" 81 (cronyms may $e formed from the initial
sylla$les of each word of the phrase, e"g" interpol intercnational polcice: tacsatcom d Tactical
Satellite Communications: Capcom dd Capsule Communicator 2the person at a space6 flight
centre who communicates with the astronauts during a space flight1" ;1 (cronyms may $e formed
$y a com$ination of the a$$reviation of the first or the first two mem$ers of the phrase with the
last mem$er undergoing no change at all, e"g" V-day d @ictory Day: H-bomb d dhydrogen
$om$: g-force d gravity force, etc" (ll acronyms unli&e letter a$$reviations perform the
syntactical functions of ordinary words ta&ing on grammatical inflexions, e"g" MPs 2will attac&
huge arms $ill1, M.P's 2concern at " " "1" They also serve as derivational $ases for derived words
and easily collocate with derivational suffixes as, e"g" YCLer 2d mem$er of the JCL1: MPess 2d
womanFmem$er of Parliament1: radarman, etc"
Blendings are the result of conscious creation of words $y merging irregular fragments ofE
several words which are aptly called Esplinters"E . Splinters assume different shapesFthey may $e
severed from the source word at a morpheme $oundary as in transceiver 2dd transmitter and
receiver1, transistor 2dd transfer and resistor1 or at a sylla$le $oundary li&e cute 2from execute1
in electrocute, medicare 2from medical care1, polu-tician 2from pollute and politician1 or
$oundaries of $oth &inds may $e disregarded as in brunch 2from $rea&fast and lunch1, smog
2from smoke and fog1, ballute 2from $aloon arfd parachute1, etc" Many $lends show some degree
of overlapping of vowels, consonants and sylla$les or echo the word or word fragment it replaces"
This device is often used to attain punning effect, as in foolosopher echoing philosopher;
icecapade 2Edd spectacular shows on ice1 echoing escapade; baloonatic 2d $aloon and lunatic1"
Clends are coined not infre%uently in scientific and technical language as a means of naming new
things, as trade names in advertisements" Since $lends $rea& the rules of morphology they result
in original com$inations which catch %uic&ly" Most of the $lends have a collo%uial flavour"
Clipping refers to the creation of new words $y shortening a word of two or more sylla$les
2usually nouns and ad=ectives1 without changing its class mem$ership" Clipped words, though
they often exist together with the longer original source word function as independent lexical
units with a certain phonetic shape and lexical meaning of their own" The lexical meanings of the
./9
clipped word and its source do not as a rule coincide, for instance, doc refers only to 6one who
practices medicine6, whereas doctor denotes also 6the higher degree given $y a university and a
person who has received it6, e"g" Doctor of Law, Doctor of Philosophy. Clipped words always
differ from the nonFclipped words in the emotive charge and stylistic reference" Clippings
indicate an attitude of familiarity on the part of the user either towards the o$=ect denoted or
towards the audience, thus clipped words are characteristic of collo%uial speech" #n the course of
time, though, many clipped words find their way into the literary language losing some of their
collo%uial colouring" Clippings show various degrees of semantic dissociation from their full
forms" Some are no longer felt to $e clippings, e"g" pants 2cf" pantaloons), bus 2cf" omnibus),
bike 2cf, bicycle), etc" Some of them retain rather close semantic ties with the original word" This
gives ground to dou$t whether the clipped words should $e considered separate words" Some
linguists hold the view that in case semantic dissociation is slight and the ma=or difference lies in
the emotive charge and stylistic application the two units should $e regarded as wordFvariants
2e"g" exam and examination, lab and laboratory, etc"1"
Clipping often accompanies other ways of shortening such as su$stantivi-ation, e"g" perm 2from
permanent wave1, op 2from optical art1, pop 2from popular music, art, singer, etc"1, etc" (s
independent voca$ulary units clippings serve as derivational $ases for suffixal derivations
collocating with highly productive neutral and stylistically nonFneutral suffixes -ie, -er, e"g"
nightie 2cf" night-dress), panties, hanky 2cf" handkerchief). Cases of conversion are not
infre%uent, e"g" to taxi, to perm, etc" There do not seem to $e any clear rules $y means of which
we might predict where a word will $e cut though there are several types into which clippings are
traditionally classified according to the part of the word that is clippedH .1 7ords that have $een
shortened at the endFthe soFcalled apocope, e"g" ad 2from advertisement1, lab 2from la$oratory1,
mike 2from microphone1, etc" 81 7ords that have $een shortened at the $eginningFthe soFcalled
aphaeresis, e"g" car 2from motorFcar1, phone 2from telephone1, copter 2from helicopter1, etc" ;1
7ords in which some sylla$les or sounds have $een omitted from the middleFthe soFcalled
syncope, e"g" maths 2from mathematics1, pants 2from pantaloons1, specs 2from spetacles1, etc" L1
7ords that have $een clipped $oth at the $eginning and at the end, e"g" flu 2from influen-a1, tec
2from detective1, fridge 2from refrigerator1, etc" #t must $e stressed that acronyms and clipping
are the main ways of wordFcreation most active in presentFday English" The peculiarity of $oth
types of words is that they are structurally simple, semantically nonFmotivated and give rise to
new rootFmorphemes"
Borrowing. Corrowing as a means of replenishing the voca$ulary of presentFday English
is of much lesser importance and is active mainly in the field of scientific terminology" #t should
$e noted that many terms are often made up of $orrowed morphemes, mostly morphemes from
classical languages" .1 The presentFday English voca$ulary, especially its terminological layers,
is constantly enriched $y words made up of morphemes of Latin and +ree& origin such as words
with the morphemes -tron used chiefly in the field of electronics, e"g" mesotron, cyclotron; etc":
./.
tele-, e"g" telecast, telelecture, telediagnosis, -in, e.g. protein, penicillin; -scope, e"g"
iconoscope, oscilloscope; meta-, e"g" meta-culture, metaprogram; para- meaning 6related to,
near6, e"g" paralinguistic, parabiospheric; video-, e.g. videodisk, videophone, etc. Cut though
these words consist of $orrowed morphemes they cannot $e regarded as true $orrowings $ecause
these words did not exist either in the +ree& or in the Latin wordFstoc&" (ll of them are actually
formed according to patterns of English wordFformation, and many function in Modern English
as new affixes and semiFaffixes". 7ords with some of them can $e found in the voca$ulary of
various languages and reflect as a rule the general progress in science and technology" #t is
noteworthy that a num$er of new affixes appeared in Modern English through different types of
$orrowing" This can $e exemplified $y the *ussian suffix -nik which came within the words
sputnik, lunnik and ac%uired the meaning of 6one who is connected with something6, $ut which
under the influence of beatnik ac%uired a derogatory flavour and, is now a slang suffix" #t is used
to denote 6person who re=ects standard social values and $ecomes a devotee of some fact or idea6,
e"g" fol&Fnik, protestnik, filmnik, etc" The prefix mini- is now currently used with two
meaningsH a1 6of very small si-e6, e"g" minicomputer, minicar, mini-war, ministate, and $1 6very
short6, as in mini dress, minicoat, miniskirt, etc": the prefix maxi- was $orrowed on the analogy
of mini- also in two meaningsH a16very large6, e.g. maxi-order, maxi-taxi, and $1 6long, reaching
down to the an&le6, e"g" maxicoat, maxi-dress, maxilength. The suffix -naut is found in, e"g",
astronaut, aquanaut, lunarnaut, etc"
?umerous $orrowed rootFmorphemes remain $ound in the voca$ulary of Modern English $ut
ac%uire a considera$le derivative force and function as components of a specific group of
compounds productive mainly in speciali-ed spheres, e"g" acoust(o)-acousto-optic, acousto-
electron-ics; ge(o)-, e"g" geowarfare, geoscientist, multi- e"g" multi-cultural, multi-
directional, multispectral, etc.; cosm(o)-, e"g" cosmodrome, cosmonautics, cosmonaut, etc" 81
There are true $orrowings from different languages as well" They, as a rule, reflect the way of
life, the peculiarities of development of the speech communities from which they come" !rom the
*ussian language there came words li&e kolkhoz, Gosplan, Komsomol udarnik, sputnik, jak,
etc" The words $orrowed from the +erman language at the time of war reflect the aggressive
nature of +erman fascism, e"g" Blitzkrieg, Wehr-macht, Luftwaffe . (s most of these words
remain unassimilated in presentFday English, they are all the time felt as foreign words and tend
to drop out from the language" ;1 LoanFtranslations also reflect the peculiarities of the way of
life of the countries they come from, and they easily $ecome sTa$le units of the voca$ulary, e"g"
fellow-traveller, self-criticism, Socialist democracy, Worker's Faculty, etc" which all come
from the *ussian language"6
Semantic Extension. Semantic extension of words already availa$le in the language is a
powerful source of %ualitative growth and development of the voca$ulary though it does not
necessarily add to its numerical growth: it is only the split of polysemy that results in the
appearance of new voca$ulary units thus increasing the num$er of words". #n this connection it
./8
should $e remem$ered that the $orderFline $etween a new meaning of the word and its lexical
homonym is in many cases so vague that it is often difficult to state with any degree of certainty
whether we have another meaning of the original word or its homonymFa new selfFcontained
word, 8 e"g" in the ver$ to sit-in F 6to =oin a group in playing cards6 and a newly recorded use of to
sit-inF6to remain unserved in the availa$le seats in a cafe in protest against >imcrowism6, For 6to
demonstrate $y occupying a $uilding and staying there until their grievances are considered or
until the demonstrators themselves are e=ected F he meanings are so widely apart that they are
definitely felt as homonyms" The same may $e said a$out the word heel 2sl1 6a traitor, dou$leF
crosser6 and heel - 6the $ac& part of a human foot6" 5n the other hand, the meaning of the ver$
freeze F 6to immo$ili-e 2foreignFowned credits1 $y legislative measures6 and its further penetration
into a more general sphere seen in to freeze wages and the correlated compound wage-freeze is
definitely, felt as a mere development of the semantic structure of the ver$ (to) freeze. The
semantic connection is felt $etween the meanings of such words as hot: 1) 2mus"1 6having an
ela$orate and stimulating =a-- rhythm6 81 2financ"1 6=ust isued6 and ;1 2si"1 6dangerous $ecause
connected with some crime6 as in the phrase hot money; to screenF6to classify $y means of
standardi-ed test, to select methodically6 2cf" the original meaning of the ver$ (to) screenF6to
separate coal into different si-es6, 6to pass through a sieve or screen61" (ll these meanings may
serve as further examples of %ualitative growth of Modern English voca$ulary" ( great num$er
of new meanings develop in simple words which $elong to different spheres of human activity"
?ew meanings appear mostly in everyday general voca$ulary, for example a beehive F 6a
woman6s hair style6: lungs 2n pi"1F6$reathing spaces, such as small par&s that might $e placed in
overpopulated or trafficFcongested areas6: a birdF 6any flying craft6: a vegetableF6a lifeless, inert
person6: clean 2sl"1F free from the use of narcotic drugs6: to uncap 2sl"1 F 6to disclose, to reveal6"
There is a strong tendency in words of speciali-edFand terminological type to develop nonF
speciali-ed, nonFterminological meanings as, for example, the technical term feedback that
developed a nonFterminological meaning 6a reciprocal effect of one person or thing upon another6,
parameter that developed a new meaning 6any defining or characteristic factor6, scenarioF6any
pro=ected course or plan of action6" #t is of interest to note that many new meanings in the sphere
of general voca$ulary are stylistically and emotively nonFneutral and mar&ed as collo%uial and
slang, for example 1uice 2S sl"1 F 6position, power, influence: favoura$le standing6: bread 2sl"1 F
6money6: straight 2sl"1F6not deviating from the norm in politics, ha$its: conventional, orthodox6,
etc" 5n the other, hand scientific and technical terminological meanings appear as a result of
speciali-ation as in, e.g., read 2genetic1 F 6to decode6: messenger-6a chemical su$stance which
carries or transmits genetic information6" ?ew terminological meanings also appear as a result of
expansion of the sphere of application, i"e" when terms of one $ranch of science develop new
meanings and pass over to other $ranches, e"g" a general scientific term system 2n1 in cy$ernetics
developed the meaning 6anything consisting of at least two interrelated parts6: logic ac%uired in
electronics the meaning 6the logical operations performed $y a computer $y means of electronic
./;
circuitry6: perturbance in astronomyF 6distur$ances in the motions of planets6, etc" #t should $e
noted that new meanings appear not only as a result of semantic development of words $ut also as
a result of semantic development of affixes" Thus, the ad=ectival prefix aF in such ad=ectives as
awhir d whirring: aswivel d swivelling: aclutter d cluttered: aglaze d gla-ed developed a new
meaning similar to the meanings of the participles $ut giving a more vivid effect of the process
than the corresponding nonFprefixal participles in -ing and -ed. The prefix antiF developed two
new meaningsH .1 6$elongng to the hypothetical world consisting of the counterpart of ordinary
matter6, e"g" anti-matter, anti-world, anti-nucleus, etc": 81 6that which re=ects or reverses the
traditional characteristics6, e"g" anti-novel, anti-hero, anti-electron, etc": the prefix non-
developed a new meaning 6sham, pretended, pseudo6, e"g" non-book, non-actor, non-policy, etc"
#t follows from the foregoing discussion that the principal ways of enriching the voca$ulary of
presentFday English with new words are various ways of productive wordFformation and wordF
creation" The most active ways of word creation are clippings and acronyms" The semantic
development of words already availa$le in the language is the main source of the %ualitative
growth of the voca$ulary $ut does not essentially change the voca$ulary %uantitatively" 2'(
Course in Modern English Lexicology)" *"S"+ins$urg, S" S" ,hide&el, +"#",nya-eva,
("("San&in" M", ./001
THE MAIN VARIANTS OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE
General Characteristics of the English Language in Different Parts of the English-Speaking
World #t is natural that the English language is not used with uniformity in the Critish #sles and
in (ustralia, in the S( and in ?ew ealand, in Canada and in #ndia, etc" The English language
also has some peculiarities in 7ales, Scotland, in other parts of the Critish #sles and (merica" #s
the nature of these varieties the sameK Modern linguistics distinguishes territorial variants of a
national language and local dialects" @ariants of a language are regional varieties of a standard
literary language characteri-ed $y some minor peculiarities in the sound system, voca$ulary and
grammar and $y their own literary norms" Dialects are varieties of a language used as a means of
oral communication in small localities, they are set off 2more or less sharply1 from other varieties
$y some distinctive features of pronunciation, grammar and voca$ulary" Close inspection of the
varieties mentioned a$ove reveals that they are essentially different in character" #t is not difficult
to esta$lish that the varieties spo&en in small areas are local dialects" The status of the other
varieties is more difficult to esta$lish" #t is over half a century already that the nature of the two
main variants of the English language, Critish and (merican 2Cr and (E1 has $een discussed"
Some (merican linguists, D" L" Menc&en for one, spea& of two separate languages with a steady
flood of linguistic influence first 2up to a$out ./.L1 from" Critain to (merica, and since then
from (merica to the Critish #sles" They even proclaim that the (merican influence on Critish
English is so powerful that there will come a time when the (merican standard will $e
esta$lished in Critain" 5ther linguists regard the language of the S( as a dialect of English" Still
./L
more %uestiona$le is the position of (ustralian English 2(uE1 and Canadian English 2CnE1"The
differences $etween the English language as spo&en in Critain, the S(, (ustralia and Canada
are immediately noticea$le in the field of phonetics" Dowever these distinctions are confined to
the articulatory F acoustic characteristics of some phonemes, to some differences in the use of
others and to the differences in the rhythm and intonation of speech" The few phonemes
characteristic of (merican pronunciation and alien to Critish literary norms can as a rule $e
o$served in Critish dialects" The variations in voca$ulary, to $e considered $elow, are not very
numerous" Most of them are divergences in the semantic structure of words and in their usage"
The dissimilarities in grammar li&e (E gotten, proven for CE got, proved are scarce" !or the
most part these dissimilarities consist in the preference of this or that grammatical category or
form to some others" !or example, the preference of Past #ndefinite to Present Prefect, the
formation of the !uture Tense with will as the"only auxiliary ver$ for all persons, and some
others" *ecent investigations have also shown that the Present Continuous form in the meaning of
!uture is used twice as fre%uently in CE as in the (merican, Canadian and (ustralian variants:
infinitive constructions are used more rarely in (E than in CE and (uE and passive constructions
are, on the contrary, more fre%uent in (merica than in Critain and in (ustralia" Since CE, (E and
(uE have essentially the same grammar system, phonetic system and voca$ulary, they cannot $e
regarded as different languages" ?or can they $e referred to local dialects: $ecause they serve all
spheres of ver$al communication in society, within their territorial area they have dialectal
differences of their own: $esides they differ far less than local dialects 2e"g" far less than the
dialects of Dews$ury and it is noteworthy that %uite a few prominent (merican linguists do not
share this opinion 2e" g" (" S" Caugh, 7" ?" !rancis and others1" Dowden, two English towns in
Jor&shire some forty miles apart1" (nother consideration is that (E has its own literary norm and
(uE is developing one" Thus we must spea& of three variants of the English national language
having different accepted literary standards, one spo&en in the Critish #sles, another spo&en in the
S(, the third in (ustralia"
Lexical Differences of Territorial Variants. Spea&ing a$out the lexical distinctions
$etween the territorial variants of the English language it is necessary to point out that from the
point of view of their modern currency in different parts of the EnglishFspea&ing world all lexical
units may $e divided into general English, those common to all the variants and locallyFmar&ed,
those specific to presentFday usage in one of the variants and not found in the others 2i"e"
Criticisms, (mericanisms, (ustralianisms, Canadianisms, etc"1" 7hen spea&ing a$out the
territorial differences of the English language philologists and lexicographers usually note the
fact that different variants of English use different words for the same o$=ects" Thus in descri$ing
the lexical differences $etween the Critish and (merican variants they provide long lists of word
pairs li&e CE flat underground lorry pavement post tinFopener government leader teaching staff
(E apartment su$way truc& sidewal& mail canFopener administration editorial faculty
./M
!rom such lists one may infer that the words in the left column are the e%uivalents of th0se given
in the right column and used on the other side of the (tlantic" Cut the matter is not as simple as
that" These pairs present %uite different cases" #t is only in some rare casesF li&e tin-opener-can-
opener or fishmonger-fish-dealer that the mem$ers of such pairs are semantically e%uivalent" #n
pairs li&e government-administration, leader-editorial, only one lexical semantic variant of
one of the mem$ers is locallyFmar&ed" Thus in the first pair the lexical semantic variant of
administrationF6the executive officials of a government6 is an (mericanism, in the second pair
the word leader in the meaning of 6leading article in a newspaper6 is a Criticism" #n some cases a
notion may have two synonymous designations used on $oth sides of the (tlantic 5cean, $ut one
of them is more fre%uent in Critain, the otherFin the S(" Thus in the pairs post-mail, timetable-
schedule, notice-bulletin the first word is more fre%uent in Critain, the secondFin (merica" So
the difference here lies only in wordFfre%uency" Most locallyFmar&ed lexical units $elong to
partial Criticisms, (mericanisms, etc", that is they are typical of this or that variant only in one or
some of their meanings" 7ithin the semantic structure of such words one may often find
meanings $elonging to general English, (mericanisms and Criticisms, e"g", in the word
pavement, the meaning 6street or road covered with stone, asphalt, concrete, etc"6 is an
(mericanism, the meaning 6paved path for pedestrians at the side of the road6 is a Criticism 2the
corresponding (merican expression is sidewalk), the other two meanings 6the covering of the
floor made of flat $loc&s of wood, stone, etc"6 and 6soil6 2geol"1 are general English" @ery often the
meanings that $elong to general English are common and neutral, central, direct, while the
(mericanisms are collo%uial, marginal and figurative, e"g" shoulderFgeneral EnglishF6the =oint
connecting the arm or forelim$ with the $ody6, (mericanismF6either edge of a road or highF"way6"
There are also some full Criticisms, (mericanisms, etc", i"e" lexical units specific to the Critish,
(merican, etc" variant in all their meanings" !or example, the words fortnight, pillar-box are full
Criticisms, campus, mail-boy are full (mericanisms, outback, backblocks are full
(ustralianisms" These may $e su$divided into lexical units denoting some realia that have no
counterparts elsewhere 2such as the (mericanism junior high school) and those denoting
phenomena o$serva$le in other EnglishFspea&ing countries $ut expressed there in a Fdifferent
way 2e"g" campus is defined in Critish dictionaries as 6grounds of a school or college61" The
num$er of lexical units denoting some realia having no counterparts in the other EnglishFspea&ing
countries is considera$le in each variant" To these we may refer, for example, lexical units
pertaining to such spheres o6f life as flora and fauna 2e"g" (uE kangaroo, kaola, dingo, gum-
tree), names of schools of learning 2e"g" junior high school and senior high school in (E or
composite high school in CnE1, names of things of everyday life, often connected with peculiar
national conditions, traditions and customs 2e"g" (uE boomerang, (E drug-store, CnE float-
house). Cut it is not the lexical units of this &ind that can $e considered distinguishing features of
this or that variant" (s the lexical units are the only means of expressing the notions in %uestion in
the English language some of them have $ecome common property of the entire EnglishFspea&ing
./0
community 2as, e"g", drug-store, lightning rod, super-market, baby-sitter that extended from
(E, or the hoc&ey terms that originated
in Canada (body-check, red-line, puck-carrier, etc"1: others have even $ecome international 2as
the former (mericanisms motel, lynch, abolitionist, radio, cybernetics, telephone, anesthesia,
or the former (ustralianisms dingo, kangaroo and cockatoo).
The numerous locallyFmar&ed slangisms, professionalisms and dialectisms cannot $e
considered distinguishing features either, since they do not $elong to the literary language" Less
o$vious, yet not less important, are the regional differences of another &ind, the soFcalled
derivational variants of words, having the same root and identical in lexical meaning though
differing in derivational affixes 2e"g" CE acclimateF(E acclimatize, CE aluminium F (E
aluminum). Sometimes the derivational variation em$races several words of the same wordF
cluster" Compare, for example, the derivatives of race 2division of man&ind1 in Critish and
(merican EnglishH BE racial/racialist a, racialist re, racialism n AE racist a, racist n,
racialism/racism n 7hen spea&ing a$out the territorial lexical divergences it is not sufficient to
$ring into comparison separate words, it is necessary to compare lexicoFsemantic groups of words
or synonymic sets, to study the relations within these groups and sets, $ecause on the one hand a
different num$er of mem$ers in a lexicoFsemantic group is connected with a different semantic
structure of its mem$ers, on the other hand even insignificant modifications in the semantic
structure of a word $ring a$out tangi$le reshufflement in the structure of the lexicoFsemantic
group to which the word $elongs" !or example, the Critish and (ustralian variants have different
sets of words denoting inland areasH only inland is common to $oth, $esides CE has interior,
remote, etc", (uE has bush, outback, backblocks, back of beyond, back of Bourke and many
others" (ccordingly, the semantic structure of the word bush and its position in the two variants
are altogether differentH in CE it has one central meaning 26shru$61 and several derived ones, some
of which are now o$solete, in (uE it has two semantic centres 26wood6 and 6inland areas61 that
em$race five main and four derived meanings" Lexical peculiarities in different parts of the
EnglishFspea&ing world are not only those in voca$ulary, to $e disposed of in an alpha$etical list,
they also concern the very fashion of using words" !or instance, the grammatical valency of the
ver$ to push is much narrower in (uE, than in CE and (E 2e"g" in this variant it is not used in the
patterns 7en, ?@en, ?@,,,g, ?prp@fngF Some patterns of the ver$ are typical only of one variant
2e"g" ?@o and ?prp@, F of CE, ?@ and ?@gF of (E1" There are also some features of
dissimilarity in the word6s lexical valency, e"g" a specifically Critish peculiarity o$served in
newspaper style is the a$ility of the ver$ to $e used in com$ination with nouns denoting price or
%uality (to push up prices, rents, etc"1" (s to wordFformation in different variants, the wordF
$uilding means employed are the same and most of them are e%ually productive" The difference
lies only in the varying degree of productivity of some of them in this or that variant" (s
compared with the Critish variant, for example, in the (merican variant the affixes -ette, -ee,
super-, as in kitchenette, draftee, super-market, are used more extensively: the same is true of
./3
conversion and $lending 2as in walk-outF6wor&ers6 stri&e6 from (to) walk out; (to)
ma=orF6speciali-e in a su$=ect or field of study6 from" the ad=ective major; motel from motor +
hotel, etc"1" #n the (ustralian variant the suffixes FiecFy and Fee, as well as a$$reviations are more
productive than in CE" Thus, the lexical distinctions $etween different variants of English are
intricate and varied, $ut they do not ma&e a system" !or the most part they are partial divergences
in the semantic structure and usage of some words"
Some Points of History of the Territorial Variants and Lexical Interchange Between
Them. The lexical divergences $etween different variants of English have $een $rought a$out $y
several historical processes" (s is well &nown the English language was $rought to the (merican
continent at the $eginning of the .3th century and to (ustralia at the end of the .4th century as a
result of the expansion of Critish colonialism" #t is inevita$le that on each territory in the new
conditions the su$se%uent development of the language should diverge somewhat from that of
Critish English" #n the first place names for new animals, $irds, fishes, plants, trees, etc" were
formed of familiar English elements according to familiar English patterns" Such are
mockingbird, bullfrog, catfish, peanut, sweet potato, popcorn that were coined in (E or
doggerF6professional hunter of dingoes6, Bushman-6(ustralian soldier in Coer 7ar6 formed in
(uE" ?ew words were also $orrowed to express new concepts from the languages with which
English came into contact on the new territories" Thus, in the (merican variant there appeared
#ndian hickory, moose, racoon, Spanish canyon, mustang, ranch, sombrero, etc" (t the same
time %uite a num$er of words lost in CE have survived on the other continents and conversely,
certain features of earlier CE that have $een retained in England were lost in the new varieties of
the language, changed their meaning or ac%uired a new additional one" !or example, Chaucer
used to guess in the meaning of to think, so do the present day (mericans: the English however
a$andoned it centuries ago and when they happen to hear it today they are conscious that it is an
(mericanism" The same is true of the words to loan for to lend, fall for autumn, homely for
ugly, crude, etc" The word barn designated in Critain a $uilding for storing grain 2the word was
a compound in 5ld English consisting of hereF6$arley6 and aern- 6house61: in (E it came also to
mean a place for housing stoc&, particularly cattle" Similarly, corn was applied in (merica to an
altogether different cereal (maize) and lost its former general meaning 6grain6" The word station
ac%uired the meaning of 6a sheep or cattle ranch6, the word bush-the meaning of 6wood6 and
shrub 2(uE scrub)- 6any vegetation $ut wood6 in (uE" Modern times are characteri-ed $y
considera$le leveling of the lexical distinctions $etween the variants due to the growth of cultural
and economic ties $etween nations and development of modern means of communication" !or
example, a large num$er of (mericanisms have gained currency in CE, some $ecoming so
thoroughly naturali-ed that the dictionaries in England no longer mar& them as aliens 2e"g"
reliable, lengthy, talented, belittle). 5thers have a limited sphere of application 2e"g" fan-
collo%" 6a person enthusiastic a$out a specific sport, pastime, or performer6, to iron out-6smooth
out, eliminate61" The influx of (merican films, comics and periodicals resulted in the infiltration
./4
of (merican slang, e"g" gimmickF6deceptive or secret device6, to rootF6support or encourage a
contestant or team, as $y applauding or cheering6, etc"
Certain uses of familiar words, which some M9 years ago were peculiar to the S, are now
either completely naturali-ed in Critain or evidently on the way to naturali-ation" ?umerous
examples will $e found $y noting the words and meanings indicated as (merican in dictionaries
at the $eginning of the century and in present days" (t the same time a num$er of Criticisms have
passed into the language of the S(, e"g" smog which is a $lend of smoke and fog, to brief, 'to
give instructions6" This fact the advocates of the (merican language theory deli$erately ignore"
Sometimes the Criticisms adopted in (merica compete with the corresponding (merican
expressions, the result $eing the differentiation in meaning or spheres of application, for example,
unli&e the (merican store, the word shop, ta&en over from across the ocean i at the $eginning of
the 89th century is applied only to small speciali-ed esta$lishments 2e"g" gift shop, hat shop,
candy shop), or speciali-ed departments of a department store 2e"g" the misses' shop). Critish
luggage used alongside (merican baggage in (merica differs from its rival in colloca$ility
(luggage compartment, luggage rack, $ut baggage car, baggage check, baggage room). #n
the pair autumn-fall the difference 6 in (E is of another natureH the former is $oo&ish, while the
latter collo%uial" 2'( Course in Modern English Lexicology)" *"S"+ins$urg, S" S" ,hide&el,
+"#",nya-eva, ("("San&in" M", ./001
THE BRITISH AND THE AMERICAN ENGLISH VARIANTS
Local Dialects in the British Isles #n the Critish #sles there exist many speech varieties confined
to particular areas" These local dialects tracea$le to 5ld English dialects may $e classified into six
distinct divisionsH .1 Lowland 2Scottish or Scotch2The Scottish dialect of the English language is
to $e distinguished from the Scottish tongue, which is a Celtic language spo&en in the
Dighlands"1, ?orth of the river Tweed1,. 81 ?orthern 2$etween the rivers Tweed and Dum$er1, ;1
7estern, L1 Midland and M1 Eastern 2$etween the river Dum$er and the Thames1, 01 Southern
2South of the Thames1" Their sphere of application is confined to the oral speech of the rural
population in a locality and only the Scottish dialect can $e said to have a literature of its own
with *o$ert Curns as its greatest representative" 5ffsprings of the English national literary
language, the Critish local dialects are mar&ed off from the former and from each other $y some
phonetic, grammatical and lexical peculiarities" #n this $oo& we are naturally concerned only with
the latter" Careful consideration of the national and the dialect voca$ularies discloses that the
most mar&ed difference $etween them lies in the limited character of the dialect voca$ularies"
The literary language contains many words not to $e found in dialects, among them technical and
scientific terms" Local lexical peculiarities, as yet the least studied, are most noticea$le in
specifically dialectal words pertaining to local customs, social life and natural conditionsH
lairdF6landed proprietor in Scotland6, burgh F 6Scottish chartered town6, kirk-6church6,
lochF6Scottish la&e or landloc&ed arm of the sea6, etc" There are many names of o$=ects and
.//
processes connected with farming, such as the names of agricultural processes, tools, domestic
animals and the li&e, e"g" gallowayF6horse f small strong $reed from +alloway, Scotland6,
kyloe-6one of small reed of longFhorned Scotch cattle6, shelty-6Shetland pony6" There is ""also a
considera$le num$er of emotionally coloured dialectal words, e"g" Scot" bonnyF6$eautiful,
healthyFloo&ing6, brawF6fine, excellent6, daffyF6cra-y, silly6, cuddyF6fool, ass6, loonF6clumsy, stupid
person6" #n addition, words may have different meanings in the national language and in the local
dialects, e"g" in the Scottish dialect the word to call is used in the meaning of 6to drive6, to setF6to
suit6, shortF6rude6, sillyF6wea&6, etc" Dialectal lexical differences also em$race wordF$uilding
patterns" !or instance, some #rish words contain the diminutive suffixes -an, -een, -can, as in
bohaunF6ca$in6 2from #rish both-'cabin'); bohereenF 6narrow road6 2from #rish botharF6road61:
mearacaunF6thim$le6 2from #rish rnearF6finger61: etc" Some of these suffixes may even $e added
to English $ases, as in girleen, dogeen, squireen (squirrel), etc" Some specifically dialectal
derivatives are formed from standard English stems with the help of standard English affixes, e"g"
Scot" flesherF6$utcher6, suddenlyF6suddenness6" ( great num$er of words specifically dialectal
appeared as a result of intense $orrowing from other languages, others are words that have
disappeared from the national literary language or $ecome archaic, poetical, such as gangF6go6,
5E 5an5an; bairnF6child6, 5E beam, etc" Thus, the lexical differences $etween the English
national language and its dialects are due to the difference in the spheres of application, different
tempoes of development, different contacts with other peoples, and deli$erate ela$oration of
literary norms"
The Relationship Between the English National Language and British Local Dialects.
The local dialects in Critain are sharply declining in importance at the present time, they are
$eing o$literated $y the literary language" This process is twofold" 5n the one hand, lexical units
of the literary language enter local dialects, ousting some of their words and expressions" 5n the
other hand, dialectal words penetrate into the national literary language" Many fre%uent words of
common use are dialectal in origin, such as girl, one, raid, glamour, etc" Some words from
dialects are used as technical terms or professionalisms in the literary language, e"g" the Scotch
cuddyF6ass6 is used in the meaning of jack-screw and lugF6ear6 in the meaning of handle. Dialect
peculiarities 2phonetic, grammatical, $ut mainly lexical1 modify in varying degrees the language
spo&en in different parts of Critain" These speechFforms are called regional variants of the
national language and they are gradually replacing the old local dialects" #t should $e noted that
the word dialect is used in two meanings nowadaysH to denote the old dialects which are now
dying away, and to denote the regional variants, i"e" a literary standard with some features from
local dialects" The most mar&ed difference $etween dialects and regional variants in the field of
phonetics lies in the fact that dialects possess phonemic distinctions, while regional variants are
characteri-ed $y phonetic distinctions" #n matters of voca$ulary and grammar the difference is in
the greater num$er and greater diversity of local peculiarities in the dialectK as compared with the
regional variants"
899
Local Dialects in the USA. The English language in the nited States is
characteri-ed $y relative uniformity throughout the country" 5ne can travel three thousand miles
without encountering any $ut the slightest dialect differences" ?evertheless, regional variations in
speech undou$tedly exist and they have $een o$served and recorded $y a num$er of
investigators" The following three ma=or $elts of dialects have so far $een identified, each with its
own characteristic featuresH ?orthern, Midland and Southern, Midland $eing in turn divided into
?orth Midland and South Midland" The differences in pronunciation $etween (merican dialects
are most apparent, $ut they seldom interfere with understanding" Distinctions in grammar are
scarce" The differences in voca$ulary are rather numerous, $ut they are easy to pic& up" Cf", e"g",
Eastern ?ew England sour-milk cheese, #nland ?orthern Dutch cheese, ?ew Jor& City pot
cheese for Standard (merican cottage cheese" The (merican linguist 5" !" Emerson maintains
that (merican English had not had time to $rea& up into widely diverse dialects and he $elieves
that in the course of time the (merican dialects might finally $ecome nearly as distinct as the
dialects in Critain" De is certainly greatly mista&en" #n modern times dialect divergence cannot
increase" 5n the contrary, in the nited States, as elsewhere, the national language is tending to
wipe out the dialect distinctions and to $ecome still more uniform" Comparison of the dialect
differences in the Critish #sles and in the S( reveals that not only are they less numerous and
far less mar&ed in the S(, $ut that the very nature of the local distinctions is different" 7hat is
usually &nown as (merican dialects is closer in nature to regional variants of the literary
language" The pro$lem of discriminating $etween literary and dialect speech patterns in the S(
is much more complicated than in Critain" Many (merican linguists point out that (merican
English differs from Critish English in having no one locality whose speech patterns have come
to $e recogni-ed as the model for the rest of the country"
ARCHAIC WORDS
The word stoc& of a language is in an increasing state of change" 7ords change their meaning
and sometimes drop out of the language altogether" ?ew words spring up and replace the old
ones" Some words stay in the language a very long time and do not lose their faculty of gaining
new meanings and $ecoming richer and richer polysemantically" 5ther words live $ut a short
time and are li&e $u$$les oh the surface of water} they disappear leaving no trace of their
existence" #n every period in the development of a literary language one can find words, which
will show more or less apparent changes in their meaning or usage, from full vigor, through a
mori$und state, to death, i"e" complete disappearance of the unit from the language" #t is possi$le
to distinguish three stages in the aging process of wordsH The $eginning of the aging process
when the word $ecomes rarely used" Such words are called o$solescent, i"e", they are in the stage
of gradually passing out of general use 2thou, thee, thy, thine, art, wilt1" To the category of
o$solescent words $elong many !rench $orrowingsH <a pallet F a straw mattress: a palfrey F a
small horse" The second group of archaic words are those that have already gone completely out
89.
of use $ut are still recogni-ed $y the English spea&ing communityH e"g" <methin&sI F it seems to
me, nay F no" These words are called o$solete" The third group, which may $e called archaic
proper, are words which are no longer recogni-a$le in modern English, words that were in use in
5ld English and which have either dropped out of the language entirely or have changed in their
appearance so much that they have $ecome unrecogni-a$le, e"g" <trothI m <faithI, <a loselI d <a
worthless, la-y fellowI" The $orderF lines $etween the groups are not distinct" There is still
another class of words, which is erroneously classed as archaic, vi-" historical words" CyFgone
periods in the life of any society are mar&ed $y historical events, and $y institution, customs,
material o$=ects, etc" which are no longer in use, for exampleH Thane, yeoman, go$let, $aldric,
mace" 7ords of this type never disappear from the language" They are historical terms and
remain as terms referring to definite stages in the development of society" Distorical words have
no synonyms, whereas archaic words have $een replaced $y modern synonyms"
E`E*C#SES"
Exercise I" Pic& out archaic words and comment on their usage and meaningH do, dost, does,
you, thee, ye, thou, horse, though, also, al$eit, e&e, spring, vernal, said, told, maiden, girl, haply,
perhaps, ere, $efore"
Exercise ##" Su$stitute modern forms and words forH hath, dost, thee, didst, wight, ye, whilom,
sooth, yon, sate, rhymeth"
Exercise ###" a1 +ive modern English e%uivalents of the following words: C1 Classify them
into lexical and grammatical archaisms: c1 Translate them into your native languageH $ade,
spouse, dire, aught, %uoth, &ine, swain, courser, ire, charger, thy, thine, troth, hath, al$eit"
Exercise #@" a1 Copy out all the archaisms from the following extracts" Classify them into
lexical or grammatical archaisms"
." E7hy, uncle,E replied Lam$ourne, Ethin&est thou # am an infidel, and would harm those of
mine own houseKE E#t is for no harm that # spea&, Mi&e,E answered his uncle, E$ut a simple
humour of precaution which # have" True, thou art as well gilded as a sna&e when he casts his old
slough in the springFtime: $ut for all that, thou creepest not into my Eden" # will loo& after mine
Eve, Mi&e, and so content thee" Cut how $rave thou $e6st, ladG To loo& on thee now, and compare
thee with Master Tressilian here, in his sadFcolored ridingFsuit, who would not say that thou wert
the real gentleman, and he the tapster6s $oyKE
ETroth, uncle,E replied Lam$ourne, Eno one would say so $ut one of your countryF$reeding,
that &nows no $etter"E 27" Scott1"
8" """the lady called to the pedlar, E+ood fellow, step forward F undo thy pac& F if thou haas
good wares, chance has sent thee hither for my convenience, and thy profit, 2id"1
;" De hastened, however, to attempt an explanation with >anet" EMaiden,E he said, Ethou hast
the face of one who should love her mistress" She hath much need of faithful service"E E+et thee
898
gone instantly, or # will call for assistance,E said >anet: EMy father must ere this time $e returned,
E2id"1
L" E"""is that short cloa& of cherryFcoloured fine cloth, garnished with gold $uttons and loops F
is it not of an a$solute fancy, >anetKE
E?ay, my lady,E replied >anet, Eif you consult my poor =udgement, it is, methin&s, overFgaudy
for a graceful ha$it"E
E?ow, out upon thy =udgement, if it $e no $righter, wench,E said the Countess, Ethou shalt
wear it thyself for penance sa&e: and # promise thee the gold $uttons, $eing somewhat massive,
will comfort thy father, and reconcile him to the cherryFcoloured $ody"E 2id"1
NEOLOGISMS
#n dictionaries neologism is generally defined as 6a new word or a new meaning for an
esta$lished word" The coining of new words generally arises first of all with the need to designate
new concepts and also with the need to express nuances of meaning called forth $y a deeper
understanding of the nature of the phenomenon in %uestion" #t may also $e the result of a search
for a more economical, $rief and compact form of utterance, which proves to $e a more exF
pressive means of communicating the idea" Thus, a neologism is any word or word e%uivalent,
formed according to the productive patterns or $orrowed, from another language and felt $y the
spea&ers as something new" The first type of newly coined words, i"e" those, which designate
new$orn concepts, may $e named terminological coinages or terminological neologisms" The
second type, i"e" words coined $ecause their creators see& expressive utterance may $e named
stylistic coinages or stylistic neologisms" ?eologisms are mainly coined according to the
productive models for word $uilding in the given language" Cut the neologisms of the literaryF
$oo&ish type may sometimes $e $uilt with the help of affixes and $y other means which have
gone out of use or which are in the process of dying out" #n this case the stylistic affect produced
$y means of word $uilding chosen $ecomes more apparent, and the stylistic function of the
device can $e felt more acutely"
Some patterns according to which neologisms are formed are of interest" E(utomationE
Eautomatic control of productionE is irregularly formed from the stem EautomaticE F with the help
of the very productive affixation" Compound words form the $asic stoc& of all neologisms in
modern English" Mostly they are words formed $y a mere compositionH $lood transfusion, $arfly,
=o$Fhunting" @ery often two or more types of word $uilding com$ine in creating a neologism"
Thus composition, su$stantivisation and semantic change together are present in the personal
name 6comeF$ac&I F Ea person who returns after a long a$senceE" Shortening is incident for the
modern stage of development of the English languageH ad d advertisement, coFed F coeducation,
co&e d cocaFcola" Clend or fusion has $ecome highly productive of late" #n this case the ending is
cut off the first stem and the $eginning is out off the second one" <EscalatorI 2escalated elevator1,
<motelI 2motorists6 hotel1, <spamI Spiced ham1, <telecastI 2television $roadcast1" 5f wide use in
89;
coining neologisms are many Latin and +ree& prefixesH antiF, autoF, coF, crypto}, deF, disF,
extraF, neoF, pseudoF, semiF, and suffixesH Fcracy, Fgraphy, Fism, Flogy, Fise 2i-e1" (lso a great
many neologisms have $een created with the help of element FinH liveFin, eatFin, loc&Fin, with the
help of prefixes miniF, maxiF and suffixx }shipH minicomputer, minidose, maxicoat, maxiF
shorts, lifemanship, ringmanship"
E`S*C#SES
Exercise I" a1 Comment on the neologisms formed $y means of composition" Translate the
sentences into your native language" #" The aero$ee is good enough for carrying instruments
a$ove the stratosphere 2Time1" 8" #n the Douse of Lords a protest was made $y the Cishop of
Chichester against the method of areaF$om$ing 2(nnual *egister1" ;" The 6aircraft has a reF
inforced hull to $ellyland on water" L" !ighter pilots are $eing offered nearly 899 dollars a month
plus $loodFmoney" M" Cusiness men are tempted to employ EcontactFmenE in an effort to smooth
away o$stacles 2The Times1" 0" Los (ngeles $arflies were intrigued $y a new diversionH
automatic %ui- machines 2i$id"1" 3" The chief innovation is a television $a$yFsitter 2i$id"1" 4" The
President6s strategists called in a new team of ghostwriters 2i$id"1" /" 66Dow many people were
engaged in digging goldKE The answer was, a$out L09 999, $ut one of my more facetious friends
as&ed whether that included women goldFdiggers .9" EEli-a$eth (nnE is the most soughtFafter
&itchen unit in the country 2Daily Express1" .." De was recommended an easyFtoFuse li%uid" .8"
(ll sorts of people were thereH the tooFfats, the tooFthins and the =ustFrights"
Exercise II" a1 Comment on the formation of the neologisms in the sentences $ellow" $1 Pic&
out the converted nouns formed from ver$s with postpositions" c1 Translate the sentences into
your native language" #" The policy of the Ministry in recent years has $een to push up the milling
of oats in England" 8" Ten fliers $ail out over the city" ;" De chec&ed into a Croo&lyn hospital for
an operation 2Time1" L" Mining and agriculture are the most vital industries, which we must man
up" M" (ll he got was a $rushFoff" 0" The end of the war automatically $rought the Critish pu$lic
release from the $lac&out, which had already some months $efore $ecame a EdimFoutE 2(nnual
*egister1" 3" ( moc&Fup was made, and this aircraft could undou$tedly have done the =o$"
Exercise III" a1 Comment on the following groups of neologisms in connection with word
$uilding and $orrowings" $1 Translate the sentences into your native language" ." $lac& shirt,
$o$$y pin, candid camera, $each wagon, sitFdown, stri&e, diveF$om$er, dogFfight, fellowF
traveler, fifth column, newscast, the atomic age, $ottom dollar, latchF&eyFlady, hairFdo: 8"
climate, address, $leed, colour, floor, hostel, perm: ;" adman, angledo-er, agro$iology,
autostrada, $i$liofilm, aeroneurosis: L" $ail out, $lac& out, crac& down: M" Clit-&rieg,
hasenpreffer, gestapo, na-i, langlauf, reichs&an-ler: 0" Coysen$erry, %uisling: 3" chemurgy,
cinecamera, microcopy, electrocute: 4" commentator, falangist, leftist, rightist, remilitari-e,
oldster, amputee, adulthood, developmental, deFicer, (r&ie"
89L
Exercise IV" +ive appropriate words or phrases in your native language corresponding to the
underlined English expressions" #" #f the $oss is not successful, in preventing payFoffs they will
commence a stayFin stri&e the following day" 8" ($out a do-en Civil *ights demonstrators staged
a sitFdown in one of the main corridors of a governmental office today" ;" Some military units
were held up $ecause of the lieFdown on the part of the demonstrators" They threw themselves in
front of a convoy of army vehicles" L" Philadelphia teachFins organi-ed $y students and faculty
mem$ers at Temple niversity, the niversity of Pennsylvania and near$y colleges were
attended $y many people" M" SingFin is &nown as a topical concert held for educational and
political purposes, to ma&e the youth understand what is actually going on in that part of the
world" 0"Jesterday it was reported in the press that a preachFin was held in a Philadelphia church
against the war in @ietnam" 3"7e hope all our readers will discuss this great issue in their
organi-ations, and that many will respond to our invitation to ta&e part in this 6Morning StarE
writeFin" 4" *unFoff is a term used to descri$e an election held $efore or after the regular
elections, if a post has for some reasons $een left vacant"
Exercise V. The following list contains 6occasional6 words and word com$inations, and
neologisms" Can you distinguish $etween themK Dow can you explain your classificationK
(eroneurosis, airminded, to $a$yFsit, $rin&manship,G canned, contactFman, discothe%ue,
duffleFcoat, gadgeteer, heli$us, launderette, lo$sterdom, megadeath, miniFs&irt, motorcade, paraF
diplomacy, paratroops, to preFplan, polythene $ag, populationFstifled city, pu$lic relations,
officer, retiree, ro$otics, roc&etry, a sitFdown stri&e, to spaceFcall, superFdigesti$le food,
supermar&et, teenager, televiewer, un$irdminded, vinyl, vital statistics
Exercise VI. *ead the following passages and find out examples of neologisms, which have
appeared in the English language together with new achievements of science and technology"
5ne of the most important aspects of twentiethFcentury voca$ulary } the rapid extension of
scientific voca$ulary in recent times } has already $een dealt with, $ut a feature of this has $een
the spread of what we may call semiFscientific words to general aspects of life, usually a$stract
conceptions: this is particularly noticea$le in a group of words all of which end in Fi-e, and many
of which have also a secondary form, generally with change of meaning, $eginning, with deF:
there are usually two forms at least, the ver$ in Fi-e and the corresponding a$stract noun in
Fi-ation" !orms of this &ind are not all very recent: Centham, for example, used minimize, $ut
there is a great increase in such forms in the nineteenth century, and the process continues today"
The forms are often deceptive: actualize might stri&e a reader as $eing very recent, $ut it was
used $y Coleridge a hundred and fifty years ago" (mong examples we may note scientific words,
which are to $e expected, as car$oni-e, a term in the woollen trade, and decarbonize,
recogni-a$le chiefly as a motoring term, decolourize, dehydrogenize, dehypnotize,
demagnetize, deoxidize, and depolarize; demonetize still $elongs only to the world of
economics: deodorize and devitalize have spread from science to a more general application:
among more general terms we have decentralize, deciuilize, dehumanize, demobilize,
89M
denationalize, denaturalize; some forms seem unnecessary, and some are ugly, as
dechristianize, depauperize, and desynonymize... The only argument in favor of some of these
forms is that they allow us to do in one word what would otherwise re%uire three or four and that
seems to $e a great virtue in the modern world"
Two other groups of words, originally scientific, $ut which have spread into the common
voca$ulary, $oth show developments of modern science" 5ne of the recent aims of the scientist
has $een to replace human la$or $y the efforts of the machine, and this is reflected in our
voca$ulary $y a num$er of recent words with the prefix autoF, and of newly formed compounds
with the first element automatic... Man6s con%uest of space, and his a$ility to perform certain
actions over long distances, is shown in the large num$er of words containing the prefix teleF" 2>"
(" Shear d" The Words We Use, pp" ;.MF;.01
;" ?ow that the first steps in this direction jexploration of spacek have $een ta&en there exists
already a whole technical voca$ulary that is $eing created in answer to the demands of the new
science of space travel, itself: dependent on rocketry. The cosmonaut 2a word invented $y the
*ussians and displayed $y them on placards and $anners on the day of +agarin6s first flight in
./0.1 travels6 in a capsule 2li&e probe this is an old word put to a new use1 blasted off from a
launching pad" The space suit he wears had a name in science fiction even $efore it existed in
reality" (t present these spacemen have confined themselves to orbiting round the earth $ut they
hope in duel course to set up space platforms or space stations from which to conduct
explorations of the moon and planets" (ll this voca$ulary really forms a su$=ect in itself ranging
from the retro-rocket, which so to spea& puts on the $ra&es for the space traveler, to the
emotional indoctrination training, which teaches him to endure $oth fear and endless $oredom
as he hurtles towards @enus or Mars" 2Crian !orster" The Changing English Language, pp" .8.F
.881
ENGLISH LEXICOGRAPHY. TYPES OF DICTIONARIES.
Lexicography, the science of dictionaryFcompiling, is closely connected with lexicology, $oth
dealing with the same pro$lemsFthe form, meaning, usage and origin of voca$ulary units F and
ma&ing use of each other6s achievements" 5n the one hand, the enormous raw material collected
in dictionaries is widely used $y linguists in their research" 5n the other hand, the principles of
dictionaryFma&ing are always $ased on linguistic fundamentals, and each individual entry is made
up in accordance with the current &nowledge and findings of scholars in the various fields of
language study" The compiler6s approach to various lexicological pro$lems 2such as homonymy,
phraseological units, etc"1 always finds reflection in the selection and arrangement of the material"
890
Encyclopaedic and Linguistic Dictionaries. There are many different types of English
dictionaries" !irst of all they may all $e roughly divided into two groupsF encyclopaedic and
linguistic" The two groups of reference $oo&s differ essentially in the choice of items included
and in the sort of information given a$out them" Linguistic dictionaries are wordF$oo&s, their
su$=ect matter is lexical units and their linguistic properties such as pronunciation, meaning,
peculiarities of use, etc" The encyclopaedic dictionaries, the $iggest of which are sometimes
called simply encyclopaedias are thingF $oo&s, that give information a$out the extraFlinguistic
world, they deal with concepts 2o$=ects and phenomena1, their relations to other o$=ects and
phenomena, etc" #t follows that the encyclopaedic dictionaries will never enter items li&e father,
go, that, be, if, black, $ut only those of designative character, such as names for su$stances,
diseases, plants and animals, institutions, terms of science, some important events in history and
also geographical and $iographical entries" (lthough some of the items included in encyclopaedic
and linguistic dictionaries coincide, such as the names of some diseases, the information
presented in them is altogether different" The former give much more extensive information on
these su$=ects" !or example, the entry influenza in a linguistic dictionary presents the word6s
spelling and pronunciation, grammar characteristics, synonyms, etc" #n an encyclopaedia the entry
influenza discloses the causes, symptoms, characteristics and varieties of this disease, various
treatments of and remedies for it, ways of infection, etc" Though, strictly spea&ing, it is with
linguistic dictionaries that lexicology is closely connected and in our further consideration we
shall $e concerned with this type of reference $oo&s only, it may be useful for students of English
to &now that the most wellF&nown encyclopaedias in English are The Encyclopaedia
Critannica62in 8L volumes1 and The Encyclopedia (mericana 2in ;9 volumes1" @ery popular in
+reat Critain and the S( are also Collier6s Encyclopedia 2in 8L vols1 intended for students and
school teachers, Cham$er6s Encyclopaedia 2in .M vols1 which is a family type reference $oo&, and
Everyman6s Encyclopaedia 2in .8 vols1 designed for allFround use" Cesides the general
encyclopaedic dictionaries there are reference $oo&s that are confined to definite fields of
&nowledge, such as The 5xford Companion to English Literature, 5xford Companion to Theatre,
Cassel!s Encyclopaedia of 7orld Literature, etc" There are also numerous dictionaries presenting
information a$out nota$le persons 2scientists, writers, &ings, presidents, etc"1 often called 7ho6s
7ho dictionaries" (s concept and wordFmeaning are closely $ound up the encyclopaedic and
linguistic dictionaries often overlap" Encyclopaedias sometimes indicate the origin of the word,
which $elongs to the domain of linguistics" 5n the other hand, there are elements of
encyclopaedic character in many linguistic dictionaries" Some of these are unavoida$le" 7ith
terms, for instance, a lexicographic definition of meaning will not differ greatly from a short
logical definition of the respective concept in encyclopaedic dictionaries" Some dictionaryF
compilers include in their wordFlists such elements of purely encyclopaedic nature as names of
famous people together with their $irth and death dates or the names of ma=or cities and towns,
893
giving not only their correct spelling and pronunciation, $ut also a $rief description of their
population, location, etc"
!or practical purposes it is important to &now that (merican dictionaries are characteri-ed $y
encyclopaedic inclusion of scientific, technical, geographical and $i$liographical items whereas it
is common practice with Critish lexicographers to exclude from their dictionaries information of
this &ind to devote maximum space to the linguistic properties of words"
Classification of Linguistic Dictionaries. Thus a linguistic dictionary is a $oo& of words in
a language, usually listed alpha$etically, with definitions, pronunciations, etymologies and other
linguistic information or with their e%uivalents in another language 2or other languages1"
Linguistic dictionaries may $e divided into different categories $y different criteria" (ccording to
the nature of their wordFlist we may spea& a$out general dictionaries, on the one hand, and
restricted, on the other" The terms genera. and restricted do not refer to the si-e of the dictionary
or to the num$er of items listed" 7hat is meant is that the former contain lexical units in ordinary
use with this or that proportion of items from various spheres of life, while the latter ma&e their
choice only from a certain part of the wordFstoc&, the restriction $eing $ased on any principle
determined $y the compiler" To restricted dictionaries $elong terminological, phraseological,
dialectal wordF$oo&s, dictionaries of new words, of foreign words, of a$$reviations, etc" (s to the
information they provide all linguistic dictionaries fall into those presenting a wide range of data,
especially with regard to the semantic aspect of the voca$ulary items entered 2they are called
explanatory1 and those dealing with lexical units only in relation to some of their characteristics,
e"g" only in relation to their etymology or fre%uency or pronunciation" These are termed
speciali-ed dictionaries"
Dictionaries with the same nature of wordFlists may differ widely in the &ind of information they
afford, and the other way round, dictionaries providing data of similar nature may have a different
&ind of wordFlist" !or example, dictionaries of unrestricted wordFlists may $e %uite different in
the type of information they contain 2explanatory, pronouncing, etymological, ideographic, etc"1,
terminological dictionaries can also $e explanatory, parallel, ideographic, presenting the
fre%uency value of the items entered, etc" 5n the other hand, translation dictionaries may $e
general in their wordFlist, or terminological, phraseological, etc" !re%uency dictionaries may have
general and terminological wordFlists" (ll types of dictionaries, save the translation ones, may $e
m o n oFlingual or $ilingual, i"e" the information a$out the items entered may $e given in the same
language or in another one" Care should $e ta&en not to mix up the terms monolingual and
explanatory, on the one hand, and $ilingual and translation dictionaries on the other" The two
pairs of terms reflect different dimensions of dictionaries" The terms monolingual and bi1ingual
pertain to the language in which the information a$out the words dealt with is couched" The terms
explanatory and translation dictionaries characteri-e the &ind of information itself" Thus among
dictionaries of the same type, say phraseological or terminological, we may find $oth
monolingual and $ilingual wordF$oo&s" !or example, Kluges Etymologisches Worterbuch der
894
deutschen Sprache is $ilingual, $ut it is not its purpose to supply translation of the items entered"
#t is important to reali-e that no dictionary, even the most general one, can $e a generalFpurpose
wordF$oo&, each one pursues a certain aim, each is designed for a certain set of users" Therefore
the selection of material and its presentation, the language in which it is couched depend very
much upon the supposed users, i"e" whether the dictionary is planned to serve scholarly users or
students or the general pu$lic" Thus to characteri-e a dictionary one must %ualify it at least from
the four angles mentioned a$oveH .1 the nature of the wordFlist, 81 the information supplied, ;1
the language of the explanations, L1 the prospective user" Celow we shall give a $rief survey of
the most important types of English dictionaries, $oth pu$lished in EnglishFspea&ing countries
and at home" 7e shall first dwell on the dictionaries that are unrestricted in their wordFlists and
general in the information they contain, on explanatory and translation dictionaries,Fpresented $y
the greatest num$er of wordF$oo&s, then deal with wordF$oo&s of restricted wordFlists and with
speciali-ed dictionaries and after that with a special group of reference $oo&s, the soFcalled
learner6s dictionaries"
Explanatory Dictionaries. 5ut of the great a$undance of linguistic dictionaries of the
English language a large group is made up of the soFcalled explanatory dictionaries, $ig and
small, compiled in EnglishFspea&ing countries" These dictionaries provide information on all
aspects of the lexical units enteredH graphical, phonetic, grammatical, semantic, stylistic,
etymological, etc" Most of these dictionaries deal with the form, usage and meaning of lexical
units in Modern English, regarding it as a sta$ili-ed system and ta&ing no account of its past
development" They are synchronic in their presentation of words as distinct from diachronic,
those concerned with the development of words occurring within the written history of the
language" !or instance, the ?ew English Dictionary on Distorical Principles commonly
a$$reviated in ?ED and its a$ridgement The Shorter 5xford Dictionary on Distorical Principles
2S5D1 cover the history of the English voca$ulary from the days of ,ing (lfred down to the
present time: they are diachronic, whereas another a$ridgement of the ?EDFthe Concise 5xford
Dictionary of Current English 2C5D1 as well as D" C" 7yld6s niversal Dictionary of the English
Language are synchronic" 5ther series of aurhoritative synchronic explanatory dictionaries are
7e$ster dictionaries, the !un& and 7agnalls 2or Standard1 dictionaries and the Century
dictionaries" #t should $e noted that $rief remar&s of historical and etymological nature inserted in
dictionaries li&e the C5D do not ma&e them diachronic" Moreover, dictionaries of a separate
historical period, such as (ngloFSaxon Dictionary $y >" Cosworth and T" ?" Toller, Stratmann6s
Middle English Dictionary $y D" Cradley, which are sometimes called historical, cannot $e
strictly spea&ing referred to diachronic word$oo&s" They do not trace the evolution of the
language, $ut study a synchronic crossFsection, i"e" the words of a historical period are regarded
from a synchronic angle"
Translation Dictionaries. Translation dictionaries, 2sometimes also called parallel1 are
word$oo&s containing voca$ulary items in one language and their e%uivalents in another
89/
language" Many EnglishF*ussian and *ussianFEnglish dictionaries have $een made in our
country to meet the demands of language students and those who use English in their wor&" The
most representative translation dictionaries for English are the ?ew EnglishF*ussian Dictionary
edited $y Prof" #" *" +alperin, the EnglishF*ussian Dictionary $y Prof" @" ," Miiller and The
*ussianFEnglish Dictionary under prof" (" #" Smirnits&y6s general direction" . #t is common
practice to call such wordF$oo&s EnglishFEnglish dictionaries" Cut 6this la$el cannot $e accepted
as a term for it only points out that the English words treated are explained in the same language,
which is typical not only of this type of dictionaries 2cf" synonymF$oo&s1"
Specialized Dictionaries. Phraseological dictionaries in England and (merica have
accumulated vast collections of idiomatic or collo%uial phrases, prover$s and other, usually
imageF$earing wordFgroups with profuse illustrations" Cut the compilers6 approach is in most
cases purely empiric" Cy phraseology many of them mean all forms of linguistic anomalies which
transgress the laws of grammar or logic and which are approved $y usage" Therefore alongside
setFphrases they enter free phrases and even separate words". The choice of items is ar$itrary,
$ased onFintuition and not on any o$=ective criteria" Different meanings of polysemantic units are
not singled out, homonyms are not discriminated, no variant phrases are listed" (n (ngloF*ussian
Phraseological Dictionary $y (" @" ,oonin has many advantages over the reference $oo&s
pu$lished a$road and can $e considered the first dictionary of English phraseology proper" To
ensure the highest possi$le cognitive value and %uic& finding of necessary phrases the dictionary
enters phrase variants and structural synonyms, distinguishes $etween polysemantic and
homorrymic phrases, shows wordF and formF$uilding a$ilities of phraseological units and
illustrates their use $y %uotations" ?ew 7ords dictionaries have it as their aim ade%uate reflection
of the continuous growth of the English language" There are three dictionaries of neologisms for
Modern English" Two of these 2Cerg P" ( Dictionary of ?ew 7ords in English, ./M;: *eifer M"
Dictionary of ?ew 7ords, ?" J", ./MM1 came out in the middle of the M9s and are somewhat outF
ofFdate" The third 2( Dictionary of ?ew English" ( Carnhart Dictionary, L", ./3;1 is more upFtoF
date" The Carnhart Dictionary of ?ew English covers words, phrases, meanings and a$$reviations
which came into the voca$ulary of the English language during the period ./0;F./38" The new
items were collected from the reading of over half a million running words from S, Critish and
Canadian sourcesFnewspapers, maga-ines and $oo&s" Dictionaries of slang contain elements from
areas of su$standard speech such as vulgarisms, =argonisms, ta$oo words, curseFwords,
collo%uialisms, etc" The most wellF&nown dictionaries of the type are Dictionary of Slang and
nconventional English $y E" Partridge, Dictionary of the nderworldH Critish and (merican,
The (merican Thesaurus of Slang $y L" @" Cerry M" Den Cor&, The Dictionary of (merican
Slang $y D" 7entworth and S" C" !lexner"
sage dictionaries ma&e it their $usiness to pass =udgement on usage pro$lems of all &inds, on
what is right or wrong" Designed for native spea&ers they supply much various information on
such usage pro$lems as, e"g", the difference in meaning $etween words li&e comedy, farce and
8.9
burlesque, illusion and delusion, formality and formalism, the proper pronunciation of words
li&e foyer, yolk, nonchalant, the plural forms of the nouns flamingo, radix, commander-in-
chief, the meaning of such foreign words as quorum, quadroon, quatrocento, and of such
archaic words as yon, yclept, and so forth" They also explain what is meant $y neologisms,
archaisms, collo%uial and slang words and how one is to handle them, etc" The most widely used
usage guide is the classic Dictionary of Modern English sage $y ?" 7" !owler" Cased on it are
sage and ($usage, and +uide to +ood English $y E" Partridge, ( Dictionary of (merican
English sage $y M" ?icholson, and others" Perhaps the $est usage dictionary is ( Dictionary of
Contemporary (merican sage $y C" Evans and C" Evans" 2?" J", ./M31"
Dictionaries of wordFfre%uency inform the user as to the fre%uency of occurrence of lexical units
in speech, to $e more exact in the corpus of the reading matter or in the stretch of oral speech on
which the wordFcounts are $ased"
Most fre%uency dictionaries and ta$les of word fre%uencies pu$lished in EnglishFspea&ing
countries were constructed to ma&e up lists of words considered suita$le as the $asis for teaching
English as a foreign language, the soFcalled $asic voca$ulary" Such are, e"g", the E" Throndi&e
dictionaries and M" 7est6s +eneral Service List" 5ther fre%uency dictionaries were designed for
spelling reforming, for psycholinguistic studies, for an allFround synchronic analysis of modern
English, etc" #n the M9sF39s there appeared a num$er of fre%uency dictionaries of English made
up $y Soviet linguoFstatisticians for the purposes of automatic analysis of scientific and technical
texts and for teaching purposes 2in nonFlanguage institutions1" ( *everse dictionary is a list of
words in which the entry words are arranged in alpha$etical order starting with their final letters"
The original aim of such dictionaries was to indicate words, which form rhymes 2in those days
the composition of verse was popular as a very delicate pastime1" #t is for this reason that one of
the most wellF&nown reverse dictionaries of the English language, that compiled $y >ohn 7al&er,
is called *hyming Dictionary of the English Language" ?owadays the fields of application of the
dictionaries $ased on the reverse order 2$ac&FtoFfront dictionaries1 have $ecome much wider"
These wordF$oo&s are indispensa$le for those studying the fre%uency and productivity of certain
wordFforming elements and other pro$lems of wordFformation, since they record, in systematic
and successive arrangement, all words with the same suffixes and all compounds with the same
terminal components" Teachers of English and text$oo& compilers will find them useful for
ma&ing voca$ulary exercises of various &inds" Those wor&ing in the fields of language and
information processing will $e supplied with important initial material for automatic translation
and programmed instruction using computers" Pronouncing dictionaries record contemporary
pronunciation" (s compared with the phonetic characteristics of words given $y other dictionaries
the information provided $y pronouncing dictionaries is much more detailedH they indicate
variant pronunciations, which are numerous in some cases1, as well as the pronunciation of
different grammatical forms" The world famous English Pronouncing Dictionary $y Daniel >ones,
is considered to provide the most expert guidance on Critish English pronunciation" The most
8..
popular dictionary for the (merican variant is ( Pronouncing Dictionary of (merican English $y
>" S" ,enyon and T" (" ,nott" Etymological dictionaries trace presentFday words to the oldest
forms availa$le, esta$lish their primary meanings and give the parent form reconstructed $y
means of the comparativeFhistorical method" #n case of $orrowings they point out the immediate
source of $orrowing, its origin, and parallel forms in cognate languages" The most authoritative of
these is nowadays the newlyFpu$lished 5xford Dictionary of English Etymology edited $y C" T"
5nions" euite popular is the famous Etymological English Dictionary $y 7" 7" S&eat compiled
at the $eginning of the century and pu$lished many times" #deographic dictionaries designed for
EnglishFspea&ing writers, orators or translators see&ing to express their ideas ade%uately contain
words groupedF $y the concepts expressed" The world famous ideographic dictionary of English
is P" M" *oget6s Thesaurus of English 7ords and Phrases" Cesides the most important and widely
used types of English dictionaries discussed a$ove there are some others, of which no account
can $e ta&en in a $rief treatment li&e this 2such as synonymF$oo&s, spelling reference $oo&s,
hardFwords dictionaries, etc"1" 2'( Course in Modern English Lexicology)" *"S"+ins$urg, S" S"
,hide&el, +"#",nya-eva, ("("San&in" M", ./001
Terminology.
Linguistic Terminology. #t is sometimes suggested that the terminology, or 6=argon6, of modern
linguistics is unnecessarily complex" This is a criticism, which need not detain us long" Every
science has its own technical voca$ularyH it is only $ecause the layman ta&es on trust the
esta$lished sciences, and especially the 6natural6 sciences, that he does not %uestion their right to
furnish themselves with special voca$ularies" The technical terms used $y linguists arise in the
course of their wor& and are easily understood $y those who approach the su$=ect sympathetically
and without pre=udice" #t should not $e forgotten that most of the terms which the nonFlinguist
employs to tal& a$out language 26word6, 6sylla$le6, 6letter6, 6phrase6, 6sentence6, 6noun6, 6ver$6, etc"1
originated as technical terms of traditional grammar and are no less 6a$stract6 in their reference
than the more recent creations of linguists" #f the contemporary linguist re%uires different terms,
instead of or in addition to, those familiar to the layman, this is accounted for partly $y the fact
that the nonFtechnical employment of many of the terms of traditional grammar has rendered
them insufficiently precise for scientific purposes and partly $y the simple fact that modern linF
guistics has in certain respects advanced $eyond traditional grammar in its attempt to construct a
general theory of languageFstructure" The technical terms employed in this $oo& will $e
introduced gradually, with full explanation and as far as possi$le with reference to traditional
terms of general currency" (s we shall see, the use of a special voca$ulary eliminates a good deal
of am$iguity and possi$le misunderstanding in the discussion of language" 2>ohn Lyons"
Introduction to Theoretical Linguistics, p" .F81
There is at present no theory of Definition capa$le of practical application under normal
circumstances" The traditional theory, in so far as it has not $een lost in the $arren su$tleties of
8.8
+enus and Differentia, and in the confusion due to the term 6Connotation6, has made little
progress } chiefly on account of the $ar$arous superstitions a$out language, which have
gathered on the confines of logic from earliest times" !our difficulties have stood in the way and
must first $e removed"
!irstly, do we define things or wordsK To decide this point we have only to notice that if we
spea& a$out defining words we refer to something very different from what is referred to, meant,
$y 6defining things6" 7hen we define words we ta&e another set of words, which may $e used
with the same referent as the first, i" e", we su$stitute a sym$ol, which will $e $etter understood,
in a given situation" 7ith things, on the other hand, no such su$stitution is involved" ( soFcalled
definition of a horse as opposed to the definition of the word 6horse6, is a statement a$out it
enumerating properties $y means of which it may $e compared with and distinguished from other
things" There is thus no rivalry $etween 6ver$al6 and 6real6 definitions" The words $y means of
which these properties are enumerated do, of course, give us a su$stitute sym$ol } either a
complete analysis, or as a$$reviated $y classificatory methods 2the usual 6genus and differentia6
type1 } with the same referent 2the horse1 as the original sym$ol: $ut rather $y way of corollary
than as the main purpose of the analysis" Moreover, this process is only possi$le with complex
o$=ects, which have $een long studied $y some science" 7ith simple o$=ects, or those which for
lac& of investigation are not &nown to $e analy-a$le, as well as with everything to which
classificatory methods have not yet $een applied, such a method is clearly not avail a$le, and here
other sym$ols must $e found as the su$stitutes which sym$olFdefinition see&s to provide" Such,
in outline, is the solution of the longFstanding dispute $etween the advocates of real and sym$olic
definitions" The second difficulty is closely related to the a$ove""" Definitions have usually, for
grammatical reasons, to $e stated in a form, which ma&es them appear to $e a$out things" This is
$ecause we are in the ha$it of a$$reviating such sym$ols as the Eword 6fire6 refers to the same
referent as the words 6what $urns6E to Efire is what $urnsE: and of saying EChien) means 6dog6E
when we ought to say Ethe word chien and the word 6dog6 $oth mean the same animalE"
Thirdly, all definitions are essentially ad hoc" They are relevant to some purpose or situation,
and conse%uently are applica$le only over a restricted field or 6universe of discourse6" !or some
definitions, those of physics, for instance, this universe is very wide" Thus for the physicist
6energy6 is a wider term than for the schoolmaster, since the pupil whose report is mar&ed 6without
energy6 is &nown to the physicist as possessing it in a variety of forms" 7henever a term is thus
ta&en outside the universe of discourse for which it has $een defined, it $ecomes a metaphor, and
may $e in need of fresh definition" Though there is more in metaphor than this, we have here an
essential feature of symbolic metaphorical language"""
!ourthly, there is the pro$lem of 6intensive6 as opposed to 6extensive6 definition which comes to
a head with the use of the terms 6denote6 and 6connote6 """ it is necessary to point out that two
sym$ols may $e said to have the same connotation when they sym$oli-e the same reference (n
intensive or connotative definition will $e one which involves no change in those characters of a
8.;
referent in virtue of which it forms a context with its original sign in an extensive definition there
may $e such change in other words when we define intensively we &eep to the same signF
situation for definiendum and definiens, when we define extensively this may $i changed" 2C" ,"
5gden and #" (" *ichards. The Meaning of Meaning, pp" .9/F..81
Exercises
Exercise I. Discuss the terms found in the following passage" #t has often $een suggested that
there exists a fundamental distinction $etween two uses of language, one referential and
cognitive, the other emotive" This dichotomy } the theory of the +reat Divide, as it has $een
called } is clearly oversimplified and even misleadingH as a recent critic has pointed out,
E6emotive6, or 6affective6, is $eing used as a catchFall term to refer to a num$er of %uite distinct
factorsE, some of which have very little to do with 6emotions6 in the ordinary sense of the term"
Some scholars have therefore devised a more delicate set of distinctions to handle these complex
and elusive phenomena" !rom the semantic and stylistic point of view, it is prefera$le to discard
the term 6emotive6 altogether and to spea&, more neutrally, of 6connotations6 or 6overtones6H some
of these will $e directly related to emotional attitude, whereas others will $e merely 6expressive6
in the $roader sense" (s far as meaning is concerned, such overtones would seem to fall into three
groupsH those generated $y the name, those connected with the sense, and a third type which
involves the word as a whole and depends on what is nowadays called 6register6" 2Stephen
llmann" Stylistics and Semantics, pp" .;/F.L91
Test Questions
." 7hat is the $asic criterion for distinguishing $etween a term and a unit of the general
voca$ularyK 8" 7hy do we say that a term is insepara$le from its definitionK
;" 7hat is the hallmar& of an ideal terminological systemK
L" 7hy should polysemy $e avoided in termsK M" 7hat structural types of terms do you &nowK 0"
7hy should the term 6metalanguage6 $e used with respect to language onlyK 3" 7hy do we
re%uire a metalanguageK
THE SOCIOLINGUISTIC PROCESS OF BORROWING.
The English word stoc& at present is one of the largest in the world" The tempo of the growth of
the voca$ulary in the English language corresponds to the tempo of progress of the given
spea&ing community" Ceing a +ermanic language its word stoc& contains a$out 8Ma of lexical
units of +ermanic origin and more than 0Ma of lexemes of *omance origin" This fact can $e
diachronically and sociolinguistically explained" The $orrowing from Latin into the +ermanic
languages started $efore the +ermanic tri$es of (ngles and Saxons, etc" migrated to England due
to close political and trade relations 2wine, $utter, cheese1" ( num$er of Latin words were
$orrowed from the Celts 2street, wall: names of placesH London, Caster, Castle, Chester,
8.L
Chestryl1" Thus, during the 5ld English period many Latin and +ree& words were introduced in
the language" The Christiani-ation of England and the introduction of Latin in Christian churches
in the @##th century lead to intensive $orrowings from Latin of words, including religious termsH
altar, priest, psalm, temple, kitchen, palm. Scandinavian invasions $rought to a$out L9
lexemes to $e $orrowed from 5ld ?orse, pertaining to the sea and $attle, social and
administrative system, etc"H li&e law, the ver$ form are, the lexical units take, cut, both, ill, ugly,
egg, sky, sister, window, get"
.L0
The ?orman invasion contri$uted to intensive $orrowing from
?orman !rench, which was used as the language of the government, the church, the army, etc"
During the *enaissance the voca$ulary was enlarged $y $orrowings, especially from Latin and"
#talian, Spanish and Portuguese also contri$uted to this processH stanza, violin, alligator,
peccadillo, sombrero. 7ith the colonial expansion of the Critish Empire English $orrowed
words from more than M9 different languages" !rom (mericas came words li&eH llama, quinine,
barbecue, cannibal, etc", from (frica, zebra and chimpanzee; from #ndia, bandana, punch:
from (ustraliaH kangaroo and boomerang. #n addition, a lot of scientific terms were coined to
express new concepts, discoveries and inventions" Most of the terms li&e positron, neutron,
penicillin, were formed using from +ree& and Latin morphemes" The *omanian Language has
$een $orrowing words from various languagesH *omance 2!rench, #talian, etc"1, +ree&, Tur&ish
Slavic, +ermanic, *omance, groF!innish, and other languages" (s it was mentioned a$ove all
the $orrowings from *omance languages have contri$uted to a considera$le reFromani-ation of
*omanian" Lately this process has $een intensified $y English, a +ermanic language" Most of the
$orrowings coming from English may $e considered as part of the international voca$ulary"
Borrowing from English now is highly motivated be the rapid development of science and
technology, economy, culture, etc. in the USA and Great Britain and the necessity to coin
new words or use existing words to express new concepts. Communication and social,
political, military and economic relations of the world community have developed to such
an extent that now that new advanced technologies and goods spread all over the globe, the
English language in this case is being used as a lingua Franca. An English technical
metalanguage is being spread all over the world becoming part of various languages. As a
good example may serve the metalanguage of informatics or informational terminology,
which is practically used in most countries. Even in cases when there exist e%uivalents in the
native languages to name some concepts, as a rule, the English term is usually preferred in a more
'scientific) functional style" Practically in all the former socialist 7arsaw Pact countries English
has $ecome very popular and is widely taught in the ma=ority of educational institutions and this
ma&es it easier to $orrow lexical units from the English language" #n *epu$lic of Moldova
English is taught as one of the foreign languages even in those schools, where !rench was and
still is traditionally taught" Thus, in spite of the fact that *epu$lic of Moldova is a !rancophone
country, English has $ecome very popular with the students and is widely taught and learnt in the
a$solute ma=ority of educational institutions" The motivation is in the fact that English has
8.M
$ecome a real international language and gives more opportunities in most countries of the world
to a lot of people as compared to !rench 2which used to $e a lingua !ranca since it too& over from
Latin in the `@# century up till the second half of the `` century1 or to *ussian 2which is an
international regional language m on the territory of the former SS*1" (ctive $orrowing from
!rench, #talian, Latin, and now from English has lead to a reromanisation process in *omanian"
Tens of thousand of English words have $een $orrowed $y *omanian have further contri$uted to
the reromanisation process, $ecause most of the $orrowed words are of Latin or *omance origin,
or are words coined $y means of morphemes of Latin and +ree& origin" ( large num$er of
etymological dou$lets 2triplets, nFplets1 have appeared in *omanian due to the adoption of large
num$er of lexemes during the transition period to the Mar&et economy" Thus, the lexical unit
'$ranch) coming from the #talian '$ranca) now it has in *omanian, as it has $een said a$ove, two
units originating from the same wordH '$ranAB) and '$rbncB)" The word 'mar&et), 2from the
#talian F 'mercata)1 has $een recently $orrowed into *omanian 2mar&et, mar&eting1, and it also
has %uite a num$er of 'relatives) hereH mercantile, comerciant marfa, marchidan, iarmaroc,
mercerie, merceologie" #n the collo%uial functional style we find out %uite a num$er of words,
which are practically not translated into *omanianH speech, $riefing, visa, fastFfood, charter,
$aner 2from the English $anner1 caravan 2in the meaning of vehicle or &ind of transportation
means1, $ridge, etc": ($$reviations li&e E S5S E, E @#P E, etc"
Neology is the science dealing with neologisms or 'new words), $y which we usually mean the
new words 2including the technical terms1 appearing in the language as a result of word $uilding
and $orrowing" English and (merican linguists have an important role in compiling dictionaries
of neologisms and supplements to explanatory dictionaries" During the previous decades two
invalua$le dictionaries $y Camhart have $een edited" They fix a$out .9"999 new words and their
meanings" Such dictionaries as Mayor6s and Le May dictionaries of new words 2./48 and ./4M1,
Longman +uardian6s dictionary of new words 2./401 and +reen6s dictionary of =argon 2./431 are
also worthy to $e mentioned" Edition of a fourFvolume appendix to The 5xford Dictionary edited
$y *" Curchfield that contains more than 09"999 voca$ulary articles and more than half a million
of illustrated examples" The main distinctive feature of the appendix is the followingH a word to
enter Camhart6s dictionary is to be used not less than during one year, whereas in the
lexicographical center of the 5xford university this term is five years longer" The new meanings
2new lexicoFsemantic variant of words1 are included in such dictionaries. The main principle of
including a word in the dictionary was its wide usage" De intentionally excluded jargon and
slang, one-day living words and new terms in developing technology" +reen wanted to
concentrate over the main candidates to $ecome facts of the language, over those survived in the
long course of development of the language" The main pro$lems of neology according to @" +ah&
are H distinguishing new words and meanings: the appearance of words in correlation with the
pragmatic needs of society: patterns of coinage and attitude towards them 2accepting or
re=ecting1 of different society groups 2age, profession, etc"1" The word is accepted and distri$uted
8.0
$y users" ?ext stage of sociali-ation is the acceptance of the word $y large groups of spea&ers of
the language" ?ext comes the process of lexicali-ation, and then F getting s&ills in an ade%uate
usage of the new word" ( prominent English linguist and lexicographer Ch" Car$er expressed his
point of view on this %uestion saying that sometimes a new word is produced $y a single spea&er
only, in some special situation, never to occur again" Sometimes a word produced $y a single
spea&er is ta&en up $y a small group and persists there for a time without gaining any wider
circulation: many small groups have such private words" Sometimes, however, a word is invented
or introduced $y a num$er of different people independently $ecause the social and linguistic
climate favours this development, and such a word is much more li&ely to gain general
acceptance" ( new word, whether the product of one person or many, may have the luc& to $e
populari-ed $y the press or the wireless, or to $e adopted as a piece of exact terminology $y some
official $ody: or it may =ust spread through the community $ecause it satisfies some need in the
spea&ers, until it $ecomes an accepted part of the language, and eventually gets through to the
lexicographers and is immortali-ed in a dictionary"E 5ne of the unsolved pro$lems of neology
continues to $e the pro$lem of the term EneologismE, which $y its very nature is am$iguous" #n
dictionaries it is generally defined as Ea new word or expression or a new meaning of a word""
Dere we should mention the fact that the existing words, li&e the language as a whole, is in
permanent state of flux" Most words $ecome polysemantic and their semantic structure is in
permanent development and change, similar to the evolution of the given society or spea&ing
community" #t is much easier to use the already existing words to express new concepts and ideas,
o$=ects and phenomena instead of coining new words 2which would have radically increased the
num$er of words to many millions1" #n this respect we can state that most of the words are in
constant state of renovation, possessing one or more submeanings relatively ~new, and this
or that contextual meaning many words may be considered to be neologisms" (nother
pro$lem isH how long should newly coined words or su$Fmeanings of existing lexemes $e
considered as 'new)K (gain this is a sociolinguistic factor" #t depends on the tempo of
development of this or that spea&ing community" Thus, the massive avalanche of new technical
terms in most fields of science and technology now are assimilated and people get familiar with
them much more rapidly in highly developed societies, where people have the &nowledge and
money to learn and use the latest inventions, wonders of the new technologies, scientific
discoveries, machine and devices to $e used in everyday activity" Thus, such terms as e-mail,
internet, modem, CD-ROM, world-web, etc" for most people in such highly developed
countries li&e the S(, +reat Critain, and so on were considered to $e neologisms for short
period of time at the end of the ``
th
century" The higher the tempo of development of a given
country and society the shorter the period of time this or that term or su$Fmeaning of an existing
word is considered to $e a neologism" The slower the tempo of development of a spea&ing
community the longer is the period of time a given 'new) word or meaning is assimilated and
considered as a neologism" Thus, such terms as television, TV set, radio, radio set, intervision,
8.3
etc" were considered to $e neologisms for a longer period of time even in countries with an
advanced rhythm of development of science and technology, economy, culture, education, etc",
$ecause at that period of time the tempo of development was relatively slower in comparison with
that of the end of the ``
th
century or $eginning of the ``#
st
century" Cesides, inside the
spea&ing communities there are people with different possi$ilities and opportunities" Thus in
*epu$lic of Moldova the terms e-mail, internet, modem, CD-ROM, world-web are not
considered as neologisms only $y a small minority of the population, they are regarded as
neologisms $y a$out .9 F89a of the population, and most of the population have no idea of what
these lexemes mean, $ecause the have not had the happy chance to get familiar with all these
novelties" More than that" #n some parts of the world you may find people who have never used
not =ust a computer, $ut a simple phone, or T@ set" !or those people terms li&e TV set, radio,
radio set, intervision, electricity, spaceship are completely new words and notions they have
still to get familiar with" #t is not so simple of lexical units to cease to $e neologisms, =ust as soon
as they are included in 'good dictionaries)" The sociolinguistic factor is always there and should
$e ta&en into consideration" Linguists usually as& themselvesH which of the units of the multitude
of potential words and new $orrowings or meanings are going to $e accepted $y the spea&ing
community and $ecome part of the official dictionary wordFstoc&K There are various
suggestions" Cut the most important one should $e the necessity of the given unit to $e used in the
language of the spea&ing community" #f there is no need, no place for a word or meaning in the
given language to carry out a certain function, they would soon $e ousted or dropped out of the
language"
The wellF&nown lexicologist #" (rnold explains the a$ove mentioned pro$lems connected
with the process of the appearance of neologisms and their acceptance $y stating that Language
as well as other adaptive systems is capa$le of o$taining information from the extraFlinguistic
world and with the help of feed$ac& ma&es use of it for selfFoptimi-ation" #f the variation proves
useful, it remains in the voca$ulary" The process may $e o$served $y its results, that is $y
studying new words or neologisms" ?ew notions constantly come into $eing, re%uiring new
words to name them" Sometimes a new name is introduced for a thing or notion that continues to
exist, and the older name ceases to $e used" The num$er of words in a language is therefore not
constant, the increase, as a rule, more than ma&es up for the lea&Fout" ?ew words and expressions
are created for new things irrespective of their scale of importance" They may $e allFimportant
and concern some social relationships, such as a new form of state, e"g" People's Republic, or
something threatening the very existence of humanity, li&e nuclear war" 5r again the thing may
$e %uite insignificant and short lived, li&e fashions in dancing, clothing, hairdo or footwear" #n
every case either the old words are appropriately changed in meaning or new words are
$orrowed, or more often coined out of the existing language material either according to the
patterns and ways already productive in the language at a given stage of its development or
creating new ones" Thus, a neologism is a newly coined word or phrase or a new meaning for
8.4
an existing word, or a word borrowed from another language.E

Thus, the unit of language
evolution is considered the change of nomination that is correlation $etween the determinant and
the determinatum" (ccording to +ah&, a neologism is a new word 2a sta$le word com$ination1
new either $y the form or $y the content" (ccording to this in the voca$ulary of neologisms we
can distinguishH ." Proper neologisms 2the novelty of the form com$ines with the novelty of the
content1" ExH audioFtyping, $ioFcomputer, thoughtFprocessor" 8" Transnominations" com$ining
the novelty of the form of the word with the meaning, expressed $y an already existing formH
sudser 2soapFopera1, $ig C 2Cancer1" ;" Semantic innovationsH 2the new meaning is expressed $y
an already existing form1" ExH $read 2money1"
The language of the last two decades is characteri-ed $y the predominance of units of the first
type, that is lin&ed to the increasing necessity of the society to name new things and phenomena,
that appear $ecause of the scientific and technical development" Thus, the development of
computer technics caused the appearance of an enormous num$er of new unitsH to telecomute,
electronic cottage" Transnominations appear in the language with the aim to give a new, more
emotional name to the thing, having a neutral name and reflect the tendency of the utilisation of
more expressive forms" This tendency li&e other ones reflects processes in connection with the
necessity of the improvement of the linguistic system" !or exampleH $u$$leFheaded, airhead,
air$rain 2new slangy units used only in (merican English1" Cy semantic innovations we
understand new meanings of already existing words" (t the same time the following variants are
possi$leH ." old words entirely change the meanings, losing the already existing one" 8" in the
semantic structure of the word another lexicoFsemantic variant appears $y the preservation of all
traditional variants" (mong semantic innovations of the last decades predominant are the units of
the second type" (mong the most used new meanings in modern English we can noticeH go-go
2modern1, flaky 2excentric1, funky 2pleasant1, etc" (mong semantic innovations there is the
tendency to form more a$stract lexicoFsemantic variants of the word, the predominant $eing the
enlargement of the meaning" Semantic neologisms, more than other means of formation of new
coinages, are mostly used in slang" 7e should also mention the fact that $orrowings do not
su$stitute or oust the native English units" #t enriches the English wordFstoc&, changes the
stylistic shade of lexical units, their structure, homonymic and synonymic relations are formed"
(nd one more important point is that English has $orrowed a great many words from other
languages, especially from Latin, +ree& and *omance languages, that as a result it has formed a
considera$le num$er of international words, and still forming lots of new words $y means of
derivation, composition, a$$reviation, clipping, $lending etc" using Latin and +ree& elements,
$oosting in this way the num$er of international lexemes" (ll these lexemes, as it was mentioned
a$ove, are readily $orrowed $y many other languages, which accumulate an international word
stoc& characteristic to a great num$er of languages, facilitating the process of international
communication"
( D. Melenciuc. Comparativistics. USM, 2003.)
8./
THE FORMATION OF THE INTERNATIONAL VOCABULARY
English, as a regional and glo$al language of communication, is $eing learned $y more and more
people" Lately there has $een an intensive $orrowing from English into *omanian and
*ussian 2and other former socialist countries1" Cefore the $eginning of the transition to the
mar&et economy the voca$ulary $orrowed from English was in a way limited and specific to
some domains li&e science, etc" Dere are some examples $elonging to the $asic language,
$orrowed 2directly or indirectly1 in the process of translating $oo&s, scientific wor&s, etc" Etrust,
trenci, tramvai, trampling, toast, tifon, tichet, test, sport, sportsmen, etc" Since the $eginning
of the transition there has $een a constant flow of English words accepted in *omanian
2officially accepted or as potential words1" Tens of thousands of words have already $een
registered in usage $oth in *omanian 2most of them are terms usually $orrowed in *omania
and then used in Moldova as well1 and *ussian" ( num$er of lexical units, found on the outs&irts
of the wordFstoc& in *omanian, $egan to $e actively used in the literary language under the
influence of English" !or example, words li&eH anxios 2anxious1: anxietate 2anxiety1: exhaustiv
2exhaustive1: exu$erant 2exu$erant1: formativ 2formative1: tergiversare 2tergiversation1: a
tergiversa 2to tergiversate1, fe-i$ilitate 2feasi$ility1, discrepantB 2discrepancy1, etc" (nother
interesting phenomenon that we o$serve at present is the $orrowing of English words of the
same origin with corresponFding lexical units in *omanian" This results into formation of
etymological dou$lets or triplets, etc" Thus, for example, the English word E$ranchE was
$orrowed into *omanian as E$ranABE in the meaning of EfilialE" ECranchE in its turn comes
from the #talian E$rbncaE, which has the same origin and meaning li&e the *omanian E$rbncBE"
5ur tas& in the future is to thoroughly investigate all the $orrowings and analyse them from the
point of view of motivation and semantic structure, semiotic denotation and metasemiotic
connotation, further development or evolution of the $orrowed meaning of the given lexical
unit"
(nalysing the flux of $orrowings into the *omanian language we have o$served that all the
loans can $e divided into three groupsH completely assimilated, partially assimilated and those,
which have preserved their original form" Let6s compare the following examplesH spicher,
spi&er, spicbr 2for spea&er, hol, holl 2for hali1, chemping, &amping 2for camping F partially
assimilated" The examples fault, corner, penalty, team, draw, &nowFhow, wee&Fend, t, pic&Fup,
=udo F have preserved their original form" The lexical units gol, meci, fot$al, ofsaid, golgeter,
dri$lin F roughly have preserved only their sound shape" The ma=ority of the loan words are still
in the process of assimilationH =erseu, crep, gri, chimonou, =a-, pocher, oran=, sandviA, cocteil"
Proper names are written as in the native languagesH Sara=evo, Miinchen, Cordeaux, 7ashington,
Schiller, Sha&espeare, *acine, Cang&o&, ,uwait, Diroshima, ?ew Jor&"
7hen we start to confront lexical units which have identical forms $oth in English and
*omanian we very often have to conclude that in a lot of cases we have complete discrepancy in
889
translation" Lexicography reveals the semantic structure of a given lexeme and systematically
confronts it with the language units: which should $e suggested for translation of all the
meanings, su$meanings, metasemiotic connotations, specific usages of the units of the source
language" The tas& of a $ilingual and multilingual dictionary is to thoroughly confront the
semantic structure of the source language and the target language2s1" Every language possesses
its own specific semantic structure and it chooses those aspects and characteristic features of the
really different o$=ects, phenomena, processes, which semantically unite them and permit to
denote it $y a given lexical unit 2lexeme1" Due to the fact that various linguistic communities
differently segment the extralinguistic reality, semantic structures are created corresponding to
this or that language" 7hen we confront languages it is important to o$serve the evolution of a
given lexeme not only in the literary language $ut also in dialects and even in other languages, where
the given word 2$orrowed from the same source1 exists" (ll the modern 2especially Europeans1
languages, possess a common word stoc&, which comprises scientific, technical and socialFpolitical
terminology" These words are mostly of Latin and +ree&, or words formed $y means of Latin
and +ree& elementsH +ree&H democracy, poem, poet, philosophy, asphalt, theatre, tragedy, drama,
lyric, sclerosis" LatinH .1 Medical terms asH tu$erculosis, angina, furuncle: 81 >uridical wordsH
advocate, civil, appeal, =urist, =ustice: ;1 SocialFeconomic and political voca$ularyH communism,
proletariat, repu$lic, constitution, class, dictatorship" L1 School terminologyH auditorium,6 dean,
discipline, institute, rector, student" ?ewly coined compounds consisting of Latin and +ree& roots
formed $y means of derivation and compositionH telephone, &ilometer, microscope, locomotive" The
formation of the international word stoc& is a positive process" #t is a process of creating a future
common world language" Even now, in spite of the cases of Efalse friendsE, it is much easier to
communicate or translate from one language into another due to the existing common international
word stoc&" #nternational words getting into different languages start developing there and gradually
get specific semantic structures, some times considera$ly different in meaning" Some of the
meanings are %uite different and they are usually called Efalse friendsE which can present difficulties
for a translator" Compare, for example, the following words in English and *omanianH a$stract F ."
a$u-: 8" =ignire: vor$e de ocarB: accent F ." accent: 8" accent: pronuntie: ;" pi" vor$ire, lim$B: actual
F ." real, autentic: adevBrat: 8" actual: actuality F ." realitate: 8" realism 2in artB1: actually F l" intrF
adevBr, in mod real, realmente: 8" actualmente: adept F ." cunoscBtor, expert: 8" est" alchimist: ;"
adept: aliment F ." intretinere 2a cuiva1: 8" aliment: alligator F ." -ool" aligator: 8" tehn" Concasor:
amplification F ." amplificare: 8" rBspbndire: amplitude F ." amplitudine: 8" a$undentB, $elAug: ;"
avbnt, ori-ont: spatiu intins, lBrgime: apt F ." potrivit, nimerit: 8" to """ posi$il de, inclinat sB """,
avbnd tendinta sB """ ;" priceput, capa$il: L" amer" Pro$a$il: $rutal F ." $rutal: 8" vor$" scbr$os,
respingBtor: camera F ." aparat de fotografiat: 8" constr" CamerB: cataract F ." cataractB, cascadB: 8"
ploaie torentialB: ;" med" CataractB conseF%uence F ." consecintB, numare: 8" conclu-ie, numare:
;" semnificatie, importantB: character F ."caracter: 8" reputatie: ;" recomandare scrisB, caracteri-are"
Cases of Efalse friendsE could $e found in simple words with extended semantic structures, where
88.
the component meanings get too far from the dominant" The international word stoc& should
thoroughly $e studied in order to avoid fre%uent mista&es committed $y students, and translators" 7e
have o$served that at present the greatest contri$ution to the international word stoc& comes from
English" (t the same time a certain contri$ution to English and to the international word stoc& have
$een made $y many other languagesH .1 (ra$icH shei&, mufti, roc, sash, fa&ir, mohair, sher$et, sofa,
harem, minaret, almanac, alcohol, alchemy, alge$ra: admiral, assassin, carat, lemon, maga-ine,
apricot, giraffe, tariff, -enith, saffran, cotton, $edouin, emir, fa&ir, ga-elle, giraffe, harem, hashish, #ute,
minaret, mos%ue, myrrh, salaam, sirocco, sultan, vi-ier, $a-aar, caravan" 81 PersianH >ulep, divan
2EcouncilE1, caravan, $a-aar, firman, car$oy, shawl, scarlet, chec&, chec&mate, chess" ;1 Tur&ishH
dolman, coffee, caviare, caftan, &ios&" L1 Ti$etan providesH lama" M1 ChineseH =apan 2lac%uer1,
&etchup, &aolin, chop suey, chow mein, dim sum, &etchup, tea, ginFseng, &owtow" 01 >apaneseH
&imono, soy, mi&ado, geisha, hara &iri, =udo, =u=itsu, &ami&ad-e, &arao&e, &imono, samurai, soy,
sumo, sushi, tsunami" 31 The MalagoFPolynessianH &ris, paddy, orangFoutang" 41 *ussianH
samovar, steppe, vod&a, &vass, $orsch, troi&a, sputni&, presidium, soviet, c-ar, pogrom, tundra,
$olshevi&, commissar, perestroi&a" /1 De$rew 2most are 89 century $orrowings1H $agel, Chanu&&ah
2Danu&&ah1, chut-pah, dreidel, &i$$it-er, &osher, lox, pastrami 2orig" from *omanian1, schlep,
spiel, schlep, schlemiel, schlima-el, gefiltefish, goy, &lut-, &nish, mat-oh, schmuc&, schnoo&" .91
DindiH $andanna, $angle, $ungalow, chint-, cot, cummer$und, dungaree, >uggernaut, =ungle, loot,
mahara=a, na$o$, punch 2the drin&1, shampoo, thug, &edgeree, =am$oree" ..1 DravidianH curry,
mango, tea&, pariah" .81 (frican languagesH $anana 2via Portuguese1, $an=o, $oogieFwoogie, chigger,
goo$er, gorilla, gum$o, =a--, =itter$ug, =itters, =u&e 2$ox1, voodoo, yam, -e$ra, -om$ie" .;1
Languages of the Pacific #slandsH $am$oo, gingham, rattan, ta$oo, tattoo, u&ulele, $oondoc&s" .L1
(ustraliaH $oomerang, $udgerigar, didgeridoo, &angaroo,
The *omanian language has preserved the language very close to Latin in comparison with
other *omance languages" Thus, when we compare Latin words with *omanian ones we discover
very close resem$lanceH $iserica F Latin $asilica, Dumne-eu 2Dominus Deus1, altar, inger, idol, profet,
psalm, templu and others" Cut as in the other *omance languages a great num$er of Latin words
with time modified their meanings" Thus, the Latin word cernere meant Eto separate E, now it
means Ea cerneE 2to sift1: civitas, designated the citi-en6s rights, now it means ur$s, oraA 2city1:
crapare meant Eto resoundE, now it means Ea crBpa, a se spargeE 2to crac&1: esca meant EhranB,
momealBE: now it means EiascBE 2tinder1: frigus meant EreceE, now it also means Efriguri, fe$rBE
2fever1: necare meant Ea face sB piarB, a ucide, a sugrumaE, now in *omanian language it exists
as Ea 2se1 inecaE 2to drawn1, etc" (s we see even in cases of closely related languages we should
loo& for Efalse friendsE, loo&ing for words coming from the same source, $ut developing in
different spea&ing communities with different life experience, we should readily expect their
respective semantic structures not always to coincide, or to partially coincide or even to $e
completely different" #n the course of the last fifty years a great num$er of international words in
different languages have $een under a process of constant change of their meanings in
888
dependence and rhythm of development of
f
the given society, economic, political, scientific and
technological development" ?ew meanings appeared, others were entirely dropped in some
languages" This process is going on and will go on" #n some cases we can o$serve
generali-ation of meaning, in others F speciali-ation of meaning" SomeFtimes a $orrowing
ac%uires new meanings, which were uncharacteristic for its former semantic structure" Due to
the great amount of $orrowings the English language more than any other modern language,
has $orrowed foreign lexical units and elements into its voca$ulary" The $orrowings influence
the voca$ulary of the language and in its turn is influenced and starts to change with the
society" (nother instance of foreign influence upon the semantic structure of English words is
semantic $orrowing, i"e" the $orrowing of a meaning from a word in a foreign language" This
usually ta&es place in case of international words" Thus, the word EfrontierE in English has
ac%uired additional meaningsH as a permanently moving frontier in the direct and transferred
meanings" The frontier in this case is permanently mo$ile, in state of change" The words pioneer
and cadres, which are international words have ac%uired new meanings under the influence of the
*ussian nnonep and xapm. #n the translation process the translator should avoid misleading
international counterparts" !or instance, the *ussian axxypa1nmn should not $e translated into
*omanian or English $y EacuratE or EaccurateE correspondingly, $ut $y EpunctualE, EneatE, etc"
The English EartistE is not translated into *omanian and *ussian $y EartistEc Eap\WY\E, $ut $y the
lexemes Epictor, om de artBE and Exy^OzNW]E" !rom the point of view of the theory of the
language loan translation whish ta&es place under the influence of Etranslator6s false friendsE
represents a particular case of interference" #nterference is an erroneous speech product, which
was created either $y extending the rules of one6s motherFtongue onto the foreign language or
mixing up some similar things within the same language" #n the first case we deal with
intralingual interference 2interference within one language1" #nterference is inevita$le to appear
$ecause of a great num$er of differences existing in the systems of the motherFtongue and of the
language studied and, in particular, in the lexical systems1" #f the two lexical systems were
identical the student could simply transfer his &nowledge of motherFtongue to the language
studied without any mista&es" Cut due to various a$ove mentioned reasons these systems are
different" 7hen two languages contact, the student is lia$le to identify the phenomena of the
language studied with the phenomena of the motherFtongue" #n such a way these phenomena
form a system, which is identical to the system of the motherFtongue and does not coincide with
the actual system of the foreign language
31
" 7e should &eep in mind that 'International' words
differ from other $orrowings in that they reflect the relations of a num$er of countries and not
the relations $etween two countries as is the case with the $orrowed words" 7e should li&e to
reiterate again, that the formation of the international word stoc& is a positive process, which
would help create a future common world language" Even now, in spite of the cases of Efalse
friendsE, it ma&es it easier to communicate or translate from one language into another due to the
existing common international word stoc&"
88;
( D. Melenciuc. Comparativistics. USM, 2003.)
THE SOCIOLINGUISTIC MOTIVATION
OF THE VOCABULARY
Cilingual or multilingual lelxicography reveal the semantic structure of a given lexeme and
systematically confronts it with the language units, which should $e suggested for translation of
all the meanings, su$meanings, metasemiotic connotations, specific usages of the units of the
source language" The tas& of a $ilingual and multilingual dictionary is to thoroughly confront the
semantic structure of the source language and the target language2s1" Every language possesses its
own specific semantic structure and it chooses those aspects and characteristic features of the
really different o$=ects, phenomena, processes, which semantically unite them and permit to
denote it $y a given lexical unit 2lexeme1" Due to the fact that various linguistic communities
differently segment the extralinguistic reality, semantic structures are created corresponding to
this or that language" 7hen we confront languages it is important to o$serve the evolution of a
given lexeme not only in the literary language $ut also in dialects and even in other languages,
where the given word 2$orrowed from the same source1 exists
;L
" Due to various
sociolinguistic processes English and *omanian have discovered a certain tendency to get closer
together, especially concerning their wordFstoc&s" Thus, the *omanian language, which
originates from Latin, appeared as a result of the disintegration of the *oman Empire and at a
given moment it lost a considera$le amount of the original wordFstoc&" The active reromani-ation
process $egan in `@#F`@## centuries $y $orrowings from !rench 2a$out L9a of the words1,
Latin, #talian and other languages" #t is interesting to o$serve that lately 2during the transition to
the mar&et economy1 we have had a constant stream of $orrowed words from English, many of
them $eing of *omance origin, and thus contri$uting to the further reromani-ation of *omanian"
(s a result of this process now we detect %uite a large num$er of etymological dou$lets, triplets,
etc" Distorically, again due to numerous sociolinguistic events, English has undergone a
considera$le romani-ation of its voca$ulary 2more than 0Ma of the wordFstoc&1" The $orrowing
of lexical units from the a$ovementioned sources contri$uted to the formation of a considera$le
part of the voca$ulary etymologically 2directly or indirectly1 going $ac& to the same source" The
words, $eing $orrowed from this or that language, continue to develop their semantic structure
under the influence of a given extralinguistic reality of the given linguistic communityH historic
conditions, traditions, culture, development of science and technology, etc" This fact conditions
the difference in the semantic structure of lexemes, which is also connected with the fact that the
$orrowing of this or that lexeme too& place at different times, and that means that the semantic
structure of the lexeme at the time was different or could $e different" Cesides, the lexeme could
$e $orrowed $y different languages in different wayH a1 $orrowing the entire semantic structure of
88L
the given lexeme: $1 $orrowing $y various languages of only part of the semantic structure of the
lexeme, and in this case they may $orrow the same part 2as $eing very important at the moment1
or every language could $orrow different parts of the given semantic structure to $e further
developed in the target languages" Comparing the semantic structures of $orrowed words
in their evolution we can see that their original meaning, sometimes has nothing in common with
their modern meaning or meanings" Some of them have even ac%uired an opposite meaning"
Thus, the English 'nice) in Latin meant 'ignorant), in 5ld !rench 'foolish) and in Modern
English this word has a completely different meaning close to the meanings of such lexemes as
'good, pleasant, lovely, smart)" Compare the $orrowings of such words as 'OpUSuNQr,
PUR^NQr) from Slavic languages into *omanian, where we now find the words 'o$ra-nic),
'vrednic,) possessing antonymous meanings to their e%uivalents in the source language" The
word 'legend) used to mean a description of the life of saints, then the meaning changed to
'unfeasi$le or incredi$le story)" Let us give an example of a simple word availa$le in $oth
English and *omanian and see the evolution it has undergone in the confronted languages" Thus,
in *omanian the semantic structure of the word 'car) is usually given as followsH ."( four
wheeled animal driven vehicle: 8"The %uantity of the material carried in such a vehicle: ;"Part of
a mechanic saw: L"Part of typewriter" #n English the following semantic structure is foundH
."MotorFcar or trainFcar: 8"5n a railway in +reat CritainH coach, dinning car, sleeping car: in the
S( also wagon for goods, freight car: ;"The part of a $alloon, airship, or lift used $y
passengers" L"2poet"1 7heeled vehicle, chariotH the car of the sun god" The only coincidence
with the original meaning is found in the first meaning in *omanian and the fourth meaning in
English" The change in the field of usage $rought to a gradual change in the semantic structure of
the given word, the original meaning is practically getting out of usage at the moment" Compare
also the ver$s formed from this lexemeH 'to carry) in English and 'a cBra) in *omanian" 7hen
we confront English and *omanian we should ta&e into consideration the literary variants and
dialects" The (merican 2SE1 and Critish 2CE1 variants of the English language can serve as a
good example, $ecause they $oth, for a period of time, have developed separately and ac%uired
certain specific features" (t the $eginning of the `@## century 2.09L1 coloni-ers from +reat
Critain started to arrive in ?orth (merica and, thus, the English language $egan to spread there"
The English language word stoc& at the time was not so rich to express the multitude of
phenomena, new o$=ects and notions the immigrants had to deal with" There was an urgent
necessity of creating new words and they were $eing created $y means of composition,
derivation, conversion, a$$reviation, lexicali-ation of grammatical forms, change of grammatical
forms, change of the meaning of the words existing in English 2and this lead to differences in the
semantic structure of many lexemes in (merican and Critish variants of English1, etc" Most of the
words to fill the gap were $orrowed from the #ndian languages and languages of the people
coming from different parts of the world" During the coloni-ation of ?orth (merica English,
!rench and Spanish coloni-ers contacted each other and as a result a lot of !rench and Spanish
88M
words were $orrowed into the SE" Dere a some examples of words $orrowed from !rench
2Canada and Lousiana1H '$ayou, cache, depot, dime, $ureau, armoire, dindon sauvage, $arouche
sauvage, aigle tte $lanche: ?ames of placesH Detroit, !ond du Lac, Prairie du Chien, Eau Claire,
(u Sa$le, Lousiana, etc" The num$er of $orrowings from !rench into SE is smaller than the
one in the CE" The $orrowings from Spanish have $een and still are %uite considera$le" There are
more than ;4 million Spanish spea&ing people in the S(" ( Spanglish dialect has $een formed,
i"e" a &ind of mixture of English and Spanish" Dere are some examples of Spanish $orrowingsH
creole, alligator, ranch, canyon, marihuana, pla-a, tornado, $onan-a, eldorado, wrangler,
mos%uito, hom$re, amigo, pronto: ?ames of placesH Eldorado, San !rancisco, Los (ngeles, San
Diego, San Pedro, Sacramento, !lorida, 5rlando, etc" 7e should also distinguish direct
$orrowings from the indirect ones, and loan translations from the #ndian languages of ?orth
(merica" Many $orrowed lexemes found their way not only into Critish English, $ut also into
many other languages due to the translation of many $oo&s all over the world" LetIs give several
examplesH hominy, pone, succotash, mac&inaw, moccasin, wigwam, to$oggan, tomahaw&,
sagamore, papoose: #ndirect $orrowingsH coyote, canni$al, canoe, chocolate, cocoa, potato,
tomato, savannah: Loan translationsH $ig chief, firewater, medicine man, pale face, pipe of peace,
war dance, war hatchet, war paint, to $ury the hatchet, etc" ( relative separation of the SE and
CE in their evolution has $rought to certain phonologic, grammatical and lexical differences" The
same differences are o$served in the semantic structures of many lexemes in $oth English
variants, and in words of common origin in English and *omanian" Thus, the lexeme '$ug) in
Critish English has a much narrower meaning 2ploAnitB1 than in the (merican variant, where it
has ac%uired a wider meaning of 'insect), and also that of '$acteria), 'fashion), etc" The
com$ination '$ed $ug) corresponds to the CE '$ug)" euite a num$er of the so called
(mericanisms can $e found in the archaic or dialectal Critish English, thus, the e%uivalent of the
'autumn) in the S( is 'fall), which is archaic in CE" The same lexeme may $e used to express
different meaningsH Thus, 'pavement) in the S( means 'hard part of the street) and the CE of
the given lexeme is rendered in the S as 'sidewal&)" #n the ``th century, especially after the
Second 7orld 7ar, there was an active mutual influence $etween SE and CE" The fact that the
S( has $ecome one of the leading political, military and economic power in the world and has
made SE variant prefera$le" #ts influence on the CE has considera$ly increased due to modern
communication means as well" Many '(mericanisms) are not re=ected on the Critish #sles,
especially among the young generation" Even in pronunciation of words we can detect changes in
the CE as a result of the SE influence" Thus, for example, one can hear on CCC the same
pronunciation of 'jt, d, s, -k) in front of 'jrk) j=k sounds 2they existed in some Critish dialects1H
'+lad to meet you) 2't) is pronounce li&e jt k in 'choice)1: 'Press report), 'Last year) 2's) -
pronounced li&e j k in 'fish)1: '#t was youl) 2the sound j-k is pronounced li&e j k in 'gara - ge
or ~measure)1: 'Did you see him yesterdayK) 2'd) in front of 'y) here is pronounced li&e jd k
in '+eorge) or in '=oy)1" Many new words and expressions are $eing $orrowed constantly due to
880
television, cinema, radio, internet, tourism, $usiness relations, economic, cultural, political and
military relations" Practically there is a process of leveling out of the variants and creating a &ind
of general or world English" Still there are many words that the (mericans and the Critish would
recogni-e that they are not part of their variant yet, $ut part of the world EnglishH apartment m flat:
dormitory 2fraternity, sorority1 m hostel: cereal m porridge: pants m trousers: vacation m holiday:
campus m grounds: accord m agreement, etc" English, as a regional and glo$al language of
communication, is $eing learned $y more and more people" Lately there has $een an intensive
$orrowing from English into *omanian and *ussian 2and other former East European countries1"
Cefore the $eginning of the transition to the mar&et economy the voca$ulary $orrowed from
English was in a way limited and specific to some domains li&e science, etc" Dere are some
examples $elonging to the $asic language, $orrowed 2directly or indirectly1 in the process of
translating $oo&s, scientific wor&s, etc" 'trust, trenci, tramvai, trampling, toast, tifon, tichet, test,
sport, sportsmen, etc" Some words are $eing $orrowed and loanFtranslated" Thus, for example, the
lexeme '$odyguard) is found in *omanian collo%uial speech as '$odigard) 2sing"1 m '$odigar-i)
2pl"1, 'gardB de corp), 'pa-B de corp) instead of the word com$inations 'gardB personalB), 'pa-B
personalB)" Since the $eginning of the transition there has $een a constant flow of English words
accepted in *omanian 2officially accepted or as potential words1" Tens of thousands of words
have already $een registered in usage $oth in *omanian 2most of them are terms usually
$orrowed in *omania and then used in Moldova as well1 and *ussian" ( num$er of lexical units,
found at the outs&irts of the wordFstoc& in *omanian, $egan to $e actively used in the literary
language under the influence of English" !or example, words li&eH anxios 2anxious1: anxietate
2anxiety1: exhaustiv 2exhaustive1: exu$erant 2exu$erant1: formativ 2formative1: tergiversare
2tergiversation1: a tergiversa 2to tergiversate1, fe-i$ilitate 2feasi$ility1, discrepantB 2discrepancy1,
etc" (nother interesting phenomenon that we o$serve at present is the $orrowing of English
words of the same origin with corresponding lexical units in *omanian" This results into
formation of etymological dou$lets or triplets, etc" Thus, for example, the English word '$ranch)
was $orrowed into *omanian as '$ranAB) in the meaning of 'filial)" 'Cranch) in its turn comes
from the #talian '$ranca), which has the same origin and meaning li&e the *omanian '$rbncB)"
5ur tas& in the future is to thoroughly investigate all the $orrowings and analy-e them from the
point of view of motivation and semantic structure, semiotic denotation and metasemiotic
connotation, further development or evolution of the $orrowed meaning of the given lexical unit"
( D. Melenciuc. Comparativistics. USM, 2003.)
THE BASIC METALANGUAGE OF LEXICOLOGY
I. The English Word-Stock. Working Definitions of Principal Concepts.
1.Language, a semiological system serving as the main and $asic means of human
communication"
2. Vocabulary, the totality of words in a language"
883
3. Diachrony, the historical development of the system of language as the o$=ect of linguistic
investigation" Diachronic, historical"
4. Synchrony, a conventional isolation of a certain stage in the development of language as
the o$=ect of linguistic investigation" Synchronic, representing one conventional historical stage
in the development of language"
5. Semantic extension 2widening of meaning1, the extension of semantic capacity of a word,
i" e" the expansion of polysemy, in the course of its historical development"
6. Narrowing of meaning, the restriction of the semantic capacity of a word in the course of
its historical development"
7. Borrowing, resorting to the wordFstoc& of other languages for words to express new
concepts, to further differentiate the existing concepts and to name new o$=ects, phenomena, etc"
8. Loan translations 2cal%ues1, $orrowing $y means of literally translating words 2usually
one part after another1 or word com$inations, $y modeling words after foreign patterns"
9. Hybrid, a word, different elements of which are of etymologically different origin"
.9" Etymological doublet (triplet, etc.), one of a pair of 2or several1 words more or less
similar in meaning and phonation, appearing in language as the result of $orrowing from the
same source at different times"
.." Sociolinguistics, $ranch of linguistics studying causation $etween language and the life of
the spea&ing community"
.8" Neologism, a word or a word com$ination that appears or is specially coined to name a
new o$=ect or express a new concept"
.;" Occasional word, a word which cannot $e considered a permanent mem$er of the wordF
stoc&H although it is, as a rule, formed after existing patterns, it is not characteri-ed $y general
currency $ut is an individual innovation introduced for a special occasion" Cf" nonceFword,
ephemeral word"
2E"Medni&ova" Seminars in English Lexicology" m M", ./341"
II. Problems of Terminology.
Working Definitions of Principal Concepts.
1. Term, a word or a word com$ination of a special 2scientific, technical, etc"1 language: a
word or a word com$ination which is created, $orrowed, or adopted to exactly express the
definite concepts specific for that science and name its special o$=ects" ( term is a definitional
word, i"e" it is not only directly connected with a scientific definition $ut displays a relationship of
oneFtoFone correspondence with it" 2. Terminology, the sum total of terms for a specific $ranch
of science, technology, industry, etc", forming a special layer in the wordFstoc& of a language
which most readily yields to systemati-ation, standardi-ation, etc" Terminological, pertaining to
terminology" Terminologist, a researcher in the field of terminology"
3. Consubstantionalism, the phenomenon of a word o the general language and a term having
the same material form"
884
4. Metalanguage, a language of the second order, a specific semiological system which is
used to spea& a$out language, i" e" a language the su$=ect of which is the content and the
expression of a human language" Metalinguistic, pertaining to metalanguage" 2E"Medni&ova"
Seminars in English Lexicology" m M", ./341"
III. The Word
Working Definitions of Principal Concepts
1. Language}see definition . in #"
2. Speech, the activity of man using language to communicate with other men, i" e the use of
different linguistic means to convey certain content"
3. Concept, a generali-ed rever$eration in the human consciousness of the properties of the
o$=ective reality learned in the process of the latter6s cognition" Concepts are formed
linguistically, each having a name 2a word1 attached to it"
4. Word, the $asic unit of language" #t directly corresponds to the o$=ect of thought 2referent1
} which is a generali-ed rever$eration of a certain 6slice6, 6piece6 of o$=ective reality } and $y
immediately referring to it names the thing meant"
5. Referent, the o$=ect of thought correlated with a certain linguistic expression" (lsoH the
element of o$=ective reality as reflected in our minds and viewed as the content regularly
correlated with certain expression"
6. Lexical meaning, the material meaning of a word, i" e" the meaning of the main material
part of the word 2as distinct from its formal, or grammatical, part1, which reflects the concept the
given word expresses and the $asic properties of the thing 2phenomenon, %uality, state, etc"1 the
word denotes"
7. Grammatical meaning, the meaning of the formal mem$ership of a word expressed $y the
word6s form, i"e" the meaning of relationship manifested not in the word itself $ut in the
dependent element which is supplementary to its material part"
8. Paradigm, the system of the grammatical forms of a word"
9. Root, the semantic nucleus of a word, with which no grammatical properties of the word are
connected"
.9" Stem, that part of a word, which remains unchanged throughout its paradigm and to which
grammatical inflexions and affixes are added" "
.." Reproducibility, regular use in speech as the principal form of existence of a linguistic
unit"
.8" Connotation } see definition .M in @"
.;" Theory of isomorphism, a theory which postulates the a$sence of %ualitative difference
$etween different levels of language ma&ing it possi$le to analy-e and descri$e them $y means of
the same methods and principles"
.L" Level, a stage in scientific investigation of language which is determined $y the properties
of the units singled out6 in a consistent segmentation of the flow of speech 2from the lowest, to the
88/
highest1"
.M" Lexeme, a word in all its meanings and forms, i"e" a word as a structural element of
language 2invariant1"
.0" Allolex, a word as a mem$er of speech, i" e" a variant of a lexeme in a given speechFevent"
Note. Morphologically, we distinguish ."monomorphemic, i" e" rootFwords, and
8"polymorphemic words, i" e" derivatives, compounds, compoundFderivatives 2derivational
compounds1"
Semantically, we distinguish ."monosemantic words, i" e" words having only one lexical
meaning and denoting, accordingly, one concept, and 8"polysemantic words, i" e" words having
several meanings, thus denoting a whole set of related concepts grouped according to the national
peculiarities of a given language 2see #@1"
Syntactically, we distinguish ."categorematic, i" e" notional words, and 8"syncategorematic,
i"e" formFwords"
Stylistically, we distinguish neutral, elevated 2$oo&ish1, collo%uial, su$standard words, etc"
Etymologically, we distinguish native, $orrowed, hy$rid and international words" 2E"Medni&ova"
Seminars in English Lexicology" m M", ./341"
IV. The Vocabulary of a Language as a System
Working Definitions of Principal Concepts
1.Parts of speech, classes into which words of a language are divided $y virtue of their having
a1 a certain general 2a$stract, categorial1 meaning underlying their concrete lexical meaning: $1 a
system of grammatical categories characteristic of this class: c1 specific syntactic functions: d1
special types of formF$uilding and word formation"
2.Context, a1 the linguistic environment of a unit of language, which reveals the conditions and
the characterFfeatures of its usage in speech: $1 the semantically complete passage of written
speech sufficient to esta$lish meaning of a given word 2phrase1"
;"Semantic field, part 26slice61 of reality singled out in human experience and, theoretically,
covered in language more or less autonomous lexical microsystem" L"Lexical set, .1 a group of
words more or less corresponding in their main semantic component, i" e" $elonging to the same
semantic field: 81 a group of words having the same generic meaning"
5. Synonymy, the coincidence in the essential meanings of linguistic elements, which 2at the
same time1 usually preserve their differences in connotations and stylistic characteristics"
0" Synonyms, two or more words $elonging to the same part of speech and possessing one or
more identical or nearly identical denotational meanings, interchangea$le in some contexts" These
words are distinguished $y different shades of meaning, connotations and stylistic features"
7. Ideographic synonyms, such synonyms, which differ in shades of meaning, i" e" $etween
which a semantic difference is stata$le"
8. Stylistic synonyms, such synonyms, which, without explicitly displaying semantic difference,
8;9
are distinguished stylistically, i" e" in all &inds of emotional, expressive and evaluative overtones"
/" (ntonymy, semantic opposition, contrast"
.9" Antonyms, a1 words, which have in their meanings a %ualitative feature and can therefore $e
regarded as semantically opposite: $1 words contrasted as correlated pairs"
V. The Semantic Structure of a Word
Working Definitions of Principal Concepts
1. Semasiology, the $ranch of linguistics, which studies the semantics of linguistic units"
2. Semantics, the meaning of words, expressions or grammatical forms"
3. Meaning, the rever$eration in the human consciousness of an o$=ect of extralinguistic reality
2a phenomenon, a relationship, a %uality, a process1, which $ecomes a fact of language $ecause of
its constant indissolu$le association with a definite lunguistic expression"
4. Monosemy, the existence within one word of only one meaning"
5. Polysemy, diversity of meanings: the existence within one word of several connected
meanings as the result of the development and changes of its original meaning"
6. Lexical meaning, see definition 3 in ###"
7. Context, see definition 8 in #@"
8. Synonymy, see definition M in #@"
9. Antonymy, see definition / in #@"
.9"Paradigmatics, .1 associative 2nonFsimultaneous1 relationship of words in language as
distinct from linear 2simultaneous1 relationship of words in speech 2syntagmatics1: 81 an approach
to language when the elements of its system are regarded as associated units =oined $y
oppositonal relationship"
.." Opposition, a difference $etween two 2or more1 homogeneous units, which is capa$le of
fulfilling a semiological function, i"e" a serniologically relevant difference"
.8" Syntagmatics, linear 2simultaneous1 relationship of words in speech as distinct from
associative 2nonFsimultaneous1 relationship of words in language 2paradigmatics1"
.;" Main meaning of a word, meaning which to the greatest degree is dependent upon or
conditioned $y its paradigmatic lin&s, while such meanings as display a greater degree of
syntagmatic ties are secondary"
.L" Denotation, the expression of the main meaning, meaning proper of a linguistic unit in
contrast to its connotation"
.M" Connotation, supplementary meaning or complementary semantic andcor stylistic shade
which is added to the word6s main meaning and which serves to express all sorts of emotional,
expressive, evaluative overtones"
.0" Combinability 2occurrenceFrange1, the a$ility of linguistic elements to com$ine in speech"
.3" Word combination, a nonFpredicative unit 2or elements1 of speech, which is,
8;.
semantically, $oth glo$al and articulated, or a com$ination of two or more notional words 2with
accompanying syncategorematic words or without them1 serving to express one glo$al concept"
.4" Phraseological unit, a word com$ination in which semantic unity 2nonFsepara$ility1
prevails over structural separa$ility, or in which glo$al nomination is expressed in a com$ination
of different units"
./" Main nominative meaning, the main, direct meaning of a word, immediately referring to
o$=ects, phenomena, actions and %ualities in extralinguistic reality 2referent1 and reflecting their
general understanding $y the spea&er"
89" Nominative-derivative meanings, other meanings in a polysemantic word, which are
characteri-ed $y free com$ina$ility and are connected with the main nominative meaning"
8." Collocation, such a com$ination of words, which conditions the reali-ation of a certain
meaning"
88" Colligation, morphosyntactically conditioned com$ina$ility of words as means of
reali-ing their polysemy"
8;" Homonymy, the coincidence in the same sound form 2phonetic coincidence1 and
orthographic complex of two 2or more1 different linguistic units"
8L" Homonyms, two 2or more1 different linguistic units within one soundF and orthographic
complex, i" e" displaying diversity on the content plane and identity on the expression plane"
8M" Homophones, words with different morphonological structure, which coincide in their
sound expression"
80" Homographs, different words coinciding in their orthographic expression"
83" Semantic level of analysis, that level of analysis on which linguistic units are studied
$iaspectuallyH $oth as units of expression and units of content, i" e" } in lexicology } the direct
relationship of a word and its referent is investigated"
VI. The Morphological Structure of a Word.
Working Definitions of Principal Concepts
1. Word-formation, the process of forming words $y com$ining root and affixal morphemes
according to certain patterns specific for the language"
2. Word-forming pattern, a structural and semantic formulae, displaying a se%uence of
elements, which is regularly reproduced in speech"
3. Derivation, such wordFformation where the target word is formed $y com$ining a stem and
affixes"
4. Composition, such wordFformation where the target word is formed $y com$ining two or
more stems"
5. Morpheme, the smallest 2ultimate1 recurrent unit of the system of expression directly
related to a corresponding unit of the system of content"
6. Lexical morpheme, generali-ed term for root and derivational morphemes, as expressing
8;8
lexical meanings in contrast to flexional 2morphemes1, that express grammatical meanings"
7. Root-morpheme, see definition .9 in ###"
8. Derivational morpheme, an affixal morpheme, which, when added to the stem 2see
definition .. in ###1 modifies the lexical meaning of the root and forms a new word"
9. Morphological segmentation (morphologic divisibility), the a$ility of a word to $e
divided into such elements as root, stem and affix 2or affixes1"
.9" Conversion 2internal derivation, derivation without affixation1, a special type of derivation
where the word forming means is the paradigm of the word itself, i" e" derivation, which is
achieved $y $ringing a stem into a different formal paradigm"
.." Back-formation 2regression1, forming the allegedly original stem from a supposed
derivative on the analogy of the existing pairs, i" e" the singlingFout of a stem from a word, which
is wrongly regarded as a derivative"
12. Compound derivative 2derivational compound1, the result of parasynthetic wordF
formation, i" e" a word, which is formed $y a simultaneous process of derivation and composition"
.;" Productivity, the a$ility of $eing used to form 2after specific patterns1 new, occasional or
potential words, which are readily understood $y the spea&ers of a language"
Productive, a$le to form new words, which are understood $y the spea&ers of a language"
.L" Potential word, a derivative or a compound word which does not actually exist 2i" e" has
not appeared in any text1, $ut which can $e produced at any moment in accordance with the
productive wordFforming patterns of the language" Cf" occasional word 2#, .81"
.M" Text 2corpus1, an actually existing 2in oral or written form1 sentence, conglomeration of
sentences, etc" 2up to a complete wor& of literature, etc"1"
.0" Abbreviation, the process and the result of forming a word out of the initial elements
2letters, morphemes1 of a word com$ination"
.3" Clipping, the process and the result of curtailing 2the cutting off of a part1 off a word to
one or two, usually initial, sylla$les"
.4" Blending, com$ining parts of two words to form one word" Blend 2$lended or
portamanteau word1, the result of $lending"
./" Onomatopoeia, formation of words from sounds that resem$le those associated with the
o$=ect or action to $e named, or that seem suggestive of its %ualities"
VII. Phraseology. Working Definitions of Principal Concepts
1. Semantic isolation, the loss $y a word, or word com$ination, of productivity and the
ac%uisition of idiomatic %ualities"
2. Word combination, a nonFpredicative unit of speech, which is, semantically, $oth glo$al
and articulated" #t is produced, not reproduced, in speech"
3. Phraseological unit, a complex wordFe%uivalent in which the glo$ality of nomination
reigns supreme over the formal separa$ility of elements" #t is reproduced in speech"
8;;
4. Productivity, capa$ility of $eing $rought together to form a word com$ination after a
certain syntactic pattern"
5. Reproducibility, regular use in speech as the element6s principal form of existence"
6. Idiomatic, having the %ualities of a phraseological unit, i"e" when the meaning of the whole
is not deduci$le from the sum of the meanings of the parts"
7. Syntactic formula, a nonFidiomatic se%uence of words, which structurally resem$les a set
expression"
8. Cliche, a stereotyped expression mechanically reproduced in speech"
9. Idiom proper, a phraseological unit with pronounced stylistic characteristics owing to
which an element of play is introduced into speech"
.9" Deformation of idiom, the violation of semantic integrity of a phraseological unit or idiom
proper $y actuali-ing the potential meanings of its elements"
BIBLIOGRAPHY AND RECOMMENDED READING
Arnold I.V. The English 7ord" M", ./40"
Bloomfield, Leonard. Language" ?" J", ./;M"
Bolinger, Dwight" Meaning and !orm" London, ./33"
Ginsburg R. S. et at" ( Course in Modem English Lexicology" M., ./3/"
1espersen, Otto. +rowth and Structure of the English Language" 5xford, ./48"
Kashcheyeva M.A. et al" Practical Lexicology" L", ./3L"
Leech, Geoffrey N" Semantics" Penguin Coo&s, ./3L"
Leech, Geoffrey N. Principles of Pragmatics" London, ./4M"
Lehrer A. Semantic !ields and Lexical Structure" (msterdam } London, ./3L"
Lyons, 1ohn" Semantics" London}Cam$ridge, ./3/" @ols" . and 8"
Marchand H. The Categories and Types of PresentFDay English 7ordF!ormation"
7ies$aden, ./09"
McKnight C. English 7ords and their Cac&ground" ?ew Jor&}London, ./;."
Mednikova E.M. Seminars in English Lexicology" M", ./34"
Melenciuc D. et al. The English 7ordFStoc&" Exercises in English Lexicology" MS, ./40"
Melenciuc D. et al. The Structure of English" Exercises in English Lexicology" MS, ./40"
Melenciuc D. Seminars in English Lexicology" @ol" # , CE SM, ChiAinBu, 8999"
Melenciuc D. Seminars in English Lexicology" @ol ##" CE SM, ChiAinBu, 8999"
Melenciuc D. Seminars in English Lexicology" @ol" # , CE SM, ChiAinBu, 899."
Melenciuc D. Seminars in English Lexicology" @ol ##" CE SM, ChiAinBu, 899."
Melenciuc Dumitru" English Lexicology" CE SM, ChiAinBu, 8998""
Nida, Eugene" Componential (nalysis of Meaning" (n #ntroduction to Semantic
Structures" The Dague}Paris, ./3M"
Ogden C. K., Richards I. A. The Meaning of Meaning" ?" J", ./39"
8;L
Palmer F. Semantics" ( ?ew 5utlinecPref" and commentaries $y M" @" ?i&itin" M", ./48"
Turner 1. The English Language in (ustralia and ?ew ealand" London, ./38"
Ullmann St. The Principles of Semantics" +lasgow, ./M/"
Arauaanona B. H. ON\R]Y\SVtNSX WupQ\OqNOY\t VR]YWqRY]O[O uNSqRNWX YVOPS" W[S,
./33"
Axynenxo B. B. OTUOYQ WN\RUNSZWONSVWuSZWW YVOPSUNO[O YOY\SPS XuQ]S" SUt]OP, ./38"
Auocona H. H. \W_OVO[WqRY]WR OYNOPQ YVOPSUNO[O YOY\SPS YOPUR_RNNO[O SN[VWrY]O[O
XuQ]S" M", ./M0"
Auocona H. H. YNOPQ SN[VWrY]Or USuROVO[WW" ", ./0;"
Auocona H. H. N[VWrY]SX ]ON\R]Y\OVO[WX" ", ./04" 2S SN[V" Xu"1"
Anpecnn. K. . R]YWqRY]SX YR_SN\W]S" vWNONW_WqRY]WR YUR^Y\PS XuQ]S" M", ./3L"
Apnon H. B. vR_SN\WqRY]SX Y\U]\US YVOPS P YOPUR_RNNO_ SN[VWrY]O_ XuQ]R W _R\O^Q
RR WYYVR^OPSNWX" ", ./00"
nyunn . uQ]csRU, Y SN[V" M", ./04"
opncon B. B. ppURPWSZWX W S]UONW_Q" M", ./38"
Bnnorpaon B. B. R]YW]OVO[WX W VR]YW]O[USWXH upUSNNQR \U^Q" M", ./33"
Bon . M. N]ZWONSVtNSX YR_SN\W]S OZRN]W" M", ./4M"
acapec X. PR^RNWR P YOPUR_RNN VR]YW]O[USWcsRU, Y WYT" ", ./M4"
anencon . . {WTOVO[WX XuQ]S W URqRPOR _Q|VRNWR" ", ./38"
oeena . A., o1anona H. A., pnna H. . sUS]\W]_ TO SN[VWrY]Or VR]YW]OVO[WW"
", ./3L"
ypnxona . . {WTQ XuQ]OPQw uNSqRNWr" vR_SN\W]S TUOWuPO^NO[O YVOPS ", ./4."
ynnn A. B. N[VWrY]SX VR]YW]OVO[WX" ", ./L9" 2S SN[V" Xu"1"
ynnn A. B. N[VWrY]SX USuROVO[WX" ", ./39"
ynnn A. B. USuROVO[WX YOPUR_RNNO[O SN[VWrY]O[O XuQ]S" ", ./38"
o11e . . OTUOYQ uSW_Y\POPSNWX W TOUX^OqRNWX WNOXuQqNQw \RU_WNOP W
\RU_WNOVR_RN\OP" ", ./48"
ennxoea . . xNSqRNWR YVOPS W _R\O^Q R[O OTWYSNWX" ", ./3L"
ennxona . . sUS]\W]_ TO VR]YW]OVO[WW SN[VWrY]O[O XuQ]S" ", ./34"
exon . . vVOPOOpUSuOPSNWR YOPUR_RNNO[O SN[VWrY]O[O XuQ]S" ", ./30"
Hnxn1nn . B" R]YWqRY]OR uNSqRNWR YVOPS" ", ./4;"
pnnnnm n ue1om ceuan1necxn nccneonannn" vpOUNW]" ", 1976.
ennnepc1ona . H. O_TONRN\NQr SNSVWu _NO[OuNSqNQw YVOP" ", ./3M"
ennp . uQ]csRU, Y SN[V" "}", ./;L"
unpnnxnn A. H. R]YW]OVO[WX SN[VWrY]O[O XuQ]S" ", ./M0"
occp . e. {U^Q TO XuQ]OuNSNWcsRU, Y U" ", ./33"
1enanon K. . R\O^Q W TUWNZWTQ YOPUR_RNNOr VWN[PWY\W]W" ", ./3M"
1enanon K. . YNOPQ OpyR[O XuQ]OuNSNWX" ", ./3M"
8;M
1enanona . . R\O^Q YWNwUONNO[O SNSVWuS VR]YW]W" ", ./04"
1enanona . . {ROUWX PSVRN\NOY\W W PSVRN\NOY\NQr SNSVWu" ", ./3;"
1epnnn H. A. sUOpVR_Q SNSVWuS Y\U]\UQ uNSqRNWX YVOPS" OUONRz, ./3/"
1ynnn . . vVOPSUW YOPUR_RNNO[O SN[VWrY]O[O XuQ]S" ", ./3;"
nuena A. A. vVOPO P VR]YWqRY]Or YWY\R_R XuQ]S" ", ./04"
nuena A. A. R]YWqRY]OR uNSqRNWR" ", ./40"
nexen . . n p" N[VWrY]SX VR]YW]OVO[WX P PQ^RUz]Sw W WuPVRqRNWXw" ", ./0/" 2S
SN[V" Xu"1"
aoncxnn B. H. _O\WPNQr ]O_TONRN\ uNSqRNWX W _R\O^Q R[O OTWYSNWX" OV[O[US^,
./4;"
nenep A. . W\RUS\UNQr SN[VWrY]Wr XuQ] P v W P N[VWW" ", ./3."
nenep A. . vOPUR_RNNSX YOZWOVWN[PWY\W]SH \ROUWX, TUOpVR_Q, _R\O^Q" ., 1976.
e1uan H. A. vVOPSUW _WNW__Q W qRpNQR \RuSUYQccNOY\U" n. P |]OVR" ./48, M"
uenen . H. sUOpVR_Q YR_SN\WqRY]O[O SNSVWuS VR]YW]W" ", ./3;"
yp . . {ROUWX TOVX P VWN[PWY\W]R" ", ./3L" uQ]OPSX NO_WNSZWXH pyWR POTUOYQ"
", ./30"
CONTENTS
8;0
#ntroduction lllllllllllllllll" L
The 5$=ect of Lexicologyllllllllll"ll M
The Connection of Lexicology with Phonetics,
Stylistics, Distory of the Language and +rammarll" M
Lexicology and Sociolinguisticsllllllllll0
The Sociolinguistic Process of Corrowing into the
Critish @ariant of Englishlllllllllll"".9
The Sociolinguistic Process of Corrowing into the
(merican @ariant of Englishllllllllll"..
Lexicology and Suprasegmental Phonologylllll"8.
Lexicological Phoneticsllllllllllll""""8L
The Prosody of Enantiosemyllllllllll"""";;
7ord Meaningllllllllllllllll ";0
Types of Meaningllllllllllllll" "L9
7ord Meaning and Meaning in Morphemesllll "LM
7ord Meaning and Motivationlllllllll" "L4
Change of Meaningllllllllllllll M.
Meaning and Polysemyllllllllllll"" M0
Polysemy and Domonymylllllllllll " 08
Exercisesllllllllllllllllll 04
7ord Meaning in Syntagmatics and Paradigmaticsl"" 38
Meaning *elations in Paradigmatics and Semantic
Classification of 7ordsllllllllllll33
Exercisesllllllllllllllllll""49
(ntonymslllllllllllllllll" 48
Exercisesllllllllllllllllll" 4;
Synonymylllllllllllllllll 4L
Exerciseslllllllllllllllll"" 4;
7ordF+roups and Phraseological nitsllllll 4L
Some Casic !eatures of 7ord +roupsllllll" /L
Structure of 7ord +roupslllllllllll /3
Meaning of 7ord +roupsllllllllllll/4
#ndependence of Structure and Meaning
in 7ordF+roupslllllllllllllll" ".98
7ordFCuildinglllllllllllllll"" .8;
(ffixationllllllllllllllllll".8/
Conversion"lllllllllllllllll" .L;
Compoundingllllllllllllllll" .MM
8;3
($$reviation, Clipping, Clendingllllllll"" .38
Some of the Minor Types of Modern 7ordF$uildingl"".3M
Exercisesllllllllllllllllll"" .30
Phraseologyllllllllllllllll"""" .49
Phraseological nits 2Set Expressions1llllll .4L
Exercisesllllllllllllllllll" .3/
Stylistics of the 7ordllllllllllll""" " .4L
Exercisesllllllllllllllllll" 899
Stylistics of the 7ordslllllllllllll 89L
Exercisesllllllllllllllllll" 894
The Etymology of the English @oca$ularylllll 8.;
Corrowingslllllllllllllllll" 8.3
#nterrelations Cetween ?ative and
Corrowed Elementsllllllllllllll"88L
The Enrichment 2*eplenishment1 of the
English 7ordFStoc&llllllllllllll884
7ays and Means of Enriching the 7ord Stoc&lll"" 8;L
Exercisesllllllllllllllllll" 8;.
@ariants and Dialects of the English Languagellll8L3
The Main @ariants of the English Languagelllll8;/
The Critish and the (merican English @ariantslll 8M;
(rchaic 7ordsllllllllllllllll"""8M0
Exerciseslllllllllllllllllll8M3
?eologismsllllllllllllllll"l"" 8M4
Exerciseslllllllllllllllllll8M/
English Lexicography" Types of Dictionariesllll"""80;
Terminologyllllll"llll""llllll"""839
Additional materials.
The Sociolinguistic Process of Corrowingllllll83;
The !ormation of the #nternational @oca$ularyllll83/
The Sociolinguistic Motivation of the @oca$ularyll""84M
The Casic Metalanguage of Lexicologylllllll84/
Ci$liography and *ecommended *eadingllllll8/4
8;4