4 Anna Seidel aussi a Pétat de moine, Comme indique le terme “lignée sanguine”, Aechimvaku MR, porté sur le talisman, elle se trouve intégeée dans une liynée monastique, une promotion qui lui assure la renaissance divecte dans le paradis d’Amida, Dans ce contexte, il y aurat lew de comparer les rites Aonction (abhiseka, kana) qui s’étendent de Vordination monastique aux Fites funéraires pour les femmes. Il semble que ces rites contiennent des Elements semblables, c'est-i-dite des formules dont Vintention est de transformer ta défunte en homme et de lui octroyer une ordination monastique, pour que cette défunte laique remplisse ds cette mort, sans autres renaissances, toutes les conditions pour une rédemption complete, ALCHEMY AND SELF-CULTIVATION IN LITERARY CIRCLES OF TIE NORTHERN SONG DYNASTY SU SHI STK (1037-1101) AND HIS TECHNIQUES OF SURVIVAL. - Farzeen BALDRIAN- HUSSEIN, ‘La chaste des Somg da Nord vit des changements exraonlinaires ‘que ce sot au niveau politique ow religieux, dans le domaine du ouldhisme comme dans celui du taoizme. Cet changements me touchirent pas seulement lee monattéves; lex classes lettres en ‘ressenient également les effets. Comme le monire Cexemple de Si ‘Shi (Su Dongpo), podte,peintre et ealligraphe ilsive, serait fy dd Kinier tes méthodes et pratiques de longue vie awe seul totes, vu gue les letnés appliquaien! ces méthudes sams se soucier de leut provenance gud powvaitére aust bien bowlhiste, tise an srde tot droite a retigiom pupae Mest pauvtant vrai gue Te taieme, Ween vue Vpaque Son, cexerga un arbait particliew sur es éruit, Les raisons en étaient multiples > philasophiques, mystiques, eligieuses, médicales on cesthitiques. En général, ces érudite manifestaient une attitude conkivatenteenvers ka religion mas, Pinta de nos cntemparains fen proie des tensions immombvabler, il yavaientrecours dans lex ‘moment difcils de la vie. Le yinie gu était Su Shi, avec sm expt avide de savor, ses tentaives louables pour acquérir {elixir atchimique interne ow externe, les “cours” de respiration et dle imédtation awcquele il s‘adonnat sporadiquemen, étit en avance sur son temps pulsyw ll semble avoir été, d plus d'un ttre wn protonype du newoss si pique du XX site Introduction The period known as the Northern Song (960-1127) was a dynamic one in the history of Taoist techniques of self-cultivation, The changes that had already begun during the end of the Tang and the strife-ridden Five Dynasties became systematized and organized during this time, Although self-cultivation during the The numbers of the Duozang ACH (hereafter: DZ) refers to KM. Schipper’s Concordance di Tao-tsang (Paris, PEFEO 195) and the tndex tothe Davcang 08 (11 141), repent published in Taipei by the Viwen yinshu guan 4 2°44 (1977), For other abbreviations, se below p47, Cahiers d'Extrme-Asie 9 (1996-1997) 15-83.we arzcem Maldsan-Hassein Tang was particularly innovative, the emphasis dating the Song lay alchemy (nen #2, a complex syst involving the use of ancient techniques (eatavon, eoneenation, det, gymnastic, ce.) ond To altima ine HieW self and to achieve mystical union with the Ts The popularity of sell-cultvation and longe iy practices was widespad within ‘he imperial curt and among the etre classes. The role of Tavs, weve, was predominant especially after the founding ofthe Song Dynasty The reasons were both historical and practical. In her “Chronicle of Taoist Studies," Anna Se shown that, fr the Taos, the Celestia Master was 2 coven, Subsequently, his successors, who were hors of sacred registers (lu), acts rituals a a means of ensuring Great Peace A hi was as he in tol af the euler, Ths many Chinese rulers, seckng to connote the leptinacy of their ule, undrwcot the Taoist ial of “Transmission of Registers (shou IB) This was especialy the case after the fourng ofa new dynasty when he ruler tied letimize his usurpation ofthe Heavenly Mandate, Some ars went evs farther in emphasizing their Taoist afiintions. The Tang emperors had proclaimed Lavi & 2 their ancestor; the Song, Begining with emperor Zhenzong MC: (c 997-1022), claimeil to be descendants ofthe Jade Emperor (Yabwang If!) Moreover, the presence of sages at court was clear proof ofthe vite and charisma ofthe ruler “Wrdom comes tothe sare centre tobe silled and redistributed lke new Bod to all pats of the so “technicians” oF "masters of techniques” Yangsh J) to the cour dri od prepared i sor ofthe Mi body"? Resides men of wisdom, Zhenzong also attracted the ateliers was used to fabricate sacred objects, ‘But imperial sponsorship alone was not the only reason for the popularity of ‘Taoism, alchemy and techniques of self-cultivation, Other factors invol the rise of Song Neo-Confucianism, which combined the Han “esot. 1724 (i.e, commentaries on the Confucian classies which stemmed from a fangshi nilicu) and printing techniques, allowing a greater distribution of books ancl texts usually copied by hand, Moreover, the availability of Taoist books, collected, collated and printed under imperial patronage, ineveased the knowledge of Tiss and non-Taoists alike.” Many scholars wrote poems and books which were later included in the Taoist Canon. The Daoshu sf (“Pivot of the Tao,” DZ.1017), for instance, a compendium of the mid-twelfth century dealing with inner- alchemical and related literature, was compiled by the scholar-official, Zeng Cao {248 (J. 1155)" The collection, often quoted in this paper, is a mirror of the * Seidel (1980-1990; 273} » Seidel (1989-1990: 274), * Fora catalogue of Taoist texts in official and privat libraries during the Song Dynasty, se Van der Loon (1984 "See his biography in the Jnjang ian 2hi FLEES: (12, p. 338), Zhongevo tanger comps SHUA-AUP)(Chengven chubanshe wi i001) and in the Tushu jcheng LARA (ol 1H0, Ab, KR, RED. Zeng Cao, a descendant of the statesman Zeng Gongliang 8° Alchemy cand Sef Culvation in Literary Cece of the Northern Song Dynasty 17 preoccupation of the lettered classes withthe subject of self-cultivation The penchant for Taoism of the Song emperors resulted in a marked interest, among certain members of the literati, in mysticism and meditation, as well as physiological and alchemical practices. Taoism and Taoist literature were appreciated not only by artists, calligraphers and pocts but physicians and philosophers. Zhang Fangping fis F (1007-1091, minister), Ouyang Xiu BHM (1007-1072, official, master of literature and historian), Su Shi SL (Su Dongno AF HE%, 1037-1101, official, poet, painter and calligrapher) and other scholars mentioned in this article are but a few examples.* Iso by politicians, ‘The present article is only a limited effort to elaborate upon some of the points For this made by Anna Seidel concerning “OMficialdom and Confucianism." and some of his cont ques used by these schotae-offiials if Well dlocumenied and provides us with insight into thei atitude towards religion, and ‘especially towards Taoism. But before embarking on the subject, 1 must make a shor digression, forthe sake of clarity, onthe notion ofthe three teachings (samjian =), ie, Taoism, Buddhism and Confucianism, during the Song, ‘The Three Doctrines Borrowing of ideas among the (eachings of Buddhism, Trois and Confucianism was a common phenomenon in imperial China ever since the introduction of Buddhism, and the Song period was no exception. Interchange of ideas could only be expected since scholars were given a basic education in the classics, and many of them then enhanced their knowledge by reading Buddhist and ‘Taoist literature, Ava Seidel has admirably summed up the interaction of the three teachings in her “Chronicle,” and I shall not go into it here. Suffice it to say that ‘during the Song Dynasty, Buddhisen, Taoism and Confucianism were all considered branches of the same tree, In the words of the Grand Minister Chao Qiong, 58:9 (948-1031); “As to doctrines, how can they be so very different?” | have always (998-1078), became familiar with Taoist iterature while working inthe imperial brary. He ‘was a prolife writer who wrote on a variety of subjects. The Daoshu (DZ. 1017, 42 juan), ‘competed around 1151, is 2 compendiam of diverse Taoist practices and of self-ulivation techniques, Ht san invaluable tool since it includes a quantity of Northern Song and pre-Song material now lost, For alist of tiles of texts and names of persons cited, ef Miyazawa Shojun ST7BiEME (1988). Another book concerning Taoism isthe Jian zhuaw KALI, a callection of biographies of immortals, This work is extant only in quotations inthe Shuofc 1E3b(Hfanfen low BUF ed) "Sun Kekuan FSH (1965: 148 59.) has briefly discussed th lives of some ofthese scholars with regard to their attitude towards religion, CF. also Needham, Science and Cviliaton im China (hereafter SCC), V3: 182 and 192, * Seidel (1989-1990: 275.278,1% arse Malian Sse strung the thece: Ways into onc” (HEGEL? ISAEEL SAS 5) And Sw Che a {i (1039-1112), Su Shi's younger brother, is known to have written a commentary con the Davee jing 4 for the Buddhist monk Daoquan i (1085) in onder to prove that there was no fundamental difference among the teachings of the is, the Confucians and the Taoists” These ideas are clealy reflected in inany Song texts in the Taoist Canon, tn the preface (dated 1078) to the Hiehen ‘Pian (STC, for instanee, we Find the author, Zhang Boduan (984-1082), wondering why the teachings are considered different. He concludes that “although there are three doctrines, the way eventually returns to the One" (HGH I=. 8/985)" AS with his traditional education, strong Buddhist background! and Taoist Tinations, he considered early (i.e. pre-Imperial) Taoism on a par with ‘Confucianism (Buddhism was introduced into China later), Taoism, he wrote, was ‘nase on the teachings ofthe Yellow Emperor and Laozi, Its basic tenets (purty and non-action i#4F¥%) reflected the same ideas as those found in the Zin IIS {Hook of Changes) and the Lunvu dif (Analects). Later, during the Qin and Han ynastics, Huang-La0 i £ teachings incorporated the sayings and techniques ofthe {Fangshi and developed a new form of Taoism (sce below. p. 25). ‘Anna Scidel has aptly stated: “Our notions of three ‘isms’ (Confucianism, Taoism, Buddhism) as three distinet spiritual, religious or political systems is 100 Occidental... hut the Chinese considered them not so much as three different fcligions in-the European sense, which one had to distinguish, fo affirm of to ‘oppose, but rather as three indivisible facets or aspects of Chinese culture, ° Sasjin pian #28, Das, 32b, This sam excerpt from Chao's Fang iin be i 52298, 1 jun (Sis quant TP cin). Chao Reems te be alain tothe Lee BiB GERD, which says: i iTL.Z, translated by Waley as: "My Way has one (head) ‘shich runs thequgh it (193K: 105). Chao Qiong (94R-1031) was Minister of Rites (Ai ‘nl Lesser Tutor tothe Heir Apparent (K £218) when he died ef Songshi Wj 305, Peking: Zhonghua shay 918, 1977) Su Che AFM, Z.Ziyou Fl. Vingbin yilao WRIA & (1039-1112), Daae shenjing zhu Infesuusat (Commentary on the Dune jing"), 4 juan. In his colopion af 1108, Su Che fecounts that in 1OR0 he ws banished tothe prefecture of Yanzhous 1 (Jiangxi) where he inet the Buddhist monk Daoquan if (d.10RS). Su Che's desire to convince the Iter that teither the Due ing nor the Confucian Zhongyong *P% ("Doctrine of the Mean”) disagreed ‘rth the Thddhist doctrine resulted in his commentary on the Dave jing. AS an example, he lakes a sentence inthe Dactrine of the Afeun, which defines the ean’ as the state before feelings of happiness, anget, grief and joy are expressed (RM URZ KABA). This ine, he ‘ays is no different from the Siath Pairiach Huineng’s RENE woeds, “thinking neuer of goo bun evi” (12.601, Dace semis, #8 ATAE, 4, tah), CT. Liv (197%: 398) CE Zing shenren Machen plan sanzhu MBM ARVO 238, DZ 142, preface, 9a. On the author, se below 9.123. Sun (1965: 145-148) provides us with similar examples (see PMT EAMG TA MI ELI, IBZ, (REIN, ICANN, IB) (ther examples of the amalgamation ofthe "thee teachings” have been quoted by Liu (1967 2451 Fora comprehensive sil ofthe trend af combining the three teachings into one (= sce YaCIIRI) Alchemy and Sel Calisaton in Literary Cncer ofthe Northern Song Denaste 19 complementary like the ‘three legs of a tripod'""” Morcover, this lack of clear distinctions regarding the three “isms” is also evident in the indiscriminate use of the term “Taoist” by some scholars, a problem which has been dealt with at length by Nathan Sivin." He avers tha since the Taoist Canon includes works of medicine, ‘materia medica, geomancy and other sciences, sinologists should use the term with caution and diserimination. Perhaps we, as modern sinologists, have the means of analyzing an expression, taking the traditional, liturgical, geographical and social backgrounds into account, but this was by no means the ease for Chinese scholars themselves who dubbed as “Taoist” any book oF technique attributed 10 a Taoist master, egendary or otherwise, In the ease of techniques, any technique connected vagucly with an immortal or a famous master was accepted as Taoist, even though the technique may have had medical, Buddhist or traditional origins. Moreover, the role of transmission and revelations was important and a disciple could be initiated by a Taoist worthy many centuries after the latter's “transfigueation."” The term “Taoism” is therefore used rather looscly in the present study, which is aimed primarily at presenting Taoism and self-cultivation techniques as practised and ‘understood by Su Shi and some other scholar in the pages below. Life of a scholar: a synopsis ‘he following #8 a brief introduction to Su Shi's official life, 1 Is of Imerest In so far a8 it shows to what extent external circumstances were instrumental in heightening Su’s religious perception and his interest in “techniques ofthe Way.” Su Shi, Z. Zizhan 748, H. Dongno jushi HORNE I, Chouchi xiansheng Oui, was a scholarofficial renowned for his poetry, calligeaphy and painting.” He was bom in 1037 in Meizhou R11 county (Sichuan Pll). Meizhou was situated in the former kingdom of Shu 8}, a Taoist stronghold, and Meishan Illi, Su’s birthplace, was near Mt. Qingcheng #F4RUi, a mountain steeped in Taoist tradition." Seidel (1990) In French: 1998: 12-13, English tansation: Taoism: The Unofficial “High Religion” of China, (ms p.9). © Sivin (1978), " There ae many examples in the Daozang. For instance, Zhafg Sanfeng R=, studied by Seid! (1970-495, 511), histrialy is supposed t9 have lived during the Ming Dynasty, but he received insteaction from Song and Yuan masters. "The numberof studies on Su Shi in western languages i too great to ist her, but ere are a few: Watson (1965), Fuller (1990), Grant (1994). On painting: Bush (1971), Fora comprehensive bibliography, see Hatch (1976: 967 sq.) published in Sung Aingraphies (hereafter $8), and Egan (1994). Thee i a translation in German of Su S's biography in the Somgshi (338) by Simon (1985). Among the often quoted Japanese works are: Opawa (1962) and Chikusa (1964) CF. Verellen (1989: 126 sq). Robson (1995: 248) claims that there are no “univocal [Buddhist oF Taoist sacred mountains." This fomark was aeiticism of an article By Andersen (1989-1990, which portrayed tua shan a8 @ “purely Taoist Mountain.” But, according 100 arzeon Malian Hussein Su Shi's family belonged to the landed gentry, his uncle Sw Huan i (1001- 1062) being the first to obtain a jh i: degree and subsequently an offital post. His father, Su Xun ij (1009-1066), began applying himself seriously 10 his studies at the late age of twenty-five. Although he was not very successful in the official examinations, he developed a distinct style of writing that was inlierted by his two sons, Su Shi and Su Che. They became known as the three Sus anil were classified among the cight hest prose writers of the Tang and Song Dynasties, Although Su Xun’s ambitions were thwarted (he failed the jinshi examination), both Su Shi and Su Che more than made up for their father’s failure by taking the jivsht dlegrce with honours in 1057. Among their mentors and examiners were Zhang Fangping, Fw Bi and Ouyang Xiv."" Su Shi's contact with religion began early in his life, When he was eight, his a smother, a devout Buddhist, sent him to a sehool run by the Taoist Zhang Yijian fi in an abbey, the Tianging guan ARERL. According to Su Shi, among the several Inurl! pupils, he anl a co-pupil named Chen Taichu BACB temained the master's Favourites. Although Su attended this school for only three years Zhang. Vijian seems to have lef a lasting impression on him, for he is mentioned several ines in S's writings. Two accounts are important: one about a dicam he had cling his, ‘banishment in Usinan ii (in 1097), in which he revisited the abbey an aster unchanged." The other was written after the news of Chi “deliverance from the boy" (1) had reached him.” Foun the ‘Chinese tatltion and history “sectarian mountins” did exist, even though hesitation way have change in modern times. For example, Qigcheng shan, a sacred mountain sinatod 60 {ilomctes aosthwest of Cheng, is deserted by Lu You Pit (1125-1210) as devoid of Dinldst temples: “Among the famous mountains of the Empire, only the mountains 1s 1 Mao shan ann! Qingcheng shan are without any Buds temples. Mt Qingshieng hs ‘one named Buyin, located 10 Ie away, but that was destroyed by a loa" CF Fal th Fill, MIMS AMC MIE oF, LAiR, PAIRLZ, (CL Laue an bjt BME AND, Qinding Si amanshu SPIN Ae) wing (1007-1001, Z, Arvo, H, Lequan xkasheng M1, minister, singel. ATK. SM, App 16-19), Bu BL RBH (1004-1043), 7. Yanguo 118, 11. Kuni sansheng HAR(or YE, ChieF Councillor MPP] F-?-4 , Grand Instructor ME. Its tinclear whether the character the Dung for Fu Bs hao bs Abo JRA (Somes. 813), ‘Ouyang Xiv (1007-1072), Z, Yongshu Aft H. Liayijusht Rt (Sams j 319, SH pp SH-RI6) "eee Ae: MMA LRLANDNIR IE, ETA, DBS ABE AE REMAIN, FE 2 aicinits, VEAIUB, SLR RIYA. (Su Shi Wenjt BAR, 6 volumes, Peking Zhonghua shu 1H, 19K. 2p. Hl). Furbermore, nthe Zin Me Missllany (seen Diy he writes: F/R AB, LR LGRNSM ZS (Su Shi Wen, 6, p. 2322), The account is rendered correctly in Zeng Cao's Jixian zhwan (Shuof BL. 43.262), bat there is some confson in the Fish zhenvion ida tongiian BEIM AER (DZ 296, 50-13), which reads cight years instead oF thece "CE Chen Taichu shijie HAW °MT (Su Shi Went, 6, p. 2822 and Zhi, j 2 44). Su recounts that Chen a scholar who like Sa was a native of Meishan, ha realized the Tao, ‘When he died in front of the door of the prefect of Hanzhou iff, the fatter andered a Alchemy and Self-Cultivation in Literary Circles ofthe Northern Song Dynasty 2 Su Shi’s banishment to Hainan was only one of the punishments he underwent «due to political factionalism. He opposed the reforms ofthe powerful Wang Anshi 1-84; (1021-1086) and much of what he wrote and said was subject to severe criticism and scrutiny." As he himself wrote in a poem on his arrival in Huangzhou ft (Hubei) in 1080: “Funny ~ 1 never could keep my mouth shut. It kets worse the older I grow.” As GC. Hatch has remarked: “Su Shi was often ‘embarrassed by a careless tongue and impulsive wit,” which cost him numerous days in prison and banishment.” With age, Su Shis interest in religion became even more pronounced than in his youth, The hardship he had to suffer in exile was, perhaps, one of the factors. In Huangehow, for instance, he was not paid and was practically under house arrest, Hungry and withoot resources, he was forced 10 do manual labour and cultivate some land in order to feed himself, tt was in Huangzhou that he adopted the name “Dongpo jushi” 890% I: (Layman of the Eastem Slope), after the plot of land he farmed, It was also in Nuangzhou that he went through a period of “reli erisis™ and began his collection of strange stoves, the Zin EAR” AU ths stage Solder to cremate im. Since it was very early in the morning, the soldier was displeased and grumbled about being forced to carry the corpse (PYRE, WILTETLI WEA) ‘Thereupon, the story goes, Chen siiled, opened his eyes and sai, "I shall not bother you again” (EAM) He then walked away, arived ata bridge, eat down erosed-legged (i the Buddha posture) and passed away (E@WA, FEA) This was a famous story during ‘he Song, and many different versions ean be found in various collections, Cf also Jvian shan (Shurfe 43, 26a): MAM, IIB ATRL RJ ARPUE ARUP, The LSZX (DZ 296, 50.138) writes erroneously that Su Shi and Chen studied under Zhang Yijian for eight years: HOACDORUMIAS IEA te, ERT AR, ROEM. AC MARURE BU, PE THB, (ISDE, ALPEN. Su Shi himgeif kept an account of one ofthe trials where he had to defend himself ‘because of the barbed references in his writings. The original i lost but an account close to his was compiled by Peng Jinwan MAS, entitled: Dong Wutat shan HORE RITE (ee Hatch (1978: 448-449) Lin (194R: 187-204) gives a detailed accouot of the events. (CF also Liu (1959: 28 sq), Egan (1994: 27 5q) analyzes Su’s literary works against the ‘background of his disagreements with Wang Anshi and developments within Buddhist and Confucian thought Hatch, loc ior the poem, ef. Watson (1965: 77) Inthe words of Holzman (1980; 123). There ate many editions ofthe Zhilin E48; some in I jan, others in $j oF i 12 | have used the Xuejintaoyuan 48H version in Sj. reproduced by the Shangwu yinshu 2009 PREDEAS in 191) and reprinted along with Su Sh's Chowehi hij (RAB NIE with notes Inthe series Songtenbijtxiaoshuo A¥RA2NBE published by Huadong shi Fan daxue WD T3A%, Shanghai, 1983. The Chou iii a reproduction ofthe two juan version i Zeng, (Cao's Leishuo #488 (Qinding Siku quonshu X32 ed), j 9-10, However, most ofthe items can be found in the Sw Shi Wenji (, 72) under the rubric Zaji #42. The Zhilin riscellny ig late joural begun by Su Shi while in exile in Huangzhow. The core ofthe ‘volume isa recollection of “strange thing.” On the Zhiin and the Chow by ef Hateh (1978: 280-288, 331-332)2 Farscen Maldvan Hessen Su Shi was definitely metancholi but still interested in all that went on aro hit, ‘And, although he used t0 be a“ Ueseribed him, a certain amount of bitterness is reflected in his writings Huangzhou, and it would scem thatthe collection of strange stories was merely an effort to forget the misery of his situation.” Added to economic anil physical Ihanship was the state of his health. He suffered from inflamed eyes (8%) and scabies (i) and was often not seen for months. This in turn gave rise fo tumours that he had become an immortal, On one occasion, the last lines of a poem, “I'l! leave ina litle boat, On fa waters spend the years remaining” (lv lb, 12 F571), made the prefect of Huangzhou really believe that Su had escaped in a boat and become an immortal, These rumours even made their way tothe Ca rious and jovial character.” as Daiwie Fu has where the Emperor was duly distressed.” “The following table shows the most important periods in Su Shi's life HORO-RA Exiled t0Hvangzhow HORS Return to the Capital 1086-93 Various posts in the Capital and provinces 1091 Compilation ofthe stele in the Shangaing chuxiang gong. /-iR¥F 1094-97 Exiled to the region of Canton and later tothe island of Hainan 1100 Restored to office and return to the mainland 1101 Mlness and subsequent death in Changzhou (Zhejiang) ‘Su Shi and Taoism ‘Much has been written on Su Shi, 0 is poetry, on his painting and calligraphy, ‘on his understanding of eeligion, and oa his political interests. Modern studies on Su Shi insist upon his Buddhist affiliations. Lin Yutang, for instance, considers him 4 Buddhist, a specialist in Indian yoga Hem and an alchemist" The same can be said of the long biography by Gorge C. Hatch and the recent work by Heata Grant [Dut ina comprehensive study, Zhong L Su Shi as one who venerated only Taoism #1." It is not my intention to join in this debate, which seems quite unnecessary given Su Shi character, but Su was an ‘open-minded scholar, profoundly interested in all forms of religion. Ie associated in refutes these suppasitions sn presents Fu (1993-1994: 11, " Dango zhiin, 2 (38), p. 77 (AURRIE, Ye Mengde 819 (1077-1148), Bishae Iuka MSNA J. 1 Gin 2 juan, completed in 1135; ed. Jindai bishy RLS, Xuein oyun BANE 14). FORE HA, IN TAH, BAEISELIVIES:. For the poem, see Watson (1965: 8) “Lin (1948) * Zhong Laiyin E18, Su Sh dain danlao KEARBLARIEM, Taiwan, Student Book Company 12'S (1990: 264, S10-830. See the ap comments on Zhang's premise by Grant (1994: 197,229) Aehemy and Seif Calevation n Literary Clncles ofthe Northern Somy Denanty 2 ‘with both Buddhist monks and Taoists—although the poems dedicated to the former {group are more numerous than those to the latter. Indeed, the monk Hluihong 227% (1071-1128) quotes Su Shi as saying that asa chitd he often dreamed that he was a Buddhist monk!™ Nevertheless, in his youth both Su Shi and his brother were attracted to Taoist techniques and literature, As Su Shi himself states: “Since my ‘earliest childhood, I have cherished the Tao, My basic desire was to remain celibate and not to serve as an official. But owing to the pressure exerted upon me by my ther and brother, | fell into the worldly mesh" #KRINCUFH, AACA, 7 Sh, “48,” A similar statement was made by Su Che: “In my childhood 1 cherished the Tao, my thoughts set upon the thrce divine isles (oF the Blessed)" I-Atf it, & 1c 2191." Elsewhere in a poem, Su Shi displays his admiration for an oficial ‘Wang Jingchun, who had retired from public office to live the life of a recluse: “Nourishing the gia like nourishing a child, rejecting oficialdom is hike rejecting mud” E302, HIEMIRIE.” This contradictory goa! of abandoning worldly affairs and pursuing a successful offi ‘iheoughout his life and is Frequent theme in his writings. However, i tis respect, S's lamentations were not very original: Many scholars and officials felt that they were actually meant for higher things than bureaucratic work and expressed it in ther “unofficial” writings. ‘The Tang poet Li Bo, greatly admited by Su Shi, was no exception. But in contrast to Su Shi, he actually underwent a Taoist ordination.” During his peresrnations, Su Shi frequently sojoured in Tacist abbeys where he tead Taoist texts and often copied them. Thus we have poems on subjects like his stay in the Fengda Abbey in Zhongrhow 24ABERBEL and on reading the Daozang 38 5448 in the Shangaing taping gong if" on Mt. Zhongnan #itil.” Zhong Laiyin sees in these poems a sign of Su Shi's attachment to Taoism. However, Su ® Huihong MCA) (1071-1128), Lengzhat ye a ‘RIE (completed ar 1111): FL MUIR, THES A MEM." The passage is quoted inthe Tae ymin coma giant ‘@FERUSHAM (1148), (Peking: Renmin wentue chubanshe AIC LARIEBUE, 1981, p. 281) by Hu Zi ANF (1089-1143) Huong, it seems, saw Buddhists everywhere! Egan (1991: 140 141) translates another anecdote recounted in the Lemgzhat ye ua on Zhang Fangring having been a Buddhist in his former life. Sv She Meni, 4 pp. 1415-1416 (OEBLICRIER A), ® SuChe: HAI MI, ef. Zhong (1990-135. Sy Shi Shit HMRSHM, (8 volumes, Peking: Zhonghua shuju, 19K2) 3, p. 750 (8H A hon (1990: 71). Wang (1994: 120 5g). Su She Hen, 5, p- 2086 (ARIF); Su Sh Shy, 1 pL (AAR): Zhong (1990: 38) In 1059, athe age of veny-four Su vised the Fengd SERBEL (or Xiand PER) guan in Zhongahou 4H, built on the site where Yin Changsheng ha soared aloft as an immortal (8 FF 128, on Yin, ee p. 43). In the poem on “Reading the Daozang” aR in the abbey on Mt Zhongnan, writen For yes ltr, Su describes the Wibary full books “stacked in a ‘hows bones” HEAL Fdu Farsven Nubian tassin Shi’s numerous stays in Buddhist temples and his knowledge of stasis equally represented in his writings. Moreover, staying in Buddhist or Taoist temples was «common for the literati and does not necessarily indicate a song interest in eigion per se (ef, the examples on meditation below). As for Su Sis ativule towards Taoist techniques, the famous post Huang Tingian MERE (1045-1105), second in talent only to his friend and teacher Su Shi, describes him a8 “inconsitest". Ina colophon concerning a collection of Su's eallgraphy of Taoist books (4 0), Huang states: "Dongpo was attracted to “Techniques of the Way throughout his ie, and whenever he heard of a new technique he would immediately put it into practice. However, he could not Keep it up, and finally would abandon i” HCFA Fi, RIEHE2, FARK, LE” This atiude, I think, can be asribe to u's insatiable inquistveness an! desire for novelty Su Shi’s definition and understanding of Taoism is best seen in his famous scription, the Shongaing chuciang gong bet ViRERESB, The circumstances Teadng tots compesiton areas follows: in 108S, Su Shi was reinstated and ordered back tothe Capital. There, asa member ofthe Hanlin Academy (444 Ly and asa famous calligrapher, he was instructed to write the text commemorating the reconstruction ofthe Shangging chuxiang Abbey. Buil by emperor Tazong AE (e 976.997), the abbey was destroyed by fire in 1043, Repairs were undertaken in 1079 al completed in 1091 when Su wrote the inscription.” The text af this stele ‘was famous during the Song and luckily referenees and quotations abo," For in the Shacsheng WIM: era (1094-1097) Su and his faction once again sured defeat with the result that an interdiction on all of Su’s (as well a5 Huang Tingiian’s vitings was imposed, His books were burnt and the stele destroyed.” Retibution ‘was swifl, however and the abbot ofthe Shangaing chuxiang gong (who decided 10 effi the tex) wa reincarnated inthe body ofa yellow dog witha black head and Iaack paves (43420 8 8 2 © Shangu riba fF BH08 1.99 Cigu ge ii elton): EMER AA ik, See also fichong Huan sansheng went HOA BACT, Sibu cong kan PURER ed, 25.10 Cr Su Shi Wenz, 2: 502-804, Shangying ehusiang gomg bet ViBENPERE The original text was included in the Somg wen jan 2K, j 77 (Sibu cong kan ed) a 6 reproduced in the Dany inst Fie sR (p. 298) by Chen Yuan He (Wenwu chuban she 2790814, 4k) CF also Sun (1965: 151) and Zhong (1990. 132-133) See, for example Shao tho SB, Shan shi Wenjian how fu HEGRE (Peking: hong sha 1981, 38), completed in 1187, CF. also Hong Mai i (1123-1202) Mian yc ah HREM, 28 (Peking: Zhonghua shu, YORI), vol 4p. 17KO, The Laangst manshi PsA. of 1192 (7h bu 2u zhai WIE ed.) by Fet Gun RAL contains a wealth of information on thi aid oir subjects concerning Sa Shi. SCE Mi Zishi womglan MHL sARE (HI *F, 1106) and Hong Mais ijten bu zhi, 1S. vol Ap 1165 (GE MELAS RAPT RIE , BNR2). The Liamges munzhi notes tha after the desteuction, the minister Cai Hing HIE was otdered to rewrite another text forthe stele bina ahi 28 A7HO CURIE), Alchemy and Se Cals in Literary Circles of the Northern Sams Dynasty 2S ‘The following isan excerpt describing the vgs of Tavis “The Tavis schol has it eign inthe (teachings af the] Yellow Emperor and Laon frm Qin and Tan tines on they began to employ the language of he ong hence on ae the anpearance f techniques suchas those offing immortals whe ean transform thaselves the methods of Hunnging and Dadong the appellation a he dies) Tisha, Tan, Mugong and Sima [the myth] petodsYarkang Chiming Longhan and ft fist emperors he setifis thelr dies) the Celta Emperor (Tianhuang] and the Supreme One (Tii} who resid i he palace of Purple Tent ofthe North Pte [wei Bei) and even othe special techies of chin medicines, esters and talismans, all go Bak tothe Taos schoo! The Way ofthe Yellow Emperor and of Lal she vot, the sayings of he fn ar the branches. MPR, REDS SLAC J RE HAMEL, ALAWAR 2, Hl, AM, MU, BOSH, UB ALN, J) AURA, SERRA Bt, APSR ET AL, Dk A” The ole ofthese ivi wel asthe impvtnee nthe investi of Tait pret and uns ha been amy scribed by Anna Seidel." As for the Huangiing jing and the Dadong zhenjing, sacred texts dealing with meditation and visualization of the interior gods, both ced a primary function in the methouls of meditation of the Shangaing school.” The use of these sacred book enjoined complex sual Tao Honing HSL (456-536), for instance, describes a ritual for the recitation of the Muangting jing.” During Su Shs sty nthe Capi, the Huong ing was in von among the lettered classes and countless variants of the text were in circulation. For this reason, Ouyang Xu decided to cole and esblsh the “cree” version of he text Imi refoe he wrote that he book, a Taoist ext on nourishing ie was an td work dating fom the Wei or Jin Dynasties" an that a his time “every Imac en oe co (MRA, ARM Rm HAWK, RI). Subsequently he collate Te texts, comparing them with rubbing (1i*) of an inscription of the Huangting jing dated 357 (HN4 =F)" ‘The Hanging jig in question was the older Huang wang jig (BALM BEE) And was probably a rubbing f the elebatedealigaphy of Wang Xish LAL (303-461) writen in 386. As Ledetose has shown, the sje of ths werk. writen sin the rite of renewal of the Heavenly mandate as "Su Shi Meni, 2, pp 802-504 (LiRSERESER) "CF Seidel (1969: $4-87) and (1983: 291-371). CL. also Lagerwey (1995: 87-94) "On the Hiamgting ng HEAE (D2 401-402) and the Daulone zhenjing KAW (DZ 6, f Robinet (1979). Many of the practices of the Shangaing school were derived from Ihe fungshi techniques (ef. Robinet [1979a]), On the history and practices of the Shangaing school, sce Robinet (1984). On the re of stellar divinities in Shangaineg techniques, ¢f Robinet (1976: 297 sq.) Tuo Honging, Dengzhem siniue MARIE (DZ 421, F, of IMMAEAUE and AAD There {partial tanslation ofthe hit chapter in Cedzich (1987). © Ouvamg wenchong quan BIB L040, Hj 1S: MVEFRREEFTE (Sibu cong. kan et) and Sus (1965; 149). The Yonghe AI ea (385.356) lasted twelve and not thirteen yeas\ ' ! [ , w Farscen Hakdeian Hass in kat shu HES, was emtated hy calligraphers from the Six Dynasties wuwards*” rl ncither wa Meditation and Taoist techniqn Meditation combined with breathing and other life-prolonging or healing techniques was very popular during the Song Dynasty (as in ancient times) and commonly practised by Su Shi and his friends. For the sake of clarity, meditation and! methods of improving the physical condition are treated separately, slough, in practice, they are ofen complementary. 1. Meditation Froderie B. Underwood" has defined meittion a Gpophata)ie, the Via Negative in Chinn myc) an Gap hi Cos he practi ia encentating apo asec image, Hea oF dy with he minds cy at tsimlation or patton with the ese objet ocr, In general es, the devotional Chinese and expecially Tans mediation encompass bth thee Cape x wel een examplestelows = epepdard ie ‘the techniquee known sgn tnt sein) auc AE qc sting) had boon pour sting fe heat since mci tes, Siting and fogpetting is « form of apophatic mealtation which enables the adept to discaud the self-centred ego anc! attain a holistic view of the universe. This mystical “union with the Tao” is found in the famous ancedote in the sixth chapter of the Zhuang=i where Yan Hui explains to Confucius that he can sit down and forget everything (cuoweang perception and intellect, cast off form, do aw ‘understanding and make myselFidentical with the Great Thoroughfare Ji." eyond the eycles of birth and death, the seasonal changes, the constant fx between movement, quiescence, yin and yang, the scholars tried to find the ‘underlying principle, thesunderlying Unity which transcends all categories and yet ce. “arve 0 with The authenticity ofthe alligraphy isa complex question that has been dcbated ince the Sin Dynasties. All the main arguments have been admirably summed up in Hu Zi’s Taos suvin conghua houjt BikiOTE ASTM: (1167), pp. 199-202. CF also Ledderose (19K, 261-262). On the dates and versions of the Muanguing (neijing and wang) Jing, ef Schipper (1975), © Suh Shi, 5. 1896-1399 (ABLE ALTE SEA; Zhong (1990: 106, 137) However, the sersion tanserib-d hy Sw Shi forthe Taoist ian Grngehen 1 UIR (REAM 1) was the Tater Neiing jing MME (see aso Sir She Menp, 2, p- 639). On the revelation of the Neving jing, see Stickman (1981: 1 sq 1977; 1979, Underwood (1987: 1X, 325), © Watson (1970-90), i 1 \ t i i] Alchemy and Se Caltsation in Literary Cvcles ofthe Northern Song Dymasty 27 encompasses within it “spontancously functioning dynamism. Inthe Zhuangzi (chapter 11), Guangeheng 2i HW T- guarded unity (-~) and had reached the age of twelve hundred years without suffering any decay. Thus he explains the secret of long life to the Yellow Emperor: “Let there be no seeing, no hearing; enfold the spirit in quietude and the body will right itself. Be still, be pure, do not labor your body, do not churn up your essence, and the body will enjoy long life.” 4F-F, #64 “oR LMR, CLA ERE CLIE. APLAR, MOBIC, MURACTA, EID et This passage, which is sometimes referred to as “Guangcheng 2i’s method of quiet-siting” MER FAP IE" was the object of a commentary by Su Shi. For him the first part on “no seeing, no hearing and enfolding the spirit” meant the state of ‘wwe MS (non-action), the heart not knowing (88H; 8) referred to the absence ‘of thought (ME), and the last section, “be still, be pure,” referred to the state of rnon-desi (MEK), These three states combined enable the adept to realize the unity ‘of body and spirit and thereby attain immorality = FUUE—, KEP HEB ‘The origin of long life, he wrote, lies in the Tao, which is deep, darkly shrouded, mysterious and hushed in silence SBR APIELIG2 A. Practising quiet-sitting himself, Su Shi discovered that a person's conception of time changed, that one day seemed like two days so that one could actually double his ordinary lifes During the Tang and the Song Dynasties, zuowang and jingzuo were general terms for diferent techniques and levels of meditation, For example, as Robinet thas suceinetly shown in her preface to Kohn's study of a Tang treatise on the subject, several techniques of zuowang were developed under the influence of Buddhism. As far as quict-sitting (Vjéngzu0) is concerned, the technique is dserbed by Jacques Gi fe eH oT Sindy of the practice in Neo-Confucian circles as being of Buddhist origin.And indeed, the Sanrian neje fing (420 C.E.) states that uiet-siting is a Buddhist method (fofa Mi) of the Lesser Vehicle (xiao sheng ‘> 4p, whereas cunsiang 4%, Le. visualization of and concentration upon the inner divinities, is the Taoist method of the Greater Vehicle (dasheng 1). jing as a purely Buddhist practice during the Song Dynasty, is 10 simplistic a view, since it was practised in all echelons of Chinese society. It was especially popular among the Song philosophers: Zhou Dunyi I (1017-1073), Cheng Hao FiBF (1032-1085) (who taught his disciples the method of quictsitting), Cheng Yi f¥B (1033-1107) and Zhu Xi 84 (1130-1200), just to mention afew, all practised it for a variety of reasons. “ Underwood, 1987: 1X, 230, © Wason, 1970: 19, Li (1987: 43) Su Shi Menji (EM), LITE. Su's conception of time is quoted in the Tinos! yuyin comghva (008), 275.208." APE, BULK AVSE EF, ET Fa" CE the preface by Robinett Kohn (1987) * Gemet (198123) * Sama nee jing = RAMIE, DZ 1205 Ab» arseen Malian Hussein ‘in Xi, for instance, recommended the use of jineewe to improve the memory ana! combat illness. One of his students is ordered to practise «i Fiticen days before applying elf sittny for ton 10 mse o his stties. Elsewhere he tells disciple im quite, eros-egyed, fx the eyes onthe tip ofthe ate the mind on the atea below the navel, After atime, 3 ‘want il be fel and the efficacy of this metho will become evident. "* Quiet siting was practised primarily to dseiptne the mind but was nevertheless distinct from Taoist and Buddhist forms of meditation. According to Zhu Xi when the Tawists and Bucldhists enter sumdlht (il), they ate similar to the dead, shereas the philosophers use jingsun aa means of conteolling the mind and discerning the Principle of universal order (daoli 81M. A similar statement is made hy one of Z's disciples. Chen Chun Mif (11891223) finds quietsiting 3 good method of concentration, but notin the Form practised by the Taoiss and Buddhists, who tend to becak away from all active life and remain ina state of lethargy. tle mentions the ease of Cheng Hao who could spend the whole day siting upright (#8), but would getup immediately if needed. Referring to the Zhuangri passage quoted alhove, he says that the Taoist (7) beliove thatthe spirits (HAH) are in disarray ann! leave the body when one is asleep. This leads to exhaustion ofthe bovly and chuming up ofthe essence (T/SHNIF1E184%). Therefore, they meditate (1158) day And night in onde to stay awake, stabilizing thie spirits within (RESIN, 28a A, cL INAH) ad Finally attaining sumataly (As forthe Dusit (8 %), they too meditate day and night. They empty their minds of all thoghts and cecenteate on the transcendental knowledge which has existed howe to cure sation of ace cterity, in toner to eseape from the karmic eyele of birth and death (RAEI #ATA, !UR AEE 2, ABA, CL (EIR ASHE ASL A IN.) The passage evokes one of the most important aspects of Taoism: mesitation on the “interior gods” as described in the Famous MTuangting jing. The buman body, for the Taoists, is a microcosm within which all the terrestrial and celestial spheres exist, The stellar or terrestrial divinities of the macrocosm are equally present within the human body." As long 3 he inner detis remain within the vl, the nlp is assured of Fife, with their departure, death ensues. The techniques, which sation and concentration onthe inner deities an eenees of energy within the body, lead th adept "through catharsis, rebirth and divine revelations toa Aaming apotheosis inthe cosmic centre." The practice of various mealitational techiiques ensured communication between the mierocosm and the macrocosm, between the inner deities and thei celestial counterpart consist of i * ern (1981: 202), quoting the Ze Hen, St * Huang Zongyi AUER, Some Yan we ames IAPR, XVI CGngeue ben congshs AHP 43.3, Shanghai: Shangwu, 1933. ‘On the Tanist concept of the human body f- Schippe (197%, 19N2). Seidel (1949-1990: 261) PPR, | 08 pO Achemy and Self Cultivation n Literary Circles ofthe Northern Somg Dynasty 29 ==, show yi * “Guarding the Three Ones™ or “Guarding the Light of the One" which aim at stabilizing the spirits of the body. inner observation neiguan PRE and cunsi 4,which combines concentration oF visualization and cunxiang 1F18 visualization and imagination of inner divinities, ‘organs or the gis® along with their colours and attributes, all play an important role in the techniques for nurturing life (vangsheng Rt) discussed below. Taoist techniques as a means of restoring vitality Henri Maspero, in his path-breaking anile, "Les procédés de nourrir le Principe vital,” divides the methods into three main categories. The methods, under the general heading of preserving the vita principle (yangxing Ett), encompassed those for nurturing life the gi and the spirit (rangsheng HE, yang RA, vangshen 210)."" This tripartite division conformed to ancient medical ideas which Uistinguished three sections within the human body."? The techniques themselves were often referred to simply as yangsheng Mt (nourishing life) and were practised since ancient times. These consisted of diverse methods, such as dict, calisthenics, breathing exercises, sexual hygiene, use of drugs made of minerals, plants of fungi and a general observation of ritual precepts of good health, Yangsheng or yangxing 381, transtated by Henri Maspero as “nourishing life" or “nourishing the body,” are ancient terme” These terme are used synonymously by Zhuangzi FEF who considered these practices to be merely ways of improving the rhysical health, and decidedly inferior to spi ‘coming of life cannot be fended off, ite departure cannot be stopped. How pitiful the men of this world, who think that simply nourishing the body is enough to preserve life... If you abandon the affairs ofthis world, your body will be without toil. IF you forget life, your vitality will be unimpaired. With your bedy complete and your vitality made whole again, you may become one with Heaven..." 2.47. wal techniques. In his words: “The CF. Robinet (1979; 1984), Kohn (1989). CE Andersen (1980). Wang (1960: 15) and Kattemark (1965: 178), “Kohn (1989: 193-228), See also Kohn (1987) saspero (1971: 84; see also 283), Most of the material can be found in Necdham's SCC (1983) V.S, where he provides us with some interesting insights regarding the techniques, Interesting articles on yngsheng techniques can be found in Sakade (1988) and Kohn and Sakade (1989) “©"CE Maspero (1971: A849.) The thee sections were the lower section (viahu FAR), the imidale section (shonghu #8) and the upper section (ham BE), ef the Huan eying won SEER, "Ch Zhuangzs, j 3 and 19, and Maspero (1971: 457). Fora short summary of these practices, se Masper (1971: 283).w Earzcem Maldrian-Mssein fei, NASAL. Je, WL ASLAN EBS AEA, PE Ti RDM According to Kristofer Schipper, one of the oldest ext sugsheng dates hack tothe {go back much further, as the excavatio There were a number of treatises on 4a 1 Taoist books on :Ucentury atthe latest The techniques themselves of the Mawangali 3 [I (in 1978) ates the subject in circulation during the Six Dynasties and the Tang, ‘Tao Hongling BIi/3! (456-536) for example, wrate one entitled "Yangxing yanming lu” £19645, and the Tang physician Sun Simian 46 slovoed a long section to vangsheng in his Qianjin fang Ti. Numerous the subject existed during the Tang dynasty, which also saw the quite ly practised. ere is what he says: “The Tao has existed since Antiquity, but not the immortals Later generations knew there was the Way, but ‘wl not obtain it, They did not realize 10 my regret. they erroncously studied (immortality methods). The Tao is the way of Nature, That every living being must die is also the principle of nature... Ny means of the natural Tao, one should nurture the natural Fife..." T1460 MM, Wil 2A ft AST Ni, AH He, MEA CU EM HE, A 2. FUPTM.ZM, MOTPRLEM:. After these edifying words, Ouyang Xiu goes n to enumerate the vangsheng techniques (J€/I.2 #/) practised by the cling life (2/1), while he puts inte tw eae yories: a) those to prolong life by exterior means such as ingestion of plants, metals and ls or absogption ofthe essence and rays ofthe sun andthe moon (499A, ME f¢ were no immortals, but seckin Here ate some cer exams The ansations are by Harta Watson He mayest thin the howe tat know excess, ke whine borers that know mo sun, wer ete en thousand things have thew el nthe beginning unify bis ats nosh is Breath. at hie viru, nd herby communicate with ha hich creates all things A A. RAS EAD LAE PIM, RNR, IE. HAT LH 5.19. Watson (1970: 197-19K). And again: The accomplishes of emperors ‘ne supeuots afas 2 fr 3 he sage i concemed, ot The means to Rep the Isuy ote ano cie frie. Yet how many esemen of the vulgar werk aay enn Ahnselves and thw away ther ves inthe pursuit of mee things” fb 23h, AZ AMIE AE MBA, BEA RUDI. 28 Watson (1970, M3]) The Zhang eal sage no oly abandons the worl ut can stand net” cow EE G6 ‘Watson (1970-90) "Schipper (197% 75-80) Thre ate two eis tens the Paocang: Hai zhong fe foot nthe Hn qian 2M.) IP UZ ORD) and Tashan La hah 1 (98 (D2 1168) Robt, weve, has her dbl so the dat 1984-127) Sin shenren hei gin fn HEATASRS “es (= 172) 0 93 pu, B16 RN 4. NU sq). Sun Sima’ dates are extremely comple, a8 Nathan Siin has shown in the resentation of his graphy (1968-144) On the ein of the nn fr, sce Sin {1% 1381) an Saba (1986. 777, 1949) Alchemy ad Self Culivation in Literary Circles ofthe Northern Somg Dynasty 31 1, MRE J1-2107), and b) those secking to prolong life by nurturing the interior (8 14) by techniques such as the limination of worry an desire ARH), refining the sominal essence and the qi (HEA), expelling the old breath and breathing in the new (BREW, and concentrating on the interior of the body in order to nourish the spirit or divinities (HIS14'F, FAREICH). Ouyang Xiu places the second category (6 15) above the first and says it serves to eliminate illnesses (RIN SLHDKED.” One wonders into which eategory to place Su Shi, At one-point in the Zhilin miscellany he laments that to became an immortal “it must be in one’s fixe lt’ and cannot be striven after” (PSMA, BITIEL™ On the other hand we find him looking for new methods of immortality and long life. Nevertheless, Uespite the uncertainties, Su Shi was very generous with advice on the subject of alchemical and long life techniques to hs friends and colleagues. In one letter to Wang Gong ‘E'% he writes about the improvement to his health through the practice of yemgsheng GEBUIE':, ABFLAEMNTITY, AGFA SBOE HEP) and reiterates: “There are many techniques of the Way, the essentials are hard to come by—but from my point of view, one only has to calm the mind and elose the eyes, practise sradvally util one can hold the breath tothe count of one hundred and ten... and attain a pulse-beat of 120 or 130... this makes the true qi circulate through the body, hhow then could miasmas afMict one?” sii, PENICR, PRSUIERLZ, MERERRAC 11 SRAM, AORN... URIBE. MOC AEG ROLE, UW In one ofthe numerous letters advising his brother on alchemy and yangsheng, he detines embryonic respiration asthe basis of yangsfieng (22 J), JAMA 4). In another method presented to Zhang Fangning, he wrote about his quest “in recent years I seriously intended to practise vungsheng GIANG EH.) One can read books, and travel afar to visit fangshi fad inquire after the methods] which ate plentiful, but he who chooses the simplest (183) of them and puts i into practice will discover suddenly the extraordinary benefits” He then compares the practice of 1s 0 the ingestion of drugs: health improves as a dieect result of taking medicines and not because of any theo readings. Since he himself had practised the “simplest” of methods, he had Aiscovered that “immortals and long life were not merely empty phrases” (J5 81 FeLAMBERAH).” The number of techniques described by Su Shi are too many to include in an articl, but below area few examples ofthe most important ones. ese techni ical discussions or Onan wenzhony quan ji RUSCH (Sibu cong kam ed), Sun (1965: 149). © Dromgpo sil AOR, j2. 84). 73 CEBIEBD, Su She Men 4 (517-1318. These letters to Wang were writen when Su was in eile Hangzhou. Wang Gong, Z. Dinggin 2H (104R- ater 1102, Somgsh 320), was a fiend tan follower of Sw Shi, He is known to have writen a biogsaphy of Zhang Fangping, On the term “miaema and cold” 18, f Sivin (1968: 296), ™ Su Shi Ment 6: 2337 Su She Mem, 6: 2335.2 arzcen Baldiam Hussein Shi's methods of yangsheng 1. Formula for Nourishing Life R38" ‘There are two versions of the method: One isin the Su Sh Hen (version A), the other is in the Daosh,j 35 (39-5) (version B), Bul the Daoshu version mist have had a different source since it states that it was the minister Fu 1 259% who explained these techniques to Zhang Fangning #/7*F.”” The following is an outline: To 1. Begin after the hour of 24 f (23:00-1:00) 2. Loosen the clothes and sit in a cross-legged posture, facing either east or south (1, castor west) 3. Guash the teeth (116%) thisty-six times and clench the hands tightly (MAN) to harmonize the primordial gi (4). (commentary, Ai Cleneh the third fingers wih the thumbs, or the thumbs withthe fourth Finger PLATTS =i, RIM FINI... Bs. Pinch (2) the Hines of the third finger with the right and left h the thumbs with all four fingers b1/: AD IE =I thumbs, or elen raiee mys)" 4. Mall the breath (TA, Visualize The five vin viscera: the lungs are white, the liver is gree yellow, the heart is ted, the kidneys aee black FHL ARR, WE, RUA, 1M, Us Visualize the five vin viscera, the six nang viscera IWR pprimordials and the nine palaces. = /L3, the white g ofthe lungs, the green qi ‘of the liver, the yellow qi of the spleen, the red qi of the heart and the Mack qi of the kidneys.” gine the heart 1 be a blazing fit, its brightness penetrating into the lower war Field (JI) the spleen is i a the three 6 ° Su Shi Meni, 6; 2535-21%6 (entitled: “Instructions for Nourishing Life, presented to ‘hang Vaneping” RHR — FATE). Ths version is quoted in Zhong (1990. 497-499) The ‘ern "simple joni BEB was current among the Chan Buddhists © on thee to officals, se above, note 1S There were many different methods of wigw MEF during the Tang, ef Despeve (1975 194.96) and Engelhardt (1987: 291-293), According to Needham, the ustal method of wou vas to place the thumb between the lines hab and and weap the fingers over it (ef. SCC Vs. i8) ™ Sivin (1987: 213) has defined the concept ofthe visceral systems of function in Chinese medicine, The five yin systems ae the wvsung Ti, the six yang systems are the ffs AM "Hoth versions say that this is done after memorizing the shapes of the inner organs by studying the Diagram ofthe Five Viscera (zag RI), the daily observation of which nales the adept to know what they Took ike in detail. Yam not sure whether the Mizang fefers to a particular diagram, Hanging up diagrams was a common practice in ancient Taoism, Set, forthe chaper on recalling the deities back tothe body by hanging. up their images (#2 8 AWE), Wang (1960: 21-22, 292-283, 460) and Robinet (1979: 101) eho and SI Caltation a Lterary Circles the Norther Sng Dynauy 99 7. Wait until the abdomen and the air pets {nthe lungs is atthe fll, then exhale slowly rocess of rinsing and refining 10. Repeat the process thee ti Eerie res thre times the saliva will by then have filed the mouth «head and swallow, using the qi to make the saliva descend inte the cna ed ne sates Wea tn alow ale sna nee sth or nd (hte wl descend wi (B: FEAR), ae ster pee 12. Use the left and right hands to rub (ite mall, hold the breath nine times and swallow the saliva thee ti neste ett bere wore exhale normally (LURE, 1% — Ad) but an advanced adept c , ela he breath for he duration ofa hundred and tweny pulse Denese re bats.” evens this form of beat tear clon a Tang aaa describes the cclaton of internal breath popular ding the mid Toc ame Tht or primal exh wan) he point was to make it ise fiom the sea of ver na id CF and cht ine se a [Wt ecape though the mouth when etal the exter te nese Lest of the mieighh century he ira and he extn re oe snc, when brening ote inal illo and exapes, Theo mete te throat. oe loses the mouth with a snap and gulps it down othe © eX! says that when doing this there isa distinet gurgling round ™ ”” W seems that the adepts of th ‘Song D3 hem Sone Day had beam mar ‘ate by rb eels te wean Cam ek wreath to the time of a thousand heartbeats was the i 0, ‘nj Mase (17: 1552) Thee was noun were cee TB yi aint eg anh sanshee fie yang jue fo AER : ana nfo RRA RIVES (1300 0, {3 CF Magee 7150750) and SCE) VS 150 ZOO A, ea 31 cautious Ge Hong Bilti { ' t 1 ' sn Havin tasein ization of thy: viscera was quite common in texts like the Taiping jing.” the Huangting jing and other related texts belonging tothe Shangqing school stushed! by Robinet." Apart from hanging images of deities, thete were other methods, stich as the use of mierors mentioned in the Baopu i" As for the meditation on the three Primordials (i.e, deities or qi of the three cinnabar fields in the head, thorax and abdomen) and the nine palaces fin the head), these were well-known in Tao Hongiing’s time.” 1M. On the Method of imbrv Similar to the “formula” outlined above, there ate also two versions of hoa: in the Sie Shi Wenji (version A), and in the Daoshu, j. 35 (Sb-6a) (version 1B), The fallowis isa summary. 1 Embryonic respi tion forms the basis of yangsheng techniques (2042270) 2. Fone cannot hold the breath, one should inhale and exhale tenuously. Throwgh tenuous breathing, the breath stops by itself LIK 148) 3. Retaining the breath by force will cause one to expel the breath violently after a short lapse of time and cause more harm than good, This is no technique for salvation (ik JE 2, 4 Su Shi then quotes a passage from the filth section of “On Nourishing Vitality by the Perfected Sun” (H6it A “FE'4I"') on the subject of harmonizing the breath (AO. which says: a: The way of harmonizing the spirits and nourishing the qi: First retite ta seeret room, bb Then situprigh «© Retain the breath within the region of the chest and diaphragm, so that even a Feather om the tip of the nase will not move, a After the time of 300 breaths has elapsed, the ears will no longer heat, the eyes will no longer see, the min will have na thoughts, One will be impervious anu elose the eyes. © CF Wang (1960: 27-289 * Robinet (1979 94 59.), "La visunlsation des viséres.” Meitaion on the spt ofthe five vin and six yung viscera, with a gloss by Tao Hongiing is described in the Den vinjue SSAFSLE, inthe chapter concerning the ritual of reiting the Hanging jig DAB HERE PUDZAD|, F, ta5b, Kaltenmark (1974: 164-165). CE Dengehen sinjue (D242, 1, Nb), Robinet (1979: 192-201). This sone ofthe thee methods Su sea to his brother Su Che in 1095 (&8RE =P), ef. Su Sh Mon, 6 BATIK Si shenrem Dei [ianin fang RAIS 1s (=I) in 93 fam, BZ W63, 5 #2 Sa (E17). HKLM F” The method bs abated to Pong 20 BEM and has been translated by 'Maspera (1971: 208-705). On the Qiunia fang, se nate 66 1 ' 1 i t ‘ i Alchemy and Self Culivaton in Literary Cucles ofthe Northern Same Danasty 38 to heat and cold and attain a lifespan of 360 years, 5. Su Shi reflects that this form of breath-retention is beyond the means of a beginner: MANOMZh, AIM EAS, WILE A, dH AL? He then suggests that holding the breath means breathing so tenuously that even smoke from the incense burner isnot disturbed, whereas the mind is concentrated ‘upon the gf within the chest (701%, SLELECRE HL: MAPHYEB 2.) 5, Tenuous breathing means inhaling more air and exhaling less, This form of breath-control cures illnesses and improves the blood circulation (ERK, UL DAWES, ME ILE, MOI...) This letter was writen in exile in Huzhou #0, east of present-day Canton, From most of his writings ofthis period it seems that he had heen reading the Baopt i"* Thus the phrase 4, FU gE is based on the technique of embryonic respiration described in the Baopu 2, j 8 (HAW, ie, “make sute that more ai goes in than comes out"). However, the form of breathing described by Su Shi is typical of the Song Dynasty when the fear of evil effects of breath retention was prevalent ‘The breathing technique he i referring to here is one of the basic Zhong Li $884 methods of embryonic respiration." Two main technical terms for breathing exercises are found inthe Zhong Li texts: “inhale much, exhale less" $42 is the first. The second isa quotation from the Daode jing (VI): “It is there within us all the while. Draw upon it as you will, it never runs dry” #848 RH, M245 “This pase i wed to refer to tenuous and incessant breathing.” UL Nourishing Fitality Explained Met ‘The following text precedes the above in the Daoshu (j. 35.Sa-b) and could have formed part of the origi the contents of the “method of Embryonic Respiration” outlined above, I believe ‘could have been written at some other time, It is included separately in the Zhiin”® ‘The present translation, slightly abridged, follows the Duoshu. “Eat when famished, stop before being replete, take a leisurely walk in order to ‘empty the belly. When this state has been achieved then enter into meditation. This can be done irrespective of time or posture fie, day or night, sitting or reclining), just keeping the body stil like a wooden statue. Gaze steadily atthe white point on letter to Su’s brother, However, since it repeats some of ™ Moreover, Baopuei is quoted in the subsequent letter on cianabar S78. Sw Sk Wey 2338-2339, On these tents of Baldran- Hussein (1984: 170,206), Waly (1934:189) On the terms dio ru shao chu $ Act and mianmian rao cum BABE, of. Baan in (1988: 75,106,170) Phin, V8): 16.6 Farzcentaihian Hussein the tip of your nose and count your breath, which should be tenuons and inexhaustible (#848 1{F, IZ 48). ARer some hundred breaths, the mis! beconves calm and the body immobile..." For the rest, I have followed the Zlili version “As for the number of breaths, if someone cannot cous them, there is a methoxd called sui BK [to follow,” Le., breathing in and out incessantly} whieh consists of breathing out fully, then breathing in deeply, one breath after another without stop, whereupon the breathing ceases by itself, with no aie being inhaled or exhaled When the breath reaches the pores ofthe boy the 84,000 clos evaporate an the fog disperses... then all illyesses will be naturally eliminated GER, RI EATER. ART IV. Prayom and Tiger Lead and Mercury Explained! WE 8 {Im this leer to his brother, also written in exile in the South (iti), Su Shi basically describes the same technique as in |, but itis couched in the inner alchemical (neidan) language of the Zhong Lii group of texts.” Su Shi was at this time sixty years old and in disgrace (17FUL/% F, {ARA). In the Letter, he Announces his intention to make a vow to practise in Seclusion, taking with him only 1 hundred dried steamed buns and some wine (AUT A, USERRA. IEC (10 78 THe... detk A MBIL2). Me would begin in the second month, sleep in the ftcroon and practic at night and in the early hours of the morning. Fora hundred days, he would absorb the rays of the sun and the moon, and put the Formsla ofthe Dragon and Tiger into practice ((F1E(1, (TILE I. ANiaMMRUEERH).” Bun then, the method itself, is simply that of embryonic respitation, which he says he received from a recluse F2 4": 1 Sit upright, close the eyes and harmonize the breathing 2. Ceneh the fists and concentrate the mind ~ ghty-four thousand sa much use Buddhist number. often means innanseable Forms of aisress and aMicton caused through illusion (tla MI). In the Zhi am YN. (Taisho ‘btn: vol XXV, n° 150, $9, p-ATRbI2-I4), for example, pray can eliminate the rots of| the K4,000 diseases (Hz TATRA... SEK /\IRIU-FANHCR). The teem which recurs in the discourses of the Chan and Hayan pateatch Zong Mi (780-841) was often used in Nene Song Taoist and Neo-Confucian texts, ef Feng (1961: 794, 79R) tn the Zhong 1 touts, #400 also fetes to the pores of the human body, ef Badin Huse (1984-93) The Image of evaporating clouds ant dispersing fog s 2 pocic way of indicating profuse sweating, Su Shi Meng: 2091-2339 (BEARAD ASR — ATLA), Daas, 338. On the Zhong Ll ro ef Balin: Hlusein (1984) Se Shi Wenyi, 62392-2333. He himself was bit sceptical about the results of this aston: EMM, 2010 BA 94457 Egan (1994: 239) has translated apart ofthis passage “zhong (1990: 197) believes that the reluse was a Taoist known as aishong daoten i TMK of. Su Shi Shit, 7: 2200, 3h i AMVANEF ABE. For Egan (op. cit) he remains an mide recluse Alchemy and Self Cultivation n Literary Cncles ofthe Northern Song Dynasty. 37 3. Breathe in gently then hold the breath fora short while 4. When the breath is at its fu breathy” 5. After ten days thr will bea feeling of warmth in the lower cinnabar field 6. The heat will increase with practice until one day water (Le, the seminal essence) will steam up like a cloud to the head (niwan i). 7. When practising breathtetention, curl back the tongue and lick the throat 28 )8K 8848," although one may not be able to reach it, one can sill reach it with the mind, R. After practising for some time, mercury will descend into the mouth. Send it down into the lower and nurture it with the mind: it will be transformed into lead.” practise a xiaorong ill (Je. short suppression of eld of cinnabs ‘The examples given above show thatthe two main techniques used by Su Shi were those of embryonic respiration and fuanjing bu nao iQ ¥K¥AKK (making the seminal essence return upwards to repait the brain). 1t is also interesting to note that these techniques were not employed in a burst of religious fervour, but primarily to cure disease. We find him most active in Huangzhou where he suffered from scabies And inflammation of the eyes (he almost lost his right eye), There he did a retreat in a Taoist temple, the Tianging guan IRM, for forty-nine days" and practised various forms of Taoist techniques such as absorption ofthe rays ofthe sun and the moon,” but he also immersed himself in medical liter ‘cured, for example, through eating the plant jé # (the chepherd’s purse, capsella bursa pastoris)" ‘But, although plants and medi ure." His seabies was ss were commonly used by the literati, Su and One text describes short cycle asthe suppression of twelve respiratory cycles ef, Maspera (1971: $03). The eyele has been caleulated by Needham as thirty-six seconds (ef SCC VS: 144), “lieve thatthe point being refened to isthe wula, the final aim being to gradually cbstt the throat, #3 mistake For ##M, ef Maspero, 1971: S48, 1, Su Shi had begun trying out the method without splendid resus: he only managed to develop an acute pai at the ase ofthe tongue (4° ABM). In the Zhong ents, the am it increase he Now of saliva by touching the plete with the tp ofthe tongue. “These terms ae explained below, p. 44-45. * tna teter to a fiend, writing about his filing health: MAK. RA MOI 1 BTU OMS RA MERLAT TH, AIE, ARC A, OF AL ih. (Se Sh Ment. 5°1538) ™ Apparently, Su cold not remember the ancien invocation for absorbing the rays 0 he ‘vented his own (14811 838, FAMARIFES ABD, SLBA). Su Sh ej 2: 617, "in another leter: — EH, MAPA. DM, SM 2 AB. Shi Men 4 1665) tan (1994; 241 tends to believe that Sus interest i diverse techniques was not entirely “mundane or medical” FCW... Funher, he quotes the Bencan A which attributes to the plant the vimues of having # harmonizing effect on the gi of the liver, which in turn improves the* Furseen Malsian-Hasseon his colleagues resorted most frequently to gi techniques. As Su Che explains When I was young, I was offen ill In summer I really could not eat esse of my spleen; in autumn, there was much cold in my lungs, When | tied to ewe my fangs, iy spleen was affected, and when [ried to cure my spleen, my lungs were affected spent my time taking medicines to no avail. At the age of thirty-two, 1 was appointed to an official post in Wangiu: just before leaving, someone Felt sorry and bestowed upon me a Taoist method of ‘absorbing gi, { practised this method a ‘whole year and both my illnesses were quite cured.” fF wi, LN ASIF, Ak UWB. OK, ARN “PHARM, AS LR, Ay Wei 2 GRC La, FA, ceREL But there were other techniques as well, as is clear from the ease wf Ouyang Xia who was known to have held religion in disdain, In his later years, however, he suTeted fom a painful ailment in the legs, whereupon, according tw Sw Shi, this famous scholar who hated Taoism and Buddhism, took to practising techniques: “Lord Ouyang did not believe in the immortals or Buddhas ao! ridiculed practitioners of yi techniques. In his advanced years, when I saw hiny lw sad: “Por the past few years I have been suffering from an fexcess of] qf in my fest andl when they ached, the pain was hardly bearable. Recently, sameone method (of alleviating the pain). After 1 practised the method for tnve days, the pain was gone without my even noticing it” LAS 7S4 hO, 7A 41H, MEAP SE or SERA AG, AERASHTES TELAT BY U8, M2 CU, ACEI. Su Shi then explains that the method consists of sitting with dangling legs (IC!) and waving them about in a circular motion like playing witha ball full of air (EMR, IH i12K). Done seven or eight times a day, the method permits the to mount from the soles of the feet (iS8) to the brain and is known as the easy method for mobilizing the gi (ME )¥RELEG: Hy" ‘Among other gi methods described by Su Shi was one of transmitting the energy ‘of healthy person to someone ill, Sw Shi deseribes it in this way: “People who study the way of ‘nourishing the gi” can afler a point transit ito others. The Taoist Li Ruozhi #4;.% was one who could do it and called it ‘disseminating the vital qi" (ie gi 490) Li, itscems, sat down infront of Su Shi’s son when he was il and the latter, afler a wh o smite to me a eyesight (ONE, HIE... When this isthe cage, he writes, how can one got wabies FAFA. Ae P1479 Si Sh Hen 41789, Su Che, Laancheng MO, 96 juan, Sibu Beiyan INAGIR (Shanghai Zhonghua shu Reprint of Ming edition, | 17, p 5 Su Shi Ment. 6 2484 CF also Sun (1965: 180) Dong zojh HORNE, 181M F 38: RIAA (p. 254) 1) which were cured hore 1¥ another version of this story in the Chowchi bit (:6% which says Ouyang Xiu suffered from uleers or sores on his fet ( within tree days by using this method. See also Leishun #8, 10.11 amgpe shin, 2026) EZ Alchemy and SelfCultivaion in Literary Circles ofthe Nerthern Song Dynasty 39 Alchemy (9+F) and inner alchemy (8) The history of alchemy in China is ancient."* Already during the an Dynasty, alchemical theories encompassed a whole range of naturalistic thought and Chinese conceptions of the universe: yin and yang, the five phases, climatic changes, divisions of time and the permutation laws of the Book of Changes (Ying S48)" The alchemists were the hits of ancient smelters, metallurgists and magicians; their most revered deity was the legendary Yellow Emperor (3%) who was associated. With the arts of the anvil and fire, and inventor of longevity techniques. Inner alchemy, a synthesis of alchemical theory applied to the body and yangsheng techniques, gained popularity during the Middle Ages and reached its peak during. the Song, Indeed, if the Tang can be described as belonging tothe “Golden Age” of alchemy (Needham, SCC V,3), the same can be said of inner alchemy forthe Song, ‘While the Song Dynasty saw a general decline in alchemical (J) practices, the interest of the literati in this arcane subject did not diminish, Numerous stories can be found in the Daozang, yj! Tu (notes or jttings) and shihua S886 (anecdotes on poets and poetry) literature. Two ancient notions prevailed: a) alchemical gold of silver, fabricated by the technicians (fangshi), was superior to normal gold and silver, and b) that the elixir oF golden pill (imdan 1%) was indispensable For attaining immortality. ‘The prevalence of the first is illustrated by the fact that Zhenzong, who harboured a number of Taoists, magicians and alchemists at his court, encouraged the making of artificial gold in the palace. The superior antificial gold made by an alchemist Wang Jie EE was used to make va the emperor bestowed upon high officials all over the empite."” The second example is given by Su Shi himself, Without the golden elixir, a Taoist cannot achieve metainorphosis AHO: J: /¥75REM{E." Nevertheless, although the belief that immortality could be realized through the ingestion of drugs and elixirs was generally accepted, in practice there was a certain amount of caution involved and, according to Su, many persons were fearful of taking them." Despite his negative statements, Su Shs belie inthe elixir, and especially inthe properties of cinnabar, did not waver. In Huangzhou, he had already begun to experiment with cinnabar. Arriving in Huizhou 84, he plunged into the Baopw zi, One story recounted by Ge Hong particularly impressed him, that of a family which sacred objects or medals which snd V3, Sivin (19874 1, 186-190) lussein (1987: XIV, 302-303), Lu Yu Mis, Lanne an byt EPR, 9.60. (Qlnlng Siku quanchu KEENER cs) 2M (1017-1021), LEDRAIFE MERE F- The sacred objets were buried at chosen sites (Shen Gua itt8, Xin jaozheng Mengxi ban WAGER IRMAR, |. 20, p. 208, Hone Kong: Zhonghua shju, 1975). CF also SCC V3: 190, Letter to Wang Gong. Su Shi Wenj, 4: 1518. Did. 4 SUT AERA MSVED EY, GREASEw ‘arscem Valdian Hussein nioyed longevity merely by din g water from a well inta whieh chuiabar had seeped. This led Ge Hong to exclaim that if by simply drinking this wate fife could be prolonged, then cinnabar properly prepared would surely prove much more effective." Su himself had successfully transformed cinnabat. tte enjoyed ‘observing the changes but was too seared to ingest it." Fut why this caution? Ever since Ho Peng Yoke and Needham’s article on elixir poisoning." it is generally believed that the emperors and famons people especially during the Tang dynasty) died because of the toxie effects of mineral rugs and elixirs. Recently, however, F. Obtingee has shed some light on this problem. He suggests that the quantity of the ingredients used was not always sufficient to kill someone, and when death did occur there were very often moral jjlgements involved." Take the ease of the scholar Ne Yan (2 (190-249), who took a certain drug mainly to enhance his sexual prowess and who, says Sw Shi lost his life (and that of his entire clan) through his debauchery."* Consequently, there was an ethical condemnation of the drug, which became a “metaphor for a heterodox ideology and an immoral atitude.""” Obringer's hypothesis is born out bby Su Shi and his cronies who harboured a decidedly moralistic atiuude towards drugs and elixirs conferring longevity: they were said to be suitable only for the chosen” If someone lacking moral integrity, insight and inner strength took the clit, he would either die, lose his job, or experience some other awful calamity ‘This was also the fate of any alchemist who revealed his secrets to the wrong person. Here area few examples: Su Shi loved paintings and, while serving in Fufeng Hk#%, he was wont to visit an ‘oll temple, the Kaiyuan si iC, which had many ancient wall-paintings. There the met an old monk who offered him @ method ot avtoming base metal (or gold ‘oF inferior quality i82) into pare and refined gold (14 twever ejected he fer on the grounds Ut tied such exh, tthe ‘monk obliged him to accept the formula, saying that if Su did nat want to try it out himself, he could always transmit it to someone of worth, Now, Su Shi knew that the Prefect of Fufeng, Chen Xiliang M-%3, coveted alchemical techniques and wondered why the monk had not given the formula to him. The monk explained "aap ij 8p. $0. Zhan ji cheng FRA ed. Ware (1981: 192), Sn Shi Men 4 1615. XGGAMSM, CIAOAIDE, ARIMA. 4 1520. MA, NLL VUPANZ A, HATA, Elsewhere (6: 2338) he says thar if the prepaation isnot correct, then the dug willbe poisonous and should not be taken JR & HHH. CF. also Zhone (1990: 10), "CE Necham (1959). " Obwinger (1995: 219). tn the case of the drug Hanshi san FAL, he states (p, 216): ‘gesting a concoction ofthis dig would lead to no major side effects, since ss ingreiens| ae not very toxie™ Opringet (1995: 218) ° binger (1998: 219) Aehemy and Sel Culiveton tx Literary Ciel of the Northern Somg Dynasty AL ‘that he knew that Chen Xiliang would use the formula to make gold and entich himself, and that he, the monk, had often transmitted the formula indiscriminately in the past, with the result that many persons who applicd it ether lost their jobs oF their lives, He then presented Su Shi with a book that contained many alchemical Formulas, including the technique of tansforming (cinnabar into) gold, He further exhorted Su Shi not to practise the techniques recklessly himself oF to transmit the ‘book lightly to the wrong persons, especially those like Chen Xiliang. But, the story continues, Su Shi did try out the formula using one-tenth of an ounce of cinnabar to transform one ounce of low-grade gold into refined gold." Furthermore, he divulged the secret to Chen Xiliang upon the latter's insistence. Su was later banished to Huangzhou. As for Chen Xiliang, he applied the formula to smake a lot of gold and bought himself a luxurious house in Loyang, but a short time later he became paralysed and died.” Moral integrity and realisation of the Tao were frequently referred to as the “completion ofthe inner elixi” WFHRS8. ‘The graphic picture we get i that of an adept who has returned to his centre and is consequently in complete harmony with Heaven and Earth, This is the saint who, for Laozi, could enter into fre without being scorched or go inte water without choking or drowning or, for Zhuangzi, one ‘completely iberated from earthly constraints and at one withthe universe." Such a ‘man is naturally also invulnerable to all forms of toxic substances that could poison ‘anormal human being. This was a convenient argument regarding elixir poisoning ‘during the Song Dynasty. Similarly, in the following anecdotes, we are told of the dangers of taking the elixir without adequate preparation, The fits, about the philosopher Cheng Vi F¥ (1033-1107), is recounted by his disciple Yin Dun JH (1071-1142): Once, Cheng, Y¥i, tired after a long journey, lay down to rest in an old temple in front of an alt With a statue of the Buddha. But before falling asleep he heard a sound, Looking. around he perceived a mouse trying to pull out a piece of parchment from a small hoe in the statue's belly. Cheng took out the document, copied it and returned the original tothe cavity, The document described an alchemical method of making the clixi which consisted in purifying (12) cinnabar with high heat for forty-nine days. Within thirty days, Cheng had obtained gold. Later, during the Chongning $ "Needham writes, “His procedure was to take 1 ounce of gold and 1/10th of an ounce of cinnabar and heat them together, then very soon the minture tured into purple gold worth tmany times the original (ingredients) in value." (SCC V3 198) The story i fom Su Gong Tanya 162389, . 1ORS, by Sun Sheng He Te. Yu Yan fi (1248-1314), Nishony fatan M3 (Baoyan tang WIN ed, 2la.Dha, See also SCC V3: 193-194, ° Zhuangal, 12 ef, Maspero (1971; 485), CF, Watson (1979: 120), where Guangehong 24 ‘mie * announces tothe Yellow Enyperor: "So I will ake leave of you to enter the gate of the inexhaustible and wander in the limitless Nels, to form a triad with the light ofthe sun and the moon 1o pariake in the constancy of Heaven and Earth... All other men may di, | alone2 Farzcen Makdesan Hassein (1102-1106), the elixir was completed, whereupon he Seale it in a vessel, locked away and did not mention riore. When Yin Dun asked him the reason, he replied: “This is ch, i consumed whea the interna elixir his ealized, can confer long fe” HESE IY. AMHR, Mi L184). The second aneedoie is even more explicit: Towards the end of the Zhiping i ‘era (1067), Su Che returned to his native country Sh 3% where, a the foot of Mt. Xiandu f26I), he met a Tavist with a copy of a rubbing of Yin Zhen) Instructions (468 HIFERIT IITA). Su Che wished to know more about alchemy (FHI), whereupon the daoshi replied: “Without having achieved the ix the inn fo is why the ingestion of external clixirs has eaused so many deaths, This is like accumulating dried grass ax a protection against heat and placing a fire under it there is no grass that would not burn." Ten years later, Su Che was teunsferred 10 the Southern Capital where he paid a visit to Zhang Fangping 4)/'P, Zhang, harboured a Buddhist (oF @ Taoist, daoren if A) in his house who had! method of raking the golden elixie Gindan 11) using purple gold (48) and cinnabsae (FE) ‘The elixir was finished within a year. Su Che thercupon recounted his nesting with the Taoist and the later’s warning about taking alchemical drugs. ut the latter repli that he himself knew that drug could only be consumed after the inner elixir had been achieved 113014 sf." [But what was this netdon IMJ Su Shi and his colleagues wrote about?" Firstly the term netlan possessed the general meaning of acquiring an inner clive through the application of age-old tcl 8] are without a master (i.e, without protection), which jues such as various breathing exercises, meditation visualization, gymnastics dct, sexual arts and the intake of drugs oF mineral and hrerut origins, ‘The texts employed alchemical terminology to describe the process, some in prose but often ia the Form of poetey. Many of the ancient alchemical texts attributed to Han worthies like Wei Boyang Aff and Han Taoist and alehemist Yin ‘Changsheng BS1Eh preserved! in the Taoist Canon were writen in verse. Later, during the Song, alchemical texts continued the old tradition oF Wei Boyang’s famous Zhouyi camong qi KISIM." Among these arcane poems three are ‘specially worth mentioning: the Zivung zhenren Hichen pian ABT A818," the "Nisha fia, F 196-20, "Su Che, Lange te 2h RENIN, quoted in Xishang fc tam, ¥, 23a:2Nb, Toth Sov Shi and Su Che use danchi anil daorem wterchangeably. Moreover, lore (Man ofthe Way) is often employe by them for aldhist monks aswell. On these terms, ef. Schnpse (1985: Yann Ang (199%: 154). The origin and use ofthe term aeidan has heen dealt with elsewhere, ef Haein Hussein (1989-1990) and Rabie! (1986). CE Prego (1995: 168-171 [Appenitix: Historical notes on the Contome 'Thece are many versions of the Wuzhen pion in the Davzung and elsewhere. Se, for instance, Zisng ches rm Wacom pan sash SE RMANIC =, 1, DZ 142. The autho hag Hedsan B98 (OR-HOK2) of Tiantai fs (Zhejiang), was an official who practised hth Taos and Budhism. CE Bolt (1987, 173-174, i i t 1 Alchemy and Sel. Culivation in Literary Cece ofthe Northern Song Dynasty 4 Yin zhenjun Huandan ge zhu ISTCUAM IIE," and the Lit Chunvang zhenren Qinyuam chun zhujie B 4ERITEAIGIAEEEM.”® In the case ofthe first poem, Zhong Laiyin has suggested that the Wuzhen pian #8¥08, written during the eleventh century, played a role in Su Shi's understanding of neidan but there is no real proof to corroborate this statement."* In the case of the second, we know for certain that ‘Su Shi had access to it. ‘The Yin zhenjun imandan ge zhu FXOC TEA Frakit was atteibuted tothe legendary Han Taoist Yin Changsheng B8R.""" The commentary ‘was by Chen Tuan HU (d. 989), a famous Taoist master ofthe Five Dynasties and carly Song. Zhang Fangping, Su Shi's mentor, was the author of a biography on ‘Chen Tuan and Su Shi himself wrote an alchemical poem entitled the Biandao ge Mt HL, using the same form." Secondly, although neidan and waidan were generally used to designate physiological and laboratory alchemy, this was not always the case during the Song, Dynasty, when the meaning of the terms varied according to text and school, In the Zong Li texts, For example, the terms designate two different levels inthe practice of inner alchemy." For Su Che, “inne seminal essence and the i, whereas “outer” meant improving the condition of the limbs and the bones (38/4/09. MASINI, Jed ATIEERE; PUMEFIRKSE A, JHB, iM (SEAN, INT Neidan texts of the Song Dynasty were already complex, those of Yuan and Ming even more so." Su Shi, however, reduces the entire system simply to the ancient technique of “making the seminal essence return upwards to repair the ignified the practice of refining the ‘Seen. 127, 'DZ 136. The poem, a work of the Zhong Li group, can be traced back tothe eleventh century. tis ascribed to Li Yen Sih or La Tung: pin E31, cf Balrian-Hussein (1985). On ‘he Zhong Li tents, see aso alrin-lussein (1984), Ang (1993) and Bolt (1987. 139-14), ° zhong (1990 7-9). On Yin, se above, 31 °” Nin shenjun huandan ge shu TRICEANAIE, DZ 134, With a commentary by Chen ‘Tuan. On Chen Tuan, ef the sly by Kraul (1981). Chen Tuan inferees the poem a8 a description of fangzhong 6 (ie, sexual) techniques. The poem describes the art of ‘supmenting and refining the seminal essence (hsia yuan ching FM) "Zhang Fangping, in bis Inscription on the Yuntai gvan MILTEMMAD, dated 1067, (CF Lequan ji 82%}, 33. Ula Siku quanshy ed), For the Blandao ge, ef Su Shi Shi, "1 2211 Zhong, (1990: 463) is mistaken in thinking tha! the poem is inspired bya ine in the Cantong qi which reads: FHL, TAI(P... Here are the first wo couplets from the Hanan ge and Su Shs Bandage Huandan ge BPR Biandao ge 903% LHTAAOE IATL ESD LEANN, HOSE RNGRE ND ERRE ER AMARA K, LATE ° Uslrian-Hussein (1989-1990: 186). "Su Che, Longehuan Ie 2h lB: (3) quoted by Zhong (1990: 1). © See for example the translation ofa sxteenthcentury nedan text by Despeux (1988)em Rabin ttasein brain’ moning Ine nar RAMAN! Mere is hovw he explains the process in a text entitled “Discourse on Nourishing Life: A Supplement” AE" In the following outline, A = Sic $hi Hemi text, B = the Daoshue version (38.6%), 1. Lead represents the qi and all that moves, Bs The lungs control respiration (Eh {Hits symbol is the white ger (8 = 4 = IW = Fi). Mercury represents water and all that is wet, ie. saliva, mucous, pus, blood, sperm and sweat, urine and exerement MEIN HT (A: MHF; BE IA). B. The fiver controls the storage (of Muids) at night 1:19)", its symbol is the green dragon, Netdan defined: “When the order of the five phases is reversed, the dagon will ‘emerge from fie; when the five phases do not follow the natural order, the tigce will be born in water” (147901, HERE ACPM JAE ASAT NAH. 4. Fpl tion: When the natural order i followed, the dragon (an aquatic exeature) and the tiger (an igneous animal) emerge from water and fire, respectively. This is the path of death (IEMEZi0tH). The normal flow downward (of semen) generates children, this is the Mercury-dragon (JER!) emerging from water. Emotions are generated in the heart anxd when they arise, the qi follows and is lispersed (SAE SCRE. AMUN, IEWENSMN), this is the Leadctiger (Ai 182) emerging from fie. When nature takes its course, the dragon and tiger leave the body, never to return. This is the path of death 5 The Perfected’s lesson on Counter low £47: Do not let the thoughts wank, comeentrate the mind (i), whereupon respiration will cease naturally. When this happens, the fre will not blaze up (X = AF), Water is fire's consort (42) When lames lo not rise upward, fire follows water and descends. Conjunction ‘of Fire anal water Forces the seminal essence to flow backwards into the brain and the throat: this isthe Mercury-dlragon emerging from fire, medicine fof tong life and the quintessence of neidan (AIH T He Fe 2 NZ, BES, descend "Sh Men, 5: 1983-1985. There seems to he a prblem with the ill’ since this ext really does use alchemical language (lead mercury, dragon! tier, et), whereas the text ‘outlined above (HV. Dragon and Tiger, Lend and Mercury Explained Rub 29) deals primarily with embryonic breathing, Moreover. in the present text, Su Shi cols his short intrtucton (8: 1983) with the words: “He who understands this will comprehend the 'aplanations on Lea and Mercury al on the Dragon and Tiger (Sas, SM Bib RIE 8), elie there has been cup in the ties CE Su Sha Hi A: UTE HU, AAMBESSIE, BEAM (See above, HOT where Fhe quotes the ew 24. In medical theory, blon! returns oe store i the iver when at rest srasleep, ef Siin (19K7: 219) However, the pase ssems to ply blood and ids (asin mover usage di) ‘A famov's maxim, recuring in countess Song avin texts, where iti atubuted to a Tahar ahenren A110 MCESCO VA IR al 247 Alchemy and Sef Cultivation in Literary Circles of the Novthern Song Dynasty 4S 6, Development of the embryo: Union of yin and yang gives rise tothe five phases Tiff: water = seed of life; fire X= Hie; wood + = bones; metal & = consoldation of the skeleton; cath J: = flesh, The embryo is now complete, tll in the mother's belly, inhaling and exhaling with the mother through the tmbilcal cord, which is the rot of life. Thus the seminal essence rises 10 the brain, pours down the throat and returns to the navel, When the fire is constantly i the navel, the seminal essence hecomes stronger and spreads tothe four limbs and the skin, ‘The body ultimately transforms itself into an ine body (2084.2): his is the Leadtiger being born in w 1. Tis, the bith ofthe Mercury-dragon and the Lead-tiger result in neidan (411 18), ‘Normal outflow proces man, countercurrent flow leads tothe Tao (RIF (M29 A, i471 295." In simple terms, fre blazing upwards is a metaphor for the wandering mind and upsurge of emotions (= loss of gi), water owing downwards is a synonym for concupiscence (= loss of jing), whereas controlling the two engenders True Fire and ‘True Water. The union of these two True ingredients results in the inner elixir MF WLR (= the incorruptible adamantine body). Iti clear that such a body is invincible and cannot be harmed by poisonous drugs or anything else. One cannot but be tempted to examine the analogy given by Erik Zircher"”: “the body producing fire and water” S740, the “twin miracle” (samakapratiharya) often performed by ‘Buddhist saints, particularly before entering Nirvana Conch “The few examples presented above show clearly the simple nature of Taoism as seen by Su Shi and some of his contemporaries. As far as the “three ‘isms"” is concerned, they wete well established during the Song and part of the general heritage. ‘The Song form of neidan had incorporated the ancient yangsheng techniques," Chinese medical theories and the t its elements, gi, space, time and their orientations, the interdependence of the waerocosm and the microcosm, most of which was already known in the Han [Dynasty and earlier, and recast these ideas to form several diferent new systems tional ideas of the universe with "There are many variants ef, SCC V.¥: 247: ABBN* A, IN: (Normal outow produces ‘man, counlercurent upward flow leads Yo median), XMULR, AOU (Natural Now leads to death, countercurrent ow leads to immontlity), "™ Zircher (190-113), He frther says that in the Taoist context the theme appeats to be connected with the belief that an intense internal heat, provoked either by drugs of by respiratory techniques, could be used 10 destoy the mortal elements in one's body. CE also Robine (1979: 666). CF, Sakade (1986: 775-778).1 1 ! ' 1 ' 4 Parzen Malesan Hsin he interaction of religious Taoism and Bull Buldhism was introduced to China, and Buddhist texts were translated. This exchange of ideas and techniques. In the wou of Lik ‘Aiireber, “in mvest cases the Buddhist and Taoist ideas supported and stintsted each other, so that for every subject both a Buddhist and a Taoist (or at least an tnalizenous Chinese) origin could he suggested” (1980: 88), ‘This is evident in the © of breathing techniques where the mutual borrowings were qite Frequent. Tis therefore not surprising to find that a method of embryonic respiration (aint NE, ascribed to the legendary Chan patriarch Bodhidhaema, is often quoted in texts in the Daozang."* 19 haul been obvious resulted in the smut Iv is not.only in the religious domain that an exchange of ideas took place. In alchemy, we have scen in the examples quoted above that it was very often Bialdhist ‘monks who possessed alchemical seerets: Su Shi received an alchemical formula from am ole monk (£49) inthe Buddhist temple, the Kaiyuan si (L$). Cheng Yi Fi. to0, discovered an alchemical text in an old Buddhist temple (1), Moreover, the term “man of the Way” itl A. was used indiseriminately by Su Shi and his contemporaries to mean a Taoist priest or a Buddhist monk, Pervsing their ‘writings, one cannot help wondering whether the origin of a specific technique was of any consequence. 11 is obvious that they were primarily interested inthe benefits and the efficacy of life prolonging or heal ues. Even though someone Jemploys a technique transmitted by a Taoist priest. it does not make him a Taoist No one would eall Ouyang Xi trical out a method to alleviate the pain in his legs, Neither was Zhw Xi a Taoist lbccause he pevctised “quictsitting” (APT), Wis true that Taoism, very much in vogue duting the Nosthern Sony Dynasty, arouved a fair amount of interest among scholars, The reasons varied; they may techn Taoist hecause he collated the Hanging jing oF have been philosophical, mystical, religious, medical or aesthetic in nature,"® In teeneral, the scholars harboured an ambivalent attitude towards religion, but like ‘many individuals in today's siress-idden society they turned to it in their hour of necil The genius Su Shi with his inqu inner or outer elixir, and his sporadic lived ahead of his time since he scoms ta have been the prototype, in twentieth-century neurotic, ng mind, his (bumbling!) attempts to acquire ‘courses” in breathing and meditation ‘more ways than one, ofthe typic Fak (1979) “One of the books mnst appreciated by Su Shi (and his brothery was the Zhnunezi, ‘vohubly because the images eviked in the Book were ideal for poeiy. 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