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Acknowledgements
This report was made possible through funding from Cordaid and the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
APPRO wishes to express its sincere thanks to all those who agreed to participate in this rapid assessment.
About the Researchers
The researchers who worked on this report were (in alphabetical order):
Ahmad Shaheer Anil, Mohammad Dawood, Shahnaz Faiz, Bigum Haidari, Ehsanullah Hamidi, Jawed, Nafasgul
Karimi, Ehsan Khalili, Mohammad Sabir Khyber, Mohammad Mahdi, Lutfullah Noor, Fawzia Noori, Lailuma
Noori, Saeed Parto, Abdul Qader, Zahra Qasemi, Baryalai Qayumi, Ehsan Saadat, Zarghona Saifi, Khalid
Siddiqi, Abdul Samad Tanha, Mohsin Usyan, Subhan Waziri, Ismael Zahid and Zalmai.
Saeed Parto and Khalid Siddiqi authored this report.
About Monitoring Womens Peace and Security
Monitoring Women, Peace, and Security (MWPS) project was designed to contribute to efforts for
operationalizing Afghanistans National Action plan for the implementation of the United Nations
Security Council Resolution (NAP 1325). The rationale for the MWPS is that gender-based violence,
domestic violence, insecurity, and poverty could be better addressed by being tied to the four pillars of
UNSCR 1325 and Afghanistans NAP 1325. MWPS is a partnership between APPRO, Cordaid, and Equality,
Peace, and Democracy (EPD).
About APPRO
Afghanistan Public Policy Research Organization (APPRO) is an independent social research organization with
a mandate to promote social and policy learning to benefit development and reconstruction efforts in
Afghanistan and other less developed countries through conducting social scientific research, monitoring and
evaluation, and training and mentoring. APPRO is registered with the Ministry of Economy in Afghanistan as a
non-profit non-government organization and headquartered in Kabul, Afghanistan with offices in Mazar-e
Sharif (north), Herat (west), Kandahar (south), Jalalabad (east), and Bamyan (center). APPRO is a founding
member of APPRO-Europe, registered in Belgium.
For more information, see: www.appro.org.af and www.appro-europe.net
Contact: mail@appro.org.af
Cover photo: Azwa Petra (From: http://www.loyarburok.com/2010/05/06/extravagant-egalitarian-wonderlakes-of-afghanistan/)
APPRO takes full responsibility for all omissions and errors.
2016. Afghanistan Public Policy Research Organization. Some rights reserved. This publication may be
stored in a retrieval system or transmitted only for non-commercial purposes and with written credit to
APPRO and links to APPROs website at www.appro.org.af. Any other use of this publication requires prior
written permission, which may be obtained by writing to: mail@appro.org.af
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Abbreviations
AIHRC
ANA
ANP
APPRO
CDC
CSHRN
CSO
DDA
DoWA
DRC
EPD
EVAW
FRU
ICRC
IEC
MoLSAMD/MoLSAMD
MoRR
NRC
PC
PPC
PWN
SGBV
UNHCR
UNSCR 1325
Coding Abbreviations
ANP
CSO
DDA
DoWA
FGD
FRU
KI
MoL
PC
PPC
PW
PWN
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Table of Contents
1. Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 5
2. Scope .................................................................................................................................. 6
3. Approach and Methodology ............................................................................................... 7
4. Organization of This Report ................................................................................................ 8
5. Sectoral Overview .............................................................................................................. 8
6. Analysis of Interview and Focus Group Discussion Data ..................................................... 13
Badakhshan Province, Faizabad city and Argo and Yaftal Districts .................................................. 13
Participation ....................................................................................................................................... 13
Prevention .......................................................................................................................................... 14
Protection ........................................................................................................................................... 15
Relief and recovery ............................................................................................................................. 15
Balkh Province, Mazar City and Dawlatabad and Khulm Districts ................................................... 17
Participation ....................................................................................................................................... 17
Prevention .......................................................................................................................................... 18
Protection ........................................................................................................................................... 19
Relief and recovery ............................................................................................................................. 19
Bamyan Province, Bamyan City and Yakawlang District ................................................................. 21
Participation ....................................................................................................................................... 21
Prevention .......................................................................................................................................... 22
Protection ........................................................................................................................................... 22
Relief and recovery ............................................................................................................................. 23
Daikundi Province, Nili and Shahristan Districts .............................................................................. 24
Participation ....................................................................................................................................... 24
Prevention .......................................................................................................................................... 25
Protection ........................................................................................................................................... 26
Relief and recovery ............................................................................................................................. 26
Faryab Province, Maimanah City and Pashtun Kot District .............................................................. 28
Participation ....................................................................................................................................... 28
Prevention .......................................................................................................................................... 29
Protection ........................................................................................................................................... 30
Relief and recovery ............................................................................................................................. 30
Helmand Province, Nadali and Nahri Saraj (Gereshk) Districts ........................................................ 32
Participation ....................................................................................................................................... 32
Prevention .......................................................................................................................................... 33
Protection ........................................................................................................................................... 33
Relief and recovery ............................................................................................................................. 34
Herat Province, Guzara and Injil Districts ........................................................................................ 35
Participation ....................................................................................................................................... 35
Prevention .......................................................................................................................................... 36
Protection ........................................................................................................................................... 37
Relief and recovery ............................................................................................................................. 37
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7. Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 65
General Recommendations ................................................................................................... 66
Appendix 1: Proxies for UNSCR 1325 Pillars ........................................................................... 67
Appendix 2: Interviews and Focus Group Discussions ............................................................ 70
Appendix 3: Key Informant and Focus Group Codes ............................................................... 71
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1. Introduction
The United Nations adopted its Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) on October 2000 and
followed it up with six additional resolutions in subsequent years to acknowledge womens right to
participate in all aspects of conflict prevention and resolution, peacekeeping, and peace building, and to
be included in decision making bodies at all levels of government. Specific objectives on Women, Peace
and Security (WPS) in the subsequent resolutions created a normative policy framework for UN Member
States to adopt a gender perspective in their peace operations and provide guidance for translating
high-level recommendations into concrete policies and action plans.
Gender equality has been a major feature of post-2001 reconstruction and development programming
in Afghanistan. This commitment was first made in the Bonn Agreement (December 2001), followed by
similar commitments in the Constitution of Afghanistan (2003), Afghanistan Compact (2006), National
Action Plan for Women in Afghanistan (NAPWA 2008 2018), and Afghanistan National Development
Strategy (ANDS 2008 2013). Afghanistan is signatory to the Convention for the Elimination of all forms
of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW 2003) and has made specific commitments to meet
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) including Goal 3, Promote Gender Equality and Empower
Women and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) including Goal 5, Achieving gender equality and
empowering all women and girls and Goal 16, Promoting peaceful and inclusive societies for
sustainable development, providing access to justice for all and building effective, accountable and
inclusive institutions at all levels.
Each of these commitments emphasizes gender mainstreaming as a crosscutting theme to be
incorporated into all government policies and all manner of donor aid programming. Through its
Recommendation Number 30, issued in October 2013, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) further renewed the focus on the implementation of UNSCR
1325 through adequately funded National and Regional Action Plans. Afghanistans National Action Plan
for the implementation of UNSCR 1325 (NAP 1325) was released in June 2015.
In practice, Afghanistan has a higher percentage of women in its government than the United States,
France, Australia, and the United Kingdom.1 However, the reduction in 2013-2014 of the quota for
female provincial council members in Afghanistan from 25 percent to 20 demonstrates the tenuousness
of relatively high numbers of females in different structures of government. The departure of
international security forces by the end of 2014 has meant that many of the thousands of women who
worked for the international security forces, auxiliary businesses, and numerous humanitarian and other
NGOs that operated under the safety umbrella of international security forces have lost their jobs since
2014 due to the draw down of international forces. This trend has been coupled with significant
increases in the intensity and frequency of armed opposition activity as exemplified in Kunduz,
Helmand, and Nangarhar since late 2015. Higher rates of unemployment among men has also been
linked to increased tension within households and domestic violence against women.2
1 See: http://www.dailykos.com/story/2012/09/27/1137274/-The-Gender-Gap-Percentage-of-Women-in-
Government-Worldwide-We-re-Number-One-Right-Not-So-Much#
2 See Monitoring Women in Security Transition reports for Cycles 3-5 (2014-2014), available from:
This rapid assessment was carried out against this backdrop to take stock of the current conditions in 15
provinces (38 urban and rural districts) for developing evidence-based advocacy tools to be used in
meeting UNSCR 1325 / NAP 1325 objectives for Afghanistan. The report takes account of the general
security situation, the existing gender relations within the target communities, the existing capacity
requirements for WPS interventions to take place, and whether or not there is demand for such
interventions.
2. Scope
This report profiles each of the 15 provinces profiled separately based on the four pillars of UNSCR 1325.
The pillars are: Participation, Prevention, Protection, and Relief and Recovery. The proxies used for the
operationalization of indicators under these four pillars are described in Appendix 1.
Figure 1: Target Provinces
The target provinces for this assessment were: Kabul and Parwan (Central), Bamyan and Daikundi
(Central Highlands), Helmand, Kandahar, and Uruzgan (South), Paktya (South East), Nangarhar and
Laghman (East), Kunduz and Badakhshan (North East), Balkh and Faryab (North), and Herat (West).
(Figure 1).
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See: http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/issues/women/wps.shtml
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Secondary sources of data were Central Statistics Office (CSO), United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR), and Independent Electoral Commission (IEC).
5. Sectoral Overview
Women's participation in politics remains limited despite the significant changes, including legislative
reform, since 2001 to increase participation. The current legislated quota for women in Provincial
Councils as elected bodies is 20 percent. Without this quota, womens representation would have been
significantly lower than the current levels. Womens role in the peace process is slightly higher as a
percentage. With the exception of Kabul at 30 percent, all other provinces have percentages of women
lower than 20 (Figure 1).
Figure 2: Women in Provincial Councils (PC) and Provincial Peace Councils (PPC)
Source: IEC (2015) for PC data and interviews with PPC members for data on PPC membership
Women in both provincial councils and provincial peace councils complain that their presence in both
bodies is mostly symbolic and that their roles are not taken seriously by their male counterparts. In
addition, women representatives often have fewer privileges than men including provisions for their
security.
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Official data on women's employment within the Afghan National Police (ANP) is classified. However, in
all provinces the male and female interviewees from ANP expressed an urgent need for more female
police officers. The factors that continue to impede employment of women in ANP are traditional
conservatism against women in the workforce, working for entities reputed to have questionable moral
values (i.e., ANP), high levels of insecurity which tend to make working women targets of assassinations,
and poor infrastructure and facilities at the workplace which tend to affect women much more than
men.
The number of female teachers has been increasing steadily over the years. Also significant is the high
percentage of female students (Figure 2). The key challenges in the education sector are the insufficient
number of female teachers, high dropout rate of girls at higher grades, and the generally poor quality of
education that fails to adequately prepare girls and women for the workforce.
Figure 3: Women and Education
In the health sector, quite apart from access to service issues for women, there is a drastic shortage of
female doctors and health professionals (Table 1).
Table 1: Total Numbers of Female Doctors and Health Associates
Total No. of Doctors
Female Doctors
Female Health
Associates
Badakhshan
Balkh
Bamyan
257
500
91
77
136
19
721
639
420
323
242
162
Daikundi
Faryab
Helmand
Herat
Kabul
Kandahar
Kunduz
Laghman
Nanagarhar
Paktia
Parwan
Uruzgan
59
108
152
507
3,470
209
184
131
555
176
129
72
1
21
9
113
948
25
25
10
62
17
12
6
250
199
316
748
4,517
481
424
227
942
325
213
166
88
81
80
302
1,602
120
128
78
222
81
74
63
Province
Badakhshan has the highest numbers of female doctors and health associates while Daikundi has only
one female doctor (Figure 3). Clearly, this severe lack of trained and available health professionals plays
a major role in the failure, praticularly in remote areas, to protect vast numbers of women against
curable health problems.
Figure 4: Percentages of Female Doctors and Health Associates
Due to positive discrimination and quotas, the percentage of women in civil services is high relative to
neighboring countries such as Iran and Pakistan and is in fact higher than the percentage of women in
civil services in Canada, Australia, France, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Although many
women face discrimination and harassment in the workplace, the worry by a all womens rights and
human rights activists is the tenuousness of Afghanistans relatively high number of women in civil
services (Figure 4). The removal of the quota or concessions to reduce the quota in return for peace with
the armed opposition groups or accommodating traditional conservatism is likely to severely undermine
the presence of women in Afghanistan civil services and thus their participation in government decision
making.
Figure 5: Percentage of Female Civil Servants
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10
Women's presence in civil services is the lowest in Paktia, Uruzgan and Laghman. The second lowest
numbers are in Kandahar, Helmand and Bamyan. The low numbers are mainly attributed to traditional
forms of conservatism and heightened insecurity.
Human rights defenders and protectors of human rights often point to the number of women in
incarceration and how they are treated as partial indicators of womens wellbeing in society. The official
statistics for Afghanistan show relatively low numbers of female inmates in the 15 provinces. However,
Daikundi and Balkh stand out as having unusually high percentages for female inmates (Figure 5). In
Uruzgan there are no facilities for holding female inmates. Convicted females are sent to Kandahar to
serve their sentences.
Figure 6: Female Inmates
Some protection work centered on female inmates has been undertaken by Afghanistan Independent
Human Rights Commission and international civil society organizations such as International Red Cross
Committee. After release from prison women face numerous challenges in reintegration into their
communities due largely to the stigma of having been incarcerated. This stigma also makes the women
more prone to violence. In terms of protection, much needs to be done about the conditions of female
inmates, many of whom live in prisons with their children, are subjected to sexual harassment and
abuse, and fear the failure of reintegration after release. More attention needs to be paid the
protection, education, and reintegration of female inmates.
Ongoing conflict and economic hardship have played a major role in the displacement of large swathes
of the Afghan population. Forty eight percent of all displaced persons are female ranging from infants
(around 10 percent) to persons aged between 18 and 59 years of age (around 20 percent). (Table 2).
Table 2: Age and Gender Breakdown of IDPs June 2015
Age groups
Percentage of Males
0-4 Years
5-11 Years
12-17 Years
18-59 Years
60+ Years
Total
Percentage of Females
10%
11%
9%
20%
3%
52%
9%
9%
9%
18%
3%
48%
11
Based on the available data it can be concluded that there are around one million displaced individuals
in all age categories with women making up around 50 percent of the displaced and, as such, need
particular attention in UNSCR 1325-based intervention programming. The available data also shows that
there was a rapid rise in the number of IDPs in the central regions (Ghazni, Kabul, Kapisa, Logar and
Wardak) in 2012 and especially 2014. Also in 2014 there was also a major rise in number of IDPs in the
Southern Region (Helmand, Kandahar and Uruzgan). There is a sharp increase in the numbers of IDPs in
Kabul and Nangarhar in 2014 and Kunduz in 2015. The rise in Kunduz is attributed to the ongoing assault
by AOGs since early 2015, especially in Khanabad and Aliabad districts. The sharp increase in Nangarhar
can also be attributed to the increase in AOG activity in some districts (Figure 6).
Figure 7: Conflict-induced Displacement by Province and Year
The protection of IDPs falls under the mandate of the Ministry of Refugees and Repatriation (MoRR).
The data from the field suggests that insufficient assistance is provided by MoRR to protect the IDPs
with the most vulnerable being neglected the most. UNHCR is the agency referred to as the entity that
provides the most assistance. In terms of protection and prevention programming much more needs to
be done in temporary shelters to address basic food and shelter needs while efforts to provide
education for children and adults, vocational training for women, and health services for women need
to be intensified.
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12
Participation
Womens participation in peace and politics in Badakhshan is relatively limited. Two out of 26 Provincial
Peace Council are women and while womens representation in the Provincial Council does not exceed
the minimum requirement of 20 percent (three out of 15). 4
The main impeding factors for womens participation in Badakhshan are said to be societal
conservatism, lack of awareness and a generally low standard of living. 5 The society clearly consists of a
group that supports womens participation and one that does not:
The attitude of our colleagues and men in the society in general differ. A smaller group that is
educated and aware, support womens participation, while a larger, more conservative group, do
not appreciate and want women to participate. Their natural reaction is what do women have to
6
do with peace and politics.
With 29 percent of government employees in Badakhshan being female, interviewees believe that major
improvements can be made if the level of awareness and womens capacity to work are increased. 7
4
Data on PPC membership are retrieved through an interview with PPC member. See IEC (2014) and Pajhwak
(2014) for data on PC membership
5
KI-F-CSO-3-Bad, confirmed by three key informants
6
KI-F-PW-ARG-Bad, similar views confirmed by two other key informants
7
KI-F-PW-Yaf-Bad, confirmed by three key informants
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Though impeding ideologies and conservatism in the society still persist, awareness raising initiatives
have helped reduce the extent of discrimination in the workplace. 8
There is a need for more female police officers in Badakhshan, especially in districts and the single main
impeding factor for womens participation is said to be societal conservatism:
There are no female police officers in Yaftal district, so I cannot say whether they face genderbased challenges. But there are female police officers in the center of the province () The society
is divided about women working for ANP. Some are educated and understand that it is important
9
() others have a negative view of women working for ANP
The local FRU stated that there is no inappropriate behavior of male colleagues towards female police
officers and the level of awareness in the society is increasing as female police officers are not insulted
during their work. 10
Prevention
Women in Badakhshan are subjected to different kinds of violence, most of which are caused by
insecurity and lack of access to legal and judicial institutions. 11 The most common types of violence that
women are subjected to are physical abuse, followed by forced and underage marriages that lead to
escaping from home, denying alimony and rape. 12
Societal conservatism is the main impeding factor for lack of womens access to justice. Families do not
tolerate their women seeking justice outside their homes. 13
Due to lack of female ANP personnel and the shortcomings of the formal judiciary, formal efforts to
prevent violence against women have not been fruitful. 14 Corruption within the judiciary prevents
justice from being served and violators of womens rights are rarely punished. 15
Informal efforts to prevent violence against women consist primarily of awareness raising and
mediation. The Department of Womens Affairs stated to have programs where mosques and religious
elders are encouraged to include issues regarding womens rights in their sermons. 16
None of the interviewees have had direct dealings in their work with UNSCR 1325 or the recently
launched Afghan National Action Plan for UNSCR 1325. Though there is awareness about the EVAW law
and its implementation in central areas of the province, most interviewees stated that due to the
shortcomings of the formal judiciary, EVAW law is not being implemented accordingly.17
8
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14
Protection
The level of awareness in urban and central areas of Badakhshan is relatively high, which allows women
some access to the formal justice system. 18 However, even in those areas, there are complaints of
corruption within the judiciary, which prevents justice from being served. 19
The society in rural areas is more conservative, which deters women from seeking help from the formal
judiciary:
Because the society in Argo is conservative, most of our efforts are directed to solving cases
through informal methods () for example, we direct cases to community elders and ask them to
solve it. But sometimes we do solve cases through formal methods by sending it to the attorneys
20
office.
Because of the stigma that goes with seeking justice outside the community, women in districts are said
to prefer informal justice. 21 However, despite the common use of informal justice, the elders presiding
over informal courts are said to lack awareness and do not respect human rights in their decisionmaking. 22
Women whose lives are in danger can seek shelter in a safehouse in Badakhshan, which is said to be
accessible to any women in need. 23
18
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15
Despite the recent improvements, womens prisons are still said to lack space and inmates do not
receive proper vocational and literacy trainings. 27 Women who leave prisons are either sent back home,
or if their families do not accept them, to a safehouse that is located in the province. 28
Women in Badakhshan do have access to a safehouse and no complaints have been made about the
situation of women who reside there. The safety of those who leave the safehouses is monitored by the
AIHRC for a year after their departure. 29 Similarly, the local FRU and DoWA make sure that the family
guarantees of no harm being done to the woman who leaves the safehouse and goes back home. 30
27
KI-F-CSO-1-Bad
KI-F-DoWA-Bad, confirmed by four key informants
29
KI-F-CSO-3-Bad
30
KI-F-FRU-Bad, confirmed by three key informants
28
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Participation
There is a consensus among the interviewees that women are capable of participating and contributing
to political decision-making and the formal peace process.31 Despite the optimism, womens
participation remains limited throughout the province, especially in districts. Three out of 30 members
of the PPC and three out of 19 members of the PC in Balkh are women.32
Different reasons have been given as causes for lack of womens presence and participation at different
levels of decision-making:
Women do participate and have participated, but their presence and level of participation has
been uniform and lacked diversity. Also no efforts have been made to enhance womens
participation. There is discrimination, religious and societal conservatism, patriarchy, etc., which
33
still persist in Mazar-e-Sharif
Other reasons mentioned are lack of awareness among women and lack of education and high illiteracy
rates especially among women living in districts and rural areas.34 Societys support to womens
participation, be it in labor market, is conditional and the male family members have final word on
whether or not a woman is allowed to work.35
With 43 percent of all government employees in Balkh being female, womens participation in civil
service in the province is one of the highest in the country.36 However, there are complaints of men
31
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generally assuming that women lack the capacity and the knowledge to fulfill their duties.37 Despite the
discrimination, there are no complaints of inappropriate behavior or gender-based violence against
women within the civil service.
There is insufficient number of female ANP personnel. The societys view of women working for ANP is
generally negative:
Women who work for the police face all kinds of challenges, but because of economic hardship
and fear of losing their job, they do not inform us about it. The main problem is that some of these
women are either illiterates of widowed and because they cannot find any other jobs, they go and
join the police. At workplace, they are denigrated and their illiteracy is rubbed in their faces.
38
Women could even be subjected to verbal abuse and harassment.
Another interviewee added though the society is changing, there is a lack of tolerance for women
joining the police. 39
However, none of the police officers interviewed in Balkh complained about discrimination or bad
attitude of male colleagues toward women within the police force.40
Prevention
Violence against women is common in Balkh and the types of violence that women are subjected to
differ:
Unfortunately, violence and physical abuse of women has turned into a culture. Violence such as
cutting off the noise, hanging, and murder are common in districts. Bad dadan is a common
practice, which makes us question all our values. In addition to that, there are forced and
41
underage marriages.
Another type of violence mentioned is escaping from home and almost all violence that women are
subjected to is of domestic nature.42
Informal methods to prevent violence against women consist primarily of advocacy and engagement of
the community members. The ANP in Khulm district stated to initially seek the help of community elders
and mediate instead of taking the cases to formal courts.43
Formal efforts to prevent violence against women have not been up to the standards. Though there is
EVAW law and those in charge of its implementation have the tools to do so, there are complaints of
incompetence within and discrimination by the formal judiciary. 44
37
KI-M-CSO-1-Bal
KI-F-CSO-3-Bal
39
KI-F-PW-Daw-Bal
40
KI-M-ANP-Khu-Bal
41
KI-M-CSO-1-Bal
42
KI-M-ANP-Khu-Bal, confirmed by two key informants
43
KI-M-ANP-Khu-Bal, awareness raising has been mentioned by two other key informants
44
KI-M-CSO-1-Bal, confirmed by two key informants
38
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18
None of the interviewees have had direct dealings in their work with UNSCR 1325 or the recently
launched Afghan National Action Plan for UNSCR 1325. The Elimination of Violence Against Women
(EVAW) law, however, does seem to be more institutionalized. However, the judiciarys weakness
impedes the optimal implementation of EVAW law. 45
Protection
Societal conservatism, lack of security, corruption and lack of competence within the formal judiciary
and discrimination and unfair treatment of women by judicial institutions impede womens access to
justice in Balkh significantly. 46 The ANP in Khulm district stated that, in order to avoid expenses and
unrest within the community, they use informal judiciary as their initial point of contact in minor cases
where womens rights are violated.47 Therefore, the use of informal courts, presided by community and
religious elders, has been a common practice in Balkh. Most of the decisions made by the informal
courts are against women and sometimes, such as in cases of bad dadan, even against the law. 48 Many
interviewees stated that those who preside over the informal courts need more awareness on issues
concerning womens rights. 49
Women have access to safe houses. However, the conservative nature of the society deters them from
seeking help or applying for safe houses. 50
According to most of the interviewees, women can be better protected if more is done on awareness
raising within the communities, especially the community and religious leaders who preside over
informal courts. 51
45
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within the prisons (...) Also, young children who reside in prisons with their mothers do not get the
54
basic needs, such as clothing and proper food.
The women who return to their communities from prisons or safe houses are stigmatized and are
subjected to further violence, aggression, and sometimes murder.55
54
55
KI-F-CSO-3-Bal, similar views have been confirmed by two other key informants
KI-M-ANP-Khu-Bal, confirmed by one key informants
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Participation
Womens participation in formal peace process as well as politics in Bamyan province is described as
symbolic and predominantly limited to central areas. 56 Two out of 27 Provincial Peace Council members
are women. 57 Women who are active in the PPC complain of not being taken seriously and listened to
by their male counterparts.58 Apart from discrimination on the work floor, lack of facilities and
incentives, such as promotions, are said to be the main impeding factors for womens participation. 59
Despite the limitations, womens participation in politics is said to have improved in urban areas, as the
head of the Provincial Council in Bamyan is a woman. 60
There is a need for more women within the security forces in Bamyan.61 The main impeding factor for
womens participation in ANP are said to be lack of awareness in the society, lack of facilities and
discrimination. Women do not get promoted and when they do, their male colleagues do not
acknowledge their promotion:
A woman once told me I was promoted in rank together with a male colleague. Despite being
the head of the unit, those who are below me do not salute me and do salute my male colleagues
62
with a similar rank
The entire district of Yakawlang is said to have one female police officer who is in charge of frisking
women. 63 The provincial FRU, together with AIHRC have started an advocacy campaign in schools where
56
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21
children are informed about the importance of womens participation in ANP. 64 It is not mentioned
whether the campaign has been effective so far.
Data from CSO show that 17 percent of all civil servants are women, which is comparable to more
conservative and unsafe provinces of Helmand and Kandahar. 65 Lack of women-centered facilities at the
workplace is said to be the main impeding factor for women participating in labor market and joining
the civil service. 66
Prevention
Women in Bamyan are subjected to different kinds of violence, most of which is of domestic nature. 67
The most common types of violence that women face are physical abuse, forced and underage
marriage, denying education and suicide. 68 The main reason for violence against women in Bamyan is
said to be lack of awareness. 69
Lack of resources as well as female employees within the ANP and the formal judiciary prevents EVAW
law, which is the main deterrent for violators of womens rights, to be implemented properly.70 Lack of
female lawyers also impedes efforts to prevent violence against women in Bamyan. 71
Informal methods to eliminate violence against women consist of an integral effort to raise awareness
through seminars and workshops organized by the DoWA for community and religious leaders:
Shohada, Action Aid, UNHCR and Agha Khan Foundation provide financial assistance to us so that
we can continue our awareness raising seminars with community and religious leaders. Similarly,
Department of Haj and Religious Affairs, the Department of Justice and local and District Councils
72
cooperate with us to make our seminars possible.
None of the interviewees stated to work directly with UNSCR 1325 or the recently launched Afghan
National Action Plan for UNSCR 1325. Though there is awareness about the EVAW law, it is not
implemented accordingly. 73
Protection
According to the interviewees, the formal justice system shows significant shortcomings when it comes
to protecting women and punishing violators of womens rights:
Violators of womens rights are not punished properly. Men are usually forgiven. A majority of the
employees of legal and judicial organs are men, who lack professional knowledge and are still
74
university students
64
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Formal judicial organs are said to be corrupt, systematically discriminatory toward women and the
decisions that concern women take long time to be made, which leads to women resorting to informal
justice.75 There are no complaints about the quality of decisions made by community courts in the
province.
Women whose lives are in danger do have access to a safehouse in Bamyan, where the conditions are
said to be good and women get to learn some basic vocational skills. 76
74
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Participation
Womens participation in formal peace process in Daikundi is described as limited and symbolic. 85 Two
out of 18 Provincial Peace Council members are women, who are said to be rarely present in meeting
and gatherings. 86
Contrary to participation in peace, womens participation in politics in the province is among the highest
in the country. Daikundi is the only monitored province where female membership in the Provincial
Council exceeds the 20% quota.87 With the governor of the province, the head of the Department of
Womens Affairs and the head of provincial TV and Radio station being all women, women are actively
involved in decision-making at a leadership level in the province. 88
The situation of women working for the police is said to have improved significantly over the last years:
In the past women who were hired to work for the police were used a cooks or laundrers, but
now they are they do the work that they are hired for and there is even a new female gender
89
officer within the Security Command Center
Apart from having a gender officer, the head of FRU and the head of counterterrorism unit within the
ANP are also women. 90 According to the FRU in the province, there was much discrimination and
inappropriate behavior against women in the past, but it has improved over the last five years and
women within the ANP do not face any kind of discrimination or ill treatment by male colleagues
anymore.91
85
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Lack of women-centered facilities at the workplace is said to be the main impeding factor for women
participating in labor market and joining the civil service:
Women enjoy all the rights that the law gives to civil servants. We do not have any complaints in
this regard so far. The major problem that women face while working is that there are no facilities
such as child care centers that accommodates their jobs () lack of these facilities is a major
92
impeding factor for women working for the government.
Data from CSO show that 29 percent of all civil servants are women. 93 There are no complaints of bad
attitude of men towards their female colleagues at the workplace.
Prevention
Women in Daikundi are subjected to different kinds of violence, most common ones being escaping
from home, physical abuse, forced and underage marriages and suicide. 94 Almost all violence that
women are subjected to is of domestic nature, which is said caused by lack of awareness and lack of
security. 95
Formal efforts consist of Districts Development Assembly, in coordination with the head of ANP and
representatives from Community Development Councils monitoring the extent and types of violence
that women are subjected to and taking action:
We have participated in meetings with the head of district and district attorney and directed
them to bring violators of womens rights to justice. They have agreed so far and the general
96
attitude has improved over time.
The ANP and FRU have stated to take issues concerning womens rights seriously and make sure that
justice is being served. 97 The department of womens affairs stated to have a monitoring committee for
elimination of violence against women, which keeps the Department aware of the developments in the
province. 98
Informal efforts to eliminate violence against women consist primarily of awareness raising through
gatherings, meetings and workshops organized by the DoWA and AIHRC. 99
None of the interviewees have had direct dealings in their work with UNSCR 1325 or the recently
launched Afghan National Action Plan for UNSCR 1325. Though there is awareness about the EVAW law
and its implementation in central areas of the province, the AIHRC stated that much work needs to be
done to enhance awareness on the implementation of the EVAW law in districts.100
92
KI-M-MoL-Dai
Central Statistics Organization (2013/2013)
94
KI-F-FRU-Dai, confirmed by three key informants
95
KI-F-PC-Dai, confirmed by two key informants
96
KI-F-DDA-Sha-Dai
97
KI-M-ANP-Sha-Dai, confirmed by one key informant
98
KI-F-DoWA-Dai
99
KI-M-AIHRC-Dai
100
KI-M-AIHRC-Dai
93
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Protection
According to the interviewees, the formal justice system shows significant shortcomings when it comes
to protecting women. Formal judicial organs are said to be corrupt, lack female employees and
systematically discriminatory toward women.101 The decisions that concern women take long time to be
made, which deters women to seek help from the formal judiciary. 102 Most decisions are made by
community elders through informal justice, which are said to be presided by individuals who are
generally aware and take fair decisions.103
Though there is a safehouse in Daikundi for women whose lives are in danger, the safehouses are said to
lack basic required facilities such as trainings and other educational programs. 104
None of the interviewees mentioned any special provisions for disabled women.
UNHCR is said to be the only organization that provides assistance to internally displaced women,
though they do so in cooperation with the Ministry of Refugees and Repatriation.106 Displaced women
could register themselves with the DoWA, however, there are no special provisions attributed to the
registration. 107
Though the behavior of the personnel is described as good, female prisons in Daikundi is in need of
much improvement. 108 Womens prisons are said to be overcrowded, with five to six women and their
children in one room, little sunlight and no educational and trainings facilities. 109
Similarly, through women do have access to safehouses, the quality of services provided and the
available facilities do not meet the need of women who reside there. 110 The ANP, FRU, DoWA and other
involved parties try to make sure that women are not subjected to violence upon the departure from
the safehouses:
The Department of Womens Affairs, in coordination with other legal organizations, the provincial
office and our office organizes a meeting. In this meeting, they invite the relatives of the woman in
101
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question to make sure that the woman who leaves the safehouse is not subjected to violence
111
upon departure. We make the family guarantee us the safety and security of the girl.
There is no mention of women being murdered or subjected to extreme violence upon departure from
the safehouses, nor is the society considered extremely intolerant of women who seek their refuge in a
safehouse.
111
KI-F-FRU-Dai
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Faryab Province, Maimanah City and Pashtun Kot District
Date of Visit: August 22, 2015
Table 7: Demographic Profile of Faryab Province
Male
Female
Population Division
50%
50%
Representation in Provincial Council
67%
33%
Representation in Provincial Peace Council
91%
9%
Percentage of Prisoners
98%
2%
Percentage of IDPs in Province
51%
49%
Percentage of teachers
63%
37%
Percentage of Students
71%
29%
Number of Women in ANP
Classified
40
Sources: Data on IDPs are provided by UNHCR/IDP Task Forces data (June 2015), other data are retrieved from CSO
(2013/2014). Data on PC and PPC membership are derived through interviews.
Participation
Most interviewees acknowledged and emphasized the importance of womens participation in peace
and politics. 112 However, womens participation in peace and politics in Faryab remains limited. Women
hold nine percent membership in the Provincial Peace Council and, with 20 percent, just meet the
minimum required percentage in the Provincial Council. 113
The main reasons for womens lack of participation in peace are said to be lack of resources, such as
funds and transportation to remote districts as well as the AOGs unwillingness to talk to women. 114
Women who work in peace also face threats to their lives by the AOG. 115
Womens participation in politics is impeded by similar factors as well as societal conservatism, most
families do not allow their women to participate in gathering, decision-making and campaigning. 116
There were no complaints about the attitude of male colleagues and the female PC and PPC members in
Faryab described their male colleagues as friendly. 117
The number of women working for the ANP in Faryab is estimated at 30 and the main impeding factor
for womens participation is said to be the dangers they face when they choose to work for the ANP:
Taliban threaten women who work with the ANP. If a father allows his daughter or sister to
work for the police, his family members that live in districts get threatened, killed or kidnapped.
118
The main difficulty of female police officers is threats from their surrounding and the AOG
112
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The ANP in Pashtun Kot district stated that the lack of female ANP personnel is one of the major
obstructions to prevention of violence against women. 119
Data from CSO show that 26 percent of all civil servants are women. 120 Societal conservatism and lack
of awareness are said to primarily impede women from participating in the labor market. 121 There are
no complaints of bad attitude of men towards their female colleagues at the workplace.
Prevention
Women in Faryab are subjected to different kinds of violence some of which are of domestic nature. The
most common types of violence against women in Faryab are physical abuse of beating, suicide, forced
and underage marriages, exchange of girls and women and some interviewees also mentioned cases of
rape. 122 According to DoWA in the provinces, this year alone, 15 cases of bad, which is the practice of
giving girls as retribution, have been reported to have happened in Kohestan and Bilchiragh districts. 123
The main causes of violence are said to be poverty, unemployment, lack of awareness and literacy in
districts more so in Faryab than other districts, drug addiction. 124
The main formal instrument in combatting violence against women in Faryab is the application of EVAW
law. However, nepotism and corruption impede the implementation of the law and punishment of those
who violate womens rights:
We arrest violators of womens rights, but we get phone calls from MPs or heads of
departments forcing us to release the detainee. Therefore our desire is for nepotism and
125
corruption to be eliminated and the salaries of the officers to be raised
Informal efforts to eliminate violence against women consist primarily of awareness raising through
gatherings, meetings and workshops organized by the DoWA and civil society organizations in which
community and religious elders are included. 126
None of the interviewees in Faryab stated to have any knowledge of or deal with UNSCR 1325 or the
recently launched Afghan NAP for UNSCR 1325. Though there is awareness about the EVAW law and the
ANP does try to implement it, nepotism, corruption and lack of attitude by the judiciary impedes its
execution.127
118
KI-M-ANP-Pas-Far
KI-M-ANP-Pas-Far
120
Central Statistics Organization (2013/2013)
121
KI-M-CSO-3-Far, confirmed by four key informants
122
KI-M-CSO-1-Far, confirmed by four key informants
123
KI-F-DoWA-Far
124
KI-F-DoWA-Far, confirmed by four key informants
125
KI-M-ANP-Pas-Far
126
KI-M-CSO-1-Far, confirmed by three key informants
127
KI-M-ANP-Pas-Far, confirmed by two key informants
119
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Protection
According to interviewees, formal mechanisms to protect womens rights show significant shortcomings
and women who seek formal justice face significant challenges.128 The main challenge for women
seeking justice is corruption and nepotism within the judiciary, which is said to serve money and power
instead of justice. 129 Lack of female police officers, especially in districts, makes it practically impossible
to protect women who are in danger and persecute violators of womens rights. 130
The conservative society of Faryab is not tolerant of women seeking justice outside their homes. 131
Therefore, many women resort to informal or tribal courts for justice, which are said to be unjust and
unfair toward women:
Informal courts always punish women, even when she is innocent. They only execute what the
man wants. For example, if a women is subjected to harsh violence and leaves home, informal
courts accuse the woman of not listening to het husband and leaving home. You have disgraced
132
your family and should be divorced. The woman gets nothing.
There are no complaints about the accessibility of safehouses for women who seek shelter because their
lives are in danger. Women are initially provided with an opportunity to stay at a safehouse for a year
and if the situation does not improve, the stay is extended. 133
Since this provision is limited to widows of war, women who have lost their husbands of causes other
than war do not receive any provisions. 135 Similar provisions and salary is given to women who are
disabled by war, but not to those who are disabled by other causes. 136
Women whose lives are in danger do have access to safehouses, where the conditions are explained as
good, but not perfect. 137 Women who leave safehouses are generally not accepted by their families and
face more threats. 138 However, DoWA, ANP and FRU ensure to make the families sign an agreement
that guarantees the safety of the woman in question upon her return to her family, given that her
community accepts the woman. 139
128
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There is a womens prison in Faryab, where the conditions are said to be good. 140 Women who reside in
prisons get monthly check-ups at the hospital and the ICRC monitors the prisons on a weekly and a
monthly basis. 141 Families and the society of female inmates are generally more acceptant of them
returning than those of women who leave safehouses. 142
Interviewees stated that there are no special provisions for women residing in IDP camps and IDPs in
general. 143
140
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Participation
There is a general consensus among the interviewees that women are capable of participating and
contributing to political decision-making and the formal peace process.144 Despite the optimism,
womens participation remains limited, more so than other provinces.145 three out of 28 members of the
Provincial Peace Council in Helmand are female. Similarly, data from IEC show that three out of 15
members of the Provincial Council are women.146
Reasons for the lack of female participation are insecurity, conservatism and patriarchy including mens
unwillingness to work for women.147 The main complaint by women active in politics and peace councils
is not being taken seriously, listened to or given time and space to actively participate in decisionmaking.148 Men do not acknowledge their female colleagues importance and women are generally
ignored in meetings and gatherings.149 The conservative attitude towards women further deters women
from participating in politics.150
Womens participation in the civil service remains limited. With 14 percent, female share of civil
servants in Helmand is among the lowest in the country.151 Discrimination within the government and in
the labor market as well as societal conservatism are the main impeding factors for women participating
in civil service.152
144
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There is insufficient number of female ANP personnel. The general view of womens participation in ANP
remains largely negative.153 There are reports of discrimination against female employees within the
ANP as women are not hired and those that do work for the ANP are given tedious and mundane jobs.
154
Prevention
Women in Helmand are subjected to different kinds of violence, the most common ones being physical,
verbal and mental abuse, deprivation from education and escaping from home. 155 The greatest part of
violence that women are subjected to is of domestic nature and happens inside the homes. 156 The single
main cause of violence against women is said to be lack of awareness among men. 157
No specific informal methods have been described to prevent violence against women. Similarly, the
implementation of the formal methods in the conservative society of Helmand is more challenging than
elsewhere. The society is ruthless to women who seek help from the formal judiciary and families of
women who leave home to seek justice are stigmatized by the society if no action is taken. 158 Helmand
does not have a safehouse where women whose lives are in danger can reside and efforts to open one
have been blocked by the society. 159
None of the interviewees have had direct dealings in their work with UNSCR 1325 or the recently
launched Afghan National Action Plan for UNSCR 1325. The implementation of Elimination of Violence
Against Women (EVAW) law, however, is used by the ANP and FRU as the basis for the prosecution of
those who violate womens rights.160
Protection
According to the interviewees, the formal justice system shows significant shortcomings when it comes
to protecting women. Formal judicial organs are said to be corrupt and systematically discriminatory
toward women, treating them unfairly and unequally as compared to men. This is especially the case
when women are illiterate and lack awareness about their rights. 161 Traditional conservatism and social
norms as well as a lack of tolerance toward women who seek justice outside the home also limit
womens access to formal justice:
In our province, there is not much talk of women seeking justice. People do not like their wives or
women going to legal or judicial institutions and asking for help. Even if women are subjected to a
lot of violence, they feel too afraid to seek justice or even complain to others about their
162
situation.
153
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The practice of informal justice is common in Helmand; however, the decisions made in those courts are
generally perceived to be against women plaintiffs. 163
There are no safehouses in Helmand to protect women whose lives are in danger. In order to protect
women against violence and enhance the general standards in the province, the civil society
organizations, together with DoWA, the Department of Justice, Department of Religious Affairs and
AIHRC have engaged in awareness campaigns where they organize gatherings and meetings with
community elders to inform them about human rights issues. 164
163
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Participation
All interviewees in Herat expressed their confidence in womens ability to participate in -and contribute
to- the political decision-making and peace process. However, womens participation in peace and
politics in the province remains limited and female membership of (Provincial) Peace Councils is
described as symbolic.169 Three out of 30 members of the Provincial Peace Council in Herat are female.
Similarly, data from IEC show that four out of 19 members of the Provincial Council are women.170
Contrary to many other provinces, the lack of female participation in peace and politics in Herat is
attributed to administrative structures rather than societal conservatism:
When there are two women and 30-50 men in a meeting, then obviously they would not be
listened to. In these settings, issues that women emphasize on do not get addressed () women
are used as symbols. They are appointed at a position, but never get the authority and the space
171
to operate in that capacity.
Or
Our role as women within the PPC is not symbolic, we have been given a symbolic role. We can do
a lot of things, reach out to masses and organize main events, but we are denied the resources
172
and the space to operate.
Because of this lack of time and space that women get, they usually engage in advocacy activities and
organize conferences and other gatherings outside their formal jobs.173
169
KI-F-FRU-Her
KI-F-PPC-Her
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Womens participation in the civil service remains limited. While 40 percent of all government
employees in Herat are female, women complain of discrimination in the work place, where men are
more easily holidays and their absenteeism is tolerated more than womens.174 There were no
complaints of inappropriate behavior of male colleagues toward women within the civil service in Herat.
There is insufficient number of female ANP personnel in Herat. Womens participation in the ANSF in
Herat is discouraged because the society believes that men are supposed to be in the military. 175 This
view makes Herat different from many other provinces where women who work with the ANSF are seen
as women of low morals.176 Of the three ANP personnel interviewed, none complained of indecent
behavior by male colleagues.
Prevention
According to ANP and the Family Response Unit (FRU), women in Herat are subjected to different kinds
of violence, most common ones being physical abuse and injuries, verbal threats of physical violence
and denying women alimony.177 Self-immolation has traditionally been common in Herat and, though in
decline, the practice still exists.178 One of the interviewees stated to have witnessed incidents of bad
dadan, which are uncommon in Herat.179 The main cause of violence against women is said to be more
awareness among women and lack of awareness among men.180 Women know what their rights are and
think they can practice it, but it provokes the conservative society. 181 Other causes of violence against
women are poverty and unemployment among men and women.182
Informal methods of preventing violence against women consist primarily of advocacy and awareness
raising by the DoWA and CSOs.183 The local Family Response Units and police try to engage with
community and religious elders as a way to protect women.184
Formal efforts to prevent violence against women have not been effective. The formal judicial and
governmental organizations are said to not function ideally and the police are said to lack awareness on
womens rights and gender issues.185 Access to justice is limited, particularly for women, and the
judiciary is considered as generally biased and unfair toward women.186
173
KI-F-PC-Her, confirmed by three key informants. Organizing activities outside the formal settings of the office in
order to achieve that what cannot be achieved in the formal settings has become a common practice and is
being considered an integral part of the job.
174
Central Statistics Organization (2013/2013), discrimination is confirmed by two key informants
175
KI-F-FRU-Her, confirmed by two other key informants.
176
In almost all other provinces monitored, women who work for the ANP are stigmatized and seen as a disgrace
(e.g. see Parwan)
177
KI-M-ANP-Her-Goz and KI-M-FRU-Her
178
KI-M-CSO-2-Her
179
KI-F-DoWA-Her, Bad dadan is the practice of using girls and women as retribution in cases of conflict between
tribes or families.
180
KI-M-CSO-1-Her, confirmed by three other key informants
181
KI-M-ANP-Her-Inj
182
KI-F-PW-Her-Goz, confirmed by two key informants
183
KI-F-DoWA-Her, confirmed by three key informants
184
KI-M-FRU-Her, confirmed by the head of police in Injil district
185
KI-M-CSO-1-Her, confirmed by four key informants
186
KI-M-CSO-2-Her, confirmed by four key informants
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The interviewees stated not to deal directly with UNSCR 1325, the recently launched National Action
Plan, or its implementation. However, governments policies include the implementation of UNSCR
1325, the governmental departments in Herat stated to indirectly implement the Resolution. 187 The
implementation of EVAW law, however, is more institutionalized as ANP and FRU both claim to use it as
the basis for the prosecution of those who violate womens rights.188
Protection
Contrary to many other provinces, there have not been many complaints about the nature of the formal
judiciary and its attitude towards women. However, women are said to lack access to formal justice
system. The main causes for lack of access are said to be societal conservatism, where stigmatization by
the society deters women from seeking help from the formal judicial organs.189
Other impeding factors are lack of presence of judicial organs and the police in districts and lack of
awareness among women, especially in districts.190 Therefore, women in districts have much less access
to the formal judiciary than those living in urban or central areas.
Where access to formal justice is limited, appeals are made on informal justice, which consists of
community and religious elders acting as judges. Though the ANP and FRU do try to monitor the
workings of the informal courts, they are described by CSOs as units of violence against women where
practices of exchange of girls and women as well as bad dadan are still common.191 The local FRU stated
to have planned an awareness-raising project among those who preside the informal courts, lack of
personnel and resources prevented them from executing that plan.192
Women who face threats of violence in Herat can access safe houses. The conditions in these safe
houses are described as women-friendly and women can stay there for as long as they feel it is safe for
them to leave and/or have an alternative safe residence.193 The social stigma and the negative image
that goes with safe houses and women living are present in Herat as well, but not as severely as in other,
more conservative provinces.194
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In the districts of Herat province, the police stations have detention cells where women are detained
before being sent to the single womens prison in the center of the province.197 It is estimated that there
are more than 100 female prisoners in Herat. 198 The womens prison is routinely monitored by the local
AIHRC and the conditions are described as adequate where women are provided with opportunities to
learn new skills such as tailoring and embroidery to facilitate reintegration. 199 Women in Herat can
access safe houses. The conditions in these safe houses are described as women-friendly and women
can stay there for as long as they feel it is safe for them to leave and/or have an alternative safe
residence.200 There is some social stigma about women who seek safe houses, but is not as severe as in
other, more conservative provinces.201
197
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Participation
There is a general consensus among the interviewees that women are capable of participating and
contributing to political decision-making and the formal peace process.202 Despite the optimism,
womens participation remains limited and female membership of (Provincial) Peace Councils is
described as symbolic.203 Ten out of 60 members of the high peace council in Kabul are female.204
Similarly, data from IEC show that seven out of 33 members of the Provincial Council are women.205
Reasons for the lack of female participation are insecurity, conservatism, patriarchy and AOGs
unwillingness to engage women in dialogue.206 The main complaint by women active in politics and
peace councils is not being taken seriously by men, listened to or given time and space to express
themselves.207 The generally conservative attitude towards women in politics further deters women
from participating in politics.208 Though male colleagues are described as professional, female members
of the Provincial Council hostilities by other men during work.209
202
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Womens participation in the civil service remains limited. While 34 Percent of all government
employees in Kabul are female, women complain of discrimination in the work place.210 Discrimination
in the labor market and at the work place is seen as a main impeding factor for women participating in
civil service.211 There were no complaints of inappropriate behavior of male colleagues towards women
within the civil service in Kabul.
There is an insufficient number of female ANP personnel. The general view of womens participation in
ANP remains largely negative.212 However, none of the police officers interviewed in Kabul complained
about discrimination or bad attitude of male colleagues toward women within the police force.
Prevention
According to ANP and the Family Response Unit (FRU), women in Kabul are subjected to different kinds
of violence, most common ones being physical abuse and injuries, verbal threats of physical violence,
denying women alimony, and some cases of murder.213 The greatest part of violence against women is
of domestic nature, caused in part by poverty, unemployment, drug addiction and lack of awareness
among men and women. 214
Informal methods of preventing violence against women consist primarily of advocacy and awareness
raising.215 The local ANP works together with the local religious authorities and village representatives to
enhance awareness of men and women on womens rights.216 The Department of Womens Affairs
(DoWA) designs mediations in such a way as to enhance awareness of womens rights in the society.217
Formal efforts to prevent violence against women have not been sufficiently fruitful. According to ANP
and FRU this is due to a lack of qualified personnel to address the issue of violence against women and
prosecute perpetrators adequately.218 Access to justice is limited, particularly for women, and the
judiciary is considered as generally biased and unfair towards women.219 Corruption within
governmental organizations, especially the judiciary, is considered to be a main deterring factor for
women seeking justice.220
None of the interviewees have had direct dealings in their work with UNSCR 1325 or the recently
launched Afghan National Action Plan for UNSCR 1325. The implementation of Elimination of Violence
Against Women (EVAW) law, however, does seem to be more institutionalized with ANP and FRU both
claiming that they use EVAW law as the basis for the prosecution of those who violate womens
rights.221
210
Central Statistics Organization (2013/2013): Afghanistan Statistical Yearbook 2013-14, Table 3-4: Number of
Current Government Civil Service Employees by Province, Page 17. This number includes government
contractors. The percentage of female government employees in Kabul, excluding the contractors, is 44 percent
211
KI-F-CSO-2-Kab, confirmed by two other key informants
212
KI-M-FRU-Kab, confirmed by two other key informants
213
KI-M-ANP-Kab-Bag and KI-M-FRU-Kab
214
KI-F-PC-Kab, confirmed by three other key informants
215
KI-F-DoWA-Kab, confirmed by three key informants
216
KI-M-FRU-Kab, confirmed by the head of police in Bagrami district
217
KI-F-DoWA-Kab
218
KI-M-ANP-Kab-Bag and KI-M-FRU-Kab
219
KI-F-DoWA-Kab, confirmed by three key informants
220
KI-F-DoWA-Kab, confirmed by one key informant
221
KI-M-FRU-Kab and KI-M-ANP-Kab-Bag
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Protection
According to the interviewees, the formal justice system shows significant shortcomings when it comes
to protecting women. Formal judicial organs are said to be corrupt and systematically discriminatory
toward women, treating them unfairly and unequally as compared to men.222 Traditional conservatism
and social norms as well as a lack of tolerance toward women who seek justice outside the home also
limit womens access to formal justice.223 Women usually seek help from traditional justice authorities
whose decisions are generally more in favor of the men and sometimes contradictory to the formal
law.224
Women have access to safe houses. However, the negligence of the formal justice system of female
victims deprives women of justice and extends their stay in the safe houses for longer than needed.225
According to the key informants from civil society organizations, women can be better protected
through more awareness about womens rights and place in society, and more recognition for such
organizations as Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission (AIHRC), whose work has a main
focus on protecting and promoting womens rights.226
The key informants from ANP and FRU emphasized the need for more awareness of womens rights as
part of an integrated approach for raising rights awareness within their communities and including
community and religious leaders and ANP personnel.227
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experience great difficulty in reintegrating into their communities due to the negative perception of
fellow community members of the immorality female inmates.233
The women who return to their communities from the safe houses are stigmatized and are subjected to
further violence, aggression, and sometimes murder.234 Women in safe houses receive some trainings to
learn new skills such as tailoring but there are no post-safe house monitoring mechanisms to establish
whether and how the trainings have served the women.235
Key informants from government and non-government organizations emphasize the need for higher
education among as one of the key ingredients of respecting and protecting womens rights.236
233
234
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Participation
Womens participation in peace and politics in Kandahar is limited. Four out of 39 members of the
Provincial Peace Council in Kandahar are female.237 Similarly, data from IEC show that four out of 19
members of the Provincial Council are women.238 The interviewees stated that the participation is
primarily limited to the center and urban areas of the province.239
Reasons for the lack of female participation are described as insecurity and lack of awareness or societal
conservatism:
Given the security situation in Kandahar, womens participation in politics is not very bad.
However, in general, the level of participation is very low and womens share of participation
needs to increase, be it in the Provincial Council, Provincial Peace Council, the Parliament or the
240
Senate
Lack of awareness among men and women combined with conservatism is especially said to be common
in districts, which leads to some families not allowing their women to working outside their homes.241
With 13 percent of all civil servants in Kandahar being female, womens participation in civil service in
Kandahar is among the lowest in the country.242 According to the Department of Labor and Social Affairs
in the province, giving female employees financial incentives might enhance their participation in civil
service.243 There were no complaints of discrimination in the labor market and female members of the
237
KI-F-PPC-Kan
KI-F-PC-Kan
KI-F-PC-Kan
241
KI-F-PW-Arg-Kan, confirmed by one key informant
242
Central Statistics Organization (2013/2014)
243
KI-M-MoL-Kand
240
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Provincial Council and Provincial Peace Council stated to be taken seriously by their male colleagues and
counterparts.244
Withy 119 female ANP members, the number of women in ANP in Kandahar is one of the highest among
the visited provinces. However, according to the Department of Womens Affairs, successful efforts are
being made to encourage more women to participate in ANSF.245 There are no complaints of bad
treatment of women within the ANP, nor are there any mentions of societys negative attitude towards
women working for ANP.
Prevention
There is much violence against women and Kandahar most of which is of domestic nature and partially
caused by poverty and unemployment:
There is physical violence, such as beating by the womans husband, mother-, father- or brotherin-law. There are also verbal violence and insulting. There is economic violence such as not paying
alimony. The practice of bad dadan is more common in districts than it is in the center. Exchange
of girls is common in the center and districts. Asking too high dowry prices is common, which leads
to exchange of girls, especially now that there are not many employment opportunities for men.
Forced and underage marriage is common, which sometimes leads to 13-14 year old girls being
246
subjected to harsh physical labor by their new in-laws
Informal methods of preventing violence against women consist primarily of advocacy and awareness
raising activities throughout the province.247 The local ANP to design their mediation practices in a way
that allows them to enhance awareness among the involved parties in order to avoid violence against
women in future.248
Formal efforts to prevent violence against women have not been sufficiently fruitful. Womens access to
justice remains limited due to societal conservatism and the EVAW law not to be implemented
appropriately.249 There is a lack of female personnel within the judiciary, which can lead to unequal and
unfair treatment of women.250
None of the interviewees have had direct dealings in their work with UNSCR 1325 or the recently
launched Afghan National Action Plan for UNSCR 1325. Though EVAW law is there, it is not being
implemented properly, especially in districts.251
Protection
Womens access to justice in Kandahar is limited. The main causes for lack of access are said to be
societal conservatism. 252 Families and tribes do not tolerate and are ruthless to women seeking justice
244
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outside of their families. 253 Similarly, the formal judiciary is described as male dominated, where
womens voice is rarely heard. 254 None of the interviewee complained of corruption within the formal
judiciary in Kandahar.
There are no safehouses in Kandahar where women, whose lives are in danger can seek shelter. Women
who are being threatened are placed in womens prisons or introduced to the DoWA in the province for
protection. 255
Most interviewees emphasized on the importance of awareness among the population, especially in
rural areas, as a means to protect women from violence. 256
No special reintegration measures are mentioned for women who arte released from prisons.
253
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Participation
All interviewees stated that women did have the capacity to contribute to peace and political decisionmaking. However, with two out of 30 Provincial Peace Council and three out of 15 Provincial Council
members being women, womens participation in peace and politics remains very limited.263
However, womens participation in peace and politics is impeded primarily by societal conservatism:
Attitudes differ, but in general people are very conservative and have a dark attitude towards
women. I went to the peace council and proposed that they have two female members and should
take two more. The men told me that if we with all our power cannot achieve anything in this
264
council, what could a woman with her headscarf achieve?
Apart from patriarchy and conservatism, lack of security and lack of self-confidence are described as the
main impeding factor for womens participation in peace and politics. 265
With 25 percent of all employees being female, womens participation in civil service in Kunduz remains
limited. The reasons for womens lack of participation are said to be societal conservatism and lack of
awareness among the population.266 Though women do complain about being treated unfairly, there is
no mention of inappropriate behavior by male colleagues. 267
There is insufficient number of female ANP personnel. The general view of womens participation in ANP
remains largely negative.268 However, both the ANP and FRU stated that women in the police do not get
subjected to sexual violence or intimidation. 269
263 IEC (2014), confirmed by KI-F-PPC-Kun and KI-F-PC-Kun
264
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Prevention
Women in Kunduz are subjected to different kinds of violence, the most common types being physical
abuse, such as beating, psychological and economic abuse, such as absence of the husband or denying
alimony and forced and underage marriage leading to escaping from home.270 The main causes of
violence against women are said to be lack of awareness, especially among men, poverty and
unemployment. 271
Informal efforts to prevent violence against women consist primarily of awareness raising. The
Department of Womens Affairs and a number of CSOs have stated to organize roundtables, workshops,
seminars and other kinds of gatherings to inform people about their rights and the importance of
peace.272 DoWA and the CSOs also stated to occasionally mediate between parties in conflict. 273
Formal efforts to prevent violence against women have not been sufficiently fruitful. According to the
interviewees, the formal judicial organs do not solve womens cases and lack the will and the resources
to implement the law properly.274
None of the interviewees have had direct dealings in their work with UNSCR 1325 or the recently
launched Afghan National Action Plan for UNSCR 1325. The lack of will within the judiciary impedes the
proper implementation of EVAW law.275
Protection
The interviewees stated not to be satisfied with the quality of services provided by the formal judiciary.
There are complaints of discrimination and unfair treatment of women.276 Traditional conservatism and
social norms as well as a lack of tolerance toward women who seek justice outside the home also limit
womens access to formal justice.277
Because of shortcomings of- lack of access to- the formal judiciary, people in Kunduz generally resort to
informal justice, which is said to be contribute to violence against women:
Informal justice system is not just and helpful towards women. For example, if a female rape
victim appeals to the informal court and the suspect is found guilty, then the court usually hands
the offenders sisters over to the victims family as retribution. The offenders sister is also a
woman and her rights are being completely neglected here. So the informal justice system does
278
not support women.
269
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Women in Kunduz do have access to safe houses and stay in safe houses for as long as they feel safe to
be there. When they choose to leave and if they decide to go back to their families, their safety and
security is constantly monitored by the local FRU.279
279
KI-M-FRU-Kun
KI-M-MoL-Kun
281
KI-F-AIHRC-Kun, confirmed by three key informants
282
KI-F-AIHRC-Kun, confirmed by three key informants
283
KI-F-DoWA-Kun, confirmed by two key informants
284
KI-M-FRU-Kun
285
KI-M-MoL-Kun
280
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Laghman Province, Mehtarlam and Alishang Districts
Date of Visit: August 21, 2015
Table 13: Demographic Profile of Laghman Province
Male
Female
Population Division
51%
49%
Representation in Provincial Council
78%
22%
Representation in Provincial Peace Council
92%
8%
Percentage of Prisoners
98,9%
1,1%
Percentage of IDPs in Province
52%
48%
Percentage of teachers
93%
7%
Percentage of Students
54%
46%
Number of Women in ANP
Classified
5
Sources: Data on IDPs are provided by UNHCR/IDP Task Forces data (June 2015), other data are retrieved from CSO
(2013/2014) Data on ANP, PC and PPC membership are derived through interviews.
Participation
Womens participation in peace, politics and formal decision-making in general is very limited. Two out
of 25 Provincial Peace Council members and two out of nine Provincial Council members in Laghman are
women. 286
The main limiting factors for womens participation in are said to be lack of security, lack of awareness
among men and women and the conservatism of the society. 287 A majority of the population that
oppose women participating in labor market or peace and political decision-making, use cultural reasons
to justify their opposition. 288
Awareness campaigns conducted by the CSOs in the past have been relatively successful in changing
peoples attitude towards womens participation. 289 According to women active in the formal peace
process more awareness is needed to enhance womens participation. 290
Though there are no complaints about the attitude of male colleagues by working women, the absence
of women in a peace committee appointed by the President is seen as an indicator of government not
assigning any value to womens voice in Laghman. 291
With six percent of all government employees being women, womens participation in Laghman is one
of the lowest in the country. 292 Similar to participation in peace and politics, womens participation in
286
Data on PPC membership are retrieved through an interview with PPC member. See IEC (2014) and Pajhwak
(2014) for data on PC membership
287
KI-F-PPC-Lag, confirmed by three key informants
288
KI-F-CSO-1-Lag, confirmed by two key informants
289
KI-M-DoWA
290
KI-F-PPC-Lag, confirmed by three key informants
291
KI-M-DoWA-Lag
292
Central Statistical Organization (2014)
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civil service is impeded by lack of awareness and a low level of awareness within the society. 293 There
are no complaints about inappropriate behavior of male colleagues towards women working in civil
service.
Despite governments efforts to create incentives, such as extra facilities and scholarships for women
who join the ANP, number of police officers in Laghman remains low. 294 The society is said to be against
their women joining the security forces. 295
Prevention
There is much violence against women in Laghman. The most common types of violence that women in
Laghman are subjected to are forced and underage marriages, escaping from home, a personal
animosity against women within the families leading to physical and verbal abuse and denying a woman
divorce.296 Almost all the violence that women are subjected to is of domestic nature and on many
occasions consists of violence of women against women. 297 Though not verified by other sources, the
head of ANP in Alishang district reported a rise in incidents of kidnapping of women who work on the
fields or get water. 298 Kidnappings in this would make Laghman province unique as such incidents have
not been reported in other provinces.
Much effort is being made to prevent violence against women through formal means:
Whenever problems or crimes [concerning womens rights] are reported to the criminal
investigation unit; We contact the Department of Womens Affairs, Department of Labor and
Social Affairs, the Attorneys office and the courts. We have a department of Womens Domestic
299
Problems, and that department talks to and is engaged with women who seek help
Similarly, one CSO stated to have projects that raise awareness- and work- on elimination of violence
against women through engaging the youth and giving workshops and trainings in collaboration with the
governor of Laghman. 300
The sole informal method of preventing violence against women consist of awareness raising initiative
by CSOs and the ANP, who organize workshops and trainings, and the government that broadcasts TV
and radio ads against violence against women. 301
None of the interviewees stated to directly work with UNSCR 1325 or Afghanistans National Action Plan
for UNSCR 1325. Though there is awareness about the EVAW law and its implementation in central
areas of the province needs to be improved. 302
293
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Protection
In theory there is some degree of formal justice in Laghman, which not only involves the police and
judiciary, but also DoWA, MoLSAMD and some CSOs. 303 In practice however, due to insecurity, lack of
awareness and the conservative nature of a society, formal methods of preventing violence against
women have not been effective. 304 Lack of awareness and societal conservatism are especially high in
rural and remote areas, where women are said to have no access to formal judiciary:
Even if women are subjected to violence, they usually tolerate the suffering and not raise their
voice, because it is seen as a sign of shame and disgrace to the woman and the community ()
305
Better security would make it possible to prosecute violators of womens rights.
The rule of law with regards to protection of womens rights in Laghman has not prevailed and many
violations of womens rights remain a secret inside families homes. 306
There are no safehouses in Laghman and women whose lives are in danger are either sent to a
safehouse in Nangarhar or sent to the womens prison in Laghman.307
Though food and clothing in womens prison in Laghman are said to be good, female inmates in the
province receive no vocational training and there are no reintegration mechanisms. 312Nangarhar
303
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Participation
Interviewees are of the opinion that womens participation in peace and politics and in society in
general is of crucial importance.313 However, womens participation remains limited and female
membership of (Provincial) Peace Councils is described as symbolic.314 Two out of 25 members of the
Provincial Peace Council in Nangarhar are female and data from IEC show that three out of 19 members
of the Provincial Council are women.315
The main reason for the lack of female participation in Nangarhar is insecurity. 316 Other factors are
conservatism and patriarchy.317 The main complaint by women is that the society is not tolerant of
women working outside their homes and participating in current affairs and that women are not
listened to, taken seriously or given time and space to express themselves.318 Though male colleagues
are described as professional, women generally find them not supportive and an impeding factor to
their participation.319
Womens participation in the civil service is, with 10 percent, one of the lowest in the country.320 Here
too, societal conservatism is described as the major impeding factor for womens participation in civil
service.321
313
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There is insufficient number of female ANP personnel. The general view of womens participation in ANP
remains largely negative.322 There are also complaints about the treatment of women within the ANP,
where it is said that male superiors subject women to inappropriate behavior and indecent proposals.323
Prevention
According to a local CSO, women in Nangarhar are subjected to more types of violence than the 22
mentioned in the EVAW law. 324 The most common types of violence against women are physical and
mental abuse, escaping from home, divorce, and economic deprivation, most of which is of domestic
nature. 325 The main causes of violence are said to be lack of awareness, especially among men, poverty
and unemployment. 326
Informal methods to prevent violence against women are primarily awareness raising strategies
employed by DoWA, some CSOs and the FRU. 327 In Nangarhar, the use of informal justice or informal
courts is a common practice. However, the courts are said to usually decide against women and those
who preside over the cases lack the minimum awareness requirements. 328
Formal methods of preventing violence against women have major shortcomings. The formal agencies in
charge of the judiciary and law enforcement, do not implement the law, are corrupt and abusive
towards women. 329 The judiciary and law enforcement is said to not to hesitate to take advantage of
helpless women without any resources in need of justice. 330
None of the interviewees have had direct dealings in their work with UNSCR 1325 or the recently
launched Afghan National Action Plan for UNSCR 1325. EVAW law is not being implemented and the sole
determinant of justice is said to be power, money or nepotism.331
Protection
The law enforcement is not considered helpful to women who seek justice. It is said that because
women at their mercy are subjected to abuse, women generally do not seek help through formal means.
332
The judiciary is described as corrupt and unfair to women, where womens cases take much longer to
be processed and the decisions are usually unjust and against women. 333 Because of the formal
judiciarys attitude and lack of effectiveness, it is suggested that informal justice, despite all its
shortcomings, might be a better option for women. 334 Because informal courts are not corrupt and
322
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everyone knows each other, they can be particularly helpful in solving womens civil cases cases such as
inheritance rights. 335
Women in Nangarhar are stated to have access to safe houses and the conditions within the safe houses
are said to be good. 336
According to the key informants from civil society organizations, women can be better protected
through more awareness about womens rights and place in society, especially among men.337
335
KI-F-CSO-3-Jal
KI-M-FRU-Jal, confirmed by two key informants
337
KI-F-CSO-3-Jal, confirmed by two key informants
338
KI-F-DoWA-Jal, confirmed by two key informants.
339
KI-M-MoL-Jal
340
KI-M-CSO-2-Jal
341
KI-F-CSO-3-Jal
342
KI-F-CSO-2-Jal, confirmed by two key informants
343
KI-F-CSO-2-Jal, confirmed by two key informants
344
KI-M-ANP-Jal-Kam
336
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Participation
Participation of women in all aspects of the decision-making in Paktia is said to be lower than many
other provinces. With two out of 30 members of the Provincial Peace Council being women, womens
participation in formal peace in Paktia is one of the lowest in the country. Similarly, three out of 15
members of the Provincial Council are women, which just meets the 20 percent female representation
quota.345
The main reason for lack of womens participation is societal conservatism, while other causes
mentioned are lack of security and lack of awareness among men and women.346 Families usually do not
allow their women to work and the society is skeptical of women who leave their homes to participate
in labor market in general and peace and politics in particular. 347
With a share of just over four percent, womens participation in civil service in Paktia is among the
lowest in the country. 348 The conservative nature of the society limits womens mobility and access to
work:
People who respect Islamic dress code and acknowledge the importance of religion in our society
are usually free to work. But those who do not acknowledge Islamic dress code are definitely
subjected gossip and criticism by the society. People question her ethics () families also do not
349
allow their women to work outside their homes.
Womens participation in ANSF in Paktia is limited by the same factors:
345
IEC (2014), data from Pajhwok (2014) wrongly suggest that the PC in Paktia has 9 seats instead of the actual 15
seats
346
KI-F-DoWA-Pak, confirmed by three other key informants
347
KI-F-PPC-Pak, confirmed by two other key informants
348
Central Statistics Organization (2013/2013)
349
KI-F-PC-Pak, similar views about conservatism are confirmed by two key informants
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There are about 20-25 women active in ANSF and because the society patriarchal and a majority of
those employed are men, women who join the ANSF face a lot of [gender based] challenges. They
also face security challenges on their way to work and back and cannot live in districts. All of them
350
live in the center.
An interviewee from the FRU stated that the government does try to accommodate women who want
to work with the ANSF, but lack of security and societal conservatism is too big of a deterrent. 351
Prevention
Women in Paktia are subjected to different kinds of violence, most if which is of domestic nature:
Husbands torture and abuse their wives. In case of divorce, the father gets the children. Women
are denied the expenses needed for household shopping and daily chores. Mothers- and sisters-inlaw also subject women under a lot of pressure. Women suffer under psychological and mental
352
pressure
The most common type of violence against women is said to be physical abuse, while forced and
underage marriages, leading to womens lack of access to work and education, happen on a regular
basis as well. 353
Formal efforts to prevent violence against women have been rather fruitless. The ANP and FRU states to
lack personnel to cover districts and remote areas and the Department of Womens Affairs states that
the all legal and judicial organs lack knowledge of the EVWA law and its implementation. 354
Because of the lack of capacity and awareness among the legal and judicial organs, almost all cases of
violence against women are solved through informal justice, where community and religious elders
constituting the tribal or informal district councils, operate as mediators. 355 Though the ANP and FRU
state to collaborate closely with district councils to ensure that some justice is being served, the vast
majority of the decisions made by community elders are said to be in favor of men. 356
Protection
Womens access to formal justice system and the police in Paktia is very limited. The main impeding
factors are societal conservatism, lack of capacity within the formal legal and judicial organs and lack of
willingness within the formal judiciary to handle womens cases. 357
ANPs main reason for its inability to protect women is lack of female personnel and adequate facilities:
In order to ensure womens security, we need female police officers who can frisk other women
and enter peoples houses. Even in cases of women being murdered, we need female police
350
KI-F-CSO-1-Pak
KI-M-FRU-Pak
352
KI-M-ANP-Ahm-Pak, similar views have been expressed by two other key informants
353
KI-F-CSO-3-Mir-Pak, confirmed by four other key informants
354
KI-M-FRU-Pak, confirmed by two key informants
355
KI-F-CSO-3-Ahm-Pak, confirmed by four key informants
356
KI-M-FRU-Pak, confirmed by three other key informants
357
KI-M-ANP-Ahm-Pak, confirmed by five other key informants
351
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officers to investigate () we also need some facilities that allow and encourage women to work
358
with us
The society in Paktia is described as very conservative and women who seek help outside their
communities are not tolerated, which deters many women from approaching the formal judiciary and
the police. 359 Illiteracy and lack of awareness among women is said to contribute to womens lack of
access to justice and formal judiciary. 360
Because of lack of access to formal judiciary, use of informal justice, where the decisions are generally
made in favor of men, is a common practice among men and women in Paktia. 361
There are no safehouses in Paktia and women whose lives are in danger are directed to DoWA for help,
who then tries to solve the case through mediation. 362
However, female inmates are treated well by the prison employees and the attitude of the guards is
described as appropriate. 368
Though one interviewee did state that the local population do try to help IDPs in the province, no other
special provisions or services are made available to female IDPs in Paktia, nor are any non-governmental
organizations or donors mentioned to help female IDPs in the province. 369
358
KI-M-ANP-Ahm-Pak, similar views have been expressed by two other key informants
KI-F-CSO-3-Mir-Pak, confirmed by four key informants
360
KI-M-ANP-Ahm-Pak, confirmed by two key informants
361
KI-F-CSO-1-Pak, confirmed by two key informants
362
KI-M-CSO-4-Pak, confirmed by two key informants
363
KI-M-MoL-Pak, confirmed by two key informants
364
KI-M-MoL-Pak
365
KI-M-ANP-Ahm-Pak, confirmed by four key informants
366
KI-F-CSO-2-Pak
367
KI-F-CSO-3-Pak, similar views have been expressed by two other key informants
368
KI-F-CSO-2-Pak, confirmed by three key informants
369
KI-F-CSO-3-Pak, confirmed by two other key informants
359
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Participation
All interviewees agreed on the importance of female participation and womens ability to participate in
peace and politics. However, womens participation in both areas remains significantly less than men.
The Provincial Peace Council (PPC) in Parwan consists of 15 members, three of whom are women. 370 The
Provincial Peace Council has 25 members of whom two are female. One of the female members is said
to have been absent for a number of months. 371 The main impeding factor for womens participation in
politics is traditional conservatism, which views womens participation in politics with disdain:
We, as educated women of the society who leave their homes and engage in politics have not
earned our freedom yet. We might have some freedom from our families, but have not earned the
372
freedom from the judgment of the society
Dominant patriarchal values are given as the main cause of womens exclusion from decision-making.373
Womens participation in PPCs is viewed by the women as symbolic because all decisions are made by
the men and the women who do participate, do so because men have decided that they should
participate.374 Though not engaged in formal peace talks, when security allows, women engage in
mediation activities through peace committees in a number of districts and villages. 375
Womens participation in the civil service remains very limited. While 13 percent of all government
employees in Parwan are female, women complain of discrimination in the work place.376 Traditional
370
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conservatism and discrimination in the labor market and at the work place are seen as the main
impeding factors for womens full participation in the civil service.377
The number of women in Afghan National Security Forces remains low. This due to a number of factors,
summed up by one female interviewee as follows:
Women do not join the police first of all because their families object, then there is the negative
view of women in the police by their community members. Women who work in ANP or Afghan
National Army are looked upon disapprovingly. There is also mistreatment and disrespect toward
women by male co-workers. Then there are difficulties with transportation and lack of facilities
378
such as changing rooms and womens toilets.
Prevention
Many women in Parwan are subjected to physical, sexual, economic and psychological abuse. The most
common types of violence are physical abuse, harassment in public, forced and underage marriages,
which sometimes result in women escaping from home.379 The more extreme cases of violence
mentioned during the interviews are stabbings, cutting off body parts and, according to a local NGO,
cases of burning or setting women on fire (reported in Ghorband district).380 Most violence against
women is of a domestic nature and often related to economic hardship and drug abuse.381
Informal methods of preventing violence against women consist primarily of organizing workshops and
gatherings by local CSOs and the police (ANP and FRUs) to raise awareness about womens rights.382
Formal efforts to prevent violence against women have not been effective due to the lack of capacity
within the relevant governmental institutions.383 Womens access to justice remains minimal and
community as a whole does not hold in good esteem women who seek justice outside the home or
community.384
None of the interviewees have had direct dealings in their work with UNSCR 1325 or the recently
launched Afghan National Action Plan for UNSCR 1325. The implementation of Elimination of Violence
Against Women (EVAW) law, however, is more institutionalized, with ANP and prosecutors appearing to
have a reasonable understanding of the law.385
Protection
According to the interviewees, lack of awareness among women, lack of facilities for women to seek
justice and ineffectiveness of the formal justice system are the main causes of failure in protecting
women and their rights. The police and the Family Response Units complain about a lack of qualified
377
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and trained personnel and corruption within the governmental organizations as the main barriers in
their work to protect women and their rights.386 Traditional conservatism and social norms and a lack of
tolerance toward women seeking justice outside the traditional justice structures also limit womens
ability to realize their legal rights.387
Women with domestic issues have access to safe houses. Some interviewees approved of women using
safe houses while others felt strongly about the stigma suffered by women seeking shelter:
I would rather tolerate violence than go to a safe house. If the safe houses are really safe, then
why does the government not run them? () Women in safe houses do not feel safe and are
388
subjected to exploitation
Some felt that women could be better protected through more general awareness about womens
rights and place in society, especially among men.389
Difficulties experienced by women in the work place were attributed by some to a general lack of
professional personnel and adequate financial and technological resources.390
KI-F-FRU-Par, confirmed by
KI-F-CSO-2-Par, confirmed by two key informants
388
KI-F-CSO-2-Par
389
KI-M-CSO-3, confirmed by two key informants
390
KI-F-DoWA-Par, confirmed by two other key informants
391
KI-M-MoL-Par, confirmed by two other key informants
392
KI-F-FRU-Par, confirmed by three key informants
393
KI-M-CSO-2-Par, confirmed by three key informants
394
KI-F-DoWA-Par
395
KI-M-MoL-Par, confirmed by three key informants
396
KI-F-DoWA-Par
387
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sign an agreement promising not to hurt or harass them.397 However, it is not clear whether or not the
families comply with the agreement due to there not being a post-release monitoring program.
There are no provisions for the internally displaced women, many of whom live in tents and are
extremely, vulnerable and subjected to abuse by outsiders.398
397
398
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Participation
Womens participation in all aspects of decision-making in Uruzgan is low. The reasons for lack of
participation are said to be lack of capacity and high illiteracy, insecurity and societal conservatism
leading to families not allowing their women to work.399
Two out of nine Provincial Council members are women and the Provincial Peace Council has only one
female member, who states to face different kinds of challenges:
I am the only woman who is active in the formal peace process; there are no other women. This
has a number of reasons: First, there is no security, second, no efforts are being made to make
work accessible to women and third, there are not many women who are literate and have the
capacity to join the peace process () I work on peace, but my own husband has warned me a
400
number of times not to go anymore because of bad security.
Womens share of civil service in Uruzgan is four percent, which is the lowest of all monitored
provinces.401 Just like participation in peace and politics, lack of capacity, societal conservatism and
insecurity are the main impeding factors for womens participation in labor market. 402
Though there is a need for more female police officers, women who work for the security forces, and
more specifically the ANP, are subjected to discrimination and ridicule:
Women who work for ANSF face many gender-based issues, meaning men do not take them
seriously and even other women do not like women who work with the security forces () When
women ridicule women, then you can imagine that men are completely against women working
399
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with the police () Female police officers do not have any authority either, they are only allowed
403
to frisk.
The negative attitude of people towards women joining the ANP is attributed to local culture and
traditions and not the governments shortcomings in facilitating womens access to security forces. 404
Prevention
Women in Uruzgan are subjected to different kinds of violence, most common ones being physical
abuse, verbal abuse, harassment, bad dadan, forced and underage marriages and exchange of girls.405
Almost all violence that women are subjected to is of domestic nature and is primarily caused by lack of
awareness, insecurity and societal conservatism which limits womens access to education. 406
Formal efforts to preventing violence against women consist mainly of awareness raising attempts and
projects by DoWA and AIHRC. 407 Similarly, ANP stated to have had incidental attempts to enhance
awareness among the population. 408
Informal efforts to preventing violence against women consist primarily of involving community and
religious leaders to inform people about womens rights and reduce violence against women. 409
Protection
Womens access to formal justice in Uruzgan is limited and the impediment is caused by a variety of
factors. AIHRC who work within the legal and judicial sector states to have its work impeded by bad
security situation and constant threats and ANP claims to lack facilities and personnel to help women in
districts and remote areas. 410
The weakness of the formal judiciary and the police makes the most vulnerable in the society more
susceptible to abuse:
A six year-old girl was raped and we went and visited her at the hospital. We wanted to
campaign for her access to justice, but her family said that they did not want their honor to be
damaged more than it already has been. Also, they said that the offender is rich and powerful and
411
we do not have anything and we have been threatened to do anything.
The society in Uruzgan is very conservative, where women who seek justice outside their homes are not
forgiven. This deters many women from seeking help from the formal judiciary. 412
Apart from some improvised containers put together by the former police chief in the province, there
are no safehouses or prisons in Uruzgan where women whose lives are in danger could seek shelter. 413
403
KI-F-AIHRC-Uru
KI-M-ANP-Deh-Uru
405
KI-M-ANP-Deh-Uru, confirmed by three key informants
406
KI-M-CSO-3-Uru, confirmed by two key informants
407
KI-F-DoWA-Uru, confirmed by two key informants
408
KI-M-ANP-Deh-Uru
409
KI-M-ANP-Deh-Uru
410
KI-M-ANP-Uru, confirmed by two key informants
411
KI-F-AIHRC-Uru
412
KI-F-DoWA-Uru, confirmed by three key informants
404
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The Department of Refugees and repatriation is said to have handed out some allowances to the IDPs,
but the interviewees did not mention any special provisions or protections to female IDPs.420
413
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7. Conclusion
Numerous gains have been made by and for women in Afghanistan since 2001. The percentage of girls
in schools, the numbers of schools and clinics and the numbers of teachers and medical personnel have
risen steadily, albeit unevenly and with reservations about service quality, throughout the country. At
the formal policy level, the Government of Afghanistan is committed to continue to make measurable
steps to increase number of women in the workforce and strengthen womens place in society.
Similarly, there have been upward trends for the number of male and female teachers, but also with
regional variations and reservations about the lack of professionalism and quality of training provided
for the teachers. There has been a steady increase in the ratio of doctors to population.
In absolute numbers the widespread participation of women in the 2014 elections, at two consecutive
rounds, was the highest ever turnout by women to vote in elections throughout Afghanistans history.
Even if this number is discounted for questionable or fraudulent votes, the number remains very
significant. The uncertainty following the presidential elections in 2015, and intensified AOG activity
since the last quarter of 2015, appear to have had a negative impact on the optimism that set in with
the formal resolution of the dispute about the outcome of the elections. However, since late 2015, the
deterioration in security conditions combined with weakened political stability, persistent poverty, and
the rise in unemployment among men and women have contributed to the turn toward traditionalism,
societal conservatism, corruption, and discrimination against women.
Programming in support of Afghanistans NAP 1325 will need to be based on the recognition that for the
most part Afghanistan remains socially conservative, female exclusionary, and unaccepting of womens
rights-centered interventions in the vast majority of its many heterogeneous communities. To avoid
backlashes against women-centered programming, conscientious efforts will need to be made to engage
men and boys, as well as young men and women, on the necessity and benefits of equal and sustainable
presence of women in different spheres of society. National and international entities with mandates on
womens rights will need to examine their approaches to ensure that there is a balance between
womens rights activism and inclusive and constructive engagement and advocacy on womens rights
with local communities.
The focus in programming on NAP 1325 should also shift from high-level legislation and setting up of
various formal structures charged with the responsibility for gender equality to more grassroots,
community level engagement to implement the many women-centered legal provisions. There are no
serious shortages of policies, laws (including quotas), regulations, and physical structures in Afghanistan
to attend to womens many fundamental issues. There is a Ministry of Womens Affairs with provincial
line ministries in most provinces. All key ministries have had a gender policy, gender unit, and a gender
focal point. The National Action Plan for Women of Afghanistan (NAPWA) has now been superseded by
the 2015 NAP 1325, creating additional impetus. The key concern about NAPWA and all other legal
provisions predating NAP 1325 has been weak or nonexistent commitment to implement and a systemic
failure to mainstream women through the legitimacy of the many formal provisions.
That little or nothing in practice has happened as a direct result of NAPWA since 2008 or NAP 1325 since
June 2015 should not lead to the conclusion that these two most important legal documents have no
utility. Rather, the challenge for the government, the international donors, and civil society is to find
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ways of using these two important instruments as legitimacy for their proposed actions on improving
the conditions of women in Afghanistan. A key step in this direction is to link the significant, albeit ad
hoc, gains made for women through sectoral policies in such key sectors as education, health, and
justice to the objectives of NAPWA and NAP 1325 and to use these two policy instruments to place
legitimate demand on the government (and its international donors) to allocate a higher portion of
funds for ensuring basic and sustainable rights for women.
General Recommendations
1. Provide awareness training within the target communities on local peace requirements and
readiness for peace negotiations with Armed Opposition Groups.
2. Engage with governmental authorities, e.g., line ministries, in target districts / provinces on
MWPS project and its relevance to operationalizing UNSCR 1325 and Afghanistans NAP.
3. There is a need for general awareness raising and advocacy on UNSCR 1325 and Afghanistans
NAP among all stakeholders.
4. There is a need for awareness raising on issues regarding VAW.
5. Informal courts and justice: Urgent awareness raising and training is needed to the elders
presiding over the courts (in Herat, Kabul, Parwan, Nangarhar etc).
6. There is an urgent need for campaigning for womens access to formal justice including more
female police personnel.
7. More acceptance of women seeking help for formal judiciary.
8. Female ANP personnel need better protection against abuse and discrimination by their
superiors.
9. More acceptance of the society for women working for ANP/ANA.
10. Gender issues need to be incorporated in humanitarian (aid and project) planning.
11. A systematic approach needs to be built to reintegrate women after safehouses and prisons.
12. More attention to well-being and safety and security of female inmates, including facilities such
as locks on the doors from inside.
13. More attention needs to be paid to the rights of children residing in prisons with their mothers
14. Additional services to widows, IDPs and divorcees are needed.
15. There is a need for psychological assistance and help to female victims of war, including
diagnosis and treatment.
16. Ministries and governmental organizations should be encouraged to include prioritize widows
and handicapped women in their recruitment policies and strategies.
17. The governmental organizations should have a quota on the minimum percentage of
handicapped and disabled women that they hire.
18. Safehouses in Helmand, Kandahar, Laghman, Paktia and Uruzgan to provide refuge for women
whose lives are in danger.
19. A womens prison in Uruzgan to avoid female inmates being transported to prisons Kandahar to
sit their sentence.
20. Almost all the interviewees in Nangarhar asked for more awareness campaigns specifically
designed for men.
21. Department of Work and Social Affairs in Kandahar stated to give women financial incentives,
such a better salaries than men, in order to enhance their participation in civil service.
22. Daikundi could serve as an example of how discrimination within the ANP can be eliminated.
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Protection
Resolution 1325 calls specifically for the protection of women and girls from sexual and gender-based
violence, including in emergency and humanitarian situations, such as in refugee camps.
Indicators:
1. Extent to which women are protected from sexual and gender-based violence through formal
justice system
2. Extent to which women are protected from sexual and gender-based violence through informal
justice system
3. Extent to which female victims of sexual and gender-based violence are provided with
alternatives (safehouses etc)
4. Gender perspective in social / economic planning (reflected in budgets at the district level)
Sample questions for this Indicator:
a) How can your organization better protect women from sexual and gender-based violence?
b) What are the social / traditional barriers for victims of sexual and gender-based violence in
access to justice?
c) Are women protected by the informal justice system? How?
d) How is gender perspective included in humanitarian program planning?
e) Do women have access to shelters? What happens to them after they leave the shelters?
f) Do women who seek justice face specific gender based challenges?
Relief and recovery
The Relief and Recovery Pillar of the Women, Peace and Security agenda focuses on ensuring that relief
needs specific to women and girls are met and that special attention is paid to the most vulnerable,
including displaced women and girls, survivors of gender based violence, and those with disabilities. It
also calls for efforts to support women's activities as agents in relief and recovery efforts, including
providing women with equal access to livelihoods activities.421
Indicators:
1. Extent to which gender perspective is included in humanitarian program planning
2. Extent to which CSOs have access to capacity and resources to address a gender perspective
3. The extent of formal provisions provided to women widowed and disabled as a result of conflict
4. The extent of informal provisions (at a community level) provided to women widowed and
disabled as a result of conflict
5. Extent to which the specific needs of internally displaced women are taken into account and
acted upon by government and development actors
6. Extent to which women have access to health and education services
7. Existence and practice of rehabilitation measures for women released from safehouses
8. Existence and practice of rehabilitation measures for women released from prisons
Sample questions for this Indicator:
a) What capacities do you have to address a gender perspective?
b) How is gender perspective included in humanitarian program planning?
421
http://www.peacewomen.org/e-news/article/women-peace-security-panel-series-wps-panel-series-relief-andrecovery-pillar
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c) What are the working conditions of female government employees and how can it be
improved?
d) How do you stimulate womens employment and entrepreneurship?
e) Do women have access to shelters? What happens to them after they leave the shelters?
f) How are female inmates treated in prison? What happens to them when they leave the
prison?
g) What provisions are there by the government, CSOs, donors or NGOs for Internally
Displaced Women?
h) What are the rehabilitation measures for women out of prisons and safehouses?
i) What provisions are there by the government, CSOs, donors or NGOs for widows?
j) Do women have access to health and education services? What are the barriers?
Quantitative Data from Secondary Sources:
1. The number of women in Provincial Councils (Available on IEC)
2. The Number of women in Provincial Peace Councils (We have some, but need them updated)
3. Number of female inmates (Also available in CSO yearbooks)
4. Number of women in shelters (Ask ANP, FRU and/or CSOs)
5. Women in Civil Service (Available in CSO yearbooks)
6. Number of female teachers and students (Available at CSO yearbook)
7. The number female health professionals (Available in CSO Yearbooks)
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Kunduz
Laghman
Nangarhar
Paktia
Parwan
Uruzgan
15 Provinces
District
Fiaz Abad, Argo
and Yaftal
Mazar,
Dawlatabad and
Khulm
Bamyan, and
Yakawlang
Nili and Shahristan
Maimana and
Pashtun Kot
Lashkargah, Nadali
and Gereshk
FGD
-
Individual interviews
8 Female and 4 Male
Visit Date
Aug 1-8/2015
Aug 1-8/2015
Aug 1-8/2015
-
PWN Female FGD
Aug 9-16/2015
July 2-28/2015
July 2-28/2015
July 2-28/2015
Aug 9-16/2015
July 2-28/2015
July 2-28/2015
Aug 1-8/2015
July 9-16/2015
Aug 1-8/2015
90 Females / 56 Males
-
PWN Female FGD
th
th
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Code
Affiliation
KI-F-FRU-Bad
KI-F-PPC-Bad
KI-F-DoWA-Bad
KI-M-ANP-Yaf-Bad
KI-F-PW-Yaf-Bad
Prominent Women
KI-F-CSO-Bad-1
KI-F-CSO-Bad-3
KI-M-CSO-Bad-2
KI-M-ANP-Arg-Bad
10
KI-F-PW-Arg-Bad
11
KI-F-Mol-Bad
12
KI-F-PC-Bad
Code
Affiliation
KI-F-PC-Bal
Provincial Council
KI-F-CSO-Bal-1
KI-F-CSO-Bal-3
KI-M-CSO-Bal-2
KI-F-PPC-Pak
KI-M--Kha-Bal
KI-F-DoWA-Bal
KI-M-FRU-Bal
KI-F-PW-Bal
10
KI-M-ANP-Daw-Bal
11
KI-M-ANP-Bal
12
KI-M-Mol-Bal
Balkh
No
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Bamyan
No
Code
Affiliation
KI-F-FRU-Bam
KI-F-PPC-Bam
KI-F-DoWA-Bam
KI-M-ANP-Yak-Bam
KI-M-CSO-Bam-1
KI-F-CSO-Bam-3
KI-F-Mol-Bam
KI-F-PC-Bam
FGD-PWN-Bam
10
KI-F-PW-Yak-Bam
11
KI-F-AIHRC-Bam
Daikundi
No
Code
Affiliation
KI-F-FRU-Dai
KI-M-PPC-Dai
KI-F-DoWA-Dai
KI-M-ANP-Sha-Bam
KI-M-CSO-Dai-1
KI-F-CSO-Dai-3
KI-F-Mol-Dai
KI-F-PC-Dai
KI-F-PW-Sha-Dai
10
KI-M-AIHRC-Dai
11
KI-M-CSO-Dai-2
Code
Affiliation
KI-F-FRU-Far
KI-F-PPC-Far
KI-F-DoWA-Far
KI-M-ANP-Pas-Far
KI-M-CSO-Far-1
KI-F-CSO-Far-3
KI-F-Mol-Far
KI-F-PC-Far
FGD-PWN-Far
10
KI-M-CSO-Far-2
Faryab
No
Helmand
No
Code
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Affiliation
72
KI-M-ANP -Hel
KI-F-PPC-Hel
KI-F-DoWA-Hel
KI-M-Gov-Nad-Hel
District Governor
KI-CSO-Hel-1
KI-F-CSO-Hel-2
KI-F-Mol-Hel
KI-F-PC-Hel
KI-F-CSO-Hel-3
Code
Affiliation
KI-F-FRU-Her
KI-M-PPC-Her
KI-F-DoWA-Her
KI-M-ANP-Goz-Her
KI-M-CSO-Her-1
KI-F-CSO-Her-3
KI-F-Mol-Her
KI-F-PC-Her
KI-F-PW-Goz-Her
Prominent Women
10
KI-M-ANP-Inj-Her
KI-M-CSO-Her-2
FGD-PWN-Her
Code
Affiliation
KI-F-FRU-Kab
KI-F-DoWA-Kab
KI-M-ANP-Bag-Kab
KI-F-CSO-Kab-1
Representative of CSHRN
KI-F-CSO-Kab-3
KI-M-CSO-Kab-2
KI-F-Mol-Kab
KI-M-PC-Kab
10
FGD-PWN-Kab
Herat
No
11
12
Kabul
No
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Kandahar
No
Code
Affiliation
KI-F-FRU-Kan
KI-F-PPC-Kan
KI-F-DoWA-Kan
KI-F-CSO-Par-1
KI-F-CSO-Kan-2
KI-F-Mol-Kan
KI-F-PC-Kan
FGD-PWN-Kan
KI-F-PW-Arg-Kan
10
KI-F-CSO-Kan-3
Kunduz
No
Code
Affiliation
KI-F-FRU-Kun
KI-F-PPC-Kun
KI-F-DoWA-Kun
KI-M-ANP-Ali-Kun
KI-CSO-Kun-1
KI-F-CSO-Kun-3
KI-F-Mol-Kun
KI-F-PC-Kun
FGD-PWN-Kun
10
KI-F-PW-Ali-Kun
Prominent Women
Laghman
No
Code
Affiliation
KI-M-CSO-Lag-1
Employee of YHDO
KI-M-FRU-Lag
KI-M-ANP-Ali-Lag
KI-F-PW- Ali-Lag
KI-M-FRU-Lag
KI-F-CSO-Lag-2
Head of JFAO
KI-F-DoWA-Lag
KI-M-PPC-Lag
KI-F-PC-Lag
10
KI-M-Mol-Lag
11
KI-F-CSO-Lag-3
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Nangarhar
No
Code
Affiliation
KI-M-ANP-Bah-Nan
KI-M-ANP-Kam-Nan
KI-F-PW- Kam-Nan
KI-M-FRU-Nan
KI-F-CSO-Nan-1
FGD-F-PWN-Nan
KI-F-CSO-Nan-2
KI-F-DoWA-Nan
KI-F-PW-Bah-Nan
10
KI-M-PPC-Nan
11
KI-F-PC-Nan
12
KI-M-MOL-Nan
13
KI-F-CSO-Nan
Code
Affiliation
KI-F-PC-Pak
Provincial Council
KI-F-CSO-Pak-2
KI-F-CSO-Pak-1
KI-M-CSO-Pak-4
KI-F-CSO-Pak-Ahm-3
KI-F-CSO-Pak-Mar-3
KI-M-PPC-Pak
KI-M-ANP-Pak
KI-M-ANP-Pak-Mar
10
KI-F-DoWA-Pak
11
KI-M-Mol-Pak
12
KI-M-FRU-Pak
Paktia
No
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Parwan
No
Code
Affiliation
KI-F-FRU-Par
KI-F-PPC-Par
KI-F-DoWA-Par
KI-M-Gov-Bag-Par
KI-F-CSO-Par-1
KI-F-CSO-Par-2
KI-F-Mol-Par
KI-F-PC-Par
FGD-PWN-Par
10
KI-F-PW-Bag-Par
11
KI-F-CSO-Par-3
Uruzgan
No
Code
Affiliation
KI-M-FRU-Uru
KI-F-PPC-Uru
KI-F-DoWA-Uru
KI-F-CSO-Uru-1
KI-F-CSO-Uru-2
KI-M-Mol-Uru
KI-F-PC-Uru
FGD-PWN-Uru
KI-F-PW--Uru
10
KI-F-CSO-Uru-3
11
KI-M-ANP-Dah-Uru
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