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    22 People and Cultures of Hawai 8, Nguyen and Kehmeier 1980: 205 19. M.Secto, “A legacy’s changing face: Cultural organizations struggle to charta course in a new Chinatown,” Honolulu Weekip (cover story), Octo ber 15, 2008. 10. The phenomenon of Chinatowns becoming “Vietnam-towns” or “Little Saigons” has been noted in many U.S. cities, including New York, Boston, Chicago, Oakland, Los Angeles, and others. A similar phenome: non has been noticed in Canada (ein Vancouver and Toronto) 11. In speaking with business and restaurant owners in Chinatown, ‘one receives mixed responses as to whether the Vietnamese in Hawai'i— and in particular, in Chinatown—are ethnic Vietmamese or ethnic Chinese from Vietnam. Some are quick to point out that they are either ethnically Vietnamese or ethnically Chinese, while others seem more indifferent about the distinction, 12, D.Haines, “Kinship in Vietnamese refugee resettlement: A review of the U.S. experience,” Journal of Comparative Family Studies r9(t) (0988): 6, Cuaprer 14 The Cambodians Christine Su Navigate river by following its bends; negotiate a culture by following. Kier proved During the second or third weekend of the month of April, sur- rounded by the beauty of the Wai'anae Range, Khmer families and friends gather early in the morning to pray, chant, and make offerings tomonks dressed in saffron robes.t In the afternoon, adorned in beauti- fal silks or other traditional clothing, they begin to dance, sing, perform dramas and comedic skits, play traditional games, and eat delicious Khmer food well into the night. For many, this celebration is much like those they experienced back in Cambodia, out in the countryside, sounds of Khmer music filling the air, sharing simple good food and conversation. The annual festival, Chenam Tmey (Khmer New Year), celebrates the end of the harvest season and is appreciated by Cambodi- ‘ans in Hawai'i either because they lived the custom or have listened to countless stories about it recounted by their elders. ‘These stories, however, tell of times before war and political repres- sion in Cambodia, for which the small Southeast Asian nation has become infamous. These were times that preceded the brutal Khuner Rouge, the Communist regime that overtook Cambodia from 1975 to 1979, during which their beloved traditions were banned and their sto- ries had to be hidden deep within their hearts. The story of Cambodians in Hawaii is indeed in large part the story of war and of refugees, uprooted and displaced from their home 283 284 People and Cultures of Hawai land. However, itis also the story of tremendous resilience, courage, hope, and renewal. Cambodians in the United States: Fractured Lives More than 200,000 individuals in the United States identify as (Cambodian-Americans, and like refugees from other counties, they have lived fractured lives characterized by persecution, escape, displacement, relocation, and adjustment. Its important to acknowledge, however, that While refugees fiom other Southeast Asian countries such as Vietnam or Laos share similar status in the United States, the circumstances in their home countries that led them to become refugees are different and these differences inform their respective cultural identities. More spe- cifically, while Khmer, ao, and Vietnamese were all displaced due to wat and invasions by outsiders, the Cambodians also suffered greatly atthe hhands oftheir own leaders and supposed protectors. As a result much of| ‘what they understood to be Khmer was damaged or destabilized? HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ‘Throughout the 1970s, Cambodia was embroiled in civil strug: gles between numerous political factions—particularly between those Joyal to King Sihanouk and those loyal to the U.S.-backed military general, Lon Nol. Cambodians were not unfamiliar with war and its consequences. Thus when the Khmer Rouge—which until then was known primarily as a rogue guerila faction that kept to itself in the Cambodian jungle—entered the capital of Phnom Penh on April 15, 1975, and announced it was taking control ofthe country, Cambodians lined the streets in celebration. Decades later, a Khmer interviewee here in Hawati recalled, “You know, Ican still member how happy I was, waving a flag and smiling thought, ‘Now we will have peace.” ‘The Khmer Rouge, however, brought chaos, not peace. Soon after their arrival, Khmer Rouge soldiers began emptying Phnom Penk, fore ing its inhabitant into the countryside? Even those who were already living in rural areas were often relocated to different zones, and urban- ites and villagers alike were forced to work on collective farms.* Believ ing that transforming Cambodia into a nation of agricultural workers would maximize production and make Cambodia autonomous and selfsufficient, the Khmer Rouge imposed an extreme form of revolu- tionary Communism that essentially destroyed Cambodians’ lives as they knew them. The Cambodians 705 ‘The physical and psychological horrors of life under the Khmer Rouge can never be adequately conveyed. Those who resisted the Khmer Rouge and the angkar organization), as itwas known, were tor tured and executed. A huge number of educated Cambodians who had lived in the cities and practiced a skill or profession, such as medicine, education, music, or fine arts (identified by arbitrary criteria such a ‘wearing eyeglasses) were also executed. The social structure of Cam. bodian society was uprooted: Wives were separated from husbands and parents from children. Children were instructed not to obey their elders; all loyalty was to angkar. Monks were disrobed or killed, tem- ples destroyed, and the practice of Buddhism, which formed the core of Cambodian life, was forbidden. They worked seemingly endless hours building ierigation systems and planting rice, but they rarely saw the fruits of their labors. Many witnessed torture and execution of family members and watched as others died of starvation and disease. Histo. tians estimate that up to 2 million Cambodians died duting the Khmer Rouge control of 1975-1979, and thousands more perished during the subsequent instability of lie both in refugee camps and in post Khmer Rouge Cambodia. ‘When the Khmer Rouge fell from power in 1979, thousands attempted to escape into Thailand.6 Not welcomed by the Thais, how. «ver, most Cambodians lingered in refugee camps for months or years along the Thai-Cambodia border before being processed for relocaticn to third countries, including France, Canada, Australia and the United States. The conditions in the camps were substandard, and refugees lived with primitive sanitation, limited food, and insufficient medi- cal care, as well as the fears and anxieties resulting from their earlier trauma, As the Khmer Rouge had kept Cambodians isolated from most of the outside world for four years, not until the early 1980s and the ‘mass exodus of thousands of Cambodians fleeing did its terror become Widely known.” Between 1975 and 2002, more than 145,000 Cambodian refu- gees relocated to the United States, with more than two-thirds arriving between 1980 and 1985, following the passage of the Refugee Act of 1980, which opened different areas of the country to the resettlement of refugees from Cambodia, Vietnam, and Laos. ‘CAMBODIANS IN HAWAr' ‘The narrative of Cambodians in Hawai'i is unique and heretofore hhas been largely untold° Rather than arriving as explorers or plantation 286 People and Cultures ofHawat workers, as did many other immigrants to Hawaii, most Cambodians came, as one respondent put it, “ether by accident or by luck, depending upon how you look at it” Indeed, of the mass exodus of refugees, few made it to Hawaii, Early on, Cambodians settled in Long Beach, Cal- fornia, in Seattle, and in Philadelphia. The U.S. government also sent them to Atlanta, Boston, Chicago, Houston, Jacksonville, and other cit- ies. Some families had American sponsors; some did not. The American people's responses to Southeast Asian refugees in general were mixed, ‘and there was concern over having too many refugees clustered in one place. Thus policy makers attempted to scatter Cambodians throughout a dozen different cities, but none of these included Honolult.3® AS a result, the number of Cambodians in Hawai is till quite small. There are approximately seventy resident Khmer farnilies in Hawaii, representing a population of about 375 people. The major- ity live on O'ahu, with a few families on Maui, Kaua'i, and the Big Island.Mt There are also significant numbers of students from Catn- bodia enrolled at Hawai'tS universities—specifically the University of Hawai'i at Manoa, Hawai'i Pacific University, and Brigham Young University Hawai. Broadly speaking, Cambodians in Hawai'i can be described in terms of three generations. The first generation of Cambodians who ‘came to Hawai'i comprises those born before 1961 and who were at least fourteen when the Khmer Rouge took over. Their memories ofthe Khmer Rouge are generally adult memories, and for them adjustment hhas been the most difficult? The second generation refers to those who were born in Cambodia after 1962 and were thus thirteen or younger during the Khmer Rouge years; they are not necessarily the offspring of| the first generation, although some are. Their experiences of the Khmer Rouge, life in border camps and processing centers, and resettlement usualy differ from those of their parents. As Morland notes, “Most resettled Cambodians who experienced Pol Pot as children bore fewer scars than did their adolescent siblings and adult parents.” This is not to say that their Pol Pot years were less than difficult; many witnessed the execution of family members and friends and were forced to lis ten to hours of “indoctrination” speeches of angkar. Yet they acclimated to American life more quickly than the first generation, particularly because the second generation usually attended at least a few years of school in their new homelands, where they interacted and befriended diverse children of their own age. The third generation comprises those bom in 1979 (the year the Khmer Rouge were overthrown) and later, The Cambodians 287 some in the border camps, some in the United States (or other reloca- ton countries) and thus they hae litle or no memory oftheir prem gration lives ‘The stories of first- and second-generation refugees who came to Hawaii bear both similarities and differences to those of theie counter. Parts who relocated to the U.S. mainland, They are similar in that they all involved leaving their birthplace, and thus their understanding of “Cambodianness” is influenced by life in Cambodia itself To varying extents, they look to the prewar past to define themselves. They are dif, ferent, however, in that both the land and the people who received them in Hawaiti were different. Ethnocultural Identity ‘TRADITIONAL CAMBODIAN CULTURE ‘You know, culture can be born and itcan die, and then itcan be reborn again. (Male interviewee, 50s) ‘To discuss Khmer culture and identity, one must acknowledge that ‘What Cambodians believe to be true Cambodian culture and identity i, for the older generation, the life they knew before the Khmer Rouge. Given the upheaval Cambodian refugees endured in Cambodia and the feelings of helplessness, guilt, fear, loneliness, and sadness they felt as. they attempted to comprehend their changed lives in a new homeland, itis not surprising that they look to the past—or atleast to life before war —to define “traditional” Cambodian culture. While it is important to resist essentialist notions of Khimer culture as something static, itis as important to acknowledge and respect what Ebihara et al. call survi. vors' “need to recreate an orderly universe” by returning to events, tradi. tions, and practices that connect them to and mitigate the world around them. Accordingly, first- and some second-generation Cambodians in Hawaii describe a system that encompasses hallmarks, norms, rituals, and rules that tell people they are Khmer, and itis these that they wish to safeguard and to pass on to their children. These cultural signifiers (ancestry, cultural knowledge, language, religion, and behavior) are dis- cussed below. Ancestry: To Be Khmer Isto Bea Descendant ofthe Creators of Angkor, A common theme of the responses to the question, “What is a Khmez)” was reference to Cambodia's early history—and in particular, to the Angkor period (the massive Angkor Wat monument was built in the 288 People and Cultures of Hawai twelfth century).15 Nearly every Cambodian household in Hawat' dis- ply at est oe picture painting of Anger Wat The nal of the ‘Angkor monuments are covered with bas-relief of the stories of power- ful kings and deities from Khmer mythology. For Cambodians, Angkor Inearkens back to atime of greatness, a time of strong kings who con- solidated disparate territories throughout the Mekong Delta region into avast Khmer kingdom, ‘Children are taught to respect the magnificence of Angkor, and ‘many Khmer families aspire to take their children to visit the Angkor complex. "Cultural Knowledge: To Be Khmer Ito Know Khner Ars, Dance and ‘Music. The bas-eliefs of Angkor are also lined with dancing apsara— ‘beautiful celestial nymphs who in Cambodian cosmology danced and sang to mediate between humans and gods—and stone carvings of Cambodian musical instruments and ensembles commemorating the importance of music and dance in Cambodian life. For hundreds of years, melodies and performance methods such as those chronicled at Angkor were passed on from one generation to the next, with mas- ter teachers transmitting Cambodian culture to eager pupils through ‘movement and song. Thus, when nearly all of the artists died during the Khmer Rouge years, an integral part of being Cambodian was lost. Language: To Be Khmer Is to Speak Khmer. All of the respondents interviewed, both male and female, asserted the following: “I know 1 am Khmer because I speak Khmer.” While upon fitst reading ths rela tionship between one's language and one's identity may seem obvious, note that Americans do not necessarily say, “I know I am American because I speak English” (ie., native English speakers can be English, Canadian, Australian, etc). Piasa-khmae (Kher language) isa source of great pride for Cam- bodians. Khmer language reflects Cambodia's diverse history and infli- ences through its numerous Sanskrit and Pali words, for example. The Khmer borrowed and indigenized many French words introduced dur ing the colonial period, as well as Chinese, Vietnamese, and English ‘words, altered to fit Khmer pronunciation and intonation. In shor, the Khmer language isa fascinating conglomerate reflective of Cambodia's colorful past. ‘The structure and syntax of pasa hae informa socal interaction Hierarchy is evident in its terms of reference, for example, and also in the verb choices Khmer speakers make. Selection of pronouns and verbs is based primarily on age butalso on familia relationship, gender, The Cambodians 289 status, and wealth Traditional Khmer do not see their ranked system of speaking as demeaning or confining; on the contrary, it enables one to now what to say and how to say it Religion: To Be Khmer Is to Be Buddhist, Several noted scholars of Khmer history and culture have noted that “To be Khmer is to be Bud- hist” The significance of Buddhism in traditional Cambodian life cannot be overstated. In prewar Cambodia, the wat (temple) served as the center of Cambodian life, as the nucleus of education, religion and spirituality, and local politics. The wat was the conduit for disseminat- ‘ng cultural knowledge to the community through Pali chants, the cheap (didactic verses), the gatoke (folktales), and epics such as the Reamer (the Khmer version ofthe Ramayana stor). ‘When asked when or in what situations they felt “very” Khmer, the Tespondents mentioned going to and making offerings at the temple uring different Buddhist holy days, which punctuate the Khmer calen- dar. One mentioned in particular is Bon Phchum Ben, a festival honor. ing the spirits of dead ancestors, usually held in September. Behavior: To Be Khmer Isto Be Respectful, Polite, Patent, Modest, and ‘Humble. Khiner believe there is something special and exemplary about their attitudes and behavior. One's deportment is extremely important in determining ones “Khmemness.” Descriptions of Khmer behavior in both formal texts (eg., the Cambodian Constitution) and informal conversation contain specific references to correct behavior. In prewar Cambodia, Khmer children were taught the chbap—a set of moral codes emphasizing humility, patience, honesty, modesty, and respectful. ness—both by their families and in schools. Folktales passed down from. generation to generation taught them accountability and responsibil. ity, and even school curriculums included an important moral compo. nent. Moreover, according to Cambodian traditional writings, the ideal Cambodian young woman is the pinnacle of virtue: innocent, modest, well behaved (meaning reserved and quiet), obedient, and deferential to ‘men.18 In traditional Cambodia, young unmarried Cambodian females ‘were not to leave the family home lest they interact inappropriately with, males, (NEW ETHNOCULTURAL IDENTITY Khmer in Hawai'i have evolved a unique, somewhat Hawaii-spe- cific ethnocultural identity. Perhaps the most salient characteristic of the Khmer in Hawai‘ is explained by a final cultural signifier that was ‘not directly stated by any interviewees but is implicit in their stories and 230 People and Cultures of Hawai their actions: Flexibility: To be Khmer isto be flexible, to understand the ‘impermanence of things and thus o readily adapt to change, ‘While the signifiers described above call to mind an idealized pre- ‘war Cambodia, in reality Cambodians in Hawaii have—both of neces sity and opportunity—developed a broader answer to the question, “What is a Khmer?” As one of the respondents quoted above suggests, swhat culture “is" changes: as he phrased it, it “dies” and is “reborn” ‘While Cambodians in Hawaii lament that many of their children speak little or no Khmer, for example, they understand the necessity of Eng- lish as a conduit for success in American life. As noted above, they feel that to understand Khmer culture, one must understand Khmer lan- guage; likewise, in order to understand American culture, one must ‘understand English. While “to be Khmer is to be Buddhist” in Hawaii Khmer are also Mormon, Baptist, and Catholic as well as Buddhist One's different religious beliefs do not negate one's identity as Cambo- dian rather, the principles of Buddhism coexist with and often reinforce these beliefs. The Cambodian community has constructed a makeshift wat on the North Shore of O'ahu, and itis frequented by Khmer of all {aiths. In fact, if a Buddhist holiday happens to fall on a Sunday, many Khmer attend church services in town and then travel to the North ‘Shore to participate inthe Buddhist ceremonies. In the Hawai'i context, Buddhism is viewed more as a philosophy for living one's life well Yuan 4a sect to which one does or does not belong, and the wat continues to function as conduit to guide the Khmer in doing so. Khmer definitions of “ideal” behavior have also been modified. ‘Wartime killed a significantly high percentage of Cambodian men, and ‘many households are headed by single (widowed) women. While in reality Cambodian women have always occupied various roles and have exercised considerable independence and authority (e.g, they typically ‘managed family finances), the ideal female in prewar Cambodia was connected to visions and expectations of the ideal Khmer woman. Cur rent circumstances necessitate that women behave more assertively. Family economic needs require them to obtain employment outside the home, and often this requires interacting with both males and females. ‘This is not to say that the Khmer have left long-standing belief& and practices behind. On the contrary, Hawai'i has allowed Khmer to rediscover and revive those traditions they feel connect them to Cam: bodia and to each other. General tolerance for different cultures (par ticularly Asian cultures) in Hawai'i by the time of their arrival has enabled the Khmer to avoid much of the discrimination faced by their The Cambodians 2 ‘counterparts on the mainland. Perhaps also because they arrived later than other immigrant groups (who were successful in achieving rights and privileges previously unavailable to them), the Khmer have not felt ‘compelled to wholly assimilate into the mainstream. Appreciation for various languages and fine arts has provided opportunities to pass their ‘culture on tothe third and younger generations. For more than a decade, Cambodians in Hawaii have pooled resources to hold Khmer language classes for youth. Dance, too, has been revived as an important signifier of Khmer culture, to the extent that the community, which did not have anyone who could perform or teach classical dance, raised funds to fly classically trained dancers in from the U.S. mainland to assist youth in preparing for Khmer New Year festivities. The community recently purchased a set of traditional Cambodian musical instruments, with the intent of offering musical instruction to community members. They have also participated in Hawai'’s multicultural festivals. Summary and Conclusions In the foyer, guests were welcomed by smiling Khmer ladies, dressed in beautiful silks, offering the sompeah, the traditional Khmer greeting. Bringing their hands together and nodding slightly, the ladies invited both new and familiar faces to cross the threshold, underneath an overhang of huge banana ‘ree leaves, into the bustle of activity beyond, Once inside, the seents of plumeria and pikake flowers merged with those of savory Khmer dishes. The sounds of traditional Khmer music mingled With the hip-hop rhythms of Khmer American youth. Glancing across the room, one observed elders in conventional Khmer Gress exchanging words with young visitors in blue jeans from ‘Waikiki. Indeed, the event was a true representation of the blend. of old and new, the tradition and change that infuse Cambodian culture in Hawai'i today. For a few hours, in the cafeteria of Puu- hale Elementary School in Kalihi, taxi drivers, teachers, restaura- ‘teurs, soldiers in the U.S. military, housekeepers, students and. even achaa (lay Buddhist assistants) came together and enjoyed. ‘happy times in their new homeland, Hawaii? Compared to other Cambodian communities on the mainland, such as those in Long Beach, California, or Lowell, Massachusetts, 202 People and Cultures of Hawai ‘whose populations number in the tens of thousands, and to other eth- nie groups in Hawai, the Cambodian community of Hawai is small ‘While the community may be small in number, they are not smaller in spirit Cambodians in Hawai'i are resilient and represent many different professions in the Islands: They are farmers, accountants, professor, craftsmen, and entrepreneurs. They contribute to American culture in ‘many ways. Their children attend American schools, speak English, study American history, play American sports, and strive toward achiev- ing the American dream. Yet while Cambodians have adjusted their practices to fit their lives in the United States and in Hawai, they con- tinue to celebrate their identity as Khmer. Further Reading Chan, S. Survivors: Cambodian Refugees in the United States. Urbana: Uni- versity of linois Press, 2004. Das, M. Between Two Cultures: The Case of Cambodian Women in America. New York: Peter Lang, 2007. Mortland, C.A. “Khmex” In Refugees in the United States inthe 1990s, ed. .W. Haines, Santa Barbara, CA: Greenwood Press, 1996: 232-258. “Legacies of genocide for Cambodians in the United States” In Cambodia Emerges from the Past: Eight Essays, ed. Judy Ledgerwood, DeKalb, IL: Southeast Asia Publications, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Northern Ilinois University, 2002. ‘Smith-Hefiner, N.J. Khmer American: Identity and Moral Education ina Dia- sporic Community. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999. Notes peep ee eip eat Fate ile rt yg te Bee leribe elke cop terol eee The Cambodians os Khmer or not) who follows Khmer traditions and conducts oneself in a Khmer way. 3. By 1975, Cambodia's urban population had swollen to neatly 5 mile Hon out ofa total population of some 7 to 8 milion, a8 refugees fled fight ing in rural areas, 4, The Khmer Rouge divided the country into zones that were usually controlled by a high-ranking Khmer Rouge officer 5. The Khmer Rouge regime (1075-1979) is sometimes refered to by the name ofits infamous leader, Pol Pot, as in the “Pol Pot time” ot “during Pol Pot” 6. In late 1978, skirmishes between the Khmer Rouge and the neigh- boring Vietnamese led the Vietnamese army to invade Cambodia. By Jan: ‘uaty 1979, the Vietnamese had seized control of Phnom Penh, and the Khmer Rouge fled to the west, toward Thailand, and soon thereafter the ‘Vietnamese installed a new regime 7. It is the story of the Khmer Rouge terror that is chronicled in the film The Killing Fields (1684) 8. Prior to 107s, there were few Cambodians in the United States ‘Those who did come were usually exchange students, primarily in Califor. nia. The 1980 census listed fifty-eight Cambodians in Hawa 9. TRiddle, “Cambodians in Hawaii and their relation to employ- ‘ment and welfare” Research/Technical Report, Department of Anthre- ology, University of Hawai'i at Manca, May 1988. According to Riddle's study, there were 122 Cambodians in Hawai‘, including 7 non-Cambodian spouses and the children ofthese mixed marriages. 0, Cambodian refugees were dispersed among Atlanta, Boston, Cin-

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