Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
SOUTH TRAVANCORE
M. JANARTHANAN
(Reg. No. 219)
Lecturer in History
Raja Duraisingam Government Arts College
Sivagangai - 630 561
Place :
Date :
Nagercoil
(Dr. P. RAJENDRAN)
Place :
Date :
Marthandam
(Dr. A. DEVANESAN)
Place :
Date :
Sivagangai
(M. JANARTHANAN)
Preface
M.Phil.,
now
H.O.D.
of
History,
Government
College,
Poolankurichi.
My sincere thanks to Mr. C. Gopalakrishnan M.Sc., M.B.A.,
S.D.E. (BSNL), Nagercoil and Mr. John Jerome Melode, P.G. Asst.,
G.H.S.S., Eraniel and his family for rendering Valuable helps to me.
My special thanks to Mr. Sundar Rajan, Librarian, Madras
Archieves and Mr. Moses, Librarian, University Library, Trivandrum for
rendering all sorts of help and provided all the relevant materials needed
for my research work.
I would like to express my thanks to the Staff, Kerala State
Central Archieves at Nalanda, Fort Archieves, East Fort, University
Library, Palayam, Thiruvananthapuram, Tamilnadu Archieves, Madras,
Library of S.T. Hindu College, Nagercoil, Library of Sivanthi Aditanar
College, Pillayarpuram for having given me access for consulting
relevant source materials pertaining to my topic.
Last but not the least, I express my sincere thanks to
Ln. A. Sukumaran, Proprietor, Kannan Computech, Nagercoil for the
neat execution of the work.
(M. JANARTHANAN)
CONTENTS
Page No.
Preface
Introduction
1 - 14
I.
15 - 42
II.
43 - 73
III.
74 - 94
IV.
95 - 129
V.
130 - 161
VI.
162 - 184
VII.
VIII.
185 - 201
202 - 216
Conclusion
217 - 223
Appendixes
1 - 12
Glossary
13 - 22
Bibliography
23 - 36
INTRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION
Kerala is said to be Gods own country which is located on the
Western side of the Southern region of India. Though this stretch of land
is not as big as other states represented in India, the cultural synthesis and
the political developments have had a great impact on the early
settlements. The early history of Kerala is very complicated and there are
many problems remaining to be resolved by historians. The region was
united approximately between A.D. 216 and 825, when the Malayalam era
was said to have begun. By the beginning of the ninth century A.D. the
area was divided into a number of small kingdoms, each ruled by a Nayar
or Kshatriya (higher matrilineal subcastes related to Nayars) royal family.
Those families were relatively autonomous, owing little allegiance to any
overlord. Between the thirteenth century and 1498 (when the Portuguese
arrived in Kerala) two Nayar chieftains, Kolattiri in the north and
Travancore in the south, expanded into small kingdoms.1
In the central part of the coast the Zamorin of Calicut was in
the process of establishing ascendancy over many of the petty rulers and
was slowly expanding his territory through an alliance with the local
Muslims and Arab traders.2 Although the Portuguese and later the Dutch
___________________________________________________________
1.
2.
Balakrishnan Nayar, U., The Sterner Aspects of Nayar Life, Calcutta Review,
Vol. IV, 1897, p. 22.
Balakrishnan Nayar, U., The Origin of the Malabar Nayars, Calcutta Review,
Vol. CVII, 1898, p. 72.
2
and the British built up the rule at Cochin (another central Kerala coastal
kingdom), the Zamorin's kingdom remained powerful until the invasions of
the Mysoreans in the eighteenth century. After defeating the Mysoreans in
1792, the British amalgamated the seven northern kingdoms (including
the reduced domain of the Zamorin) to form the Malabar District of the
Madras Presidency.
The
kingdoms
of Cochin and
Travancore
remained
Nayars
are
warrior
class
(a martial
nobility). They are similar to the Samurai of Japan. The word Nayar is
either derived from the Sanskrit word Nayaka (leader) or Naga (snakes,
which the Nayars worshipped). The Nayar class name also encompasses
____________________________________________________________
3.
Fuller, Christopher, J., The Nayars Today, New York: Cambridge University
Press, 1976, p. 220.
3
Menon, Panicker, Kurup, Pillai, Unni, Unnithan, Kartha, Thampan,
Kaimal, Nayanar, Thampi, and Nambiar.
Nayars are not a caste, but a race with its numerous sub-castes
and surnames. Nayars can be found in all walks of life. They are aware of
their cultural traditions and history and form an integral and active part
of Kerala society. Nayars are the Savarna Hindus who constituted the
warriors, landed gentry and yeoman of Kerala.4
Nayars are the largest and most important section of the
society of Kerala, comprising bureaucrats, writers, artists, administrators
and diplomats. They are the only matrilineal community in the country.
They were the lords of the country and guardian of public weal and
traditionally a martial people. The Nayars made history in Kerala. Today
they are more distinguished as the Nayar community of Kerala, at the
peninsular tip of India, inheriting a rich cultural repertoire. Kerala, the
legendary state of history, was sought after by sea farers like Vasco Da
Gama. Members of the Nayar community are now spread over the country
and the entire world. Anthropologically looked at, the Nayars have many
unique attributes celebrated by different authors.5
___________________________________________________________
4.
5.
5
of the community. It attempts to complement the existing activities by
various organizations and has no political or other bias or partisan
interests whatsoever.
Each village of ancient Kerala was self-sufficient. They had
the strong foundation of the peoples' rule. All matters pertaining to a
village were discussed in the 'yogam' or grama sabha. Nayars were the
leaders of such yogams. The lowest unit of the organization was known
as Karayogam or Tharakoottam.7 This was under the control of the
landlords known as Deshavazhis. The Karayogam in a district was
under the control of Nattukoottam. Nattukoottam has the power even to
disobey the orders of the King. Ettuveettil Pillamar constituted a
Nattukoottam in old Venad (Travancore).8 By the end of 18th century,
Marthandavarma defeated the Ettuveetil Pillamar with the help of the
Dutch and became the supreme ruler of Venad. With the advent of the
British, the Nattukoottam gradually disappeared and the Nayar supremacy
was also wounded.
Onnu kure Ayiram Yogam (one minus one thousand
organisation) was such a grama sabha existed at Kodungallur, which was
the capital city of the old rulers of Kerala. This was a strong organisation
____________________________________________________________
7.
8.
Velu Pillai, T.K., Travancore State Manual, Vol. I, Trivandrum, 1940, p. 857.
Ibid., p. 859.
6
of Nayars, which stood for the welfare of the society. Various sub classes
of Nayar community from 'Kiriyam' to 'Vattakkadan' had representation in
the yogam. The yogam met on the first day of the month in front of
Kodungallur Bhagavathy temple; discussed all aspects related to the
people residing within their jurisdiction and took appropriate decisions.
In fact, the members of the yogam were the rulers of the locality as well as
the Bhagavathy temple of Kodungallur.
The Nayars had no organization of their own upto the first
half of the 19th century. The lovers of the Nayar Community who were
conscious of the renaissance of their society formed the first organisation
in 1877 known as Malayalee Social Union at Thiruvananthapuram. 9 This
organisation was active till 1881. It was converted as Malayalee Sabha
in 1884.
10.
7
transformed as Nayar Service Society after one year. It had its origin at
Mannathu Bhavanam (House of Mannathu Padmanabhan) of Perunna,
Changanassery. The holy light lit from the Mannathu Bhavanam spread its
shining light throughout Kerala. It became the spirit, energy and leading
force of majority of people.11 The social renaissance movement of Kerala
had its birth from this holy light. It eradicated the dirt and darkness from
the minds of the people and society. It became the guiding force of the
social renaissance movement.12
Ibid., p. 156.
Mannathu Padmanabhan, op.cit., p. 72.
8
essential to know their socio-economic status as well as the leadership
qualities of this specific community. It is essential to study the different
divisions of this community and to know about their behaviour, personality
and adjustment among the community.
This study critically examines the contemporary reality of
Nayar communities who had been historically favoured in
formal
education, for a society that had lived for a millennium by a value system
based on division and hierarchy, classically manifested in the system of
caste-feudal patriarchy. The post- independent Constitutional commitment
to social equality and social justice marked a watershed in its historical
evolution. A synthesis of two ideologically divergent principles i.e. the
principle of merit and the principle of compensation constituted the
modern Indian political discourse on equality and was operationalised in
the establishment of democratic socialism and the welfare state. Along
with guaranteeing equality of citizenship, the state assumed primary
responsibility compensating for histories of discrimination in their lives in
Kerala state. This study is significant to know the social status and the
educational status of Nayar community, and their services to the other
community people in the Kerala state.
9
study of Robin Jeffery The Decline of Nayar Dominance exhibits the
status and the decline of Nayars in the field of politics of Kerala.
Changing cultures, Nayars today by C.J. Fuller deals with the Nayars
cultural change regarding their habits, customs and conventions mostly in
social aspects. The work of Krishna Variar Marumakkathayam and the
Reports of the Marumakkathayam Committee of 1908 highlights the
most peculiar customs of Nayars, the marumakkathayam, a system of
inheritance is decided in the female line.
Nayar polyandry written by A. Aiyappan depicts only the
family life of the Nayars. U. Balakrishnan Nairs The Sterner Aspects of
Nair life cover the family system and some of their customs. Gopinatha
Pillais Socio Economic Changes in the Nayar Community in Travancore
from 1900-1947 describes their changing economic status years together
during the first half of the 20th century.
U. Balakrishnan Nayars, work Nair as warrior expose their
role in the Travancore military History, and expecialy their services to the
Government of Travancore under the banner of Nayar Brigade.
Mannathu Padmanabhan and the Revival of Nairs in Kerala written by
V. Balakrishnan and R. Leela Devi, the published works like NSS
Charitha Grandham, The NSS Charitham, The NSS Diary 1 Kanni and the
NSS Golden Book give details only about the formation and functions of
Nayar
Nayar
10
Community in the Social History of Travancore, further the key role
played by Mannathu Padmanabhan for the rise and growth of Nayar
Service Society in Travancore.
But no attempt is so far made to trace a comprehensive
account of Nayars. So that this work is taken to unearthen details of
Nayars in all levels, and further concentrate the research area in particular
the Nayars of South Travancore, a part of the erstwhile Travancore State
i.e. modern Kanyakumari District of Tamilnadu since 1st November 1956,
the Re-organisation of States.
A number of socio-religious reform movements, which were
also the earliest democratic mass movements in Kerala, took shape from
the late 1800. The Nayars also felt the need for reform in response to such
changes. Throughout the medieval period and until well into the 19th
century,the Nayars had a pre-eminent role in Kerala. By the middle of the
19th century, however, this dominance started waning. Institutions like the
sambandham and the matrilineal joint family system which had ensured
the strength of the Nayar community earlier, now became productive of
many evils in the changing socio-political background of Kerala. The
impact of the market economy, the disappearance of traditional military
training, the absorption of new values through the new system of
education, the self-consciousness being generated among the lower castes
and their cry for equality and privileges - all these factors brought about
11
a decline of Nayar dominance. The sense of decline gave an impetus to
the spirit of reform that expressed itself in the work of religious men like
Chattambi Swamikal, in literature, on the press and platform and later in
legislative enactments in respect of marriage, inheritance, property rights,
etc. Ultimately, the movements crystallized in the foundation of the Nayar
Service Society, in 1914.13
The Society owns and manages a large number of educational
institutions and hospitals. These include the NSS College of Engineering at
Palakkad, NSS Hindu College at Changanassery,
NSS College at
12
Society in Kolkata. These Societies of Non - Kerala origin retain the
cultural uniqueness of the Nayars at the same time adapting many practices
to the times and country of their adoption. Efforts are on to bring together
all Nayar groups of the world under an umbrella "International Federation
of Nayar Societies".
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
13
Limitations
The greatest limitations of the present work is the inability to
go into the Temples and to collect the related aspects of all characteristics
of Nayar community directly.
Chapterisation
The thesis consists of eight chapters besides an introduction
and conclusion which are outlined below. The study opens with an
introduction, significance of the study, review of earlier works, objectives
of the study and limitations of the study.
The first chapter gives a coverage of Nayar origin and their
sub divisions.
The second chapter explains the unique customs and
Traditions of Nayar Community prevailed among them.
The third chapter analyses various types of marriages among
the Nayars.
The fourth chapter deals with the meteoric up and down of
Nayar community, especially their role in the military of Travancore.
The fifth chapter examines the social challenges met by the
Nayars and their responses.
14
The sixth chapter describes the formation, growth and
functions of Nayar Service Society.
The seventh chapter dealt with the social movements among
the oppressed classes against caste Hindus for equality and Nayar
antipathy to it in South Travancore.
The eighth chapter analyses the cultural reciprocity between
Nayars and Tamils in South Travancore throughout the ages.
The conclusion brings out the sum up and findings.
Chapter - I
CHAPTER - I
16
foreigners stay in Kerala to learn the artforms like Kathakali and
Ottan Thullal.
____________________________________________________________
2.
3.
17
descendants
of
the
Sudras
who
accompanied
the
Brahmin
18
given Kerala both the pagoda-type architectural style of the Hindu
temples and the angular roof and dormer of Kerala houses.6
One fact appears to be certain that the Nayars were in Kerala
before the Brahmins arrived in the seventh century A.D.7 The Chera kings
were Nayars, and the Nayars were also Dravidians and not Kshatriya
Aryans and the Brahmins, in fact, considered them as Sudras.8 However,
the younger sons of Brahmin families could form morganatic relationships
(Sambandham) with Nayar women, the children remaining Nayars and
thus introduced a new element in the race. This helped the junior members
of the Brahmin family to be relieved of their life-long bachelorhood
without the responsibility of supporting their wives and children from their
family property. It does not mean that the Nayars had loose marriage
morals; it only means that this type of relationship was tolerated as an
exception for the advantages of the Brahmins and Nayars; the rule of real
marriage was endogamous monagamy between Nayars especially between
the daughter of a maternal uncle and his nephew.9
The original inhabitants of Kerala were probably shepherds,
agriculturalists and fishermen. The early inhabitants are Erulans, Katans,
Kurumpans and Malapandarams.
uncertain. Some anthropologists are of the view that the Nayars are not
____________________________________________________________
6.
7.
8.
9.
19
indigenous to Kerala.
20
Nayars, as a community developed a composite culture which had been
enriched through the ages.
customs
and
manners.
political status, social identity and economic prosperity. 11 But the social
transformation that emerged out of the political development in the
princely
The
Ibid, p. 403.
21
Travancore is unique with its physical features, social structure and
cultural complex. It is a most caste ridden and custom ridden part of the
Nation.12
Travancore is one of the most picturesque portions of India.
Nagam Aiya
Lord
Curson, the Viceroy of India said, "Since I have been in India, I have had
a great desire to visit the state of Travancore. I have for many years beared
so much of its exuberant natural beauties, its old world, simplicity and. its
arcadian charm. Here nature has spread upon the land her richest bounties
and the land is capable of culture"14 Sir M.E Grant Duff described it. as
"one of the fairest and most interesting realms that Asia has to snow".
Lord Connemara another Governor of Madras, compared it to Italy and
called it a fairy land.15
Travancore along with Cochin states and Malabar districts of
the Madras presidency constituted the ancient Kingdom of Kerala.
Travancore is scheduled by its geographical position and distinguished
from other part of India by many peculiarities. The Geographical insulation
provided by the natural, boundaries on all sides, Arabian sea on the west,
____________________________________________________________
12.
13.
14.
15.
Mateer, S., The Land of charity, London, John Snow, 1871, p. 13.
Nagam Aiya, V., Report on the Census of Travancore, Trivandrum, 1881, p.19.
Quoted in V.P. Menon, Story of the Integration of the Indian States,
Trivandrum, p. 274.
Velu Pillai, T.K, The Travancore State Manual, Vol. I, Trivandrum, The Govt.
Press, 1940, p. 3.
22
Indian Ocean on the south and the Western Ghats on the east and north had
indeed exercised a considerable restraining influence on the outlook and
way of life of the people of Kerala.16
The state was bounded on the north by the princely state of
Cochin and the Coimbatore District of the Madras presidency, on theeast by the Western Ghats and the districts of Madurai, Ramnad and
Tinnevelly of the Madras province.17
that it deserves by reason of its wonderful and varied scenery and its
cultural and political individuality....18 Travancore forms an irregular
triangle, with its apex at Cape Comorin between 8 4' and 10 22' north
latitude and between 7613' and 7738' east longitude.19
Theories of Origin
Indian
(Kerala):
Hindu
(Nayar)
name
denoting
Kunjan Pillai, N., (Supt.), Census of India, Travancore, Part I, Vol. XXVIII,
1931, p.14.
Nagam Aiya, V., The Travancore State Manual , Vol. I, Trivandrum, 1906, p.3.
Sir. Ramaswamy Aiyar, C.P, Broadcast at Bombay, 1936, Quoted in Velu Pillai,
T.K, op.cit., p. 2.
English Records, Trivandrum Chief Secretary File No. 714. Watts M.E.
memorandum on Travancore administration, 25 January 1929, p. 2.
23
Ancient South Indian history, historians, and foreign travellers
referred to the Nayars as a dignified martial nobility. The earliest reference
to Nayars comes from the Greek ambassador Megasthenes. In his accounts
of ancient India, he refers to the "Nayars of Malabar" and the "Kingdom of
Chera". However the earlier origin of the Nayar caste is uncertain and
several alternate and sometimes conflicting theories exist.
Some sociologists are of the view that the Nayars are not
indigenous to Kerala, as many customs and traditions distinguish them
from other Keralites. According to one theory, Nayars are descendants of
the Newars of Nepal, who joined the Munda exodus and later migrated to
Kerala. The most prominent arguments given in support of this theory are
the presence of distinct pagoda like architectural style of Nayar
Tharavaadus and Temples and the practice of Marumakkathaayam
(matrilineal) system of inheritance similar to both Nayar and Newars.20
There is also a hypothesis on the basis of mythology that the
Nayars are Nagas and were Kshatriyas belonging to the Serpent dynasty
(Nagavanshar who removed their sacred thread and migrated south to
escape the wrath of a vengeful Parashurama. The affinity of the Nayar
community towards serpent worship, their martial past, and the absence of
the sacred thread lends support to this theory. In addition, the Travancore
____________________________________________________________
20.
24
State Manual states that there were indeed serpent-worshipping Nagas
in Kerala who fought with the Namboothiris till they reached a consensus.
According to Chattampi Swamikal, who interpreted old Tamil
texts, the Nayars were Naka (Naga or Snake) Lords who ruled as feudal
lords in the Chera kingdom. Therefore this theory proposes Nayars to be
descendants of the rulers and martial nobility of pre-brahmin Kerala who,
after the arrival of the Namboothiris (and establishment of the
Varnas/Caste System), were categorized as sat Sudras. One finds mention
of the Nayars during the reign of the King Rama Varma Kulashekhara
(1020-1102) of the second Chera dynasty, when the Chera Kingdom was
attacked by the Cholas. The Nayars fought by forming suicide squads
(Chavers) against the invading force. It is not clear whether the Cheras
themselves were Nayars, or if the Chera employed the Nayars as a warrior
class.21
Irrespective of the different theories that seek to explain the
origin of Nayars, it is clear that till the early 20th century, Nayars exerted
their influence in medieval Kerala society as feudal lords and owned large
estates. Nayars dominated the civil, administrative and military elite of the
_____________________________________________________________________________________________
21. The Kerala Mahatmayam, an ancient Sanskrit Purana, calls them the progeny of
Namboodiri men with Deva, Rakshasa and Gandharva women. The 17th century
Brahmin-inspired Keralolpathi and Grama Padhati describes the Nayars of
Kerala and the Bunts of Southern Tulu nadu as descendants of the Sudras who
accompanied the Brahmins to Kerala and Tulu nadu respectively from
Ahichatra/Ahikshetra in southern Panchala. In addition, Manual of Madras
Administration Vol II (printed in 1885) notes that the Nadavas/Nayars of Malabar
and the Bunts of Southern Tulu nadu are same.
25
pre-British era in Kerala. The decline of Nayar dominance came about in
multiple stages. During colonial times, the British perceived that Nayars
were an inherent threat to their hegemony in the region and therefore
outlawed their right to bear weapons and by banning the Nayar martial art
of Kalaripayattu. Weapons were integral to the Nayar psyche and power,
and combined with repressive legislation led to a loss of social standing for
Nayars. Later during post-colonial years, the Land reforms of 1950's led to
massive loss of land-ownership by Nayar feudal Lords and some Nayar
gentry were relegated to poverty overnight. Thus the decline of Nayar
dominance came to a full circle by the mid of 20th century.
Etymology
The
word
Nayar
lends
itself
to
two
etymological
interpretations. The first interpretation is that the word Nayar could have
been derived from the Sanskrit word Nayaka which means leader. The
Sanskrit word Nayaka which appears in various forms in southern India
(Nayakan/Naicker in Tamil Nadu, Nayak in Karnataka and Maharashtra,
and Nayudu in Andhra Pradesh) could have been corrupted as Nayars in
Malayalam. The second interpretation is that the word Nayar is a corrupted
form of the word Nagar- serpent men because Nayars practiced snake
worship. The word Nayar also occurs in other parts of the world - although
no direct linkages with the Nayars in Kerala have been established.
26
surnames
although
most
were
traditionally
modern
Nayars
carried
follow
through
patrilineal
27
Elayidom
Eradi
Ilayidam
Kaimal
Karnavar
Kartha
Kunnath
Kitavu
Kurup
Mannadiar
Menokki
Menon
Nambiar
Nayanar
Nayar
Nedungadi
PadaNayar
Panicker
Pandala
Pillai
Saamoothiri
28
Thampi
Thankkal
Unnithan
Valiathan
Vallilath
Vazhunnor
Vellodi
Subcastes
The Nayars come under the head of Malayala Sudras as per
the Jati Nirnayam which mentions eighteen such castes included within the
term. V.Nagam Aiya, Dewan Peishcar, Travancore, in his Travancore
State Manual states that although all the Malayala Sudras were classed
under the general head of Nayar, in reality there were only five "genuine"
Nayar castes. These included:
usually in Malabar and Cochin and rarely in Travancore. The 17th century
Keralolpathi states them to be descendants of warrior Naga tribes who
came to Kerala from the north along the western coast. It may be noted that
the earlier Keralamahatmayam, a Hindu Purana, did not make mention of
____________________________________________________________
22.
29
any subcastes among the Nayars but only states them to be the
military caste of Kerala.
were migrants from Tamil Nadu who were embraced into the Nayar
community.
30
Government, the military and police wealthy farmers, the merchants and
the skilled artisans. However, their main duty was to carry on war. As the
ruling class the Nayars enjoyed great privileges.24 By the 11th and 12th
centuries society in Travancore had become feudal in nature. The Nayars
formed the feudal aristocracy owning most of the land.25 With the rise of
the Nayar mobility there arose the class of madampis or Nayar Jenmies
who leased out their lands on tenure to inferior caste men whom they in
return reduced to bring their tenants26 Henmam right originally meant right
during life time. Only by 11th century A.D., it began to mean inheritance
right through birth. But it was an undoubted fact that a considerable
portion of upper class Nayars were Jenmies. About the origin of the Jenmi
system Elamkulam writes "Before the trusteeship of temples became
hereditary, there was an interim period when that position was held by
person during his Jenmam or life time.27 It was from that Jenmam that the
term Jenmi was derived. This may be clarified further. In the beginning
some prominent persons were appointed as trustees. This appointment was
for a fixed tenure. Either by selection of otherwise, they were reappointed
again and again. So that it was possible that a person could be trustee for
____________________________________________________________
24.
25.
26.
27.
31
life later it became the rule for a trustee to hold the post for life time. The
right of few trustee over the property under their control were limited to
their Jenmam right. Still later it became customary for a trustee's legal heir
to be appointed his successor to the trusteeship also and this led to the
trusteeship becoming hereditary. It was lightly probable that the Nambudiri
Jenmies were very lenient to Nayar tenant through the matrimonial
alliances between Nambudiries and Nayars. Their social existence as was
extremely bound of with that of their tenants.
Marthanda Varma's annexation of minor principalities into
Travancore resulted a situation in which a large number of tenants and
subtenants under Nambudiri Jenmies became sirkar land holders.28 This
was an indirect help to Nayars. The Jenmi system in Travancore was
changing owing to this direct. Government control on land. It created more
and more sirkar jobs and the Nayars were the beneficiaries of this change.
From top to bottom the revenue administration was under their control.29
In the latter half of the 19 century, the Jenmies used to collect
various levies like arukhazhecha, utsarakopu, purannal, chumadu etc. From
the tenants in addition to janapattom and verumpattom etc. The Jenmies
had complete right to evict the tenants.
___________________________________________________________
28.
29.
32
It may be correct to say that the predominance of Nayars in
law holdings dwindled very much. The immediate effect of land reforms of
Travancore was thus favourable to Nayars. But in long run these reforms
became detrimental to Nayars as a large amount passed from Nayar
taravads.30 Because of the Jenmi system, the Nayars rose to aristocratic
family, and they dominated upto the middle of the 20th century.
Nayars belongs to the Dravidian race with considerable
admixture of Aryan blood.31 The Keraolpati is more rational and says that
the Nayars are the descendants of the Sudras who accompanied the
original, Brahmin immigrants from outside Kerala.32
There are different theories about the origin and migration of
Nayars. One view is that Parasurama, the legendary hero reclaimed the
land of Kerala from the sea. After the creation of the region he brought
Nambudiri Brahmin and gave them ownership of all the lands. Along with
the Nambudiri Brahmins he brought another group of people called Sudras
to act as the servants and body guards of Nambudiries. This Sudras latter
came to be known as Nayars.33
___________________________________________________________
30.
31.
32.
33.
33
In the book Kerala Mahatmyam the Nayars are referred to as
the offspring of the junior member of Nambudiri family where the eldest
son alone was permitted to marry in his own caste with Deva grandarra and
Rakshasa women brought by Parasurama.34 Edgar Thurston observes that
"the original Nayars were undoubtedly a military body holding land and
serving as a milita". They are described as the "Lords to the Land" ; the
best soldiers in the world and courageous, extremely skilled in the use of
arms.35 The Nayars were the "Protectors" of the country and as such
crystallized readily into the existing caste of Nayars with numerous
branches.36 Mr. N. Subramania Aiyar writes in a note on the Nayars of
Travancore "derived from Naga (Serpents) as the Aryans so termed the
earlier settlers of Malabar accountant of the special adoration which they
paid to snakes". The Travancore Nayars are popularly known as malayali
Sudras -term which contrasts them sharply with the pandi or foreign
Sudras.37
The Nayars were divided into several sub castes according to
the occupation. Each sub division performed a separate function. In
general the Nayars were agriculturalists and soldiers in the traditional
____________________________________________________________
34.
35.
36.
37.
Ibid., p. 34.
Velu Pillai, T.K., op. cit, Vol. I, p. 556.
William Logan, Malabar Manual, Vol. I, Madras, The Govt. Press, 1906,
p.111.
Edgar Thurston, Cases and Tribes of Southern India, Vol. V, Delhi, 1975, p.22.
34
society. Yet all Nayars were not soldiers and there were Nayar groups who
concentrated on land owning. There is evidence that only certain sections
of the Nayar caste were allowed to bear arms. None the less the great
majority of Nayar: probably spent some time under arms.38
Among the five genuine Nayar castes (i.e. Kiriyathil, Illakkars
of Illathu Nayars, Swarupam, Padamangalam and Tamil Padam) the
occupations of the Padamangalam Nayar is temple service such as
sweeping cleaning, carrying lamps during processing etc. 39
Vathi or Vattu : This name is not found in the Jatinirnaya,
probably because it had not been differentiated from Maran. They used a
peculiar drum called nantuni. They follow the makkathayam system of
inheritance (in the male line).
Itacheri : They are called as Pantaris in South Travancore and
they are seems to be closely related to Idaiyan caste of Tamil country.
Most of them vendors of milk, butter and curds.
Another group of people : Karuvelan commonly found in
Kappiyara and Thiruvattar. They serve at Maharaja's palace and they are
the custodians of kings treasuries and other valuables. It is believed that
about 52 families are originally brought from Kulatha Nadu.40
____________________________________________________________
38.
39.
40.
35
Arikuravan : A division who reduce the quantity of rice from
paddy given to them to husk at the temple Kazhayakkuttam near
Trivandrum.41
Pallichenan : They were appointed as the Palanquin bearers
for Brahmins and Malabar chief cains. They are supposed to carry their
shields, swords etc. before them.
Vandikaran : are those who supply fuel to temples and cleans
the vessels there :
Kuttina : The only heiress of a Swarupam taravad is said to
have been a maid servant in the Vadakketam Brahmins house. Talikettu
ceremony also have been celebrated in her masters newly built cow shed.
Mattavar : Who are believed to have been good archers in
former times. They are also known as Puliyattu, Veliyattu and Kallur
Nayars.
Otatu also called kusa : Their occupation is to tile or thatch
temples and Brahmin houses. 42
Vattaykkatan : They are the lowest sub division in many
respects and are better known as Chakla Nayars in Travancore. They were
not allowed to take the title 'Pillai', and are obliged to stand out side the
____________________________________________________________
41.
42.
36
sacrificial stones of a sanctuary 'Pulva' is a title of distinction among them.
A section of them were engaged in oil pressing which is a hereditary
occupation and occupies a lower position in the social scale than the
other.43
Various titles were given to the Nayars by the kings of
Travancore. The most common title in Travancore is 'Pillai', which was
once a distinction granted as a mark of royal favour. Now the Vellelas of
Tamil country and the Nayars of South Travancore are called as Pillai from
very early times. The ceremony of investiture was known as Thirumukkam
Pitikkuka and the honour conferred on the person was so highly esteemed
that even a Brahmin Dewan Sanku Annavi had it bestowed on him and
his
family.
It is enjoyed
to
43.
44.
45.
37
Dalavai.46 The honour is now rarely conferred still there are several ancient
houses in Travancore to which the honouric title is attached in perpetuity.
Thampi is a distinctive title given to the Nayars of Travancore
by Sovereigns as a mark of rare merit and devotion. The Thampies alone
among the Nayars are allowed to use Pallan Quins and permitted to appear
before the king without head dress. The title karu is attached to the names
of several families in North Travancore.47 The Tekkumkur and
Vadakumkur Rajas in Malabar as said to have first conferred the title Karta
on certain influencial Nayar families. In social matters authority of the
karta was supreme. All the kartas belongs to the 'Illam' sub division of
Nayar caste.48
The title 'Kurupu' denotes an ancient section of the Nayars
charge with various functions like instructions in the use of arms while
others were superintendents of maid. Servants in royal house-hold. Now
Kurupu is assumed by other castes then Nayars.
The word Panickars is derived from "Pani" means work. The
Panickars formely kept Kalaris, in North Travancore. But now they have
taken up the teaching of letters. But the name at present does not indicate
any particular section of Nayars.49 The Kailmals : - were recognized
____________________________________________________________
46.
47.
48.
49.
Ibid.
Nayam Aiya, V., op. cit, p. 368.
Velupillai, T.K., op. cit., Vol. I, p. 857.
Ramantha Aiyar, Progressive Travancore, Kottayam, 1924, p.85.
38
chieftains in former times. Some were in charge of royal treasury which
according to custom could not be seen even by the kings except in their
presence.50 Unnittan and Valiyatan were the sons of those Kshatriyas
who had no territorial sovereignty and were called Valiyattan and
Unnittans. Eman is another title affixed to the names of certain influential
families in central Travancore.51 The title Menon has been conferred upon
aristocratic several Nayar families by the Rajas of Cochin and corresponds
to Pillai in Travancore. They are superior, and generally they are writers
and accountants.52
Ettu Vittil Pillamar belonged to Nayar community who were
originally the farmers and tenants of Porri Jenmies.53 In 1050 A. D. the
right to govern Padmanabhaswami temple at Trivandrum was handed over
to yogakkar (councillors). The temple land was divided into eight
districts54 and over each district a Nayar was placed with lot of
administrative power and these Nayars were called Ettu Vittil Pillamar.
They belonged to eight houses situated in different districts viz.
Kullathoor, Kalakuttam, Cempalanti, Kudaman, Pallichall, Vannanur
Ramanatham and Martanda Nadha.55
_____________________________________________________________________________________________
50.
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
Krishna Iyer, L.A., Social History of Kerala, Vol.II., Madras, 1970, p. 91.
Nagam Aiya, V., op.cit., Vol.II., p. 369.
William Logan, op.cit., Vol.I, p. 134.
Nagam Aiya, V., op. cit., Vol. I, p. 50.
Panikkar, K.M, A History of Kerala, Madras, 1960, p. 226.
Panikkar, K.M., Malabar and the Dutch, Bombay, 1931, p. 58.
39
Shangoonny Menon states, "the king having little authority
over them and they rose in power and importance and gradually became
lords in their villages.56 It is inferred that the people were more loyal to the
Pillamars than the kings.57 The tyranny of the Pillamar was unbearable and
so the people of Nanjilnad revolted against them in 1702 A. D.58 They held
a series of five meetings and passed resolutions which protested against
their tyrannical activities and demanded redressal of grievances.59
The king Ravi Varma (1684 to 1718) took quick steps and
determined to put an end to these obnoxious factions of the Pillamars.60
The power and authority of the Pillamars assumed menancing proportions
during the short period of Aditya Varma.61 Again in 1726 King Ravi
Varma made consultation and on the advice of Prince Martanda Varma, his
nephew entered into a treaty with the Madurai Nayaks and agreed to pay a
sum of rupees 3000 as tribute annually. The Nayaks in turn offered to
supply a contingent of troops to help the Venad king in his fight against the
Pillamars and other rebels.52
It was a period of terror for the Pillamars and their
confederates. They took a unanimous decision to put an end to the life of
____________________________________________________________
56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
40
Martanda Varna and thereby anoint Thambi as his next successor.63 Many
battles were fought between Thampimar and Pillamars and Azhakappa
Mudaliar.64 While the fortune was smiling on the side of the Thampimar,
the king bribed the commander.65
The fall of Ettu Vittil Pillamar was attributed to many reasons
like their arrogant nature and treacherous activities. As they had no steady
policies and programmes for the causes of their country they could not get
the support of the people for a long time. Though they were powerful they
failed to offer any resistance to the invaders. Their oppressive policy, with
heavy taxation system turned the common people against them. Their
support to Thampimar and their attitude against kings fetched Marthanda
Varma's immortal enemity. Added to these, the betrayal of Mudaliar in the
wars frustrated the Pillamars. When Marthanda Varma succeeded to the
throne all their conspiracy were brought to light and they were forced to
pay heavily for their sins. The Ettu Vittil Pillamars vanished with the rise
of Marthanda Varma.66
The appearance of the well nourished Nayar is perhaps one of
the finest in all over India. The climate and nature of their occupation
___________________________________________________________
63.
64.
65.
66.
41
added to the situation of their houses which nestle as it were under canopy
trees promote their complexion and general appearance.67 One of the
conspicuous features of the Nayars of both the sects is the scrupulous
attention of their personality, cleanliness in which they differ from their
brethren of other castes.68
The dress of the Nayars is extremely scanty. The women cloth
themselves in a single white of fine texture reaching from the waist to the
knees, and occasionally while abroad they throw over shoulders and
blossom, another similar cloth. But by the custom, the Nayar women go
uncovered above the waist. The men wear a white cloth and another clothe
is also occasionally thrown over the shoulders.69
The Nayars do not wear much jewellery. As rule ornamentals
own by Nayar women are few and cannot be considered expensive as
compared with those of their sisters in the neighbouring provinces. For the
neck they have the Kantasaram Addiyal, Ponnunool, Nagapatham,
Arimbumani,
Jana-Kuzhal,
Nalu-Panthi,
Maniyam,
Arasilai-Tali,
42
Nayars ranked high in the social hierarchy of Kerala. They
came next to the Kshtriyas and broadly speaking the Nayars enjoyed
second position next to the Nambudiries in the Malabar and they occupy
the same position in the princely states of Cochin and Travancore.71 In the
pre British period, the Nayars had enjoyed many privileges and exercised
powers. Although they probably never accounted for more than 20 or 25%
of the population, as for as ritual status was concerned they were graded
only as Sudras. The Nayars were a privileged community till middle of the
19th century. The chief land holders in most villages were Nayars and
Nambudiries. Nayars had slaves who belonged to the lower caste servile
community. Nayars were responsible for maintaining the law and order in
the society. In the administration of the land also, they had a prominent
place. The matrilineal system of inheritance helps them to keep lands of
the family intact. In Travancore Nayars enjoyed the privilege of being the
most numerous upper class Hindu.
______________________________________________________________________
71.
Chapter - II
CHAPTER - II
44
Architecturally
wealthy
tharavadus
encompassed
3.
4.
5.
45
practice, the senior woman, was not necessarily determined by seniority
and might be the oldest competent woman and yet seniority was a crucial
factor in determining power relations between the Karnavar and the senior
woman. If the Karnavar was the son or younger brother of the senior
woman, she might indeed be the de facto head of the group keeping
accounts in her own hands and counseling him; but were he the older
brother of the senior woman then she was subordinate to him. In some
wealthy tharavadus lands were set aside for women as stanum (a special
status) property or otherwise over which they enjoyed varied claims does
not in any way suggest `separate rights' or access to their own separate
revenues and
properties.6
46
changes which have taken their toll on many old institutions. Social
reforms spread with modern education. In other words, Nayars switched
over to the patriarchal model of kinship and inheritance. The partition of
tharavadus into individual shares (Alohari Bhaagam) followed the
enactment of Land Reforms Ordinance that stipulated upper limits on land
holdings. Many tharavadus, already bursting at the seams with internal
dissensions and strife, collapsed under the pressure. The matrifocal system
was disintegrated. Fathers took charge of their sons and daughters and
husband
47
Marmam shastra was an advanced way to temporarily or
permanently disable or kill an opponent through a tap with a finger on a
specific nerve. Marma Adi capitalised on the knowledge of acupuncture
points. In recent times, however, Marmam shastra and Marma Adi have
been used only for therapeutic purposes. 9 The Nayar subcastes known as
Kurup and Panicker were traditionally teachers of the Kalari Martial
Arts. Kalari may have given rise to Kung Fu10 according to ancient
documents. It was outlawed by British in 1793, leading to great loss of
self esteem among Nayars.
Marriage
In the past Nayars had three major marriage/rite of passage
ceremonies.
Bina Agarwal, A Field of One's Own: Gender and Land Rights in South Asia,
Cambridge University Press, 1994, p. 113.
An Article on Marma Adi and Marma Sastra, Life Positive.com
48
after the completion of this ritual, although she had to observe a period of
death impurity upon the death of her ritual husband. The thaali ceremony
was a female centered ritual which emphasized fertility and household
prosperity.11 This ceremony had to be performed on pain of
excommunication.
49
Sambandham denoted hypergamy between Nayar women and
Namboothiri men as well as reciprocal marriage among Nayars.13 However
such an alliance was not recognized as constituting marriage by
Namboothiri Brahmins as well as by colonial courts but was seen as
comparable to concubinage.14 Two reasons cited for this were that
dissolution of sambandham was fairly easy and that it did not give rise to
property relations. Though viewed by Namboothiri Brahmins and
European commentators as immoral, allied with polyandry, or even
prostitution, sambandham was nothing of that sort for the Nayar women.
Sambandham essentially gave a Nayar woman the liberty to initiate,
consent to, or terminate a sexual relationship with any man and thereby
formed one of the foundations of matrilineality.
In case of sambandham with Namboothiri men, the system
benefited both the Namboothiri Brahmins as well as matrilineal castes
like the Nayars for two reasons. First, Namboothiri brahmins had
institutionalized primogeniture, permitting only the eldest son to marry
within the caste. Younger sons (also called aphans) in Namboothiri
families were expected to establish sambandham with Nayar and
Ambalavasi (temple service castes) women. Secondly, Nayar families
____________________________________________________________
13.
14.
50
encouraged the sambandham arrangement with Namboothiri men,
thereby increasing their tharavadu and caste status.15
Such alliances
between Nayar women and Namboothiri men came to an end after the
efforts of V.T Bhattathirippad in 1933.
Religious Customs
Kerala is a pluralistic society where no one ethnic community
or religious group dominates the scene. They are all minorities, and all
minorities have their place. All are Keralites first; then they are Brahmins,
Nayars, Ezhavas, Muslims, Christians, and Jews. The extinct religious
communities of Jainism and Buddhism also have made their contributions
to Kerala's culture.
Early Religion
The Cheras, the ancestors of present-day Keralites, were at
one time Indian Mundas and later Indian Dravidians, but not Hindus. 16
They worshipped many gods and goddesses, among whom the most
important one was Lord Shiva, the Supreme God, who was specifically
adored as the Sun God. They did not have idols and icons; they
worshipped lingam-shaped stones as abodes of the divine presence; they
____________________________________________________________
15.
16.
51
believed that some of these self-grown stone pillars, as opposed to manmade structures, were physical transformations of invisible gods. Besides
praying in front of these stones located usually under the sacred Pepal tree,
they used to anoint with water, alcohol, oil, and colored powder.
Occasionally they would sacrifice a chicken and pour the blood on the
stone. This form of worship is still practiced in many villages in Kerala.17
The Hindu temples also have taken over this form of worship and
perfected it with elaborate rituals and Sanskrit hymns and prayers.
The early people also worshipped the Mother-Goddess and
various manifestations of her, besides a number of minor gods and
ancestors.18 The reason for all this worship-ritual is their belief that the
universe is inhabited by super-natural beings and powers. All the rituals
and prayers are designed for coping with this religious world which is
not always consistent, but arbitrary; the gods control the destiny of man
and the universe. Therefore, it is necessary to propitiate these deities
and spirits so that they may be benevolent to the living or that they may
not at least bring harm to the people.
The remarkable thing about the early religion is that it was
never a static institution. It constantly evolved by the addition of new gods
and new rituals and by the dropping of some old gods and old rituals. The
____________________________________________________________
17.
18.
52
early Indians gradually absorbed many Vedic gods or identified their own
gods with the Vedic gods; for instance, the Shiva of the primitive religion
was identified with the Vedic Rudra and was absorbed into Brahminical
Hinduism; Murugan became identical with Subramonya/Kartikeya and
Madura Meenakshi with Parvati, and so on. As a result of this contact with
the Brahmins and their religion, a new pan-Indian religion called
"Hinduism" evolved in India. It was neither purely Aryan/Vedic nor
purely Munda/Dravidian; it was a healthy synthesis of the early religion
and Vedic Hinduism; the brilliant Brahmin theologians created new
mythologies and rituals to fit the needs of this new religion; they did not
destroy the old, pagan, primitive religion, but rather baptized it, enriched it,
and found a place for it in the new religious universe of Hindu India.
The best way to study the primitive religion is to study the
religions of the tribals who still retain the basic beliefs and basic rituals of
the early religion in spite of their exposure to Hinduism. The few remarks
on early religion made above are the result of the researcher's fieldwork
among the various tribes in India and particularly of Kerala.
53
religious groups, the country has a wide variety of festivals.20 Some of
these are not just special for Keralites, but common feasts, like Christmas
and Easter, which are celebrated by Christians of all denominations all
over Kerala, India, and the world. Like-wise, Muslims celebrate their
festivals of Id and Bakrid all over India. The Hindus also celebrate certain
festivals like Divali, Dasara, and Holi in most parts of India while certain
regions have their own special feasts like Pongal in Tamil Nadu and Durga
Puja in West Bengal. Keralites celebrate Onam festival as their national
festival irrespective of caste and creed.21 There are a few other minor
festivals that are dear to certain sections of Keralites like Thiruvathira,
Vishu,22 Teyyam and Sabarimalai Pilgrimage which will be briefly
described below23 It is impossible to describe all the other important
local festivals; their name are legion; every temple and church have their
own annual festivals.
Onam
Thiru Onam is celebrated in the second half of August (the
Chingam month of Kollam Era) when the August monsoon rains come to
____________________________________________________________
Anon, Onam. Malayali.com, http://www.malayali.com/onam.htm
Anon, Onam. Shubhkaama.
http://www.shubhkaamna.com/feature/onam/onam.htm
22. Anon, Onam the National Festival of Kerala.
http://www.naturemagics.com/festivals/pages/onam.htm.
23. Ittyipe, Minu, Fantasy Kingdom of Maveli. The Hindu Online, Metro Plus Kochi,
Aug. 22, 2002. [7] Jose, Salil, An e-mail from Maveli, Maa Mallupuram, Chennai.
20.
21.
54
an end and the summer heat gives way to the pleasant warmth of the
Kerala autumn.24 Anthropologists see in Onam a great fertility rite, the
ceremony of thanks giving for a plentiful harvest. For Keralites Onam is
the celebration of the return of Mahabali, their once and future king. This
king once ruled over the Keralites during the Golden Age before caste
existed, "when all men were equal, when no one was poor, when there
was
neither theft
natu
vanitum
______________________________________________________________________
24.
25.
http://www-instruct.nmu.edu/english/zthundy>
http://www.nd.edu/zthundy>
55
Kathakali
Dance
56
The celebration of the return of Mahabali takes four days for
the Hindus26. The house and yard are cleaned; a temporary mud stall is put
up and washed with cow-dung solution for the royal visitor; flowers are
strewn over it for the king to sit upon; pyramid-shaped images of the king
called Trikkakarappan,27 made of wood or clay, are placed upon it as the
onlookers applaud and cheer in sheer welcome. Every Morning Pujas
(worship service) are performed during the four days of Onam parents give
children presents, especially dresses on the occasion. Onam has become a
holiday like Thanksgiving which is characterized by family reunion and
feasting. Three foods used to be essential for the festival are split bananas,
pappadam (wafer) and payasam (rice pudding).28 After the sumptuous
midday dinner, all the family members dressed in fine clothes and amuse
themselves: adults and boys play hand-ball, chess, dice, and/or cards.
Wrestling and display of swordsmanship are not common any more;
women and girls sing and dance. In the backwaters of Kerala, young men
race the long snake-boats (chundan vallom) - a reminder of snakeworship.29
______________________________________________________________________
26.
27.
28.
29.
57
Onam celebrates the legendary King Bali. Only two versions
are told these days. According to the orthodox Brahminical version,
Mahabali was a wicked demon (asura) king who was yet "good" enough to
become a yogi by virtue of his austerities (tapas). He controlled earth and
heaven; the gods, of course, felt threatened by Bali. So they sent Vishnu to
get rid of this menace; Vishnu assumed the form of a holy beggar, the
comical dwarf Vamana, and asked for the gift of as much land as he could
cover in three paces. Vamana grew into cosmic size and in three strides
encompassed the whole earth and heaven and Bali was forced to retire to
the only space left, patalam, the other world.30
In the Kerala version, Bali is Mahabali, the benevolent ruler
who aroused the jealousy and envy of the gods. He gave up his kingdom
not just because he was the victim of a trick but because he was too
generous to refuse a request and too honorable not to fulfill a promise. He
asked Vamana to place the third stride on his head; Vamana-Vishnu kicked
him down into the nether world. Mahabali, however, was granted the wish,
before he retired, that on a day each year he would be allowed to return to
his dear people, the Keralites, to see them and to be with them as father
and friend.31
______________________________________________________________________
30.
31.
58
Obviously, these two versions of the Mahabali-legend
represent the conquest of the non-Aryan Keralites by the Aryans on the
battlefield and in the field of religion. The Aryans and their gods
triumphed over the Keralite gods; instead of completely banishing their
gods to the realm of non-being, the Brahmins demonized one god,
Mahabali, and accepted Shiva, the God of Bali. 32 Keralites, on the other
hand, would not consider their god Bali a demon, but rather a vanquished
god and popular ally.
There is a third version of Bali retained by the Mundas of
Central India, the cousins of the Keralites. This version is untouched by
the theology of the Aryan Brahmins. The Cheras of the Chotanagpur
region, the ancestors of Keralites, had a great king called Bali who
governed the Dinajpur area; he was an Asur. He did not worship Vishnu,
the Aryan God. He continued to worship the native Munda God, Lord
Shiva. Bali introduced the severe mode of worship, while suspended from
a lever by iron hooks which are passed through the skin of the back. He
spent a thousand years in this penance and obtained the favour from Lord
Shiva that no god (Aryan) should ever have the power to kill him.
While the king was reigning in great glory, Anirudha, the
grandson of Krishna, the King of Brindaban and Mathura, came in disguise
to his court and seduced his daughter Usha. The young man was arrested
____________________________________________________________
32.
59
and thrown in prison. In order to liberate his grandson, Krishna came with
a great army and defeated Bali; the young man was released and was
allowed to marry Usha. King Bali's city was destroyed by Krishna's
barbarian army later in an unprovoked battle. According to the Munda and
Santal traditions, it was an Aryan Kharwar Chief by the name of Madhu
Das attacked them at night and drove them to the fortresses of Vanchi
(Vindhya) Hills (the future name of Kerala) for their refusal to bestow the
hand of one of their girls on the son of Madhu Das. These legends show
that Mahabali, the Chera king of the Munda race and worshipper of Shiva,
was defeated by Krishna, the Vishnu-worshipper.33
The Mahabali-story of the Keralites, in the Munda-Chera
tradition, indicates the triumph of the Vaishnavite brand of Aryans over the
Shiva-worshipping Munda-Cheras. King Bali is immortal and therefore a
god; though he is defeated, he is still alive. It is this once-and-future king
Bali whom Keralites commemorate in the Onam festival34 Bali is also
called Ban (is Onam named after Ban?). Further, Bali/Balia is a common
personal name among the Mundas. The name appears later as Mahabali
and Maveli in the South where the Cheras settled down. In the Tamil
Sangam-work, Puram (234), Maveli appears as the Vellala chief of
Milalaikurram who was very wealthy and generous: "The gates of the
____________________________________________________________
33.
34.
60
mansion were never closed and he never sat to meals except with a large
company." He died of wounds received in battle fighting against the
Pandyan King Nedumchelyan (Puram 233).35
Mahabali is remembered thus in another folk story in Tamil
Nadu; in this story the enemies of Bali are Tamils. There are places
bearing Bali's name in Tamil Nadu like Mahabalipuram and in Kerala like
Mavelikkara. The purpose of this discussion on the legends of Onam is to
indicate a well-known folklore truth that there is a historical nucleus to
most myths and legends and that they undergo many changes in the
passage of time, during the migration of ethnic groups. The researcher's
contention is that Mahabali was a great ancient Munda-Chera King, a
Shiva-worshipper, who was defeated by the Vishnu-worshipping Aryans.36
Mahabali is still remembered fondly by the Keralites, the
descendants of the Munda-Cheras, as the British remember the legendary
King Arthur who fought against the invading Anglo-Saxons in the fifth
century in Britain. Arthur is called rex quondam atque futurus ("the once
and future king"). Mahabali is exactly that for the Keralites. For them he
is also a Santa Claus or Father Christmas; someday, like King Arthur and
Jesus Christ, Mahabali will return in glory, and the defeated Chera culture
will rise in glory like the phoenix from its ashes.
____________________________________________________________
35.
36.
http://www.Kerala.gov.in/notifications/no.gs3-1698-2005.pdf.
Ibid.
61
Oonjal
62
Thiruvathira
This is another national festival. It falls on the Thiruvathira
day
in
Dhanu
(December-January).
The
details
comes
under
Vishu
Vishu falls on the first of Medam (March-April), which is the
astronomical New Year's Day.37 One's good fortune during the year would
depend on his seeing some good thing on Vishu morning. The heart of the
festival is the preparation of the kani (the lucky sight or gift). The older
custom of preparing the kani is described below. The women of the family
take a large dish made of bell-metal (uruli), arrange in it a grantha (palmleaf manuscript), a gold ornament, a new cloth, some flowers from the
konna tree (cassia fistula), some coins in a silver cup, a split coconut, a
cucumber, some mangoes, and a jack-fruit. On either side of the dish are
two burning lamps with a chair facing it.
After these are set in the living room of the house, family
members are taken one by one with their eyes blindfolded or closed.
When they are in the living room, the blindfolds are removed so that they
____________________________________________________________
37.
63
64
may view the vishu kani. The kani is then taken from the home to the
homes of the poor for their benefit.38 The father (Karanavan) of the
family gives gifts of money to children, servants, and tenants.39 During
the rule of the Rajas, state officials used to pay respects to the reigning
king to wish him a Happy New Year, to offer gifts, and receive presents
from him. The day is marked by a grand feast at home for all the members
of the family and the dependents.
65
This dressing style of women is no longer practised and
introduction of the Rauka blouse in the early 20th century made it
extremely popular among the Nayar women. The mundu is still widely
used by almost everybody in Kerala, though modern clothing, naturally,
has found tremendous use as well.42
Men usually, besides anklets and rings, had their ears bored
and wore earrings studded with precious gems. Women had for the neck
ornaments such as the Kantasaram, Nalupanti, Addiyal, Ponnu-Nool,
Nagapadam (the most important ornament of a Nayar lady), Arimbu Mani,
Jnali Kuzhal, Minnum Maniyum, Arasillatali, Pachakkatali, Kasu Malai,
Kuzhalmala, Rasi Tali, Padakkatali etc. For the nose, pendants called
Mukuttis were worn set with ruby or diamond generally.43 For the arms,
bangles such as Kattikappu, Maniyalakappu, Swarna-Sangala Muduku etc.
were worn. For the waist, ornaments known as Kacchapuram were worn.
Young girls even wore ornaments on their feet, known as Thanda or
Padaswaram.44 The Nayar ladies extended their ear lobes and the only two
types of ornaments which were worn in the ears was a type of cylindrical
ornament known as Takka or a two lipped biconvex disc considered more
____________________________________________________________
42.
43.
44.
66
fashionable, known as the Toda. Jewels were not worn on the head.
Tattooing was not favored among the Nayars and was considered
derogatory.45
Other customs
Nayar have customs and rituals which are an amalgamation
of indigenous rituals and the rituals of Nambothiri Brahmins. Generally,
there are local variations for such customs. However, the basic framework
of many of the rituals is more or less the same.
____________________________________________________________
45.
46.
47.
67
Seemantham
Seemantham (also known as Pulikudi or Garbhamthozhikkal)
denotes the preparation for childbirth and is performed between the fifth
and seventh months of pregnancy.48 On an auspicious day, after being
massaged with homemade ayurvedic oil, the woman has a customary
bath with the help of the elderly women in the family. After this, the
family deity is worshiped, invoking all the paradevatas and a concoction
of herbal medicines prepared in the traditional way, is given to the
woman. The woman is dressed in new clothes and jewelry used for
such occasions. Among some Nayars of Malabar two local ritualistic
additions called ariyidal and Garbha Prashnam are performed. In the
ariyidal the seated pregnant lady is given rice and appams in her lap. In
the Garbha Prashnam, an astrologer prescribes ritualistic remedies (if
needed) for the protection of the mother and child as well as for smooth
child birth in the event of any astrological obstacles. Afterwards, the
pregnant lady visits four temples, including her own ancestral temple
and prays to the deities for a healthy child and for a smooth delivery.
After this she begins to observe
Pula
or
birth
pollution, which
68
for all the relatives. Medicines and routines are prescribed for the
woman, which are to be followed till childbirth.
Irupethi Ettu
This ceremony is performed on the 28th day after birth of the
child, as this is the first time the nakshatram (star) of the child repeats
according to the Malayalam calendar.50 During the ceremony, charadu
(thread), one in black cotton and the other in gold are interwined and tied
around the waist of the child. The child's eyes are lined with mayye or
kannumashi (Kohl). A black spot is placed on one cheek or asymmetrically
on the forehead, to ward of evil eyes. A mixture of ghee (melted and
clarified butter) and honey is given to the infant as a base for its various
foods in the future. This is similar to the Jaathakarmam ceremony of the
Namboothiris. In many instances, honey is rubbed with gold on a stone,
which is then mixed with Vayampu, a herbal medicine. This mixture is
then applied on the tongue of the newborn. In certain areas, the child's
horoscope is usually made out between the birth and the Irupethi Ettu so
that a name based on an ideal first letter prescribed by his horoscope
can be used to name the child. This name-giving ceremony is similar to
the Naamakaranam ceremony of the Namboothiris. In some instances,
____________________________________________________________
50.
69
piercing of the lower lobes of the ears for both boys and girls
(Karnavedham) is also done on the same day. Otherwise, it is done
separately on an auspicious day. Unlike the Namboothiris who perform
Jaathakarmam and Namakaranam as separate rituals, Nayars mostly tend
to perform them together on the Irupathi Ettu.
Choroonu
Choroonu is the ritual of feeding rice to the child for the first
time.51 Rice is the primary food of Nayars, which is why the first intake
of purified rice is celebrated on an auspicious day. After manthrams are
chanted to request Agni to purify the food, a mixture of melted ghee and
honey, followed by boiled rice is served to the child. This ceremony is
performed during the 6th month or after the 7th month of birth.
Thulamasakkuli
During the Malayalam month of Thulam (October November) all the women and girls in the family baths in the river or
family pond before sunrise. They will then perform rituals of worship at
home, or visit a temple for Nirmalyam (viewing the deity for the first time
for the day).
____________________________________________________________
51.
70
Thiruvathirakkali
Thiruvathira is observed on the full-moon day of Dhanu
Masam, on the day of the Thiruvathira star (Alpha Orionis).52 It is
believed this is the day, the Goddess Parvathi finally met Siva, after her
long penance. It is believed that observing Thiruvathira vratham or
Thiruvathira nonbu (fasting during thiruvathira) would ensure that a
woman's husband would have a long life. The Nayar women, including
little girls, would get up early in the morning during the whole of Dhanu
masam and go to the Kulam or river to take a bath. They will go in a sort
of procession, singing various songs. They sing and play while taking
bath. This is called Thudichukkuli. After bathing, they go to the temple
dressed in their finest clothes. Thiruvathira is a day of fasting.53 No one
eats rice preparations, but they are allowed to eat things made of wheat and
all types of fruit. The practice of presenting bunches of bananas to the
elders was common. During this season, huge swings (oonjal) are erected
in the backyards of most of the houses. These swings are hung from the
branches of tall trees such as mango trees or jack-fruit trees. The swings
are made of ropes hung from the branch with a wooden plank for the seat.
They can also be made from a well grown bamboo tree shoot, which is
____________________________________________________________
52.
53.
71
vertically split into two. The sumptuous family dinner is held at noon;
fried bananas and sweets are passed around to complete the
celebrations.54
Poorakkali
Pooram means "festival" in Malyalam. In regions south of
Korapuzha, this is mainly a temple celebration. However in regions north
of Korapuzha, especially north Malabar, Pooram is predominantly a Nayar
household festival during the month of Meenam (March-April). The
festival lasts for 9 days, starting from Karthika day to Pooram day.
Among unmarried Nayar women of north Malabar, Pooram was celebrated
to praise and please Kamadeva, the God of Love. On each of the day an
idol of Kamadeva made out of clay, is worshipped at different locations
starting from the steps of the pond (first day) to the inner house (ninth
day). The song sung by the group leader is repeated by the others and the
______________________________________________________________________
54.
72
song begins Thekkan dikkil povalle kamaa. Eendola panayil iruthume
kamaa. (Do not leave us and go the south and various reasons are
provided as to why he will be treated better in the north. These are sung in
the form of puns). Dances are performed around a sacred lamp with
elegant steps resembling Thiruvathirakkali.55 While dancing, the players
clap their hands uniformly to the tune of the song and to the thaalam
(rhythm or beat) of the group leader. Poorakkali has 18 different forms.
Stories from the epic Ramayana often constitute the subject
matter of the ritual songs. The ritual dance form warrants intense training
and good physical stamina. The forward and backward movements and the
abrupt variations in the speed and directions enthralls the spectators.
Invariably, Poorakkali is followed by a duel of wits staged to test the
intellectual capacity of the rival group leaders. 56 This is known as
Marathukali. During the debate, intriguing questions are put by one leader
to the other side.
In central and south Kerala, several poorams or festivities
during this season are observed in all important temples of the different
deshams. The most famous of all these, is the Thrissur Pooram. Before
the advent of the Thrissur Pooram, the largest temple festival during
summer in central Kerala is the one-day festival held at Aarattupuzha.
____________________________________________________________
55.
56.
73
Temples in and around Thrissur were regular participants of this religious
exercise until they were once denied entry by the responsible chief of the
Peruvanam area of Cherpu, known for its Namboothiri supremacy. As an
act of reprisal, and also in a bid to assuage their wounded feelings, Prince
Rama Varma (1751-1805), also known as Sakthan Thampuran (ruler of
the erstwhile Cochin state ) invited all these temples to bring their deities
to Thrissur where they could pay obeisance to Lord Vadakunnathan, the
deity of the Vadakunnathan temple. Further, he directed the main temples
of Thrissur, Thruvambadi and Pamamekkavu, to extend all help and
support to these temples. It is this historical background that determined
the course of the Thrissur Pooram program me and it is specifically
because of the ruler's antipathy to the Brahmin aristocracy, that he opened
Thrissurpooram to the common man.
Chapter - III
CHAPTER - III
75
over the Nayar woman would go back to her Taravad, her matrilineal home
but nowadays she accompanies her husband to his household. She enters
her marital home right foot forward by kicking over a large measure of
paddy signifying the prosperity and plenty she brings with her. A reception
is usually held with social gathering and feasting.
The Nayars of Kerala are different from other castes mainly
because they trace their descent through the female line and they had a
marriage system in which women were allowed to have several husband
simultaneously. The Nayars are of Dravidian stock. The original Nayars
were undoubtedly a military body, holding land and serving as warriors.
They enjoyed special privileges and power. Nayars lived in matrilineal
joining families known as taravads.3 A taravad might have a number of
members all living together in one big house. Each taravad was an
independent economic unit ; its members collectively owned property from
which they derive livelihood. The polyandrous kinship and marriage
system of Nayars were the singular aspects of the society in Kerala.
The Nayars are one of the dominant castes in Kerala. They are
one among the major divisions of Hindu population. 4 The Nayars formed
the traditional militia until the establishment of the British hegemony.
____________________________________________________________
3.
4.
76
Their name itself implies that they were the leaders of the people. The
Nayars are said t be a mixed race generated from the original Dravidian
stock, not intermixe with the Nambudiri Brahmin genes. They are a martial
community, and high caste Naytars have Nambudiri fathers"5. According
to I. K. Ananthakrishn lyer, the Nayars are an interesting caste of people,
forming a considerable portion of the population of the last of the
honoured castes under the name ( the pure Sudras of Malaya).6
They constitute one of the major castes in Kerala having
different titles like Nayar, Pillai, Panicker, Kuruppilla, Kaimal, Unithan,
Valiyathan and Menon. It does not include the low caste Nayars like
Velakkuthala Nayars (Barbars), Velutheda Nayars (Dhobbies) Chakkala
Nayars and the other numerous sub divisions. Each group has got its own
distinctive practices related to marriage.
In the traditional system they were attached to the royal
families of Nambudiri or Brahmins through hypergamous alliances. They
rank high in the social hierarchy of Kerala. They come next to the
Kshatriyas of Kerala Broadly speaking the Nayars rank after the
Nambudiris in Malabar and they occupy the same position in the princely
states of Cochin and Travancore.7 In Travancore, Nayars enjoyed the
______________________________________________________________________
5.
6.
7.
77
privilege of being the most numerous upper class Hindus. They could
compel submission and subserviences from their caste inferiors.8
The Nayars lived jointly in a house which was called taravad.
Taravad is derived from the word tara which means mount i.e., the
raised foundation on which a Nayar house was built.9 A taravad consisted
of a female ancestor her children, her daughter's children, grand daughters
of her daughter and as such other descendants however remote in the
female line. The male descendants themselves are its members but their
children are not. Taravad membership arises by birth in the family. A
female member of the taravad does not change her family by marriage. 10
The size of the taravad used to vary from one another
depending upon its stage in the developmental cycle and there were cases
when the taravad had more than hundred persons at a given time. Every
member of the taravad used to consider his taravad as something sacred.
Each member of the taravad had a right to the taravad property by birth
alone. If any member dies his or her share got developed upon the other
members of the taravad. The eldest male of the taravad, also known as
karanavar had legal rights to managing the taravad. In the event of his
______________________________________________________________________
8.
9.
10.
78
death the next senior male member of that taravad succeeded. Thus the
taravad and its property had been kept under the control and management
of the karanavar alone.11
The position of the members other than the head of the
marumakkathayam or matrilineal family was precisely analogous. 12 The
relationship between the Karanavan and other members of the family was
quite formal and determined by the principle of respect for seniority.
Karanavan has been described as the keystone of the marumakkathyam
arch. The junior members in the taravad were supposed to have no right to
possess anything that formed the taravad property in antagonism to the
taravad karanavan.13 He commanded such a great authority in the
management of the taravad. In effect, he might be called an absolute ruler.
It was his right and duty to manage alone the property of the taravad, to
take care of it, to invest it in his own name (if it was movable) either on
loans or on other security, or by purchasing land in his own name and to
receive the rents of those lands. He was not accountable to any member in
the taravad in respect of the income of it, though there were silent protests
disposal of landed property. Protests became over towards the close of the
____________________________________________________________
11.
12.
13.
79
disintegration of the taravad in his own behalf. The karanavan might
delegate his powers of management. This delegation of power had to be
limited to the member of the taravad. In some cases, the delegation would
become irrevocable except with the consent of all the adult members or by
a decision of a court of law. 14 He represented the taravad and he alone
could sue and be sued of the taravad. In other words, we can say, the
karanavan was the keystone of the Nayar taravad.
Both men and women had equal freedom. Women
participated in all family functions equally with men. The taravad itself is a
matrilineal unit. The children of the women in the taravad had got equal
freedom. Though the legal power of the taravad was vested with a
karanavar, the social position of the women in the taravad was high. The
women either sisters or nieces, older than the karanavar could exert
decision making influences on him. Women were respected in their taravad
by giving them different rooms and beautiful courtyard. They were free
enough to move elsewhere in the taravad except to the room of the
karanavar. Logan in his Malabar Manual had written that 'Nayarwomen
were free and they had equal freedom with men. They participated equally
with men in public affairs".15 In the marriage they were free to select their
____________________________________________________________
14.
15.
Ibid.
William Logan, op.cit, p. 53.
80
partners and also free to divorce the partners when they found it
difficult to compromise.
Marriage and morals generally go together. Kerala has
evolved through the ages of its own marriage customs and code of
morals.16 The Aryanization of Kerala brought about some changes in the
institution of marriage and code of morals.17 The Chola-Chera war
which brought about significant social and economic changes also had its
effect on marriage customs and code of morals Nayar marriage system had
been undergoing many changes in both its internal and external functions
with regard to the family and its functions.18 Marriage is a socially
recognized cohabitation. The system of marriage among the Nayar
witnessed a multitude of trials and tribulations in the course of last
centuries. They became the victims of the fossilized customs and worn out
practice, which ultimately undermined the vitals of the sacred system. 19
In the past, there were two institutionalized forms of
marriage; one was between a pre-pubescent girl and a man which was
known as talikettukalyanam. The second was between a mature woman
and a mature man of status equal or superior to her own, which was known
______________________________________________________________________
16.
17.
18.
19.
81
Talikettu kalyanam
Sreedhara Menon writes : "While considering the institution
of marriage, it may be appropriate to considering the custom of talikettu
kalyanam which prevailed even in the early part of this century among
such non-Brahmin castes as the Nayars, Ezhavas and kammalas. It has
been prevalent among Nayars till recently in the name of kettukalyanam. 21
The term talikettu kalyanam is a compound of three words, viz., tali
(a badge) kettu tying) and kalyanam (marriage)".22 Tali is a leaf shaped
emblem made of gold or silver, which was worn on a string around the
neck. It indicated the marital status of a woman. But among the early
Nayars tali was tied to the girl before puberty. If she reached maturity
______________________________________________________________________
20.
21.
22.
Anantha Krishna Iyer, L.K., Cochin Tribes and Castes, Vol. II, London, 1909,
p. 89.
Fuller, C.J., op.cit., p. 110.
Sreedhara Menon, A., Social and Cultural History of India, Trivandrum, 1979,
p. 96.
82
before the talikettu she would have been expelled from her family as
an outsider.
Tali tying was performed on a girl or on a group of girls
between the age of 11 and 13. The tier belonged either to the same or to a
superior caste. In Southern Travancore, the 'tali tier' can also be relatives of
either male line or female line irrespective of their age. One condition was
that the tier should be older than the girl. Logan writes that the strange
thing about it all was that the girl was not really married to the man who
performed the tali tying ceremony. In the case of good families, the man
selected for this duty is usually either an Illathu or an East Coast Brahmin
and in the case of others a man of their own kindred. He continues to write
that after the ceremony he received a suitable present and departed.23 When
the girl comes of age he cannot claim her as his wife or should solicit her
favours in after life. The tali tier had no claim to matrimony with the girl. 24
The practice is said to be the result of the belief that the human of a virgin
is protected by the God of marriage. The ceremonies associated with
talikettu were different in different parts of Kerala. Fawcett wrote ; "the
details of this ceremony vary in different parts of Malabar. But the
ceremony itself, in some form is essential and must be performed for every
______________________________________________________________________
23.
24.
83
Nayar girl before she attains puberty. Talikettu kalyanam means marriage
by tying the tali or ceremony of tying the tali, a small gold ornament, worn
on the neck, the ordinary badge of marriage amongst the Dravidians".25
Talikketu kalayanam was a social custom which proclaimed to the word at
large the fact that a girl in a taravad had attained marriageable status. One
important factor is that the tali tied to the neck of the girl is made by the
family of the girl and not by the family of the tier. Today the custom of tali
tying as a special ceremony before marriage among Nayars is no more.
Under the stress of modern civilization and as a result of social action
taken by social reformers, the Nayars and Ezhavas have practically given
up the tali kettu kalyanam. Its gradual dying out is a land mark in the
history of social change.26
Sambhandham
Sambhandham was a form of marriage practiced among early
Nayars in Kerala. Sambhandham was a social contract by which a man and
a woman surrender their sexual rights to each other. Sambhandham was a
term most widely used for the marital relationship of a Nayar woman.
Even today some of the old Nayar people use the word Sambhandham for
____________________________________________________________
25.
26.
84
Aiya
describes
Sambhandham
as
follows
important
than
85
86
divorce or death are free to remarry, but the second and subsequent
marriages are not celebrated with as much formality as the first.33
The Aryan Brahmins when they came into the country had the
same social organizations as existed among their successors. Their laws
strictly ordinated that only the eldest member of a household should be left
free to enter into lawful wedlock with a woman of their own caste, the
younger members being left to shift for themselves in this matter. It should
in this connection be remembered that the Brahmins formed an aristocratic
order and as such they became the exclusive custodians of law. Naturally
large number of Brahmin younger sons who were looking illegitimate
unions of the nature of concubinage. 34 Now the sanctity of formal and
religious marriages was in compatible with the baseless ness and
degradation involved in these illegitimate unions and Brahmin ingenuity
discovered a ready means of getting over the difficulties by a social
prohibition of all valid marriages among the Nayars. To enforce this social
edict upon the Nayars, the Brahmins made use of the powerful weapon of
their aristocratic ascendancy in the country and the Nayars readily
submitted to the Brahmin supremacy. Thus it came about that the custom
of concubinage, so freely indulged in by the Brahmins with the Nayar
______________________________________________________________________
33.
34.
Nagam Aiya, V., Travancore State Manual, Vol. 11, Travancore Government
Press, 1906, pp. 358 -359.
Velu Pillai, T.K., op.cit., p. 414.
87
women, obtained such firm hold in the country that it had only been
strengthened by the lapse of time.35
Jeffrey observed that sambhandham among Nayars were
contracted and ended with considerable ease. Jeffrey continues, a man
negotiated with a woman's karanavar obtained the women's agreement and
presented her with a cloth. This was called sambhandham. And a woman
might have sambhandham with a number of men at the same time. They
had no right over her or her children but were expected to provide her with
small presents of luxury items bath oil and pay her expenses when she had
a child.36
According to Logan, after attainment of the age of puberty the
girl chooses her real husband of her own free will though in this is often
guided by the opinion of her elders. The man she selects is called as the
Gunadoshkaran. Gunam being 'good' and dosham being 'bad' and karan
being the 'doer'. This designation may be exactly reproduced by the phrase
from the English wedding service in which the mutual contract of the
parties is "for better for worse, for richer for poorer". The ceremony of
installment of her husband is exceedingly simple. All that is necessary is
that the husband should give and that the girl should receive a cloth in the
____________________________________________________________
35.
36.
Gopala Panicker, T.K., Malabar and its Folk, Madras, 1900, pp. 36-38.
Robin Jeffrey, The Decline of Nayar Dominance : Society and Politics in
Travancore, 1847 -1908, New Delhi, 1976, pp. 15-16.
88
presence of relatives and friends. If the pair is dissatisfied with each other
the woman returns the cloth and the connection there upon ends.37
The wife would not even speak or hint to him about her
economic or personal needs, hence it was a shame for her taravad to accept
any economic help from her sambhandham partners. She visited her
husband's taravad during ceremonies and the karanavar of the husband
sends cloths and tobacco to the wife's family on such occasions. When
women became pregnant one or more of her sambhandham partners would
claim paternity. Each one did this by giving a piece of cloth and some
vegetables to the low caste woman who acted as mid wife. If no one claim
parternity, then it was considered that the mother had sexual relations with
a man of lower caste or non-hindu which was prohibited and thus both the
mother and the child would be outcasted followed by execution or sale as
slaves.38
The upper class Nayars and members of the ruling families
practiced hypergamy.39 There were three types of hypergamy among
Nayars viz. Nambudiri - Nayar hypergamy, Kshtriya - Nayar hypergamy
and Nayar - Sub caste hypergamy. Both Nambudiri and Kshatriya
hypergamy were prevalent largely in areas where those groups had
______________________________________________________________________
37.
38.
39.
89
settlement, scattered in Northern Kerala, widespread in Central Kerala
and few in Southern Kerala. At that time in Kerala, the women of
Kshatriya royal lineage married Nambudiri Brahmins. Those of nonKshatriyanized royal lineage married Nambudiris or man of Kshatriya
royal lineage. Women of wealthy Nayar lineage married men of any of the
three groups above. The hypergamous pattern of marital relationship
existed in Kerala until the 1920's.40
Literature revealed that it was the Nambudiris who were
responsible for losing the sanctity of Nayar sambhandham. For the sake of
the interest and convenience of Nambudiris only such a loose laison among
Nayars originated.41 Gough has pointed out that the Nambudiris did not
regard sambhandham union as a true marriage but as a kind of
concubinage. Among Nambudiris only the eldest son married a Nambudiri
woman which was called Tali. The younger brother's called aphans
entered into marital relationship with women of royal, ambalavasi and
Nayar lineage.42 A Nayar woman married to a
kettilamma. If she was an ordinary girl of a poor family, she was provided
with land and housing.43
______________________________________________________________________
40.
41.
42.
43.
90
The Nayar man who got into sambhandham had no economic
rights or responsibilities with the women and children. The children of
that woman were purely under the control of the karanavar or her taravad.
The economic benefits of Nambudiri husband from Nayar wife's lineage
are observed as follows. "The Nayar hypergamous families were usually
those of upper economic groups, and they did utmost within their capacity
to honour and please a Nambudiri husband.44 A hypergamous royal lineage
of upper group Nayar lineage would have one or more private temples
for Nambudiri husband's thevaram and matom (a house made for a
Nambudiri in Nayar compound) for their private living.45 In middle class
families, where they could not normally afford to have special temple
and matom, either alone or together with similar Nambudiri husbands of
the area, cooked and ate in the village temple. The rice, vegetables and
other cooking materials would also be attained by male and female
servant provided by the Nayar family. Usually a Nambudiri husband spent
the day time in his matom or in the temple, and visited his wife at night.
He would not eat any boiled food from his wife's house but drink boiled
milk, and eat plantains and plantain chips. The hypergamous families
followed many Brahminical rituals and life style like vegetarianism, ritual
purity, daily offering to temples etc.
______________________________________________________________________
44.
45.
91
Since it was considered that the Nambudiri alliance was as a
status symbol, many families provided the Nambudiri husbands with
special houses and the daily ritual facilities to make them as regular
husbands and thus the ancestral wealth of the Nambudiri illom remained
constant. There was another opinion, since the Nambudiris as a rich group
in the society, the economic benefit might not be a single factor for
sambhandam. Their main aim was to subjugate the Nayar under their
superiority. "Brahmin dominance was reinforced through marital
relations with women to royal lineages and wealthy Nayar families, the
offsprings of such relations were thought to be devoted to the
Nambudiri".46 Later there was a decline in the Nambudiri - Nayar
alliances. C. J. Fuller in his village study of Ramankara Nayars observes :
"by about 1925, such marriages had ceased, as Nayars were refusing to
allow their womenfolk to marry Nambudiris".47
Previously the sambhandham with the Nambudiri was
considered as a status symbol, later it became a mockery. By that time,
certain Nambudiris and some women started to campaign for the right of
all Nambudiris to marry within the caste. The reform movement started in
South Malabar around 1917. Nayar Nambudiri marriages were rather
______________________________________________________________________
46.
47.
92
rare in South Kerala because the number of Nambudiri illoms were few.
However, Nayar-Kshatriya marriages were common in South Kerala.
But today, both Nayar-Nambudiri or Nayar-Kshatriya marriages are not
considered as a prestige to the Nayars.
The Nayars lost their importance, when the society shifted
status from caste and wealth to cash and education. Social awakening
made them to think about the weak points of their family and marriage
systems. The instability of their sambhandham and supremacy of the
Brahmins haunted them. In Nayar taravads in the past, the husbands had
no responsibilities for the up bringing and education of the children.48
And both the husband and the wife could at anytime terminate the
marriage at will. Many social reformers came forward to get the Nayar
marriage legalized. In 1890, a Bill was introduced in the Madras
Legislative Council to permit Nayars in the British India to register
Sambhandham. This Bill was strongly opposed by a section of
conservative Nayars, Nambudiri, Kshatriyas and non-Malayali Brahmins.49
A marriage commission was appointed. The commission made enquiries
and submitted its report. In 1896, the Malabar Marriage Bill became law.
By this law, people belonging to any caste
in
Malabar,
following
93
sambhandham a legally valid marriage and a man would make over his
self acquired property to his wife and children. In 1899, the Travancore
Wills Act gave marumakkathais the right to get half of their self-acquired
property on one's wife and children This was the first step of reform.50
Efforts were made to change the existing system of
marumakkathayam. The marriage in marumakkathayam system revealed
many serious defects and thus the members felt strong resentment. The
junior members of the taravad felt that the karanavars showed partiality
towards the members of his own thaivazhi or branch viz. the children of
his direct sisters.51 Conflicts were also started between the interest of the
sisters of the karanavar and his wife. Wife of the karnavar (ammayi)
exercised great influence over the affairs of the taravad though their
children had no legal claim to the family property of the karanavar.
The autocratic nature of the karanavar also felt by the junior members. 52
When these problems intensified, the educated youth of matrilineal
families revolted against the system. The movement for the reform of the
marumakkathayam system reached its peak in the early decades of the 20 th
century. The Nayar Service Society was also in favour of changes in the
existing laws. The Government took initiative and introduced bills to
______________________________________________________________________
50.
51.
52.
94
regulate the personal laws of several communities in the state. The
Travancore Nayar Act of 1912 allowed thaivazhi partition. The children
were allowed to inherit half of the self acquired property of the father.
The Nayar Act of 1925 allowed partition of the taravad property. The
Act also prohibited polyandry and it marked the change from
marumakkathayam to makkathayam.53
In Cochin, the Nayar regulation of 1912 - 20 imposed
resitrictions on the power of the karanavar and legalized the customary
marriage, it made all husbands including non-Nayars legally responsible
for the maintenance of their Nayar wives and children. Polygamy was
prohibited. The Cochin Nayar Act of 1937 t 1938 made wives and children
of a husband or father the legal heirs to his property. In British Malabar too
legislation was enacted to legalise inheritance. With the passing of the
Hindu Succession Act which came into force in 1956, Hindu men and
women have been given equal rights to property and monogamy has also
became compulsory for all Hindus. The enactment of new personal laws
by the different governments in the State changed the organization of
Nayar families. Father became the head of the family and his children
began to inherit his properties. Gradually nuclear family system came in
vogue among Nayars.54
____________________________________________________________
53.
54.
Sreedhara Menon, A., Social and Cultural History of Kerala, New Delhi,
1979, pp. 91-92.
Pillai, A.K.B., op.cit., p. 185.
Chapter - Iv
METEORIC UP AND
DOWN OF NAYARs
CHAPTER - IV
problem, because they are still under the mask of the early writers. But
this chapter an attempt is made to portray a graphic picture of that
miserable fall.
Views of Scholars
From time immemorial onwards the course and destiny of
human history was regulated and decided by the might of the martial
forces. A sound military force constituted an important factor in the rise
of all great kingdoms in the world. There could not be land empire without
a sufficient armed force. The neglect of defence would ultimately result in
the sudden collapse and disintegration of that respective kingdom. Thus
the existence of a state is largely depended upon its military force. A well
96
organized, well disciplined and well trained regular militia formed an
integral part of every state. In Travancore, before the origin of the police
force and the formation of state military force, the defence of the kingdom
was looked after by the Nayar Bridge. They maintained law and order
within the kingdom.
Unlike any other community the Nayar community dedicated itself to the
cause of the king and the kingdom from its very beginning. Most of them
were intensely patriotic and freedom loving.
soldiers.
Durate Barbosa wrote that : "in these kingdoms of Malabar
there is another set of people called Nayars, who are the gentry and have
no other duty then to carry on war, and they continually carry their arms
with them".2 According to Varthema, an European scholar, "The Nayars
____________________________________________________________
1.
2.
97
are the same as the gentle folks amongst us, and are obliged to bear sword
and shield or bows and lances. When they go through the streets, if they
did not carry arms they would no longer be gentlemen". In 1563 Garcia
described the Nayars as the knights in the Kingdom". Castenheda referred:
"The Nayars were the men of war whom the king of Calicut and other
kings, have .. They are all gentlemen who follow no office of
employment but that of fighting when needed". In 1583 Linschotten said:
"of these Malabares there are two manner of people, the one noblemen or
gentlemen called Nayars, who are soldiers, that do only wear and handle
arms". He adds "They are very good and stout soldiers and would setupon
a man very fiercely". In 1611 Johnson in his book on "Early Relations of
the most famous kingdoms of the world- he mentioned "it is strange to see
how ready the soldier of this country is at his weapons they are all
gentlemen and termed Nayars". In 1609 Phrad Laval stated " they were
the lords of the land - the best soldiers in the world and courageous
extremely skilful in the use of arms with limbs for agile and supple that
they can throw themselves into every imaginable posture, and thus avoid
or cunningly carry every possible stroke whilst at the same time they
spring upon the foe". In 1623, Della Vella commenting upon the Nayars
observed that the "Gentiles of the race of Nairi, for the most part by
profession soldiers sufficiently swashing and brave". The Dutch Captain
Nieuhooff (1653-70) expressed the view that "The Nayars are the
98
descendants of noble families and brought up to the war and very bold and
brave. They are the best wrestlers in the world and are very nimble on
foot". Col. Wilkes observed: "The Nayars or military class of Malabar are
perhaps, not exceeded any by nation on earth in
a high spirit of
independence and military honour; but like all persons stimulated by that
spirit without the direction of discipline, their efforts are uncertain,
capricious and desultory".3
The general criticisms in comparison with the warm tributes
had little weight. For instance Col. Macaulay stated: "the principal Nayars
and Malabares of this coast seem to possess very little discrimination of
character in general, they are selfish, cold, blunded, avaricious, narrowminded and meanly vindicative grafting the basest hypocrasy upon the
most disgusting pride".4
privileged section of the society. They were often treated as the Kashtriyas.
They enjoyed all the paraphernelias of a luxurious and extravagant life.
The key posts of the state were occupied by them. They were respected
____________________________________________________________
3.
4.
Padmanabha Menon, K.P., A History of Kerala, Vol. III, New Delhi, 1924,
pp. 338-339.
For. Sec. Cons. Proc., 17 May 1804, F. 15291.
99
by all. The kings were mostly guided by their advise. The Nayars even
enjoyed the right to kill an Avarna without penalty, if he unfortunately
happened to cross him in the way.5 They enjoyed all these vast powers
only due to their prominent position in the army.
The military training of the Nayar children started from the
seventh year of their age. They were trained in their family gymnasiums
called Kalaris. Even before their adult stage they mastered in the art of
warfare. Just after his arrival in Travancore Col. Macaulay wrote: "each
house inhabited by a Nayar family is bound to hold in readiness and to
furnish armed men at a call one male out of every two or in other words
the half of all the males who have attained the age of twelve years. A
proportion of these are constantly employed and they receive a small
allowance in grain on urgent occasion and all males above twelve years of
age must attend the Rajah's standard when summoned".6
The early history of Travancore furnishes several brilliant
records of their chivalrous action. For instance in 1532 in the battle of
Tamraparni between Udaya Martanda Varma, the king of Travancore and
Accuta, the successor of Krisna Deva Raya of Vijayanagar, the Nayars
gallantly fought and defended Travancore: "on one side were ranged the
____________________________________________________________
5.
6.
Duarte Barbosa, A description to the coast of East Africa and Malabar in the
beginning of 16th century, London, 1970, p. 120.
For. Sec. Cons. Proc., 17 May 1804, Ff. 15085-6.
100
resources of the empire (Vijayanagar) and of its Pandyan vassal, and on the
other the gallant Nayars of Travancore. The Nayars in those days were a
peculiarly military race, trained in the exercise of war from their earliest
youth, and taking continued delight in their weapons, persuading
themselves that no nation goeth beyond them in skill and desterity".7
The military forces of nation are products of socio political
environments. Each and every society had their own organized groups
entrusted with the duty of defending national or group interests or of going
into the offensive to protect themselves from similar groupings.
Occasionally some of these tasks were performed by professional clashes
of fighting men organized into regular standing armies. Such professional
organizations are hallmarks of advanced and sophisticated societies. In less
advanced countries (some backward countries) these duties were carried
out by militias' or irregular forces.8
Historians have been able to give some information in the
economy of Kerala during the sangam period.9 Militia acquired the
meaning of a Domestic force for the defence of a nation as distinguished
from regular army. Militia is the name given to fighting men, normally
citizens compelled to be soldiers on call. In Athens, under Pericles, youths
were admitted to manhood by way of military training and the formal
____________________________________________________________
7.
8.
9.
101
acceptance as armed citizens. The true militia system as a legal tradition is
based upon the obligatory of every man to serve his nation. It is
distinguished from the military system of most modern times in that they
maintain substantial standing armies to which the citizen forces are only
supplements.10 It is considered as a defensive force. The Nayar militia in
Travancore was a defensive force of the feudal chieftains, the King and
the state.
102
In course of time, soldiering became the traditional
occupation of the Nayars especially after the 11th century AD.12 From the
beginning of the Christian era down to the 12th century, it was the Nayars
who commanded the army. During the Sangam, under the Cheras, the
'Nagas'13 were the commandants of the army. Other communities like the
Mazhavar and Ayinas14 had also enjoyed important position in the Chera
army15, but the majority of them were 'Nagas' or 'Nayars'. There was also
no other fighting class superior to the Nayars, and no other caste could
ever rise to the position of a fighting class as the Nayars. The sudras were
the unprivileged classes but the Brahmins elevated them to the position of
privileged classes. The Brahmins had no sufficient body of protectory of
their own. So they had no force to acknowledge as protectors, the original
race i.e. the Nayars - whom designated as sudras, though in reality some of
them were treated as kshatriyas. If their protectors were called sudras
(Servile classes), then the class below the sudras could not have had any
footing in the original Aryan reorganization.
____________________________________________________________
13.
14.
15.
The "Nagas' are identified with the Nairs. The term 'Nayar' was originally a
designation meaning, literally, 'commandant'.
Kazhakam, SS, Puranams (Tinnevelly, 1964), p. 80, (Mazhavar and Ayinar were
warlike men including commanders of the army under the Sangam Cheras).
The Chera army consisted of Vilpade (bow fighters), val-pade (sword-fighters)
and vel pade (Spear fighters). Apart from these, there were also elephants and the
navy. The Chera rulers maintained a standing army at the capital and all other
important places. The Chera rulers had village Kalavis where the youth of the
country were given training in the use of arms. When the standing army was
found in sufficient immediately a new army of trained youth of the country could
be raised, for that purpose the Kalavis were maintained.
103
Hamilton, C.J., Trade relation between England and India, Vol.II, Calcutta,
1916, p. 27.
Gopinatha Roy, T.K., Traman Arch Souvenir, Vol. IV, Madras, 1910, p. 83.
104
called as 'Nagas'. The 'Nagas' carrying swords in their hands were
respected by all people in the lands.18
Therefore "the original Nayars were undoubtedly a military
body holding land and serving as a militia". Since the Nayars spend all the
time in the battle field it was possible that, they liked the new system of
inheritance. "If a man had no family obligation he would have greater
liking for marital life".19 Nayar militia as a feudal military organization
approved with the emergence of Land Lordism in the state. The land
Lordism or Janmi system originated in Kerala with the establishment of
Brahmin supremacy.20
While the Brahmin ideology of Chaturvarnya (means division
of society into four based on occupation) was successfully working in
society, there broke out the war between the cholas and the cheras in
the second half of the 10th century A. D. Universal military training in the
Kalaris, early acquisition of skill in the use of arms attacks and counter
attacks, were the important features of the prolonged war between Cheras
and the cholas.21
____________________________________________________________
18. Chattambi Swamigal, Ancient Kerala, cited by Gopalakrishnan, P.K., p. 283.
19. Hamilton, C.J., op.cit., p. 278.
20. Nambutripad, E.M., Sankaran, Kerala, The Motherland of the Malayalis, Trichur,
1966, p. 51.
21. Elamkulam Kunjan Pillai, P.N., Studies in Kerala History, Trivandrum, 1970, p.235.
Logan, W., Malabar, Vol. 1, Madras, 1887, pp. 596-607.
105
The
Jenmi
system
which
puzzled
British
revenue
Krishnan Nadar, G., 1983, Nayar Militia in Travancore from 1729 - 1835,
Ph.D. Thesis, University of Kerala, p.12.
106
protecting the subjects. Occasionally some of these tasks were performed
by professional classes of fighting men organized into the regular standing
army of the state. Apparently such professional organizations represented
an advanced stage of feudal paraphernalia in the state of Travancore which
in turn set off an impounding impact upon the social life of South
Travancore.23
Nayars fell as the first victim to the cultural imperialism of the
Brahmins in Travancore. From the 12th century onwards, the Numbudiries
as monopolists of wealth, power, education and drive established their
predominance and became more powerful than the ruling sovereigns. The
Nambudiries probably wanted soldiers and mistresses and therefore
instituted the Nayar caste.24 Subsequently the Nambudiri Jenmis had
become powerful and the Nayars emerged to be suicide squads. It helped
the inauguration of perfect Brahminocracy in Travancore with the solemn
support of the Nayar community. In South Travancore, the Nayars as
madampimars enjoyed vast land control and emerged as the chief
Kudiyans on marayapattam regulation.
The dawn of 11th century witnessed the birth of Nayar
militia.25 The arrival of the Brahmins contributed to the formation of this
____________________________________________________________
23.
24.
25.
107
feudal military organization. Further the rise of Nambudiri Brahmin to
power and predominance paved the way for the on-set of feudalism in
Travancore. Consequently the style of standing armies disappeared and the
feudal military organization called Nayar militia came into existence.
Even though the Nayars were Sudras in social hierarchy they were granted
a privileged social status. Intending to exploit the Nayars, the Brahmins
accorded them military service.26
By the Hindu customs, originally the function of military
service was assigned to the Kshatriyas.27 This strange position of Nayar
Sudras of Travancore made them to concentrate on war like activities.
George Wood Cock thinks that the Nayars were the feudal land holders
locally called Sudras but performing functions of Kshtriyas.28 Protecting
the land, and its people being the fundamental duty of the king, the Nayars
were raised to the rank of Kshtriyas by the Brahmins. Hence the preeminence of Nayars in their military services increased their political
authority and social status. No wonder the Nayar militia became an
emerging force in the socio-political culture of the state of Travancore.29
The famous chaver army was believed to have been formed
during the chola-chera war. The distinct feature of the army was lost in the
____________________________________________________________
26.
27.
28.
29.
108
end of the eleventh century A. D. when it was converted into the Nayar
militia. When feudalism came into existence in Kerala the Nayar militia
emerged as an offshoot of this feudalism.30
The Nayar militia was evidently a socio-economic cum
military organization. The feudal military organization of the Nayars
emerged out of the socio-economic conditions created by the Brahmins
from the 8th century A. D. onwards. The equalitarian society which
prevailed before the 8th century A. D. disappeared and society became
authoritarian in character and maintained distinction based on birth . Upto
9th century, the Nayars were called as 'The Nagas'. Therefore the original
Nayars were undoubtly a military body, holding land and performing
service as a militia. The Sudras became a combination of the hereditary
military class called Nayars and the non-military class are non-Nayars.31
The Nayar militia as a feudal military organization appeared with the
emergence of land lordism in the state. Village republics were created
because of the rise of Nayar taravads. For the management of military the
country was divided into Desams under the Desa vizhis.32 There was a
functional connection between the Nayar military organization and their
kinship and marriage system. The military organization shaped the
____________________________________________________________
30.
31.
32.
109
marriage system of the Nayars and the disbanding of the Nayar armies
during the reign of Marthandavarma, led to the eventual collapse of their
marriage system of talirite. The joint family system as well as taravad and
the emergence of the stable homogenous union brought back Nayars
permanently to their homes. Never again such mechanism developed after
the armies were disbanded". Never again it was heard that, "the Nayars
were born to die for the Nambudiries. 33 Thus the socio-economic factors
favoured the origin of Nayar militia. The system continued to exist for
many centuries and finally its collapse became inevitable due to the
disappearance of the old socio-economic order. Conspicuously the
European influence and the modernization efforts of the ruling sovereigns
of Travancore brought about sweeping waves of socio-economic changes
that altogether challenged the traditional systems.
110
stability of the Travancore Kingdom and its subsequent military weakness
provided opportunities for the rulers of Madurai and other eastern
neighbours to send maruding marava troops. 35
The predominance of European powers like the Dutch and
English also offered threats to the authority of the monarch. Therefore it
was necessary to sub-due the feudal barons, who were the chieftains of
the traditional militia and they safeguarded the independence and integrity
of the Kingdom.
111
Varma persumed that the militia was organized in the traditional manner
and that the methods of warfare also were primitive in character.37 Hence
during his reign efficient arrangements were made for the manufacture
of fire arms, swords and guns. The great bulk of army was composed of
Nayar soldier who employed a unique reputation for great military
qualities. After his accession to the throne Marthanda Varma appointed
Kumaraswamy Pillai as commander-in-chief with Thanu Pillai as his
assistance. They formed the army by enrolment of the sons of the soil in
large numbers. The soldiers were supplied with better arms and strict
discipline was enforced. A better sense of loyalty and obedience was
inculcated among different ranks and files of the army segments.
In 1780, the Travancore army consisted of 50,000 men, well
trained by European officers. The state had also at its disposal the service
of 10,000 Nayars and chegos armed with bows, arrows, spears, swords
and battle axis. There were cantonments in different parts of the kingdom.
The soldiers marched up and down the country to enforce the collection of
taxes and to preserve peace and tranquility. The army was paid partly in
money and partly in kind and thus it was feudalized.38
In the militia there were also musketeers who were infantry
soldiers. They took a very sure aim to fire and the first shot generally hit
____________________________________________________________
37.
38.
Ibid.
Velu Pillai, T. K., op.cit., Vol. IV, p. 122.
112
and inflicted great mischief. The Travancore infantry was always effective.
There were draft elephants but not much of cavalry.39 In 1734, Quilon and
Kayamkulam were attacked by the Maharaja's forces under the joint
command of Kumaraswamy Pillay40, Thanu Pillai41 and Ramayyan.42 At
this time, the Travancore army was strengthened with the addition of
cavalry and infantry. Furthermore new fire arms were obtained from the
English merchants trading at Anjengo and Edava . Thus at the time when
the Dutch advanced into South Travancore between Colachel and Kottar,
The Travancore army consisted of infantry, artillery, musketeers, elephants
and cavalry, and the cavalry was commanded by Rama lyen Dalavai. In
spite of the fact that there were few fire arms purchased from the
English, the army was not even partly European but mainly native in
character. The native army which was powerful enough to defeat the
European army met at Colachel on 10 August 1741. Marthanda Varma did
not forget to strengthen the infantry stationed in South Travancore by the
____________________________________________________________
39.
40.
41.
42.
113
addition of new Nayar soldiers.43 The timely reorganizations brought
by Marthanda Varma to his army and the martial quality of Travancore
helped him to win battle after battle including the battle of Colachel. The
war with the Dutch revealed him the superiority of the trained infantry
over the feudal levies when the country grew in size in consequent to
conquests.44
Marthanda Varma was wise enough to realize the necessity of
keeping men in a permanent military service to ensure safety and peace in
the conquered provinces He also realised that the time was most suitable
for the adoption of European warfare. In order to ensure victory, Hyder
Ali and Nizam of Hyderabad had employed European generals. A squad of
600 men of Travancore army were defeated at Quilon by the Dutch and
were forced to retreat in 1742.45 This incident caused agony to Marthanda
Varma and he was fully convinced of the fact that a drained and
disciplined standing army on the European model was the need of the hour.
The European weapons became inevitable for the safety of the country.
Marthanda Varma decided to create the standing army under
the guidance and instruction of Delanoy, one of the prisoners captured in
____________________________________________________________
43.
44.
45.
114
the battle of Colachel.46 Thus for the first time in the history of Travancore
standing army trained on the European model came into existence.
Marthanda Varma appointed captain Delanoy as captain in his highness
service. In order to modernize the army he recruited the sons of the soil in
the country like Nayars, Nadars, Ezhavas and Christians. The conquests of
Marthanda Varma were made with the help of armies composed of his own
subjects. The Matilakom records also prove that the army of Marthanda Varma consisted on mainly of his own subjects. 47 The best of the soldiers
were Kunchukuttakkar who were picked Nayars.48
Ettuveettil Pillamars
With a view to obtain better loyalty and services, new class of
nobility was created in the place of the old nobility of the eight houses of
Nayars. They were not at all the feudal barons of the country like the Ettu
Vittil Pillamars. He thought that the Chief Military Commanders should
be the natives of the land and thus Delanoy was not made the first in
command.49 Thus by creating new nobility called Annavis and by making
them great men of his kingdom and also by recruiting all other classes of
people into the standing army, he took the first step towards the destruction
____________________________________________________________
46.
47.
48.
49.
115
of the traditional feudal army of the Nayar nobility. This first step was
the beginning of the decline of Nayar dominance.
In October, 1744, the King of Travancore received 150 arms
from the Anjengo Government.50 And in December 1744 Travancore
Maharaja received from English 200 small arms.51 Agreements were made
between the company's authorities at Anjengo and the Maharaja for the
ready
procuring of
116
made to his highness through the native head commandant called Valia
yejamanan.
The
chief commandants
were
at Padmanabhapuram,
Trivandrum and Quilon. The trained army was divided into three
categories, infantry, cavalry and artillary. Besides these divisions of the
army, there was also the traditional militia.53
During the time of Marthanda Varma there were two kinds of
armies existed in Travancore. That was regular army and irregular army.
The regular army was the national army of the country trained in modern
methods of warfare and the irregular army followed the old systems of
warfare. But greater importance was given to the irregular army.
Marthanda Varma maintained the irregular army also. In order to reduce
the traditional weapons they utilized men power and colourise the
battatian. Most of the soldiers in the regular army were the Nayars.54 This
helped the Nayars to maintain their military superiority but this supremacy
of the Nayar chieftains or feudal chieftains found a decline in phases.
Descendancy
Hence the decline of the dominance of the Nayars started in
the reign of Marthanda Varma. The rain of feudal system of society began
with the decline of the traditional military power of the Nayar chieftain. 55
____________________________________________________________
53.
54.
55.
Ibid.
According to Menon, Marthandva Varmas army consisted of 50,000 trained troops
of all branches, such as infantry, cavalry, artillery and irregular troops trained and
disciplined.
Robin Jeffrey, The Decline of Nayar Dominance, Society and Politics in
Travancore 1847-1908, New Delhi, 1976, p. 3.
117
under the Naduvazhis,57 who were the military chiefs of the provinces.
The reorganization of army disintegrated the feudal social structure. In the
new army, there was no place for feudal barons who had been the
madambimars58 and heads of militia in their respective districts. The
lands of the feudal lords like Ettu Vittil Pillamar were already confiscated
and all Chieftains now had to pay taxes to the government. Thus their age
old economic privileges, as lords of the land as well as the exemption from
taxation, that they enjoyed centuries together came to an end and started
a status of ordinary citizens.
____________________________________________________________
56.
57.
58.
118
____________________________________________________________
59.
60.
61.
119
(10,000 troops regular and 20,000 troops were irregular Intantry). 62 "This
was the fate of Nayars in the conquered countries too, because Marthanda
Varma ended the military career of all the Nayars by demolishing the army
of the conquered chiefs.63
Marthanda Varma also destroyed the feudalism in the
conquered countries by annexing the lands of the chief of the conquered
territories. "He annexed the lands of the former chiefs to his new state.
Many of the chiefs were probably Nayars themselves and the
principal source of their economic power and Marthanda Varma's action
more or less destroyed it.64 The land holders had to pay taxes to the
government and to the Nayar aristocracy.
political power, but they maintained their old traditions and its dignify.
The reorganization of the state ruined the social, economic, political and
military privileges of the Nayars. The 2nd half of 18th century witnessed
the political pre-dominance of the Nayars.65
The revolutionary agrarian reforms introduced by Marthanda
Varma transformed the Nayars into a class of Jenmies and Viruthikaars.
The land administration in Travancore was aristocratic in character. The
____________________________________________________________
62.
63.
64.
65.
120
private property in land owned by Brahmins, Devaswoms, local chieftains
and nobles had been distinguished by the word 'Jenmom'. 66 Among the
four categories of Jenmon lands the last category was lands of
madampimars.67
However such Jenmon lands enjoyed by the madampies
lapsed to the state during the reign of Marthanda Varma. In the new
reform Regulations, the Sirkar lands or 'Pandaravagai' were assigned to the
tenants, primarily Nayars. This made the government as the landlord and
extended the Jenmon right to the Nayars.68
The Brahmaswom and Devaswom land tenures were entirely
free-hold and exempted from payment of revenue to the government as
long as they remained unalienated. The Brahmin Jenmies who possessed
large areas of land employed tenants from Nayar community for the
purpose of cultivating the land. The Brahmins referred primarily Nayar
tenants because they believed that the Nayars were brought by Parasurama
to serve them.69 Thus the Nayars became a communal body of tenant and
the Bragmin Jenmies entered into various agreements with them. The
____________________________________________________________
66.
67.
68.
69.
121
documents executed between the jenmies and the tenants clearly expressed
the rights and power of land-owners over the Nayar tenants.70 Later on the
Jenmies collected a security from the tenants and inaugurated
Kanapattom. Such contracts between the Jenmies and tenants came to be
known as Marayapattom in South Travancore.71 Such arrangements of
land control reduced the Nayars as Kudiyans.72
Further Marthanda Varma's Policy of annexation and
encouragement led to the emergence of the viruthi73 system in the land of
Travancore.
As
Ibid., p.7.
Ibid., Cover file No. 1260, Kunjhiraman Nair's Memo on Land Tenures, Para.13.
Kudiyans were the tenants who occupied the lands of the Jenmies on either
Kanapattom or Marayapattom.
Viruthi is derived from the word 'vritti', means service.
Ward and Conner, op.cit., p.137.
English Records, Trivandrum, Cover File No. 1920, p.19.
122
reforms introduced by Martanda Varma reduced the Nayar Community to
the status of ryots rather than military chieftains.
The crippled
Brahmins the Nayars of South Travancore feudalized the society and acted
as executors of the creed of Brahminocracy.
In the second half of the 18th century a grave political crisis
had gathered momentum, which threatened to annihilate the independent
existence of all local kingdom of South India and Travancore shared in all
the turmoils.76 When the fall of the Nayak power was visible the Nawab
of Arcot in 1740 deployed troops under Sabdar Alikhan and Chanda Saheb
to attack the Travancore territory.77 The Arcot forces entered Nanjilnad
and caused huge havoc and extensive damage in places like Kottaram,
Ethankad,
Suchindrum,
Kottar,
Vadasery,
Tirupathisaram
and
123
out when Yusufkhan an able general popularly known as khan Saheb,
the Governor of Madurai attacked the columns of Travancore on
14 November 1762.
Within a short period the forces of Travancore marched
towards Aramboly and fought ten bloody encounters with the Nawabs
army.78 The invaders educated their posts and retreated in humiliation.
Khan Saheb pursued the retreating army up to Neyyattinkara, where the
Raja made entreaties for peace. In the course of the raids khan Saheb
captured Aramboly, plundered South Travancore, set fire to the villages
and temple chariots and cut off the noses of the prisoners of war. By a
treaty signed on 21 February 1763 both the chiefs agreed on peace and
to render mutual assistance against any external aggression upon their
respective territories. The subsequent course of fierce political conflict
was brought to an end with a settlement reached on 14 December 1766.
Accordingly the Nawab recognized the Western Ghats as his boundary and
accepted to cede Kanyakumari and Shencottah to Travancore. 79 The Raja
reciprocated by giving up his claims on Kalakad. In spite of the political
misfortune of the Travancroe king, Cape Comorin again got integrated
with Travancore and become the southern limit of the Travancore kings. 80
____________________________________________________________
78.
79.
80.
124
In the triangle of political struggle between the Mysore
sultans, the Nawabs of Carnatic and the English East Inida company for
the mastery of South India, the role played by Ramavarma significantly
helped the English East Inida company to consolidate their power in South
India. With the death of Hyder Ali in 1782, his mission of annexing
Nanjilnad was continued by his son Tipu Sultan (1782-1789).81 As the
Sultan of Mysore adopted an aggressive attitude towards Travancore,
Rama Varma entered into subsidiary alliance with the English Inida
Company in 1788, by which the company sent a subsidiary force of two
battalions at a cost of 1755 Pagodas (about 650 pounds) a month each to be
paid by cash or in pepper. Agitated at the Travancore support to English
during the third Mysore was (1790-92) Tipu attacked Nanjilnad in 1790. It
was a cruel looting and was marked by indiscriminate destruction and
forceful coversion.
125
When political conflicts pervaded through out the country the
alien powers attempted to make it their home and especially British made
their presence felt in the political and commercial fields. The feuds among
the native princes and the weaker postures of the fellow foreigners
established the English preponderance in the political affairs of
Travancore.83 The administration of Martanda Varma inaugurated a period
of its independence on the English. Dr. B. Sobhanan writes Travancore
emerged as the mightiest Kingdom on the Malabar coast and it became one
of primier states in South Inida as a result of the vigorous policies pursued
by Martanda Varma.84 Consequently political developments in Travancore
forced the subsequent rulers to accept the directions of the English
overlord, actually the Resident. Confirming the treaty of Srirengapatnam
the company entered into a second treaty with Travancore on 25
September 1795. Accordingly Travancore agreed not to enter into relation
with any European power without the consent of English Company.
Incorporating the principles of the subsidiary alliance system of Lord
Wellesly, the British signed with Raja Bala Ramavarma (1798-1810).85
Another fresh treaty on 12 January 1805, it reduced
Travancore hither to an equal ally to the position of a subordinate power.
Travancore agreed to station a permanent British army facing all the
____________________________________________________________
83.
84.
85.
126
incurred expenses and more over the company gained a right to appoint a
Resident to stay at Trivandrum.
The
Munros Contribution
When it was in serious peril, Munro too proved to be an able
administrator, social reformer and devout Christian. Rani Lakshmi Bai
introduced a new era of social progress and reforms in the state.89 She
granted freedom and civic equality to all irrespective of caste, creed and
____________________________________________________________
86.
87.
88.
89.
127
favoured the missionaries. The domestic turmoil compelled her to abdicate
the throne in favour of the prince Rama Varma who ascended the throne
with the name Swathi Thirunal (1829-1847).90
Swathi Thiunal was a scholar and a musician who undertaken
various development measures for the welfare of his people. His reign
ushered in an epoch of cultural progress and economic properity. After his
death in 1847) Uttram Thirmal Martanda Varma (1847-60) became the
king of Travancore and whose reign witnessed the intense agitation for the
right of upper cloth. This led to the intervention of the Madras government
for the settlement of the agitation and controversy, Uttram Thirunal who
died in 1860 was followed by Ayiliam Thirunal (1860-1880) and Visakam
Thirunal (1885-1924). Upto 1930 only Nayars allowed to serve in the
military of Travancore,91 Regent Sethu Lakshmi Bai (1924-1931) and Sri
Chitra Thirunal (1931-1948) respectively. The accession of Sri Chitra
Thirunal brought with it a change of outlook. With the attainment of
independence the princely state of Travancore was merged with the union.
In the independent era, the state was subject to linguistic State reorganisation of 1956 and the erstwhile South Travancore became part of
Tamil Nadu as Kanyakumari District.92
____________________________________________________________
90.
91.
92.
128
The militia was thus an essential part of the social system that
had prevailed until the middle of the 18th century. The disappearance of
the old elite supremacy and the increasing influence of the militia as a
political factor characterised this period of decline.
However it must be an over-simplification to say that the
absolute decline of the militia merely due to the growth of royal power of
the Travancore government has not signed the subsidiary Alliance, the
militia might have been converted into a modern army and given a new
role.
described. The futility of reliance on the militia for the defence of the state
was realised by the rulers long before the crisis of 1789. But these fears
were proved quite correct by the rout of the Travancorean army early next
year. The result was the closer alliance between the state and the English
East Indian Company. The treaty of 1795 impose a heavy burden on the
finances of the kingdom.
129
made them largely irrelevant, for the defence of the state.
In fact
Chapter - V
CHAPTER - V
SOCIAL CHALLENGES AND NAYAR RESPONSES
Patrilineal and Matrilineal
A distinctive feature of the social organization of Travancore
till recent times was the prevalence of Marumakkathayam or the
matrilineal system among certain castes and communities. It was one of
the peculiar customs that strangulated the Nayars for long. Makkathayam
or the patrilineal system was the prevalent form of succession in the
civilized society1. Marumakkathayam involved the inheritance and
succession through the sisters children in the female line. The antiquity of
the system has been a theme of controversy among scholars. The
traditional views propagated by the Brahmin aristocracy and expounded
by the authors of the Keralopathi is that marumakkathayam is of hoary
antiquity.
However, it is believed that the patrilineal was the system of
inheritance prevalent in ancient Kerala, and that matrilineal came into
vogue at a later period of Kerala history under the impact of some
compelling forces.2
Matrilineal had been the system of inheritance and succession
prevailing in ancient Kerala and that had been in a state of suspended
____________________________________________________________
1.
2.
Nagam Aiya, V., Travancore State Manual, Vol. II, Trivandrum, 1906, p. 363.
Wester Marie, The History of the Human Marriage, New York, 1921, p. 97.
131
during the period of the ascendancy of the patrilineal Brahmin caste
and again it staged a revival at a later period.3
A Nayar tharavad or family consisted of a group of persons
male and female, all tracing descent from a common ancestress living
under the control and management of the eldest male who was called the
karanavan. In its simplest form a family consisted of a mother when
children living together with their maternal uncle that was the mother's
brother as karanavan. It was the mother that form the stock of the descent
and kinship as well as rights to property were traced through females and
not through males. Each of the mother and her children and descendants
in the female line formed a thavazhi. (Thai means 'mother' vazhi means
'line') meaning a mother line.4
Every member male or female had an equal interest in the
tharavad property. But could not claim his or her share of it. The karanavan
was legally responsible for the well beings, control and management of the
tharavad and was bound to meet the wants of the members arising from
their social status. But he had no right to alienate the immovable property
of the family without the consent of all the members, atleast of all the adult
male and female members. The internal management of the tharavad was
vested in the karanavan and he held the family purse and was practically
____________________________________________________________
3.
4.
Sreedhara Menon, A., A Survey of Kerala History, Kottayam, 1967, pp. 84 - 85.
Nagam Aiya, V., op.cit., Vol. II, p. 363.
132
the family itself rather than its agent or representative. The disposal of the
movable property of the family was under his control and he was not
bound to account except when he habitually wasted the property or did
not administer it for the benefit of the other members in which case a
suit might lie to dispose him from the karanavanship.5
Origin of Marumakkathayam
The origin of the marumakkathayam system still lies in
obscurity. There are various theories with regard to the origin of the
marumakkathayam system. Many European writers believe that the
system of the inheritance in the female line was prevalent among the
Nayars must have originated from the polyandry or free love.
In order
Ibid., p. 36.
Sir Henry Maine, Early Law and Customs, New York, 1971, p. 202.
Andrew Lang, Customs and Myth, New York, 1885, p. 775.
133
Of the Aryan races there can be no question that they too had
passed through the several stages before reaching the final one of paternal
kinship. So the maternal family and inheritance in the female line need not
necessarily be the result of polyandry. Among the Tibetians, the Todas,
the Aimons of Japan and other races that
Wester Marie, The History of the Human Marriage, New York, 1921, p. 98.
Elamkulam, P.N., Kunjan Pillai, Studies in Kerala History, Trivandrum, 1970,
p. 29.
Ibid., p. 292.
Mc Lennan, J.F., Studies in Ancient History, London, 1938, pp. 27 - 44.
134
Engles, the patrilineal system marked the age of civilization. But certain
tribes which still exist in rude savagery follow the matrilineal system for
example the hill tribes of the sahyadri region.12
135
of the Nambudiri Brahmin land lords or Jenmies, who followed the
patrilineal system of inheritance. These Brahmin land lords insisted upon
the tenants that the Jenmam lands could only be enjoyed by them and
transfer should be made by the Jenmies. 15 Majority of the lands of the
Nayars were Jenmam lands and it was from the enjoyment of these
Jenmam lands the collections or joint family system emerged among the
Nayars. The Jenmies insisted that even though there were sub-tenants,
the tenants were responsible for the Jenmam lands and cultivation. The
younger members of Brahmin families condemned by customary law of
life and long celibacy had to seek asylum with the Nayar families. They
entered into loose unions called sambandham. It was for the advantage of
the Brahmin Jenmies and for the sexual pleasures of the Brahmins and
they compelled the Nayars to change the law of inheritance, from
patrilineal to the matrilineal, under which individualism was ignored, the
Brahmins succeeded in erecting a strong body contented, handed tenancy
and not a landed aristocracy which was the base of marumakkathayam or
matrilineal system of inheritance.16 Under marumakkathayam, the Nayar
tharavad (family) was a union of relation of varying degrees of
propionquity traced through a common female in joint ownership of
corporate property under the beneficial management of
a common
____________________________________________________________
15.
16.
136
Karanavan (uncle). Ordinarily a man does not take as much interest in
his distant kinsman as in the children of his own mother, his brothers, his
sisters and their children. The benefits of legal marriages, parental rights
domestic rule, the obligation to support the wife and children were ignored
under the system.17 The individual members of a tharavad had only the
right to maintenance. The system of marumakkathayam led to a life of
idleness among the members of the family which stood against the
prosperity of the society. The karanavans were practically voice less, when
karanavan was not bound to provide for them beyond subsistence and
improve their, moral and intellectual condition.18 The arbitrary and
absolute powers of the karanavan naturally tended to foster a feeling of
discontent among the other members regarding the management of the
tharavad and led to quarrels.
Under marumakkathayam again the marriage tie was very
loose and temporary. Marriage as a duly recognized social institution did
not exist in the Nayar community.19 Although the Sambandham union has
in it all the elements of a valid marriage, it had no legal sanction. Even the
powers of disposing by will of self acquired property was not recognized
in the case of Nayars by the law of marumakkathayam.
____________________________________________________________
17.
18.
19.
Ibid., p. 253.
Nagam Aiya, V., op.cit., Vol., II, p. 364.
Travancore Law Reports, Vol.I, Ernakulam, 1904, p. 22.
137
The most important merit of the matrilineal system was that
the Nayar women enjoyed freedom and independence in the management
of the family Property descended in the female line and the
marumakkathayam succeeded in keeping Nayar tharavad from being
dismembered. It prevented alienations also. In addition to all these it
encouraged a feeling of collectivism and mutual love and affection
among the members of the tharavad. With the advance of education
marumakkathayam became hopelessly unworkable. It worked against
every principle of political dictums and of healthy family life. It was based
upon the doctrine that there was no merit in female virtue and no sin in
being unchaste, by freeing a man from the obligation of maintaining
his
Opposition
Towards the end of the 19th century, the Nayar began to
question the existing social institution. They considered their system of
inheritance and succession a primitive way of life. The advance of English
Education among the Nayars and the free contact they had with developed
communities made them look upon the primitiveness of their family
Institution and clamoured for a change.21
The convenience and comfort of a man living with his
mother and sister and his wife and children in peace and quite of separate
____________________________________________________________
20.
21.
138
home has come to be preferred to the primitive habit of living and messing
together in the uncongenial surroundings of an over grown tharavad 22,
want of affection had alienated the sympathies of the distant nephews or
anandaravan and turned him into a permanent enemy which led to the
disobedience of junior members to the karanavan and made the
management of the tharavad difficult.
139
the Malayali Social Union as Malayali Sabha in 1884.
It aimed at
Malayali Newspaper
In order to achieve its aims the Sabha began to publish a
Malayalam newspaper in 1886 called the Malayali, edited by C.V. Raman
Pillai. The Sabha had also some non Nayar members. At the first the
Sabha enjoyed the support of the officials of Travancore government, with
the attack of the members on the Brahmin supremacy in the sirkar service,
the government turned against it. In 1887 the Maharaja and his Brahmin
favourites in the sirkar service came under bitter attack in a Madras
newspaper the Standard.26 In 1887 T. Rama Rao became the Dewan of
Travancore and patronized Brahminsm in the state on 15 August 1887 the
Standard attacked the Dewan and the Maharaja for being under the
influence of Brahmins.27
In January 1891 the Malayali Sabha presented a memorandum
to the Maharaja which demanded Travancore for Travancoreans.
The
140
non-malayali Brahmins in the sirkar service. The memorial expressed the
grievances of Nayars and demanded a change in their family
organisation.28 How ever the Malayali Memorial was the first open attack
against the non-malayali Brahmin monopoly of government services and
also their special supremacy in Travancore.
The endeavour of the Malayali Sabha brought them some
advantages in the field of employment. But with regard to the social evils
like the tharavad system and marriage, nothing was gained in the 19 th
century. There was incessant dispurses and litigations among the Nayar
tharavads. Eventhough tharavads were willing to divide themselves into
branches, those divisions could not have the force of law. In the decades of
1879 - 89 there was an average of 60% suits a year for tharavad partition.
From 1889 - 90 to 1898 -99 the average increased to 80 suits annually
from 1889 - 1890 to 1903 -1904 the average was 96 in a year.29
Economic Deterioration
The economic deterioration led to the ruin of many of the
Nayar tharavads Brahmin sambandhams with Nayar women were also in
the increase. With the advance of education among the Nayars, they could
know the changes taking place in the rest of life. In 1890, C. Sankaran
Nayar member of Central legislative council introduced a bill to permit
____________________________________________________________
28.
29.
141
Nayars in British to register their sambandhams.30 The proposed bill was
objected to by the orthodox Nayars and the Nambudiris of Travancore.
The Orthadox Nayars were unwilling to give up their old system. The
Madras Government appointed the Malabar Marriage Commission headed
by Sir T. Muthuswamy Aiyar to study the whole system of marriage of
Malabar. It was on the basis of their report that the Malabar Marriage
Bill was passed in 1896. The bill in its provisions allowed any caste in
Malabar which followed marumakkathayam to register their marriage.
This made sambandham a legal marriage and a man could make wills over
his self acquired property to his wife and children. But the act was only
permissive, there was no compulsion. The Malabar Marriage Bill gave an
impetus to the Nayars of Travancore to have such an act to remove the
evils of their sambandhams and matrilineal system.31
Agreed partition had risen from 301 in 1896 - 97 to 516 in
1906-07. It shows that within the ten years period nearly 3500 tharavads
had unanimously agreed to partition and executed the partition in the
courts. In addition to the partition members wishing to live apart
from their tharavads negotiated agreements for maintenance. In 1896 - 97,
205 such agreements were executed and in 1906 - 1907 the number rose
to 385.32
____________________________________________________________
30.
31.
32.
142
traditional organizations of the Nayars had to
advocated
partition.
be
abolished
and
143
time of a common ancestors or her children was allowed. Subject to these
conditions, it allowed each collateral thavazhees (thavazhees of a female
means of a group of persons consisting of that female and her issue and
thavazhee of his mother) to claim out right partition of property common
to all he thavazhees. The bill was passed by the council on 17 th October
1912 and became Regulation 1st of 1088 M.E.35
Question of Succession
The Regulation I of 1088 M.E. defined and clarify the law of
marriage and succession and family management of the Nayars. Even
though one of the purposes of the bill was partition of the tharavad
properties, that was omitted when the bill was finally passed by the
council. The bill reduced the powers of the karanavan. The non-official
Nayar members were strongly against the partition of the tharavad
properties and the government had to yield to these non official Nayar
members.36 Another important omission was that the samanthas were
excluded from the scope of the bill. The marumakkathayam committee
proposed that their recommendations were applicable to all samanthas and
Nayars. But the president of the council pointed out that there were only a
few Samantha females and most of them did not apparently want this
legislation. It was not to force upon the Samantha community a piece of
____________________________________________________________
35. Ibid, p. 57.
36. Abstract Proceedings of the Travancore Legislative Council I, 16th April, 1923, pp. 820-21.
144
social legislation which they did not unanimously ask for.37 This
was against the committee's recommendations.
Regulation I of 1088 M.E. recognized a public sambandham
as a legal marriage. The husband was made the legal guardian of his wife
and children as long as they lived with him. A man could dispose of all his
self acquired property by making a will. This bill reduced the powers of
the karanavan and simple procedures for divorce were laid upon. 38
However the legislative council ignored the pressing demands of the
Nayar Community demand for partition of tharavads.
In spite of its defects, the Regulation I of 1088 M.E.
succeeded in recognising some of the demands of the Nayar Community.
The wills Regulation and the Nayar. Regulation I of 1088 had their effect
in the neighbouring state if Cochin as well. There was an attempt of the
Cochin Darbar to pass a wills. Regulation of 1908 on her lines of the
Travancore wills Regulations. In view of the strong protest of the orthadox
section of the Nayar community it was finally decided by the Darbar to
drop the proposed measure shortly after the passing of the Travancore
Nayar Regulation I of 1088 M.E. 1 December demanded a similar of social
legislation for them too.39 In the year 1916 a large representative body
______________________________________________________________________
37.
38.
39.
145
headed by K. Raman Menon who was the Chief Justice of Travancore
high court approached the Raja of Cochin praying for a legislative
enactment on matters of marriage, inheritance and family management.
They submitted their suggestions in the form of draft bill. Sensing the
desires of the Nayar Community the Cochin government appointed a
committee to study the question of the above draft T.S. Narayana Iyer
Chief Judge was the president of the committee. The committee submitted
its report on 30 October 1917. It was on the basis of that Cochin Nayar
Regulation was passed.40
An important merit of the Regulation I of 1088 was that it
legalised the existing sambandhams of the Nayars In addition to this it
restricted autocracy of the karanavans of the Nayar tharavads.
The
146
evils of the marumakkathayam system. But the Nayars continued their
agitation in a more organised and intensified form focusing their entire
attention on the question of makkathayam and individual partition. The
cry for change was loud persistent and large in volume. 41
It was the opinion of the marumakkathayam committee that
among Nayars marriage was merely a civil contract that it was dissoluable
at the will of either party and that it was not expedient to prohibit or
restrict divorce in any manner except by way of compelling the husband
when he was the petitioner, to give compensations accordingly the law was
enacted in 1088 M.E.42
In the amendment of the Nayar Regulation II of 1100 M.E.
the martial tie was made as strong as possible. Accordingly divorce was
not possible on mere payment of compensation but it could be allowed
only when the fact was proved in a civil court except in cases where the
parties mutually agreed to dissolve the marriage.
In a makkathayam
family it was absolutely necessary that the martial tie should be strong
unlike under marumakkathayam.
legislative council.
divorce for specific reasons and through the decree of a regular civil
court.43
____________________________________________________________
41.
42.
43.
Ibid.
Report of marumakkathayam committee, p. 97.
The Regulation and Proclamations of Travancore, Vol. V, p. 650.
147
The Nayar Regulation of 1088 M.E. and its amendment of
1100 M.E. brought for reaching changes in the social and economic life of
the community. The Nayar community had permitted polygamy which
spoiled the morality of the community. By the Regulation of 1088 M.E.
polygamy was made unlawful and monogamy was enforced prevention of
bigamy strengthened the family life and saved the children from the
bastardship.44
(2)
individualistic basis. Till the Nayar Regulation of 1100 M.E. the Nayar
females were treated by the Brahmins as just objects of pleasures. NonNayar marriages with Nayar females were viewed as morganatic
marriages. The children could not inherit properties of non-Nayar fathers.
The Nayar son of a Brahmin was not permitted to give a drop of water to
his dying father or touch his body at the time of cremation. He had no
right to offer the funeral cake. That system was put an end to through the
Nayar Regulation.45 The Nayar Regulation established that the children of
____________________________________________________________
44.
45.
148
a non-Nayar by a Nayar wife should have equal rights with the rights and
privileges of other Nayar children. The wife and children were made the
sole legal heir to all the husband self acquired property.
Regulation II of 1100 M.E. abolished the matrilineal joint
family
system and
makkathayam.
established
an
individualistic
society called
became entitled to claim his or her share of the properties of the tharavad.
In the new system the abolition of the Karanavan had been abolished as he
became only a figure head.46
The Nayar Regulation of 1925 was turning point in the social
system of the Nayars community in South Travancore. Like wise with the
amendment of the Nayar Regulation in 1925 the autocracy of the
karanavans of the Nayar tharavads came to an end. According to the
Nayar Regulation, Brahmin who married Nayar women were bound to
give their property to their Nayar wives and children. The effect of the
new religion was to allow thousands of Nayars to take their share of the
tharavads assests and leave the joint family. 47 The Nayar Regulation
became a model to the other matrilineal communities like the Ezhavas,
Nanjilnad Vellalas and Krishnavakas. The Nayar Regulation was the most
____________________________________________________________
46.
47.
Ibid.
Madras Mail, 11 June 1920, p. 6.
149
important social legislation of 20th century. It gave another shock to the
Brahmins over the Nayar community. The Nayar Regulation were an
outcome of the agitation and representations made by the Nayar social
leaders as well as voluntary social organisations like the Nayar Service
Society and the Keraliya Nayar Smajam.
Fuller, C.J., The Nayars today, Cambridge University Press, 1976, pp. 99-100.
150
Brahmins, and a sadhya (feast). The bride and bridegroom would meet in
the central room of the house, rice would be sprinkled on their heads.
This was the essence of a basic Nayar marriage about two hundred years
ago. In addition to these general ceremonies, there are local variations.
In North Malabar (Northern Kerala), there is a Podamuri or
Vastradanam ceremony.49 In this ceremony, the initial examination of
horoscopes takes place at the house of the bride in the presence of the
bride's and bridegroom's families. The astrologer writes his calculations
and opinion on a piece of palmyra leaf and hands it over to the
bridegroom's relations. If the horoscopes match, a day is fixed for the
ceremony. This date is also written down and handed to the bride's
Karnavar and to the bridegroom's relations. The astrologer and the
bridegroom's party are then invited to a feast in the bride's house. The
astrologer also receives gifts in the form of money or cloth.
Three to four days prior to the wedding date, the bridegroom
visits his Karnavars and caste-elders to receive permission to leave for the
wedding. The bridegroom presents them with betel leaves and areca nuts
and obtains formal sanction for the wedding. The bridegroom then
proceeds, accompanied by a number of his friends to the house of his
bride.50 He is received at the gate of the house by the bride's relations and
____________________________________________________________
49.
50.
151
is led with his friends, seats provided in the thekina (southern hall) of the
house. The bridegroom distributes gifts to all the Brahmins present there.
After this, the whole party is invited to take part in another sadhya. The
astrologer then announces the auspicious hour that has been fixed and
leaves after receiving his dues. The bridegroom is then taken by one of his
friends to the padinitta (principal/western room of the house, where
religious ceremonies are conducted).
New clothes, betel leaves and areca nuts brought by the
bridegroom's party are placed in this room. 51 The room is decorated and
turned into a bedroom for the occasion. In this room are placed a number
of lamps as well as the ashtamangaliyam (eight articles symbolizing
mangaliyam or marriage). These are rice, paddy, the tender leaves of the
coconut tree, an arrow, a looking glass, a well-washed cloth, a burning fire,
and a small rounded wooden box called a cheppu. The bridegroom with his
groomsman enters the room through the eastern door, while the bride,
dressed in beautiful clothes and jewelry, enters the room through the
western door accompanied by her aunt or another elderly lady of the
family. The bride stands facing east with the ashtamangalyam and lamps
in front of her. The groomsman hands over to the bridegroom a few pieces
of the new cloth and the bridegroom puts them into the hands of the bride.
____________________________________________________________
51.
152
After this, the lady who accompanied the bride sprinkles rice over the lit
lamps and over the heads and shoulders of the bride and bridegroom. The
bridegroom then leaves the room to go to the thekina to present his elders
and friends with cakes, betel leaves and areca nuts. After the guests have
left, the bride and bridegroom retire to the bedroom. Next morning, the
vettilakettu or salkaram ceremony is conducted and the bridegroom's
female relations take the bride to the husband's house, where a feast is held
in honour of the occasion. After marriage, the bride remains in her
tharavaadu, and her husband will often visit her, while remaining a
member of his own tharavaadu. The children, of course, will belong to
their mother's tharavaadu in accordance with the marumakkathaayam
system.52
153
depending on the wish of the individual or their families.53 After both
families' consent to the marriage, the couple visits the bride's home. This
meeting may be a simple affair, or a large celebration. During the
celebration, there may be a mothiram mattal (ring exchange) ceremony.
This ceremony may also be conducted later, during the actual vivaham
ceremony. If it is done at bride's house, it is usually done around a lit nila
vilakku (brass oil lamp).
On the evening before the wedding the families of both the
bride and the groom, gather in their respective homes to bless them. On the
day of the wedding, the bride and the groom will separately visit a temple
near their homes.54 The temple can belong to any God except Lord
Ayyappan or Lord Hanuman as they are bachelors. The bride's parents
carry the mangalyasutram or taali, a necklace that is a symbol of eternal
union, to be blessed by the priests. While returning home, the bride and
groom touch the feet of the elders of the family and receive blessings. This
is called Namaskaaram.
The actual wedding may take place in a kalyana mandapam (a
hall rented for the occasion), temple, or hotel. The bride's family receives
the groom's family at the entrance of the venue to the tune of nadaswarams
(long wind-instruments) and the beats of the thayli (large drums beaten
____________________________________________________________
53.
54.
Ibid., p. 234.
Velu Pillai, T.K., Travancore State Manual, Trivandrum, 1940, pp. 415, 415.
154
with curved sticks). The groom stands on a wooden plank while the bride's
younger brother washes his feet. The bride's aunts perform aarti for the
groom with a thaali (platter), on which wicks made of twisted cotton are
arranged. The groom is then escorted to the mandapam (platform
constructed to perform the wedding rites) by two rows of young girls.
One girl carries the changala vatta (sacred oil lamp), while another carries
the ashtamangaliyam. The girls following the first two, carry the taala
phuli (platters of rice, turmeric, and flowers on which oil lamps made of
coconut shells are placed). With his parents on either side, the groom
follows the girls around the mandapam and seats himself on the right
side of the canopy, which is decorated by flowers, fabric, palm fronds,
and banana stalks. The bride is then escorted by her aunt to the
mandapam to the sound of the nadaswarams and thaylis. All those who are
present on the mandapam stand when the bride arrives. She stands
facing the east, with the groom facing her. At the auspicious moment
set by the astrologer for the muhurtham (the most auspicious time), the
groom ties the thali around the bride's neck to the beating of drums. He is
assisted by the bride's uncle because on no account should the thaali be
allowed to fall. In some Nayar communities, the traditional thaali is a
gold pendant strung on a yellow thread.55 The bride has to wear this for
____________________________________________________________
55.
155
three days after the wedding ceremony. After the three days have
passed, the thread is replaced by a golden chain.
After tying the thaali, the groom gifts the bride a sari and a
blouse on a platter. This signifies that he will now assume the
responsibility of providing for her. The groom's mother also gifts the bride
with some jewelry at this time. The couple then exchange garlands
accepting each other as life partners. The bride's father then places the
bride's hand in the groom's, thus handing over his daughter to the groom in
holy matrimony. The couple is then escorted to a room by their older
relatives, who bless them. After the marriage ceremony, the bride gets a
send-off from her house. The couple leaves for the groom's house
escorted by a few people from the bride's family. The groom's mother and
older female relatives perform aarti with an oil lamp (which rests on a
platter heaped with rice mixed with turmeric) and receive them at the
entrance. Both bride and groom enter the house, right foot forward. The
bride is then required to kick over a large pot containing rice, symbolizing
prosperity.
156
Some with visible names like the Kartas and Kaimals, though some of
them adopted the new Chaturvarnya title of Kshatriyas. Only a few states
in later periods were of the Brahmins like Edappally, Piravam and
Chempakassery. Piravam, incidentally, was the one which took in large
populations of Jews and Syrian Christians and still have the historic
remains.57 The majority Nayar kings and nobility existed side by side
with a concocted history like the infamous Keralotpathi which states that
Kerala was formed by Parasurama and donated to them, hence Kerala
belonged to Brahmins. These Sudras were brought to do menial jobs for
them. Veracity of this claim, said to be concocted as recently as the 18 th
century, was effectively questioned, many of the old practices continuing
to this day only very recently.
Available historic proof about the 600 Tharas under Nayar
chieftains, of the post-Sangam periods are rarely discussed.58 Neither the
golden age of Kerala, when world travelers like Marco Polo called
Malabar, Kerala, the richest and noblest country in the world. Caste
oppressions by the upper castes, outrageous practices of Brahmins marital
relationships with Nayar women, Sambantham, though it was a marginal
practice spread over a short period, are however of repeated pieces of
____________________________________________________________
57.
58.
157
history.59 The colonial missionary lead attacks on culture and history of
Kerala swept away the self esteem of the Malayali, mainly the Nayar
nobility. The Christian segment helped to spread this later with their
media. Though the contributions of Brahminical phase can not be lost
sight of, caste divisions and priestly monopoly in faith remains intense
and are melting away only gradually. Terminology of Sudras, servile
classes of the caste pyramid, attributed to the Nayars remained by and
large unchallenged. Inhuman treatment of the lower castes also remained
in practice. Nayar community alone, among all the castes, continued
to follow the compulsive Brahminical dictum with regard to religion and
rituals with out question.60
Nayars, a martial community has also lost almost all its
martial arts and the traits passing as it did through the Brahminical and
later European domination, where there were deliberate efforts to contain
them. As Chattambi Swamigal tells, the Dravidian nobility was cleverly
manipulated in to subjugation, much later another phase of European
colonisation further eroding the Nayars. Land, their mainstay was lost,
the martial spirit was long gone and the barring exceptions refused,
proud as they were, to take on new pursuits. Kerala Hindu society that the
____________________________________________________________
59.
60.
158
missionary phase helped to divide remained in fighting and the animosity
created among the various castes with exaggerated stories of oppression
almost neutralized the leader community of Nayars. Eventually creating a
scene of total anarchy, the naturally endowed place saw total destruction.
Kerala once leading the world now becoming the world capital of
suicides. Once natures own land has become gods own, but whose god is
that is what matters.61
Galletti, A., et al., The Dutch in Malabar (Dutch Records No. 13), Madras
Govt. Press, 1911.
Nagam Aiya, V., op.cit., Vol. II, p. 365.
159
reached alarming proportions. It had displaced the Hindus, large numbers
of Nayar families, who were landless, and they became landless laborers.63
Uprooted large populations were migrating outside the state. The mindset
of encroachment among the Syrian Christian segment, was that once they
had been refugees, even ate in the tribal belts and the hapless tribals were
thrown out of their small holdings. With their clout in government the
encroachers made this injustice legitimate. Agriculture, the mainstay of
Kerala, traditional sectors like coir making was collapsed and only the
islands of Christian Muslim rich remained in Kerala. With the neo-rich
arrogance they are now dictating terms to all others.
Unionism
The post-colonial Nayars, only beginning to organize, are
required to compete with organised and moneyed communities like
Christians and Muslims who have taken undue advantages at the cost of
the others. Missionary spread stories of caste oppression, alienated the
Kerala communities co-existing for centuries and made them enemies of
each other. Capital starved and having lost their other footholds like farm
lands, the Nayar community has very high rates on unemployment and
are getting extremely marginalised.64 There are also psycho-spiritual
____________________________________________________________
63.
64.
160
challenges of faith especially in the context of post-atheist communist
phase as a large number of Nayars took to communism.65 There is a
vacuum of faith and confusion about what to do next. There is enormous
human suffering and some are converting to Christianity. Return of the old
dogmatic religion is another challenge. With out organizing themselves
there is no choice for the Nayar community and it is going to be a stiff
fight nevertheless. The other Hindu segments are also equally in trouble
though such debates are not being tolerated in Kerala Hindu society.
Keralas nature and ecosystem are devastated. Christianized Kerala society
has lost its symbiotic cultural traits.
It is necessary to have a combined all inclusive action plan to
restore confidence in the community. The man made sufferings in the state
should be wiped out. There have been efforts through history of the Nayars
trying to unite the latest being under the umbrella of the Nayar Service
Society. The NSS did yeoman service in the community in organizing
people and setting up modern western educational institutions. It now has
a statewide organizational structure though it was sub-optimally used
earlier. It is a great tribute to the Nayar community that it has withstood
centuries of onslaught and kept up its morale where a new beginning has
to be made. As social beings required to co-exist with other communities,
____________________________________________________________
65.
161
coming to terms with history, it is essential that the community redefines
its role in the present context, Once again taking the lead in bringing
justice. And there is no doubt that the various schools of thought like
Brahminism and the Vedic religion, Christianity and Islam, even
Communism for that matter, have enriched the community in myriad ways.
It is also true that the genesis of the Nayar community itself is complex,
having been a nobility it must have taken in many peoples and races
through time.66 Historians quote that people are trying to claim that they
are Nayars and many must have assimilated. Titles like Pillai and Menon
were also designations of officers at certain points of time. The new
challenge is to redefine the community goals, decide whom to associate
with and to what degree, with a sense of confidence and enlightened self
interest.
____________________________________________________________
66.
Chapter - VI
N.S.S. MovementS in
South Travancore
CHAPTER - VI
No. 476 of 1930. List of political and quasipolitical Societies, Sabhas and
Anjumans in the state for the year ending January 1930.
Mannathu Padmanabhan, Reminiscences of MY LIFE (Malayalam) (Translated
into English by Prof. P.C. Menon) Nayar Service Society, Changanacherry, 1998,
p.48.
163
Mannathu Padmanabhan Pillai. Along with Padmanaphan thirteen Nayar
men starting in front of a lighted oil lamp in the Mannathu house took the
vow saying "I shall work for the progress of the N.S.S. In doing so I shall
not wound the feelings of men of other faith. I dedicate myself to the
betterment of the society and live according to the principles set by it, I do
solemnly swear this true, true, true"3
Early Organisations
Malayalee Social Union-Malayalee Sabha
Nayars had no organization of their own up to the first half of
19th century. The lovers of the Nayar community who were conscious of
the renaissance of their society formed the first organization in this line. In
1877 an organization known as Malayalee Social Union was formed at
Thiruvananthapuram.4 This organization was active till 1881. In 1884,
Malayalee Social Union was converted as Malayali Sabha and the
organization was re-organised under the leadership of Sri. C. Krishna
Pillai. Malayali Sabha concentrated in extending financial aid to poor
students,
spreading
western
education
and
introducing
welfare
programmes. During the initial stage it was kept away from politics. But
____________________________________________________________
3.
4.
164
gradually it interfered in politics also. Gradually Malayali Sabha became
the nerve centre of political thoughts in Travancore. It took up several
social welfare measures intended for the up-lift of weaker sections of the
society. Their programmes had a national vision and broad mindedness,
which helped them to be in the forefront of the national movement in later
years. Malayali Sabha was headed by famous personalities like C. Krishna
Pillai, C.V. Raman Pillai, G.P. Pillai, C. Sankaran Nayar and P. Ayyappan
Pillai.5
165
Prof. E.J. Thomas records that Keraleeya Nayar Samajam
succeeded in giving a clear picture of the backwardness of Nayars in the
field of education, finance and politics. Nayars came forward to unite for
a common cause by setting aside their narrow differences between
sub-castes. Though Keraleeya Nayar Samajam did not last long, their
efforts to bring sub-castes to the Nayar community proved beneficial in
the later years.7
166
1914 (Thulam 15, 1090 - ME).9 The Nayar Bhrithyajana Sangham was
formed in line with the Servants of India Society. It was through the
sincere and tireless efforts of the lovers of the Nayar community that the
public awareness activities, which were part and parcel of the Indian
National Movement, led by Gopalakrishna Gokhale reached Kerala. The
main activities of Nayar Bhrithyajana sangham in the early days were
to enroll volunteers for the service of the society, to spread education,
loyalty to nation and god worship among people, to end the social evils
etc. The activities of Nayar Bhrithyajana sangham were extended to
Malabar which was also under the leadership of Sri. K. Kelappan, the
President of the Sangham.10
The holy light lit from the Mannathu Bhavanam on 31,
October 1914 spread its shining light throughout Kerala. It became the
spirit, energy and leading force of majority of people. The social
renaissance movement of Kerala had its birth from this holy light. It
eradicated the dirt and darkness from the minds of the people and society.
It became the guiding force of the social renaissance movement. 11
____________________________________________________________
9.
10.
11.
Ibid., p. 50.
Padmanabha Menon, K.P., Krishna, T.K., ed. History of Kerala, Vol. I, New
Delhi, 1924, p. 467.
Mannathu Padmanabhan, op.cit., p. 60.
167
The N.S.S. held the motto of service to the community in
general and the Nayars in particular. The objective of the N.S.S. was
eradication of the barriers of caste, the abolition of old decadent and
wasteful practices, and bringing reforms in the traditional matrilineal
syste, of inheritance.12 In summary the chief aims were, to change the
matrilineal system of inheritance which had already started to degenerate
in the Nayar Community, to strive for equal partition and the legalization
of the Sambandham and to start schools and other institutions to compete
with other communal organisations.13
Another important event in the history of Nayar Service
Society also took place in July 1915. Iravikurup of Nedamel house and
Narayanan Nayar of Kunnappally donated eighty seven acres of l and in
Karukachal, to the Nayar Service Society. The new fields of work opened
by the society and the increasing need for panchayat work demanded
more and more of Mannathu Padmanabhan's time and efforts. When the
interest of people in the working of Nayar Service Society increased, the
important members of Nayar Community began to associate with society. 14
The next year was a very busy one for the workers of Nayar Service
____________________________________________________________
12.
13.
14.
168
Society. Though Nayar Service had its head quarters at Changanacherri,
its founders and workers had aimed to make it a society spreading all over
Kerala.15
In the first ten years of its growth the Nayar Service Society
progressed in many fields. The society started a magazine, Service in
1919. This publication helped in spreading the ideals of Nayars Service
Society, any matter which would help the progress of Nayar Community
was given special place in the service. The workers of this society became
aware of the need to make it an approved organisation. So the society was
registered according to Travancore Companies' Act on 30 July 1925.
Hence some restrictions were imposed on matters of membership. In the
early stage each member of the society had to pay twelve rupees. When
the society was registered, the membership became categorized into
two types: there were permanent members and life members. One who
donated one thousand rupees or more would be a permanent member.
A life member had to donate a sum of not less than five hundred rupees.
When sixty percent of members agreed, one could be made life member
with out paying anything.16
____________________________________________________________
15.
16.
Balakrishnan, V., Leela Devi, R., Mannathu Padmanabhan and the revival of
Nayars in Kerala, Delhi, 1982, pp. 40-48.
Ibid., pp. 53-54.
169
The administration of Nayar Service Society was perfectly
democratic. The representative of the karayogams and individual members
elected the Director. Board members, President, Secretary, and Treasurer
were elected by the members themselves. The Board of Directors selected
a council of five members including the secretary and the president for
the day-to-day administration of the Nayar Service Society including
affairs connected with the capital of fund collection of Nayar Service
Society.17
170
to servive in the midst of several storms mainly on account of the
strength of it in karayogam roots.19 Each karayogam is a self governing
or autonomous unit, whose administration and management is looked
by its own members. The top hierarchy of N.S.S has only nominal
control, ones the karayogams through it has the responsibility to guide the
activities of the lowest in the right direction.20
2.
3.
4.
5.
____________________________________________________________
19.
20.
21.
171
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
Membership
A karayogam should be registered as a member of the service
society by baying the membership fee of Rs. 100. The karayogams are also
members of the Taluk unions, created under the rules of the service
society. Each karayogam has to select and send two members to the
general body of the respective taluk union for a term of three years. The
Registrar of the N.S.S. Karayogams has the right to cancel the membership
____________________________________________________________
22.
Ibid., p. 124.
172
of a karayogam or not permit a karayogam from taking membership in
the Taluk union. A nominal supervision fee has to be remitted annually
to the Taluk union, but a minor share of its goes to the organisation wing
of N.S.S. Head office workers.23
Any Nayar male / female who has completed the age of 18
years, who is having normal intelligence and who is a permanent resident
within the territorial limit of the karayogam has the right to become its
members.24 A karayogam has two kinds of members, house representative
(Head of the family) and individual representative (Individuals others
than house representations). Hindus other than Nayars who are will
wishers of N.S.S are also permitted to become members of N.S.S
karayogam. But this provision remains mostly mutual, in nature.
Administration of Karayogams
The administration of each karayogam is carried on by a
karayogams committee elected
members for a term of three years. The General Body elects a president,
secretary from among the members of the committee. The committee and
also the general body should meet atleast once in a month. All decisions
____________________________________________________________
23.
24.
173
are taken by a majority vote. When there is a tie, the president exercises
his casting vote. The general body has the power to remove the committee
members from office.25 The General body of the karayogams conducts
election for three purposes.
1.
2.
3.
expenditure to the Taluk union and also to the office of the karayogam
Registrar. The NSS council members, Registrar, Inspector, committee
members
authorised by the karayogam. The registrar has the right to inspect the
accounts, store etc. of the karayogam. 26
Taluk Unions
These are inter mediary structures linking the grass root
karayogams with the head quarters of the N.S.S. Taluk union. (Taluk
karayoga union) It means an association consisting of the representatives
____________________________________________________________
25.
26.
174
of karayogams elected under the Article of Association for the
administration of karayogams.27 At present there are 57 Taluk unions all
over Kerala. The karayogams which fall within the territorial limit of the
Taluk union are recoganised by the society as members of the union.
Income28
a.
b.
Monthly subscription
c.
d.
e.
1. House warming
2. Naming
4. Birth-day contribution
f.
g.
h.
i.
____________________________________________________________
27.
28.
175
j.
k.
Special Contributions
l.
secretary and other workers of the society were forced to take active part
in election propaganda. In 1921 the president of the Nayar Service Society,
Changanacherri Parameswaran Pillai was a candidate to the legislative
assembly. It was a fortune for the Nayars.29
When the society was founded in 1914, casteism continued to
be an ugly social institution in the princely state of Travancore. Different
subcastes within the Nayar community observed untouchability and
pollution. This caste feeling kept the Nayars aloof from other communal
groups.30 In schools and public places they stood away from the lower
castes. When a boy returned from school, he was asked to take a bath first
and only then to enter his home. The caste identity and the travelling
restrictions on the roads created tensions and ill-feelings in their social
life. At this point N.S.S. decided to play a leadership role to mitigate the
prejudices. To set an example, Padmanabhan himself ate with a low caste
man of the pulaya community.31 In his leadership role to fight against the
____________________________________________________________
29.
30.
31.
176
caste system, the N.S.S. got an effective support from Nayar leaders like
Chattampi Swamikal and other leaders like Gandhi and Sree Narayana
Guru. Inspired by the Indian National Congress, the society decided to
work, for the eradication of the caste system. Under the leadership of
Padmanabhan the N.S.S. took part in the Vaikkam Satyagraha on
November 1, 1924. One of the high lights of the Satyagraha was the
Savarna Jatha.32 Organised and led by the N.S.S. general secretary, the
Vaikkam Satyagraha and the Savarna Jatha helped to influence public
opinion in the state infavour of the temple entry for the low caste people
to worship. While a majority of the public was infavour of temple entry
the Brahmins objected to it. In order to accomplish freedom of worship
for all hindus irrespective of their castes, the N.S.S. continued its campaign
in various parts of Kerala.33
The temple entry proclamation of 1936, effected a silent and
blood less revolution in Hindu society of Kerala.34 Through this action it
was made possible for all Hindus including the all lower castes to
enter the Sri Padmanabha Swami temple of Trivandrum and worship
together. Padmanabha notes in his Political words that what was achieved
____________________________________________________________
32.
33.
34.
Sreedhara Menon, A., A Concise Political History of Modern Kerala (18851957), Madras, 1987, p. 12.
Sankunni Pillai, op.cit., p. 131.
Mannathu Padmanabhan, op.cit., p. 124.
177
178
Nayar Act impressed all the previous Nayar Acts and completely
terminated the matrilineal system in Kerala.37
In the pattern of Christian Medical Mission Hospitals, the
N.S.S also started hospitals in important centres. The activities of N.S.S.
extended into various fields. Padmanabhan cherished the idea of providing
medical services to the community. Many medical missions were
introduced. The main aim of the mission was to render free medical service
to the poor.38
Another chief aim of the N.S.S. was to start a few English
high schools. Soon after the founding of the society the general secretary
began to concentrate its attention towards fulfilling the goal of establishing
educational institutions.39 The N.S.S. was very much aware of the value of
education to boost the economic and social conditions of Nayars. The
Keraleeya Nayar Samajam also started schools in different parts of
Travancore. In 1924, the total number of schools owned by the N.S.S.
were five and the total number of students studying in those institutions
were only 1063. In 1944 these were 53 and 11623 respectively.40
____________________________________________________________
37.
38.
39.
40.
179
The first college of N.S.S. was started at Changanacherri in
July 1947 only with a Pre-University class.41 This was granted to the
N.S.S. by C.P. Ramaswamy lyer who wanted the Nayar Community to
support him. The Christians were against a Nayar college at
Changanacherri as already there was one under the Christian management.
They naturally thought that one was to undermine the Christian interests
and resisted it through the press and platforms. As the resistance mounted
day by day, C.P.Ramaswamy lyer proposed to Mannathu Padmanabhan an
alternative plan which was ultimately agreed upon. The agreements
were, 1). The main college of the N.S.S. must be shifted to Trivandrum.
2). Forty six acres of land will be acquired by government and handed
over to the N.S.S freely. 3). A first grade college was to be started at
Trivandrum and in Changanacherri with a Pre University college. The
Government agreed to give five Lakhs of rupees as donation to start the
college. This favour of C.P. Ramaswamy lyer to N.S.S. was probably to
win the N.S.S. Mannathu Padmanabhan. He was ready to take as much
favour as possible to nourish the N.S.S even though he was not at all ready
to sacrifice his ideology.42 Sir C.P. Ramaswamy lyer could not do much,
about this agreement as he left Travancore due to popular agitation.
____________________________________________________________
41.
42.
180
industries
through
co-operative societies of
joint stock
181
N.S.S challenged
182
As the L.M.S emerged to be a strong socio-religious force in
South Travancore, the L.M.S. converts spearheaded an avarna movement
mainly against the Nayar dominance. But the Nayars practically failed to
cope with the new situation and attempted in vain for the re-conversion
and solidarity move among the Hindus. 48 This enables the other popular
Savarna community namely the Nanjiland vellalas to organise movements
and occupied a pre-eminent socio-economic position in south Travancore.
Evidently the N.S.S. movement in South Travancore failed to protect the
interest of the Nayars which led to the disintegration of the social
exclusiveness and traditional orders.
183
functioning at Chunkankadai.
Each karayogam meet twice in a month.
The district
executive committee met once in a month during the last Saturday. They
aimed to create more funds for their society and to help the poor families
in this society.
Each karayogam members entered in to canvass for the
accumulation of the members from their areas. The admission fees is
collected from each member 25 rupees as entrance fees. Then five rupees
collected as monthly subscription.
Social
The NSS in Kanyakumari District gave help in monetary level
to the poor families for their family marriage purpose rupees 2000 to
3000/-. These family members should be the member of the karayogam.
____________________________________________________________
There are 27 karayogams in Kanyakumari District. The details given above are until
2000.
184
In case of death in a poor family the NSS donate rupees 500
for that purpose. This amount paid those family even not a member in the
karayogam.
During the marriage function of the member's family, the
N.S.S. done free service for the successful completion of that function.
While they serve in the dining hall they wore NSS padges. For this free
service the wedding family should pay rupees hundred towards the
marriage registration fees to the NSS.
Educational
The only (aided) NSS college in South Travancore is Sree
Ayyappa College for Women at Chunkankadai, near Nagercoil.
To promote educational qualities the district NSS announced
prizes for getting 1st rank in SSLC and HSC examination among the Nayar
families. Each prize winners will be getting 1000 rupees as cash award.
These prizes could be donated by V.I.P.ies among the N.S.S.
This was first started during June 1996 at their General body
meeting held at Nagercoil. The Donors were Mr. V. Sreekumar District
President and Mr. Thangappan Nair from Krishnan Kovil.
Political
They sent requisition to the Government of Tamilnadu for
getting minority rights from the Government on linguistic basis.
Chapter - VII
Social Movements
among the oppressed
and Nayar Antipathy
CHAPTER - VII
missionaries
and
Vaikundaswamigal1
the
untouchable
2.
186
In the feudal society of Travancore slavery was officially
recognised. The government and the temples owned slaves. Churches as
well as the rich caste Hindu landlords also owned them. Below the Nadars
and the Ezhavas, even more degraded and oppressed, were the several
slave castes that formed the lowest Sudras of the Travancore society. The
slave caste had once been a free people. It was the feudal nature of society
that the strange laws of land ownership, the agrarian economy, the division
of labour and the caste system that ushered in slavery which remained a
bleeding wound in the body politic of Travancore till the middle of 19 th
century.3
The anarchic and unsettled state of affairs that prevailed in
Travancore, in the early society helped the landlords to grab more land
and
lands in their
187
wealth in their hands. At the same time the properties owned by several
ordinary tenants were transferred by them to the control of individual
Brahmin
Ibid., p. 203.
Nagam Aiya, V., op. cit., Vol. II, p. 278.
188
work. All the tasks of importance were shared by the Brahmins and the
Nayars. It was the division of labour that finally led to slavery causing
sensible decline in the moral nature and character of the people. Thousands
of agricultural labourers became agricultural slaves attached to the soil and
were brought and sold like cattles. Slavery in Travancore became
hereditary. Unlike in other parts of India where it existed, once born to a
slave family remained a slave all through life, passing down this ignominy
to his or her posterity. Dharma Bhoomi the land of charity had became
the land of Adharma the home of slavery.8
Slavery
The missionaries developed conflicting attitude towards the
social tyranny of Travancore state and condemned the humiliating feudal
vestige,
The
189
The emancipation statutes of the Travancore Maharaja
were not taken serious by the Nayars of South Travancore. A kind of
aggrestic slavery still continued in the South Travancore society.
Especially the failure of the government to adopt subsequent ameliorative
measures compelled the slave community to lead a dependent life on the
land owning communities. This helped continuation of the servile system
in another form with the same severity and cruelty. As a result the
Sambhavar outcastes of South Travancore became converts to alien faith
and sought the status of non-Hindus. On becoming non-Hindus they were
exempted from all social obligations and restrictions. Yet the Nayar
landlords of South Travancore continued the system of social disability
and persecuted the servile community.
In the Thovalai taluk, Thazhakudi was a famous village
where large caste Hindu Nayar landlords commanded servile services of
the former slave community of Sambhavars.11 When a landlord started
ploughing the paddy-fields on an auspicious day, he ordered all the slaves
to render their services. Madathy, a slave caste woman living in the village,
due to her advanced state of pregnancy failed to report duty in the field.12 It
is reported being starved, sick and weak she could hardly move around.
____________________________________________________________
11.
12.
190
Naked, starving children with matted hair and filthy clothes tugged at her
for food as she lay crumpled on the floor in the corner of her hovel
between fatigue and semi- consciousness.13 But the landlord sent his
slaves to take her to the field. Then she was yoked to a plough along with a
buffalo and to pull the plough to the utter horror of everyone. It resulted
in her death.14 In fact this gory incident was one of the many acts of
inhuman cruelty meted out to the low caste slaves by their Nayar landlords
in South Travancore. The encouragement given by the Salvation Army to
the Sambhavar community further aggravated the persecution of the lower
communities. Thus the Nayars even in the end of the 19th century
practised slavery and dehumanised the lower communities.
____________________________________________________________
13.
14.
15.
16.
191
with this violation of a deep rooted custom. However the first agitation, for
the upper cloth right started in 1822 when the Nayars in Kalkulam mocked,
abused and ill-treated the Nadar females who appeared in public with
decent dress with upper cloths and jackets worn by them were torn.17 Soon
the Nadar got a favourable decree from the Padmanabhapuram Court in
1823,18 which confirmed the proclamation of Munro. Having felt annoyed,
the Nayars resumed persecution and subsequently the royal proclamation
of 3rd February, 1829 prohibited the use of upper cloth by Nadar women. 19
Even after the prohibition the Nadar women moved out wearing the upper
cloth. Hence the upper cloth riot continued from 1828 to 1830 with severe
persecution.20 It was more intense in the Neyyoor mission district. It was
made a regular practice for the Nayars to gather at market places to assault
the Nadar women. The administration sent troops to suppress the rebellion
under the command of captain Daby.
192
Christians of the status and privileges that they enjoyed and subjected
them to serious disadvantages.23 It
caste
sanctioned
Having observed
the
In January 1859
riots broke
out in
Moody, J.N., The Chief Secretary to Government, Fort St. George, dated 17th
January 1853, Cover file No. 215 of 1853, pp. 36-38.
Yesudas, R.N., British Policy in Travancore (1805-1859), Trivandrum, 1977,
p. 45.
English Records, Trivandrum Cover File No.2115, 3rd January 1859, p. 14.
Ibid., 12th February 1859, p. 18.
Ibid., 21st January 1859, pp. 16-18.
Ibid., p. 18.
193
cover their bosoms in any manner. In the continuous operation of the
conflict Nayar mass uprising formed a distinct phase. They let loose a
new wave
Nadars of South Travancore. The uprisings led to the direct collision with
Nadars.
Indications of the general ill feeling of the Nayars towards the
Nadars became more marked by the end of 1858. A Christian Nadar
woman was assaulted in the public market at Neyyattinkara and her
jacket was torn by a group of Nayars.29 Though the case was proved in the
court the offender was let off with a little fine in order to prevent
recurrence of similar crimes. The Nayars opened a new phase of
confrontation with the Nadars when the royal proclamation was read in the
court of Travancore by the Governor Lord Harris. In the continuous
agitation of twenty days in the Parassala Mission District three chapels and
three smaller places of worship were set on fire. 30 In the Neyyoor mission
district the Nayars began to rob and ill-treat many of the poorer classes.
They sided with, the officials to inflict infiltration upon Gurupatham, the
Catechist and his family.31 The Nayar uprising became more serious
____________________________________________________________
29.
30.
31.
Mateer, S., The Land of Charity, London, John Snow, 1871, p. 293.
Messiah, L.A. (ed.), Abbe Memorial London Missionary Pastorate Church,
Platinum Jubilee Souvenir, Parasala, 1775, pp. 2-3.
Oliver, P., Home Church Irenepuram CSI, Centenary Jubilee Souvenir, 1970,
p. 13.
194
when it burst out in Nanjilnad. Here the Vellalas joined with the Nayars
in perpetuating the atrocity on the Nadars. 32 On 4th January more than
200 Nayars with a group of Vellalas of Thazhakudy entered the houses
of Nadars with clubs and knives. They attacked the inhabitants, stripped
off the jackets of the women, torn the cloths and cruelly beat and
kicked them.33
village on 7th January. Another Nayar mob gathering of about 500 entered
Kumarapuram during day time. They searched the house of the Christian
catechists, and chased the Nadars.34 soon the violent mob made forcible
entry in to the homes of the Nadars, broke and pillaged the furniture and
molested the defenseless women.35
In the violent outrage brokeout in December 1858 and
January 1859 the Nadars suffered untold miseries. The violence ignited
out of the Nadar's assumption of the right to wear upper cloth, soon
became a movement for destruction of the property of Nadars in South
Travancore. Hence this Nayar-Nadar confrontation actually laid a ground
for the violent reaction of the Nadars and for a final fight against the
lawless acts of their powerful enemies.
____________________________________________________________
32.
33.
34.
35.
English Records Cover File Mo. 2115 Letter of Missionaries, LMS, F.Baylis to
the Resident, pp. 44-48.
Yesudhas, R.N., A People's Revolt in Travancore, Document, No XIII,
pp. 196-198.
Mateer.S., op.cit., p. 302.
George, D.H., Kumari Mavatta Pennurimai Porattam, (Tamil), Marthandam,
1982, p. 92.
195
In fact the upper cloth agitation by the Nadars of South
Travancore represented the reaction of a pioneer depressed community
against the social restrictions and humiliations meted out to the lower
communities. Hence the agitation was primarily against the Nayars, who
were the real vanguard of the exclusive social systems and caste Hindu
privileges. In several places of South Travancore, the Nadars faced the
virulent Nayar conservatives who opposed modernization process in South
Travancore. It gave rise to subsequent social movements and mobilizations
for the social equality and identity of the lower communities.
The
"The temples occupied a highly conspicuous place in the life of the Hindus".
Sobhanan,B., "Temple Entry Movement in Kerala", Journal of Kerala Studies,
Vol.XII, part 1-4, p.195.
196
entry in order to boost their social status and cultural identity. Thus what
was inevitable was, the movement for right of temple entry in the
Travancore state. Originally the temple entry movement was started' in
Travancore State with Vaikkam Satyagraha in 1924. The Ezhavas, who
formed the major non-caste Hindu community launched the movement. 37
Their Organisation known as SNDP drew the attention of the government
and demanded the removal of tindal palakas (the prohibition boards)
placed near the temples.38 At this juncture, the Nayar Service Society and
Harijan Seva Sangh recommended the government for the granting of
temple entry right to the non-caste Hindus.39 When the Satyagraha
movement became vigorous, the government as a compromise settlement
declared the opening of roads on three sides of the Vaikkam temple. 40 But
the lower communities were not permitted to have a glance of the deity in
the Garbagraga.
In continuation of the Vaikkam Satyagraha the temple entry
movement was started in South Travancore with the historical Suchindram
Satyagraha. This was aimed at securing the right to walk along the roads
surrounding the Siva temple at Suchindram. The Satyagraha commenced
____________________________________________________________
37.
38.
39.
40.
Ravindran, T.K, Vaikkam Satyagraha and Gandhi, Trichur, 1975, pp. 102-103.
Ravindran, T.K., Asan and Social Revolution in Kerala, Trivandrum, 1971,
p. 69.
Basthurai, S., Suchindram Satyagraha, an Unpublished M.Phil Dissertation,
M.K. University, Madurai, p. 95.
English Records, Trivandrum Secretariat, File No. D.Dis. 1478.
197
on 19 February 1926 -under the leadership of M. Subramonia Pillai,
M.E. Naidu, H. Perumal Panikkar, P.C. Thanumalaya Perumal and
Gandhidas.41 The Nayars of Suchindram and its suberbs took keen interest
to suppress the Satyagraha movement.
In collaboration with the conservative Vellala group they
started what was known as anti-satyagraha. They took all precaution to
thwart the movement. They put up barricades on the roads leading to the
temple.
The satyagrahis sat on the roads where they were prevented
from going ahead. The anti-satyagrahis had enjoyed the support of the
police officials and government servants. Prohibitory orders had been
issued by the District magistrate to the leaders.42
negotiations with the government the latter promised that the roads at
Suchindram would be opened to the avarnas within a month after
____________________________________________________________
41.
42.
43.
198
stopping
the satyagraha.
199
Though the appointment of a temple entry enquiry committee
struck a hope of confidence in the circle of the satyagrahis the outcome
aggravated the agitation. Throughout the state the satygrahis contemplated
to enter all roads, tanks and wells and satroms which were thrown open
to the caste hindus and non-hindus but not to non-caste hindus.48 In order
to nullify the attempts of the satyagrahis, the government gave orders to
throw open forty roads in the Travancore state to all classes of people.49
A conference of Devaswom Commissioner, Maramat Engineer, Chief
Engineers, etc. was held and it resolved that those public roads, wells,
tanks, satroms maintained out of public fund should be immediately
thrown open to all the people but those which were maintained out of
Devaswom funds would be closed to thenon-caste hindus.50
The enlightened sovereign Sri Chitra Thirunal reexamined
the whole question in the light of the external truths embodied in the vedas
and the upanishads. The enlightened public opinion and the pulse of the
caste Hindus were also towards the grant of temple entry right to the
avarnas. However a final approach was effected with the historic
proclamation on 12 November 1936.51 The temple entry proclamation by
____________________________________________________________
48.
49.
50.
51.
200
the sublimity of its conception the loftness of its ideals and the" magnitude
of its effects, occupies a unique place in the history of social and religious
reform in India.52 The proclamation introduced revolutionary changes in
the Hindu society by destroying the last prestige of discrimination against
two million human beings.53
201
Hindu landlords57 The out caste Parayas and Pulayas gained the right to
stand along with Brahmin before the sanctum sanctorum of the Hindu
temples. It struck a period of bleak to the missionaries of Travancore.
Further the proclamation radiated a fusion of sub castes which in turn
fostered inter-marriages of different castes. It ushered in the birth of a new
era of equality and freedom.58
The Nayar organisation supported the cause of the avarnas
in North Travancore during the Vaikkam Satyagraha days. The different
socio-economic situations in South Travancore made the Nayars to adopt
anti-satyagraha movement. Their strong association with orthodox vellala
groups might have perhaps the reason for the indifferent attitude of
the Nayars towards the temple entry movement of South Travancore.
The economic consideration also influenced the Nayars to develop
anti-satyagraha movement. In pre-temple entry era, the Nayars had
exclusive control over the temple lands as tenants. But after temple entry
right the avarna had also come to possess the natural rights over temple
properties. Developing apprehension against this the Nayars of South
Travancore played the role of the anti-satyagrahis in the temple entry
movement.
____________________________________________________________
57.
58.
Chapter - VIII
cultural reciprocity
a retrospect
CHAPTER - VIII
and breadth of
I.
Language
So many words from the spoken language of Nayars has
been taken and interlinked and interoven with the Tamil Language of
the Tamils of South Travancore through mutual understanding since the
203
Pillai, K.K., The Early History of Nanchil Nadu, Madras, 1953, p.43.
Interview with P. Ragavan Thambi, Marthandam, Kanyakumari district on
16.01.2008.
Interview with Mano Thangaraj, Manguli, Kanyakumari District on 17.01.2008.
204
to Tamil and Tamil to Malayalam which in turn created a peaceful
atmosphere in the midst of differences just like the Indian culture Unity in
Diversity.
II.
Social Habits
The most popular Tiffin of Nayars is 'puttu' combined with
Nayars in Kerala. The puttu and other ingredients consumed along with
it followed from Nayar community and it became popular in South
Travancore also. The South Travancore Tamilians are also accustomed to
fish curry and tapioca, samba rice with fish curry, more side dishes in the
lunch in the functions celebrated in South Travancore.5 The groundnut
which is a tasty food of the Tamilians is transmitted and adopted in their
food item, by the Nayars.
____________________________________________________________
4.
5.
Padmanabhan. S., The Forgotten History of Lands End, Nagercoil, 1971, p.34.
Ibid.
205
The groundnut is popularly called by 'kappalandy' because it has originally
imported from Manila in Philippines through the ships.6
The Nayar boys and girls are handsome in appearance mainly
because of colour complexion. Occasionally a Tamilian loves a Nayar girl
and inter-marriages may take place, similarly a Nayar boy may love a
Tamilian girl and marriage may take place. Under such circumstances, a
mixture of Tamilian and Nayar race is born which in neutral way in
personality and complex.
Marumakkathayam was a traditional custom among the
Nayars and because of their influence it was extended to South Travancore
and adopted by the Vellalas and muslims.7 Later it was realized as an
obnoxious one and hence this system was thwarted through a movement
launched by the Vellalas and Muslims, and they found redressal in the
acts passed by the Travancore State Legislative council.8
The Nayar gents are commonly using dhoties with towel on
the shoulders as a customary habit. And the same was followed by the
Tamilian gents of South Travancore. Similarly the ladies are commonly
using kaily and the upper garment of blouse without a saree coverage of
____________________________________________________________
6.
7.
8.
206
the upper portion is common among the women folk of the Nayars,
travelled to South Travancore and also became popular among the
Tamilians of Kalkulam and Vilavancode taluks. The white colour saree
with single border is in common use among the Nayar women and during
the festivals in particular it became absolutely a model of dress by the
Tamil women folk of South Travancore.
The Nayars like simple and light - design of gold ornaments
which are the items of magnitude and greater size. And the same was
adopted by the Tamilians of South Travancore in the name of Nayar
model. In the Tamilian areas of kanyakumari district the Jewellery are
generally owned by keralites and the variety available in those shops is
larger and magnificent.9
The amusement of Unjal in particular by the ladies of the
Nayar family during the eve and after the onam festival is very famous
among the Nayars. For the Unjal they used the wooden stick known as
'Ulakkai' (A stick used for hulling the husk from paddy) and the rope
specially prepared for this purpose which is very strong. The same
method and mode of celebrating the 'onam' festival on the eve and after
during the Tamil month of Avani is adhered like Nayars.10 Another
____________________________________________________________
9.
10.
Trivandrum, 1940,
207
important amusement celebrated in connection with the birth of Lord
Krishna is 'Uriyadi' (To break the pot which contains yellow water and
hung at a higher base with the help of a stick). It is a replica of the
historic event which took place in Ayarbadi where Lord Krishna who
broke the ghee pot. This festival celebrated by the Nayars in olden times
is at present popular among the Tamil Hindus in South Travancore.
Athappookolam with the help of flowers is a prominent one
during the Onam festival. Flowers of different colours is used in different
designs on the ground in front of the entrance of the house inorder to
receive the Emperor Mahabali on his arrival to the land where he ruled,
in the Tamil month of Avani.11 The Nayars of Travancore are very much
interested in the Athappookolam and this kolam is followed by the Tamil
people of South Travancore in a majestic way. Even the educational
institutions like Schools, Arts colleges12, Polytechniques, Engineering
colleges and community colleges are conducting Athappookolam
competitions during the Onam festival. They also granted two to three
days of holidays for Onam and in the case of married couples the Thalai
Onam is celebrated with splendor and grandeur.
____________________________________________________________
11.
12.
Ibid.
Daily Thanthi, News with Portrait, on 14th September 2005, Nagercoil Edition,
p. 15. (Sivanthi Aditanar College near Nagercoil conducted Athappoo Kolam
competitions in their College participated by various department students (most
of them were Tamil girls) and distributed prizes by the Governing body of the
Institution)
208
Betel chewing with green arecanut is a regular custom among
the Nayars, in particular and Keralites in general. Nedumankadu in Kerala
is famous for arecanut production. At present the betal chewing is very
very popular among the Tamil population. Tamilnadu is famous for
tobacco production which is exported to Travancore for their consumption.
The decoration work during the marriage ceremony and other festive
occasions of the Nayars, plays an important role. The wedding stage, the
pandal, the entrance all these are decorated with flowered arches. The
Toranam decoration is a peculiar social habit among the Nayars, and it is
done through coconut leaves of fine design to welcome the guests.13 It is
found in every marriage house, both rich and poor. The same custom was
adopted from the Nayars and put into practice in every function, in
particular marriage function held among the Tamils of South Travancore.
Chorunnu function or first time rice eating function of a
child in the family is very important in Nayar families.14 The same custom
prevalent among the Nayars of South Travancore is followed by hindu
population of the Tamils also in South Travancore. This function is
normally undertaken with ritual in their respective family temples or
common temples.
____________________________________________________________
11.
12.
Velu Pillai, T.K., Travancore State Manual, Vol.I, Trivandrum, 1940, p. 415.
Ibid., p. 412.
209
to a peaceful and
210
The Naga worship is famous among the Nayars. The same
was adhered and worshiped by the Tamilians of South Travancore. The
Nagaraja temple located at the heart of Nagercoil Town is the best
specimen of this kind.17 It also said that the name Nagercoil named after
the famous temple Nagaraja. The 'pongalai worship' (cooking green rice
in front of the temple) at Attukal Amman Temple in Thiruvananthapuram,
and the same is mainly attended by the Tamils from South Travancore.
This festival is exclusively for women, and no gents was not allowed
within a circumference of 20 kilometers from the temple.18 South
Travancore also famous for Amman worship as an impact of the
Travancore relations. The Sabarimala Ayyappan Temple meant for men
is famous for the Mahara vilakku pooja in the Tamil month of Thai first
and also the Chithrai vishu for which large crowd from South Travancore
and Tamilnadu visit Sabarimala after one mandalam (forty one days) of
observing "Nonbu" (viratham).19 The Mandaikadu Bhagavathi Amman
Temple is twenty five kilometers away from Nagercoil Town towards the
west, it is in Arabian coast and is famous for the worship of women in tune
with the Sabarimala festival and hence it is popularly called women's
Sabarimala. During the Mandaikadu festival in the Tamil month of Masi
____________________________________________________________
17.
18.
19.
211
more pilgrimage of women from Kerala made their visit and they enjoy the
blessings of Goddess Bhagavathi.20 Similarly the Kumari Bhagavathi
Ammam temple located on the coast of Cape comerin is famous for
Dharsan and car festival. Pilgrimage from Kerala, all states of India and
foreigners who as tourists enjoy the vissicitudes and vicinity of the temple.
The kavadiyattam is famous among the Tamils and at present the Nayars
are performing this. The famous Murugan temple at Kumarakovil near
Thuckalay, 12 K.M west of Nagercoil town is strongly and popularly
visited and worshiped by the Nayar in larger numbers.
IV. Architecture
Wooden building structures are very popular and famous in
Travancore. As a consequence the Tamilians of the erstwhile South
Travancore adopted this way in their building constructions. The best
specimen
for
this
type
of
building
in
South
Travancore
is
212
a small amount of mortar in the middle is a conventional and traditional
type of construction in Kerala, is now a days seen in South Travancore
and also southern districts of Tamil Nadu as an impact of Travancore
Tamil relations. The wooden staircases in the huge buildings and the
roof ceiling with the help of wood is a remarkable practice of the
Nayars, which began to migrate into South Travancore, and hence the
same kind of constructions are going on. 22
V.
213
a mark of respect to lead the political leaders to the stage. Hence from the
Nayars the Chendai Melam is copied by the Tamils of South Travancore.
Kathakali, Kurathikali are very famous dances in Travancore
and the same has been adopted by the Tamils of South Travancore.25 The
Kathakali symbol made in wood is placed in the houses of Tamils as a
"Thiristi" in front of the entrance to avoid the evil that follow through the
eye sight of many a people on the house.
The Nayars are noted for many a carvings and handicrafts
made out of wood to adorne the house with beauty and splendour. The
Tamils of South Travancore adopted the same and having placed such
things in their houses also, atleast in the showcases.
Vellu Pillai, T.K., Travancore State Manual, Vol.I, Trivandrum, 1940, p. 13.
Padmanabhan, S., The Fsorgotten History of Lands End, Nagercoil, 1971,
p.67.
214
215
arecanut plants around their houses similar to the Nayars. The village
names like Mandaikadu, Andu kodu, Pakodu, Mangadu, Kaliakkavilai,
Muhilan vilai, Peria vilai, etc., are a replica of the names prevalent in
Travancore.29
VIII.
Communist influence
There is no major industry in South Travancore. Some minor
216
two constituencies the M.L.As elected were from the Communist party.
This is due to the strong labour unionism prevail in Kerala which spread
into the South Travancore.31 In the above two constituencies there are
number of estates under estate owners with a large number of estate
labourers, every time there is a problem of the labours working in the
estates and that is reflected infront of the district Collectorate clearly
visible with red flags in their hands.32
From a study of the above facts under the different headings
reflected the mutual intermission, transmission and synthesis of the Nayar
culture and the Tamil culture embedded in the form of bilinguism and
proliferation of the cultures in multi dimensional directions resulted in a
broad spectrum of knowledge, wisdom, growth of civilization and finally
the attainment of perfection which every one can notice in the growth of
civilization through the challenges offered by the surroundings and
circumstances available therein and responses provided in the form of
opposition or inviting voluntarily to co habit in the minds of their own
people which flourished in an unending way like the history which is
also unending.
____________________________________________________________
31.
32.
Conclusion
CONCLUSION
The Nayars are the desendants of the Sudras, who
accompanied the original Brahmin immigrants. Being Sudras the Nayars
acted as the servants and body-guards of Nambudiries. Evidently the
Sudras later on became the Nayars. The Nayars of South Travancore came
to be divided into several sub-castes based on their occupation. In general,
the Nayars were agriculturists and soldiers in the traditional society. The
dress and family customs of the south Travancore Nayars were identical
with that of the Nanjilnad Vellalas. In social position the Nayars were next
to the Kshatriyas. Broadly speaking the Nayars ranked after the
Nambudiries in Malabar and they occupy the same position in Cochin and
Travancore. As far as the ritual status was concerned, the Nayars were
graded as Sudras. But they were a privileged community till the middle of
the 19th century. The Nayars were the chief land holders in most villages
and they possessed slaves also. The Nayars were responsible for the
maintenance of law and order in the society.
Though the Nayars were once technically classified by the
Brahmins under the name of pure Sudras of Malayala, they were always an
honoured caste.
Sanskrit term Nayaka (leader) otherwise Nayar from Naga (snakes) which
they worship. So many typical last names are given. Besides the main
divisions like Kiriyathil, Illakkar, Padamangalam and Tamil padam etc.
218
there are so many sub divisions are there, like Akathucharna Nayars
and Purathucharna Nayars in Malabar areas.
Nayar marriage system was a unique and familiar in many
ways. Talikettu, Talikettu Kalyanam, Sambandam are the varieties of the
system of marriages.
which a man and a women surrender their sexual rights to each other. It
was a term most widely used for the marital relationship of a Nayar
woman. Sambandam is the marriage proper. Another type of marriage is
Talikettu Kalyanam. It has been prevalent among Nayars till recently in
the name of kettu kalyanam. The term Talikettu kalyanam is a compound
of three words viz., Tali (a badge) kettu (tying) and kalyanam (marriage).
Tali is a leaf shaped emblem made of gold or silver, which was worn on a
string around the neck.
In South Travancore, the Nayars were considered the chief
Kshatriya caste which made them professional warriors. The Nayar militia
may be called as a socio-economic cum military organisation. They were
originally a military body, holding land and serving as a militia. King
Martanda Varma combined the regular and irregular armies. The regular
army was the National army of the country trained in modern methods of
warfare and irregular army followed the old systems of warfare. The new
219
army organisation and defence system introduced by Marthanda Varma
affected the social and political life of the Nayars.
The family organisation of the Nayars was based on the
principles of matrilineal system or marumakkathayam. They practised the
Sambandham system of marriage. The Brahmins resorted to the Nayar
women for sambandham. But their off-springs were not eligible to inherit
the father's property. This system involved the inheritance and succession
through the sister's children on the female line. The Nayars followed the
marumakkathayam in one sense and practised the system of polyandry. In
fact this system came into existence because of the attachment of the
Nayars to the military service of the state, thus the Sambandham form of
marriage worked as an evil in. the domestic life of the Nayars.
Mostly the Nayars preferred joint family where the system of
polygomy and polyandry prevailed as the products of marumakkathayam,
the eldest male of the Nayar families were called as karanavan. The
karanavan was the managing head of the tharavad and he was succeeded
by the senior male member. One of the merits of marumakkathayam
system was that the Nayar women enjoyed freedom and they were very
much independent in managing the family properties. The properties were
not partitioned by the name of share. But the disadvantage of this system
was that nobody possessed the right to alienate the property without the
permission of all others. Finally as an impact of the western culture the
220
junior
members
of
the
Nayar
families
wanted
to
change
221
of the Nayar community also inherited the pending litigations and legal
hurdles. It affected their domestic peace and tranquility. As a result they
compromised with the vellalas of Thovalai and Agasteeswarm taluks and
sold off their fragmented belongings to them. Also the rising backward
communities of south Travancore were benefitted by the evacuation of
Nayars from here.
The social position of the Nayars reduced the avarna
communities of south Travancore to the position of slaves and
untouchables. Slavery a social evil existed everywhere in the ancient and
medieval society. The reason for slavery was the love of lesiure and
contempt for labour on the part of the citizens. The slaves belonged to the
Sudra class and they were sold and mortgaged like cattles. The slaves were
denied the comforts of lives. They were considered only as a source of
labour. On 6th September 1853 the Dewan of Travancore sent a draft
proclamation which emancipated the children of slaves. Similarly the
women were not allowed to wear breast-cloths. It was a rule made by the
Brahmin community that the non-Brahmin ladies should not cover their
breasts. It generated social movements in South Travancore. The breast
cloth agitation started in the 19th century had a fundamental significance in
the socio-religious history of Travancore and its impact on social
legislation had far reaching consequences.
222
The ideas of equality generated from domestic management
had influenced the political thoughts of the state of Travancore. The
younger generation of Nayars freed themselves from the fetters of tradition
and cherished a sympathetic consideration towards the social movements
that were organised by the untouchable communities. In fact the social
movements of the avarnas began to affect the socio-economic position of
the Nayars. Hence the Nayars were reluctant to show real encouragements
to the social movements that were vigorous in the twentieth century. On
the other hand, they also failed to protect their pioneer position through
organised attempts. This tendency on the part of the Nayars of South
Travancore rendered their position rather very vulnerably. The Nayar
service society also was very slow to take root in South Travancore. Hence
the progressive ideas propagated by the N.S.S. movement had little impact
upon the Nayars of South Travancore.
Presently the Nayar Service Society revived and got a new
way of approach to their organizational set up and attitude towards the
poor and needy among their own caste. Even they done some charitable,
and endowment services for the upliftment of the socio economic status of
the downtrodden
schemes for lifting their educational status in the society. The karayogam
also well functioned from the deep root of their society.
223
The
Temple
Entry
Movement
and
the
subsequent
Appendixes
APPENDIXES
APPENDIX I
SOME DETAILS OF NAYAR BRIGADE
a.
b.
c.
Arms
Infantry
Arms
Strength
The actual strength at head-quarters (viz. Trivandrum), is 1
major commanding, 2 captains in-charge of, and Acting Adjutants to,
Battalions of Infantry, 1 Lieutenant Quarter master to the Brigade and incharge of Artillary.
Artillery:
Infantry:
NAYAR BRIGADE
Subedar major
Subedars
Jamedars
Havildars
Drummers and
fifers
Naigues
Sepoys
Writers and
Accountants
Southern Detachments
..
55
Pulpanabhapuram fort
and Palace
..
..
..
..
..
..
Codagherry to protect
public property
..
..
..
..
12
..
..
..
..
..
Cuddakerra
..
..
..
14
..
Poothapandy
inhabitants
..
..
..
..
..
Aramboly to assist
revenue peons and
guard revenue
collected
..
..
..
..
..
Greelium to protect
the inhabitants
..
..
..
..
..
18
Suchindram
..
..
..
..
..
..
Munacoody granary
..
..
..
12
..
Pinnacolum to protect
the inhabitants
..
..
..
..
12
..
..
..
..
..
..
..
Cape Comerin to
protect the inhabitants
..
11
..
11
160
Total, Southern
Detachments
N.B. All the above named out posts, excepting one viz., Coimbatore are
within the Travancore territory.
Subedars
Jamedars
Havildars
Naigues
Sepoys
Palpanabhapuram
48
Oodagherry
Suchindrum
24
Nagercoil
Muntcoody
1
1
3
3
Punnaglum
12
Aramboly
Cottar
14
Poothapandy
24
Cadukaray
12
13
13
154
APPENDIX II
SOME DETAILS ABOUT NAYAR SERVICE SOCIETY
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
Pledge
Oath administered to members of the Nayar Service
Society, when it came into being on 31st October 1914, as Nayar
Samudaya Bhrithya Jana Sangam
A.
B.
C.
4620
57
21
65
20
12
17
N.S.S. Estates
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
M.S. University
1.
2.
3.
Calicut University
1.
2.
3.
4.
Kannur University
1.
Sl.
No.
Estates
Area
(Hectare)
64.78
Main Crops
1.
Pattazhi
2.
Noorokkadu
3.
Edathana Hukna
423.4
4.
Panathadi
506.08
5.
Nellipathy
851.92
Cardamom, Coffee
6.
Karukkachal
7.
8.
121.056
Rubber
Rubber, Coconut
23
Rubber, Coconut
Mailaady
9.01
Rubber, Coconut
Dayanandapuram
7.09
Rubber, Coconut
10
Pandalam
2.
Ochira
3.
Perunna
4.
Karukachal
5.
Kummamoor
6.
Panathady
7.
11
APPENDIX III
NSS OFFICE BEARERS IN
SOUTH TRAVANCORE IN 2000
Sl.
No.
Name
Occupation
Post Held
Advocate
President
1.
2.
Bank Manager
Vice President
3.
Retd. Government
Officer
General
Secretary
4.
Contractor
Secretary
5.
Agriculturist
Treasurer
6.
Agriculturist
Director
Board Member
7.
Agriculturist
Director
Board Member
8.
Agriculturist
Director
Board Member
9.
Retd. Officer
Director
Board Member
Advocate
Director
Board Member
Retd. Govt.
Officer
Director
Board Member
Retd. Bank
Officer
Director
Board Member
Agriculturist
Director
Board Member
12
Sl.
No.
Name
Occupation
Post Held
Agriculturist
Director
Board Member
Land Lord
Director
Board Member
Retd. Officer
Director
Board Member
Businessman
Director
Board Member
Professor
Director
Board Member
Retd. Teacher
Director
Board Member
Retd. Thasildar
Director
Board Member
Businessman
Director
Board Member
glossary
GLOSSARY
Ambalavasi
Anna Prasnam
Anuloma
Appam
Sweet meats
Aryabhattar
Tamil Brahmin
Asan
Athappookolam
Avarnas
Ayilyam
Ayurveda
Chaver
Suicide squad
Chrnnu
Cutcherry
A government office
14
Dasi
A concubine or prostitute
Desavazhi
Chieftain of a Desam
Devasam
Dewan
Dharma
Dhoty
Division
ELAYA RAJA
Ettukkettu
Huzur Cutcherry
Illam
15
Irava
traditionally
concentrated
with
the
Jenmies
Land Lords
Jenmam
Kalam
Kalari
Kara
A village
Kara
Karanavan
16
Kavu
Koviladhikarikal
Kudumi
Kuppayam
Machambi
Cross - Cousin
Makkattayam
Malayalam Era
Malayalam
Mamankam
17
Marma Adi
Mandalam
41 days duration
Mangalya Vathikal -
Manthrigam
Marumakkattayam -
Mulam
Munsiffs Court
Murajapam
of
18
Nambudiri
Nambudiripad
Nilavilakku
Nonbu
Onam
Pagoda
Pandal
Para
Paripalana
Pattar
Prarvatti
government
officer
called
19
Pudava
Pudava koda
or Pudavamuri
among
matrilineal castes.
Puttu
Sambandhakkaran -
Actual husband.
Sambandham
Caste Hindus
Shanar
Sirkar pattam
20
Tahsildar
Tali
Talikettukalayanam -
Taluk
Tantri
Tara
21
Taravad
Thavazhi
Thechukuli
Therandukuli
Tirunal
Urkoottam
Village assembly
Utsavam
Temple festival
Uthadu
Vastu bali
Viratham
22
Viruthi
Vishakham
Vishu
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