Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/
info/about/policies/terms.jsp
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content
in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship.
For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
American Sociological Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Teaching Sociology.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Mon, 08 Jun 2015 19:56:31 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
319
This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Mon, 08 Jun 2015 19:56:31 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
320
This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Mon, 08 Jun 2015 19:56:31 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
321
This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Mon, 08 Jun 2015 19:56:31 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
322
The media provide us with examples of concepts and explanations (or principles) that are immediate and salient. They parade
before us - observers, teachers, and students together - an array
of phenomena to be named, categorized, and understood. In the
naming, we achieve a dual purpose: We both illustrate and
legitimate our sociological materials.
Finding illustrations in the media for basic concepts is too
obvious a practice to requirefurther comment. However,the consequences of such illustration are not so obvious. For instance,
Fox and Swazey (1974) use a classical account of the gift relationship (Mauss, 1954) to explain the social complexities of organ
(kidney) transplantation in modern medical systems. One of the
messages of their work is that the social processes of organ donation are not yet institutionalized. The media regularly inform us
about cases of organ donation similar to those mentioned by Fox
and Swazey that raise new problems- of defining death, of determining the obligations of kin in life-threatening situations, of
deciding which of these expensiveproceduresshould be supported
by public funds. These actual cases help us to understand the
meaning of institutionalization, which in turn helps us to make
sense of the cases. The whole procedure is an exercise in sociological analysis. The social reality illustratesthe sociological concept; the concept illuminates the reality; the illumination
legitimates the sociological approach.
This procedure of continually seeking new illustrations can be
thought of as a rough measuring of the congruence between our
This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Mon, 08 Jun 2015 19:56:31 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
323
This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Mon, 08 Jun 2015 19:56:31 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
324
This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Mon, 08 Jun 2015 19:56:31 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
325
are personally congenial and will interpret for the students those
that are not. In most respectsthere will be little differencebetween
the perspectiveof the instructorand that of the academic accounts
that are prominent in the classroom. We can thus consider the
instructor to be an extension of the literature.
It can also be argued that there is no single student perspective, since each student has a set of experiences unique in time
and place. These differences can be important for discussion and
for evaluating the plausibility of the sociological perspective.
However, they are likely to be limited to matters of psychological
or social psychological import. With regardto sociologically relevant characteristics like age, socioeconomic status, region, and
marital status, students are more apt to present a uniform picture than a diverse one. Thus, there is some justification for
regarding students as having a common perspective.
Because there are just two perspectives in the classroom, the
flow of information is limited to two movements: (1) The dominant movement is the instructor's presentation of academic
literaturefor the enlightment of the students. Instructorsnot only
have formal authority over conduct in the classroom, they also
determine what material is pertinent and how it should be
understood. (2) There is likely to be a much smaller counterflow
of information in which the students reply from their personal
histories, their intuition, or their sense of logic. The strength of
this counterflow depends to a large extent on the characteristics
of the students. Undergraduateswho have entered college directly
from high school-the population the author is most familiar
with - are inclined to be somewhat passive. Lacking direct experience with many of the areas covered by sociology, these younger
students have little to contribute in any exchange. Older students
create a different classroom atmospherebecause they have enough
practical knowledge of the world to question the claims of the
discipline, combined with enough self-confidence to express
criticisms. The predominant pattern, however, is probably that
which combines active instructors and passive students.
We can significantly alter these classroom dynamics by intentionally making materials from the media part of a course. To
This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Mon, 08 Jun 2015 19:56:31 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
326
ACADEMIC
ACCOUNTS
1
2
6
STUDENTS'
EXPERIENCE
MEDIA
REPORTS
5
Figure 1
This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Mon, 08 Jun 2015 19:56:31 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
327
example, it is impossible for medical sociology texts to be current with regardto such data as hospital occupancy rates, the frequency of Caesareansections, or the proportion of the GNP going
to health care, but the news frequently provides us with the latest
figures on these matters. Further,the media can revealweaknesses
in our theories. Consider the difficulties of a functionalist approach accounting for a government that bewails expenditures
for medical care and publishes scientific evidence and warnings
that cigarette smoking causes cancer and other diseases, yet at
the same time provides subsidies for the tobacco industry.
It is important to note that while a comparison of media reports
and academic accounts enables students to make connections
between the news and sociology, it also allows them an active participation in the classroom that they would otherwise lack. For
example, even though they might not be able to contribute from
their personal experience to a discussion about role strain among
nurses, they might be able to contribute items from the news, from
special features, or even from the depictions that occur on soap
operas. Where media reports are accepted as legitimate data,
students can become researchersdoing secondary analysisof information prepared for the mass market. They can learn by working with secondhand knowledge.
There is also a form of classroom learningthat does not directly
involve academic accounts, but ratheremerges from the conjunction of media reports and the student's personal life. (5) Media
reports can provide a sociological context for the student's apparently unique experience. For one thing, descriptions of current
events can help to combat pluralisticignorance,the feeling of each
member of a population that he or she alone suffers from a condition which in fact characterizes a great number (perhaps even
the majority) of people. For instance, recent publicity about the
herpes "epidemic" in the United States no doubt relieved many
infected people who were feeling uncomfortably unique (while
raising the anxiety of many others, to be sure). In distinctly
sociological terms, this process can be recognized as one similar
to C. WrightMill's (1959)descriptionof the imagination'sawakening to the relation between "personal troubles of milieu" and
This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Mon, 08 Jun 2015 19:56:31 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
328
"public issues of social structure." With a little help, lonely individuals can recognize themselves as part of the "lonely crowd."
Again, there is a counter-influence. (6) Personal experiences
can also condition media reports. Of course, news items are
perhaps more vulnerable to personal critique than are carefully
qualified academic accounts. Many students participate in events
that are reported in the media and consequently have the opportunity to observe the difference between the event and the report.
Some, like the student whose attempt to explain the lump in her
breast prompted her to write a critique of the popular literature
on "second opinions," may attempt formally to assess the extent
of bias or oversimplificationin the media. These efforts are clearly
important steps in learning about contemporaryinstitutions. The
problems of evaluating the media will be taken up in the next
section.
The deliberate adding of media reports to the conventional
perspectives of the classroom could be described as a form of
pedagogical triangulation. The term "triangulation"is frequently
used in sociology to refer to a technique of increasing our confidence in research conclusions by basing them on a variety of
types and sources of data, methods (Webb et al., 1966; Glaser
and Strauss, 1967), and even theories (Denzin, 1978). In the
approach suggested in this essay, classroom conclusions are
reachedthrough the reconciliation of three interactivebut distinct
perspectives.A further pedagogical note should be entered at this
point: When students are made awareof this classroom triangulation, their enthusiasm, as well as their knowledge, is likely to be
increased.
REFLEXIVITY
This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Mon, 08 Jun 2015 19:56:31 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
329
This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Mon, 08 Jun 2015 19:56:31 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
330
This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Mon, 08 Jun 2015 19:56:31 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
331
StructuredBias
Students can be encouragedto realizethat what they learn from
the media is selected, assembled, and broadcast to serve a host
of interests besides truth. Here we have an opportunity to promote the judicious habit of asking, regarding any information
source, whose interest it serves. The news items carried by the
advertiser-subsidized magazines distributed free-of-charge to
physicians are different in topic and tone from those carried by
professional medical journals or government publications. But
economic or political interests are only a part, and perhaps the
more obvious part at that, of the pressure for bias in the media.
There are more subtle biases, institutional biases, built into the
social structure of the media and operating separately from the
personal biases of the individual workers. Dependence on official
sources, the timing of deadlines, organization of routine beats,
geographic location of decision makers, and a predominance of
white-male-middle-class-suburban workers all give a persisting
slant to what the media tell us. A number of excellent books
(Goldenberg, 1975;Altheide, 1976;Roshco, 1975;Tuchman, 1978;
Schudson, 1978; Gans, 1979; Fishman, 1980) have recently analyzed this phenomenon.
Functionsof the Media
Focusing on the media is one means of studying how institutions are changing in our society. We seem to be increasingly
relying on the media to serve functions that were once handled
in other ways. Two examples will suffice to illustrate this change.
First, television has become an important instrument for instructing children, not just forpurposes of enrichment and not just
in the classroom, but for teaching basic skills outside the school.
"Sesame Street," for example, drills viewers in the fundamentals
of the alphabet, counting, colors, and other rudimentary concepts. Moreover,much of the education of adults on matters such
This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Mon, 08 Jun 2015 19:56:31 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
332
Advantages for both the discipline and the students follow from
incorporatingmedia reports in course work. The use of the media
potentially enlivens academic materials, establishes the relevance
(or suggests applications) of the discipline, provides the student
with a more active classroom role, increases the student's selfunderstanding, and furthers our awareness of how reality is
socially constructed for exercisingsuch fundamental sociological
processes as praxis, triangulation, and reflexivity. But opening
the classroom door to the media creates problems as well. Two
of the most serious are (1) the time required from the instructor
to keep up with the current events and to integrate them into the
course, and (2) the possibility that media reports may distract
students from less vivid but more important topics.
This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Mon, 08 Jun 2015 19:56:31 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
333
This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Mon, 08 Jun 2015 19:56:31 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
334
NOTES
1. In a narrower sense, praxis can be seen as the process of shaping social actions
to express a revolutionary consciousness, in the course of which the actor increasingly
realizes the nature of social reality. One consequence of such action is the discovery that
certain of our concepts are reifications, or are otherwise distorted (Appelbaum, 1978).
2. The term "reflexivity" takes a nearly opposite meaning in the employ of
ethnomethodologists. They use it to refer to the practices by which accounts in a particular setting affirm the familiar, commonplace "reality" the participants associate with
that setting (Garfinkel, 1967).
This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Mon, 08 Jun 2015 19:56:31 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
335
REFERENCES
ALTHEIDE, D. L. (1976) Creating Reality: How TV News Distorts Events. Beverly Hills,
CA: Sage.
APPELBAUM, R. P. (1978) "Marxist method: structural constraints and social praxis."
Amer. Sociologist 13 (February): 73-81.
BAKER, P. J. (1975) "Social awareness project." Teaching Sociology 3 (October): 74-80.
- - - and J. S. JONES (1981)"Teachingrational thinking in the social problems course."
Teaching Sociology 8 (January): 123-147.
CONRAD, P. (1976) Identifying Hyperactive Children: The Medicalization of Deviant
Behavior. Lexington, MA: Heath.
- - - and J. W. SCHNEIDER (1980) Deviance and Medicalization: From Badness to
Sickness. St. Louis: C. V. Mosby.
DENZIN, N. K. (1978) The Research Act: A Theoretical Introduction to Sociological
Methods (2nd ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill.
FISHMAN, M. (1980) Manufacturing the News. Austin: Univ. of Texas Press.
FOX, R. C. and J. P. SWAZEY (1974) The Courage to Fail: A Social View of Organ
Transplants and Dialysis. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press.
GANS, H. J. (1979) Deciding What's News: A Study of CBS Evening News, NBC Nightly
News, Newsweek, and Time. New York: Pantheon.
GARFINKEL, H. (1967) Studies in Ethnomethodology. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: PrenticeHall.
GLASER, B. G. and A. L. STRAUSS (1967)The Discoveryof GroundedTheory: Strategies
for Qualitative Research. Chicago: Aldine.
GOLDENBERG, E. N. (1975) Making the Papers. Lexington, MA: Heath.
GOULDNER, A. W. (1970) The Coming Crisis of Western Sociology. New York: Basic
Books.
HASTINGS, W. (1979) How to Think About Social Problems: A Primer for Citizens.
New York: Oxford Univ. Press.
KUHN, T. S. (1962) The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago
Press.
MAUSS, M. (1954) The Gift (I. Cunnison, trans.). New York: Free Press.
McLUHAN, M. (1967) The Medium is the Message. New York: Random House.
METZ, D. L. (1981) Running Hot: Structure and Stress in Ambulance Work. Cambridge,
MA: Abt.
MILLS, C. W. (1959) The Sociological Imagination. New York: Oxford Univ. Press.
PARSONS, T. (1951) The Social System. New York: Free Press.
ROSHCO, B. (1975) Newsmaking. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press.
SCHUDSON, M. (1978) Discoveringthe News: A Social History of American Newspapers.
New York: Basic Books.
TUCHMAN, G. (1978) Making News: A Study in the Construction of Reality.New York:
Free Press.
This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Mon, 08 Jun 2015 19:56:31 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
336
TURNER, J. H. (1982) The Structure of Sociological Theory (3rd ed.). Homewood, IL:
Dorsev.
WEBB, E., D. T. CAMPBELL, R. D. SCHWARTZ, and L. SECHREST (1966) Unobtrusive Measures:NonreactiveResearchin the Social Sciences. Chicago: Rand McNally.
This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Mon, 08 Jun 2015 19:56:31 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions