The Earliest Christian Chant Repertory Recovered - The Georgian Witnesses To Jerusalem

The Earliest Christian Chant Repertory Recovered: The Georgian Witnesses to Jerusalem
Chant
Author(s): Peter Jeffery
Source: Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 47, No. 1 (Spring, 1994), pp. 1-38
Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the American Musicological Society
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The Earliest Christian Chant Repertory

Recovered: The Georgian Witnesses to
Jerusalem Chant*
BYPETERJEFFERY
ForMiloFVelimirovi"
ITHALLTHEALLURE
of the mysterious East, Jerusalem has always
beckoned to chant scholars. Writers from as early as the fourth
century depict a city full of singing, as Greek and Syrian townsfolk,
countless monks and nuns and clergy, pilgrims and immigrants from
every nation and tongue,' worshiped in (what they believed to be) the
very places where the great events recounted in the Bible had actually
happened.' Every medieval chant repertory is full of texts that speak
of the Holy City, and the art and architecture of its most impressive
shrines were imitated all over the medieval Christian world.3 The
orders of service followed in Jerusalem exercised profound influence
on Christian worship everywhere, so that in almost every Eastern or
Western rite one can detect traditions that originated in or near
Jerusalem, interacting and competing with the very different traditions emanating from the imperial capitals of Rome or Constantinople, from Egypt-the "cradle of monasticism"-and from other
liturgical centers.4 Imitation of the Jerusalem rite was in fact so
extensive that most of our sources of information about it come not
*An earlier version of this article was presented at the Fifty-sixth Annual Meeting
of the American Musicological Society in Oakland, California, November r990. I am
grateful to Professor MiloS Velimirovid for lending me his personal copies of the rare
editions of the
Georgian
liturgical books.
' For recent literatureJerusalem
on the early history of Jerusalem as a Christian pilgrimage
center, see the bibliography in section I.A. of the Appendix.
2 For recent
publications on the archaeology and history of these biblical sites, see
the bibliography in section I.B. of the Appendix.
3 The influence of the Christian shrines in Jerusalem on art and architecture in
other localities is discussed in the publications listed in section I.C. of the Appendix.
4The history of the Jerusalem liturgy and its influence on the development of
other liturgical traditions has been one of the most important areasof liturgical studies
during the last three decades. The more important recent publications are listed in
section I.D. of the Appendix.

SOCIETY
JOURNALOF THE AMERICANMUSICOLOGICAL
from the city itself, but from other places that adopted or imitated
Hagiopolite ("Holy City") practices, often translating the texts from
the original Greek into their own local languages.
Worship in Jerusalem itself was always a cosmopolitan affair, not
only because it attractedpilgrims from all over the Roman Empire and
beyond, but because of the great number and variety of monasteries,
shrines, and other churches in and around the city, each with its own
local community, its own traditions, and even its own language. The
most central and best-documented tradition was of course the stational liturgy, at which the bulk of the urban population worshiped
under the leadership of the bishop and the diocesan clergy, at times
also joined by the monks. On each day of the liturgical calendar, the
stational celebration would be held in a different church or at some
other location, so that in the course of a year it moved throughout the
whole city, as well as to such nearby towns of biblical fame as
Bethlehem and Bethany. The location selected was often the very spot
where the biblical event being commemorated was believed to have
taken place, and the readings and chant texts were specially chosen to
refer to the event or the place.s Thus it may have been at Jerusalem
that the concept of Proper chants, with texts that vary each liturgical
day, first developed fully. At least it seemed a novelty to the Western
pilgrim Egeria, who visited the city in the early 38os:
And what I admireand valuemost is that all the hymns and antiphons
and readingsthey have, and all the prayersthe bishop says, are always
relevantto the day whichis beingobservedandto the placein whichthey
are used. They never fail to be appropriate.6
See Robert Taft, "Historicism Revisited," StudiaLiturgica14, nos. 2-4 (1982):
reprinted in Robert Taft, Beyond East and West: Problemsin Liturgical
Understanding,N[ational Association of] P[astoral] M[usicians] Studies in Church
Music and Liturgy (Washington, D.C.: The Pastoral Press, 1984), 15-30; John F.
Baldovin, The Urban Characterof Christian Worship:The Origins, Development,and
Meaningof StationalLiturgy, Orientalia Christiana Analecta 228 (Rome: Pontificium
Institutum Studiorum Orientalium, 1987). On the participation of the monks in
stational services, see Jean-Miguel Garrigues and Jean Legrez, Moinesdansl'assemblMe
des fidles a l'poque des p#res, IV?-VIII sicck, Th6ologie historique 87 (Paris:
5
97-109,
Beauchesne,
1992), 66-77.
"Illud autem hic ante omnia ualde gratum fit et ualde admirabile, ut semper tam
ymni quam antiphonae et lectiones nec non etiam et orationes, quas dicet episcopus,
tales pronuntiationes habeant, ut et diei, qui celebratur, et loco, in quo agitur, aptae
et conuenientes sint semper" (~gerie, Journalde voyage[Itinnraire],ed. Pierre Maraval,
Sources chr6tiennes 296 [Paris: lditions du Cerf, 1982], 314-16). I am quoting from
the most widely used English translation:John Wilkinson, Egeria'sTravelsto theHoly
Land:Newly Translatedwith SupportingDocumentsand Notes, rev. ed. (Jerusalem: Ariel
Publishing House; Warminster, England: Aris and Phillips, 1981), 146. On the date,
6

THE EARLIESTCHRISTIANCHANT REPERTORY
Egeria's description of the services in Jerusalem is not only the

most detailed source of information regarding the fourth-century
Hagiopolite liturgy; it also demonstrates that in her time the Jerusalem rite already attracted international attention. She herself came
from far to the west, most likely Spain or southern France, and
penned her account for her fellow nuns back home: "Loving sisters, I
am sure it will interest you to know about the daily services they have
in the holy places, and I must tell you about them," she wrote
enthusiastically.7 And Egeria was hardly the only observer who had
come from afar: she herself reported that, although the official
language of this liturgy was Greek, many of the people in attendance
spoke other languages. The largest minority were at home with
Syriac, a Semitic language related to the vernacularAramaic that had
been the native tongue of Jesus and the Apostles; many speakers of
this language would have come from the eastern edge of the Roman
Empire (modern Syria, Israel, Jordan) or from the Persian Empire
beyond it (modern Iraq). After Greek and Syriac, Latin had the status
of a third language, spoken by pilgrims from the West. "In this
province," Egeria wrote,
thereare some who know both Greekand Syriac,but otherswho know
only one or the other. The bishopmay know Syriac,but he neveruses
it. He always speaksin Greek, and has a presbyter[i.e., priest]beside
him who translatesthe Greekinto Syriac, so that everyonecan understandwhathe means.Similarlythe lessonsreadin churchhaveto be read
in Greek, but there is always someonein attendanceto translateinto
Syriac so the people understand.Of coursethere are also people here
who speakneitherGreeknor Syriac,but Latin. But thereis no need for
them to be discouraged,since some of the brothersor sisterswho speak
Latinas well as Greekwill explainthingsto them.8
identity, and homeland of Egeria, see the works cited in Peter Jeffery, "The Lost
Chant Tradition of Early Christian Jerusalem: Some Possible Melodic Survivals in
the Byzantine and Latin Chant Repertories," Early MusicHistory 11 (1992):
I5I-90,
esp. 156 n. io, where the number and first line of the footnote have unfortunately
been omitted. To the bibliography cited there should be added Paul Devos, "Une
Nouvelle
AnalectaBollandiana o (1983): 43-70; idem, "Egeriana:Nouvelle
g"grie,"
Vdition catalane
et commentaires divers," AnalectaBollandiana105 (1987): 159-66; and
Antoon A. R. Bastiaensen, "Sur quelque passages de l'ItinerariumEgeriae,"Analecta
Bollandianaio8
(i990): 27 1-777 "Vt autem sciret affectio uestra, quae operatio
singulis diebus cotidie in locis
sanctis habeatur, certas uos facere debui, sciens quia libenter haberetis haec
cognoscere"
Journal, 234). Wilkinson, Egeria'sTravels, 123(leg~rie,
8 "Et quoniam in ea
prouincia pars populi et grece et siriste nouit, pars etiam alia
per se grece, aliqua etiam pars tantum siriste, itaque quoniam episcopus, licet siriste
nouerit, tamen semper grece loquitur et nunquam siriste: itaque ergo stat semper

JOURNALOF THE AMERICANMUSICOLOGICALSOCIETY
The variety of tongues was even greater in the numerous monas-
teriesof the region,many of them populatedby formerpilgrimswho

had chosen to spend the rest of their lives worshiping in the holy
places. A ninth-century Latin listing of the churches and clergy in
Jerusalem,supposedby some to havebeen preparedfor Charlemagne

himself, reports that, within the neighborhood of a single church, one
could hearas many as six differentlanguages,as the diversecommunities of hermits, monks, and nuns celebrated their own offices in
Greek, Syriac, Latin, Georgian,Armenian,and "Saracen"or Ara-
bic.9 Throughout the centuries many other pilgrims have remarked

on the variety of languages that could be heard in the churches of
Jerusalem.'o
Thus, with the great theological controversies of the fifth and sixth
centuries, Eastern Orthodox Christianity began to fragment along
linguistic as well as confessional lines. The breakup accelerated in the
seventh century when the entire region succumbed to Persian (Zoro-
presbyter, qui episcopo grece dicente, siriste interpretatur, ut omnes audiant, quae
exponuntur. Lectiones etiam, quecumque in ecclesia leguntur, qui necesse est grece
legi, semper stat, qui siriste interpretaturpropter populum, ut semper discant. Sane
quicumque hic latini sunt, id est qui nec siriste nec grece nouerunt, ne contristentur,
et ipsis exponitur eis, quia sunt alii fratres et sorores grecolatini, qui latine exponunt
eis" (lg~rie, Journal, 3 I4). Wilkinson, Egeria'sTravels, I46.
Greca lingua psallent, xi, Georgiani
9 "Inclusi, qui sedent per cellulas, eorum, qui
iv, Syriani vi, Armeni ii, Latini v, qui Sarracenicalingua psallit i." The original Latin
text was published as "Commemoratoriumde Casis Dei vel Monasteriis," in Titus
TerraeSanctaebellis
et descriptiones
Tobler and Auguste Molinier, ItineraHierosolymitana
sacrisanterioraet latina lingua exarata, Publications de la Societe de l'Orient Latin,
Serie g ographique I-II: Itinera Latina Bellis Sacris Anteriora (Geneva: J.-G. Fick,
1879), 1:299-305, quote from p. 302. It is translated as "Commemoratorium (or
Memorandum) on the Churches in Jerusalem," in John Wilkinson, JerusalemPilgrims
beforethe Crusades(Jerusalem: Ariel Publishing House, 1977), 136-38; see also pp. 12
and 215 on the date and the alleged link to Charlemagne. In fact the historical origins
of this document remain to be determined. For one thing, despite the titles under
which it has been published, the text identifies itself as a "Breve commemoratorii," a
brief or summary of a (presumably longer) memorandum not otherwise known:
"Breve commemoratorii de illis casis Dei vel monasteriis, que sunt in sancta civitate
lerusalem vel in circuitu eius, & de episcopis & presbyteris, diaconis & monachis vel
cuncto clero per illa loca sancta Dei servientibus seu monasteriis puellarum" (Tobler
and Molinier, Itinera, 3or). In addition, the original manuscript containing the text
has yet to be dated, or even located. The nineteenth-century editors Tobler and
Molinier described it simply as "Membrana in bibliotheca publica Basileensi asservata, saec. IX sive X" (Itinera, 300). Perhaps it is now in the collections of the
it listed in any of the catalogues
Universitiitsbibliothek Basel, but I have not found
that have been published by this library.
convenient listing will be found in Otto F. A. Meinardus, The Copts in
'?A (Cairo: Commission on Ecumenical Affairs of the See of Alexandria,
I960),
Jerusalem
9-46. See also Bernard Spolsky and Robert L. Cooper, The Languagesof Jerusalem
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, i99i).

astrian)and then Arab (Muslim)conquerors,and was thus permanently lost fromByzantineChristiancontrol.'"Inevitably,eachof the
liturgicaltraditionsof Jerusalembeganto developin an independent
direction,each in a differentlanguage,and each subjectto a different
rangeof influencesfromthe otherChristianliturgicalcenters.As the
Greek-speakingpopulationof Palestine declined, Greeks who remained came under the hegemony of Constantinople,the only
Easternpatriarchate
thatremainedfreeof Muslimdomination.Hence
the Greek stationalliturgy of Jerusalembegan to be eclipsed by the
traditionsof the Greek-speakingmonasteriesof Palestine.This Palestinianmonasticrite, introducedinto the monasteriesaroundConstantinople,would eventuallycross-fertilizewith the stationalliturgy
of the imperialcity to producethe hybridByzantinerite as we know
it today.12
Those who spoke Syriac gradually coalesced into four main

traditions, some of which can be further subdivided into smaller
groups. Many of those who acceptedthe Byzantineconstructionof
orthodoxy,knownas Melchitesor "Royalists,"eventuallyassimilated
their liturgy to the Byzantine tradition,until it amountedto little
morethana Syriactranslationof the Byzantinerite. The monasteries
in the mountainsof Lebanon,however,managedto preservea more
distinctively Syrian synthesis that has come to be known as the
Maroniterite. But in Palestineand Syria proper, there were many
other Syriacspeakerswho rejectedsome of the doctrinesrecognized
as orthodox in Constantinople,and followed the West
Syrian or
tradition,which apparentlypreservesmany translationsof
"Jacobite"
originallyGreek texts from the defunct local rites of Jerusalemand
Antioch. Both the Maroniteand West Syrianrites also makeuse of
the rich treasureof Syriachymnody,a literaryand musical
repertory
sharedwith the East Syrianor Assyro-Chaldeanrite that
developed
outside the RomanEmpire,in SassanidPersia.'3
" An interesting survey of the interrelationships among the Latin, Greek, and
Arab worlds during this period is Judith Herrin, The Formation
of Christendom
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987); on the two invasions of Jerusalem, see
pp. 194-98, 2 1-I 3. Translated excerpts from primary sources of the period are given
in Francis E. Peters,Jerusalem:TheHoly City in theEyesof Chroniclers,
Visitors,Pilgrims,
and Prophetsfrom the Days of Abrahamto the
Beginningsof Modern Times(Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1985), 170-250.
" For the roles of the Hagiopolite and Palestinian monastic

in the
historical formation of the Byzantine rite, see the publications listed liturgies
in section II.A.
of the Appendix.
13 For recent
bibliography on the four Syriac liturgical traditions and their
relationship to Jerusalem, see section II.B. of the Appendix; the East Syrian tradition

SOCIETY
The rite of the Armenians,who to this day inhabit their own

quarterof Jerusalem,developedin yet anotherdirection,preserving
some broadoutlinesof the Greekrite of Jerusalem,but fillingthem in
with native Armenianhymns and other material.In time it experienced some Byzantineinfluence,followedby significantLatinization
duringthe periodof the Crusades.'4In the West, liturgicaltraditions
fromJerusalemand Palestineexercisedmuch influenceon the Gallican and Ambrosian rites; some elements survived the process of
Romanizationthat beganin the Carolingianperiod,and a few survive
even in the Westernliturgiesof today.'5
Once the original stational liturgy of Jerusalemceased to be
celebrated,the loss of sourceswas almosttotal, moresevereeven than
the loss of Mozarabicliturgical books after the Roman rite was
imposed on Spain beginning in the eleventh century. A Greek
typikondatedin the year I I22 is the only liturgicalbookthat survives
in the originallanguage,andthe only one knownto havebeen written
in the city itself (sourceG in Table i).'6 Likea Westernordinale,this
has received by far the most research. For further bibliography on the chant, see Peter
in the Study of Gregorian
Jeffery, Re-envisioningPast Musical Cultures:Ethnomusicology
Chant(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), 57, 103-8, i16, 122.
'4 Though much work remains to be done on Armenian liturgy and chant, see the
publications cited in section II.C. of the Appendix.
'5 See, for example, Johannes Quasten, "Oriental Influence in the Gallican
as
Liturgy," TraditioI (I943): 55-78; many elements that Quasten described Syrian
are more likely to be Hagiopolite or Palestinian. Elements of Jerusalem origin in the
Kenneth
Holy Week services of the modem Western churches are discussed in
Stevenson, JerusalemRevisited:TheLiturgicalMeaningof Holy Week(Washington, D.C.:
Pastoral Press, I988). My own publications on this subject include "The Sunday
Office of Seventh-Century Jerusalem in the Georgian Chantbook (Iadgari): A
Preliminary Report," Studia Liturgica21 (I991): 52-75; "Jerusalem and Rome (and
Medieval
Constantinople): The Heritage of Two Great Cities in the Formation of the
Chant Traditions," in CantusPlanus:PapersReadat the FourthMeeting,Pics, Hungary
3-9 Septemberi99o, ed. Liszl6 Dobszay, Agnes Papp, and Ferenc Seb6 (Budapest:
Institute for Musicology, Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 1992), 163-74; "The Lost
Chant" (see n. 6 above); "Rome and Jerusalem: From Oral Tradition to Written
the
Repertory in Two Ancient Liturgical Centers," in From Rometo the Passing of
Gothic:Festschriftin Honor of David Hughes, ed. Graeme Boone (Cambridge: Music
Department, Harvard University, forthcoming);"The Earliest Evidence of the Eight
Modes: The Oktoechos of Jerusalem," in ThreeWorldsof MedievalChant:Comparative
Studiesin Greek,Latin, and SlavonicLiturgicalMusicfor KennethLevy, ed. Peter Jeffery
(forthcoming); "The Oriental Background of the Easter Sepulchre Drama" (in
of the
progress); and "Eastern and Western Elements in the Irish Monastic Prayer
Hours" (unpublished).
'6 Jerusalem, Library of the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate, Hagios Stauros MS
'TfSlv 'IEpocroThXioLS
43, edited in 'A0avdtLos aII ra86wVoukoO-KEpapces,
"TVuwLKbYv
in 'Av0AEKTa
in
in
church
Greek],
of
the
Jerusalem;
'EKKX1iraots"[Typikon
[Collectionsof gleaningsfromJerusalem;in Greek]
'IEpoo'okuXVLTLKIT~7raXoAo'yias

bookgives us the texts of the entireliturgy:chants,readings,prayers,

and ceremonialrubricsin the orderthey actuallyoccur. The contents
representthe latest period of developmentbeforethe final collapse.
But since the book as we have it coversonly Holy Week and Easter
Week, and evidentlylacksmusicalnotation,it inevitablyleavesmany
of our most importantquestionsunanswered.
Up till now, researchon the liturgicaltraditionsof Jerusalemhas
focused primarilyon the nonmusicalsources:biblicalreadingsand
sermons, the liturgicalcalendar,and the prayers.'7 Scholars who
wonderedwhat texts and melodieswere sung at Jerusalemoften had
to hypothesizeon the basisof limitedevidence,becausetherewere no
complete liturgical chantbooks.'8But this situation can now be
(St. Petersburg: B. Kirschbaum, 1894; reprint, Brussels: Culture et Civilisation,
1963), 2:1-254. A better edition is certainly needed; see the critique of this edition in
ierusalpatriarsbieTipikonysviaitogrobskir
AlekseI Afanas'evich Dmitrievskii, Drevnelshie
imskifi velikofkonstantinopol'skof
tserkvi:Kritiko-bibliograficheskoe
izsledovanie[The oldest
patriarchaltypikon of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem and of the Great Church in
Constantinople: A critico-bibliographical essay; in Russian], offprint from Trudy
KievskoiDukhovnoiAkademii[Transactions of the Kievan Ecclesiastical Academy] 25
(Kiev: I. I. Gorbunova, i907). See also Robert Taft, "A Proper Offertory Chant for
Easter in Some Slavonic Manuscripts," Orientaliachristianaperiodica
36 (1970): 437-43;
Gabriel Bertoniere, TheHistoricalDevelopmentof the EasterVigil and RelatedServicesin
the GreekChurch,Orientalia Christiana Analecta 193 (Rome: Pontificium Institutum
Studiorum Orientalium, 1972), 12-18; and Baldovin, The Urban Character,
80-82.
'7 See the works listed in section I.D. of the Appendix. For older bibliography on
the liturgy of Jerusalem, see Bernard Capelle, "La F&tede la Vierge a Jerusalem," Le
Musion56 (1943): 1-33, reprinted in Bernard Capelle, Travauxliturgiquesde doctrineet
d'histoire,vol. 3, Histoire: Varie-L'Assomption(Louvain: Centre Liturgique--Abbaye
du Mont Cesar, 1967), 280-3o1;Joseph Crehan, "The Assumption and the Jerusalem
Liturgy," TheologicalStudies30 (1969): 312-25; and Charles Renoux, "Hierosolymitana: Aperqu bibliographique des publications depuis
I96o," Archiv far Liturgie-
wissenschaft 23 (1981): 1-29,
Best known, perhaps,149-75.

is the claim made by Egon Wellesz in his book Eastern
Elementsin WesternChant:Studiesin theEarlyHistoryof Ecclesiastical
Music,Monumenta
Musicae Byzantinae, Subsidia 2 (Oxford: Oxford University Press for the Byzantine
Institute, Boston, 1947; reprint, Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1967), 126: "We learn
from the comparison of Byzantine melodies on one side, and Ambrosian and
Gregorian on the other, that a great number of the formulae and cadences of which
both are built up are identical, or, if identity cannot be proved,
through lack of
manuscripts of an earlier date than the end of the ninth century or from the fact that
Byzantine notation of an earlier date than the twelfth century cannot be deciphered,
the analysis of these formulae and cadences still makes it evident that they are
closely
related and that they must derive from a common source. The results of
comparative
liturgiology show this to have been the Church of Jerusalem." But this view is
completely dismissed by Helmut Hucke in "Toward a New Historical View of
Gregorian Chant," this JOURNAL 33 (1980): 438-39. Hucke's skepticism is based partly
on the fact that the oldest extant notated sources date from centuries later than the
early Christian period, and partly on his opinion that there was little continuity
'8

SOCIETY
completely reversed.Painstakingwork by Europeanand especially

Georgian scholars has recovered the entire textual repertory of
Jerusalemchant, along with some importantinformationabout the
melodies.We can now tracethe historyof chantin Jerusalemfromits
originsin the fourthcenturyto its demisein the twelfth, on the basis
of documentationthat is farricherthanthat which survivesfor Rome
or Constantinopleor any other center during the same period. In
addition,we can determinethe musicalmodes in which many of the
texts were sung, and in some cases we even have neumesas well.
In these newly available sources, we can recover from near
oblivionan almostcompletelyunknownchantrepertory,as extensive
and interestingas the Gregorianor any other, but far better documented in its formativestages, the period between the fourth and
eighth centuries.The fact that the documentationis so early and so
extensivewould be enoughto makethe Jerusalemsourcescrucialfor
the study of the "centralproblem"of medievalchant origins.'9But
the importanceof this materialis greatlyaugmentedby the fact that
between early Christian music and medieval liturgical chant. Hucke is undoubtedly
right that the relationship of Gregorian chant to ancient Jewish and early Christian
music has been wildly overstated by many writers. Now that the liturgical books of
Jerusalem are becoming accessible, however, it can be seen that many of the same
texts were sung in Jerusalem and in other centers from as early as the fifth or even the
late fourth century, and that the surviving medieval melodies for these texts, even
though they come from very different places, frequently exhibit musical relationships
suggesting that they share some common history. It is important to remember,
however, that the fourth and fifth centuries (in which Jerusalem chant is first attested)
represent an important watershed in church history, the beginning of the Christianization of the Roman Empire and of the formalized liturgical cult celebrated in the
great basilicas by bishops who were also imperial officers. During the period before
the fourth century, Christian worship was a more variegated and informal affair,
often celebrated surreptitiously to evade persecution. Thus the present article is about
the earliest chant repertory to emerge in the public imperial worship that would
become the medieval liturgy. It is not about the earliest Christian music, sung in the
house churches in the period of the martyrs, which was not a chant repertory in the
medievalsense.
'9 The term is best known from Willi Apel, "The Central Problem of Gregorian
Chant," this JOURNAL9 (1956): I18-27; see also Apel, GregorianChant(Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 1958), 507. However, Oliver Strunk had already used the
expression "the recurrent central problem of early Christian music" in an earlier
all
publication, for the problem is not peculiar to Gregorian chant, but applies to
medieval chant traditions. See his "St. Gregory Nazianzus and the Proper Hymns for
Easter," in Late ClassicalandMediaevalStudiesin Honorof AlbertMathiasFriend,Jr., ed.
Kurt Weitzmann (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1955), 82-87, reprinted in
Essayson Musicin theByzantineWorld(New York: W. W. Norton, 1977), 55-67, quote
Past MusicalCultures,6-io;
from p. 60. For further discussion, see my Re-envisioning
and ProphecyMixed with Melody:From Early ChristianPsalmodyto GregorianChant (in
progress).

it comes not from some obscureand unimportantplace, but fromthe

very heartof Christendom.It was in factthe centralchanttraditionof
the earlyMiddleAges, heardand sung for centuriesby the innumerablepilgrimswho perenniallythrongedthe city, who broughtat least
the more memorabletexts and melodies back home with them to
everycornerof the knownworld.Jerusalemchantmay havebeen the
first repertoryto be committedto writing, and tracingits historical
developmentwill teach us much about the processesby which the
otherEasternandWesternritesmay havebeenformed,collected,and
written down. It was at Jerusalem, again, that the eight-mode
oktoechoswas firstextensivelydocumented;the spreadof this system
to the Latin, Syriac,Armenian,andGeorgianliturgiesis one measure
of the influenceradiatingfromJerusalem."2Finally,the processesby
which elements of Jerusalem chant were exported and imitated
elsewhere,andultimatelyabsorbedintootherlocalrites, offerinstructive parallelsto the processesby whichthe Romanchantwas adopted,
adapted, and hybridized throughout western Europe. Thus the
significanceof the new Jerusalemmaterialfor almost every area of
chant study, but especially for investigatingthe origins and early
historyof Easternand Westernchant, cannotbe overstated.Yet the
amount of work we will have to do to make use of it is no less
staggering,for the texts survive only in medievaltranslationsinto
little-knownlanguages,and though we can know the modal assignments for most chants, the notated melodic evidence we have is
always indirect, coming from places other than Jerusalemitself.
These sourcesare all listed in Table i; they will be introducedhere
one by one.
TheArmenianLectionary
A in Tablei)
(Source
Thoughwe haveinformationaboutJerusalemchantas earlyas the
fourthcentury, preservedin sermonsand in the reportsof pilgrims,
the earliestknownliturgicalbookdatesfromthe earlyfifthcentury,in
fact from between A.D. 417 and 439.~' It was a lectionary, containing
2o
See my forthcoming article "The Earliest Evidence of the Eight Modes" (cited
above, n. i5).
2"
The text is edited from three manuscripts and translated into French in
Athanase [now Charles] Renoux, Le CodexarminienJfrusalem , 2 vols., Patrologia
I2
Orientalis 35/1, 36/2 (Turnhout,
Belgium: Brepols, 1969-7 I). On the date, see most
recently Paul Devos, "L'Ann&e de la d6dicace de Saint-tienne a Jerusalem:

439," Analecta Bollandiana 1o5 (1987): 265-79. One view of its relationship to
Jerusalem traditions of the fourth century will be found in John F. Baldovin, "A

IO
SOCIETY
TABLEI
The Main Sources of Jerusalem Chant: Chronological Listing
A. A.D.417-439: The Armeniantranslation(3 MSS) of the earliestGreek

lectionary(lost), Athanase[Charles]Renoux,ed., Le Codexarminien
JIrusalem
Orientalis
35/1, 36/2(Turnhout,
12I, 2 vols., Patrologia
Belgium:Brepols,
1969-71).
B. 6-7th centuries:The Georgiantranslation(7 MSS) of the earliestGreek
tropologionor chantbook(lost),Elene Metreveli,CacaCankievi,and L.
Xevsuriani,eds., Uvelesiiadgari[The oldest ladgari;in Georgian],Jveli kartuli
mCerlobisjeglebi2 (Tbilisi:Mecniereba,
the laterGreeklectionary(from4 of
C. 8th century:The Georgiantranslationof i98o).
deI'tglisede
the manyMSS), MichelTarchnischvili,ed., Le GrandLectionnaire
fJrusakm(V'-VIIFsidcles),2 vols. in 4, CorpusScriptorumChristianorum
OrientaliumI88-89, 204-5 (Louvain:Secretariatdu CSCO, 1959-6o).
D. 8-9th centuries(?):The Georgiantranslationof the laterGreektropologionor
chantbook,not yet edited.
E. 8-ioth centuries(?):The early Georgianheirmologia,in KanonOrder(3 MSS)
and Ode Order(8 MSS), EleneMetreveli,ed., Jflpirni da GmrtismIoblisani:
Ori
mixedvit[Heirmoiind theotokia:Two old
X-XI ss. xelnaCerebis
jveli redakcia
redactionsaccordingto manuscriptsof the tenth to eleventhcenturies](Tbilisi:
Mecniereba,197i).
F. Io-I Ithcenturies:The notatedGreekheirmologionof St. Sabas.Facs. ed.
MonumentaMusicae
Sabbaiticum:
ParsSuppletoria,
Hirmologium
J0rgenRaasted,
8/1
1968).
Munksgaard,
Byzantinae (Copenhagen:
G. 1122: Typikonof Holy Weekand EasterWeek,the last sourceof the
ed., "TiUmLKbv
e
-TS Ev
Jerusalemrite, 'AOavcwaLoq
lHaLabr86irovkos-Keppa
;,
in
the
church
of
in Greek],
Jerusalem;
[Typikon
'Iepooorok6sots
'EKKklqoiLas" rTaXoAkoyias
in
[Collectionsof gleaningsfrom
'IEporoAv/ALT&KS;
'Av&AEKTa
in Greek](St. Petersburg:B. Kirschbaum,I894;reprint,Brussels:
Jerusalem;
Cultureet Civilisation,1963),2:1-254-
the complete series of biblical readings for the entire liturgical year,
along with a complete cycle of alleluias and responsorial psalms
(corresponding to the Byzantine prokeimenaor to the graduals sung
after the epistle in the Roman Mass), the earliest such cycle from
anywhere in the early Christian world." Though the original Greek
text no longer survives, we know the contents from an Armenian
translation, made when the Jerusalem rite was imported into Armenia. This translation serves as the basis of the calendar and lectionary
still used in the Armenian Orthodox Church today.23
Lenten Sunday Lectionary in Fourth Century Jerusalem," in Timeand Community:In
Honor of ThomasJulian Talley, ed. J. Neil Alexander, Nfational Association of]
P[astoral] M[usicians] Studies in Church Music and Liturgy (Washington, D.C.:
Pastoral Press, 199o), I15-22.
22 An
attempt to recover vestiges of the melodic tradition for seven of the
responsorial psalms in this book is my article "The Lost Chant" (cited above, n. 6).
23 Athanase [Charles] Renoux, "Le Codex Erevan 985: Une Adaptation armenienne du lectionnaire hierosolymitain," in Armeniaca:Melange d'itudes armeniennes
I'le de
publi6e a l'occasiondu 25d anniversairede l'entrie des pires Mekbitaristesdansm

II
TheGeorgian
(SourceC in Tablex)
Lectionary
After its adoption by the Armenians, the Greek lectionary in
Jerusalem continued to grow and develop along with the rest of the
liturgy. In time it attracted to itself other chant texts besides the
responsorial psalms and alleluias, and the book was expanded to
include this newer material. Thus, by the eighth century, the
lectionary typically included for each day the textual incipits of the
main Proper chants for the Mass and certain chants of the Office. No
Greek text survives of this more developed form of the Jerusalem
lectionary, though some Arabic codices of the New Testament
include liturgical rubrics that may be derived from it. 4 We know the
later Jerusalem lectionary mostly from translations into the Georgian
language, which were made when the Jerusalem liturgy was adopted
by what is now the Georgian Orthodox Church in the former Soviet
republic of Georgia.25s The Georgian language is the only written
Saint-Lazaire(1717-i967),
[ed. Mesrob Gianascian] (San Lazzaro, Venice: [Casa
Editrice Armena], 1969), 45-66; Charles Renoux, "Liturgie armenienne et liturgie
hierosolymitaine," in Liturgiede I'Egliseparticulire et liturgiede I'Egliseuniverselle,ed.
Achille M. Triacca, Conf6rences Saint-Serge, XXIPI Semaine d'6tudes liturgiques,
Bibliotheca <Ephemerides Liturgicae>> <<Subsidia>>7 (Rome: Edizioni Liturgiche,
1976), 275-88; idem, "'Ca'oc'et t6nakan: Dependence et complementarit6," Ecclesia
orans4 (1987): 169-2o1; and idem, LeLectionnaire
defirusalemen Arm nie: Le Cafoc',vol.
i, Introductionet liste des manuscrits,Patrologia Orientalis 44/4 (Turnhout, Belgium:
Brepols, 1989). A medieval commentary on the Armenian lectionary is translated into
French in Grigoris Ar'arouni, Commentaire
du lectionnaire,trans. Lon M. Froidevaux,
Bibliotheca Armeniaca: Textus et Studia i (San Lazzaro, Venice: [Casa Editrice
Armena], 1975)4 Anton Baumstark, "Die sonntiigliche Evangelienlesung im vorbyzantinischen
Jerusalem," ByzantinischeZeitschrift30 (1929-30): 350-59; Aime-Georges Martimort,
"Essai historique sur les traductions liturgiques," La Maison-Dieu86 (1966): 75-105,
reprinted with an additional note in Mensconcordetvoci: Pour Mgr A. G. Martimort'a
de sesquaranteanniesd'enseignement
l'occasion
et desvingt ans de la ConstitutionKSacrosanctum Concilium* (Paris: Desclee, 1983), 72-94; G6rard Garitte, "Les Rubriques
liturgiques de quelques anciens tetraevangiles arabes du Sinai," Milangesliturgiques
offertsau R. P. Dom BernardBotte, O.S.B. de l'Abbayede Mont Cisar a l'occasiondu
cinquantime anniversairede son ordinationsacerdotale(4 juin 1972) (Louvain: Abbaye
Mont Cesar, 1972), 151-66; idem, "Un I vangeliairegrec-arabedu Xe siecle (cod. Sin.
ar. i 16)," in Studiacodicologica,
ed. Kurt Treu et al., Texte und Untersuchungen
(Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1977): 207-25; Bruce M. Metzger, TheEarly Versionsofi24
the
New Testament:TheirOrigin, Transmission,and Limitations(Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1977), 257-68; and Sidney H. Griffith, Arabic Christianity in the Monasteriesof
Ninth-CenturyPalestine,Collected Studies Series 380 (Aldershot, Hampshire: Variorum Reprints, 1992).
2s The text is edited from four major manuscripts and some fragments, with a
Latin translation, in Michel Tarchnischvili, Le GrandLectionnaire
del'MglisedeJ&rusalem
(Ve-VIIF sicles), 2 vols. in 4, Corpus Scriptorum ChristianorumOrientalium 188-89,
204-5 (Louvain: Secretariatdu CSCO, 1959-60). But this edition cannot be regarded

12
JOURNALOF THE AMERICANMUSICOLOGICALSOCIETY
memberof the smallKartvelianlanguagefamily, which is apparently

unrelatedto Indo-Europeanor any otherknowngroupof languages.6
monks, who lived
Owing to the effortsof many Georgian-speaking
side by side with speakersof otherlanguagesin the monasteriesof the
Holy Land and elsewhere, medieval Georgianliteraturepreserves
translationsof a great many early Christianwritings that did not
as definitive, for the reasons discussed in Renoux, "Hierosolymitana," 3-7. Among

other things it does not take account of all the extant manuscripts. To Renoux's
bibliography should be added Akaki anije, ed., Xanmeti lekcionari:Pototipiuri
reprodukcia[The lectionary in the khanmeti alphabet: Photographic reproduction;
in Georgian], Jveli kartuli enis jeglebi i (Tbilisi: Sak.SSR Mecnierebata Akademiis
Gamomcemloba, I944); Hieronymus Engberding, "Das Verzeichnis von Lesungen
und seine Beziehungen zur
und Psalmenversen im Sin. georg. 39, fol.
Oriens christianus53 (i969): 89-197;
vorbyzantinischen Liturgie von Jerusalem,"129r--I32r
'
G6rard Garitte, "Un Fragment d'6vang61iaireg6orgien la Bodl6ienne," LeMusion85
lectures
Index
des
"Un
(1972): 167-40; idem,
georgien
6vang61iquesselon l'ancien rite
de Jerusalem," Le Musion 85 (1972): 337-98; idem, "Un Fragment d'evangeliaire
georgien selon l'ancien rite de Jerusalem (Cod. Sin. g6o. 63)," Bedi kartlisa:Revuede
kartvilologie32 (1974): 70-85; Sebastil Janeras, "Notes sur les lectures liturgiques du
ms. georgien Tbilisi H-2o65," Orientaliachristianaperiodica53 (1987): 435-37; Bruce
Metzger, Early Versionsof theNew Testament,182-214; Bernard Outtier, "Un Feuillet
du lectionnaire georgien hanmeti ' Paris," Le Musion 85 (1972): 399-402; idem, "Un
Fragment d'6vang61iaireliturgique de Saint-Sabas?(Doc. Sinai geo. 63)," Bedikartlisa
36 (1978): 53-55; idem, "K. Kekelidz6 et le lectionnaire g6orgien," Bedi kartlisa 38
(1980): 23-35; idem, "Un T6moin partiel du lectionnaire g6orgien ancien (Sinai
georgien 54)," Bedi kartlisa39 (i98I): 76-88; idem, "Un Nouveau T6moin partiel du
lectionnaire georgien ancien (Sinal georgien 12)," Bedi kartlisa41 (1983): 162-74; J.
Neville Birdsall, "Georgian Studies and the New Testament," New TestamentStudies
on the Pauline Epistles in
29 (1983): 306-20; and idem, "Introductory Remarks
Georgian," in Studia Patristica, vol. 18, no. i, Historica-Tbeologica-Gnostica-Biblica:
onPatristicStudies,Oxford1983, ed. Elizabeth
Papersof theNinth InternationalConference
A. Livingstone (Kalamazoo, Mich.: Cistercian Publications, 1985), 281-85. A study
of the chant texts in Tarchnischvili's edition of the Georgian lectionary is Helmut
von Jerusalem(vom 5. bis 8. Jabrhundert),
Leeb, Die Gesiingeim Gemeindegottesdienst
Wiener Beitriige zur Theologie 28 (Vienna: Herder, 1970), reviewed by Bernard
Outtier in Bedi kartlisa29-30 (1972): 335-38.
26 Meritt Ruhlen, A Guideto the World's
Languages,vol. i, Clasification(Stanford:
Stanford University Press, 1987), 71-75. Basic to the study of the Georgian tongue
are two works by Kita Tschenk61i:Einfihrungin diegeorgischeSprache,2 vols. (Zuirich:
Worterbuch,ed. Yolanda Marchev, 3
Amirani-Verlag, 1958); and Georgisch-Deutsches
vols. (Zirich: Amirani-Verlag, 1965-74). Materials for a dictionary focused on the
medieval language are found in Ilia Abulaje, Jveli kartuli enis lekrsioni (masalebi)
[Lexicon of the old Georgian language (materials);in Georgian] (Tbilisi: Mecniereba,
1973); see also Michel van Esbroeck, "Un Nouveau Dictionnaire de la langue
ancienne georgienne," Bedikartlisa32 (1974): 86-108. Recent graminars include Hans
Vogt, Grammairede la languegiorgienne (Oslo: Universitetsvorlaget, 1971); Ren6e
Zwolanek and Julius Assfalg, Altgeorgische
Kurzgrammatik,Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis, Subsidia Didactica 2 (Fribourg: Editions Universitaires; G6ttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1976); and Heinz Fdihnrich,Kurze Grammatikdergeorgiscben

13
survive in their original languages.27Thus the early liturgy of

Jerusalemis only one of many treasuresthat were savedthroughthe
zeal of these monksto makethis materialavailablein theirhomeland.
TheGeorgian
B andD)
Chantbook
(Sources
While the Jerusalemlectionary was developing and being expandedwith chantincipits, anotherbookbeganto form alongsideit,
incorporatingthe completetexts of chants cited in the lectionaryas
well as much other chanted material. This became the Jerusalem
chantbook, which like the lectionary survives only in a Georgian
translation,where it is called ladgari, a name of uncertainderivation.'8 Like the Ambrosianand Mozarabicantiphonalia,the Georgian ladgariincludesall the Properchantsof both the Mass and the
Office, but lacks the psalms and the Ordinarychants, which were
doubtless sung from memory.'29Most of the recent scholarly
discussion of the chantbookhas been published in modern Georgian, with only limited amountsof materialin Westernlanguages.30
Sprache(Leipzig: Enzykopidie, 1986). Throughout this article, all Georgian transliterations follow Howard I. Aronson, Georgian:A ReadingGrammar,corrected ed.
(Columbus, Ohio: Slavica, 1990), 15-27.
27 For general information on the role of
Georgian translations in preserving early
Christian literature, see Gerard Garitte, "G6orgienne (littbrature spirituelle)," Dictionnairede spiritualitt6 (Paris: Beauchesne, 1967), 244-56, updated in the unsigned
article "G6orgie,"Dictionnaired'histoireet degographie ecclisiastiques
20 (Paris: Letouzey
et Ant, 1984), 681-83; Julius Assfalg and David Marshall Long, "Georgien,"
I2 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1984), 389-96; and Michel
Realenzyklopidie
Theologische
van Esbroeck, "Georgian Language and Literature," Encyclopedia
of the Early Church,
ed. Angelo Di Berardino, trans. Adrian Walford (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1992), i:345. Recent articles on more specific topics include Maurice Briere,
"Limitations of Georgian in Representing Greek," in Metzger, Early Versionsof the
New Testament,199-214; Elgudsha Chintibidse, "Die georgische Literaturschulevom
Athos," Georgica5 (1982): 43-48; Detlef G. Miiller, "Georgien und der christliche
Studien35 (1986): 168-75; and Richard B. Rose, "Jerusalemand
Orient," Ostkirchliche
Jihad: The Devotion of the Iberian Nation to Jerusalem; A Footnote on the Role of
the Georgians in Late Medieval Jerusalem," Proche-Orient
chritien41
(i991): 10-24.
28 See Jeffery,
Re-envisioningPast MusicalCultures,64.
29 The text of the Georgian psalter and
canticles, however, has been published in
Mzekala Sanije, Psalmunisjveli kartuli redakciebi
X-XIII saukunetaxelnaCerebis
mixedvit
[Old Georgian redactions of the psalter according to manuscripts of the tenth through
thirteenth centuries; in Georgian], Jveli kartuli enis jeglebi
i i (Tbilisi: Mecniereba,
I960). See also Gerard Garitte, "Une Idition critique du psautier g6orgien," Bedi
kartlisa 11-12 [= 36-37] (1961): 12-20.
30oBut see my article "The Sunday Office," cited above, n. 15. For the most part,
Elene Metreveli and other Georgian scholars have published only summaries of their
Georgian publications in Western languages, which are cited throughout the present
article. Most of the other Western publications on Georgian
hymnography were

14
SOCIETY
There are in fact two recensions of the ladgari. The earlier one has
been edited twice, but never translated into any other language
(source B, Table I).3' Liturgical and hymnological evidence shows
that this recension represents a more primitive state of liturgical
development than the eighth-century lectionary (source C, Table i); it
may therefore date from the seventh century, though its primitive
liturgical calendar suggests the sixth. The kan6ns of the morning
office include series of stanzas for all nine of the odes, the original
number; even the earliest Byzantine sources omit the series for the
second ode. It is particularly interesting that fewer chants have modal
assignments in the ladgari than in the lectionary, pointing to a period
before the entire repertory had been made to conform to the modal
oktoechos. In short this is the earliest complete repertory to survive
from any medieval chant tradition, as well as the earliest substantial
witness to the eight modes.32 The later recension, apparently reflecting the work of the great eighth-century hymnodists at the Palestinian
monastery of St. Saba, perhaps represents a stage of liturgical
written before the new editions had been published: Michael Tarchnilvili, trans. and
Literaturauf Grunddesersten
derkircblicben
ed., with Julius Assfalg, Gescbicbte
georgiscben
von K. Kekelidze,Studi e Testi 185 (Vatican
BandesdergeorgischenLiteraturgeschichte
City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1955), 449-58; Michel Tarchnischvili, "Die
geistliche Dichtung Georgiens und ihr VerhMiltniszum byzantinischen," Oriens
christianus,ser. 4, 5 [= 41] (1957): 76-96; and Elie M'lia, "Notes sur l'hagiographieet
l'hymnographie georgiennes," in Liturgiede I'Egliseparticulire, ed. Triacca, 21-44.
3' An edition based on the earliest (tenth-century) manuscript is Aal.ki Sanije,
Aram Martirosov, and A. Jisiasvili, eds., (il-etratis iadgari[The papyrus-parchment
the
ladgari; in Georgian], Jveli kartuli enis jeglebi 15 (Tbilisi: Mecniereba, I977). See
more
recent
The
in
Bedi
edition,
Outtier
Bernard
review by
kartlisa37 (1979): 336-4I.
based on seven manuscripts, is Elene Metreveli, Caca Cankievi, and L. Xevsuriani,
eds., Ujvelesiiadgari[The oldest ladgari; in Georgian], Jveli kartuli mCerlobisjeglebi
2 (Tbilisi: Mecniereba, I980). The i98o edition included French and Russian
resumes; the French was also published as H. Metr6;~li, Ts. Tchankieva, and L.
Khevsouriani, "Le Plus Ancien Tropologion georgien," Bedikartlisa39 (1981): 54-62.
An abridged table of contents for the 198o edition was published in English in
Andrew Wade, "The Oldest ladgari: The Jerusalem Tropologion, V-VIII c.,"
Orientaliacbristianaperiodica50 (1984): 45 1-56.
date of the Iadgariare spelled out in detail in my article
3 The arguments for the
"The Sunday Office." Some manuscripts of the Georgian homiliary, an anthology of
sermons read at the Office, also preserve features of a liturgical calendar more
Plus
primitive than that of the Georgian lectionary. See Michel van Esbroeck, Les
AnciensHomiliairesgtorgiens:ttude descriptiveet bistorique,Publications de l'Institut
Orientaliste de Louvain io (Louvain: Universit6 Catholique de Louvain, Institut
Orientaliste, 1975), reviewed in H6lne M'tr6v~li, "Une Nouvel Ouvrage sur le
<<Mravaltaviog&orgien,"Bedi kartlisa 35 (1977): 73-96. A calendar contained in a
Le
manuscript that also includes the earlier recension of the ladgari is Gerard Garitte,
Calendrierpalestino-giorgiendu Sinaiticus 34 (X' sicle), Subsidia Hagiographica 30
(Brussels: Societ6 des Bollandistes, 1958).

15
development more recent than the Georgian lectionary, but this

recensionhas yet to be edited at all (sourceD).33
By the twelfthcentury,apparently,the new hybridByzantinerite
had supplantednot only the Greek rite of Jerusalem,but also the
derivedrite used within Georgia,the last strongholdof theJerusalem
liturgy.34Duringthe thirteenthcentury,as the entireregionsoughtto
recoverfrom the ravagesof the Crusades,the Byzantinesynthesis
overwhelmedeven the old local rite of Constantinopleitself3s and
33 SeeH6lkne
desIXe-Xesiecles
M'tr'v'li,"LesManuscrits
liturgiques
georgiens
et leurimportance
Bedikartlisa
pourl'&tude'de
l'hymnographie
byzantine,"
36(1978):
des 9.
43-48, esp. 48; HeleneMetreveli,"Diegeorgischen
Liturgie-Handschriften
und io. Jahrhunderts
undihreBedeutung
die
der
fiir Erforschung byzantinischen
in XX. Deutscber
in
vom3. bis 8. Oktober
Hymnographie,"
Orientalistentag
i977
ed.Wolfgang
Zeitschrift
der
Deutschen
Erlangen:
Vortrage,
Voigt,
Morgenlindischen
IV (Wiesbaden:
FranzSteinerVerlag,i980), i61-66,esp.
Gesellschaft,
Supplement
LeMusion00oo
I65-66;H6l6neMetrev6li,"Dunouveausur l'hymnede Joasaph,"
des
(1987):251-58;andH6l8neMetrevliandBernard
Outtier,"LaComprehension
termeshymnographiques
et mosartavi,"
Bedikartlisa
paraptoni
37(1979):68-85.More
detaileddescriptions
of the manuscripts
are publishedin ElenaMetreveli,Caca
L. Jgamaia,andR. Gzarania,
Cankievi,L. Xevsuriani,
agqeriloba:
KartulxelnaCerta
Sinurikolekcia
of Georgian
Sinaicollection;
in Georgian],
[Catalogue
manuscripts:
3
vols.(Tbilisi:Mecniereba,
inBedikartlisa
1978-87),reviewed
byMichelvanEsbroeck
of oneofthesemanuscripts
canbeseenin IliaAbulaje,
39(I98 ): 316-I7.A facsimile
Kartuli
albumi[Specimens
of Georgianscript:A paleoCeris
Paleograpiuli
nimuiebi:
album;in Georgian]
(Tbilisi:Mecniereba,
graphical
1973),pl. 56, p. I13;transcriptionintomodernscript,p. 112;commentary,
pp. 350-51.
shiftof the Georgian
churchfroma Hagiopolite
to a Byzanti34The historical
Onesignificant
nizedritehasnotyetbeeninvestigated
source
systematically.
primary
willbe theGeorgian
menaionattheDumbarton
OaksCenterforByzantine
Studies
in Washington,
D.C. Itscalendar
of liturgical
feastshasbeenstudiedbutnotyet its
chant texts: G~rard Garitte, "Le Men'e g'orgien de Dumbarton Oaks," Le Musion77
(1964): 29-64; and Hieronymus Engberding, "Das Fest aller alttestamentlichen
Patriarchenam 3. Januar im georgischen Mendum von Dumbarton Oaks," Le Musion
77
297-300. Other monuments of the Byzantinization of the Georgian liturgy
are(I964):
discussed in Andre Jacob, "Une Version georgienne in6dite de la liturgie de Saint
Jean Chrysostome," Le Musion77 (1964): 65-1 I9; and Gerard Garitte, "Analyse d'un
lectionnaire byzantino-georgien des 'vangiles (sin. georg. 74)," Le Musion91 (1978):
105-52, 367-4473s See the important article by Oliver Strunk, "The Byzantine Office at Hagia
Sophia," DumbartonOaksPapers9-Io (1956): 175-202, reprinted in Strunk, Essays,
II2-50; and Peter Jeffery, "The Sunday Office." Since Strunk wrote, the two most
important primary sources of the original rite of Constantinople have become more
widely available. The typikon of Hagia Sophia, the "Great Church," has been
published with a French translation in Juan Mateos, Le Typiconde la Grandetglise: Ms.
Saint-Croixno 40, XYsieck, 2 vols, Orientalia Christiana Analecta 165-66 (Rome:
Pontificium Institutum Orientalium Studiorum, 1962-63). The
commentary of
Simeon of Thessalonike, who continued to celebrate the rite of
Constantinople even
after it had ceased at Constantinople itself, is now available in an
English translation:
Saint Symeon of Thessalonike, Treatiseon Prayer: An Explanation the Services
of
Conductedin the OrthodoxChurch,trans. H. L. N. Simmons, The
Archbishop Iakovos

I6
SOCIETY
became the internationalliturgy of Greek Orthodox Christianity,

comparableto the Frankish-Romanliturgicalsynthesis that dominatedin RomanCatholicism.But the old chantrepertoryof Jerusalem
did not disappearcompletely; many of its texts passed into the
Byzantinesynthesis by way of the PalestinianmonasticOffice and
thus were absorbedinto the medievalrepertoryof Byzantinechant.
Five percentof the texts in the ladgarihave been locatedso far in the
standardByzantineliturgicalbooks, where they survivewith melodies that are often in the same mode as, and thus may perhapshave
been relatedto, the lost melodiesthat were once sung in Jerusalem.36
A much smallerbut still significantnumberof Iadgaritexts also have
concordancesin the Latinchanttraditions,especiallythe Ambrosian
repertoryof Milan,the Westernrite exhibitingthe most frequentand
interestingparallelswith Jerusalem.37
Example I illustrates a chant that is prominent in Georgian,
Byzantine, and Latin sources. It is the Easter troparionor stanza
of the most famous chants of the
K
"XpLorbs&rvxonrl VEKp)(v," one
EasternOrthodoxliturgy:"Christis risen from the dead, by death

tramplingdown death, and bestowinglife upon those in the tombs."
The Georgiansourcestell us that in Jerusalemthis text servedas the
introit for the Mass at the end of the Eastervigil on Holy Saturday
Library of Ecclesiastical and Historical Sources 9 (Brookline, Mass.: Hellenic College

Press, I984). In the architectural history of the "Great Church" and other edifices of
Constantinople we can see more clearly than in either Rome or Jerusalem how the
church buildings shaped and were shaped by the liturgies celebrated within them; see
Hans Joachim Schulz, The ByzantineLiturgy:SymbolicStructureand Faith Expression,
trans. Matthew J. O'Connell (New York: Pueblo Publishing Co., 1986); and
Vincenzo Ruggieri, ByzantineReligiousArchitecture(582-867): Its HistoryandStructural
Elements,Orientalia Christiana Analecta 237 (Rome: Pontificium Institutum Studiorum Orientalium, i99i). The process by which the hybridized Byzantine synthesis
replaced the original tradition of Constantinople is traced in Robert Taft, TheLiturgy
of the Hours in East and West: The Originsof the Divine Officeand Its Meaningfor Today
(Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical Press, 1986), 273-91, 384-87; idem, The Byzantine
Rite: A Short History, American Essays in Liturgy (Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical
Press, 1993); and idem, "Mount Athos: A Late Chapter in the History of the
Byzantine Rite," DumbartonOaksPapers42 (1988): 179-94. The literature of Greek
typika that do not conform to the later Byzantine synthesis is surveyed in AbrahamAndreas Thiermeyer, "Das Typikon-Ktetorikon und sein literarhistorischer Kontext," Orientaliachristianaperiodica58 (I992): 475-513.
chant texts that have been identified with known Greek
36 Seventy-two Georgian
heirmoi, and 129 Georgian chant texts that have been identified with known
Greek troparia, are indexed in Metreveli et al., Ujvelesiiadgari, 643-66 and 646-50.
chants with connections to Jerusalem will be discussed in my book
37 Many Latin
in progress, Liturgyand Chantin Early ChristianJerusalem:TheSourcesand Influenceof a
SeminalTradition.

THEEARLIEST
CHRISTIAN
CHANTREPERTORY
17
Example I
The introit of the Easter Vigil Mass at Jerusalem:medieval Byzantine and Ambrosian
notations
"Chartres"notation:
Vatopedi 1488, fol. 129r, lines 6-7
DD
Vatopedi 1488, fol. 129v, line 5

Vatopedi 1488, fol. 129V, lines 11-12
DD
XDD
"Coislin"notation:
Parisgr. 242, fol. 207v, line 3
Parisgr. 242, fol. 207v, line 10
Parisgr. 242, fol. 207', lines 17-18
/
/
D
L-..J
XQL- oTbg
[Chri- st6s
__
orMilanese
"Ambrosian"
melody:
Milan,TrivulzianaA. 14, fol. 2v
_
Chri- stus
X
L
..
d-
v-
a-
ne'-
3D
om
stt
x
ek
_ _ _ ____ _
do-
mi-
nus
D
Vene-
L
XQOV
kr6n]
-_
re-
sur-
re-
xit
"Chartres"
notation.MountAthos,VatopediMS 1488,fols. I27v-I3or,as publishedin
Sources:
the facsimileedition:EnricaFollieriand Oliver Strunk,eds., Triodium
Athoum,Monumenta
MusicaeByzantinae9, ParsPrincipalis(Copenhagen:
Munksgaard,i975)"Coislin"notation.Paris,Bibliothbque
Nationale,MS fondsgrec242, fol. 2o7v,as published
MonumentaMusicaeByzantinae7, Pars
in Oliver Strunk,Specimina
notationum
antiquiorum,
Principalis(Copenhagen:
Munksgaard,1966),pl. 97.
Ambrosianchant. Milan,BibliotecaTrivulziana,MS A. 14, fol. 2v.
and was sung in the plagalD mode.38 It surviveswith few modifications in at least three of the liturgicaltraditionsthat are the most
closely relatedto Jerusalem-the Armenian,39Byzantine, and Ambrosianor Milaneserites--and apparentlyalsocirculatedin the much
more distantlyrelatedEthiopicrite.40In the modem Byzantinerite,
wherein Hagiopolite and Constantinopolitantraditionshave crossfertilizedundermonasticauspices,the Vigil serviceof Holy Saturday
has becomerathertruncated.Our tropariontext is thereforesung at
two comparablelocationsduringthe servicesof EasterSundayitself:
at the morningoffice, afterreadingone of the gospel accountsof the
Resurrection,and at the beginningof the EasterMass. In both places
it is still assignedto the plagalD mode, as atJerusalem,and it serves
38 Tarchnischvili, Le GrandLectionnaire1/2 [= 189], p. I 3, section 737 n. 3.
Metreveli et al., Ujvelesiiadgari, 215. See also Wade, "The Oldest ladgari," 455.
39Divine Liturgy of the ArmenianChurch,[trans. Tiran Nersoyan], 3d ed. ([New
York]: Armenian Church of America, 1974), 70-7oa.
4o The Ethiopian text and its musical notation are published, but without
information about the liturgical context, in Marcel Cohen, "Sur la notation musicale
6thiopienne," in Studi orientalisticiin onoredi GiorgioLevi della Vida, Pubblicazioni
dell'Istituto per l'Oriente 52 (Rome: Istituto per l'Oriente, 1956), I:I99-2o6, esp.
205-6. A Greek text transliterated into Ethiopian characters is published in Murad
Kamil, "Les Manuscrits 6thiopiens du Sinai," Annalesd'lthiopie 2 (1957): 84. I have
not yet located either form of the text in an actual Ethiopian liturgical book, however.

18
SOCIETY
as a refrainin antiphonalpsalmody:thus it is sung threetimes by the

priestand repeatedthreetimes by the choir, and then repeatedagain
aftereach psalmverse.4'In the Ambrosianrite, which often exhibits
a close resemblanceto theJerusalemtradition,a variantof the opening
phraseof this text is sungin essentiallythe sameplaceas atJerusalem,
at the beginningof the Mass that closes the vigil on Holy Saturday.
As the bells peal and the organ sounds, the priest sings "Christus
Dominus resurrexit"three times, with the choir responding"Deo
gratias"each time.42
The melodysung in the rite of Milanis well preservedin many of
the manuscriptsof Ambrosianchant (see Ex. i). The Byzantine
melody is not nearly so well preserved.No medievalGreek manuscript of this text surviveswith completemusic notation,for it was
amongthe chantsthat every Byzantinesingerlearnedto performby
heart. The rare manuscriptsthat contain any part of the melody
notateonly the incipit, and only in adiastematicneumes that do not
accuratelyindicatepitch.43Nevertheless,these sourcesconfirmthat
the Byzantine modal assignmentwas the same as at Jerusalem:D
plagal.
for instance, Isabel F. Hapgood, ed. and trans., ServiceBookof the Holy
4' See,
Orthodox-Catholic
Apostolic Church, 4th ed. (Brooklyn, N.Y.: Syrian Antiochian
Orthodox Archdiocese, 1965), 226-27, 238; Euthyme Mercenier, ed. and trans., La
Priire des iglisesde rite byzantin, vol. 2, LesFites, part 2, L'Acathiste,La Quinzainede
et la Pentec6te(Chevetogne, Belgium: Iconographie, 1948), 283, 268;
Piques, L'Ascension
ThePentecostarion,Translated
from theGreek(Boston: Holy Transfiguration Monastery,
Le
1990), 27-28, 39-40o.On the history of the text in these services, see Juan Mateos,
de
La
btude
la
dans
idem,
byzantine:
liturgie
98-99;
laparole
Typicon2:94-95,
Cilbration
bistorique,Orientalia Christiana Analecta
19I (Rome: Pontificium Institutum Studiorum Orientalium, i971i), I8; and Bertoniere, HistoricalDevelopmentof theEasterVigil,
67, 94, 159, 197-201, 239-43, 251-52, 266-67, 271-73, 281, 290-92.
mediolanensis
sive ecclesiaeambrosianae
kalendar42 Marco Magistretti, ed., Beroldus,
ium et ordinessaec. XII, ex codiceambrosiano(Milan: Josephi Giovanola et Soc., I894;
reprint, Farnborough:Gregg InternationalPublishers, I968), 114, 218 n. 240. Missale
Ambrosianum Duplex (Proprium de Tempore): Editt. Puteobonellianaeet Typicae
schedisAnt[onii]M. Ceriani,
continuoex manuscriptis
(r751-1902)
cumcriticocommentario
ed. Achille Ratti [later Pope Pius XI] and Marco Magistretti, Monumenta Sacra et
Profana: Opera Collegii Doctorum Bibliotecae Ambrosianae 4 (Milan: R. Ghirlanda,
Vatican
1913), 225. The practice fortunately survived the liturgical reforms following
II, and thus can still be found in Missale ambrosianumiuxta ritum sanctae ecclesiae
ex decretosacrosanctioecumeniciconciliivaticani II instauratum,auctoritate
mediolanensis
mediolanensis
loannis Colombosanctae romanaeecclesiaepresbytericardinalisarchiepiscopi
promulgatum(Milan: Centro Ambrosiano di Documentazione e di Studi Religiosi,
1981), 249.
on the Proper Hymns for Easter," Classica
43 See Oliver Strunk, "A Further Note
et mediaevalia22 (i961): 176-81, reprinted in his Essays,202-7.

19
Though the Ambrosianrite never adoptedthe eight modes, the

Milanesemelody is one we would readilyassignto the sameD plagal
mode, for it remainswithinthe limitedrangeD-G.44 Morestrikingly,
if we attemptedto re-notatethe Milanesemelody in early Byzantine
neumes,the resultmight look ratherlike the ambiguousnotationthat
actuallysurvivesin the Byzantinemanuscripts.Examplesin the two
early kinds of notation, called "Chartres"and "Coislin"after the
Frenchlibrariesin which modernscholarsfirstdiscoveredthem,45are
illustratedabove the Milanesemelody in Example I. The Milanese
pattern D-G-F on the first word could have been representedby
oxeiaand apostrophos,as in the firsttwo versionsin Coislinnotation.
The double apostrophoion the same word in the Chartresnotation
also suggests a descent on the second syllable of "XpLuTorb."A new
ascent on the second word, correspondingto F-G-F-G-G in the

Ambrosianmelody, may have been signaledby the kentema-oxeiain
the second Chartresversion,46by oligon and kentema-oligonin the
first two Coislin versions, and by kentema-petasthein the third
Coislin version. The Greek melody clearly emphasizedthe middle
syllable of the second word, "&vo'rr," as indicated by the ouranisma
in the first and third Chartresversions,and the kratemain the first

two Coislinversions.This may havecorrespondedto the Ambrosian
repeatedG on the last syllableof "dominus,"which correspondsin
position to the Greek word &vEn," or again to the Ambrosian

"" correspondsto
which
in meanrepeatedG in "resurrexit,"
"&dvrwarlq"
ing. The Ambrosiandescentof a fourthto D, at the beginningof the

word "resurrexit,"could have been representedby apostrophoschameleas in the firstCoislinversion,thoughthe thirdversion(from
lines I7-18) seems to indicate a stepwise descent across the words
"&v 'rrIl EK VEKptDv." The ouranisma at this point in the second
44The pitch names used in this article are those of the familiar letter notation of
the medieval Western gamut: capital letters A-G for the lowest octave, lower case
letters a-g for the next octave, with c for middle C, and double letters aa-ee for the
upper fifth. See Example III-2 in Richard H. Hoppin, MedievalMusic (New York:
W. W. Norton, 1978), 6345s Good introductions to this topic include Oliver Strunk's classic article "The
Notation of the Chartres Fragment,"Annalesmusicologiques
3 (1955): 7-37, reprinted in
his Essays,68-i 1 ; and idem, "The Menaia from Carbone at the Biblioteca Vallicelliana," Bollettinodella Badiagreca di Grottaferrata27 (1973): 3-9, reprinted in Essays,
285-96. See also Max Haas, Byzantinischeund slavischeNotationen,Paliographie der
Musik I/2 (Cologne: Arno Volk-Verlag, 1973)46 Compare Egon Wellesz's remarkson this sign in A
HistoryofByzantineMusicand
Hymnography,2d ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961), 281, with reference to the
musical example on p. 279.

20
SOCIETY
Chartres version is not inconsistent with this, for it has been

associated in other instances with melodic descents.47
Clearly the Ambrosian and Byzantine melodies were not identical
note for note, or even nearly so. What they shared were, at most,
three common features: (i) the same general range, classifiable in the
plagal D mode; (2) a relatively syllabic style of text setting, most
syllables being set to only one pitch; and (3) a similar melodic shape:
an initial leap upward from D to G or a; a tendency to remain in the
vicinity of this higher pitch for several syllables; and then a descent.
The relative stability of these three characteristics in the melodic
tradition for this particular text can be seen in the two melodies given
in Example 2. Both of these melodies come from twentieth-century
Example 2
The introit of the Easter Vigil Mass at Jerusalem: modern Byzantine and Ambrosian
melodies
3
A
Byzantine
XQL[ChriAmbrosian
t69bg
stbs
a-
3
I
onME
,
v an6-
onq
ste
x
ek
vEne-
XQCOv
kr6n]
Chri- stus do-
mi- nus re- sur-
re-
xit
Sources:
Byzantinemelody.Transcriptionfromthe recordingidentifiedas "'ByzantineHymns
of the Epitaphiosand Easter'(SimonKaras),Societyfor the Disseminationof NationalMusic
und musikalischeFragenzur Ison-Praxis,"in
I12," in ReinholdSchl6tterer,"Geschichtliche
Wien,4.-9. Oktober1981: Akten2/7: Symposion
XVI. internationaler
Byzantinistenkongress,
fir
vor 1453,ed.
PraxisundTheorie
Musik1453-1832alsQuelklmruikaliscber
Byzantiniscbe
Musikologie:
Jorgen Raasted, Jahrbuch der 6sterreichischen Byzantinistik 32/7 (Vienna: Verlag der isterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1982), 20.
[ed. Gregorio
mediolanensis,
Ambrosianmelody.Antiphonale
ritumsanctae
missarumjuxta
ecclesiae
M. Sunyoll, (Rome: Descl6e, 1935), 202.
sources, yet they were produced absolutely independently of each

other, with texts in different languages, and even by differing means
of transmission. The Latin melody is taken from Dom Sunyol's
edition for the modern (i.e., pre-Vatican II) Milanese rite.48 Though
it was derived from medieval manuscripts of Ambrosian chant, we do
not know exactly which ones or by what editorial methods.49 In any
47 See Haas, ByzantinischeundslavischeNotationen,p. 2.86.
[ed. Gregorio M.
48 Antipbonalemissarum
juxta ritum sanctaeecclesiaemediolanensis,
Sunyol] (Rome: Desclke, I935), 202.
as
49 Sunyol's own account of how he prepared his editions was published
restaurazione
"La
ambrosiana,"
145-50,
Ambrosius14 (1938):
Gregorio M. Sufiol,

21
caseit presumablyrepresentsa type of transmissionin which written,

text-criticalprocessespredominate.The Greek melody, transcribed
froma recording,illustratesone way thatthis chantcan be sungin the
Greek Orthodoxchurch today (only the beginningis shown in the
example).50Though the choir may have learnedthe chant from a
printed book using modem Byzantineor modernWesternnotation
(many such editions are available),its performancestands within a
living traditionin which oral or performance-related
processesare
more significantthan in early twentieth-centuryMilan, where the
chant had to be revivedand restoredfrom medievalmanuscripts.
The melodiesin Example2 exhibit more or less the same three
featuresisolatedin ExampleI. Both fit the rangeof the D modes.
Though one could arguablyclassify the Greek melody as authentic
ratherthan plagal,becauseit goes as high as e6, Byzantineliturgical
books consistently preserve the plagal assignmentdating back to
medievalsources.The averagenumberof pitchesper syllableis still
relativelysmall,thoughthe Greekmelodymightbe describedas more
neumaticthan syllabic. Eachmelody beginswith an openingleap on
the first syllable, this time D-a in Sunyol'seditionor D-G-a in the
Greekchant.Bothmelodiestend to proceedby alternatingbetweenG
and a, with one descentto F and (in the Greekmelodyonly) one leap
to c on the accented second syllable of "'&vorrl." Both melodies
eventually come to rest on a, though the Greek will remain and
ultimatelyend on this pitch whereasthe Latinfalls backto the final,
D. The two melodies are hardly the same. Yet even after many
centuries of complete isolation from each other, they both have
managedto preservethe most basicfeaturessharedby theirmedieval
antecedents,each of which pointsfurtherbackto the liturgicalusage
of the same Holy City.
174-77,
I96-200,
297-304; 15 (1939): 113-16; 16 (I94o): 12-16,
1o8-12, but without
discussing this chant specifically. Some manuscript sources of "Christus Dominus

surrexit"are cited in Michel Huglo, Luigi Agustoni, EugLeneCardine, and Ernesto T.
Moneta Caglio, Fonti epaleografiadel cantoambrosiano,Archivio Ambrosiano 7 (Milan:
[Scuola Tipografica San Benedetto], 1956), , 27, 6o, 72, 105.
i
50soThis transcriptionwas published in Reinhold Schl6tterer, "Geschichtliche und
musikalische Fragen zur Ison-Praxis," in XVI. internationakr
Byzantinistenkongress,
Wien, 4.-9. Oktoberi98i: Akten 2/7: Symposaion
fir Musikologie:ByzantinischeMusik
Praxis und Theorievor 1453, ed.
1453-1832 als Quelle musikalischer
Jorgen Raasted,
Jahrbuch der 6sterreichischen Byzantinistik 32/7 (Vienna: Verlag der 6sterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1982), 20.
Schl6tterer identified the recording
in English as " 'Byzantine Hymns of the Epitaphios and Easter' (Simon
Karas),
Society for the Dissemination of National Music 12." During my own visits to
Greek Orthodox churches I have heard similar melodies sung with this text.

22
SOCIETY
This situationis typical of what happenswhen we comparethe

survivingnon-Jerusalemmelodiesof texts that were sung at Jerusalem.5' These melodiesare generallyassignableto the sameor almost
the samemode as the one indicatedin theJerusalemsources.One can
often detect certainsimilaritiesin melodicshape, in the sequenceof
rises and falls, in the degree of conjunctor disjunctmelodic movement, and in the relativelysyllabicor melismaticcharacterof the text
setting. But the preservedmelodiesarealsotoo differentto allowus to
reconstructnote by note the melody that was actuallyperformedat
Jerusalem;nordo they permitus to abstractan ancestralor archetypal
originalfrom which all the extant melodiescan be assertedto have
been derived. But the comparisonof these melodies and their
liturgicalcontextswith the texts of the Jerusalemliturgydoes enable
us to conclude that as early as the seventh and eighth centuries a
tradition already existed that linked particulartexts to particular
modes and melodicstyles, and that medievalmelodiesfaithfulto this
traditioncan still be recovered,even though they are preservedin
manuscriptswrittenat a greatchronologicaland geographicalremove
from the traditionsof the Holy City.
received much attention from musicologists:
5' Some of these have already
"Adorna thalamum" for the feast of the Presentation of the Lord, also known as the
Purification of the Virgin (Metreveli et al., Ujvelesiiadgari, 97), in Oliver Strunk,
"The Chants of the Byzantine-Greek Liturgy," in his Esays, 304-6; "Coenae tuae"
for Holy Thursday (Metreveli et al., Ujvelesiiadgari,I89) in Kenneth Levy, "A Hymn
16 (1963): 127-75; "O quando in cruce"for
for Thursday in Holy Week," this JOURNAL
Good Friday (Metreveli et al., Ujvelesi iadgari, 201) in Wellesz, EasternElements,
68-77; "Crucem tuam" for Good Friday and Holy Cross (Metreveli et al., Ujvelesi
iadgari, 463) in Rosemary Dubowchik, "A Chant for Feasts of the Holy Cross in
Jerusalem, Byzantium, and Medieval Europe" (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University,
1993); and many others in Michel Huglo, "Relations musicales entre Byzance et
l'Occident," in Proceedingsof the XIIItb InternationalCongressof Byzantine Studies:
Oxford,5-to September1966, ed. J. M. Hussey, D. Obolensky, and S. Runciman
(London: Oxford University Press, 1967), 267-80; Christian Troelsgird, "The
Musical Structure of Five Byzantine Stichera and Their Parallels among Western
de l'Institutdu moyen-age
grecet latin 6 i
Antiphons," Universite de Copenhague, Cabhiers
in
most of these
it
is
While
Lost
Chant."
"The
and
probable
Jeffery,
(i991): 3-48;
cases that the Latin text is derived from the Greek text, it is usually uncertain from
which Eastern center the Greek original came to the West: the cities of Jerusalem,
Antioch, and Constantinople and the monasteries of Egypt, Palestine, and southern
been
Italy are all possibilities, though not the only ones. Now that these texts have
was
use
known
earliest
that
their
can
we
the
found in
say
Georgian Iadgari, however,
in seventh-century Jerusalem, a fact that I am inclined to view as tipping the scale in
favor of Jerusalem origin. For an example of a Greek chant that circulated in the West
but seems not to have come from Jerusalem, see my article "Hltapiboov pwwxrrilpLov:
The Thought of Gregory the Theologian in Byzantine and Latin Liturgical Chant,"
forthcoming in GreekOrthodoxTheologicalReview.

23
TheGeorgian
andGreekHeirmologia
E andF)
(Sources
The early eighth century witnesseda new wave of Greek hymnody, whose leading poets (who were also composers,presumably)
included John of Damascus or John Damascene (died ca. 749),
Andrewof Crete(ca. 66o-ca. 740), and KosmasMelodos,also known
as Kosmasof Jerusalemand of Maiuma(diedca. 760). All threewere
nativesof Damascuswho had becomemonksin the monasteryof St.
Saba nearJerusalem.5"Their most importantgenre was the kanon,
which Andrew is traditionallycreditedwith inventing.It originally
consistedof nine seriesof stanzas,one for eachof the biblicalodes of
the morningoffice, thoughat an earlydate the numberwas reduced
to eight by omittingthe secondseries.53Eachseriesof stanzaswould
be sung to the melody of an older stanzaor troparionknown as a
heirmos,and each stanzaduplicatedthe poetic form of the heirmosso
that it could be fit to the heirmosmelody. Graduallythese heirmoior
model stanzascame to be collected into a book, the heirmologion,
arrangedby the eight modes. Within each mode, the individual
heirmoiwere sometimesarrangedso that the individualkan6nswere
kept together(an arrangementscholarscustomarilydesignateby the
abbreviationKaO);at othertimes the kan6nswere brokenup and the
heirmoiarrangedin the orderof the odes (OdO). It was only fitting
that these collectionsof melodicmodels should include music notation, and thus the earliestsurvivingGreek heirmologia(mid- to late
tenth century) are importantsources for the study of the earliest
Byzantineneumes.54One of them(sourceF, Table i), whichhas been
preservedin the library of St. Saba itself, is especiallyinteresting
becauseits originaltwelfth-century"ArchaicCoislin"notationwas
5s2 On the work and historical significance of these
hymnodists, see my article
"Jerusalem and Rome (and Constantinople)," and my forthcoming articles, "Rome
and Jerusalem" and "The Earliest Evidence of the Eight Modes," cited above, n. 15.
s3 The odes or canticles are psalmodic texts that come from books of the Bible
other than the Psalter. The most famous such texts in the Western
liturgy are the
"Magnificat,"sung at Vespers, and the "Nunc dimittis," sung at Compline. For more
on the odes see Jeffery, "The Sunday Office"; Heinrich Schneider, "Die biblischen
Oden im christlichen Altertum," "Die biblischen Oden seit dem sechsten
Jahrhundert," "Die biblischen Oden in Jerusalem und Konstantinopel," and "Die biblischen
Oden im Mittelalter," Biblica 30 (1949): 28-65, 239-72, 433-52, and
479-500.
54 A good introduction to the study of the heirmologion is Milos M.
"The Byzantine Heirmos and Heirmologion," in GattungenderMusikin Velimirovid,
EinzeldarstelLeo Schrade,vol. i, ed. Wulf Arlt et al. (Bern and Munich:
lungen: Gedenkschrift
Francke, 1973), 192-244. The closest thing to a critical edition of the Greek text is
oap6ovLos EiorparTaL'l8s, Elcp1%oA6ywov,
9 (Chenne'AyLopELTLKTj
BLBtLO0TKTI
vieres-sur-Mame: L'Ermitage, 1932).

OFTHEAMERICAN
MUSICOLOGICAL
SOCIETY
JOURNAL
24
orfourteenth-century
scribe
extensivelymodifiedby a latethirteenthwith
the
newer
it
into
diastematic
conformity
seekingto bring
"Round"
notation.5s
But the oldest manuscriptsof the Georgianheirmologiaare
even earlier(see sourceE, Table I).56 The early historyof the
formationand disseminationof the heirmologionis an extremely complex subject, which must take into account not
only Greek, but also Slavonic,s7Armenian,s8and Syriacs9
ss It was published in a facsimile edition in Jorgen Raasted, ed., Hirmologium
Sabbaiticum:CodexMonasteriiS. Sabbae83 phototypicedepictus,Monumenta Musicae
Byzantinae8, 2 vols. in 3 (Copenhagen:Munksgaard,i968-70).
56
An editionpreparedfromthreeearlyKaOandeightOdO manuscriptsis Elene
X-XI ss. xelnaCerebis

Orijveli redakcia
Metreveli,ed., flispirnida 6mrtisrmoblisani:
mixedvit[Heirmoiauidtheotokia:Two old redactionsaccordingto manuscriptsof the
tenthto eleventhcenturies;in Georgian]

(Tbilisi:Mecniereba,1971).A French
translation of the introduction was published as H61ine Metr6v61i and Bernard
Outtier,"Contribution
Al'histoirede l'hirmologion:Ancienshirmologiageorgiens,"
Le Musion 88 (1975): 331-59. See also the review by Bernard Outtier in Bedi kartlisa
29-30 (1972): 338-39.
See Christian Hannick, "Aux Origines de la version slave de l'hirmologion," in
57
Christian Hannick, ed., FundamentalProblemsof Early Slavic Music and Poetry,
Monumenta Musicae Byzantinae, Subsidia 6 (Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1978),
5-120.
not received much study,

s8 The transmission of Greek heirmoi in Armenian has
Kirchenmusik:
but see Alice Ertlbauer, Gescbicbhte
armenischen
und Theoriedereinstimmigen
Eine Kritik der bisherigenForscbung,Musica Mediaevalis Europae Centralis: Dissertationen und Schriften der Universitit Wien aus historischer Musikwissenschaft 3
A much older study is Nerses Ter(Vienna: Anton Riegelnick, 1985),
3-I5.
Studien
armenische
Das
zu seiner gescbicbtlichenEntwicklung
Hymnarium:
Mikailian,
Armenian
on
Research
C.
chant, including the search for
Hinrichs,
1905).
(Leipzig:J.
Greek concordances, will be helped considerably by the publication of the German
translation of the Armenian chantbook that is now in preparation. See Armenuhi
Drost-Abgarjan and Hermann Goltz, "Saraknoc':Buch der Scharakane armenischdeutsch I: Kanons 1-4 fibersetzt und mit einer Nachbemerkung versehen," Handes
Amsoryaio0 (1987): 333-65; Hermann Goltz, "Zu Theologie und Theogrammatik
armenischer Hymnen, ein Beispiel: Das Magnificat aus dem Kanon auf die Geburt
der Gottesmutter im Saraknoc',"in Studia Patristica, vol. 20, PapersPresentedto the
on PatristicStudiesHeld in Oxford1987: Critica, Classica,
TenthInternationalConference
Orientalia,Ascetica,Liturgica,ed. Elizabeth A. Livingstone (Louvain: Peeters Press,
I989), I76-8I.
und Kontakia in Syro-Melchitis9 See Joseph Molitor, "Byzantinische Troparia
scher Oberlieferung," Orienscbristianus25-26 [= 3d ser., 3-41 (1928-29 [recte193o]):
1-36, 79-99; 27 [= 3d ser., 5](1930): 191-201; 28 [= 3d ser., 61(1931): 43-59; 30 [=
3d ser., 8] (1933): 72-85, 164-79; the first installment was also published, with the
same title, as an inaugural dissertation, Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitit,
Bonn (Leipzig: Offizin Haag Drugulin Ag., 1929); Odilo Heiming, Die cEninibirmen
der BerlinerHandscbriftSacb. 349, Inauguraldissertationzur Erlangung der DoktorFriedrichwiirde genehmigt von der Philosophischen Fakultit der Rheinischen
"Die
cEnianezu
Bonn
idem,
Harrassowitz,
1930);
(Leipzig:
Wilhelms-Universitit
hirmen der Berliner Handschrift Sach. 349," Orienscbristianus27 [3d ser., 5] (1930):

25
offerus a completelynew perspecsources.6The Georgianheirmologia

tive on this developmentat someof its earlieststages,however.
The earliestGeorgiancollections,fromthe mid-tenthcentury, are
small--only one or two kan6nsper mode-and at first exclusively
devotedto the worksof JohnandKosmas.Withineachmode they are
arrangedin order of the kan6ns (KaO), the most common Greek
arrangement,yet thereis no notation,and indeedthe Georgianprose
translationswould havebeen difficultto fit to the Greekmelodies.By
the late tenth century these small collectionshave been replacedby
much larger ones arrangedin the order of the odes (OdO). This
arrangementoccursin a minorityof Greekmanuscriptsand in all the
Slavic ones, but only in Georgia is it attested before the twelfth
century. As we move into the eleventhcenturythe Georgiancollections more than double in size, from about 400 to about 900 heirmoi.
This trend is the opposite of what we observein the Greek manuscripts, which grow steadily smaller, from about 340 to about 72
heirmoi.6'In these manuscriptsthe Georgiantranslationsimitatethe
19-55; idem, SyrischecEniantundgriechiscbeKanones:Die HS. Sach. 349 der Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Liturgiegeschichtliche Quellen und Forschungen 26 (Miinster:
Aschendorff, 1932); Anton Baumstark, "Der jambische Pfingstkanon des Johannes
von Damaskus in einer alten melchitisch-syrischen Clbersetzung," Orienschristianus
36, no. 2 [3d ser., 14] (1941): 205-23; Heinrich Husmann, Ein syro-melkitisches
Notation,Sinai Syr. 261, 2 vols., G6ttinger OrientforTropologionmit altbyzantinischer
schungen, i Reihe: Syriaka 9 (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1975-78); and Michael
Breydy, Kult, Dichtung und Musik bei den Syro-Maroniten,vol. 3, Rishaiqole:Die
Leitstrophender Syro-aramaiscben
Liturgien: Repertoriumund Kommentar(Kobayath,
Lebanon: no publisher, 1979).
A rare example of a series of Latin chants derived from Greek heirmoi is
6
discussed in Oliver Strunk, "The Latin Antiphons for the Octave of the Epiphany,"
in Recueilde travauxde l'Institutd'itudesByzantines,vol. 8, MilangesGeorgesOstrogorsky,
ed. Franjo Barisii (Belgrade: Nau'no delo, I963-64 [recte1965]), 2:417-26; reprinted
in Strunk, Essays,208-19. Unfortunately these heirmoi have not been found in the
Georgian heirmologia.
6
Velimirovid, "The Byzantine Heirmos," 216. For further bibliography on the
transmission of the heirmologion see Milos Velimirovi6, "Strukturastaroslovenskikh
muzikikh irmologa" [Structure of early Slavic heirmologia with musical notation; in
Serbo-Croatian], Khilandarskizbornik/ Recueilde ChilandarI (1966): i39-61; Oliver
Strunk, "Byzantine Music in the Light of Recent Research and Publication," in
Proceedings,ed. Hussey et al., 245-54, esp. 248-51, reprinted in Strunk, Essays,
240-54, esp. 245-49; Giuseppe Schir6, "Problemi heirmologici," in Proceedings,ed.
Hussey et al., 255-66; Jorgen Raasted, HirmologiumSabbaiticum;idem, "A Newly
Discovered Fragment of a Fourteenth-Century Heirmologion," in Studiesin Eastern
Chant, vol. 2, ed. Milos M. Velimirovid (London: Oxford University Press, 1971),
ioo-i 1I; idem, "Observations on the Manuscript Tradition of Byzantine Music II:
The Contents of Some Early Heirmologia," Universite de Copenhague,
de
l'Institut du moyen-agegrec et latin 8 (1972): 35-47; Enrica Follieri, "TheCabhiers
'Living
Heirmologion' in the Hymnographic Production of John Mauropus, Metropolitan of

26
SOCIETY
originalGreekpoeticformso that they fit the originalGreekmelody.

The earlierones even include a transliterationof the Greek textual
incipit as a furtherreminderof what this melodywas. Most interestingly, in some manuscriptsthe Georgiantexts are also suppliedwith
neumes, though unfortunately we do not know how to read them.62

In 1957 and 1962 the prominent Georgian linguist Pavle Ingoroqva
publishedhis proposed"solution"to the problemof decipheringthe

neumes.Though it receivedsomepublicityin the West at the time, it
seems never to have been given a detailed explanation in any
Western-languagepublication.63In any case Ingoroqva'shypothesis
was evidently based on at least three dubious premises. First, he
supposed that each type of neume consistently representedone
specificpitch, a notionthat is inconsistentwith what is knownabout
other traditionsof neumaticnotation. Second, he envisionedthese
pitches anachronistically,as being organizedinto a series very like a
modem scale,even thoughthe limitedamountof survivingtheoretical
literaturedoes not confirmthe existenceof such a conceptin medieval
Euchaita," in Studiesin EasternChant, vol. 4, ed. Miloc M. Velimirovid (Crestwood,
N.Y.: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1979), 54-7562 The most famous manuscript with neumes, written by Mikael Modrekili
between the years 978 and 988 (MS S-425 of the Georgian Institute of Manuscripts
in Tbilisi, Georgia), is described in Michel van Esbroeck, "L'Hymnaire de Michel
Modrekili et son sanctoral (XCsiecle)," Bedi kartlisa38 (1980): I13-3o0. Facsimiles of
individual folia can be seen in Pavlk Ingorokva, " 'Lost Hymns of Georgia': A
I,ooo-Year-Old Musical Mystery Unravelled by a Soviet Linguist," UnescoCourierI5,
no. 5 (May 1962): 24 and 27; Washa A. Gwacharija, "Mehrstimmigkeitin altgrusinischen Handschriften?" Beitriagezur Musikwissenschaft
9 (i967): 284-304 and plates
see pl. 6; and Abulaje, Kartuli Ceris,plates 57-58 on pp. I15 and II7,
3b-6,
transcriptions into modern script on pp. 114 and i1 6, commentaries on pp. 351-52.
A transcription of the entire text into modern Georgian script (mxedruli) with the
neumes is Vaia A. Gvaxaria, Roland Gurcvulaje,and Salva Amiranalvili, eds., Mikael
Tenth century; in
Modrekilishimnebi: X saukune [Hymns of Mikael Modrel.ili:
A
notated
later
Sakartvelo,
(Tbilisi:
1978).
manuscript has
vols.
Georgian], 3
been published in a facsimile
edition: G. I. I~knaje, ed., Nevmirebulijlispirni(xelnaCeri
Sab.ota
A-6o3) [Neumated heirmoi (manuscript A-6o3); in Georgian], Jveli kartuli mcerlobis
jeglebi 3 (Tbilisi: Mecniereba, 1982). Facsimiles of single pages have been published
in Abulaje, KartuliCeris,plate 61 on p. 123, transcription on p. 122, commentary on
p. 353; and Bernard Outtier, "Les Chants des 6glises du Caucase: Musiques
giorgienne et armenienne," Le Mondede la Bible 37 (an.-Feb. 1985): 46-47o
The lack of attention to Ingoroqva's publications is understandable, since they
appeared in the Georgian language and in periodicals that are scarcely obtainable
outside Georgia. For summaries in more accessible languages, see Ingorokva, " 'Lost
Bedi
Hymns of Georgia,' " 24-27; and Pavl6 Ingorokva, "La
MusiqueBgorgienne,"
kartlisa I3-14 [= nos. 41-42] (1962): 56-60; Stefan Lazarov,
Istorita na notnogoprsmo
[History of musical notation; in Bulgarian] (Sophia: Nauka i Izkustvo, 1965), 68-69;
Kalistrat Salia, History of the GeorgianNation, trans. Katherine Vivian (Paris: Nino
Salia, 1983), 485-97.

27
Georgia. Third, he assumedthat the neumatedmedievalmelodies

were closely related to the oral traditionof polyphonic liturgical
singing that is practiced in Georgia today. This is possible but
unproven.At least some medievalGeorgianchanttexts are still sung
in the modernByzantinizedGeorgianliturgy,64so that theremay be
some historiccontinuitybetween the medievaland modernmusical
settings. But the GeorgianOrthodoxChurchexchangedthe Jerusalem rite for the Byzantine about the twelfth century, and this
liturgical reform may have introduced major disruptions in the
musicaltradition.Mereconfidencein the stabilityof oraltraditionsis
not enoughto supporta claimthatmodem Georgianmusic faithfully
preservesmelodiesfrom the pre-Byzantineperiod.6s
Only by comparingmultiplemelodictraditionsfor the sametexts
can we hope to makeany progresstowardaccuratelyunderstanding
See Bernard Outtier's review of Leeb, Die Gesange,in Bedikartlisa29-30 (1972):
64
335-38.
6s Nevertheless the liturgical and folk polyphony of modern Georgia has deservedly attracted much interest among both Georgian and Western scholars. See Marius
Schneider, "Kaukasische Parallelen zur mittelalterlichen Mehrstimmigkeit," Acta
musicologica12 (1940): 52-61, including six unnumbered pages of transcriptions;
Grigol Tschchikwadse, "Grundtypen der Mehrstimmigkeit im grusinischen Volkslied," Beitriige zur Musikwissenschaftio (1968): 172-88; V. A. Gvakharifi,
"Muzykal'nafa kultura Gruzii XI-XII vv." [Musical culture in Georgia, XI-XII
2 (1969): 40oi-i;
Vaskha
centuries; in Russian], Musica antiqua: Acta
scientifica
Aleksandrovich Gvakharifm,"Muzykal'nafmkultura
Gruzii XVII-XVIII vv." [Musical culture in Georgia, XVII-XVIII centuries; in Russian], Musica antiqua: Acta
scientifica3 (1972): 727-67; Vasha Gvakhariff, "Muzykal'naif kultura Gruzii epokhi
tsaritsy Tamary i Shota Rustaveli" [Musical culture in Georgia in the epoch of
Empress Tamar and Shota Rustaveli; in Russian], Musicaantiqua: Acta
scientiica 4
(1975): 469-85; Washa Gwacharija, "Die Mehrstimmigkeit in der alten grusinischen
(georgischen) Musik," in Beitrige zur Musikgeschichte
Osteuropas,ed. Elmar Arro,
Musica Slavica (Wiesbaden:
Franz Steiner, 1977), 414-27; V. A. Gvaharia, "La
Musique en Georgie au temps de la grande reine Tamar," Bedi kartlisa 35 (1977):
204-35, and 36 (1978): 120-48; Vazha Gvakharifm,"Drevnegruzinskie muzykal'nye
znaki (X-XIII vv.)" [Old Georgian musical signs (X-XIII centuries); in Russian],
Musicaantiqua: Acta scientifica6 (1982): 765-75; Vazha Aleksandrovich
Gvakharifa,
"'Muchenichestvo Shushaniki' i nekotorye problemy drevnegruzinskol gimnografii
(IV-VI vv.)" ['The martyrdom of Su'anik' and some problems of old Georgian
hymnography (IV-VI centuries); in Russian], Musicaantiqua:Acta scientifica7 (1985):
637-50; E. Tsereteli, "Le Chant traditionnel de G6orgie: Son passe, son pr6sent,"
Bedikartlisa32 (1974): 138-46; Yvette Grimaud, "Une
R6alit6 autre: Les Musiques de
l'oralit6,"Bedikartlisa29-30 (1972): 240-44; idem, "Musique vocale g6orgienne," Bedi
kartlisa 35 (1977): 51-72; idem, "Sur l'ornementation de certains chants
g6orgiens
d'Europe orientale," Bedi kartlisa 37 (1979): 18o-83; idem, "G6orgie: Chants religieux," Bedi kartlisa 37 (1979): 184-93; Nino Maissouradz6, "Un Investigateur
frangaisde la musique orale g6orgienne,"Bedikartlisa38 (1980): I7o-85; Salia, History
of the GeorgianNation, 485-97; and Ewsewi Tschochonelidse, "Das Wesen der
georgischen polyphonen Volksmusik," Georgica1 (1988): 63-66.

28
SOCIETY
the Georgianneumes. Table 2 offersan exampleof a text that could

supportsuch comparativestudy, the heirmosof the eighth ode of a
canon for the Ascensionby John the Monk,66in the plagalD mode.
TABLE 2
Kan6n for the Ascension by John the Monk, in the First Plagal Mode (Eu 183):
Poetic and Melodic Structure of the Heirmos to Ode 8, T6v EK TrcXTpos
Greek
Syllables MelodicPhrases Syllables
MS H MS Y
8
9
8
10
6
7
7
A
B
A
B'
C
D
E
Georgian
Syriac
A
B
A'
B'
C
D
E
8
io
8
9
8
ii
MelodicPhrases
Syllables
MelodicPhrases
A
B
A
B
C
D
9
9
8
io
6
7
A
B
A
B'
C
D
E
Sources:Greek texts.
E;
9
rpadcrSLs, E'plioAbytov, 'Ay-oPeLTLKq BLBIXLOO'Kr
wtp6vmos
L'Ermitage, 1932), no. 183, p. 132. Cited with the conventional
(Chennevieres-sur-Mame:
siglumEu.
GreekmelodiesfromMS H. Mt. Athos, IvironMS 470, fol. 83v;facsimileed.: Hirmologium

Athoum,ed. CarstenH6eg, MonumentaMusicaeByzantinae2 (Copenhagen:Munksgaard,
1938); transcription: TheHymnsof the Hirmologion,vol. I, The First Mode, TheFirst Plagal Mode,
transcribedby Aglaia Ayoutantiand MariaSt6hr, ed. CarstenHoeg and Jorgen Raasted,

MonumentaMusicaeByzantinae,Transcripta6 (Copenhagen:
Munksgaard,1952), I6i.
Greekmelodiesfrom MS Y. Cambridge,Trinity CollegeMS 1165, fol. 67; transcription:
transcribedby H. J. W. Tillyard, Monumenta
from the TrinityHirmologium,
TwentyCanons
Musicae Byzantinae, Transcripta 4 (Boston: The Byzantine Institute; Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1952), 70-71 (also an English translation of the text, p. 68).
Syriactextsandmelody.JulesJeannin,JulienPuyade,andAnselmeChibasLassalle,Milodies
demilodies
et recueil
et chaldennes,
(Paris:Leroux,
vol. 2, Introduction
liturgique
syriennes
liturgiques
[19281), no. 785, p. 490; no. 75x, p. 470, transposed down a whole step. Text transliteration
follows the principlesfor WesternSyriacoutlinedin Albert Frey, PetiteGrammaire

syriaque,
EditionsUniversitaires;
OrbisBiblicuset Orientalis,SubsidiaDidactica3 (Fribourg:
G6ttingen:
Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1984), 6-17.
X-XI ss.
Orijveliredakcia
Georgiantexts. ElenaMetreveli,ed., Jlispirnida (mrtismoblisani:
of
to
redactions
ancient
Two
and
theotokia:
mixedvit
manuscripts
according
[Heirmoi
xelnaCerebis
no.
no.
the tenth to eleventh centuries; in Georgian] (Tbilisi: Mecniereba, 1971),
258, p. 142;
264, p. 145.
Georgian neumes. G. I. Ifllnaje, ed., NeemirebuliJlispirni (xelnaeri A-6o3) [Neumated
heirmoi(manuscriptA-6o3)],Jveli kartulimcerlobisjeglebi3 (Tbilisi:Mecniereba,1982), no.
479, PP- 514-15; no. 488, pp- 522-23.
attribution and is often taken to refer to John of Damascus.

66 This is a common
But in fact, since the canon of John's works has not been established, we cannot rule
out the possibility that some of these works may have been created by other monastic
hymnographers named John.

29
The Greek stanza consists of seven lines, with the syllable counts
indicatedin the firstcolumn.The melodicformof the Greekmelody,
as given in the mainstreamMS H, is ABAB'CDE, slightly variedin
the more peripheralMS Y. The Syriac and Georgiantranslations
imitatethe line count and syllablecountsas closely as possible,67and
theirmusicalformseemsto imitatethe Greekalso, for they too begin
with some variationof ABAB.
Detailed illustrationsof the neumes begin in Example 3; the
purposeof these examplesis not to show that the Georgian,Greek,
and Syriacmelodieswere the sameor related,but only to show that
each of them beganwith a similarABAB phrasestructure.The two
occurrencesof melodicphraseA, on the first and thirdtextuallines,
are virtuallyidenticalto each other in MS H and in MS Y, though
they differ between the two manuscripts.The two phrasesof the
Syriacmelody, transcribedfromoral traditionin the early twentieth
century, are also practicallyidentical,thoughin musicalcontentthey
are both ratherdifferentfromthe medievalGreekmelody. Nevertheless the Syriac sourcesassign this melody to the same mode as the
Greek, plagal D, which assignmentis also plausiblefrom a modern
point of view. Though we do not know the Georgianmelody, it is
clear that these two A phraseswere notatedwith the same neumes:
two short oblique strokes below the text, slanting to the right,
followedby two ascendingcurvedstrokesabovethe text, alsoopening
to the right.
Example4 shows that the situationis much the same for melodic
phraseB. In the Greekmelodiesthe two phrasesareslightvariantsof
each other, thoughMS H and MS Y differin the way they vary the
67 See also the Georgian translation of another kan6n by John studied in
Gwacharija, "Mehrstimmigkeit in altgrusinischen Handschriften?" 295. The phenomenon has been studied the most in the medieval Slavonic chant
repertory, where
the texts often, but not always, seem to have been designed to match the structure and
syllable count of the Greek originals in order to be sung to the Greek melodies. See
Constantin Floros, UniversaleNeumenkunde:
Entzifferungder iiltesten byzantinischen
undderaltslavischen
sematischen
Notation,Das modaleSystemderbyzantinNeumenscbhriften
iscbenKirchenmusik,Beitrizgezur Geschichteder byzantiniscbenKirchendichtung,3 vols.
(Kassel: Biirenreiter, 197o), i:94-io8; Margarette Ditterich, Untersuchungenzum
Slavistische Beitriige 86
altrussischenAkzent: Anhand von Kirchengesangsbandschriften,
(Munich: Otto Sagner, 1975); Gut Antonina Filonov Gove, "The Evidence for
Metrical Adaptation in Early Slavic Translated Hymns," in FundamentalProblems,ed.
Hannick, 211-46; Milo? Velimirovid, "The Melodies of the Ninth-Century Kanon
for St. Demetrius," in Russianand SovietMusic:Essaysfor BorisScbwarz, ed. Malcolm
H. Brown, Russian Music Studies i i (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press,
1984), 9-34;
and Nicholas Schidlovsky, "Melody, Text, and the Slavic Notation of a
Byzantine
Musica
Sticheron,"
antiqua:Acta scientifica7 (I985): 539-52.

SOCIETY
30
Example 3
(a) melodic phrase A, first time (= Eu 183, ode 8, Tbv EK norTpbqs,first line)
Georgian:Ma-
mi-
sa-
gan
GreekMSY
Y,.
Greek: Tbv
Ex
xta-
t;g
'ol-
sa
je-
nQw aoM-
Co-
v ov
me
A-
b6
o-
bil-
sa:
Greek MS H
Syriac (oral)
Syriac: Lehaw demen qedom
men
third line)
(b) melodic phrase A, second time (= T6v EK
wrTp6S,
Georgian: da
ag-
sas-
rul-
sa
zam-
ta-
sa:
Greek MS H
Greek
MSY
I
Greek:
Syriac (oral)
xcta
t'
wabe-
siS-
lo-
oX6-
Tov
noCv
9 6-
orv
rat
za-
bne
H
Syriac:
m6 w[abl]eha-
See sourcelist in Table 2.

Sources:
phrases. The melodies of the two Syriac phrases are once again
virtually identical. The two Georgian phrases may also have been
variants of the same melody, for while they were notated differently
at the beginning, they end in the same way, with an ascending jagged
stroke followed by an ascending curve. It remains to be seen whether
the Georgian notation is consistent for all occurrences of these two
melodic formulae, but Example 5 shows what can happen when we
look for these same patterns farther afield. It is taken from the next
heirmos of the same set, the one for the ninth ode, and should be
compared with Example 4. While the Greek melodies from MS H and
Y in Example 5 use some material from phrase B (Ex. 4), the Syriac
melody is less close. It is difficult to tell whether or not the Georgian
notation indicates a melody related to the Georgian phrase B. Two of
the same notational signs are used, a jagged ascender and a curving
ascender, but this time in the reverse order.

Example 4
(a) melodic phrase B, first time (= Tbv K
Georgian: u-
ci-
res
sa-
dim.
yev-
vl-
Vt-
br6
metii-
mo-
yo
de16
Greek
MS
Y
Greek:
u-
ku-
ne-
ta:
xat
OE-
6v
et-
T-
dim.
GreekMSH
na-
second line)
uTpbQs,
f'
by
(oral)
Syriac
Syriac:
SU-
roy
(b) melodic phrase B, second time (= Tbv KIrorpbs, fourth line)

Georgian: kal-
cu-
sa-
li-
gan
Greek
H
MS
por-
ci-
k_)
>
SA
Greek MS Y
el-
9
Greek:
oaQ-
xo-
Oev-
Ta
Syriac
(oral)
nx
I
Syriac:
et-
ba-
sar
men
I
Betill-
tag-
O8-
vov
I
t0
Sources:
See sourcelist in Table 2.

qa-
dis-
SOCIETY
32
Example5
MelodicphraseB, thirdtime (= Eu 183, ode 9,
Georgian:
qo-
Greek:
oe-
ve- mi morc- mu- ne- ni
U,
rlv 'wripvoOv,last line)

di-
de- ben
LE- ya-
V- vo-
ga-
'en
GreekMSH
Y
T6-- o X
o-
-W
Greek:
3rL-
yot
xo
)-og
Rev
11
- [Lo-4)Q6-vo;
Re-
ya- X,6- vo-
[Lev
Syriac(oral)k
Syriac: pil-
goq
Yol1-dat
A- lo- h6 Betill- t6
ku- lan mawr- bi-
-nan
Dotted lines enclosematerialfrommelodicphraseB.

Sources:See source list in Table 2.
Even when we have notation, then, the preliminary results are

much the same as before. We can know the mode of the Jerusalem
chant, and various features of its melody, such as the succession of
phrases or formulas, the degree of melismaticism, and perhaps even
the general melodic outline-but we cannot reconstruct the actual
pitch succession of the original Jerusalem melody. Indeed we cannot
yet be sure that concepts like "reconstruction"and "originalJerusalem
melody" adequately express the historical reality we are seeking to
recover. Of course it is possible that a fixed melody of Jerusalem
origin, borrowed by other chant traditions early in the Middle Ages,
gradually evolved in different directions through a succession of
corruptions and adaptations, so that the parent melody can no longer
be hypothetically recreated because the multiple descendants have
grown so far apart. But other patterns of transmission are also
plausible, and perhaps even more likely. Maybe the Jerusalem melody
was never transmitted precisely to any other tradition. Perhaps
individual chant traditions borrowed the general characteristicsof the
Hagiopolite melody but not its fine detail, like the churches in so
many places that imitate architectural features of the Jerusalem
buildings without being exact copies of them. Or perhaps there was
no uniform, identifiable "original"melody even in Jerusalem itself,
but only a framework of characteristics(such as mode, range, syllabic
or melismatic style, rough melodic shape, outstanding melodic gestures) that was realized somewhat differently at each performance or
by each singer. The greatest likelihood may be that each of these

33
patternsand othershad its roleto play-to varyingdegreesand in

differentways-across the many centuriesthat the traditionwas
of piltakingshapein Jerusalem,and while successivegenerations
home
the
latest
to
rival
earlier
grimsbrought
developments
importationsthathadalreadytakenrootin foreignsoil. If so, ourpictureof
whathappenedwill onlybe clarifiedgradually,on the basisof many
moreprobingandintensiveinvestigations
of theJerusalem
repertory
andits influenceon the othertraditions
of medievalchant.
Conclusion
Many questions remain tantalizingly unresolved, but the historical
reality and significance of Jerusalem chant can no longer be doubted.
The Georgian sources show us that the Jerusalem chant repertory
was, in its day, the central chant tradition of the early medieval world.
It was Jerusalem that produced the earliest annual cycle of chants, the
oldest known true chantbook, and the first repertories organized in
eight modes. Though the original Greek manuscripts are lost, the
medieval Georgian translations permit us to know what they contained, to trace their historical development, and to document the
influence Jerusalem exerted on other Eastern and Western centers of
liturgical chant. Even the Georgian neumes are about as old as the
extant Greek and Latin notations, and are at least as likely--if not
more--to transmit very early musical traditions from the Holy City.
In short, Georgian chant is in some respects our most direct witness
to the period and the processes in which all medieval Christian
liturgical chant was formed. The early date and central position of the
Jerusalem chant repertory means that the thorough investigation of
the Georgian sources will be indispensable to solving the most
important problems of modern chant scholarship-the whole complex
of issues that, since the mid I950s, we have called the "central
problem" of early medieval chant.
PrincetonUniversity
APPENDIX
RecentResearchon the Liturgyof Jerusalemand Its Influence

I. EARLYCHRISTIANWORSHIPIN JERUSALEM
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ABSTRACT
From the fourth to the twelfth century, the city of Jerusalem had its own
liturgical rite and chant repertory, which used the Greek language. Until
recently, however, very little was known about this tradition because hardly
any medieval manuscripts of it survived. But the Greek texts were translated
into Georgian when the church of Georgia adopted the rite of Jerusalem as
its own, and critical editions of these translations, made from tenth-century
manuscripts, have recently been published. The translations show that the
chant repertory of Jerusalem exercised much influence on the other medieval
chant repertories in Greek, Syriac, Armenian, and Latin. When texts from
Jerusalem survive in these other traditions, they tend to be set to melodies
that are consistent with the modal assignments and neumes of the Georgian
sources. This suggests that the features these melodies share do go back in
some way to the lost melodies that were once sung in Jerusalem itself.


The Earliest Christian Chant Repertory Recovered - The Georgian Witnesses To Jerusalem

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