Sex Roles (2008) 59:752764 DOI 10.

1007/s11199-008-9470-y

ORIGINAL ARTICLE

Does Advertising on Black Entertainment Television Portray More Positive Gender Representations Compared to Broadcast Networks?
Melinda J. Messineo

Published online: 28 May 2008 # Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2008

Abstract This article reports on a content analysis of television commercials (n =434) aired during prime-time on US general networks (ABC, NBC, CBS, and FOX) and an African American niche station (Black Entertainment TelevisionBET) in 2002. Targeted group/nontargeted group representations are explored in relation to depictions of domestic/romantic fulfillment and agency. The findings reveal that although the majority of characters on all stations studied were male and White, the niche station did provide a venue for some positive gender representations. Specifically, characters on BET were more likely to be portrayed as respected and as sex-objects. Findings demonstrate that although the niche station BET represents a venue for minority voices, it is also a source of problematic representations of gender. Keywords Television advertising . Gender stereotypes . African American . Self-objectification

Introduction In the past, general broadcast networks catered to a primarily White, middle-class target audience. With the proliferation of media outlets, however, the emphasis has changed from a generalist approach (i.e., majority population demographic) to a niche market approach (i.e., stations that target groups specifically. e.g., Lifetime targets females, Spike TV targets males, etc.). This shift in target audience is important for social scientists to take note of

M. J. Messineo (*) Department of SociologyNQ 205, Ball State University, 2000 W. University Ave., Muncie, IN 47306, USA e-mail: mmessine@bsu.edu

because it has the potential to change the nature of the representation of sex roles in television advertising. Given the socializing power of the media in general and television advertising specifically, these changes are worthy of study. One potential outcome of the shift to niche markets is that the character representations on these stations will be more diverse and positive thus giving voice to populations that have historically been silenced. Another possible outcome, however, is that the imagery on the niche markets will be stereotypical representations of the targeted audience and the imagery left on general broadcast networks will be less diverse and perhaps even be more negative. Given the fact that the creation of these images occurs within the context of market capitalism, conceptions of what is positive and negative is filtered through the ideals of consumer culture. The analysis is further complicated because advertisers are reluctant to portray any potential customer in a truly negative light. Instead, they will often withhold desired outcomes from the group that is perceived to not be the target audience as a point of contrast. To explore this distinction, this study looks at targeted group/nontargeted group representations on BET and general television networks and shows whether or not these populations are portrayed as having access to the valued commodities of a consumer culture, specifically, domestic/romantic fulfillment and agency. These desired aspects of consumer culture are intimately intertwined with notions of gender in western society and are particularly complex at the confluence of gender and race. Therefore, an understanding of how BET advertising doles out access to these resources will provide insight into whether or not more positive gender representations are being perpetuated. Findings from a content analysis of television commercials (n =434) aired during prime-time on US general networks (ABC, NBC, CBS, and FOX) and a cable niche station (Black Entertainment TelevisionBET) in 2002 are pre-

Sex Roles (2008) 59:752764

753

sented with the purpose to explore whether or not BET presents more positive gender representations in advertising imagery compared to general networks. Why Television Advertising Still Matters Viewers are influenced by what they see on television because consumption of media shapes perceptions (Bandura 2002; Children Now 1997, 2003; Frisby 2004; Henderson and Baldasty 2003; Pettigrew and Mertens 1995; see also Gerbner 1995 discussion of cultivation theory). Despite the dramatic growth in technological innovations, the majority of viewers still watch television shows as they are broadcast, and television continues to be one of the most popular mediums for advertising (Crain 2005; Papper et al. 2004). Approximately 99% of U.S. households own at least one television, over 68% subscribe to cable, and the average viewer watches between 3 and 5h of programming daily (Dominick 2005; Papper et al. 2004; Straubhaar and LaRose 1999). With approximately one fifth of every broadcast hour consisting of commercials, and stations working to ensure that ad breaks occur simultaneously, viewer exposure to advertising remains high (Crain 2005; Papper et al. 2004). The implication of this degree of household penetration is that television remains an important point of socialization and cultural production so the nature of the images presented on television is significant. The Changing Media Landscape Although improvements have been made in the frequency and nature of the representation of women and racial/ethnic minorities in advertising over the last 30years, members of these groups are still more likely to be presented as secondary characters, and the quality of the portrayals is less positive than those of majority group members (Baker 2005; Coltrane and Messineo 2000; Henderson and Baldasty 2003; Kim and Chung 2005; Li-Vollmer 2002; Lauzen and Dozier 2005). Scholars have debated the degree to which the makers of media have the responsibility and the capability to better promote equality in the images they present, but many believe that the media does far more to foster prejudice against women and minorities than to overcome it (Gray 1995; Hall 1995; hooks 1992; Wilson et al. 2003). This is especially true of imagery that involves the confluence of gender and race (e.g., iconic images such as the gang member or the mammy). For example, work by Coltrane and Messineo (2000) revealed that, in general, television commercials tend to portray White men as powerful, White women as sex-objects, Black men as aggressive, and Black women as inconsequential. One possible explanation for these particular findings is that

the images examined in the study were broadcast to a majority population market. The attempt to reach this specific target audience resulted in advertisements that included predominantly all-White casts with imagery that sexually objectified women and marginalized minority characters (Gamson et al. 1992; Goodale 1999; McDonald 1992). This default audience has changed, however, with the introduction of cable, new media technologies, and the emergence of specialized niche markets. Potential Positive Outcomes of Targeting Niche Audiences Since the late 1990s, there has been substantial growth in the number of available television channels. Advertisers and media firms now emphasize divisions between subpopulations that carve the market into smaller and more specific chunks called niches (Baker 2005; Curry et al. 2004; Wentz 2004; Wilson et al. 2003). For example, advertisers no longer simply target women but instead target working women aged 1834 (Wentz 2004). Marketers also know that it is validating for viewers to see others like themselves in media representations (BrandWilliams and Kiska 1999). This approach often results in the use of cast members from the target audience in commercial plots that draw on elements of the targeted groups assumed culture. The effectiveness of this approach is demonstrably true among Black consumers where research illustrates that Black audiences identify strongly with Black models and prefer ads and programming that feature Black actors (David et al. 2002; Entman and Rojecki 2000; Frisby 2004, Mastro and Stern 2003; Qualls et al. 1995; Nielsen Media Research 1998). Networks therefore develop identities not only for what they are and what they offer to audiences, but also for what they are not and for whom they are not targeting (e.g., The emphasis of Spike TV is to not offer womens programming.) This distinction offers potential benefits for minority audiences serving as a crucial venue for voices that typically are unheard (Gray 1995; Woodard and Mastin 2005). Niche targeting also increases the diversity of the overall media landscape. For example, researchers often point to the television offerings of the late 1980s and early 1990s as potential evidence of this impact; The Cosby Show, Living Single, and Family Matters all offered depictions of successful middle to upper middle class Black audiences during prime time television. Although much of the inclusion of people of color was in response to social pressure as opposed to a pro-active marketing strategy (Goodale 1999), these shows nevertheless were credited with having diversified prime time television in ways never previously attempted. With this network achievement, it was assumed that cable niche stations would enjoy even greater success. The trend in broadcast programming,

754

Sex Roles (2008) 59:752764

however, was short lived, and the late 1990s and early 2000s saw a dramatic decline in the number of minority casts in prime time broadcast programming. Interestingly, this was due in part to the presence of new cable niche markets. In some ways these new outlets diminished the pressure on major networks to provide diverse programming since there were now specific cable channels to effectively serve minority audiences. Black Entertainment Television represents such a niche station. BET as Niche and Point of Cultural Production BET is a noteworthy example of the potential power of niche markets to both give voice to and celebrate a targeted minority audience. Launched in 1979, BET is the first and largest national cable network targeting Black viewers and has been credited with much success, including the development of original Afrocentric programming, and the unprecedented generation of revenue from major corporations that were previously resistant to targeting Black audiences (Tait and Barber 1996). As Tait and Barber point out, Viewers see more African Americans on BET than they have ever seen on any major network at any time in the history of television and any other medium.(p. 194). This diversity of representations and Afrocentric emphasis has positioned BET as a place of cultural production and representation. It is worth noting, however, that despite the significant impact BET has had on the Black community, its founder, Bob Johnson did not envision BET to be anything more than a successful business venture (USA Today, Hagenbaugh and Kirchhoff 2006). Sold in 2000 to Viacom and no longer an African American owned network, BET remains African American run and is considered the most prosperous Black business in American history. It is through these niche outlets that minorities are given access to the desired representations and commodities of consumer culture, experiences they have often been denied by mainstream advertising. These representations are not only important to ingroup members, but also outgroup viewers who are learning about the target audiences culture through exposure to the niche station. Potential Negative Outcomes of Targeting Niche Audiences While the benefits of niche marketing are evident, researchers have noted that the growth of niche markets has had negative consequences as well. Joseph Turow (1997) blamed niche marketing strategy for increasing racial tensions during the 1980s and 1990s, arguing that by emphasizing niche membership or so-called image tribes, advertisers heightened consumers sense of social separation and encouraged them to label others as different which then fosters various prejudices. Turows position

supports the work of Pettigrew and Mertens (1995) who described how prejudiced attitudes form ideological belief clusters that justify discrimination against members of the nontargeted or outgroups. Blatant prejudice often includes feelings of being threatened by outgroup members (e.g., women, minorities) and beliefs that they are genetically inferior. This belief in turn allows the prejudiced to dismiss any outgroup disadvantage in the society, and deny that bias exists. Blatant prejudice views negative portrayals of the outgroup as an appropriate means of bolstering the targeted or ingroup. The more subtle variety of prejudice, however, exaggerates cultural differences and attributes outgroup disadvantage to them. Most notably, this form of prejudice withholds negative emotions toward the outgroup, but nevertheless works to promote a more positive emotional evaluation of targeted or ingroup members (Pettigrew and Mertens 1995). Applying the work of Pettigrew and Mertens to advertising arouses the concern that marketers on niche stations will highlight ingroup and outgroup differences and thus perpetuate stereotypes. This can occur in a variety of ways. For example, marketers can perpetuate stereotypes as they attempt to create context that is appealing to an ingroup population that they perceive in stereotypical ways. Alternatively, marketers may negatively stereotype outgroup members because the fear of offending them is diminished because they are not part of the target audience. While group differences are presented, it is unusual to see truly blatant prejudicial images of one racial or ethnic group compared to another (Coltrane and Messineo 2000; Pettigrew and Mertens 1995). [While blatant negative stereotyping of racial and ethnic minorities is rarely seen, the same cannot be said of large-sized persons (Crandall 1994; Glessner et al. 2006) and members of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, and queer (LGBTIQ) communities (Herring 2007; Joyrich 2006).] Instead, negative representations occur more subtly, such as through the withholding or absence of positive rewards such as positive representations or access to valued resources for the nontargeted group. It is for this reason that this study looks at the degree to which women and minorities are given access to the desired commodities and representations on BET compared to general networks. Gender Role Representations Outgroup status not only defines who you are but, by extension, ultimately your quality life. Advertisements do not show life as it is but, rather, they show a more desirable life, one worth emulating and one that is eminently achievable simply through the consumption of material goods (Hirschman and Holbrook 1982; Rook 1985; Solomon 1983). Advertisements portray the good life in

Sex Roles (2008) 59:752764

755

a style that Erving Goffman (1979) labeled commercial realism and Michael Schudson (1984) called capitalist realism. Access to the good life is intimately intertwined with definitions of gender in Western culture, so, to successfully be female in the parlance of advertising one must be romantically and domestically fulfilled. In the context of this study, domestic and romantic fulfillment refers to the quality of a character who is achieving domestic goals such as being married, having a home, having children, experiencing romantic fulfillment (by default heterosexist), or is at least represented as attractive and desirable (Bretl and Cantor 1988) Short of complete fulfillment in these areas, women are deemed by marketers to have failed in their attempts at femininity (Bandura 2002; Kilbourne 2000). Masculinity is also tied to romantic and domestic fulfillment but to an even greater degree, to be a man in western culture requires one to be agentic, that is, to be active, achieving goals and creating change through ones actions (adapted from Bandura 2001). A real man is able to take control of a situation, to be assertive, respected, and be a provider. This is a critical advertising technique because marketers hope consumers will equate the ability to take charge and exert power in ones life with the consumption of products. The Confluence of Gender and Race Conceptions of masculinity and femininity have differed for persons of color compared to majority representations (Collins 1991). Historically, Black women have been presented as either mammys/matriarchs, motherly, nurturing yet undesirable; Sapphires as loud, nagging, and emasculating; Jezebels/sexual sirens, as seductive, animalistic, and immoral, or welfare mothers/queens, as leaches on the system and manipulative (Collins 1991; Bobo 1995; Schultz 2005; Thomas et al. 2004). Often the qualities that are least desired in women generally are equated to be the defining characteristics of Black women specifically. Similarly, Black men may be portrayed as Uncle Toms, athletes, gang members, or rap artists (Carrington 1998; Leonard 2006; Miller 1998). One image in particular, the rapping gangster, equates masculinity with violence and equates the masculinity of Black males with their ability to inspire fear and respect in others (Katz 2003). One criticism of BET has been that the networks success ironically comes at the expense of gender representations. Specifically, the stations use of music videos which often portray Black males as hyper-aggressive and Black women in hyper-sexualized poses and scenarios has contributed to negative gender stereotypes. Violent masculinity and sexual objectification are quite legitimately viewed as damaging and severely disruptive to the socialization experience (Johnson 1996; Katz 2003;

Kilbourne 2000). However, in the lexicon of advertising, to be powerful or to be sexually desirable is a worthy, if not the most worthy, goal of consumers. Unfortunately, in consumer culture sexual desirability has been conflated with sexual objectification that the distinctiveness is rarely explored in advertising. As degrading as it is, the value of being sexually objectified can be measured against what it means to not be considered worthy of someones sexual desire. The status of sex-object is typically withheld from less powerful groups. The result is a form of cruel irony in which demeaning sexual objectification nonetheless becomes a desired statea measure of romantic fulfillment in the context of advertising and consumerism (Alexander 1999). The potential power of the niche network is visible in its ability to define the targeted audience as desirable and attractive outside of the dominant cultural ideals. In this sense, the sexual objectification of Black females can be framed as a point of cultural production whereby women who in previous research were found to be portrayed as undesirable and inconsequential (or at the other extreme as animal-like and brutish) are now seen as attractive and worthy of emulation. It is rare, however, for the niche market to truly adopt target audience ideals. For example, one could imagine a Black niche station presenting models with natural hair, non-Caucasian features, and dark skin tone as more sexually desirable than models with straightened hair, Caucasian features and light skin tone. This would be an example of sexual desirability defined by the assumed standards of the target audience. The drawback, of course, is that this seemingly empowering change is simultaneously belittling because it still equates a womans value to her youth, physical appearance, and sexuality (Woodard and Mastin 2005). Similarly, men of color are faced with achieving masculinity through their corporal selves as physical threats (i.e., as athlete or gang member) as opposed to their intellectual contributions. As with women, the option is demeaning yet empowering. To be viewed as assertive and aggressive is valued in the culture but comes at the expensive of other highly valued qualities, qualities that might prove to not be degrading. When these images of sex object and aggressive male are presented as part of the dominant ideology, men and women of color can reject the imagery as imposed from outside. However, when this imagery is presented as from the ingroup, the risks of selfobjectification are heightened. Pertinent here is Fredrickson and Roberts (1997) objectification theory, in which the internalization of the observer s perspective as the primary view of the self leads to constant body monitoring which has been linked among women to increased shame, anxiety, reduced mental health, and eating disorders (Muehlenkamp and Saris-Baglama 2002) and among men to high risk taking and self destructive behavior (Katz 2003).

756

Sex Roles (2008) 59:752764

Research Questions and Hypotheses Market segmentation has the potential to create broader and more diverse representations of women and minorities, yet the process might equally be capable of producing narrower and more stereotypical images (Turow 1997; Gray 1995). Two research questions emerge: First, are niche and generalist stations less likely to present nontargeted outgroup members in more positive ways than targeted ingroup members? Second, does this difference translate into BET offering more positive gender representations than generalist stations? The nature of these representations is critical given the degree to which niche stations represent an agent of socialization to audiences. Hypothesis 1 When examining individual stations, commercials will have less positive gender representation of the nontargeted group (outgroup) for respective target audiences. This hypothesis reflects research that states that one potential drawback of the proliferation of niche markets is that they present an opportunity for less positive representations of the outgroup with outgroup status dependent upon target audience (Turow 1997). Hypothesis 2 The commercials on BET will have more positive sex role imagery involving Black characters achieving romantic and domestic fulfillment than Black characters on generalist stations. Hypothesis 3 The commercials on BET will have more positive sex role imagery involving Black characters achieving agency than Black characters on generalist stations. Hypotheses 2 and 3 reflect research that states that the niche markets present an opportunity for the targeted audience to be presented in positive ways, with positive being defined by what is considered desirable within a consumer culture (Gray 1995). This is important because the presence of these more positive minority gender images contributes to their representation in the overall media landscape.

represented by Black Entertainment Television (BET) and compared them to advertisements on the more generalist networks of the American Broadcasting Company (ABC), Columbia Broadcasting System (CBS), National Broadcasting Company (NBC), and FOX broadcast networks. Taping was conducted during the spring 2002 sweeps primetime hours (8pm11pm on Monday through Saturday and 7pm11pm on Sundays) and included 14days of programming. The same number of commercials were randomly selected for coding from each general station reflecting approximately 50% of the original sample. Although commercials were repeated over the study period, each commercial was only included once within a specific marketthat is, a specific Coca Cola commercial appears only once in the general network sub-sample but may appear again in the study in the BET sub-sample if it was also shown there. This strategy generated a sample of 434 commercials. The coding scheme reflects that used first by Coltrane and Allan (1994) and replicated by Coltrane and Messineo (2000; see also Mastro and Stern 2003). Three research assistants were trained in the coding procedures and subsequently coded a subset of commercials independently. A 10% subset of commercials was recoded and tested for inter-coder reliability. All major variables yielded an acceptable level of agreement among coders, even after adjusting for chance agreement (Cohens K range=.717 1.00). The primary unit of analysis for this investigation was the character. Any human or animated character who had a speaking part, held or used the advertised product, was on camera for 5s, or engaged in verbal or nonverbal interaction with another main character was considered a primary character and was coded separately. As a result, in some instances a commercial could have more than one primary character. Non-speaking people pictured in the background or those not directly engaged in interacting with main characters were coded as secondary characters. If a group of characters was pictured doing the same thing, the entire group was coded as one character. Variables Based on visual and audio content of commercials, a total of 735 human characters (623 individuals and 112 groups) were rated by coders for this analysis according to prominence (primary, secondary, background), sex (female, male), race (Black, White, Latina/o, Asian, other minority, ambiguous), and interaction style (see below). Of the sample, 2.1% of the characters were coded as other minority or ambiguous. These characters were not included in this analysis. These variables were then reduced to dichotomous measures for the various analyses (primary/other, female/other, Black/other). In addition, each commercial was coded according to station and voice over (male voice, female voice, both, none).

Method Sampling and Research Design The sampling strategy identified advertisements appearing during prime time programming that targeted Black viewers

Sex Roles (2008) 59:752764

757

Characters were also coded in reference to the degree to which they were portrayed as having access to domestic and heterosexual romantic fulfillment and agency through various interaction styles. Dichotomous measures of domestic and romantic fulfillment included: Cross-sex interactionportrayed in an interaction with other(s) of the opposite sex; status as spousestatus as a spouse is presented or clearly implied; status as parentstatus as a parent is presented or clearly implied; presented in home settingcharacter is presented in a home setting; presented as a sex-objectpresented as an object of another's sexual gaze, as the object of self-gaze, or for the presence or absence of alluring behavior such as flirting, winking, puckering, batting eyelashes, or sexual teasing; provocative attireincluding nakedness, half dress, tight fitting or lowcut clothes; and for explicit beauty concerns such as characters concerned with enhancing or portraying beauty, and with making themselves more attractive, youngerlooking, or thinner. A dichotomous measure of sex-object was constructed if any of the above qualities were coded as present (a =.74). As was discussed earlier, the interpretation of this variable represents a unique challenge due to the both positive and negative implication of being identified as a sex-object. Dichotomous measures of three forms of agency were included: presented as assertive, presented as respected, and presented as employed (Bem 1974; Bretl and Cantor 1988; Busby 1975). Assertive was coded broadly to include bold, forceful, competitive, antagonistic, and angry. Respect was chosen because of its universal appeal and its pervasive presence in marketing as a worthy attribute. It denotes honor, high status, admiration of others; characteristics that are often withheld from minority groups. Similarly, employed was selected because of its general cultural value and desirability and its frequent withholding from minority populations. Analysis

category (e.g., White male characters shown to a general target audience), and the effect of each independent variable is expressed in terms of the impact of a one-unit change in the independent variable on the log odds of the dependent variable.

Results Descriptive Statistics The analysis begins with an assessment of the frequency distributions of the general variables (available upon request). Previous research findings are confirmed by the representation of 76.1% of the characters as White and 18.6% as Black. The representation of Black characters in the overall sample (networks combined with BET) is slightly higher than their representation in the population. Latino/a and Asian American characters are significantly under-represented at 1.5% and 1.9% respectively. Due to these small sample sizes, neither are included in the remaining analyses. These minority groups have not been collapsed with Black characters for a majority/minority comparison because the groups are not consistently similar in how they differ from White characters. Male characters are slightly over-represented in the commercials at 54.1% of the representations compared to 44.5% for females. In terms of prominence, most characters are primary with 54.8% of the representations followed by secondary characters at 22.3% and background characters at 17.5%. The voice of authority continues to be associated with men in that 70.6% of all voice-overs were by males. Female voice-overs make up 25.5% of commercials, while only 3.9% of commercials have both male and female voice-overs. The gender differences also are similar when considering the sex of singers; 53.2% had male voices, 36.2% has female voices, and 10.6% had both. Findings by Specific Market

Analyses were conducted on the general sample and four sub groups (White, Black, Latino/a, Asian American), for White and Black characters by gender, and for target audience by gender. Comparisons of positive and negative representations of targeted and nontargeted groups were also made. Multivariate models were estimated predicting the effects of race (White Persons vs. Black Persons), gender, and target audience on different outcome variables. Logistic regression was used to avoid problems associated with nonlinearity of the dichotomous variables and those related to violation of other underlying ordinary least squares assumptions. For each model in Tables 3 and 4, the beta coefficient and standard error appear for each variable. The comparison or contrast group is the modal

White characters make up the majority of characters in both markets with the greater representation on the general networks (83% White) compared to BET (65.8% White, Chi square test, p <.0001, df =1). Since the number of other minority group representations is so low, we see, as expected, a high representation of Black characters on BET (29.3%) and a lower representation in the network images (14.0%, Chi square test, p <.0001, df =1). These initial findings suggest that there is a difference in the frequency of portrayals of race on BET compared to the general networks. What is surprising, however, is that the percentage of Black characters on BET remains relatively low. The majority of advertisement characters are White personseven on

758

Sex Roles (2008) 59:752764

BET. (Whether the nature of the representations of Black characters on BET also differs is explored further in subsequent analyses.) The gender breakdown is comparable across both markets with a higher percentage of males presented compared to females (55.6% males on General networks, 57.7% males on BET). Although the difference is greater on BET, it is not statistically significant. Findings for the various portrayals and behaviors of characters by gender and station are presented (see Table 1). This data is presented to establish whether any general trends in character portrayals exist by station so as to more accurately interpret how these trends ultimately intersect with character race. The left column of each section combines males and females to illustrate that the general networks are significantly more likely to portray characters as spouses. In comparison, BET has more characters portrayed in cross-sex interactions, as well as sex-objects and as respected. When broken down by gender, males in the general network sample are more often portrayed as assertive and less often portrayed as respected and as sex-objects compared to those on BET. Females are more commonly portrayed on BET in cross-sex interactions, as respected, and as sex-objects. Therefore, there are some general differences in how BET portrays characters compared to the general networks. The next three tables will illustrate how these differences translate into representations of Black characters. Comparisons of Targeted and Nontargeted Groups Table 2 findings test our hypotheses through comparisons of targeted and nontargeted group gender representations.

Percentages of positive representations of Black persons and White persons are compared across BET and the general networks (see Table 2). Targeted group standing is significant for Black persons in images of respect and cross-sex interactions, meaning that a significantly higher percentage of images of Black individuals are associated with their targeted status on BET compared to nontargeted status on the networks. Black characters are more likely to be seen as a spouse on the general networks than when they are portrayed as a targeted group member on BET. For White characters, targeted group status has even fewer benefits and is linked only to more images of assertiveness on the networks. White characters are more likely to be portrayed as respected and in cross-sex interactions when they are portrayed as nontargeted group characters on BET. Black persons are more likely to be viewed as sex-objects when portrayed on BET compared to when they are portrayed as nontargeted members, whereas the reverse is true for White characters. These findings offer partial support for hypothesis 1 showing that targeted group status does influence the nature of the gender representations. Specifically, Black women are more likely to be presented as sexually desirable on BET (supporting hypothesis 2) and Black characters are more likely to be presented as respected (supporting hypothesis 3). The targeted status does not, however, translate to all desired characteristics. Similarly, Black characters are less likely to be portrayed as respected, in cross-sex interactions, and as sex-objects when they are on the general network. This means that when Black viewers are not the target audience they have less access to positive gender role representations. In

Table 1 Percentage of character portrayals in 2002 television commercials by BET and general networks. Television station General networks Both Portrayals of domestic and romantic fulfillment (%) Cross-sex interaction 42.8** Spouse 11.2* Parent 5.2 Home-setting 29.1 Sex-object 11.6*** Portrayals of agency (%) Assertive 14.5 Respected 15.5*** Employed 17.6
a

BET niche Male Female Both Male Female

38.8 11.4 2.4a 27.5 5.9ab 25.1ab 18.4d 21.2c

43.1b 12.7 10.3a 32.8 21.6ab 5.4a 13.2b 14.2c

56.1** 5.6* 5.6 29.1 27.6*** 10.2 27.7*** 19.9

45.5a 5.0 5.0 29.7 13.9ab 9.9b 28.4d 21.8

60.8ab 6.8 8.1 29.7 50.0ab 9.5 28.4b 16.2

Note: *p <.05, **p <.01, ***p <.001 Fisher s exact two-sided between stations (2 value presented for employment) p <.05 for difference between men and women within station (Fisher s exact test, two-sided) b p <.05 for difference between station within gender (Fisher s exact test, two-sided) c p <.05 for difference between men and women within station (2 ) d p <.05 for difference between station within gender (2 )

Sex Roles (2008) 59:752764 Table 2 Percentage of portrayals by targeted and non-targeted groups on 2002 television commercials on BET and general networks.

759

Assertive Respected Employed Cross-sex interaction Spouse Parent Home setting Sex-object African American characters Station BET niche (%) (African American as targeted group) General networks (%) (African American as non-targeted group) White characters Station General networks (%) (White as targeted group) BET niche (%) (White as non-targeted group)

9.3

33.3a

24.1

68.5**

.0*

.0

22.2

24.1**

10.9

18.8a

23.4

43.8**

9.4*

6.3

17.2

4.7**

15.5* 8.3*

14.2a 21.5a

16.6 14.9

41.6a 50.4a

13.4 9.1

5.3 8.3

33.4 33.9

32.2*** 14.7***

Note: Test for significance Fisher s exact two-sided *p <.05, **p <.01, ***p <.001 (Fisher s exact test, one-sided) (.)a p <.05

comparison, White characters on BET are more likely to be presented as respected and in cross-sex interactions, but they are less likely to be portrayed as sexually desirable as compared to when presented on the general networks. What this demonstrates is that BET is more likely overall to have images of respect and cross-sex interaction so White characters benefit as a result. These findings also illustrate that BET as a niche station provides a venue for more positive gender representations of Black characters specifically compared to general stations. To further test hypothesis 2 and 3, logistic regression models were used to reveal station effects on representations of romantic and domestic fulfillment (Table 3) and agency (Table 4). The models indicate that several patterns in character portrayals that initially appear to be accounted for by character race or ethnicity are completely accounted for by the station on which the portrayal appears, thus partially supporting hypothesis 2. Specifically, the inclusion of the variable station (see b models) reveals that in representations of domestic and romantic fulfillment, portrayals of cross-sex interaction (model 3.1) are more likely on BET, portrayals of spouse are less likely on BET (model 3.2), and that images of sexual objectification are more likely (model 3.5). In contrast, portrayals as parent (model 3.3) and in home settings (model 3.4) do not vary according to network. These findings indicate that if it were not for the greater incidence of cross-sex interactions and sex-objects on BET, the overall media landscape would have had fewer of these images and there would not have been a difference based on race. For the instances of sexobjects, the analysis shows that the race effect does not become significant until station is added, i.e., there would have been even fewer images of Black persons as sexobjects were it not for BET which is more likely to present images of sex-objects than the general networks.

In Table 4, the representations of agency models offer confirmation that characters in advertisements are less assertive on BET compared to the general networks, though there was no difference based on race of character (model 4.1) while portrayals of characters as respected are more likely on BET (model 4.2). Employment was not significant in either model (model 4.3). These findings indicate that if it were not for the greater incidence of images of respect on BET, the overall landscape would have had fewer of these images and there would not have been a difference based on race.

Discussion This study demonstrates that some trends identified by previous researchers persisted in 2002 television advertising (Coltrane and Messineo 2000; Mastro and Stern 2003). Specifically, White characters as well as male characters and male voice-overs continue to dominate advertising. Black individuals are slightly over-represented given their proportion in the population, though Latino/as and Asian Americans are dramatically under-represented. Surprisingly, this is true even of BET; although, the station did have more images of Black characters, the majority were still of White individuals. The representations of gender on BET do reflect some positive outcomes. Images of cross-sex interactions and respect overall were higher for Black characters on BET and Black women are more likely to be portrayed as sexually desirable than in the past. This fits with the more youth oriented programming of the station and reveals that niche markets can serve as an outlet for distinctive representations of minority groups, however, not without drawbacks. As mentioned previously, the sexual desirability

760

Table 3 Logistic regressions of independent variables on romantic and domestic fulfillment portrayals of characters in 2002 television commercials comparing networks with BET.

Portrayals of domestic and romantic fulfillment 3.2 Spouse Model a. SE b SE b SE b SE b SE b SE b SE b SE Model b. Model a. Model b. Model a. Model b. Model a. 3.3 Parent 3.4 Home setting 3.5 Sex-object Model b. b SE

3.1 Cross-sex interaction Model b. b

Model a.

SE

.417* .321 .524** .188 .583 .132 792.791 2.055 .190 399.180 .183 3.412 248.281 .397 .348 .021 .815 709.089 .738* .360 1.899 .199 394.395 3.361 248.490 .328 .809 709.100 .129 .169 .172 .266 .153 .267 1.158** .386 1.165** .387 .199 .182 .199 .182 .205 .140

.211

.328

.215

.895* .442 .446 .546 .553 .261 .264

.782

.594

.632

.747***

.751**

.471 1.546*** 2.287 510.965

.311 .293 .202

.792** 1.686*** 1.292*** 2.763 482.914

.330 .250 .245 .237

.303

.168

Character race/ethnicity African American Character sex Female Network BET (niche) Intercept 2 log likelihood

.442 .121 800.615

Note: Test for significance *p <.05, **p <.01, ***p <.001 Comparison categories: Race/ethnicitywhite, Sexmale, Networkgeneral

Table 4 Logistic regressions of independent variables on agency portrayals of characters in 2002 television commercials comparing networks with BET.

Portrayals of agency 4.2 Respected Model b. SE b SE b Model a. SE Model b. b SE 4.3 Employed Model a. b SE Model b. b SE

4.1 Assertive

Model a.

.373 .338 .300 .148 .661* 1.155 437.123 1.462*** .301 .310 .160 .342

.278

.547* .255 1.491 557.793

.248 .217 .151

.447 .244 .567** 1.657 551.673

.253 .219 .226 .169

.467 .440* 1.434 547.584

.254 .223 .149

.481 .442* .800 1.413 547.476

.258 .223 .243 .161

1.435***

Character race/ethnicity African American Character sex Female Network BET (niche) Intercept 2 log likelihood

1.305 442.113

Sex Roles (2008) 59:752764

Note: Test for significance *p <.05, **p <.01, ***p <.001 Comparison categories: Race/ethnicitywhite, Sexmale, Networkgeneral

Sex Roles (2008) 59:752764

761

finding is problematic because, even if being desired is a positive quality in a consumer society, it is demeaning and potentially negative for viewers (Kilbourne 2000). The cost of this change in representation is being documented in the literature as young women of color report lower self image scores and higher rates of eating disorders. At one time Black girls seemed somewhat protected from the medias influence on body image, partly due to the lack of imagery, but as imagery changes, so does body image (see Nielsen 2000). This trend is evident in popular culture, as well, as male and female artists of color struggle to define their place in the media landscape (Emerson 2002; Skeggs 1993). If the images presented are positive and selfaffirming, then niche markets represent a positive venue. When the images encourage the same self-objectification seen in the general media, but with Black actors, the risk to viewers self-image is considerable. This is especially so since minority viewers have fewer media examples to serve as role models while majority viewers often have little experience with which to make reasonable comparisons (Children Now 2003). While BET did provide more positive representations of males in terms of respect and more positive presentations of women in terms of desirability, other markers of romantic and domestic fulfillment were less prominent and in some cases absent. Parenting as a marker of domestic fulfillment is not especially visible in prime time advertising, but when it is portrayed, it continues to be the domain of White females. White characters are also more likely to be portrayed as spouses on both stations with no images of Black spouses or parents in the BET sample. The only marker of agency that was more prominent on BET for was for respect with no significant difference between White and Black characters for assertiveness and employment. Again, the youth oriented nature of the station is revealed, but unfortunately, respect is often intertwined with conceptions of violent masculinity (Katz 2003). The current studys coding is not detailed enough to distinguish between types of respect, but anecdotally, there were numerous examples of Black characters earning respect for their intellectual and leadership contributions. Therefore, BET does provide some examples of respect in the most positive sense but further research will be needed to tease this out from other possible manifestations. One might, in the end, ask why there was not more difference between the way stations portrayed targeted and nontargeted groups? The reason is likely due, in part, to the financial constraints of producing multiple versions of television commercials for different markets. The current data were gathered during a period of economic recession which hit the advertising industry especially hard. As companies searched for cost-savings, one of the first areas of down-sizing was their marketing budgets. This left fewer

resources available to create multiple versions of advertisements. More importantly it appears that, while BET has the potential to present more positive images of Black characters, this is not fully realized. This is linked to the conflicting missions and cultural reality of BET. While BET is now recognized as a point of cultural production, it was not the intent of its founders to be a source of either political or social change. BET exists within a racially hegemonic capitalist market economy that requires the programming to not threaten the dominant social order or risk the stations market position. The risk of alienating the nontargeted dominant population will always weigh heavily against any peripheral efforts to uplift the targeted minority. It is for this reason that not only are the images of Black characters presented as more respected on BET, but also those of the White characters. For economic reasons, BET chooses to not be critical or challenging of the majority. Arguably, the market emphasis is also responsible for the increased sexual objectification and the commodification of Black females as well. The unique historical positioning of Black women within a context of racial, gendered, and class-based struggles is lost to a single common denominator; that of sexual desirability and availability (Collins 1991). Ultimately the results of this study need to be considered within the context of the socializing nature of media. Do niche markets, as illustrated in this study with the example of BET, perpetuate the ingroup/outgroup image tribe distinctions that Turow (1997) described? Or instead, is Grays (1995) argument that niche markets increased the diversity in the overall media landscape a more accurate description? As if often the case, there is some support for both theories. BET does present a unique venue for the presentation of positive gender images of Black persons that are not seen on general networks. Not only are there more images of Black characters and their roles more diverse, but they also have qualities that are highly valued in the broader population. Black women are presented as more desirable on BET than on the general networks and overall Black characters are more likely to be represented as worthy of respect. Many of these images are positive to the extent that they reflect the values of a consumer oriented culture. The risk, however, is that they do little to broaden outgroup member s conception of Black individuals in other roles such as parents and spouses. Similarly, if the representations of ingroup members are stereotypical, it offers little advantage for the target audience either. Turows concern about the image tribe mentality does appear in two cases where both stations treat the non-targeted group in the less desired position. Both groups were portrayed as less sexually desirable as outgroups and Whites were significantly less likely to be portrayed as assertive when they were on BET compared to when they were shown on the general networks. This does suggest to some degree that there

762

Sex Roles (2008) 59:752764

is a differentiation based on ingroup and outgroup status. Yet, there was not the mass exodus of minority characters from primetime either. In 1992 the percentage of White characters was 86 and it shifted to 83 in 2002 on the general networks. This is due in part to the fact that there were not many images to lose but it also shows that there has not been an increase in images of minorities either. In this sense, the introduction of niche markets has had little impact. Perhaps a greater concern regarding the socialization effects of niche markets lies in the way in which their programming is consumed. Sunstein (2001) pointed out that market segmentation heightens viewers ability to filter out other points of view, something she fears could ultimately impoverish democracy by limiting societys openness to and familiarity with the arguments and beliefs from various points of view. This is because changes in media have made it easier for consumers to find messages that perfectly match their own beliefs and desires (see also Smith-Shomade 2004). As a result, consumers are able to create echo-chambers that silence alternative voices. Market segmentation provides an easy method for consumers to clarify ingroups and exclude outgroups and their messages. Research shows that the ability to empathize with a member of an outgroup can improve attitudes toward the group as a whole and reduce intergroup prejudices (Batson et al. 1997). In order to empathize with others you cannot be in an echo-chamber, so the degree to which niche marketing diminishes empathy in this manner should be of broad concern. This study has established that differences in gender representations do exist, what is not known, however, is how viewers, particularly outgroup members, consume these niche stations and to what degree this imagery impacts their understanding of the targeted audience. An understanding of this process is beyond the scope of the current study but is a logical extension of this work. Limitations of the Current Study and Ideas for Future Research A number of limitations in this study should be clarified to help guide future research. First, the advertisements are from one sweeps period, during prime-time, with only one niche station. Future studies could explore other day parts, over numerous niche markets, and over a longer period of time to better understand the impact of niche marketing on the way that various groups are represented. Similarly, a refined sampling design could further clarify the target audiences of specific shows on the general networks as well as the niche markets, so as to further clarify ingroup and outgroup distinctions. Oversampling could give researchers enough images of other minority groups to enable statistical analyses and comparisons. Future research might also compare specific campaigns on niche and general network markets to see how

gender and race are represented (e.g., How is a new McDonalds product presented on a general network station compared to a minority targeted niche market?). Lastly, while television viewing still represents a critical source of exposure to advertising, new media will also need to be studied in order to understand the degree to which these technologies impact the way that groups are represented.

Conclusion As television has experienced dramatic growth and change, the prominent images have shifted very little. The changes that have occurred, however, illustrate the opportunities and challenges that niche networks represent. The question remains, Do niche networks matter in terms of gender representations? The current data suggest that, yes, niche networks, as exemplified by BET, do provide unique opportunities for alternative minority gender representations, but not without flaws. At the very least, the presence of niche networks provides an increase in the number of minority images seen in the overall media landscape. Yet the nature of the gender representations goes beyond mere presence and is instead linked to images of greater respect and problematized desirability. If BET is an indication of other networks, niches do not appear to be a haven for positive and exclusively minority representations, nor is it clear that exclusive representations should be the goal. The integrated nature of niche network casting is potentially positive, though much is lost if the niche becomes the sole venue for minority voices on television. The potential result is that the networks will end up being devoid of minority representations. Critics argue that the rise of the niche will leave all groups to the comfort of their echo-chambers with a mere touch to the TV remote. No longer are we, as consumers, confronted with images of the other. Instead, the plethora of options makes it possible for us to exclude other groups, other voices, and other points of view, thereby consuming just the imagery and messages that we want. The lack of minorities in the network ads also is cautionary, but whether this represents an echochamber for White audiences has yet to be determined. To suggest that there is one White voice is as inaccurate as suggesting there is one Black voice, but the potential for cultural segregation clearly exists. Future research will need to explore the degree to which market segmentation encourages this echo-chamber effect. Knowing the types of images shown and the quality of the various representations is useful to understanding the potential impact of media, but this knowledge is most useful when coupled with effects research. Understanding how viewers consume niche markets and how this exposure serves as an agent of socialization will help us better understand the potential impact of image disparity. The

Sex Roles (2008) 59:752764

763 David, P., Morrison, G., Johnson, M. A., & Ross, F. (2002). Body image, race, and fashion models: social distance and social identification in third-person effects. Communication Research, 29, 270294. Dominick, J. (2005). The dynamics of mass communication. New York: McGraw Hill. Emerson, R. (2002). Where my girls at? Negotiating black womanhood in music videos. Gender & Society, 16, 115135. Entman, R. M., & Rojecki, A. (2000). The black image in the white mind: media and race in America. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Fredrickson, B. L., & Roberts, T. (1997). Objectification theory. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 21, 173207. Frisby, C. M. (2004). Does race matter? Effects of idealized images on African American womens perceptions of body esteem. Journal of Black Studies, 34, 323347. Gamson, W. A., Croteau, D., Hoynes, W., & Sasson, T. (1992). Media images and the social construction of reality. Annual Review of Sociology, 18, 373393. Gerbner, G. (1995). The hidden message in anti-violence public service announcements. Harvard Educational Review, 65, 9298. Glessner, M. M., Hoover, J. H., & Hazlett, L. A. (2006). The portrayal of overweight in adolescent fiction. Reclaiming Children & Youth, 15, 116123. Goffman, E. (1979). Gender advertisements. New York: Harper. Goodale, G. (1999). Whats missing from this picture? TV networks scramble to make changes after lineups are denounced for lack of racial diversity. Christian Science Monitor. Gray, H. (1995). Watching race: television and the struggle for blackness. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Hagenbaugh, B. & Kirchhoff, S. (2006). From BET to hotels to banking, Johnson keeps moving forward. USA Today. 4/12/2006. Hall, S. (1995). The whites of their eyes: racist ideologies and the media. In G. Dines, & J. Humez (Eds.), Gender, race, and class in media (p. 1822). Thousand Oaks: Sage. Henderson, J. J., & Baldasty, G. J. (2003). Race, advertising, and prime-time television. The Howard Journal of Communications, 14, 97112. Herring, S. (2007). Brokeback mountain dossier. GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian & Gay Studies, 13, 9394. Hirschman, E., & Holbrook, M. (1982). Hedonic consumption. Journal of Marketing, 46, 92101. hooks, b. (1992). Black looks: race and representation. Boston: South End. Johnson, L. (1996). Rap, misogyny and racism. Radical America, 26, 719. Joyrich, L. (2006). Closet archives. Camera Obscura, 21, 136143. Katz, J. (2003). Advertising and the construction of violent white masculinity. In G. Dines, & J. Humez (Eds.), Gender, race and class in media: a text reader(2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks: Sage. Kilbourne, J. (2000). Cant buy my love: how advertising changes the way we think and feel. New York: Simon & Schuster. Kim, M., & Chung, A. Y. (2005). Consuming orientalism: images of Asian/American women in multicultural advertising. Qualitative Sociology, 28, 6791. Lauzen, M. M., & Dozier, D. M. (2005). Recognition and respect revisited: portrayals of age and gender in prime-time television. Mass Communication & Society, 8, 241256. Leonard, D. J. (2006). The real color of money: controlling black bodies in the NBA. Journal of Sport and Social Issues, 30, 158179. Li-Vollmer, M. (2002). Race representation in child-targeted television commercials. Mass Communication and Society, 5, 207228. Mastro, D. E., & Stern, S. R. (2003). Representations of race in television commercials: a content analysis of prime-time advertising. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 47, 638647.

study discussed here provides a valuable starting point for comparing other niche markets because it establishes that differences do exist and that the niche market provides an outlet for alternative representations.
Acknowledgments Special thanks to Lisa Kuriscak, Mellisa Holtzman, Chad Menning, Gregory Morrison, and the anonymous reviewers for their valuable feedback.

References
Alexander, S. (1999). The gender role paradox in youth culture: an analysis of women in music videos. Michigan Sociological Review, 13, 4664. Baker, C. N. (2005). Images of womens sexuality in advertisements: a content analysis of Black- and White-oriented womens and mens magazines. Sex Roles: A Journal of Research, 52, 1327. Bandura, A. (2001). Social cognitive theory: an agentic perspective. Annual Review of Psychology, 52, 126. Bandura, A. (2002). Social cognitive theory of mass communication. In J. Bryant, & D. Zillman (Eds.), Media effects: advances in theory and research (p. 121154). Hillsdale: Erlbaum. Batson, C. D., Polycarpou, M. P., Harmon-Jones, E., Imhoff, H., Mitchener, E. C., Bednar, L. L., et al. (1997). Empathy and attitudes: can feeling for a member of a stigmatized group improve feelings toward the group. Journal of Personality & Social Psychology, 72, 105118. Bem, S. (1974). The measurement of psychological androgyny. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 42, 155162. Bobo, J. (1995). Black women as cultural readers. New York: Columbia University Press. Brand-Williams, O., & Kiska, T. (1999). NAACP condemns fall TV: boycott, lawsuit vowed over lack of racial diversity. in Detroit News. Bretl, D. J., & Cantor, J. (1988). The portrayal of men and women in U.S. TV commercials: a recent content analysis and trends over 15years. Sex Roles: A Journal of Research, 18, 595609. Busby, L. J. (1975). Sex-role research on the mass media. Journal of Communication, 25, 107131. Carrington, B. (1998). Deconstructing bodily narratives of animalism and athleticism: race, gender and sexualisation of the black sporting body. International Sociological Association. Children Now (1997). Reflections of girls in the media. Oakland California, http://publications.childrennow.org/publications/media/ reflections_1997b.cfm Children Now (2003). Fall colors: prime time diversity report 2003. Oakland California, http://publications.childrennow.org/publications/ media/fallcolors_2003.cfm Collins, P. (1991). Black Feminist thought: knowledge, consciousness and the politics of empowerment. New York: Routledge. Coltrane, S., & Allan, K. (1994). New fathers and old stereotypes: representations of masculinity in 1980 television advertising. Masculinities, 2, 4366. Coltrane, S., & Messineo, M. (2000). The perpetuation of subtle prejudice: race and gender imagery in 1990s television advertising. Sex Roles: A Journal of Research, 42, 363389. Crain, R. (2005). Why established methods of advertising are the answer. Advertising Age. March. Crandall, C. S. (1994). Prejudice against fat people: ideology and selfinterest. Journal of Personality & Social Psychology, 66, 882894. Curry, T. J., Arriagada, P. A., Cornwell, B., & Jarosch, J. (2004). Richer and whiter: how publishers of popular magazines construct their readerships for advertisers. Sociological Focus, 37, 127141.

764 McDonald, J. F. (1992). Blacks and white TV: African Americans in television since 1948. Chicago: Nelson Hall. Miller, C. (1998). The representation of the black male in film. Journal of African American Men, 3, 1930. Muehlenkamp, J. J., & Saris-Baglama, R. N. (2002). Self-objectification and its psychological outcomes for college women. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 26, 371379. Nielsen, L. (2000). Black undergraduate and white undergraduate eating disorders and related attitudes. College Student Journal, 34, 353370. Nielsen Media Research (1998). 1998 Report on television. New York. Papper, R. A., Holmes, M. E., & Popovich, M. N. (2004). Middletown media studies: media multitasking and how much people really use the media. The International Journal of Digital Media and Arts Association, 1, 544. Pettigrew, T. F., & Mertens, R. W. (1995). Subtle and blatant prejudice in Western Europe. European Journal of Social Psychology, 25, 5775. Qualls, W., Williams, J., & Grier, S. (1995). Racially exclusive real estate advertising: public policy implications for fair housing practices. Journal of Public Policy and Marketing, 14, 117. Rook, D. W. (1985). The ritual dimension of consumer behavior. Journal of Consumer Research, 12, 251264. Schudson, M. (1984). Advertising, the uneasy persuasion. New York: Basic. Schultz, J. (2005). Reading the catsuit: Serena Williams and the production of blackness at the 2002 U.S. Open. Journal of Sport and Social Issues, 29, 338357. Skeggs, B. (1993). Two minute brother: contestations through gender, race and sexuality. Innovation, 6, 299322.

Sex Roles (2008) 59:752764 Smith-Shomade, B. E. (2004). Narrowcasting in the new world information order. Television & New Media, 5, 6981. Solomon, M. R. (1983). The role of products as social stimuli: a symbolic interactionist perspective. Journal of Consumer Research, 10, 319329. Straubhaar, J., & LaRose, R. (1999). Media now: communications media in the information age. Belmont: Wadsworth Thompson Learning. Sunstein, C. (2001). Exposure to other viewpoints is vital to democracy. The Chronicle of Higher Education. Tait, A. A., & Barber, J. T. (1996). Black Entertainment Television: breaking new ground and accepting new responsibilities. In V. T. Berry, & C. L. Manning-Miller (Eds.), Mediated messages and African-American culture: contemporary issues (p. 184197). Thousand Oaks: Sage. Thomas, A. J., Witherspoon, K., & Speight, S. L. (2004). Toward the development of the stereotypic roles for black women scale. Journal of Black Psychology, 30, 426442. Turow, J. (1997). Breaking up America: advertisers and the new media world. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Wentz, L. (2004). Marketers hone focus on minorities; ANA study: more set up dedicated units; Hispanic segment grows as priority. Advertising Age. August. Wilson II, C. C., Gutierrez, F., & Chao, L. M. (2003). Racism, sexism, and the media: the rise of class communication in multicultural America. Thousand Oaks: Sage. Woodard, J. B., & Mastin, T. (2005). Black womanhood: essence and its treatment of stereotypical images of black women. Journal of Black Studies, 36, 264281.