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Irish step dancing has changed dramatically from the mid-1990s onward. Prior to
Riverdance, Irish diaspora communities in the United States, England, Scotland, Canada,
Australia and New Zealand had already developed dancing communities, as well as
organizations to govern Irish step dancing. However, after the media blitz that resulted
from coverage of shows such as Riverdance and Lord of the Dance, many more people
who either had not been previously aware of Irish step dancing, or had not been
motivated to participate, started to take classes and compete. Because the growth of Irish
step dancing was spurred by international stage show tours and media coverage, these
developments were not limited to national boundaries. Demand for Irish step dancing
grew in areas where established schools were not present. As a result, more dancers had
incentive to take teaching examinations, and dancing schools were started all over the
world. This chapter seeks first to demonstrate that Irish step dancing is an increasingly
globalized practice. Secondly, it details some of the demographics of Irish step dancing
UNDERSTANDING GLOBALIZATION
One can perceive globalization as beginning far into the past, perhaps with the
beginnings of Western colonial empires, or with global wars. However, many scholars
refer to globalization as a recent phenomenon, one that is functionally concerned with the
investing, business, and transfers of wealth are not localized within a community or a
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country, but are diffused throughout the globe, and barriers to their transfer and
of society, such as politics, culture, technology, ecology and the environment, and social
structures (among others) are part of the matrix that is considered to be “globalization.”
According to Jan Nederveen Pieterse, in his 2004 Globalization and Culture: Global
Mélange, “economic, political, cultural and social dynamics are not simply different
facets of a single globalization; rather they are each prisms through which globalization
takes shape and is experienced and mapped differently, yet they all mingle and
interpenetrate as well” (14). Some of these “prisms” may even have contradictory
impede and accelerate the global and regional flow of capital. On one side, the European
Union regulates products and manufacturing processes that produce pollution or cause
health problems, thus slowing the flow of capital. On the other side, there is the
unification of the European market into a common entity sharing the same currency, and
where production, capital products, and labor may move relatively unimpeded by
globalization does not work in same or similar ways all over the globe—can be explained
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narrative,” but as discourse. In Showcasing Globalization? The Political Economy of the
Irish Republic, Nicola Jo-Anne Smith argues that “globalization” as one unified entity
does not really exist, but is a combination of processes that is driven in part by the
globalisation exists in `real' terms, ideas about globalisation may nevertheless play an
important role in shaping the conduct of political decision-makers in Ireland” (4). This
globalization is not a form of “destiny” but is malleable. The effects of the globalization
discourse are real or material in that they have an impact on social experiences,
government structure, the abilities of corporations to invest, and many other areas of life
(27). However, such changes result from the agentive choices of decision-makers (and
everyday people to a certain degree as well), who act according to their interpretations of
the globalization debate. According to Smith, “globalisation is thus a highly complex (set
of) process(es) rather than an inexorable economic logic. This means that it need not be
conceived in purely structuralist terms” (19). Smith refers to this particular way of
viewing globalization, that is, as a discourse, as the “contingent globalisation thesis” (29).
There are many debates on the nature of the impact of processes unified under the
umbrella term, “globalization.” Some of these debates concern the diverse array of
impacts processes of globalization may have upon various peoples of the world. Some
debated impacts of globalization include the degree to which these processes homogenize
or diversify cultural practices, the extent to which they increase global inequality or raise
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increase the success of left and democratic (and other grassroots) movements by enabling
communication between members who otherwise might not be able to meet. Both the
processes and discourse termed “globalization” have important implications for the
generation of new forms of power and authority, as well as reformulations of older power
structures.
Some of the social and economic changes that Ireland has experienced since the
1980s and, especially, the mid-1990s are commonly perceived as being caused by
opening its markets and joining overarching entities such as the European Union. Ireland
has also been, for the past decade, consistently ranked among the most globalized
societies in the world. For example, in 2007, Ireland was listed as the fifth most
globalized economy in the world in the “Globalization Index,” a yearly study produced
by the consulting firm A.T. Kearney and Foreign Policy magazine. Smith notes, “in the
national and international press, too, Ireland has become known as globalisation's success
story” (63). However, some scholars and commentators question or trouble the reduction
such as Sandra Fisher and Fintan O’Toole argue, could not have been achieved without
the considerable growth in education, and, thus, an increase in the power of the state; the
Republic of Ireland did not offer free secondary education before 1967 and the rise in
education has had very significant effects for the growing economy.
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Nicola Jo-Anne Smith critiques the idea that Ireland’s economic growth and
social changes are a simple result of the processes of globalization. In addition, Smith
Smith suggests that its economy is “regionalized,” because it is not globally integrated
but, on the whole, connected mostly to the economies of the United States and the other
member nations of the European Union. She argues further that even among the members
of the European Union, not every nation has a strong economic connection to Ireland
In 2005, trade with other EU states accounted for a massive two thirds of
total exports, with the US taking up a further fifth of the total. In contrast,
Ireland's trade with the rest of the world has actually fallen slightly (from
20 per cent in 1980 to 18 per cent in 2005) (64-65).
Thus, the idea that Ireland’s economy is a poster child for the process of globalization is
disputed. However, it is important that Ireland has become a global developer of internet
technology and software, and that internet access has grown significantly within the
nation. Many scholars, including the analysts who rank countries in the aforementioned
to these technologies all over the world, I will argue later in this thesis, has had important
introduction to the 2001 edited volume, Culture Works: The Political Economy of
Culture, culture can be defined as “all of the sum of stories we tell ourselves about who
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we are and want to be, individually and collectively” (1). Maxwell describes a wide array
and symbolic ones, formal art such as film, music, dance, and theater, histories,
technology, among many others (2). Maxwell also situates culture within political and
economic matrices, and seeks to document these aspects of culture as a form of political
economy. According to Maxwell, “culture is always in political economy” (3). If one can
show the embeddedness of culture in politics and economics, it seems a short leap—and
globalization(s).
differentiated from (but not entirely separate from) economic or political globalization.
Jan Nederveen Pieterse describes a contradiction in the ways certain thinkers approach
culture, and the impact these ways of viewing have on the study of globalization. For
some, culture is “essentially territorial” and “localized.” Pieterse writes, “this is culture
in the sense of a culture, that is, the culture of a society or social group.” Adherents to
However, other scholars approach culture as “a translocal learning process” (78). In this
thinkers may approach the perceived interaction of culture and globalization in a variety
“diversification,” and still others on “hybridization” (80-81). Scholars who see culture as
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becoming more homogenized under globalization focus on cultural imperialism,
hybridization would, the author suggests, uncouple the ideas of culture and nation, which
have been ideologically linked by previous scholars. Instead of solely linking culture to
the nation, the empire, religion, or a civilization as a totality, Pieterse suggests that
and diffusion by diasporas, migrants, strangers, [and] brokers.” He also suggests that the
civilizational chauvinism, and cultural essentialism” (82). However, I might contend that
The practice of competitive Irish step dancing can be viewed as having become
an increasing number of areas around the world. Some of this global expansion can be
attributed to the massive popularity and financial success of shows such as Riverdance.
After Riverdance, enrollments in Irish step dancing classes increased greatly in areas
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where there were already formal Irish step dancing organizations, such as Canada, the
United States, England, Scotland, Australia, and New Zealand (see Cullinane 1987, 1990,
1997, 2006). Areas where Irish step dancing is practiced also include mainland Europe,
Russia, Japan, Mexico, South Africa, and Kenya (see Venable 2001).
Irish step dancing has also become a culturally globalized practice. Dancers have
increasing contact with one another both at competitions such as the World
Championships, and through media such as websites. Irish step dancing products such as
shoes and dresses circulate all around the world, as do ideas about and imaginings of Irish
dance.
Recent increases in the numbers of certified and uncertified teachers have been
Gaelacha) in America. In three years, that number had increased to 377, which was an
increase of 18%. In Canada, the numbers increased from 50 to 55, a 10% increase. In
Australia, the increase was from 108 to 131 registered teachers—21%. New Zealand
increased from 20 to 23 teachers, a 15% increase. In 1997, there was one (inactive)
teacher listed in Kenya. By 2000, the number of teachers living in Africa had increased to
21, a 210% increase. The additional 20 are all newly registered "Associate" teachers. In
1997, there were no Coimisiún-certified teachers listed as living in Europe. In 2000, there
was one “inactive” teacher in Italy, and one teacher living in the Netherlands, according
to the list. This represents a doubling. Although these are the only formal numbers I have
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available, I am aware of significant growth after this period—including a new European
region and a certified teacher in Mexico. Regardless of the limited conclusions that can
be drawn from two years of data, it is important to note that these increases all occurred
within a three year period, and thus represent a very high level of growth.
These numbers also do not reflect the growth of those registered by other
increases in practicing uncertified teachers. That the figures for An Coimisiún members
could increase so drastically in one three-year span is one indicator of the extent of
There are seven North American regions governed by An Coimisiún: the Eastern
US, Mid-Western US, New England, Western US, Southern US, Eastern Canada, and
Western Canada regions. Most of these regions were formed before the advent of
Riverdance, but membership and participation in them has steadily increased. A new
region, the Southern Region, was created in 1996 to accommodate the post-Riverdance
Growth can also be observed in data from the number of feiseanna held yearly in
these regions. According to the North American Feis Commission (N.A.F.C.) schedule
for 2001, 147 feiseanna were scheduled in the United States, and 25 were scheduled in
American feiseanna are well distributed around the country but concentrated on the
coastlines and in segments of the Midwest (N.A.F.C., 2001). In 2007, there were 176
registered feiseanna from the United States, 32 in Canada, and 1 in Mexico (N.A.F.C.,
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2007). This represents a 19.5% growth for the United States, a 28% growth for Canada,
The number of feiseanna that are held across the United States is related to the
feis one must have an adequate demand for competition, supply of competitors, and
enough community infrastructure to organize and run the event. The increase in the
number of feiseanna over time is one indicator of the increased popularity of Irish step
dancing overall, as well as the increased number of participants. Although these numbers
only provide information about North America, similar increases may have been
Another indicator of growth is increase in the number of formal Irish step dancing
structures (both in terms of organizing feises and organizing teachers) and governing
institutions. Since 1994, formal Irish step dancing structures have been developed where
none previously existed. Two examples are mainland Europe and South Africa. These
areas now have regular feiseanna, and can qualify their dancers to compete in the
Coimisiún le Rincí Gaelacha staged its first yearly Oireachtas, the Oireachtas Rince na
Eorpa, in 2004. In addition, teachers in South Africa formed the organization Irish Dance
(South Africa), and are training pupils to take their teachers examinations. Irish Dance
(South Africa) hosted its first National Priomh Comórtas (literally “Premier
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Irish step dancing organizations have made decisions that accommodate the
growth of international participation in Irish step dancing. For example, while the World
Championships had, in the past, always been held within the Republic of Ireland, recently
other regions have hosted these events. The first time that the World Irish Dancing
Championships was held outside of the Republic of Ireland was in 2000, when they were
held in Belfast, Northern Ireland. They were held in Belfast again in 2006. In 2002, the
championships were held for the first time outside of the island of Ireland, in Glasgow,
Scotland. They were held again in Glasgow in 2007. The World Championships will be
held in Belfast again in 2008. In 2009, the World Championships will be held outside of
Europe for the first time, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. In 2010, the World
processes. For example, there are multiple Vice Presidents of An Coimisiún, who
represent a wide variety of regions. However, the President of An Coimisiún had never
resided outside of Ireland until Peter Smith, who lives in the United States, became the
happened after Tomás ó Faircheallaigh, who had been President for twenty-five years,
passed away. Smith was the first person residing outside of Ireland to be granted the
position.
Furthermore, the fact that both the World Championships and the holder of the highest
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position in the decision-making structure can be located outside of the Republic of
Very little information is available about the demographics of Irish step dancing.
Irish step dancing is also rarely addressed as a global practice. Also, the few scholars who
address these issues generally do not rely upon quantitative data analysis to back up their
assertions. However, in part because of the expansion and increasing relevance of the
internet, more and more sources of data have become available to scholars. One such
source of information is the results from the World Irish Dancing Championships. The
World Championships, which was established in 1970, is perhaps the most important
yearly event in the globe-wide Irish step dancing community. Irish step dancers from all
areas of the world (where there is a formal Irish step dancing governing structure that is
overseen by An Coimisiún le Rincí Gaelacha) are able to qualify for the event by
competing in their local Oireachtas. The following analysis makes use of data from the
The three variables that this data analysis focuses on are area (or nationality),
gender, and age of competitors in the World Championships. Charts One, Two, Three,
and Four detail changes over time, and include results from 1996 through 2007. The first
hypothesis that this analysis seeks to test is whether or not Irish step dancing indeed is an
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international endeavor. The second hypothesis that these sections test is whether or not
changes in the regional popularity of Irish step dancing have had an impact on
competition results. For example there is a wide array of anecdotal evidence suggesting
that participation in Irish step dancing has increased in the United States. It might follow
logically that increased competition in these areas has raised the standard of dance
required for American dancers to qualify for the World Championships, and that dancers
from America might be better prepared to compete against their Irish counterparts. If
American Irish step dancers are better prepared, they may achieve better results. The
third hypothesis that is considered is whether or not any changes in regional prominence
in terms of achieving the highest results at the World Championships are gendered. All
binary. In looking at these charts, one might be able to see whether male competitors
from any particular region achieve a higher number of top three placements in the World
Chart Five addresses the same time period as do Charts One through Four (1996-
2007), but proposes a different hypothesis. Irish step dancing competitions are segmented
into a variety of age levels. When there are no competitors in an age group, competitions
for that age group is cancelled. When there are only a few competitors, competitions may
be merged by combining different age groups. The number of separate age categories is
related to the number of participants in the overall championship. The hypothesis that this
chart seeks to address is the extent to which participation in the World Championships
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has increased, as demonstrated by the increased number of separate competitions for
Charts Six and Seven address data solely gathered from the 2007 Oireachtas
Rince na Cruinne, or World Irish Dancing Championships, which was held in Glasgow,
Scotland, from April 1st to April 8th, 2007. The purpose of focusing on this single event is
to show some of the finer details of the demographics of international Irish step dancing
competitors. Analysis of this type cannot be performed for the other years, because for
many prior championships, only a certain portion of the data, such as the names of those
dancers who place in the top half of the competition, are listed in the publicly available
results. In 2007, An Coimisiún le Rincí Gaelacha expanded its website to include official
results. These results are far more comprehensive than those published for previous
years—and thus allow researchers and dancers to access a higher level of detail. The
complete data sets, such as have been published for 2007, provide a more accurate
demographic picture of the entire event. As with the first series of charts, the information
displayed below applies only to the solo dancing portions of the competition.
Chart Six takes as its hypothesis that some age groups have a higher level of
participation than others. Chart Six also addresses the hypothesis that male and female
dancers participate in unequal numbers. While these hypotheses have been proposed by a
large number of scholars based on anecdotal data, this chart attempts to demonstrate these
disparities using quantitative data. This chart displays data that represents every single
solo competitor in the entire 2007 World Championships. Chart Seven utilizes data from
one single event, the “Senior Ladies Competition (Ladies 21 and Over),” from the 2007
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World Championships. This chart takes as its hypothesis that dancers from a wide variety
of areas and countries participate in the World Championships. Dancers from areas with
less developed and newer regions may not be represented in the top half of placements,
and less so in the top three placements. However, these dancers may be important in
analysis of the economics of Irish step dancing, because they participate in buying Irish
Data for this chapter was gathered from a variety of websites. All of the data is
from the results of World Championship competitions. This information has been made
available by a variety of sources. The Broesler School posted the results from the 1996
and 1997 World Championships online. I accessed and stored them in 2001. These results
do not appear to be currently hosted by that site. Dance teacher Eoin O’Maoileidigh
posted results from 1998 and 1999, and I accessed and stored them in 2001; the page on
which he posted them no longer exists. Results from the 2000 World Championships
were posted on the Riverdance messageboard. Again, I accessed and stored them in 2001.
The Riverdance website subsequently moved to a different online address and the results
are no longer posted. Results from the 2001 All Ireland Competition and the 2002, 2004,
2005, and 2006 World Championships were posted by An Coimisiún le Rincí Gaelacha
on their website, and are still available. Results from the 2003 World Championships
were posted on the Peter Smith School website. They are also currently available. Finally,
results from the 2007 World Championships were posted by An Coimisiún le Rincí
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Gaelacha on a new website dedicated to official World Championship results, and remain
As a note, full competition results were, before the internet, generally only
available to teachers who had entered their dancers in a feis or larger competition.
Dancers could (and still can) purchase their individual results for a fee, and have access
to their scores and the notes that adjudicators have made about their performance.
Dancers’ overall rankings in the competitions are made public during awards ceremonies.
However, since the late 1990s and early 2000s, companies have been set up for the
express purpose of tabulating Irish step dancing results—a complicated endeavor. These
companies often post results on their websites. Some results are free to the public. The
organizers of some feiseanna also maintain their own websites, and sometimes post
results to them. Individual dancers who are involved in online messageboards often
cross-post these results so that they are available to the public. There is some room for
In all cases presented here, I have made a concerted effort to collect large sample
sizes, because larger sample sizes are key to the provision of data that is more
representative of actual reality. Many of the samples in this section involve hundreds of
different data points. I have also emphasized providing holistic coverage of any particular
topic—for example, in analysis of data from the World Championships, all age groups
and genders are included. Furthermore, I have consciously attempted in at least some of
the collection of data to amass information over the entire time period for which
information is available. The years selected for the World Championships, for example,
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include every year for which such information has been provided to the public. I made
every effort to acquire complete data sets for each individual topic.
World Championships of Irish Dancing and not other championships such as the North
American Nationals or the All Ireland Dancing Championships. I made the decision to
focus on this one particular yearly event because the World Championships occupies a
symbolic place different from (and slightly more elevated than) any of these other
championships. A dancer gains a certain status when he or she wins the World
Championships, and it is not the same as the status gained by winning any other
achievement, to win at the World Championships is perhaps the highest honor that any
dancer can achieve in competitive Irish step dancing. In addition, World Championship
Some of the data analyzed in this section describes only those dancers who have
placed in the top three of their individual championship. Dancers who place within the
top three of any particular championship event are accorded a great deal of prestige. The
top three dancers in any competition at the World Championships are given special
places of honor on the awards podium, for example. These individuals tend to dominate
visual and anecdotal accounts of such championships. Whereas individuals who place
within the top ten in any championship may also be accorded a high level of prestige, the
symbolic weight of those dancers who place within the top three competitors seems much
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higher than those who place elsewhere. The winner of a championship is much likely to
Because of the informal manner in which some of these results have been offered
to the public, there is a level of variability in the number of awards and placements listed.
Most lists of results do not include all of the competitors in the event. Some results lists
only include those who have placed in the top three. Others only include those who have
placed in the top half of the competition. The choice to represent only the top three
dancers in some sections of this data analysis partially results from such variability. All
championship results that have been referenced at least include those dancers who have
placed in the top three. Thus, comparisons between the demographics of the top three
international concern over an outbreak of hoof and mouth disease in Ireland. In addition,
the 2001 All Ireland Championships for An Comhdháil were postponed because of the
epidemic. However, the An Coimisiún All-Ireland Championships was held that year and
a very large number of international dancers participated, who were not able to attend the
World Championships. Because the results from the 2001 All Ireland Championships do
not seem markedly different from those of the World Championships of other years, they
have been included in lieu of World Championship data, as opposed to simply excluding
2001 as a whole. As a note, all of the dancers who had qualified for the 2001 World
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Championships were also qualified for the 2002 World Championships, and did not need
to re-qualify.
DATA ANALYSIS
reconcile issues of both accuracy and approachability. Some data samples can be clearly
cases where data can be clearly depicted using more basic means, higher levels of data
analysis are omitted. In all of this data analysis, the emphasis is on simplicity and ready
comprehensibility.
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Charts and Analysis, World Championships from 1996-2007
Chart One—Total Percentage of Placements by Area in the Top Three at the World
Championships, 1996-2007
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Analysis of Total Percentage of Placements by Area in the Top Three at the World
Championships, 1996-2007
This data set notes the region or nationality of each dancer who placed within the
first three ranks in every solo competition held at the World Championships from 1996-
2007. Four regions dominated the placements—Ireland, Northern Ireland, England, and
the United States. Other countries, such as Australia and New Zealand, are displayed in
the chart but are dwarfed in terms of their number of top placements. For each of these
four prominent regions, a trend line (y = mx + b) was generated. Using the slope (m) of
this trend line the relative increases or decreases for each region in terms of placements
over time can be described. A positive slope indicates an increase, and a negative slope
indicates a decrease. The greater the absolute value of the slope, the greater the increase
or decrease.
It appears that there has been a general decrease in the number of placements in
the top three by persons living in Ireland (m = -0.6479) and Northern Ireland (m =
-0.3199). This is not to say that Ireland and Northern Ireland no longer occupy an
important status within the placements at the top competitions. Rather, the point is that
placements in the World Championships over the past decade. In fact, England’s increase
seems striking in that it does not seem to be paralleled by that of any other area. In
addition, while the data for almost all other areas aside from England seems very erratic
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and dependent upon the year, the data for England is extremely consistent (in that it
It may be asserted that the average number of top placements for Americans (m =
-0.1276) in the World Championships has remained consistent over the past ten years,
in light of the growth of Irish step dancing throughout North America at this time.
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Chart Two—Girl’s and Women’s Placements by Area in the Top Three at the World
Championships, 1996-2007
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Analysis of Girl’s and Women’s Placements by Area in the Top Three at the World
Championships, 1996-2007
There seems to be a marked difference between the placements of boys and men
in the World Championships, and those of girls and women, in terms of region of origin.
Hence, the two sex categories have been separated into different charts so that these
In this chart, two trends are particularly striking. First, there seems to be a
dramatic increase in placements for female Irish step dancers from England (m = 1.2804).
There also appears to be a large decrease in placements for female Irish step dancers from
Ireland (m = -1.4888). This is especially the case in the period ranging from 2004-2007,
where there is an immense decrease in the placements of dancers from Ireland. However,
data for female dancers from Ireland in this series is quite variable and does not closely
Both the increase of placements for female American dancers (m = 0.3406), and
the decrease of placements for female Northern Irish dancers (m = -0.6003) are worthy of
note, but neither is as dramatic as the figures from Ireland and England are.
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Chart Three—Boys’ and Men’s Placements by Area in the Top Three at the World
Championships, 1996-2007
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Analysis of Boys’ and Men’s Placements by Area in the Top Three at the World
Championships, 1996-2007
In contrast to the figures for female dancers at the World Championships, the
most interesting aspect of the data for male dancers seems to be the almost complete and
utter lack of change in terms of relative numbers of placements. This very stability seems
interesting in and of itself. In this chart, the strong trend of decrease that was seen for
female Irish or Northern Irish placements is not replicated in male dancers’ placements
placements of dancers from England, the data is far more erratic and the trend is far less
strong (m = .6503).
from the United States (-0.6626), although again the data does not appear to be
particularly conclusive because of its extreme variability. However, it does appear that in
the period between 1997 and 2002 there were a large number of male dancers from the
United States placing within the top three, but that there has been a decline since 2002.
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Chart Four—Percentage of International (Non-Irish and Non-Northern Irish) Top Three
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Analysis of Percentage of International (Non-Irish and Non-Northern Irish) Top Three
This chart takes more notice of dancers from areas such as Australia, New
Zealand and Canada, which are included within the category of “International.” When all
of the data is combined for competitors from outside of Ireland and Northern Ireland, it
seems clear that there has been a dramatic increase in terms of placements for the female
dancers residing outside of the island of Ireland. In 1996, less than 35 percent of the
placements in the top three female dancers went to competitors from outside of Ireland or
Northern Ireland. By 2007, the number of placements had jumped to just under 65
percent. Such a dramatic increase seems very significant. It is likely that most of this
dancers from other regions almost certainly have had some impact as well. This assertion
is backed up by the fact that the overall rate of increase of all female placements outside
of the island of Ireland (m = 2.0965) is significantly higher than the rate from England
alone (m = 1.2804). Thus, there has been a combined increase in the number of
The rate of placements for men from regions other than Ireland and Northern
Ireland in the top three seems to have remained relatively constant, hovering somewhere
around 55 percent (m = -0.2703). It seems important to note, however, that these charts
clearly demonstrate the higher level of placements of “international” male dancers in the
past, as compared with female dancers. Perhaps part of the reason there has not been a
significant increase for men is the fact that, in 1996, male dancers from regions outside of
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Ireland and Northern Ireland were already placing well, and did not have as much to gain
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Chart Five—Number of Competitors at the World Championships 1996-2007, Divided
by Sex
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Analysis of Number of Competitors at the World Championships 1996-2007, Divided by
Sex
the number of entrants. When there are not a sufficient number of competitors to hold an
event, age groups are combined so that there are a sufficient number of competitors (to
produce meaningful results) in any one competition. There are thus two important trends
that can be noticed from this particular chart. The first trend suggests that the overall
number of contestants, while once variable, has increased to a sufficient level so that
every regularly scheduled competition category in the World Championships can be held.
The second trend that can be noticed is that there have been (historically) fewer
men’s and boys’ competitions than there have been girls’ and women’s competitions. The
reason for this may be straightforward: there are typically far fewer entrants in men’s and
boys’ competitions, so the historic need to combine competitions for male dancers may
The data from 2001 shows a spike not because of any reason relating to
demographic change, but rather because it was collected from the All-Ireland
Championships and not the World Championships—the World Championships were not
held that year. Often, in major championships outside the World Championships, there
will be championship competitions included in the syllabus that technically do not qualify
the dancer for evaluation at the World Championships. In the World Championships, the
lowest age bracket is ten to eleven years, but in the All Irelands, dancers nine to ten years
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old are allowed to compete. 3 Thus, in the 2001 All Irelands there were two more
competitions than there were in the following years of the World Championships—both
for dancers too young to compete in the World Championships. Information from 2001
has been included in this chart because it has also been included in the other charts.
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Charts and Analysis, 2007 Oireachtas Rince na Cruinne (World Irish Dancing
Championships
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Analysis of Number of Competitors by Gender and Age (Per Competition), 2007
categories, there are roughly three times as many female competitors as there are male
competitors. This has a marked impact on the difficulty of, for example, placing highly in
any particular competition. It is much more difficult for female dancers to achieve a high
The most densely populated competitions in terms of age are those between ages
11 and 17, with a peak in the 13-14-year-old age group. In some of the most hotly
contested “Girls” categories, there are nearly 150 competitors in each competition. After
age 16-17 the number of competitors in any individual competition declines significantly.
In the female (“Ladies”) competitions, the number of competitors increases again for the
age ranges 19-21 and 21 & Over. However, it should be noted that both of these
born exclusively in one calendar year. If these competitors were still segregated into
This data set lends credibility to the notion that competitive Irish step dancing is a
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Chart Seven—Number of Competitors by Area in the Senior Ladies Competition (Ladies
21 & 0), 2007 Oireachtas Rince na Cruinne (World Irish Dancing Championships)
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Analysis of Number of Competitors by Area in the Senior Ladies Competition (Ladies 21
& 0), 2007 Oireachtas Rince na Cruinne (World Irish Dancing Championships)
international dancers who place in the top three. It should be stressed that the proportions
of dancers who place in the top three (as divided by area) do not always directly represent
the proportions of dancers who hail from a particular area in terms of participation in the
event. As well, the proportions displayed in this single competition, i.e., the “Senior
Ladies 21 & Over” are not necessarily representative of all competitions in the World
Championship.
Regardless, interesting information arises from this particular chart. First and
foremost, it is clear that the most heavily represented group in this competition is dancers
from the United States. Americans are followed, as a distant second, by English dancers,
and then by dancers from the Republic of Ireland. The number of entrants from England
only slightly exceeds half of the number of American participants. After these countries,
Australia is the next highest, but even its strong showing seems dwarfed by the number of
Social power in Irish step dancing may in many ways be related to the percentage
of internationals who are “winning” competitions. Areas may become more relevant to
the authority structures of Irish step dancing when they dominate competitions. However,
the power to drive markets may also be, in many ways, determined by who has the lion’s
share of participants, if not winners. Given their high levels of participation and, to a
lesser extent, winning, American dancers, and dancers from other areas around the world
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aside from Ireland and Great Britain, may have influential purchasing power that might
This chapter has examined some of the global demographics of competitive Irish
step dancing. Data from World Championship events held between 1996 and 2007 were
used to examine variables such as region or nationality, sex and age. According to data
displayed in Charts One through Four, there has been a decrease in placements in the top
three positions in the World Championships by dancers living in the Republic of Ireland
and Ireland. There has been an increase in placements by dancers from outside of these
areas, most notably England, but also other regions. However, these changes in the
proportions of dancers who place in the top three are most notable in the case of female
dancers. The relative proportions of placements for male dancers have remained
relatively consistent.
Further, as is supported by data in Charts Five and Six, competitive Irish step
dancers are more likely to be young (children and teenagers) and female.
Chart Seven supports the idea that Irish step dancing is a global practice, made of
members from around the world. Although not all of these countries and areas have
dancers who regularly place within the top three of the World Championships, it is likely
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ENDNOTES
1 Information comes from works cited below, especially Jan Nederveen Pietrse,
Globalization and Culture: Global Mélange, (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 2004).
3 As a note, in feiseanna, very young dancers may be able to participate in “under six”
competitions—although they may be separated into special trophy competitions,
sometimes called “Tír na nÓg” competitions.
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