Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
2008
Published in Japan. All rights reserved.
Contents
Preface
Contributors' Positions and Affiliations
1 Politics, Thai Studies in Japan, 1996-2006 1
2 Economics, Thai Studies in Japan, 1996-2006:
The Thai Economy after the Currency Crisis 21
3 Sociology, Thai Studies in Japan, 1996-2006:
Globalization and Regional Social Change 33
4 History, Thai Studies in Japan, 1996-2006:
Re-examination of the Image of the Thai Nation 53
5 Anthropology, Thai Studies in Japan, 1996-2006 81
6 Religion, Thai Studies in Japan, 1996-2006 149
7 Literature, Thai Studies in Japan, 1996-2006:
Toward a New Era of Comprehensive Thai Literary Studies 203
Preface
The Thai Seminar of Japan was founded in 1990 and continued since then to 1998.
Thereupon it developed into The Japanese Society for Thai Studies. The Japanese Society
for Thai Studies is now ten years old, though the association is now nearly 20 years old.
In 1996 The Thai Seminar of Japan published a book titled The State of Thai Studies in
Japan, edited by Kitahara and Akagi. It was distributed to participants at the 6th
International Conference on Thai Studies held at Chiang Mai University and it was
published to introduce to worldwide scholars the achievements of Japanese scholars on
Thai studies. Thus, on this occasion we hope very much to transmit information to the rest
of the world on what and how Japanese scholars on Thai studies have been researching
since 1996.
The Japanese Society for Thai Studies introduced the achievements on Thai Shldies
from 1996 to 2007 to participants at the 10th International Conference held at Thammasat
University, from 9 to 11 January, 2008. One of the main reasons was to let scholars of
foreign countries know the achievements of Japanese scholars on Thai studies, since
globalization creates the desire and need to transmit information to the rest of the world.
Under the leadership of the former presidents of The Japanese Society for Thai Studies,
Kitahara and Akagi, I asked seven scholars to make presentations at the conference and I
coordinated the Japan Panel at the 10 th International Conference on Thai Studies on 2008.
Each chapter in this book was presented there. Afterward, every paper was revised and
added to based on the ideas of participants. It would be my great pleasure if this book
would be helpful to give foreign scholars a chance to know Japanese scholars' works on
Thai shldies.
SATO, Yasuyuki
Editor
September 5, 2008
Contributors' Positions and Affiliations
TAKAHASHI, Masaki
1. Survey of Studies on Thai Politics in Japan
In this paper, I will focus on studies related to Thai politics in Japan. Because the topics of
the studies reflect Thailand’s real politics, Japanese scholars commonly choose topics such
as the movement for democracy in the 1990s, the 1992 coup, political effects of the 1997
constitution, decentralization, and politics of Thaksin. I will refer only to the works of
selected scholars. In particular, I will be discussing studies mainly on democratization and
decentralization in the 1990s and the 2000s because these are the most fruitful fields in
Thai studies on politics in Japan.
Before reviewing these in detail, I briefly survey main scholars and their works. Akagi
argues that the King has increased his role in Thai politics since the 1970s; in particular, he
has played a political role as mediator in the struggle of political forces. Success and
failure of the role, he emphasizes, depends on a king’s personal quality of morality and
intelligence (Akagi 2002).
Asami is interested in labor issues, social movement, and politics. He is the
representative scholar of labor in Thailand. He conducts research on the social safety‐net
in Thailand before and after the 1997 economic crisis (Asami 2003b),
labor immigration (Asami 2003a). He also analyzes “development dictatorship” in
comparison to Thailand, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Indonesia and concludes that the
middle class needs dictatorship to collapse as the middle class increases its power, but
they may oppose parliamentary democracy if the gap between the middle class and lower
class expands dramatically (2002a). He reviews change of economy and politics from the
Sarit administration to the beginning of Thaksin administration as a paradox of
development and democratization (Asami 2002b). He also classifies the waves of
democratization of Southeast Asia including Thailand into three types. The third wave ran
from the end of the 1980s to the 1990s, which has two aspects by comparison with the
second wave (late 1960s to the early 1970s): movement to restrict the power of state;
acceptance of “logic of market” and lack of request of socio‐economic reform (Asami
1
1999b).
Hashimoto is one of the main scholars in Japan who has studied decentralization and
local administration in Thailand (Hashimoto 1999). Iida, legal scholar, studies the
conclusion process of treaties between Japan and Thailand in the periods of Meiji and
Taisho (1868 to 1926). He also researches Thai modern criminal codes, intellectual
property rights, the agreement of TRIPS, international private laws、 and Thai domestic
action with regard to the treaty of international human rights (Iida 1999; 2005a; 2005b;
2005c; 2007). Kato studies relationships between Japan and Thailand during the peace
process of the Cambodian Conflict and relationships between monarchy and democracy
(Kato 2002; 2001; 2003). Kawamori studies democratization, political system, and
healthcare policy (Kawamori 1997; 2000; 2006). Murashima, in the last decade, focuses on
the political history of nation‐building, the Chinese in Thailand, Thai‐Japanese relations
(Murashima 1996b; et al). His empirical research is highly respected.
Nagai studies FTA (Free Trade Agreement) as well as decentralization, which is
reviewed in detail below. He argues that Thailand has shown a positive and active
attitude towards establishing bilateral free trade agreements and Thaksin administration
enthusiastically pursued bilateral FTAs (Nagai 2003b). He also points out that Thailand is
more passive towards EVSL (APEC’s Early Voluntary Sectoral Liberalization initiative)
than bilateral FTAs (Nagai 2000b; 2001a; 2004a). Takahashi Katsuyuki studies social
movements in Thai modern history—the peace movement in Thailand after the Second
World War and the anti‐Vietnam War in Thailand (Takahashi Katsuyuki 2001; 2002; 2006a;
2006b). Takahashi Masaki is interested in globalization and political change in Thailand
and international relations between Thailand and neighboring countries. He emphasizes
the importance of political economy and an international framework for analysis of Thai
politics (Takahashi Masaki 2004; 2005). Tamada studies nationalism, nation building, and
the development of bureaucracy during modernization as well as modern politics, which
is reviewed in detail below. He studies the nationalist policy of Pibun Songkram before
the Second World War (Tamada 1996) and examines the relationship between the training
system and the recruiting system of bureaucrats with detailed investigation of the
personnel records from 1892 to 1932 of the Ministry of Agriculture (Tamada 1999).
Moreover, he considers the political rights of aliens in Thailand and concludes that in the
2
future, permanent resident status and recognition of Thai nationality of the hill tribes and
migrants will become a serious problem (Tamada 2006).
2. Democratization and Politics
In the last decade, Tamada, a leading scholar on the politics of Thailand in Japan, has
conducted studies on democratization and political change. The main topics of Tamada
including the military, nation‐building, and local political power. His excellent ability is
thoroughly exerted in the empirical approach on these topics.
Tamada focused on the democratic movement from the 1990s to the present day. As part
of his main theme, he attempts to determine whether or not the new middle class was
democratic in the politics of Thailand. According to him, this class was not democratic in
the case of the political movement of the 1990s, which was widely known in Thailand as
the achievement of the new middle class. He regards this view of the democratic middle
class as being false. He attempts to prove that the middle class posed an obstacle to the
democratization of Thailand in the 1990s (Tamada 2003a). He believes that the mass media
lavished the new middle class with praise and regarded them as being the main leaders of
democratization against the junta in 1992. The growth of mass media in Thailand was
directly proportional to the growth of the middle class, which constitutes a large part of
the readership (Tamada 2003a: 93).
Asami is more sympathetic to the middle class. He states that although it is true that the
middle class was not always democratic, the new middle class certainly contributed to the
democratization of the 1990s; moreover, he believes that Tamada should have examined
the situation in which the middle class supports, remains on the sidelines, or opposes the
democratic movement (Asami 2004a: 148). Asami studies the middle class and its political
meanings (Asami 1998). He clarifies the manner in which the middle class has been
perceived by the Thai populace at large and the political consciousness that the middle
class had in each era of Thai history. In conclusion, Asami states that one cannot assume a
priori that the middle class is democratic. Since the middle class in developing countries
forms a minority in society, it fears the increasing power of the poor in a democracy
(Asami 1998: 324). In other words, whether or not the middle class is democratic depends
on the political structure of each society. Takahashi Masaki, in this context, criticizes the
3
theories of civil society in Thailand and states that it functions as an ideology to justify the
political power of the middle class over the poor people in Thailand (Takahashi Masaki
2005).
The military is regarded as an important factor in democratization and politics in
Thailand. According to Tamada, the military was weakened after the Bloody May incident
in 1992 because of the reshuffling of army personnel (Tamada 2003a: 100). This is why he
describes in detail personnel changes in the army after the 1992 incident.
Tamada also maintains that the power of the military weakened because of personnel
change, not because of external factors such as the end of the Cold War, the world wide
wave of democratization, economic boom and bankruptcy, and the pressure of the middle
class (Tamada 2003a: 133).
On the other hand, he states, “After the 1992 incident we should not overlook the fact
that none of the prime ministers needed the political power base of the military to make
their political power stable. There was no force to approach the military” (Tamada 2003a:
135). Meanwhile, to explain the possibility of the military’s return to politics in the future,
he notes that as the military was decreasing its political autonomy, some soldiers would
attempt to establish close relations with political parties for their promotion (Tamada
2003a: 145). Any social force including the military is not an independent variable. We
need to study the structure of social forces to understand any force in a political society.
Asami argues how globalization changed power relations among the military,
politicians, the middle class, bureaucrats, business managers, and farmers. He concludes
that market‐oriented entrepreneurs and the middle class needed political reform, but the
farmer did not expect such market‐oriented reforms to improve their standard of living
(Asami 2001).
Thaksin is also frequently discussed in Thai studies on politics. Tamada investigates the
2001 general election. Thaksin and his Thai Rak Thai (TRT) party managed to achieve a
stable administration, which had never been seen before in Thailand. However, Tamada
indicated that the stability of a political party and a prime minister’s power could
destabilize the political system. He provided the following three reasons to support his
viewpoint. First, Thaksin’s way made people raise expectations of good policies. So,
Thaksin could not ignore the people’s requirements. Secondly, his strong power did not
accept the multiple power structures of Thailand. Since the other dominant forces could
4
not obtain political power, they were displeased with Thaksin’s political stability. Third,
since the TRT was led by Thaksin, its future depended on him (Tamada 2003a: 316).
The same topic of stability and instability has been discussed in other papers (Tamada
2005a; 2005b). According to Tamada, after 1992 no prime minister of Thailand was able to
demonstrate strong leadership skills because he was subject to pressure from various
bureaucracy and the military, mass media, and so on. However, Tamada states that
Thaksin succeeded in destroying this plural structure of power to the extent that he was
no longer dependent on the counterbalancing forces. He outlines the following three
reasons for Thaksin’s success: the constitution promulgated in 1997, Thaksin’s wealth, and
his popular policies.
He lays emphasis on Thaksin’s personal factor to explain the strength of his political
power. According to Tamada, Thaksin was rich and noble enough to use the advantageous
conditions of the 1997 constitution for his political power. He also believes that Thaksin
and the TRT could be independent of businesspersons for political finances. Therefore, he
does not investigate the relationships between the Thaksin administration and
businesspersons, which is different from the analyses of Pasuk and Baker (Pasuk
Phongpaichit and Chris Baker, 2004, Thaksin: The Business of Politics in Thailand, Chiang
Mai: Silkworm Books).
Further, Tamada (2005b) studies the 2005 general election. According to him, Thaksin
made a clean sweep at the election because Thaksin and the TRT’s policies gained support
from almost all classes, from the countryside to the city. If this was the case, how can he
explain why the anti‐Thaksin movement gained enough strength to successfully conduct a
coup against Thaksin in September 2006?
Although the Thaksin administration appears to be characterized by Thaksin’s personal
factors such as his wealth and ability, these are not sufficient to uncover the serious
political changes taking place in Thailand in the age of globalization. In addition to the
election and party politics and the style of politicians, we should investigate the power
structure that Thaksin was unable to destroy: the structure of lower, middle, and upper
classes, and the political economy of Thai society to understand the change in the political
structure of Thailand.
5
3. Decentralization
In Japan, decentralization and local politics are other common topics considered in the
study of Thai politics. In the last decade, Nagai energetically conducted studies on
decentralization and local politics as well as FTA and so on. His methods include
empirical research based on interviews with bureaucrats in field units and the local
government, interviews with local politicians, and archival research of laws and rules. In
all his research works, he placed considerable importance on empirical evidence.
First, he studies on local administration and development. He begins the topics with
research about the policy to control people across the country. He studies the system of
residence‐registration in Thailand and attempts to determine how the government used it
in plans for local developments. He clarifies the history of the policy for controlling the
country’s population (Nagai, 2000a).
He states that the policy of population control adopted by the Thai government has
rarely been studied in Thai, English, and Japanese. In this context, this study is very rich
in its originality and is a highly empirical research. The registration of people could be an
interesting topic for national integration. Therefore, this study could be theorized with
some hypothesis.
Since 1992, decentralization has been discussed in the context of democratization in
Thailand. Nagai does not miss out this topic. With regard to the ongoing reform of
decentralization, he suggests that while many mandates are being transferred from central
government to local authorities, financial decentralization and personnel transfer have
scarcely shown any smooth progress. Among the central agencies, the ministries of
education and public health are strongly resisting political decentralization by insisting on
administrative decentralization or de‐concentration (Nagai 2001c: 105).
Nagai focuses on the National Decentralization Committee (NDC) (Nagai 2003a; 2003b).
He states that after the NDC decided on a decentralization plan in October 2000,
Thailand’s decentralization was promoted. NDC had a strong authority because it was
established based on clauses of the local government of the 1997 Constitution of Thailand
(Nagai 2003a: 292). The members of the NDC were important for the rapid development
to Nagai, there was also an alliance between this scholars’ group and the Democrats in the
committee, which was the ruling party and eager to effect decentralization (Nagai 2003a:
6
303). If the NDC with the strong support of the Democrats for the development of
decentralization is important, it is necessary to understand why the Democrats were eager
to effect decentralization, and why the Thaksin administration was not in favor of it.
After 1992, the direct election of provincial governors became one of the prime issues.
Since the Ministry of Interior dispatches all provincial governors and district officers to
control the people, this issue could seriously affect the Ministry’s power. Nagai deduces
that although the public election of provincial governors did not take place, a new type of
basic local authority was established in rural areas in 1995. It is the Tambon
Administrative Organization (TAO). According to Nagai, however, as long as the Ministry
of Interior can dispatch governors and district officers, it can enjoy special authority in
directly controlling and supervising the TAO and the Provincial Administrative
Organization (PAO) through them (Nagai 2006a: 124). Hashimoto (1999) also pointed out
the same aspect.
As mentioned by Hashimoto, the process of the local administrative reforms is related
to the process of social reforms including reforms in political economy and education. The
reform related to decentralization cannot be successful unless society is not reformed in
terms of policy (Hashimoto 1999: 126).
With regard to the level of analysis, the local administration and autonomy are also
related to local and national politics. Thus, the development of decentralization should be
considered in the change of politics and economy in Thailand. Although the systems of
local administration in Thailand are rapidly changing and complicated, we should be
careful not to ignore the structural changes of politics in Thailand as the background of
the change in local administration.
4. More Theoretical, More Global, and Regional
Generally speaking, Thai studies on politics in Japan have been influenced by the method
of area study: it emphasizes empirical research. Ten years ago, Suehiro pointed out that
from the beginning, Asian studies in Japan had been rarely influenced by modern
economics and political science. Although a lot of empirical research had been conducted,
they had not made a large impact on other academic fields. The method of area study in
Japan had made each study an “enclave”, isolated from existing disciplines (Suehiro,
Akira, 1997, “Sengo Nihon no Ajia Kenkyu(Asian Studies after World War II)”(戦後日
7
本のアジア研究),Shakai Kagaku Kenkyu(Journal of Social Science)(社会科学研究),
vol.48, no.4).
In the last decade, the integration of area studies into mother disciplines (such as
political science, economics, and sociology) has been increasingly replacing the old area
approach in Japan, as well as in the US and Germany (Rüland, Jürgen, 2006, “Southeast
Asia: New Research Trends in Political Science and International Relations”, Südostasien
aktuell, 4/2006, 84). However, I must say that the mainstream of Southeast Asian studies in
Japan is still more empirical than theoretical. We need theories and analytical frameworks,
political economy for example, because any fact must be selected by theories and
frameworks, even though we do not realize it, because we need to contribute to the
mother disciplines. This is responsibility of theory‐oriented scholars on Thai Studies in
Japan.
Moreover, we should escape the methodological nationalism, which regards the
nation–state as the main study area. In general, political societies have been more
globalized and regionalized. Last year, the Japanese association of Thai studies had a
section of regionalism and Thailand in the 9th annual research conference at Hokkaido
University. Therefore, I believe that studies on Thai politics in Japan will become more
theoretical, and more global and regional in the future.
8
References
(Politics, Diplomacy, Political History, Law, Labor Policy)
Akagi, Osamu, 1998, “Kokumin Kokka Keisei niokeru Tai no Ishi Kettei(Decision Making
of Thailand in Nation‐State Formation)”「国民国家形成におけるタイの意思決定」in
IOKIBE ed., “Ajia Gata Rida shippu” to Kokka Keisei(「アジア型リーダーシップ」と国家
形成), Tokyo, TBS‐BRITANNICA, pp.175‐202.
Akagi, Osamu, 2002, “’Ohsei’ to Seitosei(Monarchy and Legitimacy)”「『王制』と正当性」
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shi 5(東アジア近現代史5), Tokyo, Aoki Shoten, pp.105‐132.
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裁判所」Ohara Shakai Mondai Kenkyujo Zasshi(大原社会問題研究所雑誌), no.467,
pp.16‐37.
Asami, Yasuhito, 1998, “Chukan So no Kakudai to Seiji Ishiki no Henka (Expansion of
the Middle Class and Change of Political Consciousness [in Thailand])”「〔タイにおけ
る〕中間層の拡大と政治意識の変化」in TASAKA ed., Ajia no Dai Toshi: Bankoku(アジ
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Asami, Yasuhito, 1999a “Tai niokeru Kaihatsushugi to Rosi Kankei (Developmentalism
and Employee‐employer Relation in Thailand)”「タイにおける開発主義と労使関係」
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Asami, Yasuhito, 1999b, “Tonan Ajia niokeru Mittsu no Minshuka no Nami(The Three
waves of Democratization in Southeast Asia”「東南アジアにおける三つの民主化の波」
in FURUTA ed., Tonan Ajia‐Minami Ajia(東南アジア・南アジア), Tokyo, Otsukishoten,
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Asami, Yasuhito, 2000a, “[Tai no]Rodo Seisaku(Lobor Policy[in Thailand])”「〔タイの〕労
働政策」SUEHIRO and HIGASGI eds., Tai no Keizai Seisaku(タイの経済政策), Tokyo,
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Asami, Yasuhito, 2000b, “Tai: Keizai Kiki heno Torikumi to Henkaku no Taido(Thailand:
Handling of the Economic Crisis and Beginning of Reformation)”「タイ:経済危機への
取り組みと変革の胎動」in Ajia Keizai Kiki to Kakkoku no Rodo‐Koyo Mondai(アジア経済
危機と各国の労働‐雇用問題), Tokyo, Nihon Rodo Kenkyu Kiko, pp.1‐36.
Asami, Yasuhito, 2001, “Gurobarizeshon to Tai(Globalization and Thailand)”「グローバリ
9
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Asami, Yasuhito, 2002a, “Kaihatsu, Nashonarizumu, Minshuka (Development,
Nationalism, Democratization)”「開発、ナショナリズム、民主化」, AKAGI and YASUI
eds., Koza Higashi Ajia Kingendai shi 5(東アジア近現代史5), Tokyo, Aoki Shoten,
pp.133‐163.
Asami, Yasuhito, 2002b, “Tai: Kaihatsu to Minshuka no Paradokusu (Thaialnd: Paradox of
Development and Democratization)”「タイ―開発と民主化のパラドックス」in
IKEHATA, ISHII, ISHIZAWA et al eds., Iwanami Koza Tonan Ajia Shi 9(東南アジア史9),
Tokyo, Iwanamishoten, pp.33‐63.
Asami, Yasuhito, 2003a, “Kokusai Rodoryoku Ido Mondai to Tai (Problem of International
Immigration of Labors and Thailand)”「国際労働力移動とタイ」 Ohara Shakai Mondai
Kenkyujo Zasshi(大原社会問題研究所雑誌), no.530, 22‐43.
Asami, Yasuhito, 2003b, “Tai niokeru Sosharu Sefutei Netto (Social Safety Net in
Thailand)”「タイにおけるソーシャル・セーフティネット」in TERANISHI ed., Ajia no
Sosharu Sefutei Netto(アジアのソーシャル・セフティネット), Tokyo, Keisoshobo,
pp.193‐225.
Asami, Yasuhito, 2004a, “Shohyo: TAMADA Cho, Minshuka no Kyozo to Jitsuzo
(Bookreview: TAMADA, Democratization in Thailand: Grapping with Reality)”「書
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History and Culture(東南アジア―歴史と文化), no.33.146‐156.
Asami, Yasuhito, 2004b, “Tonan Ajia kara Mita Nihon no Kigyo Shakai to
Kaihatsushugi(Company‐Centered Society and Developmentalism in Japan from
Southeast Asian Perspective)”「東南アジアから見た日本の企業社会と開発主義」in
WATANABE ed., Henbo suru “Kigyo Shakai” Nihon(変貌する「企業社会」日本), Tokyo,
Junposha, pp.369‐404.
Asami, Yasuhito, 2004c, “Tai no Rodo Undo no Saikin no ‘Ihen’ nitsuite (On “Unusual
Change” of the Recent Labor Movement in Thailand)「タイの労働運動の最近の『異変』
について」Shoho(所報), Bangkok, no.508, pp.13‐19.
Asami, Yasuhito, 2005, “Nanbu Tai niokeru Isuramukei Buso Soshiki no Katsudo to Sono
Haikei (The Activity and Background of Islamic Armed Organizations in Southern
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10
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Asami, Yasuhito, 2006a, “Tai: Hi ‘Kokka Shudo Gata’ Hatten Moderu no Chosen(Thailand:
a Challenge by Development Model of non ‘State Initiative’)”「タイ・国家主導型発展
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Asami, Yasuhito, 2006b, “Tonan Ajia niokeru Minshushugi no Yuragi(Instability of
Democracy in Southeast Asia)”「東南アジアにおける民主主義の揺らぎ」in
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University Press, pp.73‐94.
Hashimoto, Takashi, 1999, “Tai niokeru Chiho Seido Kaikaku no Doko to Kadai(1)(2)(The
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Iida, Junzo, 1999, “Tai Kindaikeiho oyobi Minshohoten no Hensan Katei nikeru Nihonho
no Eikyo(1)(The Influence of Japanese Law to the Criminal Code and Civil and
Commercial Code in Thailand)”「タイ近代刑法典および民商法典の編纂過程における
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Iida, Junzo, 2005b, “TRIPS Kyotei no Kokunaiteki Jishi nikansuru Tai no Ripo・siho
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11
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Kato, Kazuhide, 2002, “Kanbojia Funso to Nihon Gaiko(The Conflict of Cambodia and
Foreign Policy of Japan)”「カンボジア紛争と日本外交」, Kyushu Kokusai Daigaku
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12
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15
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16
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17
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18
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19
20
Economics, Thai Studies in Japan, 1996‐2006: The Thai Economy
after the Currency Crisis
HIGASHI, Shigeki
The economic indicators of Thailand, which was at the epicenter of the Asian currency
crisis, have improved significantly over the past 10 years. As the Asian currency crisis was
triggered by a financial crisis, Thailand first set to reform its financial system, and then
went on to implement reforms of organizations and corporations that relied heavily on
bank loans. Further, since the currency crisis was followed by a recession, which led to
increased unemployment and poverty, policymakers focused on economic measures for
rural areas. In this paper, we review the Thai economy in the wake of the currency crisis in
terms of how reform initiatives were pursued in three areas: (1) restructuring of the
financial system; (2) restructuring of the corporate sector; and (3) measures for the
development of rural areas, and evaluate the results of these initiatives.
1. Restructuring of the Financial System
In line with the flow of the times, the overriding priority of the Bank of Thailand’s
monetary policy was different in each of the following three periods: (1) prior to the
outbreak of the currency crisis in 1997; (2) immediately after the currency crisis, when the
economic policy was under the supervision of the International Monetary Fund (IMF);
and (3) after May 2000, when the central bank adopted inflation targeting. During these
periods, the priority policy focused on: (1) foreign exchange rates; (2) money supply; and
(3) inflation, respectively.
Before the eruption of the currency crisis, the monetary policy emphasized exchange
rate stability. The Bank of Thailand effectively adopted a dollar peg in order to promote
external trade and investment, but this policy tied its hands in terms of domestic
monetary policy. The side‐effects grew more evident as the Thai government moved to
liberalize capital flows in the 1990s as part of overall financial liberalization. In the
mid‐1990s, export competitiveness was eroded, and it became clear that the baht was
overvalued. Clinging to the defense of the dollar‐peg system, the Bank of Thailand
intervened in the currency market to counter currency speculation by hedge funds and
21
other speculative investors. However, this endeavor ended in failure as the country’s
foreign reserves were depleted.
In July 1997, the government moved to a floating exchange rate system, and monetary
policy under the IMF’s support program focused on the money supply in pursuit of
macroeconomic stability. While, as a lesson of the currency crisis, the Bank of Thailand
was under pressure to implement policy transparency and accountability, after the end of
the IMF’s support program, the central bank adopted an inflation targeting policy in order
to restore confidence in its monetary policy. This was done because the central bank had
greater latitude in monetary policy under the floating exchange rate system, and it had
hoped the policy would help to bring inflation expectations closer to the targeted inflation
rate.
It has been pointed out that inflation targeting in developing countries leads to several
problems. First, can the central bank induce actual inflation to the targeted rate of
inflation through the invocation of monetary policy? Second, can the central bank cope
with an impact of exchange rate fluctuations on prices? Furthermore, is the independence
of the central bank ensured so that it can use policy tools independently? On the first
point, the Bank of Thailand sets a policy rate, known as the repurchase (repo) rate, at
policy meetings as a tool for achieving its inflation target. The central bank conducts
open‐market operations to guide the policy rate. However, Thailand’s interbank market
cannot be described as fully developed (Okura 2003). Nonetheless, changes in the policy
interest rate can still have an impact on demand through credit creation by financial
institutions, and thus determine prices (Kubo 2006). On the second point, while the
elasticity of exchange rates has increased, Thailand’s policy rate still moves in tandem
with U.S. monetary policy. Moreover, as the baht’s exchange rate rose from the second half
of 2006 due to a rapid inflow of foreign capital, the central bank imposed restrictions on
short‐term capital inflows in foreign exchange transactions with nonresidents. There is
now debate under way on the pros and cons of the impact of monetary policy on
macroeconomic activities through exchange rates.
Following the 1997 currency crisis, there was also a significant shift in the supervisory
policy for financial institutions from the earlier protective approach. The Bank of Thailand
pressed domestic financial institutions to strengthen prudential regulation in light of
international standards, by strongly urging them to raise their capital adequacy ratios,
22
classify nonperforming loans according to the period in arrears and set aside loan loss
temporarily nationalized after failing to increase capital, or turned to foreign banks for
more than half of their capital. Even among top‐tier banks, the equity stake held by
foreign capital increased and professional bank managers were hired, undermining the
grip of family‐based ownership and management.
After going through the currency and financial crises, East Asian countries introduced
schemes designed to restore health to financial institutions deemed capable of getting
back on their feet and to bring back the financial intermediation function as early as
possible. In order to restore the financial soundness of banks and resolve the credit crunch,
it was seen as necessary to remove nonperforming loans from their balance sheets and to
recapitalize them through an injection of public funds. While South Korea and Malaysia
set up public bodies to purchase nonperforming loans from banks and to inject capital
into banks, Thailand initially did not establish a government‐affiliated organization to
recover nonperforming loans from commercial banks. However, as little headway was
made in the collection of nonperforming loans relying on a market‐based approach and
leaving the disposal of bad debts to banks’ self‐help efforts, Thailand implemented a shift
to government‐led disposal of nonperforming loans through the establishment of Thai
Asset Management Corporation (TAMC) upon the inauguration of Prime Minister
Thaksin Shinawatra. But with most of the nonperforming loans transferred to TAMC
coming from state‐owned banks, the organization’s main task was essentially the disposal
of nonperforming loans of state‐owned banks, whose financial conditions deteriorated
after privatization programs or when plans for sale to foreign concerns fell through
(Higashi 2002).
Under the supervision of the IMF and World Bank, the Thai government eased
regulations on participation by foreign capital in local financial institutions for ten years,
with the expectation that local banks would be recapitalized and that there would be a
beneficial impact in terms of management efficiency. It hoped that the capital participation
of foreign banks would facilitate the restructuring of bank management and enhance
business efficiency, enabling local banks to offer financial services with high value‐added
on the strength of more sophisticated financial skills. Previously, local banks had
23
domestic branch networks, and foreign banks had maintained an advantage in
international business and sophisticated financial technology, serving different groups of
clients. Thus, there were expectations that local banks acquired by foreign capital would
be able to offer new services through a combination of the respective advantages of local
and foreign banks. In reality, however, the middle‐tier and lower‐ranking banks that were
purchased by foreign capital, despite some improvement in management efficiency, faced
higher fixed costs for investment in the modernization of management, and were forced
into an uphill battle with top‐tier local banks in the retail banking sector (Okuda 2004).
2. Restructuring of the Corporate Sector
Another pillar of the post‐currency crisis economic restructuring, along with the reform of
the financial system, was the reform of corporate organizations and businesses. As
nonperforming loans represented borrowings on the part of nonfinancial corporations,
economic reconstruction was pursued through rapid debt restructuring in the corporate
sector. Given the huge number and aggregate volume of debts involved, restructuring
through legal proceedings alone was beyond the processing capacity of courts. Thus,
understanding of out‐of‐court workouts and established the Corporate Debt Restructuring
Advisory Committee (CDRAC) as a collaborative effort between the government and
private sectors. While adopting the same framework used in legal proceedings, the
objective of CDRAC is the efficient development of corporate rehabilitation plans through
out‐of‐court workouts. Failure to reach an accord in an out‐of‐court workout means an
automatic shift to legal disposal. Even when an agreement is reached on an out‐of‐court
workout, the recourse to legal proceedings is possible just to give binding force to a
rehabilitation plan. Thus, the mutually complementary roles of out‐of‐court workouts and
legal proceedings encouraged debt restructuring in Thailand’s corporate sector (Higashi
2002).
Poor corporate governance was cited, along with the underdeveloped financial system,
as the cause of the currency crisis. Within many of Thailand’s corporate groups,
ownership and management were not separated, making external monitoring unworkable
and making up‐to‐par financial audits nonexistent. Thai companies increased their
leverage excessively, relying heavily on financial institutions for funds and then
24
transferring these funds to group subsidiaries. This inefficient method of corporate
management forced them into a crisis situation. Thus, the improvement of corporate
governance, with an emphasis on accountability and transparency, became essential for
enhancing efficiency in business management. Under the supervision of the IMF and
World Bank, Thailand came under pressure to introduce new corporate governance
measures, focusing on the protection of minority shareholders and heightened
responsibility of board members, and the Stock Exchange of Thailand required listed
companies to appoint outside directors and independent auditors and to submit financial
accounting reports that met its criteria. The government also revised the accounting law
and changed the accounting standards and accreditation system for certified public
accountants in conformity with international standards. It also changed the stock listing
approval system from the previous merit‐based approach to one based on information
disclosure in order to build accountability and transparency in corporate management
(Suehiro 2002).
Many of Thailand’s corporate groups took advantage of the institutional changes after
the currency crisis to carry out restructuring and management reform. The Siam Cement
Group and Charoen Pokphand (CP) Group chose a vertical integration of businesses and
diversification during the high growth period, but after the crisis, followed the path of
businesses where they could make the most of their accumulated technologies and
knowhow and selling off non‐core businesses to foreign concerns. In addition, they
organizational reform, paving the way for fund‐raising through corporate bond issuance
and capital participation by institutional investors. Some of the companies that had to sell
off non‐core businesses or seek business tie‐ups with foreign companies under the heavy
burden of interest‐bearing debts after the crisis bought back their own shares when their
operating profits recovered sufficiently. On the other hand, the TPI Group missed an
opportunity for corporate revitalization as the founding family refused, until the last
minute, to sell the businesses they had built up. The reconstruction of the TPI Group was
led by a government‐appointed committee in line with a court judgment.
and the progress made in the building of new business models thanks to advances in
25
information and communication technology, Thailand’s corporate groups, which faced the
problem of disposing of the debt overhang following the crisis, were forced to restructure
their businesses and take measures to enhance competitiveness, setting the stage for
industrial reorganization with the participation of foreign companies. In the cement
industry, the world’s three largest companies in terms of sales acquired Thai companies on
the back of their logistical strength, while in the retail industry, supercenters from
industrialized countries expanded their outlet networks in Thailand, riding the wave of
industrial realignment. In the banking sector, Thai banks acquired by foreign banks used
their newly‐acquired know‐how to expand retail banking, and in the information and
communication industry, a market reorganization is under way, with the boundary
between telecommunications and information industries vanishing. In terms of the impact
of the entry of foreign capital on domestic industries, traditional local operators in the
retail sector have been put into a corner, unable to counter the price‐cutting offensive by
foreign companies deploying large‐scale retail outlets. Overall, however, the management
strategies, technologies and know‐how introduced by foreign companies are helping to
enhance the competitiveness of not only companies acquired by them but also local Thai
companies.
3. Measures for the Development of Rural Areas
In response to the sharp rise in unemployment stemming from the serious business
recession in the aftermath of the currency crisis, the Thai government made use of
financing provided by the World Bank and New Miyazawa Plan to carry out social
investment projects to mitigate the impact of the crisis. In order to strengthen
decentralization and local communities in the long term, in addition to helping to solve
short‐term social problems such as relief measures for the unemployed, income assistance
and vocational training, the Thailand Social Investment Fund was established to provide
grants to small‐scale community projects. The defining feature of this fund was that local
communities themselves come up with project plans as part of institution‐building efforts
to overcome their vulnerability to the crisis.
The government of Prime Minister Thaksin approached the issue of regional
development not only as social policy but also as a way to expand domestic demand. The
government implemented a dual‐track economic policy that encouraged the expansion of
26
domestic demand while continuing to previous pursuit of external demand‐led economic
growth. Since the conventional approach of attracting foreign direct investment for mass
production to supply export markets proved vulnerable to external factors, as seen during
the currency crisis, and failed to eliminate the domestic dual economy, the Thaksin
and creating business opportunities for the low‐income group, the country’s traditional
grass‐roots sector. Specific measures included: (1) micro finance by the Village and Urban
Revolving Fund (VRF) and the People’s Bank to create short‐term demand; (2) the One
Tambon One Product (OTOP) Project designed to connect potential business chances to
market and support for small businesses; and (3) medical benefits and housing supply as
a social safety net.
Politically, these policy measures for the low‐income class represented a populist
approach targeted at voters in large rural constituencies, but were generally regarded as
successful in pushing up the country’s economic growth rate. It is true that economic
indicators during Thaksin’s rule remained favorable, making Thailand a model student in
East Asia. However, a closer examination of the contribution to gross domestic product
(GDP) of each expenditure item reveals that exports exceeded private consumption,
meaning that the country’s economic growth at the time was led by exports to an even
greater degree than before. The next question is whether measures to expand demand in
rural areas actually contributed to eliminating poverty and redressing the income gap
there as pledged by the Thaksin government. They did raise the overall income level, but
income disparities generally widened in rural areas and the ratio of debt to household
income clearly increased. There is also criticism that the funds provided to rural areas led
to an increase in purchases of consumer durables but that these funds failed to find their
way into productive investments.
The Thaksin government’s regional development policy was enthusiastically supported
by residents in rural areas. However, individual policy measures were not necessarily
devised by the Thaksin government. In fact, most project ideas were borrowed from
measures already being implemented at home and overseas, and were advertised by the
government with new wrappings. The Village and Urban Revolving Fund was modeled
on the voluntary activities of savings groups in some villages, and the government simply
expanded the scope of these activities nationwide. The One Tambon One Product Project
27
was originally advocated by Japan’s Oita Prefecture as a way to promote local businesses
in response to dwindling rural populations. The Thai government seized on the idea as a
measure for creating business opportunities in rural areas. Meanwhile, the 30‐baht
universal healthcare scheme represented a partial adoption of the plan developed by
“community health‐oriented bureaucrats” within the Ministry of Health, who gave
priority to the improvement and expansion of primary health care in rural areas. When
they were implemented by the Thaksin government, many of these measures deviated
from the policy intentions and objectives of the original planners. The One Village, One
Product Campaign of Oita Prefecture was a social policy that has been proposed to deal
with the depopulation of areas left out of the prefectural government’s priority initiative
to bring in heavy chemical and advanced technology industries. However, the Thaksin
government geared this movement to fostering entrepreneurs in rural areas and
expanding markets for their products. Since there were only limited cases of such
entrepreneurs reaching the scale of small businesses, the project did not necessarily go a
long way in solving employment and poverty problems (Kitahara 2007). The 30‐baht
universal healthcare scheme was a welfare‐state policy for reaching out to people who
were not covered by existing systems such as social security for company workers and
medical insurance for government employees. After the introduction of the scheme, the
Thaksin government had trouble finding fiscal resources to fund it. The community
contribute to cover the shortfall of government financing, so the government‐introduced
system ended up proving insufficient in terms of both community‐building and financing
(Kawamori 2006).
policies relied on funding from state financial institutions, and these quasi‐fiscal financing
projects amounted to nearly 40% of budget expenditures. If these projects fail to become
financially stable and turn into nonperforming assets, the government will be forced to
cover them with fiscal spending, likely giving rise to criticism that the government
injected tax money into these projects without prior consensus. Prime Minister Thaksin
made the most of the central fund under the government budget to finance his projects in
a flexible way. During the last years of his administration, the central fund came to make
up close to 20% of the government’s total expenditures. Essentially, the central fund is
28
meant as expenses for coping with emergencies such as natural disasters, and are
disbursed at the Prime Minister’s discretion. Prime Minister Thaksin was accused of using
these funds for obtaining voter support. After his government was brought down by a
military coup in September 2006, the new constitution proclaimed in August 2007
included clauses that constrained the government’s spending powers, reflecting what had
happened under the Thaksin government. The new government inaugurated following
the general elections will come under increasing pressure to strengthen policy
transparency and public accountability.
29
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(遠藤元) 2002,”Structural Change in the Retail Industry and Reorganization of
Endo, Gen,
the Distribution Business: The Rise of Foreign Capital and Restructuring of the Central
Group,(小売業の構造変化と流通資本の再編-外資の台頭とセントラル・グループの対
応)” in Suehiro, A. (ed.), Institutional Reform and Corporate Restructuring in Thailand(タ
イの制度改革と企業再編), Institute of Developing Economies, pp.255‐312 (in Japanese).
Thailand: From Crisis to Recovery(経済制度改革と企業グループの再構築-危機後の経
済政策と産業再編),” in Yamazawa, I. & Amakawa, N. (eds.), Development Strategies
toward the 21st century, Institute of Developing Economies, pp.17‐70.
Thailand: Implications of the Policy Shift toward Primary Health Care‐Centered
Services(タイの 30 バーツ医療制度-一次医療サービス強化への政策転換とその意味),”
Bulletin of Asia Pacific Studies(アジア太平洋論叢), vol.16, pp.63‐79 (in Japanese).
Kitahara, Atsushi(北原淳), 2007,” Factors of Rural Industry Development in Northeast
Thailand: Actors and Structures in Technology Learning, Market Finding and Profit
Distribution(東北タイの農村工業の発展要因:技術習得、販路開拓および営利分配の主
体と構造),ʺ The Kokugakuin University Economic Review(国学院経済学), vol.55, no.3‐4,
pp.7‐43 (in Japanese).
Kubo, Akihiro(久保彰宏), 2006,”The Channel of Monetary Transmission in Thailand via
Inflation Targeting: A Structural VAR Analysis(インフレ・ターゲティング採用後におけ
ジア研究), vol.52, no.4, pp.52‐68 (in Japanese).
Mieno, Fumiharu(三重野文晴), 2002,”Corporate Finance: Accomodating Retrogression of
the Financial System(コーポレート・ファイナンス-金融システムの機能後退と企業の
対応),” in Institutional Reform and Corporate Restructuring in Thailand, ed. Suehiro,
pp.215‐253 (in Japanese).
Development: Implications and Research Issues for Asian Developing Economies(外国
銀行の進出と途上国の経済発展-アジア研究に向けた論点整理の試み),” in Kunimune,
K. & Kubo, K. (eds.), Financial Globalization and Developing Economies(金融グローバル化
30
と途上国), Institute of Developing Economies, pp.137‐165 (in Japanese).
Okura, Masanori(大倉正典), 2003,”Recent Developments in Thailand’s Monetary Policy
Regime: From a Basket Pegged Exchange Rate to Inflation Targeting(タイの金融政策レ
Monetary Policy Regimes and Currency Crisis(金融政策レジームと通貨危機), Institute of
Developing Economies, pp.135‐175 (in Japanese).
Policymaking Process: The Case of Local Development Policy in Thailand,” Discussion
Paper No.69, Institute of Developing Economies.
Suehiro, Akira(末廣昭), 2002,”Reform of the Stock Market and Corporate Governance:
開示ベースの企業淘汰システム),” in Institutional Reform and Corporate Restructuring in
Thailand, ed. Suehiro, pp.63‐123 (in Japanese).
31
32
Sociology, Thai Studies in Japan, 1996‐2006: Globalization and
Regional Social Change
SAKURAI, Yoshihide
1 Perspective and Method
The task that lies before the author is to summarize research findings obtained in Thailand
by Japanese sociologists and then present research trends to researchers in other
disciplines in an understandable manner. In this paper, due to space limitations, the
author has elected to limit the reviewing period and references as follows:
First, in order to present a complete overview of the research, I gathered documents
from the databases of the Japan Sociological Society and the Japan Society for Southeast
Asian History for the period of 1995 to 2006.
Second, I collected sociological research papers that had appeared during the same
period in the Japanese Sociological Review, Southeast Asian Studies, Asian Economy,
Asian Studies, and Southeast Asia; History and Culture. Although publications other than
the Japanese Sociological Review specialized in regional research, I also referred to papers
in other fields such as political science, economics, history, and anthropology in order to
utilize the sociological perspectives in those papers. Incidentally, only six of the papers
featured in the Japanese Sociological Review or IJJS were related to Southeast Asia. Of
them, two papers of Thai studies were by Sakurai and the rest was by Kitahara (Sakurai,
1996, 1999; Kitahara, 1997, 2004). In other words, very few Thai research papers can be
found in specialized sociological journals. The reality is that only papers and books
written from a sociological perspective and analysis have been published as regional
research works. For this reason, I will review only documents that have developed
sociological studies, specifically observed in sociology, while at the same time keeping in
mind regional studies of Southeast Asia in general.
2 Trends in Sociological Surveys in Thailand and Other Regions of Southeast Asia
Atsushi Kitahara reviewed sociological studies on Southeast Asia between the 1960s and
1996, and posed the following two sociological questions: 1) how to reconcile regional
cultures and their livelihood structures with world systems, and 2) how to conduct a pilot
33
study that can compare regional cultures and societies (Kitahara, 1997). Although
comprehensive theories such as dependency theory and world‐system theory have been
proposed with regard to the former, they strike me as attempts to use a single aspect of
the multifaceted realities in regional communities as proof of globalization. Consequently,
those theories have not been used as successfully as in monographs in which the logics of
local communities can be described in minute detail. One can clearly depict the
interconnection between a region and the world by analyzing only the elements that are
directly influenced or transferred due to globalization such as finance, capital ties,
multinational corporations, or foreign labor. Therefore, rather than directly aiming for
the former, it would be more productive to indirectly focus on the issue of the former
based on the findings of the latter.
For instance, I concur with Kitahara’s assertion that the sociology of business culture
subsidiary companies can be projected through the spectrum of local cultures with
Japanese‐style management as the prism. The theory of comparative sociology through
the eyes of workers at Japanese corporations (Imada and Sonoda, 1995) was pioneering
relationships and career formation for local workers in foreign countries will never end so
long as Japanese corporations continue to go abroad (Sakurai, 1996). This type of
endeavor has been conducted as a comparison to the establishment of civil society in Asia
(Iwasaki, 1998), the new middle class (Koyano, Kitagawa, Kano, 2000; Hattori, Torii,
Funatsu, ed.,2002) and NGO activity (Shigetomi, 2001).
Still, it is not easy to maintain a balance between comparing collective entities (family,
community, assciations, etc.) that compose the objective concept as well as their indexes
that are intentionally coordinated, and how to utilize local contexts.
There are all kinds of differences: differences between people of Chinese descent who
perceive family in relation to exclusive kinship groups and people in island regions who
associate with other people through cooperatives or intimate groups or zones; differences
between communities and government‐backed autonomous organizations that have been
founded for the purpose of development and maintenance of security, and self‐governing
organizations that have been independently generated from the management of natural
forests, common forests, fishing grounds, and irrigation facilities. Even though these
34
groups may share the same functions at present, each has a different historical
background. Exploring these historical differences is crucial to understanding the region
and provides a real excitement in regional studies.
Comparative regional research was proposed by Noriyuki Suzuki in 1996 while he was
reviewing Thai studies in the field of sociology in Japan (Suzuki, 1996). Suzuki also
proposed: 1) we move from community research to macro research by focusing on social
class, migration, and the structure of nation states; 2) we move from regional research
without follow‐ups to action research through which researchers can resolve social issues
together with those directly involved; and 3) we examine the Japan‐Thai relationship from
the perspective of social solidarity in addition to economic cooperation and migration of
laborers. Suzuki contends that a study is not a sociological one unless we conduct a
structural analysis beyond the area of regional research by interconnecting the structure of
global international communities and the structure of nation states.
With regard to his first idea, studies based on Suzuki’s proposals correspond to the
creation of the research category of international sociology. Yet, it is still difficult to
encapsulate the entire international community in a research perspective. In actuality,
many studies have been immigrant studies discussing the citizenship of immigrants and
refugees or the structure of multi‐cultural society. As for his second and third
recommendations, most of those studies were Suzuki’s own (Suzuki, 2006a; Suzuki and
Wangpokakul Peeriya,2006; Noriyuki Suzuki, Keeratiporn Sritanyarat, 2006). In my view,
there is ample room for improvement concerning the content of reports on NGOs and
NPOs.
Comparative regional research has been promoted by regional researchers, rather than
by sociologists. The COE Project at the Institute of Developing Economies has striven to
understand Southeast Asia multilaterally by using key concepts such as
“dense society.” Yet, such terms do not appear to converge with common localities
(Tsubouchi, ed., 1999, 2000). On the contrary, once the subject of comparison is extended
to race, religion, and culture (Kato, 2004) or family, region, and ethnicity (Kitahara, ed.,
2005), the diversity of the region is emphasized.
Compared to research of Northeast Asia and South Asia, comprehensive studies on
Southeast Asian society commonly depict social aspects that are greatly regulated by
35
external factors such as the ecosystem or the history of colonization rather than broad
ethnic histories in the memories of people or the continuity of cultures, if not the
foundation of the nation or the history of its disappearance. The sociological perspective
also shares this point. Under circumstances in which regions are involved in the global
capitalist economic system or rapid social change that are implemented under national
regions, and social systems have adapted to the changes.
In this respect, beyond simply focusing on the inherent feature of specific regions,
depicting regional differences in terms of the depth or direction of transformation is much
more in the nature of sociological research; at the same time, presenting issues of the local
community or society in general from the standpoint of individual dignity or social equity
also falls under the purview of sociology (Ikeda, 2000). Globalization and
development‐oriented political and economic policy have been the driving forces behind
social transformation in Southeast Asia, (Suehiro, 2000). The transfer of people, things
and money has helped generate rapid social change in the region, during the course of
which the following research tasks have emerged with respect to various aspects of
society.
3 Sociological Research Tasks of the Present
3‐1Region (Rural – Urban Relationship)
The rural community has changed greatly due to the commodity economy (Akagi,
Kitahara, and Takeuchi, ed., 2000, Totani,1999; Kitahara, 1996,1999,2004; Sato, 2005;
Sakurai, 2005). With this in mind, how will regional communities in Southeast Asia,
where the majority of people live, be maintained in the future? (Kitahara, 2004).
Because businesses and factories with large employment capacity are located only in
primary cities of several million people, and medium‐sized cities of several hundred
thousand people, rural people often participate in the informal sector in urban areas for
cash earnings so that they send money to support their children or aging parents in rural
villages. Many young people form households in the slums or suburbs, and a large
number of them live there permanently as lower‐class workers. The class structure,
regulated by the resources related to land ownership and the right to use areas for
agriculture, forestry and fisheries, is about to collapse. The village landscape has changed
36
greatly due to the high academic achievement of children, made possible by cash income
(secondary school graduates do not inherit family businesses) and consumerism
(materialism and debt). Now, rural villagers not only have a hard time making a living
in jobs that involve dealing with nature, but are also unable to conduct extensive
subsistence farming (Yamamoto, 1999). The background is this: in addition to the fact
that the increasing demographic pressure does not allow unruly or unregulated use of
resources (excess of slash‐and‐burn cultivation), ecological destruction (the conversion of
forests into agricultural land; river management by dams, etc.; pollution due to factory
and urban waste) were added; thus, stakeholders have conflicts over the boundaries of
private property, commons, and national land. In the 30‐year period of 1960‐90, the
forest area in Thailand dwindled to half (this happened in Northeast Thailand in1975‐90);
in 1989 Thailand banned commercial logging of natural forests (Sato,2002).
From rural community to city, from the socialist bloc to the capitalist bloc, resources
continue to be drained in one direction. Industrialized countries are also working to
protect the right to live in rural regions ‐‐‐ even in areas under adverse conditions ‐‐‐ by
imposing government policies such as price supports and income security for farm
however, do not have sufficient financial latitude to carry out improvement of regional
communities even though marginal settlements are generated in the ecosystem or with
labor resources. Unlike Japan, South Korea, or Taiwan, those countries cannot afford to
promote dual employment or subsidiary businesses as a managerial strategy or national
policy. Because infrastructure is not sufficiently developed, it is unrealistic to envision
industrial sites in rural areas. Although sustainable farming and eco‐tourism initiatives
have been implemented by regional development NGOs, their power to generate
employment remains weak. To live in a rural community in Southeast Asia, not only in
Thailand, involves serious problems (The Japanese Association for Rural Studies, ed.,
2004).
And what of cities? Urban studies have been conducted on the formation of the labor
market and industries in global cities in Thailand and Southeast Asia and on the issue of
social classes at the Graduate School of Economics, Osaka City University (Tasaka, ed.,
1998). A global city means a city with two classes: in the socially upper class are
executives and families of MNCs and international organizations, while in the socially
37
lower class are foreign workers who have legally or illegally immigrated from
observed between native and illegal workers. Through the transfer of money by migrant
workers inside and outside the country, who have established residency, and through the
networking of transient workers, the global city is directly connected to the rural area or
neighboring countries. Still, it is not quite true that the Southeast Asian region has
become “borderless.”
The transmigration of workers and working conditions are controlled by the country in
question and their civil rights are limited. In Thailand and Malaysia, “semi‐legalization”
measures have been adopted by which illegal workers who had migrated from
neighboring countries are required to be registered to work (Tamaki, 2005). Meanwhile,
migrant workers who are willing to go abroad are either lower‐middle class workers or
involved in illegal human transport, which includes human trafficking. In other words,
the national boundary of economic disparity helps bring an enormous profit to people or
organizations involved in the transfer of human beings.
In those stratified and segmented global cities, a number of urgent issues have surfaced:
coping with traffic congestion and waste, controlling gambling, drugs, and prostitution,
taking care of slum residents and street children, maintaining the urban environment, and
developing communities (Hata, 2005).
In Southeast Asia, regional social studies focusing on policy enforcement to maintain
local communities are required. The actors in regional formation can vary.
Dichotomous thinking, such as whether ODA or NGO/NPO, economic development or
spontaneous development, is now out of date. Thus, it is crucial to build up local theories
that take root in the realities of the region by conducting research surveys.
3‐2 Family, Education, and Labor
In Southeast Asia, the birthrate has been on the decline not only among the urban middle
class but in rural communities as well. Thus, each nation has begun to discuss a solid
reinforcement of the social security system in preparation for a further decline in the
birthrate and the aging of populations (Tanada, ed., 2005).
38
In Thailand, the average birthrate in 2000 was 1.82 nationally and 1.12 for Bangkok
specifically. As the economy grows, the life course of not succeeding one’s parent’s
occupation, receiving secondary education (the enrollment rate was 82.5% in 2003) and
becoming a salaried worker in a city has become increasingly common. Twenty years
ago, the enrollment rate for higher education institutions was less than 5%; it is now over
40%. Thailand’s economic growth has spurred dramatic progress in higher education.
On the other hand, students at national universities in 2003 (41 out of 78 colleges were
made regional universities from educational colleges) accounted for only18% of the total
number of college students. Two “open” universities, where anyone may enroll,
accounted for 41%, 61 private colleges for 26%, and 17 junior colleges and others for 15%.
According to World Bank statistics, the highest enrollment rate of institutions for higher
education (including junior colleges) in 2003 was Thailand (40.1%), followed by The
Myanmar (11.3%), Vietnam (10.2%), Laos (5.1%),Cambodia (3.1%), and Brunei (1.9%).
The 2003 per capita GDP of Singapore ($21,825) was approximately ten times higher than
that of Thailand ($2,236), and approximately 64 times higher than Laos ($339.5). The
policy on quantitative relaxation for higher education (an increase in the number of
private colleges and national university students) varies depending on the country. The
above figures more or less match the economic growth of each country.
However, with the exception of Singapore, no country has established a labor market
compatible with the expansion of higher education. Cheap labor is still required in the
labor‐intensive manufacturing industry and service industry. Also, it is not that the
demand for technical jobs or administrative work worthy of higher education graduates
has increased dramatically. In Thailand, Malaysia, and the Philippines, the guarantee of
quality in higher education is the key to making economic progress. In Indonesia and
Vietnam, quantitative expansion is the key; other countries are still in the phase of
training leaders.
In Southeast Asian societies, where, traditionally, women’s economic activities are not
restricted, the employment rate for women is higher than that in Northeast Asian societies.
Still, that does not mean that men and women equally share household chores and child
rearing. In the city, the cost for the externalization of domestic chores (eating out is the
norm; hiring foreigners or workers from provincial areas for cleaning, laundry, and child
39
rearing) used to be low. But now, when, due to urban sprawl, the commute becomes
longer and the child‐care costs rise, women’s work patterns show an M‐shaped curve in a
figure analogous to Japan (Ochiai, Yamane, and Miyasaka, ed., 2007). Domestic labor
moves to countries that can afford the cost. Therefore, the Philippines exports house
keepers and care workers to Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, and other countries, and
Vietnam sends brides to Taiwan, who become permanent residents through international
marriages (approximately 30% of marriages in 2003 in Taiwan were international). The
household and family have become global. Advanced countries can enjoy globalization.
But in developing nations where nursing‐care workers cannot be employed, the elderly
won’t be able to receive public assistance or support from their children’s generation.
How will they manage? There is no easy solution to this; it is a complex issue strongly
linked to both gender and globalization.
There have been a number of papers and books describing cultural differences among
family members, the gender issue in individual communities, and the empowerment of
women. What the comparative study by Ochiai, Yamane, and Miyasaka suggested was
that besides the expansion of feminism in East Asia and Southeast Asia, the entire Asian
region had begun to experience common transformations in family‐related matters. Yet,
inter‐hierarchical and international disparities are still clearly reflected in strategies to
restore family life through education and diverse employment styles. For this reason,
survey research is urgently needed to clarify the specific relations between family
transformations and globalization in individual regions. After having done that, there
are various issues that must be addressed regarding social security including
gender‐related issues (Osawa, 2004).
3‐3 Race, Religion, and Culture
In the islands of Southeast Asia, during the period of Dutch and British colonial rule,
when workers were brought in from China and India, different ethnic groups ‐‐‐ people of
Chinese descent, the Tamil, and the native people ‐‐‐ coexisted. From the days of
colonization till individual nations became independent nation states, there were resident
Chinese, and various trading ethnic groups in Southeast Asia. In addition, they
experienced wartime recruitment following the Japanese invasion of Southeast Asia, the
migration of Chinese Nationalist Party supporters in the wake of the Chinese Civil War,
40
and the migration of refugees after the establishment of the socialist government (Wang,
2004; Kataoka, 2006). Despite that, people have freely crossed between the Asian
continent and the island area.
In ASEAN countries, the degree of freedom in civil rights and economic activity that
should be given to people of Chinese descent, who accounted for 10% to 30% of the
population, was a major issue in social and economic policy. Chinese‐dominated
Singapore achieved independence from the Federation of Malaya; In Thailand, Chinese
residents assimilated into Thai culture and occupied the center of power in political and
economic circles. The Philippines, Malaysia, and Indonesia, in the name of nationalism,
treated Chinese residents badly. Meanwhile in river delta areas on the continental side,
the ethnic majority conducted wet‐rice cultivation. In the mountain area, there were
ethnic minority groups who conducted slash‐and‐burn cultivation or trading. Under
various government policies, such as the religious policy (from animism to Theravada
(conversion from the poppy and slash‐and‐burn cultivation), those minority and fringe
groups, and the social welfare policy (state‐ and NGOs‐supported), had no choice but to
assimilate into the nation ruled by the ethnic majority (Hayami,1998). Now they are
faced with the issues of poverty and HIV (Michinobu, 2005). From the perspective of
religious research, there has been a detailed report on the process by which Theravada
Buddhism, Catholicism, and Islam were blended with ethnic religions, and eventually
into a practical religion, as well as its present condition (Hayashi, 2000; Nishii, 2001;
Tanabe, 2003). Sakurai (2008) carefully analyzed varieties of regional development
activities by monks in Northeast Thailand and considered the cultural and social
condition under which socially engaged religion substantially contribute to social welfare.
Recent cultural studies show a strong tendency to view culture as something hybrid
and dynamic. Cultures in Southeast Asia had strong blending elements consistent with
the mixed housing of different ethnic groups. However, those cultures have been
reorganized under various political pressures (the push for creating a nation state,
authoritarian developmentalism, and identity politics by opposition forces). By focusing
on culturally representative monuments, collective memories of the state and the culture
those monuments may evoke, and the narratives of self and others, the constructive
aspects of culture can be clarified (Kato, ed., 2004). If this viewpoint is applied, from the
41
expressed concern that globalization will Westernize (or Americanize) and homogenize
ethnic cultures, we can detect a will to build an indigenous national culture while
addressing cultural changes. What greatly contributed to the establishment of national
culture was public education to edify the integration of the people.
Education not only contributes to personal development, but also has the aspect of
bolstering the social system in helping to cultivate national identity. Among many
ASEAN nations, new governments were launched based on certain specific groups that
had opposed colonial forces; those countries were controlled by the government and the
military. The goal of education was to culturally and politically integrate areas and
ethnic groups surrounding the power. Papers on region and school (Onaka, 2002),
national education and primary education (Nozu, 2005), and the expansion of civic
education (Hirata, 2007) have been published by researchers in the field of comparative
education.
3‐4 Disparities in region and class and Civil Society
Among ASEAN nations, the larger the area of agricultural, mountain, and fishing villages
a country has, the greater its class disparities. However, as economies have improved,
one can increasingly see movements of people who seek free speech and economic
opportunity, and who detest restrictions imposed by authoritarian governments.
Looking at the political awareness of the urban middle class from statements by
newspapers and intellectuals, and anti‐government street demonstrations, it is certainly
true that beginning in the 1990s, the movement towards democratization has accelerated
in Thailand, the Philippines, and Indonesia (Asami, 1999). Still, in Thailand, the soft
landing of the authoritarian system is considered to have been prepared from the 1980s;
the roles and the political awareness of the new middle class remain unclear (Tamada,
2003). Found among the people with lifestyles that promote an information‐oriented and
consumer society are many white‐collar workers who work for corporations owned by
ethnic and Chinese conglomerates, influential politicians, bureaucrats, or soldiers. The
relationship between them and the people power of the working class, who have nothing
to lose, is subtle. Needless to say, NGOs, which have been working to play a leading role
in social movements to establish civil society, are still active. However, the organization
of the labor movement is incomplete and the momentum for citizens’ movement and
42
anti‐discrimination movement to spread to the general public beyond stakeholders
remains weak.
introduced in 1997. The eligibility to run for parliamentary election was restricted to
college graduates or higher. Whatever the realistic reasons were, some 80% of the people
lost their eligibility. Thaksin Shinawatra, the head of the Thai Rak Thai Party who won the
general election of 2001 in a landslide, received overwhelming support from farmers in
the North and Northeast regions; he adopted the populist policy of promising farmers
debt reduction, a 30‐baht medical care program, and one million baht for a district
(Tambon) revitalization fund. Although the rising Thai economy initially supported his
CEO‐like political style, his autocratic approach (conflict with Muslims in southern
Thailand; 2,637 drug dealers shot to death in 2003 alone), cronyism and nepotism
(promotions for family members and peers, and favoritism for his own firms), and opaque
asset management (tax breaks and stock sales) came under severe criticism. Prime
Minister Thaksin dissolved the National Assembly in March, 2006, and held a general
election on April 2nd.
The opposition party, however, expressed protest by boycotting the election. Only
candidates from the Thai Rak Thai Party and several minority parties ran. This election
became a virtual vote of confidence for the ruling party. The Thai Rak Thai Party won
359 seats in 400‐seat single electoral districts (with one seat going to the opposition party
and 40 seats to be re‐voted), and all seats in 100 proportional representation districts
(votes obtained: 56.5%). But due to the two‐month‐long anti‐Thaksin demonstration and
at the behest of the King of Thailand, the prime minister was forced to release a
transfer‐of‐power statement. One Thai English‐language paper called it “a victory for
democracy” (editorial in The Nation, April 5, 2006), while one Japanese newspaper
reported it was “led by the middle class in the capital area” (Asahi Shimbun, April 6,
2006). Due to the reelection, the opening of the National Assembly has been delayed,
and Thai politics continues to be in disarray, yet fundamental issues have yet to be
discussed.
There is a difference in political awareness between regions and classes. Looking at
region‐by‐region voting patterns, that is share of the votes by the Thai Rak Thai Party and
the percentage of blank votes in the single‐seat electoral districts, they were North
43
(58%,26%), Northeast (70%, 16%), Central (49%, 36%), South (18%, 63%), Bangkok
(45%,50%); in the proportional representation districts, they were North (62%,
23%),Northeast (75%, 13%), Central (51%, 29%), South (17%, 67%), Bangkok (48%,
48%)(The Report of the Election Results in Thailand on April 2, 2006 by the Ministry of the
Interior, Thailand). The capital city of Bangkok is the region where the middle class is
most dominant. In Southern Thailand, there are conflicts between some Muslims and the
Thai government, which shall be discussed later.
That the transfer of power was realized by people power and there was a successful
political movement with the mobilization of citizens ‐‐‐ those facts are still discussed in
the context of democratization. Meanwhile, the will of the constituents, so called “local
farm votes” that had gone through a democratic process was regarded as an
inconsequential fact. . Media outlets, which are mainly led by intellectuals and turn the
urban middle class into avid readers, consider those facts to be less important. This kind
of divided civil society is characteristic of not just Thailand, but of Southeast Asian society
in general, where interregional and inter‐class disparities are conspicuous. The
argument that the new middle class will promote democratization and become a primary
actor in the formation of civil society has some validity, particularly in advanced countries
where the middle class is the majority. However, in a society where representative
democracy has been adopted despite a small middle class, the ideals of the middle class
and intellectuals may not always agree with the will of the majority. Populist politics in
Thailand undoubtedly amplified this schism.
“The Structural Transformation of Asian Communities and the Formation of the New
Middle Class” compiled by the Asian Sociological Society (Koyano, Kitagawa, Kano, ed.,
2000) featured discussions about this. Yet, understanding the new middle class partially
and specifically through class categories and actors (NGOs and self‐governing groups)
does not necessarily demonstrate a political awareness of the middle class. Contributing
author, Hirotsugu Ohata, questioned a certain cultural foundation of civil society – that of
nepotism – in one case example of South Korea. In the case of Southeast Asia, it is
cronyism that reaches into rural villages and political and economical communities, which
can be corruption if exposed. For good or ill, cronyism is social capital in Southeast
Asian society, and the range of trust and cooperation does not extend beyond such
relationships. The logic of this living world, which supports political and economic
44
transactions and negotiations as well as daily lives, conflicts with Western civil society,
whose basic rule is problem solving and profit sharing based on debates and rules. This
aspect, conventionally viewed as a Southeast Asian cultural one that is difficult to change,
must be analyzed sociologically as a social relationship theory in the formation of civil
society, as an issue to be overcome. Kitahara (2002) also pointed out the undesirable social
capital on regional election campaign in Thailand, which calls on populists to reflect on
their thought that regards all of traditional social relations in rural community as social
capital of villagers. He furthermore considers the corporation between advocacy on
community thoughts by those populists and civil society theory by liberalists, and hopes
the establishment of welfare society that close the gap between rural areas and cities,
upper class and lower class, by redistribution policy.
There are also arguments that envision leaders in the formation of civil society other
than the new middle class. Alternative development theories were presented by
intellectuals, religious personnel, and NGO members and researchers from industrialized
nations expressed their support (Nishikawa, ed., 2001; Nishikawa and Noda, eds., 2001;
Komai, 2001). The social development theory was proposed by international aid
organizations as well (Onda, 2001). It is certainly appealing to have a cultural
composition that presents an antithesis to the capitalism and modernism of a hegemonic
state while placing its developmental ideal on Theravada Buddhism and agricultural
fundamentalism. Religious personnel, the key to endogenous development and the
activity of practical and efficient farming are all very fascinating, yet those studies left me
with the impression that the role of NGOs/NPOs in regional development and the role of
religion in making a social contribution were both overrated. It is true that there are
many cases one needs to learn from, but without coordination with social policies, it will
be difficult to overcome class and regional disparities (Kitahara, 1996). The essence of
the discussion to explore the social development theory with traditional cultures,
customary practices in communities, and religious culture as social capital consists of two
points:1)social capital may or may not contribute to economic progress, thus, what is
crucial is to examine the conditions for social development, 2) since social capital was
historically established, it will be difficult to artificially re‐create it in a short time;
therefore, it is essential to discuss the social process when incorporating social capital into
the development theory.
45
Whether it is the new middle class or a new social movement, it is not easy to describe
the process of civil society formation from just one social force as a blueprint. For this
reason, the tasks of linking the transformation of regional society to macro political and
social changes and connecting the discussion on the formation of civil society that has
been extracted from an analysis on the existing state of Southeast Asian society to the
theory of Western civil society remain unresolved for many researchers (Funatsu, 2005).
46
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52
History, Thai Studies in Japan, 1996‐2006: Re‐examination of the
Image of the Thai Nation
KANO, Hiroshi
Introduction
Research of Thai history by Japanese scholars has been broad based. They have studied
Thai history from prehistory to modern history through multiple methods, including
archaeological studies, research of historical documents and fieldwork. In addition,
research data has been gathered from central government, as well as local towns and
villages in all parts of Thailand. Furthermore, research included minority groups living in
Thailand and Tais living in Laos and Yunnan and so on.
In this paper, I would like to show the trends of the Japanese researchers’ study1 of
Thai/Tai history in the last ten years, 1996‐20062.
1. Two Compilations of Southeast Asian History
In the last ten years, two compilations of Southeast Asian history have been published.
In 1999, Ishii and Sakurai edited A History of Southeast Asia I: Mainland Southeast Asia as
a volume in the world history series (Ishii & Sakurai 1999). This large volume (521+94
pages) includes six chapters of Thai/Tai history from the prehistory era to the present.
Furthermore, from 2001 to 2003, the series of The Iwanami History of Southeast Asia
has been published (Ikehata et al. 2001‐2003). This series of 9 volumes also include papers
concerning Thai/Tai history written by academics at the forefront of Thai studies. They
show us the width and the variety of Japanese study of Thai history.
Let us overview the trends of these wide ranged researches under some classified
groups.
2. Before the 13th Century
In archaeological studies, Nitta has published papers concerning the prehistoric
civilization around the Mekhong basin (Nitta 1996b).
Concerning the rise and fall of the states before the 13th century, Ito discussed silver
coins to explain the existence of a wide trading region of the continental Southeast Asia
53
using original coins (Ito 2001). From the viewpoint of art history, Harada outlined the
styles of “the Wheels of the Law” excavated in Thailand to disclose the distinction of
Dvaravati culture (Harada 2005). Fukami described the trading empire of Srivijaya as a
regional group of separate member states from the 7th Century (Fukami 2001). He also
discussed the rise of Tambraling as a center of the trade network in the Strait of Malacca in
the 13th Century (Fukami 2005, 2006).
In these studies, the borders of the modern nation‐states have few implications for the
setting of the research area.
3. Premodern and Early Modern History
(The 13th Century – The First Half of the 19th Century)
Concerning the history of the 14th Century, Ishii discussed the geographical conditions of
Sukhothai and Ayutthaya by interpreting routes recorded in the Sukhothai Inscription No.
11 (Ishii 1995). Ishii also described the changing names of the capital of the Ayutthayan
Dynasty (Ishii 1997a). In these studies, he insisted on the need for the re‐examination of
the official unilinear history of Thailand and the reconstruction of premodern Thai history
(Ishii 1995, 1997a, 1997b). In 1999, Ishii published a book collecting his articles concerning
early modern Thai history (Ishii 1999). In this book, we can trace the achievement of his
research which has led the study of Thai history in Japan.
In the study of premodern and early modern history, Koizmumi also has led the
researches in Japan in the last ten years. She carefully re‐examined the historical evidence
and reconsidered the official history established by Prince Damrong concerning the
corvee system in premodern Siam (Koizumi 1999a, 1999b). She argued that the official
history was bound in the framework of the modern nation‐state, and appealed for a
review of the politics in historical writing. In 2006, she collected her papers on Thai
history and published a book, Historiography and Nationalism: Reflections on Modern Thai
History (Koizumi 2006b). In this book, we can read her concern about the politics in
historical research.
As has been noted, the study of premodern Thai history has been fruitful in these ten
years. However, it is problematic that few scholars under 40 are studying the premodern
history of Thailand3, excepting a few researchers like Masuda (1995, 2001), Kano(2005)
and Kawaguchi (2006).
54
4. Modern History
(The Second Half of the 19th Century ‐ Present)
The study of modern history is one of the most fruitful fields in Thai studies in Japan. It
has been studied from many points of view.
Concerning political history, Murashima and Tamada have led the study in Japan.
Murashima published a book, Phibun in 1996 (Murashima 1996a). In this book, he
described the historical stream to the 1932 revolution. He has also published papers
foreign policies (Murashima 1996b, 1996c, 1999, 2000, 2002a, 2002b). Tamada’s range is
also wide, from the reign of Rama V to present Thai politics (Tamada 1996a, 1996b, 1999,
2001, 2003). One of their concerns is the formation of the nation in modern Thai history.
Their researches based on a large amount of historical evidence show us how the Thai
Nation has been formed in modern Thai society. After their steps, many younger
researchers have started the study of modern political history. For example, Sugiyama has
studied nationalism observed from people’s opinions submitted to the government during
the ‘People’s Party’ regime (Sugiyama 1997b) and newspapers during the reign of the King
Rama VI (Sugiyama 2004). Mizutani described the expansion of the police system from the
1930s to 1940s (Mizutani 2005).
Concerning the period of World War Two, Yoshikawa has published papers on the
relationship between the Thai government and Japanese troops based on numerous
documents in both Japanese and Thai (Yoshikawa 1997, 1999, 2001). He has also discussed
the meaning of the Ramkhamhaeng Inscription in modern Thai history (Yoshikawa 1996).
Concerning economic history, Suehiro has led the research in Japan (Suehiro 1996, 1999).
In the last ten years, Miyata has published articles on economic history from the second
half of the 19th Century to the 1920s (Miyata 2001, 2002). The characteristic trend in the
study of modern Thai history in Japan is the prosperity of transportation history. In this
field, Kakizaki has energetically published papers (Kakizaki 1997, 1998, 2000a, 2002a,
2002c) and a book named Railways and the Thai Economy, 1885‐1935 (Kakizaki 2000b). His
study also goes on to cover transportation history after World War Two (Kakizaki 2002b,
2004, 2006).
Concerning social history, Kitahara argued about land policies from the 1880s to 1920s
55
(Kitahara 2002, 2005a, 2005b, 2006), while conducting a study of the recent changes in
rural villages (Kitahara 1999). Sakurai reported the outcomes from his fieldwork in
Northeast Thailand and traced the history of village formation (Sakurai 1997).
On the other hand, concerning the history of the capital city, Tomosugi outlined the
history of Bangkok (Tomosugi 1998, 2001), and Tasaka studied the urbanization of
Bangkok in the early 20th Century (Tasaka 2001). Tasaka and Nishizawa also analyzed the
changing of land tenure in Bangkok (Tasaka & Nishizawa 2003). Nishizawa studied
modern Thai history from the perspective of the codification process of the Civil and
Commercial Code (Nishizawa 1999). Concerning the middle class in Bangkok, Asami
analyzed the changing political consciousness among them from 1932 to 1992 (Asami
1998).
Even though there are only a few papers, the study of gender relations has also started.
From the viewpoint of gender relations, Iijima and Koizumi have analyzed the
emancipation of ‘that’ (Iijima & Koizumi 2000), and Koizumi also reconsidered ‘family
politics’ in the 19th Century from this viewpoint (Koizumi 2001).
Concerning cultural history, Kano has studied the relationship between popular culture
and cultural policy through observations of the shrines for the guardian spirits (Kano
1996) and women’s dress (Kano 1999). He also analyzed the process of cultural
agreement between Thailand and Japan in 1941 (Kano 2001). Shibuya showed how the
Phibun government imagined and imposed ‘national manners’ (Shibuya 2001).
How we grasp the concept of ‘nation’ has been one of the most important themes in the
study of modern Thai history in Japan.
5. Local History and Historical Worlds over Borders
One more field of study in full bloom among Japanese scholars of Thai/Tai history is local
history in Thailand and Tai history in neighboring countries.
One of the most impressive fields of historical Thai/Tai study in Japan is the history of
the ‘Shan (Tai) Cultural Region’ or ‘Region of the Dhamma Letters”, including Northern
Thailand.
We can see some of the results of this movement in Japan in the book, The Golden
Quadrangle (Shintani 1998), which includes essays from Shintani, Ishii, Iijima, Daniels and
Kato.
56
Iijima, one of the leading academics of this field in Japan, has investigated the palm leaf
manuscripts not only in Northern and Northeastern Thailand, but also in Laos and
Myanmar (Iijima 1998, 1999a, 2001b, 2004). She also attempted to reconsider a Thai
‘national history’ framework by carefully investigation of historical documents concerning
this region (1996, 1999b, 2000, 2001a).
There are many Japanese scholars who have studied Tai history in countries other than
Thailand. Kato has analyzed the formation and changes of premodern Tai states in
Sipsongpanna, Yunnan (Kato 1997, 1999, 2001b, 2006) and published a book, A History of
Sipsongpanna in 2000 (Kato 2000). Daniels has studied the history of Tai material cultures
mainly in Yunnan (Daniels 1998). Kikuchi has conducted research on the formation of the
nation of Laos (Kikuchi 1997a, 1997b, 1997c, 2002, 2004). Ito has been concerned with Tay
and Nung as minorities in modern Vietnam (Ito 2000a, 2000b, 2003a, 2003b).
On the other hand, minorities in Thailand have been studied by Japanese scholars. Baba
was concerned with the invention of ‘history’ in the Tai‐Lue villages in Nan Province
(Baba 1999, 2001). Ayabe, Hayami, and Kataoka provided an insight into the hill tribes of
Thailand (Ayabe 1998, Hayami 1999, Kataoka 2004). Wang described the community
formed of Chinese from Yunnan in Northern Thailand (Wang 2004). Onozawa traced the
activating process of the identity of the Catholic Laotian and Vietnamese immigrants in
Northeastern Thailand (Onozawa 1996).
From the viewpoint of history regarding society between Thai and Malay influence,
Kuroda has re‐examined the histories of both nations (Kuroda 1996, 1998, 1999, 2001a,
2001b).
These studies to understand the histories from the viewpoint of border regions have a
potential to reconstruct historical images of mainland Southeast Asia including Thailand.
Conclusion
Even though there has been broad research of Thai history by Japanese scholars4 as
mentioned above, most studies in the last ten years seem to have had a common focus: a
re‐examination of the image of the Thai nation. It has been examined from two
perspectives.
Firstly, during the last ten years, the processes of the invention of “nation” and
“national history” have been actively studied through central government documents.
57
Secondly, studies of documents and fieldwork in local areas have re‐examined “national
history” written from a traditional viewpoint. In this movement, the image of the Thai
nation has also been reconsidered by the studies of minority groups and Tais living in
Thailand and other neighboring states such as Laos, Myanmar and China.
Through these studies, the image of the Thai nation has been re‐examined and
diversified in many ways. It might be time to try to link them together and reconstruct a
new image of the Thai nation through the strict and earnest employment of historical
resources.
Notes
1 The words ‘the Japanese researchers’ in this paper mean the researchers who have
published articles mainly in Japanese in the journals published in Japan, including some
scholars who have non‐Japanese nationality.
2 The Japanese researchers’ study of Thai history before 1996 was introduced by Iijima,
Kato & Kuroda (1996). Besides, Iijima (2001c), Shiraishi (2002), Suehiro (2002) and
Momoki (2003) review the trends of studies of Thai/Tai history by Japanese scholars.
3 The younger researchers’ focus seems to point toward modern history than premodern.
One of the reasons for the unpopularity of premodern Thai history among younger
researchers may be the tendency for practical sciences in Japan, today.
4 One of the recent problems for Japanese scholars is the big wave of ‘university
reformation’ in Japan. In this wave, most of them have to overwork with administrative
paperwork and other chores. However, Ishii who has been busy with the job of a
university president quoted the words of Motoori Norinaga, a great scholar in early
modern Japan, in his autobiography that warns us ‘not to stop studying because of poor
ability, late starting or no free time’ (Ishii 2003, p.193). We should appreciate these words
and continue to enjoy researches during these difficult days.
58
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(Kotoba to Syakai)『ことばと社会』, vol.2, pp.81‐96.
Ito, Masako (伊藤正子), 2003a, ‘No Chi Ko no katarikata: Chuu Etsu kokkyou syousuu
minzoku no “eiyuu” to kokka (The Discourse of the Two Countries about Nung Tri Cao:
The ʺHeroʺ of the Ethnic Minorities in the Sino‐Vietnamese Border Region)’「儂智高の語
り方:中越国境少数民族の「英雄」と国家」, Touyou bunka kenkyuujo kiyou (The Momoirs
of the Institute of Oriental Culture)『東洋文化研究所紀要』, vol.142, pp.241‐270.
Ito, Masako (伊藤正子), 2003b, Esunisithi “sousei” to kokumin kokka betonamu (Inventionʹ of
Sangensha, Tokyo.
Ito, Toshikatsu (伊東利勝), 2001, ‘Menpu to kyokujitsu ginka: Pyu, Duvaravati, Funan
(Cotton and Rising Sun Silver Coins: Pyu, Dvaravati and Funan)’「綿布と旭日銀貨:ピ
Iwanami kouza Tounan Ajia shi (The Iwanami History of Southeast Asia)『岩波講座東南アジ
ア史』, vol.1, Iwanami shoten, Tokyo, pp.199‐226.
Kakizaki, Ichiro (柿崎一郎), 1997, ‘Tai ni okeru koutsuumou no hatten 1897‐1932: jikan
kyori no hensen (Transportation Development in Thailand 1897‐1932: Mapping of
遷」, Tounan Ajia: Rekishi to bunka (Southeast Asia: History and Culture)『東南アジア:歴
65
史と文化』, vol.26, pp.59‐87.
Kakizaki, Ichiro (柿崎一郎), 1998, ‘Tetsudou seibi to aratanaru butsuryuu no keisei
(Introduction of Railways and the Creation of Nes Commodity Flow: The case of Pigs in
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Kakizaki, Ichiro (柿崎一郎), 2000a, ‘Senzenki Tai ni okeru kome no seisan to yusou (Rice
Production and Transportation in Prewar Thailand: The Estimation of Domestic Rice
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ronsou (Jinbun kagaku) (The Bulletin of Yokohama City University (Humanities))『横浜市立大
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Kakizaki, Ichiro (柿崎一郎), 2000b, Tai keizai to tetsudou (Railways and the Thai Economy,
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Kakizaki, Ichiro (柿崎一郎), 2002a, ‘Rikken kakumeigo no Tai ni okeru douro seibi
(1932‐41 nen) (Road Improvement after the Constitutional Revolution in Thailand,
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おける道路整備(1932‐41 年)」, Tounan Ajia kenkyuu (Southeast Asian Studies)『東南アジ
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Kakizaki, Ichiro (柿崎一郎), 2002b, ‘Sengo hukkouki Tai ni okeru douro seibi (1945‐57
nen) (Road Improvement in the Era of Postwar Rehabilitation in Thailand, 1945‐1957:
From Low‐Standard Roads to High‐Standard Roads)’「戦後復興期タイにおける道路整
備(1945‐57 年)」, Ajia kenkyuu (Aziya Kenkyu)『アジア研究』, vol.48‐3, pp.4‐31.
Kakizaki, Ichiro (柿崎一郎), 2002c, ‘Senzenki Tai tetsudou no ryokaku yusou (Passenger
Transportation of Thai Railways before World War Two)’「戦前期タイ鉄道の旅客輸送」
Tetsudou shigaku (Japan railway history review)『鉄道史学』, vol.20, pp.1‐19.
Kakizaki, Ichiro (柿崎一郎), 2004, ‘Tai no tetsudou to kome yusou 1941‐1957 (Railways
and Rice Transport in Thailand, 1941‐1957: Insufficient Transport Capacity and the
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Kakizaki, Ichiro (柿崎一郎), 2006, ‘Tai nanbu no chiikikan syouhin ryuutsuu no henyou
1935‐75 nen: bankoku keizaiken heno hennyuu (Transition of Inter‐regional Commodity
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66
Nenpou Tai kenkyuu (The Journal of Thai Studies)『年報タイ研究』, vol.6, pp.41‐62.
Kano, Hiroshi (加納寛), 1996, ‘Bankoku shigaichi ni okeru tochishin shinkou no hensen
(Changing Belief about the Guardian Spirits in Modern Bangkok with Special Reference
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to bunka (Southeast Asia: History and Culture)『東南アジア:歴史と文化』, vol.25, pp.28‐57.
Kano, Hiroshi (加納寛), 1999, ‘Nihon‐jin no kiroku ni miru Bankoku josei fukusyoku
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21)『文明 21』, vol.2, pp.55‐67.
Kano, Hiroshi (加納寛), 2001, ‘1942 nen Nichi Tai bunka kyoutei wo meguru bunka
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Kano, Hiroshi (加納寛), 2006, Tai ni okeru bukyokubetsu saisyutsu yosan haibun no hensen:
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Kashinaga, Masao (樫永真佐夫), 2000, ‘Betonamu ni okeru kuro Tai‐go hyouki no hensen
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Kato, Kumiko (ed.) (加藤久美子編), 1998, Tai koku touhokubu oyobi hokubu ni okeru oraru
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Iwanami History of Southeast Asia)『岩波講座東南アジア史』, vol.3, Iwanami shoten, Tokyo,
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Kato, Kumiko (加藤久美子), 2001b, ‘Sipsongpanna, mun kenryoku no koueki heno
kakawari (How did Political Power of Moeng Polities Take Part in Trade Activities?:
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Kato, Kumiko (加藤久美子), 2006, ‘19 seiki nakaba no Sipsongpanna to Ratanakosin‐chou
(Sipsongpanna and the Ratanakosin Dynasty in the Middle of the 19th Century: The
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ーシン朝」, Nenpou Tai kenkyuu (The Journal of Thai Studies)『年報タイ研究』, vol.6,
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(The Hitotsubashi Review)『一橋論叢』, vol.129‐3, pp.301‐313.
Kawamura, Masami (河村雅美), 2000, ‘Tai ni okeru “kaihatsu” no saiseisan: Saritto taisei
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Kawamura, Masami (河村雅美), 2004, ‘Saritto jidai (1958‐1963) no media ni mirareru Tai
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ット時代(1958‐1963 年)のメディアにみられるタイの開発イメージ:
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Kawashima, Shin (川島真), 1996, ‘Chuukaminkoku Peking seifu gaikoubu no tai Syamu
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民地期、ラオス語正書法の確定」, Shiteki『史滴』, vol.19, pp.78‐91.
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Kitahara, Atsushi (北原淳), 2006, ‘Nakon Nayokku ken ni okeru denso chousyuu:
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Dawn of Modern in Early Ratanakosin)’「もう一つの「ファミリー・ポリティクス」
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ア史』, vol.5, Iwanami shoten, Tokyo, pp.75‐102.
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Touyou bunka kenkyuujo kiyou (The Momoirs of the Institute of Oriental Culture)『東洋文化研
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Koizumi, Junko (小泉順子), 2006a, ‘Tai Chuugokujin Syakai kenkyuu no rekishisei to
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Kagoshima daigaku shigakka houkoku (Historical Science Reports of Kagoshima University)『鹿
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Kuroda, Keiko (黒田景子), 1998, ‘Taribon to Rankawi (Taribon and Lankawi)’「タリボ
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Murashima, Eiji (村嶋英治), 1996b, ‘Tai no kanryousei: Kyousou shiken seido wo
chuushin toshite (The Bureaucracy in Thailand)’「タイの官僚制:競争試験制度を中心と
して」, in Iwasaki, I. & Hagiwara Y. (eds.) (岩崎育夫、 萩原宜之編), ASEAN syokoku no
kanryousei (The Bureaucracy in ASEAN Countries)『 ASEAN 諸国の官僚制 』, Inst. Of
Developing Economics, Tokyo, pp.163‐191.
Murashima, Eiji (村嶋英治), 1996c, ‘Tai ni okeru minzoku kyoudoutai to minzoku
73
mondai (The National Community and National Problems in Thailand)’「タイにおける
民族共同体と民族問題」, Shisou『思想』, vol.863, pp.187‐203.
Murashima, Eiji (村嶋英治), 1999, ‘Tai no rekishi kijutsu ni okeru kinenkensyoubonteki
seikaku: 1942‐43 nen ni okeru Syan‐syuu gaisei no dokuritsu kaifuku kyuukoku
monogatari ka wo megutte (The Commemorative Nature of Thai Historiography: A
Narrative of Independence Restoration concerning the Thai Military Advance in Shan
Sophia Asian Studies)『上智アジア学』, vol.17, pp.33‐57.
Murashima, Eiji (村嶋英治), 2000, ‘Nittai kankei 1945‐1952: Zai Tai Nihonjin oyobi zai Tai
Nihon shisan no sengo syori wo chuushin ni (Relationship between Japan and Thailand
1945‐1952: Focus on Transaction of Japanese Citizens and Property in Thailand)’「日タイ
関係 1945‐1952:在タイ日本人及び在タイ日本資産の戦後処理を中心に」, Ajia Taiheiyou
toukyuu (Journal of Asia‐Pacific Studies)『アジア太平洋討究』, vol.1, pp.141‐161.
Murashima, Eiji (村嶋英治), 2002a, ‘Tai‐koku no rikken kakumei ki ni okeru bunka to
Nasyonarizumu (Culture and Nationalism in the era of revolution in Thailand)’「タイ国
の立憲革命期における文化とナショナリズム」, in Ikehata, Setsuho (ed.) (池端雪浦編),
Iwanami kouza Tounan Ajia shi (The Iwanami History of Southeast Asia)『岩波講座東南アジ
ア史』 vol.7, Iwanami shoten, Tokyo, pp.241‐270.
Murashima, Eiji (村嶋英治), 2002b, ‘Tai ni okeru kyousansyugi undou to Chuugoku
kakumei (Communist Movement in Thailand and Revolution in China)’「タイにおける
共産主義運動と中国革命:タイ共産党の成立をめぐって」, in Goto, Kenichi (ed.) (後藤
乾一編), Iwanami kouza Tounan Ajia shi (The Iwanami History of Southeast Asia)『岩波講座
東南アジア史』, vol.8, Iwanami shoten, Tokyo, pp.259‐282.
Nagai, Fumio (永井史男), 1995, ‘Oubei ni okeru 19 seiki Tai‐shi kenkyuu ni kansuru
doukou I, II (Trends of 19th Centuryʹs Thai History Study in the Western World (I & II))’
(Seijikeizaishigaku)『政治経済史学』, vol.352, pp.43‐61, & vol.354, pp.17‐34.
Nagashima, Hiromu (長島弘), 1997, ‘Persian Muslim Merchants in Thailand and their
Activities in the 17th Century: Especially on their Visits to Japan’, Nagasaki kenritsu
pp.387‐399.
74
Nakao, Tomoyo (中尾知代), 2006, ‘Hibikiau koe (Voices in Harmony: The Frontiers of
Oral History)’「響きあう声」, Rekishigaku kenkyuu (Rekishigaku Kenkyu)『歴史学研究』,
vol.813, pp.17‐29.
Fubyoudoujouyaku kaisei to houten hensan (A Preliminary Study of the Codification
Process of the Civil and Commercial Code in Thailand: The Condification Process and
the Renegotiation of the Unequal Trade Agreement)’「タイ民商法典編纂史序説:不平等
条約改正と法典編纂」, Nagoya daigaku housei ronsyuu (Nagoya University Journal of Law
and Politics)『名古屋大学法政論集』, vol.177, pp.223‐271.
Nitta, Eiji (新田栄治), 1996a, ‘Budda to Shiva no toshi: Tounan Ajia gata toshi no tanjou
(City of Buddha and Shiva: Dawn of Southeast Asian Type Cities)’「ブッダとシヴァの都
市:東南アジア型都市の誕生」, in Umehara, Takeshi et al (eds.) (梅原猛ほか編), Toshi
to bunmei (Kouza bunmei to kankyou 4) (City and Civilization)『都市と文明(講座文明と環
境4)』, Asakura shoten, Tokyo, pp.121‐136.
Nitta, Eiji (新田栄治), 1996b, ‘Comparative Study on the Jar Burial Traditions in Vietnam,
Thailand and Laos’, Kagoshima daigaku shigakka houkoku (Historical Science Reports of
Kagoshima University)『鹿児島大学史学科報告』, vol.43, pp.1‐19.
Nitta, Eiji (新田栄治), 2001, ‘Kinzokuki no syutsugen to syuchousei syakai no seiritsu he
(Dawn of Metallic Tools and Formation of Chiefdom Society)’「金属器の出現と首長制社
会の成立へ」, in Yamamoto, Tatsuro (ed.) (山本達郎編), Iwanami kouza Tounan Ajia shi
(The Iwanami History of Southeast Asia)『岩波講座東南アジア史』, vol.1, pp.83‐110
Notsu, Takashi (野津隆志), 2005, Kokumin no keisei: Tai touhoku syougakkou ni okeru
kokumin bunka keisei no esunogurafi (Formation of Nation: An Ethnography of Formation of
National Culture at Elementary School in Northeastern Thailand)『国民の形成:タイ東北小
学校における国民文化形成のエスノグラフィー』, Akashi shoten, Tokyo.
Onozawa, Masaki (小野沢正喜), 1996, ‘Touhoku Tai no Raosu Betonamu kei Katorikku
kyouto ni okeru esunisithi (Ethnicity of Laotian and Cambodian Catholic in
Northeastern Thailand)’「東北タイのラオス・ベトナム系カトリック教徒におけるエス
ニシティ」, in Ayabe, Tsuneo (ed.) (綾部恒雄編), Kokka no naka no minzoku (Nations in
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75
Sakurai, Yumio (桜井由躬雄), 1997, ‘Touhoku Tai ni okeru sonraku no keisei (Village
Formation Process in Isan from Oral Tradition: A Case Study of Amphoe
Mahachanachai, Changwat Yasothon, Northeast Thailand)’「東北タイにおける村落の形
成」, Touhougaku (Tohogaku)『東方学』, vol.94, pp.64‐81.
Shibuya, Megumi (渋谷恵), 2001, ‘Tai ni okeru kokuminteki reigisahou no seiritsu to
fukyuu: Jinmintou seiken ka ni okeru bunkyou seisaku wo chuushin ni (Imagination
and Imposition of Thai National Manners : An Analysis of Cultural and Educational
pp.23‐34.
Shimada, Ryuto (島田竜登), 2006, ‘Kinsei Nihon no Syamu bouekishi kenkyuu josetsu (A
New Approach on the Siamese Trade with Early Modern Japan: Structural Change in
Intra‐Asian Trade during the Eighteenthe Century)’「近世日本のシャム貿易史研究序説」,
Seinangakuin daigaku keizaigaku ronsyuu (The Economic Review of Seinan Gakuin University)
『西南学院大学経済学論集』, vol.41‐2, pp.73‐100.
Shintani, Masahiko (新谷正彦), 2000, ‘1950 nendai syoki no Tai nouka kakei no
keizaikatsudou (Economic Behavior of Thai Farm Household in Early 1950ʹs: An
Approach from Subjective Equilibrium Model of Farm Household)’「1950 年代初期のタ
イ農家家計の経済活動」, Touyou bunka kenkyuujo kiyou (The Momoirs of the Institute of
Oriental Culture)『東洋文化研究所紀要』, vol.139, pp.383‐418.
Shintani, Tadahiko (ed.) (新谷忠彦編), 1998, Ougon no shikaku chitai: Syan bunkaken no
rekishi gengo minzoku (The Golden Quadrangle: Histories, Languages, and Peoples of Tai
Cultural Region)『黄金の四角地帯:シャン文化圏の歴史・言語・民族』, Keiyuusha, Tokyo.
Shintani, Tadahiko (新谷忠彦), 2003, ‘Senwi Kuronikuru ni mirareru ʹTai‐kokuʹ zou (1)
(Les ʺEtats Taisʺ tels que decrits dans la Chronique de Senwi (I))’「センウィー・クロニ
クルに見られる「タイ国」像(1)」, Ajia Afurika gengo bunka kenkyuu (The Journal of Asian
and African Studies)『アジア・アフリカ言語文化研究』, vol.66, pp.275‐298.
Shiraishi Takashi (白石隆), 2002, ‘Tounan Ajia kenkyuu no genjou to tenbou (Present
Status and Future Vistas of Southeast Asian Studies)’「東南アジア研究の現状と展望」,
Gakujutsu geppou (Japanese Scientific Monthly)『学術月報』, vol.55‐4, pp.13‐15.
Suehiro, Akira (末廣昭), 1996, ‘Senzenki Tai tetsudougyou no hatten to gijutsusya keisei
76
(Development of Railways Industry and Formation of Engineers in Prewar Thailand)’
「戦前期タイ鉄道業の発展と技術者形成」, Sougouteki chiiki kenkyuu (Global Area Studies)
『総合的地域研究』, vol.15.
Suehiro, Akira (末廣昭), 1999, ‘Tai roudoushi kenkyuu no kokoromi (In Search of Thai
Labor History)’「タイ労働史研究の試み」, Jouchi Ajia gaku (The Journal of Sophia Asian
Studies)『上智アジア学』, vol.17, pp.87‐118.
Suehiro, Akira (末廣昭), 2002, ‘Nihon ni okeru Tai kenkyuu: “Tai‐shi” no saikouchiku
(Thai Studies in Japan: Reconstruction of “Thai History”)’「日本におけるタイ研究:「タ
pp.392‐395
Sugiyama, Shoko (杉山晶子), 1997a, ‘Rama 6 seiou no “bunka no honyaku” (“Translation
of Culture” of King Rama VI: A Study on Contact with European Culture and Thought
in Siam in the Early 20th Century)’「ラーマ6世王の「文化の翻訳」」, Ajia Afurika gengo
bunka kenkyuu (The Journal of Asian and African Studies)『アジア・アフリカ言語文化研究』,
vol.54, pp.33‐53.
Sugiyama, Shoko (杉山晶子), 1997b, ‘Syamu rikken kakumei ki no “kuwamu kittohen
(iken)” ni tsuite (A Study on “Khwam Khithen (Opinion)” during Siam Revolution in
1932)’「シャム立憲革命期の「クワーム・キットヘン(意見)」について」, Tounan Ajia:
Rekishi to bunka (Southeast Asia: History and Culture)『東南アジア:歴史と文化』, vol.26,
pp.88‐112.
shinbunjou no genron (1910‐1925) (Official Nationalism and Public Opinions on
Newspapers in Siam (1910‐1925))’「シャムにおける公定ナショナリズムと新聞上の言論
(1910‐1925)」, in Nemoto, Kei (ed.) (根本敬編), Tounan Ajia ni totte 20 seiki toha nanika
(Southeast Asia in the 20th Century: Some Aspects of Nationalism)『東南アジアにとって 20
世紀とは何か』, Tokyo Univ. of Foreign Studies, Tokyo, pp.61‐88.
Takahashi, Katsuyuki (高橋勝幸), 2001, ‘Tai ni okeru Vetonamu hansen undou 1964‐1973:
Gakusei chishikijin ga hatashita yakuwari wo chuushin ni (The Anti‐Vietnam War
Movement in Thailand (1964‐1973): The Role of Thai Students and Intellectuals)’「タイ
におけるヴェトナム反戦運動 1964‐1973:学生・知識人が果たした役割を中心に」, Tounan
vol.30, pp.98‐128.
77
Takahashi, Katsuyuki ( 高 橋 勝 幸 ) , 2006, ‘Sengo Tai no heiwa undou (The Peace
Movement in Thailand after the Second World War: The Case of ʺthe Peace Rebellionʺ)’
「戦後タイの平和運動」, Nenpou Tai kenkyuu (The Journal of Thai Studies)『年報タイ研
究』, vol.6, pp.79‐96.
Takatani, Michio ( 高 谷 紀 夫 ) , 1998, ‘Syan no yukue (Who Are the Shan?: An
Studies)『東南アジア研究』, vol.35‐4, pp.38‐56.
Tamada, Yoshifumi (玉田芳史), 1996a, ‘Tai no nasyonarizumu to kokumin keisei:
Senzenki Pibun seiken wo tegakari toshite (Phibun and the Formation of a Nation in
Thailand, 1938‐1941)’「タイのナショナリズムと国民形成:戦前期ピブーン政権を手がか
pp.127‐150.
Tamada, Yoshifumi (玉田芳史), 1996b, ‘Chakuri kaikaku to ouken kyouka: Kakuryou no
hensen wo tegakari to shite (Chakri Reform and Intensification of King Power: From
Sougouteki chiiki kenkyuu (Global Area Studies)『総合的地域研究』, vol.11, pp.34‐111.
Tamada, Yoshifumi (玉田芳史), 1999, ‘Tai no kanryou yousei to kyouiku kikai 1892‐1932
(The Modernization of Bureaucracy and Education in Thailand, 1892‐1932)’「タイの官僚
養成と教育機会 1892‐1932」, Tounan Ajia: Rekishi to bunka (Southeast Asia: History and
Culture)『東南アジア:歴史と文化』, vol.28, pp.3‐27.
Tamada, Yoshifumi (玉田芳史), 2001, ‘Tai no kindai kokka keisei (Formation of Modern
Iwanami kouza Tounan Ajia shi (The Iwanami History of Southeast Asia)『岩波講座東南アジ
ア史』, vol.5, Iwanami shoten, Tokyo, pp.213‐235.
Tamada, Yoshifumi (玉田芳史), 2003, Minsyuka no kyozou to jitsuzou: Tai gendai seiji hendou
no mekanizumu (Democratization in Thailand: Grappling with Realities)『民主化の虚像と実
像:タイ現代政治変動のメカニズム』, Kyoto University Press, Kyoto.
Tasaka, Toshio (田坂敏雄), 1998, ‘Tochi syoyuushi josetsu (A Preliminary Study of Land
Ownership)’「土地所有史序説」, in Tasaka, Toshio (ed.) (田坂敏雄編), Ajia no daitoshi
hyouronsha, Tokyo, pp.73‐105
Tasaka, Toshio (田坂敏雄), 2000, ‘Chakuri kaikaku to naidokyoku (Chakri Reform and
78
Privy Purse Bureau in Thailand)’「チャクリー改革と内帑局」, Hannan ronsyuu (Jinbun
shizenkagaku) (The Hannan Ronshu (Humanities & Natural Science))『阪南論集(人文・自
然科学)』 vol.35‐4, pp.67‐88.
Tasaka, Toshio (田坂敏雄), 2001, ‘Banramupu chiiki to toshika (The Banglamphu District:
A Portrait of Bangkok Urbanization in the Early Part of 20th Century)’「バーンラムプー
pp.1‐26.
Tasaka, Toshio & Nishizawa, Kikuo (田坂敏雄、西澤希久男), 2003, Bankoku tochi syoyuushi
josetsu (A Preliminary Study of Land Ownership in Bangkok)『バンコク土地所有史序説』,
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Tomosugi, Takashi ( 友 杉 孝 ) , 1998, ‘Toshi keikan no keisei (Formation of Urban
Landscape)’「都市景観の形成」, in Tasaka, Toshio (ed.) (田坂敏雄編), Ajia no daitoshi
hyouronsha, Tokyo, pp.45‐72.
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Changes of Port‐City Bangkok)’「港市バンコクの誕生と変容」, in Saito, Teruko (ed.) (斎
藤照子編), Iwanami kouza Tounan Ajia shi (The Iwanami History of Southeast Asia)『岩波講
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Tsuchiya, Satoko (土屋了子), 2004, ‘Yamada Nagamasa no imeji to Nittai kankei (The
Image of Yamada Nagamasa and the Relationship between Japan and Thailand)’「山田
長政のイメージと日タイ関係」, Ajia Taiheiyou toukyuu (Journal of Asia‐Pacific Studies)『ア
ジア太平洋討究』, vol.5, pp.97‐125.
Tsuruta, Tadasu (鶴田格), 1998, ‘Kahei keizai no shintou to girei wo meguru syakai
kankei no henyou: Chubu tai no inasaku nouson ni okeru kankonsousai (Penetration of
Monetary Economy and Social Change in a Central Thai Village: A Diachronic Analysis
of Economic Aspects of Rites of Passage and Gift Exchange)’「貨幣経済の浸透と儀礼を
(Southeast Asian Studies)『東南アジア研究』, vol.36‐2, pp.178‐205.
Wang, Liulan (王柳蘭), 2004, ‘Kokkyou wo koeru “Unnan‐jin” (Transnational Migration
and Community Formation among Yunnanese Chinese in Northern Thailand)’「国境を
越える「雲南人」」, Ajia Afurika gengo bunka kenkyuu (Journal of Asian and African Studies)
『アジア・アフリカ言語文化研究』, vol.67, pp.211‐262.
79
Yamamoto, Hiroshi (山本博史), 1998, Tai tougyoushi (A History of the Sugar Manufacturing
Industory in Thailand)『タイ糖業史』, Ochanomizu shobou, Tokyo.
Iwanami kouza Tounan Ajia shi (The Iwanami History of Southeast Asia)『岩波講座東南アジ
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ʺthe Lao Languageʺ: Mainly Based upon the Analysis of the Journal ʺPhaynaamʺ)’「「ラ
オス語」の構築」, Hitotsubashi kenkyuu (Hitotsubashi Journal of Social Sciences)『一橋研究』,
vol.29‐1, pp.91‐111.
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of Rice Farming in Southeast Asia)’「東南アジアにおける稲作の始まり」, in Yamamoto,
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choutatsu (Procurement of the Rice by the Japanese Army in Thailand during the
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Sophia Asian Studies)『上智アジア学』, vol.17, pp.17‐32.
Forgotten Cooperative Arrangement Between the Thai and Japanese Armies: The Japanese
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80
Anthropology, Thai Studies in Japan, 1996‐2006
MURAKAMI, Tadayoshi
The purpose of this section is to present an overview of the anthropological studies on
Thailand by Japanese scholars and scholars based in Japan between 1996 and 2006
including some in 2007. During this period, one can observe a growing trend in
situation and the dynamics or process of its cultural phenomena, rather than to the
search for the unchanging “Thai‐ness” in “Thai culture.” Japanese anthropologists
have become increasingly interested in the transformation of the lives of minorities
and marginalized people in modern Thai society.
1. Studies on the situation of ethnic groups
As far as the subjects and sites of field research are concerned, the ethnic minorities in
the North attract the most number of researchers. These researches on ethnic
minorities do not merely depict the people’s lives as “traditional and unique”; rather,
they focus on the transformation and configuration of their lives in modern Thai
society.
“Hill tribes” in the North
Toyota, now based in Singapore, studied the sociocultural changes in the Akha,
resulting from the influence of tourism, and the construction of new networks in the
process of their cross‐border and rural‐urban migration (Toyota 1996, 1998, 1999, 2000,
2004). Narisue (1998b) researched the change of ethnic identity from the life history of
Akha woman workers in Chiang Mai. Shimizu focused on the architectural
constructions of the Akha as well as on their worldview (Shimizu 1998, 2002, 2003,
discussed the concept of time among the Akha in Northern Thailand.
With regard to the Karen, Hayami extensively studied the relationship between
religious practices and ethnic identity, and gender structure and the experiences of
cross‐border migration to Thailand (Hayami 1998, 2003a, 2003b, 2003c, 2003e, 2004a,
81
2004b, 2006a, 2006d). Kataoka and Nishimoto simultaneously conducted research on
Lahu Christians, however, from different perspectives. Nishimoto focused on the
ethnic identity of the Lahu Christians as a peripheral subject in Thai Buddhist society
(Nishimoto 2000a, 2000b, 2005, 2006a, 2006b). Kataoka began work on the ethnic
identity and significance of the conversion of Lahu Christians in Thailand, but
increasingly widened the scope of his research to study the political and religious
history of the Lahu (Kataoka 1997, 1998a, 1998b, 2003a, 2003b, 2004b, 2007b, 2007c,
2007f).
Masao Ayabe’s interest lay in the ethnic identity and position of the Lisu in Modern
Thai Society (Ayabe 1998, 1999, 2003, 2005a, 2007). Taniguchi (2000, 2003a, 2005c)
studied the ethnic identity of the Hmong with regard to the aspect of migration and
and ancestor worship, and the swidden cultivation and migration of the Yao since the
1980s. His recent topics of interest have been the rural‐urban migrations and
transformation of the Yao family structure (Yoshino 1996a, 1998a, 1998b, 1999b, 2001,
2003a, 2003b, 2005b, 2005d, 2006).
Kayoko Ishii (2001, 2004, 2005b, 2007a, 2007b), Katayama (1997, 2003, 2006b), and
Masaki Onozawa (2001) made general remarks on the issue of the “hill tribes” in the
North in the realms of “ethnic tourism,” development plans, and kinship structure,
respectively.
“Non‐hill tribe” minorities in the North
Since the 1980s, Baba has explored the history of migration and settlement of the Tai
Lue in the North with regard to their spirit worship. His recent topics of research
include the sociocultural changes in the Tai Lue under the rural development and
political reforms. He also considered the issues of the “elderly” in Thailand in terms
of viewing Thai society as an aging one (Baba 1996b, 1996d, 1998a, 1998b, 1999b,
2001a, 2001b, 2002, 2006, 2007). With regard to the Shan, Murakami (1998a, 2000,
2006a) studied the religious practices of the Shan Buddhists and their ethnic identity.
Yunnanese Chinese have recently attracted the attention of several researchers.
Taniguchi (1999, 2001) investigated the relations among the migration, family
structure, and ancestor worship of the Yunnanese Chinese, whereas Kaneshige (2006)
82
researched their religious education and ethnic identities. Kataoka (2004a) focused on
the role of the KMT army for the Lahu’s migration and settlement in Thailand. Wang
(2004, 2006a, 2006c) conducted detailed research on the process of Chinese migration
from Yunnan to Thailand.
Wang (2006b) also studied Yunnanese Muslims and Muslim networks in the North.
Murakami (2001, 2004b) researched Pashtun migrants from Pakistan in an attempt to
consider their ethnicity and Muslim identity in the wider Muslim community in
Thailand.
Northeast Thailand
Since the 1980s, Hayashi has vigorously researched the issue of the Lao/Thai‐Lao/Isan
complex. He extensively examined the religious practices and social change in
Thai‐Lao villages in terms of the modern state formation and the inter‐ethnic relations
between the Thai‐Lao and Mon‐Khmer (Hayashi 1996a, 1998a, 1998c, 1999b, 1999c,
2000a, 2000d, 2003b, 2003c). Yasuyuki Sato conducted research in Khmer villages and
investigated the structure of family, marriage, and gender as well as the
transformation of traditional rituals in recent years (Y. Sato 1999, 2000, 2003a, 2003b,
2005).
South Thailand
Nishii studied the relationship between Muslims and Buddhists from the perspectives
of kinship, marriage, ancestor worship, and religious practices in the
Muslim‐Buddhist co‐resident situation in the South (Nishii 1996a, 1997, 1999b, 1999d,
2000, 2001, 2002, 2006). Kuroda (2006, 2007) described the history of Pattani as the
Islamic center in the Malay Peninsula and also went on to describe Pattani’s decline in
modern Thai society. Yuki Suzuki considered the ethnonyms of the Sea Peoples in the
South and the Andaman Sea. He also reported the situation of the disaster area in
Indo Ocean Tsunami from the standpoint of “the Sea People” (Suzuki 2006a, 2006b).
Central Thailand
Yoshihara studied the connections and networks of the Thai Chinese in terms of
cognominal and religious associations. He also revealed the trend of the
83
reconstruction of transnational Chinese networks in Southeast and East Asia
(Yoshihara 1997, 1998, 2002, 2003b, 2006, 2007). Nittaya Onozawa (1997a, 1997b, 1998)
researched the Tai Dam communities in central Thailand and investigated the
structure of kinship, marriage, and ancestor worship. There are few studies on the
Japanese, one of the ethnic groups with a considerable presence in Thailand. Akagi
(2003) briefly mentioned the Japanese community in Bangkok and its transformation
in the recent years.
2. Studies on the social construction and succession of knowledge and techniques
Wang (1999) studied the traditional usage of foods and herbs in perinatal care among
the Thai Chinese. Iida, who conducted field research in the North, explained the
process of transformation of the “traditional massage” into “Thai traditional
medicine” (Iida 2005a, 2005b, 2006a, 2006b). Tsumura (2002b) analyzed the usage of
the knowledge of how to read and write the “Tham” script and related knowledge in
the Northeast. Murakami (2002) studied the knowledge of how to read and write the
Shan script and the Shan’s ethnic identity in the North. Mariko Kato (2006a)
considered the religious practices and knowledge of women from the case of the
Buddhist anthem “Saraphan” in the Northeast.
Morita (2002, 2007) analyzed the social construction of the techniques among the
mechanics, focusing on the activities of mechanics’ groups pertaining to agricultural
machines in the Northeast.
3. Studies on the issues related to natural resources and their utilization
With regard to the environments and resource use, the interdisciplinary research
ethnobiological studies on the area along the Mekong basin (Akagi et al. 1996,
Akimichi 2007, Takai 2000, 2005). Kiguchi (2001, 2005) researched the fluvial
environments and the inland fisheries in the Mun River.
There also exists research that reconsiders “local people’s indigenous knowledge”
of forest resources. Hayami discussed the “traditional knowledge” regarding the
management of forest resources in the case of the Karen (Hayami 1997, 1999, 2000b,
2006f). Kataoka (2002) also examined the plausibility of traditional knowledge in the
84
case of the Lahu. Sunaga (2000, 2004a, 2004b) took the “Community Forest
Movement” of the Karen as a case to explain a strategy for local peoples to counter the
government policy. Masuno (2005) focused the change from swidden to settled fields
of Yao (Mien) agriculture. Jin Sato analyzed the issues emerging from the conflicts
between the forest conservation by the Thai government and the forest utilization by
the local people (J. Sato 1998, 1999a, 1999b, 2000, 2002a, 2002b, 2003a, 2003b).
4. Studies on the attitudes toward social change and the ways of coping with
problems resulting from social change
HIV/AIDS‐related issues have been studied by several researchers from different
points of view. Hino (2004) studied the treatment choices of HIV/AIDS patients by
comparing the use of traditional herbal medicine with that of antiretroviral medicine.
Michinobu conducted research on young people’s sexual behavior and HIV risk for
the promotion of HIV/AIDS prevention programs in Thai society (Michinobu 2000a,
2000b, 2001, 2003a, 2003b, 2004, 2005a, 2005b, 2007). The relationships between
HIV/AIDS education and the traditional value system in the North were studied by
Osawa, Kasai and Ayabe (1999). Okabe (2004a, 2004b) considered the role of Buddhist
temples in the HIV/AIDS care activities. Tanabe analyzed self‐help groups of people
living with HIV/AIDS as “communities of practices” (Tanabe 1997a, 1999, 2003, 2004b,
2006).
The changes of the positions of women in rural society have also attracted the
attention of several researchers. Katayama (1996a, 1996b) discussed the role of women
in the family system in Tai Yuan. Hirai considered the subjectivities and strategies of
factory women in the age of industrialization in the North (Hirai 1996, 1997, 1998a,
1998b, 1999, 2001, 2002a, 2002b, 2006). Tajimi (2006) researched the religious practices
of the women coming back from migrant jobs in their village. Kiso (2006, 2007)
analyzed the change of the norms regarding women in relation to labor migration.
The sex industry and sex workers have been studied by Katayama (2006a) and
Ichinosawa (2003a, 2003b). Ichinosawa focused on the interaction between sex
workers and serviced customers, using microscopic observation.
Katayama examined development projects and their impacts on the target
population by means of case studies on population control policies, HIV/AIDS
85
problems, NGO activities, and tourism in the North (Katayama 1998b, 1999, 2002,
2004). Takagi studied the interactions of the villagers in the modern political system
(Takagi 1999, 2002, 2006). Satomi Higashi (2004) conducted research on the role of
people’s organization in adapting the traditional irrigation system to social and
environmental changes in the North. Jin Sato (2005, 2007) studied the restoration
process of the lives of the affected people in the Tsunami‐hit regions of the South.
5. Studies on religions and religious practices
Modern Buddhist movements have attracted the attention of many researchers.
Moribe considered the thoughts of famous monks in explicating their new philosophy
in Thai Buddhism (Moribe 1997, 1998b, 2000, 2001, 2007). Masaki Onozawa (1997a,
1997b, 2005) developed frameworks to understand modern Buddhist movements in
Thailand. Takahashi (1997, 1998, 1999) researched the religious practices of the female
laymen, especially the female asceticism, Mae Chi.
In recent years, Hayashi has discussed various topics in Thai Buddhism, such as the
institutions and practices, the movements at the center and periphery, the argument
over Buddhism in crisis, and the quest for a new direction of the studies of Thai
Buddhism (Hayashi 1997a, 2000b, 2002a, 2002b, 2004a, 2004b, 2004c). Hayashi also
dealt with Thammakai movements and their intrusion into the villages of the Northeast
(Hayashi 2006).
Katayama (1998a), Narisue (1998a), Kawano (1997) and Yamazaki (2005) studied the
ancestor worship among Tai Yuan families in the North. Onozawa (1996a, 1996c)
discussed the belief in the reincarnation/transmigration of Thai Buddhists relating to
the ancestor worship and Buddhism.
Tanabe (1998, 2000a) analyzed guardian spirit worship in Chiang Mai, and the
transformation of the practice. Tanabe also researched the practices of spirit mediums
in Chiang Mai to explore the knowledge and techniques used to create an alternative
form of life in religious practices (Tanabe 1997b, 2000b, 2002, 2003, 2004a). Kano (1996)
researched the belief in guardian spirits (Cao Thi) and their vicissitude in Bangkok.
Ishitaka (1997, 1998, 2002) studied the cult of amulets in modern Thailand. Mariko
Kato (1999) researched the religious practices of Mo Lam Phi Fa in the Northeast.
With regard to Buddhism and “magic,” both Hayashi and Tsumura took up the case
86
of the Northeast but focused on different points. Hayashi (2000c) investigated the
relations between the knowledge (Wisa) and power of Mo Tham in the regional context
of the Northeast. Tsumura (2000, 2005, 2006) focused on the effectiveness of the
practices of Mo Tham and Mo Ya, and explained the forms of clients’ trust in these
practitioners.
6. Researches related to Thai studies in the surrounding areas of Thailand
More researchers who have worked in Thailand launched new researches in the
neighboring countries to obtain the complete picture with regard to their subjects
considerable number of studies have been made on the ethnic Tai in the surrounding
areas of Thailand. Therefore, we should refer to these researches in the surrounding
areas.
Taniguchi conducted research on the Hmong in Yunnan and Vietnam to compare
their ethnicities with the Hmong in Thailand (Taniguchi 2003b, 2004, 2005a, 2005b).
Yoshino (2005a) studied the inter‐ethnic relationship of the Iu Mien of Guangdong,
China. Kataoka (2006, 2007d, 2007f) explored the political and religious history of the
Lahu in the border area between Yunnan and Shan States. With regard to the Tai Lue
and Tai Noe in Yunnan, Hasegawa has extensively researched the dynamics of Tai
ethnicity since the 1980s (Hasegawa 1996, 1998a, 1998b, 1998c, 2000b, 2001a, 2001b,
2001c, 2003b, 2004, 2005, 2006). Nagatani also researched the religious practices of the
Dehong Tai (Tai Noe) in the political context in Modern China (Nagatani 2000, 2002,
2004, 2007). Isra (2006, 2007) studied the revival movement of Tai literacy tradition in
Moeng Long, Sipsongpanna.
Kashinaga and Masako Ito conducted research on Tai in Vietnam, however, from
different perspectives. Kashinaga researched the change and persistence of the
cultural traditions of Tai Dam such as the customary law, descent records, and literacy
tradition (Kashinaga 2000a, 2002, 2003, 2005a, 2006, 2007). Ito examined the ethnic
identity of Tay‐Nung people under the state policies on ethnic minorities in Vietnam
(Ito 1999, 2000, 2003a, 2003b).
Yoneo Ishii (1998a, 1998b) and Mori (2006) respectively described the Buddhist
traditions of the Tai Khun in Chiang Tung, Eastern Shan State, in terms of the
87
monastery practices and annual rites. Murakami (2004a) wrote a brief history of the
Coti sect, one of the Shan Buddhist sects in Myanmar. Shintani (2003, 2007) analysed
the Hsenwi Chronicle to show the image of “Tai state”. Takatani has researched the
dynamics of ethnicity of the Shan in Myanmar (Takatani 1996, 1998a, 1998b, 2003, 2004,
2005, 2007). Hayami (2004b, 2006b) examined the construction process of Karen
identity across the national border from the Myanmar side.
Hayashi crossed the borders to study the inter‐ethnic relationships between Lao‐Tai
and Mon‐Khmer in Laos (Hayashi 1996b, 1998b, 1999a, 2005b). Nakata also conducted
research on the ethnic relations in a Mon‐Khmer and Lao co‐residence village in
Southern Laos.
Masaki Onozawa (2002b, 2003) studied the Thai network in the United States, and
Kayoko Ishii (2006) and Nittaya Onozawa (2002c, 2004) conducted the research on the
Thai network in Japan and New Zealand, respectively.
88
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Reports No.20, National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka, pp. 277‐303.
Hasegawa, Kiyoshi, 2001c, “Kankou kaihatsu to minzoku shakai no henyou (Tourism
and Social Change: A Case Study on Xishuangbanna Dai Autonomous Prefecture,
chuugoku no minzoku to keizai (Ethnic Groups and Economy in Modern China),
Sekaishisosha, Kyoto, pp. 107‐131.
Hasegawa, Kiyoshi, 2003a, “Furonthia ni okeru jinkou ryuudou to minzokukan
kankei: unman shou seisouhanna tai zoku jichishuu no jirei (Population Mobility
and Inter‐Ethnic Relations in Sipsong Panna of Yunnan)” 「フロンティアにおける人
Minzoku no idou to bunka no doutai: chuugoku shuen chiiki no rekishi to genzai
(Migrations and Cultural Changes among the Ethnic Groups in Marginal China),
Fukyosha, Tokyo, pp. 239‐291.
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Xishuangbanna Dai Autonomous Prefecture, Yunnan Province”, in Hayashi, Y. &
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Mainland Southeast Asia and Southwestern China: Regional Dynamics in the Past and
94
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Hasegawa, Kiyoshi, 2004, “Esunikku kankou to ‘fuuzoku shuukan’ no shouhinka:
seisouhanna tai zoku jichi shuu no jirei (Ethnic Tourism and the Commodification
例」, in Tsukada, S. (ed.), Chuugoku, tounan ajia tairikubu no kokkyou chiiki ni okeru
shominzoku bunka no doutai ni kansuru jinruigakuteki chousa kenkyuu (Cultural
Dynamics among Ethnic Groups in Border Areas of China and Mainland Southeast Asia),
Final Report of the Research by the Grant‐in‐Aid for Scientific Research in the Fiscal
Years 2000‐2003, National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka, pp. 123‐141.
Hasegawa, Kiyoshi 2005, “Minzoku hyoushou to shiteno ‘kujaku mai’ ”: tai zoku ni
okeru ‘minzoku bunka’ no sousaku (‘Peacock Dance’ as the Representation of
Ethnicity: The Invention of ‘Ethnic Culture’ of Tai)” 「民族表象としての『孔雀舞』―
タイ族における『民族文化』の創作」, in Hasegawa, K. & Tsukada, S. (eds.), Chuugoku
no minzoku hyoushou: nanbu shochiiki no jinruigakuteki rekishigakuteki kenkyuu (The
Representation of Ethnicities in China: Anthropological and Historical Studies on Southern
China), Fukyosha, Tokyo, pp. 399‐430.
Hasegawa, Kiyoshi, 2006, “Chuugoku‐Myanma kyouiki ni okeru shuukyou jissen to
rokarithi no saisoushutsu: tokkou shuu mun‐mao (zuirei) no jirei kenkyuu
(Religious Practices and Re‐generation of Locality in China‐Myanmar Border Area:
A Case Study of Moeng Mao (Lui Rei), Dehong)” 「中国・ミャンマー境域における宗
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Agency / Network / Body), Sekaishisosha, Kyoto, pp. 150‐173.
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soshite bunka fukkou wo chuushinni (The Current Situation of Christian Church in
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ト教会の現状―文字、出版、そして文化復興を中心に」, in Hayashi, Y. (ed.), Tounan
ajia, seinan chuugoku no shuukyo to shakai henyou: seido, kyouiki, jissen (Religions and
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Center: Dynamics of Buddhist Practices of Tai on the Borderland)”「活きる『周縁』、
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Romantic Narratives of Northern Thai Factory Women)”「都市をつくる社会空間―
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スニック・ツーリズムにおける観光産業と国家―北タイ山地民とトレッキング・ツアー
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Ishii, Kayoko, 2006, “Zainichi gaikokujin wo meguru nettowaku joukyo: toukai chiiki
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「バンコク市街地における土地神信仰の変遷―祠、神体の形態変化を中心に」,
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kirisutokyou heno shuudan kaishuu: kami biruma no rafu fukyou no jirei wo
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Christianity among the Lahu in Upper Burma)”「東南アジアにおける『失われた本』
Asian and African Studies, Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and
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kirisutokyou to dochaku seirei (Theodicy and Demons: Local Spirits and Christian
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‘gyogu’ to pakumun damu (People’s Ties with Nature: ‘Fish Equipments’ as a
Symbol of Rights and Pak Mun Dam)” 「人と自然の結び目―権利の表象としての『漁
具』とパクムンダム」, Foramu Mekong (Forum Mekong), Mekong Watch, 7 (1): 3‐5
Kiso, Keiko(木曽恵子), 2006, “Tai‐Lao nouson ni okeru idou roudou to sono hensen:
and its Vicissitudes in Thai‐Lao Villages: Toward Anthropological Studies on
Gender Issues in Thai Society)” 「タイ・ラオ農村における移動労働とその変遷―タイ
115
社会のジェンダーに関する人類学的研究へ向けて」, Taminzoku shakai ni okeru shuukyou
to bunka (Religions and Cultures in Multiethnic Societies), Research Institute for
Christian Culture, Miyagi Gakuin Women’s University, 10: 59‐81.
Kiso, Keiko, 2007, “Touhoku tai nouson ni okeru idou roudou to josei wo meguru
kihan: 1970 nendai ikou no josei no idou roudou no tenkai wo tooshite (Labor
Migration and the Norms Regarding Women in Northeast Thailand: Transitions in
Women’s Labor Migration since the 1970’s)”「東北タイ農村における移動労働と女性
Studies, The Japanese Society of Thai Studies, 7: 55‐78.
Buddhists in Kedah”, Cultural Science Reports of Kagoshima University, Kagoshima
University, 62: 65‐86.
Kuroda, Keiko, 2006, “Henkyouka suru patani (Patani Peripheralized)”「辺境化するパ
タニ」, in Hayashi, Y. (ed.), Tounan ajia, seinan chuugoku no shuukyou to shakai henyou:
seido, kyouiki, jissen (Religions and Social Changes in Mainland Southeast Asia and
Southwestern China: Institution, Border and Practice), Final Report of the Research by
the Grant‐in‐Aid for Scientific Research in the Fiscal Years 2003‐2005, Kyoto
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Kuroda, Keiko, 2007, “ ‘Shuuen’ toshiteno patani, ‘chuushin’ toshiteno Patani: shamu
no ‘kindaika’ to minami tai (Patani as ‘Periphery’, Patani as ‘Center’:
‘Modernization’ of Siam and Southern Thailand)”「『周縁』としてのパタニ、
『中心』
としてのパタニ―シャムの『近代化』と南タイ」, Shigaku Kenkyu (Review of Historical
Studies), Hiroshima Society for Historical Studies, 256: 21‐44.
Masuno, Takashi( 増 野 高 司 ) , 2005, “Yakihata kara joubata he: tai hokubu no
sanchimin (From Swidden to Settled Fields: Highlanders of Northern Thailand)”
「焼畑から常畑へ―タイ北部の山地民」, in Ikeya, K. (ed.), Nettai ajia no mori no tami:
shigen riyou no kankyou jinruigaku (Forest Peoples in Tropical Asia: Environmental
Anthropology of Resource Use), Jinbunshoin, Kyoto, pp. 149‐178.
sekushuarithi to HIV kansen risuku (Northern Thai Factory Women’s Sexuality and
スク」, The Japanese Assembly for the Study of Sex 12: 30‐41.
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Michinobu, Ryoko, 2000b, “Conceiving a New Sexual Morality: Factory Women’s
Sexuality and HIV Risk in Northern Thailand”, The Japanese Journal of Health
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Michinobu, Ryoko, 2001, “Sei kihan no henyou to HIV kansen risuku: kita tai josei
koujou roudousha no jirei kara (Shifting Sexuality and HIV Risk among Factory
79‐94.
Michinobu, Ryoko, 2002, “Framing Desire and Identity: A Search for Alternative
Sexual Norms among Young Factory Women in Northern Thailand”, Proceedings of
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Michinobu, Ryoko, 2003a, “HIV Risk and Condom Promotion Campaigns aimed at
Young Single Factory Women in Northern Thailand”, The Japanese Journal of Health
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Michinobu, Ryoko, 2003b. “Kita tai dansei koujou roudousha no sei kankei to
kondomu shiyou ni kansuru kousatsu (Sexual Relations and Condom Use among
Young Male Factory Workers in Northern Thailand)” 「北タイ男性工場労働者の性関
係とコンドーム使用に関する考察」, Japanese Journal of Public Health 50 (6): 495‐507.
Michinobu, Ryoko, 2004, “Configuring an Ideal Self through Maintaining a Family
Network: Northern Thai Factory Women in an Industrializing Society”, Southeast
Asian Studies, Kyoto University, 42 (1): 26‐45.
Michinobu, Ryoko, 2005a, “Multiple Perceptions and Practices of HIV Prevention
among Northern Thai Female Factory Workers: Implications for Alternative HIV
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Michinobu, Ryoko, 2005b, “Lives in Transition: The Influence of Thailand’s Economic
and Cultural Transition on Young Factory Women’s Sexual Behavior and HIV Risk”,
Center for Health Policy Studies, Mahidol University.
Michinobu, Ryoko, 2007, “Tai hokubu no josei koujou roudousha to HIV kansen
yobou taisaku (Northern Thai Female Factory Workers and the Programs of HIV
(Health Care), Kyorin Shoin, 49 (5): 322‐327.
Mori, Hiroyuki(森博行), 2006, “Chentun (Keng Tung) ni okeru bukkyou no jitsuzou:
117
tai kun souin wo chuushin toshita chentun no nichijouteki shuukyou jissen
kansatsu (The Reality of Buddhism in Keng Tung: An Observation of Everyday
Religious Practices in Keng Tung)”「チェントゥン(ケントゥン)における仏教の実
像―タイ・クーン僧院を中心としたチェントゥンの日常的宗教実践観察」, in
Hayashi, Y. (ed.), Tounan ajia, seinan chuugoku no shuukyou to shakai henyou: seido,
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trends of Religions in Thailand)” タイにおける近年の宗教の動向, in Moribe, H. (ed.),
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Moribe, Hajime, 1998a, “Tai dokuji no daidentou toshiteno bukkyou uchuuron
(toraipumu) wo meguru kaishaku to tai no ‘kindaika’ ni tsuiteno oboegaki (A Note
on both Interpretations of the Traiphuum Phra Ruang and Modernization of
Thailand)” 「タイ独自の大伝統としての仏教宇宙論(トライプーム)をめぐる解釈とタイ
Humanities, Social Sciences, Nanzan University, 67: 35‐82.
Moribe, Hajime, 1998b, Tai no jouza bukkyou to shakai: bunkajinruigakuteki kousatsu
(Theravada Buddhism and Society in Thailand)『タイの上座仏教と社会―文化人類学的
考察』, Sankibou Busshorin, Tokyo.
Moribe, Hajime, 2000, “Sezoku shakai ni okeru tai no shinrinsou no yakuwari wo
megutte (The Role of Thai Forest Monks in Secular Society)”「世俗社会におけるタイ
Humanities, Social Sciences, Nanzan University, 71: 169‐214.
Moribe, Hajime, 2001, “Tai no souryo pura purayuddo payutto no imeji wo megutte
(The Images of Phra Prayutto Phayut in Thailand)”「タイの僧侶プラ・プラユッドー・
パユットのイメージをめぐって」, in Moribe, H. (ed.), Bunkajinruigaku wo saikou suru
(Rethinking Anthropology), Seikyusha, Tokyo, pp. 218‐259.
Moribe, Hajime, 2007, “Tai ni okeru ‘shita karano’ sonraku kaihatsu undou ni kansuru
jakkanno giron: kita tai no kaihatsusou pura tepu kawi niyoru undou wo tegakari
118
toshite (Some Discussions on the ‘Bottom‐up’ Development Works in Thai Villages:
A Case of Phra Thepkawi’s Development Work in Northern Thailand)”「タイにおけ
る『下からの』村落開発運動に関する若干の議論―北タイの開発僧プラ・テープカウィ」,
Academia; Journal of the Nanzan Academic Society, Humanities, Social Sciences, Nanzan
University, 84: 1‐41.
Morita, Atsuro(森田敦郎), 2002, “Sangyouka to gakushuu katei: touhoku tai nouson
sangyouka ni okeru keizaiteki keikousei no henka ni kansuru bunseki
(Industrialization and Learning Process: An Analysis on the Shift of Economic
Trends in the Industrialization of Northeast Thai Villages)” 「産業化と学習過程―東
北 タ イ 農 村 産 業 化 に お け る 経 済 的 傾 向 性 の 変 化 に 関 す る 分 析 」 , Bulletin of
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Morita, Atsuro, 2007, “Kikai to shakai shuudan no sougo kousei: tai ni okeru nougyou
kikai gijutsu no hatten to shakai shuudan no keisei (Co‐construction of Machines
and Social Groups: The Development of Agricultural Machinery Technology and
the Formation of Mechanics Groups in Thailand)” 「機械と社会集団の相互構成―タ
Anthropology, The Japanese Society of Cultural Anthropology, 71 (4): 491‐515.
Murakami, Tadayoshi(村上忠良), 1997, “Tai‐yai (shan) sonraku ni okeru ‘shugorei’ to
‘mura no hashira’ no nijuusei: tai‐yai (shan) no shuukyou kenkyuu no tameno
yobiteki kousatsu (On the Dual Structure of ‘Guardian Spirit’ and ‘Community Pole’
in Tai Yai (Shan) Villages in Northern Thailand: A Preliminary Work for the Study
of the Shan Religion)”「タイ・ヤイ(シャン)村落における『守護霊』と『村の柱』
の二重性―タイ・ヤイ(シャン)宗教研究のための予備的考察」, Yakara (Studies in
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Murakami, Tadayoshi, 1998a, “Tai kokkyou chiiki ni okeru shan no minzokunai
kankei: minaraisou no shukkeshiki wo jirei ni (Inter‐Ethnic Relations among the
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Murakami, Tadayoshi, 1998b, “Jouza bukkyou shakai no girei to shakaiteki ishin: tai
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Shan Buddhism in Northern Thailand)” 「上座仏教社会の儀礼と社会的威信―タイ国
北部のシャン仏教に関する人類学的研究」, Ph. D. Thesis, University of Tsukuba.
Murakami, Tadayoshi, 2000, “Tai kokunai ni kyojuu suru shan no bukkyou jissen ni
miru futatsuno tekiou keitai (Two Types of the Adaptations to Thai Society in the
Buddhist Practices among the Shan)” 「タイ国内に居住するシャンの仏教実践に見る
二つの適応形態」, in Komai, H. (ed.), Tounana ajia jouzabu bukkyou shakai ni okeru
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Murakami, Tadayoshi, 2001, “Patan‐aidenthithi no henyou: tai koku hokubu patan kei
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Ethnicity of Pathan Immigrants in Northern Thailand)” 「パターン・アイデンティテ
Yoshihara, K. (eds.), Ajia imin no shuukyou to esunishithi (Religions and Ethnicities of
Asian Immigrants), Fukyosha, Tokyo, pp. 321‐349.
Murakami, Tadayoshi, 2002, “Shan moji bunka to minzoku ishiki no keisei: myanma
to tai ni okeru shan moji bunka no hikaku kenkyuu (Literacy and Ethnic Identity
among the Shan: Comparative Study of Shan Literacy in Myanmar and Thailand)”
「シャン文字文化と民族意識の形成―ミャンマーとタイにおけるシャン文字文化の比
較研究」, History and Anthropology, University of Tsukuba, 30: 79‐112.
Murakami, Tadayoshi, 2003, “Bankoku ni okeru musurimu: pashutun kei musurimu
no yukue (Muslims in Bangkok: A Case of Pashtun Muslims)” 「バンコクにおけるム
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Murakami, Tadayoshi, 2004a, “Shan bukkyou chothi ha shi sobyou: tounan ajia
tairikubu ni okeru bukkyou jissen no jirei kenkyuu (Introductory Sketch on the
History of ‘Coti’ Sect in Shan Buddhism: A Case Study of Practical Buddhism in
Mainland Southeast Asia)” 「シャン仏教チョーティ派史素描―東南アジア大陸部にお
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shuukyou, minzoku, kokka no hazamade (Dynamics of Muslim Identities in
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Murakami, Tadayoshi, 2006a, “Tai koku hokubu kokkyou chiiki no shan bukkyou wo
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tai koku hokubu ni okeru shan bukkyou no henyou (‘State‐Buddhism’ and Buddhist
Practicies of Ethnic Minority: The Transformation of Shan Buddhism in Northern
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Ajia Yuugaku (Intriguing Asia), Bensei Shuppan, Tokyo, 89: 6‐17.
minami raosu, nge no mura no ‘ki‐kapo’ uranai kara (Luttes symboliques dans une
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Nakata, Tomoko, 2003, “Girei no kankou shigenka to shousuu minzoku no aidenthithi
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kara (Notes on the Rituals in Tourism and the Formation of Identity of Ethnic
Minority: A Case of Mon‐Khmer Group in Southern Laos)” 「儀礼の観光資源化と少
数民族のアイデンティティ形成についての一考察―南ラオス、モン・クメール系集団の
事例から」, Nanpou Bunka (Tenri Bulletin of South Asian Studies), Tenri Society of
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“Alignment” and Struggle in the Situation of Ethnic Co‐residence) 『南ラオス村落社会の
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Nakata, Tomoko, 2005, “Minami raosu no ie to sono senryaku (House in Southern
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Nagatani, Chiyoko(長谷千代子), 2000, “Kudoku girei to shi: chuugoku unnan shou
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Nagatani, Chiyoko, 2002, “Chuugoku ni okeru kindai no hyoushou to nichijouteki
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Nagatani, Chiyoko, 2004, “Tasha to tomoni kuukan wo hiraku (Creating a Space with
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伴う移住と祖先の移住―タイのミエン・ヤオ族における移住とエスニシテイ」, Southeast
Asian Studies, Kyoto University, 35(4): 153‐170.
Yoshino, Akira, 1998b, “Mien zoku no sinzoku soshiki saikou: kyojuu shuudan to
sosen (Mien”s Kinship Organization Reconsidered: On the Domestic Groups and
Shakai to shouchou: jinruigakuteki apurochi (Society and Symbol: An Anthropological
Approach), Iwata Shoin, Tokyo.
Yoshino, Akira, 1999a, Tai Hokubu ni okeru sanchi minzoku no dekasegi no kenkyuu:
mien‐yao zoku no dekasegi to sono shakaiteki eikyou ni kansuru jittai chousa (The
Migration and Kinship of the Migration of the Mien Yao Swiddeners: Ancestors” Migration
and Migration by Swidden, Sedentarisation, and Labor Migration) 『タイ北部における山
地民族の出稼ぎの研究―ミエン・ヤオ族の出稼ぎとその社会的影響に関する実態調査』,
Final Report of the Research by the Grant‐in‐Aid for Scientific Research in the Fiscal
Years 1996‐1998, Tokyo Gakugei University.
Yoshino, Akira, 1999b, “Yakihata kara dekasegi he: tai ni okeru mein‐yao zoku no
dekasegi ni kansuru chousa no chuukan houkoku (From Swidden to Labor
Migration: An Interim Report of a Research on the Labor Migration of the Mien‐Yao
査の中間報告」, Bulletin of Tokyo Gakugei University Section III: Social Sciences 50: 81‐90.
Yoshino, Akira, 2001, “Chuugoku kara tai he: yakihara kousakumin mien‐yao no ijuu
(From China to Thailand: Migration of the Mien‐Yao, Swiddish Farmers)” 「中国か
らタイヘ―焼畑耕作民ミエン・ヤオ族の移住」, in Tsukada, S. et al. (eds.), Ryuudoo suru
145
minzoku: chuugoku nanbu no ijuu to esunishithi (Nations in Flux: Migration and
Ethnicity in Southern China), Heibonsha, Tokyo, pp. 333‐354.
Yoshino, Akira, 2003a, “Tai hokubu, yumien‐yao zoku no kakukazokuka genshou:
chuukan houkoku to yobiteki kousatsu (An Interim Report of a Study on the
Increase of Nuclear‐Family Households among the Iu Mien of Northern Thailand)”
「タイ北部、ユーミエン・ヤオ族の核家族化現象―中間報告と予備的考察」, Bulletin of
Tokyo Gakugei University, Section III, Social Sciences 54: 117‐125.
Yoshino, Akira, 2003b, “Tai hokubu, mien zoku no dekasegi: futatsuno mura no
hikaku kara (Labor Migration of the Mien in Northern Thailand: A Comparative
Tsukada, S. (ed.), Minzoku no idou to bunka no doutai: chuugoku shuen chiiki no rekishi
to genzai (Ethnic Migrations and Dynamics of Cultures: The History and the Present of
Peripheral Regions in China), Fukyosha, Tokyo, pp. 159‐192.
Yoshino, Akira, 2005a, “Chuugoku ni okeru yumien no minzokukan kankei ni
kansuru oboegaki: kanton shou hokukouyouzan ni okeru yumien no jirei (A Brief
Report on the Ethnic Relationship of the Iu Mien of Guangdong, China)” 「中国にお
けるユーミエンの民族間関係に関する調査覚え書き―広東省北江瑤山におけるユーミ
エンの事例」 , Bulletin of Tokyo Gakugei University, Section III: Social Sciences 56:
121‐128.
Yoshino, Akira, 2005b, “Tai hokubu sanchimin yumien no pyao (‘ie’): kyojuu, seigyou,
sosen saishi (Pyau (‘House’) of the Iu Mien, Highlanders in Northern Thailand:
オ(『家』)―居住・生業・祖先祭祀」, Ajia Yuugaku (Intriguing Asia), Bensei Shuppan,
Tokyo, 74: 95‐104.
Yoshino, Akira, 2005c, Tai hokubu ni okeru yumien (yao) no kakukazokuka to saishi‐girei teki
chishiki no henka ni kansuru kenkyuu (A Study of the Increase of Nuclear Family
Household and the Change of Ritual Knowledge of the Iu Mien (Yao) of Northern Thailand)
『タイ北部におけるユーミエン(ヤオ)族の核家族化と祭祀・儀礼的知識の変化に関す
る研究』, Final Report of Research by Grant‐in‐Aid Scientific Research in the Fiscal
Years 2001‐2004, Tokyo Gakugei University.
Yoshino, Akira, 2005d, “Chuugoku kara no renzokusei to tai ni okeru jisa (The
Continuity with China and Differentiation in Thailand: Self‐representation of the Iu
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Mien in Thailand)” 「中国からの連続性とタイにおける示差―タイにおけるユーミエン
(ヤオ)の自民族表象」, in Hasegawa, K. & Tsukada, S. (eds.), Chuugoku no minzoku
hyoushou: nanbu shochiiki no jinruigakuteki, rekishigakuteki kenkyuu (The Representation
of the Nationalities in China: Anthropological and Historical Studies on the Southern
Regions), Fukyosha, Tokyo, pp. 235‐258.
Yoshino, Akira, 2005e, “Yu‐mien: sanchuu wo idoushi yakihata wo okonattekita
doukyouto (Iu‐Mien: Taoists Moving and Slash and Burn Farming in the Mountain
Goda, T. (eds.), Kouza sekaino senjuu minzoku, Fasuto pipuru no genzai 2: tounan ajia
(The First Peoples 2: Southeast Asia), Akashi Shoten, Tokyo, pp. 84‐97.
Yoshino, Akira, 2006, “Tai ni okeru yu mien no bunka fukkou undou gaikyou (An
Overview of the Cultural Revival Movements of the Iu Mien in Thailand)” 「タイに
tounan ajia tairikubu no kokkyou chiiki ni okeru shominzoku bunka no doutai (Cultural
Dynamics among Ethnic Groups in Border Areas of China and Mainland Southeast Asia),
Senri Ethnological Reports, National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka, No.63.
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148
Religion, Thai Studies in Japan, 1996‐2006
YANO, Hidetake
1. Introduction
The purpose of this study is to examine the trends in studies on Thai religions in Japan
based on a review of books and articles published in approximately the past 10 years.
Books and articles published from 1996 to 2006 are the main sources; however, those
published in 2007 are also considered. To examine the trends of studies, it is better to
consider it from many other angles such as, point of views of each researcher, new ideas
in each book and article, number of being cited on other articles, number of being
reviewed, and receiving any prize or not. However, because of limited space of paper, I
introduce books and articles simply but inclusively. Comments in detail are not
mentioned in this paper. But I will take up research notes and essays or non‐academic
articles, in case these are useful to examine the trends of studies. Then articles written by
Japanese researchers that published in outside Japan, and articles written by
Non‐Japanese researchers that published in Japan are also mentioned. Number of books
and articles listed on this paper is more than 200. However articles that I overlooked also
may be not a few.
As for the trends of study before 1995, “State of Thai Studies in Japan”(Kitahara, Atsusi
and Akagi, Osamu eds. 1996 ) takes up inclusively. This book has nine sections
(Anthropology, Economy, Education, History, Law and Politics, Thai Language, Society,
Thai Literature Translation, Archeology), but has no section of “Religion”. Articles on
religion in Thailand are taken up in each section. However, after 1995 Japanese studies on
religion in Thailand are increasing, those which examine the change of religious thoughts
and practices in urban and rural area since around 1970’s. Therefore it is meaningful to
make a new section of religion to examine the research trends on Thai Studies in Japan in
recent years.
The number of studies on Thai religions that follow books published during the past
decade have increased, many of which have been conducted by young researchers.
Between 1997 and 1998, three books were published, Yamada, Hitoshi (1997), NHK
‘Buddha’ Project edited and supervised by Ishii, Yoneo (1998), Moribe, Hajime (1998b).
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All these describe Thai Buddhism in general. Yamada describes Sangha in Thailand,
forest monks, and mural paintings in temples; NHK ‘Buddha’ Project also takes up
various topics about the actual conditions of Theravada Buddhism in Thailand and
Buddhadasa Bhikkhu and so on. In addition, A book edited by Ayabe, Tsuneo and
Hayashi, Yukio (2003) describes 60 topics all about Thailand and it also includes
After 2000, books on specialized areas were published: Hayashi, Yukio (2000a,
2003b) describes the religious world and its transition of the Lao in Northeastern
Thailand; Nishii, Ryoko (2001) details the coexistence between Muslims and Buddhists
are constructed by inter-religious marriage and conversion; Nishikawa, Jun and Noda,
Masato, eds. (2001b) reports the activities and thoughts of the “Development Monks” ,
who engage in social works and in development of spiritual dimension; Notsu, Takashi
Thailand and analyze the making process of the nation; Yano, Hidetake (2006c)
explores the origins and spread of Dhammakaya meditation and its related temples
from the viewpoint of the transition of spirit cults and Buddhism under the influence of
Kataoka, Tatsuki (2007b) examines the history of immigration, conversion and their
In addition, though religion is not a main theme, there are other several books that
process of the entrance into a school of higher grade among villages in Northeastern
Thailand, in Northern Thailand, and at ‘Pono’ (the traditional Islamic boarding school)
process of the Thai massage taking up indigenous traditional knowledge and belief.
This paper introduces the theme, objectives, and approaches of each article in these
books and many other articles on the study of Thai religions, based on the classification
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into Buddhism, Islam, Christianity, and Popular Religions such as spirit cults. However, it
is hard to classify the actual condition of religious practice into such frameworks. And the
classification of the studies on religions is the same. Therefore, these frameworks are used
just for the sake of convenience to examine the trends of the study.
2. Buddhism
Most of Japanese studies on religion in Thailand are studies on Theravada Buddhism. To
introduce these, I classify the studies on Theravada Buddhism into five sub‐sections as
follows:
Buddhism in General and Buddhist Practices, Thoughts, and Scriptures
Buddhism: History and Education
Other
Buddhism in General and Buddhist Practices, Thoughts, and Scriptures
With regard to explanations and comments on Thai Buddhism in general, there are
articles by Onozawa, Masaki (1996a, 1997, 2005) and Hayashi, Yukio (1997a, 2002, 2030a,
2004a). Onozawa provides the overviews on Thai Buddhism in terms of ‘Nibbana oriented
Buddhism’, ‘Merit‐Making oriented Buddhism’ and ‘Apotropaic oriented Buddhism’, then
analyzes the ‘Thammayut Order’ and New Buddhist Movements from the viewpoint of
the fundamentalist reformation from the top (center) and the bottom. Hayashi concerns
various topics such as Buddhism and secularized society, New Buddhist Movements in
urban area, revision of Sangha act, Buddhism and social welfare and so on.
With respect to the Buddhist practices, Yamada, Hitoshi (1998) explains the meaning of
Kameyama, Takeshi (2000, 2001) describes the ordination and disrobing ceremony and
ritual on ‘paritta’ recitation; Onozawa, Masaki (2002d) analyses interrelation between
Rituals in Buddhism and belief on ‘khwan’ in terms of ‘developmental ritual’.
In addition, there exist several studies on Buddhist thought; Ito Tomomi (1997, 2003)
examines the thought of Buddhadasa Bhikkhu in terms of the practice on the elimination
of suffering; Nozu, Koji (2000, 2001) and an article in Moribe’ s book (1998b) outline the
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thought and life of Buddhadasa Bhiku; Nishikawa, Jun (2001a, 2001b) highly appraise
thought of Buddhadasa Bhikkhu and P. A. Payutto from the view point of alternative
development. Moribe, Hajime details the thought of P. A. Payutto, who is one of the
leading scholar monks in Thailand. Then Yamada, Hitoshi (1997) reports on the practice
and thought of ‘Ajan Mun’.
Studies of Buddhist scriptures were also done by many reserchers. Tanabe, Kazuko and
Shimizu, Yohei (2003); Shimizu, Yohei (2005); Muranishi, Hiroyuki (2005a, 2005b); and
Manda, Michitoshi (2006). All these studies of scriptures compare Jataka stories on the
‘Bailan’ (scriptures written on palm leaf) in Thailand and in Burma with the copy of Bailan
in Otani University in Japan. Then Sawai, Natsumi (2000) examines the medieval Thai
Buddhist text ‘Traiphum Phra Ruang’ in terms of ‘Kam’ and ‘Tham‐bun’. Moribe, Hajime
(1998a) also concerns the various interpretations on this text. Then Mori, Sodo (1998)
reports on the actual situation of the collection of manuscript copies of old Buddhist
scriptures, and on the recent trends of computerization of Buddhist scriptures in Thailand.
In addition, although there aren’t academic works, articles and books written by
Japanese monks, who ordained and practicing in Thai Theravada Buddhist temples, are
increasing; Ochiai, Takashi (Phra Maha punnyo) (2002), Phra Yuki Naratevo (Sakamoto,
Hideyuki) (2002), Fujikawa, Chinnawanso Kiyohiro (2003), and a former monk Matsushita,
Masahiro (2003). Besides, books written by a Thai scholar monk ‘P. A. Payutto’ are
translated in Japanese by Nonaka, Koichi; Phra Thamma Pidok (P.A. Payutto) (2004),
Phraphrom Kunaphon (P. A. Payutto) (2006), P. A. Payutto (2007). These works suggest us
that it will need to examine the relation between Japan and Thai Theravada Buddhism in
the future.
Buddhism: History and Education
There are two historical studies on Thai Buddhism: Yamada, Hitoshi (2005) and Ishii,
Yoneo (1999b, 2000). Yamada describes the formation and expansion of the ‘Thammayut
order’; Ishii examines royal decrees on the Buddhist sangha in ‘Kotmai Tra Sam Duang’
(the Law of the Three Seals) and also discusses the acceptance of Indian culture in
Southeast Asia from the perspective of the difference between Sanskrit culture
(Saskritization) and Pali culture.
On the other side, it has been published many of the studies on education in Thai
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Buddhism. It seems to be influenced by the position of Buddhism as a public religion and
as one of the official subjects learned in public schools. For example, Morishita, Minoru
(2003) analyzes on the curriculum of Buddhist education in public schools, Notsu, Takashi
(2003) examines on Buddhism and early childhood education, Shibuya, Megumi (1999),
and Shibuya, Megumi and Sunate Kampeeraparb (2001) concern to Buddhism in primary
education, Hirata, Toshifumi (2003a, 2003b) and an article in the book of Yamada, Hitoshi
(1997) describe the role of Buddhist temples in early stage of formation of Modern
education system.
As for Buddhism education at schools in specific region, there are studies by Murata,
Yokuo (1995, 1996) and Notsu, Takashi (2001, 2005). Murata researched on the Buddhist
Sunday Educational Center and private temple charity chools in Northern Thailand and
Bangkok. Notsu details the Buddhist education in elementary schools at a village in
Northeastern Thailand based on long time fieldwork research.
In addition, Yano, Hidetake (2007b) examines the Buddhism education from the
viewpoint of administration on religion by the governments and needs from sangha.
Buddhism and the Regions
As for studies on Buddhism focused on features of each region, there are studies on new
Buddhist groups in urban society, on popular religions in each region, and on Buddhism
in ethnic Thai community outside of Thailand.
With regard to the new Buddhist groups such as ‘Santi Asok’ and ‘Dhammakaya’
temple, which have attracted several members of the new urban middle class, there exist
general studies such as Moribe, Hajime (1997), Onozawa, Masaki (2002c, 2005), and Yano,
Hidetake (2003, 2003b, 2004). Then Shikano, Kentaro (2002) examines opinions of new
urban middle class on religion as a whole and on the inpression about the new Buddhist
groups.
On specific organizations, many of articles take up the activities of Dhammakaya
Temple: Yano, Hidetake (1998, 1999, 2001b, 2001c, 2001d, 2005, 2006b, 2006c, 2006d), Nozu,
Koji (2002), and Sirirat Gamsaen (2006). Yano, based on fieldwork, questionnaire and
historical researches based on Sociology of religion, analyzes the historical process of
formation of Dhammakaya meditation from the viewpoint of the transition of spirit cults
and Buddhism under the influence of the government administration and consumerism.
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Nozu, Koji (2002) examines ‘the Dhammakaya case’ as a social problem raised since 1998
to 2000. Sirirat, though her viewpoint is inclined to the temple side, appraises the high
effectiveness on preaching by satellite broadcasting by Dhammakaya Temple.
Studies of other regions were done primarily in the field of cultural anthropology.
Studies of Shan Buddhism in Northern Thailand by Murakami, Tadayoshi (1998, 2000,
2003b, 2006) and studies on the wandering forest monks in Northeastern Thailand by
Hayashi, Yukio (1997b, 1998, 1999, 2000a, 2003b, 2004b) are representative articles. Works
by Murakami show the ordination ceremony and traditional oral preaching in Shan
Buddhism function to keep their ethnic identity under the standardized state Buddhism,
and he also describes the history of ‘Coti’ Sect in Shan Buddhism. Hayashi’s series of
works details the activities of some forest monks and the protective power of popular
Buddhism, related to their image of forest and family lines in village.
As for northeastern Thailand, there are several articles: Motobayashi, Yasuhisa (2000)
focuses on the way of treat tomb and person’s ashes, Tsumura, Fumihiko (2002) details the
traditional Buddhist script, Moribe, Hajime (2000) and Kuramoto, Ryosuke (2006) discuss
about wandering monks and belief on ‘ Arahan’, and Sakurai, Yoshihide. (2005a, 2005b)
analyzes the rites for the dead and reciprocity among generations and historical transition
of religious practices in a rural society al Relationships. Then Taniguchi, Hirohisa (2005)
takes up a Buddhist temple in central Thailand, which works is an asylum for refugees of
‘Mon’ from Laos. In addition, a book written by Nishii, Ryoko (2001), which mentioned
above concerns the coexistence between Muslims and Buddhists in a village at Satun
Prrovince in Southern Thailand.
For regions outside of Thailand, Nagatani, Chiyoko (2000, 2002, 2007) focuses on the
Buddhist rituals and politics of culture of the ethnic Tai (Dehong Tai) at Yunnan Province
in China. Kuroda, Keiko(2005)describes migration process of Thai‐speaking Buddhists at
Kedah in Malaysia. Furthermore, Onozawa, Masaki (2002a, 2002b, 2006) investigates the
crucial role of Buddhist temples among Thai communities in the United States from the
perspective of emigration in globalization.
Buddhism and Social Problems
It is increasing the number of studies on social engaged Buddhism, which apply Buddhist
teaching to solve the social problems and sometimes monks engage in to it. These articles
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are classified to three topics: development monks, terminal care and welfare for advanced
age, and activities of women.
Activities and ideas on development monks, which lead community development and
spiritual development based on Buddhism, attract attention also in Japan. And there are
many studies on it. Suzuki, Noriyuki and Urasaki, Masayo (2000), Suzuki, Noriyuki (2003),
Murata, Yokuo (2002), Nishikawa, Jun (2000, 2001a), and a book edited by Nishikawa, Jun
and Noda, Masato (2001) positively evaluate the activities and ideals of the development
monks from the viewpoints on alternative development, coexistence with nature and
community, and endogenous development. And above mentioned book of Nishikawa and
Noda includes many articles on development monks: Nishikawa, Jun (2001b) indicates the
importance of endogenous development in Thailand and analyzes the thought of
Bhuddadasa Bhikkhu and Phra Payutto as its theoretical basis of endogenous
development, Sulak Sivaraksa (2001) (translated by Noda, Masato) outlines the variety
of ideas on alternative development based on Buddhism, Surichai Wan‐kaeo. (2001)
(translated by Noda, Masato) indicates the important role of Buddhist development
activities as grass roots movement, Nozu, Koji (2001) outlines the thought and life of
Bhuddhadasa Bhikhu, Nozaki, Akira (2001) concerns the development activities by
‘Luang Pho Nan’ in Surin province, Suzuki, Noriyuki (2001) analyzes the actual situation
of development activities based on Buddhism at a village in Chaiyaphum prefecture,
Noda, Masato (2001) describes the movements of new Buddhist groups in urban area and
activities of development monks / nuns, Akaishi, Kazunori (2001) details the relation
between activities of development monks and NGOs, Purida Luanvijaithon and Phibop
Udomitiphon. (2001) (translated by Noda, Masato) concerns the activities of protection of
nature by Buddhist monks.
Taking a more objective approach is seen in articles of Nagatani, Chiyoko (1997, 1998),
Izumi, Osamu (2002, 2003a, 2003b) and Moribe, Hajime (2007), and Sakurai, Yoshihide
(1999, 2000, 2004, 2006b, 2007). Nagatani discusses the difference between the activities of
development monks and traditional practices on Buddhism, and she also analyzes the
discourse and processes of making the impression of development monks. Izumi
examines influence of development policy of government and activities of NGOs on the
formation of the activities of development monks, and he also explores the two types of
development monks: who has started his activities from the actual situation of local
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settings, and who has started his activities from the learning of ideal of the activities of
development monks. In addition, Sakurai and Moribe point out the limitation of the
activities of development monks, and Sakurai also indicate the gap between the activists
and general villagers. Then Yano, Hidetake (1999) characterizes the activities of
sympathizer with the thought of Buddhadasa Bhikkhu and development monks as the
new type of religious movement based on networking.
Studies on terminal care and social welfare based on Buddhism are also increasing,
though they are still few. Urasaki, Masayo (2002) characterize HIV / AIDS care on temples
as the applied activities of development monks, and she also points out the effectiveness
the spiritual care based on Buddhism in Urasaki (2005). Then in Urasaki (2003a, 2003b),
she suggest that ‘spirituality’ will be the crucial point to construct a new type of civil
society which beyond a mere assemble of individuals, then she takes some examples in
the activities of ‘Sukato’ forest temple in Chaiyaphum province. As for ‘spirituality’, Yano,
Hidetake (2006a), though he accept to use the concept of ‘spirituality’ in the case of
trans‐national religious practices, criticize to use the concept in easy way, otherwise
characteristics of religious practice in Thai Buddhism will be overlooked.
In addition, there are several articles on the care for patients and aged people based on
Buddhism. Nagai, Hisashi (2000) reports on the activities ‘Phrabaht Namphu ‘temple,
where care HIV positive people and AIDS patients, and ‘Sukato’ forest temple in
Chaiyaphum, where a meditation teacher with serious handicap is staying. Okabe,
Mayumi (2004) investigates the HIV/AIDS care activities of ‘Huarin’ temple in Chiagmai.
Koya, Nobuko (2005) examines Buddhism based terminal care for cancer patients at a
hospital in Bangkok, and Sakai, Izuru (2004) investigates care activities for the aged
people at a temple in Loei province.
As for the topics on activities of women and Buddhism, Morimoto, Yumi (1998)
concerns the retaliation between Buddhism in Thailand and discrimination against
women, prostitution. Tajimi, Miho (2006) characterize the Merit‐Making practice by
women who has worked as prostitution outside her home village, as the effort to stay in
her village comfortably. Then Ito, Tomomi (1999); Noda, Masato (2001); and Onozawa,
Nitaya (2006) mention the movements of ‘Mae Chi’ and the revival of Bhikkhuni.
Subsequently, Takahashi, Miwa (1997, 1998, 1999) investigates the life of ‘Mae Chi’ as a
whole in detail.
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Other
With respect to other topics related to Buddhism, there are articles on architecture, art and
Kingship. As for the architecture and art, collaborated research by Soukanh Chithpanya:
Kawamoto, Junko: Abe, Hirokazu and Yoshida, Katsuhiko (2004) compare the
architectural structure of traditional temples in among Laos, central and northern
Thailand. And one of the chapters in the book of Yamada, Hitoshi (1997) concerns mural
paintings in Thai temples. Agari, Hiroyuki (2003) mentions to the influence of Buddhism
on modern Thai art. Yokokura, Masayuki (2006) details on Mol‐made Buddhas ‘Phra
Phim’ of the Srivijaya period (from 9th to 13th century) in Southern Thailand. Then
Kobayashi, Yoshinari (2000, 2006) examines the making process of palm leaf book ‘Bai
Lan’ and gold leaf used for stick to Buddha statues. In Addition, Kuwano, Junichi (2005)
outlines the old temples and style of Buddha statues, though this is a book of sightseeing
guide.
As for Kingship and Buddhism, Ichikawa, Kenjiro (1998) and Yano, Hidetake (2007a)
outlines this subject. Then Yano, Hidetake (2004) analyze the transiton of Kingship and
Buddhism in Thailand from the viewpoint of secularization and public religion based on
the sociology of religion. Then one of the chapters in the book of Yamada, Hitoshi (1997)
examines construction of the Royal palace and temples in Bangkok.
For other topics, Yano, Hidetake (2001a) and Koizumi, Tetsunori (2004) compare
Buddhism in Thailand and in other countries such as Japan and Korea, and Harada,
Mariko (1998) reviews on books about Thai Buddhism written by S. J. Tambiah.
3. Islam
There are several approaches to study of Islam in Thailand. First are studies in education,
second are studies about religious practice and the ethnic identity of Muslims, The third
are articles, which has increased since 2005, on terrorism and violence in the southern
border area.
Many of the studies on Islamic education focus on Southern area. Suzuki, Koro (1997,
1998, 1999a, 1999b, 2003, 2006) and Shibuya, Megumi and Suzuki, Koro (2001) research on
the curricula of Islamic education in public and private schools: amount of school hours,
government guidelines on teaching, and languages (Thai, Malay and Arabic). Suzuki,
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Koro (2002) also concerns Islamic education in public schools in Bangkok, and Suzuki,
Koro (2003, 2005) details on the Basic Education Reform in 2001 including the curricula
reformation of Islamic education for Muslim students all over Thailand. Then Okugawa,
Yukiko (1999) discusses how the relation between development and education influence
on the national integration of Muslims in southern Thailand. Onaka, fumiya (2000, 2002)
researches the traditional Islamic boarding School ‘Pono’ in Patani provice. Nakazono,
Yuko (2006) propose the importance of cross‐cultural approach to literacy education and
shows the example of a teaching material based on her proposition. Shibayama, Shinjiro
(2006) tries to show the relation between the school educational and the opinions on the
incidents of ‘Kurue Se Mosuque’ and ‘Tak Bai’, though his analysis is based on the
interviews with only a few students.
As for the religious practice and the ethnic identity of Muslims, articles on these
subjects take up the cases of several regions. Regarding to the religious practice and the
ethnic identity of Muslims in Thailand in general, Bajunid, Omar Farouk (1999)、Kimura,
Masato and Matsumoto, Kotaro (2005), Murakami, Tadayoshi (2005) report it. On the
Southern region, Nishii, Ryoko (2002a, 2000b) researches on a village at Satun Province,
where Muslims and Buddhists coexist, and Onaka, Fumiya (1997) investigates the trends
of Jawi literature. On the central region, Sakurai, Keiko (1998) and Sato, Noriko (1998)
research on a community of Shiʹi Islam in Thon Buri area, and Murakami, Tadayoshi
(2003a, 2005) focuses on ‘Pashtun’ Muslims from Pakistan living in Bangkok and analyses
they try to construct ‘Thai Muslim’ identity in general on one side, but keeping Pashtun
ethnic identity on the other side. On Northern region, Murakami, Tadayoshi (2001) also
examines the ethnic identity of ‘Pathan’ Muslims from Pakistan, and Matsumoto, Kotaro
and Kimura, Masato (2001) reports on the history of immigration of Muslims from
Yunnan.
Spreading terrorism and violence in the southern border area since around 2004, studies
on this subjects are also increased in Japan since 2005. Bajunid, Omar Farouk(2006)and
Tamaki, Mitsuko (2005, 2006) outline the problems of terrorism and the incident of ‘Kurue
Se Mosuque’ and ‘Tak Bai’. Tamaki, Mitsuko (2005, 2006) also examines heavy‐handed
policy of Thaksin government on the southern border area; Endo, Satoshi (2006) discusses
legal problems of the legislation of the Emergency Decree on Southern border area.
Hashimoto, Takashi (2006) reports on Islamic armed groups; and Sakurai, Yoshihide
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(2006a) outlines research trends on the southern problem in the Ninth International
Conference on Thai Studies. In addition, Tamaki, Mitsuko (2006) and Sudo, Sueo (2007)
take up the case of Thailand and its neighboring countries, and examine the defense
policies against terrorism and administration for activities of Muslim.
4. Christianity
With regard to Christianity in Thailand in general, Ishii, Yoneo (2002) reports on this topic.
Another article by Ishi (1999a) explores the friendship between King Rama IV, Mongkut,
and Mgr. Pallegoix, and discusses that modernization in Thailand had been influence by
Catholicism, besides Protestantism.
Other studies of Christianity in Thailand are largely cultural anthropological studies.
The Christian Lahu highlanders in Northern Thailand are specifically focused on by
Kataoka, Tatsuki (1997, 2002, 2003a, 2003b, 2007a, 2007b) and Nishimoto, Yoichi (2000,
2004, 2005, 2006). Kataoka’ articles on Lahu investigate on Christian conversion,
correspondence to modernization, spirit cults, consciousness of being suppressed, and the
flexibility of ethnic identification. Nishimoto analyzes Lahu’s narratives of inferiority as
the preliterate society, spread of pop music and church music, social background of the
spread of Baptist church, and multi‐meanings of myth on Lahu. Hara, Makoto (2004b)
also outlines Christian Lahu.
As for the other Christianity in Thailand, most of the studies focuses on the Northern
region: Hayami, Yoko (2004) analyzes the influence of Christianity and colonianism on the
formation of the ethnic identity of ‘Karen’, Hara, Makoto (2005) also mentions Christian
church of Karen, and Toyota, Mika (1998) refers a few to Christian conversion of ‘Akha’.
On central region, Hara, Makoto (2004a) refers a few to Chinese Baptist church in
Bangkok.
5. Popular Religion
With regard to popular religions such as spirit cults, most articles are studies based on
cultural anthropology and a few are studies based on history, sociology, and religious
studies. As for spirit cults in Thailand in general, a short essay of Takai, Yasuhiro (2003)
outlines it. And for other articles, many of them are based on research in Northern
Thailand.
159
Of the anthropological studies, a series of works by Tanabe, Shigeharu (1997a, 1997b,
2000, 2002, 2003, 2004) explore spirit cults and mediums in Northern Thailand. He
investigates the social interaction process in the spirit cult groups in detail and analyzes it
based on cultural anthropology and contemporary philosophy with the subjects such as
magic, healing, knowledge, memory, dream and personal experience. Similarly, Kawano,
Misako (1997) deals with funeral rituals in Northern Thailand. Yamazaki, Sumiko (2005)
investigates rite of passage and ‘Khwan’ ritual about a house. Murakami, Tadayoshi (1997)
investigates rituals of guardian spirits in a ‘Tai Yai (Shan) ‘village in Northern Thailand;
and Baba, Yuji (1998) examines the ritual of a guardian spirit and ethnic identity of ‘Tai
Lue’.
In addition, though religion is not a main theme, Ayabe, Masao (2005) concerns spirit
cults ‘Lisu’ and Taniguchi, Hirohisa (2005) refers to ‘Mon’, Yoshino, Akira (2005a, 2005b)
outlines ancestor worship and rite of passage on ‘Yumien (yao)’, Shibuya, Megumi (2007)
refers to government education policy and the decline of traditional rituals in ‘Akha’, and
Taniguchi, Hirohisa (2001) examines ancestor worship of Han Chinese migrated from
Yunnan,
With respect to the spirit cults of Northeastern Thailand, a series of works by Hayashi,
Yukio (1997b, 1998, 1999, 2000a, 2000b, 2003b, 2003c, 2004b) describe the world of Thai
‐Lao people in detail. Hayashi discusses on subjects such as ritual of a guardian spirit,
protective power of ‘Thamma’, impression of the forest and so on. Kato, Mariko (1999,
2006) reports on ‘Molam Phifa’ which is a ritual of healing by medium with dancing and
singing. Takai, Yasuhiro (2000) examines the meat‐eating habits and ritual for cattle and
buffalo. Tsumura, Fumihiko (2000) analyzes the role of ‘Mo Tham’ a bearer of the
protective power of Buddhism, and Tsumura (2005) also examines traditional herbal
practitioner and spirit cults. Then Sato, Yasuyuki(2000, 2003, 2005, 2007)investigates on
ritual of guardian spirits and ancestor worship on Thai‐Khmer village in Northeastern
region.
On Central Thailand, Onozawa, Masaki (1996b) examines ancestor worship and
concepts of the afterlife. Nitaya Onozawa (1997) also reports on the ancestor worship at a
black Thai village in Petchburi province. Tsuruta, Tadasu (1998) focuses on the transition
of rituals and penetration of monetary economy in Supanburi province and indicates the
magnificent ceremonies and the decline of spirit cults.
160
On Bangkok, Kano, Hiroshi (1966) examine the transition of guardian spirits in modern
ritual for aborted fetuses in a spirit cult group: ‘Tham Bandhan. Yano (2003a) also refer a
few to the king Rama V Cult.
In addition, Tsumura, Fumihiko (2001) analyzes the ghost lore of ‘Nang nak’ from the
viewpoints on ethnicity and politics. An article in the book of Miyao, Jiryo (2007) details
the origin, transition and performance of Thai classical masked play ‘Khon’ which
perform ‘Ramakien’ epic. And there are historical studies by Kano, Hiroshi (2005), who
examines the spirit wars between Ayutthaya and Chiang Mai in the fifteenth century.
There exists another type of study on popular religion by Yoshihara, Kazuo (1996a,
1996b, 1999, 2001, 2004, 2007). He investigates ‘Dejiao,’ the religious organization of a
Chinese spirit cult, which is spreading within ethnic Chinese society in Thailand,
Malaysia, Singapore, and Hong Kong. Yoshihara also reports on the construction of the
great ancestral halls by Chinese surname associations in ethnic Chinese society in
Thailand (1997, 1998, 2002, 2003a, 2003b). In addition, Yamashita, Hiroshi and Okamitsu,
Nobuko (2003) also reports on vegetarian festival and Chinese spirit medium ‘Tang Ki’ of
ethnic Chinese temples in Phuket.
6. Conclusion
This paper has inclusively covered the books and articles on the study of Thai religions in
Japan that have been published during the past decade. In addition, this paper discusses
the research trends based on the classification of religious traditions. Therefore, in
conclusion, it is best to mention the main trend of these studies on Thai religions in Japan.
The first trend we have noticed is that the majority of studies on Thai religions are
studies of Buddhism. Considering the importance of Buddhism in Thailand, it is natural
to have such a trend.
However, there is something peculiar about this trend. Most studies on Buddhism are
based on the approach of cultural anthropology. In addition, approaches to development
studies and education studies are also observed. This is the second trend. Several decades
ago, Thai Theravada Buddhism studies in Japan were criticized for their insufficient
investigation of the actual situation of religious practices in Thailand. Currently, we have
161
sufficient number of field studies of this situation. However, this could instigate
counter‐criticism of the insufficient investigations of the philosophical and historical
studies of Thai Theravada Buddhism. This can be understood when related to the case of
Japanese Buddhism. What would Japanese people feel if foreigners learn about Japanese
Buddhism mainly from cultural anthropologists? Therefore, if Thai people were to notice
the actual situation regarding studies on Thai religions in Japan, they might find it to be
strange.
The philosophical and historical studies of Thai Theravada Buddhism are insufficient
probably because of the weak relationship between Japan and contemporary Theravada
Buddhism. Japan has had a strong tradition of philosophical and historical studies not
only of Japanese Buddhism but also of ancient Indian, Tibetan, Chinese, and Korean
Buddhism, which are related to Japanese Buddhism. In contrast, Theravada Buddhism has
of the philosophical works by famous Thai monks have been translated into English, only
a few have been translated into Japanese.
However, this situation is likely to change in the future. As I have mentioned in this
paper, written works by Japanese monks ordained in temples of Thai Theravada
Buddhism, as well as the Japanese translation of books written by P. A. Payutto, who is
one of the excellent scholar monks in Thailand, have been published. Moreover, nowadays,
the tradition of Theravada Buddhism from Sri Lanka and Myanmar (Burma) is also
spreading gradually in Japan. This could reinforce the relationship between Japan and
Theravada Buddhism, which may result in an increase of philosophical and historical
studies on Theravada Buddhism.
Finally, in relation to trends in studies on Thai religions in Japan, new topics such as
socially engaged Buddhism, new Buddhist movements in the urban society, and terrorism
and violence in the Southern border area, have been increasingly studied. These
correspond to the social phenomena in the last decade. Therefore, it is possible that these
topics will not be studied in the future. In addition to focusing on such current issues of
specific region, social class, and small groups, it is also necessary to focus on the broad
topics of fundamental research such as the governmental administration system for
religion in Thailand.
162
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「南方上座部仏教における修行の理論と実践 タイとミャンマーの現地調査に基づい
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「シャン仏教チョーティ派史素描 南アジア大陸部における仏教実践の事例研究」
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Study on Malay Muslims Living in Southern Thailand) 「識字教育における文化的多元
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Experience of Ethnic Power Relation) 「北タイ・クリスチャン・ラフ族における民族間
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国黒タイ族における伝統的婚姻慣行とその変容 タイ国ペチャブリ県黒タイ村落にお
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Notsu, Takashi. 2003. Tai no youji kyouiku: Tohoku nouson no youji gakkyu to bukkyou
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manabu kyousei no chie (Buddhism, Development, and NGOs: Wisdom of Coexistence and the
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「正法母」の思想」 Nampo‐Bunka: Tenri Bulletion of South Asian Studies, No.27, The
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86‐107.
Nozu, Koji. 2002. Tai jozabubukkyou ni okeru henka no shosou ʹTanmakai tera jikenʹ wo
chushin ni (Diverse Aspects of Transition of Theravada Buddhism in Thailand:
『タンマカーイ寺事件』を中心に」 Kitahara, Atsushi ed., Kouza higashi ajia kingendaishi
6 hendo no higashi ajia (A Series of Modern East Asian History Socio‐Dynamics of East Asia
社会』 Tokyo, Aoki Shote, Publishing, Co., Ltd.: 191‐216.
Ochiai, Takashi (Phra Maha punnyo). 2002. Konomi mo mata tokatazu: Tai terawada
bukkyo no hujyo kan (I will also die: Concentration on the body in Thai Theravada
181
Buddhism) 「この身もまた遠からず タイ・テーラワーダ仏教の不浄観」 The Daihorin,
68(3), Tokyo, Daihorin‐kaku: 153‐155.
Okabe, Mayumi. 2004. Gendai tai niokeru bukkyou jiin no HIV/AIDS kea katsudou no
shakai teki ichizuke: Fuarin ji wo jirei toshite (The Social Position of HIV/AIDS Care
Activities at Buddhist Temple in Contemporary Thailand) 「現代タイにおける仏教寺院
Kobe Society of Social Anthlopology: 1‐38.
Okugawa, Yukiko. 1999. Tai nanbu kokkyou ken ni okeru marei musurimu no tougou to
Development Process)「タイ南部国境県におけるマレー・ムスリムの統合と開発」 Journal
of Internationa Cooperation Studies, Vol. 7, No. 2, Graduate School of Internationa
Cooperation Studies Kobe University: 215‐224.
Onaka, Fumiya. 1997. Jawi (arabia moji hhoki no marei go) hon no shakai shi: Tai nanbu
kokkyou ken no musurimu ni okeru (A Social History of Jawi Literature: A Case Study
of Muslim in the Southern Border Provinces of Thailand) 「ジャーウィ(アラビア文字表
Communication: Bulletin of the Faculty of Humanities, No. 2, Ibaraki University Faculty of
Humanities: 77‐88.
Onaka, Fumiya. 2000. <Kenkyu nouto> Minami tai no ʹdentou tekiʹ isuramu kishuku juku
ʹponoʹ no bunka teki tagenka (<Research Note> Cultural Pluralization of the ‘Pono’: the
の「伝統的」イスラム寄宿塾「ポノ」の文化的多元化」 Studies in Social Science, No. 33,
Ibaraki University Faculty of Humanities: 121‐126.
Onaka, Fumiya. 2002. Chiiki bunka to gakkou: 3 tsu no tai nouson ni okeru ʹshingakuʹ no hikaku
kenkyu (Local Culture and School: Comparative Sociology of Educational Aspiration in Three
Hokuju Shuppan.
Onozawa, Masaki. 1996a. <Kokai gakujutsu kouen> Gekidou suru tounan ajia no shukyou
jousei: Kokusaika no jidai no tai no minzoku shukyou (<Public lectures> The
Revolutionary Religious Situation in Southeast Asia: Thai Ethnic Religiousity in an Era
of Internationalization) 「公開学術講演‐‐激動する東南アジアの宗教情勢‐‐国際化時代の
タイの民族宗教」 Nihonbunka Kenkyusho Kiyo: Transaction of the Institute for Japanese
182
Culture and Classis 「國學院大學日本文化研究所紀要」, No. 77, Institute for Japanese
Culture and Classics, Kokugakuin University: 55‐85.
Onozawa, Masaki. 1996b. Tai bukkyuoto no takai kannen ni kansuru ichi kousatsu: jozabu
bukkyou to dento teki seirei kannen no setsugou (On the Concepts of the Afterlife in the
Thai Buddhist society: The duel structure of their Cosmology) 「タイ仏教徒の他界観念
of Japanese History, Vol. 68, National Museum of Japanese History: 203‐214.
Onozawa, Masaki. 1997. Shukyuo to nashonarizumu: Jozabu bukkyou no jirei kara
(Religion and Nationalism: The case of Theravada Buddhism) 「宗教とナショナリズム
上座部仏教の事例から」 Aoki, Tamotsu et al. eds. Iwanami kouza bunkajinruigaku 11
shukyo no gendai (Iwanami Series of Lectures on Cultural Anthropology 11; The Actual
Publishers: 235‐254.
Onozawa, Masaki. 2002a. Esunisiti kenkyu no genzai: Toransu nashonarizumu no
jinruigaku (II) (The Present Situation of the Study of Ethnicity: Anthropology of Trans
Ebuchi, Kazuhiro et al. eds. Bunka jinrugaku kenkyu: Kantaiheiyo chiiki bunka no
dainamizumu (Study of Cultural Anthropology: Dynamism of Culture in the Pacific Rim Area)
the University of the Air: 81‐98.
Onozawa, Masaki. 2002b. Zaibei tai kei komyuniti to bunkateki tagen shugi (Thai
Community in the United States and Multiculturalism) 「在米タイ系コミュニティと文
化的多元主義」 Ajia yugaku: 24 Tokushu imin no esunisiti tokatsuryoku (Intriguing Asia 39:
ニシティと活力』 Tokyo, Bensey Publishing Inc.: 36‐48.
Onozawa, Masaki. 2002c. Shukyou no saisei: Shakai undou no jinruigaku (III)
運動の人類学」 Ebuchi, Kazuhiro et al. eds. Bunka jinrugaku kenkyu: Kantaiheiyo chiiki
bunka no dainamizumu (Study of Cultural Anthropology: Dynamism of Culture in the Pacific
Promotion of the University of the Air: 195‐208.
Onozawa, Masaki. 2002d. Tai bukkyou shakai ni okeru hattatsu girei (Developmental
183
Ritual in Thai Buddhist Society) 「タイ仏教社会における発達儀礼」, Kyouiku to Igaku
University Press: 72‐80.
Onozawa, Masaki. 2003. Kaigai tai kei komyuniti no nettowaku to bankoku (Network of
Thai Communities in Bangkok and Abroad) 「海外タイ系コミュニティのネットワーク
とバンコク」 Ajia yugaku: 57 Tokushu Bankoku: Kokusaika no naka no gekijou toshi
(Intriguing Asia 57: Special Issue; Bangkok, the ʹTheater Cityʹ in International Society) 『アジ
111‐116.
Onozawa, Masaki. 2005. Tonan ajia ni okeru shukyou no saisei to shimin shakai (1): Tai ni
okeru bukkyou teki genrishugi no hutatsu no ruikei to sezokunai rinri (Religious
Revitalization and Civil Societies in the Southeast Asia: (1) A Typology of Buddhist
Fundamentalism and New Ethical System in Civil Society) 「東南アジアにおける宗教の
Studies Tsukuba, No. 24, Graduate School of Area Studies University of Tsukuba:
181‐192.
Phra Thamma Pidok. (P.A. Payutto) 2004. (translated by Nonaka, Koichi) Jiko kaihatsu:
Jozabu bukkyou no shinzui (Development of Oneself: The Essence of Theravada Buddhism) 『自
Phra Yuki Naratevo (Sakamoto, Hideyuki). 2002. Tai kaihatsuso nochosen: Kokoro yutakana
kaihatsu wo mezashite (Challenge of Development Monks in Thailand: Toward the Development
Daihorin‐kaku: 206‐212.
Phraphrom Kunaphon. (P. A. Payutto) 2006. (translated by Nonaka, Koichi) Buppou: Sizen
no housoku to ikiru koto no kachi (Buddhism: The Law of Nature and the Value of Life) 『仏法
自然の法則と生きることの価値』 Bangkok.
P. A. Payutto. 2007. (translated by Nonaka, Koichi) Terawada bukkyou no jissen buppou:
Buddha no oshieru jiko kaihatsu (The Practice of Theravada Buddhism: Development of Oneself
Samgha.
Purida Luanvijaithon and Phibop Udomitiphon. 2001. (translated by Noda, Masato) Tai
ni okeru bukkyou to sizenhogo: Tai NGO no shiten kara (Buddhism and Conservation
184
of Nature in Thailand: The Viewpoint of NGOs in Thailand) 「タイにおける仏教と自然
NGO: Tai kaihatsusou ni manabu kyousei no chie (Buddhism, Development, and NGOs:
Wisdom of Coexistence and the Development Monks in Thailand) 『仏教・開発・NGO タ
イ開発僧に学ぶ共生の智慧』 Tokyo, Shinhyoron Co. Ltd.: 267‐284.
Sakai, Izuru. 2004. Tai koku bukkyou jiin ni okeru koreisha hukushi katsudou ni kansuru
chousa kenkyu: Rui ken pu‐kaden gun no jirei (Rural Development and Care for the
Aged in the Northeastern Part of Thailand) 「タイ国仏教寺院における高齢者福祉活動
Saga Junior College, No. 34, Nishikyushu University & Saga Junior College: 101‐108.
Sakurai, Keiko. 1998. <Chosa hokoku> Shia ha kyoiku nettowaku: tai tonburi nojirei kara
(<Report> ShiʹI Educational net Work: The case in Thon Buri, Thailand) 「シーア派教育
for Islamic Studies in Japan: 75‐89.
Sakurai, Yoshihide. 1999. “The Role of Buddhist Monks In Rural Development and Their
Social Function in Civil Society”, Tai Culture, 4(2) Berlin, SEACOM: 108‐124.
Sakurai, Yoshihide. 2000. Chiiki kaihatsu ni hatasu souryo no yakuwari to sono shakaiteki
kinou: Tohoku tai no kaihatsusou wo jirei ni (The Role of Monks in Rural Development
and Their Social Function: Development monks in Northeastern Thailand) 「地域開発に
Vol. 6, The Japanese Association for the Study of Religion and Society: 27‐46.
Sakurai, Yoshihide. 2004. Shukyou to shakai kaihatsu: Tohoku tai no kaihatsusou
(Religion and Social Development: Development Monks in Northeast Thailand) 「宗教
No.9, Hokkaido Association of Indological and Buddhist Studies: 245‐275.
Sakurai, Yoshihide. 2005a. Kazoku ni okeru Goshusei no kihan to Senzo saishi (Rites for
the Dead and Reciprocal Relationships in a Thai Peasant Community) 「家族における互
酬性の規範と先祖祭祀」Sakurai, Yoshihide. Touhoku tai no kaihatsuto bunka saihen (Social
Hokkaido University Press: 43‐70
Sakurai, Yoshihide. 2005b. Shukyou jissenn no kosei to shakai henyou (The Formation of
185
Yoshihide. Touhoku tai no kaihatsuto bunka saihen (Social Development and Cultural Change
71‐103
Sakurai, Yoshihide. 2006a. Minami tai ni okeru bouryoku no mondai: kokusai tai semina
ni okeru kenkyu doukou kara (Violence in the Deep South of Thailand: from the
Research Trend in the International Thai Seminar 9th) 「南タイにおける暴力の問題―国
Faculty of Letters, Hokkaido University: 183‐236.
Sakurai, Yoshihide. 2006b. Tohoku tai no bukkyou to kaihatsu: San chousa hikaku
(Buddhism and Development in Northeast Thailand: Comparative Analysis of Three
Science, No. 120, Faculty of Letters, Hokkaido University: 1‐79.
Sakurai, Yoshihide. 2007. Tohoku tai no jiin to chiiki shakai: gamarasai gun no jiin sikkai
chousa yori (Temples and Rural Community in Northeast Thailand: Complete
イ郡の寺院悉皆調査より」 The Annual Report on Cultural Science, No. 121, Faculty of
Letters, Hokkaido University: 171‐269.
Sato, Noriko. 1998. <Chousa hokoku> Tai no juni imamu shia ha: Sono komyuniti to
shukyou girei ni kansuru chousa hokoku (<Report> The Twelver shiʹi islam in Thailand:
of Islam, no.51, Association for Islamic Studies in Japan: 90‐106.
Sato, Yasuyuki. 2000. “On the Khmer Family System in Northeast Thailand: Its Historical
Change and Ritual Characteristics”, Tai Culture, Vol.5. No.1, Berlin, SEACOM: 104‐116.
Sato, Yasuyuki. 2003. “Annual Ceremonies and Rituals of the Khmer Village in
Northeastern Thailand: A Case Study of the Village of Phluang in Surin Province”,
Kultur: 49‐71.
Sato, Yasuyuki. 2005. The Thai‐Khmer Village: Community, Family, Ritual, and Civil Society in
Northeast Thailand, Graduate School of Modern Society and Culture, Niigata University.
Sato, Yasuyuki. 2007. Tai kumeru no shukyou girei: sono tokusitsu to suitai ni tsuite
(Religious Rituals of the Thai‐Khmer: Its Characteristics and Decline) 「タイ・クメール
186
の宗教儀礼 その特質と衰退について」 Ayabe, Tsuneo ed. Kouza sekai no senjumin:
fasuto pipuruzu no genzai 10 ushinawareru bunka ushinawareru aidentiti (A Series of Lectures
on Indigenous People of the World: The Actual Situation of the First Peoples 10; The Lost
258‐270.
Sawai, Natsumi. 2000. Taigo Sangaikyou ni mirareru ʹgou (kam)ʹ to ʹsekizen (tham‐bun)ʹ
(‘Action’ (kam) and ‘Merit‐Making’ (tham‐bun) in thaiʹs Traipum Phraruang) 「タイ語
『三界経』に見られる「業(kam)」と「積善(tham‐bun)」 Nampo‐Bunka, Tenri Bulletion
of South Asian Studies, No.27, The Center for South Asian Studies, Tenri: 19‐42.
Shibayama, Shinjiro. 2006. Tai shin nanbu no musurimu no henyou: kyouiku teki haikei
no kotonaru musurimu no ‘guruze mosuku jiken’ oyobi ‘takubai jiken’ ni taisuru taido
to kachikan ni tsuite no kouryo (Changes in the Attitudes of Muslims in the Deep South
of Thailand: Investigation of the Attitudes and Sense of Value of Muslims of Different
Educational Backgrounds Regarding the ʹKluse‐Mosuque and Tak‐bai Incidentsʹ) 「タイ
深南部のムスリムの変容 教育的背景の異なるムスリムの『グルセ・モスク事件』およ
Sciences, Vol. 19. No. 1, Faculty of Human Sciences, Waseda University: 47‐54.
Shibuya, Megumi and Sunate Kampeeraparb. 2001. Tai monbushou 1990 nen kaitei shotou
kyouiku karikyuramu ni motozuku taigo ka kyoukasyo syouyaku: ʹMinzoku (chato)ʹ,
ʹShukyouʹ, ʹKokuouʹ (A Translation of ʹThai Languageʹ Textbooks in Thai Primary
訂初等教育カリキュラムに基づくタイ語教科書抄訳 「民族(チャート)」「宗教」「国
家」に関わる内容を中心に」 Comparative and International Education, No. 9, Comparative
and International Education Studies, University of Tsukuba: 105‐115.
Shibuya, Megumi and Suzuki, Koro. 2001. Tai: Kokumin kyouiku no tenkai to shosu
minzoku no taiou (Thailand: Development of Civic Education and Ethnic Minorities)
Tabunka kyosei shakai no kyoiku (Education for Multicultural Coexistence Society) 『多文化共
生社会の教育』 Tokyo, Tamagawa University Press: 275‐292.
Shibuya, Megumi. 1999. Tai no shotou kyouiku ni okeru reigi sahou no kyouiku: 1990 nen
kaitei karikyuramu kyoukasyo no bunseki wo chushin ni (Teaching of Manners and
187
Behaviors in Thai Primary Education: An Analysis of the 1990 Primary Education
Curriculum and textbooks) 「タイの初等教育における礼儀作法の教育: 1990 年改訂カリ
Comparative and International Education Studies, University of Tsukuba: 21‐34.
Shibuya, Megumi. 2007. Tai sanchimin no kyouiku (Education for Highlanders in
Thailand) 「タイ山地民の教育」 Ayabe, Tsuneo ed. Kouza sekai no senjumin: fasuto
pipuruzu no genzai 10 ushinawareru bunka ushinawareru aidentiti (A Series of Lectures on
Indigenous People of the World: The Actual Situation of the First Peoples 10; The Lost Culture
われる文化・失われるアイデンティティ』 Tokyo, Akashi Shoten Co., Ltd.: 320‐331.
Shikano, Kentaro. 2002. Gendai tai toshi jumin no bukkyou: bankoku shin chukan sou no
jirei (Buddhism of urban Inhabitants in Modern Thailand: A case Study on the New
Southeast Asian Studies, No. 7, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies: 160‐182.
Shimizu, Yohei. 2005. Wat Hong Rattanaram jiin shozou baiyou shahon chousa houkoku:
paññāsajātaka baiyo shahon shusei wo chushin ni (paññāsajātaka Manuscripts Kept in
paññāsajātaka 貝葉写本集成を中心に」 Journal of Pali and Buddhist Studies, Vol. 18,
Society for the Study of Pali and Buddhist Culture: 45‐54.
Sirirat Gamsaen. 2006. Tai no bukkyou undou to ʹdai 3 no namiʹ no jidai: Tammagai jiin
no seppou no eisei housou ni tsuite (Buddhist Movement in Thailand and ʹThe Third
Waveʹ: Preaching by Satellite Broadcasts in Dhammakaya Temple) 「タイの仏教運動と
Tokushu Shukyou wo ikiru tounan ajia (Intriguing Asia 89: Special Issue; Lifestyles and
Bensey Publishing Inc.: 50‐58.
Soukanh Chithpanya and Kawamoto, Junko and Abe, Hirokazu and Yoshida, Katsuhiko.
2004. Raosu oyobi tai chuhokubu ni okeru terwada bukkyou jiin no heimen kousei
youso (Elements of Planning on traditional Temples in Laos and Thailand) 「ラオス及び
タイ中北部におけるテラワダ仏教寺院の平面構成要素」 Journal of Architecture, Planning
and Environmental Engineering, No. 582, Architectural Institute of Japan: 41‐46.
Sudo, Sueo. 2007. Tonan ajia no terorizumu to chiiki anzen hoshou taisei no mosaku (In
188
Search of Regional Policies for Addressing Terrorism in Southeast Asia) 「東南アジアの
テロリズムと地域安全保障体制の模索」 Academia: Journal of the Nanzan Academic Society,
Humanities Social Science, No. 84, Nanzan University: 305‐328.
Sulak Sivaraksa. 2001. (translated by Noda, Masato) Buppou kyoudotai genri to
orutanativu hatten no tenbou (The Prospects for Dhammic Socialism and Alternative
Noda, Masato eds. Bukkyou, Kaihotsu, NGO: Tai kaihatsusou ni manabu kyousei no chie
(Buddhism, Development, and NGOs: Wisdom of Coexistence and the Development Monks in
Ltd.: 65‐84.
Surichai Wan‐kaeo. (translated by Noda, Masato) 2001. Bukkyosha no te niyoru mou
hitotsu no hatten: Tai bukkyou no sezokuka wo koete (Alternative Development by
Buddhists: Beyond the Secularization of Thai Buddhism) 「仏教者の手によるもう一つ
の発展 タイ仏教の世俗化を超えて」, Nishikawa, Jun and Noda, Masato eds. Bukkyou,
Kaihotsu, NGO: Tai kaihatsusou ni manabu kyousei no chie (Buddhism, Development, and
NGOs: Wisdom of Coexistence and the Development Monks in Thailand) 『仏教・開発・NG
O―タイ開発僧に学ぶ共生の智慧』 Tokyo, Shinhyoron Co. Ltd: 51‐64.
Suzuki, Koro. 1997. Taino shotou kyouiku karikyuramu ni miru isuramu kyouiku no
ichizuke (The Sgnificance of Islamic Education in Thai Primary Education Curriculum)
University of Tsukuba: 147‐156.
Suzuki, Koro. 1998. Nanbu tai no kouritsu shougako ni okeru isuramu kyouiku no
rekisiteki tenkai (A Historical Development of Islamic Education in Public Primary
Schools of Southern Thailand) 「南部タイの公立小学校におけるイスラム教育の歴史的
展開」 Comparative and International Education, No. 6, Comparative and International
Education Studies, University of Tsukuba: 133‐144.
Suzuki, Koro. 1999a.Nanbu tai no kokuritsu kouritsu syougakko chugakko ni okeru
isuramu kyouiku no kokoromi (Islamic Education in Public primary and Secondary
Schools in Southern Thailand) 「南部タイの国公立小学校・中等学校におけるイスラム
97‐112.
189
Suzuki, Koro. 1999b. Tai no shiritsu isuramu kyou gakko ni miru karikyuramu no hensen
(A Transitional Development of Curriculum in Private Schools for Islamic Education in
University of Tsukuba: 113‐122.
Suzuki, Koro. 2002. Tai ni okeru chihou kyouiku gyousei kaikaku ni tomonau isuramu
kyouiku no tenkai: Bankoku to wo jirei to shite (The Reform of Local Educational
Administration and the Development of Islamic Education in Thailand: A case Study of
No. 10, Comparative and International Education Studies, University of Tsukuba: 43‐51.
Suzuki, Koro. 2003. Tai no kiso kyouiku karikyuramu sakutei katei ni miru isuramu he no
taiou (a Study on the Process to Incorporate Islam into the New Basic Education
Curriculum of Thailand) 「タイの基礎教育カリキュラム策定過程に見るイスラーへの対
応」 Comparative and International Education, No. 11, Comparative and International
Education Studies, University of Tsukuba: 71‐80.
Suzuki, Koro. 2005.Tai no kiso kyouiku kaikaku ni okeru isuramu he no taiou (Islamic
Education and Basic Education Reform in Thailand) 「タイの基礎教育改革におけるイス
ラームへの対応」 Comparative Education, No. 31, Japan Comparative Education Society:
118‐137.
Suzuki, Koro. 2006. Tai: Gurobaru ka jidai ni okeru dentou bunka no hoji to yureru
gakuryoku kan (Thailand: Preservation of Traditional Culture and Shaky Views on the
Scholastic Ability in the Era of Globalization) 「タイ グローバル化時代における伝統文
化の保持と揺れる学力観」 Ikeda, Mitsuhiro and Yamada, Chiaki eds. Ajia no shugaku
zen kyouiku: Yoji kyouiku no seido karicuramu jissen (Early Childhood Education in Asia:
ム・実践』 Tokyo, Akashi Shoten Co., Ltd.: 106‐131.
Suzuki, Noriyuki and Urasaki, Masayo. 2000. Tai nouson ni okeru kaihatsusou to
zaikesha: orutanatibu na kaihatsu hattenn no naka deno sougosayou (Development
Monks and The Laity at Rural Society in Thailand: Interaction in Alternative
Development) 「タイ農村における開発僧と在家者 オルターナティヴな開発・発展の中
での相互作用」 Komai, Hiroshi ed. Tounan ajia jozabukkyou shakai ni okeru shakai doutai
190
to shukyou ishiki ni kansuru kennkyu (Study on Social Dynamics and Religious Consciousness
on Theravada Buddhist Society in Southeast Asia) 『東南アジア上座部仏教社会における社
会動態と宗教意識に関する研究』 Research Reports, Grant‐in‐Aid for Scientific Research
of JSPS, FY1997 ‐ FY2000: 147‐162.
Suzuki, Noriyuki. 2001. Nouson shakai no henyo to bukkyou jiin : Tohoku tai,
Chaiyapumu ken tamafaiwan mura wo jirei to site (Rural Society in Transition and
Buddhist Temples: A Case of Tamafaiwan Village in Chaiyaphum Prefecture in
Northeast Thailand) 「農村社会の変容と仏教寺院 東北タイ・チャイヤプーム県ターマ
Kaihotsu, NGO: Tai kaihatsusou ni manabu kyousei no chie (Buddhism, Development, and
NGOs: Wisdom of Coexistence and the Development Monks in Thailand) 『仏教・開発・NG
O タイ開発僧に学ぶ共生の智慧』 Tokyo, Shinhyoron Co. Ltd: 149‐169.
Suzuki, Noriyuki. 2003. Nouson shakai no henyo to bukkyou: Kaihatsusou no iru noson
wo jirei toshite (Rural Society in Transition and Buddhism: A Case Study of
Development Monks in Rural Society) 「農村社会の変容と仏教 開発僧のいる農村を事
例として」 Ayabe, Tsuneo and Hayashi, Yukio eds., Tai wo shiru tame no 60 shou (60
Chapters on Thai Studies) 『タイを知るための 60 章』 Tokyo, Akashi Shoten Co., Ltd.:
236‐240.
Tajimi, Miho. 2006. Ibasho wo tsukuru jissen: Dekasegi kara modotta josei no tanbun to
tamutan (Making a Place to Stay Comfortably: ʹTambunʹ and ʹThamthanʹ by Females
ブンとタムターン」 Ajia yugaku: 89 Tokushu Shukyou wo ikiru tounan ajia (Intriguing Asia
生きる東南アジア』 Tokyo, Bensey Publishing Inc.: 38‐49.
Takahashi, Miwa. 1997. Zaike josei no shukyou jissen no sentakushi: Tohoku tai
bukkyouto no jirei yori (Multiple Options of Religious Practices for the Female Laymen:
A Report on the Fieldwork in the Buddhist Villages in Northeast Thailand) 「在家女性
Institute of History and Anthropology, University of Tsukuba: 2‐17
Takahashi, Miwa. 1998. Shinkou no jissen: Shukke to zaike soshite josei shugyosha
修行者」 NHK ʹBhuddhaʹ Project edited. and supervised by Yoneo, Ishii, NHK
191
Supesharu Budda ooinaru tabiji 2 atsuki shinkou no hukei nanden bukkyou (NHK Special
Ltd.: 169‐174.
Takahashi, Miwa. 1999. Tai bukkyouto shakai ni okeru josei no ʹsouin iriʹ no bunka shakai
teki haikei (The Cultural and Social Background of Female Asceticism in Buddhist
Thailand) 「タイ仏教徒社会における女性の「僧院入り」の文化・社会的背景」Human and
Cultural Sciences: The Journal of Aikoku Gakuen University, Vol. 1, Aikoku Gakuen
University: 21‐47.
Takai, Yasuhiro. 2000. Ushi suigyu to girei kanko: tai hokubu tohokubu oyobi raosu no
nikusyoku bunka ni kansuru nouto (Cattle, Buffalo and Rituals: notes on Meat‐eationg
University Shin Buddhist Comprehensive Research institute, No. 19, Otani University:
77‐101.
Takai, Yasuhiro. 2003. Seirei no sekai to shakai henka: ʹMeishinʹ deha setsumei dekinai
nezuyosa (The World of Spirits and Social Change: Deep Rooted Beliefs; More than
Tsuneo and Hayashi, Yukio eds., Tai wo shiru tame no 60 shou (60 Chapters on Thai Studies)
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Tamaki, Mitsuko. 2006. Tai sinnanbu mondai wo meguru tai to shuhenkoku to no kankei
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192
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194
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200
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201
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Literature, Thai Studies in Japan, 1996‐2006: Toward a New Era of
Comprehensive Thai Literary Studies
HIRAMATSU, Hideki
The aim of this paper is to survey and provide an overview of trends in Thai literary
studies in Japan from 1996 to 2007, so that we can understand characteristics and issues of
Thai literary studies in Japan during this period. To prepare for the analysis, the study
was divided into two phases, before 2000 and after 2000. The situation of Thai literary
studies in Japan was then explored in each phase. Since this paper focuses on Japanese
contributions to the study of Thai literature, work conducted after 1996 shall be dealt with.
However, it is worthwhile to look into some features of the early work done in Japan
before 1996 on Thai literature.
1 ‘Reception’ of Thai literature in Japan
In this paper I will first briefly review the study of Thai literature in Japan. It was about
half a century ago that Thai literature was first translated into Japanese. The early works
such as the ones written by Dokmaisot and others were translated from English versions
by some Japanese dilettantes. Apart from this, some academic scholars during that time
were also interested in and studied Thai classical literature, for instance, the Ramakien,
the Thai version of the Ramayana.
The Toyota Foundation’s “Know Our Neighbors” program during the 1980’s was a
major force in promoting the understanding of Thai literature in Japan. Under this
program, many modern Thai novels were translated into Japanese. This type of work not
only stimulated interest among Japanese specialists in Thai studies, but was also helpful
even for those outside Thai studies circles to enable them to appreciate Thai literature.
However, translation is not the focus of this paper. Those works shall be reviewed in the
translation section. (See Miyamoto 1996)
As said before, quite a number of modern Thai novels and short stories have been
translated into Japanese. However, the academic study of Thai literature in Japan has
started only recently. There were not any professional Thai (even Southeast Asian)
literature societies in Japan, and therefore there was a lack of a core center to study Thai
203
literature seriously and to propagate it. As for major contributors on Thai literature in
Japan, only four names of active specialists will be mentioned here. They include Iwaki,
Yoshioka, Udo, and Hiramatsu.
2 First phase (before 2000)
Iwaki was one of the translators of the Toyota translation series. His book (Iwaki 1997a)
may be the first complete guidebook to understanding trends in modern Thai literature
through introducing original Thai poetry and novels which had been little known in Japan
until then. It is an enjoyable book to read; there are poetry synopses and outlines of novels
with abundant pictures of Thai writers. And it helps us to know the atmosphere of
contemporary Thai literature, especially that of what we call “the ʹ73 student revolution
generation” which included major figures such as Schart Sawatshi, Angkharn
Kanlayanaphong and so on. Iwaki drew a lot of sympathy for them. However, Iwaki’s
work is no more than a personal companion record, the primary focus being how he came
to know and deal with his writer friends in Thailand. As far as an academic approach is
concerned, critical acumen in study terms cannot be found anywhere in his book.
Yoshioka, like Iwaki, started as a translator of Thai novels. She also wrote many
columns on Thai literature in some Japanese magazines. Yoshioka (Yoshioka 1999)
describes the sense of values in Thai literature which underwent a complete change
during World War II. This book considers modern and contemporary Thai literature from
the point of view of “a nation and literature”. This book is more academically‐oriented
than her previous book (Yoshioka 1993), but she has a tendency to try to relate literature
and politics in a manner which is too simplistic. And more regrettably, there is still a lack
of academic process, for example second‐hand citations from the famous Thai literary
critic, Sathien Chantimathon, which are not referenced. However we can appreciate her
work’s academically oriented attitude much more than Iwaki’s, even though her book is
written without employing a precise academic approach.
Iwaki and Yoshioka contributed a great deal to the introduction of Thai literature into
Japan. Their pioneering works were an achievement in the early stages of Thai literary
studies in Japan, but in terms of academic quality, their contributions are rather limited.
Their works still fail to meet the academic level.
The work of Udo could be said to represent the first breakthrough in Thai literary
204
studies in Japan. Before Udo, published research articles on Thai literature were scarcely
available. In the course of his career Udo shifted his interest from a master’s thesis on area
studies to modern Thai Literature. Udo’s several works have been produced since the
1980’s. He wrote articles on the famous Thai novelist Siburapha (Udo 1989) etc. Compared
with Iwaki and Yoshioka, he tries to judge Thai literature with more sober eyes. However,
the content of his articles touches on the topics quite superficially, and lacks literary
interpretation.
Udo’s book (Udo 1998) is a well‐organized work, and can be regarded as another
achievement in Thai literary studies in their early stages in Japan. He made good use of
recent Thai research works and materials. His work also dealt with women writers in
Thailand and succeeded in describing some characteristics in Thai literature.
Unfortunately, it was a summary report for the general public, and, therefore, not written
in an academic style. Udo also wrote articles on Kanokpong Songsomphan (Udo 1997),
Winon Sainimnuan (Udo1999a 1999b), Win Liaowarin (Udo 2001), and more recently he
has showed a strong interest in Prabda Yoon. The problem is that he tends to overestimate
the value of Thai literature, for example, his ungrounded assumption that Kanokpong is a
world‐class writer. As academic papers, it is also regrettable that there are a lot of
mistakes both at the level of word and simple fact. Moreover there is a tendency to reach
over‐simple conclusions
As for his work in general, he shows good appreciation of Thai literature, but the
analysis is not well performed. Furthermore, his research fails to reflect the latest
literature research methods. However, he has played a significant role in establishing a
more academically‐oriented approach to the study of Thai literature in Japan.
Although Udo suggests the importance of a full‐scale study of Thai literature, he is now
shifting his interests again. His recent publications seem much more concerned with the
study of Thai movies and less interested in the study of Thai literature.
3 Second phase (after 2000)
Hiramatsu is of the first generation in terms of pure academic research on Thai literature
in Japan. He has written several academic papers since 2001. His Ph.D. dissertation on
contemporary Thai literature (Hiramatsu 2006) could be categorized as the first
comprehensive study of Thai literature by a Japanese scholar. Trained in the academic
205
field of comparative literature, he did not only write a textual interpretation of Thai
literary works, but he also conducted research into the latest literary research trends such
as the issues of ‘Thai literature and gender’ and ‘Thai literature and environment.’
In his early papers (Hiramatsu 2003, 2004, and 2005a), his aim is to examine the
differences and the uniqueness of the nature of Seni Saowaphong’s two socially
committed novels, Wanlaya’s Love and Ghost, and reevaluate these pioneering novels.
With these two exceptional novels Seni came to be considered as one of the two most
progressive Thai writers of the time. (The other is Siburapha.) The heroines of Wanlaya’s
Love and Ghost have a unique significance, unknown in classical Thai literature. Thai
classical literature portrays women as objects and victims of men’s sexual desires. Thai
society’s traditional value system deprived women of their freedom and rights. It is said
that Seni supported the liberation of Thai women from the framework of tradition as well
as criticizing the moral corruption of traditional values and society. Seni succeeded in
creating a new type of female character who rewrites the image of Thai women as it is
depicted in traditional Thai literature—enough to overturn the traditional image of
women in Thai literature.
His latter papers (Hiramatsu 2005b, 2007) are aimed at investigating certain features in
the works of a contemporary Thai novelist, Chart Kopchitti. Chartʹs works present the
search for ʹauthentic existenceʹ by rejecting ʹinauthentic existenceʹ which can be considered
as self‐deception. In this respect it can be said that his works deal with the theme:
Existentialism. Chartʹs perception of existentialism appears clearly in his very successful
novel: The Judgment, which follows ʺmainstreamʺ western existentialists in presenting
existentialist ideas. However, in the later phase of his work, in novels such as Time, which
deals with aging and death, he did not present mere western existential ideas. Instead,
Chartʹs existentialism has rather developed into a unique concept. In his latest paper
(Hiramatsu 2007), Hiramatsu focuses on the thought development of the writer from The
Judgment to Time, and sheds light on the writerʹs conception of birth, aging, illness, and
death as seen in the latter work, Time, which goes beyond the limitations of a simple
Eastern or Western concept. Hiramatsu points out that Chart’s new conception can be a
ʹThaiʹ version of a dialogue between East and West. His paper also provides a new
interpretation of Time.
And finally in his dissertation (Hiramatsu 2006), Hiramatsu attempts to determine the
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process by which some writers of modern Thai literature become aware of their society.
Their writings may reflect different ideological and cultural backgrounds but what is
notable about them is the keen attentiveness they devote towards the problems of society.
Their constant dismay over political and social instability has made their social imagery
more vivid than many of us from the outside could ever imagine. Modern Thai literature
shares this characteristic with other literary works in the region of Southeast Asia, which
one author describes as essentially “littérature engagée.” (Tham 1981) And Hiramatsu’s
dissertation also reveals that both Seni and Chart’s literary works are concerned with
“Karma,” but Seni and Chart differ tremendously in the way they deal with it. Seni’s work
shows that consciousness should be turned outward to society, and its expression should
be an outgrowth of idealism. In Chart’s work, consciousness is not turned outward, but
settles deeply within. It means that from a description that urges social change, Thai
literature shifts to a description that reveals that which exists in the mind.
Lastly, we will refer briefly to the trends in research work on Thai literature in Japan
today. We might say that in Japan there have mostly been works on Thai literature with
regard to translations, introductions, or just the historical background of Thai literature.
These works, in general, lack academic purpose and interests because of their authors’
lack of training as literary scholars. It might be hard to categorize with precision these
works into research areas. Even though there are a number of pioneer works mentioned
above, the method, as well as the content of the works still fails to meet the level of
“satisfaction.” Most of their efforts have been rather concentrated on the basic
arrangement of Thai literary works. Besides, studies on Thai literature by Japanese
researchers have not been done for the sake of the literature itself, but rather as an
extension of an area study. However, we cannot appreciate too much their leading role in
introducing Thai literature to the next generation of Japanese readers.
As pointed out earlier, there are many problems to solve regarding the academic
situation of Thai literary studies in Japan. Things will improve when scholars in this field
place a special emphasis on the importance of ‘academic study’ and devote themselves
more to not only translation and introduction but research works, which might lead to
substantial contributions to the field of Thai literary studies. Such a project would give
rise to new studies which might mark the beginning of a new era of comprehensive Thai
literary studies in Japan. Since too many papers are concerned with the outline and
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general explanation of Thai literature, for the works of the next generation more analytical
studies will be needed. There are still few studies of Thai literature which meet academic
standards so far. Thai literature, which is an important part of Thai culture, has also
become a challenging subject which cannot be overlooked anymore in Thai studies in
Japan.
208
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