A Descriptive and

Comparative Grammar of
Andalusi Arabic
Handbook of Oriental Studies
Handbuch der Orientalistik
Section , The Near and Middle East
Edited by
Maribel Fierro (Madrid)
M. Skr-Hanio glu (Princeton)
Kees Versteegh (Nijmegen)
VOLUME
The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/hdo
A Descriptive and
Comparative Grammar of
Andalusi Arabic
Edited by
Institute of Islamic Studies of
the University of Zaragoza
LEIDEN BOSTON

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A descriptive and comparative grammar of Andalusi Arabic / edited by Institute of Islamic Studies
of the University of Zaragoza
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN ---- (alk. paper) ISBN ---- (e-book)
. Arabic languageGrammar, Comparative. . Arabic languageDialectsSpainAndalusia. .
Andalusia (Spain)Languages. . Andalusia (Spain)CivilizationIslamic inuences. .
SociolinguisticsSpainAndalusia. I. Institute of Islamic Studies of the University of Zaragoza. II.
Title.
PJ.AC
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CONTENTS
Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix
Sigla. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xv
Symbols . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxi
+. Phonology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . +
+.+. Vocalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . +
+.:. Consonantism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . q
+.. Suprasegmentals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
+.. Combinatory Phonetics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . +
:. Morphology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
:.+. The Noun . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
:.:. The Verb . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8:
:.. Functionals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . q6
. Syntax. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . qq
.+. Types of Sentences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . qq
.:. Verbal Sentences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . +o6
.. Coordination and Subordination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ++
.. Sentence Modalities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . +:
.. Deletion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ++
. Lexicon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . +
.+. Lexical Main Core and Innovation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . +
. A Panchronistic Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ++
.+. Sources of Interference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ++
TEXT SAMPLES
I. Poetry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . +q
+. Ibn Quzm ans za gal N 24 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . +q
:. A s su stars za gal N 96 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . +:
. A za gal by Ibn Al

ha

tb . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . +
vi cox+ix+s
II. Prose . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . +q
. Some Proverbs Culled from Azza g g als Collection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . +q
. Proverbs from Alonso del Castillos Collection. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . +6
6. The Elegy for Valencia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . +6q
. Personal Letter by Llus Al gzi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . +
Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . +
Arabic Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . :o+
Andalusi Romance Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . :+
Latin Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ::
Index of Other Terms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . :
Index of Loanwords in Romance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . :6
Index of Place Names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . :6+
Index of Personal Names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . :6
Index of Arabic and Other Grammatical Terms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . :6
FOREWORD
More than thirty years have elapsed since we published the manual enti-
tled A grammatical sketch of the Spanish Arabic dialect bundle (Instituto
Hispano-rabe de Cultura, Madrid, 1977) and so much has happened in the
meantime, for better and worse, that one cannot at times avoid the strange
feeling of having lived several successive lives. However, old age and the
ensuing fatigue, even a sensation of failure in the defence of humanities
against an unsympathetic materialistic society, cannot be an excuse to bur-
den the reader with bothersome details, as the main fact is that neither
that book nor its hurried Spanish sequel, rabe andalus y lenguas romances
(MAPFRE, Madrid, 1992), can presently lay claims to being updated ref-
erences for this subject matter, if only because in the meantime we have
ourselves authored no less than thirteen books and sixty articles bearing
on this issue, not to mention valuable contributions by our disciples and
other colleagues, as reected in the attached bibliography. The author of
the Sketch, having reached the age of academic retirement, but still feeling
the urge to contribute to his share of lost love works, deems it his duty to
issue a last state of this art in his lifetime.
As the Sketch has remained the single international comprehensive ref-
erence manual of its kind and given relatively good service up to this date,
we have thought that the best way to carry out our task would be to just
overhaul its contents on a large scale, by removing from it mistaken, redun-
dant or simply weak statements and adding new pieces of evidence to this
introduction to the descriptive and comparative grammar of a rather pecu-
liar mediaeval dialect of Western Arabic, the rst one about which we have
an encompassing array of data, sucient to drawsomething more than just
a sketch.
Granada, 2011
PREFACE
Andalusi Arabic

is a close-knit bundle of dialects resulting from interfer-

ence by local stock and interaction of the Arabic dialects brought along to
the Iberian Peninsula in the 8th century a.D. by an invading army of a few
thousand Arab tribesmen who, accompanied by a much larger number of
partially Arabicised Berbers, all of them ghting men, without women or
children, succeeded in establishing Islamic political rule and, as a conse-
quence of developments in the Islamic East, Arab cultural supremacy for a
long period over these Western European lands.
After a remarkably quick consolidation of their state under the aegis of
the Western Umayyads, necessarily characterized by the cultural and lin-
guistic ambivalence of most subjects, for at least about two centuries, a
few Christian nuclei who had resisted occupation and acculturation in the
northernmost areas of the country started a slow butin spite of frequent
long lullssteady counter-ofensive, in which Romance language and cul-
ture, identied with Christianity, made no lasting concessions to the once
Hispanic people who, intermingled with the minority of former invaders
and long before having formed a newAndalusi nation in the Southern, Cen-
tral and Eastern areas of these lands, would have preferred to keep Arabic
as their by then only spoken language, or Islamas their faith and way of life.
In the ensuing struggle for survival, the 13th c. seems to have been the turn-
ing point at which the entire native population of Al-Andalus

had become
monolingual in AA, but for a few individuals who had acquired a relatively
shallowacquaintance withRomance,

requiredfor certaincrafts, unlike pre-

viously, when large segments of the local population of the country had
beengenerally, thoughdecreasingly, bilingual inAAandProto-Rm. dialects.
This situation was brought about by a process of concentrationof Islamic
and Arabic cultural features, as an understandable reaction against the
successful military campaigns of the Northern Christian states, which had
1
Hereinafter AA.
2
About the Egyptian origin of this innovated geographical designation, which super-
seded older Lt. Hispania fromthe beginning of Islamic rule, see Corriente 2008a, which ofers
a new reasonable solution to a most controversial old riddle. It is noteworthy, however, that
Al-Idrs in his botanical treatise (12th c., see Sezgin et. al. 1995), no doubt on account of his
Sicilian environment, still calls Al-Andalus i sb aniy a, and its Arabic dialect, i.e., AA, i sb an.
8
Hereinafter, Rm.
x iniici
reduced the once powerful and feared Andalusi state to the narrowlimits of
the Na

sr kingdom of Granada. It took the Castilians nearly three more cen-

turies toeliminate eventhis last Islamic footholdonthe IberianPeninsula in
1492, andfewmore decades toput anendtothe presence of the last Muslims
living under Christian rule, among whom some were still speakers of AA.
When the so-called Moriscos were expelled and subsequently absorbed by
the North African countries in which most of them took shelter in the early
sixteen hundreds, the last hour had sounded for the rst Arabic dialect ever
to have risen to full-edged status as a vehicle of a popular and universal
culture, which included the literary production of Ibn Quzm an and other
za g g als (= folk-poets),

as well as of the Christian Mozarabs, and underlaid

the Arabic and Hebrew works of the most renowned Sephardic authors.
AA was a dialect bundle, not a single dialect, it being established that
there were certain diferences between, say, the local dialects of Granada
and Valencia, e.g., concerning the acceptance of 2nd degree im alah (see
1.1.1.2) intheir standard registers. However, the commoncore of AAwas pre-
dominant, and the local features, minimal, apparently less noticeable than
the average in todays Arabic speaking lands, between, e.g., town, country-
side, and mountain dialects. We must surmise that the diverse backgrounds
of the tribesmen integrated in the Arab armies and settlements of the rst
decades, some of Southern, some of Northern Arabian stock, was bound to
be reected by dialectal divergences,

probably much deeper at the begin-

ning, but then gradually minimised, particularly in the cities where inter-
mingling obviously must have reached much higher levels, with pervasive
efects. While rural AA has all but escaped our meagre means of detec-
tion, we know for sure, as is witnessed by our sources, that urban idiolects
attained a fairly advanced degree of standardisation. On the other hand,
inasmuchas interference by the Rm. substratumof the local populationwas
the second ingredient inthe process of emergence of anAAkoine, and since
the political maturity of Al-Andalus was reached only in the days of the rst
CordovanUmayyad Caliph#Abdarra

hm anIII, one would consider it anedu-

cated guess, supported by written records, that the Hispano-Arabic melting
pot produced the standards of this spoken language between the 9th and
10th centuries.
4
I.e., authors of az g al, on which see Schoeler 2002, s.v. za

djal. See closing text samples.

About this subject, see Corriente 1976 and Koer 19401942. The hypothesis put for-
ward by Fck 1950, of a military koine in the earliest Islamic encampments no longer enjoys
the great favour it reached among scholars at the time.
iniici xi
AA belongs to the Western group of Neo-Arabic

dialects, on account of
its use of {nv+} and {nv++ u} markers for the 1st persons sg. and pl. respec-
tively, of imperfective verbs, which is generally held as the main character-
istic trait of this group, in spite of partial exceptions in Chad, Sudan, even
Egypt, and among some Bedouins.

But otherwise, and perhaps because of

the late dates of most of our NorthAfricandocuments, there are not somany
issoglosses connecting AA with the other Western dialects, to the exclu-
sion of all Eastern dialects. In the realms of phonology and morphology, the
preservation of interdental phonemes, of the connective tanwn, of reexes
of the negative pseudo-verb laysa, and the relative currency of the internal
non-agentive voice (with the necessary qualications) reect a slow and
independent evolution of Old Arabic

materials with results very close to

what is usually known as Middle Arabic.

On the other hand, because of the

ethnic make-up of the speakers, syntax and vocabulary are often quite aber-
rant to an extent that the present state of source availability does not allow
us to gauge with total accuracy.
Perhaps the most striking fact in our survey of AA has been the ever
present need to take into account that in Al-Andalus the situation was not
only one of bilingualism(Rm. andArabic being simultaneously spokenuntil
the 13th c.), but also of diglossia (Colloquial Arabic vs. Classical Arabic,

the latter imported from the East, but adopted soon and enthusiastically
in Al-Andalus, where some of the nest literary, scientic, grammatical and
lexicographical works in CA were produced). Furthermore, many phenom-
ena of AA, like the partial merger of dentals and interdentals, or of velarised
and plainphonemes, cannot be understood without reckoning withthe fact
that, inadditiontothe highregisters requiring CAfor formal purposes, there
were within the colloquial idiolects at least two main distinguishable regis-
ters: the standard or educated idiolect of the well-bred who cared a good
deal for the established ideals of correctness, and the low, substandard reg-
isters of the masses, who could or would not use but the only local brand of
6
Hereinafter, NA.

See Fischer & Jastrow 1980: 3132 and Vicente 2008:3941.

8
Hereinafter, OA.
0
Hereinafter, MA, masterly described by Blau 1965. In fact, this is a mere label of
convenience for a mixedbag of linguistic features reecting analready mature NA, as written
by those unable to entirely rid themselves of OA habits and traditions. This last ingredient is
also present in AA, since the whole corpus of data about it has reached us in written records,
often produced by the learned, as were most authors of az g al and proverb collections, or at
least half-learned, i.e., literate, in the case of personal letters.
10
Hereinafter, CA.
xii iniici
Arabic to which the underprivileged inhabitants of Al-Andalus had access.
This situation is reected, e.g., by the contemporary grammatical treatises
bearing diferent titles, depending on whether they were addressed to cor-
recting the mistakes of the high or the low classes, and it is also highlighted
by statements suchas that of Azzubayd, whenexplaining why his book can-
not intendtocomprehendall kinds of mistakes: for if it hadtocontainthem
all, the book would be very bulky: we only mention the mistakes that are
expectable from educated people.

In one respect, AA was unique in its time and would remain so for cen-
turies amidst Arab lands, namely, that its speakers were aware, even proud
of the zest and personality of their dialect and not a bit ashamed of it, to
the point that they sometimes preferred it over CA for literary purposes
such as folk poetry and proverb collections. Instinctively feeling the main
diferences between Eastern CA and AA, such as the substitution of phone-
mic stress for syllable and vowel length, they went as far as to develop
spelling devices, described in the appropriate sections of this monograph,
in an attempt to make living usage match traditional graphemes. That this
was intentional, and not merely resulting from ignorance of CA rules, is
borne out by the fact that such orthography, in spite of frequent pseudo-
corrections by later unaware scribes, is quite consistently used in the writ-
ings of learned authors, like Ibn Quzm an, Azza g g al, A s su star and others,
whom we cannot accuse of any measure of ignorance in such elementary
matters.
For obvious reasons, the study of AAis of enormous interest to the Arabic
dialectologist, being the earliest dialect from which we possess a sizeable
body of information and, at the same time, standing close enough to its
OA ingredients to allow us to see how NA dialects are not the direct of-
spring of CA nor, as a whole, of any post-Islamic koine, but are rather the
result of the evolution of OA stock in interplay with foreign elements in the
given sociolinguistic contour of the early Islamic societies in the High Mid-
dle Ages. On the other hand, AA is also a subject of paramount importance
to those who seek a deeper insight into the medieval literatures and cul-
tures of Western Europe, especially of Spain, Portugal, Italy and Southern
France, which could not be and were not impervious to the powerful and
multifarious impact of Medieval Islamic civilization on language, literature,
science, politics, trade, etc. Without it, the Renaissance as it occurred, would
11
See Krotkof 1957:7 and #Abdattaww ab 1964:8.
iniici xiii
simply have been unthinkable. Whether or not some in the West are cur-
rently ready to acknowledge this fact and live with its implications, no trust-
worthy assessment of that impact is attainable without something more
than a supercial acquaintance with Arabic and Islamic culture, and with
AA in particular.
Of course, we cannot, and do not claim to have collected every retriev-
able item in the rather scarce surviving and available sources of this variety
of Arabic, nor to have oferedthe materials identiedas relevant inthe most
systematic, accessible or scientic of ways. Some chapters of this mono-
graph, such as that on syntax, must necessarily look somewhat sketchy and
insucient, and we must honestly confess our inability to drawmuch more
than this harvest of data at the present stage of information and elabora-
tion of those scarce sources, i.e., the aforementioned poems and proverb
collections, some hundreds of low-yield legal deeds, a few personal letters,
a few hundred items in Lt. transcription, both personal and geographical
names, and some transcribed AA phrases culled from Rm. literatures, Cs.,
Ct., Gl. and Pt. Some colleagues might also with good reason object to our
linguistic approach and terminology, eclectic and uncommitted to any par-
ticular school, as we have strived not to go beyond the limits of average
assimilation and reasonable usage of current theoretical linguistics by most
people working on Arabic dialectology and Semitic linguistics, to whom
this monograph is mainly addressed. On the other hand, for the benet of
Rm. linguists and generalists eventually interested in this realm, we have
entirely dispensed with the use of Arabic script, as is otherwise customary
among Arabic dialectologists, even in cases where we have felt uncomfort-
able among unsatisfying graphemic transcriptions and dubious phonemic
interpretations. While unable to entirely avoid inconsistencies and over-
sights when quoting sources, we have endeavoured to limit their negative
consequences by providing exhaustive references which would allow spot-
ting andchecking of loci probantes, except, for the sake of brevity, inthe case
of works endowed with their own indices.
Our previous Sketch concluded its preface with a long list of acknowl-
edgements to those contributing in one way or another to facilitate that
task: there is no reason why we should not restate our gratitude to them
here, and furthermore enlarge that catalogue with the names of faithful dis-
ciples and sincere colleagues who have been of great help to us and and
motive of pride in the last decades, like Hossein Bouzineb, Carmen Barcel,
Ana Labarta, Jaime Snchez Ratia, Ignacio Ferrando, Marina Marugn,
Ahmed Salem Ould Mohammed Baba, Otto Zwartjes, Alberto Montaner,
Juan Pedro Monferrer, Mara Jos Cervera and ngeles Vicente. Knowing
xiv iniici
that they will carry on this humanistic task and keep the ame alight is
indeed the best consolation for ones own failures and those induced by
adverse circumstances and the frailty of human nature. Finally, we must
again ask forgiveness, or at least understanding for the shortcomings which
we shall certainly not have been able to wholly remove from this new and
considerably updated version of that book.
SIGLA
A Aragonese
AA Andalusi Arabic
AB Alarcn 1915
Ab. Albacete (province of)
AC Alonso del Castillos proverb collection (quoted after Bouzineb &
Corriente 1994)
Ak. Akkadian
Alq Al-Qan

tara
Am. Almeria (province of)
Alc. Alcal (quoted after its edition by Lagarde 1883, and Corriente 1988,
being an alphabetical arrangement of his materials)
And Al-Andalus (journal)
ArOr Archiv Orientln
Av. Avila (province of)
Ax Garca Gmez 1929
Ba. Barcelona (province of)
Bd. Badajoz (province of)
BF Boletim de Filologia
Bg. Burgos (province of)
BHS Bulletin of Hispanic Studies
Bq. Basque
Br. Berber
BSL Boletim da Sociedade Lingstica de Portugal
CA Classical Arabic (with connotation of high register)
Ca. Cadiz (province of)
Cc. Caceres (province of)
CD Corriente 1998d
Cen. Gonzlez Palencia 1940
Cl. Castellon (province of)
ClC Dozy 1873
Co. Cordova (province of)
Cp. Coptic
Cr. Ciudad Real (province of)
Cs. Castilian (= Spanish)
Ct. Catalan
Cu. Cuenca (province of)
DC Doctrina christiana (Ayala 1566)
DE Dozy & Engelmann 1889
Dz Dozy 1881
EDNA Estudios de dialectologa norteafricana y andalus (Saragossa)
Eg. Egyptian dialect of Arabic
xvi sici
EI

Encyclopdie de lIslam, 2nd ed

ESA Epigraphic South Arabian
Et. Ethiopic (usually, Ge#ez)
EV Corriente 1987b
EYG Egulaz 1886
fem. feminine
FJ Ferreras 1998
Gk. Greek
Gl. Galician
GL Leiden Glossary (quoted after Corriente 1991, in alphabetical ar-
rangement)

GLECS Groupe linguistique dtudes Chamito-Smitiques. Comptes rendues

Goth. Gothic
Gr. Granada (province of)
Gu. Guadalajara (province of)
HB Hoenerbach 1965
Hb. Hebrew
HH Hoenerbach 1956
Hisp. Hispanic
Hl. Huelva (province of)
HR Hispanic Review
Hs. Huesca (province of)
Hv Harvey 1971
IA Ibn #

sims proverb collection (quoted after Marugn 1994)

IH Ibn Hi s am Alla

hms treatise on linguistic mistakes (quoted after

Prez Lzaro 1994)
IHAC Instituto Hispano-rabe de Cultura
IHE ndice Histrico Espaol
IM Gmez Moreno 1919
IQ Ibn Quzm ans Dw an (quoted after Corriente 1995, by the number
of each poem, stanza and line, attributing zero to other authors
poems quoted in his own introduction)
Ir. Iraqi dialects of Arabic
IW Banqueri 1802
Ja. Jaen (province of)
JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society
JSS Journal of Semitic Studies
JT Jewish Tunisian Arabic
L Leonese
LA Azzubayds treatise onlinguistic mistakes (quotedafter #Abdattaw-
w ab 1964)
LAT #Abdattaww ab 1967
12
This work must be used with the cautions expressed in Corriente 1991:824.
sici xvii
Ld. Lerida (province of)
Le. Leon (province of)
lit. literally
Lt. Latin
Lo. Logroo (province of)
Lu. Lugo (province of)
Ma. Malaga (province of)
MAS-GELLAS Materiaux Arabes et SudarabiquesGroupe dtudes de Lingui-
stique et de Littrature Arabes et Sudarabiques
masc. masculine
Md. Madrid (province of)
MEAH Miscelnea de estudios rabes y hebreos (Granada)
Mh. Mehri
MI Barcel 1984
Mj. Majorca (province of)
Ml. Maltese
Mo. Moroccan Arabic
Mod.Yem. Modern Yemenite dialects of Arabic
MT Legal deeds of the ToledanMozarabs (quoted after Gonzlez Palen-
cia 19261930 and Ferrando 1995)
Mu. Murcia (province of)
Na. Navarre (province of)
Naf. North African dialects
n.un. nomen unitatis
Nv. Navarrese dialect of Cs
NQ Corriente 1994
OA Old Arabic
Or. Orense (province of)
Ov. Oviedo (province of)
P Modern Persian (= Farsi)
PES A s su star"s Dw an (quoted after Corriente 1988b, by the number of
each poem, stanza and line, and distinguishing the various degrees
of reliability in their attribution to that author with an asterisk
before or after the poem numbers)
Ph. Pahlavi
pl(s). plural(s)
PMLA Publications of the Modern Language Association of America
pn(s). personal name(s)
PS Proto-Semitic
Pt. Portuguese
Pv. Pontevedra (province of)
RAAB Revue of the Academy of the Arabic Language in Baghdad
RC Rmer 1905/6
RF Romanische Forschungen
RFE Revista de Filologa Espaola
RFH Revista de Filologa Hispnica
RIEEI Revista del Instituto de Estudios Islmicos (Madrid)
xviii sici
RIMA Revue de lInstitute de Manuscripts de la Ligue Arabe
RL Revue de Linguistique
RM Repartimiento de Mallorca (after Busquets 1954)
Rm. Romance
RP Revista de Portugal
RPh Romance Philology
RRL Revue Roumaine de Linguistique
RSO Rivista degli Studi Orientali
RTP Revista de Tradiciones Populares
RVF Revista Valenciana de Filologa
SA Standard Arabic (roughly = Modern CA)
Sa. Salamanca (province of)
Sb. Sabaic
Se. Seville (province of)
SG Simonet 1888
sg(s). singular(s)
ShA Sharq al-Andalus
SK Corriente 1977
Sk. Sanskrit
SNT Seco 1955a
So. Soria (province of)
SOBI Societat dOnomstica Catalana. Butllet interior
Sr. Syriac
St Steiger 1932
St. Santander (province of)
Sy. Syrian dialects of Arabic
Ta. Tarragona (province of)
Te. Teruel (province of)
Tg. Tallgren 1925
To. Toledo (province of)
Ug. Ugaritic
Urz Len Tello 1964
V Valencian dialect of Ct
VA Vocabulista in arabico (quoted after Corriente 1989a)
Va. Valencia (province of)
VEGI Revista del Collegi Ocial de Veterinaris de Girona
Vl. Valladolid (province of)
VR Vox Romanica
WG Western Gothic
WZKM Wiener Zeitschrift fr die Kunde des Morgenlandes
Z Azza g als proverb collection (quoted after Bencherifa 1971, in Ara-
bic script, and Ould Mohamed Baba 1999, in phonemic transcrip-
tion, with a Cs. translation)
Za. Zamora (province of)
ZA Zeitschrift fr Assyriologie
ZAL Zeitschrift fr Arabische Linguistik
ZDMG Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlndischen Gesellschaft
sici xix
ZfRP Zeitschrift fr Romanische Philologie
Zg. Saragossa (province of)
ZM Ma

tar 1967
SYMBOLS
+ internal open juncture; addition of a bound morpheme (marked only when
necessary)
=/ opposed to
/ optional with
= equivalent to
~ in alternation with
> becomes; evolved into
< results from; derived from
/x/ phonemic transcription enclosed. However, unless as marked otherwise,
items are usually transcribed phonemically, we have dispensed with slants
when not strictly necessary
[x] phonetic transcription enclosed
x graphemic transcription enclosed
{x} morpheme or morphological formula enclosed
(x) optional element enclosed
__ any phonemic string
C any consonant
v any vowel
V vowel archiphoneme
phonemic or morphemic zero
123(4) consonants of the root morpheme in sequential arrangement
Arabic is transcribed according to the Continental European system, with
its regular i#r ab, in the case of CA, except in pause, pns. and those of so
transcribedwork titles andinstitutions, without hyphens andwiththe occa-
sional addition, when needed, of some of the symbols of the I.P.A. Alcals
system of transcription for Granadan Arabic has been preserved, but for his
three-dotted c for /

t/, replaced by c, and his vowels surmounted with

hamzah, but transcribing #ayn, for whichwe have substituted, , , and.

18
For a detailed description of his primitive and pioneering system of transcription, see
our editionof his materials, Corriente 1988: iivi. Briey, he deviseddiacritics for interdentals
( c and

d), /#/ and /

h/ (his

k), used g and j indiferently for g, x for / s/ and gu

for /w/, but did not distinguish v and u, y and i, nor /h/ from /

h/, nor velarised from

plain phonemes, nor was he consistent in his transcription of /k/ and /q/, for which he
indistinctly used k, q and c, although the efect on the surrounding vowels gives some
cues to the presence or absence of velarisation, pharyngealisation and uvularisation; neither
was he consistent in correctly transcribing gemination and stress. That system appears to
have been known to the author of DC, although he used
-
h for /

h/, and th and dh for both

interdentals: we have also kept its renderings.
xxii svxnois
Initial hamz has been dispensed with but in a few necessary instances.
Ibero-Rm. items are givenintheir customary spellings, inboldface, Andalusi
Rm. is transcribedinsmall italic capitals, andevery other language, initalics.
Morphological formulae are in boldface. It should be kept in mind, at any
rate, that in the case of documents in Arabic script, both the absence of
vocalisation and its pseudo-corrections by classicising copyists deprive us
of much needed information on their original phonetic realization and
phonemic interpretation. Consequently, in our rendering of those texts, we
have introduced AA vocalisation in cases where CA forms were suspect of
manipulation, and retained strange forms, when they do not appear to
reect tampering and might have been witnesses of dialectal peculiarities.
In the nal indices of words and phrases quoted in chapters 1 to 4,
including the notes, but not the main body of the text samples, we have
followed the Lt. alphabetical order, except for absolute initial #ayn in Arabic
items, which has been inserted immediately after z, and disregarded in
other positions. Footnote numbers in the indices are italicised in smaller
print than paragraph numbers.
cui+in oxi
PHONOLOGY
1.1. vociisx
1.1.1. /a/ (Low Intermediate Unround Vowel)
1.1.1.1
The phoneme /a/ in AA had a normal reex characterised by spontaneous
fronting and raising whenever this palatalising tendency, called im alah (i.e.,
inclination) by native grammarians, was not checked by inhibiting fac-
tors, above all the presence of a velar or pharyngeal contour.

This phe-
nomenon

is consistently reected by loanwords (e.g., Cs. almoneda, Pt.

and Gl. almoeda auction < almunda, and Cs. alcahuete, Pt. alcoveto pro-
curer < alqawwd, Pt. alvanel bricklayer < albann, etc.), as well as by
place names in every area of the Iberian Peninsula (e.g., Acea Bg., Cc., Lu.,
Or., St., Ov., Pv. < assnya the noria, Medinaceli So. < midnat slim the
town of S., Abofageg Na. < abu

ha g g g pn. and Nagelas Ma. < nawwla

hut).
14
I.e, immediate contact with /

d/, /

t/, /

s/, /
-

d/, /q/, /

h, / g/, /#/ and /

h/, occasionally with

emphaticised /

r/, /

l/ and /p/, and even /w/ on account of its labio-velar colour, which is
communicated to the following or preceding vowels, a phenomenon called taf

hm (empha-
sizing) by native grammarians. The status of labiovelar /w/ appears tohave beenambiguous,
with an unpredictable distribution, e.g., DC 9a gugib necessary, vs. Alc. cagua cru-
elty, tagule vantage points, natcagu ~ atcaguit to gain strength, perhaps because of
suprasegmental velarisation, extended to whole syllables, even words, in this case originated
at distance by /q/ and /

t/.
1
Most perceptible in the case of historically long / a/ and characteristic of dialects rep-
resenting some old layers of Arabic like, e.g., Sicilian and Ml. Arabic in the West and the
qltu-dialects of Iraq and Anatolia in the East. This is the reason beyond the selection in
Aljamiado script of alif as grapheme of Cs. /e/, while /a/ is represented by fat

hah, and a likely

explanation of the fact that Ibn Quzm ans az g al do not mix front and back consonants in
-C rhymes, as studied by J. Snchez Ratia in his unpublished M.A. dissertation (Universidad
Complutense de Madrid, 1984); however, this is insucient evidence for positing phonemi-
cisation of /e/ in AA, in the lack of minimal pairs and consistent diferentiation. Im alah was
dealt with in detail by Cantineau 1960:97 and was the subject of A. Levins unpublished dis-
sertation Ha-imalah ba-diyaleq

tim ha-#araviyim, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1971.

a iuoxoiocv
1.1.1.2
AA im alah may happen in two degrees, a weaker rst one (/a/ > [e]), and
a stronger second one (/a/ > /i/), which abutts upon the neutralisation
of the phonemic opposition between both vowels and emergence of the
archiphoneme /I/. Second degree im alah used to be considered a late devel-
opment, not occurring before the 13th c. and mostly afecting the Granadan
kingdom during the Na

sr period; however, the evidence from place names

of Arabic origin,

loanwords

and hesitant spellings

from other areas and

older dates imposes a revision of that notion and compels to admit its spo-
radic presence practically everywhere in Al-Andalus at any time, possibly
as a substandard feature before the Na

sr period, and as such repressed and

banned from the higher registers for centuries. This is underscored by the
fact that, even in Granadan AA, high register items borrowed directly from
CA merely had rst degree im alah (e.g., Alc. yltift < CA iltif at considera-
tion, quitl <CAqit al battle, andlikewise most ma

sdars, i.e., verbal nouns,

see 2.2.2.5.2), while some very common items, unyielding to corrections,
exhibit invariable second degree im alah, like wld father, already wild in
VA and IQ, vs. CA w alid.
1.1.1.3
Some older idiolects of AA appear to have been free from im alah, as
reected by place and pns. of Arabic origin (e.g., Azaa To. < assnya he
noria, IM Ablapaz < ab[u]l#abbs, Abulfeta < abuld, Iscam < hi sm) and
early loanwords inthe Northwest of the IberianPeninsula (e.g., Cs. mengano
so-and-so < SA man k an, hasta until < SA

hatt,

gan, Pt. ganho

= alganame shephard < gannm). In other instances, this phenomenon
appears to have been inhibited by some phonemic conditioning, like dis-
similation in the vicinity of /i/ or /y/ (e.g., Cs. arriaz handle of a sword < AA
arriys, even Alc. atich = aty g crowns) and, for some unclear reason, in
16
E.g., Algimia in Cs. and Va. < /al gmi#/ the mosque and Gimilen in Lo. < / gmi#
al#uyn mosque of the springs.
1
E.g., Ct. snia noria < snya and Cs. adoqun paving stone < addukkn.
18
E.g., VA f a/kyah fruit and nisn a/s monster, ZM 94 ibz a/m buckle. Cf. also
unequivocal spellings, like IQ 35/7/4 #ul height (rhyme-supported), LA 163 gum ad
month of

G., MT 1008v6 kl u they measured, PES 1/0/1 bidiyyah beginning
and nihiyyah end, both rhyme-suported, Hv 99r20 bb door, and kn it was, AC 433
mi+ml a

h how beautiful, Urz 343 al gmah the community, Tg 708 alatif the rivet (cf.
Cs. atife), etc., for SA # ul, gum ad, k al u, bid ayah, nih ayah, b ab, k an, m a amla

h, al g ami# and
al"a

t af.
10
See, however, its peculiar evolution in Corriente 1983a, somewhat diferent from that
of Pt. at; see other Rm. reexes in Corriente 2008c: 201, s.v. ata.
vociisx
the sux {+n} or even that mere phonemic string, e.g., Cs. fulano, Pt. foo
= fulano so-and-so < fuln,

the place name Albun Gr. < albunyn the

building. At times, however, no reason is visible for the lack of im alah, e.g.,
in Alc.

kal desert, gal expensiveness, caf neck, nartam ~ artamyt

to throw oneself, andir threshing oors, Z 473 ahd a wahu yabd a (he
is told) to stop, but he starts, and loanwords like Cs., Ct. and Gl. alcabala
= Pt. alcab/vala < SA qab alah. Contrariwise, the so-called Umlaut-im alah,
i.e., induced by the vicinity of /i/ and already described by old native gram-
marians, since Sbawayhi (II, 279294), may occur even in cases where the
presence of velar or pharyngeal phonemes should prevent it, e.g., Alc. chil,
for SA s a

hil coast and matmir = ma

tmir siloes, for SA ma

t amr.
1.1.1.4
In some cases OA /a/ is reected by AA as /i/ in spite of im alah-inhibiting
contours, most likely as an ultra-correction triggered by the efects of velar-
isation on the usual features of cardinal /a/, which produces less low and
intermediate allophones, eventually analyzed as some of the less high and
fronted allophones of /i/, e.g., AA glla harvest vs. SA gallah,

hil

hl
bracelet vs. SA

hal

h al, Alc. cifrvy bilious vs. SA

safr aw. Obviously, such

instances bear no relation to im alah proper, and the same applies to the
slight palatalisation afecting /a/ in AA and many other Arabic dialects in
the vicinity of consonants other than velar or pharyngeal, often transcribed
by e in Lt. script, e.g., Alc. xde fastening = SA saddah, xhgue appetite
= SA sahwah, or the many place names beginning with Beni- in Eastern
Spain (often Bini- in the Balearic Islands), from AA ban the sons of
(former settlements of tribal groups), e.g., Benifair Va. < ban

hayrn and
Benifald Mj. < ban

haldn, Biniaraix Mj. < ban a#r g sons of the lame

20
However, Granadan AA had the expectable fuln, but only rst-degree im alah in cases
like zeyt oil merchant < zayyt, quia slyness < kiysa, or in pairs like jell pl. gill = gall
pl. gill heavy andcemnpl. cimn=samnpl. simnfat, possibly here inorder topreserve a
clear morphological distinctionthereof betweensg. andpl. Anexplanationfor this behaviour
of the ending - an might be its particular frequency in South Arabian based dialects, more
resistant to im alah than the North Arabian or qays type; as is known, the initially prevailing
majority of Yemenites in Al-Andalus gradually faded away under the Cordovan Umayyad
dinasty, by the time when AA had become standardised. From a diachronic perspective,
since im alah was characteristic of the OA dialects of Na gd, vs. those of Al

hi g az and Yemen,
there could have been two tendencies, one favourable to preserving and fostering it, as a
hallmark of Bedouinism, and another, cherishing the pronunciation of the holy cities of
Islam, supportedby the clergy andcivil authorities (ri g aluddnandri g aluddawlah), contrary
to it: this would explain its better fortune in areas free from such pressure, like Malta, Jewish
and Christian qltu-dialects in Iraq and Anatolia (see Blanc 1964:4250), etc.
iuoxoiocv
one, Binigomar Mj. < ban #umr sons of the woman, etc. In the vicinity of
some strongly palatalising phonemes, AA could have frankly substituted /i/
for OA /a/, e.g., VA di g a gah hen, AC gizz ar butcher, and Alc.

karnja
tree heath, for standard

halan g, even at distance in this last case; the same

is suggested for the reexes of the Arabic denite article (")al+ (see 2.1.6.2),
assimilated to a following / s/ in some loan-words, e.g., Cs. enjebe alum <
AAi s sbb, exea = Ct. eixea scout < AAi s s #a company, eixaure, capacity,
from a hybrid AA + Andalusi Rm. *i s sabr+R to span, eixort royal guard
< AA i s sur

t policeman, Cs. ejarbe a measure of water for irrigation <

AA i s srb, enjalma, light pack-saddle, from a hybrid AA + Andalusi Rm.
*i s+

SLMA < Lt. sagma, enjeco bother, < AA i s+ sh check (in chess),
Pt. and Gl. enxoval trousseau, < AA i s+ suwr, Pt. enxara scrub < AA
i s+ s#ra, enxaravia kind of headgear < AA i s+ sarabyya, enxarope syrup
< AA i s+ sarb, enxarrafa tassel < AA i s+ sarrba, enxerga coarse fabric,
from a hybrid AA + Andalusi Rm. *i s+

SRIQA, Ct. eixarich and A exarico
Morisco sharecropper < AA i s+ sark partner, etc.

1.1.1.5
By the same token, the presence of a velar or pharyngeal contour usually
causes some backing and even rounding of /a/, and the emergence of allo-
phones identiable by native or foreign ears with the less high and round
allophones of cardinal /o/ or even /u/, which explains, in the rst instance,
cases like LA

durr for SA

darr damage and

hu s a s crawling insect for

SA

ha s a s or, in the second case, through ultra-correction, why the SA pn.

mu

hammad became Mahoma in Cs. and Mafoma in Pt.

The same result

can be triggered by the presence of a labial contour, as reected even by
native items, e.g., IQ11/8/2 et passim, other AAsources and most NA, fumm
< SAfammouth, VAsumrah lance, for SAsamr a", armul = Alc. rmula
widow for SAarmal(ah) and Alc. xfe = IQ94/5/3 sfa for SA safah lip, as
well as by Rm. transcriptions in loanwords, like Pt. alcaova vs. Cs. alcazaba,
from SA qa

sabah, Pt. and Gl. xarope and Ct. aixarop syrup vs. Cs. jarabe
21
It is, nevertheless, noteworthy than some of these loanwords have other reexes lack-
ing that phenomenon, e.g., Cs. ajebe, Ct. aixovar = Cs. ajuar, Ct. aixarop, A acharique, which
might suggest that some idiolects did not share it.
22
On this particular item, see also fn. 109 and Granja 1968. The same result would
be produced by merely velarised consonants, like /

r/, e.g., Pt. Marrocos < ma

r aku s. The
transcription /wa/ as o in the Southwest of the Iberian Peninsula is conrmed by the river
names Pt. Odiana, Odivarga, and Cs. Odiel Hl., and the Gl. and Pt. loanword osga gecko <
AA wz ga.
vociisx
from SA sar ab, Cs. alfombra,

from AA al

hnbal, and albrbola < alwl-

wala trilling cry of joy, or place names like Zocodover To. < sq addawbb
animal market, Almodvar Cr. < almudwwar the round (place), Almo-
halla Av., for which VA and Alc. have only ma

hlla encampment, like SA.

Such diversity points to diferent degrees of intensity in this phenomenon
with a presumably idiolectal distribution, indeed not excluding diachronic,
diatopic and diastratic factors.
1.1.1.6
In a signicant number of cases, AA exhibits /ay/ where SA had / a/, e.g., VA
qayd us bucket of a water wheel and kayn un oven for SA q ad us and
k an un, IQ 25/1/2 daym us cellar for SA d am us, etc. The likeliest explana-
tion for this odd feature appears to be a phenomenon of ultra-correction,
triggered by the wrong assumption of infra-correct monophthongisation
of that diphthong (see 1.1.4.2) and its ensuing restoration,

with the subse-

quent innovation of a phonemic alternation between sg. and pl., along the
lines of some types of broken plurals,

e.g., Alc. cayd pl. cavdi bucket of

a water wheel and caynn pl. cagunin oven, and VAzayt un pl. zaw atn
olive, as well as between diminutive and non-diminutive nouns in cases
like those mentioned in 2.1.3, fn. 123. This trend might also have been fos-
tered inorder to avoid {CC uC} strings, with a vocalic sequence particularly
frowned upon by Arabic phonaesthetics, but it spread later to other cases,
like those of VA

tay

h al pl.

taw a

hil spleen for OA

ti

h al, and Alc. xyra pl.

xaguir hamper from Rm. su+, gfa pl. jeguif carrion, for SA gfah, and
zif pl. azuif skirt, apparent outcome of OA *z a"if trailing (garment).
1.1.2. /i/ (High Front Unround Vowel)
1.1.2.1
This phoneme had an allophone [

e], occurring in velar or velarised and

pharyngealised contours, which Rm. speakers readily identied with their
phoneme /e/, as reected by the transcription of place names (e.g., Albacete
28
Vs. more conservative Pt. alfmbar, OldCs. alfamar and, withsome semantic evolution,
Cs. arambel, see Corriente 2008c: 100.
24
This hypothesis is conrmed by spellings like VA b ab una g = bayb una g for which Alc.
has bebonge camomile, f and = faynd, reected in the Cs. loanword alfeique, and by
place names like Ademuz Co., for IQ 25/1/2 aldaym us the cellar, from Gk. d emsion state
jail.
2
See 2.1.10.5.14.1. A similar alternation is witnessed in Mo. in the pl. rw afa (also ry afa) of
r Rian.
6 iuoxoiocv
Ab. < AA albas

t the plain, Almadeque So., < alma

dq the narrow place)

and loanwords (e.g., Cs. talega, Ct. and A taleca, Pt. taeiga, Gl. t(al)eiga bag
< ta#lqa, and Cs. and Pt. alcacer, Gl. alcacn green barley < alqa

sl). The
same reex in Rm. transcriptions is often the outcome of AA /i/ in the peak
position of a closed syllable, then being lower than otherwise, as purported
by cases like Cs. and Pt. metical currency unit < AA mi

tql and Old Cs.

mozlemo Muslim < muslm.
1.1.2.2
At times, this allophone [

e] in velar or velarised and pharyngealised con-

tours became suciently central and low to enter the realm of the allo-
phones of /a/, so that their phonemic opposition was neutralised in the
archiphoneme /A/, as reected not only by loanwords (e.g., Old Cs. alcabtea
a certain sleeveless garment < AA alqib

tyya, lit., the Coptic one, and Pt.

alcatro, Gl. alcatrn pitch < alqi

trn, vs. Cs. alquitrn and Ct. alquitr)

and place names (e.g., Guadalajara Gu. < wd al

hi gra, and Aznalczar Se.

<

sn alq

sr fortress of the palace) but also by inner AA evidence, e.g.,

LA191

sa

h ab companions for SA

si

h ab, LA188 and IH336

hab alah net

(vs. conservative VA

hib alah), GL

hazb heresy, for SA

hizb faction, and

the common AA qa

t# money for SA qi

t a# pieces.
1.1.2.3
Conversely, in labiovelar contours, the allophones of /i/ could, by backing
androunding, enter the realmof those of /u/ (e.g., VAandGL guw ar near,
from SA giw ar, VA gun a song, from SA gin a", and Alc. bun building,
fromSAbin a", which also underlies the Cs., Gl. and Pt. loanword aduana, Ct.
duana customs, although AA witnesses only diwn.
1.1.3. /u/ (High Back Round Vowel)
1.1.3.1
This phoneme had an allophone [

o], which occurred in velar or velarised

and pharyngealised contours. Rm. speakers readily identied it with their
phoneme /o/, as reected by the transcription of place names (e.g., Aloyn
Te., < AA al#uyn the springs, Algorfa Ac., < AA al grfa the storeroom)
and loanwords (e.g., Old Cs. horro freeman < AA

hrr, Cs., Gl. and Pt.

albogue ute < AA albq, and Cs. and Gl. algodn, Pt. algodo, Ct. cot
cotton < AA alqu

tn). The same outcome in Rm. transcriptions is often

brought about by AA/u/ in the peak position of a closed syllable, then being
lower than otherwise, as reected by cases like Cs., Gl. and Pt. albornoz
burnous < AA alburns and Old Cs. mozlemo Muslim < muslm.
vociisx
1.1.3.2
In some instances, an expectable /u/ appears fronted as /i/ in AA, either
by contact assimilation (e.g., Pt. algibe vs. aljube, Cs. aljibe vs. Ct. aljup,
although SA and AA only witness gubb reservoir), dissimilation (e.g., Alc.
qugua and DC 15a quhua strength vs. qwwa in other AA sources, in
agreement with OA quwwah) or just dialectal hesitation already frequent
in OA dialects and eventually reaching their NA ofspring.
1.1.4. Diphthongs
1.1.4.1
It has long been known that AA treatment of OA diphthongs is extremely
conservative, as reected by even late works like Alcals on the Granadan
dialect, where monophthongisation, so common in most NA dialects, is
extremely rare. Not only are /aw/ and /ay/ generally preserved, but there
are occasional instances of an additional /iw/ (e.g., VA istiwb ar hair-
raising and istiwl a overpowering), unacceptable in CA, but tolerated in
some Western Arabic dialects on account of their partially South Arabian
ancestry.

Therefore, the current monophthongisation of loanwords, e.g.,

Cs., Ct. and Gl. aldea, Pt. aldeia village < AA a

dy#a, or Cs. azote, Ct.

assot scourge < assw

t,

and place names of Arabic origin (e.g., Alcalatn

Cl. < alqala#atyn the two castles, Alcocver Cs. < alqu

syba the little

castle, Alloza Te. < allwza the almond tree) in the Rm. languages of
the Iberian Peninsula is mostly a mere consequence of their own phonetic
rules, applied upon AAitems after their adoption. As a matter of fact, such a
phenomenon is not present in other cases (e.g., Cs. and Gl. aceite, Pt. azeite
oil < AA azzyt, and Old Cs. alhaite trinket, L alfeide < al

hy

t thread,
string [of pearls], Aldaya Va. < a

dy#a the village, Algaida Ca., Ma. and

Ml. < al gy

da the thicket, or Almudaina Am. < almudy(ya)na the little

town, vs. Almudena Md.), because those inner Rm. rules were not in efect
at the time or in the place where the borrowing took place.
1.1.4.2
However, AA is not entirely free of cases in which the OA diphthongs
have become either contracted (i.e., /aw/ > / o/ and /ay/ > / e/, e.g., Alc.
gincn two kinds < AA ginsyn, and onbra = VA

sunubrah pine kernel

26
See on this Corriente 1989b, together with its counterpoint, Corriente 1999f.
2
But Pt. aou/ite and Gl. azouta/e have reected the diphthong, according to their own
phonetic evolution, thus proving this point.
8 iuoxoiocv
< SA

sanawbarah), or even reduced to the vowel homogeneous with their

last element, i.e, /aw/ > / u/ and /ay/ > // (e.g., IQ 70/6/1 bi

hr well, and
107/8/2 l u

h writing tablet, both in rhyme position, VA d ulah turn,

and

sum#ah belfry, and LA 185 q

h pus<, for SA bi

hayr, law

h, dawlah,

sawma#ah and qay

h). The contracted realizations must have been analyzed

as allophonic, since apparently / o/ and / e/ never acquired phonemic status
in AA, unlike the case in other NA dialects. Apparently, monophthongisa-
tion was also a license allowed in order to facilitate rhymes, e.g., in IQ66/1/1
hawt for hawayt I loved, rhymed with gt you came.
1.1.4.3
Conversely, there were also cases in which OA / u/u/ and //i/ are reected
in AA as /aw/ and /ay/, respectively (e.g., LA 93 lawb an olibanum, VA

tawm garlic and

sawf wool, vs. SA lub an,

t um and

s uf, and the Old Cs.

loanword alaules pearls vs. SAlu"lu"ah, cf. GL lawlu"ah and Ml. lewluwwa;
VA

ti

h al and

tay

h al spleen, and bay#ah church, for SA b#ah), either

because of the aforementionedpartial SouthArabianancestry of this dialect
bundle,

or as an ultra-correction triggered by reaction to monophthongi-

sation in the allophones [

o] of / u/ and [

e] of // in velar and pharyngeal

contours (see 1.1.3.1 and 1.1.2.1).
1.1.4.4
There has been some talk of a diferent treatment of the so-called sec-
ondary diphthongs, i.e., those resulting from the decay of glides in cases
like /a"i/ > /ay/ and /awu/ or /awi/ > /aw/, which Steiger 1932:360 supposed
had been more resistant to contraction within Rm., thus explaining the
diferent solutions, e.g., in Cs. and Pt. almez honey-barry, from SA mays,
vs. Cs. alcaide, Ct. alcayd/t governor, from SA alq a"id, or Pt. aceifa har-
vest, from SA a

s a"ifah. But there is plenty of evidence of non-diferential

treatment of this kind of diphthongs in AA materials, e.g., VA

hay

t wall,
#aylah family and

taws peacock for SA

h a"i

t, # a"ilah and

t a" us, IQ
gid for SA gayyid good, Z 511 midatuh his table, for SA m a"idah and,
in Rm. transcriptions, Old Ct. algueber runaway owner, from SA al g a"ib
absent, with a Rm. agentive sux {++vu}, Pt alcoveto procurer, from
AA alqawwd, and Cs. Cid, from SA sayyid lord.

The conclusion thereof

28
See Corriente 1989b: 95 and fn. 6, with both kinds of evidence.
20
There have been some proposals for a quite diferent interpretation of this surname
of the famous medieval Castilian warrior, which would rather reect Arabic sd wolf; lion,
on account of his deservedly bad reputation among his Muslim foes, to the point of being
described as a rabid wolf, sab# mas#r, in the Elegy for Valencia (see Corriente 1987b:
coxsoxx+isx q
can only be that secondary diphthongs had been levelled with the primary
ones in most instances, except perhaps in a few ones in which the bilingual
Mozarabs, who introduced the bulk of Arabic items in Rm., were subjected
to some morphological constraints, like preserving the characteristic mor-
phemic pattern {C aCiC} of agentive participles like q a"id or

s a"ifah. For the

same reason too, any speaker of AA would refrain from contracting the
secondary diphthongs of broken plurals, e.g., in Alc. baxir good news,
fromSAba s a"ir, or melique angels, fromSAmal a"ikah, in order not to dis-
tort the characteristic pattern {CaC aCiC}, except in very rare instances of
quite common items, like Granadan haguch, side by side with haguix, for

haw a"i g things; needs.

1.2. Coxsoxx+isx
1.2.1. /b/ (Bilabial Voiced Stop)
1.2.1.1
OA/b/ was generally sotense that it soundedtoHisp. Rm. ears closer totheir
/p/ that to their bilabial fricative allophone [

b], characteristic of syllable

coda positions, and this explains the shapes of some loanwords (e.g., Pt.
acepipe appetizer, vs. Cs. acebibe and Ct. atzebib < OA azzabb raisins,
and Ct. rpita oratory, vs. Cs. and Pt. rbida, from AA rbi

ta). In nal
position, the devoicing may have been caused by inner rules of the Ibero-
Rm. languages in some periods, e.g., Cs. arrope, Ct. arrop, vs. Pt. arrobe
grape syrup, from AA arrbb, Ct. aixarop syrup, vs. Cs. jarabe, from SA
a s sar ab. In other instances, however, this phenomenon is likely connected
with the tense feature implied by gemination or other circumstances, like
Alc. chup

ka = / cupp

ha/ sound produced with the mouth, spelled in VA

as gubb a

hah soap bubble, possibly by contamination of devoicing to the

whole consonantal skeleton.
335336 and the text sample N 6, l. 10, of this work); nevertheless, both the historical
evidence about his being called in Cs. mo Cid = AAsdi milord by his bilingual henchmen,
and the linguistic fact that AA does not register that infrequent CA item force us to reject
that hypothesis. However, a posteriori, the phonetic likeness, even identity in AA, between
both words, must have ofered an easy pun to learned Muslims: in fact, in that same text l. 16,
Rodrigo is again alluded to as alacet the lion (< SA al"asad), it being known that wolves
and lions were lexically confused in AA, in which labu"ah = labwah = lawwah lioness is
rendered by VA as Lt. leena (sic), lupa.
io iuoxoiocv
1.2.1.2
But several OA dialects used by some of the tribes that invaded the Iberian
Peninsula, if not the Rian Berbers, who could not avoid this feature,

probably already hadthat same bilabial spirant allophone [

b], characteristic
of the local Rm. languages. Ina rst degree, this might have ledto/f/ through
devoicing, e.g., VA b/fays ara a dish of broad beans,

and HB 363 f s in
order to, for AAb/ s, spelledas xinDC11b,

andquite ofteninloanwords,
e.g., Pt. arrequife iron spike of a cotton gin, from SA arrik ab stirrup, and
Ct. garrof/va carob, vs. Cs. algarroba and Pt. alfarroba, from SA

harr ubah.
Eventually, by taking one more step, that allophone could easily become
/w/ in some AA items, like VA lawwah lioness for AA lbwa, a(b)w ab
doors, and Alc. cucab (= /qwqab/) clog, for SA labu"ah, abw ab and
qabq ab, and even disappear, a phenomenon also witnessed by loanwords
(e.g., Cs. atad, Pt. and Gl. atade, Ct. atat con, from AA attabt and
Gl. amboa vat, from AA anbba, for SA t ab ut and unb ubah), and place
names (e.g., Azauchal Bd., from AA zabb g wild olive tree, with the Rm.
locative sux {++t}, and Calatorao Zg., from AA qal#at turb mudbrick
wall castle). This weakening of /b/ to the point of total disappearance is
particularly frequent in word codas, e.g., in IQ 90/6/1

s a

h saw wicked
man; devil, for SA

s a

hib, and more often in loanwords (e.g., Cs. zalmedina

town prefect, from AA

hb almadna)

and place names (e.g., Talar

Gr., from AA

hrat al#arb the Arabs quarter), also under the efect of

Rm. phonetic preferences, furthermore favoured by the weakness of the AA
articulation. But this allowed other possibilities too, amidst the consonants
tolerated by Rm. in codas, e.g, Almucar Gr. < almunkkab deviated,
Zocodover To. < sq addawbb animal market, Calatayud Zg., < qal#at
ayyb A.s castle.
1.2.1.3
However, spirantisation of /b/ was repressed as substandard in AA, which
could result in ultra-correct /b/ where SA had original /f/, or even /w/, e.g.,
VA itr ab being wealthy, for SA itr af, karaf/bs celery, and bur gah
80
See Laoust 1939: xiii.
81
From Cp. pise ar o bean coction, after Corriente 1997d: 77, reected in Eg. Arabic as
bis ara or bu

s ara, and in Mo. as b e

s a

ra, a dish incidentally to which a mistaken Iranian origin

is attributed in Premare 19931999: I 370.
82
However, a parallel evolutionof bothconjunctions is not altogether unlikely; see 3.3.2.3.
88
However, there is a variant zabalmedina, and the /b/ is also retained in A abalaquen,
Cs. zabazala, zabazoque and A zabecequia with the same rst constituent (see Corriente
2008c: 468).
coxsoxx+isx ii
opening, for SA fur gah; cf. also loanwords like Old Cs. azoraba girafe,
for zur afah, Old Pt. alfobre ditch, for al

hufrah, loanwords (e.g., Cs. and

Gl. albacea, Pt. albaceia executor, and albrbola trilling cry of joy < SA
alwa

siyyah and alwalwalah, respectively), and place names like Vegalatrave

Za., from Rm. o+vx+ + AAala

trf lowland on the borders,

and Alc. rutfl

hairnet, from Lt. r et olu(m), through GL 433 rutuw al, or Jaraba Zg., from
the name of the Br. tribe of gar awah.
1.2.1.4
Onaccount of its partially Yemenite ancestry, AAsharedthe trendtointer-
change /b/ and /m/, characteristic of ESA

and still common in Mod.Yem.

dialects,

as witnessed, e.g., in VA qinnab/m hemp, mulawlab/m

round, m/barham liniment, bayd am = mind am while, Alc. menf-
sig violet, for SAbanafsa g, AC1621 dawl am water wheel, for SAdawl ab,
and equally reected by some loanwords, like Ct. batafalua = matafaluga
and Cs. matalahva aniseed, from AA

hbbat

halwwa, lit. the sweet

grain, and Cs. abismal clasp nail, for SA mism ar. As Cs. substitutes /n/ for
/m/ in syllable codas, the outcome of /b/ is /n/ in cases like almotacn vs.
Old Ct. almudaaf market inspector,

from AA almu

htasb, and alacrn

vs. Pt. lacrau and Ct. arraclau scorpion, from AA al#aqrb; however, this is
no denite proof of a shift to /m/ in AA, but just a more congenial way to
render foreign consonants rejected by Cs. in that position, as in the above
case of /b/.
1.2.2. /p/ (Bilabial Unvoiced Stop)
1.2.2.1
There can be no doubt that, after the initial clash between the Rm. and OA
phonemic systems, echoed by Arabic transcriptions with f or b of Rm.
/p/, absent from the OA consonantal inventory (e.g., Lt. Hisp alis > i sblya
Seville, and Lt. porrgne(m) > AAfurrn dandruf), AAemerged as one of
the few NA dialects in which /p/ rose to the status of an, at least, marginal
84
The same hesitation is witnessed in other Western Arabic dialects with a strong Rm.
substratum, cf. in JT ba

s a

s qui pte souvant vs. AA fa

sa (fem.), and Ml. be za" he was

scared, from {fz#}, vs. dolf plane-tree for SA dulb.
8
See Corriente 1996a: 16 and fn. 1, and Hfner 1943:143146 about the preposition bn.
86
See P. Behnstedt, rabe Yemen, in Corriente & Vicente (eds.) 2008: 104.
8
See other Rm. reexes in Corriente 2008c: 160, suggesting inter-Rm. borrowing in some
cases.
ia iuoxoiocv
phoneme.

This assumption is borne out not only by Rm. transcriptions

like those of Alc. for Granadan items of Lt. stock (e.g., aprl April, and px
penis), at times even implying the presence of minimal pairs, like quibb
chapels vs. quipp cloaks, but also by loanwords transmitted through
AA with preservation of a /p/ in the source language (e.g., Cs. alcaparra
caper < AA qapr < Lt. capp aris, Cs. alpatana utensil < AA alpa

tna <
Gk. patn e dish, and alpargata, from the AA pl. par gt, with ultra-correct
/p/).

The less thanfull-edgedstatus of /p/ inAAis givenaway, however, by

a number of hesitations (e.g., Alc. brchele = prchele garret), and pseudo-
correct solutions (e.g., in the late borrowings of Alc. infra-correct cabarn
saddle cover, < Cs. caparazn, vs. the ultra-correct lapt priest, < Cs. el
abad).
1.2.2.2
In view of the symmetrical and compact structure of Arabic consonantism,
one would expect that the addition of a new phoneme /p/ would have
occurred precisely in an empty slot of that frame, which happened to exist
inthe emphatic positioncorresponding tothe incomplete triad/b//f/
.

Actually, we have more than hints that AA/p/ behaved most of the time
as a emphaticised phoneme, resistant to im alah or palatalisation (e.g., Alc.
lapt priest pl. lappit, cppa cloak pl. quipp, and cappn capon pl.
cappin, vs. the less frequent cases of the Rm. loanword cappt cloak pl.
cappit and the genuine OA zubb penis pl. zuppt, presumable witnesses
to some diachronic, diastratic or diatopic hesitation, possibly triggered by
weakening or faulty reception of phonemic emphasis).
1.2.2.3
The fact that all the emphatic phonemes of Arabic are tense has generated a
mental connection with gemination in AA. This situation surfaces in cases
88
On this, see Corriente 1978b. The same is noticeable in other peripheral NA dialects,
suchas Ml., Cypriot, Ir. and Central Asian, as a result of interference by Italian, Greek, Persian
and Turkic.
80
A common phenomenon in loanwords, as the initial etymon is a Rm. word akin
to Bq. abarka. The common habit of wearing hemp sandals in the Iberian Peninsula is
underscored by the substitution of Hisp. Lt. *taucia for other Rm. or Arabic names of
this plant in Al-Andalus (cf. AA

tw ca in several sources, whence Cs. atocha), and by the

anecdote of Almuqtabis II-1 (see Corriente & Makki 2001:57 and fn. 93), in which the emir
Al

hakam I reviles the mutinous populace as t st+u.os in Rm., i.e., hemp (sandal) shod.
Subsequently, that word became better assimilated as bul ga (sic in VA) and has survived in
Mo. bl ga slipper.
40
See Cantineau 1960:27 and 294.
coxsoxx+isx i
in which a geminated /b/, even of Arabic stock, has evolved into AA /p/; for
instance, in Alc. happt, i.e., happ

t to put down, from SA habba

ta, and
the abovementioned zuppt penises, not to speak of adopted Rm. items
with preservation, but also with spontaneous gemination of /p/, like those
reported in the preceding paragraph, with no other structural motivation.
That connection is also evidenced by the choice in Aljamiado script of
geminated b as grapheme of Rm. /p/.
1.2.3. /f/ (Labiodental Unvoiced Spirant)
1.2.3.1
The assimilation of this consonant to a next /

s/ in SA nu/i

sf half is com-
monplace in several NA dialects, but AA has other additional cases of its
assimilation before a sibilant, like annssu himself, witnessed in VA, IQ
and Alc., from SA bi+nafsi+h,

plus the inverse case of Alc. icl, from SA

asfal below. However, the decay of this phoneme in some loanwords (e.g.,
Cs. alazor, Pt. alaor, from SA al#u

sfur bastard safron, and Cs. zaquizam

shack, from AA sqf ssam a roof in the sky) and place names of Ara-
bic origin (e.g., Almansa Ab. and Almanza Le., both from AA almn

saf the
middle of the journey) is likelier to reect the early evolution of /f/ into /h/
in Cs., and its rejection of either phoneme in syllable codas.
1.2.4. /m/ (Bilabial Nasal)
1.2.4.1
By inhibitionof its labial occlusion, this phoneme may occasionally become
/n/ at the end of words in AA, e.g., in VA ibzn buckle (accepted as SA by
LA 16, unlike bazm, which is Alc. bizm), and Alc. cotn lanners, from SA
ibzm and qa

t am, and then propagate to other positions within paradigms,

e.g., their pl. abzinah and singulative cotna. However, a similar shift in
loanwords (e.g., Cs. gan shepherd, from AA gannm) and place names
(e.g., Alfamn Zg., from AA [br g] al

hamm dovecote) is a mere conse-

quence of the abhorrence of Cs. for nal /m/, not shared by Pt. and Ct. In
the case of some place names, apparently having lost a nal /m/, this seems
41
See Corriente 1997d: 30 about this item, also reected in Ml. innifsu. In his pioneering
article, Colin 1960 suggested for this item the etymon *li+nafsi+h, less likely, as it is not
used merely as a complement, direct or indirect, but as a reinforcement of the personal
pronoun, equivalent of OA bi+nafsi+h. Its evolution was: huwa bi+nafsih > *huwa+bnafsuh
> *huwa+mnafsuh > *huwa+annafsuh > *hu annafsu, etc.
i iuoxoiocv
attributable to the weak articulation of most nal consonants, through loss
of glottal tone, insome Rm. dialects (e.g., Benamocarra Ma., fromAA(a)ban
mukrram).

1.2.5. /w/ (Bilabial Semi-Consonant)

1.2.5.1
Though it is well-known that the three Arabic, as well as Semitic semi-
consonants /"/, /w/ and /y/, can readily interchange in the appropriate
contours, it is yet noticeable that some of these shifts in AA are unprece-
dented in OA, e.g., initial /w/ > /"/, in IQ 130/5/3 and 146/4/1 iz arah, for
SA wiz arah ministry, and Alc. ir ca heritage, for SA wir a

tah, /w/ > /y/,

e.g., VA faw/y

hah smell, gay# an hungry, for SA faw

hah and gaw# an,

etc. The latter phenomenon may bear relation to the so-called South Ara-
bian lability,

i.e., spontaneous interchange of both phonemes, as just

another witness to this genetic anity of AA; however, in some instances,
chances are that the /y/ has just been propagated from very common items
of a stem originally containing /w/, but having substituted /y/ for it on
account of some morphophonemic rules of OA, like Alc. nidy ~ dayit
= ni

dayy ~

dayyyt to lighten, backformed on SA

diy a" light and not

directly from {

dw"}, nicaym ~ caymt = niqayym ~ qayymt to get goose

esh, backformed on SA qiy amah rising, and not directly from {qwm},
also likely in the case of gay# an hungry and VA gayya# next to regular
gawwa# to make hungry, from its pl. giy a#, and not directly from its root
{ gw#}.
1.2.6. /t/ (Dental Unvoiced Stop)
1.2.6.1
This phoneme is characterised in every NA dialect, included AA, by a mor-
phophonemic alternation with in the fem. morpheme {+at}, being
dropped without leaving any phonetic trace, unless the noun so marked is
head of a syntagmof annexation (e.g., AAmidnat almalk the kings town,
but midna a town). In Arabic script, however, it is customary to main-
tain an h surmounted by two dots (as if it were a t, the so-called t a"un
42
This weakness was pointed out by Pocklington 1986; however, it is unlikely that the
phenomena listed by him would have originated among the Arabic speakers of Andalusia.
48
See Hfner 1943:2627.
coxsoxx+isx i
marb u

tah), reminiscent of the phoneme /h/, which was pronounced in the

matching pausal forms of OA (i.e., madnah).

1.2.6.2
Otherwise, /t/ is very stable in AA, but for very rare cases of voicing (e.g.,
rhyme-supported waqd+ak your time in Z 1423, for {wqd}, Alc. eltefd he
visited, for SAiltafata he looked [in]), and more often of velarisation (e.g.,
IQ 18/2/4 as

t = Z 499 and 580 a/is

t/d arse for SA ist, 202 #afr

t demon
for OA #ifrt, IQ95/4/3 a

ta

h he was ashamed for SAista

h, LA281

ta

ht
wardrobe for the SAIranismta

ht). The explanation for the latter case may

be ultra-correction, as velarisation has not been easily maintained in the
peripheral dialects of Arabic; as for voicing, in the case of the coarse ist
arse, it may be due to euphemism, but this would not be applicable to the
remaining items.
1.2.7. /d/ (Dental Voiced Stop)
1.2.7.1
Although OA had and AA has preserved a phonemic opposition between
/d/ and /

d/, supported by minimal pairs like VA badalt I changed vs.

ba

dlt I spent, Alc. d sickness and

d this, etc., the fact remains that

their mere allophonic distribution in the Rm. substratum appears to have
crept into the lower registers of AAand made that opposition precarious, as
evidenced by their frequent confusions, e.g., in GL mu g a

dalah dispute,
ga

dwal creek, VA

haf

d nephew, mawq u

dah holocaust, HB 154.15

ttv+n t+al

ha

d (day of) Sunday, Hv 99r1 s

di milord, etc., from OA

{ gdl}, { gdwl}, {

hfd}, {wqd}, {"

hd} and {swd}.

1.2.7.2
We also come across AA spellings with indiferent /

d/ or /

d/, even /
-

d/,
instead of the expectable /d/ (e.g., VA #arr a

dah catapult from OA {#r

d},
IQ 96/12/2 yi#arba

d he quarrels, 90/14/2 #arba

-

dah quarrel, all from

{#rbd}, Z 1016

daybar an wasps vs. VA daybar an and Alc. d/

dabr, for
44
The absence of any phonetic equivalence of this grapheme in AA is given away by
occasional substitutions of / a/ for it (e.g., IA286al+

sa

hf a the dish, 319

h al a aunt, LA267

hulb a fenugreek, 201 #azb a maiden, etc.), as well as by ungrammatical interchange,

from the viewpoint of CA rules, with the two other fem. markers + and + a" (e.g., VA
un

t = un

tah female, u

hr = u

hrah another [fem.], sawdah black [fem.] for OA

sawd a" and, conversely, na

s arah for SAna

s ar Christians). However, that /h/ must have

been a phonemic reality, as it rhymes in CA poetry with any other kind of nal /h/, and has
occasionally survived in NA, e.g., in pausal forms of the dialect of San"a (see Nam 2009:24).
i6 iuoxoiocv
OA {dbr}, etc.) which, being invariably traceable to the lower registers,
more prone to inhibit than to extend velarisation, would possibly point to
phonemic and mere graphemic indiferentiationat some times and insome
places and registers between all /d/, /

d/, /

d/ and /
-

d/.
1.2.7.3
Leaving aside frequent cases of transcription of AA /d/, eventually /

d/, as
unvoiced in nal positions, due to a taxemic rule of Ibero-Rm. languages,
bothinloanwords (e.g., Cs. alcahuete, Ct. alcavot andPt. alcoveto procurer,
from AA alqawwd) and in place names (e.g., Albalat Va., from AA albald
the town, Alberite Lo. and Zg., fromAAalbard the relay),

there is some
evidence inAAmaterials pointing toswitches between/d/ (or eventually an
interchangeable /

d/) and /

t/ (e.g., VA garrad/

t he shouted, from { grd}

qunfud/

t hedgehog, from {qnf

d},

d abid/

t compasses, from {

db

t} and
Z 1890 mur

t ephebes, from SA {mrd}). Ultra-correction triggered by sub-

standard loss of emphasis would be the likeliest explanation for such cases.
1.2.7.4
There are traces in AA of a very low register trend /d/ > /l/, also quite
seldom extant in other NA dialects,

and witnessed, e.g., in the optional

but rare shape of the relative pronoun AA /all / vs. commoner alla

d, in
VA mul uliyyah shanty (a loanword from Gk. mel oda), and perhaps in
VA zullay g(ah) glazed tile (whence Cs. azulejo), if indeed it derives from
{z g g}, through a dissimilated *{zd g}.

1.2.8. /

t/ (Velarised Unvoiced Dental Stop)

1.2.8.1
Rm. transcriptions of /

t/ in most loanwords (e.g., Cs. albitar, Pt. alveitar

< AA alby

tar blacksmith, and Pt. and Gl. alfaiate, Cs. alfayate from AA
al

hayy

t) and place names (e.g., Alcntara Cc., < alqn

tara the bridge,

and Rpita Ta., < AA rbi

ta outpost) are sucient proof of its received

unvoiced articulation in AA too, as mostly in NA. However, other instances
of transcriptions with d which cannot be attributed to intra-Rm. inter-
vocalic voicing (e.g., VA d/

tunbuqah boss, from {

tbq}, matched by Alc.

4
Otherwise, the same nal consonant may be reected in Rm. by a sonorant (e.g.,
Benamor Mu. < ban

hammd), or simply disappear (e.g., Benimod Va. < ban mawdd),

on account of phonaesthetic preferences, at times peculiar, of each language.
46
Like Mo. la for SA i

d a when, if, and the generalized NA ill for the relative alla

d.
4
See 2.1.3.2, Corriente 1997d: 232 and fn. 1.
coxsoxx+isx i
nidenbq I emboss, LA 118 qubbay

d, for standard qubbay

t a certain
sweetmeat, whence Old Cs. alcotn) would point to the survival of some
idiolects continuing OA dialects which had a voiced variety of /

t/. This is
incidentally the realization described by no other than Sbawayhi (II: 465)
as received pronunciation, preserved in some other NA dialects.

1.2.8.2
There are some hints of occasional develarisation of /

t/ in very low or late

registers of AA, e.g., LA297 mantaqah girdle for SAmin

taqah, andMI 171

172 y

htwh they give him, for AA ya#

th, and yhbtw they go down, for

AAyahb

tu, etc. These exceptions to the rule of generally good preservation

of the distinctive features of this phoneme canbe due tothe efect of the Rm.
substratum during the processes of gradual acquisition or loss of Arabic.
1.2.9. /n/ (Dental Nasal)
1.2.9.1
There are some cases of nal /n/ turning into /m/ (e.g., VA

hammam/n he
thought,

halaz um/n snails, Alc. nileym/n = nilayym/n I soften). In

view of 1.2.4.1, this can be attributed to ultra-corrections eventually becom-
ing established usage in some instances.
1.2.9.2
This phoneme had a certain tendency in AA towards assimilation and
absorption when followed by a sibilant, alveolar or velar consonant,

e.g.,
Alc. erquec sciatica, for NA #irq annas a, IQ 2/1/1 and 68/8/3 at(ta) you
for SA anta, Alc. yqun if = ikkn, from SA in k an, plus a host of similar
instances in loanwords and place names of uncertain attribution, either to
inner AA or Rm. phonetic trends upon borrowing (e.g., Pt. alma[n]xar =
Cs. almijar drying shed < AA alman sr; Masalcoreig Ld. < mnzal quray s
the inn of Quray s, Mazalen Te. < mnzal al#uyn inn of the springs, and
several other inns, in which that /n/ is systematically omitted in their Rm.
transcription).
48
E.g., in Yemen; see Rossi 1937:236 and Behnstedt (in Corriente & Vicente 2008:99).
It appears that, when the old lateral pronunciation of

d ad disappeared, replaced among

Bedouins by /
-

d/, urban dwellers unable to articulate interdentals began to pronounce it as

a voiced velarised dental stop, and in turn, this favoured the unvoiced articulation of /

t/,
as it was very convenient for Qur" anic readers to keep every phoneme apart and free from
mergers.
40
Which was uncommon in North Arabian, unlike the case in North and East Semitic, or
even in ESA.
i8 iuoxoiocv
1.2.9.3
There was also a low register tendency in AA to drop /n/ in coda posi-
tions (e.g., Alc. jonjol sesame, for SA gul gul an, and um quails, vs. VA
summ an, IA 315

husay, for the pn.

Husayn), above all in the segment

ayn in nal position (e.g., IQ 1/7/3 and 7/5/4 ay where, VA lay to what
place, GL #ay+baqar prunes, from NA #ayn baqar, literally cow eyes;
this is also frequent in duals, such as IQ 42/1/4

hadday cheeks, MT 315.2

saqqay two brothers, and 689.4

tarafay two sides, and regularly in

Alc., for NA

haddayn, saqqayn and

tarafayn). Chances are that this ten-

dency started with an inherited South Arabian invariable dual morpheme
{+ay},

then spread to other instances of nal -ayn, and nally of -n, which
alternated with the former on account of widespread monophthongisation;
in fact, there is no parallel in cases of nal an or un.
1.2.9.4
Sometimes /n/ may develop as a result of dissimilation of geminated conso-
nants, or just as a parasitical sound, called repercussive by some linguists,
e.g., IH 292 kanb u s veil, from Low Lt. cap[p]uciu(m), IA 749 funqa#
mushrooms, from SA fuqq a#, VA isbaran g asparagus, from Gk. aspra-
gos. However, in many Rm. loanwords, the addition of a nal /n/, or of a
nasalised vowel, spelled as m in Pt., (e.g., Cs. albardn, Pt. albardim, < AA
bard papyrus) is a mere consequence of Rm. phonaesthetic preferences,
contrasting with Ct., which instead tends to drop an original nal /n/, e.g.,
mesqu poor man < AA miskn, vs. Cs. mezquino, Pt. mesquinho.
1.2.9.5
At times /n/ and /l/ interchange in AA, as is common in NAdialects, or even
in OA and other linguistic families (e.g., VA ziw an/l darnel, and IH 321
bu g g ul g stalk, vs. Alc. pochn = pu cn, from Low Lt. pecciolus, most
likely through metanalysis of the Rm. augmentative sux {+N}, as in the
case of parallel Cs. pezn nipple).
1.2.9.6
In a few instances also, through loss of the nasal formant and relaxation
of mouth articulation, /n/ could become /y/ (e.g., VA

hay s snake, Alc.

0
See Belova 1996:94, where dual endings without nunation are registered for Minaean,
Ge#ez and Mh., Hfner 1943:124, for Minaean, and Bauer 1966:5556, who reports the invari-
able ending -hy for the tens in the latter, matched by -a in Ge#ez, diachronically descended
from duals.
coxsoxx+isx iq
hayxa common dragon, and the diminutive huyax little snake,

LA 86
and IH 170 may gam mallet, for SA min gam, and LA 127 kayf travelers
sack, for SA kinf ).
1.2.10. /r/ (Alveolar Vibrant)
1.2.10.1
The number of trills inherent to this phoneme may difer not only from one
language to another, but even within the same, depending on diachronic,
diatopic and diastratic factors, which explains anomalous geminations and
degeminations in cases like VA surriy an = GL surr an = Alc. urrini, for
SA sury an Syriac, LA 274 and other AA sources zarr#ah seed, for SA
zar#ah, LA 281

d arah concubine for SA

darrah, Alc. perrixn parsley,

from Lt. p etr os elun(m), not to speak of Rm. transcriptions of AA items, like
Alc. guarrni hind, for NA war an, carna spiked dog-collar, from Cs.
carranza, and loanwords (e.g., Cs. ataharre, Pt. and Gl. atafal, Ct. tafarra
crupper <AAa

tafr, Cs. andCt. garrama ne, from garma, Pt. alcorreta

talebearer, from al

huryya

ta little bag, etc.)

1.2.10.2
As in many other languages, AA /r/ could interchange with /l/ in some
instances (e.g., VA bir/ls am dumbness, dird al/rah ash tree, zurz al/r
throstle, mar/last an hospital, LA72 qalas

t un scales, fromGk. charis-

ton, through Sr. q/krys

t un a, IH301 tliyya for tryya, i.e., one-span-long

nail, and IQ 83/8/3 birbiliyyah Br. language), Alc.

knjel fang, < SA

han gar dagger, not to mention other cases of lambdacism in loanwords,

attributable to target language preferences, in which the Rm. transcriptions
have l for an expectable r in loanwords (e.g., Cs. aafl trumpet, from
SA annafr, alfol barn, from AA alhur ), or place names (e.g., Benaguacil
Va., fromAAban alwazr the ministers sons, Daragolefa Gr., fromAAdr
al guryfa house of the little store-room, etc.).

1
However, the SA shape also survived, in VA

han s, Alc. hunyxa lizard, and the place

name Alanje Bd., <

hi

sn al

han s, the Castrum Colubri of medieval sources, possibly here

because of a trend towards using higher registers in geographical names.
2
However, in the case of codas in place names, we must take into account the poor
perception of consonants in that position by Rm. ears (see 1.2.4.1), e.g., Almonacid Cu., Gu.,
So., To., Va. and Zg., vs. Almonaster Hu., < AA almunastr the monastery, or Cs. and Pt.
mudjar Muslim living under Christian rule < mud g gan, lit. tame.
ao iuoxoiocv
1.2.10.3
In a few cases /r/ lost its vibrant feature and became /y/ (e.g., VA m

h a

d =
Alc. mihd water-closet and biza

k purgatory for SAmir

h a

d and barza

h,
the latter preserved in VA, and the imperfectives nd ~ td, etc., I want ~ you
want, etc. for SA nurd, turd, etc.).

1.2.10.4
Like many NA dialects, a velarised /

r/ probably had phonemic status in AA,

as pointed by covert minimal pairs like Alc. ybarrt barrt = ba

rd to hail
vs. niberrd berrtt = barrd to cool, from {brd}, and nibaxxr baxxrt =
ba s sr to announce glad tidings vs. nibexxr bexxrt = ba s sr to brandish
(a weapon), from {b sr}, xrib = s

rib drinker vs. xrib = srib moustache,

from { srb}, etc. That feature would explain the absence of im alah in Alc.
yrda = i

rda or mord = mu

rd desire, harr c =

ha

t ploughman, etc.
1.2.11. /l/ (Alveolar Lateral)
1.2.11.1
Rhotacism of AA /l/ is common place in Rm. loanwords (e.g., Cs. argolla,
Pt. and Gl. argola ring, from AA al glla, Cs. alcacel green barley, from
AA alqa

sl, etc.) and place names (e.g., Gibraltar, from gb(a)l

triq Tariqs
mountain), on account of assimilations, dissimilations and other occur-
rences taking place in the course of adoption of Arabic items by Rm.
ears. But at times it might occur also within AA materials, e.g., in VA

har/laz unah snail,

hir/l

h al bracelet, rutayrah spider, from {rtl},

Alc.

karnja heath, for SA

halan gah, and the very frequent arc he put

from {lqy}, also witnessed by VA and AC.
1.2.11.2
There are also some parallel cases of the shift /l/ > /n/, very common in
Naf. NAdialects (e.g., VA

hank black, from{

hlk}, miql/nn linnet, from

Rm. *ML KOLORN, lit., one thousand colours, Alc. natlla crab louse vs.
la

tallah in VA, from Low Lt. *blatella, etc.).

8
Conned to Granadan documents, like Alc., IZ, AC and PES 42*/6/3 (attributed by the
mss. to A s su star, though undoubtedly authored by Ibn Al

ha

tb: see Corriente 1988:179, fn.

1), but required also by the metre in IQ 51/5/2, 64/6/3 and 124/7/4, where they appear to
have been ultra-corrected by non-Andalusi copyists. This strange phenomenon could be
connectedwiththe characteristic weakness of /r/ inZan at Br.: see Laoust 1939: xv andIbez
1949: xxxiiiii. This case has a parallel in the Ml. imperfective jaf he knows of g
-
haraf (see
Aquilina 1990 II: 974).
coxsoxx+isx ai
1.2.11.3
As in most NA dialects, a velarised /

l/ appears to have existed in AA; at

least, in the name of God, this is the likeliest explanation for the strange
Rm. transcription atla, i.e., [a

l], in MI 146.

1.2.12. /

t/ (Interdental Unvoiced Spirant)

1.2.12.1
The general preservation of interdentals is a hallmark of AA, characteristic
of only the oldest layer of urban NA, and of Bedouin dialects of all times
and places, while generally absent from more recent urban dialects, both
Eastern and Western. This articulation is painstakingly described, e.g., by
Alc. and, in the case of /

t/, implied by an array of spelling devices designed

to convey a sound which was totally alien to the languages of the Iberian
Peninsula at the time of the Islamic invasion, and would remain so for many
centuries among speakers of Ibero-Rm. languages. Such was the purpose of
using th, c, , z, s, with a considerable degree of hesitation, even an
ambiguous t, e.g., in the astronomical technical terms of Tg 1925, alie/zi,
algesi and elgehci for al g a

t (#al rukbatayh) Alpha Herculi, aoraya and

athoraya for SA a

turayy a the Pleiades, almutalat for (ras) almu

talla

t
Alpha Trianguli, and Altephil for al"a

t af Alpha, Epsilon and Zeta Lyrae

(lit., the trivet), or in loanwords, like Old Cs. aumbre a certain measure
for liquids, from SA a

tumn the eighth, Pt. zirbo mesentery, from SA

tarb.
1.2.12.2
However, some AA materials report a shift /

t/ > /t/, e.g., VA ka

t/t uliq
Catholic, #u

t/tn un dewlap, ma stam resting-place of an animal, for SA

ma g

tam, GL ta

hn heavy, for SA

ta

hn, Alc. corrta leek for SAkurr a

tah,
and atl trivet, for which IH 260 literally informs us that some speakers
said at al instead of SA a

t af, etc.; thus, we cannot forego the conclusion

that in AA there was also a trend, probably substandard and repressed,
towards substitution of the dental stop for the interdental spirant.
4
The whole oath formula, according to this text, was Vitley Hautledi itle Itlehu Itle Atl
huaraphdichalquiblaalmohamadia, i.e., animperfect rendering of CAwa+

l ahi+lla

d l ail aha
ill a+

l a, by God, the One who there is no god but God, with ultra-correct velarisation of
every /l/, plus a dialectal addition, huwa rabb

dk alqibla almu

hammadiyya He is the lord of

that Mohammedan qiblah.
aa iuoxoiocv
1.2.12.3
Quite exceptionally, as just another atempt to avoid a phoneme of dicult
articulation, /

t/ was at times replaced by /f/ (e.g., in Alc. fmme, for SA

tamma there),

or /

d/ (e.g., VA

dafar crupper, usually inAA

tafr), even
by /

t/ (through an intermediate */t/, e.g., VA na s sabba

t/

t I cling, from
{ sb

t}, a case of emphasis and tenseness contamination, for which Alc. has
nachapt = na c cappa

t).
1.2.13. /

d/ (Interdental Voiced Spirant)

1.2.13.1
Alc.s painstaking description of this articulatory type in Granadan AA and
the inventionof the matching diacritics (his

d vs. dh inthe ValencianDC)

support the survival in this dialect bundle of the phonemic opposition
between /d/ and /

d/, also proven by the presence of minimal pairs like VA

i# adah torepeat andi# a

dah todefend. However, as saidabove in1.2.7.1,

during the initial and nal phases of Rm.-Arabic bilingualism in the Iberian
Peninsula, that distinction appears to have been blurred to a considerable
extent, at least in the lower registers of AA, so that confusions are common,
not only in loanwords and place names, or in transcriptions by relatively
bilingual people, like those of Alc.s, but also in materials using Arabic script
and reecting the lowest native registers, e.g., LA 261 badlah suit, for SA
bi

dlah, VA gurd rat, for SA gura

d, mudd ak ever since, for SA mu

d ak,
IA 235 yaddan he calls to prayer, for SAyu"a

din, and repeated instances

in Alc., DC and MI 171, etc.
1.2.13.2
It follows thence (cf. 1.2.7.2 and 1.2.7.4) that AA /

d/ could also become /l/ at

times (e.g., IH 170 maylaq touchstone, for standard m

daq, VA il lam
when not, for SAi

d a lam), or be velarised (e.g., LA154 muwa

da

h dirty,
for SAmuwa

da

h, VA

har

d un lizard, for SA

hir

dawn,

d/

daruwwah mas-
tic tree, etc.), although one must beware of merely graphical confusions
between d,

d,

d and
-

d, in the aftermath of phonemic mergers. It

appears also that nal /

d/ had decayed exclusively in the imperative /

h/
take of the verb a

d he took, as in Alc.

ko alcfa take the basket.

This shift was rst noticed by Stumme 1896:174, and more recently by Zavadovski
1962:39; however, Singer 1984:102 restricts it to womanly speech. It was not aliento OAeither,
as reported by Fleisch 1961:75.
6
This decay is more general in Ml.
-
ha, where the /d/ reappears only in the pl. of the
imperfective and the passive participle (see Aquilina 1987 I: 41). This phenomenon has been
coxsoxx+isx a
1.2.14. /
-

d/ and /

d/ (Velarised Counterparts of /

d/ and /d/)
1.2.14.1
Some of the Arab invaders of the Iberian Peninsula, namely, the so-called
Yemenites, i.e., the tribes of South Arabian stock, in all likelihood still
had in their idiolects the old / d/ described by Sbawayhi (II: 453), i.e., a
lateralised velarised voiced alveolar stop,

which explains ld reexes in

Rm. loanwords like Cs., Pt. and Gl. alcalde mayor, vs. Ct. alcadi, from OA
alq a

d, albayalde ceruse, vs. Ct. albayat, from OA albay a

d, aldea, from OA
a

day#ah, Old Cs. arrabalde and Ct. arraval suburb, from OA arraba

d,
Nv. alholde a land measure, from OA al

haw

d bed in the elds, and the

matching place names Alcalde, To. and Arrabalde, Or. and Za.
1.2.14.2
However, by the time of the emergence of AA as a compact dialect bundle,
most likely already under the Cordovan Umayyad rule, this phoneme had
merged with /
-

d/, from which it was no longer diferent in sound, although

very learned people could still diferentiate them in writing.

Unlike the
case of most urban NA, Eastern and Western, the interdental reex pre-
vailed in Al-Andalus together with /

t/ and /

d/, with an outcome parallel

to that of Bedouin dialects, which is a hallmark of only the older layer of
NA. No wonder then that
-

d be also the prevailing grapheme in AA written

materials, e.g., IQ
-

daf ayir plaits, for SA

daf a"ir,
-

d ayi# lost, for SA

d a"i#,

durays at small teeth, from {

drs}, GL gay
-

dah thicket, for SA gay

dah,
etc., although there are also a host of ultra-correct cases of the opposite sign,
like GL 464 muw a

dabah endeavour, for standard muw a

-

dabah, and u#i

d
I warn, from {w#
-

d}. This matches well with the frequent transcription by

Alc. of both old phonemes with

d (i.e., his symbol for /

d/, e.g., n

dir admi-
ral, from {n
-

dr},

darf leather bottle, from {

-

drf }, nah

d I know by heart,
alsodetectedinAlepoandCyprus (Kormakiti) by Borg 1985:30andinJTby Cohen1975:63 and
110. That AA imperative was apparently introduced as an interjection by Morisco muleteers
in the lowregisters of Cs., in which ho! is already kown to Diego de Guadix, and has survived
in them until this day, with an intricate history; see Corriente 2009:342, s.v. jodo (petaca).

Or rather an africate; see Cantineau 1960:5456. This type of articulation has survived
only in the Modern South Arabian languages; see Johnstone 1975:7 and Steiner 1977:12. In
some instances, this dicult phoneme has evolved into mere /l/, already in OA dialects (see
Corriente 1978d), and the same inference must be drawn fromcases like Alc. nicayl ~ caylt
to spend the summer, from SA and VA qay
-

d summer, through the previous merger of

/

d/ and /
-

d/.
8
IQ 9/35/2 brags about this ability of his, apparently become scarce, as witnessed by
frequent mistakes in most Arabic mss. of every age and country.
a iuoxoiocv
from {

hf
-

d}, next to

damnt I guaranteed, from {

dmn}, and narc

d I kick,
from {rk

d}, among his frequent confusions between the graphemes d

and

d, devised by himself). The same inference can be drawn from Rm.

transcriptions of /
-

d/ with c or in loanwords (e.g., Tg 686 aafera plait,

from SA a

dafrah, and azfar nails, from SA a

-

df ar), as well as from Alc.s

rendering of SA #ar u

d Arabic metrics as ar c, of gy
-

d hatred as gai c, and

of ba# u

dah gnat as ba ca, matched by VA ba# u

t/

dah,

d/

tafar crupper
and ra

t a

t shower for SA ra

d a

d, all of them pointing to devoicing of /

-

d/
and not always in coda position.
1.2.14.3
On the other hand, it stands to reason that, if there was an undeniable
low register trend to merge /d/ and /

d/, this could not fail to afect /

-

d/, as
velarisation was a feature prone to be inhibited in that same low register of
AA. A velarised voiced dental stop as realization of /

d/, like the one current

in most urban dialects of NA, may have been introduced already by some
of the rst Arab invaders or, more likely, by subsequent waves of Eastern
immigrants of urban stock, or even just brought back home by pilgrims,
scholars or half-learnedtraders, whoimitatedthe prestigious pronunciation
of the main Middle Eastern cities. Such a realization is supported by Rm.
transcriptions with graphemes usually associated with stops in loanwords
(e.g., DE 208 atafera plait, for SA a

dafrah, Tg 666 atfareddib Zeta and

Eta Draconis, for SA a
-

df aru

di"b the wolfs claws, and place names,

like Arriate Ma., from SA arriy a

d the gardens). It has also been pointed

out that Alc., so painstakingly describing the interdental articulation of
/

t/ and /

d/, for which he even invented special diacritics, never bothered

to diferentiate those of /

d/ and /
-

d/, which he simply called dad and da

(without im alah, however, thus implying at least residual velarisation); nor
did he use any systematic diacritics that would suggest their spirant feature,
whence we would gather than this was no longer perceived as distinctive in
the Granadan dialect or, possibly, in even older registers of substandard AA
as a whole.
1.2.14.4
As for the velarisation characteristic of both /

d/ and /
-

d/ in Arabic, reected
by the seeming opposition in VA of minimal pairs like i gm ad to sheathe
vs. i gm a

d to overlook, and if adah to benet vs. if a

dah to publi-
cise, regardless of their eventual merger, and in spite of being counted by
Alc. among those phonemes determining a velar contour which inhibited
im alah, the fact remains that there are some proven instances of develari-
sation, probably substandard and/or Rm. based (e.g., VA tamdi you go,
coxsoxx+isx a
from {m

dy}, tamda g you chew, from {m

d g}, IQ 28/0/1

dall shade,
63/2/1 tanta

dar you wait, 63/6/3 #iwad instead of < for

-

dl, tanta
-

dr
and #iw
-

d, GL ma

h a

dah ford, from {

hw

d}, in# a

d erection, from {n#

-

d},
etc.).
1.2.15. /s/ (Alveolar Unvoiced Spirant Sibilant)
1.2.15.1
There are some instances of interchange of this phoneme with its voiced
counterpart /z/, above all in nal positions (e.g., VA

h aris/z guard,
#ukk as/z staf, dihls/z corridor, mihr as/z mortar, IQ 17/7/4 nur us
for nur uz, New Year Feast, and 29/2/2 ma gr us for ma gr uz stuck),
but also otherwise, e.g., VA kas/zburah coriander, zabaj jet vs. con-
servative GL and IQ sabaj. Their likeliest explanation is ultra-correction
triggered by frequent Iberian devoicing of nal consonants, acting as a sub-
stratal trend in all AA; in other instances, however, the reason would have
been voice assimilation in contact, or even at distance (e.g., VA zu gzal
half-pike, from Br. s+ugzal with a half-pike, za gnaz clasp of a neck-
lace, from Br. s gns needle, triggered by nal /s/ > /z/).

1.2.15.2
Many AA spellings suggest velarisation of /s/ (e.g., VA s/

surrah navel,
q aris/

s bitter, n aq u

s bell, IA 99

s ur wall, GL

saw arun bracelet,

qa

swah cruelty,

sirw terebinth, etc., for SA siw ar, qaswah and sarw).

When this situation is analyzed together with the similar frequency of the
opposite phenomenon, one must conclude that this phonemic opposition,
already precarious in the East when the rst treatises on grammar were
composed,

had disappeared from the low registers of AA, though main-

tained in higher registers with the expectable reaction in the form of ultra-
corrections.
1.2.15.3
AA materials contain a signicant number of presumable confusions
between /s/ and / s/, which cannot always be dismissed as sheer copyists
mistakes (e.g., SG lxxxvii, fn. 1, s/sbiy a cuttlesh, from Lt. s epa, VA
si/ars am frenzy for the NA Iranism sars am, LA 113 sa

d aniq and VA
0
See Corriente 1981b: 29, where these two items were for the rst time attributed to their
Br. etyma.
60
See Blau 1965:77, 1980:3738, and the abundant witnesses of shifts in both senses
collected by Ibn Hi s am Alla

hm, in Prez Lzaro 1990 I: 7475.

a6 iuoxoiocv
s u

d aniq for SA s u

d aniq falcon, Alc. xemebrx, for SA s ammu abra

s
gecko, dauxr oat grass, vs. dual and VA daw

sal darnel, from P.

d o sar, exhibiting also a previous shift /

s/ > /s/, etc.). Their explanation

can be found in the Rm. substratum of the Iberian Peninsula, which had
an unvoiced sibilant [

S], perceived as / s/ by Arabic speakers, and as such

bound to cause ultra-corrections, or otherwise, in other cases related to
combinatory phonetics, such as assimilation, dissimilation, etc.
1.2.16. /z/ (Alveolar Voiced Spirant Sibilant)
1.2.16.1
Its occasional interchange with /s/ and /

s/ is dealt with under the respective

headings. As for Rm. transcriptions of /z/ by g and j in loanwords (e.g.,
Cs. jinete, Pt. ginete, Ct. genet, but also atzanet, rider, from SA zan at
Zan at, Rian, Cs. jara red-haired [fem.], from SA za#r a", and Pt. ajoujo
twin leash, fromAAazzw g the pair, and algeroz gutter, fromSA gar uz
glutton), they appear to have resulted from its sporadic merger with the
dialectal allophone [ z] of / g/; see 1.2.19.2.
1.2.17. /

s/ (Velarised Alveolar Unvoiced Spirant Sibilant)

1.2.17.1
As in the case of /s/, there are instances in AA materials suggesting an
at times optional shift to a voiced articulation (e.g., VA qa

s/zdr tin,
qafa

s/z cage,

s/za g a he listened, nizarrar I squeak, from {

srr}, and
LA mazda gah, for SA mi

sda gah pillow); most of them appear to be cases

of voice assimilation in contact.

1.2.17.2
As pointed out in 1.2.15.2 and for the reasons expounded there, many
spellings in AA materials suggest develarisation of /

s/ and merger with /s/,

often only optional (e.g., VA fursah chance, for SA fur

sah,

s/sib anah
61
However, in some instances, like qafa

s/z and the aforementioned nizarrar (see

1.2.15.1), we might have witnesses of the residual impact of the Br. substratum of AA in some
areas and epochs, as the shift /

s/ > /z/

z/ is characteristic of Arabic loanwords in that language

(cf. Kabyle

zall to pray and u

zum to fast, from {

slw} and {

swm}, in Dallet 1982:940 and

945). The same inference must be drawn from the anecdote attributed to #Al b.

Hamm ud,
in the days of the Cordovan tnah, who would have said with his Br. accent, upon killing
Sulaym an Almusta#n: l a yaqtul azzul

t an ill a zul

t an only a king can kill a king; this vitiated

pronunciation would have operated that typically Br. shift on a previous *

sul

t an, a variant
exhibiting suprasegmental velarisation of the whole word.
coxsoxx+isx a
nit, from {

s"b}, GL sarr arah cicada, from {

srr}, mus ara#ah vs. VA

mu

s ara#ah struggle, and safq thick, vs. VA

safq).
1.2.18. / s/ (Prepalatal Unvoiced Hissing Spirant)
1.2.18.1
Dissimilation of / s/ into /s/ in the vicinity of homorganic / g/ is common-
place in many NA dialects, and occurred also, above all in late AA (e.g., IA
si g ar trees and tisa g ga# you encourage, Alc. ag brave, cijra g-
tree, IQ 87/23/1 si g a g head injuries, and Alc. cgge scar, from { s gr},
{ s g#} and { s g g}, the latter being supported by the Ct. loanword b/massetja
sling, from AA *mas g ga).

In other instances, some old Northwest Rm.

transcriptions of Arabic / s/ by s, c or (e.g., OldPt serife sherif, fromSA
sarf, almosarife collector of the Royal Treasury, both from { srf }, alvara
tip for good news,

from {b sr}, and alfres bedspread, from SA alr a s)

cannot be easily accountedfor, but assuming that some Yemenite invaders
had also preserved a lateral / s/, homologous to / d/ (cf. 1.2.14.1), although it
is somewhat striking that, unlike the former case, no result ls/x has ever
been presented.

1.2.19. / g/ (Prepalatal Voiced Africate)

1.2.19.1
There is no doubt that some of the Yemenite invaders of the Iberian
Peninsula brought along their characteristic non-africate realization of
gm, i.e., the voiced velar stop /g/, which explains their early transcriptions
withthe grapheme g of local place names like Lt. Tagus >t a guh, Gallaecia
> gillqiyyah, Turgalium > tur g aluh, Urganona > ar g unah, etc., as well
as the transcription of Arabic words containing gm by Rm. stops in early
loanwords (e.g., Cs. (h)mago, Pt. mago and Ct. mec bitter substance
found in honeycombs, from AA and OA

ham g moss, Pt. and Cs. moganga

62
About this isolated item, see Corriente 1992b.
68
Cf. also Cs. albricias and Ct. albxeres, for which Coromines 1954 already guessed the
correct solution for its vocalic evolution, namely, palatalisation of /u/ in contact with / s/ in
SA bu sr.
64
With the partial exception of some place names like Aljarafe Se., fromstandard a s saraf
the highlands; however, the frequent ultra-correct restitution of the /l/ of the Arabic article
by Rm. speakers, who were aware of its basic shape /al+/, makes this interpretation of such
cases highly doubtful. It is, however, remarkable that most of these items reappear in later
dates with the expectable phonetic result of / s/, i.e., xarife/o, almoxarife, and Ct. albxeres;
see Corriente 2008c: 65.
a8 iuoxoiocv
grimace; signals between lovers, < *mu g ana gah, from { gn g}, Old Cs. alco-
faina washbasin, next to a younger jofaina, from SA gufaynah, L zingaue
squirrel fur, from SA sin g ab, etc.). With some questionable exceptions
(e.g., VA g/qin aw Guinean, Alc. nineg I soil = nineqqu I cover with
soot, from {n gs}, if q were there a reex of /g/; see Corriente 1988a: 207),
that idiolectal pronunciation disappeared with the emergence of standard
AA,

or was cornered in areas where it had little signicance.

1.2.19.2
A realization / z/ (prepalatal voiced hissing spirant) of / g/, characteristic of
many Easternand Naf. NAurbandialects, appears to have existed inAAtoo,
as implied by its Rm. transcriptions with z in some loanwords (e.g., Old Pt.
zirgelim sesame, next to a younger gergelim, from AA gul gul an, Cs. and
Pt. zorra truck, from { grr}) and place names (e.g., Marzalcadi To., from
AA mr g alq

di the judges meadow). The little articulatory and acoustic

diference between this [ z] and /z/ appears to have caused the occasional
merger reported in 1.2.16.1.
1.2.19.3
As in other NAdialects, / g/ could, at times optionally, dissimilate into /d/ in
the vicinity of homorganic / s/, or even of /s/ (e.g., VA adda s s a = a g ga s s a
he burped, from { g s"}, g/di s ar farmhouse, from { g sr}, ni g/dassas I
feel or grope, and days us spy, in Alc. dei, from { gss}, LA da s s
bran, for standard ga s s, both from { gss}, etc.); cf. also some place names,
like Almedxer Cs., from AA almad sir farmhouses, in old documents,
however, Almexixer and Almaiexer.

1.2.19.4
Devoicing of / g/ in nal positions, as often exhibited by some loanwords
(e.g., Cs. moharracho = mamarracho bufoon, from AA muharr g, and
almarcha village inthe elds, fromAAalmr g) and place names borrowed
from AA (e.g., Borox To., from standard bur u g towers, or Alborache Va.,
from standard alburay g the little tower) is a mere result of interference
by Rm. phonetics. But even AA materials in Arabic script contain some
hints of a similar trend in lower registers, like the rhymes far s bed with
6
As proven by the later matching Rm. reexes with j of those same place names, when
they were in the areas which remained longer under Islamic rule, e.g., Tajo, Trujillo and
Arjona, it being well-known that this grapheme had the same phonetic equivalence in Cs.
than in English, Pt. or Ct. until the 17th century.
66
See Barcel 1982:91.
coxsoxx+isx aq
mar s, for standard mar g meadow in Z 1495, and of t a g crown with
qann a c basket and qar
-

d a c thistle in IQ90/9/13. On the other hand, it

is questionable whether this phoneme might have become /y/ occasionally
by relaxation, in late low registers or among bilingual speakers, as shown
by hesitations like MT I.138 u g/y aniyah pn., for Rm. Eugenia, SG 270
rif uyuh shelter, from Cs. refugio, induly an siya s indulgences, from Cs.
indulgencias, and the transcription of place names like Alboraya Va. and
Alborea Ab., both from AA albury ga the little tower.

1.2.19.5
AA developed a marginal phoneme / c/, usually in loanwords from Rm.
(e.g., Alc. chicla cicada, from Lt. cc ada, chipp pillory, from Lt. cippus,
and chrque gall oak, from Lt. quercus), but also as a result in Granadan
of the evolution /st/ > / c/, which will be dealt with under the heading of
assimilation.

1.2.20. /y/ (Prepalatal Semi-Consonant)

1.2.20.1
Other than in the cases mentioned in 1.2.5.1, /y/ becomes /"/ irregularly in
the dual and diminutive of AA yd hand, namely, optional VA dn = IQ
iddayn, and Alc. udide = /udyda/, not without parallels in other Semitic
languages and NA dialects.

1.2.21. /k/ (Velar Unvoiced Stop)

1.2.21.1
This phoneme was totally stable in AA, except if at all for very rare instances
of spirantisation in syllable codas (e.g., MI 175 a

tar more, for SA ak

tar,
and u

htubar October), independently attributed by Singer 1981:320 and

6
Lenition of / g/ in some positions is a conspicuous hallmark of some Ibero-Rm. lan-
guages (cf. Lt. [fr ater] germ anus > Cs. hermano and Pt. irmo brother), which together with
the fact that most of these items are Rm., embedded in Arabic documents, clearly points to
a feature of the Mozarabs idiolects. But this trait might have survived among some commu-
nities after having forsaken Christianity, and even their Rm. language, as suggested by those
place names.
68
The phonemic status of / c/ was very pointedly statedby A. Alonso 1967, onthe evidence
of Andalusian place names transcribed in Cs. with ch, such as Purchena Am., Archidona
Ma., Pedroches Co., etc. But it might not have been found in all registers, as there are hints of
occasional replacement by / g/, e.g., Alc. dujnbir December, from Lt. D ecember, and jrra
cleaned ax, from Lt. cirrus, vs. chirr fetlock.
60
Cf. Et. d, Sr. "d a, Ak. idu; see Brockelmann 1908 I: 333.
o iuoxoiocv
Corriente 1981:7 to Zan at Br. interference. As for voicing in intervocalic
positions and even decay in word codas in Rm. loanwords (e.g., Cs. jbega
dragnet, from AA sbka, and almojaba window with a lattice work enclo-
sure, fromAAalmu sbbak), they obey to the rules of Rm. phon-aesthetics.

1.2.22. /q/ (Uvular Unvoiced Stop)

1.2.22.1
Parallel to the case of /

t/ (see 1.2.8.1), the realization of /q/ posits the ques-

tion of an eventual voiced allophone in some idiolects of AA, comparable
to its characteristic /g/ realization in many, mostly Bedouin, NA dialects. In
this case too, there is overwhelming evidence in favour of an unvoiced real-
ization, both from loanwords (e.g., Cs. alczar, Pt. alccer and Ct. alcsser,
Cs., Pt. and Gl. alcalde, Ct. alcadi, and Cs. alcoba, Pt. and Ct. alcova, for
SA alqa

sr, alq a

d and alqubbah, etc.) and place names of Arabic origin

(e.g., Alcntara Cc., Alcocer Gu. and Alacus Va., from AA alqn

tara the
bridge, alqu

syyar the little castle, and alaqw

s the arches). However,

and leaving aside cases of obviously intra-Rm. voicing in loanwords (e.g.,
Cs. algodn, Pt. algodo, vs. Ct. cot, from AA alqu

tn), and place names

(e.g., Alguibla Mu., from AA alqbla the South), there is a limited num-
ber of instances in late AA documents which can be construed as proof of
a voiced allophone, substandard and repressed (e.g., Alc. guitmira, likely to
be a mistake for *guitmra, pine seed, from {q

tmr}, nalgu I let go, from

{lqy}, andHv 99r513-v40 ya gdar ~na gdar ~ta gdar you~I ~he can, from
{qdr}).

Otherwise, /g/ had existed as the standard realization of / g/ among

the Yemenites (see 1.2.19.1) and, to be sure, in the idiolects of bilinguals of
Br. and Hisp. stock, who brought it over from their minority languages and
could at times introduce it into their varieties of AA, and thence into Rm.
loanwords, like Pt. and Gl. tagra an old measure, from Br. tagra(t) vessel,
reected in AA as tqra.
0
Other cases of loss of /k/ and /q/ in syllable codas in Cs. loanwords are atabe, cebiche,
tahr and zabra, and Gibraltar in a place name; see Corriente 2008c: 202202.
1
However, this voiced realization of /q/ appears to hark back to the very beginnings of
the Islamic invasion, since Hisp. /g/ was often transcribed with q, e.g., Igabrum > qabrah,
Caesarea Augusta > saraqus

tah, and Gades > q adis, whence Cabra Co., Zaragoza and
Cdiz, vs. instances like garn a

tah for Granada, which is more recent, but supported by old

transcriptions in the earliest Andalusi historians, like gndl s Vandals and g

ty sh Witiza,
apparently pronounced *o+t+to s and *ot./ s+ (see Penelas 2001:48 and 135, Arabic text),
comparable to Romancisms in AA like VA girrah from pan-Hisp. guerra war, < WG werra
turmoil.
coxsoxx+isx i
1.2.22.2
On the other hand, there is plenty of evidence that /q/ merged with /k/ in
most registers, at least in some items, in spite of the grammarians eforts to
prevent it, as proven by many optional or aberrant spellings (e.g., IQ 32/3/2
yalka

h it grows, VA salq/k saltwort, q/kafazt I jumped, maq/k

t ah
cucumber patch,

huqq =

hukk box, GL wak

hun shameless, LA 132

tarkuwah clavicle, for SA waq

h and tarquwah, etc.).

1.2.23. /

h/ (Uvular Unvoiced Spirant)

1.2.23.1
In some cases, this phoneme, by assimilation in contact with a voiced one,
could become / g/, which would then propagate to other positions (e.g.,
VA ma

h/ gd ur crippled, an

h/ gadar he was crippled, but also gudr an

paralysis). However, Rm. transcriptions with g, instead of the usual c
or qu, even f, are generally due to intra-Rm. assimilation or intervocalic
voicing (e.g., Cs. algarroba carob, from standard

harr ubah, Ct. magatzem

storage house, from standard ma

hzan).
1.2.24. / g/ (Uvular Voiced Spirant)
1.2.24.1
As in most Arabic dialects, this phoneme may be devoiced in certain posi-
tions, such as in contact with unvoiced ones or in syllable codas, and the
resulting /

h/ may analogically propagate to all the forms of a paradigm(e.g.,

Alc. na

kt ~

katazt = nagtz ~ gatzt to dive, from { g

ts},

kcel wash-
ing, from { gsl}, and izd

k temple, from {

sd g}; cf. also VA la g siyyah lye

vs. Alc. le

kxa, from Low Lt. lexiviu(m), this being the usual solution to the
proto-Rm. cluster /ks/, from Lt. x).
1.2.24.2
The shift / g/ > /#/ in some AA items is a likely inheritance of the South
Arabian stock of some groups of Arab invaders in cases like Alc. jarafa
geography, perhaps also 315.10 muztfra pl. muztafran fainted.

It is
2
Althoughmuztafrag reappears in101.8. Bauer 1966:3738, withanobvious ESAexample
like m#rb West, vs. Arabic ma grib, considers this a case of dissimilation with /r/ and so it
might be inAA. This couldexplainsome peculiar Rm. loanwords, inwhich/ g/ is not reected,
like Cs. almfar = Pt. almafre helmet < AA alma gfar, al(g)ara pellicle of the egg < AA
al gillashirt. Without assuming a total merger of /#/ and/ g/, as inMl. andEt., some speakers
of AA might have had a very weak articulation of the second phoneme, as reected by Alc.
nognga pl. nagni goiter, from {n gn g}, or the ultra-correct gomq chiasm, from {#mq}.
a iuoxoiocv
uncertain whether Rm. transcriptions of Arabic /#/ with g (e.g., Cs. algar-
aba, Pt. and Ct. algaravia Arabic language, fromSAal#arabiyyah, Cs. algar-
rada catapult, from SA al#arr adah, etc.) would reect actual ultra-correct
realizations of that phoneme as / g/, or are a simple makeshift device used
by bilingual Mozarabs at a loss to somehow represent that phoneme graph-
ically.
1.2.25. /#/ (Pharyngeal Voiced Spirant)
1.2.25.1
As in other Arabic dialects, this phoneme was often devoiced by contact
assimilation (e.g., IQ 18/2/3 and 50/6/1 ma

h a with her < ma#+h a, Z 1393

and 1304 ka

hk(ah) a kind of pastry, from SA ka#kah, Hv 99r813 ta

t ~
na

t you ~ I give, from {#

tw}). The resulting /

h/ could eventually propa-

gate to other positions, e.g., VA

huqlah slowness, from {#ql}, and

hafn
putrefaction, from {#fn}, mi sk a

h avaricious, from { sk#}), etc.

1.2.25.2
In the low registers of AA, /#/ could decay at times (e.g., LA qim a funnel,
and na

t a leather spread, for SA qim(a)# and ni

t#, VA bawd gnats, and

yar a ute, for SA ba# u

d and yar a#, #an

sulah = an

sulah lump, from

{#n

sl}, IQ 20/7/3 et passim al+s a now, for SA ass a#ah, and mat a of, for
mat a#, inmany sources).

Possibly, as inthe case of Ml., there was a previous

phase of mere pharyngealisation of the immediate vowels, as given away by
the emergence of secondary diphthongs, e.g., in the aforementioned case of
VA bawd gnats and the Pt. and Ct. loanword nora water wheel, from
standard n a# urah.
1.2.26. /

h/ (Pharyngeal Unvoiced Spirant)

1.2.26.1
There are some hints of voicing of this phoneme, always in syllable codas,
e.g., VA quzquza# rainbow, for SA qawsu quza

h, Alc. yabr mandrake,

for SA yabr u

h, which suggests ultra-corrections triggered by the trend men-

tioned in 1.2.25.1.
8
This trend is pointed out by Hfner 1943:1718 and Bauer 1966:36 for the

Ha

dram
dialect of ESA, but has existed in many Semitic areas on account of substrata or by simple
drift.
coxsoxx+isx
1.2.26.2
In the low registers of AA there were some cases of replacement of this
phoneme by /h/ (suggested, e.g., by the Cs. transcription fata of Arabic
fat

h in the elegy attributed to the last king of Granada, Boabdil)

or, better
documented /

h/ (e.g., LA 257 a s

hant, for SA

ha s santu

sadrah u I angered,
292 lu

ti

ha, for SAlu

ti

ha bi sarr he committed evil, and 295 mas

h, for SA
mas

h Messiah).
1.2.27. /h/ (Glottal Spirant)
1.2.27.1
As is standard in NA, in AA this phoneme has been dropped at the end
of the pausal form of the OA fem. marker {-at}, merely pronounced /-a/,
which is proven by dialectal spellings (e.g., Z 1 qry and

sby, for qaryya

village and

sabyya girl). The same phenomenon has occurred in other

positions, nal (e.g., IQ 23/5/1 et passim faq doctor of the Law, 21/13/1
ya#

t+k+alla+nna g a may God give you salvation, PES 69/4/4 in

h alaf+
alla+
-

d
-

dun un should God not meet the expectations, Alc. nixebb ~ xeb-
byt to fake, from { sbh} but inected as if from *{ sby}, bel stupidity and
ebl stupid, for SA balah and ablah, also witnessed by Alc. himself) or oth-
erwise (e.g., VA f akiyah fruit, for SA f akihah,

sawl neigh, for SA

sahl,
and Z 123 kf an caves, which posits a sg. *k af, from standard kahf ).

Oth-
erwise, the /h/ of 3rd person pronominal suxes is assimilated by a next /s/
or / s/, e.g. ssum they are not, s su what?; see 3.4.1.5.
1.2.27.2
There is a single vouchsafed AAitemexhibiting /h/ instead of an expectable
/

h/, i.e., VA qahqahah = qa

hqa

hah laughter; however, being an ono-

matopoetic item, no clear conclusion can be drawn from it, although an
identical shift has been registered in other NA dialects, like Ml.
4
See Corriente 2006:108111.

This trend is not absent from other Western NA dialects, like Mo., which has both k af
and its pl. kf an (see fn. 174), n a

d he got up, from {nh

d}, etc. A mute reex of /h/ is the

prevailing solution in Ml., and common in some morphemes of Jewish Naf. dialects; see
Heath 2002:180181. Fischer & Jastrow 1980:53 state that Vielfach ist anlautendes h beim
Personalpronomen, aber auch bei anderen Wortklassen ausgefallen.
iuoxoiocv
1.2.28. /"/ (Glottal Stop)
1.2.28.1
AA is no exception to the rule of general decay of this phoneme in NA
dialects, except inabsolute initial position,

andthis inspite of conservative

spellings (e.g., VAsu" al question, ra"s almal a"ikah archangel, Z448 l a
tas"al do not ask, 511 mu"addib instructor) which, if at all, could only
have occasionally reected the pronunciation of high registers. But even
after an open juncture, initial /"/ could be dropped together with either the
following vowel or the nal one of the preceding word (e.g., VA il+ayna
where to, IQ 20/29/1 /#bdu+n/ I am his slave, 7/11/3 /qa

t# albr+ a

tri/
may the Creator cut my steps short, for AA albri, 9/4/4, w+anta and
you, and 13/2/4 b+ay with which, Z 1210 f+umm+ in my mother).

The decay of /"/ in positions other than initial had diferent consequences
according to the environments in which it occurred in OA, in agreement
with the following rules:
1.2.28.1.1. Between two /a/s, the usual NA solution was contraction into / a/,
which generally became // in AA (e.g., bad and qar from SA bada"a he
began and qara"a he read, but there are some instances of hesitation, like
6
In which we follow the usual convention of not transcribing it in writing, as dispens-
able, since Arabic will not admit syllables beginning with a vowel; furthermore, AA treated
every initial alif as alifu wa

sl, i.e., elidible in juncture after a preceding nal vowel, except

when metrical convenience required alifu qa

t#, in order to obtain the desired rhythm and

number of syllables, cf., IQ31/4/5 wa+"a gri and run, vs. 40/4/2 al#aqli "arr a gi

h the poised
mind, and 176/2/1 q a

d "almuslimn judge of the Muslims, with total disregard of the CA

rules.

This weakness of initial /"/ in AA and other NA dialects generated a host of aphaeretic
forms, like VA(a)

haw at sisters, IQ2/8/3 (a)

had one, ru g un Aragon, Alc.

ktt I took,
for OA a

hattu, something quite unusual in OA, although not entirely unknown, e.g., (u)n as
people, wayl+ummih poor his mother!, laymunu+

l ahi I swear by God, and other very

few cases. Whenever the decay of that phoneme and the following vowel produced words
beginning with a consonantal cluster, a disjunctive vowel, generally /i/, was inserted there,
or a prosthetic /a/ or /i/ was introducedbefore the cluster, whichaccounts for the anomalous
shape of many words (e.g., VA bizn and Alc. bizm buckle, for standard ibzm, VA and
IQ 6/7/3 ahn ak there, Z 5 i

hm ar+ak your donkey, 589 iks a+k your clothes, 925

imt a#+n a ours, and freakish broken plurals like VA i

dr a

s teeth, i

tm ar fruits, i gr a
cubs, abn at daughters, etc., for standard a

dr as, a

tm ar, a gr a" and ban at). That weakness

is also responsible for the shape of some AA items (e.g., Z 658 b u saq saq stork), Rm.
loanwords (e.g., Cs. buzaque drunkard, fromAAbu+zqq that of the wine-skin, bo[j]alaga
whitlow, from AA [a]bu+

halqa wearing a ring), and place names (Boquieni Zg., from

[a]bu+kinni father of K., pn., Bolbaite Va., from [a]bu+lbyt father of the house) with
aphaeresis of SA ab u father of, or other items (e.g., Magacela Bd., from umm(a) gazlah
mother of a gazelle, pn., Lecrn Gr., from SA al"iqlm the district, etc.).
coxsoxx+isx
LA 174 m

da/ ah for SA m

da"ah lavatory, and one case, that of {s"l}, in

whichbecause of morphological constraints, the /"/ is preservedinmany NA
dialects, including AA, to judge from Alc.s spellings like celt I asked (but
IH 311 saltu). Likewise, for two /u/s, the outcome seems to have been //
(e.g., rs andfs, for SAru" us heads andfu" us hoes). There are norecorded
cases of results of /"/ between two /i/s in AA, this being a sequence already
scarce in OA.
1.2.28.1.2. Between other sequences of vowels, /"/ was replaced by /w/ if one
of them was /u/, and by /y/, if one of them was /i/ (e.g., VA muwallah
deied for SA mu"allah, GL uwaddibu I instruct, VA riyyah lung and
miyyah one hundred,

for SA u"addibu, ri"ah and mi"ah, IA 158 f ayit

passing away, for SAf a"it, etc.), but either semi-consonant couldpropagate
to whole paradigms in positions other than the one having triggered this
shift (e.g., suwl, for SA su" al question has aswlah in the pl., and VA
niwallaf I compile, for SAnu"allif, is matchedinthat very work by tawlf
compilation). The model would be taken from the most used form of
all paradigms, even a mere vowel (e.g., ib

t armpit generates a pl. ayb

t,
whence a backformed sg. yab

t in VA, while SA

tu"l ulah wart is likely to

have generated the AA pl.

taw all in VA, in spite of the standard sg. in

LA 265,

t al ulah, which in turn developed an allomorph

taylla in VA (on
account of 1.1.1.6).
1.2.28.1.3. After a vowel at the end of a syllable, the long vowel equivalence
characteristic of NA was matched in AA by just a stressed vowel (e.g.,
Alc.

kat mistake, and ham mud, from SA

ha

ta" and

hama"); after a
consonant, the decay was often compensated by its gemination (e.g., VA
#ibb load, for OA ib, LAT 193 and LA 272 ridd helper, for OA rid",
Alc. def heating, for OA daf "). This would happen even before the fem.
morpheme {-a} (e.g., VA

hiddah kite, and Z 281 alsawwah the bad

woman, for SA

hid"ah and assaw"ah, LAT 292 h addah quiet, for standard

NA h ad[i]"ah; this result could propagate paradigmatically, e.g., Alc. ll
omen, for SA fa"l, and thence nifelll I prognosticate).
1.2.28.1.4. /"/ disappeared without any trace after a historically long vowel at
the end of a word (e.g., VA farr a furrier and bann a bricklayer, for SA
farr a" and bann a"), as well as between a consonant and a following vowel
8
The gemination of /y/ in both cases was caused by the trend towards avoiding biconso-
nantal roots, together withthe poor perceptionof geminationof spirants, commented below
in 1.3.2.2 and fn. 87.
6 iuoxoiocv
(e.g., Z 1175 lis tasal she does not ask), but for cases of morphological
constraints requiring a consonant in a given slot of a pattern (e.g., Alc.

kria
dung, and nxie forging, from {

hr"} and {n s"}, both mended with /y/).

1.2.28.1.5. It appears that /"/ would in some very rare instances in AAbecome
/#/, rather than being lost (e.g., VAnafqi# ~ faqa#t to pull the eyes, fromSA
{fq"}). At times also, an initial /"/ becomes /y/, possibly for the same purpose
(e.g., VA y aban uz ebony and yaf #ah viper, for SA aban us and af #).

1.3. siinsicxix+is
1.3.1. Stress
Evidence of several kinds, above all sociolinguistic, graphemic andprosodic,
unequivocally proves that AA had not preserved the quantitative rhythm
characteristic of OA, but had substituted suprasegmental intense stress for
it.

1.3.1.1
From the sociolinguistic viewpoint and in the light of what is presently
known about creoles and pidgins, any other scenario would have been
unbelievable, when due consideration is paid to the fact that a few mil-
lion people, native inhabitants of the Iberian Peninsula, speakers of stress-
rhythmed Proto-Rm. dialects, had to shift to the language of a few tens
of thousands of Arabs, and this in most cases through the intermediation
of supercially Arabicised Berbers, whose native language did not possess
quantitative rhythm either.

0
Both phenomena are old and known from other areas and epochs. The former, called
#an#anah by early Eastern grammarians, happened in some OA dialects, like those of the
tribes of Tamm and Qays (see Fleisch 1961:78); the latter is widely witnessed in NA and
probably triggered by OA rules for the interchange of the three semi-consonants. But some
cases are complex: e.g., VA maybar needle box and IQ 5/3/2 mayzar tunic appear
to have inherited their /y/ from the NA evolution of OA mi"bar and mi"zar, Alc. taymn
guarantee, from the semantic and phonetic kinship between {"mn} and {ymn}, while in
VA maybanah sodomy and mayb un passive sodomite, from {"bn}, the reason could be
a dissimilation of labial phonemes, in order to prevent a sequence /-wb(u)-/.
80
The intense, i.e., expiratory character of AA stress cannot be questioned, as it brought
about the decay of post-tonic vowels (e.g., VA

sunubrah pine-tree,

sum#ah belfry,
IQ 64/4/2

sa

hb aldayr the man in the convent, Z 57 wild+u his father, 1236 li+na

hyah
aside, for OA

sanawbarah,

sawma#ah,

s a

hib, w alid and n a

hiyah).
81
This was already clearly stated by the towering Br. scholar A. Basset (1929: xxi): Il
ny a pas lieu non plus de tenir compte de la quantit de la voyelle pleine, tout trange
siinsicxix+is
1.3.1.2
The graphemic proof of this hypothesis is that, inasmuch as CA orthogra-
phy does not prevail on grounds of tradition and habit, every text aiming at
reproducing the dialectal pronunciation of AA contains frequent aberrant
spellings, above all the use of matres lectionis (i.e, graphemes traditionally
assigned to OA long vowels) in the case of historically short vowels that
are known to have been stressed (e.g., VA muq a

s pair of scissors, from

OA miqa

s, usq uf bishop, from SA usquf, IQ 9/21/3 taq a# they hap-

pen, 90/19/2 naqf I stop, Z 43 a gtam a# u they meet, 89

dan ab+u his

tail, etc., for OA taqa#u, naqifu, i gtama# u and

danabu+h u), in alternation

sometimes withthe grapheme of gemination, e.g., VAusquf , GL 9

tiqqah
trust, and

sifah shape, for SA

sifah and

tiqah, LA 95 akifah, pl. of SA

ik af saddlebag, etc., matching AA muq

s, usqf, ta/iq#, naqf, a gtam#u,

danbu,

tqa,

sfa and akfa. Contrariwise, in this dialectal orthography, his-

torically long vowels that were not stressed are often represented without
the regular matres lectionis, e.g., VA

s a clear =

s, GL 328 r an mice
=rn, IQ12/5/1 yu gad there is =yu gd, 9/31/1 bi+saqayn withtwolegs
= bisaqyn, 41/8/1 #am+awwal last year, instead of (pausal) CA

s af, fr an,
y u gad, s aqayn and # am.
1.3.1.3
The prosodical proof of phonemic stress in AA is not a total abandonment
of Khallean metrics,

i.e., the OA and CA verse-making system based on

que cela puisse paratre dans une langue o la quantit consonantique tient une si grande
place. Incidentally, the same phenomenon had occurred some centuries before, when Hisp.
populations adopted Lt.
82
As propounded in some of his works by the Spanish Arabist Garca Gmez, whose
theory we accepted in Corriente 1976, only to discover subsequently that he had intuitively
guessed the role of stress in the metrics of the two genres of Andalusi stanzaic poetry
(muwa s sa

h and za gal), but missed its direct descent, through rhythmical transposition of
the Khalleanmetres, andthe key totheir interconnection, whichwe expoundedinCorriente
1997:70121, having recanted that previous mistake already in our edition of IQ of 1980. The
substitution of stress for syllabic quantity in the AA traditional pronunciation of CA had
peculiar consequences for the recitationof poetry, classical or dialectal, namely, that inorder
to restore a measure of rhythm to the metres, stress might occasionally shift to syllables that
were not tonic inordinary speech, as expoundedinCorriente 1980a: 22; thus, e.g., inIQ8/0/1
2 far

h+ my joy rhymes with ni

da

h I sacrice, suggesting ultima stress, against the

rule of not shifting the stress to the possessive suxes, and in 100/0/2 al#ayn ass u evil eye
would impose ultima stress upon the refrains of other stanzas again ending in the possessive
+(h)u, like na

hs+u his ill luck. Apparently, the many previous decades throughout which
the local converted prosody (#ar u

dun mu

hawwar) had accustomed Andalusi ears to such

distortions, allowed the same license in the composition and recitation of stanzaic poems,
CA muwa s sa

h at or AA az g al.
8 iuoxoiocv
the contrast between short and long syllables, embedded in the segments
called feet, which were sequences of xed or optional syllable quantities,
but rather its conversion to sequences of unstressed and stressed, or at least
stressable syllables, distributed in arrangements closely mirroring those of
the Khallean metres.
1.3.1.4
The position of stress in AA follows rules which may difer considerably
from those of the modern received Eastern Arabic pronunciation of OA,
and are closer to those observed in Western Arabic, no doubt because stress
was not phonemic in OA, but often weak and always conditioned by the
sequence of syllable quantities in words. This allowed diferent solutions in
the various NA dialects, of which each one may have inherited either one
of those solutions solely, or an admixture of several, as studied by Birkeland
1954. The main rules for stress position in AA are as follows:
1.3.1.4.1. In OA strings with the shapes /CvCvC/ and /CvC vC/, AA always
stressed the last syllable, in which the vowel could be represented as long or
short, regardless of its historical quantity. This mark was redundant in such
sequences (e.g., IA 625

hab ar news, PES 5/4/5

hu gb it was hidden,
LA 287 qi

t a# money, i.e., pieces, St 74 kusur fragments and

hu

sun
castles,

for OA

habar,

hu gib, qi

ta#, kus ur and

hu

s un). Would-be cases of

stress on the rst syllable of this string, suggested by Rm. transcriptions and
loanwords (e.g., Alc. gbel mountain, gmal camel and ba lion, Cs.
acbar aloes and Pt. afar brass) are not true exceptions to this rule,
since that second vowel was not phonemic in AA, even if it had existed in
OA, but mere disjunctive shewas (i.e., vocalic glides); therefore, the phone-
mic transcription of those items is g/bl, gml, sb#,

sbr and

sfr, respec-
tively. However, some idiolects of AA had phonemicised those shewas as
full-edged vowels in some cases, and did consequently stress them, e.g., in
Alc., homr red [pl.], xuhb grey [pl.] for OA

humr and suhb; this is cor-

roborated by some loanwords, e.g., Cs. azahar orange ower < AA zahr
< OA zahr blossom, and Pt. albafar spur dog < AA klb alb

hr, lit., sea

dog.
1.3.1.4.2. In OA strings with the shape /C vCvC/, AA always stressed the rst
syllable, this being the only distinctive feature vis--vis the preceding group,
88
In the two last instances, the stressed vowel is often not marked with a mater lectionis,
which was dispensable, as there was no other stressing option in these sequences, and it
required no departure from standard CA orthography, which was avoided by most copyists
when unnecessary.
siinsicxix+is q
as length in stressed vowels had become merely redundant in this dialect
bundle, as it is in Rm. (e.g, Alc. ctil killer,

ktimseal and crib boat, for

SA q atil,

h atam and q arib).

1.3.1.4.3. In OA strings with the shape /CvCCvC/, AA witnesses both types
of stress, as reected by Rm. loanwords like Cs. almocadn, Pt. almocadm
commander vs. almodo, Cs. almudano muezzin, from SA muqaddam
and mu"a

din, respectively. For /C vC vC/, Alc. again reects both types (e.g.,
laf thousands, nsut humanity, lhut divinity, dnar dinar vs. quirt
karat and

hant shop, for SA n as ut, l ah ut, dn ar, qr a

t and

h an ut), but
Rm. loanwords only exhibit ultima stress (e.g., Cs., Pt. and Gl. quilate, and
Ct. quirat).

It has been suggested that penultima stress in these items

would have been a prestigious Eastern importation; however, its frequency
in /C vC vC/ strings, in open clash with Eastern usage,

points rather to
diferent solutions already extant in the dialects of the rst invaders, some
of which probably had very weak stress, easily altered by contact with other
dialects or evenby anunavoidable strengthening process inthe realizations
of recently Arabicised people of Hisp. stock.
1.3.1.4.4. The stress patterns of AAwere not afected by suxation, except in
the case of characteristically stressed suxes, such as the inexional ones
marking the dual and regular pl., q.v., and the derivational ones, among
which the so-called nisbah-sux, {+ } (e.g., Alc. axnab stranger, nahu
gram-marian, batn big-bellied, for the OApausal forms a gnab+, na

hw+
and ba

tn+, in which {+} stands for {+iyy}). However, this sux had a
shortened OA allomorph without gemination, used in the very scarce, but
very frequent items, yam ani(n) Yemenite, tih ami(n) from Tih amah, and
sa" amin Syrian, which has survived in NA, even in AA, and propagated to
nouns with a similar prosodic structure (e.g., Alc. yahdi Jewish, durri
necessary, DC 6a encni human, 4b necerni Christian, for standard
yah ud,

dar ur, ins an and na

sr an, and in the case of loanwords, Cs. balad

trivial, from AA balad local, vs. barrio neighbourhood, from AA brri
outer).

84
The case of Cs. albitar, Pt. alveitar blacksmith is not conclusive, because AA has
transmitted both bay

tar and bay

t ar.
8
E.g., inthe brokenpl. pattern{CaC aCC}, which became {CaC aCiC} as a characteristic
feature of the whole Western Arabic group (e.g., VA

san adiq boxes, ma

t aqil gold coins

and baw asir haemorrhoids, for SA

san adq, ma

t aql and baw asr).

86
Alcals wording upon describing this situation (ed. Lagarde, p. 6: los derivativos que
descienden de primitivos que tienen el acento en la media slaba, en aquella mesma lo
conservan los derivativos) suggested to Steiger 1932:7780 stress predictability in terms of
o iuoxoiocv
1.3.2. Gemination
1.3.2.1
Geminationplays a central role inArabic morphophonemics, andthis holds
true also for AA, in spite of its Hisp. substratum, characteristically prone to
inhibit it, together with vowel quantity. Its preservation is demonstrated,
for instance, by Rm. loanwords, like Cs. gan shepherd, falleba espagno-
lette and arrabal outskirts, fromAA gannm,

hallba and arrab

d, which
wouldhave haddiferent shapes were it not for the rendering of gemination.
1.3.2.2
However, leaving aside Rm. transcriptions usually produced by native
speakers of languages with a very weak perception of this phonetic fea-
ture, or even by natives insuciently acquainted with the niceties of Arabic
script, such as the auxiliary signs marking gemination, absence of vocaliza-
tion, etc., there are some more trustworthy pieces of evidence hinting at cer-
tain cases of infra-correct inhibition of that feature (e.g., VA mar[ra]tayn
twice, baqam pl. buq um brazilwood, LA 94

him

s peas, and ma

s af
+uhum their ranks, for standard baqqam,

himmi

s and ma

s af +uhum,
cf. also Alc. a

kla pl. a

kil pin, backformed on the standard a

hillah, pl.
of

hil al, whence Cs. alfler, also witnessed by Alc.

kill). There are other

instances as well, presumable ultra-corrections, of non-etymological gem-
ination (e.g., VA surriy an arteria, gayy ur jealous, LA 272 daww ar
dizziness, for standard sary an, gay ur and duw ar).

1.3.3. Velarisation
1.3.3.1
The preceding paragraphs 1.2.8/14/17, 1.2.10.4 and 1.2.11.3 have dealt with the
survival of this OA suprasegmental in AA and its weakness in low and late
registers, except partially in the case of the stop /

t/.
syllable structure, whereby short syllables would be opposed to long ones. However, the very
examples and many exceptions given by Alcal prove him wrong, as often when he tried to
describe grammatical and lexical facts, the truth being that unstressed nisbah-adjectives in
AA are just the continuation of some of its OA ingredients. The same applies, by the way, to
the case of the verbal pl. suxes {+u} and{+na} which, having being long inOA, attract stress
inAAwhenfollowed by a pronominal sux, e.g., qatal+ni they killed me, qatalnhumwe
killed them; see 2.1.11.2.1.2.
8
In a survey of gemination and its inhibition in Corriente 1991:810, esp. 9, fn. 2, we
pointed out the frequent hypercorrect gemination of sonorants, like /w/, /y/ and /r/, possibly
on account of their being spirants, whose exact length might have been hard to perceive by
speakers with a substratum prone to inhibit gemination.
coxnix+onv iuoxi+ics i
1.4. Coxnix+onv Iuoxi+ics
1.4.1. Assimilation
1.4.1.1
Contiguous assimilation of phonemes in order to ease their realization in
contact is a linguistic universal, also present in OA and SA, although not
consistently reected by the standard orthography. In the case of AA con-
sonants, leaving aside Rm. transcriptions that might have been inuenced
by their foreign phonetics, and merely reckoning data culled frommaterials
in Arabic script or above that suspicion, in addition to what has been antici-
patedinthe descriptions of the particular phonemes, it is worthmentioning
the instances of / gz/ > /zz/, in VA

huzzah pleat, for SA

hu gzah, and the

place name Alzira Va., for AA al gizra the island, /r+l/ > /ll/ (e.g., IQ 28/3/1

dahal+lak it seemed to you, 89/12/4 ya

dhal+l it seems to me, both

from {
-

dhr}), /n+y/ > /yy/ (e.g., IQ 38/30/3 kay+yafa g gar he would bleed,
for SAk anayufa g gir), / gh/ > / c/ (only inSAwa gh face, which becomes w c
or [w] c in the lowregisters of AA, cf. IAwa g g, Alc. guch, IQ42/1/5 et pas-
sim u g/ s, etc.), / gl/ > /ll/,

in VA nallas I sit down, next to na glas, the

regular /td/ > /dd/, /t

t/ > /

t/, /t

d/ > /

d/, /t

d/ > /

d/, /t g/ > / g g/, /tz/ > /zz/,

/ts/ > /ss/ and /t

s/ > /

s/ (e.g., VA yaddabbar it is arranged, ya

tarraq
to be stricken, ya

darras he has his teeth set on edge, ya

dakkar he
remembers, ya g garrab it is tried, yazzarrad it is swallowed, yass-
abban it is cleared of nits, yassa

hab it is clouded, etc., for *yatdab-

bar, *yat

tarraq, *yat-

darras, *yat

dakkar, *yatzarrad, *yat

sabban and
*yatsa

hab), andthe frequent shift, above all inlate or lowregisters, /st/, /

t/
or / st/ > / c/, spelled with g or s, usually geminated (e.g., Z 203 a s sam it
was smelt, for *i stamm, IA444

tu g un vs. Z1051

tu s

t un toast, fromLt. tos-

tus, with the Rm. augmentative sux {+N}, DE 23 bi sn aqah wild carrot,
fromLt. pastn aca, AC 551 a g gar he bought, i.e., a car, for SAi star),

or
conversely /st/ > /s(s)/ and /

t/ > /

s(

s)/ (e.g., VA

tist and

tass bowl, Z 963

88
This assimilation must have operated on an occlusive pronunciation of / g/ and can
be connected with Mod.Yem. forms in which, however, the decay afects /l/ (see Behnstedt
1992:202); also OA lawn colour, apparently borrowed from Ph. g on, through Sr. gawn a,
would be the outcome of a parallel evolution of *al+gawn; see, however, the alternative
possibility of an Egyptian etymon in Corriente 1997d: 488. Incidentally, this item is also
reected, without this phenomenon, by AA gwn pl. a gwn humour, mood.
80
There are also some cases of apparent / gt/ > / c/ (e.g., Alc. nechehd I endeavour, for
SA na gtahid, from { ghd}, and nachrr I ruminate, for na gtarr, from { grr}), but they have
been obviously preceded by / gt/ > / st/, as proven in IQ 82/9/4 yu star it is ruminated.
a iuoxoiocv
assi gah the town of cija Se., formerly Astigi, VA

saq

sayt I asked, for

SA istaq

saytu,

sabal and i

tabl stable, from Lt. st ab ulu(m), as well

as unquestionable AA loanwords in Rm., like Cs. zagun hall, from AA
istiwn, almciga, from SA ma

tak a, etc.).
1.4.1.2
As for the characteristic assimilation of /l/ in the Arabic article /al+/ to a
next dental or alveolar consonant, the so-called solar letters, AA is one
of the NA dialects having extended this rule to / g/, at least in low and late
registers, as pointed by the transcriptions in Alc. 29.10 agmi the church,
for standard al g ami#, 36.29 agirh the wounds, for SA al gir a

h, and DC 13a
agecedin the corporal ones, for al gasadiyyn. Most Rm. loanwords and
place names, however, donot exhibit this feature (e.g., Cs., Pt. andCt. aljama
Muslim or Jewish community, for SA al gam a#ah, Algeciras Ca., for SA
al gazrah the island, vs. Cs. ajonjol sesame, for SAal gul gul an, and Ajufa
Mu., for SA al gawyyah the northern one).
1.4.1.3
Distant assimilation of consonants which do not abut upon each other hap-
pens occasionally in AA, for instance, between nasals (e.g., Alc. nimndaq I
take a bow, from bunduqiyyah, NA name of Venice, and menfsige violet,
from the SA Iranism banafsa gah); such are also the cases of progressive or
regressive propagation of velarisation (e.g., VA int/

t aq to rip, garas/

s
bell, on account of a velarised /

r/,

sa

tal bucket, for standard sa

tl, and
the aforementioned

saq

sayt I asked).
1.4.1.4
Assimilation of the semi-consonants /w/ and /y/ to a next vowel in the onset
of words, at least in the lowregisters of AA, is hinted at by the transcriptions
of some loanwords (e.g., Cs. aluquete lighter, fromAAalwaqda, Gl. and Pt.
osga gecko, fromwz ga), and might have prompted certain spellings with
those graphemes of mere initial vowels (e.g., AB yn for AA nna indeed,
and yl a for lla but), as well as transcriptions of Rm. names in Arabic
script (e.g., MT 183.8 wr aqh, for Urraca 416.9 wlybh, for Oliva, 156.1 ylsk s,
for Illescas, etc.).
1.4.1.5
Concerning vowel assimilation, and inadditionto the cases reported above,
upon describing the changes undergone by every vocalic phoneme in a
00
With regressive propagation of velarisation.
coxnix+onv iuoxi+ics
given consonantal contour, it is noteworthy that AA was prone to apply
vowel harmony in both native words and borrowed items (e.g., VA i

tya
trivet for SA u

tyyah, Alc. birrna drill, from proto-Rm. *o+ u+, GL

turb unah tribune, from Low Lt. tribuna, VA, IH 293 and IQ suq ur axe,
fromLt. s ec uris, IH105 ki

tr much vs. ka

tr inother sources, for OAka

tr,
IH 207

haz anah and GL

haz anatun closet, whence Cs. alacena, for SA

hiz anah, etc.). The application of this principle, however, was very haphaz-
ard, and had many conspicuous exceptions, not always easy to explain. In
some instances, CArules for vowel assimilation were rejected, as in the case
of the 3rd person pronominal suxes containing /u/ and attached to words
ending in /i/ or /y/ (cf. IQ 6/2 f+hum ya g+hum ma s+hum in them
comes to them their walk, which is also the rule in the whole NA),

and that of the names of quadriconsonantal patterns, in which AA avoided

the harmonised shapes of CA, as we shall see under the appropriate head-
ing.
1.4.2. Dissimilation
1.4.2.1
Cases of apparent dissimilation of a sequence of identical vowels, or of
vowels followed by homorganic semi-consonants are no more frequent in
AA than in the rest of NA, or even CA and OA. Instances like VA na/i

sr an,
GL ni

sr aniyun and Alc. nirni Christian, LA 160 zir afah, whence Cs.
jirafa, Pt. and Ct. girafa, Alc. ticrr repetition, for SA zar afah and takr ar,
would continue an OA preference for the sequence /iC a/, while other kinds
of items, like Alc. qugua strength, and cigur images, for SAquwwah and

suwar, and quigur balls, for NAkuwar, or even like Alc. alimtoday, and
AC z a g two, for SA alyawm and zaw g,

an anomalous solution for the

diphthong /aw/, appear to be rather original developments in the late low
registers of AA.
1.4.2.2
Dissimilation of geminated consonants into a sonorant (i.e., /r/, /l/, /m/, /n/
or /y/) has been frequent in the whole Semitic group, not only in Arabic,

so
that such cases in AA constitute a mere continuation of that trend, e.g., in
01
Fleisch (1979:15 and fn. 1) reports Sbawayhis information (II 321) about the failure to
observe this rule among the people of Al

hi g az in the old days, their modern descendants in

Medina and other present-day dialects.
02
See Corriente & Bouzineb 1994:12, fn. 1 about this strange item.
08
See Brockelmann 1908: I 243247.
iuoxoiocv
VA

sif/r

s af willow, for standard

saf

s af, fa

d/r

da

ht I split,

tunb uqah
boss, for *

tubb uqah, from {

tbq}, daybar anah wasp, from {dbr}, Alc.

caymn cumin, for SA kamm un, VA birbir/l Berber.
1.4.2.3
Haplological dissimilation, i.e., elimination of one of two successive similar
phonetic units or sequences, happens at times in AA, e.g., VA sun u gah
synagogue, from Lt. s

yn ag oga, Alc.

kanzir swineherd, from AA

hanzr
+ the Rm. agentive sux {++vu}, ale yadlimna to those who wrong us,
for AA #ala+ll[a

d] ya
-

dlim+na, the latter case being common in NA, and LA

qalsuwah roundedcap, fromSAqalansuwah, onaccount of the similarity
between sonorants. At times, AA appears to go along with CA, rather than
with NA, in the haplological elimination of a radical nal // in front of
the masc. pl. sux {+n}, e.g., IQ 9/28/3 mudall+n dropping (pl.), from
{dlw}, and 84/17/4 muk arn muleteers, from {kry}, to the point of even
extending this rule to nisbah-adjectives (see 2.1.5.1), against OA and NA
rules, e.g., MT 1003.5 sinh a gn men from the Br. tribe of

Sinh a gah, and

GL 158 m adn, Medes, but the opposite case seems to have been more
frequent, e.g., IH 212 muk ariyyn, Alc. mudlli pl. mudellin, and muqtar =
muktar pl. muqtarin lessee, rmi pl. romin Roman, ajam pl. ajamin
barbarian.
1.4.3. Metathesis
1.4.3.1
As a particularly though not exclusively characteristic feature of creoles,
metathesis has operated quite often in AA (e.g., VA nila

tam I knead,
from {

tlm}, natn a#ad I argue, from {#nd},

tarbazn pike, for the NA

Iranism

tabarzn, kust heap, for SAkuds, ra## adah catapult, from{#rd},

#af

s and#a

sf gallnut, from{#f

s}, wab a =baw a pestilence, from{wb"},

IQ 68/5/3 yazh u he mocks, from {hz"}, IA 565 aw g let him go astray,
from { gwy}, etc.). Metathesis was also responsible for the change of Proto-
Rm. \+.u/ ct spring, source into AAma gr

t, whence Madrid, capital city of

Spain and place name relatively frequent in this country in several variants;
see Corriente 1990a.
1.4.4. Junctures
1.4.4.1
The transitions between free or bound morphemes are subject to certain
rules in all languages, with at times merely prosodic efects, and in other
coxnix+onv iuoxi+ics
instances with alterations of the segmental phonemes occurring in them.
Most Semitic languages forbid consonant clusters immediately after or
before a nal juncture, which implies ruling out words either beginning or
ending with two consecutive consonants. Such is the case of OA and of AA,
and following are the ensuing consequences in the latter case.
1.4.4.1.1. Consonant clusters after a nal juncture would happen in OA only
in a few exceptional nouns,

and regularly in the perfectives and impera-

tives of the verbal stems {v}, {nvv}, {tvv}, {a/ a}, {stvv},
{awv}, {awwv}, {anv/}, {an v} and {av}. They are
avoided with a euphonic prex {"i~u+}, for which it is characteristic of
AA to have {"a~u+}. However, the adoption of foreign loanwords and, in
some idiolects, the decay of the vowel in initial syllables of the type /Cv/
could generate initial consonant clusters, which were immediately mended
with a prosthetic {"v+} (e.g., VA ablant ayin plantain, from Low Lt. plan-
tagine[m], iqri stah crest, from Lt. crista, Alc. ufrta eet, from Pt. frota,
LA 253 idr a g steps of a staircase, for SA adr a g, 259 an

s ab handle, for
SA ni

s ab, VA i

dra#ayn for SA

dir a#ayn two arms, Z 925 imt a#na ours,

for NA mat a#n a, 1018 a gd a tomorrow, for pausal SA gad a, etc.).
1.4.4.1.2. As explained in 1.3.1.4.1, codas with the phonemic shape /vCC/ were
avoided by inserting a non-phonemic vocalic glide

between both con-

sonants, except when the rst was a sonorant or sibilant (e.g., IQ 7/5/2
a s sa

tran g the chess game, 74/1/2 a s sams the sun, 67/13/4 al

hubz
the bread, VA

habs jail, band banner,

hamd praise, barq light-

ning, milk possession,

hawf fear and

hayl horses, in Alc. bend,

barq, milq,

kuf,

kil and hb). However, those disjunctive vowels could

be phonemicised in some idiolects, which might entail the stress shift to
them, as proven by some rhymes, like IQ 38/19/13, where suhad honey
rhymes with a sadd stronger and a

had one, 38/38/13, where na#a s

stretcher rhymes with

t a s it went around and yu# a s one lives, and

40/7/13 where sahal easy rhymes with gazal generous and #amal
he did. It is noteworthy that, when that same string ended in a geminated
consonant, there was an idiolectal choice, put to use by poets in order to
obtainthe necessary metrical rhythm, betweenthe standardtreatment (e.g.,
IQ 4/4/4 tibarri yamn she honours her oath, Alc. nce rtal = n

si r

tl
04
See Wright 1964: I 20.
0
Generally [a], but with exceptions like zan gafr, from the SA Iranism zunjufr cinna-
bar.
6 iuoxoiocv
half-a-pound), and degemination of that consonant (e.g., IQ 11/8/1 l a bud
luh he has no escape, Alc. nertd lal

kir, for /nartdd/, I change for the

better).
1.4.4.1.3. Those same strings in an open juncture, i.e., followed by another
word, also call for a disjunctive vowel, generally /i/, but /a/ in pharyngeo-
laryngeal contours (e.g., IQ16/2/2 bi+al mi

tq al for 1000 dinars, VAkulli+

yawm every day, bi+fardi+yad one-handed, sab#a+mi"ah seven hun-
dred, far

hi

hal al legitimate child, IQ 89/10/1

tab#a fkum natural in

you, Alc. 33.25 clli nirni every Christian, MI 180 ra

hl a bidal the ham-

let of Vidal, 181 ra

hla "lruk a the hamlet of Roca, etc.).

This disjunc-
tive vowel, the phonemic status of which is dubious, is not needed when
the rst consonant is a sonorant (e.g., IQ 93/3/2 gins min kind of). It is
noticeable that the disjunctive vowel is occasionally used in cases in which
it is not strictly necessary, like PES 56/3/2 takrri #ahdu the renewal of
his covenant, 59/5/5 gayri anna however, perhaps for metrical conve-
nience; however, this would not be the reason in Alc. 43.30 toli dagumi
adegum for ever, 344.8 guazti dr courtyard, MI 375.7v bi

hayr well,
etc.
1.4.4.1.4. The inhibition of the glottal tone in anticipation of external open
junctures, which caused the pausal phenomena of OA, might eventually
have caused very particular treatments at the end of AA words, e.g., VA
a

t al trivet, for standard a

t af, Z 68 taktafl you have enough, for

standard taktaf, Alc. zonb, for *istanbd an unidentied citrus.

06
This rule applies also to the pronominal suxes attached to verbs or nouns (e.g.,
IQ 34/0/1 mall+a+n he got tired of me, /2 ya

dall+a+n he humiliates me), although

the disjunctive vowel follows peculiar rules detailed in the related section.
0
Apparently, a kind of grapefruit, to judge fromits Old Cs. reex, azamboa; see Corriente
2008c: 50. Some of these shapes provide the necessary linktounderstandEg. y usif afandi tan-
gerines, through yus(t)afandi, which reects imperfect bookish transmission of P. bost an
buy, combined with the scene of Qur" an XII-31. As is well known, Islamic tradition purports
that the fruit given by Putiphars wife in the banquet she ofered to gossiping women was a
citrus: when Joseph was introduced to them, they were so bedazzled by his beauty that they
cut their ngers instead of the fruit. Which should have exculpated Zal

hah or Zulay

hah, as
she is called by Muslims, from her weakness.
cui+in +wo
MORPHOLOGY
2.1. 1ui Noix
2.1.1. Noun Patterns
The derivational system of noun patterns: as is characteristic of all types of
Arabic, and generally of every Semitic language,

AA nouns necessarily t
into one of the diverse derivational patterns resulting from the interdigita-
tion of a consonantal root morpheme, which conveys a basic semanteme,
withother additional morphemic derivational elements, as categorial deter-
minants of meaning. These additions may consist of intercalated vowels,
consonantal gemination, or vowel lengthening, prexes, inxes and suf-
xes,

often in discontinuous but strictly ordered and xed sequences. This

morphological constraint determines the existence for both noun and verb,
as we shall see inthe relatedsections, of a closedpatterninventory, to which
all Arabic nouns and verbs must conform, and any foreign stock must adjust
prior to full-edged morphological integration in this language.

2.1.2.
In the case of NA and, most particularly, in that of AA, that rather hypertro-
phied system had shrunk considerably, so that the most common patterns
08
See on this Brockelmann 1908:329402, Moscati 1964:7584 and Diakonof 1988: 4256,
the OA system being described, e.g., by Wright 1859:110177, Fischer 1972:3541 and SK 74, fn.
108.
00
Their comprehensive catalogue is laid out in Corriente 1996a: 2633; however, many of
the schemes attested in OA are no longer used in NA or AA.
100
There might be some question about whether or not the speakers awareness of this
morphological constraint is equally strong in peripheral dialects like AA, Ml., Central Asian
and Cypriot Arabic, where Rm., Turkic, P and Gk. interference, and more or less unrestrained
borrowing of foreign amorphous lexical items, are likely to have blurred that notion.
However, the basic survival of suchcharacteristic morphological devices as the brokenpls. of
nouns and the derived verbal stems would demonstrate its considerable residual vitality and
eciency, inspite of a large measure of tolerance for unassimilated sequences, characteristic
of all creolised languages, possibly as mere instances of code-shift or code-mixing, in the
terms of the by now classical Apple & Muysken 1987.
8 xoniuoiocv
still in frequent use are only those continuing OA (and generally retain-
ing their characteristic logematic and semantic functions) {v} (substan-
tives and verbal nouns, e.g., sr

t condition, rzq livelihood and grd

rat; mole), {av} (substantives, adjectives and some verbal nouns, e.g.,

dahb gold, ra gl man,

ha snrough andfaz# scare), {i/ua} (verbal

nouns, e.g., IQ94/6/1

tiql gravity, 58/1/4 hud right path), { ai} (agen-

tive participles, e.g., qtil killer), { aa} (few substantives, e.g., #lam
world; people), { a u} (utensiles, e.g., IH 374 # am ud column),
{uay} (see 2.1.3), {ay/wa} (substantives, e.g.,

syqal polisher and

qwqab clog), {a u/} (adjectives, eventually substantivised, e.g.,

harf
lamb and

sa gr little), {a/i a} (mostly substantives, e.g., gard locusts

and

him ar donkey), {u a} (nouns for ailments and parts detached of

some substance, e.g., su#r rabies and burd lings), {u u} (verbal
nouns of movement, e.g.,

hur g exit), {a a} (adjectives of intensity

and nouns for professionals, e.g., baww/l oftenmaking water andna g gr
carpenter), {aa} (adjectives of colour or physical qualities, e.g., azrq
blue and abkm mute), {maa/i} (nouns for places where an action
is usually performed, e.g., ma

hzn store and ma srq East), {ma u}

(non-agentive participles, e.g., mamlk slave, lit., possessed), {mi a}
(nouns of instruments and intensive adjectives, e.g., mismr nail, mi

drr
harmful), {v a} or {v} (substantives, e.g., s#ra brushwood, dla
rosebay and IH 308 su#d galingale), {v an} (adjectives and some
verbal nouns, e.g., ka/isln lazy and

husrn loss), {aa} (substan-

tives, e.g.,

hndaq ditch), {ii} (substantives, e.g., VA

hin

sir little
nger), {uu} (substantives, e.g. IQ 67/6/2 bulbul nightingale),
{a/ u} (substantives, e.g.,

har sf artichokes and qandl oil lamp)

and {uayi} (see 2.1.3), eventually extended with the few suxes listed
below. Some of them call for the following notes:
2.1.2.1
The nal consonantal cluster of {v} was often avoided by inserting a
non-phonemic vowel [a], which could eventually be phonemicised and
therefore stressed, either becoming the standard shape of some words (e.g.,

humr red [pl.], see 2.1.2.6 and 2.1.10.5.11) or merely generating allophonic
alternation, as shown by the scansions and rhymes of some AA poems (e.g.,
skl = sakl grace).

101
Thus, e.g., IQ 16/5/1 successively has azza gl z gli this z. is my z., 56/10/2 a s sakl the
grace, but 126/4/5 sklu his shape, both in rhyme positions. Even native speakers were
aware of this feature of AA, e.g., Azzubayd (LA203), who ascribes it only to pausal positions,
+ui xoix q
2.1.2.2
There are a host of cases in which AA has {a(a)} for OA {i(ah)},
e.g., VA bant daughter, ast arse,

zaft tar, Alc. rjel column,

dla rib, LA 183 tabn straw, 136 sakkah ploughshare, LA 49 sal#ah
merchandise, etc., for SA bint, ist, zift, ri gl,

dil#, tibn, sikkah and sil#ah:

This is the efect of the so-called Philippis law, which causes the shift / /
> // in closed syllables in several Semitic languages.

As is usual when
an innovated linguistic feature clashes with the standard usage, there are
some ultra-correct reactions to this, e.g., LA 184 zind arm, 285 rq
diference, LA 116 qi

s#ah porringer etc., for SA zand, farq and qa

s#ah;

on the other hand, the same trend has afected the noun pattern {iv},
e.g., in VA darham dirham,

ha

sram verjuice,

harnaq leveret, Alc.

knar little nger and bnar ring nger, for SA dirham,

hi

srim.

hirniq,

hin

sir and bin

sir.
2.1.2.3
The already OA allomorphic alternation {u(u)}, e.g., in the partitive
numerals and as a broken pl. pattern, has left some traces in AA, which
has rb# fourth and

tmn eighth (whence Cs. arroba and azumbre as

like amar, qa

sar, ramal,

dikir and

tir, for amr matter, qa

sr palace, raml sand,

dikr
mention and

tr fast breaking, but the surviving graphical witnesses attest their general
use in eventually any position.
102
This item, however, is questionable here, since AA usually has /a/ instead of /i/ as
vocalisation of OA hamzatu lwa

sl (cf. VA abant daughter, together with the standard Rm.

reex aben of SA ibn, and the prexes of every derived stem of the verb, as shall be seen), in
agreement with Et. and many Mod.Yem. dialects, according to Behnstedt (see Corriente &
Vicente 2008:132), all of which points to a shared isogloss with the South Arabian area.
108
Brockelmann 1908 I: 147148 reacted against Philippis hypothesis of this law being a
PS general principle, with the argument of its absence in OA and Ak. Apparently, he was
not aware of its occasional efectiveness in whole paradigms of the Et. verb conjugation
(e.g., lbs ~ lbsk, parallel to Hb. l ab e s ~ l aba st a, vs. conservative OA labisa ~ labista
he wore ~ you wore), not to speak of AA, in which, as in the rest of Western NA, it did
away with most of the vocalic alternations marking verbal aspects. We rst pointed to the
occasional efectiveness of Philippis law on AA items in Corriente 19811982:35, and as soon
as in 1989b: 101, we suggested that this feature appears to have been a shared isogloss of Et.,
ESA and Western Arabic dialects of Yemenite stock, i.e., spoken by tribes having more or
less recently shifted from South Arabian languages to North Arabian, and afected by that
substratum.
104
However, most of these substandard allomorphs are not conrmed by other sources,
and appear to have had only limited diachronic, diatopic and diastratic validity. This feature
explains cases like the place name Alquzar Hs. (abbreviation of qi

sr bani

half, pn. of a
local family), pointing to an unusual ultra-correct *q

sr, instead of regular AA q

sr, reected
everywhere else as Alczar in place names and the loanwords Cs. alczar, Pt. alccer and Ct.
alcsser. Incidentally, similar cases are witnessed in other NA dialects, cf. Ml. sider and Eg.

si/adr breast vs. SA

sadr.
o xoniuoiocv
names of certain weights and measures, cf. Alc. rba and cmen, with non-
phonemic disjunctive vowels, from OA rub# and

tumn), vs. Alc. xr tithe

and cul c third, from OA #u sur and

tulu

t; cf. otherwise Alc. dubr anus

and VA qu

t un cotton (whence Cs. algodn and Ct. cot), for OA dub(u)r

and qu

t(u)n.

2.1.2.4
The pattern {aa} was consistently stressed on the last syllable in AA
(see 1.3.1.4.1), as proven by an overwhelming majority of loanwords (e.g., Cs.
albarazo vitiligo, azabache and Ct. atzabeja jet, Ct. raval = Cs. arrabal and
Pt. arrabade suburb, Cs. ataharre and Pt. atafal crupper, from SA bara

s,
saba g, raba

d and

tafar, etc.), transcriptions of place names (e.g., Alarave

Mu., < AAal#arb the Arabs, Cenete Gr., < AAsand slope, Benicalaf Va.,
< AAbani

half

H.s sons, etc.), and peculiar spellings with matres lectionis

in dialectal writings, about which see 1.3.1.4.1. As said there, however, there
are a host of cases in which {aa} is reected in AA as {a}, some as
conspicuous as LA 66 ramk mares 281

tarf side, VR gamlah she-

camel, IQ 9/14/3 baqrah cow, required by the rhyme, or the place name
Alanje Bd., < AA al

han s the snake, vs. OA

hana s (see fn. 51). Some of

these instances may continue the variegated OA dialects introduced by the
conquerors, and some may have originated through ultra-correction of the
trend described in 2.1.2.1.
2.1.2.5
AA belonged to the group of dialects, already attested in OA and widely
represented in NA, in which {ai} became {a/i},

e.g., LA 80 salf
ancestor, VAkat(a/i)f shoulder, fa

d thigh, GL kabdun liver, etc.,

for SA salif, katif, fa

h(i)

d and kabid.
2.1.2.6
The OApattern{aa}, characteristic of adjectives for colours andphysical
qualities is regularly reected in AA as {a} (cf. MT 210.4 a

hw al cross-
eyed, with a stress marking mater lectionis, parallel to Alc. ahmr red,
azrq blue, ebqum mute and ahdb hunchback, for SA a

hwal, a

hmar,
10
As for the matching broken pl. pattern, cf. the place name Algodor Cc., Co. and To.,
fromAAal gudr the ponds, andthe curious instance of AArsl messenger, a depluralised
reex of OArus(u)l, pl. of ras ul (cf. Cs. rehn, Pt. refmhostage, also derived fromAArihn,
pl. of rhn; in both cases, the depluralisation was triggered by the fact that messengers and
hostages where usually more than one on each occasion).
106
See Sbawayhi II/277.
+ui xoix i
azraq and a

hdab). In the pl., however, there was a considerable degree of

hesitation between preservation of SA{u} (e.g., Alc. hmar, zorq, hdeb,
for SA

humr, zurq and

hudb) and an allophonic {u}, with a phone-

micised disjunctive vowel (e.g., Alc. buqum, humr, hugul, VA bukam,
suqar blond [pl.], etc.). This alternation appears to reect subdialectal
diferences within AA.

2.1.2.7
The CA distribution of {mv+} prexes appears to have been the result of
a successive series of innovations starting in the PS stage, and still incom-
plete at the time of the great Islamic expansion, whichexplains considerable
divergences between OA and NA dialects.

The assignment of labialised

{mu+} to all participles, except the non-agentive {ma u} of G stems,
shared by Ak. and Ug., but not by Et., and therefore most likely by ESA,
might have been an early attempt to diferentiate among too wide an array
of semantic functions, while the functional segregation of {ma+} as nomen
loci vs. {mi+} as nomen instrumenti, possibly triggered by the dissimilation,
initially characteristic only of {mi a}, is a rather recent, incomplete and
partially articial development, fostered by grammarians fond of such cate-
gorial classications, but never altogether integrated in the living language
reected by NA dialects.
2.1.2.7.1. In AA, as by and large in NA, most nomina loci and nomina instru-
menti share the prex {ma+} (e.g., VA ma glis assembly room and
mabrad le), except in the second case when OA had {mi a}, which
has been generally preserved (e.g., VA mi

hr a

t plough and min s ar

saw), unless labialisation prevails (e.g., VA muft a

h key, mu

haddah
pillow and muq a

s scissors, as nomina instrumenti, and GL mu

s arah
recreation ground (whence Almozara Zg.) and Cs. almofalla camp, from
AA *mu

halla, as nomina loci, for SA mas arah and ma

hallah).
2.1.2.7.2. In a few instances, we come across some participles of derived
measures prexed with {ma+} (e.g., LA 112 = IA 180 maq#ad cripple,
LA 149 = IH 173 ma srab intense [colour], and ma

smat solid, for SA

muq#ad, mu srab and mu

smat, even the very revered name of the Prophet

10
There are some other oddities in this type of adjectives, like the quasi-regular masc.
pl. ceudn in Alc. and s ud an in VA for aswd black (see fn. 174), and the fem. pls. beqmt
dumb women in Alc. and sawd an at black women, in VA and LA 278. As for the elative
{aa}, see 2.1.4.
108
On this, see Corriente 1979.
a xoniuoiocv
Muhammad, reected in IH 181 as ma

hammad, whence Cs. Mahoma and

Pt. Mafamede).

2.1.2.7.3. The unusual frequency of the pattern {mi a} in AA intensive

adjectives (e.g., VA midr ar owing copiously, midw ar short [gar-
ment], midy an heavily indebted, miry a

h windy, mi sr ar quarrel-
some, mi sk a

h avaricious, mi

dr ar harmful, mi

dr as having large
uneven teeth, mi#y an having a powerful evil eye, mik

t ar loquacious,
miky ad tricky, mils an talkative, mimr a

d sickly, mih

d ar glib,
mihw al terrible, Alc. mirr cute, GL mi

hy al crafty, Z 1573 misl al

consumptive, IQ 21/3/4 mi

sw ab felicitous, 87/1/2 mikt af sturdy and

147/6/5 mi

ty ar ominous), compared to its relative scarcity in OA, to-

gether with the fact that many of them are AA lexical innovations, points
to a hypertrophic development, since most of them share an unequivocal
superlative nuance.

2.1.2.8
The vocalisationof quadriconsonantal nouns inOA, andmore widely speak-
ing, their structure in the whole Semitic family, is one of the subjects for
which information has always been and remains scarce.

But even a quick

100
We are inclined to attribute this feature again to the South Arabian substratum of AA,
on account of similar instances such as the late Et. reexes of OA muz a

him constraining,
muslim Muslim, mu

hammad pn., mu# awiyah pn., mu star Jupi-ter, mu#allaqah the

Suspended Church of Old Cairo, and other participles with a {m+} prex (characteristic
of Et. derived measures; see Dillmann 1865: 1305, 1401, 323, 1410, 1411 and 1400), which must
necessarily have been transmitted by Arabs of South Arabian stock.
110
As for the origin of this pattern, there is no agreement among Semitic scholars like
Brockelmann 1908 I: 379 or Wright 1959 I: 138, on the one hand, usually reecting Cas-
paris views, who considered it a metaphorical extension of nomina instrumenti, and Fleisch
1961:425 and 433434, who follows Nyberg in his assumption of a prexation of {mv+} to pre-
existing adjectives. Without prejudging this diachronic point, the fact that some of those
adjectives in AA are not so clearly superlative, and that many of them semantically stand
rather close to verbal participles, opens a third complementary way to solve the riddle and
explain such abundance in AA: namely, that those superlatives may have been easily con-
taminated by participles of the IXXI verbal measure, characteristically frequent in Western
Arabic (see Fischer & Jastrow 1980:264). Thus, e.g., it is easy to imagine that a participle
*ma/usl al (cf. Mo. msl al qui a engendr beaucoup, Premare 19931999 VI: 170) wouldeasily
become misl al, through the same dissimilatory phenomenon observed in the corresponding
type of nomina instrumenti. The same would apply to cases like LA 129 mibt a# buyer and
mi

ht al shrewd, coinciding in appearance with the aforementioned adjectives, although

in fact they are participles of Gt stems.
111
Fleisch 1961:501502 gives as proof of this assertion the fact that even Brockelmann
in his still impressive Grundriss could only write 15 lines on this issue, but neither his own
ve pages, nor Grandes eleven (Grande 1998:5163) dealing with it can presently be deemed
sucient.
+ui xoix
glance at a comprehensive list of allowed combinations reveals the perva-
siveness of harmonised vowel sequences, i.e., {aa}, {ii} and
{uu}, with some degree of tolerance of u/i-a sequences, i.e., {u/ia},
and less so in the case of u-a-i, found only in some diminutive patterns,

whichmakes it obvious that the harmonising trendis a recent development,

fostered by grammarians already under the aegis of Islam.

AA does not
reect that late preference in many instances, invariably having {a/}
for SA {u u} and {i} (e.g., VA

hanzr pig and #a

sf ur bird, for
SA

hinzr and #u

sf ur) and, most of the time, {a} or {a} when the

second vowel was not long (e.g., LA 156 diftar writing pad, GL bin

sar
ring-nger, VA fundaq stable, fulfalah pepper, for SA daftar, bin

sir,
funduq and fulfulah).

At times, however, AA exhibits some harmonised

quadriconsonantal nouns, e.g., VA and most sources

hur s ufah artichoke

and Alc. borcqua prune; however, the matching Cs., Gl. andPt. loanwords
alcachofa, Ct. carxofa, and Cs. and Gl. albaricoque, Ct. albercoc reect non-
harmonised shapes.
2.1.2.9
The abandonment by AA of the less common OA derivational noun pat-
terns, mentioned in 2.1.2, is purported by substitutions of simpler shapes for
rarer ones, e.g., Z 693 na s s ab arrows, LA 177 dur#ah shirt, 271 darr a g
francolin, 298 nu#rah gady, and nafsah woman in labour, for SA
nu s s ab, durr a#ah, durr a g, nu#arah and nufas a".
2.1.2.10
Weak root morphemes, i.e., those containing a semi-consonant (namely,
{/w/y}, {/w/y} and{/w/y}), as well as those initially having less than
three consonants and subsequently standardised (most often by repeating
the second consonant of biconsonantal roots and assuming the appearance
of {}), often receive special treatment in the various Semitic languages,
which may difer not only one from another, but even within the dialects
of the same. In the case of AA, and by comparison with SA, some of the
solutions are rather peculiar and shall be listed next.
112
See Fischer 1972:36 (Nominale Stammbildungsmorpheme 4-rad. Wurzeln).
118
See on this Corriente 1976, although the phonaesthetic considerations beyond their
attitudes and criteria of correctness are at times dicult to apprehend.
114
It is a moot question whether these non-harmonised items continue dialectal pronun-
ciations more faithful to older shapes (e.g., diftar, from Gk. difthra, fulfalah, from Sk.
pippal), which might have been the case at times, or simply apply a favoured pattern, as
evidenced by cases in which the etyma do not match the AA pronunciation, e.g., fundaq,
from Gk. pandokeon, or VA dustar wedge, from P dast ar.
xoniuoiocv
2.1.2.10.1. Former biconsonantal root morphemes are often adjusted to tri-
consonantal standards by supplying a third element in ways at times difer-
ent from those recorded for SA; e.g., gemination of the second consonant
(e.g., LA 273 riyyah lung, VA

hirr vulva, Z 621 damm blood, 1458

yadd hand, and rhyme-supported IQ 5/8/3 famm mouth, for SA ri"ah,

hir, dam, yad and fam, which had remained biconsonantal, unlike the case
in most areas of NA. In some cases in which OA had lengthened the vocalic
case endings in order to provide the appearance of a triconsonantal root,
but only in status constructus, i.e., as head of a syntagm of rection or annex-
ation, this restriction has disappeared in AA, e.g., VA

ham u father-in-law
and a

h u brother; besides, that vowel is not dropped, unlike the case in

SA, in annexation with the 1st person sg. possessive pronoun, e.g., Alc. 59.23
a

ky my brother, vs. CAa

h. However, and again unlike SA, either by ultra-

correction or by survival of OA dialects, that same vowel often disappears
in annexation with proper names, e.g., IQ 37/6/2 ab ga#far and 65/8/1 ab
# amir, and in Old Lt. and Rm. transcriptions like Abaiub, < ab ayy ub, Abia-
far, < ab ga#far, etc.

2.1.2.10.2. The treatment of {/w/y} roots in AA is most of the time par-

allel to the solutions of NA; thus, for instance, the pattern {a} of {rs}
has generated IA 635 rayyis for SA ra"s head of an institution, cf. Cs.
arrez, Pt. and Ct. arrais skipper, while in the case of hollow roots, i.e.,
{w/y}, the same patterncouldeventually exhibit simplicationof the sec-
ondary diphthong (e.g., GLlaynun soft, vs. a conservative layyin inother
sources, Alc. hyn easy, vs. standard hayyin elsewhere, and yl deer, vs.
VA ayyil). In two very frequent words, SA sayyid lord and gayyid good,
that diphthong was reduced to a mere high vowel, i.e., AA sd and gd, as
proven by rhymes in IQ 40/8/4 and 74/6/4, the rst item being common in
other NA areas as well, though not excluding the survival of a semantically
diferentiated higher register shape, which is also witnessed to in AA, e.g.,
Alc. cid master, VA, IQ 69/3/1 and AC 547 sayyid (cf. English master vs.
mister or French seigneur vs. sieur).
11
See Ters 1990:135. This is also the reason for the present shape of the name of the
Madridian quarter of (L)avapis < ab #abb as, for the SA pn. ab u #abb as. This phenomenon
might have originated in OA dialects with the invariable shapes ab a and a

h a, in which the
last vowel disappearedphonetically infront of the article or of any elidible alif (see Corriente
1976:92 and 2.1.7).
+ui xoix
2.1.2.10.3. The treatment of {w/y} roots in AA is also in most cases parallel
to NAmorphology, but not without some peculiar solutions, either closer to
SA, or to some OA dialects, or at times wholly unprecedented.
2.1.2.10.3.1. Thus, for instance, the pattern {v} generates {v/} (e.g.,
VA gar u = Alc. jar cub, VA fal u = Alc. fel colt, VA gid = Alc. gid
buck, VA hur = Alc. hur granary, etc., for SA girw, falw, gady and
hury);

however, this nal vowel being no mere allophone of the semi-

consonant, but the full-edged equivalent of */uw(w)/, it recovered this
shape before suxes (e.g., IQ 1/4/3

huluwwah sweet [fem.], 20/5/3

#aduwwah female foe and VA

daruwwah one lentisk tree, for SA

hul-
wah and

dirwah).

2.1.2.10.3.2. On the other hand, the pattern {a a} in these roots gen-

erated a rather conservative {a}, in agreement with the rules for the
treatment of hamz (see 1.2.28.1.4, e.g., VAsaqq a = Alc. ac water-carrier,
whence Pt. aacal and Cs. azacn, and VA bann a = Alc. benn bricklayer,
with 2nd degree im alah, whence Cs. albail vs. Pt. alvanel). There were also
some occasional shifts to{ a}, e.g., VAfass as noiseless farter,

harr ar
= Alc.

karrr shitter, for SA fass a" and

harr a".
2.1.2.10.3.3. At the end of words, any string /2(i)yah/ became inAA/2yya/,
e.g., VAqariyyah village, whence Cs. alquera, Ct. alqueria and Pt. alcaria,
GL tasmiyyatun naming, IQ 24/1/4 mu stariyyah bought and 2/4
mustawiyyah straight, all of them in evidential rhyme positions, for SA
qaryah, mu stariyah and mustawiyah, and IQ 42/1/5 amriyya mirrors, a
broken pl. pattern {aiah}.

116
But attention should be paid to the fact that their pausal forms in OA were actually
pronounced as gir u, fal u, gid and hur, diferent in the traditional pronunciation of Arabic
(ta gwd) from their AA counterparts merely in the ultima stress position of the latter, not
without precedents in OA dialects either.
11
There are also cases suggesting preservation of the SA solution, e.g., VA

ha sw lling,

habw crawling, Alc. nhu grammar and nj exile, for SA na

hw and nafy, as well as

curious spellings like those of GL na

h"u and #a

du for SA #u

dw member, likely aimed at

the same pronunciation; however, they appear to be either printing mistakes in the case
of Alc., or prestigious classicisms introduced by scholars who knew CA, or even perhaps
pilgrims who learned them in the East and tried, upon their return, to show of in front of
their countrymen, with the usually short-lived success of most linguistic fads.
118
There are also exceptions to this rule, e.g., IA 26 la

hyah = Alc. l

hya, for SA li

hyah, VA
isfann ariyah carrot, fromGk. staphylnos grios, IQ 78/6/1 i sbilya = Alc. Yxblia, Seville,
etc. and, conversely, extensions thereof to similar situations, e.g., IQ 42/0/1 biyya, for SA b
or biya; however, see 1.3.2.2 and fn. 87 about frequent spontaneous gemination of sonorants
in AA.
6 xoniuoiocv
2.1.2.10.3.4. The loss of the semi-consonant in {w/y} root morphemes
in some patterns such as { ai} and {aw ai}, already allowed in OA
pausal forms, is characteristic of some AA items, e.g., VR w ad river, b az
falcon, gaw ar maids, ward alzaw an mallow, lit. whores roses, for
SAw ad, b az, gaw ar and zaw an (cf. Alc. gud, bi, jagur and guardzagun,
with parallels in other Western Arabic dialects, e.g., Mo. w ad, b az = Ml. wied,
bies).

2.1.2.10.4. In many instances, the peculiar treatment in AA of weak root

morphemes can be accounted for in terms of metanalysis, i.e., of erroneous
attribution of lexical items to a kind of weak root which is not truly its
own, because of an infra-correct restitution of the weak consonant or of
gemination of a phoneme from members of the paradigms that had lost
either one of both. Such are, e.g., the cases of VA ast ak to polish ones
teeth, with an anomalous ma

sdar istik ak, as if from *{skk}, a st am to

smell, as if from *{ swm}, instead of diachronically correct { smm},

d ayad
to oppose, as if from*{

dyd}, insteadof correct {

ddd}, the plurals maw add

tables and mak akin places of m a"idah and mak an, as if from *{mdd}
and *{mkn}, instead of {myd} and {kwn}, IQ 89/6/3 ma

h ayi g streets,
pl. of ma

ha g gah,

Alc. nilm lemmt to blame, as if from *{lmm}, and

diminutives like ucica little market (whence Azuqueca Gu.), and vdyed
little river, as if from*{sqq} and *{wdd}, instead of {lwm}, {swq} and {wdy}
respectively. These instances, much more frequent in AA than in any other
NA dialect, have been favoured by the phonemic status of stress, which
caused the analysis of /astk/, /a stm/, /

dd(d)/, /lm/, /sq/ and /wd/

as */astkk/, */a stmm/, */lumm/, */sqq/ and */wdd/ and played havoc
with the SA features of consonant gemination and vowel length, as bases of
recognition of root morphemes also in the rest of cases.
110
As for instances of decay of nal / a/, e.g., inVAm us razor and mawl owner, for SA
m us and mawl, they are likelier to have originated through the kind of metanalysis called
wrong-parsing, before the article (cf. English apron, otter, etc.).
120
Cf. also Alc. ma

kda pillow pl. ma

kid, and its diminutive mu

hayyadah in VA, with

a type of metanalysis curiously reappearing in Mo. pls., e.g., m

ha z za ~ m

h ay z avenue,
m

hadda ~ m

h ayd pillow, m

rmma ~ m

r aym loom and qm z za ~ qm ay z shirt (see Cor-

riente 1971:50 about the strong possibility of this phenomenon being due in Naf. dialects
to borrowing from AA). As for suqyqa little market, from s uq, it had been already doc-
umented by Dz I 706, then ignored by subsequent etymologists like Asn 1940, which caused
our mistake in SK fn. 20.
+ui xoix
2.1.3. The Diminutive
The OA noun patterns {uay} and {CuCayCiC}, characteristic markers
of the diminutives of triconsonantal and quadriconsonantal stems, respec-
tively, exhibit in AA the slightly modied shapes {uyya} and {CuCy-
CaC},

e.g., GL buwayyatun little house,

hu gayyarun pebbles, IQ
8/3/3 ruwayyas little head (= Alc. ruyas), 9/26/3 usayyam little name,
Alc. cuyas = quwyyas little arch, GL mu gay sarun small farm, mu

hay-
da#un shortcut, IQ1/5/1 u sayqar little blondone, 149/5/4 usaywad lit-
tle black one, Alc. uquilel little crown and conidal little lamp, fromAA
byt,

ha gr, rs, sm, qws, ma g sr, ma

hd#, a sqr, aswd, akll and qandl.

However, the OA shape was kept unaltered in the case of nouns with the
fem. sux (e.g., GL

su

hayfatun small page, IQ 2/7/3 qubaylah little

kiss, Alc. bugyla little mule, even in items like Alc. dugyja little hen
and mucyle little question, from digja and mecle, in which the underly-
ing SA shapes da g a gah and mas"alah should have generated, according to
the rules for the evolution of AA, *du gyya ga and *musyyala),

as well
as those triconsonantal ones with a root morpheme {w/y}, e.g., IQ 27/0/1

hulay little sweet one, 27/3/4

subay little boy, Alc. o

ki little brother,
and mury little mirror.

121
Apparently, a case of preference of the quadriconsonantal type, applied to bothquadri-
consonantal root morphemes and triconsonantal ones with a prex. The same situation
prevails in Naf. dialects, except in those of the Bedouins, according to Brockelmann 1908 I:
353 andZavadovski 1962:94. It is noteworthy that AAbelongs, together withNaf. andBedouin
dialects, to a group of Arabic dialects in which this kind of internal diminutive pattern has
remained in frequent productive usage, and even developed new variants, unlike the case of
their urban Eastern counterparts, in which their usage has often dwindled to a great extent
to the point of nearly surviving in mere lexicalised items.
122
The same situation obtains in triconsonantal stems with the nisbah-sux (see 2.1.5.1),
to judge from instances like Alc. curyci small chair, from curc, and

kudimi little knife,

from

kidm ; by the same token, the place name Almudena, in 1.1.4.1, may simply reect
*almudyna, as if from {mdn}. On the other hand, and as in the case of other NA and
even OA dialects, some AA unmarked fem. nouns received the characteristic sux {+a[t]}
upon adopting the diminutive pattern, e.g., IQ 87/2/1 nufaysat my little soul and 63/7/4
duwayrah little house, from SA nafs and d ar, even qulyba little heart, in Alc. and AC,
although qlb is masc.
128
In the case of root morphemes {w}, the peculiar AA tolerance for /y/iw/ sequences
(see 1.1.4.1) allowed items like Alc. hulygua =

hulywa little sweetness, which have propa-

gated to stems containing /w/ or // in medial position, e.g., duyguara = duwywara little
disk, from dagura = dawwra, and ujygueza little old lady, from ajze = #a gza, and
even to other stems, e.g., polyguat little porridge, from pulit = puly

t, and tubyvara
small jar, from tabyra =

tabyra, which points to the emergence of a morphological alter-

nationbetweendiminutive andnon-diminutive items, as inthe case of the brokenpl. pattern
{awi} for {ayv} sgs., about which see 1.1.1.6.
8 xoniuoiocv
2.1.3.1
Some AA adjectives with triconsonantal bases, nevertheless, use a gemi-
nated quadriconsonantal diminutive pattern {CuCyCaC}, e.g., Alc. cuby-
bar rather great, cucycal rather heavy, buryred slightly cold, rutitab
slightly tender, from kibr,

taql, brid and r

tb. In all likelihood, this inno-

vation was generated by the alternation of adjectives of the OA patterns
{a} and {i}, the latter with an intensive nuance often lost; later
on, the innovated pattern was extended to other adjectives of diferent
stems.

2.1.3.2
There is at least one clear instance of shortened diminutive

in AA,
namely, duiri from midr, < SA mi

dr winnowing fork, which allows

us to surmise that also VA zullay g(ah) glazed tile, whence Cs. azulejo,
is a similar case, derived from SA muza g ga g glazed (through the steps
described in 1.2.7.4 and 1.2.19.3).
2.1.4. The Elative
The OA elative pattern {aa} for adjectives, which confers them compar-
ative or superlative connotations, remained alive and quite productive in
AA, e.g. VA a

hl sweeter, ashal easier, IA 5 a

tqal heavier, 1 a shar

more famous, 12 azla

t poorer, 22 aqall less (with substitution of

{aa} for {aa}, in agreement with 2.2.3.2), Alc. ahyn easier, ahcn
better, azgr smaller, afut later (formed on fawt late, originally a
ma

sdar, used as an adjective and an adverb, parallel to mal full), DC 9a

ecthr more, 12a elequl the least, etc., all of them easily linked with their
SA matches in the roots {

hlw}, {shl}, {

tql}, { shr}, {zl

t}, {qll}, {hwn}, {

hsn},
{

s gr,}, {fwt} and {k

tr}. In contrast with the scarcity of this idiomin other NA

dialects, these items are often used in their exclamative function, preceded
by m a, like in OA, e.g., Z 1356 m a ashal how easy!, 142 m+a sq a how
miserable!, IQ13/2/1 m a a

hl a wam a amarru howsweet and howbitter he

is!, 16/0/2 m a abya

duh #ind wam a a sraqu how white it is to me and how

bright!,

94/14/4 m a aswad f #aynu

d ak al

sab a

h how black that morning

124
See Brockelmann 1908 I: 362363. This innovation is shared by some Naf. dialects,
probably introduced in them, as many other features, by the successive waves of Andalusi
immigrants. That coincidence led some scholars to believe that it was due to the Br. substra-
tum of Western Arabic, but nothing in that language would support such a hypothesis.
12
I.e., ta

s gru ttar

hm (see Fleisch 1961:389).

126
As reported in LA 251252 in the case of m a abya

d, this line violates two rules of CA

+ui xoix q
was in his eyes!.

However, certain constructions point to the beginning of

the decay of this inexion and its replacement by an analytical idiom intro-
duced with ak

tr more, e.g., IQ96/7/4 ak

tar daf warmer, 99/14/2 ak

tar
raqq thinner, 119/4/4 ak

tar muli

h more insistent, and 111/7/4 ak

tar

sayy adah more skillful at shing, and Alc. 47.26 cum gli aq car adm
min alled quin yazu a much higher price than it cost, 2930 bicum ra

k
minalle

d qui yazv for a price lower thanits value, 308.1829 aq cr abid~

aqhl ~ a

kdr ~ azrq ~ ahmr ~ azfr whiter; blacker; greener; bluer; red-

der; yellower, 51.20 a

denb al guil gua alquibr = a

dnb alwil walkibr the

rst and biggest sin.

2.1.5. Derivational Suxes

The nominal system of derivational suxes in Semitic and, more particu-
larly, in OA is very poor, and has not been signicantly expanded in any NA
dialect, AAincluded. Leaving aside the markers of gender and number, bet-
ter dealt with as inexional morphemes, the whole Semitic family merely
counts the nisbah-suxes and those including a nasal consonant, above all
{+ an},

plus a few foreign suxes;

the same situation basically prevails

in AA.
2.1.5.1
The nisbah-sux in AA has retained and even increased its frequency in
comparison with OA, and appears with two allomorphs, {+ } and {+i},
forbidding the elative pattern in adjectives already having the shape {aa} like those
meaning colour and physical qualities, as well as in bases counting more than three con-
sonants, which is the case of the participle mu sriq bright; however, such violations were
common in NA, and not exceptional even in OA. IQ 173/2/4 even has an isolated m a zan-
daqu what a heretic!, irregularly derived from a quadriconsonantal root.
12
To this we could add the innovated and standardised a

hyr and a srr, for SA

hayr and
sarr, present in other areas of NA, e.g., IQ 96/5/3 a

hyar better and GL a sarru worse,

Ax 37.21 a sarruhum the worst of them and Z 29 azzuq aq a

hyar min d aruh the street is

better than his home.
128
As for the superlative, AA clearly preferred analytical expressions including certain
semantically apt auxiliary adjectives or substantives, e.g., IQ 86/8/2 sa g# ka

tr very brave,
87/20/1 sayyan #a
-

dm a great deal, and 105/7/4 gd saraf very good.

120
Characteristic of some adjectives and ma

sdars, as in OA, and having the only peculiar-

ity of its resistance to im alah (cf. VA kasl an lazy, whence Gl. lacazn, *bard an brazen-
faced, whence Cs. albardn; see 1.1.1.3). These adjectives, however, appear to have been less
frequent in standard AA, as pointed to by the substitution by fri

h and

hazn for such com-

mon items in SA as far

h an glad and

hazn an sad.
180
See Brockelmann 1908: I 388404 and Fleisch 1961:434469.
6o xoniuoiocv
distributed according to the diachronic principle laid out in 1.3.1.4.4.

Un-
like the case in strict CA, but in agreement with NA, it could be attached to
broken pls., e.g., IQ 48/7/4 mul uk royal prince, VA nis aw = Alc. nicgui
womanly, rigli manly, from SA mul uk kings, nis a" women and ri g al
men, which provided a frequent pattern of derivation for nouns for people
having a trade or habit,

e.g., Z672 #a g ayib juggler, Alc. naguaquic bell-

man, magin druggist, yaguaquit dealer in gems, baguatil cheat,
from SA #a g a"ib marvels; tricks, naw aq

s bells, ma# a gn electuaries,

yaw aqt jewels and baw a

til lies. No less often it was attached to collec-

tive ethnic adjectives (e.g., VA #arab Arabs, Alc. agm non-Arabs and
hadr =

ha

dar citizens), in order to generate singulatives (i.e., VA #arab

Arab, Alc. ajam non-Arab, hadar citizen), from which occasionally
a pl. might be obtained, without again any semantic nuance diferentiating
it from that historically collective item (e.g., VA #arabiyn, Alc. ajamiyn
and hadariyn).

2.1.5.2
In view of the scarcity of OA suxes, it is little wonder that AA has adopted
some Rm. ones, although only a few of them appear to have retained their
functionality and productiveness, like the augmentative {+N} and per-
haps {+T} (e.g., VA raqad un sleepyhead, IQ gurr un big jar, Z 1461
man

har u

t big nosed, from AA rqid sleeping, grra jar, and mn

har
nose), the diminutive {+t} (e.g., IQ 19/0/1 and 119/4/4 marqa

t al old-
clothes market, Alc. zingl bad-smelling juice oozing fromheaped olives <
Andalusi Rm. *ni gs+L, with metathesis; cf. also Cs. tarabilla mill-clapper
< Andalusi Rm. *

tarb+LLAlittle music), and the instrumental and agen-

tive {++vu} (e.g., VA gawabayr saucy, zallayr whoremonger, Alc.
181
However, the fem. sux levelledthis diference infavour of the stressedallomorph, e.g.,
Alc. nicgui womanly (masc.) vs. nicigua (fem.), and itlij Italian (masc.) vs. itala (fem.),
and the same applies to the regular pl. sux, e.g., italin Italians, and yfrnci French (sg.)
vs. yfrancin (pl.). As in other NA dialects, the peculiar solutions for the use of the nisbah-
sux in root morphemes {w/y} (e.g., VA qanaw maker of canals, IQ 12/3/1 qaraw
villager), have generated an extended allomorph {+aw}, which has propagated to other
instances, e.g., Alc.

danav =

danaw related to sheep, from OA {

da"n}. In the case of Ge#ez,

this innovated shape has become standard (see Brockelmann 1908 I: 397), while an extended
- an, extant in Arabic also, prevailed in ESA (see Bauer 1966:45).
182
The same situation obtains in Naf. Arabic, according to Zavadovski 1962:93, with exam-
ples like qz adri plumber, d

h a

hni tobacconist, kr arsi cart driver, etc.

188
As for Alc. bri barbel, pl. *bur, semantically anomalous, this may well have been
one of his many brazen fabrications, since VA has a pl. b uriy at, plus a baw ar recorded by
Dz I 126, both more in agreement with this words status as a loanword, from Cp. b or e.
+ui xoix 6i

kanzir swineheard, and jabyra purse, whence Pt. algibeira, from AA

gawb answer, zlla slip,

hanzr pig and gyb pocket, the last two

items being shortened by haplology and dissimilation, respectively).

2.1.6. Inlexional Morphemes

2.1.6.1. Deniteness and Indeniteness
Markers of deniteness and indeniteness.
2.1.6.2
Unlike the case in OA, the denite article in AA had the constant shape
{"al+}, which only dropped its initial hamz when preceded by the mono-
consonantal prepositions bi+, li+ and +, with loss of their nal vowel in
the open juncture, e.g., Alc. 9.30 nat al

kobz I give bread, mi alhay

brandy, but 10.21 lal focah to the priests, VA b+al+

har hardly, Alc.

27.32 falgrfa in the room;

the same is suggested by pns. like Abual-

faqui and Abualhucey (< abu alfaqh and ab al

husy[n]: see Mateu y Llopis

1962:328f.), and place names like Benialfaqu the legists sons, in Ac., and
Binialmara Mj., the womans sons, for which most NAdialects would have
*bani+lfaqh and *bani+lmarah.
2.1.6.3
The tight prosodic connection, called proclisis, between the denite arti-
cle and the noun following it, and possibly also the incomplete aware-
ness on the part of creole speakers during a number of generations of the
morphological boundary between both,

have generated a few cases of

metanalysis (or wrong-parsing), like VA labb ar needle maker, la g urah
brick, and GM (l)a

saf caper, for SA abb ar, a gurrah and (l)a

saf. Con-
trariwise, insome Rm. loanwords beginning with/al/, this segment has been
184
See on this topic Corriente 1983b, listing 24 such suxes, although in most cases de-
functionalised and integrated in items no longer analyzable by AA speakers.
18
This is also the vocalisation of all prosthetic alif s in AA, except in the ma

sdars, bor-
rowed fromCA, inspite of the freak items of RC41 aym an faith, abr ar discharge, a

hy a
resurrection, ar adah will and a#

t a" giving; see 2.2.2.5.2. It is true that Alc. also lists

bil and l in 10.2, next to fal and bal, and has lil in 9.29, but these are sheer high register
shapes elicited from his learned native informants, also found in the text of the Christian
prayers included in his Arte, otherwise full of pseudo-corrections both in CA and AA. How-
ever, instances like Alc. dil ha lithiasis, dil cull rein disease, dil amr this matter and dil
yum this day, < d a" al

ha

s, d a" alkul a,

d a lamr and

d a lyawm, respectively, could perhaps

reect a diferent rule in cases of word composition of probably imported items.
186
On this issue, see Corriente 2008: lxivlxxi.
6a xoniuoiocv
metanalyzed as the Arabic article and dropped, e.g. MT 103.5 alma

t aqil
al+fun siyyah the coins struck by King Alphonse, and 801.5 al+bar gariy-
yah al+ma#l umah the said inn (from Cs. alberguera).

2.1.6.4
There is a number of place names of Arabic origin beginning with Am-,
instead of the expectable Al-, e.g., Amocadn, in Ja., Ambercoque in Am.
(< almuqaddm the chief and albarqq the plum [trees], respectively),
and the pns. Ambaxir, Amfathon, Ambuney(a) and Ambattax, in Eastern
Spain,

for which the possibility has been suggested of their being reexes
of the Old Yemenite shape of the article /am+/.

In spite of the absence of

other related witnesses in Western Arabic, considering the abundance of
Yemenite features in AA, this possibility cannot be altogether discarded
in some instances.

2.1.6.5
The OA marker of indeniteness called tanwn, i.e., the addition of /n/ after
the nal case vowels characteristic of the noun, has disappeared from all
NA but for two kinds of traces, namely, the quite common adverbial ending
{+an},

and the rather archaistic connective {+an}.

18
These cases should not be mixed up with those in which a Rm. loanword has entered
AAwith an agglutinated Rm. article, e.g., VAlabarkah boat, la sama s mortar, Alc. lapt
prebendary, laprio unicorn, lazcna dart, etc., the etyma of which appear in Corriente
1997d. Some of these cases are obscured by frequent exchanges of /r/ and /l/ (rhotacisms
and lambdacisms), e.g., Alc. lbra pandora, a kind of sh < Lt. rubra the red one (still in
Lerchundi 1932:146, no longer in Premare and Iraqui Sinaceur), vs. VA rumi skal rorqual <
Rm*LOM

SKL(O) the male, as it was supposed to be the male whale, whence Ct. romesco,
name of a certain sauce formerly once used with some kinds of sh, now with other uses as
well.
188
See Mateu y Llopis 1942:316 and f. In most of these cases, Am- appears to be a reex
of SA ibn = AA ab(a)n son (of), e.g., Ambaxir < ibn ba sr, Amfathon < ibn fat

h un (also
Abenfathon), Ambuneya < ibn umayyah, etc.
180
As in the case of Eg. imb ari

h yesterday, in which the preservation of this anomaly

has been helped by the next homorganic consonant. As for Mod.Yem. dialects, the shapes of
the denite article with /m/ are characteristic of wide areas of the country, as expounded by
JastrowinFischer &Jastrow1980:121, andmore recently by Behnstedt, inCorriente &Vicente
2008:111.
140
See Corriente 1989b and 2008a: 178179, in which this shape of the Arabic article is at
the basis of the very etymonof Al-Andalus, fromCp. ament e r es the SouthWest (of Europe),
with common voicing of /t/ and lambdacism, plus ultra-correct restitution of {"al+}.
141
Evolved from the frequent use of the indenite accusative as a marker of manner and
circumstance. But see 2.3.3 about its frequent phonetic evolution.
+ui xoix 6
2.1.6.5.1. In spite of some high register incrustations (e.g., Alc. 25 mxien
walking, rquiden lying down, ghiden denying, 41.18 cylen saying,
etc.; cf. fn. 252), it appears that the adverbial ending {+an} was no longer
productively used in AA, but merely had currency in certain stereotyped
idioms (e.g., VA gadan tomorrow, ahlan wasahlan and its near equiv-
alent mar

haban welcome, IH 261 awwalan = Alc. vilen rstly). It

appears also that the truly, though residual dialectal shape of this marker
was its pausal allomorph, i.e., without the nal nasal, e.g., IQ 4/3/1 abad a
never, 49/9/1

haqq a truly, 88/8/1 mar

hab a, 57/5/5

taw#a on his own

will, 126/3/3 #amd a on purpose, 9/28/3 rasl a slowly, 38/25/1 gam# a
together, GL ay

d a too,

Alc.

ka(ta) especially and, obviously, with-

out observing CA morphosyntactic rules in cases like IQ 4/3/2 li gad a for
tomorrow and 102/8/3 il gad a until tomorrow.

2.1.6.5.2. The connective tanwn will be dealt with in the appropriate section
on syntax (3.1.1.1.1).
2.1.6.5.3. AA shares with some Naf. Arabic dialects, which have probably
inherited this feature from the former, the innovation of an indenite arti-
cle, w

h(i)d (al)+, mostly invariable, but at times with a fem. w

hda+, e.g.,
IQ 70/7/1 wa

hd alfaras a horse, 74/3/1 wa

hd alnah ar a day, 140/0/1

wa

hdal

sub ay a little boy, PES 47/6/1 wa

hdalma

h arah a shell, Hv 100v5

wa

hdabu

tizzahwa

hdafuraymamin

sukar a bottle a small sugar loaf.

Its relative scarcity points to a very low and possibly late register. As for its
origin, Blau 1965:193, fn. 1, thought that this strange item could have devel-
oped from a former connective tanwn, i.e., +an+; in our view, however, the
need for a mark of indeniteness, once the tanwn with this function had
142
It was formerly believed that this item had a low register allomorph y

da, found in
several sources, such as IQ, Alc., AC, etc.; however, we have been inclined to consider it
an evolution of Lt. ad hae since Corriente 1983a, though not excluding the possibility of
a blend or contamination, of which there is at least another case of a functional, namely,
#as perhaps; may, would that, diachronically a reex of OA #as, but also continuing
the functions of Rm. as, as can be seen in examples of Corriente 1997d: 353. As for IQ
d/

d ab a now and other reexes in AA and Naf. Arabic, which used to be considered a
semantic evolution of OA da"ban usually (e.g., in Dz I 419), the frequency of reexes with
an interdental /

d/ and even semantic anities point rather to an origin in the dialectal OA

i

d a ba+h and all of a sudden he , if not just in AA awwa

d bah here it ~ he is.

148
On the other hand, there were also some cases of agglutination of that /n/ into the root
morpheme, e.g., Alc. 38.27 and DC 6a clli xin everything (cf. Mo. a snhuwwa ~ a snhiyya
which one < OA ayyu say"in huwa ~ hiya (masc. ~ fem.). This phenomenon had some OA
precedents, e.g., {hd"} = {hdn}, etc.
6 xoniuoiocv
beenforsakenby NA, was probably enhanced by the Rm. substratum, which
contributed its own solution (i.e., the numeral un ~ una one, nearly a lin-
guistic universal in similar instances) with an Arabic rendering of this item,
while the attached defunctionalised Arabic article was already characteris-
tic of the Br. majority of the invaders, who identiedit withtheir native class
markers a+ (for the masc.) and tv+ (for the fem.), thus generating a syntactic
calque of Br. (Ta sel

hit) ya+lkas a glass, yat+lbhimt a beast of burden.

2.1.7. Case
Case inexion no longer exists in AA, in total agreement on this point with
other NAdialects, since the OAvocalic case endings of fully inected nouns
had either been dropped or turned into invariable interxes before the
pronominal suxes in order to avoid consonantal clusters (see 2.1.11.2.1.2),
while the old partially inected dual and regular plural endings had been
levelled in favour of the oblique case (see 2.1.9.1 and 2.1.10.1). However, there
are some defunctionalised traces thereof, e.g., in the former accusatives of
VA f ah mouth,

and the inected forms of ab( u) which at times pop up

integrated in pns., e.g., IQ60/4/3 abn ab zayd A.Z.s son, 69/8/1 aban ab
al

hi

s al A.

H.s son, Z806

hannab zurayq A.Z.s compassion, 1090 bur g

ab d anis A.D.s castle (presently Alcacer do Sal), at times infra-correctly,
as can be expected, e.g., Z 503

him arat ab a sar a

hl A.

S.s she-ass.
2.1.8. Gender
As for gender inexion, the only productive fem. marker in AA is {+a(t)},

in which /t/ is only realized before a dual marker or in annexation to a

following noun or pronoun, as is the rule in the whole NA, e.g., IQ 4/3/2
qi

sat+ my story, 87/13/4 qi

satayn two stories, 87/2/1 nufaysat+

my little person. As for the other two fem. markers of OA, {+ a"} and
{+}, in spite of their frequent traditional orthographic preservation (e.g.,
144
This would also be the actual explanation for the regular presence of the Arabic article
in the nouns borrowed by Rm., unlike the case of adjectives (see Corriente 2008: lxivlxxiii).
14
Possibly traceable back to OA dialects in which ab a father and a

h a brother had
become indeclinable (see Corriente 1976:92 and fn. 115).
146
It is well known that this marker had several other functions in OA, and therefore is
sometimes attached to masc. nouns which, in the case of rationals has no semantic efects,
in spite of the application of identical morphological constraints (e.g., Alc.

kalfat Bagdd
the Caliph of Bagdad); as for irrationals so marked, they have been fully integrated in the
grammatical category of fem.
+ui xoix 6
IQ 12/5/2 bay

d a white [fem.], 24/0/2

ha

dr a green [fem.], 3/1/1 duny a

this world), the very fact that they often exhibit a parasitical nal /t/
in annexation proves their morphological merger with {+a(t)}, extended
to other cases of words in which a nal / a/ was not even a fem. marker,
e.g., IQ 146/6/4 zarqat alyam amah the blue (woman) from A., MT 754.3
arr.

h atayn the two mills, 710.8 i

hdat+h a one (fem.) of them, Z 2048

#a

s atu his stick, IA 402 dawat+uh his remedy, from SAra

h, i

hd, #a

s a
and daw a".

2.1.8.1
At times, however, this merger appears to have generated some infra-
correct syntagms, either with a parasitical nal /t/ out of annexation (e.g.,
VA

habbat

huluwwah aniseed, lit., sweet grain whence Ct. batafalua,

Pt. batafaluga and Cs. matalahva,

habbat sawd a black cumin, IA 156

al#a sat al

tayyiba the good dinner, Alc. 39.5 al hayt a dima the eter-
nal life, 39.13 almarrat ala

kira the last time)

or, contrariwise, without

that required addition in annexation (e.g., Alc. 56.8 cha al focah the
priests ordination, nutna alma smell of goats, DC 8b jam aalehn
the congregation of the Saints, and occasional place names, like Cantaral-
cadi, in Gr., apparently < qn

tarat alq

di the judges bridge). However,

most of the examples supporting this case are objectable, either because of
the imperfect mastery of AAby the authors of the witnessing works,

or the
haphazard transmission of many place names at the hands of monolingual
scribes and notaries.
14
As a matter of fact, AA materials do not witness any fem. adjective of the pattern
{a}, for which {a anah} had been substituted, e.g., LA 162 sakr anah drunk (fem.)
for SA sakr, nor any vernacular fem. elatives of the pattern {u}.
148
Ultra-correctionis a likelier explanationof these cases thancontinuationof OAdialects
keeping that soundinall positions, about whichsee Cantineau1960:33 andCorriente 1976:84.
140
See on this Corriente 2008d. Incidentally, some of the witnesses brought up in SK 87
can no longer be accounted as loci probantes; e.g., IQ 97/0/1 m.r a alisl am mirror of Islam
appears now to contain the frequent variant AA mir of SA mir" ah = AA mir(t), and 100/4/2
is presently read as a collective qbli

hddak kisses on your cheek, without the fem.

singulative marker; while inCalaceite Te. < AAqal#at Zayd Zayds castle, Romance c is an
acceptable equivalence of /t+z/, and Genalguacil Ma. and Generalife Gr. are likelier reexes
of ginn, a pl. of gnna(t), which is often depluralised in AA and other NA dialects, as can be
checked in Corriente 1997d: 105. Therefore, Latham 1967 was right upon advising caution in
admitting these exceptions to the general rule of NA, although the decay of that /t/ remains a
distinct possibility invery lowandlate registers, as suggestedby doublets like Alc. 11 cor(t)na
our villages, for SA qur a+n a.
66 xoniuoiocv
2.1.9. Number
AA, like most NA dialects has preserved the OA dichotomy of the category
of number, according to which countable distinctly individualised nouns
distinguish singular, dual and plural, the two latter characterised by cer-
tain suxes or by the adoption of special patterns or templates, while usu-
ally uncountable or invidualised nouns, like those usually considered as
collective entities, in principle and most of the time merely distinguish
the individuals from the collective by adding the fem. morpheme in the
rst case with the semantic function of a singulative; only then can the
latter receive the markers of dual and plural, e.g., OA kit abun a book,
kit ab+ ani two books, kutubun books, or muslimun Muslim, muslim+ ani
two Muslims, muslim+ una Muslims, vs. namlun ants (generically speak-
ing), naml+atunone ant, naml+at+ ani two ants, namal+ atunor nim alun
some ants (in a given number). The most conspicuous syntactic difer-
ence between that system and its continuation in NA, including AA, is that
collective nouns are usually considered mere plurals, and the matching sin-
gulatives, as ordinary singulars.

2.1.9.1. Dual
AA used the dual marker {+yn}, with an allomorph {+n} in an insu-
ciently surveyed distribution, though pointing to lower registers for the lat-
ter, rather than to idiolects, e.g., VA abawayn parents,

haddayn two
cheeks, s aqayn two legs, but #aynn two eyes, and idn two hands;
though the Granadan dialect clearly preferred {+y}, e.g., huildy parents,
leilety two nights, aci two legs, etc. Unlike the case in SA, the nal
nasal is not droppedinannexation, e.g., IQ113/2/2 bi#+aynayn gaz al, 93/2/4
sufatayn ann as the peoples lips, MT 279.8

tul

tayn almab# two thirds

of the sale, except before the pronominal suxes, e.g. IQ 13/4/3
f+u

dnay+ya in my ears, 9/34/3 b+idday+h in his hands, 90/13/4

10
This situation is obvious in late AA, as purported by agreements as common in Alc.
as, e.g., hamma beita domestic pidgeon, pl. hamm beitin, while VA still suggests a dis-
tinction between collective and pl., in cases like ba

hah ~ ba

h ~ ba

t a

h melon(s) and
rumm anah ~ rumm an ~ ram amn pomegranate(s), although one must always discount
occasional classicising trends insuchhalf-learned works. At times, this confusionof involved
semantic categories has generated singulatives obtained from broken pls. like, in AA, the
cases of LA 19

si"b anah one louse and 31

dubb anah one y, vs.

si"b an lice,

dubb an
lies, which were in fact the pls. of OA

su" ab and

dub ab, two substantives which did not gen-

erate singulatives; likewise, cf. GL gur

d anah rat, LA 157 mu

sr anah intestine, and Alc.

cimra fruit-tree, from the OA pls. gir

d an, mu

sr an and

tim ar, of gura

d, ma

sr and

tamarah,
respectively.
+ui xoix 6
s aqay+h a her legs, 143/1/2 ri gl+n a our feet, Z 1640 ri gl+k your feet,
Alc. 45.14 ydiq in your hands.

2.1.9.2
However, as in many NA dialects, it appears that the dual markers were
seldom used, only in substantives, above all names of weights and mea-
sures, and other items usually coming in pairs, e.g., IQ 0/5/2 ra

tlayn two
pounds, 65/9/4 a sqarayn two gold pieces, Z 184 dirhamayn two
dirhems. In other instances, and even in those same cases, the analytical
expression through the numeral two was often preferred, e.g., IQ 20/19/1
zaw g k a gad two sheets of paper, 119/3/3 bi+zaw g ayd with both
hands, 121/2/3 azzaw g ri

h a

h both towers, MT 1014.24 zaw g qumu

s two
shirts, Alc. zuch arr two heads, leuny = zuch algun two colours,
rajuli = zuch min arigl two men,

etc.
2.1.9.3
On the other hand, as exemplied by some of the previous witnesses, dual
marking was often a mere variety of pl., the so-called pseudo-dual by Blanc
1970, used with items usually coming in pairs, even when there was more
than just one pair of them, e.g., IQ 143/5/4 tafta

h u #aynkum you (pl.) shall

open your eyes, IA689 yi g u #al s aqayhum they come back on their feet,
Z 939 is

tna our behinds, 1869 sinnn+an

hu s s smiling teeth, RC 45 f
yaday almu

dnibn in the hands of the sinners. For some names of double

parts of the body, the pseudo-dual has beenformedona previous plural, e.g.,
VA

sud g ~ a/i

sd a g ~ i

sda gayn temple(s),

dir a# ~ x

~ i

dra#ayn arms,
Z 976 alaydn the hands, 1621, 1340 and 2143

dars ~ a

dr as ~ i

drasayn
tooth ~ teeth.
11
An exception to this rule is Alc. utni alcdi = u

dny alq a

di the judges ears, name of

a kind of pastry (see Dz I 16, with a witness from Almaqqar; see also Marn 2007:107108),
to be sure an imported designation, already lexicalized, to judge from its plural adni; on the
other hand, there are witnesses of dual endings without nal nasal in other ages and areas,
e.g., IQ 42/1/4

hadday two cheeks, DC 10a huildey parents. In SK fn. 45 we suggested that

this might have been just another Yemenism in AA; see Corriente 1989b and fn. 50.
12
This item had two allomorphs, zw (e.g., in IM 236.11, now conrmed in Corriente
2005:105, for Granada, and z g, e.g., in AC 827 z a g mit a rr us two heads,1417 bazz a g
s aqay with both legs, and Alc. zazcla pl. zevcalat tongs; pincers < *z(w) g qall#).
The latter is also reected in Cs. zascandil gossiper, from AA *z a g qandl, clearly alluded
to in IQ 18/2/3 qandl bifummayn oil lamp with two mouths, an obvious metaphor for
unnecessary spending and ociousness.
18
VA and other sources have only a

dru# here, but *a

dr a# must also have existed, to judge

from its parallels and the frequency of the broken pl. pattern {a a} in AA (see 2.1.10.5.1).
68 xoniuoiocv
2.1.10. Plural
As in the rest of NA, AAhas preserved the OAmorphological feature of hav-
ing two marking systems for the pl., namely, by suxation and by adoption
of a broken pl. pattern or template, i.e., shifting from the sg. pattern to
another, characteristic of pl. items. The semantic diference between them,
namely, individualisation vs. collectivisation, had begun to blur in OA, and
had completely disappeared in NA but, from the viewpoint of morphologi-
cal choice, it was still true that the regular pl., i.e., marked by suxation, was
the rule for participles and many adjectives, while substantives and some
kinds of adjectives usually had broken pls.

2.1.10.1. Regular Plural

The regular masc. pl. marker in AA is {+n} which, following the prevail-
ing trends in NA was indeclinable for case, did not lose its nal nasal in
annexation

and had encroached on areas formerly dominated by bro-

ken pls. and other markers, as is the case of some kinds of adjectives, e.g.,
IA 454 almuntafn al"a

dnb tail-plucked (pl.), Alc. dalimn nufuhum

simoniacal (pl., lit., those whoprejudice themselves), latifna

dunnsus-
picious (pl., lit., having a bad opinion), hulunallicn soft-spoken (pl., lit.,
tongue sweet), VA #arq(n) ancient, #azz(n) glorious, dan/ uq(n)
gluttonous, a sall(n) cripple, Alc. b(n) dicult, evensubstantives,
e.g., VA ust a

d(n) teacher(s), and MT 1025.18 q.ssn and 1168.2 q.ssn

priests.

As in other NA dialects, the masc. pl. ending was often extended

to the fem. in the case of participles, adjectives and some substantives, e.g.,
Alc. oqua ~ oquin market woman,

kamra ~

kamrin brunette, and Ax

68.6 r akibn riding andmalb usn wearing (referredtothe Amazons).

14
Cf. Alc.s rule in 8.12: todos los nombres verbales y departicipios forman el plural
aadiendo n al nmero singular.
1
Cf. IA 427 zabb aln i

h s ari s the dustmen of Alixares. For the case of pronominal

suxes, IQ 88/26/3 has ban+k your sons which, despite the lack of other corroborating
examples, does not look like just another classicism of his. PES 46/4/1 has muridni my
followers and 65/1/4, mu

hibbnak you lovers, unlikely to be due to Naf. contaminations.

16
However, no attention should be paid to many strange instances of regular masc. pl.
in Alc., for words like majard scraper, bezz bedpan, mubra warrant, etc. (see SK fn.
130), mere witnesses to his brazen expeditiousness in linguistic matters, about which, see
Corriente 1988a: iiiiv.
1
This was also the case of some broken pls., cf. Z 563 where a

htn can only mean

daughters-in-law; however, other instances heretofore brought forward are highly ques-
tionable, e.g., Alc. guaqula ~ vquel manageress, bauiba ~ bauibn janitress and naba ~
anba prophetess, evenVA

har ufah~

hirf anfemale lamb, while Alc. o

kt ~i

kva is altogether
to be rejected, as other sources provide the expectable true form, (a)

haw at.
+ui xoix 6q
2.1.10.2
The regular fem. pl. marker in AA is {+t}, with im alah in the appropriate
contours and predictable degrees, and without insertion of any anaptyc-
tic vowel,

except in occasional cases of interference by CA, e.g., IQ 33/3/3

ra

dl at licentious women, 129/6/3 gar

h at wounds, PES 4/4/5

hark at
my motions, Alc. qudbe ~ quedbt lie, but VA wa gnah ~ wa g(a)n at
cheek(s) and Alc. rhma ~ rahamt clemency. As in OA and NA, this
marker was also used for unassimilated foreign substantives (e.g., VA

tistany ~ at helmet, Alc. piztcal ~ t llip on the head, and MT 126.10

nib s ariyuh ~ nib s ariy at memorial service),

ma

sdars (e.g., Alc. rof ~

t letter of appeal, ul ~ t request), all kind of diminutives, not even
excluding rational males, against the rule in CA (e.g., Alc. rujyjal ~ t lit-
tle man, vlyed ~t little son and o

ki ~ o

kayt little brother, vs. CA

ru gayl una, wulayd una and u

hayy una), as well as some other unclassiable

items, at times as a free option with broken pls. (e.g., VAma

sarr ~ at = Alc.
marr ~ t purse, zubb ~ zuppt /zubb penis, and

kf ~ t /a

kff slip-
per).

2.1.10.3. Collectives and Singulatives

In addition to the characteristic markers of the masc. and fem. regular pls.,
AA had preserved the collective marker {+a(t)} used with some classes of
adjectives and substantives for homogeneous groups of people already in
OA,

in nearly the same contexts, e.g., 108/7/2 raqq adah sleepyheads,

IA 37 qamm arah gamblers, 478 qa

s arah washers, Z 1356 na

-

d
-

d arah
onlookers, Alc. guagur(a) = gawwr(a) raider(s), motazl(a) here-
tic(s), etc.
18
About this, see Wright 1967 I: 192194.
10
But in the case of rational males, AA appears to prefer {+n}, e.g., VA ust a

d(n)
teacher(s), MT 1013.3 kunf.ra

triyyn brethren, 177.1 far ayirn friars, and Alc. xucr(in)

father(s)-in-law.
160
As inOA, there were alsoinAAsome minor deviations, whether inheritedor innovated,
fromthe rules of strict regular pl., the so-called by native grammarians sibhus alim, i.e., quasi-
regular pl., e.g., for the fem., VA u

ht ~ (a)

haw at sister(s), and

tiqah ~

taqaw at reliable
person(s), and for the masc., VA ibn ~ bann son(s).
161
Cf. Wright 1967: I 233, with examples like a

s uyyah the Sus, s abilah travellers,

ra g g alah pedestrians and na
-

d
-

d arah onlookers. This feature is also common in NA, e.g.,

Mo.

hmm ar(a) donkey driver(s), bnn ay(a) bricklayer(s), and most nouns for profes-
sionals and collectives, Eg.

har ami(yya) thief ~ thieves, Ml. nies giddieba lying people,

parrukier(a) barber(s), Ir. (Muslim Baghdadi) #araban ci(yya) coachma~en, etc.
o xoniuoiocv
2.1.10.4
In periods and areas of common bilingual practice, AA could occasionally
use the Rm. pl. sux {+

S}, even with items of Arabic stock, e.g., IQ 12/3/4

qu

hayba s little whores, MT 237.8 nif s ariyu s memorial services, Alc.

xlo() head-shepherd(s) and capelo(s) cardinals hat(s).
2.1.10.5. Broken Plurals
The highly hypertrophic OA system of broken pls. had shrunk considerably
in AA, as in the rest of NA, nearly cutting by half the number of attested
patterns.

The most frequent ones remaining in use are the following:

2.1.10.5.1. {a}, extremely favoured in AA and often extended to items
which have other kinds of pl. in OA, SA and even other NA dialects,

e.g., VA gin a

h ~ a gn a

h wing(s), malak ~ aml ak angel(s), m a ~ amy a

water(s), GL a sr ak associates, MT 58.3 awr a

t heirs, 1168.18 aqb ar

tombs, Alc. amd ~ amd column(s), Alc. rl ~ arcl messenger(s)
(= VA rusul ~ ars al), ~ avf hoe(s), bi ~ avb falcon(s),

even more
or less late Rm. loanwords like gncho ~ agnch hook and HB 176 a sl ad
sols (cf. Cs. and Pt. gancho = Ct. ganxo, Pt. soldo = Cs. sueldo = Ct. sou),
etc.
2.1.10.5.2. {a} is also more frequent in AA than the average, though not
as much as {a}, and often appears extended to items which have other
kinds of pl. in OA, SA and even other NA dialects,

e.g., VA rik ab ~ arkub

stirrup(s), Alc. nla ~ anl shoe(s), tal ~ aztl bucket(s), gadr ~
agdr pond(s), next to cases of preservation of OA usage in cases like licn
~ aln tongue(s), MT 452.6 ar g ul feet, etc.
162
As for the distinction between pls. of paucity and pls. of abundance (see Wright 1967:
I 234, and Corriente 1980d: 84), already often forsaken in OA itself, it has disappeared from
AA, as in the whole NA. Both in OA and in NA the broken pl. patterns have propagated from
some nouns to others after considerations of morphological similarity (between items of the
same pattern in sg.) and semantic anity (between items belonging to the same semantic
elds); the reasons beyond the choice of broken pl. patterns were surveyed in Corriente
1971:8388.
168
Apparently, another Yemenism of AA, considering the prevalence of this pattern in
ESA and Ge#ez (up to 24,5% of the total in the latter case, double the rate of Arabic; see
Corriente 1989b: 42).
164
The metathesis in these two cases reects the continuation of OA instances like bi"r ~
ab ar well, ma"q ~ am aq inner corner(s) of the eye, with a result aw < a.
16
Possibly, again a Yemenism, considering the frequency of this pattern in SAE and Et.
(Ge#ez and Tigre, see Corriente 1971:14, 1921 and 42, and Corriente 1996:39 and fn. 4).
+ui xoix i
2.1.10.5.3. {aa} has an allomorph {aa} generated by application
of Philippis law, in root morphemes {}, e.g., VA zuq aq ~ azaqqah
lane(s), qass ~ aqassah priest(s), sarr ~ asarrah bed(s), gannah
~ a gannah garden(s), PES 40/5/12 adallah guides and a

dallah the
vile, vs. conservative Alc. cirr ~ acrre, ymm ~ amme priest(s), VA
alihah gods. As anadditional consequence of the merger of all fem. mark-
ers, OA {ai a} appears to have been absorbed by this pattern,

e.g., Alc.
tabb ~ atbbe physician(s) and guel ~ avla curator(s), still a

tibb a and
awliy a in VA, at least graphically, but there are some conservative excep-
tions, like VA

saf ~ a

sy a friend(s), GL and Z 1134 a

sdiq a friends and

Alc. gan ~ agni rich.
2.1.10.5.4. {u} is, because of the prosodic rules of AA, the commonreex
of both OA {uu} and {u u}, e.g., VA bard ~ bur ud postma~en,
IQ 17/4/4 us us foundations, Alc. quitb ~ cutb book(s), cer ~ cor
castle(s) and cquit ~uct silent, with some encroachments in cases like
VA #atabah ~ #utub = Alc. atbe ~ utb threshold(s), and VA zanm
~ zun um = Alc. zenmi ~ zunm bastard(s). It has some variants, e.g., a)
{} for some root morphemes {w/}, e.g., VAf as ~ f us hoe(s), ACr as
~r us head(s) and Alc. nqua~nq she-camel(s), b) a curious geminated
{u} for some adjectives and participles,

e.g., VA q asi

h ~ quss u

h
hard, f ari g ~ furr u g empty, and IQ 84/20/3

hurr u g protruding, and

c) an extended {ua}, with the fem. marker, e.g., VA

hu" ulah maternal

uncles, and Alc.

dacr ~

ducra male(s). Both a) and c), unlike b) have

OA parallels or, at least, can be explained within phonetic trends stretching
from OA down to NA.
2.1.10.5.5. {i} is again, because of the prosodic rules of AA, the common
reex of both OA {ia} and {i a}, e.g., VA sal#ah ~ sila# merchan-
dise(s), sar# ~ sir a# fast, gummah ~ gimam head(s) of hair, la

tmah
~ li

t am slap(s), Alc. bra ~ ybr needle(s), lle ~ illl basket(s), cub ~

cib cloth(es),

kaff ~

kiff light, rmal ~ riml sand(s), with 2nd degree

im alah, and the Rm. loanword cppa ~ quipp cloak. It is noteworthy
that, in the case of root morphemes {w}, because of the dissimilatory
trend described in 1.4.2.1, we get Alc. cigur images and quigur balls,
for SA

s urah ~

suwar (sic in VA) and NA k urah ~ kuwar (VA ki/uwar). The

166
Of which it was an allomorph from the start, according to Fleisch 1961:482.
16
This strange gemination is reminiscent of the same phenomenon underlying the
diminutive pattern {uya} of some adjectives (see 2.1.3.1).
a xoniuoiocv
infrequent OA variant of this pattern with addition of the fem. morpheme
{+at} has disappeared entirely from AA and, generally speaking, from NA,
unless VA gu

hr ~ ga

hirah were a mistake for OA gi

harah, as is most likely.

2.1.10.5.6. {u}, AA reex of OA {ua}, stands in close relation with
{ia}, as both are not historically true cases of broken pls. with inter-
nal exion, but the mere outcome of insertion of /a/ for prosodic reasons
between the two last consonants in items resulting from an analogical
reversion of the process generating singulatives from collectives.

Most
instances of this pattern in AA do not call for any comment, e.g., VA gur-
fah ~ guraf garret(s), luqmah ~ luqam morsel(s), Alc. rba ~ orb
wing(s) of an army, except for some unexpected increase of the sgs. with
this pl. pattern, some old, like Alc. cara ~ cor village(s), or recent, like VA

dar

tah ~

dur a

t fart(s), in fact, a case of reuse of the OA deteriorative pat-

tern {u a}. On the other hand, {u} is generally the AA reex of OA
{u} (see 2.1.10.5.11).
2.1.10.5.7. {a} continues OA{a}, a pl. patternfoundinvery fewitems,
but these are very frequent in the Arabic usage, namely VA #abd ~ #abd
slave(s) and

him ar ~

hamr donkey(s), matched by Alc. abd ~ abd

and himr ~ hamr, respectively, as well as other sources of AA lexicon.
2.1.10.5.8. {aa} is the continuation of OA {aaah}, not only often
retaining its old sphere of usage, e.g., Z 661 wara

tah heirs, 730

talabah
students, Alc. quhin ~ quehna soothsayer(s), cid ~ cde lord(s) (in
a root {w}), etc., but having at times encroached on semantically close
elds, e.g., VA say

h ~ s a

hah old ma~en (in a root {y}), Alc. gehle gen-

tiles, guazr ~ guazra constable(s), zmir ~ zamra ute player(s); oth-
erwise and expectably, in spite of graphemic appearances, it has absorbed
the OA patterns {a a/ a}, e.g., Alc. adr ~ adra maid(s), VA rad
~ rad ay a wicked, zaw ay a angles, IQ 28/1/2

sab ay a girls and Alc.

katye faults and the rather infrequent {iaah} for names of animals,
e.g., VA dubb ~ dababah = Alc. dubb ~ debbe bear(s), and IH 219 fay-
alatun elephants (but VA still has OA yalah), even adopted by a Rm.
loanword in VA lubb ~ lababah wolf ~ wolves (cf. Cs. and Pt. lobo = Ct.
llop). It has two variants, an old one {a}, a continuation of OA {aa},
with only one true case in AA, VA

h adim~

hadam female slave(s),

and
168
See Corriente 1971:1011.
160
In Corriente 1971:39 this patterns is registered as one of the least common in Ara-
bic. Other examples often quoted, e.g., Alc. caba ~ cab fortress(es),

kaxbe ~

kaxb
+ui xoix
an innovated {aa}, e.g., VA faqq arah paupers, rakk abah riders
and sa

h arah wizards, parallel to {u} (see 2.3.4.4.4), if not trig-

gered by sgs. of the pattern {a a}, with the collective sux {+ah} (see
2.1.10.3).
2.1.10.5.9. {ua} is the continuation of OA {ua a}, not calling for
special comments [e.g., VA amr ~ umar a commander(s), ra"s = r ayis ~
ru"/w/yas a chief(s), Alc. acr ~varprisoner(s), arf ~vref/ builder
with both degrees of im alah], but for some encroachments in cases like
Alc. azz ~ vzez glorious, quil ~ vquel eater, etc. However, some
spellings like VA u g arah = u g ar female slave, suk ar a drunkards,
IQ 6/11/2 us ar a captives, and PES *3*/3/1 fuq ar a paupers suggest a
quasi-merger in AA of OA {ua a} and the rather infrequent {u ar},
which would have become mere prosodic variants, ultima and penultima
stressed, respectively, of one single pattern. Some cases, like VA garb
~ gurbah stranger(s) and IQ 104/3/2 rufqah companions suggest the
emergence of a shortened variant {uah} of this pattern.

2.1.10.5.10. {u} is the continuation of OA {u a/a}, not calling for

particular comments [e.g., VA

h akim~

hukk am judge(s), s ariq ~ surr aq

thief ~ thieves, Alc. fciq ~ fuq lecher(s)], but for some encroachments,
like RC 47 qu

h ab whores, Alc.

kn ce ~

kun c hermafrodite(s), lin ~

luyn soft and guci ~ gua wide. As in OA, it had the matching reex
of its allomorph {u ah} in root morphemes {w/y}, e.g., VA q a

d ~ qu

d a
judge(s),

t ar ~

tur a gipsy musician(s),

Alc. rmi ~ rom archer(s),

ii ~ o beggar(s) and uli ~ gult prince (this /t/ reecting a high
register interference, absent from VA, which has the expectable wul ah).
2.1.10.5.11. {u}, when not a mere prosodic variant of {uu} (see
2.1.10.5.4), was in OA the characteristic broken pl. pattern of the adjectives
of colour and physical qualities belonging to the sg. pattern {aa}. In AA,
however, because of the trend described in 2.1.2.1, that basic shape was pre-
served in only some cases, e.g., VA a

hras ~

hurs mute, ablah ~ bulh

stupid, azraq ~ zurq = Alc. azrq ~ zorq blue, IQ 9/28/4 #ur g lame
(pl.), as the cluster with a sonorant in the second consonantal slot was
beam(s), are historically descended from collectives, from which a singulative has been
obtained in the manner expounded in 2.1.10.5.6. As for VA dalah ~ dafal rosebay, from
OA dal, the levelling of fem. markers (see 2.1.8) has triggered an identical process.
10
Cf. Mo.

t alb ~

tolba student(s) and srf ~ sorfa sherif(s).

11
Actually, from OA {

tr"}, see Corriente 1997d: 326 and 2008:266267, s.v. cimitarra.

xoniuoiocv
easily tolerated, as well as in the cases of some weak roots upon which that
trenddidnot act; however, the phonetic result was otherwise quite peculiar,
e.g., VA abya

d ~ b

d = Alc. abid ~ bid white, am ~ m = VA a#m ~

#umy/ blind.

To this we can add some freak cases, like Alc. latf ~ lotf
bad, ra

k ~ ro

k tender, and tarq ~ torq, cf. GL

turqun, but also torq, cf.

VA

turuq, ways. Otherwise, most OA broken pls. of this pattern appear in

AA as {u}, e.g., VA a

hmar ~

humar = Alc. ahmr ~ ho/umr red, VA

a#war ~#uwar = Alc. agur ~ ur one-eyed, VA a

hwal ~

huwal = Alc.
ahgul ~ hugul squint-eyed.

2.1.10.5.12. OA {a} is preserved in AA with a similar low frequency in

some very common items, e.g., VA mayyit ~ mawt = Alc. mit ~ mavt/
dead, VA mar

d ~ mar

d a = Alc. mard ~ mard sick, daaf ~ daf

poor, and even the innovation of Alc. hrij ~ harj angry, from {

hr g}.
12
The peculiarity in this case lies in the fact that, against the rule in OA morphology, the
root has prevailed over the pattern, which would have imposed /uy/ > / u/, and /iw/ > //,
e.g., *quyila > qla it was said, and *iw

s al >

s al receipt. As stated by Brockelmann 1908 I:

372, this would conrm that the development of this type of adjectives, unknown in other
Semitic tongues, is a relatively recent development in Arabic, in a period when those rules
were no longer efective, as inthe case of non-agentive participles like maby u# for mab# sold
in NA; see 2.2.3.4. Fleisch 1961:411415 has reviewed the diverse hypotheses on the origin of
this Arabic innovation; however, all of them have missed the anity of Arabic elatives with
the causative stem of the Semitic verb, proven by the functional identity of Ak. { su+prus}
(e.g., surbm gewaltig gross, in Ugnad-Matou s 1964:44), with residual cases of *sv+ in OA
(e.g., sur

h ub tall [person], sird a

h highbred camel, sar

tam eloquent speaker, sarhabah

slender delicate woman, samlaq plain without vegetation, etc.; see other examples in
Grande 1963:5455). What we would have here is a PS idiom, preserved only by peripheral
Akk. and Arabic, but muchbetter inthe latter, whichhas retained witnesses of the successive
stages: 1) causative verb with any appropriate prex, { s/h/"+} (e.g., the exclamative m a
akbara+hu [All ah] how big he is = God made him big, or imperative akbir bih declare him
big), 2) elative adjective (e.g., huwa akbaru he is bigger, akbaru malikin the greatest king,
comparable to Ak. surbm), adjective of permanent qualities (a

hmaru red, i.e., closest

to the colour of mud, abya

du white, i.e., closest to the colour of eggs, etc.). In the case

of physical defects, the evolution might possibly have been direct from a#m a+hu ll ah God
made him blind to huwa a#m he is blind; at any rate, these qualities kept being perceived
so absolute that an elative made no sense in these adjectives and, in principle, one could
not say in correct OA a#m minhu blinder than him, or a

hmaru mina ddami redder than

blood.
18
At times, there is no coincidence between the data of VA and Alc., or other lexical
sources, (e.g, VA abkam~ bukam vs. Alc. ebqum~ bquem dumb, VA a

dar ~

hu

dar vs.
Alc. a

kdar ~

kdar green, etc.), which could point to a gradual and incomplete process with
diachronic and/or diatopic diferences; however, the known fact that stress marks in Alc.
cannot be totally trusted, because of the printers lack of typographical skills, complicates a
survey of this phenomenon, also present in Naf. dialects.
+ui xoix
2.1.10.5.13. OA {u/i an} have been retained in AA with more or less the
same frequency in several quite common items, e.g., VA f aris ~ furs an =
Alc. fri ~ furcn knight(s), rquib ~ ruqbn rider(s), VA #uq ab ~ #iqb an
= Alc. cb ~ iqb/in eagle(s), VA

har uf ~

hirf an = Alc.

karf ~

kirfn
lamb(s), ab ~ ubin boy(s), vs.

siby an in other sources, while VA

maraq ~ murq an broth(s) and FJ 258.18 sarab ~ surb an sewer(s) are
strange innovations.

The allomorph{iah} of {i an} has disappeared,

except in VA a

h( u) ~ i

hwah = Alc. a

k ~

kva brother(s), though apparent

contractions like LA 161 dkah roosters and flah elephants, for OA
diyakah and yalah, preserved in VA, may be counted as new members of
this group.
2.1.10.5.14. Out of the three OA broken pl. patterns for quadriconsonantal
singulars, {CaC aCi/C} and {CaC aCiCah}, AA and the remaining Western
Arabic dialects have lost the variety with a third long vowel, because of
the trend described in 1.3.1.4.3, e.g., VA

sund uq ~

san adiq = Alc. undq ~

an/diq box(es), with the same morphological treatment as VA fundaq
~ fan adiq = Alc. fndaq ~ fan/diq inn(s), while {CaC aCiCah} is gener-
ally restricted to high register items [e.g., VA usk uf = uskuf ~ as akifah =
Alc. azcf ~ aquifa bishop(s), VA #iml aq ~ #am aliqah = Alc. amlq ~
amliqua giant(s), and VA faylas uf ~ fal asifah = Alc. faylef ~ felcife
philosopher(s)].
2.1.10.5.14.1. The quadriconsonantal pl. pattern has been much favoured
in Arabic since OA days down to NA, and this trend has only increased in
AA, which has adopted it in some sgs. with the mere excuse of real or even
supposed vocalic or consonantal quantity, or by simple root metanalysis,
e.g., VA # adah ~ #aw a"id = Alc. da ~ aguid habit(s), already OA, but
thenAlc. gfa~jeguif carrion(s), VAmak an~mak akin place(s), ka#b ~
kaw a#ib heel(s),

ta s ur ~

taw a sir coat(s), naqr ~naw aqr channel(s),

etc. In the case of tri-consonantal items with the fem. marker {+ah}, its
merger with {+} has allowed the addition of a broken pl. pattern {a a},
14
Perhaps connectable with the expansion in Western Arabic of the plural sux {+ an},
starting from cases like OA n ar ~ nr an re, not only in the characteristic pairs of Naf. b ab
~ bb an door(s), w ad ~ wd an river(s), k as ~ ks an glass (cf. VA b az ~ bz an Alc. b ~
bin falcon, IZ 11/5/3 wid an rivers, Z 123 kf an caves; see fn. 75), etc., but also as an
additional marker, like in Alc. acud ~ ceudn black, VA sawd an at black women; see
fn. 107. The connection with South Arabian is again strong: as we mentioned in Corriente
1971:115, Landberg declared {u an} as the normal pl. pattern of every adjective of the
pattern {aa} in the North Arabian dialects of Southern Arabia.
6 xoniuoiocv
still rare in AA, but characteristic of all Western Arabic,

e.g., GL 53 sahlah
~ sah al eld(s), after the model of VA masq a ~ mas aq = Alc. mzca =
mazc ~ maqui drinking trough(s). There are also some isolated cases of
extension of this pattern to quinqueconsonantal items, e.g., Alc. izquirch
~ azcarch rasp,

and the alternation /y ~ w/ has become an additional

marker of number in cases like, e.g., VA tayf ur ~ tay/w ar Moorish low
table(s), MT 756, 57, 77, et passim may s un ~ maw a sn inn(s), Alc. xyra
~ xaguir frail(s) (see 1.1.1.6), even sby a ~ saw ab cuttlesh in Colin &
Lvi-Provenal 1931:41.
2.1.10.6
The logical possibility of diferent degrees and concepts of pl. in most lan-
guages, e.g., a pair of scissors vs. a dozen scissors, may bring about
depluralisation, i.e., the neutralisation of plural marking and eventual need
of developing additional markers in order to guarantee the perception of
larger numbers. This is the case in AA, e.g., in IQ 148/1/3 arriy a

d the
garden, in fact the pl. of SA raw

dah, VA and other sources gin an gar-

den, in fact the pl. of SA gannah, LA 98 azr ar ~ azirrah button, for
SA zirr ~ azr ar, 212 aniyah = Alc. nia vessel, diachronic pl. of SA in a",
LAT 194 r a" fur, in fact the pl. of SA farw, etc. At times, what we might
have are just doubly marked plurals, e.g., MT 378.2 qas awisn priests,
941.19

hub us at religious bequests, Alc. carm ~ curmt vineyards, for

SA karm ~ kur um, madrich ~ madarigt stairs, from SA mad ari g steps,
IQ 87/7/4 a sy at things, in which SA a sy a" has been extended with the
regular fem. pl. morpheme, also documented in many other sources of AA,
etc.
2.1.11. Special Nouns
Special nouns, on account of either their inexional or semantic peculiari-
ties, were the numerals, whichexpress the innite series or arithmetical val-
ues, and the pronouns, which are surrogates of regular, common or proper
nouns.
1
Cf. Mo. qahwa ~ qh aw cofee,

hn sa ~

hn a s sack(s), or Ml. darba ~ drabi stroke,

ger
-
ha ~ grie
-
hi wound(s), with and without im alah.
16
In Eastern dialects, there are also cases like Sy. sal a

ta#n crabs and sam a#adn coat

hangers (the second one in Barthlemy 1936 II: 408, which has only the sg. in p. 443, but it is
registered in Dz II 674, and in our personal observation).
+ui xoix
2.1.11.1. Numerals
2.1.11.1.1. The AA cardinal numerals had lost the OA distinction of gender,
but for w

hid(a) one, when not used as described in 2.1.6.5.3, because

historically masc. and fem. shapes up to ten had acquired a peculiar dis-
tribution, characteristic of NA, thereby former masc. forms were used in
the absolute state (i.e., when not followed by the numerated item, namely,
i

tnyn,

tal

ta, arb#a,

hmsa, stta, sb#a,

tam/nya, ts#a and # sra), while

the former fem. forms (i.e.,

tal

t, arb#,

hms, stt, sb#,

tamn, tis# and

#a sr) were used in the construct state, unless the following noun began
with a vowel, which allowed the use from three to ten of the masc. form
with an interx /+at+/ (e.g., IQ 163/3/1 fa

dlatayn i

tnayn two virtues,

82/0/2 arba# ayy am four days, 88/6/4 tis# a sb ar nine spans, 122/8/1

tal a

t+at+a sy a three things, HH 25

hams a shur ve months, ClC 57

i

tnayn wa

hamsn dara gah fty two degrees). Cardinals from 11 to 19

had the invariable shapes

hid(#) sar, i

tn# sar,

talatt(#) sar, arba#t(#) sar,

hamist(#) sar, sitt(#) sar, sab#at(#) sar,

ta-mant(#) sar and tis#at(#) sar, with

two phenomena characteristic of some NA dialects, namely, the possible
substitution of velarisation of the interx /+at+/ for the /#/ of #a sar, e.g.,
IQ97/10/4

tala

ta# sar thirteen (withmerely orthographic #ayn), andocca-

sional decay of nal /-ar/, e.g., IA 791 arbat#a s fourteen.

The tens are

#i srn,

tala/I

tn, arba#n,

hamsn, sittn, sab#n,

tama/Inn and tis#n; the hun-

dreds, myya, mity(n),

tala

tmyya, arba#myya,

hamsumyya, sittumyya,
sab#amyya,

tamInmyya and tis#amyya,

and the thousands, lf, alfy(n),

tal

t laf, arb# laf, etc.

2.1.11.1.2. The ordinals from 2 to 10 in AA are a continuation of OA, i.e.,

tni,

tli

t, rbi#,

hmis, sdis, sbi#,

tmin, tsi# and # sir, with occasional im alah

of rst or second degree, when not inhibited in higher registers,

while the
OA former elative awwalu rst has been analogically reshaped as wil, i.e.,
adopting the pattern { ai}. There is also in DC a very curious parallel
series withnisbah-suxes, reminiscent of Hb. andEt., e.g., awil,

tali

t, arba#,

hams, sab#,

tamin, tis# and #a sir.

1
See Fischer & Jastrow 1980:9899.
18
Note the absence of pl. in the second constituent, already OA and SA, as in English
for hundred, thousand and million, all of them cases of morphological economy. Unlike
other branches of NA, the labialisation of the vowel before that second constituent is
restricted to

hamsumyya and sittumyya.

10
This was also apparently the case of the few cases of ordinals above ten.
8 xoniuoiocv
2.1.11.2. Pronouns
2.1.11.2.1. Personal Pronouns. Personal pronouns in AA, as in the rest of NA
have retained the OA morphosyntactic distinction between independent
subject pronouns and suxed enclitic pronouns in the functions of object,
possessive or marginal complements, even subjects under special condi-
tions. Bothseries diferentiatedthe three persons (1st, 2ndand3rd), number
(only sg. and pl.)

and gender (only in the 3rd person sg.).

2.1.11.2.1.1. The independent personal pronouns were: 1st sg. an/,

2nd
sg. nt(a), tt(a),

3rd sg. masc. h(wa(t)), 3rd sg. fem. h(ya(t)), 1st pl.

hnat,
a

hn, (a)

hn,

hna,

2nd pl. ntum, 3rd pl. masc. hm(a(t)), 3rd pl. fem.
hnnat.

In Alc. the demonstrative

dk and its pl. hwlin(k) often substitute

for the 3rd person independent personal pronouns,

but the opposite is

also witnessed by some sources, like VA hu+lwaqt at that time, LA 252
huwa almak an this place (also IH 65), and hiyya al"ayy am these days,
and MT 762.5 huwa alkarm this vineyard.
180
As is characteristic of all NA. It has been pointedly suggested that the dual in OA
pronouns and verbs would only have been developed as a case of analogical hypertrophy.
181
As is characteristic in the 3rd person for all urban NA, unlike the case of most Bedouin
dialects, which keep this distinction in the 3rd and 2nd persons, sg. and pl.
182
The second shape, with strong im alah, is older and more widespread thanits frequency
in Granadan would suggest, as it is also witnessed, side by side with an a in VA 362, as the
equivalent of Lt. ego.
188
The nal vowel and the assimilation of /n/ appear to have had a free allomorphic
distribution, e.g., VA ant(a), IQ 9/18/1 anta, 2/1/1 at and 68/8/3 atta, but in later days,
Granadan and Valencian only had nta. About the lack of gender distinction in this person,
see 5.1.1.2.
184
Only found in Alc. 36.7 and PES 35/2/1, and therefore suspect of being Eastern allo-
morphs, imitated inAAoccasionally because of their higher prestige. The same applies to CA
na

hnu in Alc. 13.4 and HH 205. There were still other variants of this pronoun, like ni

hn(at),
nu

hun, na

hn, and n

hna.
18
However, this fem. pl. in 228.29, is a hapax in Alc.s whole work, isolated in the entire
corpus of AA data, and perhaps just a printing mistake for hmet. The optional addition
of /+at/ to the 3rd persons, connected with ESA since Brockelmanns days (see Corriente
1989b: 100 and fns. 3536), probably had a diastratic or diachronic, more than diatopic
distribution, as it is witnessed rarely in IQ (huwat in 49/4/2, and *hmat, required by
the metre in 89/6/2 and probably ultra-corrected by the copyists), commonly in Granadan
(e.g., Alc., and occasionally in PES 35/4/2) and Valencian documents (according to MI 187).
Some spellings with alif cannot grant ultima stress in these items, but perhaps merely the
weakening of stress in late AA, hinted at in Corriente 1998a. As for hma (e.g., hum a in
Ax 33.10), also attested in North Africa, Cairo and Mecca (see Fischer & Jastrow 1980:80), this
addition is likely to have propagated fromthe sgs. huwa and hiya, with some help fromvague
recollections of the dual hum a in OA.
186
In fact, he lists them as homologous of an, nte and their pls. in 12.45 and 13.20.
+ui xoix q
2.1.11.2.1.2. The suxed personal pronouns were: 1st sg. +i(yya),

but
+(a)ni for verb objects; 1st pl. +(a/i)na;

2nd sg. +(a)k;

2nd pl. +(u)kum;

3rd sg. masc. +u after consonants, but +h after vowels; 3rd sg. fem. +(h)a;

3rd pl. +(u)hum, in all of which, but in the case of the 1st person sg., the
bracketed vowels are disjunctive, designed to avoid consonantal clusters
not allowed by AA phonotactic rules.

The addition of these suxes to

verbs with subject suxes ending in a vowel, i.e., +u and +na, caused stress
shift to this, e.g., Alc. 52.2 yamdahq they praise you 56.20 yamdahh
praise (pl.) him, IA 403 da

haln+hum we introduced them, etc.

18
The extended allomorph was used after a nal /i/ or /y/, e.g., Alc. 14.26 lye to me,
HH 22 biyyah with me, and yyah in me, IQ 89/8/3 u

hayya my little brother, 135/6/1

idayya my hands, IA 227 ri glayya > my feet, and 401 liyya to me. But, unlike CA,
in juncture with nal /a/ and /u/, the result would be a diphthong, e.g., Alc. 61.18 nidi my
call, 59.23 a

ky my brother and PES 21*/4/4 gin ay my wealth; however, IQ 2/1/2 has the
classical solution in a

h, and inserts hamz in cases like 24/11/3 siw a" other than me and
127/2/5 duny a" my world.
188
At times, the disjunctive vowel is clearly /+i+/, e.g., DC5a huldine our father, possibly
5b rbena our Lord, but harmonized /+a+/ is regular in IQ, e.g., 83/0/1

sabran a our
patience, cf. also Alc. 31.15

kbzane our bread (but the language of prayers in his books

is interspersed with CA). This matter requires further research.
180
There was apparently an allomorph +ka, rst described in Corriente 1980a: 33 and fn.
83 (e.g., IQ 9/28/1 minka because of you, 9/41/1 sa+namda

hk an a I shall praise you and

28/5/3 n ur+ka your light) and PES (e.g., 65/5/4 again minka and 68/2/4 i

hb arka your
account), used only when required by metrical convenience. We are inclined to consider
it an old dialectalism, rather than a mere CA borrowing, since these are extremely rare in
za g g als, included IQ, as shown in Corriente 1980a: 67, less so in PES, on account of the vogue
of taznm, i.e., the admixture of CA and AA, in these poems in later times.
100
The distribution of both allomorphs does not strictly follow the phonotactic rule of its
masc. counterpart, as we have, e.g., Z 98 niru s s+a I sprinkle her, IA 798 q al+a he said
it, Alc. 44.31 gueld+a her son, but also IA 263 q al+h a, 339 rukk ab+h a their riders, Z 97
niba

har+h a I perfume her, 96 ni

tallaq+h a I divorce her, cf. Alc. mnnah=minh from

her.
101
At times, the solutions givento junctural problems runcounter to regular expectations;
e.g., the preposition li+ to with +u becomes lu and only exceptionally lah, as in GL s.v.
cuius and IQ lahu, DC 6b leu and Alc. 36.30 lhu, likely to reect a high register; in the
same case, bi+ with usually generates bh, e.g., in IQ 1/2/1 bh, but there is also a peculiar
b ah, of a Bedouin or Yemenite strain. Precisely this b ah, specialised in the meaning of
there in VA and IQ 53/2/2 (though the latter author has other instances of b ah with him
in 29/2/2 and even b ah a with her in 23/6/2, etc.), is at the origin of Western Arabic

d ab a
now, as explained in fn. 142. As for those disjunctive vowels, there is some hesitation in
their quality (e.g., in Alc. 13 mnecum from you, l/cum for you, and mnina from us)
and certain requisites for their insertion (e.g., Alc. 35.5 dunbuhum their sins, unnecessary,
but 14.25 nehbhum I love them, 14.22 yehibcum he loves you, vs. 12.29 nehbbuc/hum I
love you/them, in which gemination may be inhibited in order to avoid the consonantal
cluster.
8o xoniuoiocv
2.1.11.2.2. Demonstrative Pronouns. The demonstrative pronouns (also func-
tioning as adjectives, when used as qualiers in the appropriate syntagms,
preceding substantives withthe denite article or following themas apposi-
tions) of AA come in two series for the two deictic degrees, i.e., near and far
objects, as in the case of OAand most NAdialects. Their shapes are, for near
objects, h

da or

d/ this, sg., and hwl(a(y)) = hwlin these, pl., and, for

far objects,

d/k that, sg., and hwlak those, pl., apparently without gen-
der distinction,

possibly ruined by the efect of strong im alah on the OA

marking, based on the opposition / a =/ /. As for the presence of an interme-
diate degree of deixis,

like in Cs. ese and Mo. h ad ak, expressed by ha

dk,
sg., and hawlnk, pl., it is not easy to prove its functionality and opposition
to the series for far objects, in spite of our statements in Corriente 1992a: 95
and matching fn. 89.
2.1.11.2.3. Relative Pronouns. The relative pronoun in AAhas the main invari-
able shape alla

d, characteristic of the oldest layers of NA,

e.g., IQ 7/8/4
alla

d yaksab fa

d ayil the one who gains merits, 9/24/3 alla

d aqbal u
those who came, 142/0/1 alla

d g ar u those who were unjust, Alc. 48.28

almundriba alle

d qunat the war that took place, 36.29 a tabb ale

d
ydagu the physician who treats, MI 189 alqisma ala

di the partition
which, etc. The distinction of gender in sg. at times appears in high register,
e.g., IQ135/10/3 al

hi

s al allat the qualities which, while in lower and later

registers the variants a/idd, a/i

d and nally all prevailed, e.g., IQ 58/2/4

d ak a

d yan

tan the one who struts, 95/3/1 sub

h an add #a

t ak praise
the Lord, who gave you, Alc. 41.22 all cunt tecl which you were saying,
42.14 all yanf what is useful. As for the full inexion described in Alc.
14.56, sg. masc. alle

d, pl. alle

dna, sg. fem. allet, pl. *alletna, it is a mere

pedantic admixture of CA borrowings, alien to AA usage, and sheer analog-
102
Cf. not only the late instances in Alc. 34.19 dil amr this commendment, DC 9b dic
al aym those days, 11a diq a xi that thing, but those older in VA 495 s.v. nuper

d a/k
allaylah that night, IQ 38/1/1

d a al"ayy am these days, 10/1/4

d a alnu gaymah this little

melody, 9/41/2

d a al"az g al these zajals and 146/2/4 h a

d ak alman amah that dream. At

times one comes across high register allomorphs, like IQ9/15/2 h a

dihi al#illah this disease,

Alc.

dliq that, matched by Z 570 and other sources, as well as, in the opposite direction,
even infra-correct number agreement in cases like Urz 343.1 h a

d a al# amirn these settlers.

108
Fleisch 1979:4446 surveys the old grammarians views favourable to the distinction of
three mar atib, i.e., degrees of deixis, and reaches the conclusion, supported by old dialec-
tal evidence, that it was a mere hypothesis of some of them, merely resulting from their
rearrangement of variants belonging to diferent speakers, labelled as those of Al

hi g az and
those of Tamm and the other Arabs.
104
See Blau 1965:53, 8788 and 132.
+ui xoix 8i
ical fabrications, like that fem. pl. *alletna, and its equivalent *all(at)iy at
in MT 449.4, 458.2, 1089.2 and 368.3.

Finally, at times there was also func-

tional confusion between personal and relative pronouns, as in the above
mentioned case of the demonstratives (see 2.1.11.2.1.1), e.g., in MT 66.5 kull
qar#ahhiyabal

hawmahalma

dk urah every share that is inthe saidquarter,

931.5 bi"ar

d hiya k an garsan in grounds that were cultivated, etc.

2.1.11.2.4. Other Pronouns. OA has yet another set of pronouns (and some
semantically homologous adverbs) simultaneously serving as interrogative,
indenite, correlative and even relative, and generally well preserved in AA,
with the main members mn who, eventually which, that, m what,
often renewed as s(hu), (w) s su or s sanhu,

and yy which; what,

mat/ when, k(y)f = kf how, yn where, km how much, often
renewed as a s

hl, and derived shapes, like Alc. aymn whoever, sma

whatever in several sources, IQ 99/20/2 a summ a whatever, 18/3/4 and
61/3/3 l s( su) why, 99/0/2 #al s why, 36/1/3

hatt s up to where, etc.

Some examples of their diferent uses are, e.g., adjectival relative mn, in
Alc. 45.27 mar men tecn carbateq a woman who would be your relative,
Colin & Lvi-Provenal 1931:7 umm.hum a man t.haww.dhum a leur mre
qui les accompagne, adjectival relative minIQ8/0/2 kab si m ana

da

h a
ramwhich I shall sacrice, Alc. 160.30 guqt me yucn whenever, indirect
interrogative y(y), like Z566ay

san a#ahti sakkal+lak whichbusiness suits

you, but exclamative in IQ 1/6/2 ay

habs what a prison!, interrogative

10
Probably devised by the Mozarab notaries who drew up these deeds and had a vague
recollection of CA rules, but could no longer produce the correct items; see about this
Ferrando1995:59andfn. 2. Alc.s predicament was similar, not excluding either the possibility
of pranks playedonhimby his not altogether voluntary Muslimauxiliaries, of whichthere are
other hints (see Corriente 1989c: 446, fn. 121). However, allatna surfaces again in the Kit abu
lmu

h a

darah walmu

d akarah by Abr ah am b. #Ezra (see PES 28, fn. 44), which could point to a
certain currency of this ultra-correct item in half-learned circles.
106
These two examples also illustrate the abandonment of the CA rule requiring denite
antecedents for every relative, and forbidding its use in case of indeniteness, of which there
are more obvious examples in MT 520.14 #al

tayifa allat astamsakat linafsah on a portion

which she retained for herself, Alc. 33.31 tabb ale

d ydagu a physicianwho treats and 41.24

axit alle

dna ix quinu muahahn things that were not ascertained, etc. On the other hand,
the frequent sequence

d a(li)k alla

d is a probable calque from Rm. (cf. Cs. aquel que = Pt.

aquele que, Ct. aquell que), e.g., HH17 #ar u

d akalla

d labnquzm an that compositionwhich

is IQs, MT 981.9 ald ar alma

dk urah allat tilka labnh a the said house which was her sons,
1045v3 > alla

d alik huwa biqaryat which is in the village of .

10
Reexes of OA ayyu say"in (huwa), shared in diferent shapes by all NA dialects from
quite early times (see Corriente 1975:53, with quotes from the Kit abu la g an, authored in the
10th c.).
8a xoniuoiocv
s in IA 80 a s bar

t al what is a bird?, but exclamative (w) s su with

complete loss of the copulative connotation in IQ 26/1/4 y a wa s su na#mal
bir u

h what would I do to myself!, correlative sma in IQ 18/6/4 a sm a

yuq ul+l whatever he tells me. Out of these uses, the relative s exhibits
the peculiarity of allowing a construction after prepositions and without a
pronominal sux of reference (i.e., the

damrun # a"id of CA; see 3.1.1.1.3.1),

e.g., IQ 35/3/4 a

tlub surr afah #ala s ta#tal look for a merlon from which
you hurl yourself, 118/3/2 qa

sriyyah f a s yak un

d a al sa

hm a plate on which
this fat can be put, IA 147 allah ya#

tn a rizq waya#

tn a f a s na g#al uh may
God give us sustenance and something to put it on, which was at the origin
of AA and Naf. b a s = Ml. biex in order to.
2.1.11.2.4.1. Such functional variegation is not found in the substantives
most commonly used as indenite pronouns, namely, (a)

hd(a) one
(none innegative phrases),

and sy or s (some)thing (nothing inneg-

ative phrases).

At times, however, these items appear integrated in idioms

like Alc. 322.14 gualehd none and 11 gualexy nothing, where the copu-
lative is defunctionalised, as in the abovementioned case of w s s.
2.2. 1ui vinn
2.2.1. Verbal Measures
The AA verb could, like in OA, derivationally stem from a triconsonantal,
less often quadriconsonantal root morpheme, expressing a basic seman-
teme, which could either remain plain or be modied by adding prexes or
inxes attaching some semantic nuances to it. Western grammars of Arabic
have traditionally identied the ensuing patterns or measures with Roman
gures, i.e., I, II, III, IV, etc., unlike the native system of simply interdigitat-
ing the modifying markers with the consonantal skeleton {f#l(l)}, i.e., {fa#al},
{fa##al}, {f a#al}, {"af#al}, etc.; the latter system is less practical in the case of
speakers of Western languages, who cannot easily distinguish by ear the
108
The extended allomorph with nal /a/ appears sporadically in several texts, from
IQ 20/14/2 l a+

hadan a none of us, down to Alc. 46.6 ahde, as can be seen in Corriente
1977d: 5. This feature was studied by Blau 1965:131132 and 171172, where he spoke rst of
substitution of fem. i

hd for the masc. a

had, and then of a residual tanwn, which is likelier

to be true, regardless of the spelling with a or . However, in Alc. 46.22 nne ahd qui
ymye ahde that a man would know a woman, both shapes appear to serve as masc. and
fem. respectively, which is conrmed by 46.6 mar ahde some woman.
100
Cf. PES 34/0/1 say am arah any signal and 11*/1/2 si bi

d a#ah some merchandise,

syntactically reminiscent of Mo. s, as we commented in our edition.
+ui vinn 8
gemination of /#/, nor, in many cases, vowel quantity.

The layout of the

AAverbal measures derived fromtriconsonantal or quadriconsonantal root
morphemes,

the latter being distinguishedwitha superscript 4, i.e., x

, and
all of them given in their basic shape, looks like this:
I (plain triconsonantal root, with lexical selection of 2nd vowel, with no
particular semantic nuance; either transitive or intransitive):

{fa# vl}.
II (triconsonantal root, with gemination of 2nd consonant): {fa##l}, usually
with an intensive or causative connotation in AA,

or II

(plain quadricon-
sonantal root): {fa#ll}, with no particular semantic nuance.
200
Some Semitic scholars, above all those concerned with older languages, like Ak. and
Ug., have introduced another notational system representing I as G (ground stem or Grund-
form), II as D (double second radical), III as L (lengthened vowel after rst radical), {},
i.e., reduplicated biconsonantal radical morphemes as R, etc., and attaching the other mark-
ers to them in low case, e.g., Gt, tD, etc., which allows a better distinction between internal
and external exion, but is less transparent than the native systemand less widely used than
the Roman gures.
201
Most quadriconsonantal Arabic verbs derive fromtriconsonantal roots by adopting the
patterns {}, {w/y}, {r}, {n}, {m}, etc., from biconsonantal roots by simple
repetition (Rstems), or fromforeign items, which holds good for AAalso e.g., VAmuqa#dad
mature, niraw

han = natraw

han I stroll, ni

tarnan I rejoice madly, nifarsan = nat-

farsan I become a knight, Alc. nimatrq I hammer, PES 99/1/2 nidaqdaq I knock, Alc.
nifalsf = natfalsf I philosophise.
202
The selectionof that vowel inOAusually retainedsome functional value, as {fa#al} most
of the time included object-focused verbs, e.g., qatala he killed (someone else), while {fa#il}
expressed subject-focusing, e.g., fari

ha he was glad, and {fa#ul} marked stative verbs, actual

conjugated adjectives, e.g., kabura he was (or grew) big, similar to the East Semitic stative.
However, the diference between the two rst classes became blurred when their opposition
was replaced by transitiveness, and speakers lost awareness of the former cleavage, since
bothqatala and sariba he drank or labisa he wore couldhave andoftenhada direct object
(he killed someone, he drank water, he wore a gown), it becoming indiferent that the
action basically afects its subject and nobody else in the two last instances. In NA, {fa#al} vs.
{fa#il} is a matter of mere lexical option, while the old stative verbs (cf. Eg. kibir = kubur ~
yikbar to be big) still retain some morphological and semantic peculiarities.
208
The substitution of II for IVis a hallmark of all NA, possibly triggered by the insucient
markedness of imperfectives of the IV measure, in which any causative prex other than
reexes of PS / s/ disappeared, since their residual vocalisation with /u/, shared with all non-
agentive imperfectives, did not even obtain in many dialects. However, the ultimate reason
for the selection of II as a substitute of IV probably lies in the presence of dialects, especially
those of South Arabian stock, with geminated imperfectives; this would have allowed what
Rundgren 1959 called reuse of that gemination as the new marker of the causative stem,
which appears to be one of the basic semantic axes of Semitic conjugation. As a matter of
fact, we have detected both in CA and diverse NA dialects many instances of verbs in which
the II stem is not semantically diferent from I (see Corriente 2004d). Otherwise, it is well
known that the II stem was also characteristically used for coining denominal verbs, e.g., VA
ni

hammar = Alc. nihammr ~ hammrt to redden, from SA a

hmar red, particularly in

the case of foreign items, like VA nibaqqa

t ~ baqqa

tt = Alc. nipaqqut paqqutt to glue,

from Lt. pc atus stuck with pitch, nixapp ~ xappit to crucify, from Goth. haspa.
8 xoniuoiocv
III (triconsonantal root, with lengthening of 1st vowel, synchronically amount-
ing to stress in AA, with a conative connotation) {f#al}.

IV (triconsonantal root, with the prex {"a+}, with a causative connotation,

uncommon in NA and mostly replaced by II):

{af#l}.
V (triconsonantal root, with gemination of 2nd consonant) or V

(just a
quadriconsonantal root, both with the prex {at+}, with a reexive conno-
tation added to the meaning expressed by II): {atfa##l} or {atfa#ll}.

VI (triconsonantal root, with lengthening of 1st vowel, synchronically amount-

ing to stress inAA, and the prex {at+}, witha reciprocal connotationadded
to the meaning expressed by III): {atf#al}.

VII (triconsonantal root, with the prex {an+}, with a passive connotation,
more common in NA than in OA, as a surrogate of internal non-agentive
voice): {anfa#l}.

204
I.e., action focused on another person, less often an object, e.g., OA q atal to ght
someone, f araq to abandon somebody or something. There are in AA some cases of
optional substitutionof II for III, e.g., VAni

h ada# =ni

hadda# I deceive, ni# anaq=ni#annaq

I embrace, ni# af = ni#af I defend, niq as = niqass I sufer, etc.; see a longer list in
Corriente 1977:103, fn. 160. The reason behind this shift might have been the insucient
markedness of the stressed (formerly long) rst vowel of the stem, which disappeared with
consonantal suxes (cf. Alc. nictel ~ catlt to ght, nihgued hagudt to keep company,
etc.), together witha certainprinciple of AAphonemics, by whichthe lost quantity (or stress)
of a vowel could be compensated by gemination of an immediate consonant, and viceversa
(see 1.3.1.2).
20
The earliest Eastern grammarians were already aware of the frequent morphological
confusion and ensuing merger of IV and I, of which there is plenty of evidence in AA, e.g.,
VA

ha

sayt = a

sayt I castrated, hadayt = ahdayt I guided, Alc. nazbh ~ azbht to be

in the morning, axmat ~ nazm to gather for a review, etc.; see a longer list in Corriente
1977:103, fn. 161. However, the OA and CA opposition subsisted in some cases in AA, like the
pair VA na

hru g ~

hara gt = Alc. na

kurx ~

karxt to go out vs. VA > na

hri g ~ a

hra gt =
Alc. na

karx ~ a

karxt to put out, VA nad

hul ~ da

halt = Alc. nad

kl ~ da

klt to go in
vs. VA nad

hil ~ ad

halt = Alc. nad

kl ~ ad

k/lt to put in, with optional contamination of

the imperfective vocalisation, also in naucl ~ auclt to join; otherwise, there are totally CA
high register shapes, like VA nubriz ~ abrazt to bring out, nu

tbit ~ a

tbatt to conrm,
which also happened in the cases of II and III, though less commonly and more suspect of
being mere classicisms, possibly inserted by learned scribes or Eastern copyists e.g., IQ 1/2/4
yuzakk he gives alms, and 5/7/3 tun aq you are a hypocrite, for AAyizakk and tinfaq.
206
The peculiar shape of the prex, vs. OA and CA {ta+} in V and VI, is a continuation of
OA dialects, which had {it+} (see Wright 1967:38 and 40), with application of the AA rule for
vocalisation of prosthetic alif s (see 2.1.6.2). Otherwise, that prex underwent assimilation in
the cases described in 1.4.1.1.
20
The penultima stress is ensured by systematic transcriptions in Alc., like natbraz I
battle, nat

kam I dispute, etc., although it should have shifted to the next syllable with
consonantic suxes, as in III. In the VI stem also, there are instances of shift towards V, e.g.,
VA atla s s a it was annihilated, vs. SA tal a s.
208
The stress and vocalisation of this measure appears established on the basis of many
witnesses, e.g., VAan

sala

h it was repaired, IQ38/29/1 yan

tabaq he grieves, Alc. anfecdt

+ui vinn 8
VIII (triconsonantal root, withthe inx {+ta+}, insertedafter the rst consonant,
with a reexive connotation, more common in OA than in NA): {afa#l}.

IXXI (triconsonantal root, with the inx {+ a+}, inserted after the second conso-
nant, restricted to semantemes related to colour or physical traits, charac-
teristic of Western Arabic): {af#l}.

X (triconsonantal root, with the prex {asta+}, with an array of mostly lexi-
calised connotations): {astaf#l}.
2.2.2. Verbal Inlexions
These plain or derived stems or measures of the AA verb are inected
for aspect or tense (perfective vs. imperfective),

mood (imperative vs.

I had an indigestion, etc. However, instances with penultima stress like Alc. nandrab I
ght and 20.6 nanra I struggle may point to a hybrid III+VII measure, while a hybrid
II+VII appears to be reected by VA nan garr a ~ an garrayt to dare; see Corriente 2004d:
37, fn. 17 and 18, about these hybrid measures (Kreuzungen in Brockelmanns technical
language).
200
This measure was no longer productive in AA or, for that matter, in NA as a whole,
though surviving in some very common items. Its stress and vocalisation are established
by instances like IQ 95/8/1 na

htalaf I frequent, Alc. nahtarm ~ ahtarmt to respect,

and neltehm~ eltehmt to remember; at times we come across high register vocalisations,
like Alc. naftaqur ~ aftacrt to become poor, na

ktabr ~ a

ktabrt to test, and Z 1234

ya sta#if he takes warning, vs. rhyme-supported IQ105/4/4 ya sta#af . The poor functional
integration of this measure in the morphological structure of AA is given away also by cases
of metanalysis, like Alc. naqt ~aqtzt topay as compensation, na

ktr ~

katrt tochoose,
ma

ktr chosen, ktra choice, nehtem ~ ehtmt to suspect, Z 706 tahamn he accused
me, Alc. mamtd stretched, etc.
210
OA had two practically synonymous measures, IX {if#all} and XI {if# all}, of which
Western NA has a unique reex {f# al}, with no traces of gemination, which was dicult to
perceive in nal junctures, although at least graphically or traditionally reected in some AA
sources, like VAa

sfarr he grewpale and its ma

sdar i

sr ar, a

hmarr to turn red and its

ma

sdar i

hmir ar, etc. However, in some other sources we get shapes closer to those of Naf.
dialects, e.g., IQ 67/1/1 na

sf ar I grow pale, RC 17 musq am sick, a

-

dl amat she became

dark, suggesting that, but for CA borrowings like those ma

sdars, this stem was perceived

by native ears as {af#l}, and probably identied with a semantically peculiar sub-class of
IV, the latter being no longer productive nor frequent in its original function as a causative
stem.
211
OA had a basically grammaticalised system of verbal aspects, opposing complete pro-
cesses (perfective) toincomplete processes (imperfective), of whichtense connotations were
no part, being merely secondary and context-conditioned, as described in Corriente 1980d:
148; however, a shift towards a tense system, based on the subjective opposition past =/ non-
past time, had started very early, and has come to reign supreme in NA, certainly including
AA. Nevertheless, the survival in it of the traditional usage in some optative and conditional
structures, makes it advisable to retain the labels of that aspectual system. It is remarkable
that the fact, otherwise logical and expectable, that a very high rate of perfectives express
actions that were completed in subjective time, i.e., in the past, and the weight of previous
86 xoniuoiocv
non-imperative), voice (agentive vs. non-agentive), person (rst, second
and third), number (sg. vs. pl.), and gender (masc. vs. fem., which are dif-
ferentiated only in 3rd sg. persons). Those logemes were marked by means
of internal exion, always in the cases of voice, and those of aspect and
the imperative mood of only I stems, and by mean of suxes only in the
perfectives, while the imperfectives always require person prexes and suf-
xes for the pl. The conjugation of AA verbs therefore includes imperative,
perfective and imperfective paradigms, the latter two admitting the afore-
mentioned voice diathesis, with the three persons, sg. and pl., of which only
the 3rd sg. diferentiates the two genders; in addition to this, there were
three non-nite forms, namely, the agentive and non-agentive participles
and the ma

sdar (= verbal noun), which is often a mere borrowing from CA.

Of these, the participles behave like adjectival nouns, inected as such for
gender and number,

while ma

sdars are substantives, occasionally admit-

ting the markers of nomen unitatis and fem. pl.

2.2.2.1. Perfective
The basic stems of 2.2.1 provide the agentive perfective of any AA verb
with the mere addition of the personal subject suxes, which are, in the
grammatical traditions (basically Greek and Syriac) made native Arab grammarians accept
the label m a

d past for the perfective paradigm, while they called the imperfective mu

d ari#,
i.e., look-alike, because it could express any subjective time, depending on the context.
Western grammarians of Arabic have often approached this issue under the same prejudice
or at least echoed it, and therefore have preferred the labels perfect and imperfect, over-
looking the basic aspectual axis of OA conjugation in favour of a tense-focused description
(e.g., Wright 1967 I: 51, who speaks of tenses, though denying reference to the temporal rela-
tions of the speakers, or Fischer 1972:90, who describes the system as being based on the
aspectual opposition of perfective and imperfective, but labels them simply as Verbalfor-
men), with some exceptions like Blachre & Gaudefroy-Demombynes 1952:36, who speak
clearly of aspects, though using the confusing labels, on which French scholars are so keen,
of accompli vs. inaccompli. However, facts are stubborn, and resurface at every opportu-
nity, as reected in the treatment of this issue by Grande 1963:152157, himself a speaker
of a language with an aspectual verb system, who declares himself in favour of the label
tense for the Arabic verbal forms, though instinctively calling these two paradigms per-
fective tense and imperfective tense. Finally, Fleisch 1979:169206 put the matter straight
by saying that Cest en efect laspect qui est la base de lorganisation du verb en arabe, le
temps est exprim subsidiairement.
212
Admitting of both regular and broken pls., e.g., Alc. quil eater, pl. n/vquel.
218
E.g., Alc. quel eating, qle pl. t meal, tabi

d whitening, n.un. tabi

da. But in cases

of strong substantivisation, broken pls. were also possible, like VAt ar

h, originally dating,
but subsequently history, with the pl. taw ar

h, t alf composition, treatise, pl. taw alf

= Alc. taulf pl. tavlif, Alc. tab

kr pl. tab

kir perfuming with incense, tar gamah index,

pl. tar a gim = Alc. trjama pl. targim, etc., vs. VA mub arah divorce, pl.+ at.
+ui vinn 8
sg. 3rd person masc., , fem. +at,

2nd and 1st person, +t,

and in the
pl., 3rd person, +u, 2nd person, +tum,

and 1st person, +na. E.g., sarb he

drank, sarbat she drank, sarbt you (sg.) /I drank, sarbu they drank,
sarbtum you (pl.) drank, sarbna we drank;

with a diferent stem

vowel, kabr he grew, kabrat she grew, kabrt you(sg.) /I grew, kabru
they grew, kabrtum you (pl.) grew, kabrna we grew.
2.2.2.2. Imperative
The imperative, exclusively agentive and armative as in every kind of
Arabic, with only 2nd persons, sg. and pl., without gender distinction in
AA, is the simplest paradigm of the verb, identical to the basic stems laid
out in 2.2.1, except in the case of the I stem, which receives a euphonic
prex a+ and adopts the imperfective stem with the shape {v}. In this
shape, the vowel, /a/ or /u/, may be diferent from that of the basic stem
in that same position;

a similar option between /a/ and /i/ exists for

214
There are some cases, above all in PES, of decay of the second vowel of these stems
before vocalic personal subject suxes, e.g., 13/0/2 la#bat she played, and 13/4/2 raq

s u
they danced (see PES 29, fn. 47), whichmust be attributedtothe interference of Naf. dialects
with A s su stars idiom, on account of his travels and long stay in those countries, rather than
to preservation in AA of OA dialects with that feature.
21
At times, in the az g al, we come across the allomorphs +ta for the 2nd person sg. and
+tu for the 1st sg., as often in IQ, e.g., 1/1/1 #a saqtu I fell in love, 6/5/1 qulta you said,
PES 1/0/1 raytu I saw, and #udtu I came back vs. gt I came, etc., which appear to be
high register forms, alien to the standards of low registers, but required for metrical reasons,
because of the scarcity in AA of short syllables, demanded by the Khallean metres (see
Corriente 1980a: 39, fn. 110111, and Corriente 1988b: 28).
216
The shape of this sux was extended, as in OA, into +tum, before pronominal object
suxes, e.g., IQ 89/5/13 sayyabtum u+n wa gadtum u+n you made my hair turn grey
you killed me you found me (see Corriente 1980a: 39, fn. 113).
21
But 2nd degree im alah could operate on this sux, when stressed, e.g., IA 484 wa gad-
n+h a we found her, 403 da

haln+hum we introduced them, AC674

dannabn+h we
condemned him, 1070 #allamnh we taught him, even unstressed in Z 771 #amaln we
made.
218
This alternation was a characteristic feature of OA, inherited from PS, thereby active
imperfectives of the {f#u/il} type had perfectives with the vocalisation {aa}, and intran-
sitive imperfectives of the {f#al} type had perfectives with the vocalisation {ai}, while
stative verbs and most other verbs with a pharyngeal or laryngeal 2nd or 3rd radical conso-
nant had no alternation, and kept /u/ vocalisation in the rst case, and /a/ in the second,
throughout perfective and imperfective stems, e.g., OA qatala ~ yaqtulu to kill,

daraba ~
ya

dribu to strike, sariba ~ ya srabu to drink,

hasuna ~ ya

hsunu to be good,

dahaba ~
ya

dhabu to go. However, in NA, the diferences between OA dialects on this point have
generated many divergences from the CA rules, and in the particular case of Western Ara-
bic, the efect of Philippis law, which changed every stressed /i/ in a closed syllable into /a/,
put an end to any alternation between /a/ and /i/; in the case of AA, only the alternation /a/
~ /u/ survived, e.g., VA naktub ~ katabt to write, but na

drab ~

darabt to strike, nalbas

88 xoniuoiocv
measure IV also. The plurals difer from the sg. by the addition of a sux
{+u}, resulting in this layout:
I {af# vl}, e.g., a srb drink, pl. a srbu, and a gsl wash, pl. a gslu.
II {fa##l}, e.g., qabbl kiss, pl. qabblu, andII

: {fa#lal}, e.g., tar gmtranslate,

pl. tar gmu.
III {f#al}, e.g., sfar travel, pl. sfaru.
IV {af#/l}, e.g., ad

hl introduce, pl. ad

hlu, vs. atlf lead astray, pl. atlfu.

V {atfa##l}, e.g., atqaddm advance, pl. atqaddmu, or V

{atfa#lal}, e.g.,
atbarbr speak Br., pl. atbarbru.
VI {atf#al}, e.g., athwad consent, pl. athwadu.
VII {anfa#l}, e.g., an

tabq get angry, pl. an

tabqu.
VIII {afa#l}, e.g., altahm remember, pl. altahmu.
IXXI {af# al}, e.g., a

sfr grow pale, pl. a

sfru.
X {astaf#l}, e.g., asta#

dr excuse yourself, pl. asta#

dru.
2.2.2.3. Imperfective
The shapes of the stems, as eventually modied for the imperative, provide
also the inexions of the agentive imperfective, by attaching the personal
subject prexes, which are, for the sg., in the 3rd person masc. ya+, fem. ta+,
2nd, ta+, and 1st na+, except in II and III, in which the prexes are vocalized
in genuine AA with /i/. The matching pls. receive the sux +u, but there
is no gender distinction in the 3rd person, which generates the following
layout:
I {y~t~naf#/l(u)}, e.g., ya srb he drinks, ta srb you (sg.) drink; she
drinks, na srb I drink, pl. ya srbu they drink, ta srbu you (pl.) drink,
na srbu we drink; with a diferent stem vowel, ya gsl he washes, ta gsl
she washes, ta gsl you (sg.) wash, na gsl I wash, pl. ya gslu they
wash, ta gslu you (pl.) wash, na gslu we wash.
II {y~t~nifa##l(u)}, e.g., yiqabbl he kisses, tiqabbl you (sg.) kiss; she
kisses, niqabbl I kiss, pl. yiqabblu they kiss, tiqabblu you (pl.) kiss,
niqabblu we kiss and, for II

, {y/t/nifa#ll(u)}, e.g., yitar gm he trans-

lates, etc.
~ labast to wear, etc. (see Corriente 19811982). In other cases, the witnessed alternation
is not a continuation of the OA situation, because of analogies, assimilations, etc., e.g., VA
ya

hru s ~

haru s to be rough, an extension of the stative vocalisation, at the expense of OA

ya

hra su ~

hari sa, of which there are other examples in SK, fn. 158, na srub ~ sarabt to
drink, rhyme-supported IQ22/4/1 yadrub he is trained, both possibly caused by labialisa-
tion in contact with /b/, etc. It is remarkable that these stative verbs, in the dialect of Sanaa
(Yemen) have been described by Nam 2009:90 in these terms: Le thme /-u-/ sest main-
tenu et sest spcialis dans lencodage des noncs a-subjectaux; she provides a list of 14
such items in p. 56, out of which 8 ({brd}, {b#d}, {

s gr}, {

tl#}, { gl
-

d}, {qrb}, {kbr} and {mr

d}) are
also witnessed in AA.
+ui vinn 8q
III {y~t~nif#al}, e.g., yisfar he travels, tisfar you (sg.) travel; she travels,
nisfar I travel, pl. yisfaru they travel, tisfaru you (pl.) travel, nisfaru
we travel.
IV {y~t~naf#/l}, e.g., (with vowel alternation) yad

hl he introduces, tad

hl
you (sg.) introduce; she introduces, nad

hl I introduce, pl. yad

hlu they
introduce, tad

hlu you (pl.) introduce, nad

hlu we introduce, vs. (with-

out vocalic alternation and therefore undistinguishable from I) yatlf he
leads astray, tatlf you (sg.) lead astray; she leads astray, natlf I lead
astray, pl. yatlfu they lead astray, tatlfu you (pl.) lead astray, natlfu
we lead astray.
V {y~t~natfa##l}, e.g., yatqaddm he advances, tatqaddm you (sg.) ad-
vance: she advances, natqaddm I advance, pl. yatqaddmu they ad-
vance, tatqaddmu you (pl.) advance, and natqaddmu we advance, or
V

{y~t~natfa#lal}, e.g., yatbarbr he speaks Br., tatbarbr you (sg.) speak

Br.; she speaks Br., natbarbr I speak Br., pl. yatbarbru they speak Br.,
tatbarbru you (pl.) speak Br. and natbarbru we speak Br..
VI {y~t~natf#al}, e.g., yathwad he consents, tathwad you (sg.) consent;
she consents, nathwad I consent, pl. yathwadu they consent, tath-
wadu you (pl.) consent, and nathwadu we consent.
VII {y~t~nanfa#l}, e.g., yan

tabq he gets angry, tan

tabq you (sg.) get angry;

she gets angry, nan

tabq I get angry, pl. yan

tabqu they get angry,

tan

tabqu you (pl.) get angry, nan

tabqu we get angry.

VIII {y~t~nafa#l}, e.g., yaltahm he remembers, taltahm you (sg.) remem-
ber; she remembers, naltahm I remember, pl. yaltahmu they remem-
ber, taltahmu you (pl.) remember, naltahmu we remember.
IXXI {y~t~naf# al}, e.g., ya

sfr he grows pale, ta

sfr you (sg.) grow pale; she

grows pale, na

sfr I grow pale, pl. ya

sfru they grow pale, ta

sfru you
(pl.) grow pale, na

sfru we grow pale.

X {y~t~nastaf#l}, e.g., yasta#

dr he excuses himself, tasta#

dr you excuse
yourself; she excuses herself, nasta#

dr I excuse myself, pl. yasta#

dru
they excuse themselves, tasta#

dru you excuse yourselves, nasta#

dru
we excuse ourselves.
2.2.2.4. Non-agentive Voice
AA is apparently the most conservative NA dialect concerning its preserva-
tion of the OA distinction of two voices in the nite verbs: agentive, used
when the subject is known, and non-agentive, in the opposite case. The
marking of such diathesis is obtained through internal exion, by vocal-
ising the non-agentive perfective stems with /i/ in their last syllable, and
every other preceding vowel slot with /u/ and, in the case of imperfective
stems, with /u/ in the personal subject prex and /a/ in every other follow-
ing vowel slot, e.g.,

dab

hhe slew vs.

dub

hhe was slain, ya

db

hhe slays
vs. yu

db

h he is slain, tar gmhe translated vs. tur gmit was translated,

yitar gm he translates vs. yutar gm it is translated, a

htaml he suf-
fered vs. u

htuml it was sufered, ya

htaml he sufers vs. yu

htaml it is
qo xoniuoiocv
sufered. However, there are some sporadic hints of replacement of {ui}
by {ai}, like RC 2627 walidt I was born, mallikt I was owned,
yaqbal he is accepted, yab#a

t he is sent <, and then of mere substitu-

tion of an agentive stem for a non-agentive one, e.g., VA #anayt ~ na#n to
toil, and LA 255 "stahtara he acted shamelessly and "sta

haka he was
forced to laugh for CA ustuhtira and ustu

hika, respectively, and pan-NA

yatwaf a ~ atwaf a to pass away, reected by VA and other sources.
2.2.2.5. Non-nite forms: participles and ma

sdar
2.2.2.5.1. AAhas alsopreservedthe OAsets of agentive andnon-agentive par-
ticiples, and their marking system, by prexing {mu+} to the non-agentive
imperfective stems, and generalising /i/ as the last stem vowel besides, in
the case of agentive imperfectives, except for the I stem, which had the spe-
cial patterns {i} for the agentive vs. {ma} for the non-agentive,
e.g., ktib writer ~ maktb written, mutr gim translator ~ mutar gm
translated, musta#ml user ~ musta#ml used, etc. However, in many
instances, there are hints at neutralisationof the voice opposition, andmere
survival of the non-agentive shape, with lexical determination of voice,
e.g., VA mubarsan accuser, rhyme-supported IQ 2/1/2 mu#allam mas-
ter and 176/0/1 mu

htasab = Alc. muhtecb market inspector, IQ 93/4/4

mu"a

dan = Alc. muden muezzin, rhyme-supported IQ 96/1/3 mu#ta-

dal moderate, 118/0/1 mu

htafal celebrating, Alc. mulamn Muslims,

even some loanwords like Cs. almogvar vs. Alc. mogguir, while an urban
Eastern stress type is often reected in Alc. mummar decorated with
tacks, mulbbe wearing shoes, muftten agitator, mdlim dark, mm-
kin possible, mxiriq brigh, muquddemcaptain (but also muqueddm,
matched by Cs. almocadn), mudnar convert to Christianity, muztcreh
loathsome, DC 16a mugdded renewed, and even in some Rm. loan-
words, e.g., Cs. almudano = Pt. almodo muezzin.
2.2.2.5.2. The ma

sdar, simultaneously an innitive and a verbal noun, is

often an item borrowed from CA and scarcely used in the true low registers
of AA or, for that matter, the whole of NA, although given the sociolin-
guistic peculiarities of the Arabic speaking societies, one can come by a
ma

sdar rather often in AA texts (see 3.3.2.1). Its shape for the I stem is not
morphologically predictable, being lexically selected from an array of mul-
tiple possibilities in CA, of which some are still frequent in AA.

For the
210
Wright 1967:110f. lists more than 40 patterns, of which only ve would be really
+ui vinn qi
remaining stems, however, the shapes of ma

sdars are predictable within

narrow margins of optionality, in this manner:
I

{f#lalah}, e.g., tr gama translation; to translate, prana accusation.

II {taf#l(a)}, e.g., tafr g emptying; to empty, or tanqyya cleaning; to clean
(with application of 2.1.2.10.3.3).
III {f#l} or {muf#ala}, e.g., gidl = mu gdala dispute; to dispute.
IV {if#l}, e.g., infq expenditure; to spend.
V {tafa##l}, e.g., taqarrb coming near; to come near, V

: {tafa#ll}, e.g.,
tadardb rolling down; to roll down.
VI {taf#ul}, e.g., ta# suq falling in love together; to fall in love together.
VII {inf#l}, e.g., in

tilq departure; to depart.

VIII {ifi#l}, e.g., intiql being carried away; to be carried away.
IXXI {if#ill}, e.g., i

hmirr turning red; to turnred, i

srr turning yellow; to turn

yellow, apparently, higher register borrowings than average.
X {istif#l}, e.g., istirqd falling asleep; to fall asleep.
2.2.3. Weak Verbs
The weak verbs of Arabic are those having /"/, /w/ or /y/ in any of the slots
of their triconsonantal roots, and those biconsonantal roots having gemi-
natedthe 2ndradical consonant inorder tocomplete the minimumof three,
required by the paradigms of the Arabic conjugation. In both instances, the
juncture of such radical morphemes with the derivational and inexional
ones may require peculiar solutions, which are not true individual irregu-
larities, but special rules afecting each one of those kinds of weak verbs
en bloc. The technical terms for these verbs are hamzata (i.e., primae h.
{}, secundae h. {} or tertiae h. {}), geminate or deaf (i.e., {}),
assimilated ({w} or {y}), hollow (i.e., {w} or {y}), and defec-
tive verbs ({w} or {y}). AA shares many of the features of these verbs
in SA, including the general preservation of the vowel alternation charac-
teristic of perfective and imperfective paradigms in the derived measures,
above all IV, VII, VIII and X,

but difers fromits solutions in some cases, as

follows.
2.2.3.1. hamzata
The conjugation of hamzata is merely conditioned by the application of the
rules for the treatment of /"/ in AA (see 1.2.28.15), i.e., this weak phoneme
frequent, namely, {a} (e.g., VA labs wearing), {aa} (e.g., VA faza# being scared,
scare), {a aah} (e.g., VA raz anah staidness), {u u} (e.g., VA

hur u g going out,

exit), and {u uah} (e.g., VA

hur u sah being harsh, harshness), and these are the ones
current in NA and AA also, with some sporadic additions.
220
Which have /i/ in the last vowel slot of the imperfectives; see 2.3.3.5.2.
qa xoniuoiocv
may be: a) retained (e.g., VA anant ~ ni"ann to moan, nas"al ~ sa"alt
to ask, VA ni"assas = Alc. nie ect to lay the foundations, possibly
a higher register than other cases of decay, like IQ 93/4/4 ya

dan he
calls to prayer = Alc. nadn adnt (for OA a

dana ~ yu"a

dinu), IQ 6/2/3
tasal you ask, Z 72 takul you eat, IA 390 yukal it is eaten (for
OA tas"alu, ta"kulu, yu"kalu), b) dropped with or without compensating
gemination of the immediate consonant, e.g., VAna

hu

d I take, nakkul
I eat, VA atta

ha

d ~ yatta

ha

d to adopt, vs. the above reported cases

of decay, plus others of aphaeresis, like IQ 118/4/1

hadtu I took, DC 6a
-
had he took, IA 79 kaln a we ate, or otherwise, e.g., VA na

d I harm,
Z 1711 rat she saw, 1551 naqraw we read, and c) turned into /w/, /y/
or a virtual /:/, i.e., historical vowel length, reected by stress in AA only
when prosodic rules allowed it, e.g., IA 81 qarayt I read, Z 335 maw

h u

d
taken, VA niwakkad ~ wakkadt to hasten, niwa

har I postpone,
nirayyas I start, VA naqr a = /naqr/ I read, maqr u = /maqr/ read,
and Z 657 yi#abb = /yi#abb / he carries away. Any of these solutions,
however, may propagate to other positions paradigmatically or by analogy.
At any rate, {} verbs behave exactly like {w/y}, but without thematic
alternation, while there is no such an assimilation to hollow roots in the
case of {} verbs, and only exceptionally to assimilated verbs in the case
of {}.
2.2.3.2. Germinate Verbs
The most conspicuous feature of AA geminate verbs, is the frequency of
strong, i.e., uncontracted forms, reminiscent of SAE and Et., in comparison
with SA, in which, before any vocalic sux, /2v2/ becomes /22v/, and /2v2/
becomes /v22/, the latter only optionally if there is no sux attached to the
stem. Instead, in AA we have shapes such as VA ni g anan = nat g anan I
contend, RC29 yata

h abab u they love eachother, Alc. naztahbb I make

myself loved, LA 301 yataq arar un they agree with each other, and Alc.
habb pl. habbu love; some other times, the roots are treated as biconso-
nantal by metanalysis or haplology, as insome OAdialects, e.g., VAnan sarr
~an sart to quarrel, asta gall ~asta galt to exploit, IQ107/4/4 far ee,
Alc. naztahz ~ atahzt to spy, naztahq ~ aztahqt to deserve, rutt I
gave back, HH 32 samtu I smelt, RC 28 mastu I touched, especially
in the stems VII, VIII and X, above all in the ma

sdars, e.g., insd occlu-

sion, irtd conversion and isti

hm bathing, from { srr}, { gll}, {frr}, {

hss},
{

hqq}, {rdd}, { smm}, {mss}, {sdd}, {rdd} and {

hmm}, although the regular

CA shapes can also occur, e.g., mu

ddda opposition, in

hi

t lowering,
i

hti g g protest and istiqrr settling, from {

ddd}, {

t}, {

h g g} and {qrr}.
+ui vinn q
Unlike most NAdialects, there is no dissimilatory substitutionof /22ay+/ for
/2a2+/ before consonantal suxes, e.g., VA

danant I was stingy, hazazt

I shook, Alc. meczt I touched, etc.

2.2.3.3. Assimilated Verbs

The conjugation of assimilated verbs of AA partly follows the CA rules,
and partly difers from them, in ways already known in OA dialects or
innovated by AA, especially in the I stem, while the others do not call for
much comment, but for the preservation of /w/ instead of its assimilation
before the inx {+t+} of VIII, e.g., VA awta

taq it was rm, IQ 117/3/2

yawtaqad it burns, and the frequent acceptance of a diphthong /iw/ in
some ma

sdars, e.g., iwtr annoying, istiw gb response (see 1.1.4.1). Unlike

most NAdialects, but inagreement withCA, the weak radical /w/ is dropped
in many imperfectives and the matching imperatives, e.g., VA na

tiq I
trust, na

sil I arrive, Alc. naquf ~ guacft to stop, etc.

although quite
often with peculiar vocalisation of both the prex and the stem, or at least
one of these, e.g., VA nihab I give,

tiqt I trusted, IQ 19/2/1 nazan I

weigh or pay, 4/4/2 na gad I nd, Alc. nil ~ gualt to arrive and nir c
~guar ct to inherit, with the imperatives l and r c.

In other instances,
however, /w/ is retained, against the CA usage, e.g., VA naw

tab I jump,
naw#id I promise and, all in all, analogy and metanalysis

have brought
about unpredictable results, like Alc. negd agdt to nd, with /w/ > /"/,
nifr ~ fart to grow, nizn ~ zent to weigh, and VA ni

dar ~

dart to let
(do), with loss of /w/ inthe perfective also, the imperatives aquf stop and
yc fall, with a prosthetic syllable, IQ 80/4/4 nahbak I give you, along
with other regular inexions of {whb}, as well as the reex /a(:)/ of /aw/
in Alc. naztac ~ aztaqut to covet, IQ 114/4/4 maq a# occasion, both
from {wq#}, and in VA maws uq = m as uq carried away.
221
This matter and its OA precedents are discussed in Corriente 1976:85.
222
Even in one case of a {y} root, unlike CA yaybasu, e.g., VA yibas ~ yabas = Alc. nib
~ yebt, imperative yb to be dry.
228
The peculiar shapes of these imperfectives are the combinedresult of the applicationof
Barths and Philippis laws, the rst introducing /i/ in the imperfective prexes, followed by
stems shortened into {a}, e.g., yihab for yahab he gives, while the second substituted /a/
for /i/ in stressed {i} stems, e.g., yi gad for yv gid. However, none of these rules were consis-
tently applied, because of diachronic, diatopic or diastratic distributions, which determined
the reported variegation in AA materials.
224
Confusions with the treatment of hollow roots are a consequence of the loss of vowel
length in AA, and subsequent identication of stress with quantity, which brought about the
analysis of na

tq as *na

tq, from *{

tyq}, therefore generating the perfective

tqt, whence the

complete conjugation of t aq ~ it

eq to trust in Mo. (see Colin & Lvi-Provenal 1931:2).

q xoniuoiocv
2.2.3.4. Hollow Verbs
The hollow verbs of AA follow most of the CA rules, but for certain pecu-
liarities, namely: a) the imperfective prexes may exhibit any vocalisation,
/a/ in higher registers, /u/ by harmony with the stem vowel, and /i/ by
efect of Barths law, but these vocalic results have often propagated to
other situations, e.g., VA na

h af vs. Alc. ni

kf I fear, VA nan am vs. Alc.

ninm I sleep, VA num ut vs. Alc. nimt I die, VA nibt = Alc. nibt I
stay overnight; b) At times, we come across strong forms which do not
exhibit the characteristic treatment of these verbs inSA, thoughnot entirely
absent fromOA, e.g., VAna

hwa g~a

hwa gt toneed, ya

htawal ~a

htawalt
to be changed (both recorded already in CA dictionaries), nasta

tyar ~
asta

tyart to draw an omen, Alc. nahgul ~ ahgult to cause loss of one

eye, nezuch~azucht to marry, na

kteyl ~a

kteylt to fancy, naztagud

~ aztagutt to accustom, VA ma gy um clouded, ma

hy u

t sewn, Alc.
macih called, from {

sy

h} etc., vs. standard VA mazd added, but Alc.

mazid = muzd, and VA mab# = maby u# sold; c) Out of the three sub-
types of hollow verbs in CA ({ a ~ ya u}, { a ~ ya} and { a ~
ya a}), AA appears to have gone one step further towards the merger
of the last two, as VA has both ya g a/r he is jealous and nah a/b I
revere, in addition to other cases in which CAalready has both allomorphs.
Otherwise, the characteristic thematic vowel alternation of OA is normal
in AA also in IV (e.g., VA ni g

t ~ a ga

tt = Alc. nigu c ~ ag ct to suc-

cour, VA ni#r ~ a#art = Alc. nar ~ rt to lend), and occasionally
witnessed in X (e.g., nasta#/ ar ~ asta#art to borrow, and nasta sr ~
asta sart, but Alc. only naztaxr ~ aztaxrt to consult, VA nasta

t al ~
asta

talt to speak insolently), and there are cases of (reciprocal) met-

analysis with the assimilated verbs, e.g., VA yastawmat ~ astawmat = Alc.
neztevmt ~ eztevmtt to faint, Alc. mavcl = macl said, with metathe-
sis, even with the primae hamzata {} in the non-agentive perfectives
of Z 62 et passim and IQ 62/3/4 uql it was said, and LA 204 u

hf he
was scared and ub# it was sold,

while the reason beyond the striking

absence of compensatory fem. marker in some ma

sdars of IV and X (e.g.,

IQ 88/2/2 i# ad visiting, Alc. iht comprehending, yztirh rest, iztig c
succour, VA isti g ab(ah) obeying, NQ 73 isti

t a# my capacity, and Ax
8.18 istiq am righteousness, from {#wd}, {

hw

t}m {rw

h}, { gy

t} and {qwm},
22
This is also the likeliest explanation for forms like VA natt a

hal ~ atta

halt to be
replaced, and DC 15a tatacal are said, from {

hwl} and {qwl}, respectively, perhaps at the

root of the characteristic Naf. reexives with double /t/ marking.
+ui vinn q
respectively), appears to be that they were metanalyzed as derived in the
IV stem from {w} and in the VIII from *{sr

h}, *{s g

t}, *{s gb} *{s

t#} and
*{sqm}.
2.2.3.5. Defective Verbs
The conjugation of AA defective verbs is peculiar in several respects, by
comparison with SA. Like the rest of NA, out of the three sub-types of
defective verbs inCA({a ~ya}, {aiya ~ya} and{a a ~ya u}),
AA appears to have gone one step further than CA, where the last type
had survived only in the I stem, and merged with the others in all the
derived measures; otherwise, the second sub-type has evolved into {a
~ ya},

e.g., VA baq a ~ baqayt ~ nabq = Alc. yabc bac to remain,

nanc ~ necit to forgive, nard ~ radyt, IA 418 ra

d a to accept, Z 389
kasayn a we covered and 1086 yaks he covers, from {ksw}, LA 98
ta

t+k it goes to you, from {

tw}, but for some isolated high-register

items, e.g., VA

sadiya~ya

sd torust, fas a~yafs u tobreakwindwithout

noise, the peculiar na#l u ~ #alaw/yt to be above, nasm u ~ samaw/yt to
rise, na gz u ~ gazaw/yt to raid, all of them with optional results in the
perfective, IQ 21/13/3 ra gawt+ak I begged you, Alc. nahz ~ hazit to
mock, a peculiar evolution of OA hazi" ~ yahza", etc.
2.2.3.5.1. As for the juncture of defective stems ending in/ / (fromhistorical
/iw+/ or /iy+/) with the pl. sux +u, their solutions range from total decay
(e.g., in Z 584 tasta gn u you dispense, 898

hall u leave, 1923 yusamm u

they call, IA484 ni

hall u+h a we leave her, and Alc. yj they come, from

OA ya g" una, with regular NA elimination of /"/), to tolerance of the diph-
thong /w/ (see 1.1.4.1), e.g., IA 324 nasta gnw we dispense, 689 ya g" u
they come, even a ultra-correct MT 790v.8 radiw u+h they accepted it:
as it is unlikely that both treatments might have coexisted within the same
dialect or register, it stands to reason that this diference must have corre-
lated with diachronic, diatopic or diastratic factors.
226
The peculiar decay of the sequence /iy/ before a vocalic sux, characteristic of the
OA dialect of the

Tayyi" tribe (after Sbawayhi II: 316; see also Corriente 1976:80, fn. 3), has
a further consequence in the non-agentive 3rd person sg. of the perfective, e.g., IQ 62/0/1
#u

tat+n she was given to me, PES 30/3/3 hudat she was guided, 43/2/4 gunat it was
harvested, insteadof SAu#

tiyat, hudiyat and guniyat. It is remarkable that this sux is always

spelled at, which is not a mere stress-conveying spelling device, as also Naf. dialects have a
long vowel there, preserved from the masc., i.e.,

hall a he left vs.

hall at she left, as in Z 917

and, likewise, IQ 76/7/23 gann at she sang and samm at she named, 115/5/3 kaf at+u
they suced him, etc.
q6 xoniuoiocv
2.2.3.5.2. The stems II, III, IV, VII, VIII and X of defective verbs in prin-
ciple preserve the vocalic alternation, characteristic of SA, between per-
fective and imperfective (see 2.2.3), e.g., VA ni

habb ~

habbayt to hide,
Alc. nicac ~ cacit = VA niq as to sufer, nar

d ~ ar

dayt to satisfy,
ya

hta

s ~ a

hta

s a to castrate oneself, IQ 37/7/3 and 19/10/4 yanqar a =

yanqar to be readable, VAna

htam ~a

htamayt to protect oneself, and

nasta

hf ~ asta

hf a to hide oneself; however, this distinction is often lost

in VII, VIII and X, by contamination with the strong verb, e.g., VA yan#a

t a
~ an#a

t a to be given, yamta

h a ~ amta

h a to be erased, Alc. nazta

kb ~
azta

kbit to hide oneself. The frequent merger of I and IV in NAhas gener-

ated in AA a peculiar pattern for the non-agentive participle of I, {mu},
e.g., VA mu sw roasted, murm thrown, munf exiled (whence Cs.
monf highwayman). Finally, the analogy with tertiae hamzata (i.e., {})
and strong verbs has generated some ma

sdars with the pattern {taa}

or {tau}, instead of expected {taa} or {ta a}, in cases like Alc.
temenwish, PES *50/1/4/tabhu/ andthe pseudo-quadriconsonantal Alc.
taaq inquiry, a peculiar evolution of SA istaq

s, shared by Naf. and Ml.

2.3. Iixc+ioxis
The uninected constituents of the phrase are functionals, i.e., items devoid
of meaning, unlike verbs and nouns, but endowed with the capacity of
expressing the logical functions and relations between those grammatical
categories. This is what in the clearest traditional grammatical terms were
called prepositions, conjunctions, and adverbs.
2.3.1. Prepositions
OA had a very scanty and inecient system of proper prepositions, roughly
a dozen,

which had to be complemented with other idioms, mostly sub-

stantives semantically apt to express the ne nuances of space, time, mood,
etc. They became so strongly functionalised that they are hardly recognised
anymore as such substantives, and not easily distinguished from the older,
22
See Corriente 1980d: 205206. Evensome of these canbe recognisedas wornout shapes
of nouns whichhave survived(e.g., bayna between <*b a"inclearly separated, lad=ladun
at <*li+yaday(n) at handof, #indaclose to <*# amidastanding near, f inside <*bi+f in
the mouth of, etc.). But the average native speaker has not been aware of this for centuries,
unlike the case of items functionalised more recently.
iixc+ioxis q
diachronically true prepositions. Most of these have survived unscathed in
AA, in spite of the frequent merger of the dative marker /li+/, and allative
/il/, almost a linguistic universal, the disappearance of some scarcely used
items, like ka+ like, and the important innovation of the genitive preposi-
tion mat a# of, shared by most Naf. dialects,

and beyond, as a hallmark

of the signicant shift from more to less synthetic syntactic patterns. As
for improper prepositions, there have been some innovations (e.g., qdd
about, around), modications (e.g., the shortened shapes of bi+ with, li+
to and f in, dropping their vowel before the denite article) and aban-
donment of old rare items (e.g., ladun near).
2.3.2. Conjunctions
OA had developed a rather complex system of conjunctions, coordinative
or subordinative (e.g., temporal, conditional, modal, nominal, etc.), often
synonymous, and likely to reect mostly dialectal variants. Such a system
naturally had to shrink in NA, and even more so in the particular dialects.
For AA, this will be expounded in detail in the matching chapters of syntax.
2.3.3. Adverbs
AA adverbs and adverbial idioms have departed considerably from OA,
through: a) phonetic evolution, such as the prevalence of the pausal form
of adverbs formed with the old indenite accusative, described in 2.1.6.5.1,
or the optional use in context of other pausal forms, like IQ9/4/2 and 41/5/3
la#al perhaps; b) innovation of new adverbs, either by reshaping OA
items, e.g., IQ 1/1/3 et passim

d ab(a) now,

11/9/2 lam am from now

on < il am am, 41/8/1 #amawwal < # aman awwala last year, VA #awwal
perhaps (a curious abbreviation of SA #awwil #alayya bim a si"ta rely on me
for whatever you want), Alc. 49.6 adnia much; a lot, or by adoption of
Rm. items, e.g., y already (cf. Cs. ya, Pt. j and Ct. ja), makkr (cf. Old Cs.
and Old Pt. maguer) even,

and y

da also;

c) the fall into oblivion of

old items, e.g., bukratan in the morning, alhuwayn a slowly, etc.
228
See Fischer & Jastrow 1980:93.
220
See fn. 142.
280
See Corriente 1997d: 507 and Grin 1961:160 about this item and its Gk. etymon. Its
frequency in Naf. Arabic, e.g., Mo. mqq ar (Premare 19931999 XI: 231), and Br., e.g., Kabyle,
mqqa

r (Dallet 1982:510), Ta sl

hit, mqqar (Aspinion 1953:323), etc. is just another witness of

the strong linguistic inuence of Andalusi immigration in Western North Africa.
281
See fn. 142 about its Lt. etymon.
q8 xoniuoiocv
2.3.4. Fragments and Introductors
Fragments and introductors are sub-predicative segments, merely designed
to attract the attention of hearers or to convey certain emotions, like voca-
tives, oaths and imprecations, interjections and onomatopoeias. Their case
inAA, all inall, is similar to that of the adverbs, as some OAitems have fallen
into disuse and new ones have been introduced.
2.3.4.1. The Vocative
Vocatives canbe marked, as inCA, witha prexedy, eg., IQ1/8/3 y amawl
almil a

h O lord of the beautiful, 2/1/1 y a man taqtul ann as O you, killer

of people, but also with +, e.g., e.g., 11/8/3 a+

habb O my dear, 33/0/1

a+qalb Omy heart, Z157 a+manhaddadn O, you who are threatening
me, or the denite article, e.g., IQ 77/7/1 alwazr ab u bakr O vizier A.B.,
and 80/0/1 alqam

h al gadd O new wheat; at times, though, no mark is

used but the mere intonation, e.g., IQ 31/0/1 man na

hibbuh O, you whom

I love, and 86/0/1 man ban #al al gih ad O, you who are determined to
wage holy war.
2.3.4.2. Oaths, Imprecations and Exclamations
Oaths and imprecations and other exclamations are rather conservative in
AA and NA as a whole, e.g., IQ 2/1/3 and 4/2/3 wallah(i), 2/2/3 ballah
by God, 9/18/3 wa

haqq allah by Gods right, 11/0/2 bannab by the

Prophet, 66/4/4bi

hay atak please, 49/3/1 yaasaf pity!, anda quasi-CA

li#amr by my life! in4/5/4, while some items are relative innovations, e.g.,
IQ 8/7/1 bay a

d lucky me!, 1/6/1 saw ad man yu gu s s poor swindlers!,

6/2/1 l ak an umin

siby an bloody boys!, and9/8/1 y a #alay mazwadanmal a

bi

dahab would that I had a haversack full of gold!, IA 268 y a #alay bi gild
kinna

hlu

s would that I just could save my skin!.

2.3.4.3. Interjections
As for interjections and onomatopoeias, some OA ones have decayed, e.g.,
ba

h(in) bravo!,

sah hush!, while others have survived, e.g., IQ 1/2/3

ayy ak beware!,

7/4/3 hayh at how preposterous!, 11/6/4 hayya

hey!, and some appear to have beeninnovated, like IQ20/20/3 and 137/11/3

ta/ aqa onomatopoeia for knocking on a door, 5/5/2 g aq ouch!, 62/3/4

h a

h hop it!, while some Rm. items were adopted, e.g., 11/6/4 ayya hey!
(<Lt. ei a), 12/7/2 asab shoo! (cf. Cs. zape), 66/1/5 and96/5/2 arra(ba#ad)
come on, then, and Z 505 and 516 u st = u g g hop it! (cf. Cs. oxte).
282
Its survival in old A was studied by Steiger 1951.
cui+in +unii
SYNTAX
3.1. 1viis oi six+ixcis
As inthe case of OA, AAsentences may be either nominal or verbal, depend-
ing on the nature of the predicate providing the commentary about a topic
or subject, both of them integrating the complete logical structure called
sentence, e.g., alwald ghil the boy [is] ignorant (nominal) and alwald
wa

sl the boy arrived (verbal).

3.1.1. Nominal Sentences
Nominal sentences are integratedby two nounphrases (e.g., alwaldal ghil
[hwa]

sadqi the ignorant boy [is] my friend), or by a noun phrase and

a marginal phrase (e.g., alwald al ghil [hwa] falbyt the ignorant boy
[is] in the house), of which the rst constituent is the topic or subject and
the second one is the predicate or commentary about that subject, with the
possibility, but not necessity in Arabic or AAsyntax of a copulative element
linking both as a marker of their logical relation.
3.1.1.1. Noun Phrases
Noun phrases are sub-predicative nominal syntagms merely containing
substantives eventually extended by adjectives (e.g., alwald al ghil the
ignorant boy) or other governed nouns, either pronouns or substantives
(e.g.,

sadq+i my friend, i.e., the friend of mine, or byt almu#allm the

teachers house), and without any nite verb, unless it is nominalised by
a relative construction (e.g., alwald alla

d wa

sl the boy who arrived,

semantic equivalent of a qualifying extension, like anadjective) or anappro-
priate subordinative conjunction (e.g., alqalm ba s naktb alkitb the pen
with which I would write the letter). The inventory of noun phrases in AA
includes qualifying syntagms, annexation or rection syntagms, relative and
marginal syntagms, all of which can be used as either subjects or predicates
of a nominal sentence.
ioo svx+x
3.1.1.1.1. The Qualifying Syntagm. The simplest qualifying syntagm in AA
consist of a substantive followed usually

by a qualifying adjective, both

being subjected to gender and number agreement (see 3.2.1) and marked for
deniteness, with the article al+, e.g., al+wald al+ ghil the ignorant boy,
or for indeniteness, with the connective tanwn {+an}, e.g., wald(+an)
ghil an ignorant boy; however, as in the rest of NA, this second marker
was gradually abandonned and replaced by a syntactic in late phases of
the language,

but for some lexicalised syntagms or in old-fashioned style,

e.g., VAmarrat anu

hr=martanu

hra another time. So, we still ndit most

of the time in VA, e.g., zam an+an a

har another epoch, #ay s+an

dank
miserable life, qaws+an ifran g Frankish bow, i.e., crossbow, murrat
an

safr a yellow gall, etc., quite often in IQ, e.g., 4/5/4 sayy+an #a
-

dm a
good deal, 4/7/2 sawq+an sadd a strong desire, 12/7/2 kalb+an abya

d
a white dog, and 27/9/2 ma

s ayib+an #i
-

d am great disgraces, but it is

missing in 13/0/1 ma# s uq s a

t a tall lover, 87/7/2 ar amil mil a

h beautiful
widows, and 116/1/3

hudayd at

humar red little cheeks, and it appears

very sporadically in Alc., e.g., 45.20 dbbat an

kra another beast, 282.38

qudden guhid of the same age, 306.15 yed aniamn right hand, 332.28
marratan o

kra another time,

vs. 40.31 nahr mumye a certain day,

44.32 rajl

kar another man, etc.

3.1.1.1.2. The Annexation Syntagm. The annexation or rection syntagm has
a substantive as head, governing another substantive as tail in simple jux-
taposition, which has the syntactic equivalence of the English preposition
of, e.g., bit allh the house of God, or of the so-called Saxon geni-
tive marked with s with inversion of head and tail, i.e., Gods house,
e.g., kitb almu#allm the teachers book; of course, the tail can be a per-
sonal pronoun also, with the connotation of possession, e.g., kitb+na our
288
CA admits of some adjectives preceding substantives, but the construction is then
formally one of annexation, e.g., #azzu kit abika your appreciated letter, awwalu yawmin
the rst day; however, this is alien to NA syntax, except in some common borrowings form
CA like a

hir(u) s a#ah last hour; such is also the case in AA, e.g., Hv 99r1 alkarm kit abuka
your gracious letter (see closing text samples).
284
We provided some statistic observations about this evolution in PES 30 and fn. 51.
28
Some of these examples are synchronically questionable, as the connective tanwn
appears to have been lexically agglutinated in an

har, fem. an

hra another while, next

to yed aniamn right hand, there is a yed aximl left hand, with a denite article, similar
to some cases of denite qualifying syntagms without article in the head. As for the isolated
tanwn of IQ 87/28/1 in the distributive idiom baytan bayt verse by verse, and in spite of a
supporting VA irb a irb piece by piece, these cases appear to be mere classicisms (cf. Alc.
arb arb limb by limb, with simple repetition).
+viis oi six+ixcis ioi
book, mu#allamn+kum your teachers. The SA rule, followed by AA too,
establishes that the whole syntagm will be denite if the tail is so, by the
presence of the article, by being in its own turn head of another denite
tail,

or by being inherently determined, in the case of all proper names

and pronouns, e.g., kitb almu#allm the teachers book, kitb mu#allm
almadrsa the school teachers book, kitb mu

hammd Mu

hammads
book, and kitb+na our book; otherwise, the whole syntagmwill be indef-
inite, e.g., kitb mu#allm a teachers book, kitb mu#allm madrsa a
school teachers book.
3.1.1.1.2.1. Analytical Annexation Markers. AA is no exception to the gen-
eral NA trend towards developping analytical rection or genitive markers,
quasi-prepositions, substituting for the OA mere synthetic juxtaposition
(i

d afah), except inthe above mentionedcases of lexical quasi-integration.

The most frequent and universal such innovated analytical marker is

mat(#), diachronic reex of OA mat a# property (of), used in the AA of
every time and area,

e.g., IQ 38/38/3 al

hayl mat a# ass us the cavalry of

S., 87/23/1 a

tubayyab mat assi g a g the healer of head injuries = the

quack 142/1/5 alqul ub mat a# nu
-

d
-

d aru the hearts of those who see him,

also as a possessive adjective or pronoun before suxed pronouns, e.g.,
IQ 90/10/4 alra gul mat a#h a her husband, IA 16 i

d a rayt li

hyat g arak
tuntaf a g#al mat a#ak faldib a g when you see your neighbours beard beng
plucked out, put yours in soakage, Alc. 52.16 al

kaliq mta draq the peo-

ple of your household, 273.39 hant mtal haddd a blacksmiths shop, DC
-
hobzena mat cullim our everyday bread. There are some instances of
286
Chain annexation is theoretically unlimited in the number of the so linked substan-
tives, but it is uncommon and akward to exceed of three items for obvious practical reasons.
28
On this issue, see Harning 1980.
288
The same applies to the whole NA, especially in North African dialects, Egyptian
included (bit a#), and Ml. (ta"), with the strong competence of

d(y al) in Mo., apparently of

Yemenite stock and absolutely unrelated to Rm. de of. This is true also in IQ 48/3/2
ala

hb a

di+marrah the late beloved, in spite of its Cs. reex de marras, see Corriente
1985:142 and 2008:369 about the origin and South Arabian connection of this idiom. The
evolution of the relative towards a genitive marker, surveyed for Himyaritic by Belova
1966:111115, is absolutely clear in Mehri, as stated by Jahn 1905:69: Der Genitiv wird durch
Vorsetzung des Relativpronomens da, de, di, pl. la, le vor das Beziehungswort gebildet,
z.B.

habrt da dulet die Tochter des Knigs wayten la fra

t Dattelkrbe , to which he
attaches a footnote alluding to similar instances of d in Sabaic, and z in Ge#ez. Particularly
in the latter there is no shortage of cases like

haql z+wldki your sons eld,

sllat
ll bn stone tablets, and mngst zi"ahu his kingdom, etc., equivalent of Mo. lfdd an
d+wuld+k and lmml aka dy aluh.
ioa svx+x
replacement of this item by the preposition min from and the relative
idiom alla

d min in documents strongly inuenced by Rm., e.g., Urz 339

biriy ur min al-u sbi

t al prior of the hospital, MT 1168.7 alquss min kansat

sant ya#q ub the priest of the church of St. Jacob, 290.6 sahr yunayr alla

d
min sanat 237 the month of January of 237.

3.1.1.1.2.2. Both head and tail of an annexation syntagmmay receive quali-

fying adjectives, which calls for no special rules in the second case, e.g., byt
almu#allm al#arab the Arab teachers house, but the OA rule forbidding
the interruption of the annexation by any other word remains in efect in
NAand, since the loss of case inexions would cause ambiguity if the adjec-
tive were postponed, as is customary inSA, the commonest solutioninAAis
the use of the analytical genitive marker, e.g., albyt alkibr mat# almu#allm
al#arab the Arab teachers big house.
3.1.1.1.2.3. AA agrees with the rest of NA in generally preserving the OA
structures of qualifying and annexation syntagms, as well as in infringing
some of their rules, above all those concerning taxemes and the use of
the denite article. As for taxemes, some of their most strict rules in OA
were relaxed already in early times and so they are quite often in NA, on
account of a diferent syntactic conceptionof some phrases, andthis is what
happens in cases like VA al#a sr kalim at = DC 8 al axara omr the ten
commandments, Alc. 35.28 al

kmce hagu the ve senses, 39.34 alvil

amr the rst commandment, and MT 1168.9 al#a sar ma

t aqil the ten

gold pieces;

at times, however, these aberrant syntactical arrangements

appear to merely betray poor translations fromRm., which is certain, e.g., in
DC 4 almuquddez aleb the holy cross, 12 o
-
har axit other things, Urz
340 alma

dk urah a g gam a#ah the mentioned community.

3.1.1.1.2.4. As for the use of the denite article, for instance, the rule
forbidding it in the head of a denite annexation syntagmis often infringed
in AA, above all but not necessarily, in cases of lexical quasi-integration,
e.g., IQ 86/9/4 alwalad zin a the whores son, Z 1711

d ak al

habb almul uk
those cherries (lit. kings grains), Alc. 9.22 almofth a dr the key of the
280
Cf. also MT 191.1 albur gayn alla

dn lal

ham am the two dovecots, with a classicising

infra-correct, but nevertheless inected relative. As for some reported cases of supposedly
borrowed *d(i) (Rm. de), it is doubtful that they are more than instances of code mixing, e.g.,
MT 318.1 ar sidiy aqun di w ad l

ha g arah archdeacon of Guadalajara, Hb 359 sitra

di al#ar s
the canopy of the throne (in a Morisco text), etc.
240
For strict CA alkalim atu l#a sr, al"aw amiru l#a saratu, al

haw assu l

hamsu, al"amru
lawwalu, alma

t aqlu l#a saratu.

241
Instead of CA a

salbu lmuqaddasu, a sy a"u u

hr, al gam a#atu lma

dk uratu.
+viis oi six+ixcis io
house, 53.14 alcalbal incnthe mans heart, 60.24 aziraalmardthe visit
to the sick, and 43.8 alaymaxunt the holidays, lit. the Saints days, but
next also a regular aym axunt;

contrariwise, the second article may at

times be dispensed with, above all, in cases of tight semantic integration
between head and tail of an annexation syntagm, e.g., MT 169v5 al#ayn m a
the water spring and 226.2 albur g

ham am the dovecot, as well as in

cases of a denite qualifying syntagm, e.g., IQ 12/6/1 al suwayya

h mab

h ur
the foul-breathedoldman, Alc. 52.23 al axit rauhninthe spiritual things,
DC 12 fel hueqt mohrram at the forbidden time, and 15 alme moureq
the holy water. Otherwise, the fact that both annexation and qualication
imply semantic completion of the syntagm head may have induced some
confusion between their constructions, as suggested by frequent cases of
qualifying syntagms without the article in the head, e.g., IQ 10/3/3 mas gid
ala

dar the Green Mosque, Z 572 b az al#a g uz the old falcon, Alc. al
alquibra the main prayer, 47.24 unx almucaribn false weights, DC 6
yaum athelithi the third day, RM 264 ri

h a al gadd the new mill, even

in Rm. transcriptions of geographical items, e.g., Guadalquivir < wd alkibr
the great river, Guadalimar < wd ala

hmr the red river, etc.

3.1.1.1.3. The Relative Syntagm. The relative syntagm is a mere semantic

variant of the qualifying one, in which a nominalised verbal sentence takes
the place of an adjective, e.g., al

hy

t alla

d duhn the wall that has been

242
Some of these mistakes have originated in already OA constructions, which became
syntactically ambiguous upon the decay of case endings. Thus, e.g., both ka"su

datin a
silver cup (rection) and ka"sun

datun (apposition) are correct OA, but in later phases of

the language have caused the perception of nouns of species and genus as adjectives, which
explains phrases like MT1014v15 alk as al

sa gr al

dah the little silver cup vs. 1044.12 alk as

dah.
248
See Ters 1986:373376 and 399402. The interference of annexation in what should be
a qualifying syntagm is given away in examples in fem. by the insertion of the {+t} marker,
e.g., VA

habbat

huluwwah aniseed, lit. sweet grain, al

habbat alsawd a black cumin,

Z 1796 qa

hbat man

h us an accursed whore, Alc. 56.15 tarbiat ahde one chid (but next
in 56.17 tarba ahde), etc. There is also a residual number of syntactically aberrant cases
of doubtful attribution to the efect of the Rm. substract or of the continuation of pseudo-
corrections in old dialects without an article, as were probably those of the invaders of South
Arabian stock, e.g., absence of the expectable article in VA

had

t #ahd bi+ new at, ba#

d
ayy am some days, Alc. bd mirr sometimes, mlli min girh full of wounds, or its
anomalous presence in cases like MT 334v6 almawl an a our lord, 412.1 bili#tir afuh with
his acknowledgment. As for interruptions of annexationsyntagms, some are already charac-
teristic of the whole NA, e.g., cases with more than one head like MT 433.3 a

hw az wa+a#m al
madnat

tulay

tulah the districts and areas of Toledo city, presently considered acceptable
SAinsteadof the purists a

hw azumadnati

tulay

tulatawa+"a#m aluh a, while others are clearly

due tounskilledtranslationfromRm., e.g., MT184.4 gam# ay

danalni

sf the whole half also.

io svx+x
painted, instead of just al

hy

t almadhn the painted wall. This trans-

formation usually requires a nominalising marker, like a relative pronoun
(that in the example above); however, the Arabic relative al+la

d contains
the article and, because of the rule requiring agreement in the deniteness
or indeniteness of both consitituents of a qualifying syntagm, cannot be
used unless the antecedent, i.e., the head of the relative syntagm, is also
denite, e.g., in IQ 142/0/1 almil a

h alla

d g ar u the beautiful boys who

were unfair, and Alc. 53.22 al

kir alle

d amlt the good deed which you

had done. This means that in the case of indenite antecedents, the nom-
inalising marker must be in SA, e.g., alwaladu lla

d wa

sal the boy who

came, vs. waladun wa

sal a boy who came. Early NA, which has lost not
only the case endings, but most of the time also the morpheme of indenite-
ness {+n}, had kept this exceptionally and under the invariable old shape of
the accusative, i.e., {+an}, the so-called connective tanwn, as link between
an indenite substantive and the following qualier (see 3.1.1.1.1), and log-
ically did the same in the case of relative syntagms, which is reected by
early AA, e.g., in IQ 35/8/4 sukran qad bal a gratitude which is already
old, 51/5/1 ma

h asinan lis tu#d excellences that cannot be counted,

IA 62 yawman tib# any day you sell, MT 1080.7 sayyan yubt a# a thing
which can be bought.
3.1.1.1.3.1. However, AA at times infringes some of the SA rules for relative
syntagms, by a) oftensuppresing the pronounof reference tothe antecedent
(

damrun # a"id), e.g., IQ 18/7/4 alfat alla

d sammayt the youth you have

mentioned, and Alc. 50.35 a

dunb alle

dna amlt the sins you have com-

mitted, for sammayt+uh and amlt+a (see other cases in Colin & Lvi-
Provenal 1931:7); b) by allowing the use of prepositions in front of the rel-
ative pronoun, instead of doing that before the pronoun of reference at the
end of the phrase, e.g., Alc. 57.23 azit almubreq balle

d yudhnu almard
the holy oil with which the sick are anointed, for *yudhnu bh, and c)
occasionally using the relative pronoun with an indenite antecedent, e.g.,
Alc. 38.5

kob cemegu alla

d yat hai heavenly bread which gives life.

3.1.1.1.4. The Marginal Syntagm. Marginal syntagms are those introducedby a
prepositionfollowedby the substantive governedby it, most of the time pro-
viding the circumstancial or indirect complements characteristic of verbal
sentences, but at times serving also as extensions of a noun phrase, seman-
tically similar to a qualifying or relative phrase, e.g., alkitb #al lmyda the
book on the table = alkitb alla

d #al lmyda which is on the table. In AA

their treatment is the same as for those, which includes the use of connec-
tive tanwn in early days, e.g., IQ 42/0/1 wa

h sat+an biyya a sorrow which

+viis oi six+ixcis io
I have, 6/7/3 w a

hid+an minhum one among them. Of course, the same

function can be performed by an adverb, e.g., IQ 19/1/14

tawban raf# # ad
bidur guh

tar a high-quality garment still fresh in his drawer.

3.1.2. Subject, Predicate and Copula

A nominal sentence is obtained by combining two nominal phrases of any
of the aforementioned types, which will function as subject and predicate,
respectively. A copulative link, usually an independent pronoun, called
anaphoric, i.e., transitional, between both may be optional or even neces-
sary insome cases, for instance, whenboththe subject andthe predicate are
denite, e.g., AAalwald ala sqr hwa bnak the blond boy is your son, or
alwald ala sqr hwa alla

d wa

sl the blond boy is that who arrived, etc.

From the texts: IQ 1/7/3 an a hu an a I am I, vs. 7/12/4 #ul ak s a# f gayr
mu safa# your greatness intercedes evenfor those who have no advocates,
DC 5 rbbena hu mq our Lord is with thee, nte fe cemehut Thou art in
heavens, Alc. clli nirni v niranahmet matlobnevery Christian, man
or woman, is required , with some variants for semantic nuances, such as
negation (see 3.4.1), e.g., IQ6/2/4 allah lassan+hu g al God is not neglect-
ful, 6/7/3

dk lassan+hu ahn ak that one is not there, as well as changes

in word order for interrogation, emphasising, etc., e.g., IQ9/32/2 wahu

ha

t
qaw and lo, my handwriting is rm, 2/4/4 lassu

d a # ar #alayya this is
no shame on me, Alc. 40.17 ndaq hu muhf do you have a copy of the
Qur" an?, etc.

3.1.2.1. Nominal Sentences with Marginal Predicates

Nominal sentences witha marginal predicate being anadverbor introduced
with a preposition can generate in all kinds of Arabic a peculiar type of
sentence expressing existence, possession, capacity, right, obligation, etc.,
usually requiring verbs in other languages. AA is no exception to this, e.g.,
IQ 68/7/1 y a ba#ad las m a#i qu

sah I have no forelock anymore, 22/6/4

244
OA # ada to turn or come back was a verb which, since PS, had a strong tendency to
become an adverb, like in Hb. #od again and Arabic ba#du still (with agglutination of the
preposition bi+, whence the whole root {b#d}), and as such its descendant # ad survives in
some dialects of NA, among which AA.
24
There are also in AAsome appearances of the originally emphasising r, often followed
by pronominal suxes (= and lo = see me/you/him, etc.), e.g., IQ 54/2/2 r an saqfah bayn
idayh I am indeed like a shattered potsherd in his hands, 2/6/4 wara

d a fa

hi and this is
a trap for sure, Z 357 r an m a r an I am only what I am, 986 r ahi zubd butter is indeed,
not yet a simple copula marker, as in some Modern North African dialects, like Algerian and
Tunisian.
io6 svx+x

tamma allah there is God, Z 758

tamma asra# min albarq is there

something faster than lightning?, in which the adverb

tam(ma), acting as
a marginal, provides the predicate; cf. also with prepositions, IQ 6/7/1 ma#
an a ma# s uq I have a lover, 45/11/4 sir a

haw ayi g #alayya I must buy some

things, 137/9/1 a s #alayn a min

d ak how can that concern us?, MT 200.10

luh h a

d a alb ayi# this seller has , IQ 78/7/4 luh an yum ut he must

die, IA 465 man lu yas# yas# those who have to beg, let them beg,
DC 15 ado alled lhe tetacl the prayer which must be said, etc.

As
in other areas of NA, in the case of some interrogative adverbs, the subject
of a marginal predicate of this kind can exceptionally be a suxed pronoun,
e.g., IQ 12/3/3 ayna+kum where are you?, AC 205 ynu where he is.
3.2. vinni six+ixcis
Verbal sentences are integrated by a noun phrase as subject and a verbal
phrase as predicate, which may include only a nite verbal form

in agree-
ment with the subject, or be extended by a direct object and/or one or
more complements, indirect or circumstancial of the same kinds seenabove
for the marginal phrases usable as predicate of a nominal sentence, e.g.,
AA alwald ala sqr yakkl the blond boy eats, waldna yakkl our boy
eats, alwald alla

d ta#rfu yakkl the boy whom you know eats, alwald

fal grfa yakkl the boy in the room eats, alwald

tmma yakkl the boy

there eats, alwald yakkl tuf

ha the boy eats an apple, alwald yakkl

bytu the boy eats at home, alwald ya

hk+li q

sa the boy tells me a

story, etc.
3.2.1. Agreement
Agreement is the necessary coincidence in gender and number between
substantives and their qualifying adjectives, as well as between subjects and
their verbal predicates. In NA, agreement tends to be natural i.e., matching
equal genders and numbers with each others, in the characteristic manner
246
This last use of li-, as expression of an obligation, which in SArequires #al, is absolutely
characteristic of AA, probably generated by the Rm. substract (cf. Cs. tener que, Pt. ter que,
Ct. haver de).
24
Non-nite forms of the verb can only generate nominal phrases, even nominal predi-
cates, e.g., IQ 98/2/4 an a balqab a

t mu gr I love sleeveless garments, 86/17/1 zaw g

h ari g
ba#d al#i s a lalmaz ad my husbands uses to go out to the oratory after dusk, 7/0/1 alsalaf
mard ud every loan must be returned, etc.
vinni six+ixcis io
of modern European languages; however, in every dialect of NA, includ-
ing AA, there are many traces of the OA peculiar set of agreement rules,
heir to a primitive class system,

thereby irrational pls. are considered

fem. sgs., e.g., IQ 1/4/3 ruq aq

huluwwah sweet waes, 6/6/3 ala

hl aq
alsukkariyyah the sugary manners, 38/1/2 ti g a#w am years will come,
Alc. 38.16 elquelimt almucdece the blessed words, 318.14 mirr quicra
many times, DC 4 tlim neerana Christian tenets, vs. the natural
agreement in IQ 15/2/1 a

hl aqan

si# ab dicult tempers, 94/22/2 alkutub

al#i

z am the big books, 5/5/4 assa

h ab yus aq u the clouds are car-

ried, Alc. 33.11 axit yu

dcru things are mentioned, DC 16 alquellemt

al muqueddecn the blessed words, etc. Collective and dual substantives
alsohesitate betweenpl. andfem. sg. agreement, e.g., IQ20/0/2 a

tayr tiwal-
wal the birds chirp, Z 974 ra ga#at al ganam lald ar the herd returned
home vs. Z 362 albaqar yat

hammar u bal gazz arn the cows laugh at

the slaughtermen, IQ 56/10/3 #aynayn suhal blue eyes, 2/5/2 mar atayn
ra"awh two women saw him, vs. 73/1/2 q alat #aynayn two eyes
said, Z 904

hubzatayn takfn two loaves suce me, MT 78.2 alkarmayn

alma#l umah the two known vineyards.

3.2.2. Complements
The extensions of verbal predicates, direct objects and complements, indi-
rect or circumstancial, do not call in principle for special comments, as
they are nominal or marginal phrases with the same structures described
for the subjects and predicates of nominal sentences. However, AA shares
with some other NA dialects

the feature of introducing the direct object

248
See Brockelmann 1908 I: 404 and Corriente 1971:5564.
240
However, violations of any conceivable rule of agreement do happen frequently
because of an admixture of grammatical ignorance and desire to exhibit competence,
together with the inuence of either the Rm. substratum or the CA syntax. In which, for
instance, verbal predicates in front of pl. rational subjects remain in the sg., and are even
dispensedof gender agreement whenseparatedfromthose subjects by another word, as hap-
pens in IQ 17/13/4 ma

d #alayya sinn years have passed by me, 38/6/3 #umil+lak

dun ub
faults have beencommittedagainst you, 96/13/4 m a g abli#u s sah al

hu

t af what swallowes
bring to their nests, i.e., droppings (with a necessary correction to the mss. and all editions),
etc.
20
See Borg 1985:138, with allusions to Baghdadi and Ml., and cf. the Sy. Arabic idioms
of the type suftu lm

hammad I saw M., a doubly marked construction, parallel to kit abu

lm

hammad M.s book, reminiscent of Sr., but even OA has a peculiar usage of li+ for a
direct object which has become the second complement of a ma

sdar, e.g., qatluka li"ins anin

your killing of a man, i.e., that you kill a man, and for specications, e.g., q ala qtuli lk ara
lilmalik he said: kill the unbeliever, meaning the king, which might have been at the start
io8 svx+x
at times with the preposition li+, e.g., IQ 4/3/2 l a niwa

har liqi

sat I shall
not delay my story, 14/3/1 a stum liwild insult my father, 27/2/2 taqtul
liman yi

hibbak you kill those who love you, 28/5/4 ra" h ar ut li#aynayk
H. has seenyour eyes, DC14 tihueddblalled ya
-
ht youshall correct those
who are wrong, etc. However, most of the time this preposition introduces
indirect objects, which are enclitic when they are pronominal suxes, e.g.,
IQ 5/8/3 nuq ul+lak I tell you, 91/0/1 abdal+l

h alah change the situa-

tion for me, Alc. 33.12 nicllucumI tell you, 51.6 ameltilu you did to him,
51.25 ya

kteyleq it seems to you, Hv 99.11r arsalti-l you sent to me, 99r3

yaktub-lak he writes to you, etc.

Apeculiar variety of the indirect object

is the dativus commodi, focusing the hearers attention on the action, and
implying that he is particularly concerned with it, dicult to translate into
English, though common in Cs., e.g., in IQ 53/1/2 qabbaltu lak fal sufayf at
I kissed him in the lips, you see (Cs. te lo bes en los labios), and 133/4/4
rakab lak farasuh he rode his horse, you see (Cs. se te mont a caballo); at
times, this idiomis a surrogate of the possessive pronoun, e.g., 45/11/2 lald ar
ma

daytu lak I went to your house, 2/8/2 lak nird an naqabbal alban an
I want to kiss your ngers.
3.2.2.1
Among the diverse types of direct objects in AA, there are somewhat pecu-
liar cases like the paronomastic objects expressed with the ma

sdar of the
nite verb in the predicate and semantically emphasised (e.g., IQ 9/38/4
laqad raqamtuh raqam I have truly embroidered it, 73/3/2 yunqar lak
alb ab naqran mustaw your door is being knocked at continuously, and
105/1/1

taw an

tayy al-kit ab it has folded me like a book, all of them

apparent classicisms), and the reexive objects expressed with idioms
including r

h+ and nafs+, or its dialectal shape annass+, lit., spirit, per-

son, followed by personal suxes, e.g., IQ98/0/2 annass na
-

dlam I wrong
myself, Z 640 yarm ala gr af #al r u

hu he throws rocks on himself, 1302

yar r uhuh f ari

h he counts himself happy, 1229 alfu gl yah

dam nafsuh
of such constructions, certainly fostered by Aramaic and Hispanic substrata. As a matter of
fact neither OA nor Rm. languages, nor for that thing English, observe a strict distinction
between the logemes of dative and accusative, as shown by the OA option a#

t a+n = a#

t a l
he gave me, continued by AA, e.g., in IQ 24/7/1 #a

t a+h a+l he gave her to me, but 1/4/1

#a

t a+k he gave you, 38/32/1 wa#adka he promised you.

21
This enclisis, commoninNA, is givenaway by spelling without separating spaces. There
are also clear cases of confusion of the functions of accusative and dative, like IQ 27/6/4
karam

d ak al"an amil kasab+ka

d a

tunay the generosity of those ngers has gained you

this little praise, and AC 1006 yaksabak al

h a gah he gets you a jewel.

vinni six+ixcis ioq
radishes digest themselves, Alc. 11 almallemyehb rhu the teacher loves
himself, pl. almaalemn yahbbu arguhum.
3.2.2.2
As for circumstancial complements, other than direct or indirect and mar-
ginal phrases, special mention is due to the cases called in CA grammar
tamyz and

h al, i.e., specications and circumstances, which were in OA

indenite nouns with accusative markers, allowing their immediate recog-
nition as extensions of the verbal predicate, or even equivalents of a mar-
ginal phrase in any position. Upon the decay of case markers,

these com-
plements lost that markedness, but remained analytically identiable by
their position and function in the sentence, e.g., IQ 17/1/4 bitt an a #ar us
I spent the night like a bridegroom, 4/4/6 g #ury an come naked, 7/1/1
dawlat al

hirm antatimm

dar urah the days of misery will endby necessity,

7/12/3 gt ilaykq a

sidantan
-

dur li

h al I have come toyouwithintent tohave

you consider my situation, 38/39/2 k an

sa

hbuh sinn he was his compan-

ion for years, IA 276 yabt u allayl mu#annaqn they spend the night in an
embrace, Alc. 34.36 le tahlf hni c do not swear falsely, etc. The same
result can obtain with the circumstancial w awu h al, e.g., IQ 44/2/4 kittar
al gazra walbal a fh a ma

sb ub, you would see disaster spread all over the

Peninsula. At times, such expresions might be lexicalised, as in the case of

hrma on account of, for the sake of, which has become a mere preposi-
tional idiom, e.g., Z 490 hadamal

hay

hurmah f

tna he knocked the wall

down for one g.
3.2.3. Word Order
Word order: Arabic, NA and AA roughly coincide in using the same kind of
lineal syntax, characteristic of ModernRm. languages, inwhichdeterminers
follow their determinata, i.e., subjects precede predicates, nominal or ver-
bal, and all kinds of qualiers and complements follow the items semanti-
cally extended by them, as has been seen in the previous sections. However,
22
But for some high register incrustations, like Alc. 41.18 halft cylen izm allh did
you swear saying by God?, or 50.89 cilen li guahid min al

kar carrying gossip from

one to another, about which he says in p. 25: Hallamos enel Arauia comun (avn que pocas
vezes) el gerundio segundo Exemplo dezimos por encender neuqud, el gerundio dize
uquiden, et asi delos otros semejantes, ut mxien, rquiden: his mistake in the very rst
example, which shoud be *mquiden burning, as this verb is a IV measure, gives away that
he is merely repeating a poorly learned lesson from his informants about a feature alien to
the spoken dialect; see SK 8586.
iio svx+x
there is a certain measure of freedom in word order, bigger in AA than in
SA, for the purpose of emphasising some words or phrases of the sentence
by advancing them with respect to their expectable position, e.g., IQ 1/7/1
alsi

hr nuq ul I say magic, 1/0/1 wali

hawf annu sbah nabk and I cry for

fear of the net, 18/2/4 m a sq min as

tu man ya

hri g alzayt poor the one

who has to pay for the oil (lit. to extract the oil from his arse)!, Alc. 42.17
harm hu it is forbidden, 267.29 albrd hu it is cold, .31 alhrr hu it
is hot, Z 1058 zaw g ummak nuk un I am your mothers husband, Z 991
ra

s kasr al

h abyah bi#aqr alf ar breaking the jar is a cheap price for killing
the mouse, etc. At times, these anacolutha, i.e., constructions violating the
logical order, are mended with pronominal suxes of the 3rd person, as in
CA, e.g., IQ 3/4/4 al#i sqi walmawt alsawmf+h a saw a the price is the same
for loving and dying, 5/4/4 #ay suh

t ab man qabbal ni

t aq+u he lives well

who kisses his belt.
3.2.4. Modiers of Predication
Modiers of predication: predicates, both nominal and verbal can acquire
additional connotations of subjective or objective time, certainty, possibil-
ity, inchoation, etc., by means of the insertion of auxiliary particles and
verbs apt to make up for the dearth of Arabic verbal inexions.
3.2.4.1
OA used to prex the marker qad before the perfective and imperfective
paradigms in order to enhance their aspectual values, while the prex sa+
or sawfa gave the imperfective a connotation of future. This latter value is
approximately preservedinAA, e.g., IQ19/2/4sa+nuqullak I shall tell you,
18/3/1 et passim sa+tar you will see, Z 13 sawf tadr you will know,
PES 46/1/2 sa+yalq he will nd, 79/2/2 sa+ta

hy a you will live, and

NQ 84 sawf tar you will see.

As for qad, however, it has become a

positive emphasising marker of both perfective and imperfective, as well
28
This item is otherwise witnessed only in Ml. (e.g., sa i gi Malta he will come to Malta);
however, some scholars derive this shape froma synonymous sejjer (<Arabic s a"ir going to),
and the fact that its AA match is sometimes spelled as s a (e.g., in IQ 31/9/1 s a+tat#a g gab
you will be amazed, 84/4/4 s a+nuqullak I shall tell you, and 137/3/4 s a+ti gkum it will
come to you) might suggest that this item would not be a survival of OA sa+, but the result
of ass a#a(ta) now, through decay of the nal /a/, metanalyzed as a case marker, and of /#/
after 1.2.25.2. This possibility is reinforced by the relative frequency of als a now in IQ (see
Corriente 1993a: 80) and parallels in other areas of NA, some as conspicuous as Egyptian lissa
still < il ss a#a(ti) until this moment.
vinni six+ixcis iii
as of nominal predicates, often even reinforced with a prexed la+, an
obvious classicism, e.g., Z1928 qad

s ar

hall it has become vinegar already,

IQ 2/10/1 qad tamamt azzu gayyal I have nished the za gal already, but
also, in front of imperfectives and nominal predicates, without implying
any doubt or restriction, e.g., in 105/7/3 qad tadr att you certainly know,
21/14/4 laqad ni

h af al#iq ab I am much afraid of the watchdog, 41/8/2 qad

m a#ak manta"ammal youalready have someone to hope, 9/3/3 laqadan a
ma
-

dl um I am indeed wronged, and 37/0/1 qad kin+nifq I would indeed

recover.
3.2.4.2
As for auxiliary verbs, of which OA possessed a wide array expressing tem-
poral nuances of being and becoming,

inchoation and possibility, it is a

common feature of NAto have forsaken most of them, using simple adverbs
instead, and AA is no exception to this general development. Only k ana to
be, to a lesser extent

s ara to become, bada"a = ibtada"a to begin and a

few other items have reexes recurrently used in AA.
3.2.4.2.1. Inected k ana retained the already OA function of marking past
and future of nominal predicates, e.g., IQ 51/3/1 kunn a ty an we were
young, 50/2/3 kin+nuk un gul amak I would be your slave, Alc. 44.3 cunt
lehummazlt were you disobedient to them?, and 40.22 jid yucn he will
be good. As for inected or uninected k/n, there are some examples
continuing the SA usage of having it precede the imperfective in order
to express the imperfect, i.e., durative or iterative past, e.g., Alc. 42.6 nte
cunt tedr nne quin yahlf fal btil and you were aware that he was
perjuring, IQ94/10/2 kin+nabtala#h a kib ar I used to swallowlarge glasses
(of wine), and 104/1/3 kit+tuqull you were telling me, but in most cases
it has become the usual marker of eventual, even subjunctive predication,
e.g., IQ 9/29/1 kin+nuz urak wa-innam a

tam #ilal I would visit you, but

there are reasons (preventing it), 41/3/4 balqatli kin+nuhaddad I was
being threatened with killing, 75/5/3 na stah kin+nar ak I wish I could
see you, Z 65 a s kit+ta#mal law kunt sul

t an what would you do, if you

were a sultan?, Alc. 46.19 arcit ahde nne qui icn cagud did you make
24
Among which a set of verbs precising the time of the day in which actions are per-
formed or situations occur, e.g., a

sba

ha =/ a

h =/
-

dalla =/ ams =/ b ata mar

dan he was ill at

dawn =/ noon =/ in the early afternoon =/ at sunset =/ night. Some Rm. scholars thought that
this scheme would have been imitated by Cs. amanecer and anochecer in a semantic calque;
however, the absence of parallels in AA proves that hypothesis wrong (see Corriente 2008:
lvvviii).
iia svx+x
anybody become a pimp?, 54.24 eqult mirr hat qui atcayit did you eat
sometimes till you threwup?, 58.34 fayde qui tixequq xi and if you have
doubts about something, and Ax 63.14

hatt kin+num ut until I die. For

some not altogether clear reason, this idiom has occasionally acquired the
meaning of a present tense, e.g., IQ 72/15/2

dahab kin+nird I want gold,

and 88/26/1 kin+nas"al allah an yubqk I pray God to lengthen you life.

3.2.4.2.2. The same k/n preceding the perfective in order to express the
pluperfect, as in SA, appears to have some examples in AA, e.g., in IQ 13/5/1
las k an daraytuh I had not known it, 87/5/1 k an akrayt duwayra I
had rented a little house, inected in 88/6/12 ay kunt sama#tu qultu
when I had heard it I said, IZ, e.g., 2/1/1 ka+star a

h he has rested,
8/6/4 ka+ s#al u it has set it are,11/4/1 alqul ub qad kin qasa

hat hearts
had become hardened, and 11/4/2 almas akin ka+fta

da

hat the homes had

been violated; however, in Z 960

db kin atnabbahat gaddat (only) now

my grandmother has remembered, the nuance is merely of perfect.
3.2.4.2.3. Other auxiliary verbs are used as in SA, generally followed by
imperfectives, preceded or not with an, or by predicatives or marginal
phrases, e.g., NG 66

s ar yaskun ka

d a fh kull a

had so each one came

to dwell there, IQ 94/3/2

sr u

hull a" become drunkards!, 38/15/1

s arat
almi

hnah m a#uh mishap became his companion, 13/7/2 kin+ nird tar ga#
taktub I would like that you start writing, 71/1/1 ya

ht a g alins an yar ga#

hal# one has tobecome a drunkard, 15/9/4las nardnuq ul I donot want

to say, 73/3/3 las naqdar nasma# buk ah I cannot sufer hearing him cry,
119/4/2 las na#

t an yartafad I do not allow him to rest; IQ 7/3/3 badayt

an nuq ul I began to say, vs. 82/7/3 nabtad namla

h I begin my toilet
2
The same idiom is characteristic of Mo., but with a variety of dialectal alternatives
to ka+, like ta+, la+, etc. (see Heath 2002:209211), requiring more than one hypothesis. To
our extense comments on this issue in our review of that book, Corriente 2003:154156, we
could now add, rst that, as far as the etymological origin is concerned, the peculiar status
of marked 1st and 2nd persons vs. unmarked 3rd persons in the Semitic verb (about which,
see Fleisch 1979:20), favours the generalization of their innovations to the 3rd persons, and
second that, since mutual borrowing betweenAAand Mo. onthis point canbe ruled out and,
in both instances, we seem to be in front of a common evolution from the durative nuance
to the present tense. Therefore, it might be wise to look for the functional explanation of this
phenomenon in the Br. substratumof both dialect bundles, as it is characteristic of the latter
the inclusion of the present tense among the functions of the forme dhabitude ou duratif
(see Laoust 1939:141: une forme dhabitude peut toujours exprimer une ide de frquence,
dintensit ou dactualit (italicized by us) dans laction ou ltat). This hypothesis tallies
well with the absence of this feature in other North African dialects (in Algeria, Tunisia and
Lybia) in which the Br. impact is reputedly less strong.
cooniix+iox xi sinoniix+iox ii
and 1/1/3 nabtadk na#mal nik ayah I begin to hurt you; PES 43/4/2 a g#al
li#aynayyaannar ak let my eyes see you, IQ7/13/1 ga#alkallahtar an God
made you see me, 38/1/3 ga#alhumsal a

tn he made themsultans, 133/0/1

man da# an nafn an a #umr who induced me to waste my life?, 126/3/2
a#mal an tabdalh a endeavour to change it; 42/5/1 q amat ti gann she
started singing; 24/7/3 wa s #as nuq ul and what could I say?, 74/8/1 m a
#as an tird what may you want?, IZ 4/4/3 m a #as nuq ul what could I
say?, AC 1475 #as i s nuq ul u lest we say, 1640 #as an yif uz in case he
succeeds.

3.3. Cooniix+iox xi sinoniix+iox

Coordination (= parataxis) and subordination (= hypotaxis) of sentences
occur when a sequence of them, usually only two, are linked by markers
implying equal rank (compound sentences, e.g., AA g wa gals he came
in and sat down), or the ancillary condition of one to another (complex
sentences, e.g., AA g ba s ya

tb he came in order to make a speech).

3.3.1. Compound Sentences
Compound sentences may be copulative, disjunctive or adversative, de-
pending on whether the relation between them is one of addition, option
or contrast.

3.3.1.1. Copulative Sentences

Copulative sentences are most of the time marked with the ubiquitous
wa+,

e.g., IQ 1/9/2 raja# kull a

had faras wa+

ham

ham everybody has

26
Uninected auxiliary verbs tend naturally to be felt as adverbs; as for the peculiar
semantic evolution of #as, see 3.4.3.1.
2
Markers of all kinds of compound sentences may also be used to link the nominal
constituents of noun phrases, e.g., AAalwald walbnt da

hlu the boy and the girl came in,

qaryt kitb awzw g I read a book or two, etc.; however, these cases could also be analyzed
as result of the deletion in deep structure of every repeated item in the entire sentences the
boy came in and the girl came in, I read a book or I read two, etc.
28
However, attention should be paid to the fact the this item was multifunctional in OA,
and has kept in AA functions other than the copulative one, above all in higher registers,
as marker of oaths (see 2.3.4.2), marker of circumstancial phrases (w awu

h al, see 3.2.2.2),

of proximity (w awun ma#iyyah), e.g., NQ 89 man hu ma gduh wassuh a, whose glory is as
high as the star A., and even exclamative, as will be expounded in 3.4.3, not to speak of its
expletive intrusioninthe idioms ink anwa+ (e.g., Ax 65.3 ink anwa+antatird if you want),
i

d wa+ (e.g., MT 900.18 i

d wa+k anat marh unah biyadh a since it was pawned by her), mu

d
wa+ (e.g., MT 960v11 mu

d +wa+ g abat as she was absent), etc.

ii svx+x
become a horse and neighs, while fa+, with its peculiar ordering and con-
secutive nuance, as most often in NA, appear to have shifted to higher reg-
isters, e.g., IQ 1/1/12 a saqtu fa+q all I loved him and he said to me,
5/7/34 l a tun aq f+al gur ab qutil binif aqu do not play the hypocrit, for
the crow was killed because of his hypocrisy, PES 32/1/3 nan
-

dur lala sy a
fa+nar lu

tfak I look into things and see your benevolence, Alc. 34.2627
le tahlf fa ale

d yahlf do not swear for those who swear . This is

even more obvious in the case of OA

tmma and then, which makes only

rare appearances, like IQ 6/5/23 yur u g lak alma

d ul wa

tumma ya

hak
the rascal eludes you and then laughs, and 9/0/1 ba#di m a q all ah a

tumm a nadam after having said yes to me, then he repented, while

hatt
retains a more vernacular status, e.g., 7/10/12 mahhad alisl am

hatt q am
addn #al s aq he paved the way for Islam until religion was rmly
established.
3.3.1.2. Disjunctive Sentences
Disjunctive sentences are usually and rather conservatively marked with
aw, e.g., IQ 7/4/1 a s ta#mal aw ay

hlah m a#ak what can you do or which

ruse do you have?, at times by mma (wa)mma/aw either or, e.g.,
Z 246 imm a yuqarrab al

himl wa+imm a yuqarrab al gaml either the load

is brought closer or the camel is, IQ 70/6/34 imm a kal amuh gawhar ya

sr
awal gaw ahir ta

sr kal am either his words become pearls or these become

words.

There are some cases inwhich, disjunctionmay be expressedwith

wa+, e.g., IQ 84/6/2 gur wa-an

sif be unfair or be fair.

3.3.1.3. Adversative Sentences
The adversative sentences, as in all kinds of Arabic, are marked mostly with
(wa)lkin, e.g., IQ 28/3/3 almu#assal a#l alalw an wal akin lass aqah yurfa#
the honey sweetmeat is the best dish, but is reserved for the end,

Alc.
32.2 le tot

klna a tajrib lquin negne min a xarr do not let us succomb to

20
There are hints at the development of twoother disjunctive markers inAlc., 433.12 amd
amid one or another, heretofore a hapax, from OA am, and 53.1327, 54.78 and 57.6
14 cu or, clearly used as a conjunction, backformed on SA saw a" the same thing, as if
dropping a nal tanwn in pause, which appears also in IQ, but not yet functionalised, e.g.,
24/7/3 saw a hu qultu say awkuntu s akit it was the same whether I said something or stood
silent, and 43/3/3 saw a yuq al aw yu#amm whether it is said or hushed up. This item
retains its original meaning in Mo., e.g., swa ja swa m a ja it is the same whether he comes or
not (Premare 1995:247); a similar item, derived from OA siw except, has evolved in Ml. to
the meaning of just, e.g., sewwa/sew
-
hames sinin just ve years (Aquilina 1990:1301).
260
However, the nal vocalisation of this item in IQ 31/11/3, lakinna mad

ha

h atim #ind
ar ga

h but praising H. is preferable to me, appears to be a classicismrequired by the metre.

cooniix+iox xi sinoniix+iox ii
temptations, but save us from evil; occasionally with ill, e.g., HH 209 an a
nat ub #an al sar ab ill a i

d a s ab al gur ab I shall repent fromdrinking, but only

by the time crows grow grey hair, and with the classicising innam, rather
frequent in IQ, e.g., 24/1/3 innam a nird raqqah but I want a ne one,
67/11/1 las yur biyadduh mi

tq al innam a y a minnuh yunfaq no gold piece

is seen in his hand, but being already given away. An AA innovation in this
realm is na#am (wa), which makes a shy appearance in IQ 51/4/4 ya

sr l
m a

s ar na#am wa+nandama g I have the qualities I have, but I let myself

be pushed around?, but is more often and clearly used as an adversative
marker in Alc. 37.24 al guad me yeqdr yagcl gir al codra mta gecd
nmal confessar ynaqu al cadyer alle

d hmet fal calbablutions cannot

clean but the lth of the body, but confession cleanses the lth which is at
the heart, 38.25 me teqdr tehmu ucl al ibd namyegb tazdcu human
minds cannot understand it, but it must be believed, 39.23 mt ba roh
nm ale

di hu ya

kd h

de al curbn al mucdde yedrq al hayt a dyma

he died in spirit, but whoever takes this holy host shall attain eternal life,
and43.23 gugibalqntezuja, namteqdr tat

kl fal monesterio youmust

marry her, but you can (instead) enter a monastery.

3.3.2. Complex Sentences

Complex sentences are characterised by the substitution of subordinate
sentence for either the subject or any complement, direct, indirect or cir-
cumstancial. That subordination is a transformation, usually marked by an
appropriate conjunction, introducing the semantic notions of nominalisa-
tion, cause, aim, manner, time and conditions.
3.3.2.1. Nominalised Sentences
The commonest nominaliser in AA continues to be SA an(na) which, how-
ever, is not subject to the CA taxemic rules and is not functionaly distin-
guished frominna, e.g., 2/8/2 nird an naqabbal alban an I want to kiss the
261
Blau 1980:198 quotes some Judaeo-Arabic instances of this idiom, which in SA means
certainly, plus the fact that, in the intermediate nuance of even, namely, na#m waya" ul
bih al ga

dab il alkufr billah wrath even induced him to blaspheme God, na#am wa

hatt

hadamhum k an u yaham un even their servants understood, wam a a

hsan a

samt na#am
walil#ulam a ay

dan and howexcellent silence is, even for learned men also!, and tawbatuh
maqb ulah na#am walaw taraddad daf # at #iddah his repentance is accepted, even if he had
hesitated several times. As for the strange exceptive ae of DC 9, a hugib but in case
of need, and 10 le tanjama a ma amrtaq, hule al mar a maa zujeh you shall not
copulate but with your wife, and the woman but with her husband, it looks like an evolution
of OA siyy equal (through idioms such as l a siyyam a especially), having become sayy in
agreement with Philippis law (see 2.1.2.2).
ii6 svx+x
ngers (object), 3/2/2 na g#al al

h asid an ya

hsadu I shall make the envi-

ous envy him (second object transformed from a predicate), 7/3/1

tal #al
qalb an na

sbar li

dulluh I have had enough of sufering his humiliations

(subject), 9/1/2

halaf anna lam yuqull ka

d ak he swore that he had not

told me so (object), Alc. 39.21 nargbu yne yatna we pray that he will
give us (object), 41.15 cunt nte cebb enne mt ahd were you the cause
of someones death? (nominal complement of predicate), and 43.2 gugib
alq n tezuja you must marry her (subject of a nominal predicate), Hv
99r20

dk al s #an inna an qa

ta#tilak kam ta

t that matter, namely, that

I set for you how much you would pay; in combination with the negative
it becomes all, e.g., IQ 9/37/12 nird all a numna# I would not like being
denied entrance, and 19/11/34 a

hbas l

d a lbi

t aqa rahan all a nans hold

this slipof paper fromme, as a pledge that I shall not forget. Other times, we
come across the frequent m a of NA, instead of CA an, e.g., IQ 9 /0/1 ba#ad
m a q al ah a after he said yes, 60/7/2 min a gli m a hu karm because he
is generous, Z 1861 abat m a tud ur she refused to turn, MT 378v1 lisabab
m a tawaf ba#d waf at w aliduh because he died after his fathers decease.
At times, the expected nominaliser has been deleted, e.g., IQ 2/0/2 las
na g garr a nisammh I dare not mention him, Z 705 tird tar you want
to see, Alc. 33.2 tehtju tedr you need to know, and 52.26 cunt nte cdir
tig cu you could save him. As for nominalisation by use of the ma

sdar,
above all in the derived measures of the verb, it does not appear to have
belonged to the vernacular (see 2.2.2.5.2), but it happens occasionally in
high register, e.g., IQ 7/4/3 qad

h an inqi

t a#ak the time of your departure

has arrived, 7/6/2

t ab lak gul us my inaction pleases you, Alc. 32.27 fa

telhi al a ni by scong people, 36.2627 le ya

kb xi min itih he shall

hide nothing for shame, DC 15 clah dun etifecdu say it without alter-
ation.
3.3.2.2. Causal Sentences
As for causal subordination, and besides the classicising li"anna, fa"inna,
lamm a and i

d, e.g., IQ 4/5/3 li"anna fh

ha

slatayn because he has two

qualities, 6/2/4 fa"inna allah lassanhu g al because God is not neglect-
ful, 38/24/1 lamm a k an mu

hibbi fk as he loved you, 18/1/1 i

d qad kaf an
all ah

sud a#uh since God had spared me its headache, the most vernacular
markers are kam (nna), e.g., IQ 88/2/3 sd ma s g ul kam a

tala# lalruq ad
my master is busy, because he went up to sleep, PES 72/3/2 kam a lis

tamma in

s al since there is no separation, Ax 17 kam a lam yi

habbar uh
because they did not inform him, and DC 20 camnna cathr alna rrh-
mato because he has multiplied his mercy on us, nna, e.g., IQ 96/14/2
cooniix+iox xi sinoniix+iox ii
anna # ad lam yum ut aban quzm an because I.Q. is not yet dead, HH 18
anna lis l f al#ay s ma

tma# because I have no desire to live, and the

particular #alyad

daanna inAlc. 53.46 admanit al inticmaliedid enne

amelleqxi didyoudesire revenge because he didsomething toyou?,
and #amm in MT, e.g., 1066.7 #amm a al

taman almundafa# k an m al "bnh a

as the paid price was her sons money.
3.3.2.3. Final Sentences
Final subordination, i.e., the expressionof anactionas anaimto be reached,
is marked in AA in manifold ways, like the characteristic b a s of Western
Arabic, e.g., IQ78/12/4 rabb gan a

h ba s yi

tr he grewwinds to y, 105/9/2
na

tlub sa#r ba s nimr alfaras I look for barley to feed the horse, Z 422
ba s ti

hibbu so that you love him, PES 96/0/1 hab+l

hullah ba s nalq ak
naqiyyah give me a clean gown to go to your encounter, Alc. 47.1213
bex taharzu so that you would keep it, 47.17 bex talb so that you
would gamble, with the variants f s, e.g., IA 524 f a s yatmatta# in order
to have a good time, and (ya) s, e.g., Hv 99r4 ya s yan#a

t an sil a

h so
that I am given weapons,

HB 363 f s yab gu

d al

hamr so that he hates

wine, inadditiontocharacteristically AA

hqqat, e.g., IQ133/3/5 f

haqqat
an yuq al li

d a #anbar so that it be called amber-like, Alc. 32.20 hcat

nucnu muztahiqun so that we become worthy , 46.9 hcat yehbaq
so that he loves you, 44.18 hacat qui yeqdr yaqtl ahde so he could
kill someone,

an, e.g., IQ 88/1/1 q amat al

h adim an tar man k an the

maid went to see who it was, Z 711 gn a an na#mal u

ha

s a we came to
do a castration, PES 56/6/4 ma

dayt an naz uruh I went to visit him,

kam, e.g., Alc. 13.13 queme yudcru so that they are remembered, and the
matching negative kam+i s, Alc. 361.34 quemx in order not to, qibl, e.g.,
Alc 36.1415 quibl yeqdr yconfesrhum so that he can confess them. We
come also across

hatt and la#l(la) in IQ, probable classicisms, e.g., 7/16/1

2

hul bayn wabaynu

hatt l a nalq ah stand between us, so that I do not

262
This peculiar ya s, with other witnesses in MI 201, always in Valencian documents,
suggest an evolution of *f+a s, parallel to bi+a s > b a s and f+a s.
268
Standard in Alc. and often followed by the eventual marker ki(n).
264
This nal an and any other conjunction is often deleted after verbs of movement, e.g.,
IQ7/2/2 ma

dqird quddam yatqazzal my badluck went away limping infront of me, Alc.
32.10 yeg yahcm he will come to judge, IA 353 g ya#mal

hasanah he came to do a good

action, as reported for CA by Fleisch 1979:190, following the trend in SA of treating them as
inchoative verbs optionally needing no conjunction in front of the modied main verb, e.g.,
IQ 26/3/3 tabtad tirafraf you begin to utter and, with a connecting pronominal sux,
and 31/3/3 abtad an ya

hak minn he began to laugh at me.

ii8 svx+x
meet him, 128/4/ 145/9/3 #annaqn la#al nastar

h hug me, so I can have

some rest, whichis certaininthe case of the armative andnegative li(all a)
in, eg., 20/24/2 in k a

n gt litas"al if you have come to ask, 79/4/4 li"all a

nu gaddar so that I am not betrayed.
3.3.2.4. Modal Sentences
Modal subordination in AA is marked with kyf(ma), often pronounced kf,
e.g., IQ30/6/3 ya

sr kifm a

s ar it becomes like he did, 30/3/4 ti

sban kifm a
na stah anti

sb youwill ndme as I wishit, Alc. 38.28 quif yaml h

de al
curbn al mucdde as he does in this holy host, typically Western Arabic
bi

h al,

e.g., IQ93/1/4 bi

h al i

d ab atat f

sahr g as if they hadspent the night

in a pond, 145/1/4 bi

h a

l an yird an yiml as if it was going to decline,

or kam , e.g., IQ 18/4/2 kam a a

hadt l a budd an ni

hall the way I took, I

must let go, 19/10/1 kam a lamyukun l m a na#mal as I had nothing else to
do, Ax 15.21 kam a an k an fawq al gabl as he was atop the mountain, or
even the classicising ka(an) and mi

tl, e.g., IQ 6/4/3 ka"annu m a k an as if it

had not been so, 9/15/2 mi

tli m a qultu fk as I told about you. In addition

to this, as in any kind of Arabic, AA makes extensive use of circumstancial
phrases introduced with wa+ (w awu

h al) or in simple juxtaposition, e.g.,

IQ 7/15/3 ka

d a nu
-

dlam wan a bayn alisl am am I wronged like this, being

among Muslims?, 5/8/34 fumm d un lu# ab qad gaf bu

s aqu my mouth is
without saliva, its water driedup; the same efect may, at times, be obtained
with the juxtaposition of a peculiar idiomwith a circumstancial imperative,
e.g., IQ141/1/1 bitn a f ri

d aqabbal aw #annaq we spent the night pleasantly,

kissing or embracing.
3.3.2.5. Temporal Sentences
The markers of temporal subordination in AA are manifold, often the same
as in SA and NA, namely, lmma, e.g., IQ 11/8/34 lamm a gt ilayk when
I came to you, 76/1/1 yu g ur lamm a yirduh he is unjust when he wants
to, mat (ma), e.g., IQ 20/24/3 mat m a q al tadr annu yaf #al when he
says something, you know that he will do it, Urz 341 mat m a yak un
alkitt an walqannam ma

tb u

h when ax and hemp are ripe, Cen. 346.16

lahum man#

d alik mat

habb u they can forbid that, whenever they want

to,

hn, e.g., IQ 119/4/1

hn na

taba

h when I drink at dawn, Alc. 55.7

hin azvxt ma amrtaq when you married your wife, and 57.18 hin nte
tamrd when you get ill, EV 2

hna knt abad mal

ha as you were always

26
Cf. North African b

h al and Ml. b
-
hal, unknown in Eastern Arabic.
cooniix+iox xi sinoniix+iox iiq
beautiful,

hatt, e.g., Z858

hattyi g manm at whenthe deadcome back,

DC 15 hat te
-
hd al me when you take the holy water.

3.3.2.5.1. More vernacular are kama, ay(n), wqt an and s#at an, e.g., IQ7/3/3
kam a raytuh badayt an nuqulluh when I saw him, I began to tell him,
88/6/1 ay kunt sama#tu h a

d a alkal am when I heard these words, 13/5/3

waqtan ra"aytuh when I saw him, and 115/3/3 s a#atan ta

tla# f sarrak
when you get up in your bed.
3.3.2.5.2. Some temporal markers include additional nuances, like iteration.
e.g., kllima every time, in IQ 20/11/3 kullim a si

hn a ak

tar

sirn a

siby an
the older we grow, the more childish we become, duration, e.g.,

tl ma, in
IQ17/0/2

t ul m anuk unbi g ahak las na stak bib us as long as I amunder your

aegis, I shall not sufer misery, the classicising conjugatedma(dm) while,
e.g., IQ 17/0/2 m a dumtu

hay as long as I am alive, 18/1/2 m a

hayayt las
na

hla

th a m a#uh as long as I live, I shall not mix with him, Z 667 ma kabur

d aq as

tuh the older he grows, the thinner becomes his behind; vernacular
baydm while, e.g., IA 315 bayd am altamaq

husay alr am u

hi

d al

hi

sn by
the time the bowmanH. hadput his boots on, the fortress hadbeentaken,

immediacy, like (innama) h ma as soon as, e.g., IQ 13/5/2 h u m a fata

ht
alb ab as soon as I opened the door, 90/11/1 innam a h u m a raytu

d ak
ass aq as soon as I sawthat leg, qabl an/i

d before, e.g., IQ34/0/2 qabl an

ya

dallan before he humiliates me, Alc. 43.2324

karjt acbl yantalqa

aldidyougoout before the prayer ended?,

previousness, e.g., IQ19/6/2

266
But this marker usually means until, e.g., IQ 6/4/2

hatt tuq ul until you say, 11/2/4

hatt tad

hul sufat alk as bayn sufatayya until the rim of the glass enters between my
lips, even in cases like Z 604 bi

h al gawz m a y ukal

hatt yuksar like nuts that cannot be

eaten until cracked, 669 bi

h al silb a

h m a yam ut

hatt yu

dba

h like eels that do not die until

they are slain, which in OA syntax tend to be understood as as soon as they are eaten, they
crack, like eels that as soon as they die, are slain, etc. But even in AA it can also mean
unless, without, e.g., in Alc. 34.35 me yeqdr ahde yaqt amr guhid hatt yaqt jam
al agumir one cannot infringe one commandment without infringing them all.
26
This curious item, obviously from OA bayda (m a) and not so current that lexicogra-
phers would not have doubts about its true meaning (because or although?), appears
nevertheless to have survived well in AA, with witnesses in IA, VA(bayd am and mind am),
Z, AC and Alc. (with the variants beindm and beidemn, e.g., beidemn narc a gecd while
we place the body), but it has been semantically attracted by baynam a. It is still used in Naf.
dialects, like Mo. bdma en attendant que (Premare 1993 I: 367); see Corriente 1989c: 443,
fn. 115, about its etymon (bi+yadi+m a) and history.
268
This curious variant, also witnessed in VA aqabal, AC and IW, is not etymologically
transparent; it could have derived from *#an qabl, with decay of /#/ (see 1.2.25.2) and assimi-
lation of /n/ (see 1.2.9.2).
iao svx+x
qabl i

d rayt al

haw

hah before you look at the peach, b#di ma after,

posteriority, e.g., IQ 16/1/3 ba#di m a k an a s sar ab maw g ud after being the
wine there, inchoativeness, e.g., mu

d and mimma since, in IQ53/7/1 mu

d
#a saqt almi

tq al since I fell in love with gold pieces, and 15/0/1 mimm a

saddan las yisallam since he shunned me, he does not greet (me). As for
time-tied conditions, i.e., when, if, see the next paragraph.
3.3.2.6. Conditional Sentences
Conditional subordination, i.e., the expression of a circumstance (protasis)
which must obtainprior to the completionof the mainsentence (apodosis),
is a complex issue in Arabic grammar which involves logemes of time,
aspect and mood, pushing the scarce morphological verbal resources of this
language to the limit. Its solution has been found in the use of an array
of diverse markers, i.e., conjunctions expressing the diferent situations,
depending on whether the condition is envisaged as probable, or at least
possibly fullled in a near future (e.g., SA i

d a a sraqati s samsu tanazzahn a

if the sun shines, we shall go for a stroll, in Arabic considered identical
with when the sun shines, we shall go for a stroll), or is a matter of
serious doubt (e.g., SA in a sraqati s samsu tanazzahn a if the sun would
shine, we would go for a stroll) or, nally, the fulllment of the condition
has become impossible as its allowed time has elapsed (SA law a sraqati
s samsu la+tanazzahn a if the sun had shone, we would have gone for a
stroll). As can be expected from a language with a verbal aspect system,
the nite verbal predicates in both protasis and apodosis must, in principle,
be perfective, since only the completeness of the former allows completion
of the latter and, once that happens, the impending consequence is also
an unavoidable complete process.

The situation in AA has remained

basically unaltered, but for a perceptible trend to analyze i

d a as a mere
temporal marker, when, the frequent extension of in as in+k an (often >
ikk/n), and the development of an idiom for the expression of eventuality
by prexing ka/i(n) to the imperfective.
260
However, the trend towards the introduction of subjective tenses (see 2.2.2 and corre-
sponding fns.) has allowed the appearance in NA of imperfectives in apodosis (e.g., IQ 1/5/4
yat#a g gab i

d a ra" ah a he is amazed, if he sees them), even in protasis (a continuation of

OA jussives, e.g., PES 13/4/4 law nas uq lu alma#n lam ya

dq m a qultu if I brought the

concept to him, he would not understand what I said, IA 89 a s

h al t akul

s ayim tu sbi

h no
matter how much you eat, you wake up fasting) or, at least, the insertion of an idle auxil-
iary k an which, in the long run, has originated the characteristic eventual mood of AA (see
3.2.4.2.1). In the apodosis, of course, it is possible and common to nd nominal sentences,
imperatives, futures, optatives, etc.
cooniix+iox xi sinoniix+iox iai
3.3.2.6.1. The marker i

d a, expressing probable or possible conditions, is

found in sources of every period and area, e.g., with the classicising variants
i

d and i

d am a, in IQ9/1/4 las ni

saddaq mal

h i

d a q al na#am I do not believe

a beau when/if he says yes, 63/1/4 i

d a ma

talt ant man yan

sif i

dan if
you delay payment, who will pay, then?, 21/6/4 wamil a

h ya

d a i

d yaz ul
al

hi

d ab andbeautiful alsowhen/if the make-updisappears, 4/7/3 ya

dkur
alins a

n al say i

d am a a# gabuh man remember things, if /when they please

him, 93/9/34 i

d am a kunta wa

hdak waka

d ak las

tamma za g g alan yuq ul

d aaltis#aas

t ar if you are unique, so, neither is there any poet who would
compose these nine lines, Z7 i

d a s a

halb az la#abat buhal#a

s ar when the
falcon grows old, the birds mock him, 686 bi

h al ginn i

d a

habb qatal like a

jinnee, when/if he loves, he kills, PES 21/2/56 #annak yasqu

t altaklf i

d a lis
t u gad your obligations will cease, whenyou no longer exist, IA59 i

d atur
alakl aqrub wa-i

d a tur almaqra# ahrub when/if you are shown food, come

close, when a whip, run away, Hv 100v1112 i

d a yak un an narsal u when it

will be, I shall send it, Alc. 58.34 fayde qui tixequq xi and if you have
doubts about something , and 45.25 admanit tanjam m mar yd
qui tucn leq muda have you wished copulating with a woman if you had
a chance?.

3.3.2.6.2. The marker in, expressing hypothetical conditions, is not uncom-

mon in IQ, e.g., 2/0/1 in #ara

d lak sa+tadrh if he came into your sight,

you would know him, 6/1/3 in qulta luh a glas yuq um h u w aqif if you
said to him sit down, he would get up and stand, combined with negative
in 27/7/4 ill a ya

t ul #alayn a

dakarn a

d a al guzay if it was not too long for

us, we would mention this short part, also in IA 188 al

turuq alkib ar wa"in

t alat large roads (are better), even if they are longer, Z 969

duq in

t ab
lak wa"ill a abzuq taste it, if you like, and if not, spit, MT 51.7 wa"in #a gaz
faya

tw al#adad alma

dk ur min al

dahab and if he were unable, he should

pay double the amount in gold, PES 42/5/14 in
-

dahar sirruh tadr u b a s

an a math um when his secret is revealed you will known of what I am
accused. However, it is extended with an idle k an most of the time, which
provides a more universal conditional marker, above all in later periods,
e.g., IQ 122/3/4 in k an yum ut nusarri bi-kf anuh should he die, I would be
pleased with his shrouding, 130/0/1 in k an gaf a man hawayt sa+yandam
20
This conjunction is rather scarce in Alc., while the proverbs collections of Z and IA
contain dozens of items beginning with this conjunction; however, the language of proverbs
is always characteristically conservative.
iaa svx+x
if the one I love shuns me, he will be sorry, Z 128 in k an ma

dat al

haw atim
baqat ala

s abi# if the rings are gone, the ngers are left, IA 174 alti g arah
ma

dm unah ikk an i s tarba

h ta

hsar commerce is guaranteed: if you do not

win, you lose, PES 32/0/2 in k an ta gb #an ba sar bi#ayni qalb nab

surak
even if you are out of my sight, I see you with the eyes of my heart, Urz 342
in k an turd u ta#mal u min

hukm irtif a# if you want to appeal a sentence,

Alc. 42.2627 iqun ix tamlu hu harmif you do not do it, it is a sin, 46.30
yqun a

kartuhum if you took advantage of them (with 2nd degree im alah

and assimilation of the nasal).
3.3.2.6.3. The marker law, expressing conditions of impossible or unlikely
fulllment was frequently used in AA, e.g., IQ 10/1/34 law qadar qalb
yi

hallk lamyidabbar

d a alnu gaymah if my heart could have forsaken you,

it would not have composed this little melody, 11/7/1 law sama#t ass a#ah
minn kunt tifarra g

d aaldubaylah if youwouldlistentome now, youwould

put an end to this sorrow, combined with negative in 9/27/3 lawl a

hawfak
wa s k an yur min #iwa g were it not that you are feared, what an extent of
crookedness wouldbe seen!, PES31/163 lawl a

d alis kin+nu

s ab but for this,

I would not have been found,

IA 611 law k an falb um

hayr m a kiy+yaslam
#al al

sayy adah if there were anything good in owls, they would not be
safe fromhunters, PES 19/1/3 lawyu#

t an alsawmk anra sd if I had been

given the price it would have been smart, Alc. 66.6 leu cuntumtihibbni,
leucntumtafrahna if youlovedme, youwouldbe glad.

The expression
of eventuality in the apodosis is often obtained by inserting the perfective
or imperfective of inected or, more often in later periods, uninected k an
to be before the predicate, e.g., PES 13/2/4 law yak un assummi falk as m a
nak un ill a sarabtuh if there was poison in the cup, I would just have drunk
it, 42/4/13 law ra"ayt fann kit+taq ul #ann if you had seen my skill, you
would have said about me , at times in both protasis and apodosis, e.g.,
86/5/34 m a kin+nibayyan al#a g ayib law kin+ni gad aqw am yan

sif un I
would not expound these marvels, if I had found people fair to me.
21
However, the idiom lawl a, usually followed by a noun or pronominal sux, is a classi-
cism in all likelihood, e.g., in IQ 26/1/4 lawl a alifti

d a

h were it not for the scandal.

22
It is remarkable that this isolated case in Alc.s texts, in a passage translated from
the Gospel and aiming at CA, though falling very short of its mark, exhibits the marker of
apodosis as a second law instead of OA la+, of which there is another single instance in
IQ 2/2/4 law a

hfaytu law qadar gayr ya

hfh I would have hidden it, if anyone else could

do it, but otherwise absent in AA and most NA. The same happens optionally with Mo. k un
= ku and l uk an, and something similar in Ml. with (li) kieku (< lawk an yak un), e.g., kieku kont
naf, (kieku) kont ni gi If a knew, I would have come; see Aquilina 1965:224.
six+ixci xoiii+iis ia
3.3.2.6.4. Conditional phrases without marking conjunctions could be occa-
sionally found in OA, and still were in AA, e.g., in the case of imperative
or jussive sequences, like IQ 21/13/1 a#

t ya#

tk alla alna g ah give, and God

will grant your salvation, i.e., if you give, God will, etc., and the same
efect is obtained with the correlative pronouns man, m a, etc. (see 2.1.11.2.4),
e.g., IQ 10/8/34 man yuq ul l a narm f #unquh lu

taymah whoever says

no, I shall give him a little slap on his neck, 132/5/2 kulli m a k an amarri
h u a

hl the bitterer it becomes, the sweeter it is, 18/6/4 a sm a yuq ull

an na#

t a#

tayt whatever he says that I must give, I shall do it, 26/2/2

a s

h al ma tahrub l a budd an taqa# ee as you may, you will fall, IA 80

a sm a katabt anta qarayt an whatever you can write, I can read, 38/12/3
a s su yu

tlab min a

ta#an ya#

t as many spear thrusts as were requested he

would throw; the same applies to the homologous correlative adverbs, e.g.,
IA 592 kayf m a yab# als ariq balfa

dl h u no matter how the thief sells, it

is at a prot, PES 47/10/1 ay m a nam s

tamma hiyya d ar wherever I go,

there is my house, and MT 47.8 mat q amq ayimf almab# alma

dk ur fa#al
d un bi

truh an ya gram luh if somebody lays a claim on the said purchase,

D. Pedro must pay him of. In other occasions, however, it appears that
the conditional markers have been just deleted for the sake of brevity, as
easily retrievable, e.g., HH 16 kunt tajr min qabl m a tudba

h wa#unayyaqak
bar had you run before you were slain, your little neck had been safe
(with w awu

h al), IA 606 kiy+yuk un

d a l gars f mars kiy+yi g abrl yi

sb
bukayruh if this were sown in March, April will come and harvest its rst
fruits.
3.3.2.6.5. Conditional structures can easily acquire concesive connotations,
whether introduced or not with a copulative wa+, e.g., IQ9/29/4 #izzi r u

hak
wa+law naqalt alfa

ham honour yourself, even if you are a coal carrier,

and 15/2/3 las yar

t u law ra"awh yas uq they feel no pity even if they

see him in pain, or else become expressions of wishes (= optatives), e.g.,
11/3/2 law annu yabq would that it lasted!, 27/0/2 law an

taba# suway
if only he would yield a little!, occasionally preceded by lyt, e.g., 92/3/3
layt law faqadn a h a

d a al gal a would that we got rid of this scarcity! (see

3.4.3.1).
3.4. six+ixci Voiii+iis
Sentences belong to diverse types or modalities of assertion, depending
on whether they are armative, negative, interrogative, exclamative or
emphatic, for which there are special markers and intonational contours.
ia svx+x
3.4.1. Negative Modality
The system of negative markers in OA was very complex and has been
generally simplied in NA, although surviving archaisms and classicisms,
popping up in nearly all kinds of texts, still ofer a picture far from simple,
unmatched by any other NA dialect, as no less than ve or six diferent
markers must be considered, namely, the reexes of OA m a, l a, laysa and
lam, in addition to the innovated i s and is.
3.4.1.1
Reexes of m a, usually placed at the very beginning of the sentence, are rare
in IQ,

e.g., with imperfective, 19/6/4 m a na g

had I do not deny, with

perfective, 21/13/4 m a qa

t ra g ak a

haddi wa

h ab nobody ever begged you

and was disappointed, and with a nominal sentence, m a h qaylah it is
no nap, as well as in Z, with imperfective in 1316, m a bidu# a alqi

h ab ta#

tab
almar akib ships are not wrecked by whores curses, and with a nominal
sentence in 1305, m a

tamma sa grah ill a wahazzah a arr

h there is no tree
which is not shaken by the wind, and more so in IA, with just one example,
in 416 m a yar

d balbar

sanah he does not accept being an informer, but

it is more frequent in Alc., e.g., with perfective in 51.27, me athum leq he
did not give them to you, with imperfective in 34.30, me hu yehb allh he
does not love God, and in the idioms me

kir badly of 383.32 and me

giru no other in 33.39.
3.4.1.2
The use of OA l a no, the opposite of yes as an answer, has remained
unalteredinNA, AAincluded, but it has beendrastically curtailedas marker
of negation within sentences. It appears in IQ, with imperfectives, e.g.,
in 9/39/3 l a yastar a

h he does not rest (narrative), 31/1/3 la ta

hram un
k as do not deprive me of my cup (prohibitive), with perfectives with an
optative connotation, e.g., /2/1 l a k an u min

siby an would that those boys

never existed! = accursed boys!, or of future purpose with or without an
oath, e.g., 137/12/3 wallah l a

hallaytuh walawannuh yaqfaz By God, I shall

not let him go, in spite of his jumping, 58/5/1 la nasayt i

d z aran

hibb I
shall never forget when my lover visited me,

and in absolute negatives

28
Its relative scarcity vs. the frequency of reexes of laysa in AA is a bit surprising,
considering that it is the most widespread negation in NA which, in turn, ignores laysa, with
the conspicuous exception of Modern Yemenite, about which, see fn. 276. Only in Judaeo-
Arabic, Blau 1965:87 and 1980:143 has signalled some cases thereof.
24
In this kind of sentences, NAhas often preserved l a, even in dialects preferring m a, e.g.,
six+ixci xoiii+iis ia
(l a nn ayatu lil gins of Arab grammarians), e.g., 35/6/34 l a karm ill a ab u
is

h aq there is no generous man but A.I., all of which is acceptable in SA,

unlike the case of nominal sentences, e.g., 104/4/4 l ah u

sabr #alfaqduhill a
sadd my forbearance for his loss is nothing less than painfull, as well as
in the idiombi+l a, used as a negative prex, e.g., 67/13/4 an abil amuqa

sa

s
I am unshorn, 68/3/3 alqamar bil a mula

tam the moon is not overcast,

which is found again in VA 153 bil a musalla

h disarmed, MT 663.3 bil a

mu ga

t uncovered, and Alc. 141.34 bil mo

k not castrated, 165.37 bil

mutu unfolded, 195.26 bil muddeb uncouth, etc.

Otherwise, is not
frequent in Alc., e.g., 34.26 le tehlf do not swear, 37.3 le yahtx yaztah
he needs not be ashamed, 36.2 le y

kall xi gua le ya

kb xi he shall not
omit nor hide anything, the rst two with jussive connotations and the
latter, being a case of double negative. InZappears attachedtoaninorder to
convey optative or jussive meanings, e.g., 193 all a tabq alduny a bil a walad

hurrah may the world not be left without honest people, and 117 al#a
-

dm
l a yankasar anna alla

hm yan gabar may the bone not break, for the esh
heels by itself.
3.4.1.3
The negative pseudo-verb laysa of OA,

mostly used in nominal sentences

and reected in AA as an invariable la/is, at times extended with pronom-
inal suxes, optionally preceded by +an+, is one of the most conspicu-
ous conservative traits of this dialect bundle, being frequent in all periods,
Mo. l a

hre zti (I swear) you will not go out, l a dditi lnta (I swear) you will not take away a
single pin, etc.
2
However, Alc. (193.19 and 25) has also giri xquir ungrateful and gyri mahmd not
commendable in a higher register, in total agreement with SA usage.
26
Its unquestionable etymon, *l a + ay

t (cf. Hb. y e s and Ak. i su, which excludes the

possibility of an original /s/), has long since been signalled as a case of an Arabic irregular
correspondance /s/ < /

t/, for which no satisfactory explanation has been ofered, in spite

of Brockelmann 1908 I: 235 who, on chronological grounds, could not avail himself of the
evidence of its Ug. cognate i

t there is. However, that same phonetic shift was characteristic

of some South Arabian dialects (cf. Hfner 1943:2122 and Bauer 1966:40), and its isolated
frequency as a vernacular itemin Mod.Yem. (cf. Behnstedt 2006:1133 with such phrases as l es
ma sahab s I shall not give at all, l es ka"ab u

di no such thing and leyseyn no way!), together

withthe fact of its surprising vitality inAA, where other Yemenisms have beendetected(see
Corriente 1989b), might be a reason to include it among these in it and in OA. Considering
the political and economic importance of South Arabia in pre-Islamic days, this could have
been one of those linguistic fads which can propagate at an impressive speed and far away;
such has been the case of the NA Bedouinism s af to see, apparently spread everywhere
by Muslim pilgrims returning from Mecca in historical times, and having all but evicted the
solidly established PS and OA ra", except in Ml., AA and scattered traces in a few areas.
ia6 svx+x
except inAlc., as analmost universal negationof the perfective, e.g., IQ13/5/1
las k an daraytuh I did not know it, impefectives, e.g., 4/4/1 las nisamm
a

had I do not mention anyone, and nominal sentences, e.g., 84/6/1 las
nu

hun

siby an we are not children, 9/18/3 lassuka

d ak it is not so, 144/1/1

gaw ar lassumfalisl am girls who are not Muslim, 90/16/1 h a

d a # alam
lassanhumin sakl these are people of a class whichis not mine, 93/9/4las

tamma za g g alan yuq ul there is no za g g al who could say , 83/14/12 srat

ali

hs an y a lassanh a srah the habit of doing good is no longer a habit. It

is common in Z with the imperfective, e.g., 455 lis talq ah you will not nd
him, 935 d ar lis tabq

h alyah wamuk ar lis yibt barrah no house remains

empty and no muleteer spends the night in the open, as well as with nomi-
nal sentences, e.g., 1162 lis lalr as anq min almuss there is nothing cleaner
for the head than a razor, which is also the case in IA, e.g., 389

hubzan
lissu lak da#u ya

htaraq let bread which is not yours burn, while for the
imperfective this author appears to prefer the hybrid /li s/, about which, see
below (3.4.1.5 and fn. 280). Some inected examples of this item in MT, e.g.
944v4 lasn a naqdar u we cannot, 956v18 lasn a nurd u we do not want,
Alc. 65.36 alquelme leyct lye the word is not mine, and 66.4 lztu
atcum I do not give you are outright classicisms.

3.4.1.4
Negative lam is everywhere and every time an obvious classicism, alien
to vernacular NA, and as such it pops up here and there in AA sources,
used correctly or pseudo-correctly,

e.g., in IQ 2/9/4 lam ni gamma

t ul
allayl I have not slept a wink in the whole night, Alc. 66.25 lemyu

klq xi
nothing was created, .33 lem yatiquebelhu they did not welcome him
(syntactically correct SA), MT 954.8 lam tarak ibnan he left no son, and
PES 67/2/1 lam qa

ta ha garn

habb my lover never forsook me (infra-

correct usage with perfective in the two last cases).
3.4.1.5
In addition to the foregoing, AA has innovated two negative particles of its
own, a/i s and is. The rst one constitutes a curious case of recurrence of a
process of functional contamination within a lapse of many centuries, as
2
The partial conjugation of laysa in OA, triggered by its semantic and syntactic kinship
with k ana to be, has a parallel in the development of its Et. synonymous hallo from deictic
hl (e.g., in Himyaritic), about which we wrote an article forthcoming in the Proceedings of
the International Congress on Semitic Dialectology (Saragossa 2010).
28
Blau 1965:106 and 1980:142 ofered some instances of pseudo-correct lam in Judaeo-
Arabic. About instances of lam in early papyri, see Hopkins 1984:153.
six+ixci xoiii+iis ia
the pre-Islamic evolution of the interrogative m a into a negative marker
has re-enacted itself with the NA interrogative a s (see 2.1.11.2.4),

which
appears already in that function in IQ 7/7/4 " s wazr k atib there is no vizir
secretary, 19/12/3 " s nird na

hlaf I do not want to swear, 26/3/4 " s ta

h s
tar g a# muqarnas are you not afraid to edge?, 27/2/4 " s kin+nirdka

hay
I do not want you alive, 40/5/4 " s

danb al

hadd it is not the fault of iron,

67/6/2 " s tas al do not ask, and 73/3/3 " s tabk

hawl do not weep around

me: the contexts are various and in some cases, the interrogative rendering
would be still possible, e.g., what? are you afraid to edge?, what is the
fault of the iron?, etc. In later materials we have Z 112 i s tanfa# alwa

siyyah
the advice is not useful, IA 383 i s ta g#al do not put, and this is the
standard negation in Alc., e.g., 30.23 ix nahtju nicla we need not say it,
36.17 ix an leh I amnot a saint, 48.20 ix atituli hibu you did not give
it to its owner. As for is, apparently backformed on lis, as if it were a double
negative marker, and with the exception of IQ 90/8/3 issi a gwad lakum it
is not better for you? and 125/5/5 issi minh a annu g um ak

tar the stars are

not more numerous than they (< is + h; see 1.2.27.1), and EYG 516 ysnedri
I do not know,

all its witnesses are from Eastern Spain, from VA i/s,

rendered by Lt. non, to DC e hiet el missa matl meut it is not a funeral
mass and the cases registered in MI 203, is na

hru g I shall not go out,

is k an ma

h a she has not, at times with pronominal suxes, like isan

na gdar na

ti s I can give nothing, ishum

hu

d ur they are not present,

etc.
3.4.1.6
Any negation in AA could be reinforced, when associated with qa

ta, e.g.,
IQ 19/9/4 las na

d uq qa

ta min la

ham baqar I never eat beef, 88/19/1 las

qa

ta m a# su gal I have no work at all, 2/3/3 l a tuz ul qa

ta minn forsake
20
The ms. of IQ does not vocalize a single case of these, which might be construed as
proof of early 2nd degree im alah, perhaps as a means of keeping both functions apart, as
is witnessed by later AA materials; in Alc., e.g., the interrogative is invariably ax, while the
negative is always ix. In fact, it makes sense that stressed interrogative * e s would evolve into
s on account of Pihilippis law.
280
Only in one of the mss. of the Libro de Buen Amor, while the other has leznedri, i.e., lis
nadr, according to Corominas 1973:563, also preferred by Montaner 2005b: 144. On the other
hand, it is questionable whether a hybrid li s has existed, as it is witnessed only by IA (see
Marugn 1994:63), unlike the case in other Granadan sources of AA: in at least some of the
cases, an initial alif might easily have been taken for a l am, in others the vocalisation of sn
might have beentakenfor the dots of snandinothers, nally, there might be aninterrogative
la s.
ia8 svx+x
me never, MI 203 l a a

ha

dat al

sa gr qa

ta she did not take the little child

at all; cf. also Alc. 248:21 ctta in no way.

As for the complementary

marker of negation s(), so characteristic of North African Arabic, Ml. and
Egyptian, its witnesses in AA are either scarce, like the isolated IQ 48/6/3
las ya

harraq

tiy ab s it does not rip the clothes, or insecure, because of

possible dialectal contamination, as in PES; however, the late examples of
IA 781 i s tabit si you will not stay overnight, and IZ 5/3/3 mI kn si it
was not, 8/7/1 ma ti

hf si do not fear, and 13/1/1 ma tar si you do not

see, suggest that this feature might have penetrated the low registers of
late Granadan, or even have been always extant in the lowest and most
repressed registers of AA.

3.4.2. Interrogative Modality

The interrogative modality in AA, unless introduced by the appropriate
interrogative pronouns or adverbs, is most of the time marked only by the
adoption of the appropriate intonational contour, by changing the terminal
juncture into an interrogative mode by introducing higher pitch levels in
the nal segment of the utterance, with or without any alteration of the
word order, e.g., IQ 7/4/2 anta tadfa#n bi

t aqat

dir a#ak will you push me

of with the strength of your arm?, Alc. 48.22 cerqt xi min a gmi did
you steal something from the church?, PES 3/2/1 a s na#mal

di alqa

dyyah
wan a #abdukum what shall I do in this matter, being your slave?, MI 204
ala s is tam s li#andan a why do you not come to us?. The interrogative
281
This item should not be mixed up, as it occurred in our previous works, with non-
geminated qa

t, a kind of ilative conjunction (then), e.g., 9/25/2 way ginsi qa

t min wid ad
and what kind, then, of love, 12/6/4 waka

d a qa

t yalat and like this, then, he escapes,

68/9/3 arra qa

t wamuddi yaddak come on, then, stretch your hand, and 84/3/4 waka

d a
qa

t nuq ullak ala

hb ar and then, like this, I tell you everything. In other instances, it pre-
serves its old meaning, only, just, e.g., IQ 108/5/3 kilmatayn qa

t m a#uh al mi

tq al tasw
just two words with himare worth one thousand gold pieces, and 75/9/4 kulli

hayr inturud
l qa

t zurn even if you deny me any favour, just, visit me.

282
At the risk of sounding repetitive with our hypothesis of signicative South Arabian
inuences onWesternArabic, attentionshouldbe drawntothe fact that this complementary
negation, combined with m a, is frequent in Mod.Yem.; see Behnstedt 2006:11361138, with
examples like m a rit e s I did not see her, m a katabn u s we did not write to him, m a
sahab silak I do not give you, m a b s there is not, ma qatalk s I did not kill, etc.; as for Nam
2009:151, she says: Les particules m a et l a sont souvent (mais pas obligatoirement) associes
llment - s qui est sux la forme verbal. However, it is no less likely that this feature
had been imported by Andalusi pilgrims returning from the East, as apparently in the case
of the verbs s af to see, in IZ 10/4/4, and g ab to bring in IQ 43/3/5 and 80/5/4, instead of
vernacular AA r and sq.
six+ixci xoiii+iis iaq
marker hal, though registered in VA, GL and Alc., and occasionally used in
IQ, e.g., 7/15/1 hal nu

ha

d bala

hk am shall I receive sentences? is an overt

classicism, and the same applies to a+m a, a+laysa, a+lam and a+l a
verily in VA and GL, or to the exhortative idiom with hal+l in IQ 27/2/2
hal+l a rafaqta bh come on, treat him gently.
3.4.3. Exclamative Modality
The exclamative modality in AA, in addition to the adoption of the appro-
priate intonational contour, is introduced by such characteristic markers
as y, (w) s (qadar) and km (

d), e.g., IQ 6/2/1 ay

ha

dlah fhum what a

disappointment with them!, CD 16.14 ay zam an what a time!, IQ 2/3/2
a s ya

tib l

had

tak how pleasant your talk is to me!, 7/19/3 wa s

habar l a
nam s mu

tar

tar how come I do no walk around wearing a conical cap?,

45/4/1 wa s qadar qalb yahw ak and how my heart loves you!, PES 96/6/4
a s kiy+yafr

h al#ubayyad law #u

tat luh

di l#a

tiyyah how glad the little slave

would be, if he were given this present!, IQ 36/6/3 kam

d a ta#f u i

d a #umil
lak

dun ub howoftenyou forgive, whenyou receive ofenses!, AC367 kam

ti

tr howfar youy!. Less vernacular andmore classicising are instances of

ni#m(a), e.g., IQ 60/7/2 ni#m alwalad what an excellent boy!, bis(a), e.g.,
38/13/4 wabs alma

sr and what an awful destiny!, not to mention the

exclamative wa+ (so-called w awu rubba by CA grammarians, e.g., IQ 21/4/3
walay al gurri#tufh assum um howmany nights inwhichI was made swal-
lowpoison!), a+m a(e.g., Z10 a+m atar minalfa

d ayi

h howmany scandals
you will see!) and layt(a), though not always used in agreement wich CA
taxemic rules, e.g., IQ 67/14/1 layt kam a las m a#i luqmah kit+tuk un daqqa
falbayt would that there was our in the house, as I do not have a sin-
gle morsel!, and having the vulgar variant ryt, e.g., 53/4/2 rayt kulli ham
biru

t ubat

d a alham if only all sorrows were as light as this one!.

As for
the exclamative idioms with elative adjectives, see 2.1.4.
288
Since Brockelmann 1908 I: 137, down to Fleisch 1979:482, the conviction has prevailed
that the dialectal form would be the original one, with lambdacism and decay of hamz;
however, on comparative grounds, we would rather derive it from the common Semitic
jussive and optative marker lv+, plus a deictic element, if not a verb like those derived from
the PS {"ty} (cf. an example of its South Arabian jussive in Hfner 1943:77, lj"t so komme es)
or {nd/tn} (cf. Hb. mi yitten would that ). If this were so, Egypt is a rm candidate to have
produced, as a folk-etymology, and exported the variant seemingly derived from the verb
ra" to see, while it was still current, since in the Cp. local substratum the phonemic status
of /l/ had been weak: see Corriente 2008a: 116 and fn. 79.
io svx+x
3.4.3.1. Optative utterances
Optative utterances share the intonational contours of exclamative sen-
tences. In OA and SA, their characteristic channel of expression was the
perfective, of which there is still much evidence in AA, and not always in
mere stereotyped CA phrases, like greetings and social compliments, e.g.,
IQ 24/5/4

hayy ak all ah may God give you life!, perhaps 38/40/1 dumta
masr ur may your happiness last!, Alc. 64.2324 (classicizing) imtinn rb-
bune Ya quna macum the grace of our Lord Jesus be with you,
but also in live vernacular expressions, e.g., IQ 2/5/3 abl ak allah bi#i squh
may God aict you with his love!, 3/2/4 alq all ah f r asuh

darbat suq ur
may God send a hatchet stroke against his head, 7/11/3 qa

ta# alb ar a

tar
in

talabtak may God cut my steps short, if I seek you!, 21/17/1 gafar allah
luh God forgive him!, 26/1/3 l a k an alfu

d ul damned inquisitiveness!;
however, the characteristic shift towards an increasing role of tenses in the
NA verb is present in AA also, and made of the imperfective the usual way
of expressing optatives, e.g., IQ 131/2/4 allah yina g gk min kulli sar may
God save you from every evil, 15/9/4 n aran ya

hraquh may he burn in

re!, Alc. 61.18 ylliq yl nidi may my calling reach you!, and with the
marker #as, IQ 9/4/3 #asa dawlat alri

d a tar ga# may the time of satisfac-

tion return!, Ax 9.20 #as l a taqtuln a would that you do not kill us, AB
#as yaq

d allah

hayr baynin a may God decree the best between us, Alc.
41.20 ac yauni allh so God help me, and 49.3334 aci macr tucn
may youget killed.

This change probably came about throughthe jussive

use of the imperfective, which even in OA could obtain without any con-
junctions,

in cases similar to that of IQ 2/1/2 g yar ak almu#allam come,

let the master see you, 2/6/1 l a ya gurrak sal amuh do not let his greeting
deceive you, Z 477 alml ad l a ya

hu

dak barra d arak do not let Christmas

catch you away fromhome; in this way, the imperfective may end up being
used as an imperative, e.g., IQ 20/13/1 tam s at barra wan a f inti
-

d arak go
out, while I am waiting for you.
284
Inthe case of AA #as, this itemwas contaminated by Rm. as, as givenaway by the entry
in VA, (Lt.) utinam = (y a #as), which is reected in its semantic evolution from marker of
doubt to the expression of the optative, evident in these examples, as well as in his denition
(Alc. 361.14) por aventura en esta manera ac (cf, Cs. as Dios me ayude, as Dios te mate,
from optative Lt. sic).
28
On this, see Fleisch 1979:125126 and fn. 2.
iiii+iox ii
3.4.4. Emphatic Modality
The emphatic modality is a characteristic feature of Arabic syntax, which
keeps a neat distinction between emphatic and anodine sentences, phrases
and even constituents of phrases.

NA, as a rule, is not so keen on such

niceties; however, some of the old emphasising devices have survived or
reappear as classicisms in higher registers used by speakers of every dialect.
Inthe case of AA, there are instances of the OAsubject introductor inna, e.g.,
IQ 2/1/3 innak mutayyah you are indeed conceited, though not necessar-
ily following CAtaxemic rules, e.g., 9/21/4 inna qabl arram yur a s assaham
arrows are indeed feathered before shooting;

a very similar function

is performed by aw(wa)

d or ha

dwwa,

e.g., IQ 93/7/3 awwa

d an qad
qa

sadtak lo, I have sought you, and 89/6/1 ha

duwwa war a alb ab here

he is behind the door, while a general emphasising efect can be obtained
with the CA focusing construction, diachronically descended from a condi-
tional structure, amm a fa+, e.g., IQ 18/4/3 amm a an a fa

d aba niwall as
for me, I am leaving right now. Personal pronouns are emphasised by an
attached annass+ with a pronominal sux, e.g., IQ 74/5/1 a

sba

hta sakr an
annassak you became drunk yourself, AC1627 fass a#ah annassah at the
same time of the day, Alc. 311.23 eneu he himself.
3.5. Diii+iox
Deletion of easily retrievable items from surface structure is a linguistic
universal, above all in cases where markers may be considered redundant.
Elision of words, even several words of implied context, was frequent in
OA, in cases not diferent from those of AA, e.g., IQ 9/20/2 wa"i

d a g a yatm
fa+w alidwa#am andif anorphancame, (he becomes his) father anduncle,
while a self-predicative statement like IQ 59/8/3 mi

tluhum amm a ziy adah

fa+l a there can be someone like them, but not better would be rejected as
incorrect by most CA grammarians. The same applies to the deletion in AA
of negative markers when followed by an exceptive particle, e.g., IQ 21/17/4

talab minn ill a

haqqalb ab he did not demand fromme but the gate dues,

286
Thus, e.g., we devoted several pages (242246) to this modality in Corriente 1980d for
CA, and a section (2.3.6.4) in .1992a, for AA.
28
Its extended variant innam a, which already in CA had semantically shifted to a restric-
tive nuance (only), has practically become an adversative conjunction in NA; see 3.3.1.3.
288
From*h ahuwa

d a and *h a

d ahuwa, respectively, with a shortened variant inIQ90/13/2

aw

d ahu qad da

hal look, it went in.

ia svx+x
PES 21/2/2 anta ill a f ba

hrak you are not but in your sea, 97/1/1 la

dat
alwi

s al ill a an tuk un

habbak there is no pleasure in the union, unless

you are your own lover, etc.; at times, an interpretation of the sentence
as interrogative would make the negative dispensable, and this is probably
how the whole process started, e.g., IQ 9/373 ma#n a mawl a" fal gazrah
siw ak, which can be rendered as milord, we do not have other than you
in the Peninsula or milord, do we have other than you in the Peninsula?
cui+in ioin
LEXICON
While lexicon is not indeed a part of the grammar of languages, and as
such is not dealt with in most works devoted to their description or their
diachronic aspects, it is nevertheless the semantic substance that lls up
the empty spaces left by the structural skeleton of grammar, and only both
together allow the communication of messages transmitted to and from
human minds. Therefore, and without entering the huge and multifarious
world of lexicology, an introductory work to any language, like this one,
cannot totally ignore its peculiarites in this realm.
4.1. Iixici Vix Coni xi Ixxov+iox
One of the main diferences between OA, less so CA, and NA is the lexical
stock, of which a sizeable body remains in use as the main core of the
new dialects, while a high rate of the old non-basic lexical units has been
forsaken and a number of neologisms and foreign loanwords have become
integrated in the lexica of SA and each NA dialect, eventually propagating
to neighbouring areas. In the case of AA, lexical renewal has taken place in
the following ways:
4.1.1.
By abandonment of a large number of OA words no longer relevant in the
urban and rural civilization of Al-Andalus, far removed from that of the
Arabian desert and small urban centres of caravan trade, in spite of two
factors favouring some preservationof oldandBedouinlexicon, namely, the
Islamic faith, which kept bringing some of it to the ears of later generations
through Qur"anic recitation and pilgrimage to Mecca, and also the eforts of
the learned to preserve the old literary heritage. However, these two factors
couldmerely preserve the understanding, rather thanthe active use of some
religious technical terms and lexica of the nomadic life and livelihood in
the higher registers of learned people, but not make them a part of the
living dictionary of AA. Moreover, and since OA was in truth a bundle of
closely knit dialects, at times ofering wide arrays of allomorphs with a
i iixicox
diatopic distribution, even common words and elementary grammatical
tools have been haphazardly eliminated in the diverse areas of NA, which in
the case of AAmeant the elimination of relatively frequent items, e.g., m a

d a
what? and ul a"ika those (registered only once each in IQand VA, as mere
classicisms.),

ham ah mother-in-law, mah ah wild cow or antelope, etc.

4.1.2.
By semantic or categorial evolution of some items of the lexical inven-
tory, e.g., AA

tamra is fruit-tree, from OA

tamarah fruit, while s gra

is gtree, from OA sa garah tree, sabb often means young man, from
OA sab ab young age, mal means full, from OA mal a" fullness, and
IQ 72/11/3 hawl a l# alam this people, from OA # alam world, a particu-
lar case thereof being that of euphemisms, such as IQ 90/12/2 far

h penis,
lit. chicken, VA b ab alkum anus, lit. door of the sleeve, Z 709 q a#, lit.
bottom, for OA ist arse, Z 1908 la

tf and Alc. muqrib,

lit., nice and

close, but usually meaning mean, bad, Alc. atbedlt ma

kar you com-

mitted sodomy, lit. to interchange, etc.

4.1.3.
By morphophonemic reshaping of some words, either isolatedly, e.g., VA
daym u g for SA dim a g brain, IH 153 saf af , for OA a sfah big-mouthed,
IQ 119/6/2 layt say, for OA layta si#r if only I knew, 68/5/3 yazh u,
for OA yahza"u he mocks,

etc., or in a host of items within one same

grammatical or semantic category, like the ma

sdars, which were renewed

in cases like VA ruk a

d kicking, for SA rak

d, a/itmanyya, in kindred AA
sources, a blend of OA i

tmi"n an and

tuma"nnah trust,

Alc. curba, for

OA qurbah kinship, uzba, for #uzbah celibacy, analogically propagated
to cohba hustling, from SA qa

hbah prostitute.
280
Curiously enough matched by Ml. mqareb naughty (Aquilina 1990:862); in the middle
of the road, Dz II 331 has muq arib mdiocre, froma source for the Algerian dialect, with the
same semantic evolution of English mean. The classical treatment of this subject is Marais
1906.
200
On this subject, see Corriente 1993b, with an almost exhaustive list of AA taboo words
and the matching short-lived euphemisms.
201
In both instances, the poet himself declares that they belong to low registers. Prez
Lzaro 1990 I: 108160 comments IHs list of such deviations in detail.
202
However, a second instance, isti

hbyya(t) hiding oneself, in AC 501, reminiscent of

Eg. i/ustu gumm aya wearing a bindfold; (playing) hide and seek, suggests a nomen unitatis
of {isti ay}, with a phonetic evolution similar to that of OA substantives ending in alifun
mamd udah, like

tarf a" > NA

tarf ayah tamarisk.

iixici xix coni xi ixxov+iox i
4.1.4.
By adoption of imported stock in order to express the concepts of the new
culture, which included new trades and habits, a diferent socio-economic
structure, a new botanical and zoological environment, in a new country
with a diferent population, climate and geography, all of which had to be
assimilated by the new settlers, both Arabs and Berbers.
4.1.4.1. Berber Contribution
The Br. contribution to AA lexicon, reputedly scarce,

has been tradition-

ally treated with supercilious neglect by scholars who, not having deigned
to acquire a smattering of that language, dispatched the issue by claiming,
as an anachronic article of faith, that the Berber invaders of Al-Andalus,
numerically several times superior to their Arab co-religionists, were
already linguistically Arabicised. Granting that Br. dialects had no prestige
comparable to the ocial and aristocratic language of Islam, the only pos-
sible vehicle of social ascent under the new regime, and that Berbers, above
all in the cities, soon tried to pass themselves of as Arabs, which included
forsaking their native tongue, the fact remains that they were too many not
to leave any linguistic trace of their presence, constantly strengthened by
the NorthAfricanmilitary units summonedby the Umayyads, or introduced
by Almoravids, Almohads and Na

srides, not to mention the steady ow of

traders, artisans and scholars who kept crossing from one to another shore,
in both directions, depending on the turns of fortune. Among the lexical
elds in which Berberisms were most frequent, there are: 1) plant and ani-
mal names, e.g., ar gs barberry, whence Cs. alarguez, taqarnna carline
thistle, whence Cs. and Ct. tagarnina, tafrma serpent eagle, whence Cs.
atahorma and Pt. altaforma, 2) names of clothing articles, trimmings and
tools, e.g., hirksa, from Br. arkas hemp sandal, z gnaz clasp of a neck-
lace, from Br. sgns, and tqra bowl, from Br. tgra, possibly directly
borrowed by Gl. and Pt. tagra an old measure, 3) names of weapons and
208
As reected by the lack of any important research between Ldtke 1965 and the
relatively recent articles by Ferrando 1997 and Corriente 1998. In this, we mitigated previous
negative accounts by stating that indeed, some Berber lexical stock had found its way to
AA, although in much lesser numbers than Rm. items, as might be expected on account
of demographic rates. Some of them would even come to be borrowed by the Northern
Rm. languages of the Iberian Peninsula together and simultaneously with a much larger
number of loanwords of Arabic origin, it being noteworthy that recent studies about AA and
it relations with the Rm. languages of the Iberian Peninsula, like Corriente 1999, have raised
the initial one digit gure of Br. lexical borrowings by Rm. up to about twenty. Presently, the
number of witnessed Br. loanwords in AA exceeds of fty.
i6 iixicox
military jargon, e.g., gargyya spear, from Br. agrgit, whence Cs. gorguz
and Ct. gorgoto, agzl,

from Br. agzal spear, whence Cs. tragacete,

through its Br. diminutive, za gya, froman unwitnessed nomen instrumenti
from Br. a g to throw, whence Cs. azagaya, and Br. afrag the sultans tent,
for which we either do not have an instance of the AA intermediate loan-
word which was the direct source of Cs. alfaneque, 4) technical cooking
terms, like tafya, from Br. tfaya a certain sauce, whence Cs. atafea, and
rafsa, of which a Berberised tarst is the immediate origin of Ct. ratafa and
Cs. ratafa a certain liqueur, in addition to other minor semantic elds.
4.1.4.2. Romance Contribution
The case of the Rm. contribution to the AA lexicon has been traditionally
overstated by nationalistic accounts, like Simonet 1888 and more recent
evaluations, in the same way as the Br. contribution was undervalued. As
measuring rod of the true proportions of this phenomenon, in Corriente
1992, we reckoned the rate of Rm. borrowings in two lexical repertories,
the Vocabulista in Arabico (VA), drawn up in Eastern Spain and attributed
to the 13th c., and Alcals Vocabulista, devoted to the Granadan dialect
and published at the very beginning of the 16th c.: VA counts about 12.000
lexemes, of which330 are of Rm. stock, i.e., roughly 2,7%, while Alc. contains
7.500 lexemes, out of which as many as 400 are Rm., i.e., roughly 5,3%;
however, the gures in the second case are articially swollen, on account
of the great number of unassimilated Cs. words given by Alc. as Arabic
renderings of themselves, either because he or his auxiliaries ignored their
true equivalence, or because those concepts were alientoanIslamic society,
though necessary for the aims of conversion to Christianity pursued by
the author. An educated guess could be that a realistic estimation of that
rate would not exceed about 3% of Rm. borrowings in AA, which can
be classied according to diachronic, diastratic, semantic and categorial
criteria.
4.1.4.2.1. Substratal, Adstratal andSuperstratal Borrowing. Froma diachronic
viewpoint, Rm. borrowings can be classied as substratal, adstratal and
superstratal. Substratal romancisms were those necessarily adopted by the
rst generations of Arabic speakers in the Iberian Peninsula, in order to
express concepts previously unknown to them, like the names of certain
endemic animals and plants (e.g., lp wolf, and istpa rock-rose, from Lt.
204
With a variant zu gzal, through wrong-parsing or metanalysis of the phrase s+ugzal
with the spear, see Corriente 1997d: 231.
iixici xix coni xi ixxov+iox i
l upus and Low Lt. stippa), as well as domestic items for which they could
not easily impose Arabic names upon their mostly Rm.-speaking wives and
ofspring, such as anatomical terms (e.g., imlq, for surrah navel, m c ca,
for

tady breast, ni c c ~ c ct to suck, pa c cyna for hudbah eyelash,

bba drivel, etc., from Lt. umblcus, mulcta, s ug ere and Rm. *tt s.+

+ and
*o+o+) or kinship terms (e.g., sqr father-in-law, sqra mother-in-law,
subrn nephew and subrna niece, from Lt. s oc er, socrus and s obrnus).

Other Rm. borrowings, the adstratal ones, resulted fromcoexistence of both

languages in later generations in cities and, above all, rural areas where Ara-
bicisation was slower, e.g., fa sqr heap of sheaves, suqr axe, fullr puf
pastry, mi

h syr large cup, syra frail, etc., from Lt. fasc alis, s ec uris, Low
Lt. foliaris and mixtarius, and Rm. su+. Finally, there are a large number of
suprastratal Rm. borrowings, attributable to a milieu in which Arabic had
become a dominated language in its way to being lost by Mudejars and/or
Moriscos; these items are easily recognisedbecause, unlike the twoprevious
kinds, they do not exhibit thorough morphophonemic assimilation to Ara-
bic, e.g., MT qal unyah ne for slandering, Alc. calonga canonry, MI 205
nindir I defend, etc., from Old Cs. caloa, Cs. canonga and defender.
4.1.4.2.2. Integration and Distribution of Loanwords. From a diastratic view-
point, loanwords can be also classied according to their degree of inte-
gration in the host language, which can be gauged by the aforementioned
criteria of morphophonemic assimilation to it, i.e., their capacity of behav-
ing exactly like native items, to the point of not being recognised any more
as alien. Thus, for instance, tibirqur ar tarraqabar sin

siy a try to obtain a

license in MI 274, in spite of the imperfective prexes of the Arabic conju-
gation, is more aninstance of code-mixing thana true borrowing, unlike the
cases of Alc. 43.8 xunt Saints, feast days, a brokenpl. {1u23} of snt, or his
itemniparn~parnt ~prana~mupran~muprin to accuse, with
the absolutely regular inexions of a quadriconsonantal verb, in which it is
no longer easy to recognize LowLt. perditionem. As a rule, older borrowings
are better adapted, and imperfect assimilation usually betrays situations of
bilingualism; however, the coincidental likeness of foreignstock to the mor-
phophonemic patterns of the host language may prove delusive, so that an
item like Alc. lazcna spear, with its broken pl. laquin (< Cs. azcona <
20
In the case of kinship terms, it must be taken into account that Hisp. family relations
difered considerably from those of a typical Bedouin family, in which relations with in-laws
are much weaker; consequently, Arabic

ham was not exactly the same as Rm. suqr, not to

speak of Rm. subrn which included the Arabic ibn #amm(ah) and ibn

h al(ah).
i8 iixicox
Bq. aizkon dart), perfectly parallel to azfra ~ ar wagtail, i.e., #a

sfra ~
#a

sr, of pure Arabic stock, is not thereby an older borrowing than foreign-
looking Alc. aprio goad-stick (< Low Lt. *aporrigium), with the regular
fem. pl. aporit, characteristic of poorly assimilatedloanwords: as a matter of
fact, the latter itemis anearly borrowing fromAndalusi Rm., andthe former,
from Cs. in much later days.
4.1.4.2.3. The distribution of Rm. loanwords in AAby semantic criteria, leav-
ing aside some items adopted on account of their onomatopoetic expres-
siveness, underscored by synaesthetic factors,

may rstly be sorted into

physical or environmental realms and social facts.
4.1.4.2.3.1. In the semantic eld of terms related to physical or environ-
mental realms, we nd a number of anatomical items (e.g., VA imlq
navel, i sk amah scale, bulbah vulva, fur a

t anus, qann and qan-

wal canine, IQ 20/10/4 bal

t ar palate, 119/7/4 qub

t al elbow, 140/1/2
fa g gayra face, 86/10/2 milliq ar little nger, Alc. pullicr thumb,
ichimyl bleariness of eye, mulch muscle, pochn nipple, etc., ulti-
mately fromLt. umblcus, squ ama, vulva, f or atus, c annus, p al atum, c ubtus,
f aces, mnmus, p ollc aris, stigm ac ula, musc ulus and pecciolus), a fewpatho-
logical terms (e.g., VA rabyanah mange, nilaw

tar to drive mad, Alc.

porrojn chilblain and rul sty, < Lt. r obgnem, aura, pern onem and
hord e olus), a host of plant and animal names (e.g., VA ballnah whale,
bububbah hoopoe, qawqanah snail, Alc. tupa rat, chrba hind,
xa

kxa stock-dove and tnna moth, < Lt. ball ena, up upa, concha, talpa,
cerva, sax ea and tn ea; VA ablant ayin plantain, ban g millet, Alc. rta
rue, and ydra ivy, < Lt. plant agnem, p ancum, r uta and h ed era), and
a mixed bag of terms related to housing (e.g., VA bil g = Alc. plch bolt,
and xpar dry-stone wall, < Lt. pest ulum and s ep ar), landscape (e.g., VA
burt al mountain-pass, sim

tayr path, < Low Lt. *portellum and *semi-

tarius), weather conditions (e.g., IQ 7/14/1 gir g northerly wind, 7/14/3
laba g south-east wind, Alc. chca fog < Lt. cercus, lb yce and caeca), etc.
4.1.4.2.3.2. In the semantic eld of terms related to physical or social facts,
we nd a remarkable scarcity of terms related to suprastructural concepts,
political or religious (only a few adstratal ones, such as VA qum

t count,
sun u gah synagogue, from Lt. c omtem and s yn ag oga plus some more
206
E.g., such verbs as caw cl to whisper, qa sqr to crack, and karkl to trample, and
substantives like nnna nurse, zzza slap on the neck, cil

t(a) splash on water, etc.

iixici xix coni xi ixxov+iox iq
in Alc. of the superstratal kind, like lapt priest, from Cs. el abad),

in
comparison with the infrastructural concepts related to society and econ-
omy, such as names of musical instruments and folklore (e.g., VA f a

tah
fairy, bandayr tambourine, Alc. fxta festivity, < Lt. f ata, pand orum
and festum), warfare (e.g., VA girrah war, u squ

tayr squire, Alc. sannr

banner and sga sword, < WGwerra, and Lt. sc ut arus, sign alis and s aga),
household goods (e.g., VA i sk an bench, ma

tall re-shovel, Alc. fyja

sash, chnca slipper, < Lt. scamnum, b atillum, fascia and Bq. txangi
lame), all kinds of tools (e.g., VAfurkah pitch-fork, balabrah winding-
frame, Alc. barrna gimlet and rca distaf, < Lt. forca, alabrum, v eruna
and Goth. *rukka), plus the twelve names of the months of the solar calen-
dar.
4.1.4.2.3.3. The categorial distribution of loanwords in AA is not as easy
to reckon as in the case, for instance, of Arabic loanwords in Rm.,

because
the peculiar structure of its morphology makes it oftendicult todetermine
which was borrowed rst, a given verb or the substantive of its same root,
i.e., to establish whether a particular verb is denominal or a certain substan-
tive is deverbal. Evenincases inwhichthere is only a borrowedverb, but not
the matching substantive, like VA nilaw

tar to drive mad, or Alc. natpar-

r ~atparrzt torunaground, we cannot be sure that, inspite of not being
registered, Rm. *t++wu+. madman, and *tust held (in a reef), from Lt.
aura wind (inducing madness) and pressus held had not existed before-
hand, and the other way around. This much said, nevertheless, it stands to
reason and is a linguistic universal that substantives are usually borrowed
more easily and faster than verbs, as well as that adjectives are not bor-
rowed as often, and functionals only exceptionally. In the case of AA, the
only exceptions to this last restriction are y already, makkr even, the
series a

dla/a

dqal /a

da s s even; thoroughly,

and some interjections, as

expounded in 2.3.4.3.
20
The same applies tolegal terms (of whichwe merely count the aforementionedprsana
accusation, registered by several sources (fromLt. p ett oris pers onamc ap ere to lay a claim
and the like), and Alc. fra rape, possibly a late borrowing from Cs.), not at all surprising,
since these realms of social life were regulated by Islamic lawin their Arabic technical terms,
until the land was taken over by the Christian powers. In Corriente 1992a the number of
examples, generally correct, mentioned in each section is considerably larger; they can be
checked against Corriente 1997d.
208
Very aptly dealt with by Kiesler 1994:74 by the last time.
200
On these curious items see Corriente 1983a.
cui+in iivi
A PANCHRONISTIC APPROACH
Some aspects of any given language cannot be dealt with in a synchronic
description, as they are not an exclusive part of the interrelation between
the various grammatical levels, nor even of the lexicon in an ideally given
instant; neither can they be the object of diachronic treatment, since they
are neither the consequence nor the cause of the unavoidable laws of
change inherent to all languages, as a mere result of their being historical,
i.e., time-sensitive, as are the people who speak them. These aspects of lan-
guage demand a panchronistic approach, with a methodology of its own.
One of them, which concerns us particularly in the case of AA, is linguis-
tic interference, a phenomenon afecting every living language as long as it
remains such.
5.1. soincis oi Ix+iniinixci
Every language is subject to interference by any other in contact with it
in a greater or lesser degree, depending on sociolinguistic factors. In the
case of AA, since its presumable emergence as a well-dened entity in
the 10th c., the only languages in efective contact with it were the Rm.
dialect bundle still spoken by many segments of the population, and not
only the thoroughbred descendants of Hisp. natives, the Br. dialects spoken
by the ofspring of the rst invaders of this nation, the so-called barbarun
baladiyy un native Berbers, and the many North African soldiers recruited
by the Umayyad rulers and their successors, and nally, CA, imported from
the East, which was nobodys mother tongue, but has to be mastered to the
point of speaking and writing it uently, as a prerequisite for any career
requiring solemn performances, or just to be admitted in the best society.
Let us review the consequences of this triple interference on AA.

800
Strictly speaking, there were other languages practiced at the time in the Iberian
Peninsula, like Basque, spoken then in the whole Basque country and most of Navarre,
Hebrew, the merely liturgical and scholarly language of a sizeable number of Jews, otherwise
native speakers of Rm. or AA; and perhaps some residual Greek in Eastern Spain, which
ia ixcunoxis+ic iinocu
5.1.1. Romance Interference
Rm. interference was the strongest by far, as the Proto-Rm. dialects were
the native tongue of the great majority of inhabitants of the Iberian Penin-
sula, estimated at ve or six million, when the Islamic invasion took place
and put them in contact with a few tens of thousands Arabs and a much
larger number of Berbers, who are supposed to have known some Arabic
also. Under such circumstances, it stands to reason that the Arabic spo-
ken by the rst generations of Hisp. people under Islamic rule, above all
those who were not the ofspring of Arabs or deeply Arabicised Berbers,
i.e., the overwhelming majority, necessarily had to go through the stages
of pidginisation, creolisation and decreolisation, while the Arabic dialects
brought by the conquerors had to undergo some degree of adaptation to
their new sociolinguistic situation, until the standards of AA emerged, pos-
sibly at the beginning of the 10th c. This linguistic convergence appears to
have generated the following consequences on the diferent grammatical
levels:
5.1.1.1
At the phonemic level, the most conspicuous and indisputable efect of Rm.
interference was the forsaking by emerging AA of the quantitative rhythm
of OA, i.e., the instinctive perception of syllable and vowel length, replaced
by the qualitative rhythm of stressed and unstressed syllables (see 1.3.1).
As for other efects on the phonemic inventory of OA, it is possible that
some cases of infra-correct develarisation or ultra-correct velarisation, as
well as some cases of decay, alteration or undue restitution of pharyngeal
phonemes might have been a consequence of that learning stage; however,
most of these phenomena have been spotted in other areas of NA without
a Rm. substratum, possibly by mere drift, so that this case is not entirely
beyond question.
5.1.1.2
At the morphological level, in which genetically diferent languages are
not usually prone to exchanging elements of their systems, it is noticeable,
nevertheless, that the loss of gender distinction in the 2nd person sg. of AA
personal pronouns and verbs, only shared by Ml. and some Naf. dialects,
had been occupied by the Byzantines between 554 and 616 a.D., not without some linguistic
impact (on this, see Lapesa 1980:6466). However, none of them had a considerable direct
inuence on AA.
soincis oi ix+iniinixci i
where AA inuence is certain, can hardly be explained but as consequence
of Rm. interference. Otherwise, AA makes use of a few Rm. derivational
suxes, which were dealt with in 2.1.5.2.
5.1.1.3
At the syntactic level, linguistic interference is always frequent in the case
of creoles, because the nal phase of decreolisation usually irons out most
phonemic and morphemic diculties, as they tend to impede communi-
cation, while mere solecisms are seldom too harmful and, being used by
a majority of speakers, are better tolerated and even give their speech an
exotic, not altogether socially rejected tinge. As a result, those solecisms can
nally become part of the grammar of the new dialect or language, as is the
case of most syntactic innovations of NA dialects.

5.1.1.3.1. Gender alteration is a common interference in the case of languages

in contact, and happens often in AA in the case of the unmarked fem.
substantives of OA, such as double parts of the body, and some other items,
listed in the grammars, like sams sun, ar

d earth, etc. The alteration

appears to have become established in cases like IQ 87/10/2 #aynan ak

hal
black eye, 134/0/1 #ayn alz an my lewd eye, 32/6/2 samsan
-

d ahir a
clear sun, 77/2/2 anta sab i

sba# my nger was caught, IA 679 #aynan

l a yar an eye which does not see, Alc. 414.5 ard gua cq mainland (a
calque of Cs. tierra frme), with some occasional hesitations, like Alc. 7.18
19, admitting of both tal a xemz and talt a xems the sun rose, or HH45
kam li#ayn taq

ta# allayl wam a yifd u for how long my eyes have been
going sleepless through the nights to no avail!, with a gender incongruence
between taq

t# (fem. verb) and yifd+u (masc. pronominal sux), noticed

by Al

hill. Contrariwise, substantives ending in //, mostly by decay of

nal hamz, like m water and d illness, or simply being fem. in Rm.,
have acquired this genre in AA also, e.g., GL ald a" alsawd a epilepsy, lit.
the black disease, Z 300 al#a s a sa

hnah the dinner is warm, Z 177 alm a

tihabba

tuh the water washes it down, Alc. 35.2405 al mi almubrraca the

801
However, the presence of higher and lower registers in Arabic speaking societies can
complicate this picture considerably. Thus, for instance, in the Eg. dialect biy ut kub ar is a
lower register than biy ut kibra, but both are acceptable, while for the dual, b et en kub ar
cannot be replaced by a classicising *b et en kibr en, which would be understood, but not
recognised as vernacular by dialect speakers. Obviously, in the case of AA, in the lack of
living speakers, we are often in no position to gauge the extent of current acceptability of the
many classicisms interspersed within the extant documents, particularly those produced by
the learned or half-learned.
i ixcunoxis+ic iinocu
holy water, vs. DC 15b al me moureq, MT 970.2 al

hi

s am allat g arat
the quarrel which took place (cf. fem. Cs. agua = Pt. gua = Ct. aigua; Cs.
dolencia = Pt. doena = Ct. malaltia; Cs. pelea, Pt. briga, Ct baralla, brega),
next to the incongruent gam# ald ar allat

s ar luh the whole house which

became his, etc.; however, in the case of texts produced by bilinguals,
caution must be exerted before accepting their phrases as witnesses of
grammatical AA.

5.1.1.3.2. Substitution of the denite article for an expected possessive pro-

noun, as regularly in SA, is another case of possible Rm. interference, e.g.
Z 487 #as yi gh alminq ar fal+as

t so that his beak touches his behind, 769

gaz a alnams bazqah fal+u g the reward of the ferret is to be spat on his
face, Alc. 174.1 nat al yed to surrender, lit. give up ones hand.
5.1.1.3.3. Substitution of tense notions for those of aspect has been spotted
in texts produced by bilinguals, such as MT 1027.15 an a a gruh I forgive
him which, in spite of its CA appearance, is a literal calque of Rm. syntax
(cf. Cs. le perdono), instead of the perfective required by the Arabic verbal
system, even by AA.

The same applies to the imperfective idioms in Alc.

48.3 atit cat mucriba gua cunt nte tedr nne qunet mucriba did
you pass bad money knowing that it was bad?, and 49.1 acharit xi min
alled cunt tedr nne quin maurq did you buy something knowing that
it was stolen?, with the wording required by the Rm. consecutio temporum,
instead of simple gua nte tedr with w awu

h al.
5.1.1.3.4. Use of some functionals in the Rm. fashion, e.g., VA min # am =
Alc. 147.2627 min cne one year old (cf. Cs. de un ao), VA muddah min
# amayn a two year period, Alc. 147.32 min dir one cubit long (cf. Cs. de
un codo), 325.15 nifhlalm to smell like goats (cf. Cs. oler a choto), 54.29
802
These changes of gender were already noticed by Colin & Lvi-Provenal 1931:56.
At times, the ungrammaticality is obvious, e.g., Alc. 43.23 yantalq aal the mass is over
(lit. dismissed), with a masc. verb, vs. 43.19 al al quibra mass, with a fem. adjective, as
expected. Some of these gender changes are found also in Naf. dialects, possibly introduced
there by the numerically and culturally decisive Andalusi immigration: the anonimous

Gum anah, simultaneously describing the dialects of Granada andTunisia (see #Abdalwahh ab
1953:35) mentions the cases of the fem. gender of bayt house and mawt death, which is
conrmedinMo. by Premare 1999 XI: 270 for m ut, andfor bothm ut andbt by Singer 1984:444
in Tunisian Arabic.
808
I.e., CA qad gafartu lahu = AA qad gafrtuh. Ferrando 1995:98 comments this item
by saying: Salvo el ejemplo ya recogido en SK de a grhu y ta gr lirnanduh 1027.19
perdonas a Fernando, no hay demasiados indicios de la sustitucin del sistema aspectual
del verbo por un sistema temporal ms prximo al del sustrato y adstrato romances.
soincis oi ix+iniinixci i
fal aymal o

kr min ciamon other fast days (cf. Cs. en otros das de ayuno),
DC 6a nimin billhi hu fe ia I believe in God and in Jesus,

it not
being always easy to separate mere translators blunders from idioms that
might have eventually been accepted by average speakers of AA.
5.1.1.3.5. Calques of diverse Rm. idioms in every time, area and register, e.g.,
VAna#mal lak maw

da# I make roomfor you (cf. Cs. hacer sitio), kif tud#
what is your name? (cf. Cs. cmo te llamas?), na

hru g liwild I take after

my father (cf. Cs. salgo a mi padre), IQ2/0/1 sa+tadrh youwill knowhim
(cf. Cs. lo conocers, not distinguishing to know something from to know
or recognise somebody), 5/2/3 bal gar at once (cf. Cs. corriendo), 101/3/2

d a lis yuk un ak

tar this will not happen again (cf. Cs. no ocurrir ms),
IA 543 l a ti

saddaquh ak

tar do not believe him ever (cf. Cs. no le creas

ms), Z 1790 lis tasa# f balad there is no room for her in a town (cf. Cs. no
cabe enla ciudad),

2070 ya#mal alm a it leaks (cf. Cs. hace agua), Alc. 51.5
darbt fal guchli hde al

kir alle

d ameltilu didyouthrowinsomeones
face the favours you did him? (cf. Cs. echar en cara), 54.39 yeqcr acim he
breaks the fast (cf. Cs. romper el ayuno), HB 36 alyamn alma#m ulah the
oath sworn (cf. Cs. juramento hecho), SNT 156 mat alibnah g a kibr the
girls one turned out to be too big (cf. Cs. le vino grande),

etc.
804
The translator has been here doubly negligent and unskilled, by changing the correct
prepositionbi+ of the rst complement into , and by using the Islamic name of Jesus, always
yas u# among Christians, as regularly inAlc. He repeats this mistake onevery occasion(pp. 5b,
6a, 7b, 16b, 17a/b and 19 a/b), unaware, of course, of the good reasons Christians had not to
adopt #s, unlike the case of other Qur# anic names of OTprophets, about whichsee Corriente
2009:4142 and Monferrer 1998. This proves that, unlike the author of DC, Alc. had access to
some written Christian Arabic sources.
80
The calque here consists in the swap of subject and object, as in the correct SA idiom
one would say l a yasa#uh a lbalad the town has no room for her.
806
It is anecdotically remarkable that ignorance of this last idiom prevented very learned
researchers from correctly understanding the

har gah A12, bnd lb sqh "ywn snl, until in

Corriente 1993d, upon recognising this Romancism of AA in its source language, the riddle
was solved (ott t+ t+ sq+ +v6 st ttt, i.e., Bairam without him turns into something
like fasting; see also Corriente 1997a: 283 and 2009b: 121).
TEXT SAMPLES
It is always dicult to operate a selection of texts aimed at providing even
a sketchy view of the appearance of a living language, and much more so
when that language is no longer alive, and the samples must be culled from
a limited inventory of surviving texts. Acknowledging in advance that our
choice could have been better, we shall also this time follow the criteria
of Corriente 1977 and 1992, and ofer three samples of poetry, all of them
az g al, but from diverse authors, themes and periods. As prose, we ofer two
samples of proverb collections, both from the Na

sr kingdom of Granada,
but from diferent times; one peculiar text, the Elegy for Valencia, and a
personal letter, also from a Valencian Morisco, drawn up shortly before the
nal expulsion.
i
POETRY
1. Inx Qizx xs z+ o+t N a

o /man labs

twban samwi /min iqmat almaryyah

la tukn #alyh gifra/illa

dra fustaqyya.
+ kin+nird naksb gifra/watukn #ala+

htiyri,
wa#ala+

sabryya nabn /lis nird ana badri,

nnama nird raqqa/wa

hulwwa min suwri;

blla,

sqha lyya b

til, /lis nirdha mu staryya.

: a

turz tukn naqyya, wayukn a

dyl

su

hyya

h,
wayukn fa+ llwza itqn/wa#umyyalan mulyya

h,

tmma la yaqb

d gunyya

h/min amm #ala gunyya

h,
nna i

d nird niradd /lis ti gni mustawyya.

b#id+ alqa

sra #nni /nna qmati

tawla,
m#i fa+ s sa

t ma na#ml /walqa

sr ma fh li

hla;
wayukn alk mabrm/bi

hiy

tatan nabla,
nna ab g

d ma ilyya/al

hiya

tt arradyya.
d

hal+ addalll ila+ ssq/wil+ almunda gdwa:

#asa #ndakum gifra/ksiya

sabryya

hlwa?

80
In the AA stress based version of the metre ramal (f a#il atun f a#il atun); see Corriente
1997a: 90121. This facetious and unabashed author, who lived under the Almoravids and
decisively innovated the genre za gal, died in 1160 a.D.; see about him Corriente 1966e. His
Dw an was edited by Garca Gmez 1972, complete, annotated and translated into Cs. for the
rst time, but yet without the benets of the dialectological study of AA, partly fostered by
that edition in the following decades, which allowed us to publish more reliable annotated
editions and translations thereof in 1980, 1984c, 1989, 1995b, 1996 and 1996e.
808
In cases like this, the editor faces the dilemma of either assuming stress shift as a
poetic license, in order to make the words t into the metre, or positing a case of foot
substitution, another licence presently accepted by most specialists in Andalusi Stanzaic
Poetry (see Schoeler 2002). This substitution, allowed in all the feet of a line but the last,
would in this case imply a reading ba/ill sqha (maf a#lun), both possibilities, stress shift
and foot substitution, being witnessed in this poetic genre. The same situation occurs again
in 3/1, perhaps to read as ab#d+ alqa

sra, 4/1, perhaps da

hl+ addalll, 5/3, perhaps fatn

ak

hl, 5/4, perhaps

hayyk+ allh, 7/1, perhaps yan

-

dru, unless the mss. has lost a nal h,

i.e., yan
-

durh, 8/1, perhaps ban alfar

di, 9/4, possibly wah lis, 10/12, perhaps awkd i

dyk,
wal allh, tafdk with foot substitution in every foot but the last, 11/3, with unquestionable
substitution, and 11/4, possibly #aml ayyb.
800
Note the classicism, requiredby rhythmandrhyme, incontrast withthe dialectal shape
of 1/3.
io ioi+nv

tmma sq li tarmidtan

/lam yukn li fha shwa;

qlli: lam ni gd siwha/ #ala kbr+ alqaysaryya.
h yu

hll+ a

ty wayan sr/wana na

htr f+ alman

his,
wa

sir# byni wabynu/wanu

hn

hrbi d

his,

hatta rytu fatan+ ak

hl /wamal

h gnbi glis;
qlli: ust

d,

hyyak+ allh/faraddt+ a

hsn ta

hyya.
6 qlli: wwa

da gifra/klli ma

talbta fha,
ya wazr, law nna gyrak/lam li#mri ym

di bha;
qltu luh: sahhl #alyya/f+ alfa

dl wana starha;
qlli alq

sdi nuqllak, /lak hi +lyk

mnni hadyya.
wa#a

tahli wawall/wabaqyt min mru bhit,

wattu g gr

hwli wa

hwlu/yan
-

dur min al

hawnit,
w s #as nuql? saw hu/qltu sy aw kntu skit.
la karm f+ addnya yu

dkr, /h

da akrm albaryya.
8 bni alfar

di ki

tr, /wahu awl lalmakrim,

i

d yulm

da+ lma#ni /las yu

saddq fha lyim;

qad katb #ala+ lma

tqil: /alkarm w gib walzim;

nnama yukkl wayalbs/wayifarrq albaqyya.
q man qa

sd ilyh

h ga/qad qa

sd ila+ ssa#da,
walla

d bal g limd

hu/qad bal g ila+ lirda,

fa+i

d wa#d bima s/falwaf w#du #da;

nna km min almaw#id/wahi lis tukn wafyya.
+o y ab #al, hanyya/

da+ lma

hmid walma"

tir,
wa"an wa s s

h waza g gl /wa"ana ktib wa s#ir;

wkad+ i

dyk, wali allh, /tfdik+ arr

h waddannir,
wy murbi

t kin+nukn lak, /law

haf

t+ albirbilyya!
++ fa+ zza gl qad

srtu sul

tn/waraf#tu fh liw"i,
kll+ a

hd ya

tn #alyya, /wabi

hqqi hu

tan"i:
az gli mil

h qawyya/wayi g mat# siw"i

#mal+ ayyb, walquwayft /la mil

h wala qawyya.
Translation
o Whoever wears a sky blue suit from the Almerian manufacture
cannot don a cloak other than pistachio-green.
+ I want to get a cloak

which will be of my choice;

I mean second-hand stuf, I do not want a brand new one,
but I want something delicate and sweet, of my class:
for Gods sake, bring it to me free; I do not want it purchased.
810
Item of doubtful reading and interpretation, likely synonymous of man

his in 5/1.
811
Note the free option for the sake of rhythm between hamzatu lwa

sl and hamzatu lqa

t#
in the same line: qlli "alqa

sdi hi (i)layk.
812
See the descriptionof this garment inDozy 1845:312319, it being clear that the meaning
of gi

f arah in AA was that of guf arah in Dozys sources, supported by a line of poetry. IH 260
explains that Andalusis used gi

f arah instead of burnus.

inx qizx xs z+ o+t x a ii
: The embroidery must be clean, and the tail, in good condition,
the tassel of the hood beautifully tailored and nished with a beautiful job,
and one ap must not pull the other to the front,
so that, if I drop them, they do not go on a par.
Put the short ones away, for I am of large size;
I can handle the long ones, but can do nothing with the short.
The sleeves shall be plaited with excellent seams:
there is nothing I hate more than bad seams.
The dealer entered the market in the morning, at the start of auctions:
Would you have a nice cloak, second-hand, of good size?
Then he brought me wretched stuf which did not please me,
saying: I found nothing else in the entire bazaar.
He unfolded and spread them, while I chose among the pitiful items,
having with him a scue, as if we were in the battle of D a

his,

when I saw a beautiful dark youth sitting at my side.

He said to me: May God preserve your life, Sir, and I answered in the best
manner.

6 He said to me: Here is a cloak having all that you ask,

o vizier, if it were somebody else, by my life, he would not carry it
I said to him: Cut for me your prot, and I shall buy it;
he said: I shall tell you my purpose: it is my present to you.
And he gave it to me and went away, and I was left amazed by him,
while the merchants around us stared from their shops.
What could I say? It was the same, whether I spoke or not:
No generous man in the world must be mentioned: he is the most generous
in the creation.
8 The Ban u Alfara

are many, but he is the one who deserves the most

honours;
if he was blamed in this respect, the blamer would not be believed.
He has written on the coins: generosity is an inescapable duty,
and only eats and dresses, and gives away the rest.
q Whoever comes to him in need, comes to happiness,
and those who arrive to praise him, meet their aims:
818
Famous tribal pre-Islamic battle on account of a horse and a mare, which became a
metaphor of erce struggle.
814
An echo of Qur" an IV-86, which has become one of the pillars of Islamic sociability.
81
A famous Cordovan family, whose most famous member was the legist and historian
#Abdall ah b. Mu

hammad, nicknamed Alfara

d (i.e., specialist in distributing the shares of

an estate between the heirs to it) after his father, and himself a judge in Valencia, killed in
Cordova during the civil war called the Berber tnah, which put an end to the Umayyad
Caliphate, one or two generations before the date of this poem. As in other examples, the
poet having begged and obtained a gift, thanks his patron, by composing a za gal, in which
he recreates the scene in the bazaar, and ofers the description of auctions, bartering and
bargaining there, with the vivid colours and realism characteristic of this genre, in which IQ
excelled.
ia ioi+nv
when he promises whatever, his habit is to deliver,
not like so many promises, which remain unfullled.
+o Abu #Al, congratulations for these qualities and glories!
I am the author of muwa s sa

h and za gal, writer and poet:

Move your hands quicker, man of God, worth a ransom of lives and money!
I would be your Almoravid, if only I knew the Berber tongue!

++ I have become the king of za gal and raised in it my banner;

everybody praises me, and that praise is deserved:
my az g al are beautiful and solid, while those of others
are the work of patience,

with rhymes neither beautiful nor solid.

2. A s si s+nis z+ o+t N q6

o /hb li min ri

dk, ya rbbi /

hlla ba s nalqk naqyya:

km li natmann libsha, /ya karm, labbsha lyya!
+ kin+nird, ya rbbi,

hulla/watuqmha lyya min gd,

wayukn

harrha kwni /bi

hilf ma y gzal+ addd,

wanird yans gha

sni# /bima#n min klli ma

hmd,
watuqm lah

sanyif /min ala#ml arra

dyya,
km li natmann libsha, /ya karm, labbsha lyya!
816
Untranslatable pun: mur abi

t lit. means permanently stationed in a rib a

t, i.e., a border
garrison, in defence of Islamic territory. The poet excuses himself of a similar duty in the
service of his patron, because he is unfamiliar with Berber, the language of the Almoravids,
who, inspite of their military aidagainst the Christianonslaught, were not muchappreciated
by the natives of Al-Andalus. With this joke, IQ launches a phatic sign of complicity to
this Ab u #Al, possibly #Umar, of the lineage of the Ban u Alfara

d, an old stock Andalusi as

himself, and as such, a hater of the Berbers. This particular issue was very aptly treated by
Garca Gmez 1972 who, however, was not so fortunate in his negative evaluation (III 467)
of the presence of Br. items in IQ: this score was corrected by Bencherifa 1975 I: 280281 and,
following his steps, Corriente 1995b: 496, which counts up to seven instances of Br. items
used by this author when addressing Almoravid patrons, although he and most Andalusis
had a dim view of that language also. An interesting anecdote to this efect, attributed with
some hesitationinAlmusnad (see Viguera 1981:343344) to Ab uMarw anb. Zuhr, reports that
this Andalusi scholar, when called to the court of the Almohads, could only learn two words
of the Ma

sm udan dialect in two years, namely, "w s give me (apparently corrupted from
awid, unless derived from iw sa), and ernu give me more.
81
Lit., Jobs work, alluding to poems obtained through long tiresome eforts, but without
inspiration.
818
Granadan

s uf (mystic), who wandered through North Africa and the Middle East, and
died in Egypt in 1269 a.D. His Dw an was rst published by Anna s s ar 1960, and then in
phonemic transcription and with a Cs. translation by Corriente 1988b. On the surface, this
poem is a mu# ara

dah, i.e., a metrical and thematic imitation of the famous preceding za gal
by IQ; however, the description of the gown coincides with that of the metaphorical garment
which the ascetic wise fool Buhl ul b. #Amr from Kufa begged from the traditionist M alik b.
Dn ar; see Marzolph 1983:6061.
s si s+nis z+ o+t x q6 i
: wayukn a

twb mat#ha/min a glli ma fal+a

twb,
wabim+ lwa

d mu

tahhr/aw bidm#a man yaqad tb;

hli

sa min a s sawyib/wamin+ arriy wal+i# gb,

htta i

d f

hat wa

srat /binr

alhud mu

dyya:
km li natmann libsha, /ya karm, labbsha lyya!
watufa

sl li, ya rbbi, /bimuq

s q

t#+ al#alyiq,
wayukn

swm atta

taww# /albadn ma# albanyiq,

watu

t #ala ma yalzm/bi

huy

t min al

haqyiq,
wayukn lah wa
-

dyif /min ala

hlq arra

dyya:
km li natmann libsha, /ya karm, labbsha lyya!
wayukn kmmi+ lyamni /fhi zhdi ma# yaqni,
wayukn kmmi+ s simli /hwwa

sfwatu

amni,
wayukn gbi mu#ammr/battuq w+arkni dni,
wati#akkha li, ya+llh/mnka b+al

tfan

hafyya:
km li natmann libsha, /ya karm, labbsha lyya!
wamin+ adm# alma

hbba/yukn al gb wa

tuwyyaq,
wayukn ns gaha gyyid/wal gazl

s ruqyyaq,
kay yi g #amlha ma

tb#, /mutansib waduqyyaq,

watukn, ya llah, s

ta/wamin+ al#uyb naqyya:

km li natmann libsha, /ya karm, labbsha lyya!
6 wamin+ al

h sya, ya rbbi, /yukn

almri mu"akkd,
watu

tayyb #ndi

dikrak/wati

sr afw

h min+ annd,
wayudm #ala lisni /a

sal #ala mu

hammd;
s kiy+yafr

h al#ubyyad/law #u

tt lu

di+ l#a

tyya!
km li natmann libsha, /ya karm, labbsha lyya!
falibs

di+ l

hulla #ndi /lattuq af

hr ma yulbs,
wa"a glli ma hu yu

tlb/wama yunta

hb wayu

hbs:
n

h sa nalqk, a

habbi, /ba

dunb aswd mudanns;

lssu min f #li alin

sf, /ya ilhi, tb #alyya:

km li natmann libsha, /ya karm, labbsha lyya!
8 lyya mdda narta gha, /fa#as nabl g amli,
wayi

tb

hli wawqti /biwu

sli likamli,
fa"ilyk, ya rbbi, nar gb, /wa#alyk hu ittikli,
an tinawwr gsmi bha/qbli an tat+ lmanyya:
km li natmann libsha, /ya karm, labbsha lyya!/
Translation
o Give me, o Lord, by your benevolence, a clean tunic to meet you:
I have so long wished to wear it, o Municent One, dress me with it!
810
Note the substitution of maf a#lun for f a#il atun.
820
Here and in 4/3, the metre has required i#r ab, unless a disjunctive +i is inserted (see
1.4.4.1.3). Also in 5/3, the metre has required the CA vocalisation mutansib.
821
This could be a case of substitution of maf a#lun for f a#il atun; the same happens in 7/3,
however, inthe Easterncountries inwhichA s su star spent the nal years of his life, this stress
position was normal for n

h s.
i ioi+nv
+ O Lord, I would like a tunic which You will make for me out of generosity,
its silk being cosmic,

unlike the kind spun by worms,

and I want it woven by a worker with the tools of every virtue;
with trimmings made out of commendable deeds:
I have so long wished to wear it, o Municent One, dress me with it!
: Its cloth shall be one of the most excellent materials,
cleansed with water from ablutions, or tears of the already repented,
free of stains, of hypocrisy and conceitedness,
to the point of being fragrant, bright with the light of righteousness:
I have so long wished to wear it, o Municent One, dress me with it!
O Lord, it shall be cut for me with the scissors of the severed attachments,

the voluntary fasting providing its body and gussets,

sewn, as it should be, with the thread of truth,
and it shall have braids made out of commendable habits:
I have so long wished to wear it, o Municent One, dress me with it!
The right sleeve of it will be my ascetism and conviction,
and my left sleeve, my best amen,
the collar, braided with my piety and the principles of my religion,
which You, my God, will girdle with Your hidden favours:
I have so long wished to wear it, o Municent One, dress me with it!
The neckline and selvage will be from tears of love;
it will be well-woven, and the yarn, unmixed and ne,
so that its handwork be inspired, appropriate and exact.
Let it be long, my God, and free of blemishes:
I have so long wished to wear it, o Municent One, dress me with it!
6 O Lord, let the matter be conrmed by my fear of You,
scented by Your mention, becoming more fragrant than ambergris,
and the blessing of Muhammad shall be always on my tongue;
how glad this little slave will be, if he were granted this boon!
I have so long wished to wear it, o Municent One, dress me with it!
Wearing this tunic is to me the best garment of piety,
the most excellent request, choice and possession;
I fear to meet you, o beloved, dirty and blackened with sins;
since I am not just, o my God, grant me repentance:
I have so long wished to wear it, o Municent One, dress me with it!
8 I have been longing for it some time; perhaps I shall attain my hope,
my condition and hours being good, upon reaching my perfection;
o my Lord, I pray to You, and on You I trust
that You will illuminate my body with it before my death comes:
I have so long wished to wear it, o Municent One, dress me with it!
822
In the original kawn, i.e., related to the entire divine creation.
828
In the mystical jargon, the ties keeping man attached to earthly concerns and barring
his illumination, unless he can sever them.
z+ o+t nv inx i

+in i
3. A z+ o+t nv Inx Ai

+in

o /fra

hu

wa

tbu: /qad ma

d #ad allh/wan gabr

habbu.
+ knat+ albild w+hlah/ni#ma fh ra gba,
lam tar nahr h

dw/wala b#du

tba,
kyfa lah waqad

srat /rmula garba?

blla,

wy ni

sbu?/qad raf#tu min swqi, /lmma gb, na

sbu.
: wal+umm min al

hsra/dn sarb sukra,

wul#uyn #uyn ta gr /walqulb

hayra,
walla

d
-

dafr minhum/bi

hrf

aw dabra,
y g#alu gbu, / #as yan

taf w gdu/wayaskn wa gbu.

#

tra kn ha

da+ l

had

t /f+alfalk wa gl

ta,
sqa

tat bha+ ddnya/frdi mmi

sq

ta:
yasta g

dak almwla/min suhyl libs

ta,
wal man yi gbu: /astaw+ lwa

tn kllu, / glfu ma# ni gbu.

wamar

d dn alislm/

htta qad yu gamm

d
wal man yu

dq annwm/wal man yi gamm

d
kull+ a

hd sallm fha/lalqa

d wafaww

d,

htta jh

tabbu/fazl alalm walbs/all kIn yi

sbu.
bimu

hmmad+ almwla/ #zzi dn mu

hammd,
wara g# bih+ alislm/kama kn mumahhd,
wara"t bih+ addnya/mi

tli ma at#awwd:
w

sli gb raqbu/wasa#datan tabq/ #aqb #aqbu.

6 yanzl alfar g lmma/tantah+ s sadyid,
walallh hwl anns/bal gaml #awyid:
y wa

tn ra" q

sdu/wamunh bizyid?
an gabr garbu/walta

hf bistr+ allh/barh ma# murbu.

lwla sfqat+ assul

tn, /alilh yi#nu,

ma+ gtam# siml insn/fha ma# yamnu
waman y# gabak dnya/aw ya# gbka dnu:
faqh ma#

ha

tbu, /ql l+alfn su: NO MATR, ya

SINYR, QA

TBU.
8 ql lalandals: #nni /kin+nird ni#addd,
wamin b#di

da nar g# /lalwi

sl ni gaddd:
kf nasytani, bal

hq, waqadrt tartd?

824
Dated in 1362, as it celebrates the recovery by Mu

hammad V of his lost throne in

Granada at that time. This poem, strongly inuenced by the CA poetical habits of its very
learned author, was rst published by F a gyah 1989:244245, and then in Corriente 1990c,
in dialectological transcription and with Cs. translation. The metre is muqta

dab (f a#il atu

maf # ulun/f a#il atu fa#lun, preceded in the refrains by f a#il atu fa#lun).
82
Again a case of stress shift, rather than foot substitution in this instance.
826
See the fn. to IQ 24/1/4.
82
Note the substitution of maf a#lu for f a#il atu, the same happens again in 4/2 wal, 4/4
fazl alalm and all, and 6/1 yanzl, 6/4 barh.
828
Apparently a Granadan idiom (a single mother = at once), appearing also in Ibn
Zamrak 15/3/2.
820
Ms. tarfad, apparently a copyists mistake.
i6 ioi+nv
alilh

hasbu/klli man yu

hn lfu/aw yah gr

habbu.
q man la ya#rf ann #ma/fa+zawlha yarqb,
wafallis alk sfa/by

d waldah ta

tqb,
wayandm li"mran ft /wahu rddu ya

s#b,
wayirb

halbu/wayar ma bay wldu/wama bay rabbu.

+o qad ra g# biqa

da+ llh/alma g

sb limawlh,
llah ylhamu skru/falla

d qad wallh,
y hanyya, y fr

ha, /ya

habyib+ allh!
fra

hu wa

tbu: /qad ma

d #ad allh/wan gabr

habbu./
Translation
o Be glad and feel good: Gods enemy is gone and his friend has been restored.
+ The country and its people desired him so much
as, since he left, they saw no day with light or goodness!
How would they, after becoming like an exiled widow?
By God, where could we nd him? When he left, I was burdened with his
share of longings.
: Out of sorrow the folks seemed drunk without liquor,
their eyes ran like springs and the hearts were puzzled;
whoever of them got a letter or a message
put it in his pocket in order to assuage his longing and calm his throbbing.
This story was a slip and mistake of the heavenly spheres,
from which the world sufered a total collapse:
That prince asked for help from Fuengirola to Baza,
but nobody answered, the whole country levelled, the rude and the noble.
The religion of Islam fell ill almost to the point of agony,
no one could taste sleep, not even a wink:
all resigned and committed themselves to their fate,
until the physician came, and the pain ended along with the evil they
sufered.
With the Prince Muhammad, the Muhammadan religion is strong,
Islam with him has again its way paved,
and the world with him recovers its ways:
a concord without spies and a happiness which will last for ever after.
6 Consolation has come when the miseries are over,
because God is given to favour this people:
which other country enjoyed more of His providence and favours?

The stranger is restored, and Gods protection comprehends the innocent

and suspect.
880
An echo of local traditions attributing to the Prophet, even to God, a special predilec-
tion for Al-Andalus and its people, about which see, for instance, Azzuhrs comments in
Bramon 1991:141142.
z+ o+t nv inx i

+in i
Were it not for the Sultans mercy, God help him!,
some people would not be able to joint hands.

What do you like better, his religious or his political stances?

Both an apt legist and speaker, he said to Alfonso: Sire, do not kill
a prisoner.

8 He said to the Andalusis: I intend to rebuke you,

but then I shall renew the concord:
How could you forget me, truly, and renege?
God will call to account those who betray a friend or quit their beloved.
q Whoever does not value a favour, will see it disappear:
the chickens of a crazy hen also pick at the eggs of their ofspring:
Such ones shall repent for the lost chance, when it shall be hard to recover;
their milk will curdle, and they will see the diference between son and
stepson.
+o By Gods decree, the usurpated property has returned to its owner,
may God inspire him gratititude for such a trust.
Congratulations and joy, o people beloved by God:
Be glad and feel good: Gods enemy is gone and his friend has been restored.
881
In order to beg pardon, a metaphor of fear.
882
In broken Cs., not Andalusi Rm., in the original. This passage contains a reminiscence
and historical witness of the proverbial savageness of the Castilian king, D. Pedro the Cruel
who, having decided to support Mu

hammad V, himself killed with a lance the refugee

Mu

hammadVI, knownas Ab uSa#dthe Reddish, inTablada, near Seville. Among Andalusis,

it was customary tocall every Castilianking Alfonso, andRamirointhe case of the Aragonese.
ii
PROSE
4. soxi Inovinns Ciiiii inox Azz c c iis Coiiic+iox

. /i

d azw g a s sy

h la

sabyya yafr

hu

sibyn alqaryya/
++. /i

d tb azzafn tabq mankibu ta

h gl/
o. /a#m, a

htarq bytak, ql:

tubl

man rh/
. /uql lalb gli: man hwwa wldak? ql: alfars

hli/
8o. /a

sal

hyr min annwm. ql: garrbna

d wa

d/

q. /a s

hl byni wabyn assam? ql: arf# rsak watar/

+o. /a#

tni mat#ak wall naksr

dir#ak/
++:. /i s tanf# alwa

syya faddm ga arradyya/

+. /ibls bil bi

tqa fa+kfat

d bu

tq lu/
+. / sma wa gd al gabbr ya

hmlu laddr./
+. /albrbiri walfr la ti#allmu bb addr/
+8. / s kan+da

hlni

ma# alaqr# nam s

t rsu?/
+q:. /all tabq al

hma dn mab

tl/
:o. /arf#

hrrak, ya mh ga, liqbil

hatt yar

su alqawbil/
:o. /asta gn

himr alw

h s #an alby

tar/
:. /a shl ma hwwa al#yn al

h gib fqu/
. /allbb y yaw ma ya

d/
. /askandarni, rni ma rni/

888
This author, a native fromCordova, diedinMarrakeshin1294. His collection, excerpted
froma lenghty humorous work, Rayyu luw amwamar# ssaw amf nukati l

haw a

si wal#aw am,
was rst published by Bencherifa 1971 and then, in phonemic transcription and with a Cs.
translation, by Ould Mohamed Baba 1999.
884
I.e., SA

t ub li+ happiness for.

88
The rst sentence is often attached to the morning call to prayer (a

d an); therefore, the

proverb is one of the not uncommon instances of disrespectful attitudes towards religion
and the clergy in this kind of literature, together with scatological and of-colour stories.
886
A curious instance of addition of -at to the interrogative adverb kayfa = kf, possibly a
demonstrative element; see Fleisch 1979:68, with examples like kayta,

dayta,

tammata and
rubbata. Again in N 1551.
88
This curious idiomis the match of Mo. m a skma+ni/k/h, etc., froma haplological reex
of Br. sk sm to make enter, to introduce; to stick something (where it should not be; see
Aspinion 1953:211 cf. Kabyle l

hlq+inna d l

hrama t+yssk smbnadms a

ham+is it is a sin
for one to bring such a person into his house, Dallet 1982:394). Apparently its AAtranslation
was already current in Al-Andalus.
888
See fn. 244 to 3.1.2; the same items reappears in N 986.
i6o inosi
:6. /aqr srat yasn #ala qlban kr/
. /asmr

hwwa a

sbr hwwa/
8. /par

tl falfm

hyr min wzza falkm/

q. /baqyyat

trda a

hyr

min lwn/
6. /b#dima sb

hutn wawalwlu #alh ala

htn/
:. /bz al#a gz

ya

td min alqaf/
66. /ba

hl par

tl addr ma kabr

dq s

tu/
o. /tarhum a

sfru

tuql

tbu/
+. /tar

ti g watam s wama

tmma s/
. /

tal

tat a sy hi ma

hsra: albunyn faddr a

sa gra
wa s s

hmi falmar alqa

sra wa#a st assikrn/

8oo. /

hrma fass#a tam s arb#a/

8. /

hrri p s si,

aq

t#

da+ lwd/
q:. /

hf allh wattaqh wala ti#mal alfaqh/

q6. /ra g# alaydn

akmm/
q86. /rhi zbd: wilu ma

sb g w

hiru

trd/
qqo. /rb

t amr lis yi

sl larra

hl, wa"in wa

sl lis yan

hl/
+oo. /zw gi s

hyr min fqdu/

+o++. /zd alml. ql: law s allh

hal

su/
+o:o. /zd wank

hatt ya

sr

h addk/

+oo. /

tiryna taftk wa"i sblya ta grm al g#l/

+o. /km min bar waqutl/

+++:. /kf tadrni, ya subrni?/

880
The rst adjective is being used here as its own elative; see 2.1.4.
840
Note the proximity of this dialectal variant to the classical one in the previous proverb.
841
Note the decay of the article in the head of the syntagm; see 3.1.1.1.2.4.
842
Note the IXXI measure, indistinguishable from IV.
848
The CA non-agentive vocalisation tur of this idiom is also witnessed in AA.
844
Lit., somebody having bothvulva andpenis, i.e., a hermaphrodite; however, as aninsult,
this item has a long story. It has survived not only in Morocco, though no longer understood
(see Corriente 1993:288), but also in low register Cs. gilipichi, about which, see Corriente
2008: lxxix.
84
See fn. to N 80.
846
Pseudo-dual of the kind mentioned in 2.1.9.3.
84
This is the immediate etymon of Cs. ojal would that, however, it derives from older
l a aw

ha sa llh; see Corriente 2009:401. Curiously enough, also Aljamiado-Morisco tamala, its
Pt. equivalent, tomara and its Canarian reex tomara, in spite of their Rm. appearance, are
all Arabic loanwords; see ibid. 457. The auspicious personal name Z ad alm al (the property
grew) for female servants was commented by Garca Gmez 1972 II: 102, in connection with
IQ 19/4/3, as identied by Littmann 1956.
848
This recommendation to bridegrooms was inscribed in platters full of fruit presented
to them on their wedding-night, as can be seen in the pottery sections of some museums.
840
Note the w awu

h al as temporal marker (3.3.1.1 and fn. 101).

80
Note the Rm. semantic calque inthe verb(5.1.1.3.5) andthe Rm. loanwordinthe kinship
term.
soxi inovinns ciiiii inox zz c c iis coiiic+iox i6i
+:o:. /lis alqrdi s

walaw labs wa s/
+:q. /man akr stu ma ya gls #alh/
+. /ma lalbz ill ma

hz/

+6. /m+ashl

al

hrb #ind+ anna

-

d
-

dra/
+q. /man akl sb#a min albull

t akl srri min #d/

+. /man mt min sb#a la aqmu

allh/
+6+. /mrra man

har

wamrra af

ts, kf al

hal

s?/
++o. /ma

yabs al#d a

htarq/
+8. /mad g alls

hid# balb

tn/
++. /n

hnu naqrw walis nal

hu kfat law gannyna/

+6o6. /

hib k#batan w

hda la til#abu/
+6+8. /

drya hi a

hra balqa

sra/
+6. /#u

t lalbrbiri sbri

talb

dir#/
+8+8. /quln g assuqayqt

mu#wwa ga/
+88+. / satmt mawly t

hti kisy/

+qo. / s

hsaw

ya

htaml ann

si m/
+qo8. / s

san la

tf min sullat s/
+q:. /hmman ta glq f+ c cu bb addr ma h hm/
+qo. /wala ywm a

tn/

:o+q. /la tan

-

dr alq

ti

tul#u wa"innama an
-

dru hub

tu/
:oo. /ya#ml alm ba

hl qrib s/
:+:. /ya tar, ya kb si, y tar# aw y tam s?/
:+. /ya#

t allh alfl liman ma #ndu i

drasyn/

Translation
. When an old man marries a girl, the boys of the village rejoice.
++. Even if the dancer repents, his shoulders keep swinging.
81
The rhyme supports the diphthong contraction; see 1.1.4.2.
82
In IQ 105/9/4 l a lalmil an ill a m a ya

hta

taf , with a Rm. loanword for the animal name.

88
This contraction of the exclamative elative (m a ashal, see 2.1.4) is common.
84
Classical negative optative, see 3.4.3.1.
8
Rm. augmentative sux, see 2.1.5.2.
86
Uncommon use of the temporal marker m a (see 3.3.2.5.2); there might have been an
instance of deletion of ill a before the second verb, or a copyist would have suppressed min
before al# ud. But N 667 is similar.
8
This expression became the surname of the famous za g g al Ab u #Abdall ah A

hmad b.
Al

h a g g; see Corriente 1994:63, fn. 1.

88
See about this peculiar diminutive 2.1.2.10.4.
80
The annexation of the possessive sux in both instances follows the rule of 2.1.11.2.1.2
and fn. 187.
860
An uncommon instance of word composition (na

ht in Arabic lexicology), < sa

s saw
a wicked person or perhaps say

h saw a wicked old man.

861
This phrase became famous by its literal inclusion in the Cs. fable collection El Conde
Lucanor by D. Juan Manuel.
862
Pseudo-dual of the kind mentioned in 2.1.9.3.
i6a inosi
o. Blind man, your house has burnt down.Happy those who could see it!
. The mule was asked: who is your father? He said: The horse is my uncle.
8o. Prayer is better than sleep. He said: We have tried this and that.
q. How far is the distance between the sky and I? He said: Raise your head
and look.
+o. Give me what is yours, or else I shall break your arm.
++:. Advice is of no use for a bad brain.
+. He is a devil without licence, imagine if such he were given.
+. Whatever the dustman nds, he takes home.
+. Do not show the door of your house to Berbers and mice.
+8. What got me to comb the bald mans head?
+q:. May Alhama

never be without cripples.

:o. Keep your vulva, M., for another time, when midwives are cheaper.
:o. Wild asses do without blacksmiths.
:. No matter how high the eye may be, the eyebrow is above it.
. Wolves do not prey where they dwell.
. As an Alexandrian,

I am what I am.
:6. Recite the sura Y asn to an unfaithful heart.

. The blacker he is, the sturdier.

8. A bird in ones mouth is better than a goose in your sleeve.
q. A rest of soup is better than any dish.
6. After getting grey hair, he was circumcised and his daughters-in-law uttered
cries of joy.
:. An old falcon hunts with its back turned.
66. Like sparrows, the older he grows, the thinner his behind.
o. When you see them become yellow, they are ripe.
+. You see them come and go, but nothing happens.
. Three things are bound to be lost: building in a small house, fat on a short
woman, and the dinner of a drunkard.
8oo. In order to save one hour, you walk four.
8. You, manly one,

cross this river, (if you dare).

q:. Fear God and respect Him, and have no deal with the ulemas.
q6. He got utterly mixed up (lit., His hands turned into sleeves).
q86. Some butter indeed: the top is dye, and the bottom, dregs.
qqo. A womans knot does not reach the hamlet done, and if it does, there is no
way to undo it.
868
Famous spa in the province of Granada, as proclaimed by its Arabic name (al

h ammah
the thermal spring).
864
The people of Alexandria had a reputation for strong character.
86
I.e, waste your time in a useless endeavour, as only Muslims believe in the ecacy of
Qur" anic recitation. Egyptians say in the same meaning: biyaddan mal

ta he calls to prayer
in Malta.
866
Lit., hermaphrodite, apparently an insult used in the quarrels between women in
public baths, daring each other to come near within reach.
soxi inovinns ciiiii inox zz c c iis coiiic+iox i6
+oo. A bad husband is better than none.
+o++. Z ad alm al! He said: Would to God it just lasted!

+o:o. Keep making love, until the rooster crows.

+oo. Triana commits the crime, and Seville pays for it.
+o. How many innocents have been killed!
+++:. How come you know me, my nephew?
+:o:. A monkey is nothing, even dressed in brocade.
+:q. Whoever rents his arse cannot sit on it.
+. Falcons have only what they catch.
+6. How pleasing is war for the onlookers!
+q. Whoever eats seven acorns has eaten worse than wood.
+. May God not raise from the dead those who die from surfeit!
+6+. One time, big-nosed, and snub-nosed the next: what is the solution?

++o. When wood is dry, it burns.

+8. Chewing wads of cotton is staying hunger (lit. fooling the belly).
++. We are literate and have no success, imagine if we were singers!
+6o6. Do not gamble with a man who has only one die.

+6+8. The slab is accustomed to the washers.

+6. The Berber was given a span and he asked for a cubit.
+8+8. The colic of the twisted legs.

+88+. I insulted my lord under my coat.

+qo. A wicked old man sufers (wine) with its half of water.

+qo8. A mean fellow from a bad family.

+q:. A sorrow on which one can close the door of the house is no sorrow.
+qo. Not even the day of the mud?

:o+q. Do not look at the cat on its way up, but on its way down.
:oo. It leaks like a bad boat.
:+:. My ram, where will you graze, where will you go?
:+. God gives beans to those who have no teeth.
86
Untranslatable pun. The name, common among female slaves and meaning the
property has increased, contrasted at times with their clumsiness, resulting in the ruin of
utensils. Her owner woulds hope to merely keep his possessions, far from expecting any
improvement.
868
Probably allusive to the objections made by marriable daughters regarding prospective
husbands of whom they did not approve.
860
Lit., the astragalus used as dice most of the time; see Corriente 2008:274, s.v. dado.
80
Allusion to any serious illness, since NAq ulan g was a generic name for internal diseas-
es.
81
Old people were given wine mixed with much water.
82
Allusion to the famous anecdote of Almu#tamid with his wife I#tim ad, included in El
Conde Lucanor with nearly the same Arabic words; see Nykl 1946:141.
i6 inosi
5. Inovinns inox Aioxso iii Cs+iiios Coiiic+iox

q. /td

tan
-

dr waldak? an
-

dr a

hbu/
+8. /a

hdmu wa"a#

t lasss wala tallsu

guls/
:6. /am+swdu

man yalta g li"awldu/

:8. /man asrq wldu i s yuq

t# yddu/
. /kull+ a

hdda

yi#q li

hsbu/
q. /mt wa gurs swwatu kurmt/
6o. /man

hadm addnya

yat#b/
66. /ta

bilisnak ma la ta

h bisikknak/
+. /azziw g ba

hl

ht asslla: all hu brra kiy+yd yikn d

hil wa"all hu d

hil
kiy+yd yikn brra/
6. /i

hnt

d ill warrs

hi

d/
8. /man

hall s gl+ alym

li gad ma yafqd hm abad/

q6. /arrs all+ s su

lak d#u ya

htarq/
+. / swka ma# #ur ga yin

d mannah bu

tln/
+:. /

hbzi ma la h lak d#u ya

htarq/
+8. /aq

dr+am+ma

hu alklb

hin yantaq#/
+6:. /mmu rrna wawldu

tayr almur g: alwald liman ya

hr g?/

+66. /ma ta

hmr al

haddy ill #ala l#nat alwalidy/

+8. /abrd, a+brid,

#ala sahr g min

hal/
:o. /ynu

habbak fmma hu #adk/

:o. /#adwat alba

tn hi tidm arba#n ym/

88
This famous Morisco intellectual, who became the ocial Arabic interpreter of the
Spanish king Philipp II, died between 1607 and 1610, and he informs us that he was still
working on this book in 1587. However, as it often happens in proverb collections, many
of these items are probably much older and belong to diverse diachronic, diatopic and
diastratic layers of AA.
84
See 1.2.10.3 about the decay of /r/ in this item.
8
See 1.4.1.1 about this case of assimilation.
86
See 2.1.4 about the exclamative elative and 2.3.4.1 about the vocative markers.
8
See 2.1.11.2.4.1 and fn. 177 about the peculiar shape of this indenite pronoun.
88
Apparently, an adverb innovated in Granadan AA.
80
See 1.2.13.2 about the decay of /

d/ in this item.
880
See 2.1.11.2.1.1 about the allomorphs of this pronoun. The same proverb is more obvious
in N 536.
881
See 1.4.2.1 about this peculiar dissimilation of /aw/.
882
Contraction of i s+h. In 142, however, the relative and the negation are diferent.
888
A peculiar structure in which the elative is separated from the relative by the connec-
tive tanwn +an+.
884
Note the Rm. loanword rrna frog and the calque at the end of the sentence (see
5.1.1.3.5).
88
Note the typically Granadan dual ending +ay.
886
A low register vocative marker a+; see 2.3.4.1.
88
The spelling ba

t an reects an idiolect in which the disjunctive vowel has become

phonemic (see 1.3.1.4.1), which is uncommon in AA, but standard in Mo. b

tn. As for yam,

see .1.4.2.1.
inovinns inox ioxso iii cs+iiios coiiic+iox i6
::. /ala

hdb i s su yar

hadbbatu

hatt tawr+lu bipl/

:. /#ayyrat a s sabka f+al girbl waqlat+lu am gllak bi#aynn/

:6. /ba

hl musmr gu

h/

::. /hzz alma

hsssa byt al

hyl yiqm almadbr bazz g/

:. /y sfa ibls yuql+lu s su

d al#r?/

:. /alyd alw

hid ya gsl al

har wazz g yan gam#u falw gh/

+. /i

d addaf al

humyyam

har gu alballt/

66. /y sfa hu aswd yuql+lu sdi?/

6. /al#a s a

tyyiba min bi

hn ta
-

dhr/

8. /arq

blak min alklb nnu yanqalb/

oq. /in salmt min h

da ma na

dr ak

tr

#rsi sam/
+. /alamrt a

tu#bna falqab/
. /m+ml

h ma hi fs

ha b#di nw aw

hba b#di #adwa!/

o. /i

da ftak a

ta#m ql sab#t/
888
The negative is compounded with a pronominal sux, i s+hu, the verbs ar to see
and awr to show exhibit both 2nd degree im alah and peculiar shapes, in the rst case,
contamination of I and IV measures and, in the second, metanalysis of OA y ur as {wry}. The
proverb ends with the Rm. loanword pll stick (cf. Cs. palo), not witnessed before AC and
Alc., but possibly older.
880
Note the exclamative elative, introduced with the vocative marker, < *a+m a+a gall+ak,
and the pseudo-dual #aynn, although these eyes are metaphorical for the mesh of a net.
800
This proverbial nail or peg, the property of which

Gu

h a excepted from the sale of his

house, had a long sequential story in Spain, surveyed by Granja 1984, and still surviving in Cs.
as el clavo del jesuta. Its moral is to alert people against the presence in deeds of easements
that might diminish the value of properties. Even the name of

Gu

h a might have survived

in Iberian lands, as Pt. Jozinho, which became Cs. Jaimito, both witnessed in this folkloric
role, through Ct. Joanet > Jaumet (witnessed as diminutives of the proper names, but not as
folkloric links of this motive).
801
Another instance of this variant of zw g.
802
OA

sifah, from {w

sf} has been metanalyzed as {

sf}, and the velarisation of /

s/ has been
inhibited, unless the case in N 366. The item functions as an interrogative adverb how?.
808
Note the masc. gender of yd hand, the curious shape of SA a

har, with a gemination

aimed at restoring triconsonantism and a transparent elative pattern {aa}, plus the
aforementioned z g.
804
Only witness to the survival in Andalusi Rm. of Lt. blatta moth (whence Pt. barata
roach, but necessarily through the former), together with a gloss in a ms. of Dioscorides,
mentionedinSimonet 1888:48. The semantic shift appears to have takenplace inAl-Andalus.
80
Note the fem. gender of SA #a s a" dinner (5.1.1.3.1), and word composition of bi+

hn
soon, lit. on time, which in Alc. even exhibits a comparative ab

hn.
806
Note the rhotacism in {lqy}; see 1.2.11.1.
80
Note the Rm. calque ak

tr more, for again (5.1.1.3.5). This is the fable of the turtle

invited by the eagle to a wedding in the sky.
808
Word composition preceded by the article (see 3.1.1.1.2.4); as for a

h, it exhibits its long

shape (2.1.2.10.1).
800
In this instance the exclamative elative is followed by a nominaliser m a, introducing
the subject, and a displaced anaphoric pronoun functioning as copula. The last word does
not exhibit 2nd degree im alah as in N 230.
i66 inosi
q+. /qrqi wa"iltimq ma yattafq/

o+. /isti

hbyyat q

t war palbra/

+q. /rmi albr g arm #ala+ lb

hri a

sdq mu

trraf/

+. /

tlma

hu arr

h f+al

hulqm arrb ya

hkm/
. /rzqi gad yat gad/

6. /i

hn

d ill wazw gah/

o. /mi+bd# ma h raw

h al#z!/

6:8. /faq bi gya yaqr alkitb b+alamryya war alwald #ala arba#n ml/

668. /

sn#at ibls ya

mita anns waya#

t l+anns/
6. /

humyyam bi sqra

wanazha bi"m/
6q:. /i

da mt an la+

drat

addnya b#di/
6q. /qlat annmla l+al ciqla:

hin knt an ni sq

ha

syid kunt+ nta ti gann

qa

syid/
+. /i s yalzm si

klbi li"

har/
+q. /wallh kiy+yikn

al#bdi

tyr/
6:. /a+m+mrri ma hi al grba/

q:. /rra

hti wa

h z gla/
400
Both substantives of Rm. stock bear witness to the importance of the substratum in
some trade jargons, such as that of shoemaking. In the case of iltimq (see Corriente1997:23
and 2009:448), this item propagated through North Africa up to Turkey, to the point that
Dz I 33 believed that the true etymon was Turkish tomak; a similar case is of another winged
word AA

tpya adobe wall, whence Turkish tabya redoubt, in Corriente 1997:325.

401
About this peculiar ma

sdar, see 4.1.3. The Rm. loanword palbra exhibits a strange

addition at its onset, perhaps resulting from wrong-parsing. with a winding-frame, as in
the case of the Br. loanword zu gzal (see 4.1.4.1).
402
The verb arm is a clear instance of confusion between I and IV measures. As for the
proper name ending the proverb, an evolution of OA mu

tarrif with neutralisation of voice

in the participles (see 2.2.2.5.1), this is the true origin of Cs. Mudarra; see Corriente 2009:389.
408
See 3.3.2.5.2 about this temporal marker.
404
Note the 2nd degree im alah in the pausal gad a, for gadan, with adverbial tanwn.
40
See 2.1.11.2.1.1 about the allomorphs of this pronoun. The allusion of this proverb is
clearer than in N 76.
406
Same structure as in N 433.
40
Againanaccusation, inthis case of pederasty, levelled against the clergy. Also a witness
to the use of lenses in the Islamic West.
408
See 1.2.13.2.
400
Note the Rm. loanword for a kinship term.
410
Note the IXXI measure and the negative optative of the classical type (see 3.4.3.1).
411
Note the Rm. loanword for a local animal name, the cicada of the classical fable.
412
See 3.4.1.6 about this reinforcement of the negative.
418
Peculiar optative marker, not witnessed in 3.4.3.1.
414
Same structure as in N 433.
41
A peculiar interjection, etymologically unclear, possibly onomatopoetic, as stated by
Corominas, who pointed to is presence in all the languages of Southern Europe (Cs., Pt.,
Italian, Occitan, Bq., etc., as well as in Naf. Mo., to which we can add Br. and Ml.), with or
without gemination, in the meaning of give me, or gee up (to a beast).
inovinns inox ioxso iii cs+iiios coiiic+iox i6
8:. /i s yis#u z g mit arrs frdi qdra/

8:. /la bi sa

t #azza wala biqi

sr abnt+ah/

86. /allh allh fal

hyr!/

8o. /tanbrat mirmd a

hyr

min bssat mu g

dm/
q:o. /all f+alqulyba

ta

hr gu a s suryba/
+ooq. / gzr+ alwa

syya min qllat ali

tmanyya/
++oo. /#u

dr+ abnt annaqqla: knat taq

hb

hrma an

kn wldah ya

hrq
a

taw gin/
Translation
q. Do you want to see what your son is like? Look at his friends.
+8. Work and give it to the worms, but do not stay idle.
:6. Poor he who must take shelter with his sons.
:8. He who steals from his father is not punished with the amputation of his
hand.

. Everybody defends his parentage.

q. He died and vines were planted on top of his arse.

6o. He gets tired who works a lot.

66. You reach with your tongue what you cannot with your knife.
+. Marriage is like sh in a trap: those outside want to get in, and those inside
want to get out.
6. There we were when the head (appeared) in front (of us).

8. He who leaves todays work for tomorrow will never be without sorrow.
q6. If the head (in the oven) is not yours, let it burn.
+. A thorn plus limping ends up in being crippled.
+:. Bread which is not yours, let it burn.
+8. Dogs are dirtiest when soaked.
+6:. His mother is a frog and his father a wading bird: to whom will the son take?
416
See N 242 about za g, 5.1.1.3.5 about the Rm. calque in {ws#}, and note the peculiar use
of frd just one.
41
Peculiar AA shape of OA bint = ibnah.
418
Exclamative marker not reected in 3.4.3.
410
See fn. to 2.1.4 about this peculiar elative.
420
Addition of fem. marker to the diminutive of a masc. substantive; see 2.1.3 and fn. 122.
421
This marker is causal in this case.
422
Allusion to the

hadd, i.e., the punishment specied in the Qur" an V-38, for thieves,
applied to amounts exceeding of a fourth of a dinar or three dirhams on certain conditions,
which is the amputation of the right hand for rst ofenders.
428
Although the immediate meaning is that, once a man dies, he loses all consideration,
the theme of vines planted in tombs connects with IQ 90/5 and 6 and his pre-Islamic and
Et. antecedents, about which, see Corriente 1995b: 286 and fn. 1, and 1996e: 245. However,
the mystic imitation found in A s su stars Dw an has also been attributed to Ab u Madyan,
according to its rst editor, Anna s s ar 1960.
424
Allusive to being caught by the husband of a woman in a compromising situation, cf.
N 536.
i68 inosi
+66. Cheeks blush only when accursed by ones parents.
+8. Refresh yourself, nasty man, in a pool of vinegar.
:o. Where your friend is, there is your enemy.
:o. The enmity of the belly lasts forty days.
::. The hunchback does not see his hump until you show it to him with a stick.
:. The net upbraided the sieve and said to it: how big your eyes are!
:6. Like

Gu

has nail.
::. Shake the curry-comb in the stable, and the horse with sores will rise on his
hind legs.
:. How can one say to the devil what is this shame?
:. One hand washes the other, and both together the face.
+. When the bath gets warm, the roaches come out.
66. How can one say milord to a coloured man?
6. A good dinner comes early.
8. Watch out for the dog, for it turns round.
oq. If I live to tell this, I shall never again attend a wedding in the sky.
+. The sister-in-law is a snake in the ue of the chimney.
. How nice clear weather is after the storm, and friendship after enmity!
o. If you miss the meal, say you are full.
q+. Shoes and boots do not match.
o+. Like a cat hiding behind a winding-frame.
+q. Like the bowman of A., who aimed at the sea and hit M.
+. As long as the soul is in the throat (i.e., as man is alive), the decision belongs
to God.
. Tomorrows sustenance will come tomorrow.
6. There we were when her husband showed up.
o. How excellent is the scent of glory!
6:8. Like the clergyman of Bougie, who read with glasses, but could see a boy 40
miles away.
668. The devils job is taking from some people and giving to others.
6. A bath with ones mother-in-law and a picnic with ones mother.
6q:. If I die, may the world never be green again.
6q. The ant said to the cicada: when I was busy with the harvest, you were
singing poems.
+. A dog does not bite another.
+q. Would that man were a bird!

6:. How bitter is to be a foreigner!

q:. Give me luck and take bravery away.
8:. Two heads do not t into one pot.
8:. Neither as tall as A. nor as short as her daughter.
86. How good is goodness!
8o. A paupers sign is better than a lepers kiss.
q:o. Whatever is in the little heart, liquor takes it out.
42
Reminiscent of IQ 131/1/1.
+ui iiicv ion viixci i6q
+ooq. Excessive advice means lack of trust.
++oo. The excuse of the daughter of the bakers wife, who (said she) hustled
because her father burnt the stewing-pans.
6. 1ui Iiicv ion viixci (i+u c.)

+. Balencia, Balencia, geyt

aleyc quezra quebira, anta huach tanmumit,

fayinquen yachtum agdach an taet min ede yocun ageban quibir limen
yeric = /balnsiya balnsiya, gt #alyk ksra kibra, nta wqtan mumt,
fa"in kn ya

htm s#dak an talt min h

da yukn #a gban kibr liman

yark.

/
:. Bueyn arad hu en yamel hayr limauda hae en yerich angeyt an yamelhe
yleic hina cunt hebedi malaha hua maorora hue bayge fex que aztarahu
elmuzlemin hua yanxato = /wa"in ard h an ya#ml

hyr limaw

d#

s an yirid

#an gyd an ya#mlha ilyk,

hna knt abad mal

ha

wamasrra wabah ga s kiy+yastar

hu almuslamn wayan s

tu/.
426
See Corriente 1987b about this problematic text, unlikely attributed to the pen of the
scholar Alwaqqa s during the siege of the city by El Cid in 1094, which would give it title
to being the oldest AA document of some extension, after the much shorter proto-za gal of
913 a.D. (with only three lines; see Corriente 1992d about its historical importance). While
every hypothesis on this matter by Dozy, Ribera and Nykl is presently in need of radical
overhauling, the fact remains that this text is appears to be a valid sample of AA, presumably
fromthe Valencianarea and, inits recordedshape, at least a couple of centuries younger than
Alwaqqa s, about whose person and work see Nykl 1946:308309. The text, indeed pregnant
with CAfeatures pointing to a learned pen (e.g., the high-register terms

hatmto prescribe,
sy

tara haughtiness, fari g pleasant,

hna when, yakn, yaq#, ta gid, ya

sl, etc.), side by

side withmany lowregister items (e.g., frequent 2nddegree im alah, more like Granadanthan
Valencian texts, e.g., ebed < abadan ever, hami <

hama" mud, hauil >

haw al around,
marcic > mars ak your harbour, dihuy < daw a" remedy, huquemi <

hukam a" physicians,

ayz < iy as being past recovery, amim > am am before, relative me in 15, invariable alla

d,
imperfectives in the apodosis of in in 1, 3, 16, or typically AA lu yemxi he must go, in k an if,
and y a qad already) is a version undoubtedly translated from the preserved Cs. version, by
somebody with a good native command of AA (proven by such idiomatic phrases as qa

t#u
alays min mar

dak they declared your illness past recovery), but bent on being as literal
as possible. Here it is reproduced fromthe Primera Crnica General de Espaa, accompanied
by our interpretation of its phonemic shape.
42
A strange transcription of AA gt > OA g a"at, possibly ultra-correction of im alah (see
1.1.1.6).
428
2nd degree im alah in the imperfective of this verb, found in all AA sources, although
IQ has only one instance of rhyme-supported tar in 5/2/1 and the rest without im alah.
420
A doubtful passage, in the ms. yerich, but the graphic confusions between c(h) and
th were frequent in that Cs. script, while the context suggests a servile translation of Cs.
touo por bien, closer to *yerith than to *yerich.
480
Apparently, the translator has ultra-corrected2nddegree im alahuponuttering mal

ha
instead of mal

ha, as demanded by the context.

io inosi
. Bueyn arath hu huleynch amlach en quitahaar min ade almarra yacun an
zunubac alquibar gua an aliaar alquibir alledi quen maac biaetaratac
= /wa"in ard h hawlnk

amlk an kit+ta

hsr min h

da almrra yakn
#an

dunbak alkibr wa#an al gasr alkibr alla

d kn m#ak bisay

tratak/.
. Avil arbaat hijar quebar alledi cunt haleyha mubnja hiheridu yastamao an
yamelu huzn hanc hue liz yagdaru = /wil arb#at

hi gr

kibr alla

d
knt #alyha mubnyya yirdu ya gtam#u an ya#mlu

hzn #ank walis

yaqdru/.
. Aor alahadim mataac alledi buni ale hole alarbaa hijar ya yartax

huat
huayrid yaca yna cad haar athaca matao = /assr al#a
-

dm mat#ak alla

d
bun #ala hwla alarb#

hi gr ya yarta# s hwwat wayird yaq# inna qad

hasr a

tqa mat#u/.
6. Alabrach alalya mataac almilah alledi tadhar min bayt tielli annufoz mata
ahalec xuay xuay thirit tiqa = /alabr g al#lya mat#ak almil

h alla

d
ta
-

dhr min ba#d tisall annufs mat hlak suwy suwy tird tiq#/.
. Axararif albit mataac alledy min bayt quitaxarac cad haarat xaracaha
alledy quitadhar lixua ixems = /a s sarrif alb

d mat#ak alla

d min ba#d
kit+ta srq qad

hasrat sarqaha alla

d kit+ta
-

dhr li su## i s sms/.

8. Alued almaleh mataac alquebir huet alujar ma alemi alohar alledy cunt
anta menha gid magdum cad harach min hadu hue yamxi ay liz quen lu
yemxi = /alwd almal

h mat#ak alkibr wd albiyr ma# alamy+lu

hr
alla

d knt nta minha gd ma

hdm

qad

har g min

hddu wayam s y
lis kn lu yam s /.
481
That huleynch, hardly appropriate for an irrational pl., would be a mistake for heulynch,
for which Alc. has hulinq (p. 13, penultimate line in the fns.). The position of the object
before its verb and the taxemes and congruence of its constituents are all striking, and must
be attributed to a servile translation of Cs.: in this register of the language, one would expect
*en quitehaar dic alamlach; however, he has again hole alarbaa hijar, instead of di, in 5. The
transcription of /

d/ as z in zunubac is anomalous, as elsewhere we read simple d; unless

it is just an infelicitous attempt at transcribing the foreign phoneme (see 1.2.12.1, for /

t/), an
urban Eastern inuence brought by a pilgrim returned to Al-Andalus cannot be excluded.
482
The ordering of this phrase, with both adjectives before the substantive, is abnormal
and must be attributed to literal translation of Cs.
488
Another ms. has yarcayd, which suggests a synonymous yarta#id.
484
This palatalisation of the /a/ in the denite article is a hapax in the whole body of our
AA documents, although registered frequently in loanwords; see 1.1.1.4.
48
The position of the adverb before the predicate is a mere consequence of literal trans-
lation of Cs. tu te muy bien servies. The same applies in 9, ki

tr kit+tantaf# nta bha, Cs.

de que te mucho aprovechauas. The identication by Ters 1986:312318 of huet alujar with
modern Guadalaviar as river of wells, and not white river ([al]wd alabya

d) is decisively
corroborated by this passage, and by the presence of the AA pl. abyr not only in VA, but
also in IH (see Prez Lzaro 1990 I: 189); that so widely accepted mistake must have spread
as a result of its adoption by the prestigious Covarrubias, who took it from Tamarid, one of
those interpreters of Arabic whose etymological fancies were absolutely intuitive and pre-
methodological, as we have surveyed in the case of his contemporary Guadix (see Corriente
2005b).
+ui iiicv ion viixci ii
q. auaquic aaa alledi quitir quitantafa anta biha quet rajahat mongadara

hua an nocan atanquia hi tamxi meli min hami = /sawaqk a

sfya
alla

d ki

tr kit+tantaf# nta bha qad ra g#at munkadra wa#an nuq

sn
attanqyya h tam s mal min

ham/.
+o. Agennatac almilah alfarija alledi min hauilac aaba almaaor hafar leh
alool hue liz tecdar taati nahuar = /a gnnatak almil

h alfar ga alla

d
min

hawlak assab# almas#r

hafr lah alu

sl walis taqdr ta#

t nawwr/.
++. Morojac almilah alledi quen ha annahuar alquetira almilah alledi
quiahado

ha ehlec oror anquevir yaquet yabecet = /mur gak almil

h
alla

d kn fha annawwr alki

tra almil

h alla

d kiy+ya

du fha hlak
surran kibr yaqad yabsat/.
+:. Marcic almaleh alledi que tegit anta menha carama en

quibira yacat
nacas minnu almalaha alledi quenet tigic menhe = /marsk almal

h alla

d
kit+ta gd nta minha karma an kabra yaqad naq

s minnu almal

ha
alla

d knat ti gk minha/.
+. Bahuezac min atoya anquibar

alledi quitencemi ultana min cadim

anar

ahracaha huaquet yacil yleic adohan = /wa

hwzak min a

tawya#
alkibr alla

d kit+tansam sul

tna

min qadm annr a

hrqaha waqad
ya

sl ilyk addu

hn/.
+. Buamaradac alquebir les yuget lu dihuy hualhuquemi cad catao alayz min
maradach liz yagdaru yidauc = /wamar

dak alkibr las yu gd lu diw

wal

hukam qad qa

t#u alays min mar

dak lis yaqdru yidawk/.

+. Balencia, Balencia heda alcaul alledi colt alleyc coltaha biquezra annadima
me calbi = /balnsiya, balnsiya, h

da alqwl qlt #alyk, qltaha

biksra an #a
-

dma ma qlbi /.
+6. Bin mexayt ximel yaacarni el mi alquitir bin maxayt yamin yeculni allacet
bin mexayt amim nimut falbahar bin rajaat lehalf yaharagni annar.
Valencia heda cullu nocullac anny liz tegdar tefelit leat aledy ahrab
= /win ma syt siml ya#qrni alm alki

tr, win ma syt yamn yakklni

alasd, win ma syt amm nimt falba

hr, win ra g#t la

hlf ya

hrqni
annr. balnsiya, h

da kllu nuqllak anni lis taqdr talt la#d alla

d
a

hrb

/
486
Note the voice merger (see 2.2.2.5.1).
48
Apparently a mistake for imperfective quiahodo.
488
Curious instance of fem., with connective tanwn, but without /t/, which happens
again in 15, biquezra annadima. Such a linguistically unlikely sequence betrays a clumsy
manipulation to make the text appear older by inserting the archaic connective tanwn; see
3.1.1.1.1. In this line also, mars is treated rst as masc., in the agreement with almaleh, and
next as fem., in menha/e (twice); see 5.1.1.3.1.
480
One would expect atoaya alquibar, with the denite article or, better, toaya anquibar,
with connective tanwn, possibly garbled by copyists. The division of provinces (k urah pl.
kuwar) in districts (

t a#ah pl.

taw ayi#) is a well-known feature of Andalusi administration.

440
See 5.1.1.3.1 about the masc. gender of nr re.
441
The translator has omitted the marginal syntagm required here by the relative, bha or
something similar.
442
The nal portion is garbled, and some words are lost.
ia inosi
Translation
+. Valencia, Valencia, great aiction has befallen you; you are in a deadly
hour, and if your lucky star decrees your escape from this, it will be a
great wonder to those who see you.
:. If God wanted to do good to a place, he chose and preferred to do it to you,
as you always were beautiful, happy and lavish towards the comfort of
the Muslims.
. If God wanted that you should forsake all these possessions, it would be
because of your enormous sins and your haughtiness on account of your
power.
. The rst four stones on which you were founded want to meet and mourn
you, but cannot.
. Your great wall built on these four stones is already shaking and about to
fall, because it has lost the strength it had.
6. Your very high and beautiful towers, looming from afar and comforting the
souls of your people, are collapsing little by little.
. Your white merlons shining from afar have lost their brightness, which
looked like sunrays.
8. Your beautiful great river, the Guadalaviar, and the other watercourses
which gave you such good service have overowed and gone where they
should not.
q. Your limpid irrigation canals, which were so useful to you, have turned
turbid and, in the lack of cleaning, run full of mud.
+o. The rabid wolf has cut of the roots of your beautiful and pleasant gardens
around you and they cannot blossom.
++. Your beautiful meadows with so many owers, with which your people
were so happy, have already dried up.
+:. Your beautiful harbour, in which you found great honour, has lost the
beauty which it gave you.
+. The important districts in your surroundings, for which you were called a
queen in the old days, have been set are and smoke is reaching you.
+. There is no remedy for your grave illness; the physicians have declared you
past recovery, as they cannot heal you.
+. Valencia, Valencia, these words which I told you, I said them in great sorrow
of my heart:
+6. If go left, the ood will kill me; if I go right, the lion will devour me; if I
walk ahead, I shall die in the sea, and if I go back, the re will burn me.
Valencia, I tell you all this; you can no longer escape from this one who
ruined

448
The nal portion is garbled and some words are lost. As for leat, it could also reect
lih

d(a), considering the weak articulation of /h/, which is proven by ade = h

da in 3.
iinsoxi ii++in nv iiis i czi i
7. Iinsoxi Ii++in nv Iiis Ai czi (iq)

+
r
sayidi suqr #azzak allah. an qabattu alkarm kitabuka

al"awal wa"a

tan
wafahath.

:
r
sayi

d fa"imm a

qawluka in kin an nid

sila

h f a alyam a

tar min qa

t.

r
fay a i

da siyadatika ant a #azim l alam s allah yaktublak assal am wayirudak

r
lidar.k

hayri. siyadatika ta#mal albur sibl

ya s yan#a

tan

sila

r
makmul yu#n say wa

hidm w.bi

drinyal wa"in kin ya gd ar

6
r
arm a dibin sa

tib a

inna hiyat zarad aw m a a sbah a

dalika fa#al

hayri wa"in l a fa

tala

tah matah al

haw g, wa"in l f a assay

8
r
wa"al

hidm wa"imm a

min al

taman f a assila

h kul u ta

hat limiyat
q
r
ri

tlan

waf say wa

hidm

hat li

hamsin ri

tlan, wa"in kin

+o
r
tak un almasal taqrub litafq a

#al #a sr a wal #al # sryn

++
r
fa"i

d a hiyat i

tur

lalbid aya. wa"imm a min su gli alqa

ta# a ala

d arsaltil
444
One of the last documents of AA, written few years before the expulsion of the Moris-
cos, ofered here in graphemic transcription. First published by Harvey 1971, then by MI 374
376, and included as text sample in Corriente 1992a.
44
This itemandthe previous optative are failedclassicisms, for a#azzakall ahuandkarma
kit abika.
446
Sic, either by mistake or by idiolectic assimilation of the nasal in AA fahmtu.
44
Infra-correct classicism, for amm a, in contrast with dialectal nid (see 1.2.10.3), alyam
for alywm (see 1.4.2.1), and the calque of Rm. in the last phrase, cf. Ct. ms que mai = Cs.
ms que nunca; the Rm. interference in this text may proceed from Cs. or the local dialect of
Ct., as both languages were simultaneously brought to Valencia by Aragonese and Catalan
conquerors, respectively. The velarisation of /

s/ in

sila

h suggests a suprasegmental feature

afecting the whole word, then repeated in this letter, except in 8
r
, while the spirantisation
in a

tar < ak

tar was commented in 1.2.21.1.

448
The strange sequence y a i

d a (cf. Ct. ja que = Cs. ya que) is an instance of code-

shifting introduced with the itemtranslated into the target language, like y aqad and y aba#ad
already: this subject was surveyed by Garca Gmez 1972 III: 4960. As for the CA item
siy adatuka your Lordship (again in 4
r
), it is followed by words in agreement with anta;
lah lam s is a poor spelling of lalma s, and the absence of gemination in yiruddak is a mere
oversight, frequent in this letter in instances requiring gemination and other graphemes.
440
Acase of code-mixing, fromCt. el possible or Cs. lo posible. As for the nal conjunction
ya s, see 3.3.2.3.
40
The correct vocalisation of both verbs should be ya#n and yuqdr; as for bi

drinyal, it
is an unassimilated Rm. name of a primitive shotgun, cf. Cs. pedreal.
41
A case of code-shift, cf. Ct. and Cs. arma defensiva, which he has distorted in a mala-
propism; m a a sbaha

d alika is the CA aim of the nal segment.

42
The text has been stricken out after a failed rst attempt at writing the next word. As
for

haw g, see 1.1.4.4.

48
See 8
r
, with a next min, possible a calque of Rm., which is sure in

hat li, cf. Ct. fns a.

44
Infra-correct accusative.
4
This derivate of {wfq} is known from other sources, beginning with VA.
46
Barcel suggested la

tiron lalbi

d a# as a conjecture, explained by Cs. a tirn a la mer-

i inosi
+:
r
narsallak, sayidi, huw at

dib aza

min inna

hinat na

hti g u nan

sif u
+
r
lani

s, innah tam s karamatn a h a wa"isan

na gd ar na

ti s m a#
+
r
inna ha

da alayim

sir

tarti

fari g min qa

ta# a. sayidi sayidatika

+
r
tibirqur ar tarraqabar sin

siy a

li

sila

h wa"in kin yarziq allah man

+6
r
ta#b albar

ti

da

"

tayb a #al manir a aw #al u

hr a fa#al assalam wa"ill a

+
r
fatarsal qurriw abu s

t a fal

yak un fh a wakam lah a tan#a

t
+8
r
wa a

sa# a narsalah lak aw na g#alah f a

tabl mat a balansiy a wanar-

+q
r
sallak si

dul min bih a

litifasar inna aqu s

ti s

mata# yak un kuli s

:o
r
wa"in kin yakun h a bib maf

tu

h li

dik al s #an inna

:+
r
an qa

ta#tilak kam ta

t siyadatika ta#mal

dik alla

d
+
v
tar inna yakun yanba g wa"an nindir kull u ala

d ta#mal #ann f. su gli

:
v
a

sila

h wa"a

hbas hi

da albara #an iltihim. an ma# mahum

v
inna a

sul

tan #amal mir

s min su gli a

sila

h il a s saqri

tar

ifra-

v
nqizz a.

tamma tak un: a#b alla

d ta gd ar.

hamil ha

d a huwa ya

hmallak

v
wa

hd a bu

tizza min #asal min surubad wa wa

hd a furaym a

min

sukar f
6
v
mita

hmal la

tariq: aqba
-

dah ma# albun a bulun

tad

w#a

s allah ya

tik

safar

tayib wayirudak lidarik bi

hayr kam a ta

hib walazayid ill a

8
v
assalam #lykm gmy# wara

hmat u allahi wabarakatuhu. min ban ri

-

d a
q
v
f 19 min brayri # am 1595 min du

s a assuwat ahn a.
+o
v
waqalul inna ass u #ad
++
v
"lqu

tun mazbu g i

d a yak un
+:
v
an narsal u in s a"a "llh
canca, i.e., scramble for the goods, which is ingenious, but paleographically remote. We
have suggested Ct. atura stop, but the word and its meaning remain conjectural.
4
I.e., Ct. and Cs. divisa motto, with ultra-correction of im alah.
48
This is the characteristically Valencian negation is+, followed by a pronominal sux;
see 3.4.1.5.
40
Another case of code-mixing, in which Cs. acertar or Ct. encertar to happen to/on,
receives a verbal sux of perfective, without having morphophonemically become a regular
quadriconsonantal stem.
460
Again code-mixing with Cs. procura recabar licencia, the two initial verbs having
received the verbal prexes of Arabic imperfectives, without being morphophonemically
regular verbal stems; on the other hand, Cs. licencia = Ct. llicncia has lost its rst syllable,
metanalyzed as the Arabic denite article.
461
Rm. item, from Cs. and Ct. partida shipping.
462
Totally Rm. item, Cs. correo = Ct. correu a posta post haste mail, followed by fal,
which appears to be a mistake for ball.
468
Note Rm. Cs. cdula = Ct. cdula; next, read munbih a notifying.
464
Ct. a costes at the expenses.
46
In the text mabhum, easy graphical confusion.
466
Two Ct. items, merc grace, attribution of jurisdiction and secretari secretary.
46
Three more Rm. items: bu

tizza, a close relative of Cs. and Ct. botella bottle, but with
a diferent sux. Ct. eixaropat syrup, and Rm. FRMA mould = Ct. forma, from which an
Arabic diminutive has been easily obtained, with the pattern {uya}.
468
Rm. phrase with Arabic article: cf. Ct. bona voluntat good will.
iinsoxi ii++in nv iiis i czi i
+
v
il "l

dy tumuran.
+
v

hadimuka: liwi s "l g az.

Translation
+
r
My lord and father-in-law, may God strengthen you. I received your
gracious rst and second letters and understood them.
:
r
Sir, as for what you said, whether I want weapons, today more than ever.

r
If your Lordship has resolved to go, may God grant you safety and bring you
back

r
well to your home. Your Lordship do everything possible so that I am given

r
a complete set of weapons, that is, sword, dagger and a shotgun; if it were
possible (also)
6
r
defensive armour, which is a coat or something similar, it would be better;

r
otherwise, the three items, or else, the sword
8
r
and the dagger. As for the price, for the complete set of weapons you will
give up to one hundred
q
r
pounds, for the sword and dagger, up to fty pounds, and if
+o
r
the afair were close to a deal for about ten or twenty,
++
r
hold onto the principle (?). As for the matter of the money which you tell
me
+:
r
to send you, my lord, it is our motto that we must repay
+
r
people: our honour it at stake in this, but I cannot give a thing, as
+
r
I happen to be penniless. Sir, your Lordship
+
r
should try to secure a license for the weapons and, if God provides some-
body who
+6
r
can bring the shipping in order, one way or another, excellent, and if not

r
send a post haste mail with indication of its contents and how much must
be paid
+8
r
and I shall send it to you at once, or deposit it in the bank of Valencia, and
send
+q
r
you a notication explaining that everything is at my expense,
:o
r
and that there is an open door for that matter
:+
r
of my xing the amount you can pay. Your Lordship do what
+
v
you consider convenient, and I shall support everything you do in the
matter
:
v
of the weapons, and hold this slip as memorandum. I understand

v
that the king granted (the concession of licenses for) weapons to the
secretary Fran-

v
queza. You will be there: take what you can. The bearer of this letter

v
brings you a bottle of syrup and a little sugar loaf
6
v
to take for the road; receive them as a token of good will, and may God

v
give you a good journey and bring you back home well, as you wish. Nothing
more but
460
The signature is decorated with a ourish of the kind still used by Spaniards, making it
dicult to read the family name al g az.
i6 inosi
8
v
peace on you all and Gods compassion and His blessings. In Benirredr
q
v
February 19th, 1595. Mendoza is not here;
+o
v
I have been told that
++
v
the cotton is not yet dyed: when it is
+:
v
I shall send it, God willing.
+
v
Until you order anything,
+
v
Your servant, Lluis G az.
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ARABIC INDEX
Italic numbers refer to footnotes.
+a 2.1.11.2.1.2
a tabb ale

d ydagu 2.1.11.2.3
abd 2.1.10.5.7
abd 2.1.10.5.7
ac 284
aci macr tucn 3.4.3.1
da 2.1.10.5.14.1
agur 2.1.10.5.11
ajam pl. ajamin = ajamiyn 1.4.2.3,
2.1.5.1
ajze 123
ale yadlimna 1.4.2.3
amliqua 2.1.10.5.14
amd 2.1.10.5.1
amlt+a 3.1.1.1.3.1
ameltilu 3.2.2
am 2.1.10.5.11
amd 2.1.10.5.1
ar c 1.2.14.2
a#art = rt 2.2.3.4
atit cat mucriba gua cunt nte
tedr nne qunet mucriba 5.1.1.3.3
atbe 2.1.10.5.4
arf 2.1.10.5.9
azz 2.1.10.5.9
ab 2.1.7
ab #abb as 115
ab # amir 2.1.2.10.1
ab ayy ub 2.1.2.10.1
ab ga#far 2.1.2.10.1
ab a 145
abad a 2.1.6.5.1
aban 138
aban ab al

hi

s al 2.1.7
(a)ban mukrram 1.2.4.1
abant 102
aban us 1.2.28.1.5
ab ar 164
abat m a tud ur 3.3.2.1
abawayn 2.1.9.1
abb ar 2.1.6.3
abdal+l

h alah 3.2.2
abid 2.1.10.5.11
abkm 2.1.2, 173
ablah 1.2.27.1
ablah 2.1.10.5.11
abl ak allah bi#i squh 3.4.3.1
ablant ayin 1.4.4.1.1, 4.1.4.2.3.1
abn 138
abn ab zayd 2.1.7
abn at 77
abr ar 135
abrazt 205
abtad an ya

hak minn 264

ab u 2.1.7; 77
ab u #abb as 115
abu alfaqh 2.1.6.2
ab al

husy(n) 2.1.6.2
abu

ha g g g 1.1.1.1
abul#abbs, 1.1.1.3
abuld 1.1.1.3
abw ab = abw ab 1.2.1.2
abya

d 2.1.10.5.11
abya

du 172
abzinah 1.2.4.1
ar 4.1.4.2.2
aquifa 2.1.10.5.14
a car 1.4.1.1
a c cappa

t 1.2.12.3
acrre 2.1.10.5.3
achapt 1.2.12.3
acharit xi min alled cunt tedr nne
quin maurq 5.1.1.3.3
ac yauni allh 3.4.3.1
acr 2.1.10.5.9
atahzt 2.2.3.2
acud 174
a

dla 4.1.4.2.3.3
aoa nnic ixiix
adallah 2.1.10.5.3
a

dallah 2.1.10.5.3
a

dqal 4.1.4.2.3.3
adra 2.1.10.5.8
a

da s s 4.1.4.2.3.3
a

dana 2.2.3.1
a

dnb alwil walkibr 2.1.4

adda s s a 1.2.19.3
add = a

d 2.1.11.2.3
a

denb al guil gua alquibr 2.1.4

adnt 2.2.3.1
a
-

df ar 1.2.14.2
a
-

df aru

di"b 1.2.14.3
a

h 254
ad

halt 205
ad

hl(u) 2.2.2.2
ad

k/lt 205
a
-

dl amat 210
admanit al inticm aliedid enne
amelleq xi 3.3.2.2
admanit tanjam m mar yd qui
tucn leq muda 3.3.2.6.1
ado alled lhe tetacl 3.1.2.1
adr 2.1.10.5.8
*a

dr a# 153
adr a g 1.4.4.1.1
a

dr as 77
a

dr as 2.1.9.3
a

dru# 153
adnia 2.3.3
a

dunb alle

dna amlt 3.1.1.1.3.1

af # 1.2.28.1.5
aftacrt 209
afut 2.1.43
ag ct 2.2.3.4
a g#al li#aynayya an nar ak 3.2., 4.2.3
a gannah 2.1.10.5.3
a ga

tt 2.2.3.4
a gd a 1.4.4.1.1
agdr 2.1.10.5.2
agecedin 1.4.1.2
agdt 2.2.3.3
a grhu 303
a g gar 1.4.1.1
a g ga s s a 1.2.19.3
agmi 1.4.1.2
agirh 1.4.1.2
a gnab 1.3.1.4.4
agnch 2.1.10.5.1
a gn a

h 2.1.10.5.1
agni 2.1.10.5.3
a gr a" 77
a gsl(u) 2.2.2.2
a gtam a# u = a gtam#u 1.3.1.2
aguid 2.1.10.5.14.1
a gurrah 2.1.6.3
a gwn 88
agzl 4.1.4.1
a

h 2.1.10.5.13
a

h a 145
a+

habb 2.3.4.1
a

had = a

had 1.4.4.1.2; 77, 198

a

d 1.2.13.2
a

hd(a) 2.1.11.2.4.1
ahde 198
a

hn 2.1.11.2.1.1
a

hattu 77
a

haw at = a

haw at 77, 157, 160

a

hbas l

d a lbi

t aqa rahan all a nans

3.3.2.1
ahcn 2.1.4
ahd a wahu yabd a 1.1.1.3
a

hdab 2.1.2.6
a

dar 173
ahdayt 205
ahdb 2.1.2.6
ahgul 2.1.10.5.11
ahgult 2.2.3.4
a

hra gt 205
a

sayt 205
a

h 2.1.2.10.1; 187
a

hillah 1.3.2.2
a

hn 2.1.11.2.1.1
a

hir(u) s a#ah 233

a

hl 2.1.4
ahlan wasahlan 2.1.6.5.1
a

hl aqan

si# ab 3.2.1
ahmr = a

hmar = a

hmar 2.1.10.5.11,
2.1.2.6; 203
a

hmarr 210
a

hmaru (mina ddami) 172

ahn ak 77
a

hras 2.1.10.5.11
a

htaml 2.2.2.4
nnic ixiix ao
a

htamayt 2.2.3.5.2
a

tar 1.2.21.1
ahtarmt 209
a

hta

s a 2.2.3.5.2
a

htawalt 2.2.3.4
a

htn 157
a

h 2.1.10.5.13
a

h u 2.1.2.10.1
a

hwa gt 2.2.3.4
a

hw al = a

hwal 2.1.2.6, 2.1.10.,

5.11
a

hw azu madnati

tulay

tulata wa+
"a#m aluh a 243
a

hy a 135
a

hyr = a

hyar 127
ahyn 2.1.4
amlq 2.1.10.5.14
amme 2.1.10.5.3
ndaq hu muhf 3.1.2
a

kil 1.3.2.2
a

karxt 205
akbaru malikin 172
akbir bih 172
a

kdar 173
a

kff 2.1.10.2
akfa = akifah 1.3.1.2
a

kla 1.3.2.2
akll 2.1.3
a

k 2.1.10.5.13
a

ky 2.1.2.10.1; 187
a

ktabrt 209
ak

tar 1.2.21.1
ak

tr 2.1.4
ak

tar daf 2.1.4

ak

tar muli

h 2.1.4
ak

tar raqq 2.1.4

ak

tar

sayy adah 2.1.4

a

kteylt 2.3.3.4
al axara omr 3.1.1.1.2.3
al axit rauhnin 3.1.1.1.2.4
al hayt a dima 2.1.8.1
al guad me yeqdr yagcl gir
al codra mta gecd nm al
confessar ynaqu al cadyer alle

d
hmet fal calb 3.3.1.3
al mi almubrraca 5.1.1.3.1
a+l a 3.4.2
al#a
-

dm l a yankasar anna alla

hm
yan gabar 3.4.1.2
laf 1.3.1.4.3
ala

hb a

di+marrah 238
ala

hl aq alsukkariyyah 3.2.1
a+lam 3.4.2
al"amru lawwalu 240
al#aqli "arr a gi

h 76
al#a s a sa

hnah 5.1.1.3.1
al"asad 29
al#a sar ma

t aqil 3.1.1.1.2.3
al#a sat al

tayyiba 2.1.8.1
al#a sr kalim at 3.1.1.1.2.3
alvil amr 3.1.1.1.2.3
al"aw amiru l#a saratu 240
alaym axunt 3.1.1.1.2.4
al#ayn ass u 82
al#ayn m a 3.1.1.1.2.4
a+laysa 3.4.2
albaqar yat

hammar u bal gazz a-rn

3.2.1
albrd hu 3.2.3
al+bar gariyyah al+ma#l umah
2.1.6.3
albri 1.2.28.1
albarqq 2.1.6.4
albyt alkibr mat(#) almu#allm
al#arab 3.1.1.1.2.2
albur g

ham am 3.1.1.1.2.4
albur gayn alla

dn lal

ham am 239
alcalb al incn 3.1.1.1.2.4
aln 2.1.10.5.2
ald a" alsawd a 5.1.1.3.1
ald ar alma

dk urah allat tilka labnh a

196
lf 2.1.11.1.1
alfat alla

d sammayt 3.1.1.1.3.1
alfy(n) 2.1.11.1.1
alfu gl yah

dam nafsuh 3.2.2.1

al gam a#atu lma

dk uratu 241
*al+gawn 88
al gmah 18
al

habbat alsawd a 243

alhrr hu 3.2.3
al

haw assu l

hamsu 240
al

ha

d 1.2.7.1
al

hayl mat a# ass us 3.1.1.1.2.1

ao nnic ixiix
al

hy

t alla

d duhn and al

hy

t
almadhn 3.1.1.1.3
al

hi

s al allat 2.1.11.2.3
al

hi

s am allat g arat 5.1.1.3.1

alhuwayn a 2.3.3
alim 1.4.2.1
alihah 2.1.10.5.3
al#i sqi walmawt alsawm f+h a saw a
3.2.3
al

kir alle

d amlt 3.1.1.1.3
al

kaliq mta draq 3.1.1.1.2.1

alkalim atu l#a sr 240
al

kmce hagu 3.1.1.1.2.3

alkarm kit abuka 242
alkarmayn alma#l umah 3.2.1
alk as al

sa gr al

dah 242
alk as

dah 233
alkitb (alla

d) #al lmyda 3.1.1.1.4

alkutub al#i
-

d am 3.2.1
all 3.3.2.1
[a

l] 1.2.11.3
all a tabq alduny a bil a walad

hurrah
3.4.1.2
alla

d 3.1.1.1.3, 46
alla

d 1.2.7.4, 2.1.11.2.3
alla

d aqbal u 2.1.11.2.3
alla

d alik huwa biqaryat 196

alla

d g ar u 2.1.11.2.3
alla

d min 3.1.1.1.2.1
alla

d yaksab fa

d ayil 2.1.11.2.3
allah lassan+hu g al 3.1.2
allah ya#

tn a rizq waya#

tn a f a s
na g#al uh 2.1.11.2.4
allah yina g gk min kulli sar 3.4.3.1
*allatiy at 2.1.11.2.3
all cunt tecl 2.1.11.2.3
all yanf 2.1.11.2.3
alle

d pl. alle

dna 2.1.11.2.3
allet pl. *alletna 2.1.11.2.3
/all/ = all 1.2.7.4, 2.1.11.2.3
*alliy at 2.1.11.2.3
alm a tihabba

tuh 5.1.1.3.1
almallem yehb rhu pl. alma-
alemn yahbbu arguhum
3.2.2.1
alma

dk urah a g gam a#ah 3.1.1., 1.2.3

almarrat ala

kira 2.1.8.1
almas akin ka+fta

da

hat 3.2.4.2.2
alma

t aqlu l#a saratu 240

alma

t aqil al+fun siyyah 2.1.6.3

almawl an a 243
alme moureq 3.1.1.1.2, 5.1.1.3.1
alml ad l a ya

hu

dak barra d a-rak

3.4.3.1
almil a

h alla

d g ar u 3.1.1.1.3
almofth a dr 3.1.1.1.2.4
almu#assal a#l alalw an wal akin
lass aqah yurfa# 3.3.1.3
almundriba alle

d qunat 2.1.11., 2.3

almuqaddm 2.1.6.4
almuquddez aleb 3.1.1.1.2.3
almu

talla

t 1.2.12.1
alq all ah f r asuh

darbat su-q ur
3.4.3.1
alqalm ba s naktb alkitb 3.1.1.1
alqamar bil a mula

tam 3.4.1.2
alqam

h al gadd 2.3.4.1
alqisma ala

di 2.1.11.2.3
alquelme leyct lye 3.4.1.3
alquellemt al muqueddecn 3.2.1
alqul ub mat nu
-

d
-

d aru 3.1.1.1.2.1
alqul ub qad kin qasa

hat 3.2.4.2.2
alra gul mat a#h a 3.1.1.1.2.1
alquss min kansat sant ya#q ub
3.1.1.1.2.1
al+s a 1.2.25.2
als a 253
alsalaf mard ud 247
alsi

hr nuq ul 3.2.3
al suwayya

h mab

h ur 3.1.1.1.2.4
altahm(u) 2.2.2.2
alti g arah ma

dm unah ikk an i s tarba

h
ta

hsar 3.3.2.6.2
al

turuq alkib ar wa"in

t alat 3.3.2.6.2
alwald ala sqr yakkl 3.2
alwald ala sqr hwa bnak 3.1.2
alwald ala sqr hwa alla

d wa

sl
3.1.2
alwald al ghil 3.1.1.1, 3.1.1.1.1
alwald al ghil [hwa] falbyt 3.1.1
alwald al ghil [hwa]

sadqi 3.1.1
alwald alla

d ta#rfu yakkl 3.2

alwald fal grfa yakkl 3.2
alwald ghil 3.1
nnic ixiix ao
alwald

tmma yakkl 3.2

alwald walbnt da

hlu 257
alwald ya

hk+li q

sa 3.2
alwald yakkl bytu 3.2
alwald yakkl tuf

ha 3.2
alwalad zin a 3.1.1.1.2.4
alwaladu lla

d wa

sal 3.1.1.1.3
alwazr ab u bakr 2.3.4.1
alyamn alma#m ulah 5.1.1.3.5
alyawm 1.4.2.1
am 259
a+m a 3.4.2
a+m a 3.4.3
am a tar min alfa

d ayi

h 3.4.3
a#m 2.1.10.5.11
a#m minhu 172
a#m a+hu ll ah 172
a#mal an tabdalh a 3.2.4.2.3
a+man haddadn 2.3.4.1
am aq 164
amar 101
amd amid 259
amr 2.1.10.5.9
aml ak 2.1.10.5.1
amm a an a fa

d aba niwall 3.4.4

amm a fa+ 3.4.4
amr 101
amriyya 2.1.2.10.3.3
ams 254
amta

h a 2.2.3.5.2
amy a 2.1.10.5.1
an 3.2.4.2.3, 3.3.2.1, 3.3.2.3, 3.4.1.2; 264
+an+ 3.4.1.3
+ana 2.1.11.2.1.2
an 2.1.11.2.1.1
an a a gruh 5.1.1.3.3
an a balqab a

t mu gr 247
an a bil a muqa

sa

s 3.4.1.2
an a hu an a 3.1.2
an a nat ub #an al sar ab ill a i

d a s ab
al gur ab 3.3.1.3
andir 1.1.1.3
an

har 235
anant 2.2.3.1
an#a

t a 2.2.3.5.2
anba 157
anbba 1.2.1.2
anfecdt 208
an g/

hadar 1.2.23.1
an garrayt 208
an 2.1.11.2.1.1; 186
+ani 2.1.11.2.1.2
aniyah 2.1.10.6
anna 3.3.2.1/2
anna # ad lam yum ut aban quzm an
3.3.2.2
anna lis l f al#ay s ma

tma# 3.3.2.2
annass+ 3.2.2.1, 3.4.4
annass na
-

dlam 3.2.2.1
annssu 1.2.3.1
an

s ab 1.4.4.1.1
an

sala

h 208
an sart 2.2.3.2
an

sulah 1.2.25.2
nt 2.1.11.2.1.1; 183
anta 1.2.9.2; 183
nt(a) 2.1.11.2.1.1; 183
anta ill a f ba

hrak 3.5
anta tadfa#n bi

t aqat

dir a#ak 3.4.2

an

tabq(u) 2.2.2.2
anta sab i

sba# 5.1.1.3.1
ntum 2.1.11.2.1.1
an

hra 235
anl 2.1.10.5.2
aprio pl. aporit 4.1.4.2.2
aprl 1.2.2.1
aqabal 268
a+qalb 2.3.4.1
aqall 2.1.4
aqassah 2.1.10.5.3
aqb ar 2.1.10.5.1
aq cr abid ~ aqhl ~ a

kdr ~ azrq ~
ahmr ~ azfr 2.1.4
aqtzt 209
aquf 2.2.3.3
aqw

s 1.2.22.1
arb arb 235
ar adah 135
ar amil mil a

h 3.1.1.1.1
arb#(a) 2.1.11.1.1
arb# laf 2.1.11.1.1
arba# ayy am 2.1.11.1.1
arba# 2.1.11.1.2
arba#n 2.1.11.1.1
ao6 nnic ixiix
arba#myya 2.1.11.1.1
arba#t(#) sar = arba#ta s 2.1.11., 1.1
arc 1.2.11.1
arcit ahde nne qui icn cagud
3.2.4.2.1
arcl 2.1.10.5.1
ar

d 5.1.1.3.1
ard gua cq 5.1.1.3.1
ar

dayt 2.2.3.5.2
ar gs 4.1.4.1
ar g ul 2.1.10.5.2
ar g unah 1.2.19.1
arkub 2.1.10.5.2
armal(ah) 1.1.1.5
armul = rmula 1.1.1.5
arra (ba#ad) 2.3.4.3
arra qa

t wamuddi yaddak 281

ars al 2.1.10.5.1
arsalti+l 3.2.2
ar sidiy aqun di w ad l

ha g arah 239
artam 1.1.1.3
a s 3.4.1.5
s 2.1.11.2.4, 3.4.3; 279
a s #alayn a min

d ak 3.1.2.1
a s bar

t al 2.1.11.2.4
a s kit+ta#mal law kunt sul

t an 3.2.4.2.1
a s kiy+yafr

h al#ubayyad law #u

tat luh

di l#a

tiyyah 3.4.3
a s na#mal

di alqa

dyyah wan a
#abdukum 3.4.2
s qadar 3.4.3
a s ta#mal aw ay

hlah m a#ak 3.3.1.2

a s ya

tib l

had

tak 3.4.3
asab 2.3.4.3
a sadd 1.4.4.1.2
a

saf 2.1.6.3
as akifah 2.1.10.5.14
a sall(n) 2.1.10.1
a srr 127
asarrah 2.1.10.5.3
a sarru = a sarruhum 127
a

sba

ha 254
a

sba

hta sakr an annassak 3.4.4

a

sd a g 2.1.9.3
a

sdiq a 2.1.10.5.3
a snhuwwa ~ a snhiyya Mo. 143
a sfah 4.1.3
asfal 1.2.3.1
a

sfr 2.2.2.2
a

sfarr 210
a

sfru 2.2.2.2
a

sy a 2.1.10.5.3
ashal 2.1.4
a s

hl 2.1.11.2.4
a s

h al ma tahrub l a budd an ti-qa#

3.3.2.6.4
a s

h al t akul

s ayim tu

sbi

h 269
a s

hant 1.2.26.2
a shar 2.1.4
shu 2.1.11.2.4
a sl ad 2.1.10.5.1
sma 2.1.11.2.4
a sm a katabt anta qarayt an 3.3.2.6.4
a sm a yuq ul+l 2.1.11.2.4
a sm a yuq ul+l an na#

t a#

tayt 3.3.2.6.4
a sqr 2.1.3
a sqarayn 2.1.9.2
a sr ak 2.1.10.5.1
a srb(u) 2.2.2.2
ass a#a 1.2.25.2
ass a#a(ta) 253
a s sabba

t/

t 1.2.12.3
assa

h ab yus aq u 3.2.1
a

salbu lmuqaddasu 241

a s sam 1.4.1.1
s sanhu 2.1.11.2.4
assi gah 1.4.1.1
s su 1.2.27.1, 2.1.11.2.4
a s su yu

tlab min a

ta#an ya#

t 3.3.2.6.4
a summ a 2.1.11.2.4
ast 2.1.2.2
as

t 1.2.6.2
asta#art 2.2.3.4
asta#

dr(u) 2.2.2.2
asta galt 2.2.3.2
a

ta

h 1.2.6.2
asta

hf a 2.2.3.5.2
ast ak = astk =*/astkk/ 2.1.2.10.4
a st am = /a stm/ = */a stmm/
2.1.2.10.4
asta sart 2.2.3.4
asta

talt 2.2.3.4
asta

tyart 2.2.3.4
astawmat 2.2.3.4
nnic ixiix ao
a stum liwild 3.2.2
aswd 2.1.3; 107
aswlah 1.2.28.1.2
a sy a" 2.1.10.6
a sy at 2.1.10.6
a sy a"u u

hr 241
at 1.2.9.2, 2.1.11.2.1.1; 183
a#

t a" 135
a#

t a l 250
a#

t a+n 250
a

t af 1.2.12.2, 1.4.4.1.4; 18
at al 1.2.12.2, 1.4.4.1.4
atbarbr 2.2.2.2
a

tbatt 205
atbedlt ma

kar 4.1.2
atcagu 14
athwad(u) 2.2.2.2
a#

t ya#

tk alla alna g ah 3.3.2.6.4

atich 1.1.1.3
a

tibb a = atbbe 2.1.10.5.3

atl 1.2.12.2
atlf(u) 2.2.2.2
atla s s a 207
a

tlub surr afah #ala s ta#tal 2.1.11.2.4

atmanyya 4.1.3
a

tm ar 77
atparrzt 4.1.4.2.3.3
atqaddm(u) 2.2.2.2
a

tqal 2.1.4
a

trf 1.2.1.3
tt(a) 1.2.9.2, 2.1.11.2.1.1; 183
atta

ha

d 2.2.3.1
atta

halt 225
a

tayr tiwalwal 3.2.1

a

tubayyab mat assi g a g 3.1.1., 1.2.1

atwaf a 2.2.2.4
aty g 1.1.1.3
auclt 205
avb 2.1.10.5.1
avf 2.1.10.5.1
vilen 2.1.6.5.1
avla 2.1.10.5.3
aw ab 1.2.1.2
a#war 2.1.10.5.11
aw

d 3.4.4
aw

d ahu qad da

hal 288
aw g 1.4.3.1
wil and awil 2.1.11.1.2
awliy a 2.1.10.5.3
awr a

t 2.1.10.5.1
awta

taq 2.2.3.3
awwa

d 3.4.4
awwa

d bah 142
awwa

d an qad qa

sadtak 3.4.4
awwalan 2.1.6.5.1
awwalu yawmin 233
ax 279
axit alle

dna ix quinu muahahn 196

axit yu

dcru 3.2.1
axmat 205
axnab 1.3.1.4.4
y 3.4.3
ay 3.3.2.5.1
ay 1.2.9.3
ay

habs 2.1.11.2.4
ay

ha

dlah fhum 3.4.3

ay kunt sama#tu h a

d a lkal am 3.3.2.5.1
ay kunt sama#tu qultu 3.2.4.2.2
ay m a nam s

tamma hiyya d ar
3.3.2.6.4
ay

san a#ah ti sakkal+lak 2.1.11., 2.4

ay zam an 3.4.3
ayb

t 1.2.28.1.2
ay

d a 2.1.6.5.1
aydn 2.1.9.3
aym axunt 3.1.1.1.2.4
yl 2.1.2.10.2
aym an 135
aymn 2.1.11.2.4
yn 2.1.11.2.4
ayn 3.3.2.5.1
ayna+kum 3.1.2.1
ynu 3.1.2.1
yy 2.1.11.2.4
ayya 2.3.4.3
ayy ak 2.3.4.3
ayyil 2.1.2.10.2
ayyu say"in huwa ~ hiya 143, 197
azaqqah 2.1.10.5.3
azbht 205
azcarch 2.1.10.5.14.1
azcf 2.1.10.5.14
azit almubreq balle

d yudhnu
almard 3.1.1.1.3.1
ao8 nnic ixiix
azfra 4.1.4.2.2
azgr 2.1.4
azira almard 3.1.1.1.2.4
azirrah 2.1.10.6
azla

t 2.1.4
azrq = azraq 2.1.2, 2.1.2.6, 2.1.10., 5.11
azraq 2.1.10.5.11
azr ar 2.1.10.6
aztagutt 2.2.3.4
aztahqt 2.2.3.2
azta

kbit 2.2.3.5.2
aztaqut 2.2.3.3
aztaxrt 2.2.3.4
aztl 2.1.10.5.2
azucht 2.2.3.4
azuif 1.1.1.6
azzw g 1.2.16.1
azzaw g ri

h a

h 2.1.9.2
azzuq aq a

hyar min d aruh 127

ba#ad m a q al ah a 3.3.2.1
bd mirr 243
b ab 18
b ab Naf. 174
b ab alkum 4.1.2
bba 4.1.4.2.1
b ab una g 24
ba#

d ayy am 243
bad = bada"a 1.2.28.1.1, 3.2.4.2
badalt 1.2.7.1
ba

dlt 1.2.7.1
badayt an nuq ul 3.2.4.2.3
b#di ma 3.3.2.5.2
ba#di m a k an a s sar ab maw g ud
3.3.2.5.2
ba#di m a q all ah a

tumm a nadam
3.3.1.1
bac 2.2.3.5
badlah 1.2.13.1
ba#du 244
baguatil 2.1.5.1
b ah = b ah and b ah a 191
ba

h(in) 2.3.4.3
biza

k 1.2.10.3
bal 135
balabrah 4.1.4.2.3.2
bald 1.2.7.3
balad 1.3.1.4.4
balah 1.2.27.1
bal gar 5.1.1.3.5
b+al+

har 2.1.6.2
ballah 2.3.4.2
ballnah 4.1.4.2.3.1
balqatli kin+nuhaddad 3.2.4.2.1
bal

t ar 4.1.4.2.3.1
banafsa g 1.2.1.4
banafsa gah 1.4.1.3
ban at 77
bnar 2.1.2.2
band 1.4.4.1.2
bandayr 4.1.4.2.3.2
ban 1.1.1.4
ban almra 1.1.1.4
ban alwazr 1.2.10.2
bani

half 2.1.2.4
ban

haldn 1.1.1.4
ban

hammd 45
ban

hayrn 1.1.1.4
ban mawdd 45
ban #umr 1.1.1.4
ban g 4.1.4.2.3.2
ban+k 155
*bani+lfaqh 2.1.6.2
*bani+lmarah 2.1.6.2
bann 160
bann a = bann a" 1.2.28.1.4, 2., 1.2.10.3.2
bann 1.1.1.1
bannab 2.3.4.2
bant 2.1.2.2
ba ca 1.2.14.2
baq a 2.2.3.5
baqam 1.3.2.2
baqayt 2.2.3.5
baqqam 1.3.2.2
baqqa

tt 203
baqrah 2.1.2.4
bara

s 2.1.2.4
barbarun baladiyy un 5.1
*bard an 129
bard 1.2.9.4
barham 1.2.1.4
brid 2.1.3.1
bard 2.1.10.5.4
bard 1.2.7.3
nnic ixiix aoq
barq = barq 1.4.4.1.2
barrd = ba

rd 1.2.10.4
barrt 1.2.10.4
brri 1.3.1.4.4
barrna 4.1.4.2.3.2
barza

h 1.2.10.3
b s = b a s Naf. 1.2.1.2, 2.1.11.2.4; 262
ba s ti

hibbu 3.3.2.3
ba s a"ir 1.1.4.4
ba s sr 1.2.10.4
ba

s a

s JT 34
bas

t 1.1.2.1
b ata mar

dan 254
ba

t a

h 150
batn = ba

tn+ 1.3.1.4.4
ba

h(ah) 150
ba# u

d 1.2.25.2
ba# u

dah = ba# u

t/

dah 1.2.14.2
bauiba pl. bauibn 157
baw a 1.4.3.1
baw ar 133
baw asir = baw asr 85
baw a

til 2.1.5.1
bawd 1.2.25.2
baww/l 2.1.2
baxir 1.1.4.4
baxxrt 1.2.10.4
b+ay 1.2.28.1
bay a

d 1.2.14.1
bay a

d 2.3.4.2
bay#ah 1.1.4.3
bayb una g 24
bay

d a 2.1.8
bayda 267
bayda m a 267
bayd am 1.2.1.4; 267
baydm 3.3.2.5.1
bayd am altamaq

husay alr am u

hi

d
al

hi

sn 3.3.2.5.2
*b ayin 227
bayna 227
baynam a 267
bays arah 1.2.1.2
byt 2.1.3
bayt 302
byt allh 3.1.1.1.2
byt almu#allm 3.1.1.1
byt almu#allm al#arab 3.1.1., 1.2.2
baytan bayt 235
by

tar 1.2.8.1
bay

tar = bay

t ar 84
b az = b az 2.1.2.10.3.4
b az al#a g uz 3.1.1.1.2.4
b az 174
b az Mo. 2.1.2.10.3.4; Nf. 174
bazm 1.2.4.1
bazz a g s aqay 152
bebonge 24
beidemn 267
beidemn narc a gecd 267
beindm 267
bel 1.2.27.1
bl ga Mo. 39
bend 1.4.4.1.2
bnn ay(a) Mo. 161
benn 2.1.2.10.3.2
beqmt 107
brchele 1.2.2.1
berrtt 1.2.10.4
b e

s a

ra Mo. 31
*b et en kibr en Eg. 301
bex taharzu 3.3.2.3
bex talb 3.3.2.3
bexxrt 1.2.10.4
be za" Ml. 34
bezz 156
b

h al Naf. and b
-
hal Ml. 265
bi+ 2.1.6.2, 2.3.1; 191, 304
b 118
b#ah 1.1.4.3
bi+al mi

tq al 1.4.4.1.3
bi"ar

d hiya k an garsan 2.1.11., 2.3

bi+a s 262
bi+#aynayn gaz al 2.1.9.1
bb 18
bb an Naf. 174
bi 2.1.2.10.3.4, 2.1.10.5.1; 174
bin 174
bicum ra

k min alle

d qui yazv 2.1.4

bid = b

d 2.1.10.5.11
bid ayah, bidiyyah 18
b+idday+h 2.1.9.1
bi

dlah 1.2.13.1
bdma Mo. 267
aio nnic ixiix
bies Ml. 2.1.2.10.3.4
biex Ml. 2.1.11.2.4
bi+fardi+yad 1.4.4.1.3
*bi+f 227
bi+l a, 3.4.1.2
bi+nafsi+h 1.2.3.1; 41
bi+saqayn 1.3.1.2
bi+yadi+m a 267
bi+zaw g ayd 2.1.9.2
bh = bh 191
bi

h al 3.3.2.4
bi

h a

l an yird an yiml 3.3.2.4

bi

h al gawz m a y ukal

hatt yuksar
266
bi

h al ginn i

d a

habb qatal 3.3.2.6.1

bi

h al i

d a b atat f

sahr g 3.3.2.4
bi

h al silb a

h m a yim ut

hatt yu

dba

h
266
bi

hay atak 2.3.4.2

bi

hayr 1.1.4.2
bi

hayr1.4.4.1.3
bi

hr 1.1.4.2
bil 135
bil a mu ga

t 3.4.1.2
bil a musalla

h 3.4.1.2
bil mo

k 3.4.1.2
bil muddeb 3.4.1.2
bil mutu 3.4.1.2
bil g 4.1.4.2.3.1
bili#tir afuh 243
bils am 1.2.10.2
bin a" 1.1.2.3
bin

sar 2.1.2.8
bin

sir 2.1.2.2/8
bint 2.1.2.2
bi"r 164
birbil 1.4.2.2
birbiliyyah 1.2.10.2
birbir 1.4.2.2
biriy ur min al-u sbi

t al 3.1.1.1., 2.1
birrna 1.4.1.5
birs am 1.2.10.2
b s 1.2.1.2
bis(a) 3.4.3
bisaqyn 1.3.1.2
bis ara Eg. 31
bi sn aqah 1.4.1.1
bit a# Eg. 238
bitn a f ri

d a qabbal aw #annaq
3.3.2.4
bitt an a #ar us 3.2.2.2
biya 118
biy ut kub ar /kibra Eg. 301
biyya(h) 118, 187
bz an 174
bizm 1.2.4.1; 77
bizn 77
borcqua 2.1.2.8
b

tn Mo. 387
b u saq saq 77
bububbah 4.1.4.2.3.2
bugyla 2.1.3
bu g g ul 1.2.9.5
bu+

halqa 77
bukam 2.1.2.6; 173
bu+kinni 77
bukratan 2.3.3
bulbah 4.1.4.2.3.1
bu+lbyt 77
buqum 2.1.2.6; 173
bulbul 2.1.2
bul ga 39
bulh 2.1.10.5.11
bunduqiyyah 1.4.1.3
bun 1.1.2.3
bunyn 1.1.1.3
bq 1.1.3.1
buq um 1.3.2.2
*bur 133
burd 2.1.2
buray g(a) 1.2.19.4
buryred 2.1.3.1
bur g ab d anis 2.1.7
(br g) al

hamm 1.2.4.1
bur gah 1.2.1.3
bri pl. b uriy at 133
burns 1.1.3.1
burt al 4.1.4.2.3.2
bur ud 2.1.10.5.4
bur u g 1.2.19.4
bu

s ara Eg. 31
bu sr 63
buwayyatun 2.1.3
bu+zqq 77
nnic ixiix aii
b(n) 2.1.10.1
ba 1.3.1.4.1
cabarn 1.2.2.1
ab 2.1.10.5.13
ac 2.1.2.10.3.2
cab(a) 169
cagua 14
cacit 2.2.3.5.2
cer 2.1.10.5.4
ae 261
a hugib 261
caf 1.1.1.3
ag 1.2.18.1
cagunin 1.1.1.6
cilen li guahid min al

kar 252
l 2.2.3.3
al alquibra 3.1.1.1.2.4; 302
calonga 4.1.4.2.1
camnna cathr alna rrhmato
3.3.2.2
an/diq 2.1.10.5.14
cappin 1.2.2.2
capelo(s) 2.1.10.4
cappit 1.2.2.2
cppa 1.2.2.2, 2.1.10.5.5
cappn 1.2.2.2
cappt 1.2.2.2
carna 1.2.10.1
cara 2.1.10.5.6
crib 1.3.1.4.2
carm 2.1.10.6
tal 2.1.10.5.2
catlt 204
ctil 1.3.1.4.2
ctta 3.4.1.6
cucab 1.2.1.2
cavdi 1.1.1.6
caw cl 296
caylt 57
caymt 1.2.5.1
cayd 1.1.1.6
cylen 2.1.6.5.1
caymn 1.4.2.2
caynn 1.1.1.6
cde 2.1.10.5.8
celt 1.2.28.1.1
cgge 1.2.18.1
cid 2.1.2.10.2
lle 2.1.10.5.5
cemn 20
cerqt xi min a gmi 3.4.2
cub 2.1.10.5.5
ceudn 107, 174
cum gli aq car adm min alled
quin yazu 2.1.4
chnca 4.1.4.2.3.2
chca 4.1.4.2.3.1
chicla 1.2.19.5
chipp 1.2.19.5
chrba 4.1.4.2.3.1
chrque 1.2.19.5
chirr 68
chup

ka 1.2.1.1
ii 2.1.10.5.10
cid 2.1.10.5.8
cib 2.1.10.5.5
cil

t(a) 296
cifrvy 1.1.1.4
cigur 1.4.2.1, 2.1.10.5.5
chil 1.1.1.3
cijra 1.2.18.1
illl 2.1.10.5.5
cimra 150
cimn 20
cquit 2.1.10.5.4
cirr 2.1.10.5.3
o 2.1.10.5.10
cor 2.1.10.5.4
cohba 4.1.3
clah dun etifecdu 3.3.2.1
conidal 2.1.3
onbra 1.1.4.2
oqua pl. oquin 2.1.10.1
cor 2.1.10.5.6
orb 2.1.10.5.6
cor(t)na 149
rba 2.1.10.5.6
corrta 1.2.12.2
cotn(a) 1.2.4.1
cuyas 2.1.3
cubybar 2.1.3.1
ubin 2.1.10.5.13
ucica 2.1.2.10.4
cucycal 2.1.3.1
aia nnic ixiix
c ct 4.1.4.2.1
uct 2.1.10.5.4
ul pl. +t 2.1.10.2
clli nirni 1.4.4.1.3
clli nirni v nirana hmet
mat-lobn 3.1.2
clli xin 143
cul c 2.1.2.3
cmen 2.1.2.3
um 1.2.9.3
undq 2.1.10.5.14
cunt nte cdir tig cu 3.3.2.1
cunt nte cebb enne mt ahd 3.3.2.1
cunt lehum mazlt 3.2.4.2.1
unx almucaribn 3.1.1.1.2.4
/ cupp

ha/ 1.2.1.1
curyci 122
curba 4.1.3
curc 122
curmt 2.1.10.6
urrini 1.2.10.1
cutb 2.1.10.5.4

d Mo. 238
d 5.1.1.3.1

d 2.1.11.2.2

d a al"ayy am 192

d a al"az g al 192

d a alnu gaymah 192

d a lis yuk un ak

tar 5.1.1.3.5
daf pl. daf 2.1.10.5.12

d ab(a) 2.3.3
d/

d ab a =

d ab a 142, 191
dababah 2.1.10.5.8

dab

h 2.2.2.4
da"ban 142

d abid/

t 1.2.7.3
d/

dabr 1.2.7.2

dacr 2.1.10.5.4
dafal 169

daf a"ir 1.2.14.2

dafar 1.2.12.3, 1.2.14.2

daf ayir 1.2.14.2

daf " 1.2.28.1.3

dafrah 1.2.14.2, 1.2.14.3

dal = dalah 169
daftar 2.1.2.8
da g a gah 2.1.3
dagura 123

dahb 2.1.2

dahab kin+nird 3.2.4.2.1

dahaba 218

dahal+lak 1.4.1.1
da

halt 205
da

haln+hum 2.1.11.2.1.2; 217

d a"i# 1.2.14.2

dk 2.1.11.2.2

d ak a

d yan

tan 2.1.11.2.3

d ak al

habb almul uk 3.1.1.1.2.4

d ak alla

d 196

d ak allaylah 192
da

klt 205
-

dl 1.2.14.4
dla 2.1.2.2

d alik alla

d 196
dalimn nufuhum 2.1.10.1

dall 1.2.14.4
-

dalla 254
dam 2.1.2.10.1

damnt 1.2.14.2
damm 2.1.2.10.1
d am us 1.1.1.6

dan ab+u =

danbu =

danabu+ h u
1.3.1.2

danant 2.2.3.2

danav =

danaw 131
dan/ uq(n) 2.1.10.1

dannabn+h 217
d ar 122
dr al guryfa 1.2.10.2
d ar lis tabq

h alyah wamuk ar lis yibt

barrah 3.4.1.3

daraba 218

darabt 218
darbt fal guch li hde al

kir alle

d
ameltilu 5.1.1.3.5

d arah 1.2.10.1
darba Ml. 175

darf 1.2.14.2
darham 2.1.2.2

darr 1.1.1.5
darr a g 2.1.2.9

darrah 1.2.10.1

dars 2.1.9.3
nnic ixiix ai

dart 2.2.3.3

dar

tah 2.1.10.5.6

d/

daruwwah 1.2.13.2

daruwwah 2.1.2.10.3.1

dar ur 1.3.1.4.4
da s s 1.2.19.3
dassas 1.2.19.3
dual 1.2.15.3
dauxr 1.2.15.3
daw a" 2.1.8
dawat+uh 2.1.8
dawl ab 1.2.1.4
dawlah 1.1.4.2
dawl am 1.2.1.4
dawlat al

hirm an titammi

dar u-rah
3.2.2.2
daw

sal 1.2.15.3
daww ar 1.3.2.2
dawwra 123
daybar an =

daybar an 1.2.7., 2
daybar anah 1.4.2.2

dy#a 1.1.4.1, 1.2.14.1

d ayad 2.1.2.10.4
dayit 1.2.5.1

d ayi# 1.2.14.2
daym u g 4.1.3
daym us 1.1.1.6; 24
days us 1.2.19.3

dayyyt 1.2.5.1
debbe 2.1.10.5.8
def 1.2.28.1.3
dei1.2.19.3

dliq 192
denbq 1.2.8.1
d

h a

hni Naf. 132

d 2.1.11.2.2
d 1.2.7.1

d 1.2.7.1
*d(i) 239

db kin atnabbahat gaddat 3.2.4.2.2

dbbat an

kra 3.1.1.1.1
dic al aym 192
/

dd(d)/ 2.1.2.10.4
dla 2.1.2
diftar 2.1.2.8; 114
di g a gah 1.1.1.4
digja 2.1.3
dihls/z 1.2.15.1

dk 2.1.11.2.1.1/2

dk allaylah 192

dk al s #an inna an qa

ta#tilak kam
ta

t 3.3.2.1

dk lassan+hu ahn ak 3.1.2

dkah 2.1.10.5.13

dik(i)r 101
dil amr 192

dil# 2.1.2.2
dim a g 4.1.3
dnar = dn ar 1.3.1.4.3
diq a xi 192

dir a# 2.1.9.3

dir a#ayn 1.4.4.1.1

dird al/rah 1.2.10.2
dirham 2.1.2.2
dirhamayn 2.1.9.2

dirwah 2.1.2.10.3.1
di s ar 1.2.19.3
diwn 1.1.2.3

diy a" 1.2.5.1

diyakah 2.1.10.5.13
dolf Ml. 34
drabi Ml. 175
duyguara 123

dub ab 150
dubb = dubb 2.1.10.5.8

dubb an and

dubb anah 150

dub

h 2.2.2.4
dubr = dub(u)r 2.1.2.3

ducra 2.1.10.5.4
duiri 2.1.3.2
*du gyya ga 2.1.3
dugyja 2.1.3
dujnbir 68
dukkn 17
d ulah 1.1.4.2
dulb 34
dumta masr ur 3.4.3.1
dunbuqah 1.2.8.1
dunbuhum 191
duny a 2.1.8
duny a" 187

duq in

t ab lak wa"ill a abzuq 3.3.2.6.2

dur#ah 2.1.2.9

dur a

t 2.1.10.5.6
ai nnic ixiix

durays at 1.2.14.2

durr 1.1.1.5
durr a#ah 2.1.2.9
durr a g 2.1.2.9
durri 1.3.1.4.4
dustar 114
duw ar 1.3.2.2
duwayrah 122
duwywara 123

dy al Mo. 238
ebl 1.2.27.1
ebqum 2.1.2.6; 173
e hiet el missa matl meut 3.4.1.5
ect 2.2.3.1
ecthr 2.1.4
erquec 1.2.9.2
ehtmt 209
iqb/in 2.1.10.5.13
elequl 2.1.4
lfdd an d+wuld+k Mo. 238
lmml aka dy aluh Mo. 238
elquelimt almucdece 3.2.1
eltefd 1.2.6.2
eltehmt 209
encni 1.3.1.4.4
nne ahd qui ymye ahde 198
nte 186
nte cunt tedr nne quin yahlf fal
btil 3.2.4.2.1
nte fe cemehut 3.1.2
qle pl. eqlt 213
quel 213
eqult mirr hat qui atcayit 3.2.4.2.1
quil 2.1.10.5.9; 212
equiln 212
uquiden 252
eztevmtt 2.2.3.4
fa+ 3.3.1.1
fa telhi al a ni 3.3.2.1
fa

da

ht 1.4.2.2
fa

dlatayn i

tnayn 2.1.11.1.1
fa g gayra 4.1.4.2.3.1
f ah 2.1.7
fa

h(i)

d 2.1.2.5
fa"inna 3.3.2.2
fa"inna allah lassanhu g al 3.3.2.2
f a"it 1.2.28.1.2
f akihah 1.2.27.1
f akiyah 1.2.27.1
f akyah 18
fal 135
fal aym al o

kr min ciam 5.1.1.3.4

fa"l 1.2.28.1.3
fal asifah 2.1.10.5.14.1
falgrfa 2.1.6.2
fal u 2.1.2.10.3.1
fal u 116
falw 2.1.2.10.3.1
fam 1.1.1.5, 2.1.2.10.1
famm 2.1.2.10.1
fan adiq = fandiq 2.1.10.5.14
f and 24
fandiq 2.1.10.5.14
faqa#t 1.2.28.1.5
faq 1.2.27.1
faqq arah 2.1.10.5.8
far 2.2.3.2
f araq 204
far ayirn 159
far

da

ht 1.4.2.2
far

h 4.1.2
far

h an 129
far

h+ 82
far

hi

hal al 1.4.4.1.3
f ari g 2.1.10.5.4
fri

h 129
fari

ha 202
f aris 2.1.10.5.13
farq 2.1.2.2
farr a = farr a" 1.2.28.1.4
far s 1.2.19.4
fart 2.2.3.3
farw 2.1.10.6
f as 2.1.10.5.4
f+a s 262
f a s yatmatta# 3.3.2.3
fa sqr 4.1.4.2.1
fas a 2.2.3.5
fass a" 2.1.2.10.3.2
fass a#ah annassah 3.4.4
fass as 2.1.2.10.3.2
fa

sa 34
nnic ixiix ai
f a

tah 4.1.4.2.3.2
fawt 2.1.4
faw

hah = faw

hah 1.2.5.1
fayalatun 2.1.10.5.8
fayde qui tixequq xi 3.2.4.2.1,
3.3.2.6.1
fay

hah 1.2.5.1
f ayit 1.2.28.1.2
fyja 4.1.4.2.3.2
faylas uf = faylef 2.1.10.5., 14.1
faynd 24
fays arah 1.2.1.2
faz#= faza# 2.1.2; 219
fel hueqt mohrram 3.1.1.1.2.4
felcife 2.1.10.5.14.1
fel 2.1.2.10.3.1
fmme 1.2.12.3
fxta 4.1.4.2.3.2
+ 2.1.6.2
f 2.3.1; 227, 304
hcat nucnu muztahiqun 3.3.2., 3
hacat qui yeqdr yaqtl ahde 3.3.2.3

hqqat 3.3.2.3
f

haqqat an yuq al li

d a #anbar 3.3.2.3
toli dagumi adegum1.4.4.1.3
f yaday almu

dnibn 2.1.9.3
ydiq 2.1.9.1
*f+a s 262
2.1.10.5.1
cha al focah 2.1.8.1
fciq 2.1.10.5.10
hcat yehbaq 3.3.2.3
f+hum 1.4.1.5
fkyah 18
l 135
flah 2.1.10.5.13
ll 1.2.28.1.3
r a" 2.1.10.6
r an = rn = fr an 1.3.1.2
r a s 1.2.18.1
fri 2.1.10.5.13
rq 2.1.2.2
f s 1.2.1.2
s 3.3.2.3
f s yab gu

d al

hamr 3.3.2.3

tir 101
tliyya 1.2.10.2

tr 101
tryya 1.2.10.2
yalah 2.1.10.5.13
ya s 3.3.2.3
ya s yan#a

t an sil a

h 3.3.2.3
yyah 187
fndaq 2.1.10.5.14
fra 297
fuq 2.1.10.5.10
f+u

dnay+ya 2.1.9.1
fuln 1.1.1.3
fulfalah = fulfula 2.1.2.8
fullr 4.1.4.2.1
fumm 1.1.1.5
f+umm+ 1.2.28.1
fumm d un lu# ab qad gaf bu

s aqu
3.3.2.4
fundaq = funduq 2.1.2.8, 2.1.10.5.14; 114
funqa#1.2.9.4
fuq ar a 2.1.10.5.9
fuqq a# 1.2.9.4
fur a

t 4.1.4.2.3.1
furcn 2.1.10.5.13
fur gah 1.2.1.3
furkah 4.1.4.2.3.2
furrn 1.2.2.1
furr u g 2.1.10.5.4
fursah = fur

sah 1.2.17.2
furs an 2.1.10.5.13
fs 1.2.28.1.1
f us 2.1.10.5.4
fu" us 1.2.28.1.1
g ba s ya

tb 3.3
g wa gals 3.3
ga#alhum sal a

tin 3.2.4.2.3
ga#alk allah tar an 3.2.4.2.3
g ab NA 282
gbl 1.3.1.4.1
gad a 1.4.4.1.1
gadan 2.1.6.5.1
gadr 2.1.10.5.2
ga

dwal 1.2.7.1
gady 2.1.2.10.3.1
gafar allah luh 3.4.3.1
g aq 2.3.4.3
ga

hirah 2.1.10.5.5
ai6 nnic ixiix
g a"ib 1.1.4.4
gai c 1.2.14.2
giri xquir 275
gal 1.1.1.3
gall 20
gallah 1.1.1.4
gam a#ah 1.4.1.2
gmi# 16
g ami# 1.4.1.2, 18
gam# ald ar allat

s ar luh 5.1., 1.3.1

gam# ay

dan alni

sf 243
gam# a 2.1.6.5.1
gml 1.3.1.4.1
gamlah 2.1.2.4
gncho 2.1.10.5.1
gan 2.1.10.5.3
gnna 149
gannah 2.1.10.6
gannah 2.1.10.5.3
gannm 1.1.1.3, 1.2.4.1, 1.3.2.1
gnnat 149
gann at 226
garma 1.2.10.1
gar awah 1.2.1.3
garn a

tah 71
gard 2.1.2
garas/

s 1.4.1.3
gargyya 4.1.4.1
gar

h at 2.1.10.2
garb 2.1.10.5.9
grra 2.1.5.2
garrad/

t 1.2.7.3
gar u 2.1.2.10.3.1
gar uz 1.2.16.1
gasadiyyn 1.4.1.2
gassas 1.2.19.3
gatzt 1.2.24.1
g a

t (#al rukbatayh) 1.2.12.1

gawb 2.1.5.2
gawabayr 2.1.5.2
gaw# an 1.2.5.1
gaw ar lassum falisl am 3.4.1.3
gaw ar = gaw ar 2.1.2.10.3.4
gawyyah 1.4.1.2
gwn 88
gawwa# 1.2.5.1
gawwr(a) 2.1.10.3
gay# an 1.2.5.1
gyb 2.1.5.2
gy
-

d 1.2.14.2
gy

da 1.1.4.1
gay
-

dah = gay

dah 1.2.14.2
gayri anna 1.4.4.1.3
gyri mahmd 275
gay ur = 1.3.2.2
gayya#1.2.5.1
gayyid 1.1.4.4, 2.1.2.10.2
gayy ur 1.3.2.2
gaz a alnams bazqah fal+u g 5.1.1.3.2
gazal 1.4.4.1.2
gazaw/yt 2.2.3.5
gazrah 1.4.1.2
gbel 1.3.1.4.1
gehle 2.1.10.5.8
ghiden 2.1.6.5.1
gmal 1.3.1.4.1
ger
-
ha Ml. 175
g
-
haraf Ml. 53
g #ury an 3.2.2.2
g ya#mal

hasanah 264
g yar ak almu#allam 3.4.3.1
gb(a)l

triq 1.2.11.1
gbl 1.3.1.4.1
gid 1.1.4.4
gd 2.1.2.10.2
gd saraf 128
gidl 2.2.2.5.2
gid = gid 2.1.2.10.3.1
gid 116
gfa = gfah 1.1.1.6, 2.1.10.5.14.1
gifra 312
gi

harah 2.1.10.5.5
gill 20
gilla 72
gill 20
glla 1.1.1.4
gillqiyyah 1.2.19.1
gimam 2.1.10.5.5
gn a an na#mal u

ha

s a 3.3.2.3
gin a" 1.1.2.3
gin a

h 2.1.10.5.1
ginn 149
gin an 2.1.10.6
gin ay 187
nnic ixiix ai
gincn 1.1.4.2
gins min 1.4.4.1.3
ginsyn 1.1.4.2
gir a

h 1.4.1.2
gir

d an 150
gir g 4.1.4.2.3.1
girrah 4.1.4.2.3.2; 71
gir u 116
girw 2.1.2.10.3.1
gi s ar 1.2.19.3
gt 1.1.4.2; 215
gt ilayk q a

sid an tan
-

dur li

h al
3.2.2.2
giw ar 1.1.2.3
giy a# 1.2.5.1
gizra 1.4.1.1
gizz ar 1.1.1.4
gomq 72
grie
-
hi Ml. 175
gua nte tedr 5.1.1.3.3
guacft 2.2.3.3
gualt 2.2.3.3
guagur(a) 2.1.10.3
gualehd 2.1.11.2.4.1
gualexy 2.1.11.2.4.1
guqt me yucn 2.1.11.2.4
guaqula 157
guar ct 2.2.3.3
guard zagun 2.1.2.10.3.4
guarrni 1.2.10.1
guazra 2.1.10.5.8
guazr 2.1.10.5.8
guazti dr 1.4.4.1.3
gubb 1.1.3.2
gubb a

hah1.2.1.1
gua 2.1.10.5.10
gudr an 1.2.23.1
gudr 105
guch 1.4.1.1
gueld+a 190
guel 2.1.10.5.3
gufaynah 1.2.19.1
guf arah 312
gu

hr 2.1.10.5.5
guci 2.1.10.5.10
gud 2.1.2.10.3.4
gugib 14
gugib alq n tezuja (nam teqdr
tat

kl fal monesterio) 3.3.1.3, 3.3.2.1

guitmira, *guitmra 1.2.22.1
gult 2.1.10.5.10
gul gul an 1.2.9.3, 1.2.19.2, 1.4.1.2
glla 1.2.11.1
gum ad, gum ad 18
gummah 2.1.10.5.5
gun a 1.1.2.3
gunat 226
guniyat 226
gur wa"an

sif 3.3.1.2
gurbah 2.1.10.5.9
gura

d 1.2.13.1; 150
guraf 2.1.10.5.6
gurd 1.2.13.1
grd 2.1.2
gur

d anah 150
grfa 1.1.3.1
gurfah 2.1.10.5.6
gurr un 2.1.5.2
guw ar 1.1.2.3
+h 2.1.11.2.1.2
+ha 2.1.11.2.1.2
-
ha Ml. 56
*h a huwa

d a 288
hab+l

hullah ba s nalq ak naqiyyah

3.3.2.3

hab alah 1.1.2.2

hab ar =

habar 1.3.1.4.1

hbbat

halwwa 1.2.1.4

habbat

huluwwah 2.1.8.1; 243

habbat sawd a 2.1.8.1

habba

ta 1.2.2.3

habbayt 2.2.3.5.2
hb 1.4.4.1.2
habb(u) 2.2.3.2

habs 1.4.4.1.2

habw 117

had 77
-
had 2.2.3.1

hd(a) 2.1.11.2.4.1
h

da 2.1.11.2.2
h a

d a # alam lassanhu min sakl 3.4.1.3

h a

d a al# amirn 192

*h a

d a huwa 288
ai8 nnic ixiix
h ad"ah 1.2.28.1.3
ha

dk 2.1.11.2.2
h ad ak Mo. 2.1.11.2.2
h a

d ak alman amah 192

hadam 2.1.10.5.8
hadam al

hay

hurmah f

tna 3.2.2.2
hadr =

ha

dar, hadar pl. hadariyn

2.1.5.1
hadayt 205
h addah 1.2.28.1.3

hadday 1.2.9.3; 151

haddayn 1.2.9.3

haddayn 2.1.9.1
h adi"ah 1.2.28.1.3
h a

dihi al#illah 192

h adim 2.1.10.5.8

had

t #ahd bi+ 243

ha

dra 2.1.8

hadtu 2.2.3.1
ha

dwwa 3.4.4
ha

duwwa war a alb ab 3.4.4

haf

d 1.2.7.1

hafn 1.2.25.1

ha gr 2.1.3
haguch 1.1.4.4
hagudt 204
haguix 1.1.4.4

h a

h 2.3.4.3

h a"i

t 1.1.4.4

h akim 2.1.10.5.10
hal 3.4.2
hal nu

ha

d bala

hk am 3.4.2

h al a 44

halaf anna lam yuqull ka

d ak 3.3.2.1

halan gah 1.2.11.1

halaz um/n 1.2.9.1

halaz unah 1.2.11.1

halft cylen izm allh 252

hal

h al 1.1.1.4
hall 3.4.2

hall a 226
hall a rafaqta bh 3.4.2

hallba 1.3.2.1

hall at 226

hall u 2.2.3.5.1

hama" 1.2.28.1.3

ham ah 4.1.1

hamd 1.4.4.1.2

ham g 1.2.19.1
ham 1.2.28.1.3
hamma beita pl. hamm beitin 150
hamr =

hamr 2.1.10.5.7

hmis 2.1.11.1.2

hamist(#) sar 2.1.11.1.1

hammam/n 1.2.9.1
hammrt 203

hms 2.1.11.1.1

hams a shur 2.1.11.1.1

hmsa 2.1.11.1.1

hams 2.1.11.1.2

hamsn 2.1.11.1.1

hamsumyya 2.1.11.1.1

ham u 2.1.2.10.1

hn 2.1.11.2.1.1

hana s 2.1.2.4

hnbal 1.1.1.5

hndaq 2.1.2

han gar 1.2.10.2

hann ab zurayq 2.1.7

hank 1.2.11.2

han s 51

han s 2.1.2.4

hant =

h an ut 1.3.1.4.3
hant mtal haddd 3.1.1.1.2.1

hanzr 1.4.2.3, 2.1.5.2

hanzr 2.1.2.8
happt = happ

t 1.2.2.3

haqq a 2.1.6.5.1

hara gt 205
harm hu 3.2.3

har ami(yya) Eg. 161

hrat al#arb 1.2.1.2

haraz unah 1.2.11.1

har

d un 1.2.13.2
hrij 2.1.10.5.12

h aris 1.2.15.1

hari sa 218

h ariz 1.2.15.1
harj 2.1.10.5.12

hark at 2.1.10.2

harnaq 2.1.2.2

harr a" 2.1.2.10.3.2

harr c 1.2.10.4

harr ar 2.1.2.10.3.2
nnic ixiix aiq

ha

t 1.2.10.4

harr ubah 1.2.1.2, 1.2.23.1

har sf 2.1.2

harf 2.1.2

har uf 2.1.10.5.13

har ufah 157

haru s 218

ha s a s 1.1.1.5

ha

sayt 205

ha sn 2.1.2

ha

sram 2.1.2.2

ha s santu

sadrah u 1.2.26.2

hasuna 218

ha sw 117

ha

ta" 1.2.28.1.3

h atam 1.3.1.4.2
hat te
-
hd al me 3.3.2.5

hatt 1.1.1.3

hatt 3.3.1.1, 3.3.2.3/5

hatt kin+num ut 3.2.4.2.1

hatt tad

hul sufat alk as bayn

sufatayya 266

hatt tuq ul 266

hatt yi g man m at 3.3.2.5

hatt s 2.1.11.2.4

haw a"i g 1.1.4.4

haw at =

haw at 157, 160

hawayt 1.1.4.2

haw

d 1.2.14.1

hawf 1.4.4.1.2
hawt 1.1.4.2
hwl(a) 2.1.11.2.2
hawl a l# alam 4.1.2
hwlak 2.1.11.2.2
hwlay = hwlin 2.1.11.2.2
hwlin(k) 2.1.11.2.1.1/2

hayl 1.4.4.1.2

hayr 127

hay s 1.2.9.6

hay

t 1.1.4.4

hy

t 1.1.4.1
hayxa 1.2.9.6
hayya 2.3.4.3

hayy ak all ah 3.4.3.1

hayy

t 1.2.8.1
hayyin 2.1.2.10.2

hazb 1.1.2.2

haz anah,

haz anatun 1.4.1.5

hazazt 2.2.3.2
hazit 2.2.3.5
hazi" 2.2.3.5

hazn 129

hazn an 129

hmm ar(a) Mo. 161

hn sa Mo. 175
hyn 2.1.2.10.2
h 2.1.11.2.1.1

hib alah 1.1.2.2

hid"ah < 1.2.28.1.3

hid(#) sar 2.1.11.1.1

hiddah 1.2.28.1.3

hil al 1.3.2.2

hil

hl 1.1.1.4

hil

h al 1.2.11.1

him ar 2.1.2

him ar = himr 2.1.10.5.7

him arat ab a sar a

hl 2.1.7

himmi

s =

him

s 1.3.2.2
hin azvxt ma amrtaq 3.3.2.5
hin nte tamrd 3.3.2.5

hn na

taba

h 3.3.2.5

hna knt abad mal

ha 3.3.2.5

hnat 2.1.11.2.1.1

hin

sir 2.1.2

hin

sir 2.1.2.2

hinzr 2.1.2.8

hir 2.1.2.10.1

hir

dawn, 1.2.13.2

hirf an 2.1.10.5.13; 157

hir

h al 1.2.11.1
hirksa 4.1.4.1

hirniq 2.1.2.2

hirr 2.1.2.10.1
hi sm 1.1.1.3

hi

sn al

han s 51

sn alq

sr 1.1.2.2

hi

srim 2.1.2.2
hiya 185
hya(t) 2.1.11.2.1.1
hiyya al"ayy am 2.1.11.2.1.1

hiz anah 1.4.1.5

hizb 1.1.2.2

hn a s Mo. 175
-
hobzena mat cullim 3.1.1.1.2.1
aao nnic ixiix
hmar 2.1.2.6,
homr 1.3.1.4.1, 2.1.10.5.11
/

h/ 1.2.13.2
h 2.1.11.2.1.1
*hu annafsu 41
h ma 3.3.2.5.2
h u m a fata

ht alb ab 3.3.2.5.2
huyax 1.2.9.6

hubz 1.4.4.1.2

hubzan lissu lak da#u ya

htaraq 3.4.1.3

hubzatayn takfn 3.2.1

hub us at 2.1.10.6
hud 2.1.2

hu

dar 173
hudat 226

hudayd at

humar 3.1.1.1.1

hudb = hdeb 2.1.2.6

hudbah 4.1.4.2.1
hudiya 226

hufrah 1.2.1.3

hu gayyarun 2.1.3

hu gb =

hu gib 1.3.1.4.1
hugul 2.1.2.6, 2.1.10.5.11

hu gzah 1.4.1.1
huildy = huildey 2.1.9.1; 151
huldine 188

hukk 1.2.22.2

hukk am 2.1.10.5.10

hul bayn wabaynu

hatt l a nalq ah
3.3.2.3

hulay 2.1.3
hulygua =

hulywa 123

hulb a 44
hulun allicn 2.1.10.1

huluwwah =

hulwah 2.1.2.10., 3.1

hu+lwaqt 2.1.11.2.1.1
+hum 2.1.11.2.1.2
hma = hum a = hum a 185

humr =

humar 2.1.2.1/6, 2.1.10.5.11

hm(a(t)) 2.1.11.2.1.1
*hmat 185
hmet 185

humr 1.3.1.4.1, 2.1.2.6

hunyxa 51
hnnat 2.1.11.2.1.1

huqlah 1.2.25.1

huqq 1.2.22.2

huryya

ta 1.2.10.1
hur = hur 1.2.10.2, 2.1.2.10.3.1; 116

hrma 3.2.2.2

hrr 1.1.3.1

hurr u g 2.1.10.5.4

hurs 2.1.10.5.11

hur s ufah 2.1.2.8

hur g =

hur g 2.1.2; 219

hur u sah 219

hury 2.1.2.10.3.1

hu s a s 1.1.1.5

husay 1.2.9.3

husrn 2.1.2

hu

sun =

hu

s un 1.3.1.4.1

hu" ulah 2.1.10.5.4

huwa 185
huwa akbaru 172
huwa alkarm 2.1.11.2.1.1
huwa almak an 2.1.11.2.1.1
huwa a#m 172
huwa binafsih > *huwa+bnafsuh >
*huwa+mnafsuh > *huwa
+annafsuh 41
huwa rabb

dk alqiblah almu

ham-
madiyyah 54

huwal 2.1.10.5.11
hwa(t) 2.1.11.2.1.1
huwat 185

huzzah 1.4.1.1
+i 2.1.11.2.1.2
i# ad 2.2.3.4
i# adah 1.2.13.1
i# a

dah 1.2.13.1
#ib" = #ibb 1.2.28.1.3
ibn 102, 138
ibn 160
ibn #amm(ah) 295
ibn ba sr 138
ibn fat

h un 138
ibn

h al(ah) 295
ibn umayyah 138
bra 2.1.10.5.5
ib

t 1.2.28.1.2
ibtada"a 3.2.4.2
ibz a/m 18
ibzm 1.2.4.1, 77
nnic ixiix aai
ibzn 1.2.4.1
icl 1.2.3.1
ichimyl 4.1.4.2.3.1
i

d 3.3.2.2, 3.3.2.6.1
i

d qad kaf an all ah

sud a#uh 3.3.2.2

i

d wa+ 258
i

d wa+k anat marh unah biyad+ h a

258
i

d a 3.3.2.6, 3.3.2.6.1; 46
i

d a a sraqati s samsu tanazzahn a 3.3.2.6

i

d a ba+h 142
i

d a lam 1.2.13.2
i

d a ma

talt ant man yan

sif i

dan
3.3.2.6.1
i

d a rayt li

hyat g arak tuntaf a g#al

mat a#ak faldib a g 3.1.1.1.2.1
i

d a s a

h alb az la#abat bih al#a-

s ar
3.3.2.6.1
i

d a tur alakl aqrub wa-i

d a tur
almaqra# ahrub 3.3.2.6.1
i

d a yak un an narsal u 3.3.2.6.1

i

d am a 3.3.2.6.1
i

d am a kunta wa

hdak waka

d ak las

tamma za g g alan yuq ul

d a altis#a
as

t ar 3.3.2.6.1
idayya 187
iddayn 1.2.20.1
idd = i

d 2.1.11.2.3
dn 1.2.20.1
idn 2.1.9.1
i

dra#ayn 1.4.4.1.1, 2.1.9.3

i

drasayn 2.1.9.3
idr a g 1.4.4.1.1
i

dr a

s 77
if adah 1.2.14.4.
if a

dah 1.2.14.4
i gm ad 1.2.14.4
i gm a

d 1.2.14.4
i gr a 77
i gtama# u 1.3.1.2
iht 2.2.3.4
i

hb arka 189
i

hd 2.1.8; 198
i

hdat+h a 2.1.8
i

hm ar+ak 77
i

hmir ar 210
i

hmirr 2.2.2.5.2
i

hna 2.1.11.2.1.1
i

hti g g 2.2.3.2
i

hwah 2.1.10.5.13
ik af 1.3.1.2
ikkn 3.3.2.6
ikkn 1.2.9.2, 3.3.2.6
iks a+k 77

kva 2.1.10.5.13; 157

la Mo. 46
/il/ 2.3.1
il am am 2.3.3
il gad a 2.1.6.5.1
il lam 1.2.13.2
il ss a#a(ti) 253
il+ayna 1.2.28.1
lla 1.4.1.4
ill 3.3.1.3
ill a yu

t ul #alayn a

dakarn a

d a al guzay
3.3.2.6.2
ill 46
iltafata 1.2.6.2
iltif at 1.1.1.2
imb ari

h Eg. 139
imlq 4.1.4.2.1
imlq 4.1.4.2.3.1
imm a kal amuh gawhar yi

sr aw
al gaw ahir ti

sr kal am 3.3.1.2
mma (wa)mma/aw 3.3.1.2
imm a yuqarrab al

himl wa+imm a
yuqarrab al gaml 3.3.1.2
imt a#+n a 77
imt a#na 1.4.4.1.1
imtinn rbbune Ya quna
macum 3.4.3.1
in 3.3.2.6, 3.3.2.6.2
in #ara

d lak sa+tadrh 3.3.2.6.2

in a sraqati s samsu tanazzahn a
3.3.2.6
in
-

dahar sirruh tadr u b a s an a

math um 3.3.2.6.2
in

h alaf+alla+
-

d
-

dun un 1.2.27.1
in k an 1.2.9.2
in k an gaf a man hawayt sayan-dam
3.3.2.6.2
in k a

n gt litas"al 3.3.2.3
in k an ma

dat al

haw atim baqat

ala

s abi# 3.3.2.6.2
aaa nnic ixiix
in k an ti gb #an ba sar bi#ayni qalb
nab

surak 3.3.2.6.2
in k an turd u ta#mal u min

hukm irtif a#
3.3.2.6.2
in k an wa+anta tird 258
in k an yum ut nusarri bi+kf anuh
3.3.2.6.2
in qulta luh a glas yuq um h u w aqif
3.3.2.6.2
+ina 2.1.11.2.1.2
in a" 2.1.10.6
in# a

d 1.2.14.4
induly an siya s 1.2.19.4
infq 2.2.2.5.2
int/

t aq 1.4.1.3
in

hi

t 2.2.3.2
nia 2.1.10.6
in+k an 3.3.2.6, 3.3.2.6.2
ink an wa+ 258
nna 1.4.1.4
inna 3.3.2.1, 3.4.4
inna qabl arram yur a s assaham 3.4.4
innak mutayyah 3.4.4
innam 3.3.1.3; 287
innama h ma 3.3.2.5.2
innam a h u m a raytu

d ak ass aq
3.3.2.5.2
innam a nird raqqah 3.3.1.3
innifsu Ml. 41
insd 2.2.3.2
ins an 1.3.1.4.4
in

tilq 2.2.2.5.2
intiql 2.2.2.5.2
iqlm 77
iqri stah 1.4.4.1.1
iqun ix tamlu hu harm 3.3.2.6.2
ir ca 1.2.5.1
i

rda 1.2.10.4
irb a irb 235
#irq annas a 1.2.9.2
irtd 2.2.3.2
is = i/s 3.4.1.5
i s 3.4.1.5
is + h 3.4.1.5
is k an ma

h a 3.4.1.5
is na

hru g 3.4.1.5
i s tabit si 3.4.1.6
i s ta g#al 3.4.1.5
i s tanfa# alwa

siyyah 3.4.1.5

s al 172
isan na gdar na

ti s 3.4.1.5
i sb an and i sb aniy a 2
isbaran g 1.2.9.4
i sblya 1.2.2.1
i sbilya 118
i

sd a g ~ i

sda gayn 2.1.9.3

isfann ariyah 118
i

sr ar 210
i

srr 2.2.2.5.2
ishum

hu

d ur 3.4.1.5
i sk amah 4.1.4.2.3.1
i sk an 4.1.4.2.3.2
sm 2.1.3
issi a gwad lakum 3.4.1.5
issi minh a annu g um ak

tar 3.4.1.5
ssum 1.2.27.1
ist 1.2.6.2, 2.1.2.2, 4.1.2
is

t 1.2.6.2
i

tabl 1.4.1.1
ista

h 1.2.6.2
*i stamm 1.4.1.1
*istanbd 1.4.4.1.4
istaq

s 2.2.3.5.2
istaq

saytu 1.4.1.1
i star 1.4.1.1
isti g ab(ah) 2.2.3.4
isti

hm 2.2.3.2
isti

hbyya(t) 292
istik ak 2.1.2.10.4
is

tna 2.1.9.3
istpa 4.1.4.2.1
istiq am 2.2.3.4
istiqrr 2.2.3.2
istirqd 2.2.2.5.2
isti

t a# 2.2.3.4
istiwn 1.4.1.1
istiwb ar 1.1.4.1
istiw gb 2.2.3.3
istiwl a 1.1.4.1
istu gumm aya Eg. 292
itlij ~ itala pl. italin 131
i

tya 1.4.1.5
itmanyya 4.1.3
i

tm ar 77
nnic ixiix aa
i

tmi"n an 4.1.3
i

tn# sar 2.1.11.1.1

i

tnyn 2.1.11.1.1
i

tnayn wa

hamsn dara gah 2.1.,

11.1.1
itr ab = itr af 1.2.1.3
#iwad 1.2.14.4
#iw
-

d 1.2.14.4
*iw

s al 172
iwtr 2.2.3.3
ix 279
ix atitu li hibu 3.4.1.5
ix an leh 3.4.1.5
ix nahtju nicla 3.4.1.5
+iyya 2.1.11.2.1.2
iz arah 1.2.5.1
izd

k 1.2.24.1
izquirch 2.1.10.5.14.1
iztig c 2.2.3.4
jarafa 1.2.24.2
jabyra 2.1.5.2
jaf Ml. 53
jagur 2.1.2.10.3.4
jid yucn 3.2.4.2.1
jam aalehn 2.1.8.1
jrra 68
jar 2.1.2.10.3.1
jeguif 1.1.1.6, 2.1.10.5.14.1
jell 20
jonjol 1.2.9.3
ka+ 2.3.1, 3.3.2.4, 3.3.2.6
ka+ Mo. 255
ka"an 3.3.2.4
ka"annu m a k an 3.3.2.4
ka#b 2.1.10.5.14.1
kab(i)dun 2.1.2.5
kab si m a na

da

h 2.1.11.2.4
kabr 2.2.2.1
kabura 202
kabrat, kabrna, kabrt, kabrtum,
kabru 2.2.2.1

ka(ta) 2.1.6.5.1

kcel 1.2.24.1
ka

d a nu
-

dlam wan a bayn alis-l am

3.3.2.4
kf = 2.1.11.2.4
*k af 1.2.27.1
k af Mo. 75
kaf at+u 226
kafazt 1.2.22.2

kaff 2.1.10.5.5
kahf 1.2.27.1
ka

hk(ah) 1.2.25.1

kil 1.4.4.1.2
ka#kah 1.2.25.1

kal 1.1.1.3
klb alb

hr 1.3.1.4.1
kalb+an abya

d 3.1.1.1.1

kalfat Bagdd 147

kaln a 2.2.3.1
k al u 18
km 2.1.11.2.4
km (

d) 3.4.3
kam

d a ta#f u i

d a #umil lak

du-n ub
3.4.3
kam li#ayn taq

ta# allayl wam a yi- fd u

5.1.1.3.1
kam ti

tr 3.4.3
kam 3.3.2.2/3/4, 3.3.2.5.1
kam a a

hadt l a budd an ni

hall 3.3.2.4
kam a an k an fawq al gabl 3.3.2.4
kam nna 3.3.2.2
kam a lam yi

habbar uh 3.3.2.2
kam a lam yukun l m a na#mal 3.3.2.4
kam a lis

tamma in

s al 3.3.2.2
kam a raytuh badayt an nuqul-luh
3.3.2.5.1
kam+i s 3.3.2.3
kamm un 1.4.2.2

kamra pl.

kamrin 2.1.10.1
kan+ 3.3.2.6
k an 3.2.4.2.1/2, 3.3.2.6.3; 18, 269
k an akrayt duwayra 3.2.4.2.2
k an

sa

hbuh sinn 3.2.2.2

k ana 3.2.4.2, 3.2.4.2.1; 277
k ana yufa g gir 1.4.1.1
kanb u s 1.2.9.4

knar 2.1.2.2

knjel 1.2.10.2
k an un 1.1.1.6

kanzir 1.4.2.3, 2.1.5.2

karab/fs 1.2.1.3
aa nnic ixiix
karam

d ak al"an amil kasab+ka

d a

tunay 251

karjt acbl yantalq a al 3.3.2.5.2

karxt 205

kria 1.2.28.1.4

karnja 1.1.1.4, 1.2.11.1

karkl 296
karm 2.1.10.6

karf 2.1.10.5.13

karrr 2.1.2.10.3.2
k as Nf. 174
ka+ s#al u 3.2.4.2.2
kasayn a 2.2.3.5
kasburah 1.2.15.1
kasln 2.1.2; 129
ka+star a

h 3.2.4.2.2
ka"su

datin 242
ka"sun

datun 242

kat 1.2.28.1.3
katabt 218
kataf 2.1.2.5

katrt 209

katye 2.1.10.5.8

katzt 1.2.24.1
ktib 2.2.2.5.1
kat(i)f 2.1.2.5

ktim 1.3.1.4.2
ka

tr = ka

tr 1.4.1.5

ktt 77
ka

t/t uliq 1.2.12.2

kuf 1.4.4.1.2
kaw a#ib 2.1.10.5.14.1

kaxbe ~

kaxb 169
kayf = kyf 1.2.9.6, 2.1.11.2.4, 3.3.2.4
kayf m a yib# als ariq balfa

dl h u
3.3.2.6.4
kyfma 3.3.2.4
kayn un 1.1.1.6
kay+yafa g gar 1.4.1.1
kazburah 1.2.15.1
ki+ 3.3.2.6
kibir Eg. 202
kibr 2.1.3.1

kidm 122
kieku Ml. 272
kieku kont naf Ml. 272
kf 2.1.11.2.4, 3.3.2.4
kif tud# 5.1.1.3.5
kf an 1.2.27.1; 174
kf an Mo. 75

kiff 2.1.10.5.5

kill 1.3.2.2
kilmatayn qa

t m a#uh al mi

tq al
tasw 281
kl u 18
kin+ 3.3.2.6
kn 3.2.4.2.1/2; 18, 263
kinf 1.2.9.6
kin+nabtala#h a kib ar 3.2.4.2.1
kin+nas"al allah an yubqk 3.2.4.2.1
kin+nird tar ga# taktub 3.2.4.2.3
kin+nuk un gul amak 3.2.4.2.1
kin+nuz urak wa+innam a

tam #i-lal
3.2.4.2.1

kirfn 2.1.10.5.13
ks an Nf. 174
kisln 2.1.2
kitb almu#allm 3.1.1.1.2
kitb mu#allm 3.1.1.1.2
kitb mu#allm almadrsa 3.1.1., 1.2
kitb mu#allm madrsa 3.1.1.1.2
kitb mu

hammd 3.1.1.1.2
kit ab+ ani 2.1.9
kitb+na 3.1.1.1.2
kit abu lm

hammad Sy. 249

kit abun 2.1.9
ki

tr 1.4.1.5

ktra 209
kit+tar

d al gazra walbal a f-h a

ma

sb ub 3.2.2.2
kit+tuqull 3.2.4.2.1
kiwar 2.1.10.5.5
kiysa 20
kiy+yuk un

d a l gars f mars kiy+ yi g

abrl yi

sb bukayruh 3.3.2.6.4

ko alcfa 1.2.13.2

kob cemegu alla

d yat hai 3.1.1.1.3.1

kbzane 188

kdar 173

kf pl. t 2.1.10.2
kont ni gi Ml. 272
kr arsi Naf. 132
ku Mo. 272
kubur Eg. 202
nnic ixiix aa

kudimi 122
kuds 1.4.3.1
kull qar#ah hiya bal

hawmah
alma

dk urah 2.1.11.2.3
kulli

hayr in turud l qa

t zurn 281
kulli m a k an amarri h u a

hl
3.3.2.6.4
kllima 3.3.2.5.2
kullim a si

hn a ak

tar

sirn a

siby an
3.3.2.5.2
kulli+yawm 1.4.4.1.3
+kum 2.1.11.2.1.2
k un Mo. 272

kn ce 2.1.10.5.10
kunf.ra

triyyn 159

kun c 2.1.10.5.10
kunn a ty an 3.2.4.2.1
kunt tajr min qabl m a tudba

h
wa#unayyaqak bar 3.3.2.6.4
k urah 2.1.10.5.5
kurr a

tah 1.2.12.2
kur um 2.1.10.6
kusur = kus ur 1.3.1.4.1
kust 1.4.3.1
kutubun 2.1.9
kuwar 1.4.2.1
kuwar 2.1.10.5.5
la+ 3.2.4.1; 272
la+ Mo. 255
l a 3.4.1.2; 274
l a Mod.Yem. 282
l a a

ha

dat al

sa gr qa

ta 3.4.1.6
*l a + ay

t 276
l a bud luh 1.4.4.1.2
l a dditi lfnta Mo. 274
l a

hre zti Mo. 274

l a h u

sabr #al faqduh ill a sadd

3.4.1.2
l a k an alfu

d ul 3.4.3.1
l a k an u min

siby an 2.3.4.2, 3.4.1.2

l a karm ill a ab u is

h aq 3.4.1.2
la nasayt i

d z aran

hibb 3.4.1.2
l a niwa

har liqi

sat 3.2.2
l a ta

hram un k as 3.4.1.2
l a tas"al 1.2.28.1
l a ti

saddaquh ak

tar 5.1.1.3.5
l a tun aq f+al gur ab qutil binif aqu
3.3.1.1
l a tuz ul qa

ta minn 3.4.1.6
l a ya gurrak sal amuh 3.4.3.1
l a yasa#uh a lbalad 305
l a yastar a

h 3.4.1.2
la#al 2.3.3
la#l(la) 3.3.2.3
lababah 2.1.10.5.8
laba g 4.1.4.2.3.2
labarkah 137
labast 218
la#bat 214
labb ar 2.1.6.3
labisa 202
labisa ~ labista 103
labs 219
labu"ah = labwah 1.2.1.2; 29
laquin 4.1.4.2.2
lad 2.3.1; 227
la

dat alwi

s al ill a an tuk un

habbak
3.5
ladun 2.3.1; 227
la g siyyah 1.2.24.1
la g urah 2.1.6.3
l a+

hadan a 198
lahu 191
lahum man#

d alik mat

habb u 3.3.2.5
l ah ut 1.3.1.4.3
la

hyah = l

hya 118 lak nird an

naqabbal alban an 3.2.2
lkin 3.3.1.3
lakinna mad

ha

h atim #ind ar ga

h 260
lal focah 2.1.6.2
lald ar ma

daytu lak 3.2.2

lam 3.4.1.4; 278
lam ni gamma

t ul allayl 3.4.1.4
lam qa

ta ha garn

habb 3.4.1.4
lam tarak ibnan 3.4.1.4
lam am 2.3.3
lamm a 3.3.2.2
lmma 3.3.2.5
lamm a gt ilayk 3.3.2.5
lamm a k an mu

hibbi fk 3.3.2.2
lappit 1.2.2.2
lapt 1.2.2.1, 1.2.2.2, 4.1.4.2.3.2; 137
laprio 137
aa6 nnic ixiix
laqad an a ma
-

dl um 3.2.4.1
laqad ni

h af al#iq ab 3.2.4.1
laqad raqamtuh raqam 3.2.2.1
las 3.4.1.3
la s 280
las k an daraytuh 3.2.4.2.2, 3.4., 1.3
las na

d uq qa

ta min la

ham baqa-r
3.4.1.6
las na g garr a nisammh 3.3.2.1
las naqdar nasma# buk ah 3.2.4., 2.3
las nard nuq ul 3.2.4.2.3
las na#

t an yartafad 3.2.4.2.3
las ni

saddaq mal

h i

d a q al na#am
3.3.2.6.1
las nisamm a

had 3.4.1.3
las nu

hun

siby an 3.4.1.3
las qa

ta m a# su gal 3.4.1.6
las

tamma za g g alan yuq ul 3.4., 1.3

las ya

harraq

tiy ab s 3.4.1.6
las yar

t u law ra#awh yus uq 3.3.2.6.5

las yur biyadduh mi

tq al innam a y a
minnuh yunfaq 3.3.1.3
la

saf 2.1.6.3
la sama s 137
lasn a naqdar u 3.4.1.3
lasn a nurd u 3.4.1.3
lassu

d a # ar #alayya 3.1.2
lassu ka

d ak 3.4.1.3
l s( su) 2.1.11.2.4
la

tallah 1.2.11.2
latf = la

tf 2.1.10.5.11, 4.1.2
latifn a

dunn 2.1.10.1
la

tmah 2.1.10.5.5
law 3.3.2.6.3; 272
law a

hfaytu law qadar gayr ya

hfh
272
law annu yabq 3.3.2.6.5
law an

taba# suway 3.3.2.6.5

law a sraqati s samsu latanazzahn a
3.3.2.6
law k an falb um

hayr m a kiy+ yaslam

#al al

sayy adah 3.3.2.6.3

law k an yak un 272
law nus uq lu alma#n lam yu

dq m a
qultu 269
law qadar qalb yi

hallk lam yidabbar

d a alnu gaymah 3.3.2.6.3

law ra"ayt fann kit+tuq ul #ann
3.3.2.6.3
law sama#t ass a#ah minn kunt tifarra g

d a aldubaylah 3.3.2., 6.3

law yuk un assummi falk as m a nuk un
ill a sarabtuh 3.3.2.6.3
law yu#

t an alsawm k an ra sd
3.3.2.6.3
lawb an 1.1.4.3
law

h 1.1.4.2
lawl a 271
lawl a alifti

d a

h 271
lawl a

d a lis kin+nu

s ab 3.3.2.6.3
lawl a

hawfak wa s k an yur min #iwa g

3.3.2.6.3
lawlu"ah 1.1.4.3
lawn 88
lawwah 1.2.1.2; 29
lwza 1.1.4.1
lay 1.2.9.3
laymunu+

l ahi 77
laynun 2.1.2.10.2
laysa 3.4.1.2; 273, 277
lyt = layt 3.3.2.6.5, 3.4.3
layt kam a las m a#i luqmah kit+ tuk un
daqqa falbayt 3.4.3
layt law faqadn a h a

d a al gal a 3.3.2.6.5
layt say 4.1.3
layta 3.4.3
layta si#r 4.1.3
layym/n 1.2.9.1
layyin 2.1.2.10.2
lazcna 4.1.4.2.2; 137
le tahlf fa ale

d yahlf 3.3.1.1
le tahlf hni c 3.2.2.2
le tanjama a ma amrtaq, hule al
mar a maa zujeh 261
le tehlf 3.4.1.2
le tot

klna a tajrib lquin negne min a

xarr 3.3.1.3
le yahtx yaztah 3.4.1.2
le y

kall xi gua le ya

kb xi 3.4.1.2
lcum 191
lhu 191
lhut 1.3.1.4.3
leilety 2.1.9.1
lin 2.1.10.5.10
nnic ixiix aa
le

kxa 1.2.24.1
lem yatiquebelhu 3.4.1.4
lem yu

klq xi 3.4.1.4
lemmt 2.1.2.10.4
l es ka"ab u

di Mod.Yem. 276
l es ma sahab s Mod.Yem. 276
leu 191
leu cuntum tihibbni leu cntum
tafrahna 3.3.2.6.3
leuny 2.1.9.2
lewluwwa Ml. 1.1.4.3
lye 187
leym/n 1.2.9.1
leyseyn Mod.Yem. 276
leznedri 280
lztu atcum 3.4.1.3
li+ 2.1.6.2; 191, 246, 250
/li+/ 2.3.1, 3.3.2.3
li kieku Ml. 272
li#amr 2.3.4.2
li+na

hyah 80
*li+yaday(n) 227
li"all a 3.3.2.3
li"all a nu gaddar 3.3.2.3
li"anna 3.2.2.2
li"anna fh

ha

slatayn 3.2.2.2
licn 2.1.10.5.2
li gad a 2.1.6.5.1
li

hyah 118
lil 135
lis 3.4.1.3
/li s/ 3.4.1.3
lis lalr as anq min almuss 3.4.1.3
lis nadr 280
lis talq ah 3.4.1.3
lis tasa# f balad 5.1.1.3.5
lis tasal 1.2.28.1.4
lisabab m a tawaf ba#d waf at
w aliduh 3.3.2.1
lissa Eg. 253
li

t am 2.1.10.5.5
liyya 187
lbra 137
lotf 2.1.10.5.11
lub an 1.1.4.3
lubb 2.1.10.5.8
lcum 191
luh an yum ut 3.1.2.1
luh h a

d a alb ayi# 3.1.2.1

l u

h 1.1.4.2
l uk an Mo. 272
lu"lu"ah 1.1.4.3
/lm/ = */lumm/ 2.1.2.10.4
lp 4.1.4.2.1
luqmah pl. luqam 2.1.10.5.6
lu

ti

ha = lu

ti

ha bi sarr 1.2.26.2
luyn 2.1.10.5.10
m 5.1.1.3.1
m a = m 2.1.10.5.1, 2.1.11.2., 4, 3.3.2.1,
3.3.2.5.2, 3.4.1.5
m a 3.3.2.6.4, 3.4.1.1; 274
m a Mod.Yem. 282
m a abya

d 126
m a abya

duh #ind wam a a sraqu 2.1.4

m a a

hl a wam a amarru 2.1.4

m a akbara+hu [All ah] 172
m a amla

h 18
m a #as an tird 3.2.4.2.3
m a ashal 2.1.4
m a #as nuq ul 3.2.4.2.3
m a aswad f #aynu

d ak al

sab a

h 2.1.4
m a bidu# a alqi

h ab ta#

tab almar akib

3.4.1.1
m a b s Mod.Yem. 282
ma dm 3.3.2.5.2
m a dumtu

hay 3.3.2.5.2
m a g ab li#u s sah a al

hu

t af 249
m a

hayayt las na

hla

th a m a#uh
3.3.2.5.1
m a h qaylah 3.4.1.1
ma kabur

d aq as

tuh 3.3.2.5.2
m a katabn u s Mod.Yem. 282
m a kin+nibayyan al#a g ayib law
kin+ni gad aqw am yan

sif u+ n
3.3.2.6.3
m a na g

had 3.4.1.1
m a qa

t ra g ak a

haddi wa

h ab 3.4.1.1
ma qatalk s Mod.Yem. 282
m a rit e s Mod.Yem. 282
m a sahab silak Mod.Yem. 282
m a

tamma sa grah ill a wahazzah a

arr

h 3.4.1.1
ma tar si 3.4.1.6
aa8 nnic ixiix
ma ti

hf si 3.4.1.6
m a yar

d balbar

sanah 3.4.1.1
ma# a gn 2.1.5.1
magin 2.1.5.1
mab# 2.2.3.4; 172
mabrad 2.1.2.7.1
maby u# 2.3.3.4; 172
maqui 2.1.10.5.14.1
marr pl. t 2.1.10.2
macih 2.2.3.4
macl 2.2.3.4
m a

d a 4.1.1
ma

d qird quddam yiqazzal 264

ma

d #alayya sinn 249

madrich 2.1.10.6
mad ari g 2.1.10.6
madarigt 2.1.10.6
ma

dayt an nuz uruh 3.3.2.3

m adn 1.4.2.3
madnah 1.2.6.1
ma

dq 1.1.2.1
mad sir 1.2.19.3
ma gd ur 1.2.23.1
ma gfar 72
ma glis 2.1.2.7.1
ma grib 72
ma gr

t 1.4.3.1
ma gr us/z 1.2.15.1
ma g sr 2.1.3
ma g

tam 1.2.12.2
ma gy um 2.2.3.4
ma

h a

dah 1.2.14.4
ma

ha g gah 2.1.2.10.4
mah ah 4.1.1
ma

hlla 1.1.1.5
ma

hallah 2.1.2.7.1
ma

hammad 2.1.2.7.2
ma

h asinan lis tu#d 3.1.1.1.3

ma

h ayi g 2.1.2.10.4
ma

hd# 2.1.3
ma

hd ur 1.2.23.1
ma

h a 1.2.25.1
mahhad alisl am

hatt q am addn
#al s aq 3.3.1.1
ma

hy u

t 2.2.3.4
ma

hzan 1.2.23.1
ma

hzn 2.1.2
m a"idah = m a"idah 1.1.4.4, 2.1.2.10.4
majard 156
ma

kda pl. ma

kid 120
mak akin 2.1.2.10.4, 2.1.10.5.14.1
mak an 2.1.2.10.4, 2.1.10.5.14.1
makkr 2.3.3, 4.1.4.2.3.3
mak

t ah 1.2.22.2
maktb 2.2.2.5.1
ma

ktr 209
mal 2.1.4, 4.1.2
mal a" 4.1.2
mal a"ikah 1.1.4.4
malak 2.1.10.5.1
malast an 1.2.10.2
malb usn 2.1.10.1
mall+a+n 96
mallikt 2.2.2.4
mamlk 2.1.2
mamtd 209
mn 2.1.11.2.4
man 3.3.2.6.4
man ban #al al gih ad 2.3.4.1
man da# an nafn an a #umr 3.2.4.2.3
man hu ma gduh wassuh a 258
man k an 1.1.1.3
man na

hibbuh 2.3.4.1
man yuq ul l a narm f #unquh
lu

taymah 3.3.2.6.4
ma#n a mawl a" fal gazrah siw ak 3.5
mn

har 2.1.5.2
man

har u

t 2.1.5.2
mn

saf 1.2.3.1
man sr 1.2.9.2
mantaqah 1.2.8.2
mnzal al#uyn 1.2.9.2
mnzal quray s 1.2.9.2
ma"q 164
maq a# 2.2.3.3
maq#ad 2.1.2.7.2
maqr u = /maqr/ 2.2.3.1
maq

t ah 1.2.22.2
mar ahde 198
mar men tecn carbateq 2.1.11., 2.4
maraq 2.1.10.5.13
marast an 1.2.10.2
mar atayn ra"awh 3.2.1
mar

d a = mard 2.1.10.5.12
nnic ixiix aaq
mr g 1.2.19.4
mr g alq

di 1.2.19.2
mar

hab a 2.1.6.5.1
mar

haban 2.1.6.5.1
marham 1.2.1.4
mar

d = mard 2.1.10.5.12
marqa

t al 2.1.5.2
ma

r aku s 22
marrat an u

hr 3.1.1.1.1
marratan o

kra 3.1.1.1.1
marratayn 1.3.2.2
mar s 1.2.19.4
martanu

hra 3.1.1.1.1
martayn 1.3.2.2
ma

s af+uhum = ma

s af+uhum
1.3.2.2
*mas g ga 1.2.18.1
mas"alah 2.1.3
mas aq 2.1.10.5.14.1
mas arah 2.1.2.7.1
ma

sarr pl. at 2.1.10.2

ma

s ayib+an #i
-

d am 3.1.1.1.1
m a skma+ni/k/h Mo. 337
mas gid ala

dar 3.1.1.1.2
ma s+hum 1.4.1.5
mas

h = mas

h 1.2.26.2
ma

sr 150
*masl al 110
ma

smat 2.1.2.7.2
masq a 2.1.10.5.14.1
m a+ sq min as

tu man ya

hri g al+
zayt 3.2.3
ma srab 2.1.2.7.2
ma srq 2.1.2
m+a sq a 2.1.4
ma

tak a 1.4.1.1
ma stam 1.2.12.2
mastu 2.2.3.2
m as uq 2.2.3.3
ma# s uq s a

t 3.1.1.1.1
mat 2.1.11.2.4, 3.1.1.1.2.1, 3.3., 2.5
mat a = mat a# 1.2.25.2
mat alibnah g a kibr 5.1.1.3.5
mat ma 3.3.2.5
mat m a q al tadr annu yaf #al 3.3.2.5
mat m a yuk un alkitt an wal-qannam
ma

tb u

h 3.3.2.5
mat q am q ayim f almab# alma

dk ur
fa#al d un bi

truh an ya gram luh

3.3.2.6.4
mat#= mat a# 2.3.1, 3.1.1.1.2.1
ma

tall 4.1.4.2.3.2
ma

tmir = ma

t amr 1.1.1.3
mat a#n a 1.4.4.1.1
ma

t aqil = ma

t aql 85
mat 2.1.11.2.4
matmir 1.1.1.3
mavcl 2.2.3.4
mavt/ 2.1.10.5.12
maw add 2.1.2.10.4
maw a sn 2.1.10.5.14.1
maw

h u

d 2.2.3.1
mawl = mawl 119
mawq u

dah 1.2.7.1
maws uq 2.2.3.3
mawt 302
mawt 2.1.10.5.12
maybanah 79
maybar 79
mayb un 79
may gam 1.2.9.6
maylaq 1.2.13.2
mays 1.1.4.4
may s un 2.1.10.5.14.1
mayyit 2.1.10.5.12
mayzar 79
m a+zandaqu 126
mzca = mazc 2.1.10.5.14.1
mazda gah 1.2.17.1
mazd 2.2.3.4
mazid 2.2.3.4
me athum leq 3.4.1.1
me

kir 3.4.1.1
me giru 3.4.1.1
me hu yehb allh 3.4.1.1
me teqdr tehmu ucl al ibd nam
yegb tazdcu 3.3.1.3
me yeqdr ahde yaqt amr guhid
hatt yaqt jam al agumir 266
mecle 2.1.3
meczt 2.2.3.2
mit 2.1.10.5.12
melique 1.1.4.4
mlli min girh 243
ao nnic ixiix
mnecum 191
menfsig 1.2.1.4
menfsige 1.4.1.3
mnina 191
mnnah 190
msl al Mo. 110
mxien 2.1.6.5.1; 252
m

hadda pl. m

h ayd Mo. 120

m

ha z za pl. m

h ay z Mo. 120
mi alhay 2.1.6.2
mI kn si 3.4.1.6
mi"ah 1.2.28.1.2
mi"bar 79
mibt a# 110
mirr 2.1.2.7.3
m

da/ ah = m

da"ah 1.2.28.1.1
m

daq 1.2.13.2
midatuh 1.1.4.4
midna 1.2.6.1
midnat almalk 1.2.6.1
midnat slim 1.1.1.1
mi

dr 2.1.3.2
midr ar 2.1.2.7.3
mi

drr 2.1.2, 2.1.2.7.3

mi

dr as 2.1.2.7.3 <
midr 2.1.3.2
midw ar 2.1.2.7.3
midy an 2.1.2.7.3
m

h a

d = mihd 1.2.10.3
mih

d ar 2.1.2.7.3
mihr as 1.2.15.1
mi

hr a

t 2.1.2.7.1
mihr az 1.2.15.1
mi

h syr 4.1.4.2.1
mi

ht al 110
mihw al 2.1.2.7.3
mi

hy al 2.1.2.7.3
mikt af 2.1.2.7.3
mik

t ar 2.1.2.7.3
miky ad 2.1.2.7.3
milk 1.4.4.1.2
milliq ar 4.1.4.2.3.1
milq 1.4.4.1.2
mils an 2.1.2.7.3
mi+ml a

h 18
mimma 3.3.2.5.2
mimm a

saddan las yisallam 3.3.2.5.2

mimr a

d 2.1.2.7.3
mind am 1.2.1.4; 267
min 3.1.1.1.2.1
min a gli m a hu karm 3.3.2.1
min # am 5.1.1.3.3
min cne 5.1.1.3.3
min dir 5.1.1.3.3
min gam 1.2.9.6
minh 190
minka 189
min s ar 2.1.2.7.1
min

taqah 1.2.8.2
miqa

s 1.3.1.2
miql/nn 1.2.11.2
mir = mir" ah = mir(t) 149
mirr qui cra 3.2.1
mir

h a

d 1.2.10.3
miry a

h 2.1.2.7.3
mi

sda gah 1.2.17.1

mi sk a

h 1.2.25.1, 2.1.2.7.3
miskn 1.2.9.4
misl al 2.1.2.7.3
misl al 110
mism ar 1.2.1.4
mismr 2.1.2
mi sr ar 2.1.2.7.3
mi

sw ab 2.1.2.7.3
mt ba roh nm ale

di hu ya

kd h

de
al curbn al mucdde yedrq al
hayt a dyma 3.3.1.3
mity(n) 2.1.11.1.1
mi

tl 3.3.2.4
mi

tli m a qultu fk 3.3.2.4

mi

tluhum amm a ziy adah fa+l a 3.5

mi

tql 1.1.2.1
mi

ty ar 2.1.2.7.3
mi#y an 2.1.2.7.3
myya = miyyah 1.2.28.1.2, 2.1., 11.1.1
mi"zar 79
mogguir 2.2.2.5.1
motazl(a) 2.1.10.3
mord 1.2.10.4
mqareb Ml. 289
mqq ar Mo. 230
m.r a alisl am 149
m

rmma pl. m

r aym Mo. 120

mu"a

dan 2.2.2.5.1
nnic ixiix ai
mu"addib 1.2.28.1
mu"a

din 1.3.1.4.3
mu"allah 1.2.28.1.2
mu#allam 2.2.2.5.1
mu#allamn+kum 3.1.1.1.2
mu#allaqa 109
mu# awiyah 109
mubra 156
mub arah pl. + at 213
mubarsan 2.2.2.5.1
mummar 2.2.2.5.1
m c ca 4.1.4.2.1
mucyle 2.1.3
mulamn 2.2.2.5.1
mu

d 3.3.2.5.2
mu

d ak 1.2.13.1
mu

d wa+ 258
mu

d wa+ g abat 258

mu

d #a saqt almi

tq al 3.3.2.5.2
mu

ddda 2.2.3.2
mud g gan 52
mudall pl. n 1.4.2.3
mudwwar 1.1.1.5
mudy(ya)na 1.1.4.1
muddah min # amayn 5.1.1.3.3
mudd ak 1.2.13.1
mudlli pl. mudellin 1.4.2.3
mdlim 2.2.2.5.1
mudnar 2.2.2.5.1
muden 2.2.2.5.1
muftten 2.2.2.5.1
muft a

h 2.1.2.7.1
mu gdala 2.2.2.5.2
mu g a

dalah 1.2.7.1
*mu g ana gah 1.2.19.1
mu gay sarun 2.1.3
mugdded 2.2.2.5.1
mu

haddah 2.1.2.7.1
*mu

halla 2.1.2.7.1
mu

hammad 1.1.1.5, 109

muharr g 1.2.19.4
mu

hayda#un 2.1.3
mu

hayyadah 120
mu

hibbnak 155
mu

htafal 2.2.2.5.1
mu

htasb = mu

htasab = muh-tecb
1.2.1.4, 2.2.2.5.1
muk arn 1.4.2.3
muktar 1.4.2.3
mulawlab/m 1.2.1.4
mulch 4.1.4.2.3.1
mulbbe 2.2.2.5.1
mul uk 2.1.5.1
mul uk 2.1.5.1
mul uliyyah 1.2.7.4
mmkin 2.2.2.5.1
munda 1.1.1.1
munkkab 1.2.1.2
munastr 52
munf 2.2.3.5.2
muntafn al"a

dnb 2.1.10.1
mupran and muprin 4.1.4.2.2
muq#ad 2.1.2.7.2
muqa#dad 201
muqaddam 1.3.1.4.3
muqrib 4.1.2
muq arib 289
muq a

s = muq

s 1.3.1.2, 2.1.2.7.1
muquddem = muqueddm 2.2.2.5.1
*mquiden 252
muqtar pl. muqtarin 1.4.2.3
mu

rd 1.2.10.4
mury 2.1.3
muridni 155
murm 2.2.3.5.2
murq an 2.1.10.5.13
murrat an

safr a 3.1.1.1.1
mur

t 1.2.7.3
m us = m us 119
mu sbbak 1.2.21.1
mus ara#ah = mu

s ara#ah 1.2., 17.2

mu

s arah 2.1.2.7.1
*musyyala 2.1.3
*musl al 110
muslm 1.1.2.1, 1.1.3.1
muslim 109
muslim+ ani, muslimun and muslim
+ una 2.1.9
mu

smat 2.1.2.7.2
musq am 210
mu srab 2.1.2.7.2
mu

sr an and mu

sr anah 150
mu sriq 126
musta#ml 2.2.2.5.1
aa nnic ixiix
musta#ml 2.2.2.5.1
mu star 109
mu stariyyah = mu stariyah 2.1.,
2.10.3.3
mustawiyyah = mustawiyah
2.1.2.10.3.3
mu sw 2.2.3.5.2
mu#tadal 2.2.2.5.1
mutar gm 2.2.2.5.1
mutr gim 2.2.2.5.1
muztfra(g) pl. muztafra(g)n 1.2., 24.2
muw a

dabah 1.2.14.2
muw a
-

dabah 1.2.14.2
muwa

da

h = muwa

da

h, 1.2., 13.2
muwallah 1.2.28.1.2
mxiriq 2.2.2.5.1
muza g ga g 2.1.3.2
muz a

him 109
muzd 2.2.3.4
muztcreh 2.2.2.5.1
+na 2.1.11.2.1.2
nar 2.2.3.4
nla 2.1.10.5.2
na#am (wa) 3.3.1.3
na#am wa

hatt

hadamhum k an u
yaham un 261
na#am waya" ul bih al ga

dab il alkufr
billah 261
na#a s 1.4.4.1.2
nat al

kobz 2.1.6.2
nat al yed 5.1.1.3.2
naba 157
nabq 2.2.3.5
nabtad namla

h 3.2.4.2.3
nabtadk na#mal nik ayah 3.2., 4.2.3
nachapt = na c ca

pa

t 1.2.12.3
nachrr 89
n a

d Mo. 75
na

d a 1.2.7.1
na
-

d
-

d arah 2.1.10.3
na
-

d
-

d arah 161
nadn 2.2.3.1
nad

hil 205
nad

hl(u) 2.2.2.3
nad

hul 205
na

d 2.2.3.1
n

dir 1.2.14.2
nad

kl 205
nad

kl 205
na

drab 218
nafr 1.2.10.2
nafsah 2.1.2.9
nafs 122
naftaqur 209
nafy 117
na gad 2.2.3.3
na g#al al

h asid an ya

hsadu 3.3., 2.1

nagni 72
na gdar 1.2.22.1
na g gr 2.1.2
na glas 1.4.1.1
na gsl(u) 2.2.2.3
na gtahid 89
na gtarr 89
naguaquic 2.1.5.1
na gz u 2.2.3.5
nah ab 2.2.3.4
na

h af 2.2.3.4
nahr mumye 3.1.1.1.1
nah

d 1.2.14.2
nafs+ 3.2.2.1
nahgul 2.2.3.4
na

hu

d 2.2.3.1
nahb 2.2.3.4
nahbak 2.2.3.3
n a

hiyah 80
na

hnu 184
na

hri g 205
na

hru g 205
na

hru g liwild 5.1.1.3.5

na

hs+u 82
na

htalaf 209
na

htam 2.2.3.5.2
nahtarm 209
na

t 1.2.25.1
nhu 117
na

h"u = na

hw 117
nahu 1.3.1.4.4
na

hwa g 2.2.3.4
na

hw+ 1.3.1.4.4
nahz 2.2.3.5
na

karx 205
nakkul 2.2.3.1
nnic ixiix a
na

ktabr 209
na

ktr 209
na

kteyl 2.2.3.4
naktub 218
na

kurx 205
nalbas 218
nalgu 1.2.22.1
nallas 1.4.1.1
naltahm(u) 2.2.2.3
na#l u 2.2.3.5
na#mal lak maw

da# 5.1.1.3.5
namlun, naml+atun, naml+at+
ani, namal+ atun 2.1.9
na#n 2.2.2.4
nan am 2.2.3.4
nanra 208
nanc 2.2.3.5
nan
-

dur lala sy a fa+nar lu

tfak 3.3.1.1
nan garr a 208
nnna 296
nan sarr 2.2.3.2
nan

tabq(u) 2.2.2.3
naqf = naqf = naqifu 1.3.1.2
naqr 2.1.10.5.14.1
naqr a = /naqr/ 2.2.3.1
naqraw 2.2.3.1
naqt 209
nqua 2.1.10.5.4
naquf 2.2.3.3
n aq u

s 1.2.15.2
n ar 174
n aran ya

hraquh 3.4.3.1
narc

d 1.2.14.2
nard 2.2.3.5
nar

d 2.2.3.5.2
nargbu yne yatna 3.3.2.1
/nartdd/ 1.4.4.1.2
n as 77
nas"al 2.2.3.1
na

s ar = na

s arah 44
na

sf ar 210
na

sfr(u) 2.2.2.3
na

sil 2.2.3.3
nasm u 2.3.3.5
na

sr an = na

sr an 1.3.1.4.4, 1.4.2.1
na srub 218
na srb(u) 2.2.2.3
na s s ab 2.1.2.9
nasta# ar 2.2.3.4
nasta#

dr(u) 2.2.2.3
nasta gall 2.2.3.2
nasta gnw 2.2.3.5.1
nasta

hf 2.2.3.5.2
na stah kin+nar ak 3.2.4.2.1
nasta#r 2.2.3.4
nasta sr 2.2.3.4
nasta

t al 2.2.3.4
nasta

tyar 2.2.3.4
n as ut 1.3.1.4.3
na

t a 1.2.25.2
natbraz 207
natbarbr(u) 2.2.2.3
natfalsf 201
natfarsan 201
nat g anan 2.2.3.2
nathwad(u) 2.2.2.3
natlla 1.2.11.2
na

tiq 2.2.3.3
na

tq and *na

tq 224
nat

kam 207
natlf(u) 2.2.2.3
na

tlub sa#r ba s nimr alfaras 3.3.2.3

natn a#ad 1.4.3.1
natparr 4.1.4.2.3.3
natqaddm(u) 2.2.2.3
natraw

han 201
natt a

hal 225
naucl 205
n a# urah 1.2.25.2
naw aqr 2.1.10.5.14.1
naw aq

s 2.1.5.1
naw#id 2.2.3.3
naw

tab 2.2.3.3
nawwla 1.1.1.1
nazan 2.2.3.3
nazbh 205
nazm 205
naztagud 2.2.3.4
naztac 2.2.3.3
naztahq 2.2.3.2
naztahz 2.2.3.2
naztahbb 2.2.3.2
nazta

kb 2.2.3.5.2
naztaxr 2.2.3.4
a nnic ixiix
necit 2.2.3.5
necerni 1.3.1.4.4
nechehd 89
nj 117
neg 1.2.19.1
negd 2.2.3.3
nehbhum and nehbbuc/hum 191
nehtem 209
neltehm 209
neqqu 1.2.19.1
nertd lal

kir 1.4.4.1.2
nsut 1.3.1.4.3
neuqud 252
nxie 1.2.28.1.4
neztevmt 2.2.3.4
nezuch 2.2.3.4
+ni 2.1.11.2.1.2
ni# af = ni#af 204
ni# anaq = ni#annaq 204
ni"ann 2.2.3.1
ni"assas 2.2.3.1
niba

har+h a 190
nibaqqa

t 203
nib 222
nibt = nibt 2.2.3.4
nib s ariyuh pl. nib s ariy at 2.1., 10.2
nicac 2.2.3.5.2
nil 2.2.3.3
nictel 204
nicgui ~ nicigua 2.1.5.1; 131
nicllucum 3.2.2
nirni 1.4.2.1
ni c c 4.1.4.2.1
nd 1.2.10.3
ni

da

h 82
nidaqdaq 201
ni

dar 2.2.3.3
nidi 187
nie 2.2.3.1
nimin billhi hu fe ia 5.1., 1.3.3
nies giddieba Ml. 161
nifalsf 201
nifr 2.2.3.3
nifarsan 201
nifelll 1.2.28.1.3
nindir 4.1.4.2.2
nifh lalm 5.1.1.3.3
nif s ariyu s 2.1.10.4
ni g anan 2.2.3.2
ni g

t 2.2.3.4
nigu c 2.2.3.4
nihab 2.2.3.3
ni

habb 2.2.3.5.2
ni

h ada# = ni

hadda# 204
nihgued 204
ni

hall u+h a 2.2.3.5.1

ni

hammar = nihammr 203

nih ayah, nihiyyah 18
ni#r 2.2.3.4
ni

kf 2.2.3.4
nila

tam 1.4.3.1
nilaw

tar 4.1.4.2.3.3
nilm 2.1.2.10.4
ni#m(a) 3.4.3
ni#m alwalad 3.4.3
nim alun 2.1.9
nimndaq 1.4.1.3
nimatrq 201
nimt 2.2.3.4
ninm 2.2.3.4
nipaqqut 203
niparn 4.1.4.2.2
niqabbl(u) 2.2.2.3
niq as = niqass 204
niq as 2.2.3.5.2
nr an 174
niraw

han 201
nirayyas 2.2.3.1
nir c 2.2.3.3
nird all a numna# 3.3.2.1
nird an naqabbal alban an 3.3.2.1
niru s s+a 190
nis a" 2.1.5.1
ni

s ab 1.4.4.1.1
nisfar(u) 2.2.2.3
nis aw 2.1.5.1
ni

sf 1.2.3.1
nisn a/s 18
ni

sr an = ni

sr aniyun 1.4.2.1
ni

t# 1.2.25.2
ni

tallaq+h a 190
ni

tarnan 201
niwa

har 2.2.3.1
niwakkad 2.2.3.1
nnic ixiix a
niwallaf 1.2.28.1.2
nixapp 203
nizn 2.2.3.3
nognga 72
nu#arah 2.1.2.9
nu"allif 1.2.28.1.2
nubriz 205
nce rtal 1.4.4.1.2
nufas a" 2.1.2.9
nufaysat+ 2.1.8
nufaysat 122
num ut 2.2.3.4
nq 2.1.10.5.4
nu#rah 2.1.2.9
nuq ul+lak 3.2.2
nurd 1.2.10.3
n ur+ka 189
nur us/z 1.2.15.1
nu

sf 1.2.3.1
nu s s ab 2.1.2.9
n

si r

tl 1.4.4.1.2
nu

tbit 205
nutna alma 2.1.8.1
o
-
har axit 3.1.1.1.2.3
o

ki pl. o

kayt 2.1.3, 2.1.10.2

o

kt 157
pa c cyna 4.1.4.2.1
paqqutt 203
prana 2.2.2.5.2, 4.1.4.2.2;
297
parnt 4.1.4.2.2
prchele 1.2.2.1
par gt 1.2.2.1
parrukier(a) 161
pa

tna 1.2.2.1
perrixn 1.2.10.1
plch 4.1.4.2.3.2
px 1.2.2.1
piztcal pl. t 2.1.10.2
pochn 1.2.9.5, 4.1.4.2.3.1
polyguat 123
porrojn 4.1.4.2.3.2
pu cn 1.2.9.5
pulit = puly

t 123
pullicr 4.1.4.2.3.1
q a# 4.1.2
qab alah 1.1.1.3
qabbl(u) 2.2.2.2
qabbaltu lak fal sufayf at 3.2.2
qabl an 3.3.2.5.2
qabl an ya

dallan 3.3.2.5.2
qabl i

d 3.3.2.5.2
qabl i

d rayt al

haw

hah 3.3.2.5.2
qabq ab 1.2.1.2
qabrah 71
qad 3.2.4.1
qad gafartu lahu and qad gafrtuh
303
qad

h an inqi

t a#ak 3.3.2.1
qad kin+nifq 3.2.4.1
qad m a#ak man ta"ammal 3.2.4.1
qad

s ar

hall 3.2.4.1
qad tadr att 3.2.4.1
qad tamamt azzu gayyal 3.2.4.1
qdd 2.3.1
q a

d 1.2.22.1
q a

d 2.1.10.5.10
q a

d "almuslimn 76
q adis 71
q ad us 1.1.1.6
qafa

s/z 1.2.17.1; 61
qafazt 1.2.22.2
qa

hbah 4.1.3
qa

hbat man

h us 243
qahqahah = qa

hqa

hah 1.2., 27.2

qahwa Mo. 175
q a"id, 1.1.4.4
q al+a 190
q ala qtuli lk ara lilmalik 250
qal#at ayyb 1.2.1.2
qal#at turb 1.2.1.2
qal#at zayd 149
qala#atyn 1.1.4.1
qalansuwah 1.4.2.3
qalas

t un 1.2.10.2
q alat #aynayn 3.2.1
qlb 122
q al+h a 190
qalsuwah 1.4.2.3
qal unyah 4.1.4.2.2
q amat al

h adim an tar man k an

3.3.2.3
a6 nnic ixiix
q amat ti gann 3.2.4.2.3
qamm arah 2.1.10.3
qanaw 131
qandl 2.1.2/3
qandl bifummayn 152
qann 4.1.4.2.3.1
qann a c 1.2.19.4
qn

tara 1.2.8.1, 1.2.22.1

qn

tarat alq

di 2.1.8.1
qanwal 4.1.4.2.3.1
qapr 1.2.2.1
qar = qara"a 1.2.28.1.1
qaraw 131
qarayt 2.2.3.1
qaryt kitb aw zw g 257
qar
-

d a c 1.2.19.4
q arib 1.3.1.4.2
qaryya 1.2.27.1
qariyyah 2.1.2.10.3.3
q aris/

s 1.2.15.2
qaryah 2.1.2.10.3.3
qa

sabah 1.1.1.5
qa

sar 101
qa

sdr 1.2.17.1
qa

s#ah 2.1.2.2
qas awisn 2.1.10.6
q asi

h 2.1.10.5.4
qa

sl 1.1.2.1, 1.2.11.1
qass 2.1.10.5.3
qa sqr 296
qa

sr = q

sr 1.2.22.1; 101, 104

qa

sriyyah f a s yak un

d a al sa

hm
2.1.11.2.4
qa

s arah 2.1.10.3
qa

swah = qaswah 1.2.15.2

qa

t# 1.1.2.2
qa

ta# alb ar() a

tar (in

talabtak)
1.2.28.1, 3.4.3.1
q atal 204
qatala 202, 218
qataltum u+n 216
qatal+n 86
qa

t am 1.2.4.1
q atil 1.3.1.4.2
qtil 2.1.2
qatluka li"ins anin 250
qa

ta 3.4.1.6
qwqab 1.2.1.2, 2.1.2
qawqanah 4.1.4.2.3.2
qws 2.1.3
qaws+an ifran g 3.1.1.1.1
qawsu quza

h 1.2.26.1
qawwd 1.1.1.1,1.1.4.4, 1.2.7.3
qay
-

d 57
qayd us 1.1.1.6
qay

h 1.1.4.2
qayymt 1.2.5.1
qazdr 1.2.17.1
qh aw Mo. 175
qibl 3.3.2.3
qbla 1.2.22.1
qiblah 54
qib

tyya 1.1.2.2
q

h 1.1.4.2
qla 172
qim a = qim(a)# 1.2.25.2
qinnab/m 1.2.1.4
qr a

t 1.3.1.4.3
qi

s#ah 2.1.2.2
*q

sr 104
*qi

sr bani

half 104
qi

satayn 2.1.8
qi

sat+ 2.1.8
qi

t a# 1.1.2.2
qi

t a# = qi

ta# 1.3.1.4.1
qit al 1.1.1.2
qi

trn 1.1.2.2
qiy amah 1.2.5.1
qm z za pl. qm ay z Mo. 120
q.ssn = q.ssn 2.1.10.1
qubaylah 2.1.3
qubbah 1.2.22.1
qubbay

d = qubbay

t 1.2.8.1
qbli

hddak 149
qub

t al 4.1.4.2.3.1
qu

d a 2.1.10.5.10
qudbe pl. quedbt 2.1.10.2
qudden guhid 3.1.1.1.1
quehna 2.1.10.5.8
quhin 2.1.10.5.8
quhua 1.1.3.2
queme yudcru 3.3.2.3
quemx 3.3.2.3
qu

hayba s 2.1.10.4
nnic ixiix a
qu

h ab 2.1.10.5.10
qugua 1.1.3.2, 1.4.2.1
quigur 1.4.2.1, 2.1.10.5.5
quia 20
quibb 1.2.2.1
quibl yeqdr yconfesrhum 3.3., 2.3
quif yaml h

de al curbn al
mucdde 3.3.2.4
quipp 1.2.2.1, 2.1.10.5.5
quirt 1.3.1.4.3
quitl 1.1.1.2
quitb 2.1.10.5.4
qulyba 122
qulta 215
qum

t 4.1.4.2.3.2
qunfud/

t 1.2.7.3
qur a+n a 149
qurbah 4.1.3
qu

syba 1.1.4.1
qu

syyar 1.2.22.1
quss u

h 2.1.10.5.4
qu

tn 1.1.3.1, 1.2.22.1
qu

t un = qu

t(u)n 2.1.2.3
quwyyas 2.1.3
qwwa = quwwah 1.1.3.2, 1.4.2.1
*quyila 172
quzquza# 1.2.26.1
qz adri Naf. 132
r 245, 282
ra" 276, 283
ra" h ar ut li#aynayk 3.2.2
ra## adah 1.4.3.1
raba

d 1.2.14.1, 1.3.2.1, 2.1.2.4

rabb gan a

h ba s yi

tr 3.3.2.3
rbbena hu mq 3.1.2
rbena 188
rbi# 2.1.11.1.2
rbi

ta 1.2.1.1,1.2.8.1
rabyanah 4.1.4.2.3.2
ra

d a 2.2.3.5
ra

d a

d 1.2.14.2
rad ay a 2.1.10.5.8
radyt 2.2.3.5
rad 2.1.10.5.8
radiw u+h 2.2.3.5.1
ra

dl at 2.1.10.2
rafsa 4.1.4.1
ra ga# kull a

had faras wa+

ham

ham
3.3.1.1
ra ga#at al ganam lald ar 3.2.1
ra gawt+ak 2.2.3.5
ra g g alah 161
ra gl 2.1.2
ra

h 2.1.8
rahamt 2.1.10.2
r ahi zubd 245
ra

s kasr al

h abyah bi#aqr al-f ar 3.2.3

ra

hla "lruk a 1.4.4.1.3

ra

hl a bidal 1.4.4.1.3
rhma 2.1.10.2
rhn 105
ra"s 2.1.2.10.2
ra"s 2.1.10.5.9
ra"s almal a"ikah 1.2.28.1
rjel 2.1.2.2
rajl

kar 3.1.1.1.1
rajuli 2.1.9.2
rakab lak farasuh 3.2.2
ra

k 2.1.10.5.11
rak

d 4.1.3
r akibn 2.1.10.1
rakk abah 2.1.10.5.8
ramal 101
rmal 2.1.10.5.5
ram amn 150
rmi 2.1.10.5.10
ramk 2.1.2.4
raml 101
r an m a r an 245
r an saqfah bayn idayh 245
raqad un 2.1.5.2
rqid 2.1.5.2
raqq adah 2.1.10.3
raq

s u 214
rquiden 2.1.6.5.1
rs 2.1.3
r as 2.1.10.5.4
ras almu

talla

t 1.2.12.1
rasl a 2.1.6.5.1
ras ul 105
rat 2.2.3.1
ra

t a

t 1.2.14.2
r

tb 2.1.3.1
a8 nnic ixiix
ra

tlayn 2.1.9.2
raw

dah 2.1.10.6
r ayis 2.1.10.5.9
ryt 3.4.3
rayt kulli ham biru

t ubat

d a alham
3.4.3
raytu 215
rayyis 2.1.2.10.2
raz anah 219
r c 2.2.3.3
r.

h atayn 2.1.8
ri"ah 1.2.28.1.2, 2.1.2.10.1
rid" = ridd 1.2.28.1.3
r (Mo.) 25
rif uyuh 1.2.19.4
ri g al 2.1.5.1
rigli 2.1.5.1
ri gl 2.1.2.2
ri glayya 187
ri gl+n a 2.1.9.1
ri gl+k 2.1.9.1
ri

h a al gadd 3.1.1.1.2.4
rihn 105
rik ab 1.2.1.2
rik ab 2.1.10.5.2
riml 2.1.10.5.5
rquib 2.1.10.5.13
riy a

d 1.2.14.3
riy a

d 2.1.10.6
riys 1.1.1.3
riyyah 1.2.28.1.2, 2.1.2.10.1
rzq 2.1.2
rba 2.1.2.3
rof pl. t 2.1.10.2
ro

k 2.1.10.5.11
rom 2.1.10.5.10
rmi pl. romin 1.4.2.3
ru"as a 2.1.10.5.9
ruyas 2.1.3
rb# = rub# 2.1.2.3
rbb 1.2.1.1
rca 4.1.4.2.3.2
rul 4.1.4.2.3.2
rl 2.1.10.5.1
rufqah 2.1.10.5.9
ru gayl una 2.1.10.2
ru g un 77
r

h+ 3.2.2.1
rujyjal ~ t 2.1.10.2
ruk a

d 4.1.3
rukk ab+h a 190
rumi skal 137
rumm an(ah) 150
ruq aq

huluwwah 3.2.1
ruqbn 2.1.10.5.13
rutayrah 1.2.11.1
rutfl 1.2.1.3
rs 1.2.28.1.1
r us 2.1.10.5.4
rsl = rus(u)l 105
rusul 2.1.10.5.1
rta 4.1.4.2.3.2
rutitab 2.1.3.1
rutt 2.2.3.2
rutuw al 1.2.1.3
ru" us 1.2.28.1.1
ruw/yas a 2.1.10.5.9
ruwayyas 2.1.3
ruyas a 2.1.10.5.9
rw afa (Mo.) 25
ry afa (Mo.) 25
+ s 3.4.1.6
+ s Mod.Yem. 282
" s

danb al

hadd 3.4.1.5
" s kin+nirdka

hay 3.4.1.5
" s nird na

hlaf 3.4.1.5
" s tabk

hawl 3.4.1.5
" s ta

h s tar g a# muqarnas 3.4., 1.5

" s tas al 3.4.1.5
" s wazr k atib 3.4.1.5
sa+ 3.2.4.1; 253
s a 253
sa i gi Malta Ml. 253
sa"alt 2.2.3.1
sa" amin 1.3.1.4.4
s#at an 3.3.2.5.1
s a#atan ta

tla# f sarrak 3.3.2., 5.1

sb# 1.3.1.4.1
sb#(a) 2.1.11.1.1
sab# mas#r 29
sabb = sab ab 4.1.2
saba g 2.1.2.4
saba g 1.2.15.1
nnic ixiix aq

sabal 1.4.1.1
sab#a+mi"ah 1.4.4.1.3
sab#amyya 2.1.11.1.1
sab#at(#) sar 2.1.11.1.1

sab ay a 2.1.10.5.8
sbb 1.1.1.4
sbi# 2.1.11.1.2
sab# 2.1.11.1.2
s abilah 161
sab#n 2.1.11.1.1

sabyya 1.2.27.1
sbka 1.2.21.1

sabran a 188
sa

d aniq 1.2.15.3
saddah 1.1.1.4

sadq+i 3.1.1.1
sdis 2.1.11.1.2

sadiya 2.2.3.5

sadr Eg. 104

s af NA 276, 282
safah 1.1.1.5
sfar(u) 2.2.2.2
saf af 4.1.3

s a =

s =

s af 1.3.1.2

saf 2.1.10.5.3
safq =

safq 1.2.17.2

safr aw 1.1.1.4

saf

s af 1.4.2.2

sa g a 1.2.17.1
sa garah 4.1.2
sa g ga# 1.2.18.1
sa g# ka

tr 128

sa gr 2.1.2
s gra 4.1.2

sah 2.3.4.3
sh 1.1.1.4

sa

h ab 1.1.2.2
s a

hah 2.1.10.5.8
sahal 1.4.4.1.2
sah al 2.1.10.5.14.1

sa

hb aldayr 80

hb almadna 1.2.1.2

sa

hf a 44
sa

h arah 2.1.10.5.8

s a

h saw 1.2.1.2

s a

hib 1.2.1.2; 80
s a

hil 1.1.1.3

sahl 1.2.27.1
sahlah 2.1.10.5.14.1
sahr yunayr alla

d min sanat 237

3.1.1.1.2.1
sahwah 1.1.1.4

s a"ifah 1.1.4.4
s a"ir 253
sakl 2.1.2.1; 101
sakkah 2.1.2.2
skl 2.1.2.1; 101
sakr 147
sakr anah 147
sal#ah 2.1.2.2, 2.1.10.5.5
sal a

ta#n Sy. 176

sal(i)f 2.1.2.5
salq/k 1.2.22.2
saltu 1.2.28.1.1
sam a#adn Sy. 176
samaw/yt 2.2.3.5
samn 20
samlaq 172
samm at 226
sammayt+uh 3.1.1.1.3.1
s ammu abra

s 1.2.15.3
samr a" 1.1.1.5
sams 1.4.4.1.2
sams 5.1.1.3.1
samsan
-

d ahir 5.1.1.3.1
samtu 2.2.3.2
sand 2.1.2.4

san adiq,

san adq 2.1.10.5.14;

85
sa+namda

hk an a 189

sanawbarah 1.1.4.2; 80
sannr 4.1.4.2.3.2
snt 4.1.4.2.2
s a+nuqullak 253
sa+nuqullak 3.2.4.1
snya 1.1.1.1, 17
/sq/ 2.1.2.10.4
sq 282
s aqay+h a 2.1.9.1
s aqayn 1.3.1.2
s aqayn 2.1.9.1
sqf ssam 1.2.3.1
saqqay 1.2.9.3
saqqayn 1.2.9.3
ao nnic ixiix
*/sqq/ 2.1.2.10.4
saqq a 2.1.2.10.3.2

saq

sayt 1.4.1.1/3

s ar yaskun ka

d a fh kull a

had
3.2.4.2.3

s ara 3.2.4.2
s#ra 1.1.1.4, 2.1.2
sarb 1.1.1.4/5, 1.2.1.1
sarab 2.1.10.5.13
sarb(at) 2.2.2.1
sarabyya 1.1.1.4
sarbna 2.2.2.1
sarabt 2.2.2.1; 218
sarbtum, sarbu 2.2.2.1
saraf 64
saraqus

tah 71

s arat almi

hnah m a#uh 3.2.4.2.3

srb 1.1.1.4
sarhabah 172
sar# 2.1.10.5.5
s

rib 1.2.10.4
sariba 202, 218
sarf 1.2.18.1
sark 1.1.1.4
s ariq 2.1.10.5.10
sarr 2.1.10.5.3
sarr 127
sarrba 1.1.1.4
sarr arah 1.2.17.2
sars am 1.2.15.3
sars am 1.2.15.3
sr

t 2.1.2
sar

tam 172
sarw 1.2.15.2
sary an 1.3.2.2
sa+tadrh 5.1.1.3.5

sa

tal 1.4.1.3
sa+ta

hy a 3.2.4.1
sa+tar 3.2.4.1
s a+tat#a g gab 252
s a+ti gkum 252
sa

tl 1.4.1.3
sa

tran g 1.4.4.1.2
saw a hu qultu say aw kuntu s akit 259
saw a yuq al aw yu#amm 259
saw ad man yu gu s s 2.3.4.2
saw"ah 1.2.28.1.3.

saw arun 1.2.15.2

sawd a" = sawdah 44
sawd an at 107, 174

sawf 1.1.4.3
sawf tadr 3.2.4.1
sawf tar 3.2.4.1
sawfa 3.2.4.1

sawl 1.2.27.1

sawma#ah 1.1.4.2; 80
sawq+an sadd 3.1.1.1.1
sw

t 1.1.4.1
sawwah 1.2.28.1.3
sy 2.1.11.2.4.1
say am arah 199
sa+yalq 3.2.4.1
sayh 2.1.10.5.8

syqal 2.1.2
syra 4.1.4.2.1
sayyabtum u+n 216
sayyan yubt a# 3.1.1.1.3
sayyan #a
-

dm 3.1.1.1.1; 128
sayyid = sayyid 1.1.4.4, 2.1.2., 10.2
sejjer Ml. 253
sew(wa)
-
hames sinin Ml. 259
s 2.1.11.2.4.1
s 3.4.1.6
si bi

d a#ah 199
s #a 1.1.1.4

si"b an 150

s/sib anah 1.2.17.2

s/sbiy a pl. saw ab 1.2.15.3, 2.10.5.14.1

sbr 1.3.1.4.1

siby an 2.1.10.5.13
sd 29
sd 2.1.2.10.2
sider Ml. 104
s

d 1.2.7.1
sd 29
sd ma s g ul kam a

tala# lalruq ad
3.3.2.2

sidr Eg. 104

sfa =

sifah =

sifah 1.3.1.2

sif

s af 1.4.2.2
sga 4.1.4.2.3.2
si g a g 1.2.18.1
si g ar 1.2.18.1

si

h ab 1.1.2.2
nnic ixiix ai
sikkah 2.1.2.2
sila# 2.1.10.5.5
sil#ah 2.1.2.2
simn 20
sim

tayr 4.1.4.2.3.2
sin g ab 1.2.19.1
sinh a gn 1.4.2.3
sinnn+an

hu s s 2.1.9.3
sir a

haw ayi g #alayya 3.1.2.1

sir a# 2.1.10.5.5
srat ali

hs an y a lassanh a srah
3.4.1.3
sird a

h 172
srib 1.2.10.4

sir

s af 1.4.2.2
sirs am 1.2.15.3

sr u

hull a" 3.2.4.2.3

sirw 1.2.15.2
sitra

di al#ar s 239
stt(a) 2.1.11.1.1
sitt(#) sar 2.1.11.1.1
sittn 2.1.11.1.1
sittumyya 2.1.11.1.1
siw 259
siw a" 187
siw ar 1.2.15.2
sorfa Mo. 170
srf Mo. 170
"sta

haka 2.2.2.4

su" ab 150
su" al 1.2.28.1
su" al 1.2.28.1.2
su#r 2.1.2

subay 2.1.3
sub

h an add #a

t ak 2.1.11.2.3
subrn 4.1.4.2.1; 295
subrna 4.1.4.2.1
su#d 2.1.2
s ud an 107
s/s u

d aniq 1.2.15.3

sud g 2.1.9.3

s uf 1.1.4.3
sfa 1.1.1.5
sufatayn ann as 2.1.9.1

s uyyah 161

sfr 1.3.1.4.1
suftu lm

hammad Sy. 250

su

hayfatun 2.1.3
suhb 1.3.1.4.1
suhad 1.4.4.1.2
suk ar a 2.1.10.5.9
sukran qad bal 3.1.1.1.3

sum#ah 1.1.4.2; 80
summ an 1.2.9.3
sumrah 1.1.1.5

sund uq 2.1.10.5.14

sunubrah 1.1.4.2, 80
sun u gah 1.4.2.3, 4.1.4.2.3.2
sq 120
sq addawbb 1.1.1.5, 1.2.1.2
suqar 2.1.2.6
suqyqa 120
sqr 4.1.4.2.1; 295
sqra 4.1.4.2.1
suq ur 1.4.1.5
suqr 4.1.4.2.1

s ur 1.2.15.2

s urah 2.1.10.5.5
surb an 2.1.10.5.13
sur

h ub 172
s/

surrah 1.2.15.2
surrah 4.1.4.2.1
surr an 1.2.10.1
surr aq 2.1.10.5.10
surriy an 1.3.2.2
surriy an 1.2.10.1
sur

t 1.1.1.4
sury an 1.2.10.1
suwl 1.2.28.1.2
suwr 1.1.1.4

suwar 1.4.2.1, 2.1.10.5.5

swa za swa m a za Mo. 259
ta" Ml. 238
ta+ Mo. 255
tlim neerana 3.2.1
ta# suq 2.2.2.5.2

t ab lak gul us 3.3.2.1

tab#a fkum 1.4.4.1.3

/tabhu/ 2.2.3.5.2
tab

kir 213

tabarzn 1.4.3.1
tabyra =

tabyra 123
tabb 2.1.10.5.3
aa nnic ixiix
tabb ale

d ydagu 196
tabi

d(a) 213
tab

kr 213
tabn 2.1.2.2
tabtad tirafraf 264
tabt = t ab ut 1.2.1.2
taaq 2.3.3.5.2
tadardb 2.2.2.5.2
tad

hl(u) 2.2.2.3

tady 4.1.4.2.1

tafr 1.2.10.1, 1.2.12.3

tafar 1.2.14.2

tafar 2.1.2.4
tafya 4.1.4.1
tafr g 2.2.2.5.2
tafta

h u #aynkum 2.1.9.3
tafrma 4.1.4.1
t a g 1.2.19.4
ta gdar 1.2.22.1
ta gr lirnanduh 303
ta gsl(u) 2.2.2.3
tagule 14
t a guh 1.2.19.1
tahamn 209
ta

hn =

ta

hn 1.2.12.2
ta

ht 1.2.6.2

ta

ht 1.2.6.2
ta

t 1.2.25.1
ta

t+k 2.2.3.5
takr ar 1.4.2.1
takrri #ahdu 1.4.4.1.3
taktaf and taktafl 1.4.4.1.4
takul 2.2.3.1
ta"kulu 2.2.3.1

t al #al qalb an na

sbar li

dul-luh
3.3.2.1
tal a xemz = talt a xems 5.1.1.3.1

talab minn ill a

haqq alb ab 3.5

talabah 2.1.10.5.8
tal a s 207

tal

t 2.1.11.1.1

tal

t laf 2.1.11.1.1

tal

ta 2.1.11.1.1

tal a

tat a sy a 2.1.11.1.1

tala

tn 2.1.11.1.1

tala

tmyya 2.1.11.1.1

talatt(#) sar =

tala

ta# sar = 2.1.11.1.1

t alb Mo. 170

t alf 213
ta#lqa 1.1.2.1

tli

t 2.1.11.1.2

tali

t 2.1.11.1.2

tali

tn 2.1.11.1.1
taltahm(u) 2.2.2.3

t al ulah 1.2.28.1.2

tam 3.1.2.1

tamn 2.1.11.1.1

tamann 2.1.11.1.1

tamant(#) sar 2.1.11.1.1

tamnya 2.1.11.1.

tamra =

tamarah 4.1.2

tamarah 150
tamda g 1.2.14.4
tamdi 1.2.14.4

tmin 2.1.11.1.2

tamin 2.1.11.1.2

taminn 2.1.11.1.1

taminmyya 2.1.11.1.1

tamnya 2.1.11.1.1

tamma 3.1.2.1

tamma 1.2.12.3

tamma allah 3.1.2.1

tamma asra# min albarq 3.1., 2.1

tam s at barra wan a f inti
-

d a-rak
3.4.3.1

tni 2.1.11.1.2
tanqyya 2.2.2.5.2
tan

tabq(u) 2.2.2.3
tanta
-

dr 1.2.14.4
tanta

dar 1.2.14.4

tpya 400
t aq ~ it

eq Mo. 224

ta/ aqa 2.3.4.3

taq a# 1.3.1.2
taqarnna 4.1.4.1
taqarrb 2.2.2.5.2
taqa#u 1.3.1.2

taqaw at 160

taql 2.1.3.1
tqra 1.2.22.1, 4.1.4.1
taq

t# 5.1.1.3.1
taqtul liman yi

hibbak 3.2.2

tarafay 1.2.9.3

tarafayn 1.2.9.3
nnic ixiix a
tar a gim = targim 213

tarb 1.2.12.1

tarbazn 1.4.3.1
tarba ahde 243
tarbiat ahde 243

tarf 2.1.2.4

tarf a" 292

tarf ayah NA 292

tarst 4.1.4.1
tar gm 2.2.2.2/4
tr gama 2.2.2.5.2
tar gamah 213
tar gmu 2.2.2.2

t ar 2.1.10.5.10
t ar

h 213
tarq 2.1.10.5.11
trjama 213
tarkuwah 1.2.22.2
tarquwah 1.2.22.2

t a s 1.4.4.1.2
tasal 2.2.3.1
tas"alu 2.2.3.1
ta

sfr(u) 2.2.2.3
tsi# 2.1.11.1.2
tasmiyyatun 2.1.2.10.3.3
ta srb(u) 2.2.2.3

tass 1.4.1.1
tasta gn u 2.2.3.5.1

ta s ur 2.1.10.5.14.1
tasta#

dr(u) 2.2.2.3
tatacal 225
tatbarbr(u) 2.2.2.3
tathwad(u) 2.2.2.3
tatlf(u) 2.2.2.3
tatqaddm(u) 2.2.2.3
taulf 213
tupa 4.1.4.2.3.2

t a" us 1.1.4.4
tavlif 213

taw#a 2.1.6.5.1

taw a

hil 1.1.1.6

taw all 1.2.28.1.2

taw ar 2.1.10.5.14.1
taw alf 213

taw an

tayy al-kit ab 3.2.2.1

taw ar

h 213

taw a sir 2.1.10.5.14.1

tawban raf# # ad bidur guh

tar
3.1.1.1.4
tawbatuh maqb ulah na#am walaw
taraddad daf # at #iddah 261

tw ca 39
tawlf 1.2.28.1.2

tawm 1.1.4.3

taws 1.1.4.4
tay ar 2.1.10.5.14.1
tayf ur 2.1.10.5.14.1

tay

h al 1.1.1.6, 1.1.4.3

taylla 1.2.28.1.2
taymn 79
tehtju tedr 3.3.2.1
temen 2.2.3.5.2
tibarri yamn 1.4.4.1.2
tibirqur ar tarraqabar sin

siy a 4.1.4.2.2
tibn 2.1.2.2
ticrr 1.4.2.1
tid 1.2.10.3
ti g a#w am 3.2.1

ti

h al 1.1.1.6, 1.1.4.3
tih ami(n) 1.3.1.4.4
tihueddb lalled ya
-
ht 3.2.2

tim ar 150
tin afaq 205
tnna 4.1.4.2.3.2

tqa 1.3.1.2
tiqabbl(u) 2.2.2.3

tiqah 160

tiqah 1.3.1.2

tiql 2.1.2

tiqqah 1.3.1.2

tiqt 2.2.3.3

tqt 224
tird tar 3.3.2.1
tis# a sb ar 2.1.11.1.1
ts#a and tsa# 2.1.11.1.1
tisfar(u) 2.2.2.3
tis#amyya 2.1.11.1.1
tis#at(#) sar 2.1.11.1.1
tis# 2.1.11.1.2
ti

sban kifm a na stah an ti

sb
3.3.2.4
tis#n 2.1.11.1.1

tist 1.4.1.1

tistany pl. at 2.1.10.2

a nnic ixiix

tolba Mo. 170

torq 2.1.10.5.1
torq 2.1.10.5.11
tubyvara 123
*

tubb uqah 1.4.2.2

tu g un 1.4.1.1

tl ma 3.3.2.5.2

t ul m a nuk un bi g ahak las na stak

bib us 3.3.2.5.2

tul

tayn almab# 2.1.9.1

tu"l ulah 1.2.28.1.2

tulu

t 2.1.2.3

t um 1.1.4.3

tuma"nnah 4.1.3

tmma 3.3.1.1

tumn =

tmn 1.2.12.1
tun aq 205

tunbuqah 1.2.8.1, 1.4.2.2

tur a 2.1.10.5.10

turayy a 1.2.12.1

turb unah 1.4.1.5

tur g aluh 1.2.19.1
tur gm 2.2.2.4
turd 1.2.10.3

turqun 2.1.10.5.11

turuq 2.1.10.5.11

tu s

t un 1.4.1.1
+u 2.1.11.2.1.2
u"addibu 1.2.28.1.2
ub# 2.2.3.4
c 1.4.1.1
cb 2.1.10.5.13
/udyda/ = udide 1.2.20.1
u

dny alq a

di 151
uli 2.1.10.5.10
u g ar = u g arah 2.1.10.5.9
u g g 2.3.4.3
u#i

d1.2.14.2
ufrta 1.4.4.1.1
u g aniyah 1.2.19.4
u

hayya 187
u

hayy una 2.1.10.2

u

hf 2.2.3.4
u

ht 160
u

htubar 1.2.21.1
u

htuml 2.2.2.4
+uhum 2.1.11.2.1.2
+ukum 2.1.11.2.1.2
ul a"ika 4.1.1
umar a 2.1.10.5.9
m = 2.1.10.5.11
umm(a) gazlah 77
umm.hum a man ti.haww.dhum a
2.1.11.2.4
unb ubah 1.2.1.2
u

hr = u

hrah 44
un as 77
un

t = un

tah 44
uquilel 2.1.3
uql 2.2.3.4
us ar a 2.1.10.5.9
u sayqar 2.1.3
usaywad 2.1.3
usayyam 2.1.3
usq uf = usquf = usqf = usquf
1.3.1.2, 2.1.10.5.14
u squ

tayr 4.1.4.2.3.2
u st 2.3.4.3
ust a

d(n) 2.1.10.1; 159

ustu

hika 2.2.2.4
ustu gumm aya Eg. 292
ustuhtira 2.2.2.4
us us 2.1.10.5.4
u

tyyah 1.4.1.5
u#

tiyat 226
utni alcdi 151
ujygueza 123
ur 2.1.10.5.11
utb 2.1.10.5.4
uzba 4.1.3
uwaddibu 1.2.28.1.2
xr 2.1.2.3
uy aniyah 1.2.19.4
var 2.1.10.5.9
vdyed 2.1.2.10.4
Vitley Hautledi itle Itlehu Itle
Atl huaraph dich alquibla
almohamadia 54
vlyed pl. t 2.1.10.2
vquel 2.1.10.5.9; 157, 212
vref/ 2.1.10.5.9
vzez 2.1.10.5.9
nnic ixiix a
wa+ 3.3, 3.3.2.4, 3.3.2.6.5, 3.4.3
w+anta 1.2.28.1
wa+"a gri 76
wa#adka 250
wab a 1.4.3.1
wabs alma

sr 3.4.3
w c 1.4.1.1
/wd/ 2.1.2.10.4
w ad = w ad Mo. 2.1.2.10.3.4, Nf. 174
wd ala

hmr 3.1.1.1.2.4
wd al

hi gra 1.1.2.2
wd alkibr 3.1.1.1.2.4
*/wdd/ 2.1.2.10.4
w ad 2.1.2.10.3.4
wa gadn+h a 217
wa gadtum+n 216
wa gan at 2.1.10.2
wa g g 1.4.1.1
wa gh 1.4.1.1
wa gnah pl. at 2.1.10.2
wa

haqq allah 2.3.4.2

w

hd (al)+ 2.1.6.5.3
wa

hd alfaras 2.1.6.5.3
wa

hd alma

h arah 2.1.6.5.3
wa

hd alnah ar 2.1.6.5.3
wa

hd al

sub ay 2.1.6.5.3
w

hda+ 2.1.6.5.3
wa

hda bu

tizzah 2.1.6.5.3
wa

hda furayma min

sukar 2.1.6.5.3
w

hid (al)+ 2.1.6.5.3

w a

hid+an minhum 3.1.1.1.4

w

hid(a) 2.1.11.1.1
wa

h sat+an biyya 3.1.1.1.4

wahu

ha

t qaw 3.1.2
wa"i

d a g a yatm fa+w alid wa-#am 3.5

wa"in #a gaz faya

tw al#adad al-ma

dk ur
min al

dahab 3.3.2.6., 2
waka

d a qa

t nuq ullak ala

hb ar 281
waka

d a qad yalat 281

wak

hun 1.2.22.2
wakkadt 2.2.3.1
wald(+an) ghil 3.1.1.1.1
waldna yakkl 3.2
waladun wa

sal 3.1.1.1.3
walkin 3.3.1.3
walay al gurri#tu fh a ssum um 3.4.3
w alid 1.1.1.2; 80
walidt 2.2.2.4
wali

hawf annu sbah nabk 3.2.3

wallah l a

hallaytuh walaw annuh

yaqfaz 3.4.1.2
wallah(i), 2.3.4.2
wa+

l ahi+ lla

d l a il aha ill a+

l a 54
wlwala 1.1.1.5
walwalah 1.2.1.3
wam a a

hsan a

samt na#am wa-

lil#ulam a ay

dan 261
wamil a

h ya

d a i

d yaz ul al

hi

d ab
3.3.2.6.1
waqd+ak 1.2.6.2
waqda 1.4.1.4
waq

h 1.2.22.2
wqt an 3.3.2.5.1
waqtan ra"aytuh 3.3.2.5.1
wara

d a fa

hi 245
war an 1.2.10.1
wara

tah 2.1.10.5.8
ward alzaw an 2.1.2.10.3.4
wa

siyyah 1.2.1.3
w s 3.4.3
wa s #as nuq ul 3.2.4.2.3
wa s

habar l a nam s mu

tar

tar 3.4.3
w s qadar 3.4.3
wa s qadar qalb yahw ak 3.4.3
w s s 2.1.11.2.4.1
w s su 2.1.11.2.4
way ginsi qa

t min wid ad 281

wayl+ummih 77
wz ga 1.4.1.4; 22
wid an and wd an Nf. 174
wied Ml. 2.1.2.10.3.4
wld 1.1.1.2
wild+u 80
wir a

tah 1.2.5.1
wiz arah 1.2.5.1
wlybh 1.4.1.4
wr aqh 1.4.1.4
w c 1.4.1.1
wul ah 2.1.10.5.10
wulayd una 2.1.10.2
xaguir 1.1.1.6, 2.1.10.5.14.1
xa

kxa 4.1.4.2.3.2
xappit 203
a6 nnic ixiix
xrib 1.2.10.4
xyra 1.1.1.6, 2.1.10.5.14.1
xebbyt 1.2.27.1
xde 1.1.1.4
xhgue 1.1.1.4
xemebrx 1.2.15.3
xpar 4.1.4.2.3.2
xrib 1.2.10.4
xucr(in) 159
xfe 1.1.1.5
xuhb 1.3.1.4.1
xlo() 2.1.10.4
xunt 4.1.4.2.2
y 2.3.4.1, 4.1.4.2.3.3
ya asaf 2.3.4.2
y a ba#ad las m a#i qu

sah 3.1., 2.1

y a man taqtul ann as 2.3.4.1
y a mawl almil a

h 2.3.4.1
y a wa s su na#mal bir u

h 2.1.11., 2.4
y a #alay bi gild kin+na

hlu

s 2.3.4.2
y a #alay mazwadan mal a bi

da-hab
2.3.4.2
y a #as 284
y aban uz 1.2.28.1.5
yabas 222
yab#a

t 2.2.2.4
yabc 2.2.3.5
yabt u allayl mu#annaqn 3.2., 2.2
yabr = yabr u

h 1.2.26.1
yab

t 1.2.28.1.2
yd 1.2.20.1
yad 2.1.2.10.1
ya

dall+a+n 96
ya

db

h 2.2.2.4
yadd 2.1.2.10.1
y

da 2.3.3; 142
yaddabbar 1.4.1.1
ya

dakkar 1.4.1.1
yaddan 1.2.13.1
ya

dan 2.2.3.1
ya

darras 1.4.1.1
ya

dhabu 218
ya

dhal+l 1.4.1.1
yad

hl(u) 2.2.2.3
ya

dkur alins a

n al say i

d am a a# gabuh
3.3.2.6.1
ya

dribu 218
yadrub 218
yaf #ah 1.2.28.1.5
yafs u 2.2.3.5
ya g ar 2.2.3.4
ya gdar 1.2.22.1
ya g garrab 1.4.1.1
ya g+hum 1.4.1.5
ya gr 2.2.3.4
ya g" u = ya g" u 2.2.3.5.1
ya gsl(u) 2.2.2.3
yaguaquit 2.1.5.1
yahab 223
yahb

tu 1.2.8.2
ya

hmal+lak 3.2.2
ya

hra su 218
ya

hru s 218
ya

hsunu 218
ya

ht a g alins an yar ga#

hal# 3.2.4.2.3
ya

htaml 2.2.2.4
ya

hta

s 2.2.3.5.2
ya

htawal 2.2.3.4
yah ud = yahdi 1.3.1.4.4
yahza" 2.2.3.5
yahza"u 4.1.3
yaksabak al

h a gah 251
yaks 2.2.3.5
ya

kteyleq 3.2.2
yaktub+lak 3.2.2
yalka

h 1.2.22.2
yaltahm(u) 2.2.2.3
ya#mal alm a 5.1.1.3.5
yam ani(n) 1.3.1.4.4
yamdahh and yamdahq 2.1.11.,
2.1.2
yamta

h a 2.2.3.5.2
yan#a

t a 2.2.3.5.2
yanqar a = yanqar 2.2.3.5.2
yan

tabaq 208
yan

tabq(u) 2.2.2.3
yantalq aal 302
yaqbal 2.2.2.4
yaqtulu 218
yar a = yar a# 1.2.25.2
yar r uhuh f ari

h 3.2.2.1
yarm ala gr af #al r u

hu 3.2.2.1
ya

sd 2.2.3.5
nnic ixiix a
ya

sfr(u) 2.2.2.3
ya srabu 218
ya srb(u) 2.2.2.3
yassabban 1.4.1.1
yassa

hab 1.4.1.1
ya sta#a/if 209
yasta#

dr(u) 2.2.2.3
yastawmat 2.2.3.4
yas u# 304
yat#a g gab i

d a ra" ah a 269
yata

h abab u 2.2.3.2
yataq arar un 2.2.3.2
yatbarbr(u) 2.2.2.3
*yatdabbar 1.4.1.1
*yat

dakkar 1.4.1.1.
*yat

darras 1.4.1.1
yathwad(u) 2.2.2.3
ya#

t+k+alla+nna g a 1.2.27.1
yatlf(u) 2.2.2.3
yatqaddm(u) 2.2.2.3
*yat

sabban 1.4.1.1
*yatsa

hab 1.4.1.1
yatta

ha

d 2.2.3.1
*yat

tarraq 1.4.1.1
ya#

th 1.2.8.2
yatwaf a 2.2.2.4
*yatzarrad 1.4.1.1
yaum athelithi 3.1.1.1.2.4
yaw aqt 2.1.5.1
yawtaqad 2.2.3.3
yazh u 1.4.3.1, 4.1.3
yazzarrad 1.4.1.1
yawman tib# 3.1.1.1.3
yaybasu 222
ybr 2.1.10.5.5
yb 222
yc 2.2.3.3
yebt 222
yeqcr acim 5.1.1.3.5
yed aniamn 3.1.1.1.1, 235
yed aximl 235
ydra 4.1.4.2.3.2
yeg yahcm 264
yehibcum 191
yi#abb = /yi#abb/ 2.2.3.1
yfrnci pl. yfrancin 131
yhbtw 1.2.8.2
y

htwh 1.2.8.2
yibas 222
yifd+u 5.1.1.3.1
yi gad 223
yi g u #al s aqayhum 2.1.9.3
yihab 223
yikbar Eg. 202
yiqabbl(u) 2.2.2.3
yisfar(u) 2.2.2.3
yi

sr kifm a

s ar 3.3.2.4
yi

sr l m a

s ar na#am wa+ nandama g

3.3.1.3
yitar gm 2.2.2.3/4
yizakk 205
yj 2.2.3.5.1
yl a 1.4.1.4
ylliq yl nidi 3.4.3.1
ylsk s 1.4.1.4
yltift 1.1.1.2
ymm 2.1.10.5.3
yn 1.4.1.4
yqun 1.2.9.2
yqun a

kartuhum 3.3.2.6.2
yrda 1.2.10.4
ysnedri 3.4.1.5
Yxblia 118
yu"a

din 1.2.13.1
yu"a

dinu 2.2.3.1
yu# a s 1.4.4.1.2
yu

db

h 2.2.2.4
*yudhnu bh 3.1.1.1.3.1
yu gad = yu gd = y u gad 1.3.1.2
yu g ur lamm a yirduh 3.3.2.5
yu

htaml 2.2.2.4
yukal 2.2.3.1
yu"kalu 2.2.3.1
yunqar lak alb ab naqran mustaw
3.2.2.1
yur u g lak alma

d ul wa

tumma
ya

hak 3.3.1.1
yusamm u 2.2.3.5.1
y usif afandi = yus(t)afandi Eg. 97
yu star 89
yutar gm 2.2.2.4
yuzaqq 205
yv gid 223
yztirh 2.2.3.4
a8 nnic ixiix
zaba g 1.2.15.1
zabb aln i

h s ari s 2.1.10.1
zabb g 1.2.1.2
zabb 1.2.1.1
zaft 2.1.2.2
z a g 1.4.2.1
z g 152
z a g mit a rr us 152
*z a g qandl 152
za g a 1.2.17.1
za gl 101
za gya 4.1.4.1
z gl 101
za gnaz 1.2.15.1, 4.1.4.1
zahr 1.3.1.4.1
zahr 1.3.1.4.1
*z a"if 1.1.1.6
zlla 2.1.5.2
zallayr 2.1.5.2
zam an+an a

har 3.1.1.1.1
zamra 2.1.10.5.8
zan at 1.2.16.1
zand 2.1.2.2
zan gafr 95
zanm 2.1.10.5.4
za#r a" 1.2.16.1
zar afah 1.4.2.1
zar#ah 1.2.10.1
zarqat alyam amah 2.1.8
zarrar 1.2.17.1; 61
zarr#ah 1.2.10.1
zw 152
zaw an 2.1.2.10.3.4
zaw atn 1.1.1.6
zaw ay a 2.1.10.5.8
zaw g 1.4.2.1
zaw g k a gad 2.1.9.2
*z(w) g qall# 152
zaw g qumu

s 2.1.9.2
zaw g ummak nuk un 3.2.3
zaw g

h ari g ba#d al#i s a lalma-z ad 247

zyt 1.1.4.1
zayt un 1.1.1.6
zayyt 20
zazcla 152
zzza 296
zenmi 2.1.10.5.4
zent 2.2.3.3
zuch algun 2.1.9.2
zuch arr 2.1.9.2
zuch min arigl 2.1.9.2
zevcalat 152
zeyt 20
zif 1.1.1.6
zift 2.1.2.2
zmir 2.1.10.5.8
zind 2.1.2.2
zingl 2.1.5.2
zir afah 1.4.2.1
zirr 2.1.10.6
ziw an/l 1.2.9.5
zonb, 1.4.4.1.4
zorq 2.1.2.6, 2.1.10.5.11
zubb 1.2.2.2
zubb pl. zubb 2.1.10.2
zu gzal 1.2.15.1; 294
zullay g(ah) 1.2.7.4, 2.1.3.2
zunjufr 95
zun um = zunm 2.1.10.5.4
zuppt 1.2.2.2, 1.2.2.3, 2.1.10.2
zuq aq 2.1.10.5.3
zur afah 1.2.1.3
zurq 2.1.2.6
zurq 2.1.10.5.11
zurz al/r 1.2.10.2
#ala+ll[a

d] ya
-

dlim+na 1.4.2.3
#abd 2.1.10.5.7
/#bdu+n/ 1.2.28.1
#abd 2.1.10.5.7
# ada 244
# adah 2.1.10.5.14.1
#a

du 117
#aduwwah 2.1.2.10.3.1
#afr

t 1.2.6.2
#af

s 1.4.3.1
#a g a"ib 2.1.5.1
#a g ayib 2.1.5.1
#a gza 123
# a"ilah 1.1.4.4
#al 246
#al

tayifa allat astamsakat li-nafsah

196
#al yad

da anna 3.3.2.2
nnic ixiix aq
#lam 2.1.2
# alam 4.1.2
#al s 2.1.11.2.4
#ala s is tam s li#andan a 3.4.2
#alaw/yt 2.2.3.5
#allamnh 217
# am 1.3.1.2
#amal 1.4.4.1.2
#am aliqah 2.1.10.5.14.1
#amaln 217
# aman awwala 2.3.3
#am+awwal = #am+wil 1.3.1.2,, 2.3.3
#amd a 2.1.6.5.1
*# amida 227
#amm 3.3.2.2
#amm a al

taman almundafa# k an m al
"bnh a 3.3.2.2
# am ud 2.1.2
*#an qabl 268
#anayt 2.2.2.4
#annak yasqu

t altaklf i

d a lis t u- gad
3.3.2.6.1
#annaqn la#al nastar

h 3.3.2.3
#an

sulah 1.2.25.2
#aqrb 1.2.1.4
#arb 2.1.2.4
#arab 2.1.5.1
#arab pl. #arabiyn 2.1.5.1
#araban ci(yya) (Ir.) 161
#arabiyyah 1.2.24.2
#arba

d 1.2.7.2
#arba
-

dah 1.2.7.2
#arq(n) 2.1.10.1
#arr adah 1.2.24.2
#arr a

dah 1.2.7.2
#ar u

d 1.2.14.2
#ar u

d ak alla

d labn quzm an 196

#a

s a 2.1.8
#as 3.4.3.1; 256
#asa dawlat alri

d a tar ga# 3.4.3.1

#as i s nuq ul u 3.2.4.2.3
#as l a taqtuln a 3.4.3.1
#as yi gh alminq ar fal+as

t 5.1.1.3.2
#a saqtu 215
#a saqtu fa+q all 3.3.1.1
#a sar = #a sr 2.1.11.1.1
#a

s atu 2.1.8
#a

sf 1.4.3.1
#a

sf ur 2.1.2.8
#a

sfra pl. #a

sr 4.1.4.2.2
#as 142
#as an yif uz 3.2.4.2.3
#as yaq

d allah

hayr baynin a 3.4.3.1

# sir 2.1.11.1.2
#a sir 2.1.11.1.2
# sra 2.1.11.1.1
#a

t a+h a+l 250

#a

t a+k 250
#atabah 2.1.10.5.4
#aw a"id 2.1.10.5.14.1
#awwal 2.3.3
#awwil #alayya bim a si"ta 2.3.3
#ay+baqar 1.2.9.3
#aylah 1.1.4.4
#ayn baqar 1.2.9.3
#aynan ak

hal 5.1.1.3.1
#aynan l a yar 5.1.1.3.1
#aynayn suhal 3.2.1
#ayni alz an 5.1.1.3.1
#aynn 2.1.9.1
#ay s+an

dank 3.1.1.1.1
#ay suh

t ab man qabbal ni

t aq+u, 3.2.3
#azb a 44
#azz(n) 2.1.10.1
#azzu kit abika 233
#ifrt 1.2.6.2
#iml aq 2.1.10.5.14.1
#inda 227
#iqb an 2.1.10.5.13
#s 304
#i srn 2.1.11.1.1
#izzi r u

hak wa+law naqalt alfa

ham
3.3.2.6.5
#udtu 215
#u

dw 117
#ukk as/z 1.2.15.1
# ul 18
#ul ak s a# f gayr mu safa# 3.1.2
#ul 18
#um 2.1.10.5.11
#umil+lak

dun ub 249
#umy 2.1.10.5.11
#uq ab 2.1.10.5.13
#ur g 2.1.10.5.11
ao nnic ixiix
#u

sfur 1.2.3.1
#u

sf ur 2.1.2.8
#u sur 2.1.2.3
#u

tat+n 226
#u

t/tn un 1.2.12.2
#utub 2.1.10.5.4
#uwar 2.1.10.5.11
#uyn 1.1.3.1
#uzbah 4.1.3
ANDALUSI ROMANCE INDEX
*o+o+ 4.1.4.2.1
*o+ u+ 1.4.1.5
*o+vx+ 1.2.1.3
ott t+ t+ sq+ +v6 st ttt 306
ttv+n t++t

n+

t Cs.? 1.2.7.1
t st+u.os 39
*o+t+to s 71
*ot./ s+ 71
*t s s+ou++u 1.1.1.4
*t s+ s+t\+ 1.1.1.4
*t s+ sutq+ 1.1.1.4
*t++wu+

. 4.1.4.2.3.3
*to \+ sxt(o) 137
*\/t xotou/ 1.2.11.2
*t os+t 2.1.5.2
*tt s.+

+ 4.1.4.2.1
*tust 4.1.4.2.3.3
su+, 1.1.1.6, 4.1.4.2.1
*

.+u+o+tt+ 2.1.5.2
LATIN INDEX
ad hae 142
alabrum 4.1.4.2.3.2
*aporrigium (Low Lt.) 4.1.4.2.2
Astigi 1.4.1.1
aura 4.1.4.2.3.1/3
ball ena 4.1.4.2.3.1
b atillum 4.1.4.2.3.2
*blatella (Low Lt.) 1.2.11.2
caeca 4.1.4.2.3.1
Caesarea Augusta 71
c annus 4.1.4.2.3.1
capp aris 1.2.2.1
cap[p]ucium (Low Lt.) 1.2.9.4
cercus 4.1.4.2.3.1
cerva 4.1.4.2.3.1
cc ada 1.2.19.5
cippus 1.2.19.5
cirrus 68
c omte(m) 4.1.4.2.3.2
concha 4.1.4.2.3.1
crista 1.4.4.1.1
c ubtus 4.1.4.2.3.1
D ecember 68
ei a 2.3.4.3
f aces 4.1.4.2.3.1
fasc alis 4.1.4.2.1
fascia 4.1.4.2.3.2
f ata 4.1.4.2.3.2
festum 4.1.4.2.3.2
foliaris (Low Lt.) 4.1.4.2.1
f or atus 4.1.4.2.3.1
forca 4.1.4.2.3.2
[fr ater] germ anus 67
Gades 71
Gallaecia 1.2.19.1
h ed era 4.1.4.2.3.1
Hisp alis 1.2.2.1
hord e olus 4.1.4.2.3.1
Igabrum 71
Lexiviu(m) (Low Lt.) 1.2.24.1
lb yce 4.1.4.2.3.1
l upus 4.1.4.2.1
mnmus 4.1.4.2.3.1
mixtarius (Low Lt.) 4.1.4.2.1
mulcta 4.1.4.2.1
musc ulus 4.1.4.2.3.1
non 3.4.1.5
p al atum 4.1.4.2.3.1
pand orum 4.1.4.2.3.2
p ancum 4.1.4.2.3.1
pastn aca 1.4.1.1
pecciolus (Low Lt.) 1.2.9.5, 4.1.4.2.3.1
perditionem (Low Lt.) 4.1.4.2.2
pern onem 4.1.4.2.3.1
pest ulum 4.1.4.2.3.1
p ett oris pers onam c ap ere 297
pc atus 203
p etr os elnum 1.2.10.1
plantaginem (Low Lt.) 1.4.4.1.1,,
4.1.4.2.3.1
p ollc aris 4.1.4.2.3.1
porrgnem 1.2.2.1
*portellum (Low Lt.) 4.1.4.2.3.1
pressus 4.1.4.2.3.3
quercus 1.2.19.5
r et olum 1.2.1.3
r obgnem 4.1.4.2.3.1
rubra 137
r uta 4.1.4.2.3.1
i+ix ixiix a
s aga 4.1.4.2.3.2
sagma 1.1.1.4
sax ea 4.1.4.2.3.1
scamnum 4.1.4.2.3.2
sc ut arus 4.1.4.2.3.2
s ec uris 1.4.1.5, 4.1.4.2.1
*semitarius (Low Lt.) 4.1.4.2.3.1
s ep ar 4.1.4.2.3.1
s epa 1.2.15.3
sic 284
sign alis 4.1.4.2.3.2
squ ama 4.1.4.2.3.1
s obrnus 4.1.4.2.1
s oc er 4.1.4.2.1
socrus 4.1.4.2.1
st ab ulum 1.4.1.1
stippa (Low Lt.) 4.1.4.2.1
stigm ac ula 4.1.4.2.3.1
s

yn ag oga 1.4.2.3, 4.1.4.2.3.2

s ug ere 4.1.4.2.1
Tagus 1.2.19.1
talpa 4.1.4.2.3.1
tn ea 4.1.4.2.3.1
tostus 1.4.1.1
tribuna (Low Lt.) 1.4.1.5
Turgaliu(m) 1.2.19.1
Urganona 1.2.19.1
*taucia (Hisp. Lt.) 39
umblcus 4.1.4.2.3.1
up upa, 4.1.4.2.3.1
utinam 284
v eruna 4.1.4.2.3.2
vulva 4.1.4.2.3.
INDEX OF OTHER TERMS
abarka Bq. 39
afrag Br. 4.1.4.1
a g Br. 4.1.4.1
agrgit Br. 4.1.4.1
agzal Br. 4.1.4.1
aizkon Bq. 4.1.4.2.2
arkas Br. 4.1.4.1
ament e r es Cp. 140
apron English 119
aspragos Gk. 1.2.9.4
awid Br. 316
b or e Cp. 133
bost an buy P 97
chariston Gk. 1.2.10.2
d Sb. 238
dast ar P 114
da, de Mh. 238
d emsion Gk. 24
di Mh. 238
diphthra Gk. 114
d o sar P 1.2.15.3
d Et. 69
rnu Br. 316
gawn a Sr. 88
g on Ph. 88

habrt da dulet Mh. 238

hallo Et. 277

haql z+wldki Et. 238

haspa Goth. 203
d a Sr. 69
idu Ak. 69
i su Ak. 276
i

t Ug. 276
iw sa Br. 316
la Mh. 238
l ab e s ~ l aba st a Hb. 103
lbs ~ lbsk Et. 103
le Mh. 238
l

hlq+inna d l

hram a t+yssk- sm
bnadm s a

ham+is Br. Kabyle

337
lj"t ESA 283
mngst zi"ahu Et. 238
master English 2.1.10.2
mel oda Gk. 1.2.7.4
mqq ar Br. Kabyle 230
mister English 2.1.10.2
m#rb ESA 72
mi yitten Hb. 283
mqq ar Br. Ta sl

hit 230
otter English 119
pandokeon Gk. 114
patn e Gk. 1.2.2.1
pippal Sk. 114
pise ar o Cp. 31
q/krys

t un a Sr. 1.2.10.2
*rukka Goth. 4.1.4.2.3.2
s gns Br. 1.2.15.1, 4.1.4.1
seigneur French 2.1.2.10.2
sk sm Br. 337

sllat ll bn Et. 238

sieur French 2.1.2.10.2
staphylnos grios Gk. 118
s +ugzal Br. 1.2.15.1; 294
surbm Ak. 172
tabya Turkish 400
tagra(t) Br. 1.2.22.1
tgra Br. 4.1.4.1
ixiix oi o+uin +inxs a
tfaya Br. 4.1.4.1
tomak Turkish 400
txangi Bq. 4.1.4.2.3.2
u

zum Br. Kabyle 61

wayten la fra

t Mh. 238
werra WG 71, 4.1.4.2.3.2
ya+lkas Br. (Ta sel

hit) 2.1.6.5.3
yat+lbhimt Br. (Ta sel

hit) 2.1.6., 5.3

y e s Hb. 276
z Et. 238

zall Br. Kabyle 61

#od Hb. 244
INDEX OF LOANWORDS IN ROMANCE
abad Cs. 1.2.2.1
aben Cs. 102
abismal Cs. 1.2.1.4
aacal Pt. 2.1.2.10.3.2
aafera Old Cs. 1.2.14.2
acebibe Cs. 1.2.1.1
aceifa Pt. 1.1.4.4
aceite Cs. and Gl. 1.1.4.1
acepipe Pt. 1.2.1.1
acharique, A 21
acbar Cs. 1.3.1.4.1
afar Pt. 1.3.1.4.1
aoraya 1.2.12.1
aou/ite Pt. 27
aumbre Old Cs. 1.2.12.1
adoqun Cs. 17
aduana Cs., Gl. and Pt. 1.1.2.3
agua Cs. = gua Pt. = aigua Ct. 5.1.1.3.1
aixarop, Ct. 1.1.1.5, 1.2.1.1; 21
aixovar Ct. 21
ajebe Cs. 21
ajonjol Cs. 1.4.1.2
ajoujo Pt. 1.2.16.1
ajuar Cs. 21
alacena Cs. 1.4.1.5
alaor Pt. 1.2.3.1
alacrn Cs. 1.2.1.4
alara Cs. 72
alarguez Cs. 4.1.4.1
alatif Old Cs. 18
alaules Old Cs. 1.1.4.3
alazor Cs. 1.2.3.1
albacea Cs. and Gl. 1.2.1.3
albaceia Pt. 1.2.1.3
albafar Pt. 1.3.1.4.1
albail Cs. 2.1.2.10.3.2
albarazo Cs. 2.1.2.4
albardn Cs. 129
albardim Pt. = albardn Cs. 1.2. 9.4
albaricoque Cs. and Gl. 2.1.2.8
albayalde Cs. = albayat Ct. 1.2. 14.1
albitar Cs. 1.2.8.1; 84
albercoc Ct. 2.1.2.8
alberguera Cs. 2.1.6.3
albxeres Ct. 63, 64
albogue Cs., Gl. and Pt. 1.1.3.1
albrbola Cs. 1.1.1.5, 1.2.1.3
albornoz Cs., Gl. and Pt. 1.1.3.1
albricias Cs. 63
alcabala Cs., Ct., Pt. and Gl. 1.1. 1.3
alcabtea Old Cs. 1.1.2.2
alcacel Cs. 1.2.11.1
alcacn Gl. 1.1.2.1
alcacer Cs. and Pt. 1.1.2.1
alccer Pt. 1.2.22.1; 104
alcachofa Cs., Gl. and Pt. 2.1.2.8
alcaova Pt. 1.1.1.5
alcadi Ct. 1.2.14.1, 1.2.22.1
alcahuete, Cs. 1.1.1.1, 1.2.7.3
alcaide Cs. 1.1.4.4
alcalde Cs., Pt. and Gl. 1.2.14.1, 1.2.22.1
alcaparra 1.2.2.1
alcaria Pt. 2.1.2.10.3.3
alcsser Ct. 1.2.22.1; 104
alcatrn Gl. 1.1.2.2
alcatro Pt. 1.1.2.2
alcavala, Pt. 1.1.1.3
alcavot Ct. 1.2.7.3
alcayd/t Ct. 1.1.4.4
alcazaba Cs. 1.1.1.5
alczar Cs. 1.2.22.1; 104
alcoba Cs. 1.2.22.1
alcofaina Old Cs. 1.2.19.1
alcorreta Pt. 1.2.10.1
alcotn Cs. 1.2.8.1
alcova Pt. 1.2.22.1
alcoveto Pt. 1.1.1.1, 1.1.4.4, 1.2. 7.3
aldea Cs., Ct. and Gl. 1.1.4.1, 1.2.14.1
aldeia Pt. 1.1.4.1
alfaiate Pt. and Gl. 1.2.8.1
alfamar Cs. 23
alfmbar, Pt. 23
ixiix oi ioxwonis ix noxxci a
alfaneque Cs. 4.1.4.1
alfarroba Pt. 1.2.1.2
alfayate Cs. 1.2.8.1
alfeide L.1.1.4.1
alfeique Cs. 24
alfler Cs. 1.3.2.2
alfobre Old Pt. 1.2.1.3
alfol 1.2.10.2
alfombra Cs. 1.1.1.5
alfres Old Cs. 1.2.18.1
alganame Pt. 1.1.1.3
algara Cs. 72
algaraba Cs. = algaravia Pt. and Ct.
1.2.24.2
algarrada Cs. 1.2.24.2
algarroba Cs. 1.2.1.2, 1.2.23.1
algeroz 1.2.16.1
algesi 1.2.12.1
algibe Pt. 1.1.3.2
algibeira Pt. 2.1.5.2
algodo Pt. 1.1.3.1, 1.2.22.1
algodn Cs. and Gl. 1.1.3.1, 1.2. 22.1,
2.1.2.3
algueber Old Ct. 1.1.4.4
alhaite Old Cs. 1.1.4.1
alholde Nv. 1.2.14.1
alie/zi Old Cs. 1.2.12.1
aljama Cs., Pt. and Ct. 1.4.1.2
aljibe Cs. 1.1.3.2
aljube Pt. 1.1.3.2
aljup Ct. 1.1.3.2
almciga, Cs. 1.4.1.1
almafre Pt. 72
alma(n)xar Pt. 1.2.9.2
almarcha 1.2.19.4
almez Cs. and Pt. 1.1.4.4
almijar Cs. 1.2.9.2
almodo Pt. 1.3.1.4.3, 2.2.2.5.1
almocadm Pt. 1.3.1.4.3
almocadn Cs. 1.3.1.4.3, 2.2.2.5.1
almoeda Pt. and Gl. 1.1.1.1
almofalla Cs. 2.1.2.7.1
almfar Cs. 72
almogvar Cs. 2.2.2.5.1
almojaba 1.2.21.1
almoneda Cs. 1.1.1.1
almosarife 1.2.18.1
almotacn 1.2.1.4
almoxarife Pt. 64
almudaaf Old Ct. 1.2.1.4
almudano Cs. 1.3.1.4.3, 2.2.2. 5.1
almutalat Old Cs. 1.2.12.1
alpargata Cs. 1.2.2.1
alpatana Cs. 1.2.2.1
alquera Cs. = alqueria Ct. 2.1. 2.10.3.3
alquitr Ct. 1.1.2.2
alquitrn Cs. 1.1.2.2
altaforma Pt. 4.1.4.1 1
altephil Old Cs. 1.2.12.1
aluquete Cs. 1.4.1.4
alvanel Pt. 1.1.1.1, 2.1.2.10.3.2
alveitar Pt. 1.2.8.1; 84
alvara 1.2.18.1
mago Cs. 1.2.19.1
mago Pt. 1.2.19.1
amanecer Cs. 253
amboa Gl. 1.2.1.2
mec Ct. 1.2.19.1
anochecer Cs. 253
aafl Cs. 1.2.10.2
aquel que Cs. = aquele que Pt. = aquell
que Ct. 196
arambel Cs. 23
argola Pt. and Gl. 1.2.11.1
argolla Cs. 1.2.11.1
arrabade Pt. 2.1.2.4
arrabal Cs. 1.3.2.1, 2.1.2.4
arrabalde Old Cs. 1.2.14.1
arraclau Ct. 1.2.1.4
arrez Cs. 2.1.2.10.2
arrais Pt. and Ct. 2.1.2.10.2
arraval Ct. 1.2.14.1
arrequife Pt. 1.2.1.2
arriaz Cs. 1.1.1.3
arroba Cs. 2.1.2.3
arrobe Pt. 1.2.1.1
arrop Ct. 1.2.1.1
arrope Cs. 1.2.1.1
as Cs. 142, 283
as Dios me ayude Cs. 284
as Dios te mate Cs. 284
assot Ct. 1.1.4.1
ata Old Cs. 19
atabe Cs. 70
a8 ixiix oi ioxwonis ix noxxci
atafal Pt. and Gl. 1.2.10.1, 2.1.2.4
atafea Cs. 4.1.4.1
atafera Cs. 1.2.14.3
ataharre Cs. 1.2.10.1, 2.1.2.4
atahorma Cs. 4.1.4.1
atad Cs. = Pt. and Gl. atade = Ct.
atat 1.2.1.2
at Pt. 19
atfareddib Old Cs. 1.2.14.3
athoraya Old Cs. 1.2.12.1
atife Cs. 18
atocha Cs. 39
atzabeja Ct. 2.1.2.4
atzanet Ct. 1.2.16.1
atzebib Ct. 1.2.1.1
azabache Cs. 2.1.2.4
azacn Cs. 2.1.2.10.3.2
azagaya Cs. 4.1.4.1
azahar Cs. 1.3.1.4.1
azamboa Old Cs. 97
azcona Cs. 4.1.4.2.2
azeite Pt. 1.1.4.1
azfar Old Cs. 1.2.14.2
azoraba Old Cs. 1.2.1.3
azote Cs. 1.1.4.1
azouta/e Gl. 27
azulejo Cs. 1.2.7.4, 2.1.3.2
azumbre Cs. 2.1.2.3
balad Cs. 1.3.1.4.4
baralla Ct. 5.1.1.3.1
barrio Cs. 1.3.1.4.4
bassetja Ct. 1.2.18.1
batafalua Ct. 1.2.1.4, 2.1.8.1
batafaluga Pt. 2.1.8.1
bo(j)alaga Cs. 77
brega Ct. 5.1.1.3.1
briga Pt. 5.1.1.3.1
buzaque Cs. 77
abalaquen A 33
caloa Old Cs. 4.1.4.2.1
canonga Cs. 4.1.4.2.1
caparazn 1.2.2.1
carranza Cs. 1.2.10.1
carxofa Ct. 2.1.2.8
cebiche Cs. 70
Cid Cs. 1.1.4.4
cimitarra Cs. 171
cmo te llamas? Cs. 5.1.1.3.5
corriendo Cs. 5.1.1.3.5
cot Ct. 1.1.3.1, 1.2.22.1, 2.1.2.3
de Cs., Ct. and Pt. 238
de marras Cs. 238
de un ao/codo Cs. 5.1.1.3.3
defender Cs. 4.1.4.2.1
dolencia Cs. = doena Pt. 5.1.1. 3.1
duana Ct. 1.1.2.3
echar en cara Cs. 5.1.1.3.5
eixarich Ct. 1.1.1.4
eixaure Ct. 1.1.1.4
eixea Ct. 1.1.1.4
eixort Ct. 1.1.1.4
ejarbe Cs. 1.1.1.4
el abad Cs. 4.1.4.2.3.2
elgehci Old Cs. 1.2.12.1
en otros das de ayuno Cs. 5.1.1.
3.3
enjalma, Cs. 1.1.1.4
enjebe Cs. 1.1.1.4
enjeco Cs. 1.1.1.4
enxara Pt. 1.1.1.4
enxaravia Pt. 1.1.1.4
enxarope Pt. 1.1.1.4
enxarrafa Pt. 1.1.1.4
enxerga Pt. 1.1.1.4
enxoval Pt. and Gl. 1.1.1.4
exarico A 1.1.1.4
exea Cs. 1.1.1.4
falleba Cs. 1.3.2.1
foo Pt. 1.1.1.3
frota Pt. 1.4.4.1.1
fulano Cs. and Pt. 1.1.1.3
gancho Cs. and Pt. 2.1.10.5.1
ganho Pt. 1.1.1.3
ganxo Ct. 2.1.10.5.1
gan Cs. 1.1.1.3, 1.2.4.1, 1.3.2.1
garrama Cs. and Ct. 1.2.10.1
garrof/va Ct. 1.2.1.2
genet Ct. 1.2.16.1
ixiix oi ioxwonis ix noxxci aq
gergelim Pt. 1.2.19.2
ginete Pt. 1.2.16.1
girafa Pt. and Ct. 1.4.2.1
gorgoto Ct. 4.1.4.1
gorguz Cs. 4.1.4.1
guerra Cs., Gl., Pt. and Ct. 71
hace agua Cs. 5.1.1.3.5
hacer sitio Cs. 5.1.1.3.5
hmago Cs. 1.2.19.1
hasta Cs. 1.1.1.3
haver de Ct. 246
hermano Cs. 67
ho! 56
horro Old Cs. 1.1.3.1
indulgencias Cs. 1.2.19.4
irmo Pt. 67
j Pt. = ja Ct. 2.3.3
ja que Ct. 448
jbega 1.2.21.1
jara Cs. 1.2.16.1
jarabe Cs. 1.1.1.5, 1.2.1.1
jinete Cs. 1.2.16.1
jirafa Cs. 1.4.2.1
jodo (petaca) 56
jofaina 1.2.19.1
juramento hecho Cs. 5.1.1.3.5
lacazn Gl. 129
lacrau Pt. 1.2.1.4
le perdono Cs. 5.1.1.3.3
le vino grande Cs. 5.1.1.3.5
llop Ct. 2.1.10.5.8
lo conocers Cs. 5.1.1.3.5
lobo Cs. and Pt. 2.1.10.5.8
magatzem Ct. 1.2.23.1
maguer Old Cs. and Old
Pt. 2.3.3
malaltia Ct. 5.1.1.3.1
mamarracho Cs. 1.2.19.4
massetja Ct. 1.2.18.1
matafaluga Ct. 1.2.1.4
matalahva Cs. 1.2.1.4, 2.1.8.1
mengano Cs. 1.1.1.3
ms que mai Ct. 447
mesqu Ct. = mesquinho Pt. 1.2.
9.4
metical Cs. and Pt. 1.1.2.1
mezquino Cs. 1.2.9.4
moganga Pt. and Cs. 1.2.19.1
moharracho Cs. 1.2.19.4
monf Cs. 2.3.3.5.2
mozlemo Old Cs. 1.1.2.1, 1.1.3.1
mudjar Cs. and Pt. 52
no cabe en la ciudad Cs. 5.1.1. 3.5
no le creas ms Cs. 5.1.1.3.5
no ocurrir ms Cs. 5.1.1.3.5
nora Ct. 1.2.25.2
oler a choto Cs. 5.1.1.3.3
osga Pt. and Gl. 1.4.1.4; 22
pelea Cs. 5.1.1.3.1
pezn Cs. 1.2.9.5
quilate Cs., Pt. and Gl. 1.3.1.4.3
quirat Ct. 1.3.1.4.3
rbida Cs. and Pt. 1.2.1.1
rpita Ct. 1.2.1.1
ratafa Cs. = ratafa Ct. 4.1.4.1
raval Ct. 2.1.2.4
rehn Cs. 105
refm Pt. 105
refugio Cs. 1.2.19.4
romesco Ct. 137
romper el ayuno Cs. 5.1.1.3.5
salgo a mi padre Cs. 5.1.1.3.5
se te mont a caballo Cs. 3.2.2
serife Old Pt. 1.2.18.1
snia 17
soldo Pt. 2.1.10.5.1
sou Ct. 2.1.10.5.1
sueldo Cs. 2.1.10.5.1
taeiga Pt. 1.1.2.1
tafarra Ct. 1.2.10.1
tagarnina Cs. and Ct. 4.1.4.1
tagra Pt. and Gl. 1.2.22.1, 4.1.4.1
a6o ixiix oi ioxwonis ix noxxci
tahr Cs. 70
taleca Ct. and A 1.1.2.1
talega, Cs. 1.1.2.1
taleiga Gl. 1.2.1.1
tarabilla Cs. 2.1.5.2
te lo bes en los labios Cs. 3.2.2
tener que Cs. = ter que Pt. 246
tierra frme Cs. 5.1.1.3.1
tragacete Cs. 4.1.4.1
xarife/o Pt. 64
xarope Pt. and Gl. 1.1.1.5
ya Cs. 2.3.3
zabalmedina Cs. 33
zabazala Cs. 33
zabazoque Cs. 33
zabecequia A 33
zabra Cs. 70
zagun Cs. 1.4.1.1
zalmedina Cs. 1.2.1.2
zape Cs. 2.3.4.3
zaquizam Cs. 1.2.3.1
zascandil Cs. 152
zingaue L 1.2.19.1
zirbo Pt. 1.2.12.1
zirgelim Old Pt. 1.2.19.2
zorra Cs. and Pt. 1.2.19.2
INDEX OF PLACE NAMES
Abofageg Na. 1.1.1.1.
Acea Bg., Cc., Lu., Or., St.,
Ov., Pv. 1.1.1.1.
Ademuz Co. 24
Ajufa Mu. 1.4.1.2
Alacus Va. 1.2.22.1
Alanje Bd. 2.1.2.4; 51
Alarave Mu. 2.1.2.4
Albacete Ab. 1.1.2
Albalat Va. 1.2.7.3
Alberite Lo. and Zg. 1.2.7.3
Alborache Va. 1.2.19.4
Alboraya Va. 1.2.19.4
Alborea Ab. 1.2.19.4
Albun Gr. 1.1.1.3
Alcacer do Sal Pt. 2.1.7
Alcalatn Cl. 1.1.4.1
Alcalde, To. 1.2.14.1
Alcntara Cc. 1.2.8.1, 1.2.22.1
Alczar Cr., Cu., Se. and Ma.
104
Alcocer Gu. 1.2.22.1
Alcocver Cs. 1.1.4.1
Aldaya Va. 1.1.4.1
Alfamn Zg. 1.2.4.1
Algaida Ca. Ma. and Ml. 1.1.4.1
Algeciras Ca. 1.4.1.2
Algimia Cs. and Va. 16
Algodor Cc., Co. and To. 105
Algorfa Ac. 1.1.3.1
Alguibla Mu. 1.2.22.1
Aljarafe Se. 64
Alloza Te. 1.1.4.1
Almadeque So. 1.1.2.1
Almaiexer 1.2.19.3
Almansa Ab. 1.2.3.1
Almanza Le. 1.2.3.1
Almedxer Cs. 1.2.19.3
Almexixer Cs. 1.2.19.3
Almodvar Cr. 1.1.1.5
Almohalla Av. 1.1.1.5
Almonacid Cu., Gu., So., To., Va. and
Zg. 52
Almonaster Hu. 52
Almozara Zg. 2.1.2.7.1
Almudaina Am. 1.1.4.1
Almudena Md. 1.1.4.1; 122
Almucar Gr. 1.2.1.2
Aloyn Te. 1.1.3.1
Alquzar Hs. 104
Alzira Va. 1.4.1.1
Amocadn Ja. 2.1.6.4
Ambercoque Am. 2.1.6.4
Archidona Ma. 68
Arjona Ja. 65
Arrabalde, 1.2.14.1
Arriate 1.2.14.3
Azaa To. 1.1.1.3
Azauchal Bd. 1.2.1.2
Aznalczar Se. 1.1.2.2
Azuqueca Gu. 2.1.2.10.4
Benaguacil Va. 1.2.10.2
Benamocarra Ma. 1.2.4.1
Benamor Mu. 45
Benialfaqu Ac. 2.1.6.2
Benicalaf Va. 2.1.2.4
Benifair Va. 1.1.1.4
Benifald Mj. 1.1.1.4
Benimod Va. 45
Binialmara Mj. 2.1.6.2
Biniaraix Mj. 1.1.1.4
Binigomar Mj. 1.1.1.4
Bolbaite Va. 77
Boquieni Zg., 77
Borox To. 1.2.19.4
Cabra Co. 71
Cdiz 71
Calaceite Te. 149
Calatayud Zg. 1.2.1.2
Calatorao Zg. 1.2.1.2
a6a ixiix oi iici xxis
Cantaralcadi Gr. 2.1.8.1
Cenete Gr. 2.1.2.4
Daragolefa Gr. 1.2.10.2
cija Se. 1.4.1.1
Genalguacil Ma. 149
Generalife Gr. 149
Gibraltar1.2.11.1; 70
Gimilen Lo. 16
Granada Gr. 71
Guadalajara Gu. 1.1.2.2
Guadalimar 3.1.1.1.2
Guadalquivir 3.1.1.1.2
Illescas To. 1.4.1.4
Jaraba Zg., 1.2.1.3
(L)avapis Md. 115
Lecrn Gr. 77
Madrid Md. 1.4.3.1
Magacela Bd. 77
Marrocos Pt. 22
Marzalcadi To. 1.2.19.2
Masalcoreig Ld. 1.2.9.2
Mazalen Te. 1.2.9.2
Medinaceli So. 1.1.1.1.
Nagelas Ma. 1.1.1.1.
Odiana Pt. 22
Odiel Hl. 22
Odivarga Pt. 22
Oliva To. 1.4.1.4
Pedroches Co. 68
Purchena Am. 68
Rpita Ta., 1.2.8.1
Tajo 65
Talar Gr. 1.2.1.2
Trujillo Cc. 65
Vegalatrave Za. 1.2.1.3
Zaragoza 71
Zocodover To. 1.1.1.5, 1.2.1.2
INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES
Abaiub 2.1.2.10.1
Abenfathon 138
Abiafar 2.1.2.10.1
Ablapaz 1.1.1.3
Abualfaqui 2.1.6.2
Abualhucey 2.1.6.2
Abulfeta 1.1.1.3
Ambattax 2.1.6.4
Ambaxir 2.1.6.4; 138
Ambuney(a) 2.1.6.4; 138
Amfathon 2.1.6.4; 138
Eugenia 1.2.19.4
Iscam 1.1.1.3
Mafamede Pt. 2.1.2.7.2
Mafoma Pt. 1.1.1.5
Mahoma Cs. 1.1.1.5, 2.1.2.7.2
Mudarra Cs. 402
Urraca 1.4.1.4
INDEX OF ARABIC AND OTHER GRAMMATICAL TERMS
absolute state: 2.1.11.1.1
accusative: 2.1.7, 2.3.3, 3.1.1.1.3, 3.2.2.2;
141, 250, 251
acoustic: 1.2.19.2
active: 218
adjectival: 2.1.11.2.4
adjective: 1.4.2.3, 2.1.2, 2.1.2.6, 2.1.2.7.3,
2.1.3.1, 2.1.4, 2.1.5.1, 2.1.10, 2.1.10.1/3,
2.1.10.5.4/11, 2.1.11.2.2, 2.2.2, 3.1.1.1,
3.1.1.1.1/3, 3.1.1.1.2.2, 3.2.1, 3.4.3,
4.1.4.2.3.3; 86, 107, 110, 126, 128, 129, 144, 147,
172, 202, 233, 242
adstratal: 4.1.4.2.1, 4.1.4.2.3.2
adverb: 2.1.4, 2.1.11.2.4, 2.3, 2.3.3/4,
3.1.1.1.4, 3.1.2.1, 3.2.4., 2, 3.3.2.6.4,
3.4.2; 244, 256
adverbial: 2.1.6.5, 2.1.6.5.1
adversative: 3.3.1, 3.3.1.3; 287
armative: 2.2.2.2, 3.3.2.3, 3.4
africate: 1.2.19; 57
agentive: 1.1.4.4, 1.4.2.3, 2.1.2, 2.1.5.2,
2.2.2, 2.2.2.1/2/3/4, 2.2.2.5.1
agglutination: 137, 143, 244
agreement: 3.1.1.1.1, 3.2, 3.2.1; 150, 192, 249
alif : 76, 115, 135, 185, 280
alifu qa

t#: 76
alifu wa

sl: 76
alifun mamd udah: 292
allative: 2.3.1
allomorph: 1.2.28.1.2, 1.3.1.4.4, 2.1.10.5.3,
2.1.5.1, 2.1.6.5.1, 2.1.9.1, 2.1.10.5.10/13,
2.2.3.4, 4.1.1; 104, 131, 142, 152, 166, 184, 187,
189, 190, 192, 198, 215
allomorphic: 2.1.2.3; 183
allophone: 1.1.1.4/5, 1.1.2.1/3, 1.1.4.3,
1.2.1.1/2, 1.2.16.1, 1.2.22.1, 2.1.2.10.3.1
allophonic: 1.1.4.2, 1.2.7.1, 2.1.2.1/6
alternation: Symbols, 1.1.1.6, 1.2.6.1,
2.1.2.1/3/6, 2.1.3.1, 2.1.10.5.14.1, 2.2.3,
2.2.2.3, 2.2.3.1/4, 2.2.3.5.2; 25, 103, 123,
218
alveolar: 1.2.9.2, 1.2.10/11, 1.2.14.1,
1.2.15/16/17, 1.4.1.2
anacoluthum: 3.2.3
analogical: 2.1.10.5.6, 2.1.11.1.2, 2.1.11.2.3,
4.1.3; 169, 180
analogy: 2.2.3.1./3
analytical: 2.1.4, 2.1.9.2, 3.1.1.1.2.1/2,
3.2.2.2; 128
anaphoric pronoun: 3.1.2
anaptyctic: 2.1.10.2
annexation: 1.2.6.1, 2.1.2.10.1, 2.1.8,
2.1.8.1, 2.1.9.1, 2.1.10.1, 3.1.1.1,
3.1.1.1.2.2/3/4; 233, 236, 243
antecedent: 3.1.1.1.3, 3.1.1.1.3.1; 196
aphaeresis: 2.2.3.1; 77
aphaeretic: 77
apodosis: 3.3.2.6, 3.3.2.6.3; 269, 272
apposition: 2.1.11.2.2; 242
archiphoneme: Symbols, 1.1.1.2, 1.1.2.2
article: 1.1.1.4, 1.4.1.2, 2.1.6.5.3, 2.3.1,
2.3.4.1, 3.1.1.1.1/2, 3.1.1.1.2.3/4, 5.1.1.3.2;
64, 115, 140, 235, 243
articulation: 1.2.8.1, 1.2.9.6, 1.2.12.1/3,
1.2.17.1; 48, 72
articulatory: 1.2.13.1, 1.2.19.2
aspect: 2.2.2, 3.3.2.6, 5.1.1.3.3; 103, 211
assimilated: 2.2.3, 2.2.3.1/3/4,
assimilation: 1.1.3.2, 1.2.3.1, 1.2.9.2,
1.2.11.1, 1.2.15.1/3, 1.2.19.5, 1.2.23.1,
1.2.25.1, 1.2.27.1, 1.4.1, 1.4.1.1/2/3/4/5,
2.2.3.1, 2.2.3.3, 4.1.4.2.1/2; 88, 183, 206,
218, 268
augmentative: 1.2.9.5, 1.4.1.1, 2.1.5.2
auxiliary verb: 3.2.4.2, 3.2.4.2.2/3; 256,
269
az g al: 4, 9, 15, 82, 215
back: 1.1.3
backformed: 1.2.5.1, 3.4.1.5; 259
backing: 1.1.1.5, 1.1.2.3
Barths law: 2.2.3.4; 223
ixiix oi nnic xi o+uin cnxx+ici +inxs a6
base: 2.1.3.1; 126
Bedouin dialects: 1.2.12.1; 121, 181
bilabial: 1.2.1/2, 1.2.1.1/2, 1.2.4/5
bilingualism: Preface, 1.2.13.1, 4.1.4.2.2,
5.1.1.3.1
blend: 142
borrowing: 1.2.2.1, 1.2.19.4, 1.4.1.5,
2.1.11.2.3, 2.2.2, 2.2.2.5.2, 4.1.4.1,
4.1.4.2.2, 4.1.4.2.3.3; 88, 100, 120, 135, 189,
210, 233, 239, 255, 293
bound morpheme: Symbols
broken pl(s).: 1.1.1.6, 1.1.4.4, 2.1.10,
2.1.2.3, 2.1.5.1, 2.1.10, 2.1.2.10.3.3,
2.1.10.1/5, 2.1.10.5.6/11/14, 2.1.10.5.14.1,
4.1.4.2.2; 77, 85, 100, 105, 123, 150, 153, 157, 162,
212
calque 2.1.6.5.3, 5.1.1.3.3/5; 254, 305
cardinal: 1.1.1.5, 2.1.11.1.1
case: 2.1.2.10.1, 2.1.7, 3.1.1.1.2.2, 3.1.1.1.3,
3.2.2.2; 242, 253
categorial: 2.1.1, 2.1.2.7, 4.1.2, 4.1.4.2,
4.1.4.2.3.3,
category: 2.1.9, 2.3, 4.1.3; 146, 150
causal: 3.3.2.2
causative: 2.2.1; 172, 203, 210
central: 1.1.2.2
circumstantial (complement): 3.1.1.1.4,
3.2, 3.2.2, 3.2.2.2, 3.3.2, 3.3.2.4; 258
class system: 3.2.1
class marker: 2.1.6.5.3
closed: 1.1.2.1, 1.1.3.1; 218
cluster 1.2.24.1, 1.4.4.1, 1.4.4.1.1, 2.1.2.1,
2.1.7, 2.1.10.5.11, 2.1.11.2.1.2; 77, 191
coda: 1.2.1.1/2/4, 1.2.3.1, 1.2.9.3, 1.2.14.2,
1.2.21.1, 1.2.24.1, 1.2.26.1, 1.4.4.1.2; 52, 70
code-mixing: 4.1.4.2.2; 100, 239, 448
code-shift: 100
collective: 2.1.5.1, 2.1.9, 2.1.10.3,
2.1.10.5.6/8; 149, 150,169
combinatory phonetics: 1.2.15.3, 1.4
comparative: 2.1.4
complement: 2.1.11.2.1, 3.2.2.2, 3.2.3,
3.3.2.1; 250, 304
complex sentence: 3.3.2
compound sentence: 3.3, 3.3.1; 257
conative: 2.2.1
concessive: 3.3.2.6.5
conditional: 2.3.2, 3.3.2.6,
3.3.2.6.2/3/4/5, 3.4.4; 211
conjugated: 202
conjugation: 2.2.2/3, 2.2.3.1/3/5,
4.1.4.2.2
conjunction: 2.3, 2.3.2, 3.1.1.1, 3.3.2.6,
3.4.3.1; 32, 259, 264, 270, 281, 287
connective tanwn: Preface, 2.1.6.5.2/3,
3.1.1.1.1, 3.1.1.1.3/4; 235
consecutio temporum: 5.1.1.3.3
consecutive: 3.3.1.1
consonantism: 1.2, 1.2.2.2
constituent: 2.3, 3.1.1, 3.1.1.1.3, 3.4.4; 33,
178, 257
constraint: 1.1.4.4, 1.2.28.1, 1.2.28.1.4,
2.1.1; 100, 146
construct state: 2.1.11.1.1
contour: 1.1.1.5, 1.2.5.1, 3.4
coordination: 3.3
coordinative: 2.3.2
copula(tive): 2.1.11.2.4, 2.1.11.2.4.1,
3.1.1/2, 3.3.1, 3.3.1.1; 245, 258
correlative: 2.1.11.2.4, 3.3.2.6.4
correspondence: 276
creole: 1.3.1.1, 1.4.3.1, 5.1.1.3
creolisation: 5.1.1
creolised: 100
da: 1.2.14.3.

d ad = dad: 1.2.14.3; 48

damrun # a"id: 2.1.11.2.4, 3.1.1.1.3.1

dative: 2.3.1; 250, 251
dativus commodi: 3.2.2
deaf: 2.2.3
decreolisation: 5.1.1, 5.1.1.3
deep structure: 257
defective: 2.2.3, 2.3.3.5, 2.3.3.5.1/2
denite: 1.1.1.4, 2.1.6.2/3, 2.3.1, 2.3.4.1,
3.1.1.1.1.2.3/4, 3.1.2, 5.1.1.3.2; 196, 235
deniteness: 2.1.6.1, 3.1.1.1.1/3
defunctionalised: 2.1.6.5.3, 2.1.7,
2.1.11.2.4.1; 134
degemination: 1.4.4.1.2, 2.1.10.1
deictic: 2.1.11.2.2
deixis: 2.1.11.2.2; 193
deletion: 3.3.2.1, 3.3.2.6.4, 3.5; 264
a66 ixiix oi nnic xi o+uin cnxx+ici +inxs
demonstrative: 2.1.11.2, 2.1.11.2.1.1/2/3
denominal: 4.1.4.2.3.3
dental: Preface, 1.2.6/7/8/9, 1.2.12.2,
1.2.14.3, 1.4.1.2; 48
depluralisation: 2.1.10.6; 105
derivational: 1.3.1.4.4, 2.1.1, 2.1.2.9, 2.1.5,
2.1.5.1, 2.2.3
derived: 2.1.3.2, 2.2.2/3, 2.2.3.4/5, 3.3.2.1;
102, 105
deteriorative: 2.1.10.5.6
determinata: 3.2.3
determiner: 3.2.3
develarisation: 1.2.8.2, 1.2.14.4, 1.2.17.2,
5.1.1.1
deverbal: 4.1.4.2.3.3
devoicing: 1.2.1.1/2, 1.2.14.2, 1.2.15.1,
1.2.19.4, 1.2.24.1
diachronic: 1.1.1.5, 1.2.2.2, 1.2.10.1,
2.1.2.10.4, 2.1.5.1, 2.1.10.6, 2.2.3.5.1,
2.3.1, 3.1.1.1.2.1, 3.4.4, 4, 4.1.4.2,
4.1.4.2.1, 5; 20, 50, 104, 110, 142, 173, 185, 223
diacritics: 1.2.14.3
dialect: 1.1.3.2, 1.1.4.1, 1.2.2.1, 1.2.3.1,
1.2.4.1, 1.2.20.1, 1.2.28.1, 1.2.28.1.1,
1.3.1.4, 1.3.1.4.3, 1.4.1.2, 2.1.2.4/5 /7,
2.1.2.10.1, 2.1.6.2, 2.1.6.5.3, 2.1.7,
2.1.10.5.1/2/14, 2.1.11.1.1, 2.1.11.2.2,
2.2.2.4, 2.2.3.2/3, 3.4.4, 4.1, 4.1.4.1,
5.1.1, 5.1.1.2/3; 34, 38, 100, 102, 104,
115, 121, 122, 124, 148, 173, 176, 181, 197, 203,
206, 214, 218, 243, 244, 245, 252, 274, 289,
302
dialect bundle: Preface, 1.1.4.3, 1.2.13.1,
1.2.14.2, 1.3.1.4.2, 3.4.1.3, 4.1.1, 5.1;
255
dialectal: 1.2.16.1, 1.2.27.1, 2.1.2.4,
2.1.6.5.1, 3.2.2.1; 82, 114, 142, 189, 193, 255
diastratic: 1.1.1.5, 1.2.2.2, 1.2.10.1, 2.2.3.5.1,
4.1.4.2, 4.1.4.2.1; 104, 185, 223
diathesis: 2.2.2, 2.2.2.4
diatopic: 1.1.1.5, 1.2.2.2, 1.2.10.1, 2.2.3.5.1,
4.1.1; 104, 173, 185, 223
dictionary: 4.1.1
diglossia: Preface
diminutive: 1.1.1.6, 1.2.9.6, 1.2.20.1,
2.1.2.8, 2.1.2.10.4, 2.1.3, 2.1.3.1/2,
2.1.5.2, 2.1.10.2, 4.1.4.1; 120, 121, 122, 167
diphthong: 1.1.1.6, 1.1.4, 1.1.4.1/2/4,
1.2.25.2, 1.4.2.1, 2.1.2.10.2, 2.2.3.3,
2.2.3.5.1; 27, 187
direct complement /object: 3.2, 3.2.2,
3.2.2.1/2, 3.3.2; 41, 202, 250
disjunctive: 1.3.1.4.1, 1.4.4.1.2/3, 2.1.2.3/6,
2.1.11.2.1.2, 3.3.1, 3.3.1.2; 77, 96, 191, 259
dissimilated: 1.2.7.4
dissimilation: 1.1.1.3, 1.1.3.2, 1.2.9.4,
1.2.11.1, 1.2.15.3, 1.2.18.1, 1.2.19.3, 1.4.2,
1.4.2.1/2, 2.1.2.7, 2.1.5.2; 72, 79
dissimilatory: 2.1.10.5.5, 2.2.3.2; 110
distinctive feature: 1.3.1.4.2
distributive: 235
dominated language: 4.1.4.2.1
doublet: 149
drift: 5.1.1.1; 73
dual: 1.2.9.3, 1.2.20.1, 1.3.1.4.4, 2.1.7/8,
2.1.9, 2.1.9.1/2/3; 50, 151, 180, 185, 301
durative: 3.2.4.2.1; 255
elative: 2.1.4, 2.1.11.1.2, 3.4.3; 107, 126, 147, 172
emphasis(ing): 1.2.2.2, 1.2.7.3, 1.2.12.3,
3.1.2, 3.2.3, 3.2.2.1, 3.2.4.1
emphatic: 1.2.2.2/3, 3.4, 3.4.4
emphaticised: 1.2.2.2; 14
enclisis: 251
enclitic: 2.1.11.2.1, 3.2.2
ending: 2.1.2.10.1, 2.1.6.5.1, 2.1.7, 3.1.1.1.3;
50, 242
etymological: 255, 268
etymon: 39, 41, 59, 114, 230, 231, 267, 276
euphemism: 1.2.6.2, 4.1.2; 290
euphonic: 1.4.4.1.1
eventual(ity): 3.2.4.2.1, 3.3.2.6, 3.3.2.6.3;
263, 269
exceptive: 3.5; 261
exclamation: 2.3.4.2
exclamative: 2.1.4, 2.1.11.2.4, 3.4, 3.4.3.1;
172
expiratory: 80
expletive: 258
fat

hah: 15
feet: 1.3.1.3
eld: 4.1.4.1, 4.1.4.2.3.1/2
nal: 3.3.2.3
ixiix oi nnic xi o+uin cnxx+ici +inxs a6
nite: 2.2.2.4, 3.1.1.1, 3.2, 3.2.2.1
exion: 2.2.2, 2.2.2.4; 200
focusing: 3.4.4
formant: 1.2.9.6
fragment: 2.3.4
front: 1.1.2
fronted: 1.1.1.4, 1.1.3.2
fronting: 1.1.1.1
functional: 2.1.2.7, 2.1.11.2.3, 2.1.11.2.4.1,
2.3, 3.4.1.5, 4.1.4.2.3.3, 5.1.1.3.4; 142, 172,
202, 209, 255
functionalised: 2.3.1; 227, 259
functionality: 2.1.5.2, 2.1.11.2.2
future: 3.2.4.2.1, 3.4.1.2; 269
geminate: 2.2.3, 2.2.3.2
geminated: 1.2.2.3, 1.2.9.4, 1.4.2.2,
1.4.4.1.2, 2.1.3.1, 2.1.10.5.4, 2.2.3; 203, 281
gemination: 1.2.1.1, 1.2.2.3, 1.2.28.1.3,
1.3.1.4.4, 1.3.2, 1.3.2.1/2, 2.1.1, 2.1.10.1,
2.1.2.10.1/4, 2.2.1, 2.2.3.1; 13, 78, 87, 118, 167,
191, 203, 204, 210
gender: 2.1.8, 2.1.11.1.1, 2.1.11.2.1/2/3,
2.2.2, 2.2.2.2/3, 3.1.1.1.1, 3.2.1, 5.1.1.2,
5.1.1.3.1; 183, 249, 302
genitive: 2.3.1, 3.1.1.1.2, 3.1.1.1.2.1/2; 238
gm: 1.2.19.1
glide: 1.1.4.4, 1.4.4.1.2
glottal: 1.2.4.1, 1.2.27/28, 1.4.4.1.4
grammatical: 4.1.3, 5, 5.1.1, 5.1.1.3.1
grammaticalised: 211
grapheme: 1.2.14.2/3, 1.2.19.1, 1.4.1.4; 15,
44, 65
graphemic: Preface, Symbols, 1.2.7.2,
1.3.1, 2.1.10.5.8

h al: 3.2.2.2
hamz(ah): Symbols, 2.1.2.10.3.2, 2.1.6.2,
5.1.1.3.1; 187
hamzata: 2.2.3, 2.2.3.1
hamzatu lqa

t#: 311
hamzatu lwa

sl 102, 311
hapax: 185, 259
haplological dissimilation: 1.4.2.3
haplology: 2.1.5.2, 2.2.3.2
harmonised: 1.4.1.5, 2.1.2.8; 188
harmony: 1.4.1.5, 2.2.3.4
high: 1.1.1.4, 1.1.2/3, 2.1.2.10.2
hissing: 1.2.18, 1.2.19.2
hollow: 2.1.2.10.2, 2.2.3, 2.2.3.1, 2.3.3.4;
224
homorganic: 1.2.18.1, 1.2.19.3, 1.4.2.1; 139
host language: 4.1.4.2.2
hypertrophic: 2.1.2.7.3, 2.1.10.5
hypertrophy: 180
hypotaxis: 3.3
hypothetic: 3.3.2.6.2
i

d afah: 3.1.1.1.2.1
idiolect: Preface, 1.1.1.3, 1.2.8.1, 1.2.14.1,
1.2.22.1, 1.4.4.1.1/ 2, 2.1.9.1; 21, 67
idiolectal: 1.1.1.5, 1.4.4.1.2
idiom: 2.1.4, 2.1.6.5.1, 2.1.11.2.4.1, 2.3.1/3,
3.1.1.1.2.1, 3.2.2, 3.2.2.1/2, 3.2.4.2.1,
3.3.2.6, 3.4.1.1/2, 3.4.2/3, 5.1.1.3.3/ 4/5;
155, 250, 255, 258, 261, 271, 305, 306
ilative: 281
im alah: Preface, 1.1.1.1/2/3/4, 1.2.2.2,
1.2.14.3/4, 2.1.2.10.3.2, 2.1.10.2,
2.1.10.5.9, 2.1.11.1.2, 2.1.11.2.2; 15, 20, 129,
182, 217, 388, 399, 404, 427, 428
imperative: 1.2.13.2, 1.4.4.1.1, 2.2.2,
2.2.2.2/3, 2.2.3.3, 3.3.2.4, 3.4.3.1; 56, 172,
222, 269
imperfect: 3.2.4.2.1; 211
imperfective: Preface, 1.2.10.3, 2.2.2/3,
2.2.2.2/3/4, 2.2.2.5.1, 2.2.3.3/4,
2.2.3.5.2, 3.2.4.1, 3.2.4.2.1/2, 3.3.2.6,
3.3.2.6.3, 3.4.1.1/3, 3.4.3.1, 4.1.4.2.2,
5.1.1.3.4; 53, 56, 203, 205, 211, 218, 220, 223, 269
inchoative: 264
incongruence: 5.1.1.3.1
indeclinable: 2.1.10.1; 145
indenite: 2.1.6.5.3, 2.1.11.2, 2.1.11.2.4,
2.1.11.2.4.1, 2.3.3, 3.1.1.1.3, 3.1.1.1.3.1,
3.2.2.2; 141
indeniteness 2.1.6.1/5, 2.1.6.5.3,
3.1.1.1.1/3; 196
indirect complement /object 3.1.1.1.4,
3.2, 3.2.2, 3.2.2.2, 3.3.2; 41
innitive: 2.2.2.5.2
inx: 2.1.1, 2.2.1, 2.2.3.3
inexion: 2.1.4/7/8, 2.2.3.3, 3.1.1.1.2.2,
3.2.4, 4.1.4.2.2
a68 ixiix oi nnic xi o+uin cnxx+ici +inxs
inexional: 1.3.1.4.4, 2.1.5/6/11, 2.2.3
infra-correct: 1.1.1.6, 1.2.2.1, 1.3.2.2,
2.1.2.10.4, 2.1.7, 2.1.8.1, 3.4.1.4, 5.1.1.1;
192, 239
instrumental: 2.1.5.2
intensive: 2.2.1
interdental: Preface, 1.2.12, 1.2.12.1/2,
1.2.13, 1.2.14.2/3; 13, 48, 142
interdigitation: 2.1.1
interference: Preface, 1.2.19.4, 1.2.21.1,
2.1.10.2, 2.1.10.5.10, 5.1, 5.1.1, 5.1.1.1/2/3,
5.1.1.3.1/2; 38, 214
interx: 2.1.7, 2.1.11.1.1
interjection: 2.3.4, 2.3.4.3, 4.1.4.2.3.3; 56
internal exion: 2.1.10.5.6
interrogation: 3.1.2
interrogative: 2.1.11.2, 2.1.11.2.4, 3.1.2.1,
3.4/5, 3.4.1.5, 3.4.2; 279, 280
intonation(al): 2.3.4.1, 3.4, 3.4.2/3,
3.4.3.1
intransitive: 2.2.1; 218
introductor: 2.3.4, 3.4.4
i#r ab: Symbols, 320
issogloss: Preface; 102, 103
iteration: 3.3.2.5.2
iterative: 3.2.4.2.1
juncture: Symbols, 1.2.28.1, 1.4.4, 1.4.4.1,
1.4.4.1.1/3/4, 2.1.6.2, 2.2.3, 2.2.3.5.1,
3.4.2; 76, 187, 191, 210
jussive: 3.3.2.6.4, 3.4.1.2, 3.4.3.1; 269
juxtaposition: 3.1.1.1.2, 3.1.1.1.2.1, 3.3.2.4
Khallean metre(s): 215
koine: Preface; 5
Kreuzungen: 208
l a ann ayatu lil gins: 3.4.1.2
labial: 1.1.1.5, 1.2.4.1; 79
labialisation: 2.1.2.7.1; 178, 218
labialised: 2.1.2.7
lability: 1.2.5.1
labiodental: 1.2.3
labiovelar: 1.1.2.3; 14
l am: 280
lambdacism: 1.2.10.2; 137, 140
laryngeal: 218
lateral: 1.2.11, 1.2.18.1; 48
lateralised: 1.2.14.1
lenition: 67
lexeme: 4.1.4.2
lexical: 2.1.2.7.3, 2.1.2.10.4, 2.2.1, 2.2.2.5.1,
3.1.1.1.2.1/4, 4.1, 4.1.2, 4.1.4.1; 100, 173, 202,
293
lexicalised: 2.2.1, 3.1.1.1.1, 3.2.2.2; 121
lexicon: 4, 4.1, 4.1.1, 4.1.4.2, 5
license: 1.1.4.2
lineal: 3.2.3
linguistic: 4.1.4.1, 4.1.4.2.3.3, 5.1.1; 300
loanword: 1.1.1.2/3/5, 1.1.2.2, 1.1.3.1,
1.1.4.1, 1.2.1.2, 1.2.2.1, 1.2.3.1, 1.2.4.1,
1.2.7.3/ 4, 1.2.9.2/4, 1.2.10.1/2,
1.2.12.1, 1.2.14.1/2/3, 1.2.16.1, 1.2.18.1,
1.2.19.1/2/4/5, 1.2.22.1, 1.2.25.2,
1.3.1.4.1/3/ 4, 1.3.2.1, 1.4.1.1/2/4,
1.4.4.1.1, 2.1.2.4, 2.1.6.3, 2.1 10.5.1/5/8,
2.2.2.5.1, 4.1, 4.1.4.1/2/3, 4.1.4.2.3.3; 39,
61, 70, 72, 77, 133, 137, 293
locative: 1.2.1.2
loci probantes: Preface
logematic: 2.1.2
logeme: 2.2.2, 3.3.2.6; 250
low: 1.1.1, 1.1.1.4, 1.1.2.1/2, 1.1.3.1
m a

d: 211
mar atib: 193
marginal: 2.1.11.2.1, 3.1.1, 3.1.1.1, 3.1.1.1.4,
3.1.2.1, 3.2, 3.2.2.2, 3.2.4.2.3
marginal phoneme: 1.2.2.1, 1.2.19.5
marginal phrase: 3.1.1, 3.2.2, 3.2.2.2,
3.2.4.2.3
markedness: 3.2.2.2; 203, 204
marker: 2.1.8, 2.1.9.1/2, 2.1.10.1/2/3,
2.1.10.5.3/4, 2.1.10.5.14.1, 2.2.2, 2.2.3.4,
2.3.1, 3.1.1, 3.1.1.1.1/3, 3.1.1.1.2.1/2,
3.2.2.2, 3.2.4.1, 3.3, 3.3.2.2/6,
3.3.2.6.1/2/3/4, 3.4, 3.4.1/2/3,
3.4.1.2/5, 3.5; 146, 149, 174, 200, 203,
238, 243, 245, 253, 258, 259, 263, 266,
272
marking: 2.1.9.3, 2.1.10, 2.1.10.6, 2.1.10.6,
2.1.11.2.2, 2.2.2.5.1, 2.3.4.1, 3.1.1.1.1,
3.2.4.2.1, 3.3.1.1/3, 3.3.2, 3.3.2.3/4,
3.3.2.6.4, 5.1.1.3.1; 225, 250, 255
ixiix oi nnic xi o+uin cnxx+ici +inxs a6q
ma

sdar: 2.1.4, 2.2.2, 2.2.2.5, 2.2.2.5.2,

2.2.3.2/3, 2.2.3.5.2, 3.2.2.1, 3.3.2.1,
4.1.3; 129, 135, 210, 401
mater/matres lectionis 2.1.2.4/6; 83
measure: 2.2.1/2, 2.2.2.2, 2.2.3, 2.2.3.5,
3.3.2.1; 110, 203, 208, 209, 210, 252
merger: 1.2.14.4, 1.2.16.1, 1.2.17.2, 1.2.19.2,
1.2.22.2, 2.1.8, 2.1.8.1, 2.1.10.5.3/9,
2.2.3.4, 2.2.3.5.2, 2.3.1; 48, 57, 72,
205
metanalysis: 1.2.9.5, 2.1.2.10.4, 2.1.6.3,
2.1.10.5.14.1, 2.2.3.2/ 3/4; 119, 120, 209, 253,
294
metaphor: 152
metathesis: 1.4.3, 1.4.3.1, 2.1.5.2, 2.2.3.4;
164
metre: 1.3.1.3; 53, 82, 260
metrical: 1.4.4.1.2/3; 76, 189, 215
metrics: 1.3.1.3; 82
minimal pair: 1.2.2.1, 1.2.7.1, 1.2.13.1,
1.2.14.4; 15
modal: 2.3.2, 3.3.2.4
modality: 3.4, 3.4.2/3/4; 286
mode: 3.4.2
modiers: 3.2.4; 264
monophthongisation: 1.1.1.6, 1.1.4.1/2/3,
1.2.9.3
mood: 2.2.2, 3.3.2.6; 269
morpheme: Symbols, 1.2.6.1, 1.2.9.3,
1.2.28.1.3, 1.4.4.1, 2.1.1, 2.1.2.10,
2.1.2.10.1/4, 2.1.2.10.3.4, 2.1.3/5/6/9,
2.1.10.5.4/5/10, 2.1.10.6, 2.2.1/ 3,
3.1.1.1.3; 75, 123, 131, 143, 200
morphemic: 2.1.1, 5.1.1.3
morphological: Symbols, 1.1.4.4,
1.2.28.1.1/4, 2.1.1, 2.1.6.3, 2.1.8,
2.2.2.5.2, 3.3.2.6, 5.1.1.2; 20, 100, 123, 146,
162, 178, 202, 205, 209
morphology: Preface, 2, 2.1.2.10.3,
4.1.4.2.3.3; 172
morphophonemic(s): 1.2.5.1, 1.2.6.1,
1.3.2.1, 4.1.3, 4.1.4.2.1/2
morphosyntactic: 2.1.6.5.1, 2.1.11.2.1
mother tongue: 5.1
mu# ara

dah: 318
mu

d ari#: 211
muwa s sa

h( at): 82
na

ht: 360
nasal: 1.2.4/9, 1.2.9.6, 1.4.1.3, 2.1.5,
2.1.6.5.1, 2.1.9.1, 2.1.10.1; 151
nasalised: 1.2.9.4
negation: 3.1.2, 3.4.1.2/3/5; 273, 282
negative: 2.1.11.2.4.1, 3.3.2.1/3,
3.3.2.6.2/3, 3.4/5, 3.4.1, 3.4.1.2/3/4/5;
279
neologism: 4.1
nisbah: 1.3.1.4.4, 1.4.2.3, 2.1.5, 2.1.5.1; 86,
122
nomina instrumenti 2.1.2.7, 2.1.2.7.1,
4.1.4.1; 110
nomen loci: 2.1.2.7, 2.1.2.7.1
nomen unitatis: 2.2.2; 292
nominal: 2.1.5, 2.3.2, 3.1/2, 3.1.1/2, 3.1.1.1,
3.1.2.1, 3.2.2/3/4, 3.2.4.1, 3.2.4.2.1,
3.3.2.1, 3.4.1.1/2/3; 247, 257, 269
nominalisation: 3.1.1.1, 3.1.1.1.3, 3.3.2,
3.3.2.1
nominaliser: 3.3.2.1
non-africate: 1.2.19.1
non-agentive: Preface, 2.1.2, 2.1.2.7,
2.2.1/2, 2.2.2.4, 2.2.2.5.1, 2.2.3.4,
2.2.3.5.2; 172, 203, 226
non-diminutive: 1.1.1.6; 123
non-etymological: 1.3.2.2
non-nite: 2.2.2, 2.2.2.5.1; 247
non-harmonised: 2.1.2.8; 114
non-imperative: 2.2.2
non-phonemic: 1.4.4.1.2, 2.1.2.1/3
noun: 1.3.1.4.4, 1.4.4.1.1, 2.1, 2.1.1/2,
2.1.2.2/8/9, 2.1.3/8, 2.1.5.1, 2.1.6.3/5,
2.1.9/11, 2.2.2, 2.2.2.5.2, 2.3, 3.2.2.2; 96,
146, 162, 227, 242, 271
noun phrase: 3.1.1, 3.1.1.1, 3.2; 257
number: 2.1.9, 2.1.10.5.14.1, 2.1.11.2.1,
2.2.2, 3.1.1.1.1, 3.2.1; 192
numeral: 2.1.2.3, 2.1.11, 2.1.11.1, 2.1.11.1.1
nunation: 50
oath: 2.3.4.2, 3.4.1.2; 258
object: 2.1.11.2.1, 2.1.11.2.1.2, 2.1.11.2.2,
3.2.2.1, 3.3.2.1; 216, 305
object-focused: 202
oblique: 2.1.7
occlusion: 1.2.4.1
ao ixiix oi nnic xi o+uin cnxx+ici +inxs
occlusive: 88
onomatopeia: 2.3.4, 2.3.4.3
onomatopoetic: 1.2.27.2, 4.1.4.2.3
onset: 1.4.1.4
opposition: 1.1.2.2, 1.2.7.1, 1.2.13.1,
1.2.14.4, 1.2.15.2, 2.1.11.2.2, 2.2.2.5.1; 202,
205, 211
optative: 3.3.2.6.5, 3.4.1.2, 3.4.3.1; 211, 269,
283
ordinal: 2.1.11.1.2; 179
palatalising: 1.1.1.1/4
palatalisation: 1.1.1.4, 1.2.2.2; 63
panchronistic: 5
paradigm(atic): 1.2.4.1, 1.2.28.1.2,
1.2.28.1.3, 2.1.2.10.4, 2.2.2/ 3, 2.2.2.2,
2.2.3.1; 103, 211
parasitical: 1.2.9.4, 2.1.8, 2.1.8.1
parataxis: 3.3
paronomastic object: 3.2.2.1
participle: 1.1.4.4, 2.1.2, 2.1.2.7, 2.1.2.7.2,
2.1.10, 2.1.10.1, 2.1.10.5.4, 2.2.2, 2.2.2.5,
2.2.2.5.1; 56, 110, 126, 172
particle: 3.2.4, 3.4.1.5, 3.5
partitive: 2.1.2.3
passive: 2.2.1; 56
past: 3.2.4.2.1
pattern: 1.1.4.4, 1.2.28.1.4, 1.3.1.4.4,
1.4.1.5, 2.1.1/2, 2.1.2.2/ 4/6/8/9,
2.1.2.7.3, 2.1.2.10.2, 2.1.2.10.3.1/2/4,
2.1.3/4/9/10, 2.1.3.1, 2.1.5.1, 2.1.10.5,
2.1.10.5.3/4/5/6/7/8/9/11, 2.1.10.5.14.1,
2.1.11.1.2, 2.2.2.1, 2.2.2.5.1, 2.2.3.5.2,
2.3.1, 4.1.4.2.2; 85, 105, 110, 114, 121,
123, 126, 147, 153, 163, 167, 169, 172, 201,
219
pausal: 1.2.6.1, 1.2.27.1, 1.4.4.1.1 /4,
2.1.2.10.3.4, 2.1.6.5.1, 2.3.3; 44, 101, 116
peak: 1.1.2.1, 1.1.3.1
penultima: 1.3.1.4.3, 2.1.10.5.9; 207, 208
perfect: 3.2.4.2.2; 211
perfective: 1.4.4.1.1, 2.2.2/3, 2.2.2.1/4,
2.2.3.3/4/5, 2.2.3.5.2, 3.2.4.1, 3.2.4.2.2,
3.3.2.6, 3.3.2.6.3, 3.4.1.1/2/3/4, 3.4.3.1,
5.1.1.3.3; 211, 218, 224, 226
peripheral: 1.2.6.2; 38, 99, 172
person: 2.2.2
personal pronoun: 2.1.11.2, 2.1.11.2.1/3,
2.1.11.2.1.1/2, 3.1.1.1.2, 3.4.4; 41
personal sux: 3.2.2.1
pharyngeal: 1.1.1.1/3/4/5, 1.1.4.3,
1.2.25/26, 5.1.1.1; 218
pharyngealisation: 1.2.25.2
pharyngealised: 1.1.2.1/2, 1.1.3.1
pharyngeo-laryngeal: 1.4.4.1.3
Philippis law: 2.1.2.2, 2.1.10.5.3; 218, 223,
261
phonaesthetic(s): 1.1.1.6, 1.2.9.4, 1.2.21.1;
45, 113
phoneme: Preface, 1.1.1.1/3/4, 1.1.2.1,
1.1.3.1, 1.2.2.1/2/3, 1.2.3.1, 1.2.4.1,
1.2.5.1, 1.2.8.2, 1.2.9.2, 1.2.10.1, 1.2.12.3,
1.2.14.2/4, 1.2.15.1, 1.2.19.4/5, 1.2.21.1,
1.2.23.1, 1.2.24.1/2, 1.2.25.1, 1.2.26.1/2,
1.2.27.1, 1.2.28.1, 1.4.1.1/5, 1.4.4.1,
2.1.2.10.4, 2.2.3.1, 5.1.1.1; 13, 48, 57, 72, 77,
79
phonemic: Preface, Symbols, 1.1.1.3/6,
1.1.2.2, 1.1.4.2, 1.2.2.1/2, 1.2.7.1/2,
1.2.10.4, 1.2.13.1/2, 1.2.15.2, 1.3.1.4,
1.3.1.4.1, 1.4.4.1.2/3, 2.1.2.10.4, 5.1.1.1,
5.1.1.3; 44, 68, 204
phonemicisation: 15
phonemicised: 1.4.4.1.2, 2.1.2.1/6
phonetic(s): Symbols, 1.1.4.1, 1.2.1.2,
1.2.6.1, 1.2.9.2, 1.2.19.4, 1.3.2.2, 1.4,
1.4.1.1, 1.4.2.3, 2.1.10.5.4/11; 27, 29, 44, 64,
65, 79, 115, 276, 292
phonology: Preface, 1
phonotactic: 2.1.11.2.1.2; 190
phrase: 3.1.1.1.2.3, 3.1.1.1.3.1, 3.1.1.1.4, 3.1.2,
3.2, 3.2.2/3, 3.2.2.2, 3.3.2.4, 3.3.2.6.4,
3.4.4, 5.1.1.3.1; 242, 247, 258, 276
pidgin: 1.3.1.1
pidginisation: 5.1.1
pitch: 3.4.2
plain: Preface; 13
pluperfect: 3.2.4.2.2
plural: 1.3.1.4.4, 2.1.2.10.4, 2.1.7/9, 2.1.9.3,
2.1.10, 2.1.10.1/2/3, 2.1.10.5.1/2, 2.1.10.6;
150, 151, 156, 160, 162, 174
possessive pronoun: 2.1.2.10.1, 2.1.11.2.1,
3.1.1.1.2, 3.2.2, 5.1.1.3.2
post-tonic: 80
ixiix oi nnic xi o+uin cnxx+ici +inxs ai
predicate: 3.1.1, 3.1.1.1, 3.1.2, 3.2, 3.2.1/2,
3.2.2.1/2, 3.2.3/4, 3.2.4.1, 3.2.4.2.1,
3.3.2.1/6; 247, 249
predication: 3.2.4, 3.2.4.2.1
predicative: 3.2.4.2.3
prex: 1.4.4.1.1, 2.1.2.7, 2.1.2.7.1/2, 2.2.1,
2.2.2, 2.2.2.2/ 3/4, 2.2.3.3/4, 2.3.4.1,
3.2.4. 1, 4.1.4.2.2; 102, 172, 203, 206, 223
prexation: 2.2.2.5.1; 110
prepalatal: 1.2.18/19, 1.2.19.2, 1.2.20
preposition: 2.1.6.2, 2.1.11.2.4, 2.3, 2.3.1,
3.1.1.1.2, 3.1.1.1.2.1, 3.1.1.1.3.1, 3.1.2.1,
3.2.2, 3.2.2.2; 35, 191, 244, 304
present: 3.2.4.2.1; 255
prestige: 184
primae hamzata: 2.2.3, 2.2.3.4
proclisis: 2.1.6.3
productive: 2.1.6.5.1, 2.1.8; 209, 210
productiveness: 2.1.5.2
prohibitive: 3.4.1.2
pronominal sux: 1.2.27.1, 1.4.1.5, 2.1.7,
2.1.9.1, 2.1.11.2.4, 3.2.2/3, 3.4.1.3, 3.4.4,
5.1.1.3.1; 86, 96, 155, 216, 245, 264, 271
pronoun: 2.1.11, 2.1.11.2, 2.1.11.2.2/4,
2.1.11.2.4.1, 3.1.1.1, 3.1.1.1.2/3, 3.1.1.1.3.1,
3.1.2, 3.1.2.1, 3.3.2.6.4, 3.4.2, 5.1.1.2; 180,
184
prosodic: 1.3.1, 1.3.1.4.4, 1.4.4.1, 2.1.6.3,
2.1.10.5.4/5/6/9/11, 2.2.3.1
prosthetic: 1.4.4.1.1, 2.2.3.3; 77, 135, 206
protasis: 3.3.2.6, 3.3.2.6.3; 269
proto-za gal: 426
pseudo-correct: 1.2.2.1, 3.4.1.4; 278
pseudo-correction: Preface, Sym-bols:
135, 243
pseudo-dual: 2.1.9.3
pseudo-verb: Preface, 3.4.1.3
qays: 20
qltu-dialects: 15, 20
qualier: 3.1.1.1.3, 3.2.3
qualifying: 3.1.1.1, 3.1.1.1.1/3/4,
3.1.1.1.2.2/4, 3.2.1; 235, 243
qualitative: 5.1.1.1
quantitative: 1.3.1, 1.3.1.1, 5.1.1.1
quantity: 1.3.1.3/4, 1.3.1.4.1, 1.3.2.1,
2.1.10.5.14.1, 2.2.1; 82, 204, 224
quasi-preposition: 3.1.1.1.2.1
quasi-regular plural: 107, 160
radical: 2.2.3, 2.2.3.3
raising: 1.1.1.1
realization: 1.2.14.3, 1.2.19.1, 1.2.22.1,
1.2.24.2, 1.3.1.4.3, 1.4.1.1; 71
reciprocal: 2.2.1
rection: 2.1.2.10.1, 3.1.1.1, 3.1.1.1.2,
3.1.1.1.2.1; 242
reference: 2.1.11.2.4, 3.1.1.1.3.1
reex: 1.1.1.4, 1.1.2.1, 1.2.14.2, 1.2.19.1,
2.1.6.4, 2.1.10.5.4/ 5/6/10, 3.1.1.1.2.1,
3.2.4.2, 3.4.1.1; 19, 21, 75, 109, 138, 149, 197,
210, 273
reexive: 2.2.1, 3.2.2.1; 225
register: Preface, 1.1.1.2, 1.2.7.1/ 2/4,
1.2.8.2, 1.2.9.3, 1.2.13.1, 1.2.14.3, 1.2.15.2,
1.2.19.4, 1.2.22.2, 1.2.26.2, 1.2.28.1,
1.3.3.1, 1.4.1.2/4, 1.4.2.1, 2.1.2.10.2,
2.1.6.5.1/3, 2.1.9.1, 2.1.10.5.10/14,
2.1.11.1.2, 2.1.11.2.3, 2.2.2.5.2, 2.2.3.1,
3.3.2.1, 3.4.4, 4.1.1, 5.1.1.3.5; 51, 68, 135,
142, 149, 191, 192, 205, 209, 215, 252, 258, 275, 291,
301
relative (pronoun): 1.2.7.4, 2.1.11.2,
2.1.11.2.3/4, 3.1.1.1, 3.1.1.1.2.1, 3.1.1.1.3/4,
3.1.1.1.3.1; 46, 196, 238, 239
relaxation: 1.2.9.6, 1.2.19.4
repercussive: 1.2.9.4
restrictive: 287
reuse: 2.1.10.5.6; 203
rhotacism: 1.2.11.1; 137, 395
rhyme: 1.1.4.2, 1.2.6.2, 1.2.19.4, 1.4.4.1.2,
2.1.2.1/4, 2.1.2.10.1/2, 2.1.2.10.3.3; 18, 44,
82, 101, 209, 218
rhythm 1.3.1, 1.3.1.1, 1.4.4.1.2, 5.1.1.1; 76, 82
root: 2.1.1, 2.1.2.10, 2.1.2.10.1/
2/3/4, 2.1.2.10.3.2/4, 2.1.3,
2.1.10.5.3/4/5/10/11, 2.1.10.5.14.1,
2.2.1, 2.2.3, 2.2.3.1/ 2, 4.1.4.2.3.3; 123,
126, 131, 143, 172, 201, 222, 224, 225, 244
round: 1.1.3
rounding: 1.1.1.5, 1.1.2.3
scansion: 2.1.2.1
scheme: 99
aa ixiix oi nnic xi o+uin cnxx+ici +inxs
secondary diphthongs: 1.1.4.4
secundae hamzata: 2.2.3
segment: 2.1.6.3, 2.3.4, 3.4.2
segmental: 1.4.4.1
self-predicative: 3.5
semanteme: 2.2.1
semantic: 2.1.2, 2.1.2.7, 2.1.2.10.2, 2.1.5.1,
2.1.9/10, 2.1.10.5.8, 2.1.11, 2.1.11.2.4,
2.2.1, 2.3.1, 3.1.1.1, 3.1.1.1.2.4, 3.1.1.1.4,
3.1.2, 3.2.3, 3.3.2, 3.2.2.1, 4, 4.1.2/3,
4.1.4.1/2, 4.1.4.2.3, 4.1.4.2.3.1/2; 23, 79,
110, 128, 133, 142, 146, 150, 162, 202, 203, 210, 254,
256, 267, 277, 284, 287, 289
semi-consonant: 1.2.5, 1.2.5.1, 1.2.20,
1.2.28.1.2, 1.4.1.4, 1.4.2.1, 2.1.2.10,
2.1.2.10.3.1/4; 79
sentence: 3.1/2, 3.1.1/2, 3.1.1.1, 3.1.1.1.3/4,
3.2.2.2, 3.2.3, 3.3, 3.3.1.3, 3.3.2, 3.3.2.6,
3.4, 3.4.1.1/2/3, 3.4.3.1; 257, 269, 274
sibilant: 1.2.3.1, 1.2.9.2, 1.2.15/16/17,
1.2.15.3, 1.4.4.1.2
singular: 2.1.9/10
shewa: 1.3.1.4.1
sibhu s alim 160
sn: 280
sn: 280
singulative: 2.1.9, 2.1.5.1, 2.1.10.5.6; 149,
150, 169
sociolinguistic: Preface, 1.3.1, 1.3.1.1,
2.2.2.5.2, 5.1, 5.1.1
solar letters: 1.4.1.2
solecism: 5.1.1.3
sonorant: 1.4.2.2/3, 1.4.4.1.2/3, 2.1.10.5.11;
45, 87, 118
source language: 1.2.2.1; 306
spirant: 1.2.1.1/2, 1.2.3/12, 1.2.12.2, 1.2.13,
1.2.14.3, 1.2.15/ 16/17/18, 1.2.19.2,
1.2.23/ 24, 1.2.25/26, 1.2.27; 78, 87
spirantisation: 1.2.1.3, 1.2.21.1
standardised: 127
stanzaic poetry: 82
stative: 202, 218
status constructus: 2.1.2.10.1
stem: 1.4.4.1.1, 2.1.3, 2.1.3.1, 2.2.2,
2.2.2.1/2/3/4, 2.2.2.5.1/2, 2.2.3.2/3/5,
2.2.3.5.1/2; 100, 102, 122, 123, 172, 200, 203,
204, 207, 210, 214, 223
stop: 1.2.1/2, 1.2.6/7/8, 1.2.12.2, 1.2.14.1/3,
1.2.19.1, 1.2.21/ 22, 1.2.28, 1.3.3.1; 48
stress: Preface, 1.3.1, 1.3.1.3/4,
1.3.1.4.2/3/4, 1.4.4.1.2, 2.1.2.6,
2.1.2.10.4, 2.1.11.2.1.2, 2.2.1, 2.2.2.5.1,
2.2.3.1; 13, 80, 82, 86, 116, 173, 185, 204, 208, 209,
224, 226
stressed: 1.2.28.1.3, 1.3.1.3, 1.3.1.4.1/2,
2.1.2.1/4, 5.1.1.1; 83, 131, 204, 217, 218, 223
string: 1.1.1.6, 1.3.1.4.1/2/3, 1.4.4.1.2/3,
2.1.2.10.3.3
sub-class: 210
subdialectal: 2.1.2.6
subject: 2.1.11.2.1, 2.2.2.1/4, 3.1.1.1, 3.1.2,
3.1.2.1, 3.2, 3.2.3, 3.3.2, 3.4.4; 202, 214,
249, 305
subject-focusing: 202
subjunctive: 3.2.4.2.1
subordination: 3.3, 3.3.2, 3.3.2.2/
3/4/5/6
subordinative: 2.3.2, 3.1.1.1
sub-predicative: 2.3.4, 3.1.1.1
substandard: 1.2.1.3, 1.2.7.3, 1.2.14.3/4,
1.2.22.1; 104
substantive: 2.1.2, 2.1.9.2, 2.1.10,
2.1.10.1/2/3, 2.1.11.2.4.1, 2.2.2,
2.3.1, 3.1.1.1, 3.1.1.1.1/2/3/4, 3.2.1,
4.1.4.2.3.3, 5.1.1.3.1; 128, 150, 233, 236, 292,
296
substantivisation: 213
substratal: 1.2.15.1, 4.1.4.2.1
substratum: Preface, 1.2.7.1, 1.2.8.2,
1.2.15.3, 1.3.2.1, 2.1.6.5.3, 5.1.1.1; 34, 61, 87,
103, 109, 124, 242, 246, 249, 250, 254
subtype: 2.2.3.4
sux: 1.3.1.4.4, 1.4.1.1, 1.4.2.3, 2.1.1/2,
2.1.2.10.3.1, 2.1.3, 2.1.5, 2.1.5.1/2,
2.1.10.5.8, 2.1.11.1.2, 2.1.11.2.1/2, 2.2.2,
2.2.2.1/3, 2.2.3.2, 2.2.3.5.1, 3.1.2.1;
86, 122, 131, 134, 174, 204, 207, 214, 216, 217,
226
suxation: 1.3.1.4.4, 2.1.10
superlative: 2.1.2.7.3, 2.1.4; 110, 128
superstratal: 4.1.4.2.1, 4.1.4.2.3.2
suprasegmental: 1.3, 1.3.1, 1.3.3.1; 14, 61
surface structure: 3.5
syllabic: 82
ixiix oi nnic xi o+uin cnxx+ici +inxs a
syllable: 1.1.2.1, 1.1.3.1, 1.2.1.1, 1.2.3.1,
1.2.21.1, 1.2.24.1, 1.2.26.1, 1.2.28.1.3,
1.3.1.3, 1.3.1.4.1/2, 1.4.4.1.1, 2.1.2.2/4,
2.2.3.3, 5.1.1.1; 70, 76, 82, 86, 207, 215, 218
synaesthetic: 4.1.4.2.3
synchronic: 5, 2.2.1; 235
synonymous: 2.3.2; 210, 253, 277
syntactic: 2.1.6.5.3, 2.1.9, 2.3.1, 3.1.1.1.1/2,
3.1.1.1.2.3, 5.1.1.3; 199, 242, 243, 277
syntagm: 1.2.6.1, 2.1.2.10.1, 2.1.8.1,
2.1.11.2.2, 3.1.1.1, 3.1.1.1.1/2/3/4,
3.1.1.1.2.3/4, 3.1.1.1.3.1; 235, 243
syntax: Preface, 2.3.2, 3, 3.2.3, 3.4.4,
5.1.1.3.3; 233, 266
synthetic: 2.3.1, 3.1.1.1.2.1
taf

hm: 14
tamyz: 3.2.2.2
tanwn: Preface, 2.1.6.5, 2.1.6.5.2/3,
3.1.1.1.1/4; 198, 235, 383, 404, 438
target language: 1.2.10.2
ta

s gru ttar

hm: 125
t a"un marb u

tah: 1.2.6.1
taxeme: 3.1.1.1.2.3
taxemic: 1.2.7.3, 3.3.2.1, 3.4.3/4
taznm: 189
technical term: 297
template: 2.1.9/10
temporal: 2.3.2, 3.2.4.2, 3.3.2.5/6,
3.3.2.5.2
tense: 2.2.2, 3.2.4.2.1, 3.4.3.1, 5.1.1.3.3; 211,
255, 269
tense (adjective): 1.2.1.1, 1.2.2.3
tenseness: 1.2.12.3
tertiae hamzata: 2.2.3, 2.2.3.5.2
tone: 1.2.4.1, 1.4.4.1.4
tonic: 82
transformation: 3.1.1.1.3, 3.3.2
transitive: 2.2.1
transtitiveness: 202
type: 1.1.1.6, 1.2.13.1; 20, 57,121, 218
ultima: 1.3.1.4.3, 2.1.10.5.9; 116, 185
ultra-correct: 1.2.1.3, 1.2.2.1, 1.2.14.2,
1.2.24.2, 2.1.2.2, 2.2.3.5.1, 5.1.1.1; 54, 64,
72, 104, 140, 195
ultra-corrected: 53, 185
ultra-correction: 1.1.1.4/5/6, 1.1.4.3,
1.2.6.2, 1.2.7.3, 1.2.9.1, 1.2.15.1/2/3,
1.2.26.1, 1.3.2.2, 2.1.2.4, 2.1.2.10.1; 148
Umlaut-im alah: 1.1.1.3
ungrammaticality: 302
universal: 1.4.1.1, 2.3.1, 3.5, 4.1.4.2.3.3
unround: 1.1.1/2
unstressed: 1.3.1.3, 5.1.1.1; 86, 217
unvoiced 1.2.2/3, 1.2.6/12, 1.2.7.3, 1.2.8.1,
1.2.15/17/18, 1.2.15.3, 1.2.21/22, 1.2.22.1,
1.2.23/26; 48
urban dialects: 1.2.12.1, 1.2.14.3, 1.2.19.2;
121, 181
utterance: 3.4.2, 3.4.3.1
uvular: 1.2.22/23/24
uvularisation: 13
velar: 1.1.1.1/3/4/5, 1.1.2.1/2, 1.1.3.1, 1.1.4.3,
1.2.9.2, 1.2.14.4, 1.2.19.1, 1.2.21
velarisation: 1.1.1.4, 1.2.6.2, 1.2.7.2,
1.2.14.3/4, 1.2.15.2, 1.3.3, 1.4.1.3,
2.1.11.1.1, 5.1.1.1; 14, 54, 61, 90
velarised: Preface, 1.1.2.1/2, 1.1.3.1, 1.2.8,
1.2.10.4, 1.2.11.3, 1.2.14/17, 1.2.14.1/3,
1.4.1.3; 13, 22, 48
verb: 2.1.1, 2.1.11.2.1.2, 2.2, 2.2., 1/3,
2.2.3.1/2/4/5, 2.3, 3.1.1., 1, 3.1.2.1,
3.2.2.1, 3.2.4, 3.2.4.2.3, 3.3.2.1,
4.1.4.2.3.3, 5.1.1.2; 102, 180, 201, 202, 218, 254,
264, 283, 296, 302
verbal: 2.1.2, 2.2.2.5.2, 3.1/2, 3.1.1.1.3/4,
3.2.2/3/4, 3.2.2.2/6, 5.1.1.3.3; 100, 103,
249
vibrant: 1.2.10, 1.2.10.3
vocalisation: 2.1.2.8, 2.2.3.3/4; 102, 135, 205,
206, 208, 209, 218, 260, 280
vocative: 2.3.4, 2.3.4.1
voice: Preface, 1.2.15.1, 1.2.17.1, 2.2.2,
2.2.2.4, 2.2.2.5.1
voiced: 1.2.1/7, 1.2.8.1, 1.2.13/16, 1.2.14.3,
1.2.15.1, 1.2.17.1, 1.2.19, 1.2.19.1/2,
1.2.22.1, 1.2.23.1, 1.2.24/25; 48, 71
voicing: 1.2.6.2, 1.2.22.1, 1.2.23.1, 1.2.26.1;
140
w awu h al: 3.2.2.2, 3.3.2.6.4, 5.1.1.3.3; 258,
349
a ixiix oi nnic xi o+uin cnxx+ici +inxs
w awun ma#iyyah: 258
weak: 2.1.2.10, 2.1.2.10.4, 2.1.10.5.11, 2.2.3,
2.2.3.1, 2.2.3.3
womanly speech: 55
word order: 3.1.2, 3.2.3, 3.4.2
wrong-parsing: 2.1.6.3; 119, 294
za gal: 82, 318
za g g al: Preface; 189
#an#anah: 79
#ar u

dun mu

hawwar: 82
#ayn: Symbols, 2.1.11.1.1