Theodossiev Ancient Thrace

COLLOQUIA ANTIQUA
THE BLACK SEA, GREECE,

ANATOLIA AND EUROPE
IN THE FIRST MILLENNIUM BC
Edited by
GOCHA R. TSETSKHLADZE
PEETERS
LEUVEN PARIS WALPOLE, MA
2011
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Introduction to the Series . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
VII
Introduction to the Volume . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
IX
List of Abbreviations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
XI
List of Illustrations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
XIII
CHAPTER 1
CHAPTER 2
CHAPTER 3
CHAPTER 4
CHAPTER 5
CHAPTER 6
CHAPTER 7
Ancient Thrace during the First Millennium BC

Nikola Theodossiev . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Getae: Selected Questions

Alexandru Avram . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
61
The Black Sea: Between Asia and Europe

(Herodotus Approach to his Scythian Account)
J.G.F. Hind. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
77
The Scythians: Three Essays

Gocha R. Tsetskhladze . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
95
The American-Ukrainian Scythian Kurgan Project, 2004

2005: Preliminary Report
N.T. de Grummond, S.V. Polin, L.A. Chernich, M. Gleba
and M. Daragan
Skeletal Analyses: A.D. Kozak
Faunal Remains: O.P. Zhuravlev . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
141
Persia in Europe
John Boardman . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
195
The Etruscan Impact on Ancient Europe

Larissa Bonfante . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
203
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VI
CHAPTER 8
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Hallstatt Europe: Some Aspects of Religion and Social

Structure
Biba Terzan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
233
The Elusive Arts: The Study of Continental Early Celtic

Art since 1944
Ruth Megaw and Vincent Megaw . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
265
An Archaic Alphabet on a Thasian Kylix

M.A. Tiverios . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
317
The Iron Age in Central Anatolia

Hermann Genz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
331
The Role of Jewellery in Ancient Societies

Iva Ondrejov. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
369
The Mushroom, the Magi and the Keen-Sighted Seers

Claudia Sagona and Antonio Sagona . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
387
List of Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
437
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
439
CHAPTER 9
CHAPTER 10
CHAPTER 11
CHAPTER 12
CHAPTER 13
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ANCIENT THRACE DURING THE FIRST MILLENNIUM BC*

Nikola THEODOSSIEV
Abstract
The paper provides a general discussion of ancient Thrace in the 1st millennium BC.
Thrace was located on the northern fringe of Greece, in the northern part of southeastern Europe, and was inhabited by a number of tribes known as Thracians. The
territorial extent of Thrace is discussed and the chronology of this period is outlined.
Greek and Roman historical sources on ancient Thrace are examined, as are the various
tribes and the political history of the most powerful tribal kingdoms. Attention is paid
to the social structure of the tribal communities and to Thracian religion. Economic
contacts and trade are also discussed, particularly to illustrate the dynamic relations
and long-distance contacts of the region throughout the eastern Mediterranean. The
various cultural interactions and ethnic interrelations between Thracians and Greeks,
Persians, Scythians, Macedonians, Illyrians, Celts and Romans are outlined, together
with such topics as settlement patterns, the urbanisation process and sanctuaries. Thracian funerary practices are examined, especially the rich aristocratic burials and the
numerous Late Classical and Hellenistic Thracian monumental tombs. So too are Thracian metalwork and its iconography, particularly the significant gold and silver treasures/hoards, and lastly Thracian coinage.
Ancient Thrace, located on the northern fringe of the Greek world, was among
the most dynamic regions of the eastern Mediterranean and played an important role in ancient history and culture. Since the early 20th century, a number
of scholars from different countries have studied the region, examining a variety of topics and publishing important work. I am pleased to offer an overview of ancient Thrace in a volume in honour of Prof. Jan Bouzek, a brilliant
* I would like to thank Gocha Tsetskhladze for his kind invitation to contribute to this
volume dedicated to Jan Bouzek. I wish to extend my gratitude to the Andrew W. Mellon
Foundation, the Council of American Overseas Research Centers, the American School of
Classical Studies at Athens, the American Academy in Rome, the Institute for Advanced Studies in the Humanities at the University of Edinburgh, the Center for Advanced Study in the
Visual Arts at the National Gallery of Art in Washington, DC, the Netherlands Institute for
Advanced Study in the Humanities and Social Sciences in Wassenaar, the Maison des Sciences
de lHomme in Paris, and the Centre dtude des Peintures Murales Romaines in Soissons for
their generous support and the various fellowships which have enabled me to work on my
research projects.
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NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV
scholar whose career is closely related to the region, where he has been personally involved for many years in both theoretical and field research, and on
which he has written many works of the greatest importance.
TERRITORIAL SCOPE AND CHRONOLOGY1

Ancient Thrace was an extensive but variable historical and geographical
region of south-eastern Europe (Fig 1). It covered the following modern countries (from north to south): Moldova, the south-western part of the Odessa
Province of the Ukraine, the eastern and southern parts of Romania, Bulgaria,
eastern Serbia, the eastern part of the Republic of Macedonia, parts of northern
Greece and the European part of Turkey (Danov 1976; Mihailov 1972; A. Fol
1972; 1974; 1975b; 1997; A. Fol and Spiridonov 1983; R. Hoddinott, 1981;
Oppermann 1984; Spiridonov 1991; Archibald 1998; D. Popov 1999). During
the 1st millennium BC Thrace spread from the West Pontic coast (in the east)
to the Morava river valley, the area between the middle river valleys of the
Struma/Strymon and Vardar, and the lower Axios (Vardar) river valley (to the
west); and from the Transylvanian Alps and the Moldavian Carpathians (in the
north) and the Dniester river (in the north-east), to the Bosporus (in the southeast), the northern coast of the Sea of Marmara, including the Gallipoli peninsula, and the North Aegean coast, including the islands of Samothrace and
Thasos, and the Chalkidiki peninsula (in the south). Historically, separate
Thracian tribes were attested in central Greece, north-west Anatolia and some
Aegean islands, but in antiquity these areas belonged to other historical and
geographical regions.
The frontiers of ancient Thrace were relative, variable and quite dynamic,
and during the 1st millennium BC certain Thracian areas belonged to the Greek
colonies, the Achaemenid empire, Macedonia and the Roman Republic. Moreover, ancient Thrace was not a homogeneous region inhabited by homogeneous ethnic groups, and the ancient Thracians never formed a unified nation or
entirely centralised kingdom controlling their whole territory. In fact, Thracians is a cumulative and relative ethnonym that included a great number of
various tribes, often sharing a common culture, religion and language, but
1
In this article I do not deal with the North Thracian territories inhabited by the Getae and
the Daci, except for present-day north-eastern Bulgaria. See A. Avrams chapter in the present
volume. Also, I do not deal with an area of south-western Thrace which became a constituent
part of the Macedonian kingdom during the Classical and Hellenistic periods.
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1. Alexandrovo; 2. Arzos; 3. Asenovgrad; 4. Bednyakovo; 5. Brezovo; 6. Boukyovtsi; 7. Branichevo; 8. Chirpan; 9. Daskal Atanassov; 10. Derveni;
11.Didimotikhion; 12. Dolno Sahrane; 13. Dulboki; 14. Duvanli; 15. Edirne; 16. Ezerovo; 17. Glozhene; 18. Gotse Delchev; 19. Gradnitsa; 20. Izgrev;
21. Kaloyanovo; 22. Kazanlak; 23.Kirklareli; 24. Kyolmen; 25. Koprinka; 26. Kozarevo; 27. Krivodol; 28. Letnitsa; 29. Lukovit; 30. Lovech; 31. Madara;
32. Mezek; 33. Mumdyilar; 34. Nevrokop; 35.Novo Mahala; 36. Novoselets; 37. Opulchenets; 38. Oryahovo; 39. Panagyurishte; 40. Pastousha; 41.Pazardyik; 42. Philippi; 43 Pomorie; 44. Pudriya; 45. Purovay; 46.Pustrovo; 47. Razlog; 48. Rozovets; 49. Seuthopolis; 50. Skalitsa; 51. Slavyanovo; 52. Smolyan; 53. Stara Zagora; 54. Staro Selo; 55. Stoyanovo; 56. Strelcha; 57. Svetlen; 58. Svilengrad; 59. Tarnevets; 60. Tatarevo; 61. Chernozem; 62. Teteven;
63. Toros; 64. Topolovgrad; 65. Topolovo; 66. Troian; 67. Turnovo; 68. Velingrad; 69. Beroea; 70. Vetren; 71. Voinitsine; 72. Vulchitrun; 73. Vurbitsa;
74. Yankovo; 75. Yourukler; 76. Zlokoutchene; 77. Kabyle.
Fig. 1. Thracian sites and tribal territories of the Classical period

(after Z.H. Archibald, Thracians and Scythians. CAH VI, 2nd ed. [Cambridge 1994], 446, map 14).
ANCIENT THRACE DURING THE FIRST MILLENNIUM BC
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NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV
sometimes being quite different, while mixed groups consisting of local people
who lived besides the Greeks, Persians, Paeonians, Illyrians, Macedonians,
Scythians, Celts and Romans inhabited particular areas of Thrace, which were
turned into zones of interaction.
The 1st millennium BC in Thrace is defined as the Iron Age, during which
various major developments occurred: the gradual political consolidation of
the Thracian tribes and the rise of tribal kingdoms, the most significant being
the Odrysian kingdom; important historical events in Thrace, such as the lasting Greek colonisation on the North Aegean and West Pontic coasts; increased
productive activity among the Thracian tribes, a developing economy and
intensive trade; and distinctive changes in Thracian material culture, such as
the adoption of iron metallurgy, the appearance of rich aristocratic burials, the
production of new types of pottery, weaponry, jewellery, toreutics, etc. all
the result of dynamic internal developments of the tribal communities, besides
various multilateral contacts and interactions throughout the eastern Mediterranean, the North Pontic regions and Central Europe.
The Thracian Iron Age divides into two: Early and Late. A number of
important publications deal with the chronology and periods of the Early Iron
Age (Chichikova 1974b; Hnsel 1976; Toncheva 1980a; Gergova 1986;
1987, 718; Taylor 1989b; Gotsev 1990, 1720; Bouzek 1997; Archibald
1998, 2634; Borislavov 1999, 512; Nikov 2000). The recent studies clearly
demonstrate that the beginning of the Early Iron Age should be placed between
1050 BC and 950 BC; its end between 550BC and 450 BC, depending on the
specific historical, economic and cultural features in the different areas of
Thrace. The Early Iron Age is usually divided further into two phases the
first from the late 11th or early 10th to the 9th century BC, and the second
from the 8th to the late 6th or early 5th century BC, although some studies on
specific areas of Thrace during the Early Iron Age provide more detailed chronology and precise division by phases and sub-phases. The Late Iron Age covered the period from the middle of the 6th or middle of the 5th century BC
down to the late 1st century BC or into the first several decades of the 1st
century AD, when the main part of ancient Thrace was annexed by the Roman
empire (Domaradzki 1994b; 1998a; Archibald 1998; Theodossiev 2000c,
1113). The Late Iron Age in Thrace is usually divided into the Classical and
Hellenistic periods, following the model of classical archaeology, but several
detailed studies on the northern areas of Thrace clearly demonstrate that the
Late Iron Age chronology and periodisation here was somewhat different,
often related to the La Tne phases (Theodossiev 2000c, 1113; Stoyanov
2000; cf. Domaradzki 1994b; 1998a).
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LITERARY AND EPIGRAPHIC SOURCES

While the ancient Thracians were a non-literary people and no domestic historical sources are known, a number of Greek and Roman authors give information on the region and the local tribes. Ancient writings provide some possibility to study Thracian political history, culture, religion and society, but, on
the other hand, they do not contain sufficient data to enable those studying
Thrace to draw comprehensive conclusions and to reconstruct the whole situation. Moreover, ancient written sources sometimes contain uncertain, exaggerated or biased information as their Greek or Roman authors, foreigners, sought
to understand and explain a barbarian reality in a peripheral region which
most had never visited and whose language they did not speak, relying on
second-hand and fragmentary information to compile their accounts. In fact,
the ancient authors rarely discuss Thrace, mentioning it but incidentally, usually when the local tribes interfered in some event related to Greek or Roman
history.
During the 20th century and since, study of ancient written sources about
Thrace advanced significantly. Many scholars have published important
works, discussing a number of sources and studying various theoretical and
methodological issues (Katsarov 1916; 1930; Casson 1926; Todorov 1933
Danov 1976; 1998; Mihailov 1972; A. Fol 1972; 1975b; 1997; A. Fol and
Spiridonov 1983; Papazoglu 1978; Tacheva 1987; Loukopoulou 1989; Spiridonov 1991; Stronk 1995; Yordanov 1998; Yordanov and Velkov 1984;
Archibald 1998; 2003; D. Popov 1999; Boteva-Boyanova 2000; Theodossiev 2000c; Boshnakov 2003; Delev 2004). Alongside these, several volumes
have provided collections of translations of ancient written sources (Katsarov
and Dechev 1949; Lewis 1958; Velkov et al. 1981; Gocheva 2002), although
further work is necessary to collect all the information available in ancient
writings. Some Thracian personal and tribal names have turned up in Mycenaean documents (Best 1989). However, the earliest literary evidence on
Thrace was given in Homers epics, although this information does not seem
to be sufficiently reliable from an historical point of view. Later, a number of
ancient authors Herodotus, Euripides, Thucydides, Plato, Xenophon, Demosthenes, Aeschines, Polybius, Livy, Diodorus, Strabo, Conon and Pompeius
Trogus, among many others provide reliable and relatively objective,
although not complete accounts, usually receiving first-hand information
from Greeks and Romans living in the region or having personal experience
in Thrace like Thucydides and Xenophon. Many ancient writers living during the Imperial age also described various earlier events related to Thracian
history and culture of the 1st millennium BC, for example Pomponius Mela,
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NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV
Pliny, Julius Florus, Plutarch, Arrian, Pausanias, Appian, Polyaenus, Ptolemy

and Athenaeus.
While literary works are often ambiguous, a number of Greek inscriptions
provide reliable information on Thrace in the Classical and Hellenistic periods
(IGBulg; Mihailov 1980; Fraser 1960; A. Fol 1972; 1975b; Tacheva 1987;
Loukopoulou 1989; Manov 1998b; Dimitrova 2006). Some of them, like those
found at Seuthopolis (D. Dimitrov and Chichikova 1978; Velkov 1991, 711;
Manov 1998a), Pistiros (Velkov and Domaradzka 1994; Domaradzki 1995;
Archibald 1998, 317; Boshnakov 1999), Sboryanovo (Chichikova 1990) and
Mesambria (Galabov 1950), contain valuable information on Thracian history,
religion and topography, and clearly demonstrate that Greek was the official
language of the Thracian aristocracy, while a certain number of Greeks inhabited inland Thrace, living in emporia or among the local people. Following
various political and ritual practices in the eastern Mediterranean, a significant
number of Thracian silver vessels of the late 5th and 4th centuries BC were
inscribed in Greek; these inscriptions are usually brief and contain the names
of local aristocrats or some Odrysian kings, such as Cotys I, Kersebleptes,
Seuthes III and others (Venedikov 1972; Mihailov 1987; Der thrakische Silberschatz 1988; A. Fol 1990; Vassileva 199293; Theodossiev 1997a, 174;
Zournatzi 2000; Delemen 2004b, 6069; Kitov n.d). Although the Thracians
never created literature of their own, in the course of various contacts and
interactions they adopted the Greek alphabet quite extensively, and in certain
cases the script was used in the funerary ritual for recording the names of the
dead aristocrats as in the tombs at Smyadovo (Fig. 2) (Atanasov and
Nedelchev 2002) and Alexandrovo (Fig. 3) (Kitov 2002; 2004a; Kitov and
Theodossiev 2003, 3442), which date to the 4th or the early 3rd century BC.
In addition, several inscriptions with Greek letters but in the Thracian language are known. Thus, the inscriptions on a gold ring from Ezerovo (Detschew 1976, 56682) and on a stone funerary slab from Kyolmen (Theodossiev 1997b), both of the 5th or the early 4th century BC, consist of relatively
long texts, but all attempts at translation have been highly uncertain, and much
more epigraphic material and bilingual data are needed before proper translation of anything written in the Thracian language can be made.
TRIBES AND POLITICAL HISTORY

Several scholarly works have provided comprehensive analyses of the ethnonymic situation in ancient Thrace and locate the separate tribes known from
the written sources (Danov 1976; A. Fol 1972; 1975b; 1997; A. Fol and
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Fig. 2. Inscription on the facade of the tomb at Smyadovo,

4th century BC (after Atanasov et al. 2002).
Fig. 3. Graffito in the tholos burial chamber of the Alexandrovo tomb,

second half of the 4th or early 3rd century BC (courtesy Georgi Kitov).
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NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV
Spiridonov 1983; Papazoglu 1978; Yordanov and Velkov 1984; Tacheva

1987; Spiridonov 1991; Stronk 1995; Archibald 1998; D. Popov 1999;
Boteva-Boyanova 2000; Theodossiev 2000c; Boshnakov 2003). The exact
number of the Thracian tribes will never become known for example, at the
end of the 1st century BC Strabo (7. frg. 48) counted 22 tribes, while in the
Imperial age, Pliny (Natural History 4. 11. 40) wrote that Thrace was separated into 50 strategiae (these might reflect some ethnic division, besides
being administrative units) and Ptolemy (3. 11. 6) described 14 strategiae.
Some modern scholars consider that the actual number of the different Thracian tribes throughout the entire 1st millennium BC was up to 80.
One of the major problems in studying the ethnonymic reality in ancient
Thrace is to propose an exact chronological stratigraphy of the different
ethnonyms for the separate regions and to explain clearly the quite dynamic
ethnonymic situation, as attested in Greek and Roman sources. It is not always
easy to understand why in ancient literary works different tribal names appear
and disappear in one and the same region, and why certain ethnonyms spread
far beyond their initial geographical location. Sometimes, this might be simply a result of a deficiency of knowledge and error. In other cases, the dynamic
situation might reflect tribal migration. However, in most cases the appearance of any Thracian tribe in the written sources was a result of its political
advance and significant military power which were good reasons for ancient
authors to take note and to record the tribe; while disappearance was due to
military weakness when certain tribes fell under the political control of other
more powerful communities. The appearance of the ethnonyms in Greek and
Roman sources depends also on geographical location: thus, the tribes living
near the North Aegean and West Pontic shores were noted much earlier by
the ancient authors than the tribes located deep in the Thracian interior. Simultaneously, ancient writers usually had more complete knowledge of the eastern and southern areas of Thrace, where they described a number of tribes,
than with the western and northern hinterland, where the ethnonyms attested
in written sources are less numerous. It is clear also that the ethnonymic
situation as attested in Greek and Roman sources does not depict the true reality; very often the names of powerful tribes, such as the Odrysians, spread
across extensive areas of ancient Thrace and covered the names of the minor
tribes who existed at the same time. While the Odrysians, the Getae and the
Triballi were among the most powerful ethnic communities that established
strong tribal unions and kingdoms, a number of other tribes played political
roles and are mentioned or relatively well described in ancient sources; in
alphabetical order, they are the Agrianes, Apsynthioi, Astai, Bessoi, Bisaltai,
Bistones, Bottiaoi, Brenai, Dakoi, Danthaletai, Dersaioi, Dioi, Dolonkoi,
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Edonoi, Kainoi, Karpoi, Kebrenoi, Kikones, Korpiloi, Krestonaioi, Krobyzoi,

Laiaioi, Maidoi, Melanditai, Mygdones, Nipsaioi, Odomantoi, Paitoi, Saioi,
Sapaioi, Satrai, Serdoi, Sithones, Sintoi, Skaioi, Terizoi, Thynoi, Tranipsai,
Trausoi, Treres, Tilataioi, and others (cf. Detschew 1976). Of course, many
other tribes are only mentioned briefly in ancient sources. In fact, the true
ethnic reality in Thrace and the names of all minor tribes will never become
clear.
The political history of the Thracian tribes has been studied thoroughly by
several scholars (Katsarov 1916; 1930; Casson 1926; Todorov 1933; Danov
1976; Mihailov 1972; A. Fol. 1972; 1975b; 1997; Papazoglu 1978; R. Hoddinott 1981; Oppermann 1984; Gattinoni 1992; Lund 1992; Yordanov 1998;
Yordanov and Velkov 1984; Tacheva 1987; Loukopoulou 1989; Stronk 1995;
Archibald 1998; D. Popov 1999; Boteva-Boyanova 2000; Theodossiev 2000c;
Boshnakov 2003; Delev 2004). An interesting example of a joint ThracoAthenian state-community, as attested in written sources, is related to the
political activity of the Athenian aristocrat, Miltiades the Elder, who established his rule in Thracian Chersonesos in ca. 560 BC, being tyrant of both the
Athenian colonists and the Dolonkoi. Later, this Athenian ruler was succeeded
by his relatives Stesagoras and Miltiades the Younger, who married Hegesipyle,
the daughter of the Thracian king, Oloros.
In the late 6th century BC, the Edonoi established one of the most significant early Thracian kingdoms in the lower Strymon valley. Some of the Edonian kings, like Getas and Pittakos, were attested in the records. At the same
time, far to the north, in the extensive areas of north-eastern Thrace, the Getae
formed a powerful tribal union, which was already known to Greek writers at
the end of the 6th century BC. From the middle of the 4th century BC down
to the end of the Hellenistic period, some of the Getic kings, such as Kotelas,
Dromichaites, Zalmodegikos, Zoltes, Remax and Byrebistas, played important
roles in the political events of north-eastern Thrace. Another powerful tribal
union was established in the north-western Thracian lands by the Triballi, who
had significant military power by the last quarter of the 5th century BC.
Ancient sources inform us of two Triballian kings, Chales and Syrmos, who
were, obviously, strong rulers of the second and third quarters of the 4th century BC.
Undoubtedly, the most significant supra-tribal state in Thrace was the Odrysian kingdom. The Odrysians inhabited south-east Thrace and were historically attested in the late 6th century BC at the earliest. Their first king known
to ancient authors was Teres, who reigned during the first half of the 5th centuryBC, to be succeeded by Sparadokos, Sitalces, Seuthes I, Medokos (known
as Amadokos I as well) and Hebryzelmis. One of the most powerful Odrysian
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10
NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV
kings was Cotys I (383359 BC); he imposed his political control upon extensive regions of ancient Thrace and maintained diplomatic relations with the
local Triballian and Getic rulers to the north. After his murder, the Odrysian
kingdom split into three parts, ruled respectively by Kersebleptes, by Amadokos II and Teres II, and by Berisades and Ketriporis. In 341 BC the Macedonian king, Philip II, conquered the Odrysian kingdom, and Alexander the Great
took possesion of almost the entirety of Thracian territory soon afterwards. In
the time of the Diadochi, Lysimachus continued Macedonian control over a
significant part of the Thracian lands and declared himself king of Thrace
but, at the same time, a powerful Odrysian king emerged, Seuthes III. From
the beginning of the 3rd century BC onwards, the Odrysian kingdom declined
and split further, and many different kings are attested in the written sources.
After 42 BC, Reskouporis I established the Sapaian dynasty with its capital
at Bizye; he was succeeded by Roimetalkas I, Reskouporis II, Cotys V,
Roimetalkas II and Roimetalkas III, the last Thracian ruler. In AD 45, the
Roman emperor Claudius annexed the Thracian kingdom.
SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND RELIGION

A number of studies have dealt with the social structure of the Thracian tribes
during the 1st millennium BC (Katsarov 1916; 1930; Danov 1976; A. Fol
1970; 1997; Tacheva 1987, 94108, 11529; Domaradzki 1988; Spiridonov
1991; Archibald 1998; 2003; Porozhanov 1998; D. Popov 1999; Theodossiev
2000c, 4853; Bouzek and Domaradzka 2003; Stefanovich 2003, 4163). The
literary and epigraphic evidence, as well as certain archaeological data, enable
us to conclude that the Thracian communities usually comprised two main
social strata. The upper consisted of kings, tribal chieftains, the aristocracy and
elite groups; they were the main owners of the lands and the production. The
lower comprised semi-dependent peasants who were small landowners within
the frames of the royal economy. These semi-dependent peasants were the
main producers of goods and the main resource of the armed forces recruited
in time of war. It seems that through the weakness of the royalty or some other
circumstances, in certain regions and at certain times some Thracian communities gained independence from the tribal kingdoms and were ruled by their
own leaders.
The Thracian aristocracy consisted of various noble clans who had different
levels of power and control during the 1st millennium BC. Local chieftains
controlled the great number of separate Thracian tribes known from the
sources. The tribal chieftains often came under some supreme political control
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11
and economic dependence when a stronger ruler managed to incorporate the

separate tribes into some form of tribal union or kingdom (in fact, the kingdoms were supra-tribal states). The best example of such a structure is provided by the Odrysian kingdom during the second half of the 5th and first half
of the 4th century BC. The Odrysian state was ruled by a supreme king from
the royal dynasty, usually with hereditary power. He was surrounded by an
entourage, which included paradynasts (paradynastoi) local tribal chieftains
or governors who controlled separate regions of the kingdom and tribal aristocrats called eupatridai and gennaioi (cf. Thucydides 2. 97. 3). Very close to
the supreme king were his wives and kin, his band of military warriors, servants and others.
Thracian religion has been examined by a great number of scholarly works,
displaying different patterns of study and deploying various methodologies
(Perdrizet 1910; Katsarov 1916; 1936; Danov 1976; Pittioni 1977; D. Popov
1981; 1989; 1995; Cole 1984; B. Hoddinott 1989; R. Hoddinott 1989; A. Fol
1986; 1990; 1997; Beschi 1990; Bogdanov 1991; Marazov 1992; 1994; Lozanova-Stancheva 1993; Rabadzhiev 1994; 2002; Vassileva 1994; 1998;
Archibald 1999; Theodossiev 2000c, 5370; 2002; Srbu and Florea 2000a;
2000b; Dimitrova 2002; Brown 2002; Roller 2002; 2003; Gocheva 2003;
Delemen 2004a; zbayoglu 2004; Ursu Naniu 2004). Their quite different
interpretations of the written and archaeological evidence and the contradictory
results of their studies clearly demonstrate the significant difficulties in examining the religion of any ancient non-literary ethnic community that inhabited the
fringes of the Graeco-Roman world during the 1st millennium BC.
A number of literary sources and toreutic works show that a female Great
Goddess, known by different local names in different regions, was a central
deity in the Thracian religion, as in Phrygia. The written records provide some
names of Thracian goddesses: Bendis, Ganea, Kotys/Kotytto, Rheskyntis,
Zerynthia and others. In addition, literary and epigraphic sources attest that in
the different regions of Thrace a male deity was worshipped, known as
Deloptes, Darzalas, Zerynthios, etc. A number of written sources testify that
mythical Thracian kings and priests, such as Zalmoxis, Rhesos and Orpheus,
were considered as anthropodaimones and deities, while toreutic works and
funerary paintings clearly reveal the cult of the king-hero. Simultaneously,
some ancient authors, like Herodotus (4. 33. 5; 5. 7. 1), gave Greek or Roman
theonyms to the gods worshipped by the Thracians, which is usually interpreted as the literary device of translating the Thracian religious reality for
their readers. However, several 4thearly 3rd-century BC inscriptions from the
Thracian hinterland, such as those from Pistiros (Velkov and Domaradzka
1994; Domaradzki 1995; Archibald 1998, 317), Seuthopolis (Velkov 1991,
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NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV
711; Manov 1998a) and Sboryanovo (Chichikova 1990), testify to the cults
of Dionysos, Apollo, Artemis Phosphoros and the Samothracian Great Gods,
which clearly reveals the Hellenisation of Thracian religion, at least in the
circles of the Thracian aristocracy.
ECONOMIC CONTACTS AND TRADE

During the 1st millennium BC, the Thracian tribes were involved in active trade
with each other and with neighbouring regions, besides being engaged in longdistance contacts (Bozhkova 1987; 2000; Stoyanov 2000; Stoyanov et al. 2004,
1623; Theodossiev 2000c, 92100; Nehrizov and Mikov 2000; Archibald
2001a; 2001b; Bouzek and Domaradzka 2003). Undoubtedly, most important
for the Thracians were economic relations with the Greek colonies on the North
Aegean and the West Pontic shores, which maintained large-scale trade with
Thracian coastal areas and with the interior (Danov 1976; Mihailov 1972;
Boardman 1980; Isaac 1986; Bozhkova 1992; Domaradzki 1995; Tsetskhladze
1998a-b; 2003; Balabanov 2000, 9799; Oppermann 2004). During the Classical period, the Greeks established inland market-places and trade settlements
(see Thucydides 1. 100. 2; Ps.-Scylax Periplus 67; Arrian Anabasis 1. 1. 6;
etc.) such as Pistiros and the Belanian emporia of the Prasenoi, as attested in
the inscription from Vetren (Velkov and Domaradzka 1994; Domaradzki 1995;
Archibald 1998, 317; Boshnakov 1999; Tsetskhladze 2000).
The usual exports from Thrace included slaves, livestock, honey, beeswax,
grain, wine, timber, charcoals, tar, metals, etc., while imports into the Thracian
hinterland consisted of Attic black- and red-figure pottery, silver and gold vessels, luxury bronze tableware, gold and silver jewellery, weapons, wine, olive
oil and other goods (Danov 1976; Bozhkova 1987; Reho 1990; 1992;
Archibald 1998, 17796; Theodossiev 2000c, 92100; Lazarov 2003). It is
usually supposed that the initial barter/commodity exchange was gradually
replaced by the introduction of money, although both forms of exchange were
always used in trade between the Greeks and the Thracians.
The great number of imported Classical and Hellenistic amphorae in Thrace
provides clear information of regular economic contacts with significant Greek
trade and production centres, such as Thasos, Rhodes, Sinope, Cnidus, Heracleia Pontica, Kos, Scythian Chersonesos, Corinth, Chios, Colophon, Acanthus, Amphipolis, Ainos and others (Lazarov 1978; D. Dimitrov et al. 1984;
Bozhkova 1987; 1988; L. Getov 1995; Stoyanov et al. 2004, 1623). Supposedly, long-distance trade contacts were usually indirect, being maintained via
the Greek colonies on the Thracian shores.
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A number of coins, minted both in Greek poleis and in Anatolia, penetrated

into Thrace from the 6th century BC onwards, clearly testifying to intensive
trade (Thompson et al. 1973; Gerasimov 1975). In addition, the Greek colonies
in Thrace issued their own coins for the needs of the local trade (Mushmov
1912; Svoronos 1919; Gaebler 1935; Gerasimov 1975; Youroukova 1979),
Maroneia (Schnert-Geiss 1987) and Mesambria (Karayotov 1992) among
many others. During the Early Hellenistic period, a significant quantity of gold,
silver and bronze coins minted by the Macedonian kings circulated within the
Thracian territories, most of which became part of the Macedonian kingdom for
several decades or more (Mushmov 1912; Thompson et al. 1973; Youroukova
1979; K. Dimitrov 1997; Theodossiev 2000c, 92100; Draganov 200001). In
the 2nd1st centuries BC, Late Hellenistic Greek coins were in continuous use
in Thrace, for example Thasian tetradrachms were widespread, while a significant number of Roman Republican denarii clearly indicates that the Roman
military conquest of the northern Balkans was preceded by economic and trade
expansion (Thompson et al. 1973; Theodossiev 2000c, 92100; Paunov and
Prokopov 2002; Prokopov 2006).
CULTURAL INTERACTIONS AND ETHNIC INTERRELATIONS

During the 1st millennium BC, ancient Thrace was a place of various interrelations and dynamic interactions between the different ethnic groups that inhabited or settled the region. Certain areas of Thrace came to be occupied by
ethnically different groups or by mixed populations. Although abundant historical and archaeological evidence is available and in receipt of continued
examination, further analysis of it is needed to obtain an overview of the
exchange of ideas and the level of multilateral interaction, and to understand
more completely the complex web of ethnic and cultural contacts and relations
that took place.
One of the most important historical events with a significant impact upon
the Thracian tribes was the Greek colonisation of the North Aegean and West
Pontic shores (Danov 1947; 1976; Venedikov et al. 1963; Daux 1967; Markov
1977; 1980; Boardman 1980; 1994; Balabanov 1983; Cole 1984; KoukouliChrysanthaki 1985; 1992; Ognenova-Marinova 1985; Porozhanov 1985; Samsaris 1985; Isaac 1986; Loukopoulou 1989; Panayotova 1994; Pelekidis 1994;
Triantaphyllos 1994; Lazaridis 1997; Lehmann 1998; Tsetskhladze 1998a;
2003; Archibald 1998; 2002; Manov 1998b; Tacheva 1999; Owen 2000;
Tsatsopoulou-Kaloudi 2001; Bonias and Dadaki 2002; Graham 2002; Damyanov 2003; Dimitrova and Clinton 2003; Musielak 2003; Avram et al. 2004;
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NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV
Oppermann 2004; Dimitrova 2006). While various archaeological material

indicates active pre-colonial contacts between the Greeks and the Thracians
(Bouzek 1985; 1997; Gergova 1987; Nikov 1999; 2000), the earliest Greek
colonies in Thrace, such as Mende, Acanthus, Potidaea, Thasos, Abdera,
Maroneia, Samothrace, Sestos, Cardia, Selymbria, Byzantium, Apollonia and
Istros, were established between the middle of the 8th and the end of the
7th century BC, and even more intensive colonisation lasted throughout the
6th and 5th centuries BC. Greek colonisation stimulated multifarious ethnic
and cultural relations and interactions between the Greeks and the Thracians,
and led to gradual Hellenisation of the Thracian aristocracy and certain tribes
who inhabited the coastal areas. Simultaneously, Thracian culture also influenced Greek literature, iconography and cult (Danov 1976; Mihailov 1972;
D. Popov 1981; A. Fol 1997; Beschi 1990; Archibald 1998; Tsiafakis 1998;
2002; Brown 2002). Actually, the whole process followed the typical model of
interaction between centre and periphery throughout the ancient world (cf.
Alcock 1993; Randsborg 1993; Babic 2004). The inscription from Vetren, as
well as some literary sources, clearly testifies that in the Classical period the
Greeks had already settled in the Thracian hinterland and established emporia
such as Pistiros, while being politically engaged with the Thracian kings
(Velkov and Domaradzka 1994; Domaradzki 1995; Domaradzka and Domardzki 1999; Archibald 1998, 317; Boshnakov 1999; Bouzek 2000ab; Tsetskhladze 2000). On the other hand, a number of Thracians, usually mercenaries
or slaves, spread throughout ancient Greece and the entire Hellenistic world
(Griffith 1935; Best 1969; Danov 1976; Mihailov 1972; A. Fol 1972; 1975b;
1997; Velkov and A. Fol 1977; Tacheva 1987; Archibald 1998).
Other very important contacts between the ancient Thracians and the Macedonians, Paeonians and Illyrians occurred within the interaction zone in the
western frontier areas of Thrace (Bouzek 1986; 1997; Bouzek and Ondrejov
1988; Gergova 1987; Vasic 1987ab; 1991; 2000; Greenwalt 1997; Theodossiev 1998a; 2000a; 2000c; Borza 1999; Babic 2004). At the same time, in the
course of the Argead political expansion northward and eastward from the late
6th century BC onwards, a great part of Thrace was gradually annexed by the
Macedonian kingdom, which in fact led to Hellenisation of the Thracian interior
especially during the Late Classical and Early Hellenistic periods (Casson
1926; Badian 1980; Hatzopoulos 1980; Hatzopoulos and Loukopoulou 1992;
1996; Borza 1990; Adams 1997; Archibald 1998; Yordanov 1998; Domaradzki 1998a; Chambers 1999; K. Dimitrov 1999; Stoyanov 1999). From the
8th7th centuries BC onwards, intensive cultural and ethnic processes occurred
in north-eastern Thrace where the local tribes interacted and mingled with the
Scythians (A. Fol 1975a; Melyukova 1976; 1979; Toncheva 1980ab; Yordanov
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15
1990; Yordanov and Velkov; Zazoff 1991; Agre 1994; Fialko 1995; Damyanov 1998; Andruh 2000). Another significant event for the political and cultural development of the local tribes was the Persian occupation of Aegean
Thrace during the late 6th and the first decades of the 5th century BC (Venedikov 1969; Marazov 1977; Balcer 1988; Zahrnt 1997; Boardman 2000;
Zournatzi 2000; Yordanov 2003). Later, the large-scale Gallic invasion in
Thrace at the very end of the 280s and the early 270s BC, was followed by
Celtic settlement in certain Thracian areas and the establishment of a Gallic
kingdom with its capital Tylis that existed till 213 BC (Katsarov 1919; Danov
197576; Fischer 1983; Luschey 1983; Domaradzki 1984; Tacheva 1987;
Szab 1991; Cunliffe 1997; Megaws et al. 2000; V.Megaw 2004; Theodossiev 2000c). The Celtic inrush and settlement had quite a strong impact upon
Thracian culture, which adopted a number of La Tne elements, while mixed
populations of Thracians, Celts, Illyrians and Scythians appeared in certain
areas of Hellenistic Thrace. After the fall of Macedonia in 168 BC, the Roman
state launched regular military campaigns against the Thracian tribes and
annexed most of the Thracian territories, which were set up as Roman provinces
in AD 15 and AD 45. These political events clearly mark the end of the Iron
Age in Thrace and the beginning of a powerful process of Romanisation and the
adoption of Roman civilisation (Tacheva 1987; Theodossiev 2000c).
SETTLEMENT PATTERN AND URBANISATION

Many ancient literary and epigraphic sources provide information on various
settlements and some towns in inland Thrace (A. Fol 1970, 16374). In addition, intensive archaeological investigation has brought to light abundant evidence that has enabled scholars to study and publish, descriptively and analytically, on a wide variety of topics covering the whole of Thracian territory
or specific regions (Chichikova 1974ab; Spiridonov 1979; Changova 1981;
Domaradzki 1982; 1990; 1992; 1998a; Gergova and Iliev 1982; Gergova
1986; 1990; 1995; Georgieva and Bachvarov 1985; Bobcheva 1985; Ivanov
1985; Balabanov 1986; Triantaphyllos 1988; 1994; Lehmann 1998, 16973;
Gotsev 1990, 1315; 1992; 1997; Archibald 1998; 2000; 2002; Borislavov
1999, 1321; Stoyanov 2000; Theodossiev 2000c, 1419; Tonkova 2000;
Delev et al. 2000; Bozhkova and Delev 2002; H. Popov 2002; Kitov and
Agre 2002, 5380; Kissyov 2004).
The settlement pattern in ancient Thrace was quite dynamic and consists of
various types of habitation. Most widespread during the 1st millennium BC
seems to be the slightly fortified and open settlement, located on the plains as
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NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV
well as on hills or mountain slopes. Some of these may be specified as Thracian villages, well-described in ancient written sources (for example Xenophon Anabasis 7. 4). Most settlements were inhabited for one to two centuries,
and quite a few display greater continuity (throughout the entire 1st millennium BC or even from the Late Bronze Age down to the Imperial period),
although further stratigraphic investigations are needed in order to identify
whether there is true cultural continuity on such sites or not. Sometimes the
settlements were quite extensive, while the usual domestic architecture
included dugouts and rectangular huts constructed with posts and lath-andplaster or, rarely, with dry stone masonry. One of the most representative open
settlements was excavated at Pshenichevo: it dates to the Early Iron Age and
covers about 6 ha. Very important as well is the settlement at Koprivlen, dated
to the 7th6th centuries BC, which displays remarkable monumental domestic
architecture of stone-built quadrilateral buildings.
Also widespread were hillforts, usually built on barely accessible elevations
most often in the mountains. The fortification walls were up to 34 m in thickness and were constructed of roughly cut and irregularly arranged dry free
stone blocks, while sometimes up to four-course fortification walls were built
to protect particular sites. Some of the hillforts were residential centres, known
as tyrseis in the literary sources (see Xenophon Anabasis 7. 2. 21), inhabited
by local tribal chieftains or kings, together with their kin, military bands and
servants. Other hillforts with larger areas were presumably fortified settlements inhabited by various social groups. Additionally, as the literary sources
attest, the larger hillforts were used as refuges for the population from the surrounding open settlements in case of military danger. The archaeological material clearly indicates that many mountain hillforts were related to the extraction of ore and to metallurgy; presumably they were production centres. In
addition, mountain hillforts with strategic locations were undoubtedly used as
strongholds to control important passes and roads or to defend tribal frontiers.
Some hillforts, for instance Gradishteto at Leskovets, were inhabited right
through from the 8th6th centuries BC to the Imperial period, although the
dating of their fortification walls is still questionable. Actually, the fortification walls of most Thracian hillforts were constructed in the Late Iron Age and
fewer fortresses in the Aegean regions of Thrace were built in the Early Iron
Age before Greek colonisation: Kremasto at Ergani, Vrychos in Samothrace,
and others. While most Thracian hillforts display quite primitive fortification
walling, some inland fortresses like Krakra at Pernik and Kastro at Kalyva,
dating from the middle of the 4th century BC were constructed entirely using
Greek architectural techniques and style of masonry, and were presumably
built by the Macedonian king, Philip II.
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Among the earliest examples of Thracian towns on the North Aegean coast
is Ismaros, which is located on the Agios Georgios hill at Maroneia and existed
already in the 9th8th centuries BC (Triantaphyllos 1988; 1994). In ancient
sources, Ismaros is described as a Kikonian polis (Homer Odyssey 9. 3942;
Strabo 7. frg. 44). Later, because of multilateral contacts and interaction at the
time when Aegean Thrace became part of the Achaemenid empire, and of
interrelations with the Greek colonies on the North Aegean and West Pontic
coasts and with Macedonia, a process of urbanisation began in certain regions
of the Thracian hinterland, starting in the Archaic period and continuing
through the Classical into the Early Hellenistic (Balabanov 1986; Tacheva
1987, 12947; Archibald 1998; H. Popov 2002; Stoyanova 2002b). Thus, the
Greek historians mention the Edonian towns of Daton (Herodotus 9. 75) and
Drabeskos (Thucydides 1. 100. 3; 4. 102. 2), while another town called Myrkinos was established by the Ionian Greeks at the time of the Persian king Darius
(Herodotus 5. 11. 2; 5. 124. 2); later it was known as an Edonian polis (Thucydides 4. 107. 3). One of the most important sites is the Greek emporion Pistiros near Vetren, inhabited by a mixed population of Greeks and Thracians
(Velkov and Domaradzka 1994; Domaradzki 1995; Bouzek et al. 1996; 2002;
Bouzek 1999; Domaradzka and Domaradzki 1999; Boshnakov 1999; Tsetskhladze 2000; H. Popov 2002, 7792); another was Seuthopolis, the capital
of the Odrysian king, Seuthes III, which was built entirely in accordance with
Hellenistic architecture and comprised insulae including houses with pastas,
prostas and peristylon. Seuthopolis existed from ca. 320 BC to ca. 260 BC
(Dimitrov and Chichikova 1978; Dimitrov et al. 1984; Velkov 1991, 711;
H. Popov 2002, 12234). Other significant Late Classical and Hellenistic
towns in southern Thrace were Kabyle (Velkov 1982; 1991; Domaradzki
1991; H. Popov 2002, 11122) and Philippopolis (Koleva 2000; H. Popov
2000; 2002, 93111), but further archaeological investigation is necessary to
obtain a clear picture of their overall architectural appearance. The Getic town
at Vodnata Tsentrala in Sboryanovo displays another kind of urban model,
which was typical of the northern regions of Thrace and differed from the
Early Hellenistic towns in southern Thrace (Stoyanov 1999; 2000; Stoyanov
et al. 2004; H. Popov 2002, 15665).
SANCTUARIES AND RITUAL PLACES

Some ancient historical sources provide scarce information on Thracian sanctuaries. Undoubtedly, the most famous was the sanctuary of Dionysos, whose exact
location is still unclear (Herodotus 8. 111; Suetonius Divus Augustus 94. 6;
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NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV
cf. A. Fol 1990). Other ancient writings state that the Thracians worshipped
their deities in various natural places: in sacred mountains, such as Ganos,
Rheskyntion and Kogaionon; in cult caves, like the grottoes of Zerynthia,
Rhesos and Salmoxis; and in sacred forests, such as the grove at Ismaros
dedicated to Apollo (A. Fol 1990; D. Popov 1989; 1995; Theodossiev 2000c,
1924; 2002).
Among several pertinent inscriptions, the most important is that from
Seuthopolis (D. Dimitrov and Chichikova 1978; Velkov 1991, 711; Manov
1998a; Archibald 1999; Rabadzhiev 2002, 1054), which records that two
temples of Dionysos and of the Samothracian Great Gods were situated
within the city of Seuthes III, while an altar of Apollo and a phosphorion
existed in Kabyle. Actually, the Seuthopolis inscription indicates well the
Hellenisation of Thracian ritual and cult during the Early Hellenistic period, at
least in towns inhabited by a mixed population. In addition, many decorated
ritual escharai, presumably associated with the cult of Hestia, are found within
the most houses and the palace in Seuthopolis (D. Dimitrov and Chichikova
1978; D. Dimitrov et al. 1984; Archibald 1999; Rabadzhiev 2002, 5354),
while similar ritual hearths are known in other settlements from inland Thrace,
such as Philippopolis, Pistiros and Kabyle.
Intensive archaeological excavation over recent decades has yielded important evidence, revealing the great variety of Thracian sanctuaries and ritual
places, many of them related to contemporary settlements or necropoleis. A
number of recent scholarly studies have brought together the investigations
and analysed the material (Venedikov and A. Fol 1976; A. Fol 1982; Triantaphyllos 1985; Domaradzki 1986; 1990; 1994a; Gotsev 1990, 1617; Georgieva 1991; V. Fol 1993, 3866; Tonkova 1997; 2003; Kissyov 1998ab;
Archibald 1999; Borislavov 1999, 2530; Theodossiev 2000c, 1924).
Most impressive are the rock sanctuaries, predominantly located in southeastern Thrace, frequently adjacent to rock-cut tombs or megalithic dolmens
from the Early Iron Age. The sanctuaries consist of stairs, platforms, solar
discs, altars, ritual basins, thrones, seats and other elements, cut into the rock
massifs. A number of very similar rock sanctuaries are known in Anatolia,
especially in Phrygia, and they clearly demonstrate the strong relationship in
cult practices (Vassileva 1994; 1997; 1998; cf. Haspels 1971; De Francovich
1990). Many sanctuaries in other parts of Thrace are also situated on hills or
mountain peaks; they consist of various combinations including enclosing
stone walls, escharai, bothroi, votive deposits of metal objects, coins and pottery, remains of ritual feasts and animal sacrifices, etc. Many of the peak sanctuaries functioned without major interruption through the entire 1st millenniumBC and even from the Late Bronze Age to Roman Imperial times.
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19
Some archaeological investigations may, in addition, illustrate what ancient

literary sources have to say about sacred caves in Thrace. Unfortunately, the
excavated material is so far too sparse for us to be able to specify the exact
Thracian rituals performed inside the caves, but the cult drawings in the Magurata Cave, most probably coming from the Late Bronze or Early Iron Age,
show personages that could represent a female goddess and a male deity.
During the 1st millennium BC the most common type seems to have been
the open-air pit sanctuaries and ritual places, usually located in the plains area.
Some of the sites consist of hundreds of bothroi dug into the ground and were
in continued use from the Late Bronze Age down to late antiquity. The bothroi
vary significantly in size and shape, and contain pottery, coins and metal
objects, embers, ritual hearths, animal sacrifices, the remains of ritual feasts,
etc. In certain cases, as in the sanctuaries at Gledachevo and Staliiska Mahala,
the remains of human sacrifices (human body-parts or whole skeletons) dating
to the Late Iron Age are found inside the bothroi.
MORTUARY PRACTICES AND MONUMENTAL TOMBS

The funerary rites of the Thracian tribes were not well described by ancient
authors. Herodotus (5. 8. 1) wrote that deceased Thracian nobles were buried
by cremation or inhumation in tumuli, after three days of prothesis during
which numerous sacrifices were made and funeral feasts were arranged; different contests, including single combat, followed the completion of the tumuli.
Later information by Xenophon (Hellenica 3. 2. 25) supplements Herodotus
description: in 399 BC, after a battle in Bithynia, the Thracian Odrysians buried
their dead fellows, drank a lot of wine and arranged horse racing in memory of
deceased. Earlier, in the late 6th century BC, the mixed inhabitants of Thracian
Chersonesos Dolonkoi and Athenian colonists followed the custom, making
sacrifices and arranging horse races and other athletic games in memory of
Miltiades the Elder (Herodotus 6. 38. 1). A number of other ancient sources
related to the mythological figures of Zalmoxis, Rhesos and Orpheus provide
additional information on the eschatological conceptions of the Thracian aristocracy and testify that some Thracian kings and priests were deified after death
and were worshipped as immortal heroes and anthropodaimones who would
return from the underworld (Theodossiev 2000b). Some of this mythological
evidence contains quite reliable descriptions, such as Conon (45. 46), who
wrote that the grave of Orpheus was a large tumulus encircled like a temenos,
which was a heroon and later became a sanctuary, being respected by sacrifices
and by other things used in worshipping the gods.
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NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV
While ancient written sources are relatively scarce, the intensive archaeological excavations underway continue to reveal significant amounts of information on the great variety of the rites and practices of the Thracian tribes
during the 1st millennium BC. Many general studies of Thracian funerary rituals have appeared, analysing both archaeological and written sources, as have
other studies exploring in detail these practices in individual regions of Thrace
or publishing particular burial sites (Mirchev 1962; 1965; Chichikova 1974b;
Bobcheva 1975; Venedikov 1976bc; Toncheva 1980ab; Triantaphyllos
1980; Delev 1984; Gergova 1986; 1989; 1995; Petropoulou 198687;
Domaradzki 1988; 1998ab; zdogan 1988; 1991; Gotsev 1990; 1994; 1998;
Koukouli-Chrysanthaki 1992; Radev 1992; V. Fol 1993; Stoyanov 1992;
1997; Kissyov 1993; 1998a; Kitov 1993; 1994a; Kitov and Agre 2002;
Gocheva 1994; Koicheva 1994; Panayotova 1994; Totevski 1994; Nehrizov
1996; 1999; Bouzek 1997; Kull 1997; Ylmaz 1997; Archibald 1998; Lehmann 1998, 16970; Borislavov 1999; Theodossiev 2000c; Kulov 2002;
Stanchev 2002; Georgieva 2003; Georgieva et al. 1998).
The burial rites of the Early Iron Age are well examined. Among the most
remarkable funerary constructions are the megalithic dolmens widespread in
south-eastern Thrace and Samothrace. They were usually covered with small
tumuli and come in three types: single chamber, with antechamber and funeral
chamber, with complex layout. Another type of megalithic funerary monument
spread through south-eastern Thrace is the rock-cut tomb consisting of a single
burial chamber of irregular shape; these display their closest similarities with
the rock-cut tombs of Anatolia (Vassileva 1994; 1997; 1998; cf. Haspels
1971; De Francovich 1990). While megalithic funerary monuments were typical of the eastern Rhodope, the practices in the western part of the mountains
were quite different: burial constructions were usually small tumuli with both
cremation and inhumation burials and with various remains of ritual activities
bothroi, hearths, animal or sometime human sacrifices, ritual gifts placed
within the tumular embankments, remains of funerary feasts, etc. Many tumuli
in the western Rhodope were used for multiple or secondary burials, while
certain necropoleis display remarkable continuity and sometimes functioned
throughout the entire 1st millennium BC. Information on Early Iron Age mortuary practices in south-western Thrace is sparse, but it is clear that both flat
graves and small burial mounds were used, similar to neighbouring Paeonia
(cf. Mitrevski 1997). North-eastern Thrace is a region where intensive archaeological investigation has provided a relatively complete picture of burial rites
in the Early Iron Age. The usual constructions were small tumuli, like those at
Sboryanovo, Ravna, Dobrina, Kragulevo, etc., with single, multiple or secondary inhumation and cremation burials and various kterismata. However, the
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burial mounds at Belogradets, dating to the 8th6th centuries BC, are larger
and have monumental stone-built funeral and ritual constructions, anthropomorphic funerary stelai, and a rich burial inventory. In addition, the tumuli at
Belogradets indicate contacts with the Scythians, similar to the late 8th- or
early 7th-century BC burial mound at Polsko Kosovo. The archaeological discoveries in north-western Thrace show that during the Early Iron Age the local
tribes made extensive use of flat graves, following the traditions of the Late
Bronze Age, and small tumuli, which appeared in the 8th7th centuries BC,
and practised both cremation and inhumation. Some burial mounds, like those
at Leskovets, Sofronievo, Altimir and Tarnava, display significant variety of
funeral rites.
In certain regions, the Rhodope mountains and north-western and northeastern Thrace, the Late Iron Age continued the traditions of the Early Iron
Age in some way. However, a number of innovations are evident throughout
Thracian territory. Both flat graves and tumuli were widespread during the
period, displaying regional differences in the correlation of cremations to inhumations and some unusual practices (partial cremation, inhumation of individual parts of the human body, etc.). The tumuli of the Late Iron Age were
bigger than the earlier ones, sometimes up to 25 m in height and more than
100 m in diameter. The constructions within the burial mounds were multifarious: grave pits, platforms, pyres, urns, cist graves, sarcophagi, stone-built
chambers, and many others. Very often, the tumuli were used for multiple and
secondary burials, and contain various combinations of different funerary constructions. A number of additional ritual activities and constructions were also
typical of the tumuli, such as animal or, rarely, human sacrifices (equine and
canine sacrifices were most common), non-burial stone constructions, ritual
hearths, bothroi, the remains of funerary feasts, ritual deposits of metal or
ceramic objects, etc.
At the very end of the Early and the beginning of the Late Iron Age, rich
aristocratic and royal burials appeared in Thrace, being typical for the period
from the late 6th to the first half of the 3rd century BC. Thracian elite graves
usually contain gold and silver vessels and jewellery, various weapons,
imported Greek pottery and bronze tableware, besides a number of other funerary gifts. Among the earliest rich aristocratic necropoleis is the burial ground
at Sindos (Bouzek and Ondrejov 1988; Theodossiev 1998a; 2000a), located
in the interaction zone between Thrace and Macedonia and providing an
impressive burial inventory, in particular spectacular golden funeral masks.
The most remarkable Thracian royal cemetery from the late 6th to the early
4th century BC is the tumular necropolis at Duvanli; it yielded significant
amount of gold and silver objects, luxurious Greek imports, and many other
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NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV
finds (Filov 1934; Bouzek and Ondrejov 1988). Other rich elite burials of the
last quarter of the 5th century BC are found at Dalboki (Vickers 2002, 5675)
and in the Svetitsata tumulus at Shipka (Kitov 2004b); this last includes an
impressive gold funeral mask (Fig. 4) as well as other precious grave-goods
(Fig. 5). Another aristocratic burial of this time was excavated in tumulus No.1
at Chernozem (Kissyov 2005); it contains significant local and imported gravegoods, a gold pectoral (Fig. 6) and silver kylix (Fig. 7) being very spectacular.
During the 4th and the early 3rd century BC, rich aristocratic tumular burials
spread through the entire Thracian territory, yielding various grave constructions and burial inventories: gold and silver jewellery, vessels and appliqus
of horse trappings, weaponry, red-figure Attic pottery, Greek bronze tableware, etc. Examples include the tumuli at Koprivets (Stanchev 1994; 2004),
Fig. 4. Golden funerary mask from the Svetitsata tumulus at Shipka,

last quarter of the 5th century BC (after Kitov 2004b).
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Fig. 5. Greek gold ring from the Svetitsata tumulus at Shipka showing
a spear-carrying athlete, last quarter of the 5th century BC
(after The Valley of the Thracian Rulers [Calendar, 2005]).
Fig. 6. Gold pectoral from tumulus No. 1 at Chernozem featuring a Gorgon and
animal figures, last quarter of the 5th century BC (after Kissyov 2005).
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NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV
Fig. 7. Greek silver kylix from tumulus No. 1 at Chernozem showing Bellerophon
and Chimaera, last quarter of the 5th century BC (after Kissyov 2005).
Golemani (Marazov 1998, 20506), Dolna Koznitsa (Marazov 1998, 10411;

Staikova-Alexandrova 2004), Kralevo (Ginev 1983; 2000; Marazov 1998,
11821), and Mogilanskata Mogila in Vratsa (Theodossiev 2000c, 14547,
no.248).
In the same century and a half, rectangular tumular (corbel- or barrel-vaulted,
etc.) and beehive tholos tombs spread across Thrace. More than 100 monuments
are known so far (Filov 1937a; Bittel 1942; Mansel 1943; 1973; Mikov 1955;
Tomlinson 1974; Venedikov 1974ab; 1976a; Onurkan 1988; Stoyanov 1990;
Valeva 1993; 1999; Gergova 1996; Ylmaz 1996; Hatas 1997; 2002ab; Tsetskhladze 1998c; Chichikova 1999; Steingrber 1999; 2001; Rousseva 2000;
2002; Delemen 2001; Stoyanova 2002ab; Bouzek and Domaradzka 2003;
Theodossiev 2004; forthcoming).2 The appearance of the Thracian monumental
2
For comparanda, see Kurtz and Boardman 1971; Miller 1972; 1993; 1994; Pandermalis
1972; Ceka 1975; 1985; Gossel 1980; Oleson 1982; Torelli 1985; Fedak 1990; Steingrber
2000.
7/03/11 15:44
25
tombs and their architectural features were definite results of the economic
advance of the local aristocracy and multilateral contacts, relations and interactions, predominantly with Anatolia, Greece and Macedonia, but also with Illyria
and Italy. Thus, many of the Thracian tombs were built entirely in the manner
of Late Classical and Early Hellenistic architecture.
A 4th-century BC rectangular tomb discovered at Smyadovo (Atanasov and
Nedelchev 2002) displays the rare use of the Greek script in the Thracian
funerary ritual: a two-line inscription GONIMASJHJ SEUQOU GUNJ
(Gonimaseze the wife of Seuthes) is placed on the facade (Fig. 2) and clearly
identifies the deceased. Another significant monument is the painted tholos
tomb at Alexandrovo of the second half of the 4thearly 3rd century BC (Kitov
2002; 2004a; Kitov and Theodossiev 2003); while the impressive funerary
paintings show heroic banqueting, hunting and combat scenes (Figs. 810),
some with clear iconographic parallels throughout the eastern Mediterranean
(cf. Borchhardt 1968; Sevin et al. 2001; Delemen 2004a), a small graffito
(Fig. 2) in the beehive chamber depicts the deceased and gives his name
Fig. 8. Hunting horseman from the paintings in the tholos chamber

of the Alexandrovo tomb, second half of the 4th or early 3rd century BC
(after Kitov et al. 2003).
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NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV
Fig. 9. Hunt of a stag from the paintings in the tholos chamber of the Alexandrovo
tomb, second half of the 4th or early 3rd century BC (after Kitov et al. 2003).
Fig. 10. Hunt of a boar from the paintings in the tholos chamber of the Alexandrovo
tomb, second half of the 4th or early 3rd century BC (after Kitov et al. 2003).
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KOHIMACJC XRJCTOC.3 The Early Hellenistic tholos tombs at Starosel

(Figs. 1112) (Kitov 200102; 2003a; Kitov and Theodossiev 2003) and
Mezek (Filov 1937ab) are among the most impressive burial constructions
known in Thrace and display quite monumental funerary architecture. Another
Early Hellenistic rectangular tomb with remarkable architecture and an intact
elite burial is found in the Naip tumulus near Tekirdag (Delemen 2004b),
while the Zhaba Mogila tumulus at Strelcha comprises two funerary monuments of 350300 BC: a tholos tomb (Fig. 13) and a rectangular corbel-vaulted
tomb with impressive pediment (Fig. 14) showing two lions in relief (Kitov
1979). The barrel-vaulted tomb at Sveshtari (A. Fol et al. 1986; Chichikova
1989; 1992; Valeva 1997), coming from the second quarter of the 3rdcentury
BC, and decorated with caryatids in relief and a drawing depicting scene of
heroisation, is the most remarkable funerary monument in northern Thrace.
Fig. 11. Monumental staircase and facade of the tholos tomb at Starosel,
Early Hellenistic period (after Kitov et al. 2003).
I would like to thank Prof. K. Clinton for his consultation.
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NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV
Fig. 12. Tholos burial chamber with Doric semi-columns and frieze of the tomb at
Starosel, Early Hellenistic period (after Kitov et al. 2003).
Fig. 13. Antefix from the tholos tomb in Zhaba Mogila at Strelcha, 330300 BC
(photograph: N. Theodossiev).
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Fig. 14. Parts of a pediment showing two lions from the corbel-vaulted tomb
in Zhaba Mogila at Strelcha, second half of the 4th century BC
(photograph: N. Theodossiev).
A number of significant monuments were excavated in the Kazanlak region.

Thus, the tholos tomb in the Shushmanets tumulus (Kitov 1996; 1997; 1999;
2003b) from the second half of the 4th century BC displays an unusual combination of Greek architectural orders (Figs. 1516), while the sarcophaguslike tomb of 330320 BC (Fig. 17) in the Ostrusha tumulus (Kitov 1994b;
Kitov and Krasteva 199495; Kitov et al. 1997; Barbet et al. 1995; Valeva
2002) provides remarkable paintings (Figs. 1819) on the ceiling of the monolithic rectangular burial chamber, entirely in the spirit of Early Hellenistic
art. The monumental tomb in the Golyamata Kosmatka tumulus (Kitov n.d.)
that dates to ca. 300 BC has a unique layout consisting of a dromos, rectangular corbel-vaulted antechamber, second beehive tholos antechamber and monolithic rectangular burial chamber; two inscribed silver vessels from the burial
chamber, part of a rich funeral inventory (Figs. 2022), indicate that the monument was related to the Odrysian king, Seuthes III (ca. 330300 BC),
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NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV
Fig. 15. The barrel-vaulted entryway supported by

Ionic column of the tholos tomb in the
Shushmanets tumulus at Shipka, second half of
the 4th century BC (after Kitov 1997).
Fig. 16. The beehive burial chamber with

Doric semi-columns and supported by non-fluted
Doric column of the tomb in the Shushmanets
tumulus at Shipka, second half of the 4th century BC
(after post-card).
while a bronze head (Fig. 23) found in front of the tomb, broken from a lifesize statue, is a masterpiece of Early Hellenistic sculpture and is most probably a portrait of Seuthes himself. The tholos tomb in Kazanlak (Frova 1945;
1953; Verdiani 1945; Picard 194748; Mikov 1954; D. Dimitrov 1966;
Zhivkova 1974; Ognenova-Marinova 1977; Blzquez 1994), from the very
end of the 4th or the first decades of the 3rd century BC, contained remarkable
funerary paintings showing an heroic banquet and combats, entirely in the
spirit of Early Hellenistic art. The rectangular corbel-vaulted tomb at Maglizh
(Getov 1988; Barbet and Valeva 2001), dated to the middle of the 3rd century
BC, is among the latest examples of Thracian painted funerary monuments.
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Fig. 17. The monumental tomb in the Ostrusha tumulus at Shipka, 330320 BC
(after Kitov 1994b).
Fig. 18. Portrait of a woman on the ceiling of the sarcophagus-like burial chamber in
the Ostrusha tumulus at Shipka, 330320 BC (courtesy Philip Sapirstein).
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NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV
Fig. 19. Scene showing two men on the ceiling

of the sarcophagus-like burial chamber in
the Ostrusha tumulus at Shipka, 330320 BC
(after Valeva 2002).
Fig. 20. Gold appliqu of horse trappings featuring human face,

from the tomb in the Golyamata Kosmatka tumulus at Shipka, ca. 300 BC
(after The Valley of the Thracian Rulers).
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33
Fig. 21. Gold appliqu of horse trappings showing stag head in the Thracian Animal
Style, from the tomb in the Golyamata Kosmatka tumulus at Shipka, ca. 300 BC
(after The Valley of the Thracian Rulers).
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NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV
Fig. 22. Bronze greave with the head of Athena, from the tomb in the Golyamata
Kosmatka tumulus at Shipka, ca. 300 BC (after The Valley of the Thracian Rulers).
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35
Fig. 23. Bronze head of a life-size statue most probably depicting Seuthes III, found
in front of the tomb in the Golyamata Kosmatka tumulus at Shipka, ca. 300 BC
(after Kitov n.d.).
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NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV
TOREUTICS AND TREASURES

The toreutics of ancient Thrace are among the most attractive of archaeological materials. They have received intense scrutiny from specialists world wide
who have use different methods of examination and proposed various interpretations within the contexts and contacts of the eastern Mediterranean, the Near
East and the Pontic region (Filov 1917; 1934; Amandry 1959; Byvanck-Quarles van Ufford 1966; 1989ab; 1990; Strong 1966; Venedikov 1969; Venedikov and Gerasimov 1976; Berciu 1974; Marghitan 1976; Melyukova 1976;
1979; Pittioni 1977; Marazov 1977; 1978; 1992; 2002; Minchev 1978; BarrSharrar 1982; 1986; Taylor 1982; 1987; 1989a; Alexandrescu 1983; 1984;
Fischer 1983; Luschey 1983; Pfrommer 1983; 1987; 1990; 1993; Archibald
1985; 1989; 1998; Bergquist and Taylor 1987; Drig 1987; Abkai-Khavari
1988; Ewigleben 1989; B. Hoddinott 1989; Schneider 1989; 1990; Schneider
and Zazoff 1994; Vickers 1989; 1991; Stoyanov 1991; 2003; Zazoff 1991;
Zazoff et al. 1985; Kaul 1993; Shefton 1993; Boardman 1994; 2000;
Rabadzhiev 1994, 89102; Fialko 1995; Kemenczei 1995; von Blow 1997;
Kull 1997; Damyanov 1998; Ebbinghaus 1999; Tsetskhladze 1999a; Srbu
and Florea 2000ab; Theodossiev 2000c; 2003; Zournatzi 2000; Kitov and
Agre 2002, 181219, 26174; Ursu Naniu 2004).
A number of treasures and burial hoards comprising silver and gold objects,
both of local Thracian production and imported, form the legacy of the Thracian aristocracy and provide options to examine a variety of topics. The most
spectacular works come from the Classical and Hellenistic periods. The shapes
known in Thracian toreutics were usually borrowed from Achaemenid and
Greek metalware and ceramics, and include phialai, calyxes, goblets, skyphoi,
kantharoi, jugs, rhyta, etc.
A very important focus of research is on the rich iconography of the local
toreutics from the 4th century BC onwards, which clearly shows the creativity
and influences that formed the indigenous art. Some images of the Great Goddess and her male companion the king-hero remain without parallels
beyond Thrace, and seem to belong to local tradition, but many other representations find a number of iconographical comparanda throughout the eastern
Mediterranean. The Thracian king was usually depicted as a hunter-rider
(Fig.24), while the images of the Great Goddess show more diversity.
Other Classical and Early Hellenistic representations in Thracian metalwork
are indicative of even stronger foreign influence and originated in Greek, Anatolian and Scythian art. Special attention must be given to the images of
Kybele, Artemis (potnia theron), Heracles and Bellerophon, who appeared in
the Early Hellenistic period. The presence of these characters testifies to the
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Fig. 24. Gold ring from Peichova Mogila at Starosel featuring a hunting scene,
second half of the 4th century BC (after Kitov 200102).
Hellenisation of local craftsmen and of the local aristocracy, who were aware
of Greek myths. The strong syncretism evident in the iconography, especially
the Thracian elements, may suggest, however, that some local deities and
heroes were represented in the form of Greek and Anatolian personages.
Some Early Hellenistic figures in Thracian toreutics, like the Lamassu,
obviously originated in Iranian art and indicate cross-cultural contacts. Presumably, most of these connections were a result of the Eastern campaigns of
Alexander the Great, when some members of the Thracian aristocracy participated in the actions of the Macedonian army and returned home with new
syncretic ideas.
In fact, the cultural diversity and free exchange of ideas between different
ethnic communities in the eastern Mediterranean, Near East and the Pontic
region during the 1st millennium BC gave rise to various interactions that
influenced the forms and features of Thracian metalwork, of course on the
basis of local traditions. Simultaneously, Thracian toreutics also influenced the
art of the Celts and the Scythians. This is why the metalwork appears to be
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NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV
among the best evidence showing that Thrace was closely related to the rest of
the ancient world and actively participated in syncretic cultural processes and
multilateral interaction.
Most of the Thracian treasures have been well illustrated in a number of
exhibition catalogues (Gold der Thraker 1979; Het Goud der Thracirs 1984;
Gold of the Thracian Horsemen 1987; Berti and La Porta 1997; Marazov
1998; Ancient Thrace 2000). Among the earliest finds, ones that deserve
special attention are the gold cup from Belene, which shows schematic decoration and dates to the beginning of the Early Iron Age (Gold of the Thracian
Horsemen 1987, 130, no. 162), and the 7th6th-century BC hoard from
Kazichene, comprising a bronze cauldron, a ceramic vessel and a decorated
gold cup, 1.050 kg in weight (Gold of the Thracian Horsemen 1987, 12930,
nos. 159161). Another important find is the treasure from Barzitsa, of which
a pair of gold earrings and one gold and three silver hoops (presumably spiral
bracelets) survived, being dated to the period from the 11th to the 8th7thcenturies BC (Gergova 1982; Gold of the Thracian Horsemen 1987, 13941,
nos. 185189).
One of the most significant hoards is the Rogozen treasure, comprising 165
silver vessels: 108 phialai, 54 jugs and three cups (goblet, skyphos, kotyle), a
total weight of some 19.900 kg (Der thrakische Silberschatz 1988; ByvanckQuarles van Ufford 1989b; 1990; Archibald 1998, 26569; Theodossiev
2000c, 135, no. 196). The hoard is quite heterogeneous and belonged to the
Triballi aristocracy. Some vessels are decorated with mythological scenes and
images and obviously were produced in northern Thracian workshops; others
are of imported origin: Greek, Macedonian and, presumably, Achaemenid. A
number of stippled or incised inscriptions show that some vessels were possessions of the Odrysian kings, Cotys I (383359 BC) and Kersebleptes (359341
BC), who presumably offered the precious objects as political gifts to the Triballi chieftains during negotiations. Two inscriptions mention Satokos, presumably the son of the Odrysian king, Sitalces, and another one gives the name of
Didykaimos, not attested in the literary sources. The vessels from the Rogozen
treasure were accumulated over a long period and date from the middle of the
5th to the beginning of the 3rd century BC.
Another important find is the Borovo treasure, comprising a silver pitcherrhyton decorated with two friezes showing Dionysiac scenes but with a form
originating in the Persian toreutics, three rhyta with Greek and Achaemenid
shapes and decoration, and a two-handled bowl (Gold of the Thracian Horsemen 1987, 20507, nos. 338342; Archibald 1998, 26465; Stoyanov 1998;
Theodossiev 1998b). The vessels are heterogeneous and some of them may
originate from toreutic workshops in north-western Anatolia. Three inscriptions
7/03/11 15:44
39
in Greek were stippled on the pitcher-rhyton and two rhyta, indicating that the
objects belonged to the Odrysian king, Cotys I, who presumably offered the
silver vessels as diplomatic gifts to unknown Getic ruler.
The most spectacular hoard from Thrace is the Panagyurishte treasure, comprising nine gold vessels with a total weight of 6.164 kg (Svoboda and Concev
1956; Concev 1959; Simon 1960; Venedikov 1961; Gold of the Thracian
Horsemen 1987, 23741, nos. 420428; Archibald 1998, 27174; Kitov and
Atanasov 2000; Stoyanov 2004). The amphora-rhyton is decorated with Greek
mythological scene, presumably showing the Seven against Thebes, but its
shape undoubtedly originates in Achaemenid metalware. The three anthropomorphic head-vases display the images of Athena, Aphrodite and Hera. The
two rhyta ending in stag heads depict the Judgment of Paris (Alexander) and
two Labours of Heracles (the Hind of Ceryneia and the Cretan Bull). The rhyton ending with a rams head shows Dionysos, Eriope and Maenads, while the
rhyton with a male-goat protome depicts Hera, Artemis, Apollo and Nike. The
last vessel is a phiale decorated with circles of African heads in relief. The
Panagyurishte treasure dates to the last decades of the 4th century or the early
3rd century BC; most probably, it was produced in some prominent workshop
in north-western Anatolia.
Two other important treasures, those found at Letnitsa (Pittioni 1977; Gold
of the Thracian Horsemen 1987, 197203, nos. 315333; Venedikov 1996)
and Lukovit (Chichikova 1980; Gold of the Thracian Horsemen 1987, 22033,
nos. 375410; Archibald 1998, 269), date to the second half of the 4thearly
3rd century BC and contain a wide variety of silver objects of Thracian origin:
appliqus of horse trappings decorated in the Animal Style or showing Thracian mythological scenes and vessels (jugs and phialai). The hoards from Galiche (Gold of the Thracian Horsemen 1987, 26064, nos. 472483; Theodossiev 2000c, 11415, no. 70) and Yakimovo (Marazov 1979; Gold of the
Thracian Horsemen 1987, 26871, nos. 494502; Theodossiev 2000c, 147
48, no. 250) come from the 2nd1st centuries BC and consist of silver objects
typical of Late Hellenistic Thracian toreutics: bracelets, round appliqus, a
kantharos and conical bowls, some of them showing the images of the kingrider and the Great Goddess.
COINAGE
The Thracian coinage provides a great variety of types minted in silver and
bronze, which form a reliable source for studying political history, economy,
trade, iconography and religion. The earliest coins appeared at the end of the
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NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV
6th century and in the first decades of the 5th century BC and were minted in
silver by the tribal kingdoms of the Derrones, Bisaltai, Tyntenoi, Ichnai and
Orreskioi in south-western Thrace, on the border with Macedonia and Paeonia.
Of special interest in this period are the silver coins of Getas, king of the Thracian Edonoi, which read: GETAS JDONEON BASILEUS (in several variants), and are one of the earliest examples displaying the use of the title basileus in ancient coinage. Later, a number of Odrysian kings, both attested in
historical or epigraphic sources but unknown in ancient written sources, besides
some kings who ruled other tribal states, minted different bronze and silver
coins from the middle of the 5th century BC down to the first decades of the
1st century AD. Among the most important coins from the Classical and Early
Hellenistic periods are those of Sparadokos, Saratokos, Seuthes I, Medokos
(known as Amadokos I as well), Hebryzelmis, Cotys I, Amadokos II, Teres II,
Ketriporis, Kersebleptes, Seuthes III and Spartokos, some of them showing
quite realistic portraits of the kings. A number of other rulers, such as Adaios,
Cotys II, Mostis, Cotys III, Sadalas II, Reskouporis I, Roimetalkas I, Cotys V,
Roimetalkas II and Roimetalkas III, minted various coins throughout the entire
Hellenistic period until the last Thracian kingdom was annexed by Rome in
AD 45. While the Early Hellenistic Macedonian kings, such as Lysimachus,
reigned in Thrace and issued numerous gold, silver and bronze coins, during
the 4th2nd centuries BC some inland towns (Kypsela and Kabyle) coined
their own emissions; and there were also coins minted by Scythian (Kanitos,
Haraspos, Sariakos) and Celtic (Kauaros) kings who dominated in certain
regions of Hellenistic Thrace.
During the 20th century, several scholars published important numismatic
studies discussing some of the Thracian coins (Svoronos 1919; Gaebler 1935;
Gerasimov 1975). Other publications provided comprehensive studies of the
coinage of ancient Thrace, in particular of the Odrysian Kingdom (Mushmov
1912; 1925; Youroukova 1976; 1992; Topalov 1994; 1998; 2000; Peter
1997), or examined aspects such the earliest tribal emissions (Gerasimov 1937;
Tacheva 1998), the relationship between the early Thracian and Macedonian
coinage (Greenwalt 1997), and the coins minted in Seuthopolis (K. Dimitrov
et al. 1984) and Kabyle (Draganov 1993).
*
*
*
I hope that this article has provided a general picture of Thrace during the 1st
millennium BC and has described recent developments in scholarly research.
Further detailed studies, combining written sources and archaeological data,
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41
will certainly result in publications that may provide us with a comprehesive,

holistic view of Thrace and with more options for examining the relations and
interactions between the Thracians and the other peoples who lived in the
eastern Mediterranean and south-eastern Europe in antiquity.
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COLLOQUIA ANTIQUA

THE BLACK SEA, GREECE,

Introduction to the Series . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Introduction to the Volume . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Ancient Thrace during the First Millennium BC

The Getae: Selected Questions

The Black Sea: Between Asia and Europe

The Scythians: Three Essays

The American-Ukrainian Scythian Kurgan Project, 2004

The Etruscan Impact on Ancient Europe

Hallstatt Europe: Some Aspects of Religion and Social

The Elusive Arts: The Study of Continental Early Celtic

An Archaic Alphabet on a Thasian Kylix

The Iron Age in Central Anatolia

The Role of Jewellery in Ancient Societies

The Mushroom, the Magi and the Keen-Sighted Seers

ANCIENT THRACE DURING THE FIRST MILLENNIUM BC*

TERRITORIAL SCOPE AND CHRONOLOGY1

Fig. 1. Thracian sites and tribal territories of the Classical period

ANCIENT THRACE DURING THE FIRST MILLENNIUM BC

ANCIENT THRACE DURING THE FIRST MILLENNIUM BC

LITERARY AND EPIGRAPHIC SOURCES

Pliny, Julius Florus, Plutarch, Arrian, Pausanias, Appian, Polyaenus, Ptolemy

TRIBES AND POLITICAL HISTORY

ANCIENT THRACE DURING THE FIRST MILLENNIUM BC

Fig. 2. Inscription on the facade of the tomb at Smyadovo,

Fig. 3. Graffito in the tholos burial chamber of the Alexandrovo tomb,

Spiridonov 1983; Papazoglu 1978; Yordanov and Velkov 1984; Tacheva

ANCIENT THRACE DURING THE FIRST MILLENNIUM BC

Edonoi, Kainoi, Karpoi, Kebrenoi, Kikones, Korpiloi, Krestonaioi, Krobyzoi,

SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND RELIGION

ANCIENT THRACE DURING THE FIRST MILLENNIUM BC

and economic dependence when a stronger ruler managed to incorporate the

ECONOMIC CONTACTS AND TRADE

ANCIENT THRACE DURING THE FIRST MILLENNIUM BC

A number of coins, minted both in Greek poleis and in Anatolia, penetrated

CULTURAL INTERACTIONS AND ETHNIC INTERRELATIONS

Oppermann 2004; Dimitrova 2006). While various archaeological material

ANCIENT THRACE DURING THE FIRST MILLENNIUM BC

SETTLEMENT PATTERN AND URBANISATION

ANCIENT THRACE DURING THE FIRST MILLENNIUM BC

SANCTUARIES AND RITUAL PLACES

ANCIENT THRACE DURING THE FIRST MILLENNIUM BC

Some archaeological investigations may, in addition, illustrate what ancient

MORTUARY PRACTICES AND MONUMENTAL TOMBS

ANCIENT THRACE DURING THE FIRST MILLENNIUM BC

Fig. 4. Golden funerary mask from the Svetitsata tumulus at Shipka,

ANCIENT THRACE DURING THE FIRST MILLENNIUM BC

Golemani (Marazov 1998, 20506), Dolna Koznitsa (Marazov 1998, 10411;

ANCIENT THRACE DURING THE FIRST MILLENNIUM BC

Fig. 8. Hunting horseman from the paintings in the tholos chamber

ANCIENT THRACE DURING THE FIRST MILLENNIUM BC

KOHIMACJC XRJCTOC.3 The Early Hellenistic tholos tombs at Starosel

I would like to thank Prof. K. Clinton for his consultation.

ANCIENT THRACE DURING THE FIRST MILLENNIUM BC

A number of significant monuments were excavated in the Kazanlak region.

Fig. 15. The barrel-vaulted entryway supported by

Fig. 16. The beehive burial chamber with

ANCIENT THRACE DURING THE FIRST MILLENNIUM BC

Fig. 19. Scene showing two men on the ceiling

Fig. 20. Gold appliqu of horse trappings featuring human face,

ANCIENT THRACE DURING THE FIRST MILLENNIUM BC

ANCIENT THRACE DURING THE FIRST MILLENNIUM BC