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THESIS SUBMITTED TO
MANONMANIAM SUNDARANAR UNIVERSITY
IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF
P.M. JOTHI
REG. NO.2123
CERTIFICATE
Place: Marthandam
Date:
Acknowledgement
The following pages are the fruits of research undertaken under
F.I.P., X Plan period of the U.G.C., in the Research Centre in History, Nesamony
Memorial Christian College, Marthandam during 2005-2007.
At the outset I thank the Lord Almighty for having blessed me to
undertake this venture and submit this thesis successfully.
I would like to extend my special and heartfelt thanks to my learned
guide Dr. C. Selvaraj of N.M.C. College for his valuable pieces of advice,
guidelines and corrections. But for him I could not have completed this work. His
cordial and prompt response deserves much appreciation.
I express my sincere gratitude to the University Grants Commission
as well as Manonmaniam Sundaranar University for having provided me with an
opportunity to pursue my studies. I also express my gratitude to the Principal and
the Head and other staff of the Research Centre in History, Nesamony Memorial
Christian College, Marthandam and also to the Principal and the staff of the
Department of History of Lekshmipuram College, Neyyoor.
I am deeply indebted to PHF. Dr. A.D. Shobanraj, former Principal
of our college, who left no stone unturned to get me this opportunity and proved to
be a driving force and also to Mr. N. Martin Daniel Dhas, the author of several
books on Church History settled at Nagercoil, for having been instrumental in
Mathuram,
Correspondent
of
the
TELC
School
Usilampatti,
Mrs. Kanagavalli Asirvatham, the retired H.M. of the TELC School, Miss Krenapu Kalarani,
the present day H.M. of the same School, and also Rev. D. Justin Devadhasan, the
Presbyter and District Minister, C.S.I. Home Church, Neyyoor for their
magnanimity in getting me some valuable materials at their disposal. I also thank
all those who were kind enough to give interviews.
I am also grateful to late Mr. Cheembi Thomas and late Rev. Titus
Kadappaisamy for their friendly disposition and sincerity in getting me the needed
information and materials. Their untimely demise was a matter of great sorrow.
It will be a lapse on my part if I fail to recognise the valuable
services rendered by Dr. V. John of the Department of English, St. Xaviers
College, Palayamkottai and Mr.G. Haribaskar, my colleague, in giving this thesis a
proper shape.
For lack of space I have not mentioned many of the reputed
Institutions and Scholars who helped me in many ways in the completion of this
work. I acknowledge their services and thank them warmly.
I express my heartfelt thanks to our family friends Mrs. Merlin Lloyd
and family, Bangalore and Mrs. Joy and family, Nagercoil and
Dr. V.
Geetha of Madurai for their genuine affection and logistic support in my venture.
I am extremely thankful for the moral and logistic support provided
by my sister Mrs. Helen and my brother-in-law Mr. I. Dhanapaul and family, my
sister-in-law Mrs. Nalini and brother Chandra Sekaran and family, my cousin
Mr. P.M. Mani and family, my niece Mrs. Annie and her husband Vinoth, my
nephew Arasu and family and my relative Adv. Edward and Family which went a
long way in making this attempt a real success. I express my heartfelt gratitude to
them.
Last but not the least is the involvement of my husband Mr.T.Sam
Thilagaraj and my daughters Sylvia and Cynthia who stood by me through thick
and thin by extending immense moral support to achieve my goal.
P.M. Jothi
CONTENTS
Chapter
No
Title
Chapter I
Introduction
Chapter II
Chapter III
Page.
No
1
16
53
Chapter IV
106
Chapter V
143
Chapter VI
220
Chapter VII
Conclusion
253
Bibliography
Annexure
ABBREVIATION
ABCFM
AG
Assemblies of God.
AMM
CGMM
CHAI
CLS
CMM
CMS
CPM
CSI
CSM
CTA
FELC
H.S.S.
HM
Head Mistress.
ICHR
ICGM
IPC
ISPCK
LELM
LMS
MNNR
NCCI
RC
Roman Catholic.
SDA
SPCK
SPG
TELC
TTS
UTC
YMCA
ABSTRACT
Title of the thesis: SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE PIRAMALAI
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER - I
INTRODUCTION
Several new trends in historical thinking have emerged with the passage
of time. The entire spectrum of recent writings in history throws up a challenge to the
conventional methods where readymade corpus of sources is available. Retelling
history in a mere descriptive way has already been rendered an anachronism and has
been replaced with an analytical approach. History is anthropocentric and charm has
been added by Subaltern Study which gives much importance to the every day life of
the working masses. The German term subaltern as a theoretical concept describes the
identity of an oppressed and exploited group. Hence it has opened up new vistas of
exploration and has accelerated the growth of many a branch of study such as
Anthropology, Sociology, History, Economics and Politics.
limitations of their attitude, distortions are very commonly found. Hence the need to
examine this old cultural complex dispassionately arises so that the community which
deserves a special place in Tamilnadu history could be rendered justice. This
community which could have been regarded as 'South Indian Rajputs' has been
relegated to the background in the history of Tamilnadu despite their important role
played during the South Indian rebellion and the Indian National movement. Hence an
unbiased probe into this dark area of Tamilnadu history becomes necessary to bring it
to light and this aspect makes this work unique in character. In fact the "Spread of
Christianity among the Piramalai Kallars of Madurai district" is perhaps the least
studied subject by any historian as such. Dr. Hugald Grafe, a present day church
historian, says that scholarly investigations on the openness of this community to
Christianity are still wanting. It is mainly because the available works on these Kallars
are either secular or non-Christian in character. Hence with the scope for a diligent
examination this topic has been selected for a pioneering rather maiden effort on this
religious aspect with historical and analytical approaches.
At the outset it should be kept in mind that even though Kallars are
called by different names like Esanattu Kallars, Visangunattu Kallars, Seruvasal
Kallars, Ambalakara Kallars, Piramalai Kallars etc. no special significance can be
attached to their names except for the regions they live in. In Madurai alone, the
Kallars are divided into two endogamous groups territorial in origin.
(i)
(ii)
Hence in this Thesis the word Kallar would refer to the Piramalai Kallar as well.
Statement of Problem
A rare grafting, an incredible reality, but a true phenomenon that the
Kallars, known for their martial character, untamable nature and aggressive behaviour
with a flair for knives and sickles, had been attracted towards a religion with
diametrically opposite values and principles such as love, compassion, sacrifice,
forgiveness etc. These contradictory values and views of both Christianity and this
community which made them stand poles apart, kindled the curiosity in the researcher
to analyse the factors which were responsible for their conversion.
Kallars served the rulers in times of war as a corps of reconnaissance and harassment
and engaged themselves in cattle raid which was a conventionalized signal for
warfare. At other times they served them as spies and guerilla troopers. As skilled
vanguards, risking their lives for the sake of their masters, they commanded respect in
society so much so that the term Kallar was used in singular number honorifically.
During times of peace and settlement some of them were employed as kavalkarars
(village guards) of domestic and public property in villages. Thus they settled down in
society as semi-warriors and semi-agriculturists. They had organized themselves into
a village federation and were never in tune with the rulers of Madurai right from the
Nayak period to the British rule. The rulers including the British found it an arduous
task to subdue them and exact tribute from them. Thus they had never been a
suppressed lot.
Review of literature
Louis Dumont, a French Sociologist, in his book A South Indian SubCaste: Social Organisation and Religion of the Piramalai Kallars, available in
many libraries, has made a professional and sophisticated analysis of their social
concept and has contributed much to a better understanding of their complex social
institutions. However its focal area is confined to just two villages of the Piramalai
Kallars and is out and out non- Christian in character.
life of the Kallars which have been incorporated and duly acknowledged in this
Thesis.
Though all these works have supplied useful information, they are very
much limited and highly superficial and have no direct bearing with this topic is
concerned, thus adding to its uniqueness.
Sources of Information
Primary Sources
The Primary sources consist of the official documents of the
Government of Madras and the private accounts of the missionaries.
For the secular (non-Christian) aspect of the Kallar history, the official
records of the Madras Presidency form the most important source of information.
Preserved in the State Archives, Chennai, these records such as Gazetteers, Census
Reports, Manuals, Newspaper Reports, various Government Orders connected with
Criminal Tribes Act and Kallar Reclamation, Working Reports of the Criminal Tribes
Act, Administration Reports on Kallar Reclamation and Settlements, Assembly
Proceedings, Petitions and Telegrams prove to be of great help for the reconstruction
of the history of the Kallars prior to the introduction of Christianity among them.
For the ecclesiastical aspect, the Annual Reports of the AMM published
from Pasumalai, Madurai, for various years (1834 - 1921) housed in Tamilnadu
Theological Seminary Archives (TTS) at Arasaradi (Madurai); the Missionary Herald
published annually from Boston, available in American College Library, Madurai;
Minutes of the meetings of the AMM, Personal Letters of the missionaries, Comity
arrangement among Missions all kept preserved in the UTC archives, Bangalore;
Caritas, a family magazine of the Jesuit Order found in the Seminary at St. Joseph's
College, Trichy, and the Seminary at Arul Anandar College, Karumathur (Madurai)
all these furnish valuable information, though limited, on the activities of their
respective mission among the Kallars. Written in simple English, these records throw
profuse light not only on the religious activities of the missionaries but also on the
then socio-economic and political scenario in an interesting way. Undeniably the
accounts of the missionaries prove to be very reliable and valuable since corroborated
by official records.
These interviews provided extensive opportunities for interaction with people who
were eye witnesses and had direct contact with the missionaries as beneficiaries. In
fact it was nothing more than an attempt of rescuing from oblivion the information
possessed by living characters before it should be lost for ever. Since it is permissible
for any researcher to rely upon less important but equally compelling sources like
tradition, myth or even distorted information in the absence of written records all these
had been taken into account. However bias has been eliminated in order to arrive at
bare truths.
Secondary Sources
Many secondary sources are available in Tamil also for the study of the
life of the Kallars. Important among them are Venkatasamy Nattar's Kallar
Charithram, Muthu Thevar's Muvendra Kula Thevar Samuga Varalaru and
Sivanandi Servai's Muvendra Kula Charithai. All these furnish a good deal of
information about the origin, development and the life of the Kallar community.
However all these are very general in character and no trace of the Kallar contact with
Christianity could be seen in them. These books are available in so many libraries
such as Central Library, Madurai, Regal Talkies Library, Madurai, Thevar Sinthanai
Mantram, Madurai, and in the private collections of many Kallars.
11
There are ever so many published works in English to throw light on the
non-Christian side of the Kallar history. Important among them are Edgar Thurston's
Castes and Tribes of Southern India in 7 volumes which is a scholarly field work in
the history of social organization, available in S.T. Hindu College Library, Nagercoil
and Roy Burman & Co.s Encyclopaedia of Indian Tribes and Castes in 24
volumes, available in Madurai Kamaraj University Library, Madurai. History of the
Madras Police Centenary 1859 1959, Mullaly's Notes on Criminal Classes of the
Madras Presidency, Muhammad Abdul Ghani's Notes on the Criminal Tribes of
the Madras Presidency all available with T.N. Archives Library, Chennai, explain
vividly Kallar crimes and their criminal activities.
For the study of the religious aspect a number of valuable books are
available. Important among them are History of Christianity in India from CHAI
Publication in 5 volumes, J.S. Chandler's Seventy Five Years in the Madura
Mission, J.J. Banninga's Notes on the American Madura Mission since its Seventy
Fifth Anniversary, Houpert C. Joseph's The Madura Manual, M.X. Miranda's The
Jesuit Experience in Tamilnadu, J.S. Ponniah's The Christian Community of
Madura, Ramnad and Tirunelveli, Fenger J. Ferd's History of the Tranquebar
Mission etc. These books, available in Tamilnadu State Archives Library, UTC
Library, TTS Library and Gurukul (TELC) Library at Purasawalkam, Chennai, supply
12
valuable information, though limited, about Christianity in connection with the Kallar
community and thus have a direct bearing with the topic.
Limitations
At the outset, it must be confessed that the search for original, often
unpublished sources, was not crowned with a grand success. The transition of the
Kallars from ferocity to a community has not been recorded properly and housed in
any of the archives. In spite of running from pillar to post enough of primary records
could not be obtained. There are many reasons for this.
The first and foremost reason is the lack of historical sense among the
Kallars. Recording of events had never been their practice. Even their cultural,
religious and clan-behaviour had been passed on from generation to generation
through oral transmission only. Even today they are not in the habit of recording their
panchayat proceedings. The tragicomedy is that most of them are not even aware of
the names of their fore fathers and the first converts of their family. So it is but natural
that they could not recall the names of the missionaries who were instrumental for the
conversion of their ancestors. The questionnaire supplied to them failed miserably as a
source of information since they had not taken it up seriously. This lapse on their part
made this study an arduous task entailing much research in libraries and archives.
13
Rev. Dr. D.
Winkler, a missionary cum professor of the LELM was asked to contribute some
materials to the Golden Jubilee Souvenir of the TELC. As nothing was available in
India he had to depend on a selection of records sent from Leipzig. Even among the
available Christian literature about the Kallars most of them are either in German or
Swedish thus making it unattainable. To make matters worse, most of the records are
in a dilapidated and brittle condition.
thief caste or robber caste only. Even in churches no caste wise records of the
members are available. Hence furnishing of precise statistics on the conversion of the
Piramalai Kallar could not be thought of.
15
Chapterisation
This Thesis has been arranged in seven chapters including Introduction
and Conclusion.
16
connected with the life of these Kallars and their services to the society in general are
dealt with elaborately.
The fifth Chapter the Kallars and Christianity forms the nucleus of the
Thesis. It focuses on the attitude of the Kallars towards Christianity in different stages,
the methodology adopted by the missionaries to win over them and their hardships,
analysis of the reasons for conversion, the persecutions the converts endured and the
various activities of the missions are explained vividly.
17
CHAPTER II
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF
THE KALLAR COMMUNITY
16
CHAPTER - II
Situated principally between 70 571 and 110 101 of north latitude and
between 770 301 and 790 851 of east longitude, Madurai lies entirely within the
tropics.1It extends from the Western Ghats in the west to the Bay of Bengal in the
east. On the north, it was bounded by the state of Pudukkottai and the districts of
Coimbatore, Tiruchirappalli and Thanjavur and on the south by the district of
Tirunelveli.2
perennial rivers and irrigational facilities, poor productivity of the soil etc., the life
of the people of Madurai was becoming highly miserable. Dravidian by race,
people were divided in to numerous communities of whom the prominent were the
Mukkulathor and of the three the Kallar alone formed about 1/3 of the total
population of the district.3
1.
2.
Hamilton Walter, A Geographical, Statistical and Historical Description of Hindostan, vol. I, Delhi,
1971, p. 466.
3.
W. Francis, Madras District Gazetteer, Madurai, Govt. Press, Madras, 1906, p.88.
17
Many theories have been put forward with regard to the origin of the
Kallar community legendary, historical, analytical and logical. In this chapter an
overall view of the origin of the Mukkulathor, etymology and settlement of the
Kallars in general and the Piramalai Kallars in particular have been dealt with.
Mukkulathor4 is the common term to denote the cluster of three identical clans of
the Dravidian stock viz, Kallar, Maravar and Agamudaiyar. These three Tamilspeaking communities consider themselves as brethren and take pride in calling
themselves Mukkulathor in recent times. These people were one of the earliest
settlers in southern peninsula. They are known for their valour, courage and
independent nature. They are numerically strong in the southern districts of
Tamilnadu. They claim to be the offspring of same parents. The origin of the
Mukkulathor is mythologically traced to Lord Indra, the General of the Holy forces
in Heaven and Aghalia, the wife of Rishi Gautama.
4.
To exhibit the solidarity of the three clans was founded "All India Mukkulathor Sangam" on January
28th, 1934, under the Presidentship of Rajaram Pandiyan, the Sethupathy of Ramnad. Thence forth the
term Mukkulathor came into vogue.
P. Muthu Thevar , Muvendra Kula Thevar Samuga Varalaru, (Tamil) III ed.,R.K.K. & sons,
Thirumangalam, (Madurai) 1994, p. 309.
18
5.
F.S. Mullaly, Notes on Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency, Govt. Press, Madras, 1892, p. 85.
6.
Edgar Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Vol III, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi,
1987, p. 63.
7 . Louis Dumont, A South Indian Sub-Caste: Social Organisation and Religion of the Piramalai Kallar,
Oxford University Press, New York, 1986,p. 12.
19
dispense with justice and recover lost objects. He distributed them geographically the Kallar to the north, the Maravar in the centre and the Agambadiyar to the
south.
8.
A. Ganapathy, History of the Kallars of Melur Region, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Madurai Kamaraj
University, Madurai, 1987, p. 33.
9.
A. Ramaswami, Gazetteer of India, Ramanathapuram District, Govt. of Tamil Nadu, 1972, pp. 137 138.
20
ancestry, these three classes in early times formed themselves in to distinct castes
and inter-marriage between the Kallars and the other two was not allowed.
However this trend has changed to a great extent in the twentieth century mainly
due to the concept of Mukkulathor.
It would be highly apt to deal with these three clans separately in a
nut shell.
The Maravars
The Maravars were found in the present Ramnad and Tirunelveli
districts and the Arantangi taluk of the present Pudukkottai district at the beginning
of the eighteenth century. The Ramnad district, then known as the Marava country,
was the place where the Maravas originally settled and from there they had
migrated to Tirunelveli country of the Nayak kingdom of Madura. The head of the
Maravas was the Sethupathi or the Raja of Ramnad.10 According to the traditional
stories the Maravas of the Ramnad region helped Sri Rama in his war against the
demon Ravana and as a token of gratitude for their services, Rama gratefully
exclaimed in Tamil Maraven (I will never forget) and that they have ever since
been called Maravans and thenceforth they were hailed as Deva or Theva meaning
gods.11
10. S. Kadhirvel, A History of the Maravas, Madurai Publishing House, Madurai, 1977, pp 6-7.
11. Ibid.,p. 6.
21
With more probability, the name may be connected with the word
maram which means killing, ferocity, bravery and the like as pointing to their
unpleasant profession of robbing and slaying their neighbours. Being noted for
their military prowess, they assisted the Pandyas and the Nayaks and were a
nightmare to the British.12 They were essentially a community doing military
service to the chiefs or were rendering police duties.13 To this class belonged most
of the poligars or feudal chieftains like the Marudu brothers. They did not evince
any interest in agriculture, trade or industry as they considered themselves superior
people whose solemn duty was to protect others and not to till or toil.14
Agamudaiyars
The Agamudaiyars are found in Thanjavur, Madurai and Tirunelveli
districts. Since their profession is agriculture, they are found in most of the
12. B.K. Roy Burman, K.K. Misra, Buddhadeb Choudhuri and Subhadra , ed., Encyclopaedia of Indian
Tribes and Castes, Vol. XIV, Cosmo Publications, New Delhi, 2004, p. 4340.
13. S. Kadhirvel, Op. cit., p. 13.
14. Ibid.
15. Roy Burman, et al., Op. cit., Vol. XIV, p. 4342.
22
This fact has been corroborated by Dumont when he says that from
the point of view of typical customs, an Agamudaiyan is closer to an orthodox
Vellalan than to a Kallan.17 Of the three clans, the Agamudaiyars alone are said to
have been greatly influenced by contact with Brahmanism. They engage Brahmin
priests and perform their birth, marriage and death ceremonies like the Vellalas.18
The ordinary agnomen or titular name of an Agamudaiyar is Servaikkaran, but
many of them even call themselves Pillai, Adhigari and Mudaliar.19 Agamudaiyars
are not so ferocious and martial as the Maravars or Kallars. Because of their
economic prosperity, they have adopted a more respectable attitude to life. They
are comparatively a peace loving people.20
23
Kallars
The Encyclopaedia of Indian Tribes and Castes describes the Kallars
as a dark race of small stature and of many distinctive peculiarities pointing them
out as having sprung from an aboriginal tribe.21 Here it would be more appropriate
to take into account the view of B.S. Guha regarding the term aborigines. He feels
that the term aboriginal population of India is not usually applied to the tribal
population of India, not in any derogatory sense but to indicate their being the
earliest among the present inhabitants of the country.22
The Kallars are known for the retention of their customs and
traditions. Hence they attract the attention of sociologists, anthropologists and
historians alike. According to Nelson, the Kallars are in many respects the most
remarkable of all the castes in the Madurai district and have played an important
part in history.23 The Kallars are numerically large and form the primary unit in
the jati-cluster of Mukkulathor. An estimate made by T.N.B.C. Commission in
1971 shows that the population of the Kallars was 9.75 lakh, the Maravars and the
24
Agamudaiyars were 8.31 lakh and 6.70 lakh respectively.24 In view of their
concentration in the districts of Thanjavur, Trichirappalli, Pudukkottai and
Madurai, this area is sometimes referred to as Kallarnadu or Kallaham. They are
also found settled in certain portions of Ramanathapuram and Tirunelveli districts.
The following table shows the district wise distribution of the Kallars
in Tamil Nadu.
24. Backward Class Commission, Tamil Nadu Pirpattor Nalakkuzhu Arikkai, Part II, Govt. of Tamil Nadu,
1974. p. 5.
25. K. Bose, Forward Bloc, Tamil Nadu Academy of Political Science, Madras, 1988, p. 54.
25
District
Number of People
Percentage
Thanjavur
3,81,660
39.1
Madurai
3,43,157
35.2
1,44,327
14.8
Ramanathapuram
83,444
8.5
Tirunelveli
23,124
2.4
Trichirappalli
(including Pudukkottai)
Total
9,75,712
100.0
26. P.K. Nambiar, Census of India, 1961, District Census Hand Book, Madurai, Vol. IX, Govt. of Madras,
1966, p. 19.
26
1. Naga theory
V. Kanagasabhai, a Tamil savant, identifies the Kallars as the
descendants of Eyinar or Vedar, the most lawless branch of the Naga tribe who
were a primitive people of the early Tamil land. His theory rests on the basis of the
commonality of their profession viz. cattle lifting, pillaging and murder and also of
their worship of the dreaded goddess Kali with animal sacrifices, to secure her
favour in their plundering raids and justifies that their descendants are now known
by the appropriate title of Kallars or thieves. He tries to adduce that one Dhirataran
Murti Eyinar, the great chief of Viramangalam, referred to in the Plates of Jatila
Varman, a Pandya King of the 12th century A.D., appears to have belonged to this
tribe.27
However linking a group with another on the basis of mere
semblance of profession and worship cannot be an astute derivation.
2. Kurumba theory
This theory is propounded by Gustav Oppert who links the Kallars
with the Kurumbas, the martial clan of Tondaimandalam, who were the very old
27. V. Kanagasabhai, The Tamils 1800 Years Ago, rpt., Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1979,
p. 43.
27
28. Gustav Oppert , On the Original Inhabitants of Bharatvarsha or India, Oriental Publishers, Indian rpt.,
Delhi, 1972, pp. 257-258.
29. S. Radha Krishna Iyer, A General History of the Pudukkottai State, Brihadamba State Press,
Pudukkottai, 1916, p. 43.
30. William Taylor, Catalogue of Oriental Manuscripts in the Tamil Language, trans., Vol. III, Madras,
1857-62, p. 409.
28
Hence it is proved beyond doubt that the Kurumbars were the very
old inhabitants of Tamil land. However, the validity of Oppert's findings is
objectionable when it comes to the question of identifying these Kurumbars with
the Kallars, on the basis of references of Kallars as Kurumbars in some documents
and the worship of the Kurumba goddess Viralakshmi by the Kallars of the
Pudukkottai district.31
Pallava theory
This theory is advanced by scholars, no less than the Tamil savant
N.M. Venkatasamy Nattar, A. Soma Sundaram and the eminent historian,
V.A. Smith. N.M.Venkatasamy Nattars History of the Kallars is based
essentially on the identification of a Kalvar Koman Pulli of Venkatagiri (modern
Tirupathi in Andhra Pradesh) appeared in Sangam literature as a Kallar. He
29
inclines to the view that the Kallars had a regal status in northern Tondaimandalam
from ancient times and were reduced to the status of feudatories when the Pallavas
conquered their territory. To him the similarity of the Pallava titles and those of
certain modern Kallar clans especially of the Kallars of Thanjavur district such as
Thondaiman, Pallavarayar, Kadavar, Sethibar etc. go a long way in proving the
link between the two.32 A. Somasundaram supplements it by his claim that on the
fall of the Pallava dynasty, their descendants lost their occupation as soldiers and
took to other occupations. While the fortunate settlers of the fertile areas took to
farming, their unfortunate brethrens who settled in dry and infertile areas took to
pillage, undeniably an easier means of livelihood.33
32. N.M. Venkatasamy Nattar, Kallar Charithram (Tamil), Nadukkaveri, Tiruchirappalli, 1923, pp. 20-42.
33. A. Soma Sundaram, Kallarum, Kallar Abhiviruthiyum (Tamil), Vittuvan A. Shanmuga Sundaram,
Thanjavur, 1956, pp. 8-9.
30
the Rajas of the Pandya, Chola and Chera countries, which covered the whole area
of the South. In the subsequent lines, the point Smith tries to drive home is that
the Pallavas were a mixed race of many predatory clans who governed and welded
them together into an aggressive force.34 Thus the Pallava race must have been
cosmopolitan in character just like the Rajput race which included all those who
had war as their profession i.e., the Kshatriyas. This hypothesis is testified by the
view of Sir Walter Elliot who feels that the Kallars, a predatory clan, with their
bold, indomitable and martial habits resembled more the ancient Pallavas in their
characteristics.35 Perhaps that could have been the reason for the cultural and
religious semblance between the Kallars and the other predatory clans such as the
Nagas, the Kurumbas, the Kalabhras etc. The Raja of Pudukkottai, a tributary
principality, who was the recognised head of the Kallars styled himself Raja
Pallava (Tondaman), claiming descent from the ancient royal family.36 Gradually
the Pallava power declined and the later Pallava Chiefs sank into the position of
mere feudatory nobles and officials in the service of the territorial kingdoms. By
the close of the 17th century, all traces of the Pallavas as a distinct race disappeared
and their blood is now merged in that of the Kallars, Palli, Vellalar castes.37
34. V.A. Smith, The Early History of India, IV ed., Oxford University Press, London, 1967, p. 466.
35. V.A. Smith, Op. cit., p. 492.
36. Ibid., p. 493.
37. Ibid.
31
Chola theory
C. Sivanandi Servai39 and P. Muthu Thevar40 claim that the
Kallars are the descendants of the Cholas and hold that the Agambadiyars, Kallars
and Maravars who form the Mukkulathor jati-cluster, are the descendants of the
early Tamil Regal Trinity the Chera, Chola and Pandya respectively. But they
38. Indian Antiquarry, Vol. III ,The Journal of Oriental Research ,The Educational Societys press,
Bombay, 1923, p. 80.
39. C. Sivanandi Servai , Muvendra Kula Charithai (Tamil), Muvendra Kula Publishing House, Madurai,
1940, p. 31.
40. P. Muthu Thevar, Op. cit., pp. 104 - 106.
32
have failed to substantiate their claims with solid evidences and thereby making it
appear as a tall claim. However there is a possibility for the inference that it is the
Cholas who have been misnamed Kallar. It is pertinent and necessary to bring to
light that the foreign historians like William Taylor in Vol. I & II of Oriental
Historical Manuscripts and Robert Sewell in Vol.I of the Archaeological
Survey of Southern India have misspelt the word Chola and the word Cholan
transliterated as soren has been misinterpreted in its current meaning of Kallar or
thief. Contributory to the above misinterpretation is the name assigned to one of
the Chola kings, Kalvar Koman after whom the name Kalla in modified form must
have arisen. Further the General History of Pudukkottai State also adds strength
to the aforesaid hypothesis. It states that the Raja of Pudukkottai was the head of
the great Kalla and robber caste of South India, mentioned in the edicts of Asoka.
Confirmatory of the fact is the detail given in the same history of eleven more
tribes that settled there along with Tondaman whose cognomens, with very many
others, are in common use with this community, Tondaman being not a title or
rank but a family name, borne by many ryots of the Tondaman Stock.41
Kalabhra theory
This theory has been analysed by many historians who speak for and
against the Kallar Kalabhra identity. Learned Tamil
33
scholars like
42. M. Rajamanickam, Pallavar Varalaru (Tamil), Then Indiya Saiva Siddhanta Nur Padhippuk
Kazhagam, Tirunelveli, 1944, pp. 37, 43.
43. Paramasivanantam , Tamizhkkalai Varalaru (Tamil), Tamizhkkalai Padhippakam, Chennai, 1972,
p. 178.
44. R. Gopalan, Pallavas of Kanchi, Madras University, Madras, 1928, p. 28.
45. A. Ganapathy, Op. cit., p. 38.
46. Ibid.
34
35
Comale, a Tamil writer, opines that the word Kal means to collect
secretly. Since the Kallars had originally served the Tamil Kings as spies and
collected information secretly, they might have been called so.51 This view is
endorsed by the Ramanathapuram district gazetteer which says as advance guards
36
and spies, the Kallars formed an important section of the armies of the Tamil
Kings and collected information about enemies secretly for their masters.52
Muthu Thevar claims that the Kallars originally lived in Marutham
or agricultural area and were called Kalamar meaning agriculturists which might
have got corrupted into Kallar subsequently.53 But Sivanandi Servai slightly
differs. To him, the word Kalamar is the derivation from the word Kalam meaning
battle-field. So in all probability, Kalamar were battle-field soldiers. In course of
time it would have been corrupted into Kallar.54
N.M. Venkatasamy Nattar feels that the Tamil word Kallan means
a dark person and also an enemy who seizes others property. In view of their dark
colour and hostile nature, the Aryans must have used the word Kallan to the
ancient Tamilians.55
But this kind of explanation of the meaning of the word is not
acceptable to some others who equate the word Kallan to thief. B.S. Baliga says
the name Kallan literally means a thief and there is ample evidence to show that
until recently they continued as professional robbers and thieves.56
37
M.A. Ghani also states that in view of their thieving habits, the
name is very justly applied to them.59
57. N. Subramanian, Sangam Polity : The Administration and Social Life of the Sangam Tamils, Asia
Publishing House, Bombay, 1966, p. 143.
58. Gustav Oppert , Op. cit., p. 257.
59. Muhammad Abdul Ghani, Notes on the Criminal Tribes of the Madras Presidency, Thompson & Co.,
Madras, 1915, p. 74.
60. J.H. Nelson, Op. cit., p. 44.
38
61. Sir Athelstane Baines, ed., Ethnography (Castes and Tribes), Indian rpt., Concept Publication, Delhi,
1976,p. 47.
62. A. Ganapathy, Op. cit., p. 31.
39
40
plundering one district after another for the sake of cattle wealth.64 Consequently
cattle-lifting was celebrated as one of the popular themes of the early Tamil
literature such as Tolkappiyam, Ahananuru, Purananuru etc. It became so
popular that it was elevated to the level of science by grammarians who had
framed the modus operandi. From that it could be gleaned that the King sent his
vanguards to capture the cattle of his enemy before starting a major war.65 In
Purapporul Venbamalai, the process has been described vividly. While engaging
in cattle raids the raiders used to wear garland of vetchi flowers (Ixora Coccinia)
and so cattle raid was called Vetchippadalam. The rescue operation involved
attempts to recover or recapture the lost cattle and repel the raiders. Since the
rescuers used to wear garlands of Karantai flowers (a species of Basil), the
operation was called Karantaippadalam.66
Besides Tolkappiam and Purapporul Venbamalai, Purananuru and
Akananuru also contain many references of such cattle raids.67 From Akananuru it
is evident that lifting of cattle took place in the early hours of morning and the
rescuing operation during late night.
64. N.N. Bhattacharya, Ancient Indian Rituals and Their Social Contents, Publishers not traceable, Delhi,
1975, p. 28.
65 . Tolkappiam Purattinai, 2.
66. Purapporul Venbamalai Stanza 6.
67. Purananuru: 257 265; 269, 270, 279 etc.
Akananuru: 97, 105, 309, 338, 372, etc.
41
mentioned
above
justified.
However,
logically
speaking,
N.M.Venkatasamy Nattar is pretty right when he asserts the fact emphatically that
if the term Kallar is a derogatory one, no community on earth would have come
forward to assume it as their renowned title.
It will thus be seen that the word Kallar far from signifying felon,
will mean a class whose ways are inscrutable, the how and the wherefore whereof
will become unintelligible. Since the term, when shorn of its venom, becomes
dignifying and honorific so much so, that one of the Chola kings was called Kalvar
Koman and a Pandya as Kalvar Peruman Tennan.
42
43
they were brought down to the south by one Pandya king called Kalavar
Perumakan Tennan during the Sangam Age i.e., by the second century A.D.69
Gustav Oppert slightly differs from him. Though he accepts
Tiruvenkattam as their original abode, he opines that they left it because of a
famine and migrated to the south.70
Francis tries to establish that the Chola country or Tanjore was their
original abode and from there they migrated to the Pandya Kingdom following its
subjugation by the Cholas around 11th century A.D.71
Louis Dumont is making a reference to another version (on the basis
of census 1901) that a Cola (Chola) princess brought the reconnaissance section or
Kalla padei as dowry for her marriage with a Pandya. More modestly it is said that
the Kallars have spread out from the east to the west from Tanjore towards
Madurai and this could have been due to a victory of the Colas over the Pandyas.72
Nelson points out a tradition in Madurai district in which the pseudoPandyas, the sons of Abhirami, the dancing girl of Kalayar Kovil, brought a few
Kallars from the Chola country to operate against the Government. From then on
the Kallars migrated in waves and grew numerous in Madurai district.73
44
74. T. Turnbull, "Account of Cullaries," Prefaced to B.S. Ward, Memoir of Madura and Dindigul, Vol. III,
Madurai Collectorate, 1895, p. 6.
75. W. Francis, Madras District Gazetteer, Madurai, Govt. Press, 1906, pp. 93-94.
45
46
section of the Kallars from the north came down to the south and settled in
Madurai district.
47
Seruvasal Kallars
The Kallars of Pudukkottai region call themselves so.
Therkattiyar
The Kallars who live in Sivagangai region call themselves
Therkattiyar meaning people of the south.
Ambalakara Kallars
Kallars living in the Melur taluk of Madurai district are known as
Ambalakara Kallars or Melur Kallars.
Piramalai Kallars
These Kallars are mostly concentrated in the Usilampatti and
Thirumangalam taluks of Madurai district. Thus in Madurai alone the Kallars are
divided into two endogamous groups, territorial in origin.
(i)
generally use the agnomen Ambalam and sometimes use the agnomens Servai and
Thevar also.
48
(ii)
records they are referred to as Anaiyur Kallars which place was the strong hold of
the Piramalai Kallars during the early years of their settlement.79 Invariably the
Piramalai Kallars use only one agnomen Thevar.
49
of its glory during the rule of its chieftain Pari, known for his munificence. So
catholic was the philanthropy of this patron that at the sight of a jasmine creeper
struggling hard for support, left his car at its proximity for the tendril to spread on
and walked back home. This Parambumalai of Pari in course of time got changed
into Piranmalai.80 It is also believed that during the westward movement the Melur
Kallars first settled at this place and so were known by this name.
However as Louis Dumont opines, it is unlikely, in view of the
location of this Piranmalai, i.e., 20 miles further east at the eastern edge of the
ambalakkarar area to be their original abode since the villages they left were very
close to Madurai.81
Another interpretation is forwarded by C. N. Natarajan, in his thesis
on the Marriage, Kinship and Clan system of the Piramalai Kallars, that the
word Piramalai is the distorted form of the word Puramalai which means
beyond the hill. As these people lived beyond (west of) the Nagamalai, were called
Puramalai Kallars, which again is colloquially, pronounced as Pramalai Kallars
or Pera malai Kallars.82
One more interpretation by an educated Piramalai Kallar is that since
the Melur Kallars claim Alagar hills which falls into their territory as their own,
80. Dhina Thanthi (Tamil), Madurai edition, December 3,2002.
81. Louis Dumont, Op. cit., p. 16.
82. C.N. Natarajan, Piramalai Kallars of Tamil Nadu. A study of Their Marriage, Kinship, and Clan
System, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Madurai Kamaraj University, 1978, p. 32.
50
with a view to ascertain their ownership of the rest of the hills, other than Alagar
hills such as Nagamalai, Pasumalai, Puthurmalai etc., they might have called
themselves Piramalai Kallars.83
83. Personal interview with Prof. M. Namasivayam, aged around 55,a Piramalai Kallar and Librarian, T.N.
State Archives Library, Chennai, on February 20,2006, at Chennai.
84. P. Muthu Thevar, Op. cit., p. 148.
85. C. Sivanandi Servai, Op. cit., p.64.
51
the river From east to west, one enters Kallar country beyond a village called
Pudukkottai, about six miles from Madurai, To the south, the town of
Tirumangalam is beyond the border, but the Piramalai Kallar has spread widely to
the south west across the road from Thirumangalam to Usilampatti. Thus the
Kallar Nad is a rectangle about eighteen miles by ten, crossed by just three roads.
The east to west road from Madurai to Usilampatti; the south east-north west road
from Tirumangalam to Usilampatti, and the south-north road from Tirumangalam
to Colavandan, (Cholavandan) intersecting first at Chekkanurani. We could add a
rather marginal road in the west, running from Usilampatti south.86 This was their
traditional habitat.
Thus this Kallar Province or the area of the Piramalai Kallar did not
have a precise territorial definition and its boundaries were mostly blurred.87
52
Piramalai Kallars for the year 1975 which works out about 3.5 lakh.88 However
subsequently it has estimated the Piramalai Kallar population as 7.85 lakh in
1993.89 A small number of them have spilled over to Srivilliputhur taluk of the
neighbouring Ramanathapuram district.
The other aspects of the community will be dealt with in detail in the
subsequent chapters.
88. Brief Notes on the Kallar Reclamation Scheme in Madurai, Collector's Office, Madurai, 1975, p. 1.
89. A Short Note on Kallar Reclamation Scheme in Madurai and Anna Districts, Kallar Reclamation
Office, Madurai, 1993, p. 1.
53
CHAPTER III
53
CHAPTER - III
The Piramalai Kallars led a simple life. Living on dried out lands,
they could not afford to spend much on their diet. Hence they were poorly fed and
coarsely dressed and lived in utter misery. As a conservative, illiterate,
A recent anthropological research conducted by Dr. Spencer Wells (Oxford University) and Dr.
Pitchappan (Madurai Kamaraj University) has resulted in identifying an ancient DNA marker in the
blood of Piramalai Kallar which links them to the very first modern humans who migrated out of
Africa about 60,000 years ago and by travelling through the southern coastline of Asia had eventually
reached Australia and thus has substantiated the aforesaid statement. See Annexure- i.
1.
H.A. Stuart, Census of India, Vol. XIII, Govt. Press, Madras, 1891, p.215.
54
2.
F.S. Mullaly, Notes on Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency, Govt. Press, Madras, 1892, p.90.
3.
Edgar Thurston, Castes and Tribes of South India, Vol. III, Asian Educational Services, New
Delhi,1987,p.55.
4.
5.
Muhammad Abdul Ghani, Notes on the Criminal Tribes of the Madras Presidency, Thompson and
Co., Madras, 1915, p.76.
55
Forms of Marriage
To preserve the purity of the community, caste endogamy was
emphasised. They did not like to inter-marry with other divisions of the Kallars
and preferred to marry only among themselves, thus proving to be a sub-caste of
the Kallar caste. They preferred kin marriages since such marriages strengthened
6.
Note Showing the Settlement of Criminal Tribes in the Madras Presidency Upto September 1916,
Govt. Press, Madras, p.3.
7.
Louis Dumont, South Indian Sub-Caste: Social Organisation and Religion of the Piramalai Kallar,
Oxford University Press, New York, 1986, p.19.
8.
56
the existing relation between the two groups and reinforced the integration
between them. Further as the relatives tend to take interest in the welfare of the
fellow relatives, affinal relations with them were preferred.
At the same time clan exogamy was observed. Almost all the young
people of a particular clan which is known as karai were classificatory sisters and
brothers and were forbidden as spouses.9 To them, a Piramalai Kallar boy
marrying a Piramalai Kallar girl alone was considered to be a regular union. If any
one of them happened to belong to a non-Piramalai Kallar community, such union
was denounced as irregular and they were abhorred as puzhukkai Kallars, a
derogatory term to denote their impurity. This social stigma would persist and
linger through all generations, thus encumbering their posterity too. Such impure
Kallar could have matrimonial ties only with those who were also branded like
themselves.10
10.
C.N. Natarajan, The Piramalai Kallars of Tamil Nadu. A study of Their Marriage, Kinship and Clan
System, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Madurai Kamaraj University, 1978, pp.204 206.
11.
57
observed, was enough to take them before the village council. In case of denial of
the guilt by the boy, he had to undergo an ordeal with boiling butter.12 To avoid
such untoward happenings, girls were given in marriage immediately after puberty.
Usually the boys tended to marry girls younger to them though there
was no hard and fast rule for that. There were cases in which men had married
ladies older to them. Even in that case the wife had to pay due respect to him.
While choosing the spouse, it was customary to give importance to sudantra
pathiyathai i.e., rightful claim. Accordingly, the eldest son of a family (sudantra
mappilai) had rightful claims for the hand of his maternal uncles eldest daughter
the sudantra ponnu irrespective of their age disparity. Thus the system recognised
12.
13.
Personal Interview with Mrs. Soundari Mani, aged 50, a Piramalai Kallar, Teacher of a Middle School
at Nagamalai Pudukkottai, on 4th May, 2006, at Madurai.
58
only the first born to have the rights of sudantra pathiyathai. Even if the sudantra
ponnu was elder to the boy, if he was willing, he could marry her. If anyone of the
pair was unwilling to marry the sudantra person, they had to pay indemnity to the
other so as to get released from the sudantra pathiyathai. If at all a marriage was
negotiated by an alliance seeking party or so, it was mandatory to ascertain
whether the proposed bride or groom had been released from the sudantra
pathiyathai. Thus as a matter of right-cum-obligation, a Piramalai Kallar marries
his maternal uncles daughter and a Piramalai Kallathi, her paternal aunts son.
These facts have been corroborated by C.N. Natarajans findings.14
Though monogamy was practised as a routine affair, the Piramalai
Kallars were not against polygyny. If the first wife was barren, or chronically sick
or physically incapacitated to do domestic works, a second wife was taken. Under
such circumstances, it was usually done with the knowledge of the first wife. In
fact the first wife was apprised of it earlier, though not consulted. The second wife
was next in rank to the first wife. Even if she was older than the first wife, she was
referred to as eleya kudiya i.e., junior co-wife by the latter, who though younger,
as mutha kudiya i.e., senior co-wife by the former.
Usually if the first wife was barren, her sister was taken as a second
wife thus sororal polygyny was mostly preferred. However heterogeneous
14.
C.N. Natarajan, Op. cit., pp.220 231. It was corroborated by Dr.J.M.Chellappa, aged 62, a Piramalai
Kallar and a retired Professor, on 16th May, 2006, at Trichy.
59
polygyny wherein the wives were not related to each other was also prevalent with
some, under normal conditions, who considered it a status symbol.
Concubinage
Concubinage was very much a personal matter which did not require
the consent of the kin. It was quite common among village headmen who
considered it a status symbol. But no marriage ceremony was observed. A
concubine could replace a secondary wife but never a main wife. But the
intricacies involved were if the lady belonged to another caste, or if the sons of the
wife resisted it, a register marriage with her would lead to ostracism. To avoid
such unpleasant development, the person concerned used to forego a new marriage
but would keep her in a house and provided for her needs. Nevertheless a
15.
60
concubine was looked down upon. Still she could get a share of her masters
possessions for her illegitimate children while he was alive or through his will.
Otherwise they had no right of inheritance.
Divorce
The Piramalai Kallars never considered marriage as an indissoluble
bond. Termination of conjugal union is quite easy among them even today.
Sterility was considered a great misfortune leading to divorce. Besides that the
chronic illness of the wife, husbands drunkenness, insufficient wedding gifts,
divorce in reprisal due to sister exchange, refusal to live in joint family, suspicion
on morality etc. were some of the reasons for divorce.
pieces and give one to his wife or brother-in-law. This act was known as turumbu
killi podhuthal i.e., breaking the straw which implied that to the husband the
divorced wife was as worthless as straw and he had nothing to do with her.16
According to Baliga, to give a straw meant to divorce and to take a straw meant
acceptance to divorce.17 But for Francis giving a piece of straw expressed the
idea that this is all the fine ladys value demands.18
Remarriage
Remarriage was also common among these people. Not only the
divorcees (both men and women) but also the widows were allowed to remarry. If
16.
Personal Interview with Mr .Chinnasamy Thevar aged 65, a Maravar and a retired teacher, on 8th May,
2006, at Madurai.
17.
18.
W. Francis, Madras District Gazetteer, Madura, Vol. I, Govt. of Madras, 1906, p.95.
62
the widow was childless she was given a small portion of her deceased husbands
property which went by the name aruppukkuli and allowed to remarry. But if she
had a child, she was expected to be the guardian of the child being the heirapparent for her husbands property.19 This is a crystal clear proof of the fact that
sati, the cruel custom of jumping into the funeral pyre of the husband, was not in
vogue among the Piramalai Kallars.
Position of women
The position of the Piramalai Kallar women was far superior to that
of the women of other castes. It is unbelievable to note that such a turbulent race
had given so much importance to its womenfolk. Most surprisingly women were
regarded as the leaders of the community. The name Ochchamma denoted
important women leader and Pappamma, idol of women lineage.20 When they got
married women were given much importance to. Financial management was
entrusted to them. Even though the male was dominant outside, at home he had the
tendency to abide by the words of his wife. Generally the Kallar women were
known for their hospitality, affection, frankness, sharp reaction to wrongs etc. as
recognised by the missionaries, though not by the historians like Mullaly,
19.
Personal Interview with Rev. Dr.D. Chellappa, an Octogenerian, a Piramalai Kallar, who is formerly
the principal of P.M.T. College, Usilampatti and a present day preacher on 17th May, 2006, at
Thanjavur.
20.
Ibid.
63
Turnbull, Francis, Thurston etc. who had exaggerated the furious nature of the
Kallar women. Very rare incidents of violent revenge were portrayed in a vivid
manner and given wide publicity.
Ceremonies
A Piramalai Kallar always believed that birth, growth, puberty,
marriage and death were the most important stages in a completed life cycle and
naturally tended to tie up those stages with elaborate ceremonies. This tendency
could be seen even today with their banners and cut-out culture. In all these
ceremonies the relatives were obliged to make prestations. The obligation was
more strenuous on the part of the maternal uncle. It is also obligatory to give back
the moi (gifts) to the donor on similar occasions in future.
Birth Ceremony
In the early times the Piramalai Kallars never attached any special
importance to the sex of the child since they believed that birth was not in their
hands. The marriage bond was strengthened only with the birth of the first child.
Up to that period marriages could break up at any time. In the initial phase of
marriage, the jewels were to be kept by the wife and the husband had no right to
dispose them. But after the birth of the child the wife could not refuse her husband
64
the jewels. Hence child birth was considered an important event and so elaborate
ceremonies were observed with feasts and festivities.21
Puberty Ceremony
Girls puberty was called ruduway or rusuway which was determined
purely by nature. The ceremony was called sadangu. It was individual and purely a
family function and the girl was secluded for sixteen days in view of hygiene in a
separate hut, a temporary shelter, erected specially for this purpose by the maternal
uncles side. Except dhobi and barber, all others kept themselves away from the
family of that girl. On the 16th day the temporary shed, usually a thatched hut, was
21.
Personal interview with Mr. George Virumandi, aged around 65, a Piramalai Kallar, on 4th May, 2006,
at Madurai.
22.
65
burnt by the people of the maternal uncle and thereby ending the quarantine.
Through a ceremony called sadangu kalithal the girl and her family could become
free from pollution. It was observed on a grand scale and relatives, mainly
maternal uncle, used to make prestations. In fact the maternal uncle was obliged to
meet the expenses incurred during this ceremony since he had a rightful claim on
the girl as a bride for his son. The Piramalai Kallar girls, on their maturity, wore
black threads round their necks.
Circumcision ceremony
It is a curious fact that the Piramalai Kallars practised circumcision
which was called seepu kalyanam or marga kalyanam imitating the Muslims. The
origin of the custom is uncertain. Nelson attributes it to a hypothetical forced
conversion to Islam of a section of the Kurumbar who fled northwards on the
downfall of their kingdom.23 But Francis inclines to the view that it was a custom
borrowed from the Muslims or a measure imposed by them.24 However it was a
custom more social than religious in nature. It was carried out to all the adolescent
boys of the village on a particular day fixed by the village council. The boys who
were to be circumcised were carried on the shoulders of his maternal uncle to the
23.
J.H. Nelson, The Madura CountryA Manual, PartII, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1868,
p.55.
24.
66
mandei, the seat of the village council, with great formalities of singing and
dancing by his relatives and from there taken to a grove where barber-surgeon
carried out the operation and dressing. En route to the selected site and through out
the ceremony, conch shell was blown. The circumcised boys were considered
impure and so were secluded outside the houses. On the 30th day a general
purification was done, followed by a ritual for the god Malaichami and kinship
prestations. The expenses connected with this ceremony was borne by the boys
paternal aunt whose daughter he had a rightful claim in marriage.
Marriage
Marriage occupied a very significant place in the socio-cultural
system of this community. The consent of the maternal uncle of the girl to her
marriage was essential. For fixing the marriage, at first one or two elders from the
side of the boy would approach the parents of the girl to know their willingness for
the alliance. If they were interested, a day would be fixed for the engagement
ceremony called parisam podhuthal. It was customary on the part of the boys
maternal uncle to fix up the girl by offering her parents gold or cash depending
upon their socio-economic status, for getting the boy an asset of their family. Thus
in the past, there was no dowry system as such but other way round. Nevertheless
the brides parents would give her the necessary household articles and gold, as a
67
reserve for the upbringing of her children in the form of prestations. If the parisam
amount was accepted that was tantamount to the acceptance of the contract. The
wedding date was written on two rolls of palm leaf, dyed with turmeric and were
exchanged between the maternal uncles. In case of any breach of it, the concerned
party had to pay the caste fine, tirvai, imposed by the village council.
25.
Louis Dumont, Op. cit., p.250. Where he quotes a legend which tells how the gods instituted the
marriage of the first Kallar. According to it tali was tied at the hour when the ascetics woke up using a
formula (mantra) taught by the gods themselves and hence there was no need for the Brahmins.
68
Female infanticide
Thus right from the birth prestations had to be made to the girl
children which would reach its culmination during their wedding and postwedding period. These elaborate customs with a passage of time became an
economic burden on the girls parents. As a result the birth of another female child
was not at all entertained. Hence they began to follow the inhuman practice of
female infanticide. In fact this cruel practice is still in vogue in the taluk of
Usilampatti, poverty being the basic reason for it. Unfortunately this taluk, one of
the strongholds of the Piramalai Kallars, had all along been neglected and no
substantial developmental activities had been carried out for some decades
together. Continuous droughts had played much havoc on the economy of
Usilmapatti.27
26.
27.
69
Death Ceremony
The Kallars usually buried the dead. The Piramalai Kallar either
buried or cremated them. Usually they burnt the dead. Here again an elaborate and
noisy ceremony with mind captivating music was observed. Funeral palanquin
was prepared with flowers since they considered it the most respectable way of
bidding farewell to the dead. Accompanied by music the corpse was taken to the
cemetery.28 In principle the mourner was invariably a male either a deceased mans
younger son or a deceased womans elder son. In the absence of male children, the
mourner could be the womans husband or a brothers son for a man. In case of
cremation the afore-said eligible mourner lit the funeral pyre.
If a pregnant woman died, the child was taken out and a bloody mark
was made in its ears with a knife so as to prevent any misuse of the body through
any witchcraft and then placed along side of its mothers funeral pyre.29
The dead were mourned for 30 days. Until then meat-eating, temple
entry etc. by the mourners was prohibited. The end of mourning was marked
mostly by the ceremony called urumalkattu (tying of the turban). The most
important funeral prestations were the gifts of food in the beginning and the gifts
28.
29.
Personal interview with Mr.Mani, aged 55, a Piramalai Kallar, on 5th May, 2006, at Madurai.
70
of clothes and turbans at the end of mourning. These gifts were noted down so as
to give return gifts in future in case of a death in the donors family.
Inheritance
In the event of the death of a man (father) his property was inherited
by his sons or his younger brothers, if he was issueless. As per traditional law,
women did not have a right for inheritance of property except for some personal
objects. In the case of widows, they were entitled for a share for their maintenance
and in case of unmarried sisters a share was kept aside to meet her wedding
expenditure. In principle all the sons inherited familys assets and liabilities
equally.
Amusements
The Piramalai Kallars were fond of adu puli attam a game more or
less like chess. Right from their childhood, they were trained in martial arts such as
71
silambam, madu, boxing, wrestling etc. and thus trained to be valiant. Their manly
sport of jallikattu which was also known as manjivirattu, or bull-baiting, would
speak for itself as to their intrepidity and invulnerability. The game was to make an
endeavour to let loose the cloths, tied to the horns of the bulls. This required
fleetness of foot and considerable pluck and those who were successful were the
heroes of the hour while cuts and bruises were the reward of those who were less
skilful. The keenness of the Kallars in this game was extra-ordinary and bulls
were bred and reared specially for it. The maiden chose her husband the person
who had safely untied and brought to her the cloth tied to the horn of the fiercest
bull. The Kallars considered it a great disgrace to be injured while chasing the bull.
Fatal knockdowns were also numerous.
Cock-fight was also another favourite pass time for them. Victory
was celebrated in a grand manner and to commemorate its victory, the wife of the
victor used to decorate the inside roof of her hut with the tail feathers of the
defeated cock.
72
(i)
(ii)
The Kallars alone, of all the castes of Madurai used to call the Muslims
mappillais30 (bridegrooms). It is highly doubtful how far the maman,
machchan relationship of affinal kin category, was true in spirit.
(iii)
Further till date the Piramalai Kallars use the term vahaiyera to denote
agnatic lineage which is of Urdu origin meaning, others of the same
sort.31
(iv)
Moreover the Piramalai Kallars alone used to call their maternal grandpa
shian which is perhaps from the root word Shia, a Muslim sect, though
logically it cannot be accepted.
(iv)
The Piramalai Kalar women used karuhumani, a kind of black beads around
the neck in the place of the horse hair karakkayiru previously. In Sirugudi
Nadu (one of the Melur Kallar Nadus) it was common among the married
Kallar women to wear tali on which a crescent and a star (the symbol of
Islam) were engraved.
30.
31.
73
The authenticity of the episode could not be cross checked in the absence of
any recorded evidence.
Personal Interview with Prof. M. Namasivayam, aged around 55, a Piramalai Kallar, Librarian, Tamil
Nadu Archives, Chennai, on February 20, 2006, at Chennai.
33.
74
Kallar community was divided into eight major divisions called Nadus or
Provinces and twenty four minor divisions called Upagramas or secondary
villages and two intermediary divisions called Rajadanis or villages of royal status.
The eight provinces of the Kallar Nadu in the order of precedence were as
follows
(1) Tidyen (2) Valandur, (3) Puttur (4) Karumattur, (5) Pappapatti, (6) Kokkulam,
(7) Veppanuttu and (8) Tummakkundu. Each province comprised a cluster of
villages.
(20)
Menadu
Chettikulam
(21)
75
Kappalur
(22)
Vilacheri
Each territorial unit or province was under the rule of a chief called
Talaivar or Adhipathi. These chiefs were endowed with unfettered rights to
administer their respective units. Collection of taxes and maintenance of law and
order were attended to by them. As custodians of the customs and traditions of the
community, they were empowered to ostracise as well as to readmit any Piramalai
Kallar accused of the violation of customs like caste endogamy and clan exogamy.
The chiefs of the Upagramas also enjoyed more or less same amount of power in
their villages.
Caste Panchayat
For the whole of the Piramalai Kallar community, there was a
common ruling council called caste panchayat with one chief, one vice-chief and
two or three members. The office of the chief was held by Tirumala Pinna
Thevar. The council was in charge of law and order in the territory. It acted as an
appellate tribunal and heard the appeals of the aggrieved parties of the territorial
units. Its verdict was final and binding on all concerned.34
76
35
77
Thus these Kallars had their own system of local government, their
own indigenous judicial proceedings and other features of common wealth form of
government and recognised neither the authority of the rulers who ruled from
Madurai city nor submitted themselves to it.
78
Unfortunately the land they had occupied was infertile and at the
mercy of Rain God as they were bereft of any systematic irrigation channels. Their
land holdings were diminutive and scattered, thereby rendering the application of
improved methods of agriculture almost impossible.
36.
S.H. Blackburn, The Kallars:A Tamil Criminal Tribe Reconsidered , Journal of South Asian
Studies, Vol. I., March 1971, p.45.
37.
79
80
Kaval System
Unable neither to tolerate the lawless activities of the Kallars, nor to
overawe them, Tirumala Nayak decided to bring about socio-religious
identification with the rebellious Kallars so as to enlist their co-operation through
royal titles and grants. Accordingly Tirumala Nayak granted in 1640 to some
Melur Kallars some maniams and also the right of collecting kaval fees in the
Tirumbur district near Madurai.40 A grant given in 1645, established the Kallar
rights to kaval among the Konars of Madurai.41 In 1655 a copper plate grant was
issued to one Pinna Thevar of the Aneiyur Kallar (Piramalai Kallar) conferring on
him the title of Tirumala and investing him with various royal regalia a blanket,
a spittoon and sandals and also granting him lands in two villages near Aneiyur.42
Through another grant in 1656 the same Pinna Thevar and also a Kavuntar were
granted certain rights in a village.43 Thus 'kaval' was granted a royal sanction
resulting in a contractual agreement for the Kallars police service. To all intents
and purposes, Tirumala Nayak set a thief to catch a thief. While they performed
kaval duties in exchange of certain privileges, they retained their judicial, political
and military autonomy.
40.
41.
42.
Ibid., p.139.
43.
Ibid.
81
Evidence from a folk ballad Madurai Veeran Kathai Padal shows that Tirumala Nayak used the Kallars to drive away the local dacoits. With
that hike in status as kavalkarars the Kallars gave up their thieving habits and
became a more responsible lot. The Kallars had their own kaval system in defiance
of that of the Poligars.44 In Kallarnadu the office of the Kavalkarars was
hereditary. As Kavalkarars they kept watch at night, observed the movements of
strangers, reported the suspects to Ambalakarar and traced the culprits keeping
track of their foot prints.
The role of kavalkarar seemed to have been a point of honour among
them and they prided themselves on their system of safely escorting travellers
through their lands and providing material security to villagers. If any theft
occurred during their watch they had to recover the stolen property or else had to
compensate for the loss. Thus a principle of equity which is not found even in the
modern police system prevailed. They were entitled for a kaval fee paid either in
cash or in kind and at times free lands too. In the event of violation of the rules of
the system, the persons concerned whoever it might be, were dealt with severely.45
The integrity of the Kallar kaval could be understood from the episode of their stiff
resistance to the Nayak viceroy of Trichinopoly who came down to Madurai to
harass Christian missionaries who were in the Kallar kaval area.46
44.
45.
46.
K. Rajayyan, Administration and Society in the Carnatic, Sri Venkateswara University Publications,
Tirupathi, 1966, p.94.
82
During the 18th century when the Nayak rulers became weak, the
poligars fished in troubled waters and enhanced their powers at the cost of the
kavalkarar. Thrown out of employment many kavalkarars had no other alternative
but to become plunderers. The collapse of the kaval system could not be attributed
to socio-economic factors alone. In fact the British played a canny role in stripping
the poligars as well as the kavalkarars off their powers through calculated moves.
Because when the British acquired the district of Madurai in 1801 they realised
that they had to deal with these refractory Kallars.47 The feeble rule of the Nawab
of Arcot provided them with a free hand in depredations. The Kallars had
repeatedly attacked the British troops sent against them and declared a sort of
independence setting all authority at naught. It is on the record that during the
Trichinopoly war the horses of Stringer Lawrence and Robert Clive were stolen
by two Kallan brothers.48 On another occasion, another Kallan succeeded in
stealing from Samuel Johnston, Pay Master of Madura, the silver casket.49 The
rulers of Madurai whether the Afghans or the Mughals or the Marathas or the
Wallajahs, or the Nayaks or the British found it an arduous task to subdue the
47.
K. Gowri, Madurai under the English East India Company (1801 1857),Raj Publishers, Madurai,
1987, p.9.
48.
49.
83
Kallar chiefs50 and never succeeded in exacting tributes from them. As lovers of
challenges, they tried their mischief with Tirumala Nayak even, when he boasted
of his achievement of ensuring the safety and security of the city of Madurai from
the Kallars by the erection of strong fortresses and a deep moat. Taking it as a
challenge, one Kari Pinna Thevan along with some companions bore a hole on
the massive roof of the sleeping apartment of Tirumala Nayak, swarm down the
chains of the cot hung from the roof and stole the royal jewel which was
subsequently restored to him through the Head of the KallarsPinna Thevar. For
this he was honoured and invested with the title Tirumala (thence forth Tirumala
Pinna Thevar) and was recognised as the independent chieftain of the Kallars and
the skilful robbers were enlisted in the royal espionage system.51
50.
K. Rajayyan, History of Madurai, 1736 1801, Madurai University, Historical Series 1, Madurai,
1974, p.34.
51.
52.
84
flesh of the British too. They ambushed Col. Herons expedition, undertaken to
collect arrears of tribute from the poligars of Madurai and Tinnevely on behalf of
Nawab Muhmad Ali, in the Natham pass in 1755 and cut off his men. Further they
gave a great deal of trouble to Yusuf Khan who held Madurai for three years in
defiance of the Nawab and the British (1756-64) which in turn forced him to deal
with the Kallars ruthlessly.53 The British army passing Kallarnadu was harried so
much. They even defied five battalions of sepoys and 1500 cavalry sent against
them by the British under Captain Rumley in 1764 and had eventually submitted
only after having been rounded up and their villages set on fire and around 3000 of
them were put to sword.54 Their continued suspicion of the foreigners resulted in
the murder of 10 survey peons. In reprisal Rumley slaughtered 2000 more Kallars
and became a terror to the Kallars. Thereafter open rebellions ceased but dacoities
and theft continued.55 All these convinced the British of the necessity of taking
some drastic step against the Kallars. Hence through the strict enforcement of
denudation of arms since 1799 they cut across the very basis of the Kallars
subsistence living.56 In addition they concluded a treaty with the Nawab in 1800
which declared the collection of kaval fee illegal.57
53.
54.
B.S. Ward, Geographical and Statistical Memoirs of the Provinces of Madurai and Dindugul, Vol.
III, Madurai Collectorate press, Madurai 1895,p. 8.
55.
I.G. of Police, History of the Madras Police Centenary 1859 1959, Madras,1959, p.531.
56.
K. Rajayyan, Rise and Fall of the Poligars of Tamil Nadu, University of Madras, Chennai, 1974,
pp.95 96.
57.
85
At this juncture the South Indian Rebellion erupted. The Kallars who
were the inveterate enemies of the British East India Company for generations,
readily joined hands with the leaders of the rebellion58 and were utilised to carry
secret messages even to the Mysore country.59 The Kallars looted the companys
arms and ammunition and buried them in their fields, so as to be readily available
in times of emergency. They even established a factory for the manufacture of
weapons in the jungle of Melur and terrorised the companys officials.60
Dr. Rajayyan had well established the fact that the Kallars played a major role in
this rebellion.61Hence with a view to bring them to naught the British government
through subsequent regulations in 1816 and in 1839 abolished the kaval system
totally.62 As Blackburn rightly puts in, in this annihilation of the natives, largely
Kallar resistance to the British rule, lies the origin of later administrative policy
towards the Kallars.. any attempt to defend ones village, family and way of life
against the foreign invader was taken to indicate the savagery of the defenders, and
was the very justification for conquering them".63
58.
59.
Perumalswami Pillai, A Declaration, Board of Revenue , Proceedings , March 16, 1799, Vol.223,
pp. 2748 -2753.
60.
Board of Revenue, Proceedings, December28, 1801, Vol. 305, PP. 15350 15355.
61.
K . Rajayyan, South Indian Rebellion, Rao and Ragahavan Publishers, Mysore, 1971, pp. 230 272.
86
The abolition of kaval system threw the Kallars into frenzy. Having
been reduced to abject poverty, some among them indulged in arson, looting,
plunder, cattle-stealing, burglary, highway robbery etc.64 in order to exhibit their
enemical attitude to the British on the one hand and to make their living on the
other. Thenceforth crime was considered an honourable profession. Thus a warrior
clan was forced to turn notorious thieves and robbers.
64.
65.
66.
Chauth According to J.N.Sarkar, the payment of Chauth saved a place from the unwelcome
presence of the Maratha soldiers and thus only a means of buying off one robber.
V. D. Mahajan, India Since 1526, Chand and Co., New Delhi, 1964, p. 180.
87
reporting and that enabled the Kallars to get a free hand. The Kallars had got the
upper hand over the police and at times it appeared as though the British Raj was
powerless and meek against the Kallar Raj.67
Gradually
the
kudikaval
system
deteriorated
involving
no
67.
E.B. Loveluck, The Kallar Problem, The Police Magazine, Journal for Publicity Bureau, September,
1921, p. 90.
68.
88
payment of tuppu-coolie or clue-hire which was about half the value of the stolen
cattle.69 If tuppu-coolie was paid, the Kallars were 'honest enough' to return the
stolen ones. But if reported to the police, no Kallar would ever help the owner to
recover his lost animals and the police would be of no avail in this regard. Thus the
Kallar kavalkarars derived their additional income from theft as well as protection
against theft. The people who suffered most at the hands of the Kallar kavalkarars
were the shepherds i.e., Konars or Ideiyars whose sheep and goat fell an easy prey
to the Kallar raids.70 They were lifted usually for kaval fees, alleged to be overdue
and restored on payment of tuppu-coolie. Thus their recidivism went on unabated
that culminated in the anti-Kallar agitation, started by one Ammayappa Kone and
lasted from 1893-1896 in which many lives were lost and villages burnt on both
sides. Disorder lingered on until the British Government took effective police
vigilance to curb it. From around 1900 onwards, suspected tuppu agents were
arrested and punished. Still crimes continued challenging the police.
69.
70.
89
First of all this system of branding the cattle failed in its principal
aim of deterring the Kallars from lifting them. Instead the elusive and crafty
Kallars invented new methods of cattle lifting and began extracting more ransom
money (tuppu-coolie) by hiding the branded animals in non-traceable places.
Moreover they had their own way of deterring the villagers from having their
animals branded by slaughtering the branded ones and thereby leaving the owners
at a total loss. The message they tried to convey to the villagers was simple and
explicit had they not branded their cattle, they could have at least recovered the
cattle at half of its value. Besides, the villagers believed that branding of the cattle
spoiled the skin of their cattle due to the application of strong chemicals. Further
branding technique involved onerous and repetitive process which was painful not
only to the cattle but also to their owners due to the expenditure involved. Hence
the villagers, despite police persuasion, allowed only 1/5 of their cattle branded
71.
90
and that too only unhealthy and old animals, that no 'self-respecting' Kallar would
ever demean himself by stealing those thrown out junk.
The failure of this branding system made the Government realise that
even if the Kallars were prevented from lifting the cattle they would indulge in
some other nefarious activities. Convictions and imprisonments had no deterrent
effect on this community at all because the Kallars considered committing crimes
as adventurous as well as rewarding deeds. The enormity of this clan made it
impossible for the Government to have any proper settlement with them and to
mend their habitual misdemeanour. Even agricultural settlements proved futile.
The crime rate was on the increase especially in the Piramalai Kallar dominated
areas of the presidency thus rendering the Government helpless.
were disposed off through Mangapotto and Nattukottai Chettis in the case of
costly items and through vendors of arrack and toddy in case of petty things.72 The
womenfolk seldom joined them in crimes but assisted them in their dealings with
the Chettis.73 Disguises were not adopted by them. But whenever crimes were
committed in places near their native place they used to muffle up their faces.
Signals were exchanged either by whistling or by scribbling on the ground. Names
were never mentioned at the time of committing the crime. Instead ambiguous
terms like perusu (big one) sirusu (little one) were used to baffle all attempts
towards identification. Attempts of capture were thwarted by the free use of slings
and pelting of stones. They never hesitated to attack the bandis (carts) of
Government officers no matter whether they were Europeans or Indians. 74
72.
73.
Ibid., p.90.
74.
92
roads at nights. Thus all kinds of crimes like house lifting, burglary, highway and
field robbery etc. were carried out with uncanny success.75
Thus right from the unsettled times prior to the advent of the British
rule in Madurai District and during a considerable portion of the British rule, the
Kallars had earned bad name as dacoits, thieves and cattle-lifters.78 Hence the
British were intent upon finding out ways and means to intimidate these Kallars on
a permanent basis and the result was the imposition of the Criminal Tribes Act on
them.
75.
Ibid., p.80.
76.
77.
78.
93
80.
P. Kamalakara Rao, Professional crime in India, Cosmo Publications, New Delhi, 1983, p.4.
94
81.
82.
83.
95
Poly-theism
Whoever might be their prime god, it is true that they were polytheistic in character. They never risked offending any god or goddess either
wantonly or unwittingly which caused them to repose their faith in the plurality of
84.
85.
86.
96
gods and goddesses. This pluralism got widened so much so they admitted even
alien gods whom they came across during their marauding expeditions in to their
fold. However they never seemed to be religious bigots because they attached
more importance only to rituals, feasts and festivals than to religion as such.
It is quite interesting to note that they had no fear for their own
village gods with whom they had a 'strong bond' so as to come to a sort of
agreement87 to get them a share of their booty in the event of their assistance in
their enterprise and the Kallars were 'honest enough' to keep up their word of
promise. Moreover they had taken so much of privileges with their gods that they
never hesitated to steal a god or dig up the coins or jewels generally buried under
an idol.88
Ghost Cult
It is highly paradoxical that the brave Kallars feared the spirits or
ghosts. To them premature death in any form whether it was a case of suicide or
87.
Ibid.
88.
Ibid.
97
accident or disease was a curse from god and they believed that the souls which
failed to lead fulfilled lives could harm others as bad spirits or ghosts. It was
feared that such spirits bore hatred against the living and were very much fond of
mischief and blood and would cause damage to crops and even deaths especially
of the youth. They also believed that the spirits were capable of influencing the
welfare of the living in a mysterious way. Further they strongly believed that even
malevolent spirit could become tutelary, if provided with a cult. Hence in order to
appease them, they were deified. As Durrant suspects, perhaps this type of ghost
cult would have gradually transformed in to ancestor worship.89
Ancestor spirits were also worshipped perhaps out of admiration or
fear. To invoke their blessings and to propitiate them, the children were named
after their ancestors. They believed that their ancestors continued their existence as
spirits and had power over their childrens lives. To keep them happy, ceremonies
with offerings of cooked food of their usual preference, banana, coconut etc. were
observed by members of the family or lineage.
The Kallars had deified women especially the deceased ones like
Silakkariamman of Chellampatti,90 Sivandammal of Tideyanad91 and a few others.
89.
Will Durrant, Our Orient Heritage, Simon and Schuster, New York, 1954, p.63.
90.
Silakkari was a priests daughter who was killed by the god. She is worshipped as a secondary deity in
the temple of her lineage and as main deity in the lineage of her son who was miraculously saved by
the god at the time of his mothers death. Louis Dumont , Op. cit., p.435.
91.
Sivandammals fiance Pichan went to Madurai to buy jewels for his marriage with Sivandammal. But he was
arrested by the police and put to death. His fiance Sivandammal killed herself by fire. Ibid., p.437.
98
Moreover hero worship was also a common feature. They respected those who
were shot dead or hanged by the government while fighting for their freedom by
erecting memorials with citation and even stone images were made for them and
worshipped as deities. Even today, besides ancestor worship, the Kallars tend to
worship their community leaders like Pasumpon Muthuramalinga Thevar,
Mookaiya Thevar and others by erecting statues in their villages.
As a natural sequence demonolatry was also very common. The
spiritual beings who were not contained in temples and who did not receive a
regular cult were called demons.92 They feared that the malice of the demons
would cause them heavy loss of lives and properties. Many children used to wear
iron rings on their ankles even at present so that demons might not attack them. To
appease them, animal sacrifices were offered.
Totem worship was also common among them. The Kallar temples
till date have housed statues of dogs and horses as to help the deities to protect
people from demons.
92.
Ibid., p.449.
99
they were all worshipped. Even some of the stone tablets, marking the old
boundaries in villages had become deities and were worshipped as Ellai Amman
and Ellaichamy. Even today people have the same belief.
Lineage Cult
If the families of a particular lineage contributed, to the exclusion of
others, it became a sonda kovil or private or lineage temple. A lineage temple was
richer and more elaborate than the village temple, found in the residential cluster
and it could be duplicated. Usually only during annual festival it came to life. The
priests and kodangis (shaman) were exclusively Kallars with rare exception.
100
god of primacy, 10 were vegetarian (suddha or pure) gods and 10 meat eating
(asuddha or impure) gods who stand outside the sanctuary as watchmen.
Worshippers of a certain deity claimed to be agnates and marriages were forbidden
among them. Usually they sought marriage alliance with the worshippers of
another deity who were affines.93 Karumathur, the religious capital of the
Piramalai Kallar Nadu, is famous for lineage temples. Among these Kallars,
membership in a clan was demonstrated and also asserted by the performance of
certain rituals during the festivals, organized in lineage temples. The people who
had migrated from their original territory used to retain their affiliation and contact
with the original temple. While migrating they used to take a sod of earth from the
original temple and enshrine it in the place of their new home. 94 Even if the shrine
became well established in course of time, the families used to recognize the
original temple and maintain contacts with it.
Village Cult
Each village had a common temple called pothu kovil with a
presiding deity either male or female and was called after that deity. Village gods
and goddesses were worshipped to protect the respective villages from epidemics
and natural calamities. Hence the worship was occasional. In most of the villages
93.
Ibid., p.370.
94.
101
the guardian deity was a female one in the name of Mariamman, Ochchandamman
etc. These temples could not be duplicated. Each family or each house in a village
contributed a sum of money prescribed by the members of the governing council,
designated as Thevars, to celebrate the cult in the village temple and also for its
maintenance. Non-Kallar castes could also be priests here.
Another god, Aiyyanar whose temple was situated on the bank of the
tank, was concerned with the prosperity of the village.
102
Na d u Cu l t
Each province had a common temple with a presiding deity and was
called after that deity. It was the location of the chief temples that entitled the
respective places to be the capitals of the territorial units. The following were the
chief deities of the 8 Kallar Nadus.
1.
Tideyan
2.
Valandur
3.
Karumathur
Perumal Malairaman
Puthur
5.
Pappapatti
6.
Kokkulam
7.
Veppanuthu
8.
Ochchandamman
Tummakkundu
However the temples were not reserved for the Piramalai Kallars
only but were open to the people of all castes, living in the concerned province,
royal village or secondary villages.
103
The Nadu cults had a dual nature. On one hand they were lineage
cults or local cults which the Piramalai Kallar community inherited and on the
other, they represented the union of the lineages. For instance Moonusami Koil at
Karumathur was originally a lineage temple of the Kallars and later it was
developed into a Nadu temple for all the caste people of the region and was the
most important place of worship for all the Piramalai Kallars. Karuppasami was
their prominent deity and there were numerous shrines for him all over Kallarnadu
and his priests were either Kallars or Kosavars (Potters). For the local god
Peykaman, a meat eating demon, Harijan was the priest. There were no regular
daily pujas in the temples except on Tuesday and Friday. But on festive
occasions such as Tamil New Years day, Adi Padhinettu, Periya Karthigai,
Sivaratri, Pongal etc. elaborate pujas took place. No animal sacrifice was made.
But once in 3 or 4 years, Sivaratri festival was celebrated in the month of Maci
with great pomp and show for 3 days. Sacrifice of a goat by each family was one
among the principal items of the festival. They strongly believed that their sins
would be forgiven through animal sacrifices. Each family set apart a he-goat and
on the appointed day of the festival, the goats were led to the temple where saffron
water was poured on them and when they shook the water out, it was interpreted as
gods acceptance of their offering. The son-in-law of the family should cut it with
a single stroke and the head was given to the pujari (priest) as his share and the
body was consumed by the family.
104
Every temple had its own shaman and pujari who formed the totality
of clergy. Pujari had to perform worship, rituals, cure ailments, protect one from
evil spirits and officiate at their life cycle rituals. He contacted the ancestors and
spirits on behalf of his own people and discerned what powers were being used
against them. Nowhere a Brahman priest was employed. Kodangi or Shamans
function was that of an Oracle. Kodangi means incarnated the god and was
supposed to be the one who was possessed by the deity. He divined the fortunes
and misfortunes ahead of the people. Since he was believed to be directed by the
deity, his words were taken as the words of the deity and obeyed in toto. He also
enjoyed the privilege of choosing a successor to pujari on his demise. A group of
dancing kodangis was a general feature of festivals.
A peculiar feature of their religion was the sacred boxes95 which all
important deities of the Piramalai Kallars had. The jewels, silk cloth of the deities,
models of eye balls, eye brows and a sacred thread made of gold were kept in it.
Pujari was the custodian of that box which was kept in a sacred place. Once a year
during Mahasivaratri, the sacred boxes of all the temples were carried from temple
to temple by the second pujari. Kodangis and the pujaris of the temples used to go
dancing before the sacred boxes to the accompaniment of music.
95.
This sacred box resembles the Ark of Covenant of the Israelites which contained the Ten
Commandments of the Lord and carried wherever they went.
105
Thus in the realm of their religious life, fear was all dominant. Fear
of the evil spirit, fear of the departed spirit of ancestors, fear of the evil powers
playing with human life in times of disease and death proved to be the inner
reason for many an unreasonable illogical action. Held and paralyzed by it, the
common mind was seldom able to reason from cause to effect.
106
CHAPTER IV
ENTRY OF CHRISTIAN
MISSIONS INTO MADURAI
106
CHAPTER IV
1.
V.S. Azariah, Introductory Lessons on India and Missions, CLS, Madras, 1910, p.71.
107
Master, Go, preach the gospel2 to every creature, St. Thomas3 came down to
India in the middle of the first century A.D. Thus Indian Christianity is as ancient
as Christianity itself. There are ever so many traditions revolving round this
apostle (messenger) though there is no historical evidence as such to prove his
presence here. However, strong traditions, prevailing in the east4 and the west5
corroborate his arrival in our country. Moreover the living tradition of the
community of St. Thomas Christians who are also called Syrian Christians, the
existence of the churches established by him and the folk songs of St. Thomas
Christians bear a strong testimony to his presence and ministry. His preaching
which might have drawn a lot of hostility finally resulted in his martyrdom at
Mylapore, a suburb of the Madras city, around 72 A.D.6
2.
Gospel means Good News. Gospel is the disclosure of Jesus Christ as Gods son and our Lord by His
Resurrection from the dead. The Holy Bible - St. Paul in Romans 1:4-5.
3.
According to one version, another apostle Bartholomew accompanied St. Thomas to India.
A.M. Mundadan, History of Christianity in India, vol. I, CHAI, Bangalore, rpt. 1989, p.21.
4.
According to the eastern tradition St. Thomas came to India by sea and landed at Cranganore in the
Malabar Coast in 52 A.D. and started converting the high caste Hindus there and setup churches in
the Malabar and Coromandel coasts. A. M. Mundadan, Sixteenth century Traditions of St. Thomas
Christians, CHAI, Bangalore, 1970,
5.
pp. 83-67.
As per the western tradition, following the well established trade routes St. Thomas reached India and
his apostolate is supposed to have begun in the kingdom of an Indo-Parthian ruler Gondophernus and
succeeded in converting him and his family. E. R. Hambye, St. Thomas and India,
The Clergy Monthly, 16(1952), p. 368.
6.
A.M. Mundaden, History of Christianity in India, Vol. I, CHAI, Bangalore, 1989, p.29. There is yet another story that
one Maya Tevan, a petty ruler of Mylapore, then a part of the Chola kingdom ordered for the murder of the apostle on
account of the conversion of his own wife Dershia to Christianity by the latter. (C.M. Agur, Church
History of Travancore, SPS press, Madras, 1903, p.10. But its authenticity is questionable.
108
7.
Paul Thenyan., Missionary consciousness of St. Thomas Christians, Indian Church History Review,
Vol.X, Bangalore 1989, p.17.
8.
9.
Ibid.
10.
Ibid.
109
presence of the Christians along with the co-existence of Hindus, Muslims and
Jews brought about a cultural symbiosis.11 Since the advent of St. Thomas,
Christians were found in the coastal regions of peninsular India without
established churches and baptism. The real beginning of Christianity was marked
by the advent of the Portuguese in the fifteenth century. The Portuguese, after
establishing themselves in Goa which they captured from the Sultan of Bijapur in
1510, wanted to propagate their religion too. Since they had the three G s Gold,
Glory and Gospel as their motives, they brought with them missionaries with the
approval of the then Pope Alexander VI.12 Accordingly many Religious Orders
such as Franciscans, Dominicans, Augustinians, Jesuits, Carmelites, Capuchins
and others made their way to India and carried on the propagation of Christianity
relentlessly in different parts of India.13 Nearly for two hundred years, Catholicism
held sway over a large portion of South India and penetrated even in to the court of
Akbar. According to the census in 1901 the Roman Catholics were 42% of the
entire native Christian community.14 Through their invaluable services towards the
cause of education, till date, they exercise profound influence.
11.
12.
C.B. Firth, An Introduction to Indian Church History, CLS, Madras, 1961, pp.50-51.
13.
Joseph Thekkadath, History of Christianity in India, Vol. II, CHAI, Bangalore, 1988, pp. 6-7.
14
110
Isaiah Azariah, The protestant Missions, A History of the Christian Missions in South India , ed.,
B. Sobhanan, Kerala Historical Society, Trivandrum, 1996, p.113.
16.
E. Lehmann Arno, It Began At Tranquebar, A History of the First Protestant Mission in India,
CLS,Madras, 1956, p.12.
17.
Pietism was a revival movement in the Lutheran Church in Germany and the University of Halle
became its important centre. S. Manickam, Studies in Missionary History, CLS, Madras, 1988, p.135.
18.
E.R. Hambye, History of Christianity in India, Vol. III, CHAI, Bangalore, 1997, p.118.
19.
Ibid.
111
21.
22.
Richter, Julius, A History of Missions in India. trans., Oliphant Anderson and Ferrier, London, 1908,
p. 127.
23.
S. Estborn , The Church Among Tamils and Telugus, The National Christian Council of India, IMC,
Study Series on the Churches in India, Nagpur, 1961, p.14.
24.
112
called the Lutheran period. In fact the entry of Christianity into India was made
through the countrys three sea ports.25 The apostle St. Thomas, is believed to have
arrived in the port of Musiris (Cranganore), the Catholics followed the Portuguese
in to the port of Goa and the Protestant German Mission, on the east coast. Thus
right from the beginning, South India proved to be a better place for evangelism
than North India.26
Modern Period
It comprises two phases Pre-mutiny phase and Post-mutiny phase.
During the former period, most of the protestant missions had their beginnings
while the latter period witnessed their growth and development.
In the pre-mutiny period the progress of the mission work was very
slow mainly because of the suspicious and unsympathetic attitude of the British
East India Company. The British, the rough-riding merchant class, had a lovehate relationship with India. To them, bringing civilization to India was the
Whitemans burden.27 Still as a good will gesture of a Christian concern, the
company gave some concessions to the Christian missionaries such as free
transportation of missionaries in their companys ships, deliverance of their letters
25.
N. Money, The Advent of Christianity in to India, The History of St. Marys Tope, ed., N. Money,
and G.V.I. Shama, Caussanal Publishing House, Palayamkottai, 1977, p.18.
26.
Stephen Neill, The story of the Christian Church in India and Pakistan, CLS, Madras, 1972, p.174.
27.
Samuel G. Thomas, Christianity and Indian Christians, Samaritan Endeavour, Chennai, 2005, p. 243.
113
to and fro free of cost and allocation of lands for the establishment of the churches,
schools etc.28 But the whole situation underwent a drastic change when the
company, originally traders turned into a ruling power. Thenceforth they
concentrated on the consolidation of their power in India and so did not want to
take up any risk in the name of their pro-Christian policy towards the people
whose hatred would endanger their position in India. Hence the home authorities
of the company were opposed not only to free trade but also to Christian
missionaries in India because both were regarded as potential menace to their
power in the country. To avoid even the appearance of interference in religious
matters they not only protested against the entry of Christian missions but also
helped the religious conservatism29 of the natives. Hence the British declared their
neutrality on religious matters. Further restrictions on missionary activities were
also enforced. Hence no new missionary was allowed to land in their territories. It
was in accordance with this rule that William Carey, the first missionary from
England, was refused permission to land at Madras in 1793 and so he landed at
Calcutta and was there for six years under the guise of an indigo planter.30
Nevertheless that indifferent attitude of the British was compelled to change by the
28.
29.
30.
Frank Penny, Church in Madras in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, Smith Elder, London,
1904, p.198.
Jawaharlal Nehru , Glimpses of World History, Penguin Books, New Delhi, 2004, p.500.
Stock Eugene, The History of the Church Missionary Society: Its Environment, Its Men and Its Work,
Vol. I, CMS, London, 1899, p.96.
114
political pressure31 and also the public desire in England which succeeded in
getting additional clauses inserted in the Charter Act of 1813. It was tantamount to
a declaration that missionary work in India would be patronised.32 As a result
many British missions and missionaries came to India in rapid succession such as
London Missionary Society, Church of Scotland Missions, Wesleyan Missionary
Society etc. However the Charter Act of 1833 threw open India to all Missionary
Societies irrespective of nationality and denomination. The post-Mutiny period
witnessed a rapid growth of the various missions in India because the Mutiny of
1857 sounded the knell of the companys power in India and caused the change of
power from the company to the Crown. Queen Victorias proclamation of 1858
avowed the principle of religious liberty and this enabled the older Societies to
advance in every direction. Many new missions also came into being. In 1902
altogether there were 91 Societies with 3,095 missionaries excluding wives and
25,727 Indian workers engaged in the Christian activities in India. In these figures
are included 226 medical missionaries, working through 313 hospitals and
dispensaries, healing the sick and preaching the Gospel.33 Despite many obstacles
which the missionaries encountered, they became the torchbearers of western
culture and education in to India from the sixteenth century onwards. Their
31.
William Wilberforce, a most enlightened M.P. and also the leader of the Anti-Slave Trade Movement
in England was responsible for the inclusion of a clause in the Charter Act of 1813 which allowed
entry to the missionaries from the UK to carry on missionary activities in the companys settlements
in India, after securing license from the Board of Directors.
32.
33.
115
activities dominated the Indian scene for many centuries to come and played a
vital role in the moulding of the destiny of our nation. But unfortunately most of
the Missionary Societies were denominational in character with great fascination
for mass movements.34 The mania of presenting a good statistics of increase in
conversion was a very common feature among them. Towards the close of the
nineteenth century when a good many Missionary Societies established themselves
in South India, comity arrangements were made among themselves so as to let a
Society concentrate its missionary efforts on its successful area.35 Moreover, the
Missionary Societies drew closer to one another in an alien atmosphere to discuss
common problems in the mission fields so as to arrive at solutions36 which
subsequently led to missionary co-operation in many a ways.
35.
36.
H. Gulliford, The Future of Churches and Missions in India, The International Review of
Missions, Vol. XXVI, no. 103, London, July 1937, p.354.
37.
D. Deva Kunjari, Madurai, Society for Archaeological Historical and Epigraphical Research,
Madras, 1975, p.26.
116
South India which enjoyed a continuous political history as the capital under the
Pandyas who ruled from the beginning to the 14th century of the Christian era. It
was unique culturally as a seat of Tamil culture and civilization, which earned the
city the epithet Athens of South India38. This was justified by the fact that as the
seat of Tamil Academy, the Sangam, it did much for fostering Tamil language and
literature. Moreover the city had sheltered generations of saints, statesmen,
scholars, poets, artists, craftsmen and merchants.39 Economically it was unique
since from time immemorial, it had been a centre for flourishing trade and had
commercial contacts with the countries of both the east and the west.40 Among the
different commodities textile products of Madurai were greatly valued besides
pearls, fish and vegetables from the coastal areas. Religiously also it was unique
being a flourishing centre for various religions41 such as the two prominent sects of
Hinduism Saivism and Vaishnavism, Buddhism, Jainism and Islam and was
abounded with numerous monuments especially temples.
In these circumstances Christianity made its entry into the Madura
country.42
Ibid., p. 2.
39.
N. Subramanian, History of South India, Ancient Period, Vol. I, New Delhi, 1979, pp. 38-39.
40.
41.
K. Gowri, Madurai Under the English East India Company (1801 1857),Raj Publishers, Madurai,
1987, p. 4.
42.
The then Madurai Country comprised Madurai, Dindigul, Ramanathapuram and Sivagangai
Zamindaries and the tribal territories of Melur and Natham K. Gowri, Op. cit., p. 16.
117
Portuguese in Goa were responsible for the en masse conversion of the Paravas of
the Fishery coast.43 The Portuguese helped the latter to come out of the clutches of
the Arab exploitation and mulctary. In return the Paravas embraced Christianity.
These converts, over 20,000 in number, thenceforth came under the protectorate of
the Portuguese and thereby indirectly brought under the suzerainty of the king of
Portugal.44 To cater to their spiritual needs, John III, the king of Portugal appealed
to the then Pope Alexander VI to authorise a priest from the Society of Jesus to
South India.45 Accordingly Francis Xavier was deputed to South India.
Francis Xavier
Hailing from a Spanish aristocratic family, Francis Xavier came
down to South India in 1548 as a spiritual and political agent of the Portuguese
through Padroado or Patronage system. Since his mission work centred on the
Paravas he was considered the Apostle of the untouchables.46 Most of his
untouchable conversions were in the South Travancore State. Since the then
Christians were ignorant of any thing of Christianity due to the unintelligible
Portuguese language he instructed them in the Christian faith and with the help of
43.
Fishery Coast was the name given to the littoral of the Tirunelveli and Ramanathapuram districts by
the early Jesuits, who were the members of the Society of Jesus founded by St. Ignatius Loyola, a
solider turned priest. This Society was approved by Pope Paul III as an effective Counter
Reformation Agency in 1540. This Society had two definite aims - Evangelisation and Education.
N. Money and G.V.I. Shama, ed., Op. cit., p.22.
44.
Robert Caldwell, A Political and General History of the District of Tirunelvelly, Govt. Press, Madras,
1881, p.71.
45.
Charles Henry Robinson, History of Christian Missions, T.T. Clark, Edinburgh, 1915, p.70.
46.
118
some elite, translated a small catechism and sermon and thus organised a Christian
way of life for them, which could be identified as the Indian Mission47 and
started many schools in the coastal villages. The catechists, nominated and trained
by him to carry on the spiritual work, received stipends from the Portuguese
Government.48 He had a very early death in 1552 and hence was called the Saint
in a hurry,49 though his stay in India was transient, his impact has outlived the
passage of time.
It was true that the cordial relationship that existed between the
Portuguese and Vijayanagar Empire in the 16th century ensured a safe and easy
passage for the Jesuit missionaries into South India. However, Fr. Antony
Criminalli who was detailed for evangelisation in the fishery coast by Xavier fell
in 1549 along with his catechists to tribal arrows on the east coast of Ramnad
district50 and became the first Jesuit martyr in India. Thus even during the time of
Xavier, opposition to Christianity in the form of assassinations and destructive
episodes was common. But still the Jesuits continued their mission with vigour
even after the decline of their patrons, the Portuguese, and gained momentum
which resulted in the founding of a Mission at Madurai.
47.
Manual of the Administration of the Madras Presidency, Vol. I, Public Instruction, Part II, Madras,
1885, p.626.
48.
49.
John Morrison., Missionary Efforts at the time of Reformation, Vol. I., Fisher and Son & Co.,
London, 1943, pp.56-57.
50.
119
Robert De Nobili
Nobili is considered as the real founder of the Catholic Madura
Mission.54 He was the first Jesuit to work under the Archbishop of Cranganore.55
An Italian Jesuit of aristocratic parentage, Nobili reached Madurai which was the
centre of Tamil culture, along with Fernandez in 1606. Madurai was then under the
51.
52.
53.
R. Sathianathaiar, History of the Nayaks of Madura, University of Madras, Madras, 1924, p. 68.
54.
Jean Castets, The Madura Mission, St. Josephs Industrial School Press, Trichinopoly, 1924, p.41.
55.
120
Nayak ruler Muthu Krishnappa whose reign saw the beginnings of Nobilis
endeavours for the cause of Christianity. Within six months, he acquired
proficiency in the Classical and Literary Tamil and even held discussions with the
elite who called on him. His main aim was to raise the status of Christianity in the
eyes of the natives by converting the leaders of Hinduism (Brahmins) and there by
the whole of the Hindu society in India.56 He considered Madurai as a place where
the hope of spreading the faith was so inviting. He disassociated himself from
Fernandez who was a Parangi in the eyes of the Indians and declared himself a
Roman Brahmin, regulated his diet and dress and also renounced the world and
its carnal pleasures.57 By the adoption of the life of the missionary to that of the
people (the Brahmins), the appropriation of harmless (Hindu) customs and
ceremonies for Christian use and the thorough study of vernaculars and Sanskrit,
the language of the sacred books of Hinduism,58 he attempted to indigenise
Christianity. His adaptation method, coupled with his altered life style, earned him
respect from the local Hindus and resulted in conversions of some high caste
Hindus.59 Nevertheless he was so careful as not to offend them in any way. Hence
to appease them, he instituted two kinds of priests. One was Sanyasi, a high caste
priest, to cater to the spiritual needs of the high caste and the other was
56.
57.
Robert De Nobilis Letter to Pope Paul V, c.1619 A .D., Indian Church History Review, Vol. II,
No.2, Dec. 1988, pp. 84 -96.
58.
J.S. Chandler, The History of the Jesuit Mission in Madura, South India in the 17th & 18th Centuries,
CLS, Madras 1909, p.35.
59.
121
opposition even from his co-workers63 and ecclesiastical authorities and nearly
landed him into the jaws of the Inquisition. However Pope Gregory XV took
decisions in favour of his methods in 1623.64 As far as Madurai was concerned,
this controversy resulted in a loss of prestige to Nobili. He was convinced that this
ancient seat of Hinduism was not congenial for conversion. His assistant Antonio
Vico also felt that one would never encounter obstacles anywhere as great as in
Madurai despite the fact that Tirumala Nayak of Madurai was sympathetic towards
the missionaries. Since his experiment met with failure in Madurai, Nobili turned
his attention towards the north.65 In 1623 he set out on a long journey through the
Salem district and the Trichinopoly where the converts were mainly of low castes.
60.
Vincent Cronin, A Pearl to India, Butler and Tanner Ltd., London, 1959, p.178.
61.
Joseph C. Houpert , Madura Mission Manual, St. Josephs Industrial School Press , Tiruchirappalli,
1917, p.60.
62.
63.
The alleged charge from Fernandez was that Nobilis religion was a monstrous combination of
Paganism and Christianity. R. Sathianathaiar, Op. cit., p.79.
64.
M.K. Kuriakose, Comp., History of Christianity in India, Source Materials, No. 45, ISPCK, Delhi,
1999, p.52.
65.
122
John De Britto
The most outstanding follower of De Nobili, a greater intellectual
and zealot than Nobili himself, was John De Britto, the son of the Viceroy of
Brazil. He came to India in 1673 and joined the Madura Mission in the following
year. He started his work in Kuttur in Thanjavur kingdom then shifted it to the
Marava country66 (Ramnad) which was a tributary to the Madurai Nayak
kingdom.67 To begin with conversion took place only among the low caste Hindus
but gradually it spread among the Maravas and made its head way in to the palace
and armed forces. Britto was for group conversions in rural castes and intent on its
realisation. This rapid growth of Christianity resulted in his deportation by the then
ruler of RamnadRaghu Natha Thevar alias Kizhavan Sethupathi.68
After a lapse of two years, Britto came back to Ramnad and
succeeded in converting nearly 4000 Maravas including one Tadia Thevar, a
prince of Maravan and a supposed heir to the throne of Ramnad. In accordance
with the Christian doctrine, he divorced his all wives except the first one. This
landed Britto in trouble since the youngest wife of Tadia Thevar happened to be
66.
67.
68.
123
69.
70.
J.H. Nelson, The Madura Country- A Manual, Part-II, Asian Educational Service, New Delhi, 1868,
pp.217-225.
71.
In his personal life Beschi was an ascetic, but for impressing the people he adopted a showy way.
He travelled in ivory Palanquin, surrounded by a number of disciples. A silk umbrella, the insignia
of royalty was carried before the Palanquin. He reclined on superb couches and his attendants fanned
him with the fly whisk of peacock feathers. N. Money , The Society of Jesus in the Tamil Area,
ed., Op. cit., p.27.
124
Trichy, his principal mission station was Yella Kurichi,72 on the north bank of the
Kollidam river where he had built a church. He too had his over share of hardship
and danger in the early years of his service when the rulers were often hostile.
However he was able to win the confidence of Chanda Sahib, the ruler of
Trichinopoly, who appointed Beschi his Dewan and assigned to him four villages
in Trichinopoly district, fetching an annual revenue of 12,000 rupees.73 His
contribution to Tamil Literature was unparalleled and earned him the title Veera
Mamunivar (the great valiant hermit). In fact the Madurai Mission reached its
zenith of glory during his time following his relentless missionary work. But after
his death in 1742 the Madura Mission began to decline.
73.
74.
Manual of the Administration of the Madras Presidency, Vol. I, Ecclesiastical, 1885, p. 626.
125
and corruption.75 From the languished Catholic community many were won over
to Protestantism.76 While some relapsed to Hinduism some were forcibly
converted to Islam by Tipu Sultan.77
At this juncture a change took place in the political scene in the form
of the fall of the Portuguese which synchronised with the rise of the British power
in India. As Portugal was not disposed to help the missions in India with men or
money, Rome decided to make the Indian missions independent of Portugal.
Through a Bull of Pius VI issued in 1778 Madura Mission was brought into the
fold of the French Foreign Mission of Paris established at Pondicherry in 1776/7.78
The bull was resented to by the Portuguese who claimed Padroado79 rights over all
the Indian missions. Because of this the notorious jurisdiction struggle started
between the Portuguese Goan Priests and the Fathers of the Foreign Mission of
Paris. This proved to be a stumbling block for the spread of Christianity.80
However the Society of Jesus was restored by Pope Gregory XVI in
75.
R. Hull Ernest, Bombay Mission History with a Special Study of the Padroado Question, Vol.I,
Examiner Press, Bombay, 1927, p.284.
76.
77.
78.
V.M. Gnanapragasam , A pearl of Great Price, Nobili Publications, Madurai, 1988, p.8.
79.
Padroado is Portuguese for Patronage which was tantamount to the monopoly of the Madurai
Mission under the Portuguese king. Accordingly appointment of Bishops, stipends to missionaries,
maintenance of the churches etc. became the privilege of the Portuguese.
Anand Amaladoss, Commemorative Volume on the Occasion of the 150th Anniversary of the New
Madura Mission, 1838-1988, Satya Nilayam, Anand, (Gujarat) 1988, pp.311-312.
80.
126
81.
82.
A.S. Colas, Some Notes on the Province of Pondicherry and Particularly on the Archdiocese of
Pondicherry and Cuddalore, Mission Press, Pondicherry, 1954, p.4.
83.
84.
85.
L. Sundaram, The Second Madura Mission A General Survey, Jubilee Memorial Volume, Madurai,
1988, p.9.
Stephen Neill, Geral, B. Anderson and John Goodwin ed., Concise Dictionary of the Christian
World Mission, London, 1956, p.18.
B. Sobhanan, ed., The American Madura Mission, A History of the Christian Missions in India,
Kerala Historical Society, Trivandrum, 1996, p.140.
127
of 1812 made the British expel even the American missionaries from their
settlements in India.86 Hence the American missionaries had to retire to the nonBritish settlements in India. With the renewal of the British East India Companys
charter in 1813, the British Government made it mandatory on the part of the
company to recognise the duty of introducing useful knowledge and religious and
moral improvement among the Indians for which purpose a sum of Rs. One lakh
per annum was set aside.87 Thus the British missionary activity in India began
with the approval of the British Government. However permission was denied to
the American missionaries. Charles Grant, an enlightened M.P. and a religious
enthusiast was instrumental in securing the official sanction of the British
Parliament for the American missionaries to settle down at Bombay by 1815.88 In
response to the political pressure and public opinion, through the Charter Act of
1833, India was thrown open to all missionary activities irrespective of nationality
and denomination. Hence the ABCFM again sent its missionaries to India.89
The beginning of the AMM in Madurai must be traced to the Island
of Ceylon lying off the south east coast of India where the missionaries of the
American Board started the Jaffna Mission in 1816. Following their success there,
86.
K. Rajayyan , A History of the United States, Chandar Publications, Madurai, 1977, pp. 74-76.
87.
88.
Anderson Rufus, History of the Mission of ABCFM in India, Congregational Publication Society,
Boston, 1874, pp. 43-44.
89.
128
they wanted to extend their missionary activities to South India also.90 Hence in
1834 they deputed one of the American missionaries from Jaffna - Levi Spaulding
to visit India so as to find out whether there was any opening to begin their
Mission in India.91
Accordingly Spaulding toured areas such as Ramnad, Palayamkottai,
Nagercoil and Madurai and found out that the Church Missionary Society (CMS)
was already at work in and around Palayamkottai, the London Missionary Society
(LMS) had occupied the Nagercoil field, Ramnad was far off to the extreme end of
Madurai district while the Madurai country was a large field of virgin soil, all
unoccupied. Consequently Madurai was chosen as the most appropriate place for
their new Mission.92
In the meantime the business world of America was caught up into
the jaws of economic depression which had a telling effect on the American
Mission too.93 Since many candidates could not be sponsored the Board resolved
that the Mission in Ceylon be instructed to depute two of its own members to
Madurai for commencing the Mission.94
With this understanding Mr. Woodward, an American missionary,
met Lord William Bentinck, the then Governor General of India and Sir Frederick
90.
J.S. Chandler, Seventy Five Years in the Madura Mission, Lawrence Asylum Press, Madras, n.d.,
p.36.
91.
Ibid.
92.
93.
94.
Ibid., p.38.
129
96.
J.J. Banninga, Notes on the AMM Since Its Seventy Fifth Anniversary, Boston, 1944, p.8.
97.
J.A. Sharrock, South Indian Missions, Containing Glimpses into the Lives and Customs of the Tamil
People, SPG, Westminster 1910, p.58.
98.
130
joined by reinforcements from the home land now and then and finally the number
rose to 200 who did zealous service in the educational, medical and social fields.
100. M.X. Miranda, The Jesuit Experience in Tamil Nadu - The New Madura Mission 1838-1938,
Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of Madras, 1982, p.3.
101. N. Money and G.V.I. Shama, Op. cit., p.30.
131
continuance of the work left undone by the Old Madura Mission and also of the
up bringing of an indigenous clergy. No sooner had they landed in Madurai than
they realised the gravity of the situation and the magnitude of their uphill task.
Though they were determined to stick on to the policy of adaptation of Nobili they
had to put up a stiff fight against the challenging situation.
The exclusive and peculiar padroado problem threatened the very
existence of the CMM. Moreover the Protestant Missions which had encroached
upon their missionary fields during the lacuna between the suppression and the
subsequent restoration of the Society of Jesus had to be overcome. The persecution
which had engulfed the Catholic churches in Trichirappalli and Tirunelveli made
them consider Protestantism as Cave Adullam.102 It is on the record that nearly
500 members each of the churches turned to be Protestants.103 In the northern
region of the CMM with its headquarters at Trichy, Fr. Garnier achieved
tremendous success104 which led even to an unsuccessful attempt on his life by his
enemies. In the central region which included the Marava Country (Ramnad and
Sivaganga) with Madurai as headquarters, Frs. Martin, Ranquet and Bertrand took
over their old churches in the city in quick succession but were eventually evicted
from there by the Goanese priests. Fr. Bertrand, driven from Madurai, stationed at
102. 'Cave Adullam' David to escape the wrath of Saul, the king of Israel, took refuge in Cave Adullam
where he was joined by the oppressed and suppressed. Thenceforth it has become an epithet of a
sheltering place of the distressed. (The Holy Bible: I Samuel, 22: 1&2)
103. Hugald Grafe, Op. cit., p. 37.
104. The Madras Catholic Expositor, Vol. IV, No. XII, Feb. 1845, p.450.
132
(ii)
133
134
112. M.A. Sherring, The History of Protestant Missions in India, From Their Commencement in
1706-1881, The Religious Tract Society, London, 1884, p. 371.
113. Hugald Grafe, Op. cit., p. 34.
135
In the mean time Sweden which had already been in the service of
the Tranquebar Mission right from 1740116 became interested in the affairs of the
Tranquebar Mission. Consequent to the great missionary awakening taking place
in England during the close of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th
century many Mission Societies were formed in Sweden including the Lunds
Mission Society in 1845.117 This Society which got merged in to the Church of
Sweden Mission Board eventually extended its co-operation to the LELM in 1852.
136
118. Ibid., p.128, Rev. C.J. Sandegran had married Theodora Kremmer, a daugher of one of the prominent
German missionaries at Madurai. So his family was 50% German and 50% Swedish.
119. C.H. Swavely, ed., The Lutheran Enterprise in India, F.E.L.C., Madras, 1952, pp.122-142.
120. Ibid.
121. G.O.No.369, Public, dated Feb. 28, 1916; G. O. No. 1147, Public, dated June 14, 1916; G. O. No.
1465, Public, dated August 10, 1916.
137
and put to much hardship. This crisis, coupled with their genuine desire to
establish an Indian Lutheran Church in the Tamil Country, resulted in the
formation of the TELC.122
The congregations that were built up hitherto were united in the
Tamil Evangelical Lutheran Synod, which at its historic session held at Thanjavur
on January 14, 1919 declared itself a self- governing body with full authority over
its work and functions.123 With a very few missionaries, the entire missionary
activity was manned by the Indian leaders. To regulate relationship of the church
and the mission, episcopacy was introduced. Accordingly Bishop of Tranquebar
was appointed the Head of the hierarchy.124
122. S. Estborn , The Church of Sweden Mission in India, Op. cit., ed., C.H. Swavely, p.133.
123. V.S. Azariah, Op. cit., p. 204.
124. Ibid., p.205.
138
Government nor caste, neither religion nor custom rules the daily life of the rural
masses in this sub-continent more surely than poverty does.125 As stated earlier
Madurai, being a rain shadow region, rainfall is scanty and irregular and is about
only 30 inches a year.126 The life-line river of Madurai- the Vaigai is not a
perennial one but is a rain fed river system. In those days, vast areas of this region
were covered with thick jungles and thorny shrubs. Lying entirely within the
tropics, the temperature is fairly high for the major part of the year. The scattered
and diminutive land holdings rendered the application of improved technology
impossible. Natural calamities such as recurrent droughts, famine and epidemics
shook the very foundations of the social fabric.127 No outside help or governmental
welfare measure was available. People died, children were sold, some migrated
and the surviving masses fed on wild fruits, herbs and roots.128 As has been well
said, an Indian farmer is born in debt, lives in debt, and dies in debt, the Madurai
farmers also remained under debt from generation to generation. Illiteracy was
colossal. Though the Tamils were not indifferent to education, it was characterised
by exclusiveness. A Brahmin received religious education whereas a Kshatriya
was trained in martial arts and the Vaishyas and Vellalas were given vocational
education in their respective trades. The Sudras were excluded from higher
125. J.W. Pickett, Christian Mass Movements in India, Lucknow Publishing house, Lucknow, 1933, p. 86.
126. C. Benson and N.E. Marjoribanks, A Statistical Atlas of the Madras Presidency, Madras, 1908,
p. 548.
127. J.S. Chandler, Op. cit., pp. 26 - 27.
128. E.R. Hambye, Op. cit., pp. 116-117.
139
140
the then general notion was education was meant only for the courtesans and
dancing girls.134
In the absence of learning and enlightenment society was immersed
in ignorance, conservatism and superstition.135 Even absurd stories and rumours
circulated far and wide. The attitude of the villagers towards inoculation has been
recorded by the American missionaries. They believed that through inoculation,
the British were trying to secure some 3,00,000 human lives so as to prolong the
life of Queen Victoria who was growing feeble with age. They even mistook the
Governmental measures of reconstruction of the famine stricken areas as efforts
with vested interest The fatter the body, the fitter the sacrifice.136 The
ignorance of the people in medical sciences and the exorcism of the devil baffled
them which could be understood from the words of Chandler, an American
missionary. He gives an account of the prescription by the Indian physician
Tigers claws, Turtles shell, sharks teeth, Hedge hogs quills, breast bone of the
cock, silver all to be ground up together and mixed in honey was one that was
warranted to cure anything.137 In case of illness many tried to get cured through
recourse to the gods.
To the early missionaries another problem of an extreme intricate
141
nature was the caste system. It was more than a crossword puzzle for them and
beyond their power of comprehension. Sad! Sad! Is the strength of this viperous
grasp was the lamentation of Chandler.138 According to Neill, the caste system
had divided up the country itself into infinity of water tight compartments thereby
postponing national unity and hindering national efficiency.139
In fact caste, the Achilles heel of Hinduism,140 posed a serious
threat to the intrusion of Christianity. Though the British had brought with them a
casteless culture and a literature full of thoughts on individual liberty, they never
seemed to have taken any step to discard it.141 Unfortunately even the early
missionaries the Jesuits, the Danish, and the German, chose to make caste a
friend rather than a foe so as to facilitate conversions.142 Hence the
missionaries, irrespective of their denominations, could neither agree upon the
nature nor the way of tackling it unanimously. In the words of a Jesuit priest, in
India four demons stalked over the land Disease, Darkness, Drink and Debt, in
other words, Infirmities, Ignorance, Intemperance and Indebtedness.143 So also in
Madurai, besides poverty, illiteracy and ignorance, many social evils such as
142
143
CHAPTER V
143
CH AP T E R - V
1.
J. P. Jones, Christian Work at the Madurai Festival, Harvest Field, Missionary Magazine, III series,
Vol. I, Madras, 1890, p. 5.
2.
Ibid.
3.
4.
144
Antagonistic attitude
As far as the Kallars were concerned they were violently opposed to
Christianity in the beginning. It has been proved from the words of Rev. Zumbro
that once a missionary was assaulted in open day light and roughly handled in the
streets of Melur.5 The meetings of the missionaries were broken up by throwing
eggs and stones; lands were denied to the erection of houses of worship and were
145
in fact driven off with violence.6 False cases were filed against the missionaries
and the converts.7 During distribution of tracts, they were assaulted by the Hindus
and the Muslims.
Thirumangalam area, the abode of the Piramalai Kallars, proved to
be one of the hardest places for evangelism. It is plainly shown in the Annual
Report of 1839 that distrust and suspicion were reigning in the minds of the
Kallars and that they even refrained from sending their children to the mission
schools except for a very few. The situation got worsened with the organisation of
the churches numbering five in Madurai and one among them in their own place
Thirumangalam which was enough to kindle alarm and anxiety in the minds of the
Kallars.8 To add to their distrust, there was a rumour that the school masters,
monitors and the children connected with the mission would be made to drink a
magic potion and thereby all would be made Christians.9 The parents also feared
that their children would be made slaves after conversion and transported beyond
the seas.10 Consequently even the small number who had the guts to send their
children to mission schools took them away under one pretext or the other.11
6.
7.
8.
J.S. Chandler, Seventy-Five Years in the Madura Mission, Lawrence Asylum Press, Madras, n.d , p.
72.
9.
Ibid.
10. Rufus Anderson, The History of the Missions, Boston, 1874, p. 200.
11. J.S. Chandler, Op. cit., p. 73.
146
i.
Owing to the misdeeds of the British officials who were all Christians, the
missionaries suffered much odium and the Kallars and the natives at large saw
behind them the shadow of a strong, aggressive foreign power. In fact this fear
was in the air not only in the Madurai region but all over India. First comes
the missionary, then comes the Resident, last comes the regiment, says
Brahmabandhu Upadhyaya12 which resembles the words of Nelson Mandela
who said that when the Europeans came to Africa the land was in the hands of
the natives and Bible was in theirs; after some decades Bible was in the hands
of the natives and the land was in the hands of the Europeans. Hence when
they saw that their people deserting and breaking their social ties to put
themselves under the spiritual and material domination of foreigners they
became highly antagonistic.13
ii. The role of the missionaries as champions of the depressed classes was enough
for the Kallars to harass them. Known for their high sense of social superiority,
12. Brahmabandhu Upadhyaya was censored by the R.C. Authorities in 1899 for writing such things.
Kaj Baago, Book Review on "Stephen Neill's Colonialism and Christian Missions", ICHR, Vol. I,
No.2, Dec. 1967.
13. Annual Report of the AMM for 1893, pp. 11-12.
147
they could not tolerate the uplift of the depressed classes whom they held as
service castes. The vehement opposition to this attempt of the missionaries
could be gleaned from the following account given by Dr. Jones. At Shempatty
in Tirumangalam taluk, since the congregation was constituted entirely by the
depressed class, the Kallars set fire to the churches and the majority of the
houses of congregation. When they tried to save the church they were stoned;
their crops and cattle were stolen off and on, thus putting the converts of the
depressed class to much hardship.14 In course of time though they wanted to
send their children to mission schools on realising the overall development of
the children of other castes, they could not digest the very thought of their
children being treated on par with the so called untouchables. The love
feasts in which all, irrespective of caste and creed, were made to dine together
with a view to break caste barriers was too much for them to tolerate.15
iii. Caste as a social aspect was another factor that kept the Kallars far away from
Christianity. For a Kallar caste was more sacred than anything else. In the
Hindu society at large the individual was subject to the family and the family to
the caste. The family system denied any one of the rights of conscience and
action upon his own personal responsibility. It was a very common feature in
14. Annual Report of the AMM for 1892, p. 4.
15. The Missionary Herald for 1844, pp. 90-91.
148
India, as Pickett views that a villager had been trained to sub-ordinate personal
initiative to the guidance of the caste group and had been more controlled by
the judgement and desire of his group.16 The Kallars being a caste ridden group
feared ostracism more than death itself. If any body became a convert that
person was considered to have fallen from their dignified caste. Not only his
own family oppressed him in innumerable ways but also their caste group
which would make the family suffer because of the action of that particular
individual. That convert was looked down upon as an outcaste by his own kith
and kin and was reduced to an object of ridicule. Hence conversion was thought
of as a great dishonour done to the family and also to the clan at large. Hence
they preferred death than to become a Christian.
16. J.W. Pickett, Christian Mass Movements in India, Lucknow Publishing House, Lucknow, 1933, p. 26.
17. Annual Report of the AMM for 1893, p. 13.
149
i.
iv. Many of their fowls, cattle, young paddy etc. were stolen.
v. Their lands were occupied by some rich land lords, and thereby landing the
converts in expensive law suits.
vi.
Their jobs were taken away from them. Even public notice was given that
nobody should engage them for any work. If at all anybody wanted to work
in the harvest field, it was necessary for him to relinquish his new religion.
vii. They were completely boycotted and even burial grounds were refused and
false charges were levelled against them.18
viii. Above all they were disowned by their own family members and friends,
deprived of their inheritance and obliged to leave the place of their birth and
wander in search of work.19
ix. Even the children if came under the influence of Christianity in their school
atmosphere, were administered the most powerful drugs, to make
18. The Missionary Herald for 1846, pp. 352 353.
19. Hoole, Elijah, Personal Narrative of a Mission to the South of India, 1820 1828, London, 1829,
p. 213.
150
them throw up as so much poison, the religious influence they had exerted
upon them. If they were adamant they were driven out of their home and
treated as the vilest outcastes by their own parents who seemed to have lost
every parental feeling.20 The affronts and insults to which the converts were
exposed were too much for them to accept Christianity.
151
credulity of the people both in the city and country. As an expression of their
hatred and an attempt to demoralise the missionaries, even house breaking
attempts were made on the mission bungalows and even their cattle were lifted on
a few occasions.24 In fact the fear of the British Raj alone kept them from resorting
to direct actions against the missionaries often.
To their astonishment no retaliation came from the side of the
missionaries. They simply endured all the hardships smilingly. Being chivalrous
by nature, the Kallars began to feel it a disgrace to harm such innocent, selfless,
loving-natured and humane strangers. Because among these Kallars a peculiar
custom was prevalent that if a stranger was murdered near a village and the
murderer was not to be traced, one among them must volunteer to be murdered so
as to avenge the death of the stranger. For this sacrifice, the family of the volunteer
was given a piece of land. Though this custom seems to be barbarous outwardly it
definitely reveals their sense of honour and justice.25 This they considered
imperative to ensure the honour of their society. Hence in due course they gave up
their animosity towards the missionaries and learnt to attach scant importance to
their missionary activities. Had the missionaries behaved in a vindictive way, the
reaction of the Kallars would have been a different story to tell.
24. J.J. Banninga, Notes on the History of the AMM Since Its Seventy Fifth Anniversary in 1909, Boston,
1944, p. 164.
25. G.J.R. Athistam, The Piramalai Kallars: Their social, Moral and Religious Background and the
Presentation of the Christian Gospel - Unpublished BD Thesis, UTC, Bangalore, 1950, p. 15.
152
Indifferent attitude
Though open antagonism subsided, hatred was there like a
smouldering fire ready to burst out anew at the slightest provocation. The
missionaries, on the other hand, showed love and affection towards these people
in spite of their highhandedness which moved even their stony hearts. But still they
were so much determined to keep themselves aloof from this contagious diseaseChristianity. They had their own reasons for that.
i.
The first and foremost reason being, they were strongly entrenched in their
own religious beliefs and customs with no desperate sense of need for a better
religion. Even if their customs attacked them in the very citadel of their very
being they never ventured to discard them. Hence they did not find any valid
reason to switch over to a new religion or culture. Further they were not at all
attracted by the miracles performed by Jesus Christ since from generation to
generation they had heard much about the better miracles performed by their
own gods and hence they did not find any valid reason to forsake their gods
and to respond positively to the messages of the Christian evangelists.26
Further they assumed that their traditional religion would die out as the Gospel
displaces animistic beliefs and practices which they could never accept. Thus
they had no craving for any new faith and were contended with their religion.
153
ii. It was very difficult for them to give up what their fathers and grand fathers
were cherishing. As seen earlier ancestor worship was an important feature of
their religious belief. Hence as a mark of honour to them, they wanted to stick
on to their forefathers ideas and never liked to deviate from the path through
which they passed27. In fact fear of men withheld them and they used to say
that they would like to remain with those people among whom they were born
be they good or evil.28
iv. Perhaps Christianity might have seemed to be a sober religion to them. In
their religious life feasts, festivities, animal sacrifice etc. played an important
part than the gods themselves. The absence of all these in Christianity failed to
attract them. Further the doctrines of Christianity such as Ten Commandments
were quite contradictory to their life style. Being idol worshippers and
predatory in character they could not accept the ideologies such as thou shalt
not make unto thee any graven image, thou shalt not kill, thou shalt not
commit adultery, thou shalt not steal, thou shalt not covet any of thy
neighbours belongings etc.29 Turning the other cheek, Walking the second
mile, resisting not the evil etc.30could never be imagined by them, who
believed in tit for tat.
27. Fenger, J. Ferd., History of the Tranquebar Mission, Worked out from the Original Papers,
Tranquebar, E.L. Press, 1863, p. 60.
28. Ibid., p. 61.
29. The Holy Bible Exodus 20 : 2 -17.
30. Ibid., St. Matthews 5:39, 41.
154
v.
The impermeability of thought and life of the Kallars was another reason
which was lamented by Dr. Jones, an American missionary at Pasumalai.
In spite of the bustling educational activities at Pasumalai (Thirumangalam
taluk) these Kallars who sat at their very doors, persistently oblivious to every
blessing Christianity offered and seemed to be equally satisfied with their
colossal superstition, ignorance, wretched life and childish customs.33 To the
missionaries their indifference was worse than open antagonism.
31. Joseph C. Houpert, Madura Mission Manual, St. Joseph's Industrial School Press, Trichiropoly, 1916,
pp. 99-100.
32. Minutes of the AMM, Abstract of the Rules of the AMM, May, 1885. (See Annexure - ii )
33. Annual Report of the AMM for 1898, p. 9.
155
Friendly disposition
In due course their attitude towards the missionaries underwent a
drastic change. Perhaps this would have been due to the outward expression of the
constraining love of Christ by the missionaries.
i.
The Kallars were very well aware of the fact that their community was
despised by many other communities who were in fact longing for the
extermination of it. On the contrary though the missionaries had heard much
about them and their variety of crimes and themselves had experienced their
belligerent nature on a few occasions, began to sympathise with them. They
had understood clearly that the pessimistic and fatalistic outlook of these
people and their apathy and indifference towards improvement were mainly
due to the inhospitable geographical environment.34 They had also understood
that since the Kallars were busy on their lands only for a period of five months
a year, the available seven months was conducive for them to follow their
ancestral customs of robbery with much immunity since Madurai district was
with many lonely stretches of road.35 Hence with a better understanding of
their problems, the missionaries looked at them as the most appropriate lot for
34. J.S. Ponniah, The Christian Community of Madras, Ramnad and Tinnevelly, Department of Research
and Extension, American College, Madura, December 1938, p. 6.
35. J.J. Banninga, Op. cit., p. 164.
156
whom, they believed, Jesus came to redeem because Jesus came in to the
world not for the righteous but for the sinners. This aspect made them
concentrate more on the robber-caste or thief-caste as the Kallars were
known to them and to do something substantial to uplift them and purge their
community of its criminal proclivities.
ii. The recurrences of chronic famine and chronic scarcity for food which were
usually accompanied by epidemics such as cholera that filled the cup of sorrow
of the people, provided the missionaries with opportunities to exhibit their
concern for them. When the ruling British Government was unwilling to
assume any responsibility for the orphans, the missionaries willingly came
forward to shoulder it. This worked wonders and hence the poor, irrespective
of their caste and creed, began to repose much confidence in the missionaries
and the Kallars were no exception to this. This could be clearly understood
from the following episode. A dying Hindu Kallar who lost his wife and two of
his children in the worst famine of 1877 which swept away his land and house
in an eligible part of the village, wanted to leave four of his living children into
the safe hands of the missionaries before his death. But for the missionaries,
those 4 children along with their sister who was ailing in the village and left
behind, would have definitely perished, having been rendered penniless
157
iii. The leaning was further accelerated by their medical mission which was a
proof of the benign nature of Christianity.
158
ulceration, rupture and discharge of fluid.38 Besides this another dreaded disease
which was common among them was leprosy, caused by the hot, dry climate and
also by the biting of a small venomous reptile which goes by the name kz;qspg;
ghk;g[ kw;Wk; rpW ghk;g[ in Tamil.39 While they were estranged by their own
family members and relatives the humane attitude of the missionaries towards
them proved to be the most effective door of approach to their hearts. They
became friendly and faithful to the missionaries by this gesture.
Moreover the customs of the AMM to give each girl student a dowry
of Rs. 25/- was enhanced to Rs. 45/- when she left the school to get married, in
addition to the provision of all their wants in the school, irrespective of their caste
or creed.40 This made the people taste the real love and concern of the
missionaries.
Naturally filled with a sense of gratitude they could not help reposing
their confidence in the missionaries and so they became very friendly and
hospitable towards them. But even at this stage, fear of ostracism kept most of
them back from making a bold stand to accept Christianity despite the fact that
very many of them lost all their faith in their idols. They used to tell the
38. B. Shobhanan , ed., American Madura Mission, A History of the Christian Missions in India, Kerala
Historical Society, Trivandrum, 1996, p. 147.
39. Personal Interview with Mr. Chinnasamy Thevar, aged 65, a retired teacher, on 18th May 2006,
at Madurai.
40. J.S. Chandler, Op. cit., P. 56.
159
missionaries just wait till I get my children married wait till my father divides
the property and I will surely come41 etc. Nevertheless in the Kallar areas, the
missionaries were given a warm welcome and the Kallars listened to the Gospel
willingly.42 However in spite of painstaking efforts of argument and persuasion,
the missionaries could not make any head way among the Kallars. It was true that
there were successes, but they were a few and far between. Hence all conversions
from this caste were received with great rejoicing.
Opening to Christianity
The Kallars and the AMM
Conspicuous by their paradoxical character, this community attracted
the attention of the missionaries of the AMM. On one hand, they were turbulent,
marauding, insubordinate and dishonest but on the other hand they were
affectionate, chivalrous, hospitable and responsible. Moved by their frankness, the
missionaries felt constrained to bring light to these people in the dark.
The AMMs ministry among the Kallars started as early as 1839
when Rev. Tracy travelled through the Kallarnad and preached the Gospel.43
However the first instance of conversion among the Kallars took place only in
1869 when five men and one woman were admitted into the church. Of whom one
41. Annual Report of the AMM for 1903, p. 44.
42. Annual Report of the AMM for 1904, p. 18.
43. J.S. Chandler, Op. cit., p. 92.
160
confessed his high-handedness of having stolen a pair of oxen from the mission
bungalow some years earlier.44
Though the Kallars were known for their love of hearing novel things
conversion among them was a far cry since the mantle of caste was closer to the
mantle for Christian religion. However the converted Kallars, though a few in
number, proved to be the salt of the earth. This could be understood from the
words of Rev. J.C Perkins, the American missionary at Thirumangalam station.45
He has recorded the faithfulness and bright Christian example of a man and his
wife living in the heart of a Kallar section of that station. He has also boldly
declared that the life of that converted thief (Kallar) preached a better sermon to
the thousands of that caste that lived around him than all the preachers and
catechists. Despite the persecutions he was subjected to he proved to be too good.
When his land yielded about four times the crops on the lands of his fellow
villagers, the Hindus of the vicinity seemed to have said, His God is making up to
him the loss we caused him when we stole his crops to get him back to
Hinduism.46 Thus unknowingly they began to develop faith in Christianity as a
religion which could change lives. Though only a few had the boldness to come
161
out openly to profess the new religion, their example made many others also long
for that life. The following episodes bear testimony to that change of attitude.
162
163
J.C. Ingleby, Missionaries, Education and India, ISPCK, Delhi, 2000, p. 227.
164
for sanitary work, for enacting dramas on rural problems and holding exhibitions.55
To improve the economic condition of the people of Madurai were given the
agricultural and industrial training to students.56 Their advancement in these fields
earned their family members double happiness, who were happy to refer to their
children as Christians ntjf;fhut[';f in colloquial Tamil.
This had a snow balling effect on the mind set of the Kallars who in
earlier times trained their children in the art of thieving, to have begun to shun the
crime culture. Thus as each Christian school was a lighthouse, there was more
light shining in the Kallar country ever before.57 Though spiritually the gain was
less manifest yet it was encouraging because many Kallars, though guilty of many
crimes which they acknowledged, started listening to the Gospel and asked the
missionaries to visit them often. They also assured them that if they could place a
catechist or teacher among them to teach these spiritual things to them daily, they
would soon become Christians.58 This made Rev. Hazen, a missionary at
Thirumangalam station, believe that there was certainly an open door there and the
harvest was ripe and was so confident of a precious ingathering in the near
165
future.59 Hazen was right in his assumption since conversions began to take place
in large numbers. The narration of Rev. Perkins regarding the formation of a
congregation became very much true in the case of the Kallars. To quote Perkins,
First 2 or 3 men are impressed with the truth; then before they announce
themselves as Christians, they endeavour to influence their brothers and relatives
and when they think they have a number large enough for protection in case of
persecution which is sure to follow, they will give their names to the missionary
and are enrolled as Christians. Some of these numbers have followed their leaders
and influential men in to Christianity just as they would have followed them in to
Mohemmedanism or any other religion.60
59. Ibid.
60. Annual Report of the AMM for 1898, p. 17.
61. J.W. Pickett, Op. cit., p. 55.
166
indicating their affinity to the family and to the jati at large. One among the major
group movements of such nature in Tamilnadu took place among the Piramalai
Kallars of Usilampatti.62 But the period specified by him as after 1924 is
probably wrong because Francis, in Madurai Gazetteer, wrote in 1906 itself Still
the Kallars are becoming Christians as families through the mission work and
through the witness of a few Christians.63 Likewise the conversion of a chief of
the thief caste with thirteen of his followers in 1913 happened64 which might
have been the reason for Dr. Banninga to come out with the vision of the
missionaries - of establishing the kingdom of God among this stalwart, daring
class of men and women.65
Thus education and the entrance of new ideas had begun to shake
their old faith and served as a bridge between the Christian community and the
Kallars. In the meantime the British Government decided to apply the Criminal
Tribes Act on the Kallars which fell on them like a bolt from the blue. At this
juncture it becomes imperative to throw light on the CTA which also proved to be
a definite catylist in bringing them still more close to Christianity.
62. Hugald Grafe, History of Christianity in India, Vol. IV, Part II, CHAI, Bangalore, 1990, pp. 91 - 92.
63. W. Francis, Madras District Gazetteer, Madurai, Vol. I, 1906, pp. 75 - 79.
64. Annual Report of the AMM for 1913, p. 26.
65. Ibid., p. 43.
167
CTA, an All India Act, was originally meant to control tribes which
made crime a tribal profession and amongst whom there was no sense that crime
was a wrong or undesirable thing, thus proving to be addicts to the systematic
commission of non-bailable offences.67 Originally passed in 1871, it was extended
to the Madras presidency with certain amendments as Act III of 1911 on the basis
of the recommendations of the Indian Police Commission appointed in 1902-03.68
The circumstances under which the provisions of the CTA were applied to these
66. S.H. Blackburn, The Kallars: A Tamil Criminal Tribe Reconsidered, Journal of South Asian studies,
vol. I, March 1976, p. 48.
67. G. O .No. 1024, Judicial, dated 4th May, 1914.
68. Ibid.
168
69. G. O. No. 1023, Judicial, dated 4th May, 1914; G.O. No. 2233, Judicial, dated 16th September, 1915;
G.O. No. 1331, Home (Judicial), dated 5th June, 1918; G. O. No. 862, Home (Judicial), dated 26th
March, 1920; G. O. No. 2430, Home (Judicial), dated 3rd April, 1920.
70. S.H. Blackburn, Loc. cit.
71. Ibid., p. 44.
72. G. O. No. 596, Law (General), dated 16th June, 1921.
73. W. Francis, Op. cit., p. 73.
169
74. Notes connected with G. O. No. 2956, Judicial, dated 2nd December, 1915, p. 1.
75. Ibid., p. 2.
76. Ibid.
170
77. Kallars in the Madurai District, Protest against Registration, The Hindu, dated 25th Nov. 1915.
78. E.B. Loveluck, The Kallar Problem, The Police Magazine, Journal for Publicity Bureau, September,
1921, p. 91.
79. Petition from Sivanandi Tevan and others, residents of Mela Urappanur, Thirumangalam taluk,
Madurai district, through their counsel George Joseph, Madurai, to His Excellency, the Governor-inCouncil, Fort St. George, Madras, dated 20th November, 1915. See Annexure iii.
80. Telegram from M.R. Ry. Sivanandi to the Honourable Rao Bahadur P. Kesava Pillai, Tirumangalam,
dated 25th November, 1915. See Annexure iv.
171
respect and dignity of the community, the British Government did notify the whole
tribe of the Piramalai Kallars as criminal tribes village by village.81 Accordingly all
the adult male members of the Piramalai Kallar community were registered under
Sec.10 (1) (a) and those who were convicted earlier by the courts of law under
Sec. 10(1) (b) of the CTA. All the registered persons were to leave their thumb
impressions in the registers where their bio-data had also been recorded. It was
mandatory on the part of the registered member to attend a roll call once or twice
every night of his life at inconvenient hours such as 11.00 P.M. and 3.00 A.M.
besides being made to take a passport if he left his residence between sunset and
sunrise. As far as those who were booked under Sec.10 (1) (b) were concerned,
they were subjected to close watching and their movements were strictly restricted
and they could be arrested on mere suspicion. Any violation of this restriction was
considered punishable with imprisonment up to three years or a fine of Rs.500/-.82
The plight of the registered person who was made to answer a roll call at a police
station, three or four miles away from his residence and lie down there being
exposed in the rainy days where there was no adequate shelter could never be
imagined.83 The worst part of it was, once notified the members had no right to
appeal against it in the court of law and in which ever part of the British territory
81.
Paddison, District Magistrate of Madurai, proposed after consultation with the police authorities that
the whole of the Piramalai Kallar tribe be proclaimed a criminal tribe.
Letter from G.F. Paddison, District Magistrate of Madurai, to the Secretary to Government, Home
(Judicial Dept.), through the I.G. of Police dated 27th April, 1918. No. R.O.C. 15-B and G/Mgl.
82. Y.C. Simhadri, The Criminal Tribes of India, Govt. of India, New Delhi, 1979, p. 33.
83. G.O. No. 149, Judicial, dated 27th March, 1923.
172
they wandered they were identified as criminal tribes only.84 The Kallars felt that
their communal pride had been touched by the CTA which drove them to the brink
of requesting the Government for a new caste designation since Kallars as an
appellation was indicative of a thieving profession.85 On the realisation of the
reproach the CTA attached to them, they were determined to resent it. Hence
their registration was not an easy affair. There were frequent clashes between
them and the police, culminating in the Perungamanallur shoot out on
3 rd April, 1920 (See Plates V, VI, VII & VIII).86 This riot has been described
as
173
In fact the CTA was a stigma and a blot on the statute book of a
civilized nation as portrayed by Begum Sultana Mir Amruddin, a member of the
Muslim League in Legislative Assembly.88a W.J. Hatch doubted that any other
Act on the statute book goes so far in giving the police powers to take away a
mans freedom.89 It was nothing but an outward expression of the 'Kallarphobia'
from which the British suffered and a clear cut sign of the vindictive spirit of the
British who wanted to keep this turbulent people off from National politics either
by hook or by crook. Nevertheless in spite of all these measures the registered
criminal was shrewd enough to find out ways of evading the rules and it was
impossible for a small police force to tackle the situation. Being convinced of the
futility of coercive measures, the Government had to devise a satisfactory method
of tackling them and hence it came out with the reclamation scheme. Though it
appeared like pinching the child and rocking the cradle or setting them to run and
watching the fun on the part of the British, the reclamation scheme could not be
underestimated since it opened up new vistas of life to the Kallars.
88a Madras Legislative Assembly Debates (MLAD), 17th April 1947, p. 16.
89. David Arnold, Police Power and Colonial Rule, Madras, 1859 - 1947, Oxford University Press,
Madras, 1986, p. 144.
174
community and an individual. Hence if their economic problem was solved, crime
from tribal motives would become negligible. Having convinced of this fact, the
Government was determined to tackle it in two ways.90
i.
ii.
175
introduced. Loveluck who was well informed of the importance of the panchayats
in the life of the Kallars and also of the successful experimentation of it by
Mr. A. Vedachala Ayyar and Mr. Knapp in Mela-Urappanur village, wanted to
enforce it through out Kallarnad. Though it was not a striking innovation of
Loveluck92 as it has been portrayed, he should be credited with the conception of
making the best use of it so as to induce the criminal to give up his criminal
activities of his own accord.93
Through an agreement called the Kallar Panchayat Agreement in
1920, it was proposed to elect panchayats in each of the Kallar villages and to
make the panchayatdars responsible for
i.
ii.
92. M.A. George Joseph, Bar-at-Law, Editor of the"Independent" around 1921 was mainly responsible for
the establishment of the Panchayats in the land of the Kallars through his strong recommendations to
the British Government in India. Swadesamitran, MNNR., Madras, 6th June, 1921, p. 715.
93. I.G. of Police, Madras Police Centenary, 1859 - 1959, Madras, 1959, p. 533.
176
If the panchayat was honest enough to carry out these conditions that
village was exempt from the operation of the section 10 of the CTA94 i.e., from
attending the roll call and taking the passport while leaving the residence between
sunset and sunrise. But at the same time, it was made quite clear that if the Kallars
of any such exempted villages began to misbehave, the exemption of the entire
village would be cancelled. This provision had emphatically changed the Kallar
public opinion so much so that those who indulged in crime more from a love of
adventure and hitherto considered, heroes, came to be considered intolerable
nuisances especially by the women.95 As a result crime had almost ceased in
places where panchayat system was introduced.
For the effective implementation of the system, the Government
appointed Rao Sahib A.K. Raja Ayyer as a Special Kallar Officer, to be assisted
by one Special Inspector and two Sub-Inspectors.96 He worked on the principle
minimum of force and restriction and maximum of help and trust to be shown to
the Kallars. He quickly acquainted himself with the Kallars and even won over
their confidence. Nearly 501 Kallar panchayats were established in Kallarnad.97
The panchayat system having succeeded in making the life of a
criminal unpopular and his personal freedom most insecure, the alternative offered
94. Kallar Panchayat Agreement, Govt. Press, 1920, p. 2.
95. Loveluck, Op. cit., p. 92.
96. G.O. No. 447, Home (Judicial), dated 1st March, 1921.
97. G. O. No. 2683, Law (General), dated 8th November, 1922.
177
to him became more attractive. This was the desired effect and the Government
lost no time to fix the seal when the wax was warm. Hence the Government took
effective steps to improve agriculture, the main occupation of the Kallars.
Improvement of agriculture
A commission was appointed to enquire into the conditions of the
villages and to suggest the best methods of improving their agricultural
production.98 On the basis of its recommendation, co-operative societies were
established with the objectives of thrift, self-help and co-operation among the
Kallars. These societies granted loans for agricultural purposes.99 Loans under the
Agriculturists Loans Act and Land Improvements Loan Act were also granted to
them. Lands and house sites were assigned to deserving Kallars wherever
practicable.100 But pattas issued were made inalienable whether by sale deed or
mortgage.101 Problem of drinking water scarcity was solved by digging wells at the
cost of the Government in their villages.102 Local schemes for the improvement of
178
existing tanks and other sources by the Public Works Department and the Minor
Irrigation Department and for the construction of new ones were carried out.
Training in improved methods of agriculture was also imparted.
Industrial development
Hitherto the attitude of the Kallars towards industries had been one
of contempt. To put an end to the unemployment problem among the Kallars
which posed a serious threat the Government formulated a few programmes.
Accordingly sufficient training to the Kallar boys with improved equipments so as
to enable them to stand on their own legs was given.103 Cottage industries such as
weaving, carpet-making, mat-making, carpentry, tailoring, blacksmithy, brasssmithy, bee-keeping, jaggery-making etc.were introduced.104 Starting of poultry
and dairy farming and granting of loans to cottage industries helped them to earn
their livelihood. Though industries could not provide all Kallars with jobs, it did
train a good number of them at each centre and also made the Kallars realise that
such a kind of labour was quite compatible with their self-esteem.105 Thus
103. Administration Report of the Activities of Kallar Reclamation Schemes in Madurai District 1973 1974, Govt. of Tamilnadu, 1974, p. 45.
104. Of all branches of industry, weaving continued to be the most popular among the Kallars so also
carpentry. At the annual exhibition held at Madras, at the Park Fair, a gold medal was awarded for
Kallar made articles. Report on the Administration of Police of the Madras Presidency for 1926, Govt.
Press, Madras 1927, p. 19.
105. I.G. of Police, Op. cit., p. 537.
179
By means of all these measures, the economic status of the Kallars was
uplifted.
Education
With a view to mould the Kallar children and to divert their energies
to constructive purposes, education was given much importance under the
reclamation scheme. Illiteracy which fostered criminality in the Kallars was being
180
181
182
(ii) A grant of Rs. 600/- per annum should be sanctioned half to be spent
on office charges and the other half on a day school.
118. Ibid.
119. J.J. Banninga, Op. cit., p. 140.
120. G.O. No. 1725, Home (Judicial) dated 18th August, 1917.
121. Annual Report of the AMM for 1917, p. 11.
122. G. O. No. 1314, Judicial, dated 20th May, 1916.
183
a grant of free land to the landless Kallars, the promise of waiving some of the
onerous restrictions of the CTA etc. to join the settlement.123 It also looked after
the welfare of the settlers and even paid for their transportation, erection of huts,
tools and seeds for their cultivation.124 Offering employment in quarrying was a
measure usually undertaken by the Government in the form of settling the notified
criminal tribes.125 The subsidiary industries such as weaving, silk-rearing,
carpentry and sewing were the measures adopted along with mat and basket
making. The sale of cattle, mats, ropes and involvement as coolie labourers were a
few activities adopted for the settlers.126
Besides the overall supervision of the entire project, the AMM was
expected to take care of the welfare of the settlers particularly as regards education
and morals.127 Rev. J.X. Miller was first to be named as Superintendent and since
he felt he could not give up his educational work in Pasumalai Rev. E.P. Holton
was then appointed.128 For some time it went on satisfactorily but later tended to
be a failure since not many Kallar families responded as it was expected. Only 20
families had joined the settlement129 because the Kallars by nature never liked to
184
leave their homes and to be under any authority that would curtail their
independence. Moreover it was found that the site selected was malaria prone and
hence the Government had to give it up. This failure, added to the ongoing First
World War made the Government close the settlement in 1919130 and confine itself
to the other activities for reforming this caste.
185
186
which they were ready to dedicate to the cause of education. A glance revealed the
children who perhaps were already assembled and waiting for a teacher to come
and open the school.133
Despite the fact that it was welcoming news for all the missions, they
found it very difficult to supply qualified teachers for such a good number of
schools. Even the AMM was unable to supply so many teachers to work in
Kallarnad in spite of the fact that there was a regular supply of trained teachers
from the Pasumalai Training School. Hence to meet the sudden demand for
teachers, the AMM resolved to start a Lower grade Training class at
Thirumanagalam in July 1922,134 comprising students mainly from the Kallar
caste. It is said, in the beginning, as a stop-gap arrangement the mission had
appointed even those with I Std. qualification and it was considered enough if they
were able to sign their names till suitable hands were available.135 As a result 3500
pupils from this caste were studying in those village schools which originated with
the Police Department, the building constructed in every case by the people
themselves and the village and the government sharing in the salary of the teacher.
In addition, 150 of these Kallar youth were trained to become teachers to their own
caste people.136 Most of them had already become Christians due to their exposure
133. Raymond A. Dudley, The Kallars of Madura, The Missionary Herald, January 1923, pp. 209-210.
134. Minutes of the AMM, Resolution 60, January 1922, p. 30.
135. G.J.R. Athistam, Op. cit., p. 20
136. The Missionary Herald for 1922,p. 438.
187
Boarding Schools
Five AMM boarding schools which were centres of strong religious
life and character building were run in Madurai district. Hundreds of these Kallar
youths were enrolled and were on government scholarships.137 In these schools
which resembled the Gurukula of our ancient times, the boys were given Christian
nurture whereby they were taught to read the Bible, to pray, to attend the churches
and to live like Christians. With a view to instill in their minds the principles of
honesty and industry, these boys who were mentally and physically equipped for
hard work were given training in weaving and carpentry. In fact these trades made
their life in the schools not only interesting but also enabled them to earn their
livelihood through honest means in future.138 In order to prevent these boys
running away from schools, a Panchayat was formed from among themselves and
the leaders were instructed to be vigilant and also to make others understand the
value of vocational training.
188
189
was made a breeding and distribution centre for goats and Berkshire pigs as
well.142
Industrial Schools
The AMM had also requested the Government of Madras to provide
scholarship of Rs. 5 per month for 25 Kallar boys at Pasumalai vocational school
which had well-equipped press, farm, carpentry, iron work shed etc. where
printing, carpentry, masonry, gardening and farming were taught. Since weaving
was a favourite industry with the Kallar, a shed and four looms were also sought
for the Kallar boarders at Thirumangalam so that with four shifts of five boys each
working for two hours a day, twenty boys could learn to weave well in a year.143
True to the expectation of the Government, the schools played an important part in
transforming this community into an honourable one. As Lorbeer emphatically
says this was made possible since for 75 years teachers, pastors and missionaries
had been preaching truth and honesty in the Kallar country and prepared a base on
which the new foundation could be laid.144
190
Scout Movement
Athletic and Boy Scout activities were started to replace their love
for thieving expeditions and to divert their energies. Mr. Lorbeer, the then District
Commissioner of the Scout Movement, was responsible for the success of the Boy
Scouts among the Kallar youth through the Kallar teachers who were given Scout
Masters' training.145 This movement served as a means of inculcating the value of
honesty and self-help and creating a desire for selfless service in the Kallar youth.
On seeing their love for sports, the missionaries conducted events like distance
runs, high jump, broad jump etc. and the idea was taken up by the police who ran
three big carnivals a year with good and moral effect. The AMM made a request to
the Government to assign play ground for each village and a sum of Rs. 10/- to
each school for the purchase of sports articles.146
Piramalai Reformer
With Lorbeer as the Manager and G. J. R. Athishtam as the Editor, a
Quarterly Journal in vernacular by name Piramalai Sirthiruthan (Piramalai
Reformer) was started with the aim of educating the public.147 Many useful articles
were contributed by the mission workers, well-wishers and even by officials. The
145. Ibid.
146. Proposal for the co-operation between the Govt. of Madras and the AMM, Loc. cit.
147. G.J.R. Athistam, Op. cit., p. 24.
191
articles were simple, interesting and valuable to them. The AMM requested the
Government to make use of this journal as a means of communicating to the
Kallars and also to subscribe for 200 copies at Re. 1 per year so that copies could
be given free to all literate Panchayatdars. Moreover the Government was also
made known that 1000 literate Kallars were willing to subscribe if it was made
cheap.148 Unfortunately this was stopped when other vernacular dailies came into
the field.
Social Reform
An important social reform carried out by Rev. Dudley and his
co-workers in Kallarnad was concerned about bride-money.149 Owing to the
paucity of educated girls among the Kallars, the brides parents demanded
exorbitant dowry from the grooms parents as against their ancestral caste
custom according to which bride money was fixed at Rs. 101. To enable the
educated girls to get married to the prospective bridegrooms, Rev. Dudley
appealed to the good senses of the brides parents and succeeded in making them
observe the old ancestral custom. Moreover he succeeded in persuading the Kallars
to set a limit to the amount of jewellery to be worn by them and to start a
Marriage Fund so as to facilitate the meeting of marriage expenses. The AMM
also encouraged everyone to deposit Re.1 per month in to the Thirumangalam
Rural Reconstruction Co-operative Society.150
148. Proposal for the co - operation between Govt. of Madras and the AMM, Loc. cit.
149. J.S. Ponniah, Op. cit., p. 176.
150. Ibid.
192
Rural Reconstruction
A well organized and comprehensive programme of rural
reconstruction was launched151 with a view to achieve economic uplift of the
Kallars. Accordingly loans were secured from the Government by the AMM who
supplied Kangeyam stud bulls and heifers on co-operative basis. Surti goats were
supplied with the help of Katpadi institute on the same basis. Leghorn hens and
eggs were also supplied. With the co-operation of the Government the missionaries
educated the Kallars to have improved methods of cultivation and supplied iron
ploughs and seeds. Thus the Kallars were educated to make the best use of the
welfare measures of the Government.
Rural Y. M. C. A
Young men Christian Association (YMCA) commonly called Grama
Sangam was started by teachers and pastors in many villages. They had weekly
meetings and discussed the rural problems. Good books were supplied to these
centres and thus fruitful work in rural uplift was carried out.152
Thus CTA indirectly helped the Kallars who felt desperate and
abandoned by other Hindu communities in getting closer to the missionaries who
151. G.J.R. Athistam, Op. cit., p. 23.
152. Ibid.
193
saw in it a great opportunity to suppress the evil and sublimating the best in the
Kallars through Gospel. The reclamation scheme, though sponsored by the
Government, went a long way in enabling them to understand the selfless sacrifice
of the missionaries which was exhibited on every occasion. The efforts they took
to secure scholarship for students from the Government, to bring absentees to the
schools by going to cotton fields, to bring back the dropouts from schools so that
they might not lose their scholarships etc. had a telling effect on the Kallars.
Lorbeer who assumed a special responsibility for the work in Kallarnad writes
without fear of equivocation The Kallar country for Christ by 1925 is our
slogan . The present movement among the Kallars is away from crime and
toward education. 25 baptism and hundreds of inquirers show that the movement
was also towards Christianity though not in mass yet. Our faith and hope lead us to
believe that the Kallars will enlist under the banner of the Cross in larger and
larger numbers till Christian thought and conduct will permeate the whole of the
Kallar area."153 Perhaps this might have enabled Rev. James A. Hess of the
American college at Madurai to come out with the declaration that never at any
time in the experience of the missionaries had a movement been so pronounced
than the movement of the Kallars of Thirumangalam taluk towards Christianity.154
194
This has been vouchsafed by the baptism that took place in quick succession. On
the New Year day of 1922, 17 people received baptism. During the year 1922, 64
adults received baptism from this caste alone155 which made the missionaries hope
that it was but the 'beginning of a strong, steady movement to their church'.156 The
trend was further accelerated in the following years which could be gleaned from
the missionary records. We are witnessing the transformation of men and boys
and a whole caste. Our church records show it, Police statistics show it and we
read it from the book of experience, a new page of which opens fresh to greet us
each morning.157 During the year 1923 relations with the Government in the work
which hitherto had been some what experimental were largely stabilized. The
Government was grateful to the missionaries for their kind co-operation and also
for the results which were attained.158 In 1924 there had been 85 baptism from the
Kallar caste of which 61 were of adults. Larger and greater results were looked for
and several of the villages were regarded as places of great hope.159 In the opinion
of Thekkadath the life of hardship and insecurity which was the lot of the Kallars
turned the thoughts of many to another life of eternal peace of which the preachers
had spoken to them. Many of those peasant - soldiers and some of their leaders
155. Annual Report of the AMM for 1922, p. 56.
156. The Missionary Herald for 1923, p. 210.
157. Ibid., p. 211.
158. The Missionary Herald for 1925, p. 7.
159. Ibid.
195
196
town. Only due to his initiative, the first lady missionary of the CSMMiss Esther
Peterson (See Plate IX) came to Madurai to under take the zenana work. From
thenceforth Madurai became an important centre for the missionary activities of
the Lutheran Mission.
197
198
After a number of indecisive meetings, at last in 1917, it was agreed that neither
mission would enter in to a village of less than 2000 inhabitants if that village were
already being visited by the workers of the other mission.167 This paved the way
for an intimate relationship between the two missions. To bring the CSM into
closer fellowship with the AMM with regard to female education in the High
School and Teacher Training Grades, on the suggestion of the latter CSM agreed
to pay Rs. 600/- a year towards the expenses.168 However co-operation in village
work was a real problem. Since it was the usual practice of the CSM to follow its
Christians wherever they went, it was very difficult to observe the comity rules.
Hence in the September meeting of 1920, the AMM Committee on comity
suggested to divide the field harmoniously in order to avoid unnecessary friction as
well as unhealthy competition. As a result Thirumangalam taluk was divided in
such a way that the southern and western portion was given to the CSM and
northern and eastern portion, to the AMM. Involved in this territorial division was
the question of their work in Kallarnad.169 By this division the major part of that
work fell to the AMM. To all intents and purposes this division gave the town of
Usilampatti to the Lutherans. Hence the CSM concentrated more on this place and
Usilampatti became a separate pastorate in 1922 and Rev. John Himmelstrand and
167. J.J. Banninga, Op. cit., p. 160. See Annexure -v.
168. Ibid.
169. Ibid., p. 161.
199
his wife Mrs. Elsa Himmelstrand were sent here to work among the Kallars
(See Plate XI). The Girls' School started in 1915 was made a Boarding School.
With the co-operation of the Government they started a number of schools and
were even prepared to start schools in the more inaccessible parts of Kallarnad.
The mission also requested the Government to pay three-fourths and the panchayat
one-fourth of the salary of the teacher and to furnish the needed buildings. They
had also expressed their desire to send some Kallar children to their boarding
schools in Pudukkottai and Thanjavur districts in order to keep them away from
their village environment and to provide them with opportunity to mingle with
other boarders drawn from several communities170 which was sure to go a long
way in moulding their character.
170. Proposed scheme of work for Reformation of the Kallars by the CSM with Govt. Assistance Enclosure III, G.O. No. 596, Law (General), dated 16th June, 1921. See Annexure-iv.
171. Personal interview with Rev. Daniel Manoharan., above 75 years of age who worked among the
Kallars in Usilampatti for more than ten years, on 10th May, at Madurai.
200
201
202
minding for how long she had to wait there. She took personal care that the Kallar
students received their scholarship amount in time and the other benefits due to
them.177 She spent her time, energy, money and her life for the welfare and uplift
of the girls and women in this Kallar area. Even after her departure to Sweden due
to her old age, her thoughts were always with the institutions.178
Though she was a spinster she was considered as the mother of so
many. She adopted so many orphaned children, conducted marriages for them and
for the girls she bought all the vessels and the other things needed to settle them in
marriage life. Every year she used to invite them all during the month of May and
provided them with free boarding and lodging for three days. She had a very big
'family' of daughters, sons-in-law and grand children.179 Former M.L.A.
Mr. P.K. Mookaiah Tevar bestowed on her the title Veerammal for her boldness in
facing the high officials and getting things done for the pupils. He used to fondly
refer to her as nooru mark meaning cent percent, instead of Nordmark as she
completely allowed herself to be spent away for the sake of the Kallar women of
Usilampatti.
177. Personal interview with Miss Krenappu Kalarani, H.M. of the TELC Hr. Sec. School for Girls,
Usilampatti, on May 22nd, 2006.
178. In one of Miss Nordmark's letter to Mrs. Kanagaalli Asirvatham, the former H.M. of the TELC Hr.
Sec. School for Girls, Usilampatti, dated 4th June, 1992, she has stated that she got a fairly big amount
as a gift which she was willing to add to the fund for stipends to students. See Annexure vi.
179. Personal interview with Mrs. Kanagavalli Asirvatham,aged 65, on 26th May, 2006, at Madurai.
203
204
Fr. Trincal established his contact stations for the exploration of the
western region and after two years of exploration he had the beginnings of
Christian villages. Six of them were villages of 40 or 50 kilometres from Madurai.
He was given full charge of all the country near the hills to carry on the work of
conversion.183 The central administrative district of the New Madura Mission
181. V.M. Gnanapragasam., A pearl of Great Price, Nobili Publications, Madurai, 1988, pp. 121-122.
182. Ibid., p. 92.
183. Extracts from the Diary of Fr. J.B. Trincal, dated February, 1871, Caritas, July 1974, p. 60.
205
206
207
feasts etc. contributed very much in bringing the Kallars to the Christian fold and
preserving them in religious life. These celebrations were in keeping with the
character of the Kallars who were so fond of external manifestation of their faith.
208
from the elementary schools were sent to high schools and boarding schools, run
for both boys and girls in the cities. Through strict supervision, socio-economic
improvement and education, Fr. Prince endeared himself to the Kallars which
earned him the title Prince of the Kallars.191 Fr. Prince had thus sown the seeds
which his successors continued to cultivate.
209
his incessant work and genuine concern for the Kallars, he began to sway over
many a heart of the Kallars who bestowed on him the title Perpetual Lamp of the
Kallarnad (See Plate XVI). Even today many Christians of Karumathur area
take pride in calling themselves Montaud Christians.195
Besides Fr. Prince and Montaud, Fr. Regis Gammon and Fr. Joseph
Ingacy were also responsible for the success of the Jesuit endeavours of Kallar
reclamation and are still hailed as the Apostles of the Kallars. Their contribution
was appreciated both by the public and the Government.196 Through cottage
industries and co-operative societies the missionaries helped them to earn their
livelihood through honest means. The Jesuits express their willingness to
accommodate 50 Kallar girls who could be taught embroidery, weaving and lacemaking and also boys in their schools belonging to the Kallar Community.197
195. Silver Jubilee Volume 1978 2003, St. Antony Maria Claret Parish, Karumathur, 2003, p. 19.
196. Madras Mail, 6th June, 1926.
197. Proposal sent by the R.C. Jesuit Madura Mission to the Govt. Enclosure V, G.O. No. 596, Law
(General), dated 16th June, 1921, p. 13. See Annexure iv.
198. Caritas, January 1981,p. 54.
210
211
Kallars to bear a passport and report to the nearest police when leaving the
village199 that made the Kallars embrace Christianity. Unfortunately his view was
based solely on an interview given by Rev. Athistam belonging to the Piramalai
Kallar Community to Rev. Asirvadam.
Logical inferences and circumstantial evidences stand against that
assumption since
(i)
nowhere in the CTA has it been stated that the Kallars who had embraced or
would embrace Christianity would be exempted from the CTA. If it were the
case, there ought to have taken place mass conversion since they were
brought into this hook wholesale.
(ii) It was originally decided that all Kallars should be registered once for all and
exemptions from Sec. 10 (a) were to be freely granted and the section was to
be enforced only against the worst characters and held in terrorem against
others.200 As a result a considerable number was removed from the registers
either as a reward of good conduct or because no suspicion was attached to
them.201 Further the educated and respectable Kallars, irrespective of their
religion, were exempted from registration.202 Hence there is no valid reason
for a Kallar to use Christianity as a tool for exemption.
199. Hugald Grafe, History of Christianity in India, Vol. IV, CHAI, Bangalore, 1990, p. 95.
200. Administration Report of the I.G. of Police for 1920, Govt. Press, Madras, 1921, p. 26.
201. Ibid., p. 25.
202. Letter from A.R.C. West Lake, District Magistrate of Madurai, to the Secretary to Govt., Loc. cit.
212
(iii) Moreover nothing could daunt a Kallar from committing crimes if he had
decided to carry it out. By setting up alibis through incorrect record of
checking, the Kallar criminals were able to commit crime in between the
reporting times and the police were rather helpless to forestall them since it
became impracticable to have any sort of effective checking for such a large
number. This has been corroborated by the administrative report which gives
out a statistics of the increase of the Kallar crime due to continued failure of
monsoon particularly in the latter part of 1926.203 Hence the police were
constrained to find out an effective alternative. The result was the
introduction of the Abeyance System in 1929.204 It enabled the police to
concentrate their attention on the really bad characters by exempting less
dangerous or less active members on the condition that if their activities were
suspicious they would be asked to report to the police station twice every
night.205 Thus only the police out of desperation were forced to find out
different ways and means to rope them in to legality. The Kallars never out of
fear or coersion or punishment deterred away from committing crimes. They
were dauntless towards any form of oppressions.
(iv) Therefore it is crystal clear that the Kallars must have come into the Christian
fold not out of fear for police surveillance but of conviction, rather a longing
to have a changed life.
203. Report on the Administration of Police of the Madras Presidency for 1927, Govt. Press, Madras, 1928.
204. Madras Criminal Tribes Manual, Madras, 1935, p. 75.
205. I.G. of Police, History of Madras Police Centenary 1859 - 1959, Op. cit., p.537.
213
(v) Since the reclamation scheme was a Governmental project meant for all
Kallars whether Hindus or Christians the assumption that just to get the
benefits of the scheme only they changed religion sounds illogical and
unacceptable.
Other reasons
Besides education and CTA, there were ever so many reasons for the
Kallar conversion.
When the Kallars experienced the power of Gospel through healing
miracles and exorcism, they always accepted Christianity as a family which
automatically paved the way for web movement among their relatives towards
Christ. The oral history of one Ponniah Thevar family*206 is a marker on the
introduction of Christianity in a community and its acceptance by a family.
The maternal grandfather of Mr. Ponniah Thevar was an honoured
member of his clan and was venerated as the poojari (head priest) of the sondha
Kovil viz. the Moonusamy Kovil at Madhipanur. This familys introduction to
Christianity was an interesting and a true episode. Once when a missionary was
preaching in the market place about the healing ministry of Jesus Christ, this
* The poojaris name is not known to the grand daughter of Mr. Ponniah Thevar, a Piramalai Kallar
who narrated this episode which has been passed on to her by her grand father.
206. Personal interview with Mrs. Annie Vinoth, aged 30, on 21st May, 2006, at Madurai.
214
characteristic of Jesus Christ as the healer caught the attention of the priest of the
Moonusamy Kovil. Intrigued and fascinated at the revelation, the pujari
challenged the missionary whether he could cure the children afflicted with
impairment of speech and hearing. For at that time many children of his clan were
born deaf and dumb. The missionary replied that he might not be able to cure the
already born with this impairment since it had fallen on them as a punishment for
their sins, but could stop the occurrence in future through fervent prayers. And so
the challenge was accepted by both that if in future the children were born without
this physical challenge, the pujari should accept Jesus as the Supreme God. If
otherwise the missionary would be burnt to death. Time passed and curiosity
aroused and to the amazement of the clan every other child born could speak and
hear. Consequently the pujari and his family became converts to Christianity as
they were always known for their word of integrity.
207. Joseph C. Houpert, A South Indian Mission, The Madura Catholic Mission 1535 1935, St. Joseph's
Industrial School Press, Trichy, 1937, pp. 112 - 113.
215
interesting way. The sorcerer Ramasamy was a bitter enemy of the new converts
who lost no chance to wreak vengeance on the traitors of his tribal gods. In due
course, he was laid down with pulmonary tuberculosis. While on deathbed he sent
word for the priest to get himself baptised. The missionary in turn insisted that he
should first learn the prayers. Just after two weeks once again he sent word for the
priest and astonished him by his recital of a part of Catechism and also obliged to
get rid of the sorcerers tools and the sacred box from his house. On seeing the
heir-loom of their family thrown out, his brother began cursing him .The whole
village was astir and people could not believe that the old wizard was willing to
become a Christian. When asked whether he took the decision with the sole aim of
escaping death, he replied that he never cared to know the future instead he
expressed his desire to be at peace with God and was immensely happy about
becoming the child of God at least then. As he wished he was baptised and
rechristened as Vedamanickam Fidelis. After three days he breathed his last in
peace. It can very well be understood that unrest and longing for peace with a
strong desire to know God made him accept Christianity and nothing else like
poverty or suppression or force.
Many patients, forlorn and sick to death in hospital, were very much
receptive to the Christian message which provided him/her with mental solace.
Temporal calamities such as the death of the dear ones in spite of offerings and
216
vows made for their recovery to their gods, made some become sick of their gods
who could not hear their prayers.208
While some had spiritual motives such as to obtain Gods blessings
to their families thereby peace in their hearts209 whereas some others were attracted
by their influential relatives who had become Christians. 210
In the case of certain others it was out of conviction and inner urge to
know spiritual matters as explained in Christianity that made them embrace
Christianity. Undeniably some would have embraced Christianity for material
benefits too such as free accommodation in the boarding schools, admission in the
orphanages, preferences in jobs and such as these.
208. Personal interview with Mrs. Mary Kalavathi,aged 63, a Piramalai Kallar and a Rtd. Staff Nurse of
the Mission Hospital , Madurai, on 22nd May, 2006,at Madurai.
209. Personal Interview with Mrs. Stella Sathiya Seelan, aged 60, a Piramalai Kallar and a retired H.M. of a
Govt. Hr.Sec.School, on 23rd May, 2006, at Madurai.
210. Personal Interview with Mrs. Regiina Jebaraj, aged 56, a Piramalai Kallar and a retired Teacher, on
23rd May, 2006, at Madurai.
211. Letter of Miss Nordmark to Mrs. Kanagavalli Asirvatham. See Annexure vi.
217
powers of quick judgements, truth could be understood not only by reason but also
by the heart. No wonder that this community with a great sense of gratitude and a
chief characteristic of spontaneous submission to love, courtesy and justice felt
constrained to accept Christianity. Thus the kindness of the missionaries had gone
a long way in converting many Kallars than their zeal, eloquence or learning.
212. Rev. I.H. Hacker, A Hundred Years in Travancore , H.R. Allenson Ltd., London,1908. p.16.
213. Ibid., p.14.
214. Richard Lovett, The History of the London Missionary Society (1795 1895), Vol .II, Henry Frowde,
Oxford University press, London, 1899, p. 25.
215. A. Sreedhara Menon, A Survey of Kerala History , Sahitya Pravarthaka Co-operative Society Ltd.,
Kottayam, 1967, p. 317.
216.
218
indeterminate social status which reduced them to the level of slaves with much
socio-economic and civil disablities217 such as infringement on their natural rights
in the form of heavy taxation, inhuman treatment meted out by the upper caste and
the inhuman practice of forbidding the womenfolk even to cover the upper part of
their body, provided the missionaries of the LMS who were then at work in South
Travancore with an opportunity to champion the cause of the downtrodden through
an agenda of social reforms with both religious and altruistic motives. The
introduction of western education and liberal ideas and utter disregard for
traditional values found expressions in three Upper Cloth Revolts which took place
in 1822, 1828-30 and in 1855. The involvement of the Christian missionaries like
Charles Mead had brought many a people to Christianity as understood from Rev.
White Houses letter to the Mission dated March 5, 1851. It has been stated they
became converts not because of their faith in the religion but because they believed
that they could be given protection by the preachers since they had profound
influence on the ruling community.218 It is not much to say that it was the
initiative, enthusiasm and compassion of the missionaries later championed by the
217.
218.
219
Resident that prompted the steps towards the abolition of slavery219 and the legal
sanction for the women folk of the low castes to cover their upper body in 1855
and 1859 respectively. As a mark of gratitude there took place mass conversion.
219.
K.K. Kusuman, Slavery in Travancore, Kerala Historical Society, Trivandrum, 1973, p. 44.
220
CHAPTER VI
IMPACT OF CHRISTIANITY ON
THE PIRAMALAI KALLARS
220
221
CHAPTER VI
J.S. Ponniah, The Christian Community of Madura, Ramnad and Tinnevelly, Department of Research
and Extension, American College, Madurai, 1938, p. 48.
222
observed that the Kallars had believed that their mission in life was to distribute
the wealth of the country by 'robbing Peter to pay Paul2 Peter being the one with
property and Paul being the one without and they invariably considered themselves
as being in the position of Paul. Thus they had a strong justification for their
inveterate addiction to dacoity and thieving which they assumed to be a duty and
a right, sanctioned by descent.3 This very notion underwent a drastic change. The
Kallar Christians had begun to show a marked tendency to put away their old
habits and to adopt education and other such standards of life.4 This fact has been
vouchsafed by Mrs. Himmelstrand according to whose version the old
occupation of cattle lifting and stealing was not practised by the Kallar
Christians.5 In fact they had become stories of the past among the Christians since
they were exposed to the constant teachings of the missionaries which instilled in
their minds the principles of honesty and industry. This new awareness enabled
them to increasingly abandon their traditional occupations which were considered
to be atrocious.
The missionaries had taught them values such as dignity of labour,
work culture etc. The missionaries had made them conscious of their dignity as
2.
E.B. Loveluck, The Kallar Problem, The Police Magazine, Journal for Publicity Bureau, September
1921, p. 88.
3.
Jean Abbe Dubois, Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies, III. ed., trans., Henry K. Beauchamp,
Oxford,1906, p.17.
4.
5.
223
human beings and inspired them with the sense of self-respect and so the
Christians had taken up agriculture seriously as their chief means of earning their
livelihood. Hitherto they were under the impression that doing certain jobs was
below their dignity. But that very idea was combated by the missionaries who left
no stone unturned to imprint in their minds the value of dignity of labour. As seen
earlier even before the launching of the Kallar Reclamation Scheme by the
Government, the Kallar children also were given pre-vocational training in schools
in agriculture, carpentry, weaving etc. so that they could stand on their own legs
and could lead honest lives. The missionaries realised that if they were offered
interesting employment as a substitute that would absorb their attention and keep
their minds off robbery. Hence they strained their every nerve to channelise the
spirit of emulation which brought more recruits to crime for constructive purpose.
Introduction of Scout Movement and Athletics served the purpose.6 As a result
there was a tremendous change in the mind-set and their life pattern and in their
attitude towards labour.
224
and economic life. Instead of acting vindictively, they had started exhibiting
Christian doctrines such as love, peace, forgiveness etc. They had kept themselves
aloof from quarrels and murders which continued to be a common occurrence in
Kallar villages, as witnessed by Mrs. Himmelstrand.7 They had also stopped
carrying with them any deadly weapons.
Moreover the missionaries had cultivated in them habits of industry
and frugality. The people who were in the habit of whiling away a major part of
the year in idleness hitherto became industrious like other people around them and
started enjoying the fruits of their hard labour with pride and dignity. Further
through the Home Savings system, introduced by Mrs. Himmelstrand they learnt to be
frugal too.
Gambling which was the root cause of many vices was very common
among the Kallars. The increasing extent of gambling especially among those who
could ill afford it alarmed the missionaries and called for action. Though
legislative control was most difficult they believed that public sentiment would
support the suppression of all forms of gambling.8 As a result of constant
preaching against this vice most of the Kallar Christians refrained from practising
it, as vouchsafed by Mrs. Himmelstrand.9
7.
8.
J.J. Banninga, Letter Written to the Indian Statutory Commission, New Delhi, dated June 12, 1928,
UTC Archives, Bangalore, Box - 2, Folder No. 11.
9.
225
10. Missionary Experience or Reports or Letters Feb - May 1855 - Connected with special Meetings of the
Mahratta, Madura and Ceylon Missions of the ABCFM, Printed at the presses of the Board, Bombay
and Madras, 1855, p. 41.
11. "By an Indian Witness" - A paper cutting, pasted on the Mission Record, May 1885.See Annexure- ii.
226
Thus despite the fact that custom was the great law for the Kallars,
one by one it was given up by the Christians.
227
beneficiary, thousands of Kallar boys and girls were taught in Mission Boarding
and Day schools, Training schools, Colleges and in the Industrial and Divinity
schools. Approximately 60% of men and 25% of women between the age of 5 and
30 became literates.17 The Boarding school was unique in the sense that it afforded
the largest possible opportunity for surrounding the children in their developing
stage with those wholesome influences which became imprinted upon their
characters. Improvement in morality was the direct outcome since children were
away from their villages. The upbringing of Kallar youth in Christian Boarding
Homes had caused a great change among the women because they learnt from
child hood a more disciplined way of life and to conform to healthy rules.18 In the
field of education missionaries wanted to impress the younger generation with
their new theories, ideas and beliefs. As stated earlier, in the beginning in the event
of baptism the educational institutions became empty due to panic and there was a
general belief that the missionaries ran the educational institutions with the sole
aim of conversion. In spite of these misgivings the Kallars had the mind to send
their children to mission schools because of their anxiety to procure a government
job which was the magic wand for these schools.19 Thus it was mainly financial
17.
228
desire that induced the Kallars to take up education rather than any love for
education. Though the missionaries were guided by religious motives to start with,
when days went by the object of mission education shifted from conversion to a
mere diffusion of Christian principles and ideals leading to much attraction for
mission schools. As a result a good number of Kallars received education and
became teachers, pastors, evangelists and catechists. Many entered into
government services, army and police services.
One of the boys who recently left our school and failed in the High
school went into business and is earning a good salary in a Government Office.
Only a few weeks ago, he sent a liberal contribution, a part of which was to be
used for the Boarding school and the remainder for work in one of the newly
229
organised schools for the Kallars.20 Thus by imitating the missionaries the Kallar
boy could exhibit his concern for others.
230
after leaving the school those students used to meet very often and prayed together.
After a period of nearly 20 years they got baptised as Christians. When they
returned home their wives refused to serve them food. Had it happened earlier,
such an act would have ended in a divorce since no Kallar could tolerate such a
breach of duty on the part of his wife. As a rule a man never served himself food
when the wife was at home. But those resolute young men sat on their verandas
for 3 days without food. Within a year, their life changed their wives and they too
were baptised and they had built even a prayer house. They led a true Christian
life in the real sense of the term. When once beaten without any valid reason by
the Hindus they refrained from reporting and instead prayed for their aggressors.22
231
Uplift of women
The well known social reformer Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy says, the
missions have done more for womens education in our country than the
Government itself.24 Rev. V.S. Azariah, is absolutely right with his comment .
"Christians were every where the first to break the shackles in which the women
24. A. Amaladoss, Jesuit Presence in Indian History, Satya Nilayam, Anand, 1988, p. 137.
232
were bound and set them free to know and understand the world.25 The
pronounced aim of female education by the missions and churches was originally
not to produce scholars but to give women the capability to fulfil their new role in
a changing society.26 Zenana work helped the leavening of society rather than
conversion.27
One of the greatest difficulties for the missionaries in the work of
Kallarnad was the backwardness of women.28 Kallar women were said to be
inflexibly vindictive and furious on the least injury even on suspicion which
prompted them to take the most violent revenge without any regard to
consequences. They had been the driving force of men into their guilt.29 There was
not a single Kallar woman in 1000 in Thirumangalam region who knew to read
and write. That was why Mrs. Dudley of AMM took pride in 10 little Kallar girls
who received education in the Thirumangalam Boarding school.30According to
Mrs. Himmelstrand the women in Kallarnad had a status and an importance not
always common.31 Very often the freedom of the Kallar women and certain
unsteadiness in their character were the causes of domestic trouble.
25. Sundararaj Manickam , Missionary Education and Social Progress in India, Studies in Missionary
History, C.L.S., Madras, 1988, p. 110.
26. Hugald Grafe, History of Christianity in India, Vol. IV, CHAI, Bangalore, 1990, p. 205.
27. Ibid., p. 206.
28. Annual Report of the AMM for 1922, p. 56.
29. Annual Report of the AMM for 1921, p. 30.
30. Ibid.
31 . J.S. Ponniah, Op. cit., p. 50.
233
234
was welcomed with great jubilation, the birth of a girl was viewed with disfavour
since marriage customs and prestations were a real burden on the parents. Since
Christianity refines and purifies mans estimate of woman and insures to her a
measure of respect and fealty the missionaries had felt themselves compelled to
speak out in condemnation against the atrocity of female infanticide. The
missionary view was so decided that it was impossible to let it pass unnoticed. As
a result of constant preaching against this social evil, it was put an end to among
the Kallar Christians.
Even among the members of the Kallar caste who were nonChristians a movement had taken place for the betterment of their women. A
Society was formed to promote the marrying of only one wife and the remarriage
of widows. They started approaching the Christian workers to inquire the teaching
of the Bible on the subject of marriage.35
235
people of other castes were slowly disappearing. Formerly the low caste people
were called by their caste name. Even officers of low caste too had to suffer from
many social disabilities such as getting water or seats in a Kallar village.
Rev. Athishtam has recorded that once a Harijan teacher was seen with a
missionary on village platform and for that crime of having treated himself an
equal with the Kallars of the village, he was beaten up as soon as the missionary
left the village.37 Such unreasonable treatments were slowly disappearing. Rev.
Athishtam had been an eye witness of this change of attitude of the Christian
Kallars towards caste. They even championed the cause of the poor Harijan
Christians when they were beaten and rendered homeless by their Hindu brethren.
Along with their pastor, they went and chided their brethren for their acts and even
threatened to file a suit for damages in the court.38 Thus Christianity enabled them
to identify themselves with the low caste Christians and treat them as brothers.
Nevertheless, the evil of casteism could not be completely eradicated from the
minds of the Kallar Christians and unfortunately it still persists.
236
were heavily indebted. However the entire scenario underwent a change with the
spread of education which kept the doors for employment wide open for the
educated. The educated youth both male and female were able to shoulder the
responsibility of their parents. Even semi-literate and illiterate found employment
in factories, mills and also in the railways. The co-operative societies started for
Christian employees had also greatly helped in this matter. As seen earlier the
small Savings Society which was started for poor village Christians enabled them
to start some small scale ventures. Mr. Dudleys social reform of setting a limit to
bride money and jewellery had provided them with great relief. As a result
economically they were becoming far better than many other communities.
General housing conditions and the general sanitation of the locality
were improved. They were taught to cut unnecessary expenditure and to limit
borrowing so that they could be saved from interest charges. By removing the
wrong notion about illness much economic loss had been stopped by the
contribution of Christianity to the prevention and cure of illness. Literacy gave
them the needed protection against fraud. Thus education was mainly responsible
for bringing changes in the economic lives of the Kallars in general and not
conversion as such. In fact conversion to Christianity had not brought about any
spectacular change in their economic condition.
237
238
i.
The uplift work for the Kallars, though channelised through Christian
missions, was definitely a governmental project for all Kallars whether they
were Hindus or Christians. To be a beneficiary of the reclamation scheme, a
Kallar need not to have become a Christian at all. Moreover the organisations
run by the missionaries were secular in total. No pre-conditions regarding the
faith or caste were laid. Their premises were kept wide open for all those
entering and enjoying the benefits. Hence the situation did not necessitate a
Kallar to become a Christian.
ii.
The missionaries of course did not compromise in certain matters in the wake
of conversion especially caste and polygamy. In the words of a protestant
missionary E.T. Rhenius, After a 100 years of mission work, attachment to
caste has increased, not diminished among the Christians.42 Since the mantle
of caste was closer than the mantle of Christian religion for a Kallar, he did
not like to give up his caste which was more than his life. The Kallar
42. S.B. Kaffmann, A Christian Caste in Hindu Society, Modern Asian Studies, Vol. XV, April 1981,
p. 203.
239
Christians continued to assume their caste title Thevar and to marry within
their caste and never liked to inter-marry. Even if there was any such thing, it
was a rare one with all boycotts. True to the observation of Oddie that the
converts who opted for Christianity outside the mass movement were faced
with problems related to the selection of spouses,43 here also the Kalla
converts found it very difficult to get proper partners within the small group
of Christians. They had to resort to their Hindu relatives and this was
sometimes done at the cost of the Christian faith.44 To prevent them from
relapsing to Hinduism, in the early years, the missionaries assumed a large
measure of responsibility for introducing their individual converts to
marriageable partners. Perhaps such incidents only made Rev. Sharrock pun
on the need for missionaries in India to be M.A.s (Matrimonial Agents).45 The
unwillingness of the missions to admit polygamists into the church also might
have reduced the charm of Christianity in the eyes of the Kallars.
iii. The firm grip of the Kallars in their religion and culture also could not be
uprooted so easily. Moreover the missionaries especially the Roman Catholics
also did not want to alienate them from the social life of their non-Christian
43. Lionel Caplan, Religion and Power, CLS, Madras, 1989, p. 124.
44. Personal interview with Rev. Dr. D. Chellappa on 17th May, 2006, at Thanjavur.
45. J.A. Sharrock, South Indian Missions, SPG Publishers, West Minster, 1910, p. 10.
240
caste fellows. The customary rites and rituals at the time of birth, puberty,
adulthood, marriage, old age and death were retained by the Christians too
with slight modifications just by adding a sign of cross and by giving a new
Christian interpretation to the customary rituals. In other areas of cultural life
too the Kallar Christians retained their Tamil cultural identity.46 This fact is
corroborated by the letter of the missionary Dr. Washerburn to Dr. Banninga
which goes like this. And now the time has come when India would have
the story of the Christ in a style more in harmony with her modes of
thinking.47 As a result, the converts were not alienated from the non-Christian
Kallars. Their affiliation to their ancestral religion was exhibited even in
christening their children with Hindu names along with Christian names such
as James Mayandi, George Virumandi, Peter Perumal, David Malaichamy
etc. The reverence for their guru (religious leader) could be seen in their
attitude towards the pastor. Though the redeeming power of Christ was
accepted still they believed in the concept of punniyam or righteousness.
Dumont opines each Muslim or Christian has something Hindu in him.48 So
also every Kallar Christian. That was the main reason why they were not able
46. Personal interview with Mr. Chinnasamy Thevar, on 12th May, 2006, at Karumathur.
47. Letter from Washerburn to Dr. Banninga dated August 29, 1924, UTC Archives, Bangalore, Box 2,
folder No. 2.
48. Louis Dumont, Home Hierarchius, Eng. trans., Weidenfeld and Nicolson, London, 1970, p. 211.
241
to leave their Hindu ceremonies and festivals especially those related to home
life which proved to be very attractive. They were even tempted to take part
in them to please their Hindu relatives and neighbours. Lapses occurred
mostly among the uneducated who had no sufficient knowledge of the
Christian faith and therefore were more or less indifferent. Hence the impact
of Hinduism on uneducated Kallar Christians was evident in many ways.49
The consultation of astrologers, the observance of auspicious and
inauspicious days, the practice of magical rites to ward off evils, so on and so
forth had a tenacious grip on the minds of the Kallar Christians. On critical
occasions, some secretly sought the help of the old gods. On occasions of
serious sickness in a family, epidemics or other calamities, soothsayers,
sorcerers, magicians and Hindu priest would be resorted to. Thus the converts
mostly needed constant watchfulness and much instruction to keep them in
the right way.50 Otherwise with some there was a tendency to relapse into idol
worship and other Hindu practices, probably because of fear for the demons.
The people who believed that the old gods were visiting their house or village
especially of those who had been converted because of marriage showed a
tendency to relapse in to Hinduism.
49. Personal interview with Mr. George Virumandi, on 4th May 2006, at Madurai.
50. J.S. Chandler, Op. cit., p. 40.
242
iv.
Some Kallar Christians had never left their evil practices like quarrel,
consumption of liquor etc. fully. After the departure of the missionaries, they
felt free to continue their evil practices and hence they ceased to be an
attraction to their Hindu brethren. The adage a friend who is unfriendly
makes the worst enemy was probably nowhere more conspicuously
illustrated than in the attitude of those nominal Christians towards missionary
effort. Dissatisfaction or quarrels with the pastors in the case of church
discipline proved to be real stumbling blocks to the growth of Christianity
even.51 Since they were following a religion (Hinduism) which was the most
democratic of all religions with no controlling authority, wherein every Hindu
had full freedom of thought and interpretation, they could not get along with
the domination of the church and the mission.
v.
Kallars, being very sensitive to hurting words and quick tempered by nature,
used to lose their balance of thought if they were offended in their
independence. When they were called as rice-Christians52 by their fellow
men they were put to shame and this forbade them from openly confessing the
new religion.
51. Personal interview with Rev. Daniel Manoharan on 12th May, 2006, at Madurai.
52. Ibid.
243
vi. The last but not the least was the revival of Hinduism. The fear of the
Christian missionary has been the beginning of much social wisdom among
us says K. Natarajan, the proprietor of the Indian Social Reformer, founded
in 1890 by the rationalist wing among the Madras reformers.53 It is true that
the social reform movement in India owes its inspiration to Christianity. The
missionaries through their educational institutions, hostels and hospitals
exerted much influence on the views, ideas and ideals of the non-Christians
too. The educated young Hindus evinced so much admiration for western
culture which was at times expressed in a bizarre way such as eating of beef
etc. so as to prove that they cared a jot for their society which imposed odd
customs on them.54 Hence the alarmed Hindu society started several
organisations such as the Hindu Literary Society (1833),55 the first English
School (1834), the first Hindu News Paper the Native Interpreter (1840),56
the Vibuthi Sangam or Sacred Ashes society and the Sadur Veda Siddhanta
Sabha57 at Madras in the 1840s which published tracts as well as periodicals
with a view to counteract the activities of the missionaries and thereby to
create a new Hindu consciousness.
53. Heimsath, Charles, Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Reform, Princeton University Press,
New Jersey, 1964., P.53.
54. Stephen Neill, The Story of the Christian Church in India and Pakistan, CLS, Madras, 1972, p. 131.
55. Hugald Grafe, Op. cit., p. 158.
56. Ibid., p. 159.
57. Ibid ., p. 158.
244
245
culture and civilization62 and the vilest abuse of the Bible, Christ and Christians
became the order of the day.63
62. Swami Chidbhavanandha , The Hindu View of Christianity", Christianity in India A Critical study,
Vivekananda Kendra Prakasham, Madras, 1979, p. 29.
63. Annual Report of the AMM for 1901, p. 166.
64. Annual Report of the AMM for 1898, p. 10.
65. Annual Report of the AMM for 1901, p. 165.
66. Annual Report of the AMM for 1898, p. 10.
67. Ibid.
246
68. S. Estborn, The Church among Tamils and Telugus, NCCI, IMC Study series, Nagpur, 1961, p.30.
69. Desa Bhaktan, 26th April 1921, Madras, MNNR, p. 545.
70.
247
worth while motives of the missionaries who did every thing for the welfare of
natives through an agenda of social reforms. However this has attracted criticisms
from secular writers such as Mani Shankar Aiyar71 and Kushwant singh72 who
have dared to label his attempt as a mission of hate and an act of eating
missionaries respectively.
Mani Shankar Aiyar , Mission of Hate , Arun Shourie and the Christian Evangelists , Sunday,
26thJune, 1994.
72.
248
249
the depressed classes. Most probably many Kallars who showed positive signs of
becoming Christians might have given up that idea and drifted away from
Christianity and there by rendering the missionary slogan Kallar Nad for Christ
by 1925 only a dream. Perhaps the thought that such a big and valiant community
should not be lost to Hinduism, might have forced some Hindu officials to take
some drastic steps to contain the spread of Christianity.75 One among the steps was
wresting away the Kallar schools from the hands of the missions and placing them
directly under the control of the Government.76 Obviously this might have forced
many Kallars who were oscillating to return to Hinduism and consequently a
reduction in the number of converts.
Moreover a continuous effort was going on to engulf the Kallars in to
the Hindu fold through various efforts of Sanskritization with all the help of the
Government and Brahmin organisations. Further the Kallars proved to be the
backbones of the Self-Respect Movement and became prominent political leaders
in all Dravidian and Communist parties which opposed all religious activities.
Thus the missionaries met with so many hurdles in the form of Hindu revivalism,
communism and pessimism. Naturally the gospel work underwent a sluggish and
unproductive period. Hence despite the zeal and zest of the missionaries, their
250
efforts were not crowned with any grand success and the condition of the then
existing churches among the Kallars was neither cold nor hot.
Pentecostal Ministry77
As far as the Pentecostal ministry is concerned, to begin with a
branch work in the form of Sunday class for children is started. Then a house is
77. Personal interview with pastor P. Prabhakar, aged 40, a Piramalai Kallar and Dean of the Students,
A.G. Seminary, Kalavasal, Madurai, on 6th May, 2006, at Madurai.
251
prepared for prayer wherein the sick and the needy are called over for prayer. The
Sunday Class Ministry gradually grows into a Sunday Service. Depending on the
number of believers, a branch church is established in a hired place for Sunday
service and an assistant pastor is appointed. With the increase in the number of
believers a regular church is born. Through personal evangelism, street preaching,
Gospel meetings and Deliverance and Healing crusade, (since it is vital for a
Kallar to see Jesus power as a God of deliverance) the Gospel work is carried on.
Missionary Organisations
A missionary movement called Madurai Missionary Movement got
split in to two organisations - CGMM and ICGM which carry on evangelisation
among the Kallars.
CGMM
The Church Growth Missionary Movement was founded by Rev.
Bose Meiyappan at Madurai. Originally the aim of this ministry was to preach
gospel in Madurai district. But in due course, their work got extended not only
outside Madurai district but also to other states. Hence their ministerial base
among the Kallars was confined to two places within the Usilampatti taluk
Vaalandur and Kannanur. Consequently their work among this community is
limited.
252
I CG M 7 8
India Church Growth Mission, founded by Rev. Gnanaiah in 1980 at
Madurai concentrates much on this community. It proves to be very successful
since its founder as well as majority of the staff - 128 out of 205 - belong to this
community. Perhaps communal affinity is acting as the driving force among these
people. Because invariably evangelists belonging to their community are welcome
heartily and listened to attentively. As far as their ministry is concerned they at
first find out the receptive area and follow up work is done leading people to take
decision. Gospel is preached through Bible stories, Biblical films and testimony of
converts. Through house to house evangelisation, they carry on personal
evangelism. In the receptive villages, open air meetings are conducted in the
evenings. After finding out responses through an altar call a core group is formed
and these possible converts are followed up regularly and systematically by a field
worker. When the number of believers swells to 15-20 they are all baptised and a
regular congregation is formed. Sunday worship is conducted either in a house or
under a tree or in the local school. When they are sure of the on going growth of
the congregation, a church is built in the village and a pastor is appointed to guide
them in the Biblical path. The best of the new converts are trained to be soulwinners. They also carry on many programmes such as Bible study, womens
fellowship, village church conventions, fasting prayer and elders' meeting. They also cater to
the earthly need of the believers with the help of World Vision of India.
78. Personal interview with Rev. Titus Kadappaichamy, aged 45, General Secretary, ICGM, Madurai, on
5th May, 2006, at Madurai.
253
Through the sponsorship of that organisation nearly 2000 Kallar children have
been educated and many developmental projects are carried on under Usilampatti
Rural Development project such as sinking of bore-wells, provision for drinking
water facilities, providing loans for self employment etc. during their plan period
of 1988-2007. This project has gone a long way among the Kallars to enable them
to repose their confidence in this mission and to reduce opposition to ministry.
According to their statistics there are 300 Christian families of the
Kallars in Usilampatti and Thirumangalam taluks put together and CGMM has
successfully established 22 churches in Usilampatti taluk and 7 churches in
Thirumangalam taluk.
Thus the spread of Christianity among the Piramalai Kallars is an on-going
process.
254
Years
300
172
(From the Year 1834)
Tamil Evangelical Lutheran Church
72
(From the Year 1928)
The
Organisations
Service
in Years
Among
TheEarly
EarlyMissionary
Missionary organisation's
Service
in Years
among
the the
PiramalaiKallars
Kallars
Piramalai
300
300
250
Years
Years
Years
172
200
150
100
72
50
0
Years
American Madura
Mission
(From the Year 1834)
Churches
Churches
255
Tamil Evangelical
Lutheran Church
(From the Year 1928)
No. of Piramalai
Kallar Christians
1
2752
3980
(From the Year 1834)
1536
4000
3500
Numbers
Numbers
3000
2752
2500
2000
1536
1500
1000
500
0
Roman Catholic
Mission
American Madura
Church of Sweden of
Mission
1874
(From the Year 1834)
Name of Mission
Name of Missions
256
Usilampatti Thirumangalam
12
16
Numbers
Numbers
14
Usilampatti
Thirumangalam
12
12
10
8
8
7
6
6
4
2
0
Roman Catholic Mission
(from The Year 1700)
Branches
257
Sl. No.
Years
61
Assemblies of God
42
Maranatha
35
28
26
26
Zion Church
19
13
The Modern Missionary Organisations' Service in Years Among the Piramalai Kallars
13
19
The Pentecostal Mission
61
Assemblies of God
26
Maranatha
Layman's Evangelical
Fellowship
Seventh Day Adventist
26
42
28
35
258
CHAPTER VII
CONCLUSION
253
CHAPTER -VII
CONCLUSION
The Kallars, who form the primary unit in the jati cluster of
Mukkulathor, have played an important part in the history of Tamilnadu. They are
known for their valour, agility, indomitable courage, independent disposition
amounting to truculence and also for the retention of their customs and traditions
unimpaired in almost all spheres to the maximum extent possible.
In fact the very nature of their profession as a corps of
reconnaissance and harassment made them very tough and they took pride in their
dash and dexterity. The then ruling dynasties the Chera, Chola and Pandya made the best
use of them and thus they enjoyed a time-honoured status as vanguards. But
unfortunately the fall of the ruling dynasties spelt doom and the community fell
into evil days. However the Kallars had their own indigenous form of government
and never got along with the successive rulers of Madurai including the British and
no payment of tribute was made to anyone of them. Having fully understood the
amiable nature of the Kallars, Tirumala Nayak kept them in good humour by
granting them royal titles, grants and also granted royal sanction to their position
as kavalkarar an honourable status which entitled the collection of kaval fees.
But the British who always assumed a sense of social superiority did not like to
condescend to the level of identifying themselves with this group. The British
254
Government saw in them a real menace to their authority in Tamil Nadu and was
intent on subduing them either by hook or by crook, the pace of which was further
accelerated by the advent of terrorist nationalism in Indian politics.
The Kallars who were a grand success as killers of enemies proved to
be a total failure as tillers of land. They never evinced interest in agriculture or
trade or industry. Finding it very difficult to make both ends meet, they had a
strong justification for employing their expertise to earn their livelihood as thieves
and dacoits. Hardship, plunder, battle and sudden death became their lot. To add to
their woes the British cut across their very subsistence living by abolishing the
kaval system and thereby rendering the collection of kaval fees illegal. As they
were reduced to abject poverty, the volatile Kallars wantonly indulged in all sorts
of criminal activities in spite of the efficient British police system. This provided
the British Government with the much awaited opportunity to bring them to hooks
by notifying them as 'Criminal Tribes'. The All India Act of Criminal Tribes Act
of 1911 was applied to them which amounted to a real deprivation of freedom and
privilege for the Kallars since it reduced them to the position of a despised
community.
In the mean time, Christianity was making its strides into the
Madurai region. Imbued from infancy with the notion that it was an indignity to
ancestors and an impiety against their traditional gods to accept the faith of the
Westerners, they were highly antagonistic towards Christianity and were very
255
adamant in not accepting it in the beginning. However the pacific attitude of the
missionaries had a profound influence on the Kallars who consequently abstained
from doing them any harm. Nevertheless they were very cautious in not giving
way to Christianity by their indifference and impermeability. In due course the
missionaries through their humane and philanthropic attitude towards the suffering
mankind irrespective of caste, creed or colour were able to win over even the
Kallars. This paved the way for their friendly disposition towards the missionaries.
The Kallars were simple yet mysterious; conservative and
unchanging yet never the same; restless and perturbed yet stolid and indifferent;
worshipping many gods and many devils; more capable, though perverted at times
yet giving promise of exceptional strength perhaps this might have been the
profile of the Kallars in the minds of the Christian missionaries. Conspicuous by
their paradoxical character, they attracted the attention of the missionaries who
were then at work in Madurai. Moved by their frankness, the missionaries were
determined to bring light into their dark lives through an agenda of socio-economic
reforms, combining preaching with teaching and healing.
The three missions connected with the life of the Kallars of Madurai
district were the AMM, the TELC and the CMM. Of the three the AMM had
profound influence on the Kallars and did much for their uplift. The missions,
making education as a tool, were able to impress the people of Madurai in general.
But a large section of the Kallar community kept off from the schools till they
256
257
them in any way. In fact the missionaries found in them just the persons for whom
Jesus came to the world to redeem and hence the opportunity was utilized to
suppress the evil and sublimate the best in the Kallars through Gospel. Joining
hands with the panchayats that stood as guarantors for the good behaviour of the
Kallars, the missionaries strained every nerve to implement the reclamation
scheme which aimed at eradicating their perverted traditions and also at the
improvement of their economic condition. This involved matters connected with
land, industry, emigration and education.
Because of their dedication and untiring efforts, the Kallars began to
show a marked tendency to put away their old habits and adopt education and such
other standards of life. Their wilder and freer propensities had been diverted into
athletic and Boy Scout activities which bid fair to wean them away from their
ancestral occupation of thieving. Having tasted values such as self-esteem, selfreliance, honesty, dignity of labour, work culture etc. the Kallars derived peace of
mind and satisfaction. Their life pattern underwent a drastic change. Social evils
such as gambling, polygamy, concubinage, female infanticide etc. disappeared
from the converts. This change for betterment led many Kallars to accept
Christianity through family conversions. Besides education and the CTA, healing
miracles and exorcism also played an important part in leading some to
Christianity. While a few had spiritual motives to obtain God's blessings, some
others had material motives for seeking deliverance from their misery such as free
accommodation in boarding schools, admission into orphanages, preference in jobs
258
etc. In the case of certain others they were attracted by their influential relatives or
leaders who had already become Christians. This welcoming response made the
AMM missionaries dream of winning over the entire Kalla country to Christianity
by 1925.
But things took a different turn. On seeing such a big community
falling out of Hinduism the alarmed Hindu activists reacted positively to revive
Hinduism. Through their frantic efforts they were able to succeed in bringing back
to the Hindu fold many Kallars who were oscillating. To add to it, the departure of
the foreign missionaries from India leaving the mission into the hands of the native
preachers had an adverse effect on the mind set of many converts and hence they
relapsed to Hinduism. In due course the successive generation of the converts
began to deteriorate in their conviction and values. Despite the mushroom growth
of the modern missionary movements who continue to carry on the work left
undone by the missionaries, most of the Kallar Christians of today try to exhibit
the 'Hindu' in them in many ways, thus rendering the mass conversion of the
Kallar community to Christianity a far cry. In the present scenario there is not
much difference between Christian Kallars and Hindu Kallars in their habits and
customs. In fact the Hindu Kallars are very much tolerant and they happily accept
their Christian relatives. Though female infanticide is not openly practiced by the
Christians, the other social evils such as concubinage, consumption of intoxicants,
quarrelsome nature etc. still persist among some Christian Kallars. It should be
admitted that many Hindu Kallars are socially and economically more advanced
than their counter parts.
259
260
BIBLIOGRAPHY
261
BIBLIOGRAPHY
PRIMARY SOURCES
GOVERNMENT ORDERS
G.O. No. 1024, Judicial, dated 4th May, 1914.
G.O. No. 2740, Home, dated 7th December, 1914.
G.O. No. 2233, Judicial, dated 16th September, 1915.
G.O. No. 2273, Home, dated 22nd September, 1915.
G.O. No. 2956, Judicial, dated 2nd December, 1915.
G.O. No. 1465, Public, dated 10th August, 1916.
G.O. No. 1314, Judicial, dated 20th May, 1916.
G.O. No. 1022, Judicial, dated 2nd October, 1916.
G.O. No. 1147, Public, dated 14th June, 1916.
G.O.No.369, Public, dated 28th February, 1916.
G. O. No. 735, Home (Judicial), dated 2nd April, 1917.
G.O. No. 1725, Home (Judicial), dated 18th August, 1917.
G.O. No. 1877, Home (Judicial), dated 7th September, 1917.
G.O. No. 1331 Home (Judicial), dated 5th June, 1918.
G.O. No. 2430 Home (Judicial), dated 3rd April, 1920.
G.O. No. 862 Home (Judicial), dated 26th March, 1920.
262
GOVERNMENT REPORTS
Note Showing the Settlement of Criminal Tribes in the Madras Presidency Upto
September 1916, Govt. Press, Madras.
Kallar Panchayat Agreement, Govt. Press, 1920.
Administration Report of the I.G. of Police for 1920, Govt. Press, Madras, 1921.
Note for the Collector of Madura, from Moir, T.E., Commissioner of Labour,
dated 18th March, 1921.
Note Showing the Progress of the Criminal Tribes up to January, 1925.
Report on the Administration of Police of the Madras Presidency for 1926,
Govt. Press, Madras, 1927.
263
GOVERNMENT PROCEEDINGS
Revenue Consultations, Madura Council, Vol. 99, December 6, 1799.
Board of Revenue, Proceedings, 28 December 1801, Vol. 305.
Board of Revenue, Proceedings, 16 March, 1799, Vol. 223.
GAZETTEER
Madras District Gazetteer, Madura, Vol. I, Govt. of Madras, 1906.
Madras District Gazetteer, South Arcot,Vol.I, Madras, 1906.
264
265
LETTERS
Missionary Experience or Reports or Letters Feb - May 1855 - Connected
with special Meetings of the Mahratta, Madura and Ceylon Missions of the
ABCFM, Printed at the presses of the Board, Bombay and Madras, 1855.
Edward Chester in his letter to his friends in the U.S.A., dated July 16, 1859,
UTC, Bangalore, Box I, Folder I.
Letter from G.F. Paddison, District Magistrate of Madurai, to the Secretary
to Government Home (Judicial Dept.), through the I.G. of Police, dated 27th
April, 1918, No. R.O.C. 15-B and G/Mgl.
Letter from Dr. Washerburn to Dr. Banninga dated, August 29, 1924, UTC
Archives, Bangalore, Box 2, Folder No. 2.
Letters Written to the Indian Statutory Commission, New Delhi, dated June
12, 1928, p. 2 (UTC Archives, Bangalore, Box - 2, Folder No. 11)
Letter from West Lake, A.R.C., District Magistrate of Madurai, to the
Secretary to Govt. Home Dept., dated 5th November, 1937, Ref. No. M. 1892 / 37-C-1.
THE MISSIONARY HERALD
The Missionary Herald for 1840.
The Missionary Herald for 1844.
The Missionary Herald for 1846.
The Missionary Herald for 1922.
The Missionary Herald, for 1923.
The Missionary Herald for 1925.
266
CARITAS
Extracts from the Diary of Fr. Jean, A., Caritas, March 1942.
A Hundred Years Ago, Caritas, November 1942.
Clement Montaud, Kallarnad Usilampatti, Caritas, March 1943.
Extracts from the Diary of Fr. J.B. Trincal, dated February, 1871,
Caritas, July 1974.
The New Madura Mission Caritas, July 1977.
Fr. Clement Montaud (1894 - 1981), Caritas, January 1981.
ANNUAL REPORTS
Annual report of the AMM for 1856.
Annual Report of the AMM for 1869.
Annual Report of the AMM for 1878.
Annual Report of the AMM for 1892.
Annual Report of the AMM for 1893.
Annual Report of the AMM for 1894.
Annual Report of the AMM for 1898.
Annual Report of the AMM for 1899.
Annual Report of the AMM for 1900.
Annual Report of the AMM for 1901.
Annual Report of the AMM for 1903.
267
268
PERSONAL INTERVIEWS
Personal interview with Prof. M. Namasivayam, age around 55, a Piramalai
Kallar, Librarian, T.N. State Archives Library, on 20th February, 2006, at Chennai.
Personal interview with Mr. George Virumandi, aged around 65, a
Piramalai Kallar, on 4th May, 2006, at Madurai.
Personal Interview with Mrs. Soundari Mani, aged 50, a Teacher of a
Middle School at Nagamalai Pudukkottai, on 4th May, 2006, at Madurai.
Personal interview with Mr.Mani aged 55, on 5th May, 2006, at Madurai.
Personal interview with Rev. Titus Kadappaichamy aged 45, General
Secretary, ICGM, Madurai, on 5th May, 2006, at Madurai.
Personal interview with pastor P. Prabhakar aged 40, a Piramalai Kallar,
Dean of the Students, A.G. Seminary, Kalavasal Madurai, on 6th May, 2006, at
Madurai.
Personal Interview with Mr. Chinnasamy Thevar, aged 65, a retired teacher,
on 8th May, 2006, at Madurai.
Personal interview with Rev. Daniel Manoharan aged 70, who worked
among the Kallars in Usilampatti for more than ten years, on 10th May,
2006, at Madurai.
Personal interview with Rev. Daniel Manoharan, on 12th May, 2006 at Madurai.
.
Personal interview with Mr. Chinnasamy Thevar, on 12th May, 2006, at Madurai.
Personal Interview with the Rev. Dr. D. Chellappa, an Octogenerian, who
269
SECONDARY SOURCES
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Agur, C.M., Church History of Travancore, SPS Press, Madras, 1903.
Amaladoss, Anand, ed., Jesuit Presence in Indian History, Commemorative
Volume on the Occasion of the 150th Anniversary of the New Madura
Mission, 1838-1988, Satya Nilayam, Anand (Gujarat), 1988.
Arnold David, Police Power and Colonial Rule, Madras, 1859 - 1947, Oxford
University Press, Madras, 1986.
Arunachalam, M., The Kalabhras in the Pandya Country and Their Impact on
the Life and Letters There, Madras University, Madras, 1979.
Author-not traceable, History of the Tranquebar Mission (Tamil) 1706 - 1955,
Tranquebar Printing and Publishing House, Madras, 1955.
Azariah, V.S., Introductory Lessons on India and Missions, CLS, Madras, 1910.
Banninga, J.J., Notes on the History of the AMM Since Its Seventy Fifth
Anniversary in 1909, Boston, 1944.
Benson, C. and Marjoribanks, N.E., A Statistical Atlas of the Madras
Presidency, Madras, 1908.
271
272
273
274
275
276
277
278
279
Simhadri, Y.C., The Criminal Tribes of India, Govt. of India, New Delhi, 1979.
Sir Athelstane Baines, ed., Ethnography (Castes and Tribes), Indian Reprint,
Concept Publication, Delhi, 1976.
Sivanandi Servai, C., Muvendra Kula Charithai (Tamil), Muvendra Kula
Publishing House, Madurai, 1940.
Smith, V.A., The Early History of India IV ed., Oxford University Press,
London, 1967.
Soma Sundaram, A., Kallarum, Kallar Abhiviruthiyum (Tamil) Vittuvan A.
Shanmuga Sundaram, Thanjavur, 1956.
Sreedhara Menon, A., A Survey of Kerala History, Sahitya Pravarthaka
Co-operative Society Ltd., Kottayam, 1967.
Subramanian, N., History of South India, Ancient Period, Vol. I, New Delhi, 1979.
------------ .,
in
280
281
NEWS PAPERS
The Hindu, Madurai, dated 25th November , 1915.
Hindu Nesan, Madras, dated 24th April, 1916.
The Hindu, dated 29th November, 1920.
Desa Bhaktan, Madras, MNNR, dated 26th April, 1921.
Swadesamitran, MNNR, Madras, dated 6th June, 1921.
Madras Mail dated 6th June, 1926.
The Week, June 12, 1994.
Sunday 26th June, 1994.
The Hindu, dated 6th May,1988.
Dhina Thanthi (Tamil), Madurai , dated 3rd December, 2002.
282
SOUVENIR
Commemorative Volume on the Occasion of the 150th Anniversary of the
New Madura Mission, 1838-1988, Satya Nilayam, Anand, 1988.
The Second Madura Mission A General Survey, Jubilee Memorial Volume,
Madurai, 1988.
Jesuit Madurai Province 1952 2002. Golden Jubilee Volume, Souvenir.
Silver Jubilee Volume 1978 - 2003 St. Antony Maria Claret Parish,
Karumathur, 2003.
JOURNAL
Baago, Kaj, "Stephen Neill's Colonialism and Christian Missions," Book
Review, ICHR, Vol. I, No.2, Dec. 1967.
Blackburn, S.H., The Kallars: A Tamil Criminal Tribe - Reconsidered.
Journal of South Asian studies, vol. I, March, 1976.
Flora
Gnanamanickam,
My
Experiences
at
Usilampatti,
283
284
ANNEXURE
285