Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
VOL. LV
PEETERS
LEUVEN PARIS WALPOLE, MA
2013
Table of Contents
23
35
59
79
95
Abba Amoun might be correct, but recent scholarship has shown that also the
study of the sayings of the fathers, the Apophthegmata Patrum (AP), is a field
of thicket filled with methodological traps and consequently of considerable
scholarly debate, as well as popular opinion. Few, perhaps no, patristic texts
have become as popular, as widely read and even as important to people today
as the so called sayings of the desert fathers (actually including some mothers
too). They are constantly translated and retranslated into almost any modern
language, used in all kinds of books of spiritual formation, and quoted on innumerable webpages. The elders as well as their words are integrated into all
types of modern art, from the traditional Japanese drawings of Yushi Nomura
to claims about Coptic sayings revealing the true origin of Star Wars.2 This is
not the place to analyze the reasons for this popularity, but two of the factors
important for their popularity today are important also in order to understand
their early transmission as well as modern scholarship: the almost mythical and
idealized depiction of the formation of true wisdom outside the world defined
by time and space, and the almost unlimited adaptability of the sayings making
constant re-formations possible. The reader or listener does not need to know
1
En on gnjtai ngkj, fjs, lalsai met to pljson, qleiv lalsw n tav
Grafav, n tov lgoiv tn gerntwn; Lgei grwn E o dnasai siwpn, kaln
sti mllon n tov lgoiv tn gerntwn, ka m n t Graf. Kndunov gr sti o
mikrv (AP/G Ammon 2). Si ergo fit necessitas cum vicino loquendi, videtur tibi ut de Scripturis
cum eo loquar, aut de verbis et sententiis seniorum? Et dicit ei senex: Si non potes tacere, bonum
est magis ut de verbis seniorum loquaris, quam de Scripturis (AP/PJ XI 20). Quidam frater
requisiuit a sene dicens: Si contigerit mihi alicubi ut loquar, de quibus rebus iubes ut loquar: de
Scripturis an de sermonibus patrum? Cui senex respondit: Si tacere non potes uel sermones
patrum loquere. Nam de Scripturis loqui periculosum est (AP/PA 84.2). For the editions of the
various collections of sayings, see the bibliography.
2
Yushi Nomura, Desert Wisdom. Sayings from the desert fathers (New York, 1982). For the
Star Wars version see http://starwarscopte.wordpress.com/
S. RUBENSON
or
An old man was asked: Why am I afraid when I go about in the desert? The old man
said unto him, because you are alive.4
criteria to establish the original formation and the original form, the oldest collections and the most primitive material in these.7 Here the precise geographic
locations, the names of the individuals, the concrete details, the ideas that are
presented and quotations that are made, all become very important. Not every
saying has the same value, and the collections are valued in relation to the
amount of authentic material. In contrast to the modern reader looking for
spiritual wisdom, who reads the sayings in order to understand him- or herself,
scholars have read them in order to understand the first generations of monks
of the Egyptian desert.
But what seems to be a contrast is, I would suggest, to a large extent a common quest, a quest for the pure and thus reliable original source, a quest for
the monogenesis, be it the historical or spiritual. In both cases there is an identification of truth with authenticity and purity, with what is original, what is not
contaminated or diluted by external later influence, a quest for the source, the
abba who is, as the author of the Life of Antony puts it, theodidaktos, taught by
God and no one else. This quest for original purity is to my mind not only
mistaken, but I am afraid also dangerous (in spite of what Abba Amoun says),
since it carries the risk of blurring the distinction between myth and reality, and
can be used to support attempts to act out literally what is symbolic.
Instead of the quest for purity I will argue for a syncretistic approach to the
formation and re-formations of the sayings, an approach that sheds light on all
the monastic teachers, readers, collectors, redactors and copyists, who not only
reproduced the sayings but most probably produced many of them. I will do
this by proposing that we need to pay more attention to the processes of transmission and the function of the sayings in this process. We need to look at what
the various collections in their different stages reveal about the monastic
milieus in which the collections were produced, organized, and transmitted, and
in particular what role the collections played in the transformation and transmission of forms of education in late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages.8
We need to move from a single hypothetic formation, a monogenesis, to the
constant formations and re-formations of the sayings tradition. In this I will
rely heavily on the research currently going on in the research program Early
7
This is most explicitly done in Jean-Claude Guy, Note sur lvolution du genre apophthgmatique, Revue dasctique et de mystique 32 (1956), 63-8.
8
Unfortunately there are few sources and almost no work done on the reading practices of
early eastern monasticism. Although based on later material the points made by Judith Waring in
her Monastic reading in the eleventh and twelfth centuries: divine ascent or Byzantine fall?, in
M. Mullett and A. Kirby (eds), Work and Worship at the Theotokos Evergetis, 1050-1200 (Belfast
1997), 400-19 are useful. Studies on techniques of memorization and insights from studies of
intertextuality and blending might also open up new insights into the monastic formation of which
the Apophthegmata Patrum were part. See for example Hugo Lundhaug, Memory and Early
Monastic Literary Practices: A Cognitive Perspective, Journal of Cognitive Historiography 1
(2013).
S. RUBENSON
In the same period the second approach was taken by Wilhelm Bousset,
whose work, published posthumously in 1923 remains the most detailed and
influential study on the AP.12 His point of departure and aim was radically different than Hopfners. To him the collections were not excerpts from literature,
but were made out of pre-literary raw material, Rohstoff mndlicher
berlieferung,13 which he compared to the presumed collections of Jesus sayings
first transmitted orally and later used by the evangelists. Being the authentic
orally transmitted sayings and anecdotes about the fourth-century Egyptian
monks, the apophthegmata were to Bousset the most valuable sources for early
monasticism. It was thus important not only to establish which collections were
the oldest and how they were formed, but also which sayings in these that could
claim to be authentic, to be based on fourth-century oral tradition. In order
to sift out these Bousset compared all collections available to him trying to
establish their relations and relative chronology. Like Hopfner he realized that
the two main types of collections published, the Latin thematic in which the
sayings are organized in chapters according to central themes in early monastic
asceticism,14 and the Greek alpha-anonymous, where the sayings are organized
alphabetically according to the names of the protagonists with anonymous sayings organized partly thematically at the end,15 were closely interrelated.
Contrary to Hopfner, Bousset, however, realized that the sayings in each chapter of the thematic collection represented by the Latin translation were presented
not only in alphabetical order, with the anonymous at the end of the chapters,
but even in the same order as in the alpha-anonymous collection. Based on this
he argued that the alpha-anonymous collection must be considered the source
Claudia Rapp, The origins of hagiography and the literature of early monasticism: purpose and
genre between tradition and innovation, in Christopher Kelly, Richard Flower and Michael Stuart
Williams (eds), Unclassical Traditions, Vol. I: Alternatives to the Classical Past in Late Antiquity,
Cambridge Classical Journal. Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society. Supplementary
Volume 34 (2010), 119-30.
12
Wilhelm Bousset, Apophthegmata. Studien zur Geschichte des ltesten Mnchtums (Tbingen,
1923).
13
W. Bousset, Apophthegmata (1923), 77.
14
This collection, traditionally given the acronym PJ referring to the two translators to whom
it is attributed, Pelagius and John, was included in the Vitae Patrum edited by Rosweyde in 1615
and reprinted in the PL 73, 855-1022.
15
This collection is usually divided into the alphabetical part, the so called G collection the
acronym referring to the Greek title Gerontikon edited by Cotelier in 1677 and reprinted in PG
65, 72-440, and the so called GN (or N) collection, the acronym referring to the anonymous part
of the collection partly edited by Franois Nau who based his partial edition, published as a series
in Revue de lOrient Chrtien (1905, 1907, 1908, 1909, 1912 and 1913), on a manuscript (Paris
Coislianus 126), referred to as N by Bousset and all later scholars. Since this manuscript N is
incomplete it has been supplemented by other mss to make up the full anonymous collections.
For that reason I refer to the full Greek anonymous series with the acronym GN and together with
the numbers used by Lucien Regnault in his indices (see note 43).
10
S. RUBENSON
17
11
sayings that were only incorporated in the Greek standard thematic collection
at a later stage.23 Unfortunately Draguet was not able to finish his plan to edit
the Syriac versions of the AP. Many of his other contributions to the study of
the AP, as for example his transcript of a very important Latin collection,
remain unpublished.24 The work of Draguet was partly continued by Michel
van Esbroeck, who began an analysis of one of the oldest Syriac manuscripts
containing the apophthegmata.25
Jean-Claude Guy, whose importance for the study of the AP can hardly be
overestimated, confined his own research to the Greek manuscripts, in particular those transmitting the two standard collections, the alpha-anonymous and
the thematic. Where Bousset compared the editions of the major collections in
all languages searching for their origin and interdependence, Guy, following
Draguet, realized that any attempt to present a genealogy would be very hypothetic, and thus decided to present his material in a model he refers to as
statique.26 In addition to his analysis of the manuscripts he also prepared an
edition of the Greek thematic collection, an edition published posthumously by
Bernard Flusin (vol. I) and Bernard Meunier (vols. II-III).27 This is not the
place to summarize all of Guys findings, only to look at his general conclusions and to distinguish some of the presuppositions behind them. Like Bousset
he thought that the first stage in the development of the AP tradition was the
oral transmission of the sayings. This had a basically pedagogical character and
manifested according to him an educational innovation of the fourth-century
monks of the Egyptian desert.28 For the selection of the most primitive sayings
Guy developed further the criteria already established by Bousset.29 An original
23
For the inclusion of the Esaias material in the Greek thematic collection, for which I use
the acronym GS, see Jean-Claude Guy, Recherches sur la tradition grecque des Apophthegmata
Patrum, Subsidia Hagiographica 36 (Bruxelles, 1962), 182-8. The importance of Draguets work
on the Syriac mss. is emphasised by Jean Gribomont in his Le vieux corpus monastique du
Vatican Syr. 123, Le Muson 100 (1987), 131-41.
24
His published contributions include his analysis of one Greek manuscript, Le paterikon de
ladd. 22508 du British Museum, Le Muson 63 (1950), 25-46, and his reconstitution of one
of the oldest manuscripts with sayings known to us, ms Sinai Syr. 46, in his Fragments de
lambrosienne de Milan restituer aux mss syriaques du Sina 46 et 16, in J. Neville Birdsall and
Robert W. Thomson (eds), Biblical and Patristic Studies in Memory of Robert Pierce Casey
(Freiburg, 1953), 167-78. His transcript of the Latin manuscript, Darmstadt MS 1953, will be edited
as part of our research program.
25
His analysis is revised and published as an appendix to the contribution by Holmberg in
this volume.
26
J.-C. Guy, Recherches (1962), 9-12.
27
Jean-Claude Guy, Les Apophthegmes des Pres. Collection systmatique, vols I-III, SC 387,
474, 498 (Paris, 1993, 2003, 2005).
28
Described in his Educational Innovation in the Desert Fathers, Eastern Churches Review
6 (1974), 44-51.
29
His criteria are first described in J.-C. Guy, Note sur lvolution (1956), and reiterated in
J.-C. Guy, Introduction, in Les Apophthegmes I (1993), 18-23.
12
S. RUBENSON
apophthegma should be a short saying or reply to a question. Anecdotes, parables and longer exhortations were signs of a later stage. The development
from the single educational word of the abba to the larger collections is by Guy
divided into four stages, the first a development from the particular to the collective, the second from the oral collective to the written small collections, the
third from the small to the large collections and the fourth from these collections to derived collections.30 Although he preferred to speak of the collections
normales not originaux,31 he clearly believed that the normal collections,
whether alpha-anonymous or thematic, were prior to a variety of others, termed
abridged or derivative.
Although a major contribution to the study of the transmission of the AP in
Greek, Guys published works are rather problematic and not entirely consistent. Analysing Boussets arguments for the priority of the alphabetic collection
and the derivative nature of the thematic, Guy shows that there are considerable
exceptions to Boussets conclusion that the sayings within the chapters of the
thematic follow the alphabetic, and, moreover that the attributions of the sayings to specific fathers or to an anonymous geron differ considerably.32 In spite
of this, his method of analysis of the manuscripts, as well as his edition, favours
the so called normal collections with the result that important minor collections
as well as the fluidity of the transmission become obscured.
In addition to the work of Bousset, Draguet and Guy, the most important
additional work on the AP are the studies and editions of the Latin collections.
Although no new edition has been made of the extremely important Latin thematic collection (PJ), important contributions on it have been made by Andr
Wilmart and in particular by Columba Batlle, whose impressive analysis of the
Latin manuscript tradition establishes a basis for any attempt at a new edition
of the collection.33 In contrast to this major Latin collection, critical editions of
two smaller Latin editions were made by Jos Geraldes Freire,34 and one by
Claude Barlow.35
The transmission of the sayings outside the Greek and Latin, and to some extent
Syriac world has received very little attention by modern scholars. Two Armenian versions of the thematic collection were published by the Mechitaristes in
J.-C. Guy, Introduction in Les Apophthegmes I (1993), 23-35.
J.-C. Guy, Recherches (1962), 232.
32
J.-C. Guy, Recherches (1962), 194-19.
33
Andr Wilmart, Le recueil latin des Apophthegmata Patrum, Revue Bndictine 34 (1922),
175-84; Columba M. Batlle, Vetera Nova". Vorlufige kritische Ausgabe bei Rosweyde
fehlender Vtersprche, in Johannes Autenrieth und Franz Brunhlzl (eds), Festschrift Bernhard
Bischoff zu seinem 65. Geburtstag (Stuttgart, 1971), 32-42; id., Die Adhortationes sanctorum Patrum
im lateinischen Mittelalter. berlieferung, Fortleben und Wirkung, Beitrge zur Geschichte des
alten Mnchsleben und des Benediktinerordens 31 (Mnster, 1972).
34
Jos Geraldes Freire, A verso latina por Pascsio de Dume dos Apophthegmata Patrum,
Vols. I-II (Coimbra, 1971); id., Commonitiones sanctorum patrum (Coimbra, 1974).
35
Claude W. Barlow, Martini episcopi Bracarensis, opera omnia (New Haven, 1950).
30
31
13
the late 19th century,36 and later translated into Latin by Louis Leloir,37 and the
Georgian version of the alpha-anonymous as well as the thematic were published by Mnana Dvali,38 but there is still no analysis of the manuscript tradition behind these. A number of Ethiopic collections of monastic texts including
series of sayings have been edited by Victor Arras,39 but in all cases without any
analysis of the models, the organization or the manuscript tradition. The least
studied tradition is the large Arabic, which on the hand has used Syriac, as well
as Coptic and Greek models, and on the other is the most probable source of a
majority the various Ethiopic collections.40 Only one Arabic manuscript has
been analyzed in detail and edited in an unpublished dissertation by Joseph
Mansour.41
It has rather been the impressive work of translation into modern languages
that has influenced the debate, especially the series of French translations of
the published Greek, Latin, Syriac, Coptic and Ethiopic texts by Lucien Regnault and his fellow monks at Abbaye de Bellefontaine.42 Regnault has, moreover, not only translated numerous sayings, published as well as unpublished,
but also established tables of comparison and produced invaluable indices of
names and themes covering most of the published versions.43 But although
being extremely helpful in sorting out relations and revealing interconnections,
the work of Regnault also obscures the historical process. By attempting to
include everything Regnault, like Guy, tends to make the late expanded versions the basis and not the result of the process.
The studies by Bousset, Guy and in particular Regnault, have to a very large
extent defined the basis for historical and theological studies of the sayings
tradition. The conviction of Bousset and Guy, further developed and detailed
36
Vies et pratiques des saints pres selon la double traduction des anciens, ed. P. Sarkissian
(Venice, 1855).
37
Paterica Armeniaca a PP. Mechitaristis edita (1855), nunc latina reddita a Louis Leloir,
CSCO 353, 361, 371, 377 (Louvain, 1974, 1975, 1976).
38
Mnana Dvali, Sua saukuneta novelebis jveli kartuli targmanebi, I-II (Tbilisi, 1966,
1974).
39
Victor Arras, Collectio Monastica, CSCO 238-9 (Louvain, 1963); Victor Arras, Patericon
Aethiopice, CSCO 277-8 (Louvain, 1967); Victor Arras, Asceticon, CSCO 458-9 (Louvain, 1984);
Victor Arras, Geronticon, CSCO 476-7 (Louvain, 1986); Victor Arras, Quadraginta historiae
monachorum, CSCO 505-6 (Louvain, 1988).
40
In a series of articles Jean-Marie Sauget has studied some of the mss of the Arabic versions,
as well as the use of the Arabic as model for one of the Ethiopic collections. See Jean-Marie
Sauget, Une traduction arabe de la collection dapophthegmata patrum de Enanish, CSCO 495
(Louvain, 1987). For a discussion of the Syriac, Arabic and Ethiopic versions, see Samuel Rubenson, The Apophthegmata Patrum in Syriac, Arabic and Ethiopic. Status Questionis, in Actes du
10e Symposium Syriacum (Parole de lOrient 36 [2011]), 319-28.
41
Jean Mansour, Homlies et lgendes religieuses. Un florilge arabe chrtien du Xe s. (Ms.
Strasbourg 422). Introduction et dition critique (Thse dactyl.) (Strasbourg, 1972).
42
Les sentences des pres du dsert I-V (Bellefontaine, 1966, 1970, 1976, 1981, 1985).
43
Les sentences des pres du dsert, troisime recueil et tables (Bellefontaine, 1976).
14
S. RUBENSON
by Regnault, that the sayings are based on the very words and deeds of the
fourth-century fathers and mothers mentioned, has remained fundamental not
only to a series of studies of the AP from a variety of perspectives, but also to
much work on early monasticism, beginning with Karl Heussis Der Ursprung
des Mnchtums from 1936.44 The prediction by the eminent French Coptologist
Louis Thophile Lefort in his critical review of Heussis work in 1937, that the
sayings will continue to be used as historical sources, in spite of any objection, has turned out to be truly prophetic.45 The image of a simple monk in the
solitude of the desert speaking words of undiluted wisdom to his disciple who
memorizes them, as well as the examples of his master, and then cites them as
pearls of spiritual wisdom, later collected and systematized, has turned out to
be too attractive. What could be more valuable for a historian of early monasticism than a direct access to eye-witnesses who memorize words and deeds of
the pioneers of the movement?
The problem of the editions of the AP
But the search for the source of the collections preserved, as well as the use of
the AP in their edited form as reliable sources for a historical reconstruction of
the early monastic tradition, is highly problematic. First of all the tradition is,
as the comparisons already by Bousset and Guy prove, extremely fluid, and as
Guy has demonstrated the individual manuscripts even of the same Greek collection differ considerably in content and order.46 That the same is true for the
Latin thematic collection is evident from the lists provided by Batlle.47 Among
the pre-renaissance manuscripts there are, according to Guy, not even two
manuscripts that have exactly the same content and order. Secondly the focus
on the two large Greek collections, the thematic and the alpha-anonymous,
based on the fact that the sayings were written down in Greek, and that all other
versions are translations, has tended to privilege the later and more extensive
collections represented by the majority of the Greek manuscripts to the
detriment of the smaller collections preserved in often much earlier Syriac and
Latin manuscripts. The well known fact that the periphery often preserves older
forms than the centre, where reformations are constant, is seldom taken into
account. An excellent example of this is the study of the early sixth-century
44
Karl Heussi, Der Ursprung des Mnchtums (Tbingen, 1936). This is obvious in Regnaults
analysis of the contents in his Les pres du dsert, as well as his attempt at depicting the daily
lives of the desert fathers in his La vie quotidienne des pres du dsert en gypte du IVe sicle
(Paris, 1990).
45
L.Th. Lefort, Revue: Karl Heussi, Der Ursprung des Mnchtums, Revue dhistoire cclsiastique 33 (1937), 341-8.
46
J.-C. Guy, Recherches (1962), 36-41.
47
C. Batlle, Die Adhortationes (1972), 16-138.
15
16
S. RUBENSON
consider typical for the sayings the basis for deciding if a saying is authentic.
The fact that a saying adheres to a certain form conceived as pre-literary can
as well be the result of an adaptation to that form as a sign of a pre-literary
stage. The attempts to create a chronology of the sayings and thus their relative
value as historical sources on the basis of the attributions and internal references
are also deeply problematic. As Guy noted there are considerable differences in
the attribution of the sayings,53 and there are good reasons to suspect that names
are introduced or deleted on the basis of the status of the father concerned at
the time of the creation of a collection, or even when it was copied.54
The most serious challenge to the assumption that the sayings in their original
form represent the actual words and deeds of the fourth-century monks depicted
are however the objections more recently made on the basis of historical as well
as literary factors.
Historical considerations
The historical period of about 150 years between the fourth-century Egyptian
scene in which the sayings are set, and the early sixth century Palestinian milieu
in which the first clear evidence for collections appears, is characterized by
serious conflicts both within the early monastic tradition and between monks
and the ecclesiastical leadership. Both a great variety of ideas and practices
within early Egyptian monasticism, and apparent competition and tensions
between monks are well documented from the early fourth-century.55 In the
area at the centre of the sayings tradition, Nitria and Scetis, a major crisis
erupted in 399 when the archbishop of Alexandria intervened and exiled a large
number of prominent monks in the so called first Origenist controversy.56
A result of this, and problems with security in Egypt, was a gradual influx
of Egyptian monks into Palestine in the fifth century. Here the monks were
soon involved in the theological as well as political conflicts of the Church.
Their role in the opposition against the council of Chalcedon, resulting in a
J.-C. Guy, Recherches (1962), 195-7.
This is also emphasised by Chiara Faraggiana who maintains that the history of the incipits
give clear testimony to a process of simplification. See Ch. Faraggiana, Apophthegmata Patrum
(1997).
55
See for example James E. Goehring, Monastic Diversity and Ideological Boundaries in
Fourth-Century Christian Egypt, JECS 5 (1997), 61-84.
56
The problems surrounding the interpretation of the monastic conflict are discussed in Samuel Rubenson, Origen in the Egyptian Monastic Tradition of the Fourth Century, in Wolfgang
Bienert (ed.), Origeniana Septima. Origenes in den Auseinandersetzungen des 4. Jahrhunderts
(Leuven, 1999), 319-37, and id., Antony and Ammonas. Conflicting or Common Tradition in
Early Egyptian Monasticism, in D. Bumazhnov et al. (eds), Bibel, Byzanz und Christlicher Orient. Festschrift fr Stephan Ger, OLA 187 (Leuven, 2011), 185-201.
53
54
17
permanent split that in particular hit the monasteries is well known.57 Adding
to these a second controversy on Origen erupted in the first decades of the sixth
century within the Palestinian monasteries.58
If we think, as Bousset, Guy, and most scholars do, that the sayings preserved in our large collections (some 800 in the earliest known thematic and
more than 1000 in the alpha-anonymous) were first transmitted orally for one
hundred years and then gradually written down and collected during fifty years,
it is strange that there is very meagre evidence for their use before the early
sixth century and that the conflicts are almost invisible in them. If there was
such a body of material available to create authority and history for the monastic tradition, why wasnt it used? Any formation or re-formation of material
has a purpose, and an audience. Although this is very hypothetical, the lack of
references to the historical conflicts, and the repeated warnings against speculation, as well as the emphasis on retreat, silence, humility, obedience and
non-involvement, rather points to a context where the authors and transmitters
of the material were eager to keep the monks out of church politics and theological debate, obedient to ecclesiastical authority. This is very different from
the emphasis on the spiritual authority and confidence in the divine revelations
and spiritual gifts given to the monastic father, and the warnings against outsiders, in for example the letters of Antony and Ammonas.59
Literary considerations
An even more serious challenge to the presupposed origin of the sayings tradition in the oral transmission of authentic words and deeds of Egyptian fourthcentury monks is the recent attention to the literary form of the apophthegmata
and their various antecedents. Historical evidence gained through the studies
of papyri and archaeology has since the 1980s increasingly questioned the
traditional image of early Egyptian monasticism as illiterate and rustic, gained
from the AP and hagiographical texts, and comparative work with other
57
For a detailed discussion of monastic anti-Chalcedonianism, see Jan-Eric Steppa, John
Rufus and the World Vision of Anti-Chalcedonian Culture (Piscataway, 2002), and also Cornelia
Horn, Asceticism and Christological Controversy in Fifth-Century Palestine: The Career of Peter
the Iberian (New York, 2006).
58
Danil Hombergen, The Second Origenist Controversy: a New Perspective on Cyril of
Scythopolis Monastic Biographies as Historical Sources, Studia Anselmiana 132 (Rome,
2001).
59
For an analysis of the question of authority in the letters, see Samuel Rubenson, Argument
and Authority in Early Monastic Correspondence, in A. Camplani and G. Filoramo (eds), Foundations of Power and Conflicts of Authority in Late-Antique Monasticism, Orientalia Lovaniensia
Anlecta 157 (Leuven, 2007), 75-87.
18
S. RUBENSON
texts have suggested both a less homogenous and a more literate culture.60 Jim
Goehring was probably the first to suggest that the fact that the setting described
in the AP does not fit what other evidence tells us about the early monks of
Egypt is best explained by reference to the literary character of the texts.61
The stark emphasis on the desert, on remoteness, silence, illiteracy, extreme
asceticism and poverty conveyed by the sayings should not be taken at face
value, but is rather part and parcel of the making of a symbolic landscape
created to convey a message. It is in his words a literary desertification. What
we encounter is not a true historical setting, but a setting appropriate to the
words, the making of an ideal through what Georgia Frank in her work on early
hagiography refers to as displacement.62
A further step in the analysis of the sayings as literary material is the reading
of them as school-texts first proposed by Lillian Larsen, another member of the
research group. Her analysis is based on their affinity with the classical chreia,
an affinity already observed by Kathleen McVey.63 As Larsens ongoing work
shows it is evident that the sayings tradition is deeply rooted in the educational
traditions of the schools of late antiquity and that the collections of them belong
to the establishment of a monastic school tradition.64 Her suggestions are also
confirmed by Per Rnnegrd in his analysis of the Biblical quotations in the
sayings in his dissertation on the Bible in the AP.65 As both Larsen and Rnnegrd suggest the development of and re-formations of sayings are similar to
the reworking of chreiai in the schools in the exercise termed ergasia. Although
focused on the somewhat later ascetic handbook The Divine Ladder by John
Climacus, Henrik Rydell Johnsn, in our team, has in his dissertation further
developed an interpretation of early monastic texts as heirs of classical educational patterns emphasizing the affinity between the themes of the thematic
collections and themes known from pre-Christian schools of philosophy.66
60
In additions to the articles by Goehring and Rubenson, se also Mark Sheridan, The Spiritual
and Intellectual World of Early Egyptian Monasticism, Coptica. The Journal of the Saint Mark
Foundation 1 (2002), 1-58.
61
See his The Encroaching Desert: Literary Production and Ascetic Space in Early Christian
Egypt, JECS 1 (1993), 281-96.
62
See Georgia Frank, The Memory of the Eyes. Pilgrims to Living Saints in Christian Late
Antiquity (Berkely, 2000), 29-31 and 49-69.
63
See Lillian Larsen, The Apophthegmata Patrum and the Classical Rhetorical Tradition,
SP 39 (2006), 409-16; Kathleen McVey, The Chreia in the Desert: Rhetoric and the Bible in the
Apophthegmata Patrum, in Abraham J. Malherbe, Frederick W. Norris and James W. Thompson
(eds), The Early Church in its Context: Essays in Honour of Everett Ferguson (London, 1998),
246-57.
64
See her contribution in this volume.
65
See Per Rnnegrd, Threads and Images. The Use of Scripture in Apophthegmata Patrum,
Coniectanea Biblica 44 (Winona Lake, 2010).
66
See Henrik Rydell Johnsn, Reading John Climacus. Rhetorical Argumentation, Literary
Convention and the Tradition of Monastic Formation (Lund, 2007), and more in detail in his
contribution in this volume.
19
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S. RUBENSON
why we want to isolate sayings that we hopefully can claim are authentic
sources for the first generations of monks, or why we think that the desert
monks of fourth-century Egypt are more important than the monks of the sixth
century and later who are responsible for the formations and re-formations of
the AP. I am afraid that in this we are the victims of the same ideas of original
purity and monogenesis and subsequent degeneration and syncretism described
by Wilken, and manifest in von Harnacks view on emerging Christianity.
The older the better, the purer the more authentic. The real desert monks of
the most primitive sayings have a special attraction. When these presumably
original sayings were reformulated and mixed with others, the tradition was, as
some scholars have put it, contaminated. What later happened is seen as an
orthodox corruption of Scripture, to borrow a term from Bart Ehrmann.70 But,
as in the case of the New Testament texts, we ought to ask ourselves, as Peter
Brown has argued, why we think an unfolding of a movement, its enrichments
and developments should be regarded as corruption? Is there any reason to
think that the first generation of monks in Egypt were more authentic or that
they have more right to be heard today than the monks who succeeded them?
Is there any reason to think that a hypothetical original formation of a collection
is of more significance than a re-formation?
Instead of limiting ourselves to a search for the originals, be it individual
sayings or collections, I think we need to look at the entire spectrum of what
we actually have and see what can be gained from it. Realizing that it is a literary tradition that has come down to us, not precise records of events, we are
able to recognize a richness that opens up for research in many new directions.
If we may use new trends in archaeology as a metaphor we may say that instead
of trying to isolate the oldest pieces of a building in order to reconstruct an
ancient monument, we can look at the mass of material that has come down to
us as objects for everyday use. Instead of studying the sayings in order to
understand the persons mentioned in them we can study them in order to understand the persons actually using them, reading, collecting and transmitting
them. Instead of studying the manuscripts as simply later evidence for a lost
original we can look closely at them as evidence for the process of transmission, studying the varieties of arrangements and rearrangements, the processes
of exclusion and inclusion, the techniques of translation etc. With hundreds of
manuscripts (even if we limit ourselves to the time up to ca. 1300), in a dozen
different ancient languages, spread over a vast geographic area from northern
Europe to Ethiopia, we have enough material to create a good map of how the
heritage of early monastic education, with its roots in classical paideia, was
transmitted and translated into a variety of Christian traditions and monastic
practices.
70
Bart Ehrmann, The Orthodox Corruption of Scripture: the Effect of Early Christological
Controversies on the Text of the New Testament (New York, 1993).
21
In order to create a tool to do this our research program has designed a comprehensive database of the apophthegmatic tradition in all the ancient Christian
languages. The material collected is apophthegmatic in a wide sense and therefore includes collections of ascetic instruction, such as the Asketikon attributed
to Abba Isaiah and hagiographical material often regarded as extraneous to
the sayings tradition, but constantly found in the manuscripts transmitting the
AP, such as material included in Historia Lausiaca, Historia Monachorum in
Aegypto and in the Pratum Spirituale of John Moschos. The database is not
designed primarily to be a textdatabase with the texts of various manuscripts
in the original languages, although we hope that this will also be the case, but
a much more complex research tool in which the individual sayings, or even
parts of them, attributions, as well as details about the structures of each manuscript and information about their genesis are registered in a manner that
makes it possible to search for and compare details about the text as well as
the manuscript across all registered manuscripts. Although developed by the
research program in Lund the database is intended to be a cooperative enterprise with other interested partners. The aim is to make the database available
for any scholarly institution that is interested in access.
To conclude
The Apophthegmata Patrum are a central part of an extensive literature shaped
by the monastic tradition of the East. The value of this tradition for patristic
studies is not limited to research on the emergence of the tradition in fourthcentury Egypt (for which it is probably badly suited), but lies primarily in what
it reveals about the transmission and transformations of the tradition in the
period from mid fifth century to the middle ages. It is further not as documents
revealing historical facts, but as material used for the formation of monks in a
variety of monastic milieus that the sayings have come done to us and request
our attention. Rather than limiting ourselves to what we think the sayings reveal
about the desert fathers, or about our own spiritual quest, we can learn about
how wisdom has been transmitted from classical paideia through Eastern
monasticism to our time, and hopefully open our minds to other forms of education than the modern school. As Claudia Rapp has so pointedly suggested,
the sayings are not intended to give information about the saints but to form
the readers into saints.71 I am well aware of the fact that this to some undermines their trust in the AP, and that some may say like the famous brother
Sarapion who according to John Cassian cried out when archbishop Theophilus festal letter against the anthropomorphites was read: Alas! wretched man
71
22
S. RUBENSON
that I am! they have taken away my God from me, and I have now none to lay
hold of; and whom to worship and address I know not.72 If so I would like to
side with Abba Aphou of Pemdje who disagreed with the same archbishop
when the archbishop maintained that it was only Adam of whom it was said
that he was created in the image and likeness.73 We should not mourn the loss
of the ideal figures, but rejoice over the living ones.
73
STUDIA PATRISTICA
PAPERS PRESENTED AT THE SIXTEENTH INTERNATIONAL
CONFERENCE ON PATRISTIC STUDIES
HELD IN OXFORD 2011
Edited by
MARKUS VINZENT
Volume 1
STUDIA PATRISTICA LIII
FORMER DIRECTORS
Gillian CLARK, Bristol, UK
60 Years (1951-2011) of the International Conference on Patristic
Studies at Oxford: Key Figures An Introductory Note...................
17
31
43
55
73
Volume 2
STUDIA PATRISTICA LIV
BIBLICAL QUOTATIONS IN PATRISTIC TEXTS
(ed. Laurence Mellerin and Hugh A.G. Houghton)
Table of Contents
11
33
39
55
69
87
99
115
Volume 3
STUDIA PATRISTICA LV
EARLY MONASTICISM AND CLASSICAL PAIDEIA
(ed. Samuel Rubenson)
Table of Contents
23
35
59
79
95
29
41
51
65
73
Table of Contents
83
143
167
Table of Contents
27
31
51
75
Volume 6
STUDIA PATRISTICA LVIII
NEOPLATONISM AND PATRISTICS
Victor YUDIN, UCL, OVC, Brussels, Belgium
Patristic Neoplatonism ........................................................................
13
19
45
73
83
Table of Contents
117
181
Volume 7
STUDIA PATRISTICA LIX
EARLY CHRISTIAN ICONOGRAPHIES
(ed. Allen Brent and Markus Vinzent)
11
21
39
53
Table of Contents
69
77
89
97
113
Volume 8
STUDIA PATRISTICA LX
NEW PERSPECTIVES ON LATE ANTIQUE SPECTACULA
(ed. Karin Schlapbach)
21
39
47
10
Table of Contents
61
73
Volume 9
STUDIA PATRISTICA LXI
THE HOLY SPIRIT AND DIVINE INSPIRATION IN AUGUSTINE
(ed. Jonathan Yates)
15
31
53
63
Volume 10
STUDIA PATRISTICA LXII
THE GENRES OF LATE ANTIQUE LITERATURE
Yuri SHICHALIN, Moscow, Russia
The Traditional View of Late Platonism as a Self-contained System
11
Table of Contents
11
29
41
57
69
81
89
115
123
131
12
Table of Contents
135
HISTORICA
Guy G. STROUMSA, Oxford, UK, and Jerusalem, Israel
Athens, Jerusalem and Mecca: The Patristic Crucible of the Abrahamic
Religions ..............................................................................................
153
185
213
231
Table of Contents
13
313
353
419
431
14
Table of Contents
481
515
Volume 11
STUDIA PATRISTICA LXIII
BIBLICA
Mark W. ELLIOTT, St Andrews, UK
Wisdom of Solomon, Canon and Authority ........................................
17
29
45
Table of Contents
15
55
69
81
95
121
141
165
179
187
16
Table of Contents
313
Table of Contents
17
351
361
Volume 12
STUDIA PATRISTICA LXIV
ASCETICA
Kate WILKINSON, Baltimore, USA
Gender Roles and Mental Reproduction among Virgins ...................
15
21
33
18
Table of Contents
47
59
65
LITURGICA
T.D. BARNES, Edinburgh, UK
The First Christmas in Rome, Antioch and Constantinople ..............
77
85
111
ORIENTALIA
B.N. WOLFE, Oxford, UK
The Skeireins: A Neglected Text ........................................................ 127
Alberto RIGOLIO, Oxford, UK
From Sacrifice to the Gods to the Fear of God: Omissions, Additions
and Changes in the Syriac Translations of Plutarch, Lucian and
Themistius ........................................................................................... 133
Richard VAGGIONE, OHC, Toronto, Canada
Who were Manis Greeks? Greek Bread in the Cologne Mani Codex
145
Table of Contents
19
167
177
217
20
Table of Contents
27
39
49
63
79
91
119
Table of Contents
21
147
165
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185
217
22
Table of Contents
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331
Table of Contents
23
419
451
11
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24
Table of Contents
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41
53
61
69
87
99
143
151
161
Table of Contents
25
181
191
26
Table of Contents
319
Volume 15
STUDIA PATRISTICA LXVII
CAPPADOCIAN WRITERS
Giulio MASPERO, Rome, Italy
The Spirit Manifested by the Son in Cappadocian Thought .............
13
25
33
41
47
53
Table of Contents
27
63
69
77
91
101
113
121
131
143
151
179
28
Table of Contents
187
217
311
Table of Contents
29
351
Volume 16
STUDIA PATRISTICA LXVIII
FROM THE FIFTH CENTURY ONWARDS (GREEK WRITERS)
Anna LANKINA, Gainesville, Florida, USA
Reclaiming the Memory of the Christian Past: Philostorgius Missionary Heroes .....................................................................................
30
Table of Contents
11
25
31
41
51
61
85
95
101
119
Table of Contents
31
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173
181
215
231
32
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Table of Contents
33
Volume 17
STUDIA PATRISTICA LXIX
LATIN WRITERS
Dennis Paul QUINN, Pomona, California, USA
In the Names of God and His Christ: Evil Daemons, Exorcism, and
Conversion in Firmicus Maternus .......................................................
15
25
35
45
51
67
75
85
99
115
34
Table of Contents
131
149
175
187
213
Table of Contents
35
311
NACHLEBEN
Gerald CRESTA, Buenos Aires, Argentine
From Dionysius thearchia to Bonaventures hierarchia: Assimilation
and Evolution of the Concept .............................................................. 325
Lesley-Anne DYER, Notre Dame, USA
The Twelfth-Century Influence of Hilary of Poitiers on Richard of
St Victors De trinitate ........................................................................ 333
John T. SLOTEMAKER, Boston, USA
Reading Augustine in the Fourteenth Century: Gregory of Rimini
and Pierre dAilly on the Imago Trinitatis.......................................... 345
36
Table of Contents
417
435
Volume 18
STUDIA PATRISTICA LXX
ST AUGUSTINE AND HIS OPPONENTS
Kazuhiko DEMURA, Okayama, Japan
The Concept of Heart in Augustine of Hippo: Its Emergence and
Development ........................................................................................
Table of Contents
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37
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55
63
73
79
85
93
99
117
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