Economic Contributions of the Chinese Parian in the late 16th century Spanish Manila

Ansam Lee

Kas 195 Prof. Ma. Serena Diokno, PhD

Abstract

Prior to the advent of Spanish colonization in Manila, the area and its surrounding towns had been actively trading with the Chinese. Chinese trade relations with the local natives had been good, and the archipelago, particularly Luzon area was naturally within the Chinese sphere of influence. Because of this deeply rooted Chinesenative relations as pronounced in cultural exchange like kinship ties, trade and commerce, it is apparent that the Chinese had a strong foothold in Manila prior to the Spanish colonization.

Then the Spanish came in around late in the sixteenth century and established a colonial outpost in the archipelago. Establishing a colonial settlement thousand of leagues from mother Spain was not an easy task. Colonial maintenance and survival of the colonists in an unknown and hostile territory was not an easy challenge for the Spanish conquistadores. Although in the Philippines, unlike in the Americas, the natives were relatively peaceful and accommodating. Starting up a colonial venture in the Philippines demanded a stable source of manpower and resources. The Spanish sailors and colonists from the colonial expedition could not fare with themselves alone, there must be another source of labor and much needed goods for the early settlement to survive. Obviously it was only later in the 17th century when the Spanish colonial

enterprise had been securely established, that the Spanish authorities could systematically tap the native Filipino workforce. Prior to that, they had to rely on Chinese goodwill and cooperation. From this circumstance of early Spanish colonial ventures in the archipelago, it is encouraging to look at on how did they succeed and how did the ethnic Chinese in Manila contributed to that. The researcher is particularly interested in the role of the Chinese trading centers or what is historically known as the parian, in sustaining the early Spanish colonial venture in Manila during the late 16th century.

INTRODUCTION

What is a Parian? The name parian had many origins. The author of the book Ciudad Murada, Jose Victor Torres, who is a historian, essayist and playwright, who presently serves as a senior historical researcher in Intramuros Administration, claimed that the word parian was an old Tagalog word meaning marketplace that appeared in a 1619 dictionary, San Buenaventura Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala.1 In the dictionary, the word was used as magpaparian meaning to go to the market. Torres also cited that for Dr. Isagani Medina, a renowned writer-historian from the History Department in UP Diliman, the name parian originated from Brunei, although no elaboration was made regarding how it originated from the source. On the other hand, in the compiled article by the author Alberto Santamaria, OP entitled The Chinese Parian,2 a brief discussion on the origins of the word parian was made. In the article, a writer by the name of Ortiz Armengol cited that the parian according to some, originated from Mexico while for others, it originated from China. As for its Chinese origin, the town may have been originated from the Spanish concept of Chinese district as in the statement given by governor Corcuera on the Chinese, saying They live in a place which has been built for them near the walls of Manila called in their language the Parian. However, Chinese scholars like Wu Ching-Hong and Shi Liang both denied that the

Jose Victor Z. Torres, Ciudad Murada: A Walk Through Historic Intramuros (Quezon City: Vibal Publishing House Inc., 2005), 7. 2 Alberto Santamaria, The Chinese Parian, in The Chinese in the Philippines: vol.1, ed. Alfonso Felix Jr., (Ermita, Manila: Solidaridad Publishing House, 1969), 67-72.

parian was of Chinese origin. For Shi Liang, the parian had another name for the Chinese, which was Chien-nei. Similarly Wu ChingHong also mentioned that the Chinese once called the parian as Jiann-nei, pronounced in Mandarin. Both Chien-nei3 and Jiann-nei mean inner stream, referring to an area along Pasig River where the Chinese lived. He also added that parian, pronounced Pai-lin in Mandarin, Pak-lam in Cantonese and Pa-lam in Fukinese had no Chinese meaning and was a word of modern origin.

As regards to the word parian and its Mexican origin, Encyclopedia Espasa4 cited parian as a market that resembled the Oriental bazaar. At the same time Dr. Edgar C. Knowlton Jr. also mentioned the existence of the place Parian that was near Mexico in Guadalajara City.5 Additionally, speculation on its Mexican origin was due to the frequent usage of the word parian in Mexico, especially with the establishment of the Manila Acapulco trade. Alberto Santamaria, a known historian-writer from the Catholic Church religious order, Order of Preachers, also discussed the probability that the parian was of a Tagalog origin given that the word was mentioned by governor Vera in 1589, and Bishop Salazar in 1590. The word parian was also mentioned by Father Alonso Fernandez (1611), Father Collins (1663), and by Father Zuiga (1803). Not to

3 4

Ibid., 68-70. Ibid., 68. 5 Ibid., 69.

mention a statement made by Bishop Salazar in 1586 That the Indians call Parian. Which was deemed to be an indication of a Tagalog Origin.6

Same explanations were also given on the relevance of its Tagalog origin. Etymologically, the first explanation suggested that the word was based on pali which means to argue and an which means a place that could have been the origin, hence the word palian or parian, the place for argument or bargaining was made. Another explanation was based on the Tagalog word diyan or dian. The word diyan or dian means just around the corner. And to add the prefiix pa which means, to go to the word dian or diyan we derive the word padiyan or parian.7 A second explanation seemed to be justified by the frequent usage of the word among servants during those times. The servant would be asked to go to the market, or to go around the corner of the town to buy goods in a retail store. Hence the word parian became a common term to mean buying something in the market, or retail store.

From the explanations above, the Tagalog origin of parian seems to have a stronger basis. Later, the term parian was used in Mexican, Chinese and other origins mentioned. In relation with the word alcaiceria, that was a designated place for the Chinese silk. Later Spanish authorities and even historians such as Blair and

Robertson would use the term interchangeably. For instance, a certain bishop by the name of Domingo de Salazar reported that, Don Gonallo Ronquillo allotted them a

6 7

Ibid., 71. Ibid.

place to live in, and to be used as silk-market (which is called here Parian),8 The bishop repeatedly referred to the silk market and to the Chinese place as parian in his account, as he continued, The site adjoins the Parian of the Sangleys they have built a Parian resembling the other, although much larger and higher This Parian was also destroyed by fire on account of the houses being built of reeds This Parian was provided with doctors and apothecaries The pond beautifies the Parian .9 The interchange of term was understandable if we look at the meaning of alcaiceria. Alcaiceria comes from the Arabic word al-gaisariya, which means a street with stores10 during the Spanish colonial period alcaiceria would mean district with stores that sell raw silks, or just simply silk market. It also means a customs house where the silk merchandise was taxed11. But in most cases, the term alcaiceria was termed as market and that the words alcaiceria and parian are often used interchangeably,12 which just as shown on how Don Gonzalo Ronquillo called the place allotted for the Chinese residence, to be used as silk market.13 Seemingly enough, from this interchange of usage, the word Parian was termed as a name of a place frequented with Chinese and with a capital P, while silk-market or alcaiceria became a common term. But coincidentally the silk-market or alcaiceria was located in the Parian, hence the interchange of the words.

Domingo de Salazar, The Chinese and the Parian at Manila, Emma Blair and James Robertson (comp.) The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 (Cleveland, Ohio: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1904), vol. 07, 220. The 55-volume compilation of primary sources by Blair and Robertson shall hereinafter be termed as Blair and Robertson.
8

Ibid., 223-228. Santamaria, 72. 11 Ibid. 12 Domingo de Salazar, The Chinese and the Parian at Manila, Blair and Robertson, vol. 07, 220. 13 Ibid.
10

Pre-colonial Era

Even before the term parian came to be its essence had long been there. Before the Spanish, there already existed a pre-colonial native Filipino and Chinese trade relations. This can be attested through the documents Chu fan chi during the Sung Dynasty around 1225 and Tao i chi lueh during the Yuan Dynasty around 1350 written by Chao Ju Kua and Wang Ta Yuan respectively. Inside those documents were intricate descriptions of the different topographical conditions of the Philippine archipelago as well as descriptions of the inhabitants and their life styles. Even the way the native inhabitants do their business with the Chinese merchants were also described. The Ming Annals also made mention of Admiral Zheng Ho who was commissioned by Emperor Yung Lo (1402-1424) to establish Chinese suzerainty and trade relations among the native chiefs within Luzon area.14

Since interest on the part of the Chinese to establish trade relation among the natives were justified by the artifacts found in the archeological sites in the Philippines suggesting booming commercial ties within the region. Artifacts such as the porcelains,

Milagros C. Guerrero,The Chinese in the Philippines 1570-1770, in The Chinese in the Philippines: vol. 1, ed. Alfonso Felix Jr. (Ermita, Manila: Solidaridad Publishing House, 1969), 15-16. Hereinafter this source shall be termed as Guerrero, The Chinese in the Philippines.
14

jars and potteries that came from China even dated back around 9th to 10th century, during the late Tang Dynasty to as early as 12th century during the Sung Dynasty.15

Together with the trade relations, there were also evidences which suggested cultural relationships that already existed through intermarriages or kinship between the Chinese and native Filipinos. Archeological studies suggested that around 3rd to 8th centuries AD, a group of people known as the Hakka or the Burial Jar people coming from the Fukien province of China were one of the early wave of migrants. They might have entered the Batanes-Babuyan region and spread through the eastern region of the Philippines even as far as the Celebes.16 They seemed to have settled in those areas and intermarried with the local native Filipinos and hence passing on their practice and culture of carrying the bones of their deceased loved ones in a jar.

Additionally, there was evidence that suggests that there was a mutual recognition or relationship between the Chinese and the local natives. For example was the official visit of Sultan Paduka of Sulu to Emperor Yung Lo of China. According to Teresita Ang See, Volume 323 of Ming Annals had an extensive report on Sultan Paduka Batara of Sulu who paid tribute to Emperor Yung Lo of Beijing in 1417.17 Together with the official visit, the unfortunate demise of the sultan was also narrated and the memorial tombstone erected in his honor. As well as the princes who stayed to

Dr. Robert B. Foz, Chinese Pottery in the Philippines in Chinese Participation in Philippine Culture and Economy, ed. Dr. Schubert S.C. Liao (Manila: University of the East, 1964), 96-101. 16 Dr. H. Otley Bayer, Philippine Pre-Historic Contacts with Foreigners in Chinese Participation in Philippine Culture and Economy, ed. Dr. Schubert S. C. Liao (Manila: University of the East, 1964), 03. 17 Teresita Ang See, Chinese in the Philippines: vol. 03, (Manila: Kaisa Para sa Kaunlaran, Inc., 2004). 69.
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guard and care for the sultans tombstone who later intermarried with the Chinese. Although in other work, the said event was contained in volume 325 of the Ming Annals.18

Spanish Colonial Period

The parian came to be with the establishment of the colonial Spanish settlement, by congregating most of the scattered bargaining posts near the colonial settlement. And by so doing, the colonial authorities were able to implement their isolation policy over the Chinese merchants, and thereby enabling them to check Chinese activities. Also, the supplies needed by the settlement could be obtained at arms reach. Not to mention the convenience of tax collection from the proceeds of the parian as compared to the inconvenience of collecting tributes from segregated marketplace, which were often not within the colonys sphere of influence, but the native chiefs control.

During the pre-colonial era, the Chinese merchants were free to trade with the native Filipinos and resided wherever they choose with permission of the local chiefs. Then came the Spanish colonization of the archipelago and with it the establishment of the colonial settlement. Together with the colonial settlement was the establishment of the parian, at first it was nothing more than a place for the Chinese merchants to reside and do their business trades. Later on, it became so phenomenal that parian became a

Teresita Ang See and Go Bon Juan (ed.) Heritage: A Pictorial History of the Chinese in the Philippines, (Manila: K Kaisa Para sa Kaunlaran, Inc., 1987), 15.
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busy market place with stalls and stores in it. Offering not only Chinese products from abroad, but local products produced by Chinese parian as well. Which include products of finest quality made by craftsmen of Chinese parian. Also known as the Chinese ghetto, the parian according to Teodoro Locsin was a place where the Chinese were contained as part of the policy of segregation between Christian and non-Christian Chinese.19 Not to mention of the Spanish distrust of the Chinese, a cannon from the fort was situated facing directly upon the parian in case of a Chinese disturbance, which often included a surprise attack by pirates like that of Lim Ahong who left the settlement half destroyed, and caused the death of one of the distinguished Spanish official Martin de Goiti. Another example was the 1603 Chinese revolt, which was due to high taxes imposed upon the Chinese by the Spanish authority. It resulted to a bloodbath that left thousand of Chinese in parian either dead or taken as prisoners. Then again the 1639 Chinese insurgency and the Chinese revolt on 1662, a misconstrued phantom of Koxinga invasion,20 such Spanish fear of invasion that resulted again in the Chinese casualties. These are just a few of the examples of the Chinese disturbances. This was especially applied at the Manila parian, where a section of the wall cannons of Intramuros were aimed at the parian. In a more subtle sense, we could say that the Chinese were allotted a place known as the parian. It was where the Chinese could

Teodoro Locsin, The Chinese Problem a Christian Solution in The Hua Chiao(Overseas Chinese) is Never Going Home: The Emergence of the Chinese Filipinos, eds. Graciano L. Wee and Lily T. Chua (Quezon City: Committee on Research and Publication), 164. 20 Guerrero, The Chinese in the Philippines, 32. nd Victor Purcell, Part VII: The Chinese in the Philippines in The Chinese in Southeast Asia, 2 ed., (Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 1965), 494.
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freely do their business as well as their trades as craftsmen. And at the same time the Spanish authorities could be able to watch over them and have ease in collecting taxes from the parian.21

Generally, every colonial settlement a Chinese parian was established within or close to its proximity. The Spaniards made such decision due to the immediate need for supplies and provisions, not to mention services that the Chinese could offer the colonial settlement.22 At the same time, the colonial government could be assured of the easy book keeping and collection of taxes, as well as convenience in procuring necessary items and supplies. And to add up to that, was that the colonial authorities could be able to watch over the Chinese activities and easily mobilize colonial troops in case of unwanted incidence. This was the case in Manila parian.

In the early parts of the Spanish colonial settlement, trade relations between the Spanish colonial society and the Chinese merchants were lukewarm relationships. Merchandise brought in by the Chinese traders were bought and then sold by the Spaniards to the Americas that made Spanish trades profitable.23 And with the introduction of the Manila-Acapulco galleon trade, Chinese merchants served as an

Patricio N. Abinales and Donna J. Amoroso, State and Society in the Philippines (Pasig City: Anvil Publishing, Inc., 2005), 65. 22 Gregorio F. Zaide, Contribution of the Aliens to the Philippine Economy, in Chinese Participation to Philippine Culture and Economy, ed. Shubert S.C. Liao, PhD (Manila: University of the East, 1964), 152. 23 Chen Ching-Ho, The Chinese Community in the Sixteenth Century, (Tokyo, Japan: The Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies, 1968), 119.
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adjunct by providing the Spaniards with the luxury items they required.24 The Manila Acapulco trade was apparently dependent upon the Chinese. Not only upon the services the Chinese provided but also on the merchandises they brought into the colonial society which were widely accepted. And profits from the Chinese trade transactions were used to supply the demand of the colonial society for its economic ventures.

The Chinese in the parian were economic contributors to the colonial society by transforming the parian into an economic center of the colonial settlement. They were self-sufficient and did not need Spanish assistance.25 Although many of the Chinese were traders at first, eventually the products they offered extended from produce from China to local produce made by them, as well as different kinds of skilled services that they offered the colonial settlement, such as bakers, tailors, carpenters, masons, and others. Often such craftsmanship was at par with the quality in China and Spain and at a cheaper cost, as ascertained by Fray Ramon Prat and Bishop Domingo de Salazar26. The Chinese were one of the major contributors to the colonial treasury through the taxes they paid. These came from the 3% tariffs on imported goods which was first mandated by governor Gonzalo Ronquillo, by 1603 the 3% was raised to 6% tariffs for the imported goods; the five reales collected from the Chinese as annual tribute, then

Renato Constantino, The Philippines: A Past Revisited vol.1 (Manila: Twentieth Printing, 1975), 59. Guerrero, The Chinese in the Philippines, 27. 26 Ibid. Domingo de Salazar, The Chinese and the Parian at Manila, Blair and Robertson, vol. 07, 221, 225
25 24

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the two reales for temporary residency or temporarily be permitted to stay,27 these are just to mention a few.

With the ensuing transactions made between the colonial society and the Chinese, laws and decrees as well as ordinances were promulgated to protect not only the interest of the colonial society, but also to ensure that fair and just treatment were given to the Chinese traders.28 These laws protecting the Chinese traders from ill treatment or molestations were enacted due to the misgivings of the colonial authorities responsible. These acts came upon the kings knowledge when King Felipe II stated, I have been informed that wrongs are inflicted on the heathen Chinese Indians who go to trade with the said islands, both in permitting the guards stationed by my royal officials on their vessels to take bribes and in the conduct of those who register the vessels, who seize and take from them the best merchandise, and leave them only the worst.29 On the other hand, laws were enacted in support of the interest of the colonial government. These laws included the three percent anchorage fee collected from merchants upon docking at the port, the stall rentals in parian, and the taxes and tributes from the Chinese. These revenues collected were used to fund the colonial expenses, such as building of infrastructure. One example was shown in the letter sent

Dr. Schubert S.. C. Liao How the Chinese Lived in the Philippines from 1570 to 1898, in Chinese Participation in Philippine Culture and Economy, ed. Dr. Schubert S.C. Liao (Manila: University of the East, 1964), 24. 28 King Felipe II, Laws Regarding the Sangleys, Blair and Robertson, vol. 22, 151-153. 29 King Felipe II, Instructions to Tello, Blair and Robertson, vol. 09, 252.
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by governor Dasmarias to Felipe II, informing the king that he increased the import duty to sustain the building of the fort and wall infrastructure.30

On the other hand, stringent laws were made to allegedly protect the colonial society and the interest of its inhabitants. Some of these include the ordinance against the use and production of counterfeit coins or money,31 the ordinance against the selling of stolen goods or what is presently known as the anti fencing law.32A decree was also made against huckster or retailer of certain products such as eggs, rice, wines, fowls, swine, cows, coconuts, bananas. This anti huckster act was made due to the increase of prices of certain commodities.33 Meanwhile prohibition of native Filipinos from wearing Chinese silk clothes
34

or silk skirts was made because as Spanish authorities

claimed that wearing ready to wear silk clothes made the native Filipinos indolent. This was said so, because most native Filipinos patronizing the Chinese ready made silk cloth, seldom go back to their old ways of weaving their own clothes just as they did during the pre-Spanish time.35 And other local natives would rather go the easy way, by serving their Spanish masters and use their wages to procure for the ready made silk

Gomez Perez Dasmarias, Three Letters from Governor Dasmarias to Felipe II, Blair and Robertson, vol. 08, 271. 31 Audiencia of Manila. Ordinances Enacted by the Audiencia of Manila: Ordinances and Laws for the Sangleys, Blair and Robertson, vol. 11, 57. 32 Ibid., 57-58. 33 Audencia of Manila, Ordinances Enacted by the Audencia of Manila, Blair and Robertson, vol. 10, 296. 34 Gomez Perez Dasmarias,Ordinance Forbidding the Indians to Wear Chinese Stuffs, Blair and Robertson, vol. 08, 78. 35 Gomez Perez Dasmarias,Ordinance Forbidding the Indians to Wear Chinese Stuffs, Blair and Robertson, vol.. 08, 91.
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they needed.36 On the other hand, some Spaniards claimed that too much patronage of the Chinese silk products would make them dependent upon the Chinese for their basic clothing. Apparently in fear of silver going out of the colonial treasury went to the Chinese coffers. Another decree regarding commerce was made in favor of the colonys inhabitants, wherein the residents were given the trade rights with China for a period of six years. This decree stated, that the citizens of the said islands alone be allowed to buy and export to the said Nueva Espaa domestic and foreign products I grant that, for the present, they alone and no others whether of Nueva Espaa, or any other part of the Indias may trade in China, and export, take, or sell to the said Nueva Espaa the merchandise and articles thus traded for in both the kingdoms and in the said islands, for the time and space of six years.37 These were just to mention a few of the laws enacted.

In so far as the Chinese traders and the parian were concerned, the colonial government made it a point to assure them that fair treatment will be given to the Chinese and that all measures acted upon them and their merchandise shall be carried out with gentleness. This was prompted by the grievances of Chinese merchants ascertained by Bishop Domingo de Salazar in his letter to King Felipe II, I soon cast my eyes upon them, and took precautions that they be well treated, for in that way they would become attached to our religion as I was aware this was your Majestys desire. Considering that, wherever Spaniards are to be found, there will always be unruly ones,
36 Ibid., 81.
37

King Felipe II, Royal Decree Regulating Commerce in the Philippines, Blair and Robertson, vol. 07, 263-264.

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who, forgetting the good examples they ought to give these infidels, ill-treat them at times, I began on this account to protect and to assist the Chinese, reproaching those who maltreated them. I took care to have their grievances removed so as to give them freedom to attend to their mercantile interests, and to sell their goods.38 At the same time an assurance was given that justice will be given to all those who molested them with their merchandise and properties. These provisions were stipulated in Laws III, IX and X issued by King Felipe II. Law IX was issued as a reminder to Chinese traders who frequently come to the colony to trade that certain procedures should be followed. Such as the pancada system, whereby deputized Spanish officials set the price of the merchandises brought in by the Chinese traders and at the same time, these merchandises were sold at a fixed price to merchants in the settlement. And depending on the amount of their investment, the system gives the merchants in the colony equal chances to procure the merchandises for them to sell. In actuality, this system is a safeguard made by the colony to isolate and contain Chinese merchants within the vicinity of their merchant ships, thus avoiding any possible contact with the colonys native inhabitants and possible business transactions with them, not to mention Chinese merchants losing themselves around the parian area39 and thereby becoming an illegal immigrant. However according to the author Benito Legarda Jr., it was due to the problems encountered during the bargaining of imported Chinese goods that the

38 39

Domingo de Salazar, The Chinese and the Parian at Manila, Blair and Robertson, vol. 07, 220-221.

Milagros C. Guerrero, The Political Background, The Chinese in the Philippines: vol. 02, ed. Alfonso Felix Jr., (Ermita, Manila: Solidaridad Publishing House, 1969), 3. Guerrero, The Chinese in the Philippines, p.24. Purcell, 517.

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pancada system was proposed, whereby the representatives of the colonial merchants negotiate with the Chinese importers for a fixed price of each cargo of goods being sold.40 The procedure in implementing this system will be done justly and without injury on the Chinese traders, and that prices shall be set on the luxury and fine product items only. This law was served as a notification to avoid misunderstandings between the Chinese traders and the colonial officials. In connection with Law IX41, this law or Law X was enacted to inform the governor general that measures must be taken against injuries and harm as well as molestations done on the Chinese traders and their merchandises and properties.42 Such molestations and injuries often took the form of bribes forcibly taken from the traders, the seizing of prime quality products of the officials upon registration of the merchandise and the setting of these items at a low price wherein profits were deemed impossible. Added to that was the forcible taking of the light masts from the Chinese ships just to be traded with the heavy cumbersome ones that resulted to most shipwrecks.

Law III was truly a unique one, since this law involved the church and the state. This law was decreed in connection with the bishops imposition of the prohibition to Christian Chinese from going back to China. This resulted into a dilemma, which became one of the governors concerns since the prohibition hindered the conversion of other Chinese into the Catholic fold. With the Law III enacted, the governor general was

Benito J. Legarda Jr., The Galleon Trade in After the Galleons, (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1999), 34-35.
40

41

42

Purcell, 517. Ibid.

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tasked to see to it that the Christian Chinese will be given due consideration upon the application of their travel permit and that upon approval, the fee for the permit shall be waived.

During the late sixteenth century, especially in the early parts of the colonial settlement, the society was organized into class race. The Spanish, the native Filipinos (Indios) and finally the Chinese in parian, with each of their own distinct culture.43 And as the Chinese tried to assimilate into the society, together with their continuous economic trade with the colony and its residents, the mestizos were formed. The mestizos were a distinct race of their own, a product of inter marriages between the Chinese and Spanish or between Chinese and native Filipinos. The mestizos occupy a distinct social class order in the colonial society, and by eighteenth century, they were said to be occupying the status of social elites of the colonial society.

The Chinese parian allegedly tried to permeate itself into the system of the colonial society, by trading with the Spanish authorities and church clergies, and by supplying their needs. At one point, the governor general Perez Dasmarias drafted a list he submitted to King Felipe II, stating lists of cargoes or shipment including names of the consignees.44 Names included were that of some government officials, members of the Audiencia, the bishop and the clergy, who were alleged by the governor general as those who profited from the Manila Acapulco Trade vis--vis cheap high quality

43 44

Renato Constantino, The Philippines: A Past Revisited: vol. 01 of 02, (Manila: Twentieth Printing, 1975), 59.

Chen Ching-Ho, The Chinese Community in the Sixteenth Century, (Tokyo, Japan: The Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies, 1968), 117-119.

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supplies from Chinese merchants, by favoring the Chinese merchants.45 With the list names of the silent partners, the regulating agencies had done a closed eye inspection or hands off procedure upon the importation and exportation of the merchandises.

All economic activities revolve almost around the parian which was also seconded by the author Jose A. Quirino who did mention that the parian was the economic nerve center of the country or the colony. He cited the letter of the Bishop Domingo de Salazar to the king and also his description of the daily activities in the parian as bases for his claim. In a letter of Bishop Salazar dated June 24, 1590, he related to the king his amazement in his observation of the parian. In it, he stated, The Parian so adorned the city that I do not hesitate to affirm to your majesty that no other known city in Espaa or in these regions possesses anything so well worth seeing at this.46 Allegedly what the bishop was commenting was the ingenuity of the Chinese by transforming a marshy place allotted to them into a bustling elegant city adorned with stone structures that are equal to cities of the known European world during that time. Meanwhile in describing the daily activities in parian, Jose Quirino wrote In the daytime, the drawbridge of the Parian gate was lowered and the city residents marched in exodus into the Chinese marketplace. Here were sold all kinds of goods which came from China and which were manufactured locally by the Sangleys (Chinese). Chinese bakers sold the best bread made from the wheat and fine flour they brought from their native country. Here too, were silken ware and porcelain, fans By 9 pm. curfew

Ibid., 119. Jose A. Quirino, The Parian, The Pacific Review, (July 1955): 43. Hereinafter this source shall be termed as Quirino, The Parian.
46 45

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started. The drawbridge by this time had been raised and all the Parian customers were within the citys wall.47 Again the author reiterated such description by stating when the drawbridge of the Parian was lowered, hundreds of the city residents marched in exodus into the Chinese marketplace. The Spaniards bartered Castilian goods for Chinese confectioneries, fans, embroidered goods and silken wares, drugs and porcelain. The Filipinos traded native goods.48 It seems from the description, that the Chinese contributed much in the daily activities of the residents in the colonial society, by providing them with the needed supplies or goods, as well as luxury items. Not to mention the chance to amaze the local residents of the beauty of the ambience in the Parian, one particular site was the pond,49 and the multitude of items and services the Chinese had to offer.

Not only was the parian self sufficient, but it has proven itself as an important economic sector of the colonial society as well as supplier of different kinds of merchandises that the colonial society badly needed. Even the cannons which are among the necessities of the colonys defense were sold at a cheaper price. Almost all kinds of merchandise were being sold in the parian at a lower cost, these also includes the fine quality silks being offered in abundance. Aside from the merchandises, the Chinese, especially skilled craftsmen like the carpenters, masons, artisans and others, also contributed to the building of churches, forts, hospitals and most especially the

Quirino, The Parian, 43. Jose A. Quirino, The Parian Circa 1581: The First Chinese Settlement in the Philippines, Sunday Times Magazine, (March 15, 1964): 54. Note: hereinafter the source shall be termed as Quirino, Parian 1581. 49 Quirino, The Parian, 46.
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building of stone houses, through their cheap labor and materials.50 Generally, all economic activities of the colonial society revolved around the parian itself. To illustrate this point, after the massacre of Chinese on 1603, basic commodities as food and shoes commonly supplied by the parian were hard to come by.51 Dr. Morga, who believed that the Chinese were vital suppliers of the colonial society, personally witnessed this.52 It would seem clearly that not only Spaniards but also native Filipinos were dependent upon the Chinese in the parian for their needed supplies.53 Even prior to the 1603 incident, a Spanish missionary by the name of Fr. Hernando de los Rios Coronel, was convinced of the importance of the goods and services supplied by the Chinese in the parian and cautioned the colonial government that the Chinese in the parian be treated well, as they were an important factor for the survival of the colony.54

The Chinese parian with all its trade, as well as craftsmanship had become not only an important part but also had made a deep impact in the minds of the colonial society. For the native Filipinos and the Spaniards, they served as important middlemen

Bishop Domingo de Salazar, Early Eyewitness Accounts: A. Bishop Salazars Report to the King in The Chinese in the Philippines: vol. 01, ed. Alfonso Felix Jr. (Ermita, Manila: Solidaridad Publishing House, 1966), 127. Domingo de Salazar, The Chinese and the Parian at Manila, Blair and Robertson, vol. 07, 228. Lourdes Diaz-Trechuelo, The Role of the Chinese in the Philippine Domestic Economy: 1570-1770, in The Chinese in the Philippines: vol. 1, ed. Alfonso Felix Jr. (Ermita, Manila: Solidaridad Publishing House, 1966), 179. Hereinafter this source shall be termed as Diaz-Trechuelo, Role of Chinese in Philippine Economy.
50 51

50

Zaide, Contributions, 153. Diaz-Trechuelo, Role of Chinese in Philippine Economy, 183. 52 Zaide, Contributions, 153. 53 Ibid., 153-154. 54 Ibid., 153.

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or intermediaries between Spaniards and the local native Filipinos by trading or by buying provisions and items from one party to sell to the other. They were also great and skillful artisans whom both Jesuit Ramon Prat and Bishop Domingo Salazar agreed that the Chinese were best in their fields of craftsmanship. Examples of these were carpenters, masons, and others whose workmanships were at par and sometimes even better than those found in China and Spain. Even Chinese apprentice were able to surpass their mentors that when they opened shops, their mentors would no sooner be running out of their business, such was the case of the bookbinder and his apprentice. Not only skillful, they are also excellent workers, that the Spaniards saw a potential workforce on them, comparable to that of the natives. They had food stalls that bake bread and foodstuffs that were allegedly frequented by native Filipinos and Spanish officials alike. Their affordable Chinese silk clothes were at one time highly demanded by the native Filipinos that it almost threatened the influx of silver to the colonial treasury.55 Even their innovative ways of credit system, which was very popular among colonial officials to compensate their short allowances, as was the case of the Chinese bakers in Parian, they make good bread and sell it at low cost They are so accommodating that when one has no money to pay for the bread, they give him credit and mark it on a tally. It happens that many soldiers get food this way all through the year, and the bakers never fail to provide them with all the bread they need.56

55 56

Domingo de Salazar, The Chinese and the Parian at Manila,, 80. Domingo de Salazar, The Chinese and the Parian at Manila, Blair and Robertson, vol. 07, 227.

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Chinese parian was able to produce a particular consciousness during the late sixteenth century. This consciousness made them realize that they were an important aspect on the development of the colonial economy as well as an important contributor to the economic ventures of the colonial government. Such consciousness began when the colonial authorities inevitably depended upon the Chinese merchants and the parian for their needs, realizing that they would gain less profit from native Filipinos local agricultural economy which were being practiced during pre-Spanish times. This led to low encouragement or little effort in permitting local agriculture, producing a vacuum in the local economic structure of the colony.57 Meanwhile the Chinese in the parian took this opportunity to fill the vacuum in the local economic structure by providing the needed supplies and services at a cheaper cost. And with the application of stringent laws and increase in taxes, it became evident of the colonial authorities concerns over the outflow of silver and into the coffers of the Chinese parian. Yet, it was through the collection of these taxes from the Chinese parian that the colonial society were able to subsist itself.

By eighteenth century this consciousness had pervasively made its way into the socio-cultural aspect of the colonial society. The Chinese mestizos had proven themselves a class of their own. With the backing of their capital and the privilege to enter Spanish schools, they started to become well-accomplished citizens of the colonial society. And in time they shall prove to be indispensable members of the society, at the top of the economy as well as social hierarchy. Together with the

57

Constantino, 59.

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emergence of the Chinese mestizos, were the rise of infrastructures such as the Binondo Church founded in 1596, which was a product of Chinese labors as well as the proliferation of Chinese-inspired craftsmanship and works of arts.

The Chinese parian had made its mark in the economic sector of the colonial society during the late sixteenth century. Through the sampan trade, which had already been in existent even before the Spanish colonial era, the Chinese merchants were able to bring in supplies that were needed by the colony. Hence an increase in influx of the sampan trade which was so successful that Chinese traders not only profited from it but it also attracted the attention of other European states.58 With the introduction of the galleons, the Chinese merchants acted as consignee by bringing in products from their homeland. Much gain was made between the colony and the Chinese through the sampan and the galleon trade with the Parian as commercial complex. Along with it were the different goods and services offered by the Chinese at a cheaper cost. This economic condition developed a consciousness unique among the Chinese parian and inevitably extended within the colonial society. While the socio-cultural aspect may have started to make itself felt during the seventeenth century, it was not until the eighteenth century that it made itself evident.

After the British invasion, the parian came to an end with the lifting of isolation policy and an introduction of the policy of attraction by the colonial authorities.59

58 59

Legarda Jr., 37. Quirino, Parian 1581, 55.

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Thereby allowing the Chinese, most especially the reputable ones, to come in contact and mingle with the local residents (Spaniards and native Filipinos) of the colony. It gave opportunity for the Chinese to advance their social positions through acquaintances with Spanish authorities as well as intermarriage with the local residents. Through inter-marriages, the Chinese mestizos were introduced and were themselves important individuals who made their mark into the higher social order of the society. And through associations with the colonial inhabitants, a definite Chinese-mestizo culture was introduced into the colonial societys way of life. An example of which were cuisine of Chinese origin that had been accepted as well as adjusted to suit the taste of the Filipino people.

Although the parian had already ceased to exist, it can never be denied that its economic contributions as previously discussed, had helped sustain the needs of the colonial society. Through hard work and ingenuity, the Chinese parian, made it possible for the parian (especially the Manila Parian), to transform from a backwater marshland into a bustling economic district of the colony that was a center of business trade of the colonial society. Similar to the present-day Singapore and Hong Kong, most of the imports and exports of the colony passed through the Parian. Being self-sufficient, the parian was able to sustain itself as well as contribute to the colonial authorities through taxes paid. The parian also became one of the supply sources of the colony, especially during the colonys infant stage. And by the time the Spaniards had firmly established themselves, the parian became not only just a source of supply, but rather, the parian

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became an important business district that most business transactions revolve. The parian came to an end with the lifting of the isolation policy by the Spanish authorities. Hence, what was left was the shadow past of what was once a flourishing district. But in exchange, the influx of Chinese residents in Parian had transformed the once forbidden Intramuros, especially Manila, into a bustling commercial city district. A larger version of what was once Parian.

In Retrospect

Today, the Manila parian may no longer be existed, but the nostalgic feeling of how it once existed was still there. The hustle bustle economic activities going around at Divisoria, which includes the Divisoria Mall, 168 and Meisic Mall that had stalls that sells different kinds of items, from school supplies to kitchen wares, are reflection of the area of Binondo four hundred years ago. Just like during the late sixteenth century, they supply us with cheap and affordable items and materials that are just right to fit our tight budget. Roaming around Chinatown at the Street of Ongpin, we can even sample a taste of Chinese foods at a low cost, as well as experience retail stores that give credit to their clients, especially their suki. These retail stores in Chinatown sell a wide variety of services and products at low cost. And the products they market ranges from the original ones to China-made and local-made that are sometimes at par with the

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original brands but at a cheaper price. This is especially true on auto parts as well as electronic and computer gadgets.

And in relation to economic contributions, Chinatown district is said to be one of the major contributors to the city of Manila through tax returns. The Chinese, through their social awareness, became more proactive by assisting local governments and doing charity works. Examples of which was the formation of Chinese volunteer fire brigade, the scholarship grants given by some Chinese philanthropists like Lucio Tan, as well as giving of donations for the renovation and building structures of public institutions, and organizing of medical missions through business clubs and other organizations. Through their growing social consciousness, the Chinese living in Chinatown, would perhaps someday not only just be a passive contributor, but an active partner of the local government of Manila, and someday transform the already bustling district into something even more, that it can be showcased to the world as not only as a tourist spot, but one of Manilas pride.

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 Quirino, Jose A. "The Parian." The Pacific Review, July 1955.

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Quirino, Jose A. "The Parian Circa 1581: The First Chinese Settlement in the Philippines." Sunday Times Magazine, March 1964. Salazar, Domingo de. The Chinese and the Parian at Manila. Vol. 07, in The Philippine Islands: 1493-1898, edited and compiled by Emma Blair and James Robertson. Cleveland, Ohio: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1904. Salazar, Domingo de. Eyewitness Accounts: A. Bishop Salazar's Report to the King in The Chinese in the Philippine. Alfonso Felix Jr. Vol. 1. 2 vols. Manila: Solidaridad Publishing House, 1966. Santamaria, Alberto. The Chinese Parian. Vol. 1, in The Chinese in the Philippines, by Alfonso Felix Jr.. Manila: Solidaridad Publishing House, 1969. See, Teresita Ang. Chinese in the Philippines. Vol. 03. 03 vols. Manila: Kaisa Para sa Kaunlaran, Inc., 2004. See, Teresita Ang, and Bon Juan Go. Heritage: A Pictorial History of the Chinese in the Philippines. Manila: Kaisa Para sa Kaunlaran, Inc., 1987. Torres, Jose Victor Z. Ciudad Murada: A Walk Through Historic Intramuros. Quezon City: Vibal Publishing House, 1971. Zaide, Gregorio F. Chinese Participation to Philippine Culture and Economy. Edited by Schubert S. C. Liao. Manila: University of the East, 1964.