CuarteR 13 The Vietnamese Christine Su and Paul Tran ‘While many Vietnamese who now live in Hawai'i also came to the United States by boat, they set out from their homeland neither because they were curious about foreign lands, fueled by religious conviction, nor anticipating employment, Rather, they left because they had to: War {in mainland Southeast Asia in the 1960s and 1970s, particularly in Vietnam, led thousands to flee and seek refuge elsewhere. Beginning in 1975, a mass exodus of refugees landed initially in Thailand, Malaysia, the Philippines, and even Indonesia. Because many escaped on rick- ty fishing boats or wooden rafts, as news of their attempts to escape ‘emerged they became known as “boat people” particularly by the Amer- ican media. Throughout the ate 19708 and early 1980s, thousands were relocated from refugee camps in Asia or the Pacific Islands (particularly ‘Wake Island and Guam) to France, Canada, Australia, and the United States. Most of those who came to the United States originally settled in California, Florida, and Texas, although there were refugees who had relatives or sponsors in Hawai‘. The majority ofthe Vietnamese ref gees currently in Hawai, however, are tertiary migrants—that i, their journeys took them to the mainland United States (or other countries) before they came to Hawaii, Much has already been written about the history and journey of Vietnamese refugees to the United States. This chapter focuses on the Vietnamese in Hawai'i and the ways in which life in Hawai‘ has enabled the Vietnamese to become successful ‘The 2000 U.S. Census reported that there were 7,900 Vietnamese in the state of Hawai'i, with an additional 2,100 who identified as Viet- ‘namese in combination with other races or ethnicities. The Vietnamese 270 The Vierramese 2m are the largest Southeast Asian group in Hawaii. Many of these are second and even third generation, and they arrived at different times or ‘waves (see Table 1.1 below). More than 90 percent ofthe 10,000-plus Vietnamese live in the City and County of Honolulu, where forthe most part they have thrived and succeeded, especially in business and educa- tion, and they have adapted wel to life in the Islands. Ethnocultural identity Vietnamese ethnocultural identity is incredibly complex. However, there are two major patterns that have been significanty influential in shaping a collective Vietnamese identity: Vietnam history of domi tion and colonization and its traditional village life. Certainly one could argue that of the many other characteristics, any one is the major influ ence on Vietnamese identity. The authors have chosen to focus on these two areas because they seem to have been most influential in shaping, Vietnamese identity in Hawai'i today. [HISTORY OF DOMINATION AND COLONIZATION Intragroup Relations: China, As discussed at length by Nguyen and Kehmeier, the Vietnamese have continuously struggled against domi- nation by other nations and empires? “Almost from its birth,” they write, “this race of people was threatened by absorption into other civ- ilizations. China repeatedly invaded Vietnam for nearly a thousand years. The sheer size and power of Chinese legions could have over- ‘whelmed the Vietnamese, yet they resisted assimilation and eventually regained political independence from the Chinese in A.D. 939. Notably, however, during their long history of interaction with Vietnam, the Chi- nese instilled many oftheir beefs and traditions in Vietnamese society, including Confucianism, 2 code of social behavior stressing that man should live in harmony with others and seek to improve hirnself as an ‘individual for the good of the family coramunity. Confucianism asserts that one’s role and duty in life comes from one’s situation in relation to others—in other words, one should know his or her place in society and act accordingly and appropriately. Similarities between Vietnam ese and Chinese culture, customs, and ideology remain and continue to influence Vietnamese life both in Vietnam and in Vietnamese dias- pra; these are evident in Vietnamese language, demeanor, filial devo- tion, religion (particularly Buddhism and Taoism), and social support structure. Andrew Forbes comments that “the relationship between themm People and Cultures of Hawai two countries is in many ways a family affair, with all the closeness of shared values and bitterness of close rivalries."« Intragroup Relations: France. In the nineteenth century, France sought to expand its overseas empire, much of which it had lost to Great Britain and the United States. Motives for this expansion included desire for raw materials, trade, and cheap labor, as well as glory and prestige. France also wished to convert nations and peoples to Roman Catholicism and to promote French culture abroad. In Southeast Asia, France conquered part of Vietnam that was then known as Cochin ‘China, and by the end of the nineteenth century it had added Annam and Tonkin (also part of present-day Vietnam), Cambodia, and Laos to its empire. By r9x4, France had amassed an empire of more than 4 mil- lion square miles and Go million people. ‘As with the Chinese, the Vietnamese relationship with the French is complex, and clarifying itis beyond the scope of this chapter. Still, French influence on the Vietnamese, particularly those who lived in ‘urban areas, must be mentioned. Perhaps more so than with the Chi- nese, from whom they wished to remain distinct, the Vietnamese did to certain extent become part of French society and politics, While not considered equals by the French, some Vietnamese—especialy those who had converted to Catholicism—were able to serve in lower levels of| French government and make decent wages. In addition to the political or bureaucratic framework that France instilled into Vietnamese soci ety, French clothing styles, mannerisms, language, foods, and ideolo- gies made their way into Vietnamese life and practice. Furthermore, there was considerable intermarriage (or if not marriage, interethnic sexual relations) that resulted in mixed French-Vietnamese offspring. Vietnamese students were able to study at universities in France and became exposed to various ideologies and involved in political move- ‘ments, One of these students, Ho Chi Minh, joined the Communist Party, returned to Vietnam, and joined the Communist Viet Minh in northern Vietnam. During World War II, Japan occupied Vietnam, loosening French control, After the war ended, France attempted to regain control but failed. In 1954, the Geneva Accords ended France's colonial presence in Vietnam and temporarily partitioned the increasingly hostile northem ‘and souther parts ofthe country into two states at the r7th parallel. Ngo Dinh Diem was appointed prime minister of southern Vietnam, and soon thereafter Ho Chi Minh became the leader of northern Vietnam. In the aftermath of World War Il, North Vietnam came to be sup- The Vietnamese ces ported by the Peoples Republic of China and the former USSR, while South Vietnam was supported by the United States, Tensions between North and South and the other parties involved quickly escalated into the Vietnam War. Introgroup Relations: The United States. American intentions in Viemam in the latter part ofthe twentieth century cannot be accurately categorized as either atempts to dominate or colonize; however, the United States did wish to persuade the Vietnamese ofthe iniquity of Communisin and the authority of democracy and meritocracy. The ‘ideological and military struggles that ensued would forever change the destinies ofboth countries and their people. Vietnamese identity traditionally defined by family, village, and nation—to many became family village, and North or South. The North/South addition had a sig- nificant effect on the Vietnamese identity as individuals and how: ‘they interacted with family. Anecdotally, Viemamese in Hawai reported the need to make sudden adjustments to long-established gender and family roles, with significant disruption to psychosocial functioning described later inthis chapter VILLAGE LIFE The cradle of Vietnamese society was the village. Enclosed behind a tall hedge of bamboo, each village was a separate entity, complete with its own population, customs, even its own deity ‘enshrined in the communal house—a tiny world within the world of Viewam3 As delineated above, the Vietnamese village is a microcosm of Vietnamese society itself In the village, one has a “place’—that is, based upon one’s position in the family and in the village, he or she Iknovis how to act and what todo. Intergroup Relations: Family, Village, Nation. The fanily—and in particular, one’s immediate family—is the basic unit of Vietnamese society In the village, Vietnamese families function via a largely Con- fucian, hierarchical system with specific roles based upon age, elders being the most highly respected. Special reverence is given to ones ancestors, “elders” whom they believe continue to influence the lives ofthe living. Family members practice rituals venerating their forbears and find comfort knowing that through these rituals their ancestors receive proper spiritual nourishment. Traditional roles place the father as the economic provider, responsible forthe well-being of the family.2a People and CuturesofHawari It is not unusual for fathers to give up everything for their children, especially their sons, nor for eldest male children to take on responsibil- ity for parents, grandparents siblings, and other family members. The ‘mother's role is to take care of the household, including her husband, children, and in-laws. Parents are expected to arrange for suitable part ners for both their male and female children and generally to ensure Ihappy futures for them, Finally older children, particularly females, are ‘expected to care for and rear younger children. Beyond the immediate family and other relatives, village life requires that families work together, assisting each other with planting and harvesting of crops, for example. Like other countries in South- cast Asia, Vietnamese village life is based upon waterrice agriculture, and thus many customs and rituals celebrate the harvest or ask forthe success of the harvest. Cultural practices, including festivals or cer- cemonies, are attached to the village community; marriages, for exam- pile, are arranged very carefully so as to benefit both families and the village. Vietnamese value selfimprovement, particularly through study and scholarship; however, those who succeed have an automatic obliga- tion to take care of both family and village. ‘As discussed above, the Vietnamese have faced centuries of domi- nation, colonization, and other attempts to change their culture. After ‘World War I, the country itself was divided in two. Vietnamese them: selves have been forced to move repeatedly and rapidly, whether within Vietnam or beyond its physical borders. Thus “nation” here arguably refers more to identity—knowledge of and loyalty to history, culture and tradition that defines one as Vietnamese—than to the physical place, although given the duration of and sentiment about the Vietnam War, one’s origin as “northern” or “southern” Vietnamese is also of consequence. ADJUSTMENT TO LIFE IN THE UNITED STATES Most historians agree that the categorization of Vietnamese migra- tion to the United States is best explained in terms of *waves."¢ The exact breakdown of waves, in terms of years, however, differs from hi torian to historian. Here we use broad, approximate time periods simn- ply to provide the reader with a sense of the makeup and characteristics of each the various refugee migrant groups from Vietnam so that they ‘may be analyzed comparatively (Table 131. ‘The traumatic psychological and physical affects of the refugee Table 1.1. Vietnamese immigration waves rast The weeks ad Largely urban edu Aflined with inguprothe "cated professions, soulher Vietuam- [67°72 fall of Saigon in doctors, lawyers, ‘ese government; = April igysand. teachers, business jnstine cane contining unt persons spoke hed worked oe 1977 some English American military or companies; ‘many airlifted out of Vimar #008 Late 1970s to Mostly rural farm- Sought 200.0 midag80s/ ers, less educated oppres 420000. than first wave: majorsocisl,_finousands sometimes efered economic, and die tea) toas “boat people political reforms because they fled fnstituted by north bythe thousands em Vietnamese by boat! government TitixD Laterg80s More similarities to Former prison: 100,000 secondwave than ersofreeducaton first limited sills, camps, includ. mostly agrarian ing former US Tackgrounds—mlitaryand gore mle who id not escape during the first wave! Amerasian children fourm 1990810 pres: Knownas new" Manyhave rela: 00,0008 oe Moma’ eri BE Eee Hel sengeer Rese Rerlocce, Beat Sia See greet same =a cle chats oy ahanen abet {se goverment alow many oft ole sgh he Oe stated coo00 wee lesan ty member ease 3. This number madre oman excep a toa Jn ooo and te Aten Communi Suey far acy rin fr Vemanne276 People and Cultures of Hawai experience may never fully be understood nor resolved. Prior to the first ‘wave coming to the United States, itis estimated that a million or more North Vietnamese resettled to the South. The majority of those who rigrated were landowners or Catholics fearing political persecution.” This added complexity increased stress on the refugees, who through generations had fought foreign colonization and now found them- selves at war with their own nation and fellow countrymen. However, Hawai'i presented a unique opportunity for Vietnamese migrants to rebuild their lives. Hawaii provided an opportunity to reestablish the loss of economic and social status, with social support systems in place ‘through well-established Asian and Southeast Asian communities. [HISTORY OF DOMINATION AND COLONIZATION —AND SURVIVAL ‘The previous section mentions the many attempts made by the ‘Chinese, French, and others (including clashing factions within Viet znam itself) to dominate and control the Vietnamese. The Vietnamese ‘have resisted these attempts and to a great extent retained their unique: ness; interestingly, however, they have also learned to do so while seem- ing to surrender some of their identity—at least outwardly—in order to survive, Nguyen and Kehmeier comment that for the Vietnamese, = passive resistance has been developed toa fine at, leading to flexibility and adaptability in the face of many years of occupation and political domination."t This outward flexibility is apparent among the Vietnam ese who have settled in Hawa Intragroup Relations: The Chinese. Most ofthe refugees from Viet znam in the first and second waves arived in California, Florida, Texas, and the Washington, D.C., area. While adjustment was extremely diff cul the lrge numbers ofeugess relied upon and asisted each othe forming mutual assistance associations, community organizations, an businesses In Hava he inal number of Vienamese who artied ‘were much smaller (approximately 3,500 in 1975). Some of the second wave had family members to sponsor them, and they were supported by ‘kin economically, socially, and psychologically. They too formed mutual assistance associations, although due to their small numbers they usu- ally did so in collaboration with other Southeast Asian groups. How- fever, a peculiar yet not unfamiliar relationship developed between the Vietnamese in Hawai'i and the Chinese, who had been established in 3 state for more than a century. sss Honolulu Weekly author Margaret Seeto writes, The Vietnamese 2 While long ghettoized and orientalized with an inscrutable mys- ‘que, American Chinatowns have stood as havens for Chinese immigrants unfamiliar with laws and languages of their new lands... Established setlers could help newcomers fiom their hhome territories find jobs and places to live, Societies formed based around commonalities ranging from last names to dis tvcts to cities to provinces, and became signature resources in Honolul’s Chinatown and others around the world? Indeed, Chinatowns developed across the United States as support systems for Chinese immigrants. In Hawaii the Chinese store was 2 cultural institution, where one could go not only to purchase supplies but to mail letters, get medical attention, and ask for translations. In Honolulu, Chinatown sprang up in the downtown area eatly on, and ‘hough twice devastated by fire it was rebuilt by the community. Tn recent years, however, the Chinese community's need for China- town has become less urgent. It is still used and considered a valuable resource, butas the Chinese have assimilated into local culture, with gen erations of Chinese now born in Hawai'i and/or intermixed with other zaces, members ofthe community can now choose to be involved with Chinatown, accept its assistance, and celebrate its offerings —or not. ‘As larger numbers of Vietnamese began to arrive in Honolulu, how- «ever, particulary in the 1990s, Chinatown offered a practical, functional ‘framework for their own adjustment As discussed in previous sections, the Vietnamese, while perhaps not enthralled by the Chinese, understand ‘much of their culture and customs and could follow in their footsteps— ‘particulatly in terms of forming businesses and striving for education. Walking down the streets of Chinatown, one passes noodle shops and French-Vietnamese bistros (some with lines around the block) and stores selling Vietnamese movie DVDs. Calendars with photos of Viet- namese models or celebrities line the walls of many grocery markets and cafés, and in some areas there are as many signs in Vietnamese as there are in Chinese. One hears Vietnamese being spoken in lei shops, where family members sit around tables and string them by the dozen. “VILLAGE LIFE” 1N HAWAI'L In the Vietnamese village, all inhabitants worked to ensure the success of one's family, one’s village, and therefore one’s nation. While 2 traditional village structure does not exist in Hawai'i, the Vietnam- ese community has created modified villages that function to support278 People and Cultures ofHawat the family and the group. The first wave of Vietnamese in Hawai'i, for ‘example, included members of the educated class. These migrants formed associations and businesses, and when subsequent waves artived they assisted their kinsmen to acclimate as well. Haines sug- gests that while the refugee experience certainly disrupted Vietnamese family structure, the concept of kinship and its obligations retained “not only its predictable importance, but also much of its shape”!2 Actual or blood kin remained the most important; however, those “elders” who hhad arrived in Hawai‘ first sought to help those who had newly arrived, ‘working toward harmony within this new Vietnamese “village.” They provided newer immigrants with jobs and provided social and cultural suppor, introducing them to others in their networks and holding cut- tural festivals and so forth. The result has been astonishing economic success. Notably, Vietnamese businesses have branched beyond China- town and can be found throughout the City and County of Honolulu, A wellknown French-Vietnamese sandwich shop and bakery that opened in Chinatown in 1984 now has more than twenty stores throughout O'ahu and the continental United States. In Hawaii, Viemamese fishermen have pooled their resources to support their business endeavors, particularly when traditional finan- ial institutions would not provide them with loans. Each member of the group makes an investment that will assist in building one mem- ber's busizess; he has a vested interest in the success of that business, as he will eventually call upon those resources himself, ‘Assecond “village” analogy can be made with the religious institu- tions frequented by Vietnamese in Hawai'i, As already noted, a signif cant number of Vietnamese converted to Catholicism during the French colonial period. As refugees, they readily accepted the sponsorships offered by the Catholic Church. They also accepied services offered by other churches; voluntary agencies (known as “volags") such asthe U.S. Catholic Conference, the International Rescue Committe, and Church. World Service welcomed and helped to take care of their initial needs upon arriving in the United States. These refugees continued to attend church services and became involved in related community groups, and as they became more self-sufficient, they helped new arrivals to adjust. ANew Ethnocultural Identity While Hawaii is not without its interethnic tensions, Vietnamese ‘in Hawai'i have faced less discrimination in the Islands than in other The Vietnamese = areas. Many in the continental United States conflated the Vietnamese refugees with Communism and viewed them as “the enemy” respon- sible for America’s only wartime defeat. Tensions between Vietnamese and other ethnic groups in Hawai'i seem to stem from the perception that the Vietnamese are “clannish” and even haughty. One Chinatown resident commented about Vietnamese shopkeepers, *They don't talk- story with you, like others. I fel like they are arrogant and only like other Vietnamese." The Vietnamese proclivity to put family firs, village second, and others last may lead others to perceive that they are not only outside ofthe Vietnamese social paradigm but that they ae treated condescendingly or disrespectfully. Most tensions tend to happen within the Vietnamese communi isl rather than betwen the Viemamese and olier etic groupe, ‘There are exceptions, such as the Vietnamese gang activity that has emerged among some adolescents; however, the growing pains of adjusting to life in Hawai'i have been more intergroup than intragroup based. The most noticeable ofthese are generational and gender differ. fences between the traditional and the new ethnocultural identities. (GENERATIONAL DIFFERENCES Generational differences are not exclusive to Vietnamese-Ameri- ‘ans specifically nor to immigrant groups generally. Thus the claims of an elderly Vietnamese woman that she can tell the difference between Ametican- or Vietnamese-born youth because the American-born Viet. rnamese does not show respect to his or her elders will resonate across ethnic groups. Rather than taking care of elders, she asserted, youths ‘expect to be served and do not clean up afier themselves, whereas in Vietnam children would feed their elders first and then clean up with- out being asked Anecdotal information also suggests that American-born Viet ramese are es likely to participate in cultural events and rituals ietnamese parents tend to place enormous pressure on their chilézen to succeed aademieally Such suces reflects well pon thet family and upon the Vietnamese community. Yet the parents want their children to keep their focus on family and village, while also blending into American society. Furthermore, since many of the second: and third-wave migrants are from lower-income rural backgrounds, their children’s academic success contributes to their social standing. Because oftheir lowerincome backgrounds, however, the children ‘may not have the resources to succeed in education (particulary higher280 People and Cultures of await education) in the United States. In Hawaii those from lowerincome hhouseholds usually cannot attend private schools—mostly college pre- paratory schools. Yet stable blue-collar jobs that used to pay enough to support a family are becoming increasingly rare, so higher education is pursued intensely. Continuously rising tuitions also make college a lofty goal. ‘The children, moreover, face both rising aspirations—pushed by their parents, driven by culture and social expectations and by them- selves, as American consumer culture drives them to want to earn and >buy miore—and shrinking opportunities. ‘The Confucian and village life paradigms within which the tradi- tional Vietnamese family operated made men the household providers ‘and women the child rearers, the later being subservient to the former. In the United States, however, economic circumstances—particularly ‘those for refugees (and for those who live in Hawaii|—often war rant that women work outside the home. The independence created for women by this situation may be perceived as disrupting the social order, and men can perceive a loss of their power and status. Fear about this loss has led to men’s violence against their wives and other female family members. A relatively recent yet highly lucrative phenomenon in the Viet namese-American community is the plethora of Vietnamese-owned or zn nail salons. The Vietnamese seem particularly adept at running the salons, so much so that one Vietnamese-American on the U.S. ‘mainland was able to contract with Walmart to open salons in more than nine hundred of their superstores across the county. At the time ofthis writing, there were numerous Vietnamese nail salons in Hono- lulu, with additional shops throughout the state. Summary and Conclusions In August 2008, the first Freedom Boat exhibition came to Hawai‘, Now colorfully painted yellow and red, the Freedom Boat is one of the actual boats used by Vietnamese refugees to flee from Viet: ‘nam to the Philippines in the 1970s. Those who attended the exhibition ‘were saddened by the past, yet they were inspired by the steadfastness and dignity of those who had come to the United States in much the same way and not only survived, but thrived. The Vietnamese 281 Further Reading Do,H.D. The Viiamese Americans. We rican, Westport CT Greenood Pres Freeman, J.M. Changing Identities: Vietnamese Ameri oe tn sn Bch pgp ne Ames 5751995 Bo Hears of Sor Vimamase American Lives, Stanford, CA: 8 ford University Press, 1989, oo. lelman, ed Bear Ane ets By ed, Der Ameri Ltrs Hoe rm Vitam. (or he Yer Veram Verne Memmi Condon) New Yer Nay Tacs A. Without Honor: eatin Vie . ati Vina and Combed, Baimor: : [is Hopkins University Press, 1983 LT. "The Veiamere Aan erica experience: From dispersion development of postefuge ctsmunis” In aan Rector okt is Ready). Wu and M. Song, New Bosnooie he University Press, 2000: 90-305. : ae Notes 1 The approximate numbers of ther Southeast wit er Southeast Asians in Hawa te follows (he numbers of those who ident with mone en are indicated in parentheses): Laoti ooh, an 180 (goo) Tsk oe ee Cambodian: 200 Gook Hmong. 20 (2) Sauter US een ee Senay Ft Fw uy.) yo Pe Depress, Enanie Doan a Rat ha Sine en ero Se Ves in op and Car of Pade ej o fseng, and T. W. Maretzki, Honolulu: ‘University of Hawai'i Press, 1980: 200-217. . me 1A Fo “SotheatAsa Why i: Why Vem less tes China? ui Time Onin, Apia, aoe eed oh ee Tae ‘timer coat Satis Cente ae Heenan kane gt Kanon Venom fan ew York: Vi Mu Nedeind TCD, Reprensa oe US fon So, ical yas Sg ntone coat : cal Profile, Washington, Tae cae sl Pfc Wang: cs Soho ha Reo Ss Se oe Revolution, Flight and New Beginni oe eginnings, Philadelphia: Temple University22 People and Cultures of Hawai 8. Nguyen and Kehmeier 980: 205 9. M.Seeto,’A legacy’ changing face: Cultural organization struggle to charta course ina new Chinatown,” Honolulu Weekly (cover story), Octo- bers, 2008, ro. The phenomenon of Chinatowns becoming "Vietnam-towns" or “Litle Saigons" has been noted in many US. cities, inluding New York, Boston, Chicago, Oakland, Los Angeles, and others. A similar phenome- ‘non has been noticed in Canada (eg, in Vancowwer and Toronto). 11. In speaking with business and restaurant owners in Chinatown, one receives mixed responses as to whether the Vietmamese in Hawai'i and in particular, in Chinatown—are ethnic Vietnamese or ethnic Chinese from Vietnam. Some aze quick o point out that they are either ethnically Vietnamese or ethnically Chinese, while others seem moze indifferent about the distinction. 12. D.Haines, “Kinship in Vietnamese refugee resetlement: A review ofthe US. experience” Joursal of Comparative Family Studies 192) (1988): 146. CHaprer 14 The Cambodians Christine Su Navigate a river by fllowing its bends; negotiate a calture by following its custome, Khmer proverb During the second or third weekend of the month of April, sur rounded by the beauty of the Wai‘anae Range, Khmer families and friends gather early in the morning to pray, chant, and make offerings, to monks dressed in saffron robes. Inthe afternoon, adorned in beaut ful silks or other traditional clothing, they begin to dance, sing, perform, dramas and comedic shits, play traditional games, and eat delicious Khmer food well into the night. For many, this celebration is much like those they experienced back in Cambodia, out in the countryside, sounds of Khmer music filling the air, sharing simple good food and conversation, The annual festival, Chenam Tmey (Khmer New Year, celebrates the end of the harvest season and is appreciated by Cambodi- ans in Hawaii either because they lived the custom or have listened to countless stories about it recounted by their elders These stories, however, tll of times before war and politcal repres- sion in Cambodia, for which the small Southeast Asian nation has become innfamnous. These were times that preceded the brutal Khmer Rouge, the Communist regime that overtook Cambodia from 1975 to 1979, during which their beloved traditions were banned and theit sto- ries had to be hidden deep within their heats. ‘The story of Cambodians in Hawaii is indeed in large part the story of wat and of refugees, uprooted and displaced from their home- 203