A DESCRIPTIVE GRAMMAR OF SAELDI EGYPTIAN COLLOQUIAL ARABIC by ABDELGHANY A.) KHALAFALLAH ie 1969 MOUTON THE HAGUE * PARIS© Copyright 1969 in The Netherlands, Mouton & Co. N.V., Publishers, The Hague. No part of this book may be translated or reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, ‘or any other means, without written permission from the publishers. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER: 68-1786 Printed in The Netherlands by Mouton & Co., Printers, The Hague.PREFACE This study presents the first descriptive analysis of the structure of saSi:di, the variety of Egyptian Arabic spoken by the inhabitants of the Nile Valley between Cairo and Aswan. Besides the major purpose of describing the phonemics, morphemies and syntax of saSicdi, itis hoped that this study would contribute to dialect studies of the varieties of Arabic spoken in Egypt, and to comparative studies of Arabic dialects. I can hardly find adequate words to express how deep my appreciation is for those scholars at the University of Texas who, by training me thoroughly in structural linguistics, have helped in making this, the first descriptive grammar of sa‘i:di, possible. To Professor Walter Lehn of the University of Texas, I owe much of the most helpful suggestions. Tam profoundly grateful to Professor Archibald A. Hill, to whom I owe not only excellent counsel and instructive suggestion but also much of training in structural linguistics. T am especially indebted to Professor Winfred P. Lehmann, whose encouragement, patience and wise criticism during my training as a linguist and all through this study, have helped me fare safely through the hazardous linguistic adventure of describing a language for the first time. Tam a student of the late Professor E. Bagby Atwood, whose loss was a blow to all who knew him. I owe much of my early orientation in linguistics to Professor Atwood. ‘The warmth of his friendship is unquenchable in the stream of days. To a great scholar from Brown University I owe much of the encouragement and help needed for the accomplishment of this work. Cairo, May 1967 A. A. KHALAFALLAHTABLE OF CONTENTS Preface eee eer Introduction. . . . . re ee ee 1, The Phonemes of sai:di. ee eee Serene 2. Suprasegmentals 62. ee ee wee 3, sqSi:di Vocalic System... 2... eee eee ie aes g0 4. Consonants... ... ee eee 5. Emphasis... 2... paouoos Be nye ose 6. Phonotactics. 2. 2... eee eee Re ee we 7. Morphophonemic Alternation ... ss sees ahd ae PART 8, sqSi:di Morphemic Segments... 2.2... Seer anie 9. Form Classes in sgSidi 2. Sogvusaee ce 10, Pronouns... . 2+. See eee Shae Il, Pronominals . 6. 1. ee ee 12, Particles. 2. ee ee pee eee aoe 13, saSi:di Syntactic Units. 6... we nae ad re 14, Types of saSisdi Phrases... eee8 TABLE OF CONTENTSPART 1 PHONEMICS12 PHONEMICS 2. A larger number of classicisms (e.g., /?tiswa/ ‘behavior model’). 3. Quotations from Alqur?a:n, Alhadi:th, classical poetry and prose, spoken in accordance with the rules given by the classical grammarians. Group 2 is characterized by: 1. The occurrence of the sequence /?iC,C,-/, where the speech of group 1 has CyCy- (e.g. /Pibra:m/ ‘cooking pottery’ 2. The occurrence of the sequence -C,VC,C;- where group 1 has -C,C,C5- (€.2., [Sanizhom/ ‘their goat’. 3. The occurrence of the sequence -C,VC where group 1 has -C,C2 (¢8., /rétez/ ‘trotting’). 4. The virtually complete absence of classicisms. 5. Quotations from Alqurza:n, Alfadi:th as well as classical poetry and prose are pronounced in accordance with everyday speech. Group I and group 2 are social dialects, in contrast with the geographical dialects distinguished above. Further possible dialect classification is not pertinent here, and accordingly is not discussed. 0.2, SOURCES OF CORPUS 0.2.1. This study is based primarily upon the author's speech and that of his wife, both of whom belong to group I of southern saSi:di. My wife comes from the village of AlSukaliyyi, about eight miles north of my native village, Sizbet ilbu:sa, which is, about 330 miles south of Cairo. She belongs to a family where saSidi is spoken and she spent her life up to the age of eighteen between Cairo and her native village. Other saSi:di informants from groups 1 and 2 were contacted in the field through trips to various parts of Upper Egypt during the collection of the corpus. 03, SIZE OF CORPUS 0.3.1. The corpus was collected over a period extending from 1958 to 1965 from my own speech and that of my wife, as well as that of other saSi:di informants contacted in the field. It was collected by: a) Recordings of and notes on daily conversations and stories, as well as checking with my wife and other native informants on points where self-deception was sus- pected; (b) Exploring all mathematical possibilities of combinations of segmentals to expand the range of coverage of the corpus to the farthest possible limits.1, THE PHONEMES OF sa{i:di 1,1, SEGMENTALS 1.11, Consonants Labiodental Pharyngeal cc 2 z Alveolar Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal Dental Stops voiceless voiced Africates voiceless voiced Fricatives voiceless voiced Nasals Lateral Trill Semivowels 1.2.1, Vowels front central back high i u mide ° low a14 PHONEMICS, Co-vowels Length /:/; Emphasis /_/ 1.3, SUPRASEGMENTALS 1.3.1, Juncture Terminal junctures /|/, /lI/, /#/- Internal juncture /-+/. 1.3.2. Stress Primary /'/; Non-primary /*/. 1.3.3. Pitch BI I /1/ lowest2. SUPRASEGMENTALS 241, JUNCTURE 2.11, Terminal junctures 2.1.1.1, The segmental sequence /saSado:/ can be spoken with any of the following pitch patterns: A. 1, The first syllable is spoken on a medium pitch which is maintained through the second syllable. 2. The third syllable is spoken on a higher pitch followed by a downglide to a lower 2 an pitch than that of the first two syllables, before silence. /safad6:/, spoken in this manner, is a declarative statement: ‘they helped him’. B. 1, The first two syllables are spoken on the same pitch as in Al. 2. The higher pitch of the third syllable glides upward before silence. /'satad8: |, spoken in this manner, is a reiterated question: ‘did they help him?" 2.1.1.2. Comparing the two pitch patterns of /saado:/ described above we find: 1, The pitch on the third syllable in pattern A gradually moves downward and gra- dually fades. 2. The pitch on the third syllable in pattern B moves upward and abruptly stops. The downturn and upturn of pitch described above form a contrast which will be symbolized: A /#/, B /|I/. 2.1.1.3, In the utterance: /eadabu: galamak taSa xudu/ 1. /2ada/ may be spoken on medium pitch, /hu:/ on high pitch, and /-mak/ on medium pitch. 2. The medium level is maintained through /ta%a/. 3. Between the end of /galamak/ and the beginning of /taSa/ there is a ritardando without tonal glide. 4. |xudu/ is spoken with high pitch on the first syllable and a gradual downglide of pitch on the second syllable before silence.16 PHONEMICS The ritardando without tonal glide described in 3 signals a third saSi:di juncture which will be symbolized by /|/. 2.1.1.4. Each of the three junctures appears to prolong the immediately preceding sound(s) in varying degrees. /#/ co-occurs with silence; /|/ and /|/ may or may not co-occur with silence. 2.1.2. Internal juncture 2.1.2.1. The following pairs of utterances are differentiated by contrast between “sharp” and “smooth” transition between the underlined segments: ‘Sharp Transition Smooth Transition Ta [darbey'#/ Th /“dithey' #/ Ha [xadtsey #/ Wb / xadkey'#/ ‘Meanings: Ta ‘the harmed me’ Ib ‘my street’ Ia ‘he took something’ IIb ‘he did not take’ 2.1.2.2. Phonetic allophones of /+/ in saSi:di. Length of the syllable immediatly before /-+/, realized primarily in the consonants. 2.1.2.3, A minimal pair involving variant position of /-+/ is: / migabti:-+najé:/ ‘didn’t his father speak gently to him?” 2 a / miSabii:na-+Ja:/ ‘didn’t our father come to him?” 2.2, DEFINITIONS 2.2.1. Macrosegment — a segment of speech between silence and a subsequent ter- minal juncture, or between two terminal junctures. 2.2.2. Microsegment — a segment of speech between two internal junctures, or a preceding internal juncture and a subsequent terminal juncture, or a terminal and a following internal juncture. 2.2, ccv: Syllable — the minimum syllable in saSi:di is CV, the maximum: CCVCC or 2.2.4. Syllable boundaries — (1) the occurrence of a juncture always indicates the beginning of a syllable; (2) in the absence of juncture syllable boundaries are pre-SUPRASEGMENTALS 7 dictable in terms of the constituent segmental phonemes of the microsegment in accordance with the following rules: (a) Ina sequence of two consonants, either C,C or C,C; not followed by a juncture, the syllable boundary falls between the wo consonants. (b) In a sequence of three consonants not immediately followed by a juncture, the syllable boundary falls between the second and third consonants. (©) A sequence of two consonants immediately followed by a juncture goes with the preceding vowel. 23. STRESS 2.3.1. In the following two groups of items: A B /éjal/ ‘date’ or ‘end of life’ /Pajél/ ‘greater’ /sabat/ ‘basket’ Jsabat/ ‘I kept still” the first syllable in items A is more prominent than the second, whereas the second syllable in items B is more prominent. These and other minimal pairs in saSisdi make it necessary to recognize a phoneme /'/ which may be referred to as ‘primary stress’. 2.3.2. The weaker grade of stress in items A and B above will be referred to as “‘non- primary stress” and symbolized by /*/. 2.3.2.1. I distinguish five phonetic degrees of stress in saSi:di [!’ **] macroseg- ‘mental primary, primary, secondary, tertiary and weak, in descending rank. 2.3.3. The primary stress has the following allophones: ['] — maximum prominence, co-occurs with macrosegmental pitch-peak. [/] — marks syllables in the macrosegment which bear primary stress in citation forms. 2.3.4, The non-primary stress — unmarked in phonemic transcription in this study — has the following allophones: [>] — maximum prominence of the non-primary stress, marks syllables of the structure CVCC, CCVC, CCVCC, unmarked by primary stress in bisyllabic and multisyllabie microsegments. ['] — marks post-junctural syllables of the structure CV, CVC, CCV and pre- junctural syllables of the structure CV, CVC in bisyllabic and multisyllabie microseg- ments. [-] — marks syllables of the structure CV, CVC, immediately before or after the syllable with the primary stress in multisyllabic microsegments, as well as the definite article /2il-/ in post-junctural position.18 PHONEMICS 2.3.5. The position of stress in the microsegment, With the exception of 49 minimal pairs in the corpus, stress in the microsegment falls on: (1) A long vowel (no microsegment has more than one long vowel); if none, then (2) On the last VCC; if neither (1) nor (2) occurs, then (3) On the first syllable, Examples: (A) /xalaga:tu/ ‘his clothes’ (2) /masaktu/ ‘I caught him’ () /kétab/ ‘he wrote’ Jkétabow/ “they wrote? /kétabatu/ ‘she wrote it (m.)"t [Ibéladu/ ‘to his native town’ 2.3.6. Geminates (within the microsegment) resulting from the assimilation of /l/ of the definite article /?il-/ or /t/ of the verbal prefixes /tit-/, /Pit-/, /nit-/, /yit-/ to a fol- lowing consonant do not affect position of stress in the microsegment to which /Pil-/ or any of the verbal prefixes mentioned above is added. Examples: fRisshmaki/ : (/?ilsamaki/) ‘the fish’ [Risséhabat/ : (/Pitsababat)) ‘it (£.) was drawn away’ 24, PITCH 2.4.1. A s@Sizdi monosyllabic utterance such as /24:/ ‘yes’, can be spoken in several ways depending on the accompanying terminal juncture. If the accompanying ter- minal is /#/, [?4:/ can be spoken in a low register of voice with no particular impres- sion of either medium or high pitch and with the down turn connected with /#/. This low pitch may be referred to as pitch /l/. When /e4:#/ is spoken in this way, it expresses desire to hear more of what is said, or that what is heard is agreed to, 2.4.2. /P4:/ may also be spoken on a noticeably high register of voice with either the a3 upturn connected with /|i/: /#4il/, which is spoken usually as a question asking aa repetition of an utterance, or the downturn connected with /7#/: 24: ##/, which is an answer in the affirmative to a question. This high pitch may be referred to as pitch /3/. 2.4.3. /Pé:/ may be spoken on a pitch that is neither as low as /1/ nor as high as /3/. aat This medium pitch may be referred to as pitch /2/: /2&: | ji #) “Yes! he came’. 2.4.4. The three relative pitch levels will be referred to as: high /3/ mid /2/ low /1/ 1 The following abbreviations will be used through this study: m, = masculine; f, = feminine; m.s. = masculine singular; f.s. = feminine singular; d. = dual; pl. = plural.‘SUPRASEGMENTALS 19 2.4.5, Within the limitation of three pitch phonemes, there are 27 theoretical possible sequences. But the pitch sequences that actually occur are given in the following table which also shows the tactical behavior of the pitch phonemes: Initial Medial ‘Final 1 7 2 1 2 2 1 3 i 3 2 3 3 2 2 2 3 1 3 2 3 3 3 3 3 2.4.6. Types of intonation contours. The sequences attested may be classified into general types: (1) Level intonation: /111/, /222/, /333/ (2) Rising-sustaining intonation: /122/, /133/, /233/. (3) Rising-returning intonation: /121/, /131/, /232/. (4) Rising-falling intonation: /132/, /231/. 2.4.7. The domain of the intonation contour is the macrosegment. Within the macro- segment, every syllable, except the first and the last which may be spoken on two pitches, is spoken on a definite pitch, 2.4.8. Examples of the intonation contours: Pattern 1. Level tad . | 2éni#| “good (f.)’ — resigned comment a2 2 2. | Pémar |/ ‘did he order?” — question expressing mild surprise. a3 3. | gattd:|I/ ‘did they rob him?” — question expressing amazement 2. Rising-sustaining20 PHONEMICS, 1. /‘fissiyyd:lill/ in the pocket?” (yes/no question) 2, /'yasister|/ “Torm expressing hope (for safety) 3. ['naBSafathil/ ‘did she dry it (E)P" (echo question) 3, Rising-returning 1. /hayiwsal rid #/ ‘an answer will come? 2. /'Pittd:men jf #/ ‘the eighth has arrived’ (emphatic statement) 3. [wen #/ “where?” 4. |'yésk:mey #/ ‘Samey? — vocative 4, Rising falling 1. /Pittima Jawwa'zé/ ‘the crowd is inside” 2. /'2ismitha kat #/ ‘do (ms) it (f) this way’? (mild command) 3. ['iwéd makotabsey #4) ‘the boy did not write’ 2.4.9. Expanded pitch sequences. Only two pitch sequences occur in expanded forms: /231/ may be expanded into /1231/, /132/ into /1321/. Conditioning factors: 14 1. In /1231/, the occurrence of an initial syllable marked by [-] (c.g, [Pi8sil4:n Ixddrh #/ ‘the green scarfs’. 2. In /1321/ and /1231/, length of the utterance and number of intervening syllables. 3 eer /‘mattagdé:la ndgalu talaliss Igilla ni #4/ ‘it was the workers who moved the grain sacks here’ a2 34 / maké:nu jabadécha labarra #/ “they must have pushed it (f.) outside’VOCALIC SYSTEM 3a. 3.1.1. The saSi:di vocalie system comprises 20 minimally contrastive vocali¢ nuclei: 5 short non-emphatic, 5 short emphatic, 5 long non-emphatic, and 5 long emphatic, 3.1.2. There are several phonemic interpretations possible: (1) To set up 20 vowel phonemes. (2) To set up 5 short tton-emphatic, 5 short emph: of length. (3) To set up 5 short non-emphatic vowel phonemes, a phoneme of length and a phoneme of emphasis. vowel phonemes and a phoneme 3.1.3. The uneconomical nature of solutions (1) and (2) is obvious. Solution (2) assumes that the vowel is either emphatic or non-emphatic, thus bypassing the prob- lems of classification and simultaneity or succession of emphasis. The writer's preference is for solution (3). Solution (3) sets up 7 phonemes [for 20 in (1) and 12in (2)]. Length will be classified as a co-vowel occurring sequentially only in post-vocalic position /:/, emphasis as a co-vowel occurring simultaneously with syllabic nucleus /_/. 3.1.4. The following diacritical marks, used throughout this study, will be used in describing the allophones of vowel phonemes: any vowel = unusually short vowel occurring before length vowel co-occurring with emphasis vowel occurring before length and co-occurring with emphasis tense = lax V< = fronted V = backed Kidd dig8 PHONEMICS raised lowered nasalized unstressed vowel (V: is always stressed) 4— = pre-stress syllable post-stress syllable any consonant any stop other than velar = velar stop any labial or alveolar fricative any fricative other than F nasal resonant juncture (++ = internal juncture) yyllable boundary in free variation with or RO BZMM|nQ waged Lez For convenience, the terms “short vowel”, “long vowel”, “short emphatic vowel”, “long emphatic vowel”, will be used for V, V:, V, 3.2. GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE. ALLOPHONIC DISTRIBUTION OF VOWELS 3.2.1. The co-vowel of length has an extra long allophone [7] in the environment V:7# (-g., [s6i] ‘a game of sticks’, shorter allophone [-] in the environments V:+ (¢g., Ua-+xdmsi] ‘he got five’ and V:C(-+) (e.g., [xé'ltu] ‘his aunt’, [:] elsewhere, 3.2.2, The co-yowel of emphasis has different allophones with different vowels (see 5.1 below). 3.2.3, Emphasis spreads allophonically within, as well as across, syllable boundaries in accordance with a fixed set of rules (see 5.6.1). 3.2.4. All vowels have allophones of the type Y when they occur before /:/ and/or with /_/, V° after front consonants and V” after back consonants, of the type V in the environment NUN, V in the environments -4--Y+, -+-Y#, Y(+)4—-, and VY (except /a/) with low pitch. /a/ has an allophone of the type V“ with high pitch. 3.2.5, Specific allophones of safi:di vowels. The following are the specific allophones of short and long saSi:di vowels:Phoneme fil Jel Jal [uf Allophone wy wy 0] (i } CL] (e] fe] [E"] [e] i [E:] [27] [a] fa") fa‘) I [2] (a) [0] tu] 10) fu) | fu] [9] (9) ‘THE saSi:di VOCALIC sysTEM 2B Environment Example ye+ [Miglit-+di/ ‘this (m.) one’s property’ yeoc(+)-+ /birktékSey/ ‘not your (m.s.) pond” Vi /bi:/ ‘with him/it (m.’ FVF(+) [fizzey) ‘get up! (f.s.) FYCC(+)-+- —Sillté:n/ ‘two problems’ FV:N(+) (/hisnni/ “our end” NV:N# Imisn/ ‘who? elsewhere YO-H)-4- — ledén/-—— “two pockets? /meltén] ‘two bows? =1-YC# jwé:nek/ ‘where are you (£.)?” FVF [sé] ‘swallow (m.s.)!” svc [kédl “work (mas.) hard?” cVKOH) [zé:tu) “his oil” [2étnif ‘our oil? V:C# Joadét] ‘I started” elsewhere 36:] *he came to him’ [ndt8i/ ‘alie’ [bat “he cut? - — allamt/ “I taught? [nam/ ‘he betrayed’ Inax/ ‘he bent down’ elsewhere VO+) “look (f.)!" ‘T saw him/it (m.)!" y-t- “eat (pl.) it (m.)?” 7 ‘his proof” Vie ‘save (pl.) him’ EVF(+)-4- ‘we kept it (m.° FYF(C+) 4— “we appeased him’ elsewhere s6:/ ‘a game of sticks? [t6bt/ ‘Tabstained’ [eigol/ “weight” [komé:n/ ‘two heaps’ [ho8é:n/ “two courtyards’24 Phoneme Allophone be] fo] } [o:] PHONEMICS Environment RV:C# elsewhere Example /é:n/ ‘color’4, CONSONANTS 4,1. GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE ALLOPHONIC DISTRIBUTION OF CONSONANTS* 4.1.1. All consonants have fortis allophones in post-junctural position before stressed vowels. 4.1.2. All consonants have lenis allophones in the environments YC#, VC-#. 4.1.3. Stops, voiceless and voiced, are released prejuncturally after stressed vowels, released or unreleased in the environment YC#. 4.1.4. Before front vowels: (1) /&J& y/ have pre-palatal allophones; (2) /k g/ have post-palatal allophones. 4.1.5. Before back vowels: (1) /td nl/ have post-dental allophones; (2) /sz1/ have post-alveolar allophones. 4.1.6. Stops and fricatives are aspirated or unaspirated, in free variation, in post- junctural position before stressed vowels. Fricatives and resonants have the allophone Cin the environments V:C#, VC#. 4.1.7. Stops (1) Have allophones of the type € in the environment VC-#. (2) Voiced stops have the allophones C & C before voiceless consonants. (3) Voiceless stops have the allophones C & € before voiced stops. 4.1.8. Affricates, /j/ has the allophone ¢ before voiceless stops, C & C before voiceless, fricatives. 4.1.9, Fricatives (1) have the allophone C: in the environment VC-#. + The same symbols used in the description of vowels are used with the addition of the following: —1 indicates position in a cluster; C: extra short; C+: long; C: voiced; C: voiceless.26 PHONEMICS. (2) Voiceless fricatives have the allophones € & C before voiced stops and voiced fricatives. (3) Voiced fricatives have the allophone C before voiceless stops and voiceless fricatives. 4.1.2.0. Resonants. /m n1r/ have the allophone C in the environment VG-#. 42. The following are specific allophonic dist tions: tions not covered by the above observa- (1) /m/ has the labiodental allophone [m] before /f/ (e.g., /mftte8/ ‘inspector’). (2) /n/ has the velar allophone [1] before /k g x g/ (e-g., /ytingol/ ‘he copies’, /yéinxol/ ‘he sifts (powder)’). (3) /s¥/ has the allophone [u] in post-junctural preconsonantal position (¢.g., /WKé:li/ ‘inn’).5, EMPHASIS 5.1. ARTICULATORY CORRELATES (1) With vowels — pharyngeal striction and: (a) Front and back vowels: lowering of the tongue. (b) Front vowels: retraction of the tongue. (©) Back vowels: protraction of the tongue. @ [al:: wider lip orifice. 2) With consonants — pharyngeal striction and: (a) Dentals, alveolars: velarization. (b) Dentals: denti-elveolar point of articulation. © /t/: glottalization (the allophone [t)). (@ Palatals, velars, uvulars, pharyngeals: broadening of the tongue at closure point. 5.2. POSSIBLE PHONEMIC INTERPRETATIONS (1) Doubling the number of consonant phonemes: 23 non-emphatic + 23 emphatic” (2) Doubling the number of vowels: 5 non-emphatic + 5 emphatic. (3) 23 non-emphatic consonant phonemes + 4 emphatic consonant phonemes [tdsz/ + 1 emphatic vowel /a/. (4) Emphasis as a prosodeme or a long component: E~-~~-/ or /__|. (5) Positing a phoneme of emphasis simultaneous with consonants. (© Positing a phoneme of emphasis simultaneous with vowels. Interpretations 1, 2 and 3 are obviously uneconomic. “Prosodeme” is a vague term, and to treat emphasis as a phonemic long component involves difficulty in setting up rules to define its domain. Interpretations 5 and 6 are equally economical, but such structural facts as emphatic vowel harmony in saSi:di weigh in favor of 6. 53, DISTRIBUTION OF EMPHATIC ALLOPHONES OF seSisdi VOWELS Phoneme Allophone Environment ‘Example Hil fi WRC(+) /trthy/ ‘you (m.s.) soak it (m.) with water’28 Phoneme le] {af fu Alllophone fea FI fy ui (Es) (E) (&] (4) (E] (es) [a] (Ay (a) } [o%] [82] [U2] [Uz] (Uz) I [us] [or] i) [o*] &[p"] teal PHONEMICS Environment Example 1 Ye /sicfi/ YO(+)-+- — /siwé:n/ Ve /Paradt:/ YRC) ~ /sirtu/ EYF(H)-*~ /dizné:/ elsewhere Hel [téb/ /sarré:/ /ge:thom/ [eré:0/ Isahhé:/ [xé:ffa/ Fy(+)- FYS# SYEY elsewhere Y+ Voc(+) RYF(+) Ve RVG) FYEC+) elsewhere RYCE FvC# EYGh-+- CHSC RY NV:EC+) elsewhere ‘altogether (f.s.)’ ‘pavilion’ “his lands? “his small fish’ “we angered him? “what did he pack?” “their field” “two birds’ *he waked him’ “healing (£s.)° ‘he hurt the head’ ‘T counted” ‘tine? ‘he fired” JrGbbu+-zé:n/ ‘mix it (m.) well!” /rabblu/ Jhisna/ [mét/ [xst/ fhodé:n/ }xidor/ [baggé:/ Iné:bha/ ‘mix (m.s.) for him!” ‘we got confused” ‘line (pl. it (m.)” “his sheep” ‘we disappeared” ‘stretch (m.s.)!” ‘neighbourhood’ “two basins’ ‘green’ (pl.) “they tricked him’ “her mourning’EMPHASIS 29 $4, DISTRIBUTION OF THE EMPHATIC ALLOPHONES OF saSicdi CONSONANTS saSi:di consonants have emphatic allophones in the following environments (Y = any emphatic vowel): CY, YC (e.g. [sér] ‘he packed’, /sér/) C-Y (e.g., [brob] ‘perhaps’, /brgb/) YC-, ¥-C (¢.g., [ddrb] ‘path’, /ddrb/) 5.8. EMPHATIC ALLOPHONES OF /t/ ‘The saSisdi phoneme /t/ has two emphatic allophones which require special treatment: [1] denti-alveolar [t] denti-alveotar, glottalized [t] and [t] are in complementary distribution in the following environments: ([s],{z]: emphatic allophones of /s/ and /z/): Allophone Environment ‘Example (1) -V “he was hurt’, /ts4:b/ W “it (m.) was tightened’, /tzém/ Ve# ‘Lannoyed’, /gézt/ V2(+)- ‘you (pl.) became spoiled’ /baztow/ {t) wow ‘O.K., /td/ V+) su] ‘his coughing’, /Sétsu/ Ye [rétzu] ‘his trotting’ /rétzu/ Vu# [rdtz] ‘trotting’, /rétz/ On the basis of the over-all distribution of [t] and [t] in my corpus, the following observations may be mad () [t] and [t] are partially in complementary distribution. (2) Wherever [t] occurs — even in the environments mentioned above — it can be replaced by [t] without the least distortion of speech. (@) A saSi:di speaker uses [t] in all environments in certain social circumstances (c.g., speaking to Lower Egyptians). If in the same circumstances he uses [f] it will be with the purpose of showing that he is saSi:di. [t] then is a stylistic allophone of /t/. 5.6. THE DOMAIN OF EMPHASIS Emphasis has two distinct domains of spread: domain 1: the syllable; domain 2: the morphological word (stem + maximum number of bound forms).30 PHONEMICS 5.6.1. Rules for the spreading of emphasis within the syllable: (1) Consonants occurring post-juncturally or medially in syllables with emphatic nuclei have emphatic allophones. (2) Consonants occurring post-vocalically (or in position 2in a final cluster) before a major juncture, in syllables with emphatic nuclei, have emphatic, partially or com- pletely de-emphasized allophones, in free variation, 5.6.2. Emphasis across syllabic boundary (J) At the loss of internal juncture in the environment YC+CY, if the resulting cluster is of the type -C,C,-(i.e., a geminate), it includes an emphatic coda followed by a partially emphatic onset (¢.g., [gad-+-di] > [gaddil, /gaddi/ *he cut this (m.)’. If the resulting cluster is of the type -C,C,-, both coda and onset are non-emphatic (c.g., [ra:s-+-di:k] > [rasdi:k], /rasdisk/ ‘that (f.) one’s head’. (2) At the loss of internal juncture in the environment VC-+CY, if the resulting cluster is a geminate, both coda and onset are emphatic (e.g.,[xad-+darba] [xaddarba], /xaddérba/ ‘he took a blow’. If the resulting cluster is of the type -C,C,-, the coda is emphatic [xamas-+ru:s], [xamasru's], /samasry:s/ ‘five heads'— 5.7, STYLISTIC DE-EMPHASIS (J) Pre-junctural consonants may be stylistically de-emphasized (eg., [mdé:d], /md:4/ ‘opposing’ (m.s.). (2) Quranic and literary quotations, as well as certain classicisms, used in saSi:di, are articulated, insofar as emphasis is concerned, with various degrees of conformity with a set of pertinent rules in the studies of classical Arab grammarians. Example: “waldw 2éngafa Ibussé:du yawman’ Jwaldw Pangafa thussi:du yawman/ “If only the envious were fair one day...” (from a line of verse by ?albuhturi, 204-284 Hijri) Classical /?ansaf/ = saSi:di /Pdnsaf/ ‘he was fair’, 58. EMPHATIC VOWEL HARMONY Emphatic vowel harmony is the phenomenon of spreading of emphasis within the morphological word according to the following rules. (1) Segmental morphemes prefixed to noun stems (e.g., /?il-/), adjective stems (e. [Pa-/), and verb stems (e.g., /yu-/), select emphatic allomorphs when prefixed to em- phatic or partially emphatic stems. Examples: 4 “Emphatic stem” = stem with emphasis co-occurring with its vowel nucleus or nuclei; “partially ‘emphatic stem” = stem with initial syllable having emphatic vowel nucleus.EMPHASIS 31 J?issdjara/ ‘the tree” JP§sgar/ ‘smaller’ JyGxbgt/ ‘hits (3.ms.) (2) Segmental morphemes suffixed to noun stems (e.g., /-a/ allomorph of the feminine morpheme), adjective stems (e.g,, /-i:n/ plural morpheme), and verb stems (¢.g., /-hom/ 3.pl. non-subject pronoun), select emphatic allomorphs when suffixed to emphatic stems, Examples: /xddra/ ‘green (f-s.)° [hitsizn/ ‘cautious (pl. /bardshom/ ‘he guarded them’ (3) Exceptions to rules of spreading of emphatic vowel harmony are stylistically conditioned, for they are conscious attempts to conform to Classical Arabic pronun- ciation.6. PHONOTACTICS 6.1, DISTRIBUTION OF VOWELS WITH VOWELS, saSizdi vowels: (1) do not cluster with themselves; (2) occur as syllabie nuclei with or without /:/ andjor /_/. 62, LIMITATIONS ON THE DISTRIBUTION OF VOWELS () /iiuy/ do not occur in monosyllabic microsegments (with the exception of the negative particle (/mi8/). (2) Inmicrosegments of the structure CY, /i/ occurs in three items: /bi/ form used to call a girl, /di/ ‘this’ (m.s.), /ji/ “he came’. Je/ occurs in one item: /té/ ‘indeed’, Ja] in one item: /la/ *No!” /a/ in four items:: /bé/ a form expressing wonder, /xd/ ‘take (2.m.s.)’, /wé/ form expres- sing disagreement, /t4/ ‘O.K.” Ju in one item: /86/ ‘look’ (2.m<.). (3) Only /iiguy/ occur in the environment ~“--CV#, Examples: [hébli/ ‘foolish (f.s.) [odsali ‘onion’ /késra/ ‘robbery’ [adblu/ ‘his rope’ /gérasu/ ‘he pinched him’ (4) Vowels with /:/and/-/ do not occur in microsegments of the structure CV. Vowels with /:/ or with /:/ and /-/do not occur in microsegments of the structure CVC, CCVCC or in the environment --- VCC(+)C-. 63, DISTRIBUTION OF YOWELS WITH CONSONANTS (1) In post-junctural syllables, vowels occur predeced by a minimum of one and a maximum of two consonants.PHONOTACTICS 33 (2) In medial syllables, vowels occur preceded by one consonant. (3) In medial and pre-junctural syllables, vowels occur followed by two, one or no consonant. (4) Syllables with long vowels as their nuclei are closed by single consonants. (5) The following syllable types accordingly occur: CV CVC CCV CCVC CCVcCC CV: CCV: CV:C CCV:C. (© Syllables with long vowels (emphatic or non-emphatic) as their nuclei are always stressed. Syllables with short vowels (emphatic or non-emphatic) as their nuclei occur stressed or unstressed. (7) Syllables beginning with clusters of two consonants occur only initially in a microsegment. (8) Long vowels occur before and/or after geminates, short vowels occur stressed or unstressed medially before and/or after geminates in the microsegment (in which geminates occur only medially). (9) Any consonant may occur before or after any long vowel. /2/ occurs in the environment CV:# in two items: /24:/ ‘Yes, /?é:/ ‘what’. /&/ occurs initially in the environment CV:C# in one item, /&:8/ ‘clumsy’ (m.s.). /2/ and /&/do not occur in the environment V:C#. (10) Any consonant may occur before or after any short vowel, stressed or unstressed. In the environment VC# /2/ does not occur, /é/ occurs in one item /hat/ ‘lying’ 64, DISTRIBUTION OF /w/ AND /y/, IN TERMS OF OCCURRENCE WITH STRESSED VOWELS, PRE-STRESS VOWELS, AND POST-STRESS VOWELS (1) Occurrence of /w/ and /y/ with stressed vowels: (a) in the environment VC# Jw/ and /y/ occur after Je aa: a/, Jw/ after /a:/, [y/ after /o: ¢/; (b) in the environment VC(+) Jw/ and /y/ occur after Ji a a: ia a:/ Jw] after Ju); (©) in the environment V(+)C Jw] and /y/ occur after [i a: Jw] after jai: a/; (@) in the environment CV (post-juneturally): }u/ and [y/ occur before /i a a: ia u/, tv] before /e: i: a:/, /y/ before /u o: v:/. (2) Occurrence of /w/ and /y/ with pre-stress vowels: (a) in the environment VC(+)-4- Jw/ and /y/ occur after fi a i a/; (b) in the environment V(-+-)C-4- Jwi/ and /y/ occur after /a i a/; al,34 PHONEMICS (©) in the environment CV- + ~ (post-juncturally) Jw] and /y/ occur before /i au a/, Jw] before /e i ¢/, /y/ before /u/. (3) Occurrence of /w/ and /y/ with post-stress vowels: Jw): occurs pre-juncturally after /o g/, and in the sequences (emphatic or non- J-wey/— [-wak/ Jy/: occurs pre-juncturally after /e ¢/, and in the sequences (emphatic or non-empha- tic): byl] /-yuf Fyek/ yey! yak) 65. s@Si:di CONSONANT CLUSTERS (2) saSizdi consonants cluster initially in post-junctural, pre-vocalic position, medially in inter-voealie position, finally in post-vocalic pre-junctural position. (2) Initial and final clusters have @ maximum membership of two consonants. Medial clusters consist maximally of three consonants. (3) Patterns of consonant clusters: initial: C,C,- medial: -CyC,-, -C\Cy-, -C,C,Cy, CyCaCy final: -C,C2. 6.6, GEMINATES (1) saSi:di consonants geminate intervocalically (@) before and after long vowels as well as stressed or unstressed short vowels. Examples: Jnaggéchi/ the selected it (£.), [lécfiy ‘curving (fs /ndijat/ ‘she talked muct /naljélhi/ ‘he robbed her’. (b) after stressed or unstressed short vowels, in the environment -CyC,(+)C2-. Examples: fhéssluf ‘catch (m.s.) him!” /basslizhom/ ‘catch (pl.) them!”35 PHONOTACTICS wk uh kh uk wh BR Kk BK pk Qk Ko Kk KK MK KOS a Jk ym UK WIN gM BM KZ BK PM Qa Whom gw SH 1H ww ‘a wa ou fom Spr qr w a “oMo4 Ast oom 8 wm fh a om | OM HM a 9 0 am om su xu au wu = ga fu fu zu Su opus qu qu yu xu ue go woo fa un xu uu su fu fu zu Sm pu qu YW ym xm | sw oSu yu gw JW ww % % Boy uK hm % % 8 & 5 a 3 B 3 at of wf m a w as £ me om me “my a R z S83 3 Row uF pa gs sp BF sp ap wp sp ow » » » P qq 3g QQ wg s¢ fa 4 7 8q PW wm Yq xq sa cs q wy oy hom Py ay mY Ay au = uM mf Py ay ym mW a & xO ux ko ox px x x 2 ee wy 83 Pe as ue BR wR # Sows os ps uw us B ope gs wuss 5 sos sy oy FS Fb ss ww wy ww a9 au uF é ee Prot a7 ma Am nm po om uw pom fh ah a og y «x 2 59 FP an ? fm s > uo w 5 # fz 8 pa Gye sy 643 » -EQ19 sssaisnj wouosuo portuy 1 aTSViPHONEMICS u& « we OK OKO KOK PK Qk K uw OK on se fs wa msn wo a w ow a hoa pg ow ow oe soy woud 4 1 yo A a om om oT HL OM a9 Ht om oT yuo fu uz au pu qu qu yaw sou ie wow i wu gar mm pum qu yu yl su su yw ow BH wy B® & % & Bw 8 Bo of up ™ a uw a8 B 3 oof wy af eo = of eof rn mz we z zz B BB BG OB so B a8 iP wp 8p 3p pp ap uP WP XD ” P P ug 3 of m3 PA ag ou WG m9 mm 8 my ay a pray H wou mm wy {4 a eT) so wom oY m ux x PE ax = ms ex % B wR 2 a % pe a 8 eS us wo f Peogs wuss sy wow os yy a y uw 8 go 8 vy J se z a a a mF ” x o a af a o Ww a 9 RF 7 s 8 fz 8 pg oy a x 2s § Fe Xd 36 (papnjaus 210 sopounuay) -&5%D- ‘ssa1snjD iupuosuoy joIpayy UW aTaVvL37 Uk KR WAR WAKE KK 2k BKK pak Qék — YK UK wKk Vk &K YM UNAS CIN pas POETS wu yu fu fu a pu qu wou wom wo M am Pll StL om uu pus yw yuu you ut suru yoru our yuu pau su yaw wou 4S uy Psp ass 8 Be we Bs we OR fa cuff wt wt st Mo me uz sa m was wd us wa pad qt $3 98 aa we S spp app pp upp wPP spp upp spp IPP pp 5 294199 399 aq pag waa yas qq 894 994 naa 9a 49 ® 5 Syn uy aM wa 8 oH a a WE 2 a pe mo 2 ag a w OS ee pss ass OS ww uo ww Pu ww uy uw oB sr oni po OT _ mom um mga m mam a 499 fom ort um 4 {23 pa wy B83 a3 me ~Fy"949- sssoisnpy mpuosuoy porpayy mm aTavi38 TABLE IV Final Consonant Clusters: -CC; ‘PHONEMICS Bb em ® e 22 2 3 Bb gem & 5e5ny ez oas RA OS UT a &8 a 38 a8 BEE 65 £8 S688 oc eH & Sf 2 Bog 3 Bae 2 oF 2 8 zB FE BB BF 22 2 2 8a8 @ 3 se €4 3 a8 5 Se 5 Ze 23 % a ste aa Sta s " s ey om # ae a Boees neo 3 bEe & eine ome Knee OU ENPHONOTACTICS 39 6.1, ATTESTED CONSONANT CLUSTERS IN sa‘itdi Tables I, I, IIL, and IV indicate all attested consonant clusters in sgSitdi. ‘Medial clusters of the pattern ~C,C,C3- fitk tfh tf tsh 8k tzk ktm Kel ksr fil fsh fl fst £1/ [far fix stl sgr Sm Ski xtm her bir htk hdr hjr hml/ fotl bdr gsm zkr gsl Skm Sfs Ssr Sdk Gdh Sgl msk mhh mdg ntr nsl/ fost oxi ndk ndh ndr ngl nzh Itx Ikm fz Ibd Idm Jef lem wsl wef wzn/ (tl rkt rkz rfs rbt rdh rdm rgt rgl rgl rmh/7, MORPHOPHONEMIC ALTERNATION 7.1. TYPES OF MORPHOPHONEMIC ALTERNATION IN sa 1) Phonologically conditioned alternation: (@) alternation of vowels, (b) epenthesis, © dlision, (@) assimilation of consonants, (© emphatic vowel harmony (treated under “Emphasis”), (2) Morphologically conditioned alternation: Stem variation (treated under “Mor- phemics”). 712. Shifis of stress occur in accordance with the rules mentioned in 2.3.5. above. 7.3. ALTERNATION OF VOWELS (RULES GOVERN EMPHATIC AND NON-EMPHATIC VOWELS) (1) Quantitative Shortening of long vowels. A long vowel in the microsegment alternates with the corresponding short vowel when the microsegment is followed in close transition by a sequence including a long vowel or -VCC, where -V is other than the long vowel in the microsegment: 1. a. /gé:t/ ‘field’ /¢eté:n/ ‘two fields” b. /Slé:wa/ Sar? JSlawté:n/ ‘two jars? c. fit] “he passed by’ Hfatés/ ‘they left him’ 2. a. /detikiey/ ‘not your (Fs.) field’ but /¥é:thom/ ‘their field” b, /Slawithi/ ther jar” JSla:wtek/ ‘your (F.s.) jar” c. /fatéthom/ ‘she left them’ [fécthif ‘he left her? (2) Qualitative: (a) In monosyllabic microsegments /e/ alternates with /i/, /o/ with /u/ when theMORPHOPHONEMIC ALTERNATION 4 microsegment is followed in close transition by any sequence. Examples: Jost) git!” [bittu/ ‘his daughter? Igérd/ ‘monkey’ —_—_/girdé:n/ ‘two monkeys’ Jx6n/ ‘corner’ /xinnak/ ‘your (m.s.) corner’ (b) In microsegments stressed on the penult and ending with /i/, /i/ alternates with Ja] when followed in close transition by a sequence of the structure C~CV(C). Jif when final in the microsegment alternates with /a/ before /-++/ and when /+/ is lost. Examples: /Salémni/ ‘our flag” /Salamné:Xey/ ‘not our flag’ PayyéSni/ “we sent” [SayyaSndchi/ ‘we sent her’ JSayyaSndchom/ ‘we sent them’ Jbirki/ ‘pond’, /birka zf:/ta ‘a dirty pond’ (©) The sequence /ey/ when final in the microsegment alternates with /i/ before /-+/ and when /+/ is lost. Examples: Isé:ley] ‘always’ dé:yed/ ‘always wandering (m.s.)° [kta:bey/ ‘my book’ +zé:n/ ‘my book is good” (@) The sequence /ow/ when final in the microsegment alternates with /u/ before /-+/ and when /+/ is lost. Examples: [zéllagow] ‘they trapped’ [zillagu+-Ihard:mey/ ‘they trapped the thief” 7.4, EPENTHESIS When /-+/ is lost in the environment -C,C, -+ C,Cz- an epenthetic vowel is inserted between the two clusters. The epenthetic vowel is /i/, always unstressed. Examples: [tabéSt+klé:bu/ ‘I drove away his dogs’ /tabaStiklé:bu/ 7.8. ELISION In a sequence ending with /-V:CeC/, /e/ is elided when the sequence comes in close transition with another sequence beginning with V-~V:-. Examples: [Sé:mel/ ‘worker’ [Sé:mlu/ ‘his worker” JSamlé:n/ ‘two worker'sa PHONEMICS 7.6. ASSIMILATION OF CONSONANTS: (1) Progressive assimilation is rare in saSi:di. It occurs in the environment YC, + C,Y, when, at the loss of /-+/ the resulting geminate includes an emphatic coda and a partially emphatic onset. (2) Regressive assimilation is the more common type. Regressive assimilation involved in the processes of suffixation and prefixation within the microsegment is treated under Morphemics. (3) Regressive assimilation in sgSi:di occurs across /+/ in the environment CC + CV where the second member of the pre-junctural/cluster is assimilated to the postjunctural pre-vocalic consonant, Table V represents possible assimilations in this, environment. C, (columns) represents the second member in the pre-/+/ cluster. C, (rows) represents consonants occurring in post-/+/ position. Segments are classi- fied on the basis of point of articulation. (.) on the table indicates /-+/. The numerical superscripts refer to the following examples: 1. /galb/ ‘heart’ /galf-+fa:yeg/ ‘a contented heart” 2. /Sanz/ ‘goat? [Sin8-+-8a:yxi/ ‘an old goat” 3. /tdlg/ bullet’ Vteshbattte! iemmene lane 7.7. REGRESSIVE ASSIMILATION RESULTING FROM LOSS OF /+/ Table Va represents possible assimilations when /-+/ is lost in the environment VC + C, where a final consonant (post-vocalic pre-junctural) is assimilated to a post- junctural consonant (whether pre-vocalic or first member in an initial cluster). Cy represents the pre-junctural consonant, C;, the post-junctural. The numerical super- scripts refer to the following examples. (1) /sabat-+-dakka:/ [sibaddakka:/ ‘the other (fellow's) basket” (2) |xdbas+-sabsi/ |xdbassabSi/ ‘he took seven (in his palm)’ (3) /balah+Sé:l/ [bala%Sa: (4) /kétalat-+zgé-m/ [kétalazzgé:m/ ‘she killed a mouse’ (5) /délag+kfa:yi/ ‘good dates’ ‘he poured enough (of any liquid)’ he caught a crow?TABLE V Regressive Assimilation Agpss Juncture MORPHOPHONEMIC ALTERNATION ss S: 2) 14 3 3 2 a3 3 ugg us ag00¢«38 ul eet SEE C LU cL eNO oOPHONEMICS 4 é ww & 8 u wx 3 m x mom vi 8 ox x ‘ “ 8 8 f 2 i 8 s z 8 2 5 1 Ki au u u moss P es 0 mos PP a i w 4 sou RF x yf § f£ 2 2 2 8 1 op ainjoung fo ssoT Xq pauoripuos uonnyjuyssy aayssouoy vA aTEVL ISMORPHOPHONEMIC ALTERNATION 45 7.8. ASSIMILATION BY LOSS (1) /?/ is dropped when /-+/ is lost in the environment /-C-+-2V/. Examples: Indxl-+Pabt:/ [ndxlabt:/ ‘his father’s palm groves’ (2) The sequence /?V4/ is dropped when /-+/ is lost in the environment /V+?V/. Examples: \ [nidda-+2axti:/ [hdddaxt:/ “he soothed his brother’ 7.9. REDUPLICATION (1) Final single consonants in monosyllabic microsegments of the structure CVC are reduplicated on coming into close transition with suffixes of the structure V, VC or cv. Examples: |xiddu/ ‘his cheek? /xdddhi/ ‘her cheek’ ‘The only exceptions to this rule are: /kdl/ ‘he ate’ and /xéd/ ‘he took’, Examples: [kélat/ ‘she ate’ |xidow/ ‘they took’.PART It MORPHEMICS8, safisdi MORPHEMIC SEGMENTS. 8.1. SUPRASEGMENTAL MORPHEMES 8.1.1. Stress (a) The citation forms of morphologically minimal words (consisting of a stem mini- mally CV) occur with a stress morpheme which contains a primary stress and a preceding plus. (b) The citation forms of morphologically nonminimal words occur with a stress morpheme which contains a primary stress which — as with the morphologically minimal word — falls on the syllables of the word in accordance with the statements given in 2.3.5. as well as a preceding plus. 8.1.2, Intonation A saSicdi intonation contour constitutes an intonation morpheme which co-occurs with a word, a phrase, a clause, or a sentence. saSizdi intonation contours are de- seribed in 2.4, 8.2. SEGMENTAL MORPHEMES: 8.2.1 Stems Noun and verb stems are bimorphemic units, each consisting of (2) a root made up exclusively of consonants, (2) a vocalic pattern which consists of at least one vowel. Consonantal roots as well as vocalic patterns consisting of more than one vowel are by definition discontinuous morphemes. Other form classes than nouns and verbs have stems which consist of contiguous phonemic sequences.50 MORPHEMICS 8.2.2. Affixes Inflectional: indicates a grammatical category, and may be segmentally overt or covert. Derivational: changes the form class of the stem, and is segmentally overt. Affixes include suffixes, prefixes and inflxes.? 1 In the present discussion of sais relevant to the point discussed. morphemics (and syntax), stress will be unmarked unless9. FORM CLASSES IN sa‘i:di In terms of inflectional behavior it is possible to establish the following form classes: (1) Nouns: inflected for number, gender, definiteness and allocation. (2) Noun-adjectives (henceforth referred to as “adjectives”): a limited number of nouns which fill the modifier slot and agree with the modified noun in number and gender. Adjectives do not have a dual form, The inflectional behavior of adjectives is determined by the slot, not the stem. (3) Verbs: inflected for aspect, mood, tense, voice, subject and object reference. (4) Pronouns: inflected for person, gender and number. (8) Particles: some particles are inflected for allocation. 9.1. NOUNS ‘Nouns in saSi:di may be divided into the following six sub-classes on the basis of distributional similarities displayed in the selection of allomorphs of the plural morpheme {L} (arranged on the basis of number of stems in each subclass): Sub-class Subs. Reference Fast] Noun 1 9.1.1. Singular and plural patterns in saSizdi ‘Tables VI, VII, VIII, IX, X, and XI show the singular and plural patterns in saSizdiv 9.1.2. Pluralization of nominal sub-classes ‘The following observations on the pluralization of nominal sub-classes may be made. (2) Noun 1 and Noun 3 form the plural by addition of the plural suffix and auto- matic morphophonemic alternation (described in 7.3.).52. MORPHEMICS (2) Noun 2, Noun 4, Noun 5 and Noun 6 form the plural by addition of the plural suffix and changes in the vocalic pattern of the singular stem. (3) There is overlapping of singular general patterns (e.g., the pattern C,VC,V:Cy appears with Noun 1 (8) and Noun 3 (5), but this fact does not present a problem insofar as the vocalic sub-patterns are different. @) There is overlapping of singular vocalic sub-patterns (e.g., sub-pattern C,Cza:C appears with Noun 1 (7) and Noun 4 (3)). A singular sub-pattern may have several plural sub-patterns (e.g., singular sub-pattern C,a:CzeC, Noun 2 (11)), Several singular sub-patterns may have one plural sub-pattern (e.g., Noun 2 (20)). This type of overlapping increases the difficulty of prediction of plural patterns. (5) The following types of noun stems are not included in tables VI-XI: (a) Nouns ending with the sequence /-ey/ which form the plural by addition of the plural suffix /-i:n/ or /-i/ in free variation, /-ey/ alternates with /-iyy-/ (e.g., /turabey/ ‘undertaker’, /turabiyyi/ or /turabiyyi:n/ ‘undertakers’. Exceptions are few noun stems of the singular general pattern C,V:C,VC (included in the pertinent sub-classes) in the above mentioned tables. Examples: Jea:dey/ ‘judge’ Iguda/ ‘judges’ [Sa:sey/ ‘rebel’ [Sa:syi:n/ ‘rebels? (b) Names of persons (other than those which function as adjectives) and borrowed words which form the plural by addition of the plural suffix /-a:t/ and automatic morphophonemic alternation. Examples: 1, Names Plural [?ihmad/ a male name —_/?ihmada:t/ /fa:tma/ a female name /fatma:t/ 2. Borrowed words JSort/ ‘short trousers’ /Sorta:t/ Tke:k/ ‘cake’ [kekast/ (© Feminine stems which are formed by addition of /-i/ or /-a/ (allomorphs of {F}) to the masculine singular stem. They form the plural by addition of the plural suffix /-a:t/ and automatic morphophonemic alternation (but participles (active and passive) with (or without) the feminine suffix /-i/ or /-a/ form the plural with /-i:n/ and auto- matic morphophonemic alternation). Examples: ms. /haki:m/ ‘physician’ {dob ‘*bear” Jdubba/ — /dubba:t/ 9.1.3. Dual number ‘The dual is signalled by suffixing /-e:n/ to the singular stem. Examples:FORM CLASSES IN saSisdi 33 /si:t] /site:n/ “two small amounts’ /geflf /gifle:n/ ‘two locks’ 9.1.4, Dual Forms Apart from automatic vowel alternation, the following observations may be made about dual forms. (1) The allomorphs /-i/ and /-a/ of {F} alternate with /-t/ before /-e:n/. Examples: [hasara] [baSarte:n/ ‘two insects” (2) Final /-y/ in monosyllabic stems of the structure CVC is reduplicated before /-e:n/. Examples: |xay/ —_[xayyein/ ‘two brothers? [hay/ [Bsayye:n/ ‘two snakes’ 9.1.5. Gender 9.1.5.1. saSi:di noun stems may be subdivided into: (J) inherently masculine noun stems, (2) noun stems in which the feminine gender is signalled by the feminine morpheme {F} which has the following allomorphs: (@) /-0/: with feminine stems in which gender is not overtly indicated (e.g., /ra:s/ “head’); (b) /-i/: with non-emphatic noun stems and emphatic noun stems ending with the sequences: -Vyyi (e.g., /battaniyyi/ ‘blanket’) -CV:Ci (e.g., /dama:ni/ ‘collateral’) (©) /-4-/: when followed in close transition by suffixes of the structure V(C): (¢.g., [iffatite:n] ‘two apples’ (@) /-it/: 1. Phonologically conditioned: when followed in close transition by suffixes of the structure CV(C): (e.g., /tiffahithi/ “her apple’; 2. Syntactically conditioned: when the feminine noun occurs as head of a genitival nominal phrase: (¢.g., /tiffachit hassan/ “Hassan's (male name) apple’. (© /-al elsewhere (¢.g., /balta/ ‘axe’). 9.1.5.2. Gender in plural nouns: Gender is unsignalled in plural nouns. Singular masculine and singular feminine stems may select the same plural suffix. The following examples ilustrate this point.34 ‘MORPHEMICS Nominal Sub-class Singular Plural Noun 1 /darrsi/ ‘woman teacher’ /mdarrsa:t/ Jeaka:n] ‘place’ (m.) eakana:t/ Noun2 — jrass/—*head* (f) russ] Jberj/ ‘tower’ (m.) oru:j/ /ze:ni/ ‘good’ (f.) [zenizn/ Noun3 —/xara:ba/_ ruin’ (f) Jxarabi:n/ /mayyet/ “dead” (m.) Jmayytiza/ ‘jvahiyyi/ ‘oasis inhabitant’ (€) “oni a Noun4 —‘yvachey/ ‘oasis inhabitant? (m,) _ /*biyyi/ or /wabiyyi:n/ fie:ta/ ‘wall’ (£.) Noun $0 er) asic ca) [SarisfiJ ‘noble’ (f.) Oe SEE fear MEsouI (as) 9.1.6. Definiteness saSi:di nouns are inflected for definiteness either overtly by prefixing /?il-/ to the noun stem or covertly by: (1) Class membership: as is the case with proper nouns: (2) Position: (a) as head of a genitival nominal phrase, (b) filler of the head slot after the vocative particle /ya/, (¢) as head of a nominal construct, 9.1.7, /eil-/ has the allomorph ?iC,C, where C, represents any dental, alveolar or palatal consonant (except /é/). It has the allomorph /li-/ before noun stems beginning with CC-, /I-/ elsewhere. Examples: [?iddgbS/ ‘the hyena’, /ljfisé:n/ ‘the fox’, /Ikalb/ ‘the dog’. 9.1.8. Inflection of nouns for definiteness and allocation are — as elsewhere in saSi:di — mutually exclusive. 9.2. ADJECTIVES: 9.2.1. Singular and plural patterns of adjectives There are four sub-classes of adjectives, classified on the basis of distributional simi- larities displayed in the selection of the plural suffix (arranged on the table on the basis of the number of stems belonging to each sub-class). Sub-class Subs. Reference J-in/ Adjective 1FORM CLASSES IN saSizdi 55 [0] Adjective 2 [ei Adjective 3 [-al Adjective 4 In tables XII, XIII, and XIV, of adjective subclasses, N = noun; numbers in paren- theses refer to singular general patterns. 9.2.1.1. Adjective 1 comprises stems of noun 3. Examples: Inajjaj/ ‘talkative’ (Noun 3 (2) /rajle:n najjajizn] ‘two talkative men’ /rifja:la najjajimn/ ‘talkative men’ 9.2.2. The Pluralization of Adjective Sub-Classes ‘The following observations on the pluralization of adjective sub-classes may be made. (1) Adjective 1 forms the plural by addition of the suffix /-isn/ and automatic morphophonemic alternation. (2) Adjective 2 forms the plural by addition of /0/ and variation in the vocalie pattern of the singular stem. (3) Adjective 3 forms the plural by addition of the suffix /-i/, variation in the vocalic pattern of the singular stem or automatic morphophonemic alternation. All noun stems ending with the sequence /-ey/ — not included in Table XIII — function as Adjective 3, with the exceptions mentioned in 9.1.2(5a) above. (4) Adjective 4 forms the plural by addition of the suffix /-a/ and variation in the vocalic pattern of the singular stem. (5) The following adjective stems do not have plural forms: (a) /baraka/ ‘blessed’ or ‘blessing’ [har] ‘warm’ or warmth” [Sa:l) ‘excellent’ (b) Comparative adjective stems: [Piddya:ba 2awSar min likla:b/ ‘wolves are fiercer than dogs? 9.2.2.1. Agreement with nouns: 9.2.2.1.1. Number and gender. Adjectives (2) agree with singular nouns in number and gender. Examples: /de:t/ “field (m.)’ /ge:t wa:seS/ ‘wide field’ Jeurga/ ‘corridor (f° Jeurga wa:sSi/ ‘wide corridor’ (2) show plural form when modifying dual and plural nouns. Examples: Dual /dete:n wasSizn/ ‘two wide fields? Jturgte:n wasSi:n/ “two wide corridors’56 \MORPHEMICS Plural /gita:n wasti Jturgast wasSi:n] 9.2.2.2. Definiteness: (1) Adjectives may or may not agree with nouns in definiteness in post-nominal position, Examples: [Ikalb wa:Ser/ ‘the dog is fierce’ /Ikalb Iwa:Ser/ ‘the dog (which is) fierce’ (2) In pre-nominal position adjectives do not show agreement with nouns in definite- ness, Examples: Jwa:Ser Ikalb/ “the dog is fierce’ Lit, “fierce is the dog’ 9.2.3, Numerical adjectives Cardinal numerical adjectives 2.3.1.1, Distribution, (D) /wazhed ‘one’ agrees with the modified noun in gender and definiteness. When definite, /wa:hed/ occurs only in post-nominal position (e.g., /2irra:jel Iwa:hed] ‘the ‘one man’). (2) /tne:n/ ‘two’ occurs before plural nouns (e.g., /tne:n faSali/ ‘two workers’) and after dual nouns (e.g., /sabate:n tne:n/ ‘two baskets’). /tne:n/ agrees with the modified noun in definiteness (e.g., /2issabatern Pittne:n/ ‘the two baskets’. (3) Cardinal numerical adjectives from 3 to 10 occur with plural nouns, in pre- or post-nominal position. In post-nominal position 3 to 10 agree with the modified noun in definiteness, whereas in pre-nominal position they may or may not agree with the modified noun in definiteness. Cardinals from 3 to 10 are not inflected for gender. Examples: Jxamas byu:t/ ‘five houses’ /Ixamas sajara:t/ ‘the five trees’. (4) Cardinal numerical adjectives from 11 upward are uninflected, and occur: (a) definite or indifinite in pre-nominal position, with indefinite singular nouns. Examples: [ida:Ser be:t/ ‘eleven houses’ [likida:Ser be:t/ ‘the eleven houses’. (b) definite in post-nominal position with plural definite nouns (e.g., /libyust lidaSer/ “the eleven houses’). 9.2.3.1.2. Ordinal numerical adjectives (1) modify singular nouns (e.g., /xa:mes jawa:b/ ‘the fifth letter’), (2) Ordinals from 1 to 10 occur uninflected in pre-nominal position, In post- nominal position ordinals from 1 to 10 agree with the modified noun in gender and definiteness, Examples:FORM CLASSES IN saSi:di 37 Jeubba xa:msi/ ‘a fifth (f.) dome (LY [Igubba Ixa:msi “the fifth (£) dome (f° (@ Ordinal numerical adjectives from 11 upward occur in post-nominal position and agree with the modified noun in definiteness: flyo:m Ixamsi:n/ ‘the fiftieth day’. 9.2.4. Comparison of adjectives 9.2.4.1. The comparative degree: (1) Participial adjectives, active (e.g., /fa:hem/ ‘understanding’), and passive (¢.g., /mafbu:m/ ‘understood’) form the comparative by a phrase in which one of the intensifiers — /2aktar/ ‘more’, /2agal/ ‘less’, /2ahsan/ ‘better’ — occurs followed or not followed by a /min/-phrase in post-adjectival position (¢.g., /ra:jel mafhu:m Paktar min ge:ru/ ‘a man better understood than others’). The phrase of comparison occurs in post-nominal position. The adjective agrees with the noun in number and gender. (2) Other adjectives than participials form the comparative with the comparison morpheme {?a} prefixed to the comparative stem of the adjective. Adjectives with the prefix /2a-/ occur in post-nominal position, may or may not agree with the noun in definiteness, and are not inflected for number or gender. 9.2.4.2. The superlative degree: The comparative adjective with /?a-/ signals the superlative degree in the following positions: (a) pre-nominal (¢.g., /abrad yo:m/ ‘the coolest day’); (b) pre-nominal, followed in post-nominal position by /fi-/ phrase (¢.g., /abrad yo:m fisSaher/ ‘the coolest day in the month’). 9.2.4.3. Adjectives which form comparison by a phrase signal the superlative degree by occurrence in post-nominal position, showing agreement with the modified noun in number and gender, with the intensifier occurring in pre-nominal position. Example: JPaktar wad hadda:t/ “the most talkative boy of all’. Superlative adjectives are inflected for allocation: /?asmarhom/ ‘the brownest of them’. 9.3. VERBS 9.3.1. Verb classes saSi:di verbs may be divided into the following sub-classes on the basis of vocalic pattern relationship between the perfective and the imperfective stems of the third singular masculine forms. Each sub-class is labelled by the type of nucleus of the stem. final syllable of the imperfective form: + Few active participial adjectives compare with the prefix /?a-/ (e.g., /Panjah/ ‘more successful’).58 MORPHEMICS Sub-class ‘Subs. Reference fil Verb,, fil Verb,,} Ot lef Verb, al Verbs ful Verb, Jol Verbs ‘The following symbols are used in tables XV-XIX, which represent the verb sub- classes. Mon. = monoliteral stem Bi. = biliteral stem ‘Tri. = triliteral stem Quad. = quadriliteral stem SIL = stem initial syllable SFL = stem final syllable ‘Unless otherwise indicated, verb stem = third singular masculine perfective aspect stem, which is unmarked. 9.3.2. Verbal Sub-Classes The following observations may be made on verbal sub-classes. (1) The maximal vocalic pattern of the verb stem is two vowels. (2) The first vowel in bisyllabic perfective stems in forming the imperfective aspect is either (a) reduced, when the stress shifts to the prefix. Example: /mésak/ ‘he caught’ Jyimsek] ‘he catches’ (b) remains unchanged (¢.g., all the quadriliteral stems of Verb 2). 9.3.3. Verb inflection Aspect: 1. The position of the pronominal affix indicates aspect, which is either perfective or imperfective, Pronominal suffixes indicate the perfective aspect, pro- nominal prefixes indicate the imperfective aspect. Apart from indicating aspect, pronominal affixes indicate subject and object. Subject pronouns indicate person, gender and number of the subject: three persons, one gender (feminine), and one number (plural). Masculine gender and singular number categories are unsignalled. 9.3.3.1.2. The following two paradigms illustrate this point: /masak/ ‘he caught’FORM CLASSES IN s9Si:di 1. Perfective form Person Gender 3.ms.— masak masak “0 - masakat cat De at masakt + + - masakti tit i 1s. masakt t ot - 3pl——masaku au - 2pl ——-masaktn ut - Lpl.— masakni aioe : 2. Imperfective form yimsek yi7msek - yie - timsek iene -0Eeneeni tie o timsek tie - tie : timski ti msk tie “i nimsek iT msek nie - yimsku yiTmsk> w yi : timsku te a tk - nimsku nie une - 9.3.3.1.3, The following observations on subject pronouns may be made. (J) In addition to indicating aspect by position, subject pronouns have the dual function of signalling subject and agreement in person, gender and number with an independent subject: jIbagara [lbana:t katabow/ ‘the girls wrote’ :rat/ ‘the cow ran away’. (2) Comparing the perfective and the imperfective subject pronouns, we notice that if the vowel in the prefixal segments of the imperfective set is eliminated as an epenthetic vowel, the two sets may be combined as follows: Allomorphs Morpheme —Perfective Imperfective ty} 0 y rcs -at t ry + t {ui} ti ti {n} rs n {yu} u yu {tu} tu to {au} ni neu (3) Final /-i/ in subject pronouns, /-ni/ excepted, alternates with /-ey/; final /-u/ alternates with /-ow/ before major junctures. Examples:60 MORPHEMICS /tafé:tey' #4) ‘you (fs.) handed Piatéstow #/ ‘you (pl) handed” fr katabni ¥! “we wrote’ (4) /yw-), /tu-/, /nu-/ occur before imperfective stems of the structure CyC,0C,; /Y-/s [t-[, [n+] occur before imperfective stems beginning with the sequence CV-,+ /yi-/, Jni-/ elsewhere with imperfective stems. Examples: Iyuskot/ ‘he keeps silent? Jyganney] “he sings’ /yisrey/ “he/it (m.) creeps? 9.3.3.1.4. Object reference. Verbs are inflected for object reference. Object pronouns indicate person, gender and number of the object: three persons, two genders and one number (plural). Singular number as well as gender in the plural forms is unsignalled. [Halab/ *he defeated” Person Gender Number 3ms. — galabu falab Tn “u - Bis. galabhi “i : 2.m.s. —_galabak “2 : 26. galabek - - Is. galabni 0 : 3pl ——galabhum dalab - “um 2pl —galabkum - “um Ipl —galabni nm : i 9.3.3.1.5. Non-subject pronouns. (1) A formally and distributionally similar set to object pronouns indicates alloca- tion. The two sets, the object and allocative pronouns, may be collapsed into one, labelled non-subject pronouns. The first person singular /-ni/ occurs in post-verbal position and has the allomorph /-i/ elsewhere. The third person singular /-u/ has the allomorph /-0/ when sufiixed to subject pronouns ending with -V, prepositional forms and /Padif ‘this’. /-ak/ and /-ek/ have the allomorphs /-k/ and /-key/ respectively in the same environments. (2) /-hum/ and /-kum/ have the allomorphs /-hom/, /-kom/ before major juncture. (3) First singular /-ni/ has the allomorph /-ney/ before major juncture. (4) First plural /-ni/ has the allomorph /-na/ before or at the loss of /+/. (5) On the syntactic level non-subject pronouns fill the object slot in declarative verbal sentences, by occurrence in close transition with verb stems inflected for sub- ject reference (i.e., verbal construct). Non-subject pronouns fill the modifier slot in a nominal construct (see 14.2 below). ? Pronominal prefixes beginning with /t-/ have allomorphs beginning with /?i-/ when prefixed to stems beginning with /t-/ or /d-/ (¢.g., t--vda:grow/ : /Pidda:grow/ ‘you (pl.) try’).FORM CLASSES IN saSi:di 61 9.3.3.1.6. Mood. (A) The imperative mood. (a) safi:di verb stems are inflected for the imperative mood? which is indicated by the prefix {2i}. ‘The imperative stem is that of the imperfective aspect. {Pi} has the fol- lowing allomorphs: 1, /Pu-/ before stems of the structure CCoC; [Pysnot/ “keep quiet (m.s.)!” [2uskom| ‘catch (m.s.)! [Pi-/ before other stems of the structure CCVC: [imsek/ ‘hold (m.s.)!" /Pisref/ ‘spend (m.s.)!” 2. |0-/ elsewhere: /gi:l/ ‘forgive! (ms.)” (b) The imperative stem is inflected for gender (feminine) in the shape of the suffix J+J (/-ey/ before major juncture) and number (plural) in the shape of the suffix /-u/ (/-ow/ before major junctures). Examples: [81 ‘go away (ms.)!" [Biley/ ‘go away (£.s.)!” [Biclow/ ‘go away (pl.)?” (B) The desiderative mood. (a) saSi:di verbs with stems of the structure C,CeC, and C,aCzaC are inflected for the desiderativet mood which is indicated by the morpheme {sta} which has the allomorphs /sta-/ for the perfective, and /-sta-/ for the imperfective. Examples: Jgreb/ _‘he/it (m.) came near’ Jstagrab/ ‘he thought (it was) near’ Jyistagrab/ ‘he thinks (it is) near” (b) With stems of the structure C,CzeC; /sta-/ is prefixed to the imperfective aspect stem /-sta-/ to the perfective aspect stem. Examples: fyibrad/ ‘he feels cold’ Jstabrad/ ‘he thought (it was) cold” [bred) “he felt cold” Jyistabred/ ‘he thinks (itis) cold” (©) With stems of the structure C,aC,aC,, the desiderative forms are sta~C,C,aCy e.g, fhalaf] the swore’ jstablaf) ‘he wanted (him) to swear? yista~C,CjeCy _/yistahlef/ the wants (him) to swear’ > if ‘he came’ has no imperative form; /ha:t/ “bring (m.s.)' and /taSé only for the imperative mood. + The term estimative-desiderative may be equally satisfactory. ‘come (m.s.) are inflected62 MORPHEMICS 9.3.3.1.7. Tense. (1) Durative: indicated by prefixing /Sa-/ to the imperfective aspect form (e.g., ‘[Sayackel) ‘he is eating’). (2) Future: indicated by prefixing /ha-/ to the imperfective aspect form (e.g., Jhaya:kel/ ‘he will eat? 9.3.3.1,8. Voice. The passive voice is indicated by the morpheme {?it}. (J) The passive voice (perfective) is indicated by /2it-/ prefixed to perfective aspect stems other than stems of the structure C,C3eC (e.g., /2it™gasam/ : /tgasam/ ‘it was divided” : (/gasam/ ‘he divided’)), (2) The passive voice (imperfective) is indicated by /yit-/ (/yi- -Pit-/, see 7.8 above) prefixed to perfective aspect stems other than those of the structure C,aC,i, C,aCa, CyCyeCs, CaCzaCy (e-g., /yitmasas] ‘itis filled” (/ng:sas/ “he filled’). (3) Perfective passive form of stems of the structure C,C,eCs is Pit~C,aCyaC (e.g., /Srebj ‘he/it (m.) drank’ : /arabj ‘it [e.g., tea] was drunk’). ) Imperfective passive forms of stems of the structure CyaCai—_yit “CiCzey “he fried? ‘itis fried” CyaCya “he read” ‘it is read? CxCxeCs_yit “CiCzeC, ‘he knew? ‘he is known’ CyaCaCy, ‘he made’ (©) The passive forms of /xad/ ‘he took’ are: © [ii has no passive forms. 9,3.3.1,9, The causative voice is indicated by the morpheme {C}, an infix which has the following allomorphs. (la) Reduplication of -C,- in biliteral and triliteral verb stems. Examples: |mali/ “he filled’ /malli/ ‘he caused to fill” Jsarafi ‘he spent? /sarraf/ ‘he caused to spend” § Future tense may be expressed by /ra:yeh/ ‘going to’ + the imperfective aspect form of the verb (@g., /raryeh yJey/ “he will come’).FORM CLASSES IN saSitdi 6 (1b) In biliteral stems of the type Ca:C,, when the imperfective aspect stem nucleus is /-ie/ or /-us, /-i-/ alternates with /-ayya-/, /-u/ with /-awwa-/. Examples: [ja:b/ ‘the brought” |ylicb/ She brings? [jayyabj the caused to bring” [fa:t/ the passed by’ Jyfut] the passes by’ [fawwat/ ‘he caused to pass’ (Ic) In triliteral stems of the structure C,C,eC; (e.g., /Sreb/ ‘he/it drank’), /-c-/ alternates with /-a~-a-/ (¢.g., /Sarrab/ ‘he caused to drink’). When -C, is /y/, it is dropped: Jdrey/ “he got accustomed” [darra/ ‘he caused to get accustomed’ (2) /-9-/ allomorph with triliteral stems of the type C,aC,C,i and C,aC,C,a and quadriliteral stems, Examples: {Sabbi/ ‘he packed’ or ‘he caused to pack’ {Sarra/ ‘he uncovered’ or ‘he caused to uncover” Jsabras/ ‘he went quickly’ or the caused to go quickiy’ 9.3.4. The morphophonemics of the saSi:di verb Apart from the vocalic change which the stem may undergo, there are the following morphophonemic changes which occur when the stem comes in close transition with a suflix. (1) Dropping of the final vowel: Jmasi/ ‘he left’ —_/magat/ ‘she left” (2) The sequence /-ey/ final alternates with /i:/ before suffixes of the structure C, cv: Ihdey/ ‘he became quiet’ Jhdi:ni) ‘we became quiet? (3) The prefixes, /Pit-/, /yit-/, /tit-/, jnit-/, have allomorphs of the type CiC, where C, represents /t ds 23}/ when in close transition with stems starting with any of those consonants (@.g., /yifjallad/ ‘he endures’). (4) /yi-/ has the allomorph /y-/ when in close transition with stems beginning with the sequence CV- (e.g., /ykallem/ ‘he talks (to)’). (8) /Pit-/ has the allomorph /t-/ when in close transition with stems beginning with the sequence CV- (e.g., /!Samal/ ‘it (m.) was made’).MORPHEMICS #EDAOAO AOADA'D | 9 ¥eDDATD ADODAD | DADA ‘Satoa'o | ¥ FEDOA'O, A'D | £ ODA AAD | 7 eA A'O:A'D | aT (fe8n8/ ERA /ewBeR) A'SA'D | PT ‘wine 105 waneeang sw0g Ted sug seus wong jest | “ON rena synBag BpU Tunon TA aTaVL65 FFPDOADOAD FDFOOMOOO TR o awontyrD stgeg'on'g ywoFDOFD noratoroa'o | ar awe! yetgeO'ON'D. Nontoroa'o | Lt yQADIDAD = He DFDND ‘Sata | 91 28ND awyONO'D NDAD | St w'QDADAD ‘fata’ | or 3 aDDADAD ADDADA' | Et 2 aFONT'D ROOD | Tr a a ae'gviors 8 aetDe'OFOND 4 rtoato'oa' repro nowcota'o | Ir a aBONE g rtge'p8'5, z a8 A'0A'9 FO" troy (yoreas) Wo:x‘oa'o | ot reign, age, OAD O81 avast | 6 OD yDA'DA'D > vH Jo Gunow) He, ja:reR AQAA DPD .Ssei8 Jo Gunown) ue, /siseu/ ¥EONDD a2 289 roypv9] (9) ‘wire THUD ‘wmnva-ang suo Tenia suioa runfuis wonea-ans—_ wisnng reven | “ON ream aensuis, / 9M (pomamop) 1A 1901 sessMORPHEMICS 2208, 82) ‘noo sr0'0 401 (onda sé, Px) ada | 8 ‘xDD smi’, toatoao | & f sont som'D - som'9'9 tort 9D ‘on | 9 ‘ADO tov ADA | s ADD, "58D ‘Sata | + sonata seat, sas tony AND | a Das OR NOIND | PE ad om’ ACD, tome town] z font’ nD toato'o ‘x'9'9 ono | 1 wont [e209 wonea-ang Suii03 Te sue senduig twaneg reson | “ON rama sensu EPA zunon: A a1avL61 FORM CLASSES IN saGizdi A855 HN uso, /:tiasts) auenbs, /:epxeu/ porno 'S:ADADA'O foutortor'g toratotoa'o | oz SS:NATDA'D. *otaetowta, SADA | 6t "DIADATDAD four oe D:A'D'DAD | sr “O:NDATOATD ‘orton | ut S:ATDADA'D ‘OrN'OOA'D | OF SD:A'DA'OATD D:'0'OA | st "OASEADATD, "AD TOA'DEADAD. sortotoro POATIOA'D | Ph SOtA'O'D, De sDattoA | et "OATDEADA'D ‘orator DADA | ZI "DATDIAMATD “DENSON "O:A0'0D, foeFOD, FONA'S | TT OAGATDAID "OA‘DAD fox'0'0 "a: | OL SDENDABAD fomtoe'D "D:N9'D, SOAMATOA'D “pate ‘o:atoa'o | 6 ties Jo Ssnuenb ¥, eyon'D (umn Jo wo), NU Yoron'd, Hora 8, /Pquep/ wofor'D. tend [e209 wuaNtE-ang swOT WAN suo TeNBUIS wuanea-qng uot [e2U2D ou ream sensug PU (pomamod) 114 7190.MORPHEMICS 8 [Wa0or Bap, PPPAT PED tontoiatoa'o topo Joon, /s0p vow! —wroatoa'o | foo) Buxpursd yeu, fe eH tontziatoas Toston yor ata | a SDADIADAD FORSHEE 4809 jung 305 10d, worooro = stoatsoa'o | ie ; rointg1n diya e, /feqatey) *ortofon'o waned [e802 WOMENS suo [EINE ‘suo IeNSUIS wonegqns waned [e8D | aN ema sens, [2H (pamuuod) 1A 9°cS) FORM CLASSES IN saSizdi EDP OOD "DPOF soetotoro'o. AAD a rotor") ‘oe '0RD'D "ADDA'D. W ‘ome BPOA'DAO POROID Tor D'OR "A50'A'D or UNOAOAD mre 'OR'D ‘00RD roy wee), Wo 6 “Qe “OADA'D 8 woe AAA L QD SAAD s ‘on SaantQe'D “ADA s "OFO'D, SAD v > "9D, *DANDA'D & URDA'OA'D fomgtor' "SADA z GAD a D9, SAD, t waned ID wonnaans smo Tama suse serius __wenvarang _wenva wou | N Tema a ma € unon MA aravaMORPHEMICS 70 TIT a, REA SRT ur>OA' wetgfon'g SoH", toatoato | s ues DAD, sone) puna ®, fase! YO!OND ADDAD | & n +n) 3NP3; n+ NP; (NP, > NCt + adj) ND + NP, (NP, > NCt + adj) ND + ND} in appositive relationship (© [Rilley/-phrase, in which the relative /Pilley/ fills the head slot.90 SYNTAX, 142. The following observations may be made on the types of phrases: (1) Nouns may be singular or plural. (2) Slot sequence in NP, and NP3 is rigid. (3) The head slot is first in position with the exception in NP, of the slot sequence ‘M + H where the less rigid slot sequence of NP, permits the head to occupy the second position. (4) The head in NP, is unexpandable, whereas the modifier is expandable by the addition of modifier(s) or /?illey/-phrase. (5) The head in NP, is expandable by the addition of modifier(s) or /eilley/-phrase; the modifier is expandable by intensifiers. (© The head and the modifier in NP, are expandable by the addition of modifier(s) or /illey/-phrase. /2illey/-phrase, however, does not occur in NP3 after a head of the type n. (7) Slot sequence in /?illey/-phrase is rigid; the modifier slot may be filled by: (a) adjectives, (b) verbs (©) verb (Pred) + noun (0) () verbal, adjectival, adverbial, prepositional and nominal (NP;) phrases. (8) The vocative phrase consists of a head (noun or NP,) and modifier (the vocative particle /ya/). 143. Types of saSi:di constructs (construct = stem + pronominal affix(es): (1) Nominal construct (NC1): noun + non-subject pronoun (allocation) (e.8., [kta:bu/ ‘his book’). (2) Verbal construct (VCt): (@) VCtL verb stem + subject pronoun /kal~at/ ‘she ate’ () VCt2 verb stem + subject pronoun + non-subject pronoun (object) (eg., /katab~at™u/ ‘she wrote it (m.)’. (3) Prepositional construct: preposition + non-subject pronoun (allocation) (¢.g., Jli:~kom/ ‘to you (pl.)’). A prepositional construct may function as adverbial when it modifies an adjective or a verb. Examples: JImahiyya ze:na Saleck/ “the salary is good for you (m.s.)° /gaSad Sindhom/ ‘he stayed with them’,15. TYPES OF sa‘i:di CLAUSES 15, The independent clause: phonologically linked — with or without a linking particle — with other clause(s) in the sentence (see 13.1 and 13.2 above). 152, The dependent clause: lexically linked with other clause(s) in the sentence by a sub- ordinating conjunction.16, MAJOR SENTENCE TYPES IN safi:di ‘The major sentence types in saSi:di are: (1) The non-verbal sentence (2) The verbal sentence. ‘Types of the non-verbal sentence: (1) The declarative non-verbal sentence (2) The vocative sentence. 16.1, THE DECLARATIVE NON-VERBAL SENTENCE (Sn1) (2) Spoken normally with a rising-falling or rising-returning intonation contour. (2) Has two slots: subject (S) + predicate (P). 16.1.1. Subtypes of Sn On the basis of the types of fillers of the predicate slot. (1) Snia. With a noun or a nominal as the filler of the predicate slot. Examples: (@) /’né:zgr midrasi' #4] ‘headmaster’ 2 on Ss P Sala (&) /’réyyes Imirkab’ #/ “the skipper of the sailing boat” n ND Ss P Sala © /Igawé:leb dokkiimma’#/ ‘those bricks? ND demonstrative (pl.) Ss P SalaMAJOR SENTENCE TYPES IN sa‘i:di 93 (@ /Pinnésr malik Pitté:r' #/ ‘the eagle is the king of birds’ ND n ND t NB s P Snla (©) /likté:b sadi:g mixles' #/ ‘the book is a sincere friend? ND on adj t NP, s P Snla (2) Snlb. With adjective or adjectival as the filler of the predicate slot. Examples: @ /osara be ia’ #/ ‘a white cow’ : ‘Snlb (b) / sits 1gétla ili Stardsty #4) n_ND__/illey/-phrase (adjectival) Snib “the sack of grain which I bought’ (3) Snic. With adverbial phrase as the filler of the predicate slot. Example: 2 24 / wad sé:li ndzjeh' #/ “the boy is always successful” ND adv adj 1 “air SP Snie (4) Snid. With prepositional phrase as the filler of the predicate slot. Example: 2 a4 ['héflet gabl Imigreb # ‘the ceremony before sunset’ n prep ND prep P s P Said94 SYNTAX, 16.1.2. Fillers of the subject slot in Snl (2) Nouns (2) Pronominal free forms 3) Pronominals (4) NP,, NP5 (5) an /illey/-phrase (© Nominal and prepositional constructs 16.1.3, Reversibility of slots in Snl Snib of the type S(ND)-+P(adj) and Snid of the type S(ND)-++P(prep P) can be spoken with the order of S + P reversed. The decision of assigning the constituents in this case is based on the following observations: (1) Sentence pitch peak in Sni falls on the filler of the predicate slot or one of its constituents. (2) When the order of slots is reversed, the sentence pitch peak moves back with the predicate slot. Examples: /ibégara bésda'#/ ‘the cow is white? Saar) /bésda Ibégara’ #/ ‘white is the cow’ PS 16.1.4. Slot expansions in SI 16.1.4.1. The following example is a minimal manifestation of Snl. ['Piddyé:r maskicni’#/ ‘the houses are occupied’ ‘The subject may be expanded to B, By Ay Ar As Ay Ag [did Pissét dyé:r Pittd:b Iwéstya gawi dokkdmma | ?illi giddé:mak/ ‘some of these six low brick houses in front of you (m.s.)’ 16.1.4.2. The following observations may be made on the head-modifier positional relationship in the subject slot (pre-head positions are marked B, post-head positions are marked A): (1) Position B, is occupied by cardinals, with the exception of /wa:hed/ ‘one’, which occupies position A,. Cardinals from 2-10 may occupy position A, (in which case they agree with the noun head in definiteness). — Ordinals up to the ‘tenth’ occupy position B, or Ay. (2) Position B, is occupied by limiting modifiers. ©) Positions A, and A; are occupied (without rigidity of order) by (a) nominalMAJOR SENTENCE TYPES IN S9Sizdi 95 modifiers (b) adjectives other than numerals. — Nominal modifiers do not show agree ment with the noun head. ) Position Ay is occupied by intensifiers. (5) Position Ay is occupied by demonstratives which agree with the noun head in gender and number. © Position A, is occupied by modifying phrases, an /2illey/-phrase or a preposi- tional phrase. 16.1.4.2.1. The subject slot in Sn1 may be expanded by linking more than one nominal with /wi/, /ya ... ya/, /la ... wala, /lakizn/. 16.1.4.3. Expansion of the predicate slot in Snl. (1) If the predicate slot is filled by an indefinite noun it may be expanded by (a) adj + intensifier. Example: /eirrfel xatib fash péwey’7é/ ND on adj int | 8 P “the man is a very eloquent speaker” (b) Comparative adjective or a phrase of comparison, Example: Pinvésjel xati:b 26fsah min gé:ru'é/ n__adj _prepP NP { P ‘the man is a more eloquent speaker than others? (c) Adjective in the superlative degree, in which case the adjective and the noun head reverse positions. The noun head may or may not be followed by a prepositional phrase. Example: /Pirrjel Pafeat xatib fibétad' #/ adj prepP NP 1 P “the man is the most eloquent speaker in the town’ (2) The predicate slot may be expanded by the usage of the linkers: /wa/, /ya ... ya, Ja... wala/, /lakizn/. 16.1.5. The expression of time in Sn (1) Present time is expressed by Snl.96 SYNTAX, (2) Past time is expressed in Snl by /ka:n/ ‘was’ occurring in pre-predicatival position. Sni is the kernel of its verb-type transform. This verbalizing transforma- tion may be represented by the formula: Snl + /ka:n/ + Sniv Snlv +8 + kan + P Examples: ni /‘Pamwa:lu kati 44/ “his wealth is great™ (Peamvvéslu kasnat katt #4) “his wealth was great” (3) Few instances of Snl have no /ka:n/-transform, Example: [isa:gba Sindkom 7#/ ‘a greeting on happy occasions’ 16.2. THE VOCATIVE SENTENCE (Sn2: P + $) (J) Sn2 has a predicate slot filled by the vocative particle /ya/, and a subject slot which may be filled by: (a) a noun, (b) NP, (c) an /?illey/-phrase. (2) Sn2 normally occurs with a rising-returning intonation contour. Example: / ya sésmey’#/ ‘Samey!’ (male name) voc. pl. ND PS Sad (3) The vocative particle occurs (a) initially in Sn2; 2322 32 (b) after the verb in an imperative sentence (e.g., / git [ ya wad #/ “(go on) speaking, boy!’) in which case the vocative sentence is phonologically downgraded; (©) in the modifier slot in a vocative phrase which fills the object slot in an impera- tive sentence (e.g, /'gitl yé wad’ #/ ‘call (2.m.s) the boy"); (d) after the verb in a declarative verbal sentence in which the vocative phrase fills the object slot (e.g, / guilt yé wiid #/ ‘called the boy’); a4 (© after the verb in an interrogative verbal sentence (¢.g., / kilt | yd wad #/ ‘did you eat?’, addressing a boy).MAJOR SENTENCE TYPES IN sa‘i:di 97 16.2.1. Expansion of the subject slot in Sn2 (@) by an /Pilley/-phrase, (b) by NP. 163, THE VERBAL SENTENCE 16.3.1. Subtypes (@) the declarative verbal sentence, (b) the imperative sentence. 16.3.2. The declarative verbal sentence (Sv!) () Has two obligatory slots: (S)ubject and (Pred)icator and one optional slot: (CO)bject. (2) Is normally spoken with a rising-falling intonation pattern, (3) The following is a minimal manifestation of Svi aot [kdlow #/ ‘they ate” Which consists of a verb in the perfective aspect inflected for subject reference. 16.3.2.1. Slot fillers in Sv1. (1) The subject slot: (@) nouns (b) pronominal free forms (©) subject pronouns (@) pronominals (© NP;, NP;, and NP, (f) /Pilley/-phrase (g) nominal and prepositional constructs. (2) The object slot: (@) direct object (object 1): 1. nouns, 2. object pronouns, 3, pronominals, 4. NP,, NP, NP, 5. /?illey/-phrase, 6. vocative phrases. (b) indirect object (object 2)!: 1. nouns, 2. NP,, NP2, 3. NCt. (3) The predicator slot (a) Verbal constructs (b) Verbal phrases 16.3.2.2. Order of slots in Svi (1) Normally: $ + Pred + O (2) S and Pred may reverse positions. Example: 1 A declarative verbal sentence may include. predicator which takes two objects e.g, [wd Sétg Pant: Jawacb 4) “the boy gave his brother a letter’98 SYNTAX timzt:re8 Hawwag '/ ‘the farmer sowed the seeds’ ND VCtl S_ Pred Svl ay 1 / Yawwag limza:re$' #é/ vctl ND Pred oS Sv ‘The assignment of the constituents in this case is based on: (a) the position of the sentence pitch peak when the order is reversed is on the predicator; when the order is normal it may or may not fall on the predicator; (b) the types of slot fillers, (3) The object occurs in post-predicator position whether the predicator is post subjectival or initial. (4) In one case slot order in Svi is unchangeable: when Sv1 is one word, (VC12), the constituents of which are: Svl ee ee Pred Ss oO verb subj pronoun _—_obj pronoun sa:mah- ~at- u /sdcmabatu' 7#/ ‘she forgave him’ 16,3.2.3. Expansion of slots in Svl (1) The subject slot: expandable as in Sal @) The predicator: expandable by usage of any of the auxiliaries (@) /ka:n) ‘was? (b) /yimken/ ‘may’ (©) an adverb or adverbial phrase @ /ra:yeh/ ‘going to” ) The object: expandable only if a noun, as with the subject. 16.4, THE IMPERATIVE SENTENCE: (Sv2) 16.4.1. (1) The following example is a minimal manifestation of the imperative sentence: [ittigearow' 7] “leave (pl) now!” ([Pittagar™~ow/ verb _ sp S¥2)MAJOR SENTENCE TYPES IN sa%idi 99 (2) Sv2 has two obligatory slots: Pred + $+ one optional: °. (8) $v2 is normally spoken with a rising-falling intonation pattern. 16.4.2, Slot fillers in Sv2 (J) The predicator slot: verbs inflected for the imperative mood. (2) The subject slot: subject pronouns (2.m.., 2.f.s., 2 pl.). (3) The object slot: (a) object pronouns, (b) pronominals (demonstrative), (c) nouns, (@ NP;, NP; or NP3, (¢) an /Pilley/-phrase. 16.4.3. Slot expansion in Sv2 (1) The predicator may be expanded by (a) an adverb : ‘ [Paiyei gawé:m' 4) ‘run (2.m.s.) quickly!” pred adv in which case the subject slot is unexpandable. (b) a prepositional phrase [dSldel min {8:g' #/ ‘throw (2.m.s.) (e.g., the rope) from above!” pred prep _adv prep P (2) The object is expandable (@) if a pronominal, by /2illey/-phrase [Sid dak: Pill fissandticg’#/ carry (2.m.s.) that (m.) which isin the box!” pred demon- /?illey/-phrase strative 0 (b) if a noun, as in the subject slot in Sn1,17. NEGATION 17.1. THE DECLARATIVE NON-VERBAL SENTENCE There are two negative particles in sai () a. /mi8/ ‘not’ b. /ma/ (emphatic particle) ... /-Sey/ suffix allomorph of /mis/ (2) /la ... wala/ ‘neither ... nor’. 17.2. DISTRIBUTION OF THE NEGATIVE PARTICLE In Sal: (a) /mi8/ occurs in pre-predicatival position without any restriction as to the type of predicate: / iihséen mis jarrd:y '7#/ “the horse is not swift ‘ND PLN M 8 P Sal (nee,) (®) [la ... wala/ occurs with 1, a multiple subject /t& dé wala dakké: nésfeS' 4) ‘neither this nor that is of any use" ae PLN demon- M stratives | P Sal (neg) 2. a multiple predicateNEGATION 101 Fiwad 16 midgin wala xd:ber'#/ ND PLN modifiers s FP Sat (ez) “the boy is neither smart nor enlightened” (©) /-ey}, the allomorph of /mi8/, occurs as a suffix with all form classes. /ma/, the emphatie particle, may precede an item which is suffixed by /-Sey/, according to the following patterns: 1. if the predicate is one word it occurs between /ma/ and /-Sey/: /likta:b ma | Jadisd | Sey’ ##/ “the book is not new" ND PLE’ M_ PLN ry Sni (neg) 2, if the predicate is an NP, the head occurs between /ma/ and /-Sey/: J Pinrésjel ma | nézi | 8 Imidrasi#/_ “the man isnot the headmaster’ ND PLE head PLN M t NP; Ss P Snl (neg.) (d) The adverb /wa:sel/ ‘at all’ occurs only in negative predicates in post-adjectival position. /wa:sel/ presupposes /mi8/ or /ma/ and /-Sey/: [Pixsagé6:1 maradt-3i wéesel #4) ‘the worker does not accept (the offer) at all’ © /ka:n/ occurs with /-Sey/ preceded or unpreceded by /ma/. 17.3, NEGATION IN Svi AND Sv2 (1) /-8ey/ preceded or unpreceded by /ma/ occurs with the predicator: Svi_/tkétb mahasséli 16édma’ 7) [tkétt Hgssilsj ISédma ¥#/102 SYNTAX “the dog did not reach the bone? Sv2_/'matakilsi dhain' 4/ Ing 1 /Ptakitsi dhéin’ 321 ‘do not (2.m.s.) eat fat!” @) la... wala/ occurs with multiple predicators: 2 322 1 Sui /?ittiImi 14 Katab | wéla gira nhérdi #/ ‘the student neither wrote nor read today’ 2 223 sv2._/té tithdddat [wala thayyes'#/ ‘do not (2.ms,) talk or make noise!” (3) In Svi with multiple subject /la ... wala/ occurs with the subject: ayaa a4 [14 dib [wala sSelick bni 4/ ‘there is neither a wolf nor a fox here” (4) In Sv1 and Sv2 with multiple object /la/ occurs in pre-predicator position and Jwala] occurs before each constituent noun or phrase of the object: 2 a 22 3 Sv1_/ Iwéd 14 Sréb wala Iban | wala dawa'#/ ‘the boy drank neither milk nor medicine” 2 22 Sv2__é tweissex wala Kitba:tak | wala xalagi:tak’ 7/ ‘make (2.m.s.) neither your books nor your clothes dirty!” (5) With one word Svi and Sv2 /-Sey/ and the combination /ma/ and /Sey/ occur in free variation: Svi [ thimsey'#/ ‘he did not understand” /‘mathimsey’ 7) Sv2_/tilSibsey'#/ ‘do not ms) play? / matiliabsey'#/18, INTERROGATION 18.1. Interrogation in saSizdi is signalled by (1) Suprasegmental changes (2) Segmental signals (3) Suprasegmental changes and segmental signals (4) Suprasegmental changes and changes in slot position. 18.2, Sn1, 2 and Svi, 2 are made interrogative by: (1) Change in intonation pattern. In Sn, 2 and Sv1, 2 from rising-falling or rising- returning to rising: 2 Sot |/'thalazé:na mittaxxri #/ ‘the bus is late’ 2 2 3 /thalazé:na mittaxxri |/ ‘is the bus late?” smi |/ba:rdi'#/ ‘cold (fs) /"ba:rdi l/s it (€) cola?” Sv1_|j/Igéton ndwwar' #/ ‘the cotton blossomed’ /‘lgGton néwwear’|I/ “did the cotton blossom?” svi |/hayizmag’#/ ‘he will be angry” hayizmag'|/ ‘will he be angry?” sn2_|/’yé dastdss’ #/ ‘you (ms. greedy fellow? ? y& da88a:s']/ ‘(are you) calling me greedy?” (reiterated question)104 SYNTAX a4 sv2_{/"Pirmi ktd:bak'#/ ‘throw (2.m.s.) away your book!” 2, 3s Pirmi ktd:bak ||/ ‘(are you telling me to) throw away my book?” (2) Sni and Sv1 may be made interrogative by the usage of any of the interrogatives, in which case the change in the intonation to the rising pattern may or may not occur. If it occurs, it signals a reiterated question: 2 304 Snl_ / wé:n rayyes Siglak #/ ‘where is your (m.s.) boss?” 2 1 Svi_/'wén giSmaz Igazisn’#/ ‘where did the child sit?” The interrogative may occur in initial position in Sn and Sv1, in final position in Sn1, in pre- or post-predicator position or in final position in Svl. (8) Sal and Svi may be interrogative by change in intonation pattern and in slot order: 2 3 /UiSli:wa malyd:ni #/ ‘the jar is full? Snl Ss P 23 /’malydsna liSké:wa'|/ ‘is the jar full?” P s 34 /'tkatb habasu'#/ “the dog bit him’ Svl S Pred 3 /hdbasu Ikélb'|/ ‘did the dog bite him?’ Pred S a 1 /‘thicres sghréan tds Pill’ #/ “the watchman is wakeful all night” s P Sol}, 3 3 / sahré:n técl Pillé:] thé:res |/ ‘is the watchman wakeful all night?” P Ss /Irarrés ttTah Ikdcba Sdcy'#/ “the servant filled the glass with svi |S Pred 0, 0, tea’ 2 3 / téfTah Ukécba Sd:y Ifarré:8']/ ‘did the servant fill the glass with Pred O, 0; S tea?”19, SAMPLE saSi:di TEXT To illustrate the application of the s@Si:di syntactic system outlined in this study, the following sentences are analyzed in terms of the categories I defined. The text is a short folk tale which consists of ten sentences. In every sentence, the major constituent elements (constructs, phrases, clauses) are marked off by the symbols used in the discussion of saSi:di syntax, When the same sentence contains two or more elements of the same type, the symbols referring to them are distinguished by numerals in parentheses. ‘The sentence type is mentioned at the end of the translation of each sentence. Literal translation is bracketed. A plus sign is used to separate the immediate con- stituents of a construction, A colon is to be read as “consisting of”. THE GREEDY WOMAN 2 1. /'sélii Sannabi Ihasdey' #/ *Glorify (2.m.s,) [pray on] the guiding prophet!" Imperative sentence: verbal construct 1+ prepositional phrase, with /231 #/ intonation contour. YVCU: verb + subject pronoun verb: /salli/ ‘pray’ + subject pronoun /0/ (2.m..). prep P: preposition -+ nominal phrase 3 preposition: Sala/ ‘on’ (allomorph /Sa-/ before /?il-/) ‘nominal phrase 3: definite noun [2innabi/ -+ nominal modifier (in appo- sitive relationship) /lha:dey/ ‘the guiding’. 2 222 2 1 2. /'ké:n fi: wida mgrg | minilli yhibbu lmé:l #/ idl prep P “There was a woman [one woman] who loved money’ Verbal transform of the declarative non-verbal sentence: independent clause -+ prepositional phrase with /232 | 231 #/ intonation contours.106 SYNTAX, ICI: verb + prepositional construct + nominal phrase 2 ‘prepositional construct: preposition /fi-/ ‘in’ + non-subject pronoun (allocation) /0/ (3.m.s.) nominal phrase 2: modifier: cardinal numerical adjective /wihda/ ‘one’ (€s.) + noun head: definite noun (by position) /mara/ ‘woman’. ition + /2illey/-phrase. : /min/ “from? FRilley/-phrase: /Zilley/ + predicator + object relative [?illey|: ‘who (pl.) predicator: verbal construct 1 subject pronoun + verb /y~hibb™u/ ‘they love” object: definite noun /Ima:l/ “(the) money’ prep P: 3. /timlek nittg:l shmen kab #/ ‘She owned [owns] a big jar of cooking fat” Declarative verbal sentence, with /231 #/ intonation contour. predicator: verbal construct 1 /ti™mlek/ ‘she owns’ object: nominal phrase 2: head: nominal phrase 1 /njtta:l/ ‘jar’ -+ /samen/ ‘cooking fat’ (in genitival relationship) modifier: /kabizr/ ‘big’. 4, /Pinnjttd:1 mSallag Salhést’ #/ “The jar (being) hung on the wall” Declarative non-verbal sentence with /231 #/ intonation contour. subject: definite noun /Pinnjttg:1/ ‘the jar” predicate: adjectival phrase: adjective + adverbial phrase adjective: /mSallag/ ‘hung (m.s.)" adverbial phrase: preposition + noun preposition /Sa-/ ‘on" noun: definite noun /lfigt/ ‘the wall” 2 222 an 5. / gislat Indfshi | ya bit #/ Ic) IciQ) “She said to herself, “O girl!” ‘Vocative sentence: two independent clauses, phonologically linked, with /232 | 231 #4/ intonation contours.Ici): ICl@): SAMPLE saSi:di TEXT 107 predicator + adverbial phrase predicator: verbal construct 1: /ga:l~at/ ‘she said” adverbial phrase: preposition: |I-{ ‘to” noun: /nafshi/ “herself” vocative clause: predicate /ya/ vocative particle + subject: noun /bet/ ‘girl’. aa a4 6. [nbs samné:tey [ wnistari bégara jaftd-ni #1 Icl(l) TC1(2) ‘I sell my cooking fat and buy a lean cow’ ‘A declarative verbal sentence: two independent clauses phonologically and lexically linked, with /232 | 231 #/ intonation contours. ICI (1): IC1Q): predicator + object predicator: verbal construct 1 verbal construct 1 /nbi:S/ ‘I sell’ /n-/ I.s. (subject pronoun) + [bi:S/ object: nominal construct noun [samna:t/ ‘cooking fat’ (pl.) + /-ey/ (1.s.) non-subject pronoun (allocation). linker + predicator + object linker: jw-| ‘and’ predicator: verbal construct 1 verbal construct 1 /niStari/ I buy’ /ni-/ 1s. (subject pronoun) + /8tari/ object: nominal phrase 2 nominal phrase 2: noun -+ modifier noun: /bagara/ ‘cow’ modifier: /Jafta:ni/ ‘lean (fs. 2g an a ae a4 7. [ nsamminhi | winbi:Shi | winjawwez wéladi bét ISimdi #/ Ici() IclQ) ICl@) 4 fatten it, sell it and make my son marry the Omda’s [i.e., the Mayor's] daughter’ Declarative verbal sentence: three independent clauses phonologically and lexically linked, with /232 | 232 | 231 #/ intonation contours. Tcl (1): Icl@): verbal construct 2 verbal construct 2: subject pronoun + verb + object pronoun Jo~sammin™hi ‘I fatten it (£ linker ++ verbal construct 2 linker: |wie] ‘and’ verbal construct 2: |x~bi:'~hi/ [I sell it]108 SAMPLE saSiitdi TEXT ICI @): linker + verbal construct 1 -+ object 1 + object 2 linker [wie] ‘ana’ verbal construct 1 /n~jawwez] ‘I cause to marry’ object 1: indefinite noun /waladi/ ‘my son’ object 2: nominal phrase |: indefinite noun /bet/ ‘daughter’ +definite noun /'Sumdij ‘the mayor’. 8. / law géllat hayachi | nudrabha bilSasé-yi' #/ bc Ici ‘If she is impolite [lessened her shyness], I beat her with the stick’ Declarative verbal sentence: one dependent clause + one independent clause, with /232.| 231 #/ intonation contours. DCI: — subordinating conjunction + predicator + object subordinating conjunction: |law/ ‘if? predicator: verbal construct 1 /gall~at/ ‘she lessened? object: nominal construct: noun /haya:-/ + non-subject pronoun (alloca- tion) /-hi/ G.fs.). ICI: verbal construct 2 + adverbial phrase verbal construct 2: |nudrdb™ha/ ‘I beat her’ adverbial phrase: preposition + definite noun preposition: /bi-] ‘with? definite noun: /\Sasa:yi/ ‘the stick” a3 203 1 9. | Sawwahat asd:yi | kdsarat Pinnittd:l 44/ 1a) Ici) ‘she waved the stick and broke the jar.” Declarative verbal sentence: two independent clauses, phonologically linked, with [232/231 #/ intonation contours. ICI (1) predicator + object predicator: verbal construct 1 |sawwah™at/ ‘she waved’ ‘object: definite noun /ISgsa:yi/ ‘the stick? ICI (2) predicator + object predicator: verbal construct 1 /kasar™at/ ‘she broke’ object: definite noun /Pinnjtta:l/ ‘the jar’ 2 3 1 10. / mahassaldtdi haji #/ ‘She gained nothing” Negative declarative verbal sentence, with /231 #/ intonation contour. Emphatic particle + negative particle -+ predicator + object.SYNTAX emphatic particle: /ma] negative particle: |-Sey/ predicator: verbal construct 1 /hassal~at/ ‘she gained’ object: indefinite noun /ba‘ji/ ‘thing’ 109APPENDIX TO PHONOTACTICS Notes: 1) The object of the following listing is to illustrate the attested consonant clusters in saSisdi. 2) Nouns and adjectives in the tables, unless otherwise indicated, are masculine (m,), singular (9). 3) SaSisdi verbs, whether in the perfective or the imperfective, the active or the passive forms, have 3.mss. subject pronouns.APPENDIX TO PHONOTACTICS 113 TABLE XX Initial Consonant Clusters: C,C2- luster | Example Meaning Cluster | Example tk! | /Akatab ‘was written’ finf | ftoa:e) He) | egssar ‘felt sympathy" Me} | reg ef) | {great ‘went for a walk’ — |) fiw) | /fwisuy ts] | ftsallamy | “received” ty) | Hfyaddu 18) | Satay ‘was insulted’ st! | /stannow/ tx) | exalt ‘stayed behind” Ishi | Isfus! eh) | /thes/ ‘you (ms) feel fsx) | xu) jh) | Jehammaly | ‘was teft Isht | fshuin/ “plates? ib) | tbassar/ “contemplated” Ishi | [shee “kept awake’ ite! | /tsabes! ‘was picked’ sb] | isbehy “got up (in the ita] | ftzabbat/ | “got dirty" morning)’ Is | Hala ‘was lashed? sdf | (sdass/ ‘headache? hey | eal ‘was boiled” Ise) | (seuct] ‘hawks? is] | [allag) ‘was fnung? isi | (siusn/ ‘prisons’ itma/ | /tma:ni/ ‘assurance (f)° Iss) | ser] “became wild? inj | Jtmasal/ “was pulled” fom) | fsme) heard” fay | jelajamm/ ‘vas embarrassed’ — |} /so/ | /snu:ny “teeth? Is] | trasad ‘was stunned” Is | fslem/ ‘emerged safe’ Jw] | Jtwassat/ | “mediated” Isr] | fscu:r/ ‘pleasure’ fy! | Ieyuss) ‘male goats’ swt | fowerf “(ovas) defeaned” ki) | PKtast! ‘much (pl) sy! | Isyusl! ‘floods’ kt} | fkfust) ‘palms’ By) | tut? ‘shores’ ks! | Tksu:e/ ‘parts’ P8k{ | /skurky ‘doubts? Tkb! | Tkbast/ “big (D1 1st) | Isfey! “became well (after Ska | deb “told lies? sickness)” PS) | fkSuby ‘heels! hy | huss) ‘months’ km) Pkma:m) ‘sleeves? ‘Bol | bes) ‘ate enough’ Jin | Pknacsif “rash Beal | fidazd) ‘strong (pl) fil) | fbb ‘dogs’ Rel | Bey “became miserable” ke} | fkrucbj “disasters? Fim) | Emus) ‘candles? kw | fkwasm/ “heaps? rf | (Brebf ‘drank’ ky] | Ikya:s/ ‘sacks? sw) | Bwabl ‘clubs (ie., big ity | uch ‘success’ sticks)” Mky | jfkacrf ‘a male’s name By! | yall ‘toads? Je] | [feardoy ‘in his land” xf] | Ixfey/ ‘disappeared ts] | ffsinnif ‘in a tooth (ty xa] | Ixdu:d/ “cheeks? is} | fas) ‘tungs? eal | jnzey! ‘felt ashamed? Mx} | ecm “in a tent (f) Psst | Ix) sfelt shy" MB) | Ittiem/ “felt thirsty” ism | fxmui/ ‘drinks’ May | them) “understood” Isl | txtey/ “became free (from Mey | jfbaladuy | sin his town? work)’ Kal} iféara) ‘in his home? xc! | farusid ‘sacks? Hel | Heer! ‘became poor” Ixy | isyarra/ ‘a cucumber’ Hal | Hfeass) “terrible (pL) Int) | fiat ‘pieces? 1G) | Sjanni ‘ina paradise (f)" || Bk/ | /hka:yif ‘story ite) | Mealituy ‘in his wheat* Jat} | hfe? ‘did his utmost” JS) | /Se:nu/ ‘in his eye (£)° Mist | fhsyin/ ‘forts" Aim) | ffmaclu’ ‘in his property’ hb) | fibaci/ “ropes!APPENDIX TO PHONOTACTICS Meaning Cluster} Example Meaning. ‘singing (for camels)’ || /gn/ | /gnesy “felt satisfied? ‘tights’ fal) | fgla:m/ “pencils? ‘parties’ Jer! | faresl “got stung’ “taps" Few! | fewar/ “forehead” “became warm’ ley! | feya:ey ‘rising™ ‘dreamt’ jai) | fafet/ ‘was disgusted” ‘was prohibited’ Heal | fagesm) ‘small mouse” “fried onion’ [Si | (ern) “became naughty” ‘scandals* Jzm/ | famog/ “became angry? ‘pieces (of meat)’ jij | [alegh ‘slipped (in speech)’ “became quiet” fer! | Jacase} “button” “became lean? tow) | Izwa:x/ ‘throats’ ‘attack? iil | fel? “felt scared’ ‘worries (n.)° fis | Dsus “ridges" “here? fib! | fhemy ‘showed greed’ “belies? Nios | Mba:ty ‘mountains’ ‘water jars" Mia | igus “points (in a local ‘with a cork (£)" game)? ‘with a fence’ fim) | mas ‘weeks (lit. Fridays)’ “good news (f." Af | finan) “madness” “became miserly” fil | (irasby ‘a kind of case’ ‘seas? raf} | iefely “took a nap” ‘with zeal (f° iB! | igeyi ‘fainted? ‘with blood” Ido | gney/ “became rich’ os! ‘with adome (fff fal | ley! “became costly’ fox! | ezimmi/ ‘with honesty (£)" —f far/ | Jarif ‘elue’ fos) | Pojatasy ‘indifferently’ few! | Jeéwaly “beasts? fea! | Pogacl/ ‘mules? St) | /Sfey/ “became beefy” jos) | /oSimmif ‘with a turban (f)' |} 188) | Seay ‘loved’ fomj | /omayyil ‘swith water (£)° bj | /Sba:a/ “people (lit. wor- fon) | Ponazx/ ‘with fire (£ shippers)" fey | fotey/ “became torn out? — | /Sg/ | Sgusly ‘minds? for] | foru:i/ ‘towers’ Wel | /Sza:if ‘luggage’ Tow) | /owissul ‘with his face? sy | Ses) ‘calves? by! ‘with his hand (£)' |} fSm/ | ‘Smey/ “became blind? tdi ‘males’ ‘Sn/ | Sou:g/ “necks? jaf) “felt warm’ Is | (ley! ‘aot higher” Jas ‘showed greed” Ist} | resi ‘sweated {aby ‘was stunned” yf | yay ‘children’ aby ‘hyenas’ Jont/ | jrntamman | ‘priced (adi. as} ‘prayer’ mk] | /mkaffey/ | ‘enough’ Jado ‘tears (n.)" jm?/ | /m?ammel) | ‘hopeful Hae] ‘ot accustomed” fmf) | /mfattes) ‘inspector’ Jaw] ‘inkpots* Jms/ | fmsgddey/ | srusty* Hay) “homes? Img’ | /méammer/ | ‘ready to work? etl “eaves” Imx/ | /mxallst/ ‘mixed? Isff “baskets (of a local |} /mb/ | /mbammas/ | “baked” type)’ mb) | /mhabbal) | ‘foolish’ Iss! ‘palaces’ mb) | fmbaddaly | “deformed” gb) ‘raves’ Imd) | [mda:ger/ | “persistent” fed) ‘could (do)" mg) | /mgassam/ | “divided” Jem] “cloth” i Imzayyen/ | “hair dresser”APPENDIX TO PHONOTACTICS 115 Cluster | Example Meaning, Cluster | Example Meaning Jy) | /mjahhem/ — | “bully” fet | ifs ‘became lean’ mg) | /mdayyar/ | ‘changed’ irs) | Irsey/ ‘matured’ JmS/ | /mSaften/ | ‘rotten" fen) | ehayif ‘stone-mill (f° Joon) | frmavwer) | ‘lie frbj | /rbeb/ ‘profitted” [mf | /mlattam) | “veiled” rd] | /edgS “sucked (milk) oot} | raajel/ ‘manly’ tral | Irgad/ ‘sleep (n.)" Jmw/ | /mwattag/ | ‘well fixed’ feat | [reel “earned (living) Imy/ | /myusSa/ “tooseness (f.)" fy) | Isley! “became promising” Int} | fotey/ ‘females’ Ist | Iehacyil ‘care (f.” Ink) | /nkammel/ | ‘continue (ms. — |} /em/ “had a pink eye’ In2/ | fn?ammel) | ‘hope (I.ma.)" fey) “saliva (f)" Int] | nfattes/ ‘inspect (I.ms.)" ‘oot! ‘degenerated’ Ins} | /msattef/ ‘arrange (1.m.s.)" fk) ‘inn (6° Inx{ | Jnxasli ‘wheat crust (f)" ws) “oecame wider’ (nb) | /nalley/ ‘decorate (Ims. |} /w3/ ‘treachery (f° Inb/ | Inhaffet/ ‘feel weak (1.ms.)' |} /wx/ “became idle? Jab) | jnbayyenf | “uncover (I.ms.y’ |) why ‘met a problem or Ind} | /ndalley/ ‘lower (1.m.s.)" walked" ing! | /nganneb/ | ‘feel cold (ims. |} /wby ‘and a duck (f)" /nz{ | Inzalleg/ “trick (L-m.s.) Iwal ‘ears’ Inj! | Iniey/ “come (1.m.s.)" Iwai ‘and a dome (f.)" ‘ng! | Inganney/ | ‘sing (ms. [wz] | [wzalla:t/ | ‘and sins’ inj | nSazfer/ ‘uy (ms) foal | ivia:§/ ‘pains’ fom | /nmalles/ | ‘stroke (ms.)" foe) | ivedalliy ‘and grain’ fal) | inlet) ‘go round (Lm. |] /w4/ | jwSer/ “became difficult” fox] | jnrawwetj | ‘go home (lms. || /wm/ | wmayyi/ | ‘and water (f° fase) | Jnwattey/ | “bow (ms.)" wen) | /wnacsif ‘cranes’ ‘ny! | Inya:bif “delegating (6) fof | jrwlaca ‘children’ fy | tase) veil oor] | jovriggil ‘papers’ Mik | Mike ‘ate too much’ fwy/ | /wyammu/ — | ‘and towards him’ fe] | fab! “to my family’ fy | iytoll “looks (v.)" fiy | Nfa:ga/ “hiccup (f° iyki | Iykawwem/ | ‘heaps (v.)" Mis} | ses) ‘was stung fe] | Jy2ammel/ | “hopes (v.)" Asi | DRiggu/ ‘to his quarter’ Atl | Iyfasser) ‘explains’ Misi | Pixacley/ ‘to my (maternal) |} fys/ | /ysed/ “blocks (v.)" uncle” iys}__| iySern/ ‘smells (v.) rity | Beal ‘reached? iyst | lyxalley/ “keops' Ay) Mgt? ‘swallowed ysl | lyballey/ “sweatens? by | jMbittuy “to his daughter’ yb) | Iyheb/ ‘explodes’ fd | fda:ruy “to his house? yo) | lyber/ “treats gently’ Ag) | ilgext “found? Iydl | ydeb) ‘works hard” Maj | flzem) “followed closely’ Ivel | Iygot ‘steals? Ay | jase) ‘reins’ Ive] | Iyzon/ “thinks? Mg) | fgey! ‘was cancelled’ i | ih ‘brings’ AS! | Seb “played” Jyél | Iydawwely | “becomes greedy or ‘so | ima:mi/ ‘trash (C° fierce? flay | finazsu) “to his people? Wl | IySayvet/ vealls" fis) — | flrgbbu/ ‘to his God? tym) | /ymawwet/ — | ‘kills fw) | flwad) “the boy” fyn/ | Iynagget/ | “drops (v.) Ciquiay’ Ay! | Dya:gay ‘collar (6° is) | fytem/ ‘collects’ fet) | Irtal ‘pounds? yet | fyrammebf | ‘trots (v.) Iek) | [rkeby ‘mounted’ Iyw) | lywaddey/ | “takes (to somebody)’116 APPENDIX TO PHONOTACTICS TABLE XXI Medial Consonant Clusters: -CyCy- (Geminates are included) Cluster | Example Meaning [Guster] "Example Meaning iy | priteiy Iss} | (asta) ‘prescription (f.) it} | Satta) dss) | [issu ‘his voice’ its} | (Satsi/ isx! | imazsxa/ ‘distasteful (f° 8) | fhatiowy Isht | Imasti ‘erasing (f.” seh) | ati Jshf | Jnasshi “her family" stay | fasthiy ‘sbi | fnasba/ ‘pavilion @) (for kof | Tkitbi/ funerial ceremony) ita) | jvactai) ‘well fixed (£” Isa! | /easdv/ ‘his purpose’ eal | Iratzid ‘trot (f) (by donkey)’ || isi) | Iyisied) ‘yields? Ws! | Poatsiy ‘smart (f)" Isa) | (Rasta! ‘smaller’ Jem) | Pkatmi “stuffy (()') iss) | Iyistar/ “becomes fierce” ieof | (fitnif “beauty (F. sm) feisma/ “his name? fey | ite “beating (f.) isn | Jna:sni “our family” ies} | Ieutea/ “hole (f) (used by || ji) | Iyistey/ “fries? reptiles)’ se] | Bisrid “difficult (£) to do” Jew! “counsel (f.) iow] “equals (v.) ‘scolding (C)° sy! “forgetting ()° Soke (t)" Bil ‘cream (f." Ieikkiy “bench (E)° BI stung (6° Jnaksi! “reverse (1) Bht | ris “its ) feathers" naksif “stroke (f) (by a Ral | Iyisdey/ ‘sings" bird's beak)’ Bel | fyiseal “becomes miserable? Pkhj | ffackhi “teat Fim) | basi “eating (£) (much)? fab] | frukbay “knee (f.) Bal | /isnif ‘we lived" TKS} | frakSa “bow (£) Cin prayer)’ || /8i/ | [yisley/ ‘aches (v.) ‘ken ‘arrest (.). Br/ | Tkaéra/ “bad omen (f.)" Tk{ “accent (f)" Bw) | Inaiwey! | ‘my ight) stick” kl) ‘water jar (6° Ree! | fnaéta/ “his fie ke} ‘impare (@° Fes} | Jnatkom/ | "your (pl. lies’ Iky/ ‘erying (f° feat | Inahi! ‘her lies? ies ‘his prestige’ Ral | Inaéni ‘our lies’ em) ‘his cunning” ‘sti | foaxtuy ‘his Ick? ity ‘turnip (f° isi | Iyinfay ‘disappears? 1 “trace (C)° Fxx) | Jbaxxa/ ‘small amount of fs] “himself” liquid (f° 18) “his furniture? Ixb/ | /yuxbot/ “beats (v.)" its} “haughtiness (£)° Ira) | Jyaxdow/ | ‘they take? Hey ‘grant (f° x2! | Jyixzow! “they feel ashamed” Ho) | Bacthiy ‘he saw her (£)° ism) | faxma) ‘tuxurious (£)° ita) | Inafaiy ‘escape (f.) xl | jax ‘palm tree (£)° Hs! | Iyifgasy “defiates’ sss] | fii) “(unguarded) wealth fiz] | flafouy ‘his word” «ey Hof | Mifniy “handful (6° pw] | frixwa/ ‘soft | Ieitesn) “two locks” Ixyl | FRixyi/ ‘plot (6° Kel | Hatred “untidy (f° Mit! | falahtu/ | “his date (69° My} | Paty “bare footed (f)” yok) | /yibkey/ “tells a story’ su) | Iwasstal ‘mediation (£)° Jat} | [yinti/ “becomes bare- sk! | Jmiskisay | ‘miserable’ footed"APPENDIX TO PHONOTACTICS 47 ‘Cluster, Example Meaning. ‘Cluster Example Meaning hs (labsi/ ‘very small amount fddy (Saddi/ ‘pull (f.)" ay del lyidgen/ ‘shows skill” ns) | fmatiey? | ‘sttTea” a8 | iyidsey? “prays (.) (bh) Jsihhi/ ‘health (f." Jd} | /yidmey/ ‘bleeds’ hh) | jsama:thi/ | “her forgiveness” ‘ail | [oadlif ‘suit hb) ‘subba/ ‘friendship (f° Ide} {budra/ ‘powder (f.)" fad) | |witdi/ ‘one (f.)" Hay! [nazdyif ‘a female's name" Tha | fsabga/ ‘erushing (f° ‘et! | tvistaS ‘cuts! Tay | imibjar/ | ‘qucrry” Jeff | Fvarefay | ‘standing (f)" fim) | /lahmi/ ‘meat (f.)" Iesf yigsow/ “they become cruel” fbnj {mihi ‘disaster (f.)" isl fagsaf ‘his fun’ ai) | waif ‘pitfall 6)" ab/ | /zorghay | “her taste” ‘hw! | Iyitwey/ | ‘he works wonders’ || /gb/ | Jnagbu/ ‘his nickname” Tay) | Imachyi] | “ignorant (f° Jed! | iyigéar! ‘ean do’ ‘nal | btu! ‘his native place (3° || fw’ | fhaggey/ | ‘my right” ‘nay | flab) “eagerness ()" eel | WyigeaS/ ‘feels disgusted? hh) | faci “her prestige’ ‘ell | Hyietasy ‘pulls out" bf | fwabbi ‘tip ty lex/ | (yigrow) | they read? jd) | /yibdiy ‘he becomes quiet’ |} few) | Ivigwow) | “they become strong” Maal | Jyibzely Sokes (v." lyf | (oueyil ‘remaining (f° Jam} | /fahmey/ “my understanding’ fatf (mizztu/ “his worth (£.)° Jhnj ‘azhni/ ‘our influence” Jaf} lyizfat/ “becomes bored” Tai) | eahley/ “my family" Jah) | Iyiahif ‘shines’ thr} {mahrey/ ‘well boiled” fzbj ([Rizbe:n/ “two parties’ stow) | fyihwa/ “tikes? fag} | frizau ‘his earnings’ Thy! | flachyif ferent (f)" Fea} | Bazil ‘queer (¢.) Jott ‘fibtu/ “I brought it (m.)" zal lyizdow/ ‘they make noise (by Jbk/ lyibkey/ “eries’ talking)’ Ios) | habsi/ ‘imprisonment (t)° |] fes/ | /vizSaey ‘shouts’ Tes) | faabsiy “bite EY" Jam) | fyizmag/ | “becomes angry" fbx} Hlabxa/ ‘paste (f.)" fan] huznu/ ‘his sorrow” Jot) | Inabri howl ia) Iyiesl ‘slips* Ton) | (Secbhiy ‘her grey hair? lex “disgraceful Job) | /habbiy “kiss (6° aw) “my top (toy)? od} | fla! ‘Tocal head dress (£)° |] it! ‘my thing (6° og! fyibga/ ‘remains’ if “becomes rough" fea} | Iyibzel/ ‘gives generously’ |} fs) ‘his frivolity" Seat kabji/ “lame (f.)" Dbl “her temper” [bg [yibgey/ ‘he bullies others’ Liby “my eye lid” Tes} | /racbSa/ ‘a female's name’ — |) el “they reward” fon ([fibnif ‘cheese (f.) or we Bl “reason (f.)" brought” SY ‘his hamlet” Joy (habli/ ‘stupid (f) ‘jm ‘attack (f.)" br/ hybra/ ‘piece of fish or meat |] /jn/ ‘his (speedy) camels’ eo a ‘polishes’ oy) | Jhabya:nf | *beasarly” ‘isl ‘runs’ Jasy | fyi ‘feels warm’ fiw! “dried dates (f) ‘[a8) fyidsasy ‘shows greed” Jeff ‘takes a nap" fax! | jyudxoly | ‘comes in’ test ‘stomack ache (£)° Ib) /madhu/ “his praise” Is} (yigsif ‘laughs heartily” ‘dh/ | machi ‘call €). ‘ahi | fimgse:gha/ | “her gold ornaments’ [db Jyidbey/ ‘he crawls” (gal [yigzel/ “spins”us APPENDIX TO PHONOTACTICS ‘Cluster | Example Meaning |] Ctuter] Example Meaning Ja) | foadda/ | trick (f° ng) | fyungory | gets crowdear in) “faints ins) | feansazny | ‘satisied™ Heol fn) cy a! fw) ‘intends? ie! i) “his trick ¢£) Ie) ky “matter (f° Bu at) “(of cloth) mended” 78k) As) soft (f)" ‘St 78) missing (f) a target Bs) Mx) “bruise (f° ni) ‘hy ‘his salt? ‘Shy ky “said it (£) ‘5b fb) his heart” say Ni) iece of leather (f° SI ‘gave him a blow’ |} gy ‘his lumber Bm) ‘blessing (f° Ma “tes! a! swerfelt hungry’ ff ty “confuses? RV is promoted" fg) “cancels? (ia) “becomes destisute? | 5) “fash (£) fiw “barks (v)" ‘lm ‘shines? yl “becomes sick? fin) ‘said (ply? Iu? | gcentu’ | Shis worth ay ‘sokness (2) mk} | flaxmkom/ | ‘reproached you (pl) |} /hw/ “ordeal ms) | Isimsek/ | ‘catches’ Ny! ms) | iris “his eye lashes ny “his neighbourhood mb) | fysa:mbuy | forgives him ey Jn) | Jsimhi/ “becomes Fguid? |) ky “mounts? Imb/ | /sambu/ | “dark skinned Is) md) | Sumaiy | “Omda equal to vite fs) lage shectt) Is) fina) | fyimacs) | smines? ex! ms) | fas “polish (£) Ich) mm | flammi) | “crowd (£) eh) finn) | /samnif ‘cooking fat (€)° | Jeb) feat) | Sarl “bad deed Ira) “(female) monkey" fine fim “number (f° eal “blue )" Ims/ | fSamwach/ | ‘a kind of leather” |] ra! ‘puts down (angrily Iimy/ | Bamyiy | lind (9° Ist | Ivins “goes back’ in) | fata) “bag (6) fre) | Jvingaby | “kes” Ink) founkuy | sis type? iS) | Hits) ‘eran! tnt] | fmandy “remote place’ Im | fyirmeyy | “throws? Ins/ | Iyinif “Toreet” frm! | fournal | sheight ss) | fyinteyy | “builds fim) | fsorral “bundle Jinx) | (vinxas) | “exaggerates Iw! | vicwey/ | waters tv.” nny | oii ‘grant ny] (say “pole (t)" nh | fyinhey/ | “aise fot) | fyiwtagy | becomes fixed? ‘nb’ | fianbuy “beside him" Iust | naw “commotion” ‘nay | (Sandi) “support (f)" ws | (davaiy ‘noise (£) ng) | fvungoly | ‘caries rom place |} Jwh/ | flawha/ | “twist f° to place)? twa) | fviwiasy | ‘aches! fa} | (Sanciy ‘she goat" iw | IvinSal ‘recalls? ny | Ivini ‘escapes! ww) | (savas | “cooked?APPENDIX TO PHONOTACTICS 119 Meaning, Cluster | Example Meaning. of water melon) not |] /yg/ | /saydeenf “two goldsmiths? fresh (6)" Ws} | (saxyuf ‘enduring him’ ‘passing by (f° iym/ | fea:ymif ‘departing (f) “thorny (€)" Jyn/ | Bazynu/ ‘spoiling him’ ‘afraid (EY I | Bayi “pregnant (f.) or ‘her tea’ indignant (f° ‘Foose (f.)" iyn! | ffazyrif “boiling (£)’ ‘on fire (f.)" Jyw! | iywam/ | “unhappy (used of “healthy (f)" days)” ‘a female's name (f.)' |} /yy/ | /mayyil water (f)" ‘furious (£.)°120 APPENDIX TO PHONOTACTICS Cluster | Example Meaning Cluster | Example Meaning Hef) | atta) ‘bind (ms. him?” (something)!” Hts! | Fdattsu) ‘immerse (m.s.) him} /xxt/ | Jtaxxtu/ “his blow (€)" (ina liquid)?” Ixxd/ | fwaxxdu/ | ‘et (ms,) him get fees] | attbul “inspect (m.s.) him!” used (to do some- eth) | fatty thing)?” iat) | Jkatebu/ xxe/_| Jsaxxruchom/ | ‘make (pl. them work!” Ittg/ | /mwatteal foht) | Jsitbitey/ “my health? ‘tmf | /rnatemi Pnhh) | foghhhay | ‘her ducks’ jttay | /mattnuy) fbn) | Josbbni/ ‘our ducks? Mah’ | Joahhrow/ — | ‘go (pl.) north!” ‘Hea | [amgetlachom | * Mnf] | flabbfuy “make (m.s.) him feel Jets} | mngtira/ | ‘raining (69° r Ikke} | Jsakkkeu/ ‘Tet (ms.) him keep |} fbhm/ | [fahhenu/ quiet!” kes] | Sakktu/ ‘make (ms.)himstay!'| fhht/ | /sahniow/ ‘kkb/ | fratekbuy | ‘let (ms) him ride?” | br) | Jsghru/ ‘IkkS)_ | frakkSu) “make (m.s.) him kn Febr) | /fibbruf i) | hata ‘his little amount (£)" |] /bbk/ | jhabbkom/ ‘fis! | Safisul ‘tread (m.s.) upon it |] Jobs! | /gabbsu:hom/ (ar Tebs! | jnabbsow/ 188) | [gaffSuchom/ | ‘catch (pl) them?” |} /obx/_ | /sabbxow/ ; (8h) | fafThul ‘fil (m.s.) itm.) |} fob! | fsabbbow/ | “keep (pl.) wakeful ifthy | fasthi/ “wrapped it ( ‘over night!" ‘Mid | jnaftduy ‘save (ms.) him? |] /bbh/ | Jhubbha/ | ‘her love’ ‘Mfz| | Jnaffen) “earry (m.s.) it (m) |} fobd/ | flabbduchom/ | “hide (pl) them!” out!” Toba) | tabbeu:hom/ | “fold (pl) them!” Wty) | faftjuy ‘tine (ms) it (m.) |} obs/ | /tadbsuzhom/ | ‘mould (pL) theme with cement!” Tobi! | /gabblow/ ‘go (pl. south!” Jas] | aftsuy “tet (m.s.) him Mobs! | Jsabbru/ “let (ms) him be mediate!” patient Ce ) Jaf] | jnadafy:homy | ‘clean (pl) them!” tay) | fgafftow) | “stop (pl) worki Jdds/ | Jeaddsuchom/ | ‘respect (pl) them" (fie) | (saftru) ‘let (ms. him travel! |] fddh) | jmaddhi | ‘stretched it (&)° ‘ssi | fhisseul ‘his share (f)" Jaas/ | Jbaddsow/ | ‘do (pl) well?” issf/__| Ieassfu:hom/ Jad) | fgaddmow) issb/ | /nassbu) fadn} | fgaddni isa | jwvassdul Haat) | fbaddluzhom| Iss) | JwassSu) ide) } Joaddrow/ Issm/_| Jgassmow/ Hddy} | feiddyuck/ Issn] | Jmassni/ feat! | ftagatul “his Knock (6)° fest} | flagefuchom/ | ‘throw (pl. (the ball) issi/_ | fhassty/ . at them!" ‘ssr/ | [eassru/ ‘shorten (m.s.it (m.)?|] ees) ‘et (pL) them dank Pt] | PhasStu/ ‘his agony (f° ea) “break (pl. th ‘sst) | jnastu) “ary (mas) itm!" |] fegb/ | fnaggbucha/ | “give (pl) her a nick- Fe! | a8sgu/ “make (m.s.) him like name!"Se APPENDIX TO PHONOTACTICS 121 Cluster | Example Meaning Cluster | Example Meaning. Feed) | [Saggdow/ | ‘make (pl.) knots!” |) jay | ffallduy ‘cover (ms.) it (m.)!" fegm/ | jsaggmow/ | ‘put (pl.)in front?” |} lly | Sallgow/ —_| ‘start (pl.) to cook or Jsgn/ | flaggnu:hom/ | ‘tell (pl. them?” hang (pl.)!" Tagl/ | /Saggluzhom/ | ‘make (pl.) them ‘AIS | gallsuchom/ | ‘pull (pl.) them out!” reasonable!” ‘Mlcn) | (Saltmu/ ‘teach (m.s.) him! fess! | fsaggrow/ | ‘light (pl) a fire!” iert/ | fearrtow/ | “be (pl) strict!” Jzzg) | jmazzgu/ | tear (ms.)it (mr | feck) | Poarrku “(of the camel) let {am | Sazzmow) | ‘gather (pl.)strength!” (ms. it (m,) kneel!” far] | azzrow! | “guess (pl)? feet] | fgaretu) ‘make (m-s.) him feel fied | Phigeu/ ‘his ownership paper disgusted!” or his reason (f)' |} /rrs/ | /garrsu/ ‘pinch (ms.) him" fis) | Maaiisow/ | ‘talk (pL) nonsense!” || /rrs/ | /farréu/ ‘eloan (mas) it (rm.)!" fia) | fnajthu) nrbj | jxarrbu/ ) (red) | /garedu/ {hy | Jnayif IMb/ | fraljbow) “talk (pl.) gently!” irra) | /Sarrgow/ {jm/ | jrajfmow/ | ‘throw (pl.) rocks!” |} /erjy’ | jfarrjuchom/ | “let (pL) them have {| frajflow) ‘act (pl) like men!” Took!" Mc) | Phafirow) ‘prohibit (pL)? dregj | arrgul ‘empty (ms, it (m.)!" feet) | Idadgta/ ‘his disaster (E)° jess} | jmarrSuj “cut (ms. it (m.) to fg6/ | Jraggbu:hom| | ‘let (pl) them like pieces!” something)" Jerm{ | jharrmu/ | ‘make (m.s.) him ‘dé! | |saddrul ‘make (m.s.) it (r.) abstain!” smaller? front) | Jsiwwtu/ ‘his body side (f.)" [ss | jeasisstay | sts (m.) rays" frwwd/ | Jxqwwdow) | ‘wade (pl.) (in shal- JS85/_| JoasSsu/ “Tet (ms.) him sleep!” ow water)!” 188b/ | lasSbu:) ‘Tet (pL) him play!” |} fwwm/| /gawwmu | ‘wake (m.s.) him up! I88a/_ | /bassduy “keep (m.s.) him fwwn/ | jlawwnu/ | ‘colour (mas.) it (m.)!" away!" fowwi/ | fhawwluchomy | ‘change (m.s.) their (Sim) | joaSSmu/ | ‘grind (ms,) it (m.) course! ‘to powder!” fowwel | (sawwru/ | “build (ms.) a fence 18x) | jwaSsruy make (m.s.) it (m.) round it (m,)P difficult!” fyyt) | /xayytu/ ‘his sister” fmmtj | jlammtu/ | *his gang’ Iyyk} | /xayykom/ | *your (pl) brother’ Jmms/ | jhemmsy/ | “bake (ms. it (m.) |) /yyhy | ffayyhu/ “make (m.s.) it.) well!” Teak (of news)!" Jmmd/| jhammdu/ | ‘keep (m.s.) him at }} /yyh/ | /zayyhi “like her" ay!” iyyb! | /tayybu/ “cook or cure (ms.) Jmm6j | flammsu/ | ‘polish (m..) it (m.)!” it (mr Jmmn/ | /xammnow/ | ‘try (pl) to guess!’ || jyya/ | /gayydu/ “bind (m.s.) him!" Jmml) | fhammiu) | ‘load ms.) it (mt! |} ivy | /hayyeu) ‘add (m.s.) salt to it Jmme} | /sammru/ | ‘nail (ms.) it (m.)! (mr {otf | /fgnntyzhom/ | ‘sort (pl) them! Iyyxi | mayyzow) | ‘show (pl. commen- jnns/ | ffannéow/ | ‘go (pl) to sleep!" sense!” Jonh) | /fannbi ‘her art” Iyys} | imayysuf | ‘add (ms. liquid to ‘and | jsanndu/ ‘support (m.s.) him!” it (mr Jang/ | /xanngu:hom/ | ‘strangle (pl) them!” |] /yym) | /sayydow/ | ‘cateh (pL) fish” ity | frititay ‘his type? Iyyn|_ | (zayyni ike us" ‘kj | fmaltkcuy ‘give (ms) him Ty | Igayylow/ | “have (pl.) a mid-day chance!” siesta!” ‘Mby| Heallbow! | ‘poke (pl) Ivysl_ | ayyruzhom/ | ‘let (pL) them fly!”122 APPENDIX TO PHONOTACTICS TABLE XXII Final Consonant Clusters: -CCz Cluster | Example Meaning Cluster |) Example Meaning ex) | phatky ‘seandalizing’ sn) | fBosny ‘beauty’ i) | feast) ‘picking’ ‘s/—_| fas ‘classroom sts) | ats ‘diving’ ‘se! | Jeast/ ‘palace? Ix} | ats! ‘loose fellow" svt | fasy! ‘ivigation stream’ thy ‘Math/ ‘opening’ Bt ([xost/ ‘small knife’ Itby /gatb/ ‘saintly man” (Bk [nask/ “kicking” ite) Hatg/ “hole (in clothes)" BY {nass/ ‘small swamp” te] | fratel “wotting? Bn) | fxabm/ ‘mouth’ Ist | feats veut (a) Br] | ngs] ‘pain’ itm/ (xatm/ ‘seal (n,)" fw) {nasw/ ‘small stick” tay {batn/ ‘stomach’ xty foaxt/ “tuck? rey | frat) ‘pound (weight)’ || /xs/ | /Saxs/ ‘person’ itr] fsptc/ ‘line (n.)" Jxd/ |waxd/ “taking” Il | Baty! “giving” 5) | (80x) ‘calling names’ Ike? | okt “trick (a. xij | (naxl/ ‘palm trees’ ks} | (Baks/ “opposite (0. yt) | Haxt/ “boasting” (ks) /naks/ “(of birds) picking xw/ | [raxw/ ‘soft? with the beak’ Ixy! Jraxy/ ‘releasing’ Ib) | frokby ‘ring? Mas) | Inabe/ ‘hard work or sculp- ism) ook) “mute (pl)* ture’ kl (Bakif ‘shape (n.)" [sj [bats/ ‘search (n.) fes| | feats) ‘ hd) | labia} ‘death’ fem/ | flo?m/ [bg/ (bahg/ ‘frowning’ ty | kot tmj | (faim “coal” fs) | nats/ fn) | (satiny ‘plate™ 183) | feats) my | (fay ‘big xf | oats) ney | Paty “snatching? th {nafh{ (hs /nahs/ ‘biting’ ffdy Inafd/ hb/ (Sohbj ‘meteors’ Mel | Natal ‘tum/ | fab) ‘understanding’ Mel | Meta) ot) | febt/ ‘brought IS} | eats Tok] | /Sabk/ fay | fefny Is) fabs) 18) | feat bs) | /mabsy fie) | (har) oxi | ftabx! iw] | (Safw/ yen! | foabby My | (aly! Ted) | abd! (of a man) dark in ‘suf | fest colour or slave’ fsk/ | mask] ‘eatching” oxi | fxabal ‘aking? ‘sf | fast “blowing up" 5) | fabs ‘character? Isx/ /masx/ ‘deforming’ onj fobny “cowardice” ‘shy {mash/ ‘erasing’ Joly Igabl/ “before” |sb/ /nasb/ “swindling” [br/ (gabr} ‘grave’ ‘sd) | feasd! ‘aim’ fds) | fradsy “heaping ‘se | flase/ fan) | fnaah/ ‘calling ‘si | nasil {abj | madb/ ‘mourning? Iss/ flass/ dg! (sedg/ ‘side (of the face)’ fmf | /easm/ K4mmj | fradm/ “buryingED APPENDIX TO PHONOTACTICS 123 ‘Cluster | Example Meaning ‘Cluster | Example Meaning ae] | oad) ‘full moon’ mms) | fears) “(eadden) arresting’ Jaw) | Svdw/ ‘member (of'a group)’ |} mx) | (Sams “haughtiness’ Hay! | foani Sady/ | ‘Beni-Ady':thename || /mh) | Jeamh/ “wheat” ofaplace in Upper |} /me/ | /semef ‘gum Egypt fas] | feel ‘cone* et) | Jrost! “became well” nn) | Jsamn ‘cooking fat” Jeti | fSagfl ‘pieces of pottery’ —f} /mi/ | fem! ‘toad es) | frags! “dancing” fat} | fPamef ‘order’ or ‘matter’ tes) | Mags! ‘joking’ Int) | Jsontf — | ‘Qh a kind of treet Feb! | /nagh ‘aching (of a bruise |] /nk/ | bank ‘bank’ ‘or wound)’ inf} | isanf “kind (n.) Ieb/ | ‘Sosb/ ‘end (0) Ins) | Jeans) “(elose) watching” Jed! | /nagal ‘hole (in cloth? Inx} | ffanx/ ‘cancelling (@ con- Jem) | /ragm) ‘number’ tract)” el! | inagty ‘copying’ or‘moving’ |} jh | many ‘ranting’ (a thingy’ nb) | flanb “beside or side’ fee! | Hage! ‘poverty’ ind) | end ‘stabbornness or at? Jal | (Boz! Twanted” Ing! | Bangi “hanging” Hall | (nat! “bleeding? Jnaj | Banal ‘goat? ret! | Iogehy ‘emptying (from Jn} | frmans ‘preventing’ liquid)" iy | Igele) ‘T forgave’ Jab] | iheab/ ‘party’ Mk) | fst ‘wire! Prat | Hazel ‘sticking? tj | Batty ‘feeding’ re] | emacs ‘tearing? fis) | fats ‘misconduct or loose’ Jam) | [faze ‘assurance’ my | frmethy ‘salt ral | Saal ‘separation’ or ‘dis- |] bj | fsolb/ ‘steel missal” fa} | flay ‘eather as} | Hex! ‘slaying’ Ta! | Hel! stamber* fd | tty ‘Tneeded’ TS! | fgets) ‘sail (1. fia] | [Bajal ‘detaining’ fim) | Selm ‘knowledge’ ‘of | frajen) ine) | Mert! ‘I felt confused” fin | (Sala Ink] | fwerky ‘thigh’ Mir) | Mais! df} | Isact! “spending” Jaa) | jovagay ‘villain’ fant ea ‘pinching’ ez! | Inada! ‘pricking (with af) jesy | fears) “eating (crunchy recall)” foods) Ia} | don “fst des) | faext ‘mischievous? By | fest sold” eh | fact ‘merriment’ Sky | asks ‘local type of cakes’ |] jrb/ | fdarby/ ‘street or beating’ Bt) | /gost! ‘stick? Jd} gerd) ‘monkey* By | mas ‘(good) beating’ or |] jes | tara! ‘difference’ ‘coflin’ ea} | Harel ‘sorting’ Sb) | (Basby ‘nation’ in) | fest) isa) | oasay ‘after’ es) | Hers) Kel | Satay “licking? Jem) | igarmy Bal | feasel “(exaggerated) praise’ |] Jrn/ | /forny dt! | fami) ‘swallowing’ Iw) | ifarw) dak] | framk ‘restlessness? iryl | Mary! ims} | Sams} ‘blinding’ Hwy! | Idawy/ ‘shining’124 APPENDIX TO PHONOTACTICS TABLE XXIV Medial Consonant Clusters: -C,CzCy- Meaning. Cluster Example Meaning: ‘your (pl.) gentility’ |} /Sdh/ | /baSdhom/ ‘after them? ‘her shoulder? Bell low) | ‘they believe? “he spits it (m.)" fmsk/ | /yimsku/ “holds it (m.)’ ‘her cough (f.)" fovhh/ | /gambhom/ ‘their wheat’ “your calf (of the /mdg] | jyumdgow/ | ‘they chew? water-buffaloy’ —|f ntr/ | /yunteu “throws it (m.) away" ak) | jratzkom) — | ‘your (pl. trotting’ |} jnsi/ | /vunsty/ ‘pulls itm. ‘ktm/ | jyiktmow/ | ‘they keep (a seerety’ |} /nir) | /yunirow/ | “they saw (Wood)? fkctl/ [yiktlak) “he gives you (m.s.) joxl) | /yunxlu/ ‘sifts it (m.)" (@ beating)’ Indk/ | /Sindkom/ ‘with you (pl.)" fiest/ | /niksruf ‘I break it (m.)” Indb/ | /Sindhom/ “with them’ rea | jwagaftuy | Tstood for him’ || /nde/ | jyundrow/ | “they sacrifice” shy | jnafshi) “herself” ing!) | fyinglu) ‘copies it (m.) ‘st | /nifshyy ‘Lire him’ Inzh) | Banzhif “her goat” (/fsty afstuf “hus intestines’ ftx/ Jyultxqw/ “they brush (some- 18 | itsiow/ | ‘we spoil (a business) body) aside” Iz! | Inufero/ ‘Linfuriate him’ ‘Mkmaj | iyitkmu/ | ‘makes him feel full iii) | Jnufixow) “we idle? (speaking of food)" Jstl/ Jyisthy:ni/ ‘they tempt us (liter- |} /lfz/ ‘says it (m.)’ ally: they dope us)" |} /Ibd/ “they stay" (ser! | lyisgrow/ ‘they keep looking’ /idm/ | /yuldmow/ “they become friends’ (Btm/ | /nisteu/ ‘Tinsult him’ Neff /yulgfucha/ ‘they catch it (f.)" ky | jyiskiow/ | “they write Arabic |} lem | /yulgmu/ | ‘swallows it (m.) diachrities' tsi) | iyiwsly! ‘shows kindness to ixtm/ | /nixtmu/ ‘T stamp it (m.)° him’ thse) | iyubsrow/ | ‘they survey (prop- |} /wet/ | /viwefu/ “stops him (Grom ey) work)” hie) | Jyutirow/ | ‘they squeeze? van) | jyivana) | ‘weighs it (m.” nck) | jvibtkow) | ‘they defame" yet! | yur ‘pours water on it {hdc} | /yahdrow/ “they waste (prop- (my ery) Jka) | fbirkea) “his pong? {hjr/ | /yuhjrak/ “deserts you" irkz/ | jnirkzow/ “we stay” Thm | /yihmlow) | “they neglect” Jef) | fyurfsul “kicks him {bt | fibtlu/ ‘T brought for him’ irbt} | /yurbtu/ ‘ties it (m.)" Ibdr/ | /yubdrow/ “they sow (seeds)’ [dbf | /2ardha/ “her land” {gsm/ | /nigsmow/ ‘we divide” [rdmj | /yirdmow/ “they hail dust Jzit! | /yuzkrow/ ‘they mention’ irgt) (/firgtu/ “his group" Isl | /yigslow/ “they wash" Itgl! | /yitglow/ “they run slowly’ |Skimn/ | /yuikmow/ “they arrest or hold” tral /yirgluk/ “they give you a good ‘sts | fyustsow) | ‘they tread upon” beating” eater “they squash” {rmbhj | /barmhom/ “their wandering” ‘(Sdk/ | /baSdkom/ ‘after you (p1.)’