HANDBOOK OF UGARITIC STUDIES

HANDBUCH DER ORIENTALISTIK

HANDBOOK OF ORIENTAL STUDIES
ERSTE ABTEILUNG
DER NAHE UND MITTLERE OSTEN
THE NEAR AND MIDDLE EAST
H E R A U S GE GE B E N V O N
H . A L T E N M L L E R B. H R O U D A B . A . L E V I N E R . S . O ' F A H E Y
K . R . V E E N H O F C . H . M . V E R S T E E G H
NEUNUNDDREI SSI GSTER BAND
HANDBOOK OF UGARITIC STUDIES
' / 68 '
HANDBOOK
OF
UGARITIC STUDIES
E D I T E D B Y
WILFRED G.E. WATSON AND NICOLAS WYATT
/6 81-'
BRILL
LEI DEN BOSTON K L N
1999
Li br ar y of Con gr e ss Cat al ogi n g- i n - Publ i cat i on Dat a
Handbook of Ugaritic studies / [edited] by Wilfred G.E. Watson and
Nicolas Wyatt.
p. cm. (Handbuch der Orientalistik. Erste Abteilung, Nahe
und der Mittlere Osten, ISSN 0169-9423 ; 39. Bd.)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 9004109889 (alk. paper)
1. Ugarit (Extinct city) 2. Cuneiform inscriptions, Ugaritic.
3. Ugaritic philology. I. Watson, Wilfred G.E. II. Wyatt.
Nicolas. III. Series.
DS99.U35H35 1999
939'.43dc21 99-13946
CI P
Di e Deu t sch e Bi bl i ot h ek - CI P- Ei n h ei t sau f n ah me
Han d b u ch der Or i en t al i st i k. Leiden ; Boston ; Kln : Brill
Teilw. hrsg. von II. Altenmller .- Teilw. hrsg. von B. Spuler
Literaturangaben
Teilw. mit Parallelt.: Handbook of oriental studies
Abt. 1. Der Nahe und Mittlere Osten =The Near and Middle East /
hrsg. von H. Altenmller ...
Teilw. hrsg. von B. Spuler
Bd. 39. Handbook of Ugaritic studies. - 1999
Han d b ook of Ugar i t i c st u di es / by Wilfred G.E. Watson and
Nicolas Wyatt (eds.). - Leiden ; Boston ; Kln : Brill, 1999
(Handbuch der Orientalistik : Abt. 1, Der Nahe und Mittlere Osten :
Bd.39)
I SBN 90-04-10988-9
ISSN 0169-9423
ISBN 90 04 10988 9
Copyright 1999 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored
in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic,
mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written
permission from the publisher.
Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill
provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance
Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers MA 01923, USA.
Fees are subject to change.
PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS
This handbook is dedicated to Cyrus H. Gordon
CONTENTS
List of Illustrations xi
Prcface xii
WI L FRED WATSON - NI COLAS WY ATT
Chapter One General I ntroduction 1
WI L FRED WATSON - NI COLAS WY ATT
Chapter Two Ras Shamra, Minet el-Beida and
Ras I bn Hani: The Material Sources 5
ADRI AN CURTI S
Chapter Three The Written Sources 28
1 The Syllabic Akkadian Texts 28
WI L FRED VAN SOLDT
2 The Alphabetic Ugaritic Tablets 46
WAY NE PI TARD
3 The Hurri an and Hittite Texts 58
MANFRI ED DI ETRI CH - WAL TER MAY ER
Chapter Four The Ugaritic Language 76
1 The Decipherment of Ugaritic 76
KEVI N CATHCART
2 The Ugaritic Script 81
MANFRI ED DI ETRI CH - OSWALD LORETZ
3 Ugaritic Grammar 91
J OSEF TROPPER
4 Ugaritic Lexicography 122
WI L FRED WATSON
5 Ugaritic Words in Syllabic Texts 134
J OHN HUEHNERGARD
Chapter Five Ugaritic Stylistics 140
1 Ugaritic Prose 140
MEI NDERT DI J KSTRA
2 Ugaritic Poetry 165
WI L FRED WATSON
Chapter Six The Ugaritic Literary Texts 193
1 The Mythological Texts 193
J OHN GI BSON
2 The Legend of Keret 203
BARUCH MARGALI T
3 The Story of Aqhat 234
NI COLAS WY ATT
4 The Rpum Texts 259
WAY NE PI TARD
5 The I ncantations 270
KLAAS SPRONK
Chapter Seven The Ugaritic Cultic Texts 287
1 The Rituals 287
PAOLO MERL O - PAOLO XELLA
2 The Offering Lists and the God Lists 305
GREGORI O DEL OL MO LETE
3 The Omen Texts 353
PAOLO XELLA
Chapter Eight The Correspondence of Ugarit 359
1 The Ugaritic Letters 359
J ESS-LUI S CUNCHI LLOS
2 The Akkadian Letters 375
J OHN HUEHNERGARD
Chapter Nine The Legal Texts from Ugarit 390
I GNACI O MARQUEZ ROWE
1 I ntroduction 390
2 The Akkadian Legal Texts 394
3 The Ugaritic Legal Texts 411
4 The Hittite Legal Text 420
Chapter Ten The Economy of Ugarit 423
MI CHAEL HELTZER
1 The Administrative Texts 423
2 Commerce 439
3 Crafts and I ndustries 448
Chapter Eleven The Society of Ugarit 455
J UAN-PABLO VI TA
1 Peoples, Cultures and Social Movements 455
2 The Royal Family, Administration and Commerce .... 467
3 The Family and the Collective 475
4 Crafts and Professions 484
5 The Army 492
Chapter Twelve The Onomastics of Ugarit 499
RI CHARD HESS
1 Personal Names and Prosopography 499
2 Ugaritic Place Names 515
Chapter Thirteen The Religion of Ugarit:
An Overview 529
NI COLAS WY ATT
Chapter Fourteen The I conography of Ugarit 586
IZAK CORNELI US
Chapter Fifteen A Political History of Ugarit 603
ITAMAR SI NGER
1 Preliminary Remarks 603
2 Ugarit in the Early and Middle Bronze Ages 608
3 Ugarit under Egyptian I nfluence 621
4 Ugarit under Hittite Rule 627
5 Ugarit in the Age of 'Pax Hethiticd 646
6 The Weakening Grip of the Hittites 683
7 The Last Years of Ugarit 704
Chapter Sixteen The Tablets and the Computer 734
1 The Current State of Ugaritic Sudies and
Technology 734
THEODORE LEWI S - STEVEN WI GGI NS
2 Storage and Analysis of the Texts 747
J ESS-LUI S CUNCHI LLOS
References 755
Abbreviations 755
Bibliography 761
List of Contributors 824
I ndices
I ndex of Topics 827
I ndex of Personal Names 839
I ndex of Divine Names 843
I ndex of Toponyms 844
I ndex of Ugaritic Words 847
I ndex of Syllabic Akkadian 850
I ndex of Various Languages 851
I ndex of K TU Texts 852
I ndex of RI H Texts 871
I ndex of RS Texts 871
LI ST OF I L L USTRATI ONS
Map Western Syria in the Late Bronze Age xiv
Fig. 1 A list of offerings with the first tablet number
(KTU 1.39 = RS 1.001) 81
Fig. 2 The alphabet tablet from Ugarit (14th/13th
cent, BCE) 82
Fig. 3 The long cuneiform alphabet from Ugarit and its
relationship to Phoenician and Canaani te 83
Fig. 4 The short cuneiform alphabet from Ugarit 84
Fig. 5 The Ugaritic script in relation to the Western and
Southern scripts 86
Fig. 6 The alphabet tablet from Beth Shemesh 87
Fig. 7 Tablet with the South Arabic Alphabet 87
Fig. 8 Deciphered alphabets of the South-Eastern
h-l-h-m- tradition 88
Fig. 9 The spread of cuneiform alphabets in the Eastern
Mediterranean 90
Fig. 10 Calcite statue (of El?) 588
Fig. 11 'Baal au foudre' stela 590
Fig. 12 Menacing god 592
Fig. 13 Gold decorated patera 594
Fig. 14 'Qedeshet'-type gold pendant 596
Fig. 15 Ivory bed panel: royal couple caressing 597
Fig. 16 Cylinder-seal impression (Minet el-Beidah) 599
Fig. 17 Decorated rhyton 600
Fig. 18 Module 1 752
Fig. 19 Module 2 753
Fig. 20 Module 3 754
PREFACE
The Handbook of Ugantic Studies is the product of the labours of a
large team of scholars from many countries. Its gestation has been
quite lengthy, with many emergencies, false alarms, high blood-
pressure, worrying scans, premature contractions and so forth.
The original editor, J ohannes de Moor of Kampen, began the
organization of the volume, drew up an outline and undertook the
arduous task of contacti ng contri butors from around the globe.
However, for personal reasons, he felt compelled to withdraw from
the enterprise at an early stage and the publishers then invited Wilfred
Watson (Newcastle) to take over. This, of course, was felt to be a
great honour, but due to the need for a fellow-worker, Nicolas Wyatt
(Edinburgh) was then invited to act as co-editor. The use of e-mail
has enabled the editors to work closely together on all the stages of
the production of the Handbook and to maintain contact with many
of the contributors. It was also helpful for the translation of contri-
butions in German, I talian and Spanish (15 out of the 47 sections)
prepared by Watson, with some revision by Wyatt and the contrib-
utors concerned.
Unfortunately, there was a gap of several months before the pro-
ject was resumed under its new editors and for a variety of reasons
a number of scholars withdrew from the project. Only when it was
reestablished under the direction of the new editorial team did the
entire membership of the Mission de Ras Shamra withdraw. This
meant that new contributors had to be found, some at quite short
notice. Further withdrawals at intervals right to the end of the pro-
ject have discouraged us, and we have to thank Patricia Radder of
Brill, as well as those contributors who generously stepped into the
breaches left by others, in some cases very late in the day, to enable
us finally to make the volume ready for delivery.
Since this volume has been published in English, we have by and
large standardized ancient names where there are recognized English
equivalents, so that, for instance, ancient 'Karkami' and 'Kargami'
are rendered 'Carchemi sh'. Similarly, 'I lu' becomes , 'Ba'l u'
becomes 'Baal', and so on. We have not however imposed total
consistency, so that 'Hatti' and 'Muki', for instance, which have no
standard modem forms, retain their diacritics. For Ugaritic texts
K TU numbers are followed, with cross-reference to RS numbers,
and in some instances where contributors have added PRU, Ug or
RSO numbers these have been retained.
We feel obliged to honour the Kotharat, the goddesses of child-
birth, whose gracious intervention has finally achieved a safe partu-
rition. It is frequendy observed, to move to the spheres of influence
of other deifies, that among the most traumatic human experiences
other than death are house-buying and divorce. Perhaps we should
add to this list the editing of large reference books. sb
c
alpm Iktrt:
seven oxen to the Kotharat!
WI L FRED G.E. WATSON August 1998 NI COLAS WY ATT
University of Newcastle New College, Edinburgh
Western Syria in the Late Bronze Age
CHAPTER ONE
G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N
WI L FRED G. E . WATSON - NI COLAS WY ATT
1 PREVI OUS COMPREHENSI VE STUDI ES
As yet no handbook of Ugaritic studies has been published with the
scope and range of the present volume. However, there have been
forerunners on a smaller scale. The first substantial work of this kind
was by DUSSAUD 1937', 1941
2
. In two volumes, it was greatly influenced
by the Hebrew Old Testament, of course, and with some of the mis-
conceptions of the time (particularly in respect of alleged geograph-
ical allusions). Another comprehensive survey by DE LANGHE 1945,
described the discovery and history of Tell Ras Shamra, the texts
found there, the writing and language of the alphabetic texts, their
archaeological, geographic and historical background (with a list of
the personal names) and a description of the family, social and polit-
ical life of Ugarit. Here SCHAEFFER 1939a may also be mentioned.
Later came DROWER 1975, KI NET 1981 and CURTI S 1985. Two more
recent works which cover some of the same ground as the present
volume and also include maps and rich illustrations are BALDACCI
1996 and CUNCHI LLOS 1992b. Some recent encyclopaedia entries
include CAQUOT 1979b, COURTOI S 1979, Y ON 1992a, PARDEE
BORDREUI L 1992; and brief descriptions of the language are provided
by PARDEE 1997d and WATSON 1994b. A survey of work up to 1980
is provided by Y OUNG, G. D. 1981, Cunchillos has produced a use-
ful handbook for students (CUNCHI LLOS 1992b) and the proceedings
of further international conferences have been published (UBL 11
Manchester 1992, ALASP 7Mnster 1993, RSO 11Paris 1993,
UBL 12Edi nburgh 1994). The successive volumes of Ugartica and
PRU, together with other volumes of the RSO series have provided
updated instruments of research.
2 SOME CURRENT WORK
The tablets, our pri mary source of i nformati on, are unfortunatel y
deteriorating fast. On a more positive note, photographs of the texts
are in preparati on (ZUCKERMAN - ZUCKERMAN 1997) and computer
programs have been applied to scan them (see section 15). A new
edition of the tablets in transcription has been published (T77
2
)' as
well as a concordance of the tabl et-numbers (TEO = RSO 5/1). An
edition of the texts is now available both on the I nternet and on
CD- ROM (CUNCHI LLOS - VI TA 1993a; CUNCHI LLOS 1998b, 1998c,
and ongoing work in the United States with the West Semitic Research
Project) whi ch has the advantage of bei ng updated conti nual l y.
Other reference works available are concordances (CUNCHI LLOS
VI TA 1995a, which largely replaces WHI TAKER 1972) and word lists
(DI ETRI CH - LORETZ 1996b). Of particular significance is the first
vol ume of the new dictionary (DLU = DEL OL MO LETE - SANMARTI N
1996). I n addition, three teaching grammars (SEGERT 1984; CUNCHI L-
LOS - ZAMORA 1995; SI VAN 1997) and outlines of grammar (CAZELLES
1979; CUNCHI LLOS 1992b; PARDEE 1997d) have been published.
Comprehensi ve coverage of the Akkadian of Ugarit is available
(HUEHNERGARD 1989; VAN SOLDT 1991a) and the Hurri an of Ugari t
has also been studied (DI ETRI CH - MAY ER 1995, etc.). Studies are
available on the town of Ugari t - Ras Shamra (SAAD 1978; RSO
1, 3, 6, 8, 10) and on Ugaritic religion (DEL OL MO LETE 1992a =
1999) and (WY ATT 1996a), sociology (VI TA 1995a; ABOUD 1971;
HELTZER 1976, 1982) and other topics (GRAY 1965; RSP 1-3) in-
cluding the hippiatric texts (COHEN - SI VAN 1983; PARDEE 1985;
SANMARTI N 1988a; COHEN 1996).
2
Ugaritic remai ns a flourishing discipline. UF is now in its 30th
year and periodicals such as /1/0, AuOr, JNES, JSS, SEL, Semitica,
Syria, WO and carry articles and reviews on Ugaritic. Unfortunately,
the Newsletter for Ugaritic Studies has been di sconti nued (last issue
Apri l -October 1989) in spite of efforts to reactivate it.
Several translations have been available: CLEAR 1976
2
; COOGAN
1978; GI NSBERG 1969
3
, 129-55; HVI DBERG - HANSEN 1990; DE MOOR
1987; RI N - RI N 1992; GI BSON 1978 (a revision of DRI VER 1956),
DEL OL MO LETE 1981a and XEL L A 1982a. A number of new trans-
' For correcti ons see TROPPER 1995b, 1995-6, 1998; PARDEE 1998.
2
See TROPPER 1997b for a survey and evaluation of recent work.
lations have appeared including TO 2, CS i, with the translations of
Ugaritic texts by PARDEE and others (also PARDEE in R S O 4, 12),
as well as PARKER (ed.) 1997 and most recently, WY ATT 1998C, with
extensive footnotes, and DEL OL MO LETE 1998b. Monographs on sin-
gle texts include GRAY 1964
2
(on Keret), MARGALI T 1989a (on the
Aqhat text) and SMI TH 1994 (on the Baal Cycle).
Full bibliographies on Ugaritic up to 1988 are provided by DI ET-
RI CH - LORETZ et al. 1967-86; DI ETRI CH - LORETZ 1996a; CUN-
CHI LLOS 1990 (TEO 2 = R S O 5/2); while BORDREUI L - PARDEE 1989
(TEO 1 = RSO 5/1) is particularly useful for determining the loca-
tions of tablets in various museums, their condition and what they
contain.
Work currently in hand includes a three-volume work on Ugaritic
grammar (TROPPER); a series of articles on toponyms (VAN SOLDT
1996; 1998); an English translation of DEL OL MO LETE 1992a (1999),
new editions of the ritual texts (PARDEE in press) and the letters
(PARDEE), the second instalment of which is eventually to appear in
an English language edition, a study of religion (WYATT), and fur-
ther volumes of SMI TH 1994 and CS.
3 FUTURE RESEARCH
Wi th this description of the present state of studies, which shows the
discipline to be in a healthy condition, it is important to point to
further work that is required, although some indications are pro-
vided in the various contributions. Topics to be studied more exhaus-
tively include the alphabetic and syllabic personal names, as well as
archaeology; and as yet there is no comprehensive translation of the
so-called administrative texts. The texts in Ugaritic have tended to
be the focus of attention, with the result that other areas have suffered
from comparative neglect.
4 THE HANDBOOK OF UGARI TI C STUDI ES
Due to the international nature of this undertaking, which entailed
a large number of scholars, and in spite of the advantages of com-
munication by e-mail, the articles in the Handbook cover the mate-
rial to different depths and there is also inevitably some overlap
between them. Even so, many contributors discuss a range of top-
ics either not previously dealt with, such as iconography and tech-
nology, or with more detail than previously available. The main
thrust of the book has been to provide surveys of what has been
achieved, a task which often proved difficult either due to the absence
of previous surveys or because of the sheer range of opinions voiced.
It is hoped that a balance has been struck in respect of the amount
of detail provided and coverage is intended to be comprehensive and
representative rather than complete. Finally, the extensive consoli-
dated bibliography will certainly be of use for reference, filling the
gap between 1988 (covered by AO AT 20/6) and 1998. This work
has appeared in the seventieth anniversary of the discovery of Ras
Shamra, a propitious portent, perhaps, of discoveries to come.
CHAFFER TWO
R A S S H A M R A , M I N E T E L - B E I D A A N D R A S I B N H A N I :
T H E M A T E R I A L S O U R C E S
ADRI AN H . W. CURTI S
1 I NTRODUCTI ON
Seventy years have elapsed since a chance discovery was made close
to the coast of Syria which was to spark off a series of archaeologi-
cal investigations which have continued right up to the present. Not
only have the excavations revealed an important commercial centre
the ancient city of Ugari twhi ch flourished in the second millen-
nium BCE, thereby shedding light on the history and culture of the
area and of the wider ancient Near Eastern world. They have also
yielded a hitherto unknown language or di al ectUgari ti cwhi ch
has made an important contribution to the study of the north-west
Semitic languages in addition to giving access to the life and thought
of the people of the city. The facts, firsdy that the newly discovered
language was seen to be akin to Hebrew, secondly that the texts,
once deciphered, were found to contain references to deities men-
tioned in the Hebrew Bible, in particular the god Baal, and thirdly
that the site was geographically rather closer to the land occupied
by the Israelites than the other great centres of ancient Near Eastern
civilization (though the considerable distance has sometimes been
minimised) all doubtless contributed to the early claims that a site
of maj or significance had been discovered. This had its pluses and
its minuses. It brought the discoveries to earlier prominence and to
a wider audience than might otherwise have been the case. But the
issue of the relevance of the discoveries at Ugarit for the study of
the Hebrew Bible, exacerbated by the tendency to assume that Ugarit
was a Canaanite city, has often been unduly dominant, at the expense
of an appreciation of Ugarit and its texts in their own right. The
excavation of other ancient cites in Syria, notably Ebla and Emar,
has helped to redress the balance somewhat and enabled Ugarit to
be seen in its rather more immediate geographical milieu.
2 DI SCOVERY AND EARLY EXCAVATI ONS
The chance discovery alluded to above took place in the spring of
1928 some 10 km to the north of Latakia, close to a small bay, the
white rocks at whose entrance had given it the name Minet el-Beida
(formerly known as Leukos Limen, both names meani ng 'white har-
bour'). A local farmer was halted in the task of ploughing his land
when his ploughshare struck a large piece of stone which, on closer
examination, turned out to be one of a number of stone slabs which
formed the roof of a vaulted tomb. It appears that a number of
antiquities had alread been found in the vicinity, so the discovery
was brought to the attention of the Service des Antiquits en Syrie et au
Liban. Its director at the time was Charles Virolleaud, who was sub-
sequendy to play a maj or role in the decipherment of Ugaritic and
the early publication of the Ugaritic texts. He sent a member of his
staff", Lon Albanse, to visit the site and it was identified as a necro-
polis. Some pieces of ceramic were found which appeared to be of
Mycenean or Cypriot origin and to date from approximately the
thirteenth century BCE. However the site was not, at that stage,
thought to be particularly interesting.
Fortunately a plan of the tomb and some pottery samples were
sent to the Louvre in Paris for further examination. There they came
to the notice of Ren Dussaud, who was at the time Keeper of the
Department of Oriental Antiquities, and who noted that the tomb
appeared to be reminiscent of Cretan funerary vaults. He suggested
that what had been discovered might be the necropolis of a significant
city. Albanse had already noticed that there was a mound nearby
whose shape suggested that it might be a tell. This hill was known
as Ras Shamra, the name (which means 'fennel head [land]') being
derived from the plants which grew on its surface. So it was decided
that excavations should be carried out on the site, under the aus-
pices of the French Acadmie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, under the
direction of Claude F.A. Schaeffer.
It was in the Spring of 1929 that the first team of archaeologists
(accompanied by a detachment of soldiers to safeguard them) arrived
on the site, their equipment having been transported on the backs
of camels because the roads in the vicinity could not be used by
motor vehicles. The initial work undertaken involved a survey of the
vicinity, and traces of occupation stretching from the Neolithic period
to the time of the Romans were discovered. It was on April 2nd
that excavations proper began, and within a relatively short period
early suspicions were confirmed when it became clear that a con-
siderable complex had been found. It emerged that the 'necropolis'
comprised two different areas, the seaward of which revealed finds
of pottery and animal bones but no human remains. The other area
comprised well-built vaulted tombs containing a variety of artefacts.
Some of the earliest finds within the tombs were of considerable
interest and importance. For example, they began to give an inkling
of the cosmopolitan nature of the site, revealing artefacts which sug-
gested an Egyptian or Cypriot origin. Among these earliest discov-
eries were a number which have come to have particular prominence
in treatments of the discoveries from Ras Shamra. One was a small
statuette (AO 11. 598, CAQUOT - SZNY CER 1980, pi. I Xd), just 22 cm
in height, of a male figure with one arm raised above his head and
the other reaching forward, and with one leg in front of the other
as though marching or else poised to throw something. The figure
wore the accoutrements of a warriorhelmet, armbands and greaves,
and the fact that the helmet (and head) were covered in gold leaf
and that the armbands and greaves were of silver suggested that this
was perhaps a deity. The figure was initially identified with Resheph,
a god of plague, on the basis of other known representations of the
god. However, it has subsequently been thought much more likely
that the figure represented Baal, depicted as the storm-god armed
(originally) with club and spear, symbolising the thunder and light-
ning, his 'weapons'. This latter identification is supported by the strik-
ing similarity between the pose affected by the statuette and that of
the figure on the famous 'Baal stele' (RS 4. 427; CAQUOT - SZNY CER
1980, pl. X) which was not, of course, known at the time of the
earlier suggested identification (Fig. 11, p. 590).
Another important early find was in fact made in a tomb which
showed every sign of having suffered at the hands of tomb-robbers
who perhaps did not regard a small ivory box-lid (AO 11. 601,
CAQUOT - SZNY CER 1980, plates I V & V), only 13 cm high, as an ob-
ject of value. Carved on it was a seated female figure with an ornate
hairstyle, naked above the waist but wearing a very full skirt, holding
what appear to be ears of corn in either hand and flanked by ani-
mals (probably goats or ibexes) standing on their hind legs. The style
was unmistakably Mycenean, and it was suggested that the depic-
tion was of a fertility goddessperhaps the 'Mistress of the Animals'
though the precise identity of the figure was unclear.
After just over a month (on May 9th) attention was turned from the
necropolis to the tell itself, just over a kilometer away, in order to
answer the question whether it did indeed contain the ruins of a city
of which the necropolis was the cemetery. The summit of the mound,
which was some 17-20 m above the surrounding terrain, was very uneven
but showed no clear sign of any ancient structures. After a survey
of the tell's surface, the decision was taken to make the first trial
excavation at the point on the mound's surface which was closest to
the sea. The decision was influenced by reports that local inhabitants
had come across artefacts, some of gold, in an olive orchard which
lay below that part of the tell. Schaeffer wondered whether the ob-
jects might have come from a royal palace. His acumen was well and
speedily rewarded. Almost as soon as digging commenced, the exca-
vators came upon the foundations of a large edifice which seemed
to have suffered destruction by fire. A bronze nail embedded between
the blocks of a pillar, and a bronze dagger which had suffered dis-
tortion as a result of the intense heat of the conflagration, pointed
to a date for the edifice in the second millennium BCE. Confirmation
of this dating was provided by the discovery of parts of an Egyptian
statue made of granite and bearing a hieroglyphic inscription whose
style of writing was dated to the New Ki ngdom period.
As excavation continued, the scale and plan of the building began
to become clearer. So that the extent of the building might be assessed,
another trench was begun some 20 m to the east. More foundations
were revealed, whose depth and direction suggested that they belonged
to the same building, but here the rooms seemed to be smaller and
it was thought likely that they were storerooms. Pieces of ceramic
pointed to a date for the building which coincided with that of the
necropolis and suggested that both had ceased to be used by the
end of the thirteenth or the beginning of the twelfth century BCE.
On May 14th, less than a week after excavations had begun on
the tell, in the corner of one of the small storerooms, a tablet of baked
clay bearing a cuneiform inscription was discovered. Soon others
began to emerge within a small radius. Some had been rendered
very friable, presumably by the fire of which evidence had already
been found, and great care was needed to prevent them crumbling.
It was necessary for some to be removed still encased in soil and
allowed to dry slowly. This first epigraphic find involved a total of
twenty tablets of varying sizes, and perhaps the most intriguing fea-
ture was that they had revealed a hitherto unknown cuneiform script.
Shortly afterwards, in a newly opened area in another part of the
tell, a deposit of 74 bronze artefacts was discovered under a stone
slab (see SCHAEFFER 1939, pl. XXI I fig. 2 for photograph of hoard
in situ). These objects included various tools and weapons, all appar-
endy unused, and a small tripod decorated with pomegranate flowers.
It was soon noticed that some of the tools bore incised inscriptions
in the same script as that which had just been found on the clay
tablets (KTU 6.6, 6.10, 6.7, 6.8 and 6.9 = RS 1.[051]; 1 .[052];
1. [053] ; 1. [054] ; 1.[055] respectively). Charles Virolleaud, who ex-
amined the newly found tablets and the inscribed tools, suggested
that the writing on the tools might perhaps provide the clue to the
decipherment of the hitherto unknown script. (The inscription on
the tools in fact turned out to read (or, in the case of K TU 6.7,
include) the words rb khnm, 'chief of the priests', suggesting that the
building where they had been discovered was the home of the chief
priest, and that the bronze items were perhaps a dedicatory offering
made by one of the metal-workers of the city.)
3 SUBSEQUENT CAMPAI GNS
The earliest excavations had done more than enough to suggest that
an important city had been discovered, and that a campaign lasting
a number of seasons was justified. At that stage the identity of the
newly discovered city was not known. However, a tablet unearthed
in 1931 was to provide the clue. Schaeffer, in the context of giving
a preliminary report of the 1931 campaign (Schaeffer 1932) made
public the fact that the tablet contained a phrase which was translit-
erated as nqmd mlk grt ('Niqmaddu, king of Ugarit'), suggesting that
this might be the ancient city of Ugarit whose existence was already
known from e.g. the Tell el-Amarna letters, which suggested that its
location must have been somewhere in the vicinity of Ras Shamra.
(The identification had apparently already been suggested by Albright
(ALBRI GHT 1931- 2, 165 n. 9).) Excavations continued until the out-
break of the Second World War, initially both in the region of the
harbour as well as on the tell. Soundings were taken on the tell to
attempt to establish the antiquity of the site and its principal occu-
pation levels (CONTENSON 1992). These indicated that occupation
went back as far as the Neolithic period, and suggested five maj or
phases of occupation:
Level I ca. 1200-1600
Level I I ca. 1600-2100
Level I I I ca. 2100-3500
Level I V ca. 3500-4000
Level V Neolithic
(Subsequent excavations have revealed a much more complex stratig-
raphy, and discerned some twenty occupation levels stretching from
the Early Neolithic period \ca 6500-6000 BCE] down to a Roman
occupation in the first and second centuries CE.)
I n the pre-war seasons of excavation on the tell, work was carried
out in particular on the acropolis, revealing what came to be identified
as the Templ e of Baal, the Templ e of Dagan and the House of the
High Priest. This last emerged as much more than simply a dwelling
place for an important cultic official, but as a temple library and
scribal school where texts were written and stored and where new
scribes could learn their art. After the interruption of the war years,
a limited resumption was possible in 1948, but it was not until 1950
that full-scale work could again be undertaken. Excavations were
concentrated first in the area of the Royal Palace. More will be said
about this imposing edifice later, but it is appropriate to note that
this was not just the residence of the royal family and court but also
an administrative headquarters. A number of groups of texts were
discoveredfive which have been labelled as the Eastern Archives,
the Central archives, the Southern Archives, the South-Western Ar-
chives and the Western Archives. A further group was found within
what was originally identified as a firing kiln and therefore thought
to comprise the last tablets to be written before the destruction of
the city at the end of the LBA (but see MI L L ARD 1995).
I n the Royal Palace area, excavations were extended southwards
to reveal what came to be known as the 'Southern Palace'. Subse-
quently a building which has been named the 'Northern Palace' was
found in the proximity of the Royal Palace. To the west of the Royal
Palace was found a residential area which included a number of
buildings which have been named as a result of discoveries made
within them or because of evidence of their ownership. These included
the houses of Raap'abu and of Rap'anu, in the latter of which was
found an archive of texts, and the so-called 'House of the Scholar'
and 'House of Alabasters'. Excavations were also carried out on the
northern side of the tell in the so-called 'Lower City' below the
acropolis, in the 'Southern Acropolis' (where a house which is thought
to have belonged to a diviner was revealed, since it contained clay
models of livers and a number of para-mythological texts) and in
the 'Southern City', which seems to have contained a public square
and a building which housed a library of texts. Between 1978 and
1984, excavations concentrated on the 'City Centre' which seems to
have been primarily a residential area (Y ON et al. 1987). Perhaps the
most significant of the discoveries made in that part of the city was
another temple, originally known as the 'Rhyton Templ e' because
of the finding of a number of distinctively shaped drinking ves-
sels in its vicinity. As will be noted later, it is possible that this
temple was in fact dedicated to the worship of El, the head of the
pantheon.
4 TEXTUAL DI SCOVERI ES
I n the foregoing brief account of the principal areas of excavation,
a number of references have been made to the discovery of archives
or libraries of texts. It is therefore appropriate to make some gen-
eral observations about the textual discoveries. The cosmopolitan
nature of the city is borne out by the number of different languages
evidenced in the texts. Many tablets were written in Akkadian, a
language which has been described as something of a lingua franca in
the ancient Near East, there were texts in Sumerian, Human, Hittite,
in Egyptian hieroglyphs and in the linear script of Cyprus, as well
as those in the hitherto unknown language which was thought to be
the local language and hence known as Ugaritic. It was clear that the
method of writing the unknown language was that employed through-
out Mesopotamia, i.e. a cuneiform script produced by means of the
use of a clay stylus to inscribe clay tablets which were subsequently
baked hard. It was also clear that the basis of the writing of the lan-
guage was very different since only about thirty different signs were
employed. Thus it seemed that a significant advance had been made
over the earlier cuneiform scripts which were based on ideographic
or syllabic principles and involved much larger numbers of signs.
This is not the place to enter into the argument as to whether Ugaritic
is truly alphabetic (because three of its signs could be described as
'syllabic' in that they convey the consonant aleph followed by the
vowels a, i, and u respectively; see below, 4.1, 4.2). Suffice it to
say that the script is generally regarded as alphabetic, and therefore
as one of the earliest if not the earliest example of an alphabet.
(Another alphabetic script was being developed further south in the
area of the Sinai peninsular for the writing of a Semitic language
or dialect.) How this particular script was produced is not clear. It
is possible that was a conscious modification of the more complex
cuneiform scripts already in use, but it may have been developed
from a linear script to enable it to be more easily written on clay
tablets by employing the cuneiform method of writing (MI LLARD 1979;
DI ETRI CH - LORETZ 1989). It is noteworthy that this newly devel-
oped script was used not only for the writing of the local language
but also, at Ugarit, for the writing of Hurri an (LAROCHE 1968a).
I ndeed, one of the thirty signs of the 'Ugaritic' alphabet may have
been developed for the writing of Hurri an (SEGERT 1983b).
This newly-discovered language was in fact deciphered remark-
ably rapidly. The first texts were published commendably quickly by
Virolleaud, enabling other scholars to work on them. Notable among
those who did so were E. Dhorme of the Ecole Biblique in J erusalem
and H. Bauer of the University of Halle, both of whom were expe-
rienced in cracking codes. It is not appropriate to go into detail
about the decipherment here, since it will be dealt with in another
chapter (see CATHCART, below 4.1). Suffice it to say that it was a
mixture of great erudition and inspired guesswork. The speed with
which the decipherment was achieved can be illustrated by the fact
that Virolleaud was able to publish his translation of what he called
the 'Epic of Aleyan and Mot' as early as 1931 (VI ROLLEAUD 1931a).
It is important to note that, although the language has come to
be known as Ugaritic, examples of this script have been found in
other locations, some relatively close to Ras Shamra (e.g. Ras I bn
Hani and, a little further afield, at Tell Sukas [KTU 4.766 = Varia:
TS 4001] and Tell Nebi -Mend (Qadesh on the Orontes) (KTU 6.71
= TNM 022). Some have been found at much greater distances, in
Lebanon (KTU 6.2 = Varia: KL 67:428p; 6.67 = KL 77:66; 6.70
= Sar 3102), in Cyprus (K TU 6.68 = HST) and also in Israel.
Tablets bearing the Ugaritic script have been found at Taanach
(KTU 4.767 = TT 433) and at Beth Shemesh (KTU 5.24 = 8.1 =
AS 33.5.165), and an inscribed dagger was found in the vicinity of
Mount Tabor (KTU 6.1 = PAM = I AA 44.318). Although these
examples are limited in number, their existence is significant not
least in the context of the discussion as to whether the beliefs and
practices alluded to in the Ras Shamra texts were limited to the
immediate proximity of Ugarit or whether they reflect a much more
widespread phenomenon. This in turn leads to the further question,
hinted at earlier, as to whether it is correct to describe Ugarit as a
'Canaani te' city, and its religion and culture as 'Canaanite'.
Before leaving the textual discoveries, it is appropriate to mention
the variety of different types of literature contained therein. The
number of languages represented among the texts has already been
noted, and one particular type of text which must have been very
i mportant in ancient Ugarit was the 'dictionary' or 'word-list' in
which words in Akkadian might be listed with their Sumerian or
Hurri an equivalents. Such texts are also of great importance for the
modern study of the languages of the ancient Near East. Reference
has also been made to the discovery of archives, notably in the Royal
Palace, and many texts of a diplomatic, legal, administrative or com-
mercial nature were found (see PRU 2-6). Other finds include private
correspondence and even veterinary texts (PARDEE 1985). Various
types of text might be included within the category 'religious' (see
below, 6, 7). Lists of deities and of sacrifices give an indication
of the large number of deities worshipped and perhaps hint at their
relative importance. Some texts can perhaps be described as 'ritu-
als'. Then there are those longer texts which contain myths or leg-
ends, describing the exploits of the deities and of other 'heroes' who
may have been regarded as human beings but who had encounters
with or stood in a close relationship to the gods. It is these myths
and legends, and particularly the stories of the activities of the god
Baal, which have been taken up by students of the Hebrew Bible
in the hope that they may shed light on the relationship not only
between the Israelite deity Y ahweh and his arch-enemy Baal, but
also on the connection, if any, between Y ahweh and El the head of
the Ugaritic (and 'Canaanite') pantheon.
5 UGARI T IN THE LATE BRONZE AGE
In the course of the earlier account of the excavations, a number
of maj or buildings was noted, and it is appropriate to say a little
more about some of them now in the context of an attempt to give
something of an impression of the city as it must have been in the
years prior to its destruction. Ugarit must have been dominated by
its acropolis, on which the most prominent building was the Templ e
of Baala fact which is doubtless an indication of the importance
of the deity to the people of the city. The identification of the build-
ing was made possible by the discovery there or nearby of stelae
nami ng or depicting him. Two are particularly noteworthy. One was
a dedicatory stele presented by a person named Mamy who seems
to have been the equivalent of the Egyptian ambassador to Ugarit
( R S 1. [089] + 2. [033] + 5.185; Y ON 1991, 328, fig. 8; CAQUOT -
SZNY CER 1980 plate XI I ). The other, found a little to the west of
the temple itself, has come to be the most familiar of the depictions
of Baal (RS 4.427). He is shown standing with one leg in front of
the other, wearing a helmet which seems to be decorated with horns
(a symbol of divinity or perhaps fertility), a skirt or loin cloth and
a scabbard. His right arm is raised above his head, holding what
appears to be a club (probably a symbol of the thunder), and his
left arm is stretched in front of him, holding an object which is
pointed like a spear and which is probably a stylized lightning-flash
(Fig. 11, p. 590; see SCHAEFFER 1934, FENTON 1996). Thus Baal
appears as the divine warrior, armed with the weapons associated
with the god of rain and storm. Another small figure on the stele
may perhaps be the king. (A number of other statuettes, including
that already mentioned, have been identified as representations of
Baal because they show a figure in the same pose and garb.)
The temple building itself conformed to a very familiar pattern
(SCHAEFFER 1949, 4 fig. 2). It was surrounded by a walled enclosure
or sacred precinct, within which was discovered what was probably
the base of an altar which would have been approached by two
stone steps. The temple proper comprised an outer room which was
approached by a monumental staircase, part of which has been pre-
served, and an inner room containing a structure of large stone
blocks which may have been an altar or a platform, perhaps where
an image of the god would originally have been located. This pat-
tern of inner sanctum, outer room and sacred precint or courtyard
is reminiscent of other Semitic sanctuaries, notably Solomon's Temple
in J erusalem as described in the Hebrew Bible.
There was another templ e on the acropolis which had been
identified as the Templ e of Dagan because of the discovery outside
its southern faade of two stelae containing dedications to this deity
(KTU 6.13 = RS 6.021; K TU 6.14 = RS 6.028; YON 1991, 334,
fig. 14). That Dagan should have had a temple in such a promi-
nent position on the acropolis is perhaps somewhat surprising since
he plays no active role in the mythological texts so far known.
However, the texts do suggest that he was considered to be Baal's
father, which might account for his temple being located in the same
vicinity. A feature of this temple was the thickness of the walls, a
fact which even gave rise to the speculation that some particularly
esoteric practices were performed therein. However this is far from
certain and there are other possible explanations, e.g. that the walls
supported an upper storey or tower. The general plan of the tem-
ple was similar to that of Baal. Close to the Templ e of Dagan were
found a number of drinking troughs which, it has been suggested,
might have been used for the pouring of libations. But is not absolutely
clear that they actually had any direct association with the temple.
Between the two temples on the acropolis lay the building which
was identified as the high priest's house, thanks to the discovery of
the cache of bronze tools and weapons, some of which, as has already
been noted, bore the dedication 'chief of the priests'. It was built of
dressed stones, with rooms opening off a central courtyard. Within
the building were found three groups of texts, including those longer
texts in the Ugaritic language which record the activities of the gods,
in particular the god Baal. Other texts had the appearance of being
writing exercises. This suggested that the building functioned not
only as a residence for the high priest but that it was also a school
where scribes could learn to write and where texts were copied and
stored. It may also therefore have been a temple library. Whether
some of the mythological texts were actually used in the cult of the
temple, and if so in what way, it is impossible to be certain, but some
of them do contain hints that they may have been read or enacted
in the context of the worship of the temple.
I n addition to the two temples on the acropolis, for a long time
the only other building identified as a sanctuary was located in the
vicinity of the Royal Palace (SAAD, 1979, 115- 6) . However, in the
course of the excavations in the City Centre, another building was
unearthed which was identified as a sanctuary. This is the edifice
which, as noted earlier, came to be known as the 'Rhyton Templ e'
because of the discovery of a number of conical drinking vessels in
its vicinity which were thought to be cult items associated with the
sanctuary (Y ON et al. 1987, 213- 48; Y ON 1996, 405- 22) . The building
contained an entrance porch leading to the main central area, com-
prising a large room containing benches and a platform or altar and
another smaller room. There appear also to have been various annexes
to the main building. But is it possible to say to which deity this
temple was dedicated? The discovery of a stone statue of a figure
seated on a throne may provide the clue since it is thought to be a
representation of EL, the head of the pantheon ( R S 88. 70; Y ON 1996,
422 fig. 4c). It would be surprising if there were not a temple ded-
icated to EL in Ugarit. The texts do suggest that EL was perhaps
receding somewhat into the background, in favour of the younger,
more active Baal (though it should be remembered that many of
these texts are particularly concerned with Baal and the construc-
tion of his 'palace' or temple, and doubdess reflect the beliefs of his
worshippers). Nevertheless, EL is still the head of the pantheon who
presides over the assembly of the gods, and whose permission is
needed for maj or projects such as the building of Baal's pal ace/tem-
ple). So perhaps the 'Rhyton Templ e' is in fact the Templ e of EL.
The most impressive building in the city, certainly so far as its
size was concerned, was doubtless the Royal Palace. There is rea-
son to believe that it began (perhaps in the 15th century) as a rela-
tively small building comprising a number of rooms arranged around
two courtyards, but that it developed thereafter in a number of
phases of construction until, by the 13th century, it was a huge com-
plex containing some ninety rooms, five large courtyards and some
smaller courts and what has been described as the 'garden'. At its
zenith it measured some 120 m by 85 m. (On the stages of devel-
opment of the Royal Palace, see SCHAEFFER 1962, 9-17.) One of
the courtyards contained an ornamental pool surrounded by two
tiers of shaped stones. Elaborate arrangements were made for the
palace's water supply, a covered channel having been constructed to
bring water from a trough which was next to a well some distance
from the palace itself. Servants presumably drew water from the well
to feed the trough and in turn the channel bringing water to the
palace.
The main entrance to the palace seems to have been from the
west, through a doorway approached by low steps and flanked by
two columns whose bases remain in situ. A feature of the Royal
Palace is the high quality of the stone-work which must have involved
skilled masons. On some of the interior walls, traces of plaster can
be seen and gaps between some of the courses of stone suggest that
originally wooden beams were employed in the construction. The
presence of a number of staircases shows that there was an upper
storey, and it is suggested that the private living quarters of the royal
family may have been on the first floor, and that the ground floor
would have been the location of various public and reception areas
as well as the administrative headquarters, archives and store rooms
(for the texts found in the archives of the Royal Palace, see PRU
2-6). The discovery of a kiln in the courtyard where the ornamen-
tal pool was situated shows that texts were written in the palace and
not simply stored there, and the presence of writing exercises and
glossaries suggests that here too, as in the House of the High Priest,
scribes were trained in the art of writing.
The Royal Palace seems to have been guarded by a tower and for-
tress located at the western extremity of the tell. Access to the fortress
from outside the city was via what has become known as the 'postern'
gate. I n the vicinity of the Royal Palace were a number of other im-
pressive buildings, including what may have been official residences
and the royal stables. In a residential area within this north-western
part of the city were houses whose occupants must have been significant
or wealthy citizens. The owners of some of the houses are known.
That of Rap'anu contained a library of texts and had over thirty
rooms. That of Rasap'abu, a tax collector, also contained a library, as
did the house of an unknown person nicknamed 'the Scholar'. The
presence of some forty alabaster vessels led to another of these houses
being named the 'House of Alabasters'. Evidence of staircases points
to the fact that many of the houses would have had an upper storey,
where it is probable that much of the living accommodation would
have been located.
Arrangements for sanitation and water supply in the larger houses
was often impressive. Some were built round courtyards which con-
tained a well and perhaps a trough into which the water, once drawn,
would be poured. Used water was conveyed away along channels
and gutters. Beneath the houses (or courtyards) were carefully con-
structed family tombs with vaulted ceilings reminiscent of a type of
Cretan tomb. A staircase would lead down into the funerary vault,
which was paved and whose walls contained niches or 'windows'. It
seems likely that the bodies were not placed in coffins, but were laid
direcdy on the floor, probably wrapped in shrouds. The discovery
of various items of funerary equipment (despite evidence of the activ-
ity of tomb robbers who had presumably removed objects which
they considered to be of value) suggests that perhaps it was felt nec-
essary to make some sort of provision for the dead, a fact which, if
correct, would be of relevance for the question whether the people
of Ugarit believed in some form of afterlife. The presence of cups
may also indicate the notion of the provision of sustenance for the
dead. Earlier descriptions of these tombs noted the presence of clay
pipes which were thought to be for the purpose of providing liquid
(or perhaps even libations) for the dead. But it is perhaps more likely
that these were less glamorously part of the drainage system (PI TARD
1994).
In some of the excavated areas further from the palace, for exam-
ple to the south of the acropolis and in the so-called 'Southern City',
the houses were often rather smaller and closer together, built along
narrow streets. In the latter area, where it seems likely that some of
the city's artisans and craftsmen lived, there is evidence that houses
were built around a public square, close to which was a large build-
ing which contained a library of texts.
Preliminary excavation reports have been published in the j our-
nal Syria.
6 ART AND CULTURE
This survey has already mentioned craftsmen and metal-workers,
scribes and texts, stonework and carved ivory, elaborate drinking ves-
sels, statuettes and other representations of deities. All such things
suggest that the city of Ugarit was a place of some culture. A fea-
ture of the discoveries at Ugarit is the variety of artistic influences
which they reveal, notably from the Aegean world, but also from
further afield, e.g. Egypt. It is not always clear to what extent such
objects are imports (Ugarit was after all a centre of commerce), or
local products influenced by the artistic styles and techniques of other
regions with which the city had contact.
Ugarit seems to have been renowned for its metal-working. A fea-
ture of the discoveries has been the number of different types of
weight which have been found. Many of these are geometrically
shaped, but others take the form of e.g. a bull (SCHAEFFER 1939, pll.
XX, XXI ) or even a human head (ibid. pl. XXI ). A weight in the
shape of a head was found among a set of weights discovered along
with the bronze pans from a pair of scales, and gave rise to the
speculation that this was perhaps a replica of the head of the metal
worker himself, and that he was therby making it absolutely clear
whose weights they were! The actual value of the various weights
suggests that both the Mesopotamian and Egyptian weighing systems
were in use in Ugarit.
Two particularly fine examples of metal-work deserve mention.
These were a bowl (sometimes described as a cup) and a rimmed
plate or patera, both made of gold, which were unearthed together
in 1932 (Fig. 13, p. 594; SCHAEFFER 1939 pll. XVI I , XVI I I ^ ibid.,
1949, 1- 48) . The bowl, 17 cm in diameter, was embossed with var-
ious decorative features, notably three concentric circles of animal-
like figures, some of which appear to be winged and are probably
mythological creatures. The principal scene depicted on the rimmed
plate (19 cm in diameter) is easier to interpret. It is a hunting scene,
showing a figure (often thought to be the king) in a chariot, armed
with a bow and arrows, in pursuit of various animals and followed
by a dog. Noteworthy among other items of gold which have been
found at Ugarit are a number of pendants, some of which were dec-
orated with geometric devices, e.g. stars (see SCHAEFFER 1939, pi.
XXXI I fig. 1). Other pendants depicted a naked female, sometimes
showing the full figure from head to feet (Fig. 14, p. 596), and some-
times showing just the head and torso with particular concentration
on the breasts and pubic region (see SCHAEFFER 1939, pl. XXI X
fig. 1). It is thought likely that these were representations of a god-
dess, probably associated with fertility.
In addition to evidence of skilled metal work, it is also clear that
carved ivory was used as a decorative feature. Mention has already
been made of the little ivory box-lid, of Mycenaean style, perhaps
depicting a fertility goddess. Various ivory items were found during
excavations in the Royal Palace in 1952, one of which was partic-
ularly impressive (SCHAEFFER 1954b; CAQUOT - SZNY CER 1980, pll.
XXVI I I , XXI X). This was a large ivory panel, measuring approxi-
mately 1 m by 50 cm, comprising eight smaller plaques, six of which
were carved with scenes and two (at either end) were representa-
tions of trees. Because of the fragile state of the panel, it could only
be removed from the ground with some difficulty, but, when the
task was eventually achieved, it became evident that this was an even
more impressive piece than had at first been appreciated. There was,
in fact, another set of plaques underneath the first, making it clear
that this was a double-sided panel, comprising sixteen panels in total,
which had probably decorated an item of furni tureperhaps a couch
or a bed. Some of the pictures are clearer than others, and it is pos-
sible that they are to be understood as depicting scenes from the
life of the king. I n one he appears to be about to thrust a spear
into an animal, while in another he is about to put out the eyes of
an enemy whom he grasps by the hair. But not all are quite so
gruesome since he is also shown with (and perhaps about to embrace)
his wife. One other panel deserves special menti on. It shows two
smaller figures sucking the breasts of a larger winged figure with a
horned head-dress, presumably a goddess (SCHAEFFER 1954a, pl. VI I I ;
CAQUOT - SZNY CER 1980, pi. XXI Xb). This depiction calls to mi nd
an indication in the story of Keret that his hoped-for heir will suck
the breasts of Anat (or perhaps Rahmay [WY ATT 1998C, 209]) and
Athirat.
Before leaving the heading of 'Art and Cul ture', it is i mportant
that a word is said about music at Ugarit (CAUBET 1996a). Among
the discoveries have been a number of objects which are clearly or
probabl y musical instruments. These include horns made from the
ivory of the elephant and of the hippopotamus, a pair of small bronze
cymbals, and what are probabl y scrapers and clappers used in musi-
cal accompani ments. The picture provided by such discoveries is
enhanced by a number of representations of musical activities. Cylinder
seal impressions (AMI ET 1992, nos. 265, 273) have been interpreted
as showing dancers and, perhaps, acrobats. A small bronze shows a
kneeling figure playing cymbals or a tambouri ne, and a rather dam-
aged limestone figure may represent someone playing a double-flute.
(Line drawings of the above are given in CAUBET 1996a.) Particularly
intriguing was the discovery of a tablet (RS 15.030+ = Ug 5, 463,
487) inscribed with the words of a hymn or prayer in the Hurri an
language and which seemed also to carry a sort of musical notation
indicating chords. The precise relationship between the hymn and
the music is not clear, but an attempt has actually been made to
reconstruct this piece of music, and to record it sung to the accom-
pani ment of lyres (KI LMER 1974; KI LMER et al. 1976).
For further discussion on the religious aspect of Ugaritian art, see
below 13. 12 (WY ATT) and 14 (CORNELI US).
7 T HE PORT AREA
To the south of Minet el-Beida, in the vicinity of the first discoveries,
were located the remains of an occupation which dated from the
14th century (and possibly even the late 15th century) BCE and lasted
until the time of the destruction of Ugarit. It has been suggested
that these might be the ruins of a quite separate city, Mahadou, but
it is probably appropriate to regard this as the port area of Ugarit,
to be associated with the city's commercial activities which many
textual discoveries attest, and that it was in this area that those par-
ticularly involved in maritime activities would have lived. The houses,
some of which suggest that they may have belonged to people of
substance, were built along straight, intersecting streets. Many were
arranged around courtyards, often containing a well, and comprised
several rooms. Underneath one of the rooms would be a vaulted
tomb approached by a staircase (see RSO 1, 3). Other buildings
were stores and warehouses, and one was found to contain some 24
large pottery jars, many in a remarkable state of preservation. I n
fact, large numbers of pottery vessels of various types but often sug-
gesting a Cypriot or Mycenean origin and probably used in com-
mercial activities, were found in the area. (In this context it is relevant
to note that, on the cliff north of Minet el-Beida, a misfired Cypriot
vase was discovered, suggesting that there was a pottery workshop
nearby, and that perhaps Cypriot settlers lived in the vicinity of
Ugarit.) Other discoveries included an Egyptian axe and several
Egyptian-style ivory cosmetic boxes, some of which were in the shape
of a duck (SCHAEFFER 1939b pl. XI V fig. 1). These pointed to trad-
ing links further south as well as with the Aegean world. Metal-work
finds included various bronze tools and weapons as well as silver
rings and lead ingots. Weights made of stone or haematite, cylinder
seals and, perhaps not surprisingly, stone anchors (some of which
had also been found on the tell; FROST 1969; SCHAEFFER 1978; FROST
1991) featured among the discoveries. Another noteworthy find was
a deposit of murex shells, for which the Mediterranean coast is noted,
used for the making of the purple dye.
The port area may also have contained its places of worship, as
is indicated by the presence of altars and other cultic installations,
including what may have been a small sanctuary. On the port area
see now Y ON 1997.
8 RAS I BN HANI
About 8 km north of Latakia and 4.5 km south-west of Ras Shamra
there is a small cape which juts out into the Mediterranean. There
are some grounds for believing that it may have been an island in
the second millennium BCE (see below). It was already known that
there had been a Roman occupation there because of the remains
of buildings which were observable, and Gabriel Saad had noted
in 1965 that there was what appeared to be a low tell in the mid-
dle part of the cape. But it was yet another chance discovery which
led to excavations being carried out in this area. I n the course of
earth-moving activities associated with urban developments (includ-
ing plans to build the Meridien hotel) on the cape, a tomb was dis-
covered in 1973 which gave rise to the possibility that there might
have been a significant occupation in the LBA. Thus, as a matter
of urgency, excavations were undertaken under the auspices of
the Direction gnrale des antiquits et des muses de Syrie, and a joint Franco-
Syrian team was established, in charge of which were A. Bounni and
J . Lagarce (LAGARCE 1995).
When work began in earnest in 1975 it took place on the south-
ern side of the low tell, in the face of constant difficulties caused by
the presence of modern earth-moving machinery in the vicinity. It
was undertaken in the hope of clarifying the different phases of occu-
pation. Evidence soon emerged of thick rubble walls which had often
been reduced to foundation-level by the prdations of later builders
in the I ron Age and the Hellenistic period who used its stones. What
was clear was that these were the walls of a building from the LBA.
This became known as the 'Southern Palace'. The following year,
a survey was undertaken using geophysical techniques which meas-
ured electrical resistivity. Thi s provided useful indications of the
westward extent of the 'Southern Palace'. It was decided to remove
the surface soil by means of mechanical diggers, thereby making it
possible to gain a clearer impression of the plan of the southern part
of the building. It was in the course of this activity that the pres-
ence of pottery reminiscent of Mycenaean ware from the beginning
of the I ron Age was first noticed. Excavations in the area of the
'Southern Palace' continued until 1980, particular attention being
paid to the Hellenistic remains.
Studies of the geomorphology of the cape which have been car-
ried out since 1976 have, as has already been indicated, given rise
to the speculation that it may have been an island during the sec-
ond millennium BCE. Sections of stone paving which showed through
the sand from place to place to the south-east of the 'Southern
Palace' seemed to be the vestiges of a roadway. These pieces of pav-
ing seemed to predate the sand-bar on which part of the Hellenistic
town was situated. Further study of the roadway has been impossi-
ble since 1976, but, in 1991, radiocarbon tests were carried out on
two samples of natural cement formed between the paving-blocks of
the roadway when they were submerged as a result of an earlier
phase of erosion. These tests yielded dates of 1179-860 and 791-441
and led to the suggestion that the road must have been constructed
prior to 1179/860 and was subsequently submerged. The most likely
time for its construction, in view of what is known of the site, would
have been the LBA, the period of building of the 'Southern Palace'
(and other important buildings as will be noted later), and it is pos-
sible that the roadway originally led to the eastern entrance to the
'Southern Palace'.
In 1977, a new area close to the tomb which had been discov-
ered in 1973 was opened up. It soon became clear that this was a
site of considerable importance and led to subsequent excavations
being concentrated in this area and on the edifice which has come
to be known as the 'Northern Palace'. Various soundings were under-
taken with a view to establishing the extent of the building in the
LBA. It became clear that this was a maj or building including not
only residential areas but also an administrative centre and that it
housed workshops, e.g. for metal-working. It proved difficult to pro-
duce a plan of this 'Northern Palace', partly due to the fact that,
as in the 'Southern Palace', stones had been removed to be re-used
later (but see the plan in LAGARCE 1995, 154). Some indication of
its extent was provided by the presence of what appeared to be a
street running along its western periphery and, less certainly, another
to its east. The block which lay between these two limits has been
analysed as divisible into two quite distinct sections. The first, to the
south-west, was basically rectangular and arranged around a central
courtyard; the second, to the north-west, was a much more confused
conglomeration of rooms. It is thought unlikely that these two sec-
tions of the building were entirely separate, and that there must
therefore have been a corridor or passageway linking them. There
is some evidence which makes it possible to suggest the original func-
tion of some of the rooms. For example, an impressive room off the
central courtyard, approached by an entrance flanked by two columns,
may have been a throne room (room XI I ). Apparendy next door to
this 'throne room' was a workshop which seems to have been used
for working in bone (room XX). This juxtaposition of rooms seems
rather strange, and has led to the suggestion that the latter may
originally have been on the first floor but that, with the destruction
of the building, its contents fell through to ground level where they
were subsequently found. The presence of staircases suggests that the
building had more than one storey. Caution is therefore necessary
in identifying the original function of the building's rooms. Nevertheless,
it has been thought possible to make some j udgements about the
likely use of certain parts of the building in the LBA.
The main access to the 'Northern Palace' was probably from the
south and into the rectangular south-western area of the building,
which seems from its stonework, general plan and lay-out around
the courtyard, to have been the most prestigious part of the edifice.
It has been described as the 'reception area'. By contrast, the north-
western part of the building followed a much less geometric plan
and gives the impression of being something of an annexe. This is
not to suggest that this part of the building was unimportant. It was
in this area that rooms housing tablets were located, and perhaps
where administrative activities were undertaken. Access from one
part of the building to the other may have been via a courtyard
and a room with benches which is perhaps to be understood as a
guardroom controlling access to the less public areas of the 'Northern
Palace'.
The 'Northern Palace' appears, then, to have been an important
residence, administrative and production centre. But whose residence?
The very nature of the building would suggest the likelihood that it was
a royal residence and one particular tablet (KTU 2.82 = RI H 78/12)
found on the site may provide the clue since it is addressed 'To the
queen, my mother'. Although the queen is not named, it is suggested
that she may have been Ahatmilku, the mother of 'Ammi ttamru II
who reigned in Ugarit in the middle of the thirteenth century BCE.
A seal impression bearing the imprint of this king was found in con-
nection with administrative documents in the 'Northern Palace' in
1982 and 1983, indicating that some at least of the texts discovered
there originated during his reign.
Further excavations sought to establish the relationship between
the 'Northern Palace' and the buildings on cither side of it. There
are some grounds for the belief that the building which lay imme-
diately to the east may have functioned as a service building for the
'Northern Palace', not least because there did not appear to be suffi-
cient room for a completely separate building between the palace
and the eastern extremity of the city. More importantly, several of its
rooms seem to have served a utilitarian function, including cookery
and the baking of bread. The rooms seem to have been well con-
structed and paved, and one housed a toilet.
The building to the south-west (which became known as Building B)
was separated from the 'Northern Palace' by a street, though it is
possible that the buildings may have been joined in an unexcavated
area. There is some evidence of 'city planning' in this area, though
not to the extent which would have yielded a number of blocks sep-
arated by parallel streets. It seems that some of the streets went
round corners, which would have had the effect of reducing the
strength of the wind, and that at least one was a cul de sac. But the
symmetry of this building with the 'Northern Palace' is noteworthy
and it is not impossible that the two buildings were constructed to
the same basic plan. It too comprised a paved area (perhaps a court-
yard) off which several rooms opened, one of which contained a
staircase. The symmetry even extends to the presence of two wells
in 'opposite' rooms, and kilns in 'opposite' rooms. The kiln in build-
ing was well-preserved and impressive though its precise function
was unclear. It was located in a room along whose eastern wall ran
a bench covered in white mortar which supported several vessels
and a lamp. There were pieces of ceramic and bone on the floor.
Another intriguing discovery in this building comprised about ten
ceramic objects which have been described as scoops. It has been
suggested that they may have been used for the distribution of rations,
a possibility which might support the suggestion that this too was a
public building.
How long did this LBA occupation last on Ras I bn Hani? There
is some evidence of repairs or resurfacing of the floors, particularly
in the 'Northern Palace', which might suggest a relatively lengthy
period of occupation. It is also possible that there there is evidence
for the secondary usage of certain rooms, e.g. in the 'bakery' in the
'service building', and that a funerary vault under the 'Northern
Palace' was not, in its present state, contemporary with the building's
construction. However, there is no clear evidence, e.g. from the pot-
tery found on the site, for a beginning of this occupation earlier than
the 13th century BCE. Pottery may be of more use in suggesting the
possibility that the end of Ras I bn Hani mirrored the end of the
city of Ugarit itself, in view of the fact that people using a particu-
lar type of Mycenaean ware seem to have occupied the site imme-
diately after its destruction. Thi s would lend support to the view that
both Ugarit and Ras I bn Hani were destroyed in the context of the
advance of the 'Sea Peoples' as they pressed south through the regions
of the Levantine coast.
The 'Northern Palace' seems to have suffered a violent destruc-
tion by fire, but not before it was abandoned and emptied of essen-
tial moveable items by the inhabitants. Thi s fits with what appears
to have been the case in Ugarit. A similar situation seems to have
occurred with the 'Southern Palace', i.e. that it was emptied prior
to being destroyed by fire. However, it is not clear that this was the
case in 'Building B', where evidence of fire seems to be restricted
to a room which was probably used for cooking or baking and which
may therefore have been caused by that activity. It does not seem
to have been the result of a maj or conflagration involving the whole
building. Thus caution is needed. Nevertheless, it is possible to sug-
gest that archaeology (to some limited extent supported by the texts
found on the site) points to a foundation of what might be thought
of as this outer suburb of Ugarit not earlier than the late 14th cen-
tury and more likely in the early 13th century BCE. This expansion
of Ugarit may reflect a period of relative stability and prosperity. Its
destruction was not later that the early 12th century and perhaps
more likely at the end of the 13th century, probably at the hands
of the 'Sea Peoples'.
9 CONCLUSI ON
It seems appropriate, therefore to think of ancient Ugarit as com-
prising not merely the city on the tell of Ras Shamra, but also, at
its zenith in the LBA, the city proper together with the port area
and the oudying suburb of Ras I bn Hani. It was an important strate-
gic and commercial centre, standing at the 'crossroads' of maj or land
and sea routes, and was doubtless quite cosmopolitan. It was a city
of impressive buildings, high culture and literary artistry, which has
bequeathed to later generations a script which may represent one of
the maj or steps forward in the development of writing systems. It is
perhaps fitting that the name of the city should be best known
because of the language and method of writing to which it has given
its nameUgari ti c.
CHAPTER THREE
THE WRI TTEN SOURCES
1 T HE SY LLABI C AKKADI AN TEXTS
WI L FRED VAN SOL DT
1.1 Introduction
The most surprising discovery made by the late C.F.A. Schaeffer
during his first campaign at Tell Ras Shamra was undoubtedly the
group of tablets written in an unknown cuneiform script.' Thi s dis-
covery attracted so much attention that the deci pherment of the
script was accomplished in less than a year.
2
Overshadowed by the
tablets in the new (alphabetic) script was the find of a number of
texts written in a script already well-known to the excavators, the
Mcsopotami an (syllabic) cuneiform script. The first campaign yielded
only a handful of these texts
3
but during the years to come, and espe-
cially after the discovery of the royal palace, many syllabic texts came
to light. Not all of these were written in the languages of Mesopota-
mia, Sumerian
4
and Akkadian. A number of tablets had been drawn
up in Hurri an
3
and in Hittite.
6
However, the number of tablets in
Sumerian and Akkadian (the latter is by far the most important) is
very large indeed and new ones are being discovered regularly.
7
In this chapter of the handbook I shall study the syllabic Akkadian
texts found at Ugarit by looking at their archaeological context and
1
SCHAEFFER 1929, 295; VI ROL L EAUD 1929.
2
BAUER 1932, 9. See 4. 1.
3
VI ROL L EAUD 1929, 304- 5 and PL. I . X X V I L X X V I I . For a complete list of the
tablets found during the first campaign, see BORDRF.UI L PARDEE 1989, 16- 23; VAN
SOL DT 1991a, 532- 5.
4
Sumerian is only attested in schooltexts: lexical, literary and religious texts
copied by apprentice scribes, see below.
5
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 339 40.
6
L AROCHE, Ugaritica 5, 769- 79.
7
See, for example, BORDREUI L - PARDEE 1995a; DI ETRI CH L ORETZ 1994b; Y ON
1995; BORDREI J I L MA I .BRAN-I .ABAT 1995.
their general contents. A study of the former involves a survey of
the various archives where the texts have been discovered, a study
of the latter will encompass such varied aspects as the genres found
in the texts, their distribution over the archives, the education of the
scribes, and a short description of the characteristics of their Akkadian.
Naturally, in discussing the archives and genres I cannot avoid men-
tioning the alphabetic texts as well. The focus, however, will be on
the syllabic texts.
1.2 The archives
I n contrast to many other excavators, Schaeffer at least attempted
to keep a record of every individual object which he found during
his excavations. He did so by assigning topographical points (points
topographiques, hence p.t.) which were written on a label attached to
the object and entered in a plan of the excavated area. Moreover,
he kept a notebook in which every object was described and listed
with its p.t. and the depth at which it had been found. A combi-
nation of the plan and the elevation of the findspot (deduced from
the depths and an elevation plan of 1928, before the excavations
had begun) would giveat least in principlethe correct findspot.
8
First I shall discuss the archives found in the royal palace, then
we shall take a look at the ones found in private houses. In order
to save space I shall refer to the pertinent chapters in VAN SOL DT
1991a, where all the previous literature can be found. New publi-
cations are added wherever necessary.
1.2.1 The palace archives
The Western Archive
9
was located in rooms 3, 4 and 5 near the
main entrance
10
and contained almost only administrative texts, mainly
8
There are, however, many problems with the way the excavator kept his record.
During the first nine campaigns new p.t.s. were given for every new pit that was
opened. This led to duplicate numbers with the threat of confusion. Therefore, a
unified system was set up in 1938 which also covered previous seasons (VAN SOL DT
1991a, 673-4; the new p.t.s. are sometimes provided by BORDREUI L - PARDEE
1989, 16-50). However, the multitude of p.t.s. given in the record for a single tablet
from the house of the High Priest (1929 1934) makes any attempt to locate them
hazardous.
9
VAN SOL DT 1991A, 49- 60.
10
See the plans in MARGUERON 1995a, 194 5.
in alphabetic cuneiform. Noteworthy are a few letters and school-
texts and especially two 'work copies' of the treaty with the Hittites,
in which the tribute is stipulated." Similar tablets were found else-
where in the palace. Dated texts point to the time of 'Ammi ttamru
II and later (VAN SOL DT 1991a, 57-8), with the notable exception of
the translated
12
treaty from the time of Ni qmaddu . Whether the
tablets had been stored on an upper storey cannot be ascertained.
No stairs were found in this part of the building.
The Eastern Archive
13
(rooms 54-56) is more diverse in contents
than the Western Archive, although administrative textsmainly in
Ugariticstill form by far the biggest group. I nteresting is a small
group of juridical texts, most of which are styled as private con-
tracts.
14
It is only from rooms 54 and 55 that we have royal deeds.
15
The most remarkable group of texts from this archive, however, is
formed by the letters. More than fifty letters were found, a fair
number of which can be ranked as international correspondence.
The letters were mainly addressed to king I birnu and his(?)
16
queen
Taryelli.
17
Onl y a few texts survive from before this king.
18
The
tablets were at least partly stored on an upper storey.
The Central Archive
19
consists of three different wings with different
contents.
11
RS 1 1.732 (PRU 3, 181; 4, 47) and RS 1 1.772 (KTU 3.1). For the latter, see
K TU
2
199-200 and VAN SOL DT 1990a, 354-7.
12
Translations of Akkadian texts into Ugaritic such as KTU 3.1 = RS 11.772
are not really summaries nor are they faithful copies of the original. For KTU 3.1
see K NOPPERS (1993), who suggests that the text is a covering letter including a trib-
ute list sent by Niqmaddu. However, since the text is in Ugaritic, I tend to regard
it as a simplified copy for the use of the administrators in the Western Palace
archive. According to MI L L ARD 1995, 120, not all letters in Ugaritic which were
sent by foreign powers need to have had Akkadian or Hittite originals. The mes-
senger could have memorized the message which was then written down in Ugarit.
13
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 60- 73.
14
RS 15.37 (PRU 3, 35), 15.81 (PRU 3, 37), 15.173 (PRU 3, 40), 15.180 (PRU
3, 36), 15.182 (PRU 3, 35), 17.248 (PRU 4, 236), 17.388 (PRU 6, no. 50), 17.426
(PRU 6, no. 51). Note also 15.128 (KTU 3.3), a legal text in Ugaritic.
15
RS 15.113 (PRU 3, 168), 15.114 (PRU 3, 112), 15.131 (PRU 3, 133).
16
VAN SOL DT 1985-6, 71; 1991a, 15-8.
17
That the diplomatic correspondence in general was kept in the eastern archive
as contended by Courtois 1988 is not true; many international letters were found
in other archives as well. It is possible, however, that the correspondence of Ibirnu
was concentrated in this wing of the palace.
18
Niqmepa': RS 15.117 (KTU 7.63); 'Ammittamru II: RS 15.114 (PRU 3, 112),
RS 15.131 (PRU 3, 133) and probably RS 17.383 (PRU 4, 221).
19
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 74-96.
The northern wing is made up of rooms 30 and 31 and is the
most important. Here almost all the royal deeds concerning real
estate were filed and the distribution of the texts suggests that most
of them were kept in dossiers on the upper storey which, after the
destruction, fell on top of the debris in court IV.
20
Genres other than
legal texts as well as texts in Ugaritic are rare in this part of the
building.
The eastern wing (room 64) contained mainly economic texts,
some of them in Ugaritic. The few legal texts are not concerned
with real estate. More important is a group of letters between king
'Ammi ttamru II and the king of Carchemish. A few other letters
(mainly in Ugaritic) are addressed to the queen. This queen was
most probably 'Ammi ttamru's mother Ahatmilku, although Taryelli
cannot be excluded.
21
Part of the tablets had been stored on the
upper storey.
The southern wing archive (room 66; tablets were also found in
65 and 67) consisted mainly of administrative texts, almost all in
Ugaritic. Of interest is a small group of legal texts from room 66
dealing with the sale of land to queen Taryelli and witnessed by a
certain Tipit-Ba'lu.
22
The Southern Archive
23
was located in a late addition to the
palace, rooms 68 and 69 to the south of court V. I n this archive
all tablets were found that regulate the relations of Ugarit with the
foreign powers, the Hittite king and the king of Carchemish. The
archive proper was probably kept on an upper storey, which could
be reached through room 69, while room 68 served as a secretari-
ate. Apart from the many treaties and international juridical texts,
24
however, we also find a number of local real estate transfers, as well
as a few administrative texts, some of them in Ugaritic. The dates
obtained from the texts cover the entire historical period at Ugarit.
The Southwestern Archive
25
(rooms 80 and 81) contained mainly
administrative texts in Ugaritic. Other genres, such as letters and
schooltexts, were written in Ugaritic as well. Of special interest is the
20
VAN SOL DT 1986, 200- 3; 1991A, 91- 2.
21
VAN SOL DT 1991A, 78.
22
Published as Usfltica 5, nos. 159-61. For the seal of Tipit-Ba'lu, see ibid..,
p. 261.
23
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 97-109.
24
Published in PRU 4.
25
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 114-24.
synoptic table of scripts found in room 81,
26
A substantial group of
religious texts was written in Hurri an in syllabic script.
27
Two legal
texts
28
were found as well. All available dates point to the reign of
'Ammi ttamru II and later. The tablets could have been stored on
an upper storey, although one can also think of shelves along one
of the walls.
Miscellaneous tablet finds in the palace. Several groups of texts
have been found outside the archival rooms described above, such
as rooms 73 and 90 (both mainly administrative). The most impor-
tant find, however, is that of a cluster of tablets in court V, formerly
believed to have been put there for baking.
29
As it turned out later,
the traces of oven material proved to be burnt debris, and the clus-
ter of tablets was probably a mixed lot, some of which may even
have belonged to an older, discarded archive (at least according to
MARGUERON 1995b, 66-7; MI L L ARD 1995, 119 speaks of 'the result
of inverting a carefully packed basket'). A number of them, however,
have to be dated shordy before the final destruction of the city, as
shown by the translation into Ugaritic of a letter to king 'Ammurapi
3
(KTU 2.39 = RS 18.38).
1.2.2 The private archives
A number of houses proved to be important findspots of cuneiform
tablets. The owners of these private archives may have been scribes
themselves or may have needed the services of scribes. This is not
always clear and sometimes it even proves impossible to ascertain
the very name of the owner.
The so-called Southern Palace
30
probably was the house of the
chief administrator (atammu rabu) Yabni-apu (abbreviated Yabninu),
31
who had an administrative archive in rooms 203 and 204. Almost
all tablets are administrative in nature (all but a few in Akkadian)
and from a letter we learn about a scribe who, surprisingly enough,
has a good Akkadian name: Nahi-a1mu.
32
Provided the scribe him-
26
R S 19.159 (KTU 5.14), see VAN SOL DT 1991a, 122 and 325.
27
Ugantua 5, 465-96.
28
RS 18.283 (PRU 6, no. 67) and 19.98 (PRU 6, no. 31). Especially the latter,
a real estate transfer, seems out of place.
29
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 110-4.
30
COURTOI S 1990; VAN SOL DT 1991a, 149- 58 and 1991b, 340.
31
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 155- 7. COURTOI S 1990 (only Yabninu).
32
Spelled
V
na-f}-ial-mu by his Ugaritic colleague (RS 19.53 = PRU 6, no.
18:2). F or the name, see (IAD s.v. nafyu le. For Middle Assyrian references, see
self was Mesopotamia!! and not a native of Ugarit in Mesopotamian
disguise, the rigid Mesopotamian orthography observed for texts from
this archive
33
may at least partly be due to him. I n view of the many
Assyrianisms, both in sign forms and in grammar (see 3.1.5), we
have to assume that Nahi-a1mu was an Assyrian scribe working in
Ugarit. The archive was in use until the destruction of the city.
The house of Rasap'abu
34
is one of the three buildings containing
an archive discovered in the residential quarter east of the royal palace
(the two following archives were found here as well). The owner was
a man called Rasap-'abu, the supervisor of the harbour (Ma'hadu)
and the archive mainly consists of legal texts (partly dealing with
Rasap-'abu's affairs) and administrative texts. The legal texts date
from the reign of Ni qmaddu II through that of
c
Ammittamru II.
There are only very few school texts from this house; two of them
are practice letters in Ugaritic.
3
'
The house of the lettr
36
is named after its contents: literary, reli-
gious, and lexical texts. The house may originally have belonged
with that of Rasap-'abu, the name of the owner is still unknown.
Apparently, the house served as a school.
The house of Rap'nu
37
can easily lay claim to the status of the
most important school in Ugarit. Among its hundreds of tablets the
most important category is that of the lexical texts. Strangely enough,
hardly any literary and religious texts have come to light, which
seems to indicate that the scribes did not practise their knowledge
in context very much.
38
The presumed name of the owner is known
from three letters in which he appears twice as recipient and once
as sender.
39
Another important group of texts in this archive is formed
by the international letters. A large part of the royal correspondence
was kept here (and not in the palace), and it is here that we find
some of the famous letters dealing with the threat of the Sea Peoples.
40
Since the architectural remains and the archive are still unpublished
SAPORETTI 1970 I, 344; SAPORETTI FREY DANK 1979, 91. For Middle Babylonian,
see HL SCHER 1996, 146a.
33
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 372.
34
VAN SOL DT 1991A, 160- 3.
35
RS 17.63 (KTU 5.10) and 17.117 (5.11).
36
VAN SOL DT 1991A, 163- 5.
37
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 165-81.
38
VAN SOL DT 1995a, 179.
3!
' Cf. Ugaritica 5, nos. 53-5.
40
For the correspondence in general, see Ugaritica 5, nos. 20-80; The Alashiya
letters are nos. 22 and 24 (no. 23 comes from the antiques market).
not much can be said about the stratigraphy of the building. The
dates obtained from the tablets are generally late: 'Ammi ttamru II
through
c
Ammurapi \
The Tablet House (Maison-aux-tablettes)^ has recentiy been pub-
lished by CAL L OT (1994, 53-61). I n the centre of a residential area
opened up in 1959 the excavators discovered a big house with a
large number of tablets. Most of these tablets are school texts: lexi-
cal and literary texts written by apprentice scribes. The few letters
and legal texts do not help to identify the owner of this important
house. The majority of the tablets had been stored on an upper
storey. However, a small group of texts was found below floor level.
42
I n view of the joins which can be made between tablets of both
groups (VAN SOL DT 1991a, 185, 187, 192)
43
the two groups cannot
be separated in time (contra CAL L OT 1994, 61). Dates deduced from
the texts point to the time of 'Ammi ttamru II and later.
The Archives on the South Acropolis. I n a heavily damaged build-
ing on the southern part of the Acropolis two archives were dis-
covered; the first was named the archive of the Hurri an Priest, the
second the Lamatu-archive.
44
This first archive was located in two
rooms (10 and 11) in the northeastern wing of the house, one of
which (10) was interpreted as a cella (COURTOI S 1969). The archive
contained almost exclusively texts in alphabetic cuneiform. The sec-
ond archive was housed in the southwestern wing of the house and
contained a large number of syllabic cuneiform texts. Since most of
these are lexical and literary texts the wing must have housed a
school. That the teacher(s) in this school must either have been
Babylonian or have been trained by Babylonian scribes can be seen
from the ductus in which they wrote and from their Akkadian.
45
The
few letters and legal texts do not allow an identification of the owner.
The tablets in the Lamatu-archive had partly eroded down the slope
of the Acropolis, but it is clear from the many joins that they belong
with the archive.
46
Circumstantial evidence points to a relatively late
date for both archives.
41
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 182-93.
42
VAN SOL DT 1991A, 190- 1; CAL L OT 1994, 61.
43
The most striking example is RS 22.403 + 431B + 433A-C, a copy of Lu 1,
pieces of which were found at 0.70, 1.00 and 2.50 m below the surface.
44
For the former, see VAN SOL DT 1991a, 193-203, for the latter, ibid., 204-11.
45
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 209, 373- 4, 521.
46
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 209-11.
The Library of the High Priest
47
on the Acropolis was the first
archive to be discovered and, as it happens, it contained the liter-
ary texts in Ugaritic which brought Ugarit instant fame. Apart from
these important texts, the building must have housed a school, as
can be seen from a number of lexical texts.
48
As pointed out at the
beginning, the findspots of the tablets cannot always be identified
with certainty. An assessment of the stratigraphy will have to await
new research. Dates obtained from the texts probably point to the
period from Ni qmaddu II (the Ugaritic literary texts)
49
until the end
of Ugarit's existence (most other texts).
The house of Urtenu
50
was discovered by accident in 1971 after
a tablet had been found in debris from building activities by the
Syrian army. In 1973 the excavators were allowed to search the
debris but a regular excavation could only be carried out from 1986.
At the end of the 1994 season more than 500 texts had been recov-
ered from this house,
51
thereby making it the biggest archive dis-
covered so far. The great majority of the texts is in Akkadian, but
there are a few i mportant texts in Ugaritic as well. One of these is
a literary fragment written by I li-malku,'
2
the scribe who wrote a
number of literary texts in the house of the high priest. Two groups
stand out among the Akkadian texts, a number of international letters
dealing with important historical events,
53
and a group of lexical texts
written by apprentice scribes.
54
The owner of the house, (the scribe?)
Urtenu, is known from a number of letters and an incantation in
47
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 212- 20; CUNCHI L L OS 1989.
48
VAN SOL DT 1995a, 194.
49
For arguments for this date, see VAN SOL DT 1991a, 27-9. However, according
to BORDREUI L MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995, 447-8, the king mentioned in the colophons
is more likely to be Niqmaddu III than Niqmaddu II.
50
Y ON 1995; For Urtenu, see already VAN SOL DT 1991a, 221. BORDREUI L
MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995; R S O 7; BORDREUI L PARDEE 1995b, 312; MAL BRAN- L ABAT
1995a, L OMBARD 1995. For previous literature, see VAN SOL DT 1991a, 221-3.
51
YON 1995, 439.
52
BORDREUI L - PARDEE 1995, 28; BORDREUI L MAL BRAN- , 1995, 447 8.
In view of a number of syllabic spellings with -a-, I prefer the vocalization Ili-malku
to the more traditional Ili-milku, see provisionally van Soldt 1991a, 21 n. 182 and
M . S. SMI TH 1994, 3 n. 6.
53
For example, the battle of Nihriya, RSO 7, no. 46, a letter from North-
Babylonia (no. 47, in line 3 read
D
Ii-tlmi- , 'Shepherd of Man' [<I tr-Mer]),
and a letter from the Hittite king concerning the Sikila'ites, who are said to live on
boats (no. 12). For a short description of the letters found in 1994, see BORDREUI L -
MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995, 445- 6.
34
RSO 7, nos. 48-77.
Ugaritic.
53
His son Ur-Teub was also a prominent resident.
56
Almost
all tablets were found in a layer of ca. 1.50 m above the floor, only
two were lying under the floor. According to Lombard, the latter
probably form an older group, whereas the former belong to the
destruction level and had probably fallen from a higher elevation,
perhaps an upper storey.
57
The dates obtained from the texts point
to the time of Ni qmepa' and later.
58
Miscellaneous tablet finds. For the sake of completeness, a few
more clusters of tablets should be mentioned. First, there is the small
group of texts found in the centre of Ugarit (Centre Ville) mainly consist-
ing of schooltexts
59
and, second, we have a substantial group of mainly
Ugaritic texts from the northern palace at Ras I bn Hani.
60
The lat-
ter can be dated to the period shortly before Ugarit's destruction.
1.3 Text genres
After this survey of the different archives it seems appropriate to
summarize the contents of the tablets and to look at their distribu-
tion in place (see VAN SOL DT 1991a, 133-40, 226- 7) and time. For
reasons of convenience I shall discuss them by genre.
The treaties form one of the most i mportant groups of texts.
61
They provide us with a wealth of historical material not only per-
taining to Ugarit itself but also to the states with which it was in
contact. Since Ugarit was a vassal of the Hittite king, the treaties
describe the relations between the two states. These important doc-
uments, which date from the entire historic period, were kept on file
in a separate wing of the palace, the southern archive. Copies and
summaries to be used in other archives were prepared and have
been found here and there.
62
55
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 221; BORDREUI L PARDEE 1995, 31. See also the literature
mentioned in note 50.
%
RSO 7, no. 25:1. New attestations can be found in BORDREUI L MAL BRAN-
I ^ABAT 1995, 446 and 449, where we probably have to read Ur-Teub instead of
Ur-Ba'al. For Ur-Teub as the son of Urtenu see BORDREUI L MAL BRAN- L ABAT
1995, 446. For the name, see GRONDAHL 1967, 423.
57
L OMBARD 1995, 232 and cf. 237. For the texts found in 1994, see Y ON 1995.
58
VAN SOL DT 1991A, 222- 223; BORDREUI L - MAI .BRAN-I .ABAT 1995, 448.
59
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 224.
60
J . and E. L AGARCE 1995; BOUNNI - SALI BY L AGARCE 1996. For earlier lit-
erature, see VAN SOL DT 1991a, 225.
61
Almost all treaties have been published in PRU 4. An additional fragment was
published as RSO 7, no. 1.
62
See my remarks to the texts from the western palace archive. Note also the
The international legal texts are records which deal with legal
matters involving persons from outside Ugarit. Most, but not all, of
these texts are verdicts passed by the Hittite king or by his viceroy,
the king of Carchemish. Sometimes a representative of the crown,
either a prince or a high official (often a kartappu), is deemed wor-
thy to supervise a case.
63
Occasionally, we also find settlements
between kings of two different vassal states without Hittite supervi-
sion.
64
Ninety-five percent of these texts were found in the palace
and of these, eighty-five percent in the southern archive.
63
This sug-
gests that the international legal texts, just like the treaties, were in
principle filed in the southern palace archive. Since the dates range
from Hattusili III to Ta1mi-Teub of Carchemish, the texts were
apparently kept on file for a long time.
The domestic legal texts deal with matters pertaining to the city-
state only. They can be found in almost every archive
66
and could
date to any king of Ugarit. Thi s means that these documents were
considered important enough to be kept on file for a long time. A
special case are the texts dealing with land transfers supervised by
the crown: with just a few exceptions all these texts were found in
the northern wing of the central palace archive. Legal texts dealing
with land transfers found elsewhere are rare and they usually belong
to private archives.
67
The texts from the palace were kept on the
upper storey and grouped according to dossier. Thei r dates range
from Ni qmaddu II to Ni qmaddu III.
68
The international letters are state letters exchanged between mem-
bers of the royal family as well as high officials (such as the skinu)
of Ugarit and foreign rulers or their representatives. I n view of the
importance of the contents of many of these letters it is surprising
list KTU 4.610 =RS 19.017 from the southwestern archive, in which the share of
the tribute for the Hittite king (argmn p) is calculated for every town and guild.
63
Compare, for example RS 17.244 (PRU 4, 231) in which two high Hittite
officials are supervising a settlement in court. In RS 17.314 (PRU 4, 189) prince
Arma-ziti is present.
64
Compare, for example, RS 17.228 (PRU 4, 141), a settlement between
'Ammitttamru II and augamuwa of Amurru on the famous matter of the for-
mer's (ex-)wife.
65
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 226- 31.
66
No legal texts have been found in the house of the Hurrian Priest or that of
the High Priest.
67
For example, RS 22.399 + 23.77 from the 'Tablet House'.
68
Or I birnu, if RS 15.139 (PRU 3, 166) still belongs with these texts.
to find them not only in the palace but also in some private archives.
69
Moreover, except for a later copy(!) of a letter from the time of
Ni qmaddu II
70
filed in the southern palace archive (and probably
considered a state document), all the letters are dated to the time
of 'Ammi ttamru II or later.
71
Both this dispersion and the relatively
short period of preservation indicate that these texts were not con-
sidered as important as the treaties and the legal texts. Quite a few
letters give the name of the king of Ugarit as the sender, from which
we may conclude that in a number of cases a copy of the letter was
kept. For the few international letters in Ugaritic, see the remarks
on the Western Palace archive.
The private letters are letters sent from private persons to the
royal family or to a high official (usually the skinu) or between pri-
vate persons, one of whom can be outside Ugarit. The former are
usually found in the palace, the latter in private archives. Some let-
ters of the first group, however, have also been found in the houses
of Rap'nu and the 'Tablet House',
72
a situation familiar from that
of the international letters. This genre is found in almost every sin-
gle archive; only the house of Rasap-'abu has not produced any pri-
vate letters. The texts can be written in Akkadian or in Ugaritic,
two letters are in Hurrian.
73
By their very nature private letters can
seldom be dated. The few indications that we have point to a late
date, the reign of 'Ammi ttamru II and later.
The administrative texts are documents usually styled as lists in
which persons, either as individuals or as a group (towns and guilds),
are mentioned who receive or deliver commodities, who pay taxes
or are just listed with their place of residence. The majority of these
texts is written in Ugaritic, the rest is in Akkadian. There is not a
single archive which has not produced at least one administrative
text. There are, however, a number of archives which can be labeled
'administrative' by the sheer quantities of texts of this genre in com-
parison to other genres. Such archives are the western (75%), the
eastern (64%), and the southwestern (75%) palace archives (76% of
all administrative texts come from the palace) and the southern palace
69
Especially in the houses of Rap'anu and Urtenu.
70
RS 17.334 (PRU 4, 54).
71
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 228.
72
Rap'anu: Ugaritica 5, nos. 20, 44, 48, 49, 52; KTU 2.68 - RS 20.199; 'Tablet
House': RS 22.347 and 22.419.
73
R S 11.853 (PRU 3, 327) and R S 23.31, see VAN SOL DT 1991a, 364.
(90%). That the last archive is mainly administrative is not surpris-
ing: its owner is Y abni-apu (Y abninu), the chief admi ni strator
(.atammu rabu). Dates obtained from a number of texts point to the
last 50 years of Ugarit's existence, a time span which serves as an
indication for their limited importance.
74
The lexical texts form the pri mary study material for students of
Akkadian ( 3.1.4). Thus they can be expected in buildings which
served as schools. Since the palace has produced only two lexical
texts and two syllabic practice texts it probably did not house a
school.
75
Different is the situation in the private houses, where large
numbers of these texts have been uncovered.
76
Especially the houses
of the Lettr, Rap'nu, Urtenu, the High Priest, the 'Tablet House'
and the Lamatu-archive were very rich in lexical material. All these
houses must have had a school within their walls. Dates are usually
lacking, so that we cannot be sure if the texts were kept for longer
than one or two generations. The lexical texts are closely associated
with the next genre.
The literary and religious texts are actually two groups with a
different purpose. Both groups, however, served as advanced study
material for students of Akkadian
77
( 4) and were normally found
in archives which also show a sizable number of lexical texts. As with
the latter, the palace archives have produced just a handful, where-
as the house of the Lettr, the Tabl et House and especially the
Lamatu-archive have been rich sources. Also interesting is the num-
ber of texts from the City Centre: five out of eleven (the others were
lexical texts). Most conspicuous is the (almost) complete absence of
this genre from the houses of Rap'nu and the High Priest. For the
possible implications, see 3.1.4. I n the house of Urtenu literary
and lexical texts have recently been uncovered.
78
Dates are difficult
to ascertain for this genre, a characteristic shared by the lexical texts.
As for the Ugaritic literary and religious texts, for which the alphabetic
script had perhaps been introduced,
79
they are discussed in another
chapter.
74
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 139, 231.
75
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 140.
76
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 747- 8; 1995a, 194.
77
Not to be included are, of course, the many texts in Hurrian, especially from
the southwestern palace archive (Ugaritica 5, 462-96).
78
BORDREUI L - MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995, 446.
79
Note that the literary texts are the oldest alphabetic texts uncovered so far, at
I n conclusion, one can say that the genres can be divided into
two groups, those that were kept on file for future reference and
those that were discarded not more than two, or at most three gen-
erations after they had been drawn up. The former group consists
of the treaties and legal texts, both international and domestic. They
were usually kept on file inside one of the palace archives. The lat-
ter group comprises the letters both international and private, the
administrative texts and the schooltexts (the lexical, literary and reli-
gious texts). These genres, especially the international letters, are
much more dispersed and probably had only ephemeral importance.
1.4 Scribal education
80
As indicated in the previous paragraph, the education of scribes-to-
be took place in private houses and not in the palace. The syllabic
cuneiform script and the languages for which it was used in Meso-
potami a, Sumeri an and Akkadian, was a highly complicated tool
which could only be learned during many years of study and prac-
tice. The study material was organized in a didactic manner, in an
order which ensured a rising level of difficulty. No school books were
available to the students; teachers knew the texts by heart and taught
from memory.
81
The order of the schooltexts can be deduced from
combinations of texts on single tablets and from catchlines. The most
elementary exercise was a list of signs arranged by their phonetic
values (tu - ta - ti, bu - ba - bi, etc.), then a few lists with simple
ideograms followed, of which we have unilingual (Sumerian) as well
as bilingual versions (Sumeri an - Akkadian). These lists are the
'Silbenalphabet/-vokabular A' and the Syllabary A with its vocabu-
lary. The latter was a complete list of simple signs, which in Ugarit
also had a trilingual and even a quadrilingual version: columns in
Hurri an and Ugaritic were added to the Sumeri an and Akkadian.
After this probably came a long list of divine names (the 'Wei dner
God List'), a list of grammatical forms and a table of measures, the
least if the date of Niqmaddu II can be upheld (BORDREUI L MAL BRAN- L ABAT
1995, 447-8 suggest Niqmaddu III). If so, it is possible that the alphabetic script grad-
ually came to be used for other genres, such as letters and administrative texts,
as well.
80
See in general, VAN SOL DT 1995a.
81
Only two texts can be shown to have been written outside Ugarit: Ugaritica 5
nos. 119 and 169 = RS 20.121 and 25.421.
exact order is still uncertain.
82
When the student had mastered these
exercises he was ready for the larger compendia, the series Harra-
hubullu, Lu, Izi and Diri. Harra-hubul l u is a series of 15 tablets
which contains the terminology for writing legal and administrative
texts as well as a thematic catalogue of material culture. The series
Lu continues with a list of professions, and the last two series, Izi
and Diri, give compound ideograms.
When the student started to work on a new lexical text he would
normally make an excerpt on which he wrote the ideogram, its pro-
nunciation and the Akkadian translation (in a number of cases the
latter two are broken off and one may wonder if that was done for
didactic purposes). After this exceipt the student wrote the whole
text with an Akkadian translation (or even with Hurri an and Ugaritic
translations). The last stage was the unilingual version; the student did
not need the translation any more, but he would now memorize the
whole text.
When the student had completed these lists he could practise his
knowledge in context. To this end, he would write literary and reli-
gious texts, also from dictation, which often proved to be too difficult
for the would-be scribes. The many mistakes that they made testify
to the problems they had in understanding the texts. Some archives
are almost devoid of literary texts, although they produced plenty of
lexical texts (the houses of Rap'nu and the High Priest). Perhaps
this means that the level of practising Akkadian words in context
was not taught in these schools.
We know very little about the teachers. It seems that the profes-
sion of scribe was often kept in one family and that sons were prob-
ably taught by their fathers.
83
The names of the scribes who taught
the first students at Ugarit how to read and write are, unfortunately,
unknown. That they probably came from a Hurrian-speaking area
can be deduced from the strong Hurri an influence on the Akkadian
of the first period (see 3.1.5) as well as the Hurri an translations in
a number of vocabularies. At any rate, the study material derived
from Mesopotamia after the Ol d Babylonian period from a centre
other than Ni ppur (probably North Babylonia).
8
'
1
82
See VAN SOL DT 1995a, 172 3.
83
VAN SOL DT 1995a, 181- 2, 211- 2.
84
VAN SOL DT 1995a, 182.
1.5 The Akkadian of Ugant
85
I n this final paragraph I shall present a brief description of the
Akkadian as we find it in the texts written at Ugarit. The corpus
consists of all the genres enumerated in 3.1.4, with one restriction:
the literary and religious texts have to be excluded from a study of
syntax. As we have seen, these texts were written by the scribes as
part of their training. They ultimately derive from Mesopotami a as
study material and therefore cannot be used for a syntactical study.
86
However, they should certainly be used for the study of paleogra-
phy, orthography and morphology (contra DI ETRI CH 1996, 40).
87
Rather
than giving a brief survey of all the grammatical features which we
find in the texts, I will limit myself to a description of the various
influences which can be detected during the ca. 150 years that texts
were written in the city. Since the study material came from Babylonia
and was probably early Middle Babylonian it is not surprising to
find that the Akkadian at Ugarit was basically Babylonian,
88
but with
a number of influences from other languages: Hurri an, Assyrian and
Ugaritic.
Hurri an has left its mark in various ways. We find Hurri an trans-
lations in lexical texts, a number of (mainly religious) Hurri an texts,
including two letters,
89
lots of Hurri an names,
90
and a few Hurri an
85
HUEHNERGARD 1989; VAN SOL DT 1991a.
86
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 475.
87
I am afraid I cannot agree with DI ETRI CH'S statement ( 1996, 40) that 'these
[lexical and literary] texts cannot really be used in the [general] definition of the
"Akkadian of Ugarit"'. These texts were written from dictation by scribes whose
native language was Ugaritic and they show the same orthographical and morpho-
logical characteristics as the records of daily life. The scribes built their scribal career
on what they learned at school. They did not adopt a completely different grammar
once they had finished. That the texts ultimately came from a Hurrian-speaking
area (see 4) is irrelevant for the Akkadian of Ugarit. In Bogazky the texts show
Hittite influence, in Emar and Ugarit, West Semitic influence. It is these influences
which have to be detected and which I have tried to describe. In my opinion, the
lexical and literary texts are as important as the other genres and they should be
treated as such, with some reservations. Both Huehnergard and I have carefully
kept the two groups (school texts and records of daily life) apart in our grammars
(see, for example, HUEHNERGARD 1989, 9-10 and VAN SOL DT 1991a, 372- 3, 473- 4) .
88
To mention a few examples, there is only one clear case of Assyrian vowel
harmony (VAN SOL DT 1991a, 391- 2) , the Middle Babylonian 2-umlaut occurs fre-
quently (ibid. 390-1), and for / w/ in anlaut the texts write wa- rather than - (ibid.,
389- 90) . Many more examples can be cited.
89
See the list in VAN SOL DT 1991a, 339-40. For the alphabetic Hurrian texts,
see K TU
2
, 654.
90
GRONDAHL 1967, 203-67.
words in legal and administradve texts, such as the conjunction undu,
"when",
9
' and the verbal form pu-fyu-ka-ru-i = pg.ugar.od.i, "she has
made an exchange".
92
The strongest influence, however, is found in
the orthography of the Akkadian texts. Documents written during
the reign of king Ni qmaddu II and his immediate successors show
a number of features reminiscent of the orthography in the Akkadian
Mittanni letters. First, there is the occasional confusion of stops (such
as DU for / /, PA for /b/, etc.) and, second, there is the use of signs
to mark I el as opposed to H/ (such as the use of ci for / qe/ instead
of or QI). Both phenomena can also be found in the Mittanni let-
ters of Turatta. They probably find their origin in the syllabary
used by the Mi ttanni an scribes for their Hurri an texts.
93
These fea-
tures are very strong during the time of Ni qmaddu II, but they start
disappearing during the time of his successors. Duri ng the reign of
his grand-son 'Ammi ttamru II they have practically disappeared.
Thus, forms of the verb leq are always spelled with 'Mi ttanni an' GI
during the reigns of Ni qmaddu II, but are slowly being replaced by
'Babylonian' during the reigns of Ni qmepa
c
and
c
Ammi ttamru II,
which in turn must give way to the 'Assyrian' QI in the time I birnu
and Ni qmaddu III.
94
The same phenomenon can be observed for
the conjunction undu.
95
Probably also of Mittannian origin is the con-
struction X-/w sa Y for the construct state or a simple construction
with sa during the reigns of earlier kings.
96
Assyrian influence is relatively weak (but present) in the older texts
from Ugarit. However, its influence grows gradually during the his-
toric period, specifically in morphology.
97
Thus, we find the frequent
use of the Assyrian pronomi nal forms st and sit for Babylonian
and , and -sunu for Babylonian -unti. We also find the Assyrian
genitive in -e/e and the -prefix in the third person of verbs pmae
aleph. The latter appears to be on the increase.
98
Assyrian features
appear to be especially promi nent in the archives of the Southern
Palace and the Tabl et House; compare, for example, the use of
91
HUEHNERGARD 1989, 201; VAN SOL DT 1991A , 464.
92
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 350 note 209; see SPEI SER 1955, 164b, who suggests that
the form is either a noun or a verbal form. HUEHNERGARD 1989, 93 opts for a noun.
93
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 375-81; 1995b, 208-9.
94
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 263.
95
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 464.
96
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 517; cf. HUEHNERGARD 1989, 227-9.
97
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 471.
98
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 430.
Assyrian signs forms" and the verb tadnu in texts from the Southern
Palace,
100
see below. Assyrian sign forms are also attested in some
texts from outside Ugarit.
101
Ugaritic made by far the strongest impact on the Akkadian texts.
However, it is not constant. I n the older texts the Ugaritic influence
is mainly noticeable in syntax, but gradually it also becomes stronger
in morphology. It is impossible to list all the phenomena that can
be ascribed to Ugaritic influence. I nstead, I shall select a few salient
examples. Most i mportant of these is, again, syntax. From the ear-
liest texts on, the Akkadian documents do not conform to standard
Babylonian grammar, but follow patterns that have their origin in
the language of Ugarit. Thus, instead of the order subject - object -
indirect object - verb (the verb is normally the last constituent of the
clause), the normal order of constuents in a main clause in Babylonian,
the texts from Ugarit usually have subject - verb - object - indirect object
and, even when they do use the Babylonian word order, the verb
can still be followed by an adverb.
102
I n morphology the growing
preference for nouns with case vowels and triptotic declension (also
in lexical and literary texts!) in the construct state is the most obvi-
ous feature.
103
Other examples are the lack of a subjunctive in sub-
ordinate clauses, the application of the Barth-Ginsberg law in verbal
prefixes, and the occasional use of Ugaritic verbal forms.
104
These three types of influence affected every single archive. However,
there is a certain distribution according to archive. For example,
Ugaritic influence, although noticeable everywhere, is particularly
strong in the domestic legal texts and, since most of these come from
the central palace archive, this type of influence is most obvious
there. Assyrian influence is strong in two archives: the Tabl et House
and the Southern Palace. For the latter it is not difficult to find an
99
HUEHNERGARD 1989, 277; most of his examples in the second paragraph come
from the Southern Palace archive.
100
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 438; HUEHNERGARD 1989, 278.
101
As, for example, in RSO 7, no. 12, see also the photo, Ugaritica 7, pl. XI .
Note that the letter also shows a number of Assyrian grammatical characteristics.
102
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 485.
103
HUEHNERGARD 1981; VAN SOL DT 1991a, 417-26; for the chronological distri-
bution, see ibid., 418.
104
For the subjunctive, see VAN SOL DT 1991a, 440 and HUEHNERGARD 1989, 169.
For the Barth-Ginsberg law, see VAN SOL DT 1991 a, 431. The prefixes ta- and ti- are
not in free variation (thus HUEHNERGARD 1989, 159), but show a distribution in time:
ta- in older texts (Niqmaddu II and Niqmepa'), ti- in later texts ('Ammittamru II).
For Ugaritic verbal forms, see VAN SOL DT 1991a, 432, 436-7, 441-2.
explanation: the only scribe attested so far for this archive appears
to have been an Assyrian (see the Southern Palace archive, above).
I n the former, we probably have to think of a solution along simi-
lar lines. At any rate, it is clear that foreign scribes were working
in Ugarit. The same is probably true for the Lamatu-archive. The
schooltexts found here show reasonably good Babylonian written with
Babylonian signs in a Babylonian orthography. The number of mis-
takes is much smaller than in archives like that of Rap'nu and that
of the Tabl et House. That the students who wrote these texts (and
the one teacher mentioned in one of them) were natives of Ugarit
is clear from the colophons.
105
The name of a teacher from Babylonia
does not appear in the documents at our disposal.
A final word on the political situation during the time the texts
were written at Ugarit. As explained in VAN SOL DT 1991a ( 522- 3) ,
the development of the various language influences is closely con-
nected with the political situation in the final stage of the Late Bronze
Age, the period from which we have written documents from Ugarit.
106
At the beginning of this period the Mittanni empire was still an
important power, although under heavy attack from the Hittites. The
state of Mittanni was a cultural centre which was a much closer
neighbour to Ugarit than Assyria or Babylonia and we may assume
that Mi ttanni an teachers probably worked in Syria. This would at
least explain the strong Hurri an influence that we find during the
earliest Ugaritic kings. After the defeat of Mittanni, Assyria slowly
took its place and Assyrian troops reached the Euphrates during the
first half of the thirteenth century. It is therefore not surprising to
find an increasing Assyrian influence and even an Assyrian scribe at
Ugarit. With Mittanni out of the way, the road to Babylon was open
again and correspondence with this part of Mesopotamia shows that
contacts existed.
107
Finally, Ugaritic influence, already strong at the
beginning of the historic period, becomes stronger as time passes.
That the native language of the scribes at Ugarit interfered more
and more with their Akkadian is to be expected and provides a good
parallel for developments in other cities outside Mesopotamia where
Akkadian was written.
105
VAN SOL DT 1988, 316; 1995, 210 (students:. . . -iskur and . .. -la-na) and 211
(teacher: Gamir-Haddu son of Nu'me-Rasap).
106
For a survey of the history of Ugarit, see the chapter by I. SI NGER ( 15).
107
Babylonian letters are RSO 7, nos. 39, 40 and 47. The last one is from the
area of Mari.
2 T HE AL PHABETI C UGARI TI C TABL ETS'
WAY NE T . PI TARD
2.1 Introduction
Duri ng the first season of excavations at Ras Shamra in 1929, a num-
ber of clay tablets were found in the ruins of a house on the city's
acropolis. To the great surprise of the excavators, the tablets were
written in a previously unknown script, rather than in the expected
Akkadian cuneiform. Charles Virolleaud, who was assigned the pub-
lication responsibilities, copied these peculiar texts and published the
facsimiles in Syria the following year, to allow scholars to work on
deci pherment of the script. Within months Virolleaud, Bauer and
Dhorme had each independently worked out a substantial percent-
age of the script (on the history of the decipherment, see 4.1). It
proved to be a cuneiform adaptation of the linear alphabetic script,
the ancestor of all the western alphabets, that had been invented in
the Levant sometime in the first half of the second millennium BCE.
With the deci pherment of the script, scholars began to realize the
extraordinary treasure that had been found at Ugarit. The texts were
written in the local Semitic language of the town, and a number of
them had a religious content. Duri ng the excavations of the next
two seasons, astounding new tablets in the same language and script
emerged from the rubble in and around the house, and it became
clear that Schaeffer had discovered a library of 'Canaani te' religious
and literary texts unparalleled anywhere else in the Levant. For the
first time native texts which allowed a direct view into Canaani te
mythology, legend and cultic practice were available. But it also
became immediately clear that these texts showed astonishing cul-
tural relationships with the Israelite literature of the Hebrew Bible.
I n fact, the impact of these texts on biblical studies can hardly be
overestimated, and an argument can be made that the Ugaritic tablets
are the most significant single discovery this century for the study
of Israelite religion and the Hebrew Bible.
2
' I thank Dennis Pardee, who read over this chapter and made a number of
valuable corrections and comments. Any remaining inaccuracies, of course, are my
own responsibility.
2
Numerous books and articles have dealt with the relationship between the
The library recovered during the first few seasons of excavations
was not the only collection of alphabetic cuneiform tablets to be
found at Ugarit. I n succeeding years, archive after archive was dis-
covered throughout the ancient city, in the royal palace and related
buildings, in the homes of high government officials, and in those
of priests and scribes. Hardly a season of excavations has occurred
over the past seventy years without the discovery of more documents.
Surprisingly, no other excavation in the Levant has recovered a
substantial number of tablets in alphabetic cuneiform, with the excep-
tion of nearby Ras I bn Hani , 4.5 km southwest of Ugarit, where a
palace belonging to the kings of Ugarit was excavated. Several sites,
including Minet el-Beida, Ugarit's harbour town, Tell Sukas, and
Tell Nebi Mend in Syria; Kami d el-Loz and Sarepta in Lebanon;
and Tell Taanak, Mount Tabor, and Beth Shemesh in Israel, have
produced individual tablets or inscribed objects with al phabeti c
cuneiform inscriptions, thus indicating that the script at least was
known across the entire Levant.
3
Presumably other archives in the
script will eventually be discovered, but for now the tablets from
Ugarit essentially stand in lonely splendour.
As of the 1996 campaign there were approximately 1046 pub-
lished alphabetic tablets and fragments of identifiable genres known
from Ugarit, as well as 217 unclassified fragments with legible signs,
69 inscribed objects other than tablets, ca. 416 unpublished frag-
ments, most of them tiny, unclassified pieces, and 90 unpublished
tablets and fragments from the 1986-96 excavation of the house of
Urtenu, currently in preparation by the epigraphic team of the Mis-
sion de Ras Shamra-0ugat. Ras I bn Hani has produced 39 published
texts of identifiable genres, one inscribed object, four unclassified
fragments and 93 as yet unpublished pieces.
4
Several editions of the tablets have been published over the years.
Most texts found between 1929 and 1939 received their initial pub-
lication in the j ournal Syra. A comprehensive edition of all the texts
Ugaritic texts and Israelite religion. Most recently see BROOK E - CURTI S - HEAL EY
1994, WY A TT 1996a and PI TARD 1998.
3
All of these inscriptions have been included in KTU
2
.
4
The numbers here are calculations based on my analysis of BORDREUI L PARDEE
1989, KTU
2
, and private communication concerning the recent finds in the house
of Urtenu from D. Pardee, to whom I am very grateful. Because of the complex
nature of the fragmentary state of the tablets, the numbers in this article must be
considered approximate.
from that period, including transcripdons, facsimiles and photographs,
was published in 1963 (HERDNER 1963). The finds of the post-WW
I I campai gns have been published in the three official series of the
Mission archologique de Ras Shamra-Ougant, Palais Royal d'Ugarit (PRU
2 and 5), Ugaritica (5 and 7) and Ras Shamra-0ugart (RSO 7). New
editions (transcriptions, facsimiles, photos and translations) of many
of these texts, including the paramythol ogi cal (PARDEE 1988b) and
cultic texts, as well as the letters, are in the process of publication
by the Mission's current epigraphic team, P. Bordreuil and D. Pardee,
in the RSO series. New tabl et finds will also appear in RSO.
Comprehensi ve collections of the texts (transcriptions) have been pro-
duced by GORDON (1965), KTU (1976, second edition 1995), and
CUNCHI LLOS - VI TA (1993a). And an edition of the texts for the com-
puter, The Ugaritic Tabl ets Digital Edition, is also in progress (see
18.1).
There is no comprehensi ve translation of the entire corpus, but
several translations of the maj or religious and literary texts and a few
translations of the letters have appeared. The most significant ones
are the following: GORDON 1949 and 1977; DRI VER 1956; AI STLEI TNER
1964; GI NSBERG 1969; TO 1 and 2; COOGAN 1978; GI BSON 1978;
DEL OL MO L ETE 1981a; XEL L A 1981; DE MOOR 1987; PARDEE 1997a;
PARKER (ed.) 1997; WY ATT 1998C. GORDON 1949 and TO 2 include
translations of letters, in addi ti on to the religious texts. Many of the
economi c texts were translated into French in their editio princeps. A
compl ete listing of all inscriptions found at Ugari t and Ras I bn Hani
may be found in BORDREUI L - PARDEE 1989.
2.2 The archives and their locations
One of the most extraordi nary aspects of the epi graphi c finds at
Ugarit is the great number of separate archives found in the city.
The largest quanti ty of tablets came from the Royal Palace, but sub-
stantial archives have also been discovered in eleven other locations.
Ni ne may be described as the private residences of members of the
Ugari ti an upper class. These include the House of the Hi gh Priest
on the Acropolis; the Houses of Rap'anu, Rashapabu and 'the Scholar'
(Maison du Lettr) in the residential quarter to the east of the Royal
Palace; the House of Y abni nu (originally called the Southern Palace,
but now identified [COURTOI S 1990, Y ON 1998: 57] as a private res-
idence) j ust south of the Royal Palace; the House of the Hurri an
Priest (also known as the House of the Priest with the Liver and
Lung Models) in the area called the South Acropolis, which pos-
sessed two separate archives known as the Cella of Tablets, and the
Library of Lamashtu Texts; the House of Literary Texts in the area
called the Southern City (la Ville Sud), and the House of Urtenu in
the South Centre area. In addition to the private archives, a group
of administrative texts originated in the area just north of the palace,
called in the reports 'the Northwest Hill (Butte Nord-ouest) of the tell',
but the tablets are not identified as belonging to a specific building.
And finally, an important archive was found in the Northern Palace
at Ras I bn Hani , an additional residence of the Ugaritian king. I n
addition to these, smaller finds of texts occurred at numerous other
locations, both in houses and in plazas and streets.
5
The tablets from the Royal Palace were found primarily in five
discrete archives located in various wings of the building. All of these
archives were originally located on the upper floor of the palace and
fell into the ground-level rooms when the palace was destroyed.
6
Each of them contained both alphabetic and Akkadian tablets. Three
proved to possess more alphabetic than syllabic texts. These were
the West Archive (found in Rooms 3-5), which consisted of a num-
ber of documents dealing with the administration of the towns and
villages in the kingdom of Ugarit; the East Archive (Rooms 52~56),
another collection of administrative records concerning various goods,
weapons, personnel, etc.; and the Southwest Archive (Room 81),
again primarily administrative, but containing a few religious and
scribal texts as well. I n addition, about 75 alphabetic texts (ca. 30
5
A good sense of the extent of finds throughout the city can be gained by exam-
ining the 'I ndex des Points Topographiques par Quartier et Locus' in BORDREUI L -
PARDEE 1989, 423-45. Here each inscription is listed according to find spot. In
addition to the archives described above, small finds of texts were made in eleven
other buildings, as well as in numerous courtyards and plazas. In addition, there
are many tablets whose exact find spots are not known. The following description
of the archives is based on the extensive article on the archaeology of Ugarit by
COURTOI S (1979, 1155-1285), the new and important book by Y ON (1998a, 998b),
the discussions in VAN SOL DT 1991a, 47-231, and BORDREUI L - PARDEE 1989.
6
This circumstance appears to be typical of most of the archives found at Ugarit.
Most of the tablets located in the private houses were also stored on the upper
floor and were retrieved in the rubble of the collapse. The chaotic nature of a
house collapse explains why tablets belonging to the same archive may be strewn
through more than one ground-level room and even outside in the street or plaza
abutting the house. See YON 1998a, 59, 78, 84, 101, 106 for discussions of this sit-
uation in specific houses.
intact) were found in Court V, in what was originally thought to
have been an oven for baking tablets. Now it appears that they were
simply part of the Southern Archive which fell from the upper floor
when the palace was destroyed ( Y on 1998: 49- 50) . These tablets
included about ten letters that appear to date to the very end of
Ugarit's existence, along with standard administrative texts. The other
two archives contained primarily Akkadian texts (the Central Archive
preserving numerous juridical texts, and the Southern Archive holding
important international documents), but both also had some alpha-
betic texts as well. Besides these large archives, numerous tablets and
fragments were found elsewhere in the palace. In fact, inscribed objects
were recovered from some 57 of the rooms and courtyards of the
Royal Palace (cf. B o r d r eu i l - P ar d ee 1989, 424- 33) .
The archives from the other governmental locations varied somewhat
in genre. The collection found to the north of the Royal Palace (the
Northwest hill of the tell) was a mixture of Akkadian and alphabetic
administrative documents. But the Northern Palace at Ras I bn Hani
contained tablets of several genres, including some religious texts and
letters, though the majority of the tablets again were administrative.
The contents of the archives found in the private houses show
considerable diversity. Collections of tablets were recovered from the
houses of four high government officials, those of Rap'anu, Rashapabu,
Y abninu, and Urtenu. I n all four cases, most of the tablets were
written in Akkadian (see 3.1), but a few were in the alphabetic
script. The Rap'anu archive produced a number of important Akka-
dian international documents, but it also contained fourteen alpha-
betic administrative documents and three scribal exercise tablets. The
Rashapabu collection primarily consisted of personal documents in
Akkadian and contained only two scribal exercises in the alphabetic
script, along with two administrative tablets, and, most significandy,
the best preserved hippiatric text from Ugarit (KTU 1.85 = RS
17. 120, see below). The texts in the House of Y abninu were largely
Akkadian, with a few alphabetic administrative documents. And the
House of Urtenu, in addition to its largely Akkadian material and
alphabetic administrative tablets, has so far yielded some 27 letters
and four religious texts.
The other five maj or house archives primarily contained religious
and literary texts. Three of these, the House of the Scholar (Maison
du Lettr), the House of l iterary Texts, and the l i brary of the Lamashtu
Texts, consisted almost entirely of Akkadian texts of various types,
with very few alphabetic inscriptions. The House of the Scholar pro-
duced only two alphabetic tablets, a letter and an administrative text,
within its lexical, religious and literary library. The House of Literary
Texts contained significant Babylonian literary works, but it also pro-
duced the famous alphabetic text in which someone (Anat?) appears
to eat the flesh and drink the blood of Baal (KTU 1. 96 = RS 22. 225;
but cf. 6. 5. 3) , as well as a fragmentary hippiatric text, an abecedary
and a few administrative tablets. The Library of the Lamashtu Texts
added only two administrative tablets to the alphabetic corpus.
The other two locations contai ned the extensive collections of
Ugaritic literary and religious documents. The archive in the House
of the High Priest, the first one discovered at Ugarit, produced the
single most famous collection of texts from the site. Here were found
the maj or literary texts of Ugarit, alongside a number of cultic tablets,
letters, and administrative texts. The 'Cella of Tablets' in the House
of the Hurri an Priest provided a collection of paramythological and
cultic tablets all together in a single room. In addition to the tablets,
some thirty liver models and one lung model were found in the
room, several of which had alphabetic inscriptions nami ng the par-
ticipants in various extispicy rituals.'
2.3 Genres of texts in alphabetic cuneiform
The alphabetic script was used for a variety of purposes by the
scribes of Ugarit, but it was generally limited to texts that dealt with
local matters, religious, economic or administrative. Texts with an
international function were written in Akkadian." Most of the alpha-
betic tablets are written in the local West Semitic language, Ugaritic,
but the script was also used to write texts in Hurri an.
There are a number of ways in which the al phabeti c tablets
may be classified by genre. G o r d o n ( 1965, 290- 1) divided them into
ten basic categories,
9
while KTU
2
places the tablets into six genres
7
A particularly good discussion of the archaeological aspects of the archive dis-
covered in the Cella of Tablets may be found in PARDEE 1988b, 4-12 (archaeo-
logical description by J .-C. Courtois) and 261 6 (Pardee's own discussion).
8
There are a few letters in alphabetic Ugaritic that have international content,
but it is most likely that they are Ugaritic translations of Akkadian originals or
drafts of letters to be translated into Akkadian (PARDEE BORDREUI L 1992: 6. 711) .
See K T U 2. 36+ = R S 17. 435+, K T U 2. 76 = R S 34. 356, K T U 2. 81 = R I H
78/ 03, K T U 2. 38 = R S 18. 031 and K T U 2. 39 = R S 18. 038.
9
They are: (1) literary texts, (2) religious or ritual texts, (3) letters, (4) tribute,
(excluding the categories, 'Not Classified Texts,' and 'Illegible Tab-
lets.').
10
P a r d ee - B o r d r e u i l ( 1992) 706- 21 subsume all of them
under three large umbrella designations ('Religious, Epistolary and
Administrative'). The following description makes use of the genre
divisions chosen by the editors of the Handbook, so that the reader
may easily move from this summary to the more detailed discus-
sions in the succeeding chapters.
2.3.1 Literary texts
As of 1996 approximately 179 alphabetic tablets and fragments that
can be identified as religious and/or literary documents had been
discovered at Ugarit and Ras I bn Hani ." Of these, some 148 are
in the Ugaritic language, while twenty-eight are Hurri an texts, and
three are in the Akkadian language, but written in the alphabetic
script.
12
These documents can be divided into two general categories:
(a) Literary texts, including the large poetic narratives. These con-
stitute the only surviving collection of Canaani te mythological and
literary works and are thus the most i mportant source currently
known for the study of Canaanite religion and culture. Their influence
(5) hippiatric texts, (6) administrative, statistical and business documents, (7) tags,
labels or indications of ownership, (8) Hurrian texts, (9) Akkadian texts written alpha-
betically, and (10) Miscellaneous.
Iu
They are (1) Literary and Religious Texts, (2) Letters, (3) Legal Texts, (4)
Economic Texts, (5) Scribal Exercises, (6) Inscriptions on Seals, Labels, Ivories, etc.
(KTU
2
, ix).
11
The find spots for the religious texts are as follows: fifty-six tablets, including
the major literary texts were found in the House of the High Priest during the first
four seasons of excavation (1929-32). Twenty others were found elsewhere on the
acropolis. The Cella of Tablets in the House of the Hurrian Priest, excavated dur-
ing the twenty-fourth season of excavations (1961), provided sixty religious texts.
Seventeen others were found in various rooms of the Royal Palace (KTU 1.78 =
RS 12.061, K TU 1.79 = RS 13.006, K TU 1.80 = RS 15.072, K TU 1.81 = RS
15.130, K TU 1.82 = RS 15.134, K TU 1.83 = RS 16.266, K TU 1.84 = RS
17.100[a]+, K TU 1.86 = RS 18.041, K TU 1.87 = RS 18.056, K TU 1.88 =
RS 18.107, KTU 1.89 = RS 18.[508], K TU 1.90 = RS 19.013, KTU 1.91 = RS
19.015, K TU 1.92 = RS 19.039, K TU 1.93 = RS 19.054, K TU 1.94 = RS 19.059,
K TU 1.95 = RS 19.179), and fourteen came from the North Palace at Ras I bn
Hani (KTU 1.163-176 = RI H 78/14, 77/02B+, 77/04+, 77/08A+, 77/10A, 77/10B+,
78/20, 78/11, 78/16, 78/01+, 78/04, 78/09+, 77/18, 78/26). The few other
tablets of this genre were found in various houses on the site. This includes three
unpublished texts from the house of Urtenu, RS 88.0237, 92.2016 and 92.2014.
12
The alphabetic Akkadian texts are K TU 1.67 = RS 5.199; K TU 1.69 = RS
5.213; K TU 1.70 = RS 5.156+. One tablet, KTU 1.73 = RS 5.303 bis, has seven
lines of Akkadian in the alphabetic script, followed by eleven lines in Ugaritic.
on biblical studies has been enormous, by illuminating the cultural
background of Israelite religion and its early development. I n addi-
tion, they have played an i mportant role in advancing the study of
Hebrew grammar, philology and poetics, (b) Cultic texts, which have
also served the dual function of clarifying numerous elements of
Ugari ti c/Canaani te and Israelite religious practice.
2.3.1 (a) The literary texts. This category includes the largest tablets
found at Ugarit, a series of carefully inscribed, multi-columned tablets
containing substantial narrative poems. Three distinct multi-tablet
narratives have been recognized, along with some single-tablet poems
and fragments. The maj or narratives are: (1) the Baal-Anat Cycle, a
series of six tablets which recount three primary stories about Baal,
the Canaanite storm/fertility deity who was the patron deity of Ugarit,
and his rise to power among the gods. The first gives an account
of the conflict between Baal and Y amm, 'Sea,' for domi nance in the
council of the gods. The second story deals with the building of
Baal's palace, while the third describes his defeat by Mot, 'Death,'
and his subsequent rescue by his sister/wife(?), Anat. (2) The Legend
of Keret, a narrative poem about a king of the land of Hubur, who,
with the help of El, ruler of the Canaani te gods, is able to secure
a wife and produce progeny, only to find himself dealing with dev-
astating illness and a rebellion by his ambitious eldest son. The nar-
rative is, unfortunately, incomplete. Substantial portions of three
tablets of the epic are preserved, but at least one additional tablet
must have existed, since the third tablet ends in the middle of a
scene. (3) The Legend of Aqhat, a narrative poem concerning Danel, a
pious man who longs for a son. His desire is granted by El, and
Danel and his wife have the child Aqhat. When Aqhat has grown
to be a young man, he is murdered on the orders of the goddess
Anat after he refuses to give the goddess his special bow. Aqhat's
sister seeks out the murderer to avenge her brother's death, finds
him and is about to kill him when the final preserved tablet ends.
Again at least one tablet is missing at the end of the story, and it
is not certain whether the first preserved tablet is actually the begin-
ning of the tale.
I n addition to these texts, there are several other mythological
narratives whose stories are shorter and do not extend beyond a sin-
gle tablet. For example, The Birth of the Pleasant Gods (KTU 1.23 =
RS 2.002) and The Marriage ofNikkal and Yarih (KTU 1.24 = RS 5.194)
provide reladvely straightforward narratives about the gods. Several
other, more fragmentary mythical tales have been preserved, but the
interpretation of their story lines is much more uncertain. I n this
category we can place some texts concerning Baal (e.g., K TU 1.10 =
RS 3.362; K TU 1.12 = RS 2. [012]), three fragments dealing with
a group of beings called the Rpum (KTU 1.20 = RS 3.348; K TU
I .21 = RS 2.[019]; and K TU 1.22 = RS 2. [024]), a small text
describing a conflict between a deity whose name is not preserved
(probably either Anat or Baal) and Y am/Nahar, the sea monster of
chaos (KTU 1.83 = RS 16.266),
13
and a newly discovered mytho-
logical fragment (RS 92.2016), from the house of Urtenu in the
southern part of the city. There are also a number of tablets that
have a clear ritual function in which mythic themes play an impor-
tant role. P ar d ee (1988b 261-6) has designated this type of text as
'paramythological.' I ncluded in this category are such texts as (1)
K TU 1.108 = RS 24.252, a description of a feast among the gods
that appears to conclude with the call for a blessing upon the king
of Ugarit and the city itself. (2) K TU 1.100 = RS 24.244, a text
describing the plea of a horse goddess to several deities, seeking a
cure for a snakebite. At the end of the text the god Horon disperses
the venom. (3) K TU 1.114 = RS 24.258, an account of a feast
(marzihu) held by El, during which he gets drunk. This story con-
cludes with a recipe for dealing with a hangover. (4) K TU 1.124 =
RS 24.272, a text that concerns healing the sick, but which describes
in mythic form a consultation with a deity called Ditanu.
Almost all of the maj or literary tablets (the Baal-Anat Cycle, the
Legends of Keret and Aqhat, The Birth of the Pleasant Gods, The
Marri age of Nikkal, the Rpum texts, etc.) were found in the archive
of the House of the High Priest on the acropolis. The three multi-tablet
works and a few additional fragments (two of the Rpum texts, and
the mythological fragment found in the house of Urtenu in 1992
(RS 92.2016), were produced by a single scribe named Ilimilku. A
colophon at the end of K TU 1.6 = RS 2. [009] indicates that he
did his work during the reign of a king Ni qmaddu of Ugarit. Until
recendy scholars have generally assumed that this king was Ni qmaddu
II, who reigned during the mid-fourteenth century. But with the dis-
covery of a fragment of an Ilimilku mythological text (RS 92.2016)
13
The recognition that the monster being fought in this text is Y am/Nahar is
new. See the edition of the text in PI TARD, 1998. Cf. also WY A T T 1998C, 368- 9.
in the house of Urtenu, an official who served Ni qmaddu III dur-
ing the latter part of the thirteenth century, it seems more likely that
Ilimilku produced the tablets during the latter's reign.
14
2.3.1 (b) The cultic texts. Somewhat over one hundred alphabetic
tablets and fragments may be considered cultic texts. Most of them
are in the Ugaritic language, but twenty-nine are in Hurri an and
several contain a mixture of Ugaritic and Hurri an elements.
15
These
texts are considerably shorter than the literary tablets (the mytho-
logical and legendary narratives constitute approximately sixty per-
cent of the preserved lines of the Ugaritic religious texts). These texts
may be divided into three general types:
(1) Ritual texts, which provide information about the performance
of rituals. Some of the literary tablets described above also fit into
this category. These texts are often very difficult to understand, since
they are 'professional texts,' intended for the use of the priests. They
contain obscure technical vocabulary, and do not provide explana-
tions of the concisely described events that make up the rituals.
Examples of such ritual texts include K TU 1.161 = RS 34.126, a
funerary ritual for the deceased Ki ng Ni qmaddu I I I ; and an expia-
tory ritual found in several exemplars, but best preserved in K TU
1.40 = RS 1.002. (See 7.1).
(2) Offering and deity lists. This is the most common type of cultic
text found at Ugarit. Most of these simply provide listings of offerings
made to the gods. They usually give the name of the deity, the thing
offered, and sometimes the name of the type of offering (e.g., srp,
'burnt offering,' lmm, 'peace offering'). These lists are important for
identifying the gods actively worshipped at Ugarit, and, to an extent,
their relative positions in relation to one another. (See 7.2).
(3) Omen texts. The examination of the internal organs of sacrificed
animals and the study of abnormal animal and human foetuses were
two ways in which the priests looked for signs of the future. This
type of practice is well known throughout the Near East, and a num-
ber of texts from Ugarit reflect the local version of it. Five inscribed
14
On the date of Ilimilku, see BORDREUI L MAL BRAN-I ^ABAT 1995, 447- 8. For
the chronology of the kings of Ugarit, see the discussion in VAN SOL DT 1991a, 1 46.
15
See, for example KTU 1.132 = RS 24.291, a sacrificial list that is made up
of a peculiar mixture of Hurrian and Ugaritic phrases, and KTU 1.148 = RS
24.643, another sacrificial list that has two sections in Ugaritic and one in Hurrian.
liver models and a lung model with an inscription on it illustrate
the practice of exdspicy.
16
In addition some texts listing omens related
to abnormal foetuses have been recovered (KTU 1.103 + 1.145 =
RS 24.247; and K TU 1.140 = RS 24.302). From Ras ibn Hani
comes a tablet with omens related to astronomical phenomena (K TU
1.163 = RI H 78/14). (See 7.3).
2.3.2 Correspondence
With the discovery of twenty-four as yet unpublished letters in the
house of Urtenu between 1988 and 1996, there are now over 110
letters in the alphabetic script, including those from Ras I bn Hani.
Most of these are correspondence between members of the royal
court, including the royal family and the maj or officials of Ugarit.
While Akkadian was used in international correspondence, the Ugaritic
language and script were the vehicles for local and more personal
communication in the city. There are a number of letters to and
from the king of Ugarit, rarely named, and there are several letters
to the queen as well. Other letters are from one official to another,
and there are a few personal letters from and to non-royal family
members.
Nearly half of the letters (approximately 49) were found in the
Royal Palace, while 27 come from the house of Urtenu, whose key
position in the Ugaritic government at the end of the 13th and
beginning of the twelfth centuries is abundantly illustrated in them.
The other letters in alphabetic script were found in various build-
ings throughout the site. (See 8).
2.3.3 Legal texts
A very small number of alphabetic tablets that deal with specifically
legal matters have been discovered so far at Ugaritbarely a dozen,
published and unpublished. Among these tablets, we find a few con-
tracts, agreements in which persons take on the responsibility to act
as security for loans, receipts for payment of redemption money to
release persons from a type of servitude known as unt, and royal
grants of property. This category overlaps with certain aspects of the
16
The liver texts are KTU 1.141-144, 155 = RS 24.312, 24.323, 24.326, 24.327
and 24.654. The lung model is KTU 1.127 = RS 24.277.
administrative texts, discussed below ( 9.2), and some scholars might
place a number of additional texts in this category.
2.3.4 Administrative texts
This is by far the most common genre of alphabetic document recov-
ered at Ugarit. Nearly eight hundred have been published, and many
of the as yet unpublished texts fit into this category as well.
17
The
majority of these tablets arc lists compiled for various purposes. There
are lists of names, professions, towns and villages, as well as records
of land transfers, deliveries of goods, distribution of rations, inven-
tories, and payment of taxes. Most of these tablets are quite small,
possessing fewer than twenty lines. Onl y a handful of administrative
tablets exceed fifty lines of text. (See 10.1).
2.3.5 The hippiatrc texts
Four exemplars of a text describing treatments for various medical
conditions of horses have been found at Ugarit. What makes this
text interesting is that the prescriptions for treatment of the various
equine ailments make no use of magical or other religious elements,
but rather focus on recipes for the mixing of various plants together,
which are then administered to the sick animal. Thus they are med-
ical in nature and find their closest parallels in Mesopotamian texts
that deal with human illnesses. Only one of the Ugaritic hippiatric
tablets is nearly complete (K TU 1.85 = RS 17.120), but the occur-
rence of three other copies indicates the value placed on the treat-
ments described here.
17
PARDEE - BORDREUI L ( 1992) , writing before the discoveries of 1994 and 1996,
estimated that there are approximately 900 administrative texts from Ugarit and
Ras ibn Hani. We can now add about forty from the 1994 finds and five from
1996.
3 T h e H u r r i a n an d H i t t i t e T e x t s
M a n f r i e d D i et r i c h - W a l t e r M a y e r
Due to the integration of Ugarit into the cuneiform writing tradi-
tion of Middle Babylonian Koine during the 14th century, clay tablets
in palace, priest and private libraries have reached us which show
that the indigenous Ugaritic population of the harbour town at the
close of the 13th century was multilingual: Besides documents in the
local language of Ugaritic and Middle Babylonian Koine were found
some in Hurri an and Hittite, demonstrating the ethnic mix of the
population.'
The discussion which follows starts from the evidence for Hurri an
and Hittite, with Hurri an plainly having priority since the documents
found so far outnumber those in Hittite. I n terms of topic, linguistic,
cultic and historical questions are to the fore.
3.1 The Human texts
First we provide a list of the texts grouped according to which of
the various libraries they come fromand we depend on material
published before 1998.
2
3.1.1 Texts from palace libraries
Within the palace, only texts and fragments in syllabic script were
found.
3
Apart from a letter (RS 11.853) and an Akkadian-Hurrian
wisdom text (RS 15.010), these are exclusively songs which are reli-
gious in content with indications of melody and directions for play-
ing, most of them have been preserved only as fragments: RS 14.015,
14.018, 15.030 + 049 + 17.387, 18.282, 19.084, 19.142-151,
19.153-155, 19.164evidently, to this group of texts also belong the
1
Isolated Cypriot texts and documents, with A1aia-Cyprus as their theme, pro-
vide grounds for the assumption that the close connections of Ugarit with its neigh-
bouring Mediterranean island also entailed a Cypriot component of the population.
2
Cf. VAN SOL DT 1991a, 339-40.
3
If the fragment KTU 4.669 + 7.130 = RS 19.174A + 19.174c, the contents
of which cannot be defined, should prove to be Hurrian, it would be the only
Hurrian text in alphabetic script to be found in the palace.
scattered finds RS 9.253 and 9.483A from the northwest region of
the palace (Butte nord-ouest).
Except for RS 15. 030 + . . RS 15. 010 from the eastern archive
of the palace and the scattered finds RS 14. 015 and 14. 018, all the
tablets come from the southwestern archive. The letter and the scat-
tered finds were published in L ar o c h e 1955, the wisdom text in
N o u g a y r o l - L ar o c h e 1955 and the remai nder in L ar o c h e 1968.
3.1.2 Texts from the priests' libraries
3.1.2.1 The library of the Grand Prtre
Duri ng the first five campaigns (1929-33), on the acropolis and in
the maison du Grand Prtre
4
between the two main temples of Baal
and Dagn, numerous clay tablets in alphabetic script were found
which throw light on the cultic and religious life of Ugarit. These
are written in Hurri an or a Mischsprache of Hurri an and Ugaritic.
From the house of the Grand Prtre come the following textswhere
possible we have given an indication of genre for each text:
1. K TU 1.32

RS 1. [066] fragment
2. K TU 1.33
-
RS 1. [067] fragment
3. K TU 1.34 z=RS 1 .[076] fragment
4. K TU 1.35 =
RS 1. [069] - uncertain
5. K TU 1.36

RS 1 .[070] fragment
6. K TU 1.37 - RS 1 .[071] fragment
7. K TU 1.42

RS 1.004 hymn
8. K TU 1.44
=
RS 1.007 incense incantation for
Kumarbr'
9. K TU 1.51 = RS 1.027 uncertain
10. K TU 1.52

RS 1.028 + 035 - uncertain
11. K TU 1.54 RS 1.034 + 045 incense incantation for
auka
6
12. K TU 1.59

RS 1. [049a] fragment
13. K TU 7.40 - RS 1 .[074] fragment'
14. K TU 7.43
= RS 1.031 fragment
4
BORDREUI L - PARDEE 1989, 15- 39; VAN SOL DT 1991A, 212- 7.
5
Most recent edition: DI ETRI CH MA Y ER 1994, 74- 81.
6
Most recent edition: DI ETRI CH MA Y ER 1994, 81- 5.
' The tablets of numbers 1-13 were found together in room 1.
15. K TU 1.60 = RS 2. [006]
16. K TU 1.64 = RS 3.372
- list of sacrifices
8
uncertain
I n addition, from the area of the acropolis come the two tablets:
17. K TU 1.66 = RS 5.182
18. K TU 1.68 = RS 5.200
- uncertain
- uncertain
Even though no precise information about the findspot is available,
the following tablets must also be assigned to the same area:
19. K TU 1.26 = RS 1-11.[048]
20. K TU 1.30 = RS 1-11.[046]
3.1.2.2 Library of the Prtre Hounite
list of sacrifices
9
fragment
Duri ng the 24th campaign in 1961 a group of clay tablets written
in the alphabetic script was dug up in the southern area of the
'acropolis' in room 10 of the house of the Prtre Hounite,
w
of which
the contents were cultic and religious themes. Of these, eleven are
definitely in pure Hurri an or in a mixture of Hurri an and Ugaritic:
1. K TU 1.110 = RS 24.254
2. K TU 1.111 = RS 24.255
3. K TU 1.116 = RS 24.261
4. K TU 1.120 = RS 24.269 + 297
5. K TU
6. K TU
[.125
1.128
RS 24.274
RS 24.278
7. K TU 1.131 = RS 24.285
list of sacrifices of the
pal ace"
oracular decision for a
royal sin-offering
12
offering at the Festival
of Atarte
13
fragment of an
incantation
death ritual
14
incense incantation for
El
15
incense incantation for
Ushara
16
8
Most recent edition: DI ETRI CH MAY ER, 1998; 1997B.
9
Most recent edition: DI ETRI CH - MAY ER, 1998; 1997b.
10
BORDREUI L - PARDEE 1989, 298; cf. VAN SOL DT 1991a, 194: 'Hurrian Priest'.
11
Most recent edition: DI ETRI CH MAY ER 1995, 12 6.
12
Most recent edition: DI ETRI CH MAY ER 1995, 17 22.
13
Most recent edition: DI ETRI CH - MAY ER, 1997b; 1998.
14
Most recent edition: DI ETRI CH - MAY ER 1997a.
15
Most recent edition: DI ETRI CH MAY ER 1994, 87 94.
16
Most recent edition: DI ETRI CH MAY ER 1994, 94 101.
8. K TU 1.132 = RS 24.291
9. K TU 1.135 = RS 24.295
10. K TU 1.148 = RS 24.643
11. K TU 1.149 = RS 24.644
ritual for the palace
goddess Pidray'
7
- palace offering from a
ceremonial ritual
18
palace offering from a
ceremonial ritual for
Atarte
- unintelligible
3.1.3 Texts from private libraries
I n the private libraries east of the palacefor instance in the House
of Rap'nu
19
and southeast of the palacefor instance in the Maison
aux tablettes
20
were found numerous fragments of multilingual lexi-
cal lists with a column in Hurri anthese texts have been discussed
above ( 3.1).
2
'
Noteworthy is the as yet unpublished letter RS 23.031
22
from out-
side Ugarit, which was discovered as a 'scattered find' on the edge
of the Maison aux tablettes. It is written in Akkadian heavily inter-
spersed with Hurri an.
3.1.4 Formal aspects
As the foregoing lists show, the Hurri an texts in alphabetic script
are chiefly lists of sacrifices set within rituals, and incantations. The
first thing that deserves to be established is that the symbiosis between
Hurri ans and Ugaritians, already evident in the use of the Ugaritic
alphabetic script, under the influence of an Akkadian tradition finds
its written expression both in language, i.e. grammar and lexicon,
and in cult and pantheon.
23
Thi s is most evident in the lists of
sacrifices and in an oracular decision (KTU 1.111), where the text
throughout is a mixture of languages: The ritual sections are in
Ugaritic, the lists of gods which are concerned with the sacrifices
17
Most recent edition: DI ETRI CH MA Y ER 1996a.
18
Most recent edition: DI ETRI CH MA Y ER 1997b; 1998.
19
BORDREUI L - PARDEE 1989, 228; VAN SOL DT 1991a, 165-10.
20
BORDREUI L PARDEE 1989, 282.292; VAN SOL DT 1991a, 182 91.
21
HUEHNERGARD 1987b.
22
Photo: BORDREUI L PARDEE 1989, 297: Fig. 38a: reverse with seal impression.
23
On the problem of symbiosis and its effects, e.g. of Akkadian on the Hurrian
of the Mittanni Letter see DI ETRI CH MA Y ER 1992, 39-40.
and which come from both cultures, are however in Hurri an and
seem to be almost fossilized.
An essentially formal aspect is also the re-use of previously inscribed
tablets for which the term 'palimpsest' can be used, as shown for
example by K TU 1.114, K TU 1.116 and K TU 1.131, to mention
the three most i mportant, where individual wedges and traces of
signs especially on uninscribed sections can only be explained if the
tablet had already been written on, before the new text was applied.
24
All these tablets come from the archive of the Prtre Hounite. The
priest responsible had re-used an already inscribed tablet after a new
covering for a text for a particular occasion. The reasons for this
practice can only be speculated on: perhaps to save on clay for a
text of lesser i mportance which was used only for a particular occa-
sion and/or lack of clay suitable for making tablets.
3.2 The Hittite texts
In spite of the close political relationship to the Hittite kingdom, espe-
cially to the sub-capital Carchemi sh, in Ugarit only a private Hittite
legal document (RS 17.109) and a polyglot Sumerian literary text
with a translation into Akkadian and Hittite (RS 25.421) have been
found.
25
3.3 The language of the Hurrian texts from Ugarit
3.3.1 Previous research
As yet there is no adequate appraisal of the Hurri ans and of the
Hurri an of Ugarit in current descriptions of Hurri an studies. De-
tailed studies of grammar and lexicon dependent on the Mittanni
Letter cannot hide the fact that they are all based on the bad tran-
scription
26
of a defective copy.
27
With these premisses it was without
exception difficult to establish links with Ugarit and also with Bogazky
where, to some extent, there was a very different Hurri an dialect.
I n this connection the as yet unpublished textual material from
24
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1993 for K T U 1.114; DI ETRI CH - MA Y ER 1994, 96 n. 78,
for KTU 1.116; 1995, 23 n. 58: as yet unnoticed.
25
See K MMEL 1969; NEU 1995b, 126-8.
26
FRI EDRI CH 1932, 8- 32.
27
SCHRDER 1915, 200.
Emar must play a role which has still to be determined. As shown
by comparisons between the Akkadian literary texts from Emar and
Ugarit, there were close scholarly ties between both places which
found expression in their common tradition ( van S o l d t 1994). Sim-
ilarly, on the basis of their proximity in time and space, Emar could
provide illumination on several points regarding the development of
the Hurri an of Ugarit.
Van Soldt has shown in detail that the Babylonian of Ugarit came
under Hurri an influence only until the mid-13th century. Afterwards,
it was increasingly open to Assyrian influence ( van S o l d t 1991a,
519-23)for us today this drastic change is certainly one of the tan-
gible results of the defeat of Hanigalbat. Remarkably, so far only
very few tablets in Hurri an from the period of Hurri an domination
before the mid-13th century have been found from excavations: Most
of them come from the end of the 13th century and so from the
time of Assyrian influence. At the same time these texts also show
that Hurri an played a role even in the royal house up to the fall of
Ugarit which is not to be underestimated.
Two opposing traditions have to be distinguished in the Hurri an
texts from Ugarit: On the one hand there are texts from the palace
in syllabic cuneiform, which in morphology, less so in orthography,
exhibit interesting parallels with the Mittanni Letter. On the other
hand, there are texts in alphabetic cuneiform, which were principally
found in two priestly libraries and reflect cultic practice. The latter,
with their consonantal script, present many problems for the record-
ing of the Hurri an of Ugarit and also give us much to think about.
I n any case, the conclusions which Spei ser (1941-2) and B ush (1964)
drew in respect of the consonantal inventory of Hurri an on the basis
of texts in the Ugaritic cuneiform alphabet require correction. The
main problem is that the consonantal script itself still conceals barely
comprehensible difficulties even for Semitists.
2
" All the more reason
for Hurri an studies to exercise caution in the adoption of the pre-
liminary results of Semitic research. On top of that comes the difficulty
that Hurri an itself through a long tradition in the West(-Syrian)
cuneiform system has been moulded by Middle Babylonian Koine
and has thus lost many of its characteristic features.
28
See most recently TROPPER 1994b.
3.3.2 Grammar
3.3.2.1 Phonology and orthography
3.3.2.1.1 Sibilants
The Hurri an texts written in the alphabetic script distinguish only
two sibilants: t denotes the voiceless sibilantsuch as unt (unub e)
(K TU 1.128:6.7.9), tdn (tad=en) (K TU 1.44:3[to], similarly K TU
1.128:8), tritt (tan=at = t=a) (KTU 1.44:11-2, K TU 1.128:20-21)-
and d the voiced sibilante.g. endr (en-nadura) K TU 1.128:4.6, jjllyd
[hill-ill-y add) (KTU 1.44:4-5). Thi s matches the observations made
by Tropper concerning the inventory of consonants in the alphabetic
script of Ugarit.
29
Thus, all attempts to reconstruct the phonemi c
inventory of Hurri annot only the sibilantson the basis of alpha-
betic spellings are premature and to be rejected.
If a different sibilant grapheme occurs then the word in question
can only be a loanword from Semitic culture. Thus words like sp
(sup(p) = e) (KTU 1.54:13), bsl (bask) (K TU 1.44:5), zg (zagge) (KTU
1.44:10) or rznn (rz-enni= ne) (K TU 1.128:12) are equally Semitic
loanwords as e.g. kl (sukkalle) (K TU 1.44:10, K TU 1.54:14, K TU
1.128:16, K TU 1.131:15) uhr (uhara) (K TU 1.131:1.11.12) or mr
(maru) (K TU 1.131:15).
It is noteworthy that the ergative ending on a participle of
action, which as yet is only attested with the verb at 'to release',
occurs as t (K TU 1.44:8; K TU 1.54:13), as (K TU 1.128:17) and
as d, (K TU 1.131:11). This results therefore in some uncertainty in
the way the ergative ending is written, which as is known from the
morphology of Ugaritic and Koi ne texts, can be conditioned by the
proximity of t with a partial assimilation completed ad libitum.
The graphic representation of sibilants in the root tae 'gift', known
from the Mittanni Letter, is by means of a in tzgd [taz-uiie-da)
K TU 1.128:8 and corresponds to the signs containing in the Koi ne
syllabary. Besides, this also corresponds to the spellings in the Hurri an
incantation from Mari: ta-zi-.
30
29
TROPPER 1994b, 25-49: sibilants and interdentals.
30
THUREAU- DANGI N 1939, 2, 7.8.9; cf. also the spellings of the D N Kdg ( K T U
1.128:13) and Kzg (KTU 1.116:6.14).
3.3.2.1.2 Velars
The emphatic velar q also indicates that a word in a Hurri an con-
text is a loanword from Semitic: ql (ql) 'with a loud voice' (KTU
1.44:4).
3.3.2.1.3 The liquids r and / as word-initial
Since there is no initial I or r in Hurri an, it can be assumed that
words beginning this way correspond to Semitic foreign and loan-
words. Thus we derive rznn (rzenni-ne) (KTU 1.128:12) from Akk.
rsu 'helper' and li (le'e) (KTU 1.128:4) from Akk. leu 'capable, able'
and consider them as foreign words.
I n a borrowed word, initial r can be avoided either by a preposed
vowel (cf. the DN Irappa < Raapu) or by means of a metathesis be-
tween r and the following consonant, as in the case of trbn (,tarb = enne)
(KTU 1.54:3), which derives from Akk. rsibtu 'one who commands
respect'. The uncertainty in respect of liquids emerges also in the
attribute bsl (basle) (KTU 1.44:5), occurring in a context which is
parallel to that of srbn (sarb-enne) 'rich in willows' (K TU 1.131:3.5).
Since loanwords of this kind occur in a Humani zed form, it has
to be accepted that they belong to an earlier stage of borrowing
than those which still retain an unchanged Semitic phonology.
3.3.2.1.4 The tenuis d
The tenuis d is inserted in earlier borrowings where the underlying
Semitic word has the emphatic dental /: pdrrn (padr-ma(n)) K TU
1.44:11 and K TU 1.128:20, which must go back to Akk. patru 'to
release'.
Before the stressed vowel u an original t is 'weakened' to d as
shown by the example mrdml (mrdmele) K TU 1.131:2, which is the
Humani zed form of Akk. mrtma-ilim 'El's daughter'. Thi s phe-
nomenon also occurs in the Mittanni-Letter, where it also applies to
Hurri an words.
3.3.2.1.5 Matres lectionis
In line with usage in late Ugaritic texts, the incantations show a cer-
tain tendency to plene writings, with y for | i / / | and if for | u/ / | :
kby kbny (kubb = i kib-enn = iye), mryt (mite) (KTU 1.131:2), nw (re'u)
K TU 1.42:38 and ilwny (iln) (KTU 1.128:17-8).
3.3.2.1.6 Hiatus
The auka-I ncantation transmits this divine name in the form twtk
(KTU 1.54:2.11.13) and is thus outside normal tradition, which uses
the M-aleph for the glide: tutk (K TU 1.42:22; K TU 1.59:1.5; K TU
1.60:2; K TU 1.64:26; K TU 1.116:3.9.13; K TU 1.120:3; K TU 1.135:2;
K TU 1.149:10.11).
The word 'heaven' only occurs in the spelling with a w-aleph: hum
(haurunne) (K TU 1.68:27 and K TU 1.128:2).
3.3.2.2 Morphology
3.3.2.2.1 Nouns
The following determined or undetermi ned cases are attested: the
absolutive, ergative, directive, ablative and comitative.
The absolutive: Alongside the use of the absolutive as an adver-
bial it also functions as a vocative. As far as can be ascertained,
the forms of this absolutive used as a vocative are not determined.
There are too few occurrences for making a reliable assertion as
to whether there really is a connection between indeterminate-
ness and the vocative.
The ergative shows no deviation from normal usage.
The directive and the ablative. Apart from the use of the directive,
which is well documented, and in Hurri an corresponds to West
Semitic and Ugaritic I 'to, for, towards' it also occurs in the El
I ncantation with an ablative function, whereas the ablative occurs
only once: il.dn (ile-dan) 'away from (KTU 1.128:16), where
it has been retained in a fixed formula. In general the findings
of the Mittanni Letter confirm this, where the ablative seems to
vanish in favour of the directive.
3
'
The comitative. The determinate plural of the comitative is rela-
tively well documented: ath.ndrm (athe- nadura - ma[n\) (KTU 1.128:3),
in(.)dr (en-nadura) (K TU 1.128:4.6), trnd.rm (ture-nadura-ma\n\)
(KTU 1.128:5). However, it occurs as indeterminate in the Uhara-
I ncantation: armdr (ar-urn-adura) (KTU 1.131:14).
3.3.2.2.2 Pronouns
The enclitic personal pronoun, 2. sg., occurs in hldp (held= a=ppa[n])
'you (sg.) are exalted' (KTU 1.128:4.5).
31
DI ETRI CH - MA Y ER 1993, 150- 1.
3.3.2.2.3 Verbs
Transitive verbs are attested in the 3 pi. imperative of the indicative
hllyd(hill=ill~yada) (KTU 1.44:4-5) and the cohortative singular: agrl
uwln (agr-ile uw=ilen) shall incense (and) slaughter!' ( K TU 1.128:19).
I n the intransitive conjugation the 1. sg.umtn (um-a-ttari) (KTU
1.131:12)and the 2. sg hldp (held= a= ppa[n]) (KTU 1.128:4.5)-
are attested.
3.3.2.3 Syntax
Two simple intransitive/stative clauses form the end of the incanta-
tion in the style of noun clauses: gr a*r*mdr mr kl '(Here is) the
igT-vessel with the (offering that) has been brought. Maru (is the
Uhara) messenger' (KTU 1.131:13-15). It cannot therefore be ex-
cluded that both gr and ski are in the locative-stative: *sagara and
*ukkalla respectively.
A special indication of Semitic influence on the Hurri an of Ugarit
is the compound: within the god-lists, unnamed gods are defined by
apposition. Thereby the apposition is, on the model of the Semitic
construct state, so closely connected that it forms a unit with it of
which only the apposition has the case-ending syntactically required
for both words; cf. such expressions as en tlnd 'for the /z/fe-god(s)'
(KTU 1.110:1; K TU 1.111:7) or ewrn prznd 'for the lord over the
decision' (KTU 1.110:4) instead of *end tlnd or *ewmd prznd.
3.3.2.4 Style
I ncantations are particularly subject to the usual rules of poetic lan-
guage with stylistic usages such as parallelism and chiasmus: Simple
parallelism is evident for example in K TU 1.131 in the opening
address (uhr mryt mrdml ttl srbn 'Ushara, Lady of Mari, || daughter
of El from Tuttul rich in willows', lines 1-3), with the chiastic posi-
tioning of its members in the following predicate (kby kbny mdm kt*[y\
'who plans her destiny, || who utters wisdom', lines 3-4). In the
second case the inversion of predicate and object in the second mem-
ber requires the addition of the enclitic -m(a).
A typical poetic characteristic is also the emphasis of an inde-
pendent imperative by the enclitic -m(a), as shown by the form him
'speak up!' (KTU 1.131:13). I n a non-poetic context this -m(a) irre-
spective of whether its origin is Hurri an or Ugariticcan also be
attached to nouns when at the head of a list: atf}lm 'a/AZ-offering
(f or)...' (KTU 1.110:1; K TU 1.111:3.8).
3.3.3 Lexicon
Whereas the rituals and sacrificial texts are written in a Hurro-
Ugaritic Mischsprache, the incantations, in 'good' Hurri an probably
also reflect authentic Hurri an thought. However, they are directed
to a mixed Hurro-Syrian pantheon: to Kumarbe of Uriga and Kumma
including the cult centre Tuttul, to Akkadian auka of Niniveh, to
Ushara of Mri and to El of Ugarit. I n line with this mixed tradi-
tion, which ultimately represents the result of a lengthy symbiosis, it
is not surprising that the texts contain numerous Semitisms and also
countless borrowings from neighbouring Asia Minor. This finds ex-
pression not only in the names of the gods, their messengers and
their places of worship, but also in the lexicon. Here we have pro-
vided a list of lexemes which as yet have not been explained or have
been explained inadequately.
3.3.3.1 Semitic words
hannuge (hnng-) 'merciful' (KTU 1.132:9) < Ug. hnn;
bazzizi= (hzz-) 'wisdom' (K TU 1.116:5; K TU 1.125:11) < hassu;
iln (ilwny) 'divine' (KTU 1.128:17-8 ) < *ilnyu;
le'e (H) 'powerful one' (K TU 1.128:4) < lew,
kelage (lklg-) 'a pot' (KTU 1.128:11) <(WSem.) qlh (Ug. qlh, Eg. qrh.t);
kalle- (Id-) 'cup, bowl' (K TU 1.128:11) < kallu;
kad(d)ale= (kdl-) a container (KTU 1.128:11) < ka/undulu;
mmurte- (mmrt-) 'audience gift' (KTU 1.128:10) < nmurtu:
mnte (mryt) 'Lady of Mari ' (K TU 1.131:2) < mntu;
mrdmele (mrdml) 'El's daughter' (KTU 1.131:2) < *mrtma-ilim;
mulugi= (mlg-) approximately 'gift' (KTU 1.116:31) < mulgu
nadi- (nd-) 'what is laid' (K TU 1.116:4) (bis) < nadi(u)
ninnaggi= (nng-) 'incense bowl' (K TU 1.116:31) < *ninnakku <
nignakk/ qqu;
padri= (pdr-) 'release, solution' (K TU 1.44:11; K TU 1.128:20)
< patru;
qle (ql) '(loud) voice' (KTU 1.44:4) < (WSem.) *qlu;
re' (riw) 'shepherd' (KTU 1.42:38) < r';
rzenne (rzn-) 'helper' (KTU 1.128:12) <rsu;
sikitt-enne- (sktn-) 'one who creates living things' (KTU 1.125:1)
< sikittu;
sup(p) (sp) 'to pray' (K TU 1.54:13) < suppw,
sarb/ bas le (srb-/bsl) 'rich in willows' (KTU 1.44:5; K TU 1.131:5) <
sarbatu;
agare (gr) a container (KTU 1.131:13) < akr (?);
s'ukkalle (ski) 'messenger of the gods' (KTU 1.44:10; K TU 1.54:14;
K TU 1.128:16; K TU 1.131:15) < sukkallu;
tarb- enne (trbn) 'one who commands respect' (KTU 1.54:3) <ribtu;
zogge (zg) 'first-rate, foremost' (K TU 1.44:10) < sank < sag.
3.3.3.2 Hurri an and non-Semitic words
ag=uge= (agg-) approximately 'tray' (KTU 1.128:10);
agruthe (agrth-) 'incense holder' (K TU 1.125:14);
arum (arm-) approximately 'offering' (KTU 1.131:14);
at= (at-) 'to release' (K TU 1.44:6.8; K TU 1.54:10.12; K TU
1.128:16.17; K TU 1.131:10.11);
el= (el) 'to speak' (KTU 1.128:1) ( Ur. ale);
ep= (ep-) 'to receive' (KTU 1.44:3; K TU 1.131:5) (cf. Hitt. e/ap(p)-);
liubruthe- (ffbrt['}-) 'receptacle for a sacrifice or holy water' (KTU
1.125:15);
kubb- (kb-) 'to plan' (KTU 1.131:3.4) (cf. Glossenkeil-W\ti. kup= I);
kiyade= (kyd-) 'sea' (KTU 1.125:12);
muti= (mt-) 'justice' (KTU 1.116:5);
nirul (nrl-) 'to prove to be good/merci ful ' (KTU 1.125:3);
tagi= (tg-) 'beautiful' (K TU 1.125:18; K TU 1.132:11);
taz-uge (tzg-) approximately 'offering table' K TU 1.128:8;
tad- (Id-) 'to accept' (K TU 1.44:3 (bis); K TU 1.116:4; K TU
1.128:8) (cf. Ur. sat=);
tay-enn- (tyn-) 'located by water' (KTU 1.125:3);
tun (tn-) 'hand' (KTU 1.44:7; K TU 1.54:11; K TU 1.128:17;
K TU 1.131:11);
tiw= (tw-) 'to escort' (KTU 1.125:4) (cf. Ur. sm=);
ude= (udr) 'result of extispicy' (KTU 1.116:27; K TU 1.125:17)
(< Sum. uzu).
3.4 The pantheon of the cultic texts
Correspondi ng to their mixed language the rituals and offering lists
also reflect a mixed Hurro-Ugaritic pantheon.
As there is a representative list of Hurro-Ugaritic deities in the
central second section of K TU 1.116, in other sacrificial texts it is
also possible to start from corresponding sequences. Thus it would
be possible to draw up a more or less 'canonical' list of the Hurro-
Ugaritic 'palace pantheon', correspondi ng to the Akkado-Ugaritic
'canon'
32
according to the alphabetic texts K TU 1.47 and K TU
1.118 and the syllabic text RS 20.24.
33
Besides K TU 1.116, the offering lists in K TU 1.26, 1.60, 1.110,
1.111, 1.125, 1.132 and 1.135 are of pri me significancefrom these
are deri ved K TU 1.26 and 1.60 from the House of the Grand
Prtre, the others, as well as K TU 1.116 from the House of the Prtre
Hounite.
K TU 1.26, 1.60 and 1.135 are only fragmentary and and each
comprises only the middle section of the tablet; the upper or lower
halves are missing. In preserved passages a pantheon is given which
largely follows the sequence of the 'palace pantheon', with mi nor
discrepancies.
Starting with the structure of these three tablets, which is like
the structure in K TU 1.116, then the information which proba-
bly concerns specially celebrated deities has not been preserved.
K TU 1.110 is completely preserved and provides a list of deities
who are to be honoured seven times with an unspecified sacrifice.
34
These deities are the 'great ones', also given in the list of palace-
gods in K TU 1.116; auka and her female retinue and Hammu,
however, are not mentioned. Where they occur, the sequence has
minor discrepancies in the lower section of the list. Thus Anat,
Simige and Nikkal come before the city god, and Nubadi g closes
the list.
Even when subordinate deities as well as deified paraphernalia
and expressions of well-being are lacking, the agreement otherwise
with K TU 1.116 indicates that this is also a sacrifice for the most
i mportant deities of the 'palace pantheon'.
K TU 1.111 describes an oracular decision for a three-day royal
offering for sin.
35
Here only the 'great' gods are listed. The only
goddess to appear is Nikkal, as consort of the moon god Kuuh/
Yarih who here plays a maj or role.
K TU 1.125 is directed specially to El as a death ritual. Of the
'great' gods, only Teub, Kuuh, Ea and Attabi are mentioned
beside El, and there are no goddesses. I nstead in K TU 1.116 there
32
DI ETRI CH L ORETZ 1988b, 300-5.
33
NOUGAY ROL 1968, 42- 64.
34
DI ETRI CH - MA Y ER 1995, 12 6.
35
DI ETRI CH - MA Y ER 1995, 17- 22.
are deified paraphernalia and expressions of well-being and in addi-
tion, deities from the realm of the dead ( D i et r i c h - M a y e r 1997).
K TU 1.132 describes a three-day ritual for the palace goddess
36
Pidray. The sacrifices which had to be made during the feast are
principally directed to the palace goddess and her retinue,
37
in
which the daily list of offerings begins with the talli-deity (in tlnd:
lines 4, 18 and 22).
This brief description of the relevant texts with lists of offerings shows
that K TU 1.125 and K TU 1.132 evidently lie outside the frame
which the other texts profess. For the investigation of a Hurro-
Ugaritic pantheon they are thus only of limited use.
The list provided in the following table shows the differences in
sequence. They seem to be i ndependent of the rank of individual
gods. One gets the impression that the god-lists were compiled indi-
vidually for particular occasions. Thus a group of repeatedly recur-
ring 'chief deities' can be drawn up which occurs to some extent in
almost all the textsas expected the exceptions are K TU 1.125 and
K TU 1.132. Thi s group regularly begins with the talli-god and
includes the father-god, El, Teub, auka, Kumarbe, Kuuh, Ea,
Atabe, the city-god, Hammu, Nubadi g, Anat, imige, Piaaphe,
Hebat, Daqit, Hudena-Hude11ura, I hara, Allai and Nikkal as well
as Ninatta-Kulitta and finally Adammai t thus includes 23 deities
and to some extent represents the kernel of a 'palace pantheon'. The
lists in K TU 1.110 and K TU 1.111 are shorter, with 13 and 11
deities respectively.
38
These findings are in general also confirmed by K TU 1.42, which
is provided in the last column of the following table of sacrificial
lists for comparison.
K TU 1.116 extends this group of gods by a series of numina which
are hard to identify, to which are added deified paraphernalia and
expressions of well-being. I n the other texts these are only quite inad-
equately documented, which may be partly due to the incomplete
condition of the tablets and partly due to an existing but not com-
pletely transparent eclecticism, as in the cases of K TU 1.125 and
K TU 1.132.
36
Against KTU'
1
line 3 is to be read b bt mlk.
37
The only deity who is certainly male is Nubadig (line 10).
38
No account is taken here of the deities mlk, 'ttr and yrfa, mentioned in a Ugaritic
context and not in a closed list of sacrifices.
Text 1.116 1.26 1.60 1.110 1.135 1.125 1.132 1.111 1.42
(KTU)
in tin
11
2
[2]
1
[2]

4.18.22 8

in atn 12
[2] [2]
2 [2/3]

3 1-5
il 13
[2] [2]
3 3 1
4.9 6-9
(/ kmrb)
ttb
( / m
13
[2] [2]
3 4 8

4.9 10-14
tutk 4.13.31 3 3 4
22-25
(il/) 14 3 4 5 5

5.10 6-9
kmrb
kz/dg 5.14
[3] [5]
4 6 9

10

iy 14
[4]
5 6
[7]
11

10 60,
(/kdg)
15-16
attb 15 4 5 6 7 10 [10] 29-31
in ardn 15
[4]
6 9 8

11

in h,mn 6.16
[4]
7
9

nbdg 8.16.35
[5]
10 10 11
10 50-53
c
nt 17
[5]
8 7 10
44-46
(/amm)
tmgn 17 5 9 7 10

12 38-40
pddpl}n 18
[5]
11 11 35-37
bbt 19
[6]
12

12

5.14.20

56ff.
dqt 19
[]
16

14 7

ffdn- 20
[]
15
13

8
32-34
ijdlr
i/ul}r 21 6 13
12

atn 21
[]
14
12

19.23

(ib/) 22
[]
[17]
8 14
6 47-49
nkl
nnt-klt 7.22-
3.34
[]
15 13
adm 23
[]

[]

kbb 23
P"g
24
xxhr 25

xxndr 26

udn 27
abn 28

16

tgn 29

18 11
kldn 29

16 12

ant

[18]

[1]5

f}wrt
iy

[19]

[16]

pdgn 33
(table cont.)
Text 1.116 1.26 1.60 1.110 1.135 1.125 1.132 1.111 1.42
(KTU)
bwr
sbr
bnrig
tyd
nwnvn
agrb
hbrtbn
ddm
pdry
Of the deities listed, El, Ea,
c
Anat and Nikkal, for example, origi-
nally come from the Syro-Canaanite world of gods, as their names
indicate, whereas Teub, Kuuh, Kumarbe, imige, auka and
Nubadi g are evidently Hurri an. Which particular numina lie hidden
behind ta//z-deities, the father-gods and the city-gods, and where they
come from, to the extent that they do not denote groups of gods
here, must remain open for the time being.
What decisions can be made concerning the insertion of separate
sections in the Syro-Ugaritic and Hurri an panthea? At all events the
lists represent a mixed religious tradition. Therefore, one can hardly
speak of 'canon' of the pantheon, as given in the Akkado-Ugaritic
memoranda.
3.5 Historical Aspects
The Uhara-incantation K TU 1.131 shows that this text is written
in 'good' Hurri an an observation which agrees essentially with the
incantations of Kumarbi (K TU 1.44), awuka from Niniveh (KTU
1.54) and El (KTU 1.128).
39
A reason for this phenomenon may lie
in the long tradition of the texts which, as for example K TU 1.131,
may go back to the Y amhad-pcriod of the 18th 17th centuries. If the
question is again posed concerning the reason for such a long and
good tradition, then the explanation lies in the genre of incantation.
6
9
12
13
14
15
17-21
2-3 60
39
See DI ETRI CH MAY ER 1994.
Here also the Hurri an wording has still been conscientiously trans-
mitted even when Hurri an was no longer a commonly understood
language in Ugarit. I ncantations, in fact, as in any language, have
to be difficult to pronounce and difficult to understand in order to
be effective.
40
From this observation can be derived a bridge to the mixed lan-
guage particularly of the sacrificial texts. Starting from the existence
of a Hurri an pantheon and the rituals connected with it, then it can
be shown that it was no longer possible to carry out these sacrifices
and rituals at the time these texts were composed, since the Hurri an
instructions had become unintelligiblenothing is more i mportant
for a ritual than its correct performance. Thus these rubrics had to
be supplemented or replaced by rubrics in Ugaritic. An immediate
result was that originally non-Hurri an deities were accepted into the
rituals and lists.
41
By their nature the incantations remained unaffected,
although they were directed to deities who, like El, belonged to the
Semitic pantheon.
It is also clear from this that at the time when the texts were
written down by the Prtre Hounite and his school, the Hurri an cult
was no longer alive but was only cultivated in certain fields. This is
certainly the result of a long process and can scarcely be traced back
to a specific historical date. Thus it is in any case feasible that the
seizure of power towards the middle of the 2nd millennium by a
ruling house from the south
42
whose followers we care to name
'Ugaritians' as shorthand for their written tradition, had taken the
first steps towards the elimination of the Hurri an cult from Ugarit.
Then their kings, who had erected their palaces to the south of the
'acropolis' ( D i et r i c h 1997) , performed their cult also in the temples
on the 'acropolis'; they moved there with their Semitic deities. The
domi nant role assumed by these deities is particularly clear from the
god-lists, where of the individual gods, El is at the top and others
such as Ea, Attabi, Anat and Nikkal are ranked below him only as
of mi nor importance and cannot be omitted from any list. Quite
clearly, at the same time the Semitic language of the new masters
took root in the Ugaritic cult, so that ultimately Hurri an was elim-
inated from the ritual texts.
43
40
On this cf. VAN DI J K 1982.
41
Cf. for example, DI AK ONOV 1981, 86-7.
42
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 310- 1.
43
The deathblow to the Hurrian cult in Ugarit must already have been pre-
In connection with these remarks on the history of the cult and
religion, the question can be posed concerning the Hurri an compo-
nent of the population of Ugarit. It is hardly likely that the Hurri an
cult was cultivated in a city without its own priests and congrega-
tion. How large this congregation was is difficult to say, as we do
not know how widespread the cult was in town and 'acropolis'. On
the one hand, it might have been restricted to Hurri ans in certain
social classes, and on the other there might have been participants
who did not belong to the Hurri an population.
Thi s provides no answer to the question concerning the level of
the Hurri an element of the population in Ugarit.
44
The onomasti-
con alone is no proof for the ethnic origin of the person bearing a
particular namethere are sufficient examples in the ancient Near
East of that. It is also quite likely that in the land around Ugarit
there were villages with an above-average Hurri an component in the
population.
45
The publication of the Babylonian texts of the priests' libraries of
Emar has provided close connections, in terms of literature and the
history of religions, between Ugarit and Emar at the end of the 13th
century. Thus it is to be hoped that the Hurri an texts from Emar,
which are as yet unpublished, can throw some light on the ques-
tions which with regard to the Hurri ans of Ugarit still remain open.
(Translation: W.G.E. Wat s o n )
pared by the complete suppression of Hanigalbat by Adad-nrr I (1305 1275)
and Shalmaneser I (1275-1245), which entailed the end of the Hurrian kingdom
in Syria and thus the termination of its language, cf. VAN SOL DT 1991a, 521-2.
44
Cf. however HAAS 1978, 66.
45
J ust as, for example, there were Kassite villages in the area of Arraphe, cf.
DOSCH - DEL I .ER 1981.
C H A P T E R F O U R
THE UGARI TI C L ANGUAGE
1 T h e D ec i p h er men t of U g a r i t i c
K ev i n J . C a t h c a r t
1.1 Introduction
The deci pherment of Ugaritic is associated with the names of three
persons in particular: Hans Bauer, Edouard Dhorme and Charles
Virolleaud. The first lot of tablets, which had been discovered at
Ras Shamra in May 1929, was brought to Paris and given to Virol-
leaud for cleaning, transcription and decipherment. It was immedi-
ately clear to the French Assyriologist that the tablets comprised two
quite distinct kinds of documentssome in a well-known language,
Akkadian, but many others in an unknown language written in an
extremely simplified cuneiform (Virolleaud 1929, 305-6). The num-
ber of signs was twenty-six or twenty-seven, so the script was almost
certainly an alphabet. Virolleaud thought, quite righdy, that the deci-
pherment of the newly discovered cuneiform writing would be made
easier because the words were generally separated from one another
by a vertical sign. He also noticed that the words were short, con-
sisting of one, two, three or four letters, and he concluded that the
vowels were not written.
1.2 Charles Virolleaud
Virolleaud provided a starting-point for the deci pherment of the Ras
Shamra alphabet by his acute observation that a short text engraved
on four of five bronze axes or adzes also occurred in the first line
of one of the clay tablets (1929, 306-7). The text on the tablet was
preceded by another single-letter word Y ^/. Since contemporary
Akkadian letters began with the preposition ana, 'to', it seemed likely
that W/
w as a
l
so a
preposition. A fifth adze had the same inscrip-
tion but the words were preceded by another word of four letters:
^ 5J 3> ^ cn> Virolleaud suggested that this word should mean
'axe', pointing to a tenth-century arrow-head from Sidon: KAI 20
hs
c
d\ 'the arrow-head of Addo'. Thus the first word must denote
the object on which it is written and the second word has to be the
name of the owner. Virolleaud believed that in the absence of a
bilingual inscription, success in working out the meaning of the words
on the adzes would lead to the decipherment of other texts. I n this
his first paper, which was the text of his communi cati on to the
Acadmie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres in Paris on 20 September 1929,
he made no hard suggestions as to the identity of the language. He
excluded 'Mi ttanni an', then suggested that perhaps a search should
be made in Asia Mi nor for the key to the new writing, and even
wondered whether Cypriot colonists had invented the cunei form
alphabet. More to the point, although he did not realise it at the
time, he posed the question whether the Ras Shamra alphabet was
older than that of the Phoenicians or was an imitation or adaptation
of it ( V i r o l l eaud 1929, 310). Some months later, however, Virolleaud
was expressing the view that the search for decipherment should be
directed towards Cyprus and the Aegean world: 'Malgr la difficult
actuelle d'un dchiffrement, il faut probablement orienter la recherche
vers Chypre et le monde gen' ( V i r o l l eaud 1930, 353).
1.3 Ren Dussaud
It is worth mentioning that, at an early stage, Ren Dussaud ( Dussaud
1929, 298-9 n. 3) was firmly of the view that the alphabetic writ-
ing of Ras Shamra had been invented under the influence of the
Phoenician alphabet; but he did not elaborate on his views. In a
monograph published eight years later ( Dussaud 1937, 49 n. 2), he
recalled that Virolleaud in his communications of 20 Sept. 1929 and
14 Feb. 1930, and in his publication of the texts discovered in 1929,
did not yet regard the new cuneiform characters of Ras Shamra as
letters of the 'proto-Phoeni ci an' al phabet. However, Virolleaud's
observations about the inscriptions on the five adzes were very use-
ful indeed, as will be seen below, and his generosity in publishing
the newly discovered texts as soon as possible, so that scholars could
study them, was very laudable. The account of his contribution to
the decipherment of Ugaritic must properly be given below after the
contributions of Bauer and Dhorme have been described.
1.4 Hans Bauer
Vi rol l eaud's article contai ni ng transcriptions of the Ugaritic texts
reached Hans Bauer on 22 April, 1930. I n less than a week he had
already made enough progress to inform Dussaud in Paris that he
had identified many of the letters ( Dussaud 1930a, 130-1; 1930b,
200). Accordi ng to a report in the Berlin newspaper Die Vossische
Leitung, he claimed to have identified twenty signs with certainty and
four others tentatively ( B auer 1930a). I n fact Bauer had correctly
identified the signs for b, g, d, h, w, h, y, I, n, \ r and t. He had also
identified two aleph-sigris but did not of course understand their pre-
cise value. Some of his incorrect readings were obstacles to progress:
for exampl e k (for m), m (for s) and a second w (for k). However,
Bauer's basic approach and method were excellent. The sixteen-page
introduction in his Entzifferung has been described as 'a masterpiece
of deci pherment description' by Cyrus Gordon ( G o r do n 1982, 109,
n. 6). Havi ng assumed that the language was Semitic, he worked
with the knowledge that certain consonants were commonl y found
as prefixes and suffixes and he quickly identified the sign for / through
Virolleaud's observation that the sign at the begi nni ng of the first
line on the clay tablet was a preposition, the equivalent of Akk.
ana. Bauer received Edouard Dhorme's first paper with his inde-
pendent results ( D hor me 1930a) too late for correcting the errors in
his first maj or publication on the deci pherment ( B auer 1930c), but
in a subsequent publication ( B auer 1930d) he gratefully acknowl-
edged the signs for k, m, s, p, q and furnished by Dhorme. Bauer's
emended al phabet, known as the '5 October al phabet', was also
more accurate due to his identification of the word hrsn (earlier read
grzn), 'adze'.
1.5 Edouard Dhorme
At the Ecole Biblique in J erusal em, Dhorme had also made rapid
progress in the deci pherment. He and Bauer had worked (on oppo-
site sides) as cryptanalysts duri ng the First Worl d War. It is clear,
however, that they had a good academi c relationship and with their
excellent skills both of them accomplished much in a relatively short
period. Like Bauer, Dhorme identified the sign \f\f\f at the begin-
ning of the first line of the clay tablet as 'Phoeni ci an /', 'to'. Then he
worked out the frequendy occurring name b
c
l. Unfortunately, although
he had now identified the consonant b, problems arose when he read
bn where he should have read bt, for the letters and t are very
frequent, and he was thrown off course. He was able to rectify mat-
ters when he saw Bauer's announcement that he had discovered the
key to the Ras Shamra texts. He paid particular attention to Bauer's
suggestion ( B auer 1930a) that the word for 'adze' found on one of
the implements was grzn as in Hebrew (see the Siloam tunnel inscrip-
tion and the Hebrew Bible). Even though Bauer's reading was erro-
neous, the signs for r and were read correctly. Since Dhorme had
already identified the sign for k at the end of the word mlk, he could
now read Irb k-nm, which he quickly recognised as Irb khnm, 'To the
chief of priests'. The title rb khnm was also on the adzes. So he had
now worked out the sign for h. I n his alphabet, Dhorme had cor-
rectly identified the signs for b, d, h, w, y, k, l, m, n, s,
c
, p, q, r, s, t
and two aleph-sigris, although like Bauer he did not have the full
truth about these last signs. Due to the incorrect reading grzn, he
gave the sign for h the value g, and s the value z- He also expressed
the opinion that for some consonants like aleph and 'ayin two different
signs could be used, and he understood this as evidence that the
final simplification of the writing system had not taken place ( Dhor me
1930a, 575).
This first article by Dhorme was dated 15 August 1930, but there
was a post scriptum, dated 14 September 1930, in which he com-
mented on Bauer's first results. The signs which Dhorme read as m
and s were read by Bauer as k and m respectively. I n his second
and third papers, dated 26 November, 1930 and 8 December 1930
respectively ( D hor me 1930b, 3-4; 1931, 32), Dhorme pointed out
that the divergences between his alphabet and Bauer's were greater
than he thought. When Bauer's Entzifferung appeared at the begin-
ning of October it was clear that the two scholars differed not only
on k, m and but also on i. p, and q. Dhorme's first paper had
appeared too late to be considered by Bauer. As we have seen, Bauer
immediately corrected his alphabet in the light of Dhorme's read-
ings, all of which he accepted and gratefully acknowledged.
Virolleaud's method of decipherment also involved the recogni-
tion of the preposition /, 'to'. He looked for words containing / which
were common in West Semitic and soon identified mlk and its plural
mlkm. He found the name of the god b
c
l and also the feminine form
b'lt. As a result of this he soon identified bt which could be 'daugh-
ter' or 'house'. There was a three-letter word in the texts with / in
middle position and the same sign before and after it. The only
word in the Semitic languages to fit this combination of signs was
the numeral 'three', which is l in Hebrew and tit in Arabic. The
early decipherers did not immediately establish the correct value of
Ugar. t. Virolleaud also recognised that the Ras Shamra alphabet
possessed three aleph-signs. He seemed to have worked out the value
of more than twenty signs, but when the French newspapers reported
his deci pherment of a 'mysterious alphabet', as if it were the first
successful attempt, Dhorme, clearly irked by the announcement, com-
mented 'Nos lecteurs savent quoi s'en tenir sur la porte de ces
affirmations' ( D ho r me 1931, 33).
An examination of J ohannes Friedrich's publications on Ugaritic
( F r i edr i c h 1933a; 1933b) shows that his grasp of the issues was very
sound in the early days of Ugaritic studies. There was still much
work to be done, but with an ever-increasing supply of texts, schol-
ars would arrive at a complete decipherment.
2 T h e U g a r i t i c S c r i p t
M a n f r i e d D i et r i c h - O s w a l d L o r e t z
Ugarit, Home of the Oldest Alphabets
I n 1929 and 1930, C.F. Schaeffer discovered clay tablets from the
14th and 13th centuries bce on the tell known as Ras Shamra
ancient Ugaritin Northern Syria, close to the modern harbour
town of Latakia. These tablets did not belong within Mesopotami an
cuneiform tradition but were instead written from left to right, in
a script which comprised only 30 different signs. The decipherers
Bauer and Dhorme immediately surmised that in spite of the unusual
direction of the writing, they contained a hitherto unknown Semitic
alphabetic script (Fig. 1). Compari son with other Semitic languages
indigenous to Northwest Syria and Palestine soon confirmed this hypo-
thesis. Thereafter, most of the signs could very quickly be identified
Fig. 1 A list of offerings with the first tablet number (KTU 1.39 =
RS 1. 001; Photo: UGA RI T - F ORSCHUNG Archive)
Fig. 2 The alphabet tablet from Ugarit (14th/13th cent, bce)
(Photo: Di etr i ch) (KTU 5.6 = RS 12.068)
and the language they represented could be described as an idiom
which in terms of content seemed to be comparabl e to Canaani te
texts, but from a phonological perspective, however, was more like
Arabic.
I mmediately after the decipherment, the question arose concern-
ing the classification of the language of the texts from Ugarit, i.e.
Ugaritic, within the family of Northwest Semitic. The problem of
the dextrograde direction of writing could be explained as a relic of
the cuneiform tradition from which the Ugaritians already had the
idea of converting their texts onto clay tablets. This debate is still
open, as shown by discussions in articles, books and lectures during
specialist conferences.
I ndependently of the classification of the vocabulary with its own
peculiar phonology, within a closer or more distandy related dialect,
the discovery of school tablets in 1949 created a new dust storm as
they were written in letters in alphabetic sequence (Fig. 2). Thus we
were dealing, completely unexpectedly, with the oldest documenta-
tion of the alphabet as a literary product: in the schools of Ugarit,
an alphabet was taught and learned, within a framework exactly as
known from the texts of the Hebrew Bible and from Middle Phoenician
several centuries later.
To all intents the Ugaritic alphabet looks like, so to speak, the
Phoenician alphabet with 22 consonants, extended by the insertion
of 5 additional letters plus 3 at the end. Consequentiy, the Phoenician
alphabet formed the forerunner of the longer Ugaritic alphabet. The
events can be outlined as follows (Fig. 3).
The establishment of a longer alphabet comprising 30 letters could,
however, also be understood as the original and earlier one, from
which a shorter alphabet developed through the loss of 8 letters, i.e.
the later Phoenician al phabetadvocated by Albright and his stu-
dents up to the present as the 'reduction theory'. However, that
would contradict what happens when an alphabet is adopted and
where necessary extended by adding further letters, according to the
principle 'an alphabet comes after a language'. This became clear
when a group of tablets was published, also from Ugarit and con-
temporary with the others, which displayed the following 'Phoenician'
characteristics (Fig. 4): a script going from right to left and a short
22-letter alphabet. Thi s proved that in Ugarit two alphabets co-
existed: a shorter alphabet with the characteristics of later Phoenician,
and a longer one, expressly for writing down Ugaritic. The result of this
was that our monograph on the alphabet was called 'The Cunei form
Alphabets' (Die Keilalphabete, D i et r i c h - L o r e t z 1988a).
1
With regard to the nature of the letters in the texts written in
alphabetic cuneiform, the following outline can be given: The let-
ters, which were written from left to right and determine the script,
ug. & r f m . m ^ ^c f f ^- ^r r r - r
Ug. > b g h h w b t y k S 1 m
Phoen.
-Can. > b g d h w z b t y k 1 m
u
g
. FT K * * - * -
Ug. d s < p f q r % $ t >1 >u
Phoen.
-Can.
n
s < p 9 q r S t
Fig. 3 The long cuneiform alphabet from Ugarit and its relationship to
Phoenician and Canaanite ( Di et r i ch - L or et z 1988a, 128)
1
See also DI ETRI CH L ORETZ 1989.
B G D H W H Y K
KTU 1.77 a I ff f -
KTU 4.31 - ^ pK l - <
KTU 4.710
L M S
c
P
Q.
R s
KTU 1.77
m
?
A

KTU 4.31
m
?
i<Kt
7

KTU 4.710
m
>
<J

M

Fig. 4 The short cuneiform alphabet from Ugarit ( Di et r i ch - L o r et z
1988a, 270)
represent vowelless consonants, opening or closing syllables, with an
implicit vowel of unspecified nature and lengthexcept, of course,
for the aleph-letters. More precise details on the nature of a conso-
nant and the vowel most probabl y assigned to it can be made
by means of the transmission of Ugaritic words in syllabic spelling
( H u e h n e r g a r d 1987b) or by comparison with cognate languages,
where the vowels are known.
Now, however, we are faced with the task of allocating a home-
land and if possible also the nearest cognate to both alphabets: in
view of the clear line of development of the expansion of a previ-
ous alphabet, theoretically speaking it was no longer necessary to
look for the closest cognate to the shorter al phabet tradition, as
attested directly and indirectly in Ugarit. They were there and had
to be sought within the framework of the old and possibly proto-
Canaani te alphabets, the history of which was already established.
The cognates of the longer alphabet tradition attested in Ugarit were,
however, much more difficult to determine. To be able to tackle the
related questions it was necessary to discover what the cuneiform
signs made in clay might possibly have looked like as strokes, i.e. in
linear form (Fig. 5). It was clear that they could have been trans-
posed from linear shapes to cuneiform signs and no longer needed
to be discussed. Thus it was necessary to discover which principles
the scribe and artist might have followed. We have considered these
principles and have attempted to connect the reconstructed linear
signs with similar signs in the other alphabets of Semitic languages.
I n this way we showed that the linear form of the Ugaridc alphabet
exhibits the direction both of the Phoenician alphabet and of the
old South Arabian alphabetic tradition. Accordingly, we started to
look for epigraphic and historical supporting evidence.
As a result of our endeavours we received quite unexpected proof
from St Petersburg: L undi n (1987) suspected that the small clay tablet
dug up by E. Grant in 1933 in Beth Shemesh, in Southern Palestine
dating to the 14th/13th century bce (Fig. 6) contained the begin-
ning of the alphabet in the South Arabian tradition, of which the
earliest witness so far dates to the mid first millennium bce, i.e. about
700 to 800 years later. After closer inspection of the photographs
from the excavation, and of other photographs, we came to the con-
clusion that on this small clay tablet there was not only the begin-
ning of the South Arabian alphabet (h-l-h-m) but the complete alphabet,
written from left to right round the tablet. Two things were clear,
therefore. First, that the old South Arabian alphabet with the cor-
responding sequence of letters was already in existence at this time.
Second, it was also clear that following the general trend in the mid-
second millennium bce, of transposing both script and language to
clay in line with the Babylonian model, it was in cuneiform script.
There was no need to emphasize that the signs used were not very
different from those used in Ugarit: the forms underlying both attempts
at transposition lay in their linear shape, as Fig. 5 shows, and they
are very similar ( D i et r i c h - L o r e t z 1988a, 277-96).
In respect of the geographical distance of Beth Shemesh in Southern
Palestine from Ugarit, doubts about a connection between the alpha-
bet traditions are justified; the rejection of such a connection would have
been premature, however. For the Syrian-French excavations in 1988
have brought to light in south east Ugarit the archive of a trader
and dignitary called Urtenu, in which a 'pal i mpsest'-tabl et was
inscribed with the South Arabian alphabet of the /W-A-m-tradition
(Fig. 7; B o r d r eu i l - P ar d ee 1995a). With this tablet the proof has
finally come that the connection of the Ugaritic Long Alphabet to
the South Arabian alphabet, which also has a tradition going back
to the 14th-13th century bce, was completely justified.
A comparison of the sequence of letters in the old Arabic alphabet
Sem. Western alphabets LONG ALPHABET Southern alphabets
value
proto- Ane. Phoen. Palest. cuneiform linear proto- OSA Iih. Saf.
Can. Can. Ah. Byblos
Yhmlk
Mea
Siloam
form
(reconstr.)
Arab.
J if
*
I 1
n \ X
b

3 5
*
U
->

d n
3
L 1 "
1 1 <- - r I - 1
D 0
JL V*- .
m-
va
H
O
d
V H w

h
*
* 3
- N
~~ / <
Y Y ?
y
to
?

r y Y
3
<D
2

I X
* ^J
"F
4 X
w
T

g m M H
*
i p -a cr)
r r *
A 3
h

S
}
1
t "


1
X

- H * H O
D

W f

u
i
h
F i
t 1
- f f
i
il
Il **
? r
T
k an
V
> 1
*>-

- ri 6
<7
n ?
,43
fct-J ^ l C rrr
III -
-> 1 1 ?
I l
w
s >
-
a
/1
96

> *

. . . Ill-
-w H
* I
?
* V
f
V -
n>rt

*
o-
*

f
c
<=>
O
- ^
O - > O o o o
i

(- )
n
7 V
?
Hf
lU
W ; ;
J .7
- t=
=
O
3 1
s
+
r i i.
- T
II
:

e
m r
H *
1
?
?
<P ?
- K
- o -
1 1
r + y
? 1
o -
>;
D 3
t
s
;
*

*
W w
W w ^
}
>
t
* X +
+ +
X X
r "
_ _
H-X 4
X - -t
i 4 t f * -M
IX ? I C
'JL
I
e
(P)
f i l l )
Fig. 5 The Ugaritic script in relation to the Western and Southern scripts
( Di et r i c h - L o r et z 1988a, 102)
Fig. 6 The Alphabet tablet from Beth Shemesh
( DI E T RI CH - L ORE T Z 1988a, 285)
Fig. 7 Tablet with the South Arabic Alphabet
( BORDREUI L - PA RDE E 1995, 856)
Beth eme H L H M
Q.
w
Ugarit H L H M
Q.
w
{J . Ryckmans H L H M
Q.
w
R TS N U [] F
R T D K N U S S
R B(G) T S H S F}
Beth eme ' ' G D G D T
Ugarit ' ' D G D G Y
{J . Ryckmans ' ' D G D G(B) D Y T S/Z}
Fig. 8 Deciphered Alphabets of the South-Eastern A-/-^-m-Tradition
with the traditions of Beth Shemesh and Ugarit gives the following
results (Fig. 8)in the third line the South Semitic alphabet is given
in brackets for convenience, as established by R y c k mans ( 1985) from
texts dating to the first millennium bce.
Thi s comparison shows clearly that the sequence of letters of the
cuneiform alphabets attested in Beth Shemesh and Ugarit as well as
the South Arabic-South Semitic alphabet reconstructed by Ryckmans
show very few divergences. The fact that the signs, as shown by
hand-copies and photographs, vary slightly as well, leads to the con-
clusion that the traditions, certainly not least in view of their geograph-
ical separation, must to some extent have developed independently.
These divergences are basically so slight that their common origin
never completely vanished from view.
This report on the discovery of the two cuneiform alphabets as trans-
mitted in Ugarit as well as their summary comparison should show that
the commercial centre Ugarit in the third quarter of the second mil-
lennium was a turning point in the early history of the alphabet in
two ways:
1. With the earliest recorded alphabet so farwhether in the '-b-g
sequence of the north west tradition or the h-l-h-m sequence of
the south eastern traditionwe are quite unexpectedlyor rather,
as was to be expectedat a point in its development which already
has the appearance of the conclusion to a forerunner. J ust when
we thought we were close to the origin of the evolution of the
alphabet and finally were able to propose a date for the 'discovery
of the alphabet', we have to envisage a world with two alpha-
bets (Fig. 9).
2. The origin of the cuneiform alphabet from Ugarit also reflects a
history of two alphabets: a Levantine tradition with 22 letters was
shall we say overlaid by an Arabic tradition so that, with some
additions, a 30-letter alphabet was derived. Thus we find our-
selves in the midst of a historical process on which it is worth-
while to reflect a little: the inhabitants of a city who towards the
middle of the second millennium had migrated from south east-
ern Palestine to the northern Levant, had developed a commer-
cial ruling dynasty in Ugarit which in the history of literature
and the art of the scribe had thus created a lasting monument,
so that on arrival its native tongue could be inserted into an exist-
ing scribal school and writing tradition and thus the alphabet
already discovered could be expanded. The authentic Ugaritic
alphabet which arose in this way is ultimately to be perceived as
a witness of inter-cultural activity with branches as far afield as
Cyprus (Hala Sultan Teke).
With the exami nati on of the cunei form alphabets transmitted in
Ugarit we find that in terms of the history of the alphabet we are
not, as many would argue, at its inception. I nstead, we are once
again at the conclusion of separate developments which nevertheless
in terms of their significance represent an i mportant step in univer-
sal history. Although we find ourselves in the mid-second millennium
bce, we have still not yet reached a point at which we can specu-
late on the origin of the alphabet.
(Translation: W. G . E . Wat s o n)
,8f*S
-Halet>/Ateppo
SfTre

Sarafand/Sarpta,
#Ruweisah
.0$
HWj
Heni J
.ArstaiTai
W Bars
Hamm
Ris amrj/Uqarit
/larnaka/Kition Uj
Hata Sultan Tekke CQ
"TK3md ei-Lz/Kumidi
Damaskus
f is
Netii Mwd/CLadeS.
Palmyra/Tadncr
.QakSBarnea
Sean
Mountains of
s G ILE AD
Oer
.Balu'an
A Ugaritic cuneiform
Proto-Canaanlte Inscriptions
Ancient Canaanite Inscriptions
Ancient Phoenician Inscriptions
(up to the end of the 8th cent. BCE)
Ancient Aramaic Inscriptions
(up to the end of the 8th cent. BCE)
Ancient Hebrew Inscriptions
(up to the end of the 8th cent. BCE)
0 i s ill 7S 100kw
drawing: G. Neuber
Fig. 9 The spread of cuneiform alphabets in the Eastern Mediterranean
( DI E T R I C H - L OR E T Z 1988a, 359: Map)
3 U g a r i t i c G r a mma r
J o s ef T r o p p e r
3.1 Introduction
3.1.1 The classification of Ugaritic
Ugaritic, the local language of the city state of Ugaritic, is one of the
Semitic languages. The classification of Ugaritic within Semitic is still
a matter of dispute.
The Semitic languages can be broadly divided into an East Semitic
branch (Akkadian) and a West Semitic branch. West Semitic can be
further divided into a South Semitic and a central Semitic branch
(Canaanite, Aramai c and North Arabic). Of the central Semitic lan-
guages, Canaani te and Aramai c can be traced back to a common
former stage which is called 'Northwest Semitic'. There is hardly any
doubt nowadays that Ugaritic is more closely related to Canaani te
and Aramai c than to North Arabic.
1
Thus Ugaritic is shown to be
a Northwest Semitic language. Since Ugaritic is closer to the later
Canaani te languages than to Aramaic due to more important linguis-
tic isoglosses, either it belongs to Canaani te or it is the (only) repre-
sentative of a separate language branch of Northwest Semitic closely
related to Canaanite.-
3.1.2 Current research in Ugaritic grammar
3.1.2.1 The four most i mportant overall summaries of Ugaritic
grammar published so far are:
1. C.H. G o r d o n , Ugaritic Grammar (Rome 1940) with two further edi-
tions: Ugaritic Manual (Rome 1955) und Ugaritic Textbook (Rome 1965).
2. S. S eg er t , A Basic Grammar of the Ugaritic Language (Berkeley, Los
Angeles, London 1984).
' The opinion maintained in the early period of research that Ugaritic is par-
ticularly close to North Arabic can no longer be held today. The two most impor-
tant arguments for this theory, the extensive phoneme inventory of Ugaritic and
Ugaritic-Arabic isoglosses have been substantially modified by the results of recent
research.
2
For most recent discussion see especially I SAKSSON 1989 and TROPPER 1994b.
3. D. S i v an, Ugaritic Grammar (Encyclopaedia Miqra'it 9; J erusal em
1993) [in Hebrew],
4. D. S i v an, A Grammar of the Ugaritic Language (HdO 1/28 Leiden,
New York, Cologne 1997).
By now, Gordon's summaries have been largely superseded. The
later grammars listed merely present a concise grammatical outline
of Ugaritic. As yet there is no complete, modern reference grammar
of Ugaritic. I n his Habilitation submission presented in 1997 at the
Freie Universitt Berlin with the dtie Untersuchungen zur ugaritischen Gram-
matik. Schrift- Laut- und Formenlehre
3
the author has laid the foundation
stone for such a grammar.
3.1.2.2 I n spite of research spanning several decades, a large num-
ber of problems of Ugaritic grammar remain unsolved, due to the
following factors:
(a) Ugaritic is a dead language attested only in writing.
(b) Closely cognate contemporary languages are known only sketchily.
(c) The corpus of Ugaritic texts is recorded in a writing system with-
out vowels, except for a few words in syllabic spellings.
(d) The range of grammatically i mportant Ugaritic texts is restricted.
(e) Many texts are of uncertain interpretation.
(f ) The corpus of Ugaritic texts contains a set of very different gen-
res, each with its own grammatical features.
3.1.3 Aim of this grammatical outline
Here follows a brief grammatical outline of spelling, phonology, mor-
phology and morpho-syntax of the Ugaritic language. It contains
only the central topics of grammar. Facts on which scholars are
widely in agreement are described without reference to secondary
literature. However, areas where there are problems are provided
with a short commentary. I n this way the outline of grammar will
describe the present state of research on Ugaritic grammar.
3
Research on Ugaritic Grammar. Script, Phonology and Morphology.
3.2 Orthography
3.2.1 The principles of consonantal orthography
The basic principle of the Ugaritic alphabetic script is that each con-
sonantal phoneme of the language is equivalent to one sign in the
script. By the introduction of the three additional signs of the Ugaritic
alphabet, <i >, <u> and <s>, the principle is violated in two ways:
the phoneme / V is represented in Ugariticdepending on the fol-
lowing vowelby <a>, <i > or <u> (cf. 3.2); the phoneme /s/ is
represented by <s> or <s>.
4
Lengthened (doubled) consonants were not differentiated from sin-
gle consonants. They can be determined only by comparative philol-
ogy or on the basis of syllabic spellings.
3.2.2 The aleph signs
a. The most remarkabl e feature of the Ugaritic alphabet is that
it has three different signs for writing the glottal stop /V, i.e. an
a-aleph = <a>, an z'-aleph = <i > and a w-aleph = <u>.
b. It is generally agreed that the three Ugaritic aleph signs are used
in syllable-initial position: <a> represents the syllables a/ and /'/,
<i > represents / V , / , and probably also / W (sh
c
wa) and
lasdy <u> represents I'ul, / and /'0/.
c. The way in which syllable-final, i.e. vowelless aleph is written is
a matter of dispute. There are quite different theories. The extreme
views are as follows: 1.) Any syllable-closing aleph is represented
by <i >. 2.) The choice of sign for syllable-closing aleph depends on
the quality of the preceding vowel. 3.) Syllable-closing aleph is no
longer expressed in Ugaritic: /V becomes / / , / f / becomes I I I and
/u
}
/ becomes //. The aleph signs <a>, <i > and <u> act as vowel
letters (matres lectionis) for the resulting contracted vowel: / / , ll and
II?
4
For the phonetic value of this grapheme, which gained entry into the Ugaritic
alphabet only at a later date, see SEGERT 1983 (<s> = [su]) and recently TROPPER
1995. Thus the grapheme <s> has the value ['s]. It was inserted after the Ugaritic
phoneme /s/ written with <s>, which originally (also) had the phonetic value ['s],
had been deaffricated to [s] in certain phonetic contexts.
5
For the proponents of these theories see VERREET 1983a, 223- 6.
d. The theory of the position of aleph defended here is more com-
plex than the proposals mentioned above.
6
On the one hand it envis-
ages the possibility that the syllable-closing glottal stop in Ugaritic
was not always strongly articulated (= quiescent aleph). On the other
hand it follows that in Ugaritic /aV after the loss of a syllable-closing
glottal stopmost probably irrespective of stressbecame either / /
or /0/ (cf. Heb. ns't < *naa
>
t as distinct from Heb. ro < *ra
>
).
On this basis the following 'rules' can be formulated: the (articu-
lated) syllable-closing glottal stop is written with an <i >, irrespective
of the preceding vowel. If the glottal stop is not articulated, i.e. the
aleph is quiescent, then the following applies: <a> stands for / / <
*a
}
; <i > stands for III < *i'; <u> stands either for // < *u
}
or
for loi < V .
e. The graphic notation of a syllable-closing glottal stop is non-homo-
geneous in the corpus of Ugaritic texts, as some alephs evidendy
represent a strong aleph, others a quiescent aleph. The former are
phonemi c spellings, the latter phonetic spellings: e.g. yihd lya'fyud-l
'he takes/took' (KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+5.155 1, etc.) againstyahd
lyhud-I <*ya
}
(}ud- (K TU 4.44= RS 9.453:28) or yuhd(m) lyffVd-l
<*ya'hud- (K TU 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+3.341+3.347 iv 16; K TU 1.22
= RS 2.[024] ii 17*; K TU 1.103+ = RS 24.247+: 17) and tuhd-
/tfj. Vdl<*ta'hud- (KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367 i 40).
7
Within a word there
are more spellings with strong aleph, but at the end of words there
are more with quiescent aleph.
3.2.3 Vowel notation
I n principle, in alphabetic spelling vowels are ignored, apart from
the aleph signs which in syllable-initial position express the vowel
following an / V (as well) ( 3.2.2b). Exceptions are rare. The spo-
radic use of <y> as a vowel letter (mater lectionis) for / / is worth
emphasizing, especially at word-close, e.g. ily ugrt /
}
il
3
UgaritV/ 'the
gods of Ugarit' (KTU 2.26 = RS 16.264:4-5).
8
6
On this see TROPPER 1990b.
7
Cf. Heb. yhz (18x; alongside 3 X ye"hz).
8
On vowel letters in Ugaritic see BI .AU - LOEWENSTAMM 1970 and DI ETRI CH -
L ORETZ 1973c.
3.3 Phonology
9
3.3.1 The consonantal phoneme system
According to the Ugaritic alphabet, which comprises twenty-seven
'ordinary signs' and three 'supplementary signs', there were at least
27 consonantal phonemes in Ugaritic. This relatively wide range of
consonants can be subdivided into obstruents (plosives and frica-
tives), nasals (/m/, //), liquids (///, /r/) and semi-vowels (/w/, /y/).
Depending on how they were articulated (unvoiced, emphatic, voiced)
most of the obstruents can be arranged in rows of three columns,
as follows:
unvoiced emphatic voiced
labials /p/
-
/b/
dentals /t/ /t/ /d/
interdentals /t/ /z/
/d/
(alveolar) sibilants /s/ /s/
/z/
(palato-alveolar) sibilants //
velars /k/ /q/
'g'
uvulars
/ y
-
igi
pharyngeals /h/

/ 7
laryngeal /h/, / 7
3.3.2 Comments on uncertain consonantal phonemes
a. The Semitic phoneme / d! is written consistently with <d> only
in texts K TU 1.12 = RS 2.[018] and K TU 1.24 = RS 5.194. I n
the other texts it is written predominantly with the sign <d>apart
from specific phonetic environments
10
which indicates a conditioned
coalescence of /d/ and /d/ in Ugaritic.
b. Etymological / / usually occurs in Ugaritic spelling as <z>. How-
ever, there are a few words in which <g> stands for etymological
/ / . " I ncontrovertible examples are Ingr, 'to guard', Vgm\ 'to be
thirsty' and gr, 'mountai n'.
9
On this topic see FRONZAROLI 1955b.
10
Often in the vicinity of Irl (cf. UT 5.3), /m/ and /n/.
11
See FRONZAROLI 1955b, 33-5, / 5.7 and DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ, 1967, 312-4.
RSSLER 1961 has a different view.
c. Ugaritic has four sibilants, i.e. / s / , / s / , / z/ and / / . The first
three phonemes stand out by their distinctive feature of affrication
and should have been realised as ['s - 's
5
-
d
z]. I n contrast, // is
a fricative palato-alveolar sibilant, i.e. [].
d. The lateral phonemes /s
2
/ (= / / ) and / / / attested in other
Semitic languages are regularly represented in Ugaritic spelling by
the graphemes <> and <s>. Rarelyfor instance in K TU 1.12 =
RS 2.[012]etymological / / / appears in Ugaritic as <?>.
3.3.3 Equivalence table of selected Semitic consonants
12
P S O S A A r ab. U gar . Heb.
early
A r am.
late
E t h. A kk.
t t t t t s

? g*
s s t s s
d d d d, d d
s
3
s
3
/s s s s s s s
s
1
s'/s
s s
s
2
S
2
/ s s
d d s, z* s
q
c
d s
X h h
b
h h h h
y g g g
c c <
3.3.4 The vocalic phoneme system
Proto-Semitic has a) three short vowels, / / , //, / / , b) three long
vowels, / / , / /, / / , and two dipththongs, /ay/ and /aw/. Ugaritic
has preserved the pri mary vowels / a/ , /i/ and /u/ as both long
and short. The PS diphthongs *ay and *aw, however, have been
contracted to monophthongs: *ay > //\ *aw > // (see 3.3.5.3a).
3.3.5 Sound changes
A large number of sound changes are documented in Ugaritic spelling
following phonological rules. The most fundamental are set out here.
12
OSA Old South Arabic; Arab. = Classical Arabic; Aram. =Aramaic; Eth. =
Ethiopie; Akk. = Akkadian; PS = Proto-Semitic.
3.3.5.1 Consonantal sound changes
(a) Sound change *w > lyl at word-initial, e.g. \ybl < *wbl, 'to
carry, bring'.
13
(b) Voicingdevoicing,
14
especially with labials, e.g. yb
c
l /yib'alu/ 'he
makes' (KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] vi 24; <p'l) and tpky /tapkiyu/
'you (sg.) weep' (KTU 1.107 = RS 24.251+: 11; <bky).
(c) Regressive assimilation: *dt > /t t /, e.g. aht /'ah(h)att-/ < *'ahadt-
'one' (KTU 1.48 = RS 1.019:13 etc.); *nC > /CC, e.g. ap = syl-
labic spelling ap-pu /'appu/ < * 'anpu 'nose' (KTU 1.2 = RS
3.367 i 13 etc.); *IC > /CC/, only in qh 'to take' (see 3.4.4.4c).
3.3.5.2 Vocalic sound changes
1
'
1
(a) Vowel harmony: *qattv\l > /qv\ttv\l/, e.g. ibr /'ibbr-/ < *'abbr
'bul l ' (K TU 1.10 = RS 3.362+ iii 35 etc.); *>
Vi
C.v
2
C(C) >
^V2C.V2C(C) ( V = short vowel), e.g. urbt /'urubbat-/ < *'arubbat-
'opening, hatch' (KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ 61, etc.), irt irit-/
< *>arit- 'wish' (KTU 1.104 = RS 24.248:1, etc.).
(b) Vowel syncope: pretonic: (Cv)CvCvC.v > (Cv)CvCC.v (V = short
vowel), e.g. rit /ra'sat-/ < *ra'at- 'heads' (KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367
i 23.24, etc.); post-tonic: C.vCvCvCv > C.vCCvCv or C.vCCvCvCv >
CvCCvCCv (V = short vowel).
3.3.5.3 Sound changes in diphthongs and triphthongs
16
(a) Contraction of diphthongs: *aw > /<?/; *ay > /<?/; *iy > //\ *uw
> //.
(b) Preservation of some types of tri phthong (/uwa/ , /iyv/, /aw/y/,
/vw/yv/) as opposed to the contraction of other types of triph-
thong (*awu> //\ *aw> //*ayu > //; *ay > / f / ; *awa> //\
*aya > //; *uwu > //).
13
However, word-initial /w/ is preserved (a) in the conjunction w, 'and', (b)
before the vowel lui (D-stem infinitives of the I-y < I-w roots, e.g. wld lwullad-1
'to bear (a child)' [KTU 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+ iii "48 etc.] and wpt-m lwuppat-1 'to
insult' [KTU 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ vi 13]).
14
On this topic see GA RR 1986 and V OI GT 1991.
15
For syllabic spellings see HUEHNERGARD 1987b, 268-83.
16
For syllabic spellings see HUEHNERGARD 1987b, 288-92.
3.3.5.4 Sound changes within syllables
(a) Prothesis (to avoid a word-initial consonant cluster): e.g. usb
c
/(')usba
c
-/
< *siba
c
- 'finger (pi.)' (K TU 1.2 = RS 3.367 iv 14, etc.).
(b) Specific pausal forms: words at the end of a sentence occasion-
ally have a phonetically altered form (e.g. reduction of the end-
ing or special lengthening of the stressed syllable).
3.4 Morphology and morphosyntax
3.4.1 The pronoun
3.4.1.1 The personal pronoun
a. Nominative forms: l.c.sg. ank syll. a-na-ku anku/ (longer form)
or an /
3
an/ (shorter form); 2.m.sg. at = syll. at-ta /
}
atta/ < *
}
anta;
2.f.sg. at /
3
atR/ < *'anti; 3.m.sg. hw = syll. -wa /huwa/ < *hu
}
a;
3.f.sg. hy /hiya/ < ^hi'a; 2.m.pl. atm /'attum/ < *'antum; 2.c.du. atm
attum/ < *'antum; 3.c.du. hm /hum/.
17
b. Oblique forms (gen./acc.): 3.m.sg. hwt /huwati/ (KTU 1.3 = RS
2. [014] vi 20 etc.); 3.f.sg. hyt /hiyati/ (K TU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]
iii 10 etc.); 3.m.p1. hmt /humti/ (K TU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ iii 9
etc.); 3.c.du. hmt /humti/ (K TU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] 20.30; K TU
1.19 = RS 3.322+ iii 44).
3.4.1.2 Pronominal suffixes
l.c.sg. possessive suffix -0 or -y /- /, -y /-ya/;
R
l.c.sg. object suffix
- /-n/; 2.m.sg. -k /-ka/; 2.f.sg. -k /-k/; 3.m.sg. -h = syll. - /-h/;
3.f.sg. -h /-ha/; l.c.pl. -n /-na/(?); 2.m.pl. -km /-kurnu/; 2.f.p1. -kn
/-kun(r)a/; 3.m.pl. -hm /-hum/; 3.f.p1. -hn /-hun[n)a/; I .e.du. -ny
/-nay/; 2.c.du. -km /-kum/; 3.c.du. -hm /-hum/.
3.4.1.3 Demonstrative pronouns
- 'this' (adjectival): hnd (many); hndn (KTU 2.71 = RS 29.095:10).
- 'this' (nominal): hndt (K TU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ iv 62; K TU 2.38 =
RS 18.031:12; K TU 2.45 = RS 18.140:7).
17
l.c.pl., 2-f.pl., 3 m./f.pl. and I.e.du. forms are not attested.
18
After a short H-/ vowel and after various long vowels it is / -ya/, otherwise it
is /I /.
- 'that' (adjectival): hnhmt (KTU 3.3 = RS 15.128:8; perhaps also
K TU 4.659 = RS 19.166:6).
- 'that' (nominal): hnk (KTU 2.33 = RS 16.402:23); hnkt (KTU 2.41
= RS 18.147:13; K TU 2.21 = RS 15.174:10).
3.4.1.4 The determinative pronoun (relative pronoun)
The forms of the Ugaritic determinative pronoun, which also func-
tions as a relative pronoun, are: m.sg. d /d/ (Nom.), /d / (gen.),
/d/ (acc.) and d = /d/ (only K TU 1.24 = RS 5.194:45 [gen.]);
f.sg. dt = /dtu/, /dti/, /data/; c(?).p1. dt /dtV/. There is also an
indeclinable variant d = /da/(?).
19
3.4.1.5 I nterrogative pronouns
- 'who?': my /mya/(?) (several occurrences); mn (KTU 1.3 = RS
2.[014] iii 37; K TU 1.3 iv 4; perhaps K TU 1.5 = RS 2. [022] +
iv 23.
- 'what?': mh /mah(a)/ (several occurrences); mhy (KTU 2.14 = RS
[Varia 4]:9 only); mat (K TU 1.14 = RS 2. [003]+ i 38 only); mn
(uncertain occurrences: K TU 1.5 = RS 2. [022] + iv 23; K TU 2.45 =
RS 18.140:25; K TU 2.72 = RS 34.124:22; in K TU 1.16 = RS
3.325+ ii 19.20 it means 'how many?').
3.4.1.6 I ndefinite pronouns
- 'anyone': mnk (KTU 3.2 = RS 15.111:12 [mnk mnkm]); mnkrn (KTU
2.19 = RS 15.125:12; K TU 3.2 = RS 15.111:13); mnmn (KTU
1.123 = RS 24.271:22 [mr mnmn]);
20
mnn (KTU 5.9 = RS 16.265
i 2).
- 'anything': mhk (KTU 2.38 = RS 18.031:26); mhkm (KTU 2.30 =
RS 16.379:22; K TU 2.71 = RS 29.095:14 [<h>mhkm]); mnm (many
occurrences).
- 'whatever' (adjectival): ay (KTU 1.23 = RS 2.002:6; K TU 1.24 =
RS 5.194:44).
19
It occurs only as a determinative pronoun before a noun clause or as a rela-
tive pronoun before a nominal relative clause.
20
Cf. Akk. mammon < *man-man 'anybody' as well as the expression mar marn-
mana(ma), 'anybody's son' (CAD M/ l , 200-1).
3.4.2 The noun
3.4.2.1 Noun formation
Several different patterns are used for the formation of nouns (nouns
and adjectives) in Semitic: monosyllabic forms; polysyllabic forms;
forms with lengthened components; forms with prefixes, infixes and
suffixes. Most patterns can be assigned to specific classes of mean-
ing. There are severe limitations on identifying nominal patterns in
Ugaritic as the alphabetic spelling often permits no conclusions regard-
ing formation.
21
The Ugaritic noun forms attested in syllabic spelling
are rich in information.
22
3.4.2.2 Gender
There are two grammatical genders: masculine (masc.) and feminine
(fem.). Masc. nouns are basically unmarked, whereas as a rule fem.
nouns have a special ending.
By far the commonest feminine morpheme is -(a)t. The choice of
the morpheme variant -at instead of -t is largely dependent on syl-
lable structure. The -(amending also denotes nomina unitatis (singular
nouns), e.g. mnht '(single) gift' (K TU 4.709 = RS [Varia 13]:6) in
relation with the generic name mnh 'gift(s)' (KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367
i 38 etc.). Besides the feminine ending -t = /-{a)/ probably a rare
feminine ending y /-ayV/ is also attested: n
c
my 'the (exceedingly)
lovely' (KTU 1.5 = RS 2. [022]+ vi 6.28; K TU 1.17 = RS 2. [004]
ii 42). There are also grammatically feminine nouns without a fem-
inine ending, e.g. um 'mother'.
3.4.2.3 Number
There are three numbers in Ugaritic: singular (sg.), dual (du.) and
plural (pl.). The sg. is unmarked. The du. and pi. are denoted by
special morphemes.
I n Ugaritic the du. is productive and is marked by the morpheme
- 0 = / / which always coalesces with the case ending: nominative
-a, oblique (gen./acc.) -e. In the absolute state the ending is length-
ened by mimation: nom. -m /-mi/, obi. -m /-ma/ (alterna-
tively: /-mi/). As a rule, the dual ending is added onto the singular
21
Cf . SEGERT 1984 43; SI VAN 1997, 60.
22
On this topic see HUEHNERGARD 1987b, 302 17.
form. It comes after the gender morpheme -t /-(a)t/ of (marked)
fem. nouns.
The pi. is marked by a morpheme which causes vowel lengthen-
ing. With fem. nouns the plural marker comes before the gender
marker and the case endings: nominative /-tu/, oblique /-ti/; in
the masc. noun it merges with the case endings: nominative /- /,
oblique /-/ (absolute state: /-ma/, /-ma/). The nominal base of
the pi. is mosdy the same as the sg. I n certain nominal patterns and
certain weak root classes, the plural basis differs from the base of
the singular. It should be emphasized that <qVtl>-forms generally
have a bisyllabic base <qVtal> in the plural (e.g. pi. ram/1 /ra'as-/
of sg. ris / ra's-/).
3.4.2.4 Case
a. Ugaritic has three main cases: nominative (nom.), genitive (gen.)
and accusative (acc.). They are marked by vocalic morphemes which
follow the gender marker in fem. nouns.
I n the (masc. and fem.) sg. the three mai n cases are mostly
differentiated by three different vowel endings: nom. -u, gen. -i, acc.
-a (triptotic endings). Nouns of certain patterns (including certain per-
sonal names) have only two different case-endings in the sg.: nom.
-u, gen./acc. = oblique (obi.) -a (diptotic). I n the du. and masc. pi.
the inflection is exclusively diptotic: du.nom. -, du.obi.-; m.pl.
nom. -; m.pl. obi. -f.
23
b. Besides the three main cases, Ugaritic has two further cases with
primary adverbial function, i.e. the terminative and the locative. Both
are comparatively little used.
The terminative functions as an independent adverbial case, pri-
marily for denoting direction. It is marked by the --ending which,
in connection with the so-called 'he locale (locative h) of Hebrew
grammar is probably to be vocalised as /-ah/. The terminative end-
ing is probabl y added on to the uninflected noun stem: arsh =
/',arsah/ 'towards the earth' (KTU 1.14 = RS 2. [003]+ i 29). It only
occurs for certain in the abs. state.
The locative is marked by the ending /- /, e.g. sbu p /sabVu/
23
Occasionally the oblique ending seems (already) to have assumed the function
of the nominative ending, e.g. ily ugrt (= /ill UgaritV/) tgrk tlmk 'may the gods of
Ugaritic guard you (and) grant you well-being' (KTU 2.16 = RS 15.008:4-6).
'at sunset' (K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+:47.53). Examples are difficult
to identify as the locative ending is only evident from spellings in
forms of I I I -' roots. There seem to be several different functions of
the locative. It denotes place (locative), time, the ablative, the instru-
mental, measure and quantity, final nuances (with infinitives or ver-
bal nouns) and the paronomastic infinitive (e.g. bt krt bu tbu, 'she did
enter Ki t's house' [K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi 3]).
c. The form of the noun in the imperative and in direct address
the vocadveis expressed by various syntagmata: (a) by an unin-
troduced noun, (b) by the noun introduced by the particle /, (c) by
a noun introduced by the particle y or (d) by a noun with a 1st
pers. noun suffix. There is no explicit information on the case-endings
of the vocative in Ugaritic in spite of a few occurrences of I I I -' rad-
ical nouns. It is uncertain whether a noun in all the constructions
just mentioned (a-d) has the same morphological form. It is also
uncertain whether the vocative has the same form as one of the
three main cases. There are indications that in the singular the voca-
tive can be expressed without any case-endings and that the accusative
case serves as a vocative.
d. I n the corpus of Ugaritic texts there are occasionally m.sg. nouns
without any inflection.
24
This could be a relic of what is known as
the 'absolute case',
25
comparabl e with the 'absolute state' of Akka-
dian grammar (cf. GAG 62 c-j).
3.4.2.5 State
The noun has two states which depend on the syntactic position of
a noun: 1. the absolute state (abs. st.), 2. the construct state (cstr. st.).
The abs. st. is unmarked in the singular and so is the same as the
cstr. st. I n the dual and plural it is sometimes marked by a final
-m, known as nominal mimation. The cstr. st. is unmarked for all
numbers and differs from the abs. st. in the dual and plural by the
lack of mimation. Both states in Ugaritic have (the same) case-endings.
24
f or syllabic spellings see HUEHNERGARD 1987b, 300-1.
25
On the absolute case in Hamito-Semitic see SASSE 1984.
3.4.2.6 Determi nati on/I ndetermi nati on
Ugaritic has no morphological marker for determination or indter-
mination. There is neither a definite article nor a specific determined
case, and mimation on nouns has neither a determinative nor an
indeterminative function.
26
3.4.3 Cardinal numbers
a. The cardinal numbers 1-10 are as follows:
one' ahd /'ah(h)ad-/; aht/'ahhatt-/
two' in /tin/ (nom.), /tin/ (obi.); tt /titt/ (nom.), /titt/ (obi.)
three' tit / talf, tilt /taltat-/
four' arb'/'arba'-/; arb't /'arba'at-/
five' hm /hami-/\ hmt /ham(i)at-/
six' It / M- / ; ttt //tittat-/
seven' b' /sab'-/; b' t /sab'at-/
eight' tmn / tamn/ < *tamniy-; tmnt /tamnt-/
nine' ts" /ti
e
-/\ t' t /lis'at-/
ten' 'r /'a(a)r-/ < *
C
aar-; 'rt /
C
as\a)rat-/
The uninflected (masc.) forms of the cardinal numerals 3-10 can be
coupled with nouns of either gender. I n the Baal Cycle, the Aqhat
Epic and a few other poetic texts, however, fem. numerals are gen-
erally used with masculine countables (syntax with 'polarity of gen-
der'). I n prose, fem. numerals are used exclusively with the ellipsis
of tql 'shekel' and ym 'day'.
b. The numerals from 11-19 are made up of the units 1-9 and the
expression for 'ten' (
C
r /
C
rt /
e
srh). The sequence is mosdy 'unit
ten', e.g. (a) hm
C
r, (b) hm
C
rh and (c) hmt
C
rt '15'. Type (a) is only
used together with masc. nouns. Type (b) occurs with fem. and masc.
nouns. Type (c) is used only with the ellipsis of tql 'shekel' or ym
'day'here as an ordinal numeral. Numerals 12-19 can also be con-
structed in the reverse sequence ('tenunit'). In these cases the unit
is always followed by the word kbd which can be rendered 'plus',
e.g.
c
sr arb
c
kbd '14'.
c. The numeral 20 is formed from the dual or plural form of
C
r
' 10', the tens from 30 to 90 from the plural forms of the numerals
3 to 9:
C
rm, tltm, hmsm, ttm, sb'm, tmnym, ts'm. The cardinal numerals
26
Against SEGERT 1984, 52. 6, 62. 6, 73. 21.
21-99 comprise two or at most three words: the ten, the unit and
usually a word linking the ten and the unit, e.g. tt I ttm '66' (KTU 1.4
= RS 2. [008]+ vii 9) or tmnym tmn kbd '88' (K TU 4.179 = RS
15.103:14).
d. '100' is mit /mi't-/, '200' mitm (dual of mit). The hundreds from
300 are formed by connecting a unit and mat /ma'at-/ (pi. of mit),
e.g. tit mat.
e. '1,000' is alp /
c
alp-/, '2,000' alpm (dual of alp). The thousands from
3,000 are formed from a unit and alpm (pi. of alp), e.g. hms alpm
'5,000' (K TU 4.181 = RS 15.106:2).
f. The word for '10,000' (or 'myriad') is rbt or rbbt.
3.4.4 The verb
3.4.4.1 I ntroduction
The inflected verb differentiates gender, number, person, aspect/tense
(imperfective or perfective; antecedent, contemporaneous, subsequent),
mood (indicative or volitive [imperative, jussive]), diathesis (active, re-
flexive, passive) and aspect (e.g. factitive, causative). Gender, number
and person are differentiated by various prefixes and/or suffixes. Various
verb stems differentiate diathesis and aspect (see 3.4.4.3); aspect/tense
and mood are differentiated by a) subtypes of the prefix conjuga-
tion, b) the imperative and c) the suffix conjugation.
Alongside the genuine (finite) verbal forms two nominal (infinitive)
categories occur in connection with the verb system, i.e. participles
and infinitives. They are morphologically and semantically directly
related to verbal categories. Besides gender and number their inflec-
tion also differentiates diathesis and aspect.
3.4.4.2 Morphological classes of the basic stem
3.4.4.2.1 The imperative
a. The imperative (impv.) is the mood of command in the 2nd pers.
Morphologically, it is identical with the short form of the prefix con-
jugation without the prefix and phonemically monosyllabic, i.e. <qtVl>
(V = / a/ , / i / or //; the same thematic vowel as in the prefix con-
jugation). As a word-initial consonant cluster is not tolerated, the
impv. becomes bisyllabic, usually by insertion of an auxiliary vowel
after the first radical ( anaptyxis), generally /2/, more rarely //:
e.g. isp /
}
isfn/ < *'
V
sup{f.sg.) 'collect!' (K TU 1.107 = RS 24.251+:33
etc.); uhd /"hud/ < *>hud 'seize!' (K TU 1.82 = RS 15.134:6).
b. The inflected endings of the impv. are the same as the endings
of the 2nd person of the short form of the prefix conj ugati on: qHVl,
f.sg. qHVl, m.pl. q'tVl (f.pl. not attested); c.du. q'tVl.
c. Besides the uninflected form of the m.sg. i mpv.i n line with
Hebrewthere is probabl y a l engthened ('emphatic') form qUVla,
marked by the suffixed morpheme /-a/,'
21
e.g. sa /sa'a/ < *sa'a (^Ins
3
)
'raise/lift up!' (K TU 1.5 = RS 2.[022]+ 13; K TU 1.14 = RS
2. [003]+ ii 22).
3.4.4.2.2 The prefix conj ugati on
a. 'Prefix conj ugati on' (PC) is the generic term for various different
morphological subtypes which have differing verbal meanings. Inflection
is by means of prefixes and suffixes. I n morphological terms and
functions the following subtypes of the PC can be distinguished (cf.
3.4.4.2.5):
Form Function Abbreviation
short form a) perfective aspect, preterite PC
s
p
b) 'jussive' mood
PC
s
j
extended short form jussive/cohortative mood PC
s
e
long form imperfective aspect, present PC
1
b. The prefix consonants of the PC are: 3.m.sg. y-\ 3.f.sg. and
2.m./f.sg. t-; l.c.sg. 3.m.p1. t-/*y-;
26
3.f.p1. and 2.m./f.p1. t-\ l.c.pl.
-; 3.m.du. y-/1-;
29
3.f.du. and 2.c.du. /-.
27
It is the same morpheme as occurs in the PCfe (cohortative mood); see
3.4.4.2.2f.
28
Normally a /-prefix (see DOBRUSI N 1981). There was also a variant with a
jy-prefixprobably attested only in two cases (KTU 1.4 = RS 2-1008]+ 17: yblk
'they should bring' || tblh, KTU 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ 38.40:yblnn 'they brought').
This variant is no (longer) productive and only attested in grammatical parallelism
with the 'normal' /-prefix form.
29
Forms with the y- and /-prefix both occur (with almost the same frequency).
c. The personal suffixes of the PC are the endings of the short form
of the prefix conjugation (PC
S
): 3.m./f.sg., 2.m.sg., l.c.sg./pl. -0;
2.f.sg. /-/; 3./2.m.pl . /- /; 3./2.f.pl. /-a/(?);
30
3./2.du. /-/.
d. The PC in the basic stem of the underlying 'strong' roots has the
following structure: <CV\qtV
2
l> (paradigm root Vqtl; C = any prefix
consonant; V| = prefix vowel; V
2
= thematic vowel). The thematic
vowel (TV) is / a/ , /z/ or //, the prefix vowel (PV) either / a/
(before TV /u/ or til) or lit (before TV /a/). The following PC-
patterns occur: <Caqtul>, <Caqtil> und <Ciqtal>.
3]
The choice of
TV is essentially dependent a) on the semantic class of the root (roots
with a fundamentally stative meani ng usually have the TV / a/ , roots
with a fientic basic meani ng have either tul or ti t as a TV, b) and
on the phonetic quality of the third and second root consonant (roots
with gutturals in second or third position often have /a t as TV).
e. The paradigm of the PC
S
is therefore (paradigm root ^lqtl, TV /ul ) :
Singular Plural Dual
3.m yaqtul-0 taqtul- y/taqtul-
3.f. taqtul-0 taqtul-na(?) taqtul-
2.m. taqtul-0 taqtul- taqtul-
2.f. taqtul- taqtul-na(?) taqtul- (as masc.)
I.e.
c
aqtul-0 naqtul-0
- ( ? )
f. The forms of the PC
S
without endings have a morphological vari-
ant with the suffixed morpheme I-at instead of -0 (= PC
s
e).
32
It is
only attested in connection with jussive forms and so can be termed
a lengthened or 'emphati c' jussive. The lengthened jussive is attested
in an unequivocal spelling a large number of times only in the 1st
p. sg. I n analogy with Hebrew this form can be called 'cohortative'.
As the lengthened jussive is not attested for every person and is not
in functional opposition to the ordinary jussive (= PC
s
j), it is not an
30
VERREET 1984, 317- 9 has a different view and postulates a P C
L
tqltn = /taq-
tulna/ and a PC
S
Iqtl = /laqtul/ for the 3.f.p1. However, a PC-form of the 3.f.p1.
without the -n ending does not exist.
31
For these vocalic sequences see already BARTH 1894, 4-5. For the validity of
'Barth's Law' in Ugaritic see especially VERREET 1983b.
32
It is therefore the same morpheme as probably also occurs in Ugaritic on the
lengthened impv. (m.sg.); see 3.4.4.2.1c.
autonomous grammatical category. In other words, unlike Arabic,
Ugaritic does not have a specific 'yaqtula-mood'.
g. The long form of the prefix conjugation (PC
1
) differs from the
PC
S
by an additional suffixed morpheme. Forms without an ending
in the PC
S
have the ending /- u/ in the PC
1
'; forms with a vocalic
ending in the PC'
S
(except for the 3./2. f.pl.) have the additional
ending -n = /-na/ or /-ni/ in the PC
1
:
h. I n earlier research the question was hotly debated whether in
Ugaritic there was also a long form of the prefix conjugation with
the pattern <CaqattVl>, comparabl e to Akkadian iparrVs, Ethiopie
y^qathl or similar formations in modern South Arabic languages.
33
F en t o n (1970) and M a r c u s (1975, 75-104, esp. 97ff.) demonstrated
independently, however, that this category does not exist in Ugaritic.
The Ugaritic texts published over the last twenty years provide
absolute proof of this.
3.4.4.2.3 The suffix conjugation
a. The Suffix conjugation (SC) is not a homogeneous category in
Ugaritic, as is also the case in other West Semitic languages. There
is a fundamental difference between SC-forms with stative meani ng
and those with a fientic (perfective, mostly preterite) meaning. The
former can be called 'statives', the latter 'perfects' (abbreviations:
'SCs' and 'SCp'). The subtypes mentioned also differ from each other
morphologically by different thematic vowels (see c).
b. The paradigm of the suffix conjugation is as follows:
Singular Plural Dual
3.m. yaqtul-u taqtul-na
3.f. taqtul-u taqtul-na (?)
2.M. taqtul-u taqtul-na
2.f. taqtul-na *taqtul-naa (?)
1 .c. 'aqtul-u naqtul-u
33
See esp. GOETZE 1938, 296- 309.
Singular Plural Dual
3.m. qatVl-a qat VI- qatVl-
3.f. qatVl-at qatVl-/ (?) qatVl-t
2.m. qatVl-ta qatVl-tum(Vf
4
qatVl-tum
2.f. qatVl-ti *qat Vl-tun(n)a qatVl-tum (also masc.)
I.e. qatVl-tu
35
*qat Vl-na/ qatVl-na/iy
c. The thematic vowels of the SC are / a/ , / i / and /u/. / a/ is re-
served exclusively for the fientic-perfective subtype of the SC (SCp),
/ u/ for the stative subtype of the SC (SCs). I i i occurs in both sub-
types. I n the fientic subtype, however, it is limited to roots with I I /
III guttural, where the thematic vowel of the PC is / a/ . The system
of thematic vowels in the SC and their equivalents in the PC can
be summarized as follows: SC qati/ ula - PC Ciqtal (stative); SC qatala -
PC Caqtu/il (fientic); SC qatila - PC Ciqtal (fientic I I /I I I -guttural).
3.4.4.2.4 Finite Verb Forms with Energie Endi ng
a. Besides the inflectional endings, finite verb formsespecially in
poetry and in object suffixesoften exhibit a so-called energic end-
ing,
36
spelled either -n or -nn. At least two perhaps even three different
alloforms of the energic morpheme can be distinguished (energic
types I /I I /[I I I ]). As the energic endings may occur, basically, on all
finite verb forms, whether they are indicative or volitive, the ener-
gic is not a mood in the strict sense.
b. By far the the most commonly attested allomorph of the energic
is -n /-()nnV/ (= energic type I). It may stand alone and or before
the 3rd pers. sg. pronomi nal suffixes. I n combination with 3rd pers.
sg. suffixes, the ending is -nh, to be vocalised as I-anna-hI or / -anna-
ha/ respectively.
c. There is also an energic allomorph: -nn = l-ninl(?) (= energic
type II). It occurs exclusively in combi nati on with 3rd pers. sg.
suffixes. The initial consonant, I hi, of the pronomi nal suffix is thus
34
Alternatively /i/- vowel, i.e. / qatVl-tim(V)/. Similarly for 2.f.p1. (/qatVl-tin(n)/)
and 2.c.du. (/qatVl-tim/).
35
Alternatively: /-t i l (as in Canaanite). In favour of /-t/ however is that the
independent personal pronoun l.c.sg. in Ugaritic also ended in /-/ (/'anku/).
36
On this topic see especially VERREET 1988, 79- 98 and K REBERNI K 1993.
always assimilated to the second /n/ of the energic ending: -nn
/-nVnn/ < *-nin-hu or /-nVnna/ < *-nin-ha respectively.
d. Perhaps Ugaritic also had a third allomorph of the energic, i.e.
-n = /-an/ (= energic type III). The orthographical proof for this
allomorph has not yet been produced.
3.4.4.2.5 Aspect and tense
Verbal aspects and (relative) tenses are mainly differentiated by the
subtypes of the PC and the fientic variant of the SC. The functions
of these categories can be set out in the following table (paradigm
root ^lqtl, 3.m.sg.):
perfective imperfective
anteriority yaqtul (PC
s
p) qatala (SCp) yaqtulu (PC
L
)
contemporaneous
*yaqtul(a) (PC
s
j/e)
*qatala (SCp) yaqtulu (PC
L
)
posteriority *yaqtul(a) (PC
s
j/e) qatala (SCp) yaqtulu (PC
L
)
All the fields on the right = imperfective column of the table are
filled by the long form of the prefix conjugation (PC
1
). The left =
perfective column includes the short form of the prefix conjugation
(PC
S
) and the perfective-fientic suffix conjugation (SCp). I n the field
'perfective anteriority', the PC
s
p and the SCp have practically the
same function. The field 'perfective-contemporaneous' is empty be-
cause facts which occur simultaneously are essentially imperfective.
Onl y a special function of the SCp, i.e. the function of the so-called
'performative perfect',
37
can be placed in this field. The field 'per-
fective-posteriority'with reference to indicative statementsis only
covered by the SCp. The function of the variants of the PC
S
also
in that slot is exclusively volitive (jussive).
The table shows clearly that the PC
1
is always imperfective and
the PC
S
is always perfective. As the PC
L
is used for simultaneous
situations, this category is conventionally labelled the 'present'. As,
on the other hand, the indicative PC
s
p generally expresses previous
events, this category is conventionally called the 'preterite'. These
labels, which suggest an opposition of tense between PC
1
' and PC
S
,
are not in fact correct, as the PC
1
- can also denote previous events,
37
E.g. I rgmt Ik hereby surely tell you . . .' (KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367 iv 7).
provided that they are imperfective. An imperfective presentation is
demanded especially for situations which are marked by the features
of plurality or repetition.
38
The PC
s
p occurs for certain only in nar-
rative verse and is used there as the usual narrative form for single
and instantaneous actions of the past.
39
In other genres perfective
actions of the past are obviously always expressed by the SCp.
However, the SCp also occurs in narrative poetry, sometimes as a
free variant of PC
s
p.
40
3.4.4.2.6 Moods
I n the Ugaritic verbal system the 'indicative' (=declarative mode) and
'volitive' (= wish and command mode) moods are differentiated. The
categories PC
s
p, PC
1-
and SC (SCp and SCs) are used for indicative
statements.
41
The following have volitive functions: a) the imperative,
b) the PC
S
] (jussive) and the PC
s
e (cohortative) as well asrelatively
rarelyc) both subtypes of the suffix conjugation, i.e. SCp and SCs.
There is no specific use of mood in subordinate clauses. Volitive
moods, i.e. PC
s
j and PC
s
e, occur only in subordinate clauses with
volitive (final) meaning. I n Ugaritic there is no specific 'subordinat-
ing mood', comparabl e to the Akkadian 'subjunctive', which only
occurs in dependent clauses.
42
3.4.4.2.7 Participles
The pattern for the formation of the active participle of the basic
stem (G-ptc. act.) is <qtil>. For the passive participle of the basic
stem (G-ptc. pass.) probably the pattern <qatl> is generally used,
as in Canaanite.
43
38
E.g. p'rih I tmgyn hdm / rih I ymgy apsh 'His feet did not reach the footstool,
his head did not reach as far as its (upper) end' (KTU 1.6 = RS 2.[009]+ i 59-61
[general-continuing event, expressed by the PC
L
]).
39
See for instance 1u ilm rathm 'the gods lifted up their heads' (KTU 1.2 = RS
3.367+ i 29). The morpho-syntactic autonomy of the category PC
s
p is, however,
questioned by some scholars; for discussion see M . S. SMI TH 1994, 39-41. According
to Smith, PO
s
p and PC
1
although in morphological contrastare free variants.
40
On the parallelism between PC
s
p and SCp see M.S. SMI TH 1994, 49-51 and
1995, 797-9. On other functions of the Ugaritic S C see M. S. SMI TH 1994, 45-57
and 1995.
41
For the use of these categories see 3.4.4.2.5.
42
For a different view cf. VERREET 1988, esp. 8- 10.
43
Over the years scholars have repeatedly stated that in Ugaritic there could
also or only be other patterns for the passive participle of the basic stem. The discus-
sion centres on the patterns <qatl> (G-Ptc. pass, in Aramaic) and <maqtl> (G-Ptc.
pass, in Arabic). So far, however, no proofs have been provided.
3.4.4.2.8 I nfinitives/Verbal nouns
As in Hebrew, an absolute infinitive and a construct infinitive may
be differentiated. The former corresponds syntactically to a noun in
the absolute state, the latter to a noun in the construct state or a
noun after a preposition.
The infinitive (inf.) of the basic stem generally has the pattern
<qatl>. Besides this there is in Ugaritic a series of differently con-
structed verbal nouns of the basic stem. Two patterns are notewor-
thy. One is <qitl>, which occurs several times in syllabic spellings, e.g.
ni-ib-r /nigru/ 'guard' (Ug 5, 137 = RS 20.123+ i 5').
44
The other is
<ti/al(a)t>, which occurs only in I - w/ y roots and ^1hlk, e.g. sat /si'at-/
'going out, expression' (KTU 1.4 =RS 2. [008]+vii 30.32); d't /da
c
at-/
'knowlege' (KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367+ i 16.32); Ikt /likt-/ 'going' (KTU
1.10 = RS 3.362+ ii 28, 29). Whereas the pattern <qatl> is used
for both the absolute and the construct infinitives, other patterns can
only denote the construct infinitive.
3.4.4.3 The system of verbal stems: basic and derived stems
a. The Semitic languages use a large number of different patterns
to express aspect and diathesis, called 'verbal stems'. The simple
basic stem of Semitic is morphologically unmarked. The 'derived'
verbal stems are, instead, indicated by specific morphological markers.
b. Ugaritic has the following ten verbal stems, which can be arranged
as follows:
symbol stem functions
G basic stem basic lexical function
Gp passive basic stem passive of G
45
Gt reflexive basic stem reflexive of G etc.
46
D intensive intensive, factitive etc.
Dp passive intensive passive of D
For further examples see HUEHNERGARD 1987b, 305-6.
45
On occurrences of the Ugaritic Gp-stem see MARCUS 1971.
4<i
E.g. reciprocal, durative and iterative. At times no clear difference in mean-
ing between Gt and G can be established. On the Gt and tD stems in Ugaritic
see KREBERNI K 1991.
47
In stative verbs the function is chiefly factitive/causative (e.g. 'be good': 'to
make [someone/somethingl good'). In intransitive-fientic verbs the D-stem chiefly
provides transitivity. In transitive-fientic verbs it strengthens or pluralizes the verbal
(table cont.)
symbol stem functions
tD

l
p
St

reflexive intensive
or causative
passive
reflexive
or passive
reflexive of D etc.
causative
passive of
reflexive of etc.
48
reflexive, passive
49
etc.
50
Four of the ten patterns can be called 'cardinal stems': G, D, and
N. G is unmarked (= Heb. qal); D is marked by gemination of the
middle radical ( Heb. piel); is marked by the prefix /- (= Heb.
hiphil in function);
51
is marked by the prefix n- (= Heb. niphal).
All the 'cardinal stems'except for have both a passive and
a reflexive variant. The reflexive forms have an additional element
t\ in the Gt it comes after the first radical, in tD (= Heb. hithpael)
before the first radical and in t directly after the causative marker
-. The passive forms, i.e. Gp, Dp (= Heb. puai) and p ( Heb.
hophal in function) are differentiated from the corresponding active
forms only by different vowels. As this characteristic is usually not
expressed in the alphabetic spelling, in most cases examples of the
passive stems can be determined only from syntax or context. Some
authors
52
doubt
53
their existence in Ugaritic.
c. The paradi gm of the verb stems (forms are vocalized; finite forms
are always 3.m.sg.; ptc. and inf. uni nfected; n.o. = no [certain]
occurrences):
meaning (plurality of agents or objects; repetition of an action). The D-stem is also
used for denominative meanings.
48
On the , p and t in Ugaritic see TROPPER 1990a, 21- 111.
49
Chiefly or only in prose texts.
50
E.g. reciprocal, ingressive and inchoative.
51
As non-sibilant causative morphemes occur in other Northwest Semitic languages
(e.g. the causative marker h- in the Heb. hiphil), repeated attempts have been made
by sholars over the years to prove these types of causative also occur in Ugaritic.
The attempts in question have not been convincing, however (see TROPPER 1990a,
113-82).
52
The most uncompromising opponent of the existence of the passive stem in
Ugaritic is VERREET 1985, 324- 30. It should be noted, however, that all the cen-
tral Semitic languages have passive stems.
53
There are no other verbal stems in Ugaritic. On the so-called 'lengthened stems'
(L) see under 3.4.4.4f and 3.4.4.4h, on the so-called 'reduplicated stems' see
under 3.4.4.4i. In Ugaritic there are no stems corresponding to IX, XI or XI I -XV
of Arabic.
PC
s
j impv. se ptc. inf.
G yaqtu/il q
1
tu/il qatala qtil (act.) qatl
yiqtal q'tal qati/ula qatl (pass.)
Gp yuqlal n.o. quti/ ala


Gt yiqtati/ al
54
('i)qtatil (')qtat(a)la muqtatil ? tVqtatil
55
D yuqattil
36
qattil qattila muqattil quttal
Dp yuqattal ? n.o. qutti/ala ? muqattal ? n.o.
tD yVtqattVl n.o. ('i)tqatti/ ala
57
n.o.
yuaqtil
39
aqtil aqtila musaqtil VqtVl
yuaqtal n.o. uqta/ ila muaqtal n.o.
St y Vtaqtil n.o. n.o. mutaqtil n.o.
yiqqatil
M
naqtVl ? naqtala n.o. naqtal
3.4.4.4 Morphological peculiarities of the 'weak' verbs
a. Five I -' verbs have irregular G-PC-forms of the type yuC
2
C
3

/yCi VC
3
/ instead of or as well as yiC
2
C
3
- /ya
C
C
2
VC
:
/ (cf. 3.2.2e):
^bd 'to perish', ^hb 'to love', ^hd 'to seize', kl 'to eat', yl'sp 'to
gather'.
61
b. I-h verbs usually have strong forms. Exceptions are verbs with / / /
as the second radical, i.e. ^lhlk 'to go' and ^hlm 'to strike, hit'. Both
verbs have G-PC-forms without /h/, e.g. ylk- /yalik-/ oryl m- /yalum-/.
Whereas the remai ni ng forms from VA/m are strong (e.g. G-impv.
him- /hum-/), ^Jhlk is weak in other ways, i.e. it produces forms with-
out /h/: G-I mpv. Ik- /lik-/; G-verbal noun Ikt /likt-/; Gt-PC ytlk
/yitalik/. -PC-forms from ^lhlk are instead strong: ashlk aahlik/
(K TU 1.3 = RS 2.[Ol4]+ 2, etc.).
62
54
In forms with endings there was probably syncope of the corresponding vowel:
/yiqlatl/ < *yiqtatVl (cf. 3.3.5.2b). The same applies to other forms of the par-
adigm with similar syllabic structure.
55
Occurrences: Imthsh 'her fighting' (KTU 1.3 =RS 2. [014]+ ii 19); trntbs 'fighting'
(KTU 1.3 = RS 2.[014]+ ii 29); tljtsb 'quarrel' (KTU 1.3 ii 20.30).
56
/y/t/nuqattil/, l.c.sg. but /'aqattil/ < *'uqattil (vowel harmony; see 3.3.5.2a).
57
Alternatively: /taqatti/ala/. The only certain example: w Ikms /wa-t(a)kamm Vsa/
'he fell to his knees' (KTU 1.12 = RS 2. [012] ii 54). Another possible example:
tmz' (KTU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ i 36.46).
58
Possibly /tuqattil/, cf. the uncertain syllabic spelling: tu-a-p-[ku(?)] /tuhappiku/
(Ug 5 137 = RS 20.123+ ii 23).
59
/y/t/nuaqtil/\ l.c.sg. however /'aaqtil/ < *'uaqtil (vowel harmony).
60
< *yinqatil (chiefly undifferentiated by spelling).
61
The same verbs also have similar forms in Hebrew (verbs with 'weak aleph'
as the first radical). On the topic see esp. TROPPER 1990b, 367.
62
On the morphology of I-h verbs see TROPPER 1990d.
c. I n I-n verbs and Mqh 'to take', the first radi cal when vowellessis
assimilated to the following consonant, e.g.ygr /yaggur-/ < *yangur- (Vngr
'to guard' G-PC) or yqh /yiqqah/ < *yilqah (Mqh G-PC).
63
I n most
I-n verbs the G-i mpv is formed without the first root, e.g. la/sa'a/
< *a
3
a (^ln' 'to raise', lengthened impv. m.sg. [K TU 1.4 = RS
2.[008]+ viii 5]). u /a'/ (VraT, m. pl. [K TU 1.2 = RS 3.367 i 27
etc.]), sk /saf/ (<nsk 'to pour', f. sg. [K TU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ iii
16 etc.]) as well as qh/qah/ ilqh, m. sg. [K TU 1.4 = RS 2. [008] +
ii 32, etc.]). The verb ^lngr 'to protect' constitutes an exception: impv.
m. sg. ngr /mgur/ 'look out!' (K TU 1.4 viii 14 [alternatively: N-impv.
/naggVr/ < *nangVra\).
d. I I I -
J
verbs arebesides \\\-w/y verbsof central i mportance for
understanding the Ugaritic verbal system as in principle in such verbs
the spelling allows verbal aspects and moods to be differentiated
clearly. PC
1
forms occurs with the spellingyC\C
2
u (3.m.sg); for forms
of the PC
S
, however, the spellingyC\C
2
i (3.m.sg) is expected. I n fact,
though, the situation is more complex as in Ugaritic word-final aleph
was no longer reliably pronounced.
64
On this basis only verbs with
the PC thematic vowel H/ permi t an unequivocal differentiation of
the underlying classes: e.g. P Q ysu /yasi'u/ 'he goes out' i^yf) versus
PC
S
ysi /'yasiV (or /yasV/ < *yas) 'he should go out / he went out'.
In PC
S
forms with the thematic vowels // and / a/ this differentiation
is not given with certainty: spellings such as ybu (yn') and yu (yn
1
)
can be understood as PC
1,
(/yabu'u/ or /yia?u/), but possibly they
could also be PC
S
forms (/'yab/ < *yabu', /yis/ < *yina').
65
e. Verbs with /w/ or /y/ as the first, second or third radical pre-
sent several forms which are irregular with respect to the forms of
the paradi gm of the 'strong verb', as the semi-vowels /w/ or / y / ,
dependi ng on position in the syllable, can occur either as consonants
or as vowels.
f. The paradi gm of I - w/ y verbs, which in Ugaritic includes ^lytn 'to
give', is characterised by the occurrence of forms both with and
without a (consonantal) first radical. If the word begins with a semi-
63
However, there is no assimilation of /// in the N-stem: SC nlqht /nalqahat/
(KTU 4.659 = RS 19.166:1).
64
See 3.2.2d (quiescent aleph).
65
On the grapheme <u> for /0/ < *a
J
see 3.2.2d. There are no attested forms
of the spelling ysi. On the topic see TROPPER 1990c.
vowel it is normally retained, as long as there no aphaeresis of the
whole initial syllable occurs as in impv. G. As word-initial *w in
Ugaritic generally becomes /y/ (see 3.3.5.1a.), except before a / u / -
vowel (inf. D), it is not possible to distinguish I -w roots from I -y
roots by spelling in most cases. I n non-initial position the semi-vowel
(Iwl) is retained only after a //-vowel (D-PC); in the other cases
either it causes a lengthening of the precedi ng vowel (e.g. in forms
of the stem) or it disappears unrepl aced (e.g. G-PC forms). The
function of the inf. cstr. is generally filled by verbal nouns of the
pattern <ti/al(a)t> (see 3.4.4.2.8).
Significant forms of the paradi gm for l-w verbs i^yrd < *wrd 'to
descend'):
66
PC
S
impv. SC ptc. inf.
G yard nd yarada yrid yard
Gp yurad
Gt yittarid
D yuwanid
S yusrid
bl
od sonda musrid wurrad
nrada
g. I n forms of II-w/y verbs, the second (weak) radical never occurs
as a consonant but always causes a l engtheni ng of the original
precedi ng or following vowel, G"PC' 3.m.sg. /yaqmu/ < *yaqwumu,
G-SC /qma/ < *qawama (yqurni).
68
The thematic vowel of the -
, is usually / / in II-; verbs (e.g. /yaqmu/), in II-y verbs usu-
ally H/ (e.g. lyatuI).
I nstead of the ('normal') intensive stems (D, Dp and tD), I I - wl y
verbs form stems which are marked by lengthening the vowel between
the first and second radical and reduplication of the third radical (=
Heb. polel, polal, hithpolel). They are conditioned variants of the
'normal ' intensive stems (D, Dp, tD) and have the same functions.
Here they are denoted by the symbols D*, Dp* and tD*.
69
66
The paradigm for I-y verbs is still blank at many points due to the lack of
significant forms.
6
' However, l.c.sg. /'a(md1.
<>8
Conventionally vocalized as /yaqmu/ or /qma/.
69
These stems are conventionally called 'lengthened stems' and denoted by 'L',
'Lp' and 'tL'. The term 'lengthened stem' has been taken from Arabic but is
Significant forms of the paradi gms for II-; and II-y verbs i^qwm
'to rise' and ^yt 'to place'):
70
PC
1
impv.(m.sg./pl.) SC ptc. inf. abs.
G yaqmu
n
qum/ qm qma
12
qm-(?)
73
qm-(?)
yatu it/t ta sat-(?) JSJK?)
D* yuqo/mimu qo/mim muqo/mim-
Dp* yuq/ mamu
tD* yitq/ mimu
yu(a)qmu aqim/aqm aqma mu(a)qm-
h. The paradi gm of I I I - w/ y verbs is marked by the occurrence of
forms both with and without a (consonantal) third radical. I n orig-
inally syllable-closing position (also when final) the weak third radi-
cal is always vocalic (contraction of diphthongs *iy > / / , *ay > //,
*uw > //, *aw > /0/ [see 3.3.5.3a]). I n intervocalic position it is
partly preserved as a consonant (e.g. ybky = /yabkiyu/ 'he weeps'
[G-PC
1
3.m.sg.]), partly the relevant tri phthong is contracted. Whi ch
triphthongs in particular remai n and which are contracted is still not
clearly explained
74
in spite of extensive research.
70
It seems that occa-
sionally paradigmatically identical forms occur both with and with-
out contraction.
Forms III-; and III-jy verbs are usually orthographically identical.
Some indications of different paradi gms of these two classes are pro-
vided however by forms such as atwt atawat/ (y'tw) 'she came'
(K TU 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ iv 32) versus mgyt /magayat/ ^mgy) 'she
arrived' (K TU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ ii 23, etc.).
misleading. Ugaritic 'L'-stems correspond to the III and VI verbal stems of Arabic
neither in form nor in function.
70
The II? forms in the derived stems are the same as II-w forms.
71
Shortening of the long vowel between the first and third radical when the syl-
lable in question is closed, e.g. PC * /yaqum/ and PC
L/S
3.f.p1. /laqumn/, analogi-
cally, impv. m.sg. /qum/, PC
S
I I -j /tait/, impv. m.sg. U-y /it/.
72
Before personal endings beginning with a consonant, either Iqam-I < *qm-
or /q/m/ (cf. Heb. bnt [byn 'to understand', G-SC l.c.sg.]). The same applies
analogously to the SC-forms of the derived stems.
73
Uncontracted forms of the type *qyim or *q'im are unattested.
74
See SI VAN 1984 and V ERREET 1985, 330- 41.
75
The rules concerning triphthongs in respect of noun forms (cf. 3.3.5.3b) can-
not be transferred to verbs without being modified.
On the basis of comparati ve linguistics, one can conclude that in
PC as well as in SC different themati c vowels existed (III-w: / u/ and
/a/; III^: /i/ and /a/). I n I I I -y the commonest type was definitely
*yaqtiy- (PC) versus *qataya (SC), in I I I -w *yaqtuw- (PC) versus *qatawa
(SC).
Significant forms of the lll-y paradi gm, basic stem (Ibny 'to build'):
PC yabmyu (PC
1
); yabnf
6
(PC
S
).
impv. b'n (m.sg.); niy or b
v
n (f.sg.); bVniy or bVn (m.pl.).
77
SC banaya or (rarely) ban (3.m.sg.); banayat or bant (3.f.sg.); banta
(2.m.sg.); banay (3.m.pl.).
ptc. bniyu/a (m.sg. nom./acc.); bniyi (m.sg. gen.); bnt- (f.sg.).
78
inf. banyu/i/a or ban//.
i. The paradi gm of weak gemi nate verbs (I I -gem.) still presents many
uncertainties. I n the basic stem they are both 'strongly' constructed
forms, i.e. forms with reduplicated 2nd = 3rd radical, and 'weak'
forms, i.e. forms with doubl ed 2nd = 3rd radical. Doubl ed conso-
nants, when final, are reduced to a single consonant. The distribu-
tion of strong and weak forms is not as in classical Arabic. However,
there are parallels with the Hebrew paradi gm for I I -gem.
Significant forms of the I I -gem. paradi gm, basic stem iysbb 'to go
round'):
PC with endings: yasubb- (e.g. PC
1
3.m.sg. yasubbu).
wi thout endings: yasbub or yasub < *yasubb.
impv. sub < *subb (m.sg.); subb (m.pl.).
SC sabba (3.m.sg.); sabbata (2.m.sg.);
80
sabbanVy (I.e.du),
ptc. sbib-.
Forms of the derived stemsas far as can be ascertai nedare strong
throughout. I n agreement with Hebrew (plel = p
c
e
c
) it is possible
that instead of or alongside 'usual' D-stems (D, Dp, tD) the Ugaritic
I I -gem. verbs form so-called 'lengthened stems' (D*, Dp*, tD*),
8i
e.g.
76
Analogously III-w: PC
s
j 3.f.sg. tdu /tad'/ < *tad'uw 'she flew' (KTU 1.16 =
RS 3.325+ vi 6.7).
77
Analogously III-w: du /ds'/ (m.sg.) (KTU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ iii 28); di /di/
< *ds'iyi (f.sg.) (KTU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ 48); du /d$'/ < *ds'uy (m.pl.) (KTU
1.19 = RS 3.322+ iii 14).
78
Analogously III-;: dit /d't-/ (KTU 1.108 = RS 24.252:8).
79
II -gem. verbs which are also I- provide an exception: all the forms have a
reduplicated 2nd = 3rd radical, e.g. tlt/latut/ < *lanlut 'they (3.f.du.) trembled'
(KTU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ iii 33, etc.).
80
Cf. Heb. sabbot < *sabbt.
81
For the term 'lengthened stem' and the sigla see g.
D*-PC *yusabib- instead of D-PC *yusabbib- (vowel lengthening instead
of consonant lengthening). The orthography is ambiguous.
j . Onl y a few Ugaritic verbs have four radicals. The three most
i mportant formations are C
r
r/l-C
3
-C
4
,
82
b) Ci-C
2
-C
r
C
2
83 un
d c) C
r
C
2
-C
3
-C
3
.
84
The forms of types (b) and (c) are conventionally under-
stood as 'reduplicated stems' (R-stems) of roots with three or two
radicals.
85
3.4.5 Particles
86
3.4.5.1 Adverbs
a. Adverbs of place:
tm, tmt, tmn, tmny. 'there'; 7,
c
ln 'above'; I pnm 'before'; b'dn 'behind';
atr '(directly) after'; pnm 'within/inside'.
b. Adverbs of time:
ht, htm,
c
nt 'now'; idk, ap(.)hn, apnk, b km 'then; thereupon; a!}r
'after(wards), later', atr '(directly) after'; ahrm 'in succession'(P);
c
lm
'on the following/next (day)' (alternatively: 'further').
c. Modal adverbs:
k, kd, kmt 'thus, in this way'; Ibdm 'alone'.
d. I nterrogative and indefinite adverbs:
iy, i, 'where?'; an 'whither?'; ik, ikm, iky, 'how? why?'; Im 'what for?
why?'.
3.4.5.2 Prepositions
The Ugaritic prepositions mostly denote an adverbial position but
in connection with certain verbscan also be used directionally.
They can then fundamental l y express both directions, terminative
and ablative.
87
82
<grd (KTU 1.14 = RS 2.[003+] i 11.23: SC grd); ^lprsh (KTU 1.2 = RS
3.367 iv 22.25: SC [probably N-stem] yprsh).
83
<gtgl (KTU 1.13 = RS 1.006:33: SC glgl)\ -Jgrgr (KTU 1.23 = RS 2.002:66:
PC tgrgr); Ihmhm (KTU 1.17 = RS 2.[004] i 40.41: SC hmhmt); ylkrkr (KTU 1.4 =
RS 2.[008]+ iv 29: PC ykrkr, <qiqi)\ (KTU 1.114 = RS 24.258:5: PC yqtql).
84
ylshrr (KTU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ 17; KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ ii 24, etc.:
SC shut).
85
See t/T 9.41-2.
86
On this topic see especially AARTUN 1974, 1978.
87
On this topic see PARDEE 1975, 1976.
a. monoconsonantal prepositions:
b (also: by), syll. bi-i /b/ 'in, at, on, with, from'; / (also: ly), syll.
le-e // (or /l e / ) 'towards, for, against; from; away from; to';
k /ka/ with the (lengthened) variant km
m
'as, like'.
b. prepositions formed from bi- or triconsonantal roots:
yd /yada/ 'next to, together (with)'; 'm /'imma/ '(together) with;
towards'; bn /bna/ 'between';
c
d /
c
ad/('?) 'until'; 7 /
C
al// 'upon;
towards; down from; away from'; tht /tahta/ 'under, beneath'; qdm
/qudma/(?) 'before; in front of'; b'd /ba'da/ 'behi nd'; atr /'at(a)ra/
'in the wake of; (directly/immediately) after'; tk /tk/(?) '(right) in
the midst of; into'; qrb /qarba/ 'in the interior; into'.
c. Composi te prepositions: (preposition b or / + noun):
bd /bdi/ < *bi yadi 'i n/from the hand of; from'; b tk /bi tki/ 'in
the midst of'; b qrb /bi qarbi/ 'in the midst of'. I p /li p/ 'accord-
ing to, in the manner of'; I pn /li pan/ 'to the front of; before;
before (temporal); away from (spatial)'; I p'n /li pa
e
n/ 'at (both)
feet of; (low) before'; I ir /li in/ 'on top of; on; onto (move-
ment); from off/on (movement)'; I bl /li bal/ 'without'.
d. Prepositions can be lengthened by the enclitic particles -m or -
90
with no essential change in meani ng. The forms b-m, k-m, l-m,
c
m-m,
l-n und
c
m-n are attested. They are especially favoured in poetry.
3.4.5.3 Conj uncti ons
a. coordinating:
- w /wa/ 'and; but': copulative conjunction.
p /pa/ 'and then/thereupon/consequendy': copulative conjunction;
it marks a temporal or logical sequence.
90
- ap (extended variant: apn) 'thus, just as; even'.
91
- u /'0/ < *
}
aw 'or': disjunctive conjunction.
b. subordinating:
- ahr 'after': to introduce a temporal clause.
- id 'when; as soon as': to introduce a temporal clause.
c
d 'while; as long as; until': to introduce a temporal clause.
88
See d.
89
See 3.4.5.9.
90
On Ugaritic p see WATSON 1990e, 1994e.
91
Also functions as an asseverative particle.
- hm /him/ with the phonetic variant im /'im/ 'if, in case': to intro-
duce a conditional clause.
k /k/ (variant spelling: ky) 1. 'because': to i ntroduce a causal
clause; 2. 'that': to introduce an object clause; 3. 'as, when i f : to
introduce a temporal or conditional clause.
- km /kma/ 'as; as soon as'.
- him !; as; as soon as'.
3.4.5.4 I nterjections
- Presentation particles ('lo!'): hn (extended variants: hnn\ hnny); hi
(extended variants: him, hin, hlk); mk.
92
- vocative particles: y /y/\ l (cf. 3.4.4.2.4c).
i /'/ 'truly!' (only in oaths); an 'oh!' (exclamation).
3.4.5.5 Asseverative particles
- k, al, dm, I, m
c
: 'truly!; certainly!'.
3.4.5.6 Optati ve particles
- I /l/ (alternatively: /la/): proclitic optative particle before a jus-
sive (PC
s
j /e).
- ahl: 'alas!; if only!'.
3.4.5.7 Negatives
- / /l a/: for negating words and verbal clauses.
93
- al /'al/: for negating volitive verbal clauses (only before PC
s
j /e).
bl /bal/ (extended variant: bit): for negating words and noun clauses;
in verbal clauses only in an interrogative sense.
3.4.5.8 Existential particles
- it /'it/ < *'itay: 'there i s/are'.
- in /'na/ < *'ayna (extended variants: inm; inn): 'there i s/are not'.
92
Alternatively: 'then, after that' (adverb of time).
93
WATSON 1991C.
3.4.5.9 Enclitic particles
The most important enclitic particles in Ugaritic are -m,
94
-n, -y, -k
and -t. The enclitics -m and -n, which are by far the most frequent,
serve generally to emphasise certain constituents of a sentence. The
enclitic -y obviously acts as a marker of direct speech;
95
-k and -t
occur chiefly in connection with pronouns and adverbs.
96
(Translation: W.G.E. Wat s o n )
94
On which see WATSON 1992c, 1994F.
95
See TROPPER 1994a.
96
Note the special abbreviations: C =any consonant; c. =common gender; obi. =
oblique case; PC = prefix conjugation; PC
S
= short form of the prefix conjugation;
PC
s
e = lengthened short form of the prefix conjugation (cohortative); PC
s
j = short
form of the prefix conjugation with jussive function; PC
s
p =short form of the prefix
conjugation with perfective-preterite function; PC
1
' = long form of the prefix con-
jugation; PV = vowel of prefix; SC = suffix conjugation; SCp = fientic sub-type
of the suffix conjugation; SCs = stative sub-type of the suffix conjugation; syll. =
syllabic; TV = thematic vowel; V - any vowel.
4 U g a r i t i c L e x i c o g r a p h y
W i l f r e d G . E . W a t s o n
4.1 Previous work
Not unexpectedly, the meanings of Ugaritic words have been a mat-
ter for discussion and analysis right from the earliest days of Ugaritic
studies and it is due to the difficulties inherent in these texts that
many words remain unexplained to this day. Several surveys of pre-
vious studies are available
1
and there is no need to repeat all this
material here. As yet, the only complete dictionary is Aistleitner's
Wrterbuch der ugartischen Sprache (1963, etc.). The only other compa-
rable 'dictionary' is the glossary which formed part of Gordon's series
of handbooks to Ugaritic: with each new edition, the glossary was
revised as new texts were discovered and different solutions were
proposed.
2
Like the Wrterbuch, Gordon's glossary listed all the words
found in the Ugaritic texts discovered at the time, including per-
sonal and place names. Partial glossaries are to be found in Segert's
grammar ( S e g e r t 1984, 175-205) and in the various translations of
the Ugaritic texts now available.
3
Specialised glossaries are included
in studies on the following: the hippiatric texts,
4
the ritual texts.
5
Also
i mportant are the studies of prepositions
6
and the particles
7
and in
spite of its age, d e M o o r 1971 remains a mine of lexical information.
Of particular interest are the study of terms connected with tex-
tiles used in the Ugaritic texts ( R i b i c h i n i - X e l l a 1985)
8
and the
discussion of terms for sheep and goats ( d e l O l m o L e t e 1 9 9 3 ,
1 8 3 - 9 7 ) and of terms for sacrifice ( d e l O l m o L e t e 1995) . Useful,
too, are Pardee's listing of lexical items with bibliography ( P a r d e e
1987) and the studies of syllabic spellings.
9
The personal names of
1
DE MOOR 1973; DEL OL MO L ETE - SANMARTI N 1988; WATSON 1995a.
2
GORDON 1965 ( 1967) ; 1940; 1947 and 1955.
3
DRI VER 1955; GI BSON 1978; DEL OL MO L ETE 1981; T O I I and C A R T U but
not TO I .
4
COHEN - SI VAN 1983; PARDEE 1985. See al so SANMARTI N 1988b and COHEN
1996.
5
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 20- 1 = 1999, 00- 0; XEL L A 1981.
6
PARDEE 1975, 1976, 1979.
7
AARTUN 1974, 1978.
8
See the r evi ew by DURAND 1990.
9
HUEHNERGARD 1987b; SI VAN 1984a; see r evi ew by HUEHNERGARD 1987a.
Ugarit are also a source of lexical items even though their meani ng
may not have been noticed overtly either by those who gave them
or by those who bore them. The classic collection by Grondahl
( G r o n d ah l 1967) is a useful if somewhat dated reference work in
this respect. Some recent studies have provided additional material.
10
Toponyms also contribute lexical items but their origins are more
difficult to ascertain."
Several series of articles on Ugaritic lexical problems have been
written by various authors, some of which are to be continued,
12
as
well as sets of studies on Ugaritic semantics.
13
There are many notes
and articles on individual words or groups of words which cannot
be listed here.
14
It is very helpful when a study is devoted to words
belonging to a particular semantic field: sociology ( R ai ney 1963),
fabrics and dyes ( van S o l d t 1990), sacrifice ( del O l mo L et e 1995),
crafts ( S anmar t i n 1995) and the army ( V i t a 1995a). For various rea-
sons, some words receive more attention than others, for example,
words which occur in the mythological texts.
15
A reverse glossary
(English-Ugaritic) is provided in UT, 530-7.
16
I n recent years actual dictionaries are starting to be published.
One is the Diccionario de la lengua ugartica (DLU) by del Ol mo Lete
and Sanmarti n, a two-volume work of which the first volume has
appeared and the second is at an advanced stage of preparati on.
Another is Cohen's Comprehensive Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language, as
yet unpublished.
17
The third such lexicon (UHw),
] R
which was initi-
ated in Mnster at Ugarit-Forschungen several years ago, will soon
be ready for publication but is available in the form of a word-list
( D i et r i c h - L o r e t z 1996b).
19
10
WATSON 1990a, 1990b, 1993, 1995b, 1996a.
11
See ASTOUR 1987; cf . 12. 2.
12
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ and DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ SANMARTI N; bibliography in SEL
5 1988, 2-12. Many of their studies are concerned with differentiating homonyms.
AARTUN 1968, 1984, 1985, 1991; BERGER 1970; MARGAI .I T 1982; SANMARTI N 1977,
1978, 1979, 1980, 1988; XEL L A 1978b, 1980. See also DE MOOR 1965, 1979,
GREENFI ELD 1967, BADRE BORDREUI L MUDARRES AJ J AN - VI TAL E 1976, RENFROE
1984, WATSON 1978, etc.
13
See now DEL OL MO L ETE 1984; SANMARTI N 1973.
14
See, for example, WATSON 1996c.
15
E.g. lmm, which denotes a type of sacrifice, has 25 entries in PARDEE 1987, 410.
16
A semantic glossary is provided in C A R T U , 177-92.
17
As mentioned in SI VAN 1997, xix.
18
Ugatisches Handwrterbuch.
19
Supplemented by the extremely helpful 'glossary' in DI ETRI CH L ORETZ 1996a,
543926. Card indices of lexical material are also held in research institutes (see,
for example, RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A 1985, 11).
4.2 The texts
The texts under discussion are, of course, those in Ugari dc found
at Ras Shamra, Ras I bn Hani and elsewhere (conveniently collected
in KTU'
2
), supplemented by more recent discoveries. The Akkadian
texts are relevant chiefly for the lexical material they provide, either
directly (as in the lexical texts) or indirectly (see K h n e 1974, 1975).
Of particular interest is the treaty
20
(K TU 3.1 = RS 11.722+) of
which large sections in Ugaritic correspond to its Akkadian exem-
plars (RS 1 1.732, 17.227, 17.382; K n o p p e r s 1993 with previous bib-
liography). It can also be noted that some Ugaritic letters may in
fact be translations from Akkadian, Egyptian and Hittite.
4.3 Problems
Aside from the large number of words which are known from com-
mon Semitic (um, 'mother', klb, 'dog', etc.)
21
it is difficult to deter-
mi ne the meani ng of many lexical items in Ugaritic for several
reasons. For one thing, the corpus is small and the range of significant
contexts is accordingly quite limited. Also, vowels (aside from the
use of the three aleph signs, 'a, 'i, 'u) are not indicated, and it is there-
fore not always easy to distinguish homographs. While prose and
verse texts share much of the vocabulary (e.g. thm, 'message'), certain
words are found only in non-literary contexts (e.g. gzl 'spinner' [K TU
4.358 = RS 18.048:9]) whereas others occur only in verse (e.g klat
'both' [K TU 1.1 = RS 3.361 iv 10 etc.]; phi 'stallion' [K TU 1.4 =
RS 2.[008]+ iv 5.9.15, etc.]; rt 'dirt' [K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+
29, etc.]).
22
Many words are difficult or obscure, or have uncertain
etymologies, e.g. ilqsm, bnn, b^r, gml, gpr, ddym, dnt II, dqr, dnt, kb, kbm,
kdr, kmlt, knh, kpsln, krln,
c
bk,
c
prt,
c
rgz,
c
trb, gb, gbt, gprt, dmt,
23
tkt, etc.,
and the meanings of others (aktn, agzr, aqhr, askrr, idm, idrp, idt, udbr,
unk,
C
d, etc.) cannot as yet be determi ned. Some words occur in bro-
ken or difficult contexts, e.g. hkm, hnn, hsm, htn, kdt, gbz, gbt, gdm (see
DLU for details). With the discovery of new texts, previously unknown
words continue to be added to the lexicon but the meanings of these
20
Or letter accompanying a treaty (KNOPPF.RS 1993).
21
Even here there can be false assumptions, as SANMARTI N ( 1996) has shown in
respect of ahl which means 'town' (Akkadian alum) rather than 'tent' (as in Hebrew).
22
For the vocabulary of the Ugaritic letters see CUNCHI L L OS 8.1.5.
23
But see WY A TT 1992C.
can also be uncertain, e.g. udn, 'to give ear', ghr, 'to sound forth(?)',
zb, 'to foam(?)', qnn, perhaps 'to stand up', in RS 92.2014 ( P ar dee
1997a, 327-8)
4.4 Principles
In view of the vast literature on Ugaritic lexicography and the often
conflicting or at least divergent conclusions reached by scholars, there
have been several attempts to set out solid methodological principles
for the determination of meanings.
24
These are discussed here briefly.
Once the conect reading of the text has been established, the context is
of crucial importance. I n fact, all agree that context is the most
i mportant single element for ascertaining what a word may mean.
Syllabic spellings must also be taken into account,
25
and finally, com-
parative philology can be used. For this approach to be valid a set of
rules must be applied: context is more significant than etymology;
without context, etymology can only uphold a hypothetical proposal;
phonological rules should only be flouted with supporting evidence;
words in another language may not necessarily have the same mean-
ing in Ugaritic; homographs and homonyms should be assumed only
as a last resort; syntagmata and idioms as well as words need to be
compared; a distinction must be made between the (archaic) poetic
texts and the language of the letters, rituals and administrative texts;
in the poetic texts it is i mportant to determine stichometry and par-
allelism; in general, the rules of grammar and syntax should be
applied. Finally, non-linguistic evidence should not be neglected.
Some illustration of these principles is provided below.
4.5 Use of cognate languages
Compari son with other Semitic languages can provide a significant
contribution to determining the meanings of words, but a degree of
caution is required. Healey has surveyed the contributions availa-
ble from Hebrew, Phoenician, Arabic, Akkadian, South Arabian
26
and Ethiopie ( L esl au 1968), particularly Aramaic and Syriac 1988).
27
24
HEL D 1959, 169; DE MOOR 1973, 98; PARKER 1979- 80.
25
See SI VAN 1984a; HUEHNERGARD 1987b.
26
See especially RENDSBURG 1987.
His conclusion, though, is that context is 'the ultimate arbiter'.
28
Arabic has been much used (and misused) as a resource for deter-
mi ni ng the meani ng of Ugaritic words. Thi s approach has been
examined in detail by Renfroe
29
who has shown that there are many
genuine Arabic-Ugaritic isoglosses but an equal if not greater num-
ber of spurious ones. I n many cases we may simply have to say that
there is insufficient evidence for any firm conclusions. It always has
to be remembered that the meani ng of a word in a cognate lan-
guage cannot simply be transferred to Ugaritic and at times is no
more than a guide. The same applies to the contribution from Eblaite
( S anmar t i n 1991) .
4.6 Methodolog))
The first task necessary before resolving the meani ng of a Ugaritic
word is to survey all previous attempts, which is often very time-
consuming, with no guarantee of complete coverage. The scholar
must then establish the correct reading on the tablet, determine the
context, perhaps use etymology based on established language laws,
refer to a wide range of Semitic languages, if necessary, use other
languages (including Egyptian, Hittite, Hurri an, and even Sanskrit
and Sumerian) and avoid the multiplication of homonyms and homo-
graphs. These rules, however, are an over-simplification. I n practice,
several other factors need to be taken into account, as the follow-
ing examples show.
4.7 Selected examples
Some examples can help to illustrate the above. Evidence from cog-
nate (Semitic) languages can come from Phoenician ( del O l mo L et e
1986), Hebrew, Akkadian, Aramai c and Arabic as well as from such
languages as Ethiopie
30
and even Syriac. For example, the verb nsr,
parallel to bky 'to weep' (K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi 4-5), can be
explained from Syriac n'sar/nasar, 'to sigh, groan, murmur, howl,
shriek, lament'.
31
Choice of the correct cognate is i mportant; for
27
HEAL EY 1988.
28
HEAL EY 1988, 68.
29
RENFROE 1985, 1986a, 1986b, 1989, 1992.
30
See DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 199I d on 'r.
31
HEAL EY 1976; SANMARTI N 1978, 451. However, cf. WY A T T 1998C, 237, n. 280.
instance in the expression b bz'zm (KTU 1. 80 = RS 15. 072: 4) which
could mean 'from the booty of goats', in view of Heb. baz, 'plunder,
spoil' (HALOT, 117). However, in the contexta list of sacrifices
it is more likely to mean 'a young animal from the udder of the
goats', i.e. an unweaned kid, where Ugaritic bz is an isogloss of
Arabic buzz, J ewish-Aramaic bzz
3
, etc. all denoting 'teat' ( Sanmar t i n
1979, 723- 4) . Extra-linguistic evidence can also help determine mean-
ings, for example, glp may denote murex used as a body-dye, since
this type of shellfish was common near Ras Shamra (de M o o r 1968).
Correct syntactic analysis is important for determining the mean-
ings of words as shown by Husser ( H usser 1995) in respect of atr
in I'pr dmr atrh K TU 1.17 = RS 2.[004] i 27-8 (and par.). Thi s
expression has been understood in various ways but because of the
parallelism with the previous line (lars mssu qtrh, 'who makes his spirit
come out towards the earth'), which refers to correct burial, the
preposition I also means 'to(wards)'. It is probably to be translated
'who protects his step towards the dust', and therefore atr cannot
mean 'place', 'shrine' or even 'sanctuary'. The meani ng of a word
can depend on several factors including the structure of a text and
recognition of the correct meani ng of another word in the same pas-
sage. For instance, in K TU 4.392 = RS 18.130, prs means neither
'steering pole (of a chariot)' nor 'horse' but more probably a type
of 'ration': Ihms mrkbt hm
c
srh prs bt mrkbt, 'For the five chariots of
the five divisions: ten />r-rations from the chariot-house', since hm
C
rh does not mean 'fifteen' but 'five divisions (of the army)' followed
by the numeral 'ten' ( V i t a 1996).
32
It is also important to compare
not just isolated words but syntagmata in Ugaritic with those in another
(Semitic) language. Del Ol mo Lete has provided a list of syntagmata
common to Ugaritic and Phoenician.
33
Of interest, too, is the term
hrs which occurs in the economic texts in connection with chariots
(e.g. K TU 4.145 = RS 15.034:8-9) as a syntagm in the form w.hrs
and means 'precisely, exactly', a usage borrowed from Akkadian.
34
The personal names provide a wealth of vocabulary, with many
items not otherwise attested, e.g. rgln (KTU 4.619 = RS 19.047:7),
32
The text remains difficult because the term ant (line 2) is not yet understood.
33
DEL OL MO L ETE 1986b, 46~7 = 1996a, 32-3. For comparison with a syntagm
from Aramaic cf. WATSON 1992d.
34
DEL OL MO L ETE 1979; cf. VI TA 1995a, 57.
which is formed from the word rgl, 'leg'. The same applies to place-
names such as bir, 'well' (K TU 1.91 = RS 19.015:29, etc.). For both
types of names syllabic spellings can be of use in determining meanings.
4.8 Lexical tablets
Of considerable i mportance are the polyglot vocabularies which have
been found in Ugarit. These list the equivalents of words in four
languages (Sumerian, Akkadian, Hurri an and Ugaritic) and in five
of the eight tablets discovered so far, the Ugaritic column has been
preserved (details in H u e h n e r g a r d 1987b, 21-3). Accordi ng to
Huehnergard, about 114 Ugaritic words have been vocalized in syl-
labic cuneiform spellings. For example:
S umer i an A k k ad i an H u r r i a n U g a r i t i c M e a n i n g
UL et-lu u-ta-an-ni ba-ah-hu-r 'youth'
EZEN za-am-ma-r
35
hal-mi si-i-ru 'song'
36
The sources for the vocalization of Ugaritic are (1) the three aleph
signs, (2) syllabic spellings of Ugaritic words and to a lesser extent
(3) comparative Semitics. The aleph signs give some indication of the
associated vowels (or the absence of a vowel; see 4.3.2.2). The syl-
labically written Ugaritic words and names are particularly helpful.
The list of such items in v an S o l d t (1991a, 301-8) has 156 entries.
Huehnergard provides a glossary with approxi matel y 280 entries
( H u e h n e r g a r d 1987b, 103-94). Similarly, S i v an 1984, 185-295,
although his sources are not confined to texts found at Ras Shamra
(see 4.5).
3
' Reference to other Semitic languages can only provide
an indicadon of possible spellings and has to be used with caution.
4.9 Non-Semitic words in Ugantic
The city of Ras Shamra was a melting pot of several nationalities
speaking different languages and both court and administration dealt
with documents in several languages. I n ritual, particularly, sections
of text were written in Hurri an and Hurri an words occur liberally
35
As HUEHNERGARD 1987b, 97 notes, za-am-ma-r stands for zamru (the double
-mm- is incorrect) and all the forms are nouns rather than infinitives.
36
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 747- 53: 'Appendix C : The lexical texts at Ugarit'.
37
See VAN SOL DT 1989d for review.
in the Ugaritic texts. It is not suprising, then, that many words in
the Ugaritic lexicon are in fact borrowed from Hurri an, occasion-
ally from Hittite and more rarely from Egyptian or from other non-
Semitic languages. Over the years more and more such words have
been identified.
38
Thus, al though most Ugaritic lexical items have a
Semitic etymology, several are (or may be) of non-Semi ti c origin.
Some of these words are listed here under the following headings:
(1) Hurri an words, (2) Hittite words, (3) Egyptian words, (4) Sumeri an
words, (5) I ndo-European words, (6) words from other languages.
4.9.1 Hurri an words i ncl ude alhn, 'steward' (K TU 4.392 = RS
18.130:4; cf. K T U 4.102 = RS 11.857:25; K T U 4.337 = RS
18.024:11) borrowed from Hurro-Urarti an allae-hhi-nn, 'housekeeper',
all, '(festive) garment' (K TU 1.12 = RS 2.[012] ii 47, etc.), Hurri an
allu (Neu 1996, 314, . 22); itnn, 'gift' (K TU 1.100 = RS 24.244:74),
Hurri an uatnannuf grbz, 'helmet' (K TU 4.363 = RS 18.055:2), Hurri an
gurpisi; hdm, 'footstool' (K TU 1.3 = RS 2.[014] + ii 22, etc.), Hurri an
atm ( Wat s o n 1996b); hbrt, 'vessel, container' (K TU 1.4 = R S 2. [008] +
ii 9), Hurri an hubrushi; hptr, 'pot, caul dron' (K TU 1.4 ii 8), Hurri an
huppataru; hrd, 'warrior', Hurri an huradi/e ( S t i egl i t z 1981); kht, 'throne'
(K TU 1.2 = RS 3.367 i 23, K T U 1.4 vi 51 etc.),
40
probabl y Hurro-
Urarti an; kkrdn, 'chef ' (K TU 4.126 = RS 14.084:27); kmn, '(a sur-
face measure)' (K TU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ iv 38 etc.), Hurri an kumnw,
llh (K TU 4.363 = RS 18.055:5) denotes part of trappi ngs or har-
ness, Hurri an lulahhi, (DLU, 245); gr, 'total', Hurri an heyar; pg[n)dr,
'a type of fabri c' (K TU 4.270 = RS 17.111:10), Hurri an pahandam-f
tbl, 'smith' (K TU 4.790 = R S 86.2235:15), Hurri an tabid- ( D i et r i c h -
L o r e t z 1990); tgpt, 'fe1t(?)' (K TU 4.183 = RS 15.116 ii 10, etc.),
Hurri an tahape ( Wat s o n 1995c, 540); tkt, 'chari ot' (K TU 1.4 = RS
2. [008]+ 7, etc.), Hurri an uktu ( L o r et z 1996). Note that some
words are Semitic with Hurri an endings, e.g. hdgl, 'arrowsmi th' (K TU
4.138 = RS 15.016:2, etc.) whi ch is a Hurri an form of Ug. hz,
'arrow' with the Hurri an -(hii)li endi ng ( S anmar t i n 1995, 179). Others
38
See the list provided by DE MOOR 1973, 98. Not all are correct, of course.
For additional material the indices of Ugarit-Forschungen and other periodicals may
be consulted. For a survey see WATSON 1995c, 1996c. See also PARDEE 1996.
30
Borrowed through Middle Assyrian utnannu: cf. VON SODEN 1988.
40
However, cf. DEL OL MO L ETE SANMARTI N 1995.
41
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1977; RI BI CHI NI XEL L A 1985, 61.
are Semitic words in Hurri an guise, e.g. kid, 'bow' (K TU 4.277 =
RS 17.141:1) is a form of qatu, 'bow' ( D i et r i c h - L o r e t z 1978b).
4.9.2 Hittite words: ans, 'small of the back' (K TU 1.3 = RS 2. [014] +
iii 35), Hittite anaa ( de M o o r 1980) ; uiyn, '(an official)' ( K T U 6. 29
= R S 17. 364: 3) , Hittite ur(/i]yanni; dgt, 'incense' ( K T U 1. 19 = R S
3. 322+ iv 23, etc.), Hittite tuhhui-/tuhf}uwai-; htt, silver' ( K T U 1. 14
= R S 2. [ 003] + iv 1; K T U 1. 14 ii 17), Hittite (or Hai ti an) (fottu()-;
hndlt, '(coloured wool)' ( K T U 4. 182 = R S 15. 115: 17) , Hittite
siG
handala;
hsn, 'domestic' ( K T U 4. 137 = R S 15. 015+: 1.10), Hittite baann-;
mtyn, '(garment)' ( K T U 4. 146 = R S 15. 035: 5) , Hittite maiya\a
garment)' ( R i bi chi ni - X e l l a 1985, 52); spsg, 'glass' ( K T U 1. 17 =
RS 2. [004] vi 36-7 etc.), Hittite zapzagi-, which denotes precious
stones or a mi neral ( N eu 1995) ; tpnr, 'chief scribe' ( K T U 3. 1 = R S
11. 772+: 32; K T U 4. 44 = R S 9. 453: 28) , Hittite tuppanuri, etc.
4.9.3 Egypti an words:
42
br, 'boat, (war)ship' (K TU 4.81 = RS
11.779:2-3, etc.); ht, 'bread' (K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+:22), Egyptian
ht3 ( Wat s o n 1995a, 223-4); htt, 'silver' (see above), Egyptian hd; kw,
'dri nki ng vessel' (K TU 4.691 = RS 20.010:6), Egypti an kb; krk,
'pi ckaxe' (K TU 4.390 = RS 18.119:8 etc.), Egypti an grg 'pi ck'
( S anmar t i n 1987b, 151); ktp, '(weapon)' (K TU 1.6 = R S 2. [009] +
2); rr, pray' (enclitic of entreaty; K T U 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ i
20, etc.), tkt, 'ship' (K TU 4.81 = RS 11.779; K TU 4.366 = RS
18.074); etc.
4.9.4 Sumeri an words: ad, 'father' (K TU 1.23 = RS 2.002:32 etc.);
ilg, 'stone' (K TU 4.751 = RS 29.096:11); ksu, 'seat, throne', (K TU
1.3 vi 15 etc.), krs/su, '(a type of forage or fodder)' (K TU 4.225 =
RS 16.198 [a]+:16); plk, 'spindle' (K TU 1.4 ii 3.4), etc.
4.9.5 I ndo-European/I ndo-Aryan words: agn, 'caul dron' (K TU 1.23
= RS 2. 002: 15. 31. 36) may be cognate with Sanskrit agni 'fire'; mryn
probabl y I ndo-Aryan, e.g. Sanskrit marya, 'hero'; sm, 'king', (K TU
1. 22 = RS 2. [ 024] i 18); ssw/ssw, 'horse' ( K T U 1.71 = RS 5. 300: 7
etc.), Sanskrit asva ( D i et r i c h - L o r e t z 1983) ; tnn, 'archer' ( K T U
4. 35 = RS 8. 183+ ii 11 etc.) and perhaps others such as smrgt
42
WA RD 1961 now needs updating.
'emerald',
43
Sanskrit marakata and Greek smaragdos (also found as marag-
dos), both meani ng 'emeral d' (WY ATT 1998C, 91, n. 90).
4.9.6 Words from other languages: adr, 'door (?)' (K TU 4.195 =
RS 15.184:5), explained by anduru of uncertain origin;
44
irp, 'vase,
container' (K TU 4.123 = RS 13.014:20), is perhaps Hurro-Hittite,
unless to be explained by Egyptian irp, 'wine' and therefore, possi-
bly, 'wine-container'; utiyn (K TU 3.1 = RS 11.772+:30 has the syl-
labic spelling u-r[i-ia]-ni (PRU 3 203 = RS 16.257+ iv 21) and may
derive from Hurri an, Hittite or some other language (cf. DLU, 62).
Generally speaking, in the case of some loanwords it is difficult
to know whether they have been loaned directly, or indirectly through
another language such as Akkadian, or even whether they are in
fact Kulturwrter or Wanderwrter. Some words may even have been
borrowed back from the language which initially borrowed them,
e.g. kht, 'throne', from Hurri an keshi, itself a loan from Semitic ksu
(DEL OLMO LETE - SANMARTIN 1995) and the same may apply to
mgn, 'gift' and mryn, 'warrior' (O'CONNOR 1989). There were also
inner-Semitic borrowings,
45
and a distinction must be made between
cognates and actual loans, such as nmrt from Akk. namurratu, 'splen-
dour' (PARDEE 1988b, 115).
46
4.10 Homonyms
Homonyms can be distinguished by context, comparative philology
and occasionally from syllabic spellings. Simple examples of homonyms
are bt 'house' and bt 'daughter', both nouns; from comparati ve
Semitics and (where attested) syllabic spellings, it is possible to deter-
mine that the first word corresponds to /btu/ and the second to
/bi ttu/ (SIVAN 1984, 210.212). In the case of weak verbs it is also
difficult to determine the correct form of the root (e.g. does gl derive
fromgll, gly or gyl?). Since the Ugaritic corpus is so small, it is quite
possible that a 'word' which occurs only a few times may have as
43
K TU 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ i 32, which is read mrfrt in KTU
2
.
44
Listed as = daltu, 'door' in CAD A/2, 117; AHw, 51a (CECCHI NI 1984, 47).
45
I ncluding loans from Ugaritic to Akkadian, e.g. Ug. mit, 'oar', which was bor-
rowed by Ugaritic Akkadian (VI TA 1995b).
46
In KTU 1.108 = RS 24.252:21.24; nouns with preformative n- are Akkadian,
not Ugaritic, as PARDEE notes (ibid.).
many different meanings.
47
Examples include b'r I, 'to burn', b'r II,
'to abandon' (only in the D stem);
48
gl I, 'shout of j oy', gl I I , 'cup'
and gl I I I , '(type of field)'; ptt I, 'linen' and ptt I I , '(make-up) case'
(K TU 4.247 = RS 16.399:22; SANMARTIN 1987a, 54, n. 7).
A clear example of the i mportance of distinguishing homonyms
(and incidentally of correct word division) is provided by
yrk t
c
l bgr She climbed the mountain by the flank,
mslmt bgr tliyt by the incline, the immense mountain.
wfl bkm ban She climbed bkm, Araru,
bm an wbspn Araru, Sapnu,
bn'm bgr tliyt the fair, the immense mountain
(KTU 1.10 = RS 3.362+ iii 27-31)
Although the sequence bkm looks like the particle bkm, 'thereupon',
this is impossible here as such particles are never postpositive: they
always come first in the clause (RENFROE 1992, 58). I nstead, here
km means 'hill, mound' (as proposed by AARTUN 1968, 291) and it
is preceded by the preposition b (as part of the syntagm
c
ly + b, 'to
climb').
49
Hence the third line should be translated 'She climbed the
mound, Araru'.
50
4.11 Ghost words
Non-existent words are due to scribal error, false readings, incorrect
analysis or incorrect word division. Examples of words written incor-
recdy are any (K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ i 7-8) which is to be read
liny, a pl ace-name and tdrs (K TU 1.45 = RS 1.008+:5), to be read
tdrq, 'tread'. The word ski, 'vizier' in K TU 3.1 = RS 1 1.772+:38
(KNOPPERS 1993) may have to be read skn (so KTU
2
). A classic exam-
ple is ulp, taken by some scholars to mean 'noble, chief or the like',
though it is really to be understood as u, 'and' + Ip, 'like'
51
or as
u + / + p, 'whether from the mouth of (see 13.6.2). I n some cases,
the word division is uncertain, e.g. the sequence grbtil (KTU 1.19 =
47
See especially the studies by DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ and DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ -
SANMARTI N.
4,1
DI ETRI CH L ORETZ SANMARTI N 1975.
49
Cf . PARDEE 1975, 362.
50
However, cf. DLU, 107.
51
Where tp is the preposition I + p, 'mouth'; cf. DE MOOR - SANDERS 1991,
291- 2, with bibliography.
RS 3.322+ iii 47) could be analyzed as gr bt il 'resident in the house
of I lu', as grbt il, 'leprosy of I lu'
52
or even as grb til 'may you seek
asylum as a leper';
53
kgmn may = k + gmn, 'like a funeral offering(?)'
or kgmn = Hurri an 'three-year old'.
54
On the other hand, in K TU
1.96 = RS 22.225:1, most scholars corrected
c
nn to
c
nt
[
'Anat', thus
eliminating a previously unnoticed word which may mean 'evil eye'.
55
4.12 Future research
Although the core vocabulary of the Ugaritic texts is now under-
stood to a large extent, there still remain many lexical items which
either need to be determi ned or require further clarification. For ex-
ample, in the Keret epic, msb'thn bslh ttpl, 'The seventh of them fell
by (the) sW (K TU 1.14 = RS 2. [003]+ i 20-1), it is uncertai n
whether the deaths described refer to his wives or to his children or
indeed to the way the last victim died. The word slh could mean 'a
throwing weapon', 'a sword', 'war', 'lightning', the god 'Salhu', 'para-
pet' or a disease which affects babies (Babylonian ulhu). If the last
meani ng applies, then this death must have affected Kirta's children,
which in turn is significant for the meani ng of the epic (WATSON
1997c).
However, the task of determi ni ng the meani ng and or etymology
of individual words is not simply a luxury for students of Ugaritic.
Scholars in other branches of Semitic studies or in other disciplines
frequently need to consult reference works on Ugaritic for their own
purposes. Examples include the compilers of DNWSI and HALOT or
of encyclopaedias of various kinds or of comparative studies (e.g.
HOCH 1994). It is i mportant, therefore, to establish as accurately as
possible what Ugaritic words mean. Our mai n difficulties in under-
standing correctly many a difficult passage are principally that there
is no similar passage in Ugaritic or that the context is uncertain. In
other words, the Ugaritic corpus is simply too small owing to lack
of texts. Future discoveries and conti nui ng research are our only
hopes in this exercise.
52
HI L L ERS 1985.
53
RENFROE 1986, correcting amd, the first word of the line, to tmd. See WATSON
1989a, 47~8.
54
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ SANMARTI N 1976.
55
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992b; L EWI S 1996, WY A T T 1998c, 375 n. 1. See SPRONK
6.5.3.
5 UGARI TI C WORDS IN SY LLABI C TEXTS
J OHN HUEHNERGARD
Embedded within the syllabic cuneiform texts written by scribes at
Ugarit are over three hundred Ugaritic lexical items. These Ugaritic
forms appear in all genres of Akkadian texts.
I n one group of syllabic cuneiform texts, those of the polyglot Syl-
labary A Vocabul ary (S
a
Voc.), the Ugaritic words were intention-
ally recorded by the scribes. The S
a
Voc. was a Mesopotami an lexical
series in which columns of individual cuneiform signs, in a fixed
order, were equated with one or more Akkadian words in a second
col umn (LANDSBERGER - HAL L OCK 1955). Thi s lexical series was im-
ported to scribal centres in the west, including Hattua, Emar, and
Ugarit. The Ugarit exemplars of the S
a
Voc. are unusual in that
they do not have merely the two columns of the exemplars found
elsewhere; instead, they add either one additional column giving lex-
ical equivalents in Hurri an
1
or, more often, two additional columns
with equivalents in both Hurri an and Ugaritic. Six exemplars of this
quadrilingual type are known (VAN SOL DT 1990, 728- 30) , on which
more than one hundred Ugaritic words are wholly or partly pre-
served. Thanks to the presence of Akkadian equivalents (and, when
those are broken away, the fixed order of the cuneiform signs), the
meanings of the Ugaritic words in the S
a
Voc. exemplars can be
established with more precision and certainty than is the case with
the Ugaritic lexical items attested in other text genres. Nearly all
parts of speech are attested among these forms as the examples on
p. 135 illustrate.
Apart from the S
a
Voc. exemplars, Ugaritic words appear in Akka-
dian texts either (a) as parts of the names of local geographical fea-
tures or plots of land or, much more often, (b) by chance, essentially
lapsus calami in which the scribe either forgot the appropriate Akkadian
word and substituted a Ugaritic form or thought that the (Ugaritic)
form he was writing was proper Akkadian. The former group, which
by their nature are substantives and adjectives, occur in legal and
1
RS 21.062 (Ug 5 no. 135); also RS 94.2939, discussed by M. SALVI NI and
B. ANDR-SAL VI NI at the 45th Rencontre Assyriologique I nternationale, Cambri dge,
Mass., J uly 6 1998.





IT)
S
rc
CM
en

?
II
rc
CM
II
CM CO
+
: =
+
: =
Il
CO
CM
co
co
CM
I--
co
CD
Tt-
O
co
o
CM

CM
o
CM
O
C/}
G
C/3
c
C/3
C
Pi Ci Ci
m
-50
in
S? ?
&) II
(
+
CO

2 -
CO
</3
.
CM
0
CM
C
(
C

sa " +:3
CO -
^ -
~'
CM
0
CM Q
?. S
3
.
CO
Il CM II CM
+:S +:s
CO ^CO
in
^ II
n "
' a
- - - ^
c/3
O o
CM Q CM Q

C
O)
C
ci ci
o o
CM o CM o
/3
C
C/3
C
Ci 0
LH LO
?
o
f
cb
h
Il
13
II
; ~
03
CO
>
Tt-
o
co
O
O
CO
o o
CM o CM o
C/3
C
C/3
C
Ci 0


J
ja
!
j3
jC
y
'Ja
5
J3

-a
ja
CL
:

-
:
S
aj
>


3

2 g
c
-S ^

js.
o

o
P
<
0 N
1
3

;
3
ja
3
T3
3
C
3
j3
3
C
IC
3
3


a
'S
c
3
C
a
_Q
M
3
'S.

=3
3

3
'ci.
D.

ja
a
e
=
g
ja


%

D
CL
3

- -S
S,
c
a
o.


CL
S
-Si
CL

c
t
S
I
"3

'3

a
I
a


'o
>s
a

a


a.
a

-S



a




c/3
-D
! J
D

Q
D

D
Q
D
O
J
<
CQ
3

Q
3
D S
o

o
a.

13
_3
Q.
H
U

c

c

>




1
.
economic texts; many of them correspond to designations attested
in alphabetic texts, such that alphabetic gt X corresponds to syllabic
A.
(me5/1,i
'
a)
* or
()
AN.ZA.GR X (see HUEHNERGARD 1987a, 11
n. 51), as in
gt gwl = A.
me
(/guw(w)1i/ 'circuit');
gt dpm = A.A-
,ia
d-ip-ra-ni-ma (/diprnrma/ 'junipers');
gt m'br = "AN.ZA.GR ma-ba-n (/ma'bari/ 'ford');
gt 'mq = [AN.ZA].GR: am-qa (/'amqa/ 'stronghold
?
');
gt gl = A.*
3
: hu-li (/gli/ 'low ground
?
').
The largest number of Ugaritic words in syllabic texts, however, are
those that appear, seemingly at random, for an expected Akkadian
form. About a fourth of the Akkadian texts contain one or more
such Ugaritic words. They are found in all genres, although they
are, understandably, relatively uncommon in texts that are copies of
Mesopotami an originals, i.e. lexical texts (other than the S
a
Voc.)
and literary texts; note, however, the following examples:
lexical

EME.UR.GI
7
= la-a-nu UR.GI
7
me
'hound's-tongue' (a plant
name), with Ugaritic /1anu/ for Akkadian lin(u) (RS 22.034 +
349 = MSL 10 107ff. A, 110);
literary lip-hu-d-ma 'may they fear' RS 17.155 = Ug 5, no. 17a r. 7',
in which the root is Northwest-Semitic p-h/h-d 'to fear' (VON SODE N
1969) but the form, as is usually the case in the few examples found
in literary texts, has been made to conform to an Akkadian para-
digm (here, precative).
Ugaritic vocabulary is much commoner in the many legal and eco-
nomic texts written in syllabic cuneiform. Some economic texts con-
tain several Ugaritic words, or even a preponderance of them (e.g.
RS 19.071= PRU 6, no. 114). An extreme instance is RS 17.240 =
PRU 6, no. 136, a list of men of different professions who are owed
a shekel (of silver), in which it is likely that every syllabically-written
word is Ugaritic; this text may be compared with the very similar
alphabetic text K TU 4.99 = RS 11.845, in which most of the same
terms occur, albeit in the plural and not in the same order:
RS 17.240 = PRU 6, no. 136 KTU 4.99 = RS 11.845
r 1 G N UG[U
I
1 G N MI N
1
[
1 G N MI N
1
[
1 MI N '"[.TAM]
5 1 MI N
i
pa-[si-lu] pslm (line 17)
1 MI N '"SAN [GA] khnm (line 9)
1 MI N ^ma-h[i-s]
1 MI N ^karbi-s[]
1 MI N

na-ffi-ru
mf}sm (line 15)
kbm (line 7)
(cf. ngr krm in KTU 4.609 = RS
19.016.12)
10 1 MI N '>
5
(QA)-/a-%]
1 MI N
x
Ha-si-[ru] ysrm (line 11) or
iu
ia-si- [hu] y shm
(line 19)
yqm (line 6) 1 MI N
i
ia-q- [u]
1 MI N '"UGULA ma-[i
1 MI N ^mur- [ mru ibr^n* (line 12) and mru skn
(line 13)
nsk ksp (line 14) 15 1 MI N
l
na-s[i-ku]
As the examples cited thus far suggest, most of the Ugaritic forms
that occur in Akkadian texts (except for the S
a
Voc. quadrilinguals)
are nouns. A few finite verbs are also found, however, such as the
following suffix-conjugation forms:
G 3ms ta-ba-'a /taba'a/ 'he departed' RS 19.032 =PRU 6, no. 77:1;
3mp sa-ma-t /samat/ 'they devolved' RS 16.147 =PRU 3, 90b: 13;
D 3ms al/a-li-ma /a11ima/ 'it delivered' RS 20.012 = Ug 5, no. 96
passim,
?N 3mp na-ap-ta-ru /naptar/ 'they exchanged?' RS 15.123 + 16.152
= PRU 3, 89a:5.
The syllabically-written Ugaritic words are usually not identified as
such by any graphic device; they simply occur within an otherwise
Akkadian context, as in
4
urudu
ul-ma-tu GAL
me
sa
S
'
S
M '4 large ship's hammers' (/hu1mtu/)'
RS 19.112 = PRU 6, no. 141:4;
'AN.ZA.GR TN
(kV
R<
me)
(la) al/a-li-ma 'the manor of TN has
(not) delivered (/sallima/) slaves' RS 20.012 Ug 5 no. 96, passim,
ma-a-ra sa TN 'and the tithe (/ma'ara/, acc.) of TN' RS 16.244
= PRU 3, 93b:7.
In many instances, however, the Ugaritic words are preceded by a
special sign that is written with two small angled wedges. Thi s sign,
usually termed a 'gloss mark' Glossenkr), has several functions in
the syllabic texts from Ugarit (see H u e h n e r g a r d 1987a, 204-8), but
its most common use is to mark the word that follows it as non-
Akkadian (i.e. in all but a few examples, as Ugaritic). The gloss mark
is indicated by a colon in transliteration:
E
mcs
-/w KA
me
- sa : ma-a'-a-ri-a 'the grain and beer of its (sc. a
TN) tithe (/ma'sari/)' RS 16.153 = PRU 3, 146-7:10-1 (compare
the last example cited above);
i-na A. : ad-ma-ni 'in "redland (/'admni/) field'" RS 15.145 = PRU
3, 122-3:8, 12;
u -tu
4
PN a-na 'M J LUGAL'-ft : sa-ma-ta 'and PN's field devolved
(/samata/) upon the queen' RS 15.086.15-16 = PRU 3, 51-2.
Most of the syllabically-written Ugaritic words are also attested in
al phabeti c texts. Over one-fifth of the forms, however, are thus far
unknown in al phabeti c form. I n the case of some presumabl y com-
mon words, such as the first exampl e cited below, the absence of
an al phabeti c attestation may be due to the poetic nature of much
of the Ugari ti c corpus.
ri-i\g]-lu /riglu/ 'foot' RS 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137 i 10';
kimc5
b[i]-f}i-ru
UTU
u-g[a-ri-it] 'the elite troops (/bihir/) of Ug[arit]' RS
17.432 = PRU 6, no. 71:5';
[k]a-ma-'a-\lu) /kama'tu/ 'truffles' RS 19.035B + =PRU 6, no. 159:3';
ti-ib-nu /ti bnu/ 'straw' RS 20.149 = Ug 5, no. 130 iii 17'.
Several Ugaritic consonantal phonemes do not occur in Akkadian.
These were generally represented in syllabic writings by signs whose
consonantal component approxi mated that of the Ugaritic sound:
/0/ appears only rarely, as in i-zi-ir-\tu^\ /'i i rtu/ 'help' RS 20.149
= Ug 5, no. 130 iii 7';
/0/ is written with -signs: mu-a-bu /mo6abu/ 'seat' RS 20.123+ =
Ug 5, no. 137 iii 32"; ^u-uq-du(-)ma /9uqdu/ 'almond' RS 19.035B +
= PRU 6, no. 159:4'; ma--I}a-tu-ma /ma0hatma/ '(cloths)' RS
19.028 = PRU 6, no. 126:1;
/z/ probably appears in: zu-ur-PI /zurwu/ '(aromatic) resin' EA 48:8;
/ h/ and /g/ are written with -signs: ha-ra-^u} /harrau/ 'artisan' RS
20. 189a + ( L ar o c he 1979b, 479) 7; fr-qu /hqu/ 'lap' R S
20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137) i 9'; ^ha-ma-ru- /gamaru-hu/ 'his
apprentice' RS 19.042 = PRU 6, no. 79, 11; /}u-ul-ma-tu
4
/gu1matu/
'darkness' RS 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137: i 15';
/V, /h/, and /V are sometimes written with the Akkadian '-sign, as
in m-
1
a-tu /ni
J
tu/ '(implements)' RS 19.135 = PRU 6, no. 142:2;
&
mei
sa-'a-tu /s'tu/ '(wooden) bowls' RS 19.064 = PRU 6, no.
163: r. 4'; ma-a'-sa-H /ma'sari/ 'tithe' RS 16.153 =PRU 3, 146-7:11;
sometimes indicated by 'broken writings', as in ma-a-a-li /ma
5
a1i/
orac1e(?)' RS 15.092 = PRU 3, 54ff:25; tu-a-p-[ku] /tuhappiku/
'to be upset' RS 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137: ii 23'; si-il-a /sil'a/
'c1iff(?)' RS 16.249 = PRU 3, 96ff.:5; and sometimes, especially
word-initially, not represented, as in a-na-ku /'anku/ RS 20.149 =
Ug 5, no. 130: iii 12'; -[P]I-[/]u
4
/huwtu/ 'word' RS 20. 189A +
( L ar oc he 1979b, 479) 12; ab-du /'abdu/ 'slave' R S 20.123+ = Ug
5, no. 137: iii 4.
The greatest linguistic benefit of the syllabically-written words is the
evidence they provide for the vocalization of Ugaritic. They show,
for example, that the patterns of some Ugaritic words differed from
those of their Northwest Semitic and Arabic cognates, as in
da-ab-hu /dabhu/ 'sacrifice' RS 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137: iii 6, versus
Aramaic, Hebrew and Arabic *dibh\
: ma-ad-da-t /maddatu/ 'measurement' RS 17.022 + 087 = Ug 5,
no. 5:9, versus Hebrew midd;
a-du-r /'aduru/ 'mighty' RS 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137: ii 34', versus
Hebrew 'addr.
A number of phonological processes are also exposed by the vocal-
ized syllabic forms. Among these are
vowel assimilation around gutturals: tu--ru /tuhru/ < *tahru 'pure'
RS 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137: ii 1;
[ u
'
rudu
'
meJ
W^'-[j ]^W
me
/mihrsma/ < *mahsma '(implements)' RS 19.135 = PRU 6, no.
142:4; ta-a-ma-tu
4
/tahmatu/ < *tihmatu 'sea' RS 20.123+ = Ug
5, no. 137: iii 34";
raising of a and before w and y: [h]u-V\-tu^ /huwwatu/ <*hawwatu
'land' RS 20.123+ = Ug 5, no. 137: ii 10'; h-V\-ma /hiyyma/ <
*hayyma 'life' RS 20.426c + 20 = Ug 5, no. 131:6';
optional syncope of short vowels in open syllables: na-ba-ki-ma and :
na-ab-ki-ma /nab(a)kma/ 'springs' RS 16.150 =PRU 3, 47a: 16 and
RS 16.263 = PRU 3, 49b:5;' [b]a-ma-ru-m[a] and
1

mei
f}a-am-ru-
ma
mei
/gam(a)rma/ 'apprentices' RS 15.042 + 110 = PRU 3, 196:
i 1 and RS 25.428:6 (see PRU 6, 150 n. 3); -W-[<]
4
/antu/ <
*anatu 'year' RS 20. 189a + b ( L ar oc he 1979b, 479) 11 (see v an
S o l d t 1990b).
The Ugaritic vocabulary attested in Akkadian texts has been studied
in detail in B o y d 1975, S i v an 1984a (see the reviews of H u e h n e r g a r d
1987b, v an S o l d t 1989d), H u e h n e r g a r d 1987a (see the i mportant
review of v an S o l d t 1990b), and v an S o l d t 1991a. Several stud-
ies of individual lexical items have also appeared, including, recendy,
L a mb e r t 1988; S an mar t i n 1987b, 1992; v an S o l d t 1989a; V i t a
1995b, 1996a; W e g n e r 1995; W i l h e l m 1992; X e l l a 1990.
UGARI TI C STY L I STI CS
1 U g a r i t i c P r o s e
M e i n d e r t D i j k s t r a
1.1 Introduction
It is rather difficult to give a precise definition of Ugaritic prose
texts. I n general, they include all those texts that are assumed not
to be poetic texts, or at any rate do not reveal clear marks or cri-
teria of poetry as found in the maj or Ugaritic myths and legends.
However, the distinction between poetry and prose is rather clear,
where poetic sections of myths and legends are i nterrupted by prose
sentences containing ritual prescriptions, instructions for performance
and recitation, or colophons (K TU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ le.edge, K TU
1.6 = RS 2.[009]+ vi 54-8; K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ le.edge, K TU
1.17 = RS 2. [004] le.edge). For instance K TU 1.4 42-3: wtb
Imspr. . ktlakn glmm 'and repeat the recitation that the lads were sent'
and K TU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ vi. le.edge whndt.ytb.Imspr 'and this (pas-
sage) should be recited once more' (referring to the legend from iv
23 onwards). We shall see that hndt is a typical prose word. A sim-
ilar line of instruction is included in the myth of K TU 1.23 = RS
2.002.56 ytbn yspr 1hm 1slmm* wyr pf}r klat, 'One shall repeat the
recitation five times before the images and the congregation together
shall si ng. . .'. K TU 1.23 is a good example of how prose ritual pre-
scriptions are interspersed in a poetic text, particularly in the open-
ing sections (K TU 1.23.12, 14-5, 18-22), but in the expiation ritual
K TU 1.40 = RS 1.002+.35 the instruction w.tb.lmpsr 'and start to
recite again .. .' appears in a prose discourse.
The majority of documents published in KTU
X and 2
are prose texts.
The largest group, the economi c or administrative texts, usually con-
tain lists of persons and cities, or villages, often introduced by a label
or headi ng identifying the nature and purpose of the list and some-
times also preceded by the general marker spr. Often only these
headings permi t some grammati cal and syntactic analysis. Together
with the letters, they may help to assess the criteria and character
of the Ugaritic vernacul ar used duri ng the years of Ugarit's final
flourishing, basically the last fifty years following the reign of Ammi t-
tamru I I I , though some older documents survived (K TU 3.1, 3.4,
7.65 = RS 11.772+, 16.191+ and 16.402[B]) menti oni ng such kings
as Ni qmadu II and his son Ni qmepa. It has been assumed that these
latest texts reflect the more devel oped l anguage of everyday use
(SEGERT 1984, 13.1).
The purpose of this chapter is to review the different types of
prose style and syntax found in distinctive prose genres such as let-
ters, contracts, or rituals. Distinct use of a given verb form may
occur in different types of discourse. Prose discourse is a constella-
tion of functionally used verbal or noun clauses pertaining to a given
type of prose. Discourse types may, for instance, be narrative, preca-
tive, persuasive, prescripdve or performative and each function implies
the use of certain modes of verbs and noun clauses. Thi s review
starts from the assumption that each type of prose is, in effect, such
a cluster of functionally and semantically used verbal or noun clause
types (LONGACRE 1992, 177- 8) . It implies that reports are basically
narradve, ritual and medical instructions prescripdve, and prose incan-
tantions and letters persuasive. The borderlines between the different
types of discourse are not always well defined; performati ve elements
may also occur in rituals and incantations. Letters may contain nar-
rative parts in so far as they function as reports. Such a functional
approach related to context and genre for the study of verb and
syntax in Ugaritic prose is more appropri ate than the generic aspec-
tual and temporal distinction made, for instance, by SEGERT 1984
(particularly 64.2, but see RAI NEY 1987, 397; TROPPER 1993a,
389ff.). We cannot deal extensively here with the function of perfect
and imperfect in poetry in compari son with its function in prose,
but there is more overlap between prose and poetry than Segert
suggests. He states that the perfect and i mperfect acqui red tem-
poral character in the late Ugaritic vernacul ar (about 1200 BCE;
SEGERT 1984, 64.21). However the perfect is used in poetry as a
narrative mode describing a completed action in the past, whereas
it still may appear in its constative and performati ve function in late
Ugaritic prose dependi ng on the context, for instance in contracts
and rituals. Segert's assumption may in general apply to Ugaritic
correspondence and admi ni stradve texts, but the modes of use may
be different for other types of discourse.
1.2 Classification of the prose texts
1.2.1 Administrative texts
KTU
2
lists 792 texts as economi c or administrative. They are by far
the largest group of prose texts. Not all of them are administrative
texts (e.g. K T U 4. 669+ = R S 19. 174A B is possibly Hurri an [DI J KSTRA
1994, 125- 6] and 4. 659 = R S 19. 166 a sales contract for a female
slave) and many fragments are chips and bits that may in time be
j oi ned to other documents (e.g. K T U 4.412 + 545 + 518 + 512 =
R S 18. 251 + 18. [ 471] + 18. [ 435] + 18. [ 426] ) . However, some texts
listed as religious texts, letters or juridical documents would better
be assessed as administrative documents (e.g. K TU 1.91 = R S 19. 015,
2. 27 = R S 16. 378A , 2. 69 = R S 24. 660C and spr mnh bd
l
mnny
K T U 3 . 1 0 = R I H 84/ 33, compare also K TU 4. 91 = R S 11. 795) .
1.2.2 Letters
The second largest corpus of Ugaritic prose texts that are suscepti-
ble of basic linguistic analysis are letters (K TU 2.1-83). There is
some doubt as to the epistolary nature of some of the texts (K TU
2.2 = RS 3.334, 2.5 = RS 1.020, 2.7 = RS 1.026+, 2.19 = RS
15.125 [manumission of a royal slave], 2.27 = RS 16.378A, 2.31 =
RS 16.394, 2.60 = RS 18.[528], 2.62 = RS 19.022 and 2.69 = RS
24.660G). Qui te a few letters are purely formal epistles, or contain
only short messages apart from the usual airs and graces (K TU 2.4 =
RS 1.018, 2.10 = RS 4.475, 2.11-7 = RS 8.315, 9.479a, 11.872,
[Vari a 4], 15.007, 15.008, 15.098, 2.24 = RS 16.137 [b\+, 2.26 =
RS 16.264, 2.30-31 = RS 16.379, 16.394, 2.40 = RS 18.040, 2.63-
64 = RS 19.029, 19.102, 2.68 = RS 20.199 and 2.71 = RS 29.095),
or they are too broken for coherent translation (K TU 2.1 = RS
3.427, 2.3 = RS 1.013+, 2.6 = RS 1.021, 2.8-9 = RS 1.032, 2.[026],
2.18 = RS 15.107, 2.20 = RS 15.158, 2.22 = RS 15.191 [a], 2.25 =
RS 16.196, 2.35 = RS 17.327, 2.48-59 = RS 18.285[a], 18.286[ab],
18.287, 18.[312, 364, 380, 386, 387, 400, 443, 482, 500], 2.65-67
= RS 19.158B, 19.181 AB, 2.77-80 = RI H 77/01, 77/21A, 77/25,
78/21 and 2.83 = RI H 78/25). Onl y a few offer larger portions of
prose to give an impression of the 13th century West Semitic per-
suasive mode of discourse used in diplomatic and business letters
( K T U 2. 10 = R S 4. 475, 2. 23 = R S 16. 078+, 2. 31 = R S 16. 394,
2. 33 = R S 16. 402, 2. 36 + 37 + 73 + 74 = R S 17. 435+, 17. 438,
17. 434 and 17. 434ba, 2. 38 = R S 18. 031, 2. 39 = R S 18. 038, 2. 42
= R S 18. 113a, 2. 45 = R S 18. 140, 2. 70 = R S 29. 093, 2. 72 = R S
34. 124 and 2. 81 = RI H 78/ 03+78/ 30) . Twenty or so more letters
were found in 1994 in the house of Urtenu ( M al b r an - L ab at 1996;
D i et r i c h - L o r et z 1997) , but are not yet available for analysis.
1.2.3 Ritual texts
Qui te a large group are about fifty Ugaritic rituals and five lists of
gods. Wi th this group should also be menti oned about 26 completely
or partially Hurri an ritual texts. The Ugaritic rituals include a series
of monthl y rituals as a kind of service book through the cultic year.
They contain prescriptions for daily sacrifices, seasonal festivals and
prayers. The Hurri an texts include sacrificial lists, sacrificial agr hid.
hymns and perhaps incantations:
1.2.3.1 Monthl y rituals through the year
yrh ryn K TU 1.411| 1.87 = RS 1.003+, 18.056 and partial dupli-
cates 1.39 = RS 1.001a.2-10|| 1.41 = RS 1.003+.11-9, 1.126 = RS
24.276.18ff.il 1.41.44-9;
yrh sm[
e
t] K TU 1.87.54ff.|| 1.46+ = RS 1.009+ [ D i j k s t r a 1984, 69ff]
and partial duplicates 1.109 = RS 24.2531| 1.46+. 10-32, 1.130 =
RS 24.284111.46+. 11-21, 1.58? = RS 1.047, 1.134? = RS 24.294;
yrh n[ql] K TU 1.138 = RS 24.298;
yrh ib'lt K T U 1.119 = RS 24.266;
yrh hyr K TU 1.105 = RS 24.249, 1.112 = 24.256, 1.132 = RS
24.291 (partially Hurri an, continuation of 1.112? = RS 24.256), 1.148
= RS 24.643 rev?;
yrh gn? K TU 1.106 = RS 24.250+, partial duplicates 1.134 = RS
24.294 obv., 1.171 = RI H 78/16.
1.2.3.2 Related texts with daily rituals and lists of sacrifices
K TU 1.48 = RS 1.019, 1.49 = RS 1.022, 1.50 = RS 1.023, 1.53 =
RS 1.033, 1.57 = RS 1.046, 1.58 = RS 1.047, 1.76 = RS 6.215,
1.81 = RS 15.130, 1.91 = RS 19.015, 1.104 + 7.133 = RS
24.248+24.305 ( D i j k s t r a 1998, 280-2), 1.110 = R S 24.254 (Hurri an
with Ugari ti c gloss bW pamt), 1.111 = RS 24.255 (obv. Hurri an);
1.134 = RS 24.294, 1.136 + 1.137 = RS 24.296ab, 1.146 = RS
24.253, 1.156 = 24.656, 1.159 + 1.160 = RS 28.059AB, 1.162 = RS
[Vari a 20], 1.165 = RI H 77/04 + 77/11, 1.170 = RI H 78/11,
1.171 = RI H 78/16, 1.173 = RI H 78/04, 7.46 = RS 1.042, 7.177
= RS 24.653B;
id yph/ydbh mlk: K T U 1.41 = RS 1.003 +. 50- 5, 1.90 = RS
19.01311 1.168 = RI H 77/10b +77/22, 1.115 = RS 24.260, 1.164 =
RI H 77/02B+, 1.139? = RS 24.300.
1.2.3.3 Procession rituals
km t'rb GM, ) bt mlk: K T U 1.43
22, 1.139? = RS 24.300.
= RS 1.005, 1.148 = RS 24.643.18-
1.2.3.4 Occasi onal sacrificial festivals
K T U 1.91 = RS 19.015 obv. a catal ogue of royal festivals;
spr dbh K T U 1.161 = RS 34.126;
dbh il bldn K T U 1.162 = 1.91.6 (= RS [Vari a 20], RS 19.015.6);
dbh spn K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643.1-12, 1.91.3;
dbh
c
ttrt qrat.bgrn (partially Hurri an) K T U 1.116 = RS 24.261;
a l ung model with ritual and sacrificial instruction K T U 1.127 =
RS 24.277.
1.2.3.5 God lists
K T U 1.47 = RS 1.017, 1.74(?) = RS 6.138, 1.102 = RS 24.246,
1.113 = RS 24.257 (deified kings), 1.118 = RS 24.264+.
1.2.3.6 Expi ati on rituals
K T U 1.4011 1.84111.121 + 1.122 + 1.153 + 1.154 + 7.162? = RS
1.002 II 17.100[A]+ || 24.270a[ b] + 24.650b + 24.652G+ + 24.652b?.
1.2.3.7 Hurri an rituals
K T U 1.26 = RS 1-11.[048], 1.30 = RS 1-11. [046], 1.32 = RS
1.[066], 1.33 = RS 1.[067], 1.34 = RS 1.[076], 1.35 + 1.36 +
1.37 = RS 1. [069 + 070 + 071], 1.42 = RS 1.004, 1.44 = RS
1.007, 1.51 + 52 = RS 1.027 + 1.028+, 1.54 = RS 1.034+, 1.59 =
RS 1.[049a], 1.60 = RS 2.[006], 1.64 = RS 3.372, 1.66 = RS 5.182,
1.68 = RS 5.200, 1.110 = RS 24.254, 1.111 = RS 24.255 (rev.
Ugaritic), 1.116 = RS 24.261, 1.120 = RS 24.269+, 1.125 = RS
24.274, 1.128 = RS 24.278, 1.131 = RS 24.285, 1.132 = RS 24.291,
1.135 = RS 24.295, 1.148 = RS 24.643.13-7, 1.149 + 150 = RS
24.644 + 24.644[a], 4.669+ = RS 19.174A.
Administrative texts quite often also contain information about
rituals, in particular when they deal with the distribution and alloca-
tion of wine, food and other commodities for the cult, e.g. hmyn.bdbh
mlkt bmdr' 'five (kd) of wine for the sacrifice of the Queen in the
sown l and' (K TU 4.149 = RS 15.039.14 6, see further K TU 1.91 =
RS 19.015, 4.168 = RS 15.082, 4.182 = RS 15.115, 4.213 =
RS 16.127.24, 4.219 = RS 16.179.2-3). Most ritual texts stem from
the High Priest's house and the house of the Hurri an Priest (PH
rooms 10-11) and just a few from Ras I bn Hani.
1.2.4 Religious texts in literary prose
There is quite a large group of smaller texts and fragments which
may be classified as literary religious texts, if not myths. Some of
them were clearly composed as poetry (e.g. K TU 1.10 = RS 3.362+,
1.12 = RS 2.[012], 1.92 = RS 19.039+, 1.96 = RS 22.225 and
1.100 = RS 24.244), but some may be fragments of myths and incan-
tations in prose or a kind of poetic prose (K TU 1.9 = RS 5.229,
1.24 = RS 5.194, 1.25 = RS 5.259, 1.45 = RS 1.008+, 1.65 = RS
4.474, 1.82 = RS 15.134, 1.83 = RS 16.266, 1.96 = RS 22.225,
1.107 = RS 24.251+, 1.151 (?) = RS 24.647 and 1.169 = RI H
78/20). There are also occasionally prayers, one in poetic form (KTU
1.119 = RS 24.266.26-36), but also in prose (KTU 1.65 = RS 4.474
and 1.123? = RS 24.271), a blessing or dedication (K TU 1.77 =
RS 6.411), a small collection of fables (K TU 1.93 = RS 19.054)
and, perhaps, a wisdom text (K TU 2.21| 2.5? = RS 3.334, 1.020).
With this group, we may also mention the few Akkadian .n/?M-prayers
in Ugaritic alphabetic script (K TU 1.67 (+) 1.69 = RS 5.199 +
5.213, 1.70 = RS 5.156+, 1.73 = RS 5.303fc, 7.50 = RS 5.157,
7.52 = RS 5.196 and 7.55 = RS 5.218).
1.2.5 Other miscellaneous prose texts
Mi nor groups of prose texts are the juridical texts, medical pre-
scriptions and omens. The juridical texts are mainly found in K TU
Section 3, but see also K TU 2.19 = RS 15.125 (manumission of a
slave) and K TU 4.659 = RS 19.166 (sales record of a female slave?)
and the custom licences (or harbour dues?) and caravan licences
( K T U 4. 172 = R S 15. 093, 4. 266 = R S 17. 074, 4. 336 = R S 18. 023
and 4. 388 = R S 18. 113) . As sealed documents, the licences can be
considered a kind of juridical contract. The distinction between legal
documents and administrative records is not always clear. K TU 3.7 =
R S 18. 118 and 3. 10 = R I H 8 4 / 3 3 are rather administrative lists,
though they deal with legal charges such as ^-obl i gati ons and debts,
as do K T U 4. 338 = R S 18. 025 and 4. 347 = R S 18. 035+. Medi cal
prescriptions are found in K T U 1. 175 = R I H 77/ 18. They are
sometimes included in other texts K T U 1. 114 = R S 24. 258. 29- 32
(an i ncantati on for medical treatment of delirium) and 1.124 = RS
24. 272 (an oracul ar report), and also perhaps the fragment K T U
1. 88 = R S 18. 107. These prose texts and sections are related to the
hippiatric medical text of whi ch four copies have been discovered
( K T U 1. 71 = R S 5. 300, 1. 72 = R S 5. 285+, 1. 85 = R S 17. 120 and
1. 97 = R S 23. 484; C o h e n 1996) . The large corpus of ancient Near
Eastern omen literature was also represented in Ugarit by a dream
book (spr hlmm K T U 1. 86 = R S 18. 041) , a collection of astronom-
ical omens (K TU 1. 163 = R I H 78/ 14) and birth omens of the summa
izbu type (K TU 1.103+ = R S 24. 247+ and 1.140 = R S 24.302:
D i et r i c h - L o r et z 1990a); also omens inscribed on fields of lung
and liver models (K TU 1. 127 = R S 24. 277, 1.141-4 = R S 24.312,
24. 323, 24.326, 24. 327 and 1. 155 = R S 24. 654) and a report of an
astronomi cal omen (K TU 1.78 = RS 12.061). There is, perhaps,
also a protocol of necromancy with some ritual prescriptions (K TU
1.124 = R S 24. 272: D i et r i c h - L o r et z 1990a).
1.3 Administrative prose
By far the largest group of prose texts are the administrative texts,
which include census lists of persons, guilds and cities, payment rolls,
receipts and records of received or distributed commodities. They
are a mai n source for private names and also a lexicographic gold-
mi ne, though many words are still poorly understood. For the struc-
ture of the l anguage they are less informative, since their syntactical
structure and style is often very simple. Many texts only have a sim-
ple label as headi ng menti oni ng a guild (hrtm 'pl oughmen', K T U
4.65 = RS 11.602, 4.122 = RS 13.012; tnnm a kind of soldier, K T U
4.66 = RS 11.656; mrynm 'knights', K T U 4.623 = RS 19.049[b];
nqdm, 'sheep breeders', K T U 4.681 = RS 19.180; mdrglm 'guards
?
',
K T U 4.751 = RS 29.096; khnm, 'priests', K T U 4.761 = RS 34.123)
or a vi l l age/ci ty/genti l i c. These guild markers themselves are listed
as such too (K TU 4.29 = RS 3.320, 4.38 = RS 8.272, 4.47 = RS
10.043, 4.68 = RS 11.716.60ff., 4.99 = RS 11.845, etc.); likewise
geographi cal markers in topographi cal lists (K TU 4.63 = RS 10.052,
4.232 = RS 16.355, etc.). Both serve as headi ngs in texts whi ch
contai n persons grouped by trade, profession or provenance (K TU
4.35 = RS 8.183+, 4.69 = RS 11.715+, 4.71 (+) 72 = RS 11.721,
11.722, 4.103 = RS 11.858, 4.183 = RS 15.116, 4.412+ = RS
18.251 and 4.633 = RS 19.086A).
The di fferent parts of these si mpl e syntacti cal structures are:
(1) headi ng (with or wi thout i ntroductory spr); (2) lists of persons,
towns, etc. (together with number, commodi ty, etc.); (3) summary or
total (with or wi thout tgmr). These sections are often extended by
descriptive, or restrictive remarks in relative clauses. The style is usu-
ally concise in the extreme, leaving out self-evident terms and phrases
(e.g. tql, kbd, dd, tgmr, etc.). From such texts, only a few prose sections
can be gl eaned, in parti cul ar from texts such as K T U 4.145 = RS
15.034, whi ch is a small report revealing the poor condition of the
king's chariotry:
(1) tmn.mrkbt.dt. (2) 'rb.bt.mlk (3) yd.apnthn (4) yd.hzhn (5) yd trhn/
(6) w.l.tt.mrkbtm (7) inn. utpt/ (8) w.tlt.smdm.w.hrs (9) apnt.bd.rb.hrm
(10) d.sa.hwyh
Eight chariots, which entered the royal palace with their wheels, their
ax1es(?), their bearings(?), but two chariots have no quiver; and of three
two-horse carriages(?), the wheels are in the hands of the chief smith,
who took (them) out for repair.
I t is a good exampl e of the descriptive style found in administrative
texts (also K T U 4.136 = RS 15.013). The nature of the documents
is often indicated by the word spr, while the subject matter may be
persons, trades and professions, or commodi ti es, tribute, rations and
fields under these headi ngs extended with different types of relative
sentences: spr np d.
c
rb bt.mlk w.b spr.l.st, 'List of people who entered
the royal palace, but who were not put into the list. ..' (K TU 4.338 =
RS 18.025.1-3). Usually, clusters with construct nouns do not exceed
three nouns or names, such as spr argmn p (K TU 4.610 = RS 19.017);
spr ksp mnny (K TU 4.791 = RI H 84/04); but cf. spr hpr.bns.mlk (K TU
4.609 = RS 19.016), spr hr's qst iptl (K TU 4.215 = RS 16.130).
Documents often have no headi ng and start in mdias res. Com-
modities listed and other entries are occasionally extended by descrip-
tive relative noun clauses or participles: ktn.d.sr.phm.bh, '. . . a robe
that has a string(?) of carbuncles on it' (K TU 4.132 = RS 15.004.4);
w.lp. d sgr.b/, '. . . a garment that has a fibula' (K TU 4.166 = RS
15.078); tit mrkbt spyt.bhrs [.]
f
ir[.] smdm.trm.d[.l.s]py/w.trm. ahdm.
spym/tit mrkbt d.l.spy, 'Three chariots covered with gold, ten pairs of
tr which are [not co]vered and a doub1e(?) set of tr covered, three
chariots that are not covered...' (K TU 4.167 = RS 15.079.1-7),
but also verbal clauses: yn d.ykl.bd.k[hnm] (2) b.dbh.mlk, 'Wine that is
delivered into the hands of the pr[iests] for the sacrifice of the king'
( K T U 1.91 = RS 19.015.1-2; TROPPER 1991b, 355); qmh. d.kly.ksh.illdrm
bd.zlb[n], 'Flour that was completely spent according to the order(?)
of Illdrm into the hand of %b[n] . . . ' (K TU 4.362 = RS 18.052.1-2),
ksp.d.slmyrmn.'l.bt, 'Silver that Yrmn paid for (the mortgage on?) the
house . . . ' (K TU 4.755 = RS 31.080; also K TU 4.95 = RS 11.836+,
4.166 = RS 15.078, 4.213 = RS 16.127, 4.290 = RS 17.297 and
4.348 = RS 18.036) and . . . prs qmh d nlm, '. . . a /w-measure of flour
that has been paid for' (K TU 4.328 = RS 18.008.1). I n relative
noun clauses the expression for existence it is often added (K TU
4.235 = RS 16.369, 4.422 = RS 18.293, 4.617 = RS 19.044, 4.752 =
RS 29.097 [SEGERT 1982, 55.7]), and the usual negation in such
relative noun clauses is in(n) (K TU 4.53 = RS 10.090, 4.180 = RS
15.105, 4.214 = RS 16.128 and 4.379 = RS 18.098).
Ugaritic scribes seem to have used two conventions to sum up the
totals of their administrative documents, either by writing the totals
(U.N GI N = napharu/gabbu) in cuneiform Sumero-Babylonian short-
hand (K TU 4.48 = RS 10.045, 4.63 = RS 10.052, 4.68 = RS
11.716, 4.69 = RS 11.715+, 4.71, 4.72 = RS 11.721, 11.722, 4.90 =
RS 11.797, 4.93 = RS 11.776+, 4.100 = RS 11.850, 4.102 = RS
11.857, 4.165 = RS 15.076, 4.219 = RS 16.179, 4.232 = RS 16.355,
4.299 = RS 17.345, 4.308 = RS 17.386, 4.340 = RS 18.027, 4.435 =
RS 18.[306], 4.610 = RS 19.017, 4.704 = RS 21.002, 4.745 = RS
25.417, 4.754 = RS 31.043, and 4.784 = RS [Varia 38],2; VAN
SOLDT, 1995, 485-6) or in Ugaritic tgmr, and sometimes even both
ways (e.g. sb'.mat ttm kbd/7 me-at 60 HI .ME, K TU 4.340 = RS
18. [027]). As with the headings, the pattern of such totals is not con-
sistent. Usually the tgmr of the commodi ty received or distributed,
or the group or city is menti oned first (e.g. K TU 1.91 = RS 19.015,
4.67 = RS 11.714, 4.156 = RS 15.053, 4.269 = RS 17.106 and
K TU 4.151 = RS 15.044, 4.179 = RS 15.103, 4.777 = RI H 83/07+
respectively), but it may also follow the total amount (K TU 4.230
= RS 16.341, 4.764 = RS 34.176 and 4.137 = RS 15.015+, 4.141
= RS 15.022+ and 4.173 = RS 15.094 respectively), but the word
tgmr is also often left out (K TU 4.164 = RS 15.075, 4.344 = RS
18.030, 4.427 = RS 18.299, 4.163 = RS 15.073.15ff, and 4.174 =
RS 15.095 respectively). The style of these texts is basically descrip-
tive and strongly paratactic. Compl ex syntactic structures with sub-
ordinate clauses are almost absent.
1.4 Literary prose of incantations, stones and reports
Everybody knows, or rather thinks he knows the difference between
prose and poetry ( Wat s o n 1984d [1995] 44). The probl em is to
establish sound criteria. We cannot deal here with this question in
extenso (see P ar d ee 1993a). The criteria often used to distinguish prose
from poetry in Hebrew literature, namely the absence or rarity of
prose elements such as the relative marker
}
"ser (less often the relative
pronoun), the definite article, the object marker and the narrative
waw, are not very helpful for Ugaritic prose. The existence of a nar-
rative waw discourse in Ugaritic is still disputed and indeed, if it is
not to be found in the context of the incantation K TU 1.100 = RS
24.244.67-8: mgy.hrn.l bth w (68)ystqilh^rh, 'Horon reached his house,
and he entered his court', it occurs, perhaps, in a few prose texts
such as, for instance, the report about a necromanti c inquiry (KTU
1.124 = RS 24.272): ky mgy.adn (2) ilm rbm.'m dtn (3) wysal.mtpt.yld (4)
w/ny.nn.dtn (5) t'ny. . . uymg (11) mlakk.'m dtn (12) Iqh mtpt (13) uy'ny.nn
dtn . . .' When the Lord of the Great Gods came to Ditanu and asked
for the boy's (oracular) decision, Di tanu answered him: "Y ou will
answer. . . and your messenger to Ditanu arrived after he received the
(oracular) decision." Then Di tanu answered:. . .' As long as no vocal-
ized narrative texts are available, the question will remain undecided.
On the other hand, the use of parallelism or parallelizing style in
Ugaritic texts is not confined to poetry. As in the Hebrew Bible, it
is also found in many prose texts. The greater use of relative pro-
nouns and particularly, a set of demonstratives (hnd-hnk/hndt-hnkt/hnhmt,
including the definite article hn-, R ai ney 1971, 160; C u n c h i l l o s
1983b) and interrogative pronouns (mn(m)-mnk(m); mh-mhkm, etc.) in
prose texts such as economic texts, letters, contracts, etc. ( Wat s o n
1984d [1995], 62) is a fairly clear criterion, but not the only one.
Several texts show a mixed style of prose and poetry. It is hard to
say whether these literary texts are prose containing poetic elements,
or a kind of poetry in which the rules of poetic parallelism are weakly
used. There can be no doubt that maj or works from Ugarit such as
the Ba'al Cycle, the legends of Aqhat and Keret, the astral myth of
Shahar and Shalim were composed as oral poetry, in which inserted
prose elements clearly stand out in their context. Some mi nor myths
and incantations were also composed in the concise prosody of the
maj or works (K TU 1. 10 = RS 3. 362+, 1. 12 = RS 2. [ 012] , 1. 83 =
RS 16. 266 and 1. 92 = RS 19. 039+) , but a few are in prose, or
have prose sections alternating with mythical passages in poetry. For
instance, K TU 1. 107 = RS 24. 251+ clearly opens with a mythical
poem (K TU 1. 107. 1- 14) , but the poison-expelling charms on the
reverse are in prose (K TU 1. 107. 32- 45) . The incantation text K TU
1. 82 = RS 15. 134, so far as it is readable and understandable, is
also couched in prose. Its sections are marked by quick changes of
subject and by subordinate clauses in persuasive style, but no clear
parallelism can be traced:
\y\mhs.b
c
l [xxjy.tnn.wygl.wynsk.'d [x]
[x]xy.lars[.id\y.alt.I ah.idy.alt.in ly
[x\b/dt.b'l.hz.rsp.bn.km.yr.klyth.wlbh
[xx]x.pk.b gr.tn.pk.bhlb.k tgwln.ntk
[xx]wptk.l tsy.hm.tgrm.l mt.brtk
[xx]hp.an.arnn.qlJp.hw.btnm.uhd.b
C
lm
[wa]tm.prtl.l rih.hmt.tmt.
Let Ba'al smite the breed(?) of Tunan and reveal and pour out the . . .
(2). . . on the earth. Then I shall not feel the curse, then the curse
will not for me be (3) harmfu1(?). The archer Reshef (is) between the
two of you. He will shoot at his kidneys and his heart. Let your
mouth ... in the lowland, let your mouth resound in the woods, when
you grind(?) your teeth (5) [against him]. And your lips will surely
rejoice, if you keep until death your covenant. (6) [I shall ] myself,
I shall ring out with the Sun's voice: the life of the serpents I shall
take away, Ba'al, and nail down the iron pole on his head
(KTU 1.82.1-7)
Likewise the mi nor myths of Yarikh and Nikkal (K TU 1.24 - RS
5. 194) , Astarte the Huntress (K TU 1. 92 = R S 19. 039) and El's
drunkeness (K TU 1. 114 = R S 24. 258) show a mixed style of prose
and poetry. Of the last text the medical prescription is entirely in
prose (K TU 1. 114. 29- 31) . The first text has a narrative framework
in prose, whereas some of the speeches are couched in verse. Thi s
may also be true of the fable K TU 1. 93 = R S 19. 054 (DI J KSTRA
1994, 125):
(1) arh td.rgm.b gr (2) b py.t'lgt.b 1n[y] (3) gr.tyb.b npy.rg[m] (4) hzvt.b'l.itm['.y
gr'] (5) M ly.y p. i[k(?)] (6) hkr(.b]ry[ } . . .
The Cow let out a cry against the Mountain: 'In my mouth is stam-
mering, on [my] tongue is agitation, in my throat rolls "thun[der]".
Heed the word of Ba'al [O Mountain!] Listen to me, you braggart!
Why this distress of my [bo]dy . . . ?. . . '
K TU 1.92 and 1.114 contain prosodie phrases and epic formulae
borrowed from the maj or myths ( D i j k s t r a 1994, 116), but the nar-
ratives are basically prose compositions despite this poetic flavour.
For K TU 1.92, one has to assume that many verses have been short-
ened to monocola, if it was a piece of narrative poetry. In K TU
1. 114, the sequences of perfect (with inversion of the subject) and
imperfect forms suggest the transformation of poetically structured
verses into prose sentences (so also K TU 1.96 = RS 22.225.I ff.).
Consider
il dbh . . . sh . . . tlhmn.ilm.wtstn . . . After El slaughtered . . . called . . .
A similar mixed style is also present in the ritual K TU 1.161 - RS
34.126, the incantation K TU 1.169 = RI H 78/20 and the prayers
K TU 1.65 = RS 4.474, 1.108 = RS 24.252 and perhaps 1.123 =
RS 24.271. We observe in these texts a certain repetitive style, even
chains of adverbial clauses and comparisons: k qtr.urbtm.k btn.
c
mdm
(3) kyim.zrh.k Ibim.skh, 'like smoke from a chimney; like a snake from
a pillar; like a mountai n-goat to the hill-top; like a lion to a lair'
(K TU 1.169.3-4); il h il add (10) b
c
d spn b
c
d
[
(11) ugrt (12) b mrh il
(13) b nit il (14) bsmd il (15) b dtn il, etc., El, hurry! El, stand
up, on behalf of Saphon, on behalf of Ugarit, with the javelin of
El, with the spade(?) of El, with the span of El, with the threshing-
s1edge(?) of El, etc.' (K TU 1.65.9-15); b mrmt (8) b miyt.bzlm.b qd,
'. . . on the heights, in the lowland, in darkness and in the sanctu-
ary' (KTU 1.169.7-8); b
c
z (22) [rpi.] mlk.'lm. b dmrh.bI (23) [anh].bhtkh.b
nmrth . . ., 'in the safety [of the Healer], the eternal king, in his pro-
tection, in his strength, in his dominion, in his benevolent power . . .'
il.hlk I bth . . .y'msn.nn . . .
b il.abh.g
c
r. ytb il.. .
il.ytb.b mrzhh yt. .
the gods ate and drank . . .
After he rebuked El his father,
El sat down . . .
After El sat down at his
marzeah, he drank . . .
After El wanted to go home,
they carried him . . .
(K TU 1.108.21-3; also 1.108.4-5). Compare also the chain of adver-
bial phrases and //^-greeti ngs K T U 1.161.22-6 (with tht), 31- 4
and the chai n of epithets in K TU 1.100.1: um phi ph.lt bt.'n.bt.abn.
bt.mm.wth. . ., 'The mother of the he-ass, the she-ass, daughter of
the spring, daughter of the stone, daughter of heaven and flood . . .'.
Similarly, the chains of epithets and participial predicates in the litur-
gical prayer K TU 1.108.I ff. They are all instances of poetic prose
with repetition and even occasional parallelism within a prose con-
text. Despite these poetic elements, such passages as K T U 1.65.9ff.
and K TU 1.108.I ff. form one extended prose sentence, bursting the
bounds of an originally poetic structure. Even the small fragment
K T U 1.83 = RS 16.266, perhaps part of an i ncantati on (DE MOOR
1987, 181-2), shows this mixed style:
. . . [ts]un. b ars (4) mhnm. trp ym (5) 1nm.tlhk (6) mm. ttrp (7) ym dnbtm.
(8) tnr. I btn (9) ist. trks (10) I miym Ibnm* (11) pi. tbtn. yymm* (12) hmlt.
ht. ynh*[r] (13) itph. mk* [ ] (14) thmr. [ ] . . . (text newly collated by
PI T A RD 1998, 263
. . . [She we]nt out into the land of Mahanayim to vanquish(?) Yam
with the forked tongue that licks the sky. She vanquished Yam with
the forked tail, Tunan she muzzled. She bound him onto the heights
of Lebanon (saying): You swill no longer humiliate me, Yam. Mankind
may be scared, River (but) you will not see [me] collapse. You may
foam [. . .]
Rel ated to the persuasive prose style of i ncantati on is the prose of
letters and an occasional wisdom text such as K T U 2.2 = RS 3.334
(II 2.5? = RS 1.020), perhaps dictated as a scribal exercise:
(1) [/] rHSyy[al] First of all, my friend, one should a[sk] for
(2) []lm.brt.yl[m.rn\ [p]eace. A man should keep the bolt(?)
(3) \s\gr.l lmt.l[m] secure. (If) it is not safe, will its house be
(4) b*th.p lmt.p* lm at peace? When it is safe, then the house
will have
(5) b*t.lbn.trgm*[?] peace. To a man you should say:
(6) / stmt.I lm.b[tk] 'It is not safe, so [your] house will not be
at peace!'
(7) by.nt.mlit.t[mla] Believe me, after a full year has surely
[passed]
(8) ymgyk.bnm.ta[r] children you asked for will come to you.
(9) bnm.wbnt.ytnk* Sons and daughters will Ba'al give you.
(10) [bYLbny.ht.w\x.x.] My son, spoil (it) and .. .
(11) [w]h*t.msgr.bnk[ ] you will have [spoi]1ed the bolt(?) of your
children.
(12) [wh]n.thmM[ ] [And 1o]ok, the word of Ba'al. . .
1.5 The prose of letters
Letters form the most interesting group in which to study the syn-
tax of Ugaritic prose in the latter days of its floruit. We shall not
deal here with the well known formul ae of sender and addressee
(thm X rgm l Y), the airs and graccs (yslm Ik, ilm tgrk tlmk, with its
variants), the prostration formula (lp
e
n PN[b
C
d b
C
d/tnid] mrhqtm qlt/qlny),
enquiries about health (al lm formula), requests for an answer (wrgm
[t]ttb l/
c
m-PN), to reply or to pay attention to the message (wb
c
ly. . .yd
c
[rgmh]), or even the closing remark to reassure somebody (wap mhkm
b Ibk al tst, etc.). These have all been thoroughly and properly studied
in the past ( A hl 1973; K r i s t ens en 1977; P ar d ee 1984; P ar d ee
W h i t i n g 1987; C u n c h i l l o s 1983a, 1989a). Here attention will be
paid to the larger passages of prose only in so far as they are pre-
served and help to give a glimpse of late colloquial Ugaritic.
Characteristic of this Ugaritic 12th-century written vernacular is
the increased use of plene writing with -y in prepositions by, ly, ky,
iky, construct state: ily ugrt and verbal forms tmgyy, etc., but also an
increase in enclitic -j as a marker of direct speech, in particular in
letters ( T r o p p er 1994d, 474-5). The difference between plene writ-
ten -y and enclitic -y is not always easy to detect ( T r o p p er 1994d,
480-1). Other changes in vocalization and phonology include the
quiescent aleph, sb
c
d < b
C,
id, yr < yar, etc., though also incidentally
found in poetry,
c
bdnn < a
c
bdnn;
c
dbk < a'dbk (K TU 1.6 = RS 2. [009] +
ii 21; 1.18 = RS 3.340 iv 22);ytmr < yitmr (K TU 1.3 = RS 2. [014] +
i 22), the shift of ' < h, for instance in im < hm (K TU 2.15 = RS
15.007.8; 2.72 = RS 34.124.9, 10, 17; 3.9 = RS [Varia 14].6; T r o p p er
1989b, 421-3); vowel harmony ulp (*ullupi) < alp (*allupi); ihy and
uhy < ahy, ibr (Hbbiru) < abr (*abbiru). See further below 8.1.
The grammar and syntax of this late Ugaritic prose are enriched
by the use of the article and demonstrative element hn, rarely inde-
pendent in hn Ws, K TU 1.40 = RS 1.002 (perhaps also 1.114 =
RS 24.258.28 and in assimilated form in K TU 2.70 = RS 29.093.15-6,
w.hwt (16) hbt, 'and I repaired the house'), but frequently as part of
a set of demonstrative pronouns: masc. hndhnk; fem. hndthnkt pi.
hnhmt. Morphological developments may include the loss of diptotic
plural and the occurrence of imperatives with prothetic aleph i: ibky,
ihn (K TU 1.161 = RS 34.126; T r o p p e r 1993a, 391-2); igr (K TU
2.33 = RS 16.402.1); or aleph a: add (K TU 1.65 = RS 4.474.9).
Furthermore, we may note the wider use of the absolute infinitive
with separate personal pronoun to conti nue a finite verb or i mper-
ative, wtb
c
ank ( K T U 2. 17 = R S 15. 098. 6); w.ttb.ank ( K T U 2. 38 =
R S 18. 031. 23) ; wrgm hw/ank ( K T U 2. 42 = R S 18.11 3A. 19, 25); hbt
hw (6) hrd w.sl hw (7) qrt, '. . . it eliminated the guard and pillaged
the ci ty...' ( K T U 2. 61 = R S 19. 011. 5- 7) ; w.ybl.hw ( K T U 2. 72 =
R S 34. 124. 27 and passim), though this is incidentally also attested in
poetry (SEGERT 1984, 64. 42).
The variation in the use of the conj uncti on p(m)- is significant,
and greater than in poetry (DE MOOR 1969, 201-2; K T U 2.2 = R S
3.334.4, 2.3 = RS 1.013+.19, 2.10 = RS 4.475.12, 2.14 = RS [Vari a
4].12, 2.15 = RS 15.007.7, 2.23 = RS 16.078+.17, 2.26 = RS
16.264.7, 2.33 = RS 16.402.28, 2.70 = RS 29.093.27, 2.71 = RS
29.095.11 [pm], 2.72 = RS 34.124.1 1, 22, 42, 2.73 = RS 17.434.14;
WATSON 1990e, 1994e) and the occurrence of pi and pn 'lest, you
may not' (K TU 1.83 = RS 16.266.11, 1.114 = RS 24.258.12). Also
new, specific verbs such as dhl, 'to be afrai d' (K TU 2.16 = RS
15.008.12, 2.31 = RS 16.394.21); hbt, 'to knock down, eliminate'
(KTU 2.4 = RS 1.018.19, 2.47 = RS 18.148.16, 2.61 = RS 19.011.5),
or verb forms like tn
c
m/l 'put somethi ng at the disposal of PN'
(K TU 2.36+ = RS 17.435+.6, 13, 2.45 = RS 18.140.19, 2.50 = RS
18.287.16, perhaps also 2.32 = RS 16.401.7, 10, 2.39 = RS 18.038.35,
2.79 = RI H 77/25.3), presumabl y a -stem ofy/ntn; -stem 'hr 'to
withhold, keep back (things)' (K TU 2.42 = RS 18.113A.11, 2.79 =
RI H 77/25.4) and the Gt-stem sal 'to make a request, enqui re'
(2.17 = RS 15.098.15, 2.42 = RS 18.113A.23, 2.70 = RS 29.093.12,
2.71 = RS 29.095.10).
Further, we may note the conti nued use of bl in compounds like
blym, 'never' (K TU 2.45 = RS 18.140.23; 4.272 = RS 17.118.7),
bl bns, 'nobody' (K TU 2.45 = RS 18.140.25), l.bl.hrb || Ibl ks, 'with-
out a knife, or cup (K TU 1.96 = RS 22.225.4-5) and bl sml (K TU
1.169 = RI H 78/20.7), though also used in poetry: bl spr/hg (K TU
1.14 = RS 2. [003]+ ii 37-8); blmt, 'immortality' (K TU 1.17 = RS
2. [004] vi 27, etc.), the increased use of the perfect or participle N-
stem ntkp (K TU 2.10 = RS 4.475.14); nUi (2.34 = RS 17.139.13);
nskh (2.38 = RS 18.031.15); nmkr (K TU 2.48 = RS 18.285[A].5); nplt
(2.82 = RI H 78/12.4, 11); also in administrative and legal texts: nkly
(K TU 4.213 = RS 16.127.24, 4.230 = RS 16.341.15; 4.280 = RS
17.236.6, etc.); night (K TU 4.659 = RS 19.166.1) and nlm (K TU
4.328 = RS 18.008), but also a new preposition like ml(y), 'opposite
(me)' (K TU 2.50 = RS 18.287.12; 2.75 = RS 34.148.11). There is no
clear evidence that a special subjunctive mood was mai ntai ned in
prose texts ( T r o pper 1991b, 353-5, pace V e r r e e t 1988). The deictic
or anaphori c use of -n, in parti cul ar in the apodosi s of omens
( D i et r i c h - L o r e t z 1990a, 104; T r o p p e r 1994c, 466-7), but also
elsewhere (K TU 1.124 = RS 24.272.14, 2.37 = RS 17.438.10, 2.39
= RS 18.038.21, 2.42 = RS 18.113a.6, 10, 26) may suggest influence
of the Hurri an 'article' -ni (but see T r o p p e r 1993b, 468).
It is i nherent in the nature of letters that we find narrati ve parts
(reports using the perfect, e.g. K TU 2.38 = RS 18.031) and pre-
scriptive sentences (instructions); but the fundamental convention is
that of an oral message exchanged between parties. Thi s means that
the mode of discourse in letters is usually persuasive, a mode of dis-
course couched in a kind of virtual verbal exchange between sender
and addressee, but from the temporal perspective of the writer. A
mode of discourse that varies with the field (diplomacy, international
commerce, royal bureaucracy) and tenor (grade of social relation-
ships between parties, see also P a r d ee - B o r d r e u i l 1992, 711).
Letters are essentially a verbatim account of verbal exchanges between
parties who argue their case. As part of the discourse the words of
the other party are quite often quoted or referred to ( D i j k s t r a 1987).
Thi s style of persuasion is marked by statements accentuated with
particles or adverbs such as ap/ p/ hn, emphati c use of the separate
personal pronouns, interrogative particles and pronouns, such as ik,
'how', Im, 'why', my/mn(m), 'who(ever)', mnd
c
, 'whoever knows, per-
haps', rhetorical questions and other turns of speech i ntroduced by
ht, 'now', hm . . . p/w/zero, 'i f. . . then', etc. If we are aware of the
sequence of inferences and thrust for persuasion made coherent by
a set of characteristic phrases and other cohesive devices in gram-
mar and style, the letters are essentially a genre of persuasive dis-
course, even if stories are told, oaths are sworn and instructions are
given within such a persuasive mode of discourse. Unfortunatel y only
a few of the more el aborate letters are compl ete or have a passage
that allows for coherent translation and rhetorical analysis. Any trans-
lation given below admits that other translations are possible in some
instances, but I am concerned here only with the mode of discourse
and the general thrust of a given passage. An exampl e of such a
dialogical discourse of persuasion including an oath is K T U 2.10 =
RS 4.475.5-15,
. . . trgds (6) w.l.klby (7) rrt.hti (8) nhtu.ht (9) hm.inmm (10) nhtu.w.lak (11)
'my.wyd (12) ilm.pkmtm (13) 'z.mid (14) hrn.nlkp (15) m'nk
. . . from Trgds and Klby I have heard that we suffered a heavy defeat.
However, if we did not suffer a defeat, send me a message and, as
for the hand of the gods, it will indeed be as strong as Death (against
you) if your answer be negative(?).
Letters often include reports. A good example is the letter from the
king of Tyre to the king of Ugarit about the shipwreck of a Ugaritian
fleet sent to Egypt, but there are also short reports such as K TU
2.17 = RS 15.098, 2.30 = RS 16.379, 2.33 = RS 16.402.4ff., 2.40 =
RS 18.040, 2.61 = RS 19.011 and 2.75 = RS 34.148. We often
find here as a typical report marker the formula 'the king my lord
may know i t/hi s word!' (K TU 2.17, 2.33, 2.40, 2.75; perhaps also
2.35 = RS 17.327), or advice not to fear or to worry too much
about the reported developments (KTU 2.16 = RS 15.008, 2.30,
2.38 = RS 18.031 and 2.71 = RS 29.095).
(10) anykn.dt (11) likt.msrm (12) hndt.b.sr (12) mtt.by (14) gm.adr (15)
nkh.wb.tmtt (17) lqh.kl.dr'\ 18) bdnhm.w.ank (19) kl.np (20) kMm.bd.rb.tmtt.lqht
(21) w.Ub.anUhm (22) wanyk.lt (25) by.'/cy.'ryt (26) w.ahy.mhk (27) b.lbh.al.yt
This fleet of yours, which you sent to Egypt, was shipwrecked at Tyre.
It was hit by a heavy storm. And the master of shipwrecks took all
the cargo from their holds. However, I in turn took all their cargo,
all the livestock for their provision from the hand of the master of
shipwrecks and returned it to them. And your second fleet is in for
repair(?) at Acre, but my brother should worry about nothing.
(KTU 2.38.10-27).
I n particular, the mode and tenor of the discourse in international
diplomatic letters becomes very persuasive, if not suggestive. In many
instances we are here perhaps dealing with drafts and translations
of official letters, of which the originals were sent and received by
the royal chancelleries in official Akkadian. They negotiate about
tribute, settle border disputes and deal with conflicting interests and
loyalties. Consider the following anthology:
ky.hkt. bt. mlk. thmk. hin [y] (6) \lj\rs.a rgmny [ .\'m. p. tn ,\ank\ (7) [w]at.m[h]r.k[x]
t.d.tt.b.ms[mt] (8) \ht\.Iqdm.udh.mgt.wmlkn.[] (9) [m]hrt[.]nib.'mnkm.I.qrb.[xx]
(10) [xj . i [x]t . w. at / my. l . mgt . [xY. ] (11) [w.]ma[k]tk/my.l.likt ([12)
[x] .km.knt.ly.ht.hln.hrs.[xx] (13) | xxx] Jtnt.
C
my.'m.pJtn[t]
When you sent your message to the royal palace (saying), 'Herewith
I put the gold of my tribute at the disposal of the Sun', [as for] you,
the equivalent of the ... as was settled in the trea[ty], you should pre-
sent it now! Its payment(?) is due. And the king [said?], 'Tomorrow
we shall return to you to deliver the . . ., but you have not come to
me [. . . nor] did you send your embassy to me. [Now was this] as
arranged with me? So, the gold [of your tribute that was] put here
at my disposal, I shall put (it) at the disposal of the Sun.
(KTU 2.36+ = RS 17.435+.5-13)
Li[th]dn.p (6) ad[nk.'] bdk.ukJkn (7) k.'[bdm.]sglth.hw (8) w.b[nh].uk.ngr (9)
rg[mh.l]adny.l.yfysr (10) w.[ap.y]d'.l.yd
e
t
(11) ht[.hm].l.p.b
e
lk (12) 'b[dm.]sglth.at (13) ht[.hm].p.b'lk (14) yd'm.l.yd't
(15) 'myJps.b'lk (16) nt.ntm.lm.<.>l.tlk
Did not the Sun his father and his servant make an agreement(?) either
that he would record that he and his sons would be servants of his
own property, or that he would keep his promise (saying): 'My father
will not lack anything' and [also]: acknowledge you fully'.
Now, if to the Sun your lord, you are servant of his own property,
so then, if you recognize the Sun your lord fully, why did not you
come to the Sun your lord for one, for two years?
(KTU 2.39 = RS 18.038.5-16)
Likewise K TU 2.23 = RS 16.078+. The tenor of such letters is often
haughty, if not aloof on the part of the Great King, his queen and
his officials. The Great Ki ng speaks about himself in the third per-
son, the greetings are curt and there is no love lost, whereas the
attitude of the vassal king is submissive and the airs and graces are
elaborate, if not exhaustive. More than half the letter from Ammittamru
to the Egyptian Pharaoh is filled with the repeated string of royal
tides: p.mlkJb.ml .mpm.mlkM
c
m.mlk.sdq.mlk.mlLLb MI^wt msrm . . . , ' . . . the
Sun, the great king, the king of Egypt, the benevolent king, the right-
eous king, the king of kings, lord of the whole country of Egypt . . .'
(K TU 2.81 = RI H 78/03+; see somewhat less tediously K TU 2.23
= RS 16.078+, 2.76 = RS 34.356.1-2, 9- 10 [a draft?]). All along,
the writer repeatedly praises his overlord as benevolent king, trying
to negotiate a lower tribute: [mtn.]gm.b
C
ly.n
C
m.hn.ksp.d.s
e
n (25) ['bdk.b]
nt.qdm.alpm.mznh (26) [ht.
c
bdk.] yir.snp.ln.dym.hw, '. . . Another matter,
my benevolent lord. Look, the silver which [your servant] has
paid for many years, two thousand (shekels) is its weight. (Now your
servant] asks, will two thirds be sufficient for us? . . .'. Another flower
of such submissive speech is K TU 2.23 = RS 16.078+. 15-24:
w.an[k.
c
bdk.]d (16) ar[.hym.lp] (17) mlk.r[b.b'l}y.p.l. (18) hy.np[h. ]/ (19)
/./w.//[/.] spn.b'ly (20) w. urk.ym. b'ly (21) l.pn.amn.w.l.pn (22) il.msrm. dt.tgm
(23) np.p [.]mlk.rbMy
. . . And I am [your servant] who begs [for life to] the Sun, the great
king, my lord. Then do I not pray for the life of his soul before Ba'al
Saphon my lord, and length of days for my lord before Amun and
before the gods of Egypt who protect the soul of the Sun, the Great
King, my lord?
I n the exchange of messages between the king and officials, we some-
times find such el aborate phrases in addi ti on to the usual formul ae
of submission, ankn.rgmt.l.b'l.spn. (7) Ups.'lm.l.'ttrt (8) l.'nt.l.kl.il.alty (9)
nmiy.mlk.'lm, '.. . I pray to Ba'al Saphon, to the eternal Sun, to Astarte,
to Anat, to all the gods of A1aia for the spl endour of an everlast-
ing kingship!' (K TU 2.42 = RS 18.1 13a.4-9).
Not only are devel opments reported, but probl ems are also dis-
cussed and instructions given in the same persuasive sort of style.
The Ugandan king reports violations of his territory by Egyptian cara-
vans, and the Hittite queen, probabl y in consul tati on with the Hittite
deputy-ki ng of Carchemi sh, instructs hi m to direct them past Qadesh
through the valley of the Orontes (K TU 2.36+ = RS 17.435+ .16ffi;
DI J KSTRA 1989, 142-4). An interesting instance is the letter from
General I wri -tarruma (K TU 2.33 = RS 16.402), reporti ng an attack
by the kings of Mugi he (Alalakh) and, perhaps, Nuhai against
Ni qmaddu I I . After some expl anati ons about the course of strategy
taken, he comes with amazi ng el oquence to the subj ect of rein-
forcements:
w.mlk.b'ly (23) ImJkn.hnk (24) l.'bdh.alpm.sswm (25) rgmt.Hy.lh.lm (26)
l.ytn.hm.mlk.<b>'ly (27) w.hn. ibm.sq.ly (28) p.l.at.atty (29) riry.lh.l pn.ib
(30) ht.hm.yrgm.mlk (31) b'ly.tmgyy.hn (32) alpm.wm. hnd (33) w.mlk.b'ly.bnl
(34) bnny.'mn. (35) mlakty.hnd (36) ylak.'my (37) w(l.lh.hn (38) [a]lpm[.]umi
(39) [x].l.[yx]xs/l.w.ib
And the king my lord, why did he assign such a thing to his servant?
Two thousand horses, you said, would come soon! Why has the king,
my lord, not provided them yet? Look, the enemies are pressing me
hard, but I cannot put my womenfolk and children just in front of
the enemy! Now, if the king my lord orders it, they will arrive here,
those two thousand horses. And the king my lord may also send to
me mediators(?) with this my embassy. And let them come up soon
hither, the two thousand horses [and] let him not [. . .] and withdraw!
(KTU 2.33 = RS 16.402, 22-39)
Fragments of such el oquent pieces of prose, in whi ch someone is
pl eadi ng his case, are also found, for instance, in K T U 2.41 = RS
18.075, 2.42 = RS 18.113A, 2.45 = RS 18.140, etc., but unfortu-
nately they are too broken for their lines of reasoni ng to be followed
in detail. I n K T U 2.70 = RS 29.093, we find a compl ai nt and a
request. Obvi ousl y one of the senders of this letter is a woman (as
also K T U 2.11 = RS 8.315):
hlny.bn.'yn ( 12) ystal.'m.amtk (13) lak.lh.wkhdnn (14) w.ank.hr ( 15) Iqht.w.hwt
(16) hbt.wlm.tb (17) bn.'yn (18) w.lqh.tqlm (19) ksp.bd.amtk
tn.'bdk (21) tmt.'mnk (22) k I On.akl.Uun (23) w.k tal (24) bt.'bdk (25) w.kymgy
(26)
e
bdk.l ihn (27) 'mk.p.l.ysb' I (28) hpn.l b'ly (29) mnm.it.l 'bdk
Here, the son of came to request (silver) from your handmaid. It
was sent to him, but he hid it. I enlisted a contractor and I repaired
the house. Why has the son of returned to take the two shekels
of silver from the hand of your handmaid?
And two of your servants are there with you in order that you may
give food to them. Now if your servants ask for accommodation and
if they arrive in peace to you, will not then a handful satisfy them?
To my lord belongs everything that your servants own.
(KTU 2.70 = RS 29.093.11-29)
Letters evidently often react to messages received about i nformati on,
allegations of disloyalty, requests for help or neglect to pay outstand-
ing debts and tardiness in fulfilling obligations. There is nothi ng new
under the sun! Many of the letters refer to messages received and
even quote from them (examples in D i j k s t r a 1987a, 38-9 to which
K T U 2.36+ = RS 17.435+ passim, may be added).
lm.tlikn.hpt.hndn (11) p.mrrt.mlk (12) inn.im.bn.qln* (13) im.bn.alyy.im (14)
msm't.mlk (15) wtlkn.tn. tnm (16) 'my.wttbm.lby (17) wlht.bt.amr (18) ky.tdbr.umy
(19) l.pn.qrt (20) im.ht.l.b (21) msqt.yt_bt (22) qrt.p.mn (23) likt.ank.lht (24)
bt.mlk.amr (25)ybnn.hlk (26) 'm mlk.amr (26) w.ybl.hw.mit (28) hrs.w. mrdt<t>.l
(29) mlk.amr.w.lqh.hw (30) mn.b.qrnh (31) w.ysq.hw.l.ri (32) bt.mlk.amr (33)
mnm.ht[at.brt]
Why did they release these two, as if they were not subordinate to
the king? Either being the son of Qln, or the Son of Alyy, or a sub-
ordinate of the king, these two should have come to me together and
should have broken my heart. As for the letter about the daughter of
the king of Amurruwhen my mother speaks on behalf of the city:
'If now the city will not go on to live in anxiety, who then must I
send with the letter about the daughter of the king of Amurru?' Let
Yabninu go to the king of Amurru and let him bring a hundred
(shekels) of gold and the repudiated woman(?) to the king of Amurru
and let him take oil in his horn and pour it on the head of the daugh-
ter of the king of Amurru. Whatever sin [she] committed [she will be
free?] . . . ' (KTU 2.72 = RS 34.124.10-33)
It is characteristic of this mode of prose to construct complicated
sentences in an elaborate rhetorical, often conditionally phrased style.
For instance, the passage quoted from K TU 2.39 = RS 18.038.1 1- 6
is probabl y one long sentence. Sentences i ntroduced with conditional
hm, temporal k(y)- (preceded or followed by the conj uncti on p(m)-,
but often also simply the copul a w-, K TU 2.10 = RS 4.475.9-10,
2.31 = RS 16.394.16ff., etc. or wi thout connecti on, K T U 2.33 =
RS 16.402.30-1) are numerous, as are statements and conditional
sentences emphasized with hn, ht and ap (e.g. ht hm . . . K TU 2.10.8-9,
2.33.30, 2.39.1 I ff; wap ht... 2.3 = RS 1.013+.20; wap.ank.. .2.11 =
RS 8.315.13, 2.33.15, 2.41 = RS 18.075.19), and rhetorical and real
questions with or without ik(y), mh(y), e.g. w.k tal bt
c
bdk w k ymgy
c
bdk l lm
c
mk pi ysb
c
Ihpn, 'And if your servants ask for accommoda-
tion and if they reach you safely, woul d not a handful be sufficient?'
(K TU 2.70 = RS 29.093.23-8, also 2.23 = RS 16.078+. 17ff. and
perhaps, 2.39.5ff).
Qui te often in the prose of letters and elsewhere (e.g the narra-
tive K TU 1.114 = RS 24.258, the ritual K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256.6-7)
the preferred word order VS is changed to SV: wum tsmf} mad. . .,
'and my mother should rejoice gready...' (KTU 2.16 = RS 15.008.10);
whn.ibm. sq.ly . . ., 'And look, the enemies are pressing me hard . . .'
(K TU 2.33 = RS 16.402.27), perhaps for emphasi s (other examples
TROPPER 1994c, 467-70). A related interesting phenomenon in this
mode of prose is casus pendens or nomi nati ve absolute (WAL TKE -
O' CONNOR 1990, 4.7), e.g. in the oath-sentence: wyd ilm p kmtm
c
z
mid hm ntkp m'nk, 'as for the hand of the gods, it will i ndeed be as
strong as Death, if your answer is negative(?)' (K TU 2.10 = RS
4.475.11-5); note the incongruity of yd (f.) and
c
z (m.)
5
but this seems
to be the idea (pace PARDEE 1987; WATSON 1990, 81-2, 1994, 495);
[w].b.ym.k.ybt.mlk (15) [t]ydr.w.ap.ank (16) [i]hd.lgr. amn, '[And] as for
today, if the king stays in [T]ydr, I for my part took hold of Mount
A manus. . . ' (K TU 2.33 = RS 16.402+. 15-6; for the geographical
name ty[n\dr, see DI ETRI CH - LORETZ 1994, 65-7); wmlk b
c
ly Im skn
hnk rbdh 'and as for the king my lord, why did he assign such a
thi ng to his servant?' (K TU 2.33.22-4); hn.mrt d tt asu b Idtk, 'Look,
the patri mony which was (legally) settled, I shall release after you
have given bi rth' (K TU 2.34 = RS 17.139.32-3);
c
my p b'Ik snt sntm
Im Itlk, 'to the king your lord, why did you not come for one or
two years? (K TU 2.39 = RS 18.038.15-6); wlht akl Iy likt
c
m p b
c
lk
ky akl bhwtk. inn. pn tubd, 'As for the tablet about food, when you
sent to the Sun the message that there is no food in your country,
the Sun was indeed di sheartened...' (K TU 2.39.17ff). There are
many other examples, for instance, in administrative texts: mlb.trmnm
(6) k.ytn.w.b.bt (7) mlk.mlb (8) ytn.lhm, '. . . As for the clothing of the
trrnnm-gods when it is old, then in the house of the king clothing
should be given to them' (KTU 4.168 = RS 15.082.5-9).
1.6 Performative and prescriptive prose
I n this group I would include the medical texts, omens, rituals and
contracts, though a distinction from other prose texts is not always
easy. For instance, the protocol of necromancy through the medi um
Dtn, one of the royal deified ancestors, contains as a report an amal-
gam of narrative discourse, ritual and medical prescriptions ( D i et r i c h
L o r et z 1990a, 212, 216). The Ugaritic liturgical prayer K TU
1.108 = RS 24.252 is an interesting amal gam of performative rit-
ual language and descriptive hymnic prose with occasional paral-
lelism. Though the style of contracts is basically performative and
very formal, lym hnd RN mlk ugrt ytn bt/d. . ., 'On this day, RN the
King of Ugarit gave the house, the field . . (KTU 3.2 = RS 15.111;
3.5 = RS 16.382); lym hnd iwrkl pdy . . ., 'On this day, I wrikalli
redeemed PN. . . ' (KTU 3.4 = RS 16.191+), we occasionally find
instances of persuasive style complete with metaphor: . . . l.yihd stqlm
(2) b unt.km.p (3) d brt.kmt. (4) br stqlm (5) b unt
c
d
c
lm, 'No one shall
take Stqlm in corve-service. As the Sun who is free, so Stqlm is
free from corve-service for ever. . .' (KTU 2.19 = RS 15.125).
The largest category in this section comprises rituals. They are
written with an exasperating concision ( P ar dee - B o r d r eu i l 1992,
709). Many of the ritual texts look like administrative texts: a list of
gods and the sacrifices administered to them. Some of them are even
simple onomastica of gods (KTU 1. 47 || 1. 118; Akkadian RS 20. 24,
N o u g ay r o l , 1968, 42 64), perhaps a kind of canonical list of gods.
Excerpts from this list and others, are extended in the rituals by
sacrifices administered to them. Thi s may happen by simple juxta-
position of name and sacrifice, e.g. b'l i, atrt s tkmn wnm 'nt , rp
/, etc. (KTU 1.41 = RS 1. 003+. 15-6, with parallels), but also with
a dative I (wtn sm lb
c
lt bhtm,
c
srm lins ihn, K TU 1. 41. 5, see also 1.81 =
RS 15. 130; in Human texts dative -d/ -da, plural -tt/-asta). These
lists can be preceded by date formulae of months and days: byrh ris
yn. bymhdt. . . btltt
e
srt, 'I n the month Risyn (First Wine) on the day
of the new moon . . . on the 13th day . . .' Occasionally, and often
interspersed between this lists of sacrifices, we find references to
processions and other cultic rites to be performed. A basic question
remains as to whether these rituals were meant to be 'prescriptive'
or 'descriptive' ( L evi ne 1963; P ar d ee - B o r d r eu i l 1992, 709). My
own preference is to see the references to ritual activities as habit-
ual. Thi s is consonant with the frequent use of imperfects indicat-
ing an i ncompl ete action, if not an action to be performed, i.e. a
jussive mode, or a prescriptive imperfect ( P ar dee - B o r d r eu i l 1992).
Thi s prescriptive nature of the rituals is also consonant with the fact
that some rituals have compl ete or partial duplicates. The ritual pre-
scriptions usually mention or imply the king and the priest as officiants:
btltt 'srt. yrtfis. mlk.brr, 'on the 13th day the king shall wash himself
cl ean' (K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+.3 and passim), wynt qrt/db I
c
nt walp
w l il wb urbt y tk gdlt ilhm, 'and he shall prepare a city-pigeon before
Anat, a cow and a sheep for El and in the chi mney he shall pour
out (the blood of) the cow for the ancestor-gods(?)' (K TU 1.41.10
and passim), wtlhm. att. . . kl lylhm bh . . . , ' . . . a woman may eat (from
i t). . . nobody should eat from i t. . . (K TU 1.115 = RS 24.260.8,
10).;. . .yt.rpu.mlk.
C
lm. wyt (2) [/] gtr.wyqr. . wtst.'nt.gtr. . ., '. .. let the
Heal er, the eternal king, drink and let [the god] Garu-and-Y aqaru
dri nk . . . and let Anat of Garu dri nk . . .' (K TU 1.108 = RS
24.252.1-2, 6). Thi s prescriptive prose style is particularly clear in
the ritual where the king and the officiant priests celebrate together:
id[.yd]bh.mlk l.prgl.srqn.b.gg (51) ar[b]'.arb'.mtbt.azmr.bhJJr[p] (52)
al[p.]w..lmm.pamt.b'.klbh (53) yr[gm.]mlk.sbu.p.w.hl.mlk (54)
w.l[b]n.spm.w.mh[y pn]h.t[t]tbn (55) b.b[t].w.km.it y [u.l.]smm. yd[h]
Then the king shall sacrifice to PRGL SRQN on the roof, on which
there are four by four dwellings of foliage: a sheep as a burnt offering
and a cow and a sheep as a peace-offering. Seven times the king shall
say whole-heartedly (the prayer): 'Host of the Sun and army of Maliku'.
Clothe him with covers(?) and wipe his face, and let him return to
the temple; and when he is present, he shall raise his hands to heaven.
(KTU 1.41 = RS 1.003+.50-5)
. . . [ s]l[m.u]hiy ylb (23) mlk.ylk.lqli.ilm (24) atr.ilm.ylk.p'nm (25) mlk.p'nm.yl[k.]
(26) b' pamt.lklhm
. . . [the] sta[tue of U]hari one shall dress. The king shall proceed to
accompany the gods, people shall go behind the gods barefoot. The
king shall also go barefoot, seven times for both(?) of them.
(KTU 1.43 = RS 1.005.22-7)
Another instance of performati ve style in ritual, but in the second
person plural, is the sacrificial ritual of the ancestor cult (KTU 1.161 =
RS 34.126). The perfective forms have been understood as pre-
scriptive narrati ve (as also in the Hebrew Bible Lev. 8- 9; de M o o r
1976, 335; HEAL EY 1978b, 85), but I would suggest that they are
performative or precative perfects:
spr dbh (2) qritm.rp.a[rs] (3) qbitm.qbs.d[dn] (4) qra.ulkn.rp[a] . . . tqdm
C
sr (31) lm.lm 'mr[pi] (32) wlm.bn/Jlm.tiyl (33) lm.bth.lm.ugrt (34) lm.lgrh
Book of the Sacrifice of the 'Shades': Y ou shall now invoke the Heal ers
of the Earth, you shall now summon the Assembl y of DDN: 'I nvi ted
be UL K N, the Heal er . . .' Y ou shall approach the festive assembly by
sayi ng the peace: Peace to Ammurapi ; peace to his sons; peace to
Tryl\ peace to his house; peace to Ugari t; peace to its gates.
Performative imperatives and jussive imperfects 2nd person sing, and
plur. also occur in rituals: b t
C C
rh (2) trbd.'rs []pd-{?>)-iy.b t.mlk.. . (25)
I pn ll.trr (26) V/. . ., 'On the 19th day, you shall prepare the nup-
tial bed of Pidriya in the suite of the ki ng. . . before the night, you
shall shake up the bed. . . ' (KTU 1.132 = RS 24.291.1-3, 25-6).
Note also the poetic prose incipit of the prayer in K TU 1.119 =
RS 24.266: k gr 'z.tgrkm.qrd (27) hmytkm.'nkm.lb'l.tsun, 'When a strong
one attacks your gates, a warrior your walls, you shall raise your
eyes to Ba'al (sayi ng:)...' (R.P. GORDON 1991, 161-3). Such per-
formative style is characteristic of Ugaritic rituals, just as for ancient
Near Eastern rituals in general. A last good example is the expia-
tory ritual K TU 1.40 = RS 1.002 found in several mutilated copies:
And present a young he-ass to obtai n the re1ease(?) of the Ugari ti ans
and the expi ati on of the soj ourners wi thi n the walls of Ugari t, the
expi ati on of Tman, the expi ati on of
c
rmt, the expi ati on of Ugari t and
the expi ati on of Ni qmaddu. Whether your fai thful ness departed from
the Qati an clans, the Dadmi an clans, the Human clans, the Hatti c
clans, the A1aian clans, the clans of Gbr, the clans who robbed you,
the clans of your faithfu1(?), the clans of Qrzblwhether your fai thful -
ness departed ei ther because of your anger or because of your i mpa-
tience, or because of the quarrel s you had, whether your fai thful ness
departed for sacrifices and obl ati on, our sacrifice we shoul d sacrifice.
Thi s is the obl ati on we obl ate, this the offeri ng we offer. Let it rise
to the Father of the gods, let it rise to the family of the gods, to
Tukman and unam, this he-ass. (K TU 1.40.26-34)
The omen texts show a fixed pattern of prose sentences and syntax,
like their Mesopotamian counterparts. Obviously, this type of liter-
ature derived from Babylonian tradition. Fragments of a dreambook
(KTU 1.86 RS 18.041) and a collection of astronomical omens
(KTU 1.163 = RI H 78/14) have been preserved. The birth omens
are represented by two main groups: the summa izbu 'If an abortion'
(KTU 1.103+ = RS 24.247+) and the umma sinnitu (.. .) ulid 'If a
woman gives birth to a . . .' omens (KTU 1.140 = RS 24.302). The
former is the better preserved collection and shows the well-known
protasis-apodosis k tld X . . . Y(-r) structure. Characteristic of omens
is the subject (+) verb order in the apodosis ( T r o p p er 1994c,
469-70):
Omens of small livestock. [I f] a ewe(?) bears a stone, then the maj or-
ity in the l and will fall victim; (if) a snake follows after it, the young
of its cattle will be weak, (if) also a . . .; fami ne will be in the land,
(if) it has no . . ., the country wall be destroyed; and (if) [its belly] is
open, a fami ne will be in the l and . . .
Certain omens were checked by a second opinion of the haruspex
(KTU 1.78 = RS 12.061), but inspection of the omina also drew
forth ritual activity to eliminate the effects of bad omens. The lung
model K TU 1.127 = RS 24.277, for instance, reveals an interest-
ing instance of relationship between omen interpretation and ritual.
It may have been an instruction model, but this is far from certain,
since parallels are still lacking ( M ey er in D i et r i c h - L o r et z 1990a,
270-1). Nevertheless certain parts arc marked by 'borders' contain-
ing small texts with ritual instructions, seemingly derived from omi na
observations. The most interesting instance is the instruction of a
scape-goat rite to eliminate the danger of a city taken or a plague
( D i et r i c h L o r et z 1990a, 32-38, 270-1):
hm qrt tuhd.hm mt y'l bn (31) bt bn bus yqh
c
z (32) wyhdy mrhqm
If a city is besieged (and) if pl ague attacks a man, the citizen's house-
hold will take a goat and bani sh it to the remotest parts.
(KTU 1.127.30-2)
However not many other examples of such characteristic prose can
be gleaned from the rituals. The style is often extremely concise and
many phrases are still poorly understood, for instance
C
rb.p. whl.mlk
(KTU 1.87 = RS 18.056.56-7; 1.46+ = RS 1.009.9-10, 44, 1.112 =
RS 24.256.9, 1.119 = RS 24.266.4, 23-4, 1.126 = RS 24.276.23?,
1.132 = RS 24.291.27-8), variant sbu p (whl ym
c
rb p) whl mlk
(KTU 1.41 = RS 1.003+.47-8, 53-4, 1.112.14-5), also ttb rgm (bgn)
whl mlk (KTU 1.106 = RS 24.250+.23-4, 33). The context suggests
a kind of morni ng or evening prayer spoken by the king.
2 U g ar i t i c P o et r y
W i l f r e d G. . W a t s o n
2.1 Introduction
2.1.1 Scope
Almost from the very beginning of Ugaritic studies, account was
taken of the verse component,
1
but as yet there has been no full-
scale description of Ugaritic poetry nor has there been an exhaus-
tive examination of the principles involved, although several partial
surveys are available.
2
The best and fullest account so far is P ar k er
(1989, 7-98)
3
while a very detailed analysis of parallelism including
phonological features in only one short passage (KTU 1.3 = RS
2.[014]+ i 2~25) has also been completed ( P ar dee 1988c, 1-67). In
view of this state of affairs, the presentation here is not systematic;
instead, it sets out a number of related topics under several head-
ings. First, though, some account is required of the nature of the
material under consideration and the problems it entails.
2.1.2 The texts
The corpus of Ugaritic poetry is fairly easy to define: it includes all
the mythological and epic texts, which are mostly in narrative verse,
and excludes letters, legal and economic texts as well as most of the
ritual texts as non-poetic.
4
Some texts, however, are borderline, e.g.
K TU 1.119 = RS 24.266:28-36); K TU 1.161 = RS 34.126 ( P ar dee
1993a) and some verse texts contain prose elements ( C r oss 1974)
e.g. K TU 1.113 = RS 24.247:1-11 = verse; 12ff. = prose list. Some
1
DUSSAUD 1935, 1936 ( 1941
2
) ; GASTER 1933, GI NSBERG 1936, OBERMANN 1936,
as well as COPPENS 1946, 1944, Y OUNG 1948, 1949, etc., though inevitably
the relationship to Hebrew poetry was to the fore.
2
T / T 13, KOSMALA 1966, 172- 6; GRA Y 1965 passim, SEGERT 1979; 1983; 1984,
109- 10; DEI . OI .MO LF.TF. 1981, 31- 62; AVI SHUR 1994, 13 25.
3
For a critique cf. DEL OI .MO L ETE 1990, esp. 190-4.
4
'Features known as parallelistic may also occur in prose texts. Some Ugaritic
epistolary formulae exhibit parallelism, and even some of the expressions in the
body of the letters are arranged in parallelistic structures. This criterion alone can-
not determine whether the text is poetry or prose. The other distinguishing feature
of a poetic text is its division into prosodie units of approximately the same length'
(SEGERT 1979, 730) .
speech introductions are extra-colonic but others comprise an integral
part of the verse (see 5.2.4.1). Thus, the corpus includes the
Baal Cycle (KTU 1.1-6 = RS 3.361, 3.367, 3.346, 2. [014]+, 2. [008]+,
2.[022]+, 2.[009]+); the 'Stories' of Keret and Aqhat (KTU 1.14-16
= RS 2.[003]+, 3.343+, 3.325+; K TU 1.17-9 = RS 2. [004], 3.340,
3.322+); the Rapi'uma texts (KTU 1.20-1.22 = RS 3.348, 2.[019],
2.[024]); a wedding poem (KTU 1.24 = RS 5.194); incantations
(KTU 1.82 = RS 15.134; K TU 1.96 = RS 22.225; K TU 1.100 =
RS 24.244; K TU 1.107 = RS 24.251+); a prayer (KTU 1.119 =
RS 24.266:28-36; see d el O l mo L et e 1987, W a t s o n 1996); a mythic
marriage ritual (KTU 1.23 = RS 2.002; cf. W a t s o n 1994a); a funeral
ritual (KTU 1.161 = RS 34.126; see P ar d ee 1993a) and various
fragments.
5
A broad distinction can therefore be made between longer
texts (mosdy narrative) and relatively short texts (the remainder), with
K TU 1.100 = RS 24.244 occupying a mid-posidon. On the whole
problem see 5.1.4.
2.1.3 Problems in studying Ugaritic verse
Apart from the poor condition of some tablets which makes many
readings uncertain as well as leaving large gaps in the poetic texts,
and the fact that the corpus is relatively small, certain specific diffi-
culties combine to make the analysis of Ugaritic verse problematic.
Principally, for most of the tablets the stichometry is uncertain or
at least not made clear.
6
Exceptions include K TU 1.10 = RS 3.362+
(and to some extent K TU 1.23 = RS 2.002), where the verse-line
corresponds to tablet line (cf. d el O l mo L et e 1991a, 463 and
n. 3, W an s b r o u g h 1983 and W a t s o n 1982). Occasionally, stretches
of text are written with correct stichometry (e.g K TU 1.15 = RS
3.343+ iii 1-23, with 23 consecutive verse-lines which match the
lines on the tablet) and some of the worst sections are in Aqht.
At times, the vocabulary poses difficulties (e.g. gmn in K TU 1.6 =
RS 2. [009]+ i 19ff.). Generally, this is not particularly an obstacle
to determining poetic structure. However, when whole passages
which are repeated are not entirely understood, (e.g. K TU 1.3 =
RS 2. [014]+ iii 14-7 and par.) problems do arise.
5
E.g. K T U 1.8 = R S 3.364; K T U 1.83 = R S 16.266see PI TARD 1998, DEL
OL MO L ETE 1996; K T U 1.92 = R S 19.039+see DE MOOR 1985, DI J KSTRA 1994,
MARGAL I T 1989b; K T U 1.93 = R S 19.054see DI J KSTRA 1986.
6
See L ORETZ 1976, 1986, KOTTSI EPER - L ORETZ 1987.
The lack of vocalization and in general the absence of a tradition
of pronunciation (although syllabic spellings are of some help where
available) mean that we do not know how this poetry was recited
or sung and there is no indication of metre (see below), especially
as it is not known for certain where the stress lay.
There are several scribal mistakes; in addition, very often lines
appear to be omitted (as is apparent from comparison of near-
parallel passages)
7
but it is not always clear when this was inten-
tional (see 5.7 on expansi on/contracti on) and when not (see de
M o o r 1978a, 130-1).
Almost all Ugaritic narrative is in verse, with no strictly compa-
rable material in prose. Exceptions are the letters and to some
extent the ritual texts, but these have their own special styles and
to some extent Akkadian influence is evident in the letters, some
of which were translations (see, e.g. M a r q u e z R o w e 1992) . It is,
for instance, difficult to describe 'normal ' syntax and then com-
pare it with the syntax of poetry, due to the lack of material ( Si van
1997, 210) (however see 5. 2. 3. 3 and 5. 2. 3. 5 below on verb
forms and ellipsis).
2.1.4 Approaches
On the positive side, some assistance is provided by the tablets and
several factors make study of Ugaritic verse easier. Qui te often, as
has been noted, whole passages of verse are repeated. Sometimes
the correct stichometry is used and as has been said, the corpus is
reasonably well-defined. Enough of the texts is understood for a
degree of certainty in describing their poetic aspect and information
from similar traditions (Akkadian, Hebrew, Phoenician) can be of
some help. Also, text editions with translations now tend to include
comments on poetic structure.
8
M.S. Smith, who provides vocaliza-
tion, semantic parallelism, word-count, syllable count, comments:
Some remarks bearing on various sorts of parallelismsyntactic,
morphological and sonant. . .often follow the presentation of cola,
although syntactic parallelism is not treated according to any specific
system. Rather, it has been my interest to indicate how these sorts of
7
See, e. g. ROSENTHAL 1939.
8
DEL OL MO L ETE 1991, PARDEE 1988a, SMI TH 1994a, WY A T T 1998c, etc.; see also
MA RGA L I T 1980b (with the critique by DEL OI . MO L ETE 1983) and MARGAL I T 1989a.
parallelism may bind and contrast cola, especially in the absence of
apparent semantic parallelism (M.S. Smi th 1994a, xxxiv).
9
2.1.5 Metre
It is now generally accepted that Ugaritic verse is not metrical. Y oung
discussed the possible existence of metre in Ugaritic verse and con-
cluded: 'I f there is any metric [i.e. metrical] system in Ugaritic, it
should show itself in some regular manifestation observable in the
texts themselves wi thout our trying to fit any system into them'
(YOUNG 1950, 124). Two factors led him to this conclusion: (1) 'there
is no consistency in the sequence of similar stich combinations within
a poem or within sections of a poem, much less a consistency of an
accent-per-word pattern for the successive stichs themselves' (YOUNG
1950, 124) (2) 'if an accentual meter existed at Ugarit, it might be
seen in consistency between parallel passages within single poems, if
meter were i mportant to the composer, singer, or reciter of the
poetry. No such consistency is found' (YOUNG 1950, 128). He added:
poetry in which the outstanding feature is parallelism of thought;
a poetry written in a language in which the majority of words are
of one, two, or three syllables, and in a language in which almost
any clause can be couched in from two to four words, is a poetry
which naturally lends itself to the creation of lines of uniform met-
ric length' (YOUNG 1950, 132). His conclusions have been accepted
by Pardee who states that since there is no 'regular, predictable or
at least observable recurrence' of rhythmic units in Ugaritic poetry
it has no metre (PARDEE 1981, 116) and PARKER (1989, 9-10) pro-
vides additional arguments.
10
It has been suggested by de Moor that
Ugaritic verse is written in free rhythm to match its musical accompani -
ment. Such music was probably led by a soloist and would fit the
short stichoi of ancient West Semitic poetry. The fact that conse-
cutive lines had a degree of regularity can be explained by the poets'
'pursuit of symmetry' (DE MOOR 1978a, 132). Ultimately, 'parallelism
was the pri mary structural principle of Ugaritic poetry and . . . length
9
The aspect of literary translations of these texts cannot be discussed here; cf.
SEGERT 1979, 738, PARKER 1990 and L EWI S 1996.
10
MA RGA L I T 1975, 1995, 215; endorsed by ZEVI T 1983 (but cf. PARDEE 1981- 2,
259- 72) . HORWI T Z 1973, argues that the word-divider had a metrical function, but
cf . SEGERT 1979, 730 ( on K T U 1. 24 = R S 5. 194) and WANSBROUGH 1983.
of line was only prescriptive in the general principle of approxi ma-
tion' ( P ar dee 1981, 126).
2.2 Language
In general, the language of Ugaritic verse is archaic ( P ar dee 1981- 2,
267) and to some extent it also has its own vocabulary (see above). I n
respect of verb forms, the rules followed are unlike those for prose.
The use of the qtl (or qatala) form in Ugaritic verse is distinctive:
'While *qatala constitutes the characteristic form for past narration
in the prose texts, its poetic usage is more restricted; the prefix forms
[yqtl, etc.] arc the norm for poetic narrati on' (M.S. S mi t h 1995,
789, following F en t o n 1973) . " Besides being used for the stative,
reporting the past, continuing other perfects, the pluperfect, subor-
dination and the performati ve, there arc three usages specific to
Ugaritic verse. These are 'contrast with prefix forms', 'report of action
commanded in the imperative' and 'delimitation of a section' (M.S.
S mi t h 1995, 790, with further references). Different or identical verb
forms can occur in parallel lines (see 5. 2. 3. 3) . Little research has
been carried out on syntax, but for the Story
12
of Keret, it has been
shown 'that word and sentence order remains completely unaffected
by the type of verbal form present' ( Wi l son 1982, 31).
13
2.3 Parallelism and the verse-line
2.3.1 General
The basic component of Ugaritic verse is the verse-line which can
be divided into two (parallel) half-lines or provided with a parallel
line to form a bicolon. It is generally accepted, then, that parallelism
is a fundamental component of Ugaritic verse, and it differs from
prose precisely because parallelism is so preval ent." There are several
11
However, cf. 4.4.2.5.
According to GI BSON 1975, Keret is a myth and Ai/liai a folktale. On literary
forms in Ugaritic cf. DEL OI .MO L ETE 1984b.
I ;!
WI L SON ( 1982, 31) concludes: 'Such interchangeabilitv of verb forms with no
appreciable effect on word order or sentence structure may well indicate a "frozen"
state for some poetic passages, in which word order is fixed and immovable. Such
passages could be inserted at any point of a narrative with only the necessary change
of verbal form in the new context'. See also SI VAN 1997, 210- 4.
14
'There is little disagreement that the most obvious and pervasive convention
of the Ugaritic poems is parallelism' (PARKER 1989, 7, cf. 10).
types of parallelism, dependi ng on meaning (i.e. semantic parallelism
which can be synonymousi ncl udi ng numerical parallelism, anti-
thetic or contrasting, alternating), syntax (grammatical; nominal and
verbal; chiastic) and the lines (or parts of lines) comprising paral-
lelism can have various degrees of separation (standard or near, inter-
nal, and distant) and can be grouped into bicola, tricola, etc. These
types may or may not overlap.
2.3.2 Semantic parallelism
There are various sub-types of semantic parallelism.
2.3.2.1 Synonymous parallelism
Thi s is the standard form of parallelism,
15
where line A and line
say virtually the same thing:
tmgnn rbt atrt ym (A) They ply with gifts Lady Athirat of the Sea,
tg zyn qnyt ilm (B) they implore the Progenitrix of the gods
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ iii 25-6)
2.3.2.2 Numeri cal parallelism
Since numbers have no synonyms, synonymous parallelism involving
numbers takes the form of || + 1 (where is an integer), as in
hm tn dbhm ska b'l For two sacrifices Baal hates,
lit rkb
c
rpt three, the Cloud-rider:
dbh bit wdbh dnt a sacrifice of shame and a sacrifice of prostitution
wdbh tdmm amht and a sacrifice of handmaidens' lechery
(KTU 1.4 iii 17-21)
There are several other examples.
16
2.3.2.3 Antithetic parallelism
Although relatively rare, contrasting or antithetic parallelism does
occur,
17
e.g.
15
PARKER 1974, PARDEE 1988b, SEGERT 1984, 109.
16
See the bibliography in WATSON 1991b, 241, n. 2 and 242, n. 3, esp. AVI SHUR
1973 and 1981 and L EE 1973.
17
WATSON 1986 = 1994b, 468-77.
t pt lars pt 1mm set a lip to the earth, a(nother) lip to the sky
(KTU 1.23 = RS 2.002:61-2)
18
and, in spite of the missing text:
[g]/n tshq
c
nt [A1]oud did Anat laugh,
wblb tqny [. . .] but in her heart she was hatching [a plot?]
(KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] vi 41-2)
2.3.2.4 Alternating parallelism
More problematic is the existence of what appear to be non-paral-
lel bicola (SEGERT 1983, 300). Such non-parallel lines can be explained
in several ways. For example, a line such as hm it Ihm wtn wnlhm, 'If
there is food, then give so that we may eat' appears to be prose,
but in view of its counterpart, the lines are evidently in alternating
parallelism (indicated by A/A' and B/B'):
hm [it 1 ]hm (A) If there is food,
wtn wnlhm (B) then give so that we may eat
hm it [yn] (A') If there is wine,
\yi\tn. wnt (B') then give, so that we may drink
(KTU 1.23 = RS 2.002:70-2).
19
Elsewhere the overriding pattern of parallel couplets tended to gen-
erate non-parallel couplets.
2.3.3 Grammatical and syntactical parallelism
A complete match in grammati cal terms is evident in
lhm qy ilm Give food, drink to the gods, WO *
sad kbd hmt wait on, honour them W O
(KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] 19-20).
21
The verbs in the parallel lines of a couplet can be in various 'tenses',
giving rise to types such qtl || qtl, qtl || yqtl, yqtl || qtl and yqtl || yqtl
etc.
22
On qtl in Ugaritic verse see above.
Note also that a verbal clause can be in parallel with a noun clause:
18
See MERL O 1996.
19
DE MOOR 1993, 204 adduces K T U 1. 19 = R S 3. 322+ iv 46 50.
20
V = 'verb'; = 'object'.
21
Parallel to K T U 1.17 = R S 2. [ 004] 29- 30, perhaps with hendiadys here.
22
CASSUTO 1971, FENTON 1969, 1973, HEL D 1962, 1965, M . S. SMI TH 1994,
WATSON 1989 = 1994c, 240-9.
al trgn ybtltm Do not delude me Virgin,
dm Igzr srgk hhm for your delusion to a hero is sheer rubbish.
(KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004]+ vi 34-5)
Perhaps chiastic parallelism belongs here, as in
sb ksp Irqm turned had the silver into sheets
hrs nsb llbnt the gold had turned into bricks
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ vi 34-5)
where the components of line 1 are switched around in line 2.
23
On
chiasmus see W e l c h ( 1974) .
24
2.3.4 Parallelism based on degree of separation
I nternal or half-line parallelism occurs when only one line is involved,
for example:
rgm
c
s 1ht abn Word of tree and whisper of stone
(KTU i .3 = RS 2.[014]+ iii 22-3 and par.).
Here, the two halves of the line are in parallel.
2
'
1
Standard or near
parallelism is none other than the couplet formed by adj acent lines
(see above). In distant parallelism, which serves to bind together longer
sections of text, there is a gap between the lines involved ( P ar dee
1988c, 193-201, esp. 199-200). I n general, the standard verse pat-
tern comprises two sequential lines, as if parallelism were the accepted
norm, although it is not always present. Qui te often couplets can be
formed from two (formulaic) monocol a ( P ar k er 1989, 23).
2.3.5 Ellipsis and ballast variant
Ellipsis (or gapping) is the absence of one or more elements (e.g. a
verb) from a line which would be expected but is or are understood
to be present.
26
For example, the verb tbl (+ suffix) is taken to be
present in the second line of
tblk grm mid ksp May the mountains bring you plenty of silver,
tblk gb'm mhmd hrs the hills bring you choicest gold
27
(KTU 1.4 (= RS "2. [008]+) 31-3)
23
See WATSON 1983C, DE MOOR 1993, 193.
24
Note also 'gender-matched parallelism' (on which cf. WATSON 1981a).
25
See WATSON 1984b, 1985, 1988b = 1994b, 104 44. K ORPEL - DE MOOR 1998, 11.
26
See SI VAN 1997, 215-6.
27
The 'missing' element is indicated by (DE MOOR 1993, 200).
A ballast variant is the use of a longer expression (usually in the sec-
ond line) for its correspondi ng and evidently shorter equivalent (usu-
ally in the first line) and is related to ellipsis. 'The principle of ellipsis
in poetry is the converse of (and goes hand in hand with) the pri n-
ciple of ballast variants.' (UT 13.105). For exampl e:
wykn bnh bbt Sired be a son for him in the house,
wykn 1rs bqrb hklh Sired be a scion within his palace
(KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 25-6 || 42-3)
Here, the ballast vari ant of bbt in the first colon is bqrb hklh in the
second colon, whi ch compensates for the the ellipsis of wykn in the
second colon Similary, zbl b'l ars is the longer equivalent of aliyn b
c
l
(matchi ng the ellipsis of wid
c
) in:
wid' khy aliyn b'l Then I shall know that Mightiest Baal lives,
kit zbl b'l ars I shall know that the Prince, Lord of the Earth,
exists.
(KTU 1.6 iii 8-9; also KTU 1.17 i 36-7; KTU 1.18 iv 17-8).
Ellipsis in the first colon is rare, occurri ng almost exclusively in 'stair-
case parallelism' (see 5.2.4.2):
ht ibk b'lm tmhs Now, your enemy, Baal, do strike,
ht ibk tmhs Now, your enemy strike etc.
(KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367 iv 8-9)
As A l t e r (1985, 23-6). has expl ai ned, such ellipsis frees space in
the second line for some el aborati on of a parallel item in the first
line and also isolates the expanded topic for attention.
28
2.4 Verse paragraphs
Lines of verse can occur in relative isolation (monocola) or clustered
in sets varyi ng from two (couplets) to seven or more. These combi -
nations of cola
29
are described here.
28
See also GREENSTEI N 1983. SI VAN Y ONA ( 1998, 404- 5) discuss ellipsis of a
single word in K T U 1.2 = R S 3. 367 i 20- 1; K T U 1.3 = R S 2. [ 014] + iv 5; K T U
1. 14 = R S 2. [ 003] + i v 42- 3; K T U 1. 16 = R S 3. 325+ vi 11- 2; K T U 1. 22 = R S
2. [ 024] i 21- 4, and ellipsis of an expression in K T U 1.2 = R S 3. 367 iv 6; K T U
1.3 = R S 2. [ 014] + i v 39- 40.
29
SEGERT 1983, 302; 1984, 108 71. 32.
2.4.1 Monocola
Although the standard strophic form is the couplet, single lines or
monocol a occur very frequently. They appear as introductory mono-
cola drawing attention to speaker and in this form are prose, e.g.
rr Imtt hry 'Listen, Lady Hurri ya' (KTU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi
16-7). When expanded to a bicolon or tricolon (see section on expan-
sion/contraction), they are verse. Several are speech-openers.
It is sometimes difficult to determi ne whether a line of verse forms
part of a longer unit (bicolon, tricolon, etc.) or is entirely separate, e.g.
e
d Ihm sty ilm While they ate the gods drank.
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ vi 55)
Is this line a monocol on or an introduction to the next two lines?
The function of the monocol on is to open and close sections of verse.
They can also mark a climax, as in
sgrthn. abkrn The youngest of them I shall make the firstborn
(KTU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 16).
Some monocol a exhibit inner parallelism
30
and so conform to the
prevailing feature of Ugaritic verse. An example is the standard for-
mul a
balp Id rbt kmn by the thousand iddu, the myri ad kumnu
(KTU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ iv 38 and many times elsewhere).
2.4.2 The tricolon
True tricola, where all three lines are in parallelism (AAA"), are
rare, e.g.
I ys' alt tbtk Surely he will remove the prop of your seat,
I yhpk ksa mlkk Surely he will upset the throne of your kingship,
I ytbr ht mtptk Surely he will smash the sceptre of your rule.
( . 6 = RS 2. [009]+ vi 27-9 (and par.).
Some comprise a monocol on followed by a bicolon (ABB'):
t
c
db imr bphd She prepared a lamb in flour
hps ktr whss for the appetite of Kothar-and-Hasis
1brlt hyn dhrydm for the craving of Hayin, skilful with both hands.
(KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] 22-5)
30
See WATSON 1984b, 1985a, 1988b = 1994b, 104-44.
or, have the reverse formation (AA'B):
ydd wqlsn He stood and insulted me,
yqm wywptn He got up and spat on me,
btk phr bn ilm right in the gathering of El's sons
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ iii 12-4).
A special type of tricolon, called 'staircase parallelism', where the
initial line is interrupted by a vocative and then repeated in com-
plete form, occurs several times,
31
e.g.
ir hym laqht gzr Ask for life, Hero Aqhat,
irs hym watnk Ask for life I and I shall give it to you,
blmt waslhk for non-death, and I shall grant (it) to you.
(KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] vi 26-8)
One function of tricola is to slow the pace of the narrative which
then requires more attention ( P ar k er 1989, 16).
2.4.3 The quatrain or tetracolon
There are various forms of the four-line strophe, including
AAA" A' "
adnh yt msb mznm
umh kp mznm
ihh yt'r mrrm
ahth labn mznm
Her father set the beams of the scales,
her mother, the trays of the scales.
Her brothers settled the pointer,
her sisters, the stones of the scales.
(KTU 1.24 = RS 5.194:33-7)
AA'BB'
tmh ht atrt wbnh Let Athirat and her sons now rejoice,
ilt wsbrt aryh the goddess and the throng of her kin,
kmt aliyn b'l for dead is Mighty Baal,
khlq zbl b'l ars expired has the Prince, the earthlord
(KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ i 39-43)
Some are formed when one couplet is inserted into another, as in
dnilysb palth Daniel went round his blighted land,
bsql yph bpalt he saw a stalk in the blighted land,
bsql yph byglm he saw a stalk in the weeds,
bsql yhbq wynsq he hugged and kissed the stalk.
(KTU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ ii 12-5).
32
31
See AVI SHUR 1972, GREENSTEI N 1974, 1977, L OEWENSTAMM 1969 = 1980,
281- 309. 'Staircase parallelism' is more correctly analysed as apostrophe plus ep-
analepsis (WANSBROUGH 1982).
32
As identified by DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1973a (but cf. 1973b) and DEL OI .MO L ETE
2.4.4 The pentacolon
An example is:
bh p'nm ttt On her, her feet quake,
b
e
dn ksl ttbr behind her, her loins burst,
'In pnh td' above, her face perspires,
tgs pnt kslh the joints of her loins quiver,
ans dt irh the muscles of her back.
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ ii 16-20; || KTU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ iii
32ff. KTU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ ii 44ff.)
Again, much like the quatrai n (see above) pentacola arise when a
tricolon is inserted into a bicolon, as in
dyr vuydmr Who sings and plays
bknr wtlb with lyre and flute,
btp wmsltm with drum and cymbals,
bmrqdm dsn with ivory castanets
bhbr ktr tbm in the company of sweet(-voiced) Kothar.
(KTU 1.108 = RS 24.252:3-5)
33
2.4.5 Longer sequences
Hexacola are relatively rare in Ugaritic (cf. L o r et z 1989) . The fol-
lowing comprises an introductory line and a five-line speech:
tm ydr krt t' itt There Keret the votary vowed a gift:
34
atrt srm wlilt sdynm 'Oh, Athirat of Tyre, and goddess of Sidon,
hm hiy bty iqh if I take Hurriy to my house,
asr'b glmt hgry and bring the damsel into my dwelling,
tnh kspm atn twice her mass in silver shall I give,
wtltth hrsm and three times her mass in gold!'
(K TU . 14 = RS 3.343+ iv 36-43)
Other hexacola may be K TU 1.3 = RS 2.[014]+ iii 3-8a; K TU
1.3 iv 48-53 () 39-44 || K TU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ i 12-8; iv
1981a, 34 and DE MOOR 1978a, 137, n. 41. Other examples in WATSON 1997a,
30-5 and 1997b.
33
For another example cf. DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1982.
34
The meaning of iitt (= i + lit?) is disputed (cf. DLU, 1 and 60); here I follow
WY A TT 1998C, 200- 1; see esp. nn. 115 and 117. Another possible translation is
'The gift of 'Atiratu of Tyre, the goddess of Sidon (is this):' (PARDEE 1997a, 336).
For yet another translation cf. MARGAL I T 1997.
50-7); K T U 1.12 = RS 2. [012] ii 58-61; K TU 1.17 = RS 2.[004]
vi 43-5.
33
Other sets are heptacola, K TU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ 11 - 9
and its near-parallel K TU 1.6 ii 31 -5,
36
the eight-line sequence K TU
1.5 = RS 2.[022]+ i 14-22 and the nine-colon set K TU 1.107 = RS
24.251+ 38-44.
2.5 Strophe and stanza
A stanza is 'a fixed . . . or variable . . . groupi ng of lines that is organ-
ized into themati c, metrical, rhetorical, musical, or narrati ve sec-
tions' ( M e y e r s - S i mms 1989, 288), though whether this definition
would be recognised by the poets of Ugarit is a moot point. The
only poem with an apparent sequence of strophes or stanzas
37
is
K TU 1.100 = RS 24.244 which is divided into 14 sections by ruled
lines. Of these, sections 2-11 have the same number of verse-lines
(i.e. 10) due principally to almost wholesale repetition. The first sec-
tion (KTU 1.100:17) has 14 lines because the initial couplet has
been expanded to a quatrai n (see W a t s o n 1997a, 35) .
3I !
The last two
sections differ completely from all the others. Thus, al though these
sections are actually marked off on the tablet, as P a r d e e (1978, 104)
comments: 'this is unquesti onabl y owi ng. . . to the extra-poetic struc-
ture of the text and the comparabl e length of the sections is owing
to the repetition within this structure' and 'any attempt to find stro-
phes in Ugaritic poetry as a prosodie or poetic el ement... is doomed
to failure'.
39
Analysis is limited to identifying shorter or longer sets
of verse-lines (couplets, tricola, quatrai ns, etc., as above), with no
regularity or predictability.
40
Even so, this remai ns a useful exercise,
and Ugaritic poetry can be segmented into sections based on content,
sometimes marked off by features such as certain particles (apnk, etc.)
35
K ORPEL - DE MOOR 1986, 190- 1 = 1988, 30- 1.
36
See previous note. Cf. VVYATT 1998c, 135 n. 83 and 141 n. 108.
37
The terms 'strophe' and 'stanza' as denoting lines of verse grouped into sets
are used almost interchangeably (cf. CUDDON 1992, 915- 6, 921) , although stanza is
more correct. On strophe, MEY ERS - SI MMS 1989, 291 note: 'In contemporary usage,
the term usually refers to any stanzaic unit containing irregular lines'.
38
Each 'stanza' has 10 lines (= 1 + 9); the first has 14 (4 + 1 +2 + 7).
39
See also PARDEE 1993a, 208, n. 2 (ruled lines do not mark off'strophes').
40
A very interesting attempt at dividing the Story of Keret into (three) chapters,
each further subdivided into 6 cantos of 5 canticles or strophes, has been made by
SPRONK 1988, although the incomplete form of the original text precludes cast iron
conclusions. See also LI CHTENSTEI N 1966. On a smaller scale cf. DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ
1978, HUSSER 1995, KL EVEN 1988.
a tricolon, peculiar syntax (de M o o r 1993, 197-200), speech introduc-
tions and the like, though these generally reinforce what has already
been indicated by the meani ng of the passage concerned (see, for
example, the headings in d e l O l mo L et e 1991a, 158-235, etc.).
41
2.6 Repetition
Repetition takes on various forms. Repetition of sound takes the form of
end-rhyme, alliteration, assonance and wordpl ay and is discussed
below ( 5.2.10). Repetition of words can occur at the beginning of
a line (anaphoric), at line end (cataphoric), as immediate repetition of
words (epizeuxis), and in the form of identical word pairs
42
(or repeated
over several cola, as keywords). Sometimes whole lines (or sets of lines)
are simply repeated, which in terms of strophe and stanza, results in
envelope figure and refrains. Lasdy, complete passages recur, sometimes
unchanged, sometimes in altered form (see 5.2.7; P a r k e r 1989,
26-52). A selection of these types of repetition is considered here.
43
2.6.1 Repetition of words
For example, repetition of one word at line-initial, as in
idk al ttn pnm Then you shall set off
'm gr trgzz towards Mount Trgzz,
c
m gr trmg towards Mount Thrmg,
'm tlm gsr ars towards the two hillocks at the edge of the earth
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ viii 1-4)
The function here is apparently to depict a long j ourney. Repetition
of a word consecutively occurs rarely and most examples come from
a single text (KTU 1.23 = RS 2.002). One function may be to
demand attention or convey urgency:
J
n
k
r n
S
r
p Hey! Watchman! Watchman! Open!
(KTU 1.23 = RS 2.002:69-70)
Similarly, y mt mt, Oh, husband, husband!' (KTU 1.23:40 and 46);
y ad ad and ad ad, 'Father, father!'; urn urn, 'Mother, mother!'. More
41
For an attempt along these lines cf. SAUREN - K ESTEMONT 1971, although their
scheme was much too rigid.
42
See especially BORNEMANN 1970.
4:
On repetition in Ugaritic see ZURRO 1987 and HENS- PI AZZA 1992.
striking is the repetition of six consecutive lines beginning tld pgt. . .
'She shall bear a gi rl . . (KTU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 7-12).
44
2.6.2 Repetition of lines
ytlk llbnn ufsh They went to Lebanon and its trees,
1ryn mhmd arzh to Siryon (and) its choice cedars;
hn llbnn w'sh Yes, Lebanon and its trees,
1yn mhmd arzh to Siryon (and) its choice cedars.
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ vi 18-21)
Again, the purpose of the repetition, perhaps, is to depict a long
j ourney.
2.6.3 Repetition of passages
Ugaritic narrative poems are constructed using passages which are
repeated, sometimes verbatim, sometimes with slight variations.
43
Sets
that recur several times include the list setting out the six duties of
the model son (KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 26-33 and par.; H us s er
1995); the 'gift-list' in the Keret Story (KTU 1.14 = RS 2.[003] +
iii 22-5 and par.; H ens - P i az z a 1992) and the 'peace-offering ritual'
(KTU 1.3 = RS 2.[014]+ iii 14-7). Typically, a passage comprising
a 'command' is then repeated for the 'performance' or fulfilment of
that command, e.g. K TU 1.14 ii 6iii 19 and K TU 1.14 iii 52-i v
31, or else an invitation (KTU 1.22 = RS 2. [024] iii 2~4) and its
acceptance (lines 5-8; see d e l O l mo L et e 1981a, 58-60) It is signi-
ficant, perhaps, that segments of verse (couplets, etc.) could occur in
different sequences, for example, in K TU 1.14 40-2 (restored) ||
vi 10-2, the couplets
A wng mlk Ibty And depart, king, from my house,
rhq krt Ihzry go far, Keret, from my dwelling!
B al tsr udm rbt Do not besiege Greater Udum,
wudm trrt or Lesser Udum;
C udm ytnt il Udum is a present of El
wusn ab adm and a gift of the father of Man
come in the sequences ABC (KTU 1.14 iii 27-32), BCA (KTU 1.14
40-5) and ACB (KTU 1.14 vi 10-5) and in addition, the word
44
According to PARDEE 1997a, 338, n. 51 this may be a list of the daughters'
names, now lost.
45
Cf. DEL OL MO L ETE 1991a, 58-62, PARKER 1989, 26-52.
pair ng II rhq is inverted the last two texts. Unless due to dictation
error, this indicates that verse was composed in formulaic passages,
perhaps orally.
2.7 Expansion and contraction
I n Ugaritic the poets were free to expand single lines to bicola and
in turn form tricola from bicola. The process could also be reversed,
with longer strophes becomi ng shorter. It is certainly the case that
a line can be expanded to a couplet, as in:
rr rr latiyn b'l Listen, please, Mightiest Baal!
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ vi 4)
which becomes
m' laliyn b' I Listen, Mightiest Baal,
bn Irkb 'rpt understand, Cloud-rider!
(KTU 1.4 59-60)
46
A single line can also be extended to a tricolon. For instance, Pughatu's
core epithet is tkmt mym '(she who) shoulders water', and it can occur
alone (KTU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ iv 28); it can also be expanded by
two further epithets: hspt Is'r tl, 'scooping dew from the barley' and
yd't hlk kbkbm, 'knowing the course of the stars' (cf. M a r g a l i t 1989a,
364-5). The prose formul a wrgm Ikrt t' thm pbl mlk,
47
'And say to Krt
the Noble, "Message of Ki ng Pbl "' (KTU 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+
32-3), which derives from everyday usage, is expanded by applying
parallelism to each half to form two bicola:
wrgm Ibn ilm mt And say to divine Mot,
tny lydd il gzr Repeat to El's beloved, the hero
thm aliyn b'l "Message of Mightiest Baal,
hwt aliy qrdm The word of the Mightiest warrior".
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [014]+ viii 29-35)
48
However, it is sometimes difficult to determi ne whether a poet has
intentionally added or omitted a line (or lines) or whether these are
accepted variants. For example, in
46
See LOEWENSTAMM 1980a = 1992, 230-9, DE MOOR 1978b, 1980.
47
Restored from similar formulae.
48
LOEWENSTAMM 1980b, 256-61.
sh hrn bbhtk Call a caravan into your house,
c
dbt bqrb hklk merchandise into the midst of your palace.
tblk grm mid ksp The rocks will bring you much silver,
gb'm mhmd hrs the hills attractive gold.
yblk udr ilqsm let the quarries bring you choice gems.
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ 15-6 and KTU 1.4 38-40)
The last line is present in the two parallel passages but has been
omitted in K TU 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ 31-3. Is this a mistake or a
deliberate contraction? Since it is of little significance, it was prob-
ably left out unintentionally. However, in the two club-naming pas-
sages, it is only when the command line
yprsh ym wyql lars May Yam crumple and fall to earth
(KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367 iv 22-3)
is given to the weapon that it is effective and achieves the intended
result (line 26); this line does not appear either in the previous nam-
ing or in the unsuccessful previous attempt, which indicates its omis-
sion there to be intentional. Each case has to be j udged carefully
because the copyists
49
did occasionally leave out lines by mistake but
generally speaking the poets could expand or contract as they saw fit.
2.8 Word pairs
It has been noticed that there seems to be a large set of word pairs
which recur in Ugaritic verse and that many have equivalents in
other verse traditions of the ancient Near East.
50
The problem then
arises: Did the poets have a sort of 'dictionary of word pairs' on
which they drew to compose their verse, which was probably orig-
inally oral,
51
or were these pairs the side-effects of their use of par-
allelism and of (oral) formulaic language?''
2
As is evident from the
following, the matter is unresolved.
I n such word pairs, the -word' is usually commoner than the
'B-word', e.g. klb || inr, 'dog' || 'puppy' (KTU 1.16 = RS 3.325+
i 12; K TU 1.114 = RS 24.258:13) and any particular -word may
49
See HORWI TZ 1974, 1977, 1979.
50
Cf. AVI SHUR 1984, DAHOOD 1972, 1975, 1981, DEL OI .MO L ETE 1984a, WA I TERS
1976. However, see the cautionary remarks of VAN DER L UGT DE MOOR 1974.
51
See PARDEE 1988a, 160, DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1980b.
52
Another possibility is that they arose through word association (BERLI N 1983),
but see below.
be paired with several different B-words (e.g. ib, 'enemy' || srt, 'adver-
sary' or qm 'one who rises against' or nu, 'hater').
53
Often a word
pair is related to a theme, e.g. ars || d, 'earth' || 'field', and is con-
nected with fertility as in
n'm lars mtr b'l Pleasant to the earth is Baal's rain,
wild mtr 'ly and to the field the rain of the Most High.
(KTU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ iii 5-6, 7-8)
as also in K TU 1.3 = RS 2.[014]+ iii 16-7 and par., K TU 1.5 =
RS 2. [022]+ 18-9; K TU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ ii 16-7, 19-20. Most
word pairs are bound to a formul a or formulaic expression with
fewer that are non-formulaic and many of these are repeated pairs,
as Aitken has shown for the Aqhat Narrative. He comments:
This calls into question the notion of the word pair as a compositional
device, functioning independently of the formulas and formulaic expres-
sions or of a thematic or/and formulaic context within the tradition.
While there are indications that a narrator could 'learn' a word pair
as a word pair in one context and use it quite independendy in another,
this was the exception rather than the rule. In the overwhelming major-
ity of examples, the repository of word pairs is the formulas and themes
of the narrative tradition, and their appearance in the narrative is a
spontaneous reflex of the formulary and thematic habits of that tra-
dition, and not of the production and manipulation of word pairs.
Neither spontaneous word association, nor the 'learning' and subse-
quent deployment of 'generally useful' word pairs has played a significant
part in the generation of recurrent word pairs within the narrative
( A i t k en 1989b, 38).
54
Very rarely, word pairs are reversed, generally to denote some form
of reversal of events. Compare
al tt urbt bbhtm You shall not install a window in the mansion,
hin bqrb hklm an aperture within the palace.
(KTU 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ 64-5 || 61-2; vi 5-6, 8-9)
with the reversal of urbt || hin, which matches the sense, in
ypth hin bbhtm Let an aperture be opened in my mansion,
urbt bqrb hklm a window within the palace.
(KTU 1.4 vii 17-9 II 25-7).
55
53
Cf. AVI SHUR 1984, 344-9 and SEGERT 1984, 108.
54
See also K UGEL 1981, 27-40.
55
See WATSON 1981b = 1994b, 262-6.
Word pairs, then, were an integral part of the poet's composing tech-
nique and the very traditional character of versification in Ugaritic
resulted in most pairs remai ni ng 'fixed'.
2.9 Formulae and formulaic patterns
2.9.1 Formulae
The Ugaritic poems were composed using traditional formulae, some-
times with modifications or complete transformations.
56
A common
type of formula is the one which introduces speech and it can take
many forms. Typical examples are
wy'n Itpn il dpid Answer did Lutpan, kindly god
(KTU 1.1 = RS 3.361 iv 13)
where the slot Itpn il dpid could be filled by the appropri ate name
or epithet, and
yu gh wysh He raised his voice and exclaimed
which can be altered to suit gender and number where necessary.
There is a whole range of such formulaic introductions.
5.
It was also
accepted convention that such introductions could occasionally be
omitted, either because they were implicit or for dramati c effect.''
8
2.9.2 Formulaic patterns
The formulaic patterns to portray the passing of time are of two
types. The first has as its core two expressions, one denoting time
and the other an activity, as in the single line:
hn ym ysq yn Behold, for a day they pour wine
(KTU 1.22 = RS 2.[024] i 17)
and either or both expressions can be extended to cover more time
(up to a sequence of seven days) or further activity (cf. K TU 1.16 =
RS 3.325+ vi 21-4; K TU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] ii 30-40). I n the sec-
ond pattern, the time expression denotes a period of days, months
or years and activity is continuous, e.g.
56
See WHI TAK ER 1981, also MEI ER 1986.
57
WATSON 1983a = 1994b, 414- 24; 1992a. Some of them had elaborate preambles;
cf. WATSON 1994d.
5B
WATSON 1990 = 1994b, 425-30.
ym ymm yt'qn A day, two days elapse,
lymm lyrhm from days to months,
rhm 'nt tngth Maid Anat (still) looks for him.
(KTU 1.6 = RS 5.180+ ii 26-7).
Once again these patterns can be extended. They are used for themes
such as maki ng a j ourney (KTU 1.14 iv 31-5), prepari ng a banquet
(KTU 1.22 = RS 2.[024] i 21-6) or to depict a ruling monarch
(KTU 1.6 5-10; K TU 1.16 vi 21-4). They also have other func-
tions within the wider framework of the narratives.
59
2.10 Sound patterns
I n spite of the lack of vocalization, some idea of the patterns of
sound exploited by the poets can be gained from the texts and a
few examples are provided here.
2.10.1 Alliteration
Particular words and forms were often chosen for reasons of alliter-
ation although this feature should not be exaggerated.
60
First comes
the simple word-initial type, as in
ap ank ahwy aqht gzr I too shall revive Hero Aqhat
(KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] vi 32-3).
Qui te often consecutive lines of verse began with the same letter
which may indicate they were intended to be read as well as per-
formed. An example, with line-initial i- twice, is
in b'l bbhth Baal is not in his mansion,
il hd bqrb hklh the god Hadd, in his palace.
(KTU 1.10 = RS 3.362+ ii 4-5)
( Wat s o n 1980 = 1994c, 431-4). I n addition, multiple alliteration
seems to have played a part in longer sections of verse as has been
shown by P a r d e e (1988c).
5N
AI TKEN 1987. See also LOEWENSTAMM 1965 = 1980, 192-209, PARKER 1989,46-52
('Repetition with a numerical framework'), TROPPER 1995 and Y VHI TAKER 1969. On
theme cf. AI TKEN 1990, 1991a, HI L L ERS 1973, L L OY D 1990 and on motif, WATSON 1984a.
60
MA RGA L I T 1975, 310-3, 1979, 1980a.
2.10.2 Wordplay
Undoubtedl y, plays on words formed part of Ugaritic verse but
because our knowledge of the language is limited, many puns escape
us.
1
'
1
A few examples can be given, however.
ytt nhm mhrk I hereby give you a snake as your bridal gift
bn bin itnnk a serpent's son as your present.
(KTU 1.100 = RS 24.244:75-6)
Here, the use of the rare word itnn is apposite as it evokes tnn, the
mythical serpent monster, and the wordplay between itnn ('present')
and nh || bn btn, both denoting 'serpent' is transparent.
Another example is
' ym lymk Yam was strong, he did not sink.
(KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367 iv 17)
The play between Ym (probably pronounced yammu) and the verb
formymk (yamukku) is self-evident. Another verb such as yql, 'he fell',
would have been less effective.
62
2.11 Figurative language
Ugaritic poetry is relatively rich in figurative language and includes
similes, metaphors and metaphorical expressions, personification and
apostrophe
65
as well as imagery. Occasionally it is difficult to know
where to draw the line between mythological language (as in 'the rain
of the Cl oud-Ri der', which refers to Baal) and extravagant expres-
sion (e.g. 'rain with which the stars anointed her'). Here, examples
are provided under appropri ate headings, though it is not always
easy to make clear-cut distinctions.
64
2.11.1 Simile
I n similes, the particle k (or km), 'like', is used, as in
tit kyn udm't She drinks tears like wine
(KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ i 10)
61
For a complete survey see WATSON 1999.
62
'J anus parallelism' is another form of wordplay; cf. NOEGEI . 1995.
63
See, e.g. WATSON 1984c = 1994b, 460-4.
64
See, in general, K ORPEL 1990.
though it can be omitted through ellipsis. Similes rarely come singly,
as they are mostly in sets of two, for example:
klbs km 1p dm ahh He was clothed like a mantle in his brothers'
blood,
km all dm aryh like a cape, in his kinsmen's blood.
(KTU 1.12 = RS 2.[012] ii 46-7)
65
or in sets of three:
thth kkdrt rc[/] Beneath her like balls were hea[ds],
c
lh kirbym kp above her like locusts were palms,
kqsm grmn kp mhr like grasshoppers in a swarm, warrior palms.
(KTU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ ii 9-11)
and once, a set of four: K TU 1.169 = RI H 78/20:3-4. Similes can
be drawn out at length (as extended similes), indicative, perhaps of an
oral, improvising style, e.g.
km tdd
c
nt sd J ust as Anat hurries to the chase,
ttr
c
pt smm (and) sets the birds of the skies soaring away,
tbl} alpm ap sin (so) they butchered oxen as well as sheep,
ql trm wmri ilm felled bulls and the fattest of rams, etc.
(KTU 1.22 = RS 2. [024] i 10-4).
66
Onl y one cumulative simile has been identified:
klb arh I'glh Like a cow's heart for its calf,
klb tat limrh like a ewe's heart for its lamb,
km lb
c
nt atr b'l so is Anat's heart after Baal.
(KTU 1.6 = RS 2.[009] ii 6-9)
2.11.2 Metaphor
Metaphor is little used in Ugaritic verse. For example, fertility is
expressed metaphorically as
mm mn tmtm Let the heavens rain oil,
nhlm tlk nbtm the wadis run with honey.
(KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ iii 6-7;
Many metaphorical expressions are used such as dm
c
sm 'blood of trees',
for grape juice and tl mm 'dew of heaven' for rain. In some metaphors
the mythological meani ng may be muted, e.g. wytn qlh b'rpt, 'and may
he (Baal) give his voice in the clouds' (KTU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ 8).
65
For another example cf. WATSON 1991a.
66
See also I RWI N 1983, but cf. PARDEE 1988a, 127-9.
However, 'the lack of comparabl e contexts in Ugaritic prose makes
the recognition and evaluation of these and other poetic figures
difficult and uncertai n' ( S eger t 1979, 733) .
2.11.3 Imagery
Besides expressions such qr
c
nk 'the well of your eyes' (KTU 1.16 =
RS 3.325+ i 26) to denote tears, weapons are said to fly off and
strike like birds of prey (KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367 iv 13-7), a tree
stands for descendants ( K T U 1.19 = R S 3.322+ iii 53-4; cf. P ar d ee
1997a, 354, n. 121), Mot's domai n is described as being a town (qrt)
called 'Mi ry' {hmiy), in a land called 'Filth or Mud' {fih: K TU 1.4
= RS 2. [008]+ viii 12-4 || K TU 1.5 = RS 2. [022]+ ii 15-6), a
mountain weeps (KTU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ i 7) and so on. Occasionally
the imagery is obscure due to our lack of knowledge (e.g. K TU
1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi 57-8; K TU 1.17 = RS 2.[004] vi 36-7).
Hyperbole also occurs ( Wat s o n 1979 = 1994b, 452-60). The use of
abstract for concrete is extremely rare, perhaps only srt, 'adversary'
(see above) and t'dt 'legation'
67
( K T U 1.2 = R S 3.367 i 22; cf. G r a y
1965, 22, n. 6).
68
2.12 An example
In order to illustrate some of the poetic structures, rhetorical tech-
niques and expressive language described above, a passage is set out
here in tabular form, with analysis, comments and discussion.
2.12.1 A king is chosen (KTU 1.6 = RS 2.[009]+ i 43-65)
descr i pt i on t ext line t r ansl at i on keywor d ||m
introd. to sp. "gm ysh il
44
Irbt alrt ym
01
02
Aloud shouted El
to Lady A.Y.
non-par.
bicolon
speech:
El rr ''Irbt alrt ym 03 "Listen, Lady A.Y. monocolon
In
46
ahd bbnk amlkn 04 Give (me) one of your
sons so I can make
him king!"
mlk monocolon
67
As aptly translated by M . S. SMI TH 1994a, 266.
68
For an example of imagery cf. WATSON 1992b.
(table cont.)
descr i pt i on t ext line t r ansl at i on
keywor d ||m
introd. to sp.
[7
wt'n rbt atrt ym 05 And Lady A.Y. replied
monocolon
speech:
Athiratu
w
bl nmlk yd' yIhn 06 'Shall we not make a mlk monocolon
person of intellect
king?'
introd. to sp.
n
uy'n Itpn il dpid 07 And El, merciful god,
monocolon
replied
speech:
El dq anm lyrz 08 'One feeble of strength
tricolon
cannot run
h[
'm b'l ly'db mrh 09 (or) like B. release the
javelin
b2
'm bn dgn ktmsrn 10 like the son of
Dagan '
introd. to sp.
M
w'n rbt atrt ym 11 And Lady A.Y. replied
monocolon
speech:
Athiratu
51
bit nmlk 'ttr '
12 'Shall we not make mlk bicolon
Awesome Athtar king?
5i
ymlk 'ttr 'rz 13 Let Awesome Athtar mlk
be king!'
narrative
56
apnk 'ttr ' 14
57
j7 bsrrt spn 15
ylb Ikht aliyn
59
b'l 16
Then Awesome Athtar tricolon
went up to the heights
of Sapnu,
he sat on the throne of
Mighty Baal;
p'nh Itmgyn
a)
hdm
rilh lymgy
61
aps/i
17 his feet did not reach
the footstool,
18 his head did not reach
its extremity.
bicolon
introd. to sp. uy'n 'ttr '
19 And Awesome Athtar
said:
monocolon
speech:
Athtar
,a
lamlk bsrrt spn 20 shall not be king in mlk
the heights of Sapnu'
monocolon
narrative
m
yrd 'ttr 'rz 21 Awesome Athtar came tricolon
down,
yrd "'Mt aliyn b'l 22 came down from the
throne of Mighty Baal,
K
'uymlk bars il klh 23 and was king in all the mlk
vast earth.
2.12.2 Comments
The following selective remarks are set out in the sequence of top-
ics adopted above, and there is a brief overall evaluation (on the
whole passage see now X e l l a 1996a).
General
The passage is a combination of speech and narrative, linked by the
formulaic introductions to speech which are all monocol a (except for
01-02 which is a non-parallel bicolon).
Stichometiy
I n 13 of the 23 lines, the verse-line corresponds to the line on the
tablet (i.e. 05-16, 09-15 and 20-23). Lines 14-18 could be analysed
in several other ways (e.g. monocol on + two bicola) or one could
argue that they form a pentacolon.
fi y
On the other hand, although
amlkn (04) could be a single-word separate line, it would seem to
belong to tn ahd bahk amlkn, like the corresponding expression tn ahd
bahk ispa (see below). Similarly, some scholars argue that ktmsm (10)
comprises a separate line,
70
although this view has not been accepted
here. Others argue that 08-10 comprises a couplet.'
1
Language
Difficulties are caused by the lack of a clear translation, especially
of 08-10 (survey: d e l O l m o L e t e 1984, 77). The expression bars il
klh has been translated in various ways.
72
The epithet yd
c
ylhn, per-
haps 'he knows, he understands', may be a hendiadys and occurs
only here. Also unique is aps, 'edge' and the form nmlk is found only
here (twice);
73
on bit, see below. The verb form amlk is used else-
where only in K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi 37, 53, also in the con-
text of a failed would-be usurper to the throne. The formula tn ahd
bahk, 'Give (me) one of your brothers (so that I may . . .)' occurs later
in this text (KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ 19-20, where Mot is speak-
ing to Baal), but nowhere else.
69
According to MARGAL I T (1980b, 143), lines 01 13 are all 'monostichs'.
70
See e.g. GOOD 1994, PARDEE 1997a, 269, n. 246.
71
KORPF.I . - DE MOOR 1986, 180 = 1988, 12. For a different approach see
EMERTON 1965, 441 2.
72
E.g. 'la terre dont il est matre', by XEL L A 1996, 387, discussion 390- 1.
73
The first occurrence (06) could be an N-stem, but this verb form is rare and
here it is causative, probably D (SI VAN 1997, 116. 135) .
Parallelism
The best examples are 12-13 and 17-18. In many 'couplets' it is
absent (eg. 01-02); 'staircase parallelism' is present in lines 21-23.
Antithetic, distant parallelism is effected by lines 16 and 22 (_ytb Ikht
aliyn b'lyrd Ikht aliyn b'l) and lines 20 and 23 (lamlk bsrrt spn ymlk
bars klh).
Strophes and stanzas
The strophic sequence of monocol a, bicola and tricola is unpre-
dictable,
74
and inasmuch as there is any demarcati on into stanzas or
sections, these seem to be 01-06, 07-13, 14-18 and 19-23. The
only clear division is signalled by the combi nati on of apnk and a tri-
colon (14-17).
Repetition
The title rbt atrt ym, 'Lady Athirat Y am', occurs 4 times in 23 lines,
c
ttr
c
rz, 'Awesome Athtar', occurs 5 times, but mlk occurs 6 times. I n
view of the content, which primarily concerns kingship, the keyword
here, then, is mlk, 'to rule, be king'. Crucially, it is missing from the
first narrative section (14-18), where Athtar attempts to sit on Baal's
throne and fails miserably (mlk - 0). However, in the second narrative
section, where he actually rules over the earth, it does occur, only
once but to effect. It is interesting that when bl is repeated it takes on
a form with enclitic -t which is found only here ( A ar t un 1974, 27).
75
Sound patterns
Consecutive lines beginning with the same letter are 09-10 (
f
), 15-16
(y) and 21-22 (y again). Alliteration also occurs in the name + epi-
thet sequences, notably 'ttr 'rz, and perhaps in the obscure yd' ylhn;
see also srrt spn. There is probably wordplay between 'rz and yrz-
Word pairs
These include p'n || ris (found only here) and the repeated pairs / ||
I, mlk mlk, mgy || mgy and 'm || 'm.
Figurative language
Apart from the comparisons in the difficult tricolon where the would-
be king is compared to Baal, there is virtually no figurative language,
but Athtar does perform a symbolic act (descent from the throne).
'
4
It is possible that lines 20- 23 form a split couplet with inserted bicolon; cf.
WATSON 1997a, 31.
75
For a similar usage in respect of enclitic -m see WATSON 1992c, 238-9.
2.12.3 Discussion
The passage demonstrates the difficulties caused by uncertain sti-
chometry and obscure language, especially in 06 and 08-10. Also,
it is not always clear how lines were grouped together to form coup-
lets or higher units. However, overall the structure is quite evident
and there are no textual problems to complicate matters. The mix
of speech and narrative is fairly typical and the use of repetition and
stock formulae is offset by the presence of rare vocabulary and gram-
matical forms. The interpretation of the passage is quite clear (no
suitable successor to Baal has been found)
76
and is reinforced in
particular by the keyword (mlk), while of course the passage forms
part of a larger whole (the Baal Cycle).
2.13 The character of Ugaritic poetry
Much of the above is concerned with techni ques and rhetorical
devices,
77
but this does not mean that the aesthetic dimension is
absent. Even though we do not know who the poets of Ugarit were
nor for whom they composed their verse, it is evident that they were
masters of the language and well able to manipulate it in a variety
of ways, attracting and holding the attention of their listeners or
readers.
7
" To do justice to such aspects would require detailed study
of each composition for which there is no space here.
7u
Enough has
been provided, one hopes, to whet the appetite for closer reading.
As in some other ancient Near Eastern verse traditions, perhaps
the most salient feature of Ugaritic poetry is its unpredictability, a fea-
ture which runs right across the board from prosodie structure to
complete compositions. Thi s means in effect that, with a few excep-
tions, length of line, whether two lines will be parallel or not and
if so, the type of parallelism adopted, whether a speech will or will
not have an introduction and whether the introduction will com-
prise one line or several, sequences of bicola, tricola and so on, how
76
For a nuanccd approach cf. WY A T T 1998C, 132, n. 75.
77
Though the survey has not been exhaustive, e.g. rhetorical questions have not
been considered (cf. HEL D 1969).
78
See, for instance, WATSON 1988a = 1994b, 434-45 on delaying devices in
Ugaritic verse.
7
'' For examples of close analysis see HETTEMA 1989 90, MARGAL I T 1989a, TSEVAT
1986, VERREET 1987.
many lines there are in a 'strophe' or 'stanza', etc., are all com-
pletely variable.
Generally speaking, studies of Ugaritic poetry pay considerable
attention to similarities with other verse traditions, particularly ancient
Hebrew (e.g. A v i s hur 1994, P a r k e r 1989) . While this is useful, espe-
cially when features from other traditions can throw light on Ugaritic,
it is also of interest to determine in what respects Ugaritic differs from
such verse traditions. The question to be asked is: what is unique or
special to Ugaritic verse? According to S eg er t ( 1979, 731) , 'The most
promi nent feature of Ugaritic poetry is its parallelistic structure. It
can be said that no other literature of the ancient Near East, Semitic
or non-Semitic, exhibits such consistent application of this structure'.
Other features which could be menti oned include the use of verse
for narrative (which though rare or virtually unknown in Hebrew or
Phoenician, is common in Mesopotamian tradition) and a general lack
of hymns (though this could be due to chance). I n addition, there
is a tendency to alter repeated (parallel) passages slightly. Special
verse patterns such as 'staircase parallelism', and its combination with
anadiplosis (notably in K TU 1.10 = RS 3.362+), the use of word
pairs in fixed sequences, with variation and inversion rare, the use
of chiasmus to show two or more individuals acting as one (e.g.
K TU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] 10-1) and the split couplet
80
all seem to
be peculiar to Ugaritic. Also, unlike Hebrew and Akkadian verse,
there is no clustering of similes or of lines with inner parallelism.
81
However, descriptions of actions as preludes to speech and lengthy
introductions to speech are commoner in Ugaritic than in Hebrew
verse, whereas abrupt or unmarked speech is rare.
82
'If there is a
specific contribution made by Ugaritic to a poetic tradition . . . [it]
seems to lie in injecting originality into a well-worn, stereotyped body
of versification . . . The single copies of the Ugaritic tablets that have
been found are, perhaps, the work of a single school which re-worked
stock and static verse and made it sparkle with new life'.
83
80
WATSON 1997a, 1997b.
81
WATSON 1985b = 1994b, 157.
82
WATSON 1994d, cf. WATSON 1990 = 1994b, 425-30.
83
WATSON 1983b = 1994b, 68.
UGARI TI C L I TERARY TEXTS
1 T h e M y t h o l o g i c a l T e x t s
J o h n C . L . G i bs o n
1.1 The Baal cycle
1.1.1 The tablets
The Baal mythological cycle is the largest text from ancicnt Ugarit,
taking up six tablets (K TU 1.1 6: 1.1 = RS 3.361, 1.2 iii = RS
3.346, 1.2 iiv = RS 3.367, 1.3 = RS 2.(014]+, 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+,
1.5 = RS 2. [022]+, 1.6 = RS 2.[009]+) and comprising in its sur-
viving portions around fifty per cent of the contents. Each tablet is
written on both sides and usually has six columns, although 1.2 has
only four and 1.4 has eight. K TU 1.6 has the headi ng 'of Baal' and,
although the other tablets have their tops missing and it remains a
conjectural point, this was probably written on them all and is the
title of the whole composition. K TU 1.4 has a note on the edge,
'The scribe is Ilimilku, the master, Ni qmad being king of Ugarit',
while K TU 1.6 has at the close a full colophon, giving the infor-
mation that Ilimilku was not only the scribe but a student or assis-
tant of a high religious officer of Ki ng Ni qmad, probably the second
of that name. So the composition was officially approved. At a ban-
quet scene in K TU 1.3 i there is talk of chanti ng and singing and
of a minstrel (n'm). Thi s suggests a possible Sitz im I^ben in the royal
palace, though equally possible is some festival in the temple of Baal,
in the library of which the tablets were inscribed. No doubt the king
himself was often present. For a translation and full bibliography
consult W y a t t , 1998c, 33 146.
1.1.2 The contents
The plot or story-line centres around a contest (under the overall
supervision of El) for the kingship over gods and men, and divides
itself usefully into three parts, cach consisting roughly of two tablets.
1.1.2.1 Baal and Y am-Nahar (K TU 1.1-2)
The first part leads up to Baal's defeat of his rival Prince Y am (sea),
also called J udge Nahar (river), with the help of two maces con-
structed for him by the divine craftsman, Kothar-and-Hasi s, a story
told in the last column of 1.2 (iv). The evidence of what happened
prior to the battle is, however, not at all so clear, since 1.1 is very
imperfectly preserved. But near the beginning (1.1 ii) a message is
sent from the supreme god, El, to Anat, Baal's sister, calling on her
to perform what seems to be some kind of ritual, which involved
setting an offeri ng of war in the earth (perhaps the buryi ng of
weapons) and, following this, offerings of love and peace. Thi s rit-
ual may originally have had to do with ceremonies for the cessation
of hostilities; but it was not, as far as we can tell, performed by
Anat, so it is more likely that the passage uses ritual language to
express a wish on El's part that the notorious goddess of war and
love should abandon her more savage ways and, in particular, not
employ them in her brother's support. It is an i mportant indication
of the way El desires things to work out. Thereafter in 1.1 iii Kothar-
and-Hasis is summoned to El's distant abode, perhaps as an ally of
Baal, to be given a similar warning; for clearly Y am-Nahar is at this
point being favoured by El, since in 1.1 iv he accords him royal sta-
tus in a kind of ceremony of coronation.
By 1.2 i, however, Y am-Nahar is worried; for he sends an embassy
to the divine assembly, complaining that Baal has been reviling him
and demandi ng his surrender. El appears to sympathize but Baal,
who is present, objects strongly and sends an angry reply back to
Y am-Nahar. In 1.2 iii, a large fragment (perhaps out of place in its
present position), El instructs Kothar-and-Hasi s to build a palace for
Y am-Nahar, and the claims of a mi nor rival, Athtar, are dismissed.
When, after a sizeable gap, the text resumes, the battle between Baal
and Y am-Nahar is j oi ned, Baal with the encouragement of Kothar-
and-Hasis wins and, though it is not according to his plans, the
supreme god has presumably to accept that Baal is now king.
1.1.2.2 The Palace of Baal (K TU 1.3-4)
These tablets concern the building of a palace for Baal, from which
he may exercise his newly achieved kingly power. After a victory
banquet (1.3 i), the goddess Anat resumes her warlike ways and
mercilessly slaughters the inhabitants of two unnamed towns, there-
after repeating the process with a number of soldiers and guests in
her own mansion (1.3 ii). At the beginning of the next column (1.3
iii) she sings of her affection for her brother, but Baal, perhaps like
El before him, perturbed by her behaviour, sends messengers to her
requesting her to perform the same 'ritual' for peace as El had pre-
viously asked for, but also tells her to visit him and help him search
for the secret of the lightning. She has to be reassured that Y am-
Nahar and his cohorts, whom she had worsted in the past, had been
finally dealt with and were no longer a threat to Baal (1.3 iv); but
she decides to call on him to find out for herself what is really wor-
rying him. It transpires that what Baal has set his mind upon is to
have a palace like other gods, and she herself goes to El's abode to
press Baal's suit, which she does in too threatening a manner and
apparendy has it turned down (1.3 v).
A new plan has to be concocted, the working out of which takes
up the last column of 1.3, all of 1.4 i-iv and half of 1.4 v. Thi s
involves the preparation of gifts for El's consort, Athirat, and the
enlisting of her intercession with the supreme deity. Though we know
from elsewhere that she is no friend of Baal's, she persuades him to
let Baal have his palace. Anat takes the good news to Baal, and he
immediately summons Kothar-and-Hasi s to build a palace for him
on his sacred mountai n Saphon (1.4 27ff.). At the end of of col-
umn the divine craftsman suggests that it should have windows in
it, but at the beginning of col umn vi Baal refuses to entertain the
idea lest, it seems, his old enemy Y am-Nahar may gain entrance
and again wreak havoc on earth. The house is soon finished and a
celebratory feast held (1.4 vi). Col umn vii tells how Baal then marches
through the surroundi ng territory, annexi ng a large number of cities
and towns and thereby formi ng an empire for himself. Returni ng
home flushed with success, he puts away his former fears and resolves
that after all he will have windows in his palace. He thunders out
of them; the earth reels and people far and near are terrified, his
enemies cling to the rocks in dismay, and he openly taunts them:
would anyone, prince or commoner, now dare to resist his royal
power? Col umn 1.4 viii nicely leads into the third main division of
the cycle as Baal sends messengers to the underworld abode of Mot
inviting him to a feast to acknowledge his sovereignty.
1.1.2.3 Baal and Mot (K TU 1.5-6)
Mot's embassy back to Baal dismisses this invitation contemptuously
(1.5 i). Rather Baal, just as he once transfixed Y am-Nahar, will soon
be descending to Mot's subterranean domai ns where he will be swal-
lowed down and torn limb from limb by him. Baal, now in dread
of Mot, sends an abject reply (1.5 ii). I n 1.5 (after two very poorly
preserved columns) Mot's messenger is advising Baal to take his wind
and cloud and his other attendants down to the underworld and
assume the condition of the strengthless dead. Baal obeys, but on
his way he has connexion with a heifer, who is delivered of a boy
whom Baal clothes in his own robe. 1.5 vi relates how the substi-
tute's dead body was found at the edges of the earth and El, on
hearing the news in his mountai nous home, descends from his throne
and wallows in sackcloth and ashes, wondering what will now become
of Baal's followers.
I n K TU 1.6 i Anat and the sun-goddess Shapsh together bury
the surrogate corpse, and Anat goes on to the abode of El to inform
Athirat and her brood that they can now rejoice because Baal is
dead. A short interlude follows in which Athirat proposes Athtar for
the vacant kingship, but on proving unfit to take Baal's place he
resigns. I n K TU 1.6 ii Anat, seemingly now aware of what has hap-
pened, goes to the underworld to search for the real Baal. She con-
fronts Mot and summarily slays him, and then (1.6 iii) returns to El
to inform him that Mot is no more. She invites El to have a dream,
in which he sees the heavens raining oil and the valleys runni ng
with honey; this shows that Baal still lives. In 1.6 iv Anat is invited
by El to speak to Shapsh, and they make plans for Baal's return.
K TU 1.6 and vi tell of Baal's restoration to full vigour in the
world above, and also of Mot's recovery after seven years. They
argue threateningly with each other, at least some of the time on
Mt Saphon, and finally fall to fighting. They butt and gore like wild
animals, and both fall exhausted to the ground. At this j uncture the
goddess Shapsh arrives to warn Mot that fighting with Baal is use-
less, for El is now on Baal's side. Mot, at last afraid, picks himself
up and declares that Baal is rightfully king.
1.1.3 Interpretation
Since the early days of Ugaritic research the Baal cycle has nearly
always been interpreted as a ritual and seasonal text, either enacted
dramatically at Ugarit's New Y ear festival in the autumn or, more
broadly, as reflecting ritual events that took place at certain points
of the Syrian agricultural year (see e.g. H v i d b er g 1962 [1938],
G a s t e r 1950, de M o o r 1971, 1972). Such views, in various shapes,
are still influential in ancient Near Eastern, including Ol d Testament,
studies, but over the years they have been increasingly and quite
severely criticised ( F o nt enr o s e 1966, G r ab b e 1976, M . S. S mi t h 1986,
W y a t t 1996a, 1998a). Few would argue today that where we have
a myth, a ritual basis must be assumed or that the proper ordering
of the seasons and their role in natural, or even human fertility were
the only or even the chief interests of Ugaritic mythology.
A good example of an agrarian meani ng being read into a pas-
sage is the description of Anat's destruction of Mot in K TU 1.6 ii
3I ff., which speaks of her threshing him with a 'blade', winnowing
him with a sieve, burni ng him with fire, grinding him with mill-
stones, and then throwing his remains into the open fields for the
birds to eat. Commentators have seen in this a mythological coun-
terpart of a ritual ceremony held each year at the time of the grain
harvest. How Mot's discomfiture at this time is to be equated with
his normal role later in bringing about the summer dryness, or with
his ongoing role in swallowing human bodies, is not said. Much
more likely is the view that the whole scene is metaphorical ( L oewen-
st amm 1972); cf. the not dissimilar language used of the destruction
of the golden calf in Exodus 32:20. I n other words, Anat destroys
Mot thoroughly; there is nothing more to it than that.
Of late it has been argued (e.g. by W y a t t 1996a, 1998a) that
some of the themes in the Baal cycle, notably the Chaoskampf, are
much more archetypal than merely agricultural, and that they may
really be referring to issues of kingship and the exercise of power in
the ancient world. The way the gods behave is a mirror image of
the way rulers in this world behave or should behave. Approaches
along these lines could be much more fruitful.
The part played in the story of the cycle by the supreme god El
is particularly revealing here (see further G i bs on 1984) . The three
great deities (and one mi nor candidate), whose exploits fill the cycle,
are battling essentially for supremacy over the earth. The kingship
to which they aspire is, as El's viceregent, to control the earth, Y am-
Nahar through the waters which surround it and are the source of
its streams and rivers, Baal through his rains and thunder and the
air which people breath, Mot through the droughts and dryness he
can cause. Baal is the victor in the contest, becomi ng the 'prince,
lord of earth' (K TU 1.3 i 3-4; 1.5 vi 10; 1.6 iii 9; 1.6 iv 29), hold-
ing at bay the unruly waters from outside and bringing the dry sea-
son to an end by his rains. But there is much more than these
naturalistic roles to the three of them. Y am-Nahar also engenders
moral chaos or evil in the lives of manki nd, Mot eventually finishes
everyone off, while Baal by his control of the atmosphere can be
regarded as the life-force in the world of Ugarit. He did not only
secure year by year the ordered succession of the seasons, but every
day of every year he had to wage a constant battle against evil and
death in the lives of humani ty, so that the one did not cause too
many depredations or the other gain too many victims too soon.
That was really why Baal became the favourite god of the people
of Ugarit.
But he became this in the last resort under the supervision, indeed
by the connivance of El reigning from his distant abode beyond the
earth. From the standpoint of people on earth, looking around them
in fear and trembling, the encounters between the negative and pos-
itive forces in their envi ronment were tense and awesome affairs,
and Baal's victory was always in the balance and never certain. But
the people of Ugarit could also take comfort from their belief that
beyond the squabbling powers that impinged so insistendy on their
everyday lives stood a remoter but by no means disinterested figure,
the god El, who had fathered the gods, the nice and nasty both,
and had created the universe, contrary powers and all, who must
therefore have pl anned it that way and built both good and evil into
its very fabric, and who could for that very reason be trusted to
uphold its equilibrium. For all his mistakes, his choosing the wrong
side, his blustering, his pleading, his changes of mi nd, his putting
up with impertinence from his underlings, hisif you willlack of
power, he was the one ultimately in charge, whom the other gods
had to visit for approval whenever they had an enterprise planned,
and whose was the final decision, which, however reluctandy, they
had to accept. And perhaps most remarkably of all, he mastermi nded
the balance he sought, not by calling on openly superior force but
by relying upon an engaging mixture of diplomacy and conciliation,
sharpness and persuasion. He arranged it so that usually good and
life triumphed, but even evil and death were his 'darling' and 'beloved'
children (K TU 1.1 iv 20; 1.4 viii 23~24) and had, as it were, their
rights too. Thi s is the view of reality espoused by the people of
Ugarit, their explanation of the divine ways with the universe and
with human beings, their estimate of power and the manner it is
exercised; it is, for all the fancifulness with which ancient peoples in
their myths expressed themselves, mature and not lacking either faith
or irony. It may have involved naturalistic reasoning, but it involved
a great deal more besides.
1.2 Other mythological texts
There are in KTU quite a few other mythological texts or at any
rate partly mythological texts, that is, passages embedded in legends,
hymns or rituals. The larger of these, like Keret (K TU 1.14-16 =
RS 2.[003]+, 3.343+ and 3.325+) and Aqhat (K TU 1.17-19 = RS
2.[004], 3.340 and 3.322+) which some may prefer to call legends
or sagas, or the Rpum texts (K TU 1.20-22 = RS 3.348, 2.[019] and
2.[024]), are given separate treatment later in this chapter ( 6.2-4
below). Many of the rest are mere fragments, e.g. extracts from the
Baal cycle used probably for scribal practice (KTU 1.7 = RS 5.180+,
K TU 1.8 = RS 3.364, and K TU 1.133 = RS 24.293). I concentrate
here on the most intriguing and (relatively) well preserved texts. They
are all commented on, with up-to-date bibliography, in Wy at t , 1998c.
1.2.1 Baal and Anat (K TU 1.10 = RS 3.362+)
Thi s tablet has three columns of text on one side of the tablet only.
Of the first column little readable text survives, but at the beginning
of the second Anat calls on Baal (also called Hadd) in his palace.
On being told that he is out hunti ng in the Shamak marsh, she fol-
lows him there, and is warmly welcomed. She sees a cow giving
birth and is apparently seized with passion, as is Baal who mounts
her before returning to his sacred mountai n. As a consequence she
gives birth to a bull and, on her taking the news to Baal, he rejoices.
Some scholars attach the tablet to the Baal cycle, but it is more
likely that it belongs to a series recounting his dalliances with his
sister (e.g. K TU 1.11 = RS 3.319 and K TU 1.13 = RS 1.006). It
is not obviously thogonie, ritualistic or seasonal.
1.2.2 The Devourers (K TU 1.12 = RS 2.[012])
Thi s difficult text survives in two columns. The first tells of the con-
ception of monstrous creatures by the handmai ds of the deities Yarih
(the moon-god) and Athirat (the wife of El), who complain to El that
they are being caused distress by carrying them. The head of the
gods, doubtless their begetter, is amused by this, and instructs the
handmai ds to go into the desert to bear their offspring. I n his nam-
ing of them they are likened to bulls and steers. Baal is present, and
he expresses a great interest in them, perhaps for hunti ng purposes.
I n the second column, after a long gap, the offspring, called the
'devourers', set upon and destroy Baal, who falls into a swamp, after
which the earth suffers a drought for seven or eight years. He is
eventually found by his brothers and and restored. At the end of
the text a few lines tell the king to perform a water ritual, presum-
ably to guard against the disaster caused by the 'devourers'. Thi s
disaster cannot be a seasonal disaster but is a long-lasting one. The
real point does not seem to be about Baal but about El fathering
such dangerous creatures.
1.2.3 Hymn to Anat (K TU 1.13 = RS 1.006)
A hymnic text, interesting mythologically for its portrayal of the com-
plex character of Anat, called the 'virgin' in the Baal cycle, and in
the final lines here described as voracious to bring forth, although
her womb had not known conception. There is no need to connect
the hymn with any specific ritual, e.g. an incantation against infertility.
1.2.4 The Gracious Gods (K TU 1.23 = RS 2.002)
A quite substantial text, written on both sides of a single column
tablet and nearly complete. It is clearly a cultic tablet, most of the
obverse consisting of little hymns, blessings on the king and queen
and the ministerial personnel, instructions about repeating certain
lines, about niches for the gods, about incense offerings, and so on.
There are also citations from a few mythological texts, in some cases
merely a heading, but in two cases rather fuller; in 11. 8-11, there
is a short excerpt about Mot-and-Shar ('death and the prince', a by-
name of the god of death), and in 11. 30-76 a longer story about
El's seduction of two women (perhaps the goddesses Athirat and
Anat), who give birth to Shahar and Shalim and then to the gra-
cious gods as a whole. Mot-and-Shar holds in his hands the scep-
tres of bereavement and wi dowhood, and is felled by the 'pruners
of the vine'. His removal from the scene makes it possible for El,
the progenitor of the gods, to father offspring on the two women.
It is interesting that the first deities to be born are Shahar and
Shalim, whose names mean 'dawn' and 'dusk'; we may compare the
beginning of Genesis where the division of day and night is the first
act of creation. But it is the behavi our of the gracious gods after
birth that is worth remarki ng on. They open their mouths greedily
to swallow the birds of the air and the fish of the sea, and are sent
off by El with their mothers into the desert where for seven or eight
years they hunt for food. They eventually come upon someone callcd
the 'watchman of the sown l and' who invites them in to continue
their eating and drinking.
Is the meani ng of this myth that the gods are not satisfied with
the natural provision of the open country, but require in addition
the offerings of the cultivated land which human beings bring them?
It is unlikely that such a profound observation, in effect that though
manki nd are clearly dependent on the gods, they in their turn are
dependent (or at least partially so) on manki nd, would be confined
to one particular ceremony, agricultural, fertility-angled or otherwise.
Doubdess this myth found expression on numerous liturgical occasions
at Ugarit. It is a not untransparent theogony or explanation of how
and why the gods came into existence.
1.2.5 Nikkal and the Kotharat (K TU 1.24 = RS 5.194)
The mythological portion of this text, written like the last one on
two sides of a single tablet, relates how a deity called Hirhib, king
of summer, who behaves like a typical eastern marriage-broker, ar-
ranged the betrothal of a lunar goddess Nikkal to the moon god
Y arih. It is probably, like the second narrative in the previous text,
an extract from a fuller thogonie myth. Thi s tale is preceded and
followed by hymns of praise and invocation to Nikkal, Hi rhi b and
the Kotharat, who are the sages-femmes of the Ugaritic pantheon. I n
the first hymn the Kotharat are summoned to oversee the birth of
a son to the two moon deities. The last lines of the second hymn
with their allusions to incantations to the Kotharat, betray the pur-
pose of the whole poem, which is to secure for a human girl Prbht
the same blessing and protection in her forthcomi ng marriage as had
been enjoyed by the goddess Nikkal in hers. Probably, with the nec-
essary change of the girl's name, the text was regularly recited at
ceremonies of engagement and courtship.
1.2.6 Shapsh and the Mare (K TU 1.100 = RS 24.244)
Thi s is a long and excellently preserved but difficult text containing
in the opinion of most commentators a charm against snake-bite.
The daughter of the sun-goddess Shapsh (or perhaps simply a mare,
as her name may be translated) calls on her to carry a message to
El, Baal and various other deities in order to obtain help from them
in curi ng the mal ady. Onl y when the god Horon (apparently a
chthoni c deity) is approached is a positive response forthcomi ng.
According to others, however, the text is chiefly a mythical narrative,
not a charm and the serpent menti oned represents some cosmic dis-
aster which is removed by Horon.
1.2.7 El's Banquet (K TU 1.114 = RS 24.258)
Thi s is description of a banquet to which El invites the other gods
and at which he falls outrageously drunk. The last lines on the reverse
contain an incantation for the cure of a disease or perhaps, as has
been suggested, a hangover.
The texts assembled here, some of recent discovery, give us a glimpse
of the diversity of Ugaritic mythology but, apart from the Baal cycle
and other larger texts like Keret and Aqhat, their extent is not very
great. We have some way to go before a comprehensive account is
possible. Perhaps the only things we can say is that myths are not
always, if much at all, connected with ritual, and especially that Near
Eastern, including Ugarit, mythology is not always, if much at all,
obsessed with matters of seasonal agriculture or fertility.
2 T h e L egend of K e r e t
B ar u c h M a r g a l i t
2.1 The history of the text: discovery, publication, editions
2.1.1 The poem of Keret is one of the three maj or literary works
which gifted Canaani te poets of the Late Bronze Age (ca. 1500-1200
bce) bequeathed serendipitously to 20th century civilization. Excavated
at modern Ras Shamra on the northern Medi terranean coast by a
French archaeological team in the early thirties (1930-31), the poem
was publ i shed in three unequal i nstal ments by the Assyriologist
V i r o l l eau d , beginning with a monographi c study in 1936 and con-
cluding several years later with a series of articles in the periodical
Syna (vols. 22-23) published duri ng the war. Accordingly, only the
monograph was widely known and accessible before 1945, although
a great deal of interpretation, much of it fanciful, was current in the
interim.
2.1.2 After the war, the text was republished or re-edited several
times. Gordon reproduced Virolleaud's text in the successive editions
of his Ugaritic Grammar. A new and critical edition was published
by H e r d n e r in 1963. Thi s much acclaimed two-volume work con-
sists of all the alphabetic texts, literary and other discovered in the
thirties, together with photographi c plates and autograph facsimiles.
Generally abbreviated as CT[C)A, this edition established the by-now
standard numerati on of the Keret text as 14- 15- 16, corresponding to
Virolleaud's I K-I I I K-I I K respectively.
2.1.3 CT[C)A was followed by a new edition published in 1976 by
a team of Ugaritic specialists affiliated with the University of Mnster
(Westphalia) headed by Oswald Loretz. Entitled Die Keilalphabetischen
Texte aus Ugart (KTU), it contains (in transliteration only) all the alpha-
betic texts discovered up to 1970. I n this edition the Keret poem ap-
pears as K TU 1.14-15-16 = RS 2.[003]+ 3.343+ 3.325+, the initial
cipher indicative of its classification as a literary-poetic text. A revised
edition appeared in 1995. It too has the transliterated text only.
2.1.4 The text of the poem, labelled krt by the ancient scribe after
the royal hero of the story, is distributed over three rectangular clay
tablets of similar size (21x17 cm; 15x17 cm; 23x17.5 cm). Each
tablet compri sed originally six doubl e-rul ed col umns, three on each
side, and al together contai ned approxi matel y a thousand lines of
compactl y written text. Of the three, only K T U 1.14 = RS 2. [003] +
is relatively well-preserved, and with the aid of the many duplicate
passages in this porti on of the poem can be restored nearly to its
pristine state. Most Ugaritic specialists hold that the extant tablets
never compri sed the enti re poem and assume that one or more
tablets have been lost, especially at the conclusion (K TU 1.16 = RS
3.325+ vi); this despite the col ophon at the end of K T U 1.16 = RS
3.325+ vi nami ng the scribe I lumilki who commi tted the poem to
writing (spr).
2.1.5 Since its discovery, Keret has been translated many times and
into several languages, either as part of an anthol ogy of Ugaritic lit-
erary texts or more broadl y of anci ent Near Eastern texts.
2. 1. 5. 1 The maj or translations, and the most widely cited, are the
ones by (a) G i ns ber g, first in his ASOR monograph ( 1946) and sub-
sequently as part of P r i t c h ar d ' s anthol ogy (AJVET); (b) G.R. D r i v e r
( 1956) later substantially revised by G i bs on ( 1978) ; (c) H e r d n e r , in
a work j oi ntl y produced with C a q u o t and S z n y c er (TOi) in 1974,
and (d) d el O l mo L et e in 1981, where the Spanish translation is
accompani ed by extensive analytical discussion and a uni que synoptic
presentati on of alternative translations.
1
2.2 The history of (misinterpretation
2.2.1 The history of the poem's i nterpretati on duri ng the past sixty
years can be divided into three phases. I nitially it was the subject
of extravagant claims of historicity and 'biblicization'.
2
The hero was
thought to have been a Phoeni ci an king whose legions, i ncl udi ng
members of the I sraelite tribes of Asher and Zebul on, waged war
in the Negeb region of Palestine and in Edom. Progeny or devotees
of the biblical Terah, the father of Abraham, were also thought to
be involved. However, rapi d progress in Ugari ti c philology put a
1
Also noteworthy are GORDON 1977, 34-59; DE MOOR 1987, GREENSTEI N 1997,
9-48; L ORETZ 1997 and PARDEE 1997a, 333-43. See also WY A T T 1998C, 175-243.
2
Uncannily reminiscent of the Eblaite euphoria some 40 years later; plus a
change. . . .
quick and merciful end to this euphoric era and to the fata Morgana
of biblical persons and tribal entities. Of the alleged geographical
allusions, only the shrine of Asherah in the environs of Tyre and
Sidon would survive the debacle; and even this determination was
destined not to go uncontested (Cf. A s t o u r 1973, 29-39).
2.2.1.1 Still, there is wide if not consensual agreement today that
two fundamental insights of this early era in Ugaritic studies retain
their validity, viz., (a) Late Bronze Age Keret, like Aqhat, reflects a lit-
erary genre qualitatively different from the mythological tales of Baal,
Anat, and the members of the Ugaritic pantheon generallythis
notwithstanding the promi nent roles of divine actors in both poems;
(b) the mai n works of Ugaritic literatureBaal-Mot, Keret and Aqhat
are 'classics' of Late Bronze Age Canaani te civilization and culture
and as such were known in I ron Age Canaan generally and in ancient
Israel specifically.
2.2.2 A second and similarly fleeting phase in the interpretation of
Keret was introduced by the Scandinavian, secondarily British, Myth
and Ritual School, representedat its most extremeby the publi-
cations of Engnell and Mowinckel. The former considered the poem
'a ritual for the Ugaritic sukkot festival' ( E n g n el l 1967, 149) The
wedding party for Keret and his bride described in K TU 1.15 =
RS 3.343+ is characterized as 'originally the [ ] of the god
and goddess, celebrated annually and co-experienced by the partic-
ipants as they watched the cul t-drama and also when indulging in
sacral prostitution' ( E n g n el l 1967, 148). For Mowinckel, on the other
hand, the poem exemplified myth attenuated as legend; behind the
portrait of the hero as a Phoenician king stands the figure of Adonis:
'[in Keret] the god is . . . strongly anthropomorphi zed; the original
god has become the dynastic founder, the mythic first ancestor of
the royal family . . . the poem is no longer a real myth, but a mythic
hero-legend.'
3
2.2.2.1 If the shortcomings and misconceptions of the French his-
torical school were the result of i nadequate philology, those of the
myth-ritualists were the product of faulty methodology. By means of
3
MOWI NCK EL 1941, 142-3, as translated by ENGNEL L 1967, 148. See further
MOWI NCK EL 1954, 52- 5.
careful selection and tendentious interpretation of certain model texts,
'evidence' is created proving the existence of 'an organic [ANEastern]
culture . . . whose special feature is the domi nati on throughout by the
divine kingship idea' ( E n g n el l 1967, 2). This 'pattern' is then applied
to other texts assumed a priori to reflect this 'pattern'. The explana-
tory value of this theory is commensurate with its (non-)falsifiability.
Basic to this approach, which breathed its last in Ugaritic studies
with G r ay ' s monograph in the mid-fifties,
4
is the axiom that any
ancient Near Eastern literary text, be it myth or legend, is neces-
sarily 'functional', and almost invariably so in the cultic sphere where
the ancients are presumed to have spent all their leisure time. I n
Gray's words, 'the text. . . was not an aesthetic exercise'presum-
ably the author's understandi ng of literary creativity'but served a
practical purpose in the communi ty where it was current to achieve
some desired end or to conserve . . . all the social conventions and
the social order'.
5
2.2.2.2 It is also typical of this approach that its advocates do not
feel constrained to demonstrate precisely how this 'conservation of
values' is actually i mpl emented in the poem or how an audience
might infer such a conclusion. It never occurs either to Engnell or
to Gray to query whether the story might not be understood by at
least some readers or listeners in a quite different, even opposed,
manner, e.g., as underlining the perilousness of a social order pred-
icated on the health of an individual, mortal king supported in turn
by a bunch of rather inept gods; or that the author of Keret, far from
preachi ng the doctrine of divine kingship, might in fact be con-
demni ng it by means of a lethal dose of parody. I n the final analy-
sis, the failure of the Myth and Ritual school lies in its denial of the
literary ontology of the text.
6
4
GRA Y 1954, revised and attenuated in GRA Y 1965.
5
GRA Y 1954, 4- 5. In all fairness it should be noted that he concedes that the
poem 'was not deliberately [so] designed' (ibid., 5). But nowhere are we informed
what this 'original' design may have been, since it surely was not a mere 'aesthetic
exercise'. This concession, however, contradicts the Myth-Ritual postulate of a cul-
tic 'Sitz-im-Leben' for all texts with divine characters and in fact heralds the school's
demise.
6
Contrast the astute observation of DE L ANGHE 1958, 131, citing BAUMGARTNER
( 1941, 89- 91) that 'aesthetic interests stand side by side with religious interests' in
the Ugaritic literary texts. However, very few specialists in Ugaritic have taken this
admonition to heart, either before or after. This is true even of BERNHARDT ( 1956) ,
who is at pains to criticizevery successfullythe Myth-Ritualists but whose own
2. 2. 3
2. 2. 3. 1 One cannot take leave of the 'pre-historic' era of Ugaritic
studies without taking note of the i mportant study by the Danish
Semitist P eder sen. Published in 1941 with only V i r o l l eau d ' s mono-
graph at hand ( 1936) , Die Krt Legende is probably the only study of
this era whose influence abides to the present. Thi s influence has
unfortunately perpetuated a basic misconception in the interpreta-
tion of the poem.
2. 2. 3. 2 P eder s en, to his credit, rejects outright the Myth-Ri tual
interpretation of Mowi nckel Engnel l ' s study ( 1967) had yet to ap-
pearwhen he states categorically that Keret 'ist nicht der Ausdruck
kultischer Vorgnge und ist kein Mythus' ( P eder s en 1941, 64). Meth-
odologically he stands close to the French School. He assumes that
we are dealing with a historiographie work whose historical kernel
is heavily overlaid with legend'wie der israelitischen Passahlegende'
( P eder sen 1941, 64). The hero 'ist ein Urknig, Grnder einer Dynastie'
( P eder s en 1941, 65)i n reality, not just in the plot; and the prin-
cipal theme is 'die Si cherung der Dynastie durch Nachkommen-
schaft' ( P eder s en 1941, 64) . I n other words, Keret is at heart a work
of propaganda commissioned by a royal house and executed by a
poet with the soul of a priest.
2. 2. 3. 2. 1 The theme of divinely sanctioned dynastic kingship, more-
over, is deemed to reflect a society 'deren Knigsgeschlecht schon
als eingewurzelt betrachtet werden kann', analogous to the I sraelite
society which spawned the Davidic royal ideology: 'hier wie dort
handelt es sich um Legenden welchen den festen Bestand der herr-
schenden Dynastie besttigen und begrnden' ( P eder s en 1941, 104).
The author of Keret is so to speak a 'kept woman' of the political
authorities. His hand is free to write but his soul is in bondage. One
does not normally take the work of such writers seriously, whatever
their technical virtuosity.
2. 2. 3. 3 Thi s view of the Keret poem as a work of royal propa-
gandaby implication if not explicitly, by the ruling house of the
position is merely a re-statement of PEDERSEN'S: 'Richtiger wird man jedoch von
einer Besttigung der Erwhlung der Keret-Dynastie sprechen' {ibid., 119). This is
the raison d'tre of a political manifesto, not a work of art.
kingdom of Ugarit whose dynasty Keret is presumed to have founded
is very widespread in contemporary Ugaritic scholarship; and it is
hugely mistaken.
7
2.2.3.3.1 The curious omission, on these assumptions, of any ref-
erence to Keretor his son and heir Yassibas king(s) of Ugarit
has long been noted. It is reinforced by a similar omission in the
so-called 'Ugaritic king list' (K TU 1.113 = RS 24.257). However,
the real shortcoming of this view is that it fails to distinguish the
substance of the plot from the authorial intention, the creation from
the creator. The statements placed in the mouths of the characters
are naively taken as the author's own point of view.
8
2.2.3.4 I n fact, a close, methodologically unbiased scrutiny of how
the author of Keret depicts his characters must surely lead to the con-
clusion that far from endorsing sacral dynastic kingship the poet actu-
ally ridicules it. The openi ng scene, for example, portrays the king
as a hapless soul who has gone through seven wivesthe first of
whom simply 'walked out' (tb
c
) on hi m!and who can think of no
better expedient than, like a baby, to cry himself to sleep (only the
soothing lullaby is mi ssi ng. . .). Subsequently he will conscript all the
men of his ki ngdomi ncl udi ng the disabled and the newly-wed
for a 'historic' military campai gn to the Bashan for the grand pur-
pose of. .. obtaining a wife! It is inconceivable that this entire scenario
should have evoked from a contemporary audience anythi ng but
gales of laughter.
9
7
Cf. e.g., BERNHARDT ( 1956, 120): 'der text [steht] in enger Verbindung mit der
durch Keret begrndeten Herrscherdynastie . . . und [hat] als Tendenzdichtung die
Aufgabe . . . die besondere gttliche Erwhlung gerade dieser Dynastie ganz augen-
fllig darzustellen.' Cf. also above, . 6.
8
Thus, even if it be true 'dass wir in Keret einen typischen Vertreter des alt-
orientalischen Sakralknigtums vor uns haben' (BERNHARDT 1956, 116), it does not
follow that this is an ideology which the author either espouses or wishes to prop-
agate. Can one legitimately infer from the detailed description of the Persian monar-
chy in Esther that the author is desirous of propagating an ideology of oriental
despotism? I ndeed, but for the strong nationalistic motives attributed to its (sup-
posedly) J ewish author, the book of Esther might well have been understood as
political satire.
9
The fact that the latter stratagem is concocted by Keret's divine patronwith
Baal nowhere in sight!does not make it more 'respectable'; it merely adds to the
scope of the ridicule. El in Late Bronze Age Ugarit is a museum piece and a soul-
brother of Shakespeare's Falstaff.
2.2.3.5 But the most telling refutation of the dynastic interpreta-
tion comes from the final scene of the poem (a scene unknown to
Pedersen at the time of his essay) in its portrayal of Yassib, the king's
eldest son and divinely-ordained (as well as politically confirmed)
heir. It is difficult to imagine a less favourable comment on dynas-
tic kingship or a more incongruous endorsement of a royal line sup-
posedly founded by Keret.
2.2.3.5.1 I n short, there is altogether too much comedy and par-
ody in Keret for it ever to have served as propaganda for anything
but the j oy of living. For the author of Keret, not even the gods are
sacred, much less the political institution of kingship. His love and
devotion are given unconditionally only to his art."
1
2.2.4
2.2.4.1 Gi nsber g' s short monograph published in 1946, inaugurated
a new era in the poem's i nterpretati onor rather, explication. One
of his severest critics, Gaster, hailed it as 'a marked and revolu-
tionary advance in our understandi ng [of the text]' ( G as t er 1947,
385). Ginsberg's was the first study to have addressed the material
in its (extant) entirety: K TU 1.14-15-16 = RS 2. [003]+ 3.343+
3.325+, are fully at his disposal and will be so henceforth for the
scholarly world to study and analyse. It is Ginsberg's contribution to
have been the first to establish the narrative coherence of the text.
However, Gastera dues-paying member of the Myth and Ritual
schooltook Ginsberg to task for 'his obvious lack of acquai ntance
with common facts and methods of comparative religion, anthro-
pology, and folklore . . . Thi s leads . . . to an egregious disregard for
the cultural context and background of the narrative.' ( G as t er 1947,
286-7).
2.2.4.1.1 But Ginsberg consciously and deliberately eschewed 'meta-
physical' interpretation; he was a devout positivist. His strength lay
lu
In a recent interview to a Montreal newspaper on the occasion of his 85th
birthday (The Gazette, Mar. 7/97), Irving LaytonCanada's (unofficial) poet-laureate
offered the following assessment of his life in the service of his art: 'Poetry never
let me down. My worry is, have I ever let poetry down? I should like to think that
I've never dishonoured poetry or turned my back on it. . . . A world without poetry
would be just intolerable. Unbearable.' One cannot mistake the (unintentional) piety
of this inveterate God-baiter and iconoclast. The ancient Canaanite bard would
surely have given this credo his unqualified assent.
in his philological dexterity at the level of grammati cal analysis. He
was primarily interested in words and how they combi ne to form
grammati cal structures. The ideational content is secondary and the
literary craftsmanship incidental. Nevertheless, Ginsberg took a definite
stand on several 'metaphysical' issues (without however making them
a part of his discussion or interpretation). He considered it 'proba-
ble' that the story 'contains a certain core of history'; he also deemed
it 'probabl e' that text K T U 1.14 = RS 2. [003]+ was preceded
'by one or more lost tablets'. Probability becomes certainty on the
question of the poem's alleged non-conclusion in K TU 1.16 = RS
3.325+."
2.2.4.2 For all his skill in explicating the text, Ginsberg either mis-
construed or overlooked several key elements in the plot, beginning
with the mistaken notion
12
of Keret as the victim of the catastrophic
loss of countless children deemed to have perished in bunches: a
third, a fourth, a fifth, etc.
13
He is completely unaware that the real
reason for convening the nobility of Bt-Hbr (KTU 1.15 = RS 3.343+
iv-vi) is to confirm Yassib as Keret's successor. I n fact, Ginsberg's
translation of K TU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ v-vi lacks the thread of nar-
rative coherence. Thi s in turn leads him to wonder whether K TU
1.16 = RS 3.325+ i is the direct continuation of K TU 1.15 = RS
3.343+.
2.2.4.2.1 There are also some incongruities in Ginsberg's render-
ing of K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+. The phrase pnh. tgr. ysu (K TU 1.16
= RS 3.325+ i 52-3), referring to the king's daughter 'Octavi a' as
she emerges from the gateway of her (convent) residence, is under-
" The assumption of a story with large gaps before, within, and after the extant
tablets is very useful for the philologist operating exclusively with the microscope
of comparative grammar. If we possess only a half of the original work, then we
obviously are severely handicapped, if not outright precluded, from interpreting it
macroscopically on the metaphysical level. It is also something to fall back on when
one's interpretation of a given section, at the philological level, seems literarily vapid
or even inconsistent with that of a preceding or following section, whether in terms
of characterization or plot. It is not without irony that one notes the common
ground shared by Ginsberg and the myth-ritualist: neither takes seriously the poem
of Keret as literature or its author as artist. Both approach the text as so much grist
for the grinding.
12
Corrected early on by Cassuto but ignored by Ginsberg, even in his later work.
13
Here loo one senses how the lack of esteem for the pagan as poet enables the
Western scholar to attribute to him such a literary inanity, not to say moral obtuse-
ness, in so quantifying human beings. Surely the biblical prejudice of the idolatrous
Canaanite and his 'debased' culture is here subverting the scholarly enterprise.
stood to mean 'I ts sheen (i.e., of brother I lhu's lance \mrh\) lights up
the gateway'. He makes no effort to translate K TU 1.16 = RS
3.325+ ii 24-34, although the text is quite well preserved; and he
passes over in silence the sudden appearance of Octavi a in her
father's bed-chamber in lines 50-1. I n col. iii, 8-9, the language
tnnth . . . tltth does not evoke in Ginsberg's mi nd the association with
Keret's vow in K TU 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+, and his understandi ng
of the a
C
tiqat episode (v 28-vi 14) is both faulty and incomplete;
especially curious in his failure to render yqrs, while citing the anal-
ogy with Gilg. I ii 34 and its reference to tta iqtaris. Finally, the
curse which concludes K TU 1.16 RS 3.325+ (vi 54-8) is deemed
by Ginsberg to be 'unintelligible', in which case one wonders at the
certitude which informs his opinion as to the non-conclusion of the
poem at this point.
2.2.4.3 The foregoing critique, be it noted, is based not on Ginsberg's
early translation ( G i nsber g 1946) but rather on his contribution to
P r i t c h a r d ' s anthology, first publ i shed in 1950 and subsequently
(unrevised!) in 1955 and 1969. The authority of Ginsberg's name
he was widely considered to be the 'doyen of Ugaritic studies' in the
fifties and sixtiesand the popularity of Pritchard's anthology, which
soon became a standard reference work for biblical and ancient Near
Eastern studies, go a long way towards explaining the rather limited
progress made subsequently in the elucidation of the poem at the
most basic level of narrative explication. The unspoken if not also
unconscious assumption is that short of a windfall discovery of addi-
tional copies, Ginsberg's translations of the maj or Ugaritic poetic
texts (K TU 1.1-6 = RS 3.361, 3.367, 3.346, 2.[014]+, 2.[008]+,
2.[022]+, 2.[009]+; K TU 1.14-16 = RS 2. [003]+, 3.343+, 3.325+;
K TU 1.17-19 = RS 2.[004], 3.340, 3.322+) have defined the lim-
its of what scholars can ever hope to know of them.
2.2.5
2.2.5.1 A new phase in the study of Keret is introduced by M er r i l l ' s
short essay ( 1968) , marki ng the first serious attempt to deal with the
poem as a literary uvre and providing the inspiration for an impor-
tant essay by P a r k e r ( 1977) nearly a decade later.
2.2.5.2 'The hypothesis of this paper', writes Merrill, 'is that the
poem . . . points to the 'house of Keret' as the basic issue. Every part
of the narrative finds its focus and delineation in this motif.' ( M er r i l l
1968, 7). The story, it is supposed, 'begins with the ruined and
impoverished house of Keret. The king stands alone, without heir,
wife, or progeny.' ( M e r r i l l 1968, 9). By the end of K TU 1.15 =
RS 3.343+, 'the narrative of the king who has lost his 'house' and
regains it appears to be complete in itself. It has a beginning, a mid-
dle, and an end . . .'; and with mild surprise, 'yet the story contin-
ues' ( M er r i l l 1968, 9-10). The 'fact' that the story continues beyond
its 'logical' conclusion leads Merrill to the concl usi ontaken up
and elaborated subsequently by Parkerthat the unfulfilled vow to
Asherah, and her ensuing wrath, 'become the basis for the addition
of the other 'narratives' which are woven around the central con-
cern for the 'house of Keret' and find their sub-themes in the three
areas of fertility, salubrity, and sovereignty.' Keret, on this hypothe-
sis, is a composite work, although Merrill stops short of assuming
multiple authorship.
2.2.5.3 It is the merit of Merrill's essay to have dealt with the story
in its own terms and with a vocabulary drawn from the field of lit-
erary criticism rather than comparative religion or Semitic linguis-
tics. Implicit at least is the assumption of an author who has something
interesting, perhaps even i mportant to say, and who commands the
necessary tools of the trade which he employs with the skill and
imagination worthy of an artist. Thi s approach also implies an audi-
ence who can appreciate such a work, not as a cultic libretto or a
catechism of theological-political indoctrination, but as an artistic
endeavour, which, like good wine, is to be savoured and enjoyed.
2.2.5.3.1 But for all the freshness and originality of its approach,
Merrill's essay, like Parker's subsequently, goes astray in its effort to
determi ne what the author is trying to say, as well as the specific
techniques which he has chosen for this purpose. The hypothesis of
a composite work, and a fortiori of multiple authorship, is sympto-
matic of a basic misconception, or rather, misperception.
2.2.5.4 The view of an ancient work of Semitic literature as com-
posite comes easily to scholars trained primarily in Ol d Testament
exegesis, as their partiality to myth-ritualism and cultic solutions gen-
erally tends to reflect their roles as (practising) theologians in the
J udaeo-Christian tradition. But it is nonetheless a view quite unfounded
here in Keret and in Ugaritic literature generally.
14
There is no evi-
dence for a 'history' of any of the maj or Ugaritic poems, although
such is not to be precluded a limine.^
2.2.5.4.1 The vow-to-Asherah episode, it must be insisted, is abso-
lutely central to the plot of the story for the simple reason that it
alone supplies the story with its dramati c quality. Wi thout the vow-
episode the story is a tale not worth the telling, much less the price
of admission to its performance. The absence of a correspondi ng
instruction in the dream-episode does not prove the vow to be sec-
ondary: if someone were intent on tamperi ng with the original by
'grafting' on the vow episode, he would have had little difficulty
maki ng the necessary emendati on in K TU 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+.
16
2.2.5.4.2 The omission, on the other hand, speaks volumes for the
authorial intention. There is nothi ng more characteristic of the (male)
dramatis personae in Keret than their personal shortcomings and im-
perfectionsincluding most definitely the head of the pantheon who
(like Y HWH in the Garden-of-Eden story) fails to anticipate his client-
servant's initiative.
1
'
2.2.5.4.3 However, there is a second and more basic probl em in
Merrill's theory, viz., his initial assumption that the well-being of
14
It would be inappropriate in this connection to cite in rebuttal the compli-
cated history of the Gilgamesh epic for obvious reasons related to the chronologi-
cal spans of the respective works.
15
One should also not wish to deny the existence of 'parallel traditions' in Uga-
ritic literature, notably the stories dealing with the construction of Baal's palace
(KTU 1.3 II 1.4). However it has yet to be demonstrated (though often assumed)
that 1.3 and 1.4 belong to a single literary work or that they constitute a consec-
utive narrative.
16
To be noted in this connection are the ill-preserved conversations of the
Udumite king, first with his wife Na'amat (KTU 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+ 14-23)
and subsequently with his messengers, commissioned to scale Mt I nbb and offer
sacrifice to the gods {ibid., 24-9; cf. Margalit, 224 31), both of which are unfore-
seen in Keret's dream. Since no authorial design can be discerned in their omis-
sion from the dream, and since nothing in the sequel would seem to presuppose
these conversations, the theoretical possibility of a 'second hand' can be entertained
here. However, as presently constituted the scene has the positive effect of 'human-
izing the enemy', a sentiment very close to the (original) author's heart, as is evi-
dent from the emotional departure-scene which follows shortly at the beginning of
KTU 1.15 = RS 3.343+.
17
It should not be overlooked that once Keret awakes, El 'disappears' from the
story. He will return as a guest at the wedding reception, but he cannot be sup-
posed to have monitored his client's actions in the interim.
KereCs dynasty stands at the centre of the poet's concern and creation.
It is simply not true that the king is portrayed at the beginning of
the poem as impoverished note how easily Keret dismisses El's offer
of 'silver and gold' in the dream, and the king of Udm's bribe sub-
sequently duri ng the siege. He lacks progeny, but not for having
been bereaved; like Dan'el , he lacks a male heir for not having sired
one! Now just as the birth of a son in Aqhat does not signal the
completion of the story but more nearly its commencement, so too
does the birth of Keret's offspring provide the impetus for moving
the story to its climax. The truly i mportant developments in the
story come after the birth: in the case of Aqhat, the lad's treacher-
ous murder by the goddess Anat and her Sutean mercenary, fol-
lowed by the homicidal act of bl ood-redempti on by the hero's sister.
I n the case of Keret, the 'meat' of the story is the king's illness and
the behavi our of his offspring in response. Two of them, without
aspirations to the throne, are devoted, loving, and obedient. The
third, predesdned by birth as heir-apparent, is the spoiled-brat antithe-
sis. The attempted putsch by Yassib and the thunderous curse called
down on his head by his enraged father (K TU 1. 16 = RS 3. 325+
vi) bring the story full circle as it drives home the principal mes-
sage: Keret is miserable at the beginning of the story for want of a
son and heir; he is equally miserable at its conclusion precisely
because of his son and heir. If the curse were not so funnyY assib
examining his teeth in the cup of his handthe ending would indeed
be sad. Thi s is the essence of the poem as tragi-comedy, mixing the
tears of laughter with those of pain.
2.2.5.4.4 The fate of the 'house of Keret' is thus of no particular
interest either to the poet or his audience. The real 'star' of Keret is
neither the king nor the gods but the invisible Moi ra who like the
poet delights in irony and makes the human life-experience at once
fascinating and unpredi ctabl ethe very qualities required of a good
story!
2.2.6
2. 2. 6. 1 For P a r k e r ( 1977, 167), the poem of Keret is a conflation
of three originally i ndependent stories executed by different poets at
different times and with variable degrees of editorial skill. 'Our con-
clusion . . . is that the first section [= A] of Keret originally stood on
its own, and the material dealing with Keret's sickness [= B] was
attached to it by the insertion of the promise [= vow] passage into
the j ourney to Udm . .
18
Up to this point Parker is echoing Merrill.
But he goes further in positing multiple authorship and in his under-
standing of the Yassib episode (K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi) as an
'originally i ndependent story . . . tacked [iic] onto section B' ( P ar k er
1977, 169).
2.2.6.1.1 The alleged 'third story' (C) is of course quite incomplete,
and is assumed to have continued on (a) no longer extant tablet(s).
It follows accordingly that 'we are scarcely in a position to speak of
the theme or function of the whole work' ( P ar k er 1977, 174). Here
too (cf. critique of Ginsberg above) the assumption of incomplete-
ness serves as a safeguard against criticism based on literary con-
siderations; the 'answers' to difficult questions can be conveniently
assumed to lie in the unattested and empirically unverifiable 'here-
after'.
2.2.6.1.2 E.g. it would be most surprising if a literary work which
had evolved in this 'tacky' way could be shown to have a unifying
theme or structure. Yet according to Parker, the combination of story
A and the 'neatly grafted' story yields, remarkably, a unified theme
described by him as 'the vulnerability and helplessness of the king
on the one hand, but also the benevolent power and wisdom of El
on the other."
9
2.2.6.2 We have discussed earlier some of the weaknesses in Merrill's
argument for the secondary nature of the vow episode. I n his mono-
graph P ar k er ( 1989) tries to meet one of these objections, but in
so doing actually reinforces it.
2.2.6.2.1 Parker acknowledges that (a) the reason for suspecting the
vow is its absence from the list of detailed instructions in the dream-
theophany of K TU 1.14 = RS 2. [003]+ which the king subsequently
IB
'The poets [TTD] who thus extended the poem . . (PARK ER 1977, 167).
19
PARK ER 1977, 174. In PARK ER 1989 he claims to have discovered significant
structural differences between A and B. But at best these differences do not neces-
sitate a distinction of authors. They are certainly consistent with the stylistic ver-
satility and literary virtuosity of a single writer.
carries out to the letter and which include, incidentally, a sacrifice
to the god Baal, presumably to enlist his support for the venture;
(b) a good 'grafter' would accordingly have encountered little diffi-
culty in maki ng the necessary adj ustment. Therefore (c) the omis-
sion was motivated ideologically, viz., by reverence for El's reputation.
The grafter did not want to make El responsible for the subsequent
debacle.
2.2.6.2.2 Setting aside the conjectural and suspiciously ad hoc nature
of this latter supposition, it is surely clear that it effectively undermines
the case for multiple authorship. The same pious concern for El's
reputation could as easily have motivated the original author of the
poem! In other words, the vow-episode loses through this 'explanadon'
its entire value as an empirical indication of multiple authorship.
20
2.2.6.3 The case for viewing the Yassib episode as secondary
Parker's own contribution to the hypothesis of a composite work
is devoid of even the prima facie evidence supporting the secondariness
of the vow episode. One suspects that the very idea owes its birth
to the widely held view of the poem as lacking, in its extant form,
a conclusion, and hence needs have been continued elsewhere. It
seems i mprobabl e that Yassib would make his one and only appear-
ance at the end of the story. The missing conclusion, it is supposed,
will have described how Yassib was punished for his insolence by
forfeiting his claim to the throne in favour of his younger sister
Octavia, the favourite of El and the gods (.sgrthn. abkm. etc.).
2.2.6.3.1 Were such a denouement actually attested, it might well
be taken to support a theory of compositeness and multiple author-
ship, for it would totally contradict, in substance and spirit, much
of what has transpired in the poem up to this point.
2.2.6.3.2 The fear is however unfounded. I n point of fact, the role
of Yassib is much more firmly rooted in the story than is readily
apparent from his single appearance in K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi.
Parker's hypothesis appears to antedate the realization that the baro-
20
Here too the influence of O.T. scholarship is readily apparent. Bible scholars
commonly assume 'pious glosses' in the text originating with 'pious J ews' of the
post-exilic era.
niai council in K TU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ v-vi was only ostensibly
convened to 'weep for Keret', and tbat its agenda was secretly polit-
ical: to confirm Yassib as successor in the event of Keret's demise
a decision ultimately taken, albeit after stormy debate.
2
' Wi th this
'certificate' in hand, Yassib has no reason to challenge his father
duri ng the latter's illness (as Parker suggests he ought to have done
if his role were original); he need but bide his time until the king's
i mmi nent demise. It is only when his expectations are frustrated by
Keret's miraculous recovery that he makes a pathetic attempt to unseat
hi m. Y assib, for whose confi rmati on so much energy had been
expended but whose true character the author has skillfully con-
cealed up to this point in the story, is now revealed at the conclu-
sion for the 'wi mp' that he is!
2.2.6.4 There are two points to be emphasized in connection with
Parker's hypothesis: (a) that story the king's illnessis securely
tied to the figure of Yassib and his succession and can never have
existed independently thereof; (b) that the case for the Yassib episode
as an i ndependent story C hangs entirely on the assumption that the
poem is not concluded at the end of K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi.
2.2.6.5 The final point to be made against Parker's case is the cat-
astrophic consequences which the deletion of the Yassib episode has
on the literary structure and message of the poem.
2.2.6.5.1 If Keret were a typical 'happy endi ng' narrative, the story
(Parker's story in particular) ought to have ended with the king's
recovery (much as Merrill's 'original story' ought to have ended with
the weddi ng reception in K TU 1.15 = RS 3.343+!). For if at the
beginning (K TU 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+) the king is alone and in tears,
and then subsequently, facing death, he is tearfully embraci ngpos-
sibly for the last timehis beloved 'blossom' Octavia (KTU 1.16 =
RS 3.325+ ii 50ff.), he is surely smiling from ear to ear, surrounded
by his faithful wife and adoring children, at the feast described (lacon-
ically) in K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi 15-21; and his resumption of
21
The language of the council's decision can be presumed identical with the res-
olution presented by its president, the rk-il (KTU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ 18-21): 'rb.
p. lymg
19
krt/sbia. p'
10
b'lny/uymlk
n
[j ]^(.) 'In 'When Keret arrives at the western
horizon (i.e., dies)|Our lord, at the setting sun|Then will [Ya]ssib rule over us'.
Cf. MARGAL I T 1982, 425; 1995, 252-2.
work as king of Bt-Hbr (ibid., 11. 22-4) ought to have been greeted
with much fanfare and public celebration.
2.2.6.5.2 The 'addition' of the episode of filial infidelitya sin pun-
ishable by death in the Bible and which the very name 'Aqhat' (lit.,
'the-obedient-one') attests to as heinous in ancient Canaani te soci-
etyturns this would-be happy endi ng on its head at the same time
as it brings the story full-circle to tragi-comic conclusion. I n K TU
1.14 = RS 2. [003]+ Keret is miserable for want of a son and heir;
at the end of K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi he is miserable for hav-
ing obtained a son and heir. Nothi ng more can or need be said.
2.2.7
2.2.7.1 But a word should be said, in conclusion of our critique,
on vestiges of the historical approach to the poem still current.
2.2.7.1.1 Parker writes:
I would see the origin of the poem in a story about a king who under-
took a campaign against another king to claim the king's daughter as
his bride. Negotiations between the king resulted in the ceding of the
woman in question, and hence in the marriage of the two and the birth
of children. . . . It is this much that forms the most solid basis for those
who claim that die poem reflects historical events . . .' (PARK ER 1989, 39)
2.2.7.2 Thi s statement, I submit, is as true (or false) of Keret as it
is (mutatis mutandis) of Hamlet, J ulius Caesar, or Antony and Cleopatra,
none of which can be considered 'historical' works reflecting histor-
ical events. They are works of the imagination, pure fiction, in which
historically attested personal and geographical names, scraps of his-
tory, social and religious customs are expertly utilized as trappings
for the plot and its characters by craftsmen minutely knowledgeable
in historical arcana andal l i mportandymasters of disingenuity in
the service of artistic integrity.
2.2.7.2.1 But even if the poet be inspired by a 'real event'whi ch
in the case of Keret one is entitled to doubtthi s determination is
no more consequential for understandi ng the poem and its author,
than is the Danish chronicle which inspired Shakespeare's Haml et.
At most, such knowledge can produce some learned footnotes to the
text, enhanci ng its appreciation by cognoscenti but irrelevant and
boring for poet and audience alike.
2.3 The story in outline, the message in detail
2.3.1 Although there is no hard evidence to indicate that the poem
of Keret was ever the subject of dramati c presentation in a theatre
or like setting, it is useful, and certainly not misleading to summa-
rize its contents as if it were. The material is most amenabl e.
2.3.1.1 The 'prologue' in the openi ng lines of K TU 1.14 = RS
2. [003]+, now largely defective, introduced the hero, Keret, as king
of Bt-Hbr, situated '[by the se]a'. The king is a man of valour
([gbr. hyl]) and a devotee of El (glm. il) who is his 'patron' (ab); but
he is wretched for want of wife and children to fill his 'naked' (
c
rwt)
palace. Seven dmes was Keret wed, but each marriage ended abrupdy,
for the most part tragically with the death of the spouse; in one
case, in childbirth. The absence of a (male) heir apparent causes his
seven brothers to cast greedy eyes on his throne.
Comment: (1) 'Bt-Hbr by-the-sea' ([gblt. y]rr) is a pseudonymic rid-
dle to be solved by the audience in the course of the poem/pl ay.
(2) By presenting the king as a devotee of Elin contrast to the Baal-
worshipping poet and his audi encethe author conveys the message
that the story is about a historical figure of long-ago, the era of the
ancestors.
22
Keret is thus a 'patriarchal narrative'. The members of
the hero's clan (lim || umt) are to be found roami ng the steppelands
between the (Phoenician) coast and the Euphrates ([
f
]</. nhr). (3)
Except for the royal backdrop, the scene is uncannily reminiscent of
22
For the author of Keret, this 'patriarchal era' began with Ditanu (Ug. dtn, var.
ddri) cited obliquely in KTU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 2-3 || 13-5) thought to have
lived in the early MBA (ca. 2100 BCE; cf. K I TCHEN 1977, 131-42; HF.LTZER 1981,
1 10) and developing into an eponymous ancestor. It needs be emphasized how-
ever that Keret's Ditanu-ancestry does not make him a direct ancestor of the Ugaritic
kings Niqmaddu and Ammittamru (KTU 1.161 = RS 34.126). Like Abraham,
Ditanu is 'the father of many [Amorite] nations'. This much however can be said:
the city-state kingdoms which speckled the Phoenician and north-Syrian coastline
in the early 2nd millennium BCE were all ruled by classes of Amorite stock. The
dynastic houses of Byblos and nearby Ugarit in particular could accordingly have
been related by ties of blood and/or marriage, and both of them to clans residing
in Bashan (cf. KTU 1.108 = RS 24.252: 23-4). The phrase qbs. dtn, roughly 'union
of Ditanu' (KTU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 2-3 || 13-5), like its parallel rpi. ars (ibid.,
KTU 1.108) denotes the transnational aspect of this consanguinity, the word ars
'land' contrasting with socio-political terms like qrt 'city' and mlk 'kingdom'. (This
usage of ars [Heb. 'eres] survives in the Hebrew Bible in the phrase 'am-h-'res,
denoting an institution of landed gentry who can 'make or break' a king. Cf. pro-
visionally MARGAL I T 1995, 255-6.)
the El-worshipping, Harran-based patriarchs of the Bible, one of
whom complains bitterly that he is without (legitimate) heir and who
subsequently sends his trusted servant to obtain a wife for his son
in the 'old country'.
2.3.2 Act 1, Scene 1
2.3.2.1 The curtain rises on the king about to retire for the night
to his sleeping chamber which he enters shedding tears of self-pity.
Curl ed up in bed in a foetal position, he falls asleep. His patron
deity now appears in his dream, having heard the heart-rendi ng sobs
of his valiant servant. Wise but not omniscient, El inquires as to the
cause of the king's distress. Ever the jester, he speculates whether
Keret, dissatisfied with the modest extent of his kingdom, has designs
on his own; or perhaps, he wonders aloud, the king is short of money
to cover his regal expenses. In reply, the king assures his patron that
he wants for nothi ng materi al , and that his only wish, and the
panacea to his pain, is to sire a family, sons in particular.
2.3.2.2 El is sympathetic; and the remai nder of the dream (and
scene) is devoted to divine monol ogue wherein the deity issues a
series of detailed instructions as part of an elaborate plan for the
hero to realize his ambition. At the centre of the plan is the full
mobilization of the kingdom for a military expedition to the (Bashan-
ite) kingdom of Udum(u), to be followed by a siege and ultimatum
to its king: surrender your eldest daughter, the fair Hry, to be Keret's
wife (or face the consequences).
2.3.3 Scene 2
2.3.3.1 The King awakens with a start, but with total recall of the
dream which he immediately begins to implement to the letter. He
attends first to his personwashi ng (for cleanliness) and rouging (for
war) then to the gods to whom he offers sacrifice, and then to the
business of war.
Comment: (1) El's oneiric thcophany is part and parcel of nomadi c/
Amurritic religion centering on El and his consort Asherah. El resides
in the subterranean fresh-water deep which feeds the palm-trees of
the oasis where the nomad pitches camp. When the latter retires for
the night and sets his sleepy head down to rest, he is lulled to sleep
by the gurgling stream nearby. It is both logical and natural that
El, residing close by, should pay him an occasional visit in his dream,
especially when the nomad is troubled. (2) Again, the correspondence
with the biblical tradition-complex (in its and versions particularly)
is uncanny. The El(-Shaddai)-worshipping patriarchs receive their
divine visitations in nocturnal dreams. The same is true of the El-
worshipping Aramean clairvoyant Balaam of the DAPT. Y HWH, by
contrast, never appears in a dream to his servant Moses,
23
and there
are no dream-theophani es in the Hexateuch outside Genesis and
Num. 22-4. (3) The characterization of both El and his protg is
parodical. The valiant warrior of the prologue is totally deconstructed
by the pathetic king crying himself to sleep like a baby. Crying is
womanish (2 Sam. 1:24; Lam. 1:2, etc.) and a sign of weakness in
men except in well-defined special circumstances. It never occurs to
the biblical author to depict Abraham as weeping in Gen. 15; nor
does the son-less Dan'el weep when petitioning for a son (1.17). Both
are in contrast with the similarly situated Hannah (1 Sam. 1:10).
The proverbially wise El (by dint of age and experience) is parodied
by means of the patently ridiculous plan which he concocts: the total
mobilization of the kingdom, including the sick, the blind, and the
newly-wed normally exempt from military draft, and a strenuous and
very expensive seven-days march to the hinterland region of Bashan
for no better reason or exigency than to obtain (yet) a(nother) wife
for the king. Were this not enough, the poet will subsequently inform
us that Pbl, the king of Udum(u), is himself a devotee of El, and
his kingdom a 'gift' (un) from this same deity (K TU 1.14 = RS
2. [003]+ vi 12-4). All El need have done was to send an oneiric
message to Pbl and the fair princess would have been on her way
to Bt-Hbr.
24
Thi s contrasting of exaggerated means utilized for triv-
ial ends is of course a staple of comedy and burlesque (cf. the Marx
23
Cf. Num. 12:6 8. A later tradition, no longer familiar with the religio-histor-
ical presuppositions of the patriarchal faith, attributed this fact to the uniqueness
of Moses' prophetic status.
24
He could also have spared Udum the pains of siege, and its monarch the
pangs of uncertainty, by revealing himself in a dream to Pbl and thereby confirm
Keret's ultimatum as indeed inspired and supported by divine degree. But then El
would be seen to be truly wise and compassionate rather than the comical dotard
intended by the poet.
brothers), a contrast further accentuated here by the disparity be-
tween the normally peacable and compassionate El (Itpn. dpid) advising,
and devizing, a strategem of war.
25
(4) The use of parody at this
early stage in the story must be understood as setting the tone for
all that ensues. It is the dramaturgi c equivalent of Shylock's 'pound-
of-flesh' bond contracted (ostensibly) 'in a merry sport', and to the
over-reaction of foolish king Ahasuerus (Est. 1) to the queen's refusal
of a royal summons (itself a parody of a king 'ruling from I ndia to
Ethiopia'). It serves notice that the poem of Keret is a species of 'mock
epic', perhaps the oldest of its kind in recorded history.
2.3.4 Scene 3
2.3.4.1 The army of Bt-Hbr marches in battle array to Udm
(= Udumu in the land of Ga<shu->ru [EA 256]). The march is
broken up into two more or less equal segments: 3 days from Bt-
Hbr to Tyre, where Keret pays an unscheduled (or at the least unan-
ticipated in the dream) visit to the shrine of Asherah, El's wife, where
he takes a vow (cf. Gen. 28) that if his mission be successful (one
senses clearly the insecurity of this valiant warrior) he will pay to
Asherah's shrine 'twice [his bride's] weight in silver, thrice in gold'.
2.3.4.2 Three days later, on the seventh day of the campai gn,
Keret's army arrives at Udum and camps outside its walls after hav-
ing cleared the countryside. There follow the futile efforts of Pbl,
king of Udum, and his queen Na'amat to relieve the siege, first
by offering Keret a bribe of silver, gold, three horses and chariot
(with attendant squire), and, simultaneously, sending messengers to
offer sacrifice atop nearby Mt. Inbb, the mythological abode of the
(war-)goddess Anat. To no avail; Keret is adamant (and the gods,
by implication, unresponsive): only the surrender of beautiful Hry
in the description of whose (as yet unseen) beauty (he has only El's
word for it) the king waxes poeticwill suffice to remove the siege
(cf. mutatis mutandis 2 Sam. 20:14-22). The scene concludes with Hry
taking tearful leave of her family and friends as she sets out for
Keret's camp and her new life as queen of Bt-Hbr.
25
One may note the uncanny if fortuitous resemblance of El's plan with that of
Portia's 'virtuous father' (The Merchant of Venice), mocking the 'holy men [who]
at their death have good inspirations'. El's plan is similarly 'inspired'.
Comment: (1) On the identifications of Udm and Mt. I nbb respec-
tively, cf. M a r g a l i t 1995, 225-43. (2) Although formally a marri ed
couple, El and Asherah do not live together (cf. K TU 1.4 = RS
2. [008]+ iv).
26
(3) The fact that the king's initiative, for all its good
intentions, eventually lands him in hot water couldif Keret were a
'serious' piece of literaturebe taken as implying the futility of human
endeavour and the advisability of resignation to divine will. But if,
as I maintain, Keret is tragi-comical, then the crisis precipitated by
the king's ill-fated initiative (the result, be it recalled of his absent-
mindedness) can and should be seen as contributing to his portrayal
as a pathetic figure, a 'Schlemiel' or 'Sad-Sack' who can do no right,
a master bungler. Keret, like Dan'el , is a 'talker', not a 'doer'. (4)
This characterization of the king is underscored by Pbl and Na'amat's
reluctance to become Keret's in-laws. After all, such an attitude is
not self-evident given Keret's credentials. A king of the backwater
kingdom of Udum would normally have given his eye-teeth for a
liaison with the royal house of Bt-Hbr, alias Byblos. However,
Keret's reputation as a matrimonial 'jinx' has preceded him to Udum.
2.3.5 Act II
2.3.5.1 Scene 1. The reception celebrating the marriage of Keret
and Hry is attended (i.a.) by the gods, including El and Baal. Asherah
is conspicuous by her absence. Duri ng dinner, Baal prompts El to
toast the newly-wed couple. El is glad to oblige: raising his wine-
glass, his blessing consists of a promise that Keret's wife will bear
him multiple offspring (cf. Gen. 15:5, etc.): seven || eight boys and a
like number of girls. The eldest of the boys, to be named Yassib, will
be Keret's heir (poetically, he will be nursed by goddesses); the youngest
of the girls, 'Octavi a', will be El's favourite (bkr, literally, 'first').
Comment: (1) The senior gods arrive at the party in pairs; the
'assembly', consisting of the mi nor (younger) and anonymous gods,
2I
' The separation of El and Asherah on the mythopoeic level is surely a reflection
of the transformation of their originally pastoral-nomadic cult following the seden-
tarization of their worshippers. El is put out to pasture in the Upper J ordan Valley,
his domain extending from the foot of Mt Hermon near Dan as far as the Sea of
Galilee. But his consort starts up a new career among Tyrians as rbl. alrt. ym 'Lady
Asherah-of-the-Sea' where she is presumably worshipped as the patroness of fisher-
men (cf. her attendants qdl. wamrr described (KTU 1.3 = RS 2.[014]+ vi 10-1;
K TU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ iv 2-4) as dgy. rbl. alrt. y m 'fishermen of Lady Asherah-
of-the-Sea'.
arrive in threes. The absence of Asherah is accentuated by pairing
El with Baal. Anat (here labelled 'Rhmf [Heb. rehem]) is accompa-
nied by the similarly bellicose Reshef. Kathir-and-Hasis, sporting a
binomial name, escorts himself (our poet is a 'kibitzer'). (2) The
choice of Rhmy as an alias for Anat is motivated by two consider-
ations: (a) the alliteration with Rip; (b) the synonymity with (
c
)Anat,
both referring to the female genitalia.
27
2.3.5.2 Scene 2. The scene shifts to the (unspecified) domicile of
Asherah. Seven years, and several birth-days, have elapsed and Keret's
pledge is still unpaid. With the king now in default, Asherah takes
her own vow: to make Keret pay . . . with his life!
Comment: 'Heaven has no rage . . . nor hell no fury, like a woman
scorned'. Cf. also Ps. 50:14, Eccl. 5:3.
2.3.5.3 Scene 3. A party in Keret's homemore precisely, his atr
for the nobility of Bt-Hbr, its 'Bulls' and 'Stags' in the poet's saucy
language. I n preparati on, the king instructs his queen to 'dress-up
like a mai den' (km[.n]
c
rt) by hiding her bulges, doing up her hair,
and mani curi ng her fingernails. The ostensible purpose of the party
is to 'weep' (ritually) for the ailing Keret. But the secret agenda is
political, viz., to confirm the juvenile Yassib as heir and successor
to the throne of Bt-Hbr upon the king's supposedly imminent demise.
Once this political purpose is made known to the guests at the party,
a furious debate erupts, accompani ed by shouting and clenched fists,
in the course of which the 'president' (irk. il, lit., 'chief member')
stands up to speak and pledges the support of the assembly for the
young prince. The ailing king replies. I nvoking the private parts of
the president's wife, he blesses him for his support. He then informs
the council that he expects to die within the month, blaming his
misfortune on Athirat's abiding hatred for his kingdom. His personal
fault he passes over in silence. However, the king's remarks, far from
stilling debate, add fuel to its fire, in the course of which both the
king and his queen are forced to intervene to restore order. The
king accuses his opponents of 'drinking his blood', while the queen
repri mands her guests for their i ndecorum as well as for their insin-
27
Cf. DEEM 1978; MARGAL I T 1995, 241 2. The basic meaning of 'nh is 'open
up', normally of speech. Its use with sexual activity (cf. Ex. 32:18b) reflects a per-
ceived symmetry between oral and vaginal anatomy (cf. Prov. 30:20).
uation that the king might be feigning illness in order to obtain an
endorsement of the crown-prince as successor to the throne. Hry
assures the noblemen that Keret's illness is, unfortunately, neither
dream nor fantasy; and he has the body sores and fever to prove
it! The conclusion of the scene is lost, but a political victory for the
royal family is a necessary inference.
28
From this moment on, Yassib
is heir-apparent in fact as well as in theory, and his enthronement
evidently a matter of days.
Comment (1) The location of the banquet in a tent (hmt) set up
in the family atr or burial-ground (cf. K TU 1.17 = RS 2.[004] i-ii)
points to a kispum or mrzfi, i.e., a feast associated with the cult of
the ancestral dead (dbh. ilm). Thi s would furnish a convenient pre-
text for convening the nobles and a suitable occasion for 'beweep-
ing' the sick king. It also is consistent with the all-male guest list as
well as the king's instructions to his wife to dress appropriately (cf.
K TU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+ iii 10-22). Thi s banquet is definitely a
'stag affair'.
(2) The scene implies the existence of a political group whose
authorization the king requires to transfer power to his son and thus
establish a dynasty. This council of barons is a fcudalistic body whose
duties, and prerogatives, are to 'advise and consent'. Neither servile
nor rubberstampi ng, it can make or break a king. A residue of tri-
bal confederation, this group of grandees may be seen as the socio-
political equivalent and 2nd-mi l l enni um precursor of the biblical
'am-h'res. (3) It is further implied in this scene that while the legit-
imacy of the dynastic principle is acknowledged, its cultural roots
are shallow indeed. The tribal tradition of charismatic leadership,
understood in terms of military prowess, is still very much alive, and
it goes far towards explaining the fierce opposition to the blank-
cheque endorsement of the king's son, still very young and untried
in battle and leadership. (4) Keret is in all likelihood (portrayed as)
28
The spirit and circumstances of Keret's speech are strongly reminiscent of the
speech delivered by Hattusi1i before the panku-assembly: 'Behold I have fallen
sick. . . . Behold, Mursilis is now my son . . .' It may not be too venturesome to
suggest accordingly that the missing portion of Keret's speech may have been for-
mulated in a vein similar to the continuation of Hattusilis' address: 'In the hour
when a call to arms goes forth . . . you . . . must be [at hand to help my son]. When
three years have elapsed he shall go on a campaign. . . . If you take him (while still
a child) with you on a campaign, bring [hi m| back [safely].' (Translation apud
GURNEY 1990, 171).
the first member of his family to have occupied a throne, which he
may well have seized by overthrowing an i ncumbent ruler. His rise
to powerand this is probabl y the extent of the story's historicity
(which in any case is only presupposed by the narrative)would
have been a model I drimi who, with a band of ruffians and outlaws,
conquered Alalakh and set himself up as king. Like Keret's El-religion
and his affiliation with a clan dispersed in the Syrian steppeland,
the present scene reflects the political ethos of an earlier epoch, viz.,
the formative stages of Amorite settlement in Phoenicia and N. Syria
and the struggle to establish the legitimacy of dynastic kingship in
a society barely weaned from non-hereditary charismatic leadership
and tribal organization.
2.3.6 Act III
2.3.6.1 Scene 1. As the scene opens, preparations are underway
for Keret's funeral (although the king is still quite alive). The sound
of caterwauling womenthe poet prefers the comparison with howl-
ing dogs and coyotesfills the royal mansion. Overcome emotionally
by these depressing sounds and by the realization which they spur
of his father's i mmi nent demise, the loving and devoted son I lhu
approaches the king's bedside. Wi th tears rolling down his pubescent
cheeks, he queries his father in disbelief (in the process giving expres-
sion to the current ideology of divine kingship in Canaan): 'Is Keret,
the divine offspring of El and Athirat, not immortal?! Do gods die?!'
2.3.6.1.1 The compassionate Keret responds with words of com-
fort to his distraught son; and by way of occupational therapy coun-
sels him to set out on a mission to sister Octavia, residing elsewhere,
and to bring her home. To spare her sensitive feelings, the pretext
is to be an invitation to a family feast rather than a funeral. (But
since Keret's funeral will doubtless be followed by a lavish wake
cf. K TU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ i 18-31the lie is truly lily-white.) I lhu
obediently complies and takes his leave.
Comment: The text at this point is in disarray, resulting in the dis-
memberment and dislocation of I lhu's speech. The awareness of this
disturbance by a subsequent copyist led to its rewriting; but the cor-
rected version unfortunately found its way into the second column
of K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+, causing yet another disturbance. (2) We
are not i nformed here either as to the reason for Octavia's residence
away from home or its location. If this information was not forth-
comi ng in a no longer extant part of the preceding text (e.g., at the
end of K TU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii), the poet left it to the audience
to fathom the answers from the continuation.
2.3.6.2 Scene 2. After climbing a mountai n and praying there (to
Baal!) for a safe j ourney, I lhu sets out. Arriving at Octavia's con-
vent-residence (hmh<m>), he squats on a nearby hillock, with the
gateway-entrance in view, to await his sister. As she emerges from
the gate, on her way to fetch water, Octavia espies her brother. I n
her excitement, she drops (more likely, hurls) the encumberi ng vessel
in her hand and makes a dash to embrace I lhu, her head now nest-
ling tenderly in his shoulder. But it does not take long for Octavia
to collect hersel fand to sense that brother Ilhu has not just dropped-
by for a chat. Her female intuition tells her that something is awry,
possibly relating to her father. To her query, 'is father ill?' I lhu
replies that, of course, all is well with the king, and that he has
come to invite her to a family party. Sensing her incredulity, Ilhu
unfolds his cover-story with lavish improvisation: it will be a sump-
tuous affair, attended by the gods and the who's-who of Bt-Hbr;
musical entertai nment will be provided by nubile lasses singing songs
'to set one on fire'. He himself, I lhu continues in his prevaricating
best, was asked by the king to go out and trap birds as delicacies
for mother Hry and brother Yassib; 'and since father knows that
my hunti ng would take me near where you live, he thought it might
be nice to extend you an invitation. So here I am!'.
2.3.6.2.1 Octavia's response leaves no doubt as to her incredulity.
First she asks her brother to pour a cup of wine from his portable
j ug. After removing the plug, I lhu obliges. She now turns to her
brother and, in a tone mixing hurt pride with barely concealed anx-
iety, she asks: 'Why do you make a fool of me? How long has father
been ill?'
2.3.6.2.2 Faced with such precocity, Ilhu breaks down and pro-
ceeds to tell his sister the sorry truth. Upon hearing this, the heart-
broken Octavi a cries out and shudders (V hi); she commences a
funereal song-and-dance around her brother. She then repairs with
him to the parental home.
2.3.6.2.3 Upon arrival, Octavia enters, silently and abashcdly, her
father's bed-chamber. Approaching his bed, she kisses him affectionately
on his feverish forehead. She is his little 'blossom' (ib). She leaves
shortly thereafter, heeding her father's request to climb a mountai n
and pray there for his recovery.
29
Comment: (1) Though not expressly stated, it is a reasonable infer-
ence from this portion of the narrative that Octavia has become a
nadtu-priestess, or nun, residing in a cloister and in the service of
the sun-goddess, Shapsh. Among other things, this hypothesis will
explain (a) why Octavi a is residing away from her parental home;
(b) why I lhu does not even consider entering the gateway to notify
his sister of his arrival. As a female retreat, it is presumably off-limits
to men. (2) Octavia's funereal song-and-dance, encircling her brother,
is described in language similar to that used by Ilhu to describe the
wailing-women in Keret's house. Thi s may help to explain the intru-
sion here of extraneous material originating as a (corrected) version
of I lhu's plaintive speech to his father. (3) It is typical of Ugaritic
epic literature to portray women as superi or in intellect and/or
courage to men;
30
and the present encounter of brother and sister
is certainly no exception. El compares unfavourably with Athirat,
Dan'el with his daughter Pughat, and I lhu with Octavia.
31
2.3.7
2.3.7.1 Scene 3. The text of this scene is very fragmentary, and
its contents consequently are obscure. The king's illness, like Aqhat's
murder, has resulted in drought, and the stocks of grain, wine, and
oil are depleted. A set of obscure ritual acts, intended presumably
to induce rainfall, is followed by a delegation of farmers to the king,
presumably (since the continuation is lost) to apprise him of the sit-
uation and to ask for help.
29
A considerable part of the text summarized above is missing, and the sum-
mation at certain points presupposes the correctness of the restorations. Cf. the dis-
cussion in MARGAL I T 1995, 264 - 89 for this and other matters relating to this passage.
30
It is also not uncommon in O.T. literature: Adam is clearly inferior in intel-
lect to wife Eve (which is why the 'wily' snake takes her on first). The same holds
true for Isaac and Rebekkah, Barak and Deborah, Sisera and J ael, Haman and
Esther, etc. A notable exception is David and Michal. The latter is possibly the
most 'trag(ed)ic' figure in the entire Bible: bright, beautiful, and courageousand
an habitual 'loser'.
31
Anat is only seemingly an exception: for while nominally female, she acts and
dresses like a (violent) man, and is therefore the villain of Aqhat. She contrasts both
with her virtuous brother Baal and the heroine Pughat; and the poet does not stop
short of ridiculing the penis-envy of this self-hating goddess by depriving her of the
coveted bow once acquired (KTU 1. 19 = RS 3. 322+ i).
Comment: We have here another expression of the 'ideology of
divine kingship': the illness of the king induces a paralysis of Nature.
However, there is no more reason here than in the previous instance
to assume that this ideological stance reflects the authorial point-of-
view. Like the portrait of the sick hero, and (shortly) the inept gods,
this ideology is also subject to satirization, as if what is true of the
great Baal (K TU 1.5 = RS 2.[022]+ ii 5-7) is true of the pathetic
king of Bt-Hbr.
2.3.7.2 Scene 4. The desperate situation created by the king's ill-
ness sets the stage for a curious development: the artisan god, Kathir-
wa-Hasis, whose wisdom (say the gods) is second only to El's, is
approached by a delegation of the divine assembly'El's sons' (
(
dt.
bn. il)and asked to take an urgent message to a hitherto and other-
wise unknown character named lis and his (characteristically un-
named) wife, bearing the title ngr(t) of the House/Templ e of El, (var.
Baal). I n the message promptly delivered by the hobbler Kathir-wa-
Hasisdescribed by the poet as runni ng with the grace of an ass
lis is instructed to go up to the tower and to shout at the top of
his lungs'like a waterfall || like a bull' to the inhabitants of the
city. The sequel is lost, and with it presumably the statement of pur-
pose, viz., a call to prayer and supplication on behalf of the dying
king and the drought-imperiled kingdom.
Comment The present scene, if correctly interpreted, brings the
satirical tone of the poem strongly to the fore; indeed, the satire
comes close to becomi ng farce. El is in deep trouble: his plan for
his protg has miscarried, and the protg himself and his famished
kingdom are teetering on the brink of disaster. El's distress signal
(which one may presume to have been lost in the lacuna at the
beginning of K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ iv) has been picked up by
the assembly of his sons which now goes into (pathetically ineffectual)
action. In their infinite divine wisdom they turn to the wise but crip-
pled Kathi r to deliver an urgent message to the temple crier (ngr)
or mu'addin
32
and for good measure, to his wifeto summon the
32
The semantic correspondence of Ug. ngr and the Arabic mu'addin (< 'dn (II)
'cause-to-hear, announce') is very close indeed. The Ugaritic term is cognate with
Akk. nagaru 'Ausrufer, Herold' (. , 711). The translation 'herald' in the present
context is, however, misleading in that it implies a palace functionary charged with
making public pronouncements. Ils is rather a temple functionary; and since his j ob
is to summon the faithful to prayer, he is necessarily (a) mortal, and (b) a Bronze-
Age Canaanite precursor of the Islamic mu'addin.
faithful to prayer and supplication, without which the gods can do
nothi ng to save Keret and his kingdom. From here it is surely but
a small step to the conclusion that the 'sons of EP (notably exclud-
ing heroic and virtuous Baal) can do nothing because they are good
for nothing.
2.3.7.3 Scene 5. The race is on to save Keret's life, for which pur-
pose El has convened the divine assembly in emergency session. El
arrives accompani ed by wife Athirat. He opens the session with a
plea to his consort to spare Keret's life. Asherah replies that the
king's life 'is in the hands of his wife Hry': she (now that the king
is incapacitated) has to pay Athirat 'twice her weight in silver, thrice
in gold' (with the interest waived) if Keret is to be cured.
2.3.7.3.1 Even El cannot apparentl y raise such a sum, much less
Keret, whose kingdom is down at the heels. The 'father of man'
turns accordingly to his sons for help; but they remain deafeningly
silent, either because they are cowed by the presence of their mother
or they are simply at a loss for ideas. El is now left with no choice
but to deal personally with the probl em.
2.3.7.3.2 His solution: to create a female exorcist named 'tqt (<
e
tq
'(cause to) remove'), the details of which are obscured by the tablet's
poor state of preservation. But they are not beyond recovery. El cre-
ates his creature, in primordial fashion, from (red) clay (cf. J ob 33:6),
inserts snake-poison into her vagina (to thwart reproduction?), chris-
tens her over a cup of sanctified wine, and then brings her to life
by 'pouri ng' into her mouth '[the soul] of a god and the blood of
a [human]'. Fortified by El's blessing and directed by his detailed
instructions, S
c
tqt flies off to Bt-Hbr.
Comment: (1) The divine assembly, as we learn from K TU 1.15 =
RS 3.343+ ii, is made up of the mi nor deities consisting of the
sonsnot including daughtersof El. It corresponds, one may assume,
to the 'council of princes' reflected in 1 Kgs. 12:8ff. The presence
of Athirat is thus a breach of protocol warranted by the emergency
as well as by the divine mother's direct responsibility for creating it.
(2) Athirat's offer at first sight seems to hold the key to a satisfac-
tory resolution of the crisis. However, it must be remembered that
after fifteen births and nursing periods, the once streamlined Hry is
now bulging at both waist and bosom (cf. above, 2.3.5.3 [= K TU
1.15 = RS 3.343+ iv 10-3]). (3) The echoes of cosmogony in this
scene are part of the parody. Like the exaggerated mobilization in
K TU 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+, the creation of S'tqt is a case of mock-
heroic 'overkill'. What S'tqt does for Keret could, and would, have
been done by any run-of-the-mill exorcist in Bt-Hbr. El, says the
poet, may be very wise (who else knows how to create life?); but he
is sorely lacking in common sense.
2.3.7.4 Scene 6 describes how S'tqt saved Keret's life. Upon arrival,
she immediately gets down to business. She fastens a string to the
patient's navel and places a wreath of medicinal leaves on his fever-
ish head, while repeatedly wiping his brow of sweat. She then opens
his mouth and forces him to eatwe are not told whatand presto!
the king is well. A rejuvenated Keret promptl y orders wife Hry to
slaughter a fading l amb for di nner to celebrate his recovery.
Comment The poet's feminist bias finds expression here once again.
J ust as the woman Athirat foils the male El's plan, so the female
S'tqt saves the day (while foiling the foiler). But woman's superior
intelligence, courage, and enterprise are, alas, not enough to alter
the existential 'female condition': S'tqt, like Athirat, is subordinate
and subject to El. The 'tree' of Athirat cannot exist without El's
fertilizing water, and S'tqt will die, without fruit, once her mission
is accomplished, as will Pughat, whose heroism is recounted in a
tale named for her brother (in marked contrast to the 'book of
Esther').
2.3.7.5 Scene 7. The crown-prince and hei r-apparent, whose birth,
heralded by the gods, fulfilled his father's most fervent wish, makes
his firstand l astappearance in this scene, as if to say: if you meet
him once, it is enough for a lifetime. Obviously displeased and dis-
appoi nted by his father's dramati c recoveryYassib, be it recalled,
is still an adolescent!he decides to act. Encouraged by 'the fiend
at his elbow', he enters the throne-room where his father is seated
and orders him to step down, on grounds of incompetence in the
discharge of his royal duties. Keret's reaction is a mixture of rage
and anguish; and as the curtain falls there resounds a curse, at once
fearsome and funny, called down by the king on the head of his
perfidious son.
Comment: (1) Keret's recovery obviated a tragic end to the story;
but the finale is its tragi-comic equivalent. For upon hearing his son's
words, the king might well have wished he were dead. (2) Yassib is
'instructed' (V wsr) by his j i nn (Ug. ggr)he is a school-boy listen-
ing to the wrong teacher. (3) The charges laid by Yassib against his
father are instructive for the insight they provide to the Canaani te
view of kingship. The most i mportant task of the king is not to lead
in battle (which is precisely what Keret does in K TU 1.14 = RS
2.[003]+) but to administer justice fairly and compassionately (some-
thing he is never seen to do).
33
The Canaani te king is first and fore-
most a 'judge', in contrast to his Amorite counterpart whose claim
is based on personal charisma as a warrior proven in batde (gibbr
hayyil). I n this sociological sense, Aqhat is older than Keret, in that the
former describes its (male) heroes, young and old, in terms derived
from the military lexicon. Keret is a mlk,
H
Dan'el a gzr. (4) In addi-
tion to ferocity and hilarity, the curse also contains the most impor-
tant clues, suitably and cleverly embroi dered into the finale, to the
identity of pseudonymic Bt-Hbr, lit., 'House-of-Union'.
35
The king
calls on 'Astarte-name-of-Baal'i.e., Baal atand Yassib's dislodged
teeth are to fall out 'altogether', for which the poet chooses the rare
(b)gbl (Palmyrene-Aramaic gbl 'communi ty', MHeb. gbl 'to mix-
together (as porridge)', which plays on the original form of 'Byblos',
i.e. GBL /Gubl a (Heb. Gba).
2.4 The moral of the story (in sum)
2.4.1 The moral of the story is clear, a proud and praiseworthy
testimonial to the venerable Stoic tradition commandi ng the alle-
giance of the wise throughout the ages:
33
Contrast the description of the (non-royal!) j udge Dan'el! For all their impu-
dence, Yassib's words thus contain a germ of truth. This motif of 'truth from the
mouth of babes' is especially promi nent in Aqhat (cf. MA RGA L I T 1989, passim).
Noteworthy too is Absalom, like Yassib motivated by a desire to depose his father,
who sets himself up as a j udge in the gateway, intercepting his father's 'clients', in
order to establish his credentials for kingship.
34
As well as (Heb. s'a) a title which he (presumably) shares with the other
members of the Bt-Hbr nobility.
35
Cf. Akk. /)ibru(m), a Canaani te loanword denoting 'clan' (OB) and 'in gather-
ing (of fruit)' (LB)cf. AHw, 344. In the 11th cent. Egyptian Wen-Amon story,
f}-b-r denotes a joint commercial venture (AJVET 27, n. 17). ^l(fbr and Igbl are thus
fully synonymous terms.
2.4.1.1 Grand the plans of gods and man,
But when the day is done
Bones broadly scattered dry in the sun,
For ironic Moi ra the fray hath won.
And nought remains for Apollo's progeny,
But to sing her praise
In comic agony.
2.4.2 'Life', not 'kingship', stands at the centre of Keret as it does in
Aqhat and Baal-Mot. But whereas Baal-Mot focuses on the uncanny
dialectic of Life and Death on the (awesome) cosmic plane, Aqhat
and Keret focus on the (absurd) human-life condition, the former on
its tragic aspect, the latter on the tragi-comic ('if it weren't so funny,
it would be sad . . .'). If Aqhat is a Canaani te Haml et, Keret is a
Canaani te Merchant of Venice. Like his great English counterpart,
the Canaani te bard is a master at mani pul ati ng emotion; but to mis-
take him for a 'politician' (or a 'preacher'), and his art for propaganda
(or a sermon), is at once an insult and a betrayal.
2.4.2.1 Our poet- i ndeed any poet (of integrity)writes (or sings)
for an audience which is 'free', not 'captive'. He is by nature the foe
of tyranny, be it of the body or of the mi nd. He is anathema equally
in Plato's Republic and in Augustine's 'City of God'. He kneels (only)
in the Templ e of Moi ra, at the feet of Apollo.
36
36
What J . HUI ZI NGA (Homo loudens) has said of 'play' is equally true of writing
poetry: 'all play is a voluntary activity. Play to order is no longer play; it could at
best be a forcible imitation of it. By this quality of freedom alone, play marks itself
off from the course of the natural process. It is something added thereto and spread
out over it like a flowering, an ornament, a garment.' (Beacon ed., 1955, 7).
Elsewhere (ibid., 132) he rightly observes that poetry as such is a form of play.
3 T h e S t o r y of A q h a t ( K T U 1. 17- 19)
N i c o l as W y a t t
3.1 Introduction
Tablets RS 2.[004], 3.340 and 3.322+349+366, discovered in the
'Hi gh Priest's House' on the acropolis at Ras Shamra-Ugari t in 1930
and 1931,
1
were quickly established as constituting the same literary
work.- The menti on of Danel by name in another third-season find
from the same location, RS 3.348 (I V D = 1 Rp = UT 121 = CTA
20 = K TU 1.20), led to the initial incorporation of this tablet in
the series, but its successor Rpum tablets were never thus regarded,
and for practical purposes it too was eventually discarded from the
sequence.
3
No authorship is menti oned on any of the tablets. However, the
lower edge below K TU 1.17 vi reads [ ]prln, (KTU
2
prln) and is gen-
erally restored on the basis of K TU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ vi 54-5 as
[spr.ilmlk.bny.lmd.atn.]prln, thus restoring the name of I limilku, the
scribe to whom K TU 1.1-6 = RS 3.361, 3.367, 3.346, 2.[014]+,
2. [008]+, 2. [022]+, 2. [009]+ and K TU 1.14-16 = RS 2. [003]+,
3.343+, 3.325+ are attributed (with colopha at 1.4 viii lower edge,
1.6 vi 54-8 and 1.16 vi 59 lower edge). RS 92.20 1 6
4
(as yet un-
published) also apparently bears the name of Ilimilku. I n the case
of the published tablets, the script is similar in all the tablets at-
1
See BORDREUI L - PARDEE ( 1989, 26, 30- 32) . The most widely used numbering
systems for the texts are as follows:
R S VI ROL L EAUD GORDON HERDNER DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ - SANMARTI N
2. [004] 2D 2 Aqht CTA 17 KTU 1.17
3. 340 3 D 3 Aqht CTA 18 KTU 1.18
3. 322+ 1 D 1 Aqht CTA 19 KTU 1.19
The tablets are located as follows: KTU 1.17, 19 in the Louvre (AO 17. 324 and
AO 17.323 respectively), KTU 1.18 in the British Museum (AO 17.325 = BM
L84).
2
Published by VI ROL L EAUD 1936a (Editio Princeps).
3
Typical expressions are 'clearly at least one further tablet must have followed':
GI BSON 1975, 66. 'At least four tablets': DE MOOR 1987, 224. PARKER 1992, 99,
134- 5, still evidently had a fourth tablet in mind, but refrained from identifying it
with KTU 1. 20 = RS 3. 348. See also PARK ER 1997, 49.
4
Provisionally KTU 9.432. See CA UOT 1992, BORDREUI L 1995a, 2.
tributed to Ilimilku, so that the identification is reasonable.
5
As will be clear from the synopsis below, considerable portions of
Aqhat are missing. K TU 1.17 is a tablet originally of six columns,
of which two are entirely missing, while the beginning and end of
the four surviving columns are missing (an estimated twelve or so
lines in all on the recto, and on the verso, with a shearing break
down the upper surface, perhaps twenty or so), with the wedge-
shaped breaks on columns i and vi resulting in even further loss.
K TU 1.18 is a tablet of four columns originally, of which two are
entirely missing. Again, the begi nni ng and end of the surviving
columns are missing (some twenty-five lines or so), and wedge-shaped
breaks further reduce the surviving text, with no complete lines in
col. i, and only nine complete in col. iv. K TU 1.19 is the best pre-
served of the three; the only substantial losses here result from fri-
able edges along the three sections into which the tablet has broken,
with the additional loss of a central section in col. i, the bottom
right hand corner of col. ii, the top corner of col. iii, and a small
vertical section in the lower part of col. iv. The surface is also eroded
at the beginning of col. i and in the upper central section of col.
iv. At a rough estimate, from these three tablets slightly over half
the lines are missing, say approximately 430 from an original 840
(fourteen columns of ca 60 lines each), or fifty-one percent. While
these figures are not set in stone (or clay), any adequate interpreta-
tion of the text must remain provisional, having to take into account
the fact that it can never tell more than half the story.
3.2 Synopsis of the story
Substantial portions of the text are missing, as we have noted. The
following narrative sequence can however be understood.
17 i Danel has no son and so performs devotions to obtain divine
assistance. For six days he sacrifices to the gods, apparently
spending every night in the temple. On the seventh day Baal
intercedes for him, asking El to provide a son who will per-
form all the filial duties necessary for a father to be blessed.
El blesses Danel and promises . . .
5
For recent discussion on the programme of Ilimilku see WY A T T 1997, 1998a
and below in this chapter. I also enlarge on his significance at 13.4.2 below.
ii a son. The son is probabl y born in the missing section
between the columns, and news is brought to Danel, who
rejoices and holds a feast in his palace for the goddesses of
childbirth.
iii missing
iv missing
Kothar arrives, bringing a composite bow as a gift. He is
feasted/' and the bow is given to Aqhat. . .
vi A feast is apparently taking place. Anat asks Aqhat to give
her the bow. He tells her to take the raw materials to
Kothar: he will make her one. She persists in her demand,
and offers him immortality. Aqhat tells her to stop lying,
and says that a bow is in any case a man's weapon. She
departs to El in a rage, accusing Aqhat of impiety.
18 i Anat threatens El that she will be violent if she does not get
her way, and he gives her a free hand. She approaches Aqhat,
seemingly mollified, inviting him to go hunti ng with her.
ii missing
iii missing
iv After a successful hunt, Anat summons Y atipan, instructing
him to assume the form of a falcon, and pounce on Aqhat,
killing him. He does so . . .
19 i and the bow falls into the river and is shattered. Anat min-
gles regret for the bow with a savage assault on Aqhat's
corpse, which she tears in pieces. Back in his capital, unaware
of what has happened, Danel sits to dispense justice; Pughat
sees the withering of the plants, and sensing a disaster, rips
Danel's cloak. He utters a curse.
ii Danel, still evidently not appreciating the situation, wishes
that his son would harvest the now shrivelling grain. Two
messengers arrive and tell of Anat's complicity. Danel . . .
iii then curses the falcons. As each falls from the sky in turn
he examines its entrails. Those falcons found to be empty
are healed. Finally he finds Aqhat's remai ns in Sumul 's
stomach, and buries him. He then goes round the country,
6
This is the folk-tale idiom for worship with sacrifices, but uses the figure of
face to face, person to person, communication between deity and devotee.
iv cursing all the villages in the vicinity of the murder. Aqhat
is mourned for seven years, Danel concluding the rites with
a sacrifice. Pughat then dons armour beneath her woman's
clothes, and sets off to find Y atipan. Already half drunk,
and thinking that she is Anat, he demands wine, and while
she plies him with it boasts of his expl oi t. . J
As can be seen from this synopsis, there are tantalizing gaps in the
narrative. Particularly uncl earand consequently open to variations
in reconstructive guessworkis the sequence of events in K TU 1.18.
The synopsis above represents this author's readi ng of the story.
Again, the last column of K TU 1.19 breaks off at the most inop-
portune moment. It is commonl y supposed that Pughat went on to
kill Y atipan, which would provide a relatively satisfying dnouement,
but would leave Anat, the true villain of the piece, unscathed. On
the other hand, as pointed out below,
8
this is to apply our moral
expectations to a divine power, and may misread the author's inten-
tion. Whether or not K TU 1.20-22 = RS 3.348, 2.[019], 2.[024]
have any close relationship with Aqhat must remain an open ques-
tion. But while they are narrative in form (and they appear to be
three versions of substantially the same narrative, though Pitard opines
below 6.4that tablets K TU 1.21 and 1.22 = RS 2. [019], 2. [024]
may be two parts of one whole), we cannot assume that the men-
tion of Danel proves a link, since a number of stories may have
been attached to the same figure.
7
The following translations have been published: VI ROLLEAUD 1936a, GASTER
1936, 1937, 1938. 1950, 257-313, 1961, 316-76, C . H . GORDON 1949, 84 103,
1977, 9-29, FRONZAROLI 1955a, DRI VER 1956, 48-67, J I RKU 1962, 115-36, AI STLEI TNER
1964, 65-82, GI NSBERG 1969, 149-55, CAUOT - SZNY CER 1974, 401 58, CL EAR
1976, 50-69. XEL L A 1976, 1982, 193-216, GI BSON 1978, 103-22, COOGAN 1978,
27-47, MARGAI .I T 1989a, DEL OL MO I J TE 1981a, 327-401, DE MOOR 1987, 224-66,
AI TKEN 1990, BALDACCI 1996, 333-65, PARDEE 1997a, 343-56, PARKER 1997, 49-80,
WY A TT 1998c, 245-312.
Other studies include CASSUTO 1938, BARTON 1940, STOCKS 1943, GI NSBERG 1945a,
1945b, OBERMANN 1946, HERDNER 1949b, GRAY 1957, 73-91 = 1965, 106-26,
EI SSFELDT 1966, K OCH 1967, KAPEL RUD 1969, 70-82, HI L L ERS 1973, DI J KSTRA -
DE MOOR 1975, DRESSLER 1975, 1979, 1983, GI BSON 1975, WATSON 1976, . ,
1976, DI J KSTRA 1979, MARGAI .I T 1981a, 1983a, 1983b, 1984a, 1984b, 1989a, DEL
OL MO I J TE 1984a, 115-42, CAHJ OT 1985, 1987, 1990, PARKER 1987, 1989, 99-144,
COOPER 1988, DE MOOR 1988a, AI TKEN 1989a, 1989b, 1990, HUSSER 1995, 1996.
For a fuller bibliography down to 1988 see MARGAL I T 1989a, 503-6.
R
See 13.3.2.1.
3.3 History of interpretation*
V i r o l l e a u d ( 1936) published the editio pnceps of the Aqhat tablets.
He accepted I limilku's authorshi p of the present narrative, whatever
their antecedents,
10
and dated the tablets to the mid-fourteenth cen-
tury ( 1936, 82) . On genre he was imprecise, referring to 'legends'
( 1936, 83) and to 'mythological texts' ( 1936, 85) , or even both together
( 1936, 109) without demur. By ordering them as he did (n. 1) he
inevitably missed the logical progression which was subsequently
recognized. Many of his explanations of the vocabulary have had to
be revised, but his study is not to be underestimated as i mportant
pioneering work, however much may now be of primarily historical
interest. An interesting instance is his discussion ( 1936, 87- 96) of the
names of the characters. He concluded (p. 96) that Aqhat is 'a mem-
ber of the family of the god of death; he is, in effect, one of the
gods who dies . . .'; he resumed this argument later (p. 110), claim-
ing that Mot 'personifies the ripe ear of wheat', with the result that
Aqhat is also supposed to be 'the harvest-genius'. There was an un-
fortunate tendency to draw conclusions of this kind in early Ugaritic
scholarship, which it took decades to escape. Everything was alle-
gorical! The result was the wholesale application of various permu-
tations of the seasonal interpretation (a variant on the myth-and-ritual
theme) to all the larger compositions, with a consequent delay in
the recognition of more balanced assessments. Virolleaud also under-
stood the terms qst ('bow') and qs't ('arrows') to mean 'chalice' and
'vases' respectively," which rather destroyed the symbolic centrepiece
of the whole story.
C as s u t o 1938, in a brief note on the text, placed the tablets in
what is now regarded as the correct order, and recognized Aqhat's
human nature. B a r t o n 1940 drew attention to the apparent links
9
There is insufficient space to offer a complete survey here, and much of the
earlier discussion is in any case now outmoded. I shall therefore merely oudine one
or two salient features of early discussion, and concentrate on later work. For lit-
erature before their respective publication dates see also the surveys in CAQUOT -
SZNYCER - HERDNER 1974, 401-15, DEL OLMO LETE 1981a, 327-401, and MARGALIT
1989a, 3-92.
1(1
He writes of them being 'redacted in the fourteenth century' and of a con-
siderable lapse of time between their original formation and reduction to writing
by Ilimilku (VIROLLEAUD 1936a, 83). This dating is now in course of modification.
See PARDEE 1997c, 376 n. 2, and below, 13, nn. 284, 289, 311.
11
VIROLLEAUD 1936a, 117, 203-5.
of the narrative with the Galilee region,
12
while G i n s b e r g 1945a,
1945b, recognized that Danel was a king, and in his detailed treat-
ment of a number of key passages broadly set Aqhat studies in their
present mode.
Gaster developed his views through a number of articles and two
editions of Thespis ( G a s t e r 1936, 1937, 1938, 1950, 257-313, 1961
[1966 printing], 316-76). We may take his final account as his con-
sidered view. He treated Aqhat as myth, and classified it as 'the disap-
peari ng god type'. It is a purely literary work as it stands, but with
its roots in ritual drama: 'it was, au fond, nothing but an artistic trans-
formation of the ti me-honored seasonal drama'.
13
After offering a
synopsis of the narrative, in which the reader may feel uncomfort-
ably that he is being led more by rhetoric than by hard facts, he
launched into his interpretation (1961 [1966], 320-7).
'If our basic approach is correct,' he averred, 'this story will go back
to a primitive seasonal myth relating how a mortal huntsman chal-
lenged the supremacy of the goddess of the chase and how his sub-
sequent execution for this impiety caused infertility upon earth.'
He went on to invoke Tammuz, Osiris, Adonis 'and the like'. We
can see the patterni ng process at work. Onl y the prior assumption
of some seasonal theory (probably also misrepresenting fundamental
elements in these traditions too) could justify a parallel treatment.
More substantial, however, was his invocation of the Ori on myth.
Thi s is indeed a widespread tale (in my view possibly quite inde-
pendent of Tammuz and company), of the hunter who confronts
and insults a goddess or is in some way brought to her attention.
14
Unfortunately, Ori on is the subject of a large number of myths, and
not one of them corresponds very closely to the plot of Aqhat. It
requires a synoptic approach to discern any extensive parallels between
what are essentially variations on a theme. Furthermore, Ori on is
inseparable from the constellation of the same name, while Aqhat
12
One of the grounds for considering that the rulers of Ugarit were originally
from the Hauran-Galilee region lies in the familiarity of the tradition with the
toponyms of the region. See discussion, with further references, in MARGAL I T 1989a,
14- 7.
13
GASTER 1961 (1966), 316.
14
GASTER 1961 ( 1966) 320- 6. See also GRUPPE 1906, i 69- 70 (cited Gaster),
FONTENROSE 1981, GRAVES 1960, i 151- 4 (41), and ASTOUR 1967, 163- 75 (discussed
below). Graves' explanation of Aqhat ( 1960, i 153- 4) , apart from calling it a Hittite (!)
myth, interprets it astronomically.
has no obvious links with the stars;
15
and while it would be nice
to find them, we should beware of assuming them on the basis of
'parallels' some centuries younger. But Gaster's work on this aspect
deserves more extensive re-evaluation as our knowledge of the stel-
lar dimension to Ugandan religion, now known only fragmentarily,
develops further. But even establishing a stellar basis does nothing
for the explication of a text from which any such putative elements
are now clearly missing.
16
D r i v e r (1956, 8) gave only a slight treatment of the significance
of the story. He stated that the theme of Aqhat 'is a righteous king's
need of a son', but a couple of paragraphs later wrote that 'the mai n
theme of the myth is clearly the death and resurrection of Aqhat',
thus introducing a new perception of what concerned the narrator,
before concluding that in view of the damaged condition of the mate-
rial 'no satisfactory interpretation of the myth is possible'! Thi s final
assessment is certainly the most cautious. But it should be noted that
Driver raised two interesting issues: the probl em of whether Danel
was a king, and the death and resurrection motif.
A s t o u r (1967, 163-75) referred to Gaster's treatment of Aqhat in
relation to Ori on, but, without discounting it and noting its Meso-
potami an antecedents, argued that a much closer figure for fruitful
comparison is the Greek Actaeon. He noted that Actaeon's mother
Autono was daughter of Cadmus and Harmoni a, thus evincing a
Semitic pedigree, since Cadmus and the whole Boeotian tradition
reflect West Semitic influence. He argued (p. 165) that the two
names, Aqhat and Actaeon, are related, and that not only are both
torn asunder, one by 'eagles' (rather falcons),
17
the other by dogs
(falcons and dogs are animals in the service of hunters), but (p. 167)
that in both stories there is a seasonal element, the fifty hounds of
Actaeon representing the cycle of the year, while Aqhat's death pro-
vokes a severe drought. Like Gaster, he went on to suggest a stel-
lar element behind the Ori on parallels (p. 168), and noted that the
latter's name, too, is susceptible of a Semitic etymology (y'Sr, 'r) and
may even appear in the form aryn as an Ugaritic personal name.
18
|R>
GASTER'S (1961 [1966], 322) linking of the bow with the constellation of Canis
maj or is certainly intriguing!
"' The only hint at a richer background is Pughat's epithetal yd't hlk kbkbm, 'who
know(s) the courses of the stars', K TU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ ii 2-3 etc.
17
WYATT 1998C, 284 and n. 151.
18
Cf. GRONDAHI . 1967, 27, 220, 365. 'Hurrian?': DLU, 54.
He further argued for a link between Sumul {ml), 'mother of the
eagles (falcons)' and Greek Semele.
19
C a q u o t - S z n y c er ( 1974, 409) drew attention to the incomplete
state of the text and advised caution in interpretation. Critical of
mythological and seasonal interpretations, they insisted (p. 413) that
the story was neither history, not historical epic, nor myth, and was
not the subject of seasonal, national or exceptional recital. They
found a definition of its genre elusive, but compared it with Gilga-
mesh, Adapa and Etana, ragardi ng it as an Ugaritic 'classic' (con-
veniently vague!). They did not use the term, but to j udge from their
treatment (p. 414) appear to have assessed it as wisdom literature.
20
G i bs o n ( 1975) set out to clarify thinking on the nature of myth
and other genres. Noti ng that one of K i r k ' s ( 1971, 268) features of
myth was the fantastic dimension, he noted such features in Aqhat
(and Keret), but added that 'a speculative or perhaps better, an ide-
ological bias' (p. 62) should be present for a narrative to qualify as
myth. But he denied any link between the present narrative and Uga-
ritian royal ideology. The scenes such as the confrontation between
Anat and Aqhat, which he considered to have an ideological dimen-
sion, he regarded (p. 67) as 'secondary, supplying for all their vigour
only the backcloth against which Daniel's piety is put to the test'.
He further opined that the bow too was a secondary feature, and
that in a putative fourth tablet Aqhat was finally restored to life.
I r v i n ( 1978, 76- 78) dealt briefly with Aqhat in the broader con-
text of ancient Near Eastern tales. Her treatment was too cursory
to contribute much to the discussion, but she served the useful pur-
pose of highlighting the conventional folklore motifs to be found in
the story.-
1
I n his edition of the texts, d e l O l mo L et e 1981 offered an exten-
sive analysis of Aqhat. He classified it as 'epic', along with Keret, and
ran through the scenes, analyzing the literary sub-type of each episode,
drawing on parallels in biblical and other ancient Near Eastern lit-
eratures. I n reverting to a general statement of the text's 'sense and
function' (pp. 354- 64) , he reiterated its epic nature, judging it however
19
ASTOUR read the D N sml at K T U 1. 39 = R S 1. 001. 14, but this is now dis-
counted.
20
MA RGA L I T 1989a, 58, characteristically summed up their exposition as an
account of 'a pastor or a priest. . . [who] teaches platitudes'!
21
She identifies them according to THOMPSON 1955- 8.
more 'mythical' than Keret, since the deities are more involved as
dramatis persona, and not merely invoked in conventional religious
terms. 'The gods avenge themselves' in response to Aqhat's inso-
lence, he stated (p. 355), discerning a general theological argument
here, and the supreme god 'has to yield to the caprice of an infe-
rior deity'.
22
Thi s theological quality makes it difficult to estimate a
historical basis for the story, as though that were desirable. Del Ol mo
Lete attempted to give a serious theological account, but his assess-
ment of 'the caprice of the gods, their amoral conduct' (p. 356)
seems to me to misconstrue the significance of mythological
23
action.
He later (p. 358) drew attention to another theological point, the
contrast between Danel who is obedient to the gods and receives a
positive response, and Aqhat who confronts them and is accordingly
rebuffed. But while this is true in terms of narrative device, and of
psychology and pastoral theology, it perhaps disguises the real prob-
lem on a purely metaphysical level, which is that the different deities
encountered in the story are quite differently motivated in their rela-
tionships with humans. That is, the deities as reifications of certain
metaphysical principles are credited with their own motivation, which
operates independently of immediate human motivation. Anat is after
all, as goddess of war and hunting, by nature vicious, pitiless and
scheming. That is the role she is constructed to play. We are left
feeling that no amount of diplomacy on Aqhat's part would have
saved him. Certainly no amount of piety on Danel's part does him
any good.
Margalit has written a number of studies on Aqhat, culminating
in his large-scale commentary ( M ar g al i t 1981a, 1983b, 1984c, 1989),
the first study on a single narrative from Ugarit on this scale.
24
Thi s
is extremely thorough, but is a very difficult volume to work with,
in view of its division into separate blocks dealing with the same
22
For my slightly different assessment of the general theological principles at
work see below, 13.3.2.6.
23
I am writing here of the mental disposition rather than the literary genre,
though the two naturally overlap. As though grappling with this issue, del Olmo
Lete (p. 356 and n. 90) writes that Aqhat is 'nearer "myth" than the "epic of Kirta"',
and (n.) '[Aqhat's] intermediate position between saga and myth is recognized'.
'Caprice' is also a term appearing in de Moor's assessment (below). For further
observations on the adequate assessment of myth see 13.4 below.
24
The studies on the Baal cycle by DE MOOR (1971) and VAN ZI J L (1972a) are
not formal commentaries in the same sense, and in any case the Baal material is
altogether more heterogeneous than Aqhat or Keret.
materials from different perspectives and no adequate cross-refer-
encing aids. Tryi ng to achieve this duri ng use is a taxing occupa-
tion. It begins (pp. 3-92) with a useful survey of previous work,
though this is perhaps excessively negative, not to say waspish, in its
assessment of others' efforts.
25
There follows a prosodie analysis (pp.
93-105), separated by nearly four hundred pages from the appen-
dix on the principles of Ugaritic prosody (pp. 495-502). It is fair to
say that Margalit has ploughed a lonely furrow on this topic, for
few have expressed support for his approach, or are as optimistic as
he that he has solved the considerable problems the topic raises.
Following the initial position-statement on prosody, he offered a
textual analysis (pp. 107-14), followed by a text layout (unvocalized,
pp. 117-41); this is followed in turn by a translation (pp. 143-66),
then by textual and epigraphic notes (pp. 167-246), and finally by
a literary commentary, prefaced by short units of the unvocalized
text (again!) and punctuated by excursi on various topics (pp. 247-
469), before an exegetical overview, a brief statement on Ugaritic
literature and the Hebrew Bible and the final appendix. Two theo-
retical positions domi nate the work, the non-royal nature of Danel
(on which see further below), and the so-called 'Ki nneret hypothe-
sis', according to which the narrative is at home in the Galilee region.
He even considered the Kinneret to be an actor in the drama (p. 411:
'the personified Ki nnereth, "unwilling" to disclose the identity of the
assailant, must be punished as "accessory after the fact"'). This seems
a trifle excessive.
Parker has written two studies ( P ar k er 1987,
26
1989, 99-144) on
Aqhat. I n the former, he deplored the atomistic nature of previous
philological approaches to the poem, and the patternistic bias of reli-
gious approaches. The time had come for a literary approach. While
caution must be urged in view of the fragmentary nature of the text,
a useful approach, on essentially form-critical terms, was the estab-
lishment of the types of traditional material employed.
27
'Hypothetically
25
The treatment of K APEL RUD 1969 encapsulates this rather well: 'Author (sic)
states at the outset (p. 70): "The Aqht text is still an enigma, and so far no satis-
factory solution of its problems has been found". Had he limited himself to this
statement, the net balance of author's contribution would have been more positive
than it is in fact.' Some put-down!
2li
Published in the M.H. Pope Festschrift (MARK S - GOOD 1987). Given as an
SBL paper in 1980, and discussed briefly in MA RGA L I T 1989a, 716.
27
Cf. discussion of del Ol mo Lete above.
any consistent thrust uniting those peculiarities may be treated as
the theme of the whole' (p. 71). He isolated five mai n sections, and
treated each in turn. These are as follows, in his treatment.
A), the birth of Aqhat, deals with the familiar theme of the child-
less hero who appeals to the god for help; the god responds, and
the child is born. The Egyptian tale of the Doomed Pnce and the
Hurri an Appu story, the story of Hannah and Samuel in I Samuel,
and the Ugaritic Keret story, are cited as comparabl e examples of
the type.
B), the bow of Aqhat, describes the making and delivery of the
bow. The account of Kothar's visit has analogues in Genesis 18:116
and 19:1-16. Shari ng certain traits is 2 Kgs 4:8-17, and a modified
version of the form appears in 1 Kgs 17:916.
C), the death of Aqhat, describes Anat's coveting of the bow, her
overtures to the hero, and confrontati on with El when rebuffed, cul-
mi nati ng in her being given a free hand in accomplishing Aqhat's
death with Y atipan's help. Compari son is made with the hero with
I shtar in Gilgamesh, both episodes deriving from an older Vorlage, and
also with Anat's dealing with El in K TU 1.3 = RS 2.[014]+.
28
D), the consequences of Aqhat's death. Parker noted that the nar-
rative movement almost comes to a standstill in this section, apart
from describing a number of ritual activities which accompany the
inevitable environmental consequences of Aqhat's murder. Aware-
ness of Aqhat's death (as the cause of drought) dawns only slowly,
and then Danel's curses are directed towards the birds who have
devoured his son,
29
and to the cities held responsible for unresolved
homicides in their neighbourhoods. No similarly extended parallels
from ancient near eastern literature are cited.
E), Pughat's mission of vengeance. Compari sons scholars have
made with the stories of J udi th and J ael and Sisera are noted. While
the latter connection is discounted, extensive similarities with the for-
mer are discussed.
28
PARKKR 1987, 77, notes that while the language in Baal and Aqhat is remark-
ably similar, the theme of the goddess' insubordination before the high god is far
less apposite in the former. He adduces a closer relationship between Aqhat and
Gilgamesh.
29
PARKER 1987, 79, appears to hold the father of the raptors responsible. In fact
it is their mother, Sumul, who is so described, in KTU 1. 19 iii 28- 39. The birds
are identified as vultures, p. 78. For the present author they are rather falcons.
Parker concluded that Aqhat would have originally ended with an
account of the fulfilment of Pughat's vengeance, and a return of fer-
tility to the land,
30
but with no reference to Aqhat's restoration to
life. He ended with an assessment in which the mythological empha-
sis drawn by previous scholarship was played down, while the social
dimension was highlighted as the mai n theme of the author's inten-
tion. He made some interesting observations on gender roles, con-
trasting Anat's 'innate and blatant masculinity' with Pughat's 'assumed
and concealed masculinity' (p. 82). his conclusion raises a number
of questions (expressed rhetorically) rather than providing answers
for them. He saw the possibility of a critique of the values of the
contemporary monarchy and administration.
Useful as this analysis of the structures and congeners of the Aqhat
story are, it does not actually tell us much about the moral or ide-
ological dimensions which may lie behind it (that is, the author's
intention). If his final questions had been answered, we might have
some clear idea where Parker stood. Margalit, though too harsh in
his judgment,
31
is perhaps justified in complaining that this tells us
more about comparati ve literature than about Aqhat. It certainly
shows the relatively sterile nature of analysis which gives no account
of why an author works in this or that way, beyond the fact that it
all boils down to 'traditional themes'.
Parker returned to the topic in a further study ( P ar k er 1989).
Here he set out the broad characteristics of Ugaritic narrative verse,
as it was evidenced in particular in the Keret and Aqhat stories. He
then turned to Aqhat itself (pp. 99-144), and outlined much the same
discussion as above. His conclusion was extended to a demonstra-
tion of how, while drawing on common mythic and legendary themes,
the author(s) ('composers') have, 'by adopti ng, transformi ng and
combi ni ng several different traditional narratives, produced a larger
work of striking unity' (p. 142). Again he emphasized the familial
values promoted in the story, as distinct from conventional mytho-
logical themes, raised the question of authorial motive, and now sug-
gested that as a piece of 'classical' literature in Ugarit, Aqhat may
30
Does he mean an element of the 'fertility cult' here? He does not say. At
most, what can be said is that fertility represents divine blessing, while sterility is
the outcome of a curse, and in broad terms fertility also has to do with royal power
and its effective implementation. The loss of a prince is a threat to a kingdom.
However, PARKER notes ( 1987, 83) the lack of overt emphasis on royal issues.
31
MARGAL I T 1989a, 72.
have afforded its readers and hearers the opportunity of seeing them-
selves mi rrored in the world of the story, 'a satisfying portrayal of
life in an idealized past era, a life with its own tragedies, but also
with its own orderly and beautiful institutions that in the end pre-
vailed' (p. 143).
I n his translation of the texts, d e M o o r 1987, 2 2 4 - 6 6 , made a
number of comments on the literary features of the story. I n keeping
with his broader assessment of Ugaritian theology,
32
he saw Aqhat as
dealing 'with life and death, and with the fate of man who all too
often appears to be the victim of divine caprice'. Read in the light
of his earlier and later treatments of Ugaritic theology, this is not a
perspective to be taken seriously, since he appears to have envisaged
a culture incapable of the moral insight to question its own bank-
rupt theology. The authors are thus as benighted as their literary
characters. At best Ilimilku reflects a disillusioned and pessimistic
oudook supposedly typical of the Late Bronze Medi terranean world.
33
I nto this scenario d e M o o r (1990, 97 = 1997, 99) wove an argu-
ment developed some years earlier (de M o o r 1988a), discerning in
Aqhat a further outworking of the seasonal pattern he had previously
argued to be the foundati on of the Baal Cycle (de M o o r 1971). In
the 1988 article he expressed the principle thus: 'Ilimilku . . . delib-
erately wove a seasonal pattern into the Legend of Aqhatu out of
his conviction that life on earth revolves according to a circular pat-
tern that had been laid down in the pristine age of myth' (p. 61).
He then proceeded to fix episodes in the narrati ve in sequence
through the calendrical year in the same manner as had been done
for the Baal cycle. The substantial objections raised by some schol-
ars to the seasonal interpretation were dismissed as of no conse-
quence (de M o o r 1988a, 75 n. 6).
A i t k en (1990)
34
offered a very thorough analysis of the narrative
from a folk-literature perspective, drawi ng on the work of Propp,
Dundes and Dolezel. He saw the narrative structure in terms of a
series of different thematic levels, and of alternating patterns; 'lacks'
32
DE MOOR 1986b, 1990, 42-100 (= 1997, 41-102). For my views on this issue
see 13.3 below.
33
See DE MOOR 1990, 99 (= 1997, 101). In my view the observations made here
result from a mistranslation of K T U 1.19 ii 34-36. For my translation see WY A T T
1998c, 301.
34
This is the published form of an Edinburgh PhD dissertation from 1978. The
latest entries in the bibliography are from 1984.
being 'liquidated' (not the most apposite term in view of Aqhat's liq-
uidation!) as desires were met or situations reversed (e.g. a son for
the hero, a bow for the hero, the bow for Anat, and so on) or a
status quo maintained. Among the oppositions a set of equivalences
(called 'the synonymous sequence') is also developed, and periodic rep-
etition (e.g. searching the falcons' gizzards for the remains of Aqhat
maintain tension and development to a climax. Aitken was able to
achieve this, quite legitimately, in spite of the considerable gaps in
the narrative, and showed the tight construction of the surviving text,
and, as he put it (p. 206), 'of the skill and artistry of its narrator,
the Ugaritic teller of tales'.
3.4 Some recurrent and unresolved issues in Aqhat
A number of individual episodes and themes in the story have been
the subject of particular discussion.
3.4.1 The Incubation theory
Like O b e r ma n n (1946), Gaster interpreted the temple episode (KTU
1.17 i) as an incubation scene,
35
as did Gray,
36
del Ol mo Lete
37
and
Parker.
38
Thi s view has however been persuasively challenged by
M a r g a l i t 1989a, 260-6, and by H u s s er 1992, 29-62, 1996, 93-5,
who marshall substantial arguments against the i ncubati on inter-
pretation. Margalit, citing H a mi l t o n ' s (1906) study, observes that
none of the conditions required is fulfilled: chthonian gods are not
involved, no illness is involved, there is no reason to think that
Danel's sleeping is part of the ritual, there is no direct theophany,
and no cultic personnel are involved. Furthermore, no other ancient
Near Eastern candidate fulfils the conditions either, and we are left
with a late hellenistic institution with no obvious points of contact.
Husser's original discussion was complex and extended, taking Ober-
mann on at every j uncture. His later paper summarized his mai n
findings, broadly in accord with Margalit. He noted that it was gaps
in the text, filled out in academi c imagination, which appeared to
justify the incubation interpretation. Furthermore, it was not to Danel
35
GASTER 1961, 316.
36
GRAY 1969, 296.
37
DEL OLMO LETE 1981a, 332- 3, 1984a, 119 20, 1984b.
38
PARKER 1987, 72; 1992, 100.
that Baal drew near (in a theophany), but to El, to whom he speaks
about Danel in the third person. If 'incubation' is to be used to
describe the scene, it requires a considerable extension of the clas-
sical meani ng of the term.
3.4.2 The occasion of Aqhat's birth
When was Aqhat born? The conventional interpretation of K TU
1.17 ii has been that it is part of the build-up to the account of the
birth of Aqhat, which must have been narrated in the gap follow-
ing. Thi s is explicitly stated, for instance, by M a r g a l i t 1989a, 147,
and in some other discussions appears to be assumed, though not
spelt out (e.g. P a r k e r 1987, 73). But a convincing case has been
made by Caquot - Sznycer, and developed further by Husser, that
the birth must have taken place in the gap between the end of
col. i and the beginning of col. ii.
39
The later presence of the Kotharat
is to be understood, no doubt, as for that purpose, but they evi-
dently delay for some days after, perhaps to confirm a safe birth
and the healthy state of the child. On this alternative interpretation,
the arrival of the Kotharat and the counti ng of days and months in
K TU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] ii refer not to conception and pregnancy,
but to the immediate post-natal period and the child's infancy.
40
3.4.3 Aqhat's encounter with Anat
The encounter between Anat and Aqhat in K TU 1.18 i (in partic-
ular 1. 24) has also given rise to much discussion. The key part of
the text reads at.ah.wan.x[ ]. It has been frequently restored, to read
at.ah.wan.a[htk].
41
Was there a sexual encounter between Aqhat and
Anat? Thi s was asserted by A l b r i g h t (1944, 33-4), but rejected by
G i n s b e r g (1945b, 19). The best argument against the common view,
i.e. that there was, is that of D r e s s l e r 1979, followed by X e l l a
1984b. I have accepted this view.
42
39
CA>UOT - SZNY CER 1974, 405, 425 n. f., HUSSER 1996, WY A T T 1998C, 262
N. 50.
40
Note the pluperfect sense of 'rb bbth ktrt, 'the skilful goddesses had entered his
house', in KTU 1. 17 ii 26: HUSSER 1996, 91- 2, WY A T T 1998C, 264 and n. 61.
41
Thus KTU
1
.
42
Instead of 'You are my brother and I am your sis[ter]', the passage is to be
read 'Come, brother, and I shall [ ]'. The putative reading a[htk\ is impossible. See
WY A T T 1998C, 279 and n. 132.
3.4.4 Danel's social status
There has been some debate as to whether Danel is a king. G i n s b er g
(1945a, 4 n. 6) noted that Danel sits at both threshing-floor and city
gate to dispense justice, citing 1 Kgs 22:10, 2 Chr. 18:9 as paral-
lels, and also noting the widespread ancient Near Eastern use of the
royal theme of caring for widows and orphans. G i bs o n (1975, 66)
remarked that 'Danel is only once called a king', as though apolo-
gizing for the author's loose use of language! He preferred to see in
Danel a patriarch of the J oban or Abrahami c kind. The formal royal
view has not gone unchallenged, as noted above. M a r g a l i t (1989a,
253-4, 278, 292-3, 309, 361 2, 410, 424-7) in particular has been
most persistent in arguing that Danel is not to be seen as a king.
His arguments (1989a) were as follows, though the case was made
more by assertion than by demonstration. A premonarchi cal society
was envisaged by Margalit (p. 309), in which 'notables' dispensed
justice. Danel's 'political status is that of unus (doubtfully primus) inter
pares. He is one of the "city elders" . . . ' (p. 361). Finally, he did not
recognize the sense 'king' of mlk in K TU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ iii 46.
He construed it (1989a, 163, 410) as 'your down-course' (Ar. may I).
I n view of Gibson's comment, it is worth noting that with substan-
tial portions of the text missing, not too much should be made of
the apparent hapax appearance of mlk here. Margalit's case can hardly
be said to be very strong, and much rhetoric and repetition can
hardly substitute for reasoned discussion.
The counter-arguments are as follows. Firstly, the title mt rpi, how-
ever it is taken, has a royal significance. I n my translation (1998c,
250 n. 5) I have taken it in the sense 'man (i.e. ruler) of Rapha'.
The alternative sense is to take it as a promise of Danel's later (post-
mortem) incorporation into the rpum (deified dead kings of high rank).
To this cf. the element in the blessing of Keret which foresees his
inclusion among the rpum, K TU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 2-4, 13-5).
Secondly the blessing formula restored at K TU 1.17 i 34-6, on
the strength of K TU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ ii 16-20, is to be construed
as explicitly royal in its object. As J ackson and Dressier have noted,
there is a close affinity between the scene described and the Uga-
ritian royal seals.
43
Within this formula, the form
c
bd reappears (pace
Margalit), with reference to Danel, at K TU 1.17 i 36 (previously
43
J ACKSON - DRESSLF.R 1975. See also WY ATT 1997, 787-9.
misread as .bdh, with precedi ng word-divider), and this too is an
explicitly royal title.
44
Thirdly, Danel also performs an action reminiscent of El himself
at K TU 1.17 i 10-11, in placing his feet on his footstool. Thi s is
to be understood as an accoutrement of royal rank (cf. Ps. 110:1).
Fourthly, the description in K TU 1.17 i of Danel 'enrobed' (uzr)
for the performance of his devotions may be an allusion to the rit-
ual garment in which Ugaritian kings are shown robed in various
representations.
45
Fifthly, as already observed by Ginsberg (above), Danel's sitting
at the city-gate to j udge, at K TU 1.17 4-8, 19 i 19-25, and partic-
ularly the reference to widows and oi phans as the beneficiaries of his
dispensation of justice (a clich for royal justice throughout ancient
Near Eastern literature; contrast Keret at K TU 1.16 vi 33-4, 45-50!)
is the fulfilment of a specifically royal duty. Margalit's attempt to
democratize this is without substance.
Sixthly, the use of hkl at K TU 1.17 i 26, 43, ii 25, is most rea-
sonably to be construed as denoti ng a royal palace. To accept it as
less is to require that the term is used as a sustained hyperbole. The
former alternadve is altogether the more natural. While it is of course
the pair-word to bt, it is used elsewhere in the Ugaritic corpus only
of kings' and gods' 'houses', that is, palaces in the first instance and
temples in the second.
Finally, the form mlk occurring at K TU 1.19 iii 46 is most rea-
sonably to be taken to mean 'king', with reference to Danel him-
self, as the subject of the verb in the sentence. The syntax raises no
problems, and an appeal to Arabic cognates is unnecessary.
These pieces of evidence represent a prima facie case for Danel's
kingship, and it can only be the prior assumption that he is not a
king which can challenge their cumulative force. On the other hand,
the anti-monarchical case requires the demolition of the whole argu-
ment, point by point. The royal status of Danel is not necessarily
an essential element in the broad interpretation of the story, for the
heroes of tales are often kings or the sons of kings, and it merely
adds an aristocratic gloss to the narrative; but it also lends some
support to the view expressed below that the story has been given
44
A king is 'bd DN, 'servant (or "gardener"WYATT 1990b) of DN'. Thus with
J udahi te kings 'bdyhuoh, 'servant of Yahweh', or 'gardener of Yahweh'.
45
See WY A T T 1998C, 251 n. 6.
an ideological twist by Ilimilku. Qui te apart from its interpretative
significance, the fact remains that Danel's kingship appears to be
taken for granted.
3. 4. 5 The bow
Dressier and Hillers have both drawn attention to the significance
of the bow in the story of Aqhat. It is evidently of some consider-
able i mportance, since the desire for it motivates Anat to murder
the hero. In the broadest sense it is a symbol of power. But what
else is it?
H i l l e r s (1973) argued that it was in effect a phallic symbol. Its
theft by Anat would constitute an act of emasculation. He read into
this a number of modern psycho-literary insights.
D r e s s l e r ( 1975) countered that much of Hillers' argument cen-
tred on damaged text (and its restoration), hardly a sound basis for
far-reaching hermeneutical claims. The bow was indeed a masculine
symbol, but not a phallic one. That is, it pointed to manly virtues,
but without explicidy sexual innuendo. He drew attention to H o f f n er ' s
( 1966) discussion of gender-symbols in defence of his own restrained
view, and rebutted each instance of an ancient literary allusion to
bows, arrows and quivers in which Hillers had discerned a sexual
i nnuendo.
3.4.6 What becomes of dead men?
The retort offered by Aqhat to Anat's offer of eternal life in exchange
for the bow has long puzzled scholars. M a r g a l i t ( 1989, 307- 10) ,
while having nothing to say on the specific matter of post-mortem exist-
ence, presents Aqhat's observations in K TU 1. 17 vi 3 6 - 3 8 as an
allusion to the Neolithic liming of skulls attested at J eri cho. The idea
that a LBA text would be preserving ritual details of a very specific
kind (and long discontinued, to judge from mortuary evidence through-
out the intervening period) seems most unlikely to me, and may be
discounted. The further idea that LBA people might discover such
ancient skulls (lying in shallow deposits) and contemplate their mean-
ing (p. 309), while a charmi ng idea, is scarcely a sufficient basis for
postulating a systematic anthropology of death. The more general issue
of the nature of beliefs regarding the afterlife has been dealt with
at some length by S p r o n k ( 1986) , who takes a maximalist line, much
in the tradition of D a h o o d ( 1970) , who cited the present passage in
his argument for a positive view of the afterlife, and even attributed
a firm belief in a beatific vision to the psalmists.
The following translation of K TU 1. 17 vi 36~38
4 6
represents my
rather less fulsome view of the matter. The key word in the prob-
lem of translation has been hrs occurring in 1. 37. I have explained
it as representing perhaps a misspelling of the more common hrs,
'gold'. D i j k s t r a - de M o o r ( 1975, 190) offered the same explana-
tion, considering hrs however as a parallel form, de M o o r ( 1987,
239) later abandoned this view in favour of 'potash', but I consider
that his initial insight was to be preferred.
Man, (at his) end, what will he receive?
What will he receive, a man (as his destiny?
Silver will be poured on his head,
gold on top of his skull,
[and] the death of all I shall die,
and I shall surely die.
As I read this, Anat does indeed voice the possibility of a life after
death, probably based on the beliefs held regarding dead kings, all
of whom are 'divine' in some sense (cf. K TU 1.113 = RS 24.257.
13-26, where each RN is prefixed by il). Some dead kings (though
to j udge from the evidence, legendary rather than historical figures,
since no members of the king-list apparently qualify) are even given
the accolade rpum (cf. 6.4), which I understand to denote dead and
deified kings, comparabl e perhaps to the heroes of the Greek cult.
However, while this idea is here broached, and Ilimilku may indeed
be floating the idea through the agency of Anat's speech, he also
offers through the medi um of Aqhat's wholly negative answer a sound
critique of such unrealistic views.
46
Cf. WY A T T 1998C, 274 and n. 115. I have modified the third colon here. The
colon begins spsg, translated in 1998c as 'a precious substance
?
', and variously trans-
lated as 'glaze' (|| 'quicklime': GI BSON 1978, 109), 'enamel' (|| 'whitewash': DEL
OL MO L ETE 1981a, 378), 'glaze' (|| 'potash': DE MOOR 1987, 239), 'a coating' (|| 'lime-
plaster': MARGAI .I T 1989, 151). 1 noted (1998c, 274 n. 115) that this is reminiscent
of Prov. 26:23, where the expression kesep siggim, was read by GI NSBERG (1945b,
p. 2I n. 55) as k-spsg\ym\, 'like glaze' on the strength of the Ugaritic. But this argu-
ment may be regarded as circular, in which one unknown is used to interpret
another. Perhaps the original kesep is to be retained in Proverbs, and restored to
the Ug. text as <k>spsg || hrs/*/j'rs. The -sg(ym) remains unexplained in both cases,
but that is another issue. But Ugaritic is relatively stereotypical in its use of regu-
lar word-pairs, and ksp || for s is fairly commonplace, occurring many times in the
repertoire. Furthermore, the Heb. term is pi. in form, while the Ug. is sg., thus
reducing the appearance of a seemingly identical terminology.
3.5 New angles on Aqhat
The present author has attempted
47
to inteipret the work of Ilimilku
overall, as motivated in all probability by the concerns of his office
as priest and sacrificer of the king. Such a substantial amount of
material (K TU 1.1-6, 1.14-6, 1.17-9, perhaps 1.10, and now 9.432
= RS 92.2016, still unpublished as this goes to press) by one named
person, however we apportion his editorial and compositional input,
is quite remarkable in the Late Bronze, and we may at least ask
whether he did not have some broad ideological concern to express.
Worki ng on the basis of the view, now under challenge, that the
Ni qmaddu of the colopha is Ni qmaddu II, it is proposed that we
have in this substantial opus a legitimization of the new king, whose
reign may have begun in inauspicious circumstances (death of a prior
claimant? usurpation?), whose claim required every kind of support
available in a hearts and minds campai gn. The place of Aqhat in
this hypothetical programme was almost circumstantial, since the
weighty arguments were already spelt out in the Baal myths and in
Keret. But it would tend to reinforce some features of the Keret story:
thus the restitution of the blessing episode to the text would tend to
confirm the author's view that Danel is indeed a king. Thi s in turn
would highlight the significance of the magnificent bow, fit for a
god, and of course of its function as a royal weapon (the king as
hunter is an analogue of the king as warrior), and thus attach a
peculiar i mportance to Aqhat, the hapless recipient of this wonder.
While not in the same form as the search for Baal and the allusion
to it in searching for help for Keret, Danel's search for Aqhat's
remains is perhaps intended to invoke the same theological associa-
tions, as though Baal's death is a type of a king's, here a future
king, with an aspiration to some happy hereafter. This of course is
what Anat offers the prince, but which he sharply rejects. Are we
to see in the raising of such questions a grappling with issues which
tradition has indeed sanctified by habit, but whose answers are no
longer regarded as good enough? Ilimilku might thus be seen as one
of O'Shaunessy's poets, the movers and shakers of the world.
I n attempti ng to identify the poet's motivation (as well as to quan-
tify his personal input into a representation of essentially traditional
47
WY A T T 1997, 1998a. See also notes to the text in 1998c, 34- 6, 176- 8, 246- 8
(written before 1998a), where I initially explored some of the ideas in question.
material), I am of course entering into a mode as subjective as that
which I have implicitly or explicitly criticized above in other schol-
ars' work. But there seems to me to be a world of differencehow-
ever difficult it may be to achieve itbetween attempti ng to foist
on an ancient author one's contemporary prejudices and discover-
ing what were indeed his own concerns in the matter. I n the mat-
ter of the 'caprice' of the gods, menti oned by two authors cited, I
think we have an example of the all too common tendency to allow
modern theological values, al ready commonl y i mported into the
Hebrew Bible, and declared to be resident there, to affect the agenda.
Not content with an invented 'biblical world view' which is more
often that of the post-reformati on peri od, there seems to be an
attempt to make Ilimilku himself an early reformer! Yet I see no
tension at all in broad matters of metaphysics between Ilimilku and
his world. So far as the internal and traditional theology of Aqhat is
concerned, and which there is no reason to believe is under attack
by Ilimilku, the kind of perspective outlined below ( 13.4.2) is to
be discerned: polytheistic theory at the same time offers a coherent
overall structure at the macrocosmic level for the mai ntenance of
meani ng and value in the world, and in the interaction of its par-
ticular deities accommodates the microcosmic realities of individual
problems, individual decisions and their consequences, and the ten-
sions which are bound to exist between the real and the ideal world.
Anat's behavi our is predictable, and in no way a reflection of inad-
equate or i mmoral theology. As the embodi ment of precisely the
dysfunctional aspect of the world, represented by all forms of killing
(hunting and war), she is a terrible power to encounter. Aqhat's brisk
rebuttal of her overtures, while commandi ng our respect, inevitably
brings on his own head the whole weight of the traditional sanction
on those who bl aspheme (sc. question the divinely ordained order of
things). There is a degree of tragedy and of awful inevitability, as
the sequence of automati c cursing and automati c revenge is set in
train, but this does no more than express in graphic terms the prin-
ciple of accountability.
On the matter of genre, there has been much discussion on that
of the Keret and Aqhat stories. Are they myths, legends or sagas?
When myth is defined as 'stories about the gods' (e.g. by Gunkel
and Eissfeldt), then the presence of human characters in the story
compromises any attempt to categorize the story as myth. Since no
such inhibitions seem to affect discussion of mythology in any arena
other than the biblical one (where also it is arguably an inappro-
priate basis for classification, since it really belongs to a polemic
rather than a detached analysis), it may be regarded as irrelevant to
serious discussion of the Ugaritic texts. More to the point is perhaps
the matter of authorial intention. If myth be defined, as it is likely
to be in social scientific terms, as stories bearing an ideological (which
may include a religious) or paradi gmati c message to their public,
then the issue of the nature of the characters, divine, human, or even
animal, is secondary. These elements are important. Fables, folk and
fairy tales, though they contain characters drawn from myth, have
lost the absolute imperative of the ideological norm, which demands
obedience to a conventional set of values, duties and taboos, and
effectively authorizes sanctions against non-conformists. But an ele-
ment of freedom in the development of a tradition exists. Thus the
myth (e.g. the Chaoskampf, which is integral to the mai ntenance of
royal ideology) may slowly evolve into other forms, such as 'St George
and the dragon', which retains vestiges of ideology, and the 'Celtic
dragon myth', which does not. Thus genre is not absolute, as a given
narrative may be developing from one genre to another.
We noted above del Ol mo Lete's and Parker's remarks on the
matter of genre. These highlighted, to my mi nd, the inadequacy of
the 'genre' approach, in so far as it seeks to establish literary types,
each with its own distinctive mental disposition, attitude to history,
to religion, and so on. These divisions are part of our need to struc-
ture our thoughts on such issues, and all too frequently bring a sledge-
hammer to crack a nut. Absolute categorizations, of the 'saga',
'legend', 'myth', 'epic' kind, are always subjective, if only because
no one agrees on definitions, and merely cut off various avenues of
retreat from the absolute j udgments which each genre is felt to entail.
I prefer like many scholars to speak more neutrally of the 'story' of
Aqhat (and of Keret), noting different tendencies on various issues. This
avoids hostages to fortune, and still leaves narrators free to indulge
in a degree of eclecticism, perhaps drawi ng on different, or even
hybrid genres, and us free to estimate the broad mental stance of
the tradition, unencumbered by the demands imposed by arbitrary
classification.
The most obvious starting-point for an assessment should be the
global one of the LBA Weltanschauung of Ugaritian culture, as estab-
lished through broad studies of its cosmology, theology, mythology
and ritual forms. I am entirely happy to call this 'mythological', in
the sense in which a modern religious response in devotion, scripture-
reading and cult remains mythological, since it operates on a different
level from the purely empirical. 'Mythological' is the more useful in
that while it relates to myth, it may also denote quasi-mythic fea-
tures in other genres, such as deities featuring as characters, the sus-
pension of empirical laws for narrative effect, and so on.
48
Aqhat is to be seen as a story, built up as Parker showed around
a number of motifs, and as Aitken showed around a number of
themes, motifs, formul ae and word-pairs. The stages of its literary
prehistory are no longer recoverable, partly on account of the con-
siderable skills of the tradents, partly because no one motivation
seems evident in its construction; but in the hands of Ilimilku there
is a case to answer that the poet pressed it into service in the inter-
ests of royal propaganda. To this extent it has become an ideolog-
ical text. And in so far as Ilimilku has brought an ideological element
into traditional material, he has blurred the distinction between gen-
res, and produced composite works.
3.6 Some observations on style
A number of commentators have remarked on the 'patriarchal' char-
acterization of Danel, undoubtedl y with an eye to similarities in the
presentation of the patriarchs of the Genesis narratives. There too
a domestic, almost bucolic gloss is given to narrative themes which
address the most urgent needs of human societies, their very phys-
ical survival, expressed most typically in the yearni ng of a man for
a son, who will support him in his declining years and perform his
obsequies. There is a surprising tautness to the text (well illustrated
in Aitken's treatment), with no word too many and an action that
proceeds deliberately, its pace tailored to the various levels of mean-
ing requiring weaving into the whole.
The fourfold repetition of the duties of the pious son, for instance,
is no mechanical overkill by a poetaster, but a skilful development
of one of the main themes of the story. While it is unprovable, it
is worth suggesting that this is one of I limilku's own insertions into
the traditional Vorlage, since it is so germane to his own concerns, if
my analysis is correct. I n K TU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 26-33 the for-
48
Much biblical historiography is 'mythological' in this sense.
mula is voiccd by Baal, interceding on Danel's behalf with El. In
1.17 i 42~7 (and the missing conclusion) it is repeated by El in his
response to Baal. These two narrations therefore take place in heaven,
in the divine abode. As 1.17 ii becomes legible in 11. 1-8 the for-
mul a is already being repeated in a message by an unnamed deity
to Danel, confirming the promise of the birth that has now taken
place, and finally, the fourth instance, in 1. 17 ii 16- 23, Danel him-
self repeats the formula as guarantee of divine blessing. Not only is
this a classic instance of the 'semantic rectangle' (J AMESON 1972,
163- 7) in use as a literary tool, but it shows a clear progress from
an idea deliberated among the gods and only finally, via a revela-
tion, appropri ated by the human recipient. The theological weight
this confers on the text goes far beyond the merely folkloric.
A similar technique is used in the episode of Danel searching
the gizzards of the raptors. In the three successive scenes in K TU
1.19 = RS 3.322+ iii (edge and) l -14a, 14b-28a and 28b-40a we
see Danel progressively home in on the place where his son's remains
lie. Firstly a rather unfocusscd look among falcon-gizzards in gen-
eral; then an examination of Hargab's gizzard, and finally the dis-
covery in Sumul's gizzard of fragments of the hero. Thi s time there
is only a threefold repetition; but this too is masterly, for with the
semantic rectangle incomplete it leaves the reader with a sense of
tension, of a search not really brought to a final conclusion. Thi s is
further heightened by the consequent threefold treatment of the curs-
ing of localities held responsible. Again, the sense of tension. The
reason for this is surely that the real culprit is still at large. We may
see the problem resolved on one level with the probable vengeance
wrought on Y atipan by Pughat, appropriately disguised as Anat, as
the final col umn breaks off. On another level Anat is of course to
blame, and yet as a goddess she must remain above formal, or at
any rate articulated suspicion. It is on account of no weakness, and
certainly of no theological bankruptcy, that the goddess appears to
emerge unscathed. While her cruelty is not perhaps to be compared
in too facile a manner with Y ahweh-El Shaddai's inscrutability in
J ob, we are faced with the same fruitless search for the fulfilment
of human expectations in the face of the divine nature.
49
49
For further comments on Anat's theological significance see below, 13.4.
I n both contexts too, in Genesis and Aqhat, we discern ideologi-
cal concerns either overtly expressed, or simmering beneath the sur-
face. The patriarchs are royal and priesdy ancestors, and Danel is
a king, whose fecundity determines the future of his kingdom. The
domestic flavour is deceptive: in their final form both traditions are
pregnant with ideological power.
4 T h e RPUM T e x t s
W a y n e T . P i t ar d
4.1 Introduction: the tablets
The so-called "Rpurr or 'Rephanr texts, K TU 1.20 = RS 3.348 (CTA
20, UT 121), K TU 1.21 = RS 2.[019] (CTA 21, UT 122) and K TU
1.22 = RS 2. [024] (CTA 22, UT 124, 123), are three small frag-
ments of at least two large, multi-columned tablets.' They preserve
in very broken form a portion of a narrative concerning a group of
beings called rpum.'
1
While extremely problematic and ambiguous,
these texts have played an important role in the discussion of Ugaritic
and Canaani te concepts of death and the afterlife, as well as in the
reconstruction of the Ugaritic political and social order.
Two of the fragments (K TU 1.21 = RS 2. [019] and 1.22 = RS
2. [024]) were found duri ng the second season of excavations (1930),
either inside the House of the High Priest on the acropolis or in the
rubble directly outside the southern wall of the house.
3
The third
1
K TU 1.20 = R S 3.348 was first published in VI ROL L EAUD 1936a, 228-30, in
his editio pnnceps of the Aqhat Epic. The other two, K TU 1.21 + RS 2. [019] and
K TU 1.22 = RS 2. [024], along with a rdition of K TU 1.20, first appeared in
VI ROL L EAUD 1941a. Besides the transcriptions in the standard collections (CTA and
KTU, KTU
2
= CAT), a recent edition of the texts, with extensive photographs, may
be found in PI TARD 1992. Maj or translations include VI ROL L EAUD 1941a, 1-30;
DRI VER 1956, 66-71; AI STLEI TNER 1964, 83-86; CAQUOT etat. 1974, 461-80; GORDON
1977, 29-31; COOGA N 1978, 48-51; L ' HEUREUX 1979, 129-59; DEL OL MO L ETE
1981a, 405-24; SPRONK 1986, 163 77; DE MOOR 1987, 266-73; DI J KSTRA 1988,
35-51; L EWI S 1996b, 128-31; L EWI S 1997, 196-205; WY A T T 1998C, 316-23.
2
The meaning of the word is usually related to the root rp', which means, 'to
heal'. The correct pronunciation of rpum in Ugarit remains controversial. The two
most popular proposals are (1) rpi'ma, vocalizing it as a participle, which would
mean, 'healers', and (2) rapi'ma, a stative form that can be rendered, 'the healthy,
hale ones'. See the discussion of the possibilities in L 'HEUREUX 1979, 215- 21; PARDEE
1981- 82, 266; and NACCACHE 1995.
3
Unfortunately the inventory lists for the first two seasons were lost, probably
during World War II (cf. BORDREUI L PARDEE 1989, 13). It is known that these
tablets were registered with topographic points that were marked on ground-plans
that still exist. The tablets of the second season were numbered with points 210- 64.
Unfortunately, excavations that year took place all along the western side of the
house, in the street along its southern boundary, in the room to the west of the
southern entry, and in a room to the east of the larger interior courtyard. So these
topographic points are scattered throughout the house (see the plan in BORDREUI L -
PARDEE 1989, 25). Because the third fragment and most of the other literary texts
were found in the entry room or just outside the doorway, it seems probable that
was discovered the following year in or near the house's southern
doorway, in the same area where the Keret and Aqhat epics emerged,
along with some of the Baal tablets. Of the three texts only K TU
1.22 = RS 2. [024] preserves some complete lines. K TU 1.20 = RS
3.348 contains parts of two columns on one face. The left column
is made up of the right halves of eleven lines of text, while the right
col umn preserves somewhat over half of twelve lines. K TU 1.21 =
RS 2.[019] preserves part of a single col umn on one face (the right
two-thirds of thirteen lines), but only the last five letters of one line
on the other side. The largest of the three fragments, K TU 1.22 =
RS 2. [024] preserves a left col umn of twenty-eight lines, twenty-two
of which are complete, and a badly broken right column of twenty-
six lines, with only about one-third of each line preserved. On the
other side of the latter tablet are two identifiable letters, plus frag-
ments of two others, each the first letter of a line. We thus have an
aggregate of 95 attested lines, only 22 of which are complete, while
an additional 24 are somewhat more than half-preserved.
K TU 1.21 = RS 2. [019] and 1.22 = RS 2. [024] may come from
a single tablet. The scripts of both appear to have been written by
the same scribe, probabl y I limilku, who also produced the other
maj or narrative texts in the archive. On the other hand, K TU 1.20 =
RS 3. 348 seems to belong to the work of a different scribe (cf. P i t a r d
1992, 75, n. 8), and thus presumably to a separate tablet. Since the
literary tablets found in this archive range in size from about 200
to about 500 lines, we may conclude that the 95 lines attested on
the rpum texts are probably no more than a quarter and perhaps
only one-tenth of the lines that would have existed on the two tablets
when intact.
I n the entire collection of narrative poetic texts from Ugarit few
are as obscure and difficult to interpret as the rpum fragments. Rarely
have the ambiguities of a vowelless script and the piecemeal preser-
vation of so many damaged lines conspired so powerfully to frus-
trate attempts at drawi ng decisive conclusions about a text. The
broad context within which the action depicted in these fragments
occurs is quite obscure, and only a few things about the events
described in the preserved lines can be discerned with certainty. It
is clear that the characters called the rpum (also designated with the
parallel terms ilnym, 'godly ones', and ilm, 'gods') are invited to a
banquet. At least one invitation seems to be given by the king of
the gods, Ilu (K TU 1.21 = RS 2. [019] ii 8), but virtually identical
invitations are offered five other times in the three fragments, each
in a broken context that does not allow us to confirm whether these
come from the same deity. Each invitation seems to be followed by
a description of the j ourney to the banquet.' Both K TU 1.22 = RS
2.[024] and K TU 1.20 = RS 3.348 seem to describe the arrival of
the group at a threshing floor, where the banquet is apparently given,
and K TU 1.22 = RS 2. [024] i 10-25 describes the feast as lasting
for a week. On the seventh day, it appears that the god Baal arrives.
But his function in the story, and indeed the purpose of the gather-
ing of the rpum for the banquet remains unclear, and the text breaks
off at this point. Beyond these few elements of the story, little cer-
tainty about the plot of the narrative and its meani ng is possible.
Not only is the larger context of the fragments lost, but the bro-
ken nature of the narrative makes it impossible to ascertain even
some of the basic elements of the preserved story line. For exam-
ple, not only is it uncertain whether all six invitations are offered
by the same character, but it is also unclear whether the invitation
is addressed to the same set of rpum, or whether different groups of
rpum are being invited to the feast. Further, the fragments contain
almost no information about the characteristics and identity of the
rpum. I n fact, about all we can say with certainty about them is that
they travel by chariot and that they eat heartily at the feast. One
passage in the more complete column of K TU 1.22 = RS 2.[024]
(col. i, lines 4-10), seems to describe a company of rpum who arrive
at the banquet, but the text, though completely preserved, is frus-
KTU 1.21 = RS 2.[019] and KTU 1.22 = RS 2. [024] were discovered either in
the street or in the room west of the entry.
4
Four of the five versions of these lines in KTU 1.21 = RS 2. [019] and KTU
1.22 = RS 2.[024] appear to read (with the possibility of some variation) atrh. rpum.
lldd I atrh.ltdd.ilnym, while the last version of these lines, which directly precedes the
description of their arrival at the banquet, drops the I before the one preserved Idd.
This is also the case in KTU 1.20 = RS 3.348, where the lines appear in col. ii 1.
The ambiguity of the I has encouraged several interpretations of the lines. Some
take it as an emphatic particle, and thus render these lines with the understanding
that the rpum are travelling in each case; thus, for example, 'After him the shades
verily proceed' (GORDON 1977, 30-31). Others propose that the I is a precative par-
ticle and that the lines should be translated with jussive force, either as part of the
invitation (e.g., SPRONK 1986, 169 72: 'May the rpum flutter to the holy place'), or
as an expostulation of the poem's narrator (e.g., LEWI S 1996b, 129: 'To his shrine,
shades, hasten'). DI J KSTRA 1988, 41- 43 and others have argued that the / is best
understood as a negative particle. They suggest that the rpum refuse to hasten until
they are finally convinced by the fifth invitation (thus, 'After him the shades did
not move').
tratingly ambiguous. One finds critical words here that may be inter-
preted either as proper names of the rpum, or as verbs describing
actions taken by some of the story's characters.
5
I n other cases, one
cannot be sure whether certain construct nouns are to be construed
as singular or plural. Thus the mhr b'l, mhr
e
nt, and rpu b'l, in lines
8-9, may be titles of individual characters (i.e. 'the warrior of Baal',
'the warrior of Anat', and 'the rpu of Baal'),
6
or they may designate
large numbers of persons (i.e. 'the warriors of Baal', 'the warriors of
Anat', and 'the rpum of Baal').
7
The ambiguity here makes it impos-
sible to use this section to help define the nature of the rpum.
Other problems arise. How is one to understand the relationship
between the three fragments? Since K TU 1.22 = RS 2. [024] and
K TU 1.20 = RS 3.348 both describe the arrival of the rpum at the
threshing floor where a banquet is served, is it best to assume that
the two fragments are separate versions of the same scene, fortu-
itously overlapping,
8
or are they describing two different banquets?
The latter interpretation is possible since K TU 1.20 = RS 3.348
depicts the banquet as being hosted by a human, Danel, a character
also known from the Aqhat epic, while the banquet of K TU 1.22 =
RS 2.[024] may be hosted by Ilu. Since the former text almost cer-
tainly comes from a different tablet, it may actually be part of a
completely different narrative that just happened to have a similar
convocation of the rpum as a story element.
I n addition, what is the relationship between K TU 1.22 = RS
2.[024] and K TU 1.21 = RS 2.[019]?
9
Do they belong to a single
Beyond this problem of interpretation, the translations just quoted also point up
another maj or ambiguity in these lines. The word alrh may be analyzed as a prepo-
sition with a suffix, 'after him', or it can be understood as a noun, atr, 'place, shrine'
with a possessive pronoun, 'to his shrine', or simply a directional marker, 'to the
place/shrine'.
5
For example, is tmq in line 8 a verb (as translated by DRI VER 1956, 69; L 'HEUREUX
1979, 152-53; CAQUOT 1974, 474-75; SPRONK 1986, 171; DE MOOR 1987, 272; LEWI S
1997, 203) or the proper name of a character (as translated by AI STLEI TNER 1964, 85;
DEL OL MO L ETE 1981a, 423; DI J KSTRA 1988, 47; WY ATT 1998c, 321 n. 38)? The same
question arises concerning the word yhpn in line 9. Some commentators take it as
a proper name (AI STLEI TNER 1964, 85; DEL OL MO L ETE 1981a, 423; DI J KSTRA 1988,
47; WY A TT 1998c, 321); others as a verb (GORDON 1966, 141; DRI VER 1956, 69;
L 'HEUREUX 1979, 152-53; SPRONK 1986, 171; DE MOOR 1987, 272; LEWI S 1997, 203).
6
Rendered thus by DRI VER 1956, 69; CAQUOT et al. 1974, 474-75; DEL OL MO
L ETE 1981a, 423; DI J KSTRA 1988, 47; WY A TT 1998C, 321.
7
Transl ated thus or similarly in GORDON 1966, 141; AI STLEI TNER 1964, 85;
L 'HEUREUX 1979, 152- 53; SPRONK 1986, 171; DE MOOR 1987, 272; LEWI S 1997, 203.
8
E.g. DE MOOR 1987b, 267; DI J KSTRA 1988, 35-39.
9
See DI J KSTRA 1987b for a discussion of this issue.
tablet, or may they belong to two separate ones, once again over-
lapping in the part of the story recounted? The latter possibility
cannot be ruled out, since the vast majority of the lines in K TU
1.21 = RS 2. [019] i are repeated in K TU 1.22 = RS 2. [024] ii. I n
particular, the former preserves two invitations to the rpum, followed
by two descriptions of them making the j ourney toward the shrine
or palace, while the latter has a threefold appearance of the same
basic lines. Woul d such an extraordinary amount of repetition in
two small fragments of a single tablet be plausible, or is it better to
identify them as duplicates? Again, there is no definitive argument
for either interpretation. The amount of repetition is indeed sur-
prising in such a small number of preserved lines. On the other
hand, multiple reiterations are well attested in the Ugaritic poems,
10
and it is possible to develop scenarios of the story that would allow
for so many recurrences of the invitation (e.g., that different groups
of rpum are being invited to the feast).
And finally, is there a relationship between these fragments and
the Aqhat epic? The appearance of Danel in K TU 1.20 = RS 3.348
has led a number of scholars to argue that the rpum texts are the
remains of a fourth tablet of the Aqhat narrati ve." They interpret
the banquet as a preliminary to the restoration of Aqhat to life or
some similar dnouement which would have brought the story to its
conclusion. The problem with this proposal is that, apart from the
presence of Danel in this text, there is nothi ng in the rpum texts that
suggests that the action described in these fragments relates in any
way to such a proposed scenario. Others have pointed out that Danel
may have been the subject of more than one narrative at Ugarit,
and that his presence here does not require that the fragments be
related to the other known narrative in which he plays a role.
12
At
this point it seems best not to insist on a relationship between them
and the Aqhat story.
4.2 The Identity of the Rpum
Undoubtedl y the biggest hi ndrance to gaining a proper understand-
ing of these texts is the uncertainty about the nature of the rpum,
10
See for example the four-fold repetition of the duties of an ideal son in the
Aqhat epic (KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 25-33; 42-7; ii 1-9; 14-23).
" For example, SPRONK 1986, 160-1; CA QUOT et al. 1974, 463; DE MOOR 1976,
332; MARGAL I T 1989a, 464-5; GRA Y 1965, 126-9.
12
E.g. PI TARD 1992b, 73; DI J KSTRA 1988, 36; and L EWI S 1996b, 119.
the pri mary characters in the narrative. In spite of their appearance
not only in these texts, but also in a few others,
13
scholars have been
unable to reach a solid consensus on their identity. The pri mary
proposals include the following:
(1) They are ghosts of the dead, most likely the spirits of deceased
kings, and perhaps of the nobility. Several scholars argue that these
spirits were thought of as deified.
(2) They are a group of deities who j oi n Ilu in special gatherings
and who are called upon to protect the king and his city.
(3) They are living members of the aristocracy, perhaps an elite
group of chariot warriors, or perhaps a group of priests involved in
rituals of fertility. I n this context the term may be viewed as a tribal
name, probably related to another tribal designation, Di tanu, which
appears in parallel with rpum in the Keret epic and in K TU 1.161 =
RS 34.126.
(4) A number of scholars argue that the term may in fact be used
to designate more than one of these three groups.
4.2.1 The rpum as spirits of the dead
The most commonly-accepted proposal is that the rpum are spirits of
the dead.
14
There are several good reasons to support this identification.
(1) The cognate of rpum in biblical Hebrew, r'p'm, has as its pri-
mary meaning, 'spirit of the dead, ghost'. The same meani ng attaches
to the word in Phoenician.
(2) K TU 1.161 = RS 34.126, in which the rpu ars, 'the rpum of the
earth', and the rpim qdmym, 'the ancient rpum\ appear in the context
of a funerary ritual, suggests that they have a relationship to the
dead. I n this context they are summoned to take part in the funeral
of Ni qmaddu I I I of Ugarit (late 13th century) and perhaps to bless
the new king, 'Ammurapi . I n the ritual, the summons of the 'ancient
rpum' is followed immediately by the invocation of the spirits of two
identifiable, deceased kings of Ugarit (not explicitly referred to as
rpum, however). Scholars have argued that the 'rpum of the earth'
13
They are also mentioned in KTU 1.161 = RS 34.126, a funerary ritual text;
in the Keret epic (KTU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 3 and 14); at the conclusion of the
Baal cycle (KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ vi 46), and perhaps in KTU 1.108 = RS
24.252.23-4 and KTU 1.82 = RS 15.134.32, both of which are damaged.
14
See for example, CA QUOT 1960; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ - SANMARTI N 1976c; POPE
1977; SPRONK 1986, 161-96; FORD 1992; WY A T T 1998C, 315 n. 1.
and the 'ancient rpun are royal ancestors of 'Ammurapi from the
distant past. Since the word, ars, 'earth', was sometimes used to des-
ignate the netherworl d, one can render rpu ars, 'the rpum of the
netherworld'.
(3) A passage at the end of the Baal epic K TU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ vi
45-9) contains two bicola in which the four words rpim, ilnym, ilm,
and mtm may be understood as synonymous with one another: p
rpim.th.tk \ p thtk.ilnym | 'dk.ilm \ hn.mtm.'dk. Thi s may be translated
as 'Shapshu (the sun goddess), you rule over the rpum, | Shapshu,
you rule over the godlike ones. | The gods are your company, |
See, the dead are your company'. It should be noted, however, that
these interpretations of K TU 1.161 = RS 34.126 and 1.6 = RS
2. [009]+ are by no means certain (see below). They cannot be con-
sidered decisive for favouring this identification of the rpum.
4.2.2 The rpum as deities
Much of the same evidence can be used to argue that the rpum are
better understood as deities, rather than spirits of the dead.
15
Some
scholars would identify them specifically as mi nor netherworld dei-
ties, closely associated with Baal. Others have proposed that the term
may designate any deity, maj or or minor, who is called upon by Ilu
to perform a special function. Arguments for identifying the rpum as
deities include the fact that the term rpum is several times paralleled
by the term ilnym, 'godlike or godly ones', quite plausibly a divine
title, and perhaps by the term ilm, 'gods' as well."' Arguments against
identifying them as the dead (as described above) and for seeing
them as deities instead also include the following:
(1) Later meanings of words do not always parallel earlier meanings
of the cognates in other languages. Thus the Hebrew and Phoenician
15
See SCHMI DT 1994, 83- 92 and L ' HEUREUX 1979, 116- 9 for a history of this
view. L ' HEUREUX also argues that the rpum of our texts are deities, not spirits of
the dead, though in other passages the word may designate such spirits. See ibid.
205- 6, 215- 30. The idea that the rpum are deities should be distinguished from the
view of those who argue that the dead are deified at Ugarit and thus can be
identified as both spirits of the dead and gods.
16
The occurrences are: KTU 1. 20 = RS 3. 348 i 1- 2; KTU 1.21 = RS 2. [ 019]
i 3-4, 11-2; KTU 1.22 = RS 2. [024] ii 5-6; all relatively certain, but all in bro-
ken contexts, and in KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [ 009] + vi 45- 9. Parallels with the word dm,
'gods', probably occur in KTU 1. 20 = RS 3. 348 ii 1 2 and 8- 9, both, however,
in very broken contexts.
cognates are far from decisive. The context of a word like rpum
within the local literature is more significant for its interpretation.
However, nothi ng in our three rpum texts specifically points to a
ghostly identity for the rpum. I n fact, there is no hint in any of the
fragments that the regular habitation of the rpum is the netherworld.
The only clear action tells of the rpum prepari ng their chariots, trav-
elling to a threshing floor and having a feast, none of which par-
ticularly hint that the beings are spirits of the dead. Near Eastern
evidence for spirits of the dead travelling from the netherworld in
horse-drawn chariots is nil, while such transportati on for deities,
whether from the netherworld or elsewhere, seems quite reasonable.
The lack of netherworld indications in the rpum texts might suggest
that, while K TU 1.161 = RS 34.126 indicates a connection between
the rpum and funerary activities (see below), their sphere of activity
may not necessarily be restricted to that realm.
(2) Although the rpu ars and rpim qdmym of K TU 1.161 = RS 34.126
are involved in a funerary context, this does not mean that they are
necessarily spirits of the dead. They may also be identified plausi-
bly as deities. The names of the beings specifically identified in K TU
1.161.4-7 as rpum are not attested as royal names of Ugarit (or else-
where), but in fact resemble divine names more than human ones
(see particularly the composite name, sdn-w-rdn, (lines 6, 23) and tr
'limn (lines 7, 23-4). When the two recognizable, deceased kings of
Ugarit are named (lines 11-2, 25-6), each is designated as mlk, 'king',
rather than rpu. Thus those who are obviously spirits of the dead
appear to be given a different designation in the text. I n sum, the
evidence from this tablet does not compel one to identify the rpum
as ghosts.
(3) The reference to the rpum in the Baal Epic (K TU 1.6 = RS
2. [009] vi 45-9), which can be interpreted as equating the rpum with
the dead, is in fact ambiguous, because the word, mtm, often trans-
lated 'the dead' in this passage, could actually be a homonym well
attested at Ugarit that means 'humans'. I n this case, the passage
may be translated, 'Shapshu, you rule over the rpum, | Shapshu, you
rule over the godlike ones. | Gods are your company, | See, humans
are your company'.
17
If this is the correct rendering, there would
be no direct parallel connection between the first bicolon and the
second, as assumed by those who suggest that all four words refer
17
See SCHMI DT 1994, 84- 8.
to the dead. Rather, the two extol the i mportance of Shapshu in
her relations with various elements of the world orderthe rpum/ilnym,
mi nor gods, perhaps related to the netherworld; then ilm/mtm, the
divine and human spheres as a whole.
Although none of the three points made here disproves the identification
of the rpum with the dead, they each emphasize the fact that none
of the arguments for such identification is fully compelling. On the
other hand, while the texts are compatible with the view that the
rpum are deities, none of them require that meani ng to make sense.
4.2.3 The rpum as living persons
Some scholars have argued that at least certain of the Ugaritic ref-
erences to the rpum are best understood as referring to living per-
sons.
18
I n this interpretation, they are usually identified as an elite
group of chariot warriors who had strong connections with the king.
Those who support this idea argue primarily from the passage in
the Keret epic, K TU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 2- 4 and 13-5 in which
Keret is praised by Ilu himself: 'Greatly exalted is Keret in the midst
of the rpum of the earth (or land), | in the gathering of the assem-
bly of Di tanu'. Supporters argue that 'rpum of the earth' in this pas-
sage can hardly refer to the spirits of the dead, since it would be
i nappropri ate in the context of the exaltation of Keret to proclaim
his preemi nence among the dead.
19
The 'assembly of Di tanu' (qbs
dtn), the phrase that is parallel to rpu ars in the passage, can plausi-
bly be identified as a designation for the leaders of the Di tanu clan.
Thi s suggests an earthly, political and social context for the rpum.
The military imagery of our three rpum texts (especially the use of
chariotry and the appearance of what seems to be a military host
in K TU 1.22 = RS 2. [024] ii 4-10) fits reasonably into this read-
ing as well. Most scholars who identify the rpum as living humans
18
See L ' HEUREUX 1979, 1207 for a history of this type of proposal. More
recently see SCHMI DT 1991, 71- 121 for a detailed defence of the argument, includ-
ing a number of new elements. GRA Y 1949 argued that the rpum were elite lead-
ers, perhaps heads of clans, or perhaps priests, who accompanied the king in rituals
designed to insure fertility of crops. This view has generally not been followed.
19
Those who believe that the rpum are spirits of the dead or deities dispute this,
arguing that since the rpum play an important role in the preservation and support
of the king, Keret's exaltation in the midst the ancestors is a reasonable image to
use in the story. See POPE 1977, 166- 7; FORD 1992, 73- 6.
also assume that even after these chariot warriors died, they con-
tinued to be called rpum, so that there were both living and dead
rpum. Thi s would explain the origin of the usage of the term for the
dead. Note is often made of the fact that the Bible refers to an
ancicnt tribe of giants, located in northern Canaan and Transj ordan
before the establishment of I srael, as rephaim (Gen. 14:5, 15:20; Deut.
2:11, 20; 3:11, 13; J os. 12:4, 13:12; 17:15). Known for their mili-
tary prowess, these rephaim are thought to be a dim memory of the
elite warrior class of that name in the Late Bronze Age. So again
we find some plausible arguments, but again none of the texts used
to support the interpretation provide irrefutable evidence. Plausible,
alternative interpretations of each of these passages have been made.
Thus in the final analysis, no decisive conclusions about the iden-
tity of the rpum can yet be drawn. It is quite possible, as several
scholars have argued, that the word had more than one meani ng in
the Ugaritic texts and that different contexts require different mean-
ings. On the other hand, other scholars have made plausible cases
for seeing all the occurrences of the word as referring to a single
group of beings, either spirits, gods, or humans. Onl y further dis-
coveries of texts relating to the rpum are likely to improve the pre-
sent situation.
From the preceding discussion, it is clear that these texts are ex-
ceedingly ambiguous and that great caution should be used in draw-
ing upon them to reconstruct aspects of Ugaritic or Syro-Palestinian
culture. I n many cases such caution has not been employed, so that
the rpum texts have been used extensively as the basis for elaborate
descriptions of Ugaritic concepts concerni ng afterlife by scholars who
identify the rpum as spirits of the dead.
20
A similar situation has also
occurred in some of the reconstructions of the Ugaritic military and
20
For example, DE MOOR 1976, 329- 33 and SPRONK ( 1986, 155- 6, 170- 4) , using
KTU 1. 22 = R S 2. [ 024] ii 5- 7 and KTU 1.21 = R S 2. [ 019] i 5 - 6 as their pri-
mary sources, reconstruct an event at the Ugaritic New Year Festival in which the
deceased nobility, the rpum, are brought back to life, along with Baal, their patron.
But such a reconstruction relies for its foundation upon the identification of the
rpum as spirits, which remains uncertain, alongside problematic readings of both key
passages. Their interpretation of the first passage is based on questionable render-
ings of two problematic verbs, the first of which (his ytb, which occurs twice here)
is based on a misreading of the text (the verb is y'bs, instead), and the second, qym,
more plausibly rendered as a noun than a verb (see VAN DER T OORN 1991, 52). In
the second passage, they must reconstruct both of the critical verbs needed for their
interpretation.
its relation to the royal house by those who view the rpum as living
elite warriors.
2
' It is i mportant not to place too much interpreta-
tional weight on ambi guous and probl emati c texts such as these.
Before they can be used as sources for dealing with the wider issues
of Canaani te religion and society, a clearer understandi ng of the
texts themselves is necessary.
21
See, for example, GRA Y 1952, 39- 41.
5 T HE I NCANTATI ONS
K L AAS SPRONK
5.1 Introduction
The incantation can be defined as 'rhythmi c or formulaic words of
power to accomplish a desired goal by binding spiritual powers'.' A
number of Ugaritic texts written in alphabetic script unearthed in
Ras Shamra and Ras I bn Hani fit, completely or in part, under this
heading. I n none of these texts, however, do we find a word specifically
denoting the incantation, like Akkadian siptu.
2
Thi s word is attested
at the end of a syllabic Akkadian incantation found in Ras Shamra
'against fire' (RS 17.155).
3
We do find the more general indication
mnt? Thi s has an equivalent in Akkadian mintu. I n Akkadian incan-
tations it is used next to siptu. It seems to refer in the first place to
the act of reciting and repeating the incantation, because it is derived
from the verb man,
b
'to count' (cf. Hebrew mnh). I n K TU 1.24 =
RS 5.194:46-7, mnt denotes the enumerati on of goddesses listed in
the following lines. It is paralleled by spr, 'list'. I n K TU 1.82 = RS
15.134:20 and K TU 1.100 = RS 24.244 it is used in texts that as
a whole can be labelled as incantations. I n other 'pure' incantations,
like K TU 1.96 = RS 22.225 and K TU 1.169 = RI H 78/20, this
or another general term for the genre is missing.
It appears to be impossible to distinguish the 'Ugaritic I ncantations'
sharply.
6
Also, the calling of divine beings by their names at the end
of K T U 1.24 = RS 5.194 may have had some kind of magical pur-
pose. The same can be said of other parts of some of the mythical
or ritual texts. Add to this, firstly, that is often difficult to distinguish
1
L UDWI G 1987, 151.
2
For the much larger corpus of Akkadian incantations see the surveys by FRBER
1981, 1984 and 1987.
3
Cf. ARNAUD 1995a. Within the context of the incantations' 'fire' can be regarded
as a reference to demons; cf. KTU 1.2 = RS 3.367 i 3, where the demoniacal
helpers of Yam are described as 'one, two fires'.
4
See on mnt PARDEE 1988, 206- 8. According to DE MOOR 1987, 248 the mas-
culine mn is attested in KTU 1. 19 = RS 3. 322+ i l l .
5
Cf. the expression man iptu, 'to recite an incantation', in Akkadian, cf. CAD
, III, 89.
6
Cf. J EFFERS 1996, 18, facing the same problem with regard to the more gen-
eral theme of magic and divination.
a prayer from an incantation, in the second place, that as a rule
magical and related texts are difficult to interpret, and that, finally,
many of the tablets concerned are damaged, then it comes as no
surprise that in the editions of and commentari es on Ugaritic texts
we find different proposals for classification:
According to Avishur the only texts which 'can clearly be classified
as incantations' are K TU 1.100 = RS 24.244; K TU 1.107 = RS
24.251+; and K TU 1.169 = RI H 78/20.
7
Xella lists under 'preghieri ed incantesimi': K TU 1.65 = RS 4.474;
K TU 1.123 = RS 24.271; K TU 1.100; and K TU 1.107.
8
DE MOOR comes to five incantations as 'more or less i ndependent
prayers without ritual prescriptions', next to incantations 'embed-
ded in rituals': K TU 1.82 = RS 15.134; 1.83 = RS 16.266; K TU
1.169; K TU 1.93 = RS 19.054; and K TU 1.108 = RS 24.252.
9
Dietrich - Loretz come to eight alphabetic texts that in their view
are representative of this 'Gattung', leaving out two thematically
related but heavily damaged texts. They subdivide these eight texts
into four categories:
(1) 'Evokationen kniglicher Ahnen': K TU 1.124 = RS 24.272
and K TU 1.161 = RS 34.126;
(2) 'Beschwrungen gegen Krankhei t, Unfruchtbarkei t, Dmonen,
Folgen von Trunkenhei t und Totengeistern': K TU 1.13 = RS
1.006; K TU 1.82; K TU 1.114; K TU 1.169;
(3) 'Beschwrung gegen Schlangengift': K TU 1.100;
(4) 'Beschwrung gegen die schdliche Naturkrfte': K TU 1.23 =
RS 2.002.'
Caquot lists K TU 1.82; K TU 1.114 = RS 24.258; K TU 1.100;
K TU 1.107; and K TU 1.169 under the heading 'tablettes mythico-
magi ques'."
7
AVI SHUR 1981, 13.
B
XEL L A 1981, 207-50.
,J
DE MOOR 1987, 175-90.
10
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 328-7. In KTU
1
the following texts are also marked
as possible incantations: 1.20-22 = RS 2. [024], 2. [019], 2. [024]; 1.65 = RS 4.474;
1.86 = RS 18.041; 1.96 = RS 22.225; 1.107 = RS 24.251+; and 1.123 = RS
24.271. Apparently, these belong to the 'damaged' or 'related' texts referred to by
Dietrich - Loretz.
" CAQUOT 1989, 51-123. It is remarkable that he pays no attention to these
texts in his survey in CAQUOT 1979b.
I n his description of Ugaritic religious practices in daily life del
Ol mo Lete mentions as 'conj uras': K TU 1.100; K TU 1.107; K TU
1.82; K TU 1.96; and K TU 1.169;
12
and as 'recelas mgicas': K TU
1.124 = RS 24.272:13-5 and K TU 1.114:29-31.
13
A recently published survey of documents from the biblical world
contains as examples of Ugaritic incantations: K TU 1.100; K TU
1.169; K TU 1.114; and RS 92.2014.'
4
Apparently the old Ugaritic texts on these matters cannot be clearly
classified. It is better in this situation not to put too much weight
on our modern definitions and choose a more general approach to
the Ugaritic texts about human efforts to have an influence upon
the supernatural, from raising one's hands in prayer to binding hos-
tile spiritual powers by magic. This means that the boundaries between
'literary' and 'cultic', and those separating 'myth', 'incantation', 'rit-
ual', and 'god lists' are not always as clear as editors of a handbook
might want them to be.
5.2 Speaking to the gods in hymns and prayer
The genre of prayer appears to be rare in the texts of anci ent
Ugarit.
15
One should not, however, conclude from this that the people
of Ugarit did not have deep religious feelings or that they were reluc-
tant to address their gods direcdy. The lack of separate hymns or
prayers is simply due to the fact that praising the gods or seeking
their favours is usually set in a larger context. Recitation of the great
myths can be seen as a means of expressing respect for the gods
and their glorious deeds. For instance, telling each other about Baal's
victory over Y am and Mot with the words of the myth of Baal
expresses one's confidence in the power of the supreme god over
chaos and death. The hymn addressed to the sun-goddess Shapash
at the end of the myth (K TU 1.6 = RS 2.[009]+ vi 45-53) is put
in the mouth of Anat, but it is also a way in which the people of
Ugarit thankfully praise the sun-goddess for watching over the bound-
aries between night and day, the world of the living and the world
of the dead. Hymni c elements can also be found in the second part
12
DE L OL MO L ETE 1992a, 241-60 = 1999, 359-87.
13
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 261 = 1999, 388.
14
HA L L O 1997, 295-8; 301-5; and 327-8.
15
Cf. WATSON 1984a, 360 and MI L L ER 1988.
of the much debated text K TU 1.108 = RS 24.252,
,e
which is dis-
cussed below together with texts related to necromancy. Hymns also
seem to have formed a standard element in Hurri an prayers accom-
panyi ng incense offerings (K TU 1.44 = RS 1.007; K TU 1.51 = RS
1.027; K TU 1.54 = RS 1.034+; K TU 1.128 = RS 24.278; K TU
1.131 = RS 24.285).
17
I n the legend of Aqhat we hear of his father Daniel praying (Ug.
sly) for rain (K TU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ i 38 46). He calls on the
name of Baal, as 'rider of the clouds', and on his 'delightful voice',
that is of the thunder heralding comi ng showers. I n a subsequent
scene, Daniel beseeches (Ug. sly) the gods that the small stalks in
the dry land may shoot up (KTU 1.19 ii 15-25).
It is more common for prayer to be part of ritual actions, as we
can see in the legend of Keret. The command to raise the hands
(in prayer) is paralleled by a reference to a sacrifice to El (K TU
1.14 = RS 2.[003]+ ii 22-3). We can also find this combination in
the ritual text K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+, with prescriptions about the
annual celebration of the grape harvest in the month 'First of the
Wi ne'. The text ends with the same call for prayer as in the legend
of Keret. In K TU 1.87 = RS 18.056, a copy of K TU 1.41, these
last lines containing the reference to the king's prayer are missing.
The action described in K TU 1.41:50-5 is situated in another place:
not in the temple, but on its roof; and it refers to a sacrifice offered
to an unknown deity (prgl sqrn). Thi s is probably a deity of Hurri an
origin. So the expansion of the text can be explained as due to later
Hurri an influence upon an older Ugaritic ritual. The king is said (or
prescribed) to offer a recitation (yrgm mlk), but we hear nothing of
its contents. Perhaps building on the assumption of Hurri an influence
one should think here of something like the Hurri an incense prayers
menti oned above. These texts all follow a similar pattern: after the
headi ng we read the names of the gods to whom the prayer is
addressed, together with a short hymn. The gods are asked to come
and receive the offerings and then to do something on behalf of the
suppliant. The texts end with mention of the messenger and in some
16
AVI SHUR 1994, 297-8 even speaks of the entire text as a 'hymn in honor of
EF, because of the striking similarity with Hebrew psalms and its vocabulary being
reminiscent of that found in hymns.
17
Cf . DI ETRI CH - MA Y ER 1994.
18
Cf. DE MOOR 1987, 252, n. 190 and MARGAL I T 1984b, 140-1; for a different
interpretation of 'ahl see DEL OL MO L ETE - SANMARTI N 1996, 16.
cases with promises of new offerings and a final doxology. The words
spoken by the king according to K TU 1.41:53, on the roof of the
temple, could have been something like this calling up the gods and
asking their favours. Because the tablet is damaged here, it is not
clear whether this invocation is accompani ed by the king wiping his
face (mh pnh)
i9
or by clapping his hands (mh ydh).
20
The reference to
prayer in line 55, back in the temple, could be related to the clos-
ing hymn in the Hurri an incense prayers.
I n the older secondary literature K TU 1.65 = RS 4.47 4
21
has
been interpreted as a prayer to El and the assembly of the gods.
22
More recently commentators of the text appear to be reluctant to
classify it. Xella points to the resemblance of the first lines (naming
El, the sons of El, the family of the sons of El, the assembly of the
sons of El, and tkmn-w-snm) with the repeated address of the ritual
text K TU 1.40 = RS 1.003+. He assumes as a working hypothesis
that K TU 1.65 is some sort of prayer.
23
Dietrich - Loretz take this
text as a scribal exercise.
24
I n his elaborate study of this text Avishur
also concludes that the old view (of H.L. Ginsberg) that this text is
a prayer, seems to be closest to the truth. Compari son with the
Qpmran War Scroll (chapters 4- 6 and 9, about names with as a
second element to be written on banners and weapons) leads him
to classify it as a list of war banners.
25
Because these banners are
'battle cries intended to arouse the deity to assist the warriors', this
text resembles a prayer. Al though much remai ns uncertai n, one
should not rule out the possibility that this is indeed the text of a
prayer, related to sacrifices as menti oned in K T U 1.40, calling up
the gods (lines 1-5), appealing to the consideration of the supreme
19
Cf . DE MOOR 1987, 159, 165, and DE TA RRA GON 1989, 154, 159.
20
Cf. L EVI NE DE TARRAGON - ROBERTSON 1997, 299, 301. On the clapping of
hands serving 'to intensify the accompanying words and perhaps even to effectuate
the action' see Fox 1995.
21
Cf., for instance, BERNHARDT 1975, 239-40: 'Bittgesang an El und die Versamm-
lung der Gtter'. See on this text AVI SHUR 1994, 308-9, who also lists and discusses
previous research.
22
Cf., for instance, BERNHARDT 1975, 239-40: 'Bittgesang an El und die Versamm-
lung der Gtter'.
23
X EL L A 1981, 213: 'almeno come ipotesi di lavoro, una sorta di "preghiera"'.
24
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1981, 64- 7; in their translation of this text in 1988 they
call it 'Opfer fr El und seine Reprsentanten'; note also the problems with classify-
ing this text in ATI /
2
, 91: 'scribal exercise?, invocation of II?, prayer?, incantation?'.
25
AVI SHUR 1994, 326, 525,
gods by referring to their noble character (6-9) and nami ng places
and divine attributes in and with which these words have to be
recited (lines 1 Off.). Del Ol mo Lete sees it as a 'cultic invocation of
the divine panoply and to its apparent presence in the sanctuary'.
26
In his opinion this primarily concerns Baal's weapons, celebrated in
mythology.
A more generally accepted exampl e of a prayer in al phabeti c
Ugaritic is the end of the ritual text K TU 1.119 = RS 24.266.
27
Thi s text starts as a common prosaic ritual prescription about the
right time, place, and sort of sacrifice to the right god. I n line 26
there is a transition to a direct address to Baal by referring to the
probl em of a strong foe attacking the gates of the city. The style
changes here from prose to poetry.
28
The prayer (sit, line 34; cf. the
verb in K TU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ i 39) is introduced by the com-
mand: 'raise your eyes to Baal' (line 27). The request to drive away
the enemy is accompani ed by a number of vows and sacrifices by
the suppliant, in exchange for Baal's help. The text ends with the
statement, repeating the words at the beginning, that Baal will hear
the prayer.
K TU 1.123 = RS 24.271
29
is probably best described as a bene-
diction,'" because of the repeated lm in the openi ng lines, followed
by a number of divine names. The text seems to end in a similar
way, the last word being again slm. Lines 14ff. mention righteous-
ness and mercy. Thi s is reminiscent of K TU 1.65 and can be inter-
preted in the same way as expressing the hope for and confidence
in a positive attitude of the gods towards the one saying these words.
However, any interpretation of this text in its present severely dam-
aged state must remain uncertain.
26
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992C, 255; cf. also DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 228-9 = 1999,
341- 3 and WATSON - WY A TT 1997.
27
See on this text XEL L A 1981, 25-34; WATSON 1984d, 360-2; DE MOOR 1987,
171-4; MI L L ER 1988; DEL OI .MO L ETE 1989; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 197-205 =
1999, 292-306; PARDEE 1993, 213-7; AVI SHUR 1994, 253-6; WATSON 1996b.
28
On this phenomenon see especially PARDEE 1993a.
29
Cf. XEL L A 1981, 216- 3, with references to the older literature.
30
DE MOOR 1970 312; RAI NEY 1974, 191. CAQUOT 1979, 1404 and DI ETRI CH -
L ORETZ 1981, 74- 5, suggest that it is a scribal exercise. KTU
1
, 135, gives as the
possible genre: 'prayer, liturgy?, scribal exercise'.
5.3 Binding hostile supernatural forces by incantations
The texts discussed under this headi ng are the ones that best fit the
narrow definition of an incantation given at the beginning. It concerns
i ndependent texts with words of power used against evil forces from
the realm of gods and demons. The interpretation of these texts is
very difficult, not only because of the state of conservation of most
tablets, but also because of the genre of the texts, with unknown
vocabulary and often without a clear structure or line of thought.
The best example of an Ugaritic incantation is K TU 1.169 =
RI H 78/20.
31
Although there is much difference of opinion among
the interpreters about many details, it is generally accepted that we
are dealing here with a spell to drive off evil powers causing sick-
ness, with the help of Baal, Horon and Ashera. It is not clear which
disease is meant here,
32
nor which power is causing it; according to
some it is indicated by dbbm in lines 1 and 9, although it is trans-
lated in different ways: 'flying demons' (de Moor), 'tormenters' (Pardee),
or 'accusers' (Fleming). Others (Dietrich - Loretz, Caquot) relate it
to Akkadian dabbu, 'word', and interpret it as a reference to the
words spoken to expel the (unnamed) demon. This difference of opin-
ion returns in the interpretation of kspm (line 9) as 'sorcerers' indi-
cating the black magic of demons, but according to others the magic
with which one can expel the forces of evil.
33
There is more consensus about the verbs used in connection with
the expelling magic : ydy (line 1), 'to drive off', and gr/(line 9), 'chase
away'. Both are used in the legend of Keret in the repeated ques-
tion 'who among the gods is able to cast out {ydy) the disease, to
expel (grs) the illness?' (K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi 10-28). I n line
10, in close connection with ksp and grs, we find the root hbr. Thi s
is reminiscent of the use of hbr in the Hebrew Bible and Akkadian
abru, 'to bi nd', in Mesopotami an incantations. Avishur points to
Deut. 18:10-11 and to Isa. 47:9 with the word pair hbrym || kpym,
'enchantments 11 spells', and to a similar pair in the Akkadian Maql-
31
Cf. AVI SHUR 1981; DE MOOR, 255-7; DE MOOR 1987, 183-6; DI ETRI CH -
L ORETZ 1988, 333-6; CAQUOT 1989, 53-60; FLEMI NG 1991; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a,
259-60 = 1999, 385-6; PARDEE 1993, 211-3; FLEMI NG 1997; WY A TT 1998C, 442~9.
32
DE MOOR 1980b, 257, and 1987, 184, n. 13, assumes that the patient suffered
from a 'cataleptic or epileptic seizure', Pardee thinks of 'male sexual disfunction'.
33
According to J EFFERS 1996, 67- 8, one can leave open both possibilities.
incantation.
34
So here hbr would denote the negative influence of evil
spells. Avishur translates: 'Horon will expel the binders and the Y outh
soothsayers', relating the last word (d
c
tm) to Hebrew yd'ny. Dijkstra
interprets these terms in a similar way, but he assumes a positive
meaning: 'Horon be the enchanter, and the Y oung Man the one
who provides knowledge.
35
I n the hymn at the end of the Baal myth
this word pair hbr || d
c
t (K TU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ vi 49-50) would
have the same meani ng. Most commentators, however, prefer the
more common meani ng of hbr, 'friend', and d't, 'intimate'.
36
I n the text we hear of the one who has to recite the incantation:
'the /^-priest' (line 3). Thi s title is also used in the colophon of the
Baal myth (K TU 1.6 vi 57) and seems to refer to a high-ranking
teacher.
37
I n K TU 1.40 = RS 1.002:32 we find the related verb par-
allel to dbh, 'to sacrifice'. According to some interpreters this officiant
used a staff as a magic device,
38
but the meani ng of the word ht
denoting it (line 5) is, again, disputed.
39
Thi s person executing the
incantation by word and probably also by gestures and other ritual
activities can be compared to the Mesopotami an incantation priest
called ipu. It is interesting to note that this exorcist is often men-
tioned in the colophon of the incantation texts as a scholar who
wrote and checked the tablet.
40
Other correspondences with Mesopotami an incantations are the
use of similar metaphors, especially the spirits being said to leave
'like smoke'
41
and the naming of gods acting on behalf of the oppressed
against the evil spirits. In some Mesopotami an rituals the incanta-
tion priest even says that it is not he himself who speaks, but that
it is an incantation of Ea
42
or Ninkilil, 'lord of the incantation.
43
Thi s
34
AVI SHUR 1981a, 22-3.
35
DI J KSTRA 1985, 150.
36
Cf . DEL OL MO L ETE - SANMARTI N 1996, 126- 7 and 172. DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ
1988b, 335 translate 'Genossen || Komplizen'. According to J EFFERS 1996, 33 both
suggested meanings of hbr are related: 'comrades can be linked together by sworn
words, oaths and the like'.
37
Cf . VAN SOL DT 1988 and FLEMI NG 1991, 146.
38
Cf. FLEMI NG 1991, 148-50.
39
Cf. DEL OL MO L ETE - SANMARTI N 1996, 202-3.
40
See the texts mentioned in CAD A, II, 434, s.v. ipu a.
41
See, for instance, Maql V: 166-169 (translation by FRBER 1987, 265). Cf.
AVI SHUR 1981, 18; FLEMI NG 1991, 146; and WATSON 1994b, 405-6.
42
Cf. CAD , II, 431-2, s.v. ipu a.2; CAD III, 90, s.v. siptu e.2'.
43
Cf., for instance, the recently discovered incantation against Lamatu, discussed
by MI CHEL 1997.
can be compared to K TU 1.169 = RI H 78/20 beginning with the
statement that it is the breath of Baal which drives out the evil spir-
its. Unfortunatel y, the text is broken here. Next to Baal a special
function seems to be reserved for Horon (lines 9-10) and Ashera
(line 16).
A number of these basic elements of K TU 1.169 are also found in
another clear example of an incantation in alphabetic Ugaritic script:
K TU 1.82 = RS 15.134.
44
Thi s seems to be a collection of six
different incantations, to be recited on different occasions, but also
sharing common elements (such as the reference to the snake in lines
6 and 35). The fourth part is explicitly introduced as an incantation
with the technical term mnt (see p. 270) in its first line (= line 20).
Like K TU 1.169, this text is difficult to interpret, but it gives us
more i nformati on about the gods invoked to help and especially
about the demons to fight. The benign gods are Baal (lines 1 and 6),
his consort Anat (line 11 and twice in line 39), and the sun-goddess
Shapash (line 6). The evil forces they have to destroy are:
Tunnan (line 1), known from the myth of Baal (K TU 1.3 = RS
2. [014]+ iii 40) as a monstrous helper (dragon) of Y am, the god
of the sea, one of Baal's pri me opponents. According to the myth
Tunnan is slain by Anat. He also seems to have been menti oned
in the small fragment K TU 1.83 = RS 16.266, next to Y am,
'bound (by
c
Anak?) on the heights of Lebanon'.
45
Thi s reference
to Tunnan, however, is uncertain, not only because of the poor
state of conservation of the tablet, but also because it is based on
a correction of the text in line 8, readi ng tnn instead of t'an.*
6
Reshep (line 3), the god of pestilence, who is mentioned next to the
'lads of Y am' in the legend of Keret as the god who caused the
death of one of the king's wives (K TU 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+ i 19).
Mot (line 5), the god of death. Next to Y am he is the other pow-
erful opponent of Baal (K TU 1.5 = RS 2.[022]+).
44
Cf . VAN ZI J L 1972, 1974, 1975; DE M OOR - SPRONK 1984; CA QUOT 1988
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988, 336-9; CA QUOT 1989, 61-70; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a,
251-5 = 1999, 373-9.
45
Cf. PI TARD 1998; DE MOOR 1987, 181- 2 assumes that this text was part of an
incantation.
46
CA QUOT 1989, 28- 30 states that tnn is the key term of the text, but he ignores
the fact that for this interpretation the text has to be changed.
Serpents (lines 6 and 35), who are the pri me object of another Uga-
ritic incantation (K TU 1.100 = RS 24.244 and K TU 1.107 = RS
24.251+; see below).
Creatures of Horon (line 13). Thi s readi ng is uncertain, but the
name of Horon, who is the lord of the demons, returns in lines
27 and 41. Horon is mentioned in the legend of Keret as a threaten-
ing power in a curse: 'may Horon break your head' (K TU 1.16 =
3.325+ vi 56-7; this phrase can also be restored in the broken
text K TU 1.2 = RS 3.367 i 7-8). I n the Ugaritic incantations
Horon plays an ambivalent role: on the one hand he is a fearful
threat, on the other hand he can be called upon to take the
demoni c threat away (cf. K TU 1.100 and K TU 1.169).
I n the second part of the text the evil forces are indicated more
'poetically' as 'creatures of agitation' (lines 18 and 41), 'creatures
of insanity' (line 18), 'sons of disease (or: terror)' (line 23), '1egions(P)'
(line 26; cf. Mark 5:9), 'flies (or: accusers)' (line 26), 'those of the
flood(?)' (line 27), 'stupor(?)' (line 28), 'the fugitive' (line 38; cf.
K TU 1.5 = RS 2. [022]+ i 1, where it is used as epithet of a sea-
monster related to Yam).
It is not clear what is precisely the nature of the distress caused by
these evil forces. I n the first lines there seems to be reference to
problems of a girl with her menstruation, that is with her fertility.
The names of the demons in the second part of the text point in
more general terms to disease and insanity. What is clear is that
these evil forces have to be driven out (grs, lines 12 and 40; see also
K TU 1.169:9) or have to be bound (rky, lines 10 and 38). Both verbs
are common terms in this genre.
For the place of this and other incantations within the religion of
Ugarit it is i mportant to note the close relation with the myth of
Baal. The batde described there of Baal and Anat, supported by Sha-
pash, against Y am, Mot and their helpers does not appear to be some-
thing from a distant past. It has its repercussions on daily human life.
The victory over the forces of evil has to be gained time and again.
As was remarked above, Horon takes a central place in K TU 1.100 =
RS 24.244.
47
Fortunately, this text is well-preserved. It is in itself not
47
See on this text especially the elaborate study of PARDEE 1988, 193- 226, with
references to previous studies. Cf. also DE MOOR 1987, 146- 56; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ
a pure incantation, but can be classified as a ritual in mythological
form. It contains, however, a number of brief incantations indicated
as mnt. The text tells of a mare, 'the mother of the stallion'. She is
probably a goddess acting on behalf of her worshippers. We are told
that she seeks support from the great deities of the Ugaritic pan-
theon against venomous serpents. The sun-goddess Shapash is indi-
cated as her mother and acts as an intermediary. Each request ends
with the same incantation in order to charm (lf}; cf. the use of
Akkadian lahu, 'to whisper', together with siptu, 'incantation',
48
and
the use of Hebrew 1h, specifically related to the charmi ng of snakes
i nj er. 8:17; Ps. 58:5-6; Qoh. 10:11; and Sir. 12:13), expel (ydy) and
bind (ytq) the snake and its poison. Apparently, this incantation was
repeated eleven times, each time on the basis of another authority.
The twelfth, Horon, responds in a different way. With a magical
rite, using among other things a tamarisk and 'the tree of death',
he succeeds in letting the poison 'become weak and flow away'. This
climax of the text is, as is appropri ate in magic texts, described with
a number of puns.
49
The text ends with a dialogue between a groom
and a bride; apparently these are Horon and the 'mother of the
stallion'. They speak about marriage with the serpents (a phallic sym-
bol?) as bride-price.
A clearly related text is K TU 1.107 = RS 24.251+.
50
Here the
snake is called 'devourer', a common designation of demons (lines
10 and 20).
51
I n the more elaborate mythological part of the text
Shapash plays a more active role.
32
There can be no doubt about Horon being viewed here in a posi-
tive way, be it that he is clearly not the first choice. The eleven
incantations preceding the final invocation seem to be meant to show
that no other choice was left than to go to Horon's 'fortress', prob-
ably an indication of his hardly accessible residence in the nether-
1988, 345-0; L EVI NE - DE TARRAGON 1988; CA QUOT 1989, 79-94; PARDEE 1997a
and WY A T T 1998C, 378-87.
48
Cf. CAD , III, 90, s.v. siptu A.e.3'.
49
Cf. GREAVES 1994 and PARDEE 1997a, 298, n. 26. See on this phenomenon
in Mesopotamian incantations FRBER 1986.
50
Cf. X EL L A 1981, 241-0; PARDEE 1988b, 227-56; and CA QUOT 1989, 95-100.
51
Cf. DE MOOR 1981- 2, I 10. He refers, among other things, to the clear rep-
resentation on a Phoenician amulet from Arslan Tash (seventh century BCE) of a
demoniacal man-eater.
52
On this part of the text and a number of resemblances with the story of the
Garden of Eden according to the Hebrew Bible, see DE MOOR 1988b.
world. One can compare this to J esus being accused of casting out
demons by Beelzebul, the prince of demons (Mark 3.22).
It is also i mportant to note the combination of myth, incantation,
and ritual. Thi s appears to be a common feature of the Ugaritic
liturgy.
One of the new Ugaritic texts discovered in 1992 is the incantation
RS 92.2014,
53
which is in many respects similar to K TU 1.100,
K TU 1.107, and K TU 1.169. As in K TU 1.169 the offending evil
force remains unnamed: dy lyd\ 'the one not known'. He is pre-
sented as a foami ng snake and as a scorpion and is exorcised in a
magic rite with 'bits of sacred wood'. Thi s is reminiscent of the
action taken by Horon against snakebite according to K TU 1.100
and K TU 1.107. I n this way he prevents the serpent from comi ng
up (
e
ly) and the scorpion from standing up (a new Ugaritic root qnr).
The second part of the text (lines 8-13) is an incantation against
dbbm and kpm. These words are also used in K TU 1.169. I n RS
92.2014 they are menti oned next to rs\ 'the evil man' and bn nm,
'son of man', which seems to be an indication of all possible men.
The incantation is directed against any evil word spoken: 'may they
pour it to the earth'.
The incantation is dedicated to Urtenu, the holder of the archive
to which this tablet belongs: 'for his body (gb), for his members (t mnt f .
These two words also occur in K TU 1.169:5-6. The incantation has
a function in securing the physical well-being of Urtenu.
One final text to be menti oned within this framework of independ-
ent incantations is K TU 1.96 = RS 22.225. Thi s is usually inter-
preted as a short mythological text about Anat literally or, what
seems to be more likely, figuratively devouring Baal.
54
The reference
to Anat was found in the first word of the tablet. New collations,
however, show that the first letters are
c
nn, not W.
55
I n the first edi-
tion of K TU it was suggested that
c
nn is a scribal error for
c
nt, but
in the second edition this 'rectification' was left out. A number of
scholars now suggest that
c
nn is related to the repeated reference to
53
It is briefly described by BORDREUI L - PARDEE 1995, 28 and 31; a first trans-
lation was offered by PARDEE 1997a.
54
Cf. DE M OOR 1987, 109- 10; and ASTOUR 1988, with a survey of previous
research.
55
See now L EWI S 1996a, with excellent photographs and drawings.
c
n, 'eye', in lines 5-13 and explain the text as an incantation against
the evil eye.
56
Thi s is a well-known object of incantations in Meso-
potamia.
57
A clear example is also found in a later Phoenician incan-
tation against 'the comi ng of the big eye' and with many other
descripdons of the evil eye, just as in the second part of K TU 1.96.
58
Even more interesting within this comparison is that on the tablet
of the Phoenician incantation we see a drawing of a demon devour-
ing the one he attacks. I n the headi ng the demon is called mzh,
'sucker', namely of blood. Thi s has a counterpart in K TU 1.96:4-5
which states that the demoni ac power eats the flesh and drinks the
blood of his victim.
5.4 Conjuring up the spirits of the dead
The demons to be driven out with the help of incantations are asso-
ciated with death and the netherworld. As we have seen above, some
of them are represented as helpers or satellites of Y am and Mot (cf.
K TU 1.82 = RS 15.134:1, 5, 27, 38). It is very likely that as in
Mesopotami a the people of Ugarit feared the influence of malign
spirits of the dead.
59
From Mesopotami a we know many incanta-
tions with the object of expelling them. I n Ugarit we hear more of
their positive counterpart: invoking the dead to ask their advice and
help.
60
Thi s was also an act of veneration. By offering their sacrifices
and honouri ng them by calling their names, they hoped to prevent
hostilities from the dead towards the living.
The interpretation of the texts concerned is a matter of much dis-
pute. According to some scholars there is not enough evidence to
speak of a cult of the dead. I n their view there was probably no
more than a funerary cult intended to offer a good burial for the
deceased, helping them on their way to the netherworld; which is
to be clearly distinguished from any belief in supernatural power of
56
Cf. DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 255-9 = 1999, 379-84, and 1992b; his interpre-
tation is accepted by WATSON 1992b, 367, n. 5; WATSON 1994b, 237; L EWI S 1996a,
118 and WY A T T 1998C, 375-7. The suffixed -n is usually explained as a deictic ele-
ment, comparable to Hurrian -ne\ cf. DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1990a, 104.
57
Cf . THOMSEN 1992.
58
On this seventh century incantation from Arslan Tash see DE MOOR 1981- 2,
111.
59
Cf . BOTTRO 1983 and 1993.
60
Cf. SPRONK 1986, 145-206 and L ORETZ 1993, 287-30.
the dead.
61
Thi s is not the place to enter that discussion. Many of
these texts are already discussed elsewhere in this handbook. Within
the present context the survey can be confined to the elements related
to the incantation texts.
K TU 1.161 = RS 34.126
62
is a ritual text associated with the bur-
ial of a king of Ugarit. It reports the invocation of all possible ances-
tors, with many names of former kings, but also with more general
indications such as 'rephai m of the earth' and 'rephai m of old'.
Apparentl y, one was anxious not to forget any of the i mportant
deceased ancestors. Thi s can be compared to a similar phenomenon
in the 'Genealogy of the Hammurapi Dynasty'
63
listing all spirits of
the dead that are considered i mportant to the well-being of the liv-
ing king: the royal dead, the heroes and also the spirits who might
become hostile, namely 'any dynasty which is not recorded on this
tablet, and any soldier who fell while on his lord's service, princes,
princesses, all humani ty, from the east to the west, who have no one
to care for them or to call their names'.
64
The idea behind this was
that the dead who remained unnamed and uncared for could become
a threat to the living. So especially the unknown spirits of the dead
(cf. dy lyd
c
, 'the unknown one' in RS 92.2014) were feared. Also the
fact that in K TU 1.161 of the great gods only the sun-goddess
Shapash is menti oned, is reminiscent of the incantations. She ap-
pears to be the most i mportant intermediary between the living and
the dead.
The Rephai m texts (K TU 1.20-22 = RS 3.348, 2. [019], 2.[024]),
only partly preserved, seem to describe a similar invocation and
actual gathering of the spirits of the dead. The state of the tablets
hardly allows any conclusion on their function.
65
The relation with
the legend of Aqhat suggests that the rephai m may have been called
up by the father of Aqhat on the occasion of the burial of his son.
The fact that the rephai m come together on the threshing floor may
indicate that they could be of help in restoring the fertility which
was lost at the death of Aqhat.
61
Cf. SCHMI DT 1994, 47 131 and PARDEE 1996a.
62
See on this text especially BORDREUI L PARDEE 1991, 151- 63, and also the
recent study of TSUMURA 1993. A survey of recent research can be found with
L ORETZ 1993, 296- 300.
63
Cf . FI NKELSTEI N 1966.
64
Cf. on this part of the text also L AMBERT 1968.
65
Note the call for a 'minimalist' approach by PI TARD 1992a and L EWI S 1996b.
K TU 1.108 = RS 24.252 can be regarded as an example of the
belief in ancient Ugarit that the spirits of the dead could be invoked
to help and bless the living.
66
Baal seems to be presented here as
the first of the rephai m. Together with Baal and other gods these
spirits of the dead enjoy a banquet presented to them in order to
propitiate them.
I n K TU 1.124 = RS 24.272 we may find another way in which
the spirits of the dead could support the living.
67
Through a medi-
ator they give precise advice on how to cure a sick child. If this
interpretation is correct, it would offer a good illustration of the spir-
its of the dead acting according to the probabl e meani ng of their
name: rp'um, 'healers'.
5.5 Elements of incantations in other texts
We have already come across the phenomenon of incantations embed-
ded in other texts. Some of these also deserve our attention.
K T U 1.13 = RS 1.006 is interpreted by Dietrich - Loretz as an
incantation against infertility:
68
a hymn to Anat is followed by a
prayer for fertility, which is answered by a mythological fragment
about Anat and Baal solving a similar probl em. I n particular, the
urgent call for supernatural assistance (lines 23-29) can be regarded
as an incantation. Note also the special role in this context of 'mes-
sengers from heaven' (ml'ak smm, lines 21-22). They belong to the
class of divine beings who, standing in between humans and the
great gods, often play a promi nent role in incantations, either as
helpers or as offenders.
A combination of myth and ritual can also be found in K TU 1.23
= RS 2.002. Although there is no consensus about the interpreta-
tion of this text, there can be no doubt about the relation to the
question of fertility.
69
The text is associated by Dietrich - Loretz
with the incantations because of its beginning:
}
iqr'a, invoke (the
66
See for a survey of previous research on this 'Zankapfel der Ugaritologen'
L ORETZ 1993, 293-5; cf. also PARDEE 1988b, 75-118, and AVI SHUR 1994, 277-307.
67
See on this text DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1990a, 205-40; L ORETZ 1993, 289-93;
and, for a different interpretation, PARDEE 1988b, 179-92.
68
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 339-42 with a reconstruction of the ritual; cf. also
DE MOOR 1980a. For a different interpretation see DEL OL MO L ETE 1981b and
MA RGA L I T 1995, 231-8.
69
Cf . SEGERT 1985 and DE MOOR 1987, 117- 8.
gracious gods)'. In their opinion it is an incantation against malign
forces of nature.
70
Also the part of the text dealing with mt w sr,
'death and evil' (lines 8-11) resembles the incantations; in particu-
lar the reference to the binding (smd, line 10) of the demon-like god
points in this direction.
K TU 1.114 = RS 24.258 is labelled by Dietrich - Loretz as an
i ncantati on for the medical treatment of drunkenness.
71
The text
describes El drinking himself nearly to death and two goddesses
finding a remedy to cure his sickness. The remedy seems to be
described in the last lines as a recipe for humans with the same
problem.
72
Thi s and similar texts (cf. K TU 1.23; K TU 1.100; K TU
1.107) can teach us something about the use of myths in the daily
life of ancient Ugarit. Apparently, it was believed that reciting the
right story on the right occasion, combi ni ng it with the right prayer
and cultic acts, had magical power. I nterpreted in this way, K TU
1.114 is related to 'pure' incantations. To this can be added that in
lines 19-20 we hear of a demon-like figure threatening El in his
drunkenness (lines 19-20). This hby is described as 'the one with two
horns and a tail'. The name itself can be translated as 'crawler' and
seems to refer to a scorpi on." I n Ugaritic incantations this is a com-
mon indication of the evil force to be expelled.
I n the myth about the moon-god Yarikh obtaining his bride Nikkal
(K TU 1.24 = RS 5.194) we find some elements related to the incan-
tations in the second section of the text (lines 40-50), which is sep-
arated from the rest of the text by a horizontal line. It concerns a
hymn to goddesses called the Kathi rat, daughters of the new moon
Hilal. They are described as birds settling down on the trees. The
singer calls them by their names, stating that 'their list' (mnthn] cf.
the use of mnt in K TU 1.82:20 and K TU 1.100) is on his lips.
According to this text the Kathi rat can be regarded as lower god-
desses who are especially related to marital affairs. Thei r status is
comparabl e to that of demons and (deified) spirits of the dead, who
just like the Kathi rat, are often compared to birds.
74
Calling their
70
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 350- 7.
71
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 342-5; cf. also PARDEE 1988b, 13-74; PARDEE
1997a; and CATHCART 1996; WY A T T 1998c, 404- 13.
72
Cf. WATSON 1990a.
73
Cf . CATHCART 1996, 5.
74
Cf . SPRONK 1986, 100.
names at the end of the myth about a divine weddi ng probably
functioned as a way to invoke their blessings on the occasion of a
human wedding.
For the sake of completeness another two texts deserve some atten-
tion. I n the second edition of K TU the genre of tablet 1.86 = RS
18.041 is indicated as 'myth?, ritual?, incantation?'.
75
Recently, it has
been demonstrated that it is likely that we are dealing here with a
hippiatric text about breeding.
76
K TU 1.93 = RS 19.054 is listed by de Moor among the incan-
tations, interpreting it as a prayer to Anat for help in reciting his
incantation properly, that is, without stammering.
77
If this interpre-
tation of the short and damaged text is correct,
78
then it would illus-
trate the i mportance of incantations in the religious life of the people
of Ugarit.
75
KTU\ 106.
76
Cf . DEL OL MO L ETE - MA RQUEZ ROWE 1995.
77
DE MOOR 1987, 186-7.
78
For other interpretations see CA QUOT 1989, 37- 9 and the literature listed there.
CHAPTER SEVEN
THE UGARI TI C CUL TI C TEXTS
1 T h e R i t u a l s
P a o l o M e r l o - P a o l o X e l l a
1.1 The problem of the ritual documents
The Ugaritic texts which can be classed as ritual texts or have a rit-
ual background did not at first attract the attention of scholars to
the same extent as the mythological texts, on which an enormous
bibliography has emerged. The very formal characteristics of these
documents have contributed to discouraging any approach to them.
They are mostly schematic texts, written in a concise and technical
language which proceeds by allusions, using an accurate and precise
liturgical vocabulary which cannot be studied with the help of, for
example, the parallelism characteristic of poetry. I n addition, there
is the frequent use of stereotyped formulae, the understandi ng of
which depends on actually identifying the rites to which they allude.
Lastly, the focus of the syntax is extremely difficult because 'pre-
scriptive' rubrics and 'descriptive' sections alternate with no obvious
criteria and are accompani ed by long lists of gods followed (often
asyndetically) by the victims or offerings intended for them.
A good stimulus to the study of ritual texts, which have been neglected
for so many years (apart perhaps from a couple of specific contri-
butions)
1
came from the article by Levine
2
on the possibility of iden-
tifying prescriptive and descriptive rituals, even if this distinction now
seems applicable only to a limited extent. Thi s is either because
1
DE GUGL I EL MO 1955. Cf. also URI E 1959.
2
L EVI NE 1963. The distinction he proposes between 'prescriptive' rituals and
'descriptive' rituals is only acceptable in broad outline since it is clear that even a
description is significantly prescriptive in nature (libretto for ceremonies; cf. the use
of the imperfect/future). It is, thus, a spurious problem. Cf. also L EVI NE 1965; 1974,
8ff. and 1983.
several texts do not, strictly speaking, belong to either of the two
categories or else because the descriptive texts are also standard and
are also often devised and written down as memoranda.
However, the situation has improved markedly over the last twenty
years, which have seen the first monographs on these documents as
well as a series of mi nor studies devoted to analysing the lexicon,
structure and function of the various texts, their implications for the
history of religions, the divinities involved in the rites, the typology
of the rites, etc. If we limit ourselves here only to wide-ranging works,
first of all comes the publication in 1979 of a long and excellent
comprehensi ve treatment of the ritual texts in the Supplment au
Dictionnaire de la Bible written by Caquot.
3
Then, at the beginning of
the eighties, there appeared the first monographs on the topic by de
Tarragon
4
(which is more discursive) and by Xella
5
(which is more
systematic). Besides a large number of other mi nor studies (which
appeared chiefly in Ugant-Forschungen), a new wide-ranging contribu-
tion appeared in the section written by de Tarragon in the book
edited by Caquot, de Tarragon himself and Cunchillos (TO 2) which
was published in 1989 (although written a few years earlier) even
though it did not provide any remarkabl e new interpretations (in a
few rare instances even marki ng a regression). Wi th del Ol mo Lete's
monograph,
6
substantial progress has been achieved in spite of the
way the author has chosen to present the material (in practice it is
a comprehensive study of the religion of Ugarit). I n this survey can
also be noted the translations made by Dietrich and Loretz of a cer-
tain number of ritual texts in the collection TUAT and elsewhere
7
as well as the inclusion of several cultic documents in the anthology
of de Moor
8
and in the study by Pardee of texts which he curiously
called 'para-mythological'.
9
1.2 Classifications of form and content
The ritual texts supply direct and extremely valuable information
about religious practices (chiefly but not exclusively royal and pub-
3
CA QUOT 1979.
4
DE TARRAGON 1980.
5
X EL L A 1981.
6
DE L OL MO L ETE 1992a = 1999.
7
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 1990a.
8
DE MOOR 1987.
9
PARDEE 1988b.
lie) of ancient Ugarit, even if we reiterate that the material is difficult,
to be approached with caution, using clear methodological princi-
ples. Apart from attempts to consider these documents as a specific
'literary form', the mai n fixed points of departure for analysis are as
follows. I n terms of the history of religions, they have an undoubt-
edly cultic character, while in terms of linguistics, they belong to a
form of linguistic expression that can be defined as 'chancellery lan-
guage',
10
which places them on the same level as the economic and
administrative texts and the hippiatric texts.
As for their being documents with a religious purpose, the ritual
texts have to be studied against the background of all that we know
about the beliefs and cults of Ugarit duri ng the Late Bronze Age,
with the proviso of also using, to the greatest extent possible, the
archaeological data from Ras Shamra and Ras I bn Hani in order
to provide a better framework as to how the rites functioned, and who
were their participants and the recipients of the various ceremonies.
Of course, local mythology also has to be a constant and funda-
mental reference point for understandi ng the rites and their under-
lying ideology. The objection (which is often raised) that the 'literary'
texts reflect a stage of Ugaritic religion which is different and older
(than the ritual texts) in fact has very little foundation, for it is based
only on the formal opposition between poetic language and the non-
poetic or non-literary l anguage" in which the ritual texts are cast.
I n terms of the history of religions it is true that in some cases there
is a certain divergence, for example between the rank and person-
ality of the divine figures described in the myths and those vener-
ated in the cult. However, the history of religions teaches us that
the mythic dimension has its own laws, times and coordinates, such
that the actions or features of a god in the mythological narratives
need not necessary have an exact equivalent in the ritual universe
regulated by man in terms of his own needs (even such banal and
practical needs as the eating and [re-]distribution of meat by means
of ritualizing immolations and celebrating religious feasts). To cite
only one striking case, it is precisely in the 'later' ritual texts that
the god Elincorrectly considered by some to be in decline with
the passage of timeoccupies a position of undoubted pre-eminence
over all the other deities.
12
10
FRONZAROL I 1975.
11
LI VERANI 1964.
12
Cf. XEI .L A (forthcoming).
If, instead, we consider the content of the texts rather than their
outward form, mythology and culdc documentati on comprise two
compl ementary and fairly organic aspects of Ugaritic religion which,
as in all the cultures of the ancient world, is expressed differently at
different levels. Lastly, as regards the matter of the relationships
between myth and ritual, which are inextricably connected, it is
sufficient to remember the existence of texts such as K TU 1.23 =
RS 2.002, correctly defined as 'cultic myth';
13
or, the fact that recita-
tions, prayers, exorcisms and incantations are religious acts which
can all be projected into the mythic dimension (while the recitation
of a myth is itself a rite!).
Besides these considerations, another i mportant fact to keep in
mi nd in the study of the Ugaritic rituals is the comparative dimen-
sion within the religious traditions of Syria-Palestine and Northern
Mesopotami a. With the increase in our knowledge of the religion
and sacrificial system of centres such as Ebla,
14
Emar
15
as well as
Mari (with the requisite changes),
16
it is necessary to get away from
the usual and repeated references to the Bible in order to recon-
struct the religious tradition peculiar to Syria, the consistency and
essential continuity of which are perceptible.
It should also be remembered that additional and often direct
information on the cult and on various rites, both sacrificial and
non-sacrificial, can be gained from other types of text, i.e. the eco-
nomic and administrative texts,
17
the letters and the mythological
texts. The most famous example in the last category comprises the
rites carried out by Keret (K TU 1.14 = RS 2. [003]+ ii 50ff. and
parallels) which, though to some extent awaiting proof, are undeni-
ably connected with cultic practice.
However, it is understandabl e how, faced with a mass of docu-
ments sharing a definite (and more or less direct) connection with
the cult, but without uniform formal characteristics, specialists have
attempted to sort this material, proposi ng classifications and sub-
classifications of various kinds.
I n a monograph written in 1981 ( X e l l a 1981) one of the authors
set out a subdivision of the texts as follows: 1) monthly liturgies and
13
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 15 = 1999, 15.
14
Cf. in general FRONZAROL I 1993 and POMPONI O - XEL L A 1997.
15
Cf. especially FLEMI NG 1992 and, for example, DI ETRI CH 1990.
16
An excellent synthesis in DURAND 1995.
17
DEL OL MO L ETE SANMARTI N 1998. On these aspects see below.
lists of offerings; 2) divination texts and oracles; 3) prayers; 4) incan-
tations; 5) atonement sacrifices; 6) liturgies for kings; 7) votive texts;
8) lists of gods.
18
Thi s proposed classification has largely been fol-
lowed by G . del Ol mo Lete ( del O l mo L et e 1992a = 1999) with
a series of additional subdivisions which refine the original grid still
further, even for exampl e distinguishing prescriptive rituals into
sacrificial or non-sacrificial, pure or mixed, single or multiple, etc.
19
The table proposed by the Spanish scholar is undoubtedly a good
theoretical grid for classification, provided that it is not taken rigidly
as a formal reference point. I n this Handbook, which has a more gen-
eral approach, we shall retain the distinction between prescriptive
and recited rituals. Whether the sacrificial action does or does not
involve blood is a further classification which, in some sense, cuts
across the others and can connote a number of other ceremonies.
Likewise, whether the ritual actions are more or less complex, the
length of time they take and where they are performed, are factors
which do not alter the basic typology.
Ultimately it has to be said that our as yet imperfect knowledge
of the sacrificial vocabulary of Ugarit and our continuing ignorance
of the deep structures of Syrian religion in the Bronze Age should
put us on guard against claims of elaborate classification which are
too detailed and too systematic.
1.3 Rite and sacrificial material: terminology and typology
As indicated above, to describe or record various actions of the cult,
the Ugaritic ritual texts use a series of technical terms which some-
times have a more generic meani ng and sometimes are very tech-
nical. Even if we are still very far from having resolved all the
problems of interpretation, the meanings of some terms have now
been determi ned with enough certainty.
20
The word dbh is a pri me
18
XEL L A 1981; in fact there is also a section on Hurro-Ugaritic rituals, due only
to the bilingualism marking these documents, recently studied in a systematic way
particularly by M. Dietrich, W. Mayer and M. Dijkstra in various publications
(chiefly UF and A O A T / A L A S P ) .
19
A different approach has been adopted by DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 300ff.,
which however is also reductive because it is determined by the anthological nature
of the series (TUAT) in which it appears.
20
XEL L A 1989; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 19-22 = 1999, 20 1; 1995. Nevertheless
there are still quite a few disputed or even completely enigmatic cases, for example,
example of a term to denote the sacrificial ceremony which is both
specific and generic at the same time.
Of as yet unknown etymology,
21
dbh (generally attested as a noun
although it also occurs in verbal form) is a key term in the Ugaritic
sacrificial lexicon. It has been suggested that a whole series of terms
(for exampl e,yt n, kbd, nkt, np, nrr, na, ntk, ql, qrb, lm, t (?), t'y) should
be considered essentially as its synonyms,
22
but each of themapart
from proven cases of functional synonymityis of course distinct and
must be investigated separately as a specific element of a highly tech-
nical lexicon. I n fact, dbh is a polysemantic term, as noted already
by Aistleitner,
23
who correctly distinguished between (a) the meani ng
'schlachten/Schlachtopfer' and (b) the meaning 'Gastmahl essen/Mahl'.
The Ugaritic term is not semantically related to Hebrew zbh (verb
and noun) but instead to Akk. zbu, 'food offering', which in turn is
synonymous with naptnu (originally an accounting term used for food
rations, used in the cult but also in non-cultic texts). The so-called
polyglot vocabulary of Ug 5 (137 iii 6)
24
gives the equivalents EZEN =
i-si-nu = e-\l]i = da-ab-hu, from which can be deduced the clear
meani ng 'feast', 'soire'. Thi s meani ng is abundantl y confirmed by
the use of the term in the ritual texts. It is a sacrificial meal, i.e. a
sacred banquet, as has been proved by several terms which are par-
allel or actually synonymous to itdgt, msd, trm,
e
srt. However, the
meani ng of the word sometimes seems to be more generic (precisely
'feast' in general),
23
since dbh sometimes includes not only foodstuffs
(for example, cf. oil and honey in K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+:20-l )
but also objects, clothes or metals. Thus it is an offering in a generic
sense even if, as seems to be the case, the gift par excellence to the
gods is still food (cf. the implicit equivalence dbh kispum in K TU
1.142 = RS 24.323).
26
An excellent example of a grandiose and complex dbh is provided
by K TU 1.148 = RS 24.643,
27
the dbh of Sapunu, which seems to
cf. terms such as iyn, m'rb (in spite of its apparently clear etymology), sin, trmt and
others as well.
21
FRONZAROL I 1965.
22
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 20- 1 = 1999, 21-3, although he notes that the syn-
onymy refers only to the basic meaning of 'to offer'.
23
AI STL EI TNER 1974, 722.
24
Cf. HUEHNERGARD 1987b, 117; VAN SOL DT 1991a, 303. Cf. 4.5.
25
Cf. for example the opening line of KTU 1.161 = RS 34.126: spr. dbh. zlm.
26
Cf. DLU, 128a for the references.
27
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 88-91 = 1999, 129-33. (with previous bibliography).
include a whole series of different rites within the ceremony. I n this
case, however, it seems that the iZmm-sacrifice does not form part of
the general typology of the dbh, but it cannot be excluded completely
that in the first section of this text the offerings are to be consid-
ered as performed as a /r/?-sacrifice (which was not mentioned because
it was implicit). A text such as K TU 1.170 = RI H 78/11 shows
that the dbh included sacrifices such as the srp, as is also indicated
by the semantic field of the Hurri an term athl, sometimes used as
equivalent to dbh and sometimes as equivalent to srp.
2
*
If, out of several possible cases, we consider the so-called atonement
ritual K TU 1.40 + 84 + 121 + 122 + 154 = RS 1.002,
29
significandy,
the terms dbh and t
c
denote the inner cultic sphere in which the
Ugaritic homo religiosus has commi tted sin.
Above we have referred to attempts at formal classification of the
ritual texts. Wi thout going into over-precise subdivisions, we note
that the ritual actions can be simply classed into the following cat-
egories:
30
ritual blood sacrifices, bloodless sacrificial offerings, pro-
cessions, enthronements-investitures, cultic meals. To these can be
added texts or parts of texts comprising recitation (including prayers).
The first category is thus represented by ritual actions involving blood.
Among these, the designation attested most often in the rituals of
Ugarit is provided by the brace of terms srp and lmm, which almost
always occur together in close succession. These are two specific
terms for sacrifice, the first of which is evidently connected with the
action of 'burni ng' the victim (as the root *srp shows) as is the case
in the other Semitic languages (although this does not mean that it
was always a holocaust); the second term, lmm, is possibly to be
translated 'communi on sacrifice' or 'peace sacrifice', based on ety-
mology and also on compari son with Hebrew
e
lamm.
U
Explicit
confirmation that (with the requisite modifications) in Ugarit also it
is a communal meal of the offerers, comes from K TU 1.115 = RS
24.260:9-10: l il bt lmm kl l y Ihm bh, 'a ram to the god of the
(royal) house as a //mm-offering; all eat it'.
32
2R
DI ETRI CH - MAY ER 1995, 12- 3.
29
XEL L A 1981, 251-76; DEL OL MO L ETE, 1992a, 99-109 = 1999, 144-60; DE
MOOR - SANDERS 1991; WY A TT 1998C, 342-7.
30
DE TARRAGON 1980, 55-129; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 28-32 = 1999, 34-40;
cf. also DEL OL MO L ETE 1995, passim.
31
Current views and bibliography in DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 30- 1 and n. 81 =
1999, 37- 40 and n. 82.
32
XEL L A 1981, 108; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 177 81 = 1999, 257-64.
Also part of the other actions of the blood ritual is the act of
'i mmol ati on' (nkt) or 'slaughter' (qll) of the victim. Nevertheless, the
ritual texts provide evidence of further types of sacrificial offerings
of which the meani ng is not always precise, as in the cases of npt
(related perhaps to Hebrew t
e
np),
33
tzg (which may denote either
the victim or the rite)
34
and also t'y, menti oned already, a polyse-
manti c term which also seems to denote an offering connected with
the royal cult.
35
Besides rites involving blood, the Ugaritic texts also mention blood-
less ritual actions. Among the ceremonies which do not involve the
sprinkling of blood can be menti oned here the fairly widespread
practice of performi ng 'libations' (the verb *ntk or the derived noun
mtk), especially of water and wine, documented in several texts (cf.
for example, K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+:12; K TU 1.107 = RS 24.251:46;
K TU 1.119 = RS 24.266:25), although they provide no information
about the details of the ceremonies. The bloodless offerings also
include, of course, offerings of vegetable food, and of various types
of object, metal or cloth, which are amply documented in the rit-
ual texts as well as in the economi c and administrative texts.
36
A further category of ritual actions comprises the processions, iden-
tifiable by a series of terms (for example, yrd, hlk, Iqh,
c
ly,
c
rb, etc.)
and correcdy included by G. del Ol mo Lete among the 'non-sacrificial
liturgies'.
37
The processions menti oned in the Ugaritic rituals have
in fact as a central point a series of ceremonial actions in honour
of divine statues,
38
in which, as usual, the role carried out by the
king and his family is completely in the foreground. I n this con-
nection, the ritual K TU 1.43 = RS 1.005 can be menti oned which
is focussed completely on the procession of divine statues.
39
It begins
with k t'rb* 'ttrt. hr. gb/bt mlk 'When 'Attart of Hurri
40
enters the gb
of the royal palace', and has the i mportant conclusion (lines 24-26):
mlk. ylk. Iqh. ilm || atr. ilm. ylk. p
e
nm./mlk. p*
c
*nm. yl[k]/sb
c
pamt. Iklhm,
'the king will go to take (the statues of) the gods || behind (the stat-
33
MI L GROM 1972.
34
XEL L A 1981, 39-40.
35
DEL OL MO L ETE 1988a; cf. also FREI LI CH 1992.
36
DEL OI .MO L ETE - SANMARTI N 1998; cf. in general DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a =
1999, passim.
37
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 96 = 1999, 140- 1.
38
DE TARRAGON 1980, 98- 112; in general DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1992.
39
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 189-94 = 1999, 282-91.
40
Cf . BONNET - XEL L A 1996.
ues of) the gods he will go on foot/the king will go on foot/seven
times with all of them'.
Further references to ceremonies of transporting statues are also
given in K TU 1.91 = RS 19.015, a key text (classed as adminis-
trative) which lists concisely various rites which can be identified in
more detail in other documents.
41
Line 10: k t'rb.
c
ttrt. d. bt m[lk]
'When 'Attart of the steppe enters the royal palace' (cf. K TU 1.148 =
RS 24.643:18-22) and in line 11: k t'rbn. rpm. bt. mlk, 'When the
Raaps enter the royal palace' (cf. K TU 1.106 = RS 24.250+, as
well as K TU 1.43 = RS 1.005:9ff.). K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256:
42
6-9, where images of the deities (genuine gods and divinized ances-
tors) are moved around in various cultic installations as part of the
dynastic cult, is not exactly of the same type.
Another category of ritual actions is that of investiture-enthronement.
4:i
Here we are referring, for example, to actions described by verbs
such as ytb 'to sit (down)' or lbs 'to dress/be dressed' (for the seman-
tic field of clothes or ritual dressing cf. especially azr and nps, as well
as other terms) but which, in a religious context, refer to specific
ceremonies the details of which are unknown to us. A clear case of
royal investiture can be identified, for example, in K TU 1.41 = RS
1.003+:53-5, sbu. p whl mlk/w l*[b]n. spm. w mh[pn]h* t*[t]tbn/b.
b*\t\ w km. ity[u. L] mmyd[h] 'the sun sets and the king is desacral-
ized and, robed splendidly and with his face cleansed, they shall
enthrone him (lit. they shall make him return) in the palace and
once there, he shall raise his hands towards the sky'.
44
Although it
mentions the royal throne, the expression 'and at night the throne
is prepared' alludes to a ritual action which is not completely clear
in K TU 1.106 = RS 24.250+:26~8 (w III t
c
r[k] ksu).
I mportant moments in the liturgies, apparently without involving
blood, can be recognized in the invocations, recitations and prayers
(cf. for example dn (?), nsa + yd, pth. + yd (?), sh, qra, r), in acts of
divination and oracles (phy (?), rgm, r, ttb + rgm, etc.) and in expi-
ation rites (cf. K TU 1.40 + 84 + 121 + 122 + 154 = RS 1.002,
cited already and marked by its peculiar structure and lexicon).
41
X EL L A 1979; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 173-7 = 1999, 257-64.
42
Rites to be celebrated in the month of tjyr (likewise K T U 1. 105 = RS 24. 249) .
On the passage quoted cf. XEL L A 1988.
43
DE L OI . MO L ETE 1992a, 96 = 1999, 141.
44
DE L OL MO L ETE 1992a, 83-5 = 1999, 122-5.
Finally, among the ritual actions, communal meals can be men-
tioned (cf. what has been said above concerni ng dbh and lmrr) which
frequendy acquire religious significance, and include the consump-
tion of drinks (specified by terms such as kly, Ihm, nsl (?),
(
db,
C
r, sty),
either as a convivial occasion which joins together men, the gods
and the spirits of the ancestors, or else as a ritualized and regulated
occasion where food (especially meat) is eaten.
As for the sacrificial material,
45
in rites involving blood, the offerings
of animals were substantially similar to those known in the other
religious traditions of the ancient Near East. The animals offered
most frequently are bovids (the ox, alp, the bull, tr, the cow, gdlt,
lit. 'female head of cattle'), ovines, denoted genetically as sin (the
ram, i, the sheep, dqt, lit. 'head of small catde' or tat, she-goat,
c
z),
birds, called generically
c
sr, with the dove, ytnt or the turtle-dove, tr
specified. However other kinds of animals also occur such as don-
keys, V and also fish, dg. Besides complete animals, the various parts
of the victim were offered, limbs and entrails (ap, nps, lb, kbd, mtnt
are the easiest to identify) as studied in detail by G. del Ol mo Lete.
46
Animal offerings are certainly not the only ones attested in the
Ugaritic rituals and several times gifts were dedicated to the gods
either of vegetables such as wine (yn), oil (mr), emmer (ksm), flour
(qmh) honey (nbt), or else of precious metals such as silver (ksp) and
gold (}}rs) or even objects in common use including articles of cloth-
ing and crockery.
1.4 The role of the king
By now it is well known that the king had a role of particular impor-
tance within the Ugaritic cult and was by far the principal officiant.
47
The texts of Ugarit, in fact, show not only how the palace has con-
trol over the personnel appoi nted to the cult but how the king him-
self is often the mai n celebrant within a liturgy and how frequently
the ceremonies take place in locations and internal buildings actu-
ally within the royal palace. Moreover, the i mportance of the dynas-
45
Cf., for example, DE TA RRA GON 1980, 31-54; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 32~3 =
1999, 40-2.
4,1
DEL OL MO L ETE 1989b.
47
HEAL EY 1984; Y ON 1985; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 115-95 = 1999, 166-291;
DEL OL MO L ETE 1993b; ABOUD 1994, 123-92.
tic cult together with the venerati on of the divinized royal ancestors
has emerged as one of the most typical aspects which characteri ze
the religion of Ugari t in a pecul i ar symbiosis between the living and
the dead for the common good.
48
The high number of rituals found in Ugari t testify to a series of
liturgies where the ritual actions clearly refer to the king, expressed
frequentl y by the use of fixed 'ritual formul ae' which indicate his
state of (ritual) purity and refer to special moments in the day.
49
The best known and best attested form of ritual action where the
king is seen as the protagonist is the one concerni ng his ritual purifi-
cation. Thi s must certainly have been achieved by means of special
ablutions, expressed by the formul a yrths mlk bn 'the king washes
<and is> purified'. Thi s formul a often i ntroduces a series of cere-
moni es in which the king takes part, at the close of whi ch there
occurs, connected with nightfall or sunset (sba/u p,
c
rb p) the fur-
ther formula whl mlk 'and the king is desacralized'. Thus the purification
of the king seems to be a prerequisite for him to be able to perform,
assist at or take part in the ritual (cf., for exampl e, K TU 1.119 =
RS 24.266:4-6; K T U 1.112 = RS 24.256:10-5, etc.).
Another series of 'formul ae' whi ch are quite similar to each other
even if not exactly identical, allude to the king's role in oracle practice
(mlk brr rgm y ttb/rgm y ttb mlk bn, ttb rgm whl mlk) probabl y acti ng as
medi ator for the replies and always in condi ti ons of ritual purity.
0
"
There are many other exampl es of the sovereign bei ng involved
in the cult. Among the most i mportant are K T U 1.119 = RS
24.266:13-4 in which 'the king sacrifices in the templ e of , or
K T U 1.164 = RI H 77/2b+ 'When the king sacrifices in the hmn
(i.e. the pal ace chapel)'; the king takes part in processions, as in
K T U 1.43 = RS 1.005:23-5, cited al ready; a cantor has to sing in
front of the king, who has his hands spread out: K TU 1.106 = RS
24.250+: 15-7; the king's throne is prepared at night, probabl y to
allow hi m to be seated duri ng the performance of nocturnal rites:
K T U 1.106 = RS 24.250+:27-8, and so on.
48
Restated by DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 130 4 = 1999, 192-8 (in respect of K T U
1.161 = RS 34.126) and passim, where five whole chapters (3- 6) are devoted to the
religion and cult of the king.
4
" XEL L A 1984c.
50
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 22 = 1999, 24.
The ceremony described at the end of K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003:50-
5
51
is particularly interesting; here the cultic role of the king is very
obvious: the rite, which is still difficult to identify exactly, is per-
formed in the month of riyn and takes place on the terrace of the
royal palace (it is less likely that it was a temple); it exhibits remark-
able similarities with the Hebrew ritual of the New Y ear which
was also celebrated on the day of the full moon in the first month
of the year, at the season of the wine harvest, with the construction
of huts.
52
Also worthy of menti on is the possible sacred marriage ceremony
menti oned in K TU 1.132 = RS 24.291, studied again recently (with
new proposals) by Dietrich and Mayer,
53
in which it seems that the
union of the king with the goddess Pidrayu was celebrated. She was
the daughter of Baal and evidently must have embodi ed the ideal
wife at the highest level.
54
Besides the rites in which the king took part, the locations where
the liturgy took place were often included within the palace com-
plex and the chapels attached to it.
One of the places in which ritual actions involving the king's pres-
ence were often performed is the hmn, undoubtedly a chapel reserved
for the royal and dynastic cult, a raised and covered structure, a
sort of earthly projection of the heavenly dwelling, which forms part
of the royal palace and was used chiefly for the royal dynastic cult.
55
There are other places in which the rituals were performed and
probably must have belonged to the king's residence such as the
'terrace' (gg) menti oned above or the 'garden' (gn). Thi s second term,
which is also a name for a month in the Ugaritic calendar when an
impressive number of ceremonies are performed, is already attested
in the texts from Ebla'
6
and denotes a cultic area inside the royal
palace which was a sort of cemetery, the location for funerary rites
intended for the ancestors and the chthoni an deities.
37
51
Lines 50-55 of this tablet are separated from lines 1-49. Only the latter have
a duplicate in KTU 1.87 = RS 18.056.
52
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 83-5 = 1999, 122-5.
53
DI ETRI CH - MA Y ER 1996a; cf. the new proposal to read bb*t mlk instead of bit
mlk in line 3.
54
DE L OL MO L ETE 1992a, 143 = 1999, 212.
55
DEL OL MO L ETE 1984d; X EL L A 1991, I69ff. and passim.
5,I
X EL L A 1995c.
57
Cf. for example SPRONK 1986; L EWI S 1989; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 149-56 =
1999, 219-32. For a more reserved critical attitude cf. VAN DER T OORN 1991.
The reference to gn brings us to the ceremonial role of the king
in his capacity as principal celebrant, a role exercised even more
within the funerary cult in honour of the dead and deified kings of
the dynasty. Thi s fundamental aspect of Ugaritic religion is attested
in a whole series of indications and texts (three, in particular K TU
1.108 = RS 24.252, K TU 1.113 = RS 24.257 and K TU 1.161 =
RS 34.126 which, although their general meani ng and many details
are still disputed, throw considerable light on the phenomenon which
seems to be peculiar to the Syrian region).
The first of these documents (K TU 1.108 = RS 24.252)
58
seems
in fact to attribute to the dead king the title of rpu mlk
c
lm 'Rapi u,
eternal king' (lines 1 and 21-22). Unfortunately, the break and the
theoretical possibility of attributing the title rpu to a god (in this case
Baal) rather than to the king makes the interpretation of the whole
text very uncertain. K TU 1.113 = RS 24.257 (see 7.2) is a clear
testimony that the dead kings were considered as divine. Lastly, K TU
1.161 = RS 34.126
59
is introduced as is known as the 'liturgy of
sacrifice of the shades [=protective spirits]' (spr dbh zlm), i.e. a 'libretto'
of the funeral celebration which was performed to accompany the
descent of the dead king into the underworld. The liturgy begins
with the invocation of the Rapiuma, the ancestors belonging to the
dynasty, after which we are present at a lament with a ritual meal
followed by the command given by the goddess apa to the dead
king (here probably Ni qmaddu I I I , line 26) to descend into the under-
world. The text then continues with the sacrifice of a bird (prob-
ably as an offering for the dead king) performed seven times and it
ends with a propitiatory blessing of well-being towards the king, the
ruling house and the whole city of Ugarit. It is precisely this final
blessing which shows us the purpose of the cult of the ancestors
which the Ugaritic kings carried out: it expresses in fact the con-
cern for obtaining prosperity, protection and oracular responses
1
'"
from the Rapi uma, fittingly honoured for that purpose.
61
Finally, it can be noted that the role of the royal house in Ugaritic
liturgy does not seem to have been strictly confined to the king.
58
PARDEE 1988b, 75-118; (CAQUOT - ) DE TARRAGON (CUNCHI LLOS) 1989, 111-8;
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 126-30 = 1999, 184-92, WY A TT 1998C, 395-8.
59
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 130-4 = 1999, 192-8, with previous bibliography.
See also WY ATT 1998C, 430-41.
60
TROPPER 1989a; L ORETZ 1993.
61
The 'minimalist' position recently adopted by PARDEE 1996a, 281 does not
seem completely justified.
Already K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256 studied above shows that the
whole royal family took part in ritual actions. I n addition, K TU
1.170 = RI H 78/11, even in a broken context, seems to show the
existence of a sacrifice carried out by the queen, which is confirmed
by the administrative text K TU 4.149 = RS 15.039:14-6 which
records quantities of wine for the sacrifice by the queen on sown
field.
62
1.5 Other cult personnel
Besides the foreground role performed by the king as officiant, we
also know of other personnel appoi nted to the cult even if, surpris-
ingly enough, neither khnm nor rb khnm ever feature in the ritual
texts, apart from a the doubtful reference to a 'throng of priests',
tltt khn[m], in the second broken incantation against serpents' venom,
K TU 1.107 = RS 24.251 +: 18. Otherwise note can be taken of a
'cantor', sr, in K TU 1.106 = RS 24.250+: 15, a qdl K TU 1.112 =
RS 24.246:21, a category which can perhaps be defined as 'purifiers',
mhllm in K TU 1.119 = RS 24.266:23, whereas a certain exorcist
termed mihi is the human protagonist in the great incantation against
serpents, K TU 1.100 = RS 24.244.
All this personnel belongs to the category of dependents of the
royal house (bnl mlkf
3
and therefore, strictly speaking, a class of
priests i ndependent of the king is not attested in Ugarit.
64
The rare menti on of personnel with religious functions in the cul-
tic texts is partly completed by references which can be derived from
the administrative and economic texts,
65
although there is no mention
of their cultic duties. In this category of documents we find several
references to 'priests', khnm (in the Akkadian texts: l u. mes sanga); in-
dividually or collectively, in 'communi ty', dr khnm (K TU 4.357 = RS
18.046:24), with their 'chi ef' rb khnm (in the Akkadian texts: l . u g u l a
sanga), a title which occurs also on the famous hatchets
66
and in
the colophon to the 6th tablet of the Baal cycle menti oned above.
62
Already noted in X EL L A 1981, 149.
63
Cf. for example HEL TZER 1982, 131-9; LI PI NSKI 1988.
64
According to the colophon of the tablet K TU 1.6 = RS 2.[009]+ vi 55-7,
even the high priest Attanu-prln was a dependent of king Niqmaddu, albeit at the
highest level. The title nqd can be related to the cult only hypothetically.
65
DE L OL MO L ETE - SANMARTI N 1998, 176- 84.
66
See most recently BORDREUI L 1998.
There are also the 'consecrated ones', qdm, for whom a divina-
tory function has also been proposed, hypothetically,
67
and then the
'singers', rrn, personnel connected in various ways with music in the
cult and perhaps also outside the cult and lastly the 'water carriers
of the sanctuary', ib mqdt, a function which has parallels in the
Hebrew world, in Hcllenistic-Roman Syria and elsewhere.
1.6 The times of the celebrations
As is almost the general rule in the ancient Near East, the calen-
dar
68
of Ugaritic liturgical celebrations is based on the lunar cycle
and therefore the days in which the cult takes on greater impor-
tance are evidently at the beginning or middle of the month, cor-
responding to the new moon (ym hdt, i.e. the first day of the month)
or the full moon (ym mlat, i.e. the fifteenth day of the month). On
these days great sacrifices are carried out, accompani ed by the usual
rite of purification of the king, as shown for example by K TU 1.46 =
RS 1.009, K TU 1.109 = RS 24.253 and K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+.
However, there are also other liturgies for other days of the month,
often in 'weekly' cycles (i.e. a quarter of a month), but also on sev-
eral other days of the month. And then some rites took place in
the evening or at night, as can be deduced from the indications I II
and Ipn II.
With regard to the annual cycle of the cult, however, unfortu-
nately we are not yet completely certain of the exact sequence of
the months of the Ugaritic cal endar since the local names are con-
siderably different from the standard names of Mesopotami an tra-
dition. And comparison with what we know of the months of various
Eblaite calendars from over a millennium earlier does not help much
either. Some scholars have tried to reconstruct a particular seasonal
liturgical sequence on the basis of the mythological texts,
69
but this
attempt has not been accepted by scholars. As far as the strictly rit-
ual texts is concerncd, we know of liturgical texts related to certain
67
DEL OL MO L ETE - SANMARTI N 1998, 180- 1. On the root cf. XEL L A 1982.
68
DE TA RRA GON 1980, 17-30; DEL OI . MO L ETE 1992a, 22-4 = 1999, 24 7;
COHEN 1993, 377 83; ARNAUD 1993b. For chronological indications to the cult
which can be obtained from the economic and administrative texts cf. DEL OL MO
L ETE - SANMARTI N 1998, 186-8.
6fl
Especially DE MOOR 1971. Cf. also DE MOOR 1972 and 1988a.
specific months such as the months of ib'lt (K TU 1.119 = RS
24.266:1-17), nql (K TU 1.138 = RS 24.298) and hyr, the second
month of spring correspondi ng to Apri l /May (K TU 1.105 = RS
24.249 and K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256). I n addition we are acquainted
with the ritual of the month of ris yn (K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003/KTU
1.87 = RS 18.056). Thi s last month ('first of the wine') fell in the
time of the wine harvest and corresponded to the month September/
October; it was probably the beginning of the cultic year in Ugarit.
Its ritual, with an extremely long list of sacrifices, is marked by an
initial and highly symbolic offering of a bunch of grapes, undoubt-
edly to be understood as firstfruits, to the god El.
1.7 The places for the celebrations
The Ugaritic liturgy certainly did not only take place in the tem-
ples. I n fact the ritual texts menti on several sacred places, some of
which have been confirmed from archaeology whereas others still
remain unidentified.
70
For reasons of completeness it is necessary to
note, however, that certain 'cult places', identified on the basis of
archaeological evidence, actually have no equivalents in the specific
terms of the ritual texts.
71
The temple of Baal, identified with one of the two great temples
on the acropolis, takes on a foreground role in the ritual texts (K TU
1.119 = RS 24.266; K TU 1.105 = RS 24.249:19; K TU 1.104 =
RS 24.248:13; K TU 1.109 = RS 24.253:11), and also in the mytho-
logical texts (especially K TU 1.4 = RS 2. [008]+; but see also K TU
1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 31). It is built on a platform which is approached
by means of a monumental stairway; it comprises a vestibule which
comes before the naos (or inner cella) and, in the southwest corner,
is preceded by a structure which can be explained as the holy of
holies. I n front of the entrance, within the court surroundi ng the
sanctuary to the south, there is a structure measuri ng 2 x 2 metres,
usually explained as an altar (it is thought that it may be the altar
70
The first of these is the so-called sanctuary of the Hurrian gods close to the
royal palace, the nature and cultic function of which seem to be certain; the sec-
ond is the so-called sanctuary of the rhyta, located in the residential area of the city;
cf. Y ON 1996.
71
On cult places in Ugarit cf. generally Y ON 1984; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a,
24-8 = 1999, 27-34; DE TARRAGON 1996; DEL OL MO L ETE - SANMARTI N 1998,
184-6.
menti oned in K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+:41 mdbh b'l). It is interesting
to note that the raised structures menti oned as the 'tower of Baal
of Ugari t' (K TU 1.119 = RS 24.266:12) and the 'terrace' (gg in
K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+:50), where sacrifices were offered, are prob-
ably confirmed from archaeology by the enormous width of the foun-
dation walls of the temple of Baal and in the purported existence
of a stairway on the eastern side of the temple.
Archaeology has brought to light a second great temple on the
acropolis. Due to the finding of the two inscribed stelae K TU 6.13 =
RS 6.021 and K TU 6.14 = RS 6.028 in its vicinity, it has been
considered as dedicated to the god Dagan. However, unfortunately
the Ugaritic ritual texts never menti on a temple of Dagan,
72
so that
it seems more reasonable to attribute this temple to the god El in
agreement with the evidence from the ritual texts K TU 1.87 = RS
18.056:42 and K TU 1.119 = RS 24.266:13-4 and with the mytho-
logical texts K TU 1.17 = RS 2. [004]+ i 31-2 and K TU 1.5 = RS
2. [022]+ iv 21. Thi s temple also, like the other one dedicated to
Baal, is built on a platform, has massive foundations which suggest
the existence of a very high upper storey and is subdivided into a
vestibule and a cella.
Besides these temples which have been identified archaeologically,
the ritual texts also mention the temple of Ilat (KTU 1.41 = RS
1.003+:24 mdbh bt ilt 'altar of the temple of Ilat') and the 'temple
of the l ady of the high templ es' (ibid. 37 [b]t b'lt bt[m rmm]).
Unfortunately, nothing worthwhile can be said about these two tem-
ples given that the context provides nothing useful regarding their
description. From the texts in prose we know of the existence of a
temple dedicated to El (cf. above on the hypothesis regarding Dagan),
a temple to 'Attart (K TU 4.216 = RS 16.165:2), a temple of Raap-
gn (ibid, line 3) and other sacred structures dedicated to Iiis (KTU
4.781 = RI H 83/28 + 31 + 84/15 + 26:2) and to the unknown
deity dml (the letter K TU 2.26 = RS 16.264:6).
Besides the temple structures, a whole series of names of other
specific places of cult are known. The most i mportant of these is
the hmn, which has already been menti oned, i.e. the palace chapel
dedicated chiefly to the dynastic cult (and comprising perhaps qd,
c
ly and kbm, i.e. a small sacred area, steps and other unidentified
72
Cf. NI EHR 1994, and on K T U 1. 104 = R S 24. 248: 13 cf. also the new read-
ing in KTU
1
.
structures). But there are also other places about which nothing cer-
tain is known, such as the 'garden' (gn) already menti oned, cited for
example in K TU 1.106 = RS 24.250+:22~3, or else the gb ('sacrificial
pit'?, 'cistern' ? or 'pl atform' ?, cf. K TU 1.43 = RS 1.005:1-2), the
urbt, the
c
gml, the gb and others as well (such as the 'tower' mgdl, the
'staircase' (?) m'lt, etc.).
I n spite of the lacunae and the uncertainties, the combi ned use
of textual, archaeological and comparative data makes the ritual sys-
tem of Ugarit certainly the best known within west Semitic religions
with the prospects of further knowledge in connection with excava-
tions which continue uninterruptedly.
2 T h e O f f e r i n g L i st s an d t h e G o d L i st s
G r e g o r i o d e l O l mo L et e
2.1 Introduction
The 'list' as a literary form is well known in the scribal practice of
the anci ent Near East
1
and is well represented in its archives. These
provi de us with canoni cal series which compri se a sort of universal
encycl opaedi c vocabul ary arranged by theme, together with other
lists of similar origin.
These lists, which come from administrative archives, record different
products and items that 'come i nto' or 'leave' the public warehouses,
evidently for the purposes of accounti ng. I n principle, their fate is
irrelevant as far as accounti ng goes, which means that there is no
need for a special category for recordi ng products i ntended to be con-
sumed in the cult as sacrificial victims. I n fact, in the archives of
Ugarit, such account records occur mixed together with others which
have all kinds of destinations ( del O l mo L et e - S an mar t i n 1998).
However, we are able to identify them and given their syntactic
structure, consider them to be cultic texts. Thi s structure is set out
as the attri buti on of an offering to a divine recipient following var-
ious grammati cal model s ( del Oi . mo L et e 1992a, 13 20 = 1999,
1121 ); such an attri buti on implies a cultic action even though its
model does not need to be made explicit. As a result, in their sim-
plest form these texts appear as a series of two j uxtaposed lists, one
of offerings and the other of gods. They can be analysed separately
or in relation to each other, in both cases provi di ng some i nforma-
tion on the devel opment of cultic practi ce in this communi ty. It is
clear that in such a case the 'list of gods' determi nes the origin and
arrangement of the ritual, either implying the existence of cultic pan-
theons or using other pantheons which ori gi nated outside the cult.
I n terms of admi ni strati on, though, the i mportant el ement is the
record of offerings.
However, this concise form of cultic list is not the only one; there
are others which supply i nformati on about the moment, place or
1
OPPENHEI M 1977, 244FF.; LAMBERT 1957- 71, 473- 9; CAVI GNEAUX 1980 3, 609- 41.
type of cultic act, even providing descriptions of it, which suggests
that at least some of these texts are rather more than mere account
'records' (de T a r r a g o n 1995a, 104).
Even so, in principle the references to the recipient or sacred
moment of offering, even to the rite, seem to have the purpose of
merely certifying or justifying delivery, issue or expense in the accounts,
just like their civil counterparts concerni ng the moment or method
of a business transaction. Thus, they do not seem to be accounts
which strictly tabulate items but rather they all seem to be tinged
with contextual references. Thi s is possibly connected with the for-
mation and function of the scribe, Qui te often the development of
these facts takes on an informative value which transcends mere
accounts and becomes a more or less schematic description, in space
and time, of a complex cultic action. Given the i mportance of the
cult in ancient cultures, it is legitimate therefore to suppose that these
texts were produced as meta-economi c texts, with their own sacral
meaning, and have been analysed as such.
2
Keepi ng this in mi nd, it is often quite difficult to determi ne when
the text is merely a list for accounts (list) and when it is descriptive-
prescriptive (ritual). It all depends on what is implied by the informa-
tion as a whole. Here we shall discuss basically texts which seem to
be pure lists or largely lists, i.e. in which the other information can
be considered (merely) circumstantial. Texts which lie outside this
frame of reference are left to be analysed as a whole as rituals, i.e.
examples of the liturgy of Ugarit, and from them we shall extract
here only the series of offerings and divine names they provide.
On the other hand, these elements (offering and recipient) which
are supplied together in the lists menti oned, could be recorded quite
separately. This happens especially in the pantheons or name lists
of gods, whereas the possible lists of products or offerings can eas-
ily be camouflaged among texts which we consider to be strictly
administrative if there is no indication of their use or purpose (del
O l mo L et e - S an mar t i n 1998, 192- 4) .
2
This has been the approach adopted by us (DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a = 1999),
and earlier by DE TARRAGON 1980 and XEL L A 1981.
2.2 God Lists
We shall begin with the lists of gods, given the i mportance this lit-
erary form acquired in ancient near Eastern religion: from the begin-
ning, the principal entities to be listed were the gods.
These lists could have functioned merely as templates with which
to fill the records of delivery or lists of offerings, but they also
undoubtedl y had a meani ng transcending their practical use. Thi s is
suggested by the number of copies that were made and their trans-
lation into Akkadian, as we shall see below in connection with List
A of the gods. Thi s is a process of systematization which combines
profession of faith in the divine person with the invocation of his
name, elements basic to all ancient Near Eastern religions.
Apart from the 'List , which is arranged in the Mesopotami an
style and so is foreign, there were at least two indigenous lists, orig-
inating in a different period and a different ideology, both translated
into Akkadian and occurring together in the cult in the lengthy text
K TU 1.148 = RS 24.643 ( P ar dee 1997b, 67-71). The palace shared
in this religious process of systematic theology in respect of the divine
universe providing its own 'pantheon', also for cultic use. Besides
these and other name-lists or exempt lists we shall provide next those
to be found in ritual contexts, sacrificial and non-sacrificial.
2.2.1 Lists of divine names
2.2.1.1 The List Ann
The Ugaritic fragments of this classic list of Mesopotami an gods copy
their model faithfully and are a witness to how venerable and wide-
spread they were throughout the ancient Near East, no doubt to-
gether with the school tradition of the literature of lists. However,
as such, they provide nothing new or i mportant about the religion
of Ugarit. For that topic we refer to the bibliography.
3
More impor-
tant as part of the same scholarly tradition is the information pro-
vided by the polyglot vocabularies since they allow us to trace the
equivalences made in Ugarit between the Sumerian-Akkadian and
3
On the Mesopotamian list Anu in general cf. the fundamental article by WEI DNER
1929 and the bibliography provided later by BORGER 1975, I I I 64-5; also L I TRE
1958. For this list in Ugarit cf. NOUGAY ROL 1968a, 210- 30, 246 9, 324. Another
new fragment has been published by ARNAUD 1982a.
Hurri an pantheons and their own; however little of the text has been
preserved ( N o u g a y r o l 1968a, 246-9).
2.2.1.2 List A (K TU 1.118 = RS 24.268+, K TU 1.47 = RS
1.017, K TU 1.148 = RS 24.643:1-9, RS 20.24)
The basic text of the principal or canonical list (A) is K TU 1.118 =
RS 24.268+, whereas K TU 1.47 = RS 1.017 which has the addi-
tion of il spn at its beginning, is very damaged, and can be recon-
structed from the other text. On the other hand, the good condition
of the Akkadian text RS 20.24, a version of the previous text, is of
inestimable value for determi ni ng what the Ugaritic names/epi thets
mean and their relation to the Mesopotami an pantheon ( del O l mo
L et e 1986a, 293-9; H e a l e y 1985, 115-23; 1988a, 103-12). I n turn,
K TU 1.148 = RS 24.643:1-9 confirms the fixed character of this
canonical sequence in the cultic domai n: its first nine lines give us
a simple listing of the gods of List A, followed by the victim allot-
ted them in the festival of Sapunu (cf. below). Thi s first section is
repeated in lines 10-12 as a sort of summary, in accordance with
the two sets of offerings required by the rp wlmm ritual.
RS 20. 24 K T U 1. 118 1. 47 1. 148: 1- 9
il spn [il spn]
DINGIR a-bi ilib ilib [ilib]
Hum*"
m
il i[l] il
ci
da-gan dgn dgn
[dgn]
A
adad be-el hurn ha-zi b'l spn b'l spn b'l spn]
A
adad I I b'lm b'lm b'lm
A
adad I I I b'lm b'lm [b'lm]
A
adad IV b'lm b'lm b'lm
d
adad V b'lm b'lm [b]'l[m]
A
adad VI b'lm [b]'lm [b'lm]
A
adad VI I b'lm [b'l\m
D
I DI M I DI M ars wmm [ars] wmm ars wmm
A
sa-s-ra-tum kt[r]t [ktr]t klr[t]
A
sin \y)rh
]
yrb
A
l}uran ha-zi
[s]pn [spn]
spn
A
-a kir
m
klr
%-bat pdry [pdry] pdry
A
a-ta-bi 'ttr
m
d
huranu
mr
u a-mu-tu[m] grm w\'mqt] [grm w'mqt] grm w'mqt
a-ra-tum
WW
[alrt]
atrt
A
a-na-tum 'nt
M
'nt
A
ama p [p] p
d
al-la-tum arsy [a]rsy arsy
d
i-ha-ra uhry [u]hry 'ttrt
d
is'tar"
lm
'ttrt ['] ttrt uhry
HlmT* til-la-ad
A
adad il t'dr b'l il t'dr b'l il 't'dr b'l
d
nergal r[]p rp rp
d
d-ad-mi-i ddm ddm ddm
d
pu-lfur ilni
mes
phr ilm phr ilm phr ilm
d
tmtum ym ym ym
dDU(
'BUR.ZI .N G.NA utht utht
dgis
ki-na-rum km knr (k]nr
d
MA.LI K.ME mlkm mlkm
(k]nr
d
sa-li-mu lm Ilm
Leaving out the addi ti on of the rei nterpretati ve title (il spn), the struc-
ture of this list provides the following elements:
a) I t begins with a 'tri ad' whi ch to some extent defines the per-
sonality of the supreme god under three cultically distinct epithets:
ilib, il, dgn (see also K T U 1.123 = RS 24.271:1-3: ab wilm. . . il. . . il
r dgn . . .). Very probabl y they suppose a devel opment (il as 'father'
of the divine family) of his personality and an attempt at combi n-
ing pantheons, as a reflection of myth, portrayi ng Ba
e
lu as 'son of
Dagnu' and consi deri ng Ilu to be his 'father' (DEL OL M O L E T E 1992a,
56 n. 77 [1999, 74 n. 78] with bibliography).
b) A similar process is assumed in the case of Ba'lu and (H)ad(a)du,
4
He is the great Canaani te god of the second mi l l enni um, the pro-
tector of Ugari t (b'l ugrt), defined in principle by the attri bute of his
residence spn, specified by the Akkadi an version as '(H)Adad, lord
of Mount Haz . I n his sevenfold epithet are concentrated all the
many (local) epi phani es (b'l ugrt, hlb . . .)} I n K T U 1.118 = RS
24.264+, a line separates this group from the following headi ng.
c) The descriptive series invoking Ba'lu is followed by a group of
seven deities, headed by the dual divinity 'Earth and Heaven', appar-
endy 'chthonian-astral' or cosmic in nature, in chiastic relation (stellar/
4
Akkadian makes a clear distinction between the proper noun Adad (IM) and
the common noun be-el, 'lord', which are combined in Ug. b'l (cf. line 4: ''adad be-el
t}uran fra-zi = b'l spn). The Ug. epithet hd of myth is not used here nor is add of
ritual (cf. KTU 1.65 = RS 4.474:9), in spite of the Akkadian translation. But it is
possible that
d
I M was not read as
A
Adad in Ugarit; the Akkadian version is a Ugaritic
interpretation (interpretatio) for 'foreigners' (DI ETRI CH - LORETZ 1981, 67-8).
5
In this context KTU 4.15 = RS 9.469 must be considered, which is possibly
a list of local or family epithets (stelae?) of Ba'lu.On divine 'heptads' in Mesopotamia
cf. the bibliography given by BORGER, above, n. 2.
terrestrial deities) with this polar pair which heads the group (ktrt,
6
yrh, 'ttr || spn, ktr, pdry).
d) The next group, again of seven deities, is also headed by the dual
name/di vi ni ty 'Mountai ns and Valleys'. It is combi ned with six god-
desses (1 +6), apparently arranged hierarchically and related to the
male gods of the previous groups. This separation of the sexes confirms
the absence of 'pairing' in the Ugaritic pantheon.
e) The last group is different in each of the various texts. The
most complete list is provided by K TU 1.118 = RS 24.264+ and
the Akkadian version, whereas the others omit one or other element.
Here too the series is introduced by a composite divine name, 'the
helper gods of Ba'lu'. To it corresponds another composite epithet,
'the assembly of the gods', equivalent to 'the family of Ilu'J At all
events, this last group is somewhat of an appendi x and possibly con-
tains later additions. I n it is developed the process of 'divinizing'
objects (utf}t, km) and persons (mlkm).
8
The final result is a pantheon of 33 divine invocations, excluding
the title added in K TU 1.118 = RS 24.264:1 (and K TU 1.148 =
RS 24.643:1). The hierarchical principle governing the composition
of this 'god list' is not clear; they do not seem to be arranged accord-
ing to 'personal' i mportance. Even so, it is possible to say that the
'canonical list' (A) does in fact include the group of principal gods
of Ugarit, exacdy as they appear in myth and the official cult (KTU
1.148 = RS 24.643:1-9]. It represents a mythologizing expansion
which tends to make organic distinctions between the gods and at
the same time to assimilate other foreign pantheons within its own
religious framework, from the multiple cultural influence which affected
Ugarit: Amorite, Hurri an, Hittite, Sumeri an and Akkadian.
6
This is an overall term for a group of 'seven' deities, as we know from KTU
1.24 = RS 5.194:47-50 (DEL OI .MO LETE 1991, 74-5).
7
Cf. KTU 1.123 = RS 24.271:32 which refers to drm ilm, 'the two divine fam-
ilies' (?); KTU 1.40 = RS 1.002:25 and par.; and KTU 1.65 = RS 4.474:2-3, with
its invocation of dr/mpl}rt bn it.
8
In the cult a small reduction of the standard list as it has come down to us
in its final form, is evident: from a pantheon of 33/34 epithets it has become a
group of 28/29, a number which is 'cultically' determined in KTU 1.148 = RS
24.643:1-9, in all likelihood, by the clays of the month, as will be apparent in the
fifth section (lines 23-45). One b'lm as well as 'ttr, uhtt, mlkm and lm are omitted
and the sequence of uf)iy and 'ttrt is inverted.
2.2.1.3 List (K TU 1.148 = RS 24.643:23-45; RS 26.142)
K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643:23-45, instead, provides us with a new
list of the il hyr, 'gods of the (month) Hiyaru. We have no separate
Ugaritic version of this text, but it is evidently a fixed and canoni -
cal list as is shown by the coincidence of the cultic use with the
i ndependent Akkadian version (RS 26.142). As both texts are dam-
aged, we lack a compl ete list of gods.
9
We now set out both texts
arranged in order (the Akkadian text follows the recent reconstruc-
tion by ARNAUD 1994, 107-9) and their Ugaritic equivalents:
RS 26.142 KTU 1.148 Interpretation
1. dingir [a-bi\ 23. ilib ilib
d
Ki [
cl
idim] ars wmm Earth and Heavens
dingir-[/M
4
] 25. il Ilu
d
Nin.mah x
?
[ a/ktrt Nin.mah [ ]
5.
d
Da-gan dgn Dagnu
d
U Hal-bi b'l hlb Ba'lu of Halba.
d
U
d
hur.sag Ha-zi b'l spn Ba'lu of Mount Hazi.
d
'I kur' tur trty Ba'lu the second (?)
d
[XX]X yrh [] (?).
10. [
d
hur.]sag Ha-zi spn [Moun]t Hazi.
[
d
]-a 30. ktr Ea

A-ta-bv.
d
Be-el]-
'ul-ba)-ad-da 'ttr 'Attaru
atrt Atiratu
gr witm Sagru and Itmu

rp idrp Rapu of idrp
]gr ?
gl]mt The Damsel
35 ?


km Kinru
] mr Miru
40. il m[ The god of [...]
[...] w thmt and Tihmtu
[...] xmr
15. 'dingir.me gi.sag.kul' [z7] sk[r] Gods of the bolt
dingir.me da-ad-me-na \il.d\dm Gods of Dadmena
9
As yet unpublished texts may perhaps help complete and identify them (BOR-
DREUI L - PARDEE 1995, 31). PARDEE (1992, 167) suggests that KTU 1.148 = RS
24.643 is an incomplete tablet which does not reproduce the full god list RS 26.142.
DI NGI R.ME la-ab-a-na
d
dug bur.zi.ni.naga.
t
!
d
gi"ZA.MM
20.
d
U
b'lm
il.lb[n]n
[...]
Lyre
Ba'lu
Ba'lu
Ba'lu
Ba'lu
Gods of Labana
Incense burner (?)
d
U
d
U
d
u
45. [....]
d
Ma-[lik. mes]
25.
d
D[I
Mali[kuma]
?
I n our view this is yet another pantheon used in the cult. As in the
case of K TU 1.148 = RS 24.643:1-9, it is very probabl e that this
is also a modification of an earlier pantheon, reduced to 28 deities,
in line with the monthly nature of the ritual.
10
Everything indicates
that K TU 1.148 = RS 24.643:23ff. is to be considered a ritual con-
nected with the 'funerary' cult of the month of Hiyaru, which is older
than the 'festival of Sapunu' (lines 1-9).
2.2.1.4 List C (K TU 1.102 = RS 24.246; K TU 1.139 =
RS 1.001:13-9)
We have to consider the list of gods provided by K TU 1.102 = RS
24.246:1-14 along the same lines (exempt list and cultic use). It is
a list (C) used in the cult in K TU 1.139 = RS 1.001:13-9, i.e. this
is a standard list not a casual one. Thus, the group of 14/16 deities
menti oned there presupposes a selection which in name and num-
ber largely agrees with the one provided by the group of texts which
we call 'dynastic' (cf. below).
1. il bt
uhry
ym.b'l
yrf}
5. ktr
pdry
dqt
trt
10. r'sp
'nt f}bly
10
The 'month' would only be a pattern, without necessarily implying, on the
other hand, a daily celebration in honour of each one of the gods. Also, compar-
ison with RS 26.142:16 suggests correcting ktrt to atrt (nin.mah) in KTU 1.148 =
RS 24.643:25, so written probably because of the sequence mm w ars ktrt in list A
(but cf. atrt in line 31; Pardee reads [-]-rt).
p pgr
iltm hnqlm
yrh kty
Thi s 'list of gods' contains a group of deities exclusive to the quoted
texts (trmn, dqt, trt and the epithets
c
nt hbly, p pgr, iltm hnqtm; yrh(m)
kty also occur in K TU 1.123 = RS 24.271:7), and also includes the
maj or deities of Ugarit [b'l, ym, yrh, ktr,
c
nt, p).
2.2.2 Lists of names of divine kings
2.2.2.1 List D (K TU 1.102 = RS 24.246:15-28)
The dynastic nature menti oned above explains why the list of K TU
1.102 = RS 24.246:1-14 is continued on the reverse of the tablet
by another (D) of theophoric names, to which in K TU 1.39 = RS
1.001:19" correspond the references to glmt, b
c
lt bhtm, ins ilm. Thi s
suggests that these theophoric names are also divine names, actually
of the kings of Ugarit, of their ins ilm, 'divine peoples', of which
K TU 1.106 = RS 24.250:3-5 already provides proof (three: ydbil,
yaril,
c
mtr) as recipients of offerings and the colophon K TU 1.6 =
RS 2.[009] vi 58 assigns one (yrgb.b
c
l) to king Niqmaddu of Ugarit.
12
This interpretation, however, has incurred some opposition, although
alternative suggestions are not convincing.
13
Consequently, we consider K TU 1.102 = RS 24.246 to be one list
or single pantheon which belongs to the dynasty with its gods and
divinized dead, which as such (ins ilm, gtrm, rpum) are only listed glob-
ally in the common standard patheon under the official title of mlkm.
These divine names are:
11
Understood in this way, KTU 1.39 = RS 1.001 is a 'generic' royal ritual
which closes by invoking the ins ilm, specified in KTU 1.102 = RS 24.246:15-28,
and as such could be added to it together with the sacrificial element thus sup-
posed, e.g. in KTU 1.106 = RS 24.250+:2-5 (gdlt).
V1
On K T U 1.102 = R S 24.246 in general cf. VI ROL L EAUD 1968, 594; DE MOOR
1970b, 326-7 (see 1990, 241); HERDNER 1978, 3-7; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ SANMARTI N
1975b, 545-6; CAQUOT 1979b, 1404; STAMM 1979, 753-8; XEL L A 1981, 328-31;
DEL OL MO L ETE 1986a, 282-5; 1987:43-6; 1992a, 117-20 = 1999, 168-75.
13
Cf. PARDEE 1996b, 273-87; SCHMI DT 1994, 71; 1996, 300; the reply by DEL
OI .MO L ETE 1996b, and the counter-reply by PARDEE 1998b.
15. y(r)gbhd
yrgbb'l
ydbil
yaril
yrgmil
20. 'mir
ydbil
yrgblim
'mtr
yaril
25. ydbb'l
yrgmb'l
'zb'l
ydbhd
2.2.2.2 List (K TU 1.113 = RS 24.257)
A suppl ementary text, possibly with a similar pattern to the one
cited, is K TU 1.113 = RS 24.257 on the reverse of which (lines
13-26) we have the list () of the proper names of the (dead) kings
of the dynasty of Ugarit.
14
It reflects the same royal ideology as sup-
posed in the previous text, providing us with the list of 'personal'
names of the kings of Ugarit preceded by the determinative il. It is,
therefore, a classification of them as 'divine beings' or divinized
beings,
15
as already dead of course, and reigning in the 'Underworl d',
for we have no indications that the kings of Ugarit were deified in
their lifetime, in spite of the possible proleptic use of these names
while a king was still alive.
The reverse seems to be a hymn or evocation, whereas the obverse
is a text divided into two columns, as is evident from the traces of
a double vertical line before the last lines on the right. The text has
been studied in detail by Kitchen and interpreted as a 'rising' or
14
Cf. VI ROL L EAUD 1962, 94~5; 1968. 561-2; K I TCHEN 1977, 131-42; X EL L A
1981, 288-91; DEL OL MO L ETE 1987a, 47-9, 68; 1992a, 121-3 = 1999, 176-80;
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1983a, 496f.; PARDEE 1988b, 165-78; L EWI S 1989, 47-52;
Y OUNGER 1997, 356-7; WY A T T 1998C, 399-403.
15
An interpretation opposed to the divinization of kings, following an earlier
proposal by Liverani, is defended by SCHMI DT 1994, 67fT.; 1996, 289-304; however
cf. PARDEE 1996, 276. L EWI S 1989, 49ff., instead, suggests a weakened 'divinization'
of the kings of Ugarit which in our opinion does not do justice to all the ritual
texts which give abundant evidence of the cult of dead kings and their entry into
the 'pantheon', though this does not necessarily mean they were worshipped as the
'great' gods were; nor were the other 'mi nor' gods of the pantheon worshipped in
that way either.
'retrograde' list of the kings of the Ugaritic dynasty, starting with
the predecessor of 'Ammurp, the last king of Ugarit, under whose
command this list of divinized ancestors was drawn up. I nevitably,
the various possible reconstructions of the text leave a wide margin
for hypotheses and there is no use trying to insist on any particular
one. The text is as follows:
12.
[
]xx[ ]
[
il 'm]ttmr
[
il n]qmp'
15.
[ ]
il
C
m<r>pi
[ ]
il ibm
[ ]
il/drd
[il 'mttm]r il tiqmp'
[il nqm\ d il ibm
20. [il arhi]b[ i]l 'mrpi
[il nq]mp
C
[ il] nqmp
C
[il 'mt]tmr il ibm
[il nq]md il nqmp'
[ ]
il ibm
25.
[ ]
il nqmd
[
il yqr
Elsewhere we have suggested readi ng this list in descending order.
The left-hand col umn, which ended with the historical sequence
Ar-H alba/Niqmepa
c
/
c
Ammittamru/Niqmaddu (lines 24-26 are written on
the edge) continued with the last three names on the right which
corresponded to the last three kings of Ugarit Ibiranu/Niqmaddu/ Taqaru,
with the last name applied to the ruling king,
C
Ammurpi, bearer of
the dynastic seal inscribed with that name.
16
Each king is the 'new'
Yaqaru,
]1
in this case the last sovereign of Ugarit. Even so, we do
not know the structure of the names in the left-hand column and
their possible relationship to those on the right.
16
Cf. DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 123 = 1999, 179. See also the new combined
reading of both columns and their comparison with the names of KTU 1.102 =
RS 24.246:15-28, proposed by DE MOOR 1990, 240- 1. For a general discussion of
these matters cf. ABOUD 1994, 3-11.
17
Cf. NOUGAY ROL 1955, X L X L I I I ; L I VERANI 1962, 137; CA QUOT 1978a, 574f.;
X E L I A 1983, 404; RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A 1979, 155-6.; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 123
= 1999, 179. This in turn would explain why the determinative il is placed before
yqr and not before the personal name of the ruling king, which would imply some
'divinization' in his lifetime. The king would undoubtedly be supposed as having
divine 'character' in his lifetime, at least for reasons of protocol and in anticipa-
tion as is apparent from KTU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ i 911, 20-3, and from his epi-
thets adn (ilm rbm), b'l (?) and trmn (cf. KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [009] vi 58).
2.2.3 Lists which are litanies of gods' names
A couple of texts, which seem to be prayers in the form of litanies,
each provide lists of divine names which are completely strange in
respect of their formal characteristics and the sequence of epithets,
which also seem unrelated to each other. Whereas the first list keeps
to the list of known deities, the other list has a series of divine names
otherwise unknown in Ugaritic literature. Perhaps this is an expres-
sion of social religion which lies outside the 'official' systematic
arrangement.
K T U 1. 65 1. 40 1. 123
il ab il wilm il-
bn il bn il il qds mlk
dr bn il dr bn il il r kbd dil gd[
mphrt bn il mphrt bn il dgn wb'l mr mnmm
tkmn wnm tkmn wnm tt wkmt bmn aryn
il watrt yrh wksa a^hn tlyn
il h il yrhm kty atdb wtr
add tkmn wnm qd wamn
b'l spn ktr whss thr wbd
qd wamn
b'l ugrt 'ttrt 'ttpr ktr hss
il (7) hr wlm il bt
ngh wrr il hst
'd wr rp
sdq mr ins ilm
hn bn il dn drm ilm
kbd wnr
These texts which are prayers in the form of litanies have a set of
characteristics in common which are extremely interesting:
a) First of all, they all have a clear preference for double invoca-
tions, either of the 'construct' type (b
e
l spn) or of the 'copulative' type
(il watrt). Thi s predomi nant use of a particular linguistic construction
possibly has cultic reasons and is perhaps connected with the cor-
rect use of the 'name' of the god and his proper match as an expres-
sion of his particular personality and therefore of his invocation. Thi s
match follows criteria which are not 'matri moni al ', apart from a few
exceptional cases (il watrt). Criteria of ethnic and functional origin
are more prevalent (b
c
l-dgn, 'nt-'ttrt, yrh-rp . . .). (DE MOOR 1970a, 227).
18
18
On the possible merging of pantheons implicit in such double names cf. DEL
OL MO L ETE 1992a, 40 = 1999, 52.
b) I n this type of cultic text there is also a marked persistence of
fixed sequences. A text such as K TU 1.65 = RS 4.474, possibly also a
'litany', begins with the same sequence which forms the concluding
invocation, repeated 5 or 6 times, of the long expiation text K TU
1.40 = RS 1.002+. It comprises, undoubtedly, a cultic sequence of
prayer or general invocation of the supreme god and of all 'his fam-
ily', the pantheon, in a nutshell, which ends in the first text by the
invocation of il watrt, as a suitable literary and genealogical inclusio.
More surprisingly, instead, at first is the mention in this series, as a
single specific deity (or as separate deities), of tkmn wnm, about whom
we have no exact information,
19
although, as is clear from this series,
they are connected specifically to the supreme god (cf. K TU 1.114 =
RS 24.258:18-9.) and to the pantheon in general. Accordingly, the
hypothesis can be put forward that they are 7/m's 'messengers' or
'dioscuroi', in parallel with qd amn (cf. the reference to both pairs
in K TU 1.123 = RS 24.271:26), the messengers of Atirat according
to mythology.
2.2.4 Cultic lists of gods
2.2.4.1 Lists of gods in sacrificial texts
Most of the cult texts of Ugarit are provided with rubrics which pre-
scribe or describe the sacrificial ritual to accompany the various fes-
tivals or days of the month. The literary plan (cf. de T a r r a g o n
1980, 55ff. who analyses the cult vocabulary; for the syntax of the
texts and their formulae cf. d e l O l mo L et e 1992a, 19ff. = 1999, l l f f . )
is extremely simple and it invariably specifies, as said above, the vic-
tim of the offering or sacrifice and the divinity to whom it is offered,
together with directions for the ritual to be performed on it, but
without spelling out the details. These texts, therefore, comprise the
best evidence of the cultic and official pantheon of Ugarit and of
the catalogue of gods of liturgical practice in its most generic and
popul ar form: sacrifice. The other texts belong to rarer and more
specific events (divination, atonement, royal cult). The texts consid-
ered here are as follows, omitting a long series of fragments which
are inconclusive in this respect and add nothing new: K TU 1.39 =
19
They occur in other ritual texts, but are unknown in mythology and in the
Canaanite pantheon; cf. PARDEE 1988b, 195 9.
RS 1.001, K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+, K TU 1.43 = RS 1.005, K TU
1.46 = RS 1.009, K TU 1.48 = RS 1.019, K TU 1.49 = RS 1.022,
K TU 1.50 = RS 1.023, K TU 1.81 = RS 15.130, K TU 1.87 = RS
18.056, K TU 1.105 = RS 24.249, K TU 1.106 = RS 24.250+, K TU
1.109 = RS 24.253, K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256, K TU 1.115 = RS
24.260, K TU 1.119 = RS 24.266, K TU 1.126 = RS 24.276, K TU
1.130 = RS 24.284, K TU 1.139 = RS 24.300, K TU 1.148 = RS
24.643, K TU 1.162 = RS [Varia 20], K TU 1.163 = RI H 78/14,
K TU 1.164 = RI H 77/02B+, K TU 1.165 = RI H 77/04+, K TU
1.168 = RI H 77/10B+, K TU 1.170 = RI H 78/11, K TU 1.171 =
RI H 78/16, K TU 1.173 = RI H 78/04 (for other fragments cf.
X e l l a 1981, 128-68; d e T a r r a g o n 1989, 222-3).
Besides the separate lists reproduced above, these cultic texts of
Ugarit have preserved for us stable and repeated sequences which
presuppose the existence and persistence, at least in the cult, of fixed
series of divine names, transmitted in these 'lists of offerings' (cf.
below) and are thus indirectly 'lists of gods'. However, most, of
KTU 1.41/1.87 KTU 1.39 KTU 1.41/1.87 KTU 1.39
il 'nt
b'lt bhtm il il
ins ilm t' ilhm ilhm
ils t'm tkmn wnm tkmn wsnm
ilhm t'm
2i
rp rp
ym
ilh ilh rp
ilhm ilhm ilh
ilhm ilhm ilhm
b'l b'l il
atrt atrt tkmn wnm KTU 1.39:
ikmn wnm tkmn wnm ilt bt
'nt 'nt b'l spn b'l spn
rp rp spn spn
dr il wphr b'l dr il wphr b'l b'l ugrt b'l ugrt
lm lm ilib ilib
ilhm b'lm ilhm b'lm [atrt]
spn b'l spn ridn
glmt ilt mgdl atrt
yrh ilt asrm ins ilm
nkl b'l
b'lt bhtm spn
ins ilm b'l ugrt b'l ugrt
ilhm 'ttrt 'nt spn
p
these sequences of recipients of offerings are not fixed and seem to
be somewhat haphazard, al though in fact they were not and this
impression is due to lack of documentati on.
20
I n any case, it is irele-
vant now to call it a 'list' of gods. Onl y in a few cases does the rep-
etition of the sequence in different texts or in different sections within
the same text prove it to be normati ve. I n fact, several of them must
be split up in different series, as they represent different cultic actions
or the repetition of the same action on different days.
Thus we have in K T U 1.41/1.87 = RS 1.003+/18.056, K T U
1.39 = RS 1.001 and K T U 1.109 = RS 24.253 a significant and
i mportant list of divine names (or rather, a set of sub-sets) whi ch we
can consider standard in the cult. Apparentl y, this sequence is related
to the 'communi on' sacrifice (lmm), whi ch is expressly menti oned.
Wi thi n this sequence can be noted several repeated sub-sections
(e.g. il/h, ilhm, (il), tkmn wsnm || (il), b
c
lt bhtm, ins ilm, (ils), ilhrr). It
is possible that each group or section of the list belongs to a specific
ritual. The damaged condi ti on of the texts makes proof difficult.
Smaller sections also occur in other sacrificial texts such as: b'l spn,
rm, lm, b'l spn, spn (cf. K T U 1.46 = RS 1.009:12-5; K T U 1.109 =
RS 24.253:5-10; b'l ugrt, ilib, il, b'l, 'nt, spn, pdry (cf. K T U 1.46:16-7;
K T U 1.109:11-4; cf. DE MOOR 1970a, 221); b'l ugrt, b'l hlb, yrh, 'nt
spn, pdr(y) (cf. K T U 1.130 = RS 24.284:10-5; K T U 1.109:16-8).
Y et other sections or even couples are very stereotyped and not very
relevant, e.g. the begi nni ng of K T U 1.46 or the end of K T U 1.130.
Lasdy, some texts such as K T U 1.50 = RS 1.023, K T U 1.81 =
RS 15.130 and K T U 1.119 = RS 24.266, have completely anom-
alous sequences both from the canoni cal and the cultic points of
view. Others again are too broken for any conclusions to be drawn,
e.g. K T U 1.48 = RS 1.019, K T U 1.49 = RS 1.022, K T U 1.90 =
RS 19.013, etc.
As an exampl e of the i ncongrui ty of the lists of gods in the rit-
ual texts see some of the sequences provi ded by the subgroup of
texts whi ch, however, as their tenor is royal or of the palace, are to
some extent perti nent (K TU 1.43 = RS 1.005, K T U 1.46 = RS
20
Cf. PARDEE 1997b, 68: 'les listes divines que l'on peut tirer des rites sacri-
ficiels . . . sont, potentiellement au moins, innombrables', DE MOOR 1970a, 204 16,
provides a table arranging the gods in 38 sets; it is hardly relevant.
21
Other scholars consider the term to denote a generic type of 'offering'.
1.009, K TU 1.105 = RS 24.249, K TU 1.106 = RS 24.250+, K TU
1.109 = RS 24.253, K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256, K TU 1.115 = RS
24.260, K TU 1.162 = RS [Varia 20], K TU 1.165 = RI H 77/04+,
K TU 1.168 = RI H 77/10B+, K TU 1.170 = RI H 78/11, K TU
1.171 = RI H 78/16, K TU 1.173 = RI H 78/04).
KTU 1.112 1.105 1.106 1.43 1.115 1.139 1.162
b'lt bhtm b'lt bhtm rsp ('ttrt) uhr hlmz ilib ilib
ins ilm b'l 'rkm ins ilm il(m) bbt il bt b'l z(!)/
'ttrt hr btbt ydb il ktr hlmz il t'tr b'l b'l
gtrm b'l yar il (gtrrr) qlh 'ttrt dgn
il spn 'mtr p il bt glmt yrh
b'l spn rp bbt rp yrh att pdry(?) ym
b'l ugrt ins ilm ins ilm gtr il bt il t'dr b'l
atrt rp mlk pdry 'nt bbt 'nt hbly
btbt b'lt bhtm ilm ars p ushr a$.)rt
22
il msd(?) ktr arsy yrh hlmi dr il wphr b'l
btbt gtr qlh spn
ilt bt
gtrm
'ntm
'ntm
lm(?)
ufyiy(?)
There is no fixed order in these sequences of deities, but as in the
group seen above, within the same text, some sections are repeated:
ushr, bbt, hlmi, qlh (K TU 1.115 = RS 24.260); p, yrh, gtr, 'nt/ilt bt
(K TU 1.43 = RS 1.005); and some of two names only: rp, ins ilm
(KTU 1.105 = RS 24.249, K TU 1.106 = RS 24.250+, K TU 1.171 =
RI H 78/16); rp, b'lt bhtm(?) (K TU 1.105; cf. K T U 1.91 = RS
19.015:14-5).
The only conclusion in this case is the strong dynastic or palatine
nature of these series of deities (DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 44- 5; 1999,
58-9.). Here also there is the shortened group of the great gods of
the official pantheon, not always in domi nant position. Arranged
hierarchically, we can set them out followed by the index of their
frequency: ilib (4), il (5), dgn (2), b'l (5), b'l spn (3), b'l ugrt (1), atrt (3),
spn (3), ktr (2), s'ps (2), yrh (3), 'nt (4), 'ttrt (1
?
), pdiy (2).
22
Cf. DEL OL MO L ETE 1997, 164ff. Note that this list agrees both with List A
(beginning: ilib, il, b'l, dgn) and the dynastic List C (where dgn, ym, 'nt f}bly are
specifically mentioned).
From all this it can be deduced, as was already apparent in the
separate lists, that within standard orthodoxy the palace, the royal
family, has a special cult of particular or selected deities. Some are
dynastic in type and almost all of them are foreign to the original
Semitic pantheon of the city; these dynastic gods correspond, per-
haps, to what the letters call 'gods of the ki ng/queen'. Others are
'tutelary' deities of the palace and as generic epithets can occur in
other rituals as protectors of the 'house' of each of the faithful. Lastly,
others still are 'ancestral' and correspond to the cult ancestors.
Turni ng to the general group of sacrificial texts, their series of
divine names have the following features:
a) There is consistency in the headi ng to the texts, in the mai n
occupied by Ilu, in one or other epithet (il, ilib), followed by Ba'lu
in one of his epithets (b'l, b'l spn, spn).
b) Starting with the initial position, in any case, the sequence does
not always follow the hierarchy expected from mythology (most often
it does in the three or four first positions). The order is now deter-
mi ned by different criteria from i mportance and function in the pan-
theon; perhaps the criteria are patronage and cult specialization.
c) The absence of a vertical order is also corroborated by the lack
of a horizontal one: in these lists there are no sequences of divine
'pairs', a lack already noted in myth.
d) Some local epithets retain their meani ng in these texts (b'l ugrt,
b'l hlb, 'nt hlb, 'nt hl[?]), as well as b'l spn, 'nt spn from mythology.
e) Some deities, who frequently feature in the dynastic and div-
inatory pantheons in special forms, also appear here (gtr[rri\, 'ttr, 'ttpr,
bbt[m], b'lt bhtm, ins ilm), clear testimony to the introduction of the
palace cult into the town cult.
f ) The absence of Mtu as a recipient of sacrifices may be noted,
although he is known as a harmful deity against whom one has to
take precautions (cf. K TU 1.127 = RS 24.277:29).
Statistically, in terms of their occurrence in various literary genres
(DE MOOR 1970a, 217; above, n. 20) the principal gods of the cultic-
sacrificial pantheon of Ugarit, those receiving the most offerings are:
1. ill dgn 5. yrh. 9. p 13. 'ttrt
2. b'l/hdd 6. ktr 10. lm 14. uhry
3. 'nt 1. 'ttr 11. ins ilm 15. alrt
4. rp 8. tkmn wsnm 12. b'lt bhtm 16. pdry
17. arsy
2.2.4.2 Lists of gods in non-sacrificial texts
Another series of texts of ritual practice refers to non-sacrificial cultic
actions, in which the worshipper addresses a divinity with the word
or goes in search of it. These actions may be accompanied by sacrifices,
although they remain marginal and these texts do not have the form
of stricdy sacrificial offerings to a deity. As they comprise a uniform
category, to a certain extent, due to the language or life-setting which
they share, it is worth considering the divine recipient of such ritu-
als, although we shall not analyse them in detail. These texts are:
K TU 1.40 = RS 1.002+, K TU 1.65 = RS 4.474, K TU 1.78 = RS
12.061, K TU 1.82 = RS 15.134, K TU 1.90 = RS 19.013, K TU
1.96 = RS 22.225, K TU 1.100 = RS 24.244, K TU 1.103+ = RS
24.247+, K TU 1.104 = RS 24.248, K TU 1.107 = RS 24.251+,
K TU 1.123 = RS 24.271, K TU 1.124 = RS 24.272, K TU 1.127 =
RS 24.277, K TU 1.140 = RS 24.302, K TU 1.141 = RS 24.312,
K TU 1.142 = RS 24.323, K TU 1.143 = RS 24.326, K TU 1.144 =
RS 24.327, K TU 1.155 = RS 24.654, K TU 1.169 = RI H 78/20.
Others in this category (divinatory and oracular) do not mention gods,
an extremely i mportant fact, which emphasizes the specific nature
of magical liturgy in contrast to sacrificial liturgy. The result is as
follows, divided into two categories:
a) divination- -oracle b) incantation-magic
K T U 1.78 K T U 1.124 K T U 1.100 K T U 1.107
Ipl adn ilm(?)
(.pi)
hm( 3)
rp dtn (phlt)
dtn (ps') IpI(3)
il il whm
b'l b'l wdgn
dgn
'nt w'ttrt 'nt w'ttrt
yrh yrh wrsp
rip
'ttrt 'ttr 'ttpr
ZZ wkmt
ZZ wkmt
mlk mlk b'ttrt
ktr whss ktr whss
Ihr wslm Ihr wslm
hm
I n the divination and oracle texts, as noted above, the scant refer-
ence to deities and then basically only in descriptive terms (cf. K TU
1.124 = RS 24.272:2), as granting omens, not as recipients of offerings,
is evident, a datum which highlights the i mportance of 'magical
liturgy' in contrast to sacrifice.
On the other hand, texts of magic and incantation, like the lita-
nies discussed above, have a long series of double deities in almost
the same sequence. The standard double series is given in K TU 1.107 =
RS 24.251+. This text and K TU 1.100 = RS 24.244 also invoke
hrn and p in a special way, as the principal deities in incantation.
Again, the repetitive sequence (partly reflected in K TU 1.123 = RS
24.271; cf. above) exhibits a fixed cultic structure of curse-prayer
with possibly a magical and thus unalterable meaning. Several of
these couples are already known in mythological literature (hr-lm,
ktr-f}ss and to some extent,
c
nt-
c
ttrt, b
c
l-dgn); others occur determined
by cultic-magical use (il-hrn, yrh-rsp); and others still need to be stud-
ied more closely to explain the meani ng of the relationship ('ttrt-'ttpr,
ZZ-kmt; for mlk-b
e
ttrt cf. K TU 1.108 = RS 24.252:1-2). Otherwise,
apart from these last deities or invocations/epithets, the remai nder
belong to the mythological pantheon.
As a whole, then, the pantheon of these texts is evidently very
fixed and sequential, with a preference for 'doubl e' and 'pai red'
names, as expressed in K TU 1.100 = RS 24.244 and K TU 1.107
= RS 24.251+.
A ppendi x : T h e L i st s of H u r r i a n G o d s
The influence of Hurri an religious, mythological and cultic tradition
in Ugarit is strong and is attested by the many texts written in that
language found in various archives (K TU 1.26 = RS 1-11.[048],
K TU 1.30 = RS 1-11.[046], K TU 1.32 = RS 1.[066], K TU 1.33 =
RS 1.[067], K TU 1.34 = RS 1.[076], K TU 1.35 = RS 1.[069],
K TU 1.36 = RS 1 .[070], K TU 1.42 = RS 1.004, K TU 1.44 = RS
1.007, K TU 1.51 = RS 1.027, K TU 1.52 = RS 1.028+, K TU
1.54 = RS 1.034+, K TU 1.59 = RS 1. [049 a], K TU 1.60 = RS
2.[006], K TU 1.64 = RS 3.372, K TU 1.66 = RS 4.474, K TU
1.68 = RS 5.200, K TU 1.110 = RS 24.254, K TU 1.116 = RS
24.261, K TU 1.120 = RS 24.269+, K TU 1.125 = RS 24.274, K TU
1.128 = RS 24.278, K TU 1.131 = RS 24.285, K TU 1.135 = RS
24.295, K TU 1.149 = RS 24.644) as well as some bilinguals, for
example K TU 1.111 = RS 24.255 and K TU 1.132 = RS 24.291,
in which the Semitic and Hurri an epithets are mixed ( X el l a 1981,
303-21; P ar d ee 1997b, 66ff.).
Besides this evidence from liturgical practice, the Hurri an pan-
theon in Ugarit was also known through canonical lists (?), as shown
by texts such as K TU 1.26 = RS 1-11. [048] (broken; note the
attributive morpheme -d) and is included in others of a ritual nature
such as K TU 1. 110 = RS 24. 254 and K TU 1. 116 = RS 24. 261
(cf. K TU 1. 148 = RS 24. 643: 13- 7) . By combi ni ng the various series
it is possible to sketch out the following list of the Hurri an pantheon
exacdy as it was known and used in Ugarit. Little is known about
its actual meani ng, for which reference may be made to discussion
of Hurri an religion.
2
' It is given here together with a normalized
transcription (in Akkadian) ( L ar o c h e 1980; W i l h el m 1982 = 1989;
for the Hurri an normalisation cf. D i et r i c h - M a y e r 1994, 1997) .
KTU 1.110 KTU 1.116 KTU 1.132 KTU 1.111 Ugaritic
Pantheon
in tin/Eni Salanni 'ttrt in tin in atn ilib
in atn!Eni attanni tutk hbt il il
il/Ilu kzg bdr ttb dgn
ttb/ Teub/p in hmn dqt kmrb b'l
kdg/ Kuuh nnt hdn
kdg
yrh
irw prz/(?) kit Ijdlr in prz mlk
kmrw/Kumarw/bi nbdg hnng nkl nkl
bbt/Bibita nbdg
yrh yrh
tutk/ Sawuka
in Ilm tgn in sin
in atn kid il
il ttb
ttb kmrb
tutk
kdg
kmrb
kzg
iy/E(y)a iy iy
attb/Atabi attb attb 'ttrt
'nt/'Anatu in ard in ard
tmg/ Simike in hmn tmg p
23
Cf. VI EY RA 1970, 538-66; VON SCHUL ER 1965a, 141-215; WI L HEL M 1982,
69-105 ('Gtter, Mythen, Kulte und Magie') = 1994, 49-76; DI ETRI CH - MA Y ER
1994, 73- 112; (1995, 7 42); MAY ER 1996, 205- 11; PARDEE 1997b, 63-80; DI ETRI CH -
MA Y ER 1997, 161-81. There is a great deal of material in the first two volumes
in the series Studies on the Civilization and Culture of Nuzi and the Hurrians, Wi nona
Lake, I N 1981/1987.
nkl/Nikkalu nbdg
in ard/(?) 'nt
nbdg/Nub adig tmg
pddph/Piaaphi
hbt/Heb/pat
dqt/D/ Taqitu
hdn/Hud/ tena
hdlr/Hud/ tellura
ihr/ Ihara
aln/Allani
nkl/Nikkalu
nnt/Ninatta
klt/ Kulitta
adm/Adamma
kbb/Kubaba
The first series of the Hurri an pantheon of Ugarit (in tin, in atn, il,
ttb, kmrb, kdg, iwr prz, nkl, tutk) corresponds to the beginning of the
Ugaritic canon and in fact represents the group of the great Hurri an
gods, repeated with remarkable consistency in K TU 1.110 = RS
24.254:1-5; K TU 1.111 = RS 24.255:3-5, 8-10; K TU 1.116 = RS
24.261:11-4, suggesting a certain established sequence in which the
position of certain deities can fluctuate and Sawuka is not always
present. The mother goddess Hebat is missing. Thi s series, in which
Teub does not occupy a privileged position, is in fact an adapta-
tion of the classical Hurri an pantheon to the canon of Ugarit.
A second series (cf. K TU 1.110 = RS 24.254:6-10; K TU 1.111 =
RS 24.255:10-2; K TU 1.116 = RS 24.261:14-7) includes the fol-
lowing deities:
iy / Eya Kotaru(?)
attb / Atabi 'Attar(t)u
'nt / 'Anatu 'Anatu
in ard / (?)
(?)
in hmn / (?)
(?)
tmg / Simegi Sapu
nbdg / Nubadig
(?)
These two series are completed by the list of gods provided by texts
such as K TU 116 = RS 24.261:18-23 and K T U 1.132 = RS
24.291:4-12, already difficult to square with the Semitic pantheon.
Thi s is, in principle, a cultic pantheon known from the sacrificial
texts. However, the syntax used for listing some of them makes them
equivalent to a 'god list'. We are unable, however, to decide whether
the lists are canonical or simply functional. The same problem is
presented by K TU 1.42 = RS 1.004, a cultic text in which seven-
teen repeated records list as many Hurri an deities in this sequence:
1. in atn 5. ddm 9. hdn f}dlr 13.
c
nt
2. il kmrb 6. u[k] 10. tgrbn pddph 14. ibnkl pdgl
3. ttb lb 7. ]nd 11. tmg 15. nbdg
4. iy kdg 8. attb 12. irxxi/hdrp 16. in k[]l/d in trhn in atthn ttb
17. bbt
These are the same gods just quoted but in a different order.
2.3 Lists of offerings
As was noted above, most of the texts labelled as 'cultic' or 'ritual'
are really only 'lists of offerings' where the divine recipient is noted.
They can thus be considered as administrative accounts which entail
descriptive ritual elements. Thei r classification will be along similar
lines to those used before: first we shall consider lists which are inde-
pendent and then those which form part of more or less complex
cultic contexts. We shall only consider data that are certain; disputed
or purely hypothetical elements are dealt with in a description of
the Ugaritic cult as a whole.
24
2.3.1 Lists without offerings
2.3.1.1 Record of sacrificial material (K TU 1.91 = RS 19.015,
K TU 1.48 = RS 1.019, K TU 1.87 = RS 18.056)
a) Perhaps the clearest and purest example of a 'list of offerings', in
terms of administration, is provided by K TU 1.91 = RS 19.015.
23
The introduction (lines 1-2), specifies the product (yr) and the occa-
sion of its generic use in the cult (dbh mlk). Next there follows the
only example we have of a 'record of rituals' (lines 3-20), referred
to by their keyword or brief description of the basic ceremony (del
O l m o L e t e 1992a, 174-7; 1999, 259-64, for its identification and
compari son with extant rituals). On the reverse (lines 21-34) are
24
Cf. in general DEL OL MO L ETE 1999, 7-23.
25
Cf. VI ROL L EAUD 1965, 7-10; FI SHER 1970, 49I ff.; DE MOOR 1972/ 11, 26-8;
XEL L A 1979, 833; 1981, 335-6; DE TARRAGON, 1989, 174-7; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ
1988, 321-2; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 171-7 = 1999, 254-64.
noted the places which are to provide the product menti oned, even
distinguished as to category (jyn: msb/hsp). The final section (lines
35-36) gives the sum total of what has been provided.
Although not really a ritual, it provides information about the ele-
ments of ritual (time, type, subject, predicate, obj ect/materi al ) and
so forms part of the corpus of cultic literature. From it can be deduced
clearly, unless the contrary is stated, that everyday wine of ordinary
quality, the so-called msb was used even in the cult. As confirmed
by the administrative texts ( del O l mo L e t e - S a n ma r t i n 1998,
192- 4) , this was a product normally used in the Ugaritic cult and
will again be menti oned in other lists of offerings considered here.
Wine to be consumed . . .
in the king's 'sacrifices':
the 'sacrifice of Sapunu',
Ibnm (shall provide) ten ('gallons') of wine
hlb gngnt " " three " " of wine
bir ( " " ) ten (kdm) of mz[b (wine) and two] kdm of hsp (wine)
hpty " " two kdm of m^b (wine)
Total (amount of) wine . . .".: sev[enty four kdm],
and of hsp (wine): two, as one lot.
(KTU 1.91 = RS 19.015:1-4, 21-36)
As it is an administrative text, its interest lies in the material and
the provider. Even so, it is not possible to be deceived about the
value of this type of text. Not only do such texts give information
but they also define a fiscal-cultic situation, and as such have pre-
scriptive value, both for what refers to the centres providing mate-
rial and for its use in the rituals menti oned. As such, the text could
belong either to the archive of the civil or palace warehouse, or to
the cultic or temple archive. I n fact, there was only a single econ-
omy in these kingdoms.
26
26
The text was found in room 81
palace of Ugarit; cf. VI ROL L EAUD 1965,
istrations in general cf. LI PI NSKI 1979.
of the South-Western archive of the royal
7. On the relationship between both admin-
b) Similarly, K TU 1.48 = RS 1.019
27
records one material for
offering, in this case 'birds' (
c
srm), intended for a particular type of
sacrificial ritual ([dbh] tph b
c
l), noting in one case the divine recipi-
ent and in others the type of ritual use in it, and also noting at the
end a pair of centres which provide it (lines 18-19). It does not pre-
serve, however, the strict nature of a record which the previous text
had, but instead is already close to the lists of cultic offerings to be
seen below.
We do not think, then, that it is a ritual of popul ar cult, (it was
found in the house of the 'Hi gh Priest'), nor is it from a small group
with meagre resources ( X e l l a 1984a, 165-8; P ar d ee 1988c, 185,
n. 19). It is rather an administrative record related to the official
cult, determi ned by the i mportance which birds had as an offering
to the ins ilm, 'the divine peoples' in a sacrifice of a dynastic type
(tph b'l) ( P ar dee 1988c, 185; d e l O l mo L et e 1987a, 66). The men-
tion of the respective rituals and their divine recipients gives the text
its 'ritual' character, at least as an 'agenda'. It is a pity that the poor
state of preservation does not permit more definite conclusions.
[Book-keeping record] of birds
[(for) the sacrifice] of the stock of the 'Lord'/sovereign:
28
three birds
for
29
the 'Lady of the Mansions',
three [. . .] for Dagnu,
[ . . . . ] [ . . . .];
one tp sn't game bird,
one tr bist
30
bird
whose owner put
hgm [ ]rf;
31
27
Cf. XEL L A 1981, 113-6; 1984a, 165-8; PARDEE 1988b, 173-91; 1989, 43,
n. 10; DE TARRAGON 1989, 167-8; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 68-9 = 1999, 89-90.
28
Here, b'l is a royal title whereas in Ugaritic, the 'family of Ba'lu is pf)r/dr b'l.
For the empirical meaning of Iph/s'ph cf. KTU 1.14 = RS 2.[003]+ i 24 (= bt, line 7).
29
PARDEE, 1988c, 178, 186, suggests the restoration [/] before the I. Although
not impossible, reference to a 'ram' would be strange if our text is understood as
a record of 'birds'.
30
They would be two unidentified types of birds, with feminine adjectives ('dis-
agreeable', 'foul-smelling'), the grammatical gender denoted here by the noun 'sr\
cf. XEL L A 1984a, 168; PARDEE 1988C, 188. However, reference to a 'bull' would
be odd in this and the other cultic texts, although the translation 'a bull which his
master placed on the fire (b it)' cannot be excluded; cf. DE TARRAGON 1989, 168,
. 89.
31
Possibly an unidentified type of plant which 'sweetens' 'wild' birds for offerings
and sacred repast. The restoration l[al]rt would fit the context but is purely hypo-
thetical; cf. PARDEE 1988c, 182, 188.
two
32
[birds] for [....];
one in the hmn [....] two(?).
On the (very/same) day of the sacrifice of the stock of the 'Lord':
one for the 'libation'" of [. .],
one for the offering to the [divine ]
34
mountain,
four birds,
the 'estate' of trmn\
one, Salhu.
c) It is probabl e that K TU 1.87 = R S 18.056:58-61 (DEL OL MO
L ETE 1992a, 69 = 1999, 91) is also an account record in which are
noted the contributions to the cult made by individuals, although
this time we do not know what type of offering was involved. The
fact that it is added to text K TU 1.87 (but not however to its dupli-
cate K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+), indicates the purely administrative
value put on these texts and allowed them to be suppl emented
archivally with other notes of similar significance when space on the
tablet allowed.
d) A list of multiple offerings as a simple record with no divine recip-
ient is also provided by K TU 1.148 = RS 24.643:18-22 (cf. below).
To complete the picture of pure cultic records, the various admi n-
istrative texts have to be cited (category 4 in KTU) which record
material for offerings, since they do not differ in genre and scribal
structure from those above menti oned; they also mention festivals
and gods who receive the offerings (cf. K TU 4.149 = RS 15.039
(wine; cf. K TU 4.213 = RS 16.17:24), K TU 4.168 = RS 15.082
(clothing), K TU 4.182 = RS 15.115 (clothing), K TU 4.219 = RS
16.179:1-3, K T U 4.279 = RS 17.156(?), K T U 4.280 = RS
17.236:13-4 (silver), K TU 4.284 = RS 17.285:5-6(?) (wine and
oil), K TU 4.781 = RI H 83/28+: 1-2 (oil). However the accepted
32
Cf. PARDEE 1988c, 182, 188; cf. GORDON, UT, 43- 4, on the ambiguous use
of tn in respect of agreement of gender.
33
In view of the context and perhaps its parallelism with mkt, the meaning of
which is quite definitely 'immolation' (cf. KTU 1. 40 = R S 1. 002: 24 and par.; XEL L A
1981, 116), I prefer to understand mzy as referring to a type of offering, although
difficult to justify etymologically (cf. Akk. maza'u, 'to squeeze', Arab, mazza, in con-
nection with sour or semifermented drinks; cf. VON SODEN, AHW, 637; CAD M/ l ,
439; L ANE, AEL, 2710) ; see also DI J KSTRA 1995. In any case, the presence of a P N
here is hardly likely in terms of context and morphology; cf. PARDEE 1988C, 188 9.
There are several possible restorations for the end of the line; e.g. bn [il(m)/bt].
34
Cf. KTU 1.3 = RS 2.[014]+ iii 29 (btk gry il spn).
distribution of the texts obviates that; texts which we have otherwise
grouped together and analysed elsewhere ( del O l mo L et e - S anmar t i n
1998).
2.3.1.2 Lists of assigned offerings (K TU 1.90 = RS 19.013, K TU
1.164 = RI H 77/02B+, K TU 1.168 = RI H 77/10B+, K TU 1.162 =
RS [Varia 20], K TU 1.148 = RS 24.643, K TU 1.105 = RS 24.249,
K TU 1.109 = RS 24.253, K TU 1.46 = RS 1.009, K TU 1.130 =
RS 24.284, K TU 1.43 = RS 1.005, K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+, K TU
1.87 = RS 18.056).
However most of the lists of offerings are to be found among the
texts labelled rituals, the ritual nature of which is generally reduced
to listing victims and offerings for each deity, with a generic descrip-
tion (in the headi ng or beginning of each section) of the cultic occa-
sion and even the place where the offering takes place. Thi s implies
that these texts are basically lists of offerings and lists of gods (cf.
above).
a) As an intermediate stage between pure records of offerings and
lists of assigned offerings can be cited a series of texts which in their
fragmentary condition give offerings to one or two deities only: K TU
1.90 = RS 19.013, K TU 1.164 = RI H 77/02B+, K TU 1.168 =
RI H 77/10B+. They belong to the genre of 'visits'(?) (id yph mlk)
and thus are close to the group of divination texts and oracular con-
sultations in which we have already noticed a reduction in the num-
ber of gods menti oned.
The king is expressly menti oned as the officiant of the ritual.
Otherwise, the texts do not specify the place of worship (KTU 1.164
= RI H 77/02B+ 1: b hmr), which has to be assumed, as does its
moment in the cultic calendar. As most of the texts come from Ras
ibn Hani , it is taken for granted that these rituals are celebrated in
the cultic installations of the palace.
35
The textual agreement among
them is surprising, with only the relevant verb (ydbh/yph) changing.
The initial, single introductory offering is followed by the double
rp/lmm ritual, all dedicated to the deity whom the king 'visits'/
'sacrifices', sometimes accompani ed by others in the repetition lmm:
rp,
c
nt, ilib || -,
c
nt, ins ilm, il, mn(?). There is also great uniformity
35
For a general bibliography on the texts from RI H cf. DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a,
212 n. 74 = 1999, 316 n. 75.'
in the the distribution of the victims in the parallel sections of these
texts: hgb/slh/0, ap wtips, ksp whrs || 0/hi, alp ws || / [
c
srm\. K TU
1.164 = RI H 77/02B+, which does not apparently pertain to a visit
but to a sacrifice, is the one showing the greatest variation within
the same pattern. The bad state of preservation does not allow all
the information which these texts provided concerning Ugaritic liturgy
in its various rituals to be extracted. Onl y K TU 1.164 = RI H
77/02B+: 19-20 and K TU 1.90 = RS 19.013:20-2 provide the end
section, which in both cases seems to refer to the desacralization
process and the conclusion of the king's liturgical activity, a moment
whose precise definition was seemingly i mportant.
b) One of the most outstanding examples of this type of offering list
is provided by K TU 1.162 = RS [Varia 20], Here, the syntactic
structure used (/ + DN + X), except in the first offering (to ilib),
forces the series of divine names (cf. above) into first position, fol-
lowed by the list of victims: invariably one 'ram' (s), except in the
first case ('two head of cattle and two rams' to ilib) and the last
('one calf', to Sapunu). The beginning and end of the text provide
ill-defined ritual elements. Entitled dbh il bldn, it quite definitely deals
with one of the dbh mlk enumerated in K TU 1.91 = RS 19. 015 (cf.
line 6: il bldn), possibly known as nskt ql
c
(cf. line 2) (DEL OL MO L ETE
1998a, 164-7).
c) However an even more striking and complete example of a 'list
of offerings', sacrificial in type, is provided by K TU 1.148 = RS
24.643, as is shown when set out as a table (DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a,
89-91 = 1999, 131-3).
36
The text is complex and contains several
rituals, in the manner of the familiar anthology genre found in other
texts of this type. Horizontal lines separate the said rituals. The chief
concern of this arrangement of the text into sections and cultic
moments is the attribution and recording of the offerings. Thi s does
not prevent it from also providing i mportant supplementary infor-
mation concerni ng ritual (type of sacrifice, place, occasion . . .). The
syntax is asyndetic (DN + X), which gives the 'god list' pride of
place.
36
Cf. ASTOUR 1966, 279-82; VI ROL L EAUD 1968, 580 4; L AROCHE 1968a, 517-518;
DE MOOR 1970b, 306-12; FI SHER 1970, 493-4; MI L ANO 1977, 23-4; CA QUOT 1979,
1406; DE TARRAGON 1980, 109-10, 201 (index); 1989, 224-8; XEL L A 1981, 91-312;
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 305 8; PARDEE 1992, 153-70; DEL OI . MO L ETE 1992a,
88-94 = 1999, 130-8; WY A T T 1998c, 427-9.
The first section, correspondi ng to the dbh spn (lines 1-9 + 10-12;
cf. K TU 1.91 = RS 19.015:3) presents the series of divine names
which we call 'List A' (cf. above) and undoubtedl y corresponds to
the principal liturgy carried out by the dynasty in honour of the
gods of Ugarit. The correspondi ng offerings are divided into three
groups: 'one head of cattle and one ram' (alp w) for the first four
invocations, as well as for the following seven of Ba'lu\ for the remain-
ing gods of the pantheon, 'one ram', with an addition, with no
specific recipient, of 'two head of catde, two birds and one cow'.
The repetition lmm (lines 10-12) mentions only 'one ram' for ilib
and ilu, and 'one head of cattle for the other six b'lrr (alp, kmm), but
the logic of this distribution is not evident. Probably this second sec-
tion represents only one incipit and the ritual lmm included identi-
cal victims (alp) for the rest of the pantheon.
37
The following festival, 'when 'Attartu of the steppe enters the royal
palace' (lines 18-22; cf. K TU 1.91 = RS 19.015:10) provides a sim-
ple record of offerings, with no divine recipient, apparently cere-
monial rather than sacrificial in nature ( del O l mo L et e 1992a, 93 =
1999, 136):
38
articles of clothing and vegetable products.
Lastly, the section on the reverse (lines 23-45) is a unit corre-
sponding to the ritual of the 'gods of (the month) Hiyarv and in this
case the series of divine names corresponds to list B (cf. above). The
victim offered is basically the 'ram', alternating with 'head of cattle
and ram' offered to Ba'lu(?) (lines 26-45).
e) Tabl et K TU 1.105 = RS 24.249,
39
also concerni ng a ritual of
the month Hiyaru, has the clear structure of a 'list of offerings'. Aside
from the possible inverted order of the two faces, it presents a series
of blocks of offerings distinguished by place, time and type of offering.
However this is not a 'list of gods'. By the interchange of semantic
patterns, victims are assigned to various gods and in particular, many
37
The third section (lines 13 17) is written in Hurrian, which is unusual for a
mere account listing offerings, although the Hurrian insertion does not seem to be
one.
38
The kind of offerings makes this section coincide partly with the one presented
by the ritual of the 'Entry of 'Attartu of the tomb(s)' (KTU 1.43 = RS 1.005:1-5),
although there animal victims were also offered.
39
Cf. VI ROL L EAUD 1968, 588-92; HERDNER 1978, 11-5; CA QUOT 1977, 461-2;
1979b, 1408-9; FI SHER 1970, 485-501; 1975, 142-7; DE MOOR 1970b, 318-22;
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ - SANMARTI N 1975b, 158; DE TARRAGON 1980, 21-2, 165-76,
201 (index); 1989, 181-4; X EL L A 1981, 35-42; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 314-5;
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 206-8 = 1999, 307-10.
others are recorded without any specific assignment, in terms of the
cultic installation in which the sacrifice takes place.
Accounts are thus given for the following victims, according to
cultic situation (including the purification of the king) and various
recipients: on the day of the new moon, 'one head of cattle and one
ram' (alp w) to the b'lt bhtm; day 14, two 'rk-m ('puff-pastry cakes'[?])
to Ba'lw, [the 18th] in the gb of Sapunu as a /^-sacrifice, 'gold and
silver' for t', 'two rams' for btbt as a holocaust, 'one head of cattle'
as a peace-offering for Ba'lu, 'one bird' for Sapunu, 'one (piece of)
offal' and 'one ram' for Raspu, 'two birds' for the ins ilm and (for
another deity) 'two ewes'; in the gb of rp, as a holocaust 'one ram'
and 'one white ewe'(?); in the gb of Hiyaru, '38 sheep' (sin) and 'seven
head of cattle'; in the temple of Ba'lu, 'two rams' (to the same?),
'one head of cattle and one ram' (alp ws) to Raspu, 'rams' from three
different places to the b'lt bhtm and 'two rams' to Ktaru as a tzg-
sacrifice, 'two rams' and 'one bullock' (pr) from a specified place.
The gods venerated do not form any particular list.
The restricted and domestic nature of the deities commemorated
is striking. I n this respect, the agreement with K TU 1.106 = RS
24.250+ and K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256 is impressive: b'lt bhtm, btbt,
ins ilm, on the one hand, and rp, b'l, spn [+ ktr], on the other. It
belongs, therefore, to the range of palatine texts with their own pan-
theon and in connection with celebrations which are strongly funereal
in nature. This was already to be assumed not only from the place
of the offerings (gb), but also from the name of the month (hyr).
f) According to the heading, the Ugaritic text K TU 1.109 = RS
24.253 is a list of offerings made during the full moon in various
sacred locations and according to a different type of sacrifice,
40
pre-
ceded by the well known ritual of 'purification of the king'. Thus
we have in this full moon ritual the well known multiplicity of
sacrificial units on the same day in various sacred places, in palace
40
Cf. VI ROL L EAUD 1968, 592-3; CAZEL I .ES 1969, 505; DE MOOR 1970b, 322 6;
CA QUOT 1977, 462; HERDNER 1978, 16-221; X EL L A 1981, 49-54; DI J KSTRA 1984,
69-76; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 316 8; DE TARRAGON 1989, 188-91; DEL OI .MO
L ETE 1992a, 182-5 = 1999, 271-7. The most important study of these texts (KTU
1.109 = RS 24.253 and KTU 1.46 = RS 1.009) is by Dijkstra, who completes it
with other fragments (KTU 1.28 = RS I 11[021], KTU 1.56 = RS 1.044, KTU
1.31 = RS 1-11 [022], KTU 1.27 = RS 1.[064]; and perhaps KTU 1.134 = RS
24.294 and KTU 1.160 = RS 28.059); KTU 1.130 = RS 24.284 is a dupli-
cate/partial variant of them.
and town, mostly, also in this case, to the great tutelary gods of the
dynasty and with the cult of the 'dead' predomi nant.
The text, with alternating syntax (X + / + DN type of sacrifice
DN + X), is arranged into two sections, separated epigraphically by
a horizontal dividing line and defined by two 'types' of 'generic' cul-
tic action which i ncorporate common and known sacrificial actions.
The first, of the 'rt type (line 5), includes two series of sacrifices srp
wlmm (lines 10, 15), identical in one case (kmrr) and different in the
other. Thi s twofold series, most probably carried out in two different
sanctuaries (palace and town), closes with another lmm-sacrifice (line
23), celebrated in a particular installation in an unknown sacred
place (burbt, line 19). Whereas the second section, of the npt-type
(line 24), also includes a repetitive series of srp wslmm-sacrifice (line
28, kmrr), which in turn is followed by what can be considered a
new series of rp wslmm (lines 36-7), with an interlude (lines 29-31)
in a new cultic installation of unspecified location (qgrt tlhn, lines
29-31). Thi s ritual symmetry forces us to take into account the
specific nature of the generic
C
rt/npt rituals, which should not there-
fore be placed at the same cultic level as the 'sacrificial' rituals. They
represent 'ceremonies of ceremonies', mixed rituals.
Accounts for the following sets of victims are given: as a holo-
caust (srp): 'two cows one month old' (yrh) for Ba'lu of Sapunu, along
with 'two ewes' and 'one dove' for Ba'lu; 'two loins' and 'one ram'
for rml; 'one liver' and 'one ram' for lm; 'one liver of one head of
cattle' and again 'one ram' for Ba'lu of Sapunu; 'one ewe' for Sapunu.
As a peace offering (lmm), the same again. Again, as a holocaust:
'two livers' and 'one (piece of) offal' (for Ba'lu?); 'one cow' for ilib;
for Ilu, Ba'lu and Pidrayu, 'one ram' each; for 'Anatu of Sapunu, 'one
head of cattle and one ram' (alp w). As a communi on sacrifice: for
ilib, Ba'lu of Ugarit, Ba'lu of hlb and Tarhu, one 'ram' each; for 'Anatu
of Sapunu, 'one head of cattle and one ram'; for Pidrayu and ddms,
'one ram' each. A new series of communi on victims includes: 'one
ram' for each of the gods ilib, Dagnu, il t'dr b'l, Ba'lu, 'Anatu and
Rapu, as well as 'one head of cattle and one ram' for Ba'lu. The
first series of the npt ritual includes: 'one ram' for Ilu, 'two rams'
for 'Anatu of his; and for the gtrm, 'the left gsb of two head of cat-
tle' plus 'one head of cattie and one ram'. The second part, besides
'thirty rams' spiced with 'tamarisk' for Ba'lu in 'the burner of the
table of the Lady/i es of the Mansions', includes by double entry
(kmrri), holocaust and communi on: 'two calves [?]' (7m) for Ba'lu of
Sapunu; 'one ram' for il bt[(?), Sapunu and Ba'lu of Ugarit, one each;
'one cow' for ilib, and for Ba'lu of Ugarit and 'Anatu of Sapunu, 'one
head of cattle and one ram' jointly.
However, the smaller number of deities commemorated in this
liturgy is evident, with emphasis on the three great deities: Ilu, Ba'lu,
'Anatu, under various invocations. In the first section they are canon-
ical deities (+ rms), whereas in the second section gtrm, il bt and b'lt
bhtm are mentioned, invocations which place us squarely in the con-
text of the dynastic ancestor cult (on the relationship of this series
of gods occurring in these texts, K TU 1.109 = RS 24.253, K TU
1.46 = RS 1.009, K TU 1.130 = RS 24.284, cf. above).
g) On the other hand, the fact that the full moon ritual included in
K TU 1.109 = RS 24.253:1-14 occurs literally in the sequence of a
menology (K TU 1.46+ = RS 1.009+) shows the solid structure of
each cultic unit, which remains unchanged. K TU 1.46:10-7 is, then,
a word for word repetition of K TU 1.109:1-14, as we have just seen.
I nstead, the beginning (K TU 1.46 = RS 1.009:1-10) belongs to
another cultic unit, indicated by time (new moon) and is, more clearly
than the following, a pure list of offerings.
41
It tells us nothing, how-
ever, about the local situation of the rites.
Otherwise, the literary structure and the syntax are like those of
the previous text (K TU 1.109 = RS 24.253). On the 1st day we
have, apparently, the classic duo rp wlmm: 'one sltf and 'one (piece
of) offal' (np) for t' and 'two livers' for the 'god of the mansi on' (il
bt); equivalently, 'one ram' for ilib, Ilu, Ba'lu and Dagnu; 'one cow'
for 'ttr-'ttpl and 'Anatu; 'one ewe' for Sapunu; several other victims are
dedicated to recipients now missing. And also on the 3rd, this time
with absolute clarity, and by double entry (kmm): 'one ram' for ilib,
Ilu, Ba'lu, Atiratu and Yammu; 'one cow' for b'l knp and another miss-
ing deity, as well as 'one ewe' for Sapunu. On this day in addition,
a 'suppl ement' to the standard dual pattern, as was the case in K TU
1.109 = RS 24.253:19ff: '[one ram and] one head of cattle' for b'l
and 'ttrt; 'two birds' to the ins ilm; 'two cows' to the two bbtm.
In the group of deities menti oned in this coda to the 3rd day
there occur the ins ilm, the deified dead of the dynasty, honoured
by their habitual offering of 'two birds' (
e
srm), corresponding to the
gtrm who occur in K TU 1.109 = RS 24.253:26. Reference to the
bbt-m, which follows immediately, also gives the ritual the significance
41
Cf . GRAY 1965, 90- 2; XEL L A 1981, 55- 8; DI J KSTRA 1984, 69 76; DE TARRAGON
1989, 164-6; DEL OL MO I J TE 1992a, 186-7 = 1999, 278-80.
of royal cult which we had noted in this text, and mention of t
e
(line 1) only corroborates this.
h) Unfortunatel y fragmentary, K TU 1.130 = RS 24.284
42
is con-
sidered by Dijkstra to be a schoolboy copy of K TU 1.46 = RS
1.009:11-7 || K TU 1.109 = RS 24.253:3-18 and he suggests read-
ing the sides of the tablet in reverse order. The sacrificial sequence
of K TU 1.109 supports this. I n spite of their variants, these texts
are interesting inasmuch as they can throw light on the royal char-
acter of these rituals.
These texts, then, fix the liturgy of the most sacred days of the
lunar calendar, new moon and full moon, carried out in various
sacred places of the Ugaritic cult, the urban and palace sanctuary,
under the highest officiant, the king. The basic rite described here
is that of sacrifice, in its various forms, accompani ed as is usual by
the purification/desacralization of the officiant. What is not clear in
this ritual, as in other rituals, is the principle which determines the
choice of deities and their epithets, as well as the reladonship between
each type of victim and the deity to whom it is offered.
i) Another text which is, in fact, a pure list of offerings, apart from
the non-sacrificial ritual elements at its close, is K TU 1.43 = RS
1.005.
43
The whole text is a single ceremonial procession in honour
of various deities ('Attartu, the gtrm) who 'enter' the palace where they
receive the offerings and a banquet is held (
C
rt). Thi s 'processional'
aspect connects it with K T U 1.148 = RS 24.643:18-22, where
another rite of the same kind occurs. K TU 1.91 = RS 19.015:10-1
refers to these texts as dbh mlk rituals and our text could be one of
them. The nature of the offerings are in line with this ritual, mosdy
of the type 'clothes' or 'precious metal', as we have seen (cf. above),
whereas the animal victims seem to be relegated to the background.
Because of this we saw a reference to it perhaps in K TU 1.91 =
R S 19.015:8 (izr) ( del O l mo L e t e 1992a, 175 = 1999, 260).
42
Cf . MI L I K 1978, 135- 8; XEL L A 1981, 101- 4; DI J KSTRA 1984, 74- 5; DE TARRAGON
1989, 216- 8; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 188- 9 = 1999, 280- 2.
43
Cf . FI SHER 1970, 492 4; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ - SANMARTI N 1975g, 525- 8; DE
TARRAGON 1980, 98- 107, 111, 113; 1989, 161- 3; CAQUOT 1979, 1406; XEL L A 1981,
86- 90; DE MOOR 1987, 168- 71; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 326- 7; 1991, 87; DEL
OL MO L ETE 1992a, 189- 94 = 1999, 282- 91; PARDEE 1993, 301 17; WY A TT 1998C,
357- 9.
The inclusion of the genre (kt'rb) in K TU 1.91 = RS 19.015 already
guarantees its royal character, which is also clear from the actual
text as it mentions the place where the rite takes place (lines 2, 10:
bt mlk) and from the behavi our of the king at its close (lines 23-26).
Thi s ritual colophon provides the situation and defines the 'genre'
of the preceding cultic actions. They are processions in which the
king takes part, 'following' and 'carrying' the 'gods' (statues), going
out to meet them and accompanyi ng them as they are moved to
the chapel or palace cultic installation, when they 'enter' the palace.
These, then, are rituals, though we cannot say whether they are suc-
cessive or separate, of procession or transfer of sacred images from
their usual place (the temple) to the royal palace; rituals which are
accompani cd, as is usual, by sacrifices and other offerings, once the
gods have arrived and been enthroned in their new quarters.
However, they do not provide us with an indication of the 'moment'
of this ritual (or these rituals), no doubt well known to those using
them as significant moments of the annual liturgical cycle, like Medi-
terranean pilgrimages and patronal feasts, which need no further
specification in the calendar.
The structure of the ceremonial supposed in the text is very clear,
arranged into two explicit rites and another six which are merely
menti oned, presumably partial repetitions of the second (double) rite.
Of these eight rituals, the first (lines 1-8) forms a separate unit, with
its own final rubric (lines 7-8: repetition 'seven times') which marks
it off and makes it parallel to the seven other sections, which in turn
are given this rubric at the end of the text (line 26: repetition 'seven
times'). It all refers to the gtrm or
c
ntm (the seventh is fragmentary).
I n its first section (lines 1-8) the ritual supposes three different
types of offering-rite (
C
r, trmt, lmm), directed to the (astral) gods and
to Ktaru (or Gataru), seven times to each of the two groups. It is
strange to find that there are also 'seven' elements or materials for
the offerings indicated here (lb, ktn, upgt, hrs, s, alp, sin), which may
not have any special significance, although it could correspond to
the series of 'seven' offerings, instead of supposing a sevenfold repeti-
tion of the whole thing. I n that case, the rubric would be explanatory.
The 'time' (parr) refers to the action and not to its object, as has
also to be supposed in line 26. Thi s way of glossing the sacrificial
rite and the listing of its elements in the other rites where they are
menti oned should be borne in mi nd as a peculiarity of these Uga-
ritic rituals.
It is most probably, then, a procession ritual which takes place in
the cultic installations of the palace when the goddess ' 'Attartu of the
tomb(s)' (DEL OL MO L ETE 1996a, 47-52) makes her 'entrance' into
them. Thi s invocation, in connection with the following section cen-
tring on the gtrm, as well as the reference to the 'Templ e of the
astral gods' make this text parallel to K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256, with
its reference to the 'ascent' of the gods and of the royal family to
the hmn of the palace' seven times' (KTU 1.112:6-8), the offering
to the goddess "Attartu of the tomb(s)' (K TU 1.112:13; the only two
references to this goddess in Ugaritic literature) as well as the appear-
ance of the gtrm on the day of the full moon (K TU 1.112:18).
The second section of the ritual (lines 9-16), also an 'entry rite',
has a clear twofold structure with respect to the deities (p-yrfo, gtr-
c
nt/ilt bt) and offerings (fors, ksp, ap-nps). We do not know whether
the final sacrificial element (alp w) refers to the previous text, as a
compl ementary peace offering, or to the following damaged text.
The first hypothesis seems the more likely. At all events, it is clear
that the epicentre of this section focuses on the gtrm and that in
principle there are 'two' of them, which occasions the repetition of
the ritual. Thi s repetition of the ritual enables us to reach the num-
ber of seven cultic actions presupposed by line 26 and also mentioned
in the first ritual (lines 7-8). With this it also partly agrees in the
'material' for the offerings (precious metals and animals, hrs/alp-),
besides the peculiarity of the funerary offering typical of holocaust,
ap wnps. However, the type of offering is not specified, and nor of
course, is the moment, although it is included as in the previous rit-
ual, in the occasion commemorated ('When the . . . enter. . .'). I nstead,
the place remains the palace, i.e. the ritual continues to be royal,
as the deities celebrated indicate.
I n what remains of the lines in the second part of this section
(lines 17-21) the repetition of the previous ritual is stated (without
elaboration) twice more per pair, six in all (plus the cultic action
presupposed in line 21).
Finally, with line 22 a ritual of royal behaviour begins (lines 22-26),
the third part of the second section of the text, which compl ements
the previous section on offerings.
Syntactically, the heading and the ending are predicative in struc-
ture, (DF. TARRAGON 1980, 98, 110), whereas the central section is
of the standard nominal type: X + I, I + X, type + X. Thi s dou-
ble syntactic pattern agrees with the twofold sacred action or rite
which makes up this ritual: procession and sacrifice.
j) A virtually 'pure' list of offerings with a duplicate (a rare phe-
nomenon in Ugaritic literature) is provided by K TU 1.41 = RS
1.003+ and K TU 1.87 = RS 15.130, with slight indications of time,
place and ceremonial type;
44
they comprise one of the clearest wit-
nesses of a monthly liturgy or menology (a sequence of sacred, espe-
cially sacrificial, celebrations, corresponding to particular days of one
month), which has been transmitted to us among the rituals of Ugarit.
It refers to the month of riyn ('of the first/new wine') and of course
has the format of a firstfruits ritual ('bunches/clusters are cut for Ilu')
of 'New Y ear' (autumn).
However, this aspect is blurred in the sequence of sacrificial rites.
Unlike other texts of the same genre, here there is a surprising con-
fusion and mix of the parameters temporal and local by which it is
usually organized. Thus, for example, the numerical sequence of days
is not followed. The reason here could be that attention has been
given to the importance of the rites, which here as elsewhere correspond
above all to ceremonies celebrated on the day/ni ght of the 'full
moon', and these have therefore been placed in first position. Full
moon and new moon appear to be decisive dates for the 'temporal '
parameter, whereas, the computati on of the week also retains its
significance, as we shall see, as is evident in other menological texts.
Within this to some extent temporal confusion, the parameters of
time and type of offering acqui re special significance for under-
standing the overall structure of the text. It is divided into 6 sections
and 2 appendices, which differ in each text; the one of K TU 1.41 =
RS 1.003:50-5 is a sacrificial ritual text; the one of K TU 1.87 =
RS 15.130 is, in turn, twofold: lines 54-57, sacrificial ritual, lines
58-62, a record (cf. above). The list of offerings is the following, dis-
tributed over the days of the month (is it one of the hdtm of K TU
1.91 = RS 19.015?): on the 1st day: 'one bunch of grapes (utkl)' for
Ilu and 'two rams' for 'Attartu (cf. line 49; apparently in different cer-
emonies). The 14th day comprises 4 or 5 sacrificial rites of different
type and recipient, accompani ed by another group of non-sacrificial
cultic actions, with the king as officiant, although the sacred place
where they occur is not specified. It opens (lines 4-6) with the
'offering of the firstfruits' (ris argmn), possibly to the gods in general,
44
Cf. HERDNER 1956, 104-12; L EVI NE 1963, 105ff.; DE MOOR 1972, 13-7; 1987,
157-65; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ - SANMARTI N 1975e 143-6; X EL L A 1981, 59-75;
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 311 4; DE TARRAGON 1989, 152 60; DEL OL MO L ETE
1992a, 72-87 = 1999, 96-128; L EVI NE - DE TARRAGON 1993, 76-115; L EVI NE -
DE TARRAGON ROBERTSON 1997a; WY A T T 1998C, 348-56.
or to the supreme god Ilu, and refer no doubt to the products of
the season of the year, primarily to wine (cf. lines 1~2: ris yn || ris
argmn). It is accompani ed (lines 5-6) by a fourfold sacrificial offering
to the same number of deities, according to standard alternating syn-
tax (X + I + DN; X + DN), with a total of 'six' victims ('four rams'
and 'two birds').
45
More significant, however, is the group of these
deities: b'lt bhtm, ins ilm, ils, ilhm (cf. above for their sequence and
relationship to what is offered in K TU 1.39 = RS 1.001). If we
except ils, who is apparently out of place (? absent in lines 23-39),
the other invocations are typical of the 'pal ace' liturgy, and are
inserted into the cult of the dead and deified kings and transformed
into gods of the palace. There follow two rituals of the king, one of
expiation and one of proclamation of this great day of the full moon
of the month of ris yn, with no ritual of offerings specified. Next we
have a new sacrificial act (srp) in the 'gml and the urbt; the second
installation is already known from other texts. The recipients of the
sacrificial victims are five or six deities: the great gods (?), Ilu and
'Anatu, on the one hand, and again the ilhm, together with tkmn wnm
and Rapu, on the other, in two distinct groups, thus formi ng the
same series that appears in K TU 1.39 = RS 1.001:2-4, clearly a
palace text.
Next (lines 13-17), the correspondi ng sacrificial action of the lmm
type is introduced, as in K TU 1.39 = RS 1.001:4-8. There follows
a simple listing of a series of offerings and recipient deities, using
the syntactic patterns X + DN, DN X, which alternate. Once again
the most striking aspect is the reappearance in pride of place of the
invocation ilh/ilhm, now formi ng an openi ng 'triad' (ilh, ilhm, ilhm),
with five items of offering ('two ewes', 'one head of catde and one
ram', 'one cow'). There follows a list of eight deities/invocations,
46
with seven victims ('five rams' and 'two cows'), which in fact repre-
sent a synthesis or summary of the official 'pantheon' in its various
sections (cf. 'List A', above): b'l/atrt, 'nt/rp, dr il, phr b'l, lm, with
the ubiquitous tkmn wsnm included among the goddesses, which does
not occur there. Possibly it is a type of sacrifice of 'general com-
muni on', offered to the whole pantheon, as is made clear in K TU
15
To these animal victims must be added 'the cruet of oil', so that we would
have 'seven' units of offering, as a group complementing the offering of 'firstfruits'.
Curiously, here dr il and pfrr b'l are grouped together whereas they are sepa-
rate in the official 'pantheon'; cf. 'List A', above.
1.148 = RS 24.643:1-9. The precedence given to ilh or ilhm only
attempts to ensure the ancestral meaning: positioned at the head of
the other gods, ilh is here synonymous with ilib, just as ilib is syn-
onymous with il at the head of the pantheon; the primordial 'divine
being' of the gods and so of the actual divinized dynasty or mlkm,
also present in the pantheon.
The unity and peculiar nature of the following ritual action (lines
17-19) is confirmed as a new type of sacrifice by K TU 1.39 = RS
1.001:8-10, whereas in both texts we have different continuations.
Thi s time the sacrifice of 'burni ng' (urm) and the three combustible
materials (entrails, cereal or early grass and grain) are again offered
to the ilhm, this time called b'lm, who thus retain pre-eminence as
recipients of offerings in the five sacrificial actions of this section. I n
this case the syntactic pattern is X + DN + X.
A new type of offering (m'rb) ( D i et r i c h - L o r e t z - S an mar t i n
1975e, 145; X e l l a 1981, 66; L i pi nski 1985, 216-7; d e M o o r 1972,
15 n. 47; 1987, 161, n. 36)
47
also begins the third ritual section (lines
19-22), comprising a dbh
w
of vegetables (oils and bread) in unspeci-
fied quantities, and of animal produce (honey and dove), remark-
ably unusual in Ugaritic liturgy and not dedicated to any particular
deity. It is a global offering which yqh bt mlk, to be understood as
a 'tribute-offering which the palace takes'.
Thi s meani ng is confirmed by the next rite (lines 22-23), which
specifies that another offering of the same vegetal kind 'wine and
flour', and perhaps as part of the same m'rb sacrifice, has to be
poured out, without indicating to which deity, in the gr. The offering
of 'wine' returns us to the beginning of the text and together with
the 'flour'
49
provides a suitable funerary communi on offering. Thi s
closes the series of ritesseven in allwhich are celebrated on the
14th day of the month in the palace and its cultic installations.
4/
Related to the root *'rb, Heb. ma'
a
rb, Akk. irbu, aibtu, the word seems to mean
approximately 'entry', in a commercial sense; however it could also have a 'funer-
ary' connotation in connection with the 'setting' said of the 'sun' which 'enters' (the
underworld).
48
Here dbh denotes the type of offering, intended for a 'festal banquet'. Text
and context are reminiscent of the dbh mlk of KTU 1.91 = RS 19.015:2; cf. DE
MOOR 1987, 161, . 38; DE TARRAGON 1989, 155, . 54; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a,
172 = 1999, 256.
4!)
In the previous line 'leavened loaves' were mentioned, their correlative, just
like wine is the correlative of oil-honey.
Next, the text takes us to another cultic scenario on the same
date, the temple of the 'goddess'///^, on the 'steps' of whose altar
(lines 23-38) three series of sacrificial rituals take place.
The first sacrificial ritual (lines 23-9), expressed according to the
syntactic patterns X + / + DN || X + DN, comprises twelve sets of
victims ('two birds' twice, 'two rams', 'four cows' and 'one ewe') and
nine divine recipients: spn/glmt, yrh/nkl || b'lt bhtm, ins ilm, ilhm || sps,
rsp. Even so, the particular meani ng of the group and reason for
each offering elude us; the second sequence repeats the beginning
of the text, lines 5-6, but without ils.
The second series (lines 29-33) has the syntactic pattern X + DN
and five deities celebrated with six victims ('two cows' and 'four ewes'):
ilh, ilhm, il, tkmn wsnm, ilt, like that of lines 10-13, with 'nt for b'lt
bhtm and without rsp. The sacrificial series closes with the offering
of two victims ('ewes') with no recipient expressed, perhaps omitted
by mistake, although the precise place of the ceremony is indicated
and the sacrificial series is divided into two.
I n the third series (lines 33-38), there are again five/six recipient
deities for the offerings: b'l spn, spn, b'l ugrt, ilib, atrt, ri-(?), to which
six or seven sacrificial units correspond ('two cows', 'one ewe', 'two
birds' and 'one/two rams'), assigned according to syntactic pattern
X + / + DN. The group of gods is almost the same as in the fol-
lowing section, but in a different sequence and with some variations:
in this last section Ilu has to be supposed for Ilib, as is usual, and
considered as being offered the 'shekel of silver'; in line 41 Sapunu
has been omitted.
Thi s section divides the sequence into two subgroups in respect
of the place of offering: il, atrt, ins ilm, b'l Spn, Spn, b'l ugrt, who also
occur in K TU 1.109 = RS 24.253:32-5. The break in the text pre-
vents us being able to determi ne how the surprising remark 'thirty
times' (which comes next and occurs in other texts) is connected
with the preceding. In all likelihood it refers only to the last sacrificial
offering, as can be inferred from the multiple parallelism with K TU
1.39 = RS 1.001:20-2, a parallelism which probably suggests read-
ing the damaged In- as l(r)i[n ilm], to whom inevitably there corre-
spond 'srm, 'two birds'.
The triple series closes with a unit of ritual which again mentions
(lines 36-8) the sacred place in which it occurs and refers us back
to the beginning (lines 23-4), a perfect literary inclusio: the altar of
the temple of the 'Lady/i es of the Exalted Mansi ons'/ Il at u. Thus far,
the rituals which take place on the 14th day, the day of the full
moon, the sacred climax of the month ris yn, in two cultic locations:
the palace sanctuary and the temple of Ilatu (possibly also located
within the palace).
The final section (lines 38-48) records the offerings correspond-
ing to the first week of the month, on its last days, which are 'fes-
tive' days: the 5th, 6th and 7th. The ritual of the 5th day takes
place (lines 38-45) in the temple of Ilu, so going back to the head-
ing of the text, which presupposed the offering of the firstfruits to
that god. The text is broken, but a first series of offerings is dis-
cernible: 'one shekel of silver' and various animal victims offered to
Ilu, Atiratu and to the ins ilm, with the known pattern X + / + DN.
The series next continues on 'the altar of ^a'/w'-presumably in the
same temple (?)-with a series of sacrifices ('one cow' and 'two ewes')
offered to various invocations of that deity, using the same pattern.
The correlation of this series with the one occurring in lines 33-6
is surprising: both reproduce the two groups of deities, of Ba'lu and
of Ilu, but in reverse order, and in both, the repetition of its last
element a specified number of times (30/22) is assumed, with or
without a particular recipient. I n this case it seems that the offering
which has to be repeated is specified: 'one ram', 'one cruet of oil'
and 'one cow'; an offering which is taken up again on the 6th day
(lines 45-6): 'two cruets of oil' and 'one cow'. The only new ele-
ment is a reference to the exact culdc installation, the
c
ly, the 'sacrificial
(place)', in which the ceremony is carried out and which has already
occurred before (line 37), in connection with the temple of Ilatu/'hady
of the Mansions', the location of the previous series of ritual actions.
The sacred and sacralizing ritual ends on the 7th day (lines 47-48)
with the desacralization of the (feast) day and of the king officiating
at sunset. Thi s refers us back, by literary inclusio and ritual sequence,
to the new purification, which will take place on the 13th and 14th
days (lines 3 and 6-7), and to the following 'procl amati on' of the
day (lines 7-8), related to the beginning of our text.
We have already anticipated above how this ritual ends (lines 48-9)
with the return to the ceremonial of the 1st day of the month (new
moon) in order to complete all its elements (lines 1-2), thus closing
the text almost as a literary unit with a final inclusio.
The liturgy of the month of ris yn is thus outlined in its first two
weeks between the climactic limits of new moon and full moon. The
rites of the first week (1st, 5th, 6th and 7th days) take place, apparendy,
in the temple of Ilu, whereas those of the end of the second week
(13th and 14/15th days) take place in the cultic installations of the
palace and in the temple of Ilatu/'Lady of the Mansions', possibly
part of them.
The appendices K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+:50~5 and K TU 1.87 =
RS 18.056:54-7 include two specific rituals which simply mention
the victims required. The first describes with sufficient detail, 'the
Canaani te ritual of huts' in which are offered 'one ram' in holocaust
and as a peace offering 'one head of cattle and one ram' (alp ws),
seven times, to an unknown deity (prgl.sqrn) (on this cf. d e l O l m o
L e t e 1992a, 84 = 1999, 123-4). The second simply notes the offering
of 'one ram' on the 14th day of a certain month (for K TU 1.87 =
RS 18.056:58-61; cf. above 7.2.2.1.1 'Record of sacrificial mate-
rial', c).
As a whole, this text has the structure of a multiple and complex
mixed sacrificial ritual (temporal-local-typological), i.e. an ordo mensualis
or ritual 'menology' of the 'New Y ear' liturgy in Ugarit.
2.3.1.3 Lists of offerings in context (K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256,
K TU 1.115 = RS 24.260, K TU 1.43 = RS 1.001, K TU 1.106 =
RS 24.250+)
a) I nstead, in the ritual K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256
50
the offerings are
set within more explicit cultic contexts. Onl y lines 22-7 are in the
nature of a 'list of offerings' which have been allocated, with a syn-
tactic variant. The text is a collection of ceremonies which take place
also 'in the month of Hiyaru(?Y, and within it, ten 'feast days' are
specified. These, calculated from the new moon ( d e V a u x 1961, 468ff.
'The Liturgical Cal endar. The new moon'), are the 1st, 3rd, 7th,
8th, 11th, 13th, 14th, 15th, 16th, 17th days.
In this text, various rituals of a sacrificial nature, of offerings, are
j oi ned with others which are non-sacrificial, such as rituals of puri-
fication, procession or oracle, which require special consideration.
The first fact that stands out is that each type of offering ritual (hdrgl,
iyn, npt) begins on the first day of the correspondi ng first three weeks
of the month (1st, 8th, 15th).
50
Cf. HERDNER 1978, 21-6; X EL L A 1981, 43-8; DE TARRAGON 1980, 113-36;
1989, 197-9; DI ETRI CH L ORETZ 1988b, 315-6; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 156-70 =
1999, 232-53.
The offerings are arranged into three categories: animals (sheep,
cattle, birds), vegetables (grai n/bread, wine), minerals (silver, pottery),
with a clear tendency to grouping them into sets of 7 and 3 units of
offering (7/3/7/7/14/?/3
?
).
51
To this cultic and sacrificial arithmetic
must be added the 7 'ascents' made by the king's sons on the first
day of the month, perhaps in connection with the 7 sets of offering.
Distributed according to their recipients, these offerings correspond
to the tutelary gods of palace and dynasty. I n reality they receive,
as we have seen, the offerings of the royal family on the 1st day:
b'lt bhtm, the 'Lady of the Mansion(s)' (de M o o r 1970a, 199 ('Anatu?);
1971, 85-6 n. 4, 95 ('Mistress of the Mansion'); de T a r r a g o n 1980,
163ff.),
52
'one shekel (of silver)' and 'one platter', as well as 'one ram'
and 'two birds' to/for the ins ilm. The 8th day: the offering of
'grai n/bread', 'one shekel (of silver)' and '(one j ar of) wine' is directed
to 'Attartu hr, whereas on the 14th day the mysterious gtrm receive 'two
rams' ( del O l mo L et e 1992a, 161-2 = 1999, 239-40.), most prob-
ably belonging to this sphere of dynastic deities. On the 15th day,
the climax of the festival, the following are offered from the sacrificial
hecatomb: 'one ram' to each of the gods Ilu, Ba'lu of Sapunu and
Ba'lu of Ugart; 'two' to btbt and the same number to Atiratu; lastly,
to the il msd/ilt mgdl, 'one pl atter/one ram' (depending on the reading),
plus 'seven cows' and 'fourteen ewes'. On the 16th day, 'one ram'
is again offered to btbt (there follows a lacuna in the text). Finally,
on the 17th day, the deity iln receives three(?) unspecified offerings.
As is evident, the deities venerated form a small group, even if
the lost sections of the text arc taken into account. Apart from the
classic group of the great gods of Ugarit (Ilu, Atiratu, Ba'lu, 'Attartu],
we also have a collection of deities, generally under obscure descrip-
tive names, who form part of what we may call the 'tutelary gods'
of palace and dynasty (cf. List C above): b'lt bhtm, ins ilm, gtrm, btbt.
Thi s limitation of divine recipients in turn corroborates the 'private',
51
Similar series of 2/7/14 animal victims can also be noted in the Hebrew Bible
(cf. e.g. Num 29:2ff.) and in other Ugaritic texts; on this, also in connection with
the materials for offerings (silver, grain/bread, wine), cf. DE TARRAGON 1980, 34ff.,
43ff. Of course here 'bread' and 'wine' stand for the respective unit, as specified
elsewhere: 'one measure/loaf of. . .', 'one j ar of. . .'. The offering of king Keret
also includes bread and wine (cf. K TU 1.14 = RS 2. [003]+ ii 16-9).
52
On the other hand, the empty space in line 2 suggests that another deity
received the two rams mentioned first.
53
For the various interpretations of this epithet cf. DEL OL MO LF.TE 1987a, 66;
1992a, 92 n. 134, 160 n. 68 = 1999, 134 n. 167, 239 n. 70.
palace nature of this ritual ( del O l m o L e t e 1992a, 44-7 = 1999,
59-62; d e T a r r a g o n 1980, 162-9).
b) K T U 1.115 = RS 24.260
54
has particular i mportance for the
information it provides about the royal pantheon, as well as for its
clear structure, which almost suggests that this text is literary. Ultimately,
however, it is a list of offerings in a clear context.
Thi s royal ritual takes place in the palace, more specifically, in its
sanctuary (line 7: qd), as we already know from other texts. It is of
the dbh type (line 1) and includes two banquets (lines 8/19: t/ylhm),
one connected to a hll y dm-ritual (lines 6-8) and the other formi ng
part of a slmm sacrifice (lines 9-10). The moment is given in the
openi ng statement ('When the king sacrifices to Uharay'), although
we do not know when it actually took place.
Its basic syntax is sacrificial, with alternating patterns: X + / +
DN / X + / + DN + type / X + type / / + DN + X, with two
prescriptive-explanatory verbs: ydbh, t/ylhm.
The most striking and peculiar thing about this ritual is its dedi-
cation to only one pair of deities (usfyr, bbt), who seem to be con-
nected with the palace cult as tutelary or 'patron' gods of the palace,
whereas they do not belong to the official pantheon of Ugarit (del
O l m o L e t e 1992a, 54-8 = 1999, 71-8) with the specific invocation
under which they are commemorated here. However, they are the
first two deities of the dynastic pantheon (list C; K TU 1.102 = RS
24.246:1-2). Thi s divine couple is the structural element of the text,
which is arranged in repetitive series in a concentric chiasmus.
The text shows a marked concentric structure with a symmetrical
twofold distribution of offerings, like the one seen in K TU 1.43 =
RS 1.005, there centred on the deities gtr and 'Anatu: 'ram', 'dove',
'ram' || 'ram' || 'ram', 'ram', 'dove'.
The ritual ends with an indication of time which claims to spec-
ify, in line with the normal semantics of ahd, the occurrence of the
double sacrificial-banquet rite on one and the same day.
54
Cf. VI ROL L EAUD 1965, 586-8; FI SHER 1969, 197-205; 1970, 49I ff.; 1975,
139-41; DE MOOR 1970b, 316-7; LEVI NE 1974, 9-11; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ - SANMARTI N
1975i, 1975j; CA QUOT 1979, 1407; J ANOWSK I 1980, 246-9; DE TARRAGON 1980,
87-91; 1989, 200-2; XEL L A 1981, 105-8; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1981, 85-8; 1988b,
319-20; AARTUN 1984, 6-7, 18-9, 24-5, 32-3; 1985, 21; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a,
177-8 = 1999, 264-6.
c) K TU 1.39 = RS 1.001 provides various series of'sacrifices', holo-
causts and communi on sacrifices, probably offered to the dead kings
under their various invocations: t\ ilh, ilh b'l, and of course, ins ilm.
There is an actual moment, 'the night of Sapu pgr wtrmnm' (of the
'dead/funerary offering' and of the 'sovereigns'), in which these trmnm
are honoured with a sacrificial ritual which involves all the gods of
the dynastic pantheon, as we saw above (List C; lines 12~9).
It is a text-list of sacrificial liturgy in which a series of offerings/
victims is itemized following the known formulae of sacrificial syntax.
55
There are very few temporal and local parameters and they are of
no help in determining clearly the structure of the text. At all events,
from line 12 it seems to be divided into two parts each with the same
number of lines, which in respect of the cultic 'moment' and the list
of gods which the second provides, are structurally and intentionally
different. The ritual of the second part (lines 12-22) takes place III,
'at night', and in bt mlk, 'the palace'. These specifications and the
systematic use of the god list of K TU 1.102 = RS 24.246:1-14,
referred to above, indicate that the whole thing is a royal dynastic
ritual of the funerary cult, presented autonomously, i ndependent of
the day of the month in which it is to be celebrated.
I nstead, the text has another parameter which is much better for
determi ni ng its structure. Thi s is the one connected with the ritual
typology which is specified with unusual precision and in this mat-
ter is very like K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256. Its first part, (lines 1-9,
9-10, 10-11) is thus arranged accordi ng to four different types of
offering/sacrifice (rp-lmm, urm, npt), each one with its particular
series of gods, some even repeated, as might be expected a prion.
Thi s sequence has a parallel in K TU 1.41 = RS 1.0034:11-17,
17-19, which gives it its 'standard' character (cf. above 'Lists of gods
in sacrificial texts' 2). The second part (lines 12-19, [19]-20-22),
instead, with a list which is itself already a unit, as we have seen,
presents one single type of sacrifice, unspecified.
The end of the text (lines [19]-20-22, reverse of the tablet) is a
supplementary ritual, which could be understood as the 'thirty times'
repetition, i.e. over a 'month' (pgr?), of the offering/sacrifice to 'two'
new deities (b'lt bhtm, ins ilm), and thus as an extension of the standard
55
Cf. DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ - SANMARTI N 1975e, 141-3; XEL L A 1979-1980, 147ff.;
1981, 76-80; DE TARRAGON 1980, 65ff.; 1989, 135-9; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b,
308- 10; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 145-9 = 1999, 213-9.
list of K TU 1.102 = RS 24.246:1-14, as a synthesis of the royal-
divine list of the reverse (cf. above 'List of Names of Divine Kings').
The distribution of offerings is as follows. As a burnt sacrifice: to
the t\rri) as a whole, 'two ewes', 'one dove', 'two loins and one liver
from a head of catde'; to Ilu, 'one ram'; 'one cow' to the ilhm, 'one
ewe' to tkmn-nm and another to Raspu. As a peace offering: to the
ilhm as a whole, 'two ewes', 'one head of cattle', 'one ram', 'one
cow'; to Ba'lu, Atiratu, tkmn-nm, 'Anatu and Raspu, 'one ram' each;
'one cow' to the groups dr il and phr b'l and another to lm.
I n a burnt sacrifice (urm): to the ilhm b'lm, 'a burnt heart' and
'fifteen measures of forage and spelt'.
56
I n a sacrifice of 'presenta-
tion' (half of it?): one 'ram' each to b'l spn, b'lt bhtm, ilt mgdl and ilt
asrm. Lastly, as a /)gr(?)-sacrifice: to the pantheon of K TU 1.102 =
RS 24.246:1-14, 'one cow' to ten of its deities, 'one ewe' to another
four, 'one ram' to one deity and two unspecified offerings (dbhrr) to
two others, without it being possible to determine the meani ng and
significance of this variety of victims. I n the final 'coda': 'thirty times
one cow' to the b'lt bhtm and 'two birds' to the ins ilm.
We can, then, understand this text as a 'sacrificial agenda' which
lists the various types of sacrifice related to the royal funerary liturgy:
rp-lmn, urm, npt, pgr and the 'daily sacrifice', with the time and
place of celebration unspecified.
d) K TU 1.106 = RS 24.250+ is also a royal funerary ritual of a
particular month, the month of gn;
57
there victims are offered to all
the 'divine peoples' and to some dead kings (the most recent?) in
particular, under their 'divine' names: yarsil, ydbil, 'mtr (cf. 'Lists of
Names of Divine Kings', above 7.2.2.2). The sacred time corresponds
to days 8, 22 and 25 (cf. lines 18, 24, 25-26). Thi s implies that the
ceremonies menti oned in lines 1-17 (18) took place on the first or
on subsequent days of the first 'week' of the month in question.
As for the sacrificial rite, we have the known type rp, '(as a) holo-
caust' (cf. lines 2 and 7), repeated twice, apparently corresponding
to the twofold menti on of the recipient deities (rp/ ins ilm/group of
three || rp/in ilm/[?]), and of the victim (hgb/np w + 'srm). The
56
This sacrificial offering is unique in all the cultic literature of Ugarit. On the
meaning of the types of rituals termed urm and npt and their possible relation to
rp wlmm cf. DEL OL MO L ETE 1995, 45, nn. 49, 51.
57
Cf. HERDNER 1978, 26-30; X EL L A 1981, 81- 5; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b,
324-5; DE TARRAGON 1989, 185-7; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 149-56 = 1999, 219-32.
remai nder or second part of this initial ritual of sacrifice has ele-
ments remarkably in parallel with those in K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256:
1) the participation of the royal family, 'sons' and 'daughters', and
then of the king himself (cf. lines 9-10, 17);
2) the performance of the cultic action in the cult installations of
the palace: the sacrifice of 'one ram' to Pidrayu and 'seven ewes' in
the hmn, 'one ram' in the qds/'ly/hmn of Nikkalu, another in the kbm
and 'one cow' 'at the door of the royal mausol eum' ( del O l mo L et e
1992a, 153 = 1999, 227);
3) the sevenfold rhythm of the ceremonial (cf. K TU 1.106 = RS
24.250+: 12-3; K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256:6-7);
4) in both texts the 'cantor' takes part (lines 157), and there is
an 'oracular response' (ttb rgm) in both, at a later stage (cf. lines 23
and 32). Also in both, but at different times, the desacralization/
purification rite of the king is menti oned, although this fact is not
of itself significant.
On the 8th day the sacrificial rite includes, together with the usual
victims numberi ng 'seven cows', 'fourteen ewes' and 'one (piece of)
offal' (cf. K TU 1.112 = RS 24.256:26-7), a new class of offering,
unknown in the other rituals of Ugarit: 'fish stew' (blt dg). Similar
ritual elements recur and close the cultic action of the third week
(cf. lines 32-3).
The decisive day of the ritual is the 25th. It comprises a sacri-
ficial-banquet) at night before the king, seated on his throne, in
honour of and in communi on with arsy and 'gods of the underworl d'
(ilm ars) with 'provisions' (lhmt) selected and prepared beforehand
(cf. lines 25 and 28: 'ni ne ewes', 'one head of cattle' and 'one
goose'), offered to the gods, and 'two ewes' and 'one cow' offered
to the goddess.
As for place, the cultic action shifts on day 8 from the cult instal-
lations of the palace menti oned in lines 13-4, to a new sacred loca-
tion, known only from this text and giving its name to the month
of the ritual: the 'garden' (gn) ( del O l mo L et e 1996a, 103-4, for
the identification of the gn), which fits in well with the 'infernal'/'funer-
ary' nature of the deities honoured in this ritual.
Apart from the sacrificial moment (lines 1-15, 1922, 30-31) in
honour of and communi on with deities either specifically menti oned
or assumed, it also includes the desacralization/purification rite of
the king, already known from other texts (lines 24, 26, 34), and two
new royal ceremonies, which can be considered peculiar to it and
to which we have already referred: the singing before the king and
the preparation of the funerary banquet. Its interpretation must, how-
ever, be left for another systematic analysis which goes beyond con-
sideration of the text as 'list of offerings and gods'.
e) Together with mere lists of offerings like those above, a text such
as K TU 1.119 = RS 24.266
58
provides a more complex context, a
mixture of list and elements of recitation; more specifically, a psalm
of prayer in the event of a national threat, the only one in any text
of this type. It poses the question, at least in this case, of whether
they are administrative (cf. above). However it has to be remem-
bered that the tablet was found in the 24th campai gn (1961) in the
library of the priest bn agptr, i.e. in principle in an archive more con-
cerned with ritual than with administration. The relationship of this
cultic element to the foregoing list of offerings is not clear. A 'list'
which itself already provides 'rituals' that transcend the simple record
of a victim: exact sacred place and time, type of ceremony and in
particular, repeated menti on of the royal desacralization rite, which
may or may not have included some sort of victim to justify the
allusion in a simple record of offerings. Nor can we be sure whether
both sides of the tablet belong to the same text or to two different
texts. The second (the reverse) could quite well be an authentic litur-
gical ritual, even though it also begins like a list of offerings (lines
18-22). I n fact the lower part of the tablet is broken, which means
that we have two separate texts, obverse and reverse, corresponding
perhaps to two separate rituals, either of the same month or of
different months.
The obverse (lines 1-17) has a list of offerings which corresponds
to the sacrificial ritual of the month of ib'lt, specified for various days:
7th, 17th and 18th; this datum divides the text into three sections:
lines 1-4, 4-11, 11-17. The first two are clearly distinguished by
the sequence desacralization/purification of the king, which means
that between days 7 and 17 the king does not celebrate ritually,
whereas the ceremony of days 17 and 18 forms a single unit. Thi s
58
Cf. HERDNER 1973, 693-703; 1978, 31-9; AVI SHUR 1978, 254-62; X EL L A 1978,
127-36; 1981, 25-34; DE TARRAGON 1980, 17ff.; 1989, 206-11; MARGAL I T 1981b,
62-83; SARACI NO 1983a, 263-369; 1983b, 304-6; DE MOOR 1983, 251-2; 1987,
171-4; MI L L ER 1988, 139-55; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1988b, 819; DEL OL MO L ETE
1992a, 197-205 = 1999, 292-306; PARDEE 1997a, 283-5; WY A T T 1998C, 416-22.
liturgy takes place in the temple of Ba'lu, bt b'l ugrt (lines 3, 9-10),
mgdl b'l ugrt (line 12), and then moves to the temple of Ilu, qds il, bt
il (lines 6, 14) for the second and third rituals. Even the various
areas of the temple of Ba'lu where the offerings are made are speci-
fied, which will not be discussed here. Also specified are the various
sacrificial actions of the syntactic pattern 'X + I + DN [+ type of
offering + officiant'] with, exceptionally, more verbal than nominal
syntax. Victims: besides the usual ones (large and small flocks: ram,
cow, bull, lamb), there occur others which are rarer or specific ([piece
of] offal, dove, donkey). The officiant: when specified, he is the king,
also the subject of other non-sacrificial rites (purification). However
the strangest datum of this text comprises the (divine) recipients of
the offerings, together with their type, an element which is by no
means clear.
I n the first section (lines 1-4) 'two rams' are delivered for b'l and
sacrificed in the temples mentioned. I n the second section (lines 4-11)
'three cows' are delivered to the sanctuary of Ilu and to the b'lm and
to the 'hero' (glrri), 'two sheep' ('ewes') and 'one cow' to the Damsels
(glmt), plus 'one l amb' and 'one dove' which 'are burned (tmr) It',
59
in the testimonial of the temple of Ba'lu of Ugarit'. As in other cases,
the ritual of the 17th day forms a continual unit with the ritual of
the 18th day, section three (lines 11-17), and so the desacralization
of the king is not specified. On this day the offering of 'one head
of cattle' (alp) is made in the temple of Ba'lu; in the temple of Ilu,
'one (piece of) offal' (np) for Uharayu(?), another for Ba'lu and 'a
donkey' for whom or why we do not know.
The fourth section (lines 18-36, reverse) has two clearly differenti-
ated parts: a ritual (lines 18-24 + 25) and a prayer (lines 26-36).
I n it are noted the victims which correspond to a 'week' of offerings
(apparently reserved for Ba'lu), of which have been preserved those
of the 'two birds' (twice), 'one liver' and 'one "little chain"(?) of a
liver'. Thi s complex of victims ('srm, kbd, rt) belongs more to divina-
tion or summoni ng rituals. It is possible, then, that although it takes
place in the same sacred place, the ritual on the reverse is completely
59
This lexeme, t'(y), has normally been given the meaning of 'offering' in one
of its types (which is not defined); however closer analysis makes it preferable to
see here and in other texts a divine-cultic title of the dead and divinized kings of
Ugarit, a title which is already attributed in epic to the legendary King Keret (KTU
1. 16 = R S 3.325+ i 24 and par.); cf. DEL OL MO L ETE 1988a. Cf. Wyatt 1998c,
200 n. 115.
different from the ritual on the obverse. It is not sacrificial, but a
magical entreaty, with the king as subject in both functions.
The weekly sequence of this section has a structure like that of
the 'graded numerical sequence' in myth and epic ( del O l mo L et e
1981a, 60-1), with a climax on the seventh day. The syntax is nom-
inal as usual, on days (3 and) 4 and 5 (and 6) together (num. +
X + [/ + DN + specification of place]), whereas it is verbal (ykbd)
on days 1 and 2; on the 7th, also, as a recitation, not as sacrificial
(dn). Analysis of these elements is left to the discussion of these texts
as 'ritual' as are the place and mode of the action. The same applies
to the fifth and final section (lines 26-36), which is a prayer.
As a whole, this double complex ritual refers to only a limited
range of 'deities' to whom offerings are presented (b'l, il?, b'l?/il?,
b'lm, glm, glmt, t'/b'l?, isf}iy?/b'l? ? ?/b'l). From this point of view, the
ritual is largely 'related to Baal' in respect of recipient and 'royal'
in respect of officiant. At all events, this whole set of ritual and
recited elements has already appeared in other Ugari dc texts, those
called 'cultic myths' (K TU 1.23 = RS 2.002, K TU 1.24 = RS 5.194;
'mythological rituals' instead are K TU 1.108 = RS 24.252 and K TU
1.161 = RS 34.126). I n practice, this mix of cultic elements was
probably commoner than appears from their i nadequate distribution
in literature and cult (a category which is largely a matter of lists).
Some scholars already speak of the character of myths as recitations,
an element of ritual, and many cultic texts must have had elements
which presumably were recited, as is the case in the text analysed
here. Ritual was never movement without speech, nor was 'myth'
recited without movement: gesture and speech belong together.
Here we conclude this survey of the texts of cultic practice in Ugarit
in respect of 'lists of gods and offerings', a literary form under which
many of them are given, although it allows glimpses of a more com-
plex liturgy than the act of sacrifice sketched out in these lists and
was its culminating sacred act. I n this handbook another section is
devoted to disentangling and explaining the complex ritual involved
in the liturgy of Ugarit (see 7.1).
(Translation: W. G . E . W at s o n )
3 T h e O m e n T e x t s
P a o l o X e l l a
3.1 Mesopotamian tradition
The great Mesopotami an tradi ti on of di vi nati on was well known
and accepted in Ugari t, a city whose archives have preserved sev-
eral tablets (mostly in al phabeti c cunei form) whi ch bel ong to the
same famous tradition. I n parti cul ar, we have on the one hand some
texts with teratological omens whi ch concern predictions derived from
deformed or monstrous births of ani mal s or human beings. One frag-
mentary document instead reports several astrological omens, while a
short tablet concerni ng an eclipse of the sun may also be noted;
there are also several small model s of livers and an inscribed model
of a l ung whi ch derive from the practi ce of extispicy.
I n general one can say that in Ugari t Mesopotami an tradi ti on
was followed quite slavishly, even if there are some indications of
adaptati on and specific formul ati ons connected with local requi re-
ments, both political and social. One significant fact, in this respect,
is that it was someti mes felt necessary to compose the texts of the
omens in the local l anguage, as witness to a certain desire for cul-
tural appropri ati on.
3.2 The teratological omens
The teratological omens, that is, those whi ch contai n presages drawn
from the observation of deformed births (or abortions) of ani mal s
and humans, are represented in Ugari t by three al phabeti c texts,
K T U 1.103+ = RS 24.247+, K T U 1.145 = RS 24.328A+ and K T U
1.140 = RS 24.302. They all came to light to the south of the acrop-
olis, in what has been called the Cella aux tablettes, which was part
of the house of a famous diviner (here, incidentally, were also found
model s of livers and of a l ung as well as the difficult [necromantic?]
text K T U 1.124 = RS 24.272). To this can be added a fragment
of a tablet in syllabic cunei form (RS 7.001 = A O 18.892), as yet
unpubl i shed, which was found on the surface.
1
1
Essential bibliography: KRONER 1978; DI ETRI CH L ORETZ SANMARTI N 1975d;
Thi s small group of texts is of the greatest interest because it doc-
uments translation into the local language of a type of divination
text which is typically Mesopotami an (the Babylonian series Summa
izbu studied by Leichty).
2
The documents in question, which are
approximately contemporaneous with those found in the great Syrian
archive of Mesken-Emar,
3
also allow us to examine further the his-
tory of the spread of this genre. I n fact they date back to a period
earlier than the correspondi ng documents in Akkadian and Hittite
found at Bogazky (RI EMSCHNEI DER 1970) and represent the most
direct chronological link with the Ol d Babylonian tablets which cir-
culated in series before their final 'canonization' in 24 tablets, evi-
dence for which is provided from Ashurbanipal's library at Nineveh.
The Geburtsomina of Ugarit are typologically related to those from
Bogazky and, if we follow the classification proposed by Riemschnei-
der,
4
these too can be divided basically into two types: K TU 1. 103+
= RS 24. 247+ and K TU 1. 145 = RS 24. 328A + refer to anomal ous
animal births (which are to be set alongside Tabl et V of the canon-
ical series), whereas K TU 1. 140 = RS 24. 302 concerns human births
(and seems to derive from Tablets I - I V of the canonical series).
The teratological omens from Ras Shamra are a fairly faithful
reflection of the 'principles'
5
of what is termed deductive divination,
such as the classic opposition rightleft, where the right refers to
everything concerning the country and its inhabitants, whereas the
left concerns the king and enemy countries.
6
I n this perspective, every
defect or anomal y found on the right comprises an unfavourable
omen, but if it is found on the left it is interpreted favourably. Every
'increase'even if strange or monstrousof the right side, there-
fore, corresponds to events which are positive for the king and his
kingdom. The absence of limbs or organs seems instead to portend
bad omens.
X EL L A - CAPOMACCHI A 1979; X EL L A 1981, 191-206; PARDEE 1986; DI ETRI CH
L ORETZ 1990a, 87-165; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1990C; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 237- 41
= 1999, 353-9.
2
L EI CHTY 1970.
3
Cf. ARNAUD 1985-87, V I / 1- 2 and V I / 4, 686-93.
4
RI EMSCHNEI DER 1970, who correcdy distinguished on the basis of the protasis,
texts introduced by the clause lk-ku-zu SAL- . . . a-a-i (human births) from those
introduced by the clause k-ku I Z-BU (animal births).
5
See, in general, BOTTRO 1974.
fi
Cf. WY A T T 1996c and below, 13.2.2.
I n line with the typology of these omens in the earliest period of
their circulation, there are no references to the individual and pri-
vate sphere: every prediction is of an official nature and in fact
always refers to the king or the country.
I n the Ugaritic omens also one catches a glimpse of this associa-
tion of ideas based on analogy: note for example the interpretation
of certain bodily features of the foetus. Among the examples that
can be adduced the following can also be noted: if the foetus looks
like a bird the prediction is that the gods will fly away from the land;
the head of the foetus symbolizes the king or the governor of the
land; missing or deformed feet or paws (which therefore prevent
walking) are interpreted in the sense that the land will not be able
to progress as usual in its existence due to epidemics or internal strife.
I n Ugarit, then, the dichotomy between (a) anomalies and malfor-
mations, and (b) similarities with animals has also been adopted.
From the limited material available it is not possible to verify the
presence and consequences of multiple body-parts and of a whole
range of cases of deformity and/or defects, but even so everything
suggests complete agreement with the Babylonian model.
I n Ugari t as in Bogazky there was, then, full acceptance of
Mesopotami an tradition, even if the Ol d Babylonian originals were
certainly slightly adapted for local needs which were exclusively of
public concern. What are called the 'stock apodoses' display a lim-
ited range of events which evidently reflects military politics on a
small scale, as in Ugarit.
3.3 Astrological omens
Already attested in the Ol d Babylonian period, the Mesopotami an
collections of astrological omens ( Wei dner 1941- 4, 172- 95) were
circulated widely around the mid-second millennium bce and as a
result we find copies scattered in 'peripheral' centres such as Bogazky,
Alalah, Emar and even Ugarit.
7
At Ras Shamra in particular, besides
a few as yet unpublished syllabic texts (RS 23. 38, RS 25. 440A and
RS 25. 141 + 454f ), a broken tablet in alphabetic cuneiform has
been found in the northern palace of Ras I bn Hani (K TU 1.163 =
RI H 78/ 14) .
8
It contains presages based on meteorological observations,
7
Detailed bibliography in DI ETRI CH L ORETZ 1990a, 165 95.
8
BORDREUI L - CAQUOT 1980, 352; DI ETRI CH L ORETZ 1990a, 165-95 (cf. 168-70);
of the sun and the moon, and is connected with the Mesopotami an
series Enma Anu Enlil ( W e i d n e r 1941-44). As usual, the sentences
comprise a protasis and an apodosis and the presages concern the
well-being of the king, the ruling house and their possessions. The
text is too broken to supply information or provide specific parallels
with the omens of Mesopotami an tradition. The most detailed analy-
sis available, also at the comparative level, is by D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z
(1990a) and for the time being it is not possible to progress further.
The widespread belief in astrology in Ugarit is documented not
only by references to the '(divine) stars' in some ritual texts and from
allusions in texts such as K TU 1.23 = RS 2. [024] and K TU 1.19 =
RS 3.322 + ii 1-3,
9
but also by an unusual document, K TU 1.78 =
RS 12.61. It concerns an eclipse of the sun, the simultaneous appear-
ance of the planet Mars and the presages derived from it.
10
This
astral conjunction seemed to take on a fatal and dangerous charac-
ter, confirmed by the consultation of livers expressly carried out. At
all events, the precise date of the event (probably March 5th, 1223
bce) is still debated by specialists and there is no unani mous opin-
i on." The exceptional nature of the document, which lies halfway
between astrology and hepatoscopy, further complicates its transla-
tion and interpretation. The translation provided here is still provi-
sional and hypothetical:
1 bit. ym.hdt In the si1ence(?)
12
2 hyr 'rbt (of the month) hyr down went
3 p Igrh the Sun: her gatekeeper was
4 rp Raap.
5 kbdm tbqrn (For this) (1/2) liver(s) was/were examined:
6 skn danger!
DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 236 = 1999, 352; DI ETRI CH LORETZ 1988b, 94-5; DI ETRI CH
- LORETZ 1990C.
9
As correctly noted by DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 236, n. 68 = 1999, 352, n. 69.
10
Essential bibliography: DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 235 = 1999, 350; DI ETRI CH -
LORETZ - SANMARTI N 1974b, 464-5; FULCO 1976, 38ff.; XEL L A 1981, 171; DI ETRI CH -
L ORETZ, 1988b, 99, 100; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1990a, 39-85.
11
KUDL EK - MI CL ER 1971; SAWY ER - STEPHENSON 1970; DE J ONG - VAN SOL DT
1987-8; WAL K ER 1989; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1990a, 281-5 (contribution by W. C .
SEI TTER - H . W. DUERBECK). PARDEE - SWERDL OW 1993; WY A TT 1998C, 366-7.
12
For a discussion of b It see DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1990a, 50ff.; the meaning pro-
posed here is hypothetical.
3.4 Extispicy
Also typical of Mesopotami an divination tradition are the texts of
omens written on some models of livers and on one model of a
lung, found in the house of the so-called diviner-priest (which was
probably also a sort of school), also quite an i mportant person in
his official capacity.
The five models of livers we now have (KTU 1.141 = RS 24.132;
K TU 1.142 = RS 24.323; K TU 1.143 = RS 24.326; K TU 1.144
= RS 24.237; K TU 1.155 = RS 24.264)
13
report on the results of
hepatoscopic analysis concerni ng various events and it cannot be
excluded that they record i ndependent developments in respect of
the tradition from which they come.
Whereas K TU 1.155 = RS 24.654 is too damaged to provide any
information at all, the other texts are very interesting. K TU 1.141
= RS 24.312 refers to the acquisition of a youth (a slave? gzr) from
an Alashiote (= a Cypriot) by Agptr, a well-known person in Ugarit;
14
K TU 1.142 = RS 24.323 mentions a sacrificedbhin honour of
a dead person (a sort of kispum?), on the occasion of which the com-
missioner asks the diviner for a response. The contents of K TU
1.143 - RS 24.326, on the other hand, are rather vague, as the
text refers only to the performance of an extispicy requested by some-
one, without going into the causes which led to the sacrifice. Finally,
K TU 1.144 = RS 24.327 is an omen which was probably requested
by a prince with regard to the hupsu-mcrcenanes who must have
caused worries at the political level ( D i et r i c h - L o r e t z 1990a, 15).
The model of a lung (K TU 1.127 = RS 24.277), which merits a
separate study, is also connected with a Mesopotami an tradition.
15
The incised text is divided into sections marked off" by lines which
probably correspond to the anatomical regions of the lung. It seems
likely, nevertheless, that the various parts of the text are connected
to each other and comprise a unity, even if it is difficult to under-
stand (cf. for example the uncertainty concerni ng the term nat which
13
Essential bibliography: XEL L A 1981, 184-90; MEY ER 1987, 218ff.; DI ETRI CH -
L ORETZ 1990a, 24 Iff.; DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 232-4 = 1999, 347-9.
14
O n hi m cf . COURTOI S 1979, 1271.
15
K RAUS 1985, 185 7; MEY ER in DI ETRI CH L ORETZ 1990a, 255ff. Specific bib-
liography in DI ETRI CH L ORETZ 1990a, 18; add DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 69 72 =
1999, 91-5.
could even be translated 'removal').
16
The most plausible hypothesis
is that this model has been inscribed with several divination exer-
cises, performed at different times, but concerning the same event
and with the same aim: to avert the danger of an enemy attack by
means of a series of rites, including also a ceremony belonging to
the well-known typology of the 'scapegoat' (lines 29-32).
It should be stressed, then, that the lung model provides us with
evidence of the fusion of two different religious traditions, one of
Mesopotami an divination and the other of West Semitic atonement
ceremonies, for which the oldest documentati on is now supplied by
the texts from Ebla in the 24th century bc e ( X e l l a 1996b).
(Translation: W. G. E . W at s o n )
16
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1990a, 25f., with a discussion of the various hypotheses.
C H A F F E R E I G H T
T HE CORRESPONDENCE OF UGARI T
1 T h e U g a r i t i c L e t t e r s
J e s u s - L u i s C u n c h i l l o s
1.1 Introductory
The origin of letter-writing is most probabl y to be sought in oral
messages transmi tted through an i ntermedi ary. By the mid-second
mi l l enni um bce, communi cati on by letter had developed consider-
ably. Likewise, the role of the i ntermedi ary between sender and recip-
ient. Dependi ng on the culture, the i ntermedi ary would be called
mar ipr in Akkadian, wpwty
2
in Egyptian and ml'P in Northwest
Semitic. The i ntermedi ary carried a short written text which served
him as a letter of accreditation in the presence of the recipient and
allowed hi m to expand the message, replying to any requests for
expl anati on the recipient might pose.
1.1.1 The texts
The 86 letters or fragments written in al phabeti c cunei form and in
Ugaritic with their various collations are as follows: K TU 2.1 = RS
3.427, K T U 2.2 = RS 3.334, K T U 2.3 = RS 1.013 + 1.043, K TU
2.4 = RS 1.018, K T U 2.5 = RS 1.020, K TU 2.6 = RS 1.021,
K T U 2.7 = RS 1.026 + 2.[025], K T U 2.8 = RS 1.032, K T U 2.9 =
RS 2. [026], K T U 2.10 = RS 4.475, K T U 2.11 = RS 8.315, K T U
2.12 = RS 9.479a, K T U 2.13 = RS 11.872, K T U 2.14 = RS
[Vari a 4], K T U 2.15 = RS 15.007, K T U 2.16 = RS 15.008, K T U
1
MUNN- RANK I N 1956, 68-110; BOTTERO 1977, 333-4, 233-6 and 211 sub 3;
EBELI NG 1964, 212-3; OT T EN 1964, 213-4; L UKER 1968, 55-77; HOL MES 1975,
376-81.
2
See VAL L OGGI A 1976.
3
CUNCHI LLOS 1981a, 1982, 1991.
2.17 = RS 15.098, K T U 2.18 = RS 15.107, K T U 2.20 = RS
15.158, K T U 2.21 = RS 15.174, K T U 2.22 = RS 15.191 [a], K T U
2.23 = RS 16.078+, K T U 2.24 = RS 16.137[bis]+, K T U 2.25 =
RS 16.196, K T U 2.26 = RS 16.264, K T U 2.27 = RS 16.378a,
K T U 2.28 = RS 16.378b, K T U 2.29 = RS 16.378c, K T U 2.30 =
RS 16.379, K T U 2.31 = RS 16.394, K T U 2.32 = RS 16.401, K T U
2.33 = RS 16.402, K T U 2.34 = RS 17.139, K T U 2.35 = RS
17.327, K T U 2.36+ = RS 17.435+, K T U 2.38 = RS 18.031, K T U
2.39 = RS 18.038, K T U 2.40 = RS 18.040, K T U 2.41 = RS
18.075a, K T U 2.42 = RS 18.113A, K T U 2.43 = RS 18.113[b],
K T U 2.44 = RS 18.134, K T U 2.45 = RS 18.140, K T U 2.46 =
RS 18.147, K T U 2.47 = RS 18.148, K T U 2.48 = RS 18.285[a],
K T U 2.49 = RS 18.286+, K T U 2.50 = RS 18.287, K T U 2.51 =
RS 18. [312], K T U 2.52 = RS 18.[364], K T U 2.53 = RS 18.[380],
K T U 2.54 = RS 18.[386], K T U 2.55 = RS 18.[387], K T U 2.56
= RS 18.[400], K T U 2.57= RS 18.[443], K T U 2.58 = RS 18.[482],
K T U 2.59 = RS 18.[500], K T U 2.60 = RS 18.[528], K T U 2.61 =
RS 19.011, K T U 2.62 = RS 19.022, K T U 2.63 = RS 19.029, K T U
2.64 = RS 19.102, K T U 2.65 = RS 19.158b, K T U 2.66 = RS
19.181a, K T U 2.67 = RS 19.181b, K T U 2.68 = RS 20.199, K T U
2.69 = RS 24.660G, K T U 2.70 = RS 29.093, K T U 2.71 = RS
29.095, K T U 2.72 = RS 34.124, K T U 2.75 = RS 34.148, K T U
2.76 = RS 34.356, K T U 2.77 = RI H 77/01, K T U 2.78 = RI H
77/2 1a, K T U 2.79 = RI H 77/25, K T U 2.80 = RI H 78/21, K T U
2.81 = RI H 78/3 + 30, K T U 2.82 = RI H 78/12, K T U 2.83 =
RI H 78/25, K T U 5.9 = RS 16.265, K T U 5.10 = RS 17.063, K T U
5.11 = RS 17.117.
4
To date we know of 20 other unpubl i shed letters.
5
1.1.2 Structure
Usually, a letter compri ses headi ng, mai n message and endi ng. The
study of letters written in Ugari ti c has not progressed much since
C u n c h i l l o s 1989a; see there for lengthier discussion of matters raised
here.
4
CUNCHI L L OS - V I TA 1993a, 239-306, 863- 4; the texts, in corrected form are
available in Sapnu, Publicaciones en I nternet, at http://wwvv. labherm.filol.csic.es.
5
See M ALB RAN- L ABAT 1995a, 103 n. 2.
1.2 Heading
The headi ng, also called the i ntroducti on, comprises the address,
proskynesis, greetings and wishes.
1.2.1 The address can take on various forms:
(a) / recipient rgm + thm sender
(b) thm sender + I recipient rgm
The name of the more i mportant person preceded the name of some-
one of lower rank, unless out of politeness the name of the recipient
had to come first ( L i ver ani 1979a, 1328). I n other words, the second
formul a shows that the sender has hi gher rank than the recipient,
whereas the first formul a shows the higher rank of the recipient or
else is an indication of politeness between persons of the same rank.
If this is the case, Ugaritic usage would be the same as in other
regions ( L i ver ani 1979a, 1328 with bibliography).
However, not all scholars share this opinion. For some, hi erarchy
is the only criterion that explains the precedence of the name in both
cases ( K nut s o n 1975, 199; K r i s t ens en 1977, 144-5; C a q u o t 1979b,
1414). Ugaritic usage would then differ from that of other areas,
except for El Amarna ( K nut s o n 1975, 199).
As we shall see later on ( 8.1.2.2), proskynesis occurs only when
the first formul a is used. Thi s is the one, then, that is used when
an inferior addresses a superior.
The personal names of both the sender and the recipient are quite
often replaced by terms denoti ng relationship. For example, adty, 'My
Lady', occurs in K T U 2.12 = RS 9.479a.2; K T U 2.24 = RS
16.137[bis]+:2; K TU 2.33 = RS 16.402:1; K TU 2.56 = RS 18.[400]:1;
K T U 2.68 = RS 20.199:1; K TU 2.82 = RI H 78/12:2; adtny 'our
Lady', K TU 2.11 = RS 8.315:1, adny 'my lord', K TU 2.64 = RS
19.102:2; b'ly 'my lord', 'my master', K T U 2.40 = RS 18.040:1;
K T U 2.42 = RS 18.113 a: 1 ; K T U 2.61 = RS 19.011:2; K T U 2.63
= RS 19.029:1; K TU 2.64 = RS 19.102:10; b
c
lh 'his master', K TU
2.47 = RS 18.148:2; b'lny 'our master', K TU 2.70 = RS 29.093:1;
b'lkm 'your (pi.) master', K T U 5.10 = RS 17.063:3; umy 'my mother',
K TU 2.11 = RS 8.315:1; K TU 2.13 = RS 11.872:2; K TU 2.16 =
RS 15.008:2; K TU 2.30 = RS 16.379:1; K TU 2.34 = RS 17.139:2;
K TU 5.10 = RS 17.063:3; K T U 2.82 = RI H 78/12:1; buy 'my son',
K TU 2.14 = RS [Vari a 4]:3; 'my brother', K TU 2.14 = RS
[Varia 4]:3; K TU 2.38 = RS 18.031:2; ihy 'my brother', K TU 2.44
= RS 18.134:2; ahty 'my sister', K TU 2.21= RS 15.174:3; ahth 'his
sister', K TU 5.10 = RS 17.063:1; 'bdk 'your servant(s)', K TU 2.11
= RS 8.315:4; K T U 2.12= RS 9.479a.5; K T U 2.24 = RS
16.137[to]+:4; K TU 2.33 = RS 16.402.2; K TU 2.40 = RS 18.040.4;
K TU 2.42 = RS 18.1 13a:3; K TU 2.64 = RS 19.102:12; K TU 2.68
= RS 20.199:3; K TU 2.75 = RS 34.148:4; K TU 2.81 = RI H 78/03
+ 30:5), bnk 'your son', K TU 2.13 = RS 11.872:4; K TU 2.30 =
RS 16.379:3; K TU 2.64 = RS 19.102:5; ahk 'your brother', K TU
2.38 = RS 18.031:3.
The terms 'father', 'mother', 'brother' and 'son' do not have the
literal meani ng of blood-relationship among those concerned. They
are terms of respect. The king is called 'father' and the queen,
'mother' (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 247-8).
The noun thm, 'message', differentiates the Ugaritic formul a from
contemporary Akkadian formulae (El Amarna and even Ugarit itself)
which begin with umma, 'thus'.
6
Sometimes an unbroken line separates the address from what fol-
lows (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 249). No account is taken of this line
by epigraphists, except for TU. The unbroken line is one of the
punctuati on marks of Ugaritic. It corresponds to our full stop, new
paragraph (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 248-9) except when it is used as
a writing guide. In that case it recurs regularly in all or nearly all
the lines of the text.
I .2.2 The proskynesis is a formul a of prostration and respect towards
the recipient. It is used only with the first type of address formula
as given above. There are four different types. The simplest is / p'n
qlt, 'at the feet of (the recipient) fall' (K TU 2.13 = RS
I I .872:5-6; K TU 2.30 = RS 16.379:4-5; K TU 2.64 = RS 19.102
obverse:6-7; K TU 2.79 = RI H 78/3 + 30:5-6; K TU 2.80 = RI H
78/12:2-3; see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 249, n. 26). Somewhat more
6
It occurs in K TU 2.4 = RS 1.018; K TU 2.10 = RS 4.475; K TU 2.11 = RS
8.315; K TU 2.12 = RS 9.479A; K TU 2.13 = RS 11.872; K TU 2.16 = RS 15.008;
K TU 2.21 = RS 15.174; K TU 2.24 = RS 16.137[to]+; K TU 2.26 = RS 16.264;
K TU 2.30 = RS 16.379; K TU 2.33 = RS 16.402; K TU 2.34 = RS 17.139; K TU
2.39 = RS 18.038; K TU 2.40 = RS 18.040; K TU 2.42 = RS 18.113A; K TU 2.44
= RS 18.134; K TU 2.46 = RS 18.147; K TU 2.49 = RS 18.286+; K TU 2.61 =
RS 19.011; K TU 2.63 = RS 19.029; K TU 2.64 = RS 19.102; K TU 2.71 = RS
29.095; K TU 2.76 = RS 34.356; K TU 2.78 = RI H 77/2 1a.
distant is I p
c
n mrhqtm qlt 'at the feet of I /we fall from afar'
K TU 2.11 = RS 8.315:5-7; K TU 2.33 = RS 16.402:3-4; K TU
2.45 = RS 18.140:11-2 (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 249, n. 27). More
solemn is / p
e
n tnid sb
c
d mrhqtm qlny 'at the feet of twice seven
(times) I /we fall' K TU 2.64 = RS 19.102 obv. 13-16; K TU 2.70
= RS 29.093:8-10. Or also I p'n b
C
d wsb'id mrhqtm qlt 'at the feet
of seven and seven (times) from a distance I fall' K TU 2.12 =
RS 9.479a:6-11; K TU 2.24 = RS 16.137[w]+:5-7; K TU 2.40 =
RS 18.040:5-8; K TU 2.42 = RS 18.1 13a:4-5; K TU 2.51 = RS
18.[312]:2-3; K TU 2.68 = RS 20.199:4-7 (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a,
249, n. 29). The two last expressions could have the same meani ng
although it is not completely certain and they could have different
nuances (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 250). fall' is a translation of qlt
from Vqyl, cognate with Akkadian qlu (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 250).
'From afar' is a translation of mrhqtm or mrhqm, an adverb derived
from Vrhq.
1.2.3 Greetings. The sender usually greets the recipient with a jus-
sive: ylm I- 'Peace to N! (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 251 and n. 36) ,
which occurs in several letters.' Its variants arcyl m ly
8
and InylmP
The nominal use of lm cannot be excluded in some cases.
10
1.2.4 Wishes. The greeting can be followed by a wish with a reli-
gious content as expressed by the sender in favour of the recipient.
When both elements are present, the action seems to be progressive.
I ndeed, with the greeting the sender wishes the recipient to enjoy
good health when receiving the letter, while with the wishes he
expresses the hope that the gods may continue preserving the recip-
ient's good health. The same progression is glimpsed in the body of
the letter. The greeting, then, can be differentiated from the wishes or
7
K TU 2.1 = RS 3.427; K TU 2.4 = RS 1.018; K TU 2.6 = RS 1.021; K TU
2.10 = RS 4.475; K TU 2.13 = RS 11.872; K TU 2.16 = RS 15.008; KTU 2.21
= RS 15.174; K TU 2.30 = RS 16.379; K TU 2.33 = RS 16.402; K TU 2.34 =
RS 17.139; K TU 2.38 = RS 18.031; K TU 2.41 = RS 18.075; K TU 2.44 = RS
18.134; K TU 2.46 = RS 18.147; K TU 2.52 = RS 18.[364]; K TU 2.63 = RS
19.029; K TU 2.67 = RS 19.181B; K TU 2.71 = RS 29.095; K TU 2.81 = RI H
78/3 + 30.
8
K TU 2.30 = RS 16.379; K TU 2.33 = RS 16.402; K TU 2.68 = RS 20.199;
K TU 2.72 = RS 34.124. See CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 252.
9
K TU 2.79 = RI H 78/ 3 + 30. 6, see CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 252~3.
10
K TU 2.70 = RS 29.093; K TU 2.72= RS 34.124; KTU 5.10 = RS 17.063.
expression of wish/desire
11
al though there are different opinions (see
CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 253- 4) .
The religious expression normally used in the wishes (see CUNCHI L L OS
1989a, 229-34) is ilm tgrk tslmk, 'May the gods protect you and keep
you healthy!'.
1
'-' Ugaritic uses two verbs because two actions are meant
to be represented (see CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 254). The verb tgr, Ingr,
denotes the action of 'protecting'.
13
Theoretically, tlm could be the
aphel causative or the intensive D stem. However, both Akkadian
and Hebrew normally use the verb Sim in the intensive stem. Ugaritic
probabl y does the same.
14
Thus, the expression manifests the wish
that the gods conti nue preserving the health of the recipient.
The formul ati on of the wishes or desires can change. The letter
writer has freedom of expression which is evident, for exampl e, in
K T U 2.16 = RS 15.008:4-6, when he writes ily ugrt tgrk tslmk, 'May
the gods of Ugarit protect you and keep you healthy!', an expres-
sion which has its equivalent in the Akkadian of Ugarit: ilnu ugarit
ana ulmni lissurka or else ilnu sa ugarit ana ulmni lissurka (see
CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 256). The author of the letter K T U 2.4 = R S
1.018 sends wishes to the Hi gh Priest ilm tslmk tgrk t'zzk, 'May the
gods keep you healthy, protect you and keep you hardy!' (lines 4-6).
A longer version occurs in K T U 5.9 = RS 16.265:2-6: ilm tgrk tslmk
t'zzk alp ymm w rbt nt b'd
c
lm, 'May the gods protect you, keep you
healthy, keep you hardy for a thousand days and ten thousand years
for ever!'. Finally, there is the formul a b'lysul lmk, 'May Ba'al take
care of your health!' of K T U 5.11 = RS 17.117:2, which becomes
intelligible if compared with the Hebrew expression THWHys'l Islmk,
of Arad Letter 18 and the Akkadian expressions ilnu ulumka . . . lisal
of EA 96:4-6, ilnu lial ulumka of Taanak 1.5-6 and Aramai c
c
lhy
c
ylw lmk of AP 56:1 (see CUNCHI L L OS 1983a).
11
Further details and discussion in CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 251- 2.
12
With some variations it occurs in KTU 2.1 = RS 3.427:1-2; KTU 2.4 = RS
1.018:4-5 (ilm tslmk tgrk) KTU 2.6 = RS 1.021:5-6 (ilm tgrkm ts'lmkm), KTU 2.11
= RS 8.315:7-9; KTU 2.13 = RS 1 1.872:7-8; KTU 2.14 = RS [Varia 4]:4-5;
KTU 2.21 = RS 15.174:5-6 (ilm tslmk tgrk)] KTU 2.30 = RS 16.379:6-7; KTU
2.34 = RS 17.139:3-4; KTU 2.38 = RS 18.031:4-5; KTU 2.41 = RS 18.075:1-2;
KTU 2.44 = RS 18.134:4-5; KTU 2.46 = RS 18.147:4-5; KTU 2.63 = RS
19.029:5-6; KTU 2.68 = RS 20.199:9-10 (collation: Pardee); KTU 2.70 = RS
29.093:6-7; KTU 2.71 = RS 29.095:4-5 (ilm tslmk tgrk); KTU 2.75 = RS 34.148:6.
13
Others consider the root to be gyr; see CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 255.
14
See CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 254-5; TROPPER 1990a, 164.
1.3 Body of the letter or message
1.3.1 Structure of the message. The second part of the letter is laid
out in dialogue form, marked in some cases
15
by the adverbs hnny,
'here' and tmny, 'there' (further details in C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 257,
n. 66). Generally (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 258, n. 68) the sender uses
hnny,
lfi
or its equivalent hlny
17
to open the section where he provides
news of his circumstances, limited to the expression 'everything is
(very) fine with
18
(me/us)'
(
mn(y) kll (mid) lm in various forms (see
C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 259, n. 70). The term tmny is used to begin the
expression (see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 259, n. 73) by the sender that
all may go well with the recipient
c
m mnm lm.
The two expressions introduced by hnny and tmny in the body of
the letter are the counterpart of the greeting and wishes in the struc-
ture of the text. The greeting, like the expression introduced by hnny,
denotes the situation as at present, whereas the wishes, like the expres-
sion introduced by tmny, are set in the future. I n both cases there
is an element of progression.
In
c
m mnm lm, the verbal form Sim is probably an optative
qatala, and in
c
mn(y) kll (mid) lm the qatala is in the present.
19
1.3.2 Syntax. Within the dialogue section, the key to the wording
and of course to understandi ng is syntax. Unfortunately, this is the
least known part of Ugaritic grammar. The research undertaken by
us in Madri d has not yet provided results. The key to syntactic struc-
ture frequently lies in particles which are still largely not understood,
although their mysteries have been penetrated to some extent. Thus,
15
In K TU 2.1 = RS 3.427; K TU 2.11 = RS 8.315; K TU 2.13 = RS 11.872;
K TU 2.21 = RS 15.174; KTU 2.24 = RS 16.137[w]+; KTU 2.30 = RS 16.379;
K TU 2.34 = RS 17.139; K TU 2.36+ = RS 17.435+; K TU 2.38 = RS 18.031;
K TU 2.46 = RS 18.147; K TU 2.56 = RS 18.[4001; K TU 2.65 = RS 19.1 58B;
K TU 2.67 = RS 19.181B; KTU 2.68 = RS 20.199; KTU 2.70 = RS 29.093; KTU
2.71 = RS 29.095; KTU 2.72 = RS 34.124; KTU 2.76 = RI H 77/2 1a; K TU
2.83 = RI H 78/25.
16
K TU 2.11 = RS 8.315:10; K TU 2.38 = RS 18.031:6; K TU 2.46 = RS
18.147:6; K TU 2.56 = RS 18.[400]:4; K TU 2.65 = RS 19.158 b:1; K TU 2.71 =
RS 29.095:5; K TU 2.72 = RS 34.124:4.
17
K TU 2.1 = RS 3.427:3; K TU 2.13 = RS 11.872:9; K TU 2.21 = RS 15.174:7;
K TU 2.24 = RS 16.137 [Aw] + :8; KTU 2.30 = RS 16.379:8; K TU 2.36+ = RS
17.435+:2; K TU 2.47 = RS 19.181 B:4; K TU 2.70 = RS 29.093:11; K TU 2.76
= RI H 77/21a:4; K TU 2.83 = RI H 78/25:2.
18
See CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 258, n. 69.
19
See CUNCHI L L OS 1986, 259 60; 260, n. 75.
ht, usually translated by 'now'
20
has the peculiarity of always marki ng
the passage to the second part of the discourse
21
or argumentati on.
It means 'also', in the first case and 'but'
22
when followed by the
conditional particle hm, 'i f'. Other particles, such as w which begins
an apodosis, also contribute to the recognition of structural elements.
23
Ugaritic w, as in Hebrew, can also denote the beginning of a con-
ditional clause or a subordinate conditional clause.
24
I n this way, step
by step the syntax is revealed, but the picture is still incomplete.
If we consider the letter as a whole and not just the body of the
message, we can add that epistolary style may be marked by the use
of a large number of jussive, imperative and optative forms. The third
person jussive is used frequentiy, for example in yslm Ik in the greet-
ing and ilm tgrk tslmk in the wishes, but also in the body of the mes-
sage, for instance in tmny mnm lm and sometimes throughout the
whole letter as in K TU 2.16 = RS 15.008. Perhaps this is one of
the characteristics of epistolary style,
25
which is due to the involve-
ment of a third person in the communi cati on, an intermediary who
reads the written message aloud. Scholars who do not accept the
role of the mlak have great difficulty in understandi ng the use of the
third person.
26
It cannot be excluded that the use of the third per-
son is an expression of respect.
1.3.3 Literary aspects of the letters. The letters are the work of various
authors preserved in a single copy, as short unvocalized texts full of
hapax legomena which allude to contexts which are unknown to us.
These are the historical contexts in which the letters were written,
the archaeological contexts in which they were found. We also lack
the essential communi cati on link of the 2nd millennium BCE, the
maVak who held the key to interpretation, the additional explana-
tions demanded by the text so as to be fully understood by the recip-
ient. So much for the inherent difficulties of the letters. However, it
20
See CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 262, n. 77; DLU, 169-70.
21
For example in KTU 2.4 = RS 1.018 and KTU 2.14 = RS [Varia 4]. See
CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 273 n. 6 and 295 n. 12 respectively.
22
See CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 337, n. 36; 278, n. 10.
23
CUNCHI L L OS 1989b, commentary on the letters K T U 2.10 = R S 4.475; K T U
2.30 = RS 16.379; KTU 2.33 = RS 16.402.
24
See CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 338 n. 40.
25
PARDEE - WHI TI NG 1987.
26
KRI STENSEN 1977, 145 in respect of K T U 2. 47 = R S 18. 148.
has to be accepted that on the other hand it presents several advan-
tages compared to other literary genres. The letter has spatial bound-
aries which cannot be said of more compl ex literary texts such as
myths and legends. Thi s factor assures us beforehand that if the
tablet is intact, the meani ng of the letter will be complete.
It has been claimed that the correspondence in Ugaritic is only
a translation from Akkadian texts. The arguments for and against
have been set out elsewhere.
27
There is a strong possibility that
Ugaritic correspondence was original.
1.4 Closing formula
The body of the message is followed by a request for i nformati on
concerni ng the recipient and his surroundings. The formul a is usu-
ally rgm ttb I-, 'Send a reply to (lit. return a word to)!'. The verbal
form ttb is a Shaphel imperative of the verb twb, with assimilation
of the phoneme /a/ typical of the Shaphel to / ta/ . When the let-
ter is written in the third person, tttb is used in the closing formul a,
3rd pers. fem. sing, jussive: 'May she return a word to her servant!'.
Thi s occurs in K TU 2.12 = RS 9.479A: 14
28
and K TU 2.16 = RS
15.008:19.
29
1.5 Conclusion
Historical and social importance of the correspondence. The sender of most
of the letters preserved is a ki ng/queen or a pri nce/pri ncess. Some
seem to come from lesser court officials.
Of all the letters preserved, the one by queen Pudugibat or Puduhepa
(K TU 2.36 = RS 17.435+), is undoubtedl y the most interesting for
its historical significance, but also for the i nformati on it provides on
diplomatic relations and even on the political tactics used by Ni qmaddu,
king of Ugarit. Puduhepa was the wife of Hattusilis, the mother of
Tudhal i ya and a contemporary of Ramesses I I .
The kingdom of Ugarit was a vassal of Hatti, and the king of Ugarit
was obliged to present himself each year in the Hittite court, bring-
ing a tribute established beforehand. As the letter shows, the king
27
See CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 264-7.
28
See CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 286 n. 6.
29
See CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 302 n. 25.
of Ugarit had to bring a quantity of gold for the House of the king,
but the same amount also for the House of the queen. Ni qmaddu
sent the required amount of gold that was due to the king by adopt-
ing the ruse of sending it to the House of the queen. Similarly,
Ni qmaddu, king of Ugarit, had to send a certain quantity of pre-
cious stones which had been worked in his kingdom to the Hittite
court. Ni qmaddu pretended not to have any gem cutters.
I n the rest of the letter, he asks the Hittite court for help in assur-
ing that the caravans going to Egypt would pass through Ugarit, no
doubt thinking of the benefits such commercial traffic would entail.
I n another letter, (K TU 2.38 = RS 18.031), the king of Tyre in-
forms the king of Ugarit that the fleet he had sent to Egypt found
itself in the middle of a great storm which forced the fleet to split,
half going to Tyre and the other half to Acre. The fleet was car-
rying wheat. The captain made them take the wheat out of the
amphoras and lay it out to dry, but first he delivered it to the king
of Tyre, the one responsible on land. The king of Tyre informed
the king of Ugarit that the cargo had again been loaded on the
boats and that the fleet had resumed its j ourney.
Another letter, (K TU 2.68 = RS 20.199), by Urfcteub, seems likely
to deal with the old Hittite king who had fallen into disgrace and
had had more than friendly relations with Ugarit.
Each of the letters is a remnant of someone's life and reflects the
society to which he belongs.
1.5 Appendix: the vocabulary of the letters
.- The total number of Words with their Morphological Display
(or WMD)
30
in the Ugaritic corpus published so far is 6521.
31
The
number of WMD exclusive to a single literary genre is as follows:
Administration: 2031; Myth: 1164; Epic: 495; Ritual: 438; Correspond-
ence: 332; Assorted Fragments: 81; School Exercises: 44; Law: 44;
I nscriptions: 40; Hippiatric texts: 37.
876 of the 6521 WMD contained in the published Ugaritic texts
occur in the Correspondence. Of these, 544 are also common to
other genres, leaving 332 as exclusive to the Correspondence.
30
Palabras en Alorfologia Desplegada or PAID in Spanish. Here the English abbre-
viation is used for convenience. See 16.2.2.
31
CUNCHI L L OS - V I TA 1993a, 1-2191.
B.- The Vocabul ary of the Correspondence shared with other lit-
erary genres:
1.- Correspondence and Admi ni strati on: ad
c
; adty, ahty, alyyn; anyt;
argmnm; atlg, ibm\ iwrdn; iwdr, iwrpzn; ihy; lytlrrv, ilp; iltkm; itn; ittl; ubr'y;
ully; urgttb; bdhm; blym\ b
c
ly\ b
c
lyskn\ b'rm; gzl; gib; grgs; dym; dmn; drdm,
drm; hyil; hpr.; hlpn, hpn\ hpnm; ybnn; ymz', kbr.; ky, kkr, klby; ksphm; ktt;
Iby; Iqht; mz'/m; wz^wA; mkr, mlb] mly; mlkytn; mrdt, sny;
c
bdb
c
l;
c
bdyrh;
c
bdm;
c
yn; 'ky, 7; 7r, 7;
c
ttry, plsy, pm\ psn; spy, rhbrv, kn; lmy; ml, sm't; s't,
stn; tyt; tlmyn; tmtt; fry; trgds; trtn; tby; tpbt
c
l\ tpn.
2.- Correspondence and Myth: ad\ adnh; ah; ams\ ar; ilak; iph\ irstk;
bnk\ dbr, dtm; hdd; hdt\ hin, hmk\ h; hsri\ y bit, y
c
msn\ klm\ kpr, lah, lit, lp\
mla; mlak; mgt; mrt, mtt; n'mm; sip",
c
bdk\
c
nn\ p
c
nk; slm; qbt, qdt, qlh\ qlt;
qmh; rgmt, b
C
d, dt; kb; ntm\ pr, thmk) tm; t'tqn; tgrk; tttb; tbh\ tmt.
3.- Correspondence and Epic: adnk; ahtk; amrk; argm\ akn; atn; ikm;
itt; b
C
lny; d'\ dt\ hndt, ytb
C
mnd
C
\
C
rym\ tadnv, tdbr, tmgy; ta; tqb; tnnth.
4.- Correspondence and Ritual: , aspt\ dbhn\ dr', hwth] hrdh\
htm] y dbh; ysal; mzn\ mit.; msqt, mrhqm, ndr, si.
5.- Correspondence and Law: iky, brt; mgsh,
c
mnk.
6.- Correspondence and Assorted Fragments: hdr, mli; tzn; ts
c
.
7.- Correspondence and School Exercises: h; t; mtr.
8. Correspondence and Vocabul ari es: ikt.
9.- Correspondence and the Hi ppi atri c Texts.
C. - Vocabul ary exclusive to the Correspondence, as has been seen,
comprises 332 WMD. A prel i mi nary analysis results in the following:
Verb forms:
labd 'to be eternal', 'to perish': tubd.
Vahb 'to love': ihbt.
\lawd 'to weigh, pay': udh\ tud.
^1aw 'to make a gift, give': nul.
^azr 'to gird': yizr.
^lahd 'to grasp, seize': did] didn.
Jahr 'to delay': yihr; tiffrhm.
^aty 'to come': nitk.
^ar 'to ask, desire': art; yir.
^lbll 'to moisten, ferment': iblblhm.
V67 'to work, make': ysb'l, ib'ltn.
Jb'r 'to burn', 'to abandon, destroy': ib
c
r; b'r, yb'm.
ylbqt ' to seek': bqt\ ybqj.
yIbtt 'to move away', S 'leave aside': ybt\ ubt\ ubtm.
^lgd' 'to cut': agd
c
.
Igrr 'to move': igr.
Adhl 'to fear, be scared': tdhl.
Idhs 'to be excited/nervous': tdhs.
\Ihbt 'to humble, demolish': hbt; yhbt\ thbt.
1
ihdy 'lacerate, gash oneself': hdy.
^lwhl 'to be discouraged': twhln.
"Jwzn 'to weigh': yzn.
Jwpt 'to spit': pt?
2
Vzwd 'to provision, supply', Nifal 'to be provisioned, supplied': nzdt.
Ahdy 'to see, look', 'rejoice': hd.
Ihwy 'to prostrate oneself, 'to live': hw, hytn.
"Jhlq 'to perish', 'to be absent': hlqt.
yhpn 'to cover, protect, wrap': yhpn.
'to snatch, conquer, defeat': hti; nhtw, f}tat.
Jycf 'to know': yd'm; Id
c
.
33
^y'b 'to be spacious': y'b.
lysa 'to go out': assu; yssa; su.
ylyra 'to fear, be frightened': yritn.
\lyrd 'to descend': yrdnn.
yytn 'to give, sell': atnnk) ytnh, ytnnn; tnt; tnth; tntn.
^lytb 'to sit, dwell in': ytbt; ytbtn.
*ikwn 'to be establish', 'to create, make preparations': tknn, tknnnn\
ykn.
^lkhd 'to erase', 'to hide': khdnn.
Mhm 'to eat', 'to fight', 'to be suitable': ilhmn.
vlik 'to entrust with, commission, send': ilakh, labrr, likt, lut, tlikr, tlikn.
lwy 'to follow, enclose, go round': aslu (?).
Mwt 'to mould (clay)': Itt (Gt).
ymkr 'to trade': amkrn.
^lmla 'to fill': mlit (part. act. G. fem.pl.).
>Imgy 'to arrive, come, reach': ymgyk; mgyy; mgyk\ tmgyy.
^lnad 'to raise': nitk.
yinhr 'to cause to flow': /Ar.
34
^nw' 'to move', 'ask, request': n'kn.
AIns' 'to uproot': //.
Ingr 'to protect': tgrkm; tgm.
Intb 'to pull up': ntb.
Vsyr 'to travel': syr.
yspr 'to write, tell, relate': yspm.
V
e
wr 'to be naked', 'to go blind', 'to worry': t'wr.
"J'zz 'to be strong, prevail', D 'to preserve strength': t'zzk.
V
e
mt 'to hit, tie, wrap':
c
mt.
VVy 'to empty, unload', 'to turn':
c
ryt.
" Hapax. It comes from a pupil's exercise.
33
Hapax. Text in bad condition, but it is a preposition + inf. const, of yd'.
34
Hapax. Possible but not certain.
V'/r 'to invite': t'sr.
V
c
tq 'to pass, move forward', 'to become old': t
c
tq\ s'tq.
^gzr 'to fortify': agzr.
^lphy 'to discern, see, perceive, experience': iphn\ phn'\ phnn.
4pit 'to set free, save': npl.
Vsba 'to grow, to rise (of the sun)', 'to decrease, to set (of the sun)': sb\
\Iswq 'to squeeze': sq 'to press'.
AIshq 'to laugh': tsshq.
\Ispy 'to cover, put on', 'observe, keep guard': aspy\ tspy.
Iqwr 'to flow', 'be curved': qr.
^qyl 'to fall': qlny.
^lqr 'to knot, join': qr; tqr.
^Jqty 'to end': tql.
ylrhl 'to worry, travel': trhln.
^lri 'to swell up, have a headache': rus.
vrws 'to be poor': yrs.
TO 'to destroy': yrs.
vay 'to wait, lie in wait': asi.
^al 'to deal with, watch over/supervise': yul.
^Iil 'to question, ask, request': il; silt, iai, ialhm, tal; ytal; yil.
^livr 'to besiege, enclose': ym.
Jyt 'to place, set': itn.
1
1kh 'to meet/find': tkh; nkh.
ylh 'to send', 'to found, build': nlh.
y Ilm 'to be well, be in peace': lmt; lmtn\ tlmk; tlmkm.
^lmh 'to rejoice': mht.
^lm' 'to hear': sm'fi; trrnv, mrrt.
^lqp 'to strike, break': yqp.
4ty 'to drink, taste': itn.
yltbr 'to break, smash': ttbrn.
^ltkp 'to be demolished, resist, repel': ntkp.
Vt'y 'to correct, inspect', 'to offer': tt'y.
Nouns:
adn 'Lord, father, master, foreman': adny; adnty.
idn 'permission, consent': idn.
adt 'Lady': adtny.
az 'fringed carpet': azt.
amt 'maid, maidservant, slave; forearm, elbow': amtk.
any 'fleet': anyk\ anykn.
argmn: 'tribute' argmny.
ins 'people': ink.
udr 'nobility, the most noble'; 'camels'; 'slope, skirt (of a mountain)':
udrh\ udrk.
udr 'courier, messenger'; 'salvation': udrh.
u/} 'brother': uhy.
un 'sorcery, magic': unk.
urk 'length': urk.
bnny: bnny (or preposition bn 'between' + suff. -ny 'us').
bs 'linen': bs.
g 'voice': gy.
gm 'rain': gm.
dbr 'plague, pestilence; thing, word'; 'pastureland, pastures, hut': dbrm.
dn 'receptacle, amphora': dnh\ dntm.
dr' 'arm'; 'wheat seed': dr'hm.
hwt 'life'; 'house, dynasty, country, territory, district, region'; 'animal,
serpent': hwtk, hwtm.
hmy 'wall'; hmy.
hbt 'freeman, fugitive'; 'soldier, proletarian': /)btm.
hrd 'guard, sentinel'; 'part of the conscript army': hrdk.
kw 'liquid measure': kw.
ksu 'throne': ksiy.
ksp 'silver': kspym 'silversmiths'.
lb 'heart': Ibk.
lbs 'garment': Ibsk.
Ig 'gallon': Igk.
35
Idt 'receptacle, cellar': Idtk.
Ih 'cheek, jaw, snout, fauces'; 'tablet, writing, dictation, message': Ihy.
mid 'abundance': midy.
md 'surveyor': mdym.
mhr 'surveyor'; 'dung'; 'courtier'; 'coat, cloak': mhrk.
mkr 'trader': mkrn.
mlakt 'mission, assignment, embassy': mlakt] mlaklh\ mlakly; mlaktk.
mli 'full, complete' (qatil mla 'to fill'): mlit.
mlg 'a type of sacrifice': mlgt.
msgr 'casde, fortress': msgr.
m'n 'reply': m'nk.
mrdt 'carpet': mrdtt.
mrkbt 'chariot': mrkbtk.
mtn 'repetition, reply': mtnn.
n'r 'boy, lad, soldier, knight/horseman, cadet'; 'a type of roasted or
dry flour'; 'mix, mixture': n'ry.
np 'throat, cheeks, desire, person, animal, living being': npy.
npn 'abundance'; interjection: 'by (my) life!'.
npt 'type of offering': nptn.
nr 'yoke': nrm.
nt 'inner part': nt; nty.
sglt 'property': sglth.
shl 'driller (of precious of semi-precious stones)': shlk; sf}lm.
'ps 'frontier': 'ps.
't 'moth, louse': 'tty.
Hapax. The text is very corrupt.
gb 'sacrificial pit': gbny.
gl 'depression, hollow', 'reedbed': glhm.
qnu 'lapis lazuli': qnim; qnuym.
qrt 'city': qrtn.
rgm 'word, speech, matter, claim, complaint': rgmh; rgmy.
r
c
'shepherd', 'friend, companion': r'.
M 'field': sdk.
sin 'gift, peace offering': sink.
lm 'peace, appeasement, peace offering'; 'satisfied'; 'victim of com-
munion sacrifice': lmk.
m 'name': my.
ty 'water, river': ty; th; 0>ny.'
iR
thm 'errand, resolution, decree, message': thmhy.
Personal names:
agzr] ahtmlk; ibrkd; iwrphn; ihqm; illdr; irrtrm; gnryn; ddyn: yrmhd: ytrhd; nmy\
nmry; 'bdmlk; pgn; pdgb; pzy\ pzy, plz', pnht\ pgsdb\ ptmy\ ttyy.
Divine names:
atrty, 'Athirat'.
Toponyms:
grgms 'Carchemish'; Iwsnd 'Lawasantiya'; mgh 'Muki'; ngt 'Nuhae';
gblm 'Byblos' (unless it is a gentilic: 'Byblians'); ns.
Gentilics:
ugrtym 'Ugaritians'; mny: smnyk.
Names of professions:
kspym 'silversmiths'; mdym 'surveyors'.
Numbers: snp 'two-thirds'.
Personal pronouns: ankn T.
Demonstrative pronouns: hndn\ hnt, hnkt.
Indefinite pronouns: mhy; mhk\ mhkm\ klklhm\ kllh.
Adverbs: ikmy; inm\ innm; hnny; midm; mrhqt; mrhqtm; sb'id 'seven times';
tmny; tnid 'twice'; 'rid 'ten times'.
Prepositions: 'mrv. 'mny; 'mnkm; 'Un 'against'; gmt 'according to, in accord-
ance with'; bn 'between': bnny (with suff. -ny 'us').
Conjunctions: uy; uk; uky.
Excluded from the above classification are: 1. The WMD which are
susceptible to different analyses. The list is as follows: akin, ally, ankm,
ptn, tittm, tbt, tnlh, ttk.
2. Also excluded from the previous grammati cal classification are
the WMD for words which as yet remain unexplained. The list is
as follows: ahnnr; itrhw; ul'nk; us'nk; bas; bby; bnptn; hzb; hhb; hkm; htm;
ysin; ysunn; stn; t'pr; pkdy; prhn; tlhmy.
36
Hapax. It occurs in KTU 5.11 = RS 17.117.
The next step is to determi ne whether other noun or verb forms,
i.e. the same noun with different suffixes or other forms from the
same root are attested in other literary genres besides Correspondence.
Thi s and other suppl ementary i nformati on can be found in the
Concordance of Ugaritic Roots, in preparati on (see 16.2).
(Translation: W. G . E . WATSON)
2 T h e A k k ad i an L e t t e r s
J o h n H u e h n e r g a r d
2.1 Introduction
Some 354 letters or fragments of letters have been found at Ras
Shamra. Of these, 134, or just over one-third of the total, were dis-
covered duri ng the 1994 season of excavations in the 'House of
Urtenu', and have not been published as of this writing.
1
Of the 220
letters or letter fragments found before 1994, 24 remain unpublished;
thus, the total number of letters available for study is 196.
While many of the published Akkadian letters were written within
the kingdom of Ugarit, many others were sent to Ugarit from cities
and states across the Near East. Perhaps as many as 43 of the letters
may be said with some degree of confidence to have originated within
Ugarit itself, or to be copies of letters sent from the Ugaritian court.
But about twice that number, roughly 85 of the letters, give some
indication of their point of origin outside Ugarit, and among these
at least 17 places of origin are attested: A1aiya, Amqu, Amurru,
Assyria, Atate, Beirut, Carchemish, Egypt, Hatti, Mari, Muki, Parga,
Qadesh, Sidon, Siyannu (and Unatu), Tarhudae, and Tyre (perhaps
also Alalah, Emar and Ma'haz, as well as a second town named
Bei rut/Bi 'rut; see the listing at the end of this chapter). It is not sur-
prising, perhaps, that the largest numbers of letters come from Ugarit's
overlord, Hatti, and Hatti's provincial capital, Carchemish. Of course,
there are a great many letters between individuals, in which the
sender did not specify his or her location at the time of writing, or
in which in any case such information can not be recovered.
2.2 Format and Formulae
Most of the Akkadian letters exhibit a common format (see Ahl
1973; Y amad a 1992) . They begin with an address, which gives the
identities of the sender and the addressee, in the form of a command
to the scribe/messenger: in its simplest form, 'Say to [the addressee];
1
See BORDREUI L - MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995; L ACKENBACHER 1995a; and especially
MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995b for overviews of the 1994 Akkadian tablets.
thus/word-of [the sender]' or the inverse, 'Thus/word-of [the sender];
say to [the addressee]'. Normally the party that appears first in the
address is the one with a higher social rank ( N o u g ay r o l 1955, 2-3).
There usually follows a salutation, which may contain any or all of
the following elements: a statement of obedience if the sender is
of lower social rank than the addressee; a wish for the well-being of
the addressee; an invocation of divine blessing. A salutation is omit-
ted in letters from the Hittite overlord. Following the salutation there
may be a stereotyped statement of the sender's well-being and a
polite request for news of the well-being of the addressee. Then
comes the body of the letter. These various elementsaddress, salu-
tation, statement/i nqui ry of well-being, bodyare often separated
from one another on the tablet by a ruled horizontal line. The scribe
may also use such a line to mark off separate topics in the body of
the letter.
To illustrate the introductory formulae, the following letters may
be presented. I n the first, RS 20.238 = t/g 5 no. 24, the king of
Ugarit writes to a king of superior rank; after the address, there is
a statement of obedience (prostration) and a lengthy wish for the
well-being of the addressee and his household; then follows the body
of the letter.
Ana ar mat Alaiya abi-ya qibi-ma;
umma ar mat Ugarit mri-k-ma:
Ana p ab-ya a[mq]ut.
Ana muf}hi ab-ya l ulmu. Ana btt-
ka hrt-ka sb-ka, ana gabbi mimm
a ar mt Alaiy[a] ab-ya d[a]nni danni
l ulm[u].
Ab, anumma elepptu a nakr Ulaka;
ln-ya ina iti iairip, u amt []
banta \in\ a libbi mti te[p]. Abya
ul [d]e k gabbu sb . . . -ya ina mt
Hatti ab u gabbu e[lepp]t-[y]a ina
mt Lukk abu? \Ad~\ni ul ikudan-ni.
U mtu km-ma nadt. Ab-ya amt
annta l de. Inanna 7 ekpptu a nakr
a illakan-ni, u amt maikta tep-ni.
Inanna umma elepp[tu] a nakr antu
Say to the king of the land of A1aiya,
my father; message of the king of
the land of Ugarit, your son:
I f[a1]1 at my father's feet.
May my father be well. May your
houses, your wives, your army, every-
thing of the king of the land of
A1aiy[a], my father, be v[e]ry, very
weip].
My father, now then, the enemies'
ships have been coming; they have
been setting fire to my towns, and
so they (the enemies) have do[n]e
something [u]np1easant [i]n the land.
Does my father not know that all
my . . .troops are situated in Hatti
and all [m]y s [hip] s are situated in
Lycia? They have not [ye]t reached
me. The land could be overthrown
ibai-mi, t[m]a \ayy\akmma upr[a]n- this way. My f at her shoul d be awar e
ni, u l de. of this. No w t he enemi es' ships t hat
have been comi ng agai nst me ar e
seven, and t hey (the enemi es) have
done somet hi ng hei nous agai nst us.
No w, i f t here are mor e of t he ene-
mi es' ships, send [ m] e ne[ w] s [so]me-
how, t hat I may know.
I n the next letter, RS 19.070 = PRU 4, 294, the king and queen of
Ugarit write to a man of lesser rank; after the address there follow
a brief expression of well-wishes and an invocation of divine blessing.
Umma ar mat Ugarit u arrat mat Ugarit]
ana Kila'e ab-ni qib-ma:
Lu utmu ana muhhi-ka.
Iln ana ulmni lissur-ka.
Anumma Ili-milku mar-ipr-ni ana
c?li Mmi a atri btx-ni naltapar-u. [. . .
Message of t he ki ng of t he l and of
Ugar i t and t he queen of t he l and of
Ugar i t ; say to our f at her Ki l a' e:
May you be wel l .
May t he gods keep you i n good
heal t h.
We have sent her ewi t h our mes-
senger -mi l ku to i nqui r e af t er t he
wel f ar e of our l or d t he ki ng. [ . . .
Finally, a letter to the king of Ugarit from one of his agents, RS
17.383 = PRU 4, 22I ff., illustrates the stereotyped statement of the
sender's well-being and inquiry concerni ng that of the addressee; we
quote here only the introductory part of the letter:
Ana ar mat Ugarit beh-ya qibi-ma;
umma Taguhli ard-k-ma:
Ana p bl-ya itu rqi inu sebu
amqut.
Enma itti sarri u itt-ya gabba ulmu.
Aranu itti arri bl-ya mnumm ulmnu?
Tema litenni.
Say to my l or d t he ki ng of Ugar i t ;
message of your servant Taguhl u:
I f al l at my l ord' s feet f r om af ar
t wi ce seven t i mes.
No w t hen al l is wel l wi t h t he ki ng
and wi t h me. Is everyt hi ng wel l di ere
wi t h my l or d t he ki ng? May news
be sent back to me.
2.3 Topics of the Letters
A wide range of topics is addressed in the Akkadian letters. Most of
the letters from Ugarit's overlords, Hatti and Carchemi sh, concern
military and political matters, such as movements of enemy troops;
requests for troops, arms, or information; border disputes; the activ-
ities of merchants; and other legal matters. Others, however, have
to do with the sending of gifts and tribute, or accompany the send-
ing of a high official. Letters from other courts often discuss gift
exchange, alliances, and good relations, or present requests for com-
modities. Letters between individuals concern economic matters, offer
or request news, or simply bear a greeting from sender to addressee,
with a request for a return letter.
2.4 Grammar
The letters found at Ras Shamra, like the other Akkadian texts, are
for the most part written in the western peripheral type of Middle
Babylonian that is termed Hurro-Akkadi an or Syro-Anatolian. Thi s
type of Akkadian usually exhibits a certain amount of confusion in
the writing of stops and sibilants; an enclitic particle, -me, which
tends to replace normative Akkadian -ma on prepositions, conjunc-
tions, adverbs, and pronouns (e.g., in the conjunction km instead
of kma; the adverb anumm instead of anumma\ and the indefinite pro-
noun mannumm instead of mannumma); the frequent appearance of
the conjunction u to introduce mai n clauses after protases of condi-
tional sentences, after relative clauses and other subordinate clauses,
and after instances of casus pendens. Peripheral Akkadian texts also
tend to exhibit an admi xture of several core Mesopotami an dialects
into the Middle Babylonian matrix, such as Ol d Babylonian and
Ol d and Middle Assyrian forms. They also betray substrate influence,
i.e. features of the scribes' native languages, including lexical items,
phonological and morphological patterns, and syntactic structures.
Finally, the peripheral texts also show a certain amount of gram-
matical simplification and reduction, the result of creolizing tenden-
cies as the scribes attempted to write their imperfecdy-learned Akkadian.
The features just listed are common to all Syro-Anatolian Akkadian
texts, including the Ras Shamra Akkadi an letters. Texts written
in a particular locale, however, will exhibit each of the various fea-
tures to a greater or lesser extent than texts written elsewhere. I n
other words, the grammar and orthography of peripheral texts vary
according to their provenance. For example, letters from Sidon tend
to have a large number of Assyrian forms ( A r naud 1992) , as in the
following:
RS 34.149 = RSO 7, no. 38.
Umma Adad-isme ar mt Sidni;
ana ar mat Ugarit ahi-ya qibi-ma:
Alterne l [ip]ura ahu-ya an[a muhhi]-
ya: .
Ittalak ana l Sid[n]a il-ya ana'
ep' ipn-u. Aptiqis-su ina akl ina
bt[ -s]u ina m a [ui]b annaka.
A[numm]a ana muhh-[ka utta"]er-u.
Message of Adad-ime king of the
land of Sidon;
say to the king of the land of Ugarit,
my brother:
I have heard that my brother
[wro]te t[o m]e: '. . .'
He arrived at Sid [on], to me, to
produce his message. I provided him
with bread in [h]is hous[e] for the
days that he [stay]ed here. [I have
now retur]ned him to [you].
The following distinctions between texts written at Ugarit proper and
texts written at Carchemish have been noted, inter alia ( H u eh n er g ar d
1979) :
U GA R I T
sporadic instances of incorrect bro-
ken writings
intervocalic /w/ written either <W>
or <M>
does not always > I before dental;
utu and ultu
inandin, less often inaddin
attu- does not occur
3fs prefix normally t-, rarely i-
subordination marker -u virtually
absent
mixing of I ll-weak forms: ileqqe/
ilaqqe, iqtabi/ iqtebi
many clauses not verb-final
ynu is common
l is rare
preterite and perfect interchangeable
for past tense
CA RCHE MI SH
unexpected broken writings virtually
absent
intervocalic /w/ written <M> only
> I before dental always, except
for iltu (never ultu)
inaddin, never inandin
attu- does occur
3fs prefix i- (t- in one text only)
subordination marker appears about
half the time
Ill-weak forms all normative Baby-
lonian
nearly all clauses verb-final
ynu unattested
l is common
perfect in main clauses, preterite in
subordinate
The following two letters, the first from the king of Carchemi sh and
the second from the king of Ugarit, illustrate several of these distinctions:
RS 17.423 = PRU 4, 193.
Umma sarrim-ma; Message of the king;
ana Ibrni ar Ugarit qib-ma: say to Ibrnu king of Ugarit:
Lu ulmu ana muhhi-ka.
Enma Misra-muwa arnu itti Kuzv-
arru-ma abi illaka. U atta itu ztt-
u k tbi l tteneppu-u. Appnama
ana sis-u tibna l tattanaddin-ma.
Summa atta ul td-u, ah-u a Uppar-
muwa t; mr anim-ma t. U itu
Ztt-u k tbi l tteneppu-u.
May it be well with you.
Now then, Misra-muwa is com-
ing there to stay with Kuzi-Sarru-
ma. You must treat him consistently
well, according to his due. In addi-
tion, you must keep his horses sup-
plied with grain (and) straw. In case
you do not know him, he is the
brother of Uppar-muwa; he is the
king's own son. So you must always
treat him consistently well, accord-
ing to his due.
RS 20.184 = Ug 5 no. 28.
Ana Hemi-Teup bl-ya qib-ma;
umma Ammitamri ard-k-ma:
Ana p bl-ya amqut.
Ana muhhi bl-ya l ulmu. Ana bt-
ka hrt-ka, ana gabbi mimmu a bl-
ya danni danni l [ulmu].
Bl-, enma k uebbal arru bl-ya
sis ana ard-u ina qti a Taguhli [...],
u hataddi arad-[u . . .]. K aknak-
k[u. . .?].
Inanna sis[. . .]
. . . several lines missing . . .
[Anumma'] Amu[tara' ana mu]/}hi arri
bl-ya altap[ar]. Bl-ya Amutara [ana\
pn ani bl-ya lumbu. Amt-u k
a tbi bl-ya ana pn arri bl-ya
lidbub u k damqi lir[ibu].
Say to my lord Hemi-Teup;
message of your servant Ammi-
tamru:
I fall at my lord's feet.
May my lord be well. May your
house, your wives, everything of my
lord's, be very, very [well].
My lord, now then, whenever my
lord the king would send horses to
his servant in the charge of Taguhlu
[...], h\is\ servant would always be
glad [...]. How does it seem toyo[u? ...]
Now, horse [s . . .]
. . . several lines missing. . .
[Herewith] I have sen[t] Amu[taru
t]o my lord the king. May my lord
present Amutaru [t]o my lord the
king. May my lord discuss his con-
cerns before my lord die king as well
as possible, and prese[nt him] as
properly as possible.
U bl-ya ana pn ani bl-ya liqbi
u 2 sis damqti u 1 qata damiqta sa
mt Hanigalbat luba ana ard-u ina
qti Amutari (arKu pn-ya.
U atta bl- 1 qata damiqta a mat
Hanigalbat bila ana ard-ka ina qti
Amutari ^arKu pn-ya.
Anumma ana ulmni bl-y[a] itn
kit rabtu damiq[tu] u itn kit an
damqu ultbilakku.
Also, may my lord speak before
my lord the king, that he may send
two good horses and a good bow
from Hanigalbat to his servant in
the charge of my . . . Amutaru.
Also you, my lord, send one good
bow from Hanigalbat to your serv-
ant in the charge of my .. . Amutaru.
Herewith, as a greeting gift for
m[y] lord, I have sent you one goo[d]
large linen garment and one other
good garment.
Such grammati cal peculiarities exhibited by individual dialects may
be used as evidence for the provenance of a letter whose point of
origin is otherwise uncertai n, or at least, in some instances, to sug-
gest that a given letter is probabl y not from a given place.
2.5 Akkadian Letters according to Place of Origin
Letters discovered at Ras Shamra before the 1994 season are listed
below accordi ng to where they were wri tten. The assi gnment of
provenance is frequentl y uncertai n; this is reflected in the list by ?
or ?? before a RS number. Letters for which the place of origin is
unknown appear at the end of the list.
2.5.1 Alalah
Perhaps RS 4.449 ( V i r o l l eau d 1936a, 23ff.): Muki or Alalah?; see
also B unnens 1987.
2.5.2 Alasiya
RS 20.018 = Ug 5, no. 22;
perhaps also RS [Varia 16] (RSL 1) = Ug 5, no. 23: Alasiya or
Carchemi sh; see B e r g e r 1969, 219; Y amad a 1992.
2.5.3 Amqu
?RS 17.424e + 397b = PRU 4, 219-20.
2.5.4 Amurru (see I z r e' el 1991)
?RS 15.024 + 050 = PRU 3, 18b;
?RS 16.111 = PRU 3, 13-4;
??RS 16.116 = PRU 3, 10b;
RS 17.116 = PRU 4, 132ff;
RS 17.152 = PRU 4, 214;
RS 17.286 = PRU 4, 180;
??RS 19.006 = PRU 6, no. 1;
? R S 20.033 = Ug 5, no. 20; see I z r e' el - S i nger 1990;
RS 20.162 = Ug 5, no. 37;
R S 23.023 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995b, 35-6);
R S [Vari a 27] ( F al es 1984).
2.5.5 Assyria
??RS 6.198 ( T h u r eau - D an g i n 1935);
??RS 34.165(+) = RSO 7, no. 46;
perhaps also RS 18.054a = PRU 4, 228-9: Assyria or Sidon; see
M a y e r 1971, 2; A r n a u d 1992, 193 (5.4).
2.5.6 Atate
?RS 34.134 = RSO 7, no. 31;
??RS 34.141 = RSO 7, no. 32;
??RS 34.173 = RSO 7, no. 33.
2.5.7 Beirut
RS 11.730 = PRU 3, 12-3;
RS 34.137 = RSO 7, no. 37;
R S 86. 2212 (unpublished; see A r n a u d 1992, 192 (3.5));
see also the next entry.
2.5.8 Bi'rut
RI H 8 1 / 4 ( A r naud 1984, who suggests that this Bi'rut is the Ugaritian
port rather than the Phoeni ci an city).
2.5.9 Carchemish (see H u e h n e r g a r d 1979)
RS 8.333 = PRU 3, 7-8;
RS 15.077 = PRU 3, 6-7;
RS 16.003 = PRU 3, 3-4;
? R S 17. 078 = PRU 4, 196- 7;
RS 17.289 = PRU 4, 192;
R S 17. 292 = PRU 4, 188;
RS 17.385 = PRU 4, 194;
RS 17.423 = PRU 4, 193;
RS 20.022 = Ug 5, no. 2;
?RS 20.174a = Ug 5, no. 25;
??RS 20.182c = Ug 5, no. 63;
?RS 20.216 = Ug 5, no. 35;
RS 20.237 = Ug 5, no. 31;
? R S 25. 461 ( L ac k en b ac h er 1989, 317- 9) ;
RS 34.136 = RSO 7, no. 7;
RS 34.138 = RSO 7, no. 8;
?RS 34.143 = RSO 7, no. 6;
RS 34.145 = RSO 7, no. 9;
R S 88.2013 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t in 1995b, 39);
perhaps also RS 13.007b = PRU 3, 6a: Carchemi sh or Hatti;
perhaps also RS [Vari a 16] (RSL 1) = Ug 5, no. 23: Alasiya or
Carchemi sh; see B e r g e r 1969, 219; Y a ma d a 1992.
2.5.10 Egypt
R S 86.2230 (unpublished; see A r n a u d 1992, 181 . 6);
R S 88.2158 (unpublished; see L a c k e n b a c h e r 1995b);
perhaps also RS 26.158 = Ug 5, no. 171: Hatti or Egypt.
2.5.11 Emar
?RS [Vari a 26?] (Latakia 88) = RSO 7, no. 30; see A r n a u d 1982a,
105 with n. 33.
2. 5. 12 Hatti (see H a g e n b u c h n e r 1989)
?RS 15.033 = PRU 3, 15-16;
RS 17.130 = PRU 4, 103ff. (letter/treaty);
RS 17.132 = PRU 4, 35ff);
RS 17.133 = PRU 4, 118-9 (letter/legal);
??RS 17.144 = PRU 6, no. 6;
RS 17.247 = PRU 4, 191;
?RS 17.429 = PRU 4, 227-8 (letter?);
RS 18.003 = PRU 4, 103ff. (letter/treaty);
RS 20.212 = Ug 5, no. 33;
RS 20.255A = Ug 5, no. 30;
RS 34.129 = RSO 7, no. 12;
?RS 34.133 = RSO 7, no. 36;
??RS 22.216 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t in 1995b, 36);
?RS 88.2009 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t in 1995b, 39);
perhaps also RS 13.007b = PRU 3, 6a: Carchemi sh or Hai ti ;
perhaps also RS 17.383 = PRU 4, 221ff.: Hatti or Ugarit;
perhaps also RS 17.422 = PRU 4, 223ff.: Hatti or Ugarit;
perhaps also RS 26.158 = Ug 5, no. 171: Hatti or Egypt.
2.5.13 Ma'fraz
? R S 10. 046 ( V i r o l l eau d 1941, 1- 2; see also PRU 3, 9- 10) .
2.5.14 Man
?RS 34.142 = RSO 7, no. 47.
2.5.15 Muki
RS 20.003 = Ug 5, no. 26;
perhaps also RS 4.449 ( V i r o l l eau d 1936a, 23ff.): Muki or Alalah?;
see also B unnens 1987.
2.5.16 Parga
RS 15.019 = PRU 3, 13b.
2.5.17 Qadesh
RS 20.016 = Ug 5, no. 38;
RS 20.172 = Ug 5, no. 39;
?RS 20.200b = Ug 5, no. 40;
RS 34.146 = RSO 7, no. 15;
R S 80.387 ( A r naud 1982a, 221-2).
2.5.18 Sidon (see A r n a u d 1992)
RS 11.723 = PRU 3, 9b;
R S 25. 430a (unpublished; see A r n a u d 1992, 193 (5.7));
R S 34. 149 = R S O 7, no. 38;
R S 86. 2208 (unpublished; see A r n a u d 1992, 193 (5. 11));
RS 86. 2221 + 86. 2225 + 86. 2226 + 86. 2240 (unpublished; see
A r n a u d 1992, 179- 94 ( 5. 12) ; much of text transliterated and trans-
lated in footnotes);
?RS 86. 2234 (unpublished; see A r n a u d 1992, 193 ( 5. 13) ) ;
perhaps also RS 18. 054A = PRU 4, 228- 9: Assyria or Sidon; see
M a y e r 1971, 2; A r n a u d 1992, 193 (5. 4).
2.5.19.1 Siyannu
RS 17.083 = PRU 4, 216;
RS 17.143 = PRU 4, 217-8;
?RS 17.288 = PRU 4, 215;
RS 17.425 = PRU 4, 218b;
?RS 20.017 = Ug 5, no. 43;
RS 20.021 = Ug 5, no. 42;
??RS 21.183 = Ug 5, no. 41.
2.5.19.2 Siyannu/Unatu
RS 34.158 = RSO 7, no. 16;
perhaps also RS 20.219 = Ug 5, no. 44: Ugarit or Siyannu.
2.5.20 Tarhudai
RS 34.139 = RSO 7, no. 14.
2.5.21 Tyre
R S [Varia 25] = Latakia 7 ( A r n au d 1982b).
2.5.22 Ugarit (see H u e h n e r g a r d 1989)
Aphek 52055 (TA 8, 7 - 8 [ Owen] ; see also S i n g er 1983) ;
?Ber1in 1690 (EA 48);
Berlin 1692 (EA 45);
?Ber1in 1693 (EA 47);
?Ber1in 1694 (EA 46);
Cai ro 4783 (EA 49);
? C K 7 (private collection; unpublished; see A r n a u d 1992, 192 (3.6));
?RS 15.011 = PRU 3, 19;
?RS 15.014 = PRU 3, 5;
??RS 15.063 = PRU 3, 20a;
RS 16.112 = PRU 3, 4b;
?RS 17.239 = PRU 6, no. 8;
RS 17.455 = PRU 6, no. 3;
RS 19.070 = PRU 4, 294;
?RS 19.080 = PRU 6, no. 2;
?RS 20.013 = Ug 5, no. 49;
??RS 20.015 = Ug 5, no. 53;
??RS 20.019 = Ug 5, no. 48;
?RS 20.023 = Ug 5, no. 54;
??RS 20.141b = Ug 5, no. 34;
?RS 20.158 = Ug 5, no. 51;
RS 20.168 + 195p = Ug 5, no. 21;
RS 20.178 = Ug 5, no. 55;
?RS 20. 182a(+)b = Ug 5, no. 36;
RS 20.184 = Ug 5, no. 28;
RS 20.200c = Ug 5, no. 29;
??RS 20.232 = Ug 5, no. 58;
RS 20.238 = Ug 5, no. 24;
?RS 20.239 = Ug 5, no. 52;
?RS 20.243 = Ug 5, no. 32;
??RS 22.347 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t in 1995b, 35);
? R S 25. 131 ( L ac k en b ac h er 1989, 318, 320) ;
? R S 25. 138 ( L ac k en b ac h er 1989, 318- 20) ;
?RS 32.204 = RSO 7, no. 19;
?RS 34.135 = RSO 7, no. 17;
?RS 34.140 = RSO 7, no. 11;
?RS 34.150 = RSO 7, no. 10;
?RS 34.151 = RSO 7, no. 13;
??RS 34.153 = RSO 7, no. 35;
?RS 34.154 = RSO 7, no. 18;
?RS 34.180,17 (34.180f) = RSO 7, no. 26;
?RS [Varia 10] (1957.2) = AnOr 48,23-4;
perhaps also RS 17.383 = PRU 4, 22 Iff.: Hatti or Ugari t;
perhaps also RS 17.422 = PRU 4, 223ff: Hatti or Ugari t;
perhaps also RS 20.219 = Ug 5, no. 44: Ugari t or Si yannu.
(Unatu: see Siyannu 8.2.5.19)
2.5.23 Provenance unknown
R I H 7 7 / 1 7 ( A r n au d - K en n ed y 1979, 318) ;
R S 1. 056 ( V i r o l l eau d 1929, pl . 76/ 1) ;
RS 1 .[057] ( V i r o l l eaud 1929, pi. 76/2);
RS 1-11.[028] = AO 19.952 (unpublished; pardal transliteradon in
PRU 3,
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
RS
11.794
11.834
12.005
12.033
15.018
15.108
15.124
15.178
17.142
17.148
17.315
17.390
17.391
17.393
n. 1);
= PRU 3
= PRU 3
= PRU 3
= PRU 3
= PRU 3
= PRU 3
= PRU 3
= PRU 3
= PRU 6
= PRU 6
= PRU 4
= PRU 6
= PRU 4
= PRU 4
17.394 + 427 =
17.398 = PRU 6
17.428 = PRU 6
17.451 = PRU 6
17.452 = PRU 6
17.456 = PRU 4
18.057 = PRU 6
18.089 = PRU 6
18.268 = PRU 4
18.281 = PRU 6
19.050 = PRU 6
19.053 = PRU 6, no. 18
19.115 = PRU 6, no. 19
RS 20.095 = Ug 5, no. 65;
RS 20.130 = Ug 5, no. 46;
RS 20.141a = Ug 5, no. 76;
RS 20.150 = Ug 5, no. 56
RS 20.151 = Ug 5, no. 50
RS 20.159 = Ug 5, no. 74
RS 20.182d = Ug 5, no. 67;
RS 20.189d = Ug 5, no. 73;
RS 20.191 = Ug 5, no. 75;
RS 20.194 = Ug 5, no. 62;
17-8; (letter?);
17b;
16-7
14-5
11-2;
20-1 (letter?);
21b (letter?);
8-9;
no. 4;
no. 7;
111;
no. 10;
226a;
226-7;
PRU 4, 220b;
no. 11;
no. 9;
no. 12;
no. 5;
228b (letter?);
no. 13;
no. 15;
229b;
no. 17 (letter?);
no. 14;
RS 20.196d = Ug 5, no. 77 (letter?);
RS 20.200A = Ug 5, no. 78;
RS 20.2 14d = Ug 5, no. 79;
RS 20.225 = Ug 5, no. 45;
RS 20.227 = Ug 5, no. 57;
RS 20.242 = Ug 5, no. 72;
R S 20.244 = Ug 5, no. 61 (same tablet as R S 21.063f? [ K h n e
1974]);
RS 20.246 = Ug 5, no. 68;
RS 20.248 = Ug 5, no. 59;
RS 20.426,14+ = Ug 5, no. 70;
RS 20. [438] = Ug 5, no. 47;
RS 21.006c? = Ug 5, no. 80 (letter?);
RS 21.007c = Ug 5, no. 71;
RS 21.054b = Ug 5, no. 66;
R S 21.063f = Ug 5, no. 60 (same tablet as R S 20.244? [ K hne
1974]);
RS 21.064 = Ug 5, no. 64;
RS 21.072 = Ug 5, no. 69;
RS 21.201 = PRU 6, no. 20;
RS 22.006 = PRU 6, no. 16;
R S 23.031 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t in 1995b, 37);
R S 23.365 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t in 1995b, 35);
R S 23. 368 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t in 1995b, 37);
R S 28.017 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t in 1995b, 35);
RS 34.070 = RSO 7, no. 29;
RS 34.152 = RSO 7, no. 40;
RS 34.155 = RSO 7, no. 21;
RS 34.160 = RSO 7, no. 24;
RS 34.161 = RSO 7, no. 22;
RS 34.163 = RSO 7, no. 39;
RS 34.164 = RSO 7, no. 34;
RS 34.167 + 175 = RSO 7, no. 25;
RS 34.170 = RSO 7, no. 23;
RS 34.171 = RSO 7, no. 20;
RS 34.174 = RSO 7, no. 41;
RS 34.180,12 (34.180e) = RSO 7, no. 28;
RS 34.180,5 (34.180g) = RSO 7, no. 42;
RS 34.180,60 = RSO 7, no. 27;
R S 88.2011 (unpublished; see M a l b r a n - L a b a t in 1995b, 39);
RS 86.2216 (unpublished; see RSO 5/1, 357);
RS 86.2232 (unpublished; see RSO 5/1, 359);
RS 86.2236 (unpublished; see RSO 5/1, 359);
RS 86.2241a (unpublished; see RSO 5/1, 360);
RS 86.2249a (unpublished; see RSO 5/1, 360: letter?);
RS [Varia 34] = AO 29.507 (unpublished; see RSO 5/1, 381).
CHAPTER NI NE
T H E L E G A L T E X T S F R O M U G A R I T
I g n ac i o M a r q u e z R o w e *
1 I n t r o d u c t i o n
1.1 Definition and scope
What constitutes a legal document? And what is the difference between
a legal and an administrative text, both often associated and some-
times even confused? These are two basic questions we should attempt
to answer before we begin to discuss the evidence.
Strictly speaking, a legal document serves mainly as written proof
that a transaction has taken place. Since the transaction itself can
be validated if, and only if, it is performed before a body of wit-
nesses, the legal document, as opposed to administrative records,
must menti on the name or names of the witnessing party. It should
also be noted in passing that although the practice of signing or seal-
ing, i.e. affixing a personal mark, is almost a prerequisite in the com-
position of a legal document (for it provides the proof that the person
who signs is present or has assumed the obligation undertaken in
the transaction) it is by no means confined to this genre (adminis-
trative texts or letters may also bear such marks).
However satisfactorily these definitions may have answered the
openi ng questions, anyone who has dealt with this kind of source
knows well that the probl em is not so simple. I ndeed, the dividing
* I wish to express my most sincere thanks to Pierre Bordreuil and Dennis Pardee,
epigraphists of the Mission de Ras Shamra, who kindly made available to me their
transliterations and copies of the unpublished Ugaritic texts discussed in this paper.
I am also grateful to Mme Florence Malbran-Labat, also epigraphist of the Mission
de Ras Shamra, who kindly provided me with the contents of the newly excavated
Akkadian legal documents as well as with her transliterations and copies of other
unpublished texts. My especial thanks go to Dennis Pardee, who read critically an
earlier draft of this paper, making several corrections and annotations. It goes with-
out saying that any mistakes remain my own responsibility.
line between a legal and an administrative document is far from
ideal. For example, as early realized, bills and receipts that are usu-
ally classified among administrative records may sometimes menti on
that the act has been performed before witnesses; and, on the other
hand, some contracts may unexpectedly omit any reference to them.
This general problem is also found in the corpus of legal texts
from Ugarit. As already remarked by Nougayrol in publishing the
first i mportant group of clay tablets of legal content unearthed at
Ras Shamra, three out of his thirty-eight texts lay in fact ' la limite
du domai ne juridique'.
1
As a result of these attested cross-reladonships
(in addition to the uncertain identification of badly damaged frag-
ments) the number of legal documents of Ugarit obviously varies
in accordance with the individual scholar's point of view. Although
this is no place to discuss every controversial case, mention will be
made here of the criteria followed and the consequent inclusion or
exclusion of documents.
Given the broad scope of a handbook it has been considered more
convenient here to frame our material not according to its linguis-
tic provenance but rather according to its find-spot. Thi s means that
we shall include not only the maj or group of domestic legal texts
(over 250 texts and fragments) but also the international legal docu-
ments comprising edicts and treaties (about 100 texts and fragments)
that have been found at Ugarit, which stem namely from the courts
of Hatti, Carchemish, Amurru, Siyannu as well as that of Ugarit itself.
2
Regardless of the place of the composition of the texts, legal doc-
uments found so far at Ugarit are inscribed without exception on
single clay tablets (and called accordingly in Akkadian tuppu, and in
Ugaritic spr) without envelopes.
1.2 The find-spot
Due to the ever-increasing corpus of texts excavated at Ras Shamra,
only a general, but not complete, picture of the archaeological dis-
tribution of the written material of Ugarit can be attempted. Another
1
NOUGAY ROL 1952, 182 n. 2.
2
This same scope was also applied in the last survey of the legal texts published
by D. Pardee and P. Bordreuil in the ABD article on Ugarit (PARDEE - BORDREUI L
1992, 718FF.). In contrast, in the corresponding contribution to SDB, Sznycer dealt
only with the legal texts written in the Ugaritic language (SZNY CER 1979, 1417FF.).
limit to the interpretation of the archaeological context of tablets
and fragments is the presence of stray finds: intrusions among the
different archives of Ugarit do exist as shown by joins between far
distant pieces.
3
The bulk of the legal texts of Ugarit was unearthed from the royal
palace archives at Ras Shamra (around 300 texts and fragments). It
was soon observed after the excavation of the palace that the con-
centration of these records followed a deliberate pattern according
to their genre. I ndeed, the royal domestic legal texts, in which the
king appears regularly either as the person presiding or as one of
the parties of the transactions, come mainly from the so-called 'cen-
tral archive', while legal texts dealing with international affairs were
kept as a rule in the palace 'southern archive'.
Several private archives outside the royal palace have also yielded
legal material. Each of them contains a relatively small number of
texts (they rarely exceed 10 records) and apparently deal with the
private business of the owners of the households over some genera-
tions. As reported from the last epigraphic finds, the archive in the
house of Urtenu kept copies of three international legal documents.
4
I n this regard, one should note that the owners of these archives
were presumably high officials of the kingdom of Ugarit, so that
both the existence and content of the archives may be explained to
a certain extent on account of their political and social status.
1.3 Chronology
Dati ng texts was not practised at all by Ugarit scribes. Strictly speak-
ing, not even legal records were dated, in contrast to the common
legal tradition. Thi s is also true of the international documents drawn
up by scribes of the courts of Hatti, Carchemish, Amurru or Siyannu.
The only chronological reference is the name of the king (obviously
normally attested in royal documents) or a possible prosopographi-
cal connexion, such as for example the name of the scribe. I n any
case, the most accurate date we can give for any document stands
grosso modo for the span of one particular reign.
The chronological frame of our material covers the reigns of seven
successive kings, from Ni qmaddu II down to
c
Ammurapi ', in all like-
3
Cf. VAN SOL DT 1991a, 50.
4
MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995b, 110- 11.
lihood the last monarch of Ugarit. Thi s means that this corpus
belongs to a period, in absolute terms, of about 150 years, from
around 1330 bce down to the destruction of Ugarit.
5
1.4 Language and script
No doubt Ugarit has provided us with very rich textual material,
both in number and variety, attesting up to seven different languages
and five different scripts. Scribes at Ugarit, however, were mainly
biscriptal:
6
they basically wrote Ugaritic, their own tongue, in alpha-
betic cuneiform, and Akkadian, the lingua franca of the time, in syl-
labic cuneiform.
What was noted for the archival distribution of the legal texts is
also true for the language and script. The genre in question seems
to be closely connected with the language employed. I ndeed, except
for a few cases, legal texts are drawn up in Akkadian in syllabic
cuneiform. The few exceptions correspond to several Ugaritic docu-
ments and one Hittite text.
The reason why the treaties and international legal documents
found at Ras Shamra were composed in Akkadian can be easily
explained on account of the aforementi oned diplomatic nature of
the language. Concerni ng the domestic texts, however, the explana-
tion has to be sought elsewhere, especially because scribes did chiefly
choose Ugaritic to write their local administrative records.
Admittedly, this question seems to be intimately related to the
genre of the material. I n coining the expression and discipline of
'cunei form law' Koschaker meant to make clear that the strong
appeal of Mesopotami an or, more exactly, Babylonian law to other
cultural centres of the ancient Near East was fixed at a formal level,
of which script and language constituted the basic aspects.' A closer
look at the internal evidence shows furthermore that the few Ugaritic
examples are fully influenced by their Akkadian counterparts.
Because the division of legal texts in this section is made accord-
ing to the language of the texts the order will follow the linguistic
conventions of this genre in Ugarit.
5
We follow here the absolute dates proposed by VAN SOL DT (1991a, 1- 46) .
6
This designation was coined by VAN SOL DT (1995a, 186).
7
KOSCHAKER 1935, 27.
2 T h e A k k ad i an L e g a l T e x t s
We have menti oned above that Akkadian was the language par excel-
lence of legal documents. We also stated that this Akkadian corpus
consists of two mai n different genres or sub-genres, namely records
dealing with domestic affairs and records that concern foreign affairs.
Accordingly, we propose here to deal with them separately. It should
be noted that scribes at the royal court of Ugarit were probably
familiar with this distinction; not only because of the content of the
documents they could read or the characteristic physical aspect of
the tablets (such as their shape or seal impressions) but also because
they deliberately filed them separately within the royal archives, as
pointed out above.
2.1 The domestic legal texts
Texts dealing with domestic transactions, and thus written at Ugarit,
are by far the maj or group of legal documents. Nougayrol suggested
classifying these records according to the nature of the witnessing
party (as we have seen, the mai n defining element of this genre). He
distributed them into three different categories: 1) acts performed
before witnesses, 2) those performed before the king and 3) acts of
the king, in which no menti on of the witnessing party is made.
8
Concerni ng the latter type, it is generally agreed that the active role
of the king must have rendered unnecessary the mention of witnesses
in the text. I n other words, one must assume that the king presided
over these transactions too. This, as we shall see, can be supported
by the seal impression of the tablets in question.
As a result, we suggest dividing the domestic legal texts of Ugarit
into two mai n groups: 1) records describing acts presided over by
or performed before the king, and 2) records describing acts per-
formed before witnesses.
I n spite of this division, both royal and non-royal documents were
written by Ugaritian scribes (in fact, we know of scribes who wrote
both kinds of texts) and present, therefore, several common features
that distinguish them from other, foreign texts. At first sight, it is
possible to distinguish a legal text composed at Ugarit on the basis
8
See NOUGAY ROL 1952, 182 T. and 1955, 23.
of both the shape of the tablet and the sealing practice. The pro-
totype is the common tablet (about 90 x 70 mm, the thickness
exhibits more variation, reaching sometimes about 40 mm) with one
single seal impression placed on top of the obverse, hence at the
head of the text (sometimes divided by a ruling). A close look at the
tablets shows that the seal was rolled (very seldom stamped) before
the text was written. The text, on the other hand, also presents sev-
eral characteristic features of this local legal practice. No doubt the
most typical example is the invariable opening adverbial phrase 'From
today' (itu mi annm).
2.2 The royal legal texts
2.2.1 Definition and scope
Thi s group consists of those legal texts in which the king of Ugarit
presides, explicidy or not, over the transactions involved. These 'actes
royaux', as Nougayrol called them, are as a rule characterized by
one mai n feature: they consistently bear the same seal impression,
that of the so-called 'dynastic seal' of the kings of Ugarit. Thi s fea-
ture is of course essential to define a legal text, for the presence of
this impression implies that the owner of the seal, i.e. the king, was
present at the transaction. Therefore, the preservation of the royal
seal impression, or the correspondi ng seal identification formul a,
quickly characterizes a royal document. Of course, the form and
content which describe the nature of the transaction are also good
indicators for identifying these texts. I have counted altogether about
170 texts and fragments in Akkadian that describe domestic trans-
actions presided over by the king.
2.2.2 Find-spot
All but three of the documents were found within the walls of the
royal palace. Thi s should not be surprising when dealing with royal
documents. Most significant, however, is the distribution of these
texts within the palace proper. Of the approximately 170 texts and
fragments, at least 147 come from the same royal archive, named
by Schaeffer 'les Archives Centrales'. A closer look at the archaeo-
logical context has shown that these records were in all likelihood
stored on file in a room located on the upper floor of the northern
wing of this area.
9
Also of interest is the fact that almost all the legal
texts discovered in this archive are royal documents. Therefore it is
reasonable to assume that this archive was probably meant to keep
royal domestic legal documents.
2.2.3 Form
The physical characteristics of these documents have been referred
to above. One should note, however, the existence of exceptionally
large tablets like the Sammelurkunde RS 15.109+. We also menti oned
that the seal impressed at the head of these tablets, except for just
a few cases, is the 'dynastic' or state seal of Ugarit. This cylinder
seal, as the legend reads, belonged to 'Y aqarum, son of Ni qmaddu,
king of Ugarit', very likely the Amorite ancestor and founder of the
Ugaritic dynasty. All the members of the dynasty from Ni qmaddu II
down to the last monarch
c
Ammurapi ' used as a rule this seal as
well as an official replica of it to sign their records. Other royal seals
did exist and were occasionally impressed on royal documents like
the stamp ring-seal of Ni qmaddu (presumably Ni qmaddu II) on RS
17.147.
The form of the royal documents follows a very regular and con-
cise pattern. The first section consists of a description of the com-
pleted part of the transaction; it is thus phrased in the past (preterite
or perfect) and in objective style. For example, the king has granted,
the buyer has purchased. Characteristic of this part is the openi ng
adverbial expression 'from to-day', menti oned above, usually com-
bined with the closing expression '(and) for ever' (ana/adi dntim is
the most frequent formula). The king appears then after that intro-
ductory phrase either as having presided over the transaction, 'before
RN' (ana pni RN), or as first and active party. Apart from the king
the other parties involved are properly identified too by name with
or without further qualification. Sometimes a summary or the result
of this event marks the end of this section.
Next follow the so-called 'final clauses'. These deal with the present-
future stipulations or obligations of the transaction such as the guar-
antee, eviction or services inherent to the contract, and are therefore
phrased regularly in the durative, also in objective style. For example,
9
See VAN SOL DT 1991a, 88-93.
no-one will take the estate granted or purchased from the grantee's
or buyer's hands; the grantee will or will not have to perform the
ilku/pilku-servce.
Finally, the document closes with the formula that identifies the
dynastic seal, either as '(great) seal of the king' or as 'seal of RN',
often followed by the name of the scribe who is sometimes qualified
as witness.
Schematically, then, the structure of royal documents can be
described as follows:
10
a) dynastic seal impression,
b) operative section,
c) seal identification formula,
d) name of the scribe.
On the other hand, a royal document can describe one or more
transactions. These compound transactions deal as a rule with the
same party involved as beneficiary. At least in some cases it seems
that each of them may have been previously written in one single
document (the most illustrative example is the above menti oned doc-
ument RS 15.109+, already qualified as Sammelurkunde). These trans-
actions may bel ong to the same category, called accordingly by
Nougayrol 'actes multiples homognes' (e.g. RS 15.109+, RS 15.122,
RS 16.248), but also to different ones. One example of the latter
'actes multiples htrognes' is RS 15.85 which contains a royal
transaction (in lines 1-10) beside a non-royal one, i.e. performed
'before witnesses' (in lines 11-21).
Before closing this chapter, it should be noted that the legal prac-
tice of Ugarit hardly had any recourse to the divine action against
transgressors of contracts; on the other hand, there are no examples
of promissory oaths.
2.2.4 Content
Almost all the royal documents that preserve a more or less com-
plete and intelligible text are deeds of conveyance. Gifts (e.g. RS
15.88, RS 15.145, RS 16.142, RS 16.150), sales (e.g. RS 15.136,
10
Other schemes have been proposed by NOUGAY ROL 1955, 24, HAASE 1967,
196 (for the sale documents), K I ENAST 1980, 533 (also for the sale documents) and
K I ENAST 1979, 433.
RS 16.137, RS 16.156), purchases (e.g. RS 15.119, RS 16.284),
barters (e.g. RS 15.123+, RS 16.158, RS 16.246) or divisions of
inheritance (e.g. RS 15.90, RS 15.120), and even royal verdicts that
concern litigations on landed property (e.g. RS 16.254c, RS 16.356)
record the resulting transfer, usually heritable, of title to real estate.
Real estate in the legal texts of Ugarit basically consists of houses
and land which include, as the most characteristic cultures of this
Medi terranean area, vineyards and olive groves. The description of
the property conveyed is as a rule very concise providing only the
name of the previous tenant; no measurements or boundaries are
given and sometimes a brief geographical reference of its location is
menti oned. By far the largest group of documents is composed by
deeds of royal gifts, with or without countergift (i.e. in return for a
sum of money like RS 15.126, RS 16.135, RS 16.167 or RS 16.174).
I n a few records the gift concerns entire villages (e.g. RS 15.114,
RS 15.147) and/or some of their taxes (e.g. RS 16.153, RS 16.244).
Among the few transactions that do not concern, strictly speak-
ing, the law of property one should menti on several deeds of adop-
tion (e.g. RS 15.92, RS 16.200, RS 16.344) and manumission (e.g.
RS 16.267) as well as grants of privileges like franchises (e.g. RS
16.238+) or promoti ons (e.g. RS 16.348).
As for the parties involved in these transactions, no doubt the king
stands as the mai n protagonist. Documents from the time of
c
Ammit-
tamru II are by far the most attested. The donees of royal gifts are
often found not only benefiting from several grants but also as the
contracting parties of deeds of sale, purchase and barter. Accordingly,
Nougayrol grouped these records under different 'dossiers'. Among
these individuals, who are not always well identified, we find mem-
bers of the royal family and officials of the court of Ugarit.
2.2.5 An example
Transacti ons described in royal deeds obviously differ from text to
text, not only in contents but also in form due to the particular style
of each scribe. Nevertheless, for the sake of illustration, we have cho-
sen one of these documents, namely RS 16.275, a gift of real estate
from Ni qmaddu II to his brother Nuri ynu, to show the pattern
described above.
Obv
Impr essi on of dynasti c seal
is-tu u4-mz [an-ni-(i-)im]
l
nq-ma-
d
ikur dumu
['Ammittamru]
l ugal
aru
u-ga-n-i[t]
it-ta-i -/[tt]
5 sa
l
pa-be-y[i]
i-na
uru l
ul
]
-l[a-mi]
id-d[in-u]
Rcv
a-na ^nu-r[i-ia-na]
a-na dumu.me[ -r ]
10 a-na da-n-tim[-ma]
ma-am-ma-an la-a i-l[eq-q(-u)]
is-tu u-ti
l
nu-n-ia-[na]
i-tu u-ft dumu[.me-i u]
a-na da-n-tim-rn[a ]
15
na4
ki i b s'a 1uga[]
Fr om t oday
Ni qmaddu, son of
' Ammi t t amr u,
ki ng of Ugar i t ,
has t aken t he house
of PN
(whi ch is l ocat ed) i n T N
and has gi ven i t
to Nur i ynu
and to his sons
f or ever.
No-one wi l l t ake i t
f r om t he hands of Nur i y nu
or f r om t he hands of his sons
ever.
Seal of t he ki ng.
2.3 The non-royal legal texts
2.3.1 Definition and scope
Thi s second group of domesti c legal texts consists of those records
which describe transactions performed before witnesses and that were
not presided over by the king. As opposed to royal deeds, these doc-
uments are regarded as 'private deeds'.
Following our definition above, we have excluded from this cor-
pus memoranda (e.g. RS 15.41) or bills (e.g. of personal security like
RS 15.81 or RS 16.287) in whi ch no menti on of a body of wit-
nesses is made. On the other hand, a text like RS 16.354 whi ch
recapitulates a series of debt-notes with their respective testimonies,
lies precisely on the borderl i ne of the legal domai n. All in all the
materi al consists of about 65 relatively well-preserved documents and
of several fragments.
2.3.2 Find-spot
As one would expect, most of these documents have been found in
private archives. The maj or concentrati ons come from the so-called
'Residential Quarter': nine documents from the house of Rasap'abu
and eight more or less compl ete documents and several fragments
from the house of Rap'nu. One should also menti on the recently
discovered archive of Urtenu which counts now some seven Akkadian
legal records. Of interest is the fact that the royal palace has also
yielded private documents. The reason for this find-spot is not easy
to explain. It has been suggested that the king was highly involved
in the legal life of Ugarit. But other explanations are also possible.
It is plausible, for example, that some of the documents could actually
belong to court officials or other personnel closely connected with
the palace. I n this regard, one should note that three of these deeds
(RS 17.86+, RS 17.102, RS 17.325) belonged to the queen's 'dossier'
and at least two of them (RS 11.856, RS 15.182) to the skiniCs.
2.3.3 Form
As already menti oned above, the physical appearance of these tablets
is not essentially different from that of royal documents. The seals
impressed at the head of the documents were usually anepigraphic
cylinder seals and belonged to the private people involved in the
transactions, especially those undertaki ng obligations. A small num-
ber of deeds, however, are without seal impression (e.g. RS 11.856,
RS 20.176) and some of them show the sealing space in blank (like
RS 20.146).
The schema and form of these texts are also similar to the ones
described above for royal documents, and as was menti oned above,
we know of scribes like Nu
C
me-raap, I ltahmu or Munahhi mu who
wrote down both royal and private transactions. The text begins
with the phrase 'from to-day', followed by the mention 'before wit-
nesses' (ana pni bti) which thus determines the 'private' charac-
ter of the deed. After these introductory expressions the operative
section describes in the past and in objective style the fulfilled part
of the transaction. Next follow the obligation clauses drawn up in
the durative and also in objective style. No stipulations on services
are attested in private deeds; on the other hand, penalty clauses
occur rather frequently in these texts.
The note that identifies the seal impression and the list of wit-
nesses, which often includes the scribe, close the document. The fol-
lowing scheme can be outlined:"
" See previous note.
a) private seal impression
b) operative section
c) seal identification formul a
d) list of witnesses (often including the name of the scribe)
2.3.4 Content
Private archives contain a relatively restricted number of deeds and
they are concerned with the activities of the members of the fam-
ily. Among them we find deeds of conveyance like sales of land (e.g.
RS 15.182, RS 17.61) and persons (e.g. RS 11.856, RS 20.236), pur-
chases (RS 15.37, RS 17.22+) and gifts especially in contemplation
of death (RS 8.145, RS 17.38, RS 17.378a). As with royal docu-
ments, houses and lands are described in a very concise manner
(note the exceptional reference to measurements in RS 17.22+).
Very common among such family transactions are deeds that con-
cern the law of persons, such as deeds of emancipation (e.g. RS
8.279bis, RS 16.129, RS 20.176, RS 27.53) and deeds of adoption
(RS 17.21, RS 20.226, RS 21.230, RS 25.134).
Little is known of the identity of the contracting parties. As we
have already menti oned, the queen appears in some of these docu-
ments (deeds of sale) and one can argue that many of the other con-
tractors must have belonged to the relatively high social class in
Ugarit. On the other hand, the number of witnesses is not uniform;
three to five witnesses seems to have been the general tendency but
examples of texts with as few as two and as many as fourteen wit-
nesses (e.g. RS 14.16) are attested.
2.3.5 Publication and studies
The majority of these Akkadian texts was published by Nougayrol
in three volumes of the French Mission de Ras Shamra: N o u g a y r o l
1955, 1968 and 1970. The former contains most of the royal legal
texts and also includes an excellent study of the material. I n the same
volume, B o y er (1955) offers a juridical interpretation of the docu-
ments as compared to other cuneiform legal sources. Other scattered
non-royal texts were published by T h u r eau - D an g i n (1937), V i r o l l eau d
(1941c no. I I , 1951 no. V I ) and, more recently, L ac k en b ac h er (1991)
and Mal bran-Labat ( B o r dr eu i l et al. 1991, no. 29). A few still remain
unpublished.
Apart from some scattered partial studies, two dissertations have
dealt with the legal texts of Ugarit, chiefly those written in Akkadian:
M i l l e r 1980 and L i b o l t 1985. The former basically consists of an
English translation with a brief commentary of all the domestic legal
documents (including also some administrative records); and the latter
exclusively deals with the royal land grants, presented in transliter-
ation and translation in chronological order, and aims at determin-
ing the evoludon of Ugaridan society through a thorough examination
of the changes in language, namely the clauses on heritability in
these texts. A study by the present author of both the language and
the content of the royal deeds of conveyance is forthcoming.
2.4 The international legal texts
2.4.1 Definition and scope
Under this category we include all legal documents unearthed at
Ugarit that are concerned with international matters such as treaties,
edicts, verdicts or any other transactions that involve parties of more
than one state. Thi s material consists of approximately one hundred
texts and fragments. More often than not it is the state or states
proper that are involved, in which case the parties stand for the
rulers themselves or also sometimes their plenipotentiaries. Therefore
the division of the evidence in accordance with the witnessing party
corresponds mutatis mutandis with the palace, viz. the court of the
state of origin. A verdict promul gated by the Hittite suzerain usually
took place at his own court, and the same holds true for arbitrations
or agreements drawn up by the scribes of the kings of Carchemi sh,
Ugarit, Amurru or Siyannu (the provenance of a small number of
texts and fragments cannot be determined due to the obscure or
fragmentary context).
2.4.2 Find-spot
I nternational documents found at Ugarit obviously concern in one
way or another the state of Ugarit proper. Therefore, as one would
expect, most of these records have been discovered in the archives
of the royal palace. As we have already menti oned, the distribution
of these texts follows a clear pattern. Over three quarters of this
material come from the same concentration of tablets, the so-called
'southern archive'. Like the domestic royal legal texts found in the
palace central archive, international documents were probably stored
on file on the upper storey,
12
and they seem to have been kept there
separately. Moreover, some of them were identified by means of
labels or tags attached either to the tablets themselves or the bas-
kets in which they were placed.
13
Although some of the few finds outside the royal palace could
have been misplaced, it is nonetheless probabl e that several private
archives belonging to high state officials would also have contained
some of the international legal documents (as is certainly true of the
epistolary material). Thi s seems indeed to be the case of the archive
of Urtenu which, accordi ng to the last epigraphic report already
menti oned above, has yielded three documents of Hittite origin.
2.5 The texts from Hatti
2.5.1 Definition and scope
It goes without saying that the nature of the foreign records found
at Ugarit is intimately connected with the political and diplomatic
relations existing between the states involved. I ndeed, the fact that
Ugarit was annexed to the Hittite empi re as a vassal state during
the reign of Ni qmaddu II explains why the approximately thirty legal
documents stemming from the Hittite court discovered at Ras Shamra
basically consist of vassal treaties, edicts and verdicts establishing
Ugarit's foreign relations. Dated texts range from the days of the
annexation of Ugarit by Suppiluliuma I down to the reign of Tud-
haliya I V.
I n openi ng the section on legal texts we referred to the general
probl em of drawing the line that divides legal texts from adminis-
trative records. With Hittite documents the controversy is further
raised mainly due to the form of the texts. As is well known, Hittite
scribal practice often opens the text with the epistolary Akkadian
formul a umma PN/ RN 'Thus (says) PN/RN', regardless of the basic
nature of the document (e.g. in treaties or annals). Furthermore, the
use of subjective or objective style in the body of the text is not con-
clusive either since both are attested in letters and legal documents,
and they may also occur side by side in the same text. As a mat-
ter of fact, one may wonder whether the Hittite Great Ki ng made
12
See VAN SOL DT 1991a, 97.
13
See labels nos. 27-32 in VAN SOL DT 1989b.
any distinction at all: he decreed and proclaimed, the document was
issued, and next it was presented or sent to the vassal king. Therefore,
what really mattered was the point of view in which the text was
couched (and accordingly sealed) rather than the formul ae used. One
should recall here the three duplicates of a text called by Nougayrol
'lettres-dits' (RS 17.130 and dupl.). The introductory formul a ana
RN qibma, 'speak to RN', leaves no doubt about the epistolary char-
acter of the documents; the text, however, describes Hattusili I l l 's
regulations conccrning the business activities of the merchants of Ura
in Ugaritic territory. To the same domai n of ambiguity belongs the
suzerain's letter-verdict RS 17.133 sealed with queen Puduhepa's seal
about a litigation over a shipwreck. Finally, RS 17.132 should be men-
tioned, a letter containing the early proposal from Suppiluliuma I to
Ni qmaddu II for a military alliance which includes the legal stipu-
lations following the description of the contractual agreement.
2.5.2 Form
I n spite of these concurrent problems of definition, a Hittite tablet
of legal content is in principle not very difficult to identify at first
sight. One can even speak of prototype if by this we understand the
more common appearance of documents. Thi s would be a relatively
large tablet (larger than the prototype of Ugarit: the thickness aver-
ages some 40 mm) and 'cushion'-shaped showing a highly raised sur-
face on the centre of the obverse where the deep impression of the
stamp seal (in our corpus especially the Tabarna seal) is to be found.
Other types are of course attested; the above menti oned verdict and
edict-letters, for example, bear the seal impression on a sort of appen-
dix protrudi ng from the left upper edge (or 'shoulder', as Nougayrol
would put it) of the tablet. The exception to this kind of tablets are
the duplicates of the treaty between Muri1i II and Ni qmepa' (RS
17.79+ and dupl.), which possibly represent copies of an original
metal tablet kept at Hattua (in fact, some of the duplicates could
have been made at Ugarit). Thei r shape is already unusual: they are
extraordinarily large and flat on both sides; also exceptional is their
fine script as well as the absence of any seal impression.
As for the text, apart from the already menti oned common open-
ing letter-formula (in documents issued by the Great Ki ng we nor-
mally find umma Sami RN 'thus [says] "the Sun" RN' followed by
his titles and filiation), one should menti on the usual recourse to
divine action to secure and guarantee the undertaken agreements.
2.5.3 Content
Of course the basic 'binding' text (Akk. tuppu a nksi/kilti) for the
above-menti oned international state of affairs is the vassal treaty.
Two such texts have been found at Ugarit. One is the treaty between
uppiluliuma I and Ni qmaddu II (RS 17.340, RS 17.369), and the
other is the one already mentioned between Muri1i II and Ni qmepa'.
Like other Hittite vassal treaties, the stipulations contained in these
texts concern the extradition of fugitives, the frontiers of the king-
dom of Ugarit, military assistance and the vassal's loyalty. Other
documents complete this mai n agreement, for exampl e the edict
establishing the detailed inventory of the tribute due to the Hittite
overlord (RS 17.227 and dupl., cf. also RS 17.380+) or the decree
regardi ng extradition of fugitives concl uded by Hattusili I I I (RS
17.238). Compl ai nts of, or disputes between vassal states concerning
one of these basic stipulations were arbitrated by the Hittite Great
Ki ng himself; so the decision given by Muri1i II on the dispute of
border territory between Ugarit and Muki (RS 17.62+ and par.)
and between Ugarit and Siyannu (RS 17.235+ and par.), or also
the above mentioned verdict promul gated by Hattusili III regulating
the business activities of the merchants of Ura in Ugaritian territory.
Problems concerning the dynastic succession of the kings of Ugarit
also belonged to the jurisdiction of the Hittite overlord; so, for exam-
ple, the case of divorce of 'Ammi ttamru II and the daughter of the
king of Amurru, who was also niece of the Hittite king (RS 17.159,
RS 17.365+), or the case of conspiracy against this same king appar-
ently plotted by the sons of the queen of Ugarit (RS 17.35+-), both
adjudicated by Tudhal i ya I V.
2.6 The texts from Carchemish
2.6.1 Definition and scope
No doubt, the role of the king of Carchemi sh as viceroy of the
Hittite Great Ki ngand thus overlordof the Syrian vassal states
accounts not only for the considerable number of documents issued
from this court and found at Ugarit, namely about thirty texts and
fragments, but also their significant nature: most deal with inter-state
arbitrations. Although a few are dated to Ta1mi-Teub most of the
material belongs to the reign of his father I ni-Teub.
Here also special reference should be made to one text that may
defy classification. Like RS 17.132, RS 17.334 opens with the expres-
sion umma arrima 'thus [says] the king' and contains the proposal
from arru-kuuh to Ni qmaddu II for a military alliance against the
king of Nuhai and includes the resulting stipulations of the agree-
ment. Of particular interest is the fact that this text is preserved in
a copy sealed by I ni-Teub of the original, broken document.
2.6.2 Form
Characteristic of the legal texts from Carchemi sh is their physical
appearance. All arbitrations and most other deeds are written on
oblong formatted tablets and the cylinder-seal is rolled in the mid-
dle of the reverse. On the other hand, the text of verdicts begins
invariably with the formul a 'before PN' or more often 'before RN'
(ana pni RN). Onl y three records (RS 17.146, RS 17.230, RS 18.19)
differ from this pattern and the three are shaped after the Hittite
prototype (note that they are all deeds of agreement). The difference,
however, is that the name and titles of the king of Carchemi sh are
not introduced by umma.
Arbitrations of lawsuits are phrased after a clear standard pattern.
After the openi ng formul a 'before RN/PN', the two litigant parties
coming to court are named and the statement of one or both of
them is presented, usually in subjective style. Next the verdict of the
king is menti oned also in subjective style, followed by the result or
execution of the royal decision phrased this time in objective style
and in the past. The text ends with the clauses that forbid any future
claims comi ng from either of the two parties and the final clause
that states the irrevocable character of the document. Deities are
invoked in only one of the deeds of agreement as guarantors of the
transaction.
2.6.3 Content
By far the largest group of documents from Carchemi sh concern
international arbitrations. Almost all these transactions are presided
by king I ni-Teub. Among the parties involved one should mention
the king of Ugarit and his skinu as well as the whole communi ty
of Ugaritian citizens. These verdicts concern different matters such
as, for example, an action for a debt (e.g. RS 17.314, RS 17.346)
or a complaint about the death of a prisoner (RS 19.63); but the
most frequendy attested are cases of assault, theft and especially the
murder of merchants in Ugaritic territory (e.g. RS 17.128, RS 17.145,
RS 17.158, RS 17.234). Thi s maj or problem is precisely the subject
of the four preserved deeds of agreement between the states of Car-
chemish and Ugarit (RS 17.146, RS 17.230, RS 18.19, RS 18.115).
On the other hand, the role of the king of Carchemi sh as viceroy
of the Hittite Great Ki ng over Ugarit is reflected in other inter-state
arbitrations such as RS 17.59, in which I ni-Teub presides and
enacts Tudhal i ya I V's exemption of 'Ammi ttamru II from his mili-
tary obligations in the war against Assyria, or the same cases that
were presided by the Hittite suzerain himself, such as the divorce
between 'Ammi ttamru II and the daughter of the king of Amurru
(RS 17.396, RS <20.>1957.1) or the family conspiracy against the
same king of Ugarit (RS 17.352).
2.7 The texts from Ugarit
2.7.1 Definition and scope
Scribes at Ugarit also drew up transactions undertaken by parties
from different states and some of these documents (around ten) have
been found at Ugarit. The problem, however, is again one of definidon,
for a few of them are said to have been presided over by foreign
officials. The fragmentary verdict RS 17.371+, for example, which
is written by Nu'me-Rasap, the well-known scribe of domestic legal
texts of Ugarit, is arbitrated by the kartappu of Carchemi sh. How,
then, are we to classify these records? Admittedly these cases do not
agree with the criterion stated above, namely correspondence between
witnessing party and place of composition of the tablets. There seems
to be little doubt that in these arbitrations the court of the overlord
(Hatti or Carchemish) was transferred for some reason to the seat
of the vassal (note e.g. that in RS 17.371+ one of the parties is the
king of Ugarit); in such cases the overlord himself would then appoint
at least one of his officials as authorized arbitrator. Following in a
strict sense the tide of this chapter we have resolved to include these
documents here.
2.7.2 Form
The mai n physical characteristics of documents composed at Ugarit
have already been described above. It is interesting to observe that
RS 16.170 in which the king of Ugarit acts as overlord is shaped
and styled in exactly the same way as any other royal legal docu-
ment (one should further note that this document was found among
the royal documents in the palace central archive). By contrast, the
documents that describe acts presided over by a superior, foreign
authority at Ugarit significantly show a distinctly eclectic aspect. For
example, RS 18.02 in which the king of Ugarit redeems certain
people from the Hittite priest of I star of Zi nzaru, is shaped after the
Carchemi sh fashion (i.e. an oblong tablet) and sealed with the Hittite
stamp seal of the priest in the Hittite fashion (i.e. in the middle of
the obverse); nevertheless, since the scribe is Nu'me-Rasap the text
clearly follows the local form of Ugarit (as in, for example, the open-
ing phrase 'From to-day').
2.7.3 Content
I n spite of its fragmentary state, RS 16.170 describes in all likeli-
hood a verdict of king Ni qmepa' concerning the long-standing conflict
of border territory between the kingdom of Ugarit and Siyannu, then
its vassal state, thus previous to its defecdon to the king of Carchemish.
One tablet that belongs to the large dossier of the divorce of king
'Ammi ttamru II and the daughter of the king of Amurru (RS 16.270)
bears the impression of two seals of 'Ammi ttamru, the dynastic seal
and his personal one, and seems to have been written by a scribe
of Ugarit.
As for the arbitrations of foreign commissioners at Ugarit, RS
17.371+, which is somewhat damaged, probabl y refers to a litiga-
tion involving the merchants of Ura, and RS 18.02, as already stated,
is a deed of redemption. Other deeds written at Ugarit record pri-
vate international transactions. For exampl e, RS 16.180 and RS
17.251 are deeds of sale; the former records the sale of a horse from
the huburtanru of the king of Carchemi sh to the king of Ugarit (note
the possible badly preserved Ugaritic summary at the end of the
text),
14
and the latter, written by Burqnu, describes the sale of an
individual by two Hittite brothers to the skinu of Ugarit.
14
See MA RQUEZ ROWE 1996a, 457f.
2.8 The texts from Amurru
2.8.1 Definition and scope
A few legal texts written by scribes from the chancellery of Amurru
have been found at Ugarit. The two matters that are recorded reflect
on the one hand the nei ghbouri ng situation of both kingdoms and,
on the other, the i ntermarri age that was relatively frequently prac-
tised between both dynasties. The former is represented by one text,
RS 19.68, a treaty between Ni qmaddu II and Aziru, which is possi-
bly one of the oldest agreementsi f not the oldestrecovered from
the royal palace archives. The latter is constituted by four docu-
ments that bel ong to the large dossier concerni ng the divorce ease
between 'Ammi ttamru II and the daughter of Benteina and sister
of augamuwa.
2.8.2 Form
Some formal features of the treaty RS 19.68 have led to the origin
of the tablet being called into question. I ndeed, the menti on through-
out this parity agreement of the royal name Ni qmaddu in first posi-
tion as well as the interference of subjective style within the text
phrased from the viewpoint of the Ugaritic king could suggest that
the text was composed by a scribc of the royal court of Ugarit. On
linguistic and epigraphic grounds, however, it seems more likely that
Amurru was the original provenance of the scribe;
15
on the other
hand, the seal impression at the head of the text corresponds to the
cylinder seal of Aziru. The later documents of his descendant auga-
muwa show the strong Hittite influence that developed through the
years. I ndeed, not only are the tablets in the 'cushi on' shape but,
more significandy, the cylinder seal of Aziru gives way to Sausgamuwa's
stamp seals inscribed with Hittite hieroglyphs, of which the impres-
sion can be found in the middle of the raised surface of the obverse
of the tablets (so in 'tablette G. Badr','
6
RS 17.228, RS 17.318+,
and RS 17.360a+, which also bears the cylinder seal impression of
Aziru on top of the obverse).
As for the text, the scribes of the chancellery of Amurru, like the
ones of Ugarit, used the formul a 'from to-day' to open the document
15
See NOUGAY ROL 1956, 281, and I ZRE'EL 1991, 21.
16
Edited by ARNAUD - SALVI NI 1991-2.
(RS 17.228, RS 17.360A+, RS 19.68). Divine curses are attested
only in the treaty RS 19.68.
2.8.3 Content
The treaty between Ni qmaddu I I and Aziru describes the latter's
renouncement of the former claims of Amurri te rulers to adj acent
Ugari ti an territory (including Siyannu); the text declares that Aziru
accordingly received satisfaction, namel y 5,000 shekels of silver. Fur-
thermore, military aid from the Amurri te king in case of an enemy
attack against his northern nei ghbour is stipulated.
The divorce between 'Ammi ttamru II and the daughter of Benteina
obviously provoked a serious i nternati onal di pl omati c conflict. Thi s,
as we have seen, is well reflected not only by the number of records
that were needed to regulate the affair but also by the authorities
who had to supervise it, such as the Hittite emperor (who was in
turn the divorcee's uncle) or his viceroy in Syria, the king of Carchem-
ish. The documents that were issued and sealed by the king of Amurru
and brother of the divorcee describe his obligations in the agree-
ment: 'tablette G. Badr' concerns her expulsion, and RS 17.228, RS
17.318+, and RS 17.360A+ concern her final extradi ti on (for exe-
cution) and resulting compensati on of 1,400 shekels of gold.
2.9 The texts from Siyannu
2.9.1 Definition and scope
Onl y two legal documents stemmi ng from the court of Si yannu have
been found at Ugari t. They are both related to the l ong-standi ng
disputes of border territory between both states (see above the ver-
dict of king Ni qmepa' or the final regul adons decreed by the emperor
Mursiii I I ). RS 18.01 was issued by king Padi ya and RS 17.123 by
king 'Abdi -Ni nurta.
2.9.2 Form
The physical appearance of both tablets is hardl y distinguishable
from the Ugari t prototype (possibly as a result of political influence).
The cylinder seal impressed by Padi ya at the head of the document
is that of his predecessor, Sassi (used thus as a 'dynastic seal');
c
Abdi-
Ni nurta, in turn, rolled another, anepi graphi c one. Also like the doc-
uments composed at Ugari t, they are i ntroduced by the openi ng
phrase 'from to-day' and they are couched in objective style.
2.9.3 Content
Both deeds concern real estate property. More precisely, they describe
the final result and state of affairs after litigation concerni ng the own-
ership or jurisdiction of land that belonged to frontier districts between
Ugari t and Siyannu. Thi s is explicitly menti oned in RS 17.123 in
which the arbi trator was the Hittite overlord. The districts involved
in this case are uki and Harmana. Vi neyards of the former fron-
tier district are also the object of partition in RS 18.02, this time
between the religious associations (marzihu) of Ugarit and Si yannu.
2.9.4 Publication and studies
The bibliographical picture is almost the same as we have seen for
the domestic texts. The great maj ori ty of the international material
was magisterially publ i shed by Nougayrol in two vol umes of the
French Mission de Ras Shamra: N o u g a y r o l 1956 and 1970. The
former contains most of the documents as well as an excellent study
of them. Other scattered texts have been published by F i s her (1971),
M a l b r a n - L a b a t ( B o r d r eu i l et al. 1991, no. 1) and A r n a u d - S al v i ni
(1991-2), and a few still remai n unpubl i shed.
The treaty between Muri1i I I and Ni qmepa' was thoroughl y
analysed by d e l M o n t e (1986), and B ec k man (1996c) has recently
provi ded us with a handbook of Hittite i nternati onal documents.
Menti on must also be made of two other monographs that offer a
comprehensi ve pi cture of the i nternati onal relations as descri bed
among others by the documents of Ugarit: K es t emo n t 1974a (more
restricted to the juridical aspects) and L i v er ani 1990.
3 T h e U g a r i t i c L e g a l T e x t s
Since Akkadian was the l anguage par excellence of legal documents it
is hardl y surprising that this genre is far less represented in the
Ugaritic corpus. Thi s is illustrated, for exampl e, by the fact that the
chapter of legal texts in the standard edition of this corpus (indexed
with the digit 'K TU 3.') runs to barely six pages.
1
' I ndeed, we should
regard these few legal documents written in alphabetic cuneiform as
exceptions. Probably on this account and also because the phrase-
ology of some of the documents was obviously inspired by the
Akkadian pattern, it has been suggested that these texts could be
translations of Akkadian originals.
18
Thi s seems to be true of the one
international document, namely the edict that establishes the inven-
tory of the tribute due to the Hittite overlord. However, this is not
so obvious for the rest of the material, not even for royal documents
that clearly show a parallel phraseology.
19
I ndeed, concerning the
latter, how could one explain that the so-called 'translated copies'
were found among other original Akkadian documents in the palace
central archive? And where, then, were the Akkadi an 'originals'
accordingly kept which, on the other hand, have so far not been
found? I n fact, it seems reasonable to ask why scribes who were
admittedly biscriptal would not have written, if only exceptionally,
legal texts in Ugaritic (note that Burqnu, for example, drew up at
least three documents in Akkadian [RS 8.145, RS 25.137 and RS
17.251] and one in his own tongue [K TU 3.8 = RS 19.066]).
20
The fact that these texts are written in Ugaritic implies that they
were most likely drawn up at Ugarit. In this chapter we shall fol-
low the plan proposed for the Akkadian corpus. Accordingly we shall
divide Ugaritic legal documents into two sub-genres: on the one
hand, the domestic texts and, on the other, the one international
document.
3.1 The domestic legal texts
All Ugaritic legal texts but one deal with domestic transactions.
According to the nature of the witnessing party these documents can
be classified into two categories, the same ones by which we classified
the Akkadian domestic texts, namely the royal and the non-royal
documents.
17
One should note that in spite of the corrections and additions to this edition
(DI ETRI CH L ORETZ SANMART N 1995) that will be pointed out throughout this
paper this preliminary appreciation is not significantly changed.
1R
See KI ENAST 1979, 433, 444, or L I BOL T 1985, 359.
19
For the parallel phraseology see e.g. NOUGAY ROI . 1962, 29, RAI NEY 1969, 132ff.,
KI ENAST 1979, MI L ANO 1980, 182ff.
20
Of course one may still question with VAN SOI .DT (1991a, 27 n. 213) whether
this text is not a Ugaritic copy of an Akkadian original.
3.2 The royal legal texts
3.2.1 Definition and scope
As defined above, this group consists of those legal texts in which
the king of Ugarit presides, explicitly or not, over the transactions
involved. These royal documents (in Ugaritic: spr mlk as attested in
K TU 2.19:13
21
include four published examples (K TU 2.19 = RS
15.125,
22
K TU 3.2 = RS 15.111, K TU 3.4 = RS 16.191+ and
K TU 3.5 = RS 16.382) and one unpublished text (RS 94.2168)
found in the recently excavated archive of Urtenu. From this same
archive came another unpubl i shed record (RS 94.2965) arranged
similarly, and containing clauses typical of royal legal documents;
although no reference of the witnessing party is made and no royal
seal is impressed (nor is there a space left free on the tablet for seal-
ing) it is possible to understand implicitly that the king presided over
this transaction. (One should note that RS 94.2168 also does not
bear the royal seal impression: were these two documents actually
private 'copies'?) Furthermore, an unclassified fragment (K TU 7.63
= RS 15.117) that has often been taken to list the royal tides of
Ni qmepa' could also belong under this category.
23
3.2.2 Find-spot
As already menti oned, one or two royal documents have been found
outside the royal palace, namely in Urtenu's house. The other four
deeds (as well as the fragment K TU 7.63 = RS 15.117) come from
the palace archives. Of interest is the fact that these four tablets
come entirely from the same concentration, the so-called palace cen-
tral archive where, as we have seen, most Akkadian royal domestic
legal documents were kept (K TU 7.63 was discovered in the palace
eastern archive).
21
VI ROL L EAUD ( 1957, 15FF.) used the designation 'actes royaux' differently, for he
also included royal letters.
22
Although still included under the epistolary category with the resulting digit
in DI ETRI CH L ORETZ SANMARTI N 1995, 168, it is now generally agreed that this
fragment is of legal content (see already KI ENAST 1979, 433, 444ff).
23
Note that VAN SOL DT (1991a, 564) suggests cataloguing the text as epistolary
or legal.
3.2.3 Form
We have referred to the fact that royal legal texts drawn up in Uga-
ritic reflect, and presumably imitated the Akkadian pattern. Actually
it is reasonable to assume that the same scribes shaped and wrote
both the Akkadian and Ugaritic tablets. For example, as regards the
shape of tablets, it is interesting to observe that although written in
the shorter alphabetic script Ugaritic royal documents have the same
average measurements attested for their Akkadian counterparts (e.g.
K TU 3.5 = RS 16.382 measures 90 x 70 x 35 mm). The sealing
practice is also identical: the royal seal impression is placed on top
of the obverse and could be divided from the text by a ruling. Note
that the dynastic seal of the kings of Ugarit was rolled on K TU 3.2
and K T U 3.5, whereas the ring-seal of Ni qmaddu (presumabl y
Ni qmaddu II) was stamped twice in order to fill the sealing space
in K TU 3.4 (although not preserved, K TU 2.19 was certainly sealed
by the king as stated in 11. 6ff.).
24
As for the text, the phraseology clearly reproduces the Akkadian
formulae. Thus, the text begins with the temporal expression 'From
to-day' (I ym hnd), which could also be combi ned with the closing
expression '(and) for ever' ('d 'Irri). The first section of the text describes
the completed part of the transaction, obviously phrased in the past
(perfective) and in objective style. The king appears in first position
either as active party (so in K TU 3.2 and K TU 3.5) or as having
presided over the transaction (so in RS 94.2168, omitted in K TU
3.4), i ntroduced by the preposition 'before' (/ pnperhaps to be
restored before the royal name in K TU 7.63:1). Next follow the final
clauses that deal with the obligations of the transaction, phrased this
time in the future (imperfective) and also in objective style.
Although the seal identification clause is only preserved in K TU 2.19,
its restoration at the end of texts K TU 3.2 and K TU 3.5 seems very
plausible. Perhaps the same holds true for the name of the scribe
which is not attested in these texts. The scheme of the Ugaritic royal
documents is thus not very different from their Akkadian counterparts.
3.2.4 Content
The contents of these texts is as follows: K TU 3.2 = RS 15.111 and
K TU 3.5 = RS 16.382 are both deeds of royal gift; RS 94.2168
24
As shown after collation, the upper part of the fragment K TU 7.63 is lost.
concerns the rights of succession of
c
Abdi-milku's children and in
particular the inheritance of the property he received from the king;
and RS 94.2965 lists estate property acquired by a Y abninu together
with the rights and obligations bound to it.
K TU 2.19 = RS 15.125 is a deed of franchise (note the Ugaritic
designation spr d tbrrt in lines 9-10), namely from the ?7/t-service
(called in Ugaritic unt). The final document, K TU 3.4 = RS 16.191+,
concerns the redemption of seven persons from the Berutians by one
Iwrikili for 100 shekels of silver and the resulting obligations imposed
on them.
As for the parties involved, 'Ammi ttamru II is the donor king of
K TU 3.2 and K TU 3.5 as well as the donor and guarantor of the
rights of succession in RS 94.2168, and Ni mqaddu (I I /I I I ) is the
grantor of privileges in K TU 2.19. Unfortunatel y it is difficult to
idendfy the other contracting parties due to the want of more solid
prosopographical evidence. Still, it is possible to relate some of the
Ugaritic documents to the Akkadian 'dossiers'. For example, amtm,
the donee's father in K TU 3.2, could be identified with the well-
attested Amutarunu. And the
c
Abdi-milku whose inheritance is the
topic of RS 94.2168 is very likely the homonymous main party of
one of the largest dossiers identified by Nougayrol; moreover, we
learn from this Ugaritic text that he was married to the king's daugh-
ter. Thi s explicit information supports the assumption that many of
the beneficiaries of these dossiers were members of the royal family
as well as court officials (with this regard, one should note that the
protagonist of the fragment K TU 7.63 = RS 15.117 is the skinu of
the palace and door-keeper of the king).
3.2.5 An example
I n order to illustrate the similarities in the scheme and form between
these Ugaritic documents and their Akkadian counterparts, we pres-
ent here in transliteration and translation the royal document K TU
3.5 = RS 16.382:
Impr essi on of dynast i c seal
I ym . hnd
'mttmr . bn
nqmp
c
. mlk
ugrt . ytn
Fr om t oday
' Ammi t t amr u, son of
Ni qmepa' , ki ng of
Ugar i t , has gi ven
5 d . kdgdl t he field of PN
h
uskny . d . b d[y] from TN , (which is located)
in the territory of
Lo.E.
x m . [y\d gth TN
2
, together with its factory,
Lo.E.
yd . zth . yd . and its olive grove, and
[A] rmh . yd its vineyard, and
10 [k]lklh whatever belongs to it,
Rev.
w ytn.nn and he has given it
I . b'ln . bn to PN
2
, son of
kltn . w . 1 PN
:)
, and to
bnh . 'd [.] 7m his sons for ever.
15 Ihr .
e
lmt In the future
bn bnm no one
I . yqhnn . bd will take it from the hands
b
c
ln . bn . kltn of PN
2
, son of PN
3
,
w . bd . bnh .
e
d and from the hands of his
20 'lm . w . unt sons ever. And there is no
in . bh service on it.
(end broken off)
3.3 The non-royal legal texts
3.3.1 Definition and scope
We include under this second group of domestic legal texts those
records which describe transactions performed before witnesses (Ugaritic
yph) and that were not presided by the king. Such definition imme-
diately excludes from our corpus texts like K TU 3.3 = RS 15.128,
a bill concerni ng personal security, K TU 3.7 = RS 18.118, a list of
Egyptian persons entering the ilku (Ugaritic n/)-service,
25
and K TU
3.10 = RI H 84/33, a list of debtors,
26
in which no menti on of a
body of witnesses is made. On the other hand, K TU 3.6 = RS
17.[468] is too fragmentary for classification.
27
As a result, only two
other K TU 3. series texts can be included under this category, namely
K TU 3.8 = RS 19.066 and K TU 3.9 = RS [Varia 14] = RS
1957.702, which do list the witnesses of the transaction. In addition,
25
See more recently MA RQUEZ ROWE 1993b.
26
Note that it partially duplicates K T U 4.791 (see BORDREUI L 1995a, 4-5) listed
thus within the administrative records; other debts lists are e.g. KTU 4.123 = RI H
84/04 obv., KTU 4.283 or KTU 4.310.
27
Note that even DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ - SANMARTI N ( 1995, 202) admit that its
content is 'uncertain'; the presence of the sequence <y h> (>yph [?]) at the end
of 1. 2 is in a completely fragmentary and obscure context.
reference should be made to other texts that have been classified as
administrative and could in fact lie on the borderline of the legal
domai n. Like the above menti oned Akkadian text RS 16.354, K T U
4.386 = RS 18.111 (restoring [y]ph at the beginning of 1. 3 and also
possibly [yp]h at the beginning of 11. 7 and 9), K TU 4.632 = RS
19.073, K TU 4.778 = RI H 83/12 with its duplicate K TU 4.782 =
RI H 84/08,
28
K TU 9.477 = RI H 83/39+
29
and perhaps also K TU
4.258 = RS 17.007+ (sec 1. 5) record a series of debt-notes together
with the witnesses involved. As a matter of fact, the explicit men-
tion of witnesses is what distinguishes these texts from other debt-
notes tablets like K TU 3.10. Significantly, the same holds true for
K TU 3.8 vis--vis K TU 3.3. Both are bills of personal security and
use a similar phraseology (also parallel to the Akkadian counterparts
RS 15.81 or RS 16.287 referred to above).
30
However, as already
stated, neither the latter nor the Akkadian texts mentions any wit-
nesses.
31
Stronger doubts about the legal nature of K TU 3.8 and
also K TU 3.9 have been expressed basically because both lack seal
impressions and do not use phrases typical of legal texts (like the
introductory formulae 'from to-day' or 'before witnesses'). As a result,
it has been suggested that these texts should rather be identified as
'memoranda'.
32
Despite the doubts of classification, which may indeed question
once more the accuracy of our definitions, both documents will be
included under this category following thus our basic premise, viz.
the more or less explicit mention of witnesses in the texts.
3.3.2 Find-spot
Very little can be said about the find-spots of K TU 3.8 and K TU
3.9. The former was found in the open space between the royal
palace and the so-called 'southern palace'. As recently pointed out,
28
See BORDREUI I , 1987, 29 . Note that some of the debt-notes in this text do
not mention the witness.
29
See BORDREUI L et at. 1984, 430.
30
See MI L ANO 1980, 186ff. and HOFTI J ZER - VAN SOL DT 1991a, 189ff.
31
The list of persons on the reverse (11. 10ff.) correspond to the sureties (cf. 1. 1 :
spr. 'rbnm, see most recently HOFTI J ZER VAN SOL DT 1991, 189) and not to the
body of witnesses (as stated by MI L ANO [ 1980, 188]).
32
So KI ENAST 1979, 432f, with critical comments upon the former inclusion of
this and other K T U 3. series texts within the category of 'Vertrge' in DI ETRI CH
L ORETZ SANMARTI N 1976a (see also SZNY CER 1979, 1418).
tablets unearthed in this area 'could have come from different parts
of the surroundi ng buildings',
33
which means either from the palace
or from a private house. As for the latter, it is almost certainly from
illegal excavation at Ras Shamra.
34
It is not without interest that all witnessed debt-notes come from
the palace archives and that two of them (the two duplicates) were
found in the palace at Ras I bn Hani .
3.3.3 Form
We have already menti oned that K TU 3.8 and K TU 3.9 lack some
of the characteristic features of legal documents. To begin with, nei-
ther of them bears a seal impression. On the other hand, the for-
mulas that usually introduce a legal text, like 'from today' or the
one attested in the Akkadian counterparts 'before witnesses', are
absent. Nevertheless, examples with these same atypical features can
be found within the Akkadian corpus (compare also the Ugaritic
royal document RS 94.2965). RS 11.856, for instance, describes the
transaction without any such introductory formulas, lists the witnesses
at the end of the text after a ruling and bears no seal impression.
These are exactly the same characteristics and scheme as in K TU
3.8 (significantly, the unusual shape of both tablets is similar).
35
As
for the text itself, K TU 3.8 follows the general pattern of legal doc-
uments. It is phrased in objective style, the completed part of the
transaction is in the past (perfective) and the final clauses in the
future (imperfective). After listing the three witnesses, the name of
the scribe is menti oned at the very end of the document.
The text of K TU 3.9, on the other hand, is exceptional in that
it combines both objective and subjective style, an unusual feature
in domestic contracts. The names of two witnesses close the document.
3.3.4 Content
K TU 3.8 is a deed of security: five persons assume surety for two
debtors. K TU 3.9 concerns the inauguration of a religious associa-
33
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 146.
34
Note that it has recently been possible to trace back the find-spot of another
Claremont Ras Shamra tablet, namely from the palace archives (ARNAUD - SALVI NI
1991-2, 8 . 5).
35
Viz. they are small and nearly square: KTU 3.8 measures 48 X 42 X 28 and
RS 11.856, 40 40 22 mm.
tion (mrzh) by a amumanu and stipulates the binding obligations
for both its founder and leader and the rest of its members.
3.4 The international legal text
3.4.1 Definition and scope
It is hardly surprising to find only one Ugaritic text, K TU 3.1 =
RS 1 1.772+, under this category since Akkadian was not only the
legal but also the diplomatic language par excellence at that time in
the Near East. As a matter of fact, what is truly surprising is pre-
cisely the very existence of one document written in al phabeti c
cuneiform that describes a transaction between two states, namely
Hatti and Ugarit. The discovery in the palace southern archive of
the Akkadian parallel text, namely the edict that establishes the inven-
tory of the tribute of Ni qmaddu II owed to his overlord Suppiluli-
uma I (RS 17.227 and dupl., see above 9.2.5.3), clearly showed
that we are dealing here with an Ugaritic version.
36
Thi s interpre-
tation, however, has been recently challenged arguing that the lan-
guage and formul ae of K TU 3.1 do not correspond to a legal
document but, rather, that they reveal the epistolary nature of the
text.
37
Thi s opinion, however, takes into consideration neither the
ambiguous language used by Hittite scribes (as discussed above under
9.2.5.1), also present in the Akkadian original edict, nor proper
Ugaritic epistolary structure.
38
3.4.2 Find-spot
The different fragments of this tablet were found scattered within
and around the palace western archive. Of interest is the fact that
the Akkadian tribute list RS 11.732[] was discovered at this same
archive and that the content thereof is predomi nantl y administrative.
On this account, it has been reasonably suggested that the Ugaritic
version of the edict was kept there for administrative purposes.
39
36
See e.g. NOUGAY ROL 1956, 37ff., DI ETRI CH L ORETZ 1966a, or VAN SOL DT
1990a, 354ff.
37
K NOPPERS 1993, followed by TROPPER 1995b, 235.
38
See also the remarks of PARDEE ( 1998) .
39
See VAN SOL DT 1991a, 57-8.
3.4.3 Form
As already mendoned, the text is preserved from several fragments
(RS 11.772+11.780+11.782+11.802). The original tablet must have
been relatively large. Unlike the Akkadian duplicates, however, K TU
3.1 is not 'cushion'-shaped and its width, namely 30 mm, and rather
flat surface seems to rule out a prion the original presence of the
Hittite seal impression in the lost middle part of the obverse.
The scheme of the text corresponds to the Akkadian original, the
first preserved paragraphs to the historical introduction, and the fol-
lowing to the detailed definition of the tribute. Although not pre-
served, the end of the text may have contained the invocation to
the gods as witnesses and guarantors of the agreement, as in the
Akkadian text.
Finally, it has been pointed out that the order of some of the
tribute items as well as that of the Hittite officials follows the text
of the treaty of Muri1i II (RS 17.380+) rather than the edict of
Suppiluliuma I.
40
3.4.4 Content
The historical introduction so typical of Hittite edicts and agree-
ments relates how Ni qmaddu II refused to take part in the anti-
Hittite coalition and thus stresses his loyalty towards his overlord
Suppiluliuma I. The text then describes in detail the inventory of
the tribute that as a result the king of Ugarit owed to the Great
King, the queen his wife, as well as his high officials.
4 T h e H i t t i t e L e g a l T e x t
The excavations at Ras Shamra have so far yielded only two cuneiform
texts written in the Hittite language. One is part of a trilingual lit-
erary composition (RS 25.421+) and the other is a complete legal
document (RS 17.109). The latter, with which we are here con-
cerned, is thus uni que in that it is the only Hittite original document
found at Ugarit. Shortly after its discovery, Hittitologists, too, agreed
with the uniqueness of RS 17.109 for not only was this tablet the
first Hittite legal document discovered outside the Anatolian core of
40
See VAN SOL DT 1990a, 341.
the Hittite empire but also the only source which could shed light
on the form of Hittite private legal practice.
4.1 Definition
RS 17.109 was catalogued by E. Laroche with the number CTH
296 as one of the Hittite 'procs' within the brief chapter of law.
He titled it 'tmoignage crit de Pallariya'. I ndeed, the text describes
the tesdmony of a witness of an inter-state transacdon, namely between
Hatti and Ugarit; the deposition is made before two witnesses and
properly authenticated by means of a seal impression. On epigraphic,
linguistic and also prosopographi c grounds, the tablet can be safely
dated to the second half of the 13th century bce, and thus it fits
into the general chronology of the Ugarit archives. On the other
hand, the fact that the text is written in the classical script of Bogazky
does not necessarily mean that the tablet was drawn up at the Hittite
capital. As we have already seen, it is possible, and in this case even
probable, that Hittite officials would arbitrate international affairs in
foreign states or courts like Ugarit.
4.2 Find-spot
The tablet was found in the palace southern archive. Thi s find-spot
agrees well with the nature of RS 17.109 since, as we have men-
tioned in several occasions, this royal archive was meant to keep the
legal documents concerned with foreign affairs.
4.3 Form
The shape of RS 17.109 is rather peculiar. I n fact, it belongs to a
category of Hittite tablets we have already seen above ( 9.2.5.2).
The tablet bears a kind of appendi x that protrudes from the mid-
dle of its upper part, on top of which the stamp-seal impression is
to be found.
Also typical of Hittite scribal practice (and of deposition docu-
ments), the text opens with the word umma (here as an Akkadogram).
I n this case it introduces the statement of one of the parties involved.
Then his witness declares, also phrased in subjective style and in the
past. Next follow the clauses that settle the affair and validate the
written document, mainly provided for the other, absent party.
After a ruling, the menti on of the two witnesses (of whom one
probably acted as judicial officer) close the text.
4.4 Content
As catalogued by Laroche, RS 17.109 is a deed of deposition. It
contains the declaration of Pallariya, the witness of a transaction,
namely the receipt of a large amount of silver by the Hittite tax col-
lector from the skinu of Ugarit. The same state officials, especially
the latter, are often protagonists in other international legal cases
that were most often arbitrated, as we have seen above ( 9.2.6), by
the king of Carchemi sh.
4.5 Publication and studies
The tablet was published in transliteration and translation by L a r o c h e
(1968b no. 1); recently, S al v i ni (1995a) has provided us with the
copy and photos, and also a few readi ng improvements. Apart from
Laroche's first interpretation, one should also menti on the contribu-
tions by H a a s e (1971), v o n S c h l e r (1971) and M a r q u e z R o w e
(1999).
T H E E C O N O M Y O F U G A R I T
M i c h a e l H e l t z e r
The economy of the kingdom of Ugarit is considered here under
three headings: the administrative texts, commerce and crafts and
industries.
1 T h e A d mi n i s t r at i v e T e x t s
1.1 General
The administrative texts written in both Ugaritic and Akkadian be-
long to the time span from the middle of the 13th century bce to
the destruction of the kingdom in about 1180 bce or a few years
later. It is impossible to separate the Ugaritic and Akkadian texts,
for they deal with the same issues, and often the same persons are
menti oned in the texts in both languages. It is also impossible to
determi ne the exact number of the texts, for (a) there are hundreds
of tablet-fragments, which rarely can be used to explain anything;
(b) many texts and text fragments in the administrative economic
field are still unpublished.
1
There is also the probl em of dividing the texts according to con-
tent. Some of the administrative texts are economic, others are agrar-
ian, etc. I n all, we possess approximately 550 clearly and fairly legible
texts of this kind in Ugaritic and 160 in Akkadian, a ratio of 7:2.
We can divide these texts, albeit not absolutely, into pri mary tablets
made on the spot or at the time of the administrative (economic or
fiscal) act, and tablets which are monthly or even annual summaries.
' For the overall number of the texts and their editions, cf. TEO. The Akkadian
texts are generally cited according to their publication in PRU 3, 4, 6 and Ug 5.
Other occasional publications are quoted separately. On unpublished texts cf.
KTU
2
, 9.
I n some instances it is also difficult to draw a dividing line between
administrative and commercial texts (in cases when the prices of the
goods are not given). We also include here the texts excavated in
the territory of the kingdom of Ugarit (Ras-ibn Hani (RI H)).
I n general, all these texts reflect the structure of Ugaritic society,
which was divided into two sets. One comprised the 'sons of Ugarit'
(Akk. mr
M
Ugart), i.e. the villagers, who had a certain commu-
nal organization ( H el t z er 1976). The other comprised the 'servants
of the king' (Ug. bn mlk, Ugaritic Akk. bunusu milki, Akk. ard
U
arri) or royal servicemen, who received various deliveries for their
service from royal stores and also, for performi ng their duties, land
al l otments on condi ti onal hol di ng ( H e l t z e r 1982). Thi s social
stratification is known from the text PRU 4, 107 = RS 17.238, which
also mentions the 'servants of the servants of the king' (Akk. arde
U&
ard
m
'
&
arri). From this text, as well as from the administrative texts,
it is clear that some of the royal servicemen were in a position to
have underlings. The royal servicemen were organized into profes-
sional groups and at the head of every group stood a royal nomi-
nee-official or rb (lit. 'great', 'big'). They performed their duties (taxes,
conscription and corves).
2
The various professions of craftsmen, agri-
cultural workers, different military groups, priesdy professions, officials
and palace personnel were organized in groups sometimes of ten.
1.2 Classification of the administrative texts
There is some difficulty in classifying the administrative texts as they
are largely of mixed contents, but in general it is possible.
1.2.1 Lists of villages
We shall begin with the lists of villages (Ug. qrt, Akk. lu). Thi s cat-
egory contains the texts which merely provide the names of villages
(since the numbers which follow them are sometimes broken, as are
the first and last lines, where the purpose of a text was given).
3
They
can be further classified as:
2
Therefore it is impossible to define them as 'guilds', as this would presuppose
at least some degree of internal self-government which is not apparent in the bnl
mlk texts.
3
K TU 4.94 = RS 11.832; K TU 4.303 = RS 17.370[B]; K TU 4.365 = RS
18.073; K TU 4.414 = RS 18.251 [c]; K TU 4.621 = RS 19.048[A]; KTU 4.622 =
a) Lists of mobilization of villagers for military purposes (or some-
times for the corve); sometimes arms were delivered to them: 'bows'
(qstm), 'shields' (Akk. gabb
ME
), 'slings' (ql
c
m) and 'spears' (mrhm).
4
b) A list of payments of tribute in silver to the Hittite king (prof-
essional groups of bn mlk also appear in this text, K TU 4.610 =
RS 19.017).
c) Payments by the villagersnot individually but as a unitof
silver, wool, cereals, olive oil, wine and cattle to the royal treasury.
3
d) Tablets recording the distribution of 'food' (akl) or 'rations' (hpr)
to the villages in corpore at the time of performi ng their corve and
other texts where the villages are listed (K TU 4.41 = RS 8.280).
1.2.2 The gt
We learn from the administrative texts that there was a well devel-
oped royal economy in the kingdom ( H el t z er 1979a). It was divided
into units (Ug. gt, Akk. dimtuf which were dispersed over all the
kingdom.
7
Here too certain groups of texts shed light on the eco-
nomic activities on the gt's. Texts include:
19.048[B]; K TU 4.629 = RS 19.061; K TU 4.661 = RS 19.167A: K TU 4.676 =
RS 19.174i; K TU 4.684 = RS 19.257; K TU 4.685 = RS 19.258; K TU 4.686 =
RS 19.259; K TU 4.693 = RS 20.157; K TU 4.770 = RI H 77/27; PRU 6, 97 =
RS 19.118; PRU 6, 169 = RS 18.279; Ug 5, 102 = RS 20.207A; 103 = RS 20.143B;
104 = RS 20.144; etc.
4
K TU 4.68 = RS 11.716; PRU 3, = RS 11.841; PRU 6, 131 = RS 19.35A; cf.
also K TU 4.63 = RS 10.052 where mobilized people of various villages receive
their arms; PRU 6, 95 = RS 19.74; K TU 4.683 = RS 19.256; and Bordreuil 4 =
RS 34.131 etc.
5
K TU 4.73 = RS 11.724+; K TU 4.93 = RS 11.776 + 11.800; K TU 4.95 =
RS 11.836+; K TU 4.108 = RS 12.003+; K TU 4.113 = RS 12.018; KTU 4.232 =
RS 16.355; K TU 4.267 = RS 17.103; K TU 4.308 = RS 17.386; K TU 4.553 =
RS 18.[479]; K TU 4.609 = RS 19.016; K TU 4.611 = RS 19.018; PRU 3, 194 =
RS 11.830; PRU 3, 191 = RS 11.841 [a]; PRU 3, 191 = RS 15.020; PRU 3, 191 =
RS 15.179: PRU 3, 192 = RS 15.183; etc. PRU 6, 104 = RS 19.43; PRU 6, 105 =
RS 19.117; PRU 6, 106 = RS 19.119; Ug 5, = RS 19.80; Ug 5, 111 = RS 19.129;
Ug 5, 113 = RS 19.26; Ug 5, 187 = RS 19.27 (although it is not always certain
whether these are payments or deliveries).
6
The literal meaning of gt is 'oil or wine press' (HEL TZER 1979b).
7
The texts concerning the more than 70 royal gts are: K TU 4.89 = RS 11.796;
K TU 4.96 = RS 11.840; K TU 4.97 = RS 11.841; KTU 4.103 = RS 11.858:45;
K TU 4.110 = RS 12.006; K TU 4.122 = RS 13.012; K TU 4.125 = RS 14.001;
K TU 4.139 = RS 15.017; KTU 4.141 = 15.022+; RS 4.142 = RS 15.023; KTU
4.175 = RS 15.096; K TU 4.200 = RS 15.189; K TU 4.213 = RS 16.127; K TU
4.243 = RS 16.395; K TU 4.271 = RS 17.115; K TU 4.296 = RS 17.031; K TU
4.297 = RS 17.326; K TU 4.307 = RS 17.384; K TU 4.313 = RS 17.399; KTU
4.320 = RS 17.444: KTU 4.345 = RS 18.033; K TU 4.358 = RS 18.048; KTU
a) The tablets concerni ng villagers, villages and royal service peo-
ple whose service fields were in the area of a certain gt and con-
nected with it, who had to deliver their share of their own produce
to the gt,
a
where it was processed.
b) Texts concerni ng stocks of agricultural tools on various gts.
9
c) Lists of the state of cattle on the gts. These include beasts of
burden (oxen and donkeys), cattle for fattening (mr) and poultry,
10
listed together with the working teams.
d) Texts concerni ng agricultural products (cereals, wine, oil, etc.)
which are at the gt, including fodder and products delivered by the
villagers and (non-agricultural) craftsmen to the gt stores. Sometimes
the name of the month is given, in which case these are monthly
reports."
e) Tablets concerning 'royal servicemen' (bn mlk), who had agricultu-
ral professions: 'pl oughmen' (hrtm),
12
'vine dressers' (gpnym), '(sheep-)
shearers' [gzzm), 'shepherds' (nqdm and r'ym), and other personnel
who were partly referred to as 'man of the gf (bn gt) and 'belong-
ing to the gf (bdl gt).
n
4.365 = RS 18.073; K TU 4.380 = RS 18.099; K TU 4.382 = RS 18.106+; K TU
4.386 = RS 18.111; K TU 4.397 = RS 18.136; K TU 4.400 = RS 18.139; K TU
4.405 = RS 18.143[c]; K TU 4.409 = RS 18.146 bis; K TU 4.424 = RS 18.296;
K TU 4.618 = RS 19.045; K TU 4.625 = RS 19.052; K TU 4.636 = RS 19.097;
K TU 4.638 = RS 19.100B; K TU 4.750 = RS 29.094; PRU 6, 122 = RS 21.203;
Ug 5, 95 = RS 20.01; Ug 5, 96 = RS 20.12, etc.
8
K TU 4.110 = RS 12.006; K TU 4.244 = RS 16.396; K TU 4.643 = RS 19.105,
etc.; cf. also L I VERANI 1979c.
9
K TU 4.625 = RS 19.052; K TU 4.632 = RS 19.073, etc.; cf. also PRU 6,
141 = RS 19.112 (?).
10
K TU 4.89 = RS 11.796; K TU 4.128 = RS 14.176; K TU 4.175 = RS 15.096;
K TU 4.275 = RS 17.125; K TU 4.296 = RS 17.140; K TU 4.358 = RS 18.048;
K TU 4.367 = RS 18.076; K TU 4.618 = RS 19.045; K TU 4.636 = RS 19.097;
Ug 5, 95 = RS 20.01.
11
K TU 4.143 = RS 15.031; K TU 4.213 = RS 16.127; K TU 4.243 = RS 16.395;
K TU 4.269 = RS 17.106; K TU 4.271 = RS 17.115; K TU 4.345 = RS 18.033;
K TU 4.397 = RS 18.136; K TU 4.400 = RS 18.139; K TU 4.636 = RS 19.097.
12
K TU 4.65 = RS 11.602:1.
13
K TU 4.35 = RS 8.183+; K TU 4.65 = RS 11.602; K TU 4.71 = RS 11.721;
K TU 4.87 = RS 11.789; K TU 4.96 = RS 11.840; K TU 4.99 = RS 11.845; K TU
4.106 = RS 12.001; K TU 4.122 = RS 13.012; K TU 4.125 = RS 14.001; K TU
4.126 = RS 14.084; K TU 4.129 = RS 15.001; K TU 4.141 = RS 15.022+; K TU
4.153 = RS 15.046; K TU 4.175 = RS 15.096; K TU 4.183 = RS 15.116; K TU
4.213 = RS 16.127; K TU 4.243 = RS 16.395; K TU 4.269 = RS 17.106; K TU
4.296 = RS 17.031; K TU 4.307 = RS 17.384; K TU 4.320 = RS 17.444; K TU
4.332 = RS 18.010+; K TU 4.355 = RS 18.045; K TU 4.358 = RS 18.048; K TU
4.374 = RS 18.082; K TU 4.378 = RS 18.087; K TU 4.382 = RS 18.106+; K TU
4.440 = RS 18.[317]; K TU 4.491 = RS 18.[389]; K TU 4.493 = RS 18.[391];
f) Many texts also deal with the deliveries from the gts for cer-
tain persons. The goods are wheat, emmer, wine, oil, wood, cattle,
textiles, metal artifacts, etc.
14
At times it is difficult to differentiate
between storage stocks and deliveries.
It should be noted that these texts may overlap with commercial
ones and we cannot draw a clear dividing line. Furthermore, many
of the texts are of mixed content and it is sometimes impossible to
classify them precisely.
1.2.3 The royal servicemen
These are texts dealing with the 'royal servicemen' (Ug. bn mlh, Akk.
ard ani) according to their professional groups. Again the divisions
are not definitive.
a) Texts where the professional group is menti oned as a unit, the
personal names of its members not being given, and where the whole
group receives deliveries of some kind.
1
'
b) Lists of royal servicemen of different professions (hrs anyt, 'ship-
wrights', hrs bhtm 'house-builders', nskm '(metal) casters', etc.) where
each professional is listed and identified only by his name plus his
father's name, or by his father's name alone (bn X 'son of (PN) X').
Sometimes they also receive certain deliveries in silver, or in kind
and sometimes in these texts give a total of the amount of the deliv-
ery. These texts also tell us in which village of the kingdom of Ugarit
they resided.
16
K TU 4.608 = RS 19.014; K TU 4.609 = RS 19.016; K TU 4.618 = RS 19.045;
K TU 4.630 = RS 19.062; K TU 4.636 = RS 19.097; K TU 4.729 = RS 24.301;
K TU 4.740 = RS 24.660e; PRU 6, 118 = RS 18.116; Ug 5, 96 = RS 20.012.
14
K TU 4.36 = RS 8.208; K TU 4.38 = RS 8.272; K TU 4.128 = RS 14.176;
K TU 4.131 = RS 15.003; K TU 4.144 = RS 15.032; K TU 4.149 = RS 15.039;
K TU 4.153 = RS 15.046; K TU 4.175 = RS 15.096; K TU 4.213 = RS 16.127;
K TU 4.216 = RS 16.165; K TU 4.230 = RS 16.341; K TU 4.243 = RS 16.395;
KTU 4.263 = RS 17.049; K TU 4.269 = RS 17.106; K TU 4.352 = RS 18.042;
K TU 4.377 = RS 18.086; K TU 4.378 = RS 18.087; K TU 4.387 = RS 18.112;
K TU 4.495 = RS 18.[394]; K TU 4.609 = RS 19.016; K TU 4.630 = RS 19.062;
K TU 4.636 = RS 19.097; KTU 4.705 = RS 21.056, etc.
15
K TU 4.105 = RS 13.014[Aw]; K TU 4.126 = RS 14.084; K TU 4.139 = RS
15.017; deliveries: K TU 4.29 = RS 3.320; K TU 4.36 = RS 8.208; K TU 4.38 =
RS 8.272; KTU 4.47 = RS 10.043; K TU 4.99 = RS 11.845; K TU 4.217 = RS
16.176; K TU 4.312 = RS 17.397[A]; K TU 4.416 = RS 18.252; K TU 4.485 =
RS I 8.[381]; K TU 4.745 = RS 25.417 and K TU 4.125 = RS 14.001 (cereals);
K TU 4.216 = RS 16.165 (wine); K TU 4.609 = RS 19.016 (hpr monthly 'ration's);
K TU 4.610 = RS 19.017 (argmn p 'tribute to the Sun', i.e. the Hittite king).
16
KTU 4.35 = RS 8.183+;' KTU 4.43 = RS 9.011; KTU 4.44 = RS 9.453; KTU
c) The bn mlk can be considered as a special category, designated
as being at the disposal of the king, queen (or queen-mother), the
'vizier' (Ug. skn, Akk. skinu) or other functionaries who are defined
as overseers. The formula here is generally spr bn (mlk) dt bd (mlkt,
skn, or a PN), 'list of the (royal) men who are at the disposal of (the
queen, the skinu or a PN)'.
17
Furthermore, these texts sometimes
note particular work in a village, on a gt or work of another kind.
d) As noted above, the professional groups had their nomi nated
rb, 'chi ef' or 'elder'.
18
Data have not survived regarding all the groups,
but we know that there were rbs in the following groups: nqdm 'shep-
herds',
19
hrsm 'craftsmen', in this case 'cartwrights',
20
note also the rb
khnm 'chief priest',
21
etc. I n some cases there could be an 'overseer'
ngr (Akk. kilf
2
instead of the rb.
4.66 = RS 11.656; KTU 4.69 = RS 11.715+; K TU 4.471 = RS 18. [363]; K TU
4.90 = RS 11.797; KTU 4.92 = RS 11.799; K TU 4.98 = RS 11.844; KTU 4.114 =
RS 12.027; K TU 4.125 = RS 14.001; K TU 4.128 = RS 14.176; KTU 4.134 =
RS 15.006; K TU 4.155 = RS 15.051; KTU 4.177 = RS 15.101; K TU 4.181 =
RS 15.106; KTU 4.187 = RS 15.157+; KTU 4.188 = RS 15.169+; KTU 4.201 =
RS 15.192[d]; K TU 4.215 = RS 16.130; KTU 4.217 = RS 16.176; K TU 4.230 =
RS 16.341; K TU 4.261 = RS 17.023; K TU 4.269 = RS 17.106; K TU 4.272 =
RS 17.118; K TU 4.286 = RS 17.290; K TU 4.310 = RS 17.392; KTU 4.321 =
RS 18.005; KTU 4.322 = RS 18.007a; K TU 4.355 = RS 18.045; KTU 4.367 =
RS 18.076; K TU 4.370 = RS 18.079; KTU 4.374 = RS 18.082; KTU 4.378 =
RS 18.087; K TU 4.379 = RS 18.098; K TU 4.422 = RS 18.293; K TU 4.440 =
RS 18.[317]; K TU 4.485 = RS 18.[381]; K TU 4.545 = RS 18.[471]; KTU 4.561 =
RS 18.[549]; K TU 4.617 = RS 19.044; KTU 4.624 = RS 19.049[A][c]; KTU
4.633 = RS 19.086A; KTU 4.655 = RS 19.158A; K TU 4.681 = RS 19.180; K TU
4.690 = RS 20.009; K TU 4.714 = RS 22.231; K TU 4.761 = RS 34.123; K TU
4.772 = RI H 78/06; PRU 3, 195 = RS 15.009; PRU 3, 194 = RS 11.839; PRU 6,
143 = RS 21.200; PRU 6, 147 = RS 19.127; PRU 6, 148 = RS 17.97; PRU 6,
149 = RS 15.354.
17
We must distinguish between the '(grand) vizier' skin mti 'skinu of the land'
(i.e. of the kingdom) and the sknm 'skinus' of various villages of the kingdom, i.e.
the 'elders of the settlements' (Akk. ffazannu).
18
K TU 4.110 = RS 12.006; K TU 4.141 = RS 15.022+; K TU 4.144 = RS
15.032; K TU 4.223 = RS 16.194 (?); K TU 4.264 = RS 17.052; K TU 4.367 =
RS 18.076; K TU 4.379 = RS 18.098; K TU 4.635 = RS 19.096; spr rb 'rt 'list of
elders (overseers) of ten (men)' (KTU 4.714 = RS 22.731:1) and K TU 4.609 = RS
19.016.
In
K TU 1.6 = RS 2. [009] + vi 56.
20
K TU 4.145 = RS 15.034:9.
21
K TU 6.6 = RS 1.[051]; KTU 6.7 = RS 1.[053]; KTU 6.8 = RS 1.[054];
KTU 6.9 = RS 1 .[055]; K TU 6.10 = RS 1 .[052].
22
ngr mdr' 'guard of the sown' (KTU 4.141 = RS 15.022+ iii 16); ngr krm 'guard
of the vineyard' (KTU 4.609 = RS 19.016:12'; KTU 4.618 = RS 19.045:6); kil
narkabti 'overseer of the chariots' or 'chariotry' (PRU 3, 84 = RS 16.157; PRU 3,
79 = RS 16.239; PRU 3, 85 = RS 16.250:17);
lXj
kil s'angi 'overseer of the priests'
(PRU 3, 168 = RS 16.186:13').
e) The 'elder' (rb), it seems, is also connected with the distribu-
tion of raw materials to the royal artisans. It was his responsibility
to deliver their produce to the treasury (and possibly to the gt).
Another type of these texts shows us the delivery of materials for
repairing military equi pment (chariots).
23
f) Like the villages menti oned above, the professional groups
both military and non-militaryparticipated in the formation of the
army and were subject to conscription. Naturally, the military pro-
fessionals were obliged to fulfil their periodic guard service as hrdm
(Akk. hurdu) 'watchmen' or 'mobilized men'. They received every-
thing from the royal storesarms, chariots, horses, even caparisons
(horse-cloths) and other items of their equi pment. These military pro-
fessional groups appear in the texts as mrynm (Akk. maryannu) 'char-
ioteers'; mdrglm (Akk. un. t u) 'watchmen, guards', tnnm (Akk. anann)
'warriors' and others.
24
Soldiers of foreign origin (Ug. trtnm Akk.
erdana) as is evident from the texts, had to serve under the same
conditions, and, received the same kind of deliveries and lands in
conditional holding.
25
Naturally, our knowledge here is also limited
by the fragmentary state of the administrative tablets.
g) As noted, there are texts on tribute delivered to the Hittite king
to which the professional groups of all specializations contributed
together with the villages. The same applies to the small number of
23
K T U 4.145 = R S 15.034; for a different interpretation cf. VI TA 1995a, 42-7.
24
K TU 3.7 = RS 18.118; K TU 4.33 = RS 5.248; K TU 4.53 = RS 10.090;
K TU 4.54 = RS 10.103; KTU 4.58 = RS 11.[902]; K TU 4.69 = RS 11.715+
(also bdt mrynm and bdl mdrglm 'subjects of the maiyannu/mdrglm'), KTU 4.99 = RS
11.845; K TU 4.102 = RS 11.857; K TU 4.103 = RS 11.858; K TU 4.126 = RS
14.084; K TU 4.137 = RS 15.015+; K TU 4.149 = RS 15.039; KTU 4.152 = RS
15.045; K TU 4.162 = RS 15.067+; K TU 4.163 = RS 15.073; (also bn mrynm-
'sons of the maiyannu', K TU 4.170 = RS 15.084 (also n'r mrynm 'youths of the
maiyannu'), KTU 4.173 = RS 15.094 (also bn mrynm), K TU 4.174 = RS 15.096;
K TU 4.179 = RS 15.103; KTU 4.183 = RS 15.116; K TU 4.213 = RS 16.127;
KTU 4.216 = RS 16.165; K TU 4.230 = RS 16.341; KTU 4.244 = RS 16.396;
K TU 4.322 = RS 18.007A; K TU 4.379 = RS 18.098; K TU 4.387 = RS 18.112;
K TU 4.416 = RS 18.252; K TU 4.485 = RS 18.[381]; KTU 4.528 = RS 18.[448];
K TU 4.561 = RS 18. [489]; KTU 4.623 = RS 19.049[]; KTU 4.635 = RS 19.096;
K TU 4.751 = RS 29.096; PRU 3, 192 = RS 12.034+12.043; PRU 3, 123 =
RS 15.123 + 16.152; PRU 3, 118 = RS 15.155; PRU 3, 142 = RS 16.136; PRU
3, 79 = RS 16.239; PRU 3, 96 = RS 16.249; PRU 3, 199 = RS 16.126B + 16.257 +
16.258 + 16.345; PRU 6, 31 = RS 19.98; PRU 6, 90 = RS 19.114; PRU 6, 93 =
RS 17.131; PRU 6, 131 = RS 19.035A; PRU 6, 136 = RS 17.240; Ug 5, 68 = RS
20.246. Cf. also HEL TZER 1979C.
25
HEL TZER 1979d; see in general VI TA 1995a, 93 129.
archers, whom the villages and the professional groups had to con-
tribute to the guard, according to K TU 4.68 = RS 11.716.
h) A very important part of the administrative texts are the agrarian
tablets, mostly in alphabetic cunei form or Ugaritic. I n contrast to
the legal agrarian texts, written in Akkadian, which list individual
cases in which the serviceman (military or civilian) receives land
grants in conditional holding from the king for his service, these are
administrative documents simply recording the delivery of a field to
a person or its transfer from one person to another. Sometimes the
texts record the service fields (or vineyards) in certain villages. I n the
Ugaritic texts these fields are called ubdy, updt or ubdit. The word is
of Hittite origin, meani ng 'carrying out, performing obligations' ( I mpa-
r at i 1974, 107) and has the same meani ng as the Akkadian word
pilku, known only from Ugarit ( H el t z er 1981; W a t s o n 1995c, 542).
The texts are composed in general according to the following for-
mulae: sd ubdy (name of profession) dt b (name of gt x), 'The service
field of the professionals X, who are at the gt. . .' Or: d/krrn ubdy
PN b (name of village), 'field/vineyard ubdy of PN in (name of the
village)'. There are also other formulae with slight variations. I n some
cases we read simply sd bd PN, 'a field in the hands of PN'. A num-
ber of texts list several fields as at the disposal of one person. Often
the title of the passage of the text where several persons are men-
tioned with their fields denotes the profession of the servicemen who
had the fields (or vineyards) at their disposal.
There is also an example of the redistribution of fields. I n this
case the formul a is as follows: sd X bd 'The field of (PN) X to
the hands (i.e. at the disposal) of (PN) Y '. Possibly it designates the
fields of the nayylu, persons who did not fulfil their obligations, which
were given to other servicemen ( H e l t z e r 1982, 19- 22) .
Last, but not least, a very interesting feature here is the distribution
or transfer to certain persons of fields designated as sbr (possibly an
abbreviation for (sd) sbr, Akk. eqel sibbiru, 'communal (or public) field');
this has a possible parallel in the early Roman republican ager publicus.
26
26
The ^-fi el ds are said to belong to the following classes: trrm 'the trrm-
professionals' (KTU 4.7 = RS [Varia 18]T); mdm 'friends (of the king)' (KTU 4.103 =
RS 11.858:1) miynm 'marjwmu-warriors' (line 8); 'liaison men' (line 20); 'rm
'overseers of ten men' (line 30); mri ibm 'liaison men of (prince) I birnu' (line 37);
tgrm 'gatekeepers' (line 39); rm 'singers' (line 41), nqdm 'shepherds' (line 44); mdrglm
'watchmen' (line 54), etc.; sd ubdy Iltm' dt bd skn 'Ubdy 'fields in the (village) llistam'i,
which are at the disposal of the skinu' (KTU 4.110 = RS 12.006:1-2); zt ubdym
i) A number of texts are devoted to pasturi ng cattle, and the
i mportant thing here is that the royal servicemen 'shepherds', r'ym,
were engaged in this. At least some of these had their 'youth(s)' sgr(rr)
or 'apprentices' (Imdm). They worked not only in the royal economy
on the gts but took cattle for pasture from the villagers of the king-
dom of Ugarit, as well as from various professional groups of royal
servicemen.
27
There is also a particular tax from villagers and royal
servicemen known as, kaspu a maqqadi, 'silver for pasturing'.
28
1.2.4 Cadastral texts
There is a group of cadastral texts, but it is not absolutely clear
whether the persons menti oned in them are villagers living in the
communal framework or royal servicemen. They are menti oned in
the same text as living in different villages. Besides the head of the
household (or family) are listed his wife (or wives), sons, daughters
(in one case even his son-in-law) and male and female slaves ('bd,
amt). Some persons designated as gzr 'youth' and pgt 'girl' figure here.
Possibly these are children, teenagers or dependent members of the
family.
29
'ubdy olive groves' (KTU 4.164 = RS 15.075:3); also KTU 4.183 = RS 15.116;
KTU 4.222 = RS 16.193; KTU 4.244 = RS 16.396; KTU 4.282 = RS 17.246;
KTU 4.340 = RS 18.027; KTU 4.344 = RS 18.030; KTU 4.356 = RS 18.046;
KTU 4.357 = RS 18.047; KTU 4.389 = RS 18.117; KTU 4.399 = RS 18.138;
KTU 4.416 = RS 18.252; KTU 4.423 = RS 18.295; KTU 4.424 = RS 18.296;
KTU 4.425 = RS 18.297; KTU 4.692 = RS 20.145 ubdy yshm'the ubdy fields of
heralds'. And according to KTU 4.631 = RS 19.072 a number of ubdy-fields in
the village are distributed among various persons. In addition there is mention of
the handing over of the field I qrt 'to the village', which received the field under
its collective responsibility (lines 4-6, 6, 9, 14, 16, 17, 21, 23-24). The sibbiru-elds
are mentioned in PRU 3, 143 = RS 16.137; and PRU 6, 55 = RS 18.022; cf. also
KTU 4.375 = RS 18.084 (jr-fields in various villages).
27
HEL TZER 1982; texts: K T U 4. 75 = R S 11. 735+; K T U 4. 125 - R S 14. 001;
K T U 4. 129= R S 15. 001; K T U 4. 153 = R S 15. 046; K T U 4. 175 = R S 15. 096;
K T U 4. 243 = R S 16. 395; K T U 4. 374 = R S 18. 082; K T U 4. 378 = R S 18. 087;
K T U 4. 391 = R S 18. 129; K T U 4. 440 = R S 18. [ 317] ; K T U 4. 493 = R S 18. [ 391] ;
K T U 4. 618 = R S 19. 045; K T U 4. 729 = R S 24. 301; K T U 4. 740 = R S 24. 660E;
these mention /ym ('shepherds') and their sgr(m) and Imdm. In PRU 6, 118 = RS
18.116 the /ym receive cattle for pasturage from various persons; the delivery of
cattle into the charge of certain persons is recorded in PRU 3, 188 = R S 16. 290;
PRU 3, 205 = R S 16. 155; PRU 6, 115 = R S 17. 37; PRU 6, 117 = R S 17. 136;
PRU 6, 119 = R S 19. 69; PRU 6, 120 = R S 19. 116; PRU 6, 121 = R S 19. 141.
28
PRU 6, 116 = R S 17.64 (MARQUEZ ROWE 1995a).
2!l
KTU 4.80 = RS 11.778; KTU 4.295 = RS 17.312; KTU 4.360 = RS 18.050;
KTU 4.417 = RS 18.258; KTU 4.419 = RS 18.289; KTU 4.432 = RS 18. [303];
KTU 4.519 = RS 18.[436]; KTU 4.644 = RS 19.106. Cf. also HEL TZER 1976, 84-90.
1.2.5 The navy
The maritime location of Ugarit gave rise to the engagement of its
inhabitants in building ships, manufacturi ng equi pment for ships and
j oi ni ng their crews. As menti oned, we know of 'shipwrights' (hr any)
who were royal ardsans. But whether the ships crews were royal
servicemen or mobilized villagers is uncertain, though the latter seems
more probabl e. The texts refer to various types of ships and naval
equi pment at the royal stores, and even to shipbuilding.
30
Documents
on foreign trade involving ships are not considered here.
1.2.6 Deserters
We have observed that there are many texts concerni ng various
obligations of the population of Ugarit of various social positions.
But not everyone was able or willing to fulfil his obligations. Apart
from the legal texts, where villagers and royal servicemen were pro-
claimed nayylu (cf. above), some administrative texts menti on 'desert-
ers' (aml
ME
mu-un-na-<ab>-tu-ti; PRU 6, 76 = RS 17.361) and
another tablet lists six men from various villages who la-li-ku sa il-ki
'did not perform the ilku (corve)'.
31
1.2.7 The bdlm
The foregoi ng (cf. 10.1.3.1 on the ard
ME
ard
ME
arri, and
10.1.2.3 on the sgrm and 1mdrr) leads us to texts concerning per-
sons who were the subjects of royal servicemen and who also received
rations and deliveries from the royal stores. They too belonged to
the bn mlk the 'royal servicemen', but as the delivery texts indicate,
they were of a lower category. I n this connection there arises the
question of the Ug. bdlm (Akk. bidalma), who appear in the admi n-
30
Ship's crews from various villages K TU 4.40 = RS 8.279 and PRU 4, 138 =
RS 19.46 with an indication that the ships belong to the king (anyt mlk) appears on
tablet K TU 4.421 = RS 18.291; various types of ships belonging to (or used by)
coastal villagers of the kingdom. K TU 4.81 = RS 11.779; K TU 4.366 = RS 18.074;
K TU 4.371 = RS 18.080A; PRU 6, 73 = RS 19.1 07A, equipment for ships PRU
6, 141 = RS 19.112 together with food {PRU 6, 150 = RS 18.101A and possibly
PRU 6, 164 = RS 19.90). Ships of the king of Carchemish in Ugarit. RSO 7 5,
23-5, RS 34.147; cf. also HEL TZER 1976: 21- 4; HEL TZF.R 1982: 188- 91 and VI TA
1995a, 159-76.
31
PRU 6, 77 = RS 19.032; cf. also Ug 5, 96 = RS 20.012, where besides men-
tioning 'servants' (arrff
M
) who performed (Mima), also mentions 16 persons la sal-li-
ma 'who did not perform their duties'.
istrative texts. They are first menti oned in alphabetic and syllabic
texts as bdl mrynm/maiyannu bi-da-lu-ma. They also appear after the
reference to the tamkars 'traders, merchants', and there are also bdl
of mdrglm 'watchmen' and of qrtjm (K TU 4.85 = RS 11.786) etc.
The bdlm/bidalma noted in PRU 3, 199 = RS 16.126b + 16.257 +
16.258 + 16.345:12 feature there as a group after the tamkr
(
L Ml
'

DAM.GR
M
), Rai ney and Astour understand this term to mean
'merchant' ( R ai ney 1963, 136-7; A s t o u r 1972a). Heltzer, instead,
argues that if we add together the bdlrn/bidaluma of all groups of the
servicemen, they amount to approxi matel y one-thi rd of the total and
so it is not possible for all of them to be merchants or traders.
32
Heltzer explains the word not from the Akk. badlu, 'to trade' but
as bd + /, 'into the hands of'. Thus, they must have been the aux-
iliary personnel of the maryannu, lamkru, etc. ( H el t z er 1978a, 122,
n. 10). Sanmarti n proposes that bdlm means 'substitutes, reservists',
or even 'subjects'.
33
The word bdlm, written in syllabic cunei form as
bi-da-lu-ma, appears in the same text (PRU 3, 199 = RS 16.126b +
16.257 + 16.258 + 16.345) as the Akkadian word tamkr and by
analogy with
lXJME
mu-/ce-nu-tum
LU M
a-i-ru-ma 'the mukntum of the
airu ('rm "overseers of ten")' (PRU 3, 199 = RS 16.126b + 16.257 +
16.258 + 16.345 iii 30) and
LME5
mu-ke-nu-tum
L M E
un. t u 'mukn-
tum of the un. t u (i.e. mdrglm)' (ibid., iv 20), they have to be consid-
ered as 'substitutes' or 'subjects' of the people to whom they belonged.
I n all the other texts from Ugarit where the bdlm appear they are
not connected with trade.
34
We mention this discussion here to demon-
strate that not all questions of i nterpretati on of Ugaritic terms have
been definitely settled.
1.2.8 The clergy
A number of texts are devoted to the clergy. First of all come the
khnm (Akk. ang) 'priests' and the qdm (Akk. br) 'diviners'. Besides
the temple personnel there are, presumably, lists from local sanctuaries.
32
Cf. also HEL TZER 1982, 114. According to K T U 4. 69 = R S 11. 715+ ii 6- 10
bdl mrynm are listed after the mrynm, K T U 4. 137 = R S 15. 015+: 4; K T U 4. 173 =
R S 15. 094: 5 and K T U 4. 163 = R S 15. 073: 8 bn mrynm 'sons of maiyannu, K T U
4. 179 = R S 15. 103 n'r mrynm, lit.' 'youth of the maiyannu'. Naturally, the subjects
of the maiyannu are mentioned very often.
33
SANMARTI N 1988a, 171- 4; 1991, 183-4. RENFROE (1988, 221 7) comes to a
different conclusion.
34
K T U 4. 85 = R S 11. 786; K T U 4. 86 = R S 11. 788; K T U 4. 96 = R S 11. 840;
K T U 4. 116 = R S 12. 048: 20; K T U 4. 134 = R S 15. 006; K T U 4. 214 = R S 16. 128.
The khnm and qdm, like other temple personnel, belonged to the
royal servicemen (bn mlk), and the texts do not indicate whether the
clergy exercised strong political or economic influence. There are
texts recording the presentation by the king of fields to the priests
in conditional holding, as well as distributions of natural products to
them.
35
As noted above, there was also a 'high priest' (rb khnm).
36
1.2.9 Mobilization
We menti oned above the lists concerni ng about mobilization of vil-
lagers and royal servicemen into the army, and also deliveries to
various people in military professions, who according to the admi n-
istrative texts did not differ formally from other professional groups.
The villagers and servicemen, as noted, also received arms for their
military or guard duty.
37
There are also texts listing various groups
of royal servicemen, always stating that they performed their service
'at the royal house (palace)'.
38
1.2.10 Administrators
A number of very i mportant sections, although not the longest, from
texts concern the royal administrators, who are also menti oned in
letters, and in legal and international political texts.
There are deliveries of silver (?), flour and garments to the sk-
inu, namely, the skinu of the country.
39
I nformati on is also available
about the family of the skn/skinu.*
0
Moreover, some tablets shed
35
K TU 4.29 = RS 3.320; K TU 4.36 = RS 8.208:1; K TU 4.38 = RS 8.272;
K TU 4.68 = RS 11.716:72; K TU 4.69 = RS 11.715+ vi 22-37; K TU 4.99 = RS
11.845:9; K TU 4.126 = RS 14.084:6; K TU 4.282 = RS 17.246:5; K TU 4.357 =
RS 18.047:24; K TU 4.412 = RS 18.251 [A] ii 1-5 (the beginning of the column is
broken but the qdm follow and usually they were preceded by the khnm), K TU
4.41 = RS 18.252:6; K TU 4.633 = RS' 19.086A:4-14; K TU 4.745 = RS 25.417:5;
K TU 4.761 = RS 34.123; PRU 3, 199 = RS 16.126B +16.257 + iii 37-55; PRU
3, 168 = RS 16.186:13; PRU 6, 43 = RS 17.131; PRU 6, 27 = RS 17.001; PRU
6, 136 = RS 17.240.
36
K TU 6.6 = RS 1.[051]; K TU 6.7 = RS 1.f053]; K TU 6.8 = RS 1.[054];
KTU 6.9 = RS 1.[055]; and some non-administrative texts in Akkadian and Ugaritic.
37
PRU 3, 191 = RS 11.841 [A]; PRU 6, 131 = RS 19.035A which documents a
consignment of arms.
38
K TU 4.137 = RS 15.015+; K TU 4.163 = RS 15.073; K TU 4.173 = RS
15.094; K TU 4.174 = RS 15.095; K TU 4.179 = RS 15.103.
39
K TU 4.342 = RS 18.028[a] K TU 4.361 = RS 18.051; K TU 4.132 = RS
15.004:5; cf. also LI PI NSKI 1973.
40
K TU 4.102 = RS 11.857:16.
light on the difference between the skn/skinu of the country and the
local skns who were the royal nominees as governors of certain vil-
lages (Ug. skn qrt, Akk. skin li or ha?jinnu h).
4]
Other administrative personnel such as the 'r(m) (Akk. airu), 'over-
seers) of (teams) of ten', also feature in the administrative texts.
These, together with the maryannu and others, receive large quanti-
ties of oil,
42
as well as other products, possibly on a yearly basis,
including lands in dependent holding.
The administrative texts make it possible to distinguish different
groups of the mrum (Akk. mur'u), possibly of the king; mr'u skn (Akk.
mur'u skinu); and mr'u ibm (Akk. rnur'u ibirna (apparently, when I bir-
nu was the heir to the throne). Similar is the mr'u utryn (Akk. mur'u
uriyanni) 'the mr'u of the heir.' All the texts listing deliveries to them,
together with their appearance in non-administrative texts, show them
to be some kind of liaison-officers
43
of the king, the heir to the throne
and the skinu. The administrative texts hardly mention scribes, unlike
the other texts from Ugarit.
44
However, the 'friends of the king', Ug.
md(m) (Akk. mdu), are often also menti oned in administrative texts.
45
1.2.11 Ancillary palace personnel
The auxiliary palace personnel likewise finds a place in the admi n-
istrative archives of Ugarit. We believe that at least the gatekeepers
41
K TU 4.63 = RS 10.052; K TU 4.288 = RS 17.293; K TU 4.609 = RS
19.016:11.
42
PRU 3, 199 = RS 16.126B +16.257 + iii B; cf. also K TU 4.68 = RS 11.716;
K TU 4.99 = RS 11.845; KTU 4.103 = RS 11.858; K TU 4.125 = RS 14.001;
K TU 4.392 = RS 18.130; K TU 4.415 = RS 18.251 []; K TU 4.609 = RS 19.016;
PRU 3, 134 = RS 15.137; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131; PRU 6, 116 = RS 17.064;
PRU 6, 131 = R S 19.035A:3; PRU 6, 72 = R S 19.065 and other texts; cf. VI TA
1995a, 145-7. Note also the rb 'rt 'chief of ten' (KTU 4.714 = RS 22.231).
43
HELTZER 1982: 154-6; K TU 4.36 = RS 8.208; K TU 4.47 = RS 10.043; K TU
4.48 = RS 10.045; K TU 4.69 = RS 11.715+; KTU 4.92 = RS 11.799; K TU 4.99
= RS 11.845; K TU 4.103 = RS 11.858; KTU 4.105 = RS 13.014 [bis]; K TU
4.126 = RS 14.084; K TU 4.137 = RS 15.015+; K TU 4.163 = RS 15.073; K TU
4.173 = RS 15.094; K TU 4.174 = RS 15.095; K TU 4.179 = RS 15.103; K TU
4.207 = RS 16.006; K TU 4.212 = RS 16.107; K TU 4.332 = RS 18.010+; KTU
4.410 = RS 18.250BA; K TU 4.416 = RS 18.252; K TU 4.745 = RS 25.417;
PRU 3, 162 = RS 16.348; PRU 3, 194 = RS 11.839; PRU 3, 199 = RS 16.126B
+16.257 +iv; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131; PRU 6, 116 = RS 17.64; PRU 6, 131 =
RS 19.35A; PRU 6, 136 = RS 17.240.
44
K TU 4.89 = RS 1 1.796.
45
HELTZER 1982, 161-3; K TU 4.38 = RS 8.272; K TU 4.47 = RS 10.043; K TU
4.54 = RS 10.103; KTU 4.99 = RS 11.845; K TU 4.103 = RS 11.858; K TU
of the palace belonged there. Thus, the texts even menti on the 'gate-
keeper of the king' (,tgr mlk) and 'the gatekeeper of the palace' (tgr
M/).
46
Some texts refer to the palace 'fowlers' (yqm, syllabic ya-qi-
u-m),
47
Also mentioned are 'tailors' (
IX,
TUG.LA),
48
an 'acrobat' (
]V
huppu)
for performing, a 'jester' (aluzinnu)
49
and a 'seal-cutter' (
u
parkullu).
M
A 'singer' (
L
nru), a 'cook' (
l u
nuhatimmuf
1
and a 'cymbalist' (
Ll
ma-
si-lii) appear in the same text.
52
It is also interesting that among the
'royal servicemen' (bn mlk) a 'barber' (gallbu) figures once also.
1.2.12 The royal stores
What is known about the royal stores is derived almost exclusively
from the alphabetic texts. Note that we do not know about the dis-
tribution of these products, for they are neither staple foods nor wine
or oil. Naturally they were among the goods made by local artisans
or imported by the authorities. But due to the lack of information
on the prices of these products, and since tamkrs are not menti oned
in connection with them, we cannot ascribe them to the commer-
cial texts. Even so, they provide us with a wealth of economic data.
Thus, various textiles and garments are listed, including pgndr,
53
kndw
'net',
54
kndpnt (?),
55
hpn 'a kind of blanket',
56
pld (Akk. palidu), some
4.188 = RS 15.169+; K TU 4.245 = RS 16.397 i and ii; K TU 4.387 = RS 18.112;
K TU 4.690 = RS 20.009; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131.
4,1
K TU 4.224 = RS 16.195; K TU 4.63 = RS 10.052; cf. also K TU 4.195 =
RS 15.184 and K TU 4.103 = RS 11.258; K TU 4.126 = RS 14.084; K TU 4.128
= RS 14.176; K TU 4.141 = RS 15.022+; K TU 4.195 = RS 15.184; K TU 4.609
= RS 19.016: 7.63 and PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131.
47
K TU 4.99 = RS 11.845; K TU 4.114 = RS 12.027; K TU 4.126 = RS 14.084;
PRU 6, 136 = RS 17.240; Ug 5, 96 = RS 20.12.
48
PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131:17.
49
PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131:21, 22.
50
PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131:24.
51
PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131:24-25.
52
PRU 6, 136 = RS 17.240:10.
5:1
Hurri an pa/fandari, and in our opinion, Mycenaean pekitira, some kind of cloth
or blanket; K TU 4. 4 = R S 2. [ 032] : 1- 2; K TU 4. 370 = R S 18. 079: 10; PRU 3, 206
= R S 15. 135; (Ribichini - X el l a 1985, 61) .
54
K TU 4.4 = RS 2. [032] :4 (RIBICHINI - XELLA 1985, 41).
55
K TU 4.4 = RS 2.[032]:2; PRU 3, 206 = RS 15.135:13 (RIBICHINI - XELLA
1985, 41).
56
K TU 4.4 = RS 2.[032]:3 (RIBICHINI - XELLA 1985, 41). K TU 4.4:4; K TU
4.148 = RS 15.038:19; K TU 4.152 = RS 15.045:5; K TU 4.156 = RS 15.053:5;
K TU 4.166 = RS 15.078:2; K TU 4.182 = RS 15.115:35; K TU 4.190 = RS 15.171
a:4; K TU 4.270 = RS 17.111:7; K TU 4.363 = RS 18.055:3; K TU 4.765 = RS
34.180,10:4; K TU 5.11 = RS 17.117:16 (Ribichini - XELLA 1985, 39).
kind of cover,
57
hlpn, possibly a kind of tunic,
58
nps, more probably
a set of clothing, as the text concerns textiles,
59
lb/p 'garment',
60
mrdt 'carpet',
61
kdwt (?),
62
ktnt 'tunic.' (Akk. kitu), rt, possibly a 'linen
garment',
63
kst some kind of cover,
64
mlb,
65
possibly a variant of 1p
'garment',
66
sk 'garment',
67
and hpn, made of linen, used as a blan-
ket both for humans and horses.
68
Textiles and garments are also
menti oned in other types of text which mostly concern stores, though
many of the terms remai n obscure.
69
There are also texts concerning chariots, one of which (KTU 4.145
= RS 15.034) mentions their components, 'wheels' (apnt), 'arrows'
'quivers' (utpt) and so on, whereas other involve complete chariots.
70
There are also data about furni ture and wooden architectural
items,
71
unusual containers used for perfumes and other items.
72
Like-
wise, there are various spices such as mastic ()
3
and aromati c oils
57
K T U 4. 4 = R S 2. [ 032] : 4; K T U 4. 146 = R S 15. 035: 7; K T U 4. 152 = R S
15. 045; K T U 4. 205 = R S 16. 004: 7; K T U 4. 270 = R S 17. 115: 8; K T U 4. 363 =
R S 18. 055; PRU 6, 128 = R S 19. 104: 3; PRU 6, 127 = R S 19. 57: 3; PRU 6, 129
= R S 19. 133A : 5.
58
K T U 4. 117 = R S 12. 060; K T U 4. 192 = R S 15. 176; K T U 4. 630 = R S 19. 062;
K T U 4. 721 = R S 23. 028: 1, etc. (RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A 1985, 38).
59
KTU 4.166 = RS 15.078:1; RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A 1985, 54.
60
K T U 4. 166 = R S 15. 078: 3; K T U 4. 205 = R S 16. 004; K T U 4. 721 = R S
23. 028; RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A 1985, 44- 6.
61
K T U 4. 205 = R S 16. 004: 6; RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A 1985, 50- 1; cf. also mrbd K T U
4. 270 = R S 17. 111: 11.
62
K T U 4. 205 = R S 16. 004: 19; RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A 1985, 40- 1.
6:I
K T U 4. 203 = R S 16. 001: 8; K T U 4. 206 = R S 16. 005.
64
K T U 4. 206 = R S 16. 005: 1; K T U 4. 337 = R S 18. 024; K T U 4. 363 = R S
18. 055: 1; K T U 4. 402 = R S 18. 142; K T U 4. 721 = R S 23. 028: 1; RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A
1985, 43- 4.
65
KTU 4.206 = RS 16.005:5; RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A 1985, 42.
66
KTU 4.257 = RS 17.[473] [b]:5; Cf. KTU 4.182 = RS 15.115:63 and Akk.
malbau from Ugarit; RI BI CHI NI XF.I .LA 1985, 49.
67
KTU 4.270 = R S 17.111:6; (cf. KTU 4.525 = R S 18.[445]:1); RI BI CHI NI -
XEL L A 1985, 55.
68
K T U 4. 270 = R S 17. 111: 7; K T U 4. 363 = R S 18. 066: 3- 4, 6- 7; K T U 4. 765
= R S 34. 180, 10: 4, etc. Cf . RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A 1985, 39.
69
So far, the best example of the organization of the textile industry remains the
large tablet on distribution of raw material to weavers: THUREAU- DANGI N 1934.
70
K T U 4. 167 = R S 15. 079; K T U 4. 447 = R S 18. [ 325] +; K T U 4. 500 = R S
18. [ 402] ; K T U 4. 602 = R S 18. [ 551] .
71
K T U 4. 195 = R S 15. 184.
72
sp(m) 'cup(s)' (KTU 4.34 = RS 6.216) spl 'cup' (KTU 4.385 = RS 18.110:3;
KTU 4.123 = RS 13.014:17); KTU 4.123 = RS 13.0141 also lists irpm 'vases' (20)
trqm (meaning unknown) (20) and mqhm 'pincers' (possibly for perfume) or 'tongs' (21).
73
KTU 1.148 = RS 24.643:22 kL ; KTU 4.402 = RS 18.142:10-11 'r kat
(read ktt) 'ten flasks of balsam'.
such as 'myrrh oil' (mn mr),
u
'spiced oil' (smn rqh)
75
and even 'lamp
oil' (mn nr),
16
possibly a kind of olive oil treated in a special way.
77
There are also texts listing various metal implements, though it is
not completely clear whether they were used for agriculture, for ship-
building or for military purposes.
1.2.13 Descendants
I n a large number of tablets, especially those in alphabetic cuneiform,
the names of persons, villagers or professional royal dependents are
listed, followed by wnhlh, 'and his descendant(s)', sometimes with the
addition of wnhlhm, 'and their descendants'.
78
The 'descendants' receive
deliveries and fields in conditional holding together with the royal
dependents (bnl mlk).
1.2.14 Labels
There is also a relatively large number of bullae or labels which
were sometimes added to various delivered goods and described their
contents.
79
1.3 Conclusion
Thi s brief description of the administrative and economic texts in
the alphabetic Ugaritic script and in syllabic Akkadian from the king-
dom of Ugarit provides an insight into the social and economic his-
tory of this kingdom at least duri ng the 13th and up to the early
12th century bce.
80
Naturally, it is impossible in this brief summary
74
K T U 4. 14 = R S 1.012:2, 7, 15 ( however, cf. SANMARTI N 1990); K T U 4.91 =
R S 11. 797: 14; K T U 4. 786 = R S [ V ar i a 22]: 14.
75
K TU 5.10 = RS 17.063:7-8; K TU 1.148 = RS 24.643:21.
76
K TU 4.786 = RS [Varia 22]:8 kd smn nr 'a j ar of lamp oil'.
77
K TU 4.670 = RS 19.174B; PRU 6, 142 = RS 19.135.
78
It is impossible to list such texts here as there are scores of them; cf. K TU
4.35 = RS 8.134 i 20, 22, 26, ii 5-6, 20; K TU 4.631 = RS 19.072:2, 3, 7, 8, 10,
12, 15, 18-19, etc.
79
K TU 6.11 = RS 5.262 kd []yn I prt 'one j ar of wine to Prt'; K TU 6.12 =
RS 5.269; K TU 6.20 = RS 15.097
1
nsk *[sp]
2
'rt
3
w ns[p] 'To the jewellers (lit.
"silver-casters") ten and a half'; cf. also K TU 6.21 = RS 15.192A; K TU 6.22 =
RS 15.226; K TU 6.24 = RS 17.072; K TU 6.26 = RS 17.318B; K TU 6.27 = RS
17.361B, etc. See, in general, VAN SOL DT 1989b.
80
It seems that these short and concise documents were often unbaked and not
kept for very long, in contrast to the royal archives containing legal and political
texts.
to give a full description of the texts, study of which can yield so
much information. Among the texts cited but not included in this
short account may be noted many small fragments of texts. Clearly
they provide meagre i nformati on. However, sometimes new finds
and the publication of tablets, if there are parallel or similar texts,
make it possible to reconstruct some texts which has been done to
some extent in the existing publications. Many tablets remain unpub-
lished
81
and we must hope that this situation will change. We must
also bear in mi nd that the classification of the texts in various cat-
egories, as given above, is somewhat artificial, but may be the basis
for further studies.
2 C o m m e r c e
2.1 Ugarit as a trade centre
Ugarit was an i mportant centre of international trade in the latter
half of the second millennium bce, and possibly there was also inter-
nal trade on a smaller scale. Our knowledge of Ugaritian commerce
comes from archaeological documentati on, especially from the exca-
vations in the port of Ugarit, modern Minet-el-Beida.
By the 18th century bce, Ugarit was already an i mportant com-
mercial centre, with connections in one direction with Mesopotami a
(Mari) and in the other with Crete and the Aegean area. The infor-
mation about the visit of the king of Mari , Zimri-Lim, to Ugarit,
and his commercial activities provides good evidence for this claim.
82
The flourishing period of this international centre, however, was
from the 14th to the beginning of the 12th centuries bce. We find
here something similar to a royal monopoly of foreign trade: mutual
regulation by political agreements between neighbouring countries
and states concerni ng their trade. We learn much about prices, pay-
ments and transportation conditions of total overland and maritime
trade as well as about mutual coordination among various 'national'
metrological units, a necessary precondition for international trade.
01
KTU category 9, unpublished texts (CA 569-603) listing 529 tablets and frag-
ments of tablets. Note that only alphabetic texts are mentioned.
K
The text ARA IT 23 No. 556, edited with comments by VI L L ARD 1986. On the
general problems of Mari trade with the Aegean via Ugarit, see HEL TZER 1989a.
2.2 The tamkari
I n practice, trade was in the hands of the tamkrs (Ug. mkrm, Akk.
tamkru
Mh&
, Sum. dam. gar ) , who were the royal commercial agents
of Ugarit and its nei ghbouri ng countries, although they sometimes
managed their own commercial operations, too.
The tamkrs (mkrm), like the other professional groups of royal
dependents (bns mlk), received land allotments as conditional hold-
ings for their tamkrtu-service.
83
The tamkrs (mkrm) as a professional
group are known from a number of Ugaritic (alphabetic) and syl-
labic Akkadian texts.
84
Together with members of other professional
groups the tamkrs also had to participate in guard service as archers
and, together with these other professional groups, received deliver-
ies in kind.
85
2.3 International treaties
The most i mportant trade relations guaranteed by i nternati onal
treaties, as well as by orders of the Hittite king, were established
between Ugarit and the Hittite Empi re and with the latter's vassal-
kingdoms, Carchemi sh, Emar and others (cf. A bo ud 1994, 91- 103) .
There are international texts concerni ng trade based on recipro-
cal agreements. Thus we know of the declaration of I niteub, the
king of Carchemish,
86
that in cases when the tamkr sa mandatti
87
of
the king of Ugari t, who mai ntai n their commerci al activities in
Carchemi sh, or the tamkrs of the king of Carchemi sh, with their
activities in Ugarit, are killed and robbed, the culprits shall be found
and punished. Restitution of property has to be made. If the mur-
derers are not found, the people of the territory where the murder
83
PRU 5, 130 = RS 18.285 (KTU 2.59 = RS 18. [500]) in which a certain
Abdi hagab receives land allotments and for this ''pit-k[a]-u "'/
LMES
tamkru-ut-ti
U
-ub-bal 'the service of tamkrship he shall perform.'
84
K TU 4.36 = RS 8.208; K TU 4.38 = RS 8.272; K TU 4.68 = RS 11.716;
K TU 4.126 = RS 14.084; K TU 4.137 = RS 15.015+; K TU 4.163 = RS 15.073;
K TU 4.173 = RS 15.094; K TU 4.174 = RS 15.095; K TU 4.179 = RS 15.103;
K TU 4.214 = RS 16.128; K TU 4.217 = RS 16.176; K TU 4.263 = RS 17.049;
K TU 4.369 = RS 18.078; K TU 4.430 = RS 18.301 []; K TU 4.745 = RS 25.417;
K TU 6.17 = RS 14.023; PRU 3, 20 = RS 15.063; PRU 3, 199 = RS 16. 126B +
16.257 + 16.258 ii 1-36; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131:3, etc.
8f
' K TU 4.68 = RS 11.716 and K TU 4.36 = RS 8.208; K TU 4.38 = RS 8.272.
8,i
PRU 4, 154 = R S 17.146; HEL TZER 1978a, 126-7; also Y ARON 1969, 70-9.
87
The tamkrs are the trade-agents of the king or those who pay him taxes.
was committed had to pay 3 minas of silver as compensation.
88
We
also know that such cases occurred and that compensation for the
life of the tamkr was paid.
89
Some of these texts are also written as
agreements between the peoples of Carchemi sh and Ugarit.
Another i mportant text is a dccrce (or dclaration) of the Hittite
king Hattusilis III made to Ni qmepa, king of Ugarit.
90
The former
reacts to the complaint of the king of Ugarit that the stay of the
tamkrs of Ura (the seaport of the Hittite Empire) in Ugarit for a
full year is a heavy burden. The Hittite king declares that the tamkrs
of Ura have to leave Ugarit in wintertime. The tamkrs even had
the right to take all the moveable property of their debtors, as well
as their families and even the debtors themselves, but the lands of
the debtors had to remain in the hands of the king of Ugarit.
91
From another text we learn that objects in an olive grove belong-
ing to the tamkrs of Ura were stolen, and then returned.
92
And in
yet another text the tamkrs of Ura are required to leave Ugarit in
wintertime (i-na ku-us-si), and not stay there and the same applies to
the 'sons of the city of Kutupa'.
93
It is clear from these texts as well as from others that com-
mercial relations, especially in foreign trade, were bound by inter-
national law.
Again, Ura appears in the texts on international commercial rela-
tions at the end of the Hittite Empire, as does Ugarit about 1200
bce. According to Ug 5, 33 = RS 20.213, the Hittite king orders
the king of Ugarit to transport 200 kur (ca 500 tons) of grain on his
ships to the Hittite country via the port of Ura.
94
2.3.1 Trading partners
The commercial texts may be classified into several categories depend-
ing with which country or countries Ugarit was trading.
88
See also PRU 5, 76 = RS 18.045 and PRU 4, 160 = RS 18.019.
89
PRU 4, 106 = RS 17.229 and PRU 4, 153 = RS 17.230.
90
PRU 4, 103 = RS 17.130; also HEL TZER 1978a, 127-8; Y ARON 1969, 71-2.
91
Duplicates PRU 4, 154 = RS 17.461 and RS 18.003 (mentioned PRU 4, 103).
92
PRU 4, 182 = RS 17.319; possibly a similar text is the fragment PRU 4, 190 =
RS 17.316.
93
The location of this city is unknown. Text: RSO 7, No. 1 = RS 34.179.
94
See also the fragment Ug 5, 145 = RS 26.158; HEL TZER 1978a, 153 5.
2.3.1.1 Trade with Canaan
Certain texts pertain to the relations between Ugarit and the cities
of the Canaanite coast which concerned maritime trade. Thus, accord-
ing to PRU 6, 126 = RS 19.029, a number of pieces,
95
25 in all,
are handed over to a certain Abihili 'to Byblos' (a-na gu-ub-li). Another
text (K TU 4.338 = RS 18.025) mentions a sum of "540 "shekels
of silver; this is the silver of the ships
l 2
that was pledged among the
ships
l 3
for the king of Byblos,
l 4
and
15
the king of Byblos took 50
(shekels) of silver
l6
as the property (cargo) of his ship'.
96
Possibly, too, there were maritime commercial relations with Sidon.
97
I nformati on is available about mari ti me connections with Tyre (sr).
98
It also seems that in addition maritime relations were mai ntai ned
with Ashdod and Ashkelon on the south coast of Canaan.
99
2.3.1.2 Trade with Egypt
Naturally, the commercial texts have a great deal to say about Egypt.
A letter concerni ng a ship bound for Egypt has been menti oned
above. PRU 6, 14 = RS 19.050 is devoted to commercial trips to
Egypt and Hatti.
An interesting text from many aspects is Ug 5, 42 = RS 20.21.
The king of neighbouring Unatu, connected with Ugarit, writes to
the king of Ugarit that he had a treaty with him. He relates that
he sent a certain Ba'aliya with other persons and property. Also,
that this person, possibly Ba'aliya, 'gave over this person, his com-
pani on, to the sons of Egypt, and left him there',
100
but took his
property. Thi s is not the only such text.
Another text is RSO 7, No. 16 = RS 34.158. Again, the king of
Unatu writes to Uzzinu, who was the skinu (of the land of Ugarit).
He says that one of his servants, (i.e. a Ugaritian) 'handed over the
95
subti^ elippti
MfcS
ma-as-fra-tu-ma '7 garments of ships' (possibly sai1s(?)).
96 W
hm m't arb'm
11
kbd ksp anyt
n
d 'rb.banyt
l3
/ mlk gbl
H
w. bmm ksp
i5
lqh mlk gbl
16
lbs any tk. See also HEL TZER 1978a, 143; MA RQUEZ ROWE 1993a.
97
Cf. PRU 6, 81 = RS 19.182. Byblos is also mentioned in this text.
98
KTU 2.38 = RS 18.031 and KTU 2.40 = RS 18.040. In a letter, the Tyrian
king reports that a ship bound for Egypt is still in Tyre. Akko is also mentioned
there.
99
KTU 4.635 = RS 19.096; PRU 6, 79 = RS 19.042:4. Arwad is also men-
tioned in this text; PRU 6, 96 = RS 19.91:4; PRU 6, 156 = RS 19.020.
100 15
e-nu-ma amla a-a-i
16LU
tap-pi-u "ip-u-ru-un-mi
,H
a-na mr
N
"
S
mi-is-r[i-i]
9
iz-za-ab-u.
slave (or servant) to the sons of the land of Egypt'.
101
Later in the
text, he makes the accusation that the culprit is Ba'aliya, who was
menti oned in the previous text. Thus we even learn about criminal
activities in commercial relations with Egypt.
There are also other texts about more regular trade relations with
Egypt, including the fact that some tamkrs were combi ni ng their
efforts. The tablet K TU 3.8 = RS 19.066 is an account of this.
According to this tablet, a few persons combi ned their capital and
efforts and go together on a tamkr-trip to Egypt.
102
RSO 7, 71-2
No. 33 = RS 34.173 possibly shows us other existing commercial
relations with Egypt.
2.3.1.3 Trade with Cyprus
A number of texts also tells us about maritime trade with Cyprus
(Akk. alasiya, Ug. ally). According to RS 34.153:31-5,
103
the king of
A1aia has to receive two horses from the king of Ugarit. Text K TU
4.352 = RS 18.042 mentions 660 j ars of oil.
104
Ug 5, 21 = RS
20.163, also mentions a Cypriot tamkr. The text K TU 2.42 = RS
18.1 13a provides evidence of trade relations with Egypt, Cyprus and
Ugarit.
2.3.1.4 Trade with Anatolia
We also have information about mari ti me trade relations with other
countries of the Hittite zone of influence in Anatolia. For example,
in the text of a litigation before I niteub, king of Carchemish, between
the tamkr Ariimiga, servant of the king of Tarhudai, and the 'sons
of Ugarit'.
105
Commercial transactions between Ugarit and Tarhudai
are also noted at the time of the last king of Ugarit, Ammurapi.
106
2.3.1.5 Trade with Crete and Carchemi sh
We cannot end this section without considering the trade relations
between Ugarit and Crete (Kapturi). One of the chief tamkrs of
101
H-pa-a-ar IR
8
[]
1
[x]-le-'
1
U a a-na mre
MtS Km
mi-is-r.
102
HEL TZER 1978a, 139 42. For a different opinion, see LI VERANI 1969.
103
RSO 7, No. 35, 75-6.
104
The kd 'jar' of Ugarit had a capacity of ca 22.5 litres (HEL TZER 1989a).
105
PRU 4, 169 = RS 17.158; Cf. also PRU 4, 171 = RS 17.042, where the mat-
ter of compensation for the life of a lamkr who has been killed is debated.
,0<i
RSO 7, No. 14, RS 34.139.
Ugarit, Si narnu, son of Siginu, was freed to pay to the 'palace',
(i.e. to the authorities) any tax payments and exemptions from per-
formi ng service obligations.
107
Taki ng into account his land transac-
tions, he was one of the richest persons in Ugarit.
108
Naturally, trade relations with Carchemi sh were overland. The
same is to be said about Qadesh (Kinza). It seems that responsibil-
ity for the regularity of relations and the payment of all duties by
tamkrs was in the hands of the skinu
109
(the 'vizier' of the country),
the mkisu ('customs official'),"
0
and the
[ lJ
kil kari ('overseer of the
quay').
111
We learn from the texts that there was also a bureaucratic
apparatus overseeing trade activities in this kingdom.
Overl and transportation to Carchemi sh and its vicinity, the vas-
sal states and Emar, was undertaken by donkey caravans. We learn
this from an interesting text (PRU 4, 176 = RS 17.346), in which
the king of Ugarit is accused before the king of Carchemi sh 'that
the king of Ugarit has stolen the caravans of the tamkrs'.
n2
According
to PRU 4, 150 = RS 17.059, the king of Ugarit had to transport
the payment of his tribute to the Hittite king 'on 10 caravans'."
3
We also have information about other caravans going to the coun-
try of the Hittites and Egypt.
114
Ug 5, 57 = RS 20.227 mentions a
caravan route to Emar in the southernmost part of the land of the
Euphrates."
5
Commerci al relations with Emar are also known from
a number of letters."
6
107
PRU 3, 107 = RS 16.238. Crete occurs in line 10. On the commercial activ-
ities and buying of lands by Sinarnu, Son of Siginu, the tamkr ^tamkru) PRU
3, 106 = RS 16.206 see HEL TZER 1988a.
108
HEL TZER 1978a, 132-3.
109
PRU 4, 215 = RS 17.288; PRU 4, 196 = RS 17.078; PRU 6, 7 = RS 17.148,
etc.
110
PRU 3, 15 = RS 15.033; PRU 4, 196 = RS 17.078; PRU 4, 235 = RS 17.135
+ 17.360B + 1 7.360[d]; PRU 4, 202 = RS 17.371 + 18.020; PRU 4, 239 = RS
17.232, etc.
111
PRU 182 = RS 17.424; Ug 5, 13 = RS 17.469.
112 5
. . . ma-a ar
KllR
U-ga-ri-it f}ann
m
* sa
LL M
tamkre
ME&
[il]-ta-na-ri-iq-mi.
113 12
i-tu 10 (fa-ar-ra-ni.
114
PRU 6, 14 = RS 10.050.
115
Possibly, commercial caravans are mentioned in Ug 5, 38 = RS 20.016; Ug
5, 53 = RS 20.15; PRU 6, 137 = RS 19.27; PRU 4, 138 = RS 19.46.
116
RSO 7, No. 30 = RS [Varia 26]; No. 31 = RS 34.134; No. 32 = RS 34.141;
No. 33 = RS 34.173, etc.
2.3.2 Exchanging gifts
From primitive times, a certain kind of commerce or commercial
exchange involved the exchange of gifts. Thi s feature is also widely
known from the ancient Near East from the 15th to the beginning
of the 12th cent. bce. We know that it took place between rulers
of equal rank, between queens and between high officials of various
ranks. Also 'gifts' from abroad from persons of lower rank or from
vassals to the ruler, queen, or official of higher rank were sent to
Ugarit, and vice versa}
17
There is a large international correspondence
in this field. The objects are mostly called by the term 'gift' (nmurtu
and ulmnu).
US
(Here we do not consider the official 'tribute', man-
dattu, which appears in a number of texts). As for the 'gifts', these
include silver, even gold, precious stones, metal vessels and utensils,
horses, donkeys, various textiles and garments, and many other items.
There are many texts in which various goods are mentioned which,
without any doubt, were used for trade, for foreign trade of the first
rank. We cannot define them as commercial goods when their prices
are not given or at least when it is not written that they were a
'gift' (Ug. mnh) or when they concern the trading of cattle, food
products, and artifacts, where the equivalent of the exchange is given.
2.3.2.1 Slaves
We can begin with the slave trade. The amounts involved were not
large, even if we consider the price of redeeming a slave. From some
of the texts"
9
it is clear that the price of a slave (male or female)
was between 14.3 and 120 shekels of silver,
120
and the average price
of a slave was about 33 shekels (see 11.1.6.6).
117
The exhaustive work on this question is ZACCAGNI NI 1973.
118
PRU 3, 14 = RS 12.33; PRU 4, 191 = RS 17.247; PRU 3, 194 = RS 17.385;
PRU 4, 214 = RS 17.152; PRU 4, 221 = RS 17.383; PRU 4, 223 = RS 17.422;
PRU 6, 6 = RS 17.144; PRU 6, 7A and = RS 17.148; PRU 6, 8 = RS 17.239;
PRU 6, 13 = RS 18.057; PRU 6, 14 = RS 19.050; PRU 6, 16 = RS 22.006; PRU
6, 149 = RS 17.354; Ug 5, 21 = RS 20.168; Ug 5, 38 = RS 20.016; Ug 5, 39 =
RS 20.172; Ug 5, 46 = RS 26.130; Ug 5, 48 = RS 20.19; Ug 5, 50 = RS 20.151;
Ug 5, 53 = RS 20.015; Ug 5, 56 = RS 20.150; Ug 5, 57 = RS 20.227; Ug 5, 62
= RS 20.194; Ug 5, 67 = RS 20.182D, etc.
119
KTU 4.36 = RS 8.208 (THUREAU-DANGIN 1937); PRU 4, 238 = RS 17.231;
PRU 4, 236 = RS 17.251; PRU 4, 109 = RS 17.028; PRU 4, 109 = RS 17.108;
PRU 4, 201 = RS 18.002; KTU 3.4 = RS 16.382; KTU 4.659 = RS 19.166; Ug
5, 10 = RS 17.067.
120
On the Ugaritic shekel of 9.4 gr. cf. PARI SH 1981.
2.3.2.2 Food and agricultural products
'Wheat' (ht), sold accordi ng to the pansu measure (ca 90 litres), cost
1 shekel for 1 pansu, and 1 pansu bought 0.2 j ars of (olive) oil = 4.5
litres.
121
'Barley' (/V) was measured by the ^/-measure, as was 'emmer'
(ks/sm or kfrm)
m
and 'oil' (zt [mn]). I n Ugari t, olive oil was sold at
a price of 1.5 shekels per j ar (22.5 litres).
123
Many texts menti on the
sale of oil, but the state of the texts does not permi t exact calcula-
tions.
124
The price of 'wi ne' (jyn) cannot be calculated.
125
'Honey'
(nbt), 'dried figs' (dblt), and 'raisins' (smqrri) were also commercial goods,
as were 'cheese' (ga
meS
), 'black cumi n' (sbbyr) and other products.
126
As for catde, we know that the price of an ox was between 10
and 17 shekels.
127
Sheep were priced at of 1-1.5 shekels each
128
and
horses were sold for 20-300 shekels each.
129
Donkeys and mules were
also objects of commerci al transactions.
130
2.3.2.3 Textiles and dyes
Textiles and garments played an i mportant role in the commerce of
Ugari t. Besides 'flax' (pt t )
n 1
the texts also menti on 'wool' (
C
rt), the
pri ce of whi ch was from 1-7 shekels of silver per tal ent (ca 30
kilos).
132
There are also texts menti oni ng 'blue (violet) purpl e wool'
121
The 'jar' (kd) was a standard measure of ca 22.5 litres. (HEL TZER 1989b); the
texts are KTU 4.710 = RS 22.003:11-12; KTU 4.60 = RS 11.[913] and KTU
4.402 = RS 18.142:7-8.
122
KTU 4.710 = RS 22.003:11 (although KTU
2
read kst).
123
KTU 4.31 = RS 5.197+:11.
124
PRU 3, 197 = RS 16.181; PRU 6, 155 = RS 19.07; KTU 4.91 = RS
11.795:2-3; KTU 4.150 = RS 15.040; KTU 4.123 = RS 13.014; KTU 4.158 =
RS 15.062:3; KTU 4.341 = RS 18.028:20-21; KTU 4.402 = RS 18.142:9.
125
KTU 4.123 = RS 13.014:22-23.
126
Not all the words denoting the products can be translated exactly (HEL TZER
1978a, 19-21).
127
PRU 4, 38 = RS 17.356:6; KTU 4.337 = RS 18.024:21; cf. also KTU 4.402
= RS 18.142:5: '5 pairs of oxen'.
128
KTU 4.337 = RS 18.024:22; KTU 4.709 = RS [Varia 13]: 5; also KTU
4.34 = RS 6.216:4, 9.
129
KTU 4.158 = RS 15.062:6; PRU 3, 41 = RS 16.180; PRU 6, 7 = RS 17.148;
Cf. also Ug 5, 28 = RS 20.184; PRU 6, 6 = RS 17.148 and RSO 7, No. 21 =
RS 34.155 where the price of the purchase is not given.
130
PRU A, 176 = RS 17.346; PRU 6, 6 = RS 17.144; PRU 6, 8 = RS 17.239;
PRU 6, 14 = RS 19.030; Ug 5, 36 = RS 20.016; Ug 5, 53 = RS 20.015.
131
KTU 4.182 = RS 15.115:8; KTU 4.168 = RS 15.082:11; KTU 4.206 = RS
16.005:4.
132
KTU 4.158 = RS 15.062:17-8; KTU 4.341 = RS 18.028:4-5, 14-15; KTU
(Akk. uqnutakiltu) and 'red purple wool' (Akk. pat uqnu husmnu,
Ug. phm). Large quanddes of these types of wool are menti oned but
no prices are given.'
33
A large number of tablets concern dyes, per-
fumes, and vessels for them.
134
A great variety of garments and other
textile artifacts existed.
135
2.3.2.4 Metals, minerals and wood
The precious metals, gold and silver, are i mportant, although gold
was relatively cheap in Ugarit. According to the texts, its ratio to
silver was 1:3-4.
136
We can also calculate the prices of other met-
als: 'tin' (Akk. a-na-ku [ an. na] ; Ug. brr),
[37
with a tin-silver price ratio
of 200:1, which seems to be realistic,
13
" and 'copper' (Akk. en2, 'bronze'
Akk. sipanu, Ug. tit)this could possibly mean that their ratio to sil-
ver must have been 200-235:1.
139
Other commercial itemsartifactsare often mentioned: golden
and silver cups (ks hrs, ks ksp),
H0
and artifacts of copper (bronze),
which have an i mportant place in trade. The exact price of these
items is unknown.
141
Various stones and minerals appear as trade
objects in the commercial texts. Sometimes they consist of beads,
alum, possibly even as rare an item as glass (? me-e-ku PRU 6, 6 =
RS 17.144:40) also 'carnelian' [m), 'lapis-lazuli' (iqnu), etc.
142
Ti mber
4.337 = RS 18.024:9-10; K TU 4.707 = RS 21.1 84A: 15-8; K TU 4.721 = RS
23.028:9, 14; and a large number of other texts.
133
Cf. HEL TZER 1978a, 23-7.
134
HEL TZER 1978a, 27-8.
135
Cf. RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A 1985, in which an exhaustive analysis of all textiles
known from Ugarit, is given.
136
HEL TZER 1978a, 28-9; K TU 4.341 = RS 18.028:1-2, 5-6, 10, 16-7, K TU
4.337 = RS 18.024:20. But the scarcity of data makes this rate questionable. See
VARGY AS 1980, esp. 106-7, and STI EGL I TZ 1979.
137
Ug 5, 12 = RS 17.150+; 38 = RS 20.16; PRU 6, 155 = RS 19.07; K TU
4.337 = RS 18.024:4-5.
138
HEL TZER 1978a, 29-30, VARGY AS 1980a, 110.
139
HEL TZER 1978a, 30- 1, VARGY AS 1980a, 108.
140
No account is taken here the artifacts that were paid as tribute to the Hittite
king: K TU 3.1 = RS 11.772+; PRU 3, 181 = RS 11.732[B]; PRU 4, 40 = RS
17.227; note also PRU 3, 12 = RS 11.730, PRU 3, 33 = RS 16.114:5; PRU 6,
158 = RS 19.024; Ug 5, 12 = RS 17.150+ (copper cups).
141
K TU 4.123 = RS 15.115:17, 21; K TU 4.385 = RS 18.110:3, 5; PRU 6, 7 =
RS 17.148; PRU 6, 6 = RS 17.144; PRU 6, 14 = RS 19.50; PRU 6, 158 = RS
19.24; PRU 6, 163 = RS 19.64; Ug 5, 38 = RS 20.16.
142
K TU 4.182 = RS 15.115:10, 12, 16, 17, 27; K TU 4.158 = RS 15.062:14-15;
K TU 4.206 = RS 16.005:6; K TU 4.337 = RS 18.024:25; PRU 3,20 = RS 15.063;
PRU 3, 39 = RS 16.359; PRU 3, 187 = RS 15.043; PRU 6, 6 = RS 17.144:40;
from various trees and reeds were objects of commerce,
143
as were
wooden artifacts.
144
Naturally, the list of all such objects of trade
could be extended, but space does not allow this.
2.3.2.5 Weights and measures
One very i mportant feature also needs to be taken into account in
the commercial life of Ugarit: its metrological system and its adap-
tation to the conditions of international trade. As menti oned above,
the Ugaritic mi na consisted of 50 shekels of 9.4 grams, almost equal-
ling the Egyptian kit of 9.2-9.3 grams. As Parise has pointed out,
145
for trade with Mesopotami a, the Ugaritic mi na was divided into 60
shekels, and then the shekel was weighed according to the Mesopota-
mi an standard of ca 8 grams. For transactions with the Hittites, the
mi na was divided into 40 shekels according to the Hittite system,
and a shekel weighed 11.75 grams. Naturally, this 'exchange rate'
eased commercial relations. There is one other i mportant matter.
From the texts of Ugarit, we also know of another metrological unit,
the f t (,fdt), a-i-tu in Ugaritian Akkadian.
146
We have reached the
conclusion that in Ugarit it was
2
of the kd 'jar' of 22.5 litres, and
that this unit of measure comes from Egypt, where it was ^ of the
Egyptian deben of 92-94 grams, and known as 't, \t), sniw. Thi s
adaptation of metrological units facilitated trade relations with Egypt.
147
3 C r a f t s an d I ndus t r i es
Ugarit was an i mportant centre of developed crafts in the second
millennium bce, especially from the 14th to the beginning of the
PRU 6, 133 = R S 18. 057: 3; PRU 6, 156 = R S 19. 020: 3; Ug 5, 48 = R S 20. 019: 11;
Ug 5, 12 = R S 17. 150 + 17. 034: 5- 50, etc.
143
K T U 4. 91 = R S 11. 795: 7, 8; K T U 4. 158 = R S 15. 062: 12, 20- 22; K T U
4. 247 = R S 16. 399: 29, K T U 4. 402 = R S 18. 142: 3; PRU 6, 158 = R S 19. 24; Ug
5, 12 = R S 17. 150+: 8- 32.
144
K T U 4. 123 = R S 13. 014: 21; K T U 4. 127 = R S 14. 129: 2; K T U 4. 158 = R S
15. 062: 7; K T U 4. 385 = R S 18. 110: 10; PRU 6, 158 = R S 19. 24: 9; PRU 3, 163 =
R S 19. 64; PRU 6, 162 = R S 19. 36: 5; Ug 5, 28 = R S 20. 187: 10.
145
PARI SE 1981, 156.
K T U 4. 778 = R I H 83/ 12: 5; K T U 4. 782 = R I H 84/ 8: 7- 8 and K T U 4. 771 =
R I H 78/ 2: 5- 8; K T U 4. 150 = R S 15. 040: 5; only once in Akkadian, Ug 5, 95 =
R S 20. 425: 10.
147
HEL TZER 1994; CASTL E 1992.
12th centuries. Archaeological material found there can sometimes
add to our knowledge when we can establish a connection with pro-
fessions or artefacts menti oned in the written sources.
148
3.1 Royal service
The craftsmen of all branches of production belonged to the 'royal
(service) men' (bn mlk - Akk. bunu milki). From royal stores in var-
ious parts of the kingdom they received rations and where neces-
sary, raw materials for processing. They also received land prebends
(sd. ubdy) as conditional holdings. The group known as bns mlk per-
formed their professional duties as their 'corve obligation' (pilku)
(see 10.2.3). Thi s type of centralised system for the whole econ-
omy, including crafts, is also known in other countries of the ancient
near East. However, the organization most like it is documented in
the Linear tablets of Mycenaean Greece.
3.2 Crafts and industries
Unfortunately, we know almost nothi ng about the existence of pri-
vate artisans, or of private crafts which must have been practised
within families. Thi s includes weaving textiles at home, home-made
pottery and other activities. Crafts and industries can be classified
as follows:
3.2.1 Collective work
By collective work is meant shipbuilding, chariot construction, the
construction of houses and other buildings. Thi s type of work often
required various components made by craftsmen of different kinds
such as 'house builders' (Ug. hr bhtm, Akk. itinnu), who are docu-
mented in many texts'
49
and 'shipwrights' (Ug. hr anyt; K TU 4.125 =
RS 14.002:1).
150
Naturally, the shipyards were in the coastal villages.
148
On archaeology cf. SCHAEFFER 1939a, 1949, 1956. Also the archaeological
reports by Schaeffer in Syria from 1929 onwards. Cf. also COURTOI S 1979.
149
K TU 4.35 = RS 8.183+ i 16; K TU 4.38 = RS 8.272:6; K TU 4.47 = RS
10.043:10; K TU 4.183 = RS 15.116; K TU 4.376 = RS 18.085; K TU 4.609 =
RS 19.016:18; K TU 4.630 = RS 19.062:8-9; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131:11; PRU 6,
131 = RS 1 9.035A: 1; Ug 5, 99 = RS 10.15:12. Cf. HEL TZER 1982, 80ff, esp. 86-7;
SANMARTI N 1995a, esp. 178.
150
HEL TZER 1982, 85-6; SANMARTI N 1995a, 177-8.
Some tablets also mention components of ships, including masts (trn)
( V i ta 1995a, 137-76). Menti on is also made of'chari ot-makers' (hrs
mrkbt) and 'cartwrights' (hr Vi/).
151
Using information from these texts
it has been possible, to some extent, to reconstruct the technology
of chariot making ( Cal der s 1977). I n addition, chariots were repaired
in the workshops for which the workers received materials of vari-
ous kinds, including hrs, 'gold' (K TU 4.167 = RS 15.079:1-2).
3.2.2 Agriculture
Olive oil was a very i mportant product and is listed in deliveries of
rations. The peasant farmers, it seems, had to supply olives for the
production of oil to the gCs which comprised the basic units of the
royal economy. Olive oil was produced in large quantities ( H el t z er
1996) but as yet no installations from the Late Bronze Age for the
production of olive oil have come to light. However, the industry
was so developed that, according to PRU 3, 99 = RS 16.257+, 220
persons in royal service received at least 502 'jars' (Ug. kd, Akk.
karpatu) of oil, i.e. about 11,030 litres.
152
Delivery on this scale seems
to have been yearly. Refined oils are also attested, including smn mr,
'myrrh oil', smn nr, 'l amp oil' and smn rqh, 'aromati c oil' (on these
see 10.1.2.13). On rqh see below.
Wine also played an important role and there were, of course, wine
makers. I nformati on on wine is derived chiefly from the lists of the
royal stores and from deliveries made to individuals, to the court
and for cultic purposes ( H el t z er 1990). Here, mention may be made
of the professions within the bn mlk connected with the processing
of cereals. These are 'millers' (Ug. alhnm, Akk. alahhinu) attested a
few times.
153
The existence of a bt alhnm 'house of the quartermas-
ter (lit. "miller")' (K TU 4.392 = RS 18.130:4) shows that we are
dealing with an organization. It is possible that the ksdm
154
were also
151
HEL TZER 1982, 87-8; SANMARTI N 1995a, 178; K T U 4.46 = R S 10.035:13-4;
K TU 4.47 = RS 10.043:8; K TU 4.98 = RS 11.844:6, 8; K TU 4.141 = RS 15.022+
iii 20; K TU 4.145 = RS 15.034; K TU 4.183 = RS 15.116 ii 12; K TU 4.243 =
RS 16.395:2; K TU 4.339 = RS 18.026:16; K TU 4.609 = RS 19.016; K TU 4.743 =
R S 25.140; PRU 6, 93 = R S 17.131:13. Cf. VI TA 1995a, 35-72.
152
One kd/karpatu = 20-25 litres.
153
K TU 4.102 = RS 11.857:25; K TU 4.337 = RS 18.024:11; PRU 6, 70 = RS
17.050:11, although these are P N N ; cf. HEL TZER 1982, 80; SANMARTI N 1995a, 175-6.
154
K TU 4.99 = RS 11.845:16; K TU 4.125 = RS 14.001:8; K TU 4.126 = RS
14.084:16; K TU 4.186 = RS 15.156:1, 9; K TU 4.332 = RS 18.010+: 18.
'millers' ( H el t z er 1982, 90; DLU, 226) . The 'bakers' or 'cooks' (Ug.
apy, Akk.
11
nuhatimmu\ Ug. kkrdn, Akk.
11
kakardinnuf" also belonged
to the bn mlk and received rations and allotments of land.
3.2.3 Metal-working
The role of metal-working, in both copper and tin, was very impor-
tant. To begin with there are the nskm, '(metal-)casters'
156
(Akk.
nsikma).
]37
We do not know why there is no term for their special-
ization in these texts (but see next paragraph). One reason is sup-
plied, perhaps, by K TU 4.261 = RS 17.023, which has the heading:
spr argmn nskm 'list of the tribute of (metal) casters', where every per-
son menti oned in the text had to deliver 200-500 (shekels?) as trib-
ute (argmn) which the king of Ugarit had to pay the Hittite king, his
overlord. Here belongs the large group of nsk tit 'copper (or bronze)
casters"
58
(Akk. nsiku u r u d u ; PRU 3, 195 = RS 15.009 : 1 and
l
(
ME)
SI M U G U R U D U )
PRU 3, 204 = R S 15. 172a: 10; PRU 6, 93 = R S
17.133:23). A sample passage is Hit. d. ysa
2
bd. mmn ^largmn Hnskm
D
tmn. kkrm
b
alp. kbd '[m]itm. kbd 'Copper (or: bronze) which was deliv-
ered by umamnu to the casters for tribute, eight talents, one thou-
sand two hundred (shekels)' (K TU 4.43 = RS 9.011). From this text
we see that umamnu distributed about 250 kilos of copper (or
bronze), for processing or for making the final product, which had
to be paid to the Hittite king. umamnu seems to be the 'elder'
(rb) of the casters.
There were also different types of metal-worker, for example, nsk
him/hdm,
159
'arrowsmiths' (K TU 4.630 = RS 19.062:14). Arrow pro-
duction was the work of several specialists (see below). One profes-
sion involved in metal-working was the hr qtn who were makers of
155
SANMARTI N 1995a, 176,180; KTU 4.126 = R S 14.084:27.
156
The root is nsk, 'to pour, found, cast' (KTU 4. 43 = RS 9. 011: 4; KTU 4. 98 =
R S 11. 844: 17; K T U 4. 133 = R S 15. 005: 3; K T U 4. 261 = R S 17. 023: 1; K T U 4. 310
= RS 17. 392: 2, 5; KTU 4. 396 = RS 18. 135: 20) . We do not accept the opinion of
DOHMEN ( 1983) that the verb means 'to forge'.
157
PRU 6, 136 = R S 17.240:15; cf. SANMARTI N 1995a, 1812.
158
HEL TZER 1982, 93-4; SANMARTI N 1995a, 182; texts: KTU 4.35 = R S 8.183+
ii 8; KTU 4.43 = RS 9.011:4; KTU 4.126 = RS 14.084:18; KTU 4.183 = RS
15.116 ii 27; KTU 4.222 = RS 16.193:8-11; KTU 4.181 = RS 15.106; KTU
4.272 = RS 17.118; KTU 4.310 = RS 17.392.
159
In KTU 4.609 = RS 19.016:25 him is the Hurrian spelling of h
Z
m.
sickle-bladed swords.
160
There is a problem in connection with cop-
per artifacts and the producti on of bronze at Ugarit since there were
no local sources of metal ( Z ac c agni ni 1970). It seems that metal-
working had a long tradition in Ugarit since we know that when
Zimrilim, king of Mari , visited Ugarit, all along his route he dis-
tributed large quantities of tin to rulers and in particular to Cretans
living in Ugarit ( V i l l ar d 1986).
3.2.4 The textile industry
Raw materials in the form of 'flax' (ptt) and 'wool' (s
c
rt) were available
locally in sufficient quantities, for treatment. It is possible that spin-
ning was a home industry, but at least four 'spinners' (gzlm) are listed
among the bn mlk.
161
'Weavers' (Ug. mhs, Akk. mhisu and usparuf
62
are also mentioned in many texts.
163
Although there were many terms
for textiles and garments, it is not always possible to determi ne what
they mean ( R i bi chi ni - X e l l a 1985) I n one text purple-dyed wool
is distributed to weavers for further treatment ( T h u r eau - D an g i n
1934). A wide spectrum of minerals and herbal dyes was used which
involved complex treatment ( van S o l d t 1990a). Among those who
treated textiles were the 'fullers' or 'dyers' (kbsm/kbsm).
160
HEL TZER 1997; SANMARTI N 1995a, 182; K TU 4.47 = R S 10.043; K TU 4.98
= RS 11.844:9; K TU 4.183 = RS 15.116 iii 16; K TU 4.609 = RS 19.016:23;
K TU 4.630 = RS 19.062:12; K TU 4.370 = RS 18.079:35; K TU 4.742 = RS
25.139:12; K TU 4.745 = RS 25.417:18. Note that the yshm (KTU 4.47 = RS
10.043:7; K TU 4.68 = RS 11.716:67; K TU 4.99 = RS 11.845:19; K TU 4.105 =
RS 13.014[iw]:2; K TU 4.126 = RS 14.084:10; K TU 4.147 = RS 15.036:5; K TU
4.151 = RS 15.044 ii 1; K TU 4.207 = RS 16.006:5; K TU 4.609 = RS 19.016:9;
K TU 4.626 = RS 19.056:1; K TU 4.692 = RS 20.145:1, 8) were 'workers in bronze'
(SANMARTI N 1987; 1995a, 185).
161
HEL TZER 1982, 96-8 and 123-4, where the mf}sm were mistakenly considered
to be military personnel; cf. SANMARTI N 1995a, 181: RI BI CHI NI - X EL L A 1985, 20- 1.
Texts: K TU 4.99 = RS 11.845; K TU 4.102 = RS 11.115; K TU 4.107 = RS
12.002; K TU 4.123 = RS 13.014; K TU 4.124 = RS 13.020; K TU 4.128 = RS
14.176; K TU 4.158 = RS 15.062; K TU 4.182 = RS 15.115; K TU 4.183 = RS
15.116; K TU 4.266 = RS 17.074; K TU 4.332 = RS 18.010+; K TU 4.338 = RS
18.026; K TU 6.48 = RS 20.401 AB; PRU 3, 204 = RS 15.172; PRU 6, 10 = RS
17.390; Ug 5, 99 = RS 20.425.
162
AHw, 581; CAD M/ l , 102; AHw, 397; CAD I /J , 255-6. Texts: PRU 3, 205 =
RS 15.172 A:7; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131:23; Ug 5, 99 = RS 20.425:5.
163
K TU 4.99 = RS 11.845:15; K TU 4.103 = RS 11.858:57; K TU 4.121 = RS
13.009:1; K TU 4.125 = RS 14.001:9; K TU 4.128 = RS 14.176:5; K TU 4.182 =
RS 15.115:56; K TU 4.187 = RS 15.157+:1; K TU 4.269 = RS 17.106:8; K TU
4.332 = RS 18.010+-: 14 7; K TU 4.635 = RS 19.096:7; PRU 6, 166 = RS 19.099;
cf. SANMARTI N 1995a, 181.
The b'l tgptm was the 'maker of horse-cl oths' or 'maker of
caparisons'
164
and there were other textiles which could be used in
chariot making, shipbuilding, the manufacture of weapons, etc. (see
next paragraph). The only term for 'leather-worker' known is Akk.
akpu] he made objects for both military and civilian use. Even the
relatively scarce material provided here is indicative of the impor-
tant role textile production had in Ugarit, partly for the purposes of
foreign trade.
3.2.5 Weapon production
The manufacture of military equi pment and weapons was i mportant
to the economy which was fully controlled by the palace authorities
and run by the bn mlk system, although individual work was pos-
sible. The b'l tdtt were 'makers of breastplates'.
165
The production of
arrows was complex. Besides the 'arrow casters' (nsk h^m) there were
also 'modellers of arrows' (psl hzyn, also termed hdglm)
m
who appar-
ently produced/made the non-metallic part of the arrow and placed
it on the arrowhead.
167
The evidence for this comes from K TU 4.609
= RS 19.016 which among other professions lists by name three
hdglm (line 16) and eight nsk hdm (line 25; cf. . 159). Similarly, those
involved in the construction of bows were called hr qt 'bow-maker'
and psl qt 'bow-modeller', which would point to composite bows
since they had to have an aesthetically pleasing form. Craftsmen
from other professions such as htbm 'woodcutters' or even possibly
'carpenters, furniture makers'. Although the term firs was usually
specified further, as we have seen (hr bhtm, hr qt and hr qtri), some-
times hrm occurs on its own in the texts and it is impossible to
determi ne its precise meani ng ( S anmar t i n 1995a, 177). See also
11.4.7.
164
HEL TZER 1982, 82-3; SANMARTI N 1995a, 176-7; texts: PRU 3, 15 = R S 15.033;
PRU 3, 77 = RS 16.142; PRU 6, 93 = RS 17.131:14, PRU 6, 109A = RS 19.131:5;
PRU 6, 131 = RS 19.035A:8; Ug 5, 83 = RS 20.146:20.
165
Akk. tudittu, 'pectoral'; HEL TZER 1982, 83-4; SANMARTI N 1995a, 177; K TU
4.608 = RS 19.016:35-39.
I G6
HEL TZER 1982, 92; SANMARTI N 1995a, 179.; K TU 4.609 = R S 19.016:25;
K TU 4.630 = RS 19.062:14.
167
HEL TZER 1982, 84; SANMARTI N 1995a, 183, possibly Akk.
L(J
sa-si-nu (KTU
4.141 = RS 15.022+ iii 19; K TU 4.134 = RS 15.006:2; K TU 4.150 = RS 15.040;
K TU 4.188 = RS 15.169+; K TU 4.609 = RS 19.016:16).
3.3 Other crafts
Pottery, or the art of ceramics, was also an i mportant craft. The
Ugaritic word for 'potter' isjyjr (Akk.
w
ya-si-ru-ma,
LV
pahhru).
m
The
expression for jeweller in Ugaritic is nsk ksp, lit. 'silver caster' (kutimmu
in Ugaritic Akkadian).
169
Also documented are the pslm, i.e. 'sculptors,
carvers, engravers',
170
who most probably worked in stone. The only
occurrence of Akk. parkullu 'seal cutter', is in PRU 6, 93 = RS
17.131:24 (as
l u
bar.gul ).
171
I n addition there was the profession of
'pharmacist' (Ug. rqh) who also mixed ointment or prepared perfume.
172
Naturally, we do not have a complete picture of all the arts and
crafts in Ugarit, but only the sample given here, which is sufficiently
representative.
168
HEL T ZER 1982, 89-90; SANMARTI N 1995a, 185. Texts: K TU 4.46 = R S
10.035:11-2; K TU 4.87 = RS 11.789:3; K TU 4.93 = RS 11.776+:11; KTU
4.126 = RS 14.084:28; KTU 4.367 = RS 18.076:18; KTU 4.339 = RS 18.026:2-4;
KTU 4.338 = RS 18.025:10; PRU 3, 204 = RS 15.172; PRU 6, 136 = RS 17.240:11.
169
HEL TZER 1982, 92-3; SANMARTI N 1995a, 183; Texts: KTU 4.47 = R S 10.043:5;
KTU 4.68 = RS 11.716:74; KTU 4.99 = RS 11.845:18; K TU 4.183 = RS 15.116
ii 22; K TU 4.609 = RS 19.016:32; KTU 4.745 = RS 25.417:7; KTU 5.20 = RS
24.281:1; PRU 6, 70 = RS 17.050:4; PRU 6, 131 = RS 19.035a:29.
170
HEL TZER 1982, 96; SANMARTI N 1988, 183; texts: KTU 4.68 = R S 11.716:63;
K TU 4.99 = RS 11.845:18; KTU 4.103 = RS 11.858:36; KTU 4.126 = RS
14.084:8; KTU 4.207 = RS 16.006:7; KTU 4.370 = RS 18.079:45; KTU 4.412
= R S 18.251 iii 9; a possible Akk. parallel is
11
iadimmu\ cf. SANMARTI N 1995b, 455,
n. 2.
171
On seal cutting see SANMARTI N 1995b.
172
SANMARTI N 1988, 183-4; texts: KTU 1.41 = R S 1.003+:21; KTU 1.87 = R S
18.056:22; KTU 1.148 = RS 24.643:21; KTU 4.31 = RS 5.197+:2, etc.
CHAPTER ELEVEN
THE SOCI ETY OF UGARI T
J u an - P ab l o V i t a
1 P eopl es, C u l t u r e s and S o c i al M o v emen t s
1.1 The size and demography of the kingdom
1.1.1 The kingdom of Ugarit covered a territory of considerable
size.
1
It covered about 5,425 km
2
when its expansion was greatest
and 2,200 km
2
without the additional territories granted by Suppi-
luliuma I of Hatti ( A s t o ur 1995, 55). According to several studies
( G a r r 1987; H e l t z e r 1976, 103-12; L i v er ani 1979a, 1319-20), the
population of the kingdom was between 31,000 and 33,000 people,
approximately, with 6,000-8,000 in the capital and about 25,000 in
the rest of the territory. However, the archaeological evidence avail-
able at present counsels the greatest prudence in calculations of this
kind ( Y on 1992; C a l l o t 1994, 199).
1.1.2 The Ugaritic 'atonement' ritual K TU 1.40 = RS 1.002 (and
parallels; d el O l mo L et e 1992a, 99-109 = 1999, 146-60) is addressed
to all the people of Ugarit, to whom the words 'sons/daughters of
Ugari t' refer. It is the same as the term used for Ugaritians in inter-
national juridical texts.
2
As will be seen in the following paragraphs,
this people came from a range of different cultures.
' The final version of this chapter was prepared while staying at the Altorientalisches
Seminar of the Freie Universitt, Berlin, thanks to a research grant provided by
the Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung. I would like to thank Prof. Dr J . Renger
for the friendly welcome he extended to me and for the facilities he made avail-
able for my research at the above institute.
2
For example, PRU 4, 107-8 = RS 17.238; PRU 4, 161 = RS 17.341.
1.2 The Semitic component
1.2.1 The basic component of Ugari ti an cul ture is Semitic, as
attested by the local language (Ugaritic), its alphabet, a high pro-
portion of the personal names, or by the religion reflected in the
indigenous myths, legends and rituals. The alphabet normally used
in Ugarit, with its ag#-sequence, shows the fusion of various Semitic
traditions ( D i et r i c h - L o r e t z 1988a). I n terms of form, a consid-
erable number of the signs in the Ugaritic alphabet can be linked
to Semitic alphabets of the western type; a second group, with a
smaller number of signs, can be connected with southern alphabets;
finally, a third group corresponds to both traditions. The mixed ori-
gin of the signs could be an indication of the southern origin of
part, at least, of the historical Ugaritian population, where it might
have taken on elements from both traditions (western and southern)
for the formation of its own alphabet.
1.2.2 Thi s last hypothesis is strengthened by the recent discovery
in Ugarit of a cuneiform al phabet which follows the hlh sequence,
i.e. the one peculiar to the South Arabic al phabet ( B o r dr eui l
P ar d ee 1995a). The cuneiform alphabet in the South Arabic sequence
found at Beth Shemesh ( D i et r i c h - L o r e t z 1988a, 277~96; P uec h
1991; S ass 1991) would comprise the geographic link between the
South Arabic alphabet of the south and the South Arabic alphabet
of Ugarit.
3
1.3 The Human component
1.3.1 As attested by the onomasticon and a significant number of
texts in Hurri an found in Ugarit, Hurri an is the second ethnic, lin-
guistic and cultural component basic to the kingdom. On the one
hand there are documents which belong to the world of the scribes
(for example, polyglot vocabularies); on the other, documents which
are religious in nature, including texts with musical notation ( L ar o c he
1979; S al v i ni 1995) . They were written using both the syllabic sys-
tem and the local alphabet.
3
On the relationships among the various alphabets of the South Arabic type
and the alphabetic sequence attested in Egypt see TROPPER 1996. See 4.2.
1.3.2 It should be stressed that the only successful adaptation of
the Ugaritic alphabet to another language, in a significant way, was
to Hurri an.' The Hurri an documents written in this way are cultic in
character ( D i et r i c h - M a y e r 1994; 1995). Sometimes, Hurri an and
Ugaritic alternate within the same document, which shows that some
scribes may have been bilingual ( P ar d ee 1996b). Hurro-Semitic syn-
cretism is also reflected in the mix of divine names from both tra-
ditions found in some of the rituals, a genre which shows to what
extent the Hurri an pantheon was known in Ugarit ( del O l mo L e t e
1992a, 62-5 = 1999, 82-6; D i e t r i c h - M a y e r 1997b).
1.3.3 Everything, therefore, points to a high level of integration of
the Hurri an element, as a living culture, within Ugaritic society.
3
The supposition of a limited use of Hurri an as a spoken language
in Ugaritian society ( v an S o l d t 1991a, 519; D i e t r i c h - M a y e r
1995, 38-40) has to be revised in view of texts such as RS 23.031,
an (unpublished) letter in which Akkadian and Hurri an alternate in
a sort of mixed language, used perhaps in commercial transactions
( M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995c, 37).
6
At all events, the ritual K TU 1.40 =
RS 1.002 ( 11.1.1.2) seems to suggest that at least in the period
of King Ni qmaddu the Hurri ans had not yet been integrated fully
( L i v er ani 1979a, 1321; P a r d e e 1996b, 76).
7
1.4 Foreigners in Ugarit
1.4.1 The ritual K TU 1.40 = RS 1.002 ( 11.1.1.2; cf. 13.6.2)
mentions other groups of foreigners in Ugarit, such as Hittites and
Cypriots and refers, in general, to the 'guests of the walls of Ugarit'.
Thus it is a reflection of Ugarit in its known role as a meeting-place
where languages and cultures interchange."
4
With the exception of the few examples of texts in Akkadian written using the
alphabetic system (SEGERT 1988).
5
In this context, note the coexistence of Semitic and Hurrian personal names
within the Ugaritic royal family (LIVERANI 1979a, 1322).
6
Elements of Hurrian influence are also evident in the Akkadian of Ugarit
(HUEHNERGARD 1989, 281 2; VAN SOLDT 1991a, 521-2). As for Ugaritic, it contains
a significant contribution of words with a Hurrian origin (WATSON 1995c, 533-41;
1996a, 701-4).
7
A king mentioned in KTU 1.40 = RS 1.002:28; KTU 1.84 = RS 17.100 [A]+:40;
K TU 1.121 = RS 24.270A:9; the Hurrians are mentioned in KTU 1.40:29, 37 (re-
stored in lines 12 and 20); KTU 1.84:4 (restored in lines 15 and 20). On the historical
moment in which the text can be set see DEL OLMO LETE 1992a, 108 = 1999, 157.
8
An interchange which, at the lexical level, is expressed in the presence of a
1.4.2 The historical relationship between Ugarit and Hatti is well
documented.
9
It is not surprising, therefore, that the Ugaritian admin-
istrative texts mention Hittites in connection with food rations from
the palace.
10
The most famous episode, however, concerns the pres-
ence of Hittite traders in Ugarit. At the request of Ni qmepa of
Ugarit, Hattusili of Hatd stipulated, by decree," that the Hittite mer-
chants from the Cilician locations of Ura
12
and Kutupa
13
operating
on Ugaritian soil were to carry out their activities only in summer,
and were required to leave Ugarit during the winter. Perhaps it was
a political decision by the king of Ugarit, in an attempt to limit the
massive buying up and export of Ugaritic grain and thus to maintain
economic stability and social peace ( V ar gy as 1995) . I n turn, the
intense political relations between Ugarit and the Hittite kingdom of
Carchemish led to the signing of agreements about financial compen-
sation should the citizens of one country be assassinated in the other
country ( 11.1.4.6).
14
The person called Takhul i nu was at a differ-
ent level, if it is accepted that besides being mud of the queen of
Ugarit,
15
he was kartappu of the king of Carchemish (so N o u g a y r o l
1955, 111;
16
but see S i nger 1983; cf. 11.1.5.1). By means of a series
of documents, Ki ng Ammi ttamru II allows him to buy lands and vil-
lages in Ugarit; however, these properties seem to be conditional on
the loyalty of Takhulinu and his descendants to the Ugaritic crown.
17
1.4.3 Political relations between Ugarit and Cyprus are attested
since the conquest of the island by Hatti and its later inclusion in
considerable number of foreign contributions to the indigenous language (WATSON
1995c; 1996a). For a possible reference to Assyrians in the texts from Ugarit see
KTU 4.230 = R S 16.341:3 (alr[y\m\ cf. the personal name atry, CUNCHI LLOS - VI TA
1995a, no. 534) and Ug 5, no. 56 = RS 20.150:7. There is a discussion of the term
ubru, probably a foreigner of some sort attested in Ugarit, in VARGY AS 1995.
9
See, most recently, LEBRUN 1995; NEU 1995b. See also 15 below.
10
KTU 4.149 = RS 15.039:4; KTU 4.216 = RS 16.165:9.
11
PRU 4, 103-5 = RS 17.130 and its version RSO 7, No. 1 = RS 34.179. The
second text mentions the people of Kutupa.
12
On Ura and its possible location see LEMAI RF. 1993. Merchants of the Hittite
king native to Ura also appear, as witnesses, in international juridical texts found
in Ugarit; cf. PRU 4, 190 = RS 17. 316; PRU 4, 202 = RS 18. 20+.
13
A place mentioned in R S O 7, No. 1 = R S 34. 179; see MALBRAN-I ^ABAT 1991,
15, n. 4.
14
PRU 4, 153 = RS 17.230.
15
PRU 3, 113 = RS 16.353.
I(i
PRU 3, 44 = RS 16.273.
17
PRU 3, 113 = RS 16.353.
a common defence system ( 11.5.4.3). The abundance of Cypriot
pottery,
173
the Cypro-Mi noan texts found in Ugarit ( L i ver ani 1979a,
1322-3) as well as letters
18
and administrative texts,
19
are also wit-
ness to relationhips between the two communities at both the cul-
tural and the commercial levels. Some Cypriots (ally, altyy, DLU, 33)
receive from the Ugaritian administration food and clothing,
20
others
belong to the guild of craftsmen.
21
On the other hand, from its struc-
ture the administrative text K TU 4.102 = RS 11.857 seems to be
a list of prisoners of war, or of persons detained for some reason,
who come from Cyprus ( V i t a 1995a, 108). An unpublished letter
found in Ras Shamra in 1994, which reports the dispatch of an
emissary of the king of Cyprus to Ugarit to deal with the freeing of
Cypriots detained on Ugaritic soil,
22
could support this hypothesis.
1.4.4 The correspondence which has been preserved shows that
political relations between Ugarit and the coastal centres of south-
ern Syria and Palestine were, in general, smooth and cordial.
2
' Within
a common cultural area ( X el l a 1995b) commercial relations and the
exchange of persons took place at the same level as political rela-
tions.
24
The presence in Ugaritic administrative texts of persons from
Tyre, Byblos,
25
Sidon, Beirut,
26
Acre, Arwad, Ashkelon or Ashdod
27
17A
YON 1984b, 430.
I B
K T U 2. 42 = R S 18. 113A (K NAPP 1983); Ug 5, 21 = R S 20. 168; R S O 7, 35
= R S 34. 153.
19
KTU 4.390 = RS 18.119:1 (restored). See also KTU 1.141 = RS 24.312, an
inscribed model of a liver, concerning someone buying a person from a Cypriot
(DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 232 = 1999, 347).
20
KTU 4.149 = R S 15.039 (on the possible cultic nature of the text see SANMARTI N
1989, 341; KTU 4.352 = RS 18.042; KTU 4.705 = RS 21.056.
21
KTU 4.155 = RS 15.051; cf. also KTU 4.343 = RS 18.029.
22
Personal communication of F. MAL BRAN-L ABAT.
23
List of sources in ARNAUD 1992, 192-4, completed by XEL L A 1995, 257-60.
Add the letters CK 7 (ARNAUD 1991a, 219) from Beirut, and PRU 4, 219 = RS
17.424c+ from Tyre (cf. ARNAUD 1996, 63 . 94).
24
See, for example, PRU 6, 126 = RS 19.28; PRU 6, 156 = RS 19.20; KTU
4.338 = RS 18.025 (MARQUEZ ROWE 1993a). On the content of documents which
are still unpublished see MAL BRAN-L ABAT 1995a, 445; 1995b, 104.
25
On Ugaritic kblbn (KTU 4.149 = RS 15.039:6) as possibly meaning 'Byblian',
see SANMARTI N 1989, 341.
2I
' On the possibility that in the Ugaritic texts the toponym 'Beirut' denotes the
present locality of Ras Ibn Hani, see ARNAUD 1984, but also VAN SOL DT 1994, 368
with n. 20 (Ras Ibn Hani = Ra'su).
27
PRU 6, 79 = RS 19.042 (Tyre, Acre, Arwad, Ashkelon); PRU 6, 81 = RS
19.182 (Bvblos, Sidon, Acre); KTU 4.96 = RS 11.840 (Ashdod, gent. aiddy)\ KTU
4.352 = RS 18.042 (Ashdod, gent. adddy)\ KTU 4.635 = RS 19.096 (Ashdod, gent.
adddy)\ KTU 4.778 = RI H 83/12 (Tyre, gent. siy)\
K T U 4

782
= RI H 84/08
is not suprising, therefore. On some occasions their presence is due
to circumstance,
28
but at other times there seems to be a greater
degree of integration into the Ugaritian administrative structure, with
people who work in palace farms (gt; cf. 11.4.1,2)
29
or are referred
to as 'apprentice' (gamaru).
30
1.4.5 In broad outline, Ugarit moved from the sphere of Egyptian
influence to become, by treaty, part of the political system of the
Hittite empire. However, as the correspondence shows (KTU 2.36 =
R S 17.435+; K TU 2.38 = R S 18.031; C u n c h i l l o s 1989b), com-
mercial relations between both countries remained the same and at
its final stage, Ugarit seems to have resumed relations with Egypt
at the highest level ( F r eu 1988; L ac k en b ac h er 1995b). The histor-
ical ties linking both these states
31
are reflected in the significant pres-
ence of Egyptians in Ugaritian society in which they seem to be very
much integrated. Together with Ugandans and foreigners of all kinds,
persons described as 'Egyptians' or 'from Egypt' work on palace
farms,
32
and receive food and clothing from the administration.
33
Also, as the juridical text K TU 3.7 = R S 18.118 shows ( H o f t i j z er
- v an S o l d t 1991 a, 206; M a r q u e z R o w e 1993b), they can be found
in various villages of the kingdom, perform military functions such
as that of mdrgl ( 11.5.3.4) and fulfil obligations of the unuu (unt)
type. Other Egyptians enjoyed a social position which was no doubt
more influential, even receiving various properties from the king of
Ugarit without any compensation at all.
34
However, the ambiguity
in respect of the possible Egyptian origin of certain persons said to
be Egyptian in Ugaritic administrative documents even affects per-
sons of the social standing of Sipti-Ba'alu ( V i t a - G a l n 1997; cf.
11.2.6.1).
(Tyre, gent, sry), KTU 4.321 = RS 18.005 (Byblos, gent, gblji); KTU 3.4 = RS
16.191+ (Beirut, gent. pi. birtym).
28
For example, the reference to shipowners from Sidon and Acre in ships from
Carchemish anchored in Ugarit (RSO 7, 5 = RS 34.147). Both references could
also be understood as personal names (cf. also the case of adddy in KTU 4.352 =
RS 18.042:9).
29
KTU 4.96 = RS 11.840:3.
30
PRU 6, 79 = RS 19.42:9.
31
On relations between Egypt and Ugarit see, recendy, HEL CK 1995.
32
KTU 4.96 = RS 11.840:6 (gent. msiy).
33
KTU 4.352 = RS 18.042:2 (msrm 'Egypt').
34
See the case given in PRU 3, 142 = RS 16.136.
1.4.6 Life in Ugarit was not exempt from dangers for foreigners.
Several international juridical documents deal with the murder of
traders.
35
They are bilateral agreements (with Carchemish) on mon-
etary compensation for the murder of traders on each other's soil
as well as resolutions concerni ng the robbery and murder of foreign
merchants in the kingdom of Ugarit ( K l en g el 1980) . The defence
of crown interests and the protection of international trade were
sought in equal measure. Actual cases were resolved between the
king of Ugarit and the communi ty to which the murderer belonged
( 11. 3. 8) . The resolution of the conflict was brought about by
payment of a customary amount of money and not by the death of
the guilty party.
36
The non-application of the death penalty is ob-
served also in cases of serious crime in which actual persons (not
communities) are implicated,
37
although some instances of execution
are also known.
5K
1.4.7 The kingdom of Ugarit also accommodated groups of peo-
ple who were basically not sedentary and were identified by their
own names. One of these groups was the hapir,
39
also attested in
Mesopotami a and Palestine. Broadly speaking, the term denotes indi-
viduals of foreign extraction, ethnically and socially displaced, who
frequently formed roving and dangerous bands, but who could end
up being integrated to some extent within society ( B o t t r o 1972- 75) .
The latter is the situation that seems to apply to Ugarit. The ref-
erences to various categories of personnel under the command of
the 'chief of the hapir' (rb
c
prm)
w
and to a hapiru in connection with
35
The unsafe nature of routes and roads could affect those of the highest rank,
as shown by the abduction of a Hittite princess on Ugaritian soil (Ug 5, 108 = RS
20.216). Other cases of murder in Ugarit in PRU 4, 173= RS 17.234 and Ug 5,
94 = RS 20.022. See 10.
36
As is clearly shown by lines 14-23 of the letter KBo I 10+ (K L ENGEL 1980;
HAGENBUCHNER 1989, 285, 291-2) from the Hittite king Hattusili to Kadaman-
Enlil II of Babylonia, which deal with the death of Babylonian merchants in Ugarit
and Amurru.
37
Cf. PRU 3, 96 = RS 16. 249: counterfeiting the royal seal and documents; the
penalty imposed is not death (envisaged in line 22) but exile. See also the episode
of intrigue led by two Ugaritic princes, dealt with in PRU 4, 121- 4 = RS 17. 352,
17. 035+, 17. 362 and 17. 367, which also seems to be settled by the exile of those
guilty (NOUGAY ROL 1956, 120).
3
" Cf. PRU 3, 68 = RS 16.269; cf. 11.3.2.2.
39
Mentioned in Ugaritic and Akkadian texts; Ug. 'prm (plural; CUNCHI L L OS
VI TA 1995a, no. 4506); Akk. fra-pi-ri (PRU 6, No. 112 = RS 17.99:5); Sum. SAG.GAZ
(and variants; BOTTRO 1972-75, 20); DIU 85.
40
Cf. KTU 4.752 = RS 29.097:1.
oil rations
41
show that there was some degree of organi zati on within
the group alongside its i ntegrati on within the admi ni strati on of the
ki ngdom, wi thout losing its identity.
42
The menti on of a place called
'Hill of the hapir
m
in admi ni strati ve documents seems to indicate
that, as in nearby Hatti,
44
the group had a geographi cal location. At
times the hapir were the direct cause of friction with foreign coun-
tries either over legal matters
45
or due to border conflicts.
46
1.4.8 Besides the hapir, the Ugari ti an sources mendon other groups.
A label with the inscription 'for the chief of the ktkym
H1
and an
admi ni strati ve text with personal names bel ongi ng to this category
48
suggest the (controversi al ) possibility that there was a group of
Kaskaeans in Ugari t, a north Anatol i an peopl e documented chiefly
in Hittite sources (.DLU, 231). The probabl e presence in Ugari ti c
society of groups bel ongi ng to the so-called 'Sea Peoples', in partic-
ul ar the erdan, is also controversial ( L o r et z 1995) . The vari ous
kings of Ugari t also had to deal with nomadi c peoples such as the
ummn-manda, in conflicts whi ch in the last resort had to be resolved
by diplomacy.
49
The inclusion of the various groups menti oned as
mercenari es in the army of Ugari t cannot be di scounted.
1.4.9 I n warti me, the contri buti on of foreigners to Ugari t could be
due to the taki ng of prisoners or the arrival of fugitives. Both cir-
cumstances were foreseen at an international level. The treaties signed
by Ugari t with Hatti
50
or Carchemi sh
51
usually envisaged the possi-
41
PRU 6, No. 112 = RS 17.099.5.
42
See also PRU 3, 102 = RS 15.109+.54-5; cf. also PRU 3, 233.
43
Ug. H lb 'prm (CUNCHI L L OS - V I T A 1995a, No. 4506), Sum.-Akk. ffalbi
L UMES
SAG.GAz/ ' apunma) , DLU, 85, 191.
44
PRU 4, 107 = RS 17.238.
45
PRU 3, 3 = RS 16.003, a letter from the king of Carchemish to king Ammittamru
concerning the case of f)apir. PRU 4, 107 = RS 17.238, an edict of Hattusili III
on fugitives from Ugarit in the territory of the ffapir of H
att
i ( 11 -4.2.2).
46
PRU 4, 161 = RS 17.341, on border problems between Ugarit and the south-
ern kingdom of Siyannu. Note also the reference, in a negative context, to the term
'bapiru' in a scribal exercise (PRU 3, 213 = RS 16.364).
47
KTU 6.3 = RS [Varia 5] (l rb ktkym).
48
KTU 4.319 = RS 17.443.
49
PRU 4, 180 = R S 17.286; VI TA 1995a, 18-9.
50
PRU 4, 52 = R S 17. 369A , a fragment which according to NOUGAY ROL 1956,
52, must form part of the agreement PRU 4, 48 = R S 17. 340. In connection with
this agreement see the letter PRU 4, 35 = R S 17. 132. Cf. also the treaty PRU 4,
96 = R S 17. 079+ and the international verdict PRU 4, 161 = R S 17. 341.
51
PRU 4, 54 = RS 17.334.
bility of acquiring prisoners from third-party countries in the event
of war as well as keeping in their territory fugitives from these same
countries.
52
As bilateral agreements, the obligation of the signatories
to repatriate fugitives from both countries who had settled in the
neighbouring country could be stipulated.
53
1.5 Ugandans abroad
1.5.1 The presence of foreigners in Ugarit corresponded to the
departure of Ugaritians beyond its frontiers. Sometimes they are
Ugaritians who travel abroad while carrying out their duties or pro-
fession. The international relations of the Ugaritic court, for exam-
ple, required the constant exchange of ambassadors and messengers.
Takuhl i nu, the best known ambassador of Ugarit, carried out his
duties in Carchemish ( Si nger 1983; cf. 11. 1. 4. 2).
54
The king and
queen of Ugarit tried to foster the work of their envoys by means
of personal contacts in the court in question.
55
I n turn, the envoys
had to give an account of their mission by means of written reports.
56
1.5.2 Because of their profession, Ugaritian traders also went abroad
often. Runni ng the same risks as their colleagues in other countries
( 11.1.4.6), their business ranged from Emar to Egypt, passing
through Cyprus, Unatu and the ports of the Levanti ne coast
( 11.2.6.1). The scribes also had some degree of mobility, by pro-
fession ( 11.2.7). One of them, from Cyprus, requests his lord, the
king of Ugarit, to send five chairs and a table ( M al b r an - L ab at
1995a, 445; 1995b, 104). However, as shown by the episode of the
'great sin'
57
which occurred in Sidon ( A r naud 1992, 185, 189-91;
X t l l a 1995, 259), the residence of Ugaritians beyond its frontiers
was not always free of conflict. A group of Ugaritians desecrated the
52
The military history of Ugarit (VI TA 1995a, 1131) suggests that there was no
lack of occasions on which the clauses concerning prisoners and fugitives could be
put into practice.
53
Cf. PRU 4, 107 = RS 17.238. In this respect see also, for example, the treaties
AT 2 (DI ETRI CH - LORETZ 1997) and AT 3 signed by Alalah.
54
In connection with Hatti see the Ugaritic letter KTU 2.16 = RS 15.008
(CUNCHI LLOS 1989b, 297-302).
55
PRU 4, 294 = RS 19.070, Ug 5, No. 28 = RS 20.184, both in connection
with Carchemish. See also RSO 7, No. 38 = RS 34.149, in connection with Sidon.
56
Ug 5, No. 44 = RS 20.219; RSO 7, No. 10 = RS 34.150.
57
FT-TA GAL; cf. ARNAUD 1992, 190, . 54.
temple of the Sidonian storm-god. As a result, the culprits, the people
and the king of Sidon had to perform a meticulous and expensive
reparation ritual to all the deities of Sidon over a period of four days.
Some of the culprits agreed to pay the cost of the ritual and those
who refused ran the risk of being executed.
18
1.5.3 On other occasions it was not professional reasons but war
or economical circumstances which forced some Ugaritians to leave
the country ( 11.1.6.7).
1.6 Social mobility
1.6.1 As the legal and administrative documents from Ugarit show,
the inhabitants of the kingdom could belong to different social classes.
It was a very structured society with a pattern quite different from
the one reflected in the texts from nearby Alalah ( S er angel i 1978;
G a l 1988), but comprised permeable strata. Different circumstances
could bring about a change in a person's class, such as a royal deci-
sion, marri age or one's own economi c situation. The differences
between Ugaritians in general and those within the same class in
particular ( L i ver ani 1979a, 1334; V a r g y a s 1988, 117), were also
economic in character.
59
The variations in the social and economic
position of the Ugaritians are also reflected in the archaeological
remains of tombs ( S al l es 1995) and houses ( C a l l o t 1994, 199- 201)
found in the city of Ugarit, which also show clearly the social dis-
parity between the capital and the rest of kingdom. On the lowest
rungs of the social ladder there were a certain number of servants,
slaves and fugitives ( 11.1.6.6-7).
1.6.2 Certain social classes, such as the maiyann and the mud, had
their own structure and were directly connected with the crown. In
Ugarit, the term maryannu,
m
which is well known in ancient Near
Eastern sources of the second half of the 2nd mi l l enni um bce
( Wi l hel m 1987- 90) , did not denote a type of soldier of the war-
5
" See also ARNAUD 1982b on a business dispute in Tyre.
59
Note also the existence of properties which were free of obligations (for exam-
ple, PRU 3, 90 = RS 16.147) as compared with others, the acquisition of which
entailed various economic and social obligations (for example, PRU 3, 62 = RS
16.167).
60
Ug. mryn, pi. miynm (CUNCHI L L OS - V I TA 1995a, Nos. 3726 and 3727).
chariot in the strict sense but a social group, a status or class ( Revi v
1972; V i t a 1995, 93 109). Its members formed a well-defined group
within society,
61
occupying a distinct social position but without com-
prising the controlling elite of the kingdom ( V ar gy as 1988, 121).
Distributed in various places,
62
they were connected economically
with agriculture.
63
Some of their members were military personnel
connected with chariots,
64
but they are neither the only members of
Ugaritic society i ntended for the chariot squad, nor did all the
maryann have to carry out that duty.
63
1.6.3 As for the term mud,
66
it denoted the scribe of the village
( 11. 2. 7. 2) but was also the name for a kind of courtier, the 'expert',
either of the king or the queen ( S anmar t i n 1989, 337- 41) . The
maryann were also connected with the crown. On the one hand, as
in Alalah,
67
the king had the power to grant an individual the sta-
tus of maryannu,
68
which was surely hereditary.
69
On the other hand,
again as in Alalah ( N a' aman 1980, 112) , they comprised various
categories, one among them being that of 'maryannu of the king'.
70
The same person could function in both categories, maryannu and
mud at the same time.
71
Nevertheless, the category of maryannu must
have been superi or, j udgi ng from the economi c benefi ts it en-
tailed and because it was a more restricted class ( Revi v 1972, 221) .
Accordingly, maryannu and mud could have been the highest social
classes.
61
See, for example, the lists of maryannu, KTU 4.322 = RS 18.007A and K TU
4.561 = RS 18.[489]; also perhaps KTU 4.623 = RS 19.049[B].
62
Cf. PRU "i, 192 = RS 12.034+; K TU 4.244 = RS 16.396:16; K TU 4.772 =
RI H 78/06:5.
63
K TU 4.416 = RS 18.252:1; K TU 4.244 = RS 16.396:16.
04
Cf. PRU 3, 192 = RS 12.034+ and the dependence of the maryannu on the
'overseer of (the) chariot(s)' (
L U
UGUL A
GI S
GI GI R; PRU 3, 79 = RS 16.239:31-3).
65
As shown, again, by PRU 3, 192 = R S 12.34+. Thus, the theory of RF.VI V
1972, 228, according to which the maryannu gradually lost their connection with
chariots during the second half of the 2nd millennium, is very probable. They were
being integrated into spheres which were more civil than military and their place
in the army was gradually taken by members of the lower classes.
66
Ug. md, pi. mdm (CUNCHI LLOS VI TA 1995a, Nos. 3361 and 3382) .
61
A T 15; A T 91 (NA'AMAN 1980, 111-2; DI ETRI CH - MAY ER 1996b, 184-7).
68
PRU 3, 140 = R S 16.132; HUEHNERGARD 1987b, 173. At Emar, instead, this
power could belong to an individual, cf. R E 66 (BECKMAN 1996b, 85).
69
Cf. K TU 4.561 = RS 18. [489],
7(1
maryannu LUGAL (PRU 3, 79 = RS 16.239:17). Also attested are the n't mrynm 'lads/
cadets of the maryannumd and bn mrynm 'sons of the maryannma (VI TA 1995a, 105-9).
71
Cf. PRU 3, 79 = RS 16.239!
1.6.4 Changes in status by royal decree could involve other classes,
such as the qd, mur'u and airu. Tradi ti onal l y understood to mean
'commanders', 'officials', the mur' were in turn subdivided into 'mur'u
of the king', 'mur'u of the crown pri nce' and 'mur'u of the prefect'.
72
By a decision of Ammi ttamru I I , a man and his sons moved from
belonging to the mur' of the crown prince (I biranu) to form part
of the mud of the queen, a change which entailed a series of financial
privileges.
73
I n the case of another person, the same king decrees his
transfer from iru
n
to 'mud of the king', a position which entailed
the payment of a sum of money but also exempti on from certain
obligations.
7
' It can be supposed, therefore, that both cases involved
a rise in social standing.
1.6.5 Changes were also possible horizontally, as the juridical docu-
ment PRU 3, 78 = RS 15.Y seems to suggest.
76
I n the case of women,
the changes of status attested are related to marri ages ( 11.1.6.6).
1.6.6 As in other societies of the period,
77
people in Ugari t could
be bought and sold.
78
As a result, in Ugaritic society there was also
a servant class,
79
which one j oi ned chiefly through financial debts
80
(cf. 11.1.6.7). Servants formed part of a property on the same level
Ug. mru mlk/Akk. mur'u LUGAL, Ug. mru ibm/Akk. mur'u Ibirana, mur'u unyni
and Ug. mru skn/Akk. mur'u
I L
MASKI M respectively. Bibliography and discussion ('fat-
teners', 'quartermasters') in VI TA 1995, 145-7; CUNCHI LLOS - VI TA 1995b.
73
PRU 3, 162 = R S 16. 348. According to NOUGAY ROL 1968, 136 n. 4, it is very
likely that the person in question was the recipient of the queen's letter Ug 5, 136 =
R S 20. 013.
74
A category of uncertain meaning, cf. DLU, 92 (Ug. 'r).
75
PRU 3, 134 = RS 15.137.
76
The document provides two examples of a change: by decision of king Niqmepa,
a person moves from being a 'tanner' (akpu) to being a 'lancer' (
LL
ZAG.LU; cf.
HUEHNERGARD 1989, 67; 11.5.2.3) and the other, instead, moves from a 'lancer'
to a 'tanner'.
77
On Emar see ARNAUD 1981 and the references in DI ETRI CH 1990.
78
Cf. PRU 4, 161 = RS 17.341; PRU 4, 238 = RS 17.231; Ug 5, No. 10 = RS
17.067; Ug 5, No. 85 = RS 20.236; KTU 3.4 = RS 16.191+. The Egyptians seem
to have played an active role in this enterprise, cf. KTU 3.8 = RS 19.066; PRU
3, 19 = RS 15.011; Ug 5, No. 42 = RS 20.021; RSO 7, No. 16 = RS 34.158.
79
Masc., Ug. 'bd (CUNCHI LLOS - VI TA 1995a, Nos. 4289, 4296, 4306, 4310; DLU,
68, which distinguishes between 'bd I 'slave' and 'bd II 'servant'), Sum. R, Akk. ardu
(cf. polyglot vocabulary Ug 5, No. 137 = RS 20.123 iii 4; HUEHNERGARD 1987b,
96, 158). Fem., Sum. GEM, Ug. amt (CUNCHI LLOS - VI TA 1995a, Nos. 270, 287,
289; DLU, 36). For references to prisoners (Ug. asr, Akk. asru) in the texts from
Ugarit cf. DLU, 55.
80
Cf . K T U 3. 8 = R S 19. 066 (HOFTI J ZER - VAN SOL DT 1991, 191- 2) ; PRU 4,
103- 5 = R S 17. 130. On the appropriateness of speaking of'servitude' rather than
as lands, houses, animals and domesdc furniture,
81
and thus could
be transferred and exchanged for other servants.
82
For the state they
carried out agricultural tasks on the royal farms (Ug. gt, Akk. dimtu;
11.4.1.2).
83
Being a servant was not necessarily for life, as shown
by the cases of women who drop their status as servants as a first
step before marri age ( 11.3.1.4),
84
or by the possiblity of personal
freedom, with a servant left in one's stead.
83
1.6.7 Finally, Ugarit had to deal with the probl em of fugitives. As
is known, the pursuit and extradition of fugitives was an i mportant
matter in the international relations of the ancient Near East. Ugarit,
like other states in the period, confronted this situation by means of
bilateral treaties and internal legal mechani sms ( H o f t i j z er - v an
S o l d t 1991). Since the nayyalu or runaway could not fulfil the eco-
nomi c obligations towards the admi ni strati on ('/^-obligations, pilku),
86
he was pursued and lost his lands in favour of third parties ( H e l t z e r
1976, 52-7; L i v er ani 1979a, 1343; S an mar t i n 1995c, 135-6).
87
It
was another possible way of becomi ng a servant ( 11.1.6.6).
2 T h e R o y a l F ami l y , A dmi n i s t r at i o n an d C o mmer c e
2.1 Dynasty and succession
Accordi ng to the textual evidence, only one dynasty ruled in Ugarit.
The royal titularies of the juridical texts show that succession was
'slavery' in Ugaritic society, see BOY ER 1955, 299; NOUGAY ROL 1955, 31- 2; for the
opposite view cf. LI VERANI 1982, 257.
81
For example, PRU 3, 56 = R S 15. 120; Ug 5, No. 81 = R S 21. 230; PRU 6,
No. 49 = R S 17. 378A ; R S 8. 145 (THUREAU-DANGI N 1937, 249) .
82
Ug 5, No. 56 = RS 20.150; PRU 6, No. 45 = RS 18.021; RSO 7, No. 56 =
RS 34.170.
8:1
K TU 4.636 = RS 19.097; Ug 5, No. 96 = RS 20.012. Cf. also HEL TZER 1982,
64- 5; LI VERANI 1982, 257.
84
PRU 3, 85 = R S 16. 250; PRU 3, 110 = R S 16. 267; R S 8. 208 (THUREAU-
DANGI N 1937, 253; partially in PRU 3, 110) where the husband pays a certain
amount of money.
85
RSO 7, No. 23 = RS 34.170.
86
See p. 485 n. 194. Cf. also abyn 'bankrupt' in K TU 4.70 = RS 11.720:6
(.DLU, 7; KTU
1
, 237; tflq 'missing' [DLU, 192]).
87
The generic term for 'fugitive', also attested in Ugarit, is munnabtu. The label
PRU 6, No. 76 = RS 17.361A, which deals with fugitives, was probably attached
to the agreement between Suppiluliuma and Niqmaddu, PRU 4, 52 = RS 17.369A,
from father to son. The only exception was Ni qmepa', son of Niq-
maddu I I , who succeeded his brother Arhalba.
88
The king was free
to choose the crown prince, although the king of Hatti reserved for
himself the right to intervene in the royal succession.
89
I n the event
of the monarch bei ng a mi nor, the queen-mother ( L i ver ani 1974,
336; L ac k en b ac h er 1995a, 75) or the prefect could act as regents.
2.2 The king
The king, as head of state, was at the pi nnacl e of the political,
administrative and religious system of the kingdom. The royal palace,
in the capital of the kingdom ( M a r g u er o n 1995), was a clear expres-
sion of his sovereign position. He was constantly present in external
politics, as shown by the treaties, juridical documents and copious
international correspondence. On the other hand, he was the supreme
commander of the army, a function which he exercised to effect
( 11.5.1.2). I n religion, the king occupied a central position. A large
number of the rituals preserved ( del O l mo L et e 1992a = 1999) are
royal in character: they are carried out in the palace, are directed
towards the tutelary gods of the dynasty, focus on the king's person
or show him to be the principal officiant. Some rituals where the king
officiates show the monarch as protector of the kingdom and some
stelae represent him functi oni ng as a priest, as beneficiary of divine
protection and as its i ntermedi ary between god and kingdom (Yon
1991, 292-7). Once deceased, the kings then became divine beings
and conti nued to watch over the dynasty and the kingdom. Ugaritic
royalty, therefore, is very much in line with royalty elsewhere in the
ancient Near East at the time and differs sharply from the types of
royalty of contemporary Syrian centres such as Emar ( F l emi ng 1992a).
2.3 The prefect
The administration of Ugarit was not monolithic but a partitioned
system. The superior position of the monarch was tempered by the
which also regulated the problem of foreign fugitives who reached Ugarit (VAN
SOLDT 1989b, 384).
88
Also a son of Niqmaddu. This atypical succession was due to the direct inter-
vention of the Hittite king Muri1i II following the Syrian revolt led by Nuhai
and Qadesh (cf. PRU 4, 85 = RS 17.338; LIVERANI 1979a, 1306).
89
Cf. PRU 4, 126 = RS 17.159. See also PRU 4, 124 = RS 17.367 and PRU
4, 128 = RS 17.348; YARON 1963, 29-30; PINTORE 1978, 131.
existence of administrative nuclei or nuclei of power headed by the
prefect, the queen and the court nobles (cf. also 11.2.5).
90
The
'prefect' (s/nu), at the head of a 'House of the prefect',
91
complemented
the king in every aspect of government, whether internal or external,
political, commercial or juridical ( L i v er ani 1979a, 1337; M a l b r a n -
L a b a t 1995b, 109). He was also the king's deputy when he was out-
side the kingdom
92
and acted as regent if the king was a minor.
93
2.4 The queen
2.4.1 The queen ( van S o l d t 1985-6; A b o u d 1994) occupied a sep-
arate administrative and political position. I n the context of the role
played by princesses in the international politics of the period (Pin-
t o r e 1978; S i nger 1991b, 335), the foreign origin of some queens
of Ugarit
94
pardy explains this position. Another cause was her secure
financial position. Queens brought a substantial dowry to a mar-
riage,
95
control of which they retained in the event of divorce. They
could increase their possessions by direct intervention of the king,
96
by the acquisition of new properties
97
and by the activities of her
own merchants.
98
They managed her patri mony with complete free-
dom,
99
and its business activities are reflected in various genres.
100
90
The king's relatives also had considerable influence. The documents show
them as increasing their personal patrimony thanks to the direct intervention of the
king, as in the case of Niqmaddu's family, i.e. his brother Nuriyani (PRU 3, 45 =
RS 16.140) his sister Dalaptum (PRU 3, 52 = RS 15.085), his daughter Apap
(PRU 3, 69 = RS 16.276).
91
bt skn, for example in KTU 4.361 = RS 18.051 (cf. CUNCHI L L OS - VI TA 1995a,
No. 4174).
92
RSO 7, No. 37 = RS 34.137.
93
RSO 7, No. 12 = RS 34.129.
94
From Amurru: Ahatmilku (VAN SOL DT 1985 6, 70; SI NGER 1991a, 159) and the
princess called 'daughter of the Great Lady'. From Hatti: on the divorce of Ammu-
rapi and his Hittite wife see 11.3.2.3. From Egypt: on the 'marriage vase' of Niq-
maddu II and the problem of identifying the woman depicted see VAN SOL DT 1985-6,
69-70.
95
As shown by the list of the effects of Ahatmilku, Niqmepa"s wife (PRU 3,
182 = RS 16.146+).
96
PRU 3, 53 = RS 15.089.
97
Ug 5, 262-4 = RS 17.86+, RS 17.102, RS 17.325. Thus they disposed of
properties of the gt/dimtu type (cf. 11.4.1.2), cf. the letter KTU 2.21 = RS 15.174
(CUNCHI L L OS 1981b), the administrative text K T U 4.143 = R S 15.031 and the
juridical text Ug 5, 264 = RS 17.325.
98
PRU 4, 189-90 = RS 17.314, RS 17.449.
99
PRU 3, 50-1 = RS 16.277, RS 15.086; PRU 3, 53 = RS 15.89.
100
Letters: PRU 3, 14 = R S 12.033 (VAN SOL DT 1985-6, 71) and K T U 2.34 =
R S 17.139 (CUNCHI L L OS 1989b, 345-7). Administrative texts: oil ( K T U 4.143 = R S
Financial i ndependence went hand in hand with her own adminis-
trative structure which was called 'The House of the Queen'.
101
I n
matters of religion, rituals and administrative texts reflect the queen's
cultic activity.
102
2.4.2 On the basis of the economic and administrative infrastruc-
ture described, the queen extended her activity to every sphere of
the realm, retaining up to her death both her title and most of her
influence. Like other queens and princesses of the period,
103
the queen
of Ugarit took an active part in the foreign policy of the kingdom.
By means of her scribes and messengers,
104
she mai ntai ned direct
connections with the principal courts of the period.
105
The letter RSO
7, No. 9 = RS 34.145 shows the range of aspects covered by the
queen's activity abroad. An indication of the position she held in
the diplomacy of the kingdom is the letter PRU 4, 294 = RS 19.070,
the presentation of a Ugaritian ambassador to a personage from the
Hittite court, signed jointly by the king and queen. The king, in
turn, kept the queen i nformed of his activity duri ng his j ourneys out-
side the court.
106
15.031), vineyards and wine (KTU 4.219 = RS 16.179:12; KTU 4.244 = RS
16.396:9; K TU 4.246 = RS 16.398:2-3; perhaps KTU 4.230 = RS 16.341:4.5),
wheat (PRU 3, 188 = RS 16.151; perhaps Ug 5, 198 = RS 20.220), barley for the
queen's animals (MAL BRAN-L ABAT 1995a, 446). The juridical texts PRU 3, 119 =
RS 16.204 and PRU 3, 143 = RS 16.138 mention the 'service (pilku) of the
queen's sons'.
101
bt arrati, an administration comprising 'the queen's men' (bn mlkt, KTU
4. 22 = R S 1. 041: 3- 4) in the election of whom she could intervene directly, cf. for
example, PRU 4, 238 = R S 17. 231 (NOUGAY ROL 1968, 136 n. 5). The skinu is the
most important official connected with the queen, cf. PRU 3, 110 = R S 8. 208,
PRU 3, 53 = R S 15. 089, Ug 5, 264 = R S 17. 325, K T U 2. 21 = R S 15. 174.
102
Ritual KTU 1.170 ="RI H 78/11 (CUNCHI LLOS - VI TA 1993a, 225: 1.174);
administrative texts: KTU 4.149 = RS 15.039:14-15; KTU 4.219 = RS 16.179:12;
KTU 4.230 = RS 16.341:4.5; KTU 4.246 = RS 16.398:3 (XELLA 1981, 345).
103
See, for example, the letter EA 26, from Turatta to Teye of Egypt, or the
character of the Hittite queen, Puduhepa (CUNCHI LLOS 1989b, 363-421).
104
Cf. RS 6.198 (THUREAU-DANGI N 1935), RSO 7, No. 9 = RS 34.145:21; K T U
2.34 = RS 17.139:5 (CUNCHI LLOS 1989b, 343).
105
Egypt: EA 48 (MORAN 1992, 120 n. 1); Assyria: R S 6.198 (THUREAU-DANGI N
1935; LI PI NSKI 1981, 87-8); Amurru: PRU 3, 13 = R S 16.111 (SI NGER 1991a, 160);
Hatti: RSO 7, No. 18 = RS 34.154; Carchemish: RSO 7, No. 9 = RS 34.145.
On the queen's contacts with the Hittite world see also BORDREUI L 1995b, 449. It
is probable that the letter KTU 2.68 = RS 20.199 records direct contact between
the queen of Ugarit and the dethroned Hittite king Mursiii III (Urhiteub; CUN-
CHI LLOS 1989b, 360 . 3).
IOfi
KTU 2.13 = RS 11.872; KTU 2.33 = RS 16.379; K TU 2.34 = RS 17.139.
2.5 Administrative centres
A series of residences outside the palace with archives which can be
dated to the second half of the 13th cent, bce show that, at least
in the final stage of the kingdom, affairs of state were administered
in various centres. These are what are known as the 'houses' of
Raapabu ( N o u g a y r o l 1968, 1), Rap'anu ( N o u g a y r o l 1968, 42)
Y abninu ( C o ur t o i s 1990) and Urtenu ( B o r d r eu i l 1995; M a l b r a n -
L ab at 1995a; 1995b; Y o n 1995), the names of nobles of the kingdom.
The archives of the so-called 'House of Urtenu', for example, date
to the end of the 13th cent, and the beginning of the 12th cent, bce
(the last two reigns of Ugarit); as a whole, they are more recent than
the palace archives. Political, diplomatic and military affairs are the
equal concern of both archives, which also share the same more
i mportant recipients, i.e. king, queen and prefect. Despite this, in
the correspondence of the 'House of Urtenu', commerce is the prin-
cipal topic, and it displays a wider geographical horizon than the
palace, ranging from Cyprus and the Hittite world to as far away
as Egypt and the ports of the Palestine coast. Nevertheless, the exact
purpose of these residences within Ugaritic administration has yet to
be determined. A comparative examination of the international cor-
respondence kept in the royal palace and in the houses of Rap'anu
and Urtenu ( L ac k enbac her 1995a) does not reveal the criteria which
governed the classification of a document in a particular archive and
so determine the specific nature of this archive.
2.6 Power and economy
2.6.1 The various administrative centres show the close relation-
ship that existed between power and economy. The Ugaritic royal
family played an active part in the economics of the kingdom. The
kings obtained important financial benefits from their relations with
traders.
107
One of these, ipti-Ba
C
alu ( A r naud 1982b; 1991b, 65-6;
V i t a - G a l n 1997), the director of an international network of
traders who operated from Emar to Egypt, passing through Cyprus
and the Levantine ports, belonged to the royal family as the king's
son-in-law
108
and supervised the runni ng of the queen's estates. A
107
For example, Sinaranu and Amtarunu (PRU 3, 101-8 = RS 15.138+, 15.109+,
16.206, 16.238+, 16.251; PRU 3, 124-6 = RS 15.163+, 15.147, 16.162).
108
RSO 7, No. 30 = RS [Varia 26],
considerable number of juridical documents show the king's inter-
vention in the exchange and the buying and selling of lands, either
intervening directly in the operation
109
or sanctioning operations
between individuals.
110
The politics of collecting taxes on the mer-
chandise which circulated in the kingdom also depended in the final
instance on the king ( A r naud 1996, 61- 2) .
2.6.2 The same relationship between power and economy can be seen
in the residences outside the palace ( 11.2.5). Y abni nu, for exam-
ple, who was at the head of a vast administration in the period of
Ammi ttamru II, also organized commercial trips to Egypt ( C our t oi s
1990). Various business networks gravitated around the 'house of
Urtenu' ( M al br an- L abat 1995a, 446; 1995b, 105), the best known
of which was directed by Sipti-Ba'alu ( 11.2.6.1).
2.6.3 Thus the palace administration, understood in its widest sense,
control l ed a large part of the commerci al activity of the king-
dom, as is also shown by the frequent reference to traders in the
administrative documents'" and the existence of a 'merchant/trader-
obligation'.
112
The palace supplied the merchants with a quantity of
merchandise
113
or money to carry out their operations, and once
concluded, it then proceeded to calculate the balance of the results
gained ( L i ver ani 1979a, 1330; 1979b)."
4
2.7 The scbes
2.7.1 The scribes were a central element in the functioning of the
administration. Various genres are witness to the type of formation
which the Ugaritic scribes received. They were professionals who
were generally bilingual or, at least, biscriptal (in Ugari ti c and
109
See, for example, the case of the family of Abdu (PRU 3, 78-86 = RS [Varia 7],
16.239, 16.254D, 16.143, 16.157, 16.250).'
110
For example, PRU 3, 54 = RS 15.090, PRU 3, 87 = RS 15.119, PRU 3,
71 = RS 16.356.
111
For the alphabetic texts cf. CUNCHI L L OS - V I TA 1995a, Nos. 3482- 3483.
112
PRU 6, No. 30 = RS 18. [500].
113
PRU 6, No. 156 = RS 19.020; cf. also, for example, PRU 4, 154 = RS
17.146:6-7.
114
On the dangers incurred by traders in the exercise of their profession see
11.1.4.6. On traders in general and their various classes, see also HEL TZER 1978a;
ARNAUD 1996, 62- 3.
Akkadian; v an S o l d t 1995; M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1996; D al i x 1996).
Expressions of the type 'servant of Nabu and Nisaba', which they
claim in some colophons,"
3
show that the Ugaritic scribes were aware
of belonging to a guild with its roots in Mesopotamia. The docu-
ments they used in their formation show, in fact, a deep familiarity
with Mesopotami an culture as well as a certain degree of independ-
ence and originality in respect of their models ( N o u g a y r o l 1968,
199-200; A r n au d 1979, 1357).
2.7.2 The profession of scribe was usually passed down from father
to son, and at least two scribal dynasties are known. The existence
of a hierarchy within the corps can be deduced from the references
in colophons to literary and lexical texts, to titles such as 'appren-
tice' (,Imd) and others the precise meani ng of which has yet to be
determined ( van S o l d t 1995). Besides the scribes of the palace organ-
isation it is likely that there were street scribes who offered their
services in fields such as magic, divination or simple mathematics
( S anmar t i n 1989, 337-41).
2.8 Administration and territory
2.8.1 The work carricd out by the scribes helps us to know, in
broad outline, other components of the administrative structure of
Ugarit. At the head of each section of administration ( H el t z er 1982)
there was an official called the rab.
m
His actual functions are
unknown on most occasions, but titles such as 'chief of the palace'
(rab ekallim),
n
~' 'chief accountant' (rb nky),
U8
'chief of the craftsmen'
(rb hrsrri),"
9
'chief of the chariots' (rab narkabti),
m
'chief of the field'
(rb d
m
/rab eqlt),
m
or (always with reference to people) 'chief of
ten' (rb
c
srt),
m
'chief of a hundred' (rb mit),
m
'chief of a thousand'
115
See, for example, Ug 5, 252, 283.
116
On the reading rab of the ideogram UGULA, cf. ARNAUD 1996, 61 . 85.
117
PRU 3, 165 = RS 16.386.
118
K T U 6.69 = RS 7.25:3-4 (BORDREUIL 1986, 294; CUNCHILLOS - VITA 1995b,
390).
119
KTU 4.145 = RS 15.034:9.
120
PRU 3, 79 = RS 16.239; PRU 3, 83 = RS 16.157.
121
KTU 4.160 = RS 15.065:12.
122
PRU 3, 134 = RS 15.137.
123
KTU 4.609 = RS 19.016:2, 5, 7, 8; KTU 4.714 = RS 22.231:1.
124
KTU 2.42 = RS 18.1 13A:3.
(rab lim),
125
as well as the existence of'j udges' (dayynu),
126
give a good
idea of the ramifications and complexity of Ugaritic administration.
2.8.2 The lists of toponyms show that, for administrative purposes,
Ugaritic places formed units which correspond approximately to the
natural geographical divisions of the kingdom ( A s t o ur 1995, 62-3).
Acting in coordination with the principal prefect were the provin-
cial prefects,
127
and several places had a 'mayor' (hazannw, 11.3.8.2)
or local representative of the central administration ( H el t z er 1976,
80-1; L i v er ani 1979a, 1337, 1342).'
28
The functionaries entrusted
with control over the commerical frontiers of the kingdom, on land
and at sea, were the 'tax collector' (mkisu)
129
and the 'harbourmas-
ter' (rab kr)
m
( A r naud 1996, 61-2). The central administration also
managed directly part of the financial resources of the kingdom by
means of a system of farms ( 11.4.1.2).
2.9 The priests
Although they had their own financial resources ( L i pi nski 1988) , the
priests belonged to the administrative ambit of the palace ( H el t z er
1982, 132- 3) . It is not known what the functions of the khnm (Sum.
S anga) and qdm (Sum. nu. gi g) were, frequently associated in the
administrative texts,
131
but perhaps they may have been '(clerical)
administrators' and 'priests, consecrators' respectively ( A r naud 1996,
54- 8; see further d e l O l mo L et e - S an mar t i n 1998, 177- 81) .
Evidence of the priestly organization and hierarchy are the existence
of a 'college of khnm' (dr khnm)
132
and the reference, in documents of
125
PRU 6, 52 = RS 19.078.
126
PRU 3, 61 = RS 16.156:20; see also PRU 3, 141 = RS 16.132:26. On Ug.
trtn as possibly meaning 'supreme judge' cf. SANMARTI N 1989, 345-8.
127
NOUGAY ROL 1968, 139 n. 4; Ug 5, No. 51 = RS 20.158; KTU 4.160 = RS
15.065:6; KTU 4.288 = RS 17.293:2-5; KTU 4.609 = RS 19.016:10-11.
128
PRU 3, 134 = R S 15.137; Ug 5, No. 26 = R S 20.003; R S 25.134 (LACKEN-
BACHER 1991b).
129
PRU 3, 15 = RS 15.033; PRU 4, 235 = RS 17.135+; PRU 4, 237 = RS
17.066; PRU 4, 239 = RS 17.232.
130
PRU 4, 219 = RS 17.424c+; Ug 5, No. 13 = RS 17.465; ARNAUD 1982b,
102. Cf . NOUGAY ROL 1968, 20 . 2.
131
CUNCHI L L OS - VI TA 1995a, Nos. 2927 and 5071; PRU 6, No. 93 = RS
17.131:26-7.
132
KTU 4.357 = RS 18.047:24.
various genres, to a 'chief of the khnrr (rb khnm),
133
a person of high
social and financial position ( L i pi nski 1988, 126- 31) .
134
3 T h e F ami l y and t h e C o l l ec t i v e
3.1 Marriage
3.1.1 As in other societies of the ancient Near East, marriage in
Ugarit was considered to be a contract ( B oy er 1955; M ar r as s i ni
1984). The mechanics of matri mony in Ugarit are very like those
of contemporary Syrian societies such as Emar ( B ec k man 1996a,
69) and Alalah, to a large extent already documented in Babylonia
( Wes t b r o o k 1988).
3.1.2 The woman brought to the marriage a sum of money known
as the terhatu, which came from the patrimony of her own family.
13
'
The terhatu and the goods given her by her father as a dowry com-
prised the material contribution of the woman to the marriage.
136
It is possible that the term terhatu on its own denotes the dowry
( Z ac c agni ni 1973, 25 n. 60),
137
but perhaps, as in Alalah I V , terhatu
and dowry were two separate items. I n Alalah, before the wedding,
the groom presents the woman's father with an amount of money
called terhatu. From the sequence of events it can be deduced that
133
CUNCHI LLOS - VI TA 1995a, No. 2927; PRU 3, 168 = R S 16.168; PRU 6,
No. 9 = RS 17.428.
134
On the personnel connected with the cult see also, in general, DE TARRAGON
1980, 131-44.
135
PRU 3, 54 = R S 15. 092; PRU 3, 60 = R S 16. 141; PRU 3, 62 = R S 16. 158
could show that the ter/jatu also consists of landed property (BOY ER 1955, 301), but
the passage dealing with the matter is uncertain (MARRASSI NI 1984, 67).
136 pui j 3
t
[32 = RS 16.146+ shows how rich a queen's dowry could be
(Ahatmilku; NOUGAY ROL 1955, 178; BOY ER 1955, 301). Similarly, Ugaritic epic
('Keret') and myth ('The Wedding of Yarhu and Nikkal') have preserved the verb
trfy 'to marry, pay the bride-price' (DEL OL MO L ETE 1981, 639; cf. MARRASSI NI
1984, 68), as well as the noun mtrf(t 'spouse, wife' (DEL OL MO L ETE 1981a, 586);
see CUNCHI LLOS - VI TA 1995a, Nos. 6139 and 3803 respectively.
137
The meaning 'dowry' of Ug. mtg (mtghy, KTU 1.24 = RS 5.194:47) is uncer-
tain, cf. DEL OL MO L ETE 1981a, 578; see similarly mhr 'dowry, bride-price' in the
'The Wedding of Yarhu and Nikkal' (DEL OL MO L ETE 1981a, 639; cf. MARRASSI NI
1984, 72). See also WY ATT 1998C, 338 n. 15, 341 n. 30.
138
A T 92 (WESTBROOK 1994, 279; but see ZACCAGNI NI 1985, 598- 9) ; A T 93. I n
A T 17 (SPEI SER 1954, 23) only nidnu 'gift' is mentioned.
the bride's father presented the new couple with the terhatu together
with his daughter's dowry. Thus returned, the terhatu became the
indirect contribution of the husband to the marriage. Since relations
between both societies are so well documented, a procedure much
as in Alalah can be presupposed in Ugarit.
3.1.3 When the groom (or his family) presented the terhatu to the
bride's family, she was not yet fully a wife (Ug. att, Akk. aatu) but
instead had gained the status of kallatu
m
(Ug. kit) and as such starts
to become part of the political family.
140
I n the event of the engage-
ment being broken off
141
or of widowhood and the need to leave
the conjugal hearth,
142
the woman retained control of this money.
3. 1. 4 The letter K TU 2. 72 = RS 34. 124'
4 3
and the juridical doc-
ument RS 8. 208
1 4 4
mention the anointing of a woman with oil. It
is a ritual gesture attested in the context of marriage, especially in
the El-Amarna letters ( M a l u l 1988, 161- 79) . The first case seems
to be a marriage between the king of Ugarit and a princess from
Amurru. I n the second, a high official of the queen anoints a female
slave as a preliminary step to her emancipation and the later mar-
riage of both ( 11.1.6.6).
3.2 Divorce
3.2.1 The juridical documents provide us with some aspects of
divorce in Ugarit, both within the royal family and outside it.
145
I n
one case, a man declares that his wife has taken her share of the
goods and has left the hearth.
146
The reasons for the divorce are not
given, but the fact that the couple had at least one son excludes the
139
PRU 3, 60 = RS 16.141.
140
As the administrative text in Ugaritic, KTU 4.80 = RS 11.778 shows. On a
similar situation in Emar, cf. RE 6 (BECKMAN 1996b, 9).
141
PRU 3, 60 = RS 16.141.
142
PRU 3, 54 = RS 15.092.
143
RSO 7, No. 88.
144
THUREAU-DANGI N 1937, 253 (partially in PRU 3, 110).
145
The formula for divorce used in Ugarit must have been the same as in Emar,
'you are not my wife/husband'; cf. ARNAUD 1986, No. 124. It is the same formula
as used in the Old Babylonian laws, perhaps pronounced in front of witnesses
(WESTBROOK 1988, 69), as was the case in Nuzi (BRENEMAN 1971, 245).
146
PRU 3, 81 = RS 16.143.
woman's infertility as a cause.
147
I n fact, the husband does not resort
to polygamy as is foreseen in cases of barrenness ( 11.3.3.2) and
another document shows him as having a new wife.
148
Generally
speaking, the woman reclaimed her dowry in the event of the mar-
riage being dissolved.
149
3.2.2 Within the royal family, the best documented case of divorce
is that of king Ammi ttamru II from a daughter of Benteina, king of
Amurru ( Si nger 1991a, 174-5; A r n au d - S al v i ni 1991-92).'
50
The
woman appears to be the guilty party and so the husband takes the
initiative in the lawsuit. At first the reason for the divorce is said to
be that the woman was trying to prejudice the king in some way.
151
The woman leaves the hearth and takes away her belongings,'
32
but
only what she brought as a dowry, since she is obliged to forego
the goods acquired during the period of marriage in her husband's
favour.
153
Although the lawsuit is international in character, the result
reflects the characteristics of a private divorce ( N o u g ay r o l 1956,
125 n. 1). Later on, the woman is accused of having committed a
'great sin' (htu rabtu), a vague term which included various types of
offence,
154
and finally she is executed.
3.2.3 I n the separation of goods which follows the divorce of the
king Ammurapi from a Hittite princess, which is not so well docu-
mented ( A s t our 1980),
155
the king takes back a property which he
147
The fact that the woman could take away the money of the terhatu and the
rest of the goods could indicate, judging from AT 92, that the husband caused the
separation for no justifiable reason. In the case envisaged in PRU 3, 60 = RS
16.141, the woman certainly reclaims the terhatu because the matrimonial contract
was not completed.
148
PRU 3, 85 = RS 16.250.
149
PRU 3, 81 = R S 16. 143; PRU 4, 126 = R S 17. 159; PRU 4, 209 = R S 17. 355;
cf. also the case of PRU 3, 62 = R S 16. 158 and ZACCAGNI NI 1985, 599.
150
The princess is a daughter of the so-called 'Great (Lady)', possibly Gau1iyawiya,
Great Princess

f Hatti (SI NGER 1991b, 334- 5) .

151
PRU 4, 126 = RS 17.159.
152
PRU 4, 126 = R S 17. 159.
153
PRU 4, 127 = RS 17.396.
154
Counterfeiting a royal seal and tablets (PRU 3, 96 = RS 16.249), sacrilege
(ARNAUD 1992, 189-90). The ambiguity of the expression is also evident in ME 21
which comes from the region of Emar (ARNAUD 1991a, 40).
155
PRU 4, 208 = RS 17.226; PRU 4, 209 = RS 17.355; PRU 4, 227 = RS
17.429 and, perhaps, Ug 5, No. 35 = RS 20.216.
had given his wife and the princess retains the goods she brought
with her at the time of marriage.
156
3.3 The family unit
3.3.1 The union of a man and a woman manifested by a matri-
monial contract allowed legitimate children to be born. I n general,
the documents seem to show a very low birth rate ( L i ver ani 1979a,
1321), rarely more than three children to a single couple.
157
It is
possible, even so, that the administrative texts only record persons
able to work in some way, and exclude, for example, old people
and small children ( H el t z er 1976, 88) and that the juridical docu-
ments only mention legitimate children with inheritance rights.
3.3.2 Although the data are not conclusive, polygamy must have
been well established in Ugaritian society ( L i ver ani 1979a, 1320),
especially in the upper classes ( B or dr eui l 1995, 448).
158
The situa-
tion cannot have been different from the one known in Alalah IV
159
and Emar,
160
where polygamy was accepted, especially when the wife
was barren.
161
3.3.3 On the other hand, the Ugaritian concept of family seems not
to have been restricted to parents and children but could include
other relatives.
162
The average number of members per family, there-
156
On this episode see also NOUGAY ROL 1956, 206- 7; PI NTORE 1978, 75- 8; WEST-
BROOK 1994, 279.
157
Cf. KTU 4.80 = RS 1 1.778; KTU 4.295 = RS 17.312; KTU 4.417 = RS
18.258, described as 'census by household' (KTU'
1
, 651). Other administrative texts
corroborate this low percentage, for example K T U 4.339 = R S 18.026 (LI VERANI
1979a, 1321), K T U 4.360 = R S 18.050 (HEL TZER 1976, 89-90), PRU 4, No. 115 =
RS 17.037.
158
Cf. also tnglyt in KTU 4.339 = RS 18.026:10 ('second wife' in this context?;
on the term see also WI LHELM 1970, 278). On the other hand, the existence of
levirate marriage in Ugarit, on the basis of a single possible witness (PRU 3, 76 =
R S 16.144) is a debated matter, cf. SKAI ST 1980-83, 607-8; WESTBROOK 1991, 89.
159
AT 91 (NA'AMAN 1980, 112; DI ETRI CH - MAY ER 1996b, 184-7), AT 92
(MENDELSOHN 1959, 356-7), AT 93, AT 94.
160
ARNAUD 1986, Nos. 31, 216.
161
As in Babylonia (WESTBROOK 1988, 107- 9) and Nuzi (BRENEMAN 1971, 23- 4,
290; NEGRI 1984, 60).
162
Cf. KTU 4.80 = RS 11.778, which mention future daughters-in-law (kaltatu/
kit) among the members of three families (cf. 11.3.1.3) as well as the father's
brother in another family and a son-in-law (t}tn) in another.
fore, could have been between five and six persons ( G ar r 1987, 34),
a number which in some cases could be higher due to the presence
of servants ( L i ver ani 1979a, 1319). Archaeological studies on houses
and residential areas of Ras Shamra support the possibility of poly-
gamy or a high number of dwellers in certain houses, but they also
counsel prudence when figures on this topic are proposed ( 11.1.1.1).
3.4 Changes to the family unit
3. 4. 1 Several juridical texts deal with adoption ( B oyer 1955, 302- 5;
M i l l e r 1980) . I n broad outline, such a document mentions the per-
sons involved in the adoption and stipulates the financial conditions
of both joining and possible separation. Those adopted are adopted
as sons'
63
or brothers
164
and, unlike at Emar,
165
they are always
adults.
166
The act of adoption is carried out in the presence of the
king,
167
who could also sanction the act retrospectively
168
or else in
front of other authorities
169
or witnesses whose names are not men-
tioned in the documents.
170
3.4.2 The adoption was preeminently financial in nature, with a
variety of motives such as a widow looking for financial security,'''
the keeping of patrimony within the same family,'
72
or both at once.'
73
In cases of looking for financial security, the obligation of the adoptee
seems to be restricted to the financial support of his new family by
contributing money and goods. I n return he received i mportant
benefits in the event of separation, either in the form of property'
74
163
PRU 3, 54 = RS 15.092, PRU 3, 64 = RS 16.200, PRU 3, 70 = RS 16.295,
PRU 6, No. 37 = RS 17.088, Ug 5, No. 2 = RS 17.021; Ug 5, No. 82 = RS
20. 226.
164
PRU 3, 75 = RS 16.344, Ug 5, No. 81 = RS 21.230 (WESTBROOK 1991,
130-2), RS 25.134 (LACKENBACHER 1991).
165
For example, ARNAUD 1986, No. 256; BECKMAN 1996a, 62.
166
Other types of adoption are attested in Late Bronze Age Syria; see BECKMAN
1996a, 63-8, 76; MI L L ER 1980, 227- 8.
167
PRU 3, 54 = RS 15.092; PRU 3, 70 = RS 16.295; PRU 3, 75 = RS 16.344.
168
PRU 3, 64 = RS 16.200.
169
The hazannu in RS 25.134 (LACKENBACHER 1991).
170
PRU 6, No. 37 = RS 17.088; Ug 5, No. 82 = RS 20.226; Ug 5, No. 2 =
RS 17.021; Ug 5, No. 81 = RS 21.230.
171
PRU 3, 64 = RS 16.200.
172
PRU 3, 70 = RS 16.295.
173
Ug 5, Nos. 2 and 3 = RS 17.021 and 17.033 (NOUGAY ROL 1968, 3).
174
PRU 3, 64 = RS 16.200.
or money.
171
Adoptions into brotherhood, perhaps by their very nature,
could result in more equitable conditions between the two parties.
3.5 Private property and inheritance
3.5.1 Private property is well documented in Ugari ti an society
( H e l t z e r 1984; S a n ma r t i n 1995c, 133- 4). It was acquired in various
way, chiefly by royal grants, buying, business, legacies, goods brought
to a marriage or on adoption. I n general, as the juridical documents
show, a person disposed freely of his property, even in legacies.
3.5.2 I n the case of inheritance in respect of sons, Ugaritian tra-
dition distinguished between the firstborn (rabi2)
176
and all the other
sons.
17
' Following a practice customary in the ancient Near East
( D a v i es 1993),
178
the firstborn is usually the son to be favoured in
the distribution of goods.
179
The type of family, therefore, is patri-
linear. Despite this, as RS 8.145
180
shows, the father could set the con-
ditions of inheritance as he chose. I n this document the father names
his wife as heiress to the goods and grants her the faculty of freely
175
PRU 3, 75 = RS 16. 344 (adoption as a brother); PRU 3, 54 = RS 15. 092
(adoption of a son), where, in addition, on the death of the father it was the adop-
tive son, not the widow, who disposed of the family property; the woman does not
seem have become an adoptive mother and the transaction, as in PRU 3, 64 = RS
16.200 seems to have been more a type of property transaction in favour of the
adoptee (BOY ER 1955, 303).
,7(
' The Ugaritic term used for 'firstborn' in the literary texts is bkr, cf. CUN-
CHI LLOS - VI TA 1995a, Nos. 1140- 1; DLU, 107.
177
R S 14.016:6 (VI ROLLEAUD 1951, 174); R S 8.145:15 (THUREAU-DANGI N 1937,
249); PRU 6, No. 85 = RS 19.079: obv. 15'; Ug 5, No. 7 = RS 17.036:4-5;
Ug 5, No. 8 = RS 17.038:6'. The meaning of Ugaritic nhl, usually translated
'heir', must be different (LI VERANI 1979a, 1339). Attested only in administrative texts
(CUNCHI LLOS - VI TA 1995a, Nos. 3918-9) it must be a technical term in adminis-
tration, with the result that a single person could have various 'heirs' all at once
(cf. WATSON 1992C, 238; 11.4.3).
178
On the nature of the firstborn at Emar see also VAN DER TOORN 1994, 42-52.
179
As shown particularly by Ug 5, No. 7 = RS 17.036. Furthermore, in a more
broken context, Ug 5, No. 8 = RS 17.038. PRU 3, 56 = RS 15.120 also seems to
include a division of property among sons, but due to the condition of the text,
the details concerning the primogeniture are unknown. In Ug 5, No. 81 = RS
21.230, a contract of adoption into brotherhood (cf. 11.3.4.1), the parties expressly
stipulate that 'there is no firstborn or youngest among them' (a similar expression
in Emar, cf. ARNAUD 1996, No. 93:8), confirming the situation as unusual. On the
youngest son as the firstborn in the 'Epic of Keret' (KTU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii
7-16) see DEL OL MO L ETE 1981a, 260; DAVI ES 1993, 188-9.
180
THUREAU-DANGI N 1937, 249.
appointing either of her two sons as heir ( K l i ma 1957a, 658).
181
The
explicit conditions for the sons to gain the inheritance were not to
file proceedings against their mother and to honour her. These are
some of the principles which had to guide the behaviour of a good
son, its literary reflex being given in the 'Epic of Aqhat'.'
82
However,
a son could also receive part of his inheritance while the father was
still alive, and immediately after could leave the family group.
183
3.5.3 From RS 8.145 it follows, therefore, that the woman could
inherit the family goods within marriage ( 11.3.5.2). In other cases,
instead, an adopted person could become an heir to the goods of the
adopter to the detriment of the widow. The position of the woman
as heiress of the paternal goods is not so clear, although it can be
supposed that, as in other ancient Near Eastern societies and under
certain conditions,'
84
she could be named as heiress by her father.
3.6 The status of women
3.6.1 As has been seen, the queen of Ugarit held an eminent social,
political and administrative position ( 11.2.4). Her financial position
was sound. She approached marriage supported by a substantial
dowry, the control of which she kept in the event of divorce, and
she disposed of various means to increase her possessions. She had
her own administrative organization and played an active part in the
foreign policy of the kingdom. The queen's position can be under-
stood as an extended form of a woman's status in Ugaritian society.
3.6.2 I n a patriarchal and patrilinear society such as in Ugarit, the
woman moved from the guardianship of her family, with the father
181
For Emar see, for example ARNAUD 1996 No. 93. The opposite case could
also be provided for, with the husband as heir to the wife's goods in the event of
her death, cf. PRU 3, 110 = RS 16. 267.
182
KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 26-33 and parallels (DEL OL MO L ETE 1981a, 334 5;
BODA 1993; OT T O 1996, 269-71). Cf. 6.3.
183
PRU 3, 32 = R S 16. 129 (BOY ER 1955, 305; MI L L ER 1980 275; contra DAVI ES
1993, 188); PRU 6, N o. 43 = R S 17. 077; PRU 6, No. 53 = R S 27. 053; Ug 5, No.
86 = R S 20. 176.
184
Cf. BEN-BARAK 1980; 1988; WESTBROOK 1991, 157-64; MORRI SSETTE 1993;
KMMERER 1994; BECKMAN 1996a, 72. Ug 5, No. 6 = R S 17.149, in spite of being
interpreted by BEN-BARAK 1980, 24-5 as an example of a woman inheriting, should
be understood only as a purchase of lands; see the same author's moderated view
in 1988, 88.
at the head, to the guardianship of the groom's family ( 11.3.1.3)
to move, finally, to the guardianship of the husband. Within this
framework there were a series of mechanisms, financial and famil-
ial, for the social protection of a woman. From the financial aspect,
in the event of divorce or widowhood, the woman regained control
of the goods she had brought to the marriage ( 11.3.2.1), goods
which had become part of the conjugal patrimony without losing
their identity as the wife's possessions. To these goods could be added
those she could inherit from her husband in the event of widow-
hood ( 11.3.5.2). In terms of the family, the woman could rely on
the possibility of returning to her father's family.
185
The husband
could also provide for the widowhood of his wife by stipulating in
his will the sons' obligation to support their mother, an indispens-
able condition for their being in turn appointed as heirs of the pater-
nal possessions ( 11.3.5.2). There was also the possibility of resorting
to the procedure of adoption in the search for the necessary financial
support ( 11.3.4.2). The various mechanisms could be combined in
a variety of ways, none excluding the others.
3.6.3 The woman could also depend on some degree of action and
social initiative. I n the matter of property she could own, buy and
sell properties, either alone or as a co-owner ( H el t z er 1984, 175).
I n a lawsuit with a man over a matter of properties she could obtain
a royal verdict in her favour.
186
Within the family, she could not
only be named as heiress but she also had the facility to appoint an
heir among her sons.
187
Likewise, she could take the initiative in the
matter of adoption and divorce, if it is accepted that the formula
used in Ugarit for the latter eventuality was not substantially different
from what is documented in Emar ( 11. 3. 2. 1 n. 145).
188
3.7 Family piety
Personal piety in daily life and popular beliefs, is known in broad
outline ( C unchi l l os 1989a, 195-234; del O l mo L et e 1992a, 217-62 =
1999, 324-88). This does not apply, however, to the religion of the
185
PRU 3, 54 = R S 15. 092.
18,1
PRU 3, 94 = R S 16. 245.
187
R S 8. 145 (THUREAU- DANGI N 1937, 249) .
188
On the status of women in Ugarit see also K L MA 1957b.
family. Archaeological and textual data are of uncertain interpreta-
tion and refer only to the urban population of the city of Ugarit
( S al l es 1995). The approach to the question, therefore, has to be
indirect. The construction of tombs underneath a great number of
the houses ( C a l l o t 1994, 168- 76) could be an indication of a cult
focusing on family ancestors.
189
Epic and some of the rituals could
have preserved reflexes of this type of cult in which the dead per-
son is conceived as belonging to the divine world and as receiving
cult regularly. From the same genres it can be deduced that along-
side the ancestor cult there was a cult of family deities (van der
T o o r n 1996, 153- 75) . Family piety in Ugarit, therefore, would be
similar to what is documented in Emar ( van d er T o o r n 1994).
3.8 The community
3.8.1 A group of families formed a village or community. According
to the theory of a bipartite society ( 11.4.2.2), the communities com-
prised the 'free' sector of the population as against the palace depend-
ents or 'men of the king' (bn mlk). They worked on the land and
with livestock, owned lands in common, the means of production
and the produce from their labour kept both them and the palace
dependents. Fiscally and juridically they comprised a single body
( H el t z er 1976, 63-74; L i ver ani 1979a, 1333-4, 1342; 1989, 127-8).
3.8.2 The legal representative of the community was a college of
'elders' (ibt) or 'fathers' (abb) ( L i ver ani 1979a, 1342; H e l t z e r
1976, 79), an institution which existed in other ancient Near Eastern
societies. Despite this, the prominent position of the king in Ugaritic
society ( 1 1.2.2) restricted the prominent role of the 'elders' in Syrian
societies of the time, such as Emar ( B unnens 1989, 29-31; A r n au d
1991a, 15; F l emi ng 1992b, 103-4) or Ekalte ( M ay er 1990, 58-60;
1992). In Ugarit, the 'elders', who could be controlled by a single
family,
190
represented their communities particularly in cases of col-
lective responsibility for crimes committed in their respective terri-
tories by someone unknown ( K l en g el 1980, 193). As an institution,
189
For VAN DER TOORN 1996, 194, the ancestor cult would not be domestic but
celebrated in the sanctuary.
190
Cf. Ug 5, No. 52 = RS 20.239.
they co-existed with the fyazannu or 'mayor', who depended on the
central power ( 11.2.8.2).
4 C r a f t s an d P r of essi ons
4.1 Economic geography and the professions
4.1.1 There was a wide range of different geographical locations
in the kingdom of Ugarit ( L i v er ani 1979a, 1316-7; A s t o u r 1995,
58-62). A considerable strip of the Medi terranean coast limited the
kingdom to the west, and enabled fishing, activities such as the pur-
ple industry and the development of maritime trade. To the north,
mountainous regions and wooded hills provided the wood required
for the construction of houses, ships and for export. Further south,
rivers, fertile plains and uneven terrain favoured the cultivation of
cereal crops, vineyards, olive groves, fig-trees and fruit trees. The
geographical location of the kingdom made it suitable not only for
trade by sea but also for overland trade ( L i ver ani 1979a, 1329),
with the resultant exchange of raw materials and finished products.
4.1.2 The range of terrain, products and raw materials gave rise
to a variety of financial activities and capitalization of resources. At
the same time, various kinds of labour activities were being devel-
oped and organized in rural as well as urban areas. The distinction
between both economies, rural and urban, is not always sharp, as is
shown by the sectors of farming and animal husbandry. The ham-
lets and villages of the kingdom cultivated some of these activities
( L i v er ani 1979a, 1317; cf. 11.3.8.1); others, instead, were con-
trolled directly by the palace by means of farms called gt or dimtu,
which used manual labour, specialized into various grades ( L i ver ani
1979a, 1317-8; 1982; 1989; H e l t z e r 1982, 49-79). However, agri-
culture and animal husbandry are also fully part of life in the most
urbanized centre of the kingdom, the capital Ugarit, as is evident
from the finds made by archaeologists within the city, of silos for
cereal, sickles and installations for making oil and keeping animals
( C a l l o t 1994, 190-6, 201-2).
4.1.3 As for the palace, as court and administrative and religious
centre, it favoured the emergence of new functions and occupations.
As a good reflection of the society which produced them, the texts
of Ugarit mention a large number of professions and crafts, some
of which are discussed in what follows.
191
4.2 The profesmns and the administration
4.2.1 The administrative documents correspond to the genre which
best reflects the world of the professions and other labour activi-
ties.
192
They show the existence of groups or 'guilds' of professions
organized and controlled by the central administration, from which
they received, for example, food,
193
and with which they negotiated
matters concerning money and taxes,
194
lands'
95
or the army.
196
The
administration also controlled specific individuals, either by drawing
up lists of persons according to group,
197
documents which enable,
for example, readjustments to be made in them,
198
or else by regis-
tering the presence of professionals in various economic dependen-
cies of the palace and villages in the kingdom.
199
The professionals
also maintained connections with the administration outside the pro-
fession, as is shown by various types of lists in which occasionally
an individual's activity is indicated.
200
4.2.2 The various professions, together with other categories men-
tioned in the texts, were given the common title 'men of the king'
(bns mlk). I n a bipartite model of Ugaritian society, and in contrast
191
On traders and scribes see 11.1.4.6, 11.6.6 and 11.2.7.
192
A compendium of Ugaritic sources on the professions is given in SANMARTI N
1995c, 152. Texts which mention work tools also provide, indirectly, information
on the activity of workmen; cf. SANMARTI N 1987b; PRU 6, No. 157 = R S 19.023;
PRU 6, No. 163 = RS 19.064; PRU 6, No. 168 = RS 21.199. Cf. also 10.3.
193
For example, KTU 4.125 = RS 14.001; KTU 4.609 = RS 19.016; Ug 5,
No. 99 = RS 20.425.
194
For example, KTU 4.71 = RS 11.721, PRU 6, No. 136 = RS 17.240. On
the taxes called itku, pitku and unuu see HEL TZER 1982, 19; SANMARTI N 1995C,
133-5; cf. MARQUEZ ROWE 1993b, 1995.
195
For example, KTU 4.103 = RS 11.858; KTU 4.416 = RS 18.252.
196
KTU 4.68 = RS 11.716; PRU 6, No. 131 = RS 19.035A.
197
For example, KTU 4.124 = RS 13.020; KTU 4.187 = RS 15.157+; KTU
4.412 = RS 18.251.
198
Cf. 11.1.6.5 and the juridical document PRU 3, 77 = RS 16.142.
199
For example, KTU 4.141 = RS 15.022+; KTU 4.332 = RS 18.010+; KTU
4.358 = RS 18.048.
200
For example, KTU 4.46 = RS 10.035; KTU 4.98 = RS 11.844; KTU 4.382 =
RS 18.106+.
with the 'free' sector of the population organized into village commun-
ities, the 'men of the king' would shape the social sector of persons
dependent on the palace. They would carry out tasks which demanded
a certain level of specialization and specific formation, receiving from
the palace both the means of production and subsistence. This model
of Ugaritian society, based on documentation within the kingdom,
would seem to have outside confirmation thanks to the so-called
'Edict of Hattusili I I I ' concerning the bapr (PRU 4, 107-8 = RS
17.238; L i v er ani 1979a, 1333; H e l t z e r 1982). However, the the-
ory of a bipartite society as well as the interpretation of RS 17.238
should not be considered as proven facts since other kinds of inter-
pretation are possible ( V ar gy as 1988; Z amo r a 1997).
4.3 Internal organization
It is possible to determine, in broad outline, the type of internal
organization of the 'guilds' or professional groups. The reference to
a 'chief of the craftsmen' {rb hrsmf
0i
allows the supposition that sim-
ilar officers existed in the other professions, as well as 'assistant chiefs'
for each of the separate activities ( 11.2.8.1). On the other hand,
the existence of 'apprentices' (Imdm,
202
talmd,
203
gam(a)rma)
20
* within
each professional group ensured the continuance of the various occu-
pations.
205
It is also probable that the various offices were largely
passed on from father to son,
206
and that this is how the term nhl
'heir' is to be understood in the administrative texts ( L i ver ani 1979a,
1339-40; H e l t z e r 1982, 100).
4.4 The textile industry
The basic elements of the Ugaritian textile industry are known. The
administrative documents mention certain raw materials, the names
of certain professions and a large number of textiles and manufactured
products ( Ri bi chi ni - X e l l a 1985; v an S o l d t 1990) . The products
201
KTU 4.145 = RS 15.034:9.
202
CUNCHI L L OS - VI TA 1995a, Nos. 3265-9.
203
RSO 7, No. 25 = RS 34.167+:20.
204
HUEHNERGARD 1987b, 165.
205
Cf., for example, KTU 4.125 = RS 14.001:8-9.
206
As was the case with scribes, cf. 11.2.7.2.
made out of wool were initially produced by 'shearers' (gzzm); their
function was seasonal and they received rations from the palace dur-
ing their peri od of work.
207
Specialists such as 'spinners' (gzlm),
20B
'weavers' (u/iparu, mhs/mhisu),
m
'fullers' (kbsm/kbsm
210
/kbisu)
211
and
'makers of tgpt-covers' [b'l tgpt)
m
were involved in successive stages
of transformi ng the raw material. The dyeing process is documented
by references to 'bronzesmi ths' (yshm; S anmar t i n 1987a) and wools
in various colours ( T hur eau- D angi n 1934; v an S o l d t 1990, 335-41).
It is also possible to deduce the existence of personnel devoted to
the tailoring and the confection of clothes ( Ri bi chi ni - X e l l a 1985,
21-2). The textile industry is one of the few crafts which have pro-
vided material evidence of their activity, both in Ugarit and in Mi net
el-Beida ( C a l l o t 1994, 190).
4.5 Hard materials, precious stones and metals
4.5.1 Various terms denote the professions connected with the cut-
ting of stone or hard materials. The administrative documents mention-
ing them provide no additional i nformati on about the circumstances
of their activity, although the objects which are the result of that
activity have come down to us. They are the professions of 'seal cut-
ter' (parkullu; S anmar t i n 1995b)
2
'
3
and 'sculptor', 'carver' (psl, zadimmu)
( S anmar t i n 1995a, 183).
214
Thi s last category, which is generic, can
be subdivided into more specialized activities such as 'carver of arrow-
heads (from stone)' (psl hzm) and the 'notcher of bows' ( psl qt/sannu;
cf. 11.4.7.2).
4.5.2 Other professions refer to the carving of precious and semi-
precious stones. These were for use within the kingdom of Ugarit
207
KTU 4.213 = RS 16.127:30; KTU 4.269 = RS 17.106:4, 26.
208
K T U 4 358 = R S
13 048:9.
209
PRU 3, 204 = RS 15.152:7; PRU 6, No. 93 = RS 17.131:23; PRU 6, No.
166= RS 19.099 (mhisu); Ug 5, No. 99 = RS 20.425:5. Ugaritic references in
CUNCHI L L OS - VI TA 1995a, Nos. 3444 and 3446.
210
CUNCHI L L OS - VI TA 1995a, Nos. 2887-90.
211
PRU 6, No. 136 = RS 17.240:8.
212
HEL TZER 1982, 83; RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A 1985, 68; SANMARTI N 1995a, 176.
213
On the possible existence of workshops for the making of seals in the city of
Ugarit, see CAL L OT 1994, 188.
214
See the remarks by CAL L OT 1994, 188- 9 on the lack of the 'workshop of the
sculptor of stelae' in the city of Ugarit.
but were also sent to Hatti, as described in several letters
215
and lists
of tribute.
216
The fourth section of the letter K TU 2.36+ = RS
17.435+, from Queen Puduhepa of Hatti to King Ni qmaddu III of
Ugarit, mentions three types of specialists: the 'engraver' or 'polisher'
(mly), the 'borer' (shl) and the 'worker in lapis lazuli' (qnuym). Archae-
ology illustrates some facets of their activities: in Ras I bn Hani a
workshop has been found with a large quantity of corundum used
as an abrasive in the polishing of precious stones and what may be
another workshop where chalcedony was worked to make perforated
beads ( Cunchi l l os 1989b, 417-20).
4.5.3 The texts from Ugarit mention a considerable number of
metals, such as gold, silver, copper, bronze, tin or iron. The handling
and transmutation of metals was the competence of the 'smith' or
'metal caster' (nsk/nsiku; Sanmar ti n 1995a, 182- 3). Dependi ng on
the metal involved, the 'smiths' were subdivided into categories such
as 'caster of precious metals' (nsk ksp, kutimmu) and 'copper-smith',
'boilermaker' (nsk tlt/nsiku er\ napph. ere). Depending on the final
product, there were a 'caster of (metal) arrow-heads' (nsk him/hdm)
and a 'jewe11er(?)' (risk qtn).
2U
4.6 The construction of houses, ships and chariots
4.6.1 The generic term for 'craftsman' is harru (Ar/).
218
In prac-
tice, it denotes a person who constructs objects by assembling various
components ( Sanmarti n 1995a, 177). Although the archaeological
evidence is weak ( C al l ot 1994, 189-90) the documents show a wide
range of craftsmen, whether mentioned in the plural as a generic
name (hrm 'craftsmen') or distinguished according to the specific
product made. It can be noted that wood, cut by 'woodcutters'
(ihtbm),
219
was a basic raw material for this type of worker.
215
K T U 2.36+ = RS 17.435+ (CUNCHI LLOS 1989b), PRU 4, 221 = RS 17.383,
PRU 4, 223 = RS 17.422, Ug 5, No. 30 = RS 20.255A.
216
K T U 3.1 = RS 1 1.772+ and its Akkadian versions (K NOPPERS 1993).
217
On the possible metal-working in the capital of the kingdom and its sur-
rounding see CAL L OT 1994, 186- 8. On qtn see also n. 222a.
218
CUNCHI LLOS - VI TA 1995a, Nos. 1950-1.
219
CUNCHI LLOS - VI TA 1995a, Nos. 1844-5.
4.6.2 Both the characteristic techniques which distinguish the royal
palace of Ugarit ( M ar g u er o n 1995) and study of the construction
systems used in the residential areas of the capital of the kingdom
( C a l l o t 1994) show the skill which marked the work of those called
'builders of houses' (hr b(h)tm, tinnu) and their co-workers.
220
I n gen-
eral the buildings were well suited to the activities and lifestyle of
city dwellers.
4.6.3 As a coastal country and open to the sea, the texts from
Ugarit menti on several villages located on the coast ( A s t our 1995)
and show the existence of quite a variety of boats ( V i t a 1995a,
164-7). The craftsmen entrusted with boat-building were the 'ship-
wrights' (hr anyt). The administrative document K TU 4.689 = RS
20.008 lists various elements made by this class of worker: oars, a
top, a mast, moori ng ropes, a gangway ( X el l a 1982). Another admi n-
istrative text mentions some tools specifically used for this kind of
work, such as 'sickles for boats' and 'large hammers (or axes) for
boats'.
22
'
4.6.4 Carts were absolutely necessary for transport and commerce.
The Ugaritic texts document the existence of wagons, with four
wheels (
c
rq) and lighter carts, with two wheels (mrkbt), suitable for mil-
itary purposes ( 1 1.5 . 3).
222
The craftsmen who built them were the
'makers of chariots' (hr
c
rq, hr mrkbt/naggr narkabt). At times the
process was complex. The construction of a war chariot, for exam-
ple, required a combi nati on of various materials and objects pro-
duced by other craftsmen ( V i t a 1995a, 41-72). It can be supposed,
therefore, that the 'builders of (war) chariots' came at the end of a
process of craftsmanshi p and of administration which did not differ
considerably from that known in Mycenae ( L ej eune 1968).
4.6.5 Other craftsmen devoted themselves to the creation of small
pieces of jewellery (hr qtn, S anmar t i n 1995a, 179)
222a
or, as is seen
in the next section, the maki ng of weapons.
220
Cf. agr in Ug 5, No. 99 = RS 20.425:111 (Ug 5, p. 102 n. 1).
221
PRU 6, No. 141 = RS 19.112.
222
On the distinction between these terms see HELTZER 1982, 87 n. 23.
222a
Unless they were 'producers of swords (sickle-swords)' (HELTZER 1997).
4.7 Weapon production
4.7.1 Some types of workers dedicated to the making of weapons
have already been mentioned ( 11.4.5.1, 11.4.5.3). They are usually
given Semitic names which sometimes have a Humani zed synonym.
4.7.2 The bow was a characteristic weapon of the infantryman and
of the crew of the war chariot ( 11.5.2.2). It is very probable that
the composite bow was also used in Ugarit ( V i t a 1995a, 60-2).
Various craftsmen were involved in the making of this weapon. The
'carver of bows' (psl qt/sasinnu) dealt with the non-metallic compo-
nents. The task of the 'bow assembler' (hr q) may have been to
finish off the j ob, assembling the metallic and non-metallic (chiefly
wooden) components. The place-name kttglm represents the Hurri an
version of hr qt ( S anmar t i n 1995a, 180, 183).
223
4.7.3 The arrowheads could be of stonethe work of the psl him
( 11.4.5.1)or of metal a product of the nsk h^m ( 11.4.5.3). The
name for the second profession also occurs under Hurrian influence
in the form nsk hdm ( H el t z er 1982, 92; cf. 10.3.2.3). Archaeology
has supplied quantities of bronze arrowheads from Ras Shamra
( S c h aef f er 1951, 11-2), perhaps the material menti oned in the
administrative text PRU 6, No. 133 = RS 19.152 in connection with
arrows. To finish the product was the j ob of the 'arrow assemblers'
(jhdglm, also a term of Hurri an formation; S anmar t i n 1995a, 179),
taking into account that the body of the arrows was usually made
of wood or cane.
4.7.4 Other weapons used in the army of Ugarit were 'lances'
(imrhm) and 'javelins' (srdnnm\ cf. 11.5.2.3, 11.5.3.2) for combat
on foot or in the chariot. Among the bronze objects found in Ras
Shamra are what may be javelin tips ( C hav ane 1987, 357). The texts
mention at least one type of craftsman in connection with this kind of
weapon, the 'maker of bronze lances' (shrdn\ S anmar t i n 1995a, 184).
224
223
Note also the existence in Ugarit of the toponym ffrbglm 'sword-makers'
(SANMARTIN 1995a, 180).
224
The one called 'assembler of the arkd' (hrs arkd) also belonged to this type of
craftsman, perhaps (SANMARTIN 1995a, 178).
4.7.5 The 'tanners' (akp) performed their task not only with tex-
tiles but also in connection with weapons. Leather was a material
needed for the manufacture of cuirasses for horses and quivers for
soldiers and chariots. I t was also used for other components of the
war chariot such as the parapet, the base of the body and straps for
lashing the steering-pole to the parapet and the yoke to the steering-
pole ( V i t a 1995a, 78).
4.8 Pottery
Several administrative documents menti on, individually or as a group,
the profession of 'potter', either using the local name ysiru
22:1
(Ug.
jyjr)
226
or the Akkadian term pahhru.
227
For the moment archaeol-
ogy has not located workshops dedicated to this activity ( C al l o t
1994, 189), although there are large amounts of pottery.
4.9 Food
4.9.1 The texts from Ugari t contain i nformati on about types of
grain, fruit, animals and other foodstuffs. Products made from grain
surely formed the basic foodstuff. After being harvested, the grain
was stored in silos, attested archaeologically in Ugarit ( 1 1.4.1,2).
227a
Later, the grain was treated by 'millers' (ksdm/kdm, H el t z er 1982,
90). It is probabl e that the term alhn, which also means 'miller',
really denotes a high administrative official with various responsibil-
ities connected with supplying foodstuffs ( S anmar t i n 1995a, 175;
V i t a 1996, 698).
4.9.2 I n connection with hunting, the texts menti on 'fowlers' or
bird-catchers (yqm/yqima\ H el t z er 1982, 173). Meat from game
or domestic animals was then treated by the butchers, and the ref-
erence to a 'cattle knife' in an administrative document may be a
vestige of their activities.
228
Fishing is represented only by the epithet
225
PRU 3, 195 = RS 15.009B i 12; PRU 6, No. 136 = RS 17.240:11.
226
CUNCHI L L OS - VI TA 1995a, Nos. 2681 and 2683.
227
PRU 3, 204 = R S 15.172:9; R S 22.233:19 (unpublished; cf. SANMARTI N 1995a,
185). On Ugaritic pfir 'potter' in literary texts, cf. DE MOOR 1979, 647-8.
227a
According to BORDREUI L 1984a, 427, the grain remained under the control
of the official called kkrdn, but see 11.4.9.2
228
mamsar bli (PRU 6, 110 = RS 19.112:2).
'fi sherman' (dgy) in the myth of 'The Palace of Baal'
229
( del O l m o
L e t e 1981a, 535). The 'cook' (apy/piyu, nu/jatimmu) and the 'pastry-
cook' (kkrdn) ( S a n ma r t i n 1995a, 176, 180) then prepared the food
for consumpti on.
4.9.3 Most of the foodstuffs menti oned in the texts from Ugarit
was i ntended for feeding those living in the palace and persons de-
pendent on its administration. However, no doubt part was con-
signed as sacrificial offerings for the various rituals which took place
throughout the year both in the palace and in the temples which
were dependent on the palace administration.
230
For performi ng the
rituals a large quantity of foodstuffs was needed, the transport of
which is accurately reflected in the administrative documents (San-
ma r t i n 1990). It is an aspect of palace economy which is also clearly
illustrated in the rituals from Emar ( F l e mi n g 1992b).
5 T h e A r m y
5.1 Ugarit and the army
5.1.1 Ugarit, a thriving Syrian state both economically and com-
mercially, was a kingdom involved in the politics of Syria of its time.
Politically, it had to adapt its behavi our to the circumstances which
in Syria favoured the great powers of the period, Egypt, Mi ttanni
and Hatti, throughout the second half of the second millennium bce.
However, as a rich ki ngdom, of medi um size and on which lesser
kingdoms depended, the political weight of Ugarit at regional level
was considerable, especially after Hittite intervention in the area.
Al though acting as an i mportant el ement for the stability of the
Hittite political and military system in Syria, it did not forego act-
ing on behalf of its own interests within the margins it was permi tted
as a vassal of a great power. Vari ous historical events show that
Ugarit had available an efficient army of considerable military i mpor-
229
CUNCHI L L OS - VI TA 1995a, No. 1498.
2,0
Besides the priests ( 11. 4. 2. 9) , other personnel connected with the cult were
undoubtedly singers (r, nru\ PRU 6, No. 93 = R S 17. 131: 24) and cymbalists (mslm,
masillu; KTU 4. 126 = R S 14. 084: 30; PRU 6, No. 93 = R S 17. 131: 25) ; cf. DEL
OL MO L ETE - SANMARTI N 1998, 176- 84.
tance. The army was one of the instruments which enabled Ugarit
to carry out its own politics and assure the survival of the kingdom
as an independent state until its disappearance at the beginning of
the 12th century bce ( V i t a 1995a, 11-31).
5.1.2 The army of Ugarit, whose supreme commander was the king
( 11.2.2), comprised infantry soldiers and chariot units. It is possi-
ble that, like other armies of the time, it also used mercenaries. It
is difficult to make an approximate calculation of the number of
men making up the Ugaritic army, either in time of war or of peace.
Initially H e l t z e r (1969) proposed that Ugarit was able to mobilize
between 7,000 and 9,000 men. Later on, in another publication
( H el t z er 1971, 130) he lowered the number to about 5,000 men
on the basis of calculations concerning the number of villages in the
kingdom and the inhabitants per village, a number which Liverani
(1979a, 1341) reduced still further to 4,000 men. It is still a matter
to be resolved, strictly related to studies on the demography of the
kingdom of Ugarit ( 11.1.1). I n his latest discussion of the topic,
Heltzer (1982, 127) is more cautious in his estimates, leaving the
question open for future research.
5.2 Recruiting and infantry
5.2.1 Troops formed by means of conscription or recruiting were
given the name hrd'
m
(Akk. hurdu\ H el t z er 1982, 106-7). The admin-
istrative texts show that this human contingent was formed from
forces supplied by the various villages of the kingdom and that the
administrative control of the process was carried out by district.
232
Military service was temporary;
233
after a period, the length of which
is unknown to us, the recruits returned to their villages and normal
occupations (cf. 11.4). A similar situation of armies composed of
conscripts and regular troops is found in other states contemporary
with Ugarit ( V i t a 1995a, 143- 4).
231
CUNCHI LLOS - VI TA 1995a, Nos. 2155 7.
232

4 5 8 3
= R S
19.256; K T U 4.777 = RI H 83/07+ (BORDREUI L 1984b);
KTU 4.63 = RS 10.052; KTU 4.68 = RS 11.716; KTU 4.624 = RS 19.049[A][c];
PRU 6, No. 131 = RS 19.035A.
233
As is shown by the use of the verb la'ika 'to commission' in KTU 4.777 =
RI H 83/07+ (on the exact meaning of the verb see CUNCHI LLOS 1989a, 177 85).
5.2.2 Several administrative texts refer directly or indirectly
archers. The war chariots deployed this type of soldier but it is prob-
able that not all the archers mentioned in the texts acted as soldiers
in chariots. Thus, as in other armies of the period, at least part of
the Ugaritian infantry deployed archers. These, who were normally
in ail kinds of professions, were recruited from various villages of
the kingdom
234
and received a average of ten arrows per person.
235
This relatively small number of arrows and other weapons men-
tioned in the texts in connection with bows, especially shields,
236
seems to indicate that the archers were prepared to use hand-to-
hand fighting, once the barbs had been used up, thus forming a sort
of light infantry.
5.2.3 The soldiers supplied with bows could also be given one or
more 'lances' (mrhm),
237
a weapon carried by warriors represented on
several cylinder-seals from Ugarit ( A M I E T 1 9 9 2 , 1 2 5 and 141) .
Furthermore, the lance was the main weapon of the 'lancers'
(
L MES
ZAG.L U-).
238
The kit could also be completed by the 'sickle'
or curved sword (j}rmtt),
m
attested in Ugarit both archaeologically
( SCHA E F F E R 1936, 145 and plate X V ) and on cylinder-seals ( A MI E T
1992, 127 and 141) .
240
On the other hand, the reference to cuirasses
241
and helmets
242
for soldiers in some administrative documents indi-
cates the possibility that there was also heavy infantry.
243
234
KTU 4.68 = RS 11.716; PRU 6, No. 131 = RS 19.035A.
235
PRU 6, No. 133 = RS 19.152; RSO 7, No. 79 = RS 34.180:9. Elsewhere,
the average seems to have been higher, cf. VI TA 1995a, 151 n. 2.
236
Cf. KTU 4.63 = RS 10.052; KTU 4.624 = RS 19.049[A][CJ ; PRU 6, No.
131 = RS i 9.035a.
237
KTU 4.624 = RS 19.049 [A][c].
238
PRU 3, 78 = R S 15.; HUEHNERC-ARD 1989, 67.
239
K T U 4.670 = R S 19.174B; the term is well documented, cf. CUNCHI LLOS -
V TA 1995a, No. 2166; PRU , No. 141 = RS 19.112:3.
240
Although in general it is not stated that all the soldiers bore all these weapons,
KTU 4.624 = RS 19.049 [A] [c] does show that the 'shepherds' (nqdm) with which
the document deals had a very full kit, comprising bows, quivers, shields and spears.
241
KTU 4.i69 = RS 15.053:6 (rm). On finds of scales from cuirasses iii Ras
Shamra-Ugarit see, for example, SCHAEFFER 1938, 316; 1951, 13.
242
The grbz (gurbizu)-helmet is attested ir. Ugarit in connection with human beings,
cf. KTU 4.363 = RS 18.055:2; PRU 6, No. 132 = RS 19.085:5 (HUEHNERGARD
1989, 348), PRU 6, No. 140 = RS 19.092:1 (HUEHNERGARD 1987b, 117) not horses,
although it was common to both.
243
See also the apparel of the warriors on the Ugaritic seal RS 8. 259 (AMI ET
1992, 125).
5.2.4 It is quite probable that besides the conscript troops ( 11.5.2.1),
part of the Ugaritian army was formed from regular soldiers. Among
this type of soldier are included war charioteers ( 11.5.3.4) and those
who were connected with the protection of the king, the court, the
palace and its possessions. The Ugaritic texts mention at least two
classes of personnel, surely military, directly connected with the sov-
ereign: the 'subordinates of the king' or 'royal guard' (mrrt mlk)
244
and the 'king's lancers' (mrhy mlk).
243
The 'guard' in a wide sense,
called massartu (Sum. un) could also act as police.
246
Some terms
which are difficult to understand or are of doubtful meani ng could
denote officers of the army.
247
5.2.5 The possibility has to be discussed whether the Ugaritic army
used cavalry of some kind. There is no agreement on the existence
of military cavalry in the second millennium bce; nevertheless, the
existence of horse riders before the first millennium is proved by
written documents form places such as Ur, Mari, Nuzi, Hatti or Tell
Leilan ( B eal 1992, 1 9 0 - 8 ; E i d em 1991, 131- 4) . I n Ugarit, a frag-
ment of a Mycenaean krater was found, undoubtedly produced lo-
cally, with a frieze of horse riders, one of them armed with a sword
( S c h a e f f e r 1949, 159) ; it could be an indication of the use of horses
for military purposes apart from the war chariot. The reference to
two thousand horses in the letter K TU 2. 33 = R S 16. 402 ( C u n -
c h i l l o s 1989b, 3 2 5 - 4 0 ) would be a further indication of the exist-
ence in Ugarit of light military cavalry, or perhaps rather mounted
infantry ( V i t a 1995a, 75- 6).
2+4
K TU 2.72 = RS 34.124:7.11 (XELLA 1980, 452; BORDREUE. - PARDEE 1991, 144).
245
K TU 1.103+ = RS 24.247+:7.47; K TU 1.40 = RS 1.002:10 (restored); dis-
cussion in VI TA 1995a, 154 6 (but see TROPPER 1994c, 459). Cf. the 'men of the
golden lance' and 'men of the heavy lance' of the royal guard in Hatti (BEAL 1992,
212-31) and 'the king's brothers who bear the bronze lance before the king' in
Emar (Msk 7356:4-5, ARNAUD 1986, No. 17).
246
Cf. PRU 3, 97 = R S 16.249; RAI NEY 1965a, 24; HELTZER 1982, 119-21; VI TA
1995a, 156.
247
Cf. Hn in KTU 2.16 = RS 15.008:3 (CUNCHI LLOS 1989b, 301, n. 20), rb mil
'chief of a hundred' (if this restoration of rb mi[. . .] is accepted in K TU 2.42 =
RS 18.1 13A:3; cf. HOFTI J ZER 1995-6, 73-4), kil lim 'chief of a thousand' in PRU
6, No. 52 = RS 19.078:4, 9 and Ug 5, No. 52 = RS 20.239:27, mru (Akk. mur'u)
'commander', 'officer', but perhaps also 'fattener' and in some contexts 'quarter-
master'. See, in general, VI TA 1995a, 144 -7.
5.3 The war chariot
5.3.1 Chari ot units of the Ugaritic army, under the command of
officials such as the 'overseer of chariots' (kil narkabti)
248
or the 'chief
of the chariot drivers' (rb kzym),
u9
were quartered in various villages
of the kingdom, an arrangement which implies that the soldiers whose
function was to fight from the chariot were dispersed geographically.
As in Alalakh, Nuzi and Hatti,
249a
the chariot units defended strategic
points of the kingdom, such as for example, access routes to the interior.
5.3.2 The Ugaritic texts mention the large structural components
which technically comprised a chariot:
250
body (mrkbt),
231
wheels (apnt)
and steering-pole (tr)P
2
The textual information is compl emented
iconographically by the so-called 'hunti ng plate' ( S c haef f er 1949,
1-23; A madas i 1965, 51-3; cf. 14) and the representations of char-
iots on cylinder-seals ( A mi et 1992). The references to material for
chariots
253
is restricted to 'gold' (fors) and a type of leather,
254
infor-
mation partially supplemented by finds of pieces of a yoke, alabaster
pommels and ferrules worked in alabaster and ivory ( C aubet 1990).
255
The chariot was completed by the following defensive and offensive
weapons wielded by the crew ( V i t a 1995a, 60-72): 'shield' (ql
c
), bow
(qt),
256
'arrow' (hz),
2hl
'barb' (ntq) and 'javelin' (srdnr), 'sword' (mdrn)
'lance' (mrh) and 'knife' or 'axe' (msfot). The equipment was com-
pleted by the 'quiver' (utpt)
258
for missiles. Archaeological finds and
representations on cylinder-seals illustrate this variety of weaponry.
248
PRU 3, 79 = RS 16.239:31; PRU 3, 83 = RS 16.157:22; PRU 3, 85 = RS
16.250:17.
249
K TU 4.222 = RS 16.193:3.
2493
VI TA 1995a, 87.
250
I nformation on the Ugaritian war chariot from a material point of view is pro-
vided by the administrative texts KTU 4.145 = RS 15.034; KTU 4.167 = RS 15.079;
K TU 4.169 = R S 15.083 and K TU 4.180 = R S 15.105 (VI TA 1995a, 41-53). On
the chariot in the ancient Near East in general see LI TTAUER - CROUWEL 1979.
251
It is very likely that mrkbt, the normal Ugaritic term for 'chariot', refers in some
cases to its body or coachwork (DEL OL MO L ETE 1978, 49); the interpretation would
fit K TU 4.167 = R S 15.079:1 and K TU 4.180 = R S 15.105:3 (VI TA 1995a, 54).
252
It is likely that some of the chariots, before they were used, were kept stored
with their wheels off. See, in general, VI TA 1995a, 53-8, 83-7.
253
In the administrative text K TU 4.167 = RS 15.079.
254
msg d tbk, cf . SANMARTI N 1989, 342.
255
There is no reference in the texts to wood, the most important material in
the construction of a chariot (cf. LI TTAUER - CROUWEL 1979, 81, 346).
256
Vocalized qatu in RS 20.189A+B:9 (HUEHNERGARD 1987b, 25).
257
In Sumerian KAK.KUM.TAG.GA (PRU 6, No. 133 = RS 19.152).
258
Vocalized is'patu in PRU 6, No. 162 = RS 19.036:5. In Sumerian .AMAR.RU
5.3.3 Some scholars, on the basis of a passage from the 'Epic of
Keret'
259
and in the letter RS 4.449,
260
have suggested that in Ugarit
the war chariot was drawn by three horses ( Sukeni k 1948; R ai ney
1965, 22). However, the administrative texts
261
shows that it was
usual for Ugaritic chariots to have pairs of horses ( del O l mo L et e
1978, 49). On the other hand, it is the more usual proportion in
war chariots of the period ( V i t a 1995a, 74-5).
5.3.4 At least at one moment in their history, the chariots of the
Ugaritian army seem to have had a three-man crew. Some passages
in the 'Epic of Keret' could point in this direction.
262
It is the pro-
portion of men carried by the chariots of Hatti in the battle of
Qadesh ( B eal 1992, 148-9). A passage in the Egyptian 'poem' on
the battle expressly mentions the Ugaritic chariots as carrying three
men, a proportion which can be confirmed in the documents of that
kingdom. Its members come from three different groups, the maryann
( 11.1.6.2-3), the kzym (probably as chariot-drivers) and the mdrglm
26:i
( V i t a 1995a, 93-125).
5.4 Ships and war
5.4.1 It is certain that the kingdom of Ugarit never had a real war
navy, but documents from Ugarit and Hatti show that at least some
of the Ugaritic boats could have had a military function. It is prob-
able that the boats were used for commerce and, when occasion
arose, for the transportation of troops and for armed engagements
on the high seas.
264
Evidence of military use of Ugaritic boats comes
from the final period of the kingdom and show the boats of Ugarit
operating under the control of Hatti. However, the documents supply
{PRU 6, No. 131 = RS 19.035A). KTU 4.204 = RS 16.002 mentions two types,
'arrow quiver' (utpt him) and probably, 'javelin quiver' (utpt srdnnm).
259
K T U
114 - Rs 2. [003]+ ii 2-3 and parallels.
260
On this document see ARNAUD 1996, 47- 54.
261
Ug 5, No. 105 = RS 20.211+; K TU 4.169 = RS 15.083 (in contrast to a
single cuirass for a man, the text allocates pairs of cuirasses to horses, no doubt
pullers of chariots). Perhaps KTU 4.582 = RS 18. [522], which is very broken,
points in the same direction.
262
K T U 1.14 = R S 2.[003]+ ii 2-3 and parallels (DEL OI .MO LETE 1984a, 209- 11)
WY ATT 1998c, 190 n. 62.
263
However, see a different interpretation of mdrglm in HEL TZER 1982, 115-21.
264
Generally, the crews of Ugaritic boats were recruited not only from villages
close to the sea (so HEL TZER 1976, 21) but in villages close to where the boats
operated, either the sea or important rivers like the Orontes (VI TA 1995a, 168-72).
no information about the organization of a Ugaritian war fleet or
about the type of boats used.
5.4.2 The first column of the Hittite historical text KBo XI I 38
( G t e r b o c k 1967) recounts the conquest of A1aia (Cyprus) by
Tudhal i ya I V; the third col umn relates a later naval victory by
Suppiluliuma I I over assailants from Alasia. The text gives no details
about the composition of the Hittite troops, but it can be assumed
that in both actions at least a part of the fleet under Hatti com-
mand comprised boats from Ugarit. The control of the island was
an i mportant factor in the security of the Hittite and Syrian coasts
against armed incursions by foreign peoples.
5.4.3 After its conquest by Hatti, Cyprus then became part of a
defence system shared jointly by Hatti and Ugarit, as is clear from
the correspondence exchanged between the courts of Ugarit and
Alasia. The letter Ug 5, No. 24 = RS 20.238,
265
from the king of
Ugarit
266
to the king of Cyprus, is the most explicit witness available
of the fleet from Ugarit in a war engagement. It also proves that
the Canaani te kingdom, in the closing moments of its existence,
made a last military effort in collaboration with Hatti in an attempt
to repel the attacks which threatened both states. I n connection with
this episode, the letter Ug 5, No. 22 = RS 20.018, from Alasia,
seems to communi cate a naval defeat of the Ugaritian fleet in Asia
Minor.
265
The letter Ug 5, No. 23 = RS L. 1 has usually been set in close relation to
RS 20.238. However the finding of tablets from Cyprus in Ras Shamra during the
1994 campaign shows that, from epigraphy and content, RS L. 1 cannot come
from that island (personal communication of F. Malbran-Labat).
266
Almost certainly Ammurapi, the last king of Ugarit; cf. LI VERANI 1979a, 1312.
C H AFTER TWELVE
T H E O N O M A S T I C S O F U G A R I T
R i c h a r d S. H ess
1 P e r s o n a l N ames an d P r o s o p o g r ap h y
The study of personal names from Ugarit includes three general
areas: (1) the publication of the texts and the identification of the
personal names found in them; (2) the linguistic analysis of the per-
sonal names; and (3) prosopographical matters related to the name
bearers.
1
Although some studies combine two or three aspects of this
research, it is i mportant to separate these categories because they
represent distinct fields of study. The first, that of the publication
and identification of personal names, is the logical antecedent to all
further onomastic research. The linguistic analysis of the names and
the prosopography of the name bearers are i ndependent of one
another. Analysis of the name focuses on the name itself as a lin-
guistic datum both among other names of a similar linguistic group
and within the literary context of the texts in which such names
occur. The prosopography asks questions about the name bearer in
the society of Ugarit or elsewhere.
1.1 The identification and publication of personal names from Ugarit
Personal names are part of the textual dimension of Ugarit. They
occur in many genres of texts. Even the mythological, which may
be thought limited to divine names, can include personal names in
colophons that designate the scribe or copyist. For example, the
names of ilmlk the scribe and of Ni qmaddu III the king of Ugarit,
occur at the end of several mythological tablets.
2
1
I thank Dr. J osef Tropper and Dr. W.G.E. Watson for reading and commenting
on this section of the chapter.
2
KTU 1.4 = RS 2.[008] + 3.341 + 3.347; KTU 1.6 = RS 2. [009] + 5.155,
KTU 1.16 = RS 3.325 + 3.342 + 3.408, KTU 1.17 = RS 2.[004].
Texts from the cosmopolitan centre of Ugarit are written in a var-
iety of scripts and languages, including Sumerian, the syllabic cunei-
form of Akkadian, Hurri an and Hittite, the alphabetic cuneiform
of Ugaritic and Hurri an, the hieroglyphic writing of Egyptian and
Hittite and the distinctive Cypro-Mi noan script. With the exception
of Sumerian, texts from each of these languages include personal
names.
With so many potential sources for personal names at Ugarit it
is perhaps surprising that no comprehensive list of all personal names
found in the published texts from Ugarit has ever been produced.
Although highly desirable for purposes of onomastic research, the
absence of such a publication forms a significant gap in the study
of Ugaritian personal names. Collections of personal names and
related studies have focused on the texts written in the alphabetic
and syllabic scripts, above all on the Ugaritic and Akkadian texts
which constitute the majority of published texts from Ugarit.
The identification of personal names in Akkadian and other syl-
labic cuneiform texts is assisted by specific markers, the familiar dis
sign preceding masculine names and the M sign preceding feminine
names. I n addition, the dumu logogram, meaning, 'son of', can in-
dicate that a personal name will follow. This logogram itself can some-
times form the first part of a personal name. However, it can also
precede a place name or gentilic and indicate the origin of the per-
son so designated. I n such cases and others where there is no tex-
tual marker to signify a personal name, it must be identified by its
context. I n letters, personal names often appear at the beginning and
identify the sender and the recipient. I n contracts, those making the
agreement are identified. The list of witnesses at the end of the doc-
ument also contains personal names, each one often preceded by
the igi logogram, which is the Akkadian bu 'witness'. In order to
specify the witnesses they often are given their patronyms, indicated
by dumu. Personal names also appear in census and inventory lists
of all types. The simplest are those that merely list the persons.
Others indicate places of origin, food rations or other items associ-
ated with each person. Some lists introduce or conclude by desig-
nating all those named as members of a particular social group or
as citizens of a single town.
Personal names are identified in similar ways in the alphabetic
Ugaritic texts. However, these normally contain no markers similar
to the di s and m signs.
3
The Ugaritic bn 'son' replaces the dumu
logogram. Witnesses to contracts and other economic texts are indi-
cated by the personal names organised in a list at the end of the
Ugaritic tablet. However, they possess nothing similar to an intro-
ductory igi logogram.
Other names can be identified according to the title or profession
of the person so named. Both syllabic and alphabetic cuneiform texts
may also indicate the scribe responsible for the document. In con-
tracts the scribe's name often follows the list of witnesses at the end
of the document. I n lists, mythological and ritual texts, it also occurs
at the end of the text. I n the syllabic cuneiform texts it is normally
identified by the logograms, dub. s ar (Akkadian tupam), which fol-
low the personal name. I n the alphabetic cuneiform texts the Uga-
ritic spr can appear before or after the scribe's name. Royal figures,
including kings, queens and members of the royal household, priests,
administrators and members of special warrior and other social groups
are identified by the name of their rank or group following their
personal names.
Although the publication of cuneiform texts from Ugarit is con-
sidered elsewhere, it is appropri ate to summarise their relevance for
the study of personal names. Those texts first published individu-
ally or in small groups often have individual names noted. Where
of interest to the editor, the names are discussed in the commentary
that accompanies the initial publication. The larger text collections
can be divided into two groups, those that provide a separate and
comprehensive list of all spellings and occurrences of personal names
and those that do not. PRU 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6 each include indices
that list the personal names found in the texts published in the
respective volume. The same is true of Ug 5, RSO 7 and Analecta
Orientalia 48 (the Cl aremont texts). Where collections include both
alphabetic and syllabic cuneiform texts, the two types of texts each
have their own list of names. No indices of personal names are found
in the collections of CTA, KTU, CAT ( D i et r i c h - L o r et z - S anmar t i n
1995), Ug 7 or the Ras I bn Hani texts. Text editions of Driver,
3
A possible exception to this rule may sometimes occur. See, for example, the
vertical stroke preceding the high priest's name in the alphabetic axehead inscrip-
tion, K T U 6. 10 = RS "l. [ 052] .See GI NSBERG 1950, 160.
Gibson (CML) and G o r d o n 1965 contain personal names as part of
their glossary but not in the form of a separate list.
I mportant lists of personal names are found in the Ugaritic dic-
tionaries of both A i s t l ei t n er 1963 and G o r d o n 1965. Both list per-
sonal names as separate lexical items organised alphabetically along
with the other lexemes in the dictionary. G o r d o n ( 1965, 508- 13)
adds a separate list of all the Ugaritic personal names at the end of
his glossary. A reverse index accompanies it as well (513-19). This
is useful for restoring partially preserved names. Although Gordon
includes comparisons with related syllabically spelled names from
Ugarit, neither dictionary systematically lists or studies the personal
names from syllabic texts. Si van' s 1984 grammar and glossary includes
many of these syllabic names. However, it does not treat names from
Ugarit separately nor does it consider the alphabetic names.
As is clear from the recently published concordances ( B o r d r eu i l -
P ar d ee 1989; C u n c h i l l o s 1990; v an S o l d t 1991a, 525-671; CAT),
neither the text collections nor the dictionaries survey all the pub-
lished cuneiform texts from Ugarit. Thi s is true for both the earlier
and the later excavations. Therefore, it is necessary to examine addi-
tional publications in order to obtain a list of all the personal names.
This has not been done. The result is that all studies of personal
names from Ugarit suffer from the limitation of partial evidence. As
more and more texts are published this weakness will become increas-
ingly significant.
V a n S o l d t ' s (1991a) study has come as close as any to counting
all the published names. Although he has not listed them, he has
observed the frequency of their occurrence in the texts ( van S o l d t
1991a, 39-40). 1,737 different masculine names occur only once,
373 occur twice and 165 occur three times. Thi s number diminishes
as the number of occurrences grows, e.g., only nine masculine names
occur thirteen times. Fewer feminine names occur: 105 appear once,
eleven occur twice and only one occurs three times. This datum
attests to the masculine domination of the roles and responsibilities
that are recorded in the texts. It also provides a hint at how large
a population existed at Ugarit whose names have not been recorded.
1.2 The linguistic analysis of personal names from Ugarit
The personal names from Ugarit can be divided into two groups:
those found in the epic and mythological texts and those found in
other texts. The divine, semi-divine and heroic figures of the mytho-
logical texts have not been systematically classified and studied, nei-
ther as a group of names on their own nor as part of the larger
onomastic corpus from Ugarit. The personal names found outside
of this literature, which is largely distinct from it, have received the
focus of attention.
Although most publications of individual texts or groups of texts,
include the grammatical analysis of personal names at the point in
the commentary that corresponds to where they occur in the text,
the systematic study of larger groups of personal names has been lim-
ited to a few publications. The first one was Uyechi ' s 1961 Brandeis
University Ph.D. dissertation, Study of Ugaridc Alphabetic Personal
Names'. Thi s work is available only in dissertation form. It appeared
at a time when only PRU 2 and the 1955 edition of Gordon's Uga-
ritic Manual provided substantial collections of non-mythological alpha-
betic texts. Nevertheless, in his 1967 dissertation, Study of the
Personal Names in the Akkadian Texts from Ugarit', Kinlaw saw
his work as a supplement to the earlier study of Uyechi. In fact,
both works were written at Brandeis University under the supervi-
sion of Cyrus Gordon. Kinlaw's work took into consideration the
published texts of PRU 3, 4 and 5 as well as those from Ug 5. In
addition, published texts not contai ned in these collections were
included.
4
Of course, the same personal names were rendered into both
alphabetic and syllabic cuneiform by scribes at Ugarit. A study of
both could combine the advantages of each system of orthography,
allowing vocalization with the syllabary and greater phonemi c pre-
cision with the alphabetic script. This was realised with the 1967
appearance of Gr ondahl . ' s Die Personennamen der Texte aus Ugarit.
Written under the supervision of J ohannes Friedrich and Einar von
Schler, this remains the most complete study of the personal names
from Ugarit. Its listing of names incorporated PRU 2, 3, 4 and 5 as
well as Ug 5. Thi s provided the most complete listing available.
However, even Grondahl 's work did not include all the published
names. I n part, this was no doubt due to the absence of a listing
of the names occurring in the texts published in CTA. Personal names
appearing in a few of the published alphabetic cuneiform texts were
4
They are listed in K I NL AW 1967, 380. This includes the Latakia text.
not recorded.
5
I n addition, Grondahl 's list of syllabic names did not
include all those that had been published. The names from some of
these texts do appear in K i n l a w 1967, however.
6
Thus Kinlaw's list
remains an essential supplement to that of Grondahl .
For her linguistic analysis, G r o n d a h l 1967 classified more than
two thousand occurrences of names according to the language fam-
ilies which their etymologies reflected: Semitic, Hurri an, Anatolian,
I ndo-Aryan, Egyptian and names with no apparent etymology. There
was also a category for gentilics and other place names that func-
tion as personal names. The largest category of names, the Semitic
names, received the most complete grammatical analysis with notes
on orthography, phonol ogy, single-word, construct and sentence
names, hypocoristic names, feminine names, theophoric names and
verb and noun formations in the names. Every category included a
glossary listing all name elements. In addition to Uyechi, whom she
criticises for lack of rigour ( G r o n d a h l 1967, 2-3), Grondahl used a
variety of published linguistic, onomastic and religious studies to assist
in her analysis. Above all, H uf f mo n' s 1965 study of the Amorite
names from Mari and G el b et al.'s 1943 work on the Nuzi names
served as models for her study on the great majority of names from
Ugarit, the Semitic and Hurri an names. Studies by L an d s b er g er
1954, L a r o c h e 1966 and M a y r h o f e r 1960; 1965 domi nate the sec-
tions on Anatolian and I ndo-Aryan names.
G r o n d ah l ' s 1967 study generated numerous reviews.
7
As may be
expected for a work of such detail, there were many items that faced
criticism. The following represent some of the salient criticisms by
reviewers dealing with matters of structure and analysis: (1) difficulties
in identifying the same name in both the alphabetic and syllabic
cuneiform indices ( N o u g a y r o l 1966); (2) difficulties in dealing with
multiple alphabetic and syllabic principles of organization in the glos-
saries and indices ( S c hul t 1969); (3) the need to compare this col-
lection of names with those from a nearby archive such as Alalakh
( A r o 1971, de M o o r 1969b); (4) the concern that the feminine
5
For example, KTU 6.15 = RS 6.223 and KTU 4.72 = RS 11.722+, where
names not recorded in GRONDAHL appear.
6
For example, those found in RS 6.345 and the Latakia text.
7
A RO 1971; BERGER 1969-70; DONNER 1968-9; HI L L ERS 1970; LI VERANI 1968;
DE MOOR 1969b; NOUGAY ROL 1968b; RI CHTER 1970; SCHUL T 1969. See also CAQUOT
1969, 254-62.
Semitic names should not be separated from their masculine coun-
terparts and analysed separately ( D o nner 1968/ 9) ; (5) the combi-
nation of Hurri an and Semitic suffix elements and the presence of
'double suffixes' on some names ( R i c h t er 1970); (6) the need to dis-
tinguish Akkadian from West Semitic in the study of the Semitic
names ( R i c h t er 1970) and the subsequent probl em of using this
combi ned data to describe the Ugaritic language ( H i l l er s 1970) ; (7)
the failure of the glossaries to distinguish probabl e lexical derivations
from those that are hypothetical ( H i l l er s 1970) ; (8) the absence of
relevant comparati ve i nformati on from the Ugarit lexical texts (de
M o o r 1969) ; (9) some of the theophori c elements should be other-
wise identified ( C aq u o t 1969) , and (10) the absence of many names
from published texts as well as the tendency to list separately the
same name spelled when spelled slightly differently (e.g., different
values of the same phonetic sign or the use of logograms in place
of syllabic spelling; B er g er 1969- 70) .
Later publicadons have emphasized the lexical and semantic aspects
in their linguistic analysis of the personal names from Ugarit. Special
note should be made of J i r k u' s 1969 study which i ntroduced new
names of animals and occupations that occur in personal names from
Ugarit but not in other textual sources from the city.
8
I n the same
year D i et r i c h and L o r et z 1969 published a study of a Hurri an ele-
ment, fant/fent- and its occurrence in personal names. However, the
most i mportant studies of collected personal names from Ugarit, after
Grondahl , are those of Si van 1984, P ar d ee 1987, 1988, 1989/90
and W a t s o n 1990c, 1990d, 1993b, 1995b, 1996c.
Si van 1984 included analysis of the personal names from Ugarit
in his study of Late Bronze Age West Semitic as revealed by the syl-
labic cunci form texts. By i ncorporati ng proper nouns from Alalakh,
Taanach and Amarna, as well as Ugarit, Sivan was able to provide
a more complete comparati ve analysis of the names than had been
previously available. I n addition, his use of common nouns as well
as verbs, prepositions, adverbs and other particles provided a thor-
ough study of Late Bronze Age West Semitic. The same was true
of the glossary which brought together and systematically studied
8
A. J IRK 1969 adds examples of new uses of verbal and noun forms in per-
sonal names. P . D. MI L L ER, J R. 1970, 171 86 adds examples of animal names used
in titles and the names of social groups.
and compared a mass of evidence previously available only in diverse
publications.
As important and useful as Si van' s 1984 work is, three observa-
tions should be made regarding the limitations of its method. First,
the grammatical and lexical constructions of proper names are not
necessarily identical to the language of the texts in which those names
occur. Sivan carefully distinguishes between proper names and all
the other forms throughout his study. However, the distinctive gram-
matical and lexical aspects of proper names tend to be ignored in
such a methodology. For example, the use of case endings in per-
sonal names is summarized but one has no clear sense of which texts
and names, if any, use case endings.
9
A second comment concerns the work's focus on the West Semitic
evidence. This is valuable and necessary given the vast amount of
material surveyed in the study. However, it means that not all of
the names from the syllabic texts from Ugarit are studied. Thus
Sivan's study does not supersede the works of K i n l a w 1967 and
G r o n d a h l 1967. Furthermore, because Sivan focuses on West Semitic,
some names that might be better analysed as Hurri an or otherwise
are assumed to be West Semitic. For example, ha-an-ya is probably
Egyptian, R-ir-ap and -ir-ap-pa are probably Hurri an, ki-li-ia is
probably Hurri an and tu-tu may be Egyptian ( Hess 1993, 72~3, 91,
98- 9, 163).
Sivan's selection of materials from Ugarit provokes a third area
of comment. Because he chooses to study only syllabic cuneiform
sources, there is no systematic comparison or use made of the alpha-
betic cuneiform sources, including the proper names. I n addition,
the difficulties of reading the Ugaritian syllabary are not eased by
full interaction with the polyglot vocabularies from Ugarit. This point
is emphasised by H u e h n e r g a r d 1987a in his review of S i v an 1984.
H u eh n er g ar d ' s 1987b; 1989 studies of the vocabularies and of the
Akkadian texts from Ugarit address this matter. Of special interest
is H u eh n er g ar d ' s 1989, 351-415 sign list which discusses the read-
ings of many syllabic personal names.
Among the many studies in subjects related to Ugaritian personal
names, L ay t o n' s 1990 work deserves special mention.
10
It is an at-
9
See the further discussion by LAY TON 1990, below.
10
For other studies of onomastics related to, but not necessarily from, Ugarit,
see the bibliography of HESS 1993, 249- 92.
tempt to identify several archai c features in Semitic personal names
from the Hebrew Bible. I n the course of his discussion, Layton makes
frequent reference to the evidence from the Ugaritian names. He
demonstrates the existence of the enclitic -m and the feminine suffix
-at, in names from Ugarit. He does not find evidence of mi mati on
or of the hireq compaginis. Layton also considers the evidence for case
endings in personal names. Gr ondahi . ' s 1967, 51 assertion that, when
they decline, most Semitic names do so with diptotic forms, is chal-
lenged in the review of S c h u l t 1969, 199. However, he presents no
evidence. L i ver ani 1963 identifies diptotic declensions in the Akkadian
names. L ay t o n 1990, 4 3 - 4 4 furthers the discussion with an exam-
ple from the letter, RS 15.89 (PRU 3, p. 53), where a feminine name
appears once in the nomi nati ve as a-foa-tum-lugal, and twice in the
obl i que/geni ti ve as a-ha-ti-ixsGAL. If this is a personal name, this evi-
dence should be added to that of the Amarna correspondence ( Hess
1991) . Some names from sites south of Tyre and Amurru do oper-
ate with case vowels. However, with the exception of Byblos, there
is no clear evidence to the north of this region that case vowels were
used with personal names. If the names also decline at Ugarit, it
may be that the absence of evidence for case vowel declension is
j ust that, and not evidence that case vowels did not decline.
Pardee's recent contri buti ons to the onomasti c research of Ugari t
include a study of the theophori c elements in the personal names
and their relationship to what is designated as the canonical pan-
theon list from Ugari t ( P ar dee 1988) . Of the twenty-eight different
names in this list, fourteen are attested as elements in personal names
from Ugari t. The distribution of divine names in personal names
and in various genres of texts is not predi ctabl e nor are their occur-
rences in genres related to their appearances in personal names. The
divine names in personal names from Ugari t may suggest deities who
are the objects of clan or family venerati on. Theophori c elements in
the Ugari ti c personal names are updated in a list publ i shed by
R i bi chi ni - X e l l a 1991.
A second onomastic study by Pardee is part of a larger bibliography
of words and names from Ugari ti an texts that he has published
( P ar dee 1989- 90; see also P ar d ee 1987c) . Thi s includes forty pages
of bi bl i ography devoted to publ i cati ons that discuss names from
Ugari t and appeared as late as 1990. The bibliography is divided
into al phabeti c and syllabic sections and organi zed accordi ng to
personal names. Under each name listed there are bibliographical
references relevant to it. These regularly contai n a brief summary
of the analysis of the name made by the author of the study. Although
Pardee does not evaluate the merit of these summari es, the data pro-
vided allow the interested reader to follow up on the discussion.
Listed at the begi nni ng of both the al phabeti c and syllabic sections
are i mportant studies of collections of names, i ncl udi ng personal
name studies from other archives and significant reviews of those
studies. It is not always clear how much of this material is incor-
porated into the individual entries in the bibliography. For exampl e,
the list of general references at the begi nni ng of the section on
syllabic personal names includes both Ki nl aw's dissertation on the
syllabic names from Ugari t as well as one of Watson's studies (see
below). However, in the individual entries for each of the syllabic
names, Ki nl aw is never menti oned while Watson often appears.
Nevertheless, this bibliography is the most i mportant summary of
i nformati on on onomasti cs from Ugari t since the publ i cati on of
Grandahl 's work.
If Pardee's bibliography brings together many of the relevant pub-
lished studies on Ugari t names, Wilfred Watson's work provides an
exampl e of those studies ( W at s o n 1990c, 1990d, 1993b, 1995b,
1996c)." Unlike other onomasti c studies, which tend to focus on a
single name, the names in a single text or a single element that fea-
tures in names, Watson has applied recent linguistic research from
a variety of sources to the linguistic analysis of more than 360 per-
sonal names. Onl y al phabeti c names are listed and studied, al though
relevant syllabic spellings are brought into the discussion. I n addi-
tion, Watson discusses subjects such as bird names, the unpredi ctabl e
nature of word dividers within personal names, alternative phonemes
and spellings of the same name, the use of bt 'daughter of ' and ah
'brother of' before names, the optional occurrence of the suffix -n
on the same name, the interchangeability of qtl and yqtl forms in
the same name, the use of /-prefixed verbs in names and possible
Hurri an elements in names. He also i ncorporates recent studies that
relate personal names to Ugaritic grammati cal features ( T r o p p er
1994b; 1995c) and to names found in Eblaite, Mycenaean, Egyptian
and biblical Hebrew sources ( S anmar t i n 1991; W e s t 1995; H o c h
1994; H ess 1996a; 1996b).
1
' These studies have grown out of Watson's involvement in the Ugaritic diction-
ary project at the University of Barcelona.
1.3 The prosopography of personal names from Ugarit
Each of the indices of personal names in the PRU volumes as well
as Ug 5 contain prosopographical information including family rela-
tionship to other known name bearers, occupation, citizenship of
towns or villages, and sometimes a brief description of the role of
the name bearer in the contract or other document. The indices
of RSO 7 and AnOr 48 do not provide this information although it
can be gathered from the commentary on the texts where the names
appear. The lists of names in both K i nl aw 1967 and G r o n d ah l
1967 also provide this information, dividing each name into as many
different name bearers as may be described by the prosopographi-
cal information.
The reviews of Grondahl 's work included two elements of criti-
cism that relate to prosopography: (1) in the lists of the names there
is no distinction between the names in texts from foreign sources
and those of local origin ( C aquot 1969), and (2) the lack of statis-
tical analysis of social groupings according to the linguistic etymol-
ogy of the name, e.g., do Hurri an-named individuals predomi nate
in certain professions or classes and not others? ( N o ugay r o l 1968).
I n fact, some of this information is easy to obtain from Grondahl 's
work. Although B er ger ' s 1969- 70 severe criticisms of the analysis
cannot be overlooked, Grondahl 's analysis remains the most com-
prehensive and detailed opportunity to examine linguistic origins.
Given these concerns and Grondahl 's expressed uncertainty about
double or even triple possibilities for some etymologies, an approx-
imate quantification can still be performed with the following results:
Li ngui st i c Or i gi n Syl l abi c PNs Al phabet i c PNs Al l Names
Semi t i c 43% 55% 50%
Hu r r i an 26% 21% 23%
Anat ol i an 16% 7% 10%
I ndo- Ar y an 1 / 2 % 1 / 5 % 1 / 3 %
Egypt i an 1 / 5 % 1/ 10% 1 / 6 %
Pl ace Names 2 % 2 % 2 %
Uncer t ai n 12% 16% 15%
To t al (Appr ox.) 1000 1400 2400
A few observations are in order. First, half of the identifiable names
are Semitic. These represent the maj or onomastic group at Ugarit.
Si nce no distinction has been made between West Semi ti c and
Akkadian names, it is not possible to further divide this group. Second,
Hurri an and Anatol i an names together comprise 33% of the total
number of identifiable names. Thi s is a significant percentage, though
somewhat lower than Semitic names. Hurri an and Anatolian names
together represent northern names.
12
They are in a minority at Ugarit.
Thi rd, the difference between syllabic and al phabeti c names is most
significant when compari ng the ratios of Semitic names to northern
names. Among the syllabic names, nearl y as many are northern
(42%) as are Semitic (43%). However, the al phabeti c names indicate
a two to one ratio of Semitic names to northern names (55% to
28%). The preponderance of Semitic names among the al phabeti c
names suggests that the documents written in this native Ugaritic
script and l anguage tended to be used and applied more to Semitic
people than to people who possessed northern names. That distinc-
tion does not pertai n to users of syllabic Akkadian texts.
Name lists are the most i mportant source for the study of prosopog-
raphy at Ugari t. I n addition to lists preserving only personal names,
D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z - S a n ma r t i n 1995, 6 5 5 - 8 have identified 110
types of lists in the al phabeti c cunei form texts. These lists are divided
accordi ng to the i nformati on associated with the persons and their
names. P a r d e e 1992 has divided this variety of i nformati on into
three general areas: family terms of relationship, geographical terms
of place of origin or citizenship, and occupadonal and social group-
ing terms. These classifications can be extended to include letters,
contracts and other genres of texts.
V a n S o l d t 1991a, 40 finds that 1,386 persons, or 23.2 per cent
of those named, have some sort of family relationship indicated. As
noted above the most common terms of relationship are 'son of' (bn)
and, less frequently, 'daughter of ' (bt). Also associated with personal
names are terms describing a 'brother of' ses (ofy), and a 'relative
of ' (hatni).
n
The designation 'son of,' where a femal e name follows
can also occur. These can describe adopti on as well as blood rela-
tionships. Thi s raises the issue of i nheri tance. References to 'his heir'
(nhiH) or 'their heirs' (nhlhm) can occur in documents referring to the
12
This could also include I ndo-Aryan names although at Ugarit the number of
these is insignificant.
13
R S 16. 250 (PRU 3, p. 85) 4- 5, K T U 4. 103 = R S 11. 858. 5, R S 16.136 (PRU
3, P. 142) 5. See RAI NEY 1965C, 22; PARDEE 1992, 713.
rights and obligations of persons named. The more general family
term, 'househol d of ' (bt) also occurs. Families were listed accordi ng
to the father's name, suggesting a patri archy. I n K TU 4.153 = RS
15.046 some men are designated as 'owner/husband of a wife (or
wives)' (b'l att) or 'owner of a concubine(s)' (b'l lmt). Women could
be designated as 'wife' (att) or 'nobl e wife' (att.adrt), while 'girls' (n'rt)
could be 'lasses' (pgt) and 'boys' (n'rrri) could be 'warri ors' (gzrm),
terms also occurri ng in military contexts ( R ai ney 1965c, 11). Pardee
esdmates that the documentati on from Ugari t covers seven or eight
generadons and an onomastic 'population' of 150,000-300,000 names.
Unlike other archives, there is no systematic study of all family rela-
tionships at Ugari t (cf. F r i edmann 1987 for Nuzi). v an S o l d t 1991a,
40- 1 records fourteen names for whom he is able to trace sons and
grandsons, in addition to the royal line. He observes that papponymy
was not followed, except in one possible case where 'Addunu occurs
as the name of both the grandfather and grandson.
Many personal names and lists of personal names identify their
figures accordi ng to place or people group. An individual may be
identified as from a parti cul ar town, or a list may be i ntroduced by
a headi ng indicating that the names that follow originate from a
parti cul ar place. For the latter, the gentilic suffix, -y, is often added
to the place name ( P ar dee 1992, 714). Some 938 persons, or 15.7
per cent of those named, come from outside of Ugari t ( van S o l d t
1991a, 40).
I n addition to family relationship and places of origins, a third
area of prosopographi cal study considers the social groups and pro-
fessions. Thi s is the most difficult area to understand because the
precise meani ng of and relationship between the social and profes-
sional terms is not clear. For exampl e, lists of guards and other pro-
fessions appear to use Hurri an terms that are imperfectly understood
but related to similar Hurri an social and professional groups at nearby
Alalakh ( D i et r i c h - L o r e t z 1964- 66) .
1 4
These groups are i mpor-
tant as some of them provide lists of personal names that recur in
numerous texts.
15
14
On pp. 197- 201, DI ETRI CH L ORETZ discuss Ugaritic professions which they
classify together according to their suffix element: hdgl, kttgl, mdrgl, tdgl.
15
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 33, list eight such texts where the same names of mdrglm
occur (KTU 4.33 = RS 5.248, KTU 4.50-53 = RS 10.087-090, KTU 4.54 = RS
10.103, KTU 4.55 = RS 10.109, KTU 4.69 = RS 11.715+).
Study of professions and social groupings considers the country-
side of Ugari t's ki ngdom as well as the pal ace ( L i v er ani 1988, 938).
H e l t z e r 1976 devoted a special study to the economi c structure of
the rural regions. Due to the limited nature of the evidence, how-
ever, definite conclusions are difficult to achieve.
16
The villages of
Ugari t were taxed both in silver and commodi ti es and in l abour and
military service ( H el t z er 1987). Lists that bear witness to l abour
indicate the villages and the amount of service due for the people
named (K TU 4.40 = RS 8.279). Peopl e engaged in the corve
received food rations (K TU 4.41 = RS 8.280).
At the top of the social structure was the royal family. The palace
archives preserve contemporary records of seven kings, six queens
and other members of the royal family ( van S o l d t 1991a, 2-19).
As leaders of Ugari t these figures initiate and are named in legal
and contractual documents as well as in local and i nternati onal cor-
respondence. A famous case, consisting of more than a dozen doc-
uments, records the divorce of Ammi ttamru I I and the daughter of
Benteshina, king of Amurru ( A r naud - S al v i ni 1991-2). Within the
royal family sons and daughters of the king were named. A brother
of Ni qmaddu I I , Nuri yanu, is attested in several texts as exercising
unusual i nfl uence in the royal court. Special royal associates are
named and designated as md ani (RS 16.239). Four of the five
peopl e named as belonging to the latter group, 'friends of the king,'
were from a single family ( R ai ney 1962, 82~8). Groups of person-
nel could be assigned to the service of a member of the royal fam-
ily or one of the palace officials.
17
Key figures in the royal court, as well as much of society, were
the scribes (tuparru, spr). I n the midst of a sophisticated society, these
scholars read and wrote the texts that were essential to its functi on
( R ai ney 1969). Forty-eight names of different scribes have been pre-
served, including fathers and sons who were scribes as well as teach-
ers and their pupils ( van S o l d t 1991a, 19-32). Some scribes are
known for specialist areas of work: I li-milku for mythological texts
and Y anhamu for lexical texts. Another scribe, Y atarmu, was exe-
cuted for his part in a rebellion against Ni qmaddu ( R ai ney 1969,
145-6; L i pi nski 1986b).
16
In addition to HEL TZER'S own observations, see, for example, VARGY AS 1980a.
17
PARDEE 1992, 714 notes the example of K T U 4. 635 = R S 19. 096, where per-
sonnel (bnm) are assigned to the king, the queen and other officials.
The administration of Ugarit, both at the palace and elsewhere
in the kingdom, was handled by 'personnel of the king' (bn mlk) or
royal dependents. The higher officers were awlu a arr or awl
rabtu ( R ai ney 1962, 8-89). The many other titles attested as part
of the structure of Ugarit society are discussed elsewhere, as are the
names of social groupings ( R ai ney 1962; 1975; H e l t z e r 1969a; 1976;
1982; 1988b; V a r g y a s 1988). Y abninu is an example of the extent
of power and influence that could be achieved in the higher offices
of administration. As chief administrator of the South Palace, the
archive records how he controlled peoples and trade throughout the
kingdom of Ugarit and all along the Levantine coast ( C o ur t o i s 1990).
Royal dependents worked in the palace's agricultural holdings, called
gt, as well as in various professions relevant to the palace economy.
They often possessed their own organisation and received payment
as well as food for their services ( H el t z er 1987, 240-4).
In the larger society, the other citizens of Ugarit could also be
identified by their professions. Lists of personal names from Ugarit
include (a) those where each person is identified by a different pro-
fession, (b) those where names are grouped together according to
the same profession of the name bearers and (c) those who are
grouped both according to their profession and according to some
other item, such as their place of assignment or their ethnic origin.
18
Examples of areas of society for which lists of persons occur and
in which individuals could attain significant positions include reli-
gious, military and trade. Where it can be determined the religious
organization appears under the control of the palace ( H el t z er 1982,
131- 9) . The highest ranking official was the high priest or 'chief of
priests' (rb khnm). Of those who are named, Lipifiski has studied hrsn
and atn.prln ( L i pi nski 1988). The name of hrsn appears on an axe-
head that forms part of the foundation deposit of the high priest's
house between the two main temples on Ugarit's acropolis.
19
If this
is the same Hursnu as that mentioned on two property transactions
from Ugarit, then the high priest held houses and lands elsewhere
in the city and kingdom.
20
The library found in the house contained
18
PARDEE 1992, 714-5 notes examples of (a) KTU 9.458 = RI H 83/02, (b)
K TU 4.134 = RS 15.006, KTU 4.129 = RS 15.001, KTU 4.374 = RS 18.082,
and (c) K TU 4.367 = RS 18.076 and KTU 4.355 = RS 18.045 for place of assign-
ment and K TU 4.635 = RS 19.096 for ethnic origin.
19
K T U 6.10 = RS 1.[052]. See now BORDREUIL. 1998.
20
RS 15.109 + 16.296 and RS 15.155.
numerous Hurri an texts, lexical texts and many of the most famous
mythological texts. Atn.prln is designated both as the high priest and
as the 'chief of shepherds' (rb.nqdm). Thi s may reflect both the busi-
ness interests of the priestly class and also a source for the animal
sacrifices in the temples. Van Soldt notes that the names of a dozen
priests (Akkadian l u. mes sanga, Ugaritic khnm) recur in one syllabic
text and as many as three alphabetic cuneiform texts.
21
The military structure of Ugarit included named leaders (mru) as
well as special classes of warriors ( R ai ney 1962, 130-46). A special
and well-known class of chariot warriors were called maiyannu, an
I ndo-Aryan term. 'First-class, experienced fighting men' (rrm) appear
( R ai ney 1962, 138). Classes of warriors such as the sanannu also occur
at Alalakh. The mdrglm have already been mentioned. Although trade
took place inland with other cities, Ugarit's speciality was maritime
trade as attested by its port of Ma'hadu and the numerous texts
describing royal, private and foreign trade.
22
Ships with their own-
ers and crews are named in several texts.
23
1.4 Future prospects
It is clear from this survey that, despite the publication of much
important work related to personal names from Ugarit, a great deal
remains to be done in each of the areas discussed. Some of these
matters may be listed here.
It may be unrealistic to call for the listing and publication of all
personal names identified in inscriptional materi al from Ugari t.
However, it is a desirable goal because it provides the essential com-
ponent for as complete an analysis of these names as possible. Such
a list would lend itself to electronic storage and access. This list,
along with others from archives and individual texts of the Late
Bronze Age West Semitic world, would provide a useful source for
analysis of grammatical and lexical features in the language groups
represented by the names. The inclusion of prospographical infor-
21
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 34, texts R S 16.126B+ i: 37-8, R S 11.715+ (KTU 4.69),
RS 19.86a (KTU 4.633), RS 34.123 (KTU 4.761).
22
In addition to the general studies of HEL TZER and RAI NEY (already mentioned),
see L I NDER 1970; 1981; ASTOUR 1970a; 1972b.
23
For example, RS 8.279 (KTU 4.40) and RS 11.779 (KTU 4.81).
mati on would also allow for more accurate investigation into the
society of the name bearers. A step in this direction has been made
by D i et r i c h - L o r e t z 1996b, which now provides a list of all per-
sonal and place names occurri ng in CAT.'
H
Among i mportant questions of linguistic analysis that remai n to
be answered, the following might be included: (1) a closer analysis
of the non-Semitic, non-Hurri an and non-Egypti an names with a
view to their origins, (2) when do case vowels operate and on what
sorts of names, (3) what divine names are present, and (4) what sort
of patterns do the variations in the spellings of identical names sug-
gest about the phonol ogy.
Among unsolved questions regardi ng prosopography, the follow-
ing issues should be noted: (1) is there any relationship between the
linguistic affiliation of the personal names and the social status or
other social groupings among the name bearers in Ugari t's popul a-
tion, and (2) how do the names, their l anguage affiliations and their
divine el ements compare with the onomasti ca of nearby archives
such as Alalakh and Emar?
These and other questions await further investigation of the per-
sonal names from Ugarit.
2 U g a r i t i c P l ac e N ames
The identification of place names in the texts from Ugarit is helped
in the case of the Akkadian (and other syllabic cunei form texts) by
the presence of determinatives, such as kur, ki and uru, which sig-
nify that what follows (or in the case of , sometimes what pre-
cedes) is a land, place and town, respectively. Otherwi se, context
must be used to identify place names. For the alphabetic texts, no
such determi nati ve normally exists. Here context plays an i mportant
role. Place names must be distinguished from gentilics, which often
appear in the same contexts. Gentilics often have a final -y, al though
this letter can also occur at the end of bona fide place names. Distinc-
tions can be made by compari sons with other spellings of the same
place name/gendl i c ( R i c h ar d s o n 1978) .
24
See also CUNCHI L L OS VI TA 1995a.
As in neighbouring kingdoms, at Ugarit administrative texts tend
to list some place names in the same recurring sequences. This may
suggest geographical proximity of the places appearing side by side.
In any case, it provides assistance in the reconstruction of partially
preserved names ( R i bi chi ni 1982, X e l l a 1982d).
2.1 Site identification
The study of place names at Ugarit has focused on site identification
and linguistic analysis of the names themselves. The study of place
names and their locations has been carried forward in numerous
articles published by several scholars, especially A stour .
25
The result
has included the identification of places named from outside the
kingdom of Ugarit as well as those from within. Those named within
the kingdom of Ugarit are often difficult to locate as they occur in
administrative lists with little additional information about them.
26
The maj or means of identifying such sites is through the use of mod-
ern Arab names in the regions. The work of W. H . v an S o l d t ( 1994)
has identified repeated patterns in which some place names are listed.
Thi s recurrence of certain groups of place names has also been
identified in the recently published Alalakh text AT 457 ( Wi seman
and H ess 1994, 503-504). Thi s phenomenon can be related to bor-
der towns as listed in the treaties between Ugarit and Muki to the
north and between Ugarit and Siyannu-Usnatu to the south ( Hess
1994b). Thus it is possible to associate some of the town groupings
with border areas and thereby to project that groupings of other
place names should be located in other identifiable regions through-
out the kingdom (van S o l d t 1994, 366-8).
2.2 Linguistic analysis
2.2.1 Sources from syllabic texts
The linguistic analysis of the place names from Ugarit has been stud-
ied by S i v an 1984. His work examines the West Semitic elements
found in those names. This study will use Sivan's analysis as a start-
25
In addition to ASTOUR in the general bibliography, see BORDREUI L 1988, L EWI S
1966 and VAN SOL DT 1994, 1996, ' 1998.
2(
' Note the comment of PARDEE - BORDREUI L 1992, 715: 'The study of Ugaritic
toponymy is, however, still in its infancy.'
ing point to consider the question of the relationship of the place
names in the kingdom of Ugarit with other place names, specifically
those found in the neighbouring kingdom of Muki or Alalakh to
the north. The question to be examined is the degree to which the
place names in different regions of the West Semitic world use the
same elements and thus duplicate themselves and the degree to which
they are distinctive. I n addition, consideration will be given to the
cultural ramifications of this study, with special reference to the cul-
tures of Alalakh and Ugarit. Alalakh as a neigbour to the north with
a Late Bronze Age archive, provides a useful foil for purposes of
compari ng the linguistic makeup of the place names at Ugarit.
In order to examine this question it is necessary to take a sam-
pling of names from each region and to compare and contrast them.
The criteria chosen here are those names that possess West Semitic
elements. Using this sample it will be possible to observe where there
are similarities between the different groups of names and where the
names diverge from one another in terms of their etymologies. This
may suggest information about place nami ng practices and also imply
something about the degree of similarity of place names that one
may expect between regions.
The following list represents the Alalakh and Ugarit place names
listed by vocable. Slight variations in the spelling of what is other-
wise the same place name are not distinguished. The note, 'etc.,'
indicates that one or more additional attestations occur at the archive:
2
'
Vocabl es Ugar i t Place Names Al al akh Place Names
'abu uru a-bi (290,16)
ur u a-bi-na (287,1 et c/
'adnu ur u i gi - a- ^[a] -na-a
(PRU 6, 80,7)
'admu uru ad-mu (341,11)
'adddu ur u -da-di (PRU 6, 156,3)
'aggnu uru a-ga-na
(PRU 6, 102,10 etc.)
'ag[i)mu uru a-gi-mu
(PRU 3, 11.841,13' etc.)
21
All Alalakh texts are identified according to their catalogue number as located
in WI SEMAN 1953. For 60 see DI ETRI CH LORF.TZ 1970. RS numbers given
after PRU 3 and 4.
Vocables Ugarit Place Names Alalakh Place Names
'ahnpu URU af}-nap-p
{PRU 3, 15.122, 18 etc.)
'ahtu uru a-ha-tu
(PR 6, 105,6' etc.)
'amurru kr a-mur-
{PRU A, 17.82,9 etc.)
'apsu uru ap-s-na
{Ug 5, 12,20 etc.)
uru ap-s-na (181,21)
'arnu uru a-ra-ni-ya
{PRU 3, 10.044,3' etc.)
'ardat(u/a) uru ar-d-at
(Ug 5, 20 v.5')
'armlu uru ar-mi-li (PRU 6, 78,16)
'ru ur u -ri (Ug 5, 99,3 etc.)
uru a-ru-tu (PRU 6, 95,3 etc.)
uru a-ra-(e) (68,8)
'arwdu uru a-ru-a-di-ya
(PRU 6, 79,7,8)
'arzu uru ar-zi-ga-na
(Ug 5, 27 etc.)
uru ar-zaya (298,16)
'atqlna uru -qu-lu-nu
(PRU 6, 79,9 etc.)
'ayyalu HUR.SAG.ME -a-l
(PRU 4, 17.62+,20')
'emar k r . ur u e-mar ur u e-mar ( 161, 14 etc.)
(PRU 4, 17.143,13 etc.)
ur u e-mar ( 161, 14 etc.)
'bz uru u-hi-zi (298,45)
'ilu
uru ma-ra-il$
(.PRU 3, 11.830,10)
[a]..[me] e-la-ya
(PRU 6, 29,5)
uru i-li-mi-il-ki
(ZA 60 191,14)
' a-ru-ri-e (85,4 etc.)
'ubur'u uru u-bur-a
(PRU 6, 118,6' etc.)
a-ru-ri-e (85,4 etc.)
'ubsu uru u-bu-s
(PRU 3, 11.830,11 etc.)
'ugartu uru u-ga-r-it
(PRU 6, 24,v.8' etc.)
uru -ga-ri-it (4, 11 etc.)
'uhryu a..me la uh-ra-a-ya
(PRU?,, 15.85,18)
J
ummu
uru um-mu
(179,13 etc.)
Vocabl es Ugar i t Place Names Al al akh Place Names
usnu
C
akk
'ammu
amqu
'anu
'azztu
C
nu
'nuqap' at(u)
'imqu/'amqu
c
b
c
ny
e
u
baq'at(u)
basru
btu
bi'ru
dallu
dmatu
damru
dimmru
gabru
galbu
uru u-na-ti
(PRU 4, 17.382,16 etc.)
uru a-ki-ya (PRU 6, 79,18)
uru am-mi--bU
(PRU 6, 78,15)
uru [i]a-ku-na-mi
(PRU 4, 17.62,13' etc.)
uru am(?)-q
{PRU 4, 17.424,2)
uru ha-[n]i (Ug 5, 95,11)
uru he-en-s-ri-ya
(PRU 17.62,13' )
uru igi-qp-at
(PRU 3, 10.044,6' etc.)
uru am(?)-qi (PRU 4, 17.424,2)
uru ya-aHi) (PRU 6, 102,7)
uru ia-a'-ni-ya
(PRU 4, 17.62+, 19' etc.)
uru mu- -
(PRU 3, 11.790,32' etc.)
uru ba-aq-at
(PRU 3, 11.790,12' etc.)
uru ba-si-ri (PRU 3, 11.790,29' )
uru b-ta-hu-li
(PRU 4, 77,6 etc.)
uru bi-i-n (PRU 3, 16.244,7)
kur bi-ru--ti
(PRU 4, 17.341,14' etc.)
uru du-ma-tu
(PRU 6, 105,5' etc.)
uru du-ma-tTqi-[id-i]
(PRU 6, 78,6 etc.)
uru za-mi-ir-ti
(PRU 4, 17.340,7' etc.)
uru zi-ini-ma-
(PRU 4, 17.366,13' etc.)
kur gab(?)--n[i(?)]
(PRU 6, 96,2' )
uru gal-ba
(PRU 3, 16.170,10' etc.)
uru am-mi-ia (166,19 etc.
uru ha-zu-ta (191,2)
d-lu-ya (408,4)
Vocables Ugarit Place Names Alalakh Place Names
gallu
gamiltu
gan(n)i(a)'u
gannu
gib a'lu
gubla
gulbatu
him
ha lu
harku
harmnu
haslu
himullu
haball
halbu
htamu
huldu
hurru
kappu
kibru
uru ga-li-li-tu-ki-ia
(.PRU 6, 78,9)
[uru] ga-mil-ti
(.PRU 6, 53,v.9')
uru ga-ni-a
{PRU 6, 70,17 etc.)
uru ar-zi-ga-na
(Ug 5, 27 etc.)
uru gi^-b&la
(PRU 4, 17.335+, 19)
uru gu-ub-li (PRU 6, 126,10)
uru gul-ba-ta
(PRU 4, 17.340,v.6' etc.)
uru ul-la-mi
(PRU 3, 16.665,5 etc.)
uru ul-mu-ya
(PRU 4, 17.62+, 12')
uru ha-la-n[i] (PRU 6, 96,3')
uru bar-k-na-a
(PRU 6, 77,5)
uru ha-ar-ma-na
(PRU 3, 16.170,4' etc.)
uru hi-mu-li
(PRU 4, 17.340 rev.7' etc.)
ur[u] ha(?)-ba-a[l(?)-l]a(?)
(Ug 5, 45,1')
uru hal-bi
(PRU 6, 118,4' etc.)
uru hal-bi-ni
(RS 1929.1,13 etc.)
uru Ifu-ul-da
(PRU 3, 15.132,7 etc.)
uru hu-ur-su-<bu>-i
(Ug 5,102,14')
uru hu-n-ka
(PRU 3, 11.790,25' etc.)
HUR.SAG ki-bu-
(PRU 4, 17.62+,8' etc.)
uru ha-si-lu-uh-e
(161,14 etc.)
uru hal-ba (161,9 etc.)
uru hu-tam-me-(na)
(152,1 etc.)
[uru] kap-pa (133,35)
Vocables Ugarit Place Names
Alalakh Place Names
kitia'nu
KUR ki-na-hi (Ug 5,
36,,6' etc.)
kumru URU ku-mu-n-'a
(PRU 6, 164,4)
lab(a)nu URU la-ba-na (PRU 6, 36,11)
liblnu HUR.SAG li-ib-la-ni
(Ug 5, 20,19)
r
ma'hadu ma-a-ha-di (PRU 3, 15.09
A,6 etc.)
ma'qabu URU ma-a'-qa-bu
(PRU 3, 11.841,15' etc.)
ma'rabu URU ma-ra-b
(PRU 3, 16.247,6 etc.)
magdalu URU ma-ag-da-la
(PRU 4, 17.62+,6' etc.)
martu URU ma- - - (PRU 6, 102,3)
marru URU ma-ra-il
b
(PRU 3, 11.830,10 etc.)
massibat(u) URU ma-SI-bat
(PRU 3, 11.830,8)
URU ma-sa-bu
(PRU 3, 11.841,24')
makanu URU ma[(?)]-k(?)-na
(PRU 6, 110,2)
matqab(u) URU ma-at-qab
(PRU 3, 11.830,9)
mirru URU mi-ra-ar
(PRU 4, 17.62+, 12' etc.)
mitru HUR.SAG ma-at-ra-ni
(PRU 4, 17.62+,10')
mr[a)tu URU mu-ur-a-a
(PRU 6, 78,7)
mulukk URU mu-lu-uk-ku
(PRU 6, 131,6 etc.)
mutu
mwk URU ICI-ma-ka
(PRU 3, 11.800,9' etc.)
na'mu URU \i\a-ku-na-mi
(PRU 4, 17.62+, 13' etc.)
nah(a)ru D na-ha-[r]a
(PRU 3, 16.135,4 etc.)
KUR ki-in-a-ni (A 60 188,F
URU la-ba-ni (17,1 etc.
URU mu-tu-e 60 185,13)
(table cont.)
Vocables Ugarit Place Names Alalakh Place Names
napku uru na-p-ki (Ug 5, 12,35)
napu uru na-ap-a-ti
(PRU A, 17.62+, 17')
nidbu uru ni-da-bi (PRU 4, 17.62+, 14')
nqb uru na-qa-bi
(PRU 3, 11.790,19')
pagalu uru pa-ga-lu\?] (PRU 6, 80,9)
panma pa-ni--ta-a (Ug 5,
26,16 etc.)
paartu uru pa-a-ra-ti
7
(PRU 6, 102,1)
pi'du or pi'tu uru p-[d]i (Ug 5,
95,18 etc.)
puglu uru pu-gul-e
(PRU 4, 17.62+, 18' etc.)
qadmu uru qa-du-mi (145,2 etc.)
qamnuzu uru qa-ma-nu-zu
(PRU 6, 105,7 etc.)
qartu uru qa-ra-tu
(PRU 6, 95,1 etc.)
qatnu uru qa-t-na (259,16)
qidu (see dumatu)
qimsu uru qi-im-si (PRU 6, 78,11)
rakbu uru ra-ak-ba
(PRU 3, 11.800,22 etc.)
riqdu URU rq-di (PRU 6, 55,22' etc.)
ru uru ra-a-a-sa-ir (PRU 6, 10,8')
ryb uru ta-n-bu (PRU 3, 11.800,32')
salhu uru s-al-ha (PRU 6, 20,8')
s'r see ru
siu uru [.]-il-ha-na
(PRU 3, 15.138,23 etc.)
siyan(n)u uru si-ia-an-ni
(PRU 6, 45,8 etc.)
sld uru s-la-di
(PRU 6, 118,2 etc.)
su'ru or suhru uru su--ri (223,4)
sa'qu uru sa-a'-qu
(PRU 3, 11.790,11' etc.)
s'u ur u sa-'i (PRU 6, 78,13 etc.)
sibbru uru si-bi-ra (343,22)
sidna [ku]r si-du-[na]
(PRU 3, 11.723,2 etc.)
sinnru uru si-na-n (PRU 6, 93,19 etc.)
sn uru sa--nu (Ug 5, 102,12')
Vocables Ugari t Place Names Alalakh Place Names
subu'u see hurru
surru see
C
nu URU su-H-ya (PRU 6, 79,6)
al(i)mu
amnu
hq
igibtu
m
C

uqalu
ur(a)u
tku see gallu
tunnnu
tbu
tallu
tibqu
thya
tamryu
tf see panma
twb
ya ru
yaldu
yammu
yarqnu
ynu
yld
ypr
ytr
a-al-ma (PRU 4, 17.62+,23' etc.)
[U]RU m-na
(PRU 4, 17.368,v.3' etc.)
URU a-ha-qi
{PRU 6, 118,5' etc)
URU DINGIR-i-tam-i
(PRU 6, 131, . etc.)
URU u-ya-a (PRU 6, 111,13)
URU u-qa-lu
(PRU 3, 11.800,29' etc.)
URU u-ra-u
(PRU 3, 11.830,5 etc.)
URU tu-na-a-na
(Ug 5, 95,20)
URU ti-ba-qu
(PRU 3, 11.800,12' etc.)
URU t-hi-ya (Ug 5, 102,11')
URU -am-ra-a
(PRU 6, 77,7 etc.)
URU am-m--bi\
(PRU 6, 78,15)
URU /- ^a- ' - DI NGI R
(PRU 6, 78,12)
URU ia-ar-t
(PRU 3, 11.841,12' etc.)
URU ia-al-da
(PRU 4, 17.62+, 11')
URU DI NGI R^(2-mz'
(PRU 6, 144,7 etc.)
URU ia-ar-qa-ni
(PRU 4, 17.366,15' etc.)
uRujtf-ra (PRU 6, 119,2)
URU ia(?)-la-di
(PRU 3, 15.20,3 etc.)
URU ia-pa-ru
(PRU 3, 11.800,23 etc.)
URU i-gi-bi-ti
7
(185,13)
URU su-ra-se
(ZA 60 185,2 etc.
URU t-ba-ya (342,3)
URU t-lu-ya (408,4)
URU e-tar-dam-[. . .] (165,3)
The following statistics pertain. There have been 148 vocables identified
as contained in place names. 134 different place names from Ugarit
possess one or more of these vocables. However, in some cases alter-
native readings require caution to be used in assuming the identifi-
cation proposed. Huehnergard's review of Sivan's study includes the
following four proposals ( H u e h n e r g a r d 1987a, 723-5): u r u gi^-b-la
may not contain the vocable giba'lu but may instead reflect uru ki-
b-la. uru ha-ar-ma-na, associated with harmnu, should perhaps be
read as uru ' ar^-ma-na and be normal i zed as
3
armnu, related to
Hebrew 'armon 'plane tree.' id na-ha-[r]a may be associated with
the alphabetic form, nhr(y), rather than with nah[a)ru. Finally, uru
sa-ri-nu may be better associated with im than with srr. However
none of these suggestions changes the essential identification of the
134 different place names from Ugarit with vocables from the West
Semitic world.
31 different place names from Alalakh possess one or more of the
West Semitic and related vocables. The smaller number from Alalakh
certainly reflects the fewer texts that have been discovered and pub-
lished from that site. Of the 31 different place names from Alalakh,
23 do not occur at Ugarit. 17 vocables are used for forming place
names at Alalakh but not at Ugarit. Seven place names from Ugarit
and Alalakh are similar; eight if one counts the name of 'Canaan',
that is spelled in slightly different ways at the two sites. This means
from 23% to 26% of this sample of names from Alalakh have dupli-
cates at Ugarit. However, closer inspection reveals that, in addition
to Canaan, Ugarit and Emar can be included among those place
names that are found in both archives. Thus the number of attested
parallel names from within the borders of Ugarit and Alalakh shrinks
to five: ap-s-na, - (Alalakh a-r-), hal-bi, la-ba-na and u-ra-u (Alalakh
u-ra-).
2.2.2 Sources from alphabetic texts
D i et r i c h - L o r e t z 1996b provide a comprehensive list of place
names occurring in the published alphabetic Ugaritic texts. The Uga-
ritic alphabetic texts contain the following place names that may
have syllabic parallels at Alalakh. Only those places not already identi-
fied and not obviously located outside of the two kingdoms are listed:
28
28
The Ugaritic list derives from a survey of the glossary of GORDON 1965.
Ugaritic Place Name
Alalakh Place Name
an (KTU 1.10 iii 30 etc.) a-ru-n-e (85:4 etc.)
ull (KTU 4.68:19 etc.) ul-la (308a: 8)
mid (KTU 4.346:5)
ma-al-la-ti (121:4)
W (KTU 4.355:36) ar-ma-(at)-te (146:22 etc.)
The first site in Ugaritic, , may occur in a mythological text,
though it is also known as a site in the southern district of Ugarit
( P ar dee - B o r d r eu i l 1992, 716). However, the remaining sites occur
in administrative documents. They can be identified with places in
the region of Ugarit ( A s t o ur 1981a, 6, 9).
2.2.3 Place names along the border
In addition to well known international sites such as Canaan, Emar
and Ugarit itself, the name of the same site can occur in both texts
when the two archives preserve names of places along or near the
border between the two kingdoms. A s t o u r 1981a, 7-8 identifies sev-
eral place names along or near the border between Al al akh/Muki s
and Ugarit that are found in both texts. These include:
Ugarit Place Name
Alalakh Place Name
midh ma'adhi
ayly baq'at-ala, aa-ma'ad
kmkty kamkatiya
sallurba anurhe
sulhana sulhana!
salhe salhe
arutu arutui
Since none of these overlaps with the already identified place name
parallels, it suggests that the parallels already noted are authentic
citations of different places within the two kingdoms rather than cita-
tions of the same place along or near the border.
An examination of all place names found on the border descriptions
of the two kingdom also reveals little in the way of overlap. I ndeed,
only one additional name, halpi/halbi/halba, is found in both archives.
However, even if the Alalakh texts refer to the site on the border
of the two kingdoms, not all of the occurrences in the texts from
Ugarit refer to this border site. There are four halba's that occur
and some of them are found in the southern parts of the kingdom.
29
A further source may be found in AT 457, a text from Alalakh
Level I V that did not appear in Wiseman's catalogue and could not
be considered by Sivan. Thi s is because, unlike some of the texts
originally published by Wi seman and later by Dietrich and Loretz,
it was published only recently ( Wi seman - H ess 1994) . AT 457 is a
lengthy text of at least 68 lines of which 54 are legible. It is a cen-
sus list of personal names followed by their place of origin. Four
place names occur and are new to Level I V at Alalakh.
Of four place names attested for the first time from Alalakh Level
I V, only one, i\s-i-QT-k(i-\ni~\, corresponds to a place name from texts
at Ugarit. It occurs on line 48. At Ugarit documents that define the
border between Ugarit and Alalakh list uru i-ia-ar-qa-ni as lying on
that border.
30
I n this case it is probably the same place, lying at the
border of the two kingdoms. Thus no new place names found at
Alalakh are also attested at Ugarit for a separate site within that
kingdom.
2.3 Conclusions
Havi ng examined these texts a few observations may be made. First,
the actual number of duplicate names is small. There are at most
nine names that occur both at Ugarit and Alalakh and that may
designate separate towns within the borders of both kingdoms. Thus
the relation of the two kingdoms in terms of place names appears
to be limited. This is surprising as the two kingdoms border one
another and might be expected to exhibit similar cultures with sim-
ilar nami ng practices. I n fact, they do not and the place names are
only one sign of this distinction. Various pieces of evidence that
betray West Semitic nami ng practices are found at Ugarit but not
at Alalakh. For example, the texts from Ugarit include place names
compounded with alphabetic gt or syllabic gi-ti/gin-ti. These are com-
mon in place names from the Palestine and Syria of the Amarna
texts and from the biblical texts ( A s t o ur 1974, 274-7; Si van 1984,
29
PARDEE - BORDREUI L 1992, 716 list three place names from Ugarit where
homonymy occurs. In addition to the four different fjatba's, there are at least two
places named 'ar(y) and two named ayah. In both of these examples, one is in the
north of the kingdom of Ugarit and the other is located in the south.
30
PRU 4, 66 and 70 = RS 17.62+, 66 and RS 17.366, 15'.
220.). No exampl e of a place name contai ni ng this common West
Semitic vocable occurs at Alalakh. The same is true for place names
begi nni ng with
c
n. All these occur at Ugari t and in biblical sources
but are absent in the place names from the ki ngdom of Alalakh
( A st our 1974, 309; Si van 1984, 206, 210).
Thi s is not to assert that West Semi ti c influence is absent at
Alalakh. It is, of course, present in personal names and specific vocab-
ulary as well as larger literary influences. For exampl e, as many as
eight out of the 39 personal names in the administrative list AT 457
from Ugari t may contai n West Semitic elements ( Wi seman - Hess
1994). The style of the I drimi inscription and the presence of social
groups common in the West Semitic world, such as hupu and hapiru
betray the influence of this culture ( Hess 1994a). However, it is clear
that this is not so strong as at Ugarit and the place names attest to
this fact.
The most obvious reason for this may appear to be the geo-
graphical location of Alalakh. It is located as one of the most north-
erly of all the West Semitic archives of the Late Bronze Age. Thus
it lay on the fringe of that influence. However, there is another fac-
tor closely related to its geographi cal position that may explain the
lack of West Semitic influence at Alalakh in compari son to Ugarit.
It has long been noted that the Late Bronze Age was an i nterna-
tional peri od and that the West Semitic world of the Levant lay in
the midst of this i nterchange, at least from the perspective of the
documented evidence. Thi s area itself was multi-cultural and reflected
the mixtures of a variety of people groups.
Thi s is nowhere better attested than in the Amarna correspond-
ence. The leaders of city-states throughout the Canaan of the four-
teenth century bc possessed personal names reflecting a variety of
cultural origins ( Hess 1993). Many of these were West Semitic. Some
were Egypti an, refl ecti ng the domi nati on of the Egypti an New
Ki ngdom and the presence of its bureaucracy. Still others, however,
were northern in origin, and included personal names that could be
analysed as Anatolian, I ndo-Aryan and especially Hurri an. The plot-
ting of these names and the towns and cities that they ruled on a
map has revealed certain geographical patterns. For exampl e, almost
every city along the coast of Palestine and Syria in the Amarna Age
had a ruler who possessed a West Semitic name. The only excep-
tion is Acco. Yet this itself is instructive because Acco lay at the
western end of the most influential set of routes that cut east-west
through the hills and mountains, most notably exemplified by the
J ezreel /Megi ddo Plain. On this plain, within the hill country itself
and throughout the Syro-J ordan Valley, the evidence is consistent
that there is a mixture of names with northern names predominat-
ing among many rulers of population centres. The conclusion is that
away from the coast the leadership and the dominant cultural influence
of West Semitic diminished and was instead affected by northern
influences. Thi s is found both in the personal names of the rulers
and also in various aspects of the material culture (Hess 1989).
The same phenomenon appears in the north. Ugarit, a city near
the coast and with an i mportant port of its own, exhibited a truly
international culture. Like coastal cities to the south, it preserved a
strong West Semitic influence. Alalakh, however, was removed from
the coast. Its livelihood was sustained by the fruitful Hatay plain
which it domi nated. Like the inland cities to the south, this city was
also more limited in terms of the West Semitic influence that it expe-
rienced. Thus the linguistic constitution of the place names of Ugarit,
when set in their immediate geographical context, suggests a strong
West Semitic influence in the midst of Hurri an and other northern
cultural influences.
CHAPTER THI RTEEN
T H E R E L I G I O N O F U G A R I T : A N O V E R V I E W
N i c o l a s W y a t t
1 I n t r o d u c t i o n
While this is intended to be a general survey of the main features
of Ugaritian
1
religion, in the following discussion I shall avoid reit-
erating the points made by other contributors to this volume, except
where I present an alternative point of view. I should also state at
the outset that this study is treated in a phenomenological manner,
undertaken on the basis of the integrity and authenticity of the expe-
riences, systematizations and practices we shall be noting. It may
seem odd to many readers that such an initial position-statement
should be necessary, but it is a fact that the interest some scholars
have shown in Ugarit, and in particular in its religious life, appears
to have been for purposes of comparison of an invidious kind with
biblical religion,
2
where a theological agenda appears to have pre-
determined the outcome. This does not appear to me to be a legit-
imate starting point for serious research in this discipline. It certainly
renders questionable any conclusions that are drawn.
We should perhaps define our terms and the scope of this study.
The city of Ugarit has yielded texts in a number of languages. It is
probable that people speaking Akkadian, Cypro-Mi noan, Egyptian,
Hittite, Hurri an, Ugaritic and possibly other languages (such as
Amorite and various 'Canaani te' forms) were resident in the city and
its environs. The degree to which they intermarried, and to which
' The term 'Canaanite' is best avoided here, despite common usage. For recent
treatment of the issue on the cultural and linguistic levels, with references to ear-
lier discussion, see RAINEY 1965b, GRABBF. 1994, TROPPER 1994a and see references
in DE MOOR 1997, 42 n. 5 (Aw!). See also 15.5.9 below.
2
This is a largely artificial construct, having only a tenuous link with the his-
torical religion of Palestine, as a compendium of late critiques and revisionism, sub-
sequently further removed from its historical roots by its interpretation at the hands
of theologians and interpreters of the present common era.
the city culture formed a mlange of these different traditions, is
impossible to quantify with precision. When referring to the witness
of texts in Ugaritic, I propose to refer to 'Ugaritic' religion, by which
I mean the broad synthesis which is apparent from the Ugaritic texts
themselves, leaving aside for the present the Hurri an texts,
3
which
appear to reflect the interests and distinctive religious patterns of a
fairly small minority, and the Akkadian texts,
4
which represent broad
international cultural influences, but do not appear to reflect any
wholly i ndependent 'Akkadian' tradition of any social sub-group.
Where we may suppose that some degree of synthesis has probably
taken place, or I wish to speak more generally of the population of
the city or kingdom of Ugarit without isolating any one language-
group or social sub-group, it is better to use the term 'Ugaritian',
as denoting the broader amal gam of all the sub-groups, though the
extent of this is of its nature very hard to evaluate. But we would
expect the royal cultus, for example, performed in the name of the
kingdom and all its citizens, that is, the kingdom's 'political theol-
ogy', to fall into the latter category, though almost all the relevant
texts are in Ugaritic as the local domi nant vernacular.
Since it is inappropriate to approach the significance of one reli-
gious tradition by reference to another (as is commonly done with
Ugaritian religion, which seems almost inevitably to be evaluated in
comparison with 'I sraelite' religion),
5
the following observations are
offered from the broad anthropological perspective that all religions
are symbolic systems designed to give meaning, coherence and pur-
pose to a community, to deal with its inherent alienation from and
tension in the face of the experienced world. From this perspective,
all religions are 'true' in that they are authentic, and offer both a
legitimization and a critique of the community's sense of identity. It
is in this framework of understandi ng that I shall deal with the fol-
lowing issues: cosmology, theology (including the nature of the pan-
theon), mythology, royal ideology, ritual, other religious manifestadons
3
See L AROCHE 1968, MA Y ER 1996 and 3. 3 above.
4
Published mostly in PRU 2, 3, 4 and 6, and Ugaritica 5. See also VAN SOL DT
1991a, DI ETRI CH 1996 and above 3.1.
5
OL DENBURG 1969, CRAI GI E 1983, DE MOOR 1990. To a lesser extent a similar
treatment of other ancient cultures through biblical eyes (or more correctly mod-
ern eyes claiming a biblical foundation for their prejudice) has beset many branches
of near eastern study. This is perhaps a sub-branch of 'orientalism' in Edward Said's
meaning of the term.
(oracular systems, vows, blessings etc.), the place of religion in the
experience of disease and death, and various non-textual dimensions.
2 C o s m o l o g y
2.1 The intellectual construction of the world
There is no systematic exposition of the Ugaritian world view in any
of the texts. They take for granted, however, a certain number of
presuppositions to which incidental allusion is made from time to
time, particularly in the mythological texts, so that a provisional
reconstruction is possible.
6
A distinction should of course be made
between two modes of spatial thinking. There is evidence of a lively
awareness of a real geography, amply attested in many of the non-
religious documents, such as toponymie lists, as well as the extensive
diplomatic and commercial correspondance, and even impinging on
the religious consciousness in geographical allusions in mythological
and other narrative texts. On the other hand we should recognize
their use of a symbolic geography, used for the framing of specifically
theological constructions in terms of a broad Weltanschauung and the
place of the divine and human realms within it. The latter may even
be said to be the idiom of the interface between these realms. It is
an 'affective' construction, even a subjective one in the strictest sense
(on which see further below), used for the articulation and authen-
tication of the real world in terms of the ideal world of mythology
and cult. It is with the symbolic geography of this ideal world that
we are here concerned.
The binomial form of the name of the sea-god (zbl ym || tpt nhr),
for example, suggests that as elsewhere in the ancient world, the cos-
mic sea was seen both as a sea stretching away from land, but at
the same time as a river encircling the land, and forming its cosmic
boundary. While theologically and mythologically this sea-cum-river
was conceptualized as a god, probably in human form, since he had
6
See WY A TT 1987, 1996a and 1996b. The studies O T ROMP 1969 and ST ADELMANN
1970, while devoted to the cosmology of the Bible, also contain much useful infor-
mation. WENSI NCK 1916, 1918 give comprehensive accounts of our knowledge of
west Semitic cosmology before the discovery of Ras Shamra, which the Ugaritic
material now supplements.
a body described in anthropomorphi c fashion which Baal could injure
with his weapons (K TU 1.2 = RS 3.367 iv), at other times it was
identified by the more neutral term thm (f.), though here another
aspect of its form was expressed in its dual expression thmtm. Thi s
suggests that somethi ng akin to other anci ent Near Eastern struc-
tures of the world was envisaged, in which as well as having a 'hor-
izontal aspect' (surroundi ng the earth) the sea had a 'vertical aspect'
(with waters above and below the earth).
7
The sea-god was also
identified as Un (cf. Heb. Leviathan), though this view has been dis-
puted,
8
and was thus i magi ned in draconi an or serpentine form.
The cosmic waters served as boundary for the habitable world.
The term for this, ars, is ambi guous in Ugaritic, denoti ng both the
surface and the underworl d below (cf. the ambiguity of Heb. 'eres,
though this term is often contrasted with tbl, not thus far attested
in Ugaritic). At Ugari t, as everywhere else in the anci ent world, the
symbolic structure of the world was mai ntai ned in religious practice
and experience, which defined the realities of myth and cult. We
may even legitimately extrapol ate features in such a view that are
not explicit. Thus while the idea of the omphal os is not explicidy
attested, it undoubtedl y lies behi nd the concepti on of the cosmic
mountai n, Saphon (spn, vocalized sapunuf whi ch ontologically speak-
ing is the reference point of all reality in Ugari ti an religious con-
sciousness. Here dwelt all the gods, probabl y not just Baal, but the
entire pantheon, as stated in the title to K TU 1.47 = RS 1.017 (il
spn). El's throne stood at the centre, and he remai ned immobile,
10
7
In Mesopotamian tradition we have the apsu (AB.ZU) above and the ti'amat (tem-
tum, tmtii) below. The former becomes in Greek. In Gen 1:6~9 the waters
above are separated from those below the firmament as dry land appears from the
lower waters. In Egypt the goddess Nut (nwt. 'waters'), an allomorph of the pri-
mordial Nu(n) (nw[n]), forms both the sky and a subterranean current, sometimes
shown engraved or painted in both the lid and the base of sarcophagi. This body
of water is amorphous. Land, in the form of the in-stone (symbolized in all tem-
ple constructions) emerges from the latter, in an analogue of the biblical account.
On the other hand, Ra crosses a river by day (above) and by night (below) in his
solar bark. This similarity of mental structuring of the world between ancient cul-
tures should not allow local differences such as those mentioned to be glossed over,
but should also not be underestimated. For further discussions see WENSI NCK 1918,
KAI SER 1959, NEI MAN 1977, WY ATT 1996a, 1996b.
B
Contrast DAY 1985, 14-5 with WY ATT 1985a. A Greek reflex of this figure is
found in Ladon, the serpent who guards the golden apples of the Hesperides (GRAVES
1960, ii 145-52 133: various classical sources cited; cf. FONTENROSE 1959, 236, 370).
9
See WY ATT 1995 for discussion and references. See also K OCH 1993.
10
WY ATT 1996a, 36-43, 1996b.
in the idiom of the Baal cycle of myths, while the divine conflicts
whose outworkings form the narrative of the myth took place all
about, with constant reference back to him for purposes of validat-
ing the successive achievements of the plot. The kingship of each of
the successive gods was achieved by enthronement on El's throne,
a cipher also of the role of the throne in royal ideology. El's dwelling
at the heart of reality is expressed in the allusion to his 'sevenfold
palace' (KTU 1.3 = RS 2. [014]+ 10-2, 26-7):
El replied from within the seven chambers,
through the eight faades of the closed rooms.
This idiom of seven concentric boundaries surrounding a god's shrine
appears to establish its central location; it corresponds to the notion
of seven barriers in the underworld of both Egypti an" and Meso-
potami an tradition,
12
though this idiom is not independently attested
at Ugarit. It may also be compared with the seven boundaries rep-
resented architecturally in Egyptian temples, most clearly at Edfu.
The image of the god here resided in the innermost chamber (the
shrine-box) of the building. A similar symbolism, though perhaps not
so explicitly developed, probably lies behind the construction of the
temples at Ugarit.
Another recurrent description of El's dwelling, where his tent is
pitched, reads as follows (KTU 1.2 = RS 3.346 iii 4, 1.3 = RS
2.[014]+ 6-7, 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ iv 21-2, 1.6 = RS 2.[009]+ i
33, 1.17 = RS 2. [004] vi 47-8):
13
deities travel
towards El at the source of the rivers,
amidst the springs of the two deeps.
This has been interpreted
14
as an underworld location, evidence of
El's deposition by the younger, more vigorous storm-god Baal. But
this interpretation depends for its cogency on the restoration of K TU
1.2 = RS 3.346 iii 3, as read by KTU
2
, which is gratuitous.
15
It also
11
See the gates (seven 'iytw) in the scenes and texts of the Book of the Dead.
12
See the myths of the descent of I nanna (ANET 50- 7) and Ishtar {ANET 106- 9,
CS i 381- 4) . The image of the centre of a sevenfold structure is perpetuated in the
seven moradas of Teresa of Avila.
13
Cf. KTU 1.100 = RS 24.244.2-4.
14
See POPE 1955, 1987, KAI SER 1959 and OL DENBURG 1969.
10
The restored text reads [mtpdm.thl.'nt.ars.tlt.mth.gyrm]:
[two layers beneath the springs of the earth,
three expanses of the depths.]
sits uneasily with the god's undoubted authority in the narrative
poems, and his evidently crucial role in the management of king-
ship,
16
since the king is portrayed mythically as his son. A better
understandi ng is to see El as the supreme deity, representing the
highest of a number of levels of divine authority.
17
The spatial image
of the passage is that of the centre of the world, from which flow
four rivers (corresponding to the cardinal points) to water the earth,
the whole surrounded by the cosmic sea, the two aspects of which
paradoxically meet at the centre. This corresponds both to the Garden
of Eden imagery of the Bible, and the ritual significance of the
J erusal em temple, where the Gi hon spring supplied the water, while
at the same time the river of the same name flowed round Cush
(Ethiopia = Abyssinia, 'land of the abyss').
18
We have evidence in
our text of the same cosmological imagery at Ugarit. The scene just
described is widely attested in cylinder seal iconography, and may
be tentatively reconstructed for Ugaritic thought from the passages
just cited.
A tension existed between the centre, represented by Mount Saphon
and its local allomorphs the city temples, and the boundary at the
end of the world. The i mportant ideological myth-and-ritual com-
plex K TU 1.23 = RS 2.002 plays on the paradox, mythic events
on the sea-shore being apparently celebrated at the cosmic centre
of the temple.
19
The position of Saphon as a symbolic centre in the
This text occurs at KTU 1.1 = RS 3.361 iii 20 (partially restored) and at 1.3 =
RS 2. [014]+ iv 35. In the former passage it clearly denotes the subterranean work-
shop of Kothar (his western analogues forge their artefacts in volcanoes: was Kothar's
'Cretan' connection the volcanic island of Santorini?), while in the latter it appears
to denote Anat's own dwelling underneath Mount Saphon. In neither instance does
it have any bearing on the location of El's abode.
16
See PARKER 1977.
17
Three, according to PETERSEN WOODWA RD 1977; four according to HANDY
1994.
18
I am concerned not to evaluate one tradition in terms of another. But the
cautious use of analogies and comparisons between neighbouring cultures (and partic-
ularly between evidently cognate ones such as the Ugaritian and Palestinian) in the
area of tentative reconstruction of fragmented cosmologies is surely a valid proce-
dure. I am happy to work in principle within the constraints outlined by M. SMI TH
(1952) 135-6, though he considerably overstates the lack of connections between
Ugaritic and Hebrew literature. Many of the more cautious studies of recent years
have established extensive continuities between the two cultures.
I!)
See WY A T F 1987 for Ugaritic and biblical passages illustrating this feature. The
shrine in question cannot be identified with precision, but may plausibly be identified
with a royal chapel at Ugarit, or some such installation at Ras ibn Hani (where
the palace extends to within a few metres of the seashore).
Ugaritian mind (though displaced to the north in real terms, and on
the psychological principles outlined in my extended treatment of
orientation,
20
on which see further below for a summary, belonging
to the 'left side', it was nevertheless architecturally replicated in the
acropolitan temples) will be shown below to be also presented in
another literary idiom in the pantheon list K TU 1.47 = RS 1.017
and parallels.
We should not attempt a harmonization of the details of these
various cosmological models. They are evidently of diverse origins,
and probably go far back into prehistory and into the diverse ear-
lier worlds of the various ethnic groups of Ugarit, and appear not
to have caused any hermeneutical problems to the theologians of
LBA Ugarit. Such ideas were also undoubtedly held concurrently
with perfectly empirical perceptions of the real world in terms of its
geography and practical application of agricultural and industrial
technologies.
2.2 The experience of the world: orientation
Relating to cosmological issues is the matter of orientation. All ancient
religions, like modern ones, evidence a concern for exactitude in
positioning of the worshipping communi ty (an extrapolation from
individual experience), as a symbol of the communi ty's authentic
location in the real world. Templ e alignments are always significant,
for instance, even if we can no longer identify the particular rea-
sons for a given example, and the two acropolitan temples at Ugarit,
usually attributed to Baal and Dagan respectively, were orientated
north-south. Provisionally, we may note that storm-deity temples at
other sites also have a north-south orientation, as at Ebla and Hazor,
so that a common tradition may have obtained. The temple aux rhy-
tons in the city-centre, perhaps associated with El (cf. K TU 1.114 =
RS 24.258), who was perhaps a lunar deity in origin, was orientated
east-west. Thi s may be compared with later Palestinian shrines asso-
ciated with Y ahweh, as at J erusal em, Arad and Lachish (temple 106).
On the broader issue of personal orientation, from which these
principles are developed, and the vocabulary used to express it, I
have made a comparison of the Ugaritic and Hebrew vocabulary,
20 YVYATT 1996C.
with interesting results.
21
Summi ng up that discussion, it is worth
noting the following 'canonical' or religious vocabulary, which appears
to be relatively constant:
DI RE CT I ON L A NGUA GE T E R M ME A NI NGS
East Ugaritic qdm 'face', 'in front', 'past';
Hebrew qedem 'face', 'in front', 'past';
Akkadian qudmu 'front', 'past';
Arabic qadam qidm qidam 'precede', 'past', 'antiquity'.
West Ugaritic ahr 'behind', 'after', 'later';
Hebrew 'ahar 'behind', 'after', 'later';
Akkadian ahru 'future';
Arabic dabr 'west wind' (V 'turn one's back').
North Ugaritic mal 'left';
Hebrew seml 'left'; (spn = 'north');
Akkadian umlu 'left';
Arabic aml, mal 'north (wind)', 'left'.
South Ugaritic ymn 'right';
Hebrew ymn 'right', 'south';
Akkadian aplitum 'lower';
Arabic yaman, yamin 'south', 'right hand'.
The same pattern also obtains in other languages such as Sanskrit,
and is probably widely attested. Facing into the past, since 'east',
'past' and 'face' all employ the same terminology, indicates the enor-
mous power of memory in the construction of consciousness, and it
is perhaps no accident that we can speak of 'canonical orientation',
for it is above all in religious belief and practice, with its hallowing
of tradition (the experienced and reconstructed or invented past),
and repetition in ritual of established, normative patterns of behav-
iour, that we discern the formal impact of accumulated cultural expe-
rience on a society. The significance of the psychology to which this
evidence witnesses is as follows: it is clear that memory of the past
is a vital part in the life of a community. It is the past and the per-
petuation of its paradigms and values which legitimizes the present.
22
21
WY A T T 1996C.
22
It is no accident that the etymological meaning of the Greek term for 'truth'
() means 'not-forgetting'. Tradition is 'true', and theology is 'true' because
it is traditional.
Theology, mythology and ritual are the means whereby this mem-
ory is reinforced by constant repetition, and the unknown future can
therefore be engaged with confidence.
While orientation is an ultimately subjective experience, its psycho-
logical foundations are universal, and consequently, through a shared
vocabulary, a measure of objectivity is obtained. Language being
experienced as a given, even as 'god-given' in ancient psychology,
the very articulation of the experience in traditional forms serves to
reify it as theological 'fact'.
3 T h e o l o g y
3.1 The nature of the pantheon
1
''
A useful place to start this section is with a brief treatment of the
pantheon. Thi s term has two distinct senses. Firstly it may be used
to denote the complete number of deities worshipped in Ugarit, a
number which can be quantified only approximately, given the uncer-
tainty of meani ng of many words in the texts, the incompleteness of
the record, and other variables of this kind. It is probably fair to
say that no citizen of the kingdom could have given a complete list.
The modern scholar certainly cannot. Secondly we have texts which
give series of divine names, and are evidently deliberate composi-
tions, attempting to construct some kind of systematic theology. Three
tabl etsKTU 1.47 = RS 1.017, K TU 1.118 = RS 24.264+, and
RS 20.24 (in Akkadian)
24
preserve the same list, and constitute as
it were a canonical group of gods, classified in K TU 1.47.1 as il
spn, 'the gods of Saphon'. They are of course a tiny selection of all
the deides who appear in the Ugaritic texts, and the complete list
may be supplemented with Hurrian
2:>
and Akkadian divine names,
while a number of Egyptian, Hittite and Sumerian names appear,
and others are still probably unrecognized.
23
See also 7.2 above.
24
The fact that we have an Akkadian version of the 'canonical pantheon' is
significant: it indicates that it is only with great caution that we can assume there
to be fundamental differences between the Ugaritic and Akkadian linguistic worlds
in terms of their theological implications.
25
See K T U 1. 135 = RS 24. 295, which L AROCHE 1968, 508- 9 (and further,
518- 27) classifies as a 'list of deities', while KTU
1
identifies it as a 'list (sacrifices)'.
Developing del Ol mo Lete's perceptive analysis,
2f>
I have suggested
in a recent study
27
that the presence of a deity spn at a central posi-
tion in the pantheon lists is a literary representation of the cosmic
centrality of the mountai n, whose divine status, belonging to a wide-
spread practice of divinizing sacred localities, reinforces the same
point. It lies in the middle position of three sets of seven deities,
which may indeed have constituted a Vorlage (containing twenty-one
names) to the present pantheon list. While as fourteenth overall it
is not in the mid-most position in the entire list of thirty-three, there
is a broadly chiastic structure to the full list, which further enhances
this impression that the divine mountai n is at the heart of all real-
ity. This cosmological image is to be perpetuated in the later imagery
concerni ng Mount Zion,
28
and has analogues in Egyptian temple
traditions, and in the architectural form of ziggurats. A pantheon
list is obviously not intended to be a complete account of the divine
realm, yet represents such a totality, much as the various enneads
of Egyptian theology identified key deities in the great centres in a
sacred number, nine being as it were 'plurality pluralized', and there-
fore a figure for totality. The thirty-three deities of the Ugaritic lists
were probably based on a similar numbers game (ten times three
plus three)
29
also intended to encompass all gods and goddesses. Such
a grouping of deities, while acknowledging the diversity of symbols
and perceived realities of the deities, is also perhaps intuiting an
underlying unity, also implicit in the central symbol of Saphon, where
they all dwell.
30
26
DEL OL MO L ETE 1986, 1992a, 54-8 = 1999, 71-8. See also above 7.2.2.1.2.
27
WY A TT 1998b.
28
See WY A TT 1996a, 31-3 with reference to Ps 48:2-3.
29
The same number is found in the Vedic text Brhadranyaka Upanisad 3.9.1-2.
As the context of the dialogue shows, this text too is clearly exploring the question
of the implications of a pluralistic symbolism in theology, and concludes that the
multiplicity of deities (beginning with three thousand, three hundred and six) really
points to one. The Muslim rosary traditionally has thirty-three beads on it: three
rounds allow the recital of the ninety-nine names of God (SCHI MMEL 1993, 241).
DEL OL MO L ETE (1992a, 91) notes that KTU 1.148 = R S 24.643, which is based
on KTU 1.47 and parallels, actually mentions only twenty-eight or twenty-nine of
the gods, to accommodate the constraints of the calendar. Perhaps there is also a
menological basis to the number?
3(1
I am not suggesting an incipient monotheism, but rather the coherence of all
the deities, their conflicts notwithstanding, in a representation of the life of the com-
munity. While a pantheon is to some extent an ad hoc conglomeration of deities
who come together through the hazards of history, the growth, mergence and dis-
integration of states, ethnic changes, migrations, and so forth, the theologians of
An alternative term for the comprehensive nature of the pantheon
is the designation of the gods as 'the seventy sons (probably rather
"children") of Athirat' (sb'm bn atrt): K TU 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ vi 46.
No attempt should be made to argue for inconsistency in view of
the discrepancy between thirty-three and seventy. Each figure is an
independent numerological metaphor for totality. Similarly, the sub-
sets in the pantheon, consisting of heptads, tetrads and triads, and
a final dyad, themselves represent seven totalities on a smaller scale.
Each subset stands for all the deities in a certain category, and the
seven categories signify the plenitude of divine power.
3.2 Individual deities
3.2.1 The scope of individual theologies in a polytheistic context
I n addition to comprehensive theologies of the kind suggested above,
the full range of which it is impossible to determine, there are indi-
vidual theologies centring on each of the main deities. Thi s is not
the place to give an account of all of them. A number of useful
studies are available on individual ones,
31
and some general publications
every generation will practise some degree of rationalization, however unconsci-
ously, intuiting meaning, imposing structure and so on. The organization of various
pantheon-list traditions represents such processes. They are never static, of course,
and every text revealing a structure speaks only to its own generation, constituting
a historical document of conditions at such and such a time.
31
See for instance the following short selection of studies (which at times give
contrary assessments, and often include discussion of biblical avatars):
on Anat see KAPEI .RUD 1969, P. L . DA Y 1991, 1992, 1995, WAL L S 1992, L L OY D
1994, CORNEL I US forthcoming;
on Athirat see MA I ER 1986, L Y AN 1988, WI GGI NS 1993, WY A T T 1995a, BI NGER
1997, CORNEL I US forthcoming;
on Athtar see MARGAL I T 1996, X EL L A 1996a;
on Athtart see WY A T T 1995b, CORNEL I US forthcoming;
on Baal see KAPEI .RUD 1952, VANEL 1965, VAN ZI J L 1972, WY A TT 1992a, HERRMANN
1995a, NI EHR 1995;
on Dagan see WY A T T 1980, HEAL EY 1977, 1995a;
on El, see POPE 1955, 1987, HERRMANN 1995b;
on Horon see CARJ OT 1982, RTERSWRDEN 1995;
on Kothar see SMI TH 1985, PARDEE 1995;
on Rapiu and the Rpum (Rephaim) see CAQUOT 1960, PARKER 1970, 1972, DE MOOR
1976, POPE 1977, COOPER 1987, ROUI L L ARD 1995, PI T ARD 6.4 above;
on Reshef see ASTOUR 1967, 310-4, FUL CO 1976, XEL L A 1995a;
on Y am see FANTAR 1977, AL NOORI 1994, STOL Z 1995.
This list, the disparity in the coverage of some deities over against others, and omis-
sions from it, indicate fruitful areas of research still to be undertaken.
are also of use.
32
I shall instead restrict discussion to general theo-
logical principles as exemplified in a number of representative deities.
Perhaps the best place to start is with the problem of theological
scope. Ugaritian religion is commonly described as a 'fertility cult'.
Thi s perception is far too narrowI am not even entirely clear as
to what it meansand is perhaps at least on occasion unconsciously
designed as a reductionistic put-down for ideological purposes. We
should see in Ugaritian religion neither bad faith, nor moral oblo-
quy,
33
nor 'crisis of polytheism'.
34
These are essentially contradictions
in terms in a theological context. On the contrary, we have a vig-
orous series of interlocking theologies, an active cult, a powerful royal
ideology and a network of ritual forms which link living and dead,
sick and well, good and evil, rich and poor in a homogeneous com-
munity. It is in short a typical religious system of its day, not rec-
ognizably different in kind, in my view, from I ron Age religion in
Palestine.
35
Deities are essentially symbolic figures, who will accrete
in their personae the accumulated experience of the worshipping
community.
I ndividual deities are frequently readily identifiable with various
natural phenomena or existential realities (e.g. Shapsh the sun, Yarih
the moon, Y am the sea, Baal the storm, Kothar the apotheosis of
technology, or Ki nnar of the lyre, and so on). It is however a mis-
take to conclude a one-for-one funcdonal relationship between deity
and phenomenon. This is to reduce theology at best to allegory, at
worst to triviality. The identification, often based on the name,
36
is
merely the cipher by which an entire range of symbolic potential is
tapped. The richer the personality of the deity in myth, the richer,
we may infer, is the symbolic base. And because personality, with
32
See in particular the relevant articles in ABD (FREEDMAN ed.) and DDD (VAN
DER T OORN et al. [eds.]). Some are listed in the previous note. Note also WATSON
1993.
33
Thus OL DENBURG 1969, xi.
34
Thus DE MOOR 1986b, 1990, 69-100 = 1997, 71-102.
35
That is, a religion (or religions) as reconstructed through archaeological research
and a critical and historical reading of textual evidence, biblical and non-biblical.
The Hebrew Bible itself is of course a critique on earlier forms of religion, its own
roots included. Cf. . 2 above.
3t
The enormous difficulty sometimes faced in trying to identify the 'original'
meaning of a divine name (cf. the range of proposals for Anat and Athirat) should
give us pause about immediate settlement for what seem like all the easier instances.
all its individual quirks and contradictions, is the means of express-
ing the theological content of the individual deity, the dramati c
conflicts between deities are often represented in the most con-
frontational terms. It is a serious mistake to take this at face value,
seeing in this apparent theological confusion evidence of either prim-
itiveness, or worse still, theological poverty or incoherence.
The richness and versatility of polytheism lies in its capacity for
resolution of tensions in dramatic terms, in which deities compete
in a mythic narrative as a means of expressing the anomies and
antinomies of experience. People die of disease: the powerful god
Reshef, the personification of pestilence, the very source of the dis-
order, is the one to whom the religious person turns in distress. War
comes to Ugarit: Anat is the very embodi ment of all its horrors, but
because of her ubiquity, is at the same time represented as a nubile
maiden, for whom warriors will perhaps give their all. Her ambi-
guity, at once attractive and repellant, is a measure of the ambigu-
ity of the warrior's calling. She symbolizes the utter devotion, the
single-mindedness required of the king's soldiers (and not perhaps
without an erotic frisson). As goddess of the hunt (itself an impor-
tant symbol of royal power) she also embodies the paradox of the
love of animals with their wanton destruction. At the other end of
the spectrum, there are deities of conception and childbirth, invoked
for fruitful marriages and safe parturitions. These are the real 'fer-
tility deities'.
Thi s may be folk-religion,
37
but it is vital and powerful, effective
in the life of a people. As is characteristic of a pantheon, it appears
in its broadest sense to have embodi ed in divine personae every
significant reality of communi ty and personal life, from the very sub-
stance of the world (earth, air, sky, mountains and rivers)
3
" to the
37
The distinguishing of different types of religion along class lines may have its
uses for analytical purposes, but in my view threatens to introduce artificial bound-
aries where none would have been perceived. The emphasis may have been different,
as also the elaboration of ritual, between the cult of the great temples and people's
(or groups') private devotions which have left no trace. The broad nature of the
religious experience, and the theological presuppositions, would have been part of
a continuum, however, and not disparate units. It remains extremely difficult to
estimate the nature of the experience. Texts like KTU 1.119 = RS 24.266 perhaps
provide our best clue.
38
These constitute the
i
Urgtter\ the primordial powers who personify the sub-
stance of the universe. They are invoked in the messages of the gods (KTU 1.1 iii
13-4 etc.). Are they perhaps also to be identified with the dr il (KTU 1.41 = RS
practical items of everyday use (pots and pans, chairs, sheep and
oxen)
39
whi ch constitute the real world of ordi nary people. Musical
i nstruments were deified, because they represented a most i mportant
point of contact with an ideal worl d of the i nner life.
40
I have selected four deities here for further comment.
3.2.2 El
A few observations on El (il, ilu) are in place here. His supreme sta-
tus in the pantheon is not in dispute, in spite of some teething prob-
lems in his analysis,
41
and he is the patron of kings (see further below)
and ultimate ruler of the cosmos, whose constituent parts appear to
have been divided between various of his sons (Baal, Y am and Mot
correspond broadl y in their nature and roles to Zeus, Poseidon and
Hades in the Ol ympi an pantheon). But they evidentiy defer to hi m
for permission to act, and are dependent on hi m for the conferment
of their power. The only deity who appears to defy his will is Anat,
whose special case we shall consider below.
Many scholars have remarked on the apparent absence of any
cosmogony in Ugari ti an religion. F i s her (1965) thought he discerned
two types of creation at Ugari t, divided between El and Baal. The
cosmogoni e status of Baal's conflict with Y am is in dispute, and any
cosmogoni e overtones it bears are implicit. But El is called bny bnwt,
which is commonl y translated as 'Creator of creatures', and is cer-
tainly the father of the divine beings born in K T U 1.12 and 1.23
= RS 2. [012], 2.002. These however are theogonies rather than cos-
mogonies, though perhaps this neat category-distinction would not
have seemed so obvious to the ancients as it is to us.
More promi si ng perhaps for a tentative resolution of the issue is
the significance of El's androgynous nature. I n K T U 1.23 he is
addressed by his wives as mt, 'husband', ab, 'father' and urn, 'mother'.
42
1. 003+. 16, [ 1. 87 = R S 18. 056. 17] , 1. 176 = R I H 78/ 26. 16) or (the distinct group?)
the dr bn it ( K T U 1. 40 = R S 1. 002+. 7, 17, 25, 33, [ 42] , 1. 65 = R S 4. 474. 2, 1. 122
= R S 24. 270[ B] . [ 3] ) on the analogy of the iln s'a drtim (cf. CROSS 1976, 329) ?
3n
KTU 1.4 = RS 2.[008]+ vi 45-54. Cf. the world of abstractions personified
as so many divine realities in the 'genealogy' of HESI OD'S Theogony.
40
K T U 1.47= R S 1.017.32 and'parallels. Cf. WY A T T 1995d.
41
Cf. references above nn. 14-15.
42
Wilfred Watson suggests to me that this may be simply an instance of paral-
lelism. But even if we concede this for the sake of argument, the fact remains that
a form of words may itself both reflect unconscious dispositions and patterns in the
mind, and also generate new possibilities, which then lead the mind into further
From these incidental references we may infer that El is the androg-
ynous parent of the goddesses. Thi s invites specul ati onand it must
remain no more than this, on present evidencethat there lies behind
the usage a myth of the kind we find in Egypt with Atum and
Amun,
43
and in a different form with Ptah, in Greece with Zeus and
in I ndi a with Praj pad. These androgynous deities beget-and-bear
daughters, who then (except in Zeus' case) serve as wives for fur-
ther divine reproducti on. Now the point of these traditions is that
they are clearly cosmogonie, in spite of the apparentl y thogonie ele-
ment (that is, the distinction breaks down in practice). Atum's chil-
dren, for instance, are the 'Urgottef, the pri maeval gods who actually
embody the substance of the land of Egypt. I n fact we err in dis-
tinguishing too sharply between the two aspects of creation (cosmog-
ony and theogony), as suggested above, because such differentiation
belongs to later ages of greater abstracdon in metaphysics. The wholly
sexual imagery of the ancient forms is as much an account of how
the world began as it is of human origins.
44
It is just that the metaphor
has frozen half-developed into abstraction.
3.2.3 Athirat
A well-attested i conogram which perhaps represented Athirat (atrt,
El's daughter-wife) is the hand, appeari ng on cylinder seals,
45
and
later an i mportant symbol of the Punic goddess Tanit.
46
Is this per-
haps a poi nter to an anal ogue of the Egyptian titles of the chief
queen as 'the god's hand', which may have had ritual significance,
symbolizing the daily sexual re-creation of the world? It appears that
Asherah in J udah at least had such a symbolic di mensi on, whatever
is to be made of it, since she is both the deity's daughter, and his
wife, and is described as 'the work of his hand . . . fingers' (Ps. 19),
where both phrases have undoubted phal l i c overtones. Thi s is
avenues. The whole cognitive content attributed to theological language is in my
view largely if not wholly of this kind: the very existence of the word reifies the
idea. Thus unicorns and dragons (and gods!) exist in the imagination, because we
have imagined them.
43
Particularly in his aspect as Amen-Apet, the self-generating god of Djeme
(Medinat Habu), who appears as the ithyphallic deity of the Theban cult.
44
Such mythological forms are precisely the outworking of the subjectivity we noted
above, in discussing orientation, which must be the starting point of all experience
45
See SCHROER 1983.
46
HVI DBERG HANSEN 1979.
admittedly all circumstantial, but enables us to build up a tentative
picture of a powerful creator god whose prehistory is confidently to
be linked to Ugaritic El.
47
His making of the world is essentially
expressed through the metaphor of his paternity of the divine prin-
ciples of its constituent parts, the enveloping chaos included.
The goddess Athirat has attracted considerable interest among
scholars, in particular because of her presence (in the form Asherah)
in the Hebrew Bible. Her evident role as Y ahweh's consort has
recently been broadly accepted. The pair Y ahweh-Asherah seem to
point back to the Ugaritian pair El-Athirat. I n the latter context her
role has been much debated. I n K TU 1.23 = RS 2.002we appear
to have a triad of goddesses, Athirat, Rahmay and Shapsh, and I
have argued that the former two are geminated forms of the third
(see further below). This would imply that Athirat is a sun-goddess,
as also argued for instance by Binger.
But Athirat's particular significance in both K TU 1.23 (with her
associates) and in K TU 1.4-6 = RS 2.[008]+, 2.[022]+, 2.[009] +
(independently) is in the context of royal ideology. It is here that the
significance of her title rbt (Akk. rabtu), 'Great Lady', is significant,
used also of Rahmay in K TU 1.23.54.
48
Thi s title denotes the dowa-
ger queen, who appears to have had an i mportant ritual and ideo-
logical function, corresponding to that of the G
e
br in the Palestinian
kingdoms. The goddess is the divine embodi ment of the principle
perhaps mythic rather than real by the LBAthat the incumbency
of the throne is transmitted through the female line, a king being
legitimized by his maternity and then by marriage to an incarna-
tion of this same divinity.
3.2.4 Baal Hadd
Another i mportant deity who deserves mention is the storm-god. He
is most frequently referred to by the tide Baal (b'l, 'the Lord', or
'the Master'), but is the great Amorite storm-god Hadd (hd, hdd, 'the
Thunderer'),
49
worshipped widely throughout the Fertile Crescent. It
47
See M . S. SMI TH 1990, 7- 12.
48
It also refers to the dowager queen, presumably with the same ideological role,
in the neighbouring kingdom of Amurru. See the divorce correspondence, PRU 4,
125-48. On the considerable role played by queens, enthroned and dowager, in
Ugaritian politics, domestic and foreign, see below, 15.6.1.2, 15.6.6.2.
49
The Ugaritic form is hd, var. hdd\ in Aramaic he is Hadad, and in Akkadian
Adad, where the initial [A] is unrepresented in the syllabic script. In Egypt he is
has been customary to describe him above all as a fertility god, and
indeed he is master of the rains, thunder and lightning. But this
should not be construed as exhausting his character. The sheer range
of his titles
50
indicates the richness of his conception.
51
He is 'Lord
of Saphon' (b'l spn), a position of monarchical power, but one to be
construed within an economy ultimately controlled by El. I have
argued that Baal's throne on the mountai n is his by right of con-
quest from Y am, but had been given to the latter by El himself. It
is thus a delegated monarchy, which indeed not only derives from
El, but is in turn transmitted, through the myth of Athtar's enthrone-
ment, to the earthly kings of Ugarit. It is thus appropriate that the
storm-god is also 'Lord of Ugarit' (b'l ugrt), the patron and protec-
tor of the city, as eloquently evoked in K TU 1.119 = RS 24.266.
As champi on in the Chaoskampf, Baal is the type of the king as mil-
itary hero.
52
Furthermore, the language of the storm is the conven-
tional idiom for describing theophanies (as for instance in Ps. 29),
and thus a sign of his grace to his devotees. This motif, of divine
compassion, is also evident in the episode of his intervention on
Danel's behalf (KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 15-33). We almost dis-
cern, in the localized form of such apparently pluralistic language,
the polytheistic idiom for the examination within one divine reality
of the tensions experienced in the processing of the real world. That
is, Baal, and any other deity active in such a narrative context, is
essentially a cipher for the tensions inherent in El himself in the world-
process. Thi s is therefore a kind of process theology.
3.2.5 Mot
A god somewhat neglected in discussion is Mot (mt)P He is con-
spicuous by his absence from the ritual texts, and it is apparent that
identified with Seth. Thus the Mami stela from Ugarit (RS 1. [089] + 2. [033] +
5.183) invokes 'Seth of Saphon'. See YON 1991, 328 fig. 8a.
50
See WY A TT 1992, where some twenty-one titles and a further five possible ones
are discussed.
51
The judgment of OL DENBURG 1969, 1, that 'no strange god, however, is depicted
more (sic) wicked, immoral, and abominable than the storm god Ba'al Hadad . . .'
is not very helpful, except as an example of the kind of attitude deplored in my
opening paragraph. He might be defended on the ground that he is merely voic-
ing the biblical prejudice to demonstrate the clash of ideologies, but the rest of his
study indicates that he shares it.
52
See WY A TT 1998a.
53
For a useful survey see HEAL EY 1995b.
no cult was offered to him. He is not mentioned in any pantheon
list, and yet features significantly in the Baal cycle of myths. This
makes him the more interesting as a deity not so much of the prac-
tical life of Ugaritian religion as of its broader metaphysics. On one
hand it is not at all surprising that death should be deified, as this
is entirely in keeping with the observations of G u t h r i e (1993) in his
sophisticated development of the animistic principle. To give a per-
ceived external reality (and especially an external threat) a human
face is an effective technique of management: know your enemy (and
his name) and you have some defence against him. On the other
hand, cult is precisely the response of a practical theology to this
need: feed you enemy and you have him in your hand! So why was
Mot not worshipped? In a sense he is quite different from that con-
siderable class of chthonian deities and demons who were explicidy
managed by cultic procedures in order to control the threats they
posed. But Death, itself comparatively rarely personified in the ancient
Near East, stands apart. The analogue-figure of Hades, noted above,
is not in fact a strict parallel in conception, for he is rather the loca-
tion and condition of the dead who is collectivized. With Mot the
very concept of death is personified.
The chief mythological context in which the character Mot appears
is in K TU 1.4-6 = RS 2.[008]+, 2.[022]+, 2. [009]+. His role in
the narrative has been characterized by P et er s en - W o o d w a r d
(1977) as essentially a doublet
54
of the Baal Y am conflict. It is cer-
tainly striking that in view of the wide incidence of the Chaoskampf
throughout Eurasia (Amorite, Assyrian, Babylonian, Greek, Hittite
and Israelite [biblical] versions are attested, apart from a whole nexus
of I ndian and I ranian versions), the myth of Baal's conflict with Mot
is unparalleled. Is it too bold to suggest that the very deification of
Death as an antagonist of Baal, the god who brings life, is the lit-
erary invention of Ilimilku, for his own purpose of sandwiching the
myth of Baal's palace-construction between acosmic threats to it from
before and after?
53
54
The suspicion that this is the case is strengthened by the fact that similar royal
titles are applied to both: Yam is mdd il, Mot is ydd ilm. On the sense of this see
WY A T T 1985b. Note also that Mot himself compares his appetite with maritime
creatures. See in particular my suggestion at KTU 1.5 i 14-6: WY A TT 1998c, 116
n. 11.
55
See WY A T T 1998a for the rationale of this observation.
This is not to attempt any reduction of Mot's importance to one
literary composition. Rather does it highlight the role of the theologian
(Ilimilku was high priest, chief of the temple herdsmen and the king's
sacrificer: K TU 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+ vi 55-6)
56
in the very initial con-
ceptualization of new metaphysical experience. Many deities presum-
ably had specific historical origins, however hard it may be to identify
them. Be this as it may, for it remains conjectural, the divine existence
of Mot, yet apparent cultic non-existence, suggests a deity in transi-
tion, in process of development. I n at least a loose way, he may be
linked with the Hebrew constellation of Sheol, itself an inchoate per-
sonification of the experience of death, and such biblical figures as
R
C
b, Belial and Mwet, the last-named his precise counterpart.
The agricultural significance often attributed to Mot, as a fertility
deity, is naturally to be entirely discounted on my interpretation.
57
3.2.6 The problem of an adequate assessment of ancient deities
The characters of the gods in the mythological texts have frequently
been treated with less than sympathy in modern studies. Thus H a n d y
(1994, 125-6) calls Baal a 'strong, virile dolt' and Anat 'a spoilt
child',
58
while El is construed as a coward in the face of Anat's
tantrums.
59
These estimates, little better than the old allegorical
identifications which were once fashionable,
60
are theologically quite
inadequate however, and simply a misconstruction of what mythol-
ogy and theology within a polytheistic world-view strive to achieve.
To begin with, the trickster figure, or the deity who is the butt of
humour and figure of fun has an honoured place in religious history.
56
On Ilimilku's substantial role see 13. 4. 2 below.
57
See discussion of KTU 1.6 = RS ~2.[009]+ ii 30-5, 11-6 in WY A T T 1998C,
135-36, 141 nn. 83, 108.
58
Cf. MARGAL I T 1989a, 477: he claims that ruthless mysogynist (sic\) and a
creature of passion, Anat is a goddess who never "grew up". She personifies for the
poet all that is corrupt and contemptible in Raphaite culture and society'. On pp.
478-9 he writes of 'the complacent. . . Raphaites, in their passionate devotion and
voluntary bondage to a bloodthirsty goddess, are in fact on a path to self-destruc-
tion . . .' Such judgments entirely fail to recognize the logical place of negative prin-
ciples in a pantheon. To interpret the goddess as a cipher for a corrupt society is
absurd: she is entirely the opposite, a sign of the vitality of its moral theology.
59
PARDEE 1997a, 254 n. 105.
cn
Cf. Gaster's identification of most of the deities in the Baal cycle of myths
with various forms of water, or the vegetation theories of Virolleaud, Dussaud,
et at. For references and critique, cf. WY A T T 1996a, 144 50.
Such characters reflect the human experience of the incongruous.
The contradictions present in the deities of the pantheon are, more-
over, faithful reflections in the mythic idiom of contradictions in the
real world. Thei r dramati c interaction in the myths (such as the
fights between Baal and Y am, or Baal and Mot, or Anat's con-
frontations with El) do indeed reflect a degree of 'theological rela-
tivity', but this is a strength, not a weakness, in polytheistic thought.
For all the anomies of human experience can be worked out 'intra-
pantheonically' through the medi um of the mythic narrative, and
the broad principle of divine power is not compromi sed. Anat's
encounter with Aqhat, seen from a theological perspective, warns of
the dangers of trifling with the unpredictable and autonomous divine.
It may be compared with the story of 2 Sam. 6:1-8, where the mod-
ern reader's sympathy goes out to Uzzah, but in so doing misreads
the narrative. Furthermore, this kind of theology, explored almost
exclusively in mythological, narrative idiom, or in hymnody which
reflects courtly and diplomatic language, is the only medi um open
to the ancient cultures, before the development of elaborate abstrac-
tions of thought.
61
The considerable strains that theodicy places upon
monotheistic conceptions of the deity, over which the modern sys-
tematic theologian agonizes so inconclusively, do not arise.
62
The dis-
sonance between ideal and reality is swallowed up in a pragmatism
towards and acceptance of the real world. It is futile to criticize this
outlook for failing to achieve insights only realized a millennium or
more later. Whatever else it may have become as a result of the
ever-widening scope of symbolic activity and the expansion of human
consciousness, the religions of the early urban civilizations of the
near east were very largely a complex system of social, economic
and environmental management. Thei r very longevity is evidence of
their efficacy. The besetting sin of too much contemporary scholar-
ship is to look no further than the surface-character of ancient deities,
61
Only Greece appears to develop such language systematically, and even here
the narrative mode is the normal discourse of theology. Homeric and Hesiodic
thought is expressed in this way. But to sensitive readers, all these ancient thought-
systems are straining at the limitations of language, and relentlessly pushing for-
ward the boundaries of experience and articulacy.
62
The problem arises out of our academic desire to read systematic theology
into the ancient traditions. We then read inconsistencies into the apparent disso-
nance between different poetic metaphors. This is a measure only of modern, not
of ancient incapacities.
and to fail to recognizc the depth of the symbolic dimension. And
the gods of Ugarit have suffered from this more than most.
63
3.3 Demonolog)!
It is in such a perspective that we should mention briefly the pres-
ence of demons. I have dealt with these ( W y a t t 1998b) as essen-
tially transient figures, frozen in the snapshot of a particular context
reconstructed through the chance discovery of texts, but more real-
istically gods in the making or the unmaking, so that a longer per-
spective would tend to see them either disappearing or achieving
divine status. Deifies such as Reshef and Horon, of disdncdy 'demonic'
form, being reified horrors, have probably been given pantheonic
status as a means of controlling them on the principle outlined above.
Some, of course, would hover anonymously on the fringes of reli-
gious experience for considerable periods of time, to terrify succes-
sive generations of the victims of their attentions, eventually to be
tamed by either the powers of exorcism or advances in medicine.
4 M y t h o l o g y
4.1 General considerations
My object here is not a detailed analysis of the individual mythic
narratives from Ugarit. Thi s has been amply covered elsewhere.
64
I nstead a few remarks may be helpful on mythological matters gen-
erally, in order to help us appreciate the Ugaritian mentality.
It is a feature of all cultures that they express their sense of com-
munity identity in the form of narratives. All early historiography,
accounting for a people's present as the product of their past, is in
narrative form. Frequently, as is well known, it is clear that myth,
legend and 'real' history are mingled quite indiscriminately in such
compositions. Thi s is certainly the case with any historiographical
63
Any treatment of Yahweh that stopped at the surface would be rightly judged
as superficial and inadequate. Scholars (= theologians!) are careful to probe behind
Yahweh's bad temper, his petulance and changes of mind to the symbolic power
of this literary imagery. The Ugaritic deities deserve no less.
64
See also section 6.1 above. For representative bibliographies on all the mytho-
logical texts from Ugarit see the heading to each text in WY A T T 1998C.
texts surviving from the ancient near east, including the historiog-
raphy of the Hebrew Bible. No historiography as such survives from
Ugarit, though I have argued
65
that the king list in K TU 1.113 =
RS 24.257+, now probably in the context of a series of names for
invocadon in the accompanying litany, reflects a mentality quite capa-
ble of drawing up a formal list of this kind, and in so far as it is
in all probability a selective list, of making discriminatory j udgments
about the historical worth of individual people and events. So this
is a matter of arguing not for any kind of archaic mentality, on the
basis claimed by Lvy-Bruhl
66
or Frankfort,
67
but rather as proposed
by Donald,
68
who argues for increasingly complex forms of memory
and memorizing with early human development; Ugaritian thought,
like all other ancient ones in principle from the earlier literate period,
69
had not yet developed techniques of analysis and abstraction. Narrative,
therefore, is the recognized mode of dealing with a variety of issues,
not least the problems arising in the moral and political life, ques-
tions of identity, origins, of authority and ideology (see above) and
even of everyday matters like birth, puberty, marriage and death.
Myth is the classic medi um for representing and resolving such mat-
ters and their inherent problems. Through contemporary religious
discourse (particularly credal, liturgical, hymnic and the reading of
'Scriptures'ancient religious texts) exactly the same pattern of men-
tal processing is carried on today. I ndeed the same strategies are
pursued today in forensic and commercial contexts, and not merely
religious ones, where precise forms of words not only convey pre-
cise nuances of meaning, but carry a peculiar authority (legal, con-
65
WY A TT 1998a, 1998c, 402-3 n. 13.
66
L VY -BRUHL 1922. Note Margalit's welcome comment (MARGAL I T 1989a, 10
n. 7).
67
FRANKFORT 1949. For critiques of the views of the Frankforts see ROGERSON
1974 and WY A TT 1996a, 388-98.
68
DONAL D 1991, 152. He postulates the following stages in the capacity to mem-
orize: procedural, episodic and semantic. Consciousness is rudimentary in the second
of these stages, while the third is dependent on human language and consciousness.
69
The development of writing itself no doubt lent a powerful consciousness to
the acts of writing and reading the written word. At a stroke, as it were, the mem-
ories of past generations could be preserved, and worlds opened up far vaster than
the restricted scope of oral tradition, itself already a powerful tool. The recording
of the Ugaritic myths hints at an authoritative text: the very words of the gods
were now available independently of the inspiration of the individual poet. There
is no clear evidence for the ritual use of writing in Ugarit, though legal texts wit-
ness to its inherent binding power.
tractual, religious) and are deemed to 'bind' people into a system of
mutual interdependence. This is the 'linguistic world' in which we
live. I n principle little has changed over the millennia.
We may have only a small fraction of the Ugaritian (or even the
Ugaritic) myths, and this is due to the good fortune that priestly and
royal archives recorded them. Many others would have been trans-
mitted orally, with consequent loss, or the unlikelihood of being able
to recover them from later records which have distorted them too
much. Where a cognate relationship can be established, as between
texts K TU 1.23 and 1.24 = RS 2.002, 5.194, their second millen-
nium congeners
70
and later derivatives,
71
there has usually been sub-
stantial modification. The same is true of the Chaoskampf tradition,
which now has a continuous pedigree runni ng from third-millennium
Eshnunna through to mediaeval Europe.
72
This material is in my
view directed primarily at the support of the institution of kingship,
though of course it is entirely probable that more generalized mythol-
ogy was also extant, as indicated by texts such as K TU 1.92 = RS
19.039+, and by such applied myths (generally in relation to med-
ical matters) as are mentioned below.
4.2 The role of Ilimilku
This is perhaps an appropriate j uncture at which to comment on
the importance of the role of Ilimilku, to which I have already drawn
attention above and in previous discussions.
73
Its significance here is
not so much historical or literary-critical as religious. For here we are
able to pinpoint the contribution of a historical individual, whose
identity would ordinarily have been entirely lost to us, to specific
developments in the religion of an ancient culture. The nami ng of
an author in documents of this period (apart from royal proclama-
tions, and diplomatic, legal and epistolary texts) is quite exceptional,
and the accident of the survival of his name in the col opha of
different mythical texts affords us an unrivalled opportunity to enquire
into his mind and motivations. It is entirely reasonable to take account
70
ASTOUR 1967, 154-60.
71
WY ATT 1996a, 219-68, where it is argued that they constitute the Vorlage of
Pss 2, 8, 19, 110, Gen. 16, 19:30-8, Hos. 2, Ezek. 16 and 23.
72
WY ATT 1998a.
73
WY ATT 1997, 1998a.
of Ilimilku's priestly and administrative roles, and to conclude that
he had a substantially authorial role in the construction of the nar-
ratives of the Baal myths, and the Keret and Aqhat stories.
74
It is
this that is so unusual.
We can examine his motivations, for example, in the elaborate
building up of the already ancient Chaoskampf motif, now first evi-
denced a millennium before his time in texts from Eshnunna, and
already with widely dispersed congeners in the second millennium
(Hatti, Mari , Babylon, I ndia). A case may be made for Ilimilku him-
self being the author, in the strict sense of inventor and originator,
of the conflict between Baal and Mot (K TU 1.5-6 = RS 2.[022]+,
2.[009]+)
75
which constitutes the echo of the struggle between Baal
and Y am (K TU 1.1-2 = RS 3.361, 3.346, 3.367). This narrative
has no parallels elsewhere, and appears to be a construction designed
to present a chiastic framework round the central episode of the
'Baal cycle', the story in K TU 1.3-4 = RS 2.[014]+, 2.[008]+; that
is, its whole raison-d'tre is explained by the central narrative. This
construcdon points to the episode of Baal's 'palace' (sc. temple) as
the pri mary element in the mythic story. But further elements in the
story, and some of the features it has in parallel with Keret and Aqhat,
suggest that the authorial intention is not so much to celebrate the
construction of Baal's temple (though an aetiology certainly exists
here, and indeed the liturgical elements to be discerned in this nar-
rative point to some such celebration in the cultus) as to see it as a
legitimization of royal claims. Royal ideology as much as theology
in the more conventional sense is therefore I limilku's main concern.
The cult of Baal would benefit mutually, in that he appears as the
patron of the dynasty.
Similar intentions appear to lie behind the Keret narrative. It is in
all probability a traditional tale, as many have noted. Some of the
constructions put upon it are however not entirely plausible. Thus
it has been seen on the one hand as the aetiology for the descent
of the dynasty of Ugarit from 'Octavia',
76
the youngest daughter of
74
The same point is made by M. Korpel in her useful treatment of Ilimilku
(K ORPEL 1998, 87- 8) .
75
The double nature of the construction is discerned by WAK EMAN 1973 and
PETERSEN - WOODWA RD 1977. None of these writers actually attributes the com-
position of the Baal-Mot conflict to Ilimilku himself, however.
7b
For my alternative interpretation of the term ttmnt, see WY A T T 1998C, 211- 12
n. 155.
Keret by Hurriya. On the other it has been argued that it is intended
to cut the royal ideology down to size by denying its extravagant
claims of divine kingship.
77
Neither view is in my estimate correct:
rather is a curse visited upon the youngest daughter because of her
sib-solidarity with the accursed Yasib, while the comparison of Keret
with gods who die (sc. Baal) is precisely a way of showing that both
national deity and national ruler share a theological trait. In the final
analysis the cursing of Keret's line may be the prelude to the assump-
tion of the throne by another line. I shall take up this point below.
Our present concern is the theological significance of Ilimilku's role.
As propagandist for the king, he actually creates theology for his age,
thus influencing and modifying the thoughts of his contemporaries
and of subsequent generations, just as an influential systematic the-
ologian such as Luther or Calvin can have a significant impact on
his culture, or as Homer or Hesiod had on early Greek theology.
As for the historical context of Ilimilku, this is in process of a
revaluation, thanks to the discovery of the Urtenu archive in the
southern zone of the city. Thus far we have had no more than hints
of the need for reassessment of the evidence, and await the publi-
cation of these new texts to lend substance to it. Traditionally the
poet-scribe has been dated to the reign of Ni qmaddu II, and my at-
tempts to give an estimate of him ( W y a t t 1997, 1998a, 1998c, 35-6,
contrast 21 n. 6) have been on this basis. For a preliminary attempt
at interpreting the new material, see S i nger below, 15.6.1.1 and
nn. 284, 289, 15.7 and n. 340. His displacement, as appears likely,
to the time of Ni qmaddu I I I , will require some adjustments (though
not radical ones) to my assessment, since both accessions appear to
have followed from some kind of internal political crisis, and these
will appear in UF.
4.3 Two myths from Ugarit
4.3.1 KTU 1.23 = RS 2.002
Two further i mportant mythological texts may be discussed here
briefly, since they are only touched on elsewhere in this volume.
7
"
The first, of the greatest historical importance, is K TU 1.23 = RS
77
PARKER 1977.
78
By GI BSON, above 6.1.
2. 002. It was found in the 'high priest's house' on the acropolis in
the second season, in 1930. The edition princeps was published by
V i r o l l e a u d 1933. The particular importance of the text was imme-
diately recognized, and a number of studies has been devoted to it.'
9
The tablet was found in two parts, and the smaller piece, which
constitutes the first five lines of the recto, was broken in half vertically,
with the right hand portion missing. The result is that the latter half
of 11. 1-5 is missing, as is the latter half of 11. 72-5 on the verso.
Part of 1. 71 is also missing. On the recto a plaque has also broken
away from the lower part of the right side, destroying the ends of
11. 16-25 and the corresponding line-ends on the verso, while also
on the verso there is some surface damage just below the centre.
Several lines have been scored across the tablet, following 11. 7,
11, 12, 15, 18, 20, 22, 27 and 29 (all on the recto), thus dividing
the text into ten sections, of which the last is equal in length to the
nine previous ones combined. While a number of purposes appear
to have lain behind such lines in various contexts, in the present
instance they appear to mark off separate parts of the text which in
the earlier part (11. 1-29) consists of different rubrics, short narrative
passages of ritual significance, lines of hymns to be sung (perhaps
just the openi ng lines to prompt cantors), and ritual instructions.
From 1. 30 to the end (the bottom edge and the verso of the tablet)
the text consists of one narrative poem, though here too a ritual
instruction appears in the narrative at 1. 54.
The contents are as follows:
I 23. 1- 7 Hymnic introduction invoking the gracious gods (cf. VI I I );
]; summons to feast (sc. sacrifice); greetings to assem-
bled personnel (including king and queen); description of
opening scene, with figure of Mt-w-Sr seated disconso-
late and sterile, rod
80
in hand.
n
The following translations and studies have also been published, among others:
VI ROL L EAUD 1933, GI NSBERG 1935, GASTER 1946, 1950, 225-56, 1961/418-35,
GORDON 1949, 57-62, 1977, 59-64, LARGEMENT 1949, J I RK U 1962, 80-4, AI STLEI TNER
1964, 58-62, DE MOOR 1972 ii 17-24, 1987, 117-28, TSUMURA 1973, 1978, XEL L A
1973, CAQUOT - SZNY CER - HERDNER 1974, 353-79, TSEVAT 1974, WY A TT 1977a,
1987, 1992b, 1996a, 224-9, 1998c, 324-35, DEL OL MO L ETE 1981a, 427-48, CUTL ER
- MACDONAL D 1982, LI PI NSKI 1986a, SEGERT 1986, FOL EY 1987, HETTEMA 1989-90,
SCHL OEN 1993, ABOUD 1994, 189-92, WATSON 1994a, PARDEE 1997a, 274-83,
DI J KSTRA 1998.
80
Or perhaps 'rod', since the term is undoubtedly ambiguous.
I I
I I I
I V
V
VI
VI I
VI I I
I X
X
meeting two figures (sc. goddesses?), apparently sit-
ting on a cauldron, who address him as 'father'
and 'mother'; he has an erection, removes them
and takes them to his house. El's penis appears to
be identified with (or at any rate to evoke) the rod
mentioned earlier (I); after banter about his potency,
El makes love to the two goddesses. He sits and
counts the months until they give birth to Shahar
and Shalem, and rites of purification are performed.
The same narrative of the conception, counti ng
and birth is repeated. Thi s time the offspring are
called 'the gracious gods'. Gluttonous from birth,
the two young gods wander off with gargantuan
appetites, devouring everything in sight, for seven
years. Comi ng in from the desert, they call on the
guardi an of the sown land, who makes an entry
for them, and responding to their request, offers
them food and drink.
23.8-11 'viticultural' ritual involving Mt-w-Sr.
23.12 I nstruction for sevenfold recital of the mythic nar-
rative (sc. 11. 8-11), and command to the priests to
respond.
23.13-5 Allusion to the 'vast steppe' of Athirat and Rah-
ma<y> (cf. I X), and sevenfold performance of a
culinary ritual and of censing.
23.16-8 Narrative of Athirat and Rahmay setting out [ ];
invocation of their names.
23.19-20 Reference is made to the eightfold, sevenfold [
of the gods' dwellings.
23.21-2 Menti on of the precious stones and garments of
the choristers.
23.23-7 Hymnic introduction (cf. I above), invoking the gra-
cious gods, their suckling and rituals (of purification
after birth?).
23.28-9 Further allusion to the 'vast steppe' of Athirat and
Rahmay (cf. I V) [ ].
23.30-76 Mai n mythic narrative: El goes to the seashore,
Readers familiar with the text will appreciate that even in giving a
synopsis a number of interpretative choices have been made. Most
of these have been hotly debated over the years, and they are not
all by any means settled. I n this author's view, the 'gracious gods'
are in fact Shahar and Shalem, the twin sons of the sun-goddess
Shapsh, who is geminated for narrative effect and cosmological rea-
sons into the goddesses Athirat and Rahmay.
81
Thus only two gods,
twins, are to be understood as born to the goddesses, rather than a
series of births, which would understand this to be a general theogony.
Note is also taken here of Tsumura's reinterpretation of 11. 49-58,
82
which restores the tricolon of 11. 56-7 to a position following hmhmt
in 1. 51, and interprets it as a counting of months of pregnancy,
rather than a fivefold repetition of the impregnation (which with the
two described, was formerly understood to give seven overall on the
previous interpretation of the the text).
83
Thi s is an interesting instance of a text which explicidy combines
myth and ritual.
84
It therefore seems to envisage a specific applica-
tion of the myth to a specific ritual context (though that is not
identified in the text). I n view of the congeners, however, it is prob-
ably safe to conclude that any specific application is secondary, and
applies to the given context in which it appears a symbolic force to
be discerned in the theoretical prototype. While a number of simi-
lar myths are told in the ancient near east, of which several are evi-
dently cognate, we cannot hope to recover the original myth, which
being absolutely archetypal, must go way back into prehistory. It is
even fair to say that if myths are traced back to their origins, only
two basic types require to be posited, dealing with conflict (and all
resolution of tensions) and reproduction (and by extension other 'ori-
gins'). Here is the primal tale about how the first children were
begotten. Other birth-myths, such as K TU 1.12 i = RS 2. [012] and
K TU 1.24 = 5.194 (below), are essentially versions of the same
theme, adapted to different specific secondary contexts. I have dis-
81
See WY A T T 1998C, 333 n. 49, and also my more extensive treatment in WY A TT
1996a, 219-82, in which I examine the text in the larger context of its ancient
near eastern congeners and biblical derivatives. The latter range indicates the ide-
ological importance of the tradition. See also ASTOUR 1967, 154-7.
82
TSUMURA 1978. See also WATSON 1994a, and WY A T T 1998c, 332 n. 45.
83
Cf. CAQUOT - SZNY CER - HERDNER 1974, 376, DEL OL MO L ETE 1981a, 446.
DI J KSTRA, above 5.1.1, retains the older understanding.
84
Contrary to the assessment voiced by DE MOOR 1971, 30, I do not feel com-
pelled to accept that all myths are inseparable from rituals. The situation is infinitely
more complex. For a recent collection of views see SEGAL 1998.
cussed a number of biblical derivatives,
83
and here the common ele-
ment is the same, but with a marked bias towards a royal significance.
Thi s is to be expected, since the king, as sacral figure, would tend
to have concentrated in his person all the symbolic values of his
communi ty. P ar dee' s (1997a, 274) assessment that it deals with 'a
pair of relatively mi nor deities' is a fair reflection of current opin-
ion on the text, but in my view underestimates their considerable
ideological i mportance as 'royal gods', who reflect in their mythol-
ogy certain i mportant constants.
Assessments of the text range from that offered by C u t l e r -
M a c d o n a l d (1982) as a famine-relief liturgy, by L a r g e me n t 1949,
L i pi nski 1986a and S e g e r t 1986 as a 'fertility cult' myth, to that of
P a r d e e (1997a) as a possible analogue or component of an autum-
nal vintage and new year festival (cf. K TU 1.41 = RS 1.003+). Thi s
divergence of views is natural, given that features of all these types
may be discerned; nor are they incompatible with my royal assessment.
Further analysis is undoubtedl y required. D e M o o r (1987, p. 117)
has defined the text as a sacred marri age text. Thi s too is reason-
able in so far as it actually deals with a marriage, but we need to
be clear what 'sacred marri age' (hieros gamos) means, and the use of
the term sometimes implies that the same kind of significance is to
be applied in all cases, as though it is just a tantric use of sex in
the cult. It is here that I think the royal dimension is i mportant, and
enables us to clarify matters. A mythic paradi gm is established here
which is used to convey basic notions about the concern of the chief
deity for the created order, and the implicit identification of his
offspring with kings becomes the means whereby royal duties are
represented as actualizing the theological programme.
86
4.3.2 KTU 1.24 = RS 5.194
The second text I wish to treat briefly here is K TU 1.24 = RS
5.194, the so-called Nikkal poem, treating the marriage of Nikkal
and the moon.
87
While complete, the surface of this tablet is eroded
85 WY A T T 1996a, 232-68.
86
WY A T T 1998c, 325. The myth may not unreasonably be compared with the
patriarchal narratives of Genesis, which though written in an entirely different idiom
deal with precisely the same theme, that of national survival.
87
The following translations and studies have appeared, among others: VI ROL L EAUD
1936b, GORDON 1937, 1977, 65-67, AI STL EI TNER 1939, 1964, 63-4, GI NSBERG 1939,
to such an extent that many readings remai n uncertain. The text
falls into two parts. The first consists of a mythic narrative in which
the goddess Nikkal (the Hurri an form of Sumerian ni n. gal ) is seduced
by the moon-god, appeari ng as Yarih, but in all probability the Hur-
rian moon-god Kusuh. He then seeks her hand in marriage, and
after a number of attempts have been made to fob him off with
alternative brides, the wedding is performed, with the requisite pay-
ment of bride-price and dowry, both costs borne by the bri degroom
himself. The second part is a hymn to the Kotharat, the goddesses
of weddings and childbirth.
G o e t z e 1941 understood the myth to be Hurri an, while d e l O l mo
L et e 1991 has mai ntai ned its Sumeri an origin.
88
Both views may be
right of course, since Hurri an religion adopted many features of the
cults of the fertile crescent. It is 'humani zed', and no doubt with
particular adaptati on to the Ugaritian milieu. But I shall suggest an
alternative source just below. A Babylonian version
89
appears to be
part of a childbirth ritual, to ease a difficult parturition. The presence
of the hymn to the Kotharat on the same tablet suggests that in the
present instance too this may have been the purpose of the myth,
though this too is undoubtedl y a secondary application of the nar-
rative. I have long wondered whether the myth itself may be related
to the narrative of Gen 34 (the story of Di nah and Shechem), for
which I have proposed an I ndo-European origin, since it is remark-
ably close to some Vedic material. The possibility that marital cir-
cumcision may have been practised in Ugarit (though not referred
to specifically in the present text) would support this suggestion.
90
GOETZE 1941, HERDNER 1949a, TSEVAT 1953, DRI VER 1956, 125-7, J I RK U 1962,
77-9, HERRMANN 1968, CA QUOT - SZNY CER - HERDNER 1974, 381-97, WY A T T
1977b, GI BSON 1978, 128-9, DEL OI . MO L ETE 1981a, 449-56, 1991, DE MOOR 1987,
141-5.
8B
See too the interesting discussion of other versions of this myth by ASTOUR
1967, 80-92, though he did not include KTU 1.24 in his coverage.
8!
' ASTOUR 1967, 85, BHL 1936.
9,1
On Gen 34 see WY A T T 1990a; on circumcision at Ugarit see WY A T T 1992b.
On the possibility that the present text does in fact deal with circumcision, see
AL L AN forthcoming, where it is argued that mlk qz (11. 2, 17, 24) denotes the 'coun-
sellor for circumcision'.
5 T h e R o y a l I d eo l o g y of U g a r i t
5.1 General considerations
We have already noted a number of allusions to kingship and its
mythic representation in the narrative texts. It is in the nature of
an urban archive, where much of the record was generated specific-
ally by the palace and temple bureaucracies, that there should be
such an apparent bias towards royal interests, most obvious in cul-
tic matters. On one hand this should warn us of a largely untapped
reservoir of 'popul ar' religion, such as must have been practised by
ordinary citizens of the several classes and guilds attested in admi n-
istrative documents, at which the marzihu texts hint, for example; and
also the cult of mi nor shrines both in the city and outiying villages,
where quite i ndependent cults may have been observed. Such his-
torical realities tend by their nature to go undocumented.
91
On the
other hand, the royal nature of the bulk of the religious texts, where
the ritual ones are devoted largely to procedures in which the king
played a leading role,
92
and the mythological ones are largely, though
not exclusively, related to ideological questions, is a fair reflection of
the specific i mportance of Ugarit as a royal city within the kingdom.
J ust as the biblical texts generated by the J erusal em cultus, or the
inscriptions from royal cities such as Thebes or Nineveh, naturally
reflect the national significance of such sites, so we should expect
the same from Ugarit. What is striking about the evidence from
Ugarit is the considerable degree of continuity between its royal ide-
ology and that of J erusal em from the I ron Age.
93
This suggests that
while local variations undoubtedl y occurred, which must not be
underestimated, a common West Semitic nexus of ideas about monar-
chy, in which the same or similar myths of divine parentage, the
i mportant ritual functions of the rabitu g
e
br, and similar ritual con-
ceptions and pracdces obtained. This also must not be underestimated.
91
The poor documentation is noted by VAN DER T OORN 1996, 153. For a brief
treatment see below.
92
See in particular DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a = 1999, and above, 7.1.2.
93
See WY A T T 1996a.
5.2 The divinity of the king
The king is represented in the narrative poetry as bn il. Thi s expres-
sion may be interpreted as 'member of the genus "god"', which is
its sense when applied to deities. It thus appears to include the king
in this category. More narrowly, it appears to have the mythologi-
cal sense 'son of (that is, of El as chief god), a nuance supported
by the corollary, that El is explicitly 'father' to the king (K TU 1.14
= RS 2. [003]+ ii 23-4: dbh Ur abk il: 'Sacrifice to Bull your father,
El', addressed to Keret). El is further identified as ab adm, which in
my view has the narrower sense of 'father of Man (even "Adam")'
rather than the broader sense of 'father of manki nd'. The latter
expression is remarkabl e enough as a powerful metaphor of kinship
relating deity and his people; with the narrower sense it reinforces
the specific and peculiar relationship between deity and (divine) king
already noted. A further image of the king's divine status is the bro-
ken text at K TU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ ii 26-8, which proclaims the
status of Yasib (Keret's heir) in these terms:
He will drink the milk of Athirat
he will drain the breast of Virgin [Rahmay];
the suckling of [goddesses].
94
Thi s text has caused some disputation: 'Anat' is commonl y restored
in the l acuna in the second col on, though in my view wi thout
justification other than a pavlovian response to the term btlt, while
the surviving word in the third is often read with a final t (as mnq[t\),
and translated as 'wetnurses'. We have here not a sociological obser-
vation, however, but a mythological allusion, to royal sons who drink
their divinity from the breasts of divine mothers, which is only to
be expected if the goddess (there is actually only one, for Athirat
and Rahmay are hypostases of Shapsh, as is evident from K TU 1.23
= RS 2.002) is consort to El and therefore the king's ideological
mother. Thi s passage is i mportant not only in establishing Yasib's
ideological status, but also in countering Parker's claim that the Keret
narrative is intended to discredit royal claims to divinity.
The overall interpretation of material of this kind suffers in part,
I believe, from a tendency for the modern interpreter to attribute
to the ancients the same mental attitudes we share. Thi s is not only
94
For justification of this reading and translation see WY A T T 1998C, 209 n. 149.
All translations from Ugaritic in the present chapter are from this volume.
fashionable since the deserved eclipse of Lvy-Bruhl's more roman-
tic views, but almost de rigueur in today's intellectual climate. Carri ed
to extremes, it is absurd. Even people in the seventeenth century
had a world-view radically different from our own. It requires a
supreme effort on our part even to grasp what Late Bronze Ugaritians
thought of the world. The cosmological framework outlined above
should warn us against importing too much rationality in our sense
of the term. Perhaps the most difficult thing to appreciate is the slid-
ing scale between the human and divine realms. The Ugaritians, like
everyone else in the Medi terranean world at least down to early
Christian times, inhabited a world populated with spiritual powers
in every corner. These could be acknowledged as the vast range of
gods worshipped by compatriots and foreigners alike, organized into
panthea, though this usually happened only to one's own gods, wor-
shipped either in organized fashion, as in the royal cultus, which
actually invoked a small selection from the pantheon, or worshipped
in ad hoc fashion according to personal devotion by private citizens,
feared or exorcized as demons, or revered as ancestors.
Nor were the ancients averse to seeing such powers embodi ed in
actual people, particularly in kings. The royal ancestors were explic-
itly called gods (K TU 1.113 = RS 24.257) and invoked at funerals
(K TU 1.161 = RS 34.126) while some of their number'
5
were given
the more exalted status of rpum, 'saviours', a term which may have
corresponded roughly to the 'heroes' of Greek cult. The king was a
living representative of the royal gods of the past, into whose com-
pany he was welcomed at death, and the one person who could
most effectively communi cate with the divine realm on behalf of
ordinary mortals. The language of divine birth and genealogy was
of course symbolicwhen is language not symbolic?but all the
more real for so being.
96
95
The rpum named in the Ugaritic texts do not feature in the king-list. Their
precise relationship with the historical kings of Ugarit remains obscure. They are
evidently invoked as 'ideological ancestors'. The r'p'm of biblical tradition are asso-
ciated above all with the Hauran, and in this respect perhaps make connection
with the Ugaritic rpum. Cf. KTU 1.108 = RS 24.252.2-3, which links Rpiu, epony-
mous deity of the rpum, with Ashtarat and Edrei, cities linked with Og, last of the
Rephaim, in Deut. 1:4. On Rpiu and the rpum see n. 31 above. See also refer-
ences in n. 130. For Pitard's cautious estimate of the nature and role of the rpum
see above 6.4, 259-69.
96
A similar concern to downplay the divinity of the Pharaoh is evident in some
egyptological studies. It goes against the whole weight of the ideological tradition,
P a r k e r ( 1977) suggested that the rhetorical questioning of K TU
1. 16 = RS 3 . 3 2 5 + i 9-11, 2 0 - 3 ('Is Keret then the son of El . . .?')
pointed to a negative answer. Gods do not die, but Keret does, and
is therefore no god. Thi s overlooks the fact that Baal does die. I
have proposed
97
as an alternative that the language of this passage
specifically compares Keret with Baal, expressing in this way the
hope that Keret too, like Baal, will be restored to life. Thus the ide-
ological status of the king is not in question. If anything, it is con-
siderably enhanced by the compari son. Thi s aspect of Ugari ti an
thought may be the medi um through which dead kings achieved a
form of deification after death (K TU 1 . 1 1 3 = RS 24. 257) , by a for-
mal apotheosis indicated by the determinative il, and also by aspir-
ing to the status of rpum. Thi s might be enhanced by the comparison
in Keret, in addition to any language used of the reigning monarch.
6 R i t u a l
9 8
6.1 General considerations
The information noted above may be suppl emented by reference to
the ritual texts from Ugarit. Many of these were discovered within the
confines of the palaces, and provide a convenient and eloquent insight
into the complex ritual life in which the king played a central role.
While the narrative texts appear to accept a principle of 'divine king-
ship' for the monarchy, however precisely this be defined, there is
no indication in the ritual texts of the king's peculiar status. His
'sacral' role as a pontifex, a medi ator between the divine and human
realms, is unquestionable. But he acts merely as a cipher, perform-
ing his appoi nted role in the drama of the cult. No theoretical posi-
tion on this is even hinted at.
The surviving ritual texts from Ugarit are unlikely to record more
than a small proporti on of the cultic life of the city, and in any case
at least in some instances record events taking place in the palace
and royal chapels. Our already partial record is thus primarily of
and against a basic appreciation of ancient Egyptian psychology. We must attempt
to understand the ancients in their terms at least as much as ours.
97
WYATT 1997.
98
See also Sections 7. 1- 2 above. On the ritual texts see DE TARRAGON 1980,
XEL L A 1981, CAQUOT - DE TARRAGON - CUNCHI LLOS 1989, DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a =
1999.
the royal cultus. General proceedings in the other main city temples
on the acropolis and the city centre are simply unknown. What can
be stated with certainty is that the mythological texts offer no record
of any ritual calendar or theology, as argued by those espousing the
seasonal interpetation. The most they offer is occasional snatches of
liturgical material embedded in the narrative, and descriptions of
divine feasting which are as it were a gods'-eye-view of sacrificial
rites. The observances of the characters in the Keret and Aqhat sto-
ries no doubt reflect typical ritual practices, but these are entirely
incidental to the narratives. The ritual texts, on the other hand, evi-
dently work within a tightiy structured cultic calendar, although in
view of the fragmentary nature of the record, we are not in a posi-
tion to reconstruct this adequately, which might allow an apprecia-
tion of the overall pattern.
The texts devoted to ritual matters are discussed elsewhere in this
volume ( 7). Here perhaps some remarks on the broad nature of
ancient ritual, as attested in Ugarit, are appropriate. An interesting
pattern emerges from scrutiny of the ancient religions of the Near
East. Thi s is the complex relationship with all aspects of human life,
and particularly the economic dimension. Whatever the origins of
sacrificial practice, it is evident that it was the centre of the temple
cultus in all the urban cultures of the ancient Near East. On every
occasion where the deities were invoked, offerings of meat, cereals,
wine, oil or other material commodities (cloth, metals, votive gifts,
incense etc.) were made. I n a sense it can be argued that a significant
amount of the city-state's economic producti on was geared to the
demands of the temples. The overall scale of sacrificial demand is
not clear from Ugarit, but livestock production would have been in
part controlled by its demands," with perhaps special diets, selec-
tion for special markings, and animals of a certain age and gender
selected for ritual use. It is even possible that all meat-production
was channelled through the temples.
I m
Egyptian temples were frequendy
99
Note that one of Ilimilku's offices, no doubt in his capacity as a priest, appears
to have been management of temple herds (rb khnm rb nqdm: KTU 1.6 vi 55-6).
The influence of the temple-economy on the broader economy should not be under-
estimated. If the gods demanded richer offerings, agricultural practice had to adapt
to the demand, while greater food-production would result in greater surpluses, and
therefore enhanced trade, enhanced wealth, and no doubt concomitent population
growth. The temples were at the apex of this economic spiral.
100
The 'secular' slaughter envisaged in Deut. 12:15-6, 20-5 has the appearance
of a departure from an older norm in which all animals were killed not only ritually
equi pped with extensive store-rooms for the storage of the produce
of farm-lands controlled by them.
10
' We should expect similar organiza-
tion at Ugarit, if on a smaller scale, though presumabl y any ware-
houses would have been outside the city-walls, perhaps in satellite
settlements.
I n view of the emphasi s on 'the fertility cult' which appears to
sell student handbooks,
102
which conj ures up an i mage of orgiastic
rites which I once heard described as 'a sea of heavi ng buttocks', it
is worth noti ng that there is no evidence from Ugarit for practices
of this kind. We certainly have mythological begettings, and some
deities have voracious sexual appetites, while we have noted a rit-
ual dimension to K T U 1.23 = RS 2.002. The context of this inter-
esting text is however the concepti on of princes, and it may well be
no more than a mi meti c counterpart to the actual (highly ritualized)
consummati on of a royal marri age in Ugari t. An i conographi e coun-
terpart may be seen in the ivory panels from the royal bed. We also
noted a probabl e ritual context to K T U 1.24 = RS. 5.194, and shall
menti on further such materi al below ( 13.9).
6.2 A rite of atonement: KTU 1.40 = RS 1.002+
I shall limit my discussion of individual ritual texts to one example.
Thi s is the liturgy for the great day of atonement at Ugarit, pre-
served partially in two tablets, K T U 1.40, 1.84 = RS 1.002 + 1002a,
17.100[a] + 100[b].
103
The liturgy appears on the surviving evidence
to have been composed of six parts, addressed alternately to men
([i], iii, v) and women ([ii], iv, vi). Onl y the final three sections are
in a condition to allow conti nuous translation. Three pairs of vic-
tims were offered, two oxen ([i, ii]), two rams (iii, iv) and two don-
keys (v, vi). Each ani mal is offered as atonement (npy)
m
on behalf
of the men (or women) of Ugari t and its surroundi ng districts (?).
in the most general sense, but in the presence of a deity, and formally as an offering.
One reason for this would have been the accumulation of power in the hands of
organized priesthoods.
101
They are most graphically evident at the Ramesseum, the mortuary temple
of Rameses II. See K EMP 1989, 191-7.
102
See the title of HARREL SON 1969, From fertility cult to worship.
103
See WY A TT 1998C, 342 for bibliography, to which add DE TARRAGON 1998.
104
On the meaning of this key term see WY A TT 1998c, 342 n. 2, where I review
the different proposals. I have followed PARDEE 1991, 1191.
The accusation of sins made by various ethnic and social groups are
addressed, and the victim is offered up to El and the pantheon
through the mediation of the messenger-gods Thukamun and Shanim.
One section (11. 35-43, 6), typical in structure to each, may be
cited by way of illustration:
No w repeat t he l i t ur gy f or pur i [ f i cat i on] ,
f or pur i f i cat i on of t he wo <me>n of Ugar i t ,
and at onement f or t he f or ei gner wi t hi n t he wal l s of Ugar i t ,
and [ at one] ment f or his wi f e.
Whenever your state of grace be changed,
whet her by t he accusat i on of t he Qa[ t i ans,
or by t he accusat i on of t he Dadm] i ans,
or by t he [ accusat i on of t he t he Hu] r r i ans,
or by t he accusat i on of t he Hi t t i t es,
or by t he accusat i on of t he Cypr i ot s,
or by t he accusat i on of t he gbr,
or by t he accusat i on of your op [pressed] ones,
or by t he accusaon of your p[ oo] r ,
or by t he accusat i on of qrzbl',
whenever your state of grace be changed,
ei t her t hr ough [ your] anger ,
[ or t hr ough your i mpat ] i ence,
or t hr ough some evi l you have done;
whenever [ your state) of grace be changed
[ concer ni ng t he sacrifices] and t he of f er i ng,
our sacri fi ce we of f er:
thi s is t he of f er i ng we [ make] ,
[thi s is t he vi ct i m we] i mmol at e.
May i t be bor ne al of t to t he f at her of t he gods,
may i t be bor ne al of t to t he pan[ t heon of t he gods] ,
[to] t he assembl y of t he gods,
to Th u k amu n [ and Shani m] :
her e is t he donkey.
While it is difficult to extract a detailed moral theology from this
material, it certainly exhibits a moral dimension of some significance,
and a powerful sense of the necessary cohesion of society, while rec-
ognizing the centrifugal pressures and tensions arising from the rela-
tions between sub-groups. What is interesting is that it is the perception
by a sub-group ('by the accusation [ulp] of the Hittites' etc.) of wrong-
doing by the communi ty at large that is significant, not any proven
fault. Thi s suggests a highly developed sense of the i mportance of
people's feelings, though the term ulp (construed as u + I + p: 'whether
from the mouth of') may also have had a specifically forensic nuance,
suggesting the i nfracti on of a code of practice. The personal involve-
ment of groups in society, rather than any i mpersonal system of pol-
lution, such as obtains in Leviticus, points to a moral rather than a
purel y ritual basis for sin. Wi thout doubt the mechani cal di mensi on
also existed, but bei ng uncodi fi ed has left no evidence. The likeli-
hood that we should discern a moral di mensi on here is perhaps sup-
ported by the moral error into whi ch Keret is perceived as falling
in goi ng aside from his j ourney to visit the shrine of Athirat. I n pur-
suing this undoubtedl y worthy religious goal, he violates the princi-
ple of absolute and undevi ati ng obedi ence to El's commands, whi ch
takes priority over any secondary matter. We thus catch glimpses of
a highly devel oped ethical universe, in no way compromi sed by the
polytheistic theology whose workings we sketched above.
What the king's duties may have been in the i mportant ceremony
of K T U 1.40 unfortunatel y remai n unknown. We should expect hi m
to play a significant role, on the anal ogy of Babyl oni an materi al such
as the Aktu, but we are i gnorant of the occasion or even the fre-
quency of this rite. It may be worth remarki ng that K T U 1.12 =
RS 2. [012], whi ch begins with a thogoni e scene, and may thus have
royal overtones, appears in its fragmentary conclusion to treat Baal's
death as an atonement of some ki nd. Does this poi nt, however
obscurely, to the king's ritual involvement? Any answer remai ns spec-
ulative. The gist of the Keret story is also highly conscious of the
delicacy of a king's moral position: any individual departure from
proper behavi our threatens not merel y a pri vate man, but an entire
ki ngdom.
Whether linked to a peri odi c rite of atonement of this sort, as the
I sraelite ritual for Y om Ki ppur appears to have been (Lev. 16), or
in its obviously more primitive form still linked to a more i nformal
ad hoc solution to a communal sense of guilt at a serious transgres-
sion, K TU 1.127 = RS 24.277.30-2 provides an intriguing antecedent
to the biblical account. It prescribes the expulsion of a goat, which
will apparentl y carry away the sins of the communi ty.
105
105
See DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1990a 32-8, and the remarks by MEY ER (ibid., 270-1).
A recently discovered text from Ebla also contains a scapegoat ritual: see XEL L A
1996b, ZATEL L I 1998.
7 F a mi l y L i f e a n d i t s R e l i g i o u s E x p r e s s i o n
While composed in epic style, and themselves with ideological ref-
erence, the Keret and Aqhat stories reveal a number of features of
everyday practice which deserve note in giving a rounded picture of
Ugaritian religious life. They probably represent fairly conventional
attitudes and observances.
A powerful sense of clan solidarity appears to have been normal.
It is this rather than a developed sense of individual identity (though
not entirely discounting this) which underlies Keret's response to the
offer of wealth and power (K TU 1.14 = RS RS 2. [003]+ i 52-
ii 5 and parallels):
Why should I want silver
or yellow gold . . .?
It is sons I would beget,
descendants I would multiply!
Thi s is almost an example of the 'biology of religion',
106
in which
religious language articulates the norm for patterns of behaviour gov-
erning social and reproductive life. The present passage allows Keret
to voice a man's pri mary duty, to beget sons. It is in these that the
true wealth of a man is measured. We almost sense in this response
a healthy scorn for the false idols of silver, gold and rich posses-
sions: the acquisitive society was perhaps then only in its infancy.
Another well-known and much-cited passage
107
is the following
(K TU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 23-33 and parallels), which occurs four
times. The repetitious nature of such a large block of material sug-
gests that it reflects a popul ar summati on of the duties of the pious
son, and the essence of family piety, and is in addition to be con-
sidered a central theme of the story. To have a son like this is to
be blessed indeed. To lose a son like this (as is Danel in the sequel)
is to be cursed indeed.
you must surely bless him, Bull El my father,
you must (surely) give a blessing to him, Creator-of-creatures,
so that he may beget a son in his house,
a scion in the midst of his palace.
106
Cf. the title of the first edition of REY NOL DS TANNER 1983.
107
See EI SSFELDT 1966, K OCH, 1967, HEAL EY 1979 and VAN DER T OORN 1996,
154- 65. I am not sure of the categorization of this by van der Toorn under the
rubric 'the cult of the ancestors'. Cf. HUSSER 1995.
He shall set up the stela of his ancestral god,
in the sanctuary the cippus of his kinsman;
into the earth sending forth his dying breath,
into the dust protecting his progress;
108
he shall shut the mouths of his slanderers,
he shall drive away those who are ill-disposed towards him.
Taking his hand when he is drunk,
supporting him when sated with wine;
he shall serve up his share in the house of Baal,
and his portion in the house of El;
he shall plaster his roof on a muddy day,
he shall wash his clothes on a filthy day.
Thi s classic formulation of filial piety, to be introduced by the bless-
ing El is exhorted to confer, falls into seven bicola, the first dealing
with the begetting of the son (the classic duty of the father), and the
other six treating the son's duties (the filial response). The prosodie
structure of the section is complex, and skilfully weaves domestic and
ritual tasks.
109
We are apt to see in all this expressions of affection.
The reality is probably more detached. The performance of these
duties is essential for the preservation of the paterfamilias, in whom
all the family's interests are invested. He bears the family name, and
this must not be extinguished. Furthermore, his ritual activities benefit
the entire family, so that the son performs these when necessary to
ensure their regular implementation.
8 OT HER REL I GI OUS MANI FESTATI ONS
110
8.1 Vows
Keret's vow in K TU 1.14 = RS 2. [003]+ iv 34- 43 is the only
instance of a vow in Ugaritic literature, but provides a classic exam-
ple of the form:
they ca[me] to the sanctuary of Athirat of Tyre
and to the goddess of Sidon.
toe p
or sense
'I NTO' rather than 'from', as most interpreters take it, see XEL L A
1982a, 194 and HUSSER 1995, esp. 124.
109
See discussion and references in WY A T T 1998C, 255- 59 nn. 23- 41. The seven-
fold pattern (n. 23) represents completeness, and so perhaps implies all the other
social duties incumbent on a son.
110
See also Sections 6.5, 7.3 above.
There Keret the votary vowed a gift:
Athirat of Tyre,
and goddess of Sidon,
if I take Hurriy to my house,
and bring the sacred bride into my court,
twice her weight in silver shall I give,
and three times her weight in gold!'
As i mportant as this formulation is the logical sequel, after it tran-
spires that Keret has omitted to fulfil this vow (K TU 1.15 = RS
3.343+ iii 25-30):
And Athirat recalled his vow,
and the goddess [his promise].
And she lifted up her voice and [cried]:
'Look, I pray: has Ke[ret broken],
or [the king] altered his vow?
[So] shall I break [my promise!]'
While the first part conforms to the standard formulaic construction
of vows, with the address (the deity concerned) followed by a pro-
dosis (the condition) and then an apodosis (the votive gift promised),
the second gives an unusual insight into the putative reaction of a
deity to a vow neglected."
1
It deconstructs the vow, to reveal the
consequence of neglect in so i mportant a sphere. A deity is not to
be casually invoked with impunity. A vow entered into cannot sim-
ply be ignored. The language has a legally binding force. Everything
in the tradition points to the enormous power and authority invested
in the spoken word.
8.2 Blessings
J ust as vows have their rationale in the potency of the spoken word,
so blessings are believed to be efficacious by the mere fact of utter-
ance. The Keret story also provides the classic blessing formula (KTU
1.15 = RS 3.343+ ii 16-28):
[El] took a cup [in] (his) hand,
a goblet in (his) [right] hand;
111
In narrative terms this is intriguing in that it also frustrates El's intention to
bless Keret. In theological terms this shows a considerable finesse, all the more
interesting because of the undoubtedly unconscious processes which explore the
strategic consequences.
He did indeed bless [his servant],
he blessed Keret [the votary],
[he gave a bless]ing to the gracious [one], heir of El:
'Take a wife, Keret,
take a wife to your house,
bring a sacred bride into your dwelling:
she will bear you seven sons,
and multiply them eightfold for you.
She will bear Yasib the heir:
he will drink the milk of Athirat;
he will drain the breast of Virgin [Rahmay] ;
the suckling of [goddesses].
The blessing may continue for several lines, for it is to be under-
stood to include the openi ng lines of K TU 1.15 iii, concluding, after
a list of Keret's daughters, with the final four cola (13-6):
Be gready exalted, [Keret],
among the Saviours of the netherwo[r1d],
in the convocation of the assembly of Dita[n].
Their last one I shall treat as the firstborn.
Thi s blessing is not simply synonymous with that which is implicit
in El's discursive instructions to Keret (K TU 1.14 = RS 2. [003] +
ii 7iii 49), which also ends in a divine promise of an heir. It is
rather a formal cultic occasion in which the relationship of the king
to the city gods (and to El in particular) is affirmed, and has impor-
tant iconographical and indeed ideological overtones."
2
But it also
reinforces the king's crucial role as medi ator before the gods on
behalf of the whole of society.
The blessing formul a involving the cup has also been restored in
the Aqhat story, at K TU 1.17 = RS 2. [004] i 34-6,
113
and is impor-
tant evidence in favour of a royal interpretation of Danel's position.
It is to be noted that while Keret demands only one thing, children,
three things are actually promised: children, membershi p of the select
group the rpum, and such wealth as will enable the youngest to be
treated as the first-born."
4
The vow is a common feature of indi-
112
Discussed with references in WY A T T 1997.
113
See J ACK SON - DRESSL ER 1975; also WY A T T 1998c, 260 n. 42.
114
This is to be understood not in the sense that she will be the first-born, but
that there will no need to apportion wealth, so much will be available. Attempts
(e.g. GRA Y 1964, 60) to see in this the tracing of a line from Keret through his
youngest daughter to the Ugaritian dynastic line are misplaced. There is of course
a sting in the tail: an equal share in a blessing implies an equal share in a curse.
vidual religious devodon in the ancient world, reflecting an essen-
tially pragmatic approach to religion. It was the source of material
benefits in a world without the relative stability in health or eco-
nomic matters the modern urban dweller takes for granted.
A less formal blessing (perhaps more of a spontaneous outburst
than a liturgical norm, though we should not discount the latter pos-
sibility) occurs in Danel's words to the withered plants he encoun-
ters. Here is one example (K TU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ ii 22-5):
Oh!
May this ear of corn rise from the parched land,
may the ear of corn rise up [among the wit]hered stalks!
Plant,
may the hand of Aqhat harvest you,
may it put you into the midst of the granary!
While part of a finely polished literary work, this scene gives a marvel-
lous insight into the real world of the distressed, who will clutch at
any straw (as Danel is doing!) in time of deep emotional crisis. Danel
does not yet know the cause for this terrible drought, but his heart
is full of foreboding as he tries to use the intrinsic power of a blessing-
formul a to redress the balance of nature. The fact that he invokes
Aqhat's name simply adds further irony and pathos to the scene.
8.3 Curses
The counter to the blessing is the curse, again based on the power
of speech. Three sets of curses survive in Ugaritic literature. The
first example occurs twice in quite different contexts, and probably
reflects a standard usage. When Keret perceives Yasib's incipient
treachery (which conceivably was inspired by the best of motives) he
addresses him thus (K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi 54-8):
May Horon smash, my son,
may Horon smash your head,
Athtart-the-name-of-Baal your crown!
May you fall down in the prime of life,
empty-handed, and humiliated!
The irony in this scene is overwhelming: Keret, who had sought a
blessing too many at the hands of Athirat, when he had already
received El's assurance, now undoes even his (El's) good work by
cursing his family back into the condition from which he began. The
equal blessing promised the youngest daughter now comes to haunt
her too, as she is implicitly included in this terrible curse.
The same formul a is used by Baal against Y am in K TU 1.2 =
RS 3.367 i 7-9. I n view of what Baal himself does to Y am we may
ask whether the curse formul a does not belong to a royal head-
smashing ritual (as exemplified in Anat's ritual treatment of prison-
ers)"
5
or, as I have suggested, in executions, being a disclaimer by
the executioner."
6
The idea of invoking the gods to perform a dread-
ful act, thus exculpating the actual perpetrator, is deeply i mbedded
in human psychology, ancient and modern. Thi s percept also applies
in the case where someone cannot actually wreak vengeance him-
self, and leaves it to the gods.
Thi s is not dissimilar from the curse Danel utters against the fal-
cons (K TU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ iii 1-3):
The win[gs of the falcons] may Baal sma<sh>,
may Baal smash [their pinions]!
Let them fall a<t> my feet!
I n both cases gods are invoked to do violence to a guilty party in
the absence of any realistic chance of the victim himself, or his father,
wreaking vengeance.
The second curse-form is used by Danel in his as yet unfocussed
distress in perceiving that something dreadful is wrong (K TU 1.19
= RS 3.322+ i 42-6):
117
For seven years Baal shall fail,
for eight, the Charioteer of the clouds!
No dew,
no rain,
no welling up of the deeps,
no goodness of Baal's voice!
Thi s is an invocation of drought, for the sources of water, dew, rain
and springs, are all to cease. The threefold sources of life-giving
water are turned into a tetracolon, and a quaternity, by the theo-
phany-sign of their coming, the voice of the storm-god. The natural
world, implicitly all its cardinal points, will thus participate in the
mourni ng for Aqhat, whose life-sustaining blood has been shed, even
115
See L L OY D 1996.
116
WY A T T 1998C, 241 n. 297.
117
To the first three cola of the tetracolon cf. 2 Sam 1:21.
though Danel is not yet fully aware of the import of his words. This
is in effect a reification of the emotional desiccation felt by some-
one who mourns the dead, a feeling all the more powerful if it is a
parent mourni ng a child.
The final instance is Danel's cursing of the cities neighbouring the
place where Aqhat was murdered. This again is evidently part of a
conventional legal process, in which liability is sought in the case of
the discovery of a murder victim in open country. This is the last
of three towns thus cursed (K TU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ iv 3-7):
'Woe to you, town of Abilim,
because near you was smitten Aqhat the hero!
May Baal make your wells dry,
henceforth and forever,
now and for all generations!'
Afterwards he took his staff in his hand.
I n the absence of the possibility of identifying the perpetrator of a
homicide, the neighbouring settlements are made legally liable. Thei r
territory is in any event polluted by unavenged blood, so they must
resort to purification rites. The same principle is enunciated in Deut.
21:1-9. The reference to Danel's staff (mt)the term may also be
translated as 'sceptre'no doubt alludes to a formal ritual, where
some gesture with the staff implements the legal effect of his curse.
8.4 Oracles and omens
Anxiety concerning the future is a natural human trait, the price of
consciousness. As a means of addressing this an important aspect of
ancient religion was its predictive role. Various techniques were prob-
ably used,"
8
though many of those known are not specifically attested
at Ugarit.
119
With sacrificial animals being regularly butchered, the
priests were familiar with the nature of entrails and other internal
organs, and there was an ancient tradition of 'reading' these, not-
ing anomalous forms, and making links with historical or climatic
events. The gods were believed to reveal these contingencies to the
priests. Schools passed on the tradition, and model organs were made
with notes drawing attention to certain features. K TU 1.141 = RS
118
For a useful survey see L OEWE BLACKER 1981.
Uil
The Ugaritic material is examined in DI ETRI CH L ORETZ 1990.
24.312, 1.142 = RS 24.323, 1.143 = RS 24.326, 1.144 = RS 24.327,
1.155 = RS 24.654, are inscribed clay livers, while K TU 1.127 =
RS 24.277 is a lung.
120
The birth of deformed animals (KTU 1.103
+ 1.145 = RS 24.247+)
121
or human infants (KTU 1.140 = RS
24.302) were the subject of detailed observations, while celestial events
were also read as portents (K TU 1.78 = RS 12.061). This last text
is surprisingly the only clear reference we have in Ugaritic to the
i mportance of celestial phenomena. However, the description of
Danel's daughter Pughat as 'one who knows the courses of the stars'
(yd\t\ hlk kbkbm: K TU 1.19 = RS 3.322+ ii 3-4)
122
suggests a body
of lore on the subject. Bearing in mind that the gods are called
'stars' in K TU 1.10 = RS 3.362+ i 4, we should expect a complex
theology of the heavenly bodies, complementing the obvious deification
of sun, moon and Venus. Thi s is still awaiting discovery.
8.5 Personal piety
Perhaps under the present rubric should also be menti oned briefly
various other aspects of personal religion. The correspondance (see
also 8, also dealt with extensively in 15) gives a number of exam-
ples of pious wishes for the welfare of the recipients of letters, illus-
trating the almost unconscious (certainly unself-conscious) way in
which various deities were invoked matter-of-facdy. Personal names
(see also 12.1) are a further source of information about individ-
ual and clan piety, for although fashions in names may have obtained,
it is a reasonable guess that in most cases the deities incorporated
into theophoric names (which tend to be transparent, though we
should not discount an element of opacity with archaic forms) would
focus the fears, aspirations and joys of parents of newly-born chil-
dren. No personal prayers in the context of everyday life have sur-
vived from Ugarit among the tablets published thus far, but K TU
1.119 = RS 24.266, noted above, gives an unusual example of a
litany evidentiy dealing with times of trouble, and therefore an instance
of 'urgent faith', while the personal prayers embodi ed as literary
forms in Keret and Aqhat are, while themselves honed through poetic
usage, no doubt modelled on practical piety. The particular impor-
120
See DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1990, 5- 38; MEY ER 1990; above, 7. 3.
121
DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1990; above, 7.3.
122
See WY A T T 1998C, 297 n. 209.
tance of Baal in such contexts deserves further study, and shows a
lively belief in the efficacy of this god above all in answering the
needs of the people from national to individual level.
9 Si ck ness
9.1 Sickness as a religious matter
Diseases and ailments of various sorts, now the province of medicine,
were in antiquity an important aspect of ritual life, as they continue
to be in traditional societies. Disorders of the body, the microcosm,
were perceived as disorders of the macrocosm. Medicine was essen-
tially holistic. A number of examples are found in Ugaritic literature.
Thus we have Keret lying sick in his palace, with El himself inter-
ceding to save his servant from death. In the king's case, the realm
is particularly vulnerable, because on his health depends the adequate
fulfilment of his royal and social duties, as shrewdly assessed by Yasib
(K TU 1.16 = RS 3.325+ vi 25-38, 39-54). When a king lies at
death's door, the very world mourns in anticipation (K l'U 1.16 i
6-9, ii 44-7), and the fertile earth is parched (KTU 1.16 iii 5-11).
9.2 Snakebite
Snakebite is the occasion of two interesting incantation texts, K TU
1.100 and 1.107 = RS 24.244, 24.251+.
123
The former
124
is 'a spell
against the bite of a snake' (KTU 1.100.4 etc.) couched in the form
of a mythic narrative, in which a mare-deity invokes twelve deities (or
pairs) in turn for assistance, addressing only at the end the potent god
Horon who can achieve the cure.
125
K TU 1.107
126
appears to be con-
cerned with curing a young medical practitioner who has been bitten.
123
See also RS 92.2014: ET in PARDEE 1997a, 327 8.
124
VI ROL L EAUD 1968, 564-74, ASTOUR 1968, 13-28, CA UOT 1969, 241-254, DE
TARRAGON 1989, 79-94, LI PI NSKI 1974, DI ETRI CH L ORETZ 1980a, DI ETRI CH
L ORETZ - SANMARTI N 1975b, GASTER 1975, Y OUNG 1977, 1979, PARDEE 1978, 1988b,
193-226, 1997a, 295-8, TSEVAT 1979, BOWMAN - COOT E 1980, X EL L A 1981,
224-240, KOTTSI EPER 1984, L EVI NE DE TARRAGON 1988, DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a,
241-9 = 1999, 359-73, WY A T T 1998c, 378-87.
125
El's fruitless invocation of the gods to cure Keret, followed by his manufacture
of Shatiqat ('Remover') in KTU 1.16 10 vi 14 is analogous. In neither case would
it be legitimate to infer any theological bankruptcy: the episodes are constructed
9.3 Possession and exorcism
Some form of possession appears to be the subject matter of the
incantation K TU 1.169 = RI H 78/20,
127
though it has also been
interpreted as a cure for impotence. Baal, Horon and Athirat appear
to cooperate in the expulsion of the demonic forces. I n K TU 1.124
= RS 24.272, an indeterminate sickness is cured by means of an
oracle attributed to Ditanu the eponym of the rpum. Another impor-
tant composition, which however defies clear analysis, is K TU 1.82
= RS 15.134.
128
It appears to be an anthology of incantation texts.
The interesting text K TU 1.114 = RS 24.258,
129
reflecting inciden-
tally the phenomenon of the Marzihu, a kind of socio-religious men's
club (cf. K TU 3.9 = RS [Varia 14] for a legal document concerned
with such an institution), is an incantation in the form of a myth
intended to cure a hangover, though at the same time it reflects on
the acceptance of wine-consumption as having religious significance,
perhaps as an aspect of spirituality.
10 D e a t h and i t s R i t es
10.1 Texts ritualizing death
We have cited above the duties of the pious son outlined in K TU
1.17 = RS 2.[004] i 23-33. Some of these duties involved the son's
for dramatic effect. In the case of Horon, a dangerous power is approached only
in extremis. In the case of Shatiqat, El's making of her highlights his peculiar role
in matters of kingship.
126
VI ROL L EAUD 1968, 574-80, ASTOUR 1968, DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ - SANMARTI N
1975b, XEL L A 1981, 241-50, LEVI NE - DE TARRAGON 1988, PARDEE 1988b, 227-57,
DE TARRAGON 1989, 95-100, DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 249-51 = 1999, 371-3, WY A TT
1998c, 391-4.
127
XEL L A 1978a, CAQUOT 1978-9, 1984, 1989, 53-60, BORDREUI L - CAQUOT 1980,
346-50, AVI SHUR 1981a, DE MOOR 1980a, 1981-2, 114-5, 1986a, 255-7, 1987,
183-6, L ORETZ - XEL L A 1981, SARACI NO 1982, 1984, FLEMI NG 1991, 1997, DEL
OL MO L ETE 1992a, 259-60 = 1999, 384-6, WATSON 1992b, PARDEE 1993a, 211-3.
128
See DE MOOR - SPRONK 1984, DE MOOR 1987, 175- 81, CAQUOT 1988, DEL
OL MO L ETE 1992a, 251-5 = 1999, 373-9.
129
VI ROL L EAUD 1968, 545-51, LOEWENSTAMM 1969a, DE MOOR 1969a, 167-75,
1970c, 1984, 1987, 134-7, MARGUL I S ( = MARGAL I T) 1970b, 1979-80, 1982, FENSHAM
1971, p. 22, 1972, POPE 1972, J ACKSON 1974, RAI NEY 1974, 184-7, DI ETRI CH -
L ORETZ - SANMARTI N 1975a, XEL L A 1977, L 'HEUREUX 1979, 159-69, CATHCART -
WATSON 1980, DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1981, 88-98, 1993, SPRONK 1986, 196-202,
PARDEE 1988b, 13-74, 1997a, 302-5, CA QUOT 1989, 71-8, WA TSON 1990a,
MCL AUGHL I N 1991, 270-4, CATHCART 1996, WY A TT 1998C, 404-13.
duties after his father's death. It is above all the duty of the eldest
son to perform the obsequies of his father. This is one reason for
the peculiar tragedy of a father losing his first son.'
30
Two i mportant royal texts deal with the rituals of death. The
immediate context of K TU 1.113 = RS 24.257 is far from certain,
but it involves a liturgy performed, in all probability, as a series of
episodes invoking all the dead and now divinized kings appearing in
the following king-list. Thi s is conceivably a kispum-rite, as frequently
proposed for the following text.
K TU 1.161 = RS 34.126
131
is perhaps one of the most intrigu-
ing ritual texts from Ugarit. It appears to be a combination of order
of service for the funeral of the last King Ni qmaddu (III?), father
of 'Ammurapi , and at the same time a Kispum-rite, invoking dead
kings, who are invited to participate in the obsequies and to wel-
come Ni qmaddu into the underworld. Degrees of royal divinity appear
to be envisaged, with the ancient rpum being regarded as having
more prestige than intermediate kings between their remote and leg-
endary past and the present. The text also illustrates the importance
of Shapsh as psychopomp.
132
10.2 Tomb construction
So far as practicalities go, the evidence of the tombs is of interest.
1 i !
Constructed in the foundations of private houses and palaces alike,
they were used for multiple burials as family vaults, and grave-goods,
possessions and food, accompani ed the dead to their rest. The pre-
cise conception of the post-mortem destiny of ordinary people is un-
clear, though S p r o n k ' s (1986) ful some account is probabl y too
130
We may conjecture, since the death of a son is a theme common to both
stories, that one of the motives behind Ilimilku's compositions (or editions) of the
Keret and Aqhat stories may have been the death of an heir to the throne. In
such a context we should recognize an elegiac quality to the poems.
131
CAQUOT 1975, 1989, 103-10, DE MOOR 1976,'l 981-2, 116-7, 1987 165-8,
POPE 1977, 177-81, PI TARD 1978, 1987, L 'HEUREUX 1979, 187-93, XEL L A 1981,
279-87, BORDREUI L - PARDEE 1982, 1991, 151-63, DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1983b,
1991b, LEVI NE - DE TARRAGON 1984, LEVI NE - DE TARRAGON - ROBERTSON 1997b,
TAY L OR 1988, SPRONK 1986, 189-93, LEWI S 1989, 5-46, TROPPER 1989a, 144-50,
1993a, DEL OL MO L ETE 1992a, 130-4 = 1999, 193-8, PARDEE 1993a, 208-10,
1996a, 1997a, 357-8, ABOUD 1994, 157-65, SCHMI DT 1994, 100-20, WY ATT 1998c,
430-41.
132
See HUSSER 1997.
133
See SCHAEFFER 1939a, 53-106, MARGUERON 1983.
optimistic. Aqhat's brisk reponse to Anat (KTU 1.17 = RS 2. [004]
vi 34-9) at least reflects a healthy scepticism in some circles, though
here too it is premature to assert that he denies any survival of
death. P i t ar d (1994) has recendy shown the untenability of Schaeffer's
old idea that tubes allowed the continued passage of food and drink
to the dead.
10.3 Mourning rites
Mourni ng is referred to in both the Keret and Aqhat stories, and
the incidental allusions probably reflect common attitudes and prac-
tice, albeit handled in epic style. We have already noted the cosmic
mourni ng for Keret in anticipation of his death. K TU 1.16 = RS
3.325+ i 15-9 alludes to weeping at the tomb entrance by mourn-
ing women, and their professional status (on the analogy of the groups
in Egyptian tomb paintings) is to be understood from K TU 1.19 =
RS 3.322+ iv 9-27, where they bewail Aqhat for seven years, before
Danel concludes the proceedings with a sacrifice. Keret's daughter
is to go out into the steppe to weep for her dead father (KTU 1.16
i 28-35; cf. also ii 26-36).
Two further passages (K TU 1.5 = RS 2.[022]+ vi 11-25, 1.6 =
RS 2. [009]+ i 2-8) deal in an interesting way with mourni ng rites.
They describe the reaction of El and Anat respectively to the news
of Baal's death. The former reads as follows:
Then the Compassionate, the god of mercy,
went down from his throne:
he sat on his footstool.
And from his footstool
he sat on the ground.
He poured the ashes of affliction on his head,
the dust of grovelling on his skull.
For clothing he put on a loin-cloth.
His skin with a stone he scored,
his side-locks with a razor,
he gashed cheeks and chin.
He ploughed his collar-bones,
he turned over like a garden his chest,
like a valley he ploughed his breast,
He lifted up his voice and cried:
'Baal is dead!
What has become of the Powerful One?
The Son of Dagan!
What has become of Tempest?
After Baal I shall go down into the underworld.'
This text perhaps encapsulates most powerfully the ritual expression
of utter despair in the presence of death, but at the same time the
acceptance as significant for the mourner of the fate of the dead.
The initial pentacolon describes El's progressive self-abasement, till
he effecdvely shares, emotionally at least, in the annihilation of death.
A self-burial rite follows, a mourni ng garment put on, with self-
laceration and the cutting of the hair.
134
Only after these mute rites
does the mourner give vent to feelings in words. I nterestingly, Baal's
death appears to constitute a paradi gm of El's death; when Anat
utters these same words, she alters the ard ( shall go down') into
nrd ('we shall go down'), and this very probably reflects or even cites
verbatim an actual funerary litany, showing that Baal's death had reli-
gious meani ng for human beings as they contemplated their own
mortality. Alternatively, this last passage should be corrected to
*a rd. . ., in which case it is El's words that Anat repeats verbatim.
11 N o n - L i t e r a r y Di mensi ons i n U g a r i t i a n R el i g i o n
11.1 Looking beyond the text
There is perhaps an inevitable, yet too great an emphasis among
Ugaridc scholars on the textual aspect of religion. Most of us spe-
cialize in the analysis of texts. It should be remembered however
that much of the population was probably illiterate, and that although
liturgy and mythology played a part in all religious life, it was essen-
tially the behavioural (ritual), aural (musical) and visual (iconographie)
images and impressions which were most indelibly stamped on their
minds. The ritual aspects we have dealt with briefly above. Here
too our evidence is sadly exclusively textual, and we can do little
more than evoke from the texts scenes of the banqueti ng of the gods,
134
These procedures are forbidden in Lev 19:27 8 and Deut 14:1, a sure indi-
cation that they were part of ancient Palestinian ritual too. Needless to say, to inter-
pret El's and Anat's actions as somehow linked to a seasonal fertility cult is to
misread the evidence. Cf. also the distraught behaviour of Keret's daughter in KTU
1.16 = RS 3.325+ ii 26-50.
perhaps to be seen as reflexes of sacrificial rites, and their stupendous
journeys to one another's abodes ('over a thousand miles, ten thou-
sand leagues'), to be interpreted as allusions to cultic processions.
11.2 Music
We have a number of references to the playing of lyres and the
singing of songs in the texts
133
which may reasonably be interpreted
as relating to hymnody in the cult. A remarkable reconstruction of
a Hurri an hymn from Ugarit (RS 15.30 + 15.49 + 17.387) has been
attempted by Anne Kilmer,
136
while Anni e Caubet
137
has drawn
together and analysed the evidence for musical instruments in use
in Ugarit.
11.3 Iconography
On the iconographie front a small number of stelae and statuettes
have been discovered, which give us a glimpse into the portrayal of
some deities, and this allows some supplementation of their literary
presentation.
138
I n some cases a certain amount of comparative data
may legitimately be brought to bear. A prolific source of icono-
graphie information, but one that is hard to quantify in terms of
purely local influence, is cylinder seals. We shall deal with this mate-
rial in turn.
Some of the images remain anonymous. The following are those
than can be identified with a measure of confidence. Stela RS 8.295
139
represents an enthroned god, wearing the Atef-crown with bull's
horns, in the presence of a votary, perhaps to be identified with the
king, beneath a winged disc. While the precise interpretation of the
scene is not beyond doubt, it perhaps represents a divine blessing,
such as is discussed above. It has been compared with the scene on
135
See KTU 1.3 i 18-22.
136
See K I L MER - CROCK ER - BROWN 1976. See also GTERBOCK 1970, L AROCHE
1973, K I L MER 1974 and WUL STAN 1974.
137
CAUBET 1996. Cf. also DUCHESNE - GUI L L EMI N 1981 for comparative Mesopo-
tamian and Egyptian evidence.
138
The main publication where most of this material may been seen together is
YON (ed.) 1991. See also 14 below (Cornelius).
139
Y ON 1991 (ed.), 336. Cf. WY A T T 1983a.
140
J ACKSON - DRESSLER 1975, WY A T T 1997, 787- 9.
the royal seal.
140
The stela may also be compared with the gilded
bronze cult-statuette of a god wearing the Atef-crown (RS 23.394)
and with the recently discovered stone statuette (RS 88.70) found
immediately north of the temple aux rhytons.
w
The former of these has the right hand raised in blessing (corre-
sponding to the left hand on the stela, where internal design has
forced a shift) while the latter has an empty socket into which a
detachable arm could presumably be inserted. The left hand of the
bronze is shaped to be able to hold a detachable object (such as a
small gold cup?), while the stone statuette has another empty socket.
These artefacts have been understood to represent El. He is shown
to be a bearded, patriarchal figure, evidently concerned with the
welfare of the king, and through him of society. This is entirely in
conformity with the textual evidence outlined above.
Baal is without doubt portrayed in the so-called Baal au foudre stela
(RS 4.427) found in the Baal temple.
142
This shows the god, wear-
ing a horned and pointed cap (a variation on the White Crown?)
in the 'smiting posture'. But instead of grasping a victim he holds a
spear which becomes a tree. Below the dagger at his belt stands a
votary, dressed apparently in the ritual garment of the king. F en t o n
(1996) has offered a new explanation for the rippling lines beneath
the god's feet. The upper set he interprets as a serpentine Y am.
Stelae whose subjects are indeterminate are RS 17.138 and 23.218,
both of a god in the 'smiting posture', in the latter instance hold-
ing a spear, and RS 23.216 and 23.217, both of a god with a drawn
bow. It is tempting to think of Reshef, though his familiar fillet, sus-
pended behind the cap, is missing.
143
I n the case of the Mami stela,
however, this fillet is present, and yet the god is explicidy identified
as 'Seth of Saphon',
144
indicating the confusing fluidity in the por-
traiture of the two gods. A stela fragment (RS 24.434) shows a god
141
Both illustrated YON 1991 (ed.), 337. She identifies the latter as El on this
page, but as 'a man' on p. 351. See also Y ON - GA CHET 1989. The stone statuette
lacks evidence of an Atef-crown, but may have had detachable horns and feathers.
See also 14, fig. 1.
142
SCHAEFFER 1934, Y ON 1991 (ed.), 331 fig. I I a. She compares the stela with
numerous small bronzes in 'the smiting posture'. CORNEL I US ( 1994) prefers to des-
ignate this iconographie type 'the menacing god'. See also 14, fig. 2.
143
On the comparative iconography of Baal and Reshef see CORNEL I US 1994.
144
YON 1991 (ed.), 328, fig. 8, obligingly shows the Seth of the 'stela of the year
400' for comparison. It is here the Egyptian iconographie convention which is being
observed.
in smiting posture, with raised mace, shield in the other hand, and
a quiver behind him. Two further anonymous stelae show an armed
god with a tall plume and horns (RS 2.[037]) and a goddess draped
in a long gown shaped like a falcon's wing and armed with a spear
(RS 2.[038]). The latter invites comparison with Anat, though the
known iconography of this goddess, like that of Athtart, shows her
wearing the Atef-crown.
145
Cylinder seals have been found in substantial quantities at Ugarit,
and have been published mainly by Schaeffer and Amiet.
146
There
is no need to attempt any detailed study here. Used as amulets and
personal identity-markers, cylinder seals were commonly decorated
with religious scenes of a fairly stereotyped form. Variations on indi-
vidual themes are found from Sumer to Egypt, and they are by and
large not very specific to a local tradition, though of course local
styles were developed, which no doubt to some extent reflected local
theologies. Mythic themes, vodve and blessing scenes (cf. the dynas-
tic seal menti oned above), representations of gods dispersing largesse
and so forth are standard motifs. One theme worth noting briefly is
that of 'the god on two mountains',
147
which shows the great pres-
tige of Baal of Saphon throughout the east Medi terranean region.
A number of ivories have been discovered, of which the most
i mportant group constitute the royal bed panels. These have been
briefly discussed by S c h a e f f e r (1954, 51-9 and figs. 3-4, pll. vii-x),
148
d u M e s n i l (1973), C a q u o t - S z n y c e r (1980) and myself ( W y a t t
1995a, 580-3). These illustrate typical royal scenes, of hunting, war-
fare, and the despatch of prisoners, as well as showing a royal mar-
riage and a goddess (Shapsh) suckling twin sons. They are in short
a digest of the mai n themes of royal ideology.
Thi s rich collection of iconographie material is still in need of a
comprehensive assessment from a theological point of view. All too
145
For this see L ECL ANT 1960 (Athtart) and WY A T T 1984 (Anat). The stela I dis-
cussed is of course not from Ras Shamra, being of unknown provenance in the
Michaelides collection, Cairo, and now apparently lost. It may be compared with
the Anat represented on BM stela 646/ 191. See also CORNEL I US 1993 and 14
below.
I4<I
SCHAEFFER - FORRER 1983; AMI ET 1992.
147
See DI J KSTRA 1991.
148
The panels were found in many pieces. The initial publication lacks any RS
numbers (actually R S 16. 56). In addition to references given see WA RD 1969, 236- 7
and figs. 3, 4 and CAQUOT - SZNY CER 1980 pll. XXVI I I a, XXI Xa.
often such material is given a catalogue-treatment which goes little
further than the descriptive. C o r n el i u s ( 1994, and 14 below) may
be cited as a model of the way analysis should be conducted.
11.4 Votive gifts: the anchors
A final note may be offered on the anchors which have been found,
mainly scattered around in the precincts of the Baal temple, but also
in houses and tombs and even incorporated into building construc-
tion. These appear to be votive gifts, and testify perhaps to the piety
and gratitude of mariners who, returni ng to port safely after long
and perhaps hazardous voyages, felt the need to make offering to
the temple which had guided them safely to land. I n some instances
a more general symbolism may have obtained, owing something to
the economic dependence of Ugarit on the sea. The anchors were
probably not carried or dragged from ships, being often unused and
presumably made especially for cultic use.'
49
11.5 The assessment of material remains
We have insufficient evidence to reach firm conclusions on the use
and significance of this visible and tangible material. On the anal-
ogy of better known cultures (particularly Egypt) and reading between
the lines of later Hebrew iconoclastic rhetoric, we may suppose a
degree of 'idolatry'. It is possible to use this term in a non-pejorative
sense, and it is in such a way that I use it here. To begin with, the
stelae and other glyptic representations certainly did not constitute
'idols' in the technical sense. The statues are a different matter. The
small ones found in profusion in tombs may well have been images
used in private devotions, while the gilded bronze of El may have
been used in cultic processions, representing the very presence of the
god among his devotees. Language such as 'when Athtart-of-the-
Window enters the pit of the royal palace' (KTU 1. 43 = RS 1. 005. 1- 2)
is to be construed as meani ng that the image of the goddess is car-
ried thither in procession. Similarly in 11. 9- 10 'the two Gathru-gods
come into the royal chapel', and 1. 18 appears to allude to two images
149
FROST 1991, 357. Some, found at Minet el Beida, may have been left at the
port-brothel (id., 358)! Seafarers then, as now, left nothing to chance.
of Anat. Thi s symbolic use of an icon, ubiquitous in the ancient
world and still normal in many contemporary cultures, as the focus
of attention in the cultus, as the face to which prayer and offering
is addressed, was the focus of the reification in divine personae of
all human needs and aspirations, and should not be separated (as it
has largely been for polemical reasons) from all other elements such
as song and dance, vestments, incense and sacrifice in the sacral-
ization of life and the construction of a universe of meaning. I n this
respect Ugaritian religion was heir to a hallowed tradition.
12 C o n c l u s i o n
I have endeavoured in this survey to do more than offer a cursory
glance at the material most commonl y treated as 'religious', but
rather to discern religious sensitivity in a far broader range of human
concerns, as I think is necessary for an adequate assessment of the
holistic view of life and role of religion in an ancient society. Even
today the religious person is wont to say that 'my faith is more than
a religion; it is a way of life'. It is fair to say that while religion has
been in retreat in the modern world, not just sociologically, but in
terms of the greater fragmentati on of life into different special areas
(social, moral, political, medical, environmental, and so forth), in the
ancient world any such compartmentalizadon is not only short-sighted
in the scholar, but fundamental l y misconceived. The gods were as
much a part of the ancient citizen's experience as breathi ng and
thinking. They were invoked at every turn, and were believed to be
present, and concerned, in every corner of life.
We owe it to any human society under investigation to grant it
autonomy and integrity in its structures and values. Any theological
basis for wholesale j udgments of the kind that have at times been
fashionable are entirely misplaced, and while useful comparisons and
even connections may be drawn, I remain uneasy that this area of
Ugaritic studies should so often be pursued as an adj unct (even a
mere prelude!) to biblical studies, even though, given the economic
conditions under which our universities currently operate, this is
probabl y inevitable. Let us at least acknowledge on anthropological
grounds the utility of dispassionate enquiry: Ugarit has much to teach
us in its own terms about the roots of our own cultural heritage. So
it is to be hoped that future research into the religion of Ugarit will
tend to be phenomenological in nature, which with due caution,
rigour and empathy, can be true both to the tradition under exam-
ination and to its adequate setting within the broader frame of human
experience.
T H E I C O N O G R A P H Y O F U G A R I T
I z ak C o r n el i u s
1 I n t r o d u c t i o n
Whenever the name Ugarit is mentioned, people tend immediately
to think of the cuneiform texts discovered there. Other important dis-
coveries which were also made at Ugarit and the art treasures found
therestelae, statues, ivory pieces, seals and metalworkare of no
less importance. Thi s chapter deals with the art and iconography.
I conography is here taken to refer to the theme or subject mat-
ter of a work of art. Onl y the motifs and not the technical manu-
facture or archaeology of the objects will be scrutinized. Architecture
is excluded, but included is the specialized subject of the iconogra-
phy of the deities.
1
I n order to make it easier for the general reader
to find the relevant images, the excavation (RS) number, the pre-
sent location and museum number and the source of a photograph
of good quality are givenas far as possible fromANEP or else from
C a q u o t - S z n y c er ( 1980) or Wei ss ( 1985) . The Ugantica volumes
edited by S c h a e f f e r ( 1939- 1978) are quoted only if no new source
is available and in cases where these contain detailed analysis.
A recent overview of the excavations and discoveries at Ugarit can
be found in Y on (1992a and 1997).
2
Very handy in this regard is also
Y on (1991a, 275-8, 322, 324-5) for find-spots of the stone stelae.
I n monographi c form there are the earlier overviews of S c h a e f f e r
1939 and S aad 1978.
All maj or histories of ancient Near Eastern art have sections deal-
ing with objects from Ugarit (e.g. A mi et 1995, F r a n k f o r t 1979,
O r t h ma n n 1975). More specific treatments of Syrian and 'Canaani te'
' CAUBET 1996b, 530 speaks of the 'profoundly religious character of their iconog-
raphy . . .'.
2
A new book by YON (1998a, b) was announced when this chapter had already
been completed.
or 'Phoenician'
3
art appear in the older books of Contenau, Dussaud
and Matthi ae, with a chapter in G r a y (1964b, Ch. V I I ) . Recent
treatments are the catalogue of Wei ss (1985, 279ff.)
4
and the chap-
ter by C a u b e t (1995). There is no monograph on Ugaritic art or
iconography in general, but individual studies dealing with different
artistic media (e.g. the glyptic) have been appearing. These are cited
below.
2 S t o n e S c u l p t u r e
The stone sculptures from Ugarit were studied by Y o n (1991a, 273
353), who dealt with both the stelae and statues.
2.1 Statues
Earl i er excavati ons revealed Egypti an statuary from the Mi ddl e
Ki ngdom ( S c h aef f er 1949, 212- 25, Figs. 19- 25) , which reflects the
influence of Egypt in Ugarit: a sphinx of Amenemhat I I I (RS 4. 416) ,
a damaged statue of the wife of Senusret II (RS 3. 336) and of an
Egyptian official Senusret-ankh (RS 4. 466 + 5. 144 + 5. 144a) . Other
examples are monumental statues and some statuettes (Yon 1991,
350- 2, Figs. 1- 3) .
I n 1988 a statue of calcite ( 25 cm) (RS 88. 70 = Fig. 10) was
found near the temple of the rhytons ( C aubet 1995, 267- 9; Y o n
1990, 1991a, 347- 8, Fig. 2a). It shows an older bearded figure seated
on a high-backed throne, wearing a high crown and a long garment
with rolled borders. Most interpreters identified the figure with El,
the father of the gods and the creator of manki nd. The high crown
is comparabl e to that of the figure on the (now lost) 'J ob stela'
( C o r nel i us 1994, 145, Fig. 34) containing the inscription 1 creator
of Saphon'. The figure is also comparabl e to the relief and bronze
depicting the older seated 'father type' deity discussed below (AJVEP
493 and 826) .
5
Recently N i eh r ( 1998, 28, 65) has proposed that
the statue represents a deified king.
3
But note that recently CAUBET ( 1995) still used 'Canaan'.
4
German and French editions of the catalogue were edited by Strommenger and
Kohlmeyer, and Amiet.
5
Cf. also the headdress on the fragmentary stela in YON 1991a, 327 Fig. 7: No. 19.
2.2 Stelae
I n her detailed study of the stone stelae, Y o n (1991a, 273- 344) gave
a detailed catalogue of 19 stelae with regard to the find-spot, the
material, iconography and function. Here only a few examples have
been selected which reflect the most i mportant iconographie char-
acteristics present in Ugarit.
The most prized of all the stelae is still the 1.42 m limestone Baal
au foudre stela found 20 m SW of the temple of Baal on the acrop-
olis (RS 4.427 = Louvre AO 15.775 =ANEP 490, C o r nel i us 1994,
135ff, Pl. 32 [BRI ], Y on 1991a, 294-9, Figs. 6:5 and 11a [No. 5]
= Fig. 11). Thi s stela reflects a mixture of Hittite, Egyptian and local
traditions. Because of the uncertainty regarding the stratigraphy, the
date varies from between the MBA and the LBA (i.e. 1900-1200
bce). It depicts a young bearded god dressed in a kilt with a dag-
ger wearing a horned helmet and two large curled locks, brandish-
ing a mace above his head and holding in front a spear with the
top spreading into a plant (no thunderbol t or lightning!).
Another stela (25 cm) which is clearly identified as representing
Baal by the accompanyi ng inscription is the stela dedicated by an
Egyptian official Mami (RS 1.[089] + 2. [033] + 5.183 = Louvre
AO 13.176 = ANEP 485, C o r n el i u s 1994, 151-3, PI. 39 [BRI 1],
Y on 1991a, 284-8, Figs. 6:1, 8a [No. 1]) found in five parts in the
temple of Baal. The iconography is similar to that of the Egyptianized
Baal (Seth) with a was sceptre but no horns ( C o r nel i us 1994, Pll.
35-38, 40).
Other stelae with a promi nent iconography that need to be men-
tioned are the so-called 'treaty stelae' RS 7.116 (Aleppo 4418 =
ANEP 608, Y on 1991a, 303-5, Figs. 7:9, 15a [No. 9]) and the
stela with a seated older god with a king in attendance in front of
him RS 8.295 (Aleppo 4622 = ANEP 493, Y on 1991a, 305-7,
Figs. 7:10, 16a [No. 10]), usually identified as depicting the chief
god El.
As far as the i conography of the deities of Ugarit ( C a q u o t
S z n y c er 1980; and C o r n el i u s 1994 and forthcoming) is conccrned,
there are three other stelae as well, RS 2.[033], 2.[038], 4.429 +
5.044 + 5.202 (Louvre AO 13.174, Aleppo 4625, Aleppo 4624 =
ANEP 491-2, 489, Y on 1991a, 288-93, 299-301, Figs. 6:2-3, 7:6,
9a, 9c, 13a [Nos. 2-3, 6]): (i) a male with a spear and a crook and
upturned shoes, and a feathered headdress; (ii) a female wrapped in
wings; and (iii) another male with a sword and a sceptre or spear.
It is unclear whether the males are really gods, but the female may
be a goddess because of the resemblance with the Egyptian god-
desses Nut and Mut. I n addition one could mention stelae depict-
ing menaci ng gods and a god with a bow and shield (Yon 1991b,
Fig. 7: Nos. 11-15, 17). Because of the bow Nos. 13-14 may be the
god Reshep and No. 17 perhaps Reshep, due to the quiver and
shield ( C o r nel i us 1994, 252-3).
6
An aniconic stela (RS 3.487 =
Louvre 14.919 = C a ^u o t - S z n y c er 1980, Pl. XXVI ; Y o n 1991a,
293-4, Figs. 6:4, 10a [No. 4]) shows a four-pointed star on its top,
presumably to be connected with El because of the resemblance with
the star on the El relief (ANEP 493).
3 M e t a l - w o r k
3.1 Statuettes
Small bronze statuettes from the Syro-Palestinian region depicting
deities ( N egbi 1976) are of three types:
(i) 'warrior', 'standing armed' or 'smiting or menaci ng' figurines;
(ii) the seated peaceful ones and
(iii) standing 'peace figurines'.
I n the past the bronzes depicting the menaci ng or smiting god (e.g.
C a q u o t - S z ny c er 1980, Pis. VI I I b-I X) were too easily identified
with a specific deity without taking into account any specific crite-
ria ( C o r nel i us 1994, 125ff.). Both the gods Baal and Reshep are
depicted in this way and the only difference lies in the weapons
in the case of Baal the plant-spear and with Reshep the bow. Because
of the prominent horns of the bronze RS 7.160 (Louvre AO 18.511 =
C a q u o t - S z n y c er 1980, PI. I Xc) similar to the horns of Fig. 11,
it may be Baal (Fig. 12). A bronze from Ugarit depicting Reshep
could thus far not be identified.
The seated peaceful type of bronze (13,5 cm) with gold covering
can be identified with El (RS 23. 394 = Damascus S 3573 = ANEP
826, in colour in Wei ss 1985, 315)
7
comparable to the stone statuette
6
In this regard the figure with the bow (YON 1991a, 327 Fig. 7: Nos. 13-4) has
to be added to the material collected in CORNEL I US 1994 (esp. 253) .
7
But it is catalogue No. 134 and not 133!
Fig. 12 Menacing god
(Fig. 10) and the relief menti oned above. The seated female Louvre
AO 19.397 (ANEP 480) may be the creatress Athirat, the 'mother
of the gods'. She is also shown standing with her hand in a gesture
of blessing (RS 23.395 = Damascus S 3574 = C a q u o t - S z n y c er
1980, PI. Xl Va) as is the case with with her consort El (relief and
bronze statuette = ANEP 493 and 826).
A 10 cm bull figurine of bronze (RS 23.391) which functioned as
a cultic image hails from Ugarit (ANEP 828), like the one from
Hazor (ANEP 832) and another famous example from Ashkelon.
A Horus falcon in bronze (inlaid with gold) with uraeus between its
legs comes from the royal necropolis (Aleppo 4532 = Wei ss 1985,
No. 137). Weights of bronze and lead in the form of a bull and a
lion 9 and 7.6 cm in length respectively (Aleppo 4516, 4520 = Wei ss
1985, No. 128) as well as a portrait-like human head ( S c h aef f er
1939, Pl. XXI ) were also found.
3.2 Weapons and bowls
A sword with the name of pharaoh Merenptah was found at Ugarit,
but more i mportant as far as iconography is concernedand quite
impressive from a technical point of viewis an axe (19.7 cm) with
a meteoritic iron blade with bronze socket damascened in gold, dec-
orated in the form of two heads, of a lion and a boar, on the back
(Aleppo 4520 = S c h a e f f e r 1939, 107f f . , in colour in Wei ss 1985,
317 [ N o. 157] ) .
From an artistic point of view the two famous golden objects found
near the Baal temple merit mentioning: a patera (with a flat base
and vertical sides) and a bowl ( S c h aef f er 1949, 1- 48) . The repouss
decoration is exceptionally beautifully doneon the outside and the
inside. Both examples show definite Egyptian influence, but also
reflect Aegean motifs.
I n the first case (Louvre AO 17.208 = ANEP 183) the bearded
king with bow and quiver on his backaccompani ed by his dog
is hunti ng wild cattle (two bulls and a cow with her calf) and an
ibex from his four-spoked-wheel chariot. The inside pattern has four
striding goats (looking like unicorns!). The circular movement of the
charioteer and galloping animals is well executed, and one gets a
sense of the whirling movement (Fig. 13).
The second example (diam. 17 cm Aleppo 4572 = colour Wei ss
1985, 318 [No. 158]) is even more elaborately decorated and has
three concentric friezes. On the bottom is a rosette and a guilloche
pattern above the second and third frieze. I n the first frieze are five
galloping ibexes next to plants; in the second one there are two bulls
and two lions with stylized plants between them and pomegranates above
them. The outer frieze depicts scenes of batdes (from the left) between
two human heroes and a lion protecting a reclining stag, a lion kill-
ing an ibex, a lion attacking a squatting griffin, in between a winged
sphinx and horned winged lion facing a plant, ibexes, and lions
attacking bulls. There are branches between all the animals, and
birds (vultures?) above the lions attacking the bulls and the ibexes.
3.3 Pendants
Pendants and plaques are decorated with stars or the head of a god-
dess with Hathor coiffure, navel and pubic triangle, but quite a few
examples of the 'Qedeshet'-type have been published which show a
naked female facing the front and holding plants and animals (e.g.
C a q u o t - S z ny c er 1980, Pis. XVI I -XI X).
B
The best example comes
from the harbour of Ugarit (Louvre AO 14.714 = C a q u o t - S z ny c er
1980, PI. Xl Xb) and shows a naked woman standing on a lion hold-
ing horned animals (antelopes?) by their feet. Behind her waist are
stars and interwoven serpents (Fig. 5). Other pendants show a seated
women holding plants ( N egbi 1976, Nos. 1703-4).
4 I v or i es
Excavations at Ugarit have revealed the largest collection of ivories
from Late Bronze Age Syria, with motifs reflecting local traditions but
also Egyptian, Hittite and Aegean influences. The ivories ( G ac h et
1987, 1992 and C a u b et 1995, 2687- 8) correspond well with what is
found in a Ugaritic text menti oni ng beds, chairs and cosmetic boxes.
The most famous item is the bed panel presently in Damascus
( R S 16.56 = C a q u o t - S z n y c er 1980, Pis. X X V I I I - X X I X ; line-
drawing in C a u b e t - P opl i n 1987, 285, Fig. 17; cf. ANEP 817-8,
829) called by S c h a e f f e r (1954b) the largest single-piece ivory carv-
ing from the Near East (2,4 m x 1,2 m). There are 16 narrative
friezes on various vertical panels: borders with sacred trees, fighting
animals, winged lions flanking trees. On the main panels from the
upper left are depicted: (i) a naked woman with an ankh symbol and
a flower; (ii) an Egyptian king slaying a lion; (iii) a king smiting an
Asiatic; (iv) soldiers; (v) a figure carrying a lion; (vi) a male in a ges-
ture of adoration; (vii) a man carrying an ibex; (viii) a hunter with
deer; (ix) a lady (queen?) with a vase and a flower; (x) the famous
winged horned goddess (identified either as representing Anat or
Asherah) giving suck to two lads; (xi) a caressing pair; and (xii)
another warrior (Fig. 6). The Egyptian style and motifs are promi-
nent, reminiscent of the free style of Amarna.
8
These will be published in extenso by the author in a study of the iconography
of the Late Bronze Age Syro-Palestinian goddesses (CORNELI US forthcoming).
Fig. 14 'Qedeshet'-type gold pendant
Fig. 15 Ivory bed panel: royal couple caressing
Secondly, menti on should be made of the box cover from Mi net
el-Beida (137 mm) now in the Louvre (AO 11.601 = ANEP 464;
C a q u o t - S z n y c er 1980, Pis. I V - V ) depicting a seated 'lady of the
beasts' (.Potniatheron). Scholars have shown the Aegean influences at
work in this piece. Another pyxis with decoration was found in the
temple of the rhytons ( C aubet - P opl i n 1987, 268, PI . 3). A lesser
known ivory tray (more than 1 metre in diam. RS 17.418 = Damascus
4507 = L a g a r c e 1983, Pl. X C V I I L l , line-drawing in C a u b e t -
P opl i n 1987, 288, Fig. 20) depicts motifs reminiscent of the golden
bowl discussed earlier.
Figurines are represented by a small head of a queen with a high
headdress and stylized curls (some consider it to be male) (ANEP
816) now in Damascus. Very interesting is a trumpet cut out of
a whole elephant's tusk depicting a naked woman between sphinxes
(Damascus RS 16.404 = C a q u o t - S z ny c er 1980, PI . XVI I I a, line-
drawing C a u b et - P opl i n 1987, 287, Fig. 19; cf. C a u b et 1996a, 30
Fig. 9). Small ivory oi ntment containers are in the form of a swim-
mi ng duck and a female drummer (Aleppo 4535 and Damascus
S 3602 [RS 24.400] = Wei ss 1985, Nos. 153-154).
5 G l y p t i c
Different types of seals were found at Ugarit: cylinders, scarabs in
the Hyksos tradition ( S c h aef f er 1939, Pl. V), seal rings and Hittite
seals and impressions ( S c h aef f er 1956, Iff.). The detailed studies of
A mi et ( 1992) and S c h a e f f e r - F o r r e r ( 1983) deal with the types
and motifs of the cylinder seals. The iconography is of a religious
type (deities, worshipping and mythological scenes), decorative (plants
and animals) and there are royal seals as well.
Onl y one example has been selected, a haematite cylinder from
Mi net el-Beida ( R S 3. 041 = Louvre AO 14. 811 = A mi et 1992, 53,
58, No. 47, S c h a e f f e r - F o r r e r 1983, 12- 13 = Fig. 16) reflecting
an Egyptianized style but also Asiatic traditions. A seated pharaoh
is shooting at animals: a bird, a lion and an ibex. Behind him is a
figure with one hand raised and an object in the other.
Fig. 16 Cylinder-seal impression (Minet el-Beidah)
6 C er ami c s an d F ai enc e
S c h aef f er (1949, 130- 300) and C o u r t o i s (1978) presented the corpus
of pottery from Ugarit. Pottery was mostly manufactured locally, but
there are many examples of imports from the eastern Medi terranean,
which indicate international contexts (Mi noan types of pottery go
back to the 4th millennium bce). The decoration is in some cases
of Mycenaean origin ( Wei ss 1985, Nos. 141-142). In the temple of
the rhytons were found 17 rhytons, local Syrian ones and Cretan
and Mycenaean imports (Yon 1996, 415; cf. Figs. 4e-f ) (Fig. 17).
A decorated pottery mug from the house of a priest (RS 24.440 =
Damascus 6886 = C o r n el i u s 1994, 225, PI. 51 [BP1], Fig. 55) may
depict the standing Baal serving the seated El. The fragments of an
alabaster container is decorated with a queen in Egyptian style serv-
ing a seated male, presumably king Ni qmad (hieroglyphs!) and his
queen ( S c h aef f er 1956, 164ff.; Wei ss 1985, No. 156).
Obj ects in terracotta have animals but also naked women (god-
desses?) and Mycenaean 'idols' ( M o n l o u p 1987). A terracotta 'stand'
(75 cm) from the temple of the rhytons (RS 78.41 + 81.3659 = Y on
1996, Fig. 4d), now restored, shows a figure dressed as a priest (or
a king at prayer), with an Egyptianized winged sun-disk above and
' '
t
J
w V ? f m m
Fig. 17 Decorated Rhyton
a floral pattern. On a terracotta libation tube (78 x 35 cm) are depic-
tions of a menacing god holding a bird, a bull, a bird and a deer,
an ibex and a bull ( R S 24. 627 = C o u r t o i s 1969, 98- 99, Figs. 5A - D;
cf. C a q u o t - S z n y c er 1980, PI. Xl Vb). Zoomorphi c containers
include terracottas in the form of a bull ( R S 61. 24. 435) and the
head of a lion ( R S 52. 16. 52) (Damascus S 6883 and 4217 = Wei ss
1985, Nos. 139 [colour on p. 314] - 140) .
Faience containers also reflect local and foreign styles (Damascus
S 6881, Aleppo 6203 = Wei ss 1985, Nos. 143- 4, colour on p. 316) .
Other examples reflect Egyptian styles, e.g. a plate with fish and
lotus buds (RS 63. 26. 256 = Damascus S 7179 = Wei ss 1985, No.
147 [colour p. 317] ) . There is a spoon-shaped bowl with a handle
ending in a duck's head (Aleppo 4557 = Wei ss 1985, No. 145, colour
on p. 316) , a double-faced cup ( Wei ss 1985, No. 146), and a vase
in the shape of the head of a female (Louvre AO 15. 725 = C a q u o t
S z ny c er 1980, PI. XVb). According to C au b et (1995, 2685) the
last item was manufactured locally. Such examples were found as
far afield as Ur and Rhodes. A frit model is in the form of a char-
iot with two riders (Louvre AO 18.522 = C a q u o t - S z ny c er 1980,
PI. XXVI I b).
Finally, mention should be made of a limestone lotion container
from a child's tomb showing a Nubi an boy ( R S 22. 362 = Damascus
S 3575 = Wei ss 1985, N o. 155).
7 C o nc l us i o ns
The items discussed have shown to what extent the art of Ugarit
was influenced by iconographie motifs from Egypt (ivory duck and
bronze falcon) and the Aegean (decorated pottery, ivories and female-
faced cup). The golden bowls reflect both Egyptian and Aegean styles
and die 'Baal stela' Syrian, Anatolian and Egyptian elements. Therefore,
it has to be asked whether Ugaritic art and iconography are really
unique or only a mere imitation as G r a y (1964b, 161, 181) seems
to argue.
I n the art and iconography of Ugarit we find a combination of
local Syrian art and Egypti an and Aegean influences, whi ch is
due to the contacts in this cosmopolitan centre, where many ideas
from all over the Eastern Medi terranean world commingled. Ugar-
itic art is 'peripheral' ( F r an k f o r t 1979, 207, 244, 254ff.), but perhaps
its uniqueness lies in the success achieved in taking from the best
available and creating a new artistic tradition (cf. also K h n e 1980,
92).
9
Ugarit produced no surviving large reliefs or paintings on the
scale of Egypt and Mesopotamia, but her artists still produced works
of art which stand out in the region of Syro-Palestine (Yon 1992a, 705).
Thi s art had its influence in later periods as well ( L agar c e 1983).
9
A so-called peripheral culture draws in a creative and innovative way from the
ideas of the great culturescf. GNUSE 1997, 21 Iff.
CHAPTER FI FTEEN
A P O L I T I C A L H I S T O R Y O F U G A R I T
I t amar S i nger
1 P r el i mi nar y R emar k s
1.1 History of research
Wi th seventy years of nearly continuous excavation, Ras Shamra-
Ugarit qualifies as the most intensively explored city in Syria. I n the
last two centuries before her downfall it is also the best documented
city in the Levant, due to a rare combination of a sizeable exca-
vated area which remai ned mostly uni nhabi ted in later periods, and
the discovery of the largest and most diverse archives between Hattua
and Amarna. The i mportance of Ugarit's history exceeds by far the
local and the regional level, and for the complex questions con-
cerning the transition between the Bronze and the I ron Age, it is a
mai n l andmark, providing a uni que combination of archaeological
and textual sources.
The first steps towards the reconstruction of Ugarit's history were
made by the illustrious epigrapher J . Nougayrol, who classified the
texts and provided concise commentari es in the Akkadian text vol-
umes [PRU 3, 4, 6 and Ug 5). Similar, though shorter, comments
were appended by C. Virolleaud in the volumes of Ugaritic texts
(PRU 2, 5). These early efforts have been continued by the present
epigraphic teams of the expedition in their publications of the new
texts (RSO 7).
The first comprehensive histories of Ugarit were published in the
sixties: Liverani's I talian monograph ( L i ver ani 1962) and the more
general surveys of R ai ney (1965b) and D r o w e r (1975) are limited
to the age of Ugari t's archives in the 14th and 13th centuries.
Klengel's chapter on Ugarit ( K l en g el 1969) includes the earlier evi-
dence as well. The publication of numerous new texts, especially
relating to the final phases of Ugarit's history, has prompted a new
compendi um by Liverani ( L i ver ani 1979a), which remains till now
the only full-scale history of Ugarit. It covers not only political his-
tory, but also various demographi c, socio-economic, and cultural top-
ics. Klengel has also updated his chapter on Ugarit in his latest
handbook on Syria ( K l engel 1992). Many historical studies have
since been written, mostly restricted to a specific period or topic.' It
seems, however, that Ugarit's political history received in recent years
less attention than its society, economy and administration,
2
not to
mention its religion and literature.
The present attempt (which has already surpassed the space lim-
itations set by the editors of this Handbook) deals primarily with the
political history of Ugarit throughout the second millennium bce.
Socio-economic and cultural issues are only occasionally menti oned,
although the chapter dealing wath Ugarit's foreign relations is mostly
concerned with international trade.
1.2 Sources
The mai n source for the history of Ugari t are its own archives.
Several thousand cuneiform tablets written in Akkadian and Ugaritic
were found in the palace archives and in several 'private' archives
throughout the city, as well as at Ras I bn Hani on the coast, per-
haps a summer residence of the kings of Ugarit.
3
The most valuable
texts for the reconstruction of the political history of Ugarit are the
international letters, the treaties concluded with Hatti and Amurru,
and the various decrees and legal verdicts issued by the Hittite au-
thorities. There is also, of course, a wealth of historical information
to be extracted from legal, administrative, and even literary texts.
Most of the relevant texts are written in syllabic Akkadian, but
some, especially letters, are written in alphabetic Ugaritic which is
' Various articles on the history of Ugarit are included in the proceedings of
conferences dedicated to Ugarit and to the end of the Bronze Age: G. D. Y OUNG
1981; WA RD 1992; BROOKE"/ al. 1994; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1995; Y ON et al. 1995.
See also DUPONT 1987 on the late history of Ugarit, and I ZRE'EL - SI NGER 1990
on the 'General's Letter'.
2
See, e.g., Heltzer's monographs on the rural community (HEL TZER 1976), on
trade (HEL TZER 1978a), and on the internal organization (HEL TZER 1982). See fur-
ther G. I . MI L L ER 1980 and L I BOL T 1985 on the juridical texts, AMI CO 1989 on the
status of women, ABOUD 1994 on the royal family, and VI TA 1995a on the army.
3
For the archives and scribal activity in Ugarit, see RAI NEY 1969; VAN SOL DT
1986; 1991a, 47-231; LI VERANI 1988b; LACKENBACHER 1995a. The texts and other
inscribed objects found up to 1988 are conveniently listed in the catalogue of
BORDREUI L - PARDEE 1989.
far less well understood.
4
Due to inherent difficulties in the correct
renderi ng of non-formulaic phrases, a difficult passage may some-
times produce diametrically opposed interpretations and historical
reconstructions, which are then perpetuated in general textbooks.
0
As a rule, it seems advisable to adopt far-reaching interpretations
based on difficult Ugaritic texts only if they are supported by more
reliable Akkadian evidence.
It is not surprising to find a cosmopol i tan city that has been
described as 'probably the first great international port in history'
( C ul i c an 1966, 46) menti oned in several foreign archives, including
(in chronological order) Eb1a(?), Mari , Alalah, Amarna, Hattusa,
Emar, Aphek, as well as various inscriptions from Egypt. The Cypro-
Mi noan documents from Cyprus and from Ras Shamra must also
contain evidence reflecting on Ugarit, but they have so far resisted
deci pherment.
Although most of this study is obviously based on written sources,
some use is also made of the rich archaeological evidence, especially
with regard to Ugarit's urban development and its destruction by
human and natural forces. Of particular i mportance are the archae-
ological data pertaining to the city's final destruction at the beginning
of the 12th century, and the I ron Age resettlement of the port-town
of Ras I bn Hani. The combi nati on of textual and archaeological
data will no doubt become increasingly i mportant in the comi ng
years thanks to the meticulous and reliable investigations conducted
by the new excavation teams of Ras Shamra and its vicinity.
6
Finally,
a word of caution should be added on the limitations of this study
with regard to its sources. Though it is often the fate of the histo-
rian that his reconstructions are invalidated by fresh discoveries, in
this case the new relevant documents have already been unearthed
and await publication. I refer mainly to the 134 letters (about twenty
in Ugaritic) found in 1994 in the 'House of Urtenu'. The prelimi-
nary reports ( B o r d r eu i l - M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995; M a l b r a n - L a b a t
4
There are also some Hurrian texts, mostly of religious character (n. 58), a few
Hittite texts (p. 650), half a dozen undeciphered Cypro-Minoan inscriptions (n. 234),
and several Egyptian inscriptions on stone (p. 711). The contribution of these texts
to Ugarit's history is marginal at present.
5
As an example may serve Astour's widely-quoted article on the end of Ugarit
(ASTOUR 1965), which includes some far-reaching historical reconstructions based on
poorly understood Ugaritic letters (e.g., KTU 2.40 = RS 18.040 = PRU 5, 63).
6
For an up-to-date general survey on the site of Ras Shamra (with ample refs.
to specific literature), see YON 1997, 1998ab.
1995b; L a c k e n b a c h e r 1995a) provide an appedzi ng glance into the
richness of this treasure trove, and obviously the history of the last
decades of Ugarit will have to be rewritten once these texts (and
those of subsequent seasons) are fully published.
1.3 Spelling of names
A note is due on the readi ng of PNs in syllabic and alphabetic texts.
Many of the names occurring in Akkadian texts are spelled logograph-
ically and their readi ng is open to speculation. I t was customary in
the past to normalize these names as much as possible, by deciding,
sometimes quite arbitrarily, in which language to read them: Akkadian,
West Semitic, Hurri an, Hittite. As a rule, Nougayrol's readings were
uncritically accepted and perpetuated in Ugaritic studies. Although
in most cases these readings are probabl y correct, some of them are
certainly not, and they can lead to mistaken prosopographi es and
historical interpretations. To give one example: a certain gur - di ngi r -
lim is the author of a letter sent to the king of Ugarit dealing with
some border incidents (RS 17.394 + 427 = PRU 4, 220; see n. 192).
Nougayrol rendered the i deogram GUR, 'return', with its Akkadian
value Itur (see also G r o n d a h l 1967, 328). A king Itur-lim is not other-
wise attested at Ugarit, and thus he remai ned in splendid isolation
with a dossier of his own (I X A 4). However, if we apply a West
Semitic value (see n. 190), we obtain the readi ng Sb-ilim, which is
borne by a king of Si yannu-Unatu (Sa-bi-OiNGiR-lim] RS 17.341 =
PRU 4, 161 ff.), probabl y identical with the author of PRU 4, 220.
The document may now be evaluated for its historical information
(see p. 664). As a rule, I have abstained from unproven normaliza-
tions and have adhered to the logographic spelling, indicating the
suggested reading in parentheses. The same applies to Ugaritic names
whose vocalization is not certain. Here also, I have given the orig-
inal spelling, indicating in parentheses the possible vocalization: e.g.,
Iwrkl (Ewri-kili?), Trgds (Tarfiundisa?), etc.
1.4 Chrono logy
The relative chronology of the last two centuries of the history of
Ugari t is by now well established.
7
The line of eight kings from
' For the evidence for the chronological framework of the archives of Ugarit, see
VAN SOL DT 1991a, Part I.
Ammi ttamru I in the first half of the 14th century to Ammurapi at
the turn of the 13th is safely set,
8
but we lack direct information on
the length of each individual reign. For the long centuries preced-
ing the Amarna Age we have practically no chronological data, and
the few early kings of Ugarit who are known to us from the Ugaritic
Ki ng List and from other isolated sources
9
cannot be set into a con-
trolled chronological framework. The absolute chronology of Ugarit
in the LBA is dependent on synchronisms with the great powers of
the era. As the hub of a lucrative international trade, Ugarit's con-
tacts reached out to most of the ancient Near East, and there are
indeed good synchronisms with Egypt, Assyria, and of course Hatti
and its Syrian dependencies. Ugarit still has much to contribute in
linking together the absolute chronological systems of the ancient
Near East, and i mportant data keep streaming out from the new
Urtenu archive.
The absolute chronologies followed in this study are laid down
below, but obviously a justification for their acceptance cannot be
presented here.
10
For New Ki ngdom Egypt there is a growing pref-
erence for the low chronology, based on 1479 for the accession of
Tuthmosi s I I I and 1279 for the accession of Ramesses I I ." I n
Mesopotami a the Ol d Babylonian middle chronology, with Hammu-
rapi's accession in 1792, is followed, although there is not much ref-
erence to this period in the history of Ugarit. More relevant are the
still debated dates of the Middle Assyrian kings, where I follow the
lower chronology, with 1233 for the accession of Tukulti-Ninurta,
suggested by B oes e - W i l h e l m 1979.
12
Like the Levant, Anatolia
does not have an i ndependent chronological system, and the dates
of the Hittite kings depend on synchronisms with Mesopotami a and
Egypt. The maj or recent development in Hittite chronology is the
8
For the elimination of the alleged 'Ni qmaddu I I a' (inserted between Ni qmepa
and Ammittamru II), see p. 694.
9
I bi ra<nu> in RS 4.449 (. 54), and possibly Puruqqu in AT *358 (p. 619).
10
The dates given in the table of synchronisms for the kings of Egypt and Aur
are quoted from K I TCHEN 1987: 52, and BOESE WI L HEL M 1979, 38, respectively.
The approximate dates for the kings of Ugarit are mine.
11
WENT E - V A N SI CL EN 1976; KRAUSS 1978; HORNUNG 1987; K I TCHEN 1987;
VON BECKERATH 1994a, 1994b. Cf. also HEL CK 1987 and 1995 for the Ramesses
II date. For a different view, see ASTOUR 1989, 4-5.
12
See further K HNE 1982: 224, 229-30; WI L HEL M 1991; FREY DANK 1991a: 11,
. 3, 32; VAN SOL DT 1991a, 44. These dates are about ten years lower than those
suggested by BRI NKMAN (1977) in combination with Middle Babylonian chronology.
See also BRI NKMAN apud HOUWI NK TEN CA T E 1996, 40.
drastic lowering and reduction of Suppiluliuma I 's reign from about
forty to about twenty years ( 1343- 1322/ 18) suggested by W i l h el m -
B oese ( 1987; W i l h el m 1991) . It seems that this low chronology,
which tallies with the low chronologies of Egypt and Mesopotami a,
has won increasing support in recent Hittitological studies,
13
though
some scholars would add a few more years at the beginning of up-
piluliuma's reign.
14
The approxi mate dates assigned to the kings of
Ugarit have taken into account the recendy suggested synchronisms
with Aur (I biranu) and with Egypt (Ammurapi). It must be remem-
bered, however, that exact dates cannot be assigned, and even these
relative approximations may change with the publication of new data
from the Urtenu archive. It seems to me, however, that the recent
accumulation of prosopographi c data from the archives of Hattua,
Ugarit and Emar, will lead, before too long, to a more accurate
chronological framework for the last century of the Hittite Empire.
15
2 U g a r i t i n t h e E a r l y an d t h e M i d d l e B r o n z e A ges
2.1 Ugarit in the third millennium BCE
The excavations of Ugarit have revealed a continuous stratigraphy
of the site from the 8th through to the 2nd millennium bce (Yon
1997b, 19, 25, 34).
16
The Early Bronze Age city (Level I I I A) on
the acropolis was of considerable size. Its last phase witnessed a rapid
development in bronze metallurgy. The site was deserted around
2200 bce and remai ned abandoned for a period of a hundred years
or more (Yon 1997a, 258; 1997b, 26).
I n third millennium written documents Ugarit has not yet been
identified with certainty. Both proposed identifications of Ugarit in
the texts from Ebla ( A r c hi 1987)U
9
-ga-ra-at in a list of geograph-
ical names and U-gu/g-ra-at/ turn in economi c textshave been con-
13
E.g., BRY CE 1989, 30; GURNEY 1990, 181. K L ENGEL 1992, 132, . 244, does
not take a stand on the new chronology. For a total refutation, see ASTOUR 1989,
5FF., 77.
14
E. g. , FREU 1992, 39; K L I NGER 1995, 247; NA'AMAN 1996, 257.
15
For prosopographical studies on 13th century Hittite nobles and officials, many
of whom are attested in the archives of Ugarit, see VAN DEN HOUT 1995 (with fur-
ther refs. quoted on p. 1, n. 2; see also SI NGER 1997).
16
For the prehistory of Ugarit, see DE CONTENSON 1992.
tested on both phonetieal and contextual grounds ( B onechi 1993,
309; A s t o u r 1995, 57, n. 11). Unlike Byblos, Ugarit is not mentioned
in the Ur III texts, which conforms to the archaeological record.
There is no certainty that the new settlement of the second millen-
nium bore the same name as the Early Bronze Age city.
2.2 Ugarit in the Amorte Age and the Ugaritic King List
At the beginning of the second millennium bce, Ras Shamra was
resetded by tribal groups designated by Schaeffer as the 'necklace
wearers' (porteurs de torques) after the rich metal ornaments discovered
in their tombs ( C o ur t o i s 1979, cols. 115I ff). No architecture is
known as yet from this first phase of the MBA settlement (Yon
1997b: 26). The new urban civilization of Ugarit developed in spec-
tacular fashion from the 19th century onwards (Level II). The city
covered almost the entire surface of the mound and was fortified
with a massive rampart covered with a glacis. Schaeffer dated to
this period the two temples on the acropolis and the so-called 'Human
temple' in the palatial quarter ( C our t oi s 1979 cols. 1195-6). However,
more recent studies tend to lower their date to the very end of the
MBA, or even to the beginning of the LBA.
17
Sporadic traces of the
MBA city were also found in other areas of the city ( M a l l e t 1990;
1997; C a l l o t 1994, 203-4; Y o n 1998a, 127ff). On the other hand,
a trial pit made in the so-called North Palace in 1994 has shown
that this edifice was first erected in the early part of the LBA ( C a l l o t
1986; 1994, 204; Y on 1997, 258; 1998a, 26, 72), and not in the MBA
as suggested by Schaeffer ( S c haef f er 1970, 209-13; 1972). The exact
nature of the transition from the Middle to the LBA at Ugarit has
yet to be determi ned ( Y on 1998a, 28; cf. also A r n au d 1997, 155),
but the marked continuity in material culture and the preservation
of ancient ancestral traditions seem to speak against drastic changes
in the city's population throughout the second millennium bce.
There are no i ndependent sources from Ugarit on its history in
the first half of the second millennium. The documents of the Amorite
Age have not been discovered as yet,
18
and there are no references
17
Y ON 1998a, 26. Note in particular the reservations expressed by CAL L OT (1994,
203 and n. 1) with regard to an early dating, calling attention to the fact that the
Temple of Ba'al was partly built over a cemetery of the MBA.
18
Ugarit plays a prominent role in the Mari correspondence (see below) and it
to Ugarit's early history in the LBA archives. A notable exception
is the text known as the Ki ng List of Ugarit, a most i mportant
Ugaritic text which was found in 1961, but was fully published and
discussed first in the late seventies.
19
The very poorl y preserved
obverse seems to deal primarily with music, and its relationship with
the king list on the reverse is not clear.
20
The reverse is written in
two columns,
21
the left one almost entirely lost. The names of the
kings listed in the right-hand col umn are all preceded by the divine
lexeme il, the significance of which is debated. L i v e r a n i ( 1974, 3 4 0 - 1 ;
see also S c h mi d t 1996) considered it to be a generic ilu referring to
the (unnamed) personal god of each of the listed kings, or to a sin-
gle dynastic deity repeated in each entry, i.e. 'the god (of) PN'. Most
commentators, however, mai ntai n that the lexeme ilu deifies the
deceased kings of Ugarit who are ritually invoked ( P a r d e e 1988b,
173, n. 25, with further refs.). Thi s interpretation is supported by
similar lists of deified kings in the ancient Near East, for example
the Ki ng List from Ebla, which has the names of ten kings preceded
by the divine marker d i n g i r (ARET V I I 150; A r c h i 1986; 1988;
1 9 9 6 , 1 4 - 5 ) . A further parallel with the Eblaite list is the retrograde
order of the royal names, the last name on the right-hand column
being that of the founder of the dynasty, Tqr (Yaqarum). Since the
tablet is damaged both at the top and at the bottom it is impossible
to reconstruct the exact number of the listed kings. Earlier estimates,
is inconceivable that no written documents of this period remained at the site. Note,
for example, that Mari Age tablets have been discovered at Hazor, at the south-
ern end of the commercial network operating along the Levant (HOROWI TZ 1996,
with refs.). For the possible location of the pre-Amarna Age archives, see n. 87.
19
K T U 1.113 = R S 24.257; PARDEE 1988b, 165-78. The obverse was already
published by Virolleaud in Ug 5, 561-2, but the reverse had to await the 1976 edi-
tion of KTU'. A full re-edition, with photographs, was provided in Pardee's study
on the 'para-mythological' texts (PARDEE 1988b, ch. 5). From the vast secondary
literature on the text, see in particular those studies which have attempted to recon-
struct the list of kings (K I TCHEN 1977, PARDEE 1988b; DI J KSTRA 1989; SCHMI DT
1996). Other treatments concentrate mainly on its religious aspects, especially on
the cult of deceased kings; see refs. listed in SCHMI DT 1996, 289, n. 1, and Y OUNGER
1997, 356-7; WY A TT 1998C, 399-403.
20
SCHAEFFER ( 1963, 215) noted that the two sides of the tablet exhibit two dis-
tinct scripts, with the king list on the reverse written in a smaller, less careful hand-
writing. PARDEE (1988b, 165), however, thinks that the same hand wrote both sides,
the smaller script on the reverse being dictated by limitations of space.
21
The dividing line between the two columns is only partially preserved, and
SCHMI DT ( 1996, 298- 9) maintains that most of the lines span the entire width of
the tablet in one, not two, columns. This would, of course, considerably reduce the
number of listed kings.
however, which reckoned with about thirty names altogether ( K i t c hen
1977; see also A b o u d 1994, 7; S c hmi dt 1996), are probabl y too
small. Pardee's ( P ar dee 1988b, 173) thorough reexamination of the
tablet resulted in at least 26 names in each column, i.e. a total of
more than fifty kings. Most of the fifteen well-preserved names recur
in the LBA royal line of Ugarit (Ammi ttamru, Ni qmaddu, Ni qmepa,
I biranu, Ammu<ra>pi ), the only names without parallels being Y'drd
(Yaduraddu?) and Yqr (Yaqarum).
22
Thi s conservatism in royal name-
giving
23
may indicate that ancient dynastic traditions were strictly
preserved by the rulers of Ugarit for many centuries. However, it
should immediately be added that we have no way of examining
the credibility of this list, and one cannot entirely rule out the pos-
sibility that it was artificially extended to enhance the respectability
of the ruling dynasty of the LBA ( P ar dee 1988b, 175, with n. 37).
Obviously, any attempt to calculate the total time-span of the
Ugaritic king list is highly speculative and remains unwarranted unless
corroborated by other i ndependent evidence.
24
Using an average
reign of some twenty years
25
for each of thirty kings, Kitchen arrived
at ca 1800 bc e for the date of Y aqarum ( K i t c hen 1977, 136). The
same average with the 52 kings assumed by Pardee would push us
back deep into the third millennium. A more restricted average reign-
span of some 15 years
26
would place Y aqarum at the very begin-
ning of the second millennium, which would agree better with the
date of his dynastic seal. The dynastic cylinder seal was used by the
kings of Ugarit in the 14th-13th centuries, sometimes together with
their own personal seals.
27
It had in fact two copies: an original finely
22
As in most studies on the history of Ugarit, the numbering of the kings of the
LBA will not take into consideration these earlier homonymous kings of Ugarit.
Cf., however, ABOUD 1994.
23
As pointed out by LI VERANI (1978, 152), the names of the LBA kings of Ugarit
are linguistically archaic, and do not recur in the regular onomasticon of the period.
24
The restoration of the name [Pr\q in the last line of the left column, and its
association with 'Puruqqa, the man of Ugarit' in a I^evel VI I text from Alalah (AT
*358.6-7; see p. 619), is, as stressed by PARDEE (1988b, 175-6), tempting but ex-
tremely fragile.
25
Eight kings ruled in Ugarit during the ca 160 years extending between the
Amarna Age and the fall of Ugarit, i.e. an average of twenty years for each reign.
26
See, e.g. the cases cited by DI J KSTRA 1989, 148, n. 51.
27
NOUGAY ROL 1955, xli-xliii; SCHAEFFER 1956, 66 77. There is a rare report on
the falsification (or the unauthorized use) of the 'great seal of the king', i.e., the
dynastic seal ( R S 16. 249 = PRU 3, 97; id. p. xxv). A similar case of stealing the
royal seal, apparendy by a citizen of Ura, is reported in a Hittite court protocol
(OTTEN 1967, 59- 60) .
cut cylinder dated to the MBA, and a much inferior duplicate which
was probably manufactured at a later stage.
28
The Akkadian inscrip-
tion identifies the original seal owner as 'Y aqarum, son of Ni qmaddu,
king of Ugarit', who must be identical with Tqr of the Ugaritic Ki ng
List.
29
The typical presentation scene portrays a seated deity (per-
haps the deified king) who is worshipped by a a standing male figure
followed by a supplicant goddess. On the basis of iconography and
ductus Nougayrol dated the dynastic seal to the early second mil-
lennium ( N o u g ay r o l 1955, p. xli).
30
The prolonged use of dynastic
seals for enhanci ng the political legitimacy of the ruling royal fam-
ilies is well-known in the Amorite realm of northern Syria.
31
Some
difficulty with this early dating for the founder of the dynasty is
posed by a legal document which quotes a decree issued by Y aqarum,
king of Ugarit, in favour of a certain I lu-qarradu
32
son of Tal mi yanu
(RS 16.145 = PRU 3, 169). The sealed document is presented to
the court by (the same) I l u-qarradu in a later lawsuit, which would
apparently indicate that Y aqaru reigned shortly before.
33
Confronted
with the apparent discrepancy between this lawsuit and his dating
of the dynastic seal, Nougayrol suggested that Y aqarum became a
sort of dynastic title borne by the kings of Ugarit, like Tabarna in
Hatti and Caesar in Rome ( N o u g ay r o l 1963, 111, n. 10; ibid., 1955,
xxxviii, xliii, n. 3). Another explanation could be that the name of
28
SCHAEFFER 1956, 73, fig. 96; NOUGAY ROL 1955, pll. XVI XVI I . The two cylin-
ders were impressed (for the sake of comparison?) on an anepigraphic tablet found
in the palace archive ( R S 16. 393A = Ug 3, 76, fig. 99; PRU 3, pl. XVI I , fig. 25).
29
Y aqarum's father in the seal and his successor in the King List are both named
Niqmaddu, which indicates that papponymy was already practised at the outset of
the dynasty. Since Y aqarum's father does not appear in the King List, apparently
he was not considered to be a king in the historical tradition of Ugarit.
30
ARNAUD (1997, 158ff.) has recently questioned Nougayrol's dating and sug-
gested a mid-15th century date instead, in conformity with his new dating of
Y aqarum on the basis of unpublished material (see n. 33). He compares the iconog-
raphy of the seal with the yet unpublished cylinder seal of Uri-Teub, and claims
that the cuneiform sign forms are archaizing.
31
To the inscribed dynastic cylinder seals from Ugarit, Alalah and Emar listed
by AUERBACH (1991) one may add the anepigraphic cylinder seal of Aziru, which
is also fashioned in a typical Amorite style (Ug 3, figs. 44-45).
32
This reading of the name is proposed by ARNAUD 1996, 48, . 6, replacing
Nougayrol's
d
Qarradu.
33
ARNAUD (1996, 48, . 6; 1997, 155, . 28) has noted in passing that accord-
ing to unpublished documents Y aqarum was a contemporary of Idrimi of Alalah
who ruled at the turn of the 15th century. Until the evidence for this drastic change
in Y aqarum's dating is presented we follow the traditional view based on Tqr's rel-
ative place in the Ugaritic King List.
Y aqarum was simply copied from the dynastic seal and quoted as
a source of authority ( van S o l d t 1991a, 14, n. 130). Thi s possibil-
ity is supported by a very fragmentary legal text in which the dynas-
tic seal is designated as both 'the seal of Y aqarum' and as '[the seal
(of Ni qmepa, son) of Ni qmad]du, king of Ugari t' (RS 17.053 = PRU
6, 27, no. 25).
Despite the deplorable scarcity of data on the earliest phases of
Ugarit's history, the combi ned evidence of the dynastic seal and the
Ugaritic Ki ng List seems to indicate that the kings of 14th-13th cen-
tury Ugarit traced back the origins of their royal house to the out-
set of the second millennium bce.
34
Unless both documents reflect
an ingenious late attempt at an artificial extension of the dynasty's
history,
35
the foundations of the kingdom of Ugarit seem to be firmly
set within the context of the Amorite expansion in Mesopotami a and
Syria at the turn of the second millennium bce. This conclusion is
also supported by various cultural elements, such as Ugaritic lan-
guage,
36
religion and mythology.
37
An intriguing reference to the
ancestors of the dynasty is found in a late 13th century liturgical
text lamenting the death of Ni qmaddu III and hailing the new king
Ammurapi (K TU 1.161 = RS 34.126 = RSO 7, no. 90). The spir-
its invoked include the 'Council of the Ddr (qbs ddn), who also occur
in the Krt epic {qbs dtn\ K TU 1.15 = RS 3.343+ iii 4, 15). Ugaritic
Dtn/Ddn has convincingly been identified with Di dnum/Di tnum/
Ti dnum, an Amorite tribal group inhabiting northeastern Syria from
the late 3rd millennium b c e onwards (for refs. see L e v i n e - d e T a r -
r a g o n 1984, 654-5). They are also encountered as ancient eponyms
in the Assyrian King List, a further indication for the common ances-
try of the various Amorite tribes.
Many attempts have been made to locate the original homel and
of the Ugaritians more exactly on the basis of various cultural and
34
To be sure, this does not necessarily mean that an unbroken dynastic line
remained in power for eight centuries or so, a possibility which was already ques-
tioned by NOUGAY ROL , 1955, xli-ii. See also DI J KSTRA 1989, 148.
35
For the function of genealogies and the problem of their historicity, see the
references quoted in PARDEE 1988b, 175, n. 37.
36
For the place of Ugaritic among the Semitic languages, see PARDEE 1997C,
with refs. to the vast literature on the subject. He concludes (p. 131) with the state-
ment that 'Ugaritic shows archaic features characteristic of old Canaanite and it
may be a remnant of a Western "Amorite" dialect.'
37
For the Amorite sources of Ugaritic mythology, see, e.g., DURAND 1993;
BORDREUI L - PARDEE 1993, VVY ATT 1998a.
linguistic traits. A survey of these laborious quests, extending from
the Euphrates to the plains of the Bashan, is beyond the scope of
this historical overview.
38
However, menti on should be made in pass-
ing of the latest current of theories hinging upon the recent discov-
ery at Ugarit of a cuneiform abecedary arranged in the order of the
South Semitic alphabet ( B o r d r eu i l - P ar d ee 1995a; H ay aj n eh -
T r o p p e r 1997). Thi s prompted a re-examination of the relationship
between the Ugaritic and (proto-) Arabic languages leading to the
suggestion that southern ethnic elements migrated to Ugarit towards
the middle of the second millennium bc e ( D i et r i c h - L o r e t z 1989,
111- 2; D i et r i c h - M a y e r 1995, 39). Other explanations for the
appearance of two different orders of the alphabet at Ugarit may
also be suggested (see e.g. R l l i g 1998), and the whole issue needs
to be further investigated. At any rate, it is well to note that there
seems to be nothing in the archaeological record of Ugarit that would
point to a sudden change in its material culture during the second
millennium bce. On the contrary, the marked continuity of Ugarit's
culture seems to speak against any maj or changes in the composi-
tion of the city's population.
2.3 The Levant and the Egyptian Middle Kingdom
The question of the nature of Egyptian involvement in Asia during
the 12th and the 13th dynasties is one of the recurring problems
arousing arduous debates.
39
The early view, as stated for example
by A l b r i g h t (1935, 221), was that 'the Pharaohs of the 12th Dynasty
claimed, and often held, the suzerainty over Palestine and Phoenicia,
extending their influence as far as Ugarit and Qatna'. It has also
been argued that the Egyptian officials took their sculptures to their
outposts for eventual burial in the Levant ( G i v eo n 1981, 57). A
closer scrutiny of the archaeological evidence has shown that the
Middle Ki ngdom statues of Egyptian kings and nobility excavated
in the Levant, including Ugarit, were deposited in their findspots
decades or centuries after their manufacture, and therefore could not
provide evidence for Egyptian occupation ( Wei nst ei n 1975, 1-16).
38
For the location of places mentioned in Ugaritic myths and rituals, see, e.g.,
MARGAL I T 1981a; VAN SOL DT 1994, 369 (with extensive refs.).
39
For an updated state-of-the-art survey, with extensive references to primary
and secondary sources, see REDFORD 1992, ch. 4.
Moreover, the inscriptions on these statues clearly indicate that they
were originally erected in temples and graves in Egypt itself and
have no connection whatsoever to their secondary findspots ( H el c k
1995, 88- 9) . The alternative explanation is that the Middle Ki ngdom
statues found throughout the Levant, and even as far as southern
Anatolia and Crete, owe their provenance to a vast pillage of royal
and private tombs by Hyksos rulers, who then traded their prestigious
loot at foreign courts ( H el c k 1976, 101- 14; 1995, 87- 90; see also
C o u r t o i s 1979: cols. 1155- 6) . Other scholars have fully rejected this
alternative theory (e.g., G i v eo n 1981, 57) , or have taken a 'middle
road' by suggesting a distinction between royal and private statues,
the former being indeed sent as diplomatic presents by Middle King-
dom Pharaohs ( War d 1979, 799; S c ando ne - M a t t h i a e 1989, 135ffi).
The controversy over this early Egyptian presence in the Levant
received an additional boost with the publication in 1980 of an
inscription of Amenemhet II describing the dispatch of a sea-borne
military force to Khenty-she, i.e. the Phoenician coast.
40
The mai n
problem is the identification of two fortified towns, Iw3y and I3sy,
which were destroyed by the Egyptian task force, capturing 1554
Asiatics and a very large amount of booty, including weapons, cop-
per ingots, and luxury vessels of gold and lapis lazuli. The second
name is identified by some with A1aia/Cyprus, but the evidence is
questionable.
41
For the first name H e l c k (1989, 28) suggested an
identification with Ura on the Cilician coast, which is most unlikely.
From the presently available evidence it would seem that the 12th
dynasty kings carried out occasional military operations in the in-
land of Palestine and mai ntai ned a more permanent presence along
the Lebanese coast, especially at Byblos. There is no evidence, how-
ever, for an Egyptian presence as far north as Ugarit, neither of a
diplomatic, nor of a military character. Thi s also tallies with the geo-
graphical horizon of the Egyptian Execration Texts, where the north-
ernmost localities are Ullaza and Arqata in the area of Tri pol i
( R ed f o r d 1992, 87ff.). As for the Middle Ki ngdom statuary, both
the archaeological and the inscriptional evidence lend strong support
to Helck's suggestion that we have to do with one of the earliest
40
See REDFORD 1992, 78- 9 (with earlier literature). The inscription was pub-
lished by ALTENMLLER - MOUSSA 1991; MAL EK - QUI RK E 1992.
41
Helck first argued for a location of Asiya in southwest Anatolia (HEL CK 1983),
but later (1989, 109; 1995, 90) identified I3sy in the Amenemhet II inscription with
A1aia/Cyprus.
examples of the 'antiquities trade', distantly recalling the Roman pil-
lage of Greek statuary.
What does Ugarit contribute to this vexed issue? First, it yielded
one of the largest collections of Middle Ki ngdom statues and objects
in Asia: two sphinxes of Amenemhet III, a statue of the vizier Sesotris-
Ankh with his mother and sister, a statuette of the princess Khenemet-
nefer-khedjet, the wife of Sesotris II, and a bust of an unidentified
12th Dynasty queen (for refs. see G i v eo n 1981, 56f.; 1986, 839). I n
addition, there are inscribed seals, pearls and beads, and a large
quantity of uninscribed objects. The second significant point is that
the statues were found beheaded, and they were probably deliber-
ately mutilated ( S c h aef f er 1939b, 13; C o u r t o i s 1979, cols. 1155-6;
Y on 1997b, 28). It is hard to tell, however, whether this was sim-
ply a consequence of their being stolen and carried over long dis-
tances, or whether it was due to a violent action performed in Ugarit
itself. Schaeffer even bl amed this 'clumsy barbari an' act on 'a rising
of the natives, amongst whom were Hurrites . . . who were now in
power at Ugarit' ( S c h aef f er 1939b, 13). Lasdy, it is highly significant
that many of these objects were found in the area of the temples of
Ba'al and Dagan (Yon 1991a, 275-6, 278ff.), and may very well
have been ex-votos presented to the gods of Ugarit by whoever
brought them there.
2.4 Man and Ugart
In the Amorite Age the kingdom of Y amhad, with its capital at
Hal ab (Aleppo), replaced Ebla as the domi nant power in northern
Syria. It is usually asserted that Ugarit belonged to the sphere of
influence of the kings of Y amhad (e.g., K l e n g e l 1997, 365) , but
direct evidence about the exact nature of this bond is lacking. Our
information on Ugarit in the Amorite Age comes primarily from the
archives of Mari , first a close ally, later an enemy of Y amhad.
The most promi nent event relating to Ugarit is the well-docu-
mented j ourney of Zi mri -Li m to Ugari t ( V i l l ar d 1986; see also
B ei t z el 1997, 135-6). I n the ninth year of his reign (1765), proba-
bly in the winter months ( Sasson 1984, 248), Zimri-Lim set out from
Mari , accompani ed by a grand entourage of courtiers, merchants
and artisans. Some eighty preserved documents, written en route,
describe in unusual detail the course of this j ourney, which advanced
along the Lower Habur and the Lower Balih and then traversed the
Euphrates towards Hal ab. Here Zimri-Lim was probably j oi ned by
his father-in-law, Y ari m-Li m, and the two conti nued together to
Ugarit, via Muzunnum, Layaum, Hazazar, and Mahrasa (see map
in V i l l a r d 1986, 395) . This grand tour of the West served both
ideological and practical purposes. Although it was certainly non-
military in character ( V i l l ar d 1986, 393, n. 46; contra S asson 1984,
251), the voyage fitted well into the long Mesopotami an tradition of
reaching the edge of the Great Sea, a ritual act symbolizing the vic-
tory of the Storm-god over the Sea ( D u r an d 1993; M a l a ma t 1998,
with previous refs.). On a more 'mundane' level, the j ourney enabled
Zimri-Lim to strengthen his western alliances, just before a projected
military campai gn in the east against Larsa ( V i l l ar d 1986, 408- 9) .
Last but not least, during his stay in the various Syrian localities,
Zi mri -Li m and his men were engaged in lucrative commerci al
exchanges, both with the local authorities, and, through messengers,
with distant rulers. The Mariote expedition received numerous golden
and silver vessels, but also less valuable presents, such as wine and
honey. In return, they distributed precious textiles, jewellery studded
with lapis-lazuli, and, most significantly, large quantities of tin which
was brought by Elamite merchants from the east ( V i l l ar d, 404- 5) .
Consignments of tin were sent out from Ugarit as far as Qatna and
Hazor, and were also sold to Cretan merchants.
42
The information
on Ugarit, where the expedition spent at least one month (for the
dates, see V i l l a r d 1986, 390- 1) , is disappointingly meagre. Not even
the name of its ruler is indicated, unlike that of many other localits
menti oned in this prolific documentati on. More than twenty texts
were written in Ugarit itself, documenti ng the exchange of presents
with Crete and various Syro-Palestinian destinations. It seems that
Mari had a special depot in Ugarit from which this voluminous flow
of goods was controlled. It is less clear what was traded with Ugarit
itself. One document records the purchase of gold in Ugarit for the
manufacture of a golden seal mounted in lapis-lazuli, presented to
the queen of Hal ab (ARMT 25. 340: 16- 7; V i l l a r d 1986, 406) .
42
ASTOUR 1973, 21 (with refs.); I AMBROU-PHI L L I PSON 1990, 122. Note also the
year-name 'when the Cretans (Kapitanyu
K]
) built a ship' (VI I .I ARD 1986, 402, n. 106),
which is explained by Villard as a visit of Cretans to Mari. For the Middle Minoan
pottery found in Ras Shamra, see SCHAEFFER 1948, 66; ASTOUR 1973, 19; LAMBROU-
PHI LLI PSON 1990, 69-70; Y ON 1994b, 430-1; CAUBET - MATOI AN 1995, 103-4.
Chemical analysis of the Canaanite jars found at Kommos in Crete may indicate
that some of them were made in Ugarit (LAMBROU-PHI LI .I PSON 1990, 69).
Another ring that was sold in Ugarit was made of iron and gold,
with a lapis-lazuli seal (ARMT 2 5 . 4 8 +: rev. 3 ' ~5 ' ; V i l l a r d , 1 9 8 6 ,
406). Perhaps artisans of Ugarit assisted their Mari ote colleagues in
manufacturi ng some of these exquisite objets d'art.
A glimpse into the nomadi c countryside of Ugarit is provided by
the letter exchange between two tribal leaders from the region extend-
ing between Hal ab and Ugari t (A 2 0 9 4 ; V i l l a r d , 1 9 8 6 4 1 1 - 2 ,
Annexe no. 2). The chief of the Uprapi is accused by the chief
of the Ben-Sim'l of pillaging his territory and of j eopardi zi ng 'the
ha-a-n-ni of Ugarit [leading to(?) the tempi] e(?) of the Storm-god of
Halab'.
43
Villard thought that the obscure vocable must designate
some ritual related to a peace agreement concluded between the two
groups before Addu of Hal ab. I wonder whether it could rather
stand for the Hurri an word for 'the road' (with article).
44
If so, the
angered chief was simply expressing his concern that the unruly
Uprapeans might block the roads between Ugarit and Hal ab.
Shortly after his j ourney to Ugarit, Zimri-Lim's father-in-law and
ally Y arim-Lim died and was succeeded on the throne of Hal ab by
Hammurapi . The latter showed far less cordiality towards Zimri-
Lim, and eventually collaborated with his famous namesake in Babylon
in bringing about the downfall of the last king of Mari. But before
this happened, Hammurapi of Hal ab transmitted a short message
to Zimri-Lim, in which an unnamed king of Ugarit (lit. 'the Man of
Ugarit') expressed his wish to visit the palace of Mari.
45
Is there any-
thing in the archaeological record of Ugarit that relates to the lengthy
stay of Zimri-Lim and his entourage in the city? There are certainly
objects of eastern origin at Ugarit,
46
but it would be hard to estab-
lish a connection specifically to Mari. There is, however, an intrigu-
ing fragment of a cuneiform inscription incised on a polished green
stone which was found in 1932 at the entrance of the Templ e of
43
11. 9f.: [u\m-ma ba-a-ri-m sa -ga-ri-tim
K
[i-n]a(?) (?)
d
I M [j ]e H a-la-ab (fol-
lowed by a large gap).
44
For ban - ni, see L AROCHE 1976-7, 94, and esp. the obscure b
a
~a-n-e-ni in
KBo 15.72 i 6.
45
Literally, 'the house of Zimri-Lim'; VI L L ARD 1986, 410, nn. 160- 162 (with
previous refs.). It seems that Dossin's original interpretation that the visit was intended
to reach the palace of Mari itself is preferable to other suggestions, such as a visit
to a Mariote domain in the west.
46
For the M B A cylinder seals from Ras Shamra, see COURTOI S 1979, cols. 1194- 5;
AMI ET 1992, nos. 19- 44; 1995, 239- 40; ARNAUD 1997.
Ba
c
al.
47
All that remains are a few signs written between neatly pre-
pared division lines (three lines are uninscribed). I n view of its archae-
ological context,
48
the fragment could perhaps belong to an object
offered by the Mariote expedition to the local god, or vice versa, some-
thing prepared in Ugarit in anticipation of the forthcomi ng visit to
Mari. One can only wish that more pieces of this intriguing inscrip-
tion would turn up in the future. For the next two centuries or so
there is only a single mention of Ugarit in an Alalah tablet of Level
VI I (AT *358; W i s e ma n 1954, 27). Puruqqu,
49
'the man of Ugarit',
who made a delivery of wool to the palace of Alalah, does not have
to be a ruler of Ugarit, although this possibility cannot be entirely
ruled out. There is nothing in the Hittite record to indicate that the
campaigns of Hattui1i I and Muri1i I to northern Syria had any
direct effect on Ugarit, but, in the long run, the drastic changes in
the geo-political structure of the region had also been felt in the
Levantine kingdom.
2.5 Ugarit and the Mittannian confederacy
The geo-political void left by the Hittite destruction of the old Amorite
centres of Syria, in particular Y amhad/Hal ab, was gradually filled
in duri ng the 16th century by the growing power of Mittanni. For
the next two centuries or so most of Syria and southern Anatolia
formed part of a loose confederacy controlled from Waukkanni.
For a short while the Mi ttanni an domi nati on was threatened by the
campaigns of the Egyptian kings of the early 18th dynasty, but already
by the mid-15th century
30
the two empires agreed on a division of
Syria, with Qadesh on the Orontes marki ng the borderline. Ugarit
47
R S 4.458; Thureau-Dangin apud SCHAEFFER 1933, 120, n. 1; see photograph
in R S O 5/1, 35 (a).
48
According to VI ROLLEAUD (1936a, 21) the inscription was found next to the
sphinx of Amenemhet III and it is engraved on the same kind of green stone as
the Egyptian statue. The same area produced more Middle Kingdom statuary, as
well as other Egyptian small finds, such as beads, figurines and scarabs, which were
all given as ex-votos to the temple (ib., 15). This rare cuneiform inscription may
have had a similar dating and function (ARNAUD 1996, 47-8, . 6; 1997, 15If.).
49
Arnaud reads the name as Burruqu, a name attested in the texts from Alalah
and Ugarit (ARNAUD 1997, pp. 153f., with refs. in n. 18). For the suggestion to
restore this name in the King List of Ugarit, see n. 24.
50
For Mittannian overtures for peace already in the seventh year of Amenophis
I I , see SPALI NGER 1983, 94; SI NGER 1988a.
was never directly integrated into the Mi ttanni an confederacy,
31
but
it mai ntai ned close neighbourly relations with one of Mittanni's vas-
sals, Al al ah/Muki . A small fragment from Alalakh I V contains a
stipulation concerni ng the j udgment and extradition of runaways
crossing from one kingdom to the other (AT 4; W i s e ma n 1953, 32).
52
It could belong to an accord between the two lands comparabl e to
the treaties concluded between Alalah and its other neighbours, Tuni p
(AT 2) and Ki zzuwatna (AT 3).
53
An actual case of theft (of three
horses) and the extradition of the thief is dealt with in a letter found
in the courtyard of the Templ e of Ba
c
al in Ugarit.
34
It was sent by
Ni qmepa, most probably the successor of I drimi on the throne of
Alalah, to I bi ra<nu>, an otherwise unknown 15th century king of
Ugarit.
35
The limited Mi ttanni an influence on the northern Levantine
coast is reflected in the toponymy
36
and the onomasticon of Ugarit
( A s t o u r 1978, 13; S a l v i n i 1995, 92-3). Whereas in neighbouring
Alalah more than half of the population bore Hurri an names ac-
cording to the Level I V texts ( K i l me r 1959), only a few of Ugarit's
permanent residents had names that can positively be analyzed as
Hurri an. Thi s is all the more promi nent in the royal line of Ugarit
which only includes one possibly LI urrian name.
57
I n that respect
Ugarit differs sharply from its southern neighbour, where 'Hittite-
51
ASTOUR 1981a, 10. Other scholars have pleaded for a stronger political influence
of Mittanni on Ugarit (DROWER 1975, 133; LI VERANI 1979a, 298).
52
Another fragment from Level IV contains little more than the otherwise unknown
name 'Tanuwati of Ugarit' (AT 442e; WI SEMAN 1954, 3).
53
Cf., however, the different interpretation of ARNAUD (1996, 54, . 37; 1997,
157), who suggests that AT 4 is a letter sent to the king of Alalah by the king of
Mittanni or one of his 'officers'.
54
RS 4.449 (Virolleaud 1936a, 2Iff.) is the only tablet found in the area of
Temple I (ARNAUD 1996, 47, . 1), which has also yielded Middle Egyptian inscrip-
tions and statuary, as well as a small fragment of a cuneiform inscription incised
on green stone (RS 4.458; see p. 618). RS 4.449 has often been discussed in later
studies, some of which have improved over the readings of Virolleaud's editio -
ceps. See LETTI NGA 1948, 112-3; VAN SOL DT 1991, 215ff.; HOFTI J ZER - VAN SOL DT
1991, 197; ARNAUD 1996, 47-54; MARQUEZ ROWE 1997, 192.
55
But cf. ARNAUD 1996, 48, . 6, who mentions unpublished sources according
to which I biranu succeeded Y aqarum, the founder of the dynasty of Ugarit (see
n. 33 above).
56
According to ASTOUR (1978, 13) the Hurrian toponyms attested in the Ras
Shamra texts are mostly located in the territories beyond the Orontes, which were
annexed to Ugarit by the Hittites.
57
For Ar-halba, see p. 637. LI VERANI ( 1978, 152- 3) noted that members of the
royal family of Ugarit who did not become kings often bore Hurrian names. However,
most of the quoted examples are the sons of Amurrite princesses who married kings
of Ugarit: Himi-arruma and R-arruma were the sons of AJ jat-Milku (p. 642),
Hurri an' names became the rule after Amurru's defection from Egypt
to Hatti ( L i v er ani 1978, 150-1; S i nger 1991a, 182ff.).
On the other hand, Hurri an i mpact was more extensive in cul-
tural domai ns, such as religion and literature.
58
Lexicographical texts
often have a Hurri an col umn in addition to the Sumeri an, Akkadian
and Ugaritic ones. Ugarit has also produced a fair number of Hurri an
religious texts, both syllabic and alphabetical, some of which consist
of divine lists. An Akkadi an-Hurri an bilingual text belongs to the
genre of wisdom literature. Finally, the Hurri an texts with musical
notation, the oldest in western civilization, have raised special interest.
An intriguing Hurri an letter found in the royal palace seems to
contai n valuable historical i nformati on, but its understandi ng is fur-
ther hi ndered by the fragmentary state of preservation (RS 11. 853 =
PRU 3, 327; RSO 5/1: 61). Both Ugari t and Carchemi sh are men-
tioned, and the address 'my lord' (rev. 13) discloses the hierarchical
relationship between the correspondents. Salvini's tentative translation
( Sal vi ni 1995, 96) of several phrases may hint at a military context:
'you will smite Carchemi sh' (1. 7), 'entering Carchemi sh' (1. 8). However,
the repeated occurrence of pass- 'to send' (11. 3, 9, 14) and paithe
'messenger' (1. 4) may also indicate a commerci al or diplomatic con-
text.
59
L a r o c h e ( 1955. 329) assumed that the letter was sent to Ugarit
by a high official of Carchemi sh, but this fails to explain its lan-
guage. A better alternative would be that the letter was sent from
Mi ttanni or from the successor state of Hani gal bat, but the full
significance of this rare Hurri an episte remai ns to be revealed.
3 U g a r i t u n d er E g y p t i an I n f l u en c e
3.1 The early 18th dynasty of Egypt
The Egyptian campai gns of the early 18th dynasty kings reached
as far as the Euphrates and the Hal ab area. Along the coast the
and Utri-arruma was the son of the bittu rabti (p. 681). Therefore, these cases
may have been influenced by name-giving practices current in Amurru, rather than
in Ugarit. Of more weight would be the case of Talmiyanu, if this is indeed the
name of Niqmaddu III before his coronation (see p. 700).
58
For some recent discussions (with refs. to the texts), see SALVI NI 1995b, 93ff.;
DI ETRI CH - MA Y ER 1995; 1997; MA Y ER 1996; PARDEE 1996b.
59
Gemot Wilhelm, personal communication.
northernmost strongholds fortified by Tuthmosi s I I I were Ullasa and
Sumur on both sides of the Eleutheros River ( S i nger 1991a, 139),
whereas inland, he attempted to consolidate a defensive line cen-
tered on Tuni p and Qadesh on the Orontes. There is no evidence
whatsoever for Egyptian involvement further north on the Syrian
coast. A vase with the cartouche of Tuthmosi s I I I allegedly found
in the palace of Ugarit (PRU 4, 28) has never been published, and
its existence is doubtful ( A s t o ur 1981a, 13 n. 53; G i v eo n 1986, 839).
The annals and the geographical lists of Tuthmosis III contain numer-
ous Syrian localities, none of which is located west of the Alawite
range. An alleged identification of Ugarit in Amenophi s I I 's Y ear 7
campai gn has been convincingly refuted on both phonetic and geo-
graphical grounds ( D r o w e r 1975, 133; A s t o u r 1981a, 13-4, with
previous refs.).
Ugarit first enters firmly into the orbit of Egyptian interests under
Amenophi s I I I . Its name appears in Egyptian geographical lists (Kar-
nak and Soleb in Nubia; G i v eo n 1986, 839) , and the correspondence
between the two lands is partly preserved in the Amarna tablets.
3.2 Ammittamru I (?-ca. 1350)
The earliest document emanati ng from Ugarit is EA 45 sent by
[Amrr]ittam[ru] to Egypt, either in the late reign of Amenophi s III,
61
or in the first years of Akhenaten.
62
The very damaged letter opens
and ends with emphati c promises of allegiance to Egypt. The occa-
sion for this declaration of loyalty seems to be the repeated threat
to Ugarit by the king of a land whose name is unfortunately bro-
ken off. Ever since Knudtzon, the standard restoration of the name
has been Hatti, and the threat has been associated with an early
foray of Suppiluliuma I . Another candidate, suggested by L i v er ani
(1962: 24), could be Abdi-Airta of Amurru, whose hostile actions
against Ugarit are menti oned in the treaty between Aziru and Niq-
maddu (RS 19.068.8; PRU 4: 284-6). But then, as pointed out by
60
The name of the sender was first correcdy restored by AL BRI GHT 1944.
61
KI TCHEN 1962, 34f .; KL ENGEL 1969, 340; DROWER 1975, 133; ASTOUR 1981: 17ff.
62
NA'AMAN (1996) has recently put forward a daring restoration and interpreta-
tion of EA 45. He suggests that the letter refers to an incident in which Ammittamru
detained messengers sent from Amurru to Hatti and intended to extradite them to
Egypt. When the news reached the king of Hatti he repeatedly threatened Ammit-
tamru, and the anxious king of Ugarit turned to Akhenaten for assistance. See fur-
ther n. 77 below.
A s t o u r (1981, 17), it is unlikely that the renegade Abdi-Asirta would
be designated as a 'king', especially in a letter written to Egypt.
h:i
Mi ttanni was on friendly terms with Egypt in this period and Am-
mi ttamru would hardly have reason to complain about this overture.
It thus seems best to follow Knudtzon's intuition, but if one accepts
the revised chronology of Suppiluliuma's reign (see p. 608), then the
Hittite king in question could only be one of his predecessors, pos-
sibly his father Tudhaliya.
64
I ndeed, a fragment in the Deeds of
uppi1u1iuma (Frg. 8; G t e r b o c k 1956, 62) describes a military cam-
paign led by his father to Mount Nanni (probably the Anti-Casius)
63
on the northern border of Ugarit: K l e n g e l 1970, 35; A s t o u r 1981a,
18-9). Hi s. adversaries in this operation appear to be Sutu-troops
( er n . me S-te-e), i.e. tribal groups in the highlands of Ugarit who
were often employed as mercenaries.
66
Two further very fragmen-
tary letters, EA 46-47,
67
also claim Ugarit's ongoing loyalty to Egypt,
and may belong to the same correspondents.
68
The Ugaritian king's
statement that 'my ancestors did service [for] your [ancestors
(EA 47: 8-9; M o r a n 1992, 119) is occasionally quoted as a proof
for Ugarit's submission to Egyptian overlordship in the early 15th
century. However, such hyperbolic expressions do not necessarily
reflect real historical circumstances (see below).
63
For Abdi-Asirta's quest for recognition see, recently, SI NGER 1991a, 141fT. (with
further refs.).
64
For the now unequivocal identification of Suppiluliuma's father, see OTTEN
1995, 8.
65
For the identification of the twin mountains Hazzi and Nanni, attested in
Hittite texts, with Mt. Casius (Sapunu) and Mt. Anti-Casius, respectively, see KL ENGEL
1969, 354, 410, . 29; 1970, 34ff.; BORDREUI L 1989b; VAN SOL DT 1994, 367. For
the proposed vocalization Sapunu see WY A T T 1995a. For other identifications of Mt.
Nanni, see DI J KSTRA 199lj 133ff., 137; POPK O 1998: 124.
66
The two persons mentioned in the fragment, Zittara and Halpamuwa, are
otherwise unknown. (Halpa-A.A in the tribute list KUB 42.29 ii 15' belongs to the
13th century; SI EGELOVA 1986, 14Iff.).
67
A third fragmentary letter, EA 48, was sent by a certain [. . ,-H]eba to her
lady (with a present of balsam). The two are usually identified as a queen of Ugarit
and a queen of Egypt respectively (AL BRI GHT 1944, 33; DROWER 1975, 134; MORA N
1992, 120). In fact, the only reason for Knudtzon's attribution of this letter to the
correspondence of Ugarit was the similarities of its clay and script to those of the
other letters (AL BRI GHT 1944: 30-1). For two Ugaritic letters traditionally dated to
the Amarna age, KTU 2.23 = RS 16.078+ and KTU 2.42 +43 = RS 18.1 13A, [B],
a late 13th century dating is claimed in this study. See pp. 713 and 677, respectively.
68
The mention of the Egyptian envoy Hanya in EA 47: 23, also known from
other Amarna letters, does not provide an accurate chronological clue, since he
probably kept his office during the reigns of both Amenophis III and Akhenaten
(CAMPBEL L 1964, 127).
An intriguing reference to Ugarit in the Amarna Age is found in
EA 1, sent by Kadasman-Enl i l I to Amenophi s I I I (see L i v er ani
1990, 274, with further refs. in n. 1). I n his long letter dealing with
royal marriages, the Babylonian king, quoting from an earlier letter,
expresses his doubts about the identity of the girl who was shown
to one of his messengers in Egypt. Was she really his sister, or rather
'the daughter of some poor man (muknu), or of some Ga<s>gean(?),
or the daughter of some Hani gal batean, or perhaps someone from
Ugarit?' (11. 37ff.; M o r a n 1992, 1). I wonder whether this is merely
an arbitrary list of possibilities,
69
or rather the Babylonian king had
in his mi nd actual cases of foreign princesses sent to Egypt. The first
name is corrupt,
70
but Mi ttanni an princesses were indeed present in
Amenophi s I l l 's harem (for refs. see, R l l i g 1974, 19; P i n t o r e 1978,
15ff.). Admittedly, we have no direct evidence for royal marriages
between Egypt and Ugarit in the Amarna Age, but perhaps the
Egyptian alabaster vase on which Ni qmaddu is portrayed with an
Egyptian lady (see below) may show that the bond between the two
lands was indeed cemented by an 'exchange' of noble brides. I n this
respect, it is interesting to observe that Ugarit is the only site out-
side Canaan that has yielded a large scarab issued to commemorate
the marri age of Amenophi s I I I with Tiy in the second year of his
reign (Ug 3, 223: fig. 204). Amenophi s I l l 's cartouche also appears
on at least five al abaster vessels,
71
on one of them (RS 17.058)
together with Queen Tiy.
3.3 Niqmaddu II (ca. 1350-1315)
The exact date of Ni qmaddu's accession to the throne is not known,
but he must have been a contemporary of both Akhenaten and
Tutankhamun. Ugarit's cordial relations with Egypt continued for a
6!l
That 'the daughter of some poor man' (muknu) precedes the princesses from
three lands does not necessarily imply, as usually assumed, that these lands are
viewed upon in a derogatory way. I think that the writer simply wanted to distin-
guish between two categoriesa girl of inferior birth, or a princess from a coun-
try other than Babylon.
70
If indeed KUR Ga-ga-ia refers to the Kaka (VON SCHL ER 1965, 80), perhaps
the author confused it with another Anatolian land which sent a princess to Amenophis
III, namely Arzawa (EA 31-32).
71
RS 11.329; RS 1-11.[116]; RS 16.340; RS 17.058; RS 17.[476], See refs. in
RSO 5/1.
while, at least until its submission to Suppiluliuma I around 1340
bce (see p. 632). In EA 49 Ni qmaddu requests an Egyptian physi-
cian and two palace attendants from Cush ( M o r a n 1992, 120). The
Egyptian envoy to Ugarit, [Ha]ramassa, is also known to have rep-
resented his country at the court of Turatta of Mittanni (EA 20).
The flow of prestigious presents from Egypt went on as before,
as shown by the hundreds of pieces of alabaster vessels, many of
them inscribed, found throughout the city and in the port of Minet-
el-Beida ( C aubet 1991a, 209-14; Y o n 1994b, 427). One of them
carries the cartouches of Akhenaten and Nefertiti (RS 15.202 +
15.203; Ug 3, 167, fig. 120).
Another inscribed fragment depicts 'Ni qmaddu the Great One
of the Land of Ugarit' (wr h3st ik3nyty nyk3irdy) in the presence of
a lady dressed in Egyptian style (RS 15.239; Ug 3, 165, fig. 118;
D es r o c h es - N o b l ec o u r t 1956). Although the artist exhibits a high
degree of familiarity with Egyptian conventions, minute details in
the iconography and the Egyptian script disclose that the vase was
probably of local manufacture, probably imitating Egyptian proto-
types ( D es r o c hes - N o bl ec o ur t 1956, 218-9). Unfortunately, the name
of the lady portrayed in a bridal posture, if it was ever indicated, is
not preserved. Thi s opens a whole range of possibilities with regard
to her identity, from a daughter of Akhenaten to a Syrian princess
depicted la gyptienne. The truth may lie in between. As clearly
stated in EA 4: 9ff., Egyptian kings were not in the habit of mar-
rying their own daughters to foreign rulers. They could, however,
send other ladies of noble rank to fulfil this i mportant diplomatic
task. Thi s is exactly what the Babylonian king asks for: 'Send me a
beautiful woman as if she were [you]r daughter' ( M o r a n 1992, 9).
I n view of Kadasman-Enlil's incidental menti on of Ugarit in EA 1 :
37ff. (see p. 624), I would opt for the possibility that there was indeed
an exchange of royal brides between the courts of Egypt and Ugarit.
If the Egyptian lady depicted on the vase was indeed Ni qmaddu's
bride,
73
one is faced with the difficult question of her relationship
12
For the former possibility, see DESROCHES- NOBL ECOURT 1956, 204fT., and esp.
p. 219, n. 2; see also GI VEON 1986, 839. There is a general agreement that the
Niqmaddu depicted on the vase is identical with the 14th century king, but PI NTORE
(1978, 78-9) preferred to identify him with Niqmaddu III, for reasons which are
no longer tenable (VAN SOL DT 1991a, 13, n. 115).
73
It is not clear to me on what evidence RL L I G ( 1974, 19) categorically states
that the wedding took place in Amenophis I ll's 36th year. The vase is usually dated
with Queen Pisidqi, who is usually identified as Ni qmaddu's spouse.
74
One possibility would be to equate the two ladies (cf. v an S o l d t 1991a,
13, n. 115), assuming that the Egyptian bride was given a Semitic
name when she came to Ugarit.
75
I n that case, she must have been
very young when she marri ed an already aging Ni qmaddu. Pisidqi
still appears as the queen of Ugarit in a legal text dated to Ammi t-
tamru I I (RS 15.086 = PRU 3, 54f.), who succeded Ni qmepa after
his half century long reign. Perhaps it is better to separate the two
spouses of Ni qmaddu II ( A boud 1994, 27-8), although it would not
be easy to explain how a prestigious Egyptian bride could deteriorate
to a humiliating secondary rank in the court. Could this be connected
to Ugarit's political shift from the Egyptian to the Hittite camp?
I n concluding this chapter of close Egyptian-Ugaritian contacts in
the Amarna Age, we may attempt to define the political nature of
this relationship more closely. On the basis of the same sources, most
scholars have maintained that Ugarit was a vassal of Egypt,
76
whereas
others have argued for her full i ndependence ( A l t mann 1976). There
are of course many definitions that fall between the two extremes,
simply describing Ugarit as bel ongi ng to the Egyptian sphere of
influence without a more definite geo-political definition (e.g., D r o w e r
1975, 133). Nougayrol even spoke of a Hurri an-Egypti an condomi n-
ium in Ugarit ( N o u g a y r o l 1956, 57).
Havi ng refuted the flimsy evidence for an Egyptian takeover of
Ugarit in the early 18th dynasty, the decision really rests on the
evaluation of the Amarna correspondence and the Egyptian finds
from Ugarit. Considered without bias, nothi ng in these two bodies
of evidence argues for a state of vassalage. The expressions of sub-
ordination and loyalty in the episdes of the kings of Ugarit are hardly
more than polite hyperbole anticipated from a state of inferior polit-
ical status in its dealings with a great power ( A l t man 1976; cf. also
to the reign of Akhenaten (or even later) on both stylistic and historical consider-
ations (LI VERANI 1962, 31).
74
In the legal text RS 16.277 (= PRU 3, 50-1) ratified by Niqmaddu, 'Pisidqi
the Queen' exchanges real estate with Nuriyanu, Niqmaddu's brother. See VAN
SOL DT 1991, 7.
75
GORDON (1956, 129) analyzed the name as Bi-Sidqi < Bit-Sidqi, 'Daughter of
J ustice'.
76
LI VERANI 1962, 24-5; ibid., 1988a, 566; ibid., 1990, 142; K I TCHEN 1962, 35;
CAMPBEL L 1964, 121; ASTOUR 1981b, 15ff.; ZACCAGNI NI 1990, 68.
K l e n g e l 1992, 133, . 250) . Actually, various elements of style and
content clearly distinguish these letters from those of real Egyptian
vassals in Canaan, who regularly paid taxes and fulfilled corve duties.
To give one example, Ni qmaddu's demand for an Egyptian physi-
cian and Cushite attendants (EA 59) would be considered as a brazen
breach of etiquette on the part of a simple vassal state. The same
applies to Ni qmaddu's 'Weddi ng Vase', which shows, if anything,
that Ugarit enjoyed a privileged status. 'I ndependence' is perhaps
too modern a political concept to describe the status of a relatively
small ancient Near Eastern state, but an autonomous status with
strong Egyptian influence could be the best way to describe Ugarit's
position before its submission to Suppi l ul i uma I. Egypt had free
access to the ports of Ugarit, and thence to the rest of the north-
eastern Medi terranean. Thi s lucrative maritime trade was probably
valued too highly to endanger it by excessive i nterference. The
Hittites, who were to become far more demandi ng overlords, never-
theless adopted a similar policy towards Ugarit.
4 U g a r i t U n d e r H i t t i t e R u l e
4.1 The Levantine alliance of Ugarit and Amurru
The bond with Egypt, although economically lucrative and cultur-
ally influential, could hardly secure Ugarit's borders and its autonomous
political status. Probably the first to exert considerable pressure on
Ugarit in the changing political conditions towards the mid-14th cen-
tury was its southern nei ghbour Amurru. Thi s newly established
kingdom on the northern confines of the Egyptian Empire promptly
accumulated considerable military strength under the able leader-
ships of Abdi-Airta and his son Aziru (see recently, S i nger 1991a,
14I ff, with further refs.). I n their recurring complaints to the Pharaoh,
the rulers of Byblos, Ri b-Haddi and Y apah-Addu, claim that the
entire coast from Byblos to Ugarit banded together with the resented
Amurrites, against Egyptian interests (EA 98; cf. EA 126: 6).
Ugarit's siding with Amurru against Egyptian interests could hardly
have been voluntary. According to the accord between Aziru and
Ni qmaddu, the animosity between the two kingdoms went back to
the days of Ammi ttamru I (RS 19.068.8), although its background
is not specified.
77
Aziru, having thrown in his lot with the Hittites
quite early in his reign ( S i nger 1991a, 155ff.), could not risk con-
fronting hostile neighbours on both his southern and northern flanks
and must have exerted considerable pressure on Ugarit to come to
terms with him. His accord with Ni qmaddu is uni que in the con-
text of ancient Near Eastern treaties (RS 19.068 = PRU 4, 284ff;
K h n e 1971). Formally, it has the appearance of a treaty between
equal states, but the actual stipulations bring it closer to a vassal
treaty between a stronger and a weaker party. Ugarit consented to
pay the considerable sum of 5,000 silver shekels for her military pro-
tection
7
" and for Amurru's renunciation of all future claims on Ugarit's
client states of Si yannu and Zi nzaru. The relative dati ng of this
accord is open to speculation ( L i v er ani 1962, 36-7; K l e n g e l 1969,
284-5; S i nger 1991a, 156-7). It most probably predates Ni qmaddu's
treaty with Suppiluliuma, and could be more or less contemporary
with Suppiluliuma's treaty with Aziru.
79
Against the background of the new alliance between the two
Levantine kingdoms and the stormy developments on the political
scene of the Near East, one should be able to find a suitable his-
torical context for one of the most intriguing documents discovered
in Ugarit, the so-called 'General 's Letter' (RS 20.033 = Ug 5, no.
20). The long Akkadian letter, about a third of which is missing,
was sent by the military commander Sumi[] to the King, his lord.
He asks for urgent reinforcements to complete his mission, guard-
ing a strategic pass between the sea and Mount Lebanon in the
Land of Amurru, in anticipation of an i mpendi ng Egyptian attack.
The dramati c situation described in this rare document of military
intelligence may fit into several historical contexts, and indeed, different
datings have been suggested, ranging from the mid-14th to the early
77
Recently NA'AMAN (1996) suggested that the claims of Ba'aluya (Aziru's son)
against Niqmaddu mentioned in the accord refer to a political entanglement between
the Levantine states, in which the king of Ugarit detained messengers of Amurru
who were sent to Hatti and intended to extradite them to Egypt (see also n. 62
above). According to Na'aman, the 5,000 shekels were paid to Amurru as a compen-
sation for the damages caused by Ugarit and Siyannu to members of Aziru's family.
78
This sum is more than half of what Ugarit paid to the Hittites for her exemp-
tion from military duties: 50 golden minas, equalling some 8,000 silver shekels (see
p. 683).
79
For an entirely different chronological reconstruction of the events relating to
Amurru's and Ugarit's contacts with the Hittites, see FREU 1992 (with table on
p. 96).
12th centuries (for refs. see I z r e' el - S i nger 1990, 14ff.). Almost
half a century after its discovery the 'General 's Letter' still defies an
unequivocal interpretation, but the possibilities are gradually being
reduced, especially through linguistic criteria. Schaeffer's far-fetched
setting of the events ( S c h aef f er 1968, 638-91) within the context
of the invasions of the 'Sea Peoples' in the early 12th century (partly
based on the findspot of the tablet in the Rap'anu archive) has gen-
erally been refuted.
80
Many have found an appropri ate historical set-
ting in the era before or after the Battle of Qadesh.
81
But after all,
Nougayrol's initial conviction ( N o u g a y r o l 1968, 69-79) that, despite
its archaeological context, the letter's script and language place it
within the Amarna Age, has recently received strong support through
linguistic and historical rvaluations.
82
The resulting historical recon-
structions agree on the occasion for the General 's mission: Amurru's
defection to the Hittite camp and an anticipated Egyptian retalia-
tion. However, the identity of the correspondents is still open to
speculation. Two of the suggested possibilities are: a pro-Hittite Syrian
prince (possibly Sumit[tara]) posted in Amurru, whose letter to the
Hittite king or viceroy travelled through Ugarit
83
(Singer in I z r e' el
S i nger 1990); or, an 'Apiru commander writing to the ruler of
Amurru who was visiting the king of Ugarit ( M ar q u ez R o w e 1996).
Whether the prospected Egyptian campai gn to Amurru ever took
place is questi onabl e. After the sudden death of Akhenaten the
Egyptian retaliation was postponed until the Ramesside era.
4.2 Fire in the palace of Ugarit
I n its heyday the palace of Ugarit, covering an area of nearly 7,000
m
2
(Yon 1997b, 46), was no doubt one of the most spectacular
80
Cf., however DE MOOR 1996b, 232~3, who relates the letter to an alleged flight
of Queen Tausert and Beya to Syria in 1190.
81
E.g., L I VERANI 1962, 76ff.; CAZELLF.S 1970; RAI NF.Y 1971a; 1973; STI EGL I TZ
1992; K L ENGEL 1992, 137.
82
I ZRE'EL 1988; I ZRE'EL - SI NGER 1990. See also LI VERANI 1992; DEL COR 1992;
RL I .I G 1993; L ACKENBACHER 1995a: 70; MA RQUEZ ROWE 1996b. Cf., however,
STI EGL I TZ 1992, who suggests that the letter was sent to the king of Ugarit by
Sumiyanu, father of Rap'anu, in the early 13th century.
83
That the correspondence between Amurru and Carchemish occasionally passed
through Ugarit is also shown by a courtesy letter sent by Benteina to the King,
his lord (RS 19.006 = PRU 6, 2). This address can only refer to the 'King' par
edifices in the Levant.
84
When Ri b-Hadda of Byblos wanted to
describe the wealth of the king of Tyre he compared his residence
to that of Ugarit (EA 89: 51). No wonder that when the palace of
Ugarit was (partly) destroyed by a fire the rumour spread swiftly
throughout the Levant and the event was promptly reported to Egypt
by Abi-Milku of Tyre (EA 151: 55): 'Fire destroyed the palace of
Ugarit; (rather), it destroyed half of it and so hal <f > of it has dis-
appeared. There are no Hittite troops about' ( M o r a n 1992, 238).
The passage raises several probl ems of interpretation ( L i ver ani
1962, 27ff.). First, the repetition of the information about Ugarit is
odd and most interpreters have corrected it to mean that one half
of the palace was burnt whereas the other half was not. Of more
weight is the question whether the subsequent mention of the Hittite
troops is related to the fire in Ugarit, and if so, how.
85
The passage
goes on to report on other news from Canaan (clashes between
Etakkama and Aziru), and most commentators tend to disconnect
the various pieces of information reported by Abi-Milku (e.g., L i v er ani
1962, 30). However, it is difficult to fathom the sense of the phrase
concerni ng the Hittite army unless the sender sought to emphasize
its relevance to the calamity in Ugarit. The letter is dated to the
last years of Akhenaten ( C ampbel l 1964, 127), and it coincides with
Suppiluliuma's 'one year campai gn' (or 'First Syrian War') to Syria
around 1340 bc e ( F r eu 1985, 41; B r y c e 1989, 30; Singer in I z r e' el -
S i nger 1990, 155ff.). From the later record we know that Ugarit
was never militarily attacked by the Hittites and it is unlikely that
they were responsible for this fire. There is, however, a much better
candi date for causing this calamity in Ugarit. The Suppiluliuma-
Ni qmaddu treaty reports a j oi nt attack of the anti-Hittite confeder-
acy of Muki, Nuhhai and Niya on Ugaritian territory, which may
very well have culminated in a destructive raid on the capital itself.
Abi-Milku's report may refer exactly to the fact that 'there are no
Hittite troops about' who could rescue Ugarit from its enemies. Onl y
excellence, i.e. the king of Carchemish (KLENGEL 1969, 214, 375; SI NGER 1983b,
13, n. 16; 1990, 173) and not to the king of Ugarit (NOUGAY ROL 1970, 2).
84
For the palace of Ugarit, see COURTOI S 1979, 1217ff.; MARGUERON 1995; Y ON
1997b, 45ff. The new palace apparently replaced the Northern Palace which was
built in the 16th century and went out of use around 1400 BCE (YON 1997b, 70ff).
85
CAD, I-J : 230b implausibly places the Hittite troops near the fire: 'Fire has
consumed Ugarit, that is, it consumed half of it but did not consume the other
half nor the Hittite troops'. Moran's translation (above) is no doubt preferable.
later, when Ni qmaddu gave in to the growing pressures on him and
asked for Hittite intervention did the army of Suppiluliuma come to
the rescue and expel the Syrian enemies from its territory.
Conclusive archaeological evidence for this conflagration has not
yet been identified, but there are certain indications in the palace
area which may perhaps be related to it. Schaeffer noted an early
destruction level which separated two building phases ( S c haef f er
1937, 137ff.; 1938, 194-5; 1948, 9). He attributed this destruction
to an earthquake followed by a raging fire dated to ca 1365 bce,
but both his archaeological data and his historical conclusions have
been questioned (see, e.g. v an S o l d t 1991a, 220). Recent investi-
gations, however, seem to bear out his distinction between two con-
flagrations, the later one certainly marki ng the final destruction of
Ugarit ( M ar g u er o n 1995a, 191-2). As for the earlier destruction,
which is discerned only in the western part of the palace, two pos-
sible datings have been considered in recent studies: either the Amarna
Age fire reported by Abi-Milku (EA 151), or a mid-13th century
earthquake whose effects can also be discerned in other parts of the
city ( C al l o t 1986, 748; 1994, 204-5).
86
When the palace was rebuilt
the ruined parts were probably covered and levelled, which may per-
haps explain the fact that no documents earlier than Ni qmaddu II
87
were discovered in the palace area.
88
Another possibility could be
that the conflagration menti oned in EA 151 refers to the Northern
Palace ( L i ver ani 1988b, 128), which was abandoned in the 14th
century (Yon 1998a, 72).
8(>
Arnaud (apud CAL L OT 1994, 205) refers to an alleged mention of (this) earth-
quake in a verdict of I ni-Teub ( R S 27. 052. 6 = PRU 6, no. 36), but the evidence
is doubtful.
87
For the lowering of the dates of K TU 2.23 = RS 16.078+ and K TU 2.42 +
43 = RS 18.113A[B], the only allegedly pre-Niqmaddu II tablets from the palace
archives, see n. 67. For RS 4.449, the only tablet discovered in the temple area
on the acropolis, see n. 54; it was sent by a king of Alalah to a 15th century king
of Ugarit, which may indicate that the pre-Niqmaddu II archives may still be dis-
covered somewhere outside the palace area (cf. NOUGAY ROL 1956, 57).
88
For the refutation of Schaeffer's reconstruction of a two-level archive (before
and after the fire mentioned in EA 151), see L I VERANI 1988b. The two levels may
perhaps correspond to two stories of the building, but joins made between tablet
fragments found in both levels seem to disprove this explanation as well (VAN SOL DT
1991a, 72; L ACKENBACHER 1995a, 73).
4.3 Ugarit joins the Hittite camp
An early contact between Ugarit and the Hittites may be referred
to in the openi ng lines of Suppiluliuma's letter to Ni qmaddu: 'As
previously your forefathers were at peace with Hatti . . .' (RS 17.132.
7-9 = PRU 3, 35). Thi s may mean nothing more than the fact that
there was no enmity between the two parties in the past ( K l engel
1969, 350), but it could also refer to more concrete circumstances.
The era of the Ol d Hittite kings' campaigns to Syria ( A st our 1981a,
11) must probably be excluded. On the other hand, a campai gn of
Suppiluliuma's father near the northern border of Ugarit, at Mt.
Nanni , is actually recorded in a Hittite text (see p. 623). Perhaps it
was this early show of arms that led Ammi ttamru I to conclude a
peace agreement with the Hittites. There is, however, no direct evi-
dence for this alleged early submission of Ugarit to the Hittites.
The first clear record of Ugarit's passage from the Egyptian sphere
of influence to the Hittite fold is connected to Suppiluliuma I 's 'one
year campai gn' in Syria, around 1340 bce. To understand fully the
rich Hittite documentati on on the circumstances of Ugarit's submis-
sion it is necessary to explain briefly the Hittite sense of historical
justice in their dealings with other states. The Hittites had a long-
standing claim on northern Syria, going back as early as the late
17th century. In the early 14th century Tudhaliya I reconquered much
of northern Syria, but this was a short-term success and Hatti fell
back into one of its perennial setbacks. The opportunity to regain
Syria arose a few decades later when the Hurri ans attacked a Hittite
vassal on the Upper Euphrates front. Thi s time they were confronted
with a brilliant strategist who swiftly brought Mi ttanni to its knees
and took over all its possessions west of the Euphrates. For the
Hittites this was a clear case of self-defence which justified their mil-
itary occupation of the central Syrian kingdoms. Amurru and Ugarit,
however, did not qualify for this manifestation of historical justice,
for they were never Mi ttanni an vassals.
89
Therefore, other explana-
tions were necessary to justify their j oi ni ng the Hittite fold. Amurru
was an acknowledged Egyptian vassal,
90
and therefore the treaties
89
For this reason Ugarit and Amurru are not mentioned in the treaty between
Suppiluliuma and attiwaza (CTH 51; BECKMAN 1996C, no. 6), since the historical
introduction of this document only covers lands that formerly belonged to Mittanni.
90
Contrary to an often quoted view (see, recently, REDFORD 1992, 177), the
Hittites never claimed that Amurru once belonged to Mittanni. On the contrary,
concluded with her repeatedly stress the fact that Aziru appealed for
Hittite vassalship out of his own initiative, and his country was never
taken by force ( S i nger 1990, 144ff.). As for Ugarit, whose ties with
Egypt were less binding, a ready legitimization for Hittite interven-
tion was supplied by Ni qmaddu's request for protection from his
aggressive neighbours. The recurrence of the 'deliverance moti f' in
many Hittite treaties ( A l t man 1984) calls for caution in reconstructing
the actual course of events. On the other hand, it should not auto-
matically deny the historicity of these accounts. Even if, as stated by
one authority '. . . the Hittite chancery had no difficulty at all in
"reconstructing" the past in such a way as to arrange a suitable basis
for an optimal organization of the present and the future' ( Zac c agni ni
1990, 71), the basic elements of the 'narrative' can usually be demon-
strated to rest on real facts, even when these are compromi si ng to
Hittite interests.
The first Hittite overture is recorded in Suppiluliuma's letter to
Ni qmaddu II (RS 17.132 = PRU 4, 35-7; B ec k man 1996c, 119-20).
The Hittite monarch, recalling the good relations between Hatti and
Ugarit in the past, offers military assistance in case of an attack on
Ugarit from Muki and Nuhhai. The anti-Hittite Syrian coalition
91
must have countered with an offer of its own, or indeed, with an
open threat on Ugarit. Between 'hammer and anvil', Ni qmaddu's
decision was anything but easy. His energetic southern neighbour,
Aziru, had already cast in his lot with the Hittites, and he exerted
pressure on Ugarit to follow his example.
92
Ni qmaddu could not
hope for much assistance from his weakening Egyptian ally, and with
Hittite forces on both his northern and southern borders he could
not for much longer sit on the fence. The final push towards the
Hittite camp was probably given by the joint attack of Muki, Nuhhai
and Niya on Ugaritian territory, which is reported in the historical
in the treaties with Amurru it is repeatedly stated that Aziru defected from the
camp of Egypt. For the seemingly aberrant statement in the augamuwa Treaty,
see SI NGER 1991c. Cf. also ZACCAGNI NI 1988.
91
Note the absence of Niya, which is mentioned later in Ni qmaddu's treaty as
the third member of the anti-Hittite confederacy. In the time interval separating
the two documents the pro-Hittite ruler of Niya, Takuwa, was replaced by his
brother Aki-Teub who, as reported in the attiwaza treaty, conspired with the
kings of Muki and Nuhhae (BECKMAN 1996C, 39, obv. 30ff.).
92
On the early dating of Aziru's submission to the Hittites, probably in the wake
of Suppiluliuma's 'one-year-campaign' to Syria, see Singer in SI NGER I ZRE'EL 1990,
155FF; 1991, 153FF.
preambl e to the Ni qmaddu treaty ( R S 17.340.I f f . = B e c k ma n 1996c :
1-2). It has been suggested above that the fire whi ch partially
destroyed the pal ace of Ugari t (EA 151) was caused by this sudden
raid. uppi1u1iuma responded i mmedi atel y to the call for help and
sent his generals to drive out the enemy from the territory of Ugari t,
leaving the rich booty to Ni qmaddu as a prize for his loyalty. Now
it was time to concl ude the promi sed treaty, whi ch was symbolically
signed at Alalah, the capital of the defeated enemy.
93
4.4 The first vassal treaty of Ugarit
The treaty between uppi1u1iuma and Ni qmaddu has been preserved
in several Akkadian duplicates and an Ugaritic version (PRU 4, 37-52;
B e c k ma n 1996c, 30ff, 15Iff.).
94
Besides the regular treaty sdpulations,
it i ncl uded a detailed list of Ugari t's tribute, and a list of towns delin-
eati ng Ugari t's northern border with Mukis. Thi s rich documentati on
shows that all copies of i mportant political documents were meti cu-
lously collected and kept for future generations.
95
When a tablet was
broken new copies were i mmedi atel y prepared, as shown by arre-
Kusuh's letter to Ni qmaddu whi ch was ratified and sealed by I ni-
Teub (RS 17.334.20-23 = PRU 4, 54ff; B e c k ma n 1996c, 120-1).
93
Probably Suppiluliuma had already turned Mukis from a kingdom ruled by a
local dynasty into an administrative unit ruled by a Hittite governor who stood
under the direct jurisdiction of the viceroy of Carchemish (NOUGAY ROL 1968, 92-3,
n. 3; KL ENGEL 1965, 252-3; LI VERANI 1979a, 1306). When the 'people of Mukis'
appealed to Mursili to restore their lost territories (see p. 639), their land was no
longer a separate kingdom. The Hittite prince ukur-Teub, probably the appointed
governor of Mukis, sent his letter of introduction to Ammi ttamru II (RS 20.003 =
Ug 5, no. 26).
94
All the Akkadian duplicates (RS 11. 732, 17. 227+, 17. 340, 17. 369 = PRU 4,
40FF) were found in the so-called 'Hittite archive' in the Southern Palace, Rooms
68 and 69 near Court V . The Ugaritic version (KTU 3.1 = RS 11. 772+) was
found in the Western Palace Archive. It is noteworthy that not even a single frag-
ment of an Ugarit treaty has turned up as yet in the Bogazky archives, whereas
we have copies of four successive Amurru treaties. This may have something to do
with the observation recently made by NEU ( 1995, 125- 6) , that the ductus of RS
17. 340 ( = PRU 4, 48) differs from the one employed in Hattua in this period, and
it rather points to Syria, probably Carchemish, as the chancellery where the treaty
was written down. This again conforms perfecdy with Otten's observation (OTTEN
1995, 24, 27) on the place of manufacture of the seals of the Hittite kings that
were used in Ugarit (see n. 109).
95
Relevant documents were deposited in the 'Hittite archive' at least as late as
the mid-13th century as shown by RS 17.334 with the seal of I ni-Teub (. 99).
The stipulations of the treaty itself are unusually scanty and deal
only with Ugarit's right to retain fugitives from neighbouring lands.
The standard demand for the prompt dispatch of auxiliary troops is
missing. Probably the Hittites were content with the huge amount
of yearly tribute comprising gold and dyed wool and garments (RS
17.227+ = PRU 4, 40ff.).
96
I n addition to the main tribute consist-
ing of 500 shekels of 'heavy' gold (compared with only 300 imposed
on Aziru), Ugarit sent gold and silver cups to the king, the queen
and six other Hittite high officials (PRU 4, 38). Combi ned with the
5,000 silver shekels paid to Aziru for future military assistance, it is
quite obvious that the treaties with her neighbours weighed heavily
on Ugarit. No doubt, Ni qmaddu would have preferred to keep his
loose, far less demandi ng, alliance with Egypt had the political cir-
cumstances allowed him to do so.
The economic burden exerted by the bonds concluded with Suppilu-
liuma and with Aziru was somewhat compensated by the territorial
gains granted to Ni qmaddu as a reward for his loyalty. The list of
towns given to Ugarit by uppi1u1iuma I (RS 17.340 = PRU 4, 48)
was later re-confirmed by Muri1i II in his treaty with Ni qmepa (RS
17.237 = PRU 4, 63ff.), despite the protests of the citizens of Muki
(see p. 639). The 42 toponyms are located in the northernmost part
of the ki ngdom, borderi ng on Muki, and they stretch from the
Orontes to the Medi terranean ( N o u g ay r o l , PRU 4, 14). Astour has
attempted to show that some of these places are situated east of the
Orontes, even as far as the region south of Hal ab ( A s t o ur 1969,
404; 1981a, 21; 1981b; 1995, 57-8). Thi s would vasdy increase the
size of the kingdom of Ugarit at the expense of the rebel kingdoms
of Muki, Nuhhai and Niya.
9
' More realistic estimates, however, tend
to limit the territory of the kingdom within the bend of the Orontes,
with a territory of about 2,000-2,200 km
2
, comprising the area be-
tween J ebel al-Aqra (Sapa/unu/Mt. Casius) in the north, the Alawite
range (J ebel Ansariyah or Mt Bargylus) in the east, and Nahr es-Sinn
in the south, which preserves the name of the ancient kingdom of
96
For the yearly tribute sent by Ugarit to Hatti, see EI SSFF.LDT 1950; K OROSEC
1960, 65ff.; DI ETRI CH L ORETZ 1966a; ZACCAGNI NI 1973, 155 6; PARDEE 1984b,
245; L I VERANI 1990, 269-70.
97
According to his 1969 study the size of Ugarit almost quadrupled. In later
studies ASTOUR (1981b, 21; 1981a, 11; 1995, 55) reduced his estimate to about
5,425 km
2
, still a territorial state of considerable size.
Siyannu. It corresponds largely to the area of the modern province
of Lattakiyeh.
98
4.5 The loyalty of Ugarit tested
The loyalty of the Levantine allies of Hatti was put to the test a
generation later when the inner-Syrian states, led by Tette of Nuhhai
and Aitakama of Kinza, repeatedly revolted against the Hittites (del
M o n t e 1983; B r y c e 1988). The aging Aziru sent out his son d u -
Tesub to help the Hittites (CTH 62 I I obv. 13ff.), and Ni qmaddu
was also summoned to attack Tette in a letter sent to him by Piyai1i/
arre-Kuuh, king of Carchemi sh (RS 17.334 = PRU 4, 54-5; B e c k -
man 1996c, 120-1).
99
As in the earlier documents of Suppiluliuma,
Ni qmaddu was promised as a reward that he could keep for him-
self all the captives that he would take from the enemy's army.
Whether Ni qmaddu fulfilled his military duty is not known, but the
secession of the kingdom Si yannu-Unatu from his jurisdiction in the
reign of Ni qmepa is often seen as a puni shment for his half-hearted
stance when called to duty (e.g., L i v e r a n i 1988a, 567; K l e n g e l
1992, 134). The anti-Hittite insurrections were no doubt instigated
by the Egyptians, whose interventions in Syria are reported in the
7th and 9th years (ca. 1316-1314) of Mursili I I 's annals ( G o e t z e
1933, 80ff.; K l e n g e l 1969, 169). The Syrian rebellions were sup-
pressed in Mursili's 9th year, but the resurgent Egyptian activities
against Hittite interests in Syria, initiated by Horemheb,'
00
gradually
gained momentum and finally culminated in the Battle of Qadesh
fourty years later.
Ni qmaddu II
10
' witnessed the most i mportant political develop-
ment in the LBA history of Ugarit: the shift from the loose hege-
mony of Egypt to full integration into the Hittite Empire. Ni qmaddu
98
BORDREUI L 1989b, 269-70; LI VERANI 1990, 84, n. 16; SAAD 1979, 33; PARDEE -
BORDREUI L 1992, 715-6; VAN SOL DT 1994, 366, n. 13; Y ON 1997b, 19.
99
RS 17.334, found with the rest of the Hittite political documents in the
Southern Palace Archive, is actually a copy made by I ni-Teub, after the original
tablet signed by his grandfather had broken (lines 20-23).
100 P
O R T
H
E
revival of Egyptian militarism in Asia under Horemheb, see REDFORD
1992, 179, and the literature cited by him in n. 258. Ugarit appears with other
Syrian localities in a topographical list from Karnak dated to Horemheb (SI MONS
1937, 47, 50ff.). For the alabaster vase with the name of Horemheb allegedly found
in Ugarit, see p. 637.
101
For the redating of the seal ring of a Niqmaddu to Niqmaddu III in the late
13th century, see p. 693.
played his cards carefully, most of which were kept in his opulent
treasuries rather than on the battle front. With the exception of a
brisk raid by his neighbours which probably destroyed part of Ugarit,
Ni qmaddu wisely managed to keep his kingdom far from the stormy
events that brought havoc upon his neighbours in the east and north.
The new tripartite political axis linking Hatti, Ugarit and Amurru
held out until the very end of the Hittite Empire.
4.6 Ar-halba (ca. 1315-1313)
Two of Ni qmaddu I I 's sons succeeded him on the throne, one after
the other. Very little is known about the short reign of Ar-halba
who is attested in only six juridical texts (RS 16.344, 15.91, 16.144,
16.160, 16.278, 16.142 = PRU 3, 75-7). The most telling of these
is his 'last will' in which he warns his brothers not to marry his wife
K ubaba after his death, contrary to the levirate custom.
102
Thi s
intriguing document has given place to plenty of speculation on the
circumstances of Ar-halba's end (see L i v er ani 1962, 64; 1979a, 1306,
with refs.). The mystery is further enhanced by his non-Semitic name,
which stands out in the otherwise uniform picture of Ugaritic royal
names. It has even been suggested that this name indicates that the
legitimate heir to the throne was not Ar-halba, but rather his brother
Ni qmepa who bore a normal Amorite name ( L i v er ani 1978, 152).
The standard historical scenario incriminates Ar-halba with col-
laboration with the pro-Egyptian insurrection of Tette of Nuhhai.
103
Support for this is ostensibly provided by an unpublished alabaster
vase with the cartouches of Horemheb, menti oned in preliminary
reports, but never seen since.
104
After the suppression of the mutiny
the Hittites supposedly forced Ar-halba to abdicate his throne in
favour of his brother Ni qmepa ( N o u g a y r o l 1956, 57; A s t o u r 1981a,
24). A forced change on the throne of Ugarit is purportedly hinted
102
RS 16.144 (= PRU 3, 76). I follow van Soldt's translation of lines 4- 9 (VAN
SOL DT 1985-6, 70, n. 13), which is entirely opposed to previous interpretations of
the passage: 'If in the future I will die, then the one from among my brothers who
marries Kubaba daughter of Tak'nu, my wife, may Ba'lu wash him away . . .'.
103
NOUGAY ROL 1956, xxxvii-xxxviii; 1956, 57; L I VERANI 1962, 58ff.; 1979a, 1306;
K L ENGEL 1965, 254; 1969, 360; DROWER 1975, 139; DI J KSTRA 1989, 150.
104
R S 17.[477]; SCHAEFFER 1954a, 41; NOUGA Y ROL 1956, 57. According to
BORDREUI L - PARDEE 1989, 152 the inscription is mentioned in a letter of J . Vandier.
Cf. also GI VEON 1986, 841, n. 14.
at in the fragmentary openi ng lines of the Mursili-Niqmepa treaty:
103
'[I have j oi ned you] Ni qmepa with your brothers, and I, the King,
have placed you upon the throne of your father and returned the
land of your father to you'. Compari son with the Suppiluliuma-Aziru
treaty (which also supplies the restoration) shows that the reference
is not to Ni qmepa's blood brothers but rather to his peers in Syria,
i.e., all the vassal kings who have been granted treaties with Hatti
( K l en g el 1969, 275; K h n e 1975, 240; Singer in I z r e' el - S i nger
1990, 148). The rest of the sentence is also standard in the termi-
nology of Hittite treaties (for parallels see K h n e 1975, 241-2, . 8;
d e l M o n t e 1986, 46ff). The only unusual thing is the lack of the
customary historical i ntroducti on summari zi ng the past relations
between the contracting parties. Whether this is a tactful omission
intended to cover up recent grievances in the relations between Hatti
and Ugari t ( L i v er ani 1962, 69; K h n e 1975, 241, . 7) is also ques-
tionable (cf. also d e l M o n t e 1986, 7-8 and n. 3, 46ff.). As a rule,
the Hittites did not hesitate to denounce disloyal elements in vassal
countries and eagerly stressed their own intervention in support of
loyal partners.
106
I n short, although the standard reconstruction of
the political circumstances which led to the quick changes on the
throne of Ugarit may make good sense, the evidence for it is entirely
circumstantial. Ar-halba's prompt di sappearance could simply have
been caused by non-political circumstances, such as sudden illness
and death. The only solid conclusion concerns the brevity of his
reign, probably not more than a couple of years extending between
Mursili's 7th and 9th years ( K l en g el 1969, 359-60; v an S o l d t
1991, 4-5).
4.7 Niqmepa (ca 1313-1260)
We return to more solid historical ground with the coronation of
Niqmaddu's second son, Niqmepa. His half-century-long reign stretches
from Mursiii I I 's 9th year into the reign of Hattusili 'I I I '.
107
Most
105
RS 1 7.349B+ = PRU A, 85ff; KESTEMONT 1974b; KHNE 1975b; DEL MONTE
1986; BECKMAN 1996C, 59-64.
106
See, e.g., the historical introduction to Mursili's treaty with Kupanta-Kurunta
of Mira-Kuwaliya (BECKMAN 1996C, 69).
107
VAN SOLDT 1991a, 5FF. See p. 660 for the decree issued by Hattusili 'I I I ' to
Ni qmepa concerning the men of Ura (RS 17.130 = PRU 4, 103-5).
historical reconstructi ons tend to find some connecti on between
Ni qmepa's accession to the throne and the suppression of the pro-
Egyptian insurrection in Syria. According to this scenario Ni qmepa
was not involved in his brother's rebellious policy and may even
have been forced to flee temporarily from Ugarit. After the sup-
pression of the mutiny, Ni qmepa was ostensibly rewarded by the
Hittites with the throne of Ugarit, after the elimination of his treach-
erous brother. As already stated above, nothing in this scenario is
based on solid evidence and the circumstances of Ni qmepa's coro-
nation remain unknown.
4.7.1 Territorial issues
The numerous fragments of the treaty with Niqmepa,
108
ratified with
the seals of Muri1i I I ,'
09
have been reconstructed as belonging to at
least three Akkadian copies of the text. The structure closely resembles
that of Suppiluliuma's treaties with Aziru of Amurru and with Tette
of Nuhhai, which may point to an early date for its composition,
immediately after Ni qmepa's accession to the throne ( del M o n t e
1986, 5ff.). Its structure already follows the 'classical' type of Hittite
treaties, which includes stipulations of loyalty to the Great Ki ng and
his descendants, offensive and defensive alliances, and detailed instruc-
tions on the extradition of fugitives. The treaty is concluded with a
full list of divine witnesses (compared to the brief list in the Ni qmaddu
treaty), and with the standard curse and blessing formulae.
Like the Ni qmaddu treaty, the Ni qmepa treaty also has supple-
ments dealing with Ugarit's tribute and with the delineation of its
northern border. 'The sons of Muki' sued Ugarit at law to return
108
PRU 3, 84-101, 287-9; PRU 6, 127-9; K OROSEC 1960; K ESTEMONT 1974b;
K HNE 1975; DEL MONT E 1986, 4-5; BECKMAN 1996c, 59-64. DEL MONT E (1986,
8, n. 2) observed that copy was written in Ugarit, whereas copy A exhibits unmis-
takable (ortho)graphic features of a Hittite scribal school.
109
The treaties are ratified with two royal seals of Muri1i II, which, as recently
demonstrated by OT T EN (1995, 26 7), are not identical with the seal impressions
from Bogazky. Since the same applies to the seals of Suppiluliuma I, Otten sug-
gests that the Hittite royal seals employed in Syria were locally manufactured, prob-
ably by the court of Carchemish (ibid., 24, 27; cf. . 94 on the ductus of the
Niqmaddu treaty). This important observation throws new light also on the unique
stone seal of Muri1i II discovered in 1950 (RS 14.202; Ug 3, 87-93; 161-3), which
some consider to be an ancient forgery (NEU 1995b, 124 5, with previous refs.; cf.
MORA 1987, 2112). For the interpretation of this seal, see also SALVI NI 1990, 423-6;
1995b, 96-7.
to them the territories annexed by Suppi l ul i uma to Ugari t, but after
carefully wei ghi ng the case, Mursili decided to reconfi rm the bor-
ders establ i shed by his father and repeated the list of northern
toponyms bel ongi ng to Ugari t (RS 17.237.3-16 = PRU 4, 63-70;
A s t o u r 1969, 398-405; 1981a; B e c k ma n 1996c, 159-60; v a n S o l d t
1997)." Ni qmepa fared less favourabl y on his southern border. Here
Mursili accepted the petition of the client state of Si yannu-Unatu
to be separated from Ugari t, and he placed its king Abdi-Anati under
the di rect j uri sdi cti on of the Hi tti te vi ceroy of Carchemi sh (RS
17.335+, 17.457, 17.344, 17.368, 16.170, 17.382+ = PRU 4, 71-83;
A s t o u r 1979; B e c k ma n 1996c, 160-2). The loss of about one third
of its territory was a serious bl ow to the economy of Ugari t, but at
least the Hittites agreed to reduce her yearly tribute accordingly (RS
17.382+ = PRU 4, 79-83; K l e n g e l 1969, 368). The demarcati on
of the new border between Ugari t and Si yannu-Unatu (somewhere
south of Gi bal a/ J ebl eh) was a compl i cated matter and was to keep
the Hittite foreign office occupi ed in the next generati ons.
1
" It is
usually assumed that Mursili's decision to the detri ment of Ugari t
was in retaliation for her behavi our at the ti me of the Syrian insur-
rection ( L i v e r a n i 1962, 60; 1988a, 567; D r o w e r 1975, 139). The
real reason may have had more to do with divide et impera politics
than with the punitive mood of the Hittite monarch. It was in his
best interest to keep the Syrian provinces as parti ti oned as possible,
without drastically breaking the traditional geo-political division lines."
2
110
LI VERANI (1979a, 1306; 1990, 83-4) assesses the evidence differently, claim-
ing that Mursili displaced the border again, this time at the advantage of Mukis.
111
For the various stages of the border demarcation, which continued at least as
late as the reign of Tudhaliya 'I V', see ASTOUR 1979; VAN SOL DT 1998. A further
document has recently been added to this dossier through the cleaning of a tablet
which was previously illegible, except for the seal impression at its centre (RS 17.403
=
Ug 3,137-9). Eleven lines of the obverse were almost fully recuperated, and they
contain a donation deed of a border area (NI'G.BA a qanni) to Ugarit (MAL BRAN-
LABAT 1995c, 37-8). Mention is made of Mursili (with the unusual spelling Mu-ur-
zi-i-li) and a division of fields between the king of Ugarit and the king of another
country whose name is unfortunately not preserved. As suggested by MAL BRAN-
L ABAT (ibid., 38), all these indications point towards a late ratification of the decree
of Mursili II dividing the border territories between Ugarit and Siyannu. Two Hittite
officials are mentioned in the tablet: Hini DUMU.LUGAL K U R
u r i
Ka[rgami] (SI NGER
1997, 420) and Tagi-arruma GAL L [
M
DUB.SAR], a restoration which corresponds
with the title on his seal impressed on the tablet.
112
A similar political step was taken by Mursili in western Anatolia. In order to
prevent the re-emergence of a strong Arzawa he divided it into several kingdoms
which were in constant competition with each other (HEI NHOL D-KRAHMER 1977, 121ff.)
The annexati on of Si yannu-Unatu to Ugarit was an outcome of the
Azi ru-Ni qmaddu treaty, and the Hittites were in no way obliged to
sanction a political accord which did not best serve their interests.
The creation of a buffer ki ngdom tucked in between Amurru and
Ugari t was a wise pre-empti ve step i ntended to prevent the devel-
opment of an excessively large geo-political uni on controlling the
Levantine coast all the way from Muki to the Egyptian border. The
constantly strengtheni ng political bond between the royal houses of
Amurru and Ugarit shows that in the l ong run this was not an
ungrounded political whi m.
4.7.2 Strengthening the bond with Amurru
The political bond established between Amurru and Ugarit in the
Amarna Age was continuously cultivated in the following genera-
tions. Two royal marri ages in succession, in both cases an Ugaritic
king weddi ng an Amurri te princess, established i nti mate contacts
between the two royal houses, as well as close commerci al and cul-
tural contacts between their lands.
The first marri age was Ni qmepa's with Ahat-Mi l ku, one of the
best known queens of Ugarit. Her exceedingly wealthy dowry list
carries the anepi graphi c dynastic seal of Amurru, identified in the
text as 'the seal of king DU-Teub' (RS 16.146 + 161 = PRU 3,
182-6). The only plausible way to account for this signature is that
the weddi ng occurred in the reign of DU-Teub, most probabl y her
father."
3
Thi s dates the event towards the end of Mursiii I I 's first
decade, i.e., at about 1314 ( van S o l d t 1991a, 14; S i nger 1991a,
159; A bo ud 1994, 30). Accordi ng to standard Near Eastern custom,
girls were given in marri age at a very early age, sometimes even
before they reached puberty ( L i pi nski 1981, 81, n. 8). Ahat-Milku
113
In order to solve the chronological problems raised by the apparently exces-
sively long period of Ahat-Milku's activity, VAN SOLDT (1985-6, 70; 1991a, 14 5)
suggested that her marriage took place during the reign of Duppi-Teub or even
Benteina, i.e., at an advanced stage of Niqmepa's reign. Firstly, this would differ
from other kings of Ugarit who married early, even before their accession to the
throne (ABOUD 1994, 30). More importantly, this would squarely contradict the
whole sense of the statement that the document was signed by the seal of DU-
Teub. The case of RS 17.360+ (= PRU 4, 139ff.) is quite different because it car-
ries both the dynastic seal (identified in the text as the seal of Aziru) and the
personal seal of augamuwa. Whether DU-Teub was Ahat-Milku's father or not
does not affect the chronological calculations.
must have been in her early teens when she arrived at Ugarit and
began her long and eventful career. She gave birth to several sons,
including the next king of Ugarit, Ammi ttamru II. The latest doc-
uments menti oni ng Ahat-Milku deal with the deportation of her sons
Hi mi -arruma and Abdi -arruma to A1aia (RS 17.352, 17.35,
17.362, 17.367 = PRU 4, 121-4). These verdicts are ratified by I ni-
Teub and by Tudhal i ya 'I V', the latter providing a terminus post quern
after 1239 ( E del 1976, 29). Thus, Ahat-Milku must have been at
least 90 years old when her sons were transferred from Ugarit to
A1aia. Some scholars raised doubts whether the 'early' and the 'late'
Ahat-Milku could be one and the same person."
4
But there are many
examples of similar longevity in antiquity (e.g. Puduhepa) and as
long as there is no positive evidence for the existence of two queens
named Ahat-Milku, it is better to reconstruct one long queenship,
which extended into the reign of Ammi ttamru II.
Amurru's hi ghl y-pai d protecti on services were no doubt fully
employed by Ugarit, but we learn details of such interventions only
in rare cases. I n a letter sent to Ammi ttamru II (RS 17.286 = PRU
4, 180), the king of Amurru, probably augamuwa,"
5
refers to a
previous incident in which Benteina was asked to mediate between
Ugarit and the hostile Manda troops. A generation later the same
situation recurred and the troops were again sent from Amurru to
Ugari t to settle thei r probl ems."
6
The Umman Manda ( er n. me
Man-del*^) are better known from first millennium contexts, where
the term usually refers to northern warriors of I ndo-European origins,
such as Scythians, Ci mmeri ans, and Medes ( L i v er ani 1962, 121-4;
1988d). In the second millennium they appear as military men from
1,4
Whereas NOUGAY ROL (1956, 10, 295) still hesitated, L I VERANI (1979a, 1308)
distinguished between the early Ahat-Milku, spouse of Ar-halba or even Niqmaddu
in his old age, and the late Ahat-Milku, spouse of Niqmepa and mother of Ammit-
tamru II.
115
The sender could theoretically also be Sabili, who was placed on the throne
by Muwatalli after the Battle of Qadesh. Note that he does not refer to Benteina
as his father, whereas he refers to the father of his correspondent without men-
tioning his name.
116
It is quite possible that this letter was given by the king of Amurru to the
chiefs of the Umman Manda who presented it to the king of Ugarit. Perhaps the
mysterious single sign I GI at the end of the letter (following a division line) con-
veys some sort of (secret?) message from one king to the other (related to the verb
'see'?). For lack of a better solution Nougayrol suggested (n. 2) that the scribe who
was used to write juridical texts automatically inserted 'witness' (I GI ) when he
finished writing the letter, but I find this explanation difficult to accept.
the Ol d Babylonian period onwards, including Ol d Hittite sources
( B e a l 1992, 72-3). Whether already at this stage the Umman Manda
consisted of I ndo-European tribesmen
117
is impossible to prove. I n
LBA Ugarit the term must probably refer to tribal groups from the
highlands, who were sometimes recruited as mercenaries, like the
Sutu or the habiru.
The relation of protector and protected between Amurru and
Ugarit finds its appropri ate expression in the courtesy terminology
used in their letter exchange. The Amurri te senders address their
Ugaritian correspondents as 'son' and 'daughter'. I n some cases this
may indeed reflect real familial relations,"
8
but in others this ter-
minology can only be explained as status ranking between the two
ki ngdoms."
9
Although Ugarit as the 'rich relative' was begged for
luxury goods (p. 666), there is a constant remi nder of who was the
stronger partner in the union of 'Amurru and Ugarit who are but
one (country)'.
120
4.7.3 The Battle of Qadesh
With the seizure of power by military men after the failed bid of
Tutankhamun's widow to uppi1u1iuma, Egypt renewed its aggressive
policy in western Asia, prepari ng to revenge her humiliating defeat
by the Hittites and the loss of Amurru and Qadesh. First attempts
to instigate disorder in Hittite Syria are attributed to Horemheb (see
n. 100), but the decisive move was left to the Pharaohs of the 19th
Dynasty. Sety I, after quelling disorders in Palestine, advanced up the
Phoenician coast to Amurru, and then crossed over to Qadesh and
captured the strategic city in ca. 1290 ( K R I I, 24; S p a l i n g e r 1979,
34; M u r n a n e 1985, 80ff.; R e d f o r d 1992, 181). Benteina of Amurru
had little choice but to surrender to the approachi ng Egyptians, and
117
KLENGEL 1969, 414, . 85; 1992, 137, . 278 (with further literature).
1,8
E.g., Ulmi in RS 16.111 (= PRU 3, 13) could very well be the mother of
Ahat-Milku (SI NGER 1991a, 160).
119
As in the letter of the governor of Amurru sent to his 'son', the governor of
Ugarit (FALES 1984). Another letter ( R S 15. 024 + 15. 050 = PRU 3, 18) is sent by
a certain Abuga to his 'brother', the governor [of Ugarit); it contains a mere dec-
laration of mutual assistance between the two lands, without any specific request.
A somewhat similar declaration is found in the Ugaritic letter RS 18.075 (= PRU
5, no. 65), but there is no evidence that it was sent from Amurru (SI NGER 1991a,
162, n. 38).
120
R S 20. 162. 18- 9 (= Ug 5, 115); for parallel expressions of unity, see MALBRAN-
LABAT i n BORDREUI L (ed.) 1991, 48.
returned his land to his previous overlord after half a century of Hittite
rule ( S i nger 1991a, 165-6).
121
Distant Ugarit had less to fear from
an Egyptian military operati on and Ni qmepa probabl y remai ned
loyal to the Hittites. He even sent his contingents to the Battle of
Qadesh (1275) in accordance to his treaty with Mursili I E
122
After
Muwatalli's decisive victory, Benteina was deposed and deported to
Hatti, but not for long. After a short period of 're-education' at the
court of Hattusili 'I I I ' in the Northern Land, he was reinstated on
the throne of Amurru and remai ned a loyal and highly-appreciated
agent of Hittite interests for the rest of his reign ( Si nger 1991a,
167ff.). Amicable relations with Ugarit were also resumed and fos-
tered, but sometimes the good intentions led to deplorable results,
as in the case of the ill-fated princess from Amurru, the bittu rabti
(p. 680f.).
Another converted ally of the Hittites was Ni qmaddu of Ki nza/
Qadesh. After the assassination of his father Aitakama he was cap-
tured by Mursili II, but was reinstalled on the throne and became
a faithful defender of Hittite interests in Syria. He also kept good
relations with Ugarit.
123
4.7.4 Urhi-Teub in Syria
When Hattusili 'I I I ' captured his nephew Urhi -Tesub in amuha,
he deported him to Nuhhai and gave him fortified cities there
(Apology 11 = iv 7-40; v an den H o u t 1997, 203). However, when
the famous exile sought to recruit Babylon to support his cause he
was transferred to a place 'alongside the sea' (iv 36). Various loca-
tions have been suggested for this unnamed place on the seashore,
the most plausible being Ugarit.
124
Perhaps an even better possibil-
121
The 'General's Letter' (RS 20.033) which was usually considered to reflect
conditions on the eve (or immediately after) the battle of Qadesh has been redated
to the Amarna Age (see p. 628).
122
GARDI NER 1960, 58; 'Ikrl is listed (in the longest enumeration of allies in 43ff.)
after Krkm and before Qd and Mugs (Nuhfoai). For the battle of Qadesh, see the
refs. cited in REDFORD 1992, 184, n. 284. For the identification of Qd, see n. 428.
123
Niqmaddu (NI O.MA-
D
I M) is the addressee of two letters discovered at Tell Nebi
Mend/Qadesh, one of which was sent by a king of Halab (MI L L ARD 1979-80, 202).
He is probably the author of a letter sent to Niqmepa of Ugarit (RS 17.315; see
n. 202).
124
LI VERANI 1962, 79; CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 361, n. 3. Other suggestions that have
been put forward for locating this 'seacoast' (A.AB.BA tapua) were A1aia and Mira
in western Anatolia (for refs. see HOUWI NK TEN CA TE 1974, 139).
ity would be to locate Urhi -Tesub's last place of exile in Syria in
Amurru,
125
which would explain Bentesina's appearance in RS 17.406
(see below).
126
Benteina was a protg of Hattusili 'I I I ' (CTH 92
4- 5; B ec k man 1996c, 96) and he woul d have been trusted to
keep a vigilant eye on the royal exile. I n any case, both in Ugarit
and in Amurru it would have been easy to catch a boat or a car-
avan descendi ng to Egypt, and i ndeed Urhi -Teub is last heard of
in the correspondence between Ramesses II and the Hittite royal
couple before the royal marri age in 1245 ( H e l c k 1963; E d e l 1994,
ch. ii D).
Urhi -Tesub's peri od of exile in Syria in the sixties of the 13th
century raises the possibility of attri buti ng to him some of the occur-
rences of the name Urhi -Teub in documents from Ugarit. However,
it is now clear that at least one further person bore the same name,
namel y a Hittite official operati ng from Carchemi sh at the very end
of the 13th century. I n a letter found in the Urtenu archive this
Urhi -Teub (without any title) addresses the great ones and the elders
of Ugari t, i ncl udi ng Urtenu and Y abi ni na, promi si ng the dispatch
of rescue forces from Carchemi sh (RS 88.2009; M a l b r a n - L a b a t
1995c, 39- 40; see p. 729). Perhaps this same official is the author
of a courtesy letter in Ugaritic addressed 'to the queen, my lady'
(K TU 2.68 = RS 20.199; P a r d e e 1984a, 213-5; C u n c h i l l o s 1989a,
359ff.). A further Ugaritic occurrence of an Urg-Tsb, in a fragmen-
tary list of rations (K TU 4.410 = RS 18.250.30 = PRU 5, no. 162),
cannot be readily attri buted to one of the two candi dates, and may
perhaps bel ong to a third namesake.
We are left with two legal documents which may reasonabl y be
attri buted to the deposed Hittite king. RS 17.346 (= PRU 4, 175-7)
is a verdict delivered by I ni -Teub in a financial dispute between
Ugari t, represented by its governor, and the merchant Maanda who
125
Of particular interest in this connection is a letter of Ramesses with the report
that the people of Amurru and two other lands asked the Egyptians for a safe pas-
sage for Urhi-Teub and his party (EDEL 1994, i 64 -5; II: 102). The implications
of this intriguing document deserve a separate study.
126
It is perhaps of interest to note in this connection that at Tell Kazel, possi-
bly the royal residence of Amurru (SINGER 1991a, 158), a Hittite seal impression
was found. Unfortunately, the legend is unreadable in the published photograph,
but the three concentric rings around the central field indicate that the owner was
a very important person, probably of royal descent. The same building has also
produced two Hittite button seals (for refs. see SINGER 1991a, 185).
accused the king of Ugarit of appropri ati ng from his caravan 400
donkeys worth 4, 000 silver shekels. Reference is made to an earlier
verdict given by Urhi -Tesub in favour of Maanda, in which he
made the king of Ugarit pay a fine of 1 ' talent of silver. If this
Urhi -Tesub is indeed the ill-fated successor of Muwatalli II, we must
conclude that duri ng his exile in Syria he was given some authora-
tive powers as an arbitrator in local disputes ( N o u g a y r o l 1956, 175;
L i v er ani 1962, 78- 9; K l e n g e l 1969, 416, . 123). Alternatively, the
verdict could have been given during his short reign in Hatti ( H ouwi nk
t e n C a t e 1974, 138).
The second alternative is perhaps supported by another, very frag-
mentary, legal text mentioning Maanda (RS 17.406 = PRU 4, 181).
127
Thi s is a rare name ( G r o n d a h l 1967, 342: L a r o c h e 1966, 115) and
the high probability that the same person is referred to in both texts
is further supported by the few remai ni ng data in the fragment,
which mentions Ugarit, Bentesina, and most significantly, the phrase
'(I) the Great Ki ng have written a tablet [...]' (frgm. A, 10'). Coul d
this be the very verdict of Urhi-Tesub mentioned in RS 17.346.10-1 ?
128
If so, the title 'Great Ki ng' would date this document to his short
reign in Hatti, since Urhi -Tesub would hardly have dared to use it
duri ng his exile in Syria. It is also possible that the complicated
financial lawsuit of Maanda, probably a wealthy Hittite merchant,
lingered on into the following reign of Hattusili 'I I I ', who would
then be the author of RS 17.406.
5 U g a r i t i n t h e A g e of 'PAX HF.TUTIO(
Sixteen years after the Battle of Qadesh Ramesses II and Hattu-
sili 'I I I ' decided, each for his own reasons, to bring to an end the
century-long enmity between their countries. The peace treaty con-
cluded in 1258 after lengthy negotiations i naugurated a period of
unprecedentedl y close connections between the two empires. The
127
Ma-a(?)-an-d (fragm. A, 11. 5', 8'; fragm. B, 1. 5'). There is some doubt with
regard to the second sign (sa or la), but the reading of the name is practically cer-
tain. Both RS 17.346 and 17.406 were found in the so-called 'Hittite Archive' in
the rooms located south of Court V.
128
Maanda testifies that he had broken the sealed tablet with Urhi-Tesub's
verdict (RS 17.346.12-3). If so, RS 17.406 must be the copy kept by the gover-
nor of Ugarit.
new age of cooperation was particularly bnficiai for Ugarit, who
resumed her role as the hub of eastern Medi terranean trade. Except
for the troubled years before and immediately after the Battle of
Qadesh, Ugarit never really severed her traditional tics with Egypt.
Now, however, the cosmopolitan city became the mai n stage for
trade between Hatti and Egypt, a role which brought her unsur-
passed prosperity.
The exact dating of the growing number of late 13th century doc-
uments is notoriously difficult. Kings, queens and governors
129
were
not usually addressed by name in their letters, and other absolute
criteria are also conspicuously missing ( van S o l d t 1991a, 1). The
evaluation of these late sources will follow two separate tracks. The
individual reigns of the last kings of Ugarit will be discussed indi-
vidually wherever possible, especially with regard to succession, mar-
riages and foreign relations. But before that, subjects of less transient
character, such as international trade, will be surveyed as a whole
for the entire age of 'Pax Hethitica\ Cross-references will be gener-
ously provided.
Better to understand the mechani sm of Hittite rule in Syria in
general, and their special relations with Ugarit in particular, a brief
description of the political climate in the Hittite Empire after the
victory at Qadesh is necessary. As often happens in history, what
appears to be the apex of success turns out in reality to be the begin-
ning of the end. The economi c burden of the 'Great War' with
Egypt, and even more so the civil war which broke out shortly after-
wards between the factions of Urhi -Teub and Hattusili mark a deci-
sive turni ng point in Hittite history. Although in many respects the
age of Hattusili and Puduhepa is characterized by successful meas-
ures at home and a conciliatory policy abroad,
130
the moral conse-
quences of Hattusili's usurpation weighed heavily on the Hittite state
and eventually contri buted to its rui nati on. To atone for his sin
before gods and men Hattusili appointed his other nephew Kurunta
as king of Tarhuntaa, the capital founded by Muwatalli in south-
ern Anatolia (see p. 660). Numerous concessions were made to the
129
The logogram MAKIM, 'governor' ('prfet' in the French translations) must be
read at Ugarit as skinu, rather than rbisu. See HUEHNERGARD 1989, 67, 360, 378
(with refs.); I^ACKENBACHER 1995a, 69, n. 17.
130 P
O R
^ f
or c
j g
n
POLICY of Hattusili and Puduhepa, see recently HOIJWINK TEN
CATE 1996 (esp. pp. 73 5), with extensive refs. to previous literature.
benefit of the sister state, first by Hattusili and then by Tudhal i ya,
but nothi ng could appease the rival king's legitimate yearning for
superiority. It is not yet clear whether the political rivalry led to out-
right warfare between the competi ng 'Great Kings',
131
but, in any
case, the problem domi nated the political agenda of Hatti in the last
decades of its existence. I n religious and political documents issued
from Hattua there is a growing preoccupati on with problems of
dynastic legitimation and loyalty, which eventually develop into an
obsessive fear of treason and betrayal even from the king's closest
allies and associates ( O t t en 1963) . External circumstances, with se-
rious military threats from east and west and an increasing food
shortage, only aggravated the burdened atmosphere of concern and
pessimism. I n this state of mi nd it was only natural that the last
kings of Hattua sought to keep their only quiet border in the south
as peaceful and cooperative as possible. The Syrian tribute was also
the biggest source of income for the impoverished treasuries of Hatti.
Ugarit was the 'J ewel in the Crown' of Hittite Syria and the point
of entry for the desperately needed grain bought in Egypt. As long
as Ugarit complied with her vassal obligations most of her wishes
were willingly granted. I n her complaint against the abuses of the
merchants of Ura (see p. 660), and in other lawsuits (e.g., in the bittu
rabti affair; see p. 680f.), the court of Hatti repeatedly took the side
of Ugarit against her adversaries, including Hittite officials and mer-
chants. A special decree issued by Hattusili provided the extradition
of Ugaritian fugitives from Hittite frontierlands, contrary to normal
vassal treaty provisions (see p. 682). Clearly, in the first stage of Pax
Hethitica Hatti was eager to gratify her wealthy vassal as much as
she could. To be sure, this positive disposition towards Ugarit was
not insensitive towards consecutive developments in the political arena,
not to mention individual moods of the respective monarchs. There
even came a time when Ugarit became so assertive towards her over-
lord that harsh reprimands became necessary, though quite ineffective.
I n sharp contrast to its Anatolian relatives, the dynasty of Carche-
mish kept a remarkabl e stability which conti nued unshaken from
the foundation of the empire to well after its collapse ( H awk i ns 1988;
G t er b o c k 1992). Already at the time of Syria's conquest Carchemish
on the Euphrates was chosen to become the hub of Hittite rule in
131
For the various views on the results of the rivalry between the royal houses
of Hatti and of Tarhuntaa, see SI NGER 1996b.
Syria. Halab's military and administrative role gradually faded, though
she remai ned a revered religious centre. The more Hatti was pre-
occupied with internal problems, the more authority was assumed
by Carchemi sh, an inverse ratio clearly reflected in the documents
from Ugarit ( L i v er ani 1960). Already in the 14th century some of
the most i mportant state documents relating to Ugarit were prepared
in Carchemi sh, including the royal seals ratifying them (Neu 1995b,
129; O t t e n 1995, 27; see n. 109). Thi s tendency probably culmi-
nated in the able reign of I ni-Teub, probably the Hittite monarch
most frequently menti oned in Ugarit. By the early 13th century Car-
chemish developed a centralized government in most of Hittite Syria,
either in the form of fully i ntegrated territories ruled by Hittite
governors (such as Mukis), or as subordi nate ki ngdoms directly
controlled from Carchemi sh (such as Astata/Emar). The only vas-
sal states which kept a more-or-less autonomous status were Ugarit,
Amurru, and Ki nza/Qadesh, i.e. the kingdoms which in the age of
the 'Great Game' for the control of Syria had promptly j oi ned the
Hittite camp. But even the borders of these usually loyal kingdoms
were not guaranteed. When opportuni ty arose Carchemi sh carved
away from Ugarit the sub-kingdom of Si yannu/Unatu, thus creat-
ing a buffer state between the strong kingdom of Amurru and the
wealthy kingdom of Ugarit (see p. 640).
The special type of political condomi ni um in Syria shared by Hat-
tua and Carchemi sh, compared by Nougayrol to the double-headed
Hittite eagle ( N o u g ay r o l 1956, 149), needs to be more closely defined,
especially with the recent increase in late 13th century documents.
The general impression one gets is that, although the appearance of
Hattusa's superiority was scrupulously maintained, for example in
the clear distinction between the titles of the 'Great King' or the
'Sun' (
d
utu- 5/ ) of Hatti and the 'Ki ng' of Carchemi sh, in practice
the everyday government of Syria, including its military defence, was
organized by the Viceroy of Carchemi sh and a host of royal princes
who travelled between the vassal courts solving local disputes and
securing the interests of the central government. It seems that in
their dealings with Syria the rulers of Hatti concentrated mainly on
the enforcement of imperial etiquette (e.g., regular visits of the vas-
sal rulers to His Majesty), the tightening of dynastic bonds through
royal marriages (first with Amurru and later with Ugarit), and, most
importantly, with securing the constant flow of high quality tribute
and presents to Hatti (see p. 693ff.). According to the vassal treaties
set down in the 14th century, the yearly tribute of Ugarit went
directiy to Hatti where it was distributed between the king, the queen
and their leading officials (see p. 635). There is nothing in the prolific
13th century correspondence to indicate any change in this policy.
On the contrary, when the kings of Carchemi sh repri mand the kings
of Ugarit for not sending sufficient presents, the destination of the
dispatches, whenever clearly stated, is to Hatti, never to Carchemi sh
(e.g., RS 34.136 = RSO 7, no. 7; p. 694). It is possible, of course,
that the king of Hatti shared some of his Syrian income with the
Viceroy of Carchemi sh, but there is nothing to suggest a direct flow
of tribute from Ugari t to Carchemi sh. Strange as it may seem,
Carchemi sh and the adj acent areas dependent on her, such as Emar,
traded with Ugarit on a regular basis of give and take (see p. 653ff.).
Finally, a brief remark should be added on the cultural impact of
Hittite rule in Ugarit (Neu 1995). A century and a half of close polit-
ical and economic ties have yielded surprisingly little evidence for
Hittite influence upon the cultural life of the people of Ugarit. Onl y
a handful of Hittite texts have been found: a legal text probably
originating from Hattua,
132
a few literary fragments found in 1992
(Neu 1995, 127), and a trilingual fragment of a well-known literary
text ('Message of Ludingirra to his mother') which was also brought
to Ugarit from Hattua (Ug 5, 319ff, 773ff.). I n other words, prob-
ably nothi ng was written in Hittite in Ugarit itself, a conclusion also
supported by the quadrilingual vocabularies (Sumerian-Akkadian-
Hurrian-Ugaritic) which did not bother to add a Hittite column.
Even the Hittite hieroglyphic seals which became very fashionable
among the upper classes of Hittite Syria (Amurru, Emar), were not
adopted at the court of Ugarit ( Si nger 1977, 184). The explanations
for this apparent lack of interest in Hittite culture must be discussed
in a broader context, but one of the reasons could be the fact, that,
in sharp contrast to Amurru ( Si nger 1991a, 177; 1992), the royal
house of Ugarit did not marry into Hittite royalty until the very end
of the the 13th century, and even then with very limited success.
133
132
RS 17.109 = Ug 5, 769. For a drawing and a photograph of this tablet, see
SALVI NI 1995a.
133
T o
<
even out
' th
e
record, one may observe the surprisingly few mentions of
Ugarit in the Bogazky texts: in two inventory texts (see n. 325), in a small his-
torical fragment (KBo 16.39, 4'), in Hattusili's letter to Kadaman-E11i1 (KBo 1, 10
rev. 14; see p. 652), in another small fragment of a letter (KBo 28.91, 9'; H GEN-
5.1 Security problems
Prosperity often brings with it chronic problems of security, and the
late documentati on in Ugarit is aboundi ng with references to theft,
robbery, and caravan hijacking. The identity of the marauders was
not always known, but in any case, compensation for the loss of life
and property was demanded from the ruler in whose jurisdiction the
casualty occurred. The matter was settled in a legal procedure in
which all parties involved appeared before a royal arbitrator, usually
the king himself or an official appointed by him for this occasion.
A typical lawsuit is RS 17.229 = PRU 4, 106, ratified by the seal
of Hattusili and Puduhepa. The merchant Tal i mmu sued the inhab-
itants of Apsuna, a town in the northern part of the kingdom of
Ugarit (see n. 403), for killing his associates. The citizens of Apsuna
were required to compensate Tal i mmu with one talent of silver."'
The town must have been notorious for its insecurity, for we find
another fragmentary lawsuit where Apsuna is associated with a case
of murder.'
35
The king of Carchemi sh, I ni-Teub, was very active in setting up
a supportive legal framework for trade in Syria, guaranteeing proper
compensati on for the families and the business associates of the
ill-fated merchants who were killed in his jurisdiction. An accord
between Carchemi sh and Ugarit, witnessed by the main deities of
the two kingdoms, sets a compensation of 3 mi na of silver each for
merchants killed in each other's territory (RS 17.230, 17.146, 18.115,
18.019 = PRU 4, 152-60). Thi s very law was applied by I ni-Teub
in his verdict against the citizens of Ugarit who were responsible for
the murder of a merchant of the king of Tarhudai (RS 17.158,
17.042 = PRU 4, 169-72); they were condemned to pay a compensa-
tion of 180 silver shekels to Ari-imiga, a 'brother' of the murdered
merchant. In another verdict of I ni-Teub, the citizens of Ugarit were
sentenced to pay 1,200 shekels to a certain Aballa whose domicile
BUCHNER 1989, 353), and in the evocation texts with the mappa mundi (KUB 15, 34
i 53; KUB 15, 35 + KBo 2, 9 i 27; KUB 26, 66 iv 5).
134 Probacy the same Tal i mmu is mentioned in passing in a lawsuit (arbitrated
by I ni-Teub) in which the king of Ugarit claims that the tablet dealing with
Talimmu's compensation was allegedly broken by a certain Maanda (RS 17.346.14-
21 = PRU 176-7). For the Maanda affair, see p. 646.
135
RS 17.369B + 17.069 = PRU 4, 239-40. The two texts could perhaps refer
to the same incident, but here the claimants are apparently listed by their names
(11. 12'ff).
is not known (RS 17.145 = PRU 4, 172-3). The perils of travel
within the kingdom of Ugarit must have cost its treasury a fortune.
136
A case of highway robbery with international implications is reported
in the long letter of Hattusili to Kadasman-Enlil II (KBo 1.10+;
B ec k man 1996c, 132-7). The king of Babylon complained that his
merchants were killed in Amurru, in Ugarit, and in a third land
whose name is not preserved ( 10; rev. 14-25). I n his reply the
Hittite king exonerates himself from all bl ame by giving a lengthy
discourse on the interdiction of homicide in Hatti ( K l en g el 1980;
L i v er ani 1990, 99-100). Finally, he puts the blame on some Subarians
who do not fall within his jurisdiction. Nevertheless, he proposes that
his correspondent send the relatives of the dead merchants to Hatti
in order to investigate their lawsuit. Security problems on the roads
leading from Babylon to Hatti, crossing through the land of Suhi,
are also discussed in a letter sent by I ni-Tesub to agarakt[i-uria]
found in 1994 in the Urtenu archive ( M al b r an - L ab at 1995b, 111 ;
B o r d r eu i l - M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995, 445, 448) .
As in the Mari period (see p. 618), most of the problems on the
roads were caused by tribal groups such as the Sutu, the habiru, and
the Manda.
137
I n a letter to Ammi ttamru the king of Carchemi sh
(I ni-Tesub) announces that he is about to send (to Ugarit) a certain
Arwai to decide the case of the habiru ( sa. gaz) who are not in
Carchemi sh (RS 16.003 = PRU 3, 4).
138
According to another let-
ter the Suteans have taken a hostage who was later ransomed for
50 silver shekels (RS 8.333 = PRU 3, 7-8; cf. A l b r i g h t 1941, 44-6).
A servant of the king of Ugarit reassures his lord that he will inform
him about anything he finds out about the Suteans (RS 34.151 =
RSO 7, no. 13). The instability caused by tribal groups became in
due time one of the mai n factors that brought about the collapse of
the traditional LBA states, in particular in the inland areas of Syria.
139
136
For other verdicts of I ni-Teub, see the refs. listed in K L ENGEL 1992, 143,
. 311. For RS 17.346 (referring to a verdict of Urhi-Teub), see p. 645f.
137
For Amurru's mediation between Ugarit and the Manda troops (RS 17.286),
see p. 642.
138
Cf. Hattusili 'I I F's edict pertaining to fugitives from Ugarit seeking refuge in
the habiru territory of His Majesty (RS 17.238; see p. 682).
139
See, most recently, FREU forthcoming, with refs. to the new evidence supplied
by the texts from Meskene/Emar, Tell eih Hamad and Tell Huera.
5.2 The international trade of Ugant in the 13th century
Despite the perils of highway robbery and similar problems, the Age
of Pax Hethitica was an i ncomparabl y lucrative era for the entire
Levantine Crescent, and especially for Ugarit, the hub of interna-
tional trade. In the following entries the evidence for Ugarit's for-
eign relations will be classified according to her main trading partners.
As already mentioned, it is very difficult to establish a chronologi-
cal order for this type of economic documents. An entry on Hatti
is not included because no trade in the regular sense of the word
is involved, but rather payment of taxes to an overlord (described
in the respective chapters). On the other hand, with Carchemi sh
(and Emar) Ugarit mai ntai ned normal trade exchanges based on rec-
iprocal interests. Too little is known about Ugarit's trade contacts
with Aur and Babylon, although they surely must have existed, at
least in peaceful times.
140
5.2.1 Carchemish and Emar
Ugarit's commercial relations with Carchemi sh should presumably
have been different from her relations with other foreign lands with
whom the exchange was based on unadul terated reciprocal interests.
However, a closer look at the relevant documents reveals that, beyond
the obvious protocol between suzerain and vassal, when the corre-
spondence gets down to actual business it follows the same princi-
ples of supply and demand as with other lands. As pointed out above,
all Ugarit's yearly tribute went to the court of Hatti and none to
Carchemi sh. I n the documents dealing with commercial transactions,
the representatives of Ugarit usually state what they expect to receive
in return for the goods they are sending to Carchemi sh, and, as far
as one can tell, the exchanged goods are more or less equivalent.
Although citizens of Carchemi sh were probably exempted from the
high custom tolls demanded by Ugari t from merchants of other
lands,
141
even this prerogative occasionally required perseverance on
the part of Hittite officials. In his letter to the king of Ugarit, Piha-ziti
142
140
On trade with Assyria, see n. 291.
141
See, e.g., the strong protest aired by a king of Tyre(?) concerning the high
customs his agents were required to pay by the harbourmaster of Ugarit (RS
17.424c+ = PRU 4, 219; see p. 672).
142
Perhaps identical with Piha-ziti, an official of the king of Carchemish, who
protests that some workers
143
of the king were required to pay taxes
and threatens to bri ng up the matter at the court (RS 25.461;
L a c k e n b a c h e r 1989, 317-8).
The trade with Ugarit was mostly held in the hands of the royal
family of Carchemi sh. Hemi -Teub (RS 20.184 = Ug 5, no. 28)
was I ni-Tesub's brother,
144
Upparamuwa, Mi sramuwa (RS 17.423 =
PRU 4, 193), A1iheni (RS 15.077 = PRU 3, 6) and Ti1i-arruma
145
were his sons, and Piha-
d
im was his grandson.
146
Other Hittite dig-
nitaries active at the court of Carchemi sh, such as Zul anna (RS
17.144 = PRU 6, no. 6), Heni,
147
Taki -arruma and Tu1pi-arruma
(RS 17.251 = PRU 4, 236), were also members of the royal fam-
ily.
148
Some of these Hittite nobles are also known from the archives
of Meskene/Emar, where they fulfil top administrative functi ons
( B e c k ma n 1995). Thus some of their letters may have actually been
sent to Ugarit from their 'offices' in Emar or from other centres in
the vicinity of Carchemish.
149
Ugarit maintained a regular mission in Carchemish, a sort of diplo-
matic corps representing the interests of the vassal kingdom at the
court of the overlord. Obviously, the diplomats sent out to Carchemish
were most competent and influential persons. Takuhlinu, for example,
after the completion of his mission in Carchemi sh, climbed to the
demanded compensation from Ugarit for the losses of Maana-ura, probably a
Hittite official active in Ugarit (RS 17.248 = PRU 4, 236). Note the clay bulla with
the impression of the governor Maana-ura (GREAT.GOD, CI TY .LORD) which was
found in Court V (RS' 18.070 = Ug 3, 62, fig. 87; 156-7). This Piha-ziti should
probably be distinguished from the merchant of Ura in RS 17.319.22, 32 (= PRU 4,
182-4).
143
For the L.ME sariputi, see HOUWI NK TEN CA TE 1983- 4, 50: 'presumably work-
ers of a relatively low social standing'.
144
ARNAUD 1974; K L ENGEL 1975/60-1; SI NGER 1983b, 8; HAGENBUCHNER 1989,
18ff.
145
RS 18.114, 17.028 (= PRU 4, 108-10); K L ENGEL 1969, 363, 365. Prince Tili-
arruma appears in a legal transaction from the Emar region (HCCT-E 5; TSUKI MOTO
1984). Probably the same Te1i-arruma is also attested in a tablet from Hurbe/Tel l
Chura dated to the second half of Tukul ti -Ni nurta's reign (K HNE 1995, 211,
217-8); he is a Hittite diplomat bringing tablets and presents to the king of Aur.
,4
RS 17.148 (= PRU 6, no 7). On Piha-
d
I M, see I MPARATI 1987, 192ff., and
n. 158 below.
147
R S 17. 403; MAL BRAN-L ABAT 1995C, 37- 8; SI NGER 1997, 120. For Prince Heni
see also HOUWI NK TEN CATE 1996, 6I ff. (with further refs.).
148
For the debate over the meani ng of 'king's son' (DUMU.LUGAL), see, most
recently, SI NGER 1997, 418- 9 (with previous refs.).
140
For an attempt to date the letters sent from Carchemish on the basis of their
epistolary formulae, see Y AMADA 1992.
topmost posts in the admi ni strati on of Ugari t ( Si nger 1983b, 6-18).
I n his letters to his lord (RS 17.383; 17.422 = PRU 4, 221-5), no
doubt Ammi ttamru I I , Takuhli(nu) reports that the king of Car-
chemish (I ni-Tesub) was infuriated when he was presented with some
simple stones (kamma) instead of the requested lapis-lazuli (uqnu). He
implores his king to find the genui ne stones wherever he can and
send them urgently lest peopl e become hostile towards him in the
Hatti land.
150
I n these letters there is no indication what goods were
sent by Carchemi sh in return, but from another letter we know that
Takuhl i was active in transporti ng horses from Carchemi sh to Ugarit
(RS 20.184; see below). Besides genui ne lapis lazuli, Takuhl i asks his
king to send him also dyed wool for his own needs, namely, the
presentati on of an offering to the deity Apukka of I rhanda who
saved him from a serious illness.
151
Takuhl i nu was probabl y replaced by Amutaru
132
as the ambas-
sador of Ugarit in Carchemi sh. Ammi ttamru turned to Hemi -Teub
to intercede on behalf of Amutaru at the court of his brother I ni-
Tesub (RS 20.184 = Ug 5, 97ff, no. 28). The king of Ugarit desired
two exquisite horses and one quality bow from Hani gal bat and sent
to Hemi -Teub in return one large linen garment of high quality
and one ordi nary linen garment.
Another envoy to Carchemi sh was pu-Sarruma,'
33
the author of
a letter addressed to the king of Ugarit, his lord, found in the Urtenu
archive (RS 34.140 = RSO 7, no. 1l).'
34
The fragmentary text seems
150
Contrary to Nougayrol's assumption, the letters were probably sent from
Carchemish, and the remark on the hostility of the land of Hatti must refer to the
Hittite realm in general (SI NGER 1983b, 8). There are other similar indications that
the region of Carchemish was already considered to be (part of) the Hatti Land
before the fall of the Hittite Empire (see n. 170).
151
A city I rhanda appears in Hittite sources (DEL MONTE - TI SCHL ER 1978, 143),
but its location cannot be established.
152
This Amutaru is probably identical with the merchant Amutarunu who was
richly endowed by Ammi ttamru II (SI NGER 1983b, 8, n. 10).
153
The reading Hemi for PU that was suggested by Gterbock and Laroche
(Ug 3, 117ff) is no longer tenable (SI NGER 1985,' 113-4; VAN DEN Hour 1995, 128ff.).
For another possible reading (Taki-), see VAN DEN HOUT 1995, 136. The material
from Ugarit could allow for several other identifications of PU-arruma as well: e.g.,
Anani -Sarruma, a messenger employed in the commercial firm of Sipti-Ba'al and
Urtenu (RSO 7, nos. 32, 34), or Irr-trm who asks for horses in K TU 2.33 = RS
16.402 (see p. 724). None of these readings, however, can be substantiated at the
moment.
154
According to the opening address this PU-arruma must have been a servant
of the king of Ugarit. Representatives from Carchemish, who were usually of royal
to deal with the payment for horses that had been delivered by PU-
arruma to his lord: 100 silver (shekels), 4 talents of copper, and
one muttiru stove.
155
The importation of equids to Ugarit is also dealt with in two let-
ters sent to the governor of Ugarit by Hittite nobles who were active
in Emar.
156
I n the past Zul anna had supplied an iron blade and a
garment to his correspondent (RS 17.144 = PRU 6, no. 6). Now he
was asked to send a horseman (lit.: 'chief'), a mule and a horse, but
he can only comply with a mare and an excellent boy who can be
trained in horsemanship. He does not have mules to hand, but he
promises to send a good one as soon as he can get it. I n return
Zul anna asks for gold, raw g1ass(?),
157
and a bronze alallu.
A double letter to the governor of Ugarit was sent by Lady Yabi-
nene and Piha-
d
im (RS 17.148 = PRU 6, no. 7).
158
The former sends
a scarf, an embroi dered belt, two mafjuranna and 100 (shekels) of
red purple-dyed wool; she asks for much silver. The latter sends a
mare for which he expects to obtain 30 silver shekels and a bronze
alallu. He offers to send more quality horses in the future. Another
prince who demands to be reimbursed for a horse he had delivered
last year is Tapa'e (RS 34.155 = RSO 7, no. 21). He leaves it to
his correspondent ( Ea-
d
gal ) to determi ne the proper price.
Evidently, quality horses were one of the most expensive items
traded by nobles and merchants from Carchemi sh and Emar in
return for their voluminous imports from the west.
159
That this horse
blood, address the kings of Ugarit as their subordinates (e.g., Hemi-Teub in RS
20.184 and Kila'e in RS 19.070).
155
This is a simple commercial transaction and not a demand for troops, as indi-
cated in the title of RSO 7, no. 11.
156
For the Hittite administration of Emar, see Y AMADA 1993; BECKMAN 1995;
SI NGER forthcoming b.
157
meku: efjhpakku. For mekku, 'a type of (raw) glass', see CAD, M/2, 7. For the
Hurri an gloss ef}lipakku, see L AROCHE 1976- 7, 76 (who compares N A , T I 'stone of
life').
158
The fact that Yabinene and Piha-
D
IM share a tablet in their letters to the
governor of Ugarit could indicate that they are mother and son; the husband/father
is Upparamuwa (see p. 654). Thei r addressing the governor of Ugarit as 'my son'
and 'my brother', respectively, should not be taken in a literal sense (as assumed
by NOUGAY ROL 1956, 10, n. 1), but rather as an indication of their relative hier-
archy (SI NGER 1997, 421) .
159
To the examples already cited add RS 16.180 (= PRU 3, 41), where Pillaza,
the equerry (ffuburtanuru) of the king of Carchemish, sells a horse for 200 silver
(shekels). Cf. also RS 34.152 (= RSO 7, no. 39), where Mut-ra'i offers to send
IM.s.MU (Adad-ndin-umi?) 200 sheep as an advance payment for requested horses
and mules.
trade extended beyond the frontiers of the Hittite Empire is shown
by the Egyptian correspondence (p. 674), as well as by a rare let-
ter from a man of Mari found in the Urtenu archive (RS 34.142
= RSO 7, no. 47).
160
Whether the horses were locally bred in the
kingdom of Carchemi sh, or whether they were brought from more
northerly areas, is not stated in these documents. It remains the task
of experts to reconstruct the parameters of horse breeding and horse
trade in this period of long-distance mercantile connections.
161
Less is known about other items travelling" from Carchemi sh and
Emar to the west. Menti on is occasionally made of rare objects
162
and plants,
163
whose exact nature often escapes us.
164
Another source
of income for the Hittite nobility was the sale of slaves to wealthy
Ugaritians. Princes Taki -arruma and Tu1pi-arruma sell to Uzzinu,
the governor of Ugarit, a man (Tarazida) for forty shekels of silver
(RS 17.251 = PRU 4, 236-7). Seventy shekels are paid by the queen
of Ugarit to redeem 'her compatri ot' ( dumu kur- a) , Uri -
d
i m,
165
from
the hands of the palace official Tabrammi (RS 17.231 = PRU 4,
238).
166
Ugarit exported to the east dyed wool, linen garments, oil, alun-
stone, lead, copper and bronze objects.
167
Some of these products
160
The details of this intriguing but difficult letter, which mentions among other
things an 'enemy' who has pillaged the sender's house (11. 36ff.), need further inves-
tigation. It seems that the letter refers not to conditions in Ugarit, but rather to
those in the Euphrates region.
161
For the breeding and training of quality horses in Hatti, see now STARKE
1995, with previous literature on the subject. For the hippiatric texts from Ugarit,
see COHEN SI VAN 1983; PARDEE 1985; COHEN 1996. See also CAUBET 1990 and
YON 1995, 440ff. for archaeological evidence on horses and chariots in Ugarit.
162
E.g. the exquisite bow mentioned in RSO 7, no. 30: 31, 34. A special piece
of linen fabric for a garment was sent by the author of RS 20.227 (Ug 5, no. 57)
to the queen of Ugarit (left edge 3 4).
163
NU.Luy,fciA (nufjurtu) in RS 34.133.40 (= RSO 7, no. 36) is probably asa foetida,
a bad-smelling resin used as an antispasmodic. It also appears among the presents
sent from Qadesh to Ugarit (n. 205).
164
pnu in RSO 7, no. 30: 37 and uban in RS 34.133.41 (= RSO 7, no. 36) are
unidentified.
165
Perhaps identical with Ur-Teub, a business associate of Ehli-Tesub and Ahi-
Milku (E-LUGAL) and Urtenu (BORDREUI L - MAI .BRAN-I .ABAT 1995, 446; MAL BRAN-
LABAT 1995b, 105; see p. 671).
166
For this influential Hittite official, see HAWKI NS 1993. In RS 17.337 (= PRU 4,
168-9), a lawsuit decided before I ni-Teub, he claims from the king of Ugarit the
households of three of his servants.
167
Occasionally the merchandise was bought in Ugarit itself, e.g., 'Sunailu, son
of Hayamuli, the kartappu of His Majesty, who has bought bronze objects in the
land" of Ugarit' (RS 17.244.5-8 = PRU 4, 231-2). The domicile of Lady Aru-Heba
were no doubt imported to Ugarit from other lands, such as Cyprus
and Egypt. The valuable merchandi se comi ng from the west was
used for local consumption in the land of Carchemi sh, but surpluses
were further traded with the Assyrians. There is growing evidence
both in Hittite and Assyrian sources that the bellicose encounters
between Hatti and Aur in the early reign of Tukul ti -Ni nurta gave
way in the latter part of his reign to a political detente accompa-
nied by extensive trade contacts (see n. 291). The Assyrians were
eager to buy from Carchemi sh large quantities of linen ( C anci k -
K i r s c hbaum 1996, 117f f ) , which may originally have come from
Ugarit and from other western lands. There is also an interesting
reference to a convoy from Carchemi sh trading east of the Euphrates
in oil and in bronze utensils (ibid., no. 6).
A special dossier from the archive of Urtenu covers the corre-
spondence of a large business enterprise operating between Ugarit
and Emar ( A r naud, RSO 7, nos. 30-36).
168
The firm was headed
by ipti-Ba
C
a1, the son-in-law and commercial agent of Queen are11i
(p. 697), who was also active in the trade with Egypt and the port-
towns of Phoenicia (p. 671). The everyday management of the car-
avan procedures, i ncl udi ng the prolific correspondence revolving
around it, was carried out by Urtenu and his business associates
Dagan-belu and Tuna. The caravans themselves were accompani ed
by their sons and subordinatesAnani-arruma, Uri-Te, Uzziltu, Biu,
Ba
c
al and Purru. Business was not restricted to Emar; some of the
caravans continued their voyage along the Euphrates to Carchemi sh
and further north. For example, Tuna announces to his correspond-
ent Uzziltu
169
that he is about to descend to 'the land of the Ki ng'
(RS 34.133.30-1 = RSO 7, no. 36). Thereafter he lists the prod-
ucts that are needed 'in the Land of Hatti ' (1. 32), which appears
to be a mere synonym for the previous geo-political term.
170
who asks the governor of Ugarit (who used to be a good friend of her deceased
husband) to send bronze in exchange for a maiyannu-garment (CAD M/ l : 398b;
CHD 3/2: 205f.) is unknown (RS 25.131 = LACKENBACHER 1989, 318).
168
Two more texts from earlier excavations must be added to the Emar dossier:
RS 20.227 (- Ug 5, no. 57) addressed to Sipti-Ba'al, and the very fragmentary let-
ter RS 12.005 (= PRU 3, 16-7). Another letter sent from the Euphrates region to
Ugarit is RS 92.2007, discussed by ARNAUD 1996, 58ff. (see p. 708). Unfortunately,
the extant tablets from Meskene/Emar do not contain any letters sent from Ugarit.
169
Uzziltu may well be identical with Urtenu's son 'zlt who writes in RS 92.2005
to 'my master and my mother' (BORDREUI L 1995a, 2).
170
It would seem that the term 'Hatti Land' already comprised within it the
It is sometimes difficult to distinguish between 'nati ve' Ugari ti ans
and Emari otes in this correspondence, al though most of the persons
menti oned were probabl y citizens of Ugari t, at least originally. An
excepdon could be Zu-Atarti of RS 34.153 (= RSO 7, no. 35), a
very popul ar name in Emar (see, e.g., B ec k man 1996c, 138) but not
in Ugari t. I n his letter to Urtenu, Zu-Atarti recounts his mi shaps
on a trip that brought him to Sidon and Usnatu (see further p. 665).
To concl ude this survey of trade between Ugari t and Carchemi sh
menti on should be made of a particular topic which may be classified
under both 'commerci al ' and 'military' contacts. I refer to the shared
control by the two states over the fleet moored in the ports of Uga-
rit. Most commentators agree upon the fact that Ugari t did not pos-
sess a separate military fleet ( V i t a 1995a, 159ff., with refs. in n. 2).
Rather, some of the commerci al ships were used in times of war for
the transportati on of troops and for fighting the enemy. Because of
the vital strategic i mportance of this fleet, both in times of peace
and in war, the Hittites insisted upon keepi ng a careful eye upon
the movements of Ugari t's ships.
I n his response to the queen of Ugari t, the king (of Carchemi sh)
sets a limit on the distance to whi ch some ships are allowed to sai l -
as far as Byblos and Sidon but no further away (RS 34.145.9-14
= RSO 7, no. 9). The letter from the Urtenu archive must be dated
to the troubl ed times of Ugari t's last period.
171
Another document
from the Urtenu archive lists the ships of the king of Carchemi sh
that are no longer in a condition to sail anywhere (RS 34.147 =
RSO 7, no. 5). The fourteen ships are identified by their owners or
captains, i ncl udi ng a Si doni an and a man of Akko. The document
is ratified with the seal of Kumma-wal wi son of Upi ni , probabl y the
representative of the king of Carchemi sh.
172
Ships of other lands were also moored in the ports of Ugari t on
a l ong-term basis. Amurru agrees to put some of her ships at the
disposal of Ugari t in anti ci pati on of an enemy attack (RS 20.162 =
domains of Carchemish in the late imperial period, anticipating the full shift of the
term to northern Syria in the I ron Age (n. 150).
171
Zuzuli in 1. 7 must be the kartappu of the king of Carchemish who presides
in a lawsuit between Niqmaddu III and a merchant from Ura (RS 18.020 + 17.371
= PRU 4, 202-3; see p. 692). Y AMADA (1992: 444) tentatively dates the letter to
the reign of I biranu according to its epistolary style.
172
It seems that Ugarit also possessed at least one ship in Carchemish, but the
evidence is not entirely clear (KTU 4. 779 = RI H 83/ 22. 8- 13; BORDREUI L et al.
1984, 433) .
Ug 5, no. 37; see p. 721). Other ships are leased from Byblos (KTU
4.338 = RS 18.025; see p. 669). The evidence for the role of Ugarit's
fleet in the transportation of grain from Egypt to Anatolia will be
discussed separately (p. 715ff).
5.2.2 Tarhuntaa
When the Hittite king Muwatalli II, the illustrious victor of the bat-
tle of Qadesh, transferred his capital from Hattusa to Tarhuntaa,
he laid the foundati ons of an appanage Hittite ki ngdom which
stretchcd al ong the Medi terranean coast from Cilicia Aspera to
Antalya and as far north as the Konya Plain. Thi s kingdom, which
competed with Hattusa over dynastic legitimacy, mai ntai ned close
commercial ties with Ugarit until the very end of the Hittite Empire
(see n. 177).
The evidence from Ugarit refers mainly to the port of Ura in
western Cilicia,
173
which was the mai n terminal for the ships sailing
from Ugarit to Anatolia. The rich Hittite merchants of Ura, who
were the mai n entrepreneurs in the voluminous trade flowing from
and into Hittite Anatolia, started to invest in real estate and posed
a growing threat to the delicate social fabric of Ugarit ( R ai ney 1963;
H e l t z e r 1978: 153ff.; V a r g y a s 1985). Respondi ng to a complaint
of Ni qmepa, Hattusili 'I I I ' issued a decree forbidding the men of
Ura to acquire real estate in Ugarit and ordering them to return to
their homes in the winter season.
174
A quasi-duplicate found in the
house of Urtenu adds to Ura another Anatolian town, Kutupa.
175
If
173
For an up-to-date survey on Ura and its localization at Silifke, see L EMAI RE
1993. The Hittite merchants are variously designated as 'merchants of Ura' (RS
17.319 = PRU 4, 182-3), 'merchants of His Majesty (RS 17.316 = PRU 4, 190),
and 'merchant(s) of the king of Tarhutaa (RS 17.158; 17.042 = PRU 4, 169-71).
174
PRU 4, 103-5. Three duplicates of this text were found in close proximity in
the palace archives (room 68), and a fourth quasi-duplicate in the Urtenu archive
(RSO 7, no. 1). The main text, RS 17.130, carries the seal impression of Hattui1i
and Puduhepa; the large duplicate RS 18.003 carries the seal of Hattusili alone;
RS 17.461 is a small fragment. It is noteworthy that both impressions were applied
on the edge of the tablet (Ug 3, 16, fig. 21), rather than in the centre of the obverse
as is customary in other Hittite political documents. The fragmentary tablet from
the Urtenu archive (RS 34.179 = RSO 7, no. 1) does not carry a seal impression,
but this could have been applied on the missing edge of the tablet.
175
RS 34. 179 (= RSO 7, no. 1). Kutupa can hardly be identical with Katapa
or with Kutpa (as suggested by MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1991, 15, n. 4), both of which
must be situated in northern Hatti. It should rather be another Anatolian port trad-
ing with the Levantine coast.
an Ugaritian is unable to pay back his debt, the king of Ugarit must
turn over that man together with his family to the merchant of Ura,
but his property cannot be claimed. The fact that the text is pre-
served in (at least) four copies (in two versions) testifies to the impor-
tance of the decree, which probably had to be ratified periodically.
Legal disputes between citizens of Tarhuntaa and Ugarit were
j udged fairly by the king of Carchemi sh and his representatives. I ni-
Teub imposed a compensation on the citizens of Ugarit who were
found responsible for the murder of a merchant of the king of
Tarhudai (RS 17. 158, 17. 042 = PRU 4, 169- 72; see p. 651) . On
the other hand, the lawsuit between Ni qmaddu III and Kumiya-ziti,
probably a rich merchant from Ura, was decided by Zuzuli in favour
of Ugarit (RS 18. 020 + 17. 371 = PRU 4, 202- 3; see p. 692) . Prince
Arma-ziti was also condemned to a large compensation to Ugarit in
a lawsuit witnessed by four citizens of Ura (RS 17. 316 = PRU 4,
190; see p. 685). Perhaps we should add to this group of legal cases
the letter of His Majesty to Ammi ttamru (signed with the seal of
Puduhepa), in which the damage caused by a certain Sukku to the
ship and cargo of an unnamed citizen of Ugarit was acknowledged
and reimbursed (RS 17. 133 = PRU 4, 118- 9; B ec k man 1996c, 164).
176
To the last period of Ugarit belong the documents which refer to
the shipment of large quantities of grain to Ura. I n an Akkadian
document the king of Ugarit is asked to supply a ship and its crew
for the transportation of 500 (measures) of grain from Muki to Ura
(Ug 5, no. 33; see p. 716). In a Hittite draft the sender expresses
his anger over the fact that a grain-laden ship was held up and urges
his correspondent to dispatch the ship immediately either to Ura or
to Lati[- ( K l e n g e l 1969, 324- 5; see p. 718) .
There is no information on other merchandi se that was traded
between Ugarit and Tarhuntaa. The only exception is the fragmen-
tary letter of an unnamed king of Tarhu(n)taa to Ammurapi in
which he requests small ropes or belts.
177
Finally, it should be noted that there is nothi ng in the texts from
Ugarit to reflect animosity between the competi ng kingdoms of Hatti
176
Cf. also n. 27, on a Hittite text mentioning a citizen of Ura involved in the
theft of the royal seal.
177
RS 34.139.19 (= RSO 7, no. 14): i-bi-ffi tur.me. Could these objects be some-
how connected to ship building or navigation? In this case they would have been
essential for the shipping connection with Ugarit, and would not be as 'carefree'
as they seemed to NEU (1995b, 124).
and Tarhuntaa. A smooth i mportati on and distribution of the vital
shipments of grain was obviously in the best interest of both king-
doms. At the same time, it is only fair to admi t that the evidence
from Ugarit is too meagre to play any serious role in the recon-
struction of the relations between the two Hittite kingdoms in Anatolia
at the end of the 13th century.
178
5.2.3 SiyannuUnatu
The double kingdom of Si yannuUnatu
179
was probably the state
most closely related to Ugarit, and yet, as often happens, the two
lands were in constant dispute with each other. At the time of the
Hittite takeover of Syria, Siyannu was an appanage ki ngdom of
Ugarit and it remai ned so throughout the reign of Suppiluliuma I
(p. 628). For the political reasons explained above (p. 640), Mursili
II supported Siyannu's aspirations to secede and transferred the king-
dom to the direct supervision of Carchemi sh. The territorial divi-
sion between the two kingdoms proved to be a complicated matter
which periodically had to be re-examined and ratified by the impe-
rial administration.
180
The border between Ugarit and Siyannu twisted
around in a rich agricultural region of the coastal plain, and quite
often mi nor border incidents between farmers flared up into serious
conflicts which could only be settled through the arbitration of the
Hittite overlords. Special delegations were sent from Carchemi sh to
delineate the border and set up border stones (RS 17.368 = PRU
4, 76-7; see p. 685). Special attention was also paid to a fair divi-
sion of economically i mportant resources. For example, the salt fields
of Atalig were divided by Mursili I I , who gave one and two-thirds
of iku to Ugarit and one and a third iku to Siyannu (RS 17.335 +
.57-63 = PRU 4, 74). An accord signed by Padiya king of Siyannu
181
178
For the later history of Tarhuntaa and its relations with Hatti, see SI NGER
1996b (with further refs.).
179
The names Siyannu and Unatu are used intermittently, but they are never
juxtaposed to each other (ASTOUR 1979, 13). For similar ancient Near Eastern 'per-
sonal unions', see BUCCELLATI 1967, ch. III.
180
One of the latest ratifications of this decree must be the one preserved in the
recently recovered tablet RS 17.403 {- Ug 3, 137-9) sealed by the Chief Scribe
Tagi-arruma (see n. 111).
181
The cylinder seal impressed on the tablet belongs to a certain Sassi who must
have been the founder of the dynasty.
divided the sacred vineyard of
d
I tar hurri
182
between the marzi
c
u
m
of Siyannu and the marzi'u of Ari, a coastal town which belonged
to Ugarit (RS 18.001 = PRU 4, 230; A s t o u r 1979, 22; 1995, 63-4).
184
Despite these careful precautions the borders were often violated
by both sides. Besides verdicts and letters from the Hittite authori-
ties, most of the relevant documents can be defined as formal com-
plaints sent from Siyannu to Ugarit, or, more rarely, vice versa. Often,
but not always, Ugarit appears as the superior side in the intro-
ductory formulae of these letters ( van S o l d t 1991a, 78, n. 210). The
name of the sender from Siyannu is usually indicated, but that of
the addressee, either the king or the governor of Ugarit, is not. Thi s
complicates the construction of a chronological order of the dossier,
one of the largest in the foreign correspondence of Ugarit. The recur-
ring subjects provide a typical cross-section of problems occuring
along a hostile borderline within an ancient Near Eastern imperial
system: violent razzias and annexation of territories, stealing or destruc-
tion of agricultural produce, and even abduction of people and sell-
ing them into slavery.
A verdict of I ni-Teub'
85
imposes upon the people of Siyannu a
threefold compensation in case they are found guilty of the follow-
ing grave offences:
186
the demolition of a (watch-)tower,
187
the prun-
ing
188
of vineyards belonging to Ugarit, and the selling of the (stolen)
wine to merchants from Beirut.
189
Also, the King made provisions
182
For the various interpretations of' fjum in this context, see PUECH 1993 (with refs.).
183
Probably identical with marzihu/mrz)i, for which see, most recently, PARDEE 1996a.
184
Hebat of Ari figures prominently in texts of Ugarit as a divine witness (e.g.,
PRU 4, 137ff., 239). Was she perhaps assimilated with
C
'ITAR f}uiri to whom the
vineyard of Ari was dedicated?
185
RS 17.341 (= PRU 4, 161ff.). RS 20.174A (= Ug 5, no. 25), with a warning
to the king of Ugarit about the consequences of his violation of the borders of
Unatu and the capture of one town, may also be ascribed to I ni-Teub (Y AMADA
1992, 444-5). As suggested by Y amada, the town in question may well be uksi,
an enclave of Siyannu within the territory of Ugarit.
186
Note the pejorative use of the designation habiru for the criminals who have
commited the crimes. For the same usage in the Amarna correspondence, see the
refs. cited by LI VERANI 1990, 103, n. 28 and by RAI NEY 1995.
187
For dimtu ( AN.ZA.GR), 'tower, castle', see NOUGAY ROL 1955, 217- 8.
188
Lit. 'cutting', which could also mean the destruction of the vineyards (so
NOUGAY ROL 1968, 126, n. 2). However, since in the next paragraph the Siyannites
are accused of selling the wine to Beirut, it is more logical to think that they were
stealing from the vineyards rather than destroying them.
189
The so-called 'wine war' (NOUGAY ROL 1968, 126, n. 2) is probably also referred
to in RS 21.183 (= Ug 5, no. 41), a letter sent by the king [of Siyannu] to the
for an exchange of citizens resident in each other's lands and made
the two parties swear not to sell these foreigners to a third party.
The king of Ugarit is not named in this verdict; the king of Siyannu
is bi1im.'
90
Probably the same king of U[natu]
191
is the author of a com-
plaint sent to the king of Ugarit.
192
bi1im protests against the tres-
passing of some Ugaritian farmers into his territory, probably under
the protection of maryannu troops. They had already started to sow
grain in the occupied fields, but bi1im threatens to harvest it him-
self unless the king of Ugarit removes his men. Besides the crops of
the field and of the vineyards, cattle was perhaps also stolen by
infiltrators.
193
The grimmest aspect of the 'economic war' between Ugarit and
Siyannu was the abducti on of people, probably wealthy merchants,
and their subsequent sale into slavery. Two documents prove that
the provisions made by I ni-Tesub in this respect were not merely
theoretical.
194
As already observed by N o u g a y r o l ( 1 9 6 8 , 127, n. 3) ,
it is not without interest to note that the human 'merchandi se' was
purchased by Egyptians, as in Genesis 37.
Apart from the reciprocal 'repatriation' of citizens as decreed by
I ni-Tesub, there was apparentl y no agreement for the extradition of
king of Ugarit. The last fragmentary passage mentions the men of Beirut who take
namzaktu ('beverages'?) from Ugarit. See further HEL TZER 1990.
190
The name a-p-ilim (DI NGI R) is usually read as Sapilim and is analysed as an
Akkadian formation meaning 'according to the pronouncement of the God/El ' (e.g.,
GRONDAHL 1967, 47). However, a West Semitic analysis of the name, i.e., Sb-ilim
(cf. Ug. Tbil), 'God has returned (to) me,' as suggested by Gordon and endorsed
by RAI NEY ( 971b, 164), is also supported by the new reading of the name GUR-
DINGIR-FTM as b-ilim suggested below, n. 192.
191
The traces of the first sign in the name of the land could belong to an us.
192
RS 17.394 + 427 (= PRU 4, 220). Nougayrol read the name GUR-DI NGI R-/Z'M
as Itur-lim, deriving it from the Akkadian reading of GUR, 'to return' (tru). However,
a West-Semitic reading, b-ilim (see n. 190), is preferable in this case since this
name is found both in Siyannu-Unatu and in Amurru (SI NGER 1991a, 183 with
n. 73).
193
Two 'unclassified' documents dealing with stolen cattle share the characteris-
tics of the dossier of the 'economic war' between Ugarit and Siyannu. In RS 20.239
(= Ug 3, no. 52) Mada'e categorically demands that the governor of Ugarit look
into the matter of the cattle stolen from him by the men of Rakba. The author of
the fragmentary letter RS 15.018 (= PRU 3, 112) threatens to turn to the King
(of Carchemish) if he is not given proper compensation for his stolen catde.
194
RS 20.021 (= Ug 5, no! 42) and 34.158 (RSO 7, no. 16). Probably both doc-
uments refer to the same case of the sale of Ba'aliya by his business partner, prob-
ably a resident of Ugarit.
outlaws. Rather, each state was expected to j udge its own criminals
according to the testimony of witnesses who were sent to appear at
the trial. I n his letter to Ugarit, a certain uKUR-
d
u
195
announces that
he personally went to Siyannu to punish the person(s) who had trans-
gressed against his correspondent's authority (RS 20.219 = Ug 5, no.
44).
196
A similar message is conveyed by a certain Eppiqu to the
governor of Ugarit, his lord (RS 17.393 = PRU 4, 226-7). I n his
letter to the king of Ugarit ('my father'), the king of Unatu volun-
teers to serve as the arbitrator in a financial dispute between sub-
jects of the two lands (RS 17.083 = PRU 4, 216); alternatively, he
suggests sending the opponents to appear before the king of Ugarit.
When it came to citizens of a third country, the authorities of
Ugarit and of Siyannu made a point of referring the case to the
appropri ate court. Two documents may be combi ned to reconstruct
the ventures of a citizen of Emar. I n his letter to Urtenu, Zu-Atarti
(see p. 659) recounts that from Sidon
197
he arrived to Unatu where
he was detained (RS 34.153 = RSO 7, no. 35); he probably expected
his correspondent to intervene on his behalf. Finally, he asks Urtenu
to inquire whether the king had already handed over the horses to
the messenger from Alalia. From a letter of suM-
d
i m,
198
king of Unatu,
to the king of Ugarit we learn that the king of Carchemish himself
had intervened to ensure a proper trial in the lawsuit between a
man of Emar (the above-mentioned Zu-Atarti?) and a man of Siyannu
(RS 17.143 = PRU 4, 16). The king of Unatu, however, declares
195
This seems to me a better reading of the name than Si-ni- as read by
Nougayrol. Cf. u-kr-

IM in RS 20.003 (= Ug 5, no. 26).

196
The nature of their offence is not quite clear. I wonder whether the alleged
'turning of the sceptre (?)' in 1. 16 (KAR
(,I S
PA-) could actually be read as a mis-
construed Kar-ka-mi?
197
Zu-Atarti was moored somewhere in the sea (1. 14f., ina A.AB.BA abaku) when
he was taken by a a-a-ru to Sidon (1. 15f.). ARNAUD (RSO 7, 76; 1992, 182, n. 11)
compared this ru with Ugaritic sr and biblical sar, 'prince', suggesting that this
might be an early reference to a Philistine ruler (cf. 1 Sam. 18:30). Cf. however
HUEHNERGARD (1997), who in his review of RSO 7 translates the respective sen-
tence as following: was sitting (immobile) in the sea; when the wind (finally) took
me, I reached Sidon'.
198
The name SUM-'' is traditionally rendered with Hurri an values, Ar(i)-Teub.
However, since the kings of Ugarit bear Semitic names (with the possible excep-
tion of Ar-halba), more caution is advised in reading the ideographic spellings of
the names of the kings of Siyannu (see also GOETZE 1957, 25). suM-
d
i M could also
have a Semitic reading, such as -ytn,
d
m-mateni, or the like (see GRONDAHL 1967,
147), and until some compelling evidence for the correct reading turns up it is bet-
ter to keep to the ideographic spelling of this name.
himself i ncompetent in the case, because, as it turns out, the adver-
sary is not a resident of Siyannu but rather of Ari, a coastal town
which belonged to Ugarit.
5.2.4 Amurru and Kinza/ Qadesh
Among the Hittite domi nated lands of Syria, only Amurru and
K i nza/Qadesh mai ntai ned an i ndependent correspondence with
Ugarit on a state level, i.e., between kings and governors.'
99
These
two kingdoms were the first to join the Hittite camp in the Amarna
Age, and had consequently preserved, together with Ugarit, a semi-
autonomous status. There is also an exchange of letters with Emar
(see p. 658), and perhaps with other cities along the Euphrates,
200
but this is between individual merchants and not the respective royal
courts.
The close relations between Ugarit and Amurru find their expres-
sion mainly in the military accords (see p. 627) and in the royal
marriages (see p. 641) between the two courts. Much less is known
about their economi c ties, and the extant letters refer mostly to
Amurri te requests for (semi-)precious stones. I n two compani on let-
ters the king of Amurru and his governor express their wish to buy
parrishi/parruha at any price.
201
I n a letter found in the Urtenu archive
a certain GAL-gina attempts, on behalf of the king of Amurru, to
urge the transport by ship of a building stone (algamiu) needed for
the repair of his king's residence (RS 34.135 = RSO 7, 46ff.). Less
specific are the requests of Ulmi, probably the queen of Amurru,
from her 'daughter', the queen of Ugarit (RS 16.111 = PRU 3,
13-4). The same applies to the letter of Abugama (of Amurru) to
the governor (of Ugarit) in whi ch he proposes mutual assistance
between their respective lands (RS 15.024 + 50 = PRU 3, 18). The
dating of all these documents is difficult to establish ( L i v er ani 1962,
146; S i nger 1991a, 160ff.). I n any case, the cooperation between
the two Levantine kingdoms seems to have continued to their very
199
There is also a single letter from the king of Barga, a small kingdom in inner
Syria (K L ENGEL 1992, 152), but only a few lines are preserved (RS 15. 019 = PRU
3, 13).
200 p
or a
possible Mari provenance of RSO 7, nos. 40, 47, see pp. 657, 728.
201
R S 17.152 (= PRU 4, 214) and FALES 1984. For the possible identification of
the stone, see refs. in SI NGER 1991a, 161, n. 36.
end, and Amurru sent ships to assist the fleet of Ugarit (RS 20.162
= Ug 5, no. 37; p. 721).
Qadesh lost some of its strategic i mportance after the peaceful
setdement of the long-standing struggle between Egypt and Hatti .
Still, as an i mportant stage on the inland route to the north, its par-
ticipation in the defensive system of Syria was highly treasured by
the Hittites. Two letters from the Urtenu archive relate the efforts
of Carchemi sh to mobilize the armies of Qadesh and Ugarit for a
large manoeuvre perhaps directed to fend off an Assyrian offensive
(p. 687).
Some half dozen letters may be attri buted to the correspondence
between Ugari t and K i nza/Qadesh. The earliest is the letter of
Ni qmaddu, probably the king of Qadesh,
202
to his 'brother'
203
Ni qmepa
(of Ugarit), dealing with the extradition of a runaway. Three letters
are addressed to Uzzi nu, one of the last governors of Ugarit (see
p. 700). Two of them are related to each other and deal with the
settling of a compl i cated financial dispute.
204
The third is almost
entirely broken (RS 20.200B = Ug 5, no. 40). A letter sent by the
king of Qadesh to the king of Ugari t, his 'brother', should proba-
bly be dated to the same period; in this he announces the dispatch
of his governor Betilum with offerings to (the temples of?) Ugarit:
30 he-goats, 3 donkeys, and asa foetida.'
m
202
RS 17.315 (=PRU 4, 111). Since no land is mentioned in the letter, the iden-
tity of the correspondents is open to speculation. Because of the provenance of the
tablet, it is usually assumed that Niqmepa was the king of Ugarit. Various identi-
ties have been suggested for Niqmaddu: the predecessor of Niqmepa on the throne
of Ugarit (GORDON 1966, 6, n. 28); a blood brother of Niqmepa (LI PI NSKI 1981,
81); the king of a neighbouring land, either Muki (NOUGAY ROL 1956, 111, n. 1;
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 216-7), or, more probably, Qadesh (K I TCHEN 1962, 37; MI L L ARD
1979-80, 202). An entirely different interpretation has recently been put forward
by ARNAUD (1996, 48, . 6), who suggests that the tablet is a copy that was kept
in Ugarit, in which case Niqmaddu would be the king of Ugarit (the successor of
I biranu of RS 4.449) and Niqmepa would be the king of Alalah.
203
This 'brotherhood' indicates that the correspondents were of equal political
status. I do not understand Millard's statement (MI L L ARD 1979 80, 202) that the
address reflects the relationship between an inferior and a superior king.
204
Both letters were sent to Ugarit's governor Uzzinu, one by the king of Kinza
(RS 34.146 = RSO 7, no. 15) and the other by its governor Betilum (RS 20.158 =
Ug 5, no. 51); strangely, they were found in different archives, Urtenu's and Rap'anu's,
respectively (LACKENBACHER 1995a, 73). Betilum, the governor (MASKIM) of Kinza, is
also mentioned in RS 20.172.23 (see below).
205
RS 20.172 (= Ug 5, no. 39). Perhaps N|U.L U.H[U (1. 22), a variety of
asa foetida, see n. 163 (NOUGAY ROL 1968, 121, n. 4, with refs.). The same plant is
The most substantial information on commerce between the two
kingdoms is found in the letter of Padiya, the governor of Qadesh,
to the king of Ugarit (RS 20.016 Ug 5, no. 38). I n an exceed-
ingly flattering manner, going as far as describing his correspondent
as a 'great king',
206
the governor politely but firmly exposes the
reduced weights of the large metal consignment that he had received
from Ugarit: the ostensible 20 talents of bronze are short by one
talent and a thousand and [X-] hundred (shekels); the 8 talents of
tin (annaku) are actually only 700 (shekels?); and a bronze basin (agannu)
that should weigh one talent is 100 (shekels) short. According to his
calculation, the king of Ugarit still owes him 10 talents of bronze
for 5 donkeys. Ugarit's role as an intermediary in the trading of tin
and bronze goes back at least to the Mari period (p. 617).
20
' Padiya
also mentions the prices for sheep, head coverings, eag1es(?), and asa
foetida, which were probably sent to Ugarit.
5.2.5 The 'Phoenician' port-towns
The borrowing of this first millennium geo-political term serves merely
as a convenient framework for the characterization of Ugarit's ties
with the Levantine coast south of Amurru ( A r naud 1992; X e l l a
1995b). Ugarit's commercial ties were naturally stronger with the
Lebanese coast, i.e., the kingdoms of Byblos, Beirut, Sidon and Tyre,
and weakened considerably further south along the coast of Palestine.
Still, there is ampl e evidence that seamen and merchants from Akko,
Ashdod and Ashkelon mai ntai ned commercial ties with Ugarit (for
refs. see A r n a u d 1992, 192). Thi s geographical orbit is also reflected
in a late letter of the Ki ng (of Carchemish) to the queen of Ugarit
in which he authorizes her to send her ships only as far as Byblos
and Sidon but not to more distant destinations (RS 34.145.914 =
RSO 7, no. 9). There are very few chronological indications in the
mentioned in another letter from Qadesh (RS 20.016.34), and in a letter belong-
ing to the correspondence between Emar and Ugarit (RS 34.133.40; see n. 163).
206
I agree with Nougayrol that in this context 'Great King' refers (in an exag-
gerated manner) to the king of Ugarit, and not to the Hittite king, as suggested by
LI VERANI 1962, 150.
207
For the Ugaritic terminology for 'copper/bronze' (Lit) and 'tin' (bn) and their
prices in Ugarit, see ZACCAGNI NI 1970, 317ff. A new text from the Urtenu archive,
which specifies the quantity of brr needed for the manufacture of forty frames (krkb;
BORDREUI L - MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995, 447, 451), may perhaps throw some doubts
on the identification of bn as 'tin'.
correspondence with the 'Phoeni ci an' port-towns, but most of the
material must probably be dated to the last period of Ugarit ( A r naud
1992, 179-80). The majority of the epistles contain little more than
the customary greeting formul ae between 'brothers'. Onl y occasion-
ally is a business transaction or some other concrete event more
specifically discussed.
Byblos (Gubla) received from Ugarit 25 textile and clothing items,
including 'seven removable ship-covers(?)' ( A r naud 1992, 159), through
the intermediation of a certain Abihilu.
208
A case of the 'leasing' of
Byblian ships by Ugarit is apparently recorded in an economic text
which has received extensive attention.
209
From the fact that it was
found in the so-called 'baking oven' in Court V, some have concluded
that it reflects the acute political situation characterizing the last years
of Ugarit (e.g., H o f t i j z er 1979, 383). However, this find-place can
no longer be used as a dating tool (see n. 705), and the 'leasing'
may actually reflect normal mercantile procedures ( D i et r i c h - L o r et z
1990d, 96).
Beirut
210
sent four letters to Ugarit: one from king to king (RS
86.2212; A r n a u d 1992, 192); two from the king of Beirut to the
governor of Ugarit (RS 11.730 = PRU 3, 12-3; RS 34.137 = RSO
7, no. 37); and one from Ewri-kili to the king of Ugarit ( A r naud
1992, 192). In RS 34.137 the king of Beirut wishes all the best to
his brother (the king of Ugarit) who is on a voyage outside Ugarit.
Coul d this trip refer to Ni qmaddu I l l 's visit to Hatti implied from
other documents (see p. 700)? Beirut was also involved in the 'eco-
nomic war' between Ugarit and Siyannu revolving around the trade
in wine (RS 17.341.14', 17' = PRU 4, 161; see p. 663). I n addition
to these Akkadian documents there is also an Ugaritic legal text
recording the redempti on of seven men from Ugarit from the hands
of the men of Beirut for one hundred silver shekels (KTU 3.4 =
RS 16.191 + 16.272 = PRU 2, no. 6; K i enas t 1979, 449-50); it is
208
RS 19.028 = PRU 6, no. 126. The same agent, Abihilu/Abgl, may be attested
in other economic texts, in connection with oil and with animal hides (see refs. in
L ORETZ 1994, 118). The assumption that he originated from Ashdod rests on a
dubious restoration.
M
K T U 4
33
8
_
R S 1 8 0 2 5
=
P R U 5> N O 1 0
6
;
see L ORETZ 1994, 118FF., with
further refs. The Ugaritic translation of a letter sent by the king of Byblos, found
near KTU 4. 338 = R S 18. 025, is too fragmentary to provide any information
( K T U 2. 44 = R S 18. 134 = PRU 5, no. 159; L ORETZ 1994, 124).
210
ARNAUD (1984; 1992, 182, . 9) attempted to distinguish between two Beiruts;
the other he identified with Ras Ibn Hani.
ratified with the seal of Ni qmaddu (III?; see p. 693). The benefac-
tor is a certain Iwr-kl, possibly identical with Ewri-kili (CK 7; A r n au d
1992, 192).
Sidon seems to be the foremost amongst the 'Phoenician' kingdoms
( A r naud 1992, 184-5).
211
The letters from Ugarit and some seals
provide the names of some of its rulers, but as yet these do not fit
into a clear chronological framework.
212
A dossier of documents is
consecrated to the 'great sin', a highly interesting source for the reli-
gious practices of the period.
213
It seems that some citizens of Ugarit
have commited a great offence against the Storm-god of Sidon, prob-
ably by entering the holy of holies of his temple without authoriza-
tion. The enraged citizens of the city demand that the offenders
(designated as 'dogs') be stoned and impaled ( A r naud 1992, 190-1;
B o r d r eu i l 1995a, 3), whereas the king of Sidon would be content
with expiatory offerings (including fine oil brought from Egypt) to
all the gods of the kingdom and a large monetary compensation.
The episdes from Tyre (Sum) are perhaps the most variegated in
the 'Phoeni ci an' dossier, but their interpretation is often very difficult
( A r naud 1992, 194; X e l l a 1995, 260).
214
A tablet from the Museum of
Lattaquieh contains a letter sent by the king of Tyre to the king of
Ugarit dealing with an 'unpai d bill' ( A r naud 1982b). Two Ugaritians,
Ea-rabi and the 'harbourmaster' (rab kr) ipti-Ba
C
a1, have taken
'large doors'
215
from the house of Dadami but failed to pay their
price. Thi s is the second appeal of the king of Tyre on this matter;
211
The importance of Sidon in the 13th century is also demonstrated by a tablet
from Tell Chura (dated to the second half of Tukulti-Ninurta's reign) according
to which a Sidonian diplomat (Milku-ramu) forwarded some letters from Egypt to
Assyria (ORTHMANN 1995, 216).
212
ARNAUD 1992, 193; XEL L A 1995b, 259-60; MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995b, 104. I mtu
(RS 1 1.723), Yapa-
D
IM (RS 25.430A) and
D
IM-Ime (RS 34.149) appear in letters;
Addumu and his son Anni-WA appear on seals.
213
RS 18.054; 86.2208; 86.2221+; 86.2234; ARNAUD 1992, 189ff. ARNAUD (ib.:
189, . 48) tentatively proposes to include in this dossier also RS 20.182A (+) B, a
letter to Ramesses II dealing with a lawsuit between 'the sons of Canaan' and 'the
sons of Ugarit' (see p. 674).
214
The 'revised edition' (1997) of H.J . KATZENSTEI N'S History of Tyre (1973) has
not been updated with the new material from Ugarit published since the early sev-
enties. (The 'as yet unpublished' document mentioned on p. 58 is RS 19.042 =
PRU 6, no. 79, published in 1970!).
215
The first sign in I G.GAI
MI
'

is somewhat obliterated in the copy. If this read-

ing is valid, I wonder whether it could refer here not to ordinary doors, but rather
to writing-boards (which are also designated daltu) like the one found in the ship-
wreck from Uluburun.
after his first appeal the king of Ugarit responded that the respec-
tive persons were presently not in Ugarit. Sipti-Ba
c
al must be the
well-known son-in-law of Queen are11i and her business agent in a
wide range of trading activities extending from Emar to Egypt ( A r naud
1982b, 105-7).
Sipti-Ba'al (Tpt - b' l ) himself is the author of an Ugaritic letter
addressed to his lord (KTU 2.40 = RS 18.040 = PRU 5, 63). After
the courtesy formul a the author announces that:
c
bdk b Iwsnd w b sr
c
m mlk, 'your servant (is) in Iwsnd and in sr with the king' (11. 9-12).
I n his editio prnceps Virolleaud identified the second location as refer-
ring to the city of Tyre. A s t o u r (1965, 257) emended this reading
into [y\bsr, 'he fortified', and identified the first locative with the
eastern Cilician town of Lawazantiya, identified with Lusanda in a
Neo-Assyrian document. From this identification he developed a far-
fetched historical scenario (cf. L i v er ani 1979a, 134) according to
which ipti-Ba
c
al was 'the Ugaritic commander on the northern front'
who fortified himself together with the Hittite king in Lusanda 'after
all of Anatolia had already been lost almost up to the Amanus'.
Taki ng into consideration the abundant new data on ipt i-Ba
c
al, and
especially the above-mentioned Lattaquieh letter, it may be safer to
return to Virolleaud's original renderi ng and conclude that the letter
was probably sent by Sipti-Ba'al from the court of the king of Tyre.
An unusually large tablet (RS 34.167 = RSO 7, no. 25), proba-
bly dispatched from Tyre, contains the letter of Ur-Teub to his
'brother' Ahi -Mi l ku/Mal ki (e-lugal)
216
recounting the lethal disease
(perhaps a plague) of his son who was sent away from Tyre to a
relative residing in the Cape of Tyre (
u r l
sag. du Sum). I n the sec-
ond part of his long letter the sender requests his correspondent to
send to him 50 j ars ( dug
me s
gal ) of [oil?], 30 silver (shekels) and
one talent of copper. I n return he proposes to send several items,
including purple-dyed wool and a talent of (dried) fish, both typical
products of Tyre. Ur-Tesub was the head of a large Ugaritian firm
trading especially in the export of oil to Hatti and to Egypt ( B o r dr eui l
M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995, 446, 449). Four letters addressed to him
were found in the Urtenu archive in 1994, two from Ahi-Milku/Malki
and two from Ehli-Tesub, a scribe who was active under Ni qmaddu
I I I ( M al b r an - L ab at 1995b, 105; see p. 691).
216
For the readi ngs of these names, see BORDREUI L - MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995, 446
and MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995B, 105.
One should probably add to the correspondence of Tyre a letter
whose author was thought to be a king of Amqi.
217
d
i m. di . k ud
2 1 8
com-
plains before the governor of Ugarit,
d
u . Z A . d u g u d ,
2 1 9
about the out-
rageous custom tolls that his agents were required to pay to the
'harbourmaster'
220
Abdu son of Ayyahi: 100 [silver shekels] for 14
j ars of oil.
221
Finally, we have the much-discussed Ugaritic translation of the
letter sent by the king of Tyre to the king of Ugarit concerni ng the
salvation of his fleet returni ng from Egypt.
222
Various interpretations
have been accorded to this letter (for refs. see C u n c h i l l o s 1989a,
349-50). Those who (following Gordon) have connected the voca-
bles mtt and rb tmtt with the verb 'to die' have envisaged a more
'tragic' course of events. It seems preferable, however, to follow a
more 'mundane' i nterpretati on (e.g., C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 349ff.),
according to which the fleet was caught up in torrential rain but
found refuge in Tyre and in Akko. The rb tmtt
m
had emptied the
grain
224
from the ships and the king of Tyre made sure to send the
217
RS 17.424c + 397B (= PRU 4, 219). I nstead of Nougavrol's
URl!
Am{?)-qi one
should probably read with ARNAUD (1996, 63, . 94)
U R L
V
K l
(either in status abso-
lutus, or with the omission of the final - ). Amqi /a in the Lebanon Valley was not
a unified geo-political unit ruled by a single king (AHARONI 1953; SI NGER 1988a, 3).
218
Nougayrol reads the name Addu-dayyanu. This king of Tyre is also attested
in a new document from the Urtenu archive (MAL BRAN-L ABAT 1995b, 104; ARNAUD
1996, 63, . 94). An Amarna Age king of Tyre probably bears the same name (EA
295.3: ]-DI .KUD; MORAN 1992, 337), which may be a dynastic name.
219
NOUGAY ROL ( 1956, 219) reads the name as U-zakaptu.
220
UGULA kri, to be read either as akil kri, or, more probably, rab kri (ARNAUD
1996, 61). The Ugaritic equivalent could be either rb m'ifyd (for which see VI ROLLEAUD
1965, 14-5; ASTOUR 1970; LI VERANI 1979b: 499), or rb tmtt (ARNAUD 1996: 63,
. 95). The 'harbourmaster' was responsible for collecting the custom taxes in port
towns, whereas the 'tax collector' (mkisu) did the same along the land borders of
Hittite Syria (ARNAUD 1996, 61). The collection of various taxes and tolls (manaJftu,
miksu) figures prominently in the new texts from the Urtenu archive (MAL BRAN-
LABAT 1995b, 106).
221
For a new translation and interpretation of this text, see ARNAUD 1996, 63.
He tentatively suggests (n. 96) that the 'oil' coming from Tyre could actually be
scented oil, i.e. some perfume (perhaps of Egyptian origin), which would explain
the high custom taxes paid for it.
222
K TU 2.38 = RS 18.031 = PRU 5, no. 59. ARNAUD 1992, 194 mentions a
further letter sent from a king of Tyre to the king of Ugarit (RS Varia 25).
223
For the various interpretations of the office of the rb tmtt, see CUNCHI LLOS
1989a, 354-5, n. 17 ('head of team'), and add ARNAUD (1996, 63, . 95), who pro-
poses that it is the Ugaritic equivalent of rab kri, 'harbourmaster' (see n. 220).
224
For the different meanings of dr'/dr', see CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 355 n. 19 (with
refs.).
cargo and the crew safely to Ugarit. Thi s interpretation would fit
perfectly within the context of the grain exports from Egypt to Hatti
at the end of the 13th century (see pp. 715-9).
5.2.6 Egypt and Canaan
The 'Egyptian alternative' never really vanished from Ugarit's per-
spective. With a strong mercantile and maritime orientation, Ugarit's
natural maj or partner was Egypt, rather than the continental Hittites.
The vigorous Syrian policy of the kings of the early Hittite Empi re
forced Ugarit to curtail for a while her traditional ties with Egypt,
especially on the eve of the battle of Qadesh. However, with the ad-
vent of the Silver Treaty signed between Hattusili 'I I I ' and Ramesses
II in 1258, Ugarit was among the first to exploit the huge com-
mercial benefits of the Pax Hethitica.
The resumption of full-scale contacts with Egypt and her Canaani te
provinces is documented both in the written and in the archaeo-
logical record of Ugarit. About half a dozen stone and alabaster
vases carry the cartouches of Ramesses II, matchi ng more-or-less the
quantity of such finds from the Amarna Age.
223
Egyptian merchants were active in the economic life of Ugarit,
tradi ng not only in commodities
226
and real estate,
227
but also in
slaves. Hehea, the Egyptian, released an undefined number of per-
sons for 400 shekels (RS 15.011 = PRU 3, 19). I n a letter exchange
between the kings of Ugari t and Unatu it is reported that the
Egyptians have released a person who was sold to them by his com-
pani on, though they kept his belongings (RS 20.021 - Ug 5, 126ff;
see n. 194).
Canaani tes were well distinguished from Egyptians in the docu-
mentati on from Ugarit ( A s t our 1981a, 25). A fragmentary letter
225
RS 11.261; 11.848; 11.869; 1-11.[115]; 15.201; 34.030 (see CAUBET 1991a,
214, and refs. cited in RSO 5.1). Large quantities of alabaster vessels were found
in the so-called 'House of the alabaster vessels' east of the royal palace (YON 1997b,
76). On Ugarit's preference for Egyptian artistic styles, see YON 1994b, 427-8 (with
further refs.).
226
In K TU 4.352 = RS 18.042.4 = PRU 5, no. 95 Egyptians receive a large
quantity of oil. In RS 16.341 = PRU 2: no. 113 Egyptians receive rations of wine
from the royal palace.
227
According to RS 16.136 = PRU 3, 142 the Egyptian Pa'ahi received a large
domain from king Ammi ttamru II.
deals with the settling of a large monetary dispute (one talent and
500 shekels of silver) between the 'sons of the Land of Ugarit' and the
'sons of the Land of Canaan' (RS 20. 182 + 20. 181= Ug 5, no. 36;
augmented and collated by L a c k e n b a c h e r 1994) . I n the fragmentary
openi ng lines the king of Ugarit addresses Pharaoh (Ramesses II)
with the flattering epithets, 'powerful king' (sarri qarrad) and 'lord of
all the lands'. Burhanuwa (1. 10') is no doubt the well-known Egyptian
messenger Pari hnawa who travelled between the courts of Egypt and
Hatti at the time of the Silver Treaty in 1258 and the royal mar-
riage between Ramesses I I and a Hittite princess in 1245 ( Y o y o t t e
apud N o u g a y r o l 1968, 112, n. 3; E d e l 1976, 79).
The regulation of the caravan routes linking Egypt and Hatti and
their passage through the territory of Ugarit is the subject of sev-
eral documents. A decree of Tudhal i ya empowers Ammi ttamru II
to prevent the transfer of horses from Hatti to Egypt and vice versa
from passing through his territory (RSL 2 = PRU 6, no. 1 79).
228
The full significance of this prohibition is not known, but it may
have to do with the lucrative trade in quality horses frequently alluded
to in the letters from Ugarit (cf. N o u g a y r o l 1970, 129, n. 3; S i n g er
1983b, 27, n. 3).
The itinerary of the tradi ng routes between Hatti and Egypt is
also discussed in the Ugaritic translation of Puduhepa's letter to
Ni qmaddu I I I (K TU 2.36 = RS 17.435+; see p. 693). The meani ng
of the fragmentary passage is not entirely clear, but it seems that the
king of Ugarit complained that caravans were by-passing his king-
dom, probably using an alternative inland artery along the Orontes
valley.
229
The reason for Ugarit's concern is obvious: the merchants
passing through the territory of Ugarit not only traded i mported
merchandise for local produce, but also paid high custom tolls which
enriched the treasuries of the city.
230
I n the private correspondence of the great merchants operating
the caravan routes along the Levant there is often menti on of trips
228
Cf. also the small fragment Ug 5, no. 47 which seems to deal with commerce
with M]u-us-ri-i (probably Egypt, despite the unusual spelling).
229
The fragmentary passage mentions Ngt/Nuhhai (1. 17), Qd/Ki nza (1. 27'),
and possibly N[iya] in the 'Valley' (1. 18: 'mq\ or perhaps the land of Amqi?).
230
See, e.g., p. 672 on the custom tolls paid to the harbourmaster of Ugarit by
some merchants from Tyre (PRU 4, 219). Contrary to the above interpretation of
the passage from Puduhepa's letter, DI J KSTRA ( 1989, 145) assumes that the king of
Ugarit sought to divert the caravans away from his kingdom because of some dam-
age caused by them.
to Egypt. Urhae, whose regular business was with Hatti, eagerly pro-
poses to join his colleague Y abni nu on his next trip to Egypt (RS
19.050 = PRU 6, no. 14). According to another letter he sends him
a horse, perhaps as an incentive for further cooperation (RS 22.006
= PRU 6, no. 16). Another entrepreneur who was active along the
'Phoenician' coast and in Egypt was Sipti-Ba'al, the well-known agent
of the queen of Ugarit (p. 697). I n RS 34.173 (RSO 7, no. 33)
Dagan-belu informs Urtenu that his master (no doubt Sipti-Ba'al)
will write to him soon about his Egyptian affairs.
Luxury goods were traded with Egypt throughout the period under
consideration, but the last decades of the Hittite Empi re added a
new dimension to these close commercial ties. The importation of
grain from Egypt to Hatti and Ugarit's vital role in this trade will
be described in the entries dealing with the last period of the city
(p. 715ff).
5.2.7 Cyprus and the Aegean
The first commercial contacts between Ugarit and the eastern Medi-
terranean islands go back to the early part of the second millennium
bce (see n. 42). After a considerable decrease in these ties around
the mid-second millennium (LH I and LH II), there is again an
upsurge of demand for western products in the 14th13th centuries.
231
However, the early theory of the existence of a Mycenaean colony
in Ugarit has categorically been refuted ( A s t o ur 1973b, 25, with
refs.; C o u r t o i s 1987, 216-7). In the vast written documentation from
Ugarit there is not a single record of an Aegean merchant trading
in the city, and none of the hundreds of names can be shown to
be of a clear Aegean type ( A s t o ur 1981b, 29). J uxtaposed with the
evidence for the presence of countless other foreigners in Ugarit
Egyptians, Canaanites, 'Mesopotami ans', A1aiotes, not to mention
Hittitesthis absence can hardly be accidental and must indicate
that most
232
of Ugarit's lucrative trade with the Aegean was in the
hands of Syrian merchants and Cypriot intermediaries. A rare textual
231
ASTOUR 1973a, 24ff.; COURTOI S 1979, 1204ff.; 1987; CAUBET - 1995,
104ff.
232
That some ships from the Aegean must have reached the Levantine coast is
shown by the clause in Tudljaliya's treaty with augamuwa of Amurru which
imposed a blockade on the trade between Assyria and ships of [A^iyauia (K HNE
1971, 16- 7) . For the refutation of STEI NER'S ( 1989) alternative restoration of
attestation of direct sailing from Ugarit to Crete is found in a legal
document in which Ammi ttamru II exempted the merchant Sinaranu
from taxes, including those on his ship returni ng from a voyage to
Kapturi.
233
Contrary to the circuitous contacts with Crete and the Aegean,
relations with Cyprus, just over 100 km from the ports of Ugarit,
were intense and manifold, especially in the last phases of the LBA.
About half a dozen objects inscribed with Cypro-Mi noan characters
were found at Ugarit.
234
Except for her pivotal role in the maritime
trade between east and west, A1aia also served as a place for the
bani shment of high-ranking political deportees from Hatti and from
Ugarit.
235
The mai n export item of Cyprus was of course copper, both as
raw material or in the form of manufactured objects.
236
Evidently
Ugarit also had a bronze industry of its own, as shown, for example,
by the stone mould for casting ox-hide-shaped ingots found in the
Northern Palace of Ras I bn Hani ( B ounni et al. 1987, 11, fig. 8;
L ag ar c e 1987, 284). An Ugaritic text mentions a ship from A1a[ia]
moored in the town of Atalig with a cargo of 15 talents of co[pper?]
and other metal implements (K TU 4.390 = RS 18.119 = PRU 5,
no. 56). Cyprus also exported to the east large quantities of ceram-
ics, both of local manufacture and brought from the Aegean.
237
Ugarit exported to Cyprus not only her own goods, but many
other items brought to her markets from all over the Near East.
the fragmentary name as '[ba]tt1e ships', see SINGER 1991a, 171, n. 56; LEHMANN
1991, 111, n. 11.
233
RS 16.238 (= PRU 3, 107-8). As recognized by Nougayrol, the ideographic
pun KUR DUGUD-R (1. 10) must be read as Kaptu-ri (see also ASTOUR 1973a, 25-6).
It is not entirely clear whether the Ugaritic occurrences of krty refer to Crete or
rather to a PN (WATSON 1994c, 498). For a renewed attempt to identify Yman in
K TU 1.4 = R S 2. [008]+ i 43 with I onia, see DIETRICH - LORETZ 1998 (with refs.
to previous bibliography). Cf. however, ASTOUR 1995, 60ff., who locates Yman in
the eastern part of the kingdom of Ugarit.
234
RSO 5/1: 418, to which add a new bulla from the house of Urtenu (YON
1995, 441, fig. 7).
235 p
or
deportation of the princes Himi-arruma and R-arruma, sons of
Ahat-Milku, see p. 642 (RS 17.352). The" brothers Amar-
D
IM and Yadu-
D
IM who
fled from A1aia were passed on from Hattusili 'I I I ' to the king of Carchemish, who
in his turn gave them to his son Ti1i-arruma (RS 18.114 = PRU 4, 82).
236
MALBRAN-L ABAT 1995b, 105. A Cypriot bronze tripod was found in the so-
called 'Templ e of rhytons' (RS 80.5102; YON 1994b, 430-1).
237
For the Cypriot and Helladic pottery and figurines from Ugarit, see COURTOIS
1978, 282- 363; CAUBET - MATOI AN 1995 (with further refs.).
Horses bred in the east were given by the king of Ugari t to a mes-
senger of A1aia (RS 34.153 = RSO 7, no. 35; see also M a l b r a n -
L a b a t 1995b, 105). A large quanti ty of oil (660 measures) was alloted
to an A1aiote accordi ng to an Ugari ti c inventory list (K TU 4.352
= RS 18.042 = PRU 5, no. 95).
238
The shi pment of oil is discussed
in a letter of Ni qmaddu (I I I ) to his 'father', the king of A1aia (RS
20.168 = Ug 5, no. 21; see p. 720). There is no evidence as yet for
the parti ci pati on of A1aia in the vital trade in grains.
239
I n a new
letter from the Urtenu archive an Ugari ti an scribe residing in A1aia
asks his king to send hi m a table and five chairs ( M al b r an - L ab at
B o r d r e u i l 1995, 445). The mari ti me trade with Cyprus was mostly
held in the hands of a few wealthy merchants who possessed the
necessary capital for large-scale and risky investments. One of these
must have been Y abni nu, probabl y the last resident of the large
Southern Palace whi ch also yielded, in addi ti on to sixty Akkadi an
and five Ugari ti c texts, two Cypro-Mi noan documents ( C o ur t o i s
1990; Y on 1998a, 6I ff.).
I n concl udi ng this brief overview of trade contacts with A1aia,
menti on should be made of a much-di scussed Ugaritic letter dealing
with the purchase of ships (K TU 2.42 + 2.43 = RS 18.113A (+)
= PRU 5, no. 8; P a r d e e 1987c, 204ff.). It contai ns the intriguing
expression nmry mlk
c
lm, 'Nmry, king of the worl d/eterni ty' (1. 9), which
has caused much confusi on with regard to the destination of the let-
ter and its dating. Vi rol l eaud took nmry as an al phabeti c spelling of
Ni mmuri a (Nb-m3
c
t-r
e
), the prenomen of Amenophi s I I I , an iden-
tification whi ch has been accepted by most commentators.
240
If so,
this would be the only letter in the pal ace archives whi ch predates
the conflagration menti oned in EA 151 (see p. 630), and, as observed
by L i v er ani (1962, 28, n. 6), this fact in itself raises serious doubts
238
Persons from A1aia appear in many Ugaritic lists, such as rations distributed
from the palace of Ugarit (KNAPP 1983, 43; WALLS 1996). The fragmentary Akkadian
colophon of an Ugaritic census of thirty households (including women and children)
reads A1aia (KTU 4.102 = RS 11.857). This solicited various interpretations (LIVE-
RANI 1962, 92ff, with previous refs.; MACDONALD 1978), the most plausible of which
is that the list refers to citizens of Ugarit who lived in A1aia (LIVERANI 1962, 94).
239
The letter of Pgn (KTU 2.46 = RS 18.147) which was thought to originate
from A1aia has plausibly been associated with the Hittite official Pukana on a seal
from Tarsus (see p. 718).
240
E.g. LIPINSKI 1977; PARDEE 1987C, 207; KLENGEL 1992, 149, . 356. Cf. how-
ever, the doubts raised by LIVERANI 1962, 28, n. 6 (but cf. 1979a, 1303), RAINEY
1974, 188, and VAN SOLDT 1991a, 88.
about its early dating. He also called attention to the fact that the
tablet was found in close proximity to a group of Ugaritic texts deal-
ing with maritime trade, which can hardly be dated as early as the
Amarna Age ( L i ver ani 1979b, 499).
'Nmiy, king of the worl d/eterni ty' follows after a list of deities
invoked by the sender: Ba'al ^Saphon
1
( L i ver ani 1979a, 1303; Pardee
1987, 206-7), 'the Eternal Sun' (p
c
lm), Astarte, Anat, and all the
gods of A1aia. It is usually assumed that he is the addressee of the
letter and the beneficiary of the blessings ( L i pi nski 1977; P ar d ee
1987c, 207), but K napp (1983, 40, 42) has raised the possibility that
the Egyptian king is invoked here as a deity. I would go a step fur-
ther and reject the whole Egyptian connecti on, adopti ng a brief
remark of R ai ney (1974, 188) who derived nmry from Ugaritic *mrr,
'to bless, strengthen'. Thus, the last deity in the invocation may per-
haps be rendered as 'the blessed/strong one, king of the worl d/eter-
nity', which could be an appellative for the supreme god of A1aia.
241
With the alleged Egyptian connection removed, the letter easily
finds its Sitz im Leben in the rich 13th century documentati on on
mari ti me trade in the eastern Medi terranean ( K napp 1983, 42-3).
The anonymous sender of the letter is probably a 'harbourmaster'
242
who serves as an arbiter between merchants from A1aia and Ugarit,
seeking to obtain the approval of the king of Ugarit for the trans-
action. It is only natural that in blessing his lord he should invoke
the gods of both countries.
5.3 Ammittamru II (ca. 1260-1235)
Ni qmepa was succeeded on the throne by his son Ammi ttamru I I ,
who has direct synchronisms with Puduhepa (RS 17.133), Tudhal i ya
'I V' (RS 17.035; 17.159), I ni-Tesub (RS 17.352), and augamuwa
241
Although I cannot suggest an identification of this deity, it is well to remem-
ber that we know very little on the theonyms of second millennium Cyprus. For
the epithet 'king of eternity,' which seems to imply a chthonian character of the
deity, see Pardee 1988b, 89~91 (KTU 1.108 = RS 24.252.1; with ample refs. to
Egyptian, Phoenician and biblical parallels).
242
The fragmentary title rb m'i[. . .] has variously been restored as rb m'i[hd],
'harbourmaster' (VI ROL L EAUD 1965, 14-5; ASTOUR 1970; LI VERANI 1979b, 499), rb
m'i[smn], 'chief of the seal' (LI PI NSKI 1977, 214), or rb m'i[t\, 'chief of the hundred'
(DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1976, 21-2; K NA PP 1983, 39; VAN SOL DT 1991a, 88). The first
restoration seems best to fit the contents of the letter, which deals with the sale of
ships.
(RS 16.270).
243
His mother Ahat-Mi l ku survived her husband and
conti nued to be active as Qpeen Mother till a respectable old age
(see p. 642). A legal text dated to Ammi ttamru (RS 16.197 = PRU
3, 150-1) is sealed with her cylinder seal,
244
which indicates that she
acted as regent for her son duri ng his youth ( L i ver ani 1962, 99-100;
1979a, 1308). Actually, Ugari t shared the custom of Hatti where the
reigning queen (tawannannd) retai ned her position until her death and
parti ci pated in various state functions.
243
Thi s often caused tension
between the dowager queen and the wife of the ruling king, and it
stands to reason that Ugari t did not avoid the bitter fruits of this
competition.
246
Ammi ttamru had two (older?) brothers who were exiled from
Ugari t to A1aia under mysterious ci rcumstances (PRU 4, 121-4).
The verdicts of I ni -Teub (RS 17.352) and of Tudhal i ya (RS 17.035
with dupls.) only state that the sons of Ahat-Milku, (H)imi-arruma
247
and R-arruma, have commi tted an offence against Ammi ttamru
(and against their mother).
248
I n consequence, their mother gave them
their share of inheritence
249
and deported them to A1aia. They were
2+3
It is needless to postulate an ephemeral 'Niqmaddu Ha' between the reigns
of Niqmepa and Ammittamru II on the basis of KTU 2.36+ = RS 17.434.36-7;
the letter was most probably sent by Hattusili's widow Puduhepa to Niqmaddu III
(see p. 693).
2+4
Her seal impression is almost entirely effaced (Ug 3, 83). Ammittamru's own
Ugaritic seal (Ug 3, 81, 83; figs. 103-5) is impressed above the (original) dynastic
seal of Ugarit on his agreement with augamuwa concerning the bittu rabti affair
(RS 16.270 = PRU 3, 41).
245
This can be demonstrated for several queens of Ugarit (VAN SOL DT 1985-86,
72). The queen mother probably had the same status in Amurru (SI NGER 1991b,
335, n. 22), and perhaps also in ancient Israel (K HNE 1973, 180 1).
246
Though we are not directly informed, as in Hatti, about rivalries between
queen mothers and their daughters-in-law, one can still speculate about the real
causes for some of the more unfortunate episodes in Ugarit's history, such as the
persecution of the ill-fated bittu rabti (p. 680), or the Ehli-Nikkalu affair (p. 701).
247
Ini-Tesub's text spells Hi-i-mi-, whereas Tudhaliya's has I-mi- (x 2); is this
merely a scribal error or perhaps a phonetic difference in the pronunciation of the
initial sound?
24(1
Note that according to Tudhaliya's verdict (11. 7-8) the offenders have sinned
both against Ahat-Milku and Ammittamru, whereas in Ini-Teub's verdict (1. 6) only
against Ammittamru. Perhaps Tudhaliya wanted to add more weight to the undefined
offence in order to better justify the deportation of the brothers. Note also the
difference between the two verdicts in the list of property given to the brothers sent
to exile (see following note).
249
In Ini-Tesub's verdict their inheritance consists of 'silver, gold, their utensils,
and all their possessions' (11. 8-9); Tudhaliya's verdict is more specific: 'their silver,
their gold, their bronze, [their] beds, their chairs, [their tables?], their donkeys, their
made to swear before I tar of the Field that in future they would
never challenge this arrangement. Behind these laconic sentences
may hide a grievous drama. The nature of the brothers' offence is
nowhere stated, but it probably had to do with the struggle for the
throne of Ugarit. The aged mother had to give her consent to the
bani shment of two of her sons in order to safeguard the throne for
her third (and youngest?) son. Is it too sentimental to imagine that
it was their mother's intervention that saved them from an even
harsher destiny and secured for them at least a comfortable exile in
Cyprus?
5.3.1 Marital problems
Once his throne was secured, Ammi ttamru set out to find a suitable
bride, and following his father's example he marri ed a princess from
Amurru. His marriage, however, did not meet with a similar success,
but turned into one of the most notorious scandals of antiquity ( Si nger
1991a, 174-5 with previous literature; A r n a u d - S al v i ni 1993).
After the reinstatement of Benteina, Amurru became the most
favoured Hittite vassal in Syria. Three royal intermarriages between
the courts of Hatti and Amurru followed in close succession: Benteina
marri ed Gau1iyawiya, the daughter of Hattusili 'I I I '; the latter's son
Nerikkaili marri ed an (unnamed) daughter of Benteina; and Tud-
haliya gave his sister (another daughter of Hattusili) to augamuwa.
The court of Amurru became virtually Hittite, in blood and soul
( S i nger 1991a, 177; 1992). From the first marriage the daughter
who became the spouse of Ammi ttamru was born. She is never men-
tioned by name, reference being made only to her noble descent:
'daughter of Benteina', 'sister of augamuwa' and 'daughter of the
Great Lady' (bittu rabti), referring no doubt to the official title of
Gau1iyawiya, a Great Princess ( dumu. sal gal ) of Hatti.
230
Obvi-
sheep, and all [their possessions]' (11. 12-16). One gets the impression that Tudhaliya's
more elaborate text is the original verdict and I ni-Teub's is a summary of it.
250
The equation between 'the daughter of Benteina' and 'the daughter of the
Great Lady,' first suggested by Schaeffer in the fifties (SCHAEFFER 1956, 32), is by
now practically certain (see SI NGER 1991a, 174-5; 1991b, 334-5, with refs.), although
it is still considered with some hesitation by some leading authorities (LI VERANI
1979a, 1309; LI PI NSKI 1981, 91; K L ENGEL 1992, 142; NEU 1995b, 120-1; BECKMAN
1996c, 166). The problem of the exact definition of the title DUMU.SAL GAL in Hittite
sources cannot be discussed here. See SI NGER 1991b; NEU 1995b, 121; K L I NGER
1996, 215-6; HOUWI NK TEN CA TE 1996 (with further refs.).
ously, the troublesome divorce of a princess of such distinguished birth
was a most embarrassing matter which occupied the various courts
of the Hittite Empi re for many years; practically everyone involved
in the lawsuit was a close or a distant relative of the divorcees.
The various stages of the case, which fills out a dossier of at least
fifteen different documents,
251
may briefly be summari zed as follows.
After several years of marri age which produced at least one son
(Utri-arruma), the daughter of Benteina and Gau1iyawiya 'sought
trouble for Ammi ttamru'. As in the case of Ammi ttamru's brothers,
her sin is never specified. Some have envisaged adultery, but polit-
ical intrigue seems more likely ( K hne 1973, 183ffi; K l e n g e l 1992,
141; A r n a u d - S al v i ni 1991-2, 20). The marriage was dissolved
and the estranged wife was sent back to Amurru with her share of
property. After a while, however, Ammi ttamru categorically demanded
her extradition and was even ready to resort to force if necessary.
His demand was eventually granted, not without the intervention of
the highest imperial authorities. Neither her (half-)brother
252
auga-
muwa, who meanwhile became king, nor her uncle Tudhal i ya, who
enforced the final verdict, flinched from this sacrifice in order to
restore peace and unity in the Hittite commonweal th. The blood
money paid by Ammi ttamru to augamuwa for the right to do with
the bittu rabti as he pleased was proporti onate to her high standing:
1,400 golden shekels!
253
At one point along the ordeal, Utri -arruma,
234
the legitimate
crown-prince, was given the choice, to stay with his father in Ugarit
and succeed him on the throne, or to side with his mother and lose
all his dynastic rights. His decision is not stated, but another son of
Ammi ttamru, I biranu, became the next king of Ugarit.
251
See refs. to the Akkadian texts in ARNAUD - SALVI NI 1993, 8- 9. The Ugaritic
letter K TU 2. 72 = RS 34. 124 (= RSO 7, no. 88), probably sent by Ammi ttamru
to his mother, also deals with one of the stages of the ill-fated marriage (PARDEE
1977; but cf . BORDREUI L - PARDEE 1991, 150).
252
For Sausgamuwa's mother, see KL ENGEL 1991, 234; HOUWI NK TEN CATE 1996,
53- 4.
253
As pointed out by NOUGAY ROL ( 1956, 130), this high sum probably took into
account the property that was confiscated from her in Ugarit.
254
It is interesting to note that the princes born from Amurrite mothers were
given names with the theophoric element arruma: (H)imi-arruma and R-arruma,
the sons of Ahat-Milku, and Utri -arruma, the son of the bittu rabti. Crown princes
must have adopted standard Ugaritic (i.e. West Semitic) names at coronation.
5.3.2 Concessions from the overlords
Whereas we possess a f ul l series of Amurru treaties from uppiluli-
uma I to Tudhal i ya 'I V', no comprehensi ve treaty with Ugari t is
known after MurSili's treaty with Ni qmepa. Thi s may be due to the
fortunes of excavati on, but there is also a possibility that the stand-
ard comprehensi ve type of treaty was partially repl aced by a series
of more specialized decrees. For exampl e, Hattusili 'I I I ' issued an
edict pertai ni ng to fugitives from Ugari t whi ch echoes similar pro-
visions in standard treaties (RS 17.238 = PRU 4, 107-8):
255
'I f some
subject of the king of Ugari t, or a citizen of Ugari t, or a servant of
a subject of the king of Ugari t departs and enters the territory of
the Ijabiru of My Maj esty, I , Great Ki ng, will not accept hi m but
will return hi m to the king of Ugari t' ( B eck man 1996c, 163). The
habiru territory may refer to scarcely-inhabited hi ghl and areas north
of Ugari t, but the decree deliberately does not cover the possibility
of a citizen of Ugari t seeking refuge in the heartl and of Hatti . Even
so, this edict, whi ch may reflect the basic division of Ugaritic soci-
ety ( H el t z er 1976, 4-5), is exceptionally favourabl e towards Ugari t.
As a rule, the Hittite king demands the i mmedi ate extradi ti on of
peopl e who fled from Hatti , but he reserves to himself the right to
keep back fugitives of vassal states who found refuge in his l and
( K o r o s ec 1960, 70).
256
Thi s includes Mursili's treaty with Ni qmepa;
the king of Ugari t may ask for the extradi ti on of his runaway citi-
zens, but the king of Hatti is in no way obliged to fulfil his request
( B eck man 1996c, 62, 9, 12). The significant change in policy to
the benefit of Ugari t may in fact be one of the reasons why the
Hittite king did not want to lay down such a preferenti al precedent
in a standard type of treaty.
Even more exceptional is the edict issued by I ni -Teub in which
he releases the king of Ugarit
257
from his vassal duty to send char-
iots and i nfantry to parti ci pate in the i mmi nent war against Assyria
255
Note also RS 17.361A (= PRU 6, no. 76), a label written in Akkadian: 'This
tablet concerns fugitives' (see VAN SOLDT 1989b, 380, 384, no. 27).
256
See e.g. in the treaties with Aziru of Amurru (BECKMAN 1996c, 35, 10), with
Tette of Nuhhai (ib.: 52, 9), and in all the Arzawa treaties (HEINHOLD-KRAHMER
1977, 103ff.). In the late treaties with Amurru (Benteina and augamuwa) the
respective paragraphs are not preserved.
257
His name is broken away (1. 4), but Nougayrol's restoration Ammittamru seems
to have been universally accepted. Theoretically, I biranu, in whose reign the war
with Assyria flared up (p. 686), cannot be excluded.
(RS 17.059 = PRU A, 150-1; BECKMAN 1996c, 167-8).
258
The price
paid for this exemption, 50 mi na of gold, was obviously not too high
for a king who paid more than half of it (1400 gold shekels) for the
right to execute his estranged wife. The amount was delivered in
ten shipments
259
from the sealed storehouse of Ugarit. Soon enough
after this payment, however, when the Assyrian danger became more
acute, the Hittites went back on their agreement and demanded the
mobilization of the army of Ugarit (see p. 686).
6 T HE WEAK ENI NG GRI P OF THE HI TTI TES
6.1 Ibiranu (ca 1235-1225/1220)
fbi ranu was probably appointed as crown-prince (uannu)
260
already
in the reign of his father Ammi ttamru,
26
' perhaps after his (elder)
brother Utri -arruma had chosen to follow his mother back to her
homel and (see p. 681). It is not known who was I biranu's mother,
the ill-fated princess of Amurru, or, more probably, another spouse
of Ammi ttamru about whom we have no evidence. His reign must
have began before 1233, if one accepts the attribution of RS 34.165
(= RSO 7, no. 46) to Tukul ti -Ni nurta (see p. 689).
262
I biranu is men-
tioned by name only in relatively few documents (KLENGEL 1992, 144,
. 319, with refs.), but more texts can perhaps be ascribed to him
on circumstantial evidence.
The conciliatory rapports between Hattusili and Ammi ttamru
manifestly changed in the reigns of their successors. With growing
difficulties on the eastern front and complicated dynastic problems
258
This restricted edict cannot be considered to be a veritable treaty between
Tudhaliya and Ammi ttamru, as suggested by LEBRUN 1995, 87.
259
For barrnu (1. 18) in the meani ng of 'caravan', see NOUGAY ROL 1956, 151;
K L ENGEL 1992, 140, . 293; ARNAUD 1996, 60, . 75.
260 p
or
[^g equation between mur' uriyanni and mur' of I biranu, a group of
liaison-men or officers of the king, see NOUGAY ROL 1956, 186; LI VERANI 1962, 125;
HEL TZER 1982, 154ff; VAN SOL DT 1991a, 11-2; SANMARTI N 1995b, 460ff.
261
A Hurri an text found in the so-called 'House of the Hurri an priest' may per-
haps contain the liturgy of a ritual commemorati ng the death of Ammi ttamru II
( K T U 1.125 = R S 24.274; DI ETRI CH MAY ER 1997a).
262
Clearly, even if one rejects the purported synchronism with Tukulti-Ninurta,
I biranu's reign could not have started as late as 1213 (VAN SOL DT 1991a, 10). Raising
the dates of his reign also conforms to the new information concerning the length
of the reigns of Ni qmaddu III and Ammurapi .
at home, Tudhal i ya and his representatives grew ever more i mpati ent
with Ugarit's assertiveness and lack of cooperati on ( L i ver ani 1979a,
1311-2).
Several small fragments may arguabl y form part of a decree issued
for I bi ranu by his overlord, but very little can be said about their
contents.
263
Of more value is the letter sent to him by Prince Pihawalwi
(RS 17.247 = PRU 4, 191).
264
I bi ranu, who conspicuously is not des-
ignated as king of Ugari t, is scolded for not appeari ng before the
Great Ki ng since he ascended the throne of Ugari t. He did not even
send his messengers with the obligatory presents, which caused much
anger at the court of His Majesty. I n a similar letter, a representa-
tive of His Maj esty invites [the king of Ugarit], either Ammi ttamru
( K l e n g e l 1992, 144, . 318) or I biranu,
265
to come on board his ships
to his overlord, not forgetting to bri ng with him the obligatory pre-
sents, including gold and [silver] as well as alkabau and kabdum stones
(RS 20.255A = Ug 5, no. 30).
Contacts with Carchemi sh seem more relaxed and routine. I n RS
17.385 (= PRU 4, 194) the viceroy asks I bi ranu to send him two
j uni per logs accordi ng to the requi red measurements.
266
I n a typical
presentation letter, the king (I ni-Teub) anounces that his son Misra-
muwa, brother of Upparamuwa, will take up residence in Ugari t as
a guest of PAP-arruma (RS 17.423 = PRU 4, 193). Perhaps I bi ranu
was not too pleased with this visit, if he is i ndeed the author of the
fragmentary letter RS 20.243 (= Ug 5, no. 32), which apparendy
raises a formal compl ai nt to His Maj esty (1. 6') about the conduct of
Musramuwa (sic).
Three letters announce the forthcoming visit of two officials, Ebina'e
and Kurkalli,
267
who are charged with marki ng Ugari t's borders in
accordance with Arma-ziti's instructions. The letter sent by the Ki ng
263
NOUGAY ROL 1956, 289; LI VERANI 1962, 126. RS 19.122.5'ff. (= PRU 4, 289)
has the appearance of a stipulation instructing the vassal not to heed slander directed
against His Majesty; for similar paragraphs in Hittite treaties, cf., e.g., BECKMAN
1996c, 85 ( 13), 101 ( 10). In RS 18.273 (= PRU 4, 196) only I biranu and His
Ma[jesty] are preserved, whereas in RS 17.018 ( PRU 4, 195) only [I bi]ranu and
his soldiers and chariots.
264
Pihawalwi is probably identical with Piha-UR.MAIJ whose objects were stolen
by Mau according to a lawsuit decided by I ni-Teub (RS 17.108 = PRU 4, 165-6).
He may also be identified with the scribe Piha-UR.MAH attested in Hittite texts and
on seals (LAROCHE 1966, 141).
265
I fail to see on what evidence LEBRUN (1995, 86) dates this letter to Ammurapi.
266
F o r
GI Sdaprnu, see LI VERANI 1962, 126, n. 12.
267
A Gur-ga-li-e is connected to the palace of Carchemish in a fragmentary Hittite
ritual text, K U B 48.113, 5' (KLENGEL 1965, 66).
(RS 17.292 = PRU 4, 188) and the one sent by Prince Alihesni
268
(RS 15.077 = PRU 3, 6-7) are addressed to I biranu; Ebi na'e him-
self addresses the governor of Ugarit (RS 17.078 = PRU 4, 196-7).
None of these letters refers to the border in question, but the choice
is practically reduced to Muki or Siyannu, more probably the latter
(see p. 640). Prince Arma-ziti is well-known from Hittite texts dat-
ing to Hattusili ' I I I ' and Tudhaliya 'I V' ( I mp a r a t i 1987, 197ff; 1988).
He was a scribe who fulfilled i mportant functions in the religious
administration. Although his official tide is not stated,
269
he is often
involved in bird oracles which are usually performed by the uriyanni.'
m
According to one of the texts dealing with the border dispute between
Ugarit and Siyannu, it was the unyannu who divided the territory
and set up the boundary stones between the two kingdoms.
2
'
1
It is
quite possible that this complicated matter was taken up again in
the reign of I biranu: Arma-ziti fixed the borders (through bird ora-
cles?), and two officials, Ebina'e
272
and Kurkalli, were sent out to
mark them.
Arma-ziti appears in two other texts from Ugarit. I n RS 17.314
(= PRU 4, 189) he officiates as j udge in a lawsuit between Pusku,
the merchant of the queen of Ugarit, and the custom-official (mk-
isu) Aball. I n RS 17.316 (= PRU 4, 190) Arma-ziti himself is being
accused and sentenced to pay 300 silver shekels to the king of Ugarit
and to the sons of Musrana. The four witnesses are all citizens of
Ura, merchants of His Majesty. Each of the two documents carries
a different hieroglyphic Hittite seal of Arma-ziti (Ug 3, 37-8, figs.
48-51; S i n g e r 1983b, 5, n. 4).
268
For Aliljesni in the Hittite sources, see I MPARATI 1975, 115-6; 1987, 196-7.
269
An Arma-ziti (
d
si N-L) 'chief of the tapri- men' appears in fragmentary con-
text in a text dated to Suppiluliuma II (KUB 21.7 iii 3', 5'). Could he be identi-
cal with Arma-ziti who was already active in the reign of Hattui1i ' I I I ' ?
270
LI VERANI 1962, 73; PECCHI OL I DADDI 1982, 266ff. For the various attempts
to equate the uryanni/u with other cuneiform titles, see ALP 1991, 323-4 (with pre-
vious refs.). See also RSTER 1993, 68-9.
271
RS 17.368 (= PRU 4, 76-7) is usually dated to Mursili II, but in fact it could
be a later ratification of Mursili's decree quoted in extenso in the first part of the
text. Note also the label carrying the inscription 'Document concerning the borders
which the unyannu established for the king of Ugarit' (KTU 6.29 = RS 17.364 =
PRU 2, no. 171 VAN SOL DT 1989a, 380, no. 30), which could have been attached
to RS 17.368 (found in the same room).
272
The fragmentary hieroglyphic seal impression on RS 1 7.368 is not reproduced
in the publication, but, according to L AROCHE (PRU 4, 76), the first and the only
preserved sign in the name is I /E (L 209), which could perhaps belong to Ebina'e
mentioned in RS 17.078 (= PRU 4, 196).
Other documents within the corpus of the anonymous correspond-
ence between Ugarit and Carchemi sh may also belong to I biranu's
reign, including letters written in Ugaritic, probably by messengers
of the king of Ugarit residing in Carchemish.
273
6.1.1 Ugarit and the Assyrian war
A group of letters deals with the projected inspection of the troops
and the chariots of Ugarit by Hittite representatives. Unfortunately,
only one of these letters addresses the king of Ugarit by name as
I biranu (RS 17.289 = PRU 4, 192). The king of Carchemish announces
that the kartappu of His Majesty, g al -
d
i m,
2 7 4
will soon be sent to
Ugarit to determine whether the number of its soldiers and chari-
ots complies with the demands of the Great King. He concludes his
letter with the dramati c exclamation: '(It is a matter of) death (or)
life!'
275
Several other documents may be related to the same event on cir-
cumstantial evidence.
276
RS 20.237 (= Ug 5, 102-4) is the reply of
the king of Carchemi sh to an inquiry of the king of Ugarit as to
the number of chariots and troops he is supposed to supply. Most
of the viceroy's answer is unfortunately broken, but he concludes
with the order 'Go to His M[ajesty]!' I n RS 15.014 (= PRU 3, 5)
I [biranu?] reports to the viceroy that he had sent the requested batch
of 1600 arrows with his messenger Ahaltena.
277
Finally, a tiny fragment
mentions [I bi]ranu and 300 [soldiers?] (RS 17.018 = PRU 4, 195).
278
273
E.g. KTU 2.75 = RS 34.148 (= RSO 7, no. 91); KTU 2.20 = RS 15.158
(= PRU 2, no. 11).
274
This could be read either as Ura-Tarhunta or as Talmi-Tesub (L AROCHE 1966,
198). Opting for the latter possibility, LI PI NSKI (1981, 89, n. 53) suggested that this
kartappu may be identical with the future king of Carchemish, Talmi-Tesub son of
Ini-Teub. Although chronologically this might be possible, the two persons should
be kept apart (I MPARATI 1987, 201). A crown-prince of Carchemish would have
been presented quite differently to the king of a vassal state. Compare, e.g., the
letter of introduction of Misramuwa to I biranu (RS 17.423 = PRU 4, 193; see
p. 684).
275
The same exclamation recurs in RS 20.121 (= Ug 5, no. 33), in which His
Majesty orders the king of Ugarit to send him grain-laden ships urgently (see p. 716).
27,i
A dating of RS 20.237 and 34.138 to the reign of I biranu was also deduced
by Y AMADA (1992, 444) on the basis of stylistic considerations.
277
But cf. the doubts raised by LI VERANI (1962: 127, n. 13) concerning the sender
of the letter. RS 11.834 (= PRU 3, 17) is a small fragment mentioning 'troops' and
the 'king of Car[chemish]'.
278
Two further letters from the Urtenu archive deal with military matters, but
The dispatch of another kartappu of His Majesty (H-r[u-?) is an-
nounced in a letter of the king of Carchemi sh (RS 34.138 = RSO 7,
no. 8). He is supposed to carry with him a tablet of His Majesty
and only upon its presentation should the king of Ugarit meet his
request. Terms related to the army do not occur, but nearly half of
the tablet is mutilated.
The forthcomi ng visit of one of these kartappu to Ugarit may well
be the subject of another letter from the Urtenu archive, RS 34.150
(= RSO 7, no. 10). en-
c i
i m (Ewri-Teub?) announces to his king that
a messenger of the king of Carchemi sh was sent out to inspect the
troops of Qadesh, and will subsequently continue to Ugarit. The
well-informed servant advises his king not to show any of his char-
iots and troops to the messenger of Carchemi sh, who intends to put
them on march with provisions for five [days?] ,
279
Perhaps these documents dealing with a projected muster of armies
280
in central Syria may be related to a letter found on the surface in
1971 in the area which later turned out to be Urtenu's residence
(RS 32.204 = RSO 7, no. 19; B o r d r e u i l 1981, 43). It is a double
letter sent by Kila'e to the queen and the king of Ugarit, announc-
ing the departure of the King (of Carchemish) towards Nirabi (Neirab,
near Halab) the following day.
281
Kila'e politely proposes that both
the king of Ugarit and a certain Bi n-Kabkamma (perhaps a repre-
sentative of the queen of Ugarit) should come to Nirabi to meet the
viceroy in person. In his preliminary notes (quoted in RSO 7, 51)
Nougayrol assigned to this letter a legal context, i.e. a lawsuit between
they seem to be dated later; RS 34.150 (= RSO 7, 35-6) and 34.143 (= RSO 7,
27-9) will be dealt with under Niqmaddu III and Ammurapi, respectively.
279
Five days could be the time needed to cover at a fast pace the distance of
ca 150 km from Ugarit to Halab. Of course it took Zimri-Lim and his large entourage
much longer to cover the same distance, with stopovers of undefined length in four
towns (VI L L ARD 1986, 395) . See p. 617 above.
280
A simultaneous mobilization of the armies of Qadesh and of Ugarit is also
dealt with in a letter found in 1994 in the Urtenu archive, in which the uriyannu
urges Niqmaddu to join forces with the armies of Qadesh and to meet the king of
Carchemish at Halab (MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995b, 106). If indeed the addressee is
Niqmaddu III this letter can hardly be related to the dossier dealing with the mil-
itary manoeuvre dated to I biranu, unless one assumes a prolonged period of activ-
ity which coincided with the shift on the throne of Ugarit.
281
Neirab is a common toponym in Syria. NOUGAY ROL (cited in RSO 7, 51,
n. 48) opted for the one located near Ma'aret en-No'mn, but the site located 6 km
southeast of Aleppo seems to me a better choice. For the exploration of this site
in the twenties, see refs. in K L ENGEL 1970, 85.
Ki l a'e and Bi n-Kabkamma; but I doubt whether this alone would
have sufficed to summon the kings of Carchemi sh and Ugari t to this
excepti onal meeti ng far from thei r respective residencies. Rather,
there must have been a more urgent agenda, probabl y related to the
general military manoeuvre whose purpose remai ns to be elucidated.
The author of the above letter, Ki l a'e, appears to have been a
very hi gh-ranki ng Hittite official who was also involved in judicial
affairs in Ugarit.
282
He presi ded over a lawsuit between two citizens
of Ugari t, I luwa and Amar-
d
u, the son of Mut-
d
u the erdanu (RS
17.112 = PRU 4, 234). He is described as 'the man of Hiiiba'
283
and his office is that of 'the kartappu who is at the head of the (sa)
rei \arri]\ apparentl y the topmost functi onary in the Hittite 'for-
eign office' ( P ec c h i o l i D a d d i 1977, 174; S i n g e r 1983b, 10). He is
most politely addressed as 'our father' in a letter of i ntroducti on sent
by the king and the queen of Ugari t announci ng the dispatch of
their messenger I li-Milku (RS 19.070 = PRU 4, 294).
284
As for the military context of all these documents, the only maj or
reason I can think of for the urgent Hittite demands for a general
mobilization of the armi es of their Syrian vassals could be the dete-
ri orati on in the relations with Assyria and the ensui ng outburst of
hostilities.
283
For quite some time Hatti had prepared herself and her
allies for the unavoi dabl e clash with the emergi ng military power in
the east. A trade bl ockade against Assyria was i mposed on auga-
muwa, including Assyria's maritime trade with [Ahh]iyawa (see n. 232),
and he was also ordered to mobilize Amurru's army (KUB 23.1 iv
19-23; B ec k man 1996c, 101, 12-13). Wi th the ascent of Tukul ti -
Ni nurta to the throne of Assyria, there was a brief attempt to cool
the tense relations by a di pl omati c exchange of letters with Tudhal i ya
W ( S i nger 1985, 102-3, with refs.; B ec k man 1996c, 141-2). However,
282
His prominent status is also demonstrated by his fragmentary hieroglyphic seal
impression in the centre of tablet RS 17.112, which probably reads K-l-[ (L 446-
L 445). For a photograph of the tablet, see Ug 4, 62, fig. 46, lower right.
283
Could this name be a variant of the northern Anatolian town of Hia(b)apa
(DEL MONTE TI SCHL ER 1978, 111- 2) ?
284
Ili-Milku is the addressee of a letter sent by a certain Belubur asking for a
favourable presentation of his case before the Queen (RS 6.198; see n. 289). Both
could be identical with the well-known scribe Ili-Milku who was active in the last
decades of Ugarit, and not in the 14th century as previously thought (BORDREUI L -
MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995b: 447-8).
285
K L ENGEL ( 1996, 559) tends to connect this event with the situation on the
Euphrates frontier, but I doubt that insurrections of tribal groups in this remote
region would have led to a full mobilization of Hittite Syria.
Tukulti-Ninurta soon revealed his real plans when he opened a vigor-
ous offensive on the northern front of Nihriya. As frankly admitted
in a Hittite text,
286
Tudhal i ya was deserted by his ally (probably
I uwa) and was utterly defeated by the Assyrians, who lost no time
in spreading the news in Syria. An Assyrian letter (from the Urtenu
archive) sent to [I bira]na king of U[garit]
287
describes in detail the
circumstances which led to the decisive battle (RS 3 4 . 1 6 5 = RSO
7, no. 46; L a c k e n b a c h e r 1982; S i n g e r 1985) . Unfortunately, from
the name of the sender only the second element in Shalmaneser's
name is preserved (sag), which must belong to Tukul ti -Ni nurta's
filiation.
288
If so, this letter provides an important synchronism between
Ugarit, Hatti, and Aur. The battle probabl y took place in Tukulti-
Ni nurta's first year ( 1233) , which may provide a terminus ante quern
for I biranu's ascent to the throne.
The Assyrian king's very act of reporting his victory to an acknowl-
edged Hittite vassal was no doubt more than a simple act of cour-
tesy. It was an overture for cooperation with Ugarit, practically 'over
the head' of Carchemi sh, in a renewed attempt to gain access to
the Mediterranean. Ugarit's reaction to this political bid is not known,
but probably she was not entirely uninterested.
289
The same applies
280
The redating of KBo 4. 14 ( C T H 123) to Tudhaliya ' I V ' suggested by SI NGER
( 1985, 109FF.) has been accepted by VAN DEN HOUT 1989, 273FF.; HAWKI NS 1995, 58;
K L ENGEL 1991, 238 . 91; CHD, L - N: 372; FREU forthcoming. (LEHMANN 1991, 123,
. 28 accepts the re-dating, but erroneously attributes it to Otten, who in all the
articles cited tended towards a Suppiluliuma II dating.)
287
K L ENGEL ( 1992, 140, . 290) maintains that 'it is uncertain which king of
Ugarit ruled at this time, but Ammittamru II cannot be excluded'.
288
I have also considered the possibility that SAG could belong to the epithet
UR.SAG, 'hero', but, as far as I can see, this epithet is not attested in the titulary of
the Middle Assyrian kings (SEUX 1967). The attribution of the text to Tukulti-
Ninurta I on the basis of its correlation with CTH 123 (SI NGER 1985) has been
criticized by HARRAK ( 1987, 142, 261) , LI VERANI ( 1990, 169) and ZACCAGNI NI ( 1990,
41-2) who prefer dating the letter to Shalmaneser I.
289
RS 6.198 is a letter sent by a certain Be-lu-bu-ur to DI NGER.LUGAL (Ili-Milku?).
Thureau-Dangin, who published the text (THUREAU-DANGI N 1935; see also LI PI NSKI
1981, 87-8, n. 44), identified this Belubur with the Assyrian official B1u-1ibr who
was active under Adadnirari I, Shalmaneser I and Tukulti-Ninurta I. This identification
has been refuted on phonetic grounds (see VAN SOL DT 1991a, 28, with previous
refs.), but is still uncritically cited (e.g., by MAY ER 1995b, 208, 211). If DI NGI R.LUGAL
is indeed identical with the well-known scribe and entrepreneur Ili-Milku, who is
now safely dated to the late 13th century (BORDREUI L 1995b, 448; PARDEE 1997a,
241, n. 3), then the identification of Belubur with B1u-1ibr is practically impossi-
ble. The identity and domicile of B1u-br, who asks Ili-Milku to transmit his let-
ters favourably to the queen (Sarelli?), remain unknown. An unnamed Assyrian
servant is perhaps mentioned in RS 20.150 (= Ug 5, 149-50).
to Amurru, who exchanged messages and presents with the Assyrian
king according to a new document from Tell Chura/Hurbe.
290
The letters with military content exchanged between the courts of
Carchemi sh and Ugarit may be conceived either as hasty prepara-
tions before the battle of Nihriya, or, more probably, as a defence
organized after it, for the eventuality that the Assyrians would want
to capitalize on their victory and attack on the Syrian front as well.
Fortunately for the Hittites, Tukul ti -Ni nurta soon turned his aggres-
sion towards Babylon ( M ay er 1995b, 213ff.), and he even resumed
normal diplomatic relations with Hatti, which seem to have lasted
to the very end of the Hittite Empire.
291
6.1.2 Queen arelli
Queen Sarelli (Ugaritic Try I) is promi nentl y documented in texts
dated from Ammi ttamru I I to Ammurapi ( van S o l d t 1991a, 15ff.).
At first, when reliable chronological information on her queenship
was still missing, some scholars proposed regarding Sarelli as a Hur-
rian equivalent of Semitic Ahat-Milku, which was understood to be
the 'sister of the king' ( N o u g a y r o l 1968, 262; L i v er ani 1978, 153;
L i pi nski 1981). Various chronological clues gradually started to indi-
cate that Sarelli was active duri ng the last decades of Ugarit and
could therefore not be identical with Ahat-Milku, who was Ni qmepa's
spouse. Cl i ngi ng to the purported meani ng 'sister of the king',
Nougayrol put forward an alternative explanation according to which
Sarelli was not a PN but rather a (Hurrian) title or cognomen which
could be assumed by every queen of Ugarit.
292
However, the alleged
Hurri an meani ng of the name has also been questioned on linguis-
290
K HNE 1995, 219 (92.G.212: 9-10); the diplomatic journey of Yabna-ilu of
Amurru to Assyria took place in the eponym year of Ninu'yu, in the second half
of Tukulti-Ninurta's reign (ib.: 206; FREY DANK 1991a, 156).
291
FREY DANK 1991b, 31; FREU forthcoming. This late dtente in the relations
between Hittites and Assyrians is now amply documented by the Middle Assyrian
tablets from Tell Chura/Hurbe and from Tell Seih Hamad/Dur-Katl i mmu. In
the former, mention is made of the Hittite diplomat Teli-Sarruma, who, at the
head of a large retinue, brought messages and presents to the Assyrian king (K HNE
1995, 211, 217-8; see n. 145). In the latter, the merchants of the king of Carchemish
and of his governor Tagi-arruma travel in Assyrian-held territory, selling oil and
copper vessels (CANCI K-KI RSCHBAUM 1996, 117ff, no. 6; see p. 658). Both texts are
dated to the latter half of Tukulti-Ninurta's reign, the one from Tell eih Hamad
to the eponym year of Ina-Aur-umi-asbat.
292
NOUGAY ROL 1968, 261-2; BORDREUI L - PARDEE 1982, 128 (but cf. their revised
view in RSO 7, 162).
tic and cultural grounds,
293
and it seems that the whole theory has
meanwhile been abandoned.
As for Sarelli's exact dating, she was considered to be Ammurapi 's
spouse because she appears next to him in the liturgical text com-
memorati ng his coronation.
294
However, she is already attested as
queen in texts preceding Ammurapi 's reign and was therefore pro-
visionally 'matched' with Ni qmaddu I I I (e.g., B o r d r e u i l 1983, 77).
Thi s again had to be revised in view of a text from the Urtenu
archive which proves that Ni qmaddu I I I marri ed a Hittite princess
(RS 34.136; see p. 695). Simply by a process of elimination one is
left with I biranu, as tentatively suggested by v an S o l d t (1991, 18;
cf. also A b o u d 1994, 34). At any rate, Sarelli apparently outlived
both her husband and her son and was actively involved as dowa-
ger queen in various state affairs. Thi s exceptional status may explain
why she was hailed at the coronation of her grandson Ammurapi
by which time she must have reached a respectable old age. The
new documents from the Urtenu archive reveal her deep involve-
ment in the foreign trade of Ugarit, regulated by her son-in-law and
commercial agent Sipti-Ba'al ( B o r d r eu i l - M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995,
444). Since most of her dated texts fall into the reign of Ni qmaddu
I I I , Sarelli's manifold activities will be dealt with in the next entry.
6.2 Niqmaddu III (ca. 1225/1220-1215)
Until recently Ni qmaddu III was the least documented king of Ugarit
( L i v er ani 1962, 129; K l e n g e l 1992, 147). This situation has changed
drastically with the discovery of the Urtenu archive in which Niqmaddu
III appears to be the best documented king ( M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995b,
106, 111).
There are four legal documents from the palace archives in which
Ni qmaddu's filiation to I biranu is explicidy menti oned. The only
fully preserved text was written by the sukkallu and scribe Ehli-
Teub,
295
and was sealed with the (original) dynastic seal declared to
293
L AROCHE 1976-7, 218; DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1983C, 303; VAN SOL DT 1985-6;
1991a, 16, nn. 142-3 (with further refs.).
294
[T]ryl in K T U 1. 161 = R S 34. 126. 32 ( = R S O 7, no. 90); BORDREUI L -
PARDEE 1982, 128; LEVI NE DE TARRAGON ROBERTSON 1997B, 357 8.
295
In the new documents from the Urtenu archive Ehli-Tesub appears as a busi-
ness associate of Ur-Teub and of Ahi-Milku/Malki (E-LUGAL), the three of them
heading a wealthy firm trading in particular with Tyre and Sidon (BORDREUI L -
be the seal of Ni qmaddu (RS 18. 021 = PRU 6, no. 45) . Three other
documents are very fragmentary, but the restoration of the king's
name and his patri mony is practically certain (RS 17. 350b = PRU
6, no. 46; 16. 198b and 15. 113 = PRU 3, 168- 9) , thus refuting the
attempts to identify I bi ranu and Ni qmaddu as brothers ( H eal ey
1978; L ev i ne - de T a r r a g o n 1984, 654) .
Several texts belong to a Ni qmaddu without a menti on of his pat-
rimony (PRU 4, 199ff.), but their attribution to Ni qmaddu I I I is quite
plausible, and there is no need to add an alleged 'Ni qmaddu I I a'
to the royal line (see p. 694). RS 18.020 + 17.371 (= PRU 4, 202-3)
is a lawsuit between Ni qmaddu and Kumiya-ziti, probably a rich
merchant from Ura. The verdict in favour of Ni qmaddu was given
by Zuzuli, the kartappu of the king of Carchemish.
296
The witnesses
are from Ura and from Ugarit, and the tablet was written by SI G
5
-
d
N.ERin.GAL (Nu
C
me-Raap?) son of Abaya, a well-known scribe who
was active from the days of Ammi ttamru II onwards ( van S o l d t
1991a, 10, 22). A further legal text, the case of Kiliya the priest of
I tar of Zi nzaru, is witnessed by the same scribe and two further
witnesses who are also present in the previous document (RS 18.002
= PRU 4, 201). An Ugaritic legal text dealing with the liberation of
a slave (Stq-lm) is signed with Ni qmaddu's seal (K TU 2.19 = RS
15.125 = PRU 2, no. 5). Ni qmaddu is also the author of a frag-
mentary letter to A1aia dealing with an oil transaction (RS 20.168
= Ug 5, no. 21). The subordinate position of the king of Ugarit with
respect to his correspondent is reminiscent of the A1aia letters dated
to the last years of Ugarit (p. 720).
Evidently, there were at least half a dozen documents plausibly
dated to Ni qmaddu I I I even before the discovery of the Urtenu
archive, which has now added some twenty new letters addressed to
this king ( L ac k en bac h er 1995a, 70, n. 22; M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995b,
106).
297
Thus, his reign was not as brief and negligible as had pre-
MALBRAN-LABAT 1995, 446; MALBRAN-LABAT 1995b, 105; see p. 671). Ehli-Tesub
and Ili-Milku, two scribes active under Niqmaddu III, are addressed by their 'brother'
in the second part of a fragmentary letter found in the Urtenu archive (RS 34.171
= RSO 7, 52-3, no. 20); the first part of the letter mentions the royal messenger
Anantenu.
296
The tablet is sealed with the Hittite seal of Zuzuli, 'CHARIOTEER' (L 289), the
hieroglyphic tide corresponding to cuneiform kartappu. Probably the same person
appears on a seal impression found at Samsat Hyk, north of Carchemish (DINOL
1992).
297
For the letter supposedly addressed to Niqmaddu by the uHyannu urging him
viously been assumed, and may have lasted as much as a decade.
Two legal documents carry the impression of a fine seal ring with
the Akkadian inscription 'Seal of Ni qmaddu, king of Ugarit' and an
illustration showing a person (the king?) in kneeling position attack-
ing a lion with a long spear (Ug 3, 78-9, figs. 100-2). The seal is
usually ascribed to Ni qmaddu II who reigned in the 14th century ,
but a better case can probably be made for an ascription to Niq-
maddu I I I . RS 17.147 (= PRU 6, no. 29) is a fragmentary land dona-
don deed of Ammittamru, son of Niqmepa, to a certain [Amut]arunu(?).
If the seal belongs to Ni qmaddu II we have to assume that Am-
mi ttamru II used in this document the seal of his grandfather instead
of using the dynastic seal, which would be the normal procedure. A
better alternative seems to be that an original deed of Ammi ttamru II
was later ratified by Ni qmaddu I I I . An even better case for a
Ni qmaddu III ascription can be made in the case of the Ugaritic
text K TU 3.4 = RS 16.191 + 16.272, which records the redemp-
tion of seven Ugaritians from Beirut (see p. 669). A lawsuit between
Ugarit and Beirut, ratified with the seal of the king of Ugarit, would
suit the context of the late 13th century better. Finally, a glyptic
consideration in favour of Ni qmaddu III is the fact that all the per-
sonal seals from Ugarit, both royal (Ahat-Milku, Ammi ttamru II)
and non-royal (passim), are much later than Ni qmaddu II. Perhaps
a decisive argument will appear in the new documents of Ni qmaddu
I I I found in the Urtenu archive.
6.2.1 Reprimands from the overlords
The Ugaritic letter of Queen Puduhepa (Pdgb) to Ni qmaddu has
stirred up many debates about the identity of the correspondents.
298
Despite its fragmentary state and the usual difficulties with Ugaritic
lexicography, the contents of the long letter can more or less be
fathomed. After the customary openi ng formulae, Puduhepa repri-
mands Ni qmaddu for his reluctance to send sufficient tribute and to
pay the obligatory visit to his overlord. These are recurrent themes
in Haiti's correspondence with the last kings of Ugarit, but here they
to join forces with the armies of Ki nza/Qadesh and to come to meet the king of
Carchemish at Halab (MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995b, 106), see n. 280 above.
298
K T U
2. 36+ = R S 17.435 + 17.436 + 17.437; CAQUOT 1978b; PARDEE 1983-4;
SI NGER 1987, 414-5; CUNCHI LLOS 1989a, 363ff.; DI J KSTRA 1989, 141-145; VAN SOL DT
1991a, 8ff.; K L ENGEL 1992, 139, . 289.
seem to be aimed specifically at Ni qmaddu's relations with the Great
Queen of Hatti. There may even be some reference to a visit paid
by Ni qmaddu to the king's palace, in which he failed to appear
before Puduhepa as well.
299
I n the next paragraph Puduhepa responds
to a complaint of Ni qmaddu regarding the itinerary of the caravans
travelling to Egypt by-passing his kingdom through inner Syria (see
15.5.8 above). The last part of the letter seems to deal again with
the unsatisfactory tribute.
300
As shown elsewhere ( S i n g e r 1987, 414-5;
C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 38I ff.), the alleged chronological difficulties in
identifying the correspondents as the famous Hittite queen and the
penultimate king of Ugarit can easily be dismissed,
301
without the
need to add an alleged 'Ni qmaddu I I a' to the well-documented LBA
royal line of Ugarit.
302
A new document from the Urtenu archive considerably augments
our information on the last kings of Ugarit and their relations with
the royal court of Hatti.
303
It is a letter sent by the King (of Carchemish)
to the king of Ugarit containing the usual complaints about the inad-
equacy of the gifts sent to Hittite officials. More specifically, he rep-
ri mands his correspondent for sending insufficient presents to the
'Chief Scribe' (tuppalanuri), in defiance of his categorical instructions.
To demonstrate what the consequences of this assertive conduct could
299
See the interpretation of Cunchillos for lines 8-12, but cf. Pardee's transla-
tion. If these clues about Niqmaddu's visit to Hatti are valid, they could well cor-
respond to the information provided by the Ugaritic letters of Talmiyanu, which
could well be Niqmaddu's name before his coronation (see p. 700).
300
Lines 29'ff. (PARDEE 1983-4, 329). For argmn, 'tribute', in this text, rather than
'purple-dyed cloth' (as suggested by DI J KSTRA 1989, 144), see VAN SOL DT 1990a,
344, n. 164, DLU i 48-9. The tribute, which consists of qnum, 'blue-dyed cloth' and
phm, 'red-dyed cloth,' is comparable to the tribute imposed on Ugarit in Suppiluli-
uma's treaty with Niqmaddu. For the interpretation of qnum as 'blue stone, lapis-
lazuli' (Akkadian iqnu/uqnu), see the extensive discussion in CUNCHI LLOS 1989a, 41 Iff.
See also p. 697 on RS 12.033 (= PRU 3, 14-5), which also has the appearance of
a tribute list.
301
Puduhepa married Hattui1i, no doubt at a young age (HOUWI NK TEN CATE
1996, 55, n. 35), immediately after the Battle of Qadesh in 1275. With a probable
synchronism between I biranu and the beginning of Tukulti-Ninurta's reign (1233;
see p. 689), she would have been in her seventies when she wrote to Niqmaddu III.
302
The case of this ephemeral 'Niqmaddu IIA' was recendy taken up again by
DI J KSTRA 1989, who seeks support in unwarranted chronological postulates and ques-
tionable restorations of the Ugaritic King List. For the refutation of his arguments,
see VAN SOL DT 1990a, 344- 5, n. 164; 1991a, 8ff.
303
R S 34.136 (= R S O 7, no. 7). V A N SOL DT (1989b, 390) had already discussed
the important implications of this letter before its publication in RSO 7, using the
photograph published in Ug 7, pi. 18.
be, the king of Carchemi sh recalls an embarrassing incident from
the recent past when the messengers of Ugarit were humiliated in
Hatti for bringing unworthy presents: 'At the time of your father,
the in-law
304
of His Majesty, how was he treated on account of the
gifts in Hakapia and in Ki zuwatna? Did they not bind his servants?
Now, perhaps because of me they did not do anything against your
servants, (but) never again act like this!' (11. 25-38). Van Soldt has
already concluded that the letter was probably written to Ammurapi,
305
without however providing any binding arguments.
306
Some support
for this dating may perhaps be supplied by the promi nent status of
the Chief Scribe which is also reflected in other very late texts from
the Urtenu archive (see below p. 708).
The i mportant implications of RS 34.136 for the problem of the
Hittite princess(es) marri ed in Ugarit will be discussed below (p. 701).
At this point it will suffice to observe the growing dissatisfaction of
the Hittite authorities with the tribute sent by Ugarit to Hatti and
the resulting tensions. Thi s tendency, which was first noted in the
reign of I biranu, must have reached a new peak when the messen-
gers of Ni qmaddu I I I were put in prison (11. 31-2). The formulation
of the letter clearly implies that the king of Ugarit was himself pre-
sent at this humiliating incident. It has also been noted that in the
Ugaritic correspondence of the king (and of Tlmyr) with his mother
there are indeed indications for a visit to Hatti (p. 700). Obviously,
Ni qmaddu prefers not to menti on in his letters to his mother (are11i)
the hardships of the trip, and comforts her by saying that the face
of the 'Sun' shone upon him. Eventually, Ni qmaddu must have man-
aged to appease the angry Hittite king, for a Hittite princess was
given to him in marriage (see p. 701). Marital connections with the
imperial family were usually considered as a great privilege for a
vassal king, but surely, they were no less in the interest of his suzerain.
The Hittite king and his resourceful mother may have thought that
304
V A N SOL DT 1989C, 390 and MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1991, 30- 1, translate 'son-in-
law', 'gendre', but (iatnu is any relative by marriage ((1AD, H, 148) and could thus
refer also to a brother-in-law of His Majesty, like the case of Saugamuwa, brother-
in-law of Tudhaliya ' I V ' ( K U B 23, 1 + i 9 and passim; K HNE - OT T EN 1971,
23- 4; BECKMAN 1996C, 98FF.).
305
Followed by DI J KSTRA 1990, 99. In her edition of the text MAL BRAN- L ABAT
(1991, 31) suggested that the son-in-law of His Majesty could be either I biranu or
Ni qmaddu III.
306
The only reason given for this dating is that 'I biranu is possibly attested in
one letter, but most prominent is the last king of Ugarit, Ammurapi . . .'.
a suitable match would provide a good possibility of keeping an eye
on this assertive vassal.
An intriguing detail in the letter of the king of Carchemi sh is the
destination of the Ugaritian delegation to Hatti: not the imperial
capital Hattua, as one woul d expect, but rather Hakapi a and
Ki zzuwatna (1. 28f.). Hak(a)m/pi(a) was the seat of Hattusili's sub-
kingdom in the Upper Land before his usurpation of the Hittite
throne. He later appointed his son and successor Tudhal i ya as high-
priest in Hakpia and Nerik ( H aas 1970, 13-4). The later history
of the town is not known. Ki zzuwatna is in this period a synonym
for the famous cult-centre Kummanni in eastern Cilicia (Comana
Cataoniae). Was the king of Hatti at the time of Ni qmaddu's visit
celebrating in one of these holy cities?
307
Or did perhaps the king
of Ugarit meet his future bride Ehli-Nikkalu in one of them?
308
These
questions remai n open for the present, but they may hold the key
to a more exact dating of this eventful visit.
6.2.2 The correspondence of the Queen of Ugarit
The i mportant role of the queen of Ugarit in this period finds its
best expression in her prolific correspondence, both in Akkadian and
in Ugaritic. If Ahat-Milku was the domi nant queenly figure of Ugarit
through most of the 13th century, Sarelli replaced her in this role
in the last decades of the city. It is easy to understand why the two
queens were considered for a long while to be one and the same
person (see p. 690). Although are11i must have started her illustri-
ous career as the queen of I bi ranu (see p. 691), most of her activ-
ity falls within the reigns of her son Ni qmaddu III and her grandson(?)
Ammurapi . Probably, it was she who received most, if not all, the
late letters addressed to an unnamed queen, but this premise can-
not be conclusively proved. The following discussion will first cover
the documents in which Sarelli is menti oned by name, and there-
after the letters which are addressed to an unnamed queen.
The clearest prosopographical evidence for Sarelli is provided by
three legal documents dealing with land transactions found together
307
The religious activities of a Hittite king (probably Tudhaliya TV') in Kummanni
and in Nerik are mentioned in several oracle texts discussed by HOUWI NK TEN CA T E
1996, 65ff.
308
See p. 70I ff. below, and note that Ehli-Nikkalu apparently returned to Hapie,
which, as suggested by ASTOUR (1980a, 106-8), may be a variant spelling of Hakapia.
Cf. however K L ENGEL 1992, 148, . 348.
in Room 66 of the Central Archive (Ug 5, 26I ff.). On one of them
'ar-el-li the queen' is explicitly attested (RS 17.086 = Ug 5, 262-3),
and on another her name may plausibly be restored (RS 17.325 =
Ug 5, 264). All three documents carry the impression of a seal ring
inscribed with Egyptian hieroglyphs (Ug 3, 85-6, figs. 106f.). It was
logically assumed that the seal should belong to queen Sarelli, but
it was impossible to read her name in the hieroglyphs (Ug 3, 81,
n. 3). It was later realized that the legend actually reads 'the seal of
the herald Spd-BT (Ug 5, 261), and it belonged to the first witness,
Sipti-Ba'al, who sealed the document on behalf of the queen.
309
Thi s
Sipti-Ba'al emerges from the new documents from the Urtenu archive
as a very i mportant personage in late 13th century Ugarit, who was
both the son-in-law and the mai n business manager of the queen.
His intensive contacts with Egypt and with the 'Phoenician coast'
(see p. 670) may explain his preference for an Egyptian seal (cf.
V i t a - G a l n 1997).
The special prestige enjoyed by Sarelli is best exemplified by her
international correspondence, which covers Hatti, Carchemi sh, some
of their Syrian vassals, and perhaps even lands beyond the confines
of the Hittite Empire. One is constantly remi nded of the outstand-
ing political role played by her contemporary, Great Queen Puduhepa
of Hatti.
In the so-called 'Assyrian letter' ( R S 6.198; T h u r eau - D an g i n 1935),
a certain Belubur
310
asks his correspondent I li-Milku
3
" to transmit
his letters in good spirit to the Queen. A similar request is aired in
the Ugaritic letter K TU 2.14 in which Iwrdn (Ewr-enni?) demands
his correspondent Iwrpzn (Ewri-pizuni?) to ask Sarelli to recommend
his name to the king ( B o r dr eui l 1982, 5ff; 1983; C u n c h i l l o s 1989a,
29 I ff).
A most interesting letter to Sarelli is RS 12.033 (= PRU 3, 14-5).
The name of the 'Lady of the land of Ugarit' (1. 2) was read by
Nougayrol as Ne-e-e(?)-ti(?), which was then related to Ntt in a ritual
text (K TU 1.40 = RS 1.002+ .36). Both readings have meanwhile
309
Besides the seal of Sipti-Ba'al, RS 17.325 (= Ug 5, 264) also carries the impres-
sion of an anepigraphic cylinder seal (Ug 3, 86, fig. 107), which must belong to
another person mentioned in the document, either one of the witnesses, or the orig-
inal owner of the property, Y amuna son of Bazute.
310
See n. 289 for the distinction between this Belubur, whose identity remains
unknown, and the Assyrian official B1u-1ibr.
311
Probably identical with the well-known scribe Ili-Milku who was active under
Niqmaddu III (see nn. 284, 289, 340).
been corrected and the alleged Neeti has had to be erased from
the list of Ugari t's queens: the al phabeti c word should probabl y
be read att, 'wife', whereas the syllabic one is simply Sar-e-li (van
S o l d t 1991a, 13). The letter was written by an i mportant person,
who was at least on equal standing with the Lady of Ugarit. "
2
First
he specifies the manner in which a consignment of grain had been
transported to her, and, after a large gap, he informs the queen
about the arrival of a present from Urdanu
313
and the consequent
dispatch of his own present to her, which consists of one golden
cup, one linen garment, 100 shekels of red (f}amnu)
3H
and 100
shekels of blue (takiltu) purple-dyed wool (11. 5'ff.). Now this list cor-
responds exactly with the yearly tribute sent by Ugarit to the queen
of Hatti according to the provisions of the treaty between Suppiluli-
uma I and Ni qmaddu I I ( R S 17.227.25-6 = PRU 4, 42; B ec k man
1996c, 152, 3). Who could be the high-ranking person who sent
these luxury items to the queen of Ugarit, who would then forward
them to the queen of Hatti? A clue may be provided by Abi manu,
the messenger who transported the valuable objects. The name is
quite frequent in Ugarit ( G r o n d ah l 1967, 315, 360), but two can-
didates readily present themselves: Abi manu menti oned by suM-
d
i m,
king of Unatu, in his letter to the king of Ugarit (RS 17.083 =
PRU 4, 216), and Abi manu the owner or the captain of a damaged
ship of Carchemi sh (RS 34.147 = RSO 7, no. 5; see p. 659). The
two may, in fact, be one and the same person, a seaman operating
between Ugarit and Si yannu-Unatu. If so, the author of RS 12.033
could be a king of Si yannu-Unatu (perhaps suM-
d
im) who exchanged
valuable presents with Queen Sarelli. Alternatively, he could be some-
one writing from a more distant place, and the grain transport would
obviously direct us towards Egypt or Canaan.
315
312
His name or title in the opening line of the letter is obliterated. Nougayrol
suggested to restoring LUGAL, but that would imply that the sender was either the
King of Carchemish or the King of Ugarit. In view of the letter's contents (trans-
portation of grain and presents) neither of the two options seems plausible. The
author could be a king of Siyannu-Unatu (see below).
313
This must be a variant spelling of Urtenu, the well-known business manager
associated with Sipt i-Ba'al and with the queen of Ugarit.
314
For this spelling see HUEHNERGARD 1989, 354, n. 4. For the colour of ffumnu,
see the references cited in Ug 5, 136, nn. 1-2.
315
Cf. e.g. the grain consignment sent from Canaan to Ugarit by Adduya, an
intermediary from Akko mentioned in the Ugarit letter found at Tel Aphek (11.
32- 3; see p. 716).
I n the correspondence of Carchemi sh with Ugarit there are let-
ters addressed solely to the queen, and a double letter from Kila'e
in which the queen is addressed before the king (her son?), a clear
indication of her relative status (RS 32.204 = RSO 7, no. 19; see
p. 687). I n RS 34.145 (= RSO 7, no. 9) the king (of Carchemish)
responds to several inquiries of the queen of Ugarit: 1) With regard
to the compensation for (the murder of) Ananae
3
"' the Ki ng had
instructed (the kartappu) Zuzuli (see p. 692) to take care of the mat-
ter; 2) As for the ships (of Ugarit), they may sail as far as Byblos
and Sidon but not to more distant places; 3) The requested seals
will be sent back to their destination; 4) Concerni ng the taxes of
[. . .]/MTO
317
the Queen should consult her messenger Urtenu; 5) The
last intriguing passage apparently deals with some damage inflicted
by locusts ( bur u
5
. me) .
As one would expect, several letters are addressed to the queen
of Ugarit by noble ladies from other courts. Foremost of these is the
unnamed Hittite princess who addresses the queen of Uga<ri>t
31H
as her 'sister' and offers her an exchange of presents (RS 34.154 =
RSO 7, no. 18). Coul d she be the future bride of Ugarit's king, Ehli-
Nikkalu (see p. 701)? Three other ladies who exchange presents with
the queen, their lady, are Hebat-azali,
3
'
9
Alluwa,
320
and -]wanna[.
m
There is also an Ugaritic letter to the queen written by her (unnamed)
'sister' (K TU 2.21 = RS 15.174 = PRU 2, 32). The letter mentions
a certain
J
ibrkd
322
who spoke with the 'steward of the vineyard of
the queen of Ugarit'.
323
Sarelli or the queen is addressed in three Ugaritic letters sent by
a certain 77myn, her son (K TU 2.11, 2.12, 2.16 = RS 8.315, 9.479a,
316
A messenger called 'Ann'a is mentioned in a fragmentary Ugaritian letter sent
by a servant to his king (RS 34.148 = RSO 7, 163-4).
317
Perhaps [A}l-lu-wa (?) as in RS 25.138 (. 320 below)?
318
The -n- is twice omitted in the letter (11. 2, 8); is this omission merely acci-
dental or does it perhaps reflect a weak r typical for Hittite phonology (FRI EDRI CH
1960, 33, 30b)?
319
RS 20.019 = Ug 5, 135-6. For the Hurrian element azalli, see L AROCHE
1976-7, 66.
320
RS 25.138 = LACKENBACHER 1989, 318-9. Cf. . 317 above.
321
RS 20.151 (= Ug 5, 138-9). Since -\wanna\- addresses the queen of Ugarit as
'my lady', her name cannot be restored as [Td[wanna[na], a title reserved to queens
of Hatti.
322
Perhaps Ewri-Kuu<h>? See GRONDAHI . 1967, 237; CUNCHI L L OS 1981b, 46.
323
skn gt mlkt ugrt (11. 8-9). DI J KSTRA (1987a, 40, n. 14) suggests emending gt into
bt, 'house'.
15.008; L i p i n s k i 1981, 9I ff.). Three more were sent to the queen by
her (unnamed) son, the king (K TU 2.13, 2.30, 2.34 = RS 11.872,
16.379, 17.139). Finally, one letter from Ras I bn Hani was sent to
the queen by her son (K TU 2.82 = RI H 78/12; P a r d e e 1984a,
221-2 with further refs.). All these letters exhibit a very similar for-
mulation and it is tempti ng to regard this Tal mi yanu as the name
of Ni qmaddu I I I before his coronation, still used by him in his let-
ters to his mother.
324
Most of these letters contain little more than
the standard greeting formulae, but some of them seem to be report-
ing the author's visit in Hatti and his successful audience with His
Majesty (K TU 2.30 = RS 16.379.12-4) and with the queen (K TU
2.13 = RS 11.872.14-5). These reports may well have been sent to
Ugarit on the same trip as the one reported in Puduhepa's letter
(K TU 2.36+ = RS 17.435+; see p. 695). Perhaps Ni qmaddu brought
to Hatti in person the tribute of the Hittite queen which is men-
tioned in RS 12.033 (= PRU 3, 14-5; see p. 697).
325
It could have
been on this very occasion that his marri age with the Hittite princess
Ehli-Nikkalu was arranged (see below). Thi s would indeed be a fitting
finale for the ageing Puduhepa, crowning her long and successful
career of royal matchmaki ng.
To conclude this survey on Sarelli's long political career in Ugarit
menti on should be made of her fragmentary stele with a dedication
to Dagan found in the court of the temple (of Dagan?) on the acrop-
olis of Ugarit (RSO 6, 3 0 2 - 3 ; figs. 7, 14b; Y o n 1997b, 144, no. 19).
Next to it was found a similar fully preserved stela with a dedica-
tion to Dagan by
c
zn, probably identical with Uzi nnu, one of the
last governors of Ugarit (see p. 667).
324
The proposal of LI PI NSKI (1981, 91-2; cf. also K L ENGEL 1992 140) to iden-
tify Talmiyanu with Ammittamru II is refuted by the new data on Sarelli's dating.
Talmiyanu could also be a brother of Niqmaddu (VAN SOL DT 1991a, 18, n. 161;
ABOUD 1994, 39), but in that case the letters sent to the queen by 'your son, the
king' must be dissociated from those sent by Talmiyanu.
325
The 'tribute of Ugarit' is mentioned in a fragmentary Hittite inventory text
(KUB 26, 66 iv 5-8; K OSAK 1982: 67; SI EGEL OV 1986, 108). Unfortunately, from
the list itself only 'one stone (of) 10 shekels' is preserved. The previous entry has ']x
mina and 30 shekels of iron', but the origin of this consignment is unknown. Another
inventory text mentions some sort of exchange between Hattua and Ugarit involv-
ing Hurrian shirts and two boys (KUB 42.84 rev. 23-27; SI EGEL OV 1986, 128-9).
6.2.3 The Hittite princess
Ugari t j oi ned relatively late the circle of privileged vassal states whose
kings were granted the right to marry a Hittite princess. Amurru
had al ready exchanged royal brides with Hatti after the Battle of
Qadesh and consequentl y her kings were counted among the fore-
most members of Hittite nobility.
326
Ugari t al ready had recourse to
the i nsti tuti on of political marri ages in the 14th century, when
Ni qmaddu I I marri ed an Egypti an lady (see p. 625). It is difficult
to tell whether the Ugari ti an court refrai ned of its own will from
marryi ng into the Hittite nobility, and if so, why this policy was
changed towards the end of the 13th century. At any rate, this late
family connecti on between the courts of Hatti and Ugari t did not
meet with the same success as in Amurru.
At first, only one Hittite princess who marri ed a king of Ugari t
was taken i nto consideration: Ehli-Nikkalu, who allegedly divorced
Ammurapi and returned to her homel and (PRU 4, 205ff.; A s t o u r
1980a). The matter became more compl i cated when a reference to
another royal bri de of Hatti was discovered in a letter from the
Urtenu archive (van S o l d t 1989c). I n the above-quoted passage from
RS 34.136 (= RSO 7, no. 7; see p. 695) the king of Carchemi sh
refers to his correspondent, most probabl y Ammurapi , as the son
of the 'in-law' of His Maj esty, whi ch inevitably means that Niq-
maddu I I I , if he was i ndeed Ammurapi 's father, also marri ed a
Hittite princess. The search began for this other princess in the
sources from Ugari t, and two candi dates have readily been suggested:
Tbsr ( van S o l d t 1989c) and A nani -
d
ni n. gal ( D i j k s t r a 1990). A re-
exami nati on of the evidence may in fact show that there was no
other Hittite princess in Ugari t, and RS 34.136 refers to the same
Ehli-Nikkalu who was Ni qmaddu I l l 's widow, rather than Ammu-
rapi's spouse.
It is best to start this quest for Hittite princesses in Ugari t by
briefly recalling the evi dence on Ehl i -Ni kkal u. Her name is first
encountered when her marri age was no longer extant. Two edicts
of Tal mi -Tesub of Carchemi sh divide the property between her and
the state of Ugari t: the manor of the pri ncess was returned to
326
Both Benteina and augamuwa were invited to attend the ceremony at the
conclusion of the treaty between Tudhaliya of Hatti and Kurunta of Tarhuntaa
(Bronze Tablet iv 30-43; BECKMAN 1996C, 117,~ 27).
Ammurapi (RS 17.226 = PRU 4, 208), whereas she was allowed to
keep all her movabl e property, including servants, gold, silver, cop-
per utensils, oxen and asses (RS 17.355 = PRU 4, 209-10). A third,
related document
327
is a letter sent by the king of Carchemi sh to the
king of Ugarit (both unnamed) concerni ng the latter's unworthy treat-
ment of 'the daughter of the Sun' (RS 20.216 = Ug 5, no. 35). He
quotes a fascinating Hittite fable whose sarcastic allusion to the affair
of the princess is difficult to fathom.
328
The general assumpti on has been that Ammurapi was the king
who divorced Ehli-Nikkalu, because the documents recordi ng the
division of the property were issued by Carchemi sh in his name.
However, this is by no means the only logical possibility. Nothi ng
in Tal mi -Tesub's decrees necessarily implies that Ammurapi was Ehli-
Nikkalu's husband.
329
She could have been marri ed to Ammurapi 's
father, Ni qmaddu I I I , in whi ch case she would have mai ntai ned her
position and property in Ugarit after her husband's death. Thi s would
be the normal procedure, as no doubt happened in other cases in
which Hittite princesses marryi ng abroad survived their husbands.
330
However, in this case the royal widow must have chosen (or was
urged to choose) to give up her residence in Ugari t, perhaps for the
prospect of re-marri age elsewhere. Naturally, she had to renounce
all her real estate in Ugarit, which was given back to the new king,
Ammurapi .
331
To my mi nd, this is at least as logical a scenario as
the one that envisages a troubl esome divorce between the last king
of Ugari t and the daughter of the Great Ki ng of Hatti . It is well to
327
There is also a letter sent to Ehli-Nikkalu among the tablets found in 1994
in the Urtenu archive (MAL BRAN-L ABAT 1995b, 109).
328
'One man was detained in prison for five years, and when they told him:
"Tomorrow morning you will be set free", he strangled himself. Now you have
acted in the same way.' (11. 5- 13; ASTOUR 1980a, 104; cf. BECKMAN 1996C, 170).
The rest of the letter is in a deplorable state of preservation which does not allow
a clear picture of the reprimands of the king of Carchemish.
329
DI J KSTRA ( 1990, 98- 9) has already considered this possibility, but then rejected
it. After going half-way in proving that Ebli-Nikkalu need not be Ammurapi 's
divorcee, he categorically states, without explaining, that 'Ehli-Nikkalu cannot have
been this Hittite wife of Ammurapi 's father'. He then develops his theory on Anani-
NI N.GAL, for which see below.
330
A similar situation would have occurred, for example, if Gau1iyawiya, the
Great Lady (rabti) of Amurru, survived her husband Benteina (SI NGER 1991 b, 335,
n. 22).
331
See n. 347 for a possible reason for Ehli-Nikkalu's departure from Ugarit.
note that nothi ng in the available texts suggests that the alleged
'divorce' was the outcome of any grave marital problems, as was
the case with the ill-fated bittu rabti from Amurru (p. 680f.). Her
alleged abduction and mistreatment are based on a damaged pas-
sage,
332
and it is better to refrain from reconstructing far-fetched his-
torical dramas based on it (see e.g. L e b r u n 1995, 86). The same
applies to her later destiny. The otherwise unknown Tanhuwataa,
king of Hapie (RS 17.355.6~8), who is usually assumed to be her
next husband, could just as well be her brother or some other rel-
ative with whom she stayed after she had left Ugarit.
If our assumption that Ehli-Nikkalu was Ni qmaddu I l l 's spouse is
valid, we may speculate further about her royal parentage. Suppiluli-
uma II could hardly have had a daughter old enough to be mar-
ried to Ni qmaddu I I I . His brother Arnuwanda III died after a short
reign and left no offspring.
333
The choice is practically reduced to a
daughter of Tudhal i ya 'I V', i.e., a sister of the last two kings of
Hatti.
334
Her mother may also be referred to in a very fragmentary
letter apparendy dealing with the j ourney of a 'daughter of the Sun',
who could be Ehli-Nikkalu, either as a bride travelling to Ugarit,
or, more probably, as a widow leaving the city.
31
' If indeed the 'Sun'
in this text refers to Tudhal i ya 'I V', the Great Queen would be his
Babylonian spouse.
336
The existence of other Hittite princesses marri ed in Ugarit is quite
doubtful. The label K TU 6.24 = RS 17.072 (= PRU 2, no. 175)
with the inscription 'Document tbsr (of) the bride, the daughter of
the Sun' (spr tbsr kit bt sp) could very well refer to the dowry of
Ehli-Nikkalu returned to her in Tal mi -Tesub's edict.
337
Van Soldt
332
RS 20.216.13-5': '. . . whoe[ver] exiled the daughter of the Sun, hers[e1f],
from her land' may simply refer to her passage from her homeland to Ugarit.
333
KUB 26, 33 ii - 9' ; OTTEN 1963, 3. The text says that he had no 'seed'
(NUMUN), but this could arguably refer to male offspring only.
334
Theoretically, a daughter of Hattui1i would also be possible, but she
would probably be too old to marry the penultimate king of Ugarit.
335
RS 17. 429 ( = PRU 4, 227- 8; ASTOUR 1980, 105, n. 19). The fragment mentions
(1. 5') '[the m]en of the Great Queen' (L ]
MI S
SAL.LUGAI . GAI.) and (1. 7') 'the daugh-
ter of the Sun, her daughter' (DUMU.SAL
d
i rru- 5/ DUMU.SAL-.TC).
336
For the Babylonian princess who married Tudhaliya 'I V', see HOUWI NK TEN
CATE 1996, 64ff, and the refs. quoted by him on p. 43, n. 5.
337
The label was found in Court V in the Southern Palace, not far from the
edicts concerning the property of Ehli-Nikallu (Room 68). It could, in fact, have
been attached to them or to some other inventory of Ehli-Nikkalu's dowry, com-
parable to Ahat-Milku's trousseau (DI J KSTRA 1990, 99).
attempted to make a case for Tbsr being the PN of the bride, but
as he himself admits (van S o l d t 1989, 391) his Hurri an reconstruc-
tion of the name (*Tubbi-'airi) is quite problematic and as yet unat-
tested. It is preferable to take tbsr as a Semitic verbal noun with the
meani ng 'cutting off, separati on, division' ( D i j k s t r a 1990, 97- 8) ,
which would be a most fitting designation for Ehli-Nikkalu's returned
property.
Dijkstra suggested identifying the elusive Hittite bri de of Niq-
maddu I I I with a certain Annpdgl in a fragmentary liturgical text
(K TU 1. 84 = RS 17. 100. 3) which also mentions a Nqmd.
338
If the
two are queen and king (presumably Ni qmaddu I I I ), this *Anani-
Peddigalli would be tentatively equated with Anani -ni n.gal , the author
of a fragmentary letter sent to her lady [. . . r[uwiya (RS 19. 080 =
PRU 6, no. 2). Thi s letter is a touching testament of an ailing lady
who seeks to secure the future of her daughter (Ammaya) and her
other descendants. Her correspondent (hardly the queen) is asked to
intercede with the Chief Scribe to grant asylum to her descendants
in the event that their situadon in Ugarit worsens (see p. 708). Anani-
ni n. gal may indeed have been a foreigner in Ugarit, or a local cit-
izen threatened by some opponents, but her identification as the
Hittite princess marri ed to the king of Ugarit rests on a chain of
unwarranted assumptions.
I n conclusion, the i nformati on presendy available unequivocally
identifies only one Hittite princess marri ed in Ugarit, Ehli-Nikkalu,
who probabl y left the city after the death of her husband Niq-
maddu I I I .
7 T h e L as t Y ear s of U g a r i t
Documents belonging to the last period of Ugarit have been found
in all the archives of Ugarit and Ras I bn Hani . I n fact, it is becom-
ing increasingly clear in recent years that most of the tablets found
at Ugarit belong to the last fifty years of its history ( L ac k en b ac h er
1995a, 70). The most significant new evidence is supplied by the
archive discovered in the southern part of the city, in the building
338
Not 'together' as stated by Dijkstra, but rather 37 lines later, in a totally
destroyed passage.
known as the House of Urtenu.
339
The texts unearthed in 1973 and
published in 1991 (RSO 7) have already opened new vistas into the
study of Ugarit's late history, and the preliminary information on
the finds from the 1994 season, which yielded 134 letters (twenty in
Ugaritic), promises exciting new insights.
340
I mportant results have also been achieved through meticulous re-
examination of the archaeological data from the earlier excavations.
For example, the long-held view about 'the last tablets of Ugarit'
which were placed in a 'baking oven' (f our aux tablettes) in Court V
of the royal palace shortly before Ugarit was destroyed ( S c haef f er
1962, 31-7) has been conclusively refuted. It is now evident that the
oven was installed by squatters after the destruction of the palace
and it has nothing to do with the tablets which probably fell down
from an upper floor where they were originally stored.
341
Thus, none
of the more than 150 tablets and fragments found there may auto-
matically be dated to the last years of Ugarit simply on the evidence
of their findspot. I nformation for their dating must be sought painstak-
ingly in the contents of these documents, and the same holds true
for the other archives of Ugarit.
342
For example, the tablets found
in the palace archives span the entire last century and a half of
Ugarit's history and it is impossible to date any of these tablets sim-
ply on the basis of their archaeological context ( L i ver ani 1988b,
126ff.). There are some promising beginnings, though, in the devel-
opment of dating tools based on script, orthography and grammat-
ical features.
343
339
For the circumstances of the discovery and the archaeological evidence, see
Y ON 1995; LOMBARD 1995. For the identification of the residence of Urtenu, see
BORDREUI L - PARDEE 1995b; BORDREUI L - MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995b, 444.
340
BORDREUI L - MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995; MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995b; LACKENBACHER
1995a. One of the important discoveries in the new archive is a mythological frag-
ment whose colophon identifies the scribe as Ili-Milku (Ilmlk), probably the same
scribe who wrote most of the Ugaritic mythological texts (see, most recently, WY A TT
1997, 1998a). Ili-Milku is known to have acted under king Niqmaddu, and it is now
evident that this must be the late 13th century king, and not his mid-14th century
name-sake, as previously assumed (BORDREUI L - MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995, 447 8).
341
CAL VET 1990, 40, n. 2; L OMBARD 1995, 228-9; MI L L ARD 1995, 119; Y ON
1997b, 54. This is demonstrated, among other things, by fragments found several
metres away from the 'oven' that joined with one of the tablets allegedly found
within it (LOMBARD 1995, 229).
342
For a recent survey on the distribution of tablets in the various archives of
Ugarit, see LACKENBACHER 1995a (with refs. to earlier studies).
343
HUEHNERGARD 1989, 341 2; VAN SOL DT 1991a; 1995c. See e.g. VAN SOL DT
1995c, 208, for a differentiation between the spelling of documents from the reigns
7.1 Ammurapi (ca 1215-1190/85)
The coronati on of the last king of Ugarit, Ammurapi , was celebrated
in a fascinating ritual, the text of which was discovered in 1973 in
the area which turned out to be the residence of Urtenu.
344
The
liturgy proclaimed at the funerary ritual of Ni qmaddu III was intended
to assure the legitimacy of the new king by invoking the deified
ancestors of the dynasty: the spirits (rpum) of the netherworl d, the
council of the Di dani tes (see p. 613), four individually named rpum,
345
and two departed kings, Ammi ttamru and Ni qmaddu. The latter
must be the dead king Ni qmaddu I I I , who is mourned in the fol-
lowing lines. As for Ammi ttamru, it is usually assumed that the 13th
century king is referred to, but then, it is not clear why I bi ranu,
Ni qmaddu I l l 's father (see p. 691), should have been omitted. Perhaps
the ritual invoked a more illustrious forefather of the new king, either
his grandfather, or perhaps even a more remote ancestor.
The last king of Ugari t, Ammurapi ,
346
was a contemporary of
Tal mi -Tesub of Carchemi sh (RS 17.226 = PRU 4, 208) and, by
extension, of Suppi l ul i uma I I , the last king of Hatti . The length of
his reign was once considered to be very short (e.g., L e h ma n n 1983,
89-90; K l e n g e l 1992, 148), but the new documentati on, in partic-
ular some valuable Egyptian synchronisms, have extended it to over
twenty years, spanni ng the turn of the 12th century (see p. 715).
Ammurapi 's filiation used to be considered probl emati c, and it
was even suggested that, though related to the royal family, he might
have usurped the throne of Ugarit ( L i v er ani 1962, 131; 1979a, 1312;
K l e n g e l 1992, 148). The only possible menti on of Ammurapi 's
filiation is in the very fragmentary land grant RS 17.322.2' (= PRU
6, no. 47), [A(m)-mu-ra-a]p-i(?) dumu
!
Mq-ma-
d
m, but this restoration
is far from certain ( v an S o l d t 1991a, 3, n. 29). However, the legit-
imacy of his royal descent is now rendered more probabl e by a let-
of the first kings of Ugarit (Niqmaddu II, Arhalba, Niqmepa) and the last ones
(Ammittamru II, I biranu, Niqmaddu III, Ammurapi).
344
KTU 1.161 = RS 34.126 (= RSO 7, no. 90). The first reliable publication
based on a collation of the original tablet was provided by BORDREUI L - PARDEE 1982.
For the extensive bibliography on this text, see the updated list in RSO 7, 152, to
which add LEVI NE DE TARRAGON - ROBERTSON 1997 and WY A T T 1998c, 430.
345
These four rpum (ulkn, trmn, sdn-w-rdn, tr-'llmn) are otherwise unknown.
346
A seal ring bearing the name of Ammurapi written in cuneiform Akkadian
has turned up on the antiquity market, but its provenance from Ras Shamra can-
not be ascertained (SCHAEFFER 1954, 34, n. 2; NOUGAY ROL 1956, 205, n. 1).
ter from the Urtenu archive in which the king (of Carchemish) re-
calls an embarassing incident which took place 'at the time of your
father, the in-law (hatanu) of His Maj esty' (RS 34.136 = RSO 7,
no. 7). If the letter was addressed to Ammurapi , which seems highly
probabl e (see p. 695), his father must have been the king of Ugarit
who marri ed a Hittite princess (see p. 702).
Three of the documents dated to Ammurapi deal with the prop-
erty division between him and the Hittite princess Ehli-Nikkalu, but,
as suggested above, she was not Ammurapi 's divorcee but rather
Ni qmaddu I l l 's widow.
347
Nor was Sarelli, who was hailed at the
coronation of Ammurapi (K TU 1.161 = RS 34.126.33, [t\iyl), his
spouse, but rather his grandmother who lived to a respectable old
age (see p. 691). The only candi date for Ammurapi 's queen remains
a certain lady Adad who appears in a yet unpublished legal doc-
ument sealed with 'the seal of the queen' (RS 22.002; v an S o l d t
1991a, 18). The tablet was found in a 'private archive' dating to the
end of Ugarit (ib.: 19), and if she was indeed a queen she may well
be 'matched' with Ammurapi , the only 'single' king of Ugarit.
The reign of Ammurapi is marked by two drastic developments
which accelerated the collapse of the Hittite Empire: the food short-
age which had already been felt by the mid-13th century and had
now reached devastating proportions, and the destructive movements
of the seaborne enemies known as the 'Sea Peoples' who were prob-
ably driven by the same famine. These topics will be dealt in sep-
arate entries after the description of Ugarit's foreign relations.
7.1.1 More reprimands from the overlords
The last king of Ugarit received his share of repri mands for dis-
obeying his Hittite overlords, perhaps even more than his predeces-
sors. In an Ugaritic translation of a letter sent to him by the 'Sun'
(K TU 2.39 = RS 18.038 = PRU 5, 60) he is categorically remi nded
of his position and his duties: 'Y ou belong to the Sun your master;
a servant indeed, his possession are you. . . . To me, the Sun, your
master, why have you not come for one year, two years?' ( P ar dee
1981, 152). After this harsh scolding Ammurapi is further reprimanded
347
It is inconceivable that Ehli-Nikkalu was Ammurapi's mother. If he was indeed
the son of Niqmaddu III, he must have been the son of another wife of his father.
This may have played some role in Ehli-Nikkalu's departure from Ugarit.
for bei ng late in sendi ng the much-needed food consi gnments to
Hatti (see below p. 717). A similar letter of repri mand was sent to
Ammurapi by the Ki ng (of Carchemi sh), but only its openi ng lines
are preserved (RS 13.007b = PRU 3, 6).
The Urtenu archive added in 1994 some half a dozen letters to
the correspondence of Ammurapi .
348
A long letter was sent to him
by the 'Chi ef Scribe (and) Chi ef Equerry (tuppanura huburtinura),
349
the
Great, noble of Hatti ' to his 'good brother' Ammurapi ; it deals with
various di pl omati c and political matters and a quasi-duplicate was
sent by the Great Ki ng ( M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995b, 106, n. 6). Another
letter menti ons the Chi ef Scribe as the chief authori ty in matters of
custom tolls paid by merchants upon their entrance into Hittite Syria
(RS 92.2007; A r n a u d 1996, 58ff). The leading role played by the
Chi ef Scribe in this peri od is best exemplified by the letter already
discussed in which the king of Carchemi sh (probabl y Tal mi -Tesub)
repri mands the king of Ugarit (probably Ammurapi ) for sending inad-
equate presents to the Hittite dignitaries, especially to the tuppalanu
350
(RS 34.136 = RSO 7, no. 7; see p. 694). To these letters from the
Urtenu archive we may add another from the Southwest archive, in
whi ch a certain Anani-Nikkal beseeches her lady [. . . n]uwiya to in-
tercede for her with the tuppanuri who is in the position to save her
descendants from misery in Ugari t (RS 19.080 = PRU 6, no. 2).
351
Perhaps all these late texts refer to the same influential dignitary
who at the end of the Hittite Empi re accumul ated considerable polit-
ical and economi c power.
7.1.2 The rising 'Sun' of Egypt
A fascinating letter from the Urtenu archive unveils a yet unsus-
pected facet of Ugarit's foreign policy in the last decades of its exist-
348
LACKENBACHER 1995a, 70, n. 22; MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995b, 106, who mentions
that one of the topics dealt with in the letters sent from the Great King of Hatti
is the performance of some rituals.
349
The two terms are juxtaposed and probably refer to the same dignitary
(MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995b, 106, n. 6). A [f}ubu)rtanuri (?) is probably also addressed in
a letter sent by Ammittamru (RS 20.200 c = Ug 5, no. 29; following the collation
by ARNAUD 1996, 60, . 76).
350
The term appears in Ugarit both as tuppanura (> tuppan+ura) and as tuppala-
nura (> tuppalan+ura). For the Luwian etymology, see L AROCHE 1956, 27ff.; see also
ARNAUD 1996, 59f. It seems that the form tup-pa-at-nu- in R S 92.2007 (ARNAUD,
ib.) is merely a spelling variant of tup-pa-la-nu-r\ for the confusion of the signs la
and at in Hittite texts, see SI NGER 1996a, 136-7, n. 307.
351
For a tentative interpretation of this letter, see ARNAUD 1996, 60-1.
ence (RS 88.2158; L a c k e n b a c h e r 1995b). It is the response of
Pharaoh Merneptah
332
to a previous missive from Ugari t extensively
quoted in the l ong letter. The l etter-head with the name of the
addressee is unfortunately missing, but the possibilities may be reduced
to either Ni qmaddu I I I or Ammurapi , probabl y the latter (see below
p. 713). The elaborate greeting formula, partly lost, contains Pharaoh's
approval that '[. . . your] ancestors (were) i ndeed the servants of the
king, [the excellent son of Ra] ; you too (are) the servant of the king,
the excellent son of Ra (
d
uru-a), like them'. We shall return to this
significant statement, but first to the no less remarkabl e contents of
the letter. The king of Ugari t had requested that an Egypti an sculp-
tor be sent to Ugari t to make an i mage of Merneptah in front of
the statue of Ba'al in his renovated templ e in Ugari t (11. 10'-16';
L ac k en b ac h er 1997). Merneptah responds evasively: 'The sculptors
who work here in Egypt are engaged in fulfilling their duty for the
great gods of Egypt. Behold, since the king has taken his seat on
the throne of Ra, these have worked for the great gods of Egypt.
But as soon as they finish, the king will send to you the carpenters
that you have asked for in order that they may perform all the tasks
that you will command them (by saying): "Do them!"'
353
Unless this
is a totally groundless excuse, Merneptah's answer must refer to his
own coronati on in 1213. Assumi ng that the letter of the king of
Ugari t was sent on the occasion of the change of rulers in Egypt,
RS 88.2158 must be dated not too long after this date, a valuable
chronol ogi cal anchor whi ch may perhaps be related to events in
Ugari t itself. Recent archaeological investigations have shown that
large parts of the city, i ncl udi ng the templ e of Ba'al, had to be re-
built in the second half of the 13th century bce, possibly as a result
of a seismic event ( C a l l o t 1994, 197ff.; L ac k en b ac h er 1995b, 78-9).
The polite refusal to meet Ugari t's exceptional request is counter-
bal anced by a strikingly rich consi gnment of luxury goods that is
352
LI. 12'13': Mar-ni-ip-t[a-al}] (fa-at-pa-mu-a. The second word is the cuneiform
rendering of an Egyptian epithet (htp m3't) meaning 'he who is content with justice'
(Y OY OTTE apud L ACKENBACHER 1995b: 78). As identified by Lackenbacher (1994),
the same epithet appears in a Bogazky text which mentions the 'son of Marniptah'
(KUB 3.38 obv. 5'f.).
353
Lines 17'25'. It is noteworthy that Merneptah opens by saying that the sculp-
tors (1 bur.gu1.me, lit. 'stone-cutters') are busy, and concludes by promising to send
carpenters (1 nagar.me). Lackenbacher (1995b, 80) assumes that the reference is to
another request from Ugarit, but this sudden switch in subject may simply be a
polite way to inform the king of Ugarit that he should content himself with what-
ever artisans he will get from Egypt.
about to be loaded onto a ship returning to Ugarit. It contains var-
ious textile and clothing articles totalling 102 items; 50 large baulks
of ebony; 1,000 plaques of red, white and blue stones; altogether 12
large packages sealed with the royal seal. After these rather conven-
tional luxury goods, which find good parallels in the Amarna letters
and in the Hittite-Egyptian correspondence, the list of presents con-
tinues with more exceptional prestige items: 800(!) whips or flails
(istufyf}u
M
s g
me S
) , 4 . . . -fish (lippatu ku
(l
.me), 2 large girg-cords ( L ac -
k e n b a c h e r 1996) , 8 large ropes with a total length of 1, 200 cubits.
354
The letter concludes with the announcement that the messenger
of Ugarit will soon be sent back to his country in the company of
the royal messenger of Egypt, Ammai a, 'Chief of the ships of the
treasury'.
355
The same messenger (bearing the same tide) appears in
another Akkadian letter of Merneptah ( R S 94. 2002 + 2 0 0 3 rev. 3),
and probably also in an Ugaritic draft of a letter of Ammurapi (RS
34. 356. 3; see below p. 712) . Thi s could indicate that the addressee
of Merneptah's letters was the last king of Ugarit, a valuable syn-
chronism indeed.
The list of Egyptian presents in R S 88. 2158 provides an excellent
example of the continuing demand for fashionable prestige items at
the royal courts of the Near East until the very end of the Bronze
Age. The valuable construction materials may have served for the
adornment of the new temple of Ba'al, but some of them could have
been used for other purposes in Ugarit itself or forwarded to other
destinations.
356
Nothi ng is said in the letter about the price paid by
Ugarit to match such a bountiful Egyptian present in size and qual-
ity.
357
One may perhaps recall in this context the well-known sword
inscribed with a cartouche of Merneptah that was found in the res-
idential quarter east of the palace ( S c h a e f f e r 1956; cf. H e l c k 1995,
93). It may have been a present sent by Merneptah on some other
occasion, or perhaps vice versa, a luxury item manufactured in Ugarit
354
Cf. the list of presents sent from Egypt to the ruler of Byblos according to
the Report of Wenamon, which includes thirty baskets of fish and five hundred
ropes (SIMPSON 1973, 151).
!
" Lines 31'f.: 1 gal gi.m.me a [-de-]e. For this messenger and his title
(with textual refs.), see the extensive commentary of LACKENBACHER, forthcoming.
356
Note, e.g., the small ropes (ibif}i tur.me) requested by a king of Tarftuntassa
from Ammurapi (RS 34.139 = RSO 7, no. 14; see n. 177).
357
Note, however, the 2,000 (shekels?) of silver mentioned in the fragmentary
letter KTU 2.81 = RI H 78/3 + 30.12'f., which also belongs to the Egyptian cor-
respondence (see p. 712).
which for some reason never reached its destination in Egypt (Y on
1997b, 81, 178).
Whether a statue of Merneptah was ever erected in the temple
of Ba'al is hard to say, but it is quite tempti ng to recall in this con-
text an Egyptian pedestal found in the Southern Palace in 1955 (RS
19.186 = Ug 4, 124, fig. 101; RSO 5/1, 226). It carries an offering
formul a invoking Ba
c
al,
358
but unfortunately the donor's name is bro-
ken off. As noted by V a n d i e r (Ug 4, 133, 135), the base has a hole
into which a statuette, probably of an Egyptian person, was fastened.
The piece is dated to the 19th dynasty, and in view of the mention
of a Seth-like deity, Vandi er suggested the reign of Sety I, but obvi-
ously, a dating to Merneptah is just as possible. Another relevant
object is the votive stele found in 1929 in the temple of Ba
c
al, which
carries an inscription of the royal scribe and overseer of the palace
treasuries M3my, dedicated to Ba'al Saphon (RS l .[089]+ = AO
13176; RSO 5/1, 39, fig. b; G a s s e apud Y o n (ed.) 1991, 286-8; also
ib. 328 fig. 8a).
All in all, this exchange of letters can point to nothing less than
a forthright overture to restore the traditional political ties between
Egypt and Ugarit, notwithstanding the latter's obligations towards
her Hittite overlord. Such an official correspondence could hardly
have escaped the notice of the Hittite foreign office which operated
scores of diplomats and messengers both in Ugarit and in Egypt.
Despite the tolerance with which the Hittites traditionally viewed
Ugarit's foreign relations, this explicit overture towards Egypt must
have been regarded as crossing the red line of double allegiance,
359
especially in a period of growing dissatisfaction with Ugarit's per-
formance as a vassal state. I wonder whether Merneptah's polite
refusal to set up his statue in Ugarit may be interpreted as a cau-
tious abstention from provoking his Hittite allies with whom he mai n-
tained a lucrative trade. At any rate, such a bold political move by
Ugarit could hardly have been made a few generations earlier, and
it is yet another indication for the wani ng reverence for Hittite
authority in Syria.
The letter of Merneptah, RS 88.2158, is an invaluable addition
to a small group of documents belonging to the correspondence
358
T h e
iconography of the relevant hieroglyph identifies the god as Ba'al, rather
than Seth. Cf. GI VEON 1986, 840; CORNEL I US 1994, 134FF. I wish to thank Dr
Deborah Sweeney for her remarks on this inscription.
359
Cf. L ACKENBACHER'S (1995b, 83) similar interpretation of the evidence.
between Egypt and Ugarit in the late 13th century. It has recently
been announced that a further letter of Merneptah (RS 94.2002 +
2003) was discovered in the house of Urtenu in 1994 ( L ac k enbac her ,
forthcoming), and it mentions consignments of grain sent from Egypt
to relieve the famine in Ugarit.
The remaining documents in the Egyptian dossier, three in Ugaritic
and one in Akkadian, are very fragmentary and add little to our
information on the exact nature of these contacts.
Three Ugaritic drafts for letters sent by the king of Ugarit to the
'Sun' of Egypt, his lord, were discovered in the seventies. The name
of the sender, Ammurapi (11. 2, 11:
c
mrpi), is preserved only in K TU
2.76 = RS 34.356 ( B o r d r eu i l 1982, 10-2), which was found on
the surface of the mound in the area of the Urtenu archive. The
small fragment seems to contain two separate openi ng formulae (I ff.
and 9ff.), which perhaps served as standard models for addressing
the Pharaoh. It also contains the name of the messenger (mlak) Nmy
or Amy (1. 3). If the latter readi ng is valid, Amy could be the Ugaritic
equivalent of cuneiform Ammaia, the head of the Egyptian expedi-
tion in the letters of Merneptah (RS 88.2158.31'; RS 94.2002 +
2003 rev. 3-4; L ac k en b ac h er , forthcoming; see p. 710).
A very similar elaborate address is better preserved in a fragment
from Ras I bn Hani : '[To the Sun], the great king, the king of Egypt,
[the graciou]s [king], the just king, [the king of ki]ngs, the lord of
all the land [of Egyp]t'.
360
The identity of the sender is almost entirely
lost,
361
but the close parallel with RS 34.356 suggests Ammurapi .
The fragmentary reverse of the text mentions
362
some monetary trans-
action amounti ng to 2,000 (shekels?) of silver (1. 12'f.), some cargo,
363
the sea, and the people of Ugarit.
364
360
K T U 2. 81 = R I H 78/ 3 + 30; BORDREUI L - CAQUOT 1980, 356- 7; PARDEE -
BORDREUI L 1992, 711. For the epithets, see MI L ANO 1983.
361
'Your servant' in 1. 5 is preceeded by either ]r, which could be the last letter
of Ammittamru, or by ~\k which could be restored as mlk 'the king' (BORDREUI L -
CAQUOT 1980, 357) . Although the former possibility cannot be entirely excluded,
an attribution of the letter to Ammurapi is far more likely.
362
The isolated ully in 1. 2' was identified by BORDREUI L - CAQUOT (1980, 357)
as the PN Uliliya, but the context is too fragmentary.
363
Ugaritic dr' (11. 3', 5') is usually rendered as 'shipment, cargo', but, as suggested
by BORDREUI L - CAQUOT (1980, 357), it could also be a variant spelling of dr', 'seed
(of grain)'. Cf. also DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1966b, 129; HOFTI J ZER 1979, 387-8, DLU
141.
364
L. 15' Ugrtym is rendered as either the ethnicon 'Ugaritians', or as Ugrt-ym,
The third Ugaritic letter to a Pharaoh, K TU 2.23 = RS 16.078 +
16.109 + 16.117 (PRU 2, 18), has traditionally been dated to the
Amarna Age. Since the sender solemnly intercedes with Ba'al Saphon,
Amon, and the gods of Egypt to assure a long life for his lord, the
letter has been dated either before Akhenaten's reform ( V i r o l l eau d
1957, 35; H e l c k 1971, 194, n. 52; G i v eo n 1986, 839), or after it
( L i v er ani 1962, 32; C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 311, n. 13). The possibility
that the letter should rather be attributed to the late 13th century
was first raised by K l e n g e l (1969, 347), who noted that the tablet
was found in the same context as K TU 2.33 = RS 16.402, a late
letter in Ugaritic dealing with the enemy in Muki (see p. 724). Thi s
ingenious suggestion gained much in probability after the discovery
of the other Ugaritic drafts of letters sent to Egypt. The elaborate
openi ng formulae are missing in this letter, which starts ex abrupto
with a quotation from a previous letter of Pharaoh (11. 1~2). The
very fragmentary central part of the letter apparently deals with an
exchange of messengers (1. 6), and the well-preserved end contains
the above-mentioned blessings for the life of Pharaoh. Nothi ng in
this letter provides a reliable dating, but it generally recalls the two
smaller fragments menti oned above, one of which is safely dated to
Ammurapi . I n fact, I wonder whether these fragments could be drafts
for the official letter,
365
translated into Akkadian, which was sent to
Merneptah and was extensively quoted in his response. The inter-
cession of the king of Ugarit with his lord Ba'al-Saphon to grant
long years to Pharaoh (RS 16.117+) curiously recalls his request to
erect a statue of Merneptah in front of the statue of Ba'al of Ugarit
(RS 88.2158). Needless to emphasize, this tentative suggestion to
identify the corresponding monarchs of Egypt and Ugarit as Mer-
neptah and Ammurapi respectively, may add a valuable synchro-
nism which at present cannot be conclusively proved.
The last document in the correspondence with Egypt is the much-
discussed letter of Beya found in 1986 in the Urtenu archive (RS
86.2230).
366
Unfortunately, only the openi ng lines are preserved in
'Ugarit-on-Sea', (like sdn-ym, 'Sidon-on-Sea' in Phoenician inscriptions), which could
refer to Ras Ibn Hani where the tablet was found (BORDREUI L - CAQUOT 1980, 357).
365
Note that RS 34.356 seems to consist of models for a letter-head, whereas
RS 16.1 17 skips over the opening. However, the large distance between the findspots
of the two tablets precludes the possibility that they once belonged to the same let-
ter draft.
366
ARNAUD apud BORDREUI L 1987, 297; ARNAUD 1992, 181, . 6. Photographs of
the Akkadian letter addressed to Ammurapi by Beya, 'Chief of the
troops of the Great King, Ki ng of the land of Egypt'.
367
The greet-
ings open with blessings to Amon, Ra and Seth, the gods of Egypt:
'May they protec[t. .
368
It was immediately recognized that Beya is most probably identi-
cal with B3y, a renowned figure in late 19th dynasty Egypt ( A r n a u d
1986-7, 188; F r e u 1988).
369
Of northern origin, he adopted an
Egyptian name (R
c
-mssw-h' m-ntrw) but continued to use his Asiatic
name in his inscriptions and correspondence. He is first heard of
under Sety II when he bears the tide 'royal scribe and royal but-
ler'. After the death of Sety I I Beya played a domi nant role in plac-
ing Siptah, the young son of a concubine, on the throne of Egypt.
I n concert with Queen Tausert, Sety I I 's widow, he acted as guardian
to the young king, and in fact took over the government of Egypt,
beari ng the exceptional title 'Great chancellor of the entire land'.
He even built himself a tomb in the Valley of the Kings next to
that of Tausert, a privilege granted only to members of the royal
family. After the premature death of Siptah, Tausert crowned her-
self as Pharaoh and B3y probabl y kept his office until her throne
was usurped by Sethnakht, the founder of a new dynasty ( K i t c h e n
1995, 87). B3y's enemies later denigrated his memory and depicted
the 'empty years' of his rule as a period of confusion and anarchy
(see refs. in d e M o o r 1996b, 2 2 4 , n. 17) .
The identification of Beya with B3y, which has meanwhile been
broadly accepted,
370
has been sharply criticized by K i t c h e n ( 1 9 9 5 ,
86), partly on misconstrued evidence.
371
He claims that the Akkadian
title of Beya cannot be reconciled with the Egyptian titles of B3y,
the fragment were published in ARNAUD 1993, 248-9, no. 222; Y ON 1997b, 137,
no. 4.
367
Lines 2~3: L.GAL RI N.MES fju-ra-de^"'^ sa LUGAL.GAL LUGAL KUR Mi-is-ri-m[a]
(ARNAUD 1992, 181, n. 6; missed by LEHMANN 1996, 32, . 48, who, following
HEL CK 1995, 93-4, erroneously assumes that the cuneiform tide of Beya is GAL
meedi). tiurdu/)jrd in Ugarit designates groups of soldiers or civilians who perform
civil service for the king (MARQUEZ ROWE 1995, 263-4; VAN SOL DT 1995b).
368
Lines 7-9: a-na-ku a-qa-ab-bi a-na
d
A-ma-ni a-na
D
UTTJ
D
I KUR DI NGI R.MES sa KUR
Mi-is- ma-a li-is-su-r[u . . . (ARNAUD, ib.).
369
For the Egyptological literature on B3y, see refs. in FREU 1988; DE MOOR
1996b, 217ff.; HEL CK 1995, 93-4; K I TCHEN 1995, 86-7.
370
VAN SOL DT 1991a, 45-6; Y ON 1992c, 119; HOFFNER 1992, 49; DREWS 1993, 6;
HEL CK 1995, 93-4; DE MOOR 1996b, 217ff.; LEHMANN 1996, 32; BALDACCI 1996, 215.
371
I ncorrectly referring to Freu, he implies that the cuneiform title of Beya
includes 'Vizier'. For the correct title, see n. 367 above.
and 'so, it is better to identify the Ras Shamra Beya with some Chief
of the bodyguard and/or (northern) Vizier *Piay, otherwise unknown
to uswhich robs this tablet of any chronological value' ( K i t c hen
1995, 86-7). The independent correspondence of an Egyptian official,
other than the Pharaoh himself, with the last king of Ugarit is hardly
imaginable, unless he was the most promi nent figure in Egypt. Trans-
mitting official titles from one language to the other is always difficult,
and particularly so in the case of Egyptian titles.
372
It is most unfor-
tunate that the letter apparentl y does not contain any additional
information which might help us to reach a conclusive identification.
Even so, there is a very high probability that Beya and B3y are one
and the same person,
373
and this provides a most valuable terminus
post quern for the fall of Ugarit within the reign of Siptah or Tausert,
i.e. between 1194 and 1186 (see n. 10). Another result of the new
Egyptian letters is a considerable extension of Ammurapi 's reign,
which was once considered to be very short. Assuming that Ammurapi
is the addressee of RS 88.2158, his rule must have begun in the
first years of Merneptah, and it extended into the period when Beya,
the Great Chancellor of Siptah and Tausert, still held office.
7.1.3 Grain shipments from Egypt
First signs of a grain shortage in Hatti already appear towards the
mid-13th century. I n a letter to Ramesses II the Hittite queen Pudu-
hepa urges him to take over as soon as possible the horses, cattle
and sheep given to the Hittite princess as her dowry, because, as
she says, have no grain in my lands' (KUB 21.38 obv. 17f.; E d e l
1994, i 216-7). Soon after the signing of the peace treaty in 1258
a high-ranking Hittite expedition went down to Egypt to procure
barley and wheat and to organize its prompt shipment to Hatti.
374
Thi s vital import of food to Hatti must have reached sizable pro-
portions towards the end of the century, when Merneptah boasted
that he 'caused grain to be taken in ships, to keep alive this land
of Hatti ' (KRI I V 5,3).
372
For the cuneiform equivalents of Egyptian titles, see, e.g., SI NGER 1983b, 20 1;
EDEL 1994, ii 277FF
373
According to BORDREUI L - MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995, 445 the new documents
from the Urtenu archive mention Ramesses, Merneptah and Sety. If the latter is
Sety II, this would provide further support for the Beya = B3y equation.
374
K U B 3. 34 rev. 15ff.; EDEL 1994, i 184-5, ii 281-2; cf. also K L ENGEL 1974, 167.
The port of Ugarit'
75
and its commercial fleet played a pivotal
role in this trade, as shown by various Akkadian and Ugaritic doc-
uments.
376
An Akkadian tablet discovered at Tel Aphek (some 10
km. east of Tel-Aviv) contains a letter sent (around 1230) from Takuh-
linu, the governor of Ugarit, to Haya, the Egyptian governor of
Canaan ( Owen 1981; S i n g er 1983b). It deals with a transaction of
250 parisu (about 15 tons) of grain, mediated by a certain Adduya
of Akko. The grain is paid for with silver, but the governor of Ugarit
sends an extra present of 100 (shekels) of blue and 10 of red pur-
ple-dyed wool. The efforts invested in procuri ng such a relatively
small amount of grain only emphasize the severity of the situation.
The cereals bought in Egypt and in Canaan were shipped along
the Levantine coast to Ugarit and Muki and thence to the ports of
southern Anatolia, in particular to Ura. A letter sent from Tyre
recounts the adventures of some grain-laden ships returni ng from
Egypt that were caught in a storm near the coast of Tyre (RS 18.031;
see p. 672).
An Akkadian letter sent by the 'Sun' of Hatti to the king of Ugarit
reprimands him for disobeying the orders of the King (of Carchemish)
in the matter of a vital grain shipment (RS 20.212 Ug 5, no. 33).
He reminds his vassal of the obligations he took upon himself in
return for his exemption from corve duties (ilku). He is supposed
to provide one great ship with its crew for the transportation of
2,000 (kor?) of grain from Muki to Ura in one or two shipments.
Two Hittite messengers, Ali-ziti rei arr (sag. l ugal )
377
and Kunni,
378
are sent to supervise the transaction. The letter concludes with the
dramati c exclamation: '(It is a matter) of death (or) life!'
379
375
The main port of Ugarit was at Minet el-Beida, ancient Ma'fradu, for which
see ASTOUR 1970; Y ON 1994a; SAAD 1995. Ras I bn Hani, some 5 km further south
on the coast, was probably a secondary residence of the royal family of Ugarit (see
p. 435).
376
On the maritime trade of Ugarit, see the extensive bibliography cited in
CUNCHI LLOS 1989a, 351-2, n. 9, and VI TA 1995, 160, n. 2; add Y ON 1994b (esp.
pp. 43I ff.) and SAAD 1995, 222ff.
377
Ali-ziti may well be identical with the 'chief palace-attendant' (GAL DUMU
MES
.GAL) in the U1mi-Teub treaty dated to the end of Hattusili 'I I I "s reign (KBo
4.10 rev. 31; VAN DEN HOUT 1995, 216; Singer 1983c, 33).
378
Kunni could perhaps be a short form of the name Kuniya-piya (SUM) borne
by a person who appears in Hittite court protocols (WERNER 1967, 2I ff), once in
connecti on with 'a year of fami ne' (ib.: 32-3, KUB 40. 86 rev. 11; cf. KUB
40. 91 rev. 5' , i b. 30; K L ENGEL 1974, 167).
379
The same expression recurs in a letter of I ni-Tesub to I biranu concerned with
The exact dating of the above text is not known, but it may per-
haps be inferred from an Ugaritic translation of a similar letter sent
by the 'Sun' to Ammurapi (K TU 2.39 = RS 18.038 = PRU 5, no.
60; see above p. 708).
380
The king of Ugarit is quoted stating that
there is no food in his land, which sounds more like an excuse than
an actual shortage in Ugarit itself.
381
The rest of the letter is quite
fragmentary and has been subjected to various interpretations.
382
A state of emergency is reflected in other documents which can-
not be dated with any confidence. As pointed out by K l e n g e l (1974),
similar conditions of food shortage must have occured quite fre-
quendy on the Anatolian plateau, but the accumulation of documents
from the late 13th century leaves no doubt about the unprecedented
proportions of this famine. Nor was Anatolia the only region struck
by it. There is growing textual and archaeological evidence showing
that climatological cataclysms affected the entire eastern Mediterranean
region towards the end of the second millennium bc e.
3 8 3
A fragment of a Hittite letter from Bogazky deals with the urgent
transportation of a grain shipment to Cilicia (Bo 2810; O t t e n 1967,
59; K l e n g e l 1974, 170ff.). An i mportant Hittite official, perhaps the
king himself, urges his 'son'
384
to hold on to the (rebellious?) lands
and let none of them defect (ii 1 '-5'). I n the second, better-preserved
paragraph the sender quotes the message of his correspondent in
the inspection of military troops (RS 17.289 = PRU 4, 192; NOUGAY ROL 1968, 106,
n. 2; see p. 686).
380
A small fragment of an Ugaritic letter found in Ras Ibn Hani is probably
also sent from the '[Sun], the great [king]' to A[mmurapi] (KTU 2.78 = RI H
77/ 2 1A; BORDREUI L CAQUOT 1979: 307). Almost nothing is left from the contents
of this translation of a letter sent either by the Hittite or the Egyptian 'Sun', prob-
ably the former.
381
The small fragment RS 20. 141B ( = Ug 5, no. 34) which mentions 30 ships
and their crew may be part of an answer sent from Ugarit (NOUGAY ROL 1968, 107,
n. 4), or a quotation thereof in another letter sent from Hatti. See also the frag-
mentary letter RS 26. 158 ( = Ug 5, no. 171) which also deals with the transporta-
tion of grain to Ura.
382
DI J KSTRA 1976; PARDEE 1981B. It is not clear whether an 'enemy' is mentioned
in the last paragraph of the letter, or rather a month name (see PARDEE 1981, 155).
383
See the extensive refs. cited in DREWS 1993, chapter 6. To be sure, there
may be other, related or unrelated, causes for the general food shortage in this
period. Note e.g. the rare reference to locusts, BURU
5
.ME(S), in RS 34. 145. 27
(= RSO 7, no. 9; for the reading of the final ME as MES, see HUEHNERGARD 1989,
405; 1997 p. 216).
384
If the letter was addressed to Ugarit (but cf. . 386), its king could be the
son-in-law of the Hittite king, as we now know from RS 34.136 = RSO 7, no. 7
(p. 694f.).
which he announced the arrival of a grain-laden ship.
385
The sender
angrily protests that the ship was kept back for even so much as a
day by the addressee and orders its i mmedi ate dispatch either to
Ura or to Lati[- (an otherwise unknown port-town): 'My son, do
you not know that there was a famine in the midst of my lands?'
(ii 1 l'f.; CHD 3, 106a). The addressee's domicile was obviously located
in a port-town along the sea-way from Egypt to Hatti, either in Uga-
rit
386
or perhaps in Mukis ( O t t e n 1967, 59; K l e n g e l 1969, 324-5,
. 3; 1974, 173).
A situation similar to the one described above recurs in the Ugaritic
translation of a letter addressed by a certain Pgn to the king of Ugarit,
his 'son' (K TU 2.46 = RS 18.147 = PRU 5, no. 61).
387
After the
salutations and the divine blessings the sender refers to provisions of
food
388
and to ships, but the context is not clear. Because of the
'fatherson' address formula, which also occurs in the A1aia letters
(p. 720), it has been suggested that Pgn was the name of a Cypriot
king ( A s t o u r 1965, 255). K l e n g e l (1974, 169; 1992, 149), however,
has compared this name to that of Pukana, probably a Hittite official
who appears on a Hittite seal-impression from Tarsus.
Another Ugaritic letter was sent to the king (of Ugarit) by a cer-
tain Tdn, probably a military commander,
389
who urged him to equip
385
Bo 2810 ii 7'. I doubt that the sign preceding
giS
MA uwanza really represents
ME, 'one hundred' (so K L ENGEL 1974, 173; OTTEN 1967, 59, with a question mark).
I cannot suggest a better alternative (perhaps LAL?), but note that the participle
uwanza is in the singular. On the other hand, large numbers of ships are also
attested in other texts from Ugarit: a fleet of 150 ships in RS 18. 148 ( = PRU 5,
62; see p. 719) ; 30 ships in RS 20. 141B ( = Ug 5, 108, no. 34); and a list of dam-
aged ships of Carchemish in RS 34. 147 (RSO 7, no. 5; see p. 659) .
386
In that case, this would be the only known letter (or draft) from Bogazky
destined to Ugarit. Cf. also the very fragmentary Akkadian letter KBo 28. 91, 9':
KR -g[a'- (HAGENBUCHNER 1989, 353) ; it mentions the killing of an enemy (1. 3')
and the accession to the throne of the addressee (1. 8'), and could perhaps belong
to the Assyrian correspondence.
387
The same(?) Pgn is perhaps also mentioned in the letter of Tdn (KTU 2.47 =
RS 18.148.21 = PRU 5, no. 62), but the context is too fragmentary.
388
For Iht 'akl, 'tablet of food', see ASTOUR 1965, 255, n. 21; HOFTI J ZER 1979,
383-4.
389
According to reverse 1. 4, Tdn was placed over the king's f}rd, i.e. the mobi-
lized soldiers or civilians (HEL TZER 1982, 105ff.; VI TA 1995a, 136ff.; MARQUEZ ROWE
1995, 263- 4; VAN SOL DT 1995b; cf. also n. 367). Regarding his identity, VI ROL L EAUD
(1965, 89) has noted that the opening address does not include the customary pros-
tration formula. I wonder whether he was really a subject of the king of Ugarit,
as generally assumed on account of b'lh, 'his lord', in 1. 2. This word, however, is
separated by a paragraph divider from 'the king' in the previous line. Could 1. 2
perhaps be interpreted as a blessing formula in which B'lh is simply the name of
a remarkabl e fleet of 150 ships (K TU 2.47 = RS 18.148 = PRU 5,
88-9, no. 62). It is not clear whether the required ships were needed
for commercial or military purposes or both, but if their number is
correct, they would represent one of the largest navies of the ancient
Near East.
390
Finally, a letter from the Urtenu archive provides a vivid record
of the desperate pleas for food that must have circulated within the
confines of the kingdom in the last years of Ugarit (RS 34.152.9-14
= RSO 7, no. 40): 'The gates of the house are sealed. Since there
is famine in your house, we shall starve to death. If you do not has-
ten to come we shall starve to death. A living soul of your country
you will no longer see.' The sender seems to be located in a provin-
cial centre with no access to the sealed house where the desperately
needed food is stored. He implores his lord, who is probabl y in
Ugarit, to rush back and rescue the remai ni ng population.
391
7.1.4 Seaborne attacks on Ugarit
The destructive operations of the 'Sea Peoples' are attested in the
archaeological record and in a few documents from Ugarit and from
Hatti, most of them revolving around the island of A1aia/Cyprus,
the hub of seaborne activity in the northeastern Medi terranean. The
text of the 'Batde of A1aia' dated to Suppiluliuma II ( O t t en 1963;
1976, 27- 8; G t e r b o c k 1967) and the A1aia correspondence dated
to Ni qmaddu III and Ammurapi provide the chronological framework
for the dramati c events, but the details remain to be worked out.
Until recently the 'A1aia dossier' in Ugarit consisted of only four
letters from the Rap'anu archive (Ug 5, nos. 21-24; B e r g e r 1969;
B ec k man 1996d). The Urtenu archive has added five more letters
sent from the island, two from its king (Kumeua), one from each
of two 'senior governors' ( maski m. gal ) , and one from an Ugaritian
the deity: 'Let B'lh be the guardian of your land!'? If so, Ydn could be a Hittite
commander, which would put him in a better position to mobilize the fleet of
Ugarit.
390
ASTOUR 1965, 256; VI TA 1995a, 157ff. Cf., however, the justifiable doubts
raised by L AMBROU-PHI L L I PSON 1993 about the historical significance of this docu-
ment and about the so-called 'Ugaritic thalassocracy' in general, as characterized,
for example, by SASSON 1966 and L I NDER 1981.
391
For the rest of this intriguing letter, see p. 727. Another fragmentary letter
from the Urtenu archive containing a request for grain is R S 88. 2011 (MAL BRAN-
L ABAT 1995c, 39).
scribe residing in A1aia ( B o r d r eu i l - M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995, 445).
It is not reported whether the new letters contain any references to
the enemy, or whether they are restricted to ordinary commercial
matters (for which see p. 676ff.).
The first, very fragmentary A1aia letter in the Rap'anu archive
deals with trade in oil (RS 20.168 = Ug 5, no. 21; see p. 677). It
was sent by Ni qmaddu (I I I ) to the king of A1aia, his 'father'. Thi s
address also occurs in a letter of Ammurapi to A1aia (RS 20.238)
and should therefore reflect an acknowledged hierarchy between the
two royal courts, based not only on the relative age of the corre-
spondents.
392
The new A1aia letters may perhaps contribute to the
elucidation of this remarkabl e situation, a clear testimony for the
i mportance of the island.
Probably the most explicit document describing military difficulties
is RS 20.238 (= Ug 5, no. 24) sent by an unnamed king of Ugarit
to the king of Alasia, his 'father'. The dramati c description of the
ravages inflicted by the enemy must date the letter to the very end
of Ugarit: 'Now the ships of the enemy have come. They have been
setting fire to my cities and have done harm to the land . . . Now
the seven ships of the enemy which have come have done harm to
us' ( B eck man 1996d, 27). The relatively small number of enemy ships
has often been noted, and it has even been suggested that it should
be regarded as a typological number ( K l en g el 1992, 150). But of
course the point is that without a well-prepared defence even seven
ships may cause havoc and destruction, and this incident was prob-
ably one of a series of repeated attacks along the coasdine of Ugarit.
393
The king of Ugarit continues his letter with the well-known state-
ment that his army is in Hatti and his navy is in Lukka, whereas
his own land remains undefended (11. 19-25).
394
The new evidence
392
DI ETRI CH - MA Y ER (1997a, 84-5) suggest that the courts of Ugarit and Alasia
were linked by a royal marriage, which would also explain the invocation of the
gods of A1aia, together with the gods of Ugarit and of Amurru, in a Hurrian rit-
ual text (KTU 1.125 = RS 24.274.6). There is, however, no supporting evidence
for the alleged marriage of Ammittamru III with a princess of A1aia.
393
CI FOL A 1994, 1 1. There is, however, no information in the Alasia letters that
Ugarit itself was partly destroyed and looted, as stated by Cifola.
394
Most scholars have followed NOUGAY ROL 'S assumption (1968, 86, n. 1) that
this letter is the response to RSL 1 (- Ug 5, no. 23) sent by the King to Ammurapi
(see refs. in Y AMADA 1992, 431, n. 6). However, Alasia is not mentioned in it and
the 'King' par excellence throughout the documentation from Ugarit is always the
Viceroy of Carchemish. Moreover, in all the (published) letters from Alasia the
from the Urtenu archive may indicate that this information should
be taken with a grain of salt (see p. 725). Even if the king of Ugarit
reluctantly fulfilled some of his military obligations, the constant rep-
ri mands from Carchemi sh and from Hatti leave little doubt that he
kept the best part of his army within the borders of his kingdom,
as indeed any sensible ruler would do in a similar situation.
The letter of Euwara, senior governor ( maski m. gal ) of A1aia, may
indeed be a response to Ugarit's quest for military intelligence (RS
20.018 = Ug 5, no. 22). The sender rejects any responsibility for the
calamities caused by the enemy ships on Ugaritian territory. I n other
words, the king of Ugarit should himself take responsibility for the
defence of his land, and should not rely excessively on the alarm
sounded from A1aia. Thereafter Euwara shares the little he knows
about the number and the whereabouts of the enemy ships.
393
Whereas Ugarit was struggling to get reliable information from
A1aia, she herself was requested to pass on the news to Amurru. I n
an Akkadian letter found in the Rap'anu archive (RS 20.162 = Ug 5,
no. 37) a certain Parsu solicits the king of Ugarit to forward infor-
mation on the enemy to the king of Amurru, as previously agreed
between the two lands. Finally, he adds that an undefined number
of ships will be put at the disposal of Ugarit.
396
The letters from A1aia obviously came to Ugarit at a point when
the island (or most of it) was still ruled by the traditional leadership,
a king and governors.
397
Activities of the seaborne enemy are spo-
radically reported, but there is no sense of an i mpendi ng catastro-
phe. How does this correspondence relate chronologically to the
Hittite evidence about A1aia? I n the description of the unique naval
battle fought by the Hittites in the Medi terranean (KBo 12.38 iii
2'-14') Suppiluliuma II is confronted by an 'enemy of A1aia', which
sender clearly states his name or his tide. It is therefore preferable to classify RSL 1
with the Carchemish dossier (SI NGER 1983a, 217; Y AMADA 1992, 438ff; see p. 728).
395
The twenty ships were apparently expected to land 'in the mountains' but
have suddenly taken off towards an unknown destination. LEHMANN (1996, 27,
. 40) tentatively suggests that the reference could be to the rocky shores of Lycia
or Cilicia.
396
That this document should belong to the age of Suppiluliuma I, as tentatively
suggested by CI FOL A ( 1994, 12), is most unlikely. Another fragmentary Ugaritic let-
ter, KTU 2. 41 = R S 18. 075 ( = PRU 5, no. 65), has been identified by ASTOUR
( 1965, 256) as a hasty proposal for mutual assistance between Ugarit and Amurru.
397
For the equation MASKI M.GAL = piduri, see OTTEN 1963, 15; SI NGER 1988b,
247.
must already refer to the 'Sea Peoples' who took over Cyprus or
parts of it. An absolute dating of this battle, which would provide
a terminus ante quern for the Alasia correspondence, has not yet been
achieved, despite the considerable progress made in recent years in
the reconstruction of the last years of Hatti ( H awk i ns 1995, 57ff.;
S i nger 1996b).
As a rule, the 'enemy' is not identified by name in the documents
from Ugarit and Hatti, which only enhances the i mportance of the
unique reference to the Sikila-people in a letter from the Urtenu
archive found in 1973 (RS 34.129 = RSO 7, no. 12; D i et r i c h
L o r e t z 1978c; L ehmann 1979). The Hittite king, no doubt uppi1u-
liuma II, addresses the governor of Ugarit because 'the king, your
lord, is young and does not know anythi ng' (11. 5-7). Thi s rather
pejorative remark must refer to young Ammurapi , who failed to
comply with a previous request of the Great Ki ng to extradite a
certain 'I bnaduu who was captured by the Sikila people ( l
me s
k u r
VKV
ikalaiu) who live on ships (11. 10-14)'.
398
The Hittite king wishes
to interrogate this person, who was probably ransomed by the author-
ities of Ugarit from his captivity, in order to find out more about
the elusive enemy.
399
For this purpose he sends a special envoy,
Nirgaili, to escort I bnadusu to the Hittite court. Thi s kartappu could
be identical with the well-known Hittite prince Nerikkaili, son of
Hattusili 'I I I ', who was often entrusted with i mportant diplomatic
missions.
400
The Sikila 'who live on ships' are identified with one of
the 'Sea Peoples' menti oned in the Egyptian documents, thus pro-
viding the first conclusive proof that the same seaborne enemy threat-
ened both the Hittite and the Egyptian empires ( L ehmann 1979).
The cuneiform name could reflect Egyptian Skis or, more probably,
the Ski/ Sikila who later settled in Dor and the Sharon Plain ( R ai ney
1982, 134; E d e l 1983, 8; S i nger 1988b, 246). The settlement of
398
This description strongly recalls the comment on the tribe of Dan in the Song
of Deborah (J udges 5:17): 'And Dan, why does he live on ships?' (SI NGER 1988b,
246).
399
A somewhat similar request for the extradition of two persons (inhabitants of
the towns Aru and Ukani, respectively) was sent by the King (of Carchemish) to
Ammurapi ( R S 88.2013; MAL BRAN-L ABAT 1995c, 39).
400
SI NGER 1983b, 10, n. 14; VAN DEN HOUT 1995, 100; LEBRUN 1995, 87 (miss-
ing my rf.); HOUWI NK TEN CATE 1996, 46. Nerikkaili, who married a daughter of
Benteina after the Silver Treaty of 1258, must have been in his seventies at the
very beginning of the 12th century. For his prosopography, see VAN DEN HOUT
1995, 96ff.; LEBRUN 1995, 87; HOUWI NK TEN CATE 1996, 45ff.
'Sea Peoples' along the coasts of Ugarit will be touched upon in the
last entry of this study.
7.1.5 An enemy bridgehead in Mukis?
Two documents refer to military operations in Mukis on the north-
ern border of Ugarit: the Ugaritic letter RS 16.402 (= PRU 2, 12)
found in the palace archives and the Akkadian letter RS 34.143
found in the Urtenu archive.
401
I n RS 34.143 (= RSO 7, no. 6) the Ki ng (of Carchemish) repri-
mands an unnamed king of Ugarit on several counts. Although most
of the letter is well-preserved its interpretation is not always easy,
especially in demarcati ng the words of the king of Carchemi sh and
the quotations from his correspondent's previous letter.
402
First, the
king of Ugarit is accused of misleading his master by claiming that
his army is camped in Mukis; according to the King's sources Ugarit's
army is in fact located in the town of Apsuna in the northern part
of the kingdom of Ugarit.
403
Second, the king of Ugarit is quoted as
claiming that his chariotry is in poor shape and his horses are fam-
ished as a pretext for not sendi ng his chariotry as demanded.
404
Finally, the king of Ugarit is accused of keeping to himself the best
mariyannu-troops while he sends to the viceroy only worthless sol-
diers.
405
His way of thinking is mimicked by the Viceroy as follows:
'You must say to yourself: "I s the Sun involved? The Sun is not
(involved), and therefore it is all right for me to keep them back".'
406
What is the sense of this hypothetical statement? Does it mean that
the king of Ugarit is purportedly willing to take orders only from
401
Movements of troops in the Alalah region are also reported in the new doc-
uments from the Urtenu archive (MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995b, 107).
402
Compare the translation of MAL BRAN- L ABAT in RSO 7 to that of ZEEB 1992.
403
ASTOUR (1995, 58, 68) identifies Apsuna with Tell Afis east of the Orontes,
but the town should rather be sought on the northern frontier of Ugarit bordering
on Mukis.
404
Following ZEEB ( 1992, 482) , the statement about the poor quality of the char-
iotry seems to be a quotation from the letter of the king of Ugarit. If so, the only
army that was really sent from Ugarit to Carchemish was an incapable unit of
infantry-men.
405
All except a certain Milku-siG
5
(Na'im); ZEEB ( 1992, 493) assumes that the king
of Carchemish ironically singles out Mil-ku-sic^, who must have been a notorious
flop. A certain Mlk-n'm is mentioned in an Ugaritic list of individuals (KTU 4. 344
= R S 18. 130. 15) .
406
For the interpretation of these lines (27ff) as a rhetorical question and answer,
see ZEEB 1992, 482- 3.
the Great King of Hatti? The conclusion of the letter, with a demand
that both sides should appear and testify before the 'Sun' may sup-
port this interpretation. Alternatively, the king of Ugarit may think
that since the 'Sun' himself is not in Muki he has no way of know-
ing whether or not Ugarit sent out her forces. Possibly both thoughts
may be combi ned in the statement.
Ugarit's reluctance to fulfil her military duties is a recrring theme
in her correspondence with Carchemish,
407
but here her evasiveness
reaches a new record. The king of Ugarit artfully refuses to risk the
best part of his army in the confrontation, and all that the viceroy
of Carchemi sh is able to threaten with is a trial before the Great
King of Hatti. Although there may have been more than one instance
of such a deterioration in the authority of the Hittite overlord, the
best historical context for this and the following document seems to
be in the final period of Ugarit.
408
With the new information supplied by RS 34.143 it becomes easier
to understand the situation in the fragmentary and difficult Ugaritic
letter K TU 2.33 = RS 16.402 (=PRU 2, no. 12) sent by /?r-arruma
409
to his lady (probably Queen Sarelli).
410
I n the first part of his report
(11. 5-21) the general apparentl y describes his position on Mount
Amanus,
4
" with the enemy approaching from Muki.
412
In the second,
better-preserved, part of the letter (11. 22-39) he beseeches the queen
to intercede with the king to send 2,000 horses to his rescue.
413
He
407
Thematically very similar is RS 34.150 = RSO 7, no. 10, which I attempted
to relate to the great military manoeuvre orchestrated by the king of Carchemish
during the reign of I biranu (see above, p. 687).
408
For an Ammurapi dating of R S 34. 143, based on stylistic criteria and its com-
parison with R S 16. 402, see also Y AMADA 1992, 444- 5.
409
'Irr-trm was emended by some into 'Iwr-trm = Ewri-arruma (see refs. in
CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 327, n. 3), but the emendation cannot be substantiated.
410
The standard interpretation associates the events described in RS 16.402
with the pressures exerted on Niqmaddu II by uppi1u1iuma I on the one side, and
by the kings of Muki, Nuhhae and Niya on the other (SCHAEFFER 1957, xvm;
LI VERANI 1979a, 1304; DI J KSTRA 1987, 46; CI FOL A 1994, 10). An alleged anti-Hittite
revolt in Muki in the early reign of Ammittamru II was proposed by LI PI NSKI
(1981, 87ff.) as the historical background of RS 16.402.
411
L. 16, gr Amn. For the various interpretations of this line, see CUNCHI L L OS
1989a, 331, n. 19. A rather similar military situation is described in the so-called
'General's Letter', when, a century and a half earlier, he fortified his position between
Mount Lebanon and the seashore (RS 20.033 - Ug 5, no. 20; see above, p. 628).
412
For the identification of Mgsf} with Muki (with the Hurrian formative~hhe),
see LI VERANI 1962, 39, n. 50; CUNCHI L L OS 1989a, 329, n. 13.
413
Lines 24, 32, 38: alpm shvm. The enormous number of horses may perhaps
be simply a typological number. In any case, it is difficult to accept ASTOUR'S inter-
adds bitterly that he cannot confront the enemy with only his wife
and children (11. 28-9). The situation strongly recalls the accusation
of the king of Carchemi sh in RS 34.143 that the king of Ugarit
refuses to send his army to the battlefront in Mukis. The horses
required by /rr-arruma may in fact be the same 'famished horses'
kept back by the king of Ugarit under different pretexts.
The combi ned evidence of the two documents relating to Mukis
may perhaps provide the following tentative reconstruction of the
situation. An unnamed enemy had established a bridgehead in Mukis
whence he threatened the kingdom of Ugarit. This enemy column
may have advanced southwards along the foothills of the Amanus,
or it may have landed from ships at the mouth of the Orontes, or
both. A combi ned seaborne and l andborne encroachment on Ugarit's
territory strongly recalls the military tactics of the 'Sea Peoples' in
the war they waged against Ramesses III a few years later. The
Hittite authorities demanded auxiliary forces to confront the enemy
in Mukis, but the king of Ugarit was obviously more concerned with
the defence of his own land, which might already have suffered from
seaborne razzias. The immediate danger of this elusive enemy seemed
more critical than the hypothetical risk of a Hittite punitive action.
Therefore he used every possible pretext to avoid sending his best
forces to Mukis, and fortified his positions on the northern frontier
of his own kingdom. I n a much-quoted letter of Ammurapi to the
Ki ng (of Carchemish) he claims that his troops and chariots are in
Hatti (RS 20.238 = Ug 5, no. 24; see p. 720), but I wonder how
much credence should still be given to this declaration in view of
the new data from the Urtenu archive. It would seem that a sce-
nario of 'each for himself' better fits the scattered evidence on the
last years of Ugarit and her futile attempt to withhold the impend-
ing invasion of the 'Sea Peoples'.
7.1.6 Lost battles and the fall of Ugant
The final hours of a collapsing state are seldom recorded in writing
by the protagonists of the drama. Desperate letters for help are only
dispatched as long as there is some hope that they will reach their
destination and be answered positively. From a certain point on the
pretation (1965, 257) that the author of the letter simply wanted to get rid of the
horses that were entrusted to him.
threatened victims realize the futility of their pleas and contempo-
rary written information disappears almost entirely.
414
Ugarit is the
only site in the entire eastern Medi terranean which supplies written
testimony almost to the very fall of the Bronze Age city, including
direct references to the enemy who is about to cause its ruin.
415
The elite of Ugarit seem to have continued conducting their rou-
tine business almost until the very end ( A r n a u d 1991b, 65; M a l b r a n -
L a b a t 1995b, 107), but they could not have been unaware of the
rapidly deteriorating conditions in their kingdom. A recurring lesson
of history is that victims of an i mpendi ng catastrophe seldom rec-
ognize the gravity of their situation and prefer to consider it as a
passing cloud.
Reference has already been made to the A1aia letters reporting
on seaborne attacks on Ugarit and to the documents referring to a
frontline in Mukis. What remai n to be surveyed are a few difficult
'private' letters with dramati c reports on the hopeless military and
economical situation. It is not easy to pinpoint the reported events
to definite places and occasions, but they all seem to share the same
desperate tone of a last-ditch stand.
The Ugaritic letter of Drdn
416
to his lord is perhaps the most dra-
matic amongst the last letters from Ugarit (K TU 2.61 = RS 19.011
= PRU 5, no. 114): 'When your messenger arrived, the army was
humiliated and the city was sacked. Our food in the threshing floors
was burnt and the vineyards were also destroyed. Our city is sacked.
May you know it! May you know it!'
417
Another Ugaritic letter that has fomented a voluminous bibliog-
raphy for its theological connotations is the one sent by Iwrdr (.Euni-
ani) to Plsy (K TU 2.10 = RS 4.475; C u n c h i l l o s 1989a, 275ff):
'Let there be peace to you! I have heard from Trgds (Tarfoundia?)
and from Klby (Kalbiya?) that we were beaten. But if we were not
414
A notable exception are personal diaries which dramatically continue to report
until the bitter end, but none of this genre is known to me from the ancient Near
East.
415
The last documents from Hattusa must be the victory reports carved on
Nishantepe and Sdburg (HAWKI NS 1995; SI NGER forthcoming a). In Emar writing
continues until the very end of the city (ARNAUD 1975), but it hardly reflects on
the historical circumstances of its fall.
416
I wonder whether this could be a rare Ugaritic spelling for trdn/erdanni, which
is also attested as a PN (L ORETZ 1995, 131).
4,7
The translation of the first part of the letter is controversial. See CUNCHI LLOS -
VI TA 1993b; VI TA 1995a, 137.
completely beaten send me a messenger. The arm of the gods will
be greater than the force of the warriors if we resist. Put your reply
and whatever you hear there in a letter (addressed) to me'. Unfor-
tunately, the location of the ill-fated battle is not reported, but it is
noteworthy that the first i nformant bears a good Anatolian name
( L a r o c h e 1966, 177, no. 1272) .
I n contrast to these laconic Ugaritic letters the long Akkadian let-
ter of Banniya (or Eniya) to his lord has more to say about the
actual mishaps, but unfortunately it is very difficult to fathom (RS
34.152 = RSO 4, no. 40). The dramati c description of the famine
(11. 9-15) has already been quoted above (p. 719). In the first part
of the letter (11. 3-16) the sender quotes from his previous missive
to his lord, in which he advised him not to let (his agent?) Haddi -
1ibbau either trade in 'cash money' (silver and gold), or to barter
his chariot (and sakrumas), but rather to offer his provisions and his
donkeys. Although the exact meani ng of this transaction remains to
be elucidated, a regression of the economy to bartering is typical in
times of distress. I n the second part of the letter (11. 19ff) Banniya
urges his lord to pick his choice men and to hasten to Addaya, who
has written to the King (of Carchemish?). The sender himself intended
to send his men (and some strangers) to Hatti, but these have appar-
ently refused to go. The king of Hatti(?) will write to the king of
Carchemi sh instructing him to send his messengers with provisions.
Banniya apparently anticipates that the instruction will be passed on
to his lord and therefore urges him to flee with his men to Addaya,
in accordance with the orders of s u d A s k u r (Ri-Adad?). The rest
of the letter is fragmentary, except for the last line where the addressee
is advised to bring a horse to Addaya.
As is evident from the editio pnnceps, this intriguing letter is very
hard to interpret, both on the level of simple translation as well as
in understandi ng its overall meani ng. I would tentatively venture an
interpretation according to which the writer proposes to his lord a
prompt escape from his residence to a previously agreed refuge.
Several names in the letter have an 'eastern' appearance,
418
and the
same applies to some of the Akkadian forms. Perhaps L a c k e n b a c h e r
(1991b, 86, n. 9) is right in tentatively suggesting that the letter was
418
Haddi-1ibbau, Sin-umati-uabi ^30.MU.ME.TUKU), Ri-Adad (SUD-
CI
IM), Eriba-
Marduk (su-A-
D
AMAR.UTU), Marduk (MAR.TUK).
sent from Mari.
419
Another provenance could be Emar, which main-
tai ned close commerci al contacts with Ugari t. A flight from the
endangered coastal zone to inland Syria would have seemed a sen-
sible option, even though reports were circulating about unstable
conditions along the Euphrates valley as well.
420
The Hittite sources have little to add on the fall of Ugarit. The
last written documents from Hattusa must be the boasting reports
of Suppiluliuma I I 's Pyrrhic victories in A1aia and along the Medi-
terranean coast ( H awk i ns 1995; S i nger forthcomi ng a).
421
I n his last
letters to Ugarit the 'Sun' demands food shipments and information
on the iki1a enemy. If there were any later exchanges between the
two courts, including reports on the desperate situation, they have
not as yet been found. But I doubt that the Hittites (or any declin-
ing overlord for that matter) would have i nformed their Syrian allies
about their own failures on the battle front.
Carchemi sh was probably not directly affected by the operations
of the 'Sea Peoples', and its dynasty continued to rule well into the
early I ron Age ( H awk i ns 1988; 1995; Gterbock 1992). How dis-
tant the Viceroy of Carchemi sh was (or pretended to be) from the
dramati c events transpiring along the coastal areas is well reflected
in a letter to Ammurapi (RSL 1 = Ug 5, no. 23) which is usually
attributed to the king of Alasia, but must belong to the 'Ki ng' par
excellence (see n. 394). I n his reply to Ammurapi 's worried message
about the enemy ships that had been sighted at sea, the Ki ng advises
his vassal how to overcome the approachi ng enemy: 'Surround your
cities with walls. Bring (your) infantry and chariotry into (them). Be
on the lookout for the enemy and make yourself very strong!' The
covenant between suzerain and vassal had gone a long way since
Suppiluliuma I's gallant offer of military support to Ugarit. While
Ugarit was constandy required to commi t her army to the Hittites,
all that the overlord in Carchemi sh could offer in these agonizing
times was hollow 'moral support'.
419
Another letter probably sent from Mari is RS 34.142 (= RSO 7, no. 47), for
which see p. 657.
420
MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995b, 107. In a letter sent by Ini-Tesub to agarakt[i-uria]
of Babylon concern is expressed about the activities of nomadic shepherds in the
Land of Suhi (BORDREUI L - MAL BRAN- L ABAT 1995, 445, 448).
421
LEBRUN'S suggestion ( 1995, 86) that the Hittite royal couple fled to Ura on
the southern coast is based on unwarranted evidence.
A new letter from the Urtenu archive may perhaps indicate that
Carchemish at least promised to send reinforcements to her beleaguered
vassal (RS 88.2009; M a l b r a n - L a b a t 1995b, 39-40). A certain Urhi -
Tesub (without any title) informs Urtenu, Y abinina,
d
i m. di . kud,
4 2 2
Danana, the Great Ones ( ni . mes g al ) and the City Ellders ( l . me
ibti sa ur u. k i ) of Ugarit that the Ki ng of Carchemi sh had already
left the Land of Hatti (itu kur Hatti ittara)
m
and that they should
defend their city until the arrival of the rescue troops. The first two
addressees provide a dating in the last decades of Ugarit,
424
which
renders most unlikely the identification of Urhi -Tesub with the illus-
trious royal exile ( K l e n g e l 1996, 561), whose throne was usurped
by Hattusili around 1265 (see p. 644ff.). Rather, the author
must have been an i mportant official at the court of Carchemi sh
reporting about the military moves of his king.
425
Why this late Urhi-
Tesub addresses his letter most unusually to the nobility and the
elders of Ugarit remains a riddle.
426
Whether the promised rescue
troops ever arrived at Ugarit we shall probably never know, but in
any case, the city was sacked shortly thereafter.
The exact date of Ugarit's fall remains to be established.
427
The
letter sent to Ammurapi by the Egyptian Beya/ B3y provides a ter-
minus post quern between 1194 and 1186 (see p. 715). I n 1175 bce
422
Several kings of Tyre bore the same name, ''IM.DI.KUD (see n. 218).
423
In this period the 'Land of Hatti' was a loose geo-political term which included
Carchemish. This is also indicated by other occurrences in the late correspondence
from Ugarit (see nn. 150, 170).
424
For Urtenu's dating, see p. 658; for Yab(i)ninu's, see COURTOI S 1990.
425
As suggested above (p. 645), he may be identical with the author of an Ugaritic
courtesy letter addressed by Urg-Ttb 'to the queen, my lady' (KTU 2.68 = RS
20.199; PARDEE 1984a, 213-5; CUNCHILLOS 1989a, 359ff.). CUNCHILLOS (1989a, 361,
n. 3) tentatively suggests that the letter to the queen of Ugarit was sent from Egypt
by the exiled king Urhi-Tesub.
426
In the 'Sikila letter', also from the Urtenu archive, the Great King addresses
the governor of Ugarit because 'the king, your lord, is young and does not know
anything' (RS 34.129.5-7 = RSO 7, no. 12; see p. 722). However, if Urhi-Tesub
addresses the dignitaries of Ugarit because of the young age of the king, this let-
ter could hardly be dated to the last years of Ugarit. There may be some other
reason for this very unusual type of address.
427
The fall of Ugarit is variously dated in current literature between 1200 and
1175 BCE (for some of the refs., see NEU 1995b, 122, n. 25). None of the exact dates
can presently be proven, and they merely reflect the general 'feeling' of the respec-
tive authors. My own guess is closer to the terminus post quern supplied by the letter
of Beya/ B3y than to the terminus ante quern of Ramesses I ll's eighth year, i.e., around
1190/1185 (a few years later than I suggested in 1987, 418). The fall of Emar in
ca. 1187 (ARNAUD 1975) does not have to be synchronized with the fall of Ugarit,
though obviously both are part of the same overall collapse of LBA centres.
Ramesses I I I already encountered the 'Sea Peoples' near Amurru,
after they had run down the coastal areas of the Hittite Empire.
428
Someti me in the decade or so separating these two chronological
anchors Ugarit was sacked by the enemy, but there is no way as
yet to establish the interval between the arrival of Beya's letter and
the fall of Ugarit.
429
That the immediate cause for Ugarit's destruction was an enemy
attack is no longer seriously debated ( L i v er ani 1995b, 115; Y o n
1997b, 32). Schaeffer's earthquake theory, which is still occasionally
resurrected,
430
was based on questionable evidence already when it
was first put forward, and it has been entirely refuted by the results
of the new excavations conducted at Ras Shamra and at Ras I bn
Hani . There are probably signs of an earthquake that caused con-
siderable damage to the city sometime in the second half of the 13th
century and necessitated extensive restoration operations ( C a l l o t
1994, 203ff; C a l l o t - Y o n 1995, 167; see p. 631). However, the
final destruction of the city was due to a huge conflagration caused
by an enemy attack, which left a massive destruction level reaching
two metres in height in places (Y on 1992, 117; 1997a, 258; Callot
1994, 212-3).
431
The presence of numerous arrow-heads throughout
the ruins may indicate that fierce fighting preceded the city's sur-
render (Yon 1992, 117). No corpses were reported lying around in
428
Ramesses I ll's famous statement about the destruction of Fiatti, Qd, Carchemish,
Arzawa and A1aia by the 'Sea Peoples' (KRI V 39.14-40.1) does not refer to
Ugarit direcdy, but, as pointed out by LI VERANI (1995a, 49), this list reflects polit-
ical entities and not just geographical regions. Carchemish represents the whole of
Hittite Syria, even though its eastern parts, including Carchemish itself, were not
directly afflicted by the 'Sea Peoples'. The mysterious land of Qd (variously ren-
dered as Qpde, Qadi, etc.) may well refer here to the kingdom of Tarhuntaa, as
suggested by LI VERANI (ib.).
42
'' A few Myc. III C sherds found in the latest habitation level show that the
fall of Ugarit occurred after the first appearance of this type of pottery (COURTOI S
1973; 1987, 21 Off.; MONCHAMBERT 1996).
430
LEHMANN ( 1991, 117; 1996, 19) weighs the possibility for an earthquake cat-
astrophe which might have led to ('auslsenden Faktor') the military defeat of Ugarit,
quoting as a parallel the archaeological evidence from the Argolid (Tiryns, Midea,
Mycenae). Even more convinced about the plausibility of a final earthquake is
DUPONT 1987, who attempts to play down the philological evidence for an enemy
attack on Ugarit, without however adducing any arguments for Schaeffer's theory.
Cf. also K L ENGEL 1992, 151.
431
The presence of a yellowish powder that permeated the destruction level was
explained by SCHAEFFER (1968, 760ff.) as a period of extreme drought towards the
end of Ugarit's existence. It is now conventionally seen as a result of the burning
of brick structures.
the city ( C a l l o t 1994, 212) , which may indicate that most of the
inhabitants managed to flee the city beforehand, some of them bury-
ing their valuables in hiding places in the vain hope of recovering
them when the storm was over.
One such hiding place stacked with gold and bronze figurines was
discovered in the Southern City ( S c h a e f f e r 1966). Similar circum-
stances led perhaps to the stashing of the small cache of bronze
objects, including Merneptah's sword, in a house located east of the
palace ( S c h a e f f e r 1956, 169-78), and also of the large hoard of 74
bronze objects found in 1929 in the building known as the House
of the High Priest situated between the temples on the acropolis
( S c h a e f f e r 1956, 251-75). The latter was carefully stacked under-
neath the threshold of the mai n entrance and included various weap-
ons, tools and a fine tripod with hangi ng pomegranates (ib.: 274,
fig. 238). Four axes carry the Ugaritic inscription rb khnm, 'Chief of
the Priests', and a fifth one adds the PN Hrsn (ib.: 266, fig. 231).
432
The name Hrsn/Hursnu appears in 13th century texts from Ugarit
and Ras I bn Hani and prosopographical evidence indicates that the
Great Priest Hrsn was active in the mid-13th century ( B o r d r eu i l
1998). The latest objects in the hoard, such as the tripod which has
good Cypriot parallels, are dated to the turn of the 12th century
( C at l i n g 1964, 202-3). Thi s seems to contradict the standard inter-
pretation of this rich hoard as a foundation deposit ( S c h aef f er 1956,
253; C o u r t o i s 1979, 1156-7), and indicates rather that, like other
hoards in the town, it was hidden just before the final destruction
of the city ( van S o l d t 1991a, 220).
433
I ndeed, the plunderers of
Ugarit missed the valuable objects, but neither did the original own-
ers ever return to recover them.
7.2 Ugarit and its region in the Iron Age
There are a few traces of an ephemeral reoccupation of Ugarit imme-
diately after its fall at the beginning of the 12th century (Yon 1992,
432
The standard interpretation considered t}rsn to be the name of the object car-
rying the inscription (cf. Hebrew haris in 2 Sam. 12:31; I Chr. 20:3), but both the
Personenkeil preceeding the name and the existence of an Ugaritic PN Hrsn/Hurasanu
(for refs. see BORDREUIL 1998) conclusively disprove this interpretation.
433 N[
ote
(hat besides the manufactured objects the hoard also included two pieces
of cast metal (Ug 3, 260, fig. 224, 19; 262, fig. 226, bottom), which would hardly
tally with the contents of a foundation deposit. It may indicate that the hoard was
118-9). These include some dome-shaped ovens, like the one which
was found in Courtyard V of the royal palace and was thought to
have been used for the baking of clay tablets. It is hard to say who
these squatters were, the plunderers of the city or its refugees. At
any rate, this meagre epilogue was short-lived and the site remai ned
in ruins for nearly a thousand years.
434
More substantial evidence for reoccupation was found at Ras I bn
Hani,
435
a secondary residence of the royal family of Ugarit, and at
Ras Bassit, a northern outpost of the kingdom.
436
The LBA palaces
at Ras I bn Hani yielded Akkadian and Ugaritic tablets dating from
the mid-13th century onwards ( L agar c e 1995, 149ff.). The site was
apparendy evacuated in an orderly fashion before the final catastrophe,
and the inhabitants probably sought refuge within the walls of Ugarit
(Y on 1992c, 118). Ras Bassit probably shared the same fate.
The new settlers at Ras I bn Hani and Ras Bassit produced Myc.
I l l C:1 ware ( B adr e 1983; L a g a r c e 1988) of the same type that
appears in Cyprus and along the Levant, from Cilicia to Philistia,
and is traditionally associated with the new setdement of 'Sea Peoples'
along these coastal areas.
437
It is worth noting that at Ras I bn Hani ,
as in Philistia, there is a gradual evolution from monochrome to
bi chrome pottery ( L agar c e 1988, 153), and such similarities should
be further explored in the areas of the 'Sea Peoples' diaspora. Besides
the Myc. I l l C:1 ware, the I ron Age settlement at Ras I bn Hani
has also produced types of pottery which continue local ceramic tra-
ditions ( L agar c e 1988, 154-5; Caubet 1992, 127). Thi s shows that,
as in Canaan, the reoccupation of the coastal sites was carried out
by mixed populations of newcomers and remnant groups of the local
inhabitants.
hidden by a smith or perhaps the supervisor of a treasury, rather than the High
Priest who was the (original) owner of the inscribed axes.
434
The site was partially reoccupied only in the late Persian and the Hellenistic
periods (COURTOI S 1979, 280ff.; STUCKY 1982; ASTOUR 1995, 68-9, n. 97; Y ON
1997b: 112-3). A few 9th~8th century Cypriot sherds were probably left by tomb-
robbers in the fill of tomb 1069 (CAUBET 1992, 123-4).
435
BOUNNI et al. 1987; L AGARCE 1988; 1995; CAUBET 1992, 124ff. (with refs.).
The site has been variously identified as Appu (BORDREUI L 1984), as Biruti (ARNAUD
1992, 82, . 9), or as Ru (ASTOUR 1995, 68).
436
CAUBET 1992, 127 (with refs.). ASTOUR 1995, 58 suggests an identification with
ancient Sinaru.
437
See, however, CAUBET 1992, 130, who questions this interpretation of the new
pottery and considers it to be a local ceramic development.
EGYP T
Amenophis III
1390-1352
AMURRU SI YANNU- UNATU
Akhenaton.
1352-1336
Tutankhamun
1336-1327
Ay
1327-1323
Horemheb
1323-1295
Ramesses I
Sety I
1294-1279
Ramesses II
1279-1213
Merneptah (1213-1203)-
Amenmesse (1203-1200)
Sety 11(1200-1194)
Siptah (1194-1188)
Beya
Abdi-Airta
Niqmepa
Ba'aluya
Aziru
Tausert (1188-1186)
Setnakht (1186-1184)
Ramesses 111(1184-1153)
Du-Teub
Duppi-Teub
Benteina
abi1i
Benteina
augamuwa
Abdi-Hebat
Abdi-Anati
(=Abdi -NI NURTA ?)
SUM-
d
I M
abi1im
Padiya
(order unknown)J
UGARI T
Ammi t t a mr u I
? c. 1350
Ni q ma d d u II Pi;
c.1350-1315
c. 1340-Fire in Uga:
Ar - Hal ba Kubat
c. 1315-1313
Ni q me p a Ahat-i
c. 1313-1260
Ammi t t a mr u II
c.1260-1235
I bi r an u Sarelli
c.1235-1225/20
Ni q ma d d u III
c. 1225/20-1215
Ammu r a p i Aldi
c.1215-1190/85
c. 1190/85 Fall of Ugarit
Synchronisms of Ugarit in the 14t1
HATTI
Tudhal i ya "I I "
KARKAMI AUR
Eriba-Adad I
1380-1354
tu rabiti
Nikkalu
(?)
Arnuwanda I
Tudhaliya "I I I "
uppiluliuma I
Arnuwanda II
Muri1i II
arre-Kuuh
(Piyai1i)
ahurunuwa
Muwatalli II
Urhi -Teub
Hattusili "I I I " Puduhepa
Ini-Te.ub
Tudhal i ya "I V" + Puduhepa
Arnuwanda III
uppiluliuma II
Ta1mi-Teub
Aur-Uba1it
1353-1318
Enlil-nirari I
1317-1308
Arik-den-i1i
1307-1296
Adad-nirari
1295-1264
a1manassar I
1263 1234
Tuku1ti-Ninurta
1233-1197
Aur-nadin-ap1i (1196-1194)
Aur-nirari III (1193-1188)
Enlil-Kudur-uur (1187-1183)
Ninurta-apil-Ekur (1182-1180/70)
Asur-dan I (1179/69-1134)
2th centuries bce
Little is known about the demographi c situation in the country-
side of Ugarit after the fall of the metropolis. As pointed out by
L i v er ani (1995a, 52), inland villages may have suffered much less
from the ravages of the sea-borne enemy, and the remarkable sur-
vival of ancient names in the present toponymy of the region ( A s t o ur
1979; B o r d r e u i l 1989a) may indicate that some of the smaller set-
tlements of the kingdom survived the cataclysm that put an end to
the capital city. Thi s seems to be all the more true in the territory
of the former kingdom of Siyannu-Unatu, where some of the main
sites (Tell Sukas, Tell Daruk) continue well into the I ron Age.
438
These scattered maritime and inland I ron Age settlements cannot
obscure the outstanding phenomenon of the total disappearence of
the region's maj or city from the geo-political scene of the Levant
for nearly a thousand years. Onl y Hellenistic Laodicea (present-day
Lattaquieh) brought back this once prosperous coastal region to a
similar grandeur. The fact that Ugarit never rose from its ashes, as
did other LBA cities of the Levant which suffered a similar fate,
must have more substantial grounds than the destruction inflicted
upon the city by the 'Sea Peoples'. Those who still envisage a seri-
ous earthquake in the sequence of events that led to the fall of Ugarit
suggest some drastic change in the tectonic structure of the region,
especially in the area of the harbour, which would have deprived
the city of its main source of livelihood ( K l en g el 1992, 151) . Probably
some of the climatic cataclysms that have been proposed to explain
the overall collapse of the palatial systems throughout the Aegean
and the eastern Mediterranean
431
' took their toll of Ugarit as well,
especially the devastating famine which could have been caused by
an intense drought. But in the final analysis, the mai n reason for
Ugarit's disappearance from the political scene may simply have been
the sudden collapse of the traditional structures of international trade,
which were the lifeblood of Ugarit's boomi ng economy in the Bronze
Age. Gradually, Phoenician harbours such as Tyre, Sidon, Byblos
and Arwad replaced Ugarit as the main ports of Levantine trade
duri ng the first millennium bce.
438 P
O R r e
f
er enceSj see
CAUBET 1992, 128; LI VERANI 1995a: 51. One awaits eagerly
the results of the new Syrian excavations at Tell Siano, which probably preserves
the ancient name of Siyannu.
439
For a recent survey of the various theories, see DREWS 1993 (with extensive
refs.).
THE TABL ETS AND THE COMPUTER
1 T h e C u r r e n t S t a t e o f U g a r i t i c S t u d i es
a n d T e c h n o l o g y '
T h e o d o r e J . L ewi s - S t e v e A . W i g g i n s
1.1 Introduction
Uni que difficulties beset describing a field where a six-month period
of obsolecence is not unusual. The rapidly developing field of com-
puter i magi ng is openi ng new possibilities for the publication of
archives known previously only through transcriptions and poor pho-
tographs. What is presented below is a description of the current
state of electronic imaging as applied to the Ugaritic tablets; the
future of this field will continue to improve the clarity of available
images. At the time of this writing digital cameras are now remov-
ing one step from the photographi c process (the film!) for better and
worse.
2
The application of electronic imaging to the study of ancient texts
is an emerging field of research. I n Ugaritic studies it began out of
the necessity for clearer photographs of the Ugaritic tablets than
those previously available and the need to make them widely acces-
sible to scholars. These needs, combi ned with the growth of com-
puterized graphic capabilities, have motivated scholars to produce
electronic editions of the texts.
1.2 Background
Ugaritologists are indebted in many ways to the Mission Archologique
Franais de Ras Shamra-Ougant. If one may speak from an epigraphist's
1
We would like to thank W.T. Pitard for commenting on an earlier draft of
this paper and contributing the excursus.
2
On the importance of film types even in a digital age, see ZUCKERMAN
u g ar i t i c st udi es an d t e c h n o l o g y 735
perspective, the speed with which they have made the texts avail-
able is especially commendabl e. Thi s publishing tradi ti ondati ng
back to 1929 when C. Virolleaud made drawings of the first alphabetic
tablets available within a year of their discovery and continuing up
to the present with the contributions of P. Bordreuil and D. Pardee
appeari ng in the RSO serieshas allowed Ugaritologists worldwide
to keep abreast of the latest discoveries.
It is helpful to situate the publishing of the early photographs of
the tablets in an historical context. When the first Ugaritic tablets
were discovered, there already existed a long-established convention
(inherited from Assyriology) for publishing cunei form texts. Thi s
entailed publishing a facsimile drawing, a transcription, and some-
times a translation. Photographs, when published, were largely used
for archival purposes, but were considered less essential to the philo-
logical interpretation of the text. Unless one had access to the orig-
inals in Damascus, Aleppo, and Paris, one relied on the eye of others;
no i ndependent evaluations could be made based on epigraphically
useful photographs.
When the Ugaritic texts were first unearthed in the late 1920s,
the use of a photographic record to secure readings was not an issue.
The tablets were photographed in black and white, mostly in what
could be referred to as 'reference shots'one photo per side of a
tablet, sometimes including photographs of the edges. The purpose
of these photographs was not to establish difficult readings, but to
give an overall impression of the size, shape, and state of preserva-
tion of the tablets. Thei r publication was accompani ed by tran-
scriptions in H e r d n e r ' s CTA. Facsimiles drawn with rather stylized
versions of the Ugaridc characters became the basic source for under-
standing the epigraphic evidence on the tablets.
It must be stressed that the photographs, not very helpful for read-
ing the tablets, were produced according to the conventions at the
time for publishing ancient Semitic texts. They were produced for
documentati on, not for the scrutiny of an epigraphist. Some shades
or marbl i ng of the clay made photographs too dark and/or patchy
to be read in black and white
3
and their convexity made photographs
ZUCKERMAN 1997, 336 -7. On the benefits and drawbacks of direct-image capture,
see pages 345-6.
3
Plate I X of CTA 4, Rev. demonstrates this. The rather marbled appearance
of the upper right-hand corner of the tablet causes considerable difficulty.
lit only from the top difficult to read in places.
4
Damaged sections
of a tablet require close-up photography with different lighting angles
to be accurately assessed.
5
All of these factors, outside the scope of
the original publishers, made renewed efforts at photographi ng the
tablets desirable.
Thus until recently, the photographs which have accompani ed the
publication of the Ugaritic texts have been limited in the informa-
tion they provide to epigraphers. The lack of legible photographs
meant that scholars had to rely almost exclusively on the editions
for their readings. Thi s was complicated, however, by the fact that
the editions often disagreed significantly on the readings of the texts.
Wi thout legible photographs interpreters were left with no way to
evaluate independently which readings might conform better to the
traces on the tablets.
1.3 Text editions and the current state of Ugaritic epigraphic analysis
The field of Ugaritic studies has fortunately had for many years two
comprehensive collections of texts: CTA and KTU, the latter pub-
lished in a new, enlarged edition (CAT - KTU
1
) in 1995. These edi-
tions are maj or scholarly achievements that have become essential
to the study of Ugaritic literature. The epigraphic projects discussed
below, the Ugaritic Tablets Digital Edition (UTDE), the Edi nburgh
Ras Shamra Project (ERSP), and the Spanish project Banco de Datos
Filolgicos Semiticos Noroccidentalesy el Sistema Integrado de Anlisis Morfolgico
de Textos Ugarticos (BDFSN"SI AMTU), are compl ements to the wor-
thy efforts of these fine editors and the superb contributions of the
archaeologists and epigraphists of the Mission Archologique Franaise de
Ras Shamra-Ougarit (MRS).
Despite the wealth of material available to Ugaritic scholars from
the standard editions, questions concerning the text still remain. Over
the past decade, scholars have realized that the state of Ugaritology,
4
For an example, see Plate VI of CTA 3, Rev. Note that the reverse is illegible
in the lower right-hand corner where the fuzziness of the tablet outline makes it
clear that it is out of focus due to the curvature of the tablet.
5
Once again CTA 3, Rev. (Plate VI) serves as an example. The damaged sec-
tion of columns 4 and 5 radiate out from a break in the tablet. The break is not
clean throughout, leaving a dimpled surface for parts of those two columns. Close-
up photographs of the difficult sections reveal that some readings may be substan-
tiated: see below.
if it is to remai n healthy, needs to wrestle with fundamental epi-
graphic questions. Healey succinctly states the problem: 'there are
so many uncertainties in readings, despite KTU, that Ugaritic stud-
ies is in danger of getting bogged down in alternative readings and
mistaken readings'.
6
Parker concurs: 'An adequate, publicly available
edition based on the best current photographi c technology (i.e. high
resolution macro-photography using various light sources and angles)
remains the great desideratum of Ugaritic studies'.
7
Such sentiments
are shared by most scholars who do not relish the thought of hav-
ing their painstaking interpretations overturned in the future due to
having relied on a faulty reading.
Since no published edition makes a claim of certainty on all read-
ings, most scholars of the Ugaritic texts have wished to see the orig-
inal tablets to clarify particular readings, especially where KTU and
CTA differ. Pitard, one of the two senior editors of the UTDE (see
below), has summari zed the di l emma this way:
This situation has created a considerable amount of confusion in the
way that the texts are handled in Ugaritic studies. Scholars by and
large have been forced simply to choose one edition to follow, with-
out being able to deal personally with the epigraphically disputed por-
tions of the tablet.
8
Clearer photographs have begun to appear recently,
9
with the goal
of stabilizing the text, particularly where difficulties of the tablet allow
for multiple readings. The goal of such photographi c records is ulti-
mately to stabilize the entire text, as it currently exists.
10
I n response,
UTDE and the ERSP are seeking ways to make a comprehensive
digital photographi c archive of the Ugaritic tablets widely available.
Many factors make such archives desirable, the pri mary one being
historical preservation. When the sole remai ni ng autographs dete-
riorate, there is no way to replace the missing data. An historical
archive documenti ng the current state of the texts is essential. Re-
storation based on earlier photographs and epigraphers' records also
plays a vital role in the preservation of the texts, but as a hedge
6
HEAL EY 1986, 30.
7
PARKER 1989, 4.
8
Private communication, December 8, 1995.
9
PI TARD 1987, 75- 86, 1 1 1 5 5 (drawings by B. ZUCKERMAN) and PI TARD 1992,
33- 77; M . S. SMI TH 1994, plates 1 47.
10
L L OY D - WY A T T 1996, 423 graphically demonstrate that the tablets are no
longer in pristine condition.
against further wear, a clear, detailed photographic archive is absolutely
essential.
I n order for this goal to be pragmatic, access to the photographi c
archive must be made available as widely as possible. These tablets
are the preserve of scholars around the world, and attempts to keep
the information recondite are to be eschewed.
One obstacle to these goals is more prosaic but equally prag-
mati cthe financial aspect. Photographs produced in book format
are often prohibitively expensive. I n the case of the Ugaritic Texts,
the cost would be augmented by the large number of photographs
required to display adequately the damaged and difficult sections of
the tablets.
Wi th these goals and probl ems in sight, various projects have
responded by producing photographic archives of the Ugaritic tablets.
I n the three maj or projects outlined below, the incentive to apply
new computer technology to the process has been recognized and
embraced.
1.4 The Ugaritic Tablets Digital Edition Project (UTDE)
Photographic methodology for ancient manuscripts has only recently
received the attention it deserves. It is very encouraging to see a
maj or treatment on the topic including digital imaging incorporated
into a new archaeological reference work." The pioneer in the field
has been B. Zuckerman who founded the West Semitic Research
Project which aims at developing photographi c and other imaging
techniques that produce clear and detailed documentati on of ancient
inscriptions. The Project also trains Semitic philologists and epigraphists
in the art of inscriptional photography. I n 1983 several Ugaritic
tablets in the Louvre collections were successfully documented show-
ing epigraphists that considerable evidence concerni ng difficult read-
ings could be gleaned through the use of macro-photography and
employing 'key and fill' side lighting techniques in order to prevent
the usual 'wash out' effect typical of traditional cuneiform photog-
raphy. A sophisticated understanding of film characteristics and devel-
oping procedures is also crucial for best results. The UTDE project
uses a ToyoVi ew large-format camera with 4-by-5 inch sheet film
11
ZUCKERMAN ZUCKERMAN 1997, 336- 47.
for optimal resolution together with four types of film: color trans-
parenci es (Ektachrome 100 Plus); high-resolution color negatives
(Pro 100); black-and-white, good contrast, high-resolution negatives
(T-Max); and black-and-white, high contrast, very-high-resolution
negatives (Technical Pan).
Pitard became associated with the project after 1985, when he
carried out the first of four photographi c expeditions to Syria and
Paris (the other trips taking place in 1989, 1994 (with A. Vaughn)
and 1995 (with Lewis). The UTDE project now has a nearly com-
plete series of high-resolution photographs of the maj or narrative
texts from Ugarit (KTU 1.1-24), along with a sampling of other
religious texts (including K TU 1.43 = RS 1.005, 1.83 = RS 16.266,
1.91 = RS 19.015, 1.96 = RS 22.225, 1.100 = RS 24.244, 1.108
= RS 24.252, 1.109 = RS 24.253, 1.112 = RS 24.256, 1.113 = RS
24.257, 1.114 = RS 24.258, 1.117 = RS 24.263, 1.124 = RS 24.272,
1.133 = RS 24.293, and 1.161 = RS 34.126). In the summer of
1997, Pitard and Schmidt were able to re-photograph the bulk of
the early negatives housed in the Collge de France. Thi s will allow
further analysis of the degree to which the tablets may have deteri-
orated through the passing of time.
A few years ago, the editors of UTDE began to think about
attempting to produce a photographically-based edition of the Ugaritic
tablets. In order to lay a proper foundati on, Pitard published arti-
cles on K TU 1.161 = RS 34.126 and 1.20-22 = RS 3.348, 2.[019],
2.[024] that were intended to serve as prototypes for a larger pro-
ject.
12
Also appeari ng were several articles discussing the illumina-
tion of crucial and controversial readings using macro-photographi c
techniques including studies of K TU 1.23 = RS 2.002,
13
1.19 = RS
3.322+,
14
and 1.96 = RS 22.225,
15
not to mention a detailed exam-
ination of the way the letter
c
ayin was produced in the Ugaritic
script.
16
I n addition, 47 macro-photographs were published in Smith's
new commentary on the Baal Epic.
17
The recently published Ugaritic
Narrative Poetry
18
has made use of the entire collection.
12
PI TARD 1987 and 1992b, respectively.
13
RATNER ZUCKERMAN 1986, 15 60.
14
PI TARD 1994b, 31-8.
15
T . J . L EWI S 1996a, 115-21.
16
PI TARD 1992a, 261 79.
17
M. S. SMI TH 1994, plates 1 47.
18
PARKER (ed.) 1997.
Recentl y the i mpact of computer technology for the study of
photographi c images has begun to make itself felt. Wi th the avail-
ability of hi gh-resol uti on photographi c scanners, increased CPU
speeds (Pentium and Power PC chip technology), and such high-
performance software applications as Adobe Photoshop, Live Picture,
and Painter X2, it is now possible to digitize and analyze images of
the Ugaritic tablets in a way that was undreamed of just a few years
ago. With this in mind, the UTDE Ugaritic archive has been scanned
with a Scanmate 3000 PMT Drum scanner (resolution up to 3000
dpi uninterpolated)
19
with the help of Ellison and Lundberg.
After considerable thought about how best to publish a photo-
graphically-based edition of the Ugaritic texts, considering high con-
ventional producti on costs, the editors decided to produce a digital
edition to be available on CD- ROM or other storage medi um (e.g.
DVD-ROM). Such a format would allow for the publication of large
numbers of color photographs at a fairly low cost. Moreover, the
texts could be presented in an ideal format for teaching and intro-
ductory study, as well as for serious research.
The UTDE is intended to provide an interactive, multimedia pre-
sentation of the material, designed to be used by Ugaritologists, as
well as students learning the Ugaritic language and script. At the
1996 Annual Meeti ng of the Society of Biblical Literature in New
Orleans, Pitard demonstrated a prototype edition of the UTDE (see
excursus below) which he first developed in the summer of 1995
with the help of the Beckman I nstitute for Advanced Science and
Technol ogy at the University of Illinois.
The initial plan of the UTDE is to produce a mul ti -CD edition
of K TU 1.1-24, since these are the most widely-known and dis-
cussed texts. Pitard and Zuckerman will be serving as senior editors
with collaborating editors consisting of Hackett, Lewis, Wiggins, and
Dobbs-Allsopp. Although the UTDE does not yet have its own world-
wide web site, information on the project may be obtained from the
WSRP page: http://www.usc.edu/dept/L AS/wsrp/.
19
On the types of scanners and the importance of drum scanners and uninter-
polated scans, see ZUCKERMAN - ZUCKERMAN 1997, 346.
1.5 Excursus: The format of the Ugaritic
Tablets Digital Edition Prototype
20
Two basic concepts guide the format of the UTDE: (1) The editors
will present their edition of the texts in an interactive form intended
for both scholars and students, using the photographs as the foun-
dation. (2) The edition will also provide high resolution images of
the photographs that can be downl oaded into the user's own appli-
cations for additional research and analysis.
Part 1: The edition of the texts. Our goal for the first stage of
the UTDE project is to establish and publish the text of the maj or
literary corpus from Ugarit. The format of the edition has been
worked out in our prototype. Following a title screen, the edition
allows the user to go to a list of the available tablets, to choose the
text he or she wishes to study. From there the user may exami ne a
general photograph of the tablet, then look more closely at an indi-
vidual column or section thereof. For detailed work, the text is then
subdivided into individual lines.
At each level, various types of information are provided. Thus
from the home screen for each tablet, the user can access an intro-
duction to the tablet, which will provide information on its size, con-
dition, current location, museum number, scribal hand, length of
line, etc. There will also be a ground plan of the find-spot available
that will show where the tablet was discovered and will indicate the
other tablets found in the same context. At a later stage in the devel-
opment of the edition, we hope the user will also be able to go from
the home page to a translation of the tablet, as well as a concord-
ance and a lexicon.
From the home screen of the tablet, the user may call up a par-
ticular column for more detailed study. Here an image of the col-
umn appears, with buttons that allow one to see a transliteration of
the text, epigraphic notes that discuss the problematic passages in
the col umn, and a colour-coded facsimile drawi ng which can be
superimposed over the photo or displayed side by side. The facsimile
is provided to indicate to the user what the editors see on the tablet.
The superimposed drawi ng can be clicked on and off to allow the
user to compare the drawing to the traces on the image.
20
Supplied by W.T. Pitard, Private communication.
Menus on this screen allow one to move to further screens show-
ing each individual line, designed for detailed epigraphic study. Each
screen includes a closeup colour image of the line, its transliteration,
a superimposable facsimile, a facsimile which appears in a window
directly below the photograph, and epigraphic notes for the line. For
each significandy damaged letter, buttons will allow the user to see
additional macro photos that show the traces in different light patterns.
Evidence from the original photos taken in the 1930s will appear
here in cases where the tablet subsequently has been damaged.
Part 2: The high-resolution images. Thi s i mportant feature will
allow scholars to study the photos with their own computer imag-
ing programs such as Adobe Photoshop or Live Picture. The pho-
tos have been digitized usually at 1000 dpi to allow for significant
enl argement on the computer screen. The file size of such images
is in the 50 MB range. For the UTDE, however, these images will
be compressed so that some 150 can be placed on a single disc.
When uncompressed these images retain their full definition. Since
there are many scholars who have older computers that do not run
well with 50 MB files, we will also provide lower resolution versions
of the images on the CD.
1.6 The Edinburgh Ras Shamra Project (ERSP)
I n 1990, unaware that the UTDE project was under way, Lloyd,
while a postgraduate student at New College, Edi nburgh University,
began considering the possibilities of applying computer technology
to photographs of the Ugaritic texts. Wi th formal training in com-
puter science, Lloyd was able to envision electronically stored repro-
ductions of the tablets, especially if they were done in a laser-scanned
format. He then began to discuss the idea with Wiggins and Wyatt.
On his own initiative, Wyatt had for some years been photographing
the Ugaritic tablets in 35 mm color transparency format. Using
macro lenses he had photographed difficult sections of the tablets
and made these photographs available to students at the university.
Wyatt's initial photographi c expeditions, in 1991 and 1992, to Paris
and Aleppo, involved photographi ng the tablets with a Pentax L X
fitted with a 50 mm lens and close-up extentions. Another visit to
Syria in 1994 included rephotographi ng the tablets with a 100 mm
lens. The photographs were taken either in natural light (not direct
sunlight) or with the aid of a small spodight. Compl ete sets of these
slides exist at Edi nburgh and Mnster (where they were used in
preparation of the new edition of CAT - TZ/
2
).
2
'
To get the images into computerized format, some experimenta-
tion was necessary. Wyatt and Lloyd tried using digital cameras, but
the drawbacks for detailed, close-up photography were too limiting,
and the technology was not then sufficiently advanced. Although in
photography every transfer to a new medi um reduces clarity, they
decided that the slide photographs, scanned into digital format, would
produce the clearest images. The slides were scanned at a resolu-
tion of 1828 dpi, using 24 bit color. Thei r attention then turned to
how to make large files (up to 12 megabytes) available to remote
computer users.
22
The concern of the ERSP was to make their digitized photographs
available to scholars around the world. Initially it was conceived that
scholars could obtain files through FTP. Soon after this set-up began,
web-based technology emerged. With its ease of programmi ng, and
its accessibility, the www became the ideal location for posting such
photographs. The technical difficulty was to get the files down to a
manageabl e size.
23
Thi s concern, based on the time it takes to download images via
the internet, was addressed by using compressed J PEG images. J PEG
compression reduces redundant computer information which is not
visible to the human eye, so that image quality does not suffer, but
file sizes may be drastically reduced. These images were then placed
on a www site to be viewed by scholars with access to the inter-
net.
24
The site amounts to a virtual flight to Damascus, a virtual
museum with artifacts, and a library of texts.
23
The encouraging work accomplished by this project is available
on the web, and was made possible partially by fundi ng from the
University of Edinburgh.
26
The world-wide web address for the ERSP
is: http://www.ed.ac.uk/~ugari t/home.htm.
21
L L OY D - WY A T T 1996, 425.
22
L L OY D - WY A T T 1996, 426- 7
23
L L OY D - WY A T T 1996, 426- 7
24
L L OY D - WY A T T 1996, 428.
25
WY A T T - L L OY D 1995, 597.
26 WY A T T - L L OY D 1995, 597.
1.7 Banco de Datos Filologicos Semiticos Noroccidentales y
el Sistema Integrado de Anlisis Morfolgico de
Textos Ugarticos (BDFSN-SIAMTUf
1
The 'Laboratori o de Hermeneumati ca',
28
a research group based in
Madri d, Spain, is part of the Philology I nstitute of the Consejo Superior
de Investigaciones Cientificas. The photography work done by this group
has a different goal than the two projects outlined above: reference
shots of the tablets are included along with philological data. The
purpose of this research is the development of computer aids for text
analysis. The team director and head researcher of the Banco de Datos
Filologicos Semiticos Noroccidentales I I : Ugartico, Fenicio y Pnico (BDFSN
= Northwest Semitic Philological Data Bank II: Ugaritic, Phoenician
and Punic) project is Cunchillos. The project works in association
with the I ntelligent Systems Research Group (ISYS) which is part
of the Artificial I ntelligence Department of the Universidad Politecnica
de Madrid. The directors of this group are Cuena and Garcia Serrano.
The first step of the project was to introduce the Ugaritic texts
into a data base. This initial outcome was published as a hard copy.
29
The second step involved integrating the functions required to obtain
a concordance into the data base. Thi s too appeared in a published
paper version in three volumes.
30
The first two volumes collate all
existing 6,521 Ugaritic words as they appear in the texts, provide
their literary context (the three surroundi ng lines) and a listing of
occurrences. The third volume
contains 1.428 incomplete Graphematic Chains with their possible
restorations (CGR), followed by 380 Graphematic Restorable Uniliteral
Chains (CGRU), 173 Graphematic Chains Without Restoration (CGSR)
and indexes.
31
27
We thank J esus-Luis Cunchillos for providing an extensive outline of these pro-
jects (private communication 9 J une 1997). The essence of these remarks may be
found in the world wide web site on the subject: 'Sapnu: Publicaciones en I nternet,'
Madrid: CSI C, Laboratorio de Hermeneumtica, 1997 (address: http://www.lab-
herm.filol.csic.es).
28
'Hermeneumatic' is a compound word coined from the words 'hermeneutics'
and 'automatic'. It refers to a computerized interpretation, in this case of matters
Ugaritic.
29
CUNCHILLOS - VI TA 1993.
30
CUNCHILLOS - VI TA 1995a (CPU).
31
Quotation from 'Sapnu' web site.
The Textos Ugarticos and Concordancia de Palabras Ugariticas are now
available on CD-ROM
32
and include additions and corrections to
the published paper versions.
The third step of the research project is the developing of a func-
tion for the morphological analysis of words. Grammar rules for
Ugaritic and a lexicon had previously been entered into the appli-
cation, and these are the basis for this morphological analysis. A
concordance of roots is scheduled for future publication.
33
Further
features of the project include bibliographical references to accom-
pany the lexicon entries and each of the alphabetic tablets; scanned
photographs for each tablet; and tools for syntactic and semantic
analysis. The web site notes, 'For these more complex enterprises,
an expert system [has] been developed on a UNI X platform (SunOS)
and using tools created by I SYS. The application is meant to be
flexible enough to enable its use in other languages.'
34
The second
aspect of this project, SI AMTU, is an I ntegrated System for Mor-
phological Analysis of Ugaritic Texts. The application is developed
on 4th Dimension, a relational Data Base Management System.
Cunchillos notes that this data bank is now accessible via the inter-
net. It is available to both Macintosh and PC users. It is located at
the project's web site (http://www.labherm.filol.csic.es), under the
section entitled 'Banco de Datos, GSRC-I nternet'.
35
1.8 Conclusion
There are inherent problems with photographi c editions, no matter
what their final form. An unassailable principle of photography is
that every time an image is transferred from one medi um to another,
a loss of clarity results. When multi-media changes take place, they
are always at the expense of clarity. Future developments, some of
which are already under exploration, may eventually lead to new
ways of thinking about the photographi c process itself.
All of the projects described here have approached this 'brave new
world' of technological development with the ancient Ugaritic texts.
32
CUNCHI L L OS et al. 1996.
33
Concordancia de Raices Ugariticas (CRU).
34
'Sapnu' web site.
35
J .-L. Cunchillos, private communication, 9 J une 1997.
The call of scholars requesting a stabilized text has been heard.
While these projects may not be able to eliminate all uncertainties
concerni ng the texts, they will sharply reduce them. The 'great
desideratum of Ugaritic studies'
36
is beginning to be realized.
36
PARKER 1989, 4.
2 S t o r a g e a n d A nal y s i s of t h e T e x t s
J ess- L ui s C u n c h i l l o s
2.1 Introduction
Computi ng and telecommunications provide unprecedented possibil-
ities for the study of the languages and cultures of the ancient Near
East.
1
Already in 1969- 1971 Whitaker computerized the texts from Ugarit
( Y V hi t ak er 1972, VI ). He developed programs, but not much more
information is available about the method he followed. I n 1974 the
University of Mnster set out the Ugari dc texts from a word proces-
sor (KTU). Other computerization of the texts has resulted in the
Ugaritischer Wortformenindex by Zemanek of the Prague I nstitute of
Ancient Near Eastern Studies ( Z emanek 1995) . The Edi nburgh Ras
Shamra Project of the University of Edi nburgh is devoted more
specifically to the analysis of images of the tablets (see L l o y d
W y a t t 1996) . These projects, in terms of computerization, have not
gone beyond the first steps in computerized processing of the texts.
The work that remains to be done is difficult but is worth while.
2.2 The modules
Work begins with the creation of a data bank. We are speaking of data
as the object of study, not reference data such as bibliographies. I n
the case of philology, the data comprise words, sentences and texts.
Thi s means graphemi c chains, words with their morphological dis-
play, roots, syntagms, sentences, etc.
A data bank requires a management system, i.e. a relational data-
base ( C u n c h i l l o s 1992a, 547-59). For the moment it seems to be
the indispensable management tool, although progress in computer
science may soon provide us with other more complex information
management systems.
2
The Manager of the data bank has to be carried out using applications
1
For details cf. GI PPERT 1966, 48- 9.
2
We refer to systems based on knowledge such as the Knowledge System
Management of Prof. J . Cuena in the Universidad Politcnica de Madrid. See
http://vendaval.dia.fi.upm.es.
peculiar to the discipline. The applications can be grouped accord-
ing to the phases of computerization and the needs of the philologist.
The Laboratory of Hermeneumati cs of the Institute de Filologa in the
CSI C (Madrid, Spain) envisages 8 modules in order to computerize
everything, i.e. the whole procedure from text to critical interpreta-
tion ( Cunchi l l os 1996a, 52-5). So far, four modules have been or
are in the course of being completed:
The first module contains the applications which enable data to be
identified and fed in and modified, and a search system. The iden-
tification of the storage unit assumes a single numberi ng system
for the minimal unit of text storage, i.e. the siglum. For data to be fed
in, a system has to be worked out for connotation, transliteration and
transcription, the most accurate possible. For scientific work it is nec-
essary to have a font with all the graphemes and signs which will
enable the text to be transcribed with all its diacritics ( Cunchi l l os -
Gal an 1996, 161-70).
Problems due to the variety of computer platforms (Macintosh,
Windows, Unix) are unavoidable if the data bank is to be made
available to scholars over the I nternet. The data are transmitted from
platform to platform from the user to the server and from the server
to the user, but no-one can specify the number and type of plat-
form through which the information may pass. Each type of plat-
form has its own requirements. The transmission of scripts using
graphemes which differ from those of modern Western languages
incurs problems. Fonts have to be created, such as I lulnternet,
3
the
graphemes of which are located between 32 and 127 in the ASCI I
numberi ng system, so far the only numbers respected by all plat-
forms.
The text, input with the inclusion of all epigraphic indications,
first has to be stored and then stripped of the epigraphic indications
so that the computer is able to deal with it.
Furthermore, a system has to be provided for the arrangement of
the graphemes and words in the desired alphabetical sequence, which
in the case of Semitic is not the same as in the modern western
alphabet.
The final result of the computer applications of this first module,
besides identification, input, modification and searches, will be the
3
The reader can find them and load them into his computer in Sapanu, GSRC-
I nternet which has the address: http://www.labherm.filol.csic.es.
storage of Non-segmented Graphemati c Chains. The name refers
to the stage of the Graphemati c Chai ns before applying the seg-
mentati on procedures described in the next module.
With this first modul e the data bank can be completed with all
the data to be fed in.
The second module allows us to move from the Non-segmented Graph-
ematic Chains to the Words with their Morphological Display (Palabras
en Morfologia Desplegada or PMD).
It requires the creation of a series of applications for the Segmen-
tation of Graphemati c Chai ns according to the rules for the writing
and the scribes of that language and similarly applications for sys-
tematic search of Split Chai ns (interrupted words, written over two
consecutive lines ( C u n c h i l l o s 1998a).
One part of the existing data will be the I ncomplete Graphemati c
Chains. These comprise the Reconstructible data. I n order to deal
with them, special applications have to be created taking as a basis,
for example, the existing vocabulary, although other more theoretical
or comparative criteria may be used. I n this way the applications of
the Rcconstructible Chai ns and their possible Reconstructors arise.
Finally, this second modul e enables Concordances of Words with
their Morphological Display in context to be compiled ( C u n c h i l l o s -
V i t a 1995a).
The result of the aforementioned applications is the Generator of Seg-
mentations, Restorations and Concordances ( G S R C ; C u n c h i l l o s - C er v i g n -
V i t a - G a l n - Z a mo r a 1996) .
The third modul e enables the shift from PMD to Stems and Roots.
The shift takes place due to the Ugaritic Morphological Analyser (Analizador
Morfolgico Ugaritico or AMU). To function the AMU requires:
a) A List or file of attested Words with their Morphological Display which
has been derived previously by a computer process, extracting from
the text first the attested Graphematic Chains and then selecting from
them the PMD.
b) A lexicon of Roots and Stems known and accepted as such by
specialists. To compile it, uniform rules have to be applied for the input
and lexicographical treatment of Roots and Stems. Some headings
or fields are strictly necessary (Stem/Root, Homograph, Comparati ve
Linguistics, Grammati cal Class, Meaning), others are useful (Biblio-
graphy, Semantic Field, Notes and Commentary).
c) Table of morphological modifiers.
d) Table of morphological analysis, where the results are written and stored.
The process applies the Rules which explain the formation and mor-
phological development of the words. Thi s means that they describe
the behaviour of each one of the grammati cal classes. AMU, faced
with a PMD, applies the rules. When it is seen that the rules of a
grammati cal class are followed in the PMD, AMU assigns the appro-
priate grammati cal class to it and, by analysis of the PMD, it will
explain its morphology.
AMU proposes several levels of analysis, runni ng from a simple
one, if the PMD matches one of the entries in the Lexicon, to the
formation of possible nouns, gentilics or names of professions, through
detailed analysis of nominal and verbal forms.
The specialist has to make multiple tests before accepting the
analyser. Moreover, the analyser should be tested by other special-
ists, who will be asked to try to find morphological rules which have
not been taken into account.
The analyses made by the analyser, after preliminary refinement,
will enable the possible relationships between analysis and text to be
established. I n other words, the specialist has to be able to assign
an analysis of each word in all the texts or at least select a limited
number of them as possible.
From then on, when the user asks for a text he will have access
to the analysis of each word making up that text, and by means of
that analysis, to each of their components: a file of prefixes, suffixes,
etc., and the lexicon where the Roots and Stems are stored. The
most i mportant result of the third modul e will be the Concordance of
Ugantic Roots (Concordancia de Rakes Ugarticas or CRU).
The fourth module, 'from word to sentence', will deal with syntax.
It has begun with a file in which simple syntagms are compiled, i.e.
groups of two or more words which have a special meani ng, as
accepted by colleagues. Each element of such a syntagm is connected
with the correspondi ng roots and stems of the lexicon ( C u n c h i l l o s
1996b). Later on, the patterns of Semi ti c syntax proposed by
B r o c k e l ma n n (1967) and other authors will be used.
2 Conclusions
I n fact, it is a matter of following the process of recognition of a
text by a specialist ( C u n c h i l l o s 1996a) and making as automatic as
possible. I nformati on already published is also being included. The
goal is the construction of a computer environment which will serve
as a tool or set of tools for the specialist ( C u n c h i l l o s 1997) .
The Integrated System of Morphological Analysis of Ugaritic Texts (Sistema
Integrado de Anlisis Morfolgicu de Textos Ugariticos or SIAMTU) will
contain:
a) A complete Ugaritic lexicon, kept up to date and linked to each
text where the root occurs; b) the Morphological Analyser; c) all
the previous works ( C u n c h i l l o s 1998a, 1998b, 1998c; C u n c h i l l o s
- C e r v i g n 1998; C u n c h i l l o s - G a l n 1997; C u n c h i l l o s - S i ab r a
1998; C u n c h i l l o s - V i t a 1993a, 1999).
The Data bank may be put at the disposal of colleagues both by
means of CD- ROM and on the I nternet, thus improving the meth-
ods and efficiency of the specialist.
(Translation: W. G . E . W a t s o n )
3


s

CO
<U
3


S
REFERENCES
I A BBREV I A T I ONS: R E F E R E NCE WOR K S
ABD D.N. FREEDMAN (ed.) The Anchor Bible dictionary 6 volumes (New York:
Doubleday 1992).
AEL E.W. L ANE An Arabic-English Lexicon (London, Edinburgh: Williams &
Norgate 1863-93) (repr. ' Cambridge 1984).
AHw W. VON SODEN Akkadisches Handwrterbuch 3 volumes (Wi esbaden:
Harrassowitz 1965-81).
ANEP J .B. PRI TCHARD The ancient Near East in pictures relating to the Old Testament
(Princeton NJ : Princeton University Press 1969'
2
).
ANET J .B. PRI TCHARD (ed.) Ancient Near Eastern texts relating to the Old Testament
(Princeton NJ : Princeton University Press 1969
3
).
A A . COWL EY Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Centuiy BC (Oxford: Clarendon
1923).
ARET Archivi reali di Ebla, Testi.
BDB F. BROWN - S. R . DRI VER - C.A. BRI GGS (eds) A Hebrew and English
Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford: Clarendon 1906).
BHS Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia.
CAD I J . GEL B et al. (eds) The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the
Univemty of Chicago (Chicago IL: Chicago Oriental Institute; Glckstadt:
J . and J . Augustin Verlag, 1956).
CAH I . E. S. EDWARDS - C. J . GA DD - N . G. L . HAMMOND (eds) The Cambridge
ancient history (3rd edition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
1970-).
CARTU J . C . DE MOOR - K . SPRONK A Cuneiform anthology of religious texts from
Ugarit. Autographed texts and glossaries ( SSS 6, Leiden: Brill 1987) .
CAT see KTU'.
CHD H . G . GTERBOCK - H. A . HOFFNER (eds) The Hittite Dictionary of the Oriental
Institute of the University of Chicago (Chicago IL: Chicago Oriental Institute,
1980).
CIS Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum (Paris: Klincksieck 1881).
CML Canaanite Myths and Legends (DRI VER 1956, GI BSON 1978) .
CPU J .-L. CUNCHI L I .OS J .-P. VI TA Concordancia de palabras ugarticas en mor-
fologa desplegada. Banco de datas filolgicos semiticos noroccidentales (BDFSN).
Datas ugariticos (3 vols., Madrid, Zaragoza: CSI C, Institucin Fernando
el Catlico 1995).
CS W.W. HA L L O (with K.L. Y OUNGER J r) The context of scripture. Vol. 1
Canonical compositions from the biblical world (Leiden: Brill 1997).
CTA A . HERDNER Corpus des tablettes en cuniformes alphabtiques dcouvertes Ras
Shamra-Ugarit de 1929 1939 2 volumes (BAH 79, MRS 10, Paris:
I mprimerie Nationale, Geuthner 1963).
CTA (Roman) used for text references.
CTH . L AROCHE Catalogue des textes hittites (Etudes et commentaires 75, Paris:
Klincksieck 1971).'
DBS Supplment au Dictionnaire de la Bible.
(Supplement 9, Paris: Letouzey and An 1979. Cols. 1124-1466 on
Ras Shamra (Ugarit), E. J ACOB H. CAZEL I .ES (eds); articles by J . - C .
COURTOI S et al.
DDI) . VAN DER TOORN - . BECKI NG - P . W. VAN DER HORST (eds) Dictionary
of deities and demons in the Bible (Leiden: Brill 1995). 2nd edition 1999.
DLU G. DEL OL MO L ETE - J . SANMART N (eds) Diccionario de la lengua ugaritica
(AuOrS 7 vol. 1, Barcelona: AUSA 1996).
DNIVSI J . HOFTI J ZER - K. J ONGEL I NG Dictionary of the Northwest Semitic Inscriptions
2 volumes (HdO I 21, Leiden: Brill 1995).
GAG W. VON SODEN Grundri der akkadischm Grammatik (AnOr 3, Rome: Pontifical
Biblical Institute 1995
3
.
HALOT L. K OEHL ER - W. BAUMGARTNER Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old
Testament (rev. W. BAUMGARTNER - J . J . STAMM, ET M . E J . RI CHARDSON
Leiden: Brill 19944 vols.).
H. DONNER - W. RL L I G Kanaanische und Aramische Inschriften 3 vol-
umes (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz 1962-4).
KAI (Roman) used for references.
KRI K.A. K I TCHEN Ramesside Inscriptions: historical and biographical 7 volumes
(Oxford: Blackwell 1968-90).
KTU KTU
1
= M . DI ETRI CH - O. L ORETZ - J . SANMART N Die keilalphabeti-
schen Texte aus Ugarit (AOAT 24/1, Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener
Verlag; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon and Bercker 1976).
KTU
2
= M . DI ETRI CH - O. L ORETZ J . SANMART N The Cuneiform alpha-
betic texts from Ugarit, Ras Ibn Hani and other places ( A L A SP 8, Mnster:
Ugarit-Verlag 1995). (also cited as CAT)
KTU (Roman) used for text references.
LA W. HF.LCK - E. OT T O (eds) Lexikon der gyptologie 6 volumes (Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz).
MSL Materials for the Sumerian lexicon: a reconstruction of Sumerian and Akkadian lex-
ical lists:
MSL 3. R. HAL L OCK et al. Das Syllabar ADas Vokabular S" Das
Vokabular S
b
Berichtigungen und Nachtrge zu MSL II -Indices zu
MSL II (Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute 1955).
MSL 10. . L ANDSBERGER - . REI NER (with the collaboration of
M . CI VI L ) The series 'HAR-ra = hubullu', tablets XVI, XVII, XIX
and related texts (Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute 1970).
W. BEY ERLI N et al. (eds) Near eastern religious texts relating to the Old Testament
(London: SCM, 1978). ET of Religionsgeschichtliches Textbuch zum Alten
Testament (Grundrisse zum Alten Testament, ATD Ergnzungsreihe 1,
Gttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht 1975).
Palais royal d'Ugarit:
PRU 2. C . VI ROL L EAUD Textes en cuniformes alphabtiques des archives est,
ouest et du petit palais (MRS 7, Paris: I mprimerie Nationale,
Klincksieck 1965).
PRU 3. J . NOUGAY ROL Textes accadiens et hourrites des archives est, ouest et
centrales (MRS 6, Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, Klincksieck 1955).
PRU 4. J . NOUGAY ROL Textes accadiens des archives sud (MRS 9, Paris:
I mprimerie Nationale, Klincksieck 1956).
PRU 5. C . VI ROL L EAUD Textes en cuniformes alphabtiques des archives sud,
sud-ouest et centrales (MRS 11, Paris: I mprimerie Nationale,
Klincksieck 1965).
PRU 6. J . NOUGAY ROL Textes en cuniformes babyloniennes des archives du
grand palais et du palais sud d'Ugarit (MRS 12, Paris: I mprimerie
Nationale, Klincksieck 1970).
RIA EDZARD, D. O. et al. (eds) Reallexikon der Assyriologie (Berlin, New York:
de Gruyter 1932- ) .
RPOA R. IVLBAT et al. Les religions du Proche-Orient asiatique: textes babyloniens, ougari-
tiques, hittites (Paris: Cerf, 1970).
NERT
PRU
RSO Ras-Shamra Ougarit:
R S O 1. O. CAL L OT Une maison Ougarit, tudes d'architecture domestique
(Paris: ERC 1983).
R S O 2. D. PARDEE Les textes hippiatriques (Paris: E R C 1986).
RSO 3. M. YON et al. Le centre de la ville, 38-44' campagnes (1978-1984)
(Paris: ERC 1987).
RSO 4. D. PARDEE IJS textes para-mythologiques de la 24' campagne (1961)
(Paris: E R C 1988).
R S O 5/ 1. P. BORDREUI L - D. PARDEE La trouvaille pigraphique de l'Ougarit.
1 Concordance (Paris: E R C 1989).
R S O 5/ 2. J .-L. CUNCHI L L OS La trouvaille pigraphique de l'Ougarit. 2 Bib-
liographie (Paris: E R C 1990).
R S O 6. M . Y ON (ed.) Arts et industries de la pierre (Paris: E R C 1991).
R S O 7. BORDREUI L, P. et al. Une bibliothque au sud de la ville. Les textes
de la 34' campagne (1973) (Paris: ERC 1991).
R S O 8. H. DE CONTENSON Prhistoire de Ras Shamra, les sondages strati-
graphiques de 1955 1976 2 volumes (Paris: E R C 1992).
R S O 9. P. AMI ET Corpus des cylindres de Ras ShamraOugarit II. Sceaux-
cylindres en hmatite et pierres diverses (Paris: ERC 1992).
R S O 10. O. CAL L OT La tranche 'ville sud'. Etudes d'architecture domestique
(Paris: ERC 1994).
R S O 11. M . Y ON M . SZNY CER P. BORDREUI L (eds) Le pays d'Ougarit
autour de 1200 av. J.-C. Actes du Colloque International de Paris,
28 juin-1er juillet 1993 (Paris: ERC 1995).
R S O 12. D. PARDEE Les textes rituels (Paris: E R C in press).
RSP L . R. FI SHER et al. (eds) Ras Shamra Parallels (vol. 3 S. RUMMEL ed.)
(3 volumes: AnOr 49-51, Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute 1972-81).
TEO = RSO 5/1.
TO Textes ougariliques
TO 1. A . CAQUOT - M . SZNY CER - A . HERDNER Textes Ougariliques v
Mythes et lgendes (LAPO 7, Paris: Cerf 1974).
TO 2. A. CAQUOT J . - M . DE TARRAGON - J .-L. CUNCHI L L OS Textes
Ougaritiques ii: Textes religieux et rituels; Correspondance (LAPO 14,
Paris: Cerf 1989).
TUAT R. BORGER et al. (eds) Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testament (Gtersloh:
Mohn 1982-).
Ug Ugaritica:
Ugaritica. C. F . - A . SCHAEFFER Etudes relatives aux dcouvertes de Ras Shamra
( B A H 31, M R S 3, Paris: Geuthner 1939).
Ugaritica 2. C. F . - A . SCHAEFFER .Nouvelles tudes relatives aux dcouvertes de
Ras Shamra (BAH 47, MRS 5, Paris: Geuthner 1949).
Ugaritica 3. C.F.-A. SCHAEFFER Sceaux et cylindres hittites, pe grave du car-
touche de Mineptah, tablettes chypro-minoennes et autres dcouvertes
nouvelles de Ras Shamra (BAH 64, MRS 8, Paris: Geuthner
1956).
Ugaritica 4. C.F.-A. SCHAEFFER Dcouvertes des XVIII' et XIX' campagnes
1954 1955. Fondements prhistoriques d'Ugarit et nouveaux sondages.
Etudes anthropologiques (BAH 74, MRS 15, Paris: Geuthner
1962).
Ugaritica 5. J . NOUGAY ROL - E. L AROCHE - C . VI ROL L EAUD - C. F . - A .
SCHAEFFER Nouveaux textes accadiens, hourrites et ugaritiques des
archives et bibliothques prives d'Ugarit. Commentaire des textes
(premire partie) (BAH 80, MRS 16, Paris: Geuthner 1968).
Ugaritica 6. C. F . - A . SCHAEFFER (ed.) ( B A H 81, M R S 17, Paris: Geuthner
1969).
Ugaritica 7. C.F.-A. SCHAEFFER (ed.) (BAH 99, M R S 18, Paris: Geuthner
1978).
UT C.H. GORDON Ugaritic Textbook (AnOr 38, Rome: Pontifical Biblical
Institute 1969).
UT (Roman) used for text references.
WUS J . AI STLF.I TNER Wrterbuch der ugaritischen Sprache edited by . EI SSFELDT
(BVSAWL Phil.-Hist. Klasse 106 Heft 3, Berlin: Akademie Verlag 1963',
1965
2
, 1967
3
, 1974
4
).
I I A BBREV I A T I ONS: SERI ES A ND PERI ODI CA L S
AAA S Annales Archologiques Arabes Syriennes
AASOR Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research
AB Anchor Bible
ABAW Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften,
philosophisch-historische klasse
Abr-Nah Abr-Nahrain
ACF Annuaire du Collge de France
AEPHE Annuaire de l'Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes (Section des sciences
religieuses)
A F Anuari de Filologia
AoF Altorientalische Forschungen
AJO Archiv fiir Orientforschung
AGI Archivio glottologico italiano
A ION Annali dell'Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli
AI ONS AION Supplements
AJA American Journal of Archaeology
ALASP Abhandlungen zur Literatur AltSyrienPalstinas und Meso-
potamiens
ALBO Analecta Lovaniensia Biblica et Orientalia
ANLR Accademia Nazionale dei Lined. Rendiconti. Classe di Scienze morali, storiche
e lologiche
AnOr Analecta Orientalia
AnSt Anatolian Studies
AntSem Antiquits smitiques
AOAT Alter Orient und Altes Testament
AOS American Oriental Society Series
ARM(T) Archives Royales de Mari (Textes)
Ar Or Archiv 0rientln
AS' Acta Sumerologica
ATD Das Alte Testament Deutsch
ATSAT Arbeiten zu Text und Sprache im Alten Testament
AuOr Aula Orientalis
AuOrS AuOr Supplementa
BA Biblical Archaeologist
BAH Bibliothque Archologique et Historique
BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research
BASORSS BASOR Supplementary Series
BBVO Berliner Beitrge zum Vorderen Orient
BCSMS Bulletin of the Canadian Society for Mesopotamian Studies
BieOr Bibbia e Oriente
BiOr Biblica et Orientalia
BLE Bulletin de Littrature Ecclsiastique
BM Bibliotheca Mesopotamica
BMECJ Bulletin of the Middle Eastern Culture Center of Japan
BN Biblische Notizen
BO Bibliotheca Orientalis
BRA Beitrge zum Religionsgeschichte des Altertums
BSA Bulletin on Sumerian Agriculture
BSOAS Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies
BVSAWL Berichte ber die Verhandlungen der Schsischen Akademie der
Wissenschaft zu Leipzig
BZAW Beihefte zur ^/HF
CI S Copenhagen I nternational Seminar
CRAIBL Comptes Rendus de l'Acadmie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres
CRB Cahiers de la RB
CSF Collezione di Studi Fenici
DdA Dialoghi di Archeologia
El
Eretz Israel
ELRA European Languages Resources Association
EPROER Etudes prliminaires aux religions orientales dans l'empire romain
FARG Forschungen zur Anthropologie und Religionsgeschichte
FAT Forschungen zum Alten Testament
FCT Fronteras de la Ciencia y la Tecnologa
FuF Forschungen und Fortschritte
GLECS Groupe linguistique d'tudes Chamito-Smitiques
GM Gttinger Miszellen
HANES History of the ancient Near East series
HdO Handbuch der Orientalistik
HEO Hautes tudes orientales
HKA Handbuch der Klassischen Altertumswissenschaft
HOS Handbook of Oriental Studies
HSM Harvard Semitic Monographs
HSS Harvard Semitic Studies
HTR Harvard Theological Review
HUCA Hebrew Union College Annual
HZ
Historische Zntscbrijl
IEJ Israel Exploration Journal
IF Indogermanische Forschungen
IV
Indo-Iranian Journal
1LR Israel Law Review
IOS Israel Oriental Studies
JA
Journal Asiatique
JAMES Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society
JA OS Journal of the American Oriental Society
JBL Journal of Biblical Literature
JCS Journal of Cundform Studies
JEOL Jaarbericht Ex Oriente Lux
JESHO Journal of the Social and Economic History of the Orient
JHC Journal of Higher Criticism
JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies
JNSL Journal of Northwest Semitic languages
JPOS Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society
JOR
Jewish Quarterly Review
J QRS Jewish Quarterly Review Supplement
JRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
J SOTS JSOT Supplements
JSS Journal of Semitic Studies
JSSEi Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities
J SSM JSS Monographs
JTS Journal of Theological Studies
KBo Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazki
LAPO Littratures anciennes du Proche-Orient
MARI Mari: Annales des Recherches Interdisciplinaires
MCAAS Memoirs of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences
MDOG Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellscha
MI Materiali Lescali ed Epigrafia
MRS Mission de Ras Shamra
MUSJ Mmoires de l'Universit St Joseph (Beirut)
MVAeG Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Aegyptischen Gessellschaft
NABU Nouvelles Assyriologiques Brves et Utilitaires
NUS Newsletter for Ugaritic Studies
OA Oriens Antiquus
OAC Orientis Antiqui Collectio
OAM Orientis Antiqui Miscellanea
OBO Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis
OE Orient-Express
OLA Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta
OLP Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica
OLZ
Orientalistische Literaturzeitung
Or Orientalia
OrSuec Orientalia Suecana
OTS Oudtestamentische Studien
PEQ Palestine Exploration Quarterly
PMS H Proceedings of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities
PIBA Proceedings of the Irish Biblical Association
POS Pretoria Oriental Series
PRU Palais Royal d'Ugarit
QP
Quaderni di Semitistica
RA Revue d'Assyriologie
RB Revue Biblique
RdE Revue d'Egyptologie
RGTC Rpertoire Gographique des Textes Cuniformes
RHA Revue hittite et asianique
RUR Revue de l'Histoire des Religions
RRANL Rendiconti dlia Reale Accademia Nazionale dei Linen
RSF Rivista di studi fenici
RSO Ras ShamraOugarit
RSO Rivista degli Studi Orientait
SAK Studien zur Altgyptischen Kultur
SBLDS Society of Biblical Literature dissertation series
SBLWAWS Society of Biblical Literature writings from the ancient world series
SBS Stuttgarter Bibel-Studien
SCCNH Studies in the culture and civilization of Nuzi and the Hurrians
SCHANE Studies in the history and culture of the ancient Near East
SCO Studi Classici e Orientait
SE Sussidi Eruditi
SEL Studi epigrafici e linguistici sut Vicino Oriente antico
SGKAO Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des Vorderen Orients
SI MA Studies in Mediterranean archaeology
SM Studia mediterranea
SMEA Studi micenei ed egeo anatolici
SMSR Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni
SP Studia Pohl
SP1B
SS
SSR
SSS
ST
St BoT
StPh
SVT
TA
TCS
TSO
TWA
UBL
UCOP
UF
VDI
VO
VSKMB
VT
WA
WO
WZG
WZKM
ZA
ZS
ZA W
ZDMG
ZDPV
ZNV
AO
AT
BCE
CK
DAPT
DN
EA
ET
GN
Hitt.
IAA
KL
LBA
LH
MBA
ME
Msk
NS
PAM
PN
RI H
Scripta Pontifici Instituti Biblici
Studi Semitici
Studi Storico-Religiosi
Semitic Studies Series
Studia Theologica
Studien zu den Bogazky-Texten
Studia Phoenicia
Supplements to VT
Tel Aviv
Texts from cuneiform sources
Texte und Studien der Orientalistik
Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters
Ugaritisch-biblische Literatur
University of Cambridge Oriental Publications
Ugarit-Forschungen
Vestnik Drevney Istorii
Vicino Oriente
Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmler der kniglichen Museen zu Berlin
Vetus Testamentum
World Archaeology
Die Welt des Orients
Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Ernst Moritz Arndt-Universitt Greifswald
(Gesellschafts- und Sprachwissenschaftliche Reihe)
Wiener Zuschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes
Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie
Zeitschrift fr gyptische Sprache
Zeitschrift fr die Alltestamentliche Wissenschaft
Zeitschrift der Deutsche Morgenlndischen Gesellschaft
Zeitschrift des deutschen Palstinvereins
Zeitschrift fur die Neutestamenlliche Wissenschaft
I I I A BBREV I A T I ONS: GE NE R A L
Louvre catalogue prefix: 'Antiquits Orientales'
Alalakh Text
before the common era
unpublished text in a private collection
Deir Alia Plaster Texts
divine name
El Amarna
English translation
geographical name
Hittite
Israel Antiquities Authority, J erusalem
Kamid el-Lz/Kumidi, Muse Nationale de Beyrouth
Late Bronze Age
Late Helladic
Middle Bronze Age
Meskene-Emar
Meskene
new series
Palestine Archaeological Museum, J erusalem
personal name
Ras ibn Hani
RAI Recontre Assyriologique I nternationale
RN royal name
RS Ras Shamra
RSL Ras Shamra Louvre (museum number)
TN toponym
TT Tell Taanak, Concordia Seminary, St Louis Mo.
TU Texto(s) ugartico(s)
Ur Urartian
I V BI BL I OGRA PHY OF WOR K S CI T E D
AARTUN, .
1968
1974
1978
1984
1985
1991
ABOUD, J .
1994
AHARONI , Y .
1953
AHL , S.W.
1973
AI STLEI TNER, J .
Beitrge zum ugaritischen Lexikon, WO 4:278-99.
Die Partikeln des Ugaritischen 1. Teil (AOAT 21/1, Kevelaer: Butzon
and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener-Verlag).
Die Partikeln des Ugaritischen 2. Teil (AOAT 21/2, Kevelaer: Butzon
and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener-Verlag).
Neue Beitrge zum ugaritischen Lexikon I, UF 16:1-52.
Neue Beitrge zum ugaritischen Lexikon II, UF 17:1-47.
Studien zur ugaritischen Lexikographie. Teil I: Bume, Tiere, Gerche, Gtterepitheta,
Gtternamen, Verbalbegriffe (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz).
Die Rolle des Knigs und seiner Familie, nach den Texten von Ugarit (FARG
27, Mnster: Ugarit-Verlag).
The Land of 'Amqi, IEJ 3:153-61.
Epistolary texts from Ugarit: structural and lexical correspondences in epistles in
Akkadian and Ugaritic (Brandeis University PhD Diss., Ann Arbor MI :
UMI ).
1939
1964
1974
AI TKEN, K . T .
1987
Die Nikkal-Hymne aus Ras-Schamra, Z
D M G
93:52-9.
Die mythologischen und kultischen Texte aus Ras Schamra 2nd edition (Budapest:
Akadmiai Kiad).
WUS.
Formulaic patterns for the passing of time in Ugaritic narrative, UF
19:1-10.
Oral formulaic composition and theme in the Aqhat narrative, UF
21:1-16.
Word pairs and tradition in an Ugaritic tale, UF 21:17-38.
The Aqhat narrative. A study in the narrative structure and composition of an
Ugaritic tale (J SSM 13, Manchester: J ournal of Semitic Studies).
AL BRI GHT, W. F .
1931-2 The Syro-Mesopotamian god u1man-Emun and related figures, AfO
7:164-9.
Archaeological news from Syria, BASOR 54:24-7.
Palestine in the earliest historical period, JPOS 15:193-234.
New Caananite historical and mythological data, BASOR 63:3-33.
Two letters from Ugarit (Ras Shamra), BASOR 82:46-9.
The 'natural force' of Moses in the light of Ugaritic, BASOR 94:32-5.
Specimens of late Ugaritic prose, BASOR 150:61-66.
1989a
1989b
1990
1934
1935
1936
1941
1944
1958
AL L AN, R.
Forthcoming Now that summer's gone: understanding qz in KTU 1.24, SEL.
AL P, S.
1991
ALTENMLLER,
1991
AL TER, R.
1985
ALTMAN, .
1975
Hethitische Briefe aus Mashat-Hyk (Ankara: Trk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi).
H . - MOUSSA, A . M .
Die Inschrift Amenemhats II aus dem Ptah-Tempel von Memphis.
Ein Vorbericht, SAK 18:1-48.
The art of biblical poetry (New York: Basic Books).
Was Ugarit ever subject to the eighteenth-dynasty pharaohs? Bar-Ilan
University Yearbook 13:1-16. (Hebrew with English Summary).
A letter sent by Suppiluliuma I, king of Hatti, to Niqmadu II, king
of Ugarit, and its historical and juridical significance, Annual of the Bar
Ilan University, Studies in Judaica and the Humanities 20 21:322 48 (Hebrew
with English Summary).
'The deliverance moti f' in the 'historical prologues' of Suppiluliuma
I's vassal treaties, 41-76 in P. ARTZI (ed.) Confrontation and co-existence
(Bar-Ilan Studies in History 2, Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press).
AMADASI , M . G .
1965 L'iconografia del carro da guerra in Siria e Palestina (Rome: Guzzo).
AMI CO, E. A .
The Status of Women at Ugarit (Ann Arbor MI : UMI ).
1983
1984
1989
AMI ET, P.
1992
1995
ARCHI , A .
1986
1987
1988
1996
ARCHI , A .
1988
(ed.;
ARNAUD, D.
1974
1975
1979
1981
1982a
1982b
1984
1985-7
1986-7
1991a
RSO 9.
Les sceaux-cylindres de Ras Shamra au II
e
millnaire, 239-44 in
RSO 11.
Die ersten zehn Knige von Ebla, 76:213-7.
Ugarit dans les textes d'Ebla, RA 81:186-7.
Cult of the ancestors and tutelary god at Ebla, 103-12 in Y.L.
ARBEI TMAN (ed.) Fucus. A Semitic / Afrasian gathering in remembrance of Albert
Ehrman (Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 58, Amsterdam, Philadel-
phia: Benjamins).
Chronologie relative des archives d'Ebla, Amurru 1:11-28.
L
)
Eblaite personal names and Semitic name-giving. Papers of a symposium held in
Rome July 15-17, 1985 (ARES I, Rome: Missione Archeologica Italiana
in Siria).
Notes brves, RA 68:190.
Les textes d'Emar et la chronologie de la fin du Bronze Rcent, Syria
52:87-92.
La culture sumro-accadienne, en 'Ras Shamra', SDB 9: 1348- 59.
Humbles et superbes Emar (Syrie) la fin de l'ge du Bronze
rcent, 1- 14 in A . CAQUOT M . DEL COR (eds) Mlanges bibliques et
orientaux en l'honneur de M. Henri Capelles (AOAT 212, Kevelaer: Butzon
and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener-Verlag).
Les textes cuniformes sumro-accadiens des campagnes 1979- 1980
Ras Shamra-Ougarit, Syria 59:199-222.
Une lettre du roi de Tyr au roi d'Ougarit: milieux d'affaires et de
culture en Syrie la fin de l'ge du Bronze Rcent, Syria 59:101-7.
La lettre Hani 81/4 et l'identification du site de Ras Ibn Hani (Syrie),
Syria 61:15-23.
Recherches au pays d'Astata (Emar VI , 1 4, Paris: ERC).
Religion assyro-babylonienne, AEPHE 95:187-92.
Textes syriens de l'Age du Bronze Rcent (Sabadell: AUSA).
1991b Une correspondance d'affaires entre ougaritains et emariotes, 65-78
in RSO 7.
1992 Les ports de la 'Phnicie' la fin de l'ge du Bronze Rcent (XI V-XI I I
sicles) d'aprs les textes cuniformes de Syrie, SMEA 30:179-94.
1993a La Syrie au Ile millnaire: XI X'-XI F sicles av. J .-C., 138-43; Lettre
de Beia, chef des gardes du corps du pharaon, au roi 'Ammurapi
d'Ugarit, 248-9 in Cluzan, S. et al. (eds) Syrie, Mmoire et Civilisation,
Catalogue d'exposition, Institut du Monde Arabe (Paris: Flammarion).
1993b J ours et mois d'Ugarit, SMEA 32:123-9.
1994 Relecture de la liste sacrificielle RS 26.142, SMEA 32:107-9.
1995a L'incantation ougaritique contre le 'Feu', AuOr 13:137-9.
1995b Le vocabulaire de l'hritage dans les textes du moyen-Euphrate la
fin de l'ge du Bronze Rcent, SEL 12:21-6.
1996 tudes sur Alalah et Ougarit l'ge du Bronze Rcent, SMEA 37:47-65.
1997 Prolgomnes la rdaction d'une histoire d'Ougarit I. Ougarit avant
Suppiluliuma 1er, SMEA 39:151-61.
ARNAUD, D. - K ENNEDY , D.
1979 Les textes en cuniformes syllabiques dcouverts en 1977 Ibn Hani,
Syria 56:317-24.
ARNAUD, D. - SALVI NI , M .
1991-2 Le divorce du roi Ammistamru d'Ougarit: Un document redcou-
vert, Semitica 41 42:7-22.
A RO, J .
1971 Review of GR0NDA HL 1967, A 61: 172- 4.
ASTOUR, M . C .
1965 New evidence on the last days of Ugarit, AJA 69:253-8.
1966 Some new divine names from Ugarit, JAOS 86:279-82.
1967 Hellenosemitica (Leiden: Brill, 2nd edition).
1968 Two Ugaritic serpent charms, JNES 27:13-36.
1969 The partition of the confederacy of Muki-Nuhae-Nii by Suppiluliuma:
a study in the political geography of the Amarna age, Or 38:381-
414.
1970a Ma'hadu, the harbor of Ugarit, JESHO 13:113-27.
1970b Toponyms in the Hurrian alphabetic tablet RS 24.285, UF 2:1-6.
1971 A letter and two economic texts, 23- 9 in FI SHER (ed.) 1971.
1972a The Merchant Class of Ugarit, 11-26 in EDZARD D . O. (ed.) Gesell-
schaftsklassen im Alten Zweistrmland (XVIII RAI) (Munich: ABAW NF
Heft 75).
1972b Some recent works on ancient Syria and the Sea People, JAOS 92:
447-59.
1973a A North Mesopotamian locale of the Keret Epic?, UF 5:29-39.
1973b Ugarit and the Aegean, 17-27 in HOFFNER (ed.) 1973.
1974 Place names, 249- 369 in FI SHER RSP 2.
1977 Continuit et changement dans la toponymie de la Syrie du Nord,
117-41 in La Toponymie Antique: Actes du Colloque de Strasbourg, 12-14
Juin 1975 (Universit des Sciences Humaines de Strasbourg, Travaux
du Centre de Recherche sur le Proche-Orient de la Grce Antique
4, Leiden: Brill).
1978 Les Hourrites en Syrie du nord: rapport sommaire, RHA 36:1-22.
1979 The kingdom of Siyannu-Unatu, UF 11:13-28.
1980a King Ammurapi and the Hittite Princess, UF 12:103-8.
1980b North Syrian toponyms derived from plant names, 3-8 in G. R . RENDS-
BURG et al. (eds) 1980.
1981a Les frontires et les districts du royaume d'Ugarit (lments de topogra-
phie historique rgionale), UF 13:1-12.
1981b Ugarit and the Great Powers, 3-29 in G.D. Y OUNG 1981.
1981c Toponymie parallels between the Nuzi area and northern Syria, SCCNH
1:11-26.
1987 Semites and Hurrians in northern Transtigris, SCCNH 2:3-68.
1988 Remarks on K T U 1.96, 13- 24 in P. XEL L A (ed.) Cananea selecla (Fest-
schrift fr Oswald Loretz zum 60. Geburtstag) = SEL 5.
1989 Hittite history and absolute chronology of the Bronze Age (Partille, Sweden:
Paul Astrom forlag).
1995 La topographie du royaume d'Ougarit, 55-71 in RSO 11.
STROM, P. (ed.)
1987 High, middle or low? Acts of an international colloquium on absolute chronology
(Gothenburg: Paul Astrom lorlag).
AUERBACH, .
1991 Heirloom seals and political legitimacy in Late Bronze Age Syria,
Akkadica 74-75:19-36.
AVI SHUR, Y .
1972 Addenda to the expanded colon in Ugaritic and biblical Verse, UF
4:1-10.
1973 drky hzrh bmspry hllmwt (10, 7, 3) bmqr' wbsprwt hmyt hqdwmh [Hebr.
The forms of repetition of numbers indicating wholeness (3, 7, 10)],
Beer-Sheba 1:1-55.
1978 Tephilah le Ba'al me Ugari t. . . (Hebr.), Shnaton 3:254-62.
1981a The Ghost-Expelling I ncantation from Ugarit (Ras I bn Hani 78/20),
UF 13:13-25.
1981b tqbwlwt hmsprym bmqr' wbsprwt hmyt l hmzr hqdmwn [Hebr.; Number
parallelism in the Bible and ancient Near Eastern literature], 1-9 in
Seventh World Congress of Jewish Studies (J erusalem: Magnes).
1984 Stylistic Studies of Word Pairs in Biblical and Ancient Semitic literatures (AOAT
210, Kevelaer: Butzon and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener-
Verlag).
1994 Studies in Hebrew and Ugaritic Psalms (J erusalem: Magnes).
AVI SHUR, Y . - BLAU, J . (eds)
1978 Studies in the Bible and the ancient Near East Presented to S.E. Loewenstamm
on his seventieth birthday (J erusalem: E. Rubinstein's Publishing House).
BADRE, L . - BORDREUI L, P. MUDARRES, J . - AJ J AN, L . VI TAL E, R.
1976 Notes ougaritiques I. Keret, Syria 53:95-125.
BALDACCI , M .
1996 La scoperta di Ugarit. Li dtt-stato ai primordi delta Bibbia (Casale Monferrato:
Piemme).
BARDET, G. - J OANNES, F. - LAFONT, B. SOUBEY RAN, D. VI LLARD, P.
1984 Archives administratifs de Mari I (ARM 23, Paris: ERC).
BARTH, J .
1894 Zur vergleichenden semitischen Grammatik, II: zu den Vokalen der
Imperfect-Prfixe, </6' 48:4-6.
BARTON, G. A .
1940 Danel: a pre-Israelite hero of Galilee, 29 37 in M - J LAGRANGE, (ed.)
Mmorial Lagrange (Paris: Gabalda) - JBL 60 (1941) 213- 25.
BAUER, H .
1930a Die Entzifferung einer neuen Keilschrift, Die Vossische Zeitung, No. 4,
(4 J une) (Das Unterhaltungsblatt).
1930b Die Entzifferung des Keilschriftsalphabets von Ras Schamra, FuF 6:306-7.
1930c Entzifferung des Keilschrifttafeln von Ras Schamra (Halle: Niemeyer Verlag).
1930d Zum Alphabet von Ras Shamra, OLZ 33: cols. 1062-63.
1932 Das Alphabet von Ras Schamra: seine Entzifferung und seine Gestalt (Halle:
Niemeyer Verlag).
1937a Der Ursprung des Alphabets (Der Alte Orient 36, Leipzig: J .C. Hinrichs).
1937b Zur Entzifferung der Keilschrift von Ras Schamra, OL? 40: cols. 81-3.
BEAL , R H .
1992 The organization of the Hittite military (Texte der Hethiter 20, Heidel-
berg: Carl Winter Universittsverlag).
VON BECKERATH, J .
1994a Chronologie des gyptischen Neuen Reiches (Hildesheimer gyp-
tologische Beitrge 39, Hildesheim: Gerstenberg).
1994b Zur Datierung Ramses' II, GM 142:55-6.
BECKMAN, G.
1995 Hittite provincial administration in Anatolia and Syria: The view
from Maat and Emar, 19- 37 in O. CARRUBA et al. (eds) Atti del II
Congresso Intemazionale di Hittitologia (SM 9, Pavia: Gianni Iuculano).
1996a Family values on the middle Euphrates in the thirteenth century
BCE, 57-79 in M . W. CHAVAL AS (ed.) Emar: the history, religion, and cul-
ture of a Syrian town in the Late Bronze Age (Bethesda MD: CDL Press).
1996b Texts from the vicinity of Emar in the collection of Jonathan Rosen (Padua:
Sargon srl).
1996c Hittite diplomatic texts (SBLWAW 7, Atlanta GA: Scholars Press).
1996d Akkadian documents from Ugarit, 26-8 in A.B. K NA PP (ed.) Sources
for the history of Cyprus, Vol. II: Near Eastern and Aegean texts from the
third to the first millennia BC (Altamont NY: Greece and Cyprus Research
Center).
BEI TZEL , B J .
1997 Did Zimri-Lim play a role in developing the use of tin-bronze in
Palestine?, 121- 44 in G.D. Y OUNG - M . W. CHAVAL AS - R. E .
AVERBECK (eds) Crossing Boundaries and Linking Horizons (Studies in Honor
of Michael C. Astour on His 80th Birthday) (Bethesda MD: CDL Press).
BEN-BARAK , Z.
1980 I nheritance by Daughters in the Ancient Near East, JSS 25:22-33.
1988 The legal status of the daughter as heir in Nuzi and Emar, 87-97
i n HEL TZER - LI PI NSKI 1988.
BEN- HORI N, M . - WEI NRY B, B . D. - ZEI TL I N, S.
1962 Studies and essays in honor of A.A. Neumann (Leiden: Brill, for Dropsie
College, Philadelphia).
BERGER, P . R.
1969 Die A1aia-Briefe Ugaritica V Noug. Nrn. 22-24, UF 1:217-21.
1969-70 Review of GRONDAHL 1967, WO 5:271-82.
1970a Zu den 'akkadischen' Briefen in Ugaritica V, UF 2:285-93.
1970b Zum ugaritischen Wrterbuch, I, UF 2:339.
BERL I N, A .
1983 Parallel word pairs: a linguistic explanation, UF 15:7-16.
BERNHARDT, . .
1956 Anmerkungen zur Interpretation des KRT-Textes von Ras Schamra-
Ugarit, W%G (Ges. und sprachwissenschaftliche Reihe Nr. 2/3) 5:
102-21.
1975 Ugaritische Texte, 205-43 in W. BEY ERLI N (ed.) Religionsgeschichtliches
Textbuch zum Alten Testament (Grundrisse zum Alten Testament, ATD
Ergnzungsreihe 1, Gttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht). (ET =
NERT)
BI NGER, T .
1997 Asherah. Goddesses in Ugarit, Israel and the Old Testament (J SOTS 232,
CI S 2, Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press).
BLAU, J . - LOEWENSTAMM, S. E.
1970 Zur Frage der scriptio plena im Ugaritischen und verwandtes, UF
2:19-33.
BODA, M. J .
1993 Ideal sonship in Ugarit, UF 25:9-24.
BODI NE, W. R . (ed.)
1992 Linguistics and biblical Hebrew (Winona Lake IN: Eisenbrauns).
BOESE, J . - WI L HEL M, G.
1979 Aur-dn I., Ninurta-apil-Ekur und die mittelassyrische Chronologie,
WZKM 71:19-38.
BHL , F . M . T . DE L I AGRE
1936 Oud-Babylonische mythen, JEOL 4:194-204.
BONANNO, A . (ed.)
1986 Archaeology and fertility cult in the ancient Mediterranean. Papers presented at the
First International Conference on Archaeology of the Ancient Mediterranean, the
University of Malta 2-5 September 1985 (Amsterdam: Grner).
BONECHI , M .
1993 I nomi geographici dei testi di Ebla (Rpertoire Gographique des Textes
Cuniformes 12/1, Wiesbaden: Reichert).
BONNET, C . - XEL L A, P.
1996 L'identit d'Astart-hr, 29- 46 in E. ACQUARO (ed.) Aile soglie dlia clas-
sicit. Il Mediterraneo tra tradizione e innovazione (Fs S. Moscati) vol. 1 (Pisa,
Rome).
BORDREUI L, P.
Les rcentes dcouvertes pigraphiques Ras Shamra et Ras Ibn
Hani, 43- 8 in G. D. Y OUNG 1981.
Quatre documents en cuniformes alphabtiques mal connus ou indits,
Semitica 32:5 14.
Les personnages de la lettre ougaritique, Ugaritic Handbook no. 138
(= K TU 2.14), Berytus 31:75-8.'
Les dcouvertes archologiques et pigraphiques de Ras Ibn Hani
(Syrie) en 1983: Un lot d'archives administratives, CRAIBL 398- 438.
Arrou, Ourou et Sapanou: circonscriptions administratives et gogra-
phie mythique du royaume d'Ougarit, Syria 61:1-10.
Le cylindre alphabtique d'Ougarit RS 17.25, CRAIBL 292-8.
Dcouvertes pigraphiques rcentes Ras Ibn Hani et Ras Shamra,
CRAIBL 289-301.
Nouvelles restitutions de toponymes de l'Ougarit, UF 20: 9- 18.
A propos de la topographie conomique de l'Ougarit: J ardins du midi
et pturages du nord, Syria 66: 263- 74.
La citadelle sainte du Mont Nanou, Syria 66: 275- 9.
Les tablettes alphabtiques de Ras Shamra et de Ras Ibn Hani ( 1986
1992), 1- 5 i n DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1995.
Les archives de la Maison d'Ourtenu. Les textes alphabtiques, CRAIBL
446-9.
Sources et forts: propos de la gographie physique et humaine de
l'Ougarit, 59-66 in SRANDOUR, A. (ed.) Des Sumriens aux Romains
d'Orient. IM perception gographique du monde (Antiquits smitiques 11, Paris:
Maisonneuve).
Le premier mot de l'herminette inscrite dcouverte Ras Shamra en
1929: outil ou personnage?, 127 32 in DI ETRI CH KOTTSI EPER 1998.
BORDREUI L, P. (ed.)
1991 RSO 7.
1981
1982
1983
1984a
1984b
1986
1987
1988
1989a
1989b
1995a
1995b
1996
1998
BORDREUI L, P. et at.
1984 Les dcouvertes archologiques et pigraphistes de Ras I bn Hani
(Syrie) en 1983, un lot d'archives administratives, CRAIBL 1984:398-438.
BORDREUI L, P. - CAQUOT, A .
1979 Les textes cuniformes alphabtiques dcouverts en 1978 Ibn Hani,
Syria 56:306-7.
1980 Les textes en cuniformes alphabtiques dcouverts en 1978 Ibn
Hani, Syria 57:343-73.
BORDREUI L, P. - MAL BRAN-L ABAT, F.
1995 Les archives de la maison d'Ourtenou, CRAIBL 1995:443-51.
BORDREUI L, P. - PARDEE, D.
1982 Le rituel funraire ougaritique RS 34.126, Syria 59:121-8.
1989 RSO 5/1.
1991 Les textes ougaritiques, 139-68 in RSO 7.
1993 Le combat de Ba'lu avec Y ammu d'aprs les textes ougaritiques,
MARI 7:63-70.
1995a Un abcdaire du type sud-smitique dcouverte en 1988 dans les fouilles
archologiques franaises de Ras Shamra-Ougarit, CRAIBL 855-60.
1995b L'pigraphie ougaritique: 1973-1993, 27-32 in RSO 11.
BORGER, R.
1975 Handbuch der Keilschriftliteratur / - / / / (Berlin: de Gruyter).
BORNEMANN, R . E .
1970 Verbal parallelism in Ugaritic and biblical poetry (PhD Dissertation: Dropsie
College).
BOTTRO, J .
1972-5 'Abiru, RIA 4:14-27.
1974 Symptmes, signes, critures en Msopotamie ancienne, 70-196 in
J .-P. VERNANT et al. (eds) Divination et rationalit (Paris: Seuil).
1977 Textes conomiques et administratives (ARM 7, Paris: ERC).
1983 Les morts et l'au-del dans les rituels en accadien contre l'action des
'revenants', Z
A
73:153-203.
1993 L'exorcisme et le culte priv en Msopotamie, 31-9 in MATSUSHI MA 1993.
BOUNNI , A . - SALI BY , N. - L AGARCE, J . - L AGARCE, E.
1987 Ras Ibn Hani, archologie et histoire (Damascus).
BOWMAN, C . H . - COOTE, R. B.
1980 A narrative incantation for snake-bite, UF 12:135-9.
BOYD, J . L . I I I
1975 A collection and examination of the Ugaritic vocabulary contained in the Akkadian
texts from Ras Shamra (PhD Diss. University of Chicago).
BOY ER, G.
1955 Etude juridique, 281-308 in PRU 3.
BRENEMAN, J . M.
1971 Nuzi marriage tablets (Brandeis University PhD Diss.).
BRI NKMAN, J . A .
1977 Appendix: Mesopotamian chronology of the historical period, 335-48
in A . L . OPPENHEI M Ancient Mesopotamia (Chicago I L : Chicago University
Press).
BRI QUEL -CHATONNET, F. (ed.)
1996 Mosaque de langues mosaque culturelle. Le bilinguisme dans le Proche-Orient
ancien (AntSem 1, Paris: J . Maisonneuve).
BROCKELMANN, C.
1967 Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der semitischen Sprache. II Syntax (Berlin:
Reuter und Reichard 1913. Reprinted Hildesheim: Olms).
BROMI LEY , G. W. , et al. (eds)
1988 International Standard Bible Encyclopaedia. Volume Four: it (revised edi-
tion, Grand Rapids MI : Eerdmans).
BROOKE, G. J .
1979 The textual, formal and historical significance of Ugaritic Letter RS
34.124 (= K TU 2.72), UF 11:69-87.
BROOKE, G. J - CURTI S, A . H . W - HEAL EY , J . F . (eds)
1994 Ugarit and the Bible. Proceedings of the International Symposium on Ugarit
and the Bible, Manchester, September 1992 (UBL 11, Mnster: Ugarit-
Verlag).
Tette and the Rebellions in Nuhassi, AnSt 38:218.
Some observations on the chronology of Suppiluliuma's Reign, AnSt
39:19-30.
Cities and nations of ancient Syria (SS 26, Roma: Istituto di Studi del
Vicino Oriente, Universit di Roma).
A slave for debt from Alalakh looked for in Ugarit (RS 4.449), Abr-
Nah 25:13-8.
Emar on the Euphrates in the 13th Century BC, Abr-Nah 27:23-36.
A grammar of the Hurrian language (Brandeis University PhD Diss., Ann
Arbor MI : UMI ).
La rgion nord du Palais Royal d'Ougari t, CRAIBL 735 55.
RSO 10.
Y ON, M .
Urbani sme et architecture, 155-68 in RSO 11.
BRY CE, T . R .
1988
1989
BUCCELLATI ,
1
1967
BUNNENS, G.
1987
1989
BUSH, F . W.
1964
CAL L OT, O.
1986
1994
CAL L OT, O.
1995
CAL VET, Y .
1990 Les bassins du palais royal d'Ougari t, Syria 67:32-42.
CAMPBELL, E. F . J R
1964 The chronology of the Amarna letters (Baltimore MD: J ohns Hopkins
University Press).
CANCI K-KI RSCHBAUM, E . G.
1996 Die mittelassyrischen Briefe aus Tall fj Hamad (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer
Verlag).
CAQUOT, A .
1960 Les Repha m ougaritiques, Syria 37:79-90.
1969 Nouveaux documents ougaritiens, Syria 46:241-65.
1975 RS 34.126, ACF 75:427-9.
1977 Sminaires, ACF 77:461-2.
1978a Sminaires, ACF 78:570-80.
1978b La lettre de la reine Puduhepa, 121-34 in Ug 7.
1978-9 Ras I bn Hani 78/20, ACF 79:188-90.
1979a Un pisode peu connu du mythe de Baal et de la gnisse, UF
11:101-4.
1979b La littrature ugaritique, 1361-1417 in DBS 9.
1979-80 Horon: revue critique et donnes nouvelles, AAAS 29-30:173-80.
1982 Le dieu Horon: bilan critique et donnes nouvelles, RHR 199:243-4.
1984 Une nouvelle interprtation de la tablette ougaritique de Ras I bn
Hani 78/20, Orientalia 53:163-76.
1985 Une nouvelle interpretation de K TU 1.19 i 1-19, SEL 2:93-114.
1987 Notes philologiques sur la lgende ougaritique de Danel et d'Aqhat.
I, Semitic a 37:6-16.
1988 Un recueil ougaritique de formules magiques, SEL 5:31-43.
1989 Textes religieux, 7-123 in CAQUOT - DE TARRAGON - CUNCHI LLOS 1989.
1990 Notes philologiques sur la lgende ougaritique de Danel et d'Aqhat.
II (Sur KTU. 18 I V 9-11), Semitica 38:73-80.
1992 Une contribution ougaritique la prhistoire du titre divin Shadday,
Congress Volume SVT 61:1-12 (Leiden: Brill).
CAQUOT, A . - LGASSE, S. - TARDI EU, M . (eds)
1985 Mlanges bibliques et orientaux en l'honneur de M. Mathias Delcor (AOAT 215,
Kevelaer: Butzon and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener-Verlag).
CAQUOT, A . - SZNY CER, M .
1974 See CAQUOT - SZNY CER - HERDNER 1974.
1980 Ugaritic religion (I conography of religions, XV, 8, Leiden: Brill).
CAQUOT, . - SZNY CER, M . - HERDNER, .
1974 TO 1.
CAQUOT, . - DE TARRAGON, J . - M . - CUNCHI LLOS, J . - L .
1989 TO 2.
CASSUTO, U .
1938 La leggenda fenicia di Danel e Aqhat, RRANL (Scienze morali) VI
14:264-8.
1950 The Seven Wives of King Keret, BASOR 119:18-20.
1971 The Goddess Anath: Canaanite Epics of the Patriarchal Age. Texts, Hebrew
Translation, Commentary and Introduction (J erusalem: Magnes; ET of Hebrew
edition, 1951).
CASTLE, P.
1992 Shipping and Trade in Ramesside Egypt, JESHO 35:263-77.
CATHCART, K .
1996 Ilu, Yarihu and the One with two horns and a tail, 1- 7 in WY A T T -
WATSON - L L OY D 1996.
CATHCART, K . - WATSON, W. G. E .
1980 Weathering a wake: a cure for a carousal. A revised translation of
Ugaritica V text 1, PIBA 4:35-58.
CATL I NG, H . W.
1964 Cypriot bronzework in the Mycenaean world (Oxford: Clarendon Press).
CAUBET, A .
1990 Note sur les chars d'Ougarit, Semitica 38:81-5.
1991a Rpertoire de la vaisselle de pierre, Ougarit 1929-1988, 205-64 in
RSO 6.
1991b Objets et instruments d'albtre, 265-72 in RSO 6.
1992 Reoccupation of the Syrian coast after the destruction of the 'crisis
years', 123- 31 in WA RD - J OUKOWSKY 1992.
1995 Art and architecture in Canaan and ancient Israel, 261-9 i nj . SassoN
(ed.) Civilizations of the ancient Near East (New York: Charles Scribner's
Sons).
1996a La musique Ougarit: nouveaux tmoignages matriels, 9-31 in
WY A TT - WATSON L L OY D 1996.
1996b Ugarit, 529-31 in J . TURNER (ed.) The dictionary of art volume 31
(London: Grove).
CAUBET, A . - , V .
1995 Ougarit et l'Ege, 99-112 in RSO 11.
CAUBET, A . - POPLI N, F.
1987 Les objets de matire dure animale: tude du matrial, 273-306 in
RSO 3.
CAVI GNEAUX, A .
1980-3 Lexicalische Listen, 4:609-41.
CAZELLES, H.
1969 Review of Ug 5, VT 19:499-505.
1970 La 'lettre du gnral' (Ugaritica V); les enseignes et la bataille de
Kadesh, MUSJ 46:33-50.'
1979 Prcis de grammai re ugaritique BieOr 121:253- 680.
CECCHI NI , S. M .
1984 Un rendiconto di lavori ediliz, SEL 1:43-51.
CHAVALAS, M.VV. HAY ES, J . L .
1992 New horizons in the study of ancient Syria (BM 25, Malibu CA: Undena
Publications).
CHAVANE, M. - J .
1987 I nstruments de bronze, 357-74 in RSO 3.
CI FOL A, B.
1994 The role of the Sea Peoples at the end of the Late Bronze Age: a
reassessment of textual and archaeological evidence, OAM 1:1 23.
CL EAR, J .
1976 Ugaritic texts in translation (Seattle: published privately)
2
.
COHEN C . H .
1996 The Ugaritic hippiatric texts. Revised composite text, translation and
commentary, /F 28:105-54.
COHEN, C . H . - SI VAN, D.
1983 The Ugaritic hippiatric texts: a critical edition (AOS 9, New Haven CT:
American Oriental Society).
COHEN, M . E .
1993 The cultic calendars of the ancient Near East (Bethesda MD: CDL Press).
DE CONTENSON, H.
1992 RSO 8.
COOGAN, M . D .
1978 Stories from ancient Canaan (Philadelphia PA: Westminster).
COOGAN, M . D . - EXUM, J . C . - STAGER, L . E. (eds)
1994 Scripture and other artifacts. Essays on Archaeology and the Bible in honor of
Philip J. King (Louisville KY: Westminster J ohn Knox).
COOPER, A .
1987 ML K <L M: 'Eternal King' or 'Ki ng of Eternity'?, 1-7 in MARK S,
J .H. - GOOD, R.M. (eds) Love and death in the ancient Near East Essays
in honor of Marvin H. Pope (Guilford: Four Quarters).
1988 Two exegetical notes on Aqht, UF 20:19-26.
COPPENS, J .
1946 Les parallles du Psautier avec les textes de Ras Shamra, Le Muson
59:1 13-42.
CORNELI US, I .
1993 Anat and Qudshu as 'Mistress of Animals'. Aspects of the iconogra-
phy of the Canaani te goddesses, SEL 10:21 45.
1994 The iconography of the Canaanite gods Reshef and Ba'al. Late Bronze and Iron
Age periods (c. 1500 1000 BC) (OBO 140, Fribourg: Universittsverlag;
Gttingen: Vandenhoek and Ruprecht).
Forthcoming
The iconography of the Syro-Palestinian goddesses Asherah, Anat, Astarte and
Qedeshet in the I site Bronze- Iron Age I periods (OBO, Fribourg: Univer-
sittsverlag; Gttingen: Vandenhoek and Ruprecht).
CORR, A . D.
1966 Anatomy of a decipherment, TYVA 55:11 20.
COURTOI S, J . - C .
1969 La maison du prtre aux modles de poumon et de foies d'Ugarit, Ug
6:91-119.
1973 Sur divers groupes de vases mycniens en Mditerrane orientale (1250-
1150 av. J .-C.), 137-65 in V. KARAGEORGHI S (ed.) Acts of the International
Archaeological Symposium: 'The Mycenaeans in the Eastern Mediterranean'
(Nicosia: Cyprus Department of Antiquities).
1978 Corpus cramique de Ras Shamra-Ugarit. Niveaux historiques d'Ugarit.
Bronze Moyen et Bronze Rcent. Deuxime partie, Ug 7:191 370.
1979 Various entries, DBS 9:1124-1295, 1439-42.
1987 Enkomi und Ras Shamra, zwei Aussenposten der Mykenischen Kultur,
182-217 in H.G. BUCHHOLZ (ed.) Agische Bronzezeit (Darmstadt: Wissen-
schaftliche Buch-gesellschaft).
1990 Yabninu et le palais sud d'Ougarit, Syria 67:103-42.
CRAI GI E, P. C.
1983 Ugarit and the Old Testament (Grand Rapids MI : Eerdmans).
CROSS, F . M .
1974 Prose and poetry in the mythic and epic texts from Ugarit, HTR 67:1-15.
1976 The 'olden gods' in ancient near eastern creation myths, 329-38 in
F . M . CROSS - W. E . LEMKE - P.D. MI L L ER (eds) Magnolia Dei- the mighty
acts of God. Essays on the Bible and archaeology in memory of G. Ernest Wright
(Garden City NY: Doubleday).
CUDDON, J . A .
1992 The Penguin dictionary of literary terms and literary theory (Harmondsworth:
Penguin Books).
CUL I CAN, W.
1966 The first merchant venturers: the ancient Levant in history and commerce (London:
Thames and Hudson).
CUNCHI LLOS, J . - L .
1981a Etude philologique de ml'k. Perspectives sur le ml'k de la divinit
dans la bible hbraque, 30-51 in SVT 23 (Congress volume, Vienna
1980, Leiden: Brill).
1981b KTU 2.21. Lettre adresse la Reine. Ibrkd a transmis le message de
la Reine, UF 13:45-8.
1982 La'ika, ml'k et m'i'k en smitique nord-occidental, RSF 10:153-60.
1983a Une formule indite de salutation en ougaritique, AuOr 1:61-6.
1983b Le pronom dmonstratif hn en ougaritique. Son existence, son histoire,
ses rapports avec les autres dmonstratifs et avec l'article, AuOr 1:155-65.
1984 La religiosit quotidienne dans la correspondance d'Ugari t, RHR
201:229-34.
1986 'Que tout aille bien auprs de ma mre!' Un qatala optatif en ouga-
ritique?, 259- 66 in MUNOZ 1986.
1989a Correspondance, 239-421 in TO 2.
1989b Estudias de epislologrcfta ugaritica (Valencia: Institucin San J ernimo).
1990 RSO 5/2.
1991 'El encargado o comisionado'. Recorrido por los senderos de la exeg-
sis. De la filologia a las instituciones. De lo profano a lo religioso. De
la historia de las religiones a la teologia, 83-94 in III Simposio biblico
espafiol (I Luso-Espanhol) (Valencia, Lisbon: Fundacin biblica espanola).
1992a Realizaciones informticas del Sistema integrado de anlisis morfolgico
de textos ugariticos (SI AMTU), Biblica 73:547-59.
1992b Manual de estudios ugariticos (Textos Universitarios 12, Madrid: CSI C).
1996a La Hermeneumtica: de la tablilla a la inteligencia artificial, FCT
12:52-5.
Le traitement informatique des syntagmes simples. XLI I I Rencontre
Assyriologique I nternationale, Prague 1 5 juillet. 223 34 in Studia
Mesopotamia, Anatolica et Iranica, SIMA 3.
Des outils pour le dveloppement de l'hermmeumatique smitique
nord-occidentale, 97- 124 in J . A . EMERTON (ed.) Congress Volume (Cambridge
1995) (SVT 66, Leiden: Brill).
Cadenas Quebradas, 151- 74 in DI ETRI CH KOTTSI EPER 1998.
Organizacin, resultados y expectativas del 'Banco de datos filologicos
semiticos noroccidentales'. Actas del Congreso Espanol de Antiguo Ori-
ente Proximo. Sapnu. Publicaciones en Internet, / / ( 1998) . labherm. filo.csic.es
Un banco de datos filologicos (BDFSN). JADT 1998. 4" Journes inter-
nationales d'analyse statistique de donnes textuelles (Nice: Universit Nice
Sophie Aniplois, CNRS, I NaLF).
Forthcoming a
Tratamiento informtico de las lenguas Siro-palestinas del II y I mile-
nio a. C. Desarrollo actual y estrategia de futuro, en I International sym-
posium. A decade in ancient near eastern studies (1986-1996). Universidad
Autnoma de Madrid 24 December 1996 (Madrid: CSI C) in press.
Forthcoming b
El generador de segmentaciones, restituciones y concordancias, GSRC.
Un conjunto de herramientas para la investigacin filolgica en CD-
Rom y I nternet. 44e Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale. Venise, 7-11
Juillet 1997 in press.
Forthcoming c
Organisation et spcifications de la Banque de Donnes 'Banco de
Datos Filologicos Semiticos Noroccidentales', Fifth international conference
on Bible and computers (AIBI 5). Bible and informatics: translation and trans-
mission. Universit de Provence, Aix-en-Provence, 1-4 September 1997 (Madrid:
UAM) in press.
CUNCHI L L OS, J . - L . - CERVI GN, R .
1998 Analizador morfolgico de palabras ugarticas (AMU), ii 839-46 in
A. RUBI O - N. GAI .L ARDO R. CASTRO A. TEJ ADA (eds) First inter-
national conference on language resources and evaluation. Granada, Spain, 28-30
May 1998 (Granada: ELRA).
CUNCHI L L OS, J . - E . CERVI GN, R . - VI TA, J . - P . - GAL N, J . M . - ZAMORA, J . - A .
1996 Generador de Segmentaciones, Restituciones y Concordancias (Banco de datos
filologicos semiticos noroccidentales (BDFSN). Datos ugariticos, III). CD-ROM,
53Mb, I SB N : 84-922189-0-8. Madrid.
CUNCHI L L OS, J . - L . - GAL N, J . - M .
1996 Filologia e informtica. Epigrafia ugaritica, Sefarad 56:161 170.
1997 The Northwest Semitic philological databank: setting out and realiza-
tions, (SIMA 3, Gteborg: Enigma Corporation).
CUNCHI L L OS, J . - L . - SI ABRA, J .
Forthcoming
Herramientas para el tratamiento critico de textos semtico-norocci-
dentales: mdulos primero y segundo para el fenicio, ii 1009-13 in
A . RUBI O - N . GAL L ARDO - R. CASTRO A . TEJ ADA (eds) First inter-
national conference on language resources and evaluation. Granada, Spain, 28~30
May 1998 (Granada: E L R A ) .
CUNCHI L L OS, J . - L . - VI TA, J . - P .
1993a Banco de Datos Filologicos Semiticos Noroccidentales (BDFSN): /. Textos Ugariticos
(TU) (Madrid: CSI C, Institucin Fernando el Catolico).
1993b Crnica de la destruccin de una ciudad del reino de Ugarit (TU 00-
2.61), Sefarad 53:243-47.
1997
1998a
1998b
1998c
1995a Concordancia de palabras ugarlicas en morfologa desplegada. (CPU) Banco de
datos filolgicos semticos noroccidentales (BDFSN). Datos ugariticos, II (3 vols.,
Madrid: CSI C, Institucin Fernando el Catlico).
1995b El selb de I1rp. Nota filobgica sobre TU 00-6.69 (RS 17.25), Sefarad
55:389-92.
1999 Die I nformatisierung der ugaritischen Sprache, Nordostafrikanisch/ West-
asiatische Studien (Frankfurt am Main: Universitt Frankfurt) in press.
CUNCHI LLOS, J . - L . - ZAMORA, J . - A .
1995 Gramtica ugaritica elemental (Madrid: Ediciones C1sicas).
CURTI S, A . H . N .
1985 Ugarit (Ras Shamra) (Cities of the Biblical World, Cambridge: Lutterworth).
CUTL ER, B. - MACDONAL D, J .
1982 On the origin of the Ugaric text KTU 1.23, UF 14:33-50.
DAHOOD, M. J .
1970 Psalms III 101-150 (AB 17a, Garden City NY: Doubleday).
1972 Ugaritic-Hebrew parallel pairs, RSP I, 71-382.
1975 Ugaritic-Hebrew parallel pairs, RSP II, 1-39.
1981 Ugaritic-Hebrew parallel pairs, RSP III, 1-206.
DAL I X, A . - S.
1996 Exemples de bilinguisme Ougarit. Iloumilkou: la double identit d'un
scribe, 81-90 in BRI HJ EL-CHATONNET 1996.
DAVI ES, E . W.
1993 The inheritance of the first-born in Israel and the ancient Near East,
JSS 38:175-91.
DAY , J .
1985 God's Battle with the Dragon and the Sea. Echoes of a Canaanite myth in the
Old Testament (UCOP 35, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
DAY, P.L.
1991 Why is Anat a warrior and a hunter? 141- 6 in W. J OBL I NG et al. (eds)
The Bible and the politics of exegesis: essays in honor of Norman K. Gottwald
on his sixty-fifth birthday (Cleveland: Pilgrim Press).
1992 Anat: Ugarit's 'mistress of animals', JNES 51:181-90.
1995 Anat, cols. 62-77 in DDD.
DEEM, A .
1978 The Goddess Anath and some biblical Hebrew sources, JSS 23:25-30.
DEL COR, M .
1992 Review of I ZRE'EL - SI NGER 1990, BLE 12.
DESROCHES-NOBL ECOURT, C.
1956 I nterpretation et datation d'une scne grave sur deux fragments de
rcipient en albtre provenant des fouilles du palais d'Ugarit, Ug
3:179-220.
DHORME, E.
1930a Un nouvel alphabet smitique, RB 39:571-77.
1930b Le dchiffrement des tablettes de Ras Shamra, JPOS 11:1-6.
1931 Premire traduction des textes phniciens de Ras Shamra, RB 40:32-56.
1939 Lettre du roi de Kargamish au roi d'Ugarit, i 203-7 in Mlanges syriens
offerts Monsieur Ren Dussaud (BAH 30, Paris: Geuthner).
DI AKONOV, I . M.
1981 Evidence on the ethnie division of the Hurrians, SCCNH 1:77-89.
DI ETRI CH, M .
1990 Die akkadischen Texte der Archive und Bibliotheken von Emar, UF
22:25-48.
1996 Aspects of the Babylonian impact on Ugaritic literature and religion,
33- 47 i n WY A TT - WATSON - L L OY D 1996.
1997 Die Texte aus Ugarit im Spannungsfeld zwischen Knigshaus und
Bevlkerung, 75-93 in R. AL BERTZ (ed.) Religion und Gesellscha. Studien
zu ihrer Wechselbeziehung in den Kulturen des antiken Vorderen Orients. Verffent-
lichungen des Arbeitskreises zur Erforschung der Religions- und Kulturgeschichte
des antiken Vorderen Orients (AOAT 248, Mnster: Ugarit-Verlag).
DI ETRI CH, M . - K OTTSI EPER, I . (eds)
1998 'Und Mose schrieb dieses Lied auf. . .'. Studien zum Alten Testament und zum
Alten Orient. Fesischri fur . Loretz zur Vollendung seines 70. l^ebensjahres
mit Beitrgen von Freunden, Schlern und Kollegen (AOAT 250, Mnster:
Ugarit-Verlag).
DI ETRI CH, M . - L ORETZ, O.
1964-6 Die soziale Struktur von Alalah und Ugarit. I. Die Berufsbezei-
chnungen mit der hurritischen Endung -Ifuli, WO 3:188 205.
1966a Der Vertrag zwischen Suppiluliuma und Niqmaddu. Eine philolo-
gische und kulturhistorische Studie, WO 3:206-45.
1966b Zur ugaritischen Lexikographie (I), BiOr 23:127-33.
1967 Untersuchungen zur Schrift- und Lautlehre des Ugaritischen (I), WO
4:300-15.
1969 Hurritisch *fa/ent- in ugaritischen Personennamen, UF 1:211-3.
1970 Die soziale Struktur von Alalah und Ugarit (IV). Die = fo/u-Listen
aus Alalah IV als Quelle fr die Erforschung der gesellschaftlichen
Schichtung von Alalah im 15. J h. v. Chr., ZA 60:88-123.
1973a Der Prolog des Krt-Epos (CTA 14 I 3-5), 31-6 in H. GESE - H.P.
RGER eds, Wort und Geschichte. Festschrift fr Karl Elliger zum 70. Geburtstag
(AOAT 18, Kevelaer: Butzon and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neu-
kirchener-Verlag).
1973b Der Prolog des" Krt-Epos. Eine Ergnzung, UF 5:283.
1973c Untersuchungen zur Schrift- und Lautlehre des Ugaritischen (I): Lese-
hilfen in der ugaritischen Orthographie, UF 5:71-7.
1976 Die Elfenbeininschrifien und S-Texte aus Ugarit (AOAT 13, Kevelaer:
Butzon and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener-Verlag).
1978a Die sieben Kunstwerke des Schmiedegottes in KTU 1.4 I 23-43,
UF 10:57-63.
1978b Ug. kld 'Bogen' und arkd 'Wurfhol z, Lanze (?)' in K TU 4.277,
UF 10:429.
1978c Der 'Seefahrende Volk' von sikila (RS 34.129), UF 10:53-6.
1980a Die Bannung von Schlangengift (KTU 1.100 und KTU 1.107:7b-
13a.19b-20), UF 12:153-70.
1980b Schriftliche und mndliche berlieferung eines 'Sonnenhymnus' nach
KTU 1.6 VI 42-53, UF 12:399-400. '
1981 Neue Studien zu den Ritualtexten aus Ugarit (i). Ein Forschungsbericht,
UF 13:63-100.
1982 Das Portrt einer Knigin in KTU 1.14 I 12-15. Zur ugaritischen
Lexikographie (XVI I I ), UF 14:199-204.
1983a Rechts- und Wirtschaftsurkunden historisch-chronologische Texte, in
TUAT 1/2.
1983b Neue Studien zu den Ritualtexten aus Ugarit (II) Nr. 6 - Epigraphische
und inhaltliche Probleme in KTU 1.161, UF 15:17-24.
1983c Kennt das Ugaritische einen Titel Ahat-Milki =Sar-elli =Iryl 'Schwester
des Knigs'?, UF 15:303.
1985 Briefe aus Ugarit, 50510 in TUAT Mb.
1988a Die Keilalphabete. Die phnizisch-kanaanischen und altarabischen Alphabete in
Ugarit (ALASP 1, Mnster: Ugarit-Verlag).
1988b Ugaritische Rituale und Beschwrungen, 299-357 in TUAT I I /3.
1989 The Cuneiform alphabets of Ugarit, UF 21:101-12.
1990a Mantik in Ugarit Keilalphabetische Texte der OpferschauOmensammlungen
Nekromantie (AI.ASP 3, Mnster: Ugarit-Verlag).
1990b Hurritisch-ugaritisch-hebrisch tbl 'Schmied', UF 22:87-8.
1990c The syntax of omens in Ugaritic, Maarav 5-6:89-109.
1990d Schifishandel und Schiffsmiete zwischen Byblos und Ugarit (KTU
4.338:10-8), UF 22:89-96.
1991a Zur Debatte ber 'Funerary rituals and beatific afterlife in Ugaritic
texts and in the Bible', UF 23:85-90.
1991 b Grabbeigaben fir den verstorbenen Knig. Bermerkungen zur Neuaus-
gabe von RS 34.126 = KTU 1.161, UF 23:103-6.
1991c Ugaritisch dr\ dry und hebrisch zrh II, UF 23:79-82.
1991 d Ugaritisch 'r, irma und thiopisch 'aara, 309-27 in K AY E (ed.) 1991.
1992 'Jahwe und seine Aschera. ' Anthropomorphes Kultbild in Mesopotamien, Ugarit
und Israel (UBL 9, Mnster: Ugarit-Verlag).
1993 KTU 1.114, ein 'Palimpsest', UF 25:133-6.
1994a Ugaritisch ii, tyndr und hebrisch 's'h, sy, UF 26:63-72.
1994b Neue Tafelfunde des Grabungskampagne 1994 in Ugarit, UF 26:21-2.
1995 (eds) Ugarit: ein ostmediterranes Kulturzentrum. Ergebnisse und Perspektiven
der Forschung. I. Ugarit und seine altorientalische Umwelt (ALASP 7, Mnster:
Ugarit-Verlag).
1996a Analytic Ugaritic Bibliography (1972-1988) (AOAT 20/6, Neukirchen-
Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag; Kevelaer: Butzon and Bercker).
1996b Word list of the cuneiform alphabetic tablets from Ugarit (ALASP 12;
Mnster: Ugarit-Verlag).
1997 Der Vertrag zwischen I r-Addu von Tuni p und Niqmepa von Muki,
211-42 in M.W. CHAVALAS - R.E. AVERBECK (eds) Crossing Boundaries
and Unking Horizons. Studies in Honor of Michael C. Astour (Bethesda
MD: CDL Press).
1998 Amurru, Y aman und die gischen Inseln nach den ugaritischen
Texten, IOS 18:335-63.
DI ETRI CH, M . - L ORETZ, O. et al.
1967-86 Ugarit-Bibliographie 1928-1950 (AOAT 20/1), 1950-1959 (AOAT
20/2), 1959-1966 (AOAT 20/3), Indizes (AOAT 20/4), 1967-1971
(AOAT 20/5) Kevelaer: Butzon and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn:
Neukirchener Verlag); cf. DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1996a.
DI ETRI CH, M . - L ORETZ, O. - SANMART N, J .
1974a Der Satzbau in PRU 2.12, UF 6:456-457.
1974b Sonnenfinsternis in Ugarit. PRU 2, 162 (= RS 12.61), das lteste
Dokument ber eine Totaleklipse, UF 6:464-5.
1975a Der stichometrische Aufbau von RS 24.258 = Ug 5, S. 545-51
Nr. 1, UF 7:109-14.
1975b Bemerkungen zur Schlangenbeschwrung RS 24.244, /F 7:121-5.
1975c Einzelbemerkungen zu RS 24.251, UF 7:127-31.
1975d Die keilalphabetische UMMA I ZBU-Text RS 24.247 +265 +268 +
328: UF 7:133-40.
1975e Die Texteinheiten in RS 1.2 (nc!) = CTA 32 (sic\) und RS 17.100
= Appendice 1, UF 7:140-6.
1975f Zur ugaritischen Lexikographie XI I I , /F 7:157-69.
1975g Das Ritual RS 1.5 = CTA 33, UF 7:525-8.
1975h Die Gtterliste RS 24.246 = Ug 5, S. 594 Nr. 14, UF 7:545-6.
1975i Notizen zum Opfertext RS 24.260 = Ug 5, S. 586 Nr. 11, UF 7:
543-4.
1975j Zu s'lm kll im Opfertext von Marseille (CIS I 165), UF 7:561-2.
1976a KTU
1976b Ug. kgmn oder k gmn (CTA 6 I 19-29), UF 8:432.
1976c Die ugaritischen Totengeister RPU(M) und die biblischen Rephaim,
UF 8:45-52.
1995 KTU
2
(also cited as CAT).
DI ETRI CH, M . - MAY ER, VV.
1991 Beitrge zum Hurritischen (I), UF 23:107-26.
1992 Die Konjunktive im Mitanni-Hurritischen, UF 24:39 -58.
1993 Die Deklination des Hurritischen im Mittani-Brief, UF 25:143-56.
1994 Hurritische Weihrauchbeschwrungen in ugaritischer Alphabetschrift,
UF 26:73-112.
1995 Sprache und Kultur der Hurriter in Ugarit, 7 42 in DI ETRI CH LORETZ
1995.
1996a Festritual fr die Palastgttin Pidray. Der hurro-ugaritische Opfertext
KTU 1.132, UF 28:165-76.
1996b Hurritica Alalahiana (I), UF 28:177-88.
1997a Ein hurritisches Totenritual fr 'Ammistamru II (KTU 1.125), 79-89
in B. PONGRATZ-LEI STEN - H. KHNE P. XEL L A (eds) Ana ad 1jabnni lu
allik [Festschrift fur Wolfgang Rllig) (' 247, Mnster: Ugarit-Verlag).
1997b Das hurritische Pantheon von Ugarit, UF 29:161 81.
1998 The pantheon of the Hurritic sacrificial lists from Ugarit, Subartu 4 (in
press).
VAN DlJK, J J . A.
1982 Fremdsprachige Beschwrungstexte in der sdmesopotamischen liter-
arischen berlieferung, 91- 113 in H.J . NI SSEN - J . RENGER (eds) Mesopo-
tamien und seine Nachbarn. Poltische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehungen im alten
Vorderaisen vom 4. bis 1. Jahrtausend Chr. (BBVO 1/1, Berlin: Reimer
Verlag). (97-110 in 2nd edition, 1987.)
DI J KSTRA, M .
1976 Two notes on PRU 5, no. 60, UF 8:437-9.
1979 Some reflections on the legend of Aqhat, UF 11:199-210.
1984 The ritual KTU 1.46 (= RS 1.9) and its duplicates, UF 16:69-76.
1985 Once again the closing lines of the Ba'al Cycle (KTU 1.6.VI.42ff.),
UF 17:147-52.
1986 An Ugaritic fable (KTU 1.93), UF 18:125-8.
1987a Marginalia to the Ugaritic letters I, UF 19:37 48.
1987b Epigraphical evidence for the determination of the column-order in
the tablets KTU 1.1 and KTU 1.20-22, UF 19:49-60.
1988 The legend of Danel and the Rephaim, UF 20:35-52.
1989 Marginalia to the Ugaritic letters II, UF 21:141-52.
1990 On the identity of the Hittite princess mentioned in label KTU 6.24
(RS 17.72), UF 22:97-101.
1991 The weather-god on two mountains, UF 23:127-40.
1993 The Ugaritic-Hurrian sacrificial hymn to El, UF 25:143-56.
1994 The myth of Astarte, the huntress (KTU 1.92). New fragments, UF
26: 113- 26.
1995 He pours the sweet wine off, only the dregs are for the wicked. An
epigraphic note on mizzah in Psalm 75, 9, .4IV 107:296-300.
1998 Astral myth

f the birth of Shahar and Shalim ( K T U 1.23), 265- 87

i n DI ETRI CH KOTTSI F.PER 1998.
DI J KSTRA, M . DE MOOR, J . C .
1975 Problematic passages in the legend of Aqhatu, UF 7:171-215.
DI NCOL , A .
1992 A Hieroglyphic seal impression from Samsat, Belleten 56:3 5.
DOBRUSI N, D. L .
1981 The third masculine plural of the prefixed form of the verb in Ugaritic,
JANES 13:5-14.
DOHMEN, C .
1983 Ein Kanaanischer Schmiedeterminis (risk), UF 15:39-46.
DONAL D, M .
1991 Origins of the modern mind (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press).
DONNER, H.
1968-9 Review of GRGNDAHL 1967, AfO 22:89-90.
DOSCH, G. - DEL L ER, K .
1981 Die Familie Kizzuk. Sieben Kassitengenerationen in Temtena und
uriniwe, SCCNH 1: 91- 113.
DRAFFKORN KI L MER, A . (see KI L MER, A . D. )
DRESSLER, H. H. P.
1975 Is the bow of Aqhat a symbol of virility? UF 7:217-20.
1979 The metamorphosis of a lacuna. Is at.afr.wan . . . a proposal of mar-
riage? UF 11:211-7.
1983 Problems with the collation of the Aqht-text, column one, UF 15:43-6.
DREWS, R.
1993 The End of the Bronze Age: Changes in Warfare and the Catastrophe ca. 1200
BC (Princeton NJ : Princeton University Press).
DRI VER, G. R .
1956 Canaanite myths and legends (Edinburgh: T. and T. Clark).
DROWER, M . S.
1975 Ugarit, 130-60 in CAH 2/2.
DUCHESNE-GUI L L EMI N, M .
1981 Music in ancient Mesopotamia and Egypt, WA 12:287-97.
DUPONT, R. F .
1987 The Late History of Ugarit (circa 1260-1182 BC) (PhD Diss., Hebrew
Union College, Ann Arbor MI : UMI ).
DURAND, J . - M .
1990 Review of RI BI CHI NI - XEL L A 1985, MARI 6:659-64.
1993 Le mythologme du combat entre le dieu de l'orage et la mer en
Msopotamie, MARI 7:41-61.
1995 La religion en Siria durante la poca de los reinos amorreos segn
la documentacin de Mari, 127- 528 in P. MANDER - J . M . DURAND
Mitologiay religion del Oriente Antiguo II/1. Semitas Occidentales (Ebla, Mari)
(Sabadell: AUSA).
DUSSAUD, R.
1929 Note additioneile [to SCHAEFFER 1929] , Syria 10: 297- 303.
1930a Au sujet du dchiffrement des textes de Ras Shamra par H. Bauer,
CRAIBL (29 May 130) 130-1.
1930b Nouvelles archologiques: dchiffrement par M. Hans Bauer des textes
de Ras Shamra, Syria 11:200~2.
1931 Brves remarques sur les tablettes de Ras Shamra, Syria 12:67-77.
1935 Les lments dchans. Une application des rgles rhythmiques phni-
ciennes, Syria 16:196-204.
1937 Les dcouvertes de Ras Shamra (Ugarit) et l'Ancien Testament (Paris: Geuthner,
1941
2
).
EEL I NG, E.
1964 Gesandter, RIA 3:212-3.
EDEL , .
1976 gyptische Arzte und gyptische Medizin am hethitischen Knigshof (Rheinisch-
Westflische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vortrge G 205, Opladen:
Westdeutscher Verlag).
1983 Bemerkungen zu Helck's Philisterartikel, BN 22:7 8.
1994 Die gyptisch-hethitische Konespondenz aus Boghazki in babylonischer und hethi-
tischer Sprache (Rheinisch-Westflische Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Abhandlung 77, Band I II, Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag).
EI DEM, J .
1991 The Tell Leilan Archives 1987, RA 85:109-35.
EI SSFELDT, O.
1939 Ras Schamra und Sanchunjaton (BRA 4, Halle: Niemeyer Verlag).
1950 Zu den Urkunden ber den Tribut Niqmads, Knigs von Ugarit, an den
hethitischen Grossknig Schuppiluliuma, 147- 57 in W. BAUMGARTNER
et al. (eds) Festschrift Alfred Bertholet (Tbingen: Mohr).
1952 Sanchunjaton von Berut und Ilimilku von Ugarit (BRA 5, Halle: Niemeyer
Verlag).
1966 Sohnespflichten im Alten Orient, Syria 43:39-47.
EMERTON, J .
1965 Ugaritic notes, JTS 16:438-43.
ENGNELL, I .
1967 Studies in divine kingship in the ancient Near East (Oxford: Blackwell [Uppsala:
Almqvist and Wiksells, 1943]).
ESLI NGER, L . - TAY L OR, G. (eds)
1988 Ascribe to the Lord. Biblical & other studies in memory of Peter C. Craigie ( J SOTS
67, Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press).
FALES, F . M .
1984 An Akkadian Letter from Ugarit between knus, OA 23:163-6.
FANTAR, M .
1977 Le dieu de la mer chez les Phniciens et les Puniques (Rome: Consiglio Nazionale
delle Ricerche).
FRBER, W.
1981 Zur lteren akkadischen Beschwrungsliteratur, 71:51-72.
1984 Early Akkadian incantations: addenda et substrahenda, JNES 43:69-71.
1986 Associative magic: some rituals, word plays, and philology, JAOS 106:
447-9.
1987 Rituale und Beschwrungen in akkadischer Sprache, 212-81 in TUAT
I I /2.
FENSHAM, F . C.
1971 Some remarks on the first three mythological texts of Ugaritica V, UF
3:21-4.
1972 The first Ugaritic texts in Ugaritica V and the Ol d Testament, VT
22:296-303.
FENTON, T .
1969 Command and fulfillment in Ugarit 'QTL:Y QTL' and 'QTL :QTL \
JSS 14:34-8.
1970 The absence of a verbal formation *yaqattal from Ugaritic and North-
west Semitic, JSS 15:31-41.
1973 The Hebrew 'tenses' in the light of Ugaritic, 31-9 in Proceedings of the
Fifth World Congress of Jewish Studies IV (J erusalem: Union of J ewish Studies).
1996 Baal au foudre: of snakes and mountains, myth and message, 49- 64 in
WY ATT - WATSON - L L OY D 1996.
FI NKELSTEI N, J . J .
1966 The genealogy of the Hammurapi dynasty, JCS 20:95-1 18.
FI SHER, L . R .
1965 Creation at Ugarit and in the Old Testament, VT 15:313-24.
1969 An Ugaritic ritual and Genesis I, Ug 6:1-5.
1970 A new ritual calendar from Ugarit, HTR 63:493-4.
1975 Literary genres in the Ugaritic texts, 131-214 in RSP 2.
FI SHER, L . R . (ed.)
1971 The Claremont Ras Shamra tablets (AnOr 48, Rome: Pontifical Biblical
Institute).
FI SHER, L . R. et al. (eds)
1972-5 RSP 1, 2.
FLEMI NG, D. E .
1991 The voice of the incantation priest (RI H 78/20), UF 23:141-54.
1992a A limited kingship: Late Bronze Emar in ancient Syria, UF 24:59-71.
1992b The installation of Baal's high priestess at Emar (HSS 42, Atlanta GA:
Scholars).
1997 Ugaritic incantation against sorcery, 301- 2 in HAL L O 1997.
FOL EY , C . M .
1987 Are the 'Gracious Gods' bn rm? UF 19:61-74.
FONTENROSE, J . A .
1959 Python. A study of Delphic myth and its origins (Berkeley CA: University
of California Press).
1966 The ritual theory of myth (Berkeley CA: University of California Press).
1981 Orion. The myth of the hunter and the huntress (Berkeley CA: California
University Press).
FORD, J . N .
1992 The 'Living Rephaim' of Ugarit: quick or defunct?, UF 24:73-101.
Fox, N.S.
1995 Clapping hands as a gesture of anguish and anger in Mesopotamia
and in Israel, JANES 23:49-60.
FRANKFORT, H.
1979 The art and architecture of the ancient Orient (Pelican History of Art, Har-
mondsworth: Penguin'. First published 1954).
FREI L I CH, D.
1992 Ili-Malku the t'y, SEL 9:21-6.
FREU, J .
1985 La correspondence d'Abimilki, prince de Tyr, el la fin de l're Amar-
nienne, Annales de la Facult des Lettres et Sciences Humaines de Nice 50:23-60.
1988 La tablette RS 86.2230 et la phase finale du royame d'Ugarit, Syria
65:395-8.
1992 Les guerres syriennes de Suppiluliuma et la fin de l're Amarnienne,
Hethitica 11: 39- 101.
Forthcoming Le fin d'Ugarit et de l'Empire Hittite: Donnes nouvelles et chronologie.
FREY DANK, H.
1991a Beitrge zur mittelassyrischen Chronologie und Geschichte (Berlin: Akademie-
Verlag).
1991 b Zum mittelassyrischen Knigsbrief KBo XXVI I I 61 -64, AoF 18:23-31.
FRI EDMANN, A . F .
1987 Towards a relative chronology at Nuzi, 109- 29 in D.I. OWEN - M . A .
MORRI SON (eds) Studies on the civilization and culture of Nuzi and the Hurrians
volume 2 (General Studies and Excavations at Nuzi 9/1, Winona
Lake IN: Eisenbrauns).
FRI EDRI CH, J .
1932 Kleinasiatische Sprachdenkmler (Berlin: de Gruyter).
1933a Ras Schamra: ein berblick ber Funde und Forschungen (Der Alte Orient
33, Leipzig: J .C. Hinrichs).
1933b Zu den drei Aleph-Zeichen des Ras-Schamra-Alphabets, 41:305-13.
1943 Kleinigkeiten zur ugaritischen Grammatik, Or 12:1-22.
1960 Hethitisches Elementarbuch I (Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universittsverlag).
FRONZAROLI , P.
1955a Leggenda di Aqhat. Testo ugaritico (Florence: Sansoni).
1955b La fonetica ugaritica (SE 7, Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura).
1965 La lingua dei testi ippiatrici di Ugarit, AGI 60:34-46.
1973 (ed.) Studies on Semitic Lexicography (QS 2, Florence: Istituto di linguis-
tica e di lingue orientali).
1993 Testi ntuali dlia regalit (archivio L 2769) (ARET 9, Rome: Missione
Archeologica Italiana in Siria).
FROST, H.
1991 Anchors sacred and profane, 355- 410 in Y ON 1991.
FUL CO, Y VJ .
1976 The Canaanite god Reep (AOS 8, New Haven CT: American Oriental
Society).
GAL , .
1988 The Social Structure of Alalah, 99 110 in HEL TZER LI PI NSKI 1988.
GARDI NER, A .
1960 The Kadesh Inscriptions of Ramesses II (Oxford: Ashmolean Museum).
GACHET, J .
1987 Objets en os et en ivoire, 249-72 in RSO 3.
1992 Ugarit ivories: typology and distribution, 67 89 in Fi'rroN, J .L. (ed.)
Ivory in Greece and the eastern Mediterranean from the Bronze Age to the Hellenistic
period (British Museum Occasional Papers 85, London: British Museum).
GARR, VV.R.
1986 On voicing and devoicing in Ugaritic, J.IVES 45:45-52.
1987 A population estimate of ancient Ugarit, BASOR 266:31 43.
GASTER, T . H .
1933 The ritual pattern of a Ras amra Epic, ArOr 5:118-23.
1936 The story of Aqhat I, SMSR 12:126-49.
1937 The st

ry of Aqhat II, SMSR 13:25-56.

1938 The story of Aqhat III, SMSR 14:212 5.
1946 A Canaanite ritual drama. The spring festival at Ugarit, JAOS 66:49- 76.
1947 The Canaanite epic of Keret, JQR 37:285-93.
1950 Thespis (New York: Schuman; 2nd edition 1961, New York: Doubleday,
reprinted 1966 Harper).
1975 Sharper than a serpent's tooth: a Canaanite charm against snakebite,
JANES 7:33-51.
GEL B, I J .
1963 A study of uniting (2nd edition, Chicago: Chicago University Press).
GEL B, I J . - PURVES, P . M . - MACRAE, A . A .
1943 Nuzi personal names (Oriental Institute Publications 57, Chicago IL:
Oriental Institute).
GEL L ER, S. A .
1979 Parallelism in Early Hebrew Poetry (HSM 20, .Missoula, MT: Scholars Press).
GEVI RTZ, S.
1963 Patterns in the early poetry of Israel (Chicago IL: Chicago University Press).
GI BSON, J . C . L .
1975 Myth, legend and folklore in the Ugaritic Keret and Aqhat texts, SVT
28:60-8.'
1978 Canaanite myths and legends (Edinburgh: T. and T. Clark).
1984 The theology of the Ugaritic Baal'cycle, Or 53:202 19.
GI NSBERG, H. L .
1935 Birth of the gracious and beautiful gods, JRAS pp. 45 72.
1936 The Rebellion and death of Ba'lu, Or 5:161-98.
1939 Two religious borrowings in Ugaritic literature. I A Hurrian myth in
Semitic dress, Orientalia 8:317 27.
1945a The North-Canaanite myth of Anath and Aqhat I, BASOR 97:3-10.
1945b The North-Canaanite myth of Anath and Aqhat II, BASOR 98:15-23.
1946 The Legend of King Keret (BASOR Supp. 2-3, New Haven CT).
1950 I nterpreting Ugaritic texts, JAOS 70:156-60.
1969 Ugaritic myths, epics and legends, 129-55 in ANET
1
.
GI PPERT, J .
1966 The use of computers in ancient near eastern studies. State of the art
and future prospects, Akkadica 99-100:48-9.
GI VEON, R.
1981 Some egyptological considerations concerning Ugarit, 55- 8 in Y OUNG
1981.
1986 Ugarit, 838-42 in L 6.
GNUSE, R . K .
1997 No other gods (J SOTS 241, Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press).
GOETZE, A .
1933 Die Annalen des Murili (Leipzig: MVAeG 38).
1938 The tenses of Ugaritic, JAOS 58:266-309.
1941 The Nikkal poem from Ras Shamra, JBL 60:353-74.
1957 The Syrian town of Emar, BASOR 147:22-7.
GOOD, R . M .
1991 On RS 24.252, UF 23:155-60.
1994 The sportsman Baal, UF 26:147-63.
GORDON, C . H .
1937 A marriage of the gods in Canaanite mythology, BASOR 65:29-33.
1940 Ugaritic grammar (AnOr 20, Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute).
1943 The Poetic Literature of Ugarit, Or 12:49-51.
1947 Ugaritic handbook (AnOr 25, Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute).
1949 Ugaritic literature (SPIB 98, Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute).
1955 Ugaritic manual (AnOr 35, Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute).
1956 Observations on the Akkadian tablets from Ugarit, RA 50:127-33.
1965 Ugaritic textbook (AnOr 38, Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute.
1966 Ugarit and Minoan Crete (New York: Norton).
1977 Poetic legends and myths from Ugarit, Berytus 25:5-133.
1982 Forgotten scripts. Their ongoing discovery and decipherment (New York: Basic
Books. 2nd edition).
GORDON, R. P.
1991 K/ki/ky in incantational incipits, UF 23:161-3.
GRABBE, L . L .
1976 The seasonal pattern and the 'Baal cycle', UF 8: 57- 63.
1994 'Canaanite': some methodological observations in relation to biblical
study, 113- 22 in BROOKE - CURTI S - HEAL EY 1994.
GRAVES, R .
1960 The Greek myths 2 volumes (Harmondsworth: Penguin
3
).
GRAY , J .
1949 The Rephaim, PEQ 81:127-39.
1952 DTN and Rpum in Ancient Ugarit, PEQ_ 84:39-41.
1957 The legacy of Canaan (SVT 5, Leiden: Brill; 2nd edition 1965, SVT 9).
1964a The K RT text in the literature of Ras Shamra (Leiden: Brill 2nd edition
[1st edition 1955]).
1964b The Canaanites (London: Thames and Hudson).
1965 Social Aspects of Canaanite Religion, 170- 92 in P . A . H. BOER (ed.)
Congress Volume Geneva (SVT 15, Leiden: Brill).
1969 Sacral kingship in Ugarit, Ug 6:289-302.
GREAVES, S. W.
1994 Wordplay and associative magic in the Ugaritic snake-bite incantation
RS 24.244, UF 26:165-7.
GREENFI EL D, J . C .
1967 Ugaritic Lexicographical Notes, JCS 21:89-93.
1969 Some Glosses on the Keret Epic, EI 9:60-5.
GREENSTEI N, E. L .
1974 Two variations of grammatical parallelism in Canaanite poetry and their
psycholinguistic background, JANES 6:87-105.
1977 One more step on the staircase, UF 9:77-86.
1983 How does parallelism mean?, 41-70 in S.A. GEL L ER et al. (eds) A sense
of text: the art of language in the study of biblical literature (J QRS, Winona
Lake IN: Eisenbrauns).
1997 Kirta, 9-48 in PARKER 1997a.
GR0NDAHL , F.
1967 Die Personennamen der Texte aus Ugarit (SP 1, Rome: Pontifical Biblical
Institute).
GRUPPE, .
1906 Griechische Mythologie 2 volumes (HkA 5,2, Munich: Beck).
DE GUGL I EL MO, A .
1955 Sacrifice in the Ugaritic texts, CBQ 17:76-96.
GURNEY , O. R .
1990 The Hittites (Harmondsworth: Penguin. First published 1952).
GTERBOCK, H . G.
1956 The deeds of uppi1u1iuma as told by his son Muri1i II, JCS 10:41-68,
75-98, 107-30.
1967 The Hittite conquest of Cyprus reconsidered, JNES 26:73-81.
1970 Musical notation in Ugarit, RA 64:45-52.
1992 Survival of the Hittite dynasty, 53-5 in WA RD J OUKOWSKY 1992.
HAAS, V .
1970 Der Kult von Nerik (SP 4, Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute).
1978 Substratgottheiten des westhurritischen Pantheons, RHA 36:59-69.
HAAS, V . - THI EL , H. J .
1979 Ein Beitrag zum hurritischen Wrterbuch, UF 11:337-52.
HAASE, R.
1967 Anmerkungen zum ugaritischen I mmobilienkauf, ZA 58:196-210.
1971 Eine hethitische Prozessurkunde aus Ugarit, LT*'3:71-4.
HAGENBUCHNER, A .
1989 Die Korrespondenz der Hethiter 2 volumes (Texte der Hethiter 16, Heidelberg:
Carl Winter Universittsverlag).
HAL L I DAY , M.A.K.
1978 language as social semiotic (London: Edward Arnold).
HAL L O, W.W. (with Y OUNGER, J .L. J R, ed.)
1997 The context of scripture vol. 1 Canonical comportions of the biblical world (Leiden:
Brill).
HAMI L TON, M .
1906 Incubation, or the cure of disease in pagan temples and Christian churches (St
Andrews: Henderson; London: Simpkin, Marshall, Kent and Co.).
HANDY , L . K .
1994 Among the host of heaven. The Syro-Palestinian pantheon as bureaucracy (Winona
Lake IN: Eisenbrauns).
HARRAK , A .
1987 Assyria and Hanigalbat: a historical reconstruction of bilateral relations ftom the
middle of the fourteenth to the end of the twelfth centuries BC (TSO 4, Hildesheim,
New York: Olms).
HARREL SON, W.
1969 From fertility cult to worship (Garden City NY: Doubleday).
HARTMAN, . - HOFTI J ZER, J .
1971 Ugaritic hnk-hnkt and a Punic formula, Le Muson 84:529-35.
HAUSSI G, H . W. (ed.)
1965 Gtter und Mythen im vorderen Orient. Wrterbuch der Mythologie, I Die alten
Kulturvlker 1 (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta).
HAWKI NS, J . D.
1988* Kuzi-Teub and the 'great kings' of Karkami, AnSt 38:99-108.
1993 A bowl epigraph of the official Taprammi , 715-7 in M J . MEL L I NK
et al. (eds) Aspects of art and iconography: Anatolia and its neighbors. Studies
in honor of Nimet zgf (Ankara: Trk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi).
1995 The hieroglyphic inscription of the sacred pool complex at Hattusa (Sdburg)
(Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz).
HEAL EY , J . F .
1976 Syriac nsr, Ugaritic nsr, Hebrew nsr II, Akkadian nsr II, FT 26:429-37.
1977 The underworld character of the god Dagan, JNSL 5:43-51.
1978a mlkm/rp'um and the Kispum, UF 10:89-91.'
1978b Ritual text KTU 1.161translation and notes, UF 10:83-8.
1979 The pietas of an ideal son in Ugarit, UF 11:353-6.
1984 I mmortality and the king: Ugarit and the Psalms, Or 53:245-54.
1985 The Akkadian 'pantheon' list from Ugarit, SEL 2:115-23.
1986 The Ugaritic dead: some live issues, UF 18:27-32.
1988a The 'pantheon' of Ugarit: further notes, SEL 5:103-12.
1988b Ugaritic lexicography and other Semitic languages, UF 20:61-8.
1995a Dagon, cols. 407-13 in DDD.
1995b Mot, cols. 1122-31 in DDD.
HEI NHOL D- K RAHMER, S.
1977 Arzawa: Untersuchungen zu seiner Geschichte nach den hethitischen Quellen (Texte
der Hethiter 8, Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universittsverlag).
HEL CK , W.
1963 Urhi-Teup in gypten, JCS 17:87-97.
1971 Die Beziehungen gyptens zu Vorderasien im 3. und 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr.
(Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz).
1976 gyptische Statuen im Ausland. Ein chronologisches Problem, UF
8:101-14.
1983 Asija, S 110:2936.
1987 'Was kann die gyptologie wirklich zum Problem der absoluten Chron-
ologie in der Bronzezeit beitragen?' Chronologische Annherungswerte
in der 18. Dynastie, 18-26 in STROM 1987.
1989 Ein Ausgreifen des Mittleren Reiches in den zypriotischen Raum?, GM
109:27-30.
1995 Die Beziehungen gypten-Ugarit, 87- 94 in DI ETRI CH - L ORETZ 1995.
HEL D, M .
1959 mhs/*m/} in Ugaritic and other Semitic languages (a study in com-
parative lexicography), JA OS 79:169-76.
1962 The Y QTL -QTL (QTL-Y QTL) sequence of identical verbs in bibli-
cal Hebrew and in Ugaritic, 281-90 in BEN- HORI N - WEI NRY B
ZEI TL I N 1962.
1965 The action-result (factitive-passive) sequence of identical verbs in bib-
lical Hebrew and Ugaritic, JBL 84:272-82.
1969 Rhetorical questions in Ugaritic and biblical Hebrew, EI 9:71-9.
HEL TZER, M .
1969a The army of Ugarit and its organisation, VDI 3:21-38.
1969b Problems of the social history of Syria in the Late Bronze Age, 31-46
i n LI VERANI 1969.
1971 Soziale Aspekte des Heerwesens in Ugarit, SGKAO 1: 125- 31.
1976 The rural community in Ancient Ugarit (Wiesbaden: Dr Ludwig Reichert
Verlag).
1978a Goods, prices and the organization of trade in Ugarit (Wiesbaden: Dr Ludwig
Reichert Verlag).
1978b The Rahba'um in Mari and the RPI[M) in Ugarit, OLP 9:5-20.
1979a The royal economy in ancient Ugarit, 6:459 96.
1979b Dimtu-gt-pyrgos An essay about the non-etymological sense of these
terms, JNSL 7:31-5.
1979c Some problems of the military organization of Ugarit (Ugaritic l}rd and
Middle-Assyrian (furdu), OA 19:245 53.
1979d Some questions concerning the Sherdana in Ugarit, IOS 9:9-16.
1981 On the meaning of the term updit/updt in Ugarit, JNSL 9:71 4.
1982 The Internal Organization of the Kingdom of Ugarit (Wiesbaden: Dr Ludwig
Reichert Verlag).
1984 Private property in Ugarit, 161- 93 in A. ARCHI (ed.) Circulation of goods
in non-palatial context in the ancient Near East (Rome: Edizioni dell'Ateneo).
1987 Labour in Ugarit, 237- 50 in POWEL L 1987.
1988a Sinaranu, son of Siginu, and the trade relations between Ugarit and
Crete, Minos N.S. 23:7-13.
1988b The Late Bronze Age service system and its decline, 7 18 in HEL TZER -
LI PI NSKI eds 1988.
1989a The trade of Crete and Cyprus with Syria and Mesopotamia and their
eastern tin sources in the XVI I I XVI I century BC, Minos N.S. 24:7-27.
1989b Some questions of Ugaritic metrology and its parallels i nj udah, Phoe-
nicia, Mesopotamia and Greece, UF 21:195-208.
1990 Vineyards and wine in Ugarit (property and distribution), UF 22:119-36.
1994 Trade between Egypt and Western Asia: new metrological evidence
(on C.W. Castle in JESHO 35), JESHO 37:318-21.
1997 The hr qtn in Ugarit. The meaning of the term and the functions of
these people, UF 29:211-40.
HEL TZER, M . - LI PI NSKI (eds)
1988 Society and Economy in the Eastern Mediterranean (c. 1500-1000 BC). Proceedings
of the International Symposium held at the University of Haifa from the 28th of
April to the 2nd of May 1985 (Leuven: Peeters).
HENS-PI AZZA, G.
1992 Repetition and rhetoric in Canaanite epic: a close reading of KTU 1.14
III 20-49, UF 24:103-12.
HERDNER, A .
1949a Hirihibi et les noces de Yarih et de Nikkal, Semitica 2:17-20.
1949b La lgende cananenne d'Aqhat d'aprs les travaux rcents, Syria
26:1-16.
1956 Un nouvel exemplaire du rituel RS 1929, n 3, Syria 33:104-12.
1963 Corpus des tablettes en cuniformes alphabtiques dcouvertes Ras Shamra-
Ugarit de 1929 1939 2 volumes (MRS 10, BAH 79, Paris: I mprimerie
Nationale, Geuthner).
1973 'Une prire Baal des Ugaritains en danger', CMIBL 1:693-703.
1974 La Lgende de Keret, 481- 574 in CAQUOT - SZNY CER - HERDNER
1974.
1
1978 Nouveaux textes alphabtiques de Ras Shamra- XXI V
e
campagne,
1961, Ug 7:1-74.
HERRMANN, W.
1968 Yarih und Nikal und der Preis der Kutart-Gcittinnen (BZAW 106, Berlin: de
Gruyter).
1995a
1995b
HESS, R. S.
1989
1991
1993
1994a
1994b
1996a
1996b
1997
HETTEMA, T . L .
1989-90
L 'HEUREUX, C.
1979
HI L L ERS, D. R .
1970
1973
1985
HOCH, J . E .
1994
HOFFNER, H. A .
1966
1991
1992
HOFFNER, H. A .
1973
HOFTI J ZER, J .
1979
1983
1995-6
HOFTI J ZER, J .
1991
HL SCHER
HOL MES, Y . L .
1975
Baal, cols. 249-63 in DDD.
El, cols. 522-33 in DDD.
Cultural aspects of onomastic distribution in the Amarna Texts, UF
21:209-16.
The operation of case vowels in the personal names of the Amarna
Texts, 201-10 in M.-J . STEVE et al. (ed.) Msopotamie et Elam: Actes
de la XXXVI' Rencontre Assynologique Internationale, Gand 10-14 Juillet
1989 (Mesopotamian history and environment occasional publica-
tions 1, Ghent: University of Ghent).
Amarna Personal Names (ASOR Dissertation Series 9, Winona Lake
IN: Eisenbrauns).
Alalakh and the Bible: obstacle or contribution?, 199-215 in COOGAN
et al. (eds) 1994.
Late Bronze Age and biblical boundary descriptions of the west
Semitic world, 123-38 in BROOKE et al. 1994.
Non-Israelite personal names in the Book of J oshua, CBQ 58:205-14.
Review of HOCH 1994, JSS 41:126-9.
Hurrians and other inhabitants of Late Bronze Age Palestine, Levant
29:153-6.
'That it be repeated'. A narrative analysis of KTU 1.23, JEOL
31:77-94.
Rank among the Canaanite gods: El, Ba'al and the Repha'm (HSM 21,
Missoula MT: Scholars Press).
Review of Grondahl, JNES 29:298-300.
The bow of Aqht: the meaning of a mythological symbol, 71-80 in
HOFFNER 1973.
A difficult curse in Aqht ( 19 [1 Aqht] 3. 152- 4) , 455- 7 in K O R T -
MORSCHAUSER 1985.
Semitic words in Egyptian texts (Princeton NJ : Princeton University Press).
>
Symbols for masculinity and femininity, JBL 85:326-34.
Texts from Ugarit Concerning Security and Related Akkadian and
West Semitic Material, UF 23:189-216.
The Last Days of Khattusha, 46- 52 in WA RD - J OUKOWSKY 1992.
J R (ed.)
Orient and occident FS C.H. Gordon (AOAT 22, Neukirchen-Vluyn:
Neukirchener Verlag; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon and Bercker).
Une lettre du roi de Tyr, UF 11:383-8.
Ugaritische brieven uit de tijd van de ondergang van de stad, 94-9
in K.R. VEENHOF (ed.) Schnjvend Verleden. Documenten uit hei Oude Nabije
Oosten vertaald en toegelicht (Leiden: Ex Oriente Lux).
Some notes on the Ugaritic text KTU 2.42 lines 1-9, JEOL 34:73-80.
VAN SOL DT, W.
Texts from Ugarit concerning security and related Akkadian and
West Semitic material, UF 23:189-216.
The messengers of the Amarna letters, JAOS 95:376-81.
HORNUNG, .
1987 'Lang oder Kurz?'das Mittlere und Neue Reich gyptens als Prf-
stein, 27- 36 in STROM 1987.
HOROWI TZ, W.
1996 The cuneiform tablets at Tel Hazor, IEJ 46:268-9.
HORWI TZ, W. J .
1973 A studv of Ugaritic scribal practices and prosody in CTA 2:4, UF
5:165-75.
1974 Some possible results of rudimentary scribal training, UF 6:75-80.
1977 Our Ugaritic mythological texts: copied or dictated? UF 9:123-30.
1979 The Ugaritic scribe, UF 11:389-94.
VAN DEN HOUT, TH.PJ .
1989 KBo IV 10+ (CTH 106). Studien zum Sptjunghethitischen Texte der Zeit
Tudhaliyas IV (Dissertation, University of Amsterdam).
1995 Der Ulmiteub-Vertrag (StBoT 38) (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz).
1997 The Apology of Hattusili I I I , 199-204 in HAL L O 1997.
HOUWI NK T EN CATE, P . H J .
1974 The early and late phases of Urhi-Teshub's career, 123- 50 in K . BI TTEL
et ai Anatolian studies presented to Hans Gustav Gterbock on the occaon of
his 65th birthday (Publications of the Dutch historical and archaeological
I nstitute of I stanbul 39, Leiden: I nstituut van het Nabije Oosten).
1983-4 Sidelights on the Ahhiyawa question from Hittite vassal and royal
correspondence, JEOL 28:33-79.
1996 The Hittite dynastic marriages of the period between ca. 1258 and
1244 BC, AoF 23:40-75.
HUEHNERGA RD, J .
1979 The Akkadian dialects of Carchemish and Ugarit (PhD Diss., Harvard
University).
1981 Akkadian evidence for case-vowels on Ugaritic bound forms, JCS
33:199-200.
1987a Northwest Semitic vocabulary in Akkadian Texts, JA OS 107:713-85.
1987b Ugaritic vocabulary in syllabic transcription (HSS 32, Atlanta GA: Scholars
Press).
1989 The Akkadian of Ugarit (HSS 34, Atlanta GA: Scholars Press).
1997 Notes on Ras ShamraOugari t VI I , Syria 74:213-20.
HUFFMON, H. B .
1965 Amorite personal names in the Mari Texts: a structural and lexical study
(Baltimore MD: J ohns Hopkins University Press).
HUSSER, J . - M .
1994 Le songe et la parok. Etude sur k rve et sa fonction dans l'ancien Isral
(BZAW 210, Berlin: de Gruyter).
1995 Culte des anctres ou rites funraires? A propos du 'catalogue' des
devoirs du fils (KTU 1.17:1-11), UF 27:115-27.
1996 The birth of a hero: form and meani ng of K TU 1. 17 I I I 85- 98 in
WY A TT - WATSON - L L OY D 1996.
1997 Shapash psychopompe et le pseudo-hymne au soleil (KTU 1.6 vi
42-53), UF 29:227-44.
HVI DBERG, F . F .
1962 Weeping and laughtei in the Old Testament (Copenhagen: Arnold Busck;
ET of Graad Ijolter i det Gamk Testament, Copenhagen: Lunos Boktrykeri
1938).
HVI DBERG- HANSEN, F . O.
1979 La desse Tanit 2 volumes (Copenhagen: Gad).
1990 Kana'aniske myter og legender 2 volumes (Aarhus: Aarhus Universiteitsforlag).
I MPARATI , F.
1975 Una concessione di terre da parte di Tudhaliya IV, RHA 33:1-211.
1987 La politique extrieure des Hittites: tendances et problmes, Hethitica
8:187-207.
1988 Armaziti: attivit di un personaggio nel tardo impero ittita, 79-94 in
F. I MPARATI (ed.) Studi di storia e di filologia anatolica dedicati a Giovanni
Pugluse Carratelli (Florence: Elite).
IRVIN, D.
1978 Mythanon. The comparison of tales from the Old Testament and the ancient
near east (AOAT 32, Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon und Bercker; Neukirchen-
Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag).
I RWI N, W. H .
1983 The extended simile in RS 24.245 Obv., UF 15:53-8.
I SAKSSON, B.
1989 The position of Ugaritic among the Semitic languages, OrSuec 38:54-70.
I ZRE'EL , S.
1988 When was the 'general's letter' from Ugarit written? 160-75 in
M . HEL TZER - E. LI PI NSKI (eds) Society and economy in the eastern Mediter-
ranean (Leuven: Peeters).
1991 Amurru Akkadian: a linguistic study 2 volumes (HSS 40-1, Atlanta GA:
Scholars Press).
I ZRE'EL , S. - SI NGER, I .
1990 The General's Letter from Ugarit: a linguistic and historical rvaluation of RS
20.33 (Ugaritica V, No. 20) (Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University, The Chaim
Rosenberg School of J ewish Studies).
J ACKSON, J .J .
1974 ' Style in Isaiah 28 and a drinking bout of the gods (RS 24.258),
85-98 in J .J . J ACKSON - M . KESSLER (eds) Rhetorical criticism. Essays in
honor of James Muilenburg (Pittsburgh PA: Pickwick).
J ACKSON, J J . - DRESSLER, H . H . P .
1975 El and the cup of blessing, JAOS 95:99-101.
J AMESON, F.
1972 The prison-house of language. A critical account of structuralism and Russian
formalism (Princeton NJ : Princeton University Press).
J ANOWSKI , B.
1980 Erwngungen zur Vorgeschichte des israelitischen s'lamim. Opfers, UF
12:231-60.
J EFFERS, A .
1996 Magic and divination in ancient Palestine and Syria (SHCANE 7, Leiden:
Brill).
J I RK U, A .
962 Kanaanische Mythen und Epen aus Ras Schamra-Ugarit (Gtersloh: Mohn).
1969 Ugaritische Eigennamen als Quelle des ugaritischen Lexikons, ArOr
37:8-11.
DE J ONG, T . - VAN SOL DT, W. H .
1987-8 Redating an early solar eclipse of the sun record (KTU 1.78). I m-
plications for the Ugaritic calendar and for the secular accelerations
of the earth and moon, JEOL 30:65-7.
KAI SER, O.
1959 Die mythische Bedeutung des Meeres in gypten, Ugarit und Israel (BZAW
18, Berlin: de Gruyter).
1970 Zum Formular der in Ugarit gefundenen Briefe, DPV 86:10-23.
KMMERER, T .
1994 Zur sozialen Stellung der Frau in Emr und Ekalte als Witwe und
Waise, UF 26:169-208.
KAPELRUD, A . S.
1952 Baal in the Ras Shamra texts (Copenhagen: Gad).
1969 The violent goddess. Anat in the Ras Shamra Texts (Oslo: Universitets Forlaget).
KATZENSTEI N, H. J .
1997 History of Tyre (Beer Sheva: Ben-Gurion University of the Negev Press.
Second edition. 1973').
KAY E, A . S. (ed.)
1991 Semitic studies in honor of Wolf Leslau on the occasion of his eighty-fifth birth-
day November 14th, 1991 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz).
KEMP, B J .
1989 Ancient Egypt anatomy of a civilization (London: Routledge).
KESTEMONT, G.
1974a Diplomatique et droit international en Asie occidentale (1600-1200 av. J.C.)
(Publications de l'Institut orientaliste de Louvain 9, Louvain-la-Neuve:
Universit de Louvain).
1974b Le trait entre Mursil II de Hatti et Niqmepa d'Ugarit, UF 6:85-127.
KLENAST, B.
1979 Rechtsurkunden in ugaritischer Sprache, UF 11:431-52.
1980 Kauf.E. In Alalah und Ugarit, RIA 5:530-41.
KI LMER, A . D. (Anne DRAFFKORN KI LMER)
1959 Humans and Hurrian at Alalaff: An ethno-linguistic analysis (PhD Diss.
University of Pennsylvania).
1974 The cult song with music from ancient Ugarit: another interpretation,
RA 68:69-82.
KI LMER, A . D. CROCKER, R. L . BROWN, R. R.
1976 Sounds from lence. Recent discoveries in ancient near eastern music (Berkeley:
Bit Enki Publications). Includes LP record BTNK 101; side b: A Hurrian
cult song from ancient Ugarit.
Ki net, D.
1981 Ugarit-Geschichte und Kultur drier Stadt in der Umwelt des Alten Testaments
(SBS 104, Stuttgart: Verlag Katholoisches Bibelwerk).
KI NLAW, D.
1967 A Study of personal names in the Akkadian texts from Ugant (PhD Diss.
Brandeis University, Ann Arbor MI : UMI ).
KI RK, G. S.
1970 Myth: its meaning and functions in ancient and other cultures (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press).
KI TCHEN, K . A .
1962 Suppiluliuma and the Amarna pharaohs: a study in relative chronology (Liverpool:
Liverpool University Press).
1977 The king list of Ugarit, UF 9:131-42.
1979 Ramesside Inscriptions II (Oxford: Blackwell).
1987 The Basics of Egyptian Chronology, 37 55, 152- 9 in ASTROM 1987.
1995 Review of DREWS 1993, JSS 40: 86- 91.
KLENGEL, H.
1962 Zur Geschichte von Ugarit, OLZ 57:453-62.
1965 Geschichte Syriens im 2. Jahrtausend v.u. I (Berlin: Akademie Verlag).
1969 Geschichte Syriens im 2. Jahrtausend v.u. H (Berlin: Akademie Verlag).
1970 Geschichte Syriens im 2. Jahrtausend v.u. HI (Berlin: Akademie Verlag).
1974 'Hungerjahre' in Hatti, AoF 1:165-74.
1975 Neue Quellen zur Geschichte Nordsyriens im 2. J ahrtausend v.u.Z.,
AoF 2:47-64.
1980 Mord und Bussleistung im sptbronzezeitlichen Syrien, 189-197 in
B. ALSTER (ed.) Death in Mesopotamia (Mesopotamia 8, Copenhagen Studies
in Assyriology, Copenhagen: Akademie forlag).
1991 Tuthaliya IV. von Hatti: Prolegomena zu einer Biographie, AoF 18:
224-38.
1992 Syria 3000 to 300 BC A handbook of political history (Berlin: Akademie
Verlag).
1996 Review of Bordreuil, ed., 1991 and Yon et al., eds 1995, OLZ 91:558-62.
1997 Die historische Rolle der Stadt Aleppo im vorantiken Syrien, 359-74
in G. WI LHELM (ed.) Die orientalische Stadt: Kontinuitt (Bruch: Wandel).
1. Internationales Colloquium der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 9.-10. Mai 1996
(Halle/Saale: Saarbrcker Druckerei und Verlag).
KLEVEN, T .
1988 Kingship in Ugarit (KTU 1.16 I 1- 23), 29- 54 in ESLI NGER - TAY LOR
1988.
KLI MA, J .
1957a Sulla diseredazione secondo le fond accadiche di Ugarit, RSO 32:655-60.
1957b Zur Stellung der ugaritischen Frau, ArOr 25:313-33.
KLI NGER, J .
1996 Untersuchungen zur Rekonstruktion der haltischen Kultschicht (Studien zu den
Bogazky-Texten 37, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz).
KNAPP, A.B.
1983 An Alashiyan merchant at Ugarit, TA 10:38-45.
KNOPPERS, G. N.
1993 Treaty, tribute list, or diplomatic letter: KTU 3.1 reexamined, BASOR
289:81-94.
1994 Dissonance and disaster in the legend of Kirta, JAOS 114:572-82.
KNUTSON, F.B.
1975 Literary genres in the Ugaritic texts, RSP 2:153-214.
K OCH, K .
1967 Die Sohnesverheissung an den ugaritischen Daniel, 24:211-21.
1993 Die Geschichte eines Berges und seiner Gotthei ten, 171-223 in
B. J ANOWSKI - K . KOCH - G. WI LHELM (eds) Religionsgeschichtliche Bezie-
hungen zwischen Kleinasien, Mordsyrien und dem Alten Testament (OBO 129,
Freiburg: Universittsverlag; Gttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht).
K 0R0EC, V .
1960 Les Hittites et leurs vassaux syriens la lumire des nouvaux textes
d'Ugarit (PRU IV), RHA 66:65-79.
KORPEL, M. C. A .
1990 A rift in the Clouds. Ugaritic and Hebrew descriptions of the divine (UBL 8,
Munster: Ugarit-Verlag).
1998 Exegesis in the work of Ilimilku of Ugarit, OTS 40:86-111 (= J .C. DE
MOOR [ed.] Intertextuality in Ugarit and Israel [Leiden: Brill]).
KORPEL, M . C . A - DE MOOR, J . C.
1986 Fundamentals of Ugaritic and Hebrew poetry, UF 18:173-212.
1988 Fundamentals of Ugaritic and Hebrew poetry, 1-61 in VAN DER M E E R -
DE MOOR 1988 (= 1986 revised).
1998 The structure of classical Hebrew poetry: Isaiah 40-55 (OTS 41, Leiden: Brill).
KORT, A. - MORSCHAUSER, S. (eds)
1985 Biblical and related studies presented to Samuel Iwry (Winona Lake IN:
Eisenbrauns).
KOSAK, S.
1982 Hittite Inventory Texts (CTH 241-250) (Heidelberg: Carl Winter-Univer-
sittsverlag).
KOSCHAKER, P.
1935 Keilschriftrecht, Z)MG 89:1-39.
KOSMALA, H.
1966 Form and structure in Hebrew poetry (continued), VT 16:152-80.
KOTTSI EPER, I .
1984 KTU 1.100. Versuch einer Deutung, UF 16:97-110.
KRAUS, F. R.
1985 Mittelbabylonische Opferschauprotokolle, JOS 37:127-218.
KRAUSS, R.
Das Ende der Amarnazeit (Hildesheim: Gerstenberg Verlag).
M.
Gt und tD-Stmme im Ugaritischen, 227-70 in GROSS, W. et al. (eds)
Text, Methode und Grammatik Festschrift Wolfgang Richter zum 65. Geburtstag
(St Ottilien: EOS Verlag).
Verbalformen mit suffigierten n-Morphemen im Ugaritischen: ber-
legungen zur Morphologie des Energikus im Ugaritischen und in
anderen semitischen Sprachen, 123-50 in I RSI GLER, H. (ed.) Syntax und
Text: Beitrge zur 22. Internationalen kumenichen Hebrische-Dozenten-Konferenz
1993 in Bamberg (ATSAT 40, St Ottilien: EOS Verlag).
, A.L.
Ugaritic epistolary formulas: a comparative study of the Ugaritic epis-
tolary formulas in the context of the contemporary formulas in the
letters from Ugarit and Amarna, UF 9:143-58.
- MI CKLER, E . H.
Solar and lunar eclipses of the ancient Near East from 3000 Be to 0 with maps
(AOAT Sonderreihe 1, Kevelaer: Butzon and Bercker; Neukirchen-
Vluyn: Neukirchener-Verlag).
1978
KREBERNI K
1991
1993
KRI STENSEN
1977
KUDLEK, M
1971
KUGEL, J .
1981
KHNE, C.
1971
1973
1974a
1974b
1975a
1975b
1975c
1982
The idea of biblical poetry. Parallelism and its history (New Haven and London:
Yale University Press).
Zum Text RS 19.68, UF 3:369-71.
Ammistamru und die Tochter der 'grossen Dame', UF 5:175-84.
Eine analytische Liste der akkadischen Ugarittexte, UF 6:129-56.
Mit Glossenkeilen markierte fremde Wrter in akkadischen Ugarit-
texten, UF 6:157-67.
Mit Glossenkeilen markierte fremde Wrter in akkadischen Ugarittexten
II, UF 7:253-60.
Zum neu gewonnenen Niqmepa'-Vetrag, UF 7:239-51.
Nachtrge und Berichtigungen, UF 7:515-6.
Politische Szenerie und internationale Beziehungen Vorderasiens um
die Mitte des 2. J ahrtausends von Chr. (zugleich ein Konzept der
Kurzchronol ogi e) mit einer Zeittafel, 203-64 in H.-J . NI SSEN -
J . RENGER (eds) Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer
Verlag).
Ein mittelassyrisches Verwaltungsarchiv und andere Keilschrifttexte,
203-25 in W. ORTHMANN Ausgrabungen in Teil Chuera in Nordost-Syrien. I
(Vorbericht ber die Grabungskampagnen 1986 bis 1992) (Saarbrcken:
Saarbrcker).
KHNE, C. - OTTEN, H.
1971 Der Saugamuwa- Vertrag (StBoT 16, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz).
KHNE, H.
1980 Das Rollsiegel in Syrien (Tbingen: Universitt Tbingen).
KMMEL, H. - M.
1969 Ugaritica hethitica, UF 1:159-65.
1995
LACKENBACHER, S.
1982 Nouveaux documents d'Ugarit. I. Une lettre royale, RA 76:141-56.
1984 Nouveaux documents d'UgaritI I une lettre de Mari, MARI 3:185-9.
1989 Trois lettres d'Ugarit, 317- 320 in H. BEHRENS et al. (eds) Dumu-
e-i-dub-ba-a: Studies in Honor of Ake W. Sjberg (Occasional Publications
of the Samuel Noah Kramer Fund 11, Philadelphia PA: University
Museum).
1991a Un contrat d'adoption en fraternit, 341-3 in D. CHARPI N - F. J OANNES
(eds) Marchands, diplomates et empereurs. Etudes sur la civilisation msopotami-
enne offertes Paul Garelli (Paris: ERC).
1991b Lettres et fragments, 83-104 in RSO 7.
1994 Ugaritica V no. 36; KUB III, 38, NABU 1994/3:50-1.
1995a La correspondance internationale dans les archives d'Ugarit, RA
89:67-76.
1995b Une correspondance entre l'administration du pharaon Merneptah
et le roi d'Ougarit, 77-83 in RSO 11.
1996 Girg dans un texte d'Ugarit, NABU 1996/1:7.
1997 RS 88.2158, NABU 1997/1:31-2.
Forthcoming RS 88.2158.
LAGARCE, .
1983 Le rle d'Ugarit dans l'laboration du rpertoire iconographique Syro-
Phnicien du premier millnaire avant J .-C., 547-61 in Atti del I
Congresso Intemazionale di studi Fenici e Punici Vol. 2 (Rome: Consiglio
Nazionale delle Ricerche).
1987 Les dixime et onzime campagnes de fouilles (1984 et 1986) Ras
Ibn Hani (Syrie), CRAIBL 274-88.
1988 The intrusion of the Sea Peoples and their acculturation: a paral-
lel between Palestinian and Ras Ibn Hani data, 137-69 in S. SAATH
(ed.) Studies in the History and Archaeology of Palestine III (Aleppo: Aleppo
University Press).
1995 Ras Ibn Hani au Bronze Rcent, 141-54 in RSO 11.
LAMBERT, VV.G.
1957-71 Gtterlisten, RIA 3:473-9.
1968 Another look at Hammurabi's ancestors, JCS 22:1-2.
1988 A further note on th wbh, UF 20:135.
LAMBROU-PHI LLI PSON, C.
1990 Hellenorientalia: The Near Eastern Presence in the Bronze Age Aegean, ca.
3000-1100 BC (Gteborg: Paul strom Frlag).
1993 Ugarit: A Late Bronze Age Thalassocracy? The Evidence of the
Textual Sources, Or 62:163-70.
LANDSBERGER, .
1954 Assyrische Knigsliste und 'Dunkles Zeitalter', JCS 8:31-45, 47-73,
106-33.
LANDSBERGER, B. - HALLOCK, R. T .
1955
DE L A N GHE
1945
R.
Sa vocabulary, 47-87 in R.T. HALLOCK et al. MSL 3.
Les textes de Ras Shamra-Ugarit et leurs rapports avec le milieu biblique de
l'Ancien Testament (Paris: Gembloux).
1958 Myth, ritual, and kingship in the Ras Shamra tablets, 122-48 in
HOOKE S. H. (ed.) Myth, ritual, and kingship: essays on the theory and prac-
tice of kingship in the ancient near east and Israel (Oxford: Oxford University
Press).
LARGEMENT, R.
1949 La naissance de l'Aurore. Pome mythologique de Ras Shamra-Ugarit (ALBO
ii 11, Gembloux: Duculot and Louvain: Nauwelaerts).
LAROCHE, E.
1955
1956
1966
1968a
1968b
1971
1973
1976-7
1979a
1979b
1980
LAY TON, S. C.
1990
LEBRUN, R.
1995
LECLANT, J .
1960
LEE, J . T .
1973
Les textes hourrites, 325-35 in PRU 3.
Noms de dignitaires, RHA XI V/58:26-32.
Les noms des hittites (tudes linguistiques 4, Paris: Klincksieck).
Documents en langue hourrite provenant de Ras Shamra, Ug 5:448 544
(1968).
Textes de Ras Shamra en langue hittite, Ug 5:769 84.
CTH.
Etudes hourrites: notation musicale, RA 67:124-9.
Glossaire de la langue Hounite (RHA 34-35) (Paris: Klincksieck).
Le milieu hourrite, en 'Ras Shamra', DBS 9:1359-61 (1979).
RS 20.189, UF 11:477-80.
Glossaire de la langue hounite. (Etudes et Commentaires 93, Paris: Klinck-
sieck).
Archaic features of Canaanite personal names in the Hebrew Bible (HSM 47,
Atlanta GA: Scholars Press).
Ougarit et le Hatti la fin du XI I I
e
sicle av. J .-C., 85-8 in RSO 11.
Astart cheval d'aprs les reprsentations gyptiennes, Syria 37:1 67.
The Ugaritic numeral and its use as a literary device (PhD Diss.
Brandeis University).
LEHMANN, G. A .
1979 Die ika1jein neues Zeugnis zu den 'Seevlker'-Heerfahrten im
spten 13. J h. v.Chr. (RS 34.129), UF 11:481-94.
1983 Zum Auftreten von 'Seevlker'-Gruppen im sdichen Mittelmeerraum
eine Zwischenbilanz, 79-97 in S. DEGER-J ALKOTZY (ed.) Griechenland,
die Agis und die levante whrend der 'Dark Ages' vom 12. bis zum 9. Jh,
Chr. (Vienna: Verlag der sterreichischen Akademie der Wissen-
schaften).
1991 Die 'politisch-historischen' Beziehungen der Agis-Welt des 15.-13.
J h. s.v. Chr. zu gypten und Vorderasien: einige Hinweise, 105-26
in j . LATACZ (ed.) Zweihundert Jahre Homer-Forschung: Rckblick und Ausblick
(Colloquium Rauricum 2, Stuttgart: Teubner).
1996 Umbrche und Zsuren im stlichen Mittelmeerraum und Vorderasien
zur Zeit der 'Seevlker'-Invasionen um und nach 1200 v. Chr. HZ
262:1-38.
LEI CHTY , E.
1970
LEJ EUNE, M .
1968
LEMAI RE, A.
1993
LESLAU, W.
1968
LETTI NGA, J . P.
1948 '
LEVI NE, B.
1963
1965
1974
The Omen Series summa izbu (TCS 4), Locust Valley NY: J J . Augustin).
Chars et roues a Cnoso: structure d'un inventaire, Minos 9-61.
Ougarit, Oura et la Cilicie vers la fin du XI I I
e
s. av. J .-C., UF
25:227-36.
Observations on Semitic cognates to Ugaritic, Or 37:347-66.
Review of DE LANGHE 1945, BiOr 5:107-12.
Ugaritic descriptive rituals, JCS 17:105-11.
The descriptive tabernacle texts of the Pentateuch, JA OS 85:307-18.
In the Presence of the Lord. A study of the cult and some cultic terms in ancient
Israel (Leiden: Brill).
1983 The descriptive ritual texts from Ugarit: some formal and functional
features of the genre, 467- 75 in MEY ERS, C.L. - O'CONNOR, M . (eds)
The Word of the Lord shall go forth. Essays in honor of David Noel Freedman
(Winona Lake IN: Eisenbrauns).
LEVI NE, B.A. - DE TARRAGON, J . - M.
1984 Dead kings and Rephaim: the patrons of the Ugaritic dynasty, JAOS
104:649-59.
1988 'Shapshu cries out in heaven': dealing with snake-bites at Ugarit (KTU
1.100. 1.107), RB 95:481-518.
1993 The king proclaims the day: Ugaritic rites for the vintage (KTU
1.41//1.87), RB 100:76-115.
LEVI NE, B.A. - DE TARRAGON, J . - M . - ROBERTSON, A.
1997a Ugaritic rites for the vintage (KTU 1.41//1
1997.
1997b The patrons of the Ugaritic dynasty (KTU
1997.
L.
La mentalit primitive (Paris: Felix Alcan).
1.87), 299- 301 i n HALLO
1.161), 357- 8 i n HALLO
LF.VY-BRUHL.
1922
LEWI S, A . H.
1966
LEWI S, T J .
1989
1996a
1996b
Ugaritic place names (Brandeis University PhD Diss. Ann Arbor MI :
UMI ).
Cults of the dead in ancient Israel and Ugarit (HSM 39, Atlanta: Scholars
Press).
The disappearance of the goddess Anat: the 1995 West Semitic Research
Project on Ugaritic epigraphy, BA 59:115-21.
Toward a literary translation of the Rephaim texts, 115-49 in WY ATT
WATSON - LLOY D 1996.
The Rapiuma, 196-205 in PARKER 1997a. 1997
LI BOLT, C . G.
1985 Royal land grants from Ugarit (University of Michigan PhD Diss., Ann
Arbor MI :' UMI ).
LI CHTENSTEI N, M .
1979
LI NDER, .
1970
1981
LI PI NSKI , .
1973
1974
Episodic structure in the Ugaritic Keret legend: comparative studies in composi-
tional technique (Columbia University PhD Diss.).
The maritime texts of Ugarit: a study of Late Bronze shipping (Brandeis
University PhD Diss., Ann Arbor MI : UMI ).
Ugarit, a Canaaanite thalassocracy, 31- 42 in Y OUNG 1981.
SKN e t SGN dans le smitique occidental du nord, UF 5:191-207.
La lgende sacre de la conjuration des morsures de serpents, UF
6:169-74.
An Ugaritic letter of Amenophis III concerning the trade with A1aiya,
Iraq 9:213-7.
Ahat-Milki, reine d'Ugarit, et la guerre du Muki, OIJP 12:79-115.
Products and brokers of Tyre according to Ezechiel 27, StPh 3:213-20.
Fertility cult in ancient Ugarit, 207-15 in BONANNO 1986.
Scribes d'Ugarit et de J rusalem, 143-54 in H.L.J . Vanstiphout et al.
(eds) Scripta signa vocis: Studies about scripts, scriptures, scribes and languages
in the near East, presented to J.H. Hospers (Groningen: Egbert Forsten).
The socio-economic condition of the clergy in the kingdom of Ugarit,
125-50 in HELTZER - LI PI NSKI 1988.
LI PI NSKI , E. (ed.)
1979 State and temple economy in the ancient Near East. Proceedings of the interna-
1977
1981
1985
1986a
1986b
1988
tional conference organized by the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, 1978 (OLA
5-6, Louvain: Peeters, Department Orintalisteik).
1985
1988
LI TKE, R. L .
1958 A reconstruction of the Assyro-Babylonian god-lists, An:
A
a-nu-um and An: anu
a amli (Yale University PhD Diss.).
LI TTAUER, M. A . - CROUWEL, J . H.
1979 Wheeled vehicles and ridden animals in the ancient Near East (HdO 7. Abt.
1. Bd 2. Abschnitt l.Lfg, Leiden: Brill).
LI VERANI , M .
1960 Karkemi nei testi di Ugarit, RSO 35:135-47.
1962 Storm di Ugarit nell'et degli archivi politici (SS 6, Rome: Centra di Studi
Semitici).
1963 Antecedenti del diptotismo arabo nei testi accadici di Ugarit, RSO
38:131-60.
1964 Elementi innovativi nell'ugaritico non letterarion, ANLR 19:173-91.
1968 Review of Grandahl 1967, RA 62:162-5.
1969 Due documenti Ugaritici con garanzia di presenza, Ug 6:375-8.
1970 L'epica ugaritica nei suo contesto storico e letterario, 859-69 in A.B.
LORD et al. ed., Atti del convegno intemazionale sul tema: La poesia epica e la
sua formazione (Quaderno 139, Rome: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei).
1974 La royaut syrienne de l'ge du Bronze Rcent, 329-56 in GARELU, P.
(ed.) Le Palais et la royaut (RAI 19, Paris: Geuthner).
1978 L'lment hourrite dans la Syrie du Nord (c. 1350-1200), RHA 36:
149-56.
1979a Ras Shamra, histoire, DBS 9:1323-48 (1979).
1979b La dotazione dei mercanti di Ugarit, UF 11:495-503.
1979c Economia delle fattorie palatine ugaritiche, DdA 2:57-72.
1982 Ville et campagne dans le royaume d'Ugarit. Essai d'analyse conomique,
250-8 in DANDAMAYEV, M. A. et al. (eds) Societies and languages of the ancient
Near East. Studies in Honour l.M. Diakonoff (Warminster: Aris and Phillips).
1988a Antic o Oriente: storia, societ, economia (Rome, Bari: Laterza).
1988b II primo piano degli archivi di Ugarit, SEL 5:121-42.
1988c Ugarit, 937-41 in BROMI LEY 1988 vol. 4.
1988d Uomini, forse, VO 7:253-5.
1989 Economy of Ugaritic Royal Farms, 127 68 in C. ZacCAGNiNi (ed.)
Production and Consumption in the Ancient Near East, a collection of essays
(Budapest: University, Department of Egyptology).
1990 Prestige and interest, international relations in the Near East ca. 1600 1100 Be
(HANES 1, Padua: Sargon).
1992 Review of Izre'el and Singer 1990, RSO 66:221-2.
1995a Le royaume d'Ougarit, 47 54 in RSO 11.
1995b La fin d'Ougarit: Quand? Pourquoi? Comment?, 113-7 in RSO 11.
LLOY D, J . B.
1990 The Banquet theme in Ugaritic narrative, UF 22:169-93.
1994 The goddess Anat: an examination of the textual and iconographie evidence from
the second millennium BC (University of Edinburgh PhD Diss.).
1996 Anat and the 'double' massacre of K T U 1.3 ii, 151- 65 in WY ATT
WATSON - LLOYD 1996.
LLOY D, J . B. WY ATT, N.
1996 The Edinburgh Ras Shamra Project, an introduction, 423-30 in WY ATT -
WATSON LLOYD 1996.
LOEWE, M . - BLACKER, C.
1981 Divination and oracles (London: Allen and Unwin).
LOEWENSTAMM, S. E.
1965 The seven day-unit in Ugaritic epic literature, IEJ 15:121-33.
1969a Eine lehrhafte ugaritische Trinkburlesque, UF 1:71-8.
1969b The expanded colon in Ugaritic and biblical verse, JSS 14:179-96.
1969c Ugaritic formulas of greeting, BASOR 194:54-64.
1972 The killing of Mot in the Ugaritic texts, Or 41:378-82.
1980a The address 'Listen' in the Ugaritic epic and the Bible, 123-31 in
G. RENDSBURG et al. (eds) The Bible world. Essays in honor of C.H. Gordon
(New York: Ktav. Reprinted in LOEWENSTAMM 1992, 230-9).
1980b Comparative studies in biblical and ancient oriental literatures (AOAT 204,
Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon and
Bercker).
1992 From Babylon to Canaan. Studies in the Bible and its oriental background
(J erusalem: Magnes).
LOMBARD, P.
1995 Contexte archologique et donnes pigraphiques. Quelques rflexions
sur l'interprtation du gisement de 1973-1992, 227-37 in RSO 11.
LONGACRE, R. E .
1992 Discourse perspective on the Hebrew verb, 177- 89 in BODI NE 1992.
LORETZ, O.
1976 Die Analyse der ugaritischen und hebrischen Poesie mittels Stichometrie
und Konsonantenzhlung, UF 7:265-9.
1979 Die Psalmen. Teil II. Beitrag der Ugarit-Texte zum Verstndnis von Kolometrie
und Textologie der PsalmenPsalm '90-150 (AOAT 207/2, Neukirchen-
Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon and Bercker).
1986 Kolometrie ugaritischer und hebrischer Poesie: Grundlagen, infor-
mationstheoretische und literaturwissenschaftliche Aspekte, W 98:
249-66.
1989 Hexakola im Ugaritischen und Hebrischen. Zu KTU 1.3 IV 50-3 et
par., UF 21:237-40.
1993 Nekromantie und Totenevokation in Mesopotamien, Ugarit und Israel,
285- 318 in B. J ANOWSKI - K . K OCH - G. WI LHELM (eds) Religions-
geschichtliche Beziehungen zwischen Kldnasien, Mordsyrien und dem Alten Testament
(OBO 129, Gttingen: Vandenhoek and Ruprecht; Fribourg: Fribourg
University Press).
1994 Mri, Ugarit und Byblos, 113- 24 in E. ACQUARO et al. (eds.) Biblo. Una
citt e la sua cultura (Rome: Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche).
1995 Les erdan et la fin d'Ougarit. A propos des documents d'Egypte,
de Byblos et d'Ougarit relatifs aux Shardana, 125-140 (avec un appen-
dice de J. Kahl) in RSO 11.
1996 A Hurrian word [tkt) for the chariot of the Cloud-Rider? (KTU 1.4
6- 9) , 167- 78 i n WY ATT - WATSON - LLOY D 1996.
LORETZ, O. - KOTTSI EPER, I .
1987 Colometiy in Ugaritic and biblical poetry: introduction, illustrations and topical
bibliography (UBL 5, Altenberge: CIS-Verlag).
LORETZ, O. - XELLA, P.
1982 Beschwrung und Krankheilung in RI H 78/20, MLE 1:37-46.
LUBETSKI , M . - GOTTLI EB, C. - KELLER, S. (eds.)
1998 Boundaries of the Ancient Mew Eastern World. A Tribute to Cyrus H. Gordon
(J SOT SS 273, Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press).
VAN DER LUGT, P. - DE MOOR, J . C .
1974 The spectre of Pan-Ugaritism, BO 31:3-26.
LUDWI G, T . M .
1987 I ncantation, 147- 152 in ELI ADE, M. (ed.) The Encyclopedia of Religion, 1
(New York: Macmillan).
LUKER, M. S.
1968 The messenger figure in Sumerian and Akkadian literature, 55-77
in The figure of Moses in the plague traditions (Drew University Diss.).
LUNDI N, A . G.
1987 L'abcdaire de Beth Shemesh, L Muson 100:243-50.
MACDONALD, J .
1978 ' The unique Ugaritic personnel text KTU 4.102, UF 10:161-73.
MAI ER, W. A .
1986 'Aerah: extrabiblical evidence (HSM 37, Atlanta GA: Scholars Press).
MALAMAT, A.
1998 The sacred sea, 45 54 in B.Z. KEDAR - R.J .Z. YVERBLOWSKY (eds)
Sacred space: shrine, city, land (J erusalem: The Israel Academy of
Sciences and Humanities; London: Macmillan).
MALBRAN-LABAT, F.
1991 Lettres, 27-64 in RSO 7.
1995a Les archives de la Maison d'Ourtenu. Les textes akkadiens, CRAIBL
445-6.
1995b La dcouverte pigraphique de 1994 Ougarit (les textes akkadiens),
SMEA 36:103-111.
1995c L'pigraphie akkadienne. Rtrospective et perspectives, 33-40 in
RSO 11.
1996 Akkadien, bilingues et bilinguisme en Elam et Ougarit, 33-61 in
BRI QUEL-GHATONNET 1996.
MALEK, J . - QUI RKE, S.
1991 Memphis: epigraphy, J 4 78:13-8.
MALLET, J .
1990 Ras Shamra-Ougarit (Syrie), stratigraphie des vestiges du Bronze
moyen II exhums de 1979 1988, Syria 67:43 101.
MALLON, E. D.
1982 The Ugaritic verb in the letters and administrative documents (Catholic Uni-
versity of America PhD Diss, Ann Arbor MI : UMI ).
MALUL, M.
1988 Studies in Mesopotamian legal symbolism (AOAT 221, Kevelaer: Butzon
and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener-Verlag).
MARCUS, D.
1971 The qal passive in Ugaritic, JAMES 3:103-11.
1975 Aspects of the Ugaritic verb in the light of comparative Semitic grammar (Ann
Arbor MI : UMI ).
MARGALI T, B. (= MARGULI S, .)
1970a A Ugaritic psalm (RS 24.252), JBL 89:292-304.
1970b A new Ugaritic farce, UF 2:131 8.
1975 Studia Ugaritica I: 'I ntroduction to Ugaritic prosody', UF 7:289
313.
1976 Studia Ugaritica II: Studies in Krt and Aqht, UF 8:137-61.
1979 Alliteration in Ugaritic poetry: its rle in composition and analysis,
UF 11:537-57.
1979-80 The Ugaric feast of the drunken gods: another look at RS 24.258
(KTU 1.114), Maarav 2:65-120.
1980a Alliteration in Ugaritic poetry: its role in composition and analysis
(Part II), JNSL 8:57-80.
1980b A matter of 'life' and 'death' a study of the Baal-Mot epic (CTA 4-5-6)
(AOAT 206, Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, and Kevelaer:
Verlag Butzon and Bercker).
1981a The geographical setting of the Aqhat story and its ramifications,
131 58 i n G. D. YOUNG 1981.
1981b Tephilah ugaritit le*e maor (RS 24.266), 62-83 in Proceedings of the
Seventh World Congress of Jewish Studies . . ., (J erusalem: World Union of
J ewish Studies).
1982 Ugaritic lexicography I, RB 89:418-26.
1983a Lexicographical notes on the Aqhat epic (part I: KTU 1.17-18), UF
15:65-103.
1983b A restoration proposal in AQHT(CTA/KTU 1.17:VI:45), RB 90:360-4.
1984a The 'Neolithic connexion' of the Ugaritic poem of Aqhat, Palorient
9:93-8.
1984b Lexicographical notes on the Aqhat epic (part II: KTU 1.19), UF
16:119-79.
1989a The Ugaritic poem of Aqht (BZAW 182, Berlin: de Gruyter).
1989b KTU 1.92 (Obv.): A Ugaritic theophagy, AuOr 7:67-80.
1995 K-R-T studies, UF 27:215-315.
1996a Ugaritic \tr 'r
Z
and DAPT (I 14) s'gr.w's'tr, 179-203 in WY ATT - WATSON -
LLOYD 1996.
1996b alrt. srm.. .. sdynm (KTU 1.14:IV:35-39): exit 'Sidon', UF 28:453-6.
MARGUERON, J .
1983 Quelques reflexions sur certaines pratiques funraires d'Ugarit, Akkadica
32:5-31.
1995a Le Palais Royal d'Ougarit. Premiers rsultats d'une analyse systma-
tique, 183-202 in RSO 11.
1995b Notes d'archologie et d'architecture orientales. 7.Feu le four tab-
lettes de l'ex 'Cour V' du palais d'Ugarit, Syria 72:55-69.
MARGULI S, B. see MARGALI T, .
MARKS, J . H. - GOOD, R. M. (eds)
1987 Love and death in the ancient near east. Essays in honor of Marvin H. Pope
(Guilford CT: Four Quarters).
MARQUEZ ROWE, I .
1992a Akkadisms in Ugaritic texts K TU 2.41:14-22: a suggestion, AuOr
10:152-4.
1992b Summaries of Ugaritic texts and some new readings suggestions, UF
24:259-62.
1993a Evidence on the trade between Ugarit and Byblos. Once more on
KTU 4.338:10-8, Au Or 11:101-6.
1993b KTU 3.7 reconsidered. On the /ttw-service in Ugarit, AuOr 11:250-2.
1995 El ilku en Ugarit (University of Barcelona PhD Diss).
1996a Syllabic and alphabetic texts. A further note on scribal education at
Ugarit, UF 26:457-62.
1996b An Akkadian Letter of the Amarna Period at Ugarit, AuOr 14:107-26.
1997 Halab in the XVI th and XVth centuries BC. A new look at the Alalah
material, W?KM 87:177-205.
1999 The Hittite legal document from Ugarit, AuOr 16 (in press).
MARRASSI NI , P.
1984 Note sugli apporti patrimoniali in occasione del matrimonio nella Siria
del II millennio, 65-75 in C. SAPORETTI (ed.) II trasferimento dei beni
nei matrimonio privato del Vicino Oriente Antico, Geo-Archeologia 1984/2.
MATSUSHIMA, E. (ed.)
1993 Official cult and popular religion in the ancient near east. Papers of the first col-
loquium on the ancient Near East, the city and its life held at the Middle Eastern
Culture Center in Japan (Mitaka, Tokyo), March 20-22, 1992 (Heidelberg:
Winter).
MAY ER, W.
1971 Untersuchungen zur Grammatik des Mittelassyrischen (AOAT 2, Kevelaer:
Verlag Butzon and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag).
1978 Nuzi Studien I. Die Archive des Palastes und die Prosopographie der Beriife
(AOAT 205/1, Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, Kevelaer:
Verlag Butzon and Bercker).
1990 Der antike Name von Tall Munbqa, die Schreiber und die chronol-
ogische Einordnung der Tafelfunde: die Tontafelfunde von Tall Munbqa
1988, MDOG 122:45-66.
1992 Eine Urkunde ber Grundstckskamfe aus Ekalte/Tall Munbqa, UF
24:263-74.
1995b Politik und Kriegskunst der Assyrer (Mnster: Mnster-Verlag).
1996 The Hurrian cult at Ugarit, 205-12 in WY ATT - WATSON - LLOYD 1996.
MAY RHOFER, M .
1966 'Vocaliss' et 'syllabes en libert' Ugarit, IIJ 4:136-49.
1970 Zur kritischen Sichtung vorderasiatische-arischer Personennamen, IF
70:146-63.
MCDONAL D, P J .
1992 Discourse analysis and biblical interpretation, 153- 75 in BODI NE 1992.
MCLAUGHLI N, J . L .
1991 The marzeah at Ugarit, UF 23:265-81.
VAN DER MEER, W. - DE MOOR, J . C. (eds)
1988 The structural analysis of biblical and Canaanite poetry ( J SOTS 74, Sheffield:
Sheffield Academic Press).
MEI ER, S.A.
1986 Baal's fight with Yam (KTU 1.2.1, IV). A part of the Baal myth as
known in KTU 1.1, 3-6?, UF 18:241-54.
1989 A Ugaritic convention in biblical dialogue, UF 21:277-82.
MENDELSOHN, I .
1959 On Marriage in Alalakh, 351- 7 in J . L . BLAU et al. (eds) Essays on Jewish
Life and Thought Presented in Honor of S. W. Baron (New York: Columbia
University Press).
MERL O, P.
1996 Uber die Ergnzung <s't> in KTU 1.23:59, UF 28:491-4.
MERRI LL, A.
1968 The House of Keret. A study of the Keret legend, SEA 33:5-17.
DU MESNI L DU BUISSON, R.
1973 Nouvelles tudes sur les dieux et les mythes de Canaan (EPROER 33, Leiden:
Brill).
MEY ER, J . - M.
1990 Zur I nterpretation der Leber- und Lungenmodelle aus Ugarit, 241- 80
i n DI ETRI CH - LORETZ 1990.
MEY ER, J . - W.
1987 Untersuchungen zu den Tonlebermodellen aus dem Alten (AOAT 39, Kevelaer:
Butzon and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener-Verlag).
MEY ERS, E . M. (ed.)
1997 The Oxford encyclopaedia of archaeology in the near east 5 volumes (Oxford:
Oxford University Press).
MEY ERS, J . - SIMMS, M.
1989 The Longman dictionary of poetic terms (New York and London: Longman).
MI CHEL, C.
1997 Une incantation palo-assyrienne contre Lamatu, Or 65:58-64.
MI LANO, L .
1977 Sul presunto giubileo a Ugarit (PRU V 9), OA 16:23-33.
1980 Osservazioni sul bilinguismo ugaritico-accadico, VO 3:179-97.
1983 Gli epiteti del Faraone in una lettera ugaritica da Ras Ibn Hani,
141-58 in O. CARRUBA et al. (eds) Studi orientalistici in mordo di Franco
Pintore (SM 4, Pavia: Gianni Iuculano).
MI LGROM, J .
1972 The alleged wave-offering in Israel and the ancient Near East, IE~j
22:33-8.
MI LI K, J . T .
1978 Quelques tablettes cuniformes alphabtiques d'Ugarit, Ug 7:135-8.
MI LLARD, A . R.
1979 The Ugaritic and Canaani te alphabetssome notes, UF 11:612-6.
1979-80 Qadesh et Ugarit, AAAS 29-30:201-5.
1995 The last tablets of Ugarit, 119-24 in RSO 11.
MI LLER, G. I .
1980 Studies in the juridical texts from Ugarit (PhD Diss., The J ohns Hopkins
University).
1988 Prayer and Sacrifice in Ugarit and Israel, 139- 55 in W. CLAASSEN
(ed.) Text and context. Old Testament and Semitic studies for F.C. Fensham
(J SOTS 48, Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press).
MI LLER, P. D.
1970 Animal names as designations in Ugaritic and Hebrew, UF 2:177-86.
MONCHAMBERT, J . - Y .
1996 Du Mycnien I I I C Ougarit, OE 1996/2:45-6.
MONLOUP, T .
1987 Figurines de terre cuite, 307-28 in RSO 3.
DEL MONTE, G. F.
1983 Ni qmadu di Ugarit e la rivolta di Tette di Nuhae (RS 17.334),
OA 22:221-31.
1986 II trattato fra Murili II di tfattusa e Niqmepa' di Ugarit (Rome: Istituto
per l'Oriente).
DEL MONTE G. F. - TI SCHLER, J .
1978 Die Orts- und Gewssernamen der hethitischen Texte (RGTC 6, Wiesbaden:
Reichert).
DE MOOR, J . C.
1965 Frustula Ugaritica, JNES 24:355-64.
1968 Murices in Ugaritic mythology, Or 37:212-5.
1969a Studies in the new alphabetic texts from Ras Shamra, UF 1:167-88.
1969b Review of GRONDAHI. 1967, BO 26:105-8.
1970a The Semitic pantheon of Ugarit, UF 2:187-228.
1970b Studies in the new alphabetic texts from Ras Shamra II, UF 2i303 27.
1970c B. Margulis on RS 24.258, UF 2:347-50.
1971 The seasonal pattern in the Ugaritic poem of Ba'lu according to the version of
Ilimilku (AOAT 16, Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, Kevelaer:
Verlag Butzon and Bercker).
1972 New Year with Canaanites and Israelites. Part One: Description, Part Two:
The Canaanite Sources (Kampen: Kok).
1973 Ugaritic lexicography, 61- 102 in FTONZAROLI 1973.
1976 Rpi 'maRephai m, W 88:323-45.
1978a The art of versification in Ugarit and Israel I: the rhythmical structure,
119-39 in Y . AVI SHUR, Y . - BLAU, J . (eds) Studies in the Bible and the
ancient near east presented to S.E. Loewenstamm on his seventieth birthday
(J erusalem: Rubinstein).
1978b The art of versification in Ugarit and Israel I I , UF 10:187-217.
1979 Contributions to the Ugaritic lexicon, UF 11:639-53.
1980a An I ncantation against Infertility (KTU 1.13), UF 12:305-10.
1980b The art of versification in Ugarit and Israel I I I , UF 12:311-5.
1980c The anatomy of the back, UF 12:425-6.
1980d An i ncantati on agai nst evil spirits (Ras I bn Hani 78/20), UF
12:429-32.
1981-2 Demons in Canaan, JEOL 27:106-19.
1983 Enkele liturgische teksten uit Ugarit, 247- 52 in VEENHOF, K.R. (ed.)
Schrijvend verleden. Documenlen uit het Oude Nabije Oosten vertaald en toegelichl
(Leiden: Ex Oriente Lux).
1984 Henbane and KTU 1.114, UF 16:355-6.
1985 'Athtartu the huntress (KTU 1.92), UF 17:225-30.
1986a Ugaritic lexicographical notes I, UF 18:255-61.
1986b The crisis of polytheism in Late Bronze Ugarit, OTS 24:1-20.
1987 An anthology of religious texts from Ugarit (Nisaba 16, Leiden: Brill).
1988a The seasonal pattern in the legend of Aqhatu, SEL 5:61-78.
1988b East of Eden, 4 W 100:105-11.
1990 The rise of Yahwism (Leuven: Leuven University Press, Peeters) second
edition 1997.
1993 Syntax peculiar to Ugaritic poetry, 191- 205 in DE MOOR - WATSON
1993.
1996a Fishes in KTU 4.247, 23-9, /F 28:155-8.
1996b Egypt, Ugarit and exodus, 213- 48 in WY ATT WATSON - LLOYD 1996.
1997 See 1990.
DE MOOR, J . C. - SANDERS, P.
1991 An Ugaritic expiation ritual and its Old Testament parallels, UF
23:283-300.
DE MOOR, J . C . - SPRONK, K .
1982 Problematical passages in the legend of Kirtu, UF 14:153-71; 173-90.
1984 More on demons in Ugarit (KTU 1.82), UF 16:237-50.
DE MOOR, J . C . - WATSON, W. G. E . (eds)
1993 Verse in ancient near eastern prose (AOAT 42, Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukir-
chener Verlag; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon and Bercker).
MORA, C.
1987 La glittica anatolica del II millennio AC (SM 6, Pavia: Gianni Iuculano).
MORAN, W. L .
1992 The Amama Letters (Baltimore MD: J ohns Hopkins University Press).
MORRI SSETTE, J .
1993 La place des femmes dans la famille: succession et hritage Emar,
BCSMS 26:23-7.
MUNN-RANKI N, J . M .
1956 Diplomacy in western Asia in the early second millennium, Iraq
18:68- 110.
MUNOZ, L . D. (ed.)
1986 Salvacin en la palabra. TargumDerashBerith. En memoria del profesor
Alejandro Diez Macho (Madrid: Cristiandad).
MURNANE, WJ .
1985 The road to Kadesh (Chicago).
NA'AMAN, N.
1980 A royal scribe and his scribal products in the Alalakh IV Court, OA
19:107-116.
1996 Ammishtamru's letter to Akhenaten (EA 45) and Hittite chronology,
AuOr 14:251-7.
NACCACHE, A . F . H.
1995 'Ammurafi' et ses cousins, 263-8 in RSO 11.
NEGBI , O.
1976 Canaanite gods in metal (Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University Press).
NEGRI , P.
1984 Gli aspetti economici del matrimonio a Nuzi, 57 - 64 in SAPORETH, C.
(ed.) II trasferimento dei beni nel matrimonio privato del Vicino Oriente
Antico, Geo-Archeologia 1984/2.
NEIMAN, D.
1977
NEU, .
1995a
1995b
1996
NI EHR, H.
1994
1995
1998
NOEGEL, S.B.
1995 A J anus parallelism in the Baal and 'Anat story, JNSL 21:91-4.
AL NOORI , K . A .
1994 Yam, the sea-god, in the Ugaritic texts (University of Manchester PhD).
NOUGAY ROL, J .
1952 Textes de Ras-Shamra en cuniformes syllabiques (campagne 1951),
CRAIBL 181-90.
1955 = PRU 3.
1956 = PRU 4.
1962 L'influence babylonienne Ugarit d'aprs les textes en cuniformes
classiques, Syria 39:28-35.
1963 Guerre et paix Ugarit, Iraq, 25:1 10-23.
1966 'Vocalises' et 'syllabes en libert' Ugarit, 29- 39 in GTERBOCK, H. G.
et al. (eds) Studies in honor of Benno Landsberger on his seventy-fifth birthday
April 21, 1965 (Assyriological Studies 16, Chicago IL: University of
Chicago Press).
1968a Textes sumro-accadiens des archives et bibliothques prives d'Ugarit,
in Ug 5:1-446.
1968b Review of GR0NDAHL 1967, RA 62:162-5.
1970 = PRU 6.
NOUGAY ROL, J . et al.
1968 = Ug 5.
NOUGAY ROL, J . - LAROCHE, E.
1955 Le bilingue akkado-hourrite, 311-24 in PRU 3.
OBERMANN, J .
1936 An antiphonal psalm from Ras Shamra, JBL 55:21-44.
1946 How Daniel was blessed with a son. An incubation scene in Ugaritic (New
Haven CT: Yale University Press).
O'CONNOR, M .
1989 Semitic *mgn and its supposed Sanskrit origin, JA OS 109:25-32.
OLDENBURG, U.
1969 The conflict between El and Baal in Canaanite religion (Numen Supplements
second series 3, Leiden: Brill).
DEL OL MO LETE, G.
1978 The Ugaritic war chariot. A new translation of KTU 4.392 (PRU 5,
105), UF 10:47-51.
1979 Quantity precision in Ugaritic administrative texts (smd, hrs, ahd), UF
11:179-86.
1981a Mitosy leyendas de Canaan segn la tradicin de Ugarit (Madrid: Cristiandad).
1981b La mythe de la Vierge-Mre, UF 13:49-62.
1983 El mito de Ba'lu: prosodia y hermenetica, AuOr 1:167-78.
Gihn and Pishn: mythological antecedents of the two enigmatic rivers
of Eden, 321-8 in A. SHI NAN (ed.) Proceedings of the 6th Congress of Jewish
Studies (J erusalem: World Union of J ewish Studies).
Hethitisch zapzagi-, UF 27:395-402.
Hethiter und Hethitisch in Ugarit, 115-29 in DI ETRI CH - LORETZ 1995.
Das hurritische Epos der Freilassung I. Untersuchungen zu einem hurritisch-
hethitischen Textensemble aus Hattusa (StBoT 32, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz).
berlegungen zum El-Tempel in Ugarit, UF 26:419-26.
Baal Zaphon, cols. 289-93 in DDD
1984a Inlerpretacin de la mitologia cananea (Fuentes de la Ciencia Biblica 2,
Valencia: Institucin San J ernimo).
1984b Antecedentes cananeos (ugariticos) de formas literarias hebreo-Biblica,
84-114 in Simposio Biblico Espanol (Salamanca 1981, Madrid: Editorial
de la Universidad Complutense).
1984c Algunas pares ugaritico-hebreos preteridos, AuOr 2:11-22.
1984d La 'capilla' o 'templete' (bmn) del culto ugaritico, AuOr 2:277-80.
1985 Frases y formulas ugaritico-hebreas, 79-95 in CAQUOT LGASSE
TARDI EU 1985.
1986a La estructura del panten ugaritico, 267-304 in MUNOZ 1986.
1986b Fenicio y Ugaritico: correlation lingistica, AuOr 4:31-49.
1986c The cultic literature of Ugarit: Hermeneutical issues and their appli-
cation to KTU 1.112, 155-164 in HECKER, K. SOMMERFELD, W.
(eds) Keilschriftliche Literaturen. Ausgewhlte Vortrge der XXXII Rencontre
Assyriologique Internationale (BBVO 6, Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag).
1987a Los nombres 'divinos' de los reyes de Ugarit, AuOr 5:39-69.
1987b Catlogo de los festivales regios des Ugarit (KTU 1.91), UF 19:11-8.
1988a Ug.
c
, % 't: nombre divino y accin cultual, UF 20:27-33.
1988b Typologie et syntaxe des rituels ugaritiques, 41 63 in BLONDEAU,
A . - M. - SCHI PPER K . (eds) Essais sur le rituel I (Louvain-Paris: Peeters).
1989a Liturgia sacrificial y salmodia en Ugarit, AuOr 7:27-35.
1989b Anatomia cultual en Ugarit. Ofrenda de visceras en el culto ugaritico,
AuOr 7:123-5.
1990 Textos ugariticos y su crtica literaria, AuOr 8:183 95.
1991 Yarihu y Nikkalu. La mitologia lunar sumeria en Ugarit, AuOr 9:65 75.
1992a IM religion cananea segn la liturgia de Ugarit (AuOrS 3, Sabadell: Editorial
AUSA).
1992b Un conjuro ugaritico contra el 'mal ojo' (KTU 1.96), AF 15:7 16.
1992c The divine parody (KTU 1.65:12-14), AuOr 10:254-60.
1993a Sheep and goats at Ugarit: alphabetic texts, BSA 7, 183-97 (Cambridge;
Warminster: Aris and Phillips).
1993b Royal aspects of the Ugaritic cult, 51- 66 in QUAEGEBEUR 1993.
1995 The sacrificial vocabulary at Ugarit, SEL 12:37 49.
1996a El continuum cultural cananeo. Pervivencias cananeas en el mundo fenicio-pnico
(AuOrS 14, Sabadell: Editorial AUSA).
1996b Once again on the 'divine names' of the Ugaritic kings. A reply, AuOr
14:11-6.
1996c KTU 1.83: an astro-mythological text?, AuOr 14:130-3.
1998a A ritual for the country's salvation. KTU 1.162: A reappraisal, 164 73
i n LUBETSKI - GOTTLI EB KELLER 1998.
1998b Mitos, legendasy rituales de los semitas occidentales (Barcelona: Trotta, Edicions
de la Universitt de Barcelona).
1999 Canaanite Religion, revised ET of 1992a (Bethesda, MD: CDL Press).
DEL OL MO LETE, G. (ed.)
1995b Mitologia y religion del Oriente Antiguo II/2 Semitas occidentales (Sabadell:
AUSA).
DEL OL MO LETE, G. - MARQUEZ ROWE, I .
1995 Sobre KTU 1.86, AuOr 13:255-8.
DEL OL MO LETE, G. - SANMARTI N, J .
1988 A new Ugaritic dictionary. Its lexicographical and semantic structure,
AuOr 6:255-74.
1992 Un conjuro ugaritico contra el 'mal ojo' (KTU 1.96), AF 15:7-16.
1995 ks (Ksios/Casius) = bazzi = bs", AuOr 3:259-61.
1996 DLU vol. 1.
1998 Kultisches in den keilsalphabetischen Verwaltungs- und Wirtschaftstexten
aus Ugarit, 175- 98 in DI ETRI CH - KOTTSI EPER 1998.
OLY AN, S. M.
1988 Asherah and the cult of Yahweh in Israel ( SB L MS 34, Atlanta GA: Scholars
Press).
OPPENHEI M, A . L .
1964 Ancient Mesopotamia. Portrait of an Ancient Civilisation (Chicago: Chicago
University Press).
ORTHMANN, W. et al.
1975
1995
OTTEN, H.
1963
1964
1967
1976
1995
OTTO, E.
1996
OWEN, D. I .
1981
PARDEE, D.
1975
1976
1977
1978
1979
1981a
1981b
1981-2
1983-4
1984a
1984b
1985
1986
1987a
1987b
1987c
1988a
1988b
1988c
1988d
Propylen Kunstgeschichte volume 14 (Berlin: Propylen Verlag).
Teil Chura in Nordost-Syrien 1982-1983. Vorlufiger Bericht ber die 9. und
10. Grabungskampagne (Schriften der Max Freiherr von Oppenheim-
Stiftung 2 (Berlin: Mann).
Neue Quellen zum Ausklang des hethitischen Reiches, MDOG 94: 1- 23.
Gesandte in Hatti, RIA 3: 213- 4.
Ein hethitischer Vertrag aus dem 15. / 14. J ahrhundert v. Chr. (KBo
XVI 47), lstMit 17: 55- 62.
Das Ende des Hethiterreiches aufgrund der Bogazky-Texte, 2235
in H. ML L ER-KARPE (ed.) Geschichte des 13. und 12. Jahrhunderts . Chr.
(J ahresbericht des Instituts flir Vorgeschichte der Universitt Frankfurt
a. M. 1976, Munich: C.H. Beck).'
Die hethitischen Knigssiegel der frhen Grossreichszeit (Mainz: Akademie der
Wissenschaften und der Literatur).
Kontinuum und Proprium. Studien zur Sozial- und Rechtsgeschichte des alten
Orients und des Alten Testaments (OBC 8, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz).
An Akkadian letter from Ugarit at Tel Aphek, TA 8: 1- 17.
The preposition in Ugaritic, UF 7: 329- 78.
The preposition in Ugaritic, UF 8: 215- 322.
A new Ugaritic letter, BO 34: 3- 20.
A philological and prosodie analysis of the Ugaritic serpent incanta-
tion UT 607, JANES 10: 73- 108.
More on the preposition in Ugaritic, UF 11:68592.
Ugaritic and Hebrew metrics, 113- 30 in G. D. Y OUNG 1981.
A Further Note on PRU 5, no. 60, UF 13: 151- 6.
Ugaritic, AfO 28: 259- 72.
The letter of Puduhepa. The text, AfO 29- 30: 321- 9.
Further studies in epistolography, AfO 31: 213- 30.
Three Ugaritic tablet joins, JNES 43: 243- 5.
RSO 2. ^
The Ugaritic summa izbu text, AfO 33: 117- 47.
Ugaritic bibliography, AfO 34: 366- 471.
'As strong as Death', 65- 69 in MARKS - GOOD 1987.
Epigraphic and philological notes, UF 19: 199- 217.
Thakamuna wa unama, UF 20: 195- 9.
Les textes paramythologiques de la 24' campagne (1961) (RSO 4, Paris: ERC).
Troisime rassemblage de RS 1.1019, Syria 55: 173- 191.
Ugaritic and Hebrew poetic parallelism, 55- 82 in Studies in the history
and archaeology of Palestine (Proceedings of the First International Symposium
on Palestine Antiquities) III (Aleppo: Aleppo University Press).
1988e Ugaritic and Hebrew poetic parallelism. A trial cut ('nt I and Proverbs 2)
(SVT 39, Leiden: Brill).
1988f An evaluation of the proper names from Ebla from a West Semitic
perspective: pantheon distribution according to genre, 119 51 in
ARCHI 1988.
1989-90 Ugaritic proper nouns, AfO 36-7:390-513.
1989 Review of XELLA 1981), JNES 48:42 4.
1991 The structure of R S 1.002, 1181- 96 in KAY E 1991.
1992 RS 24.653. Texte et structure, Syria 59:153-70.
1993a Poetry in Ugaritic ritual texts, 207- 18 in DE MOOR - WATSON 1993.
1993b R S 1.005 and the Identification of the gtrm, 301- 17 in QUAEGEBUR
1993.
1995 Koshar, cols. 913-5 in DDD.
1996a Marzihu, Kispu and the Ugaritic funerary cult: a minimalist view,
273- 87 i n WY ATT - WATSON - LLOYD 1996.
1996b L'ougaritique et l'hourrite dans les textes rituels de Ras Shamra-
Ougarit, 63-80 in BRI QUEL-CHATONNET 1996.
1997a West Semitic canonical compositions, 239-375 in HALLO 1997.
(covers various items).
1997b 'L'ougaritique et el hourrite dans les textes rituels de Ras Shamra-
Ougarit, 63- 80 in BRI QUEL-CHATONNET 1997.
1997c Review of BROOKE et al., Ugarit and the Bible ( U B L 11, Mnster 1994),
JAOS 117:375-8.
1997d Ugaritic, 131-44 in HETZRON, R. (ed.) The Semitic languages (London:
Routledge).
1997e Ugaritic and Ugaritic inscriptions, 262-6 in E . M. MEY ERS ed. 1997.
1998 Remarks on J . TROPPER'S 'Epigraphische Anmerkungen', AuOr 16:
85- 102.
In press RSO 12.
PARDEE, D. - BORDREUI L, P.
1992 Ugarit. Texts and literature, ABD 6:706-21.
PARDEE, D. SWERDLOW, N.
1993 Not the earliest eclipse, Nature 363:406.
PARDEE, D. WHI TI NG, R. M.
1987 Aspects of epistolary verbal usage in Ugaritic and Akkadian, BSOAS
50:1-31.
PARI SE, N.
1981 Mina di Ugarit, mina di Karkemish, mina di Khatti, DdA NS.
3:155-60.
PARKER, S.B.
1970a The feast of Rapi'u, UF 2:243-9 (1970).
1970b Studies in the grammar of the Ugaritic prose texts (PhD Diss. Ann Arbor
MI : UMI ).
1972 The Ugaritic deity Rapi'u, UF 4:97-104.
1974 Parallelism and prosody in Ugaritic verse, t/F 6:283-94.
1977 The historical composition of 7?Tand the cult of El, W 89:161 -75.
1979-80 Some methodological principles in Ugaritic philology, Maarav 2:7 41.
1987 Death and devotion: the composition and theme of Aqhat, 71-83
in MARKS J . H. GOOD, R . M . (eds) Love and death in the ancient near
east. Essays in honor of Marvin H. Pope (Guilford CT: Four Quarters).
1989 The prebiblical narrative tradition. Essays in the Ugaritic poems Keret and Aqhat
(SBL Resources for Biblical Study 24, Atlanta GA: Scholars Press).
1990 Toward literary translations of Ugaritic poetry, UF 22:257-70.
1997 Aqhat, 48-80 in PARKER (ed.) 1997.
PARKER, S.B. (ed.)
1997 Ugaritic narrative poetry (SBLWAVV 9, Atlanta: Scholars Press).
Patton, J .H.
1944 Canaanite parallels in the book of Psalms (Baltimore MD: J ohns Hopkins
University Press).
PECCHI OLI DADDI , F.
1977 II '^'KARTAPPU nei regno ittita, SCO 27:169-91.
1982 Mestieri, professioni e dignit nell'Anatolia Ittita (Rome: Edizioni dell'Ateneo).
PEDERSEN, J .
194 Die Krt Legende, Berytus 6:63-105.
PETERSEN, D. L . - WOODWARD, M .
1977 Northwest Semitic religion, a study in relational structures, UF 9:233-48.
PI NTORE, F.
1978 II matrimonio interdinastico nei Vicmo Oriente durante i secoli XV- XIII (Rome:
Istituto per l'Oriente).
PI TARD, W.
1978 The Ugaritic funerary text RS 34.126, BASOR 232:65-75.
1987 RS 34.126: notes on the text, Maarav 4:75-86, 111-55.
1992a The shape of the 'ayin in the Ugaritic scripts, JNES 51:261-79.
1992b A new edition of the 'Rpi'ma' texts: KTU 1.20-2, BASOR 285:33-77.
1994a The 'libation' installations of the tombs at Ugarit, BA 57:20-37.
1994b The reading of KTU 1.19:111:41: the burial of Aqhat, BASOR 293:31-8.
1998 The Binding of Y amm: A New Edition of the Ugaritic Text KTU
1.83, JNES 57:261-80.
Forthcoming a
Ugarit and the Bible, in M. CHAVALAS (ed.) Syro-Mesopotamia and the
Bible (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press).
Forthcoming b
KTU 1.83, the binding of Y amm: a new edition of the text, JNES.
POMPONI O, F. - XELLA, P.
1997 Les dieux d'Ebla. Etude analytique des divinits eblates l'poque des archives
royales du III' millnaire (AOAT 245: Mnster: Ugarit-Verlag).
POPE, M . H .
1955 El in the Ugaritic texts (SVT 2, Leiden: Brill).
1965 Keret-Legende, 292-5 in HAUSSI G, H.W., ed., Wrterbuch der Mythologie,
Bd. I: Gtter und Mythen im Vorderen Orient (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta).
1972 A divine banquet at Ugarit, 170-203 in J . M . EFI RD (ed.) The use of the
Old Testament in the New and other essays. Studies in honor of W.F. Stinespring
(Durham NC: Duke University Press).
1975 The story of archaeological decipherment: from Egyptian hieroglyphs to Linear
(London: Thames and Hudson).
1977 Notes on the Rephaim texts from Ugarit, MCAAS 19: 163- 82.
1981 The cult of the dead at Ugarit, 159- 79 in Y OUNG, G.D. 1981.
1987 The status of El at Ugarit, UF 19: 219- 30.
POPKO, M .
1998 Zum Wettergott von Halab, AoF 25:119-25.
POWELL, M. A . (ed.)
1987 Labor in the ancient Near East (AOS 68, Winona Lake: Eisenbraun).
PUECH, E.
1991 La tablette cuniforme de Beth Shemesh. Premier tmoin de la squence
des lettres du sud-smi ti que, 33~47 in BAURAIN, C. - BONNET, C. -
KRINGS, V. (eds) Phoinikeia grammata. Lire et crire en Mditerrane (Namur:
Socit des tudes Classiques).
QUAEGF.BEUR, J
1993
RAI NEY , A. F.
1962
1963
1965a
1965b
1965c
1969
1971a
1971b
1973
1974
1975
1982
1987
1989-90
1992
1995
RATNER, R. -
1986
REDFORD, D.B.
1992
RENDSBURG, G
1987
RENDSBURG, G
1980
RENFROE, F.
1986a
1986b
1988
1989
1992
1985
REVI V, H.
1972
REYNOLDS, V .
1983
RI BI CHI NI , S.
1982
RI BI CHI NI , S.
1979
Le vocable d'Attart hurri'trt hr Ugarit et en Phnicie, UF
25:327-30.
. (ed.)
Ritual and sacrifice in the ancient near east (OLA 55, Leuven: Peeters,
Department Orientalistiek).
The Social Stratification of Ugarit (Brandeis University PhD Diss., Ann
Arbor MI : UMI ).
Business agents at Ugarit, IEJ 13:313-21.
The military personnel of Ugarit, JNES 24:17-27.
The kingdom of Ugarit, BA 28:102-25.
Family relationships in Ugarit, Or 34:11-22.
The scribe at Ugarit. his position and influence, PLASH 3:126-47.
A front line report from Amurru, UF 3:131-49.
Observations on Ugaritic grammar, UF 3:151-72.
Reflections on the Batde of Qedesh, UF 5:280-2.
The Ugaritic texts in Ugaritica 5, JAOS 94:184-9.
Institutions: family, civil and military, RSP 2:69-107.
Toponymie Problems, TA 9:130-6.
A new grammar of Ugaritic, Or 56:391-402.
Ugariti proper nouns, A) 36-37:390-513.
Ugarit, texts and literature, ABD 6, 712-5.
Unruly elements in l ate Bronze Canaanite society, 481- 96 in WRI GHT
et al. 1995.
ZUCKERMAN, .
kid in milk'?: new photographs of KTU 1.23, line 14, HUCA
57:15-60.
Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in ancient times (Princeton NJ : Princeton
University Press).
A.
Modern South Arabian as a source for Ugaritic etymologies, JAOS
107:623-8.
A. - ADLER, R. - ARFA, M. WI NTER, N. H. (eds)
The Bible world. Essays in honor of Cyrus H. Gordon (New York: Ktav,
New York University).
Methodological considerations regarding the use of Arabic in Ugaritic
philology: UF 18:33-74.
Qr-Mym's comeuppance, UF 18:455-7.
Lexikalische Kleinigkeiten, UF 20:221-7.
Arabic and Ugaritic Lexicography (Yale University PhD Diss.).
Arabic-Ugaritic Lexical Studies (ALASP 5, Mnster: Ugarit-Verlag).
Evidence for Ugaritic phi 'Stallion', UF 17:410-1.
Some Comments on the Maryannu, IEJ 22:218-28.
- TANNER, R.
The biology of religion (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press.
2nd edition, 1995, retitled The, social ecology of religion).
Udm e Smk. Due toponimi 'mitici', MLE 1:51 2.
- XELLA, P.
Milk'astart, mlk(m) e la tradizione siropalestinese sui Refaim, RSF
7:145-58.
1985 La terminologia dei tessili nei testi di Ugarit (CSF 20, Rome: Consiglio
Nazionale delle Ricerche).
1991 Problemi di onomastica ugaritica: il caso dei teofori, SEL 8:149-70.
RI CHARDSON, M. E .
1978 Ugaritic place names with final-j, JSS 23:298-315.
RI CHTER, W.
1970 Review of GRONDAHL 1967, <ZMG 119:351-5.
RI EMSCHNEI DER, K . K .
1970 Babylonische Geburtsomina in hethitischer bersetzung (StBoT 9, Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz).
RI N, S. - RI N, SH.
1968 Acts of the gods, the Ugaritic epic poetry ([Hebrew] Philadelphia PA: I nbal.
1992
3
).
ROBI N, C. (ed.)
1985 Mlanges linguistiques offerts Maxime Rodinson, par ses lves, ses collgues et
ses amis (Comptes rendus de GLECS Suppl. 12, Paris: Geuthner).
ROGERSON, J .
1974 Myth in Old Testament interpretation ( B ZA W 134, Berlin: de Gruyter).
RLLI G, W.
1974 Politische Heiraten im alten Orient, Saeculum 25:11-23.
1993 Review of Izre'el and Singer 1990, DMG 143:401.
1998 Nordsemitisch-Sdsemitisch? IOS 18:79-88.
ROSENTHAL, F.
1939 Die Parallelstellen in den Texten von Ugarit, Or 8:213-37.
RSSLER, O.
1961 Ghain im Ugaritischen, Z
A
54:158-72.
ROUI LLARD, H.
1995 Rephaim, cols. 1307-24 in DDD.
RUMMEL, S.
1981 Narrative Structures in the Ugaritic Texts, RSP 3:221-332.
RUMMEL, S. (ed.)
1981 RSP 3.
RSTER, C.
1993 Eine Urkunde Hantiiis II, IstMitt 43: 63- 70.
RTERSWRDEN, U.
1995 H

ron, cols. 805-8 in DDD.

RYCKMANS, J .
1985 L'ordre alphabtique sud-smitique et ses origines, 343- 59 in ROBI N
1985.
SAAD, G.
1978 Ougarit. Mtropole cananenne (Latakia, Beirut: I mprimerie Catholique).
1995 Le port d'Ougarit, 211- 25 in R S O 11.
SALLES, J . - F.
1995 Rituel mortuaire et rituel social Ras Shamra/Ougari t, 171-84 in
CAMPBELL, S. - GREEN, A. (eds) The Archaeology of Death in the Ancient
Near East (Oxford: Oxbow).
SALVI NI , M.
1990 Autour du sceau de Mursili II (RS 14.202), Syria 67:423-6.
1995a La tablette hittite RS 17.109, SMEA 36:144-8.
1995b Ougarit et les hourrites, 89-97 in RSO 11.
SANMARTIN, J .
1973 Semantisches ber 'MR / 'sehen' und 'MR / 'sagen' im Ugaritischen,
UF 5:263-70.
1977 Glossen zum ugaritischen Lexikon (I), UF 9:263-8.
1978 Glossen zum ugaritischen Lexikon (II), UF 10:349-56.
1979 Glossen zum ugaritischen Lexikon (III), UF 11:723-8.
1980 Glossen zum ugaritischen Lexikon (IV), UF 12:335-9.
1987a Die Gilde der yshm in Ugarit, A) 34:54-6.
1987b Herramientas agricolas y burocracia en Ugarit, AuOr 5:227-35.
1988a Glossen zum ugaritischen Lexikon (V), SEL 5:170-80.
1988b Textos hipitricos de Ugarit y el discurso del metodo, AuOr 6:227-35.
1989 Glossen zum ugaritischen Lexikon (VI), UF 21:335-48.
1990 El ordo liturgico KTU 4.14, AuOr 8:89-99.
1991 Isoglosas morfolxicas eblaitico-ugariticas: la trampa 1exicogrfica:
AuOr 9:165-217.
1992 RS-akk. nutku und ug. alph. ntk 'Glaspaste, -perle(n)', NABU 1992/111.
1995a Das Handwerk in Ugarit: eine lexikalische Studie, SEL 12:169-90.
1995b Zur Schreibpraxis der ugaritischen Siegelschneider: die Siegellegende
KTU 6.66, UF 27:455-65.
1995c Wirtschaft und Handel in Ugarit: Kulturgrammatische Aspekte, 131-58
i n DI ETRI CH - LORETZ 1995.
1996 Gtter die an Zelten wohnten?, W^KM 86:391 -7.
SARACI NO, F.
1982 Ras Ibn Hani 78/20 and some OT connections, FT 32:429-32.
1983a A state of siege: Mi 5, 4-5 and a Ugaritic prayer, %AW 95:263-369.
1983b Un parallelo elegiaco a KTU 1.119:26-36, UF 15:304-6.
1984 Appunti in margine a RI H 78/20, SEL 1:69-83.
SASS, B.
1991 The Beth Shemesh tablet, UF 23:315-26.
SASSE, H.- J .
1984 Case in Cushitic, Semitic and Berber, 111-26 in BYNON, J . (ed.), Current
progress in Afro-Asiatic linguistics. Papers of the Third International Hamito-
Semitic Congress (Amsterdam, Philadelphia: J ohn Benjamin).
SASSON, J . M .
1966 Canaanite maritime Involvement in the second millennium, JAOS 86:
126-38.
1981 Literary criticism, folklore scholarship, and Ugaritic literature, 81-98
i n Y OUNG, G. D. 1981.
1984 Zimri-Lim takes the grand tour, BA 47:246-251.
SAUREN, H. KESTEMONT, G.
1971 Keret, roi de Hubur, UF 3:181 -221.
SAWY ER, J . F. A . - STEPHENSON, R. R.
1970 Literary and astronomical evidence for a total eclipse of the sun observed
in ancient Ugarit on 3 May 1375 BC, BSOAS 33:467-89.
SCANDONE-MATTHI AE, G.
1989 Un sphinx d'Amenemhat III au Muse dA1ep, RdE 40:125-9.
SCHAEFFER, C. F. A .
1929 Les fouilles Minet-el-Beida et de Ras Shamra (campagne du print-
emps 1929). Rapport sommaire, Syria 10: 285- 97 (see also DUSSAUD
1929).
1934 La stle de 'Bacal au foudre' de Ras Shamra (Muse du Louvre),
Monument Piot 34:1 18.
1936 Les fouilles de Ras Shamra-Ugarit. Septime campagne (printemps
1935), Syria 17:105-48.
1937 Les fouilles de Ras Shamra-Ugarit, 8
e
campagne (printemps 1936),
Syria 18:125-54.
1938 Les fouilles de Ras Shamra-Ugarit. Neuvime campagne (printemps
1937), Syria 19:193-255, 314-34.
1939a Ug 1.
1939b The cuneiform texts of Ras Shamra-Ugarit (London: Oxford University Press,
for the British Museum).
1948 Stratigraphie compare et chronologie de l'Asie occidentale (III'II' millnaire)
(Oxford, London: Griffith Institute, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford).
1949 Ug 2.
1951 Reprise des recherches archologiques Ras Shamra-Ugarit. Sondage
de 1948 et 1949 et campagne de 1950, Syria 28:1-21. "
1954a Les fouilles de Ras Shamra-Ugarit. Quinzime, seizime et dix-septime
campagnes (1951, 1952 et 1953), Syria 31:14-67.
1954b The largest single-piece ivory carving to be found in the Near East:
richly-carved panels from the bed of the king of Ugarit, 3300 years
ago, London Illustrated News March 27:488-90.
1956 Ug 3.
1957 Expos prliminaire, I -XL I I I in PRU 2.
1962 Ug 4.
1966 Nouveaux tmoignages sur le culte de El et de Baal Ugarit, Syria
43:1-19.
1968 Ug 5.
1970 Recherches archologiques nouvelles Ras Shamra-Ugarit: Dcouvertes
d'un troisime palais: rapport prliminaire des fouilles 1968-1969 (XXX
e
et XXXI
1
' campagnes), Syria 47:209-13.
1972 Note additionnelle sur les fouilles dans le Palais Nord d'Ugarit, Syria
49:27-33.
1978a (ed.) Ug 7.
1978b Epaves d'une bibliothque d'Ugarit, 399-405 in Ug 7.
SCHAEFFER-FORRER, C. F . A .
1983 Corpus des cylindres-sceaux de Ras Shamra-Ougarit et d'Enkomi-Alasia (Paris:
ERC).
SCHI MMEL, A . - M.
1993 The mystery of numbers (Oxford: Oxford University Press: ET of Das
Mysterium der Zahl, Munich: Diederichs, 1984).
SCHLOEN, J . D.
1993 The exile of disinherited kin in K TU 1.12 and K TU 1.23, JNES
52:209-20.
SCHMI DT, B.B.
1994 Israel's beneficent dead. Ancestor cult and necromancy in ancient Israelite religion
and tradition (FAT 11, Tbingen: Mohr).
1996 A re-evaluation of the Ugaritic king list (KTU 1.113), 289-304 in
WY ATT - WATSON - LLOY D 1996.
SCHNEI DER, W.
1980 Grammatik des biblischen Hebrisch (Mnchen: Claudius. 10th edition).
SCHRDER, O.
1915 Die Tontafeln von el-Amama (VSKMB 12, Leipzig: Hinrichs).
SCHROER, S.
1983 Zur Deutung der Hand unter den Grabinschrift von Chirbet el Qpm,
UF 15:191-9.
VON SCHULER, E.
1965a Die Mythologie der Hethiter und Hurriter, 141-215 in HAUSSIG 1965.
1965b Die Kasker (Ergnzungsband zur ZA NF 3, Berlin: de Gruyter).
1971 Eine hethitische Rechtsurkunde aus Ugarit, UF 3:223-34.
SCHULT, H.
1969 Review of GRONDAHL 1967, Z
DPV
85:197-200.
SEGAL, R. A . (ed.)
1998 The myth and ritual theory. An anthology (Oxford: Blackwell).
SEGERT, S.
1979 Ugaritic poetry and poetics: some preliminary observations, UF 11:
729-38.
1983a Parallelism in Ugaritic poetry, JAOS 103:295-306.
1983b The last sign i n'the Ugaritic alphabet, UF 15:201-18.
1984 A bask grammar of the Ugaritk language with sekcted texts and glossary (Berkeley,
Los Angeles, London: California University Press).
1986 An Ugaritic text related to the fertility cult (KTU 1.23), 217- 24 in
BONANNO 1986.
1988 Die Orthographie der alphabetischen Keilschrifttafeln in akkadischer
Sprache aus Ugarit, SEL 5:189-205.
SERANGELI , F.
1978 Le liste di censo di Alalah I V, VO 1:99-131.
SEUX, M. - J .
1967 Epithtes royales akkadiennes et sumriennes (LAPO 8, Paris: Cerf).
SLEGEL0V, J .
1986 Hethitische Verwaltungspraxis im Lichte der Wirtschafts- und Inventardokumente
(Prague: National Museum).
SI MONS, J .
1937 Handbook for the study of Egyptian topographical Hits (Leiden: Brill).
SI MPSON, W. K .
1973 The Literature of Ancient Egypt (New Haven CT: Yale University Press).
SI NGER, I .
1977
1983a
A Hittite hieroglyphic seal impression from Tel Aphek, TA 4:178-90.
Western Anatolia in the thirteenth century BC according to the Hittite
sources, AnSt 33:205-17.
Takuhlinu and Haya: two governors in the Ugarit letter from Tel
Aphek, TA 10:2-25'.
The battle of Nihriya and the end of the Hittite empire, 75:100 23.
Dating the End of the Hittite Empire, Hethitica 8:413-21.
'Emeq rn or 'Emeq Siiyon?, 2J)PV 104:1-5.
The Origin of the Sea Peoples and Their Settlements on the Coast
of Canaan, 239-50 in HELTZER LI PI NSKI (eds).
A concise history of Amurru, 135-95 in S. I ZRE'EL (ed.), Amurru Akkadian:
a linguistic Study, vol. 2 (HSS 41 Atlanta GA: Scholars Press).
The title 'Great Princess' in the Hittite Empire, UF 23:327-38.
The 'Land of Amurru' and the 'Lands of Amurru' in the augamuwa
Treaty, Iraq 53:69-74.
Hittite cul tural influence in the ki ngdom of Amurru, 231-4 in
D. CHARPI N - F. J OANNES (eds) IM circulation des biens, des personnes et des
ides dans k Proche-Orient ancien (Actes de la XXXVIII' Rencontre Assyriologique
Intemationak) (Paris: ERC).
Muwatalli's Prayer to the assembly of gods through the Storm-God of Lightning
(CTH 381, Atlanta GA: Scholars Press).
Great Kings of Tarhuntaa, SMEA 38:63-71.
Review of Van den "Hout 1995, BiOr 54:416-23.
A new Hittite letter from Emar, Proceedings of the XLIVth RAI in Venue
(Padua: Sargon).
Forthcoming a New evidence on the end of the Hittite Empire, in E. OREN (ed.)
The Sea Peopks (Philadelphia PA: The University Museum, University
of Philadelphia).
SI VAN, D.
1984a Grammatical analysis and glossaiy of the Northwest Semitic vocabks in Akkadian
1983b
1985
1987
1988a
1988b
1991a
1991b
1991c
1992
1996a
1996b
1997
1999
1984b
1989
1990
1993
1997
SI VAN, D. -
1998
SKAIST, A.
1980-3
SMI TH, M .
1952
SMI TH, M. S.
1985
1986
1990a
1990b
1994
1995
VON SODEN,
1969
1988
VAN SOLDT,
1985-6
1986
1988
1989a
1989b
1989c
1989d
1990a
1990b
1991a
1991b
1994
1995a
1995b
texts of the 15th~13th C. Rcjrom Canaan and Syria (AOAT 214, Kevelaer:
Butzon und Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag).
Diphthongs and triphthongs in verbal forms of verba tertiae infirmiae in
Ugaritic, UF 16:279-93.
A new study of Ugaritic words in syllabic transcription, a review arti-
cl e, UF 21: 357- 63.
Is there vowel harmony in verbal forms with aleph in Ugarit?, UF
22:313-5.
Diqdq le5n 'Ugarit (Encyclopaedia Miqra'it 9, J erusal em: The Bialik
Institute).
A grammar of the Ugaritic language (HdO I 28, Leiden: Brill).
Y ONA, S.
Pivot words or expressions in biblical Hebrew and in Ugaritic poetry,
VT 48: 399- 407.
Levirat, RIA 6:605-8.
The common theology of the ancient near east, JBL 71:135-47.
Kothar wa-Hasis, the Ugaritic craftsman god (University of Yale PhD).
I nterpreting the Baal cycle, UF 18:313-39.
The early history of God. Yahweh and the other deities in ancient Israel (San
Francisco CA: Harper and Row).
Poetic structure in K TU 1.1 i 4-21, UF 22:317-9.
The Ugaritic Baal cycle volume 1: I ntroduction with text, translation
and commentary of K TU 1.1-1.2 (SVT 55: Leiden: Brill).
The *qatala Form in Ugaritic Narrative Poetry, 789-803 in WRI GHT -
FREEDMAN - HuRwrrz 1995.
W.
Bemerkungen zu einigen literarischen Texten in akkadischer Sprache
aus Ugarit, UF 1:189 95.
Hurritisch uatnannu > mittelassyrischen utnannu und < ugaritisch itnn
> hebrisch 'tnan 'ein Geschenk, Dirnenlohn', UF 20: 309- 11.
W.H.
The queens of Ugarit, JEOL 29:68-73.
The Palace archives at Ugarit, 196- 204 in K . R. VEENHOF (ed.) Cuneiform
archives and libraries. Papers read at the 30' Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale,
Leiden, 4-8 July, 1983 (RAI 30, Leiden: Nederlands I nstituut voor
het Nabije Oosten).
The Ti de t'y, UF 20:313-21.
'Atn prln "Att/nu the diviner', UF 21: 365- 8.
Labels from Ugarit, UF 21: 375- 88.
Tbsr, queen of Ugarit?, 7F 21:389-92.
Review of SI VAN 1984, BO 46:645-51.
Fabrics and dyes at Ugarit, UF 22:321-57.
Review of HUEHNERGARD 1987b, BO 47:728-36.
Studies in the Akkadian of Ugarit. Dating and grammar (AOAT 40, Kevelaer:
Butzon and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag).
Comments to SAU, UF 23: 339- 40.
The topography and the geographical horizon of the city-state of
Ugarit, 363- 82 in BROOKE et al. 1994.
Babylonian lexical, religious and literary texts and scribal education
at Ugarit and its implications for the alphabetic literary texts, 171-212
i n DI ETRI CH - LORETZ 1995.
K T U 4. 784: 2, UF 27: 485- 6.
1995c The Akkadian of Ugarit: Lexicographical Aspects, SEL 12:205-15.
1995d K TU 4.784:2, UF 27:485-6.
1996 Studies in the topography of Ugarit (I). The spelling of Ugaritic
toponyms, UF 28: 653- 92.
1998 PRU 6, no. 78 (RS 19.41): towns in the land of Siyannu or in the
land of Ugarit?, 777- 84 in DI ETRI CH - KOTTSI EPER (eds) 1998.
SPALI NGER, A.
1983 The Historical Implications of the Year 9 Campaign of Amenophis
II, JSSEA 13:89-101.
SPALI NGER, A.J .
1979 The Northern Waes of Seti I: An Integrative Study, J ARCE 16:29-47.
SPEI SER, E.A.
1941-2 I ntroduction to Hurrian AASOR 20.
1954 The Alalakh Tablets, JAOS 74:18-25.
SPRONK, K .
1986 Beatific vision in ancient Israel and the ancient near east (AOAT 219, Kevelaer:
Butzeon and Bercker, Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag).
1988 The legend of Kirtu (KTU 1.14-16). A study of the structure and
its consequences for interpretation, 62-82 in VAN DER MEER - DE
MOOR 1988.
STADELMANN, L .I .J .
1970 The Hebrew conception of the world (AnBib 39, Rome: Pontifical Biblical
Institute).
STAMM, J . J .
1979 Erwgungen zu RS 24.246, UF 11:753-8.
STARKE, F.
1995 Ausbildung und Training von Streitwagenpferden. Ein hippologisch orientierte
Interpretation des Kikkuli-Textes (StBoT 38, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz).
STARR, I .
1983 The rituals of the diviner (BM 12, Malibu: Undena Publications).
STEI NER, G.
1989 'Schiffe von Ahhiyawa' oder 'Kriegsschiffe' von Amurru im auga-
muwa-Vertrag?", "UF 21:393-411.
STI EGLI TZ, R. R.
1979 Commodity Prices in Ugarit, JAOS 99:15-23.
1981 Ugaritic Ifrd 'warrior': a Hurrian loanword, JAOS 101:371 2.
1992 Review of Izre'el and Singer 1990, BiOr 49:456-8.
STOCKS, H.
1943 Danel, die sdbabylonische und die nordpalstinisch-phnikische ber-
lieferung, Z.DMG 97:125-49.
STOLZ, F.
1995 Sea, cols. 1390-1402 in DDD.
STUART, D. K .
1976 Studies in Early Hebrew Meter (HSM 13, Missoula ': Scholars Press).
STUCKY, R.
1982 Leukos Linien (Paris: Geuthner).
SUKENI K, Y .
1948 Note on lit sswm in the Legend of Keret, JCS 2:11-2.
SZNYCER, M .
1979 Ras Shamra. VI . Documents administratifs et conomiques, DBS 9:
cols. 1417-25.
DE TARRAGON, J . - M.
1980 Le culte Ugarit (CRB 19, Paris: Gabalda).
1989 Les rituels, 125-238 in TO 2.
1995 Review of DEL OL MO LETE 1992, RB 102:102 5.
1996 Templ es et pratiques rituelles, 203-10 in RSO 11.
1998 Le rituel ugari ti que -1 U 1.40: quel ques rflexions, 72732 in
DI ETRI CH - KOTTSI EPER 1998.
TAY LOR, J . G.
1988 A first and last thing to do in mourning: KTU 1.161 and some par-
allels, 151- 77 in ESLI NGER L . - TAY LOR G. (eds), Ascribe to the Lord.
Biblical and other studies in memory of Peter C. Craigie (J SOTS 67, Sheffield:
Sheffield Academic press).
THOMPSON, S.
1955-8 Motif index of folk literature (6 volumes, Bloomington I N: I ndiana University
Press).
THOMSEN, M. - L .
1992 The evil eye in Mesopotamia, JNES 51:19-32.
THUREAU-DANGI N, F.
1934 Un comptoir de laine pourpre Ugarit d'aprs une tablette de Ras-
Shamra, Syria 15:13746.
1935 Une lettre assyrienne Ras Shamra, Syria 16:188-93.
1937 Trois contrats de Ras Shamra, Syria 18:2535.
1939 Tablettes hurrites provenant de Mari, RA 36:1-28.
VAN DER TOORN, K .
1991 Funerary rituals and beatific afterlife in Ugaritic texts and in the Bible,
BO 48:40-66.
1994 Gods and ancestors in Emar and Nuzi, 84:38-59.
1996 Family religion in Babylonia, Syria and Israel. Continuity and change in the
forms of religious life (SCHANE 7, Leiden: Brill).
TROMP, N J .
1969 Primitive conceptions of death and the nether world in the Old Testament (BiOr
21, Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute).
TROPPER, J .
1989a Nekromantie, Totenbefragung im Alten Orient und im Alten Testament (AOAT 223,
Kevelaer: Butzon and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag).
1989b Ugaritisch wm (KTU 3.9:6) und der Schwund von anlautenden h im
Semitischen, UF 21:420-3.
1990a Der ugaritische Kausativstamm und die Kausativbildungen des Semitischen: eine
morphologisch-semantische Untersuchung zum S-Stamm und zu den umstrittenen
nichtsibilantischen Kausativ Stmmen des Ugaritischen (AI ASP 2, Mnster:
Ugarit-Verlag).
1990b Silbenschlieendes Aleph im Ugaritischen: ein neuer Versuch, UF
22:359-69.
1990c Die ugaritischen Verben tertiae ' und ihre Modi, UF 22:383-96.
1990d Zur Morphologie der Verben primae h im Ugaritischen und in den
anderen nordwestsemitischen Sprachen, UF 22:375-82.
1990e Zur Vokaliserung des Ugaritischen Gt-stammes, UF 22:371-3.
1991a Finale Stze und jc^fa-Modus im Ugaritischen, UF 23:341-52.
1991b Subjunktiv in ugaritischen Relativstzen? UF 23:353-5.
1993a Morphologische Besonderheiten des Sptugaritischen, UF 25:389-94.
1993b Die Inschriften von (AI ASP 6, Mnster: Ugarit-Verlag).
1994a Is Ugaritic a Canaani te language?, 343-53 in BROOKE - CURTI S -
HEALEY 1994.
1994b Das ugaritische Konsonanteni nventar, JNSL 20:17-59.
1994c Zur Grammati k der ugaritischen Omi na, UF 26:457-72.
1994d Die enklitische Partikel -y im Ugaritischen, UF 26:473-82.
1995a Die sieben Frauen des Knigs Keret, UF 27:529-32.
1995b Epigraphische Anmerkungen zur Neuauflage von KTU, AuOr 13:231-9.
1995c
1995-6
1997a
1997b
1998
TSEVAT, M .
1953
1974
1979
1986
Das letzte Zeichen des ugaritischen Alphabets, UF 27:505-28.
Review of KTU'
2
, AfO 42-3:264-74.
gyptisches, nordwestsemitisches und altsdarabisches Alphabet, UF
28:619-32.
Bedeutender Neuerscheinungen der Ugaristik, 0L 92:455-67.
Epigraphische Anmerkungen zur Neuauflage von KTU(2), AuOr
18:289-91.
The Ugaritic goddess Nikkal-wlb, JNES 12:61-2.
Comments on the Ugaritic text UT 52, EI 14:24*-7*.
Der Schlangentext von Ugarit UT 607, UF 11:759-78.
Eating and drinking, hosting and sacrificing in the epic of Aqht, UF
18:345-50.
TSUKI MOTO, A.
1984
TSUMURA, D.
1973
1978
1993
URIE, D.M.L .
1959
UY ECHI , R.
1961
Eine neue Urkunde des Ti1i-arruma Sohn des Knigs von Karkami,
AS 6:5-74.
A Ugaritic god Mt-w-r, and his two weapons (UT 52:8-11), UF
5:407-13.
A problem of myth and ritual relationshipCTA 23 (UT 52):56-7
reconsidered, UF 10:387-95.
The I nterpretation of the Ugaritic Funerary Text KTU 1.161, 40-55
i n MATSUSHIMA 1993.
Sacrifice among the West-Semites, PEQ 67-82.
A study of Ugaritic personal names (Brandeis University PhD Diss., Ann
Arbor: UMI ).
M. VALLOGGI A,
1976
VANEL, A.
1965
VANSTI PHOUT, H.L.J , et al. (eds)
Recherche sur les 'messagers' (wpwtywj dans les sources gyptiennes profanes
(HEO 6, Paris, Geneva: Librairie Droz).
L'iconographie du dieu de l'orage (CRB 3, Paris: Gabalda).
1986
VARGYAS, P.
1980a
1980b
1985
1988
1995
DE VAUX, R.
1960
VERREET, E.
1983a
1983b
1984
1985
Scripta Signa Vocis: Studies about scripts, scriptures, scribes and languages in
the Near East, presented to J.H. Hospers (Groningen: Egbert Forsten).
Trade and Prices in Ugarit, Oikumene 5:103-16.
Review of HELTZER 1976, UF 12:482-7.
Marchands hittites Ugarit, OLP 16:71-9.
Stratification sociale Ugarit, 111-123 in HELTZER - LIPINSKI 1988.
Immigration into Ugarit, 395-402 in K. VAN LERBERGHE A. SCHOORS
(eds) Immigration and Emigration within the Ancient Near East (OLA 65,
Leuven: Peeters).
Les institutions de l'Ancien Testament 2 volumes (Paris: Cerf. ET: Ancient
Israel. Its life and institutions London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1965).
Das silbenschlieende Aleph im Ugaritischen, UF 15:223-58.
Die Gltigkeit des Gesetzes Barth-Ginsbergs im Ugaritischen, mit eini-
gen sprachvergleichenden, morphologischen und lexikalischen Betrach-
tungen, OLP 14:81-102.
Beobachtungen zum ugaritischen Verbalsystem, UF 16:307-21.
Beobachtungen zum ugaritischen Verbalsystem II, UF 17:319-44.
VLEYRA, M .
1970
Der Keret-Prolog, UF 19:326-9.
Modi ugaritici: ne morpho-syntaktische Abhandlung ber das Modalsystem im
Ugaritischen (OLP 27, Leuven: Peeters).
Ugarit, UF 18:387-412.
Les textes hittites: mythes hourrites et mythes d'origine trangre, 538
66 in RPOA.
VI LLARD, P.
1986 Un roi de Mari
VI ROLLEAUD, C.
1929 Les inscriptions cuniformes de Ras Shamra, Syria 10:304-10 (and pll.
LXI -LXXX).
1930 Le dchiffrement des tablettes alphabtiques de Ras Shamra, JA 216:353.
1931a Le dchiffrement des tablettes alphabtiques de Ras Shamra, Syria
12:15-23.
1931b Un pome phnicien de Ras Shamra, Syria 12:193-224.
1933 La naissance des dieux gracieux et beaux. Pome phnicien de Ras-
Shamra, Syria 14:128-151.
1936a La lgende phnicienne de Danel (BAH 21, MRS 1, Paris: Geuthner).
1936b Hymne phnicien au dieu Nikal et aux desses Kosart provenant de
Ras-Shamra, Syria 17:209-28.
1936c La legende de Keret, roi des Sidoniens (MRS 2, Paris: Geuthner).
1941a Les rephaim: fragments de pomes de Ras-Shamra. Syria 22:1-30.
1941b Le roi Keret et son fils (II K), Syria 22:105-36; 197-217.
1941c Cinq tablettes accadiennes de Ras-Shamra, R/l 38:1-12.
1943 Le mariage du roi Keret (III K), Syria 23:137-72.
1951 Six textes de Ras Shamra provenant de la XI V
e
campagne (1950),
Syria 28:163-79.
1957 - PRU 2.
1962 Les nouveaux textes alphabtiques de Ras Shamra, CRAIBL 1962:92-7.
1965 = PRU 5.
1968 Les nouveaux textes mythologiques et liturgiques de Ras Shamra (XXIV
1
'
campagne, 1961), Ug 5:545-606.
VI TA, J . - P.
1995a
1995b
1996a
1996b
VLTA J .- P.
1997
VOI GT, R.
1991
VVAKEMAN.
1973'
WALKER, C
1989
WALLS, N.
1992
1996
El ejreito de Ugarit (BCFSN Monografias 1, Madrid: CSI C).
Acadio maswatu, ugaritico mit 'remo'. Prstamo ugaritico al acadio de
Ugarit, AuOr 13:139-41.
La herrami enta katinnu en el texto de Ugarit RS 19.23, Sefarad
56:439-44.
Una nueva i nterpretati on del documento ugaritico 00-4.392, UF
28:693-9.
- GALN, J . M .
Sipti-Ba'alu, un 'gyptien' Ougarit, UF 29:709-14.
On voicing and devoicing in Ugaritic, 1619-31 in KAY E 1991.
M . K .
God's battle with the monster (Leiden: Brill).
B.F.
Eclipse seen at ancient Ugarit, Nature 338:204-5.
The goddess Anat in Ugaritic myth (SBLDS 135, Adanta: Scholars Press).
Ugaritic documents from Ugarit, 36-40 in A.B. KNAPP (ed.) Sources for
the history of Cyprus Vol. 2. Near Eastern and Aegean texts from the third to
the first millennia BC (Altamont NY: Greece and Cyprus Research Center).
WALTKE, B. K . - O'CONNOR, M .
1990 An introduction to biblical Hebrew syntax (Winona Lake IN: Eisenbrauns).
WANSBROUGH, H.
1982 Hebrew verse: apostrophe and epanalepsis, BSOAS 45:425-33.
1983 Metra ugaritica: pro et contra, BSOAS 46:221-34.
WARD, W. A .
1961 Comparative studies in Egyptian and Ugaritic, JNES 20:31-40.
1969 La desse nourricire d'Ugarit, Syna 46:225-39.
1979 Remarks on some Middle Kingdom statuary found at Ugarit, UF
11:799-806.
WARD, W. A . - J OUKOWSKY , M. S. (eds)
1992 The crisis years: the 12th century BC (Dubuque LA: Kendall/Hunt Publishing
Company).
WATSON, W. G. E .
1976 Puzzling passages in the tale of Aqhat, i /F 8:371-8.
1978 Notes: Ugaritic lexicography, NUS 15:8.
1979 An unrecognized hyperbole in Krt, Or 48:112-7.
1980 Qpasi-acrostics in Ugaritic poetry, UF 12:445-7.
1981a Gender-matched synonymous parallelism in Ugaritic poetry, UF 13:
181-7.
1981b Reversed word-pairs in Ugaritic poetry, UF 13:189-92.
1982 Lineation (stichometry) in Ugaritic verse, UF 14:311-2.
1983a I ntroductions to discourse in Ugaritic narrative verse, AuOr 1:253-
61.
1983b The character of Ugaritic poetry, JNSL 11:157-69.
1983c Strophic chiasmus in Ugaritic poetry, UF 15:259-70.
1984a Middle eastern forerunners to a folktale motif, Or 53:333-6.
1984b I nternal parallelism in Ugaritic Verse, SEL 1:53-67.
1984c Apostrophe in the Aqhat Poem, UF 16:323-6.
1984d Classical Hebrew poetry: a guide to its techniques (J SOTS 26, Sheffield:
Sheffield Academic Press). Second edition 1986, reprinted 1995.
1985a I nternal parallelism in Ugaritic verse: further examples, UF 17:345-56.
1985b I nternal parallelism in classical Hebrew verse, Biblica 66:365-84.
1986a Antithesis in Ugaritic verse, UF 18:413-9.
1986b Unravelling Ugaritic MDL, SEL 3:73-8.
1988a Delaying devices in Ugaritic verse, SEL 5:207-18.
1988b I nternal (half-line) parallelism in Ugaritic once more, UF 20:365-74.
1989a Parallelism with Qtl in Ugaritic, UF 21:435-52.
1989b Notes on some Ugaritic words, SEL 6:47-52
1990a Comments on KTU 1.114:29-31', AuOr 8:265-7.
1990b Abrupt speech in Ugaritic narrative verse, UF 22:415-23.
1990c Ugaritic onomastics (1), AuOr 8:113-27.
1990d Ugaritic onomastics (2), AuOr 8:243-50.
1990e The particle p in Ugaritic, SEL 7:75-86.
1991a Two similes in Aqht, UF 23:359-60.
1991b Number parallelism in Mesopotamian texts, Maarav 7:241-52.
1991c The negative adverbs I and Im + I in Ugaritic, JNSL 17:173-88.
1992a More on preludes to speech in Ugaritic, UF 24:361-6.
1992b I magery in a Ugaritic incantation, UF 24:367-68.
1992c Final -m in Ugaritic, AuOr 10:223-52.
1992d An enigmatic expression in Ugaritic, Abr-Nah 30:172-5.
1993a The goddesses of Ugarit: a survey, SEL 10:47-59.
1993b Ugaritic onomastics (3): AuOr 11:213-22.
1994a Aspects of style in KTU 1.23, SEL 11:3-8.
1994b Traditional techniques in classical Hebrew verse (J SOTS 170, Sheffield:
Sheffield Academic Press).
1994c The Ugaritic PN krt, UF 26:497-500.
1994d I ntroductions to speech in Ugaritic and Hebrew, 383-93 in BROOKE -
CURTI S - HEALEY 1994.
1994e Ugaritic p again, UF 26:493-5.
1994f Final -m in Ugaridc again, AuOr 12:95-103.
1994g 'Ugaritic', ix 482-6 R. E. ASHER (ed.) The Encyclopaedia of language and
linguistics (Oxford: Pergamon Press).
1995a Ugaritic lexical studies in perspective, SEL 12:217-28.
1995b Ugaritic onomastics (4), AuOr 13:217-29.
1995c Non-Semitic words in the Ugaritic lexicon, UF 27:533-58.
1996a Non-Semitic words in the Ugaritic Lexicon (2), UF 28:701-19.
1996b Verse patterns in K TU 1.119:26-36, SEL 13:25-30.
1996c Ugaritic onomastics (5), AuOr 14:93-106.
1996d Foot furniture and lexical loans, NABU 1996/1:19.
1996e Comments on some Ugaritic lexical items, JNSL 22:73-84.
1997a The 'split couplet' in Ugaritic verse, SEL 14:29-42.
1997b More on the 'split couplet' in Ugaritic verse, UF 29:715-21.
1997c The seventh death in the prologue to Krt, NABU 1997/4:136.
1998 Parallel word pairs in the Song of Songs, 785- 808 in DI ETRI CH -
KOTTSI EPER 1998.
1999 Puns Ugaritic newly surveyed, in S. NOEGEL (ed.) Puns and pundits:
wordplay in ancient near eastern literature (Bethesda MD: CDL Press).
Forthcoming a Delimiting Ugaritic thm: A Brief Report, UF 30 (in press).
Forthcoming b Non-Semitic Words in the Ugaridc Lexicon (3), UF 30 (in press).
Forthcoming c Some Rare Lexical Items in Ugaritic, SEL 16 (in press).
WATSON, W. G. E . - WY ATT, N.
1997 De nouveau sur les armes crmonielles, NABU 1997/1:29.
WATTERS, W. R .
Formula criticism and the poetry of the Old Testament (BZAW 138, Berlin:
de Gruyter).
Die hurritischen Krperteilbezeichnungen, 85:116-53.
1976
WEGNER, I .
1995
WEI DNER, .
1929
1941-4
Altbabylonische Gtterlisten, AfO 2:1-18, 71-82.
Die astrologische Serie Enma Anu Enlil, AfO 14:172-95.
WEI NSTEI N, J . M .
1975 Egyptian relations with Palestine in the Middle Kingdom, BASOR
217:1-16.
WEI SS H. (ed.)
1987 Ebla to Damascus: art and archaeology of ancient Syria (Washington DC:
Smithsonian Institution).
WEL CH, J . W.
1974
WENSI NCK,
1916
1918
WENTE, E.F.
1976
WERNER, R.
1967
A.J .
Chiasmus in Ugaritic, UF 6:421-36.
The ideas of the western Semites concerning the navel of the earth (Verhandelingen
der Koniklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam, Afdeeling
Letterkunde NS xvii 1, Amsterdam: Mller).
The ocean in the literature of the western Semites (Verhandelingen der
Koniklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam, Afdeeling
Letterkunde NS xix 2, Amsterdam: Mller).
- VAN SI CLEN, C.
A chronology of the New Kingdom, 217-61 in J . J OHNSON - E.F.
WENTE (eds) Studies in Honor of George H. Hughes (Chicago IL: Chicago
University Press).
Hethitische Gerichtsprotokolle (StBoT 4, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz).
WEST, D. R.
1995 Some culls of Greek goddesses and female daemons of oriental origin especially
in relation to the mythology of goddesses and daemons in the Semitic world
(AOAT 233, Kevelaer: Butzen and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neu-
kirchener Verlag).
WESTBROOK, R.
1988 Old Babylonian marriage law (Horn: Berger).
1991 Property and the family in biblical law (J SOTS 113, Sheffield: Sheffield
Academic Press).
1994 Mitgift, RIA 8:273-283.
WHI TAKER, R. E.
1969 A Formulaic analysis of Ugaritic poetry, PhD Dissertation. Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University.
1972 A Concordance of the Ugaritic literature (Cambridge MA: Harvard Univer-
sity Press).
1981 Ugaritic Formulae, 209-19 in RSP 3.
WI GGI NS, S. A.
1993 A reassessment of Asherah' (AOAT 235, Kevelaer: Butzon and Bercker;
Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag).
WI LHELM, G.
1970 Ta/erdennu, ta/urtannu, ta/urtnu, UF 2:277 82.
1982 Grundzge der Geschichte und Kultur der Hurriter (Grundzge 45, Darmstadt:
Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. ET: The Hurrians, Warminster:
Aris and Phillips 1994).
1987-90 Marijannu, RIA 7:419-21.
1991 Probleme der hethitischen Chronologie, OL 86:469-76.
1992 Zum viersprachigen Vokabular aus Ugarit, SMEA 29:249 53.
WI LHELM, G. - BOESE, J .
1987 Absolute Chronologie und die hethitische Geschichte des 15. und
14. J ahrhunderts v. Chr., 74-117 in STROM 1987.
WI LSON, G. H.
1982 Ugaritic word order and sentence structure in Krt, JSS 27:17-32.
WI SEMAN, D J .
1953 The Alalakh Tablets (London: The British Institute of Archaeology at
Ankara).
WI SEMAN, D J . - HESS, R. S.
1994 Alalakh Text 457, UF 26:501-8.
WRI GHT, D. P. - FREEDMAN, D. N. HURWI TZ, A. (eds)
1995 Pomegranates and golden bells: studies in biblical, Jewish and near eastern ritual,
law and literature in honor of Jacob Milgrom (Winona I^ake IN: Eisenbrauns).
WULSTAN, D.
1974 Music from ancient Ugarit, RA 68:125 8.
WY ATT, N.
1977a The identity of Mt-w-r, UF 9:379-81.
1977b Some problems in the Nikkal poem (CTA 24), UF 9:285-90.
1980 The relationship of the deities Dagan and Hadad, UF 12:375-9.
1983a The stela of the seated god from Ugarit, UF 15:271-7.
1983b A suggested historical context of the Keret story, UF 15:316-8.
1984 The Anat stela from Ugarit and its ramifications, UF 16:327-37.
1985a Killing and cosmogony in Canaani te and biblical thought, UF
17:375-81.
1985b J edidiah' and cognate forms as a title of royal legitimation, Biblica
66:112-25.
1987 Sea and desert: symbolic geography in West Semitic religious thought,
UF 19:375-89.
1990a The story of Dinah and Shechem, UF 22:433-58.
1990b 'Supposing him to be the gardener' (J ohn 20, 15): a study of the
Paradise motif in J ohn, 25:21-38.
1992a The tides of the Ugaritic storm-god, UF 24:403-24.
1992b The pruning of the vine in KTU 1.23, UF 24:426-30.
1992c A new look at Ugaritic dmt, JSS 37:149-53.
1995a The significance of spn in West Semitic thought: a contribution to
the history of a mythological motif, 213-37 in DI ETRI CH - LORETZ
1995.
1995b Asherah, cols. 183-95 in DDD.
1995c Astarte, cols. 203-13 in DDD.
1995d Kinnaru, cols. 911-3 in DDD.
1996a Myths of power. A study of royal myth and ideology in Ugaritic and biblical
tradition (UBL 13, Mnster: Ugarit-Verlag).
1996b Le centre du monde dans les littratures d'Ougarit et d'I sral, JNSL
21:123-42.
1996c The vocabulary and neurology of orientation: the Ugaritic and
Hebrew evidence, 351-80 in WY ATT - WATSON - LLOYD 1996.
1997 Ilimilku's ideological programme: Ugaritic royal propaganda, and a
biblical postscript, UF 29:778-96.
1998a Arms and the king: the earliest allusions to the Chaoskampf motif and
their implications for the interpretation of the Ugaritic and biblical
traditions, 833-82 in DI ETRI CH - KOTTSI EPER 1998.
1998b Understanding polytheism: structure and dynamic in a west Semitic
pantheon, JHC 24-63.
1998c Religious texts from Ugarit. The words of Ilimilku and his colleagues (The
Biblical Seminar 53, Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press).
WY ATT, N. - LLOY D, J . B.
1994 The Edinburgh Ras Shamra Project: a World Wide Web electronic database
of Ugaritic texts in alphabetic cuneiform, and iconographie items from Ras
Shamra (switched on 8 November 1994): (http://www.ed.ac.uk/~ugarit/
home.htm).
1995 Ugarit in cyberspace, UF 27:597.
WY ATT, N. - WATSON, W. G. E . - LLOY D, J . B. (eds)
1996 Ugarit, religion and culture: proceedings of the international colloquium on Ugarit,
religion and culture. Edinburgh, July 1994 (Festschrift J .C.L. Gibson:
UBL 12, Mnster: Ugarit-Verlag).
XELLA, P.
1973 II mito di SHR e SLM. Saggio sulla mitologia ugaritica (SS 44, Rome:
Centro di Studi Semitici).
1976 Problemi del mito nei Vicino Oriente Antico (A I ON 36 Supplement 7,
Naples).
1977 Studi sulla religione dlia Siria antica. I El e il vino (RS 24.258),
SSR 1:229-61.'
1978a Un testo ugaritico recente (RS 24.266, Verso, 9-19) e il 'sacrificio
dei primi nati', RSF 6:127-36.
1978b Note di lessicografia ugaritica, I, OA 17:123-9.
1979 KTU 1.91 (RS 19.15) e i sacrifia del re, UF 11:833-8.
1979-80 Le dieu Rashap Ugarit, AAAS 29-30:145-62.
1980 Lexikographische Randbemerkungen, UF 12:451-3.
1981 I testi rituali di Ugarit (SS 24, Rome: Istituto di Studi del Vicino Oriente).
1982a Gli antenati di Dio (Verona: Essedue).
1982b Die Ausrstung eines kanaanischen Schiffes (KTU 4.689), WO
13:31-5.
1982c QDS. Semantica del 'sacro' a Ugarit, MLE 1:9-17.
1982d Restituzioni di toponimi nei testi economici (KTU 4), MLE 1:53-5.
1983 Sulla pi antica storia di alcune divinit fenicie, 401-7, in BARTOLI NI ,
P. - BONDI, S.F. (eds) Atti del I Congresso Intemazionale di Studi Fenici e
Punici, Roma, 5-10 Novembre 1979 vol. 2 (Rome: Consiglio Nazionale
delle Ricerche).
1984a KTU 1.48 e la tariffa punica di Marsiglia, RSF 12:165-8.
1984b 'Tu sei mio fratello ed io sono tua sorella!' (KTU 1.18 i 24), AuOr
2:151-3.
1984c Le formule rituali ugaritiche relative al sole, UF 16:339-49.
1988 figli del re e le figlie del re'. Culto dinastico e tradizioni amoree nei
rituali di Ugarit, SEL 5:219-25.
1989 Remarques sur le vocabulaire sacrificiel d'Ougari t, GLECS 24~28
(1979-84):467-87.
1990 'Arsnic et vieilles dentelles'encore sur la terminologie des textiles
Ugarit, UF 22:467-74.
1991 Baal Hammon. Recherches sur l'identit et l'histoire d'un dieu phnico-punique
(CSF 32, Rome: Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche).
1995a Resheph, cols. 1324-30, in DDD.
1995b Ugarit et les Phniciens. I dentit culturelle et rapports historiques,
239-66 in M . DI ETRI CH - LORETZ 1995.
1995c Gunu(m)(KI) dans les textes d'Ebla, NABU 89 (1995/4):80 1.
1996a Les pouvoirs du dieu 'Attar, 381-404 in WY ATT - WATSON LLOYD
(1996).
1996b II 'capro espiatorio' a Ebla. Sulle origini storiche di un antico rito
mediterraneo, SMSR (FS. D. Sabbatucci), 62:677-84. (Published 1998).
Forthcoming Die ugaritische Religion: methodologische und kulturhistorische Bet-
rachtungen, in M. K ROPP - A. WAGNER (eds) "Schnittpunkt" Ugarit
(Nordostafrikanisch-westasiasche Studien 2, Frankfurt am Main, Berlin,
Bern, New York, Paris, Vienna: Lang).
CAPOMACCHI A, A . M. G.
Tre testi ugaritici relativi a presagi di nascite, OA 18:41-58.
Reconsidering the letters from the 'King' in the Ugarit texts: royal
correspondance of Carchemish?, UF 24:431-46.
Division of a field and Ninurta's seal: an aspect of the Hittite admin-
istration at Emar, UF 25:453-60.
A royal divorce at Ugarit, Or 32:21-31.
Foreign merchants in Ugarit, ILR 4:70-9.
Sanctuaires d'Ougarit, 37-50 in G. Roux (ed.) Temples et sanctuaires
(Paris: Maison de l'Orient).
Baal et le roi, 177-90 in J . - M. Y ON - Y . CALVET (eds) De
l'Indus aux Balcans (Fs J. Deshayes) (Paris: ERC).
El, le pre des dieux (Monuments et Mmoires publis par AI BL 71,
Vendme: PUF).
Stles de pierre, 273-344 in YON (ed.) 1991.
Note sur la sculpture de pierre, 345-52 in YON (ed.) 1991.
Ugarit. History and archaeology, ABD vi 695-706.
Ugarit. The urban habitat. The present state of the archaeological pic-
ture, BASOR 286:19-34.
The end of the kingdom of Ugarit, 111- 22 in WARD J OUKOWSKY 1992.
Minet el-Beida, RIA 8. 3/ 4: 213- 5.
XELLA, P. -
1979
YAMADA, M .
1992
1993
Y ARON, R.
1963
1969
Y ON, M.
1984
1985
1990
1991a
1991b
1992a
1992b
1992c
1994a
1994b Ougarit et ses relations avec les rgions maritimes voisines (d'aprs les
travaux rcents), 421-39 in BROOKE et al. 1994.
1995 La Maison d'Ourtenu dans le quartier sud d'Ougarit (fouilles 1994),
CRAIBL 427-43.
1996 The Temple of the Rhytons at Ugarit, 405-22 in WY ATT - WATSON -
LLOYD 1996.
1997 Ugarit, iv 255-62 in MEY ERS, E . M. 1997.
1998a La cit d'Ougarit sur le tell de Ras Shamra (Guides Archologiques de
l'Institut Franyais d'Archologie du Proche-Orient 2, Paris: ERC).
1998b The royal city of Ugarit on the tell of Ras Shamra (Winona Lake I N:
Eisenbrauns).
Y ON, M . (ed.)
1987 RSO 3.
1991 RSO 6.
Y ON, M . - GACHET, J .
1989 Une statuette du dieu El Ougarit, Syria 66:349.
Y ON, M . - SZNYCER, M. - BORDREUI L, P. (eds)
1995 RSO 11.
Y OUNG, D. W.
1977 With snakes and dates: a sacred marriage drama at Ugarit, UF 9:291-
314.
1979 The Ugaritic myth of the god Horon, UF 11:839-48.
Y OUNG, G. D.
1948 The structure of the poetry of Ugarit (Dropsie College PhD Diss.).
1949 Semitic metrics and Ugaritic evidence, JBL 68:xii.
1950 Ugaritic prosody, JNES 9:124-33.
1960 Ugaritic poetic style and the Old Testament, JBL 69:viii.
Y OUNG, G. D. (ed.)
1981 Ugarit in retrospect. Fifty years of Ugarit and Ugaritic (Winona Lake IN:
Eisenbrauns).
Y OUNGER, K . L .
1997 Ugaritic king list, 356- 7 in HALLO 1997.
ZACCAGNI NI , C.
1970 Note sulla terminologia metallurgica di Ugarit, OrAnt:315-24.
1973 Lo scambio dei doni nei Vicino Oriente durante i secoli XV-XII I (OAC 11,
Rome: Centro per le Antichit e la Storia dell'Arte del Vicino Oriente).
1985 On Late Bronze Age marriages, 593-605 in S.F. BONDI et al. (eds)
Studi in onore di Edda Bresciani (Pisa: Giardini).
1988 A note on Hittite I nternational relations at the time of Tudhaliya IV,
295-9 in F. IMPARATI (ed.) Studi di storia e di filologia Anatolica dedicati a
Giovanni Pugliese (Florence: Carratelli, Elite).
1990 The forms of alliance and subjugation in the Near East of the Late
Bronze Age, 37- 79 in L . CANFORA - M . LI VERANI - C. ZACCAGNI NI
(eds.) I tratatti nei Mondo Antico: forma, ideologia, funzione (Saggi di Storia
Antica 2, Rome: Bretschneider).
ZAMORA, J . A .
1997 Sobre el modo de produccin asitico (Madrid-Zaragoza: CSI C, Institucin
Fernando el Catlico).
ZATELLI , .
1998 The origin of the biblical scapegoat ritual: the evidence of two Eblaite
texts, VT 48:254-63.
ZEEB, F.
1992 'Die Truppen sind unfhig': berlegungen zu RS 34.143, UF 24:481-98.
ZEMANEK, P.
1995 Ugaritischer Wortformenindex (Lexicographia orientalis 4, Hamburg: Buske).
ZEVI T, .
1983 Nondistinctive stress, syllabic constraints, and Wortmetrik in Ugaritic
poetry, UF 15:291-8.
VAN Zl J L , P.J .
1972a Baal. A study of texts in connexion with Baal in the Ugaritic epics (AOAT 10,
Kevelaer: Butzen and Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag).
1972b Translation and discussion of Text 1001:1-2, JNSL 2:74-85.
1974 Translation and discussion of Text 1001:3~5a, JNSL 3:85-93.
1975 Translation and discussion of Text 1001:5b~7, JNSL 4:73-84.
ZUCKERMAN, B. - ZUCKERMAN, K .
1997 Photography of manuscripts, iv 336-47 in MEY ERS, E . M . 1997.
ZURRO, E.
1987 Procedimientos iteratives en la poesia ugaritica y hebrea (BiOr 43, Rome: Bib-
lical Institute Press; Fuentes de la ciencia biblica 4; Valencia: Institu-
tion San J eronimo).
LI ST OF CONTRI BUTORS
Prof. KEVI N J . CATHCART
Department of Near Eastern Languages
Faculty of Arts
University College Dublin
Dublin 4 (Ireland)
Prof. IZAK CORNELI US
Department of Ancient Studies
University of Stellenbosch
Stellenbosch
Private Bag XI
Matieland ZA-7602 (RSA)
Prof. Dr J ESUS-LUI S CUNCHI LLOS
Laboratorio de Hermeneumtica
CSI C-I nstituto de Filologia
c/Duque de Medinaceli, 6-8
E-28014 Madrid (Spain)
Dr ADRI AN CURTI S
Dept. of Religions and Theology
University of Manchester
Manchester M13 9PL (GB)
Prof. Dr MANFRI ED L . G. DI ETRI CH
Institut fur Altorientalische Philologie
und Vorderasiatische Altertumskunde
Ugarit-Forschungsstelle
Schlaunstrae 2
D-48143 Mnster (Germany)
Prof. MEI NDERT DI J KSTRA
Faculteit der Godgeleerdheid
Postbus 80.105
NL 3508 TC Utrecht (Netherlands)
Prof. J OHN C.L. GI BSON
Emeritus Professor, University of
Edinburgh
10 South Morton St
Edinburgh EH 15 2NB (Scotland)
Prof. MI CHAEL HELTZER
University of Haifa
Haifa 31999 (Israel)
Prof. RI CHARD S. HESS
Denver Baptist Seminary
Denver, Colorado (USA)
Prof. J OHN HUEHNERGARD
Harvard University
6 Divinity Avenue
Cambridge MA 02138 (USA)
Prof. Dr OSWALD LORETZ
Institut fur Altorientalische Philologie
und Vorderasiatische Altertumskunde
Ugarit-Forschungsstelle
Schlaunstrae 2
D-48143 Mnster (Germany)
Prof. THEODORE J . LEWI S
Department of Religion
Peabody Hall
University of Georgia
Athens GA 30602-1625 (USA)
Prof. BARUCH MARGALI T
Department of Biblical Studies
University of Haifa
31905 Haifa (Israel)
Prof. I GNACI O MARQUEZ ROWE
Universidade da Coruna
Facultad de Humanidades
Campus de Esteiro
E-15403 Ferrol (Spain)
Dr PAOLO MERL O
via Val Cristallina 9
1-00141 Roma (Italy)
Prof. GREGORI O DEL OL MO LETE
Universidad de Barcelona
Dept. de Filologia Semitica
Gran Via 585
E-08007 Barcelona (Spain)
Prof. WAY NE T . PI TARD
Program for the Study of Religion
L I ST OF CONT R I B U T OR S 825
College of Liberal Arts and Sciences
University of Illinois
3014 Foreign Languages Building
707 South Mathews Ave.
Urbana ILL 61801 (USA)
Prof. I TAMAR SI NGER
Dept. of Archaeology and
Ancient Near Eastern Cultures
Tel-Aviv University
Ramat-Aviv 69978 Tel-Aviv
(Israel)
Prof. WI L FRED H. VAN SOL DT
Assyriology
Leiden University
POB 9515
NL 2300 RA Leiden (Netherlands)
Dr KLAAS SPRONK
Beethovelaan 7
NL 4102 BM Culemborg
(Netherlands)
P D Dr J OSEF TROPPER
Stindestrae 20
D-12167 Berlin (Germany)
Dr J UAN-PABI .O VI TA
CSI C-I nstituto de Filologia
Departamento de Filologia Biblica y de
Oriente Antiguo
Laboratorio de Hermeneumtica
c/Duque de Medinaceli, 6~8
E-28014 Madrid (Spain)
Dr WI L FRED G. E . WATSON
Department of Religious Studies
The University
Newcastle upon Tyne NEI 7RU (GB)
Prof. STEVEN WI GGI NS
POB 246
Delafield WI 53018 (USA)
D r NI COLAS WY ATT
New College
Mound Place
Edinburgh EH 1 2LX (Scotland)
Prof. Dr PAOLO XEL L A
Consigilio Nazionale delle Ricerche
Istituto per la Civilt fenicia e punica
via Salaria Km. 29,500 C.P. 10
1-00016 Monterotondo Stazione (Italy)
I NDEX OF TOPI CS
-word 181-2
abecedary 51, 614
absolute case, Ugaritic 102
absolute infinitive 153-4
account record 329
acropolis 35
address 361, 375
administrative archives 305
administrative record(s) 393
administrative text(s) 38, 57, 140,
327, 425
administrators 434-5
adoption 479-80, 482
adverbs, Ugaritic 1 18
Aegean motifs 593
afterlife 252, 268
agenda 328
agricultural products 446
agriculture 450-1
Akkadian siptu-prayers in Ugaritic
alphabetic script 145
Akkadian 76, 393, 529
Akkadian legal texts 394- 411
Akkadian tablets 49
Akkadian texts 52, 530
Akkadian-Hurrian wisdom text 58
alabaster 624, 636 n. 100, 637
alabaster container 599
aleph-sign(s) 78, 80, 93 4
alliance 378
alliteration 184, 224
alphabet 76, 79, 456, 457
alphabet, cuneiform 47, 77
alphabet, h-l-h-m 85
alphabet, Old Arabic 85
alphabet, Phoenician 82
alphabet, South Semitic 88
a/un-stone 657
ambassador(s) 463
Amorite 529, 608, 612 n. 31, 613,
613 nn. 36, 47, 637
Amorite Age 616
Amorite settlement 226
Amurritic religion 220
anaphoric use of -n 155
Anatolian names 510
ancestors 295
anchors 21, 583
androgynous deity 542 3
anepigraphic cylinder seals 400
animal names 505
animal offerings/victims 296, 336,
338
anthropology of death 251
'Apiru 629
Aqhat 234-58, 263
Aqhat's birth 248
Aqhat's bow 251
Aqhat's encounter with Anat 248
Arabic 614
archaeology 586
archer 494
archetypal theme 197
archive(s) 17, 29, 48, 471,
604
archive of Hurrian priest 34
aristocracy 264
army 492~8
aromatic oils 437-8
arrowsmith 129, 451
art 586, 587, 601, 602
article and demonstrative hn 153
asa foetida 657, 667, 668
ascents 345
Ashurbanipal's library 354
aspect and tense, Ugaritic 109
assembly of gods 274, 310
asseverative particles, Ugaritic 120
assigned offerings 330
assimilation, Ugaritic 97
Assyrian 697
Assyrian influence 43, 45
Assyrian scribe 33
astrological omens 355 6
astrology 356
astronomical omens, collection of
163
astronomical omens 146, 163
AT 457, 516
Atef-crown 582
atonement 564 6
authorship by Ilimilku 238
Baal(-Anat) Cycle see Baal and Anat
Baal and Mot 196-9
Baal and Anat 53, 193-9, 246, 552
Baal au foudre stela 7, 581, 589, 590
Baal is king 194
Babylonian 703
baking overn 705
ballast variant 172-3
baronial council 216-7, 225
barren(ness) 477, 478
Battle of Qadesh 629, 636, 642
n. 115, 643-4, 644 . 121, 646,
660, 694 . 301, 701
BDFSN 744
bed panel 595
Ben-Sim'l 618
benediction 275
biblical texts 526
bilingual 473
bilingual version 40
bill(s) 391, 399
bill of personal security 417
binding-text 405
biology of religion 567
birds 285
bird names 508
bird oracles 685
Birth of the Pleasant Gods 53
birth omens 146, 163-4
biscriptal 393
bl in compounds 154
blessing(s) 145, 569-71
blessing formula 570
blood " 282, 295
blood-redemption 214
bloodless ritual actions 294
body of letter 365
bow(s) 238, 244, 247, 496
bowls 593
box cover 598
bronze 276 n. 236, 447, 656, 657,
657 n. 167, 658, 668, 676
bronze production 452
bull figurine 593
burlesque 221-2
burnt sacifice 348
business letters, Ugaritic 142
cadastral texts 431
calendar 301
canonical pantheon, Akkadian version
537 n. 24
canonical god list 308
cantor 349
caprice of gods 254
caravan licence 145-6
cardinal numbers, Ugaritic 103
carnelian 447
cartwright 428
case, Ugaritic 101-2
case vowels 507
casus pendens 160
cataclysms 717
catalogue of gods 317
cavalry 495
Cella of Tablets 51
census lists 146
Central Archive 30, 697
Centre Ville 36
ceramic(s) 454, 599
cereals 450
ceremonial 337
ceremonial procession 336
chains of adverbial clauses 151
chains of comparisons 151, 152
chain of epithets 152
Chaoskampf 197, 255, 545, 551
character of Ugaritic poetry 191-2
chariot(s) 429^437, 657 n. 161, 682
charioteer 495
charismatic leadership 226
chiasmus, Hurrian 67
chief of shepherds 514
chief priest 428
child's tomb 601
children 478
chronology 392-3, 606-8
City Elders 729
city-gate 250
classification of cultic texts 290-1
classification of Ugaritic 91
classification of Ugaritic prose texts
142-6
clay tablets 81
clergy 433-4
closing formula (of letters) 367
clothing, offering of 329, 332, 336
cognate languages 125-6
collective work 449-50
colophon(s) 140, 193
comedy 221
common standard pantheon 313
communion sacrifice 318, 334
community 483
comparative philology 125
comparative studies 133
composite bow 236
composite epithet 310
composite work 212
compound, Hurrian 67
concentric structure 346
Concordance of Ugaritic Roots 750
conditional hm 159-60
conditionally phrased style 159
conjunction p[m)- 15
conjunctions, Ugaritic 119-20
conscription 493, 495
consecrated ones 301
consonantal inventory of Hurrian 63
consonantal phoneme 138
construct nouns, Ugaritic 147
contest for kingship 193
contraction 180-1
contracts 161
copper 447
correspondence 56, 359-389
correspondence, diplomatic 30 n. 17
corve 512
cosmic waters 532
cosmogony 231
cosmology, Ugaritian 531-37
couplet 173, 175
crafts 483-92
crafts and industries 448-54
craftsmen 428
Cretan 617, 617 n. 42
crying 221
cult of dead and deified kings 340
cult of the dead 282
cult personnel 296
cult places 302
cult, dynastic 297
culdc calendar 330
culdc installations 338, 341
culdc lists of gods 317-23
cultic myths 352
cultic texts 55-56, 305, 318
cultic texts, Ugaritic 287-358
cuneiform law 393
curse-prayer 323
curses 571-3
custom licence 145
cylinder seal, dynastic 61 1
cylinder seals 580, 582, 598
Cypro-Minoan 500, 529, 605, 605
n. 4, 676, 677
daily sacrifices 143
Danel as king 239
Danel, social status of 249-51
data bank 747
date formulae 161
dating tools 705
dative I 161
day of the new moon 333
dead 297
dead and deified kings 299
death 576-9
death ritual 60, 71-2, 577
debt-note 417, 418
decipherment 76-80, 82
dedication 145
deed of conveyance 397, 402
deed of security 418-9
deeds 401
deeds of sale 398
definite article, Hebrew 149
definite article hn- 149
deformed births 574
deictic use of -n 155
demonology 549
demons 276
demonstrative pronouns, Ugaritic
98-9
demonstratives (hnd-hnk/hndt-hnkt/hnhmt)
149, 153
derived stems, Ugaritic 1 1 1
desacralization 331, 343
desacralization/purification 349,
350
descendants 438
descriptive style 147
descriptive-prescriptive ritual 306
deserters 432
determination, Ugaritic 103
determinative pronoun, Ugaritic 99
dialectic of Life and Death 233
dictionary, Ugaritic 122, 123
Didanites 706
diphthongs, Ugaritic 97
diplomatic letters, Ugaritic 142
disappearing god 239
discourse types 141
discourse of persuasion 155-6
disease 279
divination 351, 353, 354
divine assembly 230
divine blessing 376
divine couple 346
divine figures 289
divine kingship 206, 229, 560-2
divine pairs 321
divine peoples 328
divinization of kings 314 n. 15,
560-2
divinized beings 314
divinizing sacred localities 538
divorce 407, 410, 469, 476-8, 482,
512, 681, 702
domestic (legal) texts 412, 416,
393, 394-5
domestic texts 412
double deities 323
double entry 335
double invocation 316
dowry 469, 475, 477
doxology 274
drafts 156
dreambook 163
drinking blood 224
drought 228
drunkenness 285
duplicate(s) 263, 339, 404
dyed cloth 694 n. 300
dyed wool 635, 655, 656, 657, 671,
698, 716
dyes 446-7
dynastic principle 225
dynasty 467
EA texts 222, 526
earthquake 631, 730, 733
Eastern Archive 30, 413
Eblaite 508
ebony 710
eclipse of sun 356
economic texts 136, 140
economy of Ugarit 423-54
edict 391
Edinburgh Ras Shamra Project 736,
737, 742-3, 747
Egyptian 529, 605 n. 4, 620 n. 54
Egyptian Execration Texts 615
Egyptian hieroglyphs 607
Egyptian Middle Kingdom 614 6
Egyptian statuary 587
Egyptian tale of Doomed Prince 244
Egyptian words 130
Egyptians 636
eight-line sequence 177
El's Banquet 202
Elamite 617
elder 429
electronic imaging 734
elephant's tusk 598
ellipsis 172-3
eloquence 158
emphasis with hn, ht, ap 160
emphatic use of interrogative particles
155
emphatic use of separate personal
pronouns 155
enclitic -y as a marker of indirect
speech 153
enclitic -m 507
enclitic particles, Ugaritic 121
energic, Ugaritic 108-9
Enma Anu Enlil 356
envelopes 391
epic 241, 502
Epic of Aqhat 53,481
Epic of Keret 53, 480 n. 179
epigraphic analysis 736
epithet 321
etymology 133
evening prayer 164
evil eye 282
excavation 586
excerpt 41
existential particles, Ugaritic 120
exorcism 576
expansion 180-1
expiation 340
expiation (atonement) ritual(s) 140,
144, 163, 564-6
expiatory ritual see expiation ritual
expression for existence (ii) 148
extispicy 353, 357
fable 150-1
faience 599, 601
family ancestors 483
family life 567-8
famine 717
famine-relief liturgy 557
farm 484
feast 261
feast days 344
female condition 231
female exorcist 230
feminine names 502
feminine suffix -at 507
feminist bias 231
fertility 279, 283, 284
fertility cult 540
feudalistic body 225
figurative language 185-7, 190
figurines 598
file for future reference 40
filial piety 568
final clause 396
find-spot 391, 395-6
fire 629, 634
firstborn 480
fixed sequences 317
fleet 498, 659, 718 see navy
flour 341
folk-literature 246
folk-religion 541-2
food 446
footstool 250
foreign scribes 45
formal epistles, Ugaritic 142
formula 183, 256, 409, 414, 572
formulaic patterns 183-4
four aux tablettes 705
four-line strophe 175
French School 207
frit 601
fugitive(s) 462, 467
full moon 297, 301
full moon ritual 335
funerary communion offering 341
funerary offering 347
furniture 437
garden 304, 349
garments 436
General's Letter 628, 644 . 121,
724 . 411
gentilic 511
ghost words 132~3
ghosts 264
gift 397
gift exchange 378, 445
gift of real estate 398
gifts for Athirat 195
Glossenkeil 137
glossmark 137
glyptic 598
goat (scapegoat) 566
god lists 144, 307ff.
god lists in non-sacrificial texts 322 3
goddess 342
gods of Hyr 311
grain 661, 672, 675, 677, 712,
715-9, 719 n. 391
grammar 3
grammar, Ugaritic 91-121
grammar of Akkadian letters 378-81
graphematic chains 744, 752-3
Great Lady 680
greeting(s) 363
guilds
1
485, 486
gutturals 139
habiru 643, 652, 652 n. 138, 663
n. 186, 682
Hades 546
haematite cylinder 598
half-line parallelism 172
harvest 273
heading 'of Baal' 193
Hebrew 508
Helladic 676 n. 237
hendiadys 172 n. 21
heptacolon 177
hermeneumatic 744 n. 28
heroes of Greek cult 252
hexacolon 176
hiatus, Hurrian 66
hippiatric texts 57, 146, 286
hireq compaginis 507
Hittite 58, 505 . 4, 529
Hittite Archive 634 nn. 93, 95, 646
. 127
Hittite Hieroglyphs 409
Hittite legal text 420-2
Hittite scribes 419
Hittite tablets 421
Hittite text(s) 62, 393, 650
Hittite words 130
hoard 731
holocaust 348
homographs 125
homonyms 125, 131-2
horse(s) 495, 497, 655, 655 n. 153,
656, 657, 665, 674, 675, 677, 715,
724, 724 n. 413, 727
Horus falcon 593
House of Alabasters 11
House of literary texts 49
House of Rap'nu 33, 48, 61, 399
House of Rashapabu 48, 399
House of Urtenu 47 n. 4, 56, 49,
375, 472, 605, 676 n. 234, 705,
706
House of the High Priest 10, 15, 48,
51, 234, 259, 328
House of the Hurrian Priest 48-49,
683 n. 261
House of the Lettr 33
House of the Scholar 10, 48, 51
household of (bt) 511
f)upu-mercenaries 357
Hurrian 12, 42, 51, 58, 134, 273,
456, 457, 529, 605 n. 4, 620,
621
Hurrian Appu story 244
Hurrian cult 74
Hurrian domination 63
Hurrian influence 41, 42, 45
Hurrian myth 558
Hurrian names 510
Hurrian pantheon 324-5
Hurrian priest 74
Hurrian ritual texts 143, 144
Hurrian temple 609
Hurrian Text(s) 52, 58, 530, 683 n. 261
Hurrian words 129-30
Hurrites 616
Hurro-Akkadian 378
hymn(s) 272-3
Hymn of Anat 200, 284
iconography 580-3, 586-602
iconography of deities 586-602
idolatry 583-4
image of deity 295
imagery 187
imperative, Ugaritic 104-5
imperfect, Ugaric 162
imperfective, Ugaritic 109
implements 438
incantation(s) 145, 323, 575
incantations, Ugaritic 150
incense incantation 60
incised inscriptions 9
incubation theory 247-8
indefinite pronouns, Ugaritic 99
individual theologies 539-42
Indo-Aryan words 130-1
I ndo-European 130-1, 558
infantry 493, 494
inheritance 480, 510
inscribed clay liver 574
interjections, Ugaritic 120
international arbitrations 406
international conferences 1
international law 441
international legal text(s) 37, 402-3,
419
international letter 37
international trade 653
international treaties 440-1
interrogative pronouns, Ugaritic 99
interrogative pronouns (mn(m)-mnk(m);
mh-mhkm) 149
introductory formulae 376
inversion of subject 151
investiture-enthronement 195
invitation 260
iron 593, 618, 656
irony 214, 571
isoglosses 126
ivory, ivories 19, 21, 582, 595-8
jester 220
joins 392
journey to a banquet 261
jussive/cohortative mood, Ugaritic
105
jussive imperfect, Ugaritic 163
jussive mood, Ugaritic 105
juxtaposition of name and sacrifice
161
Keret see Legend of Keret
kind of ritual 194
king(s) 283, 296, 297, 493
king, prayer of 273
kinglist 550
kingship 533
kingship, dynastic 209, 226
Kinneret hypothesis 243
kispum-rite 225, 292, 357, 577
Kulturwrter 131
labels 438
Lamatu archive 34, 49
language 393
lapis-lazuli 447, 617, 618, 655, 694
n. 300
largest text 193
LBA classic 205
LBA Ugarit 208 n. 9
legal document 390
legal texts 56, 136
Legend of Keret 53, 203-33,
480 n. 179, 552
Legend of Aqhat 53,481
legends 254
lengthened stems, Ugaritic 117
letter-formula 404-5
letter-verdict 404
letters 50
letters, Akkadian 375-89
letters, Ugaritic 142, 359-73
levirate marriage 478 n. 150
lexical tablets 128
lexical texts 39, 136
lexicography, Ugaritic 122-39
lexicon 750
lexicon, Hurrian 68-69
libation tube 601
Library of Lamashtu Texts 34, 49,
51
Library of the High Priest 35, 59
Library of the Hurrian priest 60-1
linear shapes (of letters) 84-5
linen 655, 657, 657 n. 162, 658, 698
lingua franca 393
linguistic origins 509
liquids, Hurrian 65
list 305
List Anu 307-8
list for accounts 306
lists of assigned offerings 330
list of divine names 318
list of gods 61, 161
list of gods, canonical 161
lists of gods in sacrificial texts 317
lists of Hurrian gods 323-6
lists of names of divine kings 313-7
lists of offerings 71, 326-52
lists of sacrifices 143 4
lists of villages 424 5
lists without offerings 326-30
litanies of gods' names 316-7
litany 323, 574
literary and religious texts 39
literary approach 243
literary aspects of letters 366-7
literary forms 289
literary inclusio 342
literary texts 52, 53~5, 136
literary texts, Ugaritic 193-286
liver models 146
local epithets 321
locative case, Ugaritic 101-2
locusts 699, 717 . 383
Lord of Saphon 545
lunar calendar 336
magic 270, 285, 323
main works of Ugaritic literature 205
Maison aux tablettes 661
Manda 642, 642 . 116, 643, 652,
652 . 137
marriage 280, 469, 475, 476
Marriage of Nikkal and Yarih 53,
201, 557-8
masculine names 502
matres lectionis, Hurrian 65
mayor 474
medical texts 161
medical practitioner 575
medicine 575
memoranda 399, 417
menacing figurine 591
menology 39
mercenaries 493
merchant 461, 472
Merchant of Venice 233
Mesopotamian pantheon 308
messenger 284, 375, 470
meta-economic texts 306
metal 447, 488
metal offerings 296, 336, 338
metal-work(ing) 18, 19, 21, 451-2,
591
metaphor 186-7
metre 168-9
Middle Babylonian 378
Middle Babylonian Koine 58, 63
military alliance 404
minerals 447
Mischsprache 59
Mittanni Letter 63
Mittannian 619, 624
mobilization 434
mock epic 222
mock-heroic 231
model of liver 357
model of lung 357, 574
model organs 357, 573-4
monocolon 173, 174
month 301-2
month of new wine 339
monthly liturgy 339
monthly rituals 143
moods, Ugaritic 110
morning prayer 164
morphology of nouns, Hurrian 66
mof(s) 256, 586
mourning rites 578-9
mule 656
multilingual lexical lists 61
multiple authorship 212, 216
multiple offerings 329
Mursili-Niqmepa treaty 638
music 20, 301, 580
Myc. I ll C ware 730 n. 429, 732
Myceneaean 508, 675
myth and ritual 290
Myth and Ritual School 205, 206
mythological pantheon 323
mythological rituals 352
mythological texts 502
mythology 289
mythology, Ugaritian 549~58
myths 254
name-giving 611, 620 n. 57
narrative friezes 595
narrative waw, Hebrew 149
narrative discourse 141
naval battle 721
navy 432
negation in Ugaritic noun clauses 148
negatives, Ugaritic 120
new moon 301, 335, 343
New Year liturgy/festival 197, 344
Nikkal poem 53, 201, 557-8
nine-colon set 177
nobility of Bt Hbr 210,224
nominative absolute 160
non-literary dimension 579-84
non-royal legal texts 399-402, 416-9
non-sacrificial rites 351
non-Semitic words 128
non-Semitic words in Hurrian 69
North(ern) Palace 609, 630 n. 84,
631
noun, Ugaritic 100
numerals, Ugaritic 103-4
oath 155
object marker, Hebrew 149
offering and deity lists 55
offering lists 305ff.
offering-rite 337
offerings 345
officiant 351
oil 657, 658, 669 n. 208, 670, 671,
672, 672 n. 221, 677, 692, 720
oil, offering of 329
ointment container 598
omen(s) 161, 323, 573-4
omen interpretation and ritual 164
omen literature 146
omen texts 55-6, 163
omphalos 532
oneiric theophany 220
onomasticon 75
optative particles, Ugaritic 120
oracle 297, 344, 573-4
oracular response 299, 349
oral message 359
orientation 535-7
orthography 705
orthography, Ugaritic 93
oven' 32, 732
palace archives 392, 705
palace cult 321
palace of Ugarit 629
palace for Baal 194
palace offering 61
palace pantheon 70
palace personnel 435-6
palace sanctuary 336, 343
palatine texts 333
/anfow-assembly 225 n. 28
pantheon 341, 532, 537-9
pantheon of cultic texts 69-73
parallelism 149, 169-72, 189
parallelism, alternating 171
parallelism, antithetic 170-1
parallelism, chiastic 172
parallelism, distant 172
parallelism, grammatical 171-2
parallelism, Hurrian 67
parallelism, numerical 170
parallelism, semantic 170
parallelism, synonymous 170
parallelism, syntactical 171-2
parody 206, 221
participle N-stem 154
participles, Ugaritic 110-1, 147-8
particles, Ugaritic 118
patera 593
patriarchal narrative 219
patriarchal society 481
patriarchs of the Bible 220
patriarchy 511
patrilinear family 480
patrilinear society 481
pax hethitica 646-52
payment rolls 146
peace figurine 591
peace offering 344
pendant 595
penis-envy 228 n. 31
pentacolon 176
perfect N-stem 154
perfect/imperfect in poetry 141
perfective forms, Ugaritic 162
perfective, Ugaritic 109
performative discourse 141
performative imperative, Ugaritic 163
performative perfect, Ugaritic 163
performative Ugaritic prose 161-4
peripheral Akkadian 378
personal names 127-8
personal piety 574-5
personal prayers 574
personal pronoun, Ugaritic 98
persuasive (prose) style 150, 151,
155, 158
pgr- sacrifice 348
phallic symbol 251, 280
Phoenician 615
Phoenician ports 668-73
phoneme / d./ 95
phonology, Ugaritic 95
piety 482
piety, family 482~3
plaques 595
/)/CTI-writing 153
poetic language 289
poetic language, Ugaritic 169
poetry 275
poetry, Ugaritic 165 91, 287
poetry as play 233 n. 36
poetry or prose 140
plel, Ugaritic 117
polygamy 477, 478, 479
polyglot vocabularies 307
polytheism 541
popular cult 328
population of Ugarit 75
port area 21
portrait-like human head 593
possession 576
potter 454
pottery mug 599
prayer(s) 145, 272-3, 286, 316
precative discourse 141
precative perfect, Ugaritic 163
prefect 468-9, 474
prefix conjugation, Ugaritic 105
prepositions, Ugaritic 118-9
prescriptive discourse 141
prescriptive imperfect, Ugaritic 162
prescriptive narrative, Ugaritic 162
prescriptive Ugaritic prose 161-4
president 224
Prtre Hounite 74
priest(s) 277, 300, 474
priests' libraries 59
principal god list 308
principal liturgy 332
prisoner(s) 462
private archives 392, 401
private deeds 399
private letters 38
private property 480
procession 294, 337, 344
procession rituals 144
proclamation 340
professions 484-92, 513
promissory oath 397
pronominal suffixes, Ugaritic 98
pronoun, Ugaritic 98
propagandist 553
prose, Ugaritic 140
prose of Ugaritic letters 153-61
prose style, Ugaritic 141
proskynesis 361, 362
protasis-apodosis structure 164
protocol of necromancy 146
pseudonymic riddle 219
purification 297
purification of king 333
pyxis 598
quadrilingual 40, 134
quaternity 572-3
quatrain 175, 176
queen 30, 469-70, 481
rbisu 647 . 129
raising of 139
Rap'anu archive 50, 629, 720, 721
Rashapabu collection 50
raw glass 656
real estate 411
receipt(s) 146, 391
recitation 140
recruiting 493, 494
redistribution of fields 430
reference shots 735
regent 468
relative clauses, Ugaritic prose 147
relative marker '"er 149
relative noun clauses, Ugaritic 147-8
religion 3
religion, Ugaritian 529
religion of Ugarit 529-85
religious practices 288
religious texts 50
religious vocabulary 536
repetition 178 80, 190, 257
repetition of lines 1 79
repetition of passages 179-80
repetition of words 1 78-9
repetitive style 15
Rephaim texts 259-69, 283
report marker 156
reports 156
restoration of Baal 196
reversal of word pair 182-3
rhetorical questions 155
rhetorical style 159
rhyton(s) 599
Rhyton Temple 11, 15, 16, 587, 598
ritual(s) 161, 273
ritual, descriptive 162
ritual, prescriptive 161
ritual, Ugaritic 562-6
ritual action involving blood 293
ritual colophon 337
ritual formulae 297
ritual of huts 344
ritual of purification 344
ritual prescriptions 162
ritual purity 297
ritual texts 3, 55
ritual typology 347
robed king 250
roof 273
royal document 396, 415
royal domestic legal texts 392
royal family 321, 512
royal ideology 314, 559-62
royal legal texts 395, 413
royal marriage 564
R
O
yal Palace 8, 10, 13, 16, 17, 297
royal pantheon 346
royal propaganda 207-8
royal seals 598
royal service 449
royal servicemen 427-31
royal stores 436-8
rpum as deities 265-7
rpum as living persons 267-9
Rpum texts 259-69
S
a
Voc. 134
sacred marriage 298, 557
sacrifice(s) 322
sacrifice of burning 341
sacrifice of general communion 340
sacrificial agenda 348
sacrificial banquet 346
sacrificial festivals 144
sacrificial material 296
sacrificial place 343
sacrificial rites 563
sacrificial syntax 346
sacrificial texts 319, 321
sacrificial vocabulary, Ugaritic 123,
291, 292
sagas 254
skinu 37, 38, 434, 647 . 129
sale 397-8
salutation 376
Sammelurkunde 396
Sanskrit 536
satire 229
scarabs 598
scholar 277
school 39, 82
school texts 40
scorpion 281, 285
scribal education 40
scribal error 132, 167
scribal exercise 274
scribe(s) 375, 397, 463, 465, 470,
472, 486 n. 206, 512
script 393
script, Ugaritic 819
sculptor 454
sea-god 531, 532
seal 408, 598
seal, dynastic 399, 415
seal identification formula 397
seal impression 397, 404, 409
sealing 390
Sea Peoples 26, 33, 462, 719, 722,
725, 730, 732, 733
search for Baal 196
search for the secret of lightning 195
security 651
seismic event 709
self-burial rite 579
semantic rectangle 257
semantics, Ugaritic 123
Semitic names 510
Semitic words in Hurrian 68
sequence, h-l-h-m 88
sequences of perfect 151
series of deities, dynastic 320
series of offerings 340
serpents 279, 280
servant 466, 479
seven 337
seven concentric boundaries 533
seven deities 310
shape of tablet 414
Shapsh and the Mare 202
Sheol 547
shepherd 428
serdanni 429, 462, 726 n. 416
erdanu see serdanni
Sikila 722, 728, 729 n. 426
ships 450, 497-8, 514
shipwreck 404
shipyards 449
shorter alphabetic script 414
j/mm-sacrifice 293, 318
ir/>-sacrifice 293
SI AMTU 744-5, 751
sibilants, Hurrian 64
sickness 575
signing 390
Silver Treaty 674, 722 n. 400
simile 185-6
sin 293
singers 301
Sitz im Leben 193
Skl/ Sikila 722
slaves 445
smiting figurine 591
smiting posture 581
smoke 277
snake 278, 281
snakebite 575
snake poison 230
social classes 464
social rank 376
soldier(s) 429
soothsayer 277
sorcerer 276
sound changes, consonantal 97
sound patterns 184-5, 190
South Semitic 614
Southern Archive 31
Southern Palace 32, 634 n. 94, 636
n. 99, 677, 703 n. 337, 711
Southwestern Archive 31, 708
sphinx 587
spices 437
spirits of the dead 264-5, 282
spiritual powers 561
split couplet 192
staircase parallelism 192
standard god list 312
standing armed figurine 591
stanza 177-8, 190
state, Ugaritic 102
statuary 619 n. 48, 620 n. 54
statue(s) 294,337,587- 8,614,711
statuette 587
statuette, bronze 591
stela 580-1, 586, 589-91
stichometry 166, 189
stock apodoses 355
Stoic tradition 232
stone sculpture 587-91
stones 488
storm-god 464, 533, 670
story of Hannah and Samuel 244
Story of Aqhat 234-58
stray finds 392
strophe 177-8, 190
style 256
style, Hurrian 67
Subarians 652
substitute 196
suffix conjugation, Ugaritic 107ff.
suffix -n 508
sum totals 148
Sumerian myth 558
Sumerian words 130
summoning ritual 351
supreme deity 197, 534
Sutean mercenary 214
Sutu 623, 643, 652
Syllabary A Vocabulary 134
syllabic Akkadian 28-45
syllabic Akkadian incantation 270
symbiosis between Hurrians and
Ugaritians 61
symbol 584
syncope 139
syntactic analysis 127
syntactic pattern 338, 342, 351
syntactic structure 331
syntax 287, 325
syntax, Hurrian 67
syntax of letters 365-6
syntax of Ugaritic poetry 169
Syro-Anatolian 378
table of Semitic consonants 96
Tawannana 699 n. 321
teacher 41, 277
temple(s) 302, 563
temple of Baal 10, 14, 589, 609
n. 17, 616, 619, 620, 709, 710, 711
temple of Dagan 10, 14, 15, 303,
616, 700
temple of Ilatu 343
temple of rhytons 11, 15, 16,
302 n. 70, 587, 598
temple of the astral gods 338
temple archive 327
temple crier 229
temporal k(y)- 160
teratological omens 353-5
terminative case, Ugaritic 101
terrace 303
terracotta(s) 599, 601
tetracolon 175
text editions 736
textile industry 452-3, 487
textiles 436, 446-7
texts from Hatti 403-4
texts, Ugaritic 124
texts from private libraries 61
The Devourers 199-200
The Gracious gods 200-1
thematic vowel of Ugaritic verb 106
theme(s) 256
thogonie scene 566
theology, Ugaritian 537-49
throne 587
tin 452, 617, 668, 668 n. 207
tomb 6, 17
tomb construction 577-8
topics of letters 378
topographical points 29
toponyms 3
town cult 321
trade centre 439
trader(s) 463
trade with Anatolia 443
trade with Canaan 442
trade with Carchemish 443-4
trade with Crete 443-4
trade with Cyprus 443
trade with Egypt 442
trading partners 41
tragi-comical 223, 231
translation 156, 367
translations of Akkadian texts into
Ugaritic 30 n. 12
treaty 36, 391, 410
treaty stela 589
tree of death 280
triad 308
tribal tradition of charismatic
leadership 225
tribute 429, 451, 635, 635 n. 96
tribute items 420
tribute-offering 341
trickster 547
tricolon 174-5
trilingual version 40
triphthongs, Ugaritic 97
tutelary gods 345
Ugaritian theology 246
Ugaritic, colloquial 153
Ugaritic alphabet 12
Ugaritic influence 44, 45
Ugaritic king list 609
Ugaritic legal texts 411-20
Ugaritic lexicography, principles
125
Ugaritic lexicography, problems
124-5
Ugaritic literary texts 35
Ugaritic Morphological Analyser
749
Ugaritic Tablets Digital Edition
736, 737, 738-42
underworld 533
unilingual version 40
unmarked speech 192
unpredictability 191
upper floor 396-7, 403
Uprapi 618
Ur III 608
Urtenu archive 400, 553, 655,
657, 659, 660 n. 174, 667, 686
n. 278, 687, 689, 691, 692, 694,
699, 707, 708, 712, 713, 719, 719
n. 391, 721, 723 n. 402, 722, 729,
729 n. 426
Ubara I ncantation 73
vassal treaty 403, 405, 634-6
vegetable products 332
vegetable offerings 296, 336
velars, Hurrian 65
vengeance 257
verb form iparrVs 107
verb, Ugaritic 104-18
verbal stems, Ugaritic 111-3
verdict 408
verse paragraphs 173-7
verse-line 169-70, 177
victims 340
villages 512
vineyard(s) 663, 663 n. 188
vocabulary 166
vocabulary of fabrics and dyes,
Ugaritic 123
vocabulary of letters 368-74
vocabulary of sociology,
Ugaritic 123
vocalization 139, 167
vocative, Ugaritic 102
voicing-devoicing, Ugaritic
97
votive gifts 583
vowel assimilation 139
vowel harmony, Ugaritic 97
vowel syncope, Ugaritic 97,
139
vowelless consonants 84
vows 568-9
Wanderwrter 131
war-chariot 489, 494, 497
warrior figurine 591
water carriers of the sanctuary 301
weak verbs, Ugaritic 1 13-7
weapon(s) 453, 593
wedding 286
weights 448, 593
weights and measures 448
Western Archive 29
Western Palace 634 n. 94
widow 479
widowhood 482
window(s) 195
wine 327, 340, 341, 450
wine, offering of 329
wine harvest 297, 302
winged sun-disk 599
wisdom text 59
wisdom text, Ugaritic 152
wishes 363-4
witnesses 400, 401, 416
woman 475, 476, 481, 482 n. 188,
511
women as superior 228
wood 447
word dividers 508
word pairs 181-3, 190, 256
wordplay 185
Words with their morphological
display 749
Yasib episode 216, 217
zoomorphic containers 601
I NDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES
Aballa, Aba11 651, 685
Abaya 692
Abdi-Anati 640
Abdi-Airta 622, 627
Abdi-arruma 642
Abdu 671
Abi-Milku 630, 631
Abihilu 669 n. 208
Abimanu 698
Abuga(ma) 643 . 119, 666
Actaeon 240
Adapa 241
Addaya 727
Addu of Halab 618
Addu-dayyanu 672 n. 217
Addumu 670 n. 212
Adduya 698 n. 315, 716
Adonis 239
Ahalhaltena 686
Ahasuerus 222
Ahat-Milku 24, 620 n. 57, 641,
641 n. 113, 642, 643 . 118,
676 n. 235, 679, 681 n. 254,
679 n. 248, 690, 693, 696, 703
n. 337
Aljhiyawa 675 . 232, 688
Ahi-Milku/Malki 657 . 165, 671,
691 . 295
Aitakama 636, 644
Akhenaten 622, 623 . 68, 624,
625, 625 . 73, 629, 630, 713
Ali-ziti 716, 716 . 377
A1iheni 654, 685
A11uwa 699, 699 nn. 317, 320
Amar-
D
I M 676 . 235
Amar-
d
u 688
Amenemhet III 616, 619 n. 48
Amenemhet II 615, 622
Amenophis III 622, 623 n. 68, 624,
625 n. 73, 677
Ammaya 704, 710, 712
Ammitamru 706, 708 n. 349
Ammittamru I 622-4, 627, 632
Ammittamru II 24, 466, 472, 626,
634 n. 93, 642, 652, 655, 661,
674, 676, 678-80, 683, 683
n. 261, 684, 689 n. 287, 690, 692,
693, 700 n. 324, 720 n. 392, 724
n. 410
Ammurapi 315, 477, 498 n. 266,
661, 686 n. 278, 690, 691, 695, 695
n. 306, 696, 701, 702, 706-31, 719,
720, 728, 729
Amutaru 655
Amutarunu 655 n. 152, 693
Anan-Nikkal 708
Ananae 699
Anani-
D
NI N.GAL 701, 702 n. 329,
704
Anani-Peddigalli 704
Anani-arruma 655 . 153, 658
Anantenu 691 . 295
Ann'a 699 . 316
Anni-WA 670 . 212
Annpdgl 704
Ar(i)-Teub 665 . 198
Ar-halba 620 . 57, 637-8, 665
. 198
Ari 666
Ari-imiga 651
Arma-ziti 661, 685
Arnuqanda II 703
Aru-Heba 657 . 167
Arwai 652
Athtar 539 . 31
Augustine 233
Ayyahi 672
Aziru" 612 n. 31, 622, 627, 630,
632 n. 90, 633, 635, 636, 639,
641 n. 113, 682 n. 256
Aziru-Niqmaddu 641
Ba'aliya 664 n. 194
Balaam of the DAPT 221
Banniya 727
Bazute 697 n. 309
B'l-ytn 665 n. 198
B1u-1ibr 689 . 289
Belubur 688 . 284, 689 . 289,
697
Benteina 477, 629 . 83, 641
. 113, 642, 643, 645, 646, 680,
681, 701 . 326, 702 . 330, 722
. 40
Betilum 667, 667 . 204
Beya 713, 714, 715, 729, 729 . 427
Bin-Kabkamma 687, 688
Biu 658
Burhahanuwa 674
Buruqqu 619 . 49
Cadmus 240
d
30.MU.ME.tuku 727 . 418
d
i M.Di .KUD 672, 729
d
iM-I me 670 . 212
d
iM-mateni 665 . 198
''IM.S.MU 656 . 159
d
M.ZA.DUGUD 671
d
UTU-a 709
Dadami 670
Dagan-b1u 658, 675
Dan 722 . 398
Danana 729
Danel 234, 235, 242, 247, 262, 545
Ddn 613
Di dnum/Di tnum 613
DU-Teub 636, 641, 641 . 113
DUMU.LUGAL 654 . 148
DUMU.SAL GAL 680
Duppi-Teub 641 . 113
Ea-
d
GAL 656
Ea-rabi 670
Ebina'e 684, 685, 685 . 272
Ehli-Nikkalu 679 . 247, 696, 700,
701, 702, 702 . 327, 331, 707
. 347
Eh1i-Teub 657 . 165, 671, 691, 691
. 295
En-
d
I M 687
Eniya 727 (see Enniya)
Eppiqu 665
Eriba-Marduk 727 n. 418
Euwara 721
Etakkama 630
Etana 241
Ewri-kili 670
Ewri-Kuuh 699 . 322
Ewri-arri 726
Ewri-arruma 724 . 409
Ewri-Teub 687
Falstaff 208 . 9
GAL-
d
I M 686
GAL-gina 666
Gau1iyawiya 477 n. 150, 680, 681,
702 n. 330
Gi1gamesh 241, 244
GUR-Di NGi R-ftm 606, 664 n. 192
Haddi-1ibbau 727
Ha1pamuwa 623 n. 66
Hamlet 233
Hammurapi 618
hanya 506, 623 n. 68
Hanya see ffanya
Hargab 257
Hattusili I 619
Hattusili III 441, 461 . 36, 486,
638, 644, 645, 646, 647, 648, 676
. 235, 651, 652, 652 . 138,
660, 660 . 174, 679 . 243, 680,
682, 683, 685, 694 . 301, 696,
703 . 334, 716 . 377, 722, 729
Haya 716
Hayamuli 657 . 167
Hebat of Ari 663 . 184
Hebat-azali 699
Hemi-Teub 654, 655, 655 . 154
Heni 654, 654 . 147
Himi-Sarruma 620 . 57, 642, 676
" . 235, 679, 681 . 254
Hini 640 . 111
Horemheb 636, 636 . 99, 637, 643
Hrsn 731
Uursnu 513, 731
I biranu 466, 620, 659 . 171, 667
. 202, 681, 682 . 357, 683-6,
689, 691, 694 . 301, 695,
695 . 305-6, 706, 716 . 379,
724 . 407
I bnaduu 722
ibrkd 699
I drimi 226, 612 . 33, 620
Ili-malku 35
Ili-Milku see Ilimilku
Ilimilku 54-5, 214-5, 260, 256,
499, 547, 551-3, 688, 688 n. 284,
689 n. 289, 691 n. 295, 697,
705 n. 340
ilm Ik see Ilimilku
Ilhu 227
I lu-qarradu 612
Iluwa 688
I mtu 670 n. 212
I ni-Tesub 634, 634 n. 95, 636 n. 99,
642, 645, 649, 651, 651 n. 134,
652, 652 n. 136, 655, 657 n. 166,
661, 662, 663, 663 n. 185, 664,
678, 679, 679 nn. 247-9, 682, 684,
684 n. 264, 716 n. 379, 728 n. 420
R-arruma 620 . 57, 676 . 235,
679, 681 . 254
R-irappa 506
I rhanda 655, 655 . 151
-arruma 724, 725
1n-trm 655 . 153, 724 . 409
Iuwa 689
Itur-lim 606, 664 . 192
Iwr-kl 670
Iwr-trm 724 . 409
1xvrdn (Ewri-enni) 697
Iwrdr 726
Iwrpzn (Ewri-pizuni) 697
J ae1 244
J esus 281
J udith 244
Kadaman-En1i1 I 624, 625
Kadaman-En1i1 II 461 n. 36,
652
Ka1biya 726
Kila'e 655 . 154, 687, 688, 699
kilia 506
Kiliya 692
Kizzuwatna 620, 695, 696
Klby 726
krty 'Cretan' 676 . 233
Kubaba 637, 637 . 102
Kumiya-ziti 661, 692
Kumma-walwi 659
Kuniya-piya 716 n. 378
Kunni 716, 716 n. 378
Kurka11i 684, 685
Kurunta 647, 701 n. 326
M3my 711
Mada'e 664 . 193
MAR.TUK (Marduk) 727 n. 418
Mashanda 645, 646, 646 n. 128,
651 n. 134
Mashana-ura 653 n. 142
Mashu 684 n. 264
Merneptah 709,710,711,713,715,
715 . 373, 731
Michal 228 . 30
Milku-ramu 670 . 211
Milku-siG
5
(Na'im) 723 . 405
Miramuwa 654, 684, 686 . 274
Murana 685
Mursili I 619, 644, 682
Muri1i II 468 . 88, 635, 636, 639,
639 . 109, 640, 640 nn. 111-2,
641, 662, 682
Mut-
cl
U 688
Mut-ra'i 656 . 159
Muwatalli II 642 . 115, 644, 646,
647, 660
Nahi-a1mu 32
Nefertiti 625
Nerikkaili 680, 722
Nimmuria 677
Niqmaddu 9, 457, 467 . 87,
469 . 90, 622, 627, 628, 630,
631, 634, 635, 638, 639, 644, 644
. 123, 667 . 202, 668
Niqmaddu II 468, 488, 499,
624-7, 631, 633, 693, 698, 701,
724 . 410
Ni qmaddu IIa 679 . 243, 694
Niqmaddu III 620 . 57, 636 . 101,
659 . 171, 661, 669, 670, 673
. 243, 674, 686 . 278, 691-704,
701, 706, 707 . 347, 709, 719,
720
Niqmepa 466 . 76, 468, 620, 626,
635, 636, 637, 638-46, 641, 644,
644 . 123, 667, 667 . 202, 678,
679 . 243, 682, 693
Nu'me-Rasap 692
Nuriyanu 512, 626 . 74
Octavia 217, 227, 228
Padiya 410, 662, 668
PAP-Sarruma 684
Parihnawa 674
Pars 721
Pdg'b 693
Pgn 677 . 239, 718
Pi ha-
d
i M 654, 656
Piha-UR.MAH 684 n. 264
Piha-ziti 653
Pihawalwi 684
Pisidqi 626, 626 n. 74
Piilaza 656 n. 159
Plato 233
Plsy 726
pu-arruma 655, 655 . 154,
656
Pudubepa 367, 488, 642, 647,
651, 660 . 174, 661, 674,
674 . 230, 678, 679 . 243,
693, 694, 697, 700
Pughat 237, 257
Pukana 677 . 239, 718
Purru 658
Puruqqu/a 611 . 24, 619
Puku 685
Ramesses II 607, 645, 645
. 125, 646, 670 . 213, 674,
715 . 373
Ramesses III 715 . 373, 725,
729 . 427, 730, 730 . 428
Rap'anu 471, 629 . 82, 667
. 204, 719
Rashapabu 471
Rib-Hadda 630
Rib-Haddi 627
Ri-Adad 727, 727 . 418
Sassi 410
Sesostris II 616
Sethnakt 714
Sety I 643, 711
Sety II 714, 715 n. 373
SIG
5
.
d
ERI,].GAL 692
Sin-umti-uabi 727 n. 418
Sinaranu 676
Sinaru 732 n. 436
Siptah 714, 715
Sisera 244
su-ia-
d
AMAR.UTU 727 n. 418
suD-
d
iKUR 727
suM-
D
IM 665, 665 n. 198, 698,
727 n. 418
Sumu1 241, 257
Stq-lm 692
bi1i(m) 606, 642 n. 115, 664,
664 n. 190
agarakti-uria 652, 728 n. 420
Shalmaneser I 689, 689 n. 288
are11i 658, 671, 689 n. 289, 690-1,
695, 696, 724
arre-Kuut) 634
arruma 681 n. 254
attiwaza 632 n. 89
augamuwa 632 n. 90, 641 n. 113,
642, 675 n. 232, 679 n. 244, 680,
681, 681 n. 252, 682 n. 256, 688,
701 n. 326
i-ni-
d
u 665 n. 195
ipti-Ba
!
a1 31, 471, 472, 655 n. 153,
658, 658 n. 168, 670, 671, 675,
691, 697, 698 n. 313
kl 722
ukku 661
u-KR-
D
IM 665 n. 195
LrKUR-
d
u 665
umittara 629
umiyanu 629 n. 82
unai1u 657 n. 167
uppi1u1iuma I 455, 467 n. 87,
608, 622, 625, 627, 628, 630, 632,
633, 634, 635, 636, 638, 639, 639
n. 109, 640, 682, 698, 721 n. 396,
724 n. 410
uppi1u1iuma II 689 n. 286, 703,
706, 719, 721, 722, 728
Shy1ock 222
Tagi-arruma 640 n. 111, 654, 657,
662 n. 180, 690 n. 291
Taki-arruma see Tagi-arruma
Takuh1inu 463, 654, 716
Talimmu 651, 651 . 134
Ta1mi-Teub 686 . 274, 701, 702,
703, 706, 708
Talmiyanu 612, 620 . 57, 700
Tanuwataa 703
Tanhuwati 620 . 52
Tapa'e 656
Tarazida 657
Tarhudai 385, 651
Tarhuntaa 647, 660-62, 662
. 178, 701 . 326, 726, 730
. 428
Taryelli 30, 31, 658
Tausert 714, 715
Tbsr 704
Te1i-arruma 690 . 291
Tette 636, 637, 639, 682
. 256
Ti1i-arruma 654, 654 . 145,
676 . 235
Tlmyn 695
Lrdn 726 . 416
Trgds 726
Tubbi-arri 704
Tudhaliya 623, 648, 674, 675
. 232, 679 nn. 247-9, 680, 681,
683 . 259, 684
Tudhaliya I 632
Tudhaliya 'I V' 678, 679, 696
Tudhaliya IV 498, 640 n. 11, 642,
682, 683 n. 258, 685, 688, 689
n. 286, 696 n. 307, 703
Tukulti-Ninurta 607, 654 n. 145,
658, 670 n. 211, 683, 683 n. 262,
688, 690, 690 n. 291, 694 n. 301
Tu1pi-arruma 654, 657
Tuna 658
Turatta 625
Tutankhamun 624, 643
Tuthmosis III 622
tutu 506
U-zakaptu 672 n. 219
Ulliya 712 n. 362
Ulmi 643 n. 118, 666
Ulmi-Tesub 716 n. 377
Upini 659
Upparamuwa 654, 655 n. 158,
684
Ur-Teub 657 . 165, 671, 691
. 295
Ura-Tarhunta 686 . 274
Urhae 675
Urdanu 698 see Urtenu
Urg-Ttb 729 . 425
Urhii-Teub 644, 647, 729
Uri-
D
IM 657
Uri-Te 658
Uri-Teub 612 n. 30
Urtenu 35, 375, 471, 645, 655
. 153, 657 . 165, 658, 659, 665,
667 . 204, 675, 699
Utri-arruma 620 . 57, 681, 681
. 254, 683
Uzziltu 658, 658 . 169, 700
Uzzinu 657, 667, 667 . 203
Wenamon 710 . 354
'did 611
Yabi-nene 656
Yabinina 729
Yabna-ilu 690 . 290
Yabni-apu 32, 39
Yabninu 32, 39, 471, 472, 645, 675,
677
Yadu-
[I
I M 676 . 235
Y amuna 697 . 309
Yapa-Addu 627
Yapah-
D
I M 670 . 212
Yaqaru(m) 315,610,611,612,
613
Yarim-Lim 617
Yatipan 236, 257
Tdn 718
Tqr 610,611,612
Zimri-Lim 439, 616,
Zittara 623 n. 66
Zu-Astarti 659, 665, 665 . 197
Zulanna 654, 656
Zuzuli/u 659 n. 171, 661, 692, 692
n. 296, 699
I N D E X O F DI V I N E N A M E S
(names in the god lists 3.4 and 7.2.2 are not included)
Amon 714
Anat 196, 251, 278, 539 n. 31,
541, 678
Apollo 232, 233
Apukka 655
Ashera(h) 276, 278, 543-4,
593
Astarte 678
Athirat 539 n. 31,
543-4
Athtart 303, 338
Baal 5, 7, 13, 14, 15, 272, 275, 276,
284, 309, 533, 539 n. 31, 581, 589,
658, 709, 711 n. 358
Baal Hadd 544-5
Baal of Ugarit 713
Baal Saphon 678,711,713
B'lh 718 n. 389
Beelzebul 281
d
IItar hurri 663
Dagan" 15, 303, 309, 539 n. 31, 700
Death 546
dioscuroi 317
dml 303
El 13, 16, 220, 221, 230, 285,
289, 302-3, 539 n. 31, 542-3, 581,
587, 589, 591, 593
Horon 276, 278, 279, 280, 539
n. 31, 549, 575
Hat 303
Itar of the Field 680
Itar of Zinzaru 692
Kathirat 285
Kothar 539 n. 31
Marduk 727 n. 418
Moira 214, 232, 233
Mot 278, 545-7
Nabu 473
Nikkal 285
Nisaba 473
Nmiy king of the world/eternity 678
Orion 239, 240
Osiris 239
Qedeshet 595
Ra 709, 714
Rahmay 544
Rapiu 539 n. 31
Raap-gn 303
Resheph 278, 539 n. 31, 549,
581, 591
rpu b'l 262
Semele 241
Seth 714
S'tqt 230, 231
Shapsh 272, 278, 280, 283
lh 'a1hu' 133
Tammuz 239
Yahweh 13
Yahweh-Asherah 544
Yam 539 n. 31
Yarikh 285
I NDEX OF TOPONY MS
('Ugarit' is not included)
Aegean 675-8
Akko 659, 668, 672, 698 n. 315,
716
Alalakh 375, 381, 464, 475, 478,
498, 505, 517, 525, 526, 634,
605, 611 n. 24, 612 n. 32, 619,
631 n. 87, 634, 667 n. 202, 723
n. 401
Alalakh/Mukis 620
Alasia 375, 381, 615, 644 n. 124,
665, 676, 677, 678, 679, 692, 718,
726, 728
A1aia/Cyprus 443, 719, 720,
721
ally 'Alasia, Cyprus' 443
Amanus 725
Amarna 505, 605, 626, 641, 644
n. 121, 668, 672 n. 217, 678,
710
Amqi /a 672, 672 n. 217
Amqu 375, 381
Amurru 375, 382, 391, 392,
409-10, 461, 621, 622, 627, 629
n. 83, 632, 632 n. 90, 634 n. 94,
637, 639, 641, 642, 643, 643
n. 119, 644, 645, 645 n. 126, 649,
650, 652, 666-8, 675 n. 232, 679,
680, 681, 683, 688, 690 n. 290,
701, 703, 720 n. 392, 721 n. 396,
730
Aphek 605
Appu 732 n. 435
Apsuna 651, 723, 723 n. 403
Arad 535
Arqata 615
Aru 722 n. 399
Arwad 733
Arzawa 624 n. 70, 640 n. 112, 682
n. 256
Ashdod 668, 669 n. 208
Adad 707
Ashkelon 593, 668
Aur 653
Assyria 375, 382, 670 . 211,
675 . 232, 682, 718 . 386
Atata/Emar 375, 382, 649
Ata1(1)ig 662, 676
Babylon 625, 644, 653, 690, 728
. 420
Babylonia 475, 478 . 161, 624
Barga, kingdom of 666 . 199
Bashanite kingdom of Udum(u)
220
Beirut 375, 382, 663, 663
nn. 188-9, 668, 669, 693, 733
Bt-Hbr 219, 223
Beth Shemesh 47, 85, 456
Bi'rut 382
Biruti 732 n. 435
Bogazky 634 . 94, 650 . 133,
709 . 352, 717, 718 . 386
Byblos 223, 627, 630, 659, 660,
668, 669, 710 . 354
Canaan 524, 670 . 213, 716,
732
Carchemish 375, 378, 379, 382,
391, 392, 405-6, 461, 462, 463,
621, 629 nn. 83-94, 636, 639
. 109, 640, 645, 653, 662,
664 . 193, 667, 668, 684, 684
. 267, 686, 687, 687 . 280, 688,
689, 690, 692, 692 . 297, 694,
695, 697, 698, 698 . 312, 699,
701, 702, 706, 708, 716, 720
. 394, 721, 722 . 399, 723,
724, 725, 727, 728, 729, 729
. 422, 730 . 428
Crete 615, 676
Cush 625, 627
Cyprus 463, 658, 675-8, 680
Dor 722
Ebla 5, 298, 535, 605, 608, 610
Edfu 533
Egypt 375, 383, 460, 463, 471,
'492-6, 587, 621, 624, 625, 626,
671, 672, 694, 708
Ekalte 483
Emar 5, 63, 75, 375, 383, 466 n. 77,
471, 475, 476 n. 145, 478, 479, 480
n. 179, 483, 524, 605, 650, 653,
665, 671, 726 n. 415, 728, 729
n. 427
gr amn 'Mt Amanus' 724 n. 411
Hakapia 695, 696
Hala Sultan Teke 89
Halab 616, 618, 621, 635, 644
n. 123, 649, 687 nn. 279-80,
692 n. 297
Hanigalbat 621. 624, 655
Hapie 696 . 308, 703
Hatti 375, 378, 383-4, 391, 392,
462, 495, 497, 622, 658 . 170
Hattua 605, 648, 650, 696, 726
. 415
Hazor 535, 593, 617
Hias(h)apa 688 . 283
Hiiiba 688
D naf)ara 524
Inbb 222
Ionia 676 n. 233
Israel 679 . 245
J erusalem 535
Kalbiya 726
Kamid el-Loz 47
Kapturi 676
Kaka 624 n. 70
Ki nza/Qadesh 644, 649, 666-8,
692 n. 297
Kinza 636, 674 n. 229
Klby 726
Kummanni 696, 696 nn. 307-8
Kutupa 660
Lachish 535
land of Ga<shu'>ru 222
Land

Hatti 729, 729 . 422

Laodicea 733
Lati[-] 718
Lawazantiya 671
Lukka 720
Lusanda 671
Iwsnd see Lusanda
Ma'hadu 375, 384, 514, 716
n. 375
Ma'haz 375, 384, 514, 716
n. 375
Mari 375, 384, 495, 604, 616,
618, 652, 657, 666 . 200, 728
Meskene/Emar 652 . 139, 654
Mesopotamia 473
Mgs' 'Muki' 724 . 41*2
Minet el-Beida 6, 21, 47, 625,
716 . 375
Mira 644 . 124
Mittanni 623, 625, 632
Mount Amanus 724
Mount Hazzi 623 . 65
Mount Lebanon 628,
724 . 411
Mount Nanni 623, 632
Mount Saphon see Sapunu (TN)
Mount Tabor 47
msrm 'Egypt' 460 n. 33
Muki 375, 384, 516, 517, 525,
630, 633, 634 . 93, 635, 639,
667 . 202, 716, 718, 723, 724
. 410,
Mycenae 730 . 430
Neirab 687
Nerik 696, 696 . 307
Nirabi 687
Nihriya 689
Niya 630, 633, 633 n. 91, 635,
674 n. 229
Nu1jhai 468 . 88, 630, 633,
635, 636, 637, 639, 644, 644
. 122, 674 . 229, 682
. 256
Nuzi 476 . 145, 478 . 161,
495
Palestine 471
Philistia 732
Phoenicia 658
Qadesh 384, 468 . 88, 497,
622, 643, 687, 687 . 280
Qatna 614, 617
Qd 730 . 428
Qode 730 . 428
Rakba 664 . 193
Ras Ibn Hani 22, 36, 47, 418,
488, 604, 605, 660 . 210,
676, 700, 704, 712, 712 . 364,
716 . 375, 717 . 380, 731,
732
Ras Bassit 732
Ru 732 . 435
Siyannu 385, 391, 392, 410,
628, 636, 640 . I l l , 733 . 438
Siyannu-Unatu 385, 516, 606,
640, 641, 649, 662-6, 698,
698 . 312, 733
Suhi 652, 728 . 420
Sapunu (TN) 532, 534, 623 . 65,
635, (DN) 331, 334, 342, 346
sdn-ym 'Sidon-on-Sea' 712 n. 364
spn see Sapunu
Sumur 622
uksi 663 . 185
Taanach 505
Tarsus 718
Teil Afis 722 n. 403
Teil Aphek 716
Teil Daruk 733
Teil el-Amarna 9
Teil Hura/Hurbe 652 . 139,
654" . 145", 670 . 211, 690,
690 . 291
Tell Kazel 645 . 126
Tell Leilan 495
Tell Nebi Mend/Qadesh 47, 644
n. 125
Tell Siano 733 n. 438
Tell Sukas 47, 733
Tell Seih Hamad/Dur-Katl i mmu
652 n. 139, 690 n. 291
Tell Taanak 47
Tuni p 620, 622
Tyre 385, 653 n. 140, 668,
670, 691 n. 295, 729 n. 422,
733
Udumu 222
Ugrtym 'Ugarit-on-Sea' 712 n. 364
Ullasa 622
Ullaza 615
Uluburun 670 n. 215
Ur 495, 601
Ura 441-4, 611 n. 27, 615, 648,
653 n. 142, 659 n. 171, 660,
661, 685, 692, 716, 717 n. 381,
718, 728 n. 421
Ukani 722 . 399
Unatu 659
Samsat Hyk 692 . 296
Sidon 379, 384, 463, 659, 665,
668, 670, 691 . 295, 699,
733
Yamhad 616
Yman 676 . 233
Zinzaru 628
I NDEX OF U(
(the index is selective and does
abyn 'bankrupt' 467 n. 86
agn 'cauldron' 130
ad 'father' 130
adr 'door(?)' 131
aiddy 'Ashdodite' 460 n. 28
ab 'brother' 510
'behind', 'after' 'later' 536
albn 'steward' 129, 450, 491
all 'garment' 129
alpm wm '2,000 horses' 724 n. 413
ans 'small of back' 130
apy 'cook' 451, 492
apn 'wheel' 437, 496
aps 'edge' 189
argmn 'tribute', 'purple-dyed cloth'
'427 n. 15, 694 n. 300
alt 'wife' 476
ilg (a mineral) 130
ilm 'gods' 260, 265
ilnym 'godly ones' 260, 265
iqnu 'blue stone', 'lapis-lazuli'
694 n. 300
irp 'vase' 131, 437 n. 72
itnn 'gift' 129, 185
ubdit 'service field' 430
ubdy see ubdit
ugrtym 'Ugaritians' 712 n. 364
udn 'to give ear' 125
uni (type of obligation) 460
updt see ubdit
uiyn (an official) 130
urn 'gift' 221
ulpt 'quiver' 437, 496
ulpt hzm 'arrow quiver' 496 n. 258
ulpt srdnnm 'javelin quiver'
496 n. 258
uliyn 'crown prince' 131
bdl 'substitute', 'reservist', 'subject'
432-3
bdl gt 'belonging to the gt' 426
bz 'teat' 127
bky 'to weep' 126
bkr 'firstborn' 480 n. 176
bl bn 'nobody' 156
bl ym 'never' 156
blmt 'immortality' 156
I TI C WORDS
include words listed in 8.1.5)
bn 'son' 510
bn gt 'man of the gt' 426
bn mlk 'royal servicemen', 'men of
the king' 426, 427-31, 436, 453,
483, 485
b'l tdtt 'makers of pectorals' 453
b'l tgptm 'maker of horse-cloths' 453,
487
b'r 'to abandon', 'to burn' 132
bn 'tin' 668 n. 207
bt 'house' 79, 131
bt 'daughter' 79,131,510
bt skn 'house of the prefect' 469,
469 n. 91
gb 'sacrificial pit, etc.' 304
gg 'roof' 298, 303
ghr 'to sound forth(?)' 125
gZZ 'shearer' 426, 487
gl 'shout of joy', 'cup', '(type of)
field' 132 '
gmn 'funeral oflering'(?) 133
gn 'garden' 298, 304
gpnym 'vine-dressers' 426
grbz 'helmet' 129, 494 n. 242
gt 'oil or wine press' 425 n. 6
gt 'estate', 'royal farm' 425-7,
460, 467, 469 n. 97, 484, 526
dbh '(to) sacrifice' 291-3, 357
dbh 'offering for festal banquet'
341 n. 48
dblt 'dried figs' 446
dgy 'fisher' 492
dhl 'to be afraid' 154
dgl 'incense' 130
dr khnm 'college of priests' 474
drdn 726
dr'/dr' 'cargo', 'grain', 'arm' etc.
672 n. 224, 712 n. 363
hb 'to knock down' 156
hdm 'footstool' 129
hndt 'this' (f.) 140
zb 'to foam(?)' 125
Zt 'olive (oil)', 'olive grove'
430 n. 26, 446
ht 'wheat' 446
htb 'woodcutter' 453, 488
hz 'arrow' 437, 496
hnn 'merciful' 68
hpr 'ration' 427 n. 15
firs' 'craftsman' 428, 488
hrs" anyt 'shipwright' 427, 432,
489
hr b(h)tm 'house-builders' 427,
453, 489
hr mrkbt 'chariot-maker' 450, 489
hrs'rq 'wagonwright' 450, 489
hr qtn 'jewe11er(?)' 453
hrt 'ploughman' 426
'hit 'silver' 130
i}brl 'container' 129
Idgl 'arrowsmith' 129, 453
f}lq 'missing' 467 n. 86, 486
bmn 'palace chapel' 298, 303
ffndlt 'coloured wool' 130
l}sn 'domestic' 130
bpn (blanket) 436, 437
ptr 'pot, cauldron' 129
}}rd 'warrior', 'soldier', 'troops' 129,
714 n. 367, 493
i\rmtl 'sickle' 494
brs 'gold' 450, 496
frrsn 'adze' 78
f}tn 'son-in-law' 478 n. 162
zrw 'mastic', 'balsam' 437, 437 n. 73
ym\}n 'right' 536
yn 'wine' 446
yshm 'bronzesmiths(P)' 137, 430 . 26,
480
ysr 'potter' 137,454,491
yq's 'fowler' 137,436,491
kbsm/kbbn 'fuller', 'dyer' 452, 487
kd 'jar' 448, 450
khn 'priest' 136, 433, 434
kzy 'chariot driver' 497
kht 'throne' 129, 131
kkrdn 'chef', 'pastrycook' 129, 451,
492
klat 'both' 124
klb 'dog' 124
kid' bow' 130
kit 'bride', 'daughter-in-law' 476, 478
n. 162
km 'mound' 132
krnn (surface measure) 129
kndw 'net' 436
ksd 'miller' 450-1
ksu 'seat, throne' 130
krkb 'frame' 668 n. 207
krs/su 'fodder' 130
ktnt 'tunic' 437
klkym 'Kaskaeans' 462, 462 n. 47
I 'to' 79
la'ika 'to commission' 493 n. 233
Iht akl 'tablet of food' 718 . 388
III} (part of harness) 129
Imd 'apprentice' 431 n. 27, 473
mgdl 'tower' 304
md 'village scribe, expert' 465 n. 66
mdjn 'sword' 496
mirglm 'watchman' 430 n. 26, 433,
460, 497
mhr 'dowry, bride-price' 475 n. 137
mhr b'l 'the warrior of Baal' 262
mhr 'nt 'the warrior of Anat' 262
mzy (type of offering) 329 n. 33
mhsm (members of a certain guild)
137
mfrs 'weaver' 452, 487
mkr 'tamkr-merchant' 440
ml(y) 'opposite me' 154
mlb 'garment' 437
mlg 'dowry' 475 n. 137
mly 'polisher' 488
mlk 'to rule, be king' 190
mnh 'gift' 445
m'lt 'staircase' 304
mslm 'cymbalists' 492 n. 230
msry 'Egyptian' 460 n. 32
mqhm 'pincers', 'tongs' 437 n. 72
mru 'liaison man, commander,
officer, fattener, quartermaster'
430 n. 26, 435, 466 n. 72, 495
n. 247
mrdt 'carpet' 437
mrh 'lance' 490, 494, 496
mrhy mlk 'king's lancers' 495
mryn 'warrior', 'charioteer' 130,
131, 429, 464, 465
mrkbt 'body of chariot', 'light cart'
489, 496, 496 n. 251
mrr 'to bless, strengthen' 678
msf}t 'knife, axe' 496
msm't mlk 'royal guard' 495
mtrt 'spouse, wife' 475 n. 136
mtyn (garment) 130
mit 'oar' 131 n. 45
nbt 'honey' 446
nhl 'descendant', 'heir-apprentice'
' 438, 480 n. 177, 486
nmrt 'splendour' 131
nsk 'to pour, found, cast', 'to forge'
451 n. 157
nsk 'metal caster' 427, 451, 488
nsk hzm/hdm 'arrowsmith' 451,
453, 487
nsk ksp 'silversmith' 137, 454, 488
nsk qn 'jeweller', 'sword-maker'
451, 488, 489, 489 n. 222a
nsk lit 'coppersmith' 488
ngr 'overseer' 428
npy 'atonement' 564
nsr 'to weep' 126
nqd 'shepherd' 426, 428, 494
n. 240
ntq 'barb' 496
sbbyn 'black cumin' 446
sbl 'borer' 488
sk 'garment' 437
ski 'vizier' 132
skn 'governor' 434-5
sp 'cup' 437 n. 72
spl 'cup' 437 n. 72
ssw/w 'horse' 130
spsg 'glaze, etc.' 130, 252
spr 'clay tablet', 'scribe' 391, 512
srdnn 'javelin' 490, 496
sm 'king' 130
'bd 'servant, servant', 'gardener'
250 n. 44, 431, 466 n. 79
'prm 461 n. 39
'rq 'wagon' 489
'r 'overseer of ten(?)' 430 . 26,
433, 466 . 74
gzl 'spinner' 124, 452
gzr 'youth' 431
glp 'murex(?)' 127
gr 'total' 129
phi 'stallion' 124
phm 'red-dyed cloth' 694 n. 300
pld (cover) 436
plk 'spindle' 130
psl 'sculptor', 'carver' 136, 487
psl hzm 'arrowsmith' 453, 487
psl qt 'bow modeller', 'bow-notcher'
453, 487
pg(n)dr 'type of fabric' 129, 436
pgt 'girl' 431
prs 'ration(?)' 127
pit 'linen', '(make-up) case' 132,
452
sbr 'communal (field)' 430
sit 'prayer' 275
smqm 'raisins' 446
qdm 'face', 'in front', 'past' 536
qdm 'consecrated ones', 'diviners'
301, 433
qz 'circumcision' 558 n. 90
qlh 'pot' 68
ql' 'sling', 'shield' 425, 496
qnuy 'worker in lapis-lazuli' 488
qnn 'to stand up(?) 125
qnum 'blue stone', 'blue-dyed cloth'
694 n. 300
qs't 'arrows' 238
qrytm 'townsmen' 433
qs't 'b

w' 238, 496

rb 'chief', 'elder' 428, 429
rb hrm 'chief of the craftsmen'
428, 473, 486
rb khnm 'high priest' 9, 79, 428,
434, 475, 513, 731
rb kzym 'chief of chariot drivers'
496
rb lim 'chief of a thousand' 473-4
rb mif}d 'harbourmaster' 672
rb mit 'chief of a hundred' 473,
495 n. 247
rb nksy 'chief accountant' 473
rb 'rt 'chief of ten' 473
rb s'd 'chief of the field' 473
rb tmtt 'harbourmaster', 'head of
team' 672, 672 nn. 220, 223
rbt 'Great Lady' 544
r'y 'shepherd' 431 n. 27
rp' 'to heal' 259 n. 2
rpum 'spirits' 249, 299, 561, 706
rt 'dirt' 124
s'r 'barley' 446
s'rt 'wool' 452
blt dg 'fish stew' 349
lh 'parapet', (disease), 'lightning',
'war', 'weapon' 133
mal 'left' 536
smn 'oil' 438, 450
mrgt 'emerald' 130-1
sps'lm 'the Eternal Sun' 678
r 'singer' 301, 430 . 26, 492
. 230
rp 'holocaust' 334, 440
tbl 'smith' 129
tbsr kit bt p 703
tgmr 'total' 147, 148
tzg (type of sacrifice) 294
thm 'message' 124
tgpt Tc1t(?)' 129
tpnr 'chief scribe' 130
tr 'steering-pole', 'mast' 450, 496
trfi 'to marry, pay bride-price'
475 n. 136
trr (a profession) 430 n. 26
tkt 'chariot' 129
tnglyt 'second wife(?)' 478 . 158
tun 'archer' 130
tgrm 'gatekeeper' 430 n. 26, 436
tryn 'cuirass' 494 n. 241
tjtn 'supreme judge' 474 n. 126
I N D E X O F S Y L L A B I C A K K A D I A N
abb 'fathers' 483
agannu 'basin' 668
kil kar 'harbourmaster' 444,
672 nn. 220, 223
alafiinnu 'miller' 450
alallu (bronze object) 656
algamiu (type of stone) 666
aluzinnu 'jester' 436
annaku 'tin' 447, 668
piyu 'cook' 492
ardu 'servant' 432
iru (uncertain meaning) 433, 435,
466
aatu 'wife' 476
br 'diviners' 433
bidalu ma 'substitute', 'reservist',
'subject' 432-3
bittu rabti 'Great Lady' 644, 680-1,
648, 679 nn. 244, 246, 681,
681 n. 254, 703
uS
daprnu 'juniper' 684 n. 266
dayynu 'judge' 474
dimtu 'royal farm' 467, 469 n. 97,
484
gallbu 'barber' 436
gi-ti/gin-ti 'estate' 526
girg (type of cord) 710
gamaru 'apprentice' 460, 486
hapir (displaced foreigners) 461,
462, 486
frarrnu 'caravan' 683 n. 259
/famnu 'red wool' 698
hatnu 'in-law' 510, 695 n. 304,
707
1}azannu 'mayor' 474, 479 n. 169
ffitu rabtu 'great sin' 477
huburtanuru 'equerry' 656 n. 159
l}uppu 'acrobat' 436
/}urdu 'watchman', 'conscript' 429,
493, 714 n. 367
i-bi-ffi (meaning unknown) 661 n. 177
ilku (type of tax) 467, 485 n. 194
iparu 'weaver' 487
ilpatu 'quiver' 496 n. 258
isluhhu
m
* SG
meS
'whips or flails' 710
itinnu 'house-builder' 449, 489
kbisu 'fuller' 487
kakkardinnu 'cook' 451
kallatu 'bride', 'daughter-in-law' 476,
478 n. 162
kamma (ordinary stone) 655
kartappu 'groom' 657 n. 167, 659
n. 171, 686, 686 n. 274, 687, 688,
692, 692 n. 296, 699, 722
kaspu sa maqqadi 'silver for pasturing'
431
kutimmu 'gold- or silversmith' 454,
488
lippatu kui,.mes (type offish) 710
massartu 'guard' 495
masillu 'cymbalist' 436, 492 n. 230
mf}isu 'weaver' 452, 487,
487 n. 209
mkisu 'tax collector, customs official'
444, 474, 672 n. 220, 685
manahtu (a tax) 672 n. 220
maryannu (troops) 429, 433, 435, 464,
465, 497, 664, 723
marzi'u (a religious association) 663
marzihu (a religious association) 225,
411, 419, 559
ma}uranna (meaning unknown)
656
meku: ehhpakku (glass?) 447, 656
n. 157
miksu (a tax) 672 n. 220
mintu 'incantation' 270
mud 'village scribe, expert' 435,
464, 465, 466
munnabtu 'fugitive' 467 n. 87
mur'u 'commander, officer, fattener,
quartermaster' 435, 466, 495
n. 247
mur'u uriannu (officer of the prince)
435, 683 n. 260
muttiru (type of stove) 656
naggr narkabti 'chariot maker' 489
namzaktu 'beverages'? 663 n. 189
nappt} ere 'copper-smith, boiler-maker'
488
nru 'singer' 436, 492 n. 230
nsiku 'metal caster' 488
nsiku ere 'copper-smith, boiler-maker'
488
nayylu 'runaway' 432, 467
nutfatimmu 'cook' 436, 451, 492
paf}f}ru 'potter' 454, 491
parkullu 'seal-cutter' 436, 454,
487
parnf)i/parruha (type of stone) 666
piduri 'governor' 721 n. 397
pilku 'corve obligation', (a tax) 430,
449, 467, 485 n. 104
qatu 'bow' 496 n. 256
rab ekallim 'chief of the palace' 473
rab eqlti 'chief of the fields' 473
rab kri 'harbourmaster' 474, 670
rab narkabti 'chief of the chariots' 474
rabti 'Great Lady' 702 n. 330
rab 'chief' 473; 'firstborn' 480
skinu 'prefect' 435, 442, 444,
469
sasinnu 'bow-notcher' 487
Lt
m
&
ar
ip
u
ti (workers of low social
standing) 654 n. 143
a rei ani (a high functionary) 688
angu 'priest' 433
arru qanadu 'powerful king' 674
ru 'wind' 665 n. 197
bu 'witness' 500
ibt 'elders' 483
siptu 'incantation' 270
takiltu 'purple wool' 447, 698
talmd 'apprentice' 486
tamkr 'merchants' 433, 440, 441
terhatu (gift connected with wedding)
475-6, 477 n. 147
tuppalanun 'Chief Scribe' 694, 708
tuppanura ffuburtinura 'Chief Scribe (and)
Chief Equerry' 708
tuppanuri see tuppalanun
tuparru 'scribe' 512
umman manda (nomads) 462
unuu (type of tax) 460, 485
n. 194
uqnu 'violet wool', 'blue stone,
lapis-lazuli' 446-7, 655, 694
n. 300
uriyanni/u (title) 685, 685 nn. 271-2,
692 n. 297
uparu 'weaver' 452, 487
uriannu 'crown prince' 683
zadimmu 'sculptor, carver' 454
n. 171, 487
I NDEX OF VARI OUS LANGUAGES
(Hittite and Hurrian words in 3.3.2-3.3.3 are not included)
Hebrew
'addr 'mighty' 139
midd 'measurement' 139
'am-h-'res 'people of the land'
219 n. 22, 225
Hittite
tawannanna (reigning queen) 679
Hurrian
altfl (type of sacrifice) 293
fant/fent- 'just, correct, fair' 505
paf}andari (cloth) 436 n. 53
Sumerian (and logograms)
11
BUR.GUL
meS
'sculptors'
709 n. 353
.AMAR.RU 'qui ver' 496 n. 258
GA
MES '
c
heese' 446
''KAK.KUM.TAG.GA 'arrow'
496 n. 257
MAKIM 'governor' 647 n. 129
L
NAGAR
meS
'carpenters' 709
n. 353
NU.LUH.HA = nuhurtu 'asa foetida
1
657 n. 163
SAG.GAZ = f}apir (displaced
foreigners) 461 n. 39
LC
TUG.LA 'tailor' 436
UN 'guard' 495
L M
"ZAG.L U-/I 'lancers' 494
I NDEX OF KTU TEXTS
1- 1.24 p740 1.2 iv 22 p118n83
1- 1.6 p166, 193, 211, 234, 253 1.2 iv 25 p118n83
1-2 194, 552 1.2 26-7 p533
1 193 1.3- 1.4 194-5, 552
1 194 1.3 38 174
1 i 194 1.3 p193, 213n15
1 i 13-4 p541n38 1.3 194-5
1 i 20 p233n15 1.3 2-25 165
1 194 1.3 3-4 198
1 13 p183 1.3 18-22 p580n135
1 20 198 1.3 22 p153
2- p739 1.3 p195
2 3 p270n3 1.3 9-11 186
2 7-9 p572 1.3 19 p113n55
2 7-8 p279 1.3 20 p113n55
2 13 p97 1.3 22 129
2 16 pi l l 1.3 29 p113n55
2 20-1 p173n28 1.3 30 p113n55
2 22 p187 1.3 i 195
2 23 p97, 129 1.3 i 3-8a 176
2 24 p97 1.3 i 10 p98
2 27 p114 1.3 i 14-7 166
2 29 p110n39 1.3 i 16-7 182
2 32 pi l l 1.3 i 16 pi 14
2 38 100 1.3 i 22-3 172
2 40 p94 1.3 i 29 p329n34
2 i 193, 194 1.3 i 32ff. 176
2 i 4 p533 1.3 i 33 pi 17n80
2 193, 194, 532 1.3 i 35 130
2 6 p173n28 1.3 i 37 p99
2 7 p109n37 1.3 i 40 p278
2 8-9 173 1.3 p195
2 13-7 187 1.3 4 p99
2 14 p98 1.3 5 p173n28
2 17 185 1.3 38 129, 174
2 22-3 p181 1.3 39-40 p173n28
1.3 IV 48 -53 176 1.4 55 174
1.3 195, 244 1.4 9 104
1.3 6-7 p533 1.4 17-9 182
1.3 10-2 p533 1.4 30 pi l l
1.3 17 pU8n85 1.4 32 pi l l
1.3 39-44 176 1.4 195
1.3 vi 15 130 1.4 I.e. p234
1.3 vi 20 p98 1.4 5 pi 14
1.4- 1.6 p544, 546 1.4 12-4 187
1.4 140, 193, 213 15, 302, 499n2 1.4 14 pi 14
1.4 iv 195 1.4 17-21 pi 70
1.4 12-8 pi 76 1.4 23-4 198
1.4 32 p131n43 1.4 29-35 180
1.4 i 3 130 1.- 196-9, 552
1.4 i 4 130 .5 196
1.4 i 8 129 1.5 p279
1.4 i 9 129 1.5 4-22 177
1.4 i 16-20 pi 76 1.5 4- 6 p546n54
1.4 i 23 pi 16 1.5 196
1.4 i 32 pi 14 1.5 5-7 p229
1.4 ii 10-22 p225 1.5 15-6 p187
1.4 ii 12-4 pi 75 1.5 21 p303
1.4 ii 25-6 170 1.5 23 p99
1.4 p223 1.5 p193, 196, 278
1.4 16 p94 1.5 13 105
1.4 21-2 p533 1.5 18-9 182
1.4 29 p118n84 1.5 196
1.4 32 pi 16 1.5 6 100
1.4 50-7 176-7 1.5 10 198
1.4 195 1.5 11-15 578-9
1.4 7 129 1.5 28 100
1.4 8 186 1.6 54, 193, 265, 499n2
1.4 15-6 181 1.6 196
1.4 17 p105n28 1.6 2 8 p578
1.4 27ff. 195 1.6 10 185
1.4 31-3 172, 181 1.6 18-31 p226
1.4 38-40 181 1.6 19ff. 166
1.4 38 p105n28 1.6 20 130
1.4 40 p105n28 1.6 33 p533
1.4 42-3 140 1.6 39-43 175
1.4 59-60 180 1.6 43-65 187-91
1.4 61-2 182 1.6 59-61 p110n38
1.4 61 97 1.6 196
1.4 64-5 182 1.6 6-9 186
1.4 vi 195 1.6 16-7 182
1.4 4 180 1.6 19-20 182
1.4 5-6 182 1.6 21 153
1.4 VI 8-9 182 1.6 24 p118n85
1.4 13 p97n13 1.6 26-7 184
1.4 VI 25-7 182 1.6 30-5 p547n57
1.4 34-5 172 1.6 3 Iff. p197
1.4 45-54 p542n39 1.6 31-5 pi 77
1.4 VI 46 p539 1.6 6-7 186
1.4 51 129 1.6 8-9 173
1.6 iii 9 198 1.14 16-9 p345n51
1.6 iv 196 1.14 22 105
1.6 iv 29 198 1.14 22-3 p273
1.6 1 p94 1.14 23-4 p560
1.6 5-10 184 1.14 37-8 154
1.6 11-9 177 1.14 5 Off. p290
1.6 11-6 p547n57 1.14 48 p97n13
1.6 vi p196 1.14 1 130
1.6 vi 27-9 pi 74 1.14 31-5 p184
1.6 vi 45-53 p272 1.14 36-43 176
1.6 vi 45-9 p265, 265n16, 266 1.14 42-3 p173n28
1.6 vi 46 p264n13 1.14 14-23 p213n16
1.6 vi 49-50 p277 1.14 24-9 p213n16
1.6 vi 54-8 140, 234 1.14 28-vi 14 p211
1.6 vi 54-5 p234 1.14 32-3 180
1.6 vi 55-7 p300n64 1.14 vi 12-4 p221
1.6 vi 55-6 p547, 563n99 1.15 p205, 213n16, 217
1.6 vi 56 p428n19 1.15 p230
1.6 vi 57 p277 1.15 16-28 p569-70
1.6 vi 58 p315n17 1.15 16-20 p249
1.7 199 1.15 26-8 p560
1.8 p166n5, 199 1.15 p227
1.9 145 1.15 1-23 166
1.10 p54, 92, 145, 150, 166, 199, 1.15 2-4 p249, 267
253 1.15 3 p264n13
1.10 i 4 p574 1.15 4 p613
1.10 ii 4-5 184 1.15 7-16 p480n179
1.10 ii 28 pi l l 1.15 13-6 p570
1.10 ii 29 pi l l 1.15 13-5 p249, 267
1.10 iii 30 p525 1.15 14 p264n13
1.10 iii 35 p97 1.15 15 p613
1.12 p54, 64, 95, 96, 145, 150, 1.15 16 p174
199-200, 542, 566 1.15 25-30 p569
1.12 i p556 1.15 - p210
1.12 ii 58-61 pi 77
1.15 10-3 p231
1.12 ii 34-6 p246n33 1.15 vi p210, 217
1.12 ii 46-7 186 1.16 p210, 226, 499n2
1.12 ii 47 129 1.16 p210
1.13 p200, 271 284 1.16 6-9 p575
1.13.21-2 p284 1.16 7 p187
1.13.23-9 p284 1.16 7-8 132
1.13.33 p118n84 1.16 9-11 p315n17
1.14 166, 199, 203, 204, 209, 210, 1.16 12 p181
211, 215-6, 217, 218, 219, 231,
1.16 15-9 p578
232, 234, 253
1.16 20-3 p315n17, 562
1.14 i l l p118n83 1.16 26 p187
1.14 i 19 p278 1.16 28-35 p578
1.14 i 20-21 133 1.16 52-3 p210
1.14 i 23 p118n83 1.16 19 p99
1.14 i 24 p328n28 1.16 20 p99
1.14 i 29 p101 1.16 24-34 p211
1.14 i 38 p99 1.16 26-50 p579
1.14 i 52ii 5 p567 1.16 26-36 p578
1.14 ii 2-3 p497nn259,262 1.16 44-7 p575
1.16 ii 50ff. p217
1.16 iii 5-11 p575
1.16 iii 7-8 182
1.16 iii 8-9 p211
1.16 iv p229
1.16 48 p117n78
1.16 vi p204, 214, 215, 216, 217
1.16 vi 3 102
1.16 vi 4-5 126
1.16 vi 6 pl 17n77
1.16 vi 7 p117n77
1.16 vi 10-28 p276
1.16 vi 11-2 p173n28
1.16 vi 15-21 p217, 218
1.16 vi 16-7 pl 74
1.16 vi 21-4 183, 184
1.16 vi 22-4 p218
1.16 vi 25-28 p575
1.16 vi 33-4 p250
1.16 vi 37 189
1.16 vi 39-54 p575
1.16 vi 45-50 p250
1.16 vi 53 189
1.16 vi 54-8 p211, 571-2
1.16 vi 56-7 p279
1.16 vi 57-8 187
1.16 vi 59 I.e. p234
1.16 I.e. 140
1.17-19 166, 199, 234, 253
1.17 p235, 318, 499n2
1.17 iii p225
1.17 i p235, 247
1.17 i 2ff. p250
1.17 i 10-1 p250
1.17 i 15-33 p545
1.17 i 23-33 p567-8, 576-7
1.17 i 25-33 p263n10
1.17 i 25-6 p173
1.17 i 26-33 p256-7, 481n182
1.17 i 26 p250
1.17 i 27-28 p127
1.17 i 31-2 p303
1.17 i 31 p302
1.17 i 34-6 p249, 570
1.17 i 36-7 p173
1.17 i 36 p249-50
1.17 i 40 p118n84
1.17 i 41 p118n84
1.17 i 42-7 p257, 263n10
1.17 i 42-3 p173
1.17 i 43 p250
1.17 ii p236, 248
1.17 ii 1-9 p263n10
1.17 ii 1-8 p257
17 ii 14-23 p263n10
17 ii 16-23 p257
17 ii 25 p250
17 ii 26 p248n40
17 ii 30-40 183
17 ii 42 100
17 iii p236
17 iv p236
17 v p236
17 4-8 p250
17 10-1 192
17 19-20 171
17 20 97, 98
17 22-5 174
17 29-30 171n21
17 30 98
17 4-8 p250
17 22-5 174
17 vi p236
17 vi 24 p97
17 vi 26-8 pl 75
17 vi 27 154
17 vi 32-3 184
17 vi 34-9 p578
17 vi 34-5 172
17 vi 36-8 p251, 252
17 vi 36-7 130, 187
17 vi 37 p252
17 vi 41-2 pl 71
17 vi 43-5 177
17 vi 47-8 p533
17 vi I.e. 140, 234
18 p235, 237
18 i p236
18 i 24 p248
18 ii p26
18 iii p236
18 iv p236
18 iv 17-8 pl 73
18 iv 22 153
19 p235, 237, 739
19 i p228n31, 235, 236
19 i 11 p270n4
19 i 19-25 p250
19 i 38-46 p273
19 i 39 p275
19 i 42-6 p572-3
19 ii p235, 236
19 ii 1-3 p356
19 ii 2-3 p240n16
19 ii 3-4 p574
19 ii 9 p98
19 ii 12-5 pl 75
19 ii 15-25 p273
1.19 22-5 p571
1.19 44ff. 176
1.19 i p235, 236
1.19 i 1-40 p257
1.19 i 1-3 p572
1.19 i 9 p98
1.19 i 14 p117n78
1.19 i 28-39 p244
1.19 i 28 p117n78
1.19 i 44 p98
1.19 i 46 p249, 250
1.19 i 47 132-3
1.19 i 53-4 187
1.19 p235, 236-7
1.19 3-7 p573
1.19 9-27 p578
1.19 23 130
1.19 28 180
1.19 46-50 p171n19
1.19 62 p98
1.19 I.e. 140
1.20-22 166, 199, 237, 271n10,
283, 739
1.20 p54, 234, 234n3, 259-69
1.20 i 1-2 p265n16
1.20 ii 1-2 p265n16
1.20 ii 8-9 p265n16
1.21 p54, 237, 259-69, 363n7
1.21 i p263
1.21 i 3-4 p265n16
1.21 i 5-6 p268n20
1.21 i 11-2 p265n16
1.21 ii 8 p260
1.22 p54, 237, 259-69
1.22 i 4-10 p261
1.22 i 21-4 p173n28
1.22 i 17 183
1.22 i 10-4 186
1.22 i 10-25 p261
1.22 i 17 183
1.22 i 18 130
1.22 i 21-6 184
1.22 i 21-4 p173n28
1.22 ii 4-10 p267
1.22 ii 5-6 p265n16
1.22 ii 5-7 p268n20
1.22 ii 17 p94
1.23 p53, 140, 166, 168n10, 200-1,
284-5 285, 290, 352, 356, 534,
542, 544, 553-7, 551, 564, 560, 739
1.23.6 p99
1.23.8-11 p285
1.23.10 p285
1.23.12 140
1.23.14-5 140
1.23.15 130
1.23.18-22 140
1.23.31 130
1.23.32 130
1.23.36 130
1.23.54 p544
1.23.56 140
1.23.61-2 171
1.23.66 p118n84
1.23.70-2 171
1.24 53, 95, 145, 150, 166, 201,
285-6, 310n6, 352, 551, 557-8,
564
1.24.33-7 175
1.24.44 99
1.24.45 99
1.24.46-7 p270
1.24.47 p475n 137
1.25 145
1.26 p60, 70, 72-3, 144, 323
1.26.2 p72
1.26.3 p72
1.26.4 p72
1.26.5 p72
1.26.6 p72
1.27 p333n40
1.28 p333n40
1.30 p60, 144, 323
1.31 p333n40
1.32 p59, 144, 323
1.33 p59, 144, 323
1.33 iii 37 p99
1.34 p59, 144, 323
1.35+ p59, 144, 323
1.36 p59, 323
1.37 p59
1.39 p81, 143, 317, 318-9, 340,
347-8
1.39.2-4 p340
1.39.4-8 p340
1.39.8-10 p341
1.39.14 p241n19
1.39.20-2 p342
1.39.32-6 p318
1.40 p26-34, 144, 153, 163, 274,
293, 295, 310n7, 316-7, 322, 455,
457, 541n38, 564-6, 605n5
1.40.10 p495n245
1.40.24 p329n33
1.40.28 p457n7
1.40.29 p457n7
1.40.32 p277
1.40.35 140
1.40.36 p697
1.40.37 p457n7
1.41 143, 144, 273, 294, 301, 302,
318 -9, 329, 330, 339-44, 557
1.41.1-49 p298n51
1.41.3 162
1.41.5 p161
1.41.10 162
1.41.11-7 p347
1.41.15-6 p161
1.41.16 p541n38
1.41.17-9 p347
1.41.20-1 p292
1.41.21 p454n172
1.41.22 p130
1.41.24 p303
1.41.37 p303
1.41.41 p303
1.41.44-9 143
1.41.47-8 164
1.41.47 102
1.41.50-5 p162, 273, 298, 298n51,
344
1.41.50 p303
1.41.51-5 p339
1.41.53-5 p295
1.41.53-4 164
1.41.53 102, 274
1.42 p59, 71, 72-3, 144, 323, 326
1.42.22 p66
1.42.38 p65, 68
1.42.60 p73
1.43 144, 294-5, 318, 319, 320,
330, 336, 344, 346, 583-4, 739
1.43.1-2 p304
1.43.9ff. p295
1.43.22-7 162
1.43.23-5 p297
1.43.24-6 p294-5
1.44 p59, 73, 144, 273, 323
1.44.3 p64, 69
1.44.4-5 p64, 67
1.44.4 p65, 68
1.44.5 p64, 65, 68
1.44.6 p69
1.44.7 p69
1.44.8 p64, 69
1.44.10 p64, 69
1.44.11-2 p64
1.44.11 p65, 68
1.45 145
1.45.5 132
1.46 143, 301, 318, 319, 330,
333n40, 335
1.46.1 10 p335
1.46.9-10 164
1.46.10-32 143
1.46.10-7 p335
1.46.11-7 p336
1.46.11-21 143
1.46.12-5 p319
1.46.16 7 p319
1.46.44 164
1.47 p70, 144, 161, 308-9, 532,
538n29, 535, 537
1.47.1 p537
1.47.32 p542n40
1.48 143, 318, 319, 326-7, 328
1.48.13 p97
1.49 143, 318, 319
1.50 143, 318, 319
1.51 +1.52 144
1.51 p59, 273, 323
1.52 p59, 323
1.53 p59, 143
1.54 p59, 73, 144, 273, 323
1.54.2 p66
1.54.3 p65, 69
1.54.10 p69
1.54.11 p66, 69
1.54.12 p69
1.54.13 p64, 66, 68
1.54.14 p64, 69
1.56 p333n40
1.57 143
1.58 143
1.59 p59, 144, 323
1.59.1 p66
1.59.5 p66
1.60 p60, 70, 72-3, 144, 323
1.60.2 p66
1.60.3-16 p72
1.64 144, 323
1.64.26 p60, 66
1.65 145, 151, 175, 271n10, 274,
309n4, 310n7, 316-7, 322
1.65.2 p541n38
1.65.9ff. 152
1.65.9 153
1.65.9-15 p151
1.66 p60, 144, 323
1.67 p52n12, 145
1.68 p60, 144, 323
1.68.27 p66
1.69 p52n12
1.70 p52n12, 145
1.71 146
1.71.7 130
1.72 p146
1.73 p52n12, 145
1.74 144
1.76 143
1.77 p84, 145
1.78 p52n11, 146, 164, 322, 356,
574
1.79 p52n11
1.80 p52n11
1.80.04 127
1.81 p52n11, 143, 161, 318, 319
1.82 p52n11, 145, 150, 166, 271,
272, 278, 322, 576
1.82.1-7 150
1.82.1 p278, 282
1.82.5 p282
1.82.6 p105, 278, 279
1.82.10 p279
1.82.11 p278
1.82.12 p279
1.82.13 p279
1.82.18 p279
1.82.20 p270, 279, 285
1.82.23 p279
1.82.26 p279
1.82.27 p279, 282
1.82.28 p279
1.82.32 p264n13
1.82.35 p278, 279
1.82.38 p279, 282
1.82.39 p278
1.82.40 p279
1.82.41 p279
1.83 p52n11, 54, 145, 150, 152,
166n5, 271, 278, 739
1.83.8 p278
1.83.11 154
1.84 p52n11, 144, 564
1.84.3 p704
1.84.4 p457n7
1.85 p50, 57, 146, 163,
1.86 p52n11, 146, 163, 271n10,
286
1.87 p52n11, 143, 203, 273,
298n51, 318-9, 326-7, 330,
339-44
1.87.17 p541n38
1.87.22 p454n172
1.87.42 p303
1.87.54-7 339, 344
1.87.56-7 164
1.87.58-61 p329, 344
1.88 p52n11, 145
1.89 p52n11
1.90 p52n11, 144, 319, 322, 330
1.90.20-2 p331
1.91 p52n11, 142, 143, 144, 145,
148, 295, 326-7, 337-8, 339, 739
1.91.1-4 p327
1.91.1-2 148
1.91.3 144
1.91.6 144
1.91.8 p336
1.91.10-1 p336
1.91.10 p295, 332
1.91.14-5 p320
1.91.21-2 p327
1.91.29 p128
1.92 p52n11, 145, 150, 151,
166n5, 551
1.93 p52n11, 145, 150-1,
166n5, 271, 286
1.94 p52n11
1.95 p52n11
1.96 p51, 145, 166, 270, 271n10,
272, 281-2, 322, 739
1.96. Iff. p151
1.96.1 133
1.96.4-5 154, 282
1.96.5-13 p282
1.97 146
1.100 p54, 145, 166, 177, 202, 270,
271, 272, 281, 285, 300, 322, 575,
739
1.100.1-7 p177
1.100.1 p152
1.100.2-4 p533n13
1.100.67-8 149
1.100.74 129
1.100.75-6 185
1.102 144
1.102.1-14 p347, 348
1.102.1-2 p346
1.102.15-28 p315n16
1.103+(1.145) p56, 146, 163-4, 322,
353, 354, 574
1.103+.7 p495n245
1.103+.17 p94
1.103+.47 p495n245
1.104 p143, 322
1.104.1 p97
1.104.13 p302, 303n72
1.104 iv 34-43 p568~9
1.105 143, 295n42, 302, 318, 320,
330, 332-3
1.105.19 p302
1.106 143, 295, 318, 320, 333, 344,
348-50
1.106.12-3 p349
1.106.15-7 p297
1.106.15 p300
1.106.22-3 p304
1.106.23-4 164
1.106.26-8 p295
1.106.27-8 p297
1.106.33 164
1.107 145, 150, 166, 271, 271n10,
272, 279, 280-1, 285, 322-3, 575
1.107.1-14 150
1.107.10 p280
1.107.11 p97
1.107.13-9 p177
1.107.18 p300
1.107.20 p280
1.107.33 105
1.107.46 p294
1.108 p54, 151, 161, 271, 273, 284,
299, 323, 352, 739
1.108. Iff. 152
1.108.1- 2 162
1.108.1 p299, 678n241
1.108.2-3 p561n95
1.108.3-5 176
1.108.4-5 152
1.108.6 162
1.108.8 p117n79
1.108.21-3 p151-2
1.108.21-2 p299
1.108.21 p131n46
1.108.23-4 p264n13
1.108.24 p131n46
1.109 p143, 301, 318, 319, 320, 330,
333-6
1.109.1-14 p335
1.109.3-18 p336
1.109.5-10 p319
1.109.11-4 p319
1.109.11 p302
1.109.16-8 p319
1.109.19ff. p335
1.109.26 p335
1.110 p60, 70, 71, 72-3, 143, 144,
323
1.110.1 p67, 72
1.110.2-10 p72
1.110.4 p67
1.111 p60, 70, 71, 72-3 143, 144
1.111.3 p67
1.111.7 p67
1.111.8 p67
1.112 p60, 143, 300, 302, 318, 320,
333, 338, 344, 347, 349, 739
112.6-9 p295
112.6-8 p338
112.6-7 160
112.9 164
112.10-5 p297
112.13 p338
112.14-5 164
112.18 p338
112.21 p300
112.22-7 p344
112.26-7 349
113 144, 208, 299, 314-5, 550,
561, 561, 577, 610n19, 739
113.1-11 165
113.12ff. 165
113.13-26 p252
114 p54, 62, 62n24, 150, 151, 160,
202, 271, 285, 535, 576, 739
114.5 pU8n84
114.12 154
114.13 p181
114.19-20 p285
114.28 p153
114.29-32 146
114.29-31 p150, 272
115 144, 318, 320, 344, 346
115.8 162
115.9-10 p293
115.10 162
115.18-9 p317
116 p60, 62, 62n24, 69, 70, 72-3,
144, 323
116.3 p66
116.4 p64n30, 68, 69, 72
116.5 p67, 69, 72
116.6 p64n30, 72
116.7 p72
116.8 p72
116.9 p66
116.11 p72
116.12 p72
116.13 p66, 72
116.14 p64n30, 72
116.15-26 p72
116.27 p69
116.28 p72
116.29 p72
116.31 p68, 72
116.33 p73
116.34 p72
116.35 p72
117 p739
118 p70, 144, 161, 308-10, 537
119 p143, 275, 302, 318, 319,
350-2, 541n37, 545, 574
1.119.1-17 p302
1.119.4-6 p297
1.119.4 164
1.119.12 p303
1.119.13-4 p297, 303
1.119.23-4 164
1.119.23 p300
1.119.25 p294
1.119.26-36 145
1.119.27 p163
1.119.28-36 165, 166
1.120 p60, 144, 323
1.120.3 p66
1.121+ 144
1.121.9 p457n7
1.122. [3] p541n38
1.123 145, 151, 271n10, 275, 309,
310n7, 316-7, 322, 323
1.123.14ff. p275
1.123.22 p99
1.124 p54, 146, 149, 271, 284,
322-3, 353, 576, 739
1.124.13-5 p272
1.124.14 p155
1.125 p60, 70, 71, 72-3, 144, 323,
683n261
1.125.1 p68, 72
1.125.3 p69
1.125.4 p69
1.125.6 p720n392
1.125.8-10 p72
1.125.11 p68, 72
1.125.12 p69, 73
1.125.13 p73
1.125.14 p69, 73
1.125.15 p69, 73
1.125.16 p72
1.125.17 p69
1.125.18 p69, 72
1.126 p143, 318
1.126.6 p66
1.126.23 164
1.127 p56n16, 144, 146, 321, 322,
357-8, 574
1.127.29-32 p358
1.127.30-2 164, 566
1.128 p60, 73, 144, 273, 323
1.128.1 p69
1.128.2 p66
1.128.3 p66
1.128.4 p64, 65, 66, 67, 68
1.128.5 p66, 67
1.128.6 p64, 66
.128.7 p64
.128.8 p64, 69
.128.9 p64
.128.10 p68, 69
.128.11 p68
.128.12 p64, 65, 68
.128.13 p64n30
.128.16 p64, 66, 69
.128.17-8 p65, 68
.128.17 p64, 69
.128.19 p67
.128.20-1 p64
.128.20 p65, 68
.130 143, 318, 330, 333n40, 335,
336
.130.10-5 p319
.131 p60, 62, 73, 144, 273, 323
.131.1-4 p67
.131.1-3 p67
.131.1 p64
.131.2 p65, 68
.131.3-4 p67
.131.3 p65, 69
.131.4 p69
.131.5 p65, 68, 69
.131.10 p69
.131.11 p64, 69
.131.12 p64, 67
.131.13-5 p67
.131.13 p67, 69
.131.14 p66, 69
.131.15 p64, 69
.132 p55n15, 60, 70, 71, 143, 144,
298
.132.1-3 163
.132.2-3 p73
.132.3 p71n36
.132.4 p71, 72
.132.5 p72
.132.6 p73
.132.7 p72
.132.8 p72
.132.9 p68, 73
.132.10 p72
.132.11 p69, 72
.132.12 p72
.132.14 p72
.132 18 p71, 72
.132.19 p72
.132.20 p72
.132.22 p71, 72
.132.23 p72
.132.25-6 163
.132.27-8 164
1.133 199, 739
1.134 143, 333n40
1.135 p60, 70, 72-3, 144, 323,
537n25
1.135.2 p66
1.135.3-14 p72
1.135.16 p72
1.136+ 143
1.138 143, 302
1.139 144, 318
1.140 p56, 144, 146, 164, 322, 353,
354, 574
1.141-1.144 p56n16, 146
1.141 p322, 357, 459n19, 573-4
1.142 p292, 322, 357, 574
1.142.17-21 p73
1.143 p322, 357, 574
1.144 p322, 357, 574
1.144.4-5 p67
1.145 p353, 354, 574
1.148 p55n15, 144, 292~3, 307,
311 2, 318, 330, 331, 538n29
1.148.1-12 144
1.148.1-9 p308-10, 310n8, 332, 341
1.148.10-2 p308, 332
1.148.11 p295
1.148.18-22 144, 295, 329, 332,
336
1.148.21 p438n75, 454n172
1.148.22 p437n73
1.148.26-45 p332
1.149 p60, 323
1.149.10 p66
1.149.11 p66
1.151 145
1.155 p56n16, 146, 322, 357, 574
1.156 143
1.159+ 143
1.160 p333n40
1.161 p54, 144, 151, 153, 162-3,
165, 166, 219n22, 264, 264n13,
265, 266, 271, 283, 299, 318,
561, 577, 691n294, 706n344. 707,
739
1.161.22-26 152
1.161.31-34 152
1.162 143, 144, 320, 330, 331,
352
1.163-1.176 p52n11
1.163 p56, 146, 163, 318, 355-6
1.164 144, 297, 318, 330, 331
1.165 143, 318, 320
1.168 144, 318, 320, 330
1.169 145, 151, 270, 271, 272,
276, 278, 279, 281, 322, 576
1.169.1 p276
1.169.3-4 151, 186
1.169.5-6 p281
1.169.7-8 151
1.169.7 154
1.169.9 p276, 279, 322
1.170 143, 300, 318, 320,
470102
1.171 143, 318, 320
1.173 143, 318, 320
1.175 146
1.176.16 p541n38
2.1-2.83 142
2.1-2.16 p359
2.1 142, 363n7, 365 15
2.1.1-2 p364n12
2.1.3 p365n17
2.2 142, 145, 152
2.2.4 154
2.3 142
2.3.20 160
2.3.19 154
2.4 142, 362n6, 363n7,
366n21
2.4.4-5 p364n12
2.4.19 154
2.5 142, 145, 152
2.6 142, 3637
2.6.5-6 p364n12
2.7 142
2.8-2.9 142
2.10-2.13 p362n6
2.10 142, 363n7, 366n23, 726
2.10.5-15 155-6
2.10.8-9 160
2.10.9-10 160
2.10.11-5 160
2.10.12 154
2.10.14 154
2.11-2.17 142
2.11 158-9, 365 15, 699
2.11.1 p361
2.11.4 p362
2.11.5-7 p363
2.11.7-9 p364n12
2.11.10 p365n16
2.11.13 160
2.12 p699
2.12.2 p361
2.12.5 p362
2.12.6-11 363
2.12.14 p367
2.13 p363n7, 365n15, 470n106
2.13.2 p361
2.13.4 p362
2.13.5-6 p362
2.13.7-8 p364n12
2.13.9 p365n17
2.13.14-5 p700
2.14 p366n21, 697
2.14.3 p361-2
2.14.4-5 p364n12
2.14.9 p99
2.14.12 154
2.15.7 154
2.15.8 153
2.16 156, 362n6, 363n7, 366,
699
2.16.2 p361
2.16.3 p495n247
2.16.4-6 p101n23
2.16.5-6 p101n23
2.16.10 160
2.16.12 154
2.16.19 p367
2.17-2.18 p360
2.17 156
2.17.6 154
2.17.15 154
2.18 142
2.19 142, 145, 161, 413, 414, 415,
692
2.19.6ff. p414
2.19.9-10 p415
2.19.12 p99
2.19.13 p413
2.20-2.36+ p360, 686n273
2.20 142
2.21 p362n6, 365n15, 469n97,
470n101, 699
2.21.3 p362
2.21.5-6 p364n12
2.21.7 p365n17
2.21.10 p99
2.22 142
2.23 142, 157, 623n67, 631n87,
713
2.23.15-24 157-8
2.23.17ff. 160
2.23.17 154
2.24 142, 362n6, 365n15
2.24.2 p361, 362
2.24.4 p362
2.24.5-7 p363
2.24.8 p365n17
2.25 142
2.26 p142, 362n6
2.26.4-5 p94
2.26.6 p303
2.26.7 154
2.27 142
2.30-2.31 142
2.30 156, 362n6, 363nn7-8,
365n15, 366n23
2.30.1 p361
2.30.4-5 p362
2.30.6-7 p364n12
2.30.8 p365n17
2.30.12-4 p700
2.30:22 p99
2.30.33 p362
2.31 142
2.31.16ff. 160
2.31.21 154
2.32.7 154
2.32.10 154
2.33 142, 156, 158, 362n6,
363nn7-8, 366n23, 470n106, 495,
655n153, 713, 724
2.33.1 p153, 361
2.33.2 p362
2.33.3-4 p363
2.33.4ff. 156
2.33.15-6 160
2.33.15 160
2.33.20 160
2.33.22-39 p158
2.33.22-24 p160
2.33.23 p99
2.33.27 p160
2.33.28 154
2.33.30-1 160
2.34 p362n6, 363n7, 365n15,
469n100, 470n106, 700
2.34.2 p361
2.34.3-4 p364n12
2.34.5 p470n104
2.34.13 154
2.34.32-3 160
2.35 142, 156
2.36+ p51n8, 142, 159, 365n15,
367, 460, 488, 488n215, 674,
679n243, 693n298, 700
2.36+.2 p365n17
2.36+.5-13 156-7
2.36+.6 154
2.36+.13 154
2.36+. 16ff. 158
2.37.10 155
2.38-2.72 p360
2.38 p51n8, 142, 155, 156, 363n7,
365n15, 368, 442n98, 460, 672n222
2.38.2 p362
2.38.3 p362
2.38.4-5 p364n12
2.38.6 p365n16
2.38.10-27 156
2.38:12 p98
2.38.15 p154
2.38.26 p99
2.39 p32, 51n8, 142, 362n6, 707,
717
2.39.5-16 p157
2.39.5ff. 160
2.39.11-6 159
2.39.1 Iff. 160
2.39.15-6 160
2.39.17ff. 160
2.39.21 155
2.39.35 p154
2.40 142, 156, 362n6, 442n98,
671
2.40.1 p361
2.40.4 p362
2.40.5-8 p363
2.41 158, 363n7, 721n396
2.41.1-2 p364n12
2.41.13 p99
2.41.19 160
2.42(+2.43) 142, 158, 362n6,
443, 459n18, 623n67,
631n87, 677
2.42.1 p361
2.42.3 p362, 473n124, 495n247
2.42.4-9 p158
2.42.4-5 p363, 364n12
2.42.6 155
2.42.10 155
2.42.11 154
2.42.19 p154
2.42.23 154
2.42.25 154
2.42.26 155
2.44 p362n6, 363n7, 669n209
2.44.2 p362
2.44.4-5 p364n12
2.45 143, 158
2.45.7 p98
2.45.11-2 p363
2.45.19 154
2.45.23 154
2.45.25 p99, 154
2.46 p362n6, 363n7, 365n15,
677n239, 718
2.46.4-5 p364n12
2.46.6 p365n16
2.47 p366n26, 719
2.47.2 p361
2.47.4 p365n17
2.47.16 p154
2.48-2.59 142
2.48.5 154
2.49 p362n6
2.50.12 154
2.50.16 154
2.51.2-3 p363
2.52 p363n7
2.56 p365n15
2.56.1 p361
2.56.4 p365n16
2.59 p440n83
2.60 142
2.61 p362n6, 726
2.61.2 p361
2.61.5-7 154
2.61.5 154
2.62 142
2.63-2.64 142
2.63 p363nn6-7
2.63.1 p361
2.63.5-6 p364n12
2.64 p362n6
2.64.2 p361
2.64.5 p362
2.64.6-7 p362
2.64.10 p361
2.64.12 p362
2.64.13-16 p363
2.65-2.67 142
2.65 p365n15
2.65.1 p365n16
2.67 p363n7, 365n15
2.68 p38n72, 142, 363n8, 365n15,
368, 470n105, 729n425
2.68.1 p361
2.68.3 p362
2.68.4-7 p363
2.68.9-10 p364n12
2.69 142
2.70 158, 363n10, 365n15
2.70.1 p361
2.70.6-7 p364n12
2.70.8-10 p363
2.70.11-29 159
2.70.11 p365n17
2.70.12 154
2.70.15-6 p153
2.70.23-8 160
2.70.27 154
2.71 142, 156, 362n6, 363n7,
365n15
2.71.4-5 p364n12
2.71.5 p365n16
2.71.10 p98, 154
2.71.11 154
2.71.14 p99
2.72 p143, 363nn8,10, 365n15,
681n251
2.72.4 p365n16
2.72.7 p495n244
2.72.9 p153
2.72.10-33 159
2.72.10 p153
2.72.11 154, 495n244
2.72.17 p153
2.72.22 p99, 154
2.72.27 154
2.72.42 154
2.73.14 154
2.75-2.83 360
2.75 156, 686n273
2.75.4 p362
2.75.6 p364n12
2.75.11 154
2.76 p51n8, 362n6, 365n15, 712
2.76.1-2 p157
2.76.4 p365n17
2.76.9-10 p157
2.78 p362n6
2.79 p363n9
2.79.3 154
2.79.4 154
2.79.5-6 p362
2.81 p51n8, 157, 363n7, 712n360
2.81.5 p362
2.81.12-3' p710n357
2.82 p24, 700
2.82.1 p361
2.82.2 p361
2.82.4 154
2.82.11 154
2.83 142, 365n15
2.83.2 p365n17
3.1 p30nnl l -2, 141, 419-20,
447n140, 488n216, 634n94
3.1.30 p131
3.1.32 130
3.1.38 132
3.2 p161, 413, 414, 415
3.2.12 p99
3.2.13 p99
3.3 p30n14, 416
3.3.8 p99
3.4 p119, 459n27, 466n78, 669,
693
3.5 p161, 413, 414, 451-6
3.6 p416
3.7 146, 416, 428n24, 460
3.8 p412, 416, 417, 418, 443,
466nn78,80
3.9 p416, 417, 418, 418n35, 576
3.9.6 153
3.10 142, 146, 416, 417
4.4.2 p436n55
4.4.3 p436n56
4.4.4 p436nn53,54,56, 437n57
4.7 p430n26
4.14.2 p438n74
4.14.7 p438n74
4.14.15 p438n74
4.15 p309n5
4.17 p485n194
4.22.3-4 p470n101
4.22.3 p496n249
4.29 p147, 427n15, 434n35
4.31 p84
4.31.2 p454n172
4.31.11 p446n123
4.33 p429n24, 511 15
4.34 p437n72
4.34.4 p446n127
4.34.9 p446n127
4.35 147, 426n13, 427n16
4.35 i 16 p449n 149
4.35 i 20 p438n78
4.35 i 22 p438n78
4.35 i 26 p438n78
4.35 ii 5-6 p438n78
4.35 ii 8 p451n158
4.35 ii 11 130
4.35 ii 20 p438n78
4.36 p427nnl,15, 435n43,
440nn84-5, 445n119
4.36.1 p434n35
4.38 147, 427nn14-5, 434n35,
440n84
4.38.6 p449n 149
4.40 p432n30, 512, 514n23
4.41 p425
4.41.6 p434n35
4.43 p451, 427n16
4.43.4 p45 I nn 156,158
4.44 p427n16
4.44.28 p94, 130
4.46 p485n200
4.46.112 p454n168
4.46.13-4 p450n151
4.47 p147, 427n15, 435nn43,45,
452n160
4.47.5 p454n 169
4.47.7 p452n 160
4.47.8 p450n 151
4.47.10 p449n 149
4.48 148, 435n43
4.50-53 p511n15
4.53 148, 429n24
4.54 p429n24, 435n45, 511n15
4.55 p511n15
4.58 p429n24
4.60 p446n 121
4.63 147, 148, 425n4, 435n41,
436n46, 493n232, 494n236
4.65 146, 426nn12-3
4.66 146, 427n16
4.67 148
4.68 147, 148, 425n4, 430, 435n42,
440nn84,85, 485n196, 493n232,
494n234
4.68.19 p525
4.68.63 p454n170
4.68.67 p452n160
4.68.72 p434n35
4.68.74 p454n169
4.69 p147, 148, 427n16, 429n24,
435n43, 511n15, 514n21
4.69 ii 6-10 p433n32
4.69 vi 22-37 p434n35
4.70.6 p467n86
4.71 147, 148, 426n13
4.72 p504n5
4.73 p425n5
4.75 p431n27
4.80 p431n29, 476n140,
478nn157,162
4.81 130, 432n30, 514n23
4.81.2-3 130
4.85 p433, 433n34
4.86 p433n34
4.87 p426n 13
4.87.3 p454n168
4.89 p425n7, 426n10, 435n44
4.90 148, 427n16
4.91 142
4.91.2-3 p446n124
4.91.7-8 p448n 143
4.91.14 p438n74
4.92 p427n16, 435n43
4.93 148, 425n5
4.93.2-4 p454n168
4.94 p424n3
4.95 148, 425n5
4.96 p425n7, 426n13, 433n34,
459n27
4.96.3 p460n29
4.96.6 p460n32
4.97 p425n7
4.98 p427n16, 485n200
4.98.6 p450n 151
4.98.8 p450n 151
4.98.9 p452n160
4.98.17 p451n156
4.99 136, 147, 426n13, 427n15,
429n24, 426n13, 435nn42,45,
436n47, 452n161
4.99.9 p434n35
4.99.15 p452n 163
4.99.16 p450n 154
4.99.18 p454n 169-70
4.99.19 p452n 160
4.100 148
4.102 148, 429n24, 434n39,
452n161, 459
4.102.25 129, 450n153
4.103 147, 425n7, 429n24, 430n26,
435nn42,43,45, 436n46, 485n195
4.103.5 p510n13
4.103.22 p454n170
4.103.57 p452n163
4.105 p427n15, 435n43
4.105.2 p452n 160
4.106 p426n13
4.107 p452n161
4.108 p425n5
4.110 p425n7, 426n8, 428n18
4.110.1 2 p430n26
4.113 p425n5
4.114 p427n16, 436n47
4.116.20 p433n34
4.117 p437n58
4.121.1 p452n163
4.122 146, 425n7, 426n13
4.123 p446n 124, 448n144, 452n161
4.123.17 p437n72, 447n141
4.123.20 I p437n72
4.123.20 p131
4.123.21 p447n141
4.123.22-3 p446n 125
4.124 p452n161, 485n197
4.125 p425n7, 426n13, 427n15,
431n27, 435n42, 485n193
4.125.1 p449
4.125.8-9 p486n205
4.125.8 p450n154
4.125.9 p452n163
4.126 p426n13, 427n15,
429n24, 435n43,
436nn46-7, 440n84
4.126.6 p434n35
4.126.8 p454n170
4.126.10 p452n160
4.126.16 p450n154
4.126.18 p451n158
4.126.27 129, 451n155
4.126.28 p454n168
4.127.2 p448n 144
4.128 p426n10, 427nn 14,16,17,
436n46, 452nn161,163
4.129 p426n13, 431n27, 513n18
4.131 p427n14
4.132 p434n38
4.132.4 148
4.133.3 p451n156
4.134 p427n16, 433n34, 513n18
4.134.2 p453n167
4.136 147
4.137 148, 429n24, 434n38,
435n43, 440n84
4.137.1 130
4.137.4 p433n32
4.137.10 130
4.138.2 129
4.139 p425n7, 427n15
4.141 148, 425n7, 426n13, 428n18,
436n46, 485n199
4.141 iii 16 p428n22
4.141 iii 19 p453n167
4.141 iii 20 p450n151
4.142 p425n7
4.143 p426n11, 469nn97.100
4.144 p427n14, 428n18
4.145 147, 428n20, 429n23, 437,
496n250
4.145.8-9 127
4.145.9 p428n20, 473n119,
486n201
4.145.16 p450n151
4.146.3 p430n26
4.146.5 130
4.146.7 p437n57
4.147.5 p452n160
4.148.19 p436n56
4.149 p329, 427n14, 429n24,
459n20
4.149.4 p458n10
4.149.6 p459n25
4.149.14-6 145, 300
4.149.14-5 p470n102
4.150 p446n 124, 453n167
4.150.5 p448n146
4.151 148
4.151 ii 1 p452n160
4.152 p429n24, 437n57
4.152.5 p436n56
4.153 p426n13, 427n14,
431n27
4.155 p427n16
4.156 148
4.156.5 p436n56
4.158 p452n161
4.158.3 p446n 124
4.158.6 p446n 128
4.158.7 p448n 144
4.158.12 p448n 143
4.158.14-5 p447n142
4.158.17-8 p446n132
4.158.20-2 p448n143
4.160.12 p473n121
4.162 p429n24
4.163 149, 429n24, 440n84,
433n32, 434n38, 435n43
4.164 149
4.165 148
4.166 148, 437n59
4.166.2 p436n56
4.166.3 p437n60
4.167 p437n70, 496nn250,253
4.167.1-7 148
4.167.1-2 p450
4.167.1 p496n251
4.168 145, 329
4.168.5-9 p161
4.168.11 p446n 131
4.169 p496n250, 497n261
4.169.6 p494n241
4.170 p429n24
4.172 145
4.173 149, 429n24, 433n32,
434n38, 435n43, 440n84
4.174 149, 429n24, 434n38,
435n43, 440n84
4.175 p425n7 426nn10,13,
427n14, 431n27
4.177 p427n16
4.179 148, 429n24, 434n38, 440n84,
433n32, 435n43
4.179.14 104
4.180 148, 427n16, 451n158,
496n250,
4.181.2 104
4.182 p329, 447n142, 452n161
4.182.8 p446nn129,131
4.182.17 130
4.182.35 p436n56
4.182.56 p452n163
4.182.63 p437n66
4.183 147, 426n13, 429n24, 430n26,
449n149, 452n161
4.183 ii 10 129
4.183 ii 12 p450n 151
4.183 ii 22 p454n169
4.183 ii 27 p451n158
4.183 iii 16 p452n160
4.186.1 p450n154
4.186.9 p450n154
4.187 p427n16, 485n197
4.187.1 p452n163
4.188 p427n16, 435n45, 453n167
4.190.4 p436n56
4.192 p437n58
4.195 p436n46, 437n71
4.195.5 p131
4.200 p425n7
4.201 p427n16
4.203.8 p437n63
4.204 p596n258
4.205 p437n60
4.205.6 p437n61
4.205.7 p437n57
4.205.19 p437n62
4.206 p437n63
4.206.1 p437n64
4.206.4 p446n131
4.206.5 p437n65
4.206.6 p447n124
4.207 p435n43
4.207.5 p452n160
4.207.7 p454n 170
4.212 p435n43
4.213 148, 329, 425n7, 426nn 11,1
427n14, 429n24
4.213.24 145, 154
4.213.30 p487n207
4.214 148, 433n34, 440n84
4.215 p147, 427n16
4.216 p427nn14-5, 429n24
4.216.2 p303
4.216.3 p303
4.216.9 p458n10
4.217 p427nn15-6, 440n84
4.219.12 p469n100, 470n102
4.219 148
4.219.1-3 p329
4.219.2-3 145
4.222 p430n26
4.222.8- 11 p451n158
4.223 p428n18
4.224 p436n46
4.225.16 130
4.230 148, 427nn14,16,
429n24
4.230.3 p457n7
4.230.4-5 p470n102
4.230.15 154
4.232 147, 148, 425n5
4.235 148
4.243 p425n7, 426nn 11,13, 427n 14,
431n27
4.243.2 p450n151
4.244 p426n8, 429n24, 430n26
4.244.9 p469n100
4.244.16 p465nn62-3
4.245 p435n45
4.246.3 p470n102
4.246.2-3 p469n100
4.247.22 132
4.247.29 p448n 143
4.255 p459n21
4.257.5 p437n66
4.258 p417
4.261 p427n16, 451
4.261.1 p451n156
4.263 p427n14, 440n84
4.264 p428n18
4.266 145, 452n161
4.267 p425n5
4.269 148, 426nn11,13,
427nn14,16
4.269.4 p487n207
4.269.8 p452n163
4.269.26 p487n207
4.270.7 p436n56, 437nn67,68
4.270.8 p437n57
4.270.11 p437n61
4.271 p425n7, 426n11
4.272 p427n16, 451n158
4.272.7 154
4.275 p426n10
4.277.1 130
4.279 p329
4.280.6 154
4.280.13-4 p329
4.282 p430n26
4.282.5 p434n35
4.283 p416n26
4.284.5-6 p329
4.286 p427n16
4.288 p435n41
4.290 148
4.295 p431n29, 478n157
4.296 p425n7, 426nn10,13
4.297 p425n7
4.299 148
4.303 p424n3
4.307 p425n7, 426n13
4.308 148, 425n5
4.310 416n26, 427n16, 45 ! 158
4.310.2 p451n156
4.310.5 p451n156
4.312 p427n15
4.313 p425n7
4.320 p425n7, 426n13
4.321 p427n16, 459n27
4.322 p427n16, 429n24, 465n61
4.325 p459n27
4.328 148, 154
4.332 p426n13, 435n43, 452n161,
485n199
4.332.14-7 p452n163
4.332.18 p450n154
4.337 p437n64
4.337.9-10 p446n132
4.337.11 129, 450n153
4.337.20 p447n136
4.337.21 p446n127
4.337.25 p447n124
4.338 146, 442, 452n161, 459n24,
660, 669n209
4.338.1-3 147
4.338.10 p454n 168
4.339 p478n157
4.339.2-4 p454n 168
4.339.10 p478n158
4.339.16 p450n 151
4.340 148, 430n26
4.341 p447n136
4.341.4-5 p446n 132
4.341.14-5 p446n132
4.341.20-1 p446n 124
4.342 p434n38
4.343 p459n21
4.344 149, 430n26
4.344.15 p723n405
4.345 p425n7, 426n11
4.346.5 p525
4.347 146
4.348 148
4.352 p443, 459n20, 673n226, 677
4.352.2 p460n33
4.352.9 p460n28
4.355 p426n13, 427nn14,16, 513n18
4.355.36 p525
4.356 p430n26
4.357 p430n26
4.357.24 p300, 434n35, 474n132
4.358 p425n7, 426nn10,13, 485n199
4.358.9 p487n208
4.360 p431n29, 478n157
4.361 p434n38, 469n91
4.362.1-2 148
4.363 p437n57
4.363.1 p437n64
4.363.2 129
4.363.3-4 p437n68
4.363.3 p436n56
4.363.5 129
4.363.6-7 p437n68
4.365 p424n3, 425n7
4.366 130, 145, 432n30
4.367 p426n10, 427n16, 428n18,
513n18
4.367.18 p454n168
4.369 p440n84
4.370 p427n16
4.370.10 p436n53
4.370.35 p452n160
4.370.45 p454n 170
4.371 p432n30
4.374 p426n13, 427n16, 431n27,
513n18
4.376 p449n 149
4.377 p427n14
4.378 p426n13, 427nn14, 16, 431n27
4.379 148, 427n16, 428n18, 429n24
4.380 p425n7
4.382 p425n7, 426n13, 485n200
4.385.3 p437n72, 447n141
4.385.5 p447n141
4.385.10 p448n 144
4.386 146, 417, 425n7
4.387 p427n14, 429n24, 435n45
4.389 p430n26
4.390 p459n19, 676
4.390.8 130
4.391 p431n27
4.392 p127, 435n42
4.392.2 p127n32
4.392.4 129, 450
4.396.20 p451n156
4.397 p425n7, 426n11
4.399 p430n26
4.400 p425n7, 426n11
4.402 p437n64
4.402.3 p448n143
4.402.9 p446n124
4.402.7-8 p446n 121
4.402.10-1 p437n73
4.405 p425n7
4.409 p137, 425n7
4.410 p435n43
4.412 142, 147, 435n42, 485n197
4.412 ii 1-5 p434n35
4.412 iii 9 p454n170
4.414 p424n3
4.415 p435n42
4.416 p427n15, 429n24, 430n26,
435n43, 485n195
4.416.1 p465n63
4.417 p431n29, 478n157
4.419 p431n29
4.421 p432n30
4.422 148, 427n16
4.423 p430n26
4.424 p425n7, 430n26
4.425 p430n26
4.427 14,149
4.430 p440n84
4.432 p431n29
4.435 148
4.440 p426n13, 427n16, 431n27
4.447 p437n70
4.471 p427n16
4.480.1 p496n251
4.485 p427nn15,16, 429n24
4.491 p426n13
4.493 p426n13, 431n27
4.495 p427n14
4.500 p437n70
4.519 p431n29
4.525.1 p437n67
4.528 p429n24
4.545 p427n16
4.553 p425n5
4.561 p427n16, 429n24, 465n61
4.582 p497n261
4.602 p437n70
4.608 p426n13
4.608.35-9 p453n165
4.609 147, 425n5, 426n13,
427nn14-5, 428nn18,22, 435n45,
436n46, 450n151, 453, 473n123,
485n193
4.609.9 p452n160
4.609.11 p435n41
4.609.12' p428n22
4.609.16 p453n167
4.609.18 p449n149
4.609.23 p452n160
4.609.25 p451n159, 453n166
4.609.32 p454n169
4.610 p36n62, 147, 148, 425, 427n15
4.611 p425n5
4.617 148, 427n16
4.618 p425n7, 426nn10,13,
431n27
4.618.6 p428n22
4.619.7 p127-8
4.621 p424n3
4.622 p424n3
4.623 146, 429n24, 465n61
4.624 p427n16, 493n232,
494nn236,237
4.625 p425n7, 426n9
4.626.1 p452n160
4.629 p424n3
4.630 p426n13, 427n14, 437n58
4.630.8-9 449n149
4.630.12 p452n160
4.630.14 p451, 453n166
4.631 p430n26, 438n78
4.632 p417, 426n9
4.633 p147, 427n16, 514n21
4.633.4-14 p434n35
4.635 p428n18, 429n24, 442n99,
459n27, 512n17, 513n18
4.635.7 p452n163
4.636 p425n7, 426nn10,11,13,
427n14, 467n83
4.638 p425n7
4.643 p426n8
4.644 p431n29
4.655 p427n16
4.659 142, 145, 445n119
4.659.1 154
4.659.6 p99
4.661 p424n3
4.669+7.130 p58n3, 142, 144
4.670 p438n77, 494n239
4.676 p424n3
4.681 146, 427n16
4.683 p425n4, 493n232
4.684 p424n3
4.685 p424n3
4.686 p424n3
4.689 p489
4.690 p427n16
4.691.6 130
4.692 p430n26
4.692.1 p452n 160
4.692.8 p452n160
4.693 p424n3
4.704 148
4.705 p427n14, 459n20
4.707.15-8 p446n132
4.709.6 100
4.710 p84
4.710.11-2 p446n121
4.710.11 p446n 122
4.714 p427n16, 428n18, 435n42
4.714.1 p473n123
4.721 p437nn58,60
4.721.1 p437n64
4.721.9 p446n132
4.721.14 p446n132
4.729 p426n13, 431n27
4.740 p426n13, 431n27
4.742.12 p452n160
4.743 p450n151
4.745 148, 427n15, 435n43,
440n84
4.745.5 p434n35
4.745.7 454n169
4.745.18 p452n160
4.750 p425n7
4.751 146, 429n24
4.751.11 130
4.752 148
4.754 148
4.755 148
4.761 146, 427n16, 434n35,
514n21
4.764 148
4.765.4 p436n56
4.765.5 p437n68
4.766 p12
4.767 p12
4.770 p424n3
4.771.5-8 p448n146
4.772 p427n16
4.772.5 p465n62
4.777 148, 493nn232-3
4.778 p417, 459n27
4.778.5 p448n146
4.779.8-13 p659n172
4.781.1-2 p329
4.781.2 p303
4.782 p417, 459n27
4.782.7-8 p448n146
4.784 148
4.786.14 p438n74
4.790.15 129
4.791 p147, 416n26
5.6 p82
5.9-5.11 p360
5.9 i 2 p99
5.10 p33n35, 363n10
5.10.1 p362
5.10.3 p361
5.10.7-8 p438n75
5.11 p33n35, 373n36
5.11.16 p436n56
5.14 p32n26
5.20.1 p454n 169
5.24 p12
6.1 p12
6.2 p12
6.6 p9, 428n21, 434n36
6.7 p9, 428n21, 434n36
6.8 p428n21, 434n36
6.9 p428n21, 434n36
6.10 p9, 428n21, 501n3,
513n19
6.11 p438n79
6.12 p438n79
6.13 p15, 303
6.14 p15, 303
6.15 p504n5
6.17 p440n84
6.20 p438n79
6.21 p438n79
6.22 p438n79
6.24 p438n79, 703
6.26 p438n79
6.27 p438n79
6.29 p685n271
6.29.3 130
6.48 p452n161
6.67 p12
6.68 p12
6.69.3-4 p473n118
6.70 p12
6.71 p12
7.40 p59
7.43 p59
7.46 143
7.50 145
7.52 145
7.55 145
7.63 p30n18, 413, 415
7.63.1 p414
7.65 140
7.177 143
8.1 p12
9.432 p234n4, 253
9.458 p513n18
9.477 p417
I NDEX OF RI H TEXTS
77/01 142, 360
77/02B+ p52n11, 144, 297, 318,
330, 331
77/02B+.1 p330
77/04+ p52n11, 144, 318, 320
77/01+77/1 1 144
77/08A+ p52n11
77/10A p52n11
77/ 10B+ p52n11, 144, 318, 320,
330
77/17 p386
77/18 p52n11, 146
77/21 142, 360, 362n6,
365n15, 717n380
77/2 1A.4 p365n17
77/25 142, 360
77/25.3 154
77/25.4 154
77/27 p424n3
78/01+ p52n11
78/02.5-8 p448n 146
78/03+78/30 p51n8, 157, 143,
360, 712n360
78/03+78/30.5-6 p362
78/03+78/30.5 p362,
363nn7-8
78/03+78/30.12' p710n357
78/04 p52n11, 318, 320
78/06 p426n16
78/06.5 p465n62
78/09+ p52n11
78/11 p52n11, 144, 293, 300,
318, 320, 470n102
78/12 p24, 360, 700
78/12.1 p361
78/12.2-3 p362
78/12.2 p361
78/12.4 154
78/12.11 154
78/14 p52n11, 56, 146, 163,
318, 355
78/16 p52n11, 143, 144, 318,
320
78/20 p52n11, 145, 151, 270,
271, 276, 278, 322, 576
78/20.3-4 186
78/20.7 154
78/21 142, 360
78/25 142, 360, 365 15
78/25.2 p365n17
78/26 p52n11
78/26.16 p541n38
81/04 p382
83/02 p513n18
83/07+83/14 p147, 148,
493nn232-3
83/12 p417, 459n27
83/12.5 p448n 146
83/22.8-13 p659n 172
83/28+83/31+83/84.15+26.2
p303
83/28+. 1-2 p329
83/39+83/55 p417
84/04 147, 416n26
84/08 p417, 459n27
84/08.7-8 p448n 146
84/33 142, 146, 416
I NDEX OF RS TEXTS
1.001 p313n11, 81, 340-4, 1.002.48 p457n7
344-6 1.003+ 143, 273, 274, 301, 302,
1.001.13-9 p312-3 318, 319, 329, 330, 339-44,
1.001.14 p241n19 557
1.001A.2-10 143 1.003+.3 p162
1.002 p144, 153, 293, 295, 317, 1.003+. 11-9 p143
322, 455, 457, 541n38, 564-6 1.003+.12 p294
1.002.10 p495n245 1.003+. 15-6 161
1.002.24 p329n33 1.003+.16 p541n38
1.002.25 p310n7 1.003+.20-1 p292
1.002.32 p277 1.003+.21 p454n172
1.002.35 140 1.003+.22 130
1.003+.24 p303
1.003+.41 p303
1.003+.47-8 164
1.003+.47 102
1.003+.50-5 144, 162
1.003+.50-1 p298
1.003+.50 p303
1.003+.53-5 p295
1.003+.53-4 p164
1.003+.53 102
1.004 p59, 144, 323, 326
1.005 144, 294-5, 318, 319, 320,
330, 336-8, 739
1.005.1-5 p332n38
1.005.1-2 p304, 583
1.005.9ff. p295
1.005.22-7 162
1.005.23-5 p297
1.006 p271, 333, 118n83, 199,
200, 284
1.007 p59, 144, 273, 323
1.008+ 145
1.008+.5 132
1.009 143, 301, 318, 320, 330,
333n40, 353
1.009+.1-10 p335
1.009.9-10 164
1.011.[046] p60, 144, 323
1.012 p438n74
1.013+1.043 p142, 359
1.013+.19 154
1.013+.20 p160
1.017 144, 532, 535, 537
1.017.32 p542n40
1.018 p142, 359, 362n6, 363n7,
366n21
1.018.4-6 p364
1.018.4-5 p364n12
1.018.19 154
1.019 p318, 319, 326, 327-8
1.019.13 p97
1.020 142, 145, 152, 359
1.021 142, 359, 363n7
1.021.5-6 p364n12
1.022 p143, 318, 319
1.024 p53, 95, 145, 150, 166,
201, 285-6, 310n6, 352 551,
557-8, 564
1.024.33-7 p175
1.024.44 p99
1.024.45 p99
1.024.46-7 p270
1.024.47 p475n137
1.025 145
1.026+2.[025] 142, 359
1.027+1.028+ p59, 273, 323,
144
1.028+( 1.035) p59, 323
1.[031] p59
1.032 142, 359
1.033 143
1.034+( 1.045) p59, 144, 273, 323
1.041.3-4 p470n101
1.042 144
1.044 p333n40
1.046 143
1.047 143
1.[049A] p59, 144, 323
1.[051] p9, 428n21, 434n36
1. [052] p9, 428n21, 501n3,
513n18
1 .[053] p9, 428n21, 434n36
1. [054] p9, 428n21, 434n36
1 .[055] p9, 428n21, 434n36
1.056 p386
1.[057] p387
1. [064] p333n40
1. [066] p59, 144, 323
1. [067] p59, 144, 323
1. [069] p59, 144, 323
1 .[070] p59, 144, 323
1 .[071] p59, 144
1 .[074] p59
1. [076] p59, 144, 323
1.[089]+2.[033]+5.183 p14, 544n49,
589
1.017 p308-10
1.019 143
1.110 p317, 319
1.766+ 148
2.002 p53, 166, 178, 284-5, 200-1,
271, 290, 352, 534, 544, 551,
553-7, 560, 564, 739
2.002.6 p99
2.002.15 130
2.002.31 130
2.002.32 130
2.002.36 130
2.002.56 140
2.002.61-2 171
2.002.66 p118n23
2.002.69-70 178
2.002.70-2 171
2. [003]+ 166, 199, 203, 209, 204,
210, 211, 213, 215, 217, 218, 219,
231, 232, 234
2. [003]+ i 7 p328n28
2. [003] + i l l pl 18n82
2. [003]+ i 19 p278
2. [003]+ i 20-1 133
2.[003] + i 23 p118n82
2. [003]+ i 29 p101
2.[003]+ i 38 p99
2. [003]+ ii 2-3 p497n259, 262
2.[003]+ ii 7-iii 49 p570
2. [003]+ ii 16-9 p345n51
2.[003]+ ii 22-3 p273
2. [003]+ ii 22 p105
2.[003]+ ii 23-4 p560
2. [003]+ ii 37-8 p154
2. [003]+ ii 5Off. p290
2.[003]+ iii 22-5 pl 79
2. [003]+ iii 48 p97n13
2. [003]+ iv 1 p130
2.[003]+ iv 34-43 p568 9
2.[003]+ iv 42-3 p173n28
2. [003]+ v 14-23 p213n16
2. [003]+ v 28-vi 14 p211
2.[003]+ 32-3 180
2. [003]+ vi 12-4 p221
2. [004] 166, 199, 211, 234-58,
499n2
2.[004] i 23-33 p567, 576
2. [004] i 25-33 179, 263 10
2. [004] i 25-6 173
2. [004] i 26-33 179, 256,
481 181
2. [004] i 27-8 127
2. [004]+ i 31-2 p303
2.[004] i 31 p302
2. [004] i 34-6 p570
2.[004] i 40 p118n83
2.[004] i 41 p118n83
2. [004] i 42-7 p263n10
2.[004] i 42-3 173
2.[004] i-ii p225
2.[004] ii p248
2. [004] ii 1-9 p263n10
2. [004] ii 14-23 p263n10
2.[004] ii 30-40 183
2. [004] ii 42 100
2.[004] 10-] 192
2. [004] 19-20 171
2. [004] 20 98
2.[004] 29-30 p171n21
2. [004] 40 98
2. [004] vi 24 p97
2.[004] vi 26-8 175
2. [004] vi 27 154
2. [004] vi 32-3 184
2.[004] vi 34-9 p578
2. [004] vi 34-5 172
2.[004] vi 36-7 187
2.[004] vi 41-2 pl 71
2.[004] vi 43-5 177
2.[004] vi 47-8 p533
2.[004] le.e. 140
2. [006] p60, 144, 323
2. [008]+ 166, 193, 211, 234, 302,
499n2, 544, 546, 552
2. [008]+ i 12-8 176
2. [008]+ i 20 130
2. [008]+ i 32 p131n43
2. [008]+ i 43 p676n233
2. [008]+ ii 9 129
2. [008j + ii 16-20 176
2.[008]+ ii 23 pl 16
2.[008]+ ii 32 pl 14
2.[008]+ iii 12-4 pl 75
2.[008]+ iii 10 22 p225
2.[008]+ iii 25-6 170
2. [008]+ iv p223
2. [008]+ iv 2-4 p223n26
2. [008]+ iv 5 124
2. [008]+ iv 9 124
2. [008]+ iv 15 124
2. [008]+ iv 16 p94
2.[008]+ iv 21-2 p533
2.[008]+ iv 29 p118n83
2.[008]+ iv 32 pl 16
2. [008]+ iv 50-7 176-7
2. [008]+ 7 129
2. [008]+ 8 186
2. [008]+ 15-6 p181
2. [008]+ 17 p105n28
2. [008]+ 31-3 172
2. [008]+ 38 p105n28
2. [008]+ 40 p105n28
2. [008]+ 61-2 182
2. [008]+ 61 97
2.[008]+ 64-5 182
2.(008]+ vi 4 180
2.[008]+ vi 5-6 182
2.[008]+ vi 8-9 182
2. [008]+ vi 9 104
2. [008]+ vi 13 p97n13
2.(008]+ vi 18-21 179
2. [008]+ vi 45-54 p542n39
2. [008]+ vi 46 p539
2. [008]+- vi 55 174
2.[008]+ vii 30 pi l l
2.[008]+ vii 32 pi l l
2. [008]+ viii 1-4 178
2.[008]+ viii 5 pl 14
2. [008]+ viii 12-4 187
2. [008]+ le.e. 140
2.[009]+ p54, 166, 193, 211, 265,
499n2, 544, 546, 552
2.[009]+ i 2-8 p578
2.[009]+ i 9ff. 166
2. [009] + i 10 185
2. [009]+ i 18-31 p226
2.[009]+ i 33 p533
2. [009]+ i 39-43 175
2. [009]+ i 43-65 187-8
2. [009] + i 59-61 p110n38
2.[009]+ ii 6-9 186
2. [009]+ ii 16-7 182
2. [009]+ ii 19-20 182
2.[009]+ ii 21 p153
2.[009]+ ii 24 p118n84
2.[009]+ ii 30-5 p547n57
2. [009]+ iii 6-7 186
2. [009]+ 1 p94
2. [009]+ 2 130
2.[009]+ 11-9 17 7
2. [009]+ 11-6 p547n57
2. [009]+ 19-20 187
2. [009]+ vi 45-9 p265, 265 16, 266
2. [009]+ vi 46 p264n13
2.[009]+ vi 49-50 p277
2. [009]+ vi 54-8 140
2.[009]+ vi 54-5 p234
2. [009]+ vi 55-7 p300n64
2. [009]+ vi 55-6 p547
2. [009]+ vi 56 p426n19
2. [009]+ vi 58 p315n17
2. [012]+ p54, 96, 145, 150, 199-200,
566
2.[012] ii 7 186
2.[012] ii 47 129
2.[Ol2] ii 54 p113n57
2.[012] ii 58-61 p177
2.[014]+ p166, 193, 211, 234, 552
2. [014]+ i 2-25 165
2.[014]+ i 22 153
2. [014]+ ii 9-11 186
2.[014]+ ii 19 p113n55
2. [014]+ ii 22 129
2.[014]+ ii 29 p113n55
2. [014]+ iii 3-8a 176
2.[014]+ iii 14-7 166, 179
2. [014]+ iii 16-7 182
2.[014]+ iii 16 pi 14
2.[014]+ iii 20 p98
2. [014]+ iii 22-3 172
2. [014]+ iii 29 p329n34
2. [014]+ iii 32ff. 176
2.[014]+ iii 33 p117n79
2. [014]+ iii 35 130
2.[014]+ iii 37 p99
2.[014]+ iii 40 p278
2. [014]+ iv 15 p173n28
2. [014]+ iv 35 p533n15
2.[014]+ iv 38 129
2. [014]+ iv 39-40 p173n28
2.[014]+ p244, 533
2.[014]+ 2 113
2.[014]+ 17 p118n84
2. [014]+ vi 10-1 p223n26
2. [014]+ vi 20 p98
2.[014]+ viii 29-35 180
2. [018] p95
2. [019] p271n10, 237, 54, 166, 193,
199, 211, 234, 259-68, 278, 283,
544, 546, 552, 739
2.[019] i p23
2.[019] i 3-4 p265n16
2.[019] i 5-6 p268
2.[019] i 11-2 p265n16
2.[019] ii 8 p260
2. [022]+ p166, 193, 211, 234
2. [022]+ i 1 p279
2. [022]+ i 14-22 p177
2. [022]+ ii 5-7 p229
2. [022]+ ii 15-6 187
2.]022]+ iv 21 p303
2.[022]+ iv 23 p99
2. [022]+ 13 105
2. [022]+ 18-9 182
2. [022]+ vi 6 100
2.[022]+ vi 11-25 p178-9
2. [022]+ vi 28 100
2. [024] p54, 166, 199, 237, 259-68,
271 10, 283, 356, 739
2. [024]
2. [024]
2. [024]
2. [024]
2. [024]
2. [024]
2. [024]
2. [024]
2. [024]
2. [024]
2. [024]
2. [024]
2. [024]
2. [ 026]
2. [032]
2. [033]
2. [037]
2. [038]
4-10 p261
10-25 p261
17 183
18 130
21-6 184
21-4 p173n28
p263
4-10 p267
5-7 p268
5-6 p265n16
10-4 186
11* p94
2-4
p359
p436nn53-6, 437n57
p589
p582
p582, 589
3.041 p598
3.319 199
3.320 p147, 426 15, 434n35
3.322+ 166, 199, 211, 234-58,
739
3.322+ i 36 p113n57
3.322+ i 39 p275
3.322+ i 42-6 p572
3.322+ i 46 p113n57
3.322+ i p228n31
3.322+ ii 1-3 p356
3.322+ ii 2-3 p240n16
3.322+ ii 3-4 p574
3.322+ ii 12-5 p175
3.322+ ii 22-5 p571
3.322+ iii 1-3 p572-3
3.322+ iii 9 p98
3.322+ iii 14 p117n77
3.322+ iii 28 p117n77
3.322+ iii 46 p249
3.322+ iii 47 133
3.322+ iii 53-4 187
3.322+ iii p257
3.322+ iv 1-3 p573
3.322+ iv 9-27 p578
3.322+ iv 23 130
3.322+ iv 28 180
3.322+ iv 46-50 p171n19
3.322+ iv 62 p98
3.322+ vi 1e.e. 140
3.325+ p166, 199, 210, 211, 214,
226, 234, 499n2
3.325+ i 7-8 132
3.325+ i 7 p187
3.325+ i 9-11 p562
3.325+ i 12 p181
3.325+ i 15-9 p578
3.325+ i 9-11 p315n17
3.325+ i 20-3 p315n17, 562
3.325+ i 24 p351n59
3.325+ i 26 187
3.325+ ii 19 p99
3.325+ ii 20 p99
3.325+ ii 24-34 p211
3.325+ ii 26-50 p579n134
3.325+ iii 8-9 p211
3.325+ iv p229
3.325+ 29 124
3.325+ 48 p117n77
3.325+ vi p204, 215, 216, 217,
218
3.325+ vi 3 102
3.325+ vi 4-5 126
3.325+ vi 10-28 p278
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
3.325+
11-2 p173n28
15-21 p217
16-7 pl 74
21-4 183
25-38 p575
37 189
39-54 p575
53 p189
54-8 p211,571-2
56-7 p279
57-8 p187
3.325+ 1e.e. 140
3.334 142, 145, 152, 359
3.334.4 154
3.340 166, 199, 211, 234-58
3.340 iv 22 153
3.343+ p166, 199, 205, 211, 212,
213 16, 217, 230, 234
3.343+
3.343+
3.343+
3.343+
3.343+
3.343+
3.343+
3.343+
3.343+
3.343+
3.343+
3.343+
267
3.343+
3.343+
3.343+
3.343+
3.343+
3.343+
3.343+
3.343+
3.346
16-20 p249
16-28 p569-70
26-8 p560
p227
1-23 166
2-4 p249, 267
2-3 p219n22
3 p264n13
4 p613
7-16 p480n179
7-12 179
13-5 p219n22, 249,
14 p264n13
15 p613
25-30 p569
v-vi p210
10-3 p231
36-43 176
v-vi p210, 217
18-21 p217n21
166, 193, 211, 234, 552
3.346 iii 3 p533
3.346 iii 4 p533
3.348 p54, 166, 199, 234, 234n3,
237, 259-68, 283, 739
3.348 i 1-2 p265n16
3.348 ii 1-2 p265n16
3.348 ii 8-9 p265n16
3.361 p166, 193, 211, 234, 552
3.361 iii 20 p533n15
3.361 iv 10 124
3.361 iv 13 183
3.362+ p54, 145, 150, 166, 192,
199
3.362+ i 4 p574
3.362+ ii 4-5 p184n24, 5.157 145
244nn75-6, 185 5.180+ 199
3.362+ iii 27-31 132 5.180+ ii 26-7 184
3.362+ iii 35 p97 5.182 p60, 144
3.364 p166n5, 199 5.194 p53, 95, 145, 150, 166,
3.367 166, 193, 211, 234, 552 168n10, 201-2, 352, 285, 551,
3.367 7-9 p572 556, 557-8, 564
3.367 13 p97 5.194.33-7 175
3.367 16 pi l l 5.194.44 p99
3.367 20-1 p173n28 5.194.45 p99
3.367 22 187 5.194.46-7 p270
3.367 23 p97, 129 5.194.47-50 p310n6
3.367 24 p97 5.194.47 p475n137
3.367 27 p114 5.196 145
3.367 29 p110n39 5.197+.2 p454n172
3.367 32 pi l l 5.197+. 11 p446n123
3.367 38 100 5.199 p52n12
3.367 40 p94 5.199+5.213 p145
3.367 6 p173n28 5.200 p60, 144, 323
3.367 8-9 p173 5.218 145
3.367 13-7 p187 5.229 145
3.367 14 p98 5.248 p511n15, 429n24
3.367 17 185 5.259 145
3.367 22-3 p181 5.262 p438n79
3.367 22 p118n82 5.269 p438n79
3.367 25 p118n82 5.285+ 146
3.372 p60, 144, 323 5.300 146
3.427 142, 359, 363n7, 5.300.7 130
365n15 5.303 bis p52n12, 145
3.427.1 - 2 p364n12
5.303 bis p52n12, 145
3.427.3 p365n17 6.021 15, 303
3.487 p591 6.028 15, 303
6.138 144
4.427 p7, 14, 581, 589 6.198 p382, 470nn 104-5, 688n284
4.429+5.044+5.202 p589 689n289, 697
4.449 p381, 384, 497, 607n9, 6.215 143
620n54 6.216 p437n72, 446n128
4.458 p619n47, 620n54 6.223 p504n5
4.466+5.144+5. 144A p587 6.345 p504n6
4.474 145, 151, 271, 271n10, 6.411 145
274, 317, 322, 323
4.474.2-3 p310n7 7.001 p353
4.474.2 p541n38 7.025.3-4 p473n118
4.474.9 p153, 309n4 7.116 p589
4.475 142, 134, 359, 362n6, 7.160 p591
363n7, 366n23, 726
7.160 p591
4.475.5-15 155-6 8.134 p438n78
4.475.9-10 160 8.145 p401, 412, 467n81, 480,
4.475.11-5 160 481
4.475.12 p154 8.145.15 p480n177
4.475.14 p154 8.183+ pI 47, 425n13, 426n16
8.183+ i 16 p449n 149
5.123 p52n12 8.183+ ii 8 p451n158
5.156+ p52n12, 145 8.183+ ii 11 130
8.208 p426nn14-5, 435n43,
440nn84-5, 445n119, 467n84,
470n101
8.208.1 p434n35
8.259 p494n243
8.272 147, 426nn14-5, 434n35,
435n45, 440nn84-5
8.272.6 p449n 149
8.279 p432n30, 512, 514n23
8.279 bis p401
8.280 p425
8.295 p580, 589
8.315 142, 158-9, 362n6,
365n15, 699
8.315.1 p361
8.315.4 p359, 362
8.315.5-7 p363
8.315.7-9 p364n12
8.315.10 p365n16
8.333 p382, 652
9.011 p426n16, 451
9.011.4 p45 I nn 156,158
9.253 p59
9.453 p426n16
9.453.28 p94, 130
9.469 p309n5
9.479 142, 359, 362n6, 699
9.479A.2 p361
9.479A.5 p362
9.479.6-1 1 p363
9.479A.14 p367
9.483A p59
10.015.12 p449n149
10.035 p485n200
10.035.11-2 p454n168
10.035.13-4 p450n151
10.039 p52n11
10.043 p147, 426n15, 435nn43,45,
452n160
10.043.5 p454n 169
10.043.7 p452n 160
10.043.8 p450n151
10.043.10 p449n149
10.044.3' p518
10.044.6' p519
10.045 147, 148, 435n43
10.046 p384
10.050 p444n114
10.052 p147, 148, 425n4,
435n41, 436n46, 493n232
10.087-090 p511n15
10.090 147, 148, 429n24
10.103 p429n24, 435n45,
511n15
10.109 p511n15
11.258 p436n46
11.261 p673n225
11.270.6 p467n86
11.329 p624n71
11.389 p426n16
11.602 146, 426n13
11.602.1 p426n12
11.656 146, 426n16
11.714 147, 148
11.715+ 147, 148, 426n16, 429n24,
435n43, 511 15
11.715+ ii 6-10 p433n32
11.715+ vi 22-37 p434n35
11.716 p147, 148, 425n4,
435n42, 440n84-5, 485n196,
493n232, 494n234
11.716.23 p454n170
11.716.60ff. 147
11.716.67 p452n160
11.716.72 p434n35
11.716.74 p454n169
11.721 p147, 148, 426n13,
485n194
11.722+ 124, 141, 147, 148,
488n216, 504n5
11.722+.32 130
11.722+.38 132
11.723 p384, 670n21
11.723.2 p522
11.724+ p425n5
11.730 p382, 447n140, 669
11.732 p30n11, 124, 634n94
1 1.732[B] p419, 447n140
11.735+ p431n27
1 1.772+ p30nn11-2, 419, 420,
447n140
11.772+.30 p131
1 1.776+ 147, 425n5
1 1.776+.1 1 p454n168
11.778 p431n29, 476n140,
478n157, 162
11.779 130, 432n30, 514n23
11.779.2-3 130
11.786 p433, 433n34
11.788 p433n34
11.789 p426n13
11.789.3 p454n 168
11.790.1 p522
11.790.12' p519
11.790.19' p522
11.790.25' p520
11.790.29' p519
11.790.32' p519
11.794 p387
11.795 142
11.795.2-3 p446n 124
11.795.7-8 p448n143
11.796 p425n7, 426n10,
435n44
11.797 p147, 148, 426n16
11.797.14 p438n74
11.799 p426n16, 432n30,
435n43
11.800.9' p521
11.800.12' p523
11.800.22 p522
11.800.23 p523
11.800.29' p523
11.800.32' p522
11.830 p425n5
11.830.8 p521
11.830.9 p521
11.830.10 p518, 521
11.830.11 p518
1 1.832 p424n3
11.834 p387
11.836+ p147, 148, 425n5
11.839 p435n43
11.840 p425n7, 426n13,
433n34, 459n27
11.840.3 p460n28
11.840.6 p460n32
11.841 p425nn4,7
11.841.12' p523
11.841.13' p517
11.841.15' p521
11.841.24' p521
11.841 [A] p425n5, 434n37
11.844 p426n16, 485n200
11.844.6 p450n151
11.844.7 p451n156
11.844.9 p452n160
11.845 136-7, 147, 426nn 13,15,
429n24, 435nn42-3,45, 436n47,
452n161
11.845.9 p434n35
11.845.15 p452n163
11.845.16 p450n154
11.845.18 p454nn 169-70
11.845.19 p452n160
11.848 p673n225
11.850 p147, 148
11.850.5 p523
11.853 p38n73, 58, 621
11.856 p400, 401, 418n35
11.857 p147, 148, 429n24, 459, 677
11.857.16 p434n40
11.857.25 129, 450n153
11.858 147, 429n24, 430n26,
435nn42-3,45, 452n161,
485n195
11.858.5 p510n13
11.858.36 p454n170
11.858.45 p425n7
11.858.57 p452n163
11.869 p673n225
11.872 142, 359, 362n6, 363n7,
365n15, 470n106, 700
11.872.2 p361
11.872.4 p362
11.872.5-6 p362
11.872.7-8 p364n12
11.872.9 p365n17
11.872.14-5 p700
11. [902] p429n24
11.[913] p446n 121
1-11.[115] p673n225
1-11.[116] p624n71
12.001 p426n13
12.002 p452n161
12.003+ p425n5
12.005 p387, 658n168
12.006 p425n7, 426n8
12.006.1-2 p430n26
12.018 p425n5
12.027 p426n16, 436n47
12.033 p387, 445n 118, 469n 100,
694n300, 697, 698, 700
12.034+ p429n24, 465n62,64
12.048.20 p433n34
12.060 p437n58
12.061 p52nU, 146, 164, 322, 356,
574
12.068 p82
13.006 p52n11
13.007B p383, 384, 708
13.009.1 p452n163
13.012 146, 425n7, 426n13
13.014 p446n124, 452n161
13.014.17 p437n72
13.014.20 p131
13.014.21 p448n144
13.014.22-3 p446n 125
13.014[ta] p426n15, 435n43
13.014[te].2 p452n 160
13.020 p452n 161, 485n197
14.001 p425n7, 426n15-6, 426n13,
431n27, 435n42, 437n72, 485n193
14.001.8-9 p486n205
14.001.8 p450n154
14.001.9 p452n163
14.002.1 p449
14.015 p58, 59
14.016.6 p480n177
14.018 p58, 59
14.023 p440n84
14.084 p426nn13,15, 429n24,
435n43, 436nn46-7, 440n84
14.084.6 p434n35
14.084.8 p454n170
14.084.10 p452n160
14.084.16 p450n154
14.084.18 p451n158
14.084.27 129, 45I n 155
14.084.28 p454n168
14.084.30 p492n230
14.129.2 p448n144
14.176 p426nn 10,14,16, 436n46,
452n161
14.176.5 p452n163
14.191 [A] p360
14.202 p639n 109
15.Y p466, 494n238
15.001 p426n13, 431n27, 513n18
15.003 p426n14
15.004.4 p147, 148
15.004.5 p434n39
15.005.3 p451n156
15.006 p426n16, 433n34,
513n18
15.006.2 p453n167
15.007 142, 359
15.007.7 154
15.007.8 p153
15.008 142, 156, 359, 362n6,
363n7, 366, 463n54
15.008.2 p361
15.008.3 p495n247
15.008.4-6 p101n23, 364
15.008.10 160
15.008.19 p367
15.009 p426n16
15.009A.6 p521
15.009B i 12 p491n225
15.009B. 1 p451
15.010 p58, 59
15.011 p385, 466n78, 673
15.013 p147
15.014 p385, 686
15.015+ 147, 148, 429n24,
434n38, 435n43, 440n84
15.015+.1 130
15.015+.4 p433n32
15.015+.10 130
15.016.2 129
15.017 p425n7, 426n15
15.018 p387, 664n193
15.019 p384, 666n199
15.020 p425n5
15.020.3' p523
15.022+ 149, 425n7, 426nn13,18,
485n199
15.022+ iii 16 p426n22
15.022+ iii 19 p453n 167
15.022+ iii 20 p450n 151
15.023 p425n7
15.024+ p643n119, 382, 666
15.030+ p20, 58, 59, 580
15.031 p426n11, 469nn97.100
15.032 p426nn14,18
15.033 p383, 444n 110, 453n 164,
474n129
15.034 147, 429n23, 437,
450n151, 496n250
15.034.8-9 p127
15.034.9 p473n119, 428n20,
486n201
15.035.5 130
15.035.7 p437n57
15.036.5 p452n160
15.037 p30n14, 401
15.038.19 p436n56
15.039 p329, 426n14, 429n24,
459n20
15.039.4 p458n10
15.039.6 p459n25
15.039.14-6 145, 300
15.039.14-5 p470n102
15.040 p446n124, 453n167
15.041 p399
15.042+ i 1 139
15.043 p447n142
15.044 147, 148
15.044 ii 1 p452n 160
15.045 p429n24, 437n57
15.045.5 p436n56
15.046 p426nn 13-4, 431n27,
511
15.051 p426n16, 459n21
15.053 p147n148
15.053.5 p436n56
15.053.6 p494n241
15.062 p448n143, 452n161
15.062.3 p446n 124
15.062.6 p446n 129
15.062.7 p448n 144
15.062.14-5 p447n142
15.062.17-8 p446n132
15.063 p385, 440n84, 447n142
15.065.6 p474n127
15.065.12 p473n121
15.067+ p429n24
15.072 p52n11
15.072.4 p127
15.073 p429n24, 434n38,
435n43, 440n84
15.073.3 p433n32
15.073.8 p433n32
15.073.15ff. 149
15.075 149
15.075.3 p430n26
15.076 p147, 148
15.077 p382, 654, 685
15.078 p147, 148, 437nn59-60
15.078.2 p436n56
15.079 p437n70, 496n250, 253
15.079.1-7 p147, 148
15.079.1-2 p450
15.079.1 p496n251
15.081 p30n14, 199
15.082 145, 329
15.082.5-9 160-1
15.082.11 p446n 131
15.083 p496n250, 497n261
15.084 p429n24
15.085 p469n90
15.085.18 p518
15.086 p626
15.086.15-6 138
15.088 p397
15.089 p469nn96,99, 470n101, 507
15.090 p398, 472n110
15.091 p637
15.092 p398, 475n135, 476n142,
479nn163,167, 480n175, 482n185
15.092.25 138
15.093 146
15.094 149, 429n24, 434n38,
435n43, 440n84
15.094.5 p433n32, 434n38
15.096 p425nn7,10, 426nn10,13-4,
429n24, 431n27
15.097 p438n79
15.098 142, 156, 360
15.098.6 p154
15.098.15 154
15.101 p426n16
15.103 148, 429n24, 433n32,
434n38, 435n43, 440n84
15.103.14 104
15.105 147, 148, 496n250
15.105.3 p496n251
15.106 p426n16, 451n158
15.106.2 104
15.107 142, 360
15.108 p387
15.109+ p471n107, 513n18
15.109+.54-5 p462n42
15.111 161, 413, 414
15.111.12 p99
15.111.13 p99
15.113 p30n15, 692
15.114 p30nn15,18, 398
15.115 145, 329, 447n141,
452n161
15.115.8 p446n 131
15.115.17 130
15.115.35 p436n56
15.115.56 p452n163
15.115.63 p437n66
15.116 147, 426n13, 429n24,
430n26, 449n149, 452n161
15.116 ii 10 129
15.116 ii 12 p450n151
15.116 ii 22 p454n169
15.116 ii 27 p451n158
15.116 iii 16 p452n160
15.117 p30n18, 33n35, 413, 415
15.119 p398, 472n110
15.120 p161, 398, 467n81,
480n179
15.122.18 p518
15.123+ p398, 429n24
15.123+.5 p137
15.124 p387
15.125 142, 145, 161, 413, 415,
692
15.125.12 p99
15.126 p398
15.128 p30n14, 416
15.128.8 p99
15.130 p52n11, 143, 318, 319,
339-44
15.131 p30nn15,18
15.132.7 p520
15.134 p52n11, 145, 150, 166, 271,
276, 278-9, 322
15.134.6 105
15.134.20 p270
15.134.32 p264n13
15.135 p436n53
15.135.13 p436n55
15.136 p397
15.137 p435n42, 466n75, 473n122,
474n128
15.138+ p471n107
15.138+.23 p522
15.139 p37n68
15.145 p397
15.145.8 138
15.145.12 138
15.147 p398, 471n107
15.152.7 p487n209
15.155 p429n24, 513n18
15.156 p450n154
15.157+ p427n16, 485n197
15.157+.1 p452n163
15.158 p142, 360, 686n273
15.163+ p471n107
15.169+ p427n16, 435n45,
453n167
15.171A.4 p436n56
15.172 p452n161, 454n168
15.172.9 p491n227
15.172A.7 p452n162
15.172A. 10 p451
15.173 p30n14
15.174 p360, 363n7, 362n6,
365n15, 469n97, 470n101, 699
15.174.3 p362
15.174.5-6 p364n12
15.174.7 p365n17
15.174.10 p99
15.176 p437n58
15.178 p387
15.179 p425n5
15.180 p30n14
15.182 p30n14, 400, 401
15.183 p425n5
15.184 p436n46, 437n71
15.184.5 p131
15.189 p425n7
15.191 [] 142
15.192 p438n79
15.192[D] p426n16
15.201 p673n225
15.202+ p625
15.226 p438n79
15.239 p625
15.250.17 p428n22
15.341 p282
15.354 p426n16
16.002 p496n258
16.003 p383, 462n45, 652
16.004 p437nn57.60 2
16.005 p437nn61,63
16.005.1 p437n64
16.005.4 p446n 131
16.005.5 p437n65
16.005.6 p447n142
16.006 p435n43
16.006.5 p452n 160
16.006.7 p454n 170
16.008.12 154
16.017.24 p329
16.042 p363n8
16.078+ 143, 157, 360, 623n67,
631n87, 713
16.078+. 15-24 157-8
16.078+. 17ff. 160
16.078+.17 pl 54
16.107 p435n43
16.111 p382, 470n105,
643n118, 666
16.112 p385
16.114.5 p447n140
16.116 p382
16.117+ p713, 713n365
16.126B+ p429n24, 433,
434n35, 435nn42-3, 440n84
16. 126B+ i:37-8 p514n21
16.127 p147, 425nn7,11,
426nn 11,13-4, 429n24
16.127.24 145, 154
16.127.30 p487n207
16.128 p147, 148, 433n34,
440n84
16.129 p401, 481 183
16.130 p147, 426n16
16.132 p465n68
16.132.26 p474n126
16.135 p398
16.135.4 p521
16.136 p429n24, 460n34,
673n227
16.136.5 p510n13
16.137 p398, 430n26
16.137(to']+ 142, 360, 362n6,
365n15
16.137[bis]+.2 p361
16.137[w]+.4 p362
16.137 [bis]+.5-7 p363
16.137[i]+.8 p365n17
16.138 p469n100
16.141 p475n135, 476nn139,141,
477n147
16.142 p397, 453n164, 485n198
16.143 p476n146, 477n149
16.144 p478n158, 637, 637n102
16.145 p612
16.146+ 161, 469n95, 475n136
16.147 p464n59
16.147.13 p137
16.150 p397
16.150.16 139
16.151 p469n 100
16.153 p398
16.153.10-1 p137
16.153.11 138
16.155 p431n27
16.156 p398
16.156.20 p474n126
16.157 p428n22, 472n109,
473n120
16.157.22 p496n248
16.158 p398, 475n135, 477n149
16.160 p637
16.162 p471n107
16.165 p426nn14-5, 429n24
16.165.2 p303
16.165.9 p458n10
16.167 p398
16.168 p475n133
16.170 p408, 640
16.170.4' p520
16.170.10' p519
16.174 p398
16.176 p426nn15-6, 440n84
16.179 p147, 148
16.179.1-3 p329
16.179.2-3 145
16.179.12 p469n100, 470n102
16.180 p446n129, 656n159
16.181 p446n124
16.186.13' p428n22, 434n35
16.191+ p141, 161, 413, 415,
459n27, 466n78, 669, 693
16.193 p430n26
16.193.3 p496n249
16.193.8-11 p451n158
16.194 p426n18
16.195 p436n46
16.196 142, 360
16.197 p679
16.198 [A]+.16 130
16.198B p692
16.200 p398, 479n163, 168-9, 171,
174, 480n175
16.204 p469n 100
16.206 p444n107, 471n107
16.238+ p398, 471n107,
676n233
16.239 p428n22, 429n24,
465n71, 472n109, 473n120,
512
16.239.17 p465n70
16.239.31-3 p465n64
16.239.31 p496n248
16.244 p398
16.244.7 p137, 519
16.245 p482n186
16.246 p398
16.247.6 p521
16.246.7 154
16.249 p429n24, 461n37, 477n154,
495n246, 611n27
16.249.5 138
16.250 p467n84, 472n109,
477n148
16.250.4-5 p510n13
16.251 p471n107
16.254c p398
16.254D p472n109
16.257+ p450
16.257+ iv 21 p131
16.263.5 139
16.264 142, 360, 362n6
16.264.4-5 p94
16.264.6 p303
16.265 p99, 360
16.265.2-6 p364
16.266 p52n11, 54, 145, 150,
166n5, 271, 278, 739
16.266.11 154
16.267 p398, 467n84, 481 181
16.269 p461nn37-8
16.270 p408, 679, 679n244
16.273 p458n16
16.275 p398-9
16.276 p469n90
16.277 p469n99, 626
16.278 p637
16.284 p398
16.287 p399, 417
16.290 p431n27
16.295 p479n163, 167, 172
16.328 p444n107
16.340 p624n71
16.341 147, 148, 426nn14,16,
429n24, 673n226
16.341.3 p457n7
16.341.4-5 p469n100, 470n102
16.341.15 154
16.344 p398, 479nn164,167,
480n175, 637
16.348 p398, 435n43, 466n73
16.353 p458nnl 5,l 7 16.639 p147
16.354 p399, 417 16.665.5 p520
16.355 147, 148, 425n5 16.739 142
16.356 p398, 472n110
16.739 142
16.359 p447n142 17.001 p434n35
16.364 p462n46 17.007+ p417
16.369 148 17.018 p684n263, 686
16.378 142, 360 17.021 p401, 479nn 163,170,173
16.378B p360
17.022+ p401
16.378c p360 17.022+.9 p139
16.379 156, 360, 362n6, 17.023 p426n16, 451
363nn7-8, 365n15, 366n23, 17.023.1 p451n156
470n106, 700 17.028 p445n119, 654n145
16.379.1 p361 17.031 p425n7, 426n13
16.379.3 p362 17.033 p479n173
16.379.4-5 p362 17.035+ p405, 461n37, 642, 678,
16.379.6-7 p364n12 679
16.379.8 p365n17 17.036 p480n 179
16.379.22 p99 17.036.4-5 p480n 177
16.382 161, 413, 414, 415-6, 17.037 p431n27, 478n157
445n119 17.038 p401, 480n179
16.386 p473n 117 17.038.6' p480n177
16.393A p612n28 17.042 p443n105, 651, 660n173,
16.394 p142, 143, 360 661
16.394.16ff. 160 17.049 p426n14, 440n84
16.394.21 154 17.050.4 p454n169
16.395 p425nn7,11, 426nn11,13-4, 17.050.11 p450n153
431n27 17.052 p426n18
16.395.2 p450n151 17.053 p613
16.396 p425n8, 426n8, 429n24, 17.058 p624, 624n71
430n26 17.059 p407, 444, 683
16.396.9 p469n 100 17.061 p401
16.396.16 p465nn62-3
17.062+ p405
16.397 p435n45 17.062+.6' p521
16.398.2-3 p469n100 17.062+.8' p520
16.398.3 p470n102 17.062+.10' p521
16.399.22 p132 17.062+. 11' p523
16.399.29 p448n 143 17.062+.12' p520, 521
16.401 p360 17.062+.13' p519, 521
16.401.7 154 17.062+. 14' p522
16.401.10 154 17.062+. 17' p522
16.402 143, 158, 362n6, 363n7, 17.062+. 18' p522
360, 366n23, 495, 655n153, 713, 17.062+.19' p519
724, 724nn408-9 17.062+.20' p518
16.402.1 153, 361 17.062+.23' p523
16.402.2 p362 17.062+.66 p526n30
16.402.3-4 p363 17.063 p33n35, 360, 363n9
16.402.4ff. 156 17.063.1 p362
16.402.15-6 160 17.063.3 p361
16.402.23 p99 17.063.7-8 p438n75
16.402.27 160 17.064 p431n28, 435nn42-3
16.402.28 154 17.066 p474n129
16.402.30-1 160 17.067 p445n119, 466n78
16.402 [] p141
17.072 p438n79, 703
7.074 146, 452 161
7.077 p481n183
7.078 p383, 444nn109-10, 685,
685n272
7.079+ p404, 462n50
7.082.9 p518
7.083 p385, 665, 698
7.086+ p400, 469n97, 697
7.088 p479nn 163,170
7.097 p426n16
7.099.5 p461n39, 462n44
7.100.3 p704
7. 100[A]+ p52n11, 144
7. 100[A] +.40 p457n7
7.102 p400, 469n97
7.103 p425n5
7.106 p147, 148, 425n11,
426nn 11,13-4,16
7.106.4 p487n207
7.106.8 p452n163
7.106.26 p487n207
7.108 p445n119, 684n264
7.109, 62 p420-2, 650n132
7.111.7 p437n68
7.111.10 129
7.111.11 p437n61
7.112 p688, 688n282
7.115 p425n7, 426n11
7.115.8 p437n57
7.116 p382
7.116.6 p437n67
7.117 p373n36, 360
7.117.2 p364
7.117.16 p436n56
7.118 p426n16, 451 158
7.118.7 154
7.120 p50, 146
7.123 p410, 411
7.125 p426n10
7.128 p407
7.130 p383, 404, 441n90, 458n11,
466n80, 638n107, 660n174
7.131 p429n24, 434n35,
435nn42-3,45, 436nn46,48-51
7.131.3 p440n84
7.131.11 p449n 149
7.131.13 p450n151
7.131.14 p453n164
7.131.23 p452n162, 487n209
7.131.24 p454, 492n230
7.131.25 p492n230
7.131.26-7 p474n131
7.132 p383, 404, 406, 462n50, 633
7.132.7-9 p632
17.133 p383, 404, 661
17.133.23 p451
17.135+ p444n110, 474n129
17.136 p431n27
17.138 p581
17.139 p360, 362n6, 363n7,
365n15, 469n100, 470n106
17.139.2 p361
17.139.3-4 p364n12
17.139.5 p470n104
17.139.13 154
17.139.32-3 p160
17.140 p426n10
17.141.1 130
17.142 p387
17.143 p385, 665
17.143.13 p518
17.144 p383, 445n118, 446n130,
447n141, 654, 656
17.144.40 p447, 447n142
17.145 p407, 652
17.146 p407, 406, 440n86, 651
17.146.6-7 p472n113
17.147 p693
17.148 p387, 444n109, 445n118,
446n129, 447n141, 654n146,
656
17.149 p481n184
17.150+ p447n137, 140, 142
17.150+.8-32 p448n 143
17.152 p382, 445n 118, 666n201
17.155 136
17.156 p329
17.158 p407, 443n105, 651,
660n173, 661
17.159 p405, 468n89,
477nn149,151-2, 678
17.210 p57
17.226 p477n155, 702, 706
17.227 124, 405, 419, 447n140,
634n94, 635
17.227.25-6 p698
17.228 p37n64, 409, 410
17.229 p441n89, 651
17.230 p406, 407, 441n89, 458n14,
651
17.231 p445n119, 466n78, 470n101,
657
17.232 p444n110, 474n129
17.234 p407, 461n35
17.235+ p405
17.236.6 154
17.236.13-4 p329
17.237 156, 635
17.237.3-16 p640
17.238 p405, 424, 455n2, 462n45,
463n53, 486, 652n138, 682
17.239 p386, 445n118, 446n130
17.240 136-7, 429n24, 434n35,
435n43, 436n47, 485n194
17.240.10 p436n52
17.240.11 p454n168, 491n225
17.240.15 p451n157
17.244 p37n63
17.244.5-8 p657n167
17.246 p430n26
17.246.5 p434n35
17.247 p383, 445n118, 684
17.248 p30n14, 653n141
17.251 p408, 412, 445n119, 654,
657
17.285.5-6 p329
17.286 p382, 462n49, 642
17.288 p385, 444n109
17.289 p383, 686, 716n379
17.290 p426n16
17.292 p383, 685
17.293 p435n41
17.293.2-5 p474n127
17.297 147, 148
17.312 p431n29, 478n157
17.314 p37n63, 407, 469n98,
685
17.315 p387, 644n123, 667n202
17.316 p441n92, 458n12, 660n173,
661, 685
17.318+ p409, 410
17.318B p438n79
17.319 p441n92, 660n173
17.319.22 p653n141
17.319.32 p653n141
17.322.2' p706
17.325 p400. 697, 469n97, 470n101,
697n309
17.326 p425n7
17.327 142, 360
17.334 p38n70, 406, 462n50,
634n95, 636, 636n99
17.334.20-3 p634
17.335+ p640
17.335+. 19 p520
17.335+.57-63 p662
17.337 p657n166
17.338 p468n88
17.340 p405, 462n50, 634n94
17.340.Iff. p634, 635
17.340 6' p520
17.340.7' p519
17.340 r7' p520
17.340 p462n50
17.341 p455n2, 462nn46,50,
466n78, 606, 663n185, 669
17.341.14' p519
17.344 p640
17.345 p147, 148
17.346 p407, 444, 446n130, 645,
646nn127-8
17.346.10-1 p646
17.346.14-21 p651n134
17.348 p468n89
17.349B+ p638n105
17.350B p692
17.352 p407, 461n37, 642, 676n235,
678
17.354 p445n118
17.355 p477nn149,155, 702
17.355.6-8 p703
17.356.6 p446n127
17.360+ p641n113
1 7.360A+ p409, 410
17.361 p432
17.361A p467n87, 682n255
17.361 p438n79
17.362 p461n37, 642
17.364 p685n271
17.364.3 130
17.365+ p405
17.366.13' p519
17.366.15' p523, 526n30
17.367 p461n37, 468n89, 642
17.368 p640, 662, 685nn271-2
17.368.3' p523
17.369 p405, 634n94
17.369A p462n50, 467n87
1 7.369B+069 p651n135
1 7.370[B] p424n3
17.371+ p407, 408, 444n110
17.378A p467n81
17.380+ p405, 420
17.382 124, 640
17.382.16 p519
17.383 p30n18, 377, 384, 386,
445n118, 488n215, 655
17.384 p425n7, 426n13
17.385 p383, 445n118, 684
17.386 p147, 148, 425n5
17.387A p401
17.388 p30n14
17.390 p387, 452n161
17.391 p387
17.392 p426n16, 451n158
17.392.2 p451n156
17.393 p387, 665
17.394+ p387, 606, 664n192
17.396 p407, 477n153
17.397[A] p426n15
17.398 p387
17.399 p425n7
17.403 p640n111, 654n147,
662n180
17.406 p645, 646, 646nn 127-8
17.418 p598
17.422 p384, 386, 445n118,
488n215, 655
17.423 p380, 383, 654, 684,
686n274
17.424 p444n 111
17.424.2 p519
17.424C+ p381, 459n23, 474n130,
653n141, 672n217
17.425 p385
17.426 p30n14
17.428 p387, 475n133
17.429 p383, 477n155, 703
17.432.5' 138
17.434 143
17.434.14 154
17.434.36-7 p679n243
1 7.434BA 143
17.435+ p51n8, 143, 159, 360,
365n15, 367, 460, 488, 488n215,
674, 693n298, 700
17.435.2 p365n17
17.435+.5-13 156-7
17.435+.6 154
17.435+.16ff. 158
17.438 143
17.438.10 p155
17.443 p462n48
17.444 p425n7, 426n13
17.449 p469n98
17.451 p387
17.452 p387
17.455 p386
17.456 p387
17.457 p640
17.461 p441n91, 660n174
17.465 p474n130
17.[468] p416
17.469 p444n 111
17. [473] [B].5 p437n66
17. [476] p624n71
17.[477] p637n104
18.001 p410, 663
18.002 p408, 411, 445n119, 692
18.003 p384, 441n91, 660n174
18.005 p426n16, 459n27
18.007A p426n16, 429n24,
465n61
18.008 154
18.008.1 p147, 148
18.010+ p426n13, 435n43, 452n161,
485n199
18.010+14-7 p452n163
18.010+. 18 p450n154
18.019 p406, 407, 441n88, 651
18.020+ p458n12, 659n171, 661,
692
18.021 p467n81, 692
18.022 p430n26
18.023 146
18.024 p437n64, 446n132
18.024.4-5 p447n137
18.024.11 129, 450n153
18.024.20 p447n136
18.024.21 p446n127
18.024.22 p446n128
18.024.25 p447n 142
18.025 146, 442, 459n24, 660,
669n209
18.025.1-3 p147
18.025.10 p454n168
18.026 p452n161, 478n157
18.026.2-4 p454n168
18.026.10 p478n158
18.026.16 p450n151
18.027 148, 430n26
18.028 p446n132, 447n136
18.028.20-1 p446n 124
18.028[A] p434n39
18.029 p459n21
18.030 149, 430n26
18.031 p51n8, 143, 155, 156, 360,
363n7, 365n15, 368, 442n98, 460,
672n222, 716
18.031.2 p362
18.031.3 p362
18.031.4-5 p364n12
18.031.6 p365n16
18.031.12 p98
18.031.15 154
18.031.23 154
18.031.26 p99
18.033 p425n7, 426n11
18.035+ 146
18.036 147, 148
18.038 p51n8, 32, 143, 360,
362n6, 707, 717
18.038.5-16 p157
18.038.11 6 159
18.038.15-6 160
18.038.21 155
18.038.35 154
18.040 142, 156, 360, 362n6,
442n98, 605n5, 671
18.040.1 p361
18.040.4 p362
18.040.5-8 p363
18.041 p52n11, 146, 163, 271n10,
286
18.042 p443, 459nn20,27, 677
18.042.2 p460n33
18.042.4 p673n226
18.042.9 p460n28
18.045 p426nn13-4,16, 441n88,
513n18
18.046 p430n26
18.046.24 p300
18.047 p430n26
18.047.24 p434n35, 474n132
18.048 p425n7, 426nn10,13
18.048.9 124, 487n208
18.050 p431n29, 478n157
18.051 p434n39, 469n90
18.052.1-2 148
18.052.1-2 p147
18.054 p670n243
18.054A p382, 385
18.055 p437n57
18.055.1 p437n64
18.055.2 129, 494n242
18.055.3 pU1n7, 436n5, 617,
436n56
18.055.5 129
18.056 p52nU, 143, 273, 298n51,
302, 318, 319, 326-7, 330
18.056.17 p541n38
18.056.22 p454n 172
18.056.42 p303
18.056.56-7 164
18.056.58-61 p329
18.057 p387, 445n118
18.057.3 p447n142
18.066 p437n68
18.070 p653n141
18.073 p424n3, 425n7
18.074 130, 432n30
18.075 p363n7, 643n119, 721n396
18.075.1-2 p364n12
18.075A p360
18.075.19 160
18.076 p426nn 10,16,18, 513n18
18.076.18 p454n 168
18.078 p440n84
18.079 p426n16
18.079.10 p436n53
18.079.35 p452n160
18.079.45 p454n 170
18.080A p432n30
18.082 p426nn13,16, 431n27,
513n18
18.084 p430n26
18.085 p449n149
18.086 p426n14
18.087 p426nn13-4,16, 431n27
18.089 p387
18.098 147, 148, 426nn16,18,
429n24
18.099 p425n7
18.101 A p432n30
18.106+ p425n7, 426n13,
485n200
18.107 146
18.107 p52n11, 447nn141-2
18.110.3 p437n72
18.110.10 p448n 144
18.111 p417, 425n7
18.112 p426n14, 429n24,
435n45
18.113 146
18.1 13 143, 158, 360, 362n6,
443, 459n18
18.1 13A.1 p361
18.1 13A.3 p362, 473n124,
495n247
18.113A.4-5 p363
18.U3a.6 155
18.I13A.10 155
18.113A.11 154
18.1 13a.19 154
18.1 13a.23 154
18.1 13a.25 154
18.1 13A.26 155
18.1 13, [B] p623n67, 631n87,
677
18.1 13[B] p360
18.114 p654n145, 676n235
18.115 p407, 651
18.116 p426n13, 431n27
18.117 p430n26
18.118 146, 416, 429n24,
460
18.119 p676
18.119.1 p459n19
18.119.8 130
18.129 p431n27
18.130 127, 435n42
18.130.4 129, 450
18.130.15 p723n405
18.134 p360, 362n6, 363n7,
669n209
18.134.2 p362
18.134.4-5 p364n12
18.135.20 p451n156
18.136 p425n7, 426n11
18.138 p430n26
18.139 p425n7, 426n11
18.140 p143, 158, 360
18.140.7 p98
18.140.11-2 p363
18.140.19 154
18.140.23 154
18.140.25 p99, 154
18.142 p437n64
18.142.3 p448n143
18.142.5 p446n127
18.142.7-8 p446n121
18.142.9 p446n 124
18.142.10-1 p437n73
18.143[c] p425n7
18.146 bis p425n7
18.147 p360, 362n6, 363n7,
365n15, 677, 718
18.147.4-5 p364n12
18.147.6 p365n16
18.147.13 p99
18.148 p360, 366n26, 718n305,
719
18.148.2 p361
18.148.16 154
18.148.21 p718n387
18.232 p58
18.250.30 p645
18.250BA p435n43
18.251 142, 147, 485n197
18.251 iii 9 p454n 170
18.251 [A] ii 1-5 p434n35
18.251 [B] p435n42
18.251[c] p424n3
18.252 p426n15, 429n24, 430n26,
435n43, 485n195
18.252.1 p465n63
18.252.6 p434n35
18.258 p431n29, 478n157
18.268 p387
18.273 p684n263
18.279 p424n3
18.281 p387
18.283 p32n28
18.285 p440n83
18.285[] 142, 360
18.285 [a] .5 154
18.286+ p360, 362n6
18.286[AB] 142
18.287 142, 360
18.287.12 154
18.287.16 154
18.289 p431n29
18.291 p432n30
18.293 147, 148, 426n16
18.295 p430n26
18.296 p425n7, 430n26
18.297 p430n26
18.299 149
18.301 [] p440n84
18. [303] p431n29
18. [306] 147, 148
18. [312] 142, 360
18. [312],2-3 p363
18. [317] p426nn13,16, 431n27
18. [325]+ p437n70
18. [363] p426n16
18. [364] 142, 360, 363n7
18. [380] 142, 360
18. [381] p426nn15-6,
429n24
18. [386] 142, 360
18.[387] 142, 360
18. [389] p426n13
18. [391] p426n13, 431n27
18. [394] p426n14
18. [400] 142, 360, 365n15
18.[400]. 1 p361
18. [400] .4 p365n16
18. [402] p437n70
18. [436] p431n29
18. [443] 142, 360
18.[445].1 p437n67
18. [448] p429n24
18. [471] p426n16
18. [479] p425n5
18. [482] 142, 360
18. [489] p429n24,
465nn61,69
18. [500] 142, 360, 440n83,
472n112
18. [508] p52n11
18. [522] p497n261
18. [528] 142, 360
18. [549] p426n16
18. [551] p437n70
19.006 p382, 629n83
19.007 p446n 124, 447n137
19.011 p156, 360, 362n6, 726
19.011.2 p361
19.011.5-7 154
19.011.5 154
19.013 p52n11, 144, 319, 322,
330
19.013.20-2 p331
19.014 p426n 13
19.015 p52n11, 142, 143, 144, 145,
147, 148, 295, 326-7, 331, 337-8,
739
19.015.1-2 p147, 148
19.015.2 p341n48
19.015.3 p332
19.015.6 144
19.015.8 p336
19.015.10-1 p336
19.015.10 p332
19.015.14-5 p320
19.015.29 128
19.016 p137, 147, 425n5,
426nn13-5,18, 435n42, 450n151,
453, 473n123, 485n193
19.016.7 p436n46
19.016.9 p452n160
19.016.10-1 p474n127
19.016.11 p435n41
19.016.12' p428n22
19.016.16 p453n 167
19.016.18 p449n 149
19.016.23 p452n160
19.016.25 p451n159, 453n166
19.016.32 p454n 169
19.016.35-9 p453n165
19.016.63 p436n46
19.017 p36n62, 147, 148, 425,
426n15
19.018 p425n5
19.020 p442n99, 459n24,
472n113
19.020.3 p447n142
19.022 142, 360
19.023 p485n192
19.024 p447nn140-1, 448n143
19.024.9 p448n 144
19.025 p425n9
19.026 p425n5
19.026.8 9 p449n 149
19.027 p425n5, 444n115
19.028 p459n24, 669n208
19.028.1 138
19.029 142, 360, 362n6,
363n7, 442
19.029.1 p361
19.029.5-6 p364n12
19.030 p446n 130
19.032 p432n31
19.032.1 137
19.035 p425n4, 429n24, 434n37,
435n43, 485n196, 493n232,
494n236, 496n258
19.035. 1 p449n149
19.035A.3 p435n42
19.035A.8 p453n 164
19.035A.29 p454n169
19.035b+e.3' 138
19.035b+e.4' 138
19.036.5 p448n144, 496n258
19.039+ 145, 150, 166n5, 551
19.042 p459n27, 670n244
19.042.4 p442n99
19.042.9 p460n28
19.042.11 138
19.043 p425n5
19.044 147, 148, 426n16
19.045 p425n7, 426nn10,13, 431n27
19.045.6 p428n22
19.046 p432n30, 444n115
19.047.7 p127
19.048[A] p424n3
19.048 [B] p424n3
19.049[A][C] p426n16, 493n232,
494nn237,240
19.049[B] 146, 429n24,
465n61
19.050 p387, 442, 445n118,
447n141, 675
19.052 p425n7, 426n9
19.053 p32n32, 387
19.054 p52n11, 145, 150,
166n5
19.056.1 p452n160
19.057.3 p437n57
19.059 p52n11
19.061 p424n3
19.062 p426nn13-4, 437n58
19.062.12 p452n160
19.062.14 p451, 453n166
19.063 p407
19.064 p447n141, 485n192
19.064. r4' 138
19.065 p435n42
19.066 p416, 412, 443,
466nn78,80
19.068 p409, 410, 628
19.068.8 p622, 627
19.069 p431n27
19.070 p386, 463n55, 470,
655n154, 688
19.071 p136
19.152 p496n257
19.072 p430n26, 438n78
19.153- 19.155 p58
19.073 p417, 426n9
19.158A p426n16
19.074 p425n4
19.158b 142, 360, 365n15
19.078 p474n125, 495n247
19.158B.1 p365n16
19.079.15' p480n 155
19.159 p32n26
19.080 p386, 425n5, 704,
19.164 p58
708
19.166 142, 145, 445n119
19.084 p58
19.166.1 p114n63, 154
19.085.5 p494n242
19.166.6 I p99
19.086 147, 426n16, 514n21
19.167A p424n3
19.086A.4-14 p434n35
19.174A 145
19.090 p432n30
19. 174A+19.174C p58n3
19.091.4 p442n99
19.174b p494n239
19.092.1 p494n242
19.174c p438n77
19.096 p426n18, 429n24, 442n99,
19.174AB 142
459n27, 512n17, 513n18
19.174-i p424n3
19.096.7 p452n163
19.179 p52n11
19.097 p425n7, 426nn 10,11,13-4,
19.180 146, 426n16
467n83
19.181 p360
19.098 p32n28, 429n24
19.181b p360, 363n7, 365n15
19.099 p452n163, 487n209
19.181B.4 p365n17
19.100B p425n7
19.181ab 142
19.102 142, 360, 362n6
19.182 p442n97, 459n27
19.102.2 p361 19.186 p711
19.102.5 p362
19.256 p425n4, 493n232
19.102.6-7 p362
19.257 p424n3
19.102.10 p361
19.258 p424n3
19.102.13-6 p363
19.259 p424n3
19.104.3 p437n57
p424n3
19.105 p426n8
20.003 p474n128
19.106 p430n29, 431n29
20.012 p467n83
19.107A p432n30
20.013 p466n73
19.109.12 p362
20.018 p498
19.112 p426n9, 432n30
20.021 p466n78
19.112.2 p491n228
20.022 p461n35
19.112.3 p494n239
20.150 p467n82
19.112.4 p137
20.158 p474n127
19.114 p429n24
20.168 p459n18
19.115 p387
20.176 p481n183
19.116 p431n27
20.184 p463n55
19.117 p425n5
20.189A+B.9 p496n256
19.118 p424n3
20.199 p470n105
19.119 p425n5
20.211 + p497n261
19.122.5'ff. p684n263
20.216 p477n155
19.127 p426n16
20.219 p463n56
19.129 p425n5
20.220 p469n100
19.131.5 p453n164
20.226 p479n163, 170
19.133A.5 p437n57
20.236 p466n78
19.135 p438n77
20.238 p498
19.135.2 138
20.239 p483n190
19.135.4 139
20.239.27 p495n247
19.141 p431n27
20.255A p488n215
19.142-19.151 p58
20.425 p485n193
20.425.5 p487n209 34.137 p469n92
20.1957. 1 p407 34.145 p470, 470n105
34.145.21 p470n104
21.056 p459n20 34.147 p460n28
21.199 p485n192 34.150 p463n56
21.230 p467n81, 479n164, 170, 34.153 p459n18
480179 34.154 p470n 105
34.158 p466n78
22.231.1 p473n123 34.167 +.20 p486n203
22.233.19 p491n227 34.170 p467n85
22.362 p601 34.179 p458nn 11,13
23.216 p581 52.16.52 p601
23.217 p581
23.218 p581 61.24.435 p601
23.391 p593
23.394 p581, 591 63.26.256 p601
24.244.2 - 4 p533n13 78.041+81.3659 p599
24.244 p575
24.247+ p495n245, 550, 574 80.5102 p676n236
24.251 + p575
24.252.2 - 3 p561n95 86.0221+ p670n243
24.257 p561, 562, 577 86.2208 p670n243
24.258 p535, 576 86.2212 p669
24.264+ p537 86.2230 p713
24.266 p541n37, 545, 574 86.2234 p670n243
24.266.23 p300
24.270[B].[3] p541n38 88.070 p581, 587
24.272 p576 88.2009 p645
24.277 p574 88.2011 p719n391
24.277.30-2 p566 88.2013 p722n399
24.295 p537n25 88.2158 p709, 711, 713, 715
24.312 p459n19, 574 88.2158.3 p712
24.323 p574
24.326 p574 92.2005 p658n168
24.327 p574 92.2007 p658n168, 708, 708n350
24.400 p598
92.2007 p658n168, 708, 708n350
24.434 p581 94.2002+2003 p712
24.440 p599 94.2002+2003.R.3-4 p712
24.627 p601
24.643 p538n29 1929.1.13 p520
24.654 p574
Varia [04J 142, 359, 366n21
25.134 p474n128, 479n164 Varia [04].3 p361 2
Varia [04].4-5 p364n12
27.053 p481n183 Varia [04j.9 p99
Varia [04], 12 154
29.097.1 p461n40 Varia [05] p462n47
Varia [07] p472n109
34.123 p514n21 Varia [10] p386
34.124 p476, 495n244 Varia [13].5 p446n128
34.126 p561, 577 Varia [13] .6 100
34.129 p469n93 Varia [14] p416, 576
Varia [14] .6 153
Varia [16] p381, 383
Varia [18]. 1 p430n26
Varia [20] 144, 318, 320, 330, 331
Varia [22].8 p438n76
Varia [22]. 14 p438n74
Varia [25] p385
Varia [26] p383, 444n116, 47I n 108
Varia [27] p382
Varia [34] p389
Varia [38] 147
Varia [38] .2 148
HANDBUCH DER ORIENTALISTIK
Abt. I : DER NAHE UND MI TTL ERE OSTEN
ISSN 0169-9423
Band 1. gyptol ogi e
1. gyptische Schrift und Sprache. Mit Beitrgen von H. Brunner, H. Kees, S. Morenz, E.
Otto, S. Schott. Mit Zustzen von H. Brunner. Nachdruck der Erstausgabe (1959).
1973. ISBN 90 04 03777 2
2. Literatur. Mit Beitrgen von H. Altenmller, H. Brunner, G. Fecht, H. Grapow, H. Kees,
S. Morenz, E. Otto, S. Schott, J . Spiegel, W. Westendorf. 2. verbesserte und erweiterte
Auflage. 1970. ISBN 90 04 00849 7
3. Helck, W. Geschichte des alten gypten. Nachdruck mit Berichtigungen und Ergnz-
ungen. 1981. ISBN 90 04 06497 4
Band 2. Kei l schri ftforschung und alte Geschi chte Vorderasi ens
1-2/2. Altkleinasiatische Sprachen [und ElamitischJ. Mit Beitrgen von J . Friedrich, E. Reiner,
A. Kammenhuber, G. Neumann, A. Heubeck. 1969. ISBN 90 04 00852 7
3. Schmkel, H. Geschichte des alten Vorderasien. Reprint. 1979. ISBN 90 04 00853 5
4/2. Orientalische Geschichte von Kyros bis Mohammed. Mit Beitrgen von A. Dietrich, G.
Widengren, F. M. Heichelheim. 1966. ISBN 90 04 00854 3
Band 3. Semi ti sti k
Semitistik. Mit Beitrgen von A. Baumstark, C. Brockelmann, E. L. Dietrich, J . Fck, M.
Hfner, E. Littmann, A. Rcker, B. Spuler. Nachdruck der Erstausgabe (1953-1954).
1964. ISBN 90 04 00855 1
Band 4. Iranistik
1. Linguistik. Mit Beitrgen von K. Hoffmann, W. B. Henning, H. W. Bailey, G. Morgen-
stierne, W. Lentz. Nachdruck der Erstausgabe (1958). 1967. ISBN 90 04 03017 4
2/1. Literatur. Mit Beitrgen von 1. Gershevitch, M. Boyce, O. Hansen, B. Spuler, M. J.
Dresden. 1968. ISBN 90 04 00857 8
2/2. History of Persian Literature from the Beginning of the Islamic Period to the Present Day. With
Contributions by G. Morrison,,]. Baldick and Sh. Kadkan. 1981. ISBN 90 04 06481 8
3. Krause, W. Tocharisch. Nachdruck der Erstausgabe (1955) mit Zustzen und Berich-
tigungen. 1971. ISBN 90 04 03194 4
Band 5. Altaistik
1. Turkologie. Mit Beitrgen von A. von Gabain, O. Pritsak, J . Benzing, K. H. Menges, A.
Temir, TL. V. Togan, F. Taeschner, O. Spies, A. Caferoglu, . Battal-Tamays. Reprint
with additions of the 1st (1963) ed. 1982. ISBN 90 04 06555 5
2. Mongolistik. Mit Beitrgen von N. Poppe, U. Posch, G. Doerfer, P. Aalto, D. Schrder,
O. Pritsak, W. Heissig. 1964. ISBN 90 04 00859 4
3. Tungusologie. Mit Beitrgen von W. Fuchs, I. A. Lopatin, . H. Menges, D. Sinor. 1968.
ISBN 90 04 00860 8
Band 6. Geschi chte der i sl ami schen Lnder
5/1. Regierung und Verwaltung des Vorderen Orients in islamischer Zeit. Mit Beitrgen von H. R.
Idris und K. Rhrborn. 1979. ISBN 90 04 05915 6
5/2. Regierung und Verwaltung des Vorderen Orients in islamischer Zeit. 2. Mit Beitrgen von D.
Sourdel undj . Bosch Vi1. 1988. ISBN 90 04 08550 5
6/ 1. Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Vorderen Orients in islamischer Zeit. Mit Beitrgen von B. Lewis, M.
Rodinson, G. Baer, H. Mller, A. S. Ehrenkreutz, E. Ashtor, B. Spuler, A. K. S. Lamb-
ton, R. C. Cooper, . Rosenberger, R. Ari, L. Bolens, T. Fahd. 1977.
ISBN 90 04 04802 2
Band 7
Armenisch und Kaukasische Sprachen. Mit Beitrgen von G. Deeters, G. R. Solta, V. Inglisian.
1963. ISBN 90 04 00862 4
Band 8. Rel i gi on
1/1. Religionsgeschichte des alten Orients. Mit Beitrgen von E. Otto, O. Eissfeldt, H. Otten, J .
Hempel. 1964. ISBN 90 04 00863 2
1/2/2/1. Boyce, M. A History of 'oroastrianism. The Early Period. Rev. ed. 1989.
ISBN 90 04 08847 4
1 /2/2/2. Boyce, M. A History of ^oroastrianism. Under the Achaemenians. 1982.
ISBN 90 04 06506 7
1/2/2/3. Boyce, M. and Grenet, F. A History of <'oroastrianism. oroastrianism under Macedo-
nian and Roman Rule. With a Contribution by R. Beck. 1991. ISBN 90 04 09271 4
2. Religionsgeschichte des Orients in der ^eil der Weltreligionen. Mit Beitrgen von A. Adam, A. J .
Arberry, . L. Dietrich, J . VV. Fiick, A. von Gabain, J . Leipoldt, B. Spuler, R. Stroth-
man, G. Widengren. 1961. ISBN 90 04 00864 0
Ergnzungsband 1
1. Hinz, W. Islamische Mae und Gewichte umgerechnet ins metrische System. Nachdruck der
Erstausgabe (1955) mit Zustzen und Berichtigungen. 1970. ISBN 90 04 00865 9
Ergnzungsband 2
1. Grohmann, A. Arabische Chronologie und Arabische Papyruskunde. Mit Beitrgen vonj . Mayr
und W. C. Till. 1966. ISBN 90 04 00866 7
2. Khoury, R. G. Chrestomathie de papyrologie arabe. Documents relatifs la vie prive, socia-
le et administrative dans les premiers sicles islamiques. 1992. ISBN 90 04 09551 9
Ergnzungsband 3
Orientalisches Recht. Mit Beitrgen von E. Seidl, V. Koroc, E. Pritsch, . Spies, . Tyan, J .
Baz, Ch. Chehata, Ch. Samaran, J . Roussier, J . Lapanne-J oinville, S. . Ansay. 1964.
ISBN 90 04 00867 5
Ergnzungsband 5
1 /1. Borger, R. Einleitung in die asyrischen Knigsinschriften. 1. Das zweite J ahrtausend vor
Chr. Mit Verbesserungen und Zustzen. Nachdruck der Erstausgabe (1961). 1964.
ISBN 90 04 00869 1
1/2. Schramm, W. Einleitung in die assyrischen Knigsinschriften. 2. 934-722 v. Chr. 1973.
ISBN 90 04 03783 7
Ergnzungsband 6
1. Ullmann, M. Die Medizin im Islam. 1970. ISBN 90 04 00870 5
2. Ullmann, M. Die Natur- und Geheimwissenschaften im Islam. 1972. ISBN 90 04 03423 4
Ergnzungsband 7
Gomaa, I. A Historical Chart of the Muslim World. 1972. ISBN 90 04 03333 5
Ergnzungsband 8
Kornrumpf, H.-J . Osmanische Bibliographie mit besonderer Bercksichtigung der Trkei in Europa.
Unter Mitarbeit von J . Kornrumpf. 1973. ISBN 90 04 03549 4
Ergnzungsband 9
Firro, K. M. A History of the Druzes. 1992. ISBN 90 04 09437 7
Band 10
Strijp, R. Cultural Anthropology of the Middle East. A Bibliography. Vol. 1: 1965-1987. 1992.
ISBN 90 04 09604 3
Band 11
Endress, G. & Gutas, D. (eds.). A Greek and Arabic Lexicon. (GALex). Materials for a Dictio-
nary of the Mediaeval Translations from Greek into Arabic.
Fascicle 1. Introduction -Sources' - '-kh-r. Compiled by G. Endress & D. Gutas, with
the assistance of K. Alshut, R. Arnzen, Chr. Hein, St. Pohl, M. Schmeink. 1992.
ISBN 90 04 09494 6
Fascicle 2. '-kh-r - '-s-1. Compiled by G. Endress & D. Gutas, with the assistance of K. Als-
hut, R. Arnzen, Chr. Hein, St. P

h1, M. Schmeink. 1993. ISBN 90 04 09893 3

Fascicle 3. '-s-l - M-y. Compiled by G. Endress, D. Gutas & R. Arnzen, with the assistan-
ce of Chr. Hein, St. Pohl. 1995. ISBN 90 04 10216 7
Fascicle 4. I1 - inna. Compiled by R. Arnzen, G. Endress & D. Gutas, with the assistan-
ce of Chr. Hein &J . Thielmann. 1997. ISBN 90 04 10489 5.
Band 12
J ayyusi, S. . (ed.). The Legacy of Muslim Spain. Chief consultant to the editor, M. Marin.
2nd ed. 1994. ISBN 90 04 09599 3
Band 13
Hunwick, J . O. and O'Fahey, R. S. (eds.). Arabic Literature of Africa. Editorial Consultant:
Albrecht Hofheinz.
Volume I. The Writings of Eastern Sudanic Africa to c. 1900. Compiled by R. S. O'Fahey, with
the assistance of M. I. Abu Salim, A. Hofheinz, Y. M. I brahim, B. Radtke and K. S.
Viker. 1994. ISBN 90 04 09450 4
Volume II. The Writings of Central Sudanic Africa. Compiled by J ohn O. Hunwick, with the
assistance of Razaq Abubakre, Hamidu Bobboyi, Roman Loimeier, Stefan Reichmuth
and Muhammad Sani Umar. 1995. ISBN 90 04 10494 1
Band 14
Decker, VV. und Herb, M. Bildatlas zum Sport im alten gypten. Corpus der bildlichen Quellen zu
Leibesbungen, Spiel, Jagd, Tanz und verwandten Themen. Bd.l: Text. Bd. 2: Ab-bildungen.
1994. ISBN 90 04 09974 3 (Set)
Band 15
Haas, V. Geschichte der hethitischen Religion. 1994. ISBN 90 04 09799 6
Band 16
Neusner,J . (ed.). Judaism in Late Antiquity. Part One: The Literary and Archaeological Sour-
ces. 1994. ISBN 90 04 10129 2
Band 17
Neusner, J . (ed.). Judaism in Late Antiquity. Part Two: Historical Syntheses. 1994.
ISBN 90 04 09799 6
Band 18
Orel, V. E. and Stolbova, . V. (eds.). Hamito-Semitic Etymological Dictionary. Materials for
a Reconstruction. 1994. ISBN 90 04 10051 2
Band 19
al-Zwaini, L. and Peters, R. A Bibliography of Islamic Law, 1980-1993. 1994.
ISBN 90 04 10009 1
Band 20
Klings, V. (d.). La civilisation phnicienne et punique. Manuel de recherche. 1995.
ISBN 90 04 10068 7
Band 21
Hoftijzer,J . and J ongeling, K. Dictionary of the North-West Semitic Inscriptions. With appendi-
ces by R.C. Steiner, A. Mosak Moshavi and B. Porten. 1995. 2 Parts.
ISBN Set (2 Parts) 90 04 09821 6 Part One:
1
- L. ISBN 90 04 09817 8 Part Two:
M - T. ISBN 90 04 9820 8.
Band 22
Lagarde, M. Index du Grand Commentaire de Fahr al-Dn al-Rz- 1996.
ISBN 90 04 10362 7
Band 23
Kinberg, . A Lexicon of al-Farr"s Terminology in his Qur'hn Commentary. With Full Defini-
tions, English Summaries and Extensive Citations. 1996. ISBN 90 04 10421 6
Band 24
Fhnrich, H. und Sardshweladse, S. Etymologisches Wrterbuch der Kartwel-Sprachen. 1995.
ISBN 90 04 10444 5
Band 25
Rainey, A.F. Canaanite in the Amarna Tablets. A Linguistic Analysis of the Mixed Dialect used
by Scribes from Canaan. 1996. ISBN Set (4 Volumes) 90 04 10503 4
Volume I. Orthography, Phonology. Morphosyntactic Analysis of the Pronouns, Nouns,
Numerals. ISBN 90 04 10521 2 Volume II. Morphosyntactic Analysis of the Verbal
System. ISBN 90 04 10522 0 Volume III. Morphosyntactic Analysis of the Particles
and Adverbs. ISBN 90 04 10523 9 Volume IV. References and Index of Texts Cited.
ISBN 90 04 10524 7
Band 26
Halm, H. The Empire of the Mahdi. The Rise of the Fatimids. Translated from the German
by M. Bonner. 1996. ISBN 90 04 10056 3
Band 27
Strijp, R. Cultural Anthropology of the Middle East. A Bibliography. Vol. 2: 1988-1992. 1997.
ISBN 90 04 010745 2
Band 28
Sivan, D. A Grammar of the Ugaritic Language. 1997. ISBN 90 04 10614 6
Band 29
Corriente, F. A Dictionary of Andalusi Arabic. 1997. ISBN 90 04 09846 1
Band 30
Sharon, M. Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum Palaestinae (CIAP). Vol. 1: A. 1997.
ISBN 90 04 010745 2 Vol. 1 : B. 1999. ISBN 90 04 110836
Band 31
Trk, L. The Kingdom of Kush. Handbook of the Napatan-Meroitic Civilization. 1997.
ISBN 90 04 010448 8
Band 32
Muraoka, T. and Porten, . A Grammar of Egyptian Aramaic. 1998. ISBN 90 04 10499 2
Band 33
Gessel, B.H.L. van. Onomasticon of the Hittite Pantheon. 1998.
ISBN Set (2 parts) 90 04 10809 2
Band 34
Klengel, H. Geschichte des hethitischen Reiches 1998. ISBN 90 04 10201 9
Band 35
Hachlili, R. Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Diaspora 1998. ISBN 90 04 10878 5
Band 36
Westendorf, W. Handbuch der altgyptischen Medizin. 1999.
ISBN Set (2 Bnde) 90 04 10319 8
Band 37
Civil, M. Mesopotamian Lexicography. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11007 0
Band 38
Siege1ov, J . and Soucek, V. Systematische Bibliographie der Hethitologie. 1999.
ISBN Set (3 Bnde) 90 04 11205 7
Band 39
Watson, W.G.E. and Wyatt, N. Handbook of Ugaritic Studies. 1999.
ISBN 90 04 10988 9
Band 40
Neusner, J . Judaism in Ute Antiquity, 111,1. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11186 7
Band 41
Neusner, J . Judaism in Late Antiquity, 111,2. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11282 0
Band 42
Drijvers, H.J .W, and Healey, J .F. The Old Syriac Inscriptions of Edessa and Osrhoene. 1999.
ISBN 90 04 11284 7
Band 43
Daiber, H. Bibliography of Philosophical Thought in Islam. 2 Volumes.
ISBN Set (2 Volumes) 90 04 11347 9
Volume I. Alphabetical List of Publications 1999. ISBN 90 04 09648 5
Volume II. Index of Names, Terms and Topics. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11348 7