ACADEMIA ROMN

ANUARUL INSTITUTULUI DE CERCETRI SOCIO-UMANE GHEORGHE INCAI

XI 2008 TRGU-MURE

COMITETUL DE REDACIE Ioan Chiorean (Redactor ef) Carmen Andra (Secretar de redacie) Maria Costea Cornel Sigmirean Marian Zloag COMITETUL EDITORIAL Rakesh Batabyal, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India Iulian Boldea, Universitatea Petru Maior, Trgu Mure, Romnia Liviu Borda, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India David Espey, University of Pennsylvania, S.U.A. Vesna Goldsworthy, Kingston University, Londra, Marea Britanie Atalay Gnduz, Ege University, Izmir, Turcia Daniela Kalkandjieva, Kliment Odrisky University, Sofia, Bulgaria Claude Karnoouh, Centre National de Recherches Scientifiques, Paris, Frana Universitatea Catolic Saint Joseph din Beyrouth (Liban) TEHNOREDACTARE Medana Croitoru
Volum realizat n colaborare cu SURYAM GROUP S.R.L., Trgu-Mure Publicaia este recenzat de specialiti n domeniul tiinelor socio-umane, profesori universitari din ar i strintate (Peer-reviewed publication)

CONTACT
Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai Str. A. Papiu Ilarian, nr. 10A, 540074 - Trgu-Mure E-mail: icsu_ms@clicknet.ro Site Institut: http://icsu-ms.tripod.com Site Anuar: http://gheorghesincai.tripod.com

ISSN 1454 5284 Tiprit 2008

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Trgu-Mure, str. Libertii nr. 42 Tel.: 0265-268023, 0728-76.41.81, http://www.bbimage.ro

ACADEMIA ROMN ANUARUL INSTITUTULUI DE CERCETRI SOCIO-UMANE GHEORGHE INCAI XI/2008 Cuprins Lista autorilor ................................................................................................... 5

Geografii simbolice ale relaiilor Apus-Rsrit/Symbolic Geographies of West - East Relationships Claude Karnoouh, Lacculturation lOccident ou la fin des chocs de civilisations .....7 Ioan Chiorean, Stratificarea intelectualitii laice din Transilvania n secolele XVI-XVII n contextul raporturilor culturale Occident-Rsrit....31 Andreas Berg, Ivan Lopukhin and the Development of Mystical Historiosophy in Late Eighteenth-Century Russia ...44 Marius Crian, Transylvania as a Borderland between the West and the East ...58 Andi Mihalache, Exilul i moartea: povestea celui plecat n imaginarul celor rmai acas (secolul XIX) ...64 Mariana Ploeteanu, Retorica independenei Romniei n mesajele de tron ale lui Carol I. De la aciunea intern la argumentul european .......75 Carmen Andra, Europe and/or Orient. British Travel Literature and the Recognition of Cultural Confluences in Inter-war Romania ...91 Iulian Boldea, Mircea Eliade - ntre Orient i Occident ...106 Titus Pop, Crossing Borders through Music in Rushdies The Ground Beneath her Feet ...115 Atalay Gnduz, Translation of Difference into Otherness: Jeremy Seals A Fez of the Heart (1995) ...131 Maria Costea, Relaii diplomatice Apus-Rsrit. Tratatul de la Craiova din 7 septembrie 1940 ......145

Marian Zloag, Semantica rasei - De la clasificri tradiionale ale iganului la discursul elitei roma din Romnia contemporan ..157 Nicoleta Slcudeanu, The Exile between Metaphysics and Geography .........189 Michel Labori, L'intgration des Balkans Occidentaux dans l'Union Europenne. Problmes et perspectives .....195 Anca incan, The Romanian Orthodox Church, the State, and European Union Steps towards Integration ....210

Istorie social, istorie politic, istoriografie/Social History, Political History, Historiography Simon Zolt, Tarifa tricesimal a Transilvaniei din 1634 ..221 Ioan Chiorean, Relaiile bisericii ortodoxe din Transilvania cu Rusia n secolele XVII-XVIII .....251 Cristinel Roman-Negoi, Ana Maria Roman-Negoi, Iosif al II-lea (17801790) i iosefinismul. Introducere istoriografic la un dosar elaborat .........................................................................................................................257 Cornel Sigmirean, Studeni din Transilvania la Academia Militar Ludovika din Budapesta (1883-1893) ........274

Recenzii i note de lectur............................................................................ 280

Activitatea tiinific a Institutului de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai n anii 2003-2008 ..304

Lista autorilor Carmen Andra Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, Trgu-Mure Andreas Berg Griffith University, Australia Iulian Boldea Universitatea Petru Maior, Trgu Mure, Romnia Ioan Chiorean Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, TrguMure Maria Costea Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, TrguMure Marius Crian Universitatea de Vest, Timioara Atalay Gnduz Ege University, Izmir, Turcia Claude Karnoouh Centre National de Recherches Scientifiques, Paris, Frana; Universitatea Catolic Saint Joseph din Beyrouth (Liban) Michel Labori Universitatea din Dijon, Frana Andi Mihalache Institutul de Istorie A. D. Xenopol, Iai Mariana Ploeteanu Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, Trgu-Mure Titus Pop Universitatea Cretin Partium, Oradea Ana Maria Roman Negoi Institutul de Cercetri Istorice i Politologice Iuliu Maniu, Alba-Iulia Cristinel Roman Negoi Universitatea 1 Decembrie 1918, Alba Iulia Nicoleta Slcudeanu Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, Trgu-Mure Cornel Sigmirean Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, Trgu-Mure, Universitatea Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure

Simon Zsolt Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, TrguMure Anca incan Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, TrguMure Marian Zloag Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, Trgu-Mure

Geografii simbolice ale relaiilor Apus-Rsrit/Symbolic Geographies of West - East Relationships LACCULTURATION LOCCIDENT OU LA FIN DES CHOCS DE CIVILISATIONS CLAUDE KARNOOUH
Car la vraie force et la vraie beaut du corps, la sret et la hardiesse de lpe, et aussi lauthenticit et lingniosit de lentendement, ont toujours leur racine dans lesprit, et ne trouvent jamais leur lvation et leur dcadence que dans la puissance et limpuissance de lesprit . Martin Heidegger, Introduction la mtaphysique, PUF, Paris 1958, p. 58 (dans la traduction de Gilbert Kahn)*. "Lorsqu'un opprim a entrevu la possibilit d'tre libre et qu'il accepte d'en payer le prix, il est vain d'esprer encore la paix pour longtemps". Albert Memmi, Portrait du colonis , Esprit, n 5, mai 1957, Paris. "Tant que les lions nauront pas leurs propres historiens, les histoires de chasse continueront de glorifier le chasseur". Proverbe africain.

Reconstruire les origines de la formation spirituelle et pragmatique de lEurope moderne cest--dire celle de lEurope occidentale qui lentement merge aprs la chute de lEmpire romain dOccident depuis le dveloppement de la chrtient occidentale no-augustinienne, avant mme ce qui en dterminera la modernit elle-mme, la dcouverte de lAmrique, cest constater que cest cet Occident-l qui est parti la conqute du monde en sa totalit, et non linverse. Conqute territoriale lvidence comme nous lapprend lhistoire coloniale, mais au-del et plus radicalement, conqute spirituelle, ou mieux mtaphysique en ce que et les buts et les modles de dploiement des fondements dune conomie politique et dune organisation politico-social snoncent et accomplissent selon lidos cr par lEurope occidentale et tendu lensemble des peuples disperss sur toute la surface de
Une illustration tout fait contemporaine de cette remarque puissante de Heidegger devrait engendrer, au-del des clichs de la socit du spectacle politique, une longue mditation sur les origines de lchec de lexprience communiste en URSS, en Europe de lEst et, last but not least, dans certains pays dEurope occidentale. Pour certaines prcisions quant la source spirituelle et mtaphysique de cette chute, je renvoie le lecteur au chapitre Du moderne au moderne (post) : quelques rflexions autour de lorigine de la chute du communisme. de mon ouvrage LEurope Postcommuniste. Essais sur la globalisation, Paris, LHarmattan, 2004.
*

la Plante. En dpit dapports extra-europens, dune part indiens et arabes (mathmatiques arabes et indiennes, philosophie grecque renouvele par les commentaires arabes et judo-arabes, premires gographies arabes), dautre part chinoises (poudre noire, boussole, papier, certaines teintures, cramiques, porcelaine, nourritures, les ptes), ayant contribu la formulation du renouveau de la pense occidentale la grande poque de la scholastique mdivale et des applications pratiques cardinales, ce ne sont ni lOrient ni lExtrme-Orient qui imposrent leur style au monde (au sens o lentend Nietzsche, une civilisation). Mme si les grandes conqutes ne manqurent pas en Orient, loin sen faut, ni la conqute arabe arrte au nord de lAquitaine Poitiers en 732, les voyages de la marine impriale chinoise jusquaux ctes orientale de lAfrique et Madagascar la fin du XIIIe sicle, les immenses avances continentales de Gengis Kan Tamerlan venues de la Mongolie, ni enfin lextension de lEmpire ottoman depuis la pninsule Arabique jusquaux portes de Vienne, nont abouti une conqute simultanment conomique et politico-culturelle du monde en son intgralit. Pour un tel dessein promthen, il fallait oser la traverse des ocans trs loin des ctes, avec lintention de rassembler des peuples et des cultures totalement inconnus les uns des autres en seule entit chrtienne dabord, puis intgrs au systme global des changes commerciaux. Il a fallu simultanment luvre de la volont de connaissance propre lesprit scientifique de laristotlisme mdival, des hypothses hardies assurant la rotondit de la Terre (pour que ceux qui partaient puissent nourrir lesprance de revenir !), luniversalit de lhomme postule par la transcendance conqurante de la foi catholique thomiste, enfin un capitalisme territorial en pleine expansion crant de nouveaux apptits de conqute permettant de dployer lclat, la puissance et la munificence des Princes europens avec leurs armes et leurs marines nombreuses. En bref, de nouvelles puissances slevaient qui exigeaient imprativement une production intensifie des armes feu (mousquets et artillerie) et donc de nouvelles sources dor1. Ds les premiers pas de Colomb sur les les carabes et la suite ne sera que rptition de ce geste inaugural , lOccident en imposant trs
Dans son journal Christophe Colomb note quau moment o il arrive Hispaniola (aujourdhui lle est partage entre Hati et Saint-Domingue), et malgr laccueil trs pacifique des Indiens, lui et ses hommes administrent la torture pour savoir o se trouvent les mines dor qui, de fait, nont jamais nexist sur cette le Les indignes ramassaient sur les plages les ppites portes par les puissants courants marins venus de lembouchure de lAmazone et de lOrnoque.
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rapidement le christianisme et lesclavage capitaliste engage un processus quil faut bien regarder comme les prmisses dune unification totale parce quelle fut la fois gographique, continentale, maritime, conomique, technique et idologique. Sous sa frule, du Ponant au Couchant, du Midi aux rgions polaires, de gr ou de force, par la Croix2 (parfois par la disputatio comme celle les franciscains avec les prtres de Quetzalcalt Mexico peu de temps aprs la mort de Montezuma et la dfaite des Aztques), trs frquemment par le fer, le feu et la torture, les peuples du monde ont d se soumettre ou ont t soumis aprs avoir lutt, parfois avec grand courage, contre la volont de puissance de lOccident3 ; certains disparurent, dtruits jamais4, dautres subirent des pertes incommensurables et ne sen sont jamais relevs5, dautres nombreux fournirent des esclaves en masse6, dautres encore, quoique domins, mais mieux organiss par une tradition politique dj quasi tatique ou totalement tatique, sachant combattre en trompant les tactiques de leurs adversaires europens, russirent avec lexprience, faire triompher leurs armes. Mais aujourdhui que ce soient ces dbris des socits aborignes dAustralie
A lexception du dominicain don Bartolom de Las Casas (cf. Brevsima relacin de la destruicin de las Indias, 1542-1543) qui, ds les premire annes de la colonisation dans les les des Carabes, puis au Mexique et au Yucatan, dnona sans relche le terrible sort fait aux Indiens par les colonisateurs espagnols. Las Casas est le seul des religieux de la premire tape de la colonisation de lAmrique du Sud et centrale avoir affirm, contre la doxa romaine, limpossible fondement thologique de la guerre contre les Indiens. Il montra que le bellum justum augustinien avanc par lglise espagnole, lempereur Charles Quint et le Vatican navait aucune justification face la parole des vangiles. Tant et si bien quil nhsita pas affirmer quil vaut mieux un Indien paen vivant quun Indien chrtien mort. Il y a l, actuellement, la source vivante de la thologie de la libration. On soulignera combien le prsent voyage du pape au Brsil (10 mai 2007) et les paroles quil pronona niant le rle dterminant de la christianisation dans la destruction des cultures indiennes, sinscrivent dans le droit fil dun nocolonialisme que pratiquent avec la mme ardeur proslyte et la mme tnacit obtuse les no-protestants vanglistes 3 Cf. Christian Duverger, La Conversion des Indiens de Nouvelle Espagne, Paris, Seuil, 1974 ; Jean de Lry, Histoire dun voyage fait en la terre de Brsil (1557), Plasma, Paris, 1980. On compltera ces lectures par le film de Elliot Silverstein, A Man called Horse (1970), celui de Mel Gibson, Apocalypto (2006), sur les prmisses de la chute de lempires des Mayas, et celui de Terence Malik, New World (2006), sur le premier contact des Anglais avec les Indiens des Plaines de Virginie en 1607. 4 Les Tasmaniens. 5 Les Aborignes dAustralie, les Bochimans du Kalahari, les Pygmes du Congo. 6 Toute lAfrique noire centrale et orientale
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transports par avion Paris pour y dcorer des corces ou des pierres lors de happenings au Centre Beaubourg ou pour y dcorer des piliers du muse du quai Branly, que ce soient les Indiens dArizona, les paysans vietnamiens, hindous, roumains ou mongols et leurs troupes folkloriques mimant leurs rites pour des diles politiques ou des vagues de touristes ou que ce soient les gurilleros vietnamiens, dAngola, du Sentier lumineux pruvien, les producteurs de coca de Colombie, les chefs de guerre africains trafiquants de diamants en Sierra Leone ou au Congo pour alimenter et manipuler dinterminables guerres civiles, tous ces hommes se sont acculturs lOccident, ses besoins, ses modles, ses objets, ses rves, en bref ses idalits de production et de consommation, y compris de consommation culturelle. Certains lont copi de manire caricaturale, tandis que dautres, plus srieusement politiss, ont intensifi lacculturation au point de le dpasser, le concurrenant sur son propre terrain7, lui qui se croyait le matre ingalable et incontest du progrs de la technoscience, de la finance et de lindustrie. En dautres mots plus synthtiques, tous les peuples, les plus puissants comme les plus faibles, ceux qui ont acquis une relative autonomie comme les plus dpendants sont entrs dans lidos occidental. Aussi sont-ils tous entrans dans le champ de gravitation de lessence de la modernit mise en uvre par lOccident il y a plus de six sicles. Aujourdhui tous les peuples nont dautre but que le tlos dsign par cet idos : laugmentation exponentielle de laccumulation, que cette accumulation se prsente sous la forme de marchandises, dinstruments de production, de nouveauts inventives, de finances, en bref, de tous les signes et symboles de la modernit et de leur synthse, la fois abstraite et concrte, largent. Jadis chrtient et or, nagure dmocratie et ouverture des marchs, aujourdhui droits de lhomme, ingrence humanitaire et ptrole, les noms changent, lessence demeure identique. Cest en raison de cet idos et de son tlos copartags, y compris dans les relations conflictuelles quil a engendres, guerres chaudes et froides, quil nous est loisible dornavant de thmatiser ltat du monde sous le nom de globalisation (selon lnonc anglo-saxon) ou de mondialisation (selon lnonc franais). Mais en contrepartie (sauf nombre dethnologues, de sociologues et autres politologues qui doivent protger tout prix leur petite boutique emplie de clichs ressasss sur les diffrences), ce triomphe absolu de lidos de lOccident, nous enseigne que nous approchons du crpuscule dune poque, celle de lEurope comme Occident et son extension plantaire par
7

Qui et pens il y a moins dun sicle que la Chine possderait laurore du XXIe sicle la troisime marine militaire du monde ?

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lintermdiaire de son incarnation radicalise, les tats-Unis. Or lOccident, Abendland, veut dire aussi la fin de la lumire du jour, le dbut de la nuit, le crpuscule. Wagner, avec une prmonition dont seuls les trs grands artistes sont habits, en avait eu, plus que Nietzsche, lillumination lorsquil crivit son opra Die Gtterdmmerung ! De quel crpuscule sagit-il ? Quelle obscurit sapprte-elle nous subjuguer ? Quelle nuit sannonce ? Serait-on en train de vivre le crpuscule ds longtemps annonc des premires aurores de la modernit ? Aurait-on atteint dj lau-del de la modernit classique, ce noyaux qui tait propre lEurope-Occident, et qui lorigine nappartenait qu elle seule ? Mais, sous leffet de lacclration dun dploiement que cette Europe-Occident a elle-mme mis feu, elle sest gnralise, saccomplissant sa vrit, au point de devenir le lot commun de toutes les cultures, de tous les peuples, de tous les tats quelles que fussent leurs diverses origines archaques. Serait-on l dans la postmodernit, la modernit tardive, lhypermodernit ? Serait-on en train daccueillir dans le cur des tnbres o triomphe la ngativit (dialectique ou non), la pure vrit de la modernit comme banalit quotidienne ? Serait-ce cela le tout est possible de la politique et des arts comme fin gnrale des traditions politiques de vertu et dexcellence comme le soulignait nagure Hannah Arendt ? Serait-ce cela la fin gnrale des arts dans la crise interminable et insoluble de la reprsentation, source dune souffrance et dun dchirement qui soccultent par la multiplication des simulacres et le triomphe des ersatz, dans une dcadence sans limite perceptible ? Ne sommenous pas au moment o la soumission sans rserve aucune de tout ce qui apparat et se donne (y compris les nouveaux hommes) lessence de lOccident incarne dans linfinit des accumulations en tant que principe et fin des praxis que daucuns appellent progrs ? Ou, selon une inspiration heideggerienne, sommes-nous fermement installs sans retour possible dans la fin de la mtaphysique garantie par le nihilisme triomphal et bienheureux de la technoscience. Mme sous le nom dcologie on sait quil ny a quune relance productiviste de la machine dveloppante gnrale. Cest cette idologie-praxis du progrs qui interdit de parler de la seule manire de sauver la plante de la catastrophe qui la menace, dune rduction drastique de toutes les consommations tout en rquilibrant la redistribution de ces richesses Cest cette situation indite de lunification gnrale du monde qui rend le discours rvolutionnaire marxiste-lniniste partiellement incapable de prendre en compte cette dimension ontologique de lhyper-dveloppement, et de la manire de porter un coup fatal au capitalisme gnralis et dterritorialis de la mondialisation hyperproductiviste et ses formes nouvelles de contrle

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socio-politiques Rgimes communistes et rgimes capitalismes ont t de concert les acteurs amis-ennemis et simultanment les jouets du viol le plus brutal des socits archaques et, par consquent, de la nature commis par la civilisation moderne. Et l nest pas le moindre talent tant de Heidegger et dAdorno que de lavoir saisi bien avant que les peuples ne commencent lentrapercevoir. Cest en effet la ralisation dune communaut idelle mondiale de laccumulation comme progrs qui permet de parler de globalisation . Or, cette communaut idelle nest pas un monde dides pures spares de sa vrit incarne ; elle est l, hic et nunc, tant en son esprit quen sa praxis justement dans ce quelle a cr de plus manifeste : un mode--tre-dans-lemonde, le capitalisme, quil soit dtat et appel communisme rel avec sa volont dune gestion absolue, ou priv, perptuation de sa forme initiale, laissant ltat le seul rle rgalien rpressif, celui de la violence lgitime et du contrle du social plus ou moins total dont Venise fut, une fois encore, le premier modle. Mais, au bout du compte, il sagit toujours de la mme organisation fondamentale de la socit, avec toujours linjection de capital soit directe sous forme de financement soit indirecte sous forme de travail plus ou moins forc, avec toujours des hommes qui vendent leur force de travail pour produire les nouvelles richesses sur la base dun change fond sur lingalit de la rpartition et donc sur le profit. Il y a l le mcanisme intime fournissant lnergie humaine de la production et de la consommation, y compris comme dans nombreux pays du tiers-monde, lorsque, eu gard la logique des pratiques labores en fonction de la ralit locale, la consommation fonctionne comme fantasme. De plus, ce systme nest pas seulement de production et de consommation, il exige, par rapport aux cultures dites archaques et elles ltaient toutes y compris jadis celles des campagnes occidentales, une rorganisation totale et totalitaire de lhabiter : la mgapole de lurbanisation moderne avec ses ples de travail, de consommation et de distraction, ses ghettos sociaux ou culturels ; une reformulation des relations sociales, des institutions nouvelles, des modes dapprentissage de masse (la nouvelle paidea qui a fabriqu des citoyens dociles, et prsent des ignorants comme consommateurs soumis), des espaces publics sous surveillance permanente ; en somme, ce systme a engendr de nouvelles forma mentis cratrices de lhomme nouveau de la modernit tardive (pour Nietzsche, le dernier des hommes plong dans une culture erratique, celui de la consommation de masse selon Sloterdijk) et les thrapies psycho-sociologiques afin de traiter ses dysfonctions produites par la souffrance pour sy adapter : hormis les cas

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gnriques ou accidentels, le malade est bien celui qui un moment donn a refus de sadapter la mobilisation permanente du produire-consommer, la tension permanente, au stress quil suscite8. En dautres mots, nous sommes devant la ralisation dune mutation anthropologique, dune transformation indite des relations des hommes eux-mmes et de lhomme social la nature et son devenir. Globalisation et philosophie du sujet Pour la pense thorique et pratique de lOccident il sest agi et il sagit toujours denvisager le devenir comme progrs (raison, innovations, production, consommation, et last but not least, thique et dmocratie) se fondant et sarticulant sur laxiomatique de la philosophie de lhomme-sujet tout puissant, inflexible dans lnonc de ses certitudes, lego transcendantal. Partant, cette homme-sujet dominateur, sr de lui et arrogant jusque et y compris dans laffirmation du doute, saffirme tel partir de lobjectivitcertitude par laquelle il croit, bien plus que ne pense (car il sagit l dune nouvelle version de lidalisme) pouvoir triompher de toutes difficults avec lusage dune raison rduite linterprtation mathmatique du monde pour la thmatisation de lobjet, et la positivit des rsultats pour, en les gnralisant, viser lextension des pratiques productives9. On est ainsi parvenu la rduction du temps et de lespace une seule mesure calculable et permutable qui a permis dlaborer une science, diverses techniques et une conomie originale dont la continuit se tient dans le dploiement exponentiel, en dautres mots, lhomme moderne de la
Cf. M. Foucault, Maladie mentale et psychologie, Paris, PUF, 1954 ; Naissance de la clinique. Une archologie du regard mdical, Paris, PUF, 1963 ; Idem, Histoire de la folie lge classique, Paris, Gallimard, 1965. Cinmatographiquement des uvres comme ladmirable Brazil (1974) de Terry Gilliam et Minority Report (2002) de Stephen Spielberg, illustrent parfaitement notre poque. Aujourdhui il convient de rappeler, une fois encore, que dans tous les pays dvelopps la consommation de calmants et danxiolytiques est devenue une habitude banalement quotidienne : les socits du Prozac. 9 Ainsi le tube cathodique est une dcouverte thorique du passage dun jet dlectrons dans un condensateur orient vers un cran fluorescent qui le rend visible. Il peut servit dautres expriences, par exemple mesurer des micro-courants lectriques ou des impulsions musculaires (lectrocardiogramme). Tout cela reste dans le domaine exprimental. En revanche, ce que jappelle leffet tube cathodique est la mise disposition du mme cran pour la fabrication des postes de tlvision par centaine de millions !
8

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technoscience a cr lexigence imprative dune dynamique en qute perptuelle dinnovations aux applications immdiates et massives. Cest en cela quelle est ontologiquement nihiliste, non pas par la cration du nant, mais, bien au contraire, par un permanent surplus de choses et dhommes en perptuelle obsolescence. Cest pourquoi il lui faut sans cesse acclrer linvention et la production dobjets nouveaux, sans cesse crer de nouveaux besoins, tandis que, dans le mme temps, la destruction pacifique ou militaire stimule laugmentation massive des investissements et donc des profits venir. Ds lors la vitesse est gnrale, celle du temps sintensifie pour acclrer la rentabilit du travail et la rotation du capital, et donc la formation dune plusvalue immdiatement disponible qui engagera dautres investissements et dautres profits, et ainsi ad vitam aeternam. conomie travaillant sur un terme de plus en plus court qui subordonne tout travail, le bien social, le bien gnral la finance et la spculation, aux lieux dobtention du plus grand profit (choix de produits les plus rentables et dlocalisation en sont de parfaits exemples). Cest cela le fonds sur lequel les hommes de la modernit ont ralis un socius indit dans son uniformit et sa rptition exponentielle infinie (dt-elle tre un fantasme dinfinit !) ; un socius qui nonce la certitude infaillible de la toute-puissance de la dmiurgie humaine et du contrle qui, aprs les choix conomico-dmographiques par exterminations concentrationnaires, englobe prsent lintimit gntique de chaque individu. Unir temps et espace en une seule entit de pense et daction interchangeables, voil la modernit en son essence qui ouvre la possibilit de toutes les conqutes et toutes les promesses dubiquit ralis prsentement par le rseau des rseaux, le Net. Rduire lespace par la vitesse (depuis la conqute de lAmrique laffaire est mise en marche), augmenter la rapidit de la production par les flux tendus, celle de la consommation par la destruction acclre, de la circulation du capital par la vitesse du retour sur investissement, rendre simultanes toutes les relations, aussi bien les jeux boursiers mondiaux que les communications entre individus situs lautre bout de la Plante, acheter dans linstant tout et nimporte quoi partout dans le monde de la net-conomie, voil quelques exemples de cette unification-globalisation opre par les effets de lesprit technoscientifique de lOcccident devenu lesprit du monde en sa totalit. conomie du zapping, socit du zapping, cultures mondiales du zapping. Heidegger lavait pressenti ds la fin du Rectorat lorsquil compris lenjeu mtaphysique du dchanement de lindustrialisation civile, militaire et culturelle allemande, quand, au cours de son sminaire de lautomne 1934 consacr la mtaphysique, il avana cette parole lourde de sens advenu et -

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venir : Le temps nest plus provenance, mais instant et simultanit10. Une manire potique de dire que plus aucune tradition na la force de mettre des limites la machinerie. Dans cette tat de simultanit, lEst de lEurope nest plus quun lieu parmi dautres o se jouent, sans souci dun quelconque bien commun, quivalences et permutations du temps et de lespace, ce quun proverbe anglais fort connu exprime dans vrit adamique : Time is money. Aussi comme largent est du travail social, lEurope nest-elle, en ce sens, quun lieu dinvestissements et de profits parmi dautres ! Voil en quelques mots, non pas une dfinition a priori du moderne, mais une interprtation a posteriori de son existant (Seiende), construite partir dune phnomnologie de sa matrialit, de la logique de ses pratiques explicites et de la conceptualit qui en engendre les manifestations. Les bons historiens, tant ceux de la politique que ceux des ides, nous ont appris que les premires formulations de cette idalit et les bauches de ses pratiques ont commenc ds longtemps en Europe occidentale, ds le IXe sicle Venise (ensuite Pise, Gnes, Florence, dans la Ligue hansatique, etc.), avec la mise en uvre de la conception du commerce-monde ( lpoque certes rduit la Mditerrane et la route de la soie) et de toutes les activits qui en permettaient le dploiement toujours plus vaste : recherches gographiques et astronomiques, inventions et amliorations des techniques de navigation (cartes et sphres terrestres), constructions navales (gouvernail dtambot et voile carre dans son clbre arsenal vnitien) et, last but not least, avec les innovations capitales des techniques financires, de la comptabilit publique et prive (les abaques et le systme entre-sortie), des assurances du transport des marchandises. Les patriciens de Venise, par on ne sait quel gnie, russirent se dlier dans les faits des impratifs canoniques qui, suivant Aristote, saint Augustin et saint Thomas dAquin, interdisaient le prt intrt entre chrtiens, et cela bien avant la clbre lettre de Calvin librant en 1537 lintrt du prt de tout pch et de toute immoralit Certes souvent menace par la papaut (comme les navigateurs gnois et les marchands florentins), la Srnissime na jamais t condamne, continuant, malgr les Turcs, imperturbable dans sa gloire et sa puissance jusqu ce que la dcouverte des routes maritimes contournant le cap de Bonne-Esprance et celles menant au continent amricain signe son irrpressible dcadence. Le ton et le rythme de la marche du monde taient donns.
10

Martin Heidegger, Introduction la mtaphysique, Paris, Gallimard, 1958, p. 49.

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La soif de connaissances thoriques nest le propre de lOccident comme le pensent encore aujourdhui certains ignorants. Tous les peuples, en leurs voies et manires, y compris les peuples primitifs, eussent-ils eu des soucis et des curiosits fort diffrents de ceux de lOccident ou du MoyenOrient, travaillrent eux aussi selon des concepts et des observations factuelles lies leurs expriences, pour ensuite les thoriser en systmes interprtatifs. En revanche, ce qui caractrise lOccident, cest la rapidit avec laquelle ses thoriciens cherchent mettre en pratique les connaissances thoriques quils dtachaient de la vie contemplative voue la beaut harmonique des formes combinatoires entre diffrentes sphres logiques. LEurope chrtienne latine, mdivale et savante, ayant totalement dsacralis la nature en concevant le Dieu unique comme Dieu infini, il savrait donc, une fois branle la foi en ce Dieu dispensateur dune hirarchie globale et dun sens unique du monde et malgr les condamnations papales (le clbrissime cas de Galile) , que la voie tait libre pour lpanouissement de la recherche scientifique et la multiplication des applications techniques que la Rforme dlierait ensuite de toute censure ; en effet, dans le monde dun Dieu unique infini qui a dispens les lois rgissant la nature, la dmiurgie de lhomme qui les dvoile, manifeste une preuve supplmentaire de la prdestination de celui qui travaille et lassure de son Salut. Des exemples devenus classiques nous aideront comprendre cette singulire innovation entre thorie et pratique propre lOccident. Les Chinois connaissaient la boussole, mais ne songrent nullement en faire linstrument capable de les guider pour slancer vers le grand large du Pacifique vers lAmrique Nord ou du Sud, ils se cantonnrent plus ou moins une navigation vue des ctes ! Ils connaissaient aussi la poudre, mais ne songrent nullement en faire llment fondateur des armes feu ! Or, les armes feu furent (et demeurent) lune des plus grandes rvolutions thoricopratique ayant contribu mettre en place la modernit. Non seulement elles assumrent un rle cardinal, la fois surnaturel et rel pour la conqute des Amriques, des Indes orientales , de lIndonsie, des comptoirs africains, mais, antrieurement, en ce que leurs contraintes techniques immanentes et leurs effets exigrent des adaptations, voire une transformation des modes de vie. Les armes feu bouleversrent lart de la guerre avec lapplication dune nouvelle science, la balistique moderne, crrent une nouvelle architecture de dfense (cest la fin des chteaux fort et naissance des forteresses angulaires), dvelopprent la physique des mtaux, la chimie et le transport des poudres, une nouvelle marine, et, non de leurs moindres effets, elles imposrent dnormes investissements en capital. Aussi, lusage de plus en plus intense de

16

ces armes intensifia le dveloppement du capitalisme : par exemple, en raison du rle des banques capables de prter au Prince les fortes sommes dargent que sa puissance militaire exigeait ; tout autant parce que leur fabrication en masse, hormis les armes dapparat, sortait du domaine de lartisanat pour, ds le milieu du XVIe sicle, mettre en place une forte industrie qui interdirait dsormais aux petites et moyennes principauts de possder une vritable puissance militaire. Avec lintensification de lusage des armes feu, ce ntait plus le courage et lexploit individuel du chevalier qui compterait, mais lextension du recrutement, la rigueur de la discipline militaire applique la masse des soldats, lapprentissage svre de la manuvre collective dj distance, et donc le renouveau des tactiques. Ce rle de lindustrie de larmement sest poursuivi jusqu aujourdhui et ce quel que soit le rgime politique, il est mme devenu lun des moteurs essentiels du dveloppement du techno-capitalisme hypermoderne sous le nom de complexe militaroindustriel . Parmi les effets de cette innovation capitale, la fois philosophicoespistmologique11 et pratique, on rappellera que, trs infrieurs en nombres, les conquistadors subjugurent Mayas, Aztques et Incas, sans parler des Indiens des forts et des plaines, non seulement par lintelligence politique exceptionnelle dun Cortes ou dun Pizzare, non seulement par lusage des chevaux, inconnus du continent amricain, mais, outre leurs effets destructeurs, par le fait que des armes feu, somme toute fort primitives, fragiles et trs imprcises, ont engendr une fascination devant ce qui est apparu aux indignes comme linattendu et linou. Des hommes blancs arrivaient par la mer don ne sait o et dtenaient le mme pouvoir grondant et destructeur que le tonnerre et la foudre Qui taient-ils ? Des dieux, tout le moins des demidieux Il nest pas trop de dire que pour les primitifs les armes feu ont incarn le sujet-homme occidental transcendant comme nouveau dieu. Et ces hommes venus dun ailleurs non seulement inconnu des sauvages, mais, plus encore, inconcevable pour eux, ces hommes de nulle part, intensment curieux de linconnu, imposant leur foi avec cruaut (ce qui ne veut pas dire, bien au contraire, que les sauvages taient eux-mmes des peuples aux murs douces et pacifiques) ntaient autres que les reprsentants de divers peuples de lEurope chrtienne occidentale, de ce qui, en ce temps, reprsentait la quintessence de lOccident (lEspagne, le Portugal, la France, lAngleterre, la Hollande) Or lindit, cest--dire le non-traditionnel, a toujours t le fait de
Il faudrait dire aussi moralo-philosophique, car tant les papes que les sultans ottomans condamnrent longtemps les combats mens avec des armes feu comme tant indignes de lhomme habit de noblesse et de courage.
11

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lOccident y compris pour lui-mme, laissant parfois ses propres populations hbtes par les ressorts de violence inoue que ses innovations produisaient. Que ce soit en raison de dcisions techno-conomiques ou militaires, les innovations occidentales furent toujours vcues comme de trs violents traumatismes, au premier chef par les peuples europens. En sautant quelques sicles, la lecture de deux livres clbres dErnst Jnger, In Stahlgewitteren (Orages dacier) ou Der Kampf als inneres Erlebnis (La Guerre comme exprience intrieure)12, explicite le mme tonnement de peuples confronts des moyens militaires invents et mis en uvre par eux-mmes entre les annes 1914-1918. Ce ntait l quune introduction, la Seconde Guerre mondiale dmultiplia ces traumatismes par la radicalisation des moyens dautodestruction (camps de la mort, Leningrad, Stalingrad, Hambourg, Dresde, Hiroshima) que les peuples les plus duqus (gebildet) dployrent avec constance et application. Cest pourquoi rien de ces dchanements de la violence une chelle plantaire ne sont, comme se plaisent le rpter stupidement nombre de politologues, inhumains, bien au contraire, ils sont humains, trs humains, trop humains, car, faut-il le rappeler ceux qui ont perdu tout sens de la ralit, ce ne sont ni les lions ni les tigres, encore moins les singes nos anctres, qui ont mis en mouvement thoriquement et pratiquement ces boucheries de masse. a. La conqute du devenir-Occcident comme mode--tre-dans-lemonde Cest donc partir de lapax Occident (et celui-l nest rien de moins que le destin de lhomme en sa gnralit, au-del de ses dterminations culturelles particulires) quil convient de penser les relations de lOuest vers lEst et vice-versa. Ce qui pour nous manifeste une banalit, un clich snonant sous divers vocables (christianisation, Raison, civilisation, librechange, dmocratie, droits de lhomme, etc.), renvoie toujours une conqute sans autre fin que la plante en sa totalit. Cette volont qui sest nomme civiliser le monde, aujourdhui on dirait le dmocratiser , sest applique aussi nos paysans (lire les descriptions effares de la vie des campagnes donnes par les rudits aux XVIe, XVIIe et XVIIIe sicles en Europe). Cette volont peut senvisager comme une opration dhomologation, autre vocable pour noncer le contrle exerc sur des populations qui sont captes dans la sphre de la modernit occidentale. Foucault, dans le droit fil de Nietzsche,
Ernst Jnger, In Stahlgewitteren, Leipzig, 1920 ; Idem, Der Kampf als inneres Erlebnis (La Guerre comme exprience intrieure), Leipzig, 1922.
12

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parlait dune volont de savoir : toujours expliquer, donner des lois , et non sessayer comprendre, penser lautre en ses voies et manires singulires, prcisment non encore uniformises : comprendre, comme le fit ltonnant dominicain Bartolom Las Casas. Cette volont dhomologation recouvre une intgration o surveiller et punir13 sont les deux faces de lacculturation dont le dessein explicite visait fabriquer simultanment un homme conforme lide que nous nous faisions tant du sauvage ou du paysan archaque idalement rvs que de lesclave ou du proltaire soumis la suite sans fin des exigences de la production moderne de plus-value (i.e. tant les plantations que les industries)14. Qui oserait assumer aujourdhui que les ouvriers agricoles ou ceux des usines de vtements, de chaussures de sport et autres gadgets des pays du tiers-monde ne sont pas les nouveaux esclaves qui nous nourrissent et nous vtissent luxueusement vil prix, parce quils reoivent des salaires plus que misrables ! Cest cela le travail de lOccident comme Occident conqurant partout de par le monde. Il a forg la conscience de tous les indignes, de tous les peuples qui, depuis le XVe sicle, sont peu peu entrs en contact avec lui pour, in fine, ne plus tre dtermins que par lui. Depuis les populations des ctes occidentales de lAfrique conquises la fin du XVe sicle, jusqu celles de Mlansie, dAmazonie, des montagnes du Sud-Est asiatique, du Vietnam, de Chine et du Japon soumises la fin du XIXe sicle, toutes, sans exception aucune, durent rpondre aux injonctions de lOccident15. Dictateurs grotesques et cyniques (en gnral anciens officiers subalternes des troupes coloniales britanniques ou franaise16), librateurs et rvolutionnaires nourris de Rousseau, Voltaire, Saint-Just, Jefferson, Comte, Marx, Lnine, Gramsci, Fanon, de la thologie de la libration, forms Paris, Bruxelles, Londres, Moscou ou Pkin17, tous transposaient et adaptaient ces analyses aux conditions des pays tropicaux, des jungles, des steppes ou dantiques villes millnaires.
Il sagit bien videmment de la rfrence louvrage du mme titre de M. Foucault. Cf. Remo Guidieri, Babel , in LAbondance des pauvres, Paris, Seuil, 1989. 15 Cette conqute-acculturation a mme fait lobjet duvres musicales importantes comme Madame Butterfly de Puccini. 16 Il suffit de rappeler Bokassa ancien capitaine de la lgion dans larme franaise, Idi Amin Dada, ancien lieutenant des Kings African Rifles et Mobutu, sous-officier des forces militaires indignes du Congo belge. 17 Parmi les plus clbres on mentionnera Mao Zedong, Ho-Chi-Minh, Vo Nguyen Giap, Pol-Pot, Lumumba, NKruma, Ahmed Ben Bella (ancien sous-officier des tirailleurs algriens), Che Guevara en Bolivie, le sous-commandant Marcos au Mexique
14 13

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Aprs la colonisation directe du travail esclave et de la christianisation force, le monde non occidental sest souvent occidentalis avec la paraphrase : Bucarest est un petit Paris rptaient sans vergogne les lites roumaines au dbut du sicle prcdent ; de mme les lites indignes admises dans les quartiers europens de Kampala, Nairobi ou Delhi voulaient croire quils se trouvaient, hormis la temprature, dans une banlieue chic du sud de Londres ! Or ni Paris ni Londres nont pens jamais tre respectivement un grand Bucarest ou un grand Kampala ou un grand Delhi ! Quoi de plus occidental que le modle et ses adaptations aux conditions locales ! Les mirs de la pninsule Arabique, anciens bdouins, leveurs de dromadaires, de moutons et de chvres, et voyageurs infatigables du dsert devenus, grce aux normes revenus du ptrole, de richissimes et trs banals hommes daffaires, nont plus cette magnificence, ce courage et cette abngation dans la fatalit propre aux guerriers antiques qui avaient tant tonn Laurence Aujourdhui ils transforment leur pays en autant de nouveaux Las Vegas (artificialit urbaine par excellence, produit du jeu et de largent) pour un tourisme trs haut de gamme et pratiquent lhyperdveloppement touristique, faisant jaillir des buildings colossaux du nant des sables, pousser des villes hypermodernes au bord de plages ourles dune mer meraude avec leurs muses dart moderne sortis de nulle tradition connue en ces lieux, remodelant la gographie en btissant des les artificielles plantes l comme les derricks de ptrole au milieu du golfe Persique. Hormis le souvenir vestimentaire de leur pass, un keffieh blanc ou noir et une djellaba blanche brode de fils dor, ces hommes daffaire ressemblent aux magnats tasuniens du sicle dernier, constructeurs de mgapoles dmesures, dsertes de convivialit, voues aux seuls changes financiers et aux services de la consommation, non-lieu de lindividu vrai celui que sa seule prsence, avant mme la parole, dsigne par quelques signes discrets la reconnaissance dautrui dans sa propre individualit , espaces diffus et poreux agencs de manire laisser scouler des flux de marchandises et dhommes la fois plus intenses et sans cesse plus contrls par les forces de lordre, les camras de surveillance, les dlateurs, tous les espions de cette Foule solitaire que les pouvoirs politico-conomiques veulent maintenir dans une triple et immuable organisation socio-conomique : producteurs, consommateurs et chmeurs dociles. Dans ce nouveau monde illustr par le clbre roman dAldous Huxley, Brave New World, devenu dj ralit, chacun dentre nous, la place que lui a choisie le destin (anank) de lhypermodernit doit travailler, chmer, acheter ou mendier et surtout sabrutir de rves sportifs, de telenovelas, de reality shows, de Star Academy, etc. Tous

20

sont l, runis en masse de manuvre et en ordre, dans les hypermarchs, devant leur poste de tlvision ou dans les stades, preuves, sil en fallait de nouvelles, que les annes trente du sicle dernier sont encore venir sous des formes renouveles, certes Nous nen avons vcu que lavant-propos, celui qua dconstruit lintuition logique et phnomnologie de Grard Granel18. Aussi la dynamique de la relation Ouest-Est peut-elle tre caractrise par le seul concept phnomnologique dacculturation. Au cours des cinq derniers sicles, lexpansion occidentale sest faite dans le but dune conqute la fois idologique et conomique : successivement religion, or et extermination des Indiens, puis code noir et commerce triangulaire (cotonnades anglaises ou franaises aux potentats africains, esclaves, produits tropicaux, pices, canne sucre, rhum, plus tard coton et copra), ensuite, lumpen proltariat et matires premires, enfin nocolonialisme, monoculture, consommation, famine et joug de la dette. La ncessit dexpansion immanente du capitalisme (sans laquelle il disparatrait), sest poursuivie simultanment par louverture de marchs intrieurs protgs au commerce occidental (conqute de lInde, libre change impos aux Balkans, au Japon, concessions en Chine), par loccupation territoriale et le peuplement (Amrique du Nord, Australie, Nouvelle-Zlande, Afrique du Sud, un temps Maghreb)19 qui saccompagnent de llimination plus ou moins importante des indignes, de la rduction drastique, voire de linterdiction, de leur liberts traditionnelles, de leur artisanat, de leur proto-industrie, de leur agriculture vivrire. Parfois les colonisateurs ont russi les faire disparatre en totalit ou partiellement comme en Tasmanie, en Australie, en Amrique du Nord (un Indien mort est un bon Indien proclamait le gnral Custer !). En effet, les religions du Livre, religions transcendantes par excellence, prtendent toutes dtenir une vrit absolue, a-historique, a-culturelle. Une telle donation de sens au monde, y compris lorsquelle est scularise en terme de civilisation et de culture , ne peut avoir que deux effets, soit elle engendre un retrait enclos dans
Grard Granel, Les annes trente sont devant nous , in Etudes, Paris, Galile, 1995. 19 Cette dynamique conqurante de la religion est propre au catholicisme et son hritire, la Rforme luthrienne et calviniste. Ds le haut Moyen ge, lors de la conqute de la Pomranie orientale et des Pays baltes par lordre monastique combattant des Chevaliers teutoniques, ceux-ci nhsitrent point liminer les Prussiens, peuples primitif paen qui leur rsistait en refusant de se soumettre la loi de lglise de Rome Pour lAmrique, le lecteur curieux se reportera encore aux journaux de voyage de Christophe Colomb (parus dans diverses langues).
18

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lassurance dune vrit bonne pour soi seul, cest le thme de llection : cas des juifs et de diverses sectes pr- et postchrtiennes, essniens, zoroastres, manichens, bogomiles ; soit elle engendre une vanglisation ou une croisade politique extrovertie vcue par les conqurants comme un acte de foi et de salut, avec pour consquence lobligation faite tous les peuples de reconnatre de gr ou de force le christianisme latin, lislam, la civilisation europenne, la dmocratie tasunienne ou les droits de lhomme du plus fort, comme une seule et unique vrit. Il faut rappeler qu la diffrence de lIslam, cest un mlange unique didalits dogmatiques intolrantes et de souplesse pragmatique des moyens qui a permis lOccident chrtien romain puis rform de mettre en uvre la machine unifier le monde. Lglise catholique a su toujours se mouler dans le monde mme sil se faisait son insu, elle est lexemple mme du pouvoir dacculturation et dadaptation : modification du dogme, intransigeance et obissance totale aux noncs promulgus par linstitution ecclsiale et souplesse des pratiques socio-conomiques (thorie du juste prix chez saint Thomas dAquin ; gnralisation du Salut par les uvres dans lchange de largent contre la rmission des pchs avec les Indulgences ; reconnaissance de lhumanit des Indiens lors de la controverse de Valladolid, mais accord donn leur esclavage ; justification de la soumission des pauvres leur propre exploitation sur la base des thses de saint Augustin et de saint Thomas dAquin ; mais, plus tard, sous la pression du mouvement ouvrier, la fin du XIXe sicle, mise en uvre de la doctrine sociale de lglise, puis, et en conflit avec le Vatican, thologie de la libration pendant la seconde moiti du XXe sicle ; dun ct justification de lapartheid, de lautre opposition radicale, etc). Du ct de la politique devenue au XVIIIe sicle la nouvelle thologie de la modernit, si bien que Dieu, toujours le nom gnrique de ltant transcendant de tout lOccident, Dieu put alors prendre divers noms singuliers si bien quon devrait entendre ce lexme comme un signifiant zro : il faut chaque moment linvestir de sens. Ainsi sest-il nomm le Lviathan, la Raison dans lHistoire, le Sens de lHistoire, la fin de lHistoire, laccomplissement de lEsprit du monde, lternel retour du mme, la lutte de classe comme principe, moyen, finalit et accomplissement de la fin de la Ncessit. chaque fois que les acteurs taient habits de la foi moderne dans le politique comme advenue de la Parousie (vritable idalisme), lvnement se manifesta par lextrme violence du processus mis en uvre par la volont de sa ralisation. Aussi ce qui nest rien moins que lacculturation force des hommes la modernit conomique et politique a exig son lot dnormes sacrifices : traite des

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esclaves, travaux forcs gnraliss; exode rural et lumpnisation des ouvriers, conscription massive des citoyens pour des guerres impitoyables, guerres coloniales modernes et guerres mondiales commences et ralises par les Europens ; guerres de libration nationales, marxistes-lninistes ou non, et, pour finir, nocolonialisme du dveloppement pris au pige de la dette et du tourisme20 destructeurs de toutes traditions authentiquement vcues. En bref, participation laventure coloniale et nocoloniale ou engagement dans la lutte anti-coloniale, rien ne pouvait chapper lacculturation aux modes de penses, aux techniques, tous les caractres technoscientifiques de la modernit, tout ce qui a fait et continue faire la puissance initiale de lOccident. Les seuls peuples qui refusrent ces modes--tre-dans-le-monde de lOccident furent broys, anantis physiquement, socialement et culturellement Le cas des peuples primitifs nayant jamais connu, sous quelque forme que ce soit, des embryons de formes tatiques de pouvoir furent les victimes dsignes les plus spectaculaires de ce processus Mais des peuples bien mieux politiquement arms pour affronter la modernit subirent aussi ce processus ds lors que les intrts de lOccident, qui nest plus lEurope seule, mais les tats-Unis, lAustralie et le Japon, bientt la Chine et lInde, ont exig un ordre mondial renouvel et redfinit. Tous les prtextes sont bons pour, selon la vieille mthode coloniale, imposer une nouvelle rgle du jeu, pour contraindre des peuples entrer de gr ou de force dans le rle qui leur est imparti dans le nouveau scnario du progrs, cest--dire dans la redfinition du nouvel ordre international. On mettra donc feu et sang un pays, on lentranera se librer ou sannihiler dans une guerre de libration double dune guerre civile au nom de la dmocratie et des droits de lhomme ! Une fois encore lacculturation lOccident, en lespce lhypermodernit de lre postcommuniste, a exig son tribu de sang Mutatis mutandis lOccident agit comme le faisaient jadis les Mayas et les Aztques qui sacrifiaient leurs prisonniers pour apaiser le courroux de Quetzalcalt le Dieu-soleil. Aujourdhui, on sacrifie sous le prtexte passe-partout d humanisme , de droits dingrence dmocratique , de droit de lhomme , des hommes en trop , irrationnels ou dysfonctionnels : en dautres mots, des hommes qui, pour diverses raisons, se montreraient rtifs aux commandements occidentaux et voudraient mener leur vie collective et individuelle leur guise, selon leurs traditions ou leur mode propre, ft-il banal, de participation la modernit.
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Le tourisme avec toutes les activits complmentaires quil suscite est, aprs les revenus de la vente des armes et du ptrole, la plus rentable des entreprises plantaires.

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Parmi les multiples exemples dacculturation cette dynamique de la modernit, nous ne pouvons omettre lhistoire du mouvement communiste dEurope de lEst et dex-Union sovitique21, ainsi que son intensification avec limplosion du rgime, lorsque des lites mirent en marche un processus de reconversion unique, et pour lessentiel pacifique hormis le Caucase et lexYougoslavie, dans lhistoire des pouvoirs politiques modernes. En quelques mois, aprs divers types de coups dtat lgal en Pologne et en Hongrie, de palais en Bulgarie, orchestr avec des manifestations populaires en Tchcoslovaquie et RDA, mise en scne comme sanglante rvolution en Roumanie la majorit des lites politique et conomique du monde communiste substiturent le pouvoir managrial exerc au nom du Parti (et donc au moins formellement au nom de la classe ouvrire) en pouvoir managrial exerc en leur nom propre ou comme prte-noms dentreprises multinationales. Au-del des bavardages creux des spcialistes, au-del de la vanit et de la poudre au yeux quils jettent aux gogos, aux nafs et aux ignorants, la thrapie de choc et son effet immdiat, la grande braderie des privatisations lEst (on pourrait dire aussi le plus grand hold-up du sicle) nest, en ultime instance, rien dautre quune mise lencan du bien public22. Autrement dit, ces lites transformrent un capitalisme dtat plus ou moins centralis et planifi (o toutes les pertes taient socialises sans que les lites en tirassent de vastes possibilits denrichissement personnel substantiel), en un capitalisme priv install sans protection dans lconomie globale. Bien plus que dans le capitalisme national de ltat providence avec ses instruments de redistribution23, le capitalisme dit sauvage dEurope de lEst explicite parfaitement lessence socio-conomique du capitalisme : socialisation des pertes (en termes conomiques cela se nomme recapitalisation, effacement de la dette, reconversion dactions en obligations dtat, etc.) et privatisation des
Cf. Nicolas Berdiaev, Source et sens du communisme russe, Paris, Gallimard, 1937. Cf. Claude Karnoouh et Bruno Drweski, d., La Grande Braderie lEst ou le pouvoir de la kleptocratie, Paris, Le Temps des Cerises, 2006. 23 Cet tat est appel providence par la bourgeoisie et llite managriale librale qui nen a gure besoin ! Il suffit de constater les salaires et les parachutes dors des grands patrons des industries multinationales pour sen rendre compte. J.-L. Georgin, dont la gestion catastrophique dEADS (holding dAirbus Industries) mena lentreprise au bord de la faillite (au point quil lui faut licencier prsent environ une dizaine de milliers dingnieurs et de techniciens hautement spcialiss), a t remerci avec huit millions deuros dindemnits de dpart et de prime de non-concurrence, sans compter la vente de ses stock options juste avant leffondrement en bourse du cours de laction !
22 21

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bnfices, tandis que ltat se dsengage de ses responsabilits socioconomiques (enseignement, sant, transports, nergie, transmissions) pour rduire son rle celui du gendarme et du flic vous au maintien de lordre. Qui, arm du simple bon sens et dnu dillres idologiques, pourrait encore douter de la justesse de cette description ? Mieux encore, La Chine, qui na pas chang de rgime politique (un syncrtisme entre le lninisme politique, le libralisme conomique et un no-confucianisme idologique), nous en fournit chaque jour un exemple clatant ! En peine plus dun sicle, avec des pertes immenses et des sacrifices gigantesques, aprs une exprience nationaliste (du type de ltat-nation moderne), puis aprs celle dun singulier nomarxismelninisme (le maosme), une guerre civile impitoyable et une guerre effroyable avec le Japon, ce pays-continent est pass du monde mdival de la dernire dynastie des Qing et de la Cit interdite (1911) au rang de troisime puissance conomique et militaire du monde dont les fluctuations du PIB, du PNB, de la balance des paiements, des importations et des exportations, et ltat des valeurs la bourse de Shanghai influencent de manire dcisive les cours des actions Wall Street, la valeur du dollar, la dette publique tasunienne, et, audel, lconomie-monde de la globalisation. Et avec des gratte-ciels plus haut que la tour Eiffel ou lEmpire State Building, avec des magasins au luxe ostentatoire comme Hollywood, avec ses publicits tapageuses identiques celles illuminant les soires de Broadway, avec des hypermarchs semblables ceux des mgapoles europennes et tasuniennes, avec la tenue des jeux Olympiques, la Chine nest-elle pas, elle aussi, lun des centres de dploiement de lhypermodernit occidentale comme New Delhi, Bombay et Hyderbd en Inde, Jakarta en Indonsie, Kuala Lumpur en Malaisie, lUnion sud-africaine, So Paolo au Brsil, Buenos Aires en Argentine ou Santiago du Chili, et tant dautres ? b. Lacculturation comme moto perpetuo Depuis que lOccident a quitt sa spcification gographique europenne, depuis quil sest install aux tats-Unis dAmrique, en Australie et en Nouvelle-Zlande, au Japon et Singapour, Taiwan et dans certaines rgions de lInde, en Chine et en Turquie, en Syrie et Tahiti, au Brsil et dans les mirats arabes unis, au Kowet et au Chili, depuis quil a subjugu toute la Plante, on peut, en suivant la dtermination formule par Heidegger dans lune des trois exergues de cet essai, affirmer quil sest agi l, au premier chef, dune vritable conqute mtaphysique, dune conqute spirituelle. Cest lide que lOccident moderne prsente et reprsente ds lorigine ce qui, peu peu,

25

est devenu le sens du monde, que dis-je, le sens unique et unifi du monde. Certes des formes syncrtiques darchasme se sont rapportes sur la culture de lOccident moderne ds lors que les effets de la globalisation engendrrent les rves du Paradis occidental partout de par le monde, suscitant des mouvements dmigrations massives venus de pays sous-dvelopps non chrtiens avec leurs multiples et diverses croyances (islamisme et ses nombreuses composantes, zoroastrisme, bouddhisme, indouisme, sikhisme, candombl brsilien, vaudou hatien, culte des anctres sino-vietnamien, cambodgien et thalandais, animisme totmique africain). Mais linverse est aussi lexprience du monde prsent, quand, sur des socits encore marques de formes vivantes darchasme ou plutt de leurs rsidus, viennent se greffer sans transition une consommation ostentatoire des objets de lhypermodernit (tlvision, tlphone et ordinateurs portables, baladeurs, automobiles 4x4, armes sophistiques) dont les effets engendrent des ravages bien plus svres sur la psych des hommes que les actions traditionnelles de la premire modernisation politico-culturelle, la conscription et lalphabtisation. cela il convient de souligner, comme la rappel un rapport de lUNESCO publi au tournant du sicle, que le tourisme et ses commerces secondaires, depuis les boutiques de gadgets jusqu la prostitution, produisent des ravages socioculturels irrmissibles. Du ct des ex-pays communistes dEurope, plusieurs observateurs avaient remarqu que les socits de feu ce rgime avaient deux caractres archaques incompatibles avec les dynamiques politico-conomiques et socioconomiques de lhyper-Occident contemporain, mme si les ides daccumulation conomique, de progrs socioculturel et de dveloppement perptuel dans lnonc du marxisme-lninisme et ltat communiste staient imposes comme visions socio-conomiques dun devenir normal, quasi naturel . La premire marque dobsolescence se donnait dans le fait que le Parti-tat tait le seul dispensateur de la manne conomique et des possibilits dascension sociale Aprs 1989, les patrons de lconomie mondiale imposrent rapidement labandon de ce rle selon des modalits ds longtemps prouves en Occident. Dun ct on fait intervenir les subventions europennes (la carotte), argent public venu des impts des citoyens dEurope occidentale, qui donnent lillusion dun possible mieux-tre quand, pour lessentiel, il sagit de crer des infrastructures qui profiteront aux entreprises multinationales, surtout lorsquune arme dintellectuels autoproclams socit civile et grassement rmunrs cette fin, prsentent laffaire comme le meilleur des mondes possibles, incarnation du Bon, du Beau et du

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Vrai. De lautre, on assiste une intensification du contrle des populations qui, en cas de rvoltes dangereuses pour le nouvel ordre des choses, seraient ramenes la raison par des mesures coercitives pouvant aller jusquau tir balles relles (le bton)24. Le second aspect de larchasme rmanent qui marquait les pays dEurope de lEst est plus complexe traiter parce quil est en partie ni par tout le monde. lpreuve de ce qui advient depuis la chute des rgimes communistes, il appert clairement que ces pouvoirs, en raison defforts idologiques engags afin de gagner une lgitimit politique de masse plus large que celle offerte par la notion lniniste classique davant-garde du proltariat, avaient, dans le dcours dune modernisation rapide et massive des infrastructures, laiss subsister des pans entiers darchasme culturel rural, lequel se maintenait dans lesprits et les pratiques sociales des nouveaux habitants des villes. Un spcialiste na-t-il pas montr combien, lpreuve des jours, les rgimes communistes avaient ruralis le style de la vie urbaine25 Dans les bourgs et les villages la vie conomique des ouvriers-paysans se caractrisait par un part-time farming, avec des modes fort anciens dexploitation rurale des parcelles individuelles, compltement disparus des pays modernes, tandis que la vie festive et rituelle avait conserv nombre de rites archaques, vritable survivance en acte qui faisait de certaines rgions autant de Jurassic Park des traditions populaires europennes Pour modifier des styles de vie et des changes conomiques ayant souvent chapp aux contrles tatiques parce que non montariss (entraide ritualise telle en Roumanie la claca), il a donc fallu, sous prtexte dintgration europenne, mais en vrit pour dtruire des productions locales au profit de louverture des marchs aux produits des multinationales, imposer des rgles et des normes de production qui obligent les gens suivre des procdures de fabrication exigeant des investissement trs onreux et des impts sur des produits pour lesquels ils nen avaient jamais pay auparavant (alcool ou fromages). Ce faisant lUE et la BERD agissent comme le faisait jadis la puissance coloniale sur le territoire dun pays doutre-mer conquis : dtruire les moyens de la production locale pour imposer les produits de la mtropole et rduire le pays ntre quun
On sait aujourdhui que sur les conseils aviss de lUE et des tats-Unis, excellents spcialistes de la rpression policire muscle, les rgimes successeurs des rgimes communistes ont augment massivement le recrutement des diverses forces de polices. 25 M. Lewin, The Making of the Soviet System. Essay in the Social History of Interwar Russia, New York, Pantheon Books, 1985 ; Claude Karnoouh, LInvention du peuple. Chroniques de Roumanie, Paris, Arcantre, 1990.
24

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producteur de matire premire ou un maillon de la sous-traitance contrle26. la diffrence que, aujourdhui, la mtropole na plus de centre, elle domine dans lubiquit plantaire. Il faut donc, comme nagure, briser toutes les formes sociales capables de rsister un tant soit peu loccidentalisation. En effet, de leur ct, la Banque mondiale et le FMI sy emploient avec dtermination. Ne cherchent-ils pas briser toutes les formes de solidarit et de productions traditionnelles peu ou pas montarises des pays du tiers-monde pour transformer les paysans en agriculteurs endetts et parfois affams de monocultures industrielles ou en un lumpen prt vendre ses organes vitaux vil prix, prompt lmigration comme ouvriers agricoles sous-pays, bonnes tout faire ou gardiennes de vieillards salaire indignes, ou mieux, comme mendiants et prostitues, voire comme porte-flingues de toutes sortes de mafias ? En ce sens lintgration-acculturation lOccident de tous les anciens pays de lEurope ex-communiste reproduit des figures du sous-dveloppement dj bien connues des pays du Sahel ou des Tropiques En rsum, il nest pas exagr de soutenir que les processus dintgration de lEurope de lEst lUE participent dun programme dacculturation acclr, celui du nocolonialisme appliqu tous les pays mergeant depuis la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale : extension du champ conomique contrl par les multinationales et les organismes financiers internationaux, augmentation des flux de marchandises et de capitaux, migration des travailleurs et dlocalisations salariales, laisser-aller de la pollution, et simultanment contrle accru des populations jusque et y compris dans la micro-conomie paysanne des familles rurales les plus modestes. Avec la chute des rgimes communistes en Europe de lEst, avec simultanment le passage de la Chine la croissance sidrale dun capitalisme contrl par le parti communiste, la relation Ouest-Est, devenue aussi EstOuest, explicite le stade ultime de luniformisation de la plante. Aussi parler comme le fit Huntington de choc des civilisations est-il, coup sr, lune des plus normes stupidits quait nonce jamais un universitaire (et ils nen sont pas chiches). Dornavant, comme en Europe lpoque du triomphe de ltat-nation, entre les annes 1840 et 1945, quand les guerres ntaient, au
Il est fort intressant de relire aujourdhui les textes que Marx consacra dans la presse tasunienne lanalyse de laction conomique et politique de lAngleterre en Inde, sur la manire dont la couronne britannique brisa les moyens de productions des divers tats princiers indiens pour imposer les besoins de son industrie et de son commerce. Sans se tromper on pourrait avancer quil ny a rien de nouveau sous le soleil de la modernit capitaliste, la seule vritable modernit.
26

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bout du compte, que des guerres civiles gnralises entre tats mtaphysiquement semblables, les conflits et les guerres plantaires du prsent et du prochain avenir, seront exactement linverse dun choc entre civilisations trangres les unes aux autres ; cest pourquoi nous commenons dj assister et participer des guerres civiles lchelle plantaire (Weltbrgerkrieg). Les affrontements qui se prparent entre pouvoirs hypermodernes, entre peuples et pouvoirs, entre peuples eux-mmes, seront le fait (et il le sont dj) dhommes qui, en dernire instance, copartagent le mme fondement mtaphysique : lidos du progrs dans laccumulation productive et consumriste o daucuns croient deviner laccomplissement en leur vrit plnire du Beau, du Bon et du Vrai Ne serait-ce pas cela le sol et le fonds de ce que Hegel nomma lEsprit du monde ? Mais dun Esprit du monde se rvlant comme seule ngativit. On comprend ds lors pourquoi, dans la vise de lacculturation mise en uvre par lOccident, il na jamais t vritablement question daccomplissement de la libert (dans une version triviale contemporaine on baptiserait cela dmocratie et droits de lhomme) hors de ses frontires, ni, en sa version marxiste, de la fin de la ncessit par lappropriation collective des forces productives, mais de lenchanement une contrainte imprative que ce mme Occident inventa et dissmina partout la surface de la Plante. Cette contrainte qui, en ultime instance, nous pense bien plus que nous ne la puissions penser, a pour ralit lessence de la technique comme apoge et cheminent vers la fin mtaphysique. Aussi ce qui nagure avec des utopies romanesques, Brave New World, ou avec des fictions cinmatographiques, Metropolis27 ou Brazil, se prsentait comme autant davertissements pour faire prendre conscience du danger de voir lhomme rduit ntre plus que le pur objet du dveloppement technologique, sest-il rvl, lpreuve du temps, bien plus pertinent que les antiennes acadmiques de lidalisme de rve et du progrs remches chaque gnration et dmenties immdiatement par les vnements qui adviennent. Lhomme machine, lhomme poubelle de gadgets et de mdicaments, lhomme en trop, lhomme tueur au nom de lefficacit conomique, lhomme qui ne croit plus en rien sauf largent, en bref, lhomme de lOccident gnralis, esclave de sa propre dmiurgie, ressortit dj notre plus banale exprience quotidienne Lance voici plus de six sicles par la conqute des Amriques, loccidentalisation du monde, avec cette persvrance et cette opinitret qui caractrise lhomme moderne quel quil soit, o quil soit, quoi quil croie, est
Il sagit du clbrissime film de Fritz Lang ralis en 1922, et de celui de Terry Gilliam, en 1974.
27

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prsentement accomplie. Cest le dfi dune mutation mtaphysique et anthropologique sans prcdent qui est lanc lentendement des hommes de la modernit tardive

Lacculturation lOccident ou la fin des chocs de civilisations - Rsum Reconstruire les origines de la formation spirituelle et pragmatique de lEurope moderne cest--dire celle de lEurope occidentale qui lentement merge aprs la chute de lEmpire romain dOccident depuis le dveloppement de la chrtient occidentale no-augustinienne, avant mme ce qui en dterminera la modernit elle-mme, la dcouverte de lAmrique, cest constater que cest cet Occident-l qui est parti la conqute du monde en sa totalit, et non linverse. Conqute territoriale lvidence comme nous lapprend lhistoire coloniale, mais au-del et plus radicalement, conqute spirituelle, ou mieux mtaphysique en ce que et les buts et les modles de dploiement des fondements dune conomie politique et dune organisation politico-social snoncent et accomplissent selon lidos cr par lEurope occidentale et tendu lensemble des peuples disperss sur toute la surface de la Plante.

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STRATIFICAREA INTELECTUALITII LAICE DIN TRANSILVANIA N SECOLELE XVI-XVII N CONTEXTUL RAPORTURILOR CULTURALE OCCIDENT-RSRIT IOAN CHIOREAN Ca peste tot n Europa, i exponenii din Transilvania ai curentelor din micarea de reform religioas i din viaa cultural au apelat la sprijinul forelor laice i al puterii laice n spiritul programei lui Luther Martin. Intervenia puterii centrale n disputele i luptele religioase n Transilvania a fost poate chiar mai insistent dect n alte ri. Poate din aceast cauz i ca urmare a desfiinrii puterii laice a preoimii, a excluderii ei din viaa politic, dependena preoilor fa de puterea laic s-a accentuat. Aceast dependen va fi mai evident n secolul al XVII-lea n cazul preoimii calvine, care a devenit slujitoarea cea mai fidel a intereselor principilor calvini. Eclesiasticus status-ul din aceast perioad nu era ns nchis n faa intelectualilor din politicus status, adic a intelectualilor laici, chiar dac la sai apar ctre sfritul secolului al XVII-lea (1674) tendine de a interzice trecerea intelectualilor laici n rndul celor ecleziastici1. Schimbarea unei ocupaii intelectuale cu alta, n cazul profesorilor i preoilor, depindea doar de condiiile de retribuire i de posibilitile de afirmare social, dar fenomenul este prezent i n cazul altor categorii de intelectuali, dac studiile fcute le permitea acest lucru. Profesorii i dasclii constituiau prin pregtirea lor, prin subordonarea lor, prin natura atribuiilor i competenei lor, un grup intelectual intermediar ntre intelectualitatea ecleziastic i cea laic. n perioada principatului autonom, ocupaia de dascl-profesor e pe cale s se desprind total de ocupaia de cleric, s devin o ocupaie complet laic, cu toate c ntemeierea colilor, numirea dasclilor-profesori, stabilirea programelor colare, controlul asupra activitilor colare, salarizarea dasclilor i a profesorilor a rmas n competena bisericilor sau a comunitilor bisericeti. Grupul intelectual al dasclilor i profesorilor constituia dup preoime cea mai numeroas parte a societii intelectuale transilvnene. Ea provenea, ca i preoimea, din pturile de jos ale populaiei principatului. Laicizarea acestei pturi a fcut un pas foarte important sub impulsul umanismului i a reformei

Jak Zsigmond, Az egyhzi s vilgi ltelmisg sztvlsa a feudlis Erdlyben, n Korunk, anul XXVI (1967), p. 218.

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religioase din Europa, care prin persoana lui Martin Luther se pronuna de la bun nceput pentru ntemeierea educaiei laice n folosul puterii laice. Ca peste tot n Europa, educaia colar din Transilvania a preluat rezultatele colilor existente nc nainte de reforma religioas, ntruct nivelul colilor din Vestul i Centrul continentului depise pe cel al nvmntului transilvnean, asigurnd astfel dasclilor o temeinic pregtire n colegiile din Principat i prin trimiterea tinerilor la universitile strine. n urma transformrii bisericii calvine n biseric oficial a Principatului autonom transilvnean n timpul lui Gabriel Bethlen, nici calvinismul i nici chiar instituiile laice (cancelaria princiar n primul rnd) nu au fost interesate s preia ideile noi, spirituale, din Europa Apusean, aflat n plin transformare burghez. Rolul hotrtor n acest sens l va avea intelectualitatea didactic profesorii , cea mai instruit ptur a societii transilvnene. Profesorul i dasclul ncep s se bucure de o stim i preuire mai mare n societate. Cu toate acestea, pedagogul, fie c e vorba de profesorul academic, fie de un dascl domidoctus, n societatea transilvnean nu avea valoarea unui preot, fenomen manifestat i n retribuirea acestora. Astfel, un prim predicator primea la Cluj pe la mijlocul secolului al XVII-lea sub diferite titluri 370 de florini bani ghea, peste 20 de cble de gru, peste 300 de glei de vin, pe cnd un rector primarius din acelai ora avea ca venituri 160 de florini bani, 12 cble de gru i 120 de glei de vin2. O situaie similar au avut-o dasclii i n alte orae, chiar dac sumele primite i cantitatea produselor date n retribuie erau altele. De altfel, ori de cte ori au intervenit greuti economice, cei care au simit consecinele acesteia erau dasclii i colile, cci societatea feudal era indiferent fa de soarta acestora. Vor exista un numr mare de localiti care nu au avut nici mcar un dascl domidoctus. Puterea laic central a manifestat poate un interes mai mare, acordnd o atenie sporit acestei categorii de intelectuali, fenomen ce s-a reflectat n sprijinirea colilor, dar i n retribuirea profesorilor i dasclilor. De precizat faptul c profesorii academii constituiau ca i preoii academii ptura aristocratic a grupului de intelectuali didactici. Chiar dac avea n vedere decalajul n nivelul de pregtire, societatea transilvnean i dispreuia pe domidoctus-i i prin aceasta n mod indirect i pe acei academii care au predat n colegiile din Principat. Discriminarea fa de cei care au nvat n colile transilvnene era prea izbitoare i n cazul n care un domidoctus ndeplinea n condiii foarte bune o funcie sau alta. n anii 1653-1654, prim rectorul (rector
2

Adattk, vol. II, n. 41, p. 142, 226-227, 303, 310.

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primarius) al Colegiului reformat din Cluj primea o retribuie de 150 florini, iar cnd acelai post era ocupat de un domidoctus, el primea doar 125 de florini. i mai izbitoare este situaia domidoctus-ilor care lucrau la clasele mici, care n anii 1655-1656, n Cluj, primeau anual sume variind ntre 20-40 florini i cazare, n funcie de clasa la care predau, la clasele mici primind mai puin3. Dasclii din mediul rural, angajai i retribuii de preotul localitii, primeau i mai puin dect cei de la orae, deoarece lor le revenea doar o mic parte (1/4-1/3) din cantitatea produselor primite de preot din partea credincioilor peste suma de bani i cantitile de produse stabilite concret n contractul de angajare. La Cojocna, de exemplu, aceast retribuie era egal cu circa 34 de cli de gru4. n asemenea condiii, ocupaia de dascl rural i chiar de collaborator n colile oreneti nu putea s fie dect tranzitorie, acceptat pentru moment de tinerii absolveni ai colegiilor sau ca ocupaie suplimentar. Considerm c tocmai aceast situaie a dus la apariia obiceiului potrivit cruia tinerii care voiau s se duc n strintate aveau obligaia de a lucra timp de 2-3 ani n calitate de dascl. Ori ce estimare privind numrul celor care au lucrat n perioada respectiv n calitate de profesor sau dascl ar fi aproape imposibil de fcut, deoarece nu e cunoscut nici mcar numrul rectorilor i al profesorilor in principalele coli oreneti transilvnene. tim, de pild, c n coala din Sibiu au lucrat ntre anii 1521-1700 55 de rectori i 160 de lectori, collaboratori i cantori, deci n total 215 oameni. De la Colegiul calvin din Cluj cunoatem doar numrul rectorilor (16), de la coala braovean avem informaii despre 64 de rectori care au funcionat ntre 1544-1700, de la coala din Trgu-Mure cunoatem numai pe cei 29 de rectori, care au condus-o, i pe cei 67 de collaboratori ce au predat aici ntre anii 1663-1700. De la coala din Oradea tim de existena a 31 de rectori care au funcionat ntre anii 1631-1660. De asemenea, ni se pare incomplet i lista celor 23 de rectori i 56 de profesori ai colii unitariene din Cluj5, fr s mai vorbim de numrul dasclilor rurali, despre care nu exist nici o situaie statistic.
Ibidem, p. 392, 400-401. Trk Istvn, Pataki Istvn ref. pap. naplja 1672-1705-ig, p. 152. 5 Teutsch, G. D., Ueber die ltesten Schulanfnge und damit gleichsaitige Bildungsausatsnde in Hermannstadt, n Archiv des Vereins fr siebenbrgosche Landeskunde, Neue Folge, anul X(1872), p. 126-130; Trk, A kolozsvri koll., p. 2398; Dck Joseph, Geschichte des Kronstdter Gymnasiums, Kronstadt, 1845, p. 146147; Koncz Jzsef, A marosvsrhelyi evang. reform. Kollegium trtnete,
4 3

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Referitor la nvtorii romni din mediul rural, identificarea acestora este dificil, ntruct n mod obinuit nu erau nscrii n urbarii, astfel c-i gsim rar pomenii i, n general, numai n legtur cu plata pe care o primeau de la stpn. coli sau nvtori gsim ns pomenii n Gilu, Izvorul Criului, Fgra, ercaia, Hunedoara i n alte pri6. Intelectualitatea didactic i, n special, ptura superioar a acesteia, academiii, au constituit n perioada Principatului autonom cea mai activ i avansat categorie de intelectuali din Transilvania care a adus i a rspndit aici, ntr-o ar cu rnduieli social-economice feudale napoiate, ideile societii burgheze n curs de apariie sau consolidare n Europa de Vest. O categorie deosebit a intelectualitii transilvnene era format din juriti, care n diferite instituii laice i ecleziastice se ocupau de redactarea i emiterea, respectiv ntrirea actelor scrise. Din aceast categorie de intelectuali au fcut parte protonotarii, secretarii, notarii i scribii cancelariilor voievodale, acetia formnd de fapt cea mai veche ptur a intelectualitii laice: notarii, scribii i arhivarii locurilor de adeverire a capitlurilor din Oradea, Cenad, Arad i Alba Iulia, ai conventurilor din Cluj-Mntur i Ortie i notarii publici7. Evenimentele i schimbrile politice din secolul al XVI-lea au provocat transformri importante i n ocupaia, situaia material, n componena i rolul juritilor. Destrmarea regatului feudal maghiar i formarea Principatului autonom transilvnean a pus capt activitii cancelariei voievodale i a determinat apariia cancelariei princiare (cancellaria maior i cancelaria minor). La nceput, cancelaria princiar transilvnean a preluat o parte dintre juritii fostei cancelarii regale maghiare, apoi att cancellaria maior, ct i cancelaria minor, va recruta funcionarii si din ptura larg a diecilor (a absolvenilor colegiilor transilvnene), care obinnd o pregtire oarecare n colile respective i vor perfeciona cunotinele de specialiti juriti n activitatea practic depus n cele dou cancelarii princiare. n secolul al XVIIlea Colegiul academic al principelui Gabriel Bethlen va furniza mult timp i juritii necesari celor dou instituii princiare.

Marosvsrhelytt, 1896, p. 1-112; Gl Kelemen, A kolozsvri unitrine kollgium trtnete (1555-1900), vol. I, Cluj, 1935, p. 45. 6 D. Prodan, Iobgia n Transilvania n secolul al XVII-lea, Bucureti, Editura tiinific i enciclopedic, 1980, p. 101. 7 Tonk Sndor, Jogtud rtelmisgnk kzpkori trtnetbl, n Korunk, anul XXXI (1972), p. 1487-1491.

34

O parte nsemnat a juritilor din aceast perioad a lucrat n locurile de adeverire ale capitlurilor din Oradea, Cenad, Arad, Alba Iulia, respectiv ale conventurilor din Cluj-Mntur i Orezrie, instituii care n anul 1557 au fost secularizate, adic transformate n instituii laice, de stat, juritii angajai fiind retribuii de principe. Ca i n cazul cancelariei princiare, printre notari, scribi i arhivarii locurilor de adeverire, sunt pomenii n primul rnd absolvenii colegiilor transilvnene, dar i academii. Dup numele lui, Johannes Literatus, de pild, nainte de a pleca la Universitatea din Wittenberg a lucrat din anul 1553 n calitate de notar la Cluj-Mntur8. n anul 1614, n calitate de arhivari la aceeai instituie, i gsim pe Adam Literati, Ioan Literati i tefan Rzmn, toi fiind absolveni ai colegiilor din Transilvania9. Dar tot la Cluj-Mntur a lucrat n calitate de arhivar ntre anii 1603-1632 academitul Paul Csandi, care a mai ndeplinit funcia de profesor la Colegiul unitarian din Cluj i practica i ocupaia de medic10. Gspr Bjti Veres, de origine iobag, frecventnd n anii 1617-1619 Universitatea din Heidelberg, va fi angajat din 1623 Historicus Aulicus al principelui Gabriel Bethlen i va ndeplini totodat i funcia de requisitor al capitlului din Alba-Iulia11. Samuil Enyedi, doctor n medicin (a frecventat universitile din Utrecht, Franeckera i Laiden), n anii 1649-1653 alturi de postul de profesor la Colegiul din Oradea mai cumula i pe cel de requisitor al capitlului din aceeai localitate12. nainte de secularizarea locurilor de adeverire juritii care au lucrat n aceste instituii au beneficiat de un venit considerabil. Conductorul cancelariei (lector n cazul capitlului i custos n cazul conventului) ctiga anual la sfritul secolului al XVI-lea 35 de mrci (o marc era egal cu preul unui bou)13. Faptul c postul de requisitor att la Cluj-Mntur i ct la Oradea i Alba Iulia apare ca un post cumulat, ne determin s credem c el nu asigura un venit suficient pentru a fi practicat ca ocupaie de sine stttoare. Grupul juritilor a mai cuprins i pe notarii publici, consemnai n documentele vremii din primul ptrar al secolului al XVI-lea. n aceast calitate sunt pomenii n special clerici (preotul Anton din Drja n anul 1523, preotul
Fenean Costin Gndisch, Konrad, G., Informaii privind istoria Transilvaniei (sec. XVI-XVII) n calendarele lui Paul Eber, n Anuarul Institutului de Istorie i Arheologie Cluj, XVII (1974), p. 81. 9 Trk, op. cit., p. 16. 10 Ibidem, p. 84. 11 Ibidem, p. 60. 12 Ibidem, p. 122. 13 Tonk, Jogtud..., p. 1400.
8

35

Anton fiul lui Ioan Behme din Ulie n 1523, Nicolae fiul lui Benedict Szegedi Csoma de la conventul din Cluj-Mntur tot n 1523 etc.). Instituia de notar public, de origine italian, nu s-a ncetenit ns n Transilvania. Ea nu asigura un venit suficient pentru o ocupaie independent, i ca atare va dispare chiar n ptrarul al doilea al secolului al XVI-lea14. Ocupaia de jurist se pare c este singura ocupaie de intelectual care a fost preferat i de membrii aristocraiei. Am putea spune chiar c funciile de conducere din cancelaria princiar au fost monopolizate de acetia, dovad fiind faptul c n secolul al XVII-lea n asemenea posturi a ajuns foarte rar vreun fiu de orean sau de ran. n condiiile consolidrii puterii centrale, dregtoriile amintite i juritii care au ajuns n aceste posturi au fost modelai dup interesele puterii, ei devenind de fapt nite funcionari ai statului transilvnean. Juritii cancelariilor voievodale i princiare din secolul al XVI-lea, avnd o cultur laic umanist, au transformat, sub impulsul raporturilor culturale Occident-Rsrit, aceste instituii n adevrate ateliere de creaie a literaturii juridice, istorice i chiar beletristice umaniste. n ciuda faptului c renaterea religioas va impune culturii juritilor din cancelaria princiar a secolului al XVII-lea o alt trstur de baz, contribuia unora la dezvoltarea literaturii juridice, istorice i memorialistice nu va fi cu nimic mai prejos dect a celor din secolul precedent. Alturi, mai precis concomitent cu categoria de juriti, a aprut i o alt categorie laic de intelectuali, i anume cea funcionreasc, din care fceau parte notarii comitatelor, scaunelor, districtelor i oraelor, funcionarii fiscului (perceptorii regali, perceptorii locali etc.) ai oficiilor miniere, tricesimale, administratorii i socotitorii (contabilii) domeniilor princiare i ai aristocraiei, ai manufacturilor, ocnelor de sare, ai oficiilor de prelucrare a metalelor preioase, de purificare i de preschimbare a metalelor preioase prelucrate (monetriile din Baia Mare, Cluj i Sibiu) etc. Din nefericire, datele privind retribuirea acestei categorii de intelectuali sunt foarte lacunare. Totui, putem afirma c ea s-a fcut n funcie de importana postului i nu dup pregtirea celui care se gsea n postul sau dregtoria respectiv. n oraul Braov, de pild, notarul magistratului primea n deceniile al treilea i al patrulea al secolului al XVI-lea un salariu anual de 60 de florini (medicul oraului, n aceeai vreme, avea o retribuie anual de 80

14

Tonk Sndor, A kzpkori kzjegyzsg Erdlben, n Mveldstrtneti tanulmnyok, Bucureti, 1980, p. 36 i urm.

36

de florini)15. n anul 1618, un perceptor regal avea o retribuie anual de 51,8 florini, iar un perceptor comitatens doar 8 florini16. n secolul al XVII-lea, un tricesimator suprem primea o retribuie anual de 100 florini i 30 de cble de gru, un vame avea 18 florini, iar un administrator al Oficiului tricesimal 1216 florini17. Faptul c n anul 1602 un tnr preceptor regal al tezaurariatului princiar este chemat s justifice proveniena sumei de 365 de florini, gsii prea muli pentru a fi calificai ca bani economisii din retribuie i faptul c i n anii domniei principelui Apafi I unii tricesimatori supremi au fost anchetai pentru nsuirea unor sume i produse percepute n taxele vamale, ne determin s credem c posibilitile suplimentare de ctig n cazul ocupaiei de funcionar asigurau un venit mult mai mare dect retribuia propriu-zis18. Semnificativ ni se pare i faptul c unii dintre aceti funcionari vor deveni cu timpul arendatori ai oficiilor tricesimale sau ai altor oficii princiare. Trstura de baz a acestei categorii de intelectuali const n aceea c era cea mai larg din cadrul intelectualitii laice, i c ea practica doar periodic o activitate intelectual, majoritatea celor care fceau parte din acest grup proveneau din rndurile diecilor, absolvind doar colegiile transilvnene. Aceast carier le-a permis ns funcionarilor exercitarea concomitent i a altor ocupaii, devenind n felul acesta rentabil sub aspectul material. Cei care au preferat s lucreze n organele administraiei locale (e vorba n special de micii nobili) aveau chiar perspectiva promovrii n scara ierarhiei sociale. Obinnd o oarecare pregtire intelectual, necesar practicrii ocupaiei de comerciant i de meseria, nc n colile oreneti, funcionarii oficiilor tricesimale, miniere, ai organelor fiscale etc., dup ce au strns ceva bani prin practicarea ocupaiei de funcionar, i vor fructifica mai apoi cunotinele intelectuale n domeniul economic, ncepnd s se ocupe de tranzacii comerciale i de alt natur n oraele aflate n spaiul ntins din Transilvania pn n Moldova i Italia, respectiv n ara Romneasc i Germania. Acest grup de oameni care constituie o categorie de intelectuali economici apare ca elementul cel mai distonant al ambianei generale feudale transilvnene i se
Torma Kroly, Okiratok Erdly trtnetehez a XVII.szzad elejn, n Trtnelmi Tr, 1885, p. 314-315. 16 Orient Iuliu, Istoricul farmaciei din Ardeal, Cluj, 1927, p. 52. 17 Demny A. Lidia, Regimul tricesimelor i punctelor vamale din Transilvania n perioada Principatului autonom, n Studii i Materiale de Istorie Medie, anul VII (1974), p. 220. 18 Torma, op. cit., p. 92-93.
15

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pare c a fost prin rolul su economic i social cea mai modern categorie de intelectuali din Transilvania. Strns legat de aceast categorie de intelectuali trebuie s-i amintim pe tipografi i legtorii de cri, care n primul rnd prin activitile lor productive, dar i prin pregtirea lor intelectual, trebuie ncadrai n societatea intelectual transilvnean. n perioada Principatului autonom, ntruct numrul tipografilor era redus, activitatea de tipograf i atrgea mai ales pe fiii de oreni i rani, dar i pe fiii de preoi. Sub aspectul pregtirii, gsim printre tipografi muli dieci, dar i academii, adic tipografi care au absolvit o facultate sau alta i tipografi care au nvat meseria n strintate. n afara de deschiztorii de drumuri n domeniul tiparului transilvnean, ca J. Honterus i G. Heltai, ambii academii, trebuie amintii apoi Lucas Trapoldner, tipograf din Sibiu, care n anii 15311547 ndeplinea i funcia de notar al magistrului sibian; Filip Zugravul din Moldova, care a nvat la Veneia i care a fost tipograf n Sibiu ntre anii 1546-1550; Iacobus Lucius (1530-1597), de origine braovean, care a frecventat Universitatea din Leipzig; Misztotfalusi Kis Mikls, care a studiat n Olanda i n Anglia i care nu numai c a dobndit un renume european prin activitatea sa de gravor de litere i de tipograf, dar a depus i o vast activitate editorial i literar propriu-zis19. Acest grup de intelectuali a avut un rol foarte important n contextul micrii de reform i, n general, n rspndirea culturii, a idelor noi prin intermediul crilor, contribuind direct la ridicarea culturii transilvnene. Menionm c de numele lui Filip Mehler se leag nceputurile tiparului n limba romn, prima carte n romnete aprnd la Sibiu n 1544. Este vorba de Catehismul zis luteran, pentru a crui tiprire magistratul oraului Sibiu i-a dat lui Filip Zugravul o prim de 2 florini. Dac aceast tipritur n-a fost nc gsit, peste doi ani, n 1546, acelai Scriba valachicus, Filip Moldoveanul tiprea la Sibiu Tetraevangheliarul slavon, care nu era altceva dect o copie a Tetraevangheliarului lui Macarie de la Trgovite, din 1512, tiparul chirilic transilvnean de la nceputurile sale fiind tributar crii tiprite n ara Romneasc (tot aa cum Macarie preluase tradiia crii manuscrise din Moldova), cartea romneasc din secolul al XVI-lea

Jugreanu, Venturia, Tipografi i tipograii sibiene, n Studii i comunicri. Muzeul Brukenthal, 1969, p. 311.313; Idem. Iacobus Lucius Transilvanus, tipograf i gravor (1530-1597), n Studii i cercetri de bibliologie, vol. XII (1972), p. 75-83.

19

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reprezentnd un produs al legturilor culturale dintre cele trei ri romne20. Aceluiai Filip Moldoveanul i se datoreaz, dup cum o dovedesc cercetrile mai noi, i tiprirea Evangheliarului slavo-romn de la Sibiu, din 1551-1553 (Evangheliarul de la Petesburg), care cuprinde cel mai vechi text romnesc tiprit care se cunoate pn n prezent21. Dac iniiativa editrii crilor n limba romn a aparinut lui Filip Moldoveanul, totui rolul primordial n promovarea acestei limbi i a culturii romne l-a avut n secolul al XVI-lea diaconul Coresi. Chemat la Braov de judele oraului Johannes Bekner, Coresi a tiprit numrul cel mai mare de cri, inclusiv n limba romn, tipriturile sale fiind larg rspndite nu numai n Transilvania, ci i n ara Romneasc i Moldova. De altfel, crturarul tipograf, ca i predecesorul su, imitase n cea mai mare parte arta grafic a lui Macarie. Unitatea cultural i de neam a romnilor s-a mai reflectat, n acest domeniu al tiparului, i prin prezena n continuare n Transilvania a tradiiei tiparnielor lui Dimitrie Liubovici de la Trgovite, a imprimrii stemei rii Romneti sau a Moldovei pe cri tiprite n Transilvania,(de exemplu, pe Apostolul slavon din 1547), ca i a patronajului domnilor de dincolo de Carpai asupra lucrrilor care au vzut lumina tiparului dincoace de muni. n acest context, reamintim c n a doua jumtate a secolului al XVI-lea tiparniele transilvnene au acoperit ntr-o proporie covritoare necesarul de carte bisericeasc din ara Romneasc i Moldova22. De asemenea, dac avem n vedere faptul c producia de carte chirilic din Transilvania i ara Romneasc reprezenta circa o ptrime din totalul crilor chirilice editate n Europa secolului al XVI-lea, ponderea celor tiprite n Transilvania este precumpnitoare: 36 din cele 42 de tiprituri chirilice romneti, tot aici fiind imprimate i cele 9 cri n limba romn23. Mai menionm c n prima tipritur coresian romneasc, ntrebare cretineasc (1559), a fost utilizat pentru prima oar ntr-un text scris n limba romn denumirea etnic proprie, de romn24. Iar n psaltirea din 1570 Coresi justifica tiprirea crilor romneti prin faptul c mai toate limbile au
Demny L., Lidia A. Demny, Carte, tipar i societate la romni n secolul al XVIlea, Bucureti, Ed. Kriterion, 1986, p. 131-148. 21 L. Demny, Tiparul transilvan din secolul XVI sfera de afirmare cultural i de contacte ntre civilizaii, n Transilvania, IX, nr. 8 din august 1980, p. 53. 22 L. Demny, Lidia A. Demny, op. cit., p. 136. 23 L. Demny, art. cit., p. 54. 24 N. Stoicescu, Unitatea romnilor n evul mediu Bucureti, Ed. Academiei Romne, 1983, p. 75.
20

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cuvntul lui Dumnezeu n limba lor, numai noi, romnii, n-avem25. Coresi i colaboratorii si braoveni, preoii din chei, au meritul de a fi stabilit limba literar unic, pe baza graiului muntean i sud-transilvnean, i de a fi rspndit-o pe calea tiparului n ntreg spaiul romnesc26. Aadar, prin activitatea lor, tipografii au adus o contribuie remarcabil la promovarea limbii materne i la dezvoltarea contiinei unitii poporului romn. n aceast epoc, de fapt pn n secolul al XVIII-lea, inclusiv, un rol cultural remarcabil continu s-l aib cartea manuscris, i legat de aceasta copitii de manuscrise. Mai cunoscut ne este activitatea copitilor romni, a cror existen poate fi presupus cu certitudine nc din primele veacuri de existen ale voievodatului medieval transilvnean. Astfel, ctitoriile cnezilor romni din Zarand, Bihor sau ara Haegului nu pot fi concepute fr de cri manuscrise. La nceputul secolului al XV-lea27, vestitul crturar i miniaturist Nicodim, clugr din ara Romneasc, copiaz la iria un Tetraevangheliar slavon (1405). Peste o jumtate de secol, Popa Simion redacteaz n satul mare, la Hlmagiu, n medio-bulgar un Tetraevangheliar. Diacul Nicolae, fiul popii Nicolae din pmntul iriei, din localitatea Neradin (?), copiaz n satul Puli, n 1530, Catavisierul slavon, la cererea popii Mircea, pentru mnstirea Ostrov, situat pe malul Mureului. Alte manuscrise copiate n aceast epoc sunt: Liturghierul slavon de la Beznea (Delureni Bihor), scris n 1562, Evangheliarul slavon de la Tinud, din a doua jumtate a secolului al XVI-lea, Zbornicul de la Cpuciu (Bihor) i fragmentul de Ohtoih slavon de la sfritul aceluiai veac. De la nceputul secolului al XVI-lea dateaz i cele mai vechi manuscrise, cunoscute pn n prezent, n limba romn. Numrul copitilor i a manuscriselor sporete substanial de pe la jumtatea secolului al XVII-lea. Numai o cercetare recent referitoare la aceti oameni de cultur din prile de vest ale Transilvaniei s-a soldat cu identificarea a 51 de copiti originari de pe aceste meleaguri, care au activat n cursul Evului Mediu. Ei erau dieci, preoi sau dascli. Dac copitii celor dou texte din a doua jumtate a secolului al XVI-lea au rmas anonimi, cunoatem ns numele altor copiti de la mijlocul i din a doua jumtate a veacului al XVII-lea: Mihai Romnul, Ioan din Pociovelite, Jurju i Ioan din Luncasprie, Ptru din Tinud, Ursu din Cotiglet, Vasile din Sitani, Ioan din Atileu. De la
Ibidem, p. 75. Vezi P. P. Panaitescu, nceputurile scrisului n limba romn. Noi contribuii, n Studii i cercetri de bibliologie, V, 1963, p. 109. 27 Vezi Fl. Duda, Manuscrisele romneti medievale din Criana, Timioara, Ed. Facla, 1986, p. 8 (Vezi i bibliografia).
26 25

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Mihai Romnul ne-au rmas vechi texte ale Octoihului i una din primele scrieri polemice n limba romn. Prin intermediul manuscrisului copiat de Ioan din Pociovelite, cunoatem textul integral al Crii de nvtur a lui Coresi i al primului Molitvelnic romnesc din anii 1567-1568. Litaniile copitilor Jurju i Ioan din Luncasprie sunt apropiate, prin valoarea lor literar i semnificaia cultural-istoric, de crile de cntece romno-calvine rmase de la Mihail Halici, Ioan Wiski, Gergely Sndor de Agyfalva i Ioan Caion Romnul. Textele copiate de Ptru din Tinud amintesc de izvoarele i opera mitropolitului Dosoftei i ale lui Petru Movil, iar Ursu din Cotiglet ne-a pstrat copia Puceniei domnitorului Alexandru Lpuneanu, unul dintre monumentele literaturii noastre vechi. Alturi de copitii statornici, n vestul Transilvaniei au fost identificai i 22 de copiti peregrini (moldoveni, muncceni, munteni i ardeleni)28. Trebuie s remarcm faptul c i copitii de manuscrise i-au adus contribuia la unitatea cultural i de neam a poporului romn, ilustrnd-o prin valoroasele lor lucrri. n sfrit, ultimul grup de intelectuali ntlnit n aceast perioad l constituie medicii i farmacitii (intelectualitatea sanitar). Ei au aprut n secolele precedente n cadrul preoimii, dar i ca elemente laice. Procesul de laicizare a intelectualitii sanitare a cunoscut o intensificare odat cu rspndirea umanismului i a micrii de reform n Transilvania. Cu toate acestea, profesia de medic nu va constitui o ocupaie exclusiv laic nici n perioada principatului autonom, deoarece vor exista i dup reforma religioas preoi care vor practica aceast profesie alturi de cea ecleziastic i va exista un domeniu al medicinei chirurgia care era practicat de brbieri fr vreo pregtire superioar. Intelectualitatea sanitar nu era numeroas n aceast perioad. n Sibiu funcionau n anul 1547 trei medici ai oraului, din anul 1602 i doi farmaciti. Chiar i n afara oraelor mai mari, ca Sibiu, Braov, Cluj, Bistria, sunt semnalai medici oficiali oreneti i farmaciti (angajai de magistratura oraelor), ca de pild n Fgra, apoi n secolul al XVII-lea n Aiud, Sebe etc. Cu toate acestea, numrul lor este foarte redus. Dintre tinerii plecai la universitile strine am identificat pe teritoriul Transilvaniei doar un numr de 31 de persoane care practicau exclusiv (18) sau alturi de alt ocupaie (8 profesori, 4 preoi i 1 funcionar de stat) profesia de medic. i chiar cu cei care au fost adui din Germania de oraele sseti, din Italia de principi i de unii aristocrai, de iezuii (n Cluj-Mntur iezuiii aveau n anul 1655 medicul
28

Ibidem, p. 8-9, 147.

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i farmacistul lor, cu toate c magistratura oraului Cluj avea deja pe statul de funciuni 2 medici i un farmacist al oraului), numrul medicilor i farmacitilor n decursul perioadei principatului autonom nu putea depi cifra de 150-175. Medicii i farmacitii proveneau din rndurile pturilor oreneti i ale trgoveilor i mai rar dintre fiii de rani. Ei constituiau excepie fcnd chirurgii-brbieri poate singura categorie de intelectuali care avea exclusiv o pregtire universal. Medicul se situa undeva ntre preot i profesor n ierarhia social, pe cnd farmacistul, cu toate c n aceast calitate lucrau tot medici, era nc mult mai puin preuit n societatea transilvnean. De asemenea, se poate aprecia c fa de preot chiar i medicul era mult subestimat. Medicii provenii n general din pturile neprivilegiate ale societii transilvnene, avnd o pregtire intelectual superioar, vor fi printre cei mai importani i curajoi purttori ai ideilor noi tiinifice i filosofice. Sebastian Pauschner, fizicuul Braovului, care pe la 1530 editeaz la Sibiu o lucrare pentru combaterea ciumei, Paulus Kyr, doctor n medicin, renumit n anii 1534-1588 n toate cele trei ri romneti, Samuil Enyedi, cartezian materialist, profesorul umanistului romn Mihai Halici, tefan Huszti Szab, adeptul ideilor carteziene trzii etc.29, sunt doar civa dintre cei mai de seam medici transilvneni n secolele XVI-XVII. Aadar, ptura intelectual a cunoscut n perioada Principatului autonom mutaii importante. n cadrul acesteia, n contextul diversificrii raporturilor culturale Occident - Rsrit, au aprut noi elemente constitutive laice i s-a accentuat n general laicizarea societii intelectuale transilvnene, chiar dac preoimea i ntr-un anumit sens ntreaga intelectualitate a devenit mai religioas. Odat cu apariia unor noi categorii de intelectuali, aceast ptur social a sporit i sub aspect numeric. A crescut n special numrul intelectualilor laici i semilaici (al juritilor, funcionarilor, medicilor, farmacitilor, profesorilor i dasclilor etc.). n urma transformrilor politice i religioase, intelectualitatea transilvnean a devenit mai divizat sub aspect religios, dar mai omogen sub aspectul provenienei i al situaiei sale materiale. n fond, marea majoritatea a acestei intelectualiti provenea din rndurile claselor i pturilor sociale neprivilegiate (ale orenilor, trgoveilor, ranilor liberi i iobagi), i doar dregtoriile nalte erau ocupate de membrii culi ai aristocraiei. Condiiile materiale ale diferitelor categorii de intelectuali nu prezint mari inegaliti. Cu
A. Huttman, Despre unele aspecte n legtur cu cartea doctorului Paulis Kyr Sanitatis studium, n Revista Medical, anul XVIII (1972), p. 113-117.
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toate acestea, preoimea i n special aristocraia acesteia, adic preoii academii, se bucurau de condiii materiale mai bune dect celelalte categorii de intelectuali, dei nici vrfurile acestei pturi superioare a intelectualitii nu vor deveni stpni de pmnt, deci stpni feudali. Creterea numeric i ntrirea rolului pturii intelectuale n secolele XVI-XVII a contribuit la ridicarea cultural a Transilvaniei.

The Stratification of the Laic Intellectuality in Transylvania in the 16th-17th Centuries in the Context of the West-East Relationships - Abstract The life and organization of the intellectuality in Transylvania met important mutations in the 16th-17th centuries. In the context of the diversified West-East cultural relations, new laic elements appeared, while the laicization of the intellectual society was developing in Transylvania, even if it became more religious. With the apparition of new categories of intellectuals, this social layer grew in number, especially in the case of the laic and semi-laic intellectuals (jurists, clerks, physicians, chemists, teachers and school masters etc.). As a result of the political and religious transformations, the Transylvanian intellectuality became more divided from the religious viewpoint, but more homogenized from the viewpoint of origin and material situation. In fact, the great majority of this intellectuality derived from the unprivileged social classes and layers (townsmen, boroughs men, free peasants, serfs), and only higher positions were occupied by the learned members of aristocracy. The material conditions of the different categories of intellectuals did not reflect major inequalities. Nevertheless, the priests and mostly their aristocracy enjoyed better material conditions than other intellectual categories, though even the most favoured representatives could not become feudal landlords. The development of the intellectual layer in the 16th-17th centuries contributed to the cultural evolution in Transylvania.

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IVAN LOPUKHIN AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF MYSTICAL HISTORIOSOPHY IN LATE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY RUSSIA ANDREAS BERG In this paper I will argue that accounts of the development of Russian historiography during the Russian enlightenment need to take into greater consideration the contribution of mystical thought to the conceptualisation of history as an autonomous human construct. In the first part I will discuss some challenges faced by a rationalistic approach to the study of history. In the second part I will propose the mystical thought of a noted Russian Rosicrucian thinker Ivan Vladimirovich Lopukhin (1756-1816) and suggest that his attempt to relate historical and divine realities was focused on enhancing human agency in its historical and ontological terms. In the third part I will draw some implications stemming from my reconsideration of the interrelationship between mysticism and history. I The development of modern Russian historiography in early Eighteenth-century was to a large degree informed by Peter the Greats (16821725) cameralist-like policies and the type of enlightened absolutism he and subsequent Russian monarchs have practiced. Consequently, a rationalistic account of history was compromised insofar as it was dependant on the evolution of the state for its methodological guidance. Even if at times opposed to the process of Russian westernisation, the treatment of history was prone to being equated with the physical and socio-political conditions that were either conducive or inhibitive to nation-building as conceived by the will of the sovereign1. The ensuing retreat of biblical chronology, together with the repudiation of medieval insistence on providence, far from liberalising human agency, has to an extent substituted unknowable divine providence, for an equally vague confidence in the rational will of the sovereign. A circumstance of considerable ideological potency as it allowed for the optimistic assumption

For a discussion on Eighteenth-century Russian historiography see T.V. Artemeva, Ideia istorii v Rossii XVIII veka. Filosovskii Vek. Almanakh vypusk 4 (St. Petersburg, St. Petersburg Center for the History of Ideas, 1998).

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that enlightened monarchy was an outgrowth of enlightened ideas and could therefore be seen as the chief agent of historical change2. The challenge of modernising historical scholarship, without provoking historical critique, may have predisposed Russian authorities to welcome representatives of the Gttingen School of historical inquiry into the Russian Academy of Sciences in virtue of the Schools deliberate disregard for the meaning of history3. Largely through the efforts of August G. Schlzer (17351809), by the 1760s, Russian historiography was focused on language, periodisation and classification of primary sources as its prime categories4. Important as this development was in establishing history as an empiricallycontestable discipline, it naturally failed to engage the formative as well as the ontological dimensions of historical process. In the hands of Russian historians who were under some influence from the School, such as Mikhailo M. Scherbatov (1733-1790) and Ivan N. Boltin (1735-92), the logic derived from documentary accounts was conflated with the course of historical development itself, hence precluding the discussion of history as a distinctive context5. As a consequence, Russian historians dependence on a canonical set of primary documents to support their varying ideological contentions, accentuated the assumption that recourse to history was necessary in order to justify, rather than interpret the formation of personal as well as socio-political organisational forms. The absence of critical historical interpretation, which had little chance of developing amidst a forced adaptation of medieval chronicles, resulted in the underdevelopment of the human subject as an object of historical inquiry. The ideological undercurrent behind Peter the Greats reforms further contributed to this oversight as their course depended on a new and pragmatic conception of
For a modern endorsement of this view see J. Israel, Enlightened Despotism in Israel, J. Enlightenment Contested: Philosophy, Modernity, and the Emancipation of Man 1670-1752, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2006, p. 296-325. 3 F. Meinecke, Historism: The Rise of A New Historical Outlook tr. J.E. Anderson, London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1972, p. 236; T.V. Artemeva, Ideia istorii v Rossii XVIII veka p. 51. 4 See T.V. Artemeva, Ot slavnogo proshlogo k svetlomu budushchemu: Filosofiia istorii i utopiia v Rossii epohi Prosveshcheniia, pp. 41-44; M. Raeff, The Enlightenment in Russia in Garrard, J.D. The Eighteenth Century in Russia, p. 3; E. Winter, Lomonosov, Schlzer, Pallas, Deutsch-russiche Wissenschaftsbeziehungen im 18. Jahrhundert, Berlin, Akademie-Verlag, 1962. 5 T.V. Artemeva, Ideia istorii v Rossii XVIII veka p. 80-92 and A.G. Mazour, Modern Russian Historiography, The Journal of Modern History 9, 2 (1937), p. 169-202.
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human beings as pliant participators in the realisation of his vision6. Historical scholarship has reflected this attitude by suggesting that individuals pursuit of happiness was realisable within the broader aims of the sovereign7. In this case, the extent to which human subjectivity could be recognised as an agent of historical change was restricted because it was overshadowed by the appeal to the common good as a way of legitimising state control over individual selfexpression8. Accordingly, most of the historically-oriented discussion regarding the human subject occurred under the rubric of education, sociability and participation in organisational forms, the very domains whose operation was dependant on the regulatory prerogative of the state9. As a consequence, rationalistic approach to history as it developed in Eighteenth-century Russia was largely geared towards preparing the human subject to be an obedient servant of the state10. A process which prevented the very possibility of taking into account the extent to which human beings constructed and negotiated historical reality in terms that were more concerned with integrating the seemingly disparate nature of their existence and less with the immediate needs of the state.
In this instance, the thought of Archbishop Prokopovich. This notion gained particular credence in the reign of Catherine the Great (17641796) as the development of absolute monarchy was understood by historians (such as N.I. Boltin and M.V. Lomonosv) to represent a natural development of Russian socio-political culture. See T.V. Artemeva, Ot slavnogo proshlogo k svetlomu budushchemu, p. 48-49. 8 The ruse behind the appeal to the common good in early Eighteenth-century Russia was an object of detailed examination in O. Kharkhordin, What is the State? The Russian Concept of Gosudarstvo in the European Context, History and Theory 40, 2 (2001), p. 206-240. 9 V.N. Tatishchev (1686-1750), in his Russian History from the most Ancient Times (1768) suggested that historical inquiry was necessary in order to reveal the workings of religious, political and legal organisational forms, V.N. Tatishchev in T.V. Artemeva, Ideia istorii v Rossii XVIII veka, 189-196. M.V. Lomonosov (1711-1765), in his Ancient Russian History (1766) was even more explicit: history was a guide which allowed the rulers to know how to rule and the subjects to know how to obey, M.V. Lomonosv in Ibidem p. 199. 10 Marc Raeff has underscored the Russian states calculated misuse of intellectual accomplishments for its own pragmatic aims by stating that culture... was valued not for its own sake but merely as an instrument of state power to bring about modernization. M. Raeff, Origins of the Russian Intelligentsia: The EighteenthCentury Nobility, New York, Harcourt, 1966, p. 120-121.
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The growing awareness that individuals spiritual and ethical needs were overshadowed by the utilitarian aims of the state, has led some late Eighteenth-century Russian intellectuals to repudiate a state-sponsored enlightenment project and to conceive an alternative understanding of the enlightenment which sought to neutralise the spread of western secularist and rationalist worldviews. The increasing interest in mysticism (predominantly in its Masonic and Rosicrucian forms) during the 1770s and 1780s amongst some of the intellectual and cultural elite was symptomatic of an attempt to develop a humanistic outlook that would bracket individuality in sacred, rather than rationalistic terms11. Apart from Lopukhin, other mystical thinkers such as Grigorii S. Skovoroda (1722-1794), Mikhail M. Kheraskov (1733-1807) and Nikolai I. Novikov (1743-1818) have agreed that a more defensible conception of the human subject must rest on the Pietistic assumption that within each individual there is an irreducible divine content referred to as the interior man. This value-oriented reconsideration of the individual has reduced the cogency of the perceptible order of things to a mere intimation of divine reality existing within and without the human subject. This meant that historicallyconstructed organisational forms (including conventional religion) were reconceived as exterior arrangements, whose significance was only relative to the more important task of apprehending and utilising the interior divine content. As a consequence, by late Eighteenth-century, some Russian intellectuals have sharply disaggregated the sacred (interior) from the profane (exterior) domains with the view to their subsequent harmonisation in a Neoplatonic sense, as distinct and non-interpenetrative levels of reality12. A number of mid-to-late Eighteenth-century Russian historical and literary texts seemed to have led up to Lopukhins thought and have attempted to construe history in mystical terms. F.A. Emin (1735-1770) has structured his Russian History (1767) as an imaginative projection into the Russian past that was intended to supplement the more general process of self-knowing13. A
G. Florovskii, Puti russkogo bogosloviia (Paris: YMCA Press, 1983), p. 114; D. Smith, Working the Rough Stone: Freemasonry and Society in Eighteenth-Century Russia, Russian Studies Series (De Kalb, Ill, Northern Illinois University Press, 1999). For an authoritative discussion on the Russian enlightenments mystical dimension see R. Faggionato, A Rosicrucian Utopia in Eighteenth-Century Russia: The Masonic Circle of N.I. Novikov, Springer, Dordrecht, 2005. 12 See J.C. McLelland, The Alexandrian Quest of the Non-Historical Christ, Church History 37, 4 (1968), p. 360. 13 F.A. Emin in T.V. Artemeva, Ideia istorii v Rossii XVIII veka, p. 201-209.
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theme that was further developed in Ivan P. Elagins (1725-1794) Experiment in Narrating Russian History (1803) where the study of history was equated with the process of cognising divine wisdom and its operation through historical contingency14. The most developed application of the interior man concept took place in Kheraskovs epic poem Vladimir Reborn (1785), in which history was understood as a double process involving mans ascent towards God by way of a mystical descent into his own divine being15. In their respective ways, these texts have responded to the neglect of the individual as a universal measure of historical continuity. In doing so, the states claims on history, the individual and the enlightenment have been curtailed as it was assumed that the reform of historically-given organisational forms was only one aspect within a much larger enlightenment process which at this stage, was primarily concerned with the ...rehabilitation of the symbolic and religious sources of human thought16. II Compared to preceding Eighteenth-century Russian attempts at combining mystical and historical realities, Lopukhin was particularly concerned with maintaining their interdependence. A purely mystical reception of reality, without qualifying historicity in positive terms, ran the risk of demolishing the very possibility of relating these conflicting domains. By way of demonstrating their coexistence, Lopukhin has envisaged the beginning of history as constituted by a parallel presence of mans own capabilities and those which were made available to him by God. To this end, Lopukhin has made use of the Kabbalistic Adam Kadmon as a being simultaneously possessing his own will and a divine spark. The former element was understood to represent the agent of historical change: Adams abuse of the will, his insubordination and expulsion from Eden has extinguished the light of Divine Wisdom from his mind and has descended him and humankind into the kingdom of illness, work [my emphasis] and death...17 Far from merely repeating the traditional emphasis on human wickedness, Lopukhin has
I.P. Elagin in Ibidem, p. 224-253. For a discussion on a mystical and religious approach to history see O.M. Goncharova, Vlast traditsii i novaia Rossiia v literaturnom soznanii vtoroi poloviny XVIII veka, Russkii Hristianskii Gumanitarnyi Institut, St. Petersburg, 2004, p. 52-95. 16 R. Faggionato, A Rosicrucian Utopia in Eighteenth-Century Russia, p. 5. 17 I.V. Lopukhin, Nekotorye Cherty p. 80.
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implicated the fall as a catalyst for a purely human activity understood as work. As such, it beared witness to mans constructive capacity to transform his immediate circumstances in ways which presupposed that improvement was within reach. Historicity could thus be seen as a surrogate reality with its own teleology made real by the almost total absence of divine guidance. Consequently, the intention to overcome the limitations imposed by the fall, implicitly assumed that man, as a transformable being, was involved in his own self-contextualisation within parameters that were essentially his own. In parallel to the laborious course of mans self-contextualisation, Lopukhin proposed a divinely ordained telos which was not bracketed by the historical. The divine promise of restoration, expressed as the rekindling of mans divine spark, suggested that the transformation which man strived for in the historical world was fully realisable only on account of his interior transfiguration: ...Naturally, the limitless [divine] love, in the moment of Adams fall, has already began to plan towards his restoration and with its wisdom has prepared the means to reignite in his soul the spark from the lamp which enlightened him before the fall18. The type of enlightened state associated with a pre-fall existence alluded to a mystical store of knowledge which was at mans disposal prior to his descent into the historical19. Indeed, mystical knowledge that was made available to man in the act of divine creation itself could be understood as a form of critique, insofar as the stigma of forfeiting something so perfect revealed the contrived nature of historical reality. The significance of this symbolic return to mans pre-historic condition can be appreciated if it is taken to mean the process under which man would be induced to cognitively retrace the course of his own historical development. In this case, mans intellectual awareness that he might regain his ascendancy, acted as an Archimedean point from which he could evaluate his historical predicament. From the Archimedean point, historical progress could be construed as mans futile attempt to apprehend the divine through the deployment of his will, bypassing the divine spark which remained in obscurity. Lopukhin has projected this conclusion by suggesting that historical and natural domains contained symbolic gestures rather than established pathways towards the divine. Indeed, the very presence of historically-developed institutions such as religion was merely to provide a prologue to mans inwardness which
Ibidem, p. 81. See K. Burmistrov and M. Endel, The Place of the Kabbalah in the doctrine of Russian Freemasons, Aries 4, 1 (2004), p. 27-68.
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Lopukhin saw as a direct extension of the divine itself. Lopukhin seemed to be quite certain that, given the opportunity to recognise historical reality as merely an external manifestation of his own agency, man will inevitably be induced to develop a more immediate insight into Gods sacred works in [his] soul20. This means that history was of a pedagogical value, providing conditions for man to develop his reflective skills as consequence of encountering its external forms. This encounter was intended to invoke a sense of dissatisfaction which would subsequently give rise to mans reflective activity in order to overcome the object of his dissatisfaction. Again drawing on religion as an example, Lopukhin has illustrated this process by envisioning external historical religion as ...the means towards an internally true Christianity21. It was therefore by pronouncing its own a limit that history was able to gesture towards a reality which it did not itself contain and in doing so, providing its own justification. The validity historical order was therefore retained, albeit in such a fashion as to give priority to the Rosicrucian notion that cognition must be real, rather than historical22. Hence, the divine was not directly accessible within the historical world; instead, it projected its own possibility within and without the historical parameters. From within, it could be garnered through participation in conventional religion, alchemical study of nature and mystical contemplation of the Scriptures as narrative attempts to capture the divine meaning, but not the divine itself. From without however, the possibility of the divine was equated with the as-yet unrealised possibility of the interior man to transfigure the fallen structures of reality23. On both counts, these potentialities have not yet unfolded and by remaining latent, have legitimated history as a period between mans current state as he is and his future state as he ought to be. History then, did not directly lead up to these eschatological expectations as theorised in conventional religious claims to be able to prepare man towards the new as though the latter was dependant on historical continuity. To counter
I.V. Lopukhin, Nekotorye Cherty p. 80 Ibidem. 22 In Russia, this notion was expressed by one of the leading Rosicrucian thinkers and Lopukhins associate, the Transylvanian-born Johann Schwartz (1751-1784), see V. Sakharov, Russkoe Masonstvo v Portretah, Moscow, AiF, 2004, p. 87-88. 23 These individualistic implications of Lopukhins thought were not lost to some early Nineteenth-century Russian sectarians, who paid considerable attention to his Interior Church, see A.N. Pypin, Religioznye dvizheniia pri Aleksandre I (St. Petersburg, Akademicheskii Proekt, 2000), p. 418.
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the possible excesses involved in attempting to forcibly conform the historical present to a non-historical future, Lopukhin has alluded to the inadmissibility of a ...futile and premature extinguishment of the flesh in a false belief that in doing so, the spiritual inquirer was serving the true God24. Here Lopukhin implied that history was not transitory in a sense that it merely prefigured a noumenal conclusion. Rather, it was permanent insofar as man continued to bracket the eschaton within the same parameters which it was meant to foreclose. Lopukhin has rethought the eschaton as an introspective event precipitated by and occurring within the human subject, rather than as an external intervention concluding the historical process. The disengagement of eschatology from its chronological implications represented a more complex reworking of I.P. Elagins Theosophy (1786), in which the latter mystic argued that Newtons attempt to date the apocalypse was laughable because it failed to take into consideration the necessary transformation of the subject to make eschatology meaningful25. In line with this sentiment, Lopukhin has proposed the elimination of the external man26 as a way of projecting the eschaton within range of the subjects own faculties of self-modification27. As a consequence, eschatology was reconceived as a personal praxis, unsupported by, or directly threatening, the validity of established historical norms. Such a re-internalisation of the eschaton represented an attempt to combine a generalised mystical demand for active contemplation of the subjects own being, with a Neoplatonic outcome of such contemplation, which was the production of the essence of the thing contemplated28. The intended outcome was the gradual disclosure of the subjects own interior man as the culmination of a personal noumenal event.

I.V. Lopukhin, Nekotorye Cherty p. 87-88. See I.P. Elagin, Uchenie drevnego liubomudriia i bogomudriia, ili Nauka svobodnykh kamenshchikov, Russki Arkhiv 1 (1864), p. 101. 26 I.V. Lopukhin, Nekotorye Cherty, p. 97. 27 For a discussion regarding an individuated eschaton see H. Jonas, Myth and Mysticism: A Study of Objectification and Interiorization in Religious Thought, The Journal of Religion 49, 4 (1969), p. 318. 28 See M.F. Wagner, Vertical Causation in Plotinus, in Harris, R.B. ed. The Structure of Being: A Neoplatonic Approach, Studies in Neoplatonism: Ancient and Modern vol IV (Norfolk, Virg., International Society for Neoplatonic Studies, 1982), p. 70.
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The internalisation of the eschaton has suspended the historical telos and released29 man from his obligation to attempt a purely historical transformation of his spiritual condition. As a consequence, the historical process was to some extent emancipated from its teleology and given an indefinite duration. A point re-emphasised by Lopukhins suggestion that the true qualities pertaining to Christs nature can exist without the latter30. Historically-developed organisational forms could not maintain immediate recourse to the divine reality they mirrored and ought to pursue their developmental trajectory without the optimistic assumption that in the course of time, their divine source will be clarified31. Arguably, that divine qualities could arise in human institutions without direct input from their divine progenitor, by implication, suggested that divine will itself was not always present in historical immediacy. Therefore, history could be construed as a perpetual semblance of divine order, maintained by mans theurgic ability to animate aspects of the divine, but without the latters will which would make the qualities and the context of their emergence conclusive32. This emphasis on man theurgic capability has further removed the historical from the divine in a way which undergirded man himself as the surrogate of the divine will. Since man was a theurgically-capable being, he was to a large extent a co-participant in the cosmogonic process which was awaiting its completion. However, man could not complete it because as a consequence of his fall, his theurgy could only invoke, but not create or transform. Lopukhins active involvement in the Rosicrucian attempt to reform key clusters of Russian society throughout the 1780s is instructive insofar as it alluded to his recognition that whilst mans theurgy was limited, it was sufficient to alleviate some of the more immediate problems facing human historical development. Indeed, the Neoplatonic undercurrent to this paradox
R.H. Hvolbek, Being and Knowing: Spiritualist Epistemology and Anthropology from Schwenckfeld to Boehme, Sixteenth Century Journal 22, 1 (1991): 97-101. 30 I.V. Lopukhin, Nekotorye Cherty, p. 96. 31 This conclusion is broadly congruent with the general retreat of conventional ecclesiastical history particularly in Italian and British enlightenment contexts, albeit with a mystical undercurrent which obscured the civil intentions underpinning this process. See J.G.A. Pocock, Chapter I: Civil and Ecclesiastical History in Pocock, J.G.A. Barbarism and Religion. Volume Two: Narratives of Civil Government (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2000): 29-41. 32 Here I would like to emphasise the technical Greek definition of theurgy or theourgia: doing what gods do for men.
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has involved man in the ascend towards the divine as it is in its ineffability, through a visible replication of its creative power in the sensible world by way of a theurgic ordering of its parameters for the benefit of other human beings33. The Rosicrucian establishment has embodied this distinction as it projected its own hidden mystical component into the visibility of the public sphere by way of its philanthropic activities. This relationship allegorised mans approach historicity: he must on the one hand, view it as inconclusive and exterior, but on the other, to participate in it because it represented a stepping stone towards a more immediate apprehension of the divine. Lopukhin has understood this allegory within a distinctive form of asceticism which aimed at utilising the emerging dialectical tension stemming from mans commitment to his historical context and his simultaneous abstention from affirming it as true34. The enactment of these seemingly diverging trends were meant to prepare man towards their synthesis in an individual overcoming of history as an object of his theurgic practice through the exercise of his free will35. An event which would be predetermined by mans emerging realisation that he could reverse and reform the seemingly endless succession of historical phenomena by inducting them into his interior ground: Adams first sigh of repentance can be called the first ray of light and the beginning of the divine interior church on earth... within which the Lord performs his great task of regeneration36. Repentance can thus be construed as mans intuitive grasp of his pre-historical origin, enjoining him to unearth his freedom through this act of self-recognition37.
See G.B. Shaw, Theurgy and the Soul: The Neoplatonism of Iamblichus (Penn State Press, 1971), p. 112. It has been further argued in more recent literature that the roots of modernity (and by implication social critique) are traceable to Neoplatonic understanding of theurgy, see J. Milbank, Theology and Social Theory: Beyond Secular Reason (Oxford, Blackwell, 2006), p. xix. 34 Lopukhin was quite laconic when he expressed his somewhat Pietistic understanding of asceticism: Moderation must be tripartite: abstinence of the spirit, abstinence of the intellect and abstinence of emotions. I.V. Lopukhin, Nekotorye Cherty p. 122. 35 V.V. Zenkovskii, in his expansive study of Russian philosophy has detected this freedom of a searching spirit as a key feature of Lopukhins thought, see V.V. Zenkovskii, Istoriia russkoi filosofii vol. 1 (Paris, YMCA Press, 1948), p. 108-109. 36 I.V. Lopukhin, Nekotorye Cherty p. 81. 37 Lopukhins indebtedness to Jacob Bhme is quite striking here as the latter mystic was also concerned with overcoming historical faith as a predestined process. Bhme argued that if man followed the divine signatures contained by the present earthly world, than he will be able to negate it by taking leave of all the obscure compulsions
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Indeed, in philosophical terms, mans exit from his historical confines into his own being posed a limit to his conventional ability to know and to act, because no strict epistemological accounts could be made regarding a domain which aimed to undo all performative practices38. In language reminiscent of an Eckhartian deconstructive breakthrough into the uncreated ground where God becomes and unbecomes39, Lopukhin bid man to still himself and enter the most mysterious depth of ones heart... amidst internal silence40 and locate that centre in which Gods Kingdom is revealed in its true potency and into which nothing impure can intervene.41 Beyond its more immediate religious ramifications, such thinking had a more profound significance for the concept of selfhood as it was loosened from its historical developmental trajectory. The sheer openness to the possibility of the new exhibited by the interior man entirely within his own parameters, has drawn attention to Lopukhins implicit ascription to the type of a human self which was predominantly defined by its own internal activity and not merely by its seeming conformity to external environment42. It was precisely this critical component of Eighteenth-century

and delusions that are the correlatives of time and history, see A.Weeks, German Mysticism. From Hildegard of Bingen to Ludwig Wittgenstein: A Literary and Intellectual History (Albany, State University of New York Press, 1993), pp. 180-181. Bhmes thought was well known by Russian freemasons and particularly by the Moscow Rosicrucians who have studied and translated some of his most important works, see David Zdenek, The Influence of Jacob Boehme on Russian Religious Thought Slavic Review 21, 1 (March 1962): 43-64. 38 Some ontological and epistemological accounts of mysticism have agreed that mystical praxis is primarily defined by its ability to accentuate being itself, to the point where being and nothing are almost synonymous. From this standpoint, to enter into ones being, is to forget all of its external forms. See Robert Forman, Introduction: Mysticism, Constructivism and Forgetting, in Forman, R.K. ed. The Problem of Pure Consciousness: Mysticism and Philosophy (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1990): 349. 39 Beverly J. Lanzetta, Three Categories of Nothingness in Eckhart, in The Journal of Religion 72, 2 (1992): 248-268. 40 I.V. Lopukhin, Nekotorye cherty pp. 115-116. In this reference and in the one below, I am uniting two of Lopukhins references to the centre of mans interiority: the first one conceived as the heart, and the second one as the centre of the centre. 41 Ibidem, p. 104-5. 42 J. Seigel, The Idea of the Self: Thought and Experience in Western Europe Since the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2005), p. 254.

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culture of inwardness that Lopukhin sought to develop within an enlightenment framework43. III Lopukhins mystical historiosophy provided a powerful response to increasing institutionalisation of the human subject, a process which was tacitly supported by some of the most prominent Russian Eighteenth-century historians. Whilst a more conventional justification of historical development was largely based on the notion that gradual human engenderment into sociocultural and political confines was a necessary departure from primordial chaos, Lopukhin has reversed this process by postulating historicity as a stimulus, rather than the telos for an evolving human self-consciousness. This is an important distinction when approached from the standpoint of human agency: in the first instance, the latter was empowered by the extent to which it was reflected by historical organisational norms, while in the second, it projected its complete autonomy from all of its spheres of application until it located itself and sought its own unfoldment in a way which did not require a literal disestablishment of historical reality. Arguably, the implication of nature and history into the gradual emergence of self-consciousness represented a conceptual advance in the development of speculative mysticism in post-Petrine Russia and has contributed towards the Russian reception of Schellings Naturphilosophie in the following century44. Indeed, Lopukhin has privileged negation and intuition as related exploratory tools which were capable of articulating the overall coherence pervading created and divine realities. Firstly, Lopukhin has envisaged that the human subject would become conscious of his own
Ibidem, p. 302. A. Lipski has directly implicated Lopukhin with the subsequent reception of Naturphilosophie, see Alexander Lipski, A Russian Mystic Faces the Age of Rationalism and Revolution: Thought and Activity of Ivan Vladimirovich Lopukhin, p. 187. A. Walicki was more circumspect and suggested that J.G. Schwartz, as one of the major sources for Russian Rosicrucian ideology as a whole, has prepared the way in Russia for Schelling, see A. Walicki, A History of Russian Thought: From the Enlightenment to Marxism (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1979), p. 23. See also Aleksandr Abramov, Schelling v filosofskikh iskaniiakh russkogo romantizma in Abramov, A.I Sbornik nauchnykh trudov po istorii russkoi filosofii (Moscow, Krug, 2005): 383-404.
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unconditionality as a consequence of overcoming the deterministic and conditional nature of his external context. Secondly, Lopukhin has drawn attention to the inadmissibility of explaining away external reality without considering its creative construction of the divine which the human subject was capable of intuiting intellectually as a consequence of resisting its constructed form. Thus, Schellings approach to nature as a necessary alienating element underscoring the conflictual process of self-knowing and to history as a process prolonged into the distant future when God will be all in all was of some familiarity to subsequent Russian intellectuals because it echoed themes which were already present in Russian mystical thought45. Lopukhins thought demonstrated the extent to which, late Eighteenthcentury Russian mysticism was in the process of overcoming its association with closed religious structures and assimilating the much wider historical repertoire as one of its normative spheres of application. As a result, mysticism became concerned with lessening the so-called burden of the historical by subverting its conventional teleology and subordinating its repertoire to the productive capacity of the human subject46. This means that the possibility of reforming historically-developed organisational forms was to a large extent made dependant on whether human agency itself and not merely its context, was open to modification47. Lopukhin seemed to assume that since historical products could not intend towards an end which was not already determined by the process of their very formation, it was futile to subordinate human agency to the very products which it created. Therefore, a mystical approach to history, unlike a rationalistic one, has envisaged a historical future in a way which appeared to be more consistent with the human subject as an autonomous architect of his own historicity. Subsequent Russian mystical critique, once it has developed the necessary philosophical and theological terminology, was able to further extend its insight into the historical order by proposing alternative personal, sociopolitical and spiritual organisational forms during the so-called Russian Silver
Schelling in D.E. Snow, Schelling and the End of Idealism (New York, SUNY, 1996), p. 191. 46 J.A. Barash, Martin Heidegger and the Problem of Historical Meaning (New York, Fordham University Press, 2003), p. 121-122. 47 Modern literature on mysticism has paid some attention to mystically-given motivation towards social reform, see J.K. Ruffing, Introduction in Ruffing, J.K. ed. Mysticism and Social Transformation (Syracuse, N.Y., Syracuse University Press, 2001): 1-25.
45

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Age. Echoing Lopukhins suspicion regarding singular over-dependence on organisational as well as intellectual frameworks, V.S. Soloviev (1853-1900) held up mysticism as a potential synthesiser of German Idealism, Orthodox Patristic tradition and contemporary political thought into a coherent worldview. In a more radical tone, N.A. Berdyaev (1874-1948) has reprojected Lopukhins challenging notion that the historical and ontological repertoires to which the hum an subject was ineluctably committed were incomplete, and developed an existentialist account of human agency whose creative nature was made visible through its as-yet unsuccessful attempts to reciprocate divine creation with examples of its own capabilities. Indeed, D.S. Merezhkovskii (1865-1941) took the eschatological implications of such reasoning and in terms already familiar to Lopukhin and has located the demise of the historical predominantly within human subjectivity. Thus, attention to Eighteenthcentury Russian mystical thought in general and to Lopukhin in particular, is important because it suggests that history was already an implicit object of mystical critique a century before mystical historiosophy became an explicit extension of Russian religious philosophy.

Ivan Lopukhin and the Development of Mystical Historiosophy in Late Eighteenth-Century Russia - Abstract In the present study, the author argues that accounts of the development of Russian historiography during the Russian enlightenment need to take into greater consideration the contribution of mystical thought to the conceptualisation of history as an autonomous human construct. In the first part he discusses some challenges faced by a rationalistic approach to the study of history. In the second part he proposes the mystical thought of a noted Russian Rosicrucian thinker Ivan Vladimirovich Lopukhin (1756-1816) and suggests that his attempt to relate historical and divine realities was focused on enhancing human agency in its historical and ontological terms. In the third part he draws some implications stemming from his reconsideration of the interrelationship between mysticism and history.

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TRANSYLVANIA AS A BORDERLAND BETWEEN THE WEST AND THE EAST MARIUS CRIAN
" of course I wanted to see all I could of the ways of the country"1: A Touristic Attitude in Stokers Sources on Transylvania

The strongest wish of Jonathan Harker, Stokers British young lawyer who visits Transylvania for the first time, is to see all particularities of the region. He puts down in his diary everything he sees from his train window, people and landscape. The first feature of the character revealed to the readers is his curiosity. This attitude is typically touristic. Jonathan Harkers curiosity is modelled after the curiosity of the British travellers who visited Transylvania in the 19th century. As Bram Stoker never came to this region, he relied on some travel memoirs. As his working notes for Dracula show, the Irish novelist worked for about seven years on this novel and read several books on Eastern Europe. The works which inspired the construction of Transylvania in Dracula are: William Wilkinson, An Account of the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia (1820), Charles Boner, Transylvania: Its Products and Its People (1865), Andrew F. Crosse, Round About the Carpathians (1878), Nina Elizabeth Mazuchelli, Magyarland(1881), Major E. C. Johnson, On the Track of the Crescent(1888) and the article Transylvanian Superstitions by Emily Gerard. Writing on the construction of Transylvania in British travel literature in the 19th century, Carmen Andra shows:
If we consider the English traveller in Romania, we can assert that, generally speaking, he belongs to the category of detached observer, who uses his lenses made in England as a filter for value judgements. As a result, we enter the territory of prejudices, stereotypes and clichs, with their decisive effects upon the representations of the Other. They can seldom be avoided, harming interpersonal and even international relations.2

Bram Stoker, Dracula, London, Penguin Books, 1994, p. 12. Carmen Maria Andra, The Image of Transylvania in English Literature, Journal of Dracula Studies, Memorial University of Newfoundland, Canada, 1/1999, retrieved from http://www.blooferland.com/drc/index.php?title=Journal_of_Dracula_Studies, on May 17 2007.
2

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If the reflections on the economic situation of the region are often derogatory, the tone of the traveller changes when he or she writes about the landscape. Stokers sources have a strong touristic element. The message of all books is an invitation for the British readers to visit Transylvania in order to see the beauties of the region, especially the varied landscape, and encounter the cordiality and hospitality of the inhabitants. There are many references to the inns of the region, and the travel writers often warn the other possible visitors of the high prices charged by some innkeepers or of the bad quality of certain hotels. Many travel writers followed some of the advice of the previous travellers, and confirmed or refuted the preceding experience. According to Boner, as a result of the positive Western influence, tourism in this region begins to flourish. In Stokers novel, the characters who visit this region often show a tourists enthusiasm. In the beginning the English visitor is curious and sees everything as weird, but at the end of the novel he or she will be familiarised with the Transylvanian customs. One field that draws their attention is the culinary one. Major Johnson is one of the main sources of Stoker in the field of cuisine. In Boners book there are also references to several gastronomic elements presented in the novel, such as the dish robber steak, which is described by Andrew F. Crosse3 too. Both travel writers have tasted it in the Banat. Boner describes it as large slices of meet being spitted on a stick nicely peeled for the purpose, and, unlike Harker, Boner finds it juicy and savoury. Both the haycocks in the forked branches of a willow4 and this dish is also described by Crosse during his trip in the Banat. Stoker put down the information about the wine Golden Mediasch from Crosse. This wine, offered by Count Dracula to his guest -which produces a queer sting on the tongue, which is, however, not disagreeable5 is also described by Boner as an excellent drink, and the English traveller writes that the Transylvanian wine was the winner of the first prize the great gold medal6 at a wine exposition (held probably in Germany). Harkers tourist attitude can be summarized in Minas enthusiastic words about Transylvania: a lovely country; full of beauties of all imaginable
Although Boner describes the same dish, the name robber stake is used only by Crosse, and Stokers notes prove that he found the term in Crosse. 4 Charles Boner, Transylvania: Its Products and Its People, London, Longmans, 1865, p. 25. 5 Bram Stoker, op. cit., p. 14. 6 Boner, op. cit., p. 114.
3

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kinds, and the people are brave, and strong, and simple, and seem full of nice qualities7. Such an enthusiasm can also be noticed in Boners book:
I hope, and have no doubt, that before long Transylvania will cease to be the "unknown land" to the rest of Europe which it has been hitherto. Travellers will come here to study the language, the architecture, and the natural products of the country, -to make themselves acquainted with the vestiges, everywhere found, of a people who have long since passed away from the earth. And tourists also will pour in to enjoy the sight of a new country, new costumes and modes of life, and, where such are left, to visit the ruins of castles and monasteries or mountain fastnesses scattered through the land8.

Boner had no idea that not his book would attract foreign tourists in Transylvania (although many travellers came to Transylvania after having read his work), but a novel inspired by his contribution, and published after more than thirty years. Stokers predecessors were interested in various aspects of the Transylvanian life: they described the cities, the rural life, the landscape and the customs of the people. Landscape has a special place in these works (see my essay From Travel Literature to Dracula: The Construction of the Transylvanian Landscape in Bram Stokers Sources in New Directions in Travel Writing and Travel Studies, Shaker, in press). The forest is part of Stokers gothic landscape. During his imprisonment in Dracula Castle, Harker sees from his window as far as the eye can reach [] a sea of green tree tops9. Andrew F. Crosse pays a special attention to the interminable forests of Transylvania. The region of Gheorgheni, for instance, the place where the wild aurochs (an extinct type of cattle) had lived, is described as primeval. When he passes through such a forest and experiences the weird solitude of a pine-wood without any signs of human habitation, Crosse writes on a page which must have been read by Stoker that under the impervious shade and the long grey vistas, one moves forward with something of a superstitious feeling, as though one were intruding into the sanctuary of unseen spirits10.
Stoker, op. cit., p. 429. Boner, op. cit., p. 88. 9 Stoker, op. cit., p. 24. 10 Crosse, op. cit., p. 263. Stoker must have read these lines, as he took notes from the opposed page, p. 264.
8 7

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In his expedition to the top of the mountains, in the Carpathians that border the Banat and Transylvania, Crosse passes through several types of forests, from oak and beech to fir trees. From the narrow and steep path, he discovers during a whole day the mystery of the forest. Impressed by the labyrinth in which his Romanian guide accompanies him, Crosse is reminded of some famous lines, which he associated with the forest landscape described:
This is the forest primeval. The murmuring pines and the hemlocks, Bearded with moss, and in garments green, indistinct in the twilight11.

The lines are the beginning of Evangeline, A Tale of Acadie by Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, in which Acadie is described as an Arcadian territory. In such a light are presented by Crosse the Transylvanian forests: as a distinct universe with its own order, whose story the traveller is eager to discover. The forest is seen, in Round About the Carpathians, as a magic place, in which the grey moss hangs in abundant festoons from the fir-trees, having a most singular effect, almost weird at times. Crosse personifies the mosses, referring to them as ancients of the forest with their long grey beards and hoary tresses who look very solemn indeed in the gloaming12. The forest has its own life, and the author also notices the old majestic trees which decay and pass into the rottenness which gives new life13. These trees are also personified: fungi of bright and varied hues, grey lichen, and green moss preserved together the contour of the gigantic stem, which, prostrate and decayed now, had once held its head high amongst the lordlings of the forest14. Crosse presents the decay of the old trees, but he also writes about the transcendental power of these woods. He accounts that during a night spent in a Transylvanian forest15 (in the company of his Romanian guide), he notices that the view of the sky is much clearer here than in England and falls asleep after admiring the stars shining in the blue depths of ether and concluding that One can realise in these regions the intense depth of the heavens when seen at night; we never get the same effect in our weeping skies (168).
11 12

Crosse, op. cit., p. 111. Ibidem, p. 111-112. 13 Ibidem, p. 112. 14 Ibidem, p. 112. 15 On his way from Petrila to Orlat, near Sibiu.

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In the labyrinth of the forest16, the group lose the way and they get to the edge of a precipice instead of arriving at the hut in which they were supposed to spend the night. In Crosse the forest may create mystical feelings and be an adventurous place at the same time, because of the danger of the robbers or of the wild animals. Stokers notes show that the author of Dracula read these descriptions and adventures in the forest and sometimes put them down. Jonathan Harker describes Transylvania as an area full with forests, both in the hilly and in the mountainous regions. In Dracula, the forest is the passage to the other world, the labyrinth, the place where the real becomes fantastic: Soon we were hemmed in with trees, which in places arched right over the roadway till we passed as through a tunnel17 - Jonathan Harker recounts. The symbolism of forest is rich in Stokers novel, because the hills and mountains near Gods Seat are full with forests, and woods also surround Dracula Castle. If in Stokers predecessors the forest means an entrance in a mysterious and adventurous world, in Dracula it becomes a border between the real and the fantastic, and, at the same time, between the sacred and the profane.

Transylvania as a Borderland between the West and the East - Abstract The strongest wish of Jonathan Harker, Stokers British young lawyer who visits Transylvania for the first time, is to see all particularities of the region. He puts down in his diary everything he sees from his train window, people and landscape. The first feature of the character revealed to the readers is his curiosity. This attitude is typically touristic. Jonathan Harkers curiosity is modelled after the curiosity of the British travellers who visited Transylvania in the 19th century. As Bram Stoker never came to this region, he relied on some travel memoirs. As his working notes for Dracula show, the Irish novelist worked for about seven years on this novel and read several books on Eastern Europe. The works which inspired the construction of Transylvania in Dracula
During his forest trip from Petrila to Orlat, Crosse admits that Transylvanian forests are labyrinthic: It was a labyrinth of trees, with tracks crossing each other in a most perplexing manner. I could not have got on without a guide (p. 166). 17 Stoker, op. cit., p. 22.
16

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are: William Wilkinson, An Account of the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia (1820), Charles Boner, Transylvania: Its Products and Its People (1865), Andrew F. Crosse, Round About the Carpathians (1878), Nina Elizabeth Mazuchelli, Magyarland (1881), Major E. C. Johnson, On the Track of the Crescent(1888) and the article Transylvanian Superstitions by Emily Gerard.

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EXILUL I MOARTEA: POVESTEA CELUI PLECAT N IMAGINARUL CELOR RMAI ACAS. CAZUL AL. I. CUZA ANDI MIHALACHE n cadrul literaturii de cltorie ntre Rsrit i Apus, s-ar putea nscrie i o sub-specie aparte, aceea a naraiunilor moderne care vizeaz ntoarcerea exilailor politici. Repatrierea se producea uneori postum, ca n cazul lui Napoleon, povestea reprimirii fiilor ostracizai nefiind spus de ei nii, ci de societatea care i regreta prea trziu. Compatrioii le aduceau osemintele sau corpurile n ar i ineau s reconstituie, prin discursuri funebre, itinerariul rtcirilor exilatului i inventarul suferinelor sale, reale sau nchipuite. Ca studiu de caz revelator pentru relaia dintre memorie i uitare, a propune povestea lui Alexandru Ioan Cuza, prim domnitor al Principatelor Romne Unite (Moldova i Valahia) ntre 1859 i 1866. Detronat n urma unei lovituri de stat, la 11 februarie 1866, el pleca n exil, trecnd prin Viena, Paris, Florena, Heidelberg etc. Decedat prematur, la 3 mai 1873, era adus n ar n aceeai lun, cu un tren mortuar, spre a fi nmormntat cu fast n curtea castelului su din satul Ruginoasa. Dei fusese izgonit din ar sub acuzaiile de autoritarism i corupie, Cuza reintra n ar, dup apte ani de exil, ca un erou i un printe al Romniei moderne. Articolul meu nu urmrete proieciile de sine ale exilatului, ci evoluia memoriei sale n societatea care mai nti l exclude, iar apoi se strduiete s l recupereze, mai ales n postumitate, cnd nu mai constituie un pericol. Abordnd nu memoriile exilatului, ci povestirile despre exil compuse de cei de acas, ncerc un studiu despre metafizica nstrinrii, un eseu de antropologia spaiului. n urma unei crize severe de astm, Alexandru Ioan Cuza, primul domn al Pricipatelor Unite, nchidea ochii la 3 mai 1873, ntr-un hotel din Heidelberg. Mai exact, decesul a avut loc la ora unu i jumtate noaptea. Este un amnunt important, ignorat pe moment, de dragul coincidenei cu data de 2 mai 1864 (lovitura de stat i debutul marilor reforme), care nu l mai mgulea pe defunct, dar i consola oarecum pe supravieuitorii si: n condiiile n care s-ar fi stins realmente cu o zi nainte, deci pe 2 mai 1873, Cuza ar fi lsat posteritii imaginea unui om care trise pentru o dat anume, mplinindu-i destinul i murind mpcat cu sine. i dac nefericitul deznodmnt s-ar fi produs n ar, i nu peste hotare, dup 7 ani de exil, cu siguran c tirea nu ar fi provocat atmosfera apstoare, instalat odat ce presa i Monitorul Oficial confirmau

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decesul, dou, respectiv trei zile mai trziu. Irevocabilul producndu-se, opinia public selecta acum toate circumstanele agravante, toate ingredientele necesare unei vinovii colective. Altfel spus, se contura imaginea unui conductor care fcuse numai bine i fusese rspltit numai cu ru: reformator altruist, neataat de putere, foarte popular printre oamenii simpli, printre ranii1 mproprietrii de el; nlturat ns de la tron printr-o conspiraie i mai ales prin trdarea armatei, al crei printe se considera2; surghiunit printre strini3, pleca ad patres la numai 53 de ani, n urma unei afeciuni respiratorii, boala romanticilor cum se spune. Moartea lui Cuza punea ntr-o alt lumin felul n care romnii se despriser de el, concluziile acestei recapitulri nefiindu-le tocmai favorabile. Toat lumea tia c domnitorul fusese atacat n timpul nopii, de oameni narmai care l sileau s semneze abdicarea pe loc. Muli se grbeau s salute iniiativa, considernd c Al. I. Cuza permanentiza o guvernare autoritar i nu era capabil s gestioneze aducerea unui principe strin. n plus, autorii complotului de la 11 februarie se temeau c retragerea din proprie iniiativ ar fi mrit popularitatea lui Cuza, meninndu-l ca etern contracandidat la tron4. Au mai fost luate n calcul i riscurile care decurgeau din renunarea benevol la tron, aceasta fcnd posibil ntoarcerea la situaia
n accepie romantic, ranii formau poporul autentic, necorupt, pstrtor atemporal al trsturilor i calitilor neamului. Prin urmare, dac un om politic le arta nelegere ori simpatie, mprumuta ceva din nsuirile lor pozitive. Astfel ne explicm i acele legende n care domnitorul umbla prin ar deghizat n straie rneti, fcnd dreptate stenilor ori de cte ori i sttea n putin. 2 Dei Alexandru Beldiman, prefectul poliiei, l prevenise de eventualitatea unei lovituri de stat n noaptea de 10 spre 11 februarie, Cuza se artase optimist, din simplul motiv c era pzit de un corp de armat creat chiar de el: dragii mei vntori, cum le spunea domnitorul. Complicitatea acestor militari la complot i dovedea ns lui Cuza netemeinicia ncrederii sale. 3 A contat mult o similitudine biografic, domnul Unirii murind la nici 4 luni dup dispariia, tot n exil, a celui care l sprijinise cndva, Napoleon III. Interesant este faptul c imaginea de binefctor a fostului mprat se impusese definitiv dup abdicarea lui Cuza, rivalitatea crescnd dintre francezi i prusaci fcnd din neamul Carol opusul perfect al fostul domnitor. Poezia lui Gheorghe Baronzi, Date nefaste. La moartea principelui Alexandru Ioan I Cuza, trata n oglind moartea celor doi. Vezi Trompeta Carpailor, 3(15) iunie 1873, p. 3. Aceeai corelaie o ncerca i presa: ...Umbra lui Cuza Vod urmz umbra lui Napoleon III.... Vezi Reforma, duminic 6(18) mai 1873, p. 1. 4 Vezi Dumitru Vitcu, 11 februarie 1866: hermeneutica unei pretinse revoluii, n Anuarul Institutului de Istorie <A.D.Xenopol>, XXIX, 1992, p. 162-163.
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din 1859. Dar o dat cu vestea morii sale, acest episod era lecturat cu totul altfel: ziua de 11 februarie 1866 nu mai era privit prin prisma nvingtorilor, ca o prim etap a eforturilor de a impune o dinastie viabil, ci din perspectiva nvinsului, a omului de bine obligat s plece din ar. n postumitate, trdarea5 i exilul cptau alte accente, transformndu-se din simple detalii ale momentului 1866 ntr-un fel de merite ale eroului greu ncercat. Mai pe scurt, disproporia raporturilor de fore dintre trdtori i cel trdat inocenta victima, absolvind-o de toate pcatele atribuite pn atunci. n cazul unor personaje notorii, presa i ntreaga societate se strduiau s empatizeze cu ultimele lor clipe, cu ultimele dorine, gesturi, cuvinte. Romantismul teatraliza moartea, reuita punerii n scen datorndu-se, evident, i muribundului. Acesta devenea, pentru cteva zile, obiectul unui cult care i dramatiza dispariia, recompensndu-l cu spectacolul afeciunii i fidelitii celorlali. Vestea morii lui Cuza venise ns brusc, prin telegraf, lund prin surprindere i contrazicnd ideea romantic despre moartea bun sau frumoas, n patul tu cum se spune, nconjurat de fideli: ...Elu a muritu pe pamentu streinu, unde pte nu a avutu nici unu preotu la patulu seu de agonie...6. Respectiva atmosfer le-a lipsit romnilor n mai 1873, frustndu-le imaginarul i accentundu-le sentimentul de culp. Acesta era exacerbat nu de dispariia n sine, ct mai ales de moartea printre strini (...eternitatea se deschise pentru elu pe pmntu streinu...)7, statura eroic a lui Cuza consolidndu-se, n ultima vreme, din cauza refuzului su de a se mai ntoarce n ar. Cum orice renunare schieaz o ascetic, opiunea fostului domn dubla semnificaia sacrificial a exilului su. i pentru c biografia eroului mprumuta multe motive din povestea sfntului, moartea transforma omul politic ntr-un fel de intercesor ntre Dumnezeu i naiune: Trimetei cerurilor strgtele voastre de durere i implorai de la sufletul lui Alessandru Cuza se roage Providena pentru ara i poporul Romn care lau iubit att de mult8.

Unii i aminteau acum c la ieirea din ar, prin Predeal, la 14 februarie 1866, Cuza vzuse prin ua deschis a biroului vamal o litografie nfind uciderea lui Mihai Viteazul. Le-a artat-o vntorilor de munte care l escortau, spunndu-le c ei i trdaser domnul tot aa cum Mihai, la vremea lui, fusese prsit de ai si. Vezi Matei Ionescu, Contribuii privind exilul lui Alexandru Iona Cuza, n Studii, 3/ 1969, p. 535-536. 6 Vezi Reforma, duminic, 27(8) mai 1873, p.1. 7 Ibidem, p. 71. 8 Ibidem, p. 73.

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Cum am ajuns s credem c protejndu-ne morii, anulm, ntr-un fel, pierderea acestor fiine dragi? Ne amintim, nti de toate, c fantasma ntoarcerii n pmntul-mam este universal, Biblia dndu-ne primele exemple n acest sens9. n societile arhaice, moartea rea10 era aceea care survenea departe de ai ti, ea prejudiciind att mortul ct i echilibrului celor vii11: neavnd posibilitatea de a face rnduielile cuvenite morilor, ea crea o fisur, lsa un loc gol, submina o textur social. Din toate acestea nu a mai rmas dect preocuparea trzie, modern, de a recupera rmiele unui compatriot. nvtorul I. Dsclescu, din comuna Corni, de lng Botoani, ddea glas, la nceput de secol XX, credinelor populare legate de nstrinare, delocalizare i moarte: ...n crucea nopii l-au scos peste hotare, ntre strini. Pe la vmi au pus cazaci i au fcut nchisori ca bietul Cuza s nu mai calce pmnt romnesc, nici s mai dea ochi cu noi ranii, dragii i bunii lui. L-au prpdit i pace! Nimnui n-au spus adevrat. De ntrebam de moarte, spuneau c triete; de ntrebam de via, spuneau c a murit. Noi bine nu tim nici astzi de captul lui Cuza. Dac a murit fie-i rna uoar12. Ea se mbina foarte bine cu imaginea exilatului romantic, care mprumuta i ea multe accente din psihologia agrar, sedentarist a satului tradiional. Aici, totul depindea de valenele feminine13 i materne ale pmntului: surs de fecunditate i loc al marilor transformri, pmntul-mam era un sediu al renaterii prin excelen14. Astfel, nelegem c efortul de a repatria dispruii, ngropndu-i n pmntul prinilor, era o chestiune de identitate cultural: a fi mpreun cu familia, i dup deces, constituia revana suprem fa ruptura adus de moarte15. A te
Un exemplu de acum clasic de repatriere a rmielor este cazul lui Saul i al fiilor si, mori pe teritoriul filistenilor. Vezi Biblia, I Regi, 31, 4-13. Vezi i Louis Vincent Thomas, Rites des mortes, Paris, Fayard, 1985, p. 142. 10 n tipologia cntecului funerar un loc aparte l ocup bocetele pentru cei plecai de acas. Vezi Ion H. Ciubotaru, Marea trecere. Repere etnologice n ceremonialul funebru din Moldova, Bucureti, Editura Grai i suflet-cultura naional, 1999, p. 220. 11 Ibidem. 12 V. Adscliei, Cuza-Vod n tradiia popular, Bucureti, Editura Eminescu, 1970, p. 263. 13 Bocetul este o categorie folcloric prin excelen feminin. Rdcinile arhaice ale acestei realiti se leag, n primul rnd, de conceperea morii ca pe o ntoarcere n trupul pmntului-mam, al acelei mame universale, deci ca o natere n sens invers. (Ion H. Ciubotaru, op. cit., p. 206) 14 Louis Vincent Thomas, op. cit., p. 189-190. 15 Ibidem, p. 203.
9

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odihni printre ai ti era tot una cu a-i afirma propria perenitate, subscris, evident, permanenelor grupului i succesiunii generaiilor16. n acest context cultural, exilatul adus acas prea un fragment de lume care i regsea, n sfrit, locul unde completa i era completat, la rndu-i, de alte fragmente. Finalitatea dat morii i rentoarcerii n pmntul-mam caut s reprezinte o concluzie logic a vieii nsei17. Funeraliile fac i ele parte din biografia individului, i subliniaz valoarea, adugnd un plus de greutate existenei sale. nmormntarea este, n consecin, un act de reconfirmare social, o rentoarcere nostalgic spre un om, spre un prezent de curnd pierdut i, nu n ultimul rnd, o a doua natere a individului, ca subiect demn de inut minte. Chiar dac nu putem stabili un cuantum al tristeii de la nord i de la sud de Milcov, ngroparea lui Cuza la Ruginoasa i nu n capital, sugera totui c moldovenii i-l revendicau parc mai mult. Aprea astfel o potrivire ntre situaia concret (aducerea corpului n ar) i percepia liturgic, circular asupra vieii: din pmnt suntem fcui i n pmnt ne ntoarcem: ...i c-ne adunai mprejurulu corpului seu rece, pe acestu pamntu romnescu pre care attu la iubitu i pre care nu i-a fost datu alu revedea...epte ani de deserare, t cum reintr n patria Lui de ast-dat pentru vecinicie!....18. Astfel, urmrind frecvena cuvintelor exil i rn, desprindem cu uurin cteva repere din filosofia spaiului i mai ales din metafizica exilului. Contrar ns abordrilor de pn acum, nu ne preocup imaginea de sine a surghiunitului, ci percepia pe care cei de acas o au despre el. Disecia acestor reprezentri nu este chiar facil, aici suprapunndu-se fondul ancestral, de credine agrarchtoniene, cultul antic al morilor i eroilor, reinterpretarea intelectualist adus de modernitate i, de ce nu, compatibilitile culturale, balcanice i ortodoxe, dintre greci i romni. Or, dac exilul delocalizeaz eroul, repatrierea rmielor sale rentregete, simbolic vorbind, teritoriul rii sale. Astfel, nhumarea domnitorului semnifica, n manier romantic, att o ntoarcere la originile telurice19, din cosmogonia vetero-testamentar, ct i o revenire la rdcinile etnice20, ntreinute de ideologia naional. Cele dou viziuni se
16 17

Ibidem, p. 202. Vanderlyn R. Pine, op. cit., p. 124. 18 Ibidem, p. 95. 19 Cuza nu se nscuse la Ruginoasei, dar conacul de aici se bucura de o oarecare notorietate, ajungnd s fie socotit domiciliul cel mai reprezentativ al fostului domn. 20 Dup 7 ani de domnie i ali 7 de exil, Cuza revenea acas. Aceast coinciden cifric facilita alegoriile vorbitorilor doritori s descopere nchiderea cercului, misiunea dus la bun sfrit: ...Reintr pe pmntul tu, Corp gloriosu alu unui sufletu

68

completau foarte bine, prelungind n epoca modern vechea asociere dintre identitate individului i locul de unde el plecase n lume: ...rugai pe Dumnedzeu pentru odihna sufletului aceluia care s-a nscutu n acst r, astdzi attu de multu batjocorit, care a avutu suvenirulu i mormentulu priniloru i a familiei sale n acestu eroicu i sfntu pamentu, care singur a mai remasu recunosctoru...21. Iar felul n care presa a relatat nmormntarea de la Ruginoasa ne mai dovedete c indivizi strini de cultura unei zone, cea rural22 n cazul de fa, pot mprumuta temporar grila de lectur pe care aceasta o aplic lumii, fcnd ca moldoveanul Cuza s par exilatul prin excelen al politicii romneti. Iar surghiunul dublat de nlocuirea lui cu un german accentua parc ideea de nstrinare: ...Alessandru Cuza au murit departe de ara sa n durerea ecsilului i n faa tristei sfieri a scumpei de ctr streini i slugile lor...23. Nu este un secret c n cultura popular plecatul de acas, nstrinarea sau desrarea echivalau cu o moarte simbolic, fiind deplnse cum se cuvine. De ce? Cu fiecare individ plecat dintre ai si, se nstrina un petec din spaiul comunitar al obtii, imaginea de ntreg pe care colectivitatea o avea despre sine fiind desfigurat de rtcirile fiilor ei. Naterea i moartea ntr-un acelai spaiu preau c mplinesc un ciclu de via, c i ddeau un rost, defeciunile survenite pe parcurs stricnd, n accepie popular, dar i romantic, nsi ordinea naturii: Plngeau pietrile i chiar verda era n doliu... se scria n Trompeta Carpailor din 3/15 iunie 1873, chiar pe prima pagin. Alte luri de cuvnt ntreau i ele senzaia cu pricina: ...De la Pdurea Neagr colea pn'n Carpai/Danubiul tot geme i'n vale se resfrnge/Cuvntul Cuza Vod muri!...ngenuncheai!24. Mai mult, glosele de acest gen se

mare i nobilu. Ferice de tine, cci ai sciutu s asimilezi tronulu cu mormntulu!. (Ibidem, p. 82) 21 Vezi Reforma, duminic 27(8) mai 1873, p. 2. 22 Intenia de a recupera familiaritatea rural cu moartea este observabil, pentru Occident, nc din secolul XVIII. Tot atunci, oamenii ncepeau s nu pun accent pe obtescul sfrit, subliind mai mult integralitatea vieii. Ph. Aris, Omul n faa morii., vol.II, traducere de Andrei Niculescu, Bucureti, Editura Meridiane, 1996, p. 161. 23 Ibidem, p. 72. 24 D. Gusti, Lamentu la moartea lui Cuza Vod. 2 Maiu 1873, n Poporul, duminic 3 iunie 1873, p.3. Dup cum se poate observa din aceste rnduri, nu s-a pierdut ocazia unor aluzii la Germania, justificate de o coinciden: fostul domnitor murise n ara de provenien a urmaului su, ca i cum cei doi fcuser un schimb de biografii.

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sprijineau i pe faptul c decesul lui Cuza era prematur25, neateptat, n orice caz provocat de ederea n strintate. Potrivit viziunii organiciste care leag corpul individului de acela al patriei, perturbarea adus de ostracizare trecea drept o criz de sens, drept o anomalie care mpiedica biografiile s i ating plenitudinea. n cazul lui Cuza, transportarea trupului n ar i nhumarea acestuia n solul ei nu simbolizau doar revenirea domnitorului la matc, n biografia lui romneasc, ci i un gest de recunotin: pmntul Ruginoasei oferea un loc de veci celui care dduse pmnt ranilor. O! Nume cu splendoare/sdit pe miriade de libere ogoare...26, scria Alecsandri, inspirat de rentlnirea cu vechiul prieten. Un poet anonim improviza i el pe aceeai tem: Plnge, plnge i iaru plnge,/Opincuan orice satu/ i cu lacrime de snge/ Ud holda cEl i-a datu27. A recupera un exilat este acelai lucru cu a-i istoriciza exilul, reincluznd povestea lui atipic ntr-o mare naraiune colectiv28, din care surghiunul s nu lipseasc, dar s nu reprezinte cel mai important episod. Iar versurile abia citate ne demonstreaz c, n 1873, nu recuperam un marginal, ci toat viaa lui de dinaintea ostracizrii. Nu este un secret pentru nimeni faptul c n acea epoc, desituarea era un echivalent geografic al extinciei fizice, un reflex tardiv al unei concepii strvechi: nu supravieuim dect n msura n care tim s ne meninem sub privirile alor notri. Descriind detronarea lui Cuza potrivit imaginarului rural, un stean din Gohor, de lng Tecuci, povestea, tot n primii ani ai secolului trecut: ...l-o slit s zic c n-a mai fi domn, s- dea demisia. -o dat-o l-o pus n trsur l-o scos afar din Bucureti i-o tras clopotile s zc lumea c-i mort...29. Ca prim ipostaz a exilului, devizualizarea era un fel de asasinare simbolic. Nu ntmpltor, misterul pstrat n jurul locului unde Cuza era inut prizonier a favorizat rspndirea zvonului c domnitorul ar fi fost ucis30. Ca msur de securitate dar i ca form de discredit, ascunderea de ochii lumii
...Betrnu? ...Ba nc giune...dru in pmentu strinu/ndat albescu perii i dzilele declinu!..., scria Alexandru Macedonski n poezia La moartea lui Cuza, publicat n Columna lui Traian din 1 iunie 1873, p. 149. 26 Vasile Alecsandri, Cuza Vod(3/15 mai 1873), n Opere complete, vol.I, Poesii, Bucureti, Editura Minerva, p. 231-232. 27 ***, Doliul erii la moartea lui Alessandru Ion Cuza W...p. 139. 28 Peter James Mccarthy, The fantasy of exile. Some reflections on the margins of the unhomelyconsciousness, Sydney, The University of Technology, 1995, p. 9. 29 V. Adscliei, op. cit., p. 266. 30 Vezi Dumitru Vitcu, Alexandru Ioan Cuza-anii exilului, n Cuza Vod in memoriam, Iai, Editura Junimea, 1973, p. 553.
25

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poate fi observat foarte bine nc de la scoaterea lui din palat, cnd soldaii primesc ordin s stea cu spatele. S-au adugat i alte msuri de secretizare, cum ar fi schimbarea cailor de pot n afara barierei Ploietilor, trsuri cu felinare stinse, cai fr clopote, patrule speciale care mpiedicau contactul cu trectorii31. Dei numrul complotitilor nu putea fi foarte mare, aceste precauii s-au pstrat chiar i n memoria popular: ...n-am vzut cum l-a izgonit. Spuneau unii c l-ar fi nvelit c-un cearaf l-ar fi suit ntr-un rdvan -a luat-o la goan32. Intelectualii retraduceau aceste legende populare n parametrii mitologiei antice a eroilor33, adus i ea la zi, n folosul personalitilor stinse de curnd. n aceste condiii, exilatul rentors n cociug era repus, metaforic vorbind, n posesia unui pmnt ideatic, ntrindu-se imaginea teritorializat pe care conaionalii o aveau despre ei nii. Oamenii existau deci, n msura n care ocupau un spaiu, cea mai pregnant ipostaz a eului romantic fiind aceea de autohton34. Indivizii purtau amprenta locului n care triau, spaiul habitrii conferindu-le nite caliti active, pierdute ns dac i prseau ara: a locui un teritoriu fiind tot una cu a acumula timp, prea c exilatul devenea dintr-o dat un om fr prezent. Att bocetele ocazionate de vreo plecare de a cas (soldatul, mireasa) ct i categoriile de genul drum, hotar, loc ru, venetic spun multe despre aceast filosofie a spaiului. De altfel, fie c ne intereseaz ori nu acest subiect, cu toii tim ct de bine sunt inute minte aanumitele vremuri de bejenie35. nstrinatul era deci plns poate nu att pentru ceea ce lsa n urm, ct mai ales pentru ceea ce l atepta n fa: condiia de venetic, de om fr apartenen, fr o identitate recunoscut, acceptat. Abandonnd o geografie, el trda o continuitate, risipind toat zestrea de trecuturi agonisit pn atunci. Trecerea hotarului fiind considerat un gest mpotriva firii, o renunare silit la un perimetru care te definea, plecarea
Ibidem, p. 554. V. Adscliei, op. cit., p. 270. 33 Pentru legtura dintre cultul eroilor antici i locul unde acetia i aveau mormntul vezi Stela Petecel, Agonistica n viaa spiritual a cetii antice, Bucureti, Editura Meridiane, 2002, p. 38. 34 O scurt retrospectiv a comentariilor privitoare la filosofia locuirii gsim la Edith Wyschogrod, Autochtony and Welcome: Discourses of Exile in Levinas and Derrida, n Journal of Philosophy & Scripture, volume 1, Issue 1, Fall 2003, p. 38. 35 Un suport pentru interpretarea dat gsim la Ernest Bernea, Cadre ale gndirii populare romneti. Contribuii la reprezentarea spaiului, timpului i cauzalitii, Bucureti, Editura Cartea Romneasc, 1985, p. 43.
32 31

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destructura egoul i provoca un gol pe care comunitatea l resimea i l exorciza. Situaia se reglementa ntr-un fel atunci cnd ostracizatul revenea la batin, viu sau mort, rensuindu-i36, metaforic, un teritoriu ideatic, primit ca motenire nc din ziua venirii lui pe lume. Pentru cultul eroilor esenial era localizarea acestora, legarea de o regiune n care s-au nscut, au trit sau au murit. ngropat acolo, eroul se ntorcea pe propriile urme, rmiele lui autentificnd, prin simpla lor nhumare, c locul respectiv a fost martorul unor fapte de luat n seam. Mormntul cultiva o legtur preferenial, uneori mitic, ntre timpul eroului i geografia aciunilor sale: cndva stpn peste o ar ntreag, Cuza revenea ntr-o istorie rememorat n grab, doar cu ajutorul unui spaiu restrns, izolat, dar stabil, locul de veci. Deosebirea dintre a deine un teritoriu i aspiraia ntructva invers, de a-i aparine, indica att o mutare de accente, de la registrul politico-juridic la acela metafizic i simbolic ct i o modificare a relaiilor ntre subiectul care poseda i obiectul posedat: cel din urm avea ultimul cuvnt, anexnd persoana proprietarului. Pentru a releva relaia dintre problematica exilului i nmormntarea lui Cuza, ne mai amintim c funeraliile simbolizeaz decesul, nu l descriu37. Iar nmormntarea nu este un instrument de negare a morii, ci un substitut al suferinei, un mijloc de a o personifica, deoarece, dincolo de faptul n sine, extincia implic i alte noiuni cum ar fi individualitatea, istoria, imortalitatea. Decedatul onorat n ziua nhumrii sale nu este o persoan, dar nici un corp oarecare nu este, devenind, pentru cteva ore, un ideal al comunitii din care fcuse parte38. A celebra funeraliile nsemna deci, a explora timpul, toate faptele povestite i fixate n amintiri reconstruind biografia defunctului. Din acest tratament, el iese puternic cosmetizat, calitile lui prevalnd acum n faa defectelor39. i observnd elogiile din 1873, fie ele n versuri sau proz, vedem c surghiunitul captase, n ochii simpatizanilor si, toate virtuile pe care ni le confer, compensatoriu, absenele ndelungate din mediul de provenien.

Jean Jacques Wunenburger, Imaginariile politicului, traducere de Ionel Bue i Laureniu Ciontescu-Samfireag, Bucureti, Editura Paideia, 2005, p. 41. 37 Avery D. Weisman, Why is a funeral?, n Vanderlyn R. Pine(ed.), Acute Grief and the Funeral, Springfield, Illinois, Charles C. Thomas, 1976, p. X., XIII. 38 Ibidem, p. XIV. 39 Julien Potel, Les funrailles une fte? Que clbrent aujourdhui les vivants?, Paris, Les ditions du Cerf, 1973, p. 15.

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Deprtarea simplific, unific i monumentalizeaz40, distana eliminnd din cmpul nostru optic toate accidentele i lsnd s domine numai esenialul: reformele, n cazul lui Cuza. Situat undeva ntre turism i vilegiatur, exilul stimula att relatrile celor aflai n cauz, ct i evocrile celor din ar. Evident, atunci cnd repatrierea avea loc post- mortem, povestirea nu mai aparinea pribeagului, fiind spus, n locul su, de aceia care, n sfrit, acceptau ca proscrisul s se ntoarc n pmntul rii-mam. Mai mult, contextul funerar era un bun pretext de a reitera ntreaga biografie a celui reabilitat. Ea era reintegrat n istoria colectiv, iar semenii i-o rensueau tardiv, dar ct mai ceremonios cu putin, spre a compensa cumva nedreptatea iniial. Ultimul cuvnt aparinea acum nu cltorului care fcea cale ntoars, ci acelora care l ateptau, nu aceluia care se deplasa, ci acelora rmai pe loc. Unul ntreprindea o ultim cltorie, ceilali acceptau o prim reamintire. Sub imperiul remucrilor, se instaura o anume empatie cu suferinele exilatului, societatea dnd semne c, prin comemorare, vrea s l nsoeasc, simbolic, n toate peregrinrile, pribegind, post factum, mpreun cu el. Distana fizic instalat ntre noi i o alt persoan ne face s reevalum, o dat cu dispariia acesteia, i timpul pe care l-am trit cndva alturi de ea. Astfel, ndeprtarea temporar de aceia declarai indezirabili ne schimb percepiile, ne stinge aversiunea, distana fa de asemenea personaje neaducnd uitarea surghiuniilor, ci, dimpotriv, panteonizarea lor.

Exile and Death: the Story of the Gone in the Imaginary of Those Who Stayed. Alexandru Ioan Cuzas Case - Abstract The paper does not deal with the self-projections of the exiled, but with the evolution of his memory in the society that had first excluded him, and then tried to get him back, especially in his posthumous period, when he does not make a threat any more. As a defining case study for the relation between memory and oblivion, the author puts forward Alexandru Ioan Cuzas story, the first prince of the United Principalities of Romania (Moldavia and
40

Andrei Pleu, Pitoresc i melancolie. O analiz a sentimentului naturii n cultura european, ediia IIa, Bucureti, Editura Humanitas, 1992, p.69.

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Wallachia), from 1859 to 1866. Dethroned after a coup dtat on the 11th February 1866, he left for exile passing through Vienna, Paris, Florence, Heidelberg, etc. Untimely deceased, on the 3rd May 1873, he was brought back home the same month, in a mortuary train, to be solemnly buried in the yard of his residence of Ruginoasa. Although he had been expelled from the country under the accusations of authoritarianism and corruption, Cuza entered the country, after seven years of exile, as a hero and father of modern Romania. Somewhere between vagrancy and holiday, exile stimulated both the accounts of the exiled and the evocations of those who had remained home. Obviously, when the repatriation occurred after death, this was not the exile who made the account any more, but those who, eventually, were accepting the outcast to return into his motherland. Moreover, the funerary context was a good pretext to reiterate the whole biography of the rehabilitated. It was thus reintegrated into the collective history, and the fellows re-appropriated it, tardily, but as pompously as possible, to compensate, somehow, the initial injustice. It was not the traveller coming back home who had the last word now, but those who were waiting for him; not the one who moved, but the ones who stayed. The former was making a last trip, the latter were accepting a first remembering. Under the effect of remorse, a certain empathy with the exiles sufferance appeared; the society showed signs that by commemoration, it wanted to symbolically accompany him in all his peregrinations, wandering, post factum, by his side. The physical distance between a different person and us makes us re-evaluate, once he/she is dead, the time we had spent with him/her. Thus, temporary distance from those that were declared unwanted changes our perceptions, mitigates aversion; the distance towards such characters does not result in the outcasts oblivion, but on the contrary, in their monumentalization.

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RETORICA INDEPENDENEI ROMNIEI N MESAJELE DE TRON ALE LUI CAROL I. DE LA ACIUNEA INTERN LA ARGUMENTUL EUROPEAN MARIANA PLOETEANU De-a lungul domniei sale, domnitorul i apoi regele Romniei Carol I, n mesajele de tron, adresrile sale oficiale, discursurile i scrisorile sale, face recurs deseori la Europa, Puterile Garante, la nelegerea i sprijinul european, pentru integrarea Romniei cu valorile sale n concertul statelor europene, subliniind rolul pe care Romnia ar putea s-l joace prin politica sa de echilibru n sud-estul Europei. Atunci cnd eforturile poporului su nu se bucurau de nelegerea i aprecierea celor care jucau un rol de prim rang n politica european, ca de pild n 1878, cnd Romnia a trebuit s cedeze sudul Basarabiei Rusiei n urma unui rzboi n care efortul su material, politic i militar a fost considerabil, Principele i exprim cu demnitate mhnirea1.
Despre domnia lui Carol I s-au publicat lucrri eseniale nc n timpul vieii sale. Au aprut volume de documente, memoriile regelui, biografii. Menionm cteva din aceste volume. D. A. Sturdza a publicat mai multe volume de documente: Treizeci de ani de domnie ai regelui Carol I. Cuvntri i acte, volumul I (1866-1880), volumul II (1880-1896), Bucureti, 1897; Charles Ier Roi de Roumanie Cronique Actes Documents, tom I, 1899, tom II, 1904 i Treizeci de ani din domnia militar a regelui Carol I al Romniei (1866-1896), Bucureti, 1899; Aus dem Leben Knig Karls von Rumnien. Hufzeichnungen eines Augenzeugen, n 4 vol., Stuttgart, Cotta Verlag, 1894-1900. Au aprut mai multe ediii n romn i francez, s-a reeditat dup 1989; Mite Kremnitz, Knig Karl von Rumanien, Berlin, 1903, lucrare reeditat n 1995 de Editura Porile Orientului, Iai; Paul Lindenberg, Carol I, Regele Romniei, Bucureti, Editura Ziarului Universul, 1915; Titu Maiorescu, Istoria politic a Romniei sub domnia lui Carol I, Bucureti, 1925, reeditat de Editura Humanitas n 1994; Nicolae Iorga, Politic extern a regelui Carol I, Bucureti, 1923, Istoria romnilor, 10 (ntregitorii), Bucureti, 1939; Correspondance diplomatique roumaine sous le roi Charles I er (1866-1880), Bucureti, 1938; Cuvntrile regelui Carol I, vol. I i II, 1939, Ediie ngrijit de Constantin C. Giurescu; C. Czniteanu, M. Ionescu, Rzboiul neatrnrii Romniei, 1877-1878, Bucureti, 1977; N. Ciachir, Rzboiul pentru independena Romniei n contextul european, Bucureti, 1977; Gheorghe Cliveti, Romnia i Puterile Garante, 1856-1878, Iai, 1988; Dan Berindei, Societatea romneasc n vremea lui Carol I (1866-1876), Bucureti, Editura Militar, 1992; D. Suciu, Monarhia i furirea Romniei Mari. 1866-1918, Bucureti, 1997; Sorin Liviu Damean, Carol I al Romniei, volumul I (1866-1881), Bucureti, Editura Paideia 2000 etc.
1

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Desigur, n acest excurs al nostru ne vom limita la anii 1877-1878, ani ncrcai de evenimente politice, militare, emoionale. La nceputul anului 1877, autoritile romne erau convinse de iminena rzboiului ruso-turc. Guvernul, Principele, diplomaia romneasc au fcut eforturi mari pentru ca s evite transformarea teritoriului Romniei n teatru de rzboi. n acest sens, la insistenele agentului diplomatic al Rusiei, baronul Stuart, se semneaz la 4 aprilie 1877 convenia de trecere a armatei ruse prin Romnia. Pn la semnarea conveniei au avut loc, nc din toamna anului 1876, ntlniri diplomatice la Livadia, la Bucureti, la Constantinopol, dar i la Viena, Paris, Londra. Convenia prevedea acceptul Romniei pentru trecerea armatelor ruseti n condiii privilegiate de transport i aprovizionare prin Romnia, ocolind capitala, Rusia obligndu-se a menine i a face a se respecta drepturile politice ale statului romn, astfel, cum rezult din legile interioare i tratatele existente, precum i a menine i a apra integritatea actual a Romniei2. Evenimentele se precipitau la graniele Romniei. Fr a notifica Guvernului de la Bucureti, nclcnd angajamentele asumate, nainte de ratificarea conveniei de ctre Parlamentul Romniei, la 11/23 aprilie, armatele ruseti trec graniele rii, iar marele duce Nicolae d o proclamaie ctre poporul romn. ngrijorat i ofensat de situaia creat, domnitorul convoac n 11/23 aprilie un consiliu de rzboi i sesiunea extraordinar a Corpurilor Legiuitoare pe data 14/26 aprilie 1877. Carol I cere reprezentanilor naiunii s se pronune asupra liniei politice a Romniei n mprejurrile grele prin care trece ara i s voteze resursele financiare pentru ca guvernul s fac fa greutile rzboiului pentru a apra drepturile i interesele Romniei. Carol I explic situaia n care se gsea Romnia n acel moment pentru a justifica proclamarea independenei i a determina diplomaia rus s realizeze cooperarea cu trupele romne mpotriva Turciei. n mesajul su, la deschiderea sesiunii extraordinare a Corpurilor Legiuitoare, care a avut un ecou deosebit n opinia public, Carol I arat c neutralitatea Romniei nu a fost recunoscut ca un act de drept de Cabinetele europene. Domnul subliniaz c mpratul Alexandru, unul din puternicii garani ai existenei noastre politice i ai drepturilor Romniei, a recunoscut individualitatea politic a rii3. n aceste condiii, Romniei nu i-a rmas dect s se sprijine pe ea nsi, ca atare Corpurile Legiuitoare trebuiau s se pronune energic asupra liniei politice pentru ca s evite transformarea teritoriului naional n teatru de
2

D. A. Sturdza, Treizeci de ani de domnie ai regelui Carol I. Cuvntri i acte, volumul I (1866-1880), Bucureti, 1897, p. 390-393. 3 Ibidem, p. 397-398.

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rzboi. Carol I ndeamn la concordie, datoria fiecrui romn fiind salvarea rii i a instituiilor ei. Ct despre datoria sa, domnitorul face o adevrat mrturisire de credin, pe care o va respecta cu consecven: Ct despre mine, Domnilor Senatori i Deputai, fii siguri c mi voi face datoria. Din ziua cnd am pus piciorul pe acest pmnt, am devenit romn. Din ziua de cnd m-am suit pe acest tron, ilustrat prin atia mari i glorioi Domni, cugetrilor lor au devenit marea gndire a Domniei mele: realarea (renlarea n.n.) Romniei, mplinirea misiunii sale la gurile Dunrii i mai presus de toate, meninerea drepturilor ei abantiquo, aprarea integritii hotarelor ei; i ntru mplinirea acestei sfinte datorii, fie bine ncredinat ara mea, c n capul junei i bravei noastre armate voi ti a plti cu persoana mea4. Considernd Romnia o provincie rsculat, Turcia bombardeaz oraele de pe rmurile Dunrii, Brila, Reni, Oltenia, Calafat etc. n rspunsul dat Senatului Romniei, domnitorul precizeaz c n faa atitudinii agresive a Turciei vom fi silii a respinge for prin for, cci mai nainte suntem datori ctre ar a-i apra hotarele5. n prezena domnitorului, trupele romneti au ripostat, acest fapt nsemnnd ruperea relaiilor diplomatice cu Poarta i recunoaterea strii de rzboi ntre Romnia i Turcia, la 29 aprilie/10 mai 1877. n aceste condiii, diplomaia romn n frunte cu Principele va ncerca s obin o cooperare militar cu trupele ariste, pentru ca independena Romniei s fie consacrat pe cmpul de lupt. n stare de rzboi cu Turcia, fr garanii externe, guvernul a ales un moment prielnic pentru proclamarea independenei Romniei, ziua de 9 Mai. La interpelarea lui Nicolae Fleva, Mihail Koglniceanu, ntr-un magistral discurs, proclam independena Romniei: n stare de rezbel, cu legturile rupte, ce suntem? Suntem independeni, suntem naiune de sine stttoare. Avem domn de sine stttor6. Acest act a primit consacrarea oficial n aceeai zi prin moiunile adoptate de Corpurile Legiuitoare. Astfel, ziua de 10 Mai ce marca suirea lui Carol I pe tronul rii, va primi un plus de solemnitate. Rspunznd felicitrilor guvernului, armatei, Senatului, Camerei, bisericii, comunitilor, adresate domnitorului cu prilejul srbtoririi a 11 ani de la urcarea sa pe tronul Romniei i a proclamrii independenei, Carol va face referire i pentru a atrage atenia Europei asupra Romniei la importana
4 5

Ibidem, p. 398-399. Ibidem, p. 406. 6 Mihail Koglniceanu, Opere IV. Oratorie II, 1864-1878, partea a IV-a 1874-1878, Bucureti, Editura Academiei, 1978, p. 478-479.

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proclamrii independenei, acest mare act istoric pe care aa cum el nsui mrturisete l-a ateptat din momentul sosirii n ar, evident, exprimndu-i sperana recunoaterii independenei de ctre Puterile europene. La adresa de felicitare rostit n numele guvernului de I. C. Brtianu, preedintele Consiliului de Minitri, n care acesta explic situaiile care au determinat ruperea legturilor cu Turcia, pentru a lupta pn la extrem pentru aprarea drepturilor i independenei noastre, contnd pe nelegerea i sprijinul atitudinii Romniei de ctre Puterile Garante, domnitorul mulumea minitrilor c au tiut s foloseasc momentul oportun pentru ca s dea glas aspiraiilor ntregii naiunii, dorinei celei mai scumpe a ntregii ri de a fi independeni, acest mare fapt care va rmne neters n istoria noastr. Europa i marile Puteri continu Carol care au artat ntotdeauna bunvoin i solicitudine acestei ri, vor recunoate, sunt sigur, n ndeplinirea dorinelor noastre naionale, manifestate nc de divanul ad-hoc din 1857, un pas mai mult fcut spre a asigura n mod statornic linitea i pacea pe rmurile Dunrii7. n felicitrile adresate de Senat, prin glasul vice-preedintelui su, Dimitrie Brtianu, se aduce la cunotina suveranului recunoaterea de ctre Corpurile Legiuitoare a independenei Romniei. Premonitoriu i imperativ i se cere domnului s cuteze pentru c timpii au sosit; ca atare, prin libertate n interior i eroism la hotare i cereau domnului s menin Romniei independena i s-i cucereasc stima i iubirea lumii civilizate. Astfel, Europa mpreun cu noi, cu veneraiune i cu amoare va saluta n Mria Ta pe marele rege al Romniei8. n rspunsul su, Principele, relevnd consensul Camerei i Senatului, evideniaz o calitate esenial a romnilor n momentele grele ale istoriei lor att de frmntate unitatea n gndire i fapt, creia i se datoreaz conservarea lor. Cnd parcurgem paginile istoriei noastre, noi vedem n mod constant c romnii datoresc conservarea lor mai ales unei virtui caracteristice a lor, aceea de a fi strns unii n ora pericolului, aceea de a nu avea dect un cuget, dect o inim, dect o voin, cnd se atinge de binele comun, de interesele patriei9. Domnul este convins c dac va dinui acest spirit matur i mntuitor, prin concordia dintre toi fiii Romniei, se va ajunge la limanul dorit de toi. La adresa de felicitare a Camerei Deputailor, preedintele acesteia, C. A. Rosseti, se refer la sperana pe care naiunea i-a pus-o n alesul su la 1866 i amintete domnului cuvintele-program pe care le-a rostit atunci. Ea
7 8

D. A. Sturdza, op. cit., p. 414. Ibidem, p. 416. 9 Ibidem, p. 417.

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salut aceast zi de 10 Mai i l aclam pe Suveranul neatrnat al Romniei10. Rspunsul domnului, dei punctual, trebuie s fie auzit nu numai de cei crora li se adreseaz, ci peste hotarele rii. Recursul la Puterile Europene, este fcut intenionat, cu sperana recunoaterii independenei. Principele afirm c acele cuvinte rostite la 10 Mai 1866 sunt cuvinte scumpe inimii mele. Ele au fost pova domniei mele n tot irul de ani ce am parcurs mpreun. Apoi continu afirmnd c nu-i pare ru c i-a prsit ara i familia fcnd din Romnia ara sa i din naiunea romn familia sa, asumndu-i o grea misiune, de a emancipa Romnia de acele legminte care au umbrit toi aceti ani. Acele legminte au fost rupte de Turcia n toiul evenimentelor, nedorite, neprovocate de Romnia i ca atare nu ea le va statornici. Se adreseaz Camerei cu o ntrebare retoric: Au nu dumneavoastr, au nu toate Corpurile statului, au nu naiunea ntreag au proclamat, au declarat c, prin ruperea acestor legminte, Romnia reintr n vechea sa independen ca naiune liber, ca stat de sine stttor, ca membru util, panic, civilizator n marea familie a statelor europene?11. Pentru ca noua situaie politic a Romniei s primeasc o consacrare european sunt necesare energia i devotamentul fiecrui romn, prudena politic a Corpurilor statului i, ndeosebi, continu Principele depinde de rvna, activitatea i neobositele sale struini pe lng Puterile Europene. Dac Marile Puteri, marii monarhi ai rilor europene au ncurajat toate strduinele i toate actele de renatere naional ale romnilor, trebuie, afirm Principele, s sperm, s avem credin c i n aceste momente supreme Puterile Europene vor apra i vor sprijini atitudinea rii. Cu att mai mult cu ct Romnia dorete ceea ce-i revine ca popor demn de a fi liber, ca ar care a mplinit ateptrile Europei, ca stat care are fora i inteligena de a mplini misiunea ce-i este trasat prin poziia sa geografic. Domnul revine imperativ asupra necesitii de a spera, de a crede, de a voi, deoarece independena Romniei nu trebuie s constituie o ngrijorare pentru rile vecine, ci, el nsui fiind convins c pacea Europei se va rsfrnge nu numai asupra Romniei, pentru satisfacerea trebuinelor noastre naionale, ci ea va ndestula i un mare interes european. Aceeai preocupare revine i n adresa de felicitare a Primului Preedinte al naltei Curi de Casaie, Alexandru Creulescu. Adresndu-se domnului, i dorete ca Providena s-l ajute s obin din partea Europei recunoaterea independenei Romniei. Principele, dup ce a ascultat patrioticele i neleptele cuvinte rostite de primul magistrat al rii, i
10 11

Ibidem, p. 418. Ibidem, p. 419.

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rspunde c aceste urri i sunt scumpe ndeosebi astzi, cnd noua poziie a Romniei, rezultat att prin puterea evenimentelor i prin patriotismul fiilor ei, vocea nenvins a dreptului trebuie s se uneasc cu rsunetul armelor pentru a afirma drepturile romnilor la o via naional absolut independent i voina lor de a susine aceste drepturi i de a le face recunoscute pretutindeni. Apoi Principele l asigur c nu va crua nimic din ce-ar putea s asigure triumful armelor noastre i recunoaterea Romniei ca stat absolut independent. Pe de alt parte, i exprim sperana c Marile Puteri vor considera mai demn s susin o Romnie independent, dect un stat cu o poziie ru definit i fr o responsabilitate nemijlocit cu Europa12. Speranele Domnitorului, ale guvernului i ale diplomaiei romneti c Puterile Europene puse n faa unui fapt mplinit vor recunoate independena Romniei sau cel puin vor manifesta bunvoin fa de proclamarea independenei Romniei au fost curnd spulberate. La Londra, Paris, Berlin, Sankt Petersburg, actul proclamrii independenei a fost primit aproape cu ostilitate. Printr-o not circular din 22 mai/3 iunie 1877, Ministrul de Externe al Romniei, Mihail Koglniceanu, le cerea agenilor diplomatici romni acreditai n statele respective s fac demersuri struitoare pentru recunoaterea actului de la 9 Mai, sau cel puin s obin o atitudine binevoitoare i promisiuni linititoare pentru viitorul politic al Romniei. Ministrul de Externe al Franei, ducele Decazes, a evitat s primeasc personal nota prezentat de agentul romn; guvernul englez a considerat c Puterile Europene ar fi trebuit s ia msuri de pedepsire a Romniei, von Blow, reprezentantul Germaniei a declarat c independena Romniei nu putea fi rezolvat dect la ncheierea pcii, iar poziia Germaniei va fi determinat de satisfacerea preteniilor grupului fincanciaro-industrial Strousberg. AustroUngaria, prin contele Andrssy, i-a manifestat uimirea i ostilitatea, cernd celorlalte Puteri s nu recunoasc independena Romniei, iar Rusia a considerat c actul de la 9 Mai a creat o stare de facto, dar nu de jure, rezervndu-i dreptul de a se pronuna asupra acestei chestiuni la ncheierea rzboiului13. n aceast situaie, domnitorul i sfetnicii si, ndeosebi Mihail Koglniceanu i I. C. Brtianu, convini de necesitatea participrii armatei romne la rzboiul mpotriva Turciei, au fcut demersuri pe lng autoritile ruse, pe lng Marele Duce Nicolae, cancelarul Gorceakov i arul Alexandru al II-lea, s accepte ideea cooperrii celor dou armate. Atitudinea de refuz
12 13

Ibidem, p. 423. Romnia n Rzboiul de independen, Bucureti, Editura Militar, 1977, p. 125-126.

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categoric a cancelarului Gorceakov care notifica guvernului romn c: Rusia nu are trebuin de ajutorul armatei romne pentru nfrngerea Turciei, era legat direct de intenia Rusiei de a anexa sudul Basarabiei. Totui, Carol I nu a stat n expectativ. n mijlocul trupelor sale, pe malul Dunrii, la Calafat, Oltenia, Bechet i n alte localiti, bombardnd Vidinul i aprnd teritoriul romnesc, a nlesnit trupelor ariste operaiunile de trecere a Dunrii. Insuccesele armatelor ruseti n faa Plevnei au determinat naltele autoriti militare ruseti s-i cear domnitorului Romniei sprijinul. Carol I a tergiversat trecerea Dunrii pentru a obine garanii n privina recunoaterii statutului de cobeligerant. Pericolul respingerii trupelor ruse dincoace de Dunre i transformarea teritoriului romnesc n teatru de rzboi a determinat participarea armatei romne la operaiile militare din Balcani. Ateptat cu nerbdare de ctre arul Alexandru al II-lea i de Marele Duce Nicolae, Carol I sosete la 16/28 august 1877 la sediul cartierului imperial de la Gorni-Studen. Dup discuiile care au avut loc ntre cei trei comandani militari, mpratul i comunic lui Carol I prin Marele Duce Nicolae rugmintea de a accepta comanda tuturor trupelor romno-ruse din faa Plevnei. Carol I decide primirea acestei mari responsabiliti. Menionm c la trecerea Dunrii, Carol I adreseaz un nalt ordin de zi ctre armata romn. Domnitorul comunic cu emoie: Astzi avei ocaziunea de a arta din nou vitejia voastr i Europa ntreag st cu ochii intii spre voi14. Aceeai preocupare o are suveranul de a obine pentru Romnia prin lupt i bravur locul ce i se cuvine ntre naiunile europene15 Din cartierul domnesc de la Poradim, la 27 august 1877, Domnul se adreseaz printr-un manifest poporului romn. Dup ce ntiineaz naiunea c armata romn a trecut Dunrea i a intrat n partea activ a rzboiului, pe care nu l-am dorit, nu l-am provocat, pe care cu toii am ncercat s-l delturm, dar pe care odat fiind nevoii a-l primi, vom ti a-l purta cu curajul i destoinicia unui popor care are contiina drepturilor sale, care are virtutea de a le susine16, explic mobilurile care au determinat intrarea Romniei n rzboi. Domnul se refer n mai multe rnduri la statele europene, la Europa. Cunoscnd complicaiile pe care rzboiul ntre puternicii notri vecini le va aduce Romniei, Guvern i Camer au struit pe lng toate marile Puteri Europene ca s asigure Romniei drepturile unei binefctoare neutraliti. Din nenorocire se spune n manifest struinele noastre au rmas
14 15

D. A. Sturdza,op. cit., p. 439. Ibidem, p. 440. 16 Ibidem, p. 441.

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zdrnicite17. Turcia, de asemenea, nu a inut seama de greutile poziiunii Romniei i a nceput bombardarea i devastarea oraelor i satelor noastre situate pe rmul Dunrii, de la Calafat pn la Marea Neagr. n situaia grea n care se gsea ara, Corpurile noastre Legiuitoare sau rostit n unicul mod potrivit cu demnitatea, cu drepturile i cu interesele rii. Am rupt vechile legturi ru definite cu nalta Poart, am proclamat independena absolut a Romniei i la lovirile ce ni se adresau n mod neleal i barbar, am rspuns printr-o franc declarare de rzboi18. n manifest se precizeaz c au trecut trei luni n care Romnia s-a mrginit a-i apra hotarele, ateptnd ca acest conflict s se ncheie i spernd c moderaiunea artat de noi ne va crea titluri precumpnitoare la regularea condiiunilor pcii de ctre marile Puteri Europene19. Din cauza rzboiului sufer Europa ntreag, iar asupra Romniei se rsfrng toate anevoinele. Datoria Romniei n acest moment este de a coopera cu armatele ruseti pentru a grbi sfritul rzboiului, aciunea ne este reclamat de mprejurri, dictat de interesele noastre naionale i economice, impus de nsui simmntul de conservaiune20. Se afirm, de asemenea, c misiunea Romniei este de a dovedi Europei care a sprijinit struinele a trei generaii ca s creeze statul romn c Romnia are vitalitate, c ea are fore proprii ale sale, c ea are contiina misiunii sale la gurile Dunrii, c are brbia de a o putea mplini!21. Invocnd patetic exemplul marilor domnitori ai Romniei, se reafirm c armata romn a trecut Dunrea pentru a impune alturi de armata ruseasc, ct mai curnd pacea, dar i pentru ntemeierea solid a drepturilor noastre de naiune liber i de sine stttoare, i pentru ntrirea stimei i ncrederii ctre noi a naiunilor strine22. Dac armata romn n frunte cu Suveranul su i vor face datoria pe cmpul de lupt, tot romnul trebuie s-i ndeplineasc cu sfinenie datoria fa de ar, susinnd efortul i sacrificiile armatei: Iubirea cu care vei susine i mbrbta pe fraii i fiii votri, care au trecut Dunrea spre a afirma vitalitatea i fora Romniei, va nzeci avntul i valoarea lor23.

17 18

Ibidem, p. 441-442. Ibidem, p. 442. 19 Ibidem. 20 Ibidem, p. 443. 21 Ibidem, p. 445. 22 Ibidem. 23 Ibidem, p. 446.

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Armata romn i comandantul su au avut un rol decisiv n capitularea Plevnei, luarea Griviei, a Rahovei, n luptele de la Vidin, Smrdan, Belogradcic. n mesajul domnesc de deschidere a Corpurilor Legiuitoare trimis la 15 noiembrie 1877, din Cartierul general de mpresurare a Plevnei, din Poradim, Carol I i exprim sperana c din ruinele Plevnei va rsri mult iubita pace (ce amar a fost pentru noi! n.n.) i se va reala independena Romniei recunoscut de ntreaga Europ24. Cu toate sacrificiile armatei i ale ntregului popor romn, cu toate aprecierile la adresa armatei i a Comandantului su, venite din partea rilor europene, a opiniei publice europene i chiar a arului Alexandru al II-lea i a Marelui Duce Nicolae, Romnia are parte la sfritul rzboiului de o serie ntreag de situaii umilitoare. Reprezentantul Romniei nu este admis la negocierile de armistiiu cu turcii i nici la tratativele de ncheiere a pcii de la San tefano. La 14 februarie 1878, generalul Ignatieff prezint guvernului romn, n numele mpratului, cererea pentru cedarea Basarabiei. La protestele Domnului, ale Camerei i Senatului, a minitrilor, diplomailor romni i a opiniei publice, mpratul Alexandru al II-lea amenin cu ocuparea Romniei i dezarmarea armatei romne dac nu se conformeaz prevederilor teritoriale ale tratatului de la San Stefano i nu accept dreptul de trecere prin ar a trupelor i proviziilor ruseti spre Bulgaria. Suveranul a replicat c o armat care a luptat sub privirile arului la Plevna poate fi nimicit, n lupt dar nu va permite niciodat s fie dezarmat25. Convocat la 13 iunie 1878 la Berlin, Congresul de pace a adus Romniei alte mari deziluzii. Puterile Garante refuz admiterea delegailor romni la congres pe motiv c independena Romniei nu a primit sanciunea lor. Mihail Koglniceanu i I. C. Brtianu vor fi admii doar s-i expun punctul de vedere n faa reprezentanilor Puterilor Europene. Tratatul de pace semnat la 1-13 iulie 1878 preconiza recunoaterea condiionat a independenei Romniei26.

24 25

Ibidem, p. 463. Vasile Koglniceanu, Actes et documents extraits de la correspondence diplomatique de Michel Koglniceanu relatifs la guerre de lindependence roumaine (1877-1878), I, Bucureti, 1893, p. 81-82. Vezi i Memoriile regelui Carol I, vol. IV, Bucureti, 1994, p. 91. 26 Tratatul de la Berlin, urmat de Protocoalele Congresului (1878), Bucureti, 1878, p. 70-72.

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La 15/27 septembrie 1878, Carol I deschide sesiunea extraordinar a Corpurilor Legiuitoare, care sunt convocare s se pronune asupra prevederilor pentru Romnia a Tratatului de pace de la Berlin. Domnul face apel la acceptarea prevederilor tratatului ca un sacrificiu impus rii pentru pacea Europei. Adresndu-se senatorilor i deputailor, Suveranul afirm cu tristee c Europa a primit Romnia n familia statelor independente, napoindu-i gurile Dunrii i ntinzndu-i posesiunile pn la mare, totodat ns marele tribunal a chemat Romnia la un dureros sacrificiu, la cedarea judeelor noastre de peste Prut. Nu exist Romn, de la Domn pn la ultimul cetean, s nu deplng dezlipirea unei pri din pmntul strmoesc decretat de Europa27. Domnul cere mandatarilor naiunii s analizeze cu snge rece dispoziiile Congresului de la Berlin, ca i mprejurrile grele n care ne aflm, iar hotrrea pe care o vor adopta dup dezbateri s nu ne compromit prezentul i chiar s asigure viitorul Romniei. Carol I consider c, n momentele de restrite, energia ntregii naiuni trebuie canalizat spre vindecarea rnilor patriei, astfel vom fi n drept a zice Europei c Romnia merit mai mult de la Marele Areopag; c totui romnii innd seama de grelele mprejurri n mijlocul crora s-a subscris Tratatul din Berlin nu dispereaz de viitor. Din contr, s avem statornica credin continu Domnul premonitoriu c ceea ce rivalitatea intereselor i necesitilor momentului nu ne-au dat astzi, mine ni se va da de ctre dreptatea mai bine luminat a Europei28. Corpurile Legiuitoare au exprimat n sesiunea extraordinar voina de a se conforma dispoziiilor Tratatului de la Berlin. Dup lungi dezbateri, moiunea majoritii a fost formulat cu demnitate: Adunarea Deputailor, lund cunotin de dispoziiunile Tratatului de la Berlin referitoare la Romnia, i exprim durerea pentru grelele sacrificii la care ara este ndatorat. Silit ns prin hotrrea Puterilor i nevoind a fi piedic n consolidarea pcii, autorizeaz guvernul de a se conforma voinii colective a Europei, retrgnd autoritile civile i militare din Basarabia i lund n posesiune Dobrogea i Delta Dunrii29.

27 28

D. A. Sturdza, op. cit., p. 508. Ibidem, p. 509. 29 Stelian Neagoe, Istoria Unirii Romnilor, Bucureti, Editura Diogene, 1996, p. 206.

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Carol I, n mesajul de nchidere a sesiunii extraordinare, a mulumit senatorilor i deputailor pentru hotrrea luat, pe care guvernul meu va executa-o cu lealitate pe calea constituional, att n afar ct i nuntru30. Reinem din mesajul domnesc referirile la Europa: Dumneavoastr, innd seam de grelele mprejurri n care se afl Orientul n general i ara noastr ndeosebi, ai primit voina colectiv a Europei. Astfel, poziiunea Romniei n fa cu Marile Puteri este regulat; astfel, Romnia intr n familia statelor de sine stttoare31. Domnitorul i exprim convingerea c Europa va ine cont de sacrificiile pe care Romnia le-a fcut n interesul pcii lumii, iar naiunea va fi recunosctoare reprezentanilor si pentru patriotismul luminat i prudena politic ce au dovedit, ferind Romnia de noi complicaii politice. n anii urmtori, Carol I i autoritile romne i-au concentrat eforturile pentru recunoaterea independenei Romniei de ctre Puterile Europene. n mesajele sale, Domnul va reveni constant asupra misiunii statului romn ca un element al echilibrului european32. Anexe din Cuvntrile Regelui Carol I. 1866-1914, vol. I i II, Bucureti, Fundaia pentru Literatur i Art Regele Carol, 1939, Ediie ngrijit de Constantin C. Giurescu, p. 247, 288-290 Domnul ctre Primul Ministru. 10/22 Mai 1877.
La 9 Mai Corpurile Legiuitoare proclamaser independena Romniei. Primul ministru, I. C. Brtianu, n numele Guvernului felicit pe Domnul Romniei, cu acest prilej. Suveranul rspunde c i marile Puteri vor recunoate c o Romnie independent va constitui un element n plus pentru linitea rmurilor Dunrii.

Domnilor Minitri, V mulumesc pentru rbdarea cu care ai urmat impulsiunii simmntului naional n ndeplinirea dorinei celei mai scumpe a rii ntregi.
30 31

D. A. Sturdza, op. cit., p. 511. Ibidem. 32 Ibidem, p. 526.

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Sper c, cu concursul d-voastre i cu sprijinul naiunii, acest mare fapt va rmnea neters n istoria noastr. Europa i marile Puteri, care au artat n totdeauna bunvoin i solicitudine acestei ri, vor recunoate, sunt sigur, n ndeplinirea dorinelor noastre naionale, manifestate nc de Divanul ad-hoc din 1857, un pas mai mult fcut spre a asigura n mod statornic linitea i pacea pe rmurile Dunrii.
(M. O., 1877, nr. 106, p. 3144)

Domnul ctre delegaiunea Adunrii Deputailor. 10/22 Mai 1877.

n fruntea unei delegaiuni de deputai, C. A. Rosetti, preedintele Camerii, adreseaz cu prilejul independenei, cuvinte de nlare Domnului, care arat c acest act e o verig a trecutului nostru de libertate i mndrie, c neamul romnesc l-a dorit i c Europa va sprijini aceast dreapt cucerire a Romniei.

Domnul Preedinte, Domnilor Deputai, mi readucei aminte cuvinte ce, sunt acum unsprezece ani, le-am rosti atunci, cnd pentru prima oar am pus piciorul n palatul naiunii. Aceste cuvinte sunt scumpe inimii Mele; ele au fost pova Domniei Mele n tot irul de ani ce am parcurs mpreun. i astzi, ca i la Zece Mai 1866, nu M cesc nici c mi-am lsat familia, nici c Mam desprit de ara naterii Mele. Nu, d-lor Deputai, nu M cesc c Mi-am fcut din Romnia ara Mea, c Mi-am fcut din Romnia ara Mea, c Mi-am fcut din naiunea romn nsi familia Mea. Dimpotriv, astzi, cnd cunosc mai bine frumuseile acestei ri i destinele la care are drept de a aspira; astzi, cnd am putut aprecia mai de aproape marile caliti ce disting poporul romn, cu bucurie. mi readuc aminte de ziua alegerii Mele de Domn, de ziua alegerii Mele de Domn, de ziua n care am venit n mijlocul Romnilor, de ziua cnd Mai pus pe un Tron ce este ilustrat de atia mari i glorioi Domni, aprtori ai independenei naionale i ai cretintii n faa semilunii. O singur umbr acoperia anii acum trecui; o singur umilire exista pentru Romnia i pentru Domnul ei; voiesc a vorbi de acele legminte ru

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definite i fr temei, care se numiau n Constantinopol suzeranitate i pentru Bucureti vasalitate. Pentru nlturarea acestor legminte, nepotrivite nici cu poziiunea, nici cu interesele, nici chiar cu drepturile noastre ab antiquo, pentru nlocuirea lor cu legmintele secolului al nousprezecelea, acele pe care State i popoare libere le ncheie cu State i popoare libere, au lucrat dou generaiuni de Romni i mai cu deosebire dela o mie opt sute cincizeci i apte ncoace. i sunt n drept de a susinea c alegerea Mea, c chemarea Mea la gurile Dunrii tocmai dela sorgintele marelui fluviu, c nsi misiunea Domniei Mele na nsemnat dect emanciparea Romniei de aceste legminte. n mijlocul evenimentelor nedorite, neprovocate de noi, nalta Poart a rupt singur aceste legminte. Nu noi le vom restatornici! Au nu d-voastre, au nu toate Corpurile Statului, au nu naiunea ntreag au proclamat, au declarat c, prin ruperea acestor legminte, Romnia reintr n vechea sa independen, ca naiune liber, ca Stat de sine stttor, ca membru util, pacinic, civilizator, n marea familie a Statelor europene? Aparine acum energiei i devotamentului tuturor fiilor acestei ri, aparine prudenei politice a Corpurilor Statului, aparine acum i Mie, iertaiMi aceast afirmaiune, aparine rvnei, activitii i neobositelor Mele struine, de a mijloci, de a ajunge, ca noua stare politic a Romniei s primeasc o consacraiune european. Cnd ne uitm la bunvoina, la nalta solicitudine cu care marile Puteri, cu care Augutii Monarhi au nconjurat toate sforrile Noastre de renatere, toate actele Noastre naionale, fie-ne permis a spera, ba s avem ferma credin, c puternicul lor concurs nu va lipsi Romniei nici n aceste momente supreme, cnd ea nu reclam dect ceea ce-i revine ca popor demn de a fi liber, ca ar care na demeritat dela ateptrile Europei, ca Stat care are fora i inteligena de a ndeplini misiunea ce-i este trasat prin poziiunea sa geografic. Aceasta s o sperm, s o credem, s o voim i independena Romniei, departe de a fi o ngrijire pentru pacea Europei, pentru linitea Statelor vecine, am ferma conviciune c ea va fi nu numai o satisfaciune dat trebuinelor noastre naionale, dar va ndestula totdeodat i un mare interes european. nc odat, v mulumesc, domnilor Deputai, de bunele cuvinte ce-Mi adresai n aceast zi memorabil i Doamna, asociindu-Se la aceste mulumiri, mpreun v urm: S triasc Deputaii Romniei i, mai presus de noi toi, s triasc Romnia!

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Mesaj la deschiderea Corpurilor Legiuitoare 15/27 Septembrie 1878.

Corpurile Legiuitoare sunt convocare n sesiune extraordinar pentru a discuta i hotr atitudinea de luat fa de prevederile tratatului de la Berlin. Ni sa recunoscut independena, ne-au fost cedate gurile Dunrii i Dobrogea, dar ne-a fost rpit sudul Basarabiei. Domnitorul supune Camerii i Senatului aceste hotrri ale Europei i i exprim convingerea c vor fi judecate cu snge rece i patriotism, ca toate actele mari referitoare la destinul Statului Romn.

Domnilor Senatori, Domnilor Deputai, Prin mesajul Meu de nchidere a ultimei sesiuni, Eu vam artat c Congresul din Berlin, preocupat de a da lumii pacea mult dorit, a transijat asupra unor chestiuni importante pentru Statele mici, dar de un ordin secundar n privina marilor interese europene, i c, n deosebi, Romnia era chemat a face pcii lumii sacrificii grele i dureroase. Tot atunci guvernul Meu a luat ndatorirea de a v convoca din nou, cnd va fi n poziiune de a cunoate cu deplintate cele ce Congresul european a fost hotrt n privina patriei noastre. Aceasta o fac astzi, chemndu-v mprejurul Meu n sesiune extraordinar. n acest interval, guvernul Meu a primit dela Preedintele Congresului actul oficial al tratatului din Berlin. Asemenea guvernul imperial al Rusiei ne-a invitat n mod oficial de a ne conforma hotrrii Europei. Ministerul Meu v va comunica aceste acte precum i lucrrile ce a socotit de cuviin de a nainta n aceast dureroas chestiune. Astfel, d-voastre v vei afla pui n poziiune de a v rosti n deplin cunotin asupra celor hotrte n privina noastr de Marile Puteri. Domnilor Senatori, Domnilor Deputai, Europa a primit Romnia n familia Statelor independente, napoindu-i gurile Dunrei i ntinzndu-i posesiunile pn la Mare. Totodat ns marele

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tribunal a chemat Romnia la un dureros sacrificiu, la cedarea judeelor noastre de peste Prut! Nu exist Romn, dela Domn pn la ultimul cetean, care s nu deplng deslipirea unei pri din pmntul strmoesc decretat de Europa! ns, pe lng aceast dureroas simire, d-voastr ca mandatari ai Naiunei, ca brbai maturi, ca patrioi neclintii, d-voastre avei dreptul i datoria de a privi, de a cumpni cu snge rece i grelele mprejurri n care ne aflm, i aa de a lua o hotrre care s nu ne compromit prezentul, care chiar s asigure viitorul rii noastre. Energia naiunilor tari se dovedete n timpul ispitelor. Energia noastr, n loc dar de a ngenunchia naintea restritei, s o ndoim prin experiena dobndit c putem conta pe nii noi, s o oelim prin unirea noastr s o desvoltm ntro continu struire de a vindeca ranele patriei, ca aa s dovedim lumii vitalitatea naiunii latine dela gurile Dunrei! Da, domnii Mei, dup ce pe cmpul de onoare am dovedit c braul care a purtat sapa tie a purta i arma, s ne punem cu toii la lucru i s facem pe toi fiii rii de a se bucura de bunurile pcii. Astfel, vo mai repet i astzi, cum vam zis n ziua de 4 Iulie, vom fi n drept de a zice Europei c Romnia merit mai mult dela Marele Areopag, c totui Romnii, - innd seam de grelele mprejurri n mijlocul crora sa subscris tractatul din Berlin, - nu despereaz de viitor. Din contra, s avem statornica credin c ceea ce rivalitatea intereselor i necesitile momentului nu ne-au dat astzi, mne ni se va da de ctre dreptatea mai bine luminat a Europei. Ct pentru Mine, domnilor Senatori, domnilor Deputai, vo declar: binele i rul ce ating aceast ar, care este a Mea, M ating i pe Mine! Bucuria ei este i bucuria Mea; durerile ei sunt i durerile Mele! Oricare va fi hotrrea d-voastre, aceasta va fi hotrrea Mea! Aa dar, domnii Mei, cumpnii mprejurrile cu seriozitate, cu snge rece, cu prevedere politic. Luai exemplu dela strmoii notri, care n timpuri mai grele dect cele ce petrecem nau desperat de viitor i ne-au pstrat o patrie! Oricare a fost hotrrea Europei, orict de dureroase sunt pentru noi consecinele acestei hotrri, s avem o conviciune, s o pstrm cu fruntea sus, conviciunea c ne-am fcut datoria, c puterea moral a Romniei sa renlat, c naiunea romn a dobndit un bun pe care nici adversarii notri, dac avem adversari, - nu ni-l pot contesta, acest bun, domnii Mei, - este bunvoina guvernelor strine, este stima naiunilor, fr osebire.

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Sesiunea extraordinar este deschis, i Dumnezeu s binecuvinteze lucrrile d-voastre. CAROL

Ministrul Afacerilor Strine, M. Koglniceanu; Ministru de Interne, C. A. Rosetti; Ministrul Cultelor i Instruciunii Publice, ad-interim la Lucrrile Publice, G. Chiu; ministrul Finanelor, I. Cmpineanu; Ministrul Justiiei, Eug. Sttescu; Ministru de Rzboi, General Cernat. (M.O., 1878, nr. 204, p. 5223-4)

The Rhetoric of Romanias Independence in the Throne Messages of Carol I. From Internal Action to European Argumentation - Abstract During his reign, the sovereign and then king of Romania, Carol the First, in his throne messages, official addresses, in his discourses and letters, he makes often recourse, to the European Powers and their understanding with the hope in their support for Romania in what its European integration was concerned. He was stressing Romanias role in the maintenance of the European balance through its politics in South-Eastern Europe. He was very disappointed when his requests were met with indifference, as in 1878, when Romania lost the South of Bessarabia in favour of Russia, through the European Powers, decision, as a consequence of a war in which Romanias material, political and military effort was considerable.

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EUROPE AND/OR ORIENT. BRITISH TRAVEL LITERATURE AND THE RECOGNITION OF CULTURAL CONFLUENCES IN INTER-WAR ROMANIA CARMEN ANDRA The aim of the present study is to analyze the representations about Inter-War Romania, with special attention to the period 1930-1939 and King Carols reign, in British travel literature. In what this period is concerned, even if it was still represented by the British visitors in a ambiguous way either as a modern European country, somewhere between the West and the East or as a South-Eastern or Balkan country, somewhere between Europe and the Orient, this liminal condition is no longer the object of criticism and irony for those British visitors who have an agenda: to please their royal and noble hosts, travellers like D. J. Hall (1933), Romanian Furrow, Sacheverell Sitwell1 (1938), Romanian Journey, R. H. Bruce Lockhart (1938), Guns or Butter. War Countries and Peace Countries of Europe Revisited, Archibald Forman (1939), Rumania through a Windscreen, Derek Patmore2 (1939), Invitation to Romania.
Born November 15, 1897, Scarborough, Yorkshire, England; died October 1, 1988, Weston Hall, near Towcester, Northamptonshire. Sacheverell Sitwell was an English poet and critic, the younger brother of the poets and essayists Edith and Osbert Sitwell. He is best known for his books on art, architecture, and travel. Sitwells poetryThe Peoples Palace (1918), The Thirteenth Caesar (1924), The Rio Grande (performed 1929, with music by Constant Lambert), Selected Poems (1948), and other volumes written predominantly in traditional metres, reveals in its mannered style the effect of his interest in the arts and music. 2 Derek Patmore was a journalist, writer, author of literary essays, art critic, The News Chronicle reliable correspondent and photograph, writer for TV movie scripts. He is the co-author, together with Martha Bibesco, of Homage to Marcel Proust, 1871-1971 (Covent Garden Press, 1971) and together with Richard Aldington, of the play Life of a Lady (1936). Also author of D.H. Lawrence and the Dominant Male (Covent Garden Press, 1970), Portrait of my Family (London, Cassel, 1935), Balkan Correspondent (Harper and Brothers, 1941), Dark Places of the Heart: a Novel (London: The Falcon Press, 1953), Colour Schemes for the Modern Home (The Studio Limited, 1953), Private History. An Autobiography (London, Jonathan Cape, 1960), Italian Pageant: a Tour through the Cities of Tuscany and Umbria (London, Evans Brothers, 1949), Modern Turkish Music (Press Office, Turkish Embassy, 1967), Modern Turkish Painting (Press Office, Turkish Embassy, 1959).
1

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One of the main characteristics of this period as reflected in British literature is that the oscillation between the Eastern/Oriental and Western models is pointing out this time the progress of modern Romania and its European life standards. Another common place is the relationship between gender and national identification. As Nira Yuval-Davis points out, the image of a nation usually implies specific notions of masculinity and femininity3. Inter-war Romania is perceived either as a feminine, charming, luxurious, both sophisticated and exotic, European and Oriental country by British journalists, writers or diplomats (Derek Patmore, Sacheverell Sitwell, Bruce Lockhart) invited or hosted by Romanian high-society ladies or charmed by their entourage (Queen Mary, Anne-Marie Callimachi, Princess Marthe Bibesco4), or as a masculine, energetic country by British court visitors (D. J. Hall, R. H. Bruce Lockhart), whose books were approved and promoted by king Carol, for example. Diplomats like Ivor Porter and Frank Rattigan perceived Inter-war Romania in a balanced way, appreciating it for the mixture of Europeanness and Orientalness. These positive and flattering images were counter-balanced by the negative images of jealousy, hatred, treason, aggressive Oriental
Nira Yuval-Davis, Gen i Naiune, Bucureti, Editura Univers, 2003, p.9. Marthe Bibesco, French version of Marta Bibescu (January 28, 1886, BucharestNovember 28, 1973, Paris), born Marta Lucia or Marthe Lucie Lahovary, was a Romanian-French writer. She became the Belle poque Paris, moving among the literary, aristocratic and political power elites. She was awarded the Prix de l'Acadmie Franaise and met Marcel Proust, who sent her a letter praising her books. In 1955, she was appointed member of the Belgian Academy of French Language and Literature, on the seat previously held by Anna de Noailles (ne Bibesco, Princess Bassaraba de Brancovan). Marthe was proud of the 1962 award of the Lgion d'honneur. It was in 1960 that her novel, La Nymphe Europe, her autobiography, was published by Plon. Now a grande dame, she enjoyed her last great friendship with Charles de Gaulle, who invited her in 1963 to an lyse Palace reception. De Gaulle also took a copy of Isvor, Pays des Saules with him when he visited Romania in 1968, and told her in the same year: ... you do personify Europe to me. Marthe was 82 years old. In January 2001, a national pool about the most influential women in Romania's history placed Princess Marthe Bibesco on the first position as the women of the Millennium and of the 20th century. References http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marthe_Bibesco; Ghislain de Diesbach Princesse Bibesco - la dernire orchide, Ed. Perrin, Paris, 1986; Mircea Eliade "Marthe Bibesco and the Meeting of Eastern and Western Literature" in Symbolism, the Sacred and the Arts, The Crossroad Publishing Company, N.Y., 1986, ISBN 0-8245-0723-1; Christine Sutherland Enchantress. Marthe Bibesco and her World, Farrar, Straus & Giroux, New York, 1996.
4 3

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femininity, in Olivia Mannings Balkan Trilogy, which are the subject of previous articles5. In comparison to the Romania of 1939, where the Balkan Trilogy is set, Romania in the period 1930-1939 is the place of less dramatic events, even if they announced the coming of the Great War. In 1930, Carol II changed his mind about his earlier decision to give up the throne, he dethroned his minor son, Michael (who had become king in 1927) and he took the throne. Eight years later he established his personal dictatorship (1938-1940). Nazi Germany was rising and, together with Italy it supported the revisionist states neighbouring Romania; the force policy was successful on the continent and this was marked by the Anschluss, the Munich Pact (1938), the break-up of Czechoslovakia (1939); there was rapprochement between the Soviet Union and the Third Reich; all this led to Romanias international isolation. The von Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact (August 23, 1939) stipulated in a secret protocol the Soviet interest in the Baltic states, eastern Poland and the Soviet similar interest in Bessarabia. When World War II broke out, Romania declared neutrality (September 6, 1939). The defeats suffered by France and Great Britain in 1940 created a dramatic situation for Romania. In 1939-1940, Olivia Manning had to face not only her husbands infidelity in Romania, but also the most tragic events that compelled them to leave the country: the assassination of the prime-minister Armand Clinescu by the fascist Iron Guard, the punishment of this crime, the fall of Poland, the fall of France, the Soviet ultimatum for the giving up of Bessarabia and North Bukovina, Romania joining the Rome-Berlin-Tokyo Axis, the Dictate of Vienna and the loss of a great part of Transylvania. The serious crisis in the summer of 1940 led to the abdication of King Carol II in favour of his son Michael I (September 6, 1940); equally, it led to General Ion Antonescus takeover of the government (he became a Marshal in October 1941). In an effort to win support from Germany and Italy, Ion Antonescu joined forces in government with the Iron Guard Movement. The Movement attempted by way of the rebellion of January 21-23, 1941 to take over the entire government and, as a result, it was eliminated from politics. Wishing to get back the territories lost in 1940, Ion Antonescu participated, side by side with Germany, in the war against the Soviet Union (1941-1944). These events would efface the optimism and prosperity of the previous years in Romania as the travellers mentioned above saw, admired and even cherished.
5

Carmen Andra, Olivia Manning i Bucuretiul interbelic. Auto-cenzur ideologic i-sau afectiv, in Caietele Echinox, vol. 3, Cluj Napoca: Dacia, 2002, pp. 174 181.

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The British travellers I refer to in this presentation, were travellers-incomfort, royal watchers, photographers, as Alan Ogden calls them, who saw Romania through the windscreen of the motor-cars, the windows of the planes or of comfortable trains, in their wagon lits Pullman6. Others were the fiction writers avidly read, as for example Olivia Manning and Lord Thomson (even if, Alan Ogden ironically observes, Smaranda, <dedicated to the adored Princess Martha Bibesco in the twenties>, was too autobiographical to be fiction maybe Lord Thomson could claim to have invented fiction!)7. Almost all of the above mentioned British travellers sensed the remoteness of Romania, while planning their journey, but once setting foot in this country their first impression was that of familiarity and sympathy, their lady hostesses playing an important part in this change of mood:
At the first mention of going to Romania, a great many persons, as did myself, would take down their atlas and open the map. No one would bother to do this over more familiar countries. For Roumania, there can be no question, is among the lesser-known lands of EuropeMost persons are satisfied that Europe ends at the Dniester and the Black Sea. So that Romania is at the far end of Europe8.

Derek Patmores Invitation to Romania (1939) has the dedication For Princess Anne-Marie Callimachi who gave me my invitation, with the special mention: First of all, I have to thank my Roumanian hosts, Prince and Princess Jean Callimachi, who did everything in their power to make my visit as comprehensive, instructive and as comfortable as possible9. Sacheverell Sitwell, who was invited to Romania by King Carol, also dedicated his book, Romanian Journey, To Princess Anne-Marie Callimachi, with all his gratitude: The instigation, as, also, the encouragement for this book upon Roumania, is due to Princess Anne-Marie Callimacki, to whom it is dedicated. It would be impossible sufficiently to thank her for her unceasing hospitality or to pay enough tribute to her comprehensive knowledge and love of her country10.
Alan Ogden, Romania Revisited. On the Trail of English Travellers. 1600-1641, Iai, Oxford, Portland, The Center for Romanian Studies.2000, p. 212. 7 Ibidem. 8 Sacheverell Sitwell, Romanian Journey, London, B. T. Batsford Ltd., 1938, p. 1. 9 Derek Patmore, Invitation to Romania, London, Macmillan, 1939, p.2. 10 Sacheverell Sitwell, op. cit., p. VII.
6

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Most of them were influenced by the Kings opinions and recommendations, and were eager to please him. I admit that until 1937 I had never heard of Romanian Furrow, confesses Bruce Lockhart in his Introduction to D.J. Halls book. It was brought to my notice by King Carol, a wise and courageous ruler who has the interests of the Romanian peasantry very close to his heart. He had been complaining to me a little sadly about the indifference of the English towards Romania. Then he said abruptly:
Ive read every book that has ever been written about my country. The best is by one of your countrymen. The book was Romanian Furrow. I read it and agreed with the Kings verdict. He continues: In numerous passages of unaffected simplicity and great charm he reveals to us the various types of Romanian peasantry, richly different in their national costumes, yet alike in their sturdiness, their love of music, their respect for marriage and family life, and their enduring capacity for hard work. He shows to us a people who, I think, will never submit willingly to the embraces of communism or Nazi-ism and who, like the peasants of all countries, have no desire for any other conquest than that of the earth which yields to them their daily bread Romanian Furrow is a full and a ripe book which makes a valuable contribution to our knowledge of Romania. I hope that it will induce many English people to visit a land whose scenery is unrivalled for its rich variety, whose mountains form the background of many of our best-known fairy-tales, and which requires only freedom from outside interference to become one of the richest and happiest countries in Europe11.

Sitwell and Patmores images of Romania are as sophisticated and picturesque as their hostesss splendid home at 17 Chausse Kisseleff, like Bois de Boulogne, but with Eastern influences as well, where they enjoy the aristocratic circles of their entourage, the last Romanian aristocrats whose place was going to be replaced by the new bourgeoisie in modern Romania, the luxuriant parties, the witty conversations, mostly in French, with important politicians, men of culture, writers etc., their quick brilliance and mental alertness: Life at 17 Chausse Kisseleff, exclaims Patmore, was leisured and pleasantly informal, but when guests were being entertained to lunch or dinner the house took on a stateliness which recalled the elegance and formality of the pre-War days. Patmore describes the house with all its architectural details,
11

D. J. Hall, Romanian Furrow. New Edition with a Foreword by R. H. Bruce Lockhart Author Of Guns Or Butter, London, Toronto, Sydney, Bombay, George Harrap, 1933, p. V.

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characteristics of style and taste, and then introduces his host in this almost fairytale background:
The interior of the house is large but old-fashioned. It was built by my hostesss grandfather, and the large rooms have that casual luxury typical of his era. A long, marble-paved entrance hall leads into the large drawing room. This room is painted white, with carved mouldings in the style of Louis XV. Ancestral portraits hang on the walls in gilded frames, those strange Boyars, with their rich robes, jewelled turbans, and the strings of amber beads, dropping negligently from a lordly hand, which remind one of the Eastern influence; and the room is furnished with Empire furniture covered in a light green brocade. At the far end of the room are French windows leading on to a small terrace overlooking the garden. At night, when a dinner party is being held, the room takes on a brilliance which forms an effective setting for the guests placed against it. The chandeliers glitter with light, and the cabinets, filled with objets dart, the rich gold of the ikons, and the portraits, hanging on the white walls, all create a sense of opulence in keeping with the character of the house itself. The dining-room beyond this room, with its dark panelled walls, old portraits, and the long dining-table leaden with old silver, carries on this atmosphere an atmosphere of calm and ease which is fast disappearing in the modern world. My host, Prince Jean Callimachi, had returned from the country and presided over all entertaining with a suave detachment in keeping with his setting. Tall, immensely distinguished looking, with a pointed white beard which gives him a slightly Russian appearance, he has all the courtesy and charm of the old aristocracy12.

Patmore enjoys the privilege of being welcomed in Romanian high life circles, a very exclusive society, resembling the social life of New York, with the difference that the Roumanians have more right to their exclusiveness, being nearly all descended from ruling princes or families which were governing the country before the creation of the monarchy in the middle of the nineteenth century13. They are very cultured. Most of them have studied or were brought up in Paris, and this often isolates them from many of their own countrymen. They are beautifully mannered, extremely kind and generous to foreign visitors, witty, critical and superficially cruel. Despite this cruelty which comes from their keen sense of criticism, notices Patmore, at heart, all Roumanians are extremely kind-hearted and tolerant. They are probably the
12 13

Derek Patmore, op. cit., p. 12. Ibidem, p. 13.

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most tolerant race in Europe, and they have suffered a great deal at the hands of other nations because of their tolerance. Suspicious of foreigners and intensely proud of their country, they are slow to give their friendship, but once they have decided to give it to anyone it means a friendship for life. In this manner they resemble the English14. It is also the fairy tale country of wonderful castles, such as Castle of Pele, built by Carol I and his wife Queen Elisabeth (Carmen Sylva) during the years 1873-1883, and whose architecture reflects the German romanticism of the Queen15, marvellous palaces and country estates owned by most admired princesses: Anne-Marie Callimachis country estate at Mneti, visited by Derek Patmore, Martha Bibescos house at Posada, admired by Patmore or the Palace of Mogooaia, the last visited by both Sacheverell Sitwell and Derek Patmore, or Princess Irene Mavrocordats house in Pacani, Madame Jean Ducas country house in Mldreti, all inherited from their aristocratic ancestors or designed and re-built on the old houses ruins by the princesses themselves. Their Romania is imbued with femininity, which is no longer labelled as Oriental, sensual and dangerous, but smart, cultivated, sophisticated, in a word, worthy of European attributes. And so is their background. The beauty of Mogooaia is a tribute to the skill and good taste of its owner, exclaims Sacheverell Sitwell16, referring to the much appreciated writer and patron of arts, the beauty of London and Parisian parties, Princess Martha Bibesco:
The Palace of Mogooaia is undoubtedly one of the most beautiful private houses in Roumania, exclaims in wonder Derek Patmore. A half-hours drive from Bucarest, it stands beside a lake, and in summer its terraced formal gardens are filled with petunias. On the lawns which surround the house on another side, peacocks strut about giving a touch of the fabulous to the whole scene. Built from the ruins of an old Brancovan palace erected by Prince Constantin Brancovan who lived from 1688 to 1714, and was the great builder of his time, the present house is the creation of Princess Marthe Bibesco, and is striking testimony to her taste and unusual personality. The restoration of the old buildings which came to the Bibesco family as descendants of the Brancovans. Occupied her for a number of years, but the

14 15

Ibidem, p. 14. Ibidem, p. 85. 16 Sacheverell Sitwell, op. cit., p. 50.

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finished result provides a remarkable setting for a woman who is famous for her beauty and her talents as a writer17.

Fascinated by the Romanian Princess, Derek Patmore continues with the description of Marthe Bibescos amazing personality and beauty:
When we went to see Mogooaia, Princess Marthe Bibesco was not there, but I had met her in London and she impressed me very much. Our meeting had taken place at a dinner party given in her honour by Prince Matyla Ghyka. She arrived last, and I remember that we all awaited her arrival with interest and curiosity. Her entry into the room was very dramatic. Dark and slightly mysterious, with a veil draped over her black hair and shading her large greenbrown eyes, she came into the room with all the gracious assurance of a famous beauty. A vast spray of diamonds glittered across the bodice of her light blue dress, and as she stood beside her host being introduced to the other guests, she held herself with a quiet detachment. At dinner, I found myself sitting next to her. She talked modestly of her writing and was delighted when I told her that I admired her book, Au bal avec Marcel Proust. She talked of her friends in England and in particular we discussed Lord Thomson, the Air Minister who died so tragically in the I R. 101 air disaster, and had been one of her dear friends. He wrote a book about her, and she returned the compliment by writing a book about him18.

Princesses, castles, gardens, elegance and sophisticated taste are the romantic elements of a country situated at the frontier of reality and imagination. The Princess has planned the gardens on a formal English plan at Mogooaia, continues Patmore. The terraces of flowering petunias are hedged in with borders of clipped privet, and as the garden-front of the palace gives directly on to the lake, the views are very lovely. The lake itself lends a romantic touch to the situation of the palace, and the day I was there the whole surface of the water was covered with flowering lotus a flower which seemed especially suited to the exotic beauty of the whole estate19. Patmore also visits the house in Pacani, which belongs to the Mavrocordat family. Built by the last reigning Prince Ghyka of Wallachia for his sister, who had married a

17 18

Derek Patmore, op. cit., p. 56-57. Ibidem. 19 Ibidem, p. 58.

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Dutchman serving in the Russian Army, it is a rare example of the Empire style, and I did not see another house like it in Roumania20. Callimachi county estate at Mneti is in Derek Patmores words:
a fantastic, rambling house rebuilt during the last century in a mixture of Turkish and Roumanian styles. Surrounded by a thick plantation of trees, it has a painted faade, ornamented with carved wooden balconies and turrets. A large arcaded loggia has been built over the main doorway, and in the summer-time the loggia is used as a place for drinking apritifs and afterdinner coffeeThe garden, with its formal eighteenth-century planning, looked very romantic in the darkening evening light. Peasant boys in long white tunics and coloured embroidered belts were watering the grass, and the air was heavy with the scent of the roses which grew in terraced beds in front of the house. These together with petunias and zinnias, made glimmering patches of colour against the green of the lawns and the tall, sheltering trees. Further down there was a lake overgrown with water-lilies, and a small classic temple on a mound above it, together with the stone statues standing in various parts of the garden, enhanced the romantic mood21.

They had dinner, then Turkish coffee on the loggia. A cuckoo was heard singing near by, and one of the guests, Prince George Mavrocordat, began a long dissertation on Roumanian folk poetry22. Mneti, he continues, being inherited, does not reflect the very different characters of Anne-Marie Callimachi and her husband, except where the many modern improvements show their common desire for luxury and comfort, but it provides a fantastic picture of what life must have been like during the nineteenth century in wealthy Roumanian circles. The palace built by the Vacarescos combines different European, traditional Romanian, and Oriental styles: the splendours and extravagances of the Second Empire, Roumanian motifs, Victorian chandeliers and furniture, a library in the nineteenth-century Gothic style, a sitting-room decorated in a nineteenth-century version of Chinese taste together with modern furniture, which remind one of any well-furnished English country house23. Women will have an all-important effect on the development of the new Rumania, meditates H. Bruce Lockhart, for in Rumania woman is
20 21

Ibidem. Ibidem, p. 51-55. 22 Ibidem. 23 Ibidem, p. 54-55.

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superior to man, and the modern young Rumanian girl is full of initiative. At dinner one night I sat next to Princess Marina Stirbey, who is Rumanias Amy Mollison. Her composure was everything that I had imagined wholly unRumanian. No Englishwoman could have been more phlegmatic. She talked of flying to Africa or to Australia as calmly as I should talk of taking the train to Inverness. She expressed a restrained regret that today there were no new fields to explore. She told me one fact which illustrates very graphically the state of tension in central and south-eastern Europe. She could fly, she said, in six hours from Bucharest to Paris. It took her six weeks to obtain the necessary permits to fly over the intermediate countries!24 Femininity in inter-war Romania is perceived by the British observers devoid of the negative features that are usually ascribed to women, especially when it is related with royal and noble characters. Queen Marie was everything that was feminine except in one respect, thinks Bruce Lockhart. She had no stupid vanity in her character. Only once did she show any trace of pride. This was when we were comparing notes about lecture tours in the United States. The Americans told me, she said, that I was the only European who has ever stood the rigours of a tour without showing a trace of fatigue, and who did everything he or she was asked to do. I expect her temperament and superabundant nervous energy carried her through. In that winter of 1937 she looked too frail to stand any fatigue25. In his book entitled Guns or Butter, where he points out the contrasts in Romanian society, not in a dichotomous way, but in terms of an interesting coexistence of differences, H. Bruce Lockhart observes another Rumanian contradiction. Although Rumania is essentially a country in which women not only are honoured but also are in many respects superior to the men, feminine interference in politics is not tolerated. There has never been a Rumanian Zenobia26. There is today no provision for a Queen in the Rumanian constitution27.
H. Bruce Lockhart, Guns or Butter. War Countries and Peace Countries of Europe Revisited, London, Putnam, 1938, p. 184-185. 25 Ibidem, p. 212-213. 26 Zenobia was the queen of the Roman colony of Palmyra, in present-day Syria, from 267 or 268 to 272. She conquered several of Rome's eastern provinces before she was subjugated by the emperor Aurelian (ruled 270275). Zenobias husband, Odaenathus, Romes client ruler of Palmyra, had by 267 recovered the Roman East from Persian conquerors. 27 H. Bruce Lockhart, op. cit., p. 214.
24

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Romania seen by these British travellers in comfort, was not only sophisticated and highly intellectual, is also the idyllic realm of arts, music, poetry and architectural monuments, the country of Moldavian monasteries and folklore, with Mioria recited on the porch of a Moldavian country house, with doina, hora and other folk dances, with picturesque Romanian national costumes and food, tuica (the plum brandy), mamaliga, pastrami being omnipresent. Romania was also the country of a virile nation, whose active, energetic King Carol II was leading it toward progress, wealth, civilization and westernization. With its undeveloped resources Rumania is destined to become one of the most powerful countries in Eastern Europe, states Archibald Forman in 1939. A new Rumania, differing greatly from the old with its easygoing ways, is in course of evolution. A virile and united nation is being created. As a temporary measure, at any rate, a form of government that is midway between a democracy and a dictatorship has been found necessary in order to weld together its different peoples28. For Derek Patmore, the emblematic figure of this virile nation was King Carol himself. He is fearless, and a tremendous worker. Probably the ablest politician in the Balkans, he has steered his country through many delicate situations. Passionately devoted to the welfare of Roumania, he is determined to do everything in his power to maintain her independence. But should the day arrive when his country is invaded by overwhelming foreign Powers, he will resist, like the rest of his countrymen, and go down fighting rather than surrender29. In Patmores imagination, Bucharest was becoming a symbol of Carols reign:
The palace seems to dominate the gay animation of the Calea Victoriei. But then you sense the personality of King Carol everywhere in the new developments of Bucharest. It is almost as if the great city rising out of the old is a symbol of his reign, and undoubtedly this feeling explains the reason for King Carols great success as a ruler. Consciously or by sheer strength, the personality of the King is becoming merged with the progress, welfare and future of the whole country. It is significant that whereas King Ferdinand and especially Queen Marie preferred the Cotroceni Palace which is almost outside the town, King Carol has made his permanent home right in the centre of the capital30. Archibald Forman, Rumania through a Windscreen, London, Samson Low, Marston & Co., 1939, p. V. 29 Derek Patmore, op. cit., p. 146. 30 Ibidem, p. 10.
28

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Virility is also associated with important writers, journalists and politicians: I met numerous virile types among the writers and journalists, observes R. H. Bruce Lockhart. The most attractive was Mihail Sadoveanu, a fine, big fellow, and a disciple of Sir Walter Scott. He made Scott popular throughout Rumania, and, while I was in Bucharest, one of Scotts novels was being published as a serial in one of the leading Bucharest newspapers. Sadoveanu is one of the great novelists of Europe, and his works have been translated into nearly every European language except English31. With his keen eyes for contrasts, H. Bruce Lockhart notices instead the passiveness of the average man:
On the surface, at any rate, Bucharest is a city made for women. Its shops and its amusements cater for women. In the Calea Victoriei, the Bond Street of Bucharest, you some-times see two women walking together, but rarely two men. Moreover, the average Bucharest male of over forty is lazy. He prefers a job in a government department to a business office. Bucharest is a city of barbers shops. No government official shaves himself. He goes to his Ministry early, reads the newspapers till ten, and then strolls over to his favourite barbers shop. It is his club. He meets his friends here and spends a pleasant hour in discussing politics or the latest Bucharest gossip. In the afternoon he spends a similar hour in his favourite caf, which is his second club. Doubtless, there are many Rumanian officials who work long hours on end, and perhaps I am guilty of exaggeration32.

Even if in this pleasant land which is being so rapidly westernised time still moves with Oriental lethargy33. In Lockharts opinion, this was not true for the prominent intellectuals and politicians like the Cantacuzenes, the ascetic-looking Prince George Cantacuzene, for example, who spent three months roughing it in the deserts of Syria, Iraq and Arabia in order to paint. He has a studio in a high flat overlooking all Bucharest, and here he works twelve hours a day. He is a painter of distinction, but he has a higher claim to fame. He is one of the leading architects who to-day are altering the face of their country. He does not stand alone in his seriousness. Nevertheless, in a

31 32

H. Bruce Lockhart, op. cit., p. 185. Ibidem, p. 192. 33 Ibidem, p. 204-205.

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very balanced critical presentation of the Romanian society at the epoch, Lockhart also identifies other types
whose ultra-worldliness leaves an impression of frivolity. And these contrasts you will find throughout Rumanian society. Tact and guard on ones tongue are essential in Bucharest. The Rumanian are sensitive. They resent very much being stigmatised as Balkan. They regard their country as the Eastern outpost of Western civilisation, and in some respects they do not exaggerate. Their culture is mainly French. Most Rumanians of good family have studied at a French university. They are excellent linguists and are very well-read. On the whole I think that it is fair to say that their culture is higher than their character. In the past the big families have run Rumania, and the administration has not been good. The cultural mind of Rumania may be Western, but the methods of government have always been semi-Oriental34.

D. J. Hall is less critical instead and sees the benefits of the Romanians genetic happiness and taste for leisure: In the happiness of these people lay their strength. Because in the West we have made a world which is hard on us if we are not continuously busy we have made work a standard of morality and affect contempt for what we call idleness. Even in our leisure we must always be doing something. These people had no such fetish; they worked to eat, no more. They were not lazy. It was only that they had not forgotten the meaning of composure35. There would be much to say about the British images of a unique blending of contrasts between Western and Eastern or Oriental influences, between old and new in Inter-War Romania. Comparisons imply here an exquisite in-betweenness and interference of traditions, an exotic or strange indefinable charm, and not dichotomous differences as before. Some comparisons suggest a relationship of equality between Romania and Western countries, and sometimes superiority of Romania in relation to Eastern or Oriental countries. Even if some of these representations are genuine and flattering in what we are concerned, one cannot avoid some reservations concerning this impressive turn in the British images of Romania. How much was, for example, Sacheverell Sitwell under pressure to flatter the government of King Carol which had contributed 500 towards the publication of his book?
34 35

Ibidem, p. 183. D. J. Hall, op. cit., p. 24.

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Regardless of ones doubts about the objectivity of these British favourable, even affectionate images about Inter-war Romania, having especially in mind the previous stereotypical representations of a country lost in time and space, bearing in its genes either the Balkan aggressiveness or the Oriental lethargy, we have to admit that they offer a counterbalance to 19th century British images. They also offer a positive term of comparison with what communist Romania will represent for the Great Britain, even if there also could be found court writers during Ceausescus reign, this maverick of the Carpathians!

Europe and/or Orient. British Travel Literature and the Recognition of Cultural Confluences in Inter-war Romania - Abstract The aim of the present study is to analyze the representations about Inter-War Romania, with special attention to the period 1930-1939 and King Carols reign, in British travel literature. In what this period is concerned, even if it was still represented by the British visitors in a ambiguous way either as a modern European country, somewhere between the West and the East or as a South-Eastern or Balkan country, somewhere between Europe and the Orient, this liminal condition is no longer the object of criticism and irony for those British visitors who have an agenda: to please their royal and noble hosts, travellers like D. J. Hall (1933), Romanian Furrow, Sacheverell Sitwell (1938), Romanian Journey, R. H. Bruce Lockhart (1938), Guns or Butter. War Countries and Peace Countries of Europe Revisited, Archibald Forman (1939), Rumania through a Windscreen, Derek Patmore (1939), Invitation to Romania. One of the main characteristics of this period as reflected in British literature is that the oscillation between the Eastern/Oriental and Western models is pointing out this time the progress of modern Romania and its European life standards. Another common place is the relationship between gender and national identification.

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British Travel Literature about Romania. Bibliography 1900-40 Baerlein, Henry (1931). And Then to Transylvania, London: Harold Shaylor, 1931. New York: Samson & Shuster, 1932 (also called Enchanted Woods). Baerlein, Henry (1940). In Old Romania, London and Melbourne: Hutchinson & Co. Baxter, Beverly (1940). Men, Martyrs and Mountebanks, London: Hutchinson & Co. Benson, Theodora (1935). The Unambitious Journey, London: Chapman & Hall. Boultbee, Rosamond (1924). Pilgrimages and Personalities, London: Hutchinson & Co. Forman, Archibald (1939). Rumania through a Windscreen, London: Samson Low, Marston & Co. Hall, D. J. (1933). Romanian Furrow. New Edition with a Foreword by R. H. Bruce Lockhart Author Of Guns Or Butter, London, Toronto, Sydney, Bombay,: George Harrap. Kennard, Lady (1917). A Romanian Diary. 1915, 1916, 1917, London: Heinemann. Leigh Fermor, Patrick (1986). Between the Woods and Water, London: Penguin Books. Lockhart, R. H. Bruce (1938). Guns or Butter. War Countries and Peace Countries of Europe Revisited, London: Putnam. Loughborough, Margaret R. (1939). Romanian Pilgrimage, London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. Manning, Olivia (1978). The Balkan Trilogy. Fortunes of War, Vol. 1. London: Penguin Books. Patmore, Derek (1939). Invitation to Romania, London: Macmillan. Porter, Ivor (1989). Operation Autonomous, London: Chatto & Windus. Rattigan, Frank (1924). Diversions of a Diplomat, London: Chapman & Hall. Sitwell, Sacheverell (1938). Romanian Journey, London: B. T. Batsford Ltd. Thomson, C. B. (1931). Smaranda, London: Jonathan Cape. Thornton, Philip (1939). Ikons and Oxen, London: Collins. Secondary Bibliography Ogden, Alan (2000). Romania Revisited. On the Trail of English Travellers. 1600-1641, Iai, Oxford, Portland: The Center for Romanian Studies. Yuval-Davis, Nira (2003)Gen i Naiune, Bucureti: Editura Univers

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MIRCEA ELIADE. NTRE ORIENT I OCCIDENT IULIAN BOLDEA n ansamblul operei multiforme, polivalente a lui Mircea Eliade, creaia cu caracter autobiografic ocup un loc aparte, date fiind reperele, dimensiunile i paradigmele formale ale acestui tip de scriitur. Se impun, ns, cteva consideraii cu privire la statutul i la finalitatea textelor cu caracter autobiografic, texte ce se integreaz ntr-un gen literar hibrid, de frontier. Astfel, se poate spune c eul care nu nceteaz s se contemple n oglinzile textului autobiografic capt, prin chiar actul acesta al reflectrii, o anumit distan fa de sine i are tendina de a nu se mai recunoate nici n propriul su trecut, nici n propriul text. Din acest punct de vedere, scriitura autobiografic nu este invocaia unei imagini ideale, a unei proiecii mitice a propriului eu, ci evocarea unui eu care i caut fr ncetare propria identitate. Trebuie s subliniem, pe de alt parte, c specularitatea i autospecularitatea sunt datele imediate ale scriiturii autobiografice, pentru c impresiile, senzaiile i percepiile sunt mereu supuse unei puneri n scen, unei regii a prezentului, ele sunt, ca s zicem aa, prezentificate. Jurnalul, memoriile, ca i celelalte forme ale discursului autobiografic au, fr ndoial, statutul unui document, al unei scriitur dedublate, n care lumea, cu relieful su polimorf, ntlnete subiectivitatea celui care scrie. Din aceast perspectiv, a dezvluirii, a denudrii resorturilor unei existene, textul autobiografic produce un efect dual mitizant i demitizant fiindc, pe de o parte, impune o figur central, un personaj acel eu care i obiectiveaz dorinele i frustrrile, devenind martor al propriului su rol - dar, pe de alt parte, scriitura subiectiv dezvluie, demasc, n raport direct proporional cu luciditatea celui care l scrie, impostura eului-narator, reduce la adevratele lor dimensiuni gesturile i tririle sale, privete, cu circumspecia necesar rostirii autentice, propria sa statur moral. Libertile i servituile discursului autobiografic reies tocmai din relaiile att de greu de determinat dintre interioritate i exterioritate, din echilibrul labil pe care autobiografia specie impur, necanonizat, lipsit de prestigiu i-l arog, situndu-se ntr-un spaiu incert, n care confesiunea, retranarea n intimitate i obiectivarea, ieirea din sine, convieuiesc n mod benefic. Trebuie, totui, s precizm c textul autobiografic reprezint un gen literar ambiguu, definit prin condiia sa de autenticitate i de sinceritate, dar care are, totui, o form oarecum decorativ, un aspect convenional, artificial, pentru c, ntre momentul contemplrii

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propriului sine i momentul transpunerii acestei contemplaii intervine un interval al refleciei, al reorganizrii gesturilor aleatorii. Cu alte cuvinte, ntre timpul confesiunii i timpul existenei se stabilete un raport de indeterminare i chiar de ruptur. Din acest punct de vedere, autobiografia este mai degrab o tentativ de purificare dect un autoportret autentic, o invocare a unei imagini ideale mai curnd dect evocarea unui eu care caut nencetat conturul degradat al personalitii sale n figura schiat n cea mai strict actualitate. Fr ndoial, discursul autobiografic este deopotriv un document, o scriere cu caracter depoziional n care ecourile lumii, n referenialitatea lor frust, se ntlnesc cu subiectivitatea celui care se scrie pe sine la modul cel mai propriu. E limpede c acest gen de literatur a contribuit n chip hotrtor la cunoaterea feei nevzute a unor creatori, dup cum a favorizat reconstituirea unor evenimente, fizionomii, fapte, i chiar a dezvluit domeniul de tain i mister al operelor unor creatori. Resorbind specularitatea i autospecularitatea ntr-un punct de convergen oarecum transfigurator, orice scriere cu caracter autobiografic propune o imagine a eului i a lumii n bun msur trucat de inteniile auctoriale ale celui care scrie. Impresiile, senzaiile, percepiile trecute sunt supuse unei anumite regii a prezentului scriiturii ce distorsioneaz, motiveaz sau redimensioneaz faptele, ba chiar le estetizeaz, redndu-le un contur idealizant. Stilizarea este, astfel, primejdia ce pndete orice jurnal, cu sau fr voia autorului. Simpl masc sau expiere, justificare sau retranare purificatoare n propriul sine ca recurs la o lume terifiant, literatura subiectiv ntrunete n propria alctuire fragilitatea unor notaii minore i beneficiile unei rostiri eseniale despre propriul sine. Literatura autobiografic are rolul de a satisface unele exigene documentare (asupra vieii literare, asupra sistemului politic, asupra evoluiei unor contiine) i estetice (stil, manier de portretizare a personajelor, dinamic a psihologiilor etc.). Se poate chiar afirma c aceste opere au de asemenea rolul de a fi oglinzi ale existenei exterioare i ale interioritii, documente i substitute de via real i personal. Trebuie ns s punem n lumin observaia c aceast oglind nu este ntotdeauna armonioas i utopic, ci lucid i fragmentar. Este o oglind spart, care reveleaz dimensiunile cele mai contradictorii ale fiinei i ale realitii. Funcia i finalitatea textelor cu caracter autobiografic ale lui Mircea Eliade este multipl; pe de o parte, prin aceste texte sunt revelate momentele i etapele eseniale ale devenirii sale spirituale, cu repercusiunile evidente n planul creaiei propriu-zise, iar, pe de alt parte, prin intermediul scrierilor autobiografice ni se dezvluie mecanismele creaiei eliadeti, textul subiectiv

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avnd, astfel, i funcia unui revelator al contiinei artistice. Nu n ultimul rndul, scrierile cu caracter autobiografic realizeaz conjuncia ntre scriitura diurn i cea nocturn, conciliind cele dou regimuri ale discursului eliadesc. n cartea de interviuri realizat de Claude-Henri Rocquet, Lepreuve du Layrinthe (ncercarea labirintului), Mircea Eliade caut s delimiteze nucleul generator i, totodat, mecanismele de funcionare ale literaturii, rolul acesteia n configurarea i revelarea esenei umane: Se tie c literatura, oral sau scris, este fiica mitologiei i a motenit ceva din funciile acesteia: s povesteasc ntmplri, s povesteasc ceva semnificativ ce s-a petrecut n lume. Dar de ce e att de important s tim ce se petrece, s tim ce i se ntmpl marchizei care i bea ceaiul la ora cinci? Cred c orice naraiune, chiar i aceea a unui fapt ct se poate de comun, prelungete marile povestiri relatate de miturile care explic cum a luat fiin aceast lume i cum a devenit condiia noastr aa cum o cunoatem noi astzi. Eu cred c interesul nostru pentru naraiune face parte din modul nostru de a fi n lume. Ea rspunde nevoii noastre de a auzi ce s-a ntmplat, ceea ce au nfptuit oamenii i ceea ce pot ei s fac: riscurile, aventurile, ncercrile lor de tot felul. Nu suntem nici ca nite pietre, nemicai, sau ca nite flori sau insecte, a cror via e dinainte trasat: suntem fiine umane formate din ntmplri. Iar omul nu va renuna niciodat s asculte povestiri1. ncercnd s descifreze planurile i dimensiunile propriului su demers literar, Eliade se refer i la componentele narativitii, la modul particular de structurare a textelor sale. Iat cum i explic, de pild, scriitorul mecanismul generator i modelele de ficionalizare a realului n Noaptea de Snziene, roman pe care l considera capodopera literaturii sale. Avem aici, n liniile contrase ale enunurilor, o poietic i o poetic a prozei eliadeti: Sunt incapabil s fac un plan. Opera ncolete ntotdeauna n jurul unei viziuni, al unui peisaj sau al unui dialog. Vd foarte bine nceputul, uneori sfritul, i tot cte puin, n timpul lucrului descopr evenimentele i urzeala romanului sau a nuvelei. Pentru Noaptea de Snziene, prima imagine a fost personajul principal. Se plimba ntr-o pdure lng Bucureti, cu vreun ceas nainte de miezul nopii de Snziene. n pdure l ntmpin o main nti, apoi o fat, fr main. Toate acestea erau pentru mine o enigm. Cine era fata? i de ce personajul care se plimba cuta o main lng fat? ncetul cu ncetul, am tiut cine e fata, i-am tiut toat povestea. Dar totul a nceput dintr-un fel de viziune. Am vzut toate acestea ca i cum a fi visat (...). Nu m interesa numai simbolismul
1

Mircea Eliade, ncercarea labirintului, Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Dacia, 1990, p. 141-142.

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religios al solstiiului, ci i imaginile i temele folclorului romnesc i european. n noaptea aceasta, cerul se ntredeschide, se poate vedea lumea de dincolo n care se poate disprea... Dac cuiva i se nfieaz aceast vedenie miraculoas, el iese din timp, iese din spaiu. Va tri o clip ce ine o venicie... Totui, nu aceast semnificaie a simbolismului m obseda, ci acea noapte n sine2. Nuvelele i romanele sunt privite de autor din perspectiva dialecticii sacru/profan i a unor toposuri fundamentale, reiterate, cu fireti nuanri i refuncionalizri, n mai toate operele sale literare: coincidena contrariilor (coincidentia oppositorum), drumul spre centru, labirintul, podul, visul, mitul eternei rentoarceri, dublul, levitaia etc. O tem extrem de important a sistemului speculativ eliadesc este aceea a coincidenei contrariilor (coincidentia oppositorum), tem preluat de la Nicolaus Cusanus i valorificat, ntre alii, i de Jung, cu diferena c dac Jung trateaz acest concept mai degrab din punct de vedere psihologic, ca expresii ale psihismului, fie acesta i abisal colectiv, Eliade valorific tema coincidenei contrariilor dintr-o perspectiv mult mai ampl i ntr-un cadru mai vast, marcat de un demers antropologic i cosmologic. Consideraiile despre relaia dialectic dintre sacru i profan, despre valoarea simbolic a elementelor cu rol de vehicule ale tranziiei de la profan la sacru, despre semnificaia mitic a hierofaniilor, se fundamenteaz, n principiu, pe aceast dualitate a camuflrii i revelrii, a ncifrrii i descifrrii, a uitrii i anamnezei care este proprie textelor lui Mircea Eliade. De asemenea, spaiul sacru, simbolistica centrului, a limitei i a atopiei pozitive sau negative, timpul sacru, cu morfologia sa specific, tema dublului sunt tot atia invariani tematici care structureaz discursul eliadesc. Esenial este, pentru Eliade, toposul camuflrii sacrului n profan, cu numeroasele sale avataruri i reprezentri textuale: n nuvelele mele, ncerc mereu s camuflez fantasticul n cotidian. n acest roman care respect toate regulile romanului romanesc, romanul secolului al XIX-lea, am voit, aadar, s camuflez o anumit semnificaie simbolic a condiiei umane. Camuflajul acesta mi-a reuit, cred, de vreme ce acest simbolism nu duneaz n nici un fel firului epic al povestirii. Cred c ntotdeauna transistoricul este camuflat de istoric, i extraordinarul, de obinuit. Aldous Huxley vorbea de viziunea pe care o d L.S.D.-ul, ca de o visio beatifica: el vedea atunci formele i culorile aa cum Van Gogh i vedea celebrul su scaun. E sigur c acest real cenuiu, acest cotidian camufleaz altceva. Este
2

Ibidem, p. 147-148.

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convingerea mea profund. Acest aspect ar trebui s fie trecut i n romanulroman, nu numai n romanul sau n nuvela fantastic (...). n toate povestirile mele, naraiunea se desfoar pe mai multe planuri, ca s dezvluie n mod progresiv fantasticul ascuns n banalitatea cotidian. Aa cum o nou axiom reveleaz o structur a realului, necunoscut pn atunci altfel spus, instaureaz o lume nou -, literatura fantastic dezvluie, sau mai degrab creeaz universuri paralele. Nu este vorba de o evaziune, cum o cred unii filosofi istoriciti; deoarece creaia pe toate planurile i n toate sensurile cuvntului este trstura specific a condiiei umane3. Simbolistica labirintului este una major pentru scrisul lui Eliade. Ba chiar, n aceleai dialoguri cu Claude-Henri Rocquet, Mircea Eliade consider c viaa sa st, cu toate mplinirile, rtcirile i revelaiile ei, sub semnul figurii simbolice a labirintului, figur ce confer organicitate, coeren i vocaie integratoare ntmplrilor n aparen neutre, aleatorii ale unei viei, cum subliniaz chiar autorul Istoriei credinelor i ideilor religioase: Un labirint este uneori aprarea magic a unui centru, a unei bogii, a unui neles. Ptrunderea n el poate fi un ritual iniiatic, dup cum se vede n mitul lui Tezeu. Acest simbolism este modelul oricrei existene care, trecnd prin numeroase ncercri, nainteaz spre propriul su centru, spre sine nsui, Atman, ca s folosesc termenul indian... De mai multe ori am avut contiina c ies dintr-un labirint, c am gsit firul. nainte, m simeam disperat, oprimat, rtcit... Desigur, nu mi-am spus: Sunt pierdut n labirint, dar, la sfrit am avut totui impresia c am ieit biruitor dintr-un labirint. Fiecare a cunoscut aceast experien. Mai trebuie spus c viaa nu e fcut dintr-un singur labirint: ncercarea se rennoiete (...). Am avut de mai multe ori certitudinea c l-am atins (centrul, n.n. I.B.) i, atingndu-l, am nvat multe, m-am recunoscut. Apoi, din nou m-am pierdut. Aa e condiia noastr, nu suntem nici ngeri, nici eroi. Cnd omul i atinge centrul se mbogete, contiina i devine mai larg i mai profund, totul se limpezete, devine semnificativ: dar viaa continu: se ivete alt labirint, alte ncercri, alte feluri de ncercri, la un alt nivel4. De simbolul acesta al labirintului se leag, ns, i figura mitic, arhetipal a lui Ulise, prototip al condiiei politropice a omului european, mereu aflat n cutarea propriei sale condiii i a propriei sale identiti spirituale. Peripeiile sale, aventurile i rtcirile sale pe mare pot fi foarte bine asimilate unui simbolic drum spre Centru (Ulise este pentru mine prototipul omului, nu numai modern, dar i al omului legat de viitor, pentru c este tipul
3 4

Ibidem, p. 151-152. Ibidem, p. 157.

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cltorului hituit. Cltoria este o cltorie spre centru, spre Ithaca, cu alte cuvinte, spre sine nsui. El era un bun navigator, dar destinul mai bine zis ncercrile iniiatice din care trebuie s ias biruitor l constrngea mereu si amne ntoarcerea acas. Cred c mitul lui Ulise este foarte important pentru noi. Fiecare dintre noi va avea ceva din Ulise, ca i el, cutndu-ne, spernd s ajungem, i apoi fr ndoial, regsind patria, cminul, ne regsim pe noi nine. Dar, ca i n labirint, n orice peregrinare exist riscul de a te pierde. Dac reueti s iei din Labirint, s-i regseti cminul, atunci devii o alt fiin5. Statura personalitii lui Mircea Eliade poate fi subsumat dublei vocaii a autorului Istoriei credinelor i ideilor religioase, pentru care studiul tiinific, dar i literatura, reprezint modaliti de descifrare a semnelor lumii i ale istoriei, modaliti hermeneutice privilegiate. Trebuie, ns, subliniat faptul c literatura nu se configureaz ca o ilustrare, facil, didactic, demonstrativ n exces a ideaiei tiinifice; cele dou universuri se explic i i lumineaz reciproc semnificaiile i simbolurile. Se ajunge, astfel, la o relaie generatoare, arhetipal pentru efortul creator al lui Eliade: relaia hermeneutic. De alt parte, literatura lui Mircea Eliade conine, cum se tie, numeroase elemente de modernitate, sub raportul construciei epice, al reprezentrii ficionale a realului sau al expresiei formale: inseria monologului interior, rupturile i distorsiunile temporale, apelul la modalitile confesiunii, prezena elementelor eseistice, aliajul bine dozat ntre nararea unor fapte i comentariul ori interpretarea lor, dar i din perspectiva confluenelor, ilustrate i reliefate n repetate rnduri, ntre Orient i Occident, ntre spiritul raionalizant i cel spiritualizat, fascinat de esene reperabile pe cale intuitiv. Pe de alt parte, rolul simbolului n opera lui Eliade este de prim importan, iar funcia sa unificatoare i integratoare este cea care permite fragmentelor disparate s se coaguleze ntr-un ntreg armonios, s capete organicitate. n aceast ordine, hermeneutica este, pentru Mircea Eliade, demersul metodologic cel mai adecvat unei descifrri i interpretri a sensurilor simbolurilor religioase, cum observ chiar autorul: Hermeneutica este cutarea sensului, a semnificaiei sau a semnificaiilor pe care, de-a lungul timpului, o anumit idee sau un anumit fenomen le-au avut. Se poate face istoria diferitelor expresii religioase. Dar hermeneutica este descoperirea sensului din ce n ce mai profund al acestor expresii religioase. Eu o numesc creatoare din dou motive. n primul rnd este creatoare pentru hermeneut n sine. Efortul pe care
5

Ibidem, p. 85-86.

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l face ca s descifreze revelaia prezent ntr-o creaie religioas rit, simbol, mit, figur divin... , ca s-i neleag semnificaia, funcia, scopul, acest efort mbogete n mod deosebit contiina i viaa cercettorului. Este o experien pe care istoricul literaturilor, de pild, nu o cunoate (...). Hermeneutica este creatoare i ntr-un al doilea sens: ea dezvluie anumite valori care nu erau evidente pe planul experienei imediate (...). Munca de hermeneut dezvluie semnificaiile latente ale simbolurilor i devenirea lor (...). Hermeneutica mai este creatoare i n alt sens. Cititorul care nelege, de exemplu, simbolismul arborelui cosmic faptul acesta tiu c este adevrat i pentru oameni care nu se intereseaz de istoria religiilor -, acest cititor ncearc atunci mai mult dect o bucurie intelectual. El face o descoperire important pentru viaa sa. Din acel moment, cnd va privi anumii copaci, va vedea n ei misterul ritmului cosmic. Va vedea n ei misterul vieii care se reface i care continu: iarna pierderea frunzelor; apoi, primvara... Aceasta are o nsemntate cu totul alta dect descifrarea unei inscripii greceti sau romane. O descoperire de natur istoric nu este, desigur, niciodat de neglijat. Dar prin aceasta, omul descoper o anumit poziie a spiritului n lume6. Memoriile lui Eliade au forma fluent a unei povestiri a propriei viei i a propriului destin, n-scenat textual din perspectiva tutelar a autenticitii, concept-cheie al literaturii sale. Caracterul de sintez a biografiei spirituale a autorului (Mircea Handoca) este dominant. Respectnd cronologia propriei sale vieii, autorul procedeaz ns i la o serie de intercalri, de interferene temporale i de mutaii ale dimensiunii spaiale care joac rolul de context al narativitii. Memorabile sunt unele scene de interior, unele descrieri ale spaiilor familiare autorului (celebra mansard, de exemplu), dar i reprezentarea epic minuioas a unor evenimente ce au marcat destinul biografic i artistic al savantului i scriitorului. Pe de alt parte, demne de semnalat sunt unele portrete ale unor personaliti ale epocii interbelice, surprinse n datele lor de caracter eseniale, n linii de portret mai contrase ori mai amplu desenate, cu ticuri i gesturi exponeniale, cu trsturi revelatoare. Foarte semnificativ este portretul lui Nae Ionescu, profesorul de filosofie care a marcat destinul spiritual al multor intelectuali ai epocii interbelice. Scrisul a reprezentat pentru Eliade o permanent druire, o implicare fascinant n ritmurile universale i n ritmurile propriului su destin, a nsemnat tensiune a nelegerii i fptuirii, fervoare a regsirii fiorului tririi autentice, necontrafcute (S simi cum fiecare rnd scris i smulge din viaa
6

Ibidem, p. 111-112.

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ta, i soarbe sngele, i mistuie creierii. S simi cum scrisul i stoarce ntreaga substan a vieii tale. Numai aa merit s scrii). Textele cu caracter autobiografic ale lui Mircea Eliade, fie c e vorba de jurnal, de memorii ori de cartea de interviuri sunt cu totul revelatoare pentru statura, metodele, poetica i poietica scriitorului i savantului, pentru dubla sa identitate simbolic: occidentala i oriental. Scriitura autobiografic e, n fond, cea care mediaz ntre regimul diurn al imaginarului i acela nocturn, ntre discursul raionalist i acela dictat de intuiie, ntre gndirea occidental i cea oriental, de care Eliade a fost att de fascinat. Regsim n nsemnrile autobiografice ale lui Mircea Eliade, ntr-un stil fragmentar, concis, ori, dimpotriv, digresiv, datele eseniale ale portretului su spiritual, fizionomia sa inconfundabil, reperele unui destin i, deopotriv, articulaiile unei opere de o copleitoare complexitate i profunzime.

Bibliografie selectiv Mircea Eliade, Memorii, I-II, Ed. Humanitas, Bucureti, 1991. Mircea Eliade, ncercarea labirintului, Ed. Dacia, Cluj, 1990. Douglas Allen, Mircea Eliade et le phnomne religieux, Ed. Payot, Paris, 1982. Matei Clinescu, Despre Ioan P. Culianu i Mircea Eliade, Ed. Polirom, Iai, 2002. Ioan Petru Culianu, Mircea Eliade, Ed. Nemira, Bucureti, 1995. Stanislas Deprez, Mircea Eliade: la philosophie du sacr, Ed. Harmattan, Paris, 1992. Sabina Fnaru, Eliade prin Eliade, Ed. Univers, Bucureti, 2003. Mircea Handoca, Pe urmele lui Mircea Eliade, Ed. Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, 1996. Mircea Handoca, Eliade i Noica, Ed. Dacia, Cluj, 2002. Adrian Marino, Hermeneutica lui Mircea Eliade, Ed. Dacia, Cluj, 1980. Maria Vod-Cpuan, Mircea Eliade spectacolul magic, Ed. Litera, Cluj, 1991.

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Mircea Eliade, Between East and West - Abstract Throughout the paper entitled Mircea Eliade. Intre Orient si Occident / Mircea Eliade, Between East and West, we attempt to identify, underline and comment the most important thematic elements in Mircea Eliades works, from the perspective of East-West interferences. Thus, there is a certain impulse towards rationality and a day-like regime of the imaginary in the entire work of Eliade. Nevertheless, these tendencies are counterbalanced by a temptation for the spaces of shadow, fantasy and mystery in the world. Between day and night, East and West it is where the almost un-analyzable specificity of Mircea Eliades works is configured.

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CROSSING BORDERS THROUGH MUSIC IN RUSHDIES THE GROUND BENEATH HER FEET TITUS POP Introduction Following H. Bhabhas idea on the need for a third space of communication and his plea for an in-between space, we may say that this third space is a register of cultural performance, that is, a space which transgresses territorial borders and is, therefore, disengaged with cartography1. Given this theoretical imperative, auditory space, which, according to McLuhan has no boundaries in the visual sense, displays a better means of cultural collectives2. It is from this perspective that Salman Rushdie, in his novel called The Ground Beneath Her Feet employs the power of popular culture, particularly music, to produce tectonic movements. In its evocation of music as a globalized cultural phenomenon, Rushdie's novel is a celebration of a fluid, hybrid vision of contemporary life. Throughout the novel, Rushdie employs as usual a range of literary, historical and intellectual references, from Karl Marx and Charles Baudelaire through to William Faulkner and Jorge Luis Borges, but, at the same time, gives centre stage to a form of popular or mass culture, namely rock music. After referring to some theoretical background on popular music, I will briefly delineate the plot of the novel and touch upon the references Rushdie makes to music, his employing of the Orpheus myth, and his applying it to popular music. I will demonstrate how Rushdie uses popular music, namely rock music, as a trope of hybridity or as a common ground which transgresses all sorts of borders-between myth and reality, cultural, mental or racial borders. Music is proposed as a catalyst of plurality and of mutual understanding between people.

Homi K. Bhabha, Culture's in between, Artforum International, Vol. 32, September, 2005, online at www.questia.com 2 Marshall McLuhan and Fiore Quentin, The Medium is the Message, Random House Gingko Press, Banta Books, 2000, p. 68.

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Popular Music-a trope of hybridity The postmodern cultural theory assertion that the old divisions between high and low, art and popular culture are now redundant and superseded, has commonly taken music as its exemplar. We are witnessing unparalleled and intensifying aesthetic crossovers between popular, Western, non-Western, and art musics, a relativizing and decentered will to hybridity evident in the transglobal movements of musicians and sounds. In this view, then, all the differences are being levelled. There have been many popular culture academics who refereed in detail to this topic. For instance, in their study called Western Music and Its Others Georgina Born and David Hesmondhalgh quote Ian Hassell who, in his album Possible Musics: Fourth World Vol.1 (1980), inaugurates a fantasy of new hybrid transculturation, a utopian imaginary universe (the Fourth World) in which all musics and cultures mingle freely without concern for authenticity or propriety3. Recent years have seen significant shifts in popular music studies away from the cultural imperialism approaches that Edward Said or Theodore Adorno clearly made us aware of to global cultural flows and toward theories of globalization. With vast movements of peoples from the economic disaster zones of global capitalism to the cities of the North, new musical syncretisms have emerged from the encounter of North and South, East and West. According to Jonathan Bellman, throughout the twentieth century, even in the era when Anglo-American repertoire seemed to be dominating the world market, some non-Western popular musics have been successful in the West, whether in the guise of styles adopted by Western musicians, or in the importation by record companies and promoters of recordings and stars which could then be repackaged and sold on to consumers. A series of Latin dance musics have crossed the world, from the habaera popular in Bizet's France in the nineteenth century, to the tango in the first decades of the twentieth century, to the lambada in the 1980s. Country music, on the surface a musical form with deep roots in the southern United States, has a long history of borrowings, drawing on sources as diverse as Swiss yodelling and Hawaiian guitar. Famously, a number of British and American musicians incorporated Indian styles and instrumentation into their work in the 1960s, including the Beatles, the Kinks, and the Byrds4. At about the same time, certain Western pop
3

Georgina Born, Hesmondhalgh David, Western Music and Its Others: Difference, Berkely, University of California Press, 2000, p. 20. 4 Jonathan Bellman, The Exotic In Western Music, Boston, Mass., Northeastern University Press, Lebanon NH, University Press of New England, 1997, p. 292-306.

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stars, most notably Paul Simon, Peter Gabriel, and David Byrne, were making increasing use of non-Western sounds in their music, and this helped to popularize certain Asian, African and Latin styles. At the same time, Western popular music was eagerly adopted by the Eastern world. For instance, in India, there has long been a rock movement, especially in cities like New Delhi, Calcutta, Bombay and later, Bangalore and Madras. Popular music studies have tended to celebrate the proliferation of new musical forms based on the encounter of non-Western migrants with Western musical languages and technologies. More than that, there appeared a new term denoting the popular music style that mingles all sounds and cultures called world music. Thus , by the early 90s, by the early 1990s ,the academic discussions of world music were being organized around a new term, the hybrid. Simon Frith in his essay The Discourse of World Music collected in Georgina Born& David Hesmondhalghs Western Music and Its Others says that for world music scholars hybridity has become a way of condensing a number of arguments about globalization and identity, drawing on potential readers ' understandings of postmodern theory5. It is from this perspective that I approached Rushdies novel The Ground Beneath her Feet. Narrative technique, Mythology& Music The Ground Beneath Her Feet is based on what might be called a literary-musical conceit: the reader is asked to suspend disbelief and accept the notion that the world's two most famous rock stars are both Indian. Rushdie's two fictional stars are Ormus Cama, born into an old Bombayite Zoroastrian family in 1937, and Vina Apsara, born in the US in 1944 to an Indian father and a Greek-American mother, raised there till her parents die in 1956, and then sent "home" to India. She and Ormus, then aged nineteen, meet in a Bombay record shop. The two migrate in the 60s to London, where they form the group VTO (the reader never learns what those initials stand for) and achieve stellar success. Ormus writes the lyrics; both sing. The two megastars fall in and out of love, move to the US and go on notching up superplatinum sales worldwide through the 70s and most of the 80s, in VTO until the group breaks up and afterwards as solo artists. After Vina's death in 1989, in an earthquake in Mexico, Ormus carries on, despite increasing psychological instability, until one winter's morning when a crazed woman fan kills him in New York.
5

Georgina Born, Hesmondhalgh David, op. cit., p. 310.

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The whole saga is narrated in the first person by another Bombayite, Rai Merchant, an internationally known photographer of secular Muslim origins who bears within himself a second, secret identity as Vina's occasional non-platonic confidant. GF follows the pre-established pattern - up to a point, and with significant divergences. The two protagonists and the narrator are, as before, Indian, or at least half-Indian, while Rushdie pays obeisance to his own previous work by discreet use of the device of recurring characters: the Englishman William Methold, who plays a key part in GF, has walked in from Midnights Children, and Homi Catrack, also from that novel, and Aurora Zogoiby, from The Moors Last Sigh, are resurrected for bit-parts. Oscillating between India, Britain, the United States, and Mexico, The Ground Beneath Her Feet is indicative of Rushdie's step into a more global fictional terrain, one that is nonetheless grounded in an ongoing narrative of postcolonial identity. In terms of fictional chronology, the novel begins, like its predecessors, in the Raj of the early twentieth century. In narrative sequence, however, it opens in 1989, in Guadalajara, Mexico, with the earthquake and Vina's dramatic disappearance, before shifting back, in reverse mode, to the characters' Indian past. The bulk of the novel does, however, approximately observe a linear chronology, with the notable circumstance, new in Rushdie, that halfway through the action moves to the West - to Britain, then the US with virtually no subsequent revisiting of the subcontinent. To convey his message, Rushdie adopts two main strategies: the dignification of his subject by employing myth, namely the Orpheus myth; and by incorporating a rock'n'roll sensibility into the texture of his writing, via wholesale quotation from song lyrics. If Rushdie's musical vision is largely bound to a particular time, place and genre, he still wishes to claim universality for it: and here his reanimation of the Orpheus myth comes into action. Orpheus is the archetypal poet and musician of the Greco-Roman world, begotten by the god Apollo, himself famed for his prowess on the lyre, on Calliope, the Muse of epic poetry. Orpheus' haunting voice and plangent lyre had the power to subjugate nature: as Shakespeare put it centuries later, he "made trees/And the mountains that did freeze/Bow themselves when he did sing"6. Soon after the poet's marriage to Eurydice, his young bride died from a snake-bite as she was fleeing the unwanted advances of Aristaeus, a bee-keeper. The inconsolable Orpheus went
Shakespeare, Henry VIII, III-I, 3, in W. J. Craig, The Complete Works of William Shakespeare, London, Magpie Books, 1993, p. 650.
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down into Hell to get her back, and charmed the powers of the underworld into accepting his outrageous demand, subject to one condition: he must walk out of Hell ahead of her, and must not look back till both of them were safely within the sunlight. He looked back at the very last minute, and lost her forever. Inconsolably mourning his twice-lost bride, he vowed never to touch a woman again. This incurred the wrath of the Maenads, the crazed women devotees of the god Dionysus, and one day, feeling provoked beyond endurance, a band of them seized on the recalcitrant poet and tore him to pieces. They cast his limbs and head into the river; and yet the severed head went on singing. The Muses gathered his remains and buried him; the gods placed his lyre in the stars as a constellation. The martyred poet lived on posthumously into recorded history, as the inspirer of a devotional cult, whose initiates were called the Orphics; at some point in the sixth to fourth centuries BC, there emerged from their circles the "Orphic hymns", a set of panegyrics to the gods which remain extant today. Across Rushdie's text, references to the Orpheus abound, starting with the novel's very title (which suggests the ground trembling beneath Eurydice's feet as she descends into hell) and the holographic lyre on the front cover of the British edition. Rushdie appears to see his musician protagonists as manifestations of the Orphic principle of the indestructibility of music; in the El Pas interview, he declares: "the myth of Orpheus tells us that you can kill the singer, but not the song"7. Throughout the novel, there are many instances where the myth of Orpheus is reminded of. For instance, at the very outset of the novel, the Ormus-Vina saga is preceded by an epigraph from Rainer Maria Rilke's Sonnets to Orpheus (1923) - "Once and for all/it's Orpheus when there's singing8; later on, Virgil's "extraordinary" version of the myth is summarised9. Rushdie also paraphrases Plato's commentary, with Orpheus seen by Rai Merchant as "the singer with the lyre or, let's say, guitarist - the trickster who uses his music and wiles to cross boundaries"10; even his recording studio in New York is baptised "the Orpheum"11. Another important reference to mythology is the narrators insertion of the myth of the South American feathered serpent Quetzalcoatl and its role in
Carlin John, El Guardaespaldas de Rushdie, Interview with Salman Rushdie, in El Pais Semanal, 9 May 1999, http:// www.elpais.es 8 Salman Rushdie, The Ground Beneath Her Feet, London, Vintage, 2000. 9 Ibidem, p. 21-22. 10 Ibidem, p. 498. 11 Ibidem, p. 413.
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the invention of music. Vina reminds Ormus of the mythological origin of music recounting him the legend of the winged serpent Quetzalcoatl who, in a battle with the god of land, allegedly brought music on earth:
He flew away towards the house of the sun, which was the home of music. He passed a number of planets, and from each of them he heard musical sounds, but there were no musicians to be found. At least he came to the house of the sun, where the musicians lived. The anger of the sun at the serpents invasion was a terrible thing to witness, but Quetzalcoatl was not afraid, and unleashed the mighty storms that were his personal specialty. The storms were so fearsome that even the house of the sun began to shake, and the musicians were scared and fled in all directions. And some of them fell on earth, and so, thanks to the winged serpent, we have music12.

This version is supported by some scholars accounts on this mythological origin of music. Here are two of them. According to Adela Fernandez, it is Quetzalcoatl, who among other things brought music to the people. Myth has it that Quetzalcoatl did the following for humanity: named all of the landmarks of the Earth (mountains, seas, etc.), created fire (in the guise of Mixcoatl), and established the maguey culture -- octli brewing and ceremonial drunkenness, gave instruction of music and dance13. Another scholar, Enrique Florescano, mentions that Quetzalcoatl takes on the form of the feathered serpent (representing the heavens and terrestrial land), he is revered as a great warrior but also the progenitor of the arts and, in some interpretations, as a combination of man and woman. He was endowed with the powers of song, writing, poetry, war, sacrifice and religion. These traits would be passed on to the peoples inhabiting the newly created earth14. In-text Rock music references In the novel, Rushdie employs music as a metaphor of communion of his incessant plea for plurality and celebration of hybridity. He employs popular music as the best means of building bridges, of crossing frontiers of prejudice and misunderstanding. Before referring to some passages on music from the novel, I found it necessary to look at some prior references to popular
Ibidem, p. 94. Adela Fernandez, Pre-Hispanic Gods of Mexico, Mexico City, Panorama Editorial, 1984, p. 68. 14 Enrique Florescano, The Myth of Quetzalcoatl, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999, p. 28.
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music in Rushdies writing. For example, In Grimus, one of the main characters is called Bird Dog, after an Everly Brothers hit from 1958: "When I was your age I went into the town, she said, and listened at a window outside an eating-place. There was a singing machine there. It sang about a creature called a bird-dog, clever, fiendish"15. An article of 1990 on the novelist Thomas Pynchon (reprinted in the essay collection Imaginary Homelands) features the phrase "days of miracle and wonder", which comes from "The Boy in the Bubble", a song by Paul Simon from his Graceland album of 198616. In "The Courter", the concluding story of East, West (1994), the narrator, an Indian adolescent growing up in London in the 60s, listens avidly to rock'n'roll on the radio, and, in an ironic detail, confesses: "London, W8 was Sam Cooke's country that summer. Another Saturday night [...] I was down with lonely Sam in the lower depths of the charts [...] How I wish I had someone to talk to,/I'm in an awful way17. It so happens that Cooke's hit, "Another Saturday Night", returned to the charts in the 70s, in a cover version by Cat Stevens - a AngloGreek singer who later abandoned international stardom, converted to the Muslim religion, changed his name to Yusuf Islam and [...] became a particularly virulent defender of Khomeini's fatwa. To mention Cat Stevens in this way is not purely anecdotal, for it is this kind of surprising connection that illuminates the globalised nature of culture today. Rushdie, as an migr writer with a foot in both Eastern and Western worlds, is himself clearly both product and exponent of this globalisation; and this phenomenon affects, not only (and as is notorious) mass culture, but high culture too. In this context, a critic of Rushdie, Christopher Rollanson, says that a prominent aspect of Rushdie's writing in The Ground Beneath Her Feet is his endeavour, on the level of the text, to confer a degree of solidity and credibility on that rock music world which some olympian intellectuals would dismiss as, innately trivial and insubstantial18. Rushdie makes a clear-cut distinction between ordinary popular music bands and valuable rock music bands in the following excerpt:

Idem, Grimus, London, Paladin, 1989, pp. 18-19. Idem, Imaginary Homelands: Essays and Criticism 1981-1991, London, Granta, 1992, p. 352. 17 Idem, The Courter, in East, West, London, Vintage, 1995, p. 196-197. 18 Christopher Rollanson, Rushdie's Un-Indian Music: The Ground Beneath Her Feet, in Studies in Indian Writing in English, vol. II, ed. Rajeshwar Mittapalli and Pier Paolo Piciucco, New Delhi, Atlantic Publishers and Distributors, 2001, p. 5.
16

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Most bands are awful, and if there are aliens from other galaxies monitoring our radio and tv waves, theyre probably being driven crazy by the din.And in the whole half century-long history of rock music there is a small number of bands, a number so small you could count to it without running out of fingers, who steal into your heart and become a part of how you see the world, how you tell and understand the truth, even when youre old and deaf and foolish.On your deathbed you ll hear them sing as you drift down the tunnel towards the light. Sha-la-la-la-laShang-a-langSh-boomShoopshh.Its all over now19.

Rushdie also explained his position to Le Monde on 1 October 1999: "Most pop music is purely intended to make money and then disappear. [...] But if you take the other end of pop music, the best of the last forty years [...] you have to take it seriously "20. A close reading of Rushdie's text reveals many song references. Song titles, album titles, individual lines and phrases from songs: all abound in this book's pages. Some are quoted word for word,, others are reshaped; some are attributed to their historical authors, some are deliberately misattributed, others still are left unflagged. To these real or modified-real song texts should be added the imaginary lyrics of Ormus Cama's songs, extracts from which are "quoted" at length. The heterogeneous nature of these quotations and allusions fits in with Rushdie's general method which respects the postmodern fictional features : throughout, literary texts and authors, historical events, etc, are alluded to with a magpie eclecticism that by no means always recognises the dictatorship of fact. For instance, in Rushdie's reordered universe, John and Robert Kennedy are killed together by the same Palestinian gunman, Britain's Labour government sends troops out to Vietnam, and The Garden of Forking Paths is not an imaginary novel existing only in Borges' story of that name, but a real book, Vina's favourite nineteenth-century novel. The same rewriting of history applies to the novel's rock'n'roll world. The song "Feelin' Groovy" is attributed not to the real Paul Simon and Art (Arthur) Garfunkel, but, absurdly, to an invented duo of the real (but female) Carly Simon and the non-existent Guinevere Garfunkel. Again, as Rollason remarks, we are told that in a series of "solidarity concerts" held circa 1974 to protest Ormus' threatened deportation from the US, "Dylan, Lennon, [Janis] Joplin, Joni [Mitchell],
Ibidem, p. 157. Bruno Lesprit, Salman Rushdie, Enfant du Rock, Interview with S. Rushdie, in Le Monde, 1 Oct. 1999.
20 19

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Country Joe and the Fish turn up to sing for Ormus "although, even had Ormus Cama really existed, one of those artists, Ms Joplin, could hardly have turned up, as she had died of an overdose in 197021. Breaking down frontiers by means of music Edward Saids theory according to which the West used all the means available to conquer the East, both militarily, economically and culturally is reiterated here again by Rushdie, through the narrators voice:
In India it is often said that the music Im talking about is precisely one of those viruses with which the almighty West has infected the East, one of the great weapons of cultural imperialism, against which all right-minded persons must fight and fight again22.

There are some instances of neo-colonial attitudes of one part of the West, attitudes Rushdie attempts to deconstruct. For, instance, Ormuss songs are embraced only by half of the American audience, namely the young. The other half is responding with wrath due to the content of the lyrics of songs in the album called Race Ballads, which are explicitly anti-war lyrics. I cant help associating this episode without succinctly resorting to the 60s progressive rock and counter culture movements, cultural events that were a stepping stone for the emergence of multiculturalism and which Rushdie himself experienced. It is well known the fact that at this time, as youth generation acquired a status of its own, that of rebellion against any kind of convention, music, namely rock music became, a centrally significant medium for the dissemination of a range of socio-political issues, from US intervention in Vietnam, to the Civil Rights Movements, to the rejection of western political and cultural ideology. According to Eyerman and Jamison movement ideas, images, and feelings were disseminated in and through popular music and, at the same time, the movements of the times influenced developments, in both form and content, in popular music23. To return to Ormus and Vinas rock band, VTO, it is because they sing anti-war songs that half of America, the imperial America frown upon their message. The staff from the Government intervene and threaten Ormus with
Christopher Rollanson, op. cit., p. 4. Salman Rushdie, The Ground Beneath Her Feet, p. 95. 23 R. Eyerman and Jamison, A. Music and Social Movements: Mobilizing Traditions in the Twentieth Century, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1998, p. 108.
22 21

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expulsion from the US and other sanctions: Someone should shut those unpity bigmouths once nfr all24. In a phone call they receive from a federal agent, they are told that the state had some concern about certain lyrical content and that there is naturally no question of infringing any individuals First Amendment rights, but the songwriter if we understand correctly is not a US citizen. A guest who wishes to remain welcome is not well advised to piss on his hosts best rug25. To these attitudes Ormus responds with music, with concerts which bring together thousands of people, of different races, nationalities and religions. Ormuss music, especially those songs he calls the earthquake songs, are about the falling off of all frontiers, about the collapse of all walls, boundaries, restraints26. They describe worlds in collision, two universes, tearing into each other, striving to become one by means of Rock music, the music of the city, of the present, which crossed all frontiers, which belonged equally to everyone27. There is no better reflection of the postcolonial principle of decentralization than the The Earthquake songs which announce the imminent approach of chaos, a chaos joined by the artists striving to sophisticate his music, by purportedly using disarmonic sounds to untwist all the chains that tie the hidden soul of harmony28. Here the lyrics resembling Don MacLeans American Pies words are quite suggestive: For Jack and Gill will tumble down,the king will lose his hollow crown, the jesters all are leaving town, the queen has lost her shoe, the cat has lost his fiddling stick, so Jack be nimble , Jack be quick, as all the clocks refuse to tick, the end of history is in view29. But Rushdie shifts back to his positioning in beween the Eastern and Western space:
the genius of Ormus Cama did not emerge in response to, or in imitation of, America; his early music, the music he heard in his head during the unsinging childhood years, was not of the west, except in the sense that the West was in Bombay from the beginning, impure old Bombay where West, East, North and
24 25

Salman Rushdie, The Ground Beneath Her Feet, p. 380. Ibidem, p. 381. 26 Ibidem, p. 390. 27 Ibidem, p. 96. 28 Ibidem, p. 390. 29 Ibidem, p. 389.

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South had always been scrambled, like codes, like eggs, and so Westerness was a legitimate part of Ormus, a Bombay part, inseparable from the rest of him30.

In my view, Rushdie proposes here, in keeping with his previous novels, another migration. But this time he embarks on a different type of migration-a journey into the realm of sound. Migration narratives at least reverse the conventional spatial and economic direction of Western adventure stories. Migrants (typically) travel south to north, or east to west, and from poor to rich countries. In The Ground Beneath Her Feet, Rushdie audaciously claims that his hero invented rock music one thousand and one days before its manifestation in the West. Thus ,when Ormus takes his music westward, he not only reverses the "normal" direction of travel for adventure stories, he also brings the West to itself from the East. But Rushdie does not merely reverse the colonialist direction of adventure narratives. He also superimposes an ethical and symbolic dimension onto the physical act of traveling that tends to undermine the point of traveling altogether. "Even in the case of travel-adventures," he writes In Imaginary Homelands, "the best of all are those in which some inner journey, some adventure in the self, is the real point" and "few topographical boundaries can rival the frontiers of the mind"31. Thus, there are various references to music as the universal language of the world. For instance, in chapter 4 called The Invention of Music music is described as speaking the secret language of all humanity, our common heritage, whatever mother tongue we speak, whatever dances we first learnt to dance32. Music is viewed as a way out of all sorts of mental prejudicesracial,.religious or national. An apology of music associated with other mysteries of life such as love, birth and death is plainly displayed in the following lines:
Wherein lies the power of songs?...The note, the scale, the chord; melodies, harmonies, arrangements; symohonies, ragas, Chinese operas, jazz, the blues: that such things should exist, that we should have discovered the magical intervals and distances that yield the poor cluster of notes, all within the span of a human hand, from which we can build our cathedrals of sound, is as

30 31

Ibidem, p. 95, 96. Salman Rushdie, Imagining Homelands, p. 225. 32 Idem, The Ground Beneath Her Feet, p. 89.

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alchemical a mystery as mathematics, or wine, or love.Maybe the birds taught us.Maybe not. Maybe we are just creatures in search of exaltation33.

For the protagonists of the novel, Ormus and Vina, popular music was a mental border-crossing medium, the key that unlocked the door for them, the door to magic lands34 and the magic valley at the end of the universe, the blessed kingdom of the air.Great music everywhere35. Ormus himself starts his journey westward as he came across a mental prejudice in his fathers attitude to music. Dariux Derxes Cama, the father, became the bearer of an anti-music rhetoric as he considers the muteness of his other son as a consequence of music. He began to hold music responsible for the worlds ills and would even argue, in his cups, that its practitioners should be wiped out, eradicated, like a disease36. It is music that sets him apart from his family ties and leads him to Vina: He walks towards her, away from his mother, into the music37. More than that, music is also the materialization of his inner struggle: he, too, is screaming inside. His agony will emerge as music38. It is by music that the female protagonist, Vina starts the building of the self, of the spiritual self. She is portrayed as longing for the unknowable, an adjective endowing music with a metaphysical dimension:
The music of India, from northern sitar ragas to southern Carnatic melodies, always created in her a mood of inexpressible longingThe music offered the tantalizing possibility of being borne on the waves of sound through the curtain of maya that supposedly limits our knowing, through the gates of perception to the divine melody beyond39.

To put it differently, Vina is in quest for religious experience, understanding music, unlike ordinary beings, as a central spiritual element, as a medium towards divinity. Moreover, music is a means of reconstruction of a fragmented identity, of a ruined self. As Ormus and Cama decided to separate for a decade due to a downward spiral of mutual mistrust, it is finally music
33 34

Ibidem, p. 19. Ibidem, p. 95. 35 Ibidem, p. 177. 36 Ibidem, p. 38. 37 Ibidem, p. 270. 38 Ibidem, p. 387. 39 Ibidem, p. 123.

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that reunites them together even though Vina dies in the earthquake afterwards. The heroes are fragmented beings due to the lack of affection they have undergone. It is by means of music that they rebuild their fragmented selves
You are my only family, he tells her. You are my only earth. These are heavy burdens, but she bears them willingly, asks for more, burdens him identically in return. They both have been damaged, are both repairers of damage. Later, entering that world of ruined selves, musics world, they will already have learned that such damage is the normal condition of life, as is the closeness of the crumbling edge, as is the fissured ground. In that inferno, they will feel at home40.

Rushdies plea for hybridity also resides in the description of Ormus and Vinas the rock band. Their band, VTO, which, as the author admits it, owes its name to the famous Irish rock band U2, is likened to famous American black, non-white stars, like O. J. Simpson, Magic Johnson, people who turned people race-blind, colour-blind and history-blind41. Music is an entity common to everyone, it is coming out of the inner self. What I know is that music comes out of the self, the self as given, the self in itself. Le soi en soi42. What Ormus strives for is his will to make a single multitude out of many selves in song. Not a cacophony, but an orchestra, a choir, a dazzling plural voice43. His noble purpose is that of coagulating everyone around his music that of touching everyones heart with art. Similarly, the words of his old songs express the belief that music, his music can really change the world: Heal the breaking planet, sing to us and soothe the aching earth44. He is interested in breaking down the frontiers between what he calls the overworld and the underworld by a love story that is unique. To this, Rushdie adds the portrayal of the cosmopolitan panorama of American musical influences, which is a wonderful celebration of interculturality. Both Ormus and Vina do, admittedly, push their later careers somewhat away from mainstream American rock and more in a world music direction. As I mentioned at the outset of this study, "World music" may be approximately defined as either: traditional-based music from anywhere in the
40 41

Ibidem, p. 148. Ibidem, p. 413. 42 Ibidem, p. 303. 43 Ibidem, p. 299. 44 Ibidem, p. 547.

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world that makes use of modern recording technology, distribution systems, etc., rather than remaining "ethnic" in a purist sense; or: a fusion of traditionalbased musical idioms from more than one culture. In this perspective, one of the later incarnations of VTO is characterized by "un-American sounds" added by Ormus:
That part of the American soul which is presently in retreat finds comfort in the new stars restatements of the great American musical truths, the foottapper tempi that start out walking and then find the dance hidden in the walk, the speak-to-me rhythm and bluesthe un-American sounds...The sexiness of the Cuban horns, the mind bending patterns of the Brazilian drums, the Chilean woodwinds moaning like the winds of oppression, the African male voice choruses like trees swaying in freedoms breeze, the grand old ladies of Algerian music with their yearning squawks and ululations, the holy passion of the Pakistani qawwals45.

The world music phenomenon is a viable contemporary alternative to the commercial excesses of today's mass-consumption Anglo-American music, and Rushdie certainly seems to be aware of its existence and to propose, in his literary-musical conceit, a plea for its adoption as a common ground of mutual understanding. Conclusion To conclude with, music as a unifying force of communion, is the trope used by Rushdie to best depict the globalised world. In its evocation of music as a globalized cultural phenomenon, Rushdie's novel is a celebration of a fluid, hybrid vision of contemporary life. By using popular music, namely rock music to achieve his goal, that of finding an in-between space of communication between people, Rushdie manages to build a pathway crossing all kings of frontiers- geographical, mental, physical or metaphysical. To do this, he proposes seismic movements of the mind. Only in this way is the narrator able to finally say, along with his readers and I think to myself, what a wonderful world46.

45 46

Ibidem, p. 379. Ibidem, p. p. 573.

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Works Cited Bhabha, Homi K., Culture's in between, Artforum International, Vol. 32, September, 2005, online at www.questia.com Bellman, Jonathan, The Exotic In Western Music, Northeastern University Press, University Press of New England, 1997. Born, Georgina, Hesmondhalgh David, Western Music and Its Others: Difference, University of California Press, 2000. Craig, W. J., The Complete Works of William Shakespeare, London, Magpie Books,1993. Eyerman, R. and Jamison, A. Music and Social Movements:Mobilizing Traditions in the Twentieth Century, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1998. Fernandez, Adela, Pre-Hispanic Gods of Mexico, Panorama Editorial, Mexico City, 1984. Florescano, Enrique, The Myth of Quetzalcoatl, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999. McLuhan, Marshall and Fiore Quentin, The Medium is the Message, Random House Gingko Press, Banta Books, 2000. Rollason, Christopher, Rushdie's Un-Indian Music: The Ground Beneath Her Feet in Studies in Indian Writing in English, vol. II, ed. Rajeshwar Mittapalli and Pier Paolo Piciucco, New Delhi, Atlantic Publishers and Distributors, 2001. Rushdie, Salman, Grimus, London, Paladin, 1989. Rushdie, Salman, The Ground Beneath Her Feet, London, Vintage, 2000. Rushdie, Salman, Imaginary Homelands: Essays and Criticism 1981-1991, London, Granta, 1992. Said, Edward, Orientalism, London,Vintage, 1978. Citations from Interviews Rushdie, Salman, The Courter, East, West, London, Vintage, 1995. Rushdie, Salman, The Satanic Verses, London, Viking, 1988. Carlin, John, El Guardaespaldas de Rushdie, Interview with Salman Rushdie, in El Pais Semanal, 9 May 1999, http:// www.elpais.es Lesprit, Bruno, Salman Rushdie, Enfant du Rock, Interview with S. Rushdie, in Le Monde, 1 Oct. 1999. Manoeuvre, Philippe, Mes disques moi, Interview with Salman Rushdie, in Rock & Folk, September, 1999.

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Miller Laura, A touch of vulgarity, Interview with Salman Rushdie, in Salon 16 April, 1999.

Crossing Borders through Music in Rushdies The Around Beneath her Feet - Abstract Salman Rushdie, in his novel called The Ground Beneath Her Feet employs the power of popular culture, particularly music, to produce tectonic movements. In its evocation of music as a globalized cultural phenomenon, Rushdie's novel is a celebration of a fluid, hybrid vision of contemporary life. Throughout the novel, Rushdie employs as usual a range of literary, historical and intellectual references, from Karl Marx and Charles Baudelaire through to William Faulkner and Jorge Luis Borges, but, at the same time, gives centre stage to a form of popular or mass culture, namely rock music. After referring to some theoretical background on popular music, I will briefly delineate the plot of the novel and touch upon the references Rushdie makes to music, his employing of the Orpheus myth, and his applying it to popular music. I will demonstrate how Rushdie uses popular music, namely rock music, as a trope of hybridity or as a common ground which transgresses all sorts of bordersbetween myth and reality, cultural, mental or racial borders. Music is proposed as a catalyst of plurality and of mutual understanding between people.

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TRANSLATION OF DIFFERENCE INTO OTHERNESS: JEREMY SEALS A FEZ OF THE HEART (1995) ATALAY GNDUZ
This made me wonder if Turkey really is ready to join Europe. True, its people seemed charming, intelligent and civilised; and its capital city could boast an M&S. But this was no way to treat a dog. Furthermore, the report included the distressing detail that at least two of the dead dogs had been sexually abused. Why would you want sexually to abuse a dog if you considered it "unclean"? It made no sense, but it suggested that the founder of modern Turkey, the great Mustafa Kemal Atatrk, had died before Europeanising his country as fully as he would have liked1.

Turkish identity is questioned in very different platforms. Whenever an issue is raised about Turkey, it is most likely to be related to whether Turkey can be considered as a part of Europe, thus the West or not. The killing of the dogs leads to a questioning of Turkeys identity. Chancellor tries to establish a link between being Muslim and the perverted. He attempts to generalize the marginal acts of killing and then abusing dogs as an indication of nonEuropeanness of Turkey. Thus these queer acts function as dissociating Turkey from Europe or the West. Erik J. Zurcher points out the interest that the Turkish modernization has aroused: The fact that a non-Western and Muslim country chose to discard its past and seek to join the West made a huge impression in the West, where the fact that an entirely new, modern and different Turkey had sprung up was generally accepted2. On the other hand, the Orientalist discourse has not been that willing to recognize this change as a positive development. In his groundbreaking work Orientalism (1978), Edward Said states that the Orientalist3 stance rejects the idea that any Oriental society can change. As Said

Alexander Chancellor, Guardian, Saturday April 8, 2006. Erik J. Zrcher, Turkey: A Modern History, London and New York, I.B. Tauris, 1993, p. 201. 3 a. Absolute and systematic difference between the West and the Orient. The West is rational, developed, humane, superior, while the Orient is aberrant, undeveloped, and inferior.
2

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tells us to the Orientalist, who believes the Orient never changes, the new is simply the old betrayed by new4. How Samuel Huntington, Philip Glazebrook and Jeremy Seal narrate the Turkish modernization, westernization in Turkey affirms Saids observation. When we read representations of Turkey in the British travel writing in the 1980s and 1990s we see that there is a close tendency to condemn these efforts for change. As Zrcher notes any modern history of Turkey really is a history of the Ottoman Empire5. Since the Ottoman Empire took their models from the Western European countries such as France, Germany and England, westernization as a term is used interchangeably with modernization in the Turkish context. There is not a consensus among the scholars on the starting point of the Ottoman westernization. Huntington marks its starting point as Mustafa Kemal Ataturks reforms after the fall of the empire. Jeremy Seal sees the rule of Mahmud II as the departure point. Zrcher takes the rule of Selim III6 (17891807) as the starting point7. This westernizing reforms were upheld and improved by Sultan Mahmud II8 and Abdulmecid I9. As Ortayli puts forward,
b. Abstractions about the Orient are always preferable to direct evidence drawn from modern Oriental realities. c. The Orient is eternal, uniform, and incapable of defining itself (or speaking for itself: it must be interpreted). d. The Orient is to be feared (Yellow Peril, Mongol hordes) or to be controlled. (Said 300-301) 4 Edward Said, Orientalism (1978), New York, Vintage, 1994, p. 104. 5 Zrcher, p. 6. 6 Whereas Sultan Selim IIIs rule is regarded as the official starting point of the reforms. 7 Yet historians like lber Ortayl suggests that it is possible to mark its starting point as early as the rule of Dimitri Cantimir in Romania in the early eighteenth century and the educational reforms of Serbian priests in Serbia. lber Ortayl, mparatorluun En uzun Yzyl, stanbul, letiim, 1999, p. 99. 8 Ruled from 1808 to 1839. He reformed the military, bureaucracy and education. He founded the modern army medical school (1827), the school of military music (1831) and the military academy (1834). During his reign students were sent to Europe for the first time and (1827) the role of foreign instructors was crucial and knowledge of a Western language (usually French) was a prerequisite. 9 He ruled the Ottoman Empire between 1839 and 1861. Among his reforms are the reorganization of the finance system according to the French model, the reorganization of the Civil and Criminal Code according to the French model, the establishment of the Meclis-i Maarif-i Umumiye (1845) which was the prototype of the First Ottoman Parliament (1876) and the institution of a council of public instruction (1846).

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the dissolution and weakening of the Empire made it an obligation for the nineteenth century Ottoman Sultans to enforce and impose westernization on the society. They had no further patience to convince people for these reforms, which mainly comprise; sending students abroad, establishing newspapers, founding new schools for military and civil personnel, borrowing legal codes from Europe, changing the styles of clothes and implementing calendar reforms. Back notes that these reformation attempts were not unique to the Ottoman Empire, Russia was also in a reformation period during the eighteenth and nineteenth century:
Clearly, both Turkey (the Ottoman Empire) and Russia did modernize themselves. However, if their aim involved restoring their military might or preventing the disintegration of their empires, they failed in their endeavors. Neither the Russian nor the Ottoman modernization efforts could stop the decline of these empires. Both empires collapsed at almost the same time. A Turkish thinker (Said Nursi) once said: Turkey is pregnant to give birth to a European state. Now hundreds of years after the first modernizing elites began their reforms, the same question for Turkey and Russia arises: Did they give birth to a European state child? In other words, have they become a part of Europe?10

One of the Samuel Huntington11 argues that as far as Turkey is concerned the westernization has not yielded the expected result; namely, Turkey has not become a Western country. For Huntington, with the end of the Cold War, the deceptive alliance between the West and countries with Muslim populations have come to an end12. According to Huntington, Fukuyama is too
Gkhan Back, Turkey and Russia: Whither Modernization?, Journal of Economic and Social Research (3)2, 2001, 2002 Preliminary Issue 51-71, pp. 62-3. 11 Samuel Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations, New York, Simon and Schuster, 1996. Huntington states that after the end of the cold war, which was just a temporary cease-fire, the old pattern of clash of civilizations emerged again and most of the clashes, conflicts that had been going on in the world could be considered as a sign of that. For Huntington there is a constant clash between civilizations and conflict between these civilizations is inevitable. According to Huntington there are clear-cut differences between civilizations and all the efforts to cross these boundaries are just futile attempts, doomed to fail. 12 Huntington builds his thesis against Francis Fukuyamas assumption that with the end of the Cold War the history comes to an end and there will not be any more serious
10

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naively optimistic about the end of history. For him, with the end of the Cold War the world will once again turn back to its historical points of conflict, the one between the civilizations. Huntington argues that non-Western societies are far from accepting the universalist claims of the Western civilization. They are instead returning to their roots rejecting the arrogant claims of the West. Turkey in this context plays a crucial role in his discussion of civilizational shift. As Huntington sees clear-cut, insurmountable differences between civilizations, any attempt to change is simply an impossible task. Therefore, Huntington absolutely rejects the possibility or the achievements of Turkish westernization. All the modernization efforts Turkish elite has imposed on his society (he takes Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the founder of Republic of Turkey, as a starting point dismissing some two centuries) has only created a torn country, triggered a cultural trauma as far as Turkey is concerned. Huntington depicts Ataturks reforms as follows:
Kemal aimed to produce a homogenous nation state . . . . He then deposed the sultan and established a Western type republican system of political authority. He abolished the caliphate, the central source of religious authority, ended the traditional education and religious ministries . . . . formally disestablished Islam as the state religion. Emulating Peter the Great, he prohibited use of the fez because it was a symbol of religious traditionalism, encouraged people to wear hats, and decreed that Turkish would be written in Roman rather than Arabic alphabet13.

His portrait of Mustafa Kemal as a dictator and the reforms as the capricious impositions of a one-man, these reforms are doomed to fail in Huntingtons theory. He gives mainly two reasons for this failure; referring to the alleged resurgence of Islam he asserts that Turkish society has mainly showed an unwelcoming attitude to the Westernization efforts. They simply have not defined themselves as Western, investing their allegiance with their ethnic and coreligionist cousins. Also drawing on Turkeys relations with European Union, he similarly emphasizes the unwillingness of western intelligentsia to regard Turkey as a European country14. Huntington argues that
conflicts in the world since all the countries in the world will become democratic liberal states, the best type of government as we know it. 13 Ibidem, 144. 14 Ibidem, 154. The efforts to shift civilizations, trying to create a modern society imposing west European institutions is a real challenge to Huntingtons theory since he presupposes the incompatibility of these civilizations, to recognize any credit on the

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this is mainly because of the historical fact that The relations between Islam and Christianity, both Orthodox and Western have often been stormy. Each has been the others Other15. Glazebrook and Seal are two British travel writers who assumed this line of discourse and do their best to contest Turkish claims for western or European identity. They basically see Turkish application for full membership to the European Union as an arrogant claim to be considered European. As Pickering rightly observes, nationalism tends to use us against them dichotomy, using the other to construct a sense of national identity and social cohesion16. The politics of belonging and not belonging plays a crucial role in celebrating what is culturally close and familiar above what is distant and dissimilar17. The politics of belonging mainly use territorial attachments in the sense of belonging. Another strategy used to maintain the cultural belonging is the dissociation from what is contrasted with national mediations18. Pickering defines the next step: Various people are then seen as not belonging, not only because they do not have the same nationality but also because their characteristics forms of life are divided from ours by symbolic boundaries which contrastively identify them as inferior19. What Pickering refers to as symbolic boundaries is significant in the way Glazebrook and Seal represents Turkey. For deploying Islam as the characteristic form of life in Turkey, Glazebrook and Seal divide Turkey from Europe meanwhile contrastively identifying Turkey as inferior. How Glazebrook constructs the imaginary boundary between Turkey and Europe is best seen in his comparison of his time in Turkey with his visit to Romania (in the winter of 1980), Glazebrook voices how much Turkey and Turks fit in his picture of Europe and the West within these words:

side of civilizational shift or socio-cultural change would be a hard blow to his argument. 15 Ibidem, 209. 16 Michael Pickering, Stereotyping: The Politics of Representation, Hampshire and New York, Palgrave, 2001, p. 109. 17 Ibidem. 18 Ibidem. 19 Ibidem.

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 Bucharestcramped miseries of Russias satellites. What scenes of collectivist tyranny would meet the eye accustomed to the freedom of Turkey20 I saw an old man with a bald white head standing in his cart in blue overalls to drive his donkey through the fields. I recognized in him a European mon frere, mon semblable21. I was home from AsiaIn Turkey and the Turks I had felt interest-deep, unflagging for weeks-but interest only, never affection. Neither NATO, nor the EEC, nor the self-proclaimed Europeanization of Ataturk, could ever make a Turk mon frere, mon semblable. Nor did I want him to be. From Turkey and the Turks I wanted something else, perhaps the antithesis of the homeliness of Europe22.

Glazebrook reserves the place of the Other of European identity for Turkey and he does so at the expense of Turkeys exclusion from Europe. Considering European Unions relations with Turkey and other Balkan states like Romania and Bulgaria, it is seen that Glazebrooks representation is a reflection of the hegemonic perceptions of Turkey in Europe. Through investing his discursive affinities on Glazebrooks Journey to Kars (1984) Jeremy Seal assumes a similar stance. In A Fez of the Heart: Travels around Turkey in Search of a Hat (1995), as the subtitle suggests, Seal states that he is looking for the fez, a hat which was worn in Turkey from 1826 to 1925: I was here in search of my own version, a Turkey that was not so certain that her future was European and a people who had been hanged less than a lifetime ago for refusing to relinquish their fezzes23. As he searches for the fez, he discovers that it is highly provocative to talk about it or to wear it. Even in extremely conservative towns such as Konya and Yozgat he cannot find anyone wearing a fez24. Speculating
My emphasis. He is being sarcastic of course, Turkey had been under a military regime from 1980-1982, and he himself addresses the point in the account, this is fictionalizing, pretentious, trying to create a tension. 21 What makes the old man a European? The donkey? His bald head? His blue overalls? Is it something to do with the old man or with Glazebrook? 22 Philip Glazebrook, Journey to Kars: A Modern Traveler in the Ottoman Lands, New York, Atheneum, 1984, pp. 196-7. 23 Jeremy Seal, A Fez of the Heart: Travels around Turkey in Search of a Hat, San Diego, Harcourt Brace, 1995, p. 25. 24 Then giving a detailed account of how it was introduced (better to say in his own words imposed) by Mahmud II (who can only be compared to Ivan the Great of Russia with his ruthlessness of his reforms) and how it was banned in the same manner by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk in 1925, Seal gives his version of Turkish modernization or westernization project.
20

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on the disappearance of that peculiar hat, which was a symbol of Turkishness for Seal, he concludes that the story fez can be considered as a sum of whole Turkish westernization. In his efforts to give an account of Turkish westernization, Seal aspires to unmask Turkish claims for European identity. Unfolding his stance on the Turkish application to European Union as the third Vienna siege Seals all account is an attempt to argue that the myth of Turkish westernization is a shallow, illusionary and an imposed one.
For the Turks never did get into Vienna. As European armies got stronger, further Westernization by simple geography became increasingly expensive on soldiery. So they by and large stayed where they were and consolidated their empire by incorporating weak neighbors to the south while their leaders introduced new hats of an increasingly Western tint every century or thereabouts. The march which had been foiled on the ground would continue in the mind. If they couldnt get there in their boots, then theyd do so in hats instead25.

Seals depiction of Turkish efforts to reform their society and country as part of a conspiracy plot that aims to pose another threat to Europe aims to exclude Turkey and Turks from Europe26. The writer starts his account in Side, a seaside resort (like Riviera) and introducing a few westernized manners, he warns his (Western) readers that these should not deceive them. Warning his fellow Europeans not to form their ideas on Turkey only through places like Side, he takes the journey to hinterland Turkey. He gives an account of places like Karabuk, Van, Sivas,

Ibidem, p. 21. A similar discourse emerged on the eve of EUs decision to start membership negotiations with Turkey on November 2, 2005. Germany and Austria assumed such an anti-Turkish position that Madeleine Blunt from commented on their opposition: Austria and Germany are still thinking of the geese whose honking woke the army when Vienna was under siege from the Ottoman Turks in the sixteenth century. . . (Blunt). His message conveys the old discourse that Orient is a non-changing and frozen entity. In that, Seal addresses the issue in such a way that his message reads: Turks are trying to change themselves only to achieve their sole goal more cunningly: invading Europe and destroying her civilization. The message his discourse conveys does not reveal any trait of good-will, trust, or friendliness. Invoking the past conflicts and drawing analogies between current politics and aspirations and those of old hostilities, Seal establishes a sense of threat.
26

25

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Yozgat, Hatay and reveal how different the hinterland Turks are from Europeans. Assuming the pose of an expert on Turkey and Turks, Seal hints that if you look at the under-layers you will see the Islamic identity. For Seal, this newly forged national character does not represent an improvement but deterioration in terms of civilization. The new project introduces a far less tolerant ideology than the tradition of tolerance that the Ottoman practiced upon the empires numerous religious and racial minorities27. Seal suggests that by abolishing the fez, the Republic of Turkey also abolishes the notions, ideas of cosmopolitanism as fez is introduced to encapsulate the benign ideal of cosmopolitanism of the Ottoman Empire in 1826. Seal claims that, fez represented an equation of religions and the ethnicities of the subjects of the empire who had been distinguished through their headgear. He notes that when Mahmud II introduced fez, he justified this new hat as an act of secularization, of making religion an issue of personal affairs and abolishing it from the public sphere. According to Seal, how fez was introduced into Turkish life in 1826 and then how it was banished in 1925 and how it was treated in 1993 are strong evidences of Turkish despotism. In Seals account, a hat is never simply a hat in Turkey - as it is in England or other European countries; Turks see it as the most important sign of their identity. Therefore, any effort to change it through imposition has always created resistance in the society. However, Turkish political leaders were ruthless with regards to these reactions. Seal reconstructs the historical moment of the introduction of fez by Sultan Mahmud and how it was received by people within these words: The sultan might next expect them to wear their underpants outside their trousers. Only a giaour (infidel) would so treat his subjects28. Seals account of the introduction of fez to the nineteenth-century Ottoman Turkey portrays a capricious Sultan who knows no limits in dictatorship and kills thousands of people just to impose an insignificant silly hat on the one hand and unreasonable people who are ready to sacrifice their lives for the sake of a mere hat on the other. Thus Seals narrative becomes a narrative of not belonging since the values highlighted are absolutely unacceptable absurdities which would not belong to any European society.

27 28

Ibidem, p. 163. Ibidem, p. 33.

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When it comes to the abolition of the fez, Seal spends more time on reconstructing how it happened. He gives many details about how Atatrk went to Kastamonu in 1925 and declared that he wanted Turkish citizens to wear Western hats rather than the fez. He describes rebellions against the Western hat and how these rebellions were crushed: Most of the 114 found guilty on charges varying from incitement to riot to violation of the hat laws received sentences of two to ten years. Three were condemned to death29. For Seal, even in 1993, the despotic attitude of the Turkish government is still more or less the same. by law, you could go topless in this Middle Eastern and almost exclusively Muslim country, but you could not wear a fez30. Within these terms, Seal challenges the legitimacy of Turkish government as it does not represent the people in the European or Western sense. Consequently, the Turkish application to become a member of the European Union loses its validity as it has been done by a body which does not speak for (instead acts in spite of ) the people; moreover, the people obviously do not consider themselves European and it is only the governments despotic will to join the Union. All the modernization and westernization projects have been an enforcement and imposition of despotic Turkish dictators like Mustafa Kemal Ataturk and Sultan Mahmud II. Though it has disappeared from the view, the fez (which represents the difference from Europe, the Islamic identity, and the Ottoman Empire) is still in the hearts of Turkish people, no matter how much they strive hard to dissociate themselves from it. Seal assuming the role of a psychoanalyst analyzes Turkeys paranoid schizophrenic relation with its past and legacy for us. Like Huntington, he reads the failure of Turkish westernization in the revival of Islam. He describes
An intensive mosque-building program had been under way in the country for several years. The number of Turks making the hajj, or pilgrimage to Mecca, was increasing annually. Journalists with secular views were routinely murdered by shadowy terror groups. And the fez, symbolic of a general orthodoxy that would have been scandalized and saddened by what Pomegranate had become, had not simply gone out of fashion. Those who persisted in wearing the fez had been marched to the gallows in a ruthless attempt to hasten its eradication. No problem in Turkey?31

29 30

Ibidem, p. 124. Ibidem, p. 14. 31 Ibidem, p. 15.

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Seal sees Islam as a real threat. In his view building mosques or making the hajj are similar to the assassinations of journalists with secular views. He writes these three sentences in such a way that if you build a mosque and make the hajj, you will certainly become a murderer in a shadowy terror group. Killing a secular journalist is a logical outcome of building mosques and making the hajj. Through emphasizing the difference between Turkey and Europe, or the West Seal refers to a discontinuity in the East-West relationships, dividing Turkey from the West and Europe and drawing imaginary boundaries which exclude Turkey from Europe. Seals focus on this issue echoes the us-them, East-West and most importantly, Islam-Christendom dichotomies. This is a good example of how Seal evokes Muslim-Christian dichotomy:
I told him that I spoke Turkish, and he quickly switched to his native tongue, introducing himself as Metin. How did a good Muslim feel about tending to the relics of Christianity, I wondered. They are beautiful churches, he replied. Christians, Muslims, it makes no difference to me. Admittedly, he did not approve of everything that Christians did . . . Heepies, he called them. They came here in the seventies on the overland route to India and used to camp in the chimneys and made much love. I can see where they got the ideas from, I replied. Metin blushed an Islamic red and turned away. Only Christians think like that. We call them fairy chimneys, he said coyly . . . I marveled that Metin, working long days as he did in one of the most phallic of all valleys, could be so coy about the penises that had surrounded him for twenty years32.

Seals first question How does a good Muslim feel about tending to the relics of Christianity? presupposes a kind of enmity and contest between these two religions. Although Metin gives a quite positive answer and expresses his respect for Christianity Seal would not be cheated with that. He insists on getting a hostile answer from him; this time asking whether he has not found anything wrong with Christians. Metin comes up with hippies, who are considered marginal types also in the Western societies. Seal takes this as an indication of hostility to Christendom, identifying the hippies with Christianity itself and exploiting Metins answer to build a dichotomy. Metin blushed an Islamic red. Here Seal depicts a natural reaction as a distinguishing mark between Islam and Christianity. He suggests that Christian reaction
32

Ibidem, p. 176.

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would be totally different from Metin whose personality is erased as he is homogenized with one billion other people who come from the same religiocultural background. Distancing himself further from Metin, he questions his sincerity in blushing as well. Seal finds it impossible for a person to work at such phallic valley for twenty years and preserve his coyness. There must be something wrong, something unnatural with Metin, thus with Islam. Seal does not stop evoking anger and inviting his readers to share his rage. He goes on as follows: In many cases, a monstrous intolerance, the frescoes had been disfigured. The faces of Christ, the disciples, and the saints, had been obliterated with some sharp flint so that a neat oval of rough stone showed in their place. I felt anger rising inside me It was the meticulousness of desecration that outraged me33. Although he does not have a clue about who has done all the damage to the frescoes, he is sure that it is the Turks. Seal reasons on why and how must Turks desecrate the frescoes thus:
this was a knowing perpetration hiding behind a zealots knowledge . . . For does not Islam forbid the depiction of the human image? For cannot God alone create man? Furthermore, the desecrations most probably occurred long after the Christian community in Capadocia had been dispersed. The rock churches had been attacked not as symbols active in their affront to Islam, but as unthreatening, inert relics of a religion that locally had had its time. Religious wrath I could understand, but this was pious pettifogging of a sort that filled me that morning with fury34.

The fact that he has no clue on who has caused all that damage is the central point of the question here. What Seal is doing is speculating, with his presumptions and presuppositions, on the intolerance and cruelty of the Muslim Turks. He has no doubts about the identities of perpetrators because he assumes that it is in the nature of Islam not to tolerate representations of human images. And the crime becomes even more cruel and evil with the detail that Turks commit it after the Christian minorities are expelled from their lands. On the other hand, Seal never refers to religious tolerance that existed in Anatolia during the centuries that Muslims, Christians, Jews and people from all other different religious lived together. He has cited Pardoe on Eyp Fez factory and the Eyp mosque, but he does not cite her when it comes to her observations

33 34

Ibidem, p. 177. Ibidem, p. 177-8.

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which state that there was also tolerance and respect between Islamic and Christian societies35. Tim Kelsey is another British travel writer who investigates Turkish culture in 1990s in terms of religious practices and the relation of the Islamic groups with the Republic of Turkey. In his Dervish: The Invention of Modern Turkey (1996), Kelsey looks for the dervishes whose activities are forbidden by the decrees of Republic of Turkey in 1920s. In Istanbul the writer hears that every year at one certain night Muslims and Christians meet at an Armenian church to wait for a miracle to happen. According to the rumor, every year at that night one invalid person, regardless of his or her faith, is healed if s/he gets into the church and prays from dusk till dawn. He narrates how the Muslims and Christians wait for the miracle at the Armenian Church in Balat and how they see each other in such a practice:
The Christians walked confidently up to the painting and lightly kissed the saints buckle. A Muslim, uncertain of this ritual, watched a man kiss it, and then followed slowly, raising his lips to the icon Two years ago Ali, a Muslim, was healed. Ali had an illness. He had fallen in love with a German girl. He had been refused. He became very illhe couldnt walk or speak. But here in the church someone passed out and shouted his name, and a girl put her hand on his chest and he was cured Do you like having Muslims in your church? This is the house of God. Unless you wear a hat, or smoke cigarettes and drink, it doesnt matter (100-101).

Although there is an unfortunate history of religious and ethnic intolerance in Anatolia as anywhere else in the world, there is also a history of what Said calls living together in a working harmony which is narrated in Pardoes and Kelseys travel accounts but suppressed in Glazebrooks and Seals accounts. Conclusion When we read Huntingtons Clash of Civilizations and Seals A Fez of the Heart together, as far as the depiction of Turkish modernization is concerned, there is an amazing similarity between these two texts. To begin with, they both assume that Turkish reforms are merely the impositions of the
35

Julia Pardoe, The City of the Sultan: And Domestic Manners of the Turks, in 1836, Philadelphia, Carey, 1837.

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Turkish rulers who do not regard how their people think and feel about them. Secondly, highlighting the resurgence of Islam in Turkey, both writers emphasize Turkeys Islamic identity as a sign of non-belonging to the West or Europe. Finally, they claim that Turkish westernization has been an indisputable failure as these reforms have neither made Turkish society European nor have they convinced Europeans to consider Turks as such. On the other hand, neither Seal nor Huntington refers to what Turkish society has gained from the reforms. Following Saids argument on the political consequences of the EastWest paradigm, it can be said that the binary oppositions which might seem as nave preconceptions of the travel writers cannot be simply dismissed as an indication of the trivial bias of an individual writer. As far as travel writing is concerned, travel writers may not have direct relations with political institutions, but the texts they produce have direct political influence on shaping the opinions of their readers and public in general. Within these terms, we can raise several questions:
What kinds of behaviour, what models of practices, does this work seem to enforce? Why might readers at a particular time and place find this work compelling? Are there differences between my values and the values implicit in the work Im reading? Upon what social understanding does the work depend? Whose freedom of thought or movement might be constrained implicitly or explicitly by this work? What are the larger social structures with which these particular acts of praise or blame might be connected?36

The last two questions are directly related to the contemporary politics in terms of Turkeys admission into the European Union. The way European nations see Turkey and themselves, in other words, Turkeys image and European nations self-image, will play a significant role in this process. If peoples of the European Union come to the conclusion that Turkey is not that different at all from Europe, and that difference could be a benefit rather than a problem, Turkey will be accepted as a member. If the European Union nations decide that Turkey is different in a negative sense and not a part of the European civilization, and Turkeys difference, in Michael Pickerings terms is translated into otherness, Turkey will be denied membership.
Stephen Greenblatt, Culture, Critical Terms for Literature Study, Ed. Frank Lentricchia and Thomas McLaughlin, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1995, p. 225-232, 226.
36

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Translation of Difference into Otherness: Jeremy Seals A Fez of the Heart (1995) - Abstract Turkish identity is questioned in very different platforms. Whenever an issue is raised about Turkey, it is most likely to be related to whether Turkey can be considered as a part of Europe, thus the West or not. The killing of the dogs leads to a questioning of Turkeys identity. Chancellor tries to establish a link between being Muslim and the perverted. He attempts to generalize the marginal acts of killing and then abusing dogs as an indication of nonEuropeanness of Turkey. Thus these queer acts function as dissociating Turkey from Europe or the West. When we read Huntingtons Clash of Civilizations and Seals A Fez of the Heart together, as far as the depiction of Turkish modernization is concerned, there is an amazing similarity between these two texts. To begin with, they both assume that Turkish reforms are merely the impositions of the Turkish rulers who do not regard how their people think and feel about them. Secondly, highlighting the resurgence of Islam in Turkey, both writers emphasize Turkeys Islamic identity as a sign of non-belonging to the West or Europe. Finally, they claim that Turkish westernization has been an indisputable failure as these reforms have neither made Turkish society European nor have they convinced Europeans to consider Turks as such. On the other hand, neither Seal nor Huntington refers to what Turkish society has gained from the reforms.

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RELAII DIPLOMATICE APUS-RSRIT. TRATATUL DE LA CRAIOVA DIN 7 SEPTEMBRIE 1940 MARIA COSTEA Problema Cadrilaterului i Tratatul de la Craiova sunt relativ puin studiate n istoriografia romneasc1 comparativ cu cea bulgar2. Istoricii romni consider, pe bun dreptate, c Tratatul de la Craiova este doar
Viorica Moisuc, Diplomaia Romniei i problema aprrii suveranitii i independenei naionale n perioada martie 1939-mai 1940, Bucureti, Ed. Academiei, 1971. Valeriu Florin Dobrinescu, Btlia diplomatic pentru Basarabia, 1918-1940, Iai, Ed. Junimea,1992. Eliza Campus, nelegerea Balcanic, Bucureti, Ed. Academiei, 1972. Cristian Popiteanu, Romnia i Antanta Balcanic, Bucureti, Ed. Politic, 1968. Ion Calafeteanu, Diplomaia romneasc n sud-estul Europei (martie 1938 martie 1940), Bucureti, Ed. Politic, 1980. Ioan Scurtu, Romnia i marile puteri (1933-1940), Bucureti, Ed. Fundaiei Romnia de Mine, 2000. Auric Simion, Dictatul de la Viena, Ed. A II-a (ngrijit de E. Simion), Bucureti, Ed. Albatros, 1996. Alessandru Duu, Maria Ignat, 1940 Drama Romniei. Rapt i umilin, Bucureti, Ed. Universal Dalsi, 2000, p. 273. Dan Ctnu, Cadrilaterul. Ideologie cominternist i iredentism bulgar, 1919-1940, Bucureti, Institutul Naional pentru Studiul Totalitarismului, 2001, p.20. Corneliu Mihail Lungu, Ioana Alexandra Negreanu, Romnia n jocul Marilor Puteri (1939-1940). Documente, Bucureti, Ed. Curtea Veche, 2000. Stnescu, Marin C., Moscova, Cominternul, filiera comunist balcanic i Romnia (1919-1943), Bucureti, Ed. Silex, 1994. 2 Maria Todorova, Cursul discursului naionalismului bulgar, n Peter F. Sugar, Naionalismul est-european, Bucureti, Ed. Curtea Veche, 2002, p. 50-86, , , , , 1989, p.302-307. Joseph Popov, La Dobroudja et les relations bulgaroroumaines, Liege, 1935; Antonina Kuzmanova, Dobrudjanskiat vpros v mejdunarodite otnoseniia 1938-1940, n Izvestiia na Instituto po istoriia, nr. 3, 1990, p. 113-136, A. Kuzmanova, Balkanskata politika na Rumnia, 1933-1939, Sofia,1984. Zeko Popov, Blgarite v Severna Dobrudja, Sofia, 1988. Stefan Ancev,Dobrudjanskiat vpros, Veliko Trnovo, 1994. Blagovest Niagulov, La question de Dobroudja, n Etudes Balkaniques, Sofia, 1989, nr. 4, p. 21-40. Dimitr Sirkov, Vnnata politika na Blgaria,1938-1941, Sofia, Izdatelstvo Nauka i Izkustvo, 1979. Ilcio Dimitrov, Anglia i Blgaria,1938-1941, Sofia, Universitetsko Izdatelstvo Sv. Kliment Ohridski, 1996, Nikolai Ghencev, Vnnata politika na Blgaria,1938-1941, Sofia, Izdatelstvo Vector, 1998.
1

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rezultatul presiunilor lui Hitler asupra Romniei n 1940. Cedarea Cadrilaterului are o importan redus comparativ cu cedarea Basarabiei, nordului Bucovinei i nordului Transilvaniei n anul 1940. Pe de alt parte, toate lucrrile romneti care se refer la perioada 1938-1941 menioneaz cedarea Cadrilaterului alturi de celelalte pierderi teritoriale din 1940, acte ce se nscriau n politica revizionist i agresiv susinut de Hitler, Stalin i Mussolini, nclcnd principiile suveranitii naionale, integritii teritoriale i inviolabilitii frontierelor Romniei. Istoriografia romneasc nu ncearc, de fapt, s aduc argumente suplimentare n favoarea apartenenei Cadrilaterului la Romnia. Istoriografia bulgar argumenteaz insistent apartenena Cadrilaterului la Bulgaria i importana sa deosebit pentru contiina public bulgar. Istoricii bulgari au acordat o mare atenie temei Dobrogei de Sud, considerat ca fiind vital pentru poporul bulgar de-a lungul secolelor. Istoricul Antonina Kuzmanova, n lucrarea De la Neuilly la Craiova, aprut n 1989, subliniaz teza c toate marile puteri au recunoscut justeea aspiraiilor Bulgariei. Prin urmare, dup Tratatul de la Craiova, guvernul de la Sofia a mulumit att puterilor Axei, ct i guvernelor sovietic i britanic. Kuzmanova consider c Tratatul de la Craiova a corectat o nedreptate prin ntoarcerea panic a Dobrogei de Sud la patria-mam. La fel, istoricul Dimitr Sirkov, n lucrarea Politica extern a Bulgariei (1938-1941), publicat n 1979, consider c prin restituirea Dobrogei de Sud s-a nlturat nedreptatea realizat de Tratatul de Pace de la Neuilly. Sirkov relev modul n care forele politice fasciste din Bulgaria elogiau Axa pentru sprijinul acordat n vederea restituirii Dobrogei de Sud. n 1998, istoricul Nicolai Ghencev, n lucrarea Politica extern a Bulgariei (1938-1941), consider, de asemenea, c Tratatul de la Craiova din 7 septembrie 1940 a ndreptat nedreptatea istoric fcut Bulgariei la Neuilly n 1919. n opinia lui Ghencev, Tratatul de la Craiova a repus naiunea bulgar n drepturile sale istorice asupra pmntului unde s-a nscut statul bulgar. Ghencev consider c acest Tratat poate servi drept model pentru rezolvarea altor conflicte din zona balcanic. Tratatul demonstreaz posibilitatea de rezolvare a chestiunilor litigioase din sud-estul Europei nu doar prin rzboaie, ci i pe cale panic, prin recunoaterea drepturilor istorice ale fiecrui popor. Studiul nostru pornete de la ideea c grania actual romno-bulgar este definitiv. Propunem o analiz detaliat a Tratatului de la Craiova pe baza documentelor din Arhiva Ministerului Afacerilor Externe.

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Tratatul ntre Romnia i Bulgaria a fost semnat n 7 septembrie 1940 la Craiova din partea Romniei de ctre cei doi plenipoteniari: Alexandru Cretzianu, ministru plenipoteniar i Henri Georges Meitani consilier juridic pe lng Ministerul Regal al Afacerilor Strine al Romniei, iar din partea Bulgariei de ctre Svetoslav Pomenov, ministru plenipoteniar i Theokhar Papazoff, judector ad-hoc la Curtea Permanent de Justiie Internaional. Tratatul de la Craiova din 7 septembrie 1940 a fost ratificat de Romnia mpreun cu Anexele sale prin Decretul-lege nr.3099 din 10 septembrie 1940 dat de generalul Ion Antonescu n calitatea sa de conductor al statului romn i preedinte al Consiliului de Minitri, apoi publicat n Monitorul Oficial, partea I, nr. 212 din 12 septembrie 1940. Decretul-lege era semnat att de Ion Antonescu, ct i de Mihail Manoilescu, ministrul Afacerilor Strine. Bulgaria a ratificat Tratatul prin decret regal (dei tratatul coninnd o parte financiar, ratificarea lui ar fi trebuit poate s fie supus i unui vot al Parlamentului, conform Constituiei bulgare care prevede c numai tratatele pur politice sunt ratificate direct de ctre Suveran). Schimbul instrumentelor de ratificare a avut loc la Bucureti, la 14 septembrie 1940. Tratatul cuprindea i cinci Anexe: 1) Protocolul la art. 1 al Tratatului (stabilind linia exact a noii frontiere); 2) Acord privitor la modalitilor de evacuare i transferare a teritoriului; 3) Acord privitor la schimbul de populaiune romn i bulgar; 4) Acord financiar; 5) Schimburi de scrisori3. Preambulul este redactat n aa fel nct s dea satisfacie punctului de vedere bulgar exprimat la nceputul negocierilor n ce privete forma tratatului. ntr-adevr, preambulul vorbete de dorina comun de a crea bazele pozitive n vederea unei colaborri amicale ntre popoarele romn i bulgar. Clauza de amiciie cerut de Bulgaria este astfel cuprins n preambul.

AMAE, fond Bulgaria, vol. 85, Referat MAE din 11 februarie 1942, ntocmit de Scarlat Grigoriu, secretar de Legaiune, pentru Antonescu. Monitorul Oficial (Partea I), nr.212 din 12 septembrie 1940, p.5351-5368, Tratatul ntre Romnia i Bulgaria din 7 septembrie1940 i Decretul-lege nr. 3099 din 1940 de ratificare a Tratatului.

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Tratatul prevedea n primul su articol c ntre Bulgaria i Romnia se va stabili o nou frontier care trebuia s urmeze traseul indicat n Protocolul anexat acestui articol. Protocolul fcea parte integrant din Tratat. La articolul 2 Romnia i Bulgaria declar n mod solemn frontiera stabilit ntre ele ca fiind definitiv i perpetu. Fiecare din naltele pri contractante se angajeaz n consecin s nu mai formuleze niciodat vreo preteniune de ordin teritorial mpotriva celeilalte nalte pri contractante. Constatm c Tratatul i Anexele sale nu fceau nici o referire expres la restaurarea vechii frontiere din 1878-1912. Protocolul anexat la articolul 1 al Tratatului (Anexa A) prevedea c noua frontier va ncepe de la Dunre, imediat n aval de Silistra, pentru a ajunge la Marea Neagr la aproximativ 8 km sud de Mangalia. ntre aceste dou puncte extreme noua grani va urma o linie convenional, lsnd Bulgariei satele: Kalipetrovo, Kara-Orman, Kranova, Kadi-Keui (Cadiul), Terz-Kundu (Ters-Cindu), Ketchi-Deresi (Prul Caprei), Deliyusuf-Kuyussu (Pdureni), Hassantchi (Asneti), Dourassy, Enidje (Enigea-Haidar), Hissarlik, Tchifut-Kuyussu, Murfatche (Predel), Husseintche (Viceva) i Akandji (Vltoarea). Pe linia noii granie, Romnia pstra pe partea sa de frontier urmtoarele sate: Almaly, Essekeui, Karvan Mic, Karvan Mare, Velikeui, Kalaidji (Furei), Redjebkuyussu (Tudor Vladimirescu), Teke Deresi (Poiana apului), Dobromir (Dobromir din Deal), Hissarlik (Cetatea), Hairakeui (Dumbrveni), Dokusagath (Mgura), Dere-keui (Cerchezul), Doulikeui (Darabani), Valaly (Vlcele), Kadikeui (Coroana), Ilanlik (Vama Veche). Traseul noii frontiere trebuia fixat pe teren de ctre o comisiune mixt romno-bulgar compus dintr-un numr egal de reprezentani ai celor dou state. Linia exact a noii frontiere trebuia s fie n conformitate cu textele i crochiurile ntocmite i semnate la 5 septembrie 1902 de ctre comisiunea 4 mixt romno-bulgar ntrunit la Mangalia . Procedura concret de trecere a Dobrogei de Sud sub autoritatea statului bulgar era reglementat n Acordul privitor la modalitile de evacuare i de transferare a teritoriului (Anexa B). Acordul prevedea c teritoriul Dobrogei de Sud va fi evacuat de ctre Romnia i ocupat de armata bulgar n 4 etape ntre 20 septembrie i 1 octombrie 1940. n acest scop, teritoriul Dobrogei de Sud era mprit n 4 zone corespunztoare pentru fiecare etap, delimitate de liniile convenionale: L1, L2, L3.
4

Ibidem.

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1) n prima etap, Romnia trebuia s evacueze prima zon, cuprins ntre vechea frontier i linia L1, n cursul zilei de 20 septembrie. Unitile militare romne, inclusiv cele de grniceri, aflate ntre frontiera existent i linia L1 trebuiau s se evacueze n ziua de 20 septembrie ntre orele 9 i 18. Aceste trupe trebuiau precedate de ctre jandarmi, poliie i de ctre autoritile administrative romne care se gseau n aceast zon. Aadar n 20 septembrie la ora 18 trupele romne se vor afla pe linia L1, lsnd prima zon total evacuat, fr armat i administraie de nici un fel. Populaia putea rmne pe loc. Armata bulgar va ocupa aceast prim zon numai n ziua de 21 septembrie ntre orele 9 i 18. Concret, unitile militare, grnicerii, jandarmii i poliia pe care guvernul bulgar i va trimite n prima zon, nu vor trece frontiera existent, dect la 21 septembrie la ora 9 i nu vor putea atinge linia L1 nainte de ora 18 n aceeai zi. Constatm c astfel rmnea o distan de cel puin 15 ore ntre retragerea armatei romne i ocuparea zonei de ctre armata bulgar. Aceeai procedur trebuia repetat n mod identic pentru fiecare dintre celelalte trei zone ale teritoriului sud-dobrogean care trebuia transferat Bulgariei5. 2) n a doua etap armata romn trebuia s prseasc zona a doua cuprins ntre linia L1 i L2 n ziua de 24 septembrie ntre orele 9 i 18. Armata romn trebuia s prseasc linia L1 n 24 septembrie la ora 9 i s se plaseze pe linia L2 la ora 18 n aceeai zi. Armata bulgar va trece linia L1 a doua zi n 25 septembrie la ora 9 i va ajunge la linia L2 la ora 18. 3) n a treia etap, armata romn trebuia s prseasc linia L2 n 27 septembrie la ora 9 i s se aeze pe linia L3 la ora 18 n aceeai zi. Armata bulgar va trece linia L2 a doua zi n 28 septembrie i va ajunge la linia L3 la ora 18. 4) n a patra etap armata romn trebuia s prseasc linia L3 n 30 septembrie 1940 la ora 9 i s se stabileasc definitiv pe noua frontier la orele 18. Acordul prevedea c armata romn, jandarmeria, poliia i autoritile administrative romne erau obligate deci s evacueze complet ultima zon (cuprins ntre linia L3 i noua frontier) cel mai trziu la 30 septembrie orele 18. Armata bulgar va trece linia L3 a doua zi, la 1 octombrie 1940 la ora 9, ajungnd la noua frontier nu nainte de ora 18.
5

Ibidem.

149

Forele aeriene, fluviale i maritime ale celor dou state nu aveau nici un moment dreptul de a depi linia atins de ctre propriile lor fore terestre. Armata bulgar care ocupa Dobrogea de Sud nu avea voie s fie precedat de formaiuni paramilitare sau de indivizi avnd asupra lor arme de foc. La fel, nici armata romn nu avea voie s lase n urm oameni narmai cu arme de foc sau trupe paramilitare. Cele dou armate nu aveau voie s jefuiasc nimic i trebuiau s reprime cu energie orice aciune de jaf. Cele dou state trebuiau s fac schimb de informaii reciproce pe aceast tem6. Tratatul, n art. III, prevedea ca cele dou state s efectueze un schimb obligatoriu de populaie ntr-un termen de 3 luni, cu ncepere de la schimbul instrumentelor de ratificare, ale Tratatului (14 septembrie 14 decembrie 1940). Etnicii bulgari din judeele Tulcea i Constana (n delimitarea dinainte de 14 iunie 1925) trebuiau s plece definitiv din Romnia i s se stabileasc n Bulgaria, n judeele Durostor i Caliacra. Etnicii romni din judeele Durostor i Caliacra trebuiau s plece definitiv i s se stabileasc n judeele Tulcea i Constana. Schimbul de populaie era obligatoriu numai pentru Dobrogea de Sud i de Nord. Rmnea facultativ posibilitatea ca unii etnici romni din Bulgaria veche (din afara Dobrogei de Sud) s emigreze liber n Romnia. Reciproc, n mod facultativ, unii etnici bulgari din Romnia, din afara Dobrogei de Nord, s poat emigra liber n Bulgaria. S-a convenit totui c guvernul romn va putea decreta emigrarea obligatorie n Bulgaria a unui numr de etnici bulgari egal cu numrul cetenilor bulgari de etnie romn care i-ar exercita dreptul de a emigra n mod facultativ n Romnia. Reciproc, guvernul bulgar putea s ia o msur similar de a expulza n Romnia un numr de ceteni bulgari de etnie romn egal cu numrul de ceteni romni de etnie bulgar care i-ar exercita dreptul de a emigra n mod facultativ. Procedura emigrrii facultative era prevzut pe o perioad de 1 an de zile dup schimbul de instrumente de ratificare ale Tratatului (14 septembrie 1940 14 septembrie 1941). Acordul privitor la schimbul de populaie romn i bulgar (Anexa C) prevedea c persoanele care prsesc Romnia n virtutea schimbului de populaie vor pierde cetenia romn n momentul plecrii lor. Reciproc, persoanele care prsesc Bulgaria n virtutea Tratatului vor pierde automat calitatea de ceteni bulgari. n cadrul schimbului de populaie prevzut de
6

Ibidem, Declaraiune, p. 15.

150

Tratat erau cuprini de plin drept i cetenii romni de origine etnic romn sau bulgar care i-au prsit deja locurile n care triau n oricare din cele patru judee dobrogene dup data de 15 iunie 19407. Ce se ntmpla cu proprietile imobiliare ale oamenilor care erau obligai s plece din casele lor? Statul bulgar prelua n proprietatea sa toate proprietile imobiliare rurale care aparineau romnilor obligai s prseasc teritoriul Dobrogei de Sud transferat Bulgariei. Aceti romni trebuiau despgubii de statul romn. Reciproc, proprietile imobiliare rurale aparinnd cetenilor romni de origine etnic bulgar care vor fi obligai s prseasc teritoriul Romniei, adic judeele Tulcea i Constana, vor fi considerate ca bunuri abandonate i vor deveni proprietatea statului romn. Statul bulgar i va despgubi pe aceti etnici bulgari. Cele dou state, romn i bulgar, deveneau oficial proprietarele bunurilor menionate chiar din momentul schimbului instrumentelor de ratificare (14 septembrie 1940). Deci oamenii supui schimbului de populaie i pierdeau imediat dreptul de proprietate i nu mai puteau s-i vnd casele i pmnturile. Ei i pstrau doar posesiunea acestor proprieti pn la plecarea lor definitiv, care trebuia s se produc n maxim trei luni, deci pn n 14 decembrie 1940. Oamenii supui schimbului de populaie i pstrau numai proprietatea tuturor bunurilor mobile corporale i incorporale. Aceste persoane aveau dreptul s i transporte toate bunurile lor mobile de orice natur, vite, inventar agricol, etc. fr taxe i fr restricii. Exportul aurului i a monedelor va fi reglementat de comun acord de cele dou bnci de emisiune: BNR i Banca Naional a Bulgariei. Autoritile celor dou state aveau obligaia de a facilita transportul persoanelor care fceau obiectul schimbului de populaie, precum i al bunurilor mobile. Spre deosebire de proprietile imobiliare rurale, proprietile imobiliare urbane, aparinnd persoanelor supuse schimbului de populaie, rmneau proprietatea lor privat n continuare. Deci statul nu confisca proprietile imobiliare urbane, ci doar pe cele rurale. Adic etnicii romni din oraele Silistra, Balcic, Dobrici erau obligai s plece n Romnia, dar i pstrau casele i grdinile pe care le aveau n proprietate n aceste orae, n cadrul statului bulgar. Guvernul Romniei va stabili listele persoanelor care fceau obiectul schimbului obligatoriu de populaiune din cele patru judee dobrogene. Aceste persoane vor depune n dublu exemplar un inventar complet al proprietilor lor
7

Ibidem, p. 5351-5368.

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imobiliare. n lipsa prezentrii de ctre cei interesai, autoritile locale vor ntocmi ele nsele inventarele proprietilor. Dac vreun romn din Cadrilater nu figura pe listele autoritilor romne, noile autoriti bulgare l luau n eviden i l semnalau statului romn8. Acordul prevedea la art. IX instituirea unei comisii mixte care va avea drept misiune s supravegheze schimbul de populaie dup listele stabilite. Comisia era compus din patru membri, doi reprezentani ai Romniei i doi reprezentani ai Bulgariei. n cazul n care comisia nu ajungea la un acord n vreo problem, aceast chestiune trebuia adus n faa unei alte comisii mixte prevzute la art.6 al Tratatului, care i avea sediul la Giurgiu. n general comisiunea mixt avea puterea de a lua msurile necesare pentru a rezolva toate chestiunile ridicate de executarea Acordului privitor la schimbul de populaie. Comisiunea mixt avea atribuiile: 1. S verifice inventarul fiecrui interesat; 2. S determine n ce constau proprietile imobiliare cldite i necldite ale emigranilor; 3. S constate totalul datoriilor, creanelor i drepturilor persoanelor supuse schimbului de populaie; 4. S evalueze bunurile i drepturile emigranilor, preul proprietilor; 5. S i convoace i s-i asculte pe cei interesai i s reglementeze toate contestaiile fcute de ei cu privire la nscrierea n listele de emigrani sau relative la bunurile i drepturile lor. Comisiunea mixt va ntocmi un registru al proprietilor i drepturilor fiecrui om supus schimbului de populaie. Pe baza acestor registre (situaii) cele dou state vor hotr despgubirea individual a fiecrui om. Desigur, un exemplar al registrului era remis i omului interesat. Comisiunea mixt va stabili soldul general, rezultnd din situaiile relative la proprietile individuale rurale. Acest sold va fi considerat ca o crean de la stat la stat i va fi achitat n conformitate cu dispoziiile Acordului financiar anexat Tratatului (Anexa D). Pentru schimbul facultativ de populaie soldul va fi stabilit la expirarea perioadei de un an prevzute pentru realizarea acestui schimb. i acest sold constituia o crean de la stat la stat. Pentru toate notificrile i convocrile pe care le avea de fcut, Comisiunea mixt va recurge la autoritile administrative ale statului respectiv9. Cele dou state i

8 9

Ibidem. Ibidem.

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mpreau n mod egal cheltuielile de ntreinere i funcionare a Comisiei mixte Tratatul de la Craiova prevedea la articolul V c toi romnii care nu erau supui schimbului de populaie (care nu locuiau n Dobrogea de Sud), dar aveau proprieti rurale n Dobrogea de Sud i pstrau proprietile. Ei aveau dreptul s i lichideze proprietile n mod liber i nesilit, fr piedici legislative sau administrative din partea noilor autoriti bulgare ntr-un termen de 18 luni, cu ncepere de la schimbul instrumentelor de ratificare ale Tratatului. Dup expirarea termenului de 18 luni, statul bulgar putea expropria aceste proprieti n schimbul unei juste i prealabile despgubiri stabilit dup evalurile fcute de Comisiunea mixt pentru schimbul de populaiuni. Acordul prevedea ca transferul bunurilor imobiliare publice din Dobrogea de Sud ctre statul bulgar s se nfptuiasc n aceleai patru etape i respectnd aceleai patru zone separate prin liniile L1, L2 i L3. transferul s se fac pe baz de procese verbale ncheiate i semnate de ctre delegaii autorizai ai celor dou state. A doua zi dup schimbul instrumentelor de ratificare ale Tratatului, guvernul romn era obligat s trimit guvernului bulgar o list cu bunurile imobiliare publice (cldiri i pmnturi aflate n proprietatea statului romn) existente n judeele Durostor i Caliacra. Guvernul bulgar trebuia s transmit n timp util guvernului romn lista cu numele persoanelor desemnate s fac recepia acestor bunuri imobiliare publice. Aceste persoane care reprezentau statul bulgar trebuiau mprite n patru grupe, corespunznd celor patru zone care trebuiau evacuate. Reprezentanii Bulgariei se vor prezenta nenarmai la 15 septembrie 1940 la orele 18 la staiunea de frontier Boteni (Botievo) i la Turcsmil unde vor fi primii de un reprezentant al guvernului romn10. Celelalte trei grupe de delegai bulgari se vor prezenta i vor fi primii de ctre aceiai reprezentani romni la aceleai puncte respectiv la 19, 22 i 25 septembrie 1940 orele 9,00. Acordul privitor la modalitile de evacuare (Anexa B) prevedea c arhivele statului romn din Dobrogea de Sud trebuiau date statului bulgar. Romnia trebuia s remit ctre statul bulgar: arhivele comunelor, judeelor, tribunalelor i ale celorlalte autoriti de stat, planurile cadastrale, precum i copii certificate dup planurile i registrele cadastrale depuse la Bucureti pentru Dobrogea de Sud.
10

Ibidem.

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Recoltele de porumb, bumbac i floarea soarelui nu mai puteau fi culese i transportate de ctre oameni supui schimbului de populaie. De aceea Comisia mixt romno-bulgar trebuia s nregistreze n judeele Tulcea, Constana, Durostor i Caliacra: totalul suprafeelor nsmnate cu porumb, bumbac i floarea soarelui care nu erau nc culese i aparineau persoanelor supuse schimbului de populaie, producia medie la hectar, preurile i diferena valoric ntre recoltele din Dobrogea de Sud i cele din Dobrogea de Nord. Guvernul romn va lua n posesiunea sa i va deveni proprietarul recoltelor respective, aparinnd emigranilor bulgari, iar guvernul bulgar va lua n posesiunea sa i va deveni proprietarul recoltelor respective, aparinnd romnilor din judeele Durostor i Caliacra. Apoi cele 2 guverne se vor compensa ntre ele n natur pn la data de 1 martie 1941. Pentru ca operaiunile de evacuare i de transfer s decurg n bun ordine fr incidente s-a adoptat o Declaraiune romno-bulgar (tot n Anexa B), care prevedea msurile practice care trebuiau luate11. Se nfiina o comisie mixt romno-bulgar pentru supravegherea operaiunilor de transferare a puterii n Dobrogea de Sud i pentru controlul operaiunilor de evacuare i de ocupare a teritoriului. Comisia mixt era compus din 10 membri civili i militari n numr egal din partea celor dou state. Sediul ei era la Bazargic (Dobrici). Delegaii bulgari n Comisia mixt trebuiau s vin n data de 15 septembrie 1940. Comisiunea mixt trebuia ajutat de alte dou subcomisiuni mixte: una pentru judeul Caliacra cu sediul la Casim (I.G. Duca) i alta pentru judeul Durostor cu sediul la Silistra. Comisia trebuia s rezolve i contestaiile, rezultnd din operaiunile de transfer de teritoriu, inclusiv cele referitoare la deteriorri ale imobilelor publice, sau la lipsurile ce ar fi fost constatate12. Acordul financiar (Anexa D) prevedea obligaia guvernului bulgar de a plti guvernului romn suma forfetar de un miliard lei. Bulgaria trebuia s plteasc suma n dou trane egale la data de 15 ianuarie 1941 i la 15 ianuarie 1942. Apoi Romnia i Bulgaria erau de acord s renune definitiv la toate preteniile de ordin financiar de la stat la stat, rezultnd din transferul de teritoriu i din schimbul de populaie prevzute n Tratatul de la Craiova. Se nfiina o comisiune mixt compus din trei reprezentani ai Romniei i trei reprezentani ai Bulgariei cu sediul la Giurgiu. Comisiunea avea rolul de a soluiona problemele privind aplicarea Tratatului de la Craiova, de fapt acele chestiuni care nu intrau n atribuiile comisiilor mixte speciale.
11 12

Ibidem, p. 14, Declaraiune romno-bulgar. Ibidem, p. 14, Declaraiune.

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Dac Comisiunea mixt nu reuea s soluioneze o chestiune ntr-un termen de zece zile, problema era trimis celor dou guverne pentru a fi rezolvat pe cale diplomatic. Dac nici guvernele nu reueau s o rezolve n termen de dou luni, diferendul va fi supus arbitrajului. Fiecare dintre state va desemna cte un arbitru, iar cei doi arbitri vor desemna un supraarbitru. n caz de dezacord, alegerea supraarbitrului va fi ncredinat unei tere puteri, desemnat de comun acord de ctre cele dou guverne. Ultimul articol (VII) prevedea c Tratatul va fi ratificat, iar schimbul instrumentelor de ratificare va avea loc la Bucureti, pn la 15 septembrie 194013. Schimbul de scrisori: Tratatul avea anexate scrisorile schimbate ntre cele dou guverne. n prima sa scrisoare, guvernul bulgar se angaja s ntrein farurile de la Sabla i Caliacra plus radio farul de la Caliacra, instalaiile de semnalizare ale portului Balcic, pentru securitatea navigaiei. Nota cuprindea caracteristicile tehnice ale acestor faruri. n a doua scrisoare se arta c, n dorina sa de a pstra amintirea rolului su glorios pe care armata romn l-a avut n rzboiul ruso-turc din 1877-1878 care s-a ncheiat cu eliberarea Bulgariei, guvernul bulgar a hotrt s ia asupra sa ntreinerea Bisericii romne de la Grivia. Ministrul de Rzboi de la Sofia va numi o gard special pentru paza Bisericii i va organiza n fiecare an la 30 august, de ziua Btliei de la Grivia, svrirea unei slujbe religioase pentru odihna sufletelor romnilor mori pe cmpul de lupt. Guvernul bulgar se va ngriji i de celelalte monumente ce comemoreaz participarea armatei romne la rzboiul din 1877-1878. n a treia scrisoare guvernul Bulgariei se angaja s acorde nlesniri deosebite persoanelor ce cltoreau n automobile de turism pe oseaua Tutracan-Silistra n privina trecerii i formalitilor vamale. n ultima sa scrisoare, semnat tot de Pomenoff, guvernul de la Sofia se angaja s nu considere vilele din jurul Balcicului ca proprieti rurale i deci, s permit proprietarilor romni s dispun de ele n mod liber i dup voia lor. La rndul su, prin trei scrisori semnate de Alexandru Cretzianu, Guvernul Romniei s-a angajat: 1) S elibereze de orice obligaiune militar fa de statul romn pe cetenii de origine etnic bulgar i turc din judeele Durostor i Caliacra.
13

Ibidem, p. 9, Tratatul.

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2) S graieze pe supuii de origine etnic bulgar din judeele Tulcea, Constana, Durostor i Caliacra, condamnai sau urmrii pentru crime i delicte. 3) S admit ca valoarea bonurilor de rechiziie, emise de guvernul romn i deinute de supuii de origine etnic bulgar, cuprini n schimbul de populaie, s fie sczut din suma datorat de guvernul bulgar Romniei14. n concluzie, considerm c prin schimbul de populaie care a nsoit aceast cedare teritorial, grania romno-bulgar a rmas definitiv.

West-East Diplomatic Realtions. The Treaty of Craiova (7 September 1940) - Abstract The relations between Romania and Bulgaria in 1938-1940 were decisively influenced by Bulgarian revisionism, especially by Bulgarian territorial claims against Romania. Finally, in 31 July 1940, Hitler dictated to Romania to cease Southern Dobroudja. Romania obeyed and signed the Treaty of Craiova in 7 September 1940 throughout Southern Dobroudja passed as a part of Bulgaria. The Treaty also established an exchange of populations. This article analyses the Treaty of Craiova and also the positions of Bulgarian historiography concerning this treaty.

14

AMAE, fond Bulgaria, vol.85, Referat MAE din 11 februarie 1942, ntocmit de Scarlat Grigoriu, secretar de Legaiune, pentru Antonescu.

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SEMANTICA RASEI - DE LA CLASIFICRI TRADIIONALE ALE IGANULUI LA DISCURSUL ELITEI ROMA DIN ROMNIA CONTEMPORAN MARIAN ZLOAG Dup cum se tie, conceptul de ras apare n modernitatea clasic i este indisolubil legat de un anumit proces de dominare prin clasificare a lumii. Ambiguu prin referinele sale, de la debut, conceptul e unul alunecos gravitnd semantic ntre cultural, etnic, social i biologic. Cert e c treptat a fost marcat de o tent determinist, esenialist, fiind considerat un dat. n perioada (post) iluminist, apoi a romantismului, acest mod de a considera lucrurile era privit ca unul ndrituit. Prin supra-evaluatul recurs la argumentul pozitivist, de regul abilitat s furnizeze rspunsuri cu valoare ontologic, s-au stabilit legturi ntre dou registre: cel antropologic i cel social. Privind din perspectiva actual, notm cum contribuia unor filosofi1, de altfel printre primii instrumentalizatori ai acestui concept, demonstreaz caracterul construit, social, al conceptului, de ras, devenit pe fondul naionalismelor exacerbate responsabil de importante dezastre demografice din prima jumtate a veacului al XX-lea2. Implicaiile culturale i sociale ale conceptului ras n contexte istorice. O privire sumar Privit psihosocial i istoric deopotriv, rasa este nti de toate o modalitate de categorizare. Perfidia conceptului rezid nu doar n capacitatea sa de a discrimina, exclude i a aciona in extremis ca argument legitimant pentru aciuni genocidale, ci mai ales n capacitatea sa de a parazita diverse alte concepte, de a se disimula, fie mbrind un tip de expresionare cu referin biologist, fie ca o practic cultural care prin calitatea sa cameleonic ajunge
n acest sens a se vedea contribuiile lui Buffon, Kant, Gobineau, von Blumenbach, Linn, Scheling, Darwin etc. Pentru un studiu critic, vezi Leon Poliakov, Mitul arian, Bucureti, Editura EST, 2003; Bill Ashcroft, Language and Race, in Social Identities, Volume 7, Number 3, 2001, Tzvetan Todorov, Noi i ceilali, Iai, Institutul European, 1999; Baker, Lee D., From Savage to Negro: Anthropology and the Construction of Race, 1896-1954, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1998, Gustav Jahoda, Images of savages: ancient roots of modern prejudice in western culture, London and New York, Routledge, 1999. 2 n acest sens vezi Anthony D. Smith, Naionalism i modernism: un studiu critic al teoriilor recente cu prvire la naiune i naionalism, Chiinu, Editura Epigraf, 2002.
1

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n vecintatea sau chiar pe terenul etnicitaii. De fapt, ceea ce le este amndurora propriu este obsesia pentru un anumit tip de discurs esenialist, organicist. Continua invocare implicit sau explicit a unei filiaii genealogice, sau a unei descendene ce ne aduce n apropierea unui tip de perenialism, fac ca naraiunea rasial3 s fie extrem de convingtoare, cu att mai mult cu ct ea e ntreinut de un fond cultural deosebit de favorabil n reprezentarea alteritilor i identitii i care se reproduce (in)voluntar. Acest gen de naraiune devine exacerbat n momente sociale, economice i istorice de criz, n rest, n pofida tentaiei unora de a vorbi de dispariia rasismului (biologist sinonim cu ceea ce se cheam n literatura de specialitate old racism) putndu-se reliefa un rasism instituional, simbolic etc. Efectele sale sunt desigur uor de intuit. Un aport major la instituionalizarea acestei categorii sociale l-a avut desigur dezvoltarea unor tiine sociale precum etnologia, sociologia, statistica etc. Un aport considerabil l-a avut desigur i lingvistica. Toate acestea trebuie privite contextualizat n cadrele imperiale i apoi n cele postcoloniale. Nu trebuie s surprind c proiectul naional convertit prin coagularea unor state naionale a contribuit decisiv la triumful acestei categorii sociale ierarhizante. n termenii cei mai simpli putem observa cum n melanjul dintre datele tiinelor naturale, a ideologiilor naionale, a legitimrii politicilor coloniale, se nate un ablon analitico-euristic convingtor prin programul, aciunea i rezultatele sale utopice. Nu trebuie exclus din ecuaie nici proiectul intelectual de definire a civilizaiei, fenomen relevant att acas, ct i n colonii. Relevana intra- i extra- grupal e de netgduit dac inem cont de identitatea social a artizanilor acestui nou concept i ne referim aici la burghezie, categorie dispus s serveasc un program nivelator al imperiului i deopotriv al statului naional. Canalele avute la ndemn de agenii acestui program clasificator, ordonator i totodat pretins salvator (administraia, coala, armata) au putut contribui decisiv la asumarea acestei mrci identificatoare i de ctre aceia care au fost obiecte ale clasificrii. Privit invers scopului su iniial, faptul este vizibil i la nivelul discursului postcolonial. Recunoscnd implicaiile sale evident defavorabile, cercettorii vd n operarea cu aceast categorie ea nsi oarecum hibrid, date fiind tradiiile sale istorico-culturale , o modalitate de a impune relaii de putere, uzndu-se de argumente destul de diverse dar in sine reductibile la formule bipolare n care primitivismul era contrapus civilizaiei i care mrturisesc un europocentrism auto-suficient.
3

Ali Rattansi, Racism. A Very Short Introduction, New York, Oxford University Press Inc., 2007, p. 11.

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Paradoxul n ce privete aciunea sa este mai evident dac proiectm aceast construcie intelectualist, devenit rapid instrument operativ de clasificare i ordonare mental i deopotriv social, pe fundalul istoric n care e creditat a fi aprut. Departe de a fi o modalitate de categorizare universalizant n sens iluminist, prin registrele pe care le propune ea relev o tendina indiscutabil spre particularizare, esenializare, ceea ce mrturisete de fapt despre dialectica acestui curent. Ceea ce se ntmpl n secolele urmtoare, cnd argumentele de natur empiric, rezultat al msurtorilor, devin nelipsite i certific credibilitatea tiinific a oricrui demers, face ca rasa s devin argument suficient n demonstrarea imobilitii i implicit s propun o viziune ce contravine credinei utopice n progres fcut posibil de apelul la epistema tiinific4. S nu uitm faptul c dimensiunea naionalist (vlkisch) devenit nelipsit din discursul rasist naional-socialist5 mrturisete puternice reverii i proiecii regresive din punct de vedere cronologic, i mai mult dect att e dovada caracterului antimodern al rasismului, n ciuda faptului c utilizeaz o argumentaie scientist i progresist. Desigur, opiunea aceasta nu e specific exclusiv naional socialismului; originile sale se pot depista la Herder care vorbea de Volksgeist n termeni de caracter rasial6. Trebuie totui admis c n ce privete destinul acestei categorii sociale, ea pare s fi rodit cel mai bine n conexiune cu statul naional. Mai concret ancorat n preocuprile noastre, putem observa cum, la momentul respectiv, igienicismul dominant al epocii definea minoriti precum cea roma i sinti ca volkschdlich, inferioar, i ca purtnd ereditar caracteristici de personalitate asociale7, replicatori ai unei gene a crimei tocmai datorit lipsei purismului. Prezumia unei dispoziii
Ibidem, p. 31. Dup cum demonstreaz Ali Rattansi, exist o logic a structurii naraiunii rasiale jalonat de patru criterii majore. Totul ncepe cu credina c specia uman putea fi mprit ntr-un numr finit de rase permanente i clar distinctibile, rasele fiind cele care permit nelegerea variaiilor n regnul uman. n al doilea rnd se luau n calcul diferenele fizice, n principal culoarea pielii, trsturile faciale, textura prului, iar cu creterea nsemntii frenologiei dimensiunea i forma craniului. n al treilea rnd, fiecrei rase i erau atribuite nnscute trsturi sociale, cultural i morale distinct. n final, totul se ncheia prin ierarhizarea lor n funcie de talente i standarde de frumusee, plasnd desigur pe albi deasupra negrilor. 5 Cyprian P. Blamires, Editor with Paul Jackson, World Facism. A historical Encyclopedia, Santa Barbara, California, Denver, Colorado, Oxford, United Kingdom, ACB CLIO, 2006. p. 487. 6 Ali Rattansi, op. cit., p.36. 7 Ulrich F. Opfermann, Registration of Gypsies in National Socialism: Responsibility in a German region, in Romani Studies 5, Vol. 11, No.1, (2001), p.37.
4

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subversive, ubicue8 se datora identitii lor presupus hibride, impure i, mai mult dect orice, strine (fremdrassig)9 corpului naional german. Acuza de promiscuitate devine instrument moral legitimator pentru intervenia statului autoritar n descurajarea alegerilor inter-rasiale prin propunerea unei legislaii contrare principiilor democratice10. Diversele combinaii i concentraii de snge au predispus la avansarea unui limbaj, a unor subcategorii i a unor politici represive, genocidale, adaptabile ns n funcie de moment chiar n spaiul de aciune al naional-socialismului. Dup aa o carier nefast, dus la extremis de discursul nazist, care atunci ajungea s ating cota maximal 4 ntr-o ierarhizare a nivelurilor logicii rasismului propus de Michel Wieviorka11, ntr-un efort de revizuire ideologic, girat de ONU prin implicarea unor nume ca cel al lui Levi Strauss12, rasa prsea domeniul determinismului biologist sau genetic, reintrnd n arealul socialului. Azi, rasa, rasismul, rasialismul i rasializarea sunt categorii, politici respectiv atitudini, toate anexate proceselor de discriminare, expresii ale unui limbaj prejudiciator. Diversitatea abordrilor problemelor specifice acestei categorii sociale pun n lumin modurile variate, adesea insesizabile ale manifestrii -ismelor derivnd din conceptualizarea rasei. Plecnd de la considerarea momentelor de exacerbare, consacrare statal a discursului i practicii bio-politice13, ajungnd la tratarea sa n mediile sclaviei coloniale14, dar i metropolitane, la nivelul
Gilad Margalit, The uniqueness of the Nazi persecution of the Gypsies, in Romani Studies 5, Vol. 10, No. 2 (2000), 197sqq. 9 Karola Fings, Rasse: Zigeuner. Sinti und Roma im Fadenkreuz von Kriminologie und Rassenhygene 1933-1945, in Herbert Uerligs, Iulia-Karin Patrut (Hrsg.), Zigeuner und Nation Representation Inklusion - Exklusion, Frankfurt am Main, Berlin, Bern, Bruxelles, NY, Oxford, Wien, Peter Lang Verlag, 2008, Band 8, p. 309 sq. 10 Ali Rattansi, op. cit., p. 37. 11 Michel Wieviorka, Spaiul rasismului, Bucureti, Editura Humanitas, 1994. 12 Vezi lucrarea programatic a lui Levi Strauss aprut n 1957, Ras i Istorie, Bucureti, Ed. Fides, 2001. 13 Brigitte Fuchs, Kultur und Hybriditt: Diskurse ber Rasse, Sexualitt und Mischung in sterreich 1867 bis 1914, in Austrian Studies in Social Anthropology 1/2005, p. 7-9. 14 Edwards P., Half-cast: staging race in British Burma, in Postcolonial Studies: Culture, Politics, Economy, Volume 5, Number 3, 1 November 2002, p. 279-295(17). Alii au pus naraiunea rasist n legtur cu meninerea sclavagismului: Patrick Wolfe, Race and racialisation: some Thoughts, in Postcolonial Studies, Vol. 5, No. 1, p. 518

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microsocietilor familiei lrgite15, sau prin comparaii cu relaiile de gen16, studiile contemporane insist asupra funciei i efectelor identitare n utilizarea referinelor rasiale (de)mascate n cele mai diverse situaii precum cel al censului17, al relaiilor economice, interculturale, internaionale .a.m.d. Dup cum stabilesc reprezentanii tiinelor sociale, rasa este mai degrab o chestiune politico-social dect una legat de ADN18. De obicei, n cadre mixte, referinele la acest gen de identitate colectiv sunt o chestiune de status19, de acces la resurse i, implicit, la discurs i putere instituionaldecizional. n contextele actuale, ale societilor, teoretic bazate pe principiul egalitii de anse, identitatea rasial poate fi foarte bine controlat, dirijat,

62, 2002, p. 52, Ann Thompson, Charles W. Mills, Race and the Social Contract Tradition, in Social Identities: Journal for the Study of Race, Nation and Culture, Special Issue: Race and Democracy, Vol. 6, No. 4 (Dec. 2000), p. 441-462. Pentru cazul iganilor asemenea explicaie o regsim la Jennifer Tanaka Patrin, Rroma In Romania Struggle For Self-Identification, 1995 in Romanian Press Review, Gheorghe, Nicolae, Roma-Gypsy Ethnicity In Eastern Europe, in Social Research, Winter, 91, Vol. 58, Issue 4, p. 829-44, Sigrid Oehler-Klein, Das Institut fr Erb- und Rassenpflege der Universitt Gieen: Aufbau des Instituts und Eingliederung in die Universitt, in Giessener Universittsbltter, Jahrgang 38, 2005, p. 25-41. 15 Carmen Luke, Vicki Carrington, Race Matters, in Journal of Intercultural Studies, Vol. 21, No. 1, 2000, p.5-24. 16 Rebecca Jean Emigh, Eva Fodor, Ivan Szelenyi, The racialization and Feminization of Poverty, in Rebecca Jean Emigh and Ivan Szelenyi, Poverty, Ethnicity, and Gender in Eastern Europe during the Market Transition, Westport, Connecticut, London, Praeger, 2001, p. 1-33. Ali Rattansi, op. cit., p.32. 17 David I. Kertzer and Dominique Arel (eds.), Census and Identity. The Politics of Race, Ethnicity, and Language in National Censuses, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2002. 18 Charles W. Mills, Race and the Social Contract Tradition, in Social Identities, Volume 6, Number 4, 2000, p. 441-462. 19 Asupra acestui aspect insist cu prisosin John Rex, Ras i etnie, Bucuresti, Ed. Du Style & Budapesta, Central University Press,1998, pp. 117-139 sau Christopher C. Sonn, Adrian T. Fisher, Identity and Oppression: Differential Responses to an InBetween Status, in American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 31, Nos. 1/2, March 2003, p. 120 sq. Ideologiile bazate pe ras servesc la a crea i ranforsa granie, la a ntari etichetri, la a conserva privilegii i a inhiba schimbrile socio-politice. Studiile psihologilor sociali au demonstrat plecnd de la etichetrile rasiale c, n consecin, dezbaterea se plaseaz n contextul structurilor de dominaie, fapt demonstrat i de critici literari, antropologi culturali, istorici, p. 122-125.

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negociat, revizuit n funcie de programele unor formatori de opinie (awerness arisers). Referine rasiale n relaiile sociale majoritari-minoritari. Cazul iganilor n spaiul alteritii, un rol important l-au avut factorii care pot fi invocai a fi contribuit la desvrirea discursului rasialist. Depind nivelul generalitilor, oricum dificil de cuprins ntr-un studiu de mici dimensiuni, n continuare ne vom referi la reperele luate drept jaloane ce au susinut dezvoltarea unui discurs ierarhizant al diferenei pe coordonate ce invocau ca mobil rasa. Acest demers este obligatoriu pentru a putea apoi stabili n ce msur subiecii acestor discursuri reproduc, se poziioneaz critic, rafineaz tropi recureni n discursul rasist elaborat n cadrele normative. Suplimentar vom urmri modul n care acest discurs se dezvolt n legtur cu o minoritate marginal ca cea roma, a crei imagine este marcat de secole de stigmatizare, excludere, episodice incluziuni, de prejudeci i stereotipuri culturale greu de dezrdcinat chiar i n prezent. Dup caz, ne intereseaz n ce msur intelectualitatea roma replic (writes back) sau reuete s se descurce ntr-un hi discursiv dominat de un imperialism al imaginaiei cu conotaii negative. Demersul acesta e suplimentar motivat de contiina naturii situaionale i contextuale a identitii20 i totodat de tradiiile specifice ce au contribuit la articularea unui anumit tip de discurs rasist/rasialist21. ntruct rasa implic att posesia sau pretenia controlului unei identiti (prin autodesignare) ct i o identitate impus din exterior, ambele subscriind modelului constructivist cu referine istorico-sociale, putem spune c jocul cu identitatea rasial se produce la ntlnirea practicilor rasiale ale unei culturi care sunt (re)produse de subiecii desemnai i cea a practicilor i discursurilor dominanilor sociali22. Cu alte cuvinte, n cotidian identitatea rasial jongleaz ntre identitatea afiat, cea atribuit, accesul la resurse i la

Ali Rattansi, op.cit., p. 89, 113. Vezi: Aristotle Kallis, Racism, in World Facism, Tradiiile indigene concentrate adesea n jurul noiunii de renatere naional iar concentrarea n jurul unui elitism naional trebuie privit fie ca o condiie sine qua non, fie ca o differentia specifica calitativ, p. 552. 22 Carmen Luke, Vicki Carrington, art. cit., p. 6-7.
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status social23. Tocmai la acest nivel cotidian, de unde discursul rasist e dificil de dezrdcinat datorit motenirilor culturale, trimiterile rasiale au valoare funcional n sistemul cultural i conotativ. Ne intersectm cu un anumit tip de rasism lingvistic n care cuvintele utilizate pentru a clasa elementele sociale relev semnificaii legate de alte semnificaii care au un coninut att cognitiv, ct i pragmatic24. Multiplele trimiteri sociale, culturale, n sens antropologic ale rasei nu elimin din joc ns biologicul, utilizat prejudicios i nu neaprat n sens environmentalist. La nivelul configurrilor zilnice ale discursului, rasa relev att un caracter construit, ct i unul real, nrdcinat n deciziile legale, moravurile sociale, reelele de credin, tradiii, instituii, structuri ale privilegiului sau dezavantajului. Atrgnd n principal relaii de dominaie, resimite acut de subiecii din registrul inferior25, de regul albii par cognitiv handicapai de privilegiile rasiale, ct i de educaia lor n a recunoate rasismul. n schimb, dominaii, negrii a se citi att n mod propriu ct i figurat dezvluie o simbioz a mai multor tradiii n a configura rasa, i cea a contractului social n a clama drepturi. Referinele lor nu se vor opri la fenotip, ci la toate modalitile i structurile discriminante din cadrul societii pe care o coabiteaz, e drept pe poziii inegale26. innd cont de aceste observaii, gsim necesar o sumar repertoriere a unora dintre cei mai des ntlnii vectori ce activeaz construcii de tipul discursului rasialist sau rasist27, i, n funcie de care, n durata lung iganul a fost mereu portretizat ca inferior, problematic, radical i esenialmente diferit.
Pentru o analiz aplicat chiar cazului ignesc a se vedea Alaina Lemon, Without a concept? Race as a discoursive practice, n Slavic Review, Volume 61, Issue 1, 2002, p. 54-61. 24 John Rex, op. cit., p. 150. 25 Charles W. Mills, Race and the Social Contract Tradition, p. 448. 26 Ibidem, p. 454-458. 27 Kwame Anthony Appiah a operat o distincie fundamental ntre rasism i rasialism. El definea rasialismul ca o credin c exist caracteristici ereditare posedate de membrii speciei noastre, care ne permit s i divizam ntr-un set restrns de rase, n aa manier nct toi membrii acestor rase mprtesc anumite trsturi i tendine ntre ei pe care nu le au membrii oricrei alte rase. Asemenea credin esenializeaz diferenele, dar nu implic n mod necesar inegaliti sau ierarhii. Acesta e diferit de rasism prin aceea c rasialitii nu devin rasiti pn cnd nu transform asemenea convingeri n baza clamrii unor privilegii speciale pentru membrii considerai ai propriei rase, i pentru discreditarea i vtmarea celor considerate ca aparinnd unei alte rase. Kwame Anthony Appiah, Racisms in David Theo Goldberg
23

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ntre primele referine mrturisind construcii rasiste, dispoziia spre rtcire (Wanderlust) pare s fie cel mai timpuriu i cel mai constant criteriu n a defini alteritatea discriminant vis--vis de aceste grupuri. Faptul este demonstrat de cercetri concentrate asupra spaiului german, francez i britanic. Putem observa cum din trecut i chiar n contextul actual mobilitatea spaial este asociat nu doar strintii, ci i potenialei delincvene. Cu alte cuvinte, cazul iganilor demonstreaz dispoziie de a lega migraia de limbajul i practica rasist nc dinaintea post-colonialismului, deci anterior dezvoltrii noului rasism28, exemplar prin atitudinea profesat fa de imigrani. Cazul britanic este cel mai generos n acest sens. El se bazeaz pe o vast literatur de specialitate ce urmrete att discursul de la nivelul culturii populare, ct i cel al practicii legislative, certificnd existena unui rasism instituionalizat29. Politicile de normare a nomadismului au clare trimiteri identitar-esenialiste. Deja de la scrierile clasice din veacurile XVIII-XIX aceast predispoziie e pus n legtur cu un discurs orientalist n care descendena asiatic e legat de natura inamovabil, caracteristicile motenite i modul de via natural30. Desigur, aceasta implic ierarhizri de la care iganologii nu s-au abinut, fapt mrturisit de articole publicate n Journal of

(Ed.) Anatomy of Racism, Minneapolis, 1990. Apud: George M. Fredrickson, Racism: A Short History, Princeton and Oxford, Princeton University Press, 2002, p. 153-154. 28 Ali Rattansi, op. cit., p. 100-102 Inegalitarismul i diferenialismul se cldesc pe un discurs care aduce n actualitate un rasism clasic biologist i unul cultural postbelic, fenomen care corespunde confruntrii cu fenomenul imigraiei. Legile anti-imigraie i cele privind emigraia exemplific rasismul instituionalizat ce susine un rasism ascuns dar oricum sistemic. M. G. Smith, Ethnic and Cultural Pluralism in the British Caribbean, p. 101, Paul Foot, Politics and the Alien, p. 130-136, in Martin Bulmer,John Solomos (ed.) Racism, Oxford and New York, Oxford University Press, 1999. Cronologic, rasa e legat de imperialism i apoi de colonialism, statul naional i imigraia postcolonial. 29 Vezi Luke Clements, Sue Campbell, The Criminal Justice and Public Order Act and its Implications for Travellers, in Thomas Acton (ed.), Gypsy Politics and Traveller Identity, Hatfield, University of Hertfordshire Press, 1997, p. 61-69. Clement i Campbell se concentreaz asupra definiiilor din dou acte guvernamentale (1968 i 1994). Conform lor, iganul e o persoan cu obiceiuri nomade de via, oricare ar fi rasa sau originea lui (62). Cuvntul ras nu e definit i acioneaz ca un cuvntcheie, permind ataarea la definiia iganului real. 30 David Mayall, Gypsy Identities 1500-2000. From Egipcyans and Moon-men to the Ethnic Romany, London & New York, Routledge, 2004, p. 130.

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Gypsy Lore Society31. n spiritul romantismului, doar iganii nomazi rmn s reprezinte cu adevrat membrii veritabili ai acestei rase inferioare32. Iat aadar cum teorii privitoare la construcia social, primordialism, diaspora, nomadism, sedentarism, lingvistica istoric ajung s se combine n discursul academic pentru ca apoi s legitimeze poziii regulatoare la nivel regional, naional, transnaional. Dac n cazul britanic particularismul colonial a avut un rol deosebit de important de jucat, cercetri elaborate n veacurile XVIII-XX prelund neproblematic epistemologia propus de acesta, n spaiul german discursul rasist se leag de aceeai caracteristic considerat anomic, mobilitatea spaial ridicat, proiectat ns aici pe fundalul ideologic exclusivist articulat de o burghezie de merit din ce n ce mai reprezentativ n spaiul cultural i politic decizional. Limbajul su este n multe cazuri expresia proiectelor statului centralizator prusac. i n acest caz, opoziia dintre sedentar i nomad este considerat ca reper ce poate susine un discurs ierarhizant. Astfel l descoperim pe Immanuel Kant referindu-se la neoboseala (Rastlosigkeit) i predispoziia spre vagabondaj, ceea ce din punctul su de vedere ntr-o ierarhie a popoarelor plaseaz pe igani pe un nivel inferior de civilizaie33. Reprodus n lexicoane atare referin contribuie la statuarea i mai ales la diseminarea unei diferene rasializate realizat prin esenializarea acestui comportament cultural34. Antiiganismul, sintagm cultivat ideologizant n spaiul academic german contemporan, este centrat n jurul acestei opoziii. Urbanizarea i avansul capitalismului sunt considerate motoarele care au dus ctre dezvoltarea unui asemenea limbaj rasist n spaiul german din veacurile XIX-XX. Dezvoltarea unei etici a muncii n funcie de care era categorizat virtutea individual sau a grupurilor, ca i ansa de a se plasa ntr-o galerie ilustr au contribuit de asemenea la acest destin. Legnd procesul civilizrii de ras alb, atribuind iganilor incapacitatea de a depi natura lor crud, dominat de lenevie, la rndu-i derivnd din predispoziia spre nomadism, deci
Martin Shaw, Narrating Gypsies, Telling Travellers. A Study of the Relational Self in Four Life Stories, Ume, Ume Universitet, 2006, p. 23. 32 David Mayall, op. cit., p. 136. 33 Wulf D. Hund, Das Zigeuner-Gen. Rassistische Ethik und Geist des Kapitalismus, in Wulf D. Hund (Ed.) Zigeuner. Geschichte und Struktur einer rassistischen Konstruktion, Duisburg, DISS, 1996, p. 8. 34 Vezi n acest sens studiile adunate n volumul coordonat de Anita Awosusi (Hrsg.), Stichwort: Zigeuner. Zur Stigmatisierung von Sinti und Roma in Lexika und Enziklopedien, Heidelberg, Das Wunderhorn Verlag, 1998.
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spre Vaterlosigkeit, gnditorii germani ajung la o formul rasist care adun laolalt tradiii premoderne i moderne35. Faptul nu e strin nici experienei romneti contemporane n care presa reproduce un limbaj n care mobilitatea dat ca trstur etnic a etniei roma (sau cel puin a unor grupuri) ajunge s fie tratat ca o dovad n favoarea extrateritorialitii acestei minoriti, incapabil de asociat mental ntr-o regiune geografic oarecum precis, asemeni ungurilor sau sailor. Sfidarea acestei posibiliti de a plasa un grup ntr-un cadru bine delimitat, dispersarea membrilor acestei etnii, precum i cutumele lor reale sau imaginare se intersecteaz cu argumentul parazitrii sociale i chiar biologice36, activnd astfel un discurs rasialist apropiat ca tonalitate i prin tropii folosii de vechiul rasism. Incapacitatea de a-i separa geografic face ca diferena social s fie exacerbat, fapt manifest la nivelul practicilor cotidiene prin segregare37. Desigur, referina la acest comportament cultural este definitorie i pentru cazul german. Mult dezbtut, culoarea epidermei a reprezentat un reper n funcie de care europenii au reflectat asupra alteritii. nc n cadre dominate de discursul religios, ierarhiile ntre grupuri erau trasate prin invocarea textului biblic. Filiaiile dezvluite prin consultarea acestei surse fundamentale atribuiau o pigmentare mai nchis popoarelor cu descendene din tribul Ham38. Consecina a fost asocierea simbolic dintre populaiile cu un ten nchis cu pcatul, fapt ce explic i motivele pentru care unele grupuri au avut soarta apului ispitor n situaii de criz. Exist ns studii n care acest element este considerat nesemnificativ chiar i n cadrele lumii medievale. Cert e totui c modernitatea consacr acest tip de conexiuni legndu-le de poziionarea pe scala civilizaiei39. n discursul propus, elemente din domeniul tiinelor naturale i a celor sociale amalgamate subiectiv innd cont de o metodologie n prezent puternic chestionabil40 plaseaz pe negri la baza scrii civilizaiei. Conexiunea ntre discursul colonialist i ierarhiile stabilite n colonii au avut treptat ecouri i n societatea european. Nu e sigur n ce msur autenticul igan era obligatoriu nchis la culoare, ns construciile discursive din veacul
35 36

Wulf D. Hund, op. cit., p. 25-27. Ruxandra Trandafoiu, Racism and Symbolic Geography in Romania: The Ghettoisation of the Gypsies, in GBER Vol. 3 No. 2, p. 10. 37 Ibidem, p. 6-8. 38 Ali Rattansi, op. cit., p.16. 39 Ibidem, p. 17. 40 Wulf D. Hund, op. cit., p. 32.

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al XVIII-lea pn n prezent rasializeaz fcnd trimitere tocmai ctre aceast trstur. n ce-i privete pe igani, n mod tradiional ei au fost privii ca a trda culoarea diavolului41. Rasismul reciclnd standardele esteticului clasic grecoroman pe care le contrapune dominailor, celorlali, obiecte ale cunoaterii i practicilor de clasificare. De altfel, culoarea nchis adeverea autenticitatea realului igan n contextul rasializrii de factur romantic din spaiul britanic42. Dup cum o demonstreaz David Mayall, argumentul puritii sngelui mrturisea despre o identitate Romany fcnd ca acelai reper extern s fie incontestabil43. Mai mult dect att, ea este ulterior utilizat ca semn distinctiv al realului igan demn de a fi prezervat de ctre autoritile statului totalitar de dreapta; reperul demonstreaz filiaii dintr-un discurs promovat n spaiul studiilor igneti britanice. Ca urmare, indivizii cu un ten mai nchis ajung s fie deosebii de elementele hibride (Mischlinge), camuflate (W.H.)44 n cadrele dominanilor i declarate ca cele mai periculoase45 datorit corcirii cu elemente josnice (minderwertige) aparinnd majoritii. Legturile ajung ntr-att de complexe nct posesia unui ten nchis complic portretul, prin criteriile invocate; face parte de exemplu din tehnica rasismului simbolic avansarea unor sentimente anti-negroide derivnd din valori morale fcute posibile de o tradiional etic a muncii46. Cu naturalee ele sunt atribuite iganului de ctre autoritatea statal: binecunoscutul tip ignesc [are]: ten maroniu, pr negru, adversitate fa de munca susinut, e nclinat spre hoinreal, poart bijuterii de felul celor igneti, are talent muzical etc.47. Fr ndoial, epidermizarea de orice fel indic n direcia unui

Wulf D. Hund, op. cit., p. 25. Martin Shaw, op. cit., p. 39. 43 David Mayall, op. cit., p.137. Constituia o regul ca n scrisul de secol al XIX-lea unii indivizi s fie privii ca reprezentnd pe adevratul i genuinul vechi negru, cobornd dintr-un neam pur, iar observarea tenului nchis i a regularitii trsturilor erau dovada unui snge pur. 44 Wulf D. Hund, op. cit., p. 25. 45 David Mayall, op. cit., p. 138: Sngele cel mai pur indic un nivel superior Hibrizii erau cele mai groaznice specimene. 46 David O. Sears, P. J. Henry, The Origins of Symbolic Racism, in Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, August 2003, Vol. 85, No. 2, p. 259-275. 47 Ulrich F. Opfermann, Registration of Gypsies in National Socialism: Responsibility in a German region, in Romani Studies 5, Vol. 11, No.1, (2001), p. 40.
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rasism ce mrturisete despre seturi culturale devenite trsturi comportamentale adesea inferiorizante48 sau criminalizate. Depind nivelul extern axat pe invocarea fenotipului, insinurile legate de caracteristicile inferioare au fost esenializate, introvertite i inserate discursiv n sfera biologicului49, chiar a geneticului. Metafora sngelui capt prevalente sensuri sociale ierarhizante att n reprezentarea alteritii, ct i n segregrile interne, invocndu-se apartenena la o clas. Aa cum s-a demonstrat, alterizarea este o strategie discriminatorie care maximizeaz i exploateaz tot soiul de distincii sociale (de avere, de status etc.) descoperite la nivelul populaiei devenite subiect de analiz, conotaiile rasiste decurgnd din esenializarea unor trsturi i ncadrarea lor drept trsturi exclusive50. Adesea sunt descoperite n rndul claselor inferioare. Aceasta reamintete de discursul celui care e creditat printele rasismului, Gobineau, care distingea ntre o clas superioar care constituia nobilimea, o clas intermediar extrem de mixt i o clas inferioar ce era compus din oamenii obinuii51. Invocarea mixturii argumenteaz credina n superioritatea social fundamentat i susinut de argumentul puritii sngelui. Mixat cu elemente specifice unui discurs juridic medieval, n modernitatea clasic asemenea retoric susine excluderea de la drepturile ceteneti prin invocarea neapartenenei la corpul naional; totui accentul cade n acest nou context mai degrab pe ius sanguinis i nu doar pe ius solis52. Dac inem cont c n contextul modernizrii i mobilitii spaiale i sociale crescute asistm la o rasializare a clasei, putem vorbi desigur de existena unui rasism intern53 ce va cpta forma unui elitism i care, anticipnd, va putea fi urmrit i n discursul intelectualilor roma. E firesc deci s asociem rasei implicaiile sociale ale apartenenei la o cast i aceasta cu att mai mult cu ct trdeaz
Ali Rattansi, op. cit., p. 72. Astfel s-a ajuns la confuzia unui determinism biologist care s-a impus, combinnd genetica, fizionomia i cultura. 49 Ibidem, p. 92. Definiiile biologiste despre ras sunt deseori fals legate de caracteristicile mentale sau utilizate pentru a justifica inegaliti sociale. Asemenea gndire este indubitabil rasist. De asemenea, chiar dac trimiterea nu se face mereu ntre biologie i caracter rasial i poziionare social, aa-numitele grupuri rasiale sunt considerate a avea o identitate genetic, determinate i de neschimbat. 50 Philip Cohen, Its Racism What Dunnit, in Martin Bulmer, John Solomos (ed.) Racism, p. 268. 51 Ali Rattansi, op. cit., p. 32. 52 nneke Winckel, Antiziganismus. Rassismus gegen Roma und Sinti im Vereinigten Deutschland, Mnster, Urast Verlag, 2002, p. 23. 53 Ali Rattansi, op. cit., p. 45.
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confruntri n market power, servind esenializrii identitii unor grupuri prin asocierea cu nie ocupaionale puternic specializate54 (e.g. la igani lutari sau fierari). n orice caz, dup cum demonstreaz studiile dedicate semanticii rasei, asistm mai mereu la o dispoziie de a sublinia relaiile sociale n termeni ce fac apel la ras ca nrudire biologic sau set comun de gene55. Discursul capt n aceste circumstane tonaliti ale naraiunii rasismului extrem n care boala, criminalitatea, violena, contaminarea sexual a unei populaii n proces de degenerare mergnd pn la animalizare reprezentnd locuri comune ale prejudecilor mprtite de albi fa de minoritile de culoare disponibile i vulnerabile fac dovada recunoaterii unui eec contientizat i generator de frustrri afectnd proiectul naional56; faptul este valabil i n sens invers57. i n acest caz invocarea purismului este reliefat de interdicii privind mariajele mixte. Hibriditatea a fost privit ca o form monstruoas care punea n pericol prin slbirea fondului genetic, dar e totodat i un vestitor al noului melting pot intercultural i postrasial58. Fobia, respectiv adversitatea, sunt sentimentele predilecte n situaia intermariajelor deoarece ele pot compromite premisa de superioritate a propriului grup declarat superior n plan social prin apelul la auto-desemnri ierarhizante cu tent nobiliar i chiar cu funcie autoatribuit mistic (Herrenvolk)59. Reversul e desigur articulat n termenii limbajului imperialist transferat acas, mahalagiul urban ntrupnd la rndul su slbticia, fiind obiectul politicilor de control datorit obiceiurilor degenerate60. Cum s-a observat, sentimentul diferenei rasiale radicale i al alienrii este exprimat cel mai bine de interzicerea prin lege a mariajelor interrasiale61. n afara experienei naziste62 este dificil de documentat existena unui

John Rex, The Concept of Race in Sociological Theory, in Martin Bulmer,John Solomos (ed.) op. cit., p. 336. 55 David Theo Goldberg, The Semantics of Race, in Martin Bulmer,John Solomos (Ed.), op. cit., p. 365-366. 56 George M. Fredrickson, Racism: A Short History, Princeton and Oxford, Princeton University Press, 2002, p. 109. 57 Ibidem, p. 90. 58 Tony Bennett Lawrence Grossberg, Meaghan Morris (Ed.), New Keywords A Revised Vocabulary of Culture and Society, Malden, Oxford, Victoria, Blackwell Publishing, 2005, p. 291. 59 Ibidem, p. 295. n acest sens, modelul discursului naional socialist n care arianismul juca un rol fundamental e relevant. 60 Ali Rattansi, op. cit., p. 45 61 George M. Fredrickson, op. cit., p. 101.

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asemenea cod de legi, n lumea european putndu-se vorbi mai degrab de o cutum n ce privete manifestarea sa social. Prezena ei ns la nivelul unor grupuri aparinnd aceluiai grup etnic n cazul de fa ignesc unde endogamia este declarat ca dezirabil, unde strategiile maritale se contureaz innd cont de acest criteriu pare s mrturiseasc existenta unui rasism intern motivat/reglat de factori precum statusul, factorii economici etc.; Mariajele externe neamului sunt creditate de folcloriti a avea efect de diluare a puritii sngelui, argument suficient pentru explicarea de pe poziii romantizate a endogamiei63. nregistrate de etnologi sau antropologi pe lng limba romani, o serie de ritualuri i tabuuri legate de cstorie, divor, moarte i poluare simbolic reprezint elemente esenializate atribuite etnicitii roma64, devenind loc comun n reprezentarea rasializat a acestei populaii. Dar acest limbaj este puternic interiorizat, fiind prezent i n discursul comunitii; sentimentul neamului sau sufletul naional este motenit n snge, perenialism etno-rasial exprimat prin formule de felul Eu sunt din sngele autentic al rasei mele, fapt ce poate aciona i ca o ierarhie rasial65 intern menit s prezerve statusul unor indivizi sau grupuri. Summa summarum, prin utilizarea termenului, categoria rasa are semnificaie social profund, prin intermediul sau subiecii sociali rasializnd grupurile de populaii n poziii nu tocmai privilegiate, avnd concomitent i funcia de a plasa pe utilizator ntr-o poziie avantajoas. ntr-o succint trecere n revist aproprierea nobleei, cureniei, civilitii, puritii se bazeaz pe atribuirea i asocierea simbolic a unor caracteristici precum: culoarea pielii, fizionomia, genele sau sngele, descendena sau filiaia/nrudirea, originile istorice sau lingvistice i culturale, acestea trecnd drept caracteristici eseniale ale unui grup66. Rasa pune n legtur tipuri presupus tiinifice biologice cu
62

Abateri de la aplicarea sau dimpotriv tacita neaplicare a legislaiei sunt ns documentate de studii ca cel al: Gilad Margalit, art. cit., p. 203. Prin decretul din octombrie 1942, fr a-l consulta pe Hitler, Himmler a trimis un decret ordonnd ca sintiului pur rasial (reinrassige Sinte-Zigeuner) din Reich-ul german s-i fie garantat libertatea de micare, prin care i se permitea s hoinreasc ntr-un areal delimitat, s traiasc n accord cu obiceiurile i deprinderile sale, i s continue s se ocupe cu ocupaiile sale unice. 63 David Mayall, op. cit., p. 134 64 David Mayall, op. cit., p. 126. 65 Ibidem, p.135. 66 David Theo Goldberg, The Semantics of Race, in Martin Bulmer, John Solomos (Ed.), op. cit., p. 375.

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elemente culturale, iar produsul rezultat e variabil n funcie de contextul istoric n care este articulat. Conceptul nu numai c impune corelri n cele dou registre, ci este expresia relaionrii dintre grupuri la rndul ei puternic marcate de tradiii culturale i istorice diverse. n cadrele actuale, contientizarea diferenelor rasiale de ctre elitele unor grupuri are i capacitatea de a unifica i mobiliza, a crea grupuri de presiune. Intenionalitatea lor const n a repera forme ale rasismului instituionalizat, de multe ori incontient sau implicit, ale infrarasismului sau rasismului lingvistic. Contientizarea, educarea dominanilor, eliminarea discursului rasist, toate acestea fac parte din agendele acestor ageni. Rasa n studiile clasice igneti din Romania ntre fenotip/genotip i cultural-social n general n naraiile outsider-ilor implicai n procesul de cunoatere al iganilor, uzul noiunii de ras a cunoscut acelai parcurs ca i n cazul oricrui grup ntlnit sau considerat atipic civilizaiei europene. n ordine cronologic, discursul a mbriat o tent cultural-religioas apoi etnologic, biologist, apoi genetic, revenind treptat din motive ideologice la cadrele sociale i culturale. E adevrat c datorit sus-amintitei coabitri a etnologicului cu biologia, cu tiinele de cunoatere i apoi de controlare ale statului (Staatenkunde, respectiv criminologia), insistena asupra factorului biologist-genetic a fost mai consistent, probabil i datorit faptului c voci din interiorul etniei, capabile s contracareze un discurs stereotip, prejudiciant, dominator i discriminator, nu s-au afirmat abia din anii 80 ai veacului XX67. Dar, dup cum vom vedea, referinele la diferite registre n care rasa e utilizat ca modalitate clasificatorie sunt echivoce chiar n limbajul actual depistabil n discursul unor ageni sau agenii activiste filo- r(r)oma68.
Schimbarea de paradigm se face i n spatiul academic german abia din anii 80, cnd apare o pleiad de intelectuali capabili s proiecteze un discurs etnicist. Vezi: Katrin Reemtsman, Exotismus und Homogenisierung - Verdinglichung und Ausbeutung. Aspekte ethnologischer Betrachtungen der Zigeuner" in Deutschland nach 1945, la http://www.minderheiten.org/roma/index2.htm?http://www.minderheiten.org/roma/textarchiv /texte/reemtsma_exotismus.htm 68 Precizm c utilizm rroma i igani pentru a vorbi de dou realiti politico-etnice care se raporteaz n mod particular la identitatea de grup. Pe de o parte rroma reprezint miezul tare al unor grupuri de intelectuali ce se recunosc de la etnia transnaional romanes, de altfel activiti pentru realizarea egalitii de anse prin proiecte adesea girate de foruri internaionale precum World Bank, Consiliul Europei,
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Privit cronologic, rasismul/rasialismul e un trop al modernitii crui i se poate foarte greu scpa. Afirmarea sa plenar a fost ngduit de contextul naional sau etnicist specific perioadei post-Versailles. Noile naiuni rezultate ce se imaginau unitare au promovat un discurs exclusiv i rasialist fa de alteritatea etnic i/sau cultural. n ce-i privete pe igani, la noi exemplare pentru acest gen de discurs sunt sintezele istoricului George Potra69 i ale sociologului Ion Chelcea70. Chiar predecesori ai lui Potra demonstrau c limbajul rasialist cu filiaii n lumea german cu care un autor precum Dimitrie Dan se afl n legturi strnse, era diseminat de la nivelul elitei intelectuale n spaiul culturii populare. Degenerescena acestei categorii etnice era indiscutabil, fiind adesea formulat n termeni precum lepdtur a societii omeneti71, justificat de proiectarea inferioritii iganilor n sistemul originar de caste din India. Acelai mrturisete legtura dintre rasializarea comportamentului cultural exprimat prin nomadism i adversitatea autoritilor fa de un vagabondaj de aspect oriental72. Orientalizarea iganului l transform n element al barbaritii contrapus unui tip de civilitate european asumat de majoritatea romneasc. Aceiai tropi discursivi supravieuiesc i n contemporaneitatea imediat, presa obinuind s opun barbaritatea igneasc civilizaiei majoritarilor cu reverii occidentaliste. Astfel, graie orientalizrii iganului, afirmarea apartenenei romnilor la civilizaia european este la nivel cotidian o strategie funcional n a departaja i mai ales argumenta o refuzat identitate dezirabil73.

OSCE, guvernele unor state, ONG etc. iganii reprezint o categorie mai larg, cu acces mai sczut la educaie, care se regsesc ntr-o poziie social de status intermediar ntre lumea societilor normative i cea a iganilor. Ei sunt cei care, prin internalizarea predilect a heterodesemnrii, relev cel mai eficient capacitatea volatil, subiectiv, negociabil a noiunii de ras sau etnicitate. Vezi perspective teoretice n Cookie White Stephan, Walter G. Stephan, The measurement of racial and ethnic identity, in International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 24 (2000), p. 541-552, 544. 69 George Potra, Contribuiuni la istoricul iganilor din Romnia, Bucureti, Fundaia Regele Carol I, 1939. 70 Ion Chelcea, igani din Romnia: monografie etnografic, Bucureti, 1944. 71 Dimitrie Dan , Tiganii n istoria Bucovinei, Cernui, p. 9., Gheorghe Potra, op. cit., p. 13. 72 Gheorghe Potra, op. cit., p. 122. 73 Ruxandra Trandafiroiu, op. cit., p. 9.

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Expresia cea mai elaborat a rasialismului interbelic romnesc vis--vis de igani poate fi descoperit n scrierea lui Ion Chelcea. Acesta rmne la nivelul rasialismului, secvenial n cartea sa adoptnd poziii intervenioniste pe filiera statului n favoarea unei primeniri, o reform, ca n attea domenii care trebuie s fie patronat de stat i susinuta din mai multe pri74. Oricum, din perspectiva limbajului su rasialist implic fixarea identitii iganilor n funcie de life-style. Invocnd gndirea raional ca i observaia per se, el tinde ctre o categorizare ntre sedentari i nomazi; judecile sale sunt ns echivoce. Admind superioritatea stilului de via sedentar ce permite integrarea/asimilarea sau ncurajeaz propirea moral i social a celor angajai n acest proces neles n trei etape75, Ion Chelcea nu poate s nu afirme Schimbarea modului de vieuire atrage dup sine pierderea unor caractere specifice, fr ns ca prin acestea s-i schimbe ntru totul i felul de a fi76. Esenialismul este subliniat de acelai autor prin clarificarea termenilor utilizai: n modul lor de via sa petrecut o schimbare profund; e adevrat, nu organic, dar de structur () sensul de organic l lum adesea n neles de modificare a caracterelor fizice, iar cel de structur a vieii, n neles de stil de via77. Dubla valoare semantic a noiunii de ras biologist, respectiv categorie social funcional n procesul fixrii adevratei identiti este exprimata i prin aseriunea: Se poate spune c, conceptul de ras, dei statornic cnd e vorba de deosebirile dintre ei, primete adevrata valoare dup diferitele grupuri de igani luate n parte78. n efortul de a delimita diverse categorii ntr-o schem ce urmrea mai multe repere, Ion Chelcea distingea trei categorii de igani. Cei nomazi sau mai izolai sunt creditai a-i fi pstrat autenticitatea etnico-rasial cel mai bine, fapt susinut de argumente lingvistice i de fenotip. Sedentarii sunt surprini pe parcursul asimilrii, hibridizrii biologice i al pierderii identitii etnice79. Per ansamblu, tendina este de a fixa autenticul igan n hinterland, de a-l romantiza sau demoniza. Faptul demonstreaz asumarea discursului germanofon care deosebea un igan semislbatic (halbwilde Zigeuner), ntrupat de iganul nomad, n cultura romn fiind asociat categoriei netoilor, clasa cea mai stricat i vagabond80.
74 75

Ion Chelcea, op. cit., p. 21. Ibidem, p. 36. 76 Ibidem, p. 26. 77 Ibidem. 78 Ibidem, p. 39. 79 Ibidem, p. 45. 80 Ibidem, p. 30.

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Urmrind discursul, nu putem s nu fim izbii de pendularea ntre judeci pozitive i altele negative, fapt evideniat de poziionarea fa de perspectiva mixturii; pe de o parte elementele acestea sunt ludate, pe de alt parte sunt identificate drept inamicii din snul naiei, i fcui vinovai de nemplinirile majoritii: s-au strecurat graie libertilor dobndite i n posturi de conducere, administrative i de stat, unde au dovedit nepricepere i lipsa de concepie caracteristic rasei81. mbrind o perspectiv romantic prin care nomadul e vzut ca autenticul igan, oprindu-se la a doua categorie, Ion Chelcea mbria dou variante ale limbajului rasialist: cortorarul este prin felul n care triete de mii de ani ntruchiparea mediului de via a primitivilor notri82, iar rudarul a crui identitate a fost subiect de dezbatere filologic i etnologica ajunge n postura bunului slbatic datorit caracterului su blnd, credinei sale, dar inevitabil rmne igan n ciuda invocrii diverselor surse n sperana integrrii n lumea romneasc, fapt trdat de tenul su nchis: Antropologic, somatic, rudarul are caractere igneti i cu aceasta toat rezolvarea problemei ajunge la un punct mort. E un lucru peste care nu se poate trece83. Neautohtonicitatea rudarului e clar n contextul n care autorul nu poate invoca vreo populaie cu o un fenotip nchis nici chiar n Dacia roman. Cobornd att de jos n cutarea unui argument, autorul mrturisete din nou o viziune organicist-perenialist. Discursul lui Ion Chelcea rmne de o mare valoare prin diversitatea tropilor rasialiti pui n circulaie, dar mai ales prin faptul c rmne de actualitate, regsindu-se n mentalul colectiv romnesc contemporan. Observm cum alteritatea etnic este negativat n sens rasialist prin esenializarea nomadismului, a parazitismului, coruperii exercitate de hibrizi la nivelul societii normative, i mai ales prin epidermizarea diferenei. Obsesia purismului este atenuat totui de ierarhii de genul iganii nomazi sunt reprezentanii rasei (), cei aezai fac puntea de trecere (), iar cei de la ora sunt cei mai civilizai84, ceea ce face dovada unei poziionri n cadrul paradigmei igieniciste a timpului, dar fr a predica excese radicale. Accente specifice discursului tradiionalist autohtonist cu trimiteri religioase sunt evideniate de formule comparative ntre igani i evrei, popoare blestemate la rtcire85, ceea ce aduce aminte de genealogiile popoarelor fundamentate pe
81 82

Ibidem, p. 34. Ibidem, p. 43. 83 Ibidem, p. 57. 84 Ibidem, p. 36. 85 Ibidem, p.54.

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interpretarea textului biblic. n aceeai manier tradiionalist, cu referine la descendene de aceast dat individuale ale conductorului mitraliat n decembrie 1989, discursul romnilor ulterior momentului plaseaz pe Nicolae Ceauescu ntr-o necesar i ca efect pervers descenden igneasc86; astfel, infamia individual i mai ales actul uciderii capt legitimitate prin situarea, expulzarea n afara grupului a demonizatului conductor. Desigur, un act de simbolic rasism permite legitimarea tiranicidului. Rasismul romnilor este deci evident prin demonizarea acestui grup etnic considerat nc o dat responsabil de instaurarea comunismului, sau favorizat de dictator prin eliberarea periodic a infractorilor din nchisori. Infracionalitatea ca atribut identitar este suplimentar expresia unui rasism de aceast dat destul de radical i activ la nivel interpersonal i instituional. Experienele ce au precedat, dominat i apoi supravieuit celui de-al doilea rzboi mondial au fcut ca accepiunea biologist-geneticist cu ferme ancorri n spaiul (a)socialului s triumfe87. Imobilismul de veacuri al modului de a privi pe igani a fost marcat de enunuri rasiste. Faptul e demonstrabil prin simpla reflecie asupra definiiei de dicionar. Dac din raiuni de corectitudine politic la vocea igan n DEX avem referine culturale stricte accentund caracterul seminomand, n registrul adjectival identificarea capt ferme trimiteri rasial biologiste ignos nsemnnd negricios88, fapt ce mrturisete despre percepia cotidian/vulgar a alteritii rasiale. Suplimentar, utilizarea

Dan Pavel, Romania's hidden victims. Wanderers, in The New Republic, March 4, 1991, p. 1-2. 87 Pentru o discuie elaborat pentru precedentele i efectele discursului biologist nazist a se vedea Leo Lucasen, Zigeuner: Die Geschichte Eines Polizeilichen Ordnungsbegriffes in Deutschland, 1700-1945, Bohlau Verlag, 1996, Michael Zimmermann, Verfolgt, vertrieben, vernichtet. Die nationalsozialistische Vernichtungspolitik gegen Sinti und Roma, Essen, Klartext Verlag, 1989, Till Bastian, Sinti und Roma im Driten Reich. Geschichte einer Verfolgung, Mnchen, C. H. Beck Verlag, 2001. 88 Vezi DEX. Dicionarul Explicativ al limbii romne, Bucuresti, Univers Enciclopedic, 1996, p. 1126. La nivelul limbajului comun modalitile de categorisire cotidiene ale iganilor implic un nivel ridicat al limbajului rasist. Dei exist voci care pun sub semnul ntrebrii existena rasismului fa de acest grup (Ungureanu Traian), examenul calitativ i cantitativ al acestei probleme este fr ndoial o realitate. Fenomenul este unul general, i prin urmare combtut prin diverse campanii ale diverselor agenii. n acest joc au intrat i intelectualii ce se autoidentific cu endonimul roma.

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epitetic a termenului igan este explicat n termeni asociali prin persoan cu apucturi rele. Azi, din punctul de vedere al activitilor r(r)oma, numai un lobby puternic poate evita pasul de la infrarasism la rasimul exacerbat de nivel 4, cnd intelectualii, statul, forjeaz politici exclusiviste, prin implicarea sistemului judiciar. n cazul lor, depistm un discurs dublu univoc cu propensiuni n trecut i n prezent. Pe de o parte remarcm dezavuarea i lupta mpotriva discursului rasist cu tente biologist-genocidale. Cultivnd memoria acestui genocid ce se vrea comparat cu Shoahul89, noiunea de ras e configurat nu ca un creat social discriminator, ci ca un dat cultural de factur organicist. Pe de alt parte, notm misiunea auto-atribuit, ei regsindu-se n poziie de gardieni ai acestei etnii, luptnd mpotriva oricrui nivel al rasismului, tocmai n ideea ca acesta s nu escaladeze n conflicte intergupale sau s fie consacrat n spaiul public i academic. Accentul pus pe discurs antirasist al acestor ageni trebuie neles n sensul efectelor sociale pe care rasializarea le implic i amintim aici diminuarea statusului, obstrucionarea accesului la bunurile culturale, la asistena medical i resurse (locuine i meserii). Utilizarea conceptului n textele intelectualilor roma din Romnia Lectura scrierilor intelectualilor roma implicai ntr-un proces de affirmative action certific dou atitudini posibile. Pe de o parte distingem nrolarea ntr-un discurs postmodern n care rasismul i rasialismul sunt incriminate i fcute responsabile pentru continua meninere a romilor ntr-o poziie de inferioritate n raporturile sociale i economice, un altul n care categoria este asumat drept instrument operaional n jocul i practicile identitar-ierarhizante intracomunitare, generate de incapacitatea de a rspunde
Pentru o discuie ampl a validitii comparaiei a se vedea: Wider die Relativierung des Vlkermords an den Sinti und Roma Stellungnahme des Dokumentationszentrum zu neueren Verffentlichungen zum Thema, Dokumentations- und Kulturzentrum Deutscher Sinti und Roma Heidelberg, http://www.sintiundroma.de/content/downloads/sintiundroma/voelkermord/geschic htssch/stellungnahme.pdf, dar mai ales studiile lui Gilad Margalit, The uniqueness of the Nazi persecution of the Gypsies, in Romani Studies 5, Vol. 10, No. 2 (2000), p. 185-210; Idem, The Representation of the Nazi Persecution of the Gypsies in German Discourse after 1945, in German History, Vol. 17 No. 2 1 999, p. 220-239.
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coerent la problema auto-identitar din cauza unei varieti greu reductibile la un miez comun datorit tradiiilor istorice, culturale, lingvistice, socialeconomice diferite. Interesul nostru se va concentra asupra modului de a utiliza conceptul de ras n scrierile sau declaraiile unor membri ai etniei fie membri ai unor grupuri identificate pe criterii ocupaionale, fie activiti intelectuali roma. Vom strui n principal asupra modalitilor de folosire a conceptului, raportrii la el (victimar, romantic-organicist sau sociologic) reliefnd influena ideologicului, intenionalitatea instrumentalizrii sau maniera de internalizare a acestei categorii, dimpreun cu efectele variabile n planul hetero/autoidentificrii. n prezent, noul rasism90 se bazeaz n principiu pe un determinism cultural radical, ce relev incompatibilitatea existenei non-combative a diferenelor culturale, discuia despre ras, devenind intrinsec legat de etnicitate91. n cadrul discursului auto-identitar roma, acest conflict ntre culturi e depistabil n principal la nivelul analizei limbajului i culturii celorlali, plecnd chiar de la conotaia heteroetnonimului. Astfel, remarcm tendina sociologilor de a sublinia caracterul rasist al hetero-desemnrii igan, cu valoare peiorativ i profund asocial. n acest sens, efortul unora se concentreaz n a avansa i instituionaliza autodesemnarea r(r)oma. n aceast postur i descoperim pe militani precum Nicolae Gheorghe, care ntr-un articol dedicat etnicitii grupului pe care l reprezint exprima tendina de a aduce o serie de comuniti sau de persoane marginale, de igani, la o situaie de minoritate etnic contientizat aceea de Romanies. Folosirea hetero-etnonimului este calificat ca o form de rasism (lingvistic n.n.): Intensitatea i larga rspndire a prejudecilor rasiste este spijinit de trimiterea la situaia de robie experimentat de acest grup pe parcursul a patru secole: Statutul de sclavi a dus la perpetuarea rasismului aa nct exonimul igani a cptat nelesul unei identiti sociale inferioare, i nu acela a identitii unui grup distinct (i respectat) cultural i etnic. Acest status
Tony Bennett Lawrence Grossberg, Meaghan Morris (Ed.), op. cit., p. 295. n ultimul timp, noul rasism sau rasismul cultural a ieit n eviden bazndu-se pe distincia cultural i defensiv modului de via mai degrab dect pe ierarhia sau inferiorizarea celorlali. Acesta a fost numit i rasism postmodern sau rasism n lipsa raselor i ilustreaz continua relaionare dintre ras, cultur i naiune. 91 ncercarea de asimilare a problemelor rasiale sau etnice ducea adeseori la interpretarea problemelor rasiale nu ca forme ale conflictului, ci ca fenomene benigne ale diferenei. Vezi John Rex, Ras i etnie, p. 46-47.
90

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asemntor celui de cast a evoluat mai trziu ctre o interpretare rasial a identitii roma care a fcut ca trsturile somatice ale romilor i caracteristicile lor culturale i de comportament s fie considerate semne" ale unei pretinse poziii sociale motenite inferioare, a srciei i a devianei.92 Depistm n aceast interpretare-explicitare a originilor rasismului o serie de factori i tradiii pe care teoreticienii le-au depistat ca a fi responsabile de promovarea unui discurs rasist n general i anti-ignesc n mod particular. Unele se leag de rasismul simbolic93, care implic recursul la o anumit etic protestant a aciunii sociale a indivizilor vizibil prin trimiterea la aa-zis motenire a unei condiii sociale inferioare a pauperitii, ca i la altele care n manier marxist vd rasismul ca un rezultat al i mai damnabilei sclavii94. Dup prerea noastr, suntem n faa unui caz de forare a unor paradigme valide n contextul cazuisticii occidentale al sclaviei, care ns nu se probeaz la noi datorit cadrelor confesionale i chiar juridice profund diferite. Cu adevrat fundamentat considerm a fi trimiterea aceluiai activist la cartea lui Mihai Bcanu, adept al unei paradigme cu adevrat rasiste la adresa grupului reprezentat. Titlul acesteia cu ferme trimiteri n registrul asocialului, iganii - minoritate naional sau majoritate infracional, se declar n maniera discursului rasist nazist i a perioadei ce i-a urmat, n favoarea categorizrii iganilor drept o categorie infracional95.
Nicolae Gheorghe, Roma-Gypsy Ethnicity in Eastern Europe, in Social Research, Winter, Vol. 58, Issue 4, 1991, p. 829-844. 93 Rupert Brown and Samuel L. Gaertner (Ed.), Blackwell Handbook of Social Psychology: Intergroup Processes, Malden, Oxford, Victoria, Berlin, Blackwell Publishing, 2003, p. 179. Rasismul simbolic e mult mai subtil, indirect i mai puin contientizat fa de cel aversive din trecut. Ele este dobndit n copilrie i stabil n etapa de adult i se activeaz doar n anumite situaii. El dovedete c albii pot profesa simultan atitudini egalitare fa de negrii, nutrind totui sentimente negative ascunse. 94 Silvio Peritore, Von der Ausgrenzung bis zur Vernichtung Der nationalsozialistische Vlkermord an den Sinti und Roma, in UTOPIE kreativ, Heft. 182 (Dezember 2005), p. 1115-1131. 95 Nicolae Gheorghe, Formele elementare ale discursului prejudiciat, pre-rasist, la http://www.dntb.ro/sfera/arhiva/58/forme_ng.htm, Mihai Bacanu iganii - minoritate naional sau majoritate infracional, Bucureti, Ed. Bravo Press, 1996. Pentru comparaie, a se vedea studiul lui Katrin Reemtsma, Exotismus und Homogenisierung - Verdinglichung und Ausbeutung. Aspekte ethnologischer Betrachtungen der Zigeuner" in Deutschland nach 1945, la www.minderheiten.org/roma/textarchiv/texte/reemtsma_exotismus.htm
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Treptat, analiza etnonimelor indic n direcia socialului. Tot legat de etnonime ne putem chestiona n ce msur endo-etnonimele agreate au capacitatea la rndul lor de a rspunde rasismului cu rasism defensiv de expresie etnicist. Credem c insistena asupra definirii att de diverse a termenului rom este la rndu-i marcat de paradigme prolifice n spaiul studiului cultural-antropologic. n acest sens, putem distinge diverse traduceri ale endo-etnonimului. Dac n general se insist asupra nelegerii sale ca om, exist variante nuanate mai complexe, menite a impune la rndul lor bariere, normnd funcionarea respectiv supravieuirea biologic i socialcultural a grupului. Astfel, referindu-se la ncrctura semantic a termenului utilizat pentru outsideri, Vasile Burtea considera c n rromany standard, demersul logico-analitic a pornit de la explicarea cuvntului (gadje) care nseamn, nainte de toate, duman, sau (ntr-o accepiune mult mai recent) strin, strin de etnia rromilor, persoan care nu este rrom.96 Completeaz, cteva pagini mai apoi, introducnd noi endonime n ecuaia identitar: Manus, n limba rromany, desemneaz omul, n sens generic, filosofic, omul n general spre deosebire de rrom care nseamn om de acelai snge (s.n.Z.M.), cu aceeai obrie, om de-al nostru, aparintor nou ca entitate, ca popor i fa de care trebuie s avem o atitudine prietenoas. Ambele cuvinte aparin aceluiai fond i au aceeai origine indian comun97. Corelate, afirmaiile demonstreaz legtura indisolubil de natur organicist dintre ras imaginata n sens biologist i etnie. Ele invoc de asemenea aspecte ce caracterizeaz limbajul rasial, i anume: dezumanizarea celuilalt i mai ales alteritatea n funcie de care se definete propria identitate, precum i raporturile inter-grupale de adversitate, respectiv intra-grupale de simpatie generate de diferena rasial. Referinele la upper body and lower body i nclcarea unor tabuuri igienice de ctre gadje, i menin pe acetia n afara sistemului iganului ideal, al antropologilor98. Evitarea mixajului, de teama factorilor de contaminare (pollution factors), atestat de studiile antropologice ale Deliei Grigore, duce cu gndul la formule pseudo-tiinifice funcionale n sens rasist i n cadrele outsider-ilor, chiar mai mult, la discursul igienicist din anii
96

Vasile Burtea, Rromii n sincronia i diacronia populaiilor de contact, Bucureti, Editura Lumina Lex, 2002, p. 26. 97 Ibidem, p. 32. 98 Delia Grigore, Curs de antropologie i folclor rrom. Introducere n studiul elementelor de cultur tradiional ale identitii rrome contemporane, Bucureti, Editura Credis, 2001.

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interbelici i din cel de-al doilea rzboi mondial, unde se insista asupra argumentului purist. Dup prerea noastr, asemenea argumentaie nu face dect s dezvluie un rasialism/rasism defensiv pe coordonate cultural-sociale atribuit n principiu romilor i orientat spre exterior, ca i un rasism intern, activ ca mecanism securizant i de supravieuire al unor grupuri (neamuri)99 cu un status economic superior. Faptul c unii dintre intelectualii roma mbrieaz conceptul de ras imprimndu-i un sens structural, ca pe un dat i concomitent ca pe un produs cultural imaginat, capabil s ntrein diferena, oricum dihotomic ntre igani i europeni, e cel mai bine demonstrat de Filip Etve: Prin urmare, pornind de la unele elemente de tradiie pe care le-au adus cu ei din India, rromii nfloreau miezul procedeului, fabulnd pe aceste elemente, complicnd ritualul, pentru a prea ct mai sofisticat i inaccesibil (), pentru a avea mcar n acest fel un ascendent asupra albilor100. Dei opiunea pentru formula albi poate induce impresia accentului pe epiderm, n context referindu-se la practica ghicitului, ea nsi generatoare de formule esenializante, are n principal capacitatea de a exotiza sau demoniza101. Depirea condiiei sociale inferioare la care fenotipul i apartenena la un gen, interanjabile n mediul european, aduceau indirect n ecuaie relaii de putere i totodat mrturiseau explicit despre o marginalitate capabil s se insinueze n societatea majoritar. Totui, dei teoretic blamat, utilizarea retoricii rasialiste n limbajul tiinific este activ la intelectualii romi, fiind puternic ancorat n registrul biologist prin menionarea unui fenotip contientizat ca aparte, rememorator al unor origini orientale idealizate. S fie acesta rezultatul imposibilitii transgresrii unor evidene palpabile, sau selectiva asumare a referinelor tradiionale discriminatorii ale outsiderilor? Propunnd o viziune egalitar, Filip Etve combate rasismul biologic avertiznd ns c: oamenii de rnd cad deseori n greeala de a se comporta, n relaiile lor cu oamenii, dup culoare, cu toate c tiu c sngele care circul prin vene este tot rou102, dar afirm
Pentru relevana sociologic a utilizrii conceptului valorii sale de mecanism n meninerea unei particulariti, vezi Vasile Burtea, op. cit., passim. 100 Filip Etve, Rromii - un neam indian, Deva, Editura Destin, 2000, p. 37. 101 Marian Zaloag, Die 'Zigeunerin' als 'Hexe'. Eine Analyse der gegenwrtigen und historischen Dimension eines Diskurses und seiner Bedeutung fr Identitt, in Uerlings, Herbert / Patrut, Iulia-Karin (Hrsg.) 'Zigeuner' und Nation Reprsentation Inklusion - Exklusion, Frankfurt am Main, Berlin, Bern, Bruxelles, New York, Oxford, Wien, Peter Lang Verlag, 2008, p. 551-569. 102 Filip Etves, op. cit., p. 95-96.
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idealiznd c: Mai trziu, ptruni de binefacerile culturii i umanismului, oamenii au nceput s lupte pentru convieuire n bun-nelegere indiferent de naionalitate sau de culoarea pielii. Pielea este doar un ambalaj, dar ceea ce exist n interiorul acestui ambalaj, indiferent de culoarea acestuia, este la fel la toate fiinele umane. Cine poate combate aceste afirmaii, s aduc dovezi contrare. Din nefericire, ambalajul ne orbete pe toi i i dm mai mult importan dect este cazul103. El se sustrage, ba mai mult, pune la ndoial epistema rasialist prin prozaica invocare a interiorului i dezavurea ambalajul, fiind contient de efectele imediate i discriminatoare ale rasializrii. Dar tropii rasiti, arat el, pot fi foarte bine rsturnai, cptnd utilitate n scopuri constructive afirmativ-identitare. Despre raportarea la biologic n sensul rasismului clasic la nivelul cruia fenotipului i erau atribuite vocaii sau vicii ca la un reper n rezolvarea problemei originilor, st mrturie dezbaterea din cercul unor reprezentani ai etniei citai de acelai Filip Etve: Mult vreme am crezut i noi unele versiuni c rromii sunt de origine egiptean. Am mai ascultat o variant lansat de un rrom ce a participat la Congresul rromilor organizat de Partidul Democrat Cretin al Rromilor din Romnia, care s-a inut la 20 aprilie 1991, la Casa Tineretului din Cluj-Napoca. Persoana a vorbit la microfon i a artat un teanc de hrtii n care erau consemnate dovezi conform crora respectivii susineau c rromii sunt fenicieni, furitori ai uneia din cele mai vechi civilizaii, care, n vreme ce alte persoane vnau i pstoreau, ei construiau piramide i corbii. [] Printre temeiurile asemnrii erau evocate culoarea pielii, unele manifestri temperamentale sau poate chiar atitudini comportamentale, identice cu ale egiptenilor, ale fenicienilor sau ale altor popoare asiatice104. Chiar dac invoca fenotipul, autorul submineaz rasismul prin propunerea unei mult mai favorabile genealogi ilustre a poporului, susinut de descendene fie ele i speculative. Nici ali intelectuali roma nu scap din vedere presupusa capacitate a fenotipului de a demonstra originile grupului. Pe urmele multor autori gadje, acuzai de rasism, n contextul efortului de a construi o genealogie ilustr poporului su, Vasile Burtea afirm: Dintre factorii care pot demonstra originea indian a actualei populaii de rromi mai sunt pe lng argumentul lingvistic (vezi mai sus) i culoarea pielii multora dintre rromi i conformaia general a capului i figurii apar ca aspecte evident asemntoare cu aceleai elemente observate la populaia indian. De asemenea, gestica i micrile,
103 104

Ibidem, p. 58-59. Ibidem, p. 15.

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dup secole de europenizare nu s-au modificat n mod esenial fa de cele ale populaiei din India105. Dei per ansamblu cartea sa urmeaz o argumentaie sociologic interesat de categorizri interne, argumentul biologist reiterat periodic prin menionarea pigmentului, a trsturilor bio-fizice, antropomorfice sau a factorilor pe care se baza o pseudotiin precum frenologia conformaiei generale a capului i figurii dovedete c mai presus de toate argumentele biologiste rmn chiar i n limbajul tiinific al unor activiti roma, indicatori identitari imbatabili, chiar o modalitate de deconspirare a potenialelor identiti ascunse sau ambigue. Contient sau nu, asemenea aprecieri i plaseaz pe emitenii lor n vecintatea tropilor discursivi interbelici ai lui Ion Chelcea. Dup toate aparenele, notm c unii romi nu se pot substitui unui discurs cultural organicist cu tente biologiste legate de fenotip. Dac aceasta are utilizare pozitiv n registrul autodefinirii n raporturile cu majoritarii, atunci cnd e ntlnit n cadrele tradiiei culturale, sociale i intelectuale ale acestora din urm ea reclam dimensiunea stigmatizant motiv pentru care e atent monitorizat i rapid amendat ca rasist atandu-i-se tente discriminatoare sau genocidale. Faptul demonstreaz o dat n plus ceea ce remarcau sociologii c dei hulite rasa i etnia sunt surse potenial importante de mobilizare, de unitate n grup i chiar de diviziune inter- i intra-grup106. O dovad n sensul efectului granielor interne motivate de mprtirea unei viziuni specifice vechiului rasism este lucrarea lui Rudolf Moca. Imperialismul epistemic i aciunea ierarhizrilor interne nscute chiar din recunoaterea unor caracteristici particulare (precum culoarea epidermei), care prin efectul lor au meninut n poziii infame i de inferioritate propriul grup, fac ca la nivelul experienei cotidiene romii s fie ei nii instrumentalizatorii discriminatori ai acestui tip de rasism. Tratamentul discriminator generat de o culoare nchis a epidermei chiar n cadrul propriei familii cruia i cade victim copilul negru ca un pui de bivoli107 demonstreaz asocierea dintre aceast caracteristic cu infamia de vreme ce ea e tratat ca expresia pedepsei divine: btrna Tifroaia, unguroiaca a btrn, venit din Szolnok-Ungaria ca s ajung in Iernut a mai de temut vrjitoare nu-l recunotea pe noul nepot ca fiind din neamul lor, cel blond, ci spunea c Dumnezeu i-a pedepsit cu urenia asta, ca un purdan de atr. Nu numai c ne aflm n situaia unui discurs pre-rasist de sorginte aproape premodern, n care rasismul religios se
105 106

Vasile Burtea, op. cit., p. 32. John Rex, Ras i etnie, p. 65. 107 Rudolf Moca, O pictur de via, Cluj-Napoca, Editura AMM, 2007, p. 2.

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intersecteaz cu judeci estetice, ba mai mult asocierea la nivel intra-grupal a pigmentaiei nchise cu asocialul, cu sub-clasa, radical exprimat prin epidermizarea propriei identiti, ce permite un anumit grad de acceptan social, dovedete c diferena rasial acioneaz chiar n contextul legturilor de snge, de rudenie nendoielnice. Este totodat i expresia asumrii unor valori estetice externe, din mediul majoritarilor, fiind instrumentalizat n vederea disimulrii cel puin externe a identitii reale. Implicaiile asupra statusului devin clare n contextul n care agentul discriminator (aici, Trifoaia), dup o lung perioad de respingere a copilului cu expresii repulsive de genul du-te-n grumzare la ailalt, la ganc, c acolo-s ganii i nu sta aici, cu tialali, c i umpli de funingine, n-ar avea lumea hazn de tine108, i reconsider atitudinea n contextul reuitei profesionale a tnrului, inserat graie parcursului personal n cadrele societii majoritare: Era mndr nevoie mare c nepotul ei era tonitu: i ce-i dac-i o r negru; i pmntu-i negru, da-i bun; negru i oco ca jia noastr. No, n-ai vzut i rumni negri; ca doar ia din Oltenia ti s ca funinginea de afumai i nu-s igani; no i al nostru ar pute fi oarece rumn; c dar i ocol i nici un igan n-o fcut coal deaia mare ca a nostru, mnca-l-ar buna s-l mnce. No, acuma s tare mndr cu el!109. Disponibilitatea spre auto-nnegrire, relativizarea culorii prin deconspirarea prezenei ei i ntre majoritarii creditai ca superiori demonstreaz i caracterul contextual al semanticii i practicii rasiste. Cele mai multe trimiteri n naraiile outsider-ilor despre acest grup sunt marcate de ideea de asocialitate i mai ales devian. Argumentul rasist a fcut carier la nivel academic i al practicilor poliieneti ale statelor naionale, dar i n cadrul imperiilor110, discursul fiind marcat de conexiunea determinist dintre biologic i social-comportamental. Practica poliieneasc primea prin carnetele antropometrice introduse n Frana sau prin elaborarea unor lucrri de tipul Zigeunerbuchern un reper tiinific capabil s susin, s fac mai precise practici pn atunci lsate la dispoziia subiectiv a agentului statului. Dup cum a observat chiar Jan Hancock, profesor universitar i lider al micrii activiste a romilor, n ciuda unei evidene diferene fizice i a unor mai puin evideni dar notabili factori lingvistici sau culturali care disting minoritatea roma de populaiile dimprejur, administraiile au clasificat mai

Ibidem, p. 9. Ibidem, p. 21. 110 Zoltan Barany, The East European Gypsies: Regime Change, Marginality, and Ethnopolitics, Cambridge, New York, Cambridge University Press, 2002.
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degrab pe romi n termeni de comportament social dect n funcie de distincia etnic ori rasial111. Preocupai de originile acestui tip de discurs rasist, romii construiesc o identitate victimar n care rasismul nazist ocup un loc central. Printre cei care situeaz n acest context rdcinile rasismului actual se afl Nicolae Gheorghe care afirma, referindu-se la heteroetnonim, c e rezultatul experienei standardizate odat cu climatul ideologic din preajma celui de-al doilea rzboi mondial: n limbajul epocii, Romii erau menionai ca o boal social i ca un pericol la adresa sntii organismului social al statelor care aspirau s i desvreasc omogenitatea etnic visul statului etnocratic () S-au exprimat opinii ca romii s fie deportai eventual exterminai mai degrab pe criterii sociale dect rasiale. Argumentaia continu cu precizarea c ceea ce se reprima i pedepsea erau comportamentele sociale nedorite ale unor grupuri de igani i nu a ntregii populaii de romi () Holocaustul romilor nc nu pe de-a ntregul acceptat i documentat a lsat nu doar amintiri proaspete printre supravieuitorii i descendenii lor, dar a impus mentalitatea i limbajul rasist care sunt n uz nc i astzi, exprimate deschis n media i chiar n cercuri guvernamentale112. Tradiia unui discurs rasist dominant n planul social romnesc e plasabil, dup prerea lui Valeriu Nicolae, nc n modernitatea clasic, derivnd din condiia de robi, conservnd ferme atitudini depreciative i n contemporaneitate, cnd muli romni privesc la igani ca la o subspecie orientat genetic ctre furt i violen113. De aceeai parte a baricadei se afl i Vasile Burtea care, dup ce admite o asocialitate mai pronunat a unui neam al hoilor, ia atitudine mpotriva rasismului influent la nivelul limbajului outsider-ilor, n cadrul cruia igan e sinonim cu ho, oferind contra-exemplul romilor din apusul Europei, care la nivelul comportamentului numai romii conform definiiei rsritene genetic neserioi, indisciplinai, lipsii de cuvnt nu pot fi catalogai. Asistm n acest caz la un interesant proces de categorizare intern, prin care anumite categorii sunt idealizate graie mai bunei integrri sociale, iar altele precum neamul hoilor sunt voit izolate din marele grup. Prin aceast modalitate de departajare a membrilor altor neamuri de un grup (neam) cruia i e atribuit un comportament asocial, trdat de chiar numele su, se ncearc absolvirea etniei
111

Ian Hancock, The Struggle for the Control of Identity in Transitions in Patrin, Vol. 4, No. 4, September 1997 la http://www.geocities.com/Paris/5121/identity.htm. 112 Gheorghe, Nicolae,Roma-Gypsy Ethnicity In Eastern Europe. 113 Valeriu Nicolae,Romanian Gypsies, in Peace Review 14:4 (2002), p. 386.

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roma prin categorizare intern dirijat, puternic subiectivat, denunare i atomizare a unor extern atribuite trsturi esenializate. n alt parte, referindu-se la procesul disimulrii identitii individuale sau de grup de ctre neamuri categorie organicist pe care o propune drept concept operaional Vasile Burtea mrturisete clar despre conexiunea dintre ras, etnie i status social care mpreun predispun la un joc cu rezultate variabile n funcie de cadrele ideologice i economice n care se afl individul/grupul114: De altfel, pe timpul desfurrii anchetei de teren, n momentul n care unul dintre subieci dorea s sublinieze ceva sau s fac o precizare, n legtur cu diferitele comportamente sau obiceiuri ale familiei sale sau ale altor rromi apropiai lui, folosea drept formul de introducere expresia: s tii c exist mai multe rase (naii) de rromi (igani). n fapt, rromii constituie un singur popor i fac parte din aceeai ras, dar ceea ce doreau s evidenieze interlocutorii notri era tocmai ideea c persoanele care fac parte din grupul la care i ei aparin au ceva anume care-i deosebesc de alii (tot rromi) din alt grup. De fapt, ei menionau sub o form ideea de neam - entitate conceput de noi ca o categorie social (i nu biologic) relativ distinct, ce presupune o anumit ncrctur istoric dttoare de seam, prin informaiile i explicaiile mai nuanate pe care le poate oferi, revelatoare pentru profilul aciunilor i comportamentelor sociale ale diferiilor membri115. Primind conotaii macro-sociale, conceptul de ras e utilizat de Filip Etve ntr-o manier structuralist de tipul clash-ului civilizaional, cu efecte discriminate la adresa poziiei propriului grup: Tragedia a fost c aici (n Europa) s-au ciocnit de principiile rasei albe cretine i de semeni care concepeau s transforme n robi pe semenii lor116. Tradiia discursului antisclavie dezvoltat pe coordonate religioase dar i invocnd concepte umanitariste laice specifice iluminismului duc la elaborarea unui discurs

Pentru referine teoretice a se vedea Philomena Essed, Multi-identi.cations and Transformations: Reaching Beyond Racial and Ethnic Reductionisms, in Social Identities, Volume 7, Number 4, 2001,p. 493-509. Conform definiiei, rasismul e un fenomen intregrupal, o creaie a omului, dar nu intrinsec naturii umane, cum nu e nici o caracteristic a indivizilor. Cu alte cuvinte, rasismul nu se constituie din caracteristici de personalitate, dei discursiv asta urmrete, ci se refer la abloane culturale, practici comportamentale i atitudini ideologizate recurente, precum i la discursuri prin care minoritile etnice i rasiale sunt excluse, problematizate, inferiorizate, p. 495. 115 Vasile Burtea, op. cit., 50-51. 116 Filip Etve, op. cit., p. 22.

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victimar n care rasa alb este explicit acuzat de dezvoltarea unor politici rasiste. Utilizarea rasei cu sensul unei categorii sociale resimite inechitabil e demonstrat i de cazul documentat de antropologii americani n mediul iganilor lutari. Studiul demonstreaz felul n care se produce un soi de negociere identitar n care iganii lutari ncearc s exploateze viziunea romantic a outgrup-ului vis--vis de o parte a comunitii, s ncerce s menin canale deschise care s i asigure accesul la resursele net superioare ale societii normative. Lor li se adaug un pretins purism intragrupal care permite o dat n plus departajarea de o comunitate per ansamblu hulit. Citm n continuare opiunile identitare ale unui respondent: Familia mea nu e apropiat personal de comunitatea de romi din Romnia deoarece alte rase de igani au intrat n aceast comunitate, iar noi, lutarii, nu avem contact sau respect fa de aceti igani. Mai degrab ... iganii lutari sunt igani romnizai care triesc printre romni i noi vorbim romnete. Diferenele dintre noi i romni n ceea ce privete rasa nu exist. M refer aici la iganii lutari, subliniaz el; (n schimb) ntre romni i ceilali igani e o diferen117. E greu de distins n ce msur ultima parte a aseriunii citate are a face cu fenotipul sau cu statusul privilegiat, sau cu un status intermediar, capabil s asigure circumstane atenuante prin intermediul subtipizrii. Ce este ns clar e c prin ambiguitatea sa se demonstreaz o dat n plus valoarea subiectiv a noiunii de ras dependent de intenionalitatea instrumentalizatorului, precum i valoarea sa semantic influenat de diversitatea cadrelor sociale, etnice, culturale. Concluzii Departe de a fi o identificare pretins tiinific, rasa a fost o realitate social volatil nc de la momentul inventrii. Numit de Eric Hobsbawm etnicitate vizibil, rasa e marcat de conexiuni cu exclusivismul axiologic al ideologiilor statelor naionale. n cazul studiilor igneti, din punct de vedere semantic operaional, ea s-a manifestat la fel de instabil, dar cu aceleai efecte discriminante. Dac pentru iganologi fenotipul e nedesprit de un mod de via (life-style) diferit, manifestat n spe prin nomadism, mod de folosire a resurselor marginale ale societii asimilate asocialului, devianei, pericolelor
Margaret H Beissinger, Occupation and Ethnicity: Constructing Identity among Profesional Romani(Gypsy) Musicians in Romania, in Slavic Review, Vol. 60, No. 1, Spring 2001, p. 24, 37.
117

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de tot felul, de la contaminare cu sindromul dezordinii, la degenerarea culturii dominante, pentru activitii roma rasa e conceput ca o categorie sociologic capabil a demonstra discriminarea. De aici se nate un discurs victimar, legitimat de o un anumit parcurs istoric sinuos, interesat de a lucra att n interior ct i n afara propriului grup pentru a induce politici specifice contractului social, dar i de a reclama reparaii morale i materiale prin politici de discriminare pozitiv care s permit ieirea din situaia de marginalitate social. Tendina de a relativiza este menit a folosi tocmai dezgherii stereotipiilor, rasismului lingvistic i tuturor tropilor discursivi prejudiciani. mbrind activismul, autodesignaii romii acuz outsiderii de rasism ori rasialism, dar n manier romantic instrumentalizeaz rasa pentru a defini trsturi particulare de natur biologic sau cultural. Din pcate prea puin ateni la nuane, chiar la avansul din tiinele naturii, constructorii unei entiti trans-naionale roma poart discuia cu instrumentele proprii discursului prejudiciant extern cu trimiteri la fenotip i asocial pe care l pot doar identifica, amenda, dar mai greu elimina. Identificm aadar opiuni echivoce chiar la nivelul discursului tiinific de orientare antropologic propus de aceti activiti angrenai n proiectul naional. Astfel, utilizarea unor teme clasificate drept rasiste, precum pericolul contaminrii (pollution), sunt operative in-group i favorabile pstrrii statusului unor neamuri. Fr drept de tgad, rasismul gadj-iilor e rasism ru, fiindc plaseaz n poziii inferioare, iar cel al romilor e un rasism bun deoarece contribuie la prezervarea dac nu la fabricarea unei identitii etnice reglate din interior.

The Semantics of Race - From Traditional Classifications of the Gypsy to the Discourse of the Roma Elite from Contemporary Romania - Abstract The classic modernity is considered to have been the moment of consecration for the social classificatory notions like the nation or the race. They were frequently interchangeably used and served some essentialized and ideologized discourses that legitimized social hierarchies both inter- or intragroups. Thanks to its capacity to enforce stigmatizations, the concept of race reveals power relations between groups and has significance particularly in the relations between majorities and minorities both ethnic and social. The

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discursive implications were multiple, though, it basically connected physical traits and intellectual and civility achievements. All over European cultures Gypsies were profoundly racialized. For centuries this went hand in hand with a tendency of exotization which had negative as well as positive idealizing effects. Modernity and the national projects exposed them to a general wave of stigmatization. Surely, the resulting discourses and policies may be very well acknowledged as forms of more or less aggressive racism. As it intended to maintain segregation and domination, such a discourse was somehow convincingly assumed by the normative authorities (i.e. state agents like intellectuals, missionaries, police and sanitary officers) with respect to these ethnic groups. What I intend to show is that racism, respectively, racialism may also play a role in the intra-group discourses, thus, preserving internal strong hierarchies. What is striking is the fact that theoretically untenable tropes may be re-activated by the contemporary Roma elites; they are essentially the same as those used by the majorities, fact which unambiguously portraits the epistemic imperialism of the race category.

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THE EXILE BETWEEN METAPHYSICS AND GEOGRAPHY NICOLETA SLCUDEANU The experience of exile represents a fundamental condition, a strongly motivated archetype1. Birth itself is a sign of the original sin and driving away, and it is synonymous with the daybreak of the biography of evil in the world. At the crossroad of paradigms comes out the most guiltless hypostasis of time: permanence; the most pure and compensatory manifestation of it: the metaphysical exile. The curve drawn from the exile of creature to the exile of creation tends to close into a perfect circle. The continuous improvement of Evil2 in the relation with time legitimates a demeanour of redemption through suffering. The chance of redemption is given to art and literature, just by spreading the Evil in the world and, at the same time, through its ontological voiding by spreading. The literature of exile represents a magnificent chance of coming back again into the protective marsupium of the divine womb, after a repeated, and harsh and, why not, a victorious confrontation with the earthly Evil. From a biblical point of view, the idea of genesis, necessarily, implies that of the driving away, a fundamental fracture between the transcendental and the earthly3. The symmetry established between the celestial prototype (the town, the sanctuary, the celestial Jerusalem) and its earthly copy, awards the existence with the comfort of cosmic order, a corrective mirror. The Time of Exile At its first age, the myrific one, exile benefits from a transcendental supervision, which provides meaning and direction. But, at the same time, driving away means straying, so that the idea of exile feeds itself also with disorder, that means a projection into the previous time of genesis, a time of nonsense, anything else but the organized world. Its roots come out both from the born and the unborn. The mythical exile may comfort and direct the ontological straying. It means, for Mircea Eliade, the abolition of past,

Emmanuel Lvinas, Totalitate i infinit. Eseu despre exterioritate, Iai, Ed. Polirom, 1999, p. 17-18. 2 Guy Scarpetta, Elogiu cosmopolitismului, Iai, Ed. Polirom, 1997, p. 27. 3 Ipostaze ale melancoliei, interviu cu Jean Starobinski, realizat de Radu Negruiu, n Romnia literar, nr. 51-52/23 decembrie-12 ianuarie 1999, p. 44.

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transcending of history, so you may force yourself to behave just like at the beginning of the world4. When myth or religion missed the occasion of solving the problem of uprooting, philosophy assumed the helm. Released from the normative cage, the new philosophical thinking looks now for more relaxed solutions5. It seems that only an ethics of weakening and a behaviour as living in the internal dimension of time, and not just like at the beginning of the world, represent a chance for the exiled writer, thus he has the occasion to live his craftsmanship like a merry dissemination, out from the compulsion of a hard center. While he lives into an alternative history, even a protective one, he rejects the understanding of his own tragedy and continues to live ever backwards of time. The real lightness of being stands in internal voiding and identity vacuuming, by assuming the present continuous as a way of life. It represents a real birth for the citizens of the world, they become, suddenly, citizens of the present time. Diseases of Exile Behaving, as an exiled, "just like at the beginning of the world" represents nothing else that a bookish Utopia; only the spirit, that in our case means literature, might propose such a settlement; it is sense of illusion in the middle of drift, in existence. The fate of the uprooted writer repeats the mythical scenario of the Wandering Jew. The writer (Cataphilus, Malc, Buttadeo, Ahasverus, who ever he is) is cursed to be the last being on earth, he is crucified between the sentiment of the imminence of the end and also the feeling of waiting, also between immortality and continuous wandering. Descended into pure geography, at least since existentialism up to now, wandering confronts itself with the traps of modern existence. The paradigm is modified by the insertion of pathology on the mythical substance, determined by the transcendental models growing thinner. This special pathology, unleashed at the fall into spatiality, is described by Jean Starobinski as

Mircea Eliade, Eseuri. Mitul eternei rentoarceri. Mituri, vise i mistere, Bucureti, Ed. tiinific, 1991, p. 17. 5 Gianni Vattimo - Pier Aldo Rovatti, Gndirea slab. Texte de: Leonardo Amoroso, Gianni Carchia, Giampiero Comolli, Filippo Costa, Franco Crespi, Alessandro Dal Lago, Umberto Eco, Maurizio Ferraris, Diego Marconi, Pier Aldo Rovatti, Gianni Vattimo, Constana, Ed. Pontica, 1998, p. 7.

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nostalgia and melancholy6. They have much in common with the problem of double identity. The being's default of contiguity allows prolongation over the borders of game in the crisis of identity. Rupture means also adjustment. Identity may be reconstituted, as well, by modulating the bricks of combinative introspection. Literary exile hangs between the pathology of spirit and that of psychology. The collective imaginary has not preserved unimpaired the inheritance of archetypes. It have suffered irreversible mutations, it was liable to dissolution. The implosion of the archetype determined the adulteration, even the annihilation of the symbols. At the same time, it settled down an incapacity of consciousness, always frustrated by its place in the world, always discontented with the relation between the inner and the outside, an unhappy relation with space, a space unfolded between psychiatry and sociology. One of the most important diseases of banishment is acedia, a disease of communication, when speech is drained of strength, when the voice of the soul becomes torpid. The human being seems to have swollen its own tongue, language seems to be retired. It has much in commode with homesickness, with Heimweh, desiderium patriae, mal du pays, saudade7. Duration lived as an element of a punitive system, banishment as nostalgia of a refused interiority and of an inappropriate outside, is similar to torture. "The Man Walking". Time and Space - Abolished Tzvetan Todorov believes in heterology, a situation when one could belong to different cultures at the same time; or, in Milan Kunderas terms, a transcultural outlook. It is a situation when psycho-social tensions of uprooting may be removed out of pressure. The writer stays always in the van of transformation, he represents vanguard itself. He is also the spokesman of the collective soul. He is the emblematic image of collective guilt, memory and prospecting at the same time; literary prophecy. The writer is the man walking, always with a little advantage, but always in concordance with the spirit of time. He anticipates the sensibility of time, but also produces it. Rest stands for striking root, mal-adaptation; work means evolution, transitivity.

Jean Starobinski, ,Melancolie, nostalgie, ironie, Bucureti, Ed. Meridiane, 1993, p. 78. 7 Mioara Caragea, O Naiune-Nav: Portugalia, n Exilul. Secolul 20, 10-12, 1997; 1-3, 1998, p. 112-113.

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Between the Absurdity of Straying and the Merry Alienation After the death of God (Nietzsche), and the revelation of emptiness behind gods (Jung), man invests mostly in the camusian absence, even if it is less heroical and more a kind of a household spirit. Without the conscience of the lost homeland, and in the lack of hope in a promised land, the only signification of straying is given by the absurdity of the Sisyphus descent at the foot of the mountain, in spite of the fact that on the peak of revelations, the gods are dead. The original sin becomes political insubordination. Exile loses its transcendence. Speech is reinvented with each individual. Eva Hoffman names it "putting the language back again", after a previous anomia8. "Putting the language back again" means also the idea of survival through creation. The question of the wandering writer becomes one of the wandering writing. The book becomes the one which is punished, set on fire, excommunicated, in the manner of the voodoo tradition. The writer finds his shelter in difference and double identity. The terms the end, the border, the margins of the world (in the vision of Ovidius, the banished poet) are not anymore such implacable. Since the vanguards at least, the whole world has became a foreign country. The whole world as a foreign country becomes the acme of a kind of soft absurdity, a tamed one, a humanized one. It becomes hospitable for an easy-going and wandering people, which is undifferentiated from the point of view of nativity, a sum of personalities for which the daily climbing of the mountain means routine and merry alienation. Such a mountain may be - why not - literature. Banishment may be a new birth, a founding energy. The writing dispels. Modernism, existentialism and what we name, quite lightly, postmodernism are the most spectacular halts of the idea of uprooting. Posthistorical Exile In diachrony, from the vertical point of view (the mediaeval, Renaissance, Enlightenment, Romantic exile), we can talk about historical exile. But the real existential dimension of exile testifies about expulsion out of history, about an unhistorical or, if you want, a posthistorical exile. It means a double ironical alienation, first of all confronting time and space, and, afterwards, the self. The earthly Evil is, suddenly, secularized. The contemporary cultural orphanism eludes the terror of temporality, it has became emancipated from the metaphysical oppression and goes straight to simultaneousness, that means a new perception of the world, an assumed
8

Eva Hoffman, O via ntr-o alt limb, Bucureti, Ed. Fundaiei Culturale Romne, 1994, p. 279.

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banishment and an easy resignation. In spite of the fact that all these look like frivolousness, they represent at least the evolution from the exile of creature to the exile of creation. Leaving away is not any more a trite spirit of adventure or race maintenance, but becomes, more and more, a stylistic composition of living. While misplacement is not anymore the reason of all the troubles of creature, its benefit is a more comfortable manner of living in the ontic landscape. The result means a new way of ambiguity, freedom and creativity. Exile becomes a fertile embryo of culture, a catalytic element with a productive career. Metropolises, through their ecumenical culture, become the homelands of the homeless, the capitals of the faint, uncertain ethnicity. The demeanour in acceptance of the Other is revised, creature and creation are redefined in the context of the cosmopolitan centers. The new sensibility establishes the ambiguity of a new anthropological model, which mark is the absence of any mark: "the human being without features" (Robert Musil), "the approximate human being" (Tristan Tzara). Not accidentally, Gombrowicz urges: "Be ceaselessly a stranger!" The new Babels are: Paris, London, Berlin, Vienna, New York. They have become fortresses of the mixed up speeches and aesthetic languages, melting pots of various cultures. The writer became the universal gentle savage who lives between displacement and misplacement (Joseph Brodski). By healing of history, living in the indifference of simultaneousness, in heterology (difference of voices), comforted by the idea that "only God is a native" (Andrei Codrescu), the exile of creature becomes ridiculous. Emphasis falls upon the place and the sense of creation. The author, together with his existential tragedy, vanishes, becomes invisible. "The immigrant is a man having no face, but wearing a mask" (Sorin Alexandrescu). The author loses his authorship, only creation objectifies itself. In a world of difference, interaction and tolerance, the pathetic size of banishment disappears. Understanding history is more suave, transcendence became a vacant, an empty place. So, conditioning the creature and creation is not any more a problem or a cause of suffering. Exile can be an efficient vector of difference and a secure perimeter of sublimate strains. Creature wins the privilege of looking back not with rage, but with irony, his glance is cured by the tatters of the abandoned landscape. Ubiquity becomes a way of life. The terseness of fastening allows defiance of any determination. Writing tends to create its own reality and has the freedom to choose its own place in the world.

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THE EXILE BETWEEN METAPHYSICS AND GEOGRAPHY - Abstract The experience of exile represents a fundamental condition, a strongly motivated archetype. Birth itself is a sign of the original sin and driving away, and it is synonymous with the daybreak of the biography of evil in the world. The curve drawn from the exile of creature to the exile of creation tends to close into a perfect circle. When myth or religion missed the occasion of solving the problem of uprooting, philosophy assumed the helm. Released from the normative cage, the new philosophical thinking looks now for more relaxed solutions. It seems that only an ethics of weakening and a behavior as living in the internal dimension of time, and not "just like at the beginning of the world", represent a chance to the exiled writer, thus he has the occasion to live his craftsmanship like a merry dissemination, without the compulsion of a hard center. While he lives into an alternative history, even a protective one, he rejects the understanding of his own tragedy and continues to live for ever backwards of time.

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L'INTGRATION DES BALKANS OCCIDENTAUX DANS L'UNION EUROPENNE. PROBLMES ET PERSPECTIVES MICHEL LABORI Les Balkans occidentaux correspondent gographiquement aux pays de l'ancienne Yougoslavie dmembre par les crises de 1989-1992 (Slovnie, Croatie, Bosnie-Herzgovine, Serbie, Montngro, Kosovo et Macdoine) et l'Albanie. La crise balkanique des annes 1990 a montr l'impuissance de l'Union europenne la grer. L'volution des Balkans occidentaux est antinomique de celle du reste du continent europen qui s'est runifi aprs 60 annes de sparation. Les Balkans occidentaux ont volu contre-courant depuis quinze annes. Les antagonismes nationaux, ethniques et religieux demeurent vifs. Les crises de Bosnie-Herzgovine et du Kosovo perdurent des degrs divers. La Macdoine reste instable. La rgion balkanique occidentale apparat comme une anti-Europe sur le plan de la coopration rgionale si on la compare l'Union europenne. Les tats viennent de retrouver leur identit nationale. L'Union europenne les a reconnus comme des candidats potentiels l'adhsion lors du Conseil europen de FEIRA au Portugal, en juin 2000. Leur vocation devenir des pays candidats leur a t confirme lors du Conseil europen de THESSALONIQUE (Juin 2003) qui leur a reconnu "la perspective europenne". La Slovnie est membre de l'Union europenne depuis le 1er mai 2004. Les ngociations pour l'adhsion de la Croatie ont dbut le 3 octobre 2005 et le Conseil europen du 16 dcembre 2005 a reconnu l'ancienne rpublique yougoslave de Macdoine (ARYM) le statut de pays candidat. La concrtisation de la vocation europenne de la Croatie et de la Macdoine est un encouragement et incite les autres pays se rformer. La Commission europenne a propos le 21 juin 1999 aux tats balkaniques occidentaux un processus de stabilisation et d'association (P.S.A.) qui prvoyait la signature d'accords de stabilisation (A.S.A.) et des mesures commerciales prfrentielles. L'Union europenne remplace progressivement militairement les Etats-Unis qui se dsengagent depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001. Les pays balkaniques occidentaux se dmocratisent difficilement, demeurent mins par la corruption, cooprent difficilement avec le Tribunal Pnal International pour l'ex-Yougoslavie (TPIY) et ont des

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conomies fragilises par le chmage, la reconstruction et l'inachvement des privatisations. L'intgration des Balkans occidentaux est un dfi pour l'Union europenne qui souhaite une pause des largissements en attendant l'achvement des ngociations sur le Trait simplifi mais qui doit en mme temps entretenir chez eux un "dsir d'Europe" 1. L'union europenne et la crise Yougoslave (1991-1999) Les relations entre la CEE et la Yougoslavie ont t formalises par un accord de coopration en 1980. La commission europenne a fait des propositions (Juin 1990) pour les amliorer et les approfondir, mais l'clatement du pays n'a pas permis leur concrtisation (1991). La CEE a men une politique hsitante et elle n'a pas su grer la crise. Elle ne dispose pas encore de politique trangre et de scurit commune (PESC) et n'a pas d'arme commune. Les Etats conservent leurs diplomaties nationales. La CEE impose cependant les accords de BRIONI (7-8 Juillet 1991) aprs les proclamations d'indpendance croate et slovne (25 juin 1991). Les Etats de l'ancienne Yougoslavie s'engagent un "moratoire" qui rtablit les lois fdrales pour trois mois et ajourne les proclamations d'indpendance de la Croatie et de la Slovnie. Les accords n'ont aucune suite. Ils sont emports par la guerre serbo-croate et la Macdoine proclame son indpendance en Octobre 1991. Le Parlement europen reconnat "conditionnellement" les rpubliques yougoslaves le 16 Dcembre 1991. La France et l'Allemagne ont une approche diffrente du problme yougoslave. La France pense que tout rglement de paix ncessite l'approbation de la Serbie. L'Allemagne dclare que les intrts des nouveaux tats indpendants doivent tre pris en compte et elle reconnat unilatralement la Croatie et la Slovnie le 21 Dcembre 1991. Le 15 Janvier 1992, la CEE reconnat officiellement les indpendances de la Croatie et de la Slovnie. Elle invite le Bosnie-Herzgovine organiser un rfrendum. La situation de la Bosnie-Herzgovine est sans issue. La proclamation de son indpendance risque de heurter la minorit serbe et de la pousser prendre les armes. Le maintien dans le "cadre yougoslave" la met sous la coupe de la Serbie de S. Milosevic. La Bosnie opte finalement pour l'indpendance. Le rfrendum des 29 Fvrier et 1er Mars 1992 est boycott massivement par

Les Balkans et l'Europe , Questions Internationales, Janvier - Fvrier 2007, p. 39.

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les Serbes. Le oui obtient 99% des voix et la CEE reconnat l'indpendance le 6 Avril. L'Allemagne et la France incitent l'UE agir. Elles lancent une invitation de paix globale (fin 1993) qui vise faire pression sur les Serbes et les Croates pour qu'ils acceptent un partage de la Bosnie entre trois ethnies. Cette proposition n'a aucun cho et l'UE se dsengage progressivement au profit de l'OTAN et des tats-unis. L'OTAN impose la solution militaire et les EtatsUnis la solution diplomatique (accords de DAYTON du 21 Novembre 1990). Les europens n'ont cependant pas t totalement absents. La France est l'initiative de la cration de la force de raction rapide (FRR) dcide par l'ONU le 6 Juin 1995. La FRR intervient d'une manire dcisive aux cts de l'OTAN SARAJEVO le 30 aot 1995 contre les forces serbes. Elle est compose de contingents britannique, franais et nerlandais. L'Allemagne, la France et le Royaume-Uni crent avec la Russie et les tats-unis le "groupe de contact" qui intervient dans le conflit bosniaque (avril 1994) pour proposer un plan de partition. La politique Balkanique de l'UE connat une volution progressive positive dans les annes 1995-1999 avec le renforcement de ses liens avec l'OTAN et la politique europenne de scurit commune (PESC) prvue par le trait de MAASTRICHT (1992). Le sommet de BERLIN (3 Juin 1996) permet l'union de l'Europe occidentale (UEO) de diriger les oprations avec le soutien de l'OTAN. Le trait d'AMSTERDAM (1997) cre la fonction de haut reprsentant pour la PESC que cumule le Secrtaire Gnral du Conseil. Il a la responsabilit de mener un dialogue avec les tiers en tant que reprsentants du Conseil et des Etats membres. Les missions de gestion de crise sont dsormais du domaine de la PESC. Les Etats membres peuvent adopter une "stratgie commune dans les domaines o ils ont des intrts communs importants". La dclaration franco-britannique de St MALO (4 Dcembre 1998) est le point de dpart d'une vritable politique extrieure europenne. La France reconnat " la vitalit d'une Alliance atlantique rnove qui constitue le fondement de la dfense collective de ses membres" et la Grande Bretagne que "l'Union doit avoir une capacit autonome d'action". La crise du Kosovo est rgle par l'OTAN et l'ONU (MINUK), mais l'UE met rapidement en place un systme de stabilisation des Balkans Occidentaux. Les accords de KUMANAVO (9Juin 1999) mettent fin aux hostilits entre l'OTAN et les Serbes. L'UE s'engage rsolument avec l'adoption ds le 10 Juin Cologne du Pacte de stabilit pour l'Europe du sud-est. Il est prsent pendant la prsidence allemande de l'UE en Avril. Il reprend une ide

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franaise d'Edouard Balladur (1993) reprise par Hubert Vedrine, ministre des Affaires Etrangres (1998). Le Pacte constitue la base de la politique de l'UE dans l'Europe du sud-est. Il associe les pays qui sont partie prenante dans la crise de la rgion, comme les tats-unis, mais aussi les institutions internationales (FMI, BANQUE MONDIALE). Les pays d'Europe Centrale et Orientale candidats l'UE, l'Albanie et les Etats issus de l'ancienne Yougoslavie en font partie. Les projets relatifs au Pacte sont regroups en trois tables (politique, conomique et militaire).La table politique est charge de questions de la socit civile, des minorits etc. Les ONG y participent. La "table conomique" comprend les pays donateurs, l'UE, le FMI, la Banque Mondiale. Elle a pour mission de fusionner les diffrents projets de coopration conomiques. La table militaire regroupe les responsables de l'OTAN, de l'UE, et de la PESC2. Le 21 Juin 1999, l'UE lance le processus de stabilisation (PSA) avec les pays Balkaniques Occidentaux (Albanie, Macdoine, Bosnie-Herzgovine, Croatie et Yougoslavie). Le PSA est bilatral et rgional. Il favorise les rapports troits entre l'UE et chaque tat et la coopration entre les diffrents pays et leurs voisins. Les accords de stabilisation et d'association (ASA) servent de support au PSA. Ce sont des accords internationaux contraignants sur le plan juridique. L'avis conforme du Parlement europen est ncessaire aprs leur signature. Ils doivent tre ratifis par le Parlement de l'Etat signataire et les parlements des Etats membres. Le contenu des ASA impose le respect des droits de l'homme, et de l'tat de droit, prvoit la constitution d'une zone de libre change avec l'UE et prcise les droits et les obligations dans diffrents domaines (concurrence, subventions d'tat proprit intellectuelle etc.) qui doivent faciliter une ventuelle intgration dans l'UE. Un soutien financier est prvu avec le programme CARDS. L'Union europenne tutrice des Balkans. Le Pacte de stabilit pour l'Europe du Sud-est et le Pacte de stabilisation et d'association donnent l'U.E la place qu'elle n'avait pas su prendre dans les annes 1990. Son influence politique est dsormais la hauteur de ses engagements financiers. Le programme CARDS est adopt en dcembre 2000. Il est dot d'un budget de 4,65 milliards d'euros pour la priode
J.A. Derens et C. Samary, Les conflits yougoslaves, Paris, Editions de l'Atelier, 2000, p. 254.
2

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2000-20063. Son objectif est de faire participer les pays des Balkans occidentaux (Albanie, Bosnie-Herzgovine, Croatie, Rpublique fdrale de et lancienne Rpublique yougoslave de Macdoine) au processus de stabilisation et d'association. Il intervient notamment la reconstruction et la stabilisation de la rgion, l'aide au retour des rfugis et dplacs, au soutien de la dmocratie et de l'Etat de droit, au dveloppement d'une conomie de march durable, la lutte contre la pauvret, la formation, la restauration de l'environnement et la coopration rgionale et interrgionale etc. En novembre 2000, l'U.E ouvre unilatralement ses marchs la presque totalit des produits des Balkans occidentaux. Ce rgime prfrentiel est en vigueur jusqu'au 31 dcembre 2010. La Croatie a sign un ASA, le 29 octobre 2001. Elle a pos sa candidature d'adhsion l'U. E, le 21 fvrier 2003. Ses progrs conomiques et ses avances dmocratiques lui ont valu sa reconnaissance de candidat officiel l'adhsion par le Conseil europen de Bruxelles en juin 2004. Sa collaboration avec le TPIY et l'amlioration des relations avec ses voisins lui ont permis d'ouvrir des ngociations d'adhsion, le 3 octobre 2005. Elles ont dbut officiellement le 9 fvrier 2006. La Macdoine a sign un ASA, le 9 avril 2001. Elle a surmont les problmes de la minorit albanaise (Accords d'OHRID d'Aot 2001), mais les rformes structurelles sont lentes. L'U.E lui a reconnu le statut de pays candidat lors du Conseil europen du 16 dcembre 2005. L'ouverture des ngociations dpend des rsultats de la politique d'austrit dans les domaines budgtaire et montaire, du maintien de la croissance et de la rduction de la dette extrieure. L'Albanie a sign un ASA avec l'U.E le 12 juin 2006. Les rformes entreprises par le gouvernement sont "largement insuffisantes" d'aprs la prsidence de la Commission qui considre que le "trafic de drogue et d'tres humains restait un problmes fortement proccupant". Il faut compter 15 ans pour voir l'Albanie entrer dans l'U.E. La Bosnie-Herzgovine ngocie la signature d'un ASA depuis le 25 novembre 2005. Le texte de l'accord est prt pour l'essentiel. Le rapport du 8 novembre 2006 de la Commission prcise que "la conclusion de cet accord est subordonne des progrs supplmentaires sur un certain nombre de priorits, notamment la coopration sans rserve avec le TPIY, la rforme de la police et la lgislation sur la radio - tlvision".

EUROPA Activits de l'Union europenne, Synthse de la lgislation, Le programme CARDS (2000-2006).

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Le Montngro est indpendant depuis le rfrendum du 21 mai 2006 et l'UE l'a reconnu le 12 juin 2006. Le rapport de la Commission du 8 novembre 2006 note des progrs significatifs qui ont permis la signature d'un ASA le 15 mars 2007 Podgorica, capitale du Montngro4. La Serbie : Les ngociations avec la Serbie et le Montngro ont t entames le 10 octobre 2005 pour la conclusion d'un ASA. En mai 2006, elles on t interrompues pour "non respect de l'engagement pris par Belgrade de cooprer avec le TPIY". L'arrestation du Gnral Zoravko Tolimir a t considre comme un geste de bonne volont par la Commission europenne et les ngociations ont repris le 13 juin 2007 sparment du Montngro, devenu indpendant. La conclusion de l'ASA dpend certes de l'volution serbe vers la dmocratie et l'conomie de march, mais elle est lie aussi la solution de la question du Kosovo. L'U.E renforce son influence politique avec le dsengagement progressif des Etats Unis aprs les attentats du 11 septembre. Elle a contribu efficacement la solution de la crise de Macdoine (Printemps 2001) en dpchant Franois Lotard qui a ngoci les accords d'OHRID (Printemps 2001) en coopration troite avec le reprsentant amricain, James Pardew. Un haut reprsentant spcial de l'UE Alain Le Roy a remplac Franois Lotard le 29 octobre 2001 pour superviser l'application de l'accord. L' UE a sign le 16 octobre 2002 un accord-cadre avec l'OTAN o elle s'engage prendre progressivement sa relve. Il est appliqu depuis le 17 mars 2003. Un communiqu commun (29 juillet 2003) vise au dveloppement d'une stratgie commune dans les Balkans occidentaux. En Macdoine, l'opration Concordia de l'UE (31 mars 2003) remplace la mission "Harmonie" de l'OTAN. C'est la premire mission militaire de l'UE dans les Balkans. Elle mobilise 650 hommes et est remplace le 15 dcembre 2003 par l'opration de police "Proxima". 200 policiers sont mis la disposition de la Macdoine pour une rforme de la police. "Proxima" cesse le 14 dcembre 2005. Elle est remplace par " Eupat", mission de 30 policiers, chargs d'accompagner la rforme de la police. Son mandat est de 6 mois et a t prolong jusqu'en dcembre 2006. Elle vise rendre la police macdonienne capable d'agir contre la corruption et le crime organis et a assurer la surveillance des frontires et le maintien de l'ordre.

Les ngociations entre l'UE et le Montngro ont dbut le 26 septembre 2006.

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L'UE a rationalis sa reprsentation en Macdoine qui tait clate en trois entits: le Reprsentant spcial, charg de l'application d'OHRID, la Dlgation de la Commission europenne et l'Agence europenne pour la reconstruction (AER), gestionnaire du programme CARDS. Les responsabilits de Reprsentant spcial et de chef de la Dlgation fusionnent (1er novembre 2005). Le poids de la Dlgation gnrale se renforce. Le Haut reprsentant auprs du Secrtaire Gnral de l'ONU est en mme temps Reprsentant spcial de l'UE en Bosnie-Herzgovine depuis juin 2002. L'UE lance en janvier 2003 la mission de police "European Union Police Mission" (EUPM). Elle remplace militairement l'OTAN le 2 Dcembre avec l'EUFOR (Force de l'UE en Bosnie-Herzgovine) dans le cadre de l'opration ALTHEA. L'UE dploie 7000 hommes. ALTHEA a pour mission de scuriser le pays, de rechercher les criminels de guerre inculps par le TPIY, de dmanteler les mafias et d'aider crer un Etat stable dmocratiquement et conomiquement dans un cadre multiethnique. L'UE est fortement prsente au KOSOVO. Elle participe la KFOR (Kosovo force) et aux ngociations sur le futur statut du KOSOVO qui ont t engages en Mars 2006. La politique d'ouverture de l'UE de futures adhsions Le conseil europen de FEIRA (Juin 2000) a reconnu que tous les Etats des Balkans occidentaux sont des candidats potentiels l'intgration dans l'UE. Ils devront remplir les conditions des critres dfinis par le conseil europen du 23 Juin 1993 Copenhague. Ces critres sont des institutions stables, garantes de la dmocratie, la primaut du droit, les droits de l'homme, le respect des minorits et leur protection, l'existence d'une conomie de march viable, ainsi que la capacit de faire face la pression concurrentielle et aux forces du march l'intrieur de l'Union. Le pays candidat doit avoir la capacit d'assumer les obligations de l'adhsion et notamment de souscrire aux objectifs de l'Union politique, conomique et montaire. Le sommet UE-Pays Balkanique occidentaux du ZAGREB (Novembre 2000) a fix les grandes lignes d'une intgration future en lanant le Processus de stabilisation et d'association (PSA). Le sommet de THESSALONIQUE (21 Juin 2003) UE-Pays Balkaniques occidentaux confirme la perspective d'adhsion sans fixer d'chance. Il affirme la "vocation europenne" des Balkans occidentaux et prend des mesures facilitant les conditions de ralisation des ASA. Des partenariats europens seront ngocis. Ils ont pour but d'identifier les

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domaines prioritaires dans lesquels des rformes doivent tre ralises (exemple : rapprochement avec la lgislation communautaire) et ils servent de cadre de rfrence pour l'aide communautaire. La Macdoine, l'Albanie et la Bosnie-Herzgovine bnficient des partenariats europens. Les Balkans occidentaux ont accs aux programmes communautaires de pr-adhsion dont bnficient les pays candidats5. Un systme de consultations rgulires est tabli avec le FORUM UE-Balkans occidentaux. Un suivi annuel est instaur avec les rapports annuels de la Commission europenne. La Commission a rationalis l'aide aux pays ayant une vocation europenne en crant un cadre unique : l'instrument d'aide et pradhsion (IAP). Il concerne les pays candidats qui ngocient leur adhsion (Croatie et Turquie); la Macdoine qui a le statut de pays candidat et les pays candidats potentiels (Albanie, Bosnie-Herzgovine, Montngro, Serbie et Kosovo). L'IAP est l'instrument financier communautaire du processus de pradhsion pour la priode 2007-2013. La Commission europenne a adopt une stratgie d'aide financire pour la priode 2007-2009 dont l'enveloppe est de 3961,6 millions deuros. Rpartition de l'enveloppe financire (2007-2009) de l'IAP
CROATIE ANCIENNE REPUBLIQUE YOUGOSLAVE DE MACEDOINE TURQUIE ALBANIE BOSNIE-HERZEGOVINE MONTENEGRO SERBIE KOSOVO Multibnficiaires6 Unit = millions d'euros 438,5 210,4 1602,3 212,9 226,0 97,3 572,4 199,1 402,7 3961,6

Les Balkans et l'Europe, Questions internationales, La documentation franaise, Paris, Janvier-Fvrier 2007, p. 37. 6 Projets communs plusieurs pays. (Coopration rgionale, justice et affaires intrieures, infrastructures etc.).

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L'UE a mis en place les instruments de pradhsion pour aider les six pays des Balkans occidentaux dont la population est gale celle de la Roumanie avec 22 millions d'habitants. La Croatie pourrait adhrer aprs les lections europennes de 2009 et la ratification du nouveau trait par les 27 tats membres. La Macdoine a le statut de pays candidat, mais le dbut des ngociations n'a pas encore t fix et il se heurte de nombreuses difficults. Le dernier rapport prsent au Parlement europen7 reconnat que la Macdoine est devenue un modle dans la rgion pour la promotion d'une socit multiethnique dans un tat unitaire. Le Dialogue entre le gouvernement et l'opposition fonctionne bien et assure la stabilit du fonctionnement des institutions Les dfis majeurs relever sont les rformes de la police et de la justice, la lutte contre la corruption, l'application de la lgislation et la lutte contre le chmage par des investissements importants dans l'ducation et la formation. L'Albanie, la Macdoine et les autres pays (Montngro, Serbie, Bosnie-Herzgovine) prsentent touts les mmes handicaps quant leur adhsion future. La modernisation demeure souvent un 'VERNIS" du fait des difficults d'tablissement d'un tat de droit, de la fraude fiscale, de l'conomie informelle, du crime organis et de la corruption. Le passage une conomie de march durable se heurte au maintien d'un secteur public qui reprsente encore 25 45% selon les pays8 et des taux de chmage suprieurs 30% sauf en Albanie. Les privatisations souffrent du manque de transparence. Les investissements trangers ne dmarrent vraiment qu'en 2003 et ils ont tendance s'acclrer en 2006. La situation sociale demeure proccupante avec la dsorganisation de la protection sociale et d'une moyenne des salaires comprise entre 200 et 300 euros9. Le seul espoir de ces pays rside dans leur adhsion l'UE. L'ide europenne est leur refuge, leur esprance pour l'avenir. Les Balkans occidentaux sont entours de pays membres de l'UE et la perspective europenne contribue la scurisation du continent. L'UE ne peut ngliger une partie de l'Europe du sud-est qui est stratgiquement incontournable. Elle est actuellement une plaque tournante des mafias internationales. Sa position gographique est favorable pour les futures pipelines venant de Turquie et acheminant les hydrocarbures de la Caspienne.

7 8

Rapport du dput ERIK MEIJER de Juillet 2007. Voir annexes statistiques 9 La Croatie fait exception avec 500 euros en 2005.

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Les Balkans occidentaux disposent d'une main d'uvre qualifie et bon march. Ils reprsentent un march potentiel qui ne peut se dvelopper que par les apports de l'aide internationale et des investissements trangers. La faiblesse des ressources financires empche le dveloppement des infrastructures et la protection de l'environnement. Les priorits sont l'limination de la pauvret, un nouveau statut pour la Bosnie-Herzgovine et la solution de la question du Kosovo. Un Kosovo indpendant ne peut se concevoir qu'avec le maintien d'une "surveillance internationale". La stabilisation des minorits albanaises en Macdoine et au Montngro loigne la menace du retour de l'ide de "GRANDE ALBANIE". L'UE a dcrt une pause de l'largissement lors du sommet informel des ministres des Affaires Etrangres de SALZBOURG des 11 et12 Mars 2006. La "capacit d'absorption" de l'UE devient la condition des futures adhsions10. La Commission a dfini (Novembre 2006), la capacit d'intgration de nouveaux membres dans l'U.E "La capacit d'intgration se mesure la facult de l'U.E d'accueillir un moment donn ou une priode donne, sans mettre en pril les objectifs politiques tablis par les traits. C'est avant tout une notion fonctionnelle". L'U.E doit viter de devenir "frileuse". Elle se doit d'entretenir la "fibre europenne" des Balkans occidentaux. Conclusion LUnion Europenne a la chance historique de stabiliser les Balkans et dy occuper la place traditionnelle que la Russie et lEmpire Ottoman ont tenue. Russie et Turquie ne sont pas absentes des Balkans, mais elles nont plus la capacit dy retrouver une place dominante. La Russie soutient la Serbie et bloque pour linstant lindpendance du Kosovo au Conseil de scurit. Elle est sur la dfensive. La Turquie a une diplomatie active, mais elle est freine par sa candidature lUnion Europenne. Elle a particip la SFOR et est prsente dans la KFOR, mais elle suit plutt quelle ne prcde. Le changement de statut du Kosovo est inluctable. Lindpendance est pratiquement un fait acquis quelquen soit la forme. Il faut viter sa proclamation unilatrale par les kosovars ou la coupure du pays en deux. La viabilit dun Kosovo indpendant passe par une intgration conomique rgionale et une tutelle de lUnion Europenne sur le plan international.

10

Les Balkans et l'Europe, Questions Internationales, La documentation franaise, Paris Janvier-Fvrier 2007, p. 39.

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Lavenir des Balkans occidentaux est li la stabilisation de la Serbie et sa reconnaissance comme pays candidat lUnion Europenne. Lintgration des pays balkaniques occidentaux dans lUnion Europenne se situe dans une perspective 2020-2025.
Population Totale (1995-2006) 1995 Albanie Bosnie-Herzgovine Croatie Kosovo Macdoine Serbie- Montngro dont Montngro Unit = milliers d'habitants (1)=2001 (2)=2002 (3)=2004 4669 2113 1957 8432 3037 2000 3058 3781 4427 2304 2026 8343 2006 3147 3912 4556 2473 (3) 2037 8147 (3) 600 Taux de Fcondit 2003 1,8 1,23 (1) 1,4 3,00 (2) 1,54 (2) 1,58 (2)

DENSITES 1995 Albanie 105,6 2000 106,4 2004 108,5

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Bosnie-Herzgovine Croatie Kosovo Macdoine Serbie- Montngro Unit : habitants/km2 (1) = 2003 82,6 194,3 76,1 92,4 78,3 211,8

76,0 78,5 224,4

78,6 78,7 (1) 91,4 89,2

L'ECONOMIE DES BALKANS OCCIDENTAUX TAUX DE TAUX CHOMAGE D'EMPLOI ETATS Albanie Bosnie-Herzegovine Croatie Macdoine Serbie-Montenegro Kosovo Unit = % 1998 17,8 38,7 11,4 32,3 27,2 2005 14,2 44,6 (3) 18,0 36,5 32,0 (3) 53,2 36,1 57,9 54,3 33,8 57,2 (2) 1999 55,7 2004 50,0

42,9 (1) 50,3 (2)

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(1)=2001 (2)=2003 (3)=2004 L'ECONOMIE DES BALKANS OCCIDENTAUX TAUX D'INFLATION ETATS Albanie Bosnie-Herzegovine Croatie Macdoine Serbie-Montenegro Unit = % (1) : 1989=100 L'ECONOMIE DES BALKANS OCCIDENTAUX Part des secteurs d'activit en 2003 dans le P.I.B. (2003) 5,7 0,5 29,5 1999 20,6 2005 2,1 2,8 2,9 0,0 16,2 98 88 58 P.I.B (1) (1999-2005) 138

ETATS Albanie BosnieHerzegovine

Primaire Secondaire Tertiaire 24,0 10,6 21,1 30,3 54,9 62,4

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Croatie Macdoine Serbie-Montenegro Kosovo Union Europenne Unit = %

8,4 13,4 16,3 (1)

30,1 30,7 31,8 (1) 31,8 (1)

61,5 56,0 51,9

2,1

26,3

71,4

(1) = 2002

LE COMMERCE EXTERIEUR TAUX DE COMMERCE avec COUVERTURE ETATS l'U.E 25 (2001) (2005) Albanie BosnieHerzegovine Croatie Macdoine SerbieMontenegro Kosovo Unit = % (1) = 2003 28,3 39,6 50,8 65,9 44,0 78,6 59,6 (1) 75,9 54,9 52,3 35,9 (1)

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Bibliographie 1) Ouvrages Derens, J.A. et C.Samary, Les Conflits Yougoslaves de A Z, Collection "Points d'appui", Editions de l'Atelier, Paris, 2000. Garde, P., Vie et Mort de la Yougoslavie, Paris, Fayard, 2000. Les Balkans, Collection Dominos, Paris, 3me Edition, 2002. Lory, B., L'Europe Balkanique de 1945 nos jours, Paris, Ellipses, 1996. Preve Lakis, G., Les Balkans, culture et gopolitique, Paris, Nathan, 1994. Solioz, Ch., L'aprs guerre dans les Balkans, Paris, Karthala, 2003. Weibel E., Histoire et Gopolitique des Balkans de 1800 nos jours, Paris, Ellipses, 2002. 2) Revues et Articles Les Balkans et l'Europe , Questions internationales, La Documentation franaise, page 1 88, Paris, 2007. L'Europe centrale et orientale 2000-2001, 2001-2002, 2002-2003, 2004-2005, 2005-2006, dans Le Courrier de Pays de l'Est 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006. 3) Les Balkans sur Internet Le Courrier des Balkans. hppt://balkans.courriers.info/ The Wiiw Balkans Observatory. www.wiiw.ac.at/balkan

The Integration of the Oriental Balkans in the EU. Problems and Perspectives - Abstract The EU proved to be incapabel to manage the Yugoslavian crisis. Nevertheless, beginning with the year 2000, the EU has conceived for thee states in the region the process of stanization and association, having as a final objective their integration into the UE. The success of this process represents the ony solution to the complex and difficult problems of the regions. The article analyses the problems and perspectives of each country in the Occidental Balkans.

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THE ROMANIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH, THE STATE, AND EUROPEAN UNION STEPS TOWARDS INTEGRATION ANCA INCAN A paradoxical situation is noticeable in post-communist Romania. There is at first sight a tendency towards imitating and adopting the mores, the institutions, or the types of behavior of modernized western European countries. On the other hand there is a striking tendency of adopting and imitating the pre-communist model of society (interwar) that has a powerful precedent over much of the Romanian society being perceived as its own way to grasp modernization. One can easily notice that in the restoration of a democratic political life along with the surviving political figures and the interwar names even the political agenda and orientation of the pre communist period were inherited. The Romanian society shifts between traditionalism and modernism and this was reflected in the life and activity of the Romanian Orthodox Church. This article develops several aspects from the policies of the Orthodox Church in post-communist Romania in its relation with the state in what concerns the integration in the European Union and its responses to the demands formulated by its believers. Church as a state institution? The Orthodox Archbishop Bartolomeu of Cluj characterized the relationship between the Orthodox Church and the Romanian State using the word autonomy.
This means neither separated from the state nor in the service of the state, that is treating the state as an equal we have a church that lives on the territory of this state, respects its laws. We have not restored the Byzantine symphonia that is 1 more difficult, but the relationship is clearer and so far, I believe, is balanced .

This type of discourse appeared all throughout the first post-communist decade at various personalities of the Church and was entertained by state officials and political personalities as well. The Romanian Orthodox Church enjoyed, coming out of the communist period, a strong popular support. Though contested and accused of collaborating with the communist regime the hierarchy of the church survived
1

Archbishop Bartolomeu of Cluj, Destinul Ortodoxiei romneti (The destiny of Romanian Orthodoxy), in Deisis, Issue 9/10, (Regensburg, 2000), p. 21.

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to lead the church in the first years of democracy. The strong population support was confirmed by the first census results in 1992 when around 86 percents of the Romanian population declared themselves to be Orthodox2. All throughout the 1990s the opinion polls credited the Orthodox Church with the highest level of trust3. An opinion poll conducted shortly before the Romanian EU accession revealed that more than 50 percent of the population interviewed would support an involvement of the church in political affairs. The church penetrated the smallest corners of the country and had an important impact in shaping the political opinions of the population especially in rural areas. Thus the state saw necessary to collaborate and instrument the church especially for electoral purposes4. Part of the salaries of the legally recognized religious denominations clergy is paid from the state budget a situation that is inherited from the late 19th century and was preserved all throughout the communist period. This ties the religious denominations closer to the state the latter being able to partially control the administration of the denominations, the number of priests appointed, the number of churches built, the number of students and theological institutions all closely connected with state financing. Also in accordance with its presence in the public sphere the Romanian Orthodox Church is involved in various public functions. It has an array of priests in the hospitals continuing what it called the social (missionary) activity so abruptly interrupted by the communist regime. Soon after 1990, projects of teaching religion in school were developed and today religious teaching is mandatory at the primary and secondary school level. These gains came with several restrictions for the church. It connected the church with the political administration and made it subject to a number of compromises. Independent gestures are difficult for the church to sustain. One can easily find paradoxical situations in which the church finds itself supporting actions coming contrary to its own policy agenda. The example of the European integration is one of the most visible. To support this integration

The National Census, 1992, Comisia Naional de Statistic, Anuarul Statistic al Romniei, Monitorul Oficial, Bucharest, 1993, pp. 106-107. 3 For more inside in the poll of opinion results see May 2003 Poll of Opinion conducted by Gallup at the request of the Open Society Foundation in Romania http://www.gallup.ro/download/CaietBOP_mai2003.pdf, p. 54. 4 Teodor Baconsky, Dup vizita Papei (After the papal visit), in Deisis, Issue 9-10, (2000, Regensburg), p. 39.

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went against several church principles5 to oppose it would have meant going against its believers goals and would have signified losing political support and being labeled retrograde, conservative or ultra nationalist. Therefore the church supported at least at the level of discourse the Romanian integration in the European Union. It even went at length to prove its compatibility with the European Union. This proved to be a complicated relationship between a traditional institution, modernity and the secularized world. Where Europe ends? The idea of the European unity dominates the entire post communist period public discourse in Romania. Reality proved that there are few to no alternatives to the integration into the European Union. It was perceived and sold as the political and institutional reality that would allow accomplishing the century old dream of joining the European club. The 1848 goal of modernizing the country on European coordinates was in process in the 1990s. In this movement of acceding to the European Union was the Romanian Orthodox Church under an external pressure to reconcile tradition with modernity in its policies or did it feel an internal inclination towards modernization? Among the hostile forces encountered by the Romanian Orthodox Church during the post communist period professor Constantin Coman found in an article that appeared in 1993 the hostility at home to be particular.
These [people], often disturbed by the orthodox label stuck on them by history and perceived as damaging in the road toward European integration try as hard as they can to get rid of it, either by advocating a religious union with Rome or showing a strong sympathy towards America, the two great powers of today6.

Coman statement was not gratuitous. In the years following the 1989 events these lines of interpreting modernization, of what Europe is and what belonging to the cultural European space means surfaced in the public discourse. This was linked with what it meant to be Orthodox. The hungtingtonian divide between two Europe went alongside religious lines and continued an argument that ended civilized Europe
One can include here the problem of the homosexual community and the European pressure for equal rights for sexual minorities. 6 Constantin Coman, Ortodoxia sub presiunea istoriei (Orthodoxy under the pressure of history), in Vestitorul Ortodoxiei (Orthodox Herald), Issue 1, (May, 1993), p. 2.
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geographically with the areas where the Gothic architecture ended. The Romanian Orthodox Church was left to demonstrate that Europe does not end where Orthodoxy begins. The church itself together with the believers it had under spiritual guidance had to prove that it was opened to the new and did not dwell on reminiscences from the past. This openness to the new (whatever that may signify) was adopted with reticence under the pressure exercised by the believers secular goal accession to a geographic, economic and cultural well defined concept the European Union. This accession had to involve the church and should not mean that the Orthodox Church would lose its spiritual control over the majority of the Romanian society and more this accession could not make the church redundant. The Church started a media campaign reflected in the religious journals that worked of the compatibility between Orthodox spirituality and the European Union. Ecumenism and the ecumenical relations that the Romanian Orthodox Church had established during the period in which it was involved in the World Council of Churches proved helpful7. Europeanism versus ecumenism, this was a line that the Romanian Orthodox Church entertained even before becoming aware of its benefits. In the 1980s an article in Glasul Bisericii (The Voice of the Church) the religious journal of the Banat Metropolitan See referred to the ecumenical activity of the Romanian Orthodox Church and developed a plan for achieving European unity through Church unity, made possible in the European ecumenical movement. The Romanian Orthodox Church integration into the European ecumenical movement was its own answer to the European unification8. In the 1990s the Church picked up this line now fully aware of the advantages of such an interpretation of ecumenism. The validity of ecumenism in the dialogue between East and West was acknowledged even by the personalities that opposed the ecumenical movement or treated it with distrust. In an article entitled Again Ecumenism Radu Preda pleads against the exaggerations and the negative role of the Catholic and Protestant ecumenical activities under which the author fears, lies hidden proselytism. The article was written to underline the ecumenical meaning of Christian Europe. In ecumenism the Christian can find both the
The Romanian Orthodox Church joined the World Council of Churches in the early 1960s together with the Russian Orthodox Church. 8 Fapte i aciuni n slujba Patriei i a Pcii, nspre o Europ Unit (Deeds and actions in the service of the country and peace, towards a united Europe), in Glasul Bisericii, Issue 1-3, (January - March, 1982), p. 45.
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source for an internal unity but also the most redoubtable enemy: syncretism, lack of identity, uniformity9. The Orthodox characteristic of the Romanian society had to be preserved. Ion Bria, one of the important figures of the ecumenical movement of the Romanian Orthodox Church, offered in an article at the beginning of the 1990s an interesting image of the Orthodox Church in its way toward adaptation at the requests of the modern society.
Today we talk about renewal, adaptation, reevaluation, rethinking, redimensioning refreshing, or aggiornamento, a direction of the church life towards becoming more suitable and relevant for todays society... the problem is that these labels can be just a curtain that mask the continuity of the structures and work principles from the dictatorship period.... If in the past because of the political anti-religious pressures the conservative attitude was the way to resist, today in a democratic society renewal means setting new perspectives and institutions for religious, missionary, cultural and social work, things the Romanian society needs10.

The church renewal started from education. Trained priests at the university level were scarce. During the communist period only two institutes were allowed to function and a considerable number of the orthodox priests were immediately ordained after graduating seminaries. Building churches and religious teaching in school was the churchs way to respond to the spiritual needs of the believers. The problem of their earthly goals was though as important in the church literature during post communism as the spiritual one. The portrait of the Orthodox Church as an autonomous, autocephalous and national religious institution that protects a dogmatic and liturgical tradition a rich but enigmatic spirituality is designed to impress and contrast with the European model that is perceived as too secular and lacking spirituality. The Orthodox Church was perceived as uniform, with stereotypes in its traditions, conservative in its rite, cult and liturgy, radical in its doctrine, overemphasizing spirituality and asceticism, patriarchal in organization and in its believers regulations11. This was refuted as false since the Romanian
Radu Preda, Iari ecumenism (Again ecumenism), in Ortodoxia, Issue 2-3, (April September, 1994), p. 6. 10 Ion Bria, nnoire, (Renewal) in Biserica Ortodox Romn, (The Romanian Orthodox Church), Issue 1-3, (January/ March, 1992), p. 48. 11 Ion Bria, Ortodoxia i semnificaia ei azi, (Orthodoxy and its significance today) in Studii Teologice, Issue 1-2, (January/April, 1992), p. 3.
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Orthodox Church was involved in a missionary activity that surpasses the Church mass of believer and extended to a communication between the Christian denomination both at national level and at a European one. Ecumenism is how the Romanian Orthodox Church proved its usefulness at an external level. Ecumenism was its way of adapting to modernity. Ion Bria was a qualified voice on ecumenism in the Romanian Orthodox Church. A director in the World Council of Churches, to which the Romanian Orthodox Church adhered in the 1960s together with the Russian Orthodox Church, Bria was not shy in criticizing and drawing attention to ardent problems in the Orthodox Church. He advocated a real transition from conservatism to modernization and not just a facade one masked by a false discourse. Published widely by the religious journals with articles dedicated to the ecumenical phenomena Bria could be considered one of the most important spokesman of the church in the problem of the church orientation towards Europe. He was a strong supporter of local ecumenism as a first step in the dialogue between churches. The Romanian Orthodox Church was familiar with this type of ecumenism. During the communist period, much under the influence and the supervision of the communist party the Romanian Orthodox Church initiated such ecumenical activities at a local level where they met the Protestant denominations and later the Catholic Church. In the second part of the 1990s the ecumenism of the Orthodox Church borrows the familiar structures of the local ecumenism as developed during communism. Adopting social attributes and in the same time intensifying the ecumenical dialogue towards the protestant denomination and later towards the Roman Catholic Church12 were among the characteristics of the public life of the Romanian Orthodox Church in the post communist period. In the official view of the church expressed mostly by Bria local ecumenism was a duty and not just a simple option for the Romanian Church.
The solving of the differences with the Roman Catholic Church revolved around finding a solution to the Greek Catholic problem on the issue of returning their properties. The Greek Catholic Church in Romania was forcefully united with the Romanian Orthodox Church in 1948 and taken out from the Vatican supervision. Its properties were confiscated by the communists and put under the administration of the Orthodox Church. In 1990 when the Greek Catholic Church was recognized by the state as an independent denomination under the Vatican spiritual and administrative guidance it asked for the returning of their properties confiscated in 1948. This sprung out huge debates that affected the relationship between the Romanian Orthodox Church and the Roman Catholic one.
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Through local ecumenism reconciliation of the religious and ethnic minorities in the country could be realized. Due to the characteristics of the ethnic and religious background of Romania this idea was indeed appealing yet little results were indeed visible. At the theological institutes level there were exchanges of students and professors, a number of books were published, conferences were held. Still the churches involvement in actually solving ethnic conflicts or the impact of local ecumenism in this activity was more an ideal and less an accomplishment. More over the Romanian Orthodox Church was involved in several debates and conflicts with minority religious denomination like the Greek Catholics or various Neo Protestant denominations. The discourse of the Romanian Orthodox Church revolved around the task that was before the church in educating its believers to be Romanians and treat and love the others that spoke a different language and were or not Orthodox as Romanian citizens13. Alongside the stability factor that local ecumenism was thought to be able to propagate another motivation laid behind this activity. The Romanian Orthodox Church began in the 1990s to get involved in social activities by developing several programs of social assistance. It reclaims its secular attributes that were lost during the communist period. Ecumenism was treated as a way of learning the skills of involvement in the social life of the community. The religious denominations in Western Europe were practicing this type of social assistance for a long period of time. They had their own budgets, administration and financing. Partners in Western European countries, especially from Protestant and Anglican denominations encouraged the Romanian Orthodox Churchs timid beginnings. On a local level one could notice collaboration between the religious denomination in developing such programs like orphanages, kitchens for homeless, shelters for abused women or children. In the mid-1990 a more active involvement in supporting the Romanian integration into the European Union and NATO can be noticed in the discourse and activity of the Romanian Orthodox Church. In 1995 alongside various other Orthodox Churches in Europe a bureau of the Orthodox Churches in Brussels was opened. It is proof of the importance that the Orthodox Church is placing on edifying the new Europe and its willingness of

Ion Bria,Conduita ecumenic a ortodoxiei (The ecumenical traits of Orthodoxy), in Ortodoxia, Issue 3-4, (July-December, 1995), p. 16.

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contributing to this process14. The Orthodox Church was seen as a bridge that connected the East and the West of Europe, a source of spiritual identity for around 200 million Europeans as Jacques Delors noted at the event15. In the near perspective of the European Union integration of the Eastern European countries the Orthodox Church became a factor that had to be taken into consideration. The Holy Synod of the Romanian Orthodox Church one year before this event subscribed to the idea that an independent organism other than the European Council of Churches had to represent the Orthodox Churches in the European Union. The Church begins finding a role in a future negotiation process for the Romanian integration into the European Union. After half a decade from the fall of communism there were still voices that opposed Orthodoxy to the Europeanist movement. Radu Preda noticed this in a particular moment when the doctrine of the Romanian Orthodox Church came in harsh conflict with the European Union demand, the abrogation of the Article 200 in the constitution that presented homosexuality as a crime and not only denied homosexuals equal rights but imprisoned people on account of it. The Romanian Orthodox Church and various other religious denominations in the country opposed this request for abrogation in public debates, sermons, media shows, and Parliament sessions. The civil society and the NGOs came in opposition to the Churchs position. In this context various opinions were voiced arguing that the Orthodox Church was a brake in the modernization of the country. The church expressed its dissatisfaction with these opinions.
The European intellectual (Romanian) mistakes ideology for truth. A paradoxical mix of French leftist bibliography and provincial idiosyncrasies, the new pedagogue of the public consciousness puts faith on trial. He is irritated by the presence of the Church in todays society and demands from it an impossible ecumenism16.

The ecumenical position of the Romanian Orthodox Church was hardly known to the large public and often connected with the ecumenical activity
Mriuca Alexandrescu, Bruxelles: inaugurarea Biroului Bisericii Ortodoxe de pe lng Uniunea European Brussels: the inauguration of the Orthodox Churchs office at the European Union), in Revista Teologic (Theological Journal), Issue 2, (AprilJune 1995), p. 56. 15 Ibidem, p. 55. 16 Radu Preda, Ortodoxie i ecumenism, (Orthodoxy and ecumenism), in Ortodoxia, Issue 1-2, (January-June, 1996), p. 62.
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during communism under the influence of the Russian Orthodox Church and still subject to state interference. Yet it was not just the ecumenical activity that was placed under scrutiny but also its capacity to adapt to certain requirements that the secularized West demanded from the Romanian society in order to accept it into the exclusive club of European democracies. The Romanian Orthodox Church had to prove itself useful not only for its spiritual command but also in matters concerning ardent issues in the social and political life of the country. A major brake for the image of the Orthodox Church was the visit in May 1999 of Pope John Paul II to Romania. Considered on the ecumenical level an incredible breakthrough in the relationship between the Orthodox Churches and the Roman Catholic one it was labeled by the international media as history making17. On a political level this event had a tremendous magnitude. The Romanian Orthodox Church was in the avangarde of the ecumenical movement. It made its debut on the international scene and became an important actor in connecting two civilizations by working to reconcile the two Churches that at one point in history defined these European civilizations. This visit was indeed a historical one. It imposed the Romanian Orthodox Church in the European ecumenical high-life as the first Orthodox Church in the former communist European countries to have been visited by a Catholic Pope, an interesting starting point in the pedagogy of reconciliation between the two sister churches. The Papal visit brought up the connection between the Romanian Orthodox Church and the problems of the European integration of Romania. This type of events could be considered, and the church is advertising this line, as the Orthodox Churchs contribution to the European integration.
After this memorable event the Holy See was able to envisage at least at the level of discourse alongside the Orthodox Churches and the Protestant ones a pan-European strategy of religious integration. It is clear now that the church of the majority has gained more prestige but also more responsibility18.

The image of an Orthodox Church as a warrant for the stability in the Balkans came up also in these circumstances of ecumenical euphoria. The
Bob McMahon, Romania: After Pope's Visit, Vatican Looks To Moscow Available at: http://b-info.com/places/Bulgaria/news/99-05/may11j.rfe, Internet accessed October 5th, 2008. 18 Baconsky, op.cit., p. 41.
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Romanian Orthodox Church made its way into the European political scene. One such attempt of influencing the foreign affairs of the state, only one year before in 1998, resulted in an interesting defeat. The Romanian Orthodox Church supported a non-interventionist position of the Romanian State in the Serbian war. It has voiced then the concerns and affinities of its believers, starch supporters of the Serbian side. Yet the government supported the NATO troops. It was a defeat for the Orthodox Church but it had an impact in creating a powerful image for the church and encouraged it to get involved in such political actions. The papal visit was a joint effort of the government and the church. It had a different impact in the relationship between the state and the church. It worked in the name of symphonia and made the church a more interesting partner for the state. In 2000 a reunion of all religious denominations recognized by the law drafted a declaration supporting the Romanian integration into the European Union. Out of this spiritual laboratory a common statement was issued stating the support of these denominations for the accomplishment of their believers ideal. Emphasis was placed on the spiritual dimension of the European integration. This was said to be a possible Romanian contribution to the European life19. The declaration ends a decade of twists and turns in the relationship between the Romanian Orthodox Church and the European ideal as developed by the Romanian State. With changes of perspective, diplomatic failures and victories, ecumenical and social activities the Romanian Orthodox Church transmitted in this period the full support for the integration in The European Union. Though at times the church came against several European requirements, was perceived as conservative and retrograde not particularly congruent with the modern secular organism Romania was trying to accede it managed to impose itself in the dialogue with the European Union. The trust expressed by the Romanian population in the church activity offered a solid base for most of the church ecumenical and diplomatic resolution. It involved the church as a port parole for a large number of the population in various issues connected with the accession procedures. Though instrumented by the state in some of its actions a tendency towards independence in its activity supporting the integration can be observed. The churchs discourse concentrates highly on nationhood and national being it
Rolul integrator al Biserici Ortodoxe Romne (The role of the Orthodox Church in the integration process), in Deisis, Issue 9-10, 2000, Regensburg, p. 79.
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is perceived as a national church and is rather reticent towards various conditions that would threaten the community of believers. Losing their national and religious identity was one of the reasons part of the hierarchy in Transylvania advised their believers not to vote for the constitution joining the extreme right voices. The paradoxes of the situation of the Romanian Orthodox Church in its relationship with the secularized organism to which its believers will be part of created an electric atmosphere during the 1990s. The Romanian Orthodox Church, the State, and European Union Steps towards Integration - Abstract The various ways used by the Romanian State to successfully integrate in the European project all mention the need for a transition from traditionalism to modernity. The present article presents several modalities that the Romanian Orthodox Church adapted to the process of integration into the European Union via the appeal to the process of modernization. Situated paradoxically between the need to support this project and its critical appraisal the Romanian Orthodox Church evaluates in the 1990s its public position towards the European integration.

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Istorie social, istorie politic, istoriografie/Social History, Political History, Historiography

TARIFA TRICESIMAL A TRANSILVANIEI DIN 1634 SIMON ZSOLT n evul mediu, n Regatul Ungariei, vama ce trebuia pltit pentru mrfurile destinate circulaiei comerciale a fost calculat n dou moduri: n cazul unor mrfuri a fost fixat suma exact ce trebuia pltit dup cantitatea specificat, iar n cazul celorlalte articole trebuia pltit o anumit cot parte din valoarea mrfii. Primele liste ale tarifelor vamale provin din secolul al XIIIlea, cnd acestea erau incluse n diplome i n privilegii1. Probabil odat cu propagarea scrisului a aprut un tip de act special, i anume lista care coninea numai tarifele vamale. n cadrul acestor acte, listele cu tarifele vmilor externe se pot considera ca formnd o subgrup separat. Dintre acestea prima, care s-a pstrat, a fost redactat n 1436 i se refer la tricesima din Buda, urmat de cea din Sopron, datat ntre 1483 i 1490 i cea nedatat din Bardejov, scris cndva la nceputul secolul al XVI-lea2.
Domanovszky Sndor, A harmincadvm eredete, n Idem, Gazdasg s trsadalom a kzpkorban, Vlogatta s a bevezet tanulmnyt rta Glatz Ferenc, Budapest, 1979, p. 53-59, 66-79; Idem, Mzsaszekr, n op. cit., p. 103, 106, 110-111; Pach Zsigmond Pl, A harmincadvm eredete, (rtekezsek, emlkezsek), Budapest, 1990; Fgedi Erik, Kzpkori magyar vrosprivilgiumok, n Idem, Koldul bartok, polgrok, nemesek. Tanulmnyok a magyar kzpkorrl, Budapest, 1981, p. 251-252, 501, nota 91; Pach Zsigmond Pl, A debreceni posztszvk legrgibb chszabadalma. Egy 14. szzad vgi oklevl utlete, n Idem, Szrkeposzt, szrposzt, szr. Fejezetek a magyarorszgi szvipar korai trtnetbl, [Sajt al rendezte Csat Tams.] (Trsadalom - s mveldstrtneti tanulmnyok 31.) Budapest, 2003, p. 18. Mai recent: Weisz Boglrka, Az esztergomi vm rpd-kori trtnete, n Szzadok 137 (2003) p. 973-981; Idem, A gyri vm rpd-kori trtnete, n Kzpkortrtneti tanulmnyok, Ed. Idem, Szeged 2003, p. 227236; Idem, Kzlekedsi vmtarifk az rpd-korban, n Medievisztikai tanulmnyok, Ed. Marton Szabolcs Teiszler va, Szeged, 2005, p. 221-239. 2 Kovts Ferenc, Nyugatmagyarorszg ruforgalma a XV. szzadban a pozsonyi harmincadknyv alapjn, Budapest, 1902, p. 211; Hzi Jen, Sopron szabad kirlyi vros trtnete, vol. II. 6, Sopron, 1943, p. 262. Magyar Orszgos Levltr, Mohcs eltti gyjtemny, 217047. (n inventarul arhivistic: Collectio diplomatica Hungarica. A kzpkori Magyarorszg digitlis levltra. A Magyar Orszgos Levltrban (MOL)
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Dup dezmembrarea regatului maghiar medieval, n privina tricesimelor de pe teritoriile ajunse sub stpnire Habsburgic din secolul al XVI-lea cunoatem tarifa Slavoniei i Croaiei din 1539 i cel din Bratislava din 15493, apoi cel referitor la ntreaga ar din 1562, iar din secolul urmtor cel din 1612 (care, exceptnd o poziie, este identic cu cel din 1562) i din 1656 (unde vama articolelor a crescut deja cu 50-100%), tiprit ulterior de mai multe ori (n 1676, 1690, 1693, 1698 i 1711)4. Referitor la Transilvania, din secolul al XVI-lea cunoatem doar cteva poziii ale tarifei vigesimale sibiene, copiate de ctre emisarii Habsburgici Bornemisza Pl i Georg Werner n 1552 n raportul lor despre veniturile Transilvaniei5. Din secolul al XVII-lea se cunosc mai multe tarife n literatura de specialitate, numite n surse vectigal-uri, i anume cele redactate n 1603, 1620, 1632, 1654, 1687 i 16886.
a Mohcs eltti gyjtemnyekhez 1874-2008 kztt kszlt levltri segdletek s oklevelek elektronikus feldolgozsa (DL-DF 4.3.), ed. Rcz Gyrgy, Budapest, 2008. Acest ultim document este datat pe perioada 1500-1520.) 3 Rudolf Horvat, Hrvatske carine god. 1539, n Vjesnik Kr. Hrvatsko-SlavonskoDalmatinskoga Zemaljskoga Arkiva 12 (1910) p. 231; Ember Gyz, Magyarorszg nyugati klkereskedelme a XVI. szzad kzepn, Budapest, 1988. Gecsnyi Lajos, Folytonossg s megjuls Magyarorszg s a felnmet vrosok gazdasgi kapcsolataiban a kzpkortl a kora jkorig, n Tanulmnyok Szakly Ferenc emlkre, (Gazdasg- s trsadalomtrtneti ktetek. 2.), Ed. Fodor Pl Plffy Gza Tth Istvn Gyrgy, Budapest, 2002, p. 184. 4 Zimnyi Vera, Les problmes principaux du commerce extrieur de la Hongrie a partir du milieu du XVIe jusqu'au milieu du XVIIe sicles, n La Pologne et la Hongrie aux XVIe-XVIIIe sicles. Textes du colloque polono-hongrois de Budapest, Publis par Vera Zimnyi, Budapest, 1981, p. 37-38. 5 Johann Christian von Engel, Geschichte des Ungrisches Reiches und seiner Nebenlnder, vol. I, Halle, 1797, p. 18, Hurmuzaki vol. II.5, p. 2. Traducerea textului n limba romn: Cltori strini despre rile romne, Volum ngrijit de Maria Holban, M. M. Alexandrescu-Dersca Bulgaru i Paul Cernavodeanu, vol. II, Bucureti, 1970, p. 89. 6 Textul vectigalului din 1603: Erdlyi Orszggylsi Emlkek/Monumenta comitialia regni Transsylvaniae, vol. V, 1601-1607, Ed. Szilgyi Sndor, Budapest, 1879, p. 192202. Textul tarifei din 1620 cu prezentarea diferenelor fa de acesta a celor din 1630 i 1632: Jakab Elek, Oklevltr Kolozsvr trtnete msodik s harmadik ktethez, Budapest, 1888, p. 243-248. Textul celui din 1654, cu adugirile din 1688: Nicolae Edroiu Paul Gyulai, Tricesima la Braov n a doua jumtate a secolului al XVII-lea, n Studia Universitatis Babe-Bolyai. Seria Historia 12 (1967) Fasc. 1, p. 7-26. Amintirea listei datate n jurul anului 1687 i celei din 1688: Hvri Jnos, Az erdlyi kanthner s a balkni kantr. Mrtktrtneti vizsglds a 15-16. szzad forduljn, n

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n Principatul transilvan folosirea listelor de tarife vigesimale n afara documentelor amintite anterior sunt dovedite i de ctre alte surse. Astfel, dieta din noiembrie 1560 a hotrt ca tricesimatorii s cear vmile conform brourii tarifare7, n ianuarie 1573 ca s fie avute n vedere limitaiile i amandrile, respectiv instruciile i tarifele (vectigalok) din vremea rposatului principe Ioan Sigismund8, n mai 1576 ca tarifele i instruciunile aflate la tricesime s fie trimise comitatelor din Ungaria i ca n toate s fie observat obiceiul scris din cuprinsul vechii tarife9, iar n aprilie-mai 1609 ca tricesimatorii s se in de tarifa veche10. Colecia de legi Approbatae constitutiones din 1653 a prescris ca tarifa veche i dreapt s fie depus la capitluri, adic la arhivele locurilor de adeverire funcionnd pe lng fostul capitlu din Alba-Iulia i convent din Cluj-Mntur, ca att comercianii, ct i tricesimatorii s nu depeasc cele scrise acolo, iar colecia de legi Compilatae constitutiones din 1669 ca tricesimatorii, vameii i raionitii, care nu observ vectigalul vechi, s fie pedepsii11. Conform regulamentului districtului i oraului Lugoj din 1577, tricesima dup alimentele duse spre vnzare n Lugoj trebuia pltit conform

Szzadok (1983) p. 1021-1022, nota 33. Erdlyi Magyar Sztrtneti Tr, Anyagt gyjttte s szerkesztette Szab T. Attila, Budapest-Kolozsvr, 1993, vol. VI, p. 95, Erdlyi Magyar Sztrtneti Tr, Anyagt gyjttte s szerkesztette Szab T. Attila, Vmszer Mrta, Budapest-Kolozsvr, 1997, vol. IX, p. 876, 985. Documentele originale n fondul arhivistic precizat n publicaiile amintite nu figurau n inventarul acestui fond. 7 Tricesimatores iuxta uerum libellum vectigalem ipsis traditum legittimos et consuetos prouentus tantum tricesimae exigere debeant. Erdlyi Orszggylsi Emlkek, op. cit., II, p. 137, 188. 8 Limitatitik s emandlsok. Ibidem, p. 534 9 Erdlyi Orszggylsi Emlkek, op. cit., III, p. 107. 10 Erdlyi Orszggylsi Emlkek, op. cit., VI. p. 119. n instruciile date comisariilor lui Rudolf II. de Habsburg trimise n Transilvania este amintit o limitaie a exaciei (limitatio exactionis) folosit la tricesime i vmi. Erdlyi Orszggylsi Emlkek, op. cit., V, p. 249. 11 Magyar Trvnytr. 1540-1848. vi erdlyi trvnyek. Fordtottk s utalsokkal ellttk Kolosvri Sndor s vri Kelemen. Magyarz jegyzetekkel ksri Mrkus Dezs. Budapest, 1900. (Corpus Juris Hungarici. Magyar Trvnytr. 1000-1895. vi trvnyczikkek. Milleneumi emlkkiads.) p. 58, 277. Hotrrile dietale referitoare la tarife sunt prezentate (mai puin detaliat dect n prezentul studiu) i n Lidia Demny, Regimul tricesimelor i punctelor vamale din Transilvania n perioada principatului autonom, n Studii i Materiale de Istorie Medie 7 (1974) p. 208-209, 211, 213-214.

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vectigalului12, n 1591 principele a mandatat pe persoana, care a arendat tricesimele din Zalu, Dej, Jombor, Hunedoara, Oarda de Mure, Ortie, Deva i Baia Mare, ca s ia tricesima dup toate mrfurile conform obinuitului i ordonatului vectigal, iar valoarea acelor articole, care nu ar fi scrise n vectigal, s le afle i s ia trei denari dup fiecare florin13. Diplomele princiare din secolele al XVI-lea i al XVII-lea referitoare la arendarea tricesimelor i vigesimelor de asemenea au prescris ca tricesima s fie cerut dup obinuita i limitata tarif tricesimal14, respectiv ca vigesima s fie cerut dup obinuita i limitata tarif tricesimal15. Actele de numire a tricesimatorilor din secolul al XVII-lea au prescris vameilor ca vmile s se cear dup obinuita i publica tarif tricesimal16. Dup coninutul mandatului princiar adresat tricesimatorului principal din Oradea, Deva, Ortie i Brad, acesta trebuia s perceap tricesima dup vectigalul drept (igaz vectigal szernt), iar valoarea acelora,

az vectigal tartasa zerent. Bthory Zsigmond Kirlyi Knyvei 15821602. Mutatkkal s jegyzetekkel regesztkban kzzteszi Fejr Tams, Rcz Etelka, Szsz Anik, (Az erdlyi fejedelmek Kirlyi Knyvei I, 15821602 (Erdlyi Trtnelmi Adatok VII. 3) Kolozsvr, 2005, p. 63, nr. 99. 13 szokott s rendelt vectigl szernt vegye meg az harminczadot mindenfle marhtl: azmely marha penig az vectiglban nevezet szernt meg nem volna irva. Az erdlyi harminczadok utasitsa 1591-bl, n Magyar Gazdasgtrtnelmi Szemle 6 (1899), p. 36. 14 proventus tricesimae iuste et secundum consuetum usitantur limitatumque vectigal exigant ac iustis rerum importatarum et exportatarum vectigalibus muneris sui rationem metiantur. Az erdlyi fejedelmek oklevelei (1560-1689) Erdlyi Kirlyi Knyvek DVD, Ed. Gyulai va. Budapest-Miskolc, 2005, vol. III, fol. 55r, 255r, vol. IV, p. 88-89. (Caransebe, 1583, Ortie 1584, 1588). Regestele primelor trei documente, fr amintirea prilor referitoare la vectigal: Bthory Zsigmond Kirlyi Knyvei, op. cit., vol. I, nr. 260, 571, 813. 15 vigasimam autem ipsam non aliter, quam iuxta usitatum et limitatum vectigal exigere et exigi facere debeant et teneantur. Arhivele Naionale Direcia Judeean Braov, Primria Braov, Colecia Schnell nr. 352/1595 (Braov, 1595). 16 debitos proventus nobis provenire debentes [sau: provenientes] iuxta consuetudinem et vectigal tricesimale publicum per eos, quorum interest administrare et administrare facere modis omnibus debeatis et teneamini. Erdlyi Kirlyi Knyvek op. cit., X, p. 8, 13, 17-18, (Zajkny, Nmeti, Debrein, 1613). Se pare c i n cazul vmilor aceast formul era n uz, diferena rezidnd numai n aceea c n locul expresiei vectigal tricesime a fost scris vectigal thelonii. Cf. Ibidem, p. 25 (Hust, 1613).

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care nu ar fi scris n vectigal, trebuia s o afle i s ia 4,5 denari dup fiecare florin17. Deoarece att varietatea articolelor ct i vama lor, precum i politica vamal a trezoreriei s-a schimbat periodic, vectigalurile de asemenea din cnd n cnd erau rennoite18. Numrul mic al tarifelor pstrate se datoreaz dup toate probabilitile tocmai acestor nnoiri, deoarece odat cu schimbarea tarifului, nu mai era nevoie de vectigalul vechi i astfel acesta i pierdea valoarea. Tocmai din cauza acestei dispariii de mari proporii ale vectigalelor am considerat util publicarea unui tarif tricesimal necunoscut n literatura de specialitate, i anume cel din 1634, pe care l redm n anex. Despre circumstanele naterii acestui act nu am reuit s aflm nimic, dar pe baza datei de 17 mai 1634 scris pe copert credem c ea a fost alctuit cu ocazia dietei ntrunite ntre 12 mai i 1 iunie19. Vectigalul din 1634 s-a pstrat scris ntr-un caiet de hrtie avnd 12 file, obinut prin ndoirea a 6 foi de hrtie. Dorim s menionm c toate vectigalurile transilvane s-au pstrat n manuscris. Acest fapt ne permite s opinm doar c n Transilvania princiar n contradicie cu practica din Ungaria aflat sub dominaie Habsburgic i cu limitrile de preuri referitoare la Principat20, aceste tipuri de acte nu erau tiprite. Structura tarifului din 1634 este similar cu a celorlalte vectigaluri din secolul al XVII-lea: dup titlul, care conine i data, sunt trecute n rnduri separate cantitatea i numele articolelor comerciale i sumele vmii tricesimale ce trebuiau pltite. Articolele sunt grupate sub urmtoarele titluri: ovine, bovine, cabaline, piei, cptueli i cojoace, mtsuri, giulgiuri i pnze, mirodenii, articole ce se topesc (la nclzire i articole fluide), haine, peti
K. K., Egy erdlyi f-harminczados utasitsa 1685-bl, n Magyar Gazdasgtrtnelmi Szemle 4 (1897) p. 130. 18 Despre acesta vom discuta mai detaliat mai jos. Cf. o analogie din Ungaria ntr-un memorial despre tricesimele din Ungaria din 1655. Emlkirat a harminczadok llapotrl 1655-bl, n Magyar Gazdasgtrtnelmi Szemle 5 (1898), p. 577-579. 19 Despre istoria, respectiv hotrrile acestei diete vezi: Erdlyi Orszggylsi Emlkek op. cit., vol. IX, p. 202-204, 398-409. De altfel, nici celelalte articole dietale ale Principatului nu conin informaii despre alctuirea unui nou vectigal. Trcsnyi Zsolt, Trvnyalkots az Erdlyi Fejedelemsgben, Budapest, 2005, p. 232. 20 Despre aceste ediii vezi: Zimnyi Vera, Les problmes principaux op. cit., p. 37-38, Pach Zsigmond Pl, A debreceni posztszvk, op. cit., p. 44, nota 36, Jeney-Tth Annamria, Mves emberek a kincses Kolozsvrott, (Erdlyi Trtneti Fzetek 247), Kolozsvr, 2004, p. 114.
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srai, minereuri, zarzavaturi sau cereale, sfori, funii bagaria i alte feluri articole greceti, dar articolele nu ntotdeauna corespund titlurilor de exemplu hrtia se gsete n grupul avnd titlul de zarzavaturi sau cereale. De mai multe ori, n cazul aceluiai articol este menionat vama ce trebuia pltit dup cantiti sau uniti de msur diferite, de exemplu, n cazul ctorva mirodenii este nscris tricesima att a unui chintal, ct i a unui font, iar la postavuri vama balotei i a valului. n cteva cazuri, apare vama mai multor varieti (de diferite caliti) a aceluiai produs, astfel tricesima unui chintal a mierii de trestie era 2,25 florini, iar a mierii de trestie de calitate mai proast (albbval) 1,5 florini. n toate tarifele transilvane se amintete de mai multe ori, ca n cazul acelor articole care nu se gsesc nscrise n vactigal, s se perceap tricesima pe baza valorii acestora. La sfritul listei din 1634, ca i n cazul tarifelor din anii 1630, 1632 i 1654, se gsete o not separat ce se refer la cheia vamal. Astfel n 1630, era precizat c dup cuantificarea valorii mrfurilor netrecute n vectigal, vameul trebuia s perceap cte trei denari dup fiecare florin, iar n 1632 cte 4,5 denari21, adic n cei doi ani cheia vamal era de 3%, respectiv 4,5%22. n lista din 1602, pasajul cu acest coninut se gsete la nceputul documentului, fiind legat de vama unui articol, prescriind ca vama cailor mai valoroi dect zece florini s fie perceput conform preului, i anume trei denari dup fiecare florin. Pe baza acestor date i a altor informaii, se poate spune c n secolele al XVI-lea i al XVII-lea, cheia vamal a fost modificat de mai multe ori. Cum se tie, vama tricesimal23 la nceput era ntr-adevr egal cu tricesima parte (3,33%) a valorii articolelor, dar ncepnd cu mijlocul secolului al XVlea, cu rare excepii, aceast cot-parte a devenit 1/20 (5%)24. Pe baza practicii
minden forintrul harom harom pnzt exigallianak; minden forintrul Eoteodfl-fl pnzt exigallianak. Jakab Elek, op. cit, p. 243, nota 1. 22 Deoarece conform celor scrise n aliniatul anterior, cheia vamal a fost ridicat de la 3% la 4,5% la sfritul lunii mai sau la nceputul lunii iunie, tariful din 1632 trebuia s fi fost scris n luna mai sau cndva ulterior. 23 Despre istoria tricesimei vezi: Domanovszky Sndor, op. cit., Pach Zsigmond Pl, op. cit.; Idem, Hogyan lett a harmincadbl huszad? n Trtnelmi Szemle 37 (1995) p. 257-276; Pach Zsigmond Pl, A harmincadvm az Anjou-korban s a 14-15. szzad forduljn, n Trtnelmi Szemle 41 (1999) p. 231-277; Acsdy Ignc, Magyarorszg pnzgyei I. Ferdinnd uralkodsa alatt. 1526-64, Budapest, 1888, p. 123-124, Slyom Jen, A magyar vmgy fejldse 1519-ig, Budapest, 1933. 24 Despre valoarea tricesimei vezi: Pach Zs. P., op. cit., p. 80-83, Idem, Hogyan lett op. cit., p. 257-258, 272-276; Kovts Ferenc, Nyugatmagyarorszg ruforgalma op. cit., p.
21

226

vigesimei braovene, n Transilvania n secolul al XVI-lea, cel puin pn 1554, aceast cheie a fost valabil (din Braov din 1554 s-a pstrat ultimul jurnal vigesimal)25. Tarifa sibian din 1552, de asemenea, statua c n cazul n care vama a fost luat n natur, trebuia perceput o vigesim parte, iar n alte cazuri conform preului de vnzare26. Cndva, n a doua jumtate a secolul al XVI-lea, cel mai trziu n 1591, cheia vamal a fost cobort la 3%27, pe care ntre 31 mai i 8 iunie 1632 au mrit-o de 1,5 ori, adic la 4,5%, care a fost valabil pn 1637 i apoi i n 168528. Conform unui pasaj al vectigalului din 1654:
13-14., Jajcza (bnsg, vr s vros) trtnete 1450-1527, rta dr. Thallczy Lajos. Az oklevltrat szerk. Horvth Sndor, (Magyarorszg mellktartomnyainak oklevltra. Codex diplomaticus partium regno Hungariae adnexarum (Banatus, castrum et oppidum Jajcza.) vol. IV. Monumenta Hungariae Historica Diplomatica. Magyar Trtneti Emlkek. Els osztly: Okmnytrak 40.) Budapest, 1915, p. 67. Pe baza unui tarif tricesimal din Sopron datat ntre 1483 i 1490 i a jurnalelor de vigesim din Braov i Sibiu de la nceputul sec. al XVI-lea i n aceste perioadele cheia vamal a rmas tot la nivelul de 5%. Hzi Jen, Sopron szabad kirlyi vros trtnete, vol. II. partea 6, Sopron, 1943, p. 262; Radu Manolescu, Comerul rii Romneti i Moldovei cu Braovul (secolele XIV-XVI), Bucureti 1965, p. 83; Idem, Relaiile comerciale ale rii Romneti cu Sibiul la nceputul veacului al XVI-lea, n Analele Universitii C. I. Parhon. Seria tiinelor Sociale (Istorie) 5 (1956) p. 211. Despre rarele excepii, din secolul al XV-lea vezi: Simon Zsolt, A baricsi s klpnyi harmincadok a 16. szzad elejn, n Szzadok 140 (2006), p. 816. 25 Radu Manolescu, Comerul rii Romneti i Moldovei cu Braovul, p. 90, 92, 93. 26 Cltori strini, vol. II, p. 89. 27 Az erdlyi harminczadok utasitsa 1591-bl, op. cit., p. 36. Mria Pakucs Willcocks referitor la Sibiu calculeaz pe tot parcursul secolului al XVI-lea cu cheia de 5%. Mria Pakucs Willcocks, Sibiu Hermannstadt. Oriental Trade in Sixteenth Century Transylvania, (Stdteforschung, Reihe A: Darstellungen 73), Kln, 2007, p. 5, 17, 43, 60. 28 Afirmaia se bazeaz pe textele registrelor de tricesim pe anii 1599, 1602, 16101619, 1621-1623, 1630, 1632-1637, publicate n: Kolozsvri harmincadjegyzkek (1599-1637), Bevezet tanulmnnyal s jegyzetekkel kzreadja Pap Ferenc, Bukarest Kolozsvr, 2000, p. 103-536. (Am verificat doar primele i ultimele nsemnri relevante pentru fiecare an). ntre 31 mai i 8 iunie 1632 nu exist nsemnri n registru, i acesta este motivul pentru care nu se poate spune cu exactitate cnd a intrat n vigoare noua cheie vamal (n ziua de 31 mai cheia vamal era nc 3%, n 8 iunie era deja 4,5%). nsemnrile din zilele amintite se gsesc la: Ibidem, p. 406. Data referitoare la 1685: K. K., Egy erdlyi f-harminczados utasitsa, op. cit., p. 130. Folosirea cheii de 4,5% se pare a fi dovedit i de analiza registrelor tricesimei din Turnu Rou. Ne exprimm rezerva, deoarece dei cheia, ce se poate calcula pe baza tabelului nsumnd

227

minden forintbl t pnszt, Exigltassek29, atunci cheia vamal era 5%, adic a fost mrit cu 1/9 de ori. Trebuie menionat totui, c dac cuvntul fl ar fi rmas afar din text i astfel dac s-ar fi gndit la formula minden forintbl t t fl [adic: tdfl] pnszt, Exigltassek, atunci i n 1654 a fost folosit cheia 4,5% din 1634. Considerm posibil aceast ipotez, deoarece n cele dou liste tarifele vamale ale acelorai articole n foarte multe cazuri sunt identice, iar aceasta face foarte verosimil egalitatea cheilor vamale. n cazul cteva articole au fost practicate chei vamale diferite de cele descrise mai sus. Dup tarifa din Sibiu din 1552 n cazul oilor cheia era de 1%, n cazul mtsii i a taftalei 3%, a giulgiului lung 4%, iar n cazul orezului i al mirodeniilor 6%30. Conform tarifului din 1620, respectiv a celui din 1634, dup un cal de zece florini trebuia pltit un florin, respectiv 1,5 florini, n 1634 pentru o ching bun valornd 50 denari 3 denari31 deci n cazul acestor articole cheia vamal era de 10%, 15%, respectiv 6%. n cele din urm am comparat vectigalurile din secolul al XVII-lea. Indicatoarele cantitative mai importante le prezentm n tabelul urmtor32:

valoarea total trimestrial a celor mai importante articole comerciale, n cele mai multe cazuri este de 4,5% (blan de linx, argintrie, dantele), n cteva cazuri ies nite valori diferite, i anume 5% la tafot turceasc, 4,79% la mrfuri casnice (drogues), 3,86% la mrfuri diferite i 3,57% la mrfuri de Veneia. Lidia A. Demny, Le commerce de la Transylvanie avec les rgions du sud du Danube effectu par la douane de Turnu Rou en 1685, n Revue Roumaine dHistoire 7 (1968) p. 763-769, Tabelul 1, p. 767-769. Pe baza tabelului nu se pot explica aceste diferene: este posibil, ca n cazurile ulterioare s nu fi fost pltit toat vama, dar nu se pot exclude nici erori de calcul sau de tipar. Pentru a discerne clar n privina acestor cazuri, ar trebui vzut sursa original. Autoarea studiului, dei ntr-un loc ofer o cheie de 3% i 4,5% pentru a calcula valoarea vamal, calculnd pe baza datelor publicate n paginile ce urmau se poate afla c a calculat cu cheia de 4,5%. Ibidem, p. 769, 771, 772. 29 Nicolae Edroiu Paul Gyulai, op. cit., p. 19. 30 Cltori strini, vol. II. p. 89. 31 Jakab Elek, op.cit, p. 243, Anexa prezentului studiu. 32 Am considerat articole diferite i acele mrfuri, care figureaz cu tarif vamal diferit (de exemplu mieii vmuii nainte, respectiv dup srbtoarea sfntului Ioan Boteztorul i sarea transportat pe ap, respectiv pe uscat).

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Tarif din anul

Nr. poziii vamale 288 386 386 385 383 Circa 415420 (cel puin 397)34

Nr. articole comerciale 254 361 363 362 357

Nr. poziii identice33

Nr. poziii noi

Nr. poziii disprute

Nr. poziii cu tarife noi

Nr. poziii cu tarife identice

1603 1620 1630 1632 1634 1654

382 384 383

2 0 min.1 Cel puin 169

2 1 2 Cel puin 5835

1 0 382 Cel puin 50

381 384 1 Cel puin 142

Pe baza tabelului se poate observa c pe parcursul secolul al XVII-lea, vectigalurile au devenit din ce n ce mai cuprinztoare, excepie fcnd doar micorarea ctorva poziii ntre 1630 i 1634, care de altfel erau de doar 1%. Numrul itemurilor i a articolelor cuprinse n lista din 1654 se poate doar aproxima, deoarece documentul nu s-a pstrat integral, dar chiar astfel aceste valori sunt mai mari, dect cele corespunzatoare anului 1634. O comparaie mai detaliat arat c diferenele dintre vectigalul din 1630 i cel din 1620 sunt minore, acestea fiind dupa cum urmeaz (nregistrrile mai timpurii sunt trecute primele): o nitra de mtase comun 5 denari/15 denari; un mtring de a turceasc comun/un mtring de a turceasc; o sut de drobi de sare 1 fl./o sut drobi de sare transportate pe uscat 1 fl., o sut drobi de sare transportate pe ap cu brci 26 denari, o sut de drobi de sare transportate pe apa Someului cu brci 40 denari; n 1630 nu figureaz vama unui funt de scorioar i nici a unui funt de miere de trestie (dar vama
ncepnd cu aceast coloan, toate valorile sunt calculate prin raportare la vectigalul anterior. 34 Deoarece o parte a primei pagini a listei din 1654 s-a rupt, acesta nu se poate compara total cu cea fcut n 1634. Lipsa ns nu este mare, pe baza nsemnrilor paginilor integre numra dup prerea nostr ntre 15-20 rnduri, adic circa 5%. 35 Minimumul numrului poziii prezente n vectigalul din 1634, dar care lipsesc n 1654 l-am calculat pe baza acelor grupuri de articole, care s-au pstrat integral n cele dou liste.
33

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chintalului acestora a fost trecut n contiunare n list)36. n tariful din 1632 numai diferena dintre boii ngrai i cei mai slabi a disprut, figurnd doar vama boilor37. Se poate constata deci c schimbri importante au intervenit ntre 1603 i 1620, iar diferenele dintre documentele din 1620 i din 1630, respectiv dintre acesta din urm i din 1632 erau minore. O schimbare esenial a intervenit ns ntre 1632 i 1634: cu excepia a ctorva articole, tarifele tricesimale au fost mrite de 1,5 ori. Excepiile amintite se gsesc n general n cazul articolelor de piele i textile, i sunt urmtoarele (n forma n care acestea apar n surs):
Articol Vam Vam 1632, 1634, denari denari 50 50 Vam 1634 / vam 1632(%) 3 6,0 350,0

1 piele de urs 100 sandal/nclminte (saru) de femei (n 1632: comun (kz) 100 ficsor 1 ub de jder de copac38 1 ub de jder de piatr39 1 cciul/apc de jder 1 piele de jder 1 piele de pulp de jder (nyuszt) 1 blan de pe burta vulpii 1 blan de pe spatele vulpii 1 piele crud de vulpe

175

15 500 4 1000 200 300 50 50 2

20 1600 8 2000 600 600 100 100 4

133,3 320,0 200,0 200,0 300,0 200,0 200,0 200,0 200,0

36

egy nitra kzselyem; egy mtring trk kzcrna/egy mtring trk crna. Diferenele sunt trecute n notele de subsol ale ediiei vectigalului din 1620: Jakab Elek, op. cit., p. 243, nota 1, 245, notele 1-2, 246, notele 2-3. 37 Ibidem, p. 243, nota 3. 38 Alt denumire: jder de pdure (Martes martes). n surs: nyuszt. 39 Alte denumiri: jder de fag sau sau de cas sau beica (Martes foina), n surs: nyest.

230

4 piei de pe burta vulpii 5 piei de pe spatele vulpii 1 curea de mtase pentru spad 1 blan de miel alb (tengeri brnybr) 1 balot postav aba 1 balot postav hobber 1 valot postav de Alba Iulia/Belgrad 1 cot grnt ntreg 1 cot scarlat jumate 1 cot catifea carmajin 1 cot catifea colorat 1 balot damast srbesc 1 balot tafota srbeasc 1 funt a de aur sau de argint 1 funt mtase carmajin 1 balot guler 1 balot sau ton giulgiu de Bardejov 1 maj de scorioar 1 maj de oel 1 maj de staniu alb 100 drobi de sare 1 slnin

5 5 5 5 112 500 110 900 5 15 15 45 35 10 30 210 100 250 2 100 100 3

8,5 8,5 72,5 72,5 1600 150 24 600 17,5 22 22 67 52 75 50 300 225 225 18 50 100 10

170,0 170,0 1450,0 1450,0 1428,6 30,0 21,8 66,6 350,0 146,7 146,7 148,9 148,6 750,0 166,7 142,9 225,0 90,0 900,0 50,0 100,0 333,3

231

ntre 1634 i 1654, vectigalul s-a modificat de asemenea substanial, deoarece numai 36-41% a itemurilor din 1654 sunt identice cu cele ce figureaz n 1634, 11-15% a itemurilor au o vam nou, iar 43-48% a itemurilor sunt complet noi, lista mbogindu-se ndeobte cu textile, plante i alimente. Dorim s menionm c n 1654, n cazul a ctorva mrfuri prezente n lista din 1634 apare i vama n alte uniti de msur40. Pentru a afla, cum a fost folosit n practic aceast list din 1634, am comparat tarifele incluse n aceasta cu vmile pltite efectiv n acelai an la tricesima din Cluj41 (din acest an din Transilvania numai din Cluj s-au pstrat jurnale de tricesim)42. Pe baza comparaiei se poate afirma, c la Cluj, cu cteva excepii, erau ncasate vmi corespunztoare vectigalului. Diferenele, prezentate n tabelul urmtor, n general ns nu erau mari.
Articol Tricesim pe baza vectigalului (n denari) 30 42 150 300 Tricesima pltit la Cluj (n denari) 85,7 37,2 145 24044 Nr. pagin a ediiei registrului din Cluj43 p. 465 p. 465 p. 470 p. 476

1 valot kisnicer 1 maj de staniu negru 100 pturi de Sebe-Alba 1 maj piper

Aceste cazuri sunt: tricesima poverii de cal de morun, a fierului lung, lat i a barei mici, a sing de fier, a poverii de cal i a cblei de grn, a sutei drobi, cblei, a vaska sau a bagajului de sare, a funiei nguste, mijlociu i mare, a frului ran, a funtului firului de bumbac. Probabil dintr-o greaeal, vama chintalului minereului de cupru apare de dou ori cu valori diferite: prima dat avnd valoarea vmii din 1634, adic 75 denari, apoi cu o vam de 70,5 denari. 41 Ediia registrului clujean: Kolozsvri harmincadjegyzkek, p. 457-480. 42 Pap Ferenc, A posztkereskedelem a kolozsvri vmnaplkban (1599-1637), n Emlkknyv Jak Zsigmond szletsnek nyolcvanadik vforduljra, Ed. Kovcs Andrs Sipos Gbor Tonk Sndor, Kolozsvr, 1996, p. 457, Francisc Pap, La place et l'importance des registres de trentime de Cluj (1599-1637) dans le commerce transylvain des XVIe-XVIIe sicles, n Transylvanian Review 9 (2000) p. 55. 43 Kolozsvri harmincadjegyzkek, op. cit. 44 n acest caz pentru 2,5 chintale de piper s-a pltit o vam de 6 florini, deci este posibil, ca cei 2,5 chintale sunt o eroare de scriere n locul a 2 chintale, a crui vam este egal cu cei 6 florini pltii.

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Anuarul Institutului de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, Trgu Mure, XI/2008

1 balot guler comun (kz), respectiv guler, giulgiu de guler

45

300

315

p. 458-459, 464, 469

1 balot giulgiu pliat46 1 piele cordovan 1 legtur de hrtie 1 funt de scorioar 1 cot (sing) catifea dubl

7,5 7,5 6

9 4,5 10,875, respectiv 13,5 4,5 22,5

p. 462, 467 p. 462 p. 463

2,25 15

p. 463 p. 465

O parte a diferenelor probabil se datoreaz unor erori ale scribului sau editorului astfel, cele 74,5 butoaie de bere de miere probabil este o greeal n locul cantitii de 4,5 butoaie, deoarece acestuia din urm i-a fost dat o vam egal cu cei 6,75 florini nscrii n registru. De asemenea, cantitatea de 12 chintale de cositor negru se poate considera o greeal n locul a 2 chintale, fiindc tricesima acestei cantiti a fost egal cu cei 84 denari nscrii n registru47. S-a ntmplat cteodat c au fost cerute sume mai mici cu un denardou dect suma calculat pe baza vectigalului (de exemplu n locul vmii de 24 denari a 133 buci de fier mijlociu s-au pltit numai 23 denari48). Este interesant faptul c n cazul transporturilor sandalelor de saftian s-a pltit consecvent o vam mai mic cu 1-2 denari49. n alte cazuri ns au fost ncasate vmi mai mari cu civa denari, n general n cazul cciulilor/epcilor comune (kzsveg): n locul vmii de 120,75 denari s-au pltit 122,5 denari, n locul a 55,5 denari 57, i n locul a 772,5 denari 775, respectiv n cazul a 118 coase n locul tricesimei de 88,5 denari s-a pltitit 90 denari50. Se poate observa c n cazul aceluiai articol vama era mai mic cnd era transportat en-gros, dect
45 46

Tricesima unui val de giulgiu de guler n Cluj era ns identic cu vama din vectigal. Pe de alt parte tricesima a indiai hajtott gyolcs era de asemenea 9 d. 47 Ibidem, p. 467, 468. 48 Ibidem, p. 460. 49 Ibidem, p. 460, 462. 50 Ibidem, p. 465, 464.

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cnd a fost comercialiazat en-detail, aceste valori fiind 3 i 4,5 denari la papuci, 0,6, i 3 denari la piei comune. n mod firesc acele vmi, a cror valori exprimate n denari erau nite fraciuni diferite de 0,5 i care astfel nu puteau fi pltite n monedele emise n Principat, se rotunjeau, dar rotunjirea nu se fcea ntotdeauna n sus. De exemplu dup o jumtate de chintal de scorioar, a crei tricesim era 2,25 denari, s-au pltit 2,5 denari; vama a 3 3/8 chintale de piper era egal cu 101,25 denari, dar s-a cerut numai 101 denari, iar n locul vmii de 18,75 denari a unei jumti de chintal de stafide s-a perceput 18,5 denari51. n registrul clujean din 1634 apar 140 de articole care nu erau nominalizate n vectigalul din acelai an52. Acesta este un numr impresionant,
Ibidem, p. 457, 460. niruirea acestor articole, n forma n care acestea apar n surs (n parantez am indicat tricesima unitilor de msur care figurau n registru, cnd erau suficiente date ca aceasta s poat fi calculat, respectiv separat n parantez pagina din ediia registrului, unde aprea pentru prima dat: dupla sveg (vama i era egal cu cea a polgr avagy posoni sveg: 1,5 d.), morvai gerezna (15 d., alt dat 50 d. Ibidem, p. 479.), szablyavas, fge (1 kantr 37,5 d. Ibidem, p. 460., 467.), kordovn saru (1,5 d.), apr gyereknek val gerezncska (Ibidem, p. 457), szekfvirg, kron rassa (1 val 1,95 fl., Ibidem, p. 463.), perpeta (1 val 1,135 fl.), szattyn kapca (7,5 d.), gyapotvszon (1 val 12 d.), crnav, apr csizma, mzes pogcsa, erszny salavri, nyers vszon (1 val 4,5 d.), kasza (1 gleat, 800 buci 6 fl.), bdsk (1 maj 30 d.) (Ibidem, p. 458), selyemprm, karika siko, krakki crna (1 balot 20 d., alt dat 30 d. Ibidem, p. 462.), bakacsin (1 val 7,5 d.), bakaselyem (1 funt 15 d.), haraszt (1 val 22,5 d., alt dat 54 d.), glett (1 mzsa 36 d.), brsonyprm, kalapos sveg (1 tuczin 43,22 d.), szrke papr (1 balot 36 d.), btosi ks, aprlk, selyem prm, rszprm, dupla tafota (1 val 4,5 d.), zld kzbrsony (1 cot 10 d.) (Ibidem, p. 459), fekete brsony (1 cot 10 d.), vrs kzbrsony (1 cot 10 d.), fjlondis (1 val 4,5 fl.), aquavita (1 quarta 4,44 d.), msz (1 gleat 7,5 d.), selyemm (1 litra 32 d.), kzsaru (100 bokor 75 d.), szattynsaru (1 d.), apr ficsorsaru, szattynkapca (100 bokor 75 d.), (Ibidem, p. 460), ungvri v (Ibidem, p. 461), erdlyi veg, kordovncsizma (1 bokor 6 d.), kk fonl, futa (1 val 3 d.), zsinr (1 val 4,5 d.), gett bor, szerecsendivirg (1 funt 4,5 d., 1 maj 450 d.), muhar (1 val 15 d.), morvai vszon (1 val 11,25 d.), confrejt (1 funt 3 d.), mnium (1 maj 60 d.) (Ibidem, p. 462), crna (1 balot 30 d. A fost adus din Cracovia, deci foarte probabil era identic cu aa de Cracovia, amintit mai nainte.), vszon, respectiv fekete vszon (1 val 7,5 d.), csaln vszon (1 val 8,1 d., respectiv 8,25 d.), spanyol viasz (1 funt 10 d.), asztal keszken (1 tuczin 6,75 d.), velc (1 val 45 d.), hzi vszon (1 val 11,25 d.), kzlondis (1 val 2,25 fl.) (463.), paraszt onnos(?) v, arany-, selyem-, keskeny brsonyprm, kard szerszmostl, hzi vszon (Ibidem, p. 464), apr csizma, kz londis (1 val 1,25 fl.), pisklc (Ibidem, p. 465.), gyapotvszon (1 val 27 d.), palst,
52 51

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dar trebuie luat n considerare c aceste mrfuri, cu cteva excepii, apar doar o dat sau de dou ori pe o perioad de un an. Pentru a afla, dac ar fi fost necesar a include unele dintre aceste articole n vectigal, ar trebui s cunoatem frecvena transporturilor i valoarea total pentru fiecare dintre aceste articole. Acest lucru ar fi posibil numai n cazul n care s-ar fi pstrat toate registrele tricesimale transilvane dintr-o perioad care ar ncepe cu civa ani nainte de anul 1634 i s-ar sfri cu civa ani ulterior. Din perioada amintit ns pstrndu-se numai registrele clujene, pe baza acestora se pot face numai aproximaii vagi. Astfel, pe baza registrului clujean din 1634 se pare c ar fi fost poate indicat includerea n vectigal a numai ctorva articole. Pe de alt parte, pe baza registrelor tricesimale publicate sau prelucrate, adic a celor din Cluj i din Turnu Rou53, i a altor tipuri de surse analizate n literatura de
szalmasveg, (Ibidem, p. 466) kk fonl (1 funt 3,2 d.), vrallyai vszon (Ibidem, p. 467), vegpohr, dupla tafota (1 cot 7,5 d., 1 val 1,5 fl. 471.) (Ibidem, p. 468), ungvri v, lding, tlts, szkely v, apr salavri, szrtarisznya, aclos puska (36 d.). (Ibidem, p. 469), ruhra val szras gomb, kenderbrsony, pegymet (100 buci 113 d.), veres dupla tafota (1 cot 7,5 d.), szrprm, vont rz (Ibidem, p. 470) zld szrkamuka, cendel(?), rzvessz, hajteker, olasz kt, fehr sk-tbla, marokvas (Ibidem, p. 471) cskny, rzfazk, nemez, krtya, ftyol (Ibidem, p. 472), fedl, reg salavri, kapocs, vasserpeny, (Ibidem, p. 473), puska-palack, csipke fehr szl, hrtya, nm (1 maj 42 d., care este egal cu vama a staniului negru (fekete n)), fa-m, asszonynak val kdmn, (Ibidem, p. 474), csvlt brnybr, brnybr-brls (1,5 d.), tarisznya (1 legtur 5 d. Ibidem, p. 477.), aprlk kalmrmarha (Ibidem, p. 475) hernc, szrkamuka, (Ibidem, p. 476), brnybr gerezna (7,5 d., o dat 13,5 d. Ibidem, p. 480.), szita, asztalfedl (Ibidem, p. 477), szkely pokrc, csente (100 buci 34 d.) (Ibidem, p. 478), morvai ml-brls (30 d.), morvai ht-brls (15 d.), kz igler palst, fehr csipke, papiros kp, apro sikos (cskos?) cip, segesvri fedl (Ibidem, p. 479), torma-reszel (Ibidem, p. 480). 53 niruirea acestor articole: Ibidem, p. 26-68, 578-626, 663-668, (ediia registrelor vamele: 105-536); Francisc Pap, La place et l'importance des registres op. cit., p. 48. Pentru unele grupuri de mrfuri vezi: Idem, Obiecte de uz casnic i personal n importul clujean (prima jumtate a secolului XVII.), n Acta Musei Napocensis 20 (1983) 531-536. Idem, Importul de carte la Cluj n prima jumtate a secolului al XVIIlea, n Anuarul Institutului de Istorie, Cluj 30 (1990-1991) 37-46. Idem, Unelte agricole n comerul extern clujean (prima jumtate a secolului XVII), n Acta Musei Napocensis 31 (1994, nr. 2) p. 33-40. Idem, A posztkereskedelem a kolozsvri vmnaplkban, op. cit., p. 434-459. Idem, A kolozsvriak marhakereskedse a XVI. szzad vgn s a XVII. szzad els felben, n Emlkknyv Imreh Istvn nyolcvanadik szletsnapjra, Ed. Kiss Andrs Kovcs Kiss Gyngy Pozsony Ferenc, Kolozsvr, 1999, p. 448-460. Idem, A kolozsvriak fszer- s dligymlcs-

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specialitate54 se poate spune c majoritatea mrfurilor incluse ntr-adevr au fost prezente n circulaia comercial extern a Transilvaniei. n registrul tricesimal clujean din 1634 dup articolele, care nu figurau n vectigal, n majoritatea cazurilor vameii au scris i valoarea transportului. Acesta denot faptul c tricesima era calculat dup aceste valori, de altfel aa cum i trebuia procedat n conformitate cu textul vectigalului. Erau ns i cteva cazuri, cnd valoarea acestor mrfuri nu figureaz n registru, fapt ce sugereaz c vama acestora nu era calculat dup valoarea lor, deci teoretic trebuia s fi fost calculat dup un vectigal existent, care nu putea s fie dect unul anterior anului 1634. O alt explicaie, mai puin verosimil dup prerea nostr, ar putea fi ca nsi tricesimatorii s fi fixat tariful acestor articole. Cteodat mrfurile erau msurate (i) cu alte uniti de msur, dect n vectigal: piperul i ghimberul n piatr55, cuitele n tehely, giulgiul polonez i de Bardejov (Slovacia) n bokor (tricesima era 18, respectiv 25 i 45 d.), funia pe buci (100 de buci 7,5 d.)56. n vectigal stafidele, orezul, smochinele, alaunul erau msurate n chintal, la Cluj n kantr (vama era identic n cazul acestor dou uniti de msur)57. Mierea de trestie i scorioar era vmuit i cu funi (vama fiind de 3 d., respectiv 4,5 d.)58. n vectigal tinicheaua cu staniu figureaz cu tona, la Cluj i cu chintalul (vama
kereskedse (1599-1637), n Erdlyi Mzeum 65 (2003) p. 138-151, n special p. 139, 148-151; Samuil Goldenberg, Kolozsvr kereskedeleme a XVI. szzadban, n Emlkknyv Kelemen Lajos szletsnek nyolcvanadik vforduljra, (A Bolyai Tudomnyegyetem kiadvnyai. I. Tanulmnyok 1.), Ed. Bodor Andrs Cselnyi Bla Jancs Elemr Jak Zsigmond Szab T. Attila, Bukarest Kolozsvr, 1957, p. 301-302, Lidia A. Demny, op. cit., p. 763-769. 54 Alexandru Gona, Legturile comerciale dintre Moldova i Transilvania n secolele XIII-XVII, Bucureti, 1989, p. 175-213; Br Vencel, Erdly XVIXVII. szzadi kereskedelmnek trtnethez, n Emlkknyv Kelemen Lajos, p. 66-70., 7377. 55 K. Pe baza datelor din registru nu se poate hotri unanim greutea unei pietre, deoarece lund n considerare vama pltit, un chintal de piper o dat este echivalent cu cinci pietre, alt dat cu opt (Pap Ferenc, A kolozsvriak fszer- s dligymlcskereskedse, op. cit., p. 147, 147. nota 88.), iar o a treia oar cu ase. Kolozsvri harmincadjegyzkek, op. cit., p. 458. 56 Ibidem, p. 458, 465, 471, 480. 57 Ibidem, p. 460, 465, 467, 468, 470. Despre kantr vezi: Hvri Jnos, Az erdlyi kanthner, op. cit., Mria Pakucs Willcocks, Sibiu Hermannstadt, p. 44, 182. 58 Kolozsvri harmincadjegyzkek, op. cit., p. 462, 463. n vectigalurile din 1603, 1630 i 1632 nc a fost trecut tricesima funilor acestor mirodenii.

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acestor cantiti de asemenea era identic). Vinul era transportat i n butoaie de 40 de glei, a crui vam a fost egal cu jumtatea tricesimii unui butoi mare59. Sticla transilvan, vinarsul, praful de puc, ntr-un caz i orezul au fost vmuite nu dup cantitatea, ci dup valoarea lor60. Pentru a putea trage nite concluzii mai convingtoare, ntr-un prim pas ar trebui adunate toate tarifele tricesimale ale Principatului Transilvan, dup care ar trebui analizate fiecare n parte i n final s se fac o comparaie a acestora i s se creioneze evoluia alctuirii i folosirii acestor tarife, ceea near ajuta la o mai bun cunoatere a funcionrii i administraiei tricesimelor, i totodat a istoriei comerului extern al Transilvaniei.

ANEX Tarifa tricesimal a Transilvaniei din 163461

Magyar Orszgos Levltr, R 210. Tunyogi Csap Jzsef-gyjtemny, 1. csom, 2. ttel, Erdlyi iratok idrendben, fasc. 543. fol. 309-320. Caiet de hrtie alctuit din 12 foi. n list, numerele care semnific sumele de florini, respectiv de denari, sunt desprite printr-o bar oblic (/), pe care noi nu am reprodus-o. Pe ultima pagin scris de o alt mn contemporan: 1634. [fol. 309r] Vectigal62 Anno 1634 die 17 Maii [fol. 310r] Vectigal regni63 Transylvaniae pro tricesimis64 factum anno 1632 Barmokrl65

Ibidem, p. 461, 468. Pe baza acestei date, butoiul mare din vectigal era de 80 de glei, fapt afirmat expres n cazul berii de miere. Ibidem, p. 462, 467. 60 Ibidem, p. 462, 469, 477. 61 La transcrierea documentelor am respectat n general regulile de transcriere sugerate de Bak Borbla, A XVI-XVIII. szzadi magyar nyelv forrsok kiadssnak krdsei, n Fons 7 (2000) p. 120-127 i Oborni Terz, A kora jkori latin nyelv forrsszvegek kiadsrl, n Fons 7 (2000) p. 73-75. 62 Scris cu majuscule de mrime mai mare. 63 Scris cu majuscule de mrime mai mare

59

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Egy krtl vegyenek Egy biktul Egy tehntl Egy harmadf tuloktul Egy ltul, ki tz forintot r Egy kanctul Egy harmadf avagy 2 esztends gyermek ltul Egy ltul, ki tz forintnl tbbet r, iuxta aestimationem exigatis Szz juhtul s kecsktl Szz brnytul Keresztel szent Janos napig66 Keresztel szent Jnos nap utn Szz kvr diszntul Szz pzsit avagy sztvr diszntul [fol. 310v] Brkrl67 Szz krbrtl Szz tehnbrtl Szz gyrtott krbrtl Szz gyrtott tinbrtl Szz juhbrtl Szz lbrtl Szz gyrtott brnybrtl Szz borjbrtl Szz gyrtott juh- s kecskebrtl Szz brnybrtl Szz hasi brnybrtl Egy medvebrtl Egy kzbrtl Szz kzbrtl Szz irhtul Egy karmazsin brtl
64 65

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

1 1 1 -

50 5 60 60 50 90 60

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

4 1 4 4 2

50 50 50 50 25

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

7 7 7 2 2 1 2 2 -

50 50 50 25 25 4,5 50 25 25 75 30 368 369 60 37,5 7,5

Transylvaniae pro tri, formnd rndul al doilea scris cu majuscule. Scris cu majuscule. 66 Iunie 24. 67 Scris cu majuscule. 68 Scris 03. 69 Scris 03.

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Anuarul Institutului de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, Trgu Mure, XI/2008

Egy capa brtl Egy kordovny brtl Szz paraszt brkapctul Szz papucstul vagy csizmtul Szz szekernytl Szz asszonyllat sarutul Hrom szattynsarutul Szz karmazsinsarutul Szz ficsortul [fol. 311r] Egy szarvasbrtl Ittem quae non sunt in vectigali, secundum valorem exigantur. Egy sjtul Egy papucstl Egy szras karmazsincsizmtl Egy paraszt jancsrkapctl Egy gyermeknek val kiscsizmtl Egy karmazsin kapctl Egy szras szattyncsizmtl Brlsekrl s subkrl Egy nuszt-subtl Egy nest-subtl Egy kts nesttl Egy kts hlgybrtl, kiben no. 48. (!) Egy hlgy gerezntl Egy nest-svegtl Egy nestbrtl Egy kts pegymetbrtl Egy pegymet ml gerezntul Egy cmer nuztbrtl, kiben no. 40 (!) [fol. 311v] Egy rkaml gerezntul Egy rkaht gerezntul Egy farkastorok gerezntul Egy rkalb gerezntul Egy nyers rkabrtl Ngy rkamltul t rkahttul Egy tengeri nylml gerezntul Egy tengeri nylht gerezntul Egy nyl gerezntul

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

3 1 1 1 -

7,5 7,5 75 50 75 3 50 22,5 3

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

4,5 4,5 6 1,5 1,5 2 3

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

16 8 1 1 6 1 1 1 -

50 22,5 50 20 6 22,5 75

20 37,5 4 8,5 8,5 30 15 15

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Egy pegymet tokarittul Egy farkasbrtl Egy farkasbr subtl Egy farkasml subtul Szz gyapjtul Egy mzsa gyapjutul Szz csitha-kdmentl Szz takarittul Szz centetl Szz erdely brlstl Egy hd- s vidrabrtl Ittem extra vectigal quae sunt Egy veres tengeri brnybr gerezntul Egy fekete kecskebr grezntul [fol. 312r] Egy szablyra val selyem [v]tl70 Egy fejr tengeri brnybr gerezntul Egy szattynbrtl Egy lra val gubs lazsnaktul Posztrul Egy vg egsz granattul Egy vg fl granattul Egy vg egsz scarlattul Egy vg fl scharlattul Egy vg nyolcvanos scarlattul Egy vg stamettl Egy vg purgamaltul Egy ltereh purgamaltul Egy vg longistul Egy vg purpiantul Egy vg olosz poszttul Egy vg brkstl Egy vg egsz sayatul Egy vg fl sayatul Egy bl hamustul Egy vg hamustl Egy bl karasiatl
70

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

1 3 1 1 -

22,5 9 20 15 75 37,5 50 30 50 3

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

18 13,5 72,5 72,5 3 18

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

6 4 7 3 4 6 2 2 1 1 3 1 6 15

50 50 75 50 90 75 75 25 25 50 50 50 22,5

Litera v nu era scris.

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Anuarul Institutului de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, Trgu Mure, XI/2008

Egy vg karasiatl Egy bl lembrgtl [fol. 312v] Egy vg lembergtl Egy vg rvid lmbrgtl Egy bl barazlaitl Egy vg barazlaitl Egy bl iglertl Egy vg iglertl Egy vg pernisztl Egy vg flpernisztl Egy vg viznetl Egy vg kisnicertl Egy vg kentultul Egy vg angliai poszttul Egy vg trotmltul Egy vg marlingertl Egy vg bergentl Egy vg akallyaitl Egy vg cerke poszttul Egy bl abtul Egy vg abtul Egy vg hoblertl Egy vg chiumustl Egy bl fejirvari poszttul Egy vgtl Ittem quae non sunt in vectigali [fol. 313r] Egy vg karasiaszltl Egy vg zulernik posztszltl Egy sing egsz grnttul Egy sing fl grnttul Egy sing egsz scarlattul73 Egy sing fl scarlattul Egy sing nyolcvanos scarlattul Egy vg brassai poszttul Egy vg scarlat karasiatul

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

9 4 6 1 3 16 1 1 6 -

30 30 22,5 50 18 24 50 75 30 30 30 15 22,5 37,5 75 60 16 50 50 2471

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

9 4,572 13 9 18 17,5 9 30 90

71 72

Corectat din 14. Anterior scris cu aceeai mn n locul florinilor i tears ulterior: 4. 73 Anterior scris cu aceeai mn i tiat ulterior: grnttul.

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Anuarul Institutului de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, Trgu Mure, XI/2008

Selyem marhrl Egy sing aranyos brsonytul Egy sing aranyos zld brsonytul Egy vg dupla brsonytul Egy vg kz brsonytul Egy sing karmasin brsonytul Egy sing tarka brsonytul Egy sing aranyos kamuktul Egy sing karmasin kamuktul Egy vg rc kamuktul Egy vg kz kamuktul Egy sing kz kamuktul Egy sing aranyos atlactul Egy vg karmasin atlactul Egy sing karmasin atlactul [fol. 313v] Egy sing kz atlactul Egy vg fl atlactul Fl vgtl Egy sing velenczei tafottul Hrom sing velenczei kz tafottul Egy vg rc tafottul Egy vg trk tafottul Egy vg velenczei tafottul Egy vg tabittul Egy singtul Egy vg velenczei csemelyettl Egy vg kz csemellyettl Egy vg bbortul Egy vg dupla hernctul Egy vg dupla fosztantul Egy vg kzp fosztantul Egy vg kz mohartul Egy vg egsz mohartl Aranyos s kz maictul az ra szernt vegyk az harmincadot. Egy kts kis kanictul Egy font arany avagy ezst fonltul [fol. 314r] Egy font spring selyem..emtl
74

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

6 3 6 1 3 1 -

37,5 30

22 22 30 15 67 60 12 30 15 7,5 75 37,5 7,574 7,5 52 52,5 50 7,5 50 75 30 60 37,5 22,5 15 30

fl. fl. fl.

7,5 75 75

Anterior scris cu aceeai mn n locul florinilor i tears ulterior: 7.

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Anuarul Institutului de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, Trgu Mure, XI/2008

Egy font karmasin selyemtl Egy font kz selyemtl Egy nitra kz selyemtl Egy motring terek crntul Egy kts terek crntul Egy bl fejr crntul Egyb aranyas selyem marhtul ra szernt vegyk az harmincadot. Egy oka fejr fonltul Egy vg matostul(?) Egy oka farkas mazlagtul Egy jancsr futtul Egy paraszt futatl Egy vg kz posztszltl Egy paraszt kanictl Egy gyermeknek val kz aranyas fosztantul Paraszt fosztantul Egy vg zsinrtul Egy vg reg posztszltl Egy egsz vg posztszltl [fol. 314v] Gyolcs s vszontul Egy tonna truppaitul Egy vgtl Egy bl gallrtl Egy vgtl Egy ltalag gyapot gyolcstul Egy vgtl Egy bl patks gyolcstul Egy vgtl Egy vg kz75 patyolattul Egy vg paraszt fle jancsr patyolattul Egy vg j fle fejr vg aranyos szl patyolattul Egy vg reg-fle f jancsr aranyos patyolattul Egy vg kzp-fle patyolattul, gyapottul Egy vg ngyes patyolattul Aprszer keskenytl Az hanztok gyolcstl ra szernt vegyk az
75

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

30 15 22,5 22,5 18 30

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

7,5 3 7,5 4,5 3 4,5 1,5 3 1,5 4,5 9 54

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

4 3 3 3 -

50 15 7,5 7,5 7,5 15 18 37,5 37,5 24 4 6

Scris de aceeai mn deasupra rndului.

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Anuarul Institutului de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, Trgu Mure, XI/2008

harmincadjt. Egy bl szles gyolcstl Egy bl hossz avagy keskeny vagy hajtott gyolcstul Egy vgtl [fol. 315r] Egy vg veres vszontul Egy vg tarka vszontul Egy vg zld vszontul Egy vg irtrtul Egy bl krmny gyolcstul Egy vgtl Egy bl kurta gyolcstul Egy vg bartfai gyolcstul Egy kiteltl vagy parnahjtul Fejr gyolcsnak vgitl Egy bl avagy tonna bartfaitl Egy bl fodor vszontul Szz fekete vg gyolcstl Egy bl veres szl vszontul Egy vgtl Egy bl trk vszontul Egy bl erdelyi vkony vszontul Egy vg temerdk posiontul Egy vg terek vszontul Egy vg paltzos gyolcstul Egy vg lengyel gyolcstul Egy vg bulya vszontul Egy vg indiai hajtott gyolcstul Egy vg apr tarka keszkentl, tzvel valtul Egy bl jancsr vszontul Egy bl bagaziatul [fol. 315v] Egy vg nietz(?) vszontul Egy vg brassai bagaziatul Ngy gyapotostul Egy vg sahostul Hrom levl trk vszontul Egy vg paraszt bagaziatul Egy vg kzp-fle kk bagaziatul Fszerszmrul
76

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

4 6 476 2 2 4 1 4 3 4 -

50

7,5 12 7,5 7,5 4,5 50 7,5 25 9 7,5 7,5 25 50 12,5 90 7,5 50 90 4,5 9 4,5 22,5 12 9 4,5 50 4,5 9 4,5 4,5 1,5 4,5 6

Tiat.

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Anuarul Institutului de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, Trgu Mure, XI/2008

Egy mzsa avagy egy kantr borstul Egy font borstul Egy font ortt sfrnytul Egy font betsi sfrnytul Egy font erdely sfrnytul Egy mzsa avagy egy kantr gymbrtl Egy fonttul Egy mzsa szegftl Egy fonttul Egy mzsa szerecsenditul Egy mzsa fahjtul Egy mzsa ndmztl Egy mzsa albbval ndmztl Egy mzsa mondoltul Egy mzsa glicktl Egy mzsa timstul Egy mzsa szaporntul Egy mzsa bersentl Egy mzsa mniumtul Egy mzsa rizskstul Egy mzsa szltl [fol. 316r] Egy mzsa aszszltl Egy mzsa fgtl Egy mzsa malosaszltl Egy mzsa grispntul Egy mzsa borstul(!) Egy mzsa balganitl Egy mzsa zoduanatol Egy mzsa zandalytul Egy mzsa rosmarintl Egy mzsa gesztenytl Egy mzsa gumitul Egy mzsa knktl Egy mzsa fenymagtul Egy mzsa pomagrnttul Egy mzsa gallestl Egy mzsa saltromtul Egy mzsa puskaportul Egy mzsa cinobriumtul
77

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

3 2 4 4 2 2 1 2

3 22,5 30 12 25 3 50 4,5 50 25 25 50 60 60 60 60 60 60 37,5 37,5 37,5 37,5 37,5 75 30 30 30 30 30 30 30 30 30

77

30 37,5 75 25

Valoarea vmii nu a fost scris.

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Anuarul Institutului de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, Trgu Mure, XI/2008

Egybfle fszerszmokrl ra szernt vegyk az harmincadjt. Egy mzsa kristly vegtl Egy lda ablaknak val tlnyrokrl Egy lda ablakvegtl Ezer vegtlnyrtl Egy lda vegpohrtul Egy tonna lomonytul Egy tonna narancstul Egy tonna beszterczei szilvtul Egy zsk kantul [fol. 316v] Olvad llatokrl Egy ltalag malosatul Egy tonna malosatul Egy tonna ramfoltul Egy tonna pimotul(?) Egy reg hord bortul Egy reg hord mzsertl Egy veder erdely ecettl Egy varadi veder ecettl Egy veder gettbortul Egy hord mztl Egy veder mztl Egy tonna avagy egy reg palack faolajtul Egy tonna lenmagolajtul Egy tonna mkolajtul Egy mzsa viasztul Egy mzsa betsi szappantul Egy mzsa erdely szappantul Egy mzsa faggytul Egy varadi cseber bortul Fedelokrl s ruhkrl Szz reg morvai fedeltl Szz kz moruai fedeltl Szz paraszt fedeltl Szz fekete vg fedeltl Egyb fle fedeleket ra szernt vegyk az harmincadjt.

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

3 1 -

60 30 30 50 37,5 37,5 4,5 75

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

1 1 1 1 6 1 -

50 75 75 20 50 50 7,5 7,5 15 7,5 75 30 37,5 50 37,5 24 24 7,5

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

3 1 1

50 75 12,5

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Egy kisded kz sznyegtl [fol. 317r] Egy kz paplantul Egy reg s jfle sznyegtl s paplantul ra szernt vegyk. Egy jfle kpnyegtl Egy kz kpnyegtl tizent pnzt Egy hord svegtl kiben no. 800 Szz kz svegtl Szz polgr avagy posoni svegtl Szz sebesi pokrctul Szz szrpokrctul Kt kanictul Az darcot forint szmra harmincadollyk. Szz gubtul Szz lazsnaktul Szz nemeztl Szz apr tarisznytul Szz apr trk hevedertl Egy mzsa juhgyapjtl78 Szz keftl Szz kulntul(!) Egy bl gyapotfonltul Egy jfle hevedertl, kibl adnak egyet pro d. 50 Egy teveszr vtl Szz reg szrtarisznytul Egy vg szrtl [fol. 317v] Ss halakrl Egy tonna herengtl Egy mzsa viztul Szsz barilltul Egy kts habarnictul Egy pint vizaikrtl Egybfle halakrl ra szernt vegyk az harmincadjt. Az rcekrl

fl. fl.

18 18

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

6 1 1 3 2 4 1 -

30 15 75 50 50 1,5 25 50 30 37,5 75 37,5 7,5 60 80 3 3 49,5 9

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

37,5 30 75 9 7,5

78

n locul cuvntului gyapjtl original a fost scris de aceeai mn faggytl, tiat ulterior.

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Egy mzsa vastul Szz reg sing vastul Szz kzp vastul Szz apr vastul Egy mzsa acltul Egy mzsa fekete ntul Egy mzsa fejr ntul Egy pusktul Egy mzsa knestl Egy mzsa rztl Egy mzsa rctl Egy mzsa rzrctl Egy mzsa vasrctl Szz sarltul Szz kasztl Szz kzkstl Ezer kzkstl Szz vargnak val horgas kstl Egy tonna nas plhtl [fol. 318r] Vetemnyrl avagy gabonrl Egy kis kbl bztul Egy reg kbl bztul Egybfle vetemnytl ra szernt vegyk az harmincadjt. Szz stul, mind vizen s szrazon is Egy szalonntul Egy bl papirostul Egy kts papirostul Ezer zsendelytl Szz fapalacktl Ktelekrl Egy kts istrngtl Szz vkony gyopltl (!) Szz hossz ktltl Egybfle kteleknek ra szernt vetessk az harmincadjt. Bagaria szjszerszmokrl s egybfle gereg

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

3 -

18 36 18 13,5 18 42 50 7,5 75 75 75 37,5 7,5 75 6 60 30 75

fl. fl.

7,5 15

fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl.

1 1 -

10 50 6 6 37,5

fl. fl. fl.

7,5 7,5 75

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marhktul Szz rabszjtul Egy szgyeltl, farmatringtl Egy kengyelszjtul Egy kengyelszjtul, vasostul Egy szjhevedertl Egy capa fktl [fol. 318v] Egy capa szgyeltl Egy zamoktul Egy bottoktul Egy lncos ktfktl Egy kis kantrtul Egy jfle kantrtul Egy bagaria ktfktl Egy jfle fkgytul, ki sokboglr Egy jfle fkgytul, ki nagyboglr Egy apr fkgytul, ki nagyboglr Egy kengyelvastul Egy bagaria fkgytul, ki nem boglros Hogyha peniglen valami marha ez vectigalban nevezet szerint megrva nem talltatnk, teht fide mediante vgre menvn hny forint ru marha legyen s minden forinttul ttt fl fl pnzt exigllyanak. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. fl. 49,5 3 3 6 3 15 15 4,5 1,5 1,5
79

6 1,5 13,5 9 3 6 4,5

79

Valoarea vmii nu a fost scris.

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The Tricesimal Customs Tariff in Transylvania in the Year 1634 - Abstract In the Transylvanian Principality the use of the tricesimal customs tariffs is mentioned in laws, charters referring to the lease of the tricesimal customs and other documents (the tricesimal customs represented the name of the external-customs). Such documents, however, are known in the historical literature only for the years 1603, 1620, 1632, 1654, 1687 and 1688. In this study I publish and analyze another tariff, namely that from 1634. This was probably issued during the general assembly of the Transylvanian estates held between the 12th of May and the 1st of June. The structure of this document is similar to that of earlier tariffs and all the more, many of its articles are the same as those written in the list of 1632. There is however, an important difference between the lists of 1634 and of 1632; in the first one almost all articles were increased with 50%. In the second part of my paper I study how this list from 1634 was practically enforced, on the basis of the tricesimal register of Cluj from the same year (among the registers written in Transylvania only this register survived). In most of the cases the customs were imposed according to the tariff, although there were also some minor differences.

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RELAIILE BISERICII ORTODOXE DIN TRANSILVANIA CU RUSIA N SECOLELE XVII-XVIII IOAN CHIOREAN ncepnd de la sfritul secolului al XVI-lea, dar mai ales n veacul urmtor, politica cultural a principatului Transilvaniei a fost redimensionat, organizndu-se treptat numeroase aciuni pentru ridicarea nvmntului local, menite s satisfac necesitile de intelectuali n cretere ale societii. Drept urmare, n colegiile i gimnaziile transilvnene s-a deschis perspectiva nvrii i celor provenii din pturile mai srace ale societii. Este adevrat ns c romnii continuau s fie dezavantajai, datorit legislaiei feudale discriminatorii i a posibilitilor materiale mult mai reduse, majoritatea populaiei romneti fiind format din iobagi. Dintre toate activitile de intelectual, cea de ecleziastic a rmas i n aceast perioad cea mai important i cea mai rvnit ocupaie, ea cuprinznd cea mai mare parte a pturii intelectuale transilvnene. n timp ce preoii calvini, unitarieni, catolici i luterani aveau un statut juridic privilegiat, preoimea ortodox avea o situaie similar cu cea a rnimii, n marea ei majoritate iobag. De precizat faptul c n Transilvania Biserica Ortodox nu era o biseric oficial sau de stat, deci limba liturgic slav nu putea s aib un caracter oficial ca n ara Romneasc i Moldova i nu exista o clas romneasc suprapus (domni, marii feudali, clerul nalt) care s foloseasc limba slav n actele de cancelarie sau n slujba bisericii i care s sprijine activitile culturale n limba slav, ci, dimpotriv, un cler ortodox tolerat, identificat ntrutotul cu viaa i aspiraiile enoriailor lor iobagi. n ceea ce privete nivelul cultural el se reducea, n general, la strictul necesar pentru un devotat slujitor al altarului: scrisul, cititul, cntrile bisericeti, rnduielile tipiconale, unele rugciuni i nvturi. Majoritatea preoilor nu cunoteau limba slavon n care slujeau, potrivit tradiiei, ci nvau rugciunile i rnduielile liturgice pe de rost. Pe de alt parte, faptul c primele texte romneti tiprite au aprut la Sibiu i la Braov n a doua jumtatea a secolului al XVI-lea, pe cnd n ara Romneasc i Moldova ele au vzut lumina tiparului abia peste un veac, constituie un argument n plus c i cele dinti traduceri romneti, n manuscris, s-au fcut tot n Transilvania. ncercrile de atragere a preoilor i enoriailor romni la calvinism n ultimul ptrar al veacului al XVI-lea n-au dus la rezultatele scontate de autoritile princiare. Drept urmare, marea mas a preoilor romni, n ciuda

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presiunii exercitate de oficialitile calvine, i-au pstrat credina lor strmoeasc, ortodox, mpreun cu credincioii pe care-i pstoreau. Doar Palia de la Ortie (1582) pomenete de colaboratorii lui Mihail Tordai, cu unele aciuni n Lugoj, Caransebe i Hunedoara, centre n care calvinismul a avut oarecari succese printre romni1. ntruct nc din prima jumtate a secolului al XVII-lea politica religioas a principilor protestani din Transilvania Gabriel Bethlen i Gheorghe Rkoczy I urmrea cu nverunare atragerea populaiei romneti la calvinism, mitropolitul ortodox Ghenadie a iniiat pentru a combate astfel aciunea prozelitist princiar i a superintendentului calvin tefan Katona Gelji primele legturi cu puternica biseric ortodox a Rusiei. Drept urmare, n 1628 au plecat spre Rusia trei clugri de la mnstirea Prislop, avnd scrisori de recomandare din partea egumenului lor Antonie, a mitropolitului Ghenadie al Transilvaniei i a principelui Gabriel Bethlen, n care se relata c mnstirea era datoare cu 1.000 de taleri principelui i unor nobili maghiari. Clugrii au fost oprii de autoritile ruseti n localitatea de grani Putivlia, primind acolo darul arului, fr s li se permit s mearg la Moscova. n toamna anului 1629, a poposit n aceeai localitate de grani mitropolitul Longhin Brancovici din Ienopole, nsoit de arhidiaconul Teofil, fratele su Ioan, nepotul su Petru i trei slujitori. Aici au primit i ei mila arului. Peste un deceniu i jumtate s-a ndreptat spre Rusia noul mitropolit ortodox al Transilvaniei Ilie Iorest, nsoit de clugrul Gherman i de nepotul su Jurca, avnd o scrisoare de recomandare din partea mitropolitului Varlaam al Moldovei. A fost primit n audien de ar la 26 august 1645, cruia i-a druit prticele din moatele Sfntului Dumitru. Suveranul Rusiei i-a oferit, n schimb, diferite daruri din care i-a pltit datoria de 1.000 de taleri ctre principele Transilvaniei pentru care se puseser chezai 24 de credincioi ai si. La 26 decembrie 1651 a obinut o audien la arul Alexei Mihailovici (1645-1676) mitropolitul Sofronie al Lipovei, care i avea reedina n mnstirea Hodo-Bodrog. El a obinut cu acest prilej ajutoare n bani pentru refacerea mnstirii sale i diferite cri bisericeti. Ultimul ierarh ortodox din Transilvania care a cltorit n Rusia, cu civa slujitori, a fost Sava Brancovici. A fost primit de ar n audien la 31 mai 1668, iar mai apoi la 2 august n acelai an, primind diferite daruri n bani sau n obiecte. La praznicul Sfinilor Apostoli Petru i Pavel, a slujit n biserica
1

Mircea Pcurariu, Istoria Bisericii Ortodoxe Romne, vol. I, Bucureti, Editura Institutului Biblic,1980, p. 587.

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Uspenia din Moscova alturi de patriarhii Paisie al Alexandriei, Macarie al Antiohiei i ierarhii rui. arul i-a permis lui i urmailor si s mearg tot la apte ani dup milostenie n Rusia. ns mprejurrile politice din anii ce au urmat nu i-au mai ngduit s ntreprind alte cltorii2. n ultimul deceniu al secolului al XVII-lea au plecat la Moscova, dup ajutoare, preotul Oprea, apoi protopopul Vasile Hoban, ambii slujitori la Biserica Sf. Nicolae din cheii Braovului. La 8 noiembrie 1700 mitropolitul Teodosie al Ungrovlahiei l informa pe patriarhul Adrian al Moscovei de amplificarea aciunilor prozelitiste a catolicilor n rile ortodoxe, n special n Transilvania. Doi ani mai trziu, domnul muntean Constantin Brncoveanu a trimis o solie la Moscova, n frunte cu ceauul David Corbea, originar din Braov, ca s negocieze o alian antiotoman cu Rusia, solicitndu-se totodat i ajutorul arului pentru credincioii ortodoci din Transilvania ameninai cu uniaia. Dezbinarea religioas a romnilor din Transilvania a avut ns consecine grele pentru toi cei ce n-au vrut s renune la credina strmoeasc. n atari mprejurri, chiar din 1700 ortodocii ardeleni vor fi lipsii practic de o conducere centralizat, cauza lor fiind susinut n primul rnd de Mitropolia rii Romneti (n timpul domniei lui Constantin Brncoveanu), apoi de Mitropolia ortodox srb din Karlowitz. Considerai schismatici, preoii ortodoci din Transilvania se hirotoniseau dup desfiinarea Mitropoliei din Alba Iulia n ara Romneasc i Moldova, iar alii la episcopii srbi din Banat i Arad. n aceste mprejurri i eforturile pentru nfiinarea unui seminar teologic propriu vor fi nc mult vreme zdrnicite de autoriti3. Alte ncercri ale clerului ortodox din Transilvania au avut ns sori de izbnd. Una dintre acestea preconiza reactivarea legturilor cu puternica biseric ortodox a Rusiei, mai ales c nu se stinseser nc ecourile cltoriei la Moscova a preotului Oprea i a protopopului Vasile Hoban de la sfritul veacului al XVII-lea. Tensiunea religioas de la nceputul secolului al XVIII-lea amplific aceste legturi, spre beneficiul ortodocilor ardeleni. Astfel, la curtea arului Petru cel Mare Teodor Corbea fusese velpisariu i canilar al preaputernicii imperatori moschiceti, iar din anul
Vezi pentru detalii: Silviu Dragomir, Contribuii privitoare la relaiile Bisericii Romneti cu Rusia n veacul XVII, n Analele Acad. Romne, Mem. Sec. Ist., s. H, t. XXXIV, Bucureti, 1912, p. 1064-1248; G. Bezviconi, Contribuii la istoria relaiilor romno-ruse, Bucureti, 1962, 347 pp.; Mircea Pcurariu, op. cit., vol. II, p. 290-291. 3 Dr. Eusebiu Roca, Monografia Institutului Seminarial teologic-pedagogic Andreian al Arhidiecezei greco ortoxe romne din Transilvania, Sibiu, 1911, p. 2-5.
2

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1707 fcuse importante servicii de consilier pentru corespondena cu Domnii Moldovei i Munteniei. Un alt romn originar din Braov, ceauul David Corbea aflat la curtea arului n misiune diplomatic se interesa ndeaproape i de propaganda ortodox mpotriva unirii. Totui, cel mai important sprijin moral i material pentru cauza ortodocilor din Transilvania va fi obinut abia n timpul domniei arinei Elisabeta Petrovna, cu prilejul cltoriei protopopului Eustatie Vasilievici din Braov. Sosind la Petersburg la sfritul anului 1743, el reuete s conving clerul superior al Rusiei cu gravaminele romnilor braoveni, iar arina i-a permis s fac o colect financiar n mai multe orae ale imperiului. Rezultatele acesteia au fost ncurajatoare: 13.000 florini (donaia suveranei fusese de 2.500 ruble) i aproximativ 50 de cri religioase. n pelerinajul prin Rusia a poposit i la Kiev, unde-l va trimite mai apoi pe fiul su Dimitrie pentru a studia la celebra academie teologic4. Din banii adunai n timpul pelerinajului su a renovat biserica ortodox din chei, instalnd i un ceas n turn, cu o pisanie ce amintea de darurile arinei Elisabeta. Civa ani mai trziu, mai muli pelerini ortodoci din Transilvania au plecat spre Petersburg pentru a solicita intervenia arinei Elisabeta pe lng mprteasa Austriei Maria Tereza pentru a lua msuri de ncetare a prigoanei mpotriva Bisericii Ortodoxe. Unul dintre acetia a fost protopopul Nicolae Pop din Balomir n 1749, care a naintat un memoriu, pe temeiul cruia arina i-a ordonat ministrului su din Viena s solicite curii imperiale ca s acorde deplina libertate de cult credincioilor ortodoci din Transilvania. Curtea imperial din Viena a dat n toamna anului 1750 un rspuns arinei prin care susinea c ntreg poporul romn din Transilvania s-ar fi unit cu Roma n 1698. Deoarece intervenia diplomatic a arinei a rmas fr vreun rezultat pozitiv pentru credincioii ortodoci din Transilvania, n vara anului urmtor sa ndreptat spre Petersburg o nou delegaie romneasc, format din ieromonahul Nicodim, originar din prile Albei, i tnrul Ioan, fiul preotului Avram din Aciliu (jud. Sibiu). n memoriul naintat arinei, ei prezentau toate suferinele bisericii ortodoxe din Transilvania. El va reveni n Rusia n 1757, avnd printre alte scrisori de recomandare i un memoriu semnat de patru clugri, ase preoi i patru enoriai, toi lupttori consecveni mpotriva uniaiei n Transilvania prin care solicitau sprijinul material al arinei Elisabeta. Nicodim a ajuns doar pn la Moscova, unde i s-a permis ns s colecteze ajutoare pentru mnstirea sa de lng Alba Iulia, timp de trei ani. Pe cnd se
Silviu Dragomir, Relaiile bisericeti ale romnilor din Ardeal cu Rusia n veacul al XVIII-lea. Sibiu, 1914, p. 5-9; Idem. Istoria dezrobirii religioase a romnilor din Ardeal n secolul XVIII, Sibiu, 1920, p. 122-126.
4

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afla n Rusia, s-a rentlnit cu Ioan din Aciliu, cu care ncepuse pelerinajul su n 1751, hirotonit ntre timp preot la Karlowitz. Acesta aducea un memoriu isclit de civa fruntai ai romnilor ortodoci din Transilvania, prin care cereau ca episcop pe arhimandritul srb Ghenadie Vasilievici. Ieromonahul Nicodim a rmas n Rusia pn n 1761, cnd s-a rentors la Rmnic. Chiar dac mult vreme statutul juridic al Bisericii Ortodoxe din Transilvania a rmas mult mai nefavorabil i, implicit, situaia clerului care a refuzat unirea cu Roma a rmas credincios ortodoxiei, absolutismul luminat terezian a fost nevoit totui s legalizeze existena i a Bisericii Ortodoxe romne din Transilvania, dar i-a acordat numai un statut de religie tolerat. Se meninea n continuare situaia social-economic precar a clerului ortodox romnesc, cruia i s-a refuzat oficial dreptul la poriunea canonic, la scutirea de obligaii dup averea personal, pltind aceleai contribuii ctre stat ca i iobagii. Nu lipsit de importan a fost i faptul c numeroi trimii ai romnilor ortodoci transilvneni la Viena au fost ndrumai i sprijinii de ministrul rus din capitala Austriei Mihail Petrovici Bestujev-Riumin5. n anii 1770-1771 a poposit la Petersburg un alt preot romn, bneanul Mihai Popovici din Snicolaul Mare (judeul Timi), plecat n Rusia pentru a nfia arinei vexaiunile la care erau supui credincioii ortodoci din Transilvania6. Aadar, putem conchide prin aceste exemple c n veacurile XVIIXVIII, rspunznd favorabil unor solicitri de ajutoare din partea ierarhilor i credincioilor ortodoci din Transilvania, Biserica Ortodox rus i autoritile ariste au sprijinit totui, ntr-o oarecare msur, moral i material, situaia grea a Bisericii Ortodoxe din Transilvania, nerecunoscut oficial ntre religiile din imperiu.

Silviu Dragomir, Relaiile bisericeti, Sibiu, 1914, p. 55; Mircea Pcurariu, op. cit., p. 389, 655-657. 6 Nicolae Iorga, Cltoriile n Rusia ale preotului bnean Mihail Popovici (17701771), Arad, 1901, p. 48.

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The Relations of the Orthodox Church from Transylvania with Russia in the 17th-18th Centuries - Abstract With the beginning of the 17th century, in order to counteract the proselyte action of the Protestant princes of attracting the Romanian people to Calvinism, the Orthodox Metropolitan of Transylvania, Ghenadie, initiated the first relations with the powerful Orthodox Church of Russia. Consequently, in 1628, three monks from the Prislop monastery left for Russia, but they were stopped at the frontier locality of Putivlia, where they received the czars gift. In 1629, the Metropolitan Longhin Brancovici also made there a halt, accompanied by some servants, and received a gift from the czar in his turn. On 26 August 1645, the new Orthodox Metropolitan of Transylvania, Ilie Iorest,was admitted in audience by the czar of Moscow, to whom he offered pieces of St. Dumitrus relics as a gift. The sovereign of Russia offered him in exchange some other gifts. On the 26 December 1651, the Metropolitan Sofronie of Lipova, with the seat at the Hodo-Bodrog monastery, obtained an audience to the czar Alexei Mihailovici. On this occasion, he obtained pecuniary aids for the restoration of his monastery and religious books. Another Orthodox hierarch from Transylvania accepted in audience by the czar on 31 May 1668, was Sava Brancovici. He received gifts in money and objects. In the last decade of the 17th century, the priest Oprea, and then, the archpriest Vasile Hoban, both ministers of the St. Nicolae Church in Scheii Braovului, left for Moscow too. In the 18th century, the most notable is the travel to Petersburg of the archpriest Eustatie Vasilievici from Braov, in 1743, who was allowed by the czarevna Elisabeta Petrovna to carry out a financial collect in several towns (13,000 fls., the sovereigns donation being of 2500 roubles) and approximately 50 religious books. Last but not least, the travels of the archpriest Nicolae Pop from Balomir, in 1749, and of the priest Nicodim from Alba, in 1751.

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IOSIF AL II-LEA (1780-1790) I IOSEFINISMUL. INTRODUCERE ISTORIOGRAFIC LA UN DOSAR ELABORAT CRISTINEL ROMAN-NEGOI ANA MARIA ROMAN-NEGOI Niciun conductor al zilelor sale nu a fost un doritor mai pasionat de reform ca Iosif al II-lea. Un om care a fcut istorie1. Reluarea, de pe poziii istoriografice, a personalitii mpratului Iosif al II-lea, urmrind drept obiectiv accentuarea contextului din care se revendic, rolului educaiei primite, surprinderea la nivel psihologic, a trsturilor particulare care i-au lsat amprenta asupra actului guvernrii, genernd astfel o popularitate fr precedent, care a trecut dincolo de limitele timpului su, constituie un subiect care permite mbogirea tabloului general al reformismului de tip revoluionar al acestui personaj carismatic de pe scena istoriei. Iosif al II-lea sau bunul mprat constituie un subiect extrem de fertil, exersat cu acribie de istoriografia universal i romneasc cu ncepere din secolul al XVIII-lea i pn la momentul actual. Ca atare, o apropiere de un astfel de subiect nu se poate realiza n afara unui sistem de ordonare a materialului istoriografic care susine eafodajul interpretativ i cu meniunea punctual a neexhaustivitii avnd n vedere multitudinea direciilor, orientrilor i contribuiilor istoriografice care l-au exersat. Cu att mai mult, amploarea binomului Secolul Luminilor - Iosif al IIlea a determinat aadar, delimitarea i ordonarea materialului istoriografic universal i romnesc pe categorii specifice, de care ne-am servit n ncercarea de surprindere a elementelor cheie care definesc i susin, la nivel interpretativ, subiectul demersului de fa. Astfel, apropierea de subiectul Iosif al II-lea i, implicit, de atributele actului reformator de care i-a legat numele, am realizato de pe poziiile unei istoriografii consistente, punctate dinspre general spre particular, de la marile sinteze ale veacului, pn la lucrrile cu caracter biografic, care se constituie ca importante puncte de reper n receptarea personalitii acestui simbol al Luminilor.
1

Sinteze fundamentale pentru familiarizarea cu cadrele epocii, pentru ptrunderea n resorturile care au marcat gndirea i aciunile acestui timp

Saul K. Padover, The Revolutionay Emperor: Joseph II of Austria, London, Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1967, p. 6.

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al marilor schimbri i care, implicit au atins i problema marilor mprai reformatori. Surse reprezentative n afara crora nelegerea secolului al XVIII-lea ar fi incomplet. Lucrri i sinteze care au pus sub lup particularitile geo-politice i culturale ale spaiului central-est european ale acestui timp i relaionarea lor cu evoluia Imperiului Habsburgic i reprezentanii acestuia. Lucrri care au aezat n centrul lor disecarea multiplelor concepte cu care opereaz istoriografia Iluminismului: Aufklrung, Iluminism regional, Iosefinism, Despotism luminat. Lucrri monografice destinate lui Iosif al II-lea.

Iluminismul, prin varietatea i dimensiunea mutaiilor produse, a atras constana preocuprilor determinnd o decantare ct mai riguroas a lucrrilor care s-au impus ca repere pe acest subiect. Pentru segmentul istoriografiei europene, reperele sunt date de reprezentanii colii istoriografice franceze (Georges Gusdorf, Paul Hazard, Pierre Chaunu)2, germane (Ernst Cassirer)3, italiene (Franco Venturi, Vincenzo Ferrone)4 sau americane (Peter Gay)5, sinteze fundamentale pentru familiarizarea cu climatul epocii, pentru ptrunderea n resorturile care au marcat gndirea i aciunile acestui timp al marilor schimbri, ntr-o varietate a direciilor, de la cele politice pn la cele sociale. n ceea ce privete contribuia istoriografiei romneti, nume ca Nicolae Iorga, David Prodan, Pompiliu Teodor, Nicolae Bocan, Iacob Marza6,
Georges Gusdorf, Lavnement des Sciences Humaines au sicle des lumires, Paris, Payot, 1973; Paul Hazard, Gndirea european n secolul al XVIII-lea. De la Montesquieu la Lessing, Bucureti, Editura Univers, 1981; Pierre Chaunu, Civilizaia Europei n secolul Luminilor, Vol I-II, Bucureti, Editura Meridiane, 1989. 3 Ernst Cassirer, Filosofia luminilor, Traducere de Adriana Pop, Piteti, Editura Paralela 45, 2003. 4 Franco Venturi, Settecento riformatore. Da Muratori a Beccaria, vol. I, Turin, Einaudi, 1969; Idem, Utopia and Reform in the Enlightenment, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1971; Vincenzo Ferrone, The Intellectual Roots of the Italian Enlightenment, New Jersey, Humanities Press International, 1995. 5 Peter Gay, The Enlightenment: an interpretation. The Science of Freedom, vol. II, New York, Knopf, 1969. 6 Nicolae Iorga, Istoria literaturii romne n secolul XVIII, Volumul II, Bucureti, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, 1969; Pompiliu Teodor, Evoluia gndirii istorice romneti, Cluj-Napoca, Editura Dacia, 1970; Idem, Iluminism i societate romneasc, Cluj-Napoca, Editura Dacia, 1980; Idem, Interferene iluministe
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se detaeaz ca referine obligatorii de parcurs pentru abordarea Iluminsmului romnesc din Transilvania, manifestare subordonat curentului general al veacului, cu particulariti de manifestare originate n atributele spaiului geopolitic. Purttorii de cuvnt autorizai ai domeniilor istoria literaturii, istoria culturii: Lucian Blaga, Dimitrie Popovici, Alexandru Duu, Mircea Anghelescu, Romul Munteanu. Ovidiu Papadima7 au pus n discuie, prin produciile lor, dimensiunile, particularitile, identitatea i valorile culturii romneti n secolul XVIII, prin relaionarea direct cu cultura Europei Luminilor. Ultimele decenii au adus o specializare a produciilor pe diferite direcii cheie de evoluie a Iluminismului romnesc: istoria bisericii (Laura Stanciu, Ovidiu Ghitta, Mihai Ssujan, Corina Teodor, Greta Monica Miron, Daniel Dumitran)8, istoria elitelor reprezentat prin Remus Cmpeanu9, istoria
europene, Cluj-Napoca, Editura Dacia, 1984; Nicolae Bocan, Contribuii la istoria Iluminismului romnesc, Timioara, Editura Facla, 1986; Iacob Mrza, coal i naiune. colile de la Blaj n epoca renaterii naionale, Cluj-Napoca, Editura Dacia, 1978; David Prodan, Supplex Libellus Valachorum. Din istoria formrii naiunii romne, Bucureti, Editura Enciclopedic, Ediia 1998. 7 Dimitrie Popovici, Literatura romn n epoca Luminilor, Sibiu, 1945; Lucian Blaga, Gndirea romneasc n Transilvania n secolul al XVIII-lea, Ediie ngrijit de George Ivacu, Bucureti, Editura tiinific, 1966; Alexandru Duu, Coordonate ale culturii romneti n secolul al XVIII-lea, Bucureti, Editura Minerva, 1968; Idem, Sintez i originalitate n cultura romn, Bucureti, Editura Enciclopedic, 1972; Idem, Cultura romn n civilizaia european modern, Bucureti, Editura Minerva, 1978; Romul Munteanu, Literatura european n Epoca Luminilor, Bucureti, Editura Enciclopedic Romn, 1971; Idem, Cultura european n Epoca Luminilor, Bucureti, Editura Universis, 1974; Mircea Anghelescu, Preromantismul romnesc, Bucureti, Editura Minerva, 1971; Ovidiu Papadima, Ipostaze ale Iluminismului romnesc. Momente i sinteze, Bucureti, Editura Minerva, 1975. 8 Petru Maior, Protopopadichia, Ediie ngrijit, studiu introductiv, note, glosar, indici, rezumat, bibliografie selectiv Laura Stanciu, Prefa Pompiliu Teodor, Alba Iulia, 1998; Gherontie Cotore, Despre Articuluurile ceale de Price, Ediie ngrijit, cuvnt introductiv, rezumat, bibliografie selectiv, indici Laura Stanciu, Prefa Iacob Mrza, Alba Iulia, 2000; Ovidiu Ghitta, Naterea unei biserici. Biserica greco-catolic din Stmar n primul ei secol de existen (1667-1761), Cluj-Napoca, Editura Presa Universitar Clujean, 2001; Mihai Ssujan, Politica bisericeasc a Curii din Viena n Transilvania (1740-1760), Cluj-Napoca, Editura Presa Universitar Clujean, 2002; Corina Teodor; Coridoare istoriografice. O incursiune n universul discursului ecleziastic romnesc din Transilvania 1850-1920, Cluj-Napoca, Editura Presa Universitar Clujean, 2003; Greta Monica Miron, Biserica greco-catolic din Transilvania. Cler i enoriai (1697-1782), Cluj-Napoca, Editura Presa Universitar

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nvmntului prin Iacob Mrza10, toate relaionate contextului politic, care lea imprimat direcia i ritmul de evoluie. Opiunile tot mai evidente pentru specializarea pe un anumit domeniu, un anumit segment al Iluminismului romnesc au pornit de la dezideratul unei acoperiri ct mai complete i mai riguroase a tipului de problematic abordat, care deja i arat roadele. Astfel tendinele de accentuare a specificului Iluminismului romnesc, abordrile prin decuparea din peisajul central european au pierdut terenul n favoarea unor formule de investigaie regional, specializate pe diferite domenii - politic, economic, confesional, social - care au contribuit n mod real la o redimensionare a profilurilor de form i fond ale Iluminismului romnesc din Transilvania. Epoca reformismului austriac se bucur n acest moment de o bibliografie foarte bogat. Chiar i simpla enumerare a lucrrilor, studiilor i articolelor circumscrise acestui subiect ar nsemna cteva sute de pagini. O abordare a perioadei domniei lui Iosif al II-lea se dovedete un subiect inepuizabil nc, motivat de complexitatea, dar i caracterul controversat al msurilor sale, care i-au asigurat o publicitate imens, nu doar n epoca sa, ci i n posteritate. Retrospectiva asupra marilor curente, iluminismul, romantismul, sau pozitivismul istoric, l nregistreaz pe Iosif al II-lea i epoca sa ca prezene constante ale exerciiului istoriografic, difereniat prin ponderea domeniilor de interes sau tiparele de construcie ale portretului, care s-au asociat de regul momentelor i cadrelor geo-politice. Cea mai puternic personalitate reformatoare a Casei de Austria n contiina romneasc, asociat unei epoci de aur, mpratul Iosif al II-lea a ocupat de la reprezentanii iluminismului romnesc din Transilvania11 i pn la autorii istoriografiei secolului XXI, o poziie de top explicabil prin sperana pe care elitele romneti, n mod

Clujean, 2004; Daniel Dumitran, Un timp al reformelor. Biserica Greco-Catolic din Transilvania sub conducerea episcopului Ioan Bob (1782-1830), Bucureti, Editura Scriptorium, 2005. 9 Remus Cmpeanu, Intelectualitatea romn din Transilvania n veacul al XVIII-lea, Cluj-Napoca, Editura Presa Universitar Clujean, 1999; Idem, Elitele romneti din Transilvania veacului al XVIII-lea, Cluj-Napoca, Editura Presa Universitar Clujean, 2000. 10 Iacob Mrza, Etape i momente din istoria nvmntului n Transilvania (sec. XVIII-XIX), Sibiu, Editura Imago, 2002. 11 Spre exemplu Gheorghe incai, Hronica romnilor, vol. I-III, Ediie ngrijit i Studiu asupra limbii de Florea Fugariu, Prefa i Note de Manole Neagoe, Bucureti, Editura pentru Literatur, 1967-1969.

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particular, au investit-o n primul rnd n ridicarea cultural i politic a romnilor la acelai nivel cu naiunile istorice recunoscute, dar i prin carisma i popularitatea care l-a urmrit dincolo de limitele timpului su. nelegerea marilor transformri ale veacului nu poate ocoli problema surselor sau a fondurilor, care susin eafodajul interpretativ i, n afara crora, cercetarea istoric ar fi incomplet. n secolul al XIX-lea, Alfred von Arneth12, Adam Wolf13 i mai apoi, din deceniul 5 al secolului XX, nume ca Ferdinand Maa14, Jean Pierre Lavandier15, au devenit sinonime cu publicarea unui volum impresionat de documente pentru perioada reformismului austriac i ai purttorilor acestuia, de la corespondena privat pn la legislaia imperial, contribuind la mbogirea cantitativ, dar mai ales calitativ, a fondului care deschide i susine noile interpretri asociate acestui subiect. n ceea ce privete aportul istoriografic romnesc nume ca Ion Nistor16 i, recent, Mihai Ssujan17 sau Ileana Bozac i Teodor Pavel18, s-au aliniat acestui efort arhivistic recuperator. Publicarea materialelor de arhiv au jucat un rol important n receptarea personalitii mpratului Iosif al II-lea. Memoriile, corespondena privat, au permis nu doar ptrunderea n cele mai intime resorturi ale gndirii mpratului, ci i extinderea limitelor interpretrii. Marele interes artat fa de Curtea vienez i reprezentanii ei marcani nu este de dat recent. n epoca pozitivismului istoric din secolul al XIX-lea au fost publicate documente de arhiv cu caracter
Alfred von Arneth, Geschichte Maria Theresias, vol. I-X, Viena, 1863-1879. Tot lui Arneth i se datoreaz publicarea integral a corespondenei dintre Iosif i Maria Tereza, regsit la ora actual parial, n lucrrile monografice produse de istoriografia american. Alfred von Arneth, Maria Theresia und Joseph II. Ihre Korrespondenz, vol. I-III, Viena, 1867-1868. 13 Adam Wolf, Aus dem Hofleben Maria Theresias Nach dem Memorien des Frsten Joseph Khevenhller, Viena, Gerold, 1858. 14 Ferdinand Maa, Der Josephinismus. Quellen zu seiner Geschichte in sterreich 1760-1790. Amtliche Dokumente aus dem Wiener Haus- Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Wien, Mnchen, Verlag Herold, Band I-III, 1951-1956. 15 Jean Pierre Lavandier, Le livre au temps de Joseph II et de Leopold II. Code des lois de censure du livre pour les pays Austro-Bohemiens (1780-1792), vol. I-II, France, Bern, Peter Lang Publishing Group, 1995. 16 Ion Nistor, Corespondena diplomatic i rapoartele consulare austriece 1782-1797, Bucureti, 1912. 17 Mihai Ssujan, Habsburgii i Biserica Ortodox din Imperiul austriac (1740-1761). Documente, Cluj-Napoca, Presa Universitar Clujean, 2003. 18 Ileana Bozac, Teodor Pavel, Cltoria mpratului Iosif al II-lea n Transilvania la 1773, Cluj-Napoca, Centrul de Studii Transilvane, 2006.
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personal sau oficial ale mprailor habsburgi i ale personalitilor Curii, informaii ce constituie i azi un izvor primar, viznd tocmai evoluia reformismului austriac. Un segment important n acest sens este reprezentat de eforturile istoriografiei europene, austriac i german n special, focalizate pe publicarea memoriilor, pe care se fundamenteaz noile interpretri cu care operm la momentul de fa. Acest efort continu i azi contribuind la mbogirea cantitativ i calitativ a istoriografiei subiectului19. Ca reper n aceast direcie, ne-am oprit asupra volumului Enlightened Absolutism (17601790). A Documentary Source Book, care include fragmente de memorii, documente politice sau coresponden privat. De un real folos n relevarea personalitii mpratului, prin ptrunderea n resorturile intime ale gndirii politice s-au dovedit a fi fragmentele din seria scrisorilor personale ale lui Iosif ctre Maria Teresa i Leopold al II-lea. Volumul se bazeaz pe reunirea eforturilor istoriografilor secolului XIX i XX, care, n lucrrile lor, au publicat aceste valoroase mrturii documentare. n cazul lui Iosif al II-lea sunt prezente acele mrturii, directe, i indirecte20 care creioneaz att portretul fizic21 ct mai ales atitudinea monarhului n domeniile i problemele majore ale timpului su: biseric, educaie, toleran, cenzur. Din ntreg materialul se detaeaz o scrisoare din 25 iulie 1768 ctre fratele su Leopold, care permite accesul la viziunea personal i dimensiunile programului viitorului conductor al Imperiului:
[] Patriotismul, binele monarhiei, acestea, drag frate, sunt singurul meu gnd i ele m mping s fac orice. Sunt att de preocupat cu acestea nct nu pot fi niciodat linitit fizic sau psihic dect atunci cnd sunt sigur de binele monarhiei i de eficiena msurilor pe care le-am luat. n aceast datorie, nimic nu mi se pare a fi lipsit de importan; totul m intereseaz. Sunt la fel de preocupat de armat ca i de finane22.

La nivelul istoriografiei romneti sunt vizibile eforturile asociate unor nume ca Gheorghe Gorun, Reformismul austriac i violenele sociale din Europa Central 1750-1800, Oradea, Editura Muzeului rii Criurilor, 1998; Idem, Sub semnul schimbrii. Studii de istorie a romnilor din Partium, Oradea, Editura Logos 94, 2002, Mihai Ssujan, Politica bisericeasc a Curii din Viena n Transilvania (1740-1761), Cluj-Napoca, Editura Presa Universitar Clujean, 2002. 20 Anthony Lentin, Enlightened Absolutism (1760-1790). A Documentary Source Book, London, Newcastle-upon-Tyne Press, 1985, pp. 5-6 (Kaunitz on Joseph II). 21 Ibidem, p. 4 (Portrait of Joseph II). 22 Ibidem, p. 48 (Letter from Joseph II to Leopold of Tuscany).

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Ideile novatoare ale iluminismului central European, particularitile de identificare, au fost oglindite n lucrri de sintez a istoriei Austriei sau Ungariei23, a dinastiei de Habsburg, dar i n cele de strict specialitate, volume de studii24, care au urmrit analiza sistemului reformist din anumite domenii i teritorii ale Imperiului, cu accentuarea perioadei domniei lui Iosif al II-lea (1780-1790). Dup al doilea rzboi mondial, pe msura lrgirii accesului la materialele arhivistice, se evideniaz o cretere a sintezelor, care aduc n prim plan dinastia de Habsburg, prin colile istoriografice austriece, franceze i americane. Carlile Aylmer Macartney25, Victor L. Tapi26, Robert. A. Kann27, Erich Zllner28 sau Jean Brenger29 sunt repere istoriografice de baz, care permit familiarizarea cu mpraii habsburgi, cu Iosif al II-lea n mod particular. Propunnd o abordare n formula binomului istorie politic-istorie cultural, destinat s acopere ct mai complet domeniile emblematice - stat, diplomaie, reformism, societate, biseric, educaie, economie - lucrrile menionate dezvluie rolul i direciile de aciune ale Casei de Habsburg i ale reprezentanilor ei n veacul schimbrii. Astfel, Carlile Aylmer Macartney, dei
Eva. H. Balzs, Hungary and the Habsburgs 1765-1800. An Experiment in Enlightened Absolutism, Budapest, Central European University Press, 1987. 24 Dintre volumele de studii le amintim pe cele de dat mai recent: Etudes sur XVIIIeme sicle, serie 1, La Tolerance civile, Actes du Colloque de Mons publi par Roland Crahay, Editions de l'Universit de Mons, 1982; LAbsolutisme clair, Volume publi par B. Kpeczi, A. Soboul, E.H. Balzs, D. Kosry, Akadmiai Kiad, 1985; Roy Porter, Mikula Teich, The Enlightenment in National Context, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1996; Enlightened Absolutism. Reforms and Reformers in Later Eighteenth Century Europe, Edited by H. M. Scott, Macmillan, 1996; Austrian Studies II. The Austrian Enlightenment and its Aftermath, Edited by Ritchie Robertson and Edward Timus, Edimburgh, Edimburgh University Press, 1997. 25 Carlile Aylmer Macartney, The Habsburg Empire 1790-1918, London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1969. 26 Victor Tapi, The Rise and Fall of the Habsburg Monarchy, New York, Praeger, 1971; Idem, LEurope de Marie Threse. Du Baroque aux Lumires, Paris, Fayard, 1973. 27 Robert A. Kann, History of the Habsburg Empire 1526-1815, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1974. 28 Erich Zllner, Istoria Austriei-de la nceputuri pn n prezent, Traducere de Adolf Ambruster, Vol I-II, Ediia a VIIIa, Bucureti, Editura Enciclopedic, 1997. 29 Jean Brenger, Istoria Imperiului Habsburgilor (1273-1918), Bucureti, Editura Universitas, 2000.
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i-a propus o istorie a Imperiului Habsburgic pentru perioada 1790-1918, simte nevoia s insiste asupra potenialului monarhiei la sfritul domniei Maria Tereza i n timpul lui Iosif al II-lea i Leopold al II-lea. Spaii largi a acordat epocii iluministe i istoricul francez Victor Tapi. The Era of the Reform and Enlightenment i Joseph II sunt doar dou capitole ce cuprind secolul transformrilor, din care nu a fost omis nici impactul reformelor n spaiul transilvnean. O poziie important n cadrul sintezelor de specialitate o ocup lucrarea lui Robert A Kann, History of the Habsburg Empire 1526-1815, prin modalitatea redrii ideilor mercantile, a prezentrii tabloului schimbrilor politice, administrative i economice, dar i prin analiza problematicii monarhiei, n capitole precum An Empire reasserts itself (1740-1815), n care atenia este canalizat cu precdere asupra mprailor reformatori, Maria Tereza i Iosif al II-lea. Ct privete istoriografia romneasc, problema reformismului habsburgic, a purttorilor acestuia, a formelor i domeniilor de manifestare a constituit un subiect exersat n mod constant i cu rigoare n studii sau lucrri de specialitate. O ncercare de inventariere i grupare a celor mai semnificative contribuii include urmtoarele direcii principale de urmrit: ideile politice, domeniile reformei i instituiile principale. Pe aceste coordonate David Prodan, Ioan Horga30, Lucia Protopopescu31, Gabriela Mircea32, Iacob Mrza, Remus Cmpeanu, Daniel Dumitran, Mihai Ssujan, amintii anterior, au acoperit gradual o gam extins de subiecte, care graviteaz implicit n sfera de interes a reformismului lui Iosif al II-lea i a domeniilor de aplicare a politicii sale: iosefinism provincial, conceptul de toleran, biseric, coal, elite, societate, cultur. Instituiile, prghiile de putere prin care s-a realizat reformismul iosefin n Transilvania au constituit de asemenea, o tematic investigat riguros de istoriografia romneasc, prin Anton Drner33 cu lucarea Reformismul austriac i administraia din Transilvania n secolul XVIII la care adugm eforturile

Ioan Horga, Contribuii la cunoaterea Jozefinismului provincial, Oradea, Editura Universitii din Oradea, 2000. 31 Lucia Protopopescu, Contribuii la istoria nvmntului din Transilvania 17741805, Bucureti, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, 1966. 32 Gabriela Mircea, Tipografia de la Blaj n anii 1747-1830, Alba Iulia, Editura Altip, 2008. 33 Anton Drner, Reformismul austriac i administraia din Transilvania n secolul XVIII, Tez de doctorat, Cluj-Napoca, 1980.

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recente ale lui Remus Cmpeanu i Attila Varga34, concretizate n lucrarea n pragul Europei. Instituiile transilvane n epoca prereformist. Parcurgerea lucrrilor indispensabile pentru nelegerea contextului care a generat i n care s-a aplicat sistemul reformist iosefin a nregistrat, nu doar o pluralitate a istoriografiilor concentrate n jurul temei nucleu, a Iluminismului, ci i o pluralitate a conceptelor cu care se opereaz i care sunt rezultatul diversitii formelor de manifestare a matricei unitare de idei a secolului al XVIII-lea. Dintre acestea, iosefinismul revine constant n centrul preocuprilor specialitilor, de individualizare a centrelor de greutate care marcheaz timpul marilor transformri, de explicitare a relaiei particulare Stat-Biseric care a stat la baza sistemului reformator habsburgic. Confruntarea istoriografic n jurul problemei iosefinismului debuteaz dup al doilea rzboi mondial prelungindu-se i mbogindu-se totodat pn n zilele noastre. Din punct de vedere istoriografic, originea termenului nu a fost studiat n detaliu35. La nceput, termenul a vizat dezvoltarea relaiilor dintre Biseric i Stat n legtur direct cu Iosif al II-lea i perioada guvernrii sale36. Istoricii moderni au lrgit ulterior semnificaia termenului, cronologic i conceptual, fiind definit sintetic la momentul actual drept o micare pentru schimbare37. Pentru prezentarea succint a principalelor direcii de analiz, ne-am servit de trei repere principale, trei lucrri semnate Edward Winter38, Fritz Valjavec39 i Ferdinand Maa40, toate intitulate Der Josephinismus, care au adus n centrul discuiei relaia Stat-Biseric i care constituie, i la ora actual, baza istoriografic care nu poate fi ocolit n abordarea acestui subiect. Eduard Winter, primul n lista celor trei analiti, prin ediia din 1943 a lui Der Josephinismus (ed. I), a dat conceptului, sensul de catolicism reformator, stabilindu-i limitele ntre anii 1740-184841, minimaliznd
Remus Cmpeanu, Anton Drner, Attila Varga, n pragul Europei. Instituiile transilvane n epoca prereformist, Cluj-Napoca, Presa Universitar Clujean, 2008. 35 Elisabeth Kovcs, Giuseppinismo n Dizionario degli Instituti di Perfezione, Editori Guerrino Pelliccia, Giancarlo Rocca, Roma, Edizione Paolini, 1977, vol. IV, col. 13571367. 36 Derek Beales, Joseph II. In the shadow of Maria Theresia (1741-1780), vol. I, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1987, p. 439. n continuare se va cita Derek Beales, Joseph II. 37 Ibidem, p. 440. 38 Eduard Winter, Der Josefinismus. Die Geschichte des sterreichischen Reformkatholizismus.1740-1848, Berlin, Rtten & Loening Verlag, 1962. 39 Fritz Valjavec, Der Josephinismus. Zur Geistigen Entwicklung sterreichs im 18 und 19 Jahrhundert, Brn-Mnchen-Wien, Rudolf M. Rohrer Verlag, 1944. 40 Ferdinand Maa, op. cit. 41 Eduard Winter, op. cit., p. 38, pp. 100-114.
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ns rolul statului i al mpratului Iosif al II-lea. Pentru Fritz Valjavec, iosefinismul mbrac toate manifestrile iluminismului n Monarhia habsburgic, de la sfritul secolului al XVIII-lea i nceputul secolului al XIX-lea, nefiind legat ns de activitatea de guvernare sau de relaia stat-biseric. Cea mai consistent analiz vine din partea lui Maa, care a definit iosefinismul ca dominaia statului asupra bisericii n perioada 1750-1855, sau Caesaropapism. Maa a insistat asupra ideii c iosefinismul i-ar pierde identitatea dac ar fi disociat de actul de guvernare42. Aceast idee nu l-a condus ns automat spre considerarea aportului lui Iosif al II-lea drept corolar al iosefinismului; din contr autorul reduce considerabil rolul mpratului. n primul volum din seria Der Josephinismus, care merge pn la anul 1796, Maa l citeaz pe Iosif al II-lea o singur dat, accentul cznd n schimb pe cancelarul Kaunitz. Sintetic, lucrarea lui Maa exprim ideea potrivit creia dac Kaunitz a fost tatl iosefinismului, Maria Tereza a fost mama43. Exerciiile istoriografice mai recente au adus lumina asupra i altor aspecte ale conceptului, precum influena Jansenismului n Austria, reforma cenzurii, educaia teologic, tolerana religioas. n aceast direcie s-au ndreptat eforturile istoricilor Karl Otto von Aretin, Adam Wandruszka sau Peter F.Barton44, ale cror interpretri privind raporturile Stat-Biseric n veacul marilor schimbri realizeaz o complementaritate ideatic benefic, ce permite recuperarea unei imagini ntregite asupra fenomenului. Plecnd de la aceste realizri, istoriografia american s-a pronunat ulterior prin Derek Beales, profesor de istorie modern la Universitatea din Cambridge, care a identificat iosefinismul luminat cu un despotism legal. Lucrarea lui Beales despre Iosif al II-lea rmne una din monografiile de referin pentru Iosif al II-lea, prin deplasarea accentului de la simpla nregistrare a evenimenialului la analiza psiho-istoric a personalitii

Ferdinand Maa, op. cit., p. XVIII-XX. Ibidem, p. 297. 44 Karl Otmar von Aretin, Der Josephinismus und das Problem des katholischen aufgeklrten Absolutismus in sterreich, n sterrreich im Europa der Aufklrung. Kontinuitt und Zsur in Europa zur Zeit Maria Theresias und Josephs II, n Internationales Symposion in Wien, 20-23 Okt.1980, vol. I, Wien, 1985; Adam Wandruszka, sterreich und italien im 18. Jahrhundert, Wien, Verlag fr Geschichte und Politik, 1963; Peter F.Barton, Jesuiten, Jansenisten, Josephiner. Eine Fallstudie zur frheren Toleranzzeit. Innocentius Fessler, in Studien und Texte zur Kirchengeschichte und Geschichte, zweite Reihe, in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Institut fr protestantische Kirchengeschichte, Band IV, 1. Teil, Wien Kln & Graz, Hermann Bhlau Verlag, 1978.
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mpratului reformator45. Preocuprile pentru Europa Central Iluminist, n direcia problematicii reformismului iosefin, a relaiei acestuia cu problema naional a romnilor din Transilvania i a formelor de manifestare n compartimentele vieii sociale, politice, economice, religioase, au grupat n particular eforturile cercettorilor austrieci i germani, care au nuanat i clarificat istoria intelectual a acestui spaiu. Dintre acetia Grete Klingestein, Ernst Wangerman, Mathias Bernath Angelika Schaser constituie doar cteva repere de care ne putem folosi n nelegerea contextului reclamat de subiectul avut n vedere46. Tratarea fenomenului reformist i-a gsit locul i n lucrrile cu caracter monografic consacrate suveranilor Leopold I47, Maria Tereza, Iosif al II-lea sau Leopold al II-lea48. Beneficiind de structuri ample, marea majoritate a lucrrilor biografice a fcut posibil tratarea detaliat a problemei reformelor n subcapitole distincte, care realizeaz un tipar ce poart amprenta dezvoltrii progresive personalitii reformatorilor Casei de Habsburg. Interesul istoricilor fa de domnia i personalitatea lui Iosif al II-lea, vizibil nc din contemporaneitate, a fost similar cu cel acordat mamei sale.49 nc din anul

Derek Beales, Joseph II. A se vedea i studiul semnat Derek Beales, The false Joseph II, n The Historical Journal, XVIII, 3 (1975), p. 467-495. 46 Grete Klingestein, Europe Centrale et Orientale: La monarchie des Habsburgs, n LAbsolutisme clair, volume publi par B. Kpeczi, A. Soboul, . H. Balzs, D. Kosry, Paris, 1985, p. 201-231; Idem, Revisions of Enlightened Absolutism: The Austrian Monarchy is Like no Other, n The Historical Journal, vol. 33, No. 1 (Mar., 1990), p. 155-167; Ernst Wangerman, Reform Catholicism and political radicalism in the Austrian Enlightenment, n Roy Porter, Mikula Teich, The Enlightenment in National Context, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1996, p. 128-134; Mathias Bernath, Habsburgii i nceputul formrii naiunii romne, Traducere de Marionela Wolf, Prefa de Pompiliu Teodor, Cluj-Napoca, Editura Dacia, 1994; Angelika Schaser, Reformele iosefine n Transilvania i urmrile lor n viaa social, Sibiu, Editura Hora, 2000. 47 Sicher Erwin, Leopold I of Austria, Los Angeles, University of Southern California Press, 1970. 48 Adam Wandruszka, Leopold II. Erzherzog von sterreich, Grossherzog von Toskana, Knig von Ungarn und Bhmen, rmischer Kaiser, vol. 1-2, Viena, Mnchen, Herold Verlag, 1965. 49 O biografie care se impune pe acest subiect este reprezentat de lucrarea lui Alfred von Arneth, Geschichte Maria Theresias, ed. cit. Lucrarea se bazeaz pe un volum uria de date arhivistice inedite, intens exploatate i de istoricii care i-au focalizat atenia mai

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1790, la moartea mpratului, operm deja cu primele lucrri cu caracter encomiastic care vor deschide un coridor istoriografic ce va beneficia de un exerciiu constant din partea istoricilor de-a lungul timpului. Amintim n acest sens lucrarea Charakteristik Joseph II. Eine historisch-biographische Skizze, semnat Johann Pezzl50, care surprinde imaginea fidel a lui Iosif al II-lea, aa cum este ea creionat de contemporanii si. Pozitivismul istoric al secolului XIX s-a pronunat asupra subiectului prin realizrile istoriografiei austriece i germane. Menionm lucrarea lui Adam Wolf i Haus von Zwiedineck-Sdenhorst, sterreich unter Maria Theresia, Joseph II und Leopold II. 1740-1792, n care analiza este canalizat ctre problemele politice ale Imperiului, de la relaiile externe i pn la marile reforme care s-au asociat mprailor51. Pentru subiectul Iosf al II-lea lucrarea permite accesul la spectacolul audienelor inute de mprat, un element major, care a generat i potenat procesul mitizrii bunului mprat. Secolul XX s-a deschis cu monografia lui Paul von Mitrofanov52, care fcea saltul calitativ, de la lucrrile i studiile generale care urmreau viaa i activitatea mpratului Iosif al II-lea, la o sintez rmas valabil i la momentul de fa. Dup o ntrerupere de aproape o jumtate de secol au fost reluate scrierile biografice referitoare la Iosif al II-lea. n atenia cercetrii istorice primeaz ideea reformismului, cu toate ramificaiile care i se subordoneaz conceptului, al crui promotor a fost suveranul vienez. Realizri importante n aceast direcie - abordare metodologic, concepte puse n circulaie, interpretare critic i valorificare a materialului documentar - a obinut n special coala istoriografic american, asupra creia ne vom opri n cele ce urmeaz. Segmentul lucrrilor monografice constituie un important centru de greutate n receptarea locului i rolului jucat de Iosif al II-lea n epoc. Totodat, aceste lucrri permit o dubl recuperare, n binomul om-conductor,
trziu asupra lui Iosif al II-lea. A se vedea n acest sens studiul semnat Derek Beales, The false Joseph II, n The Historical Journal, XVIII, 3 (1975), p. 467-495. 50 Johann Pezzl, Charakteristik Joseph II. Eine historisch-biographische Skizze, Wien, J. V. Degen Verlag, 1790. 51 Adam Wolf, Haus von Zwiedineck-Sdenhorst, sterreich unter Maria Theresia, Joseph II und Leopold II. 1740-1792, Berlin, Grote Verlag, 1884, p. 232-255. 52 Paul von Mitrofanov, Joseph II. Seine politische und Kulturelle Ttigkeit, vol. I-II, Viena, C.W. Stern Verlag, 1910. Importana lucrrii se relev prin referinele fcute de reprezentanii colii istoriografice americane, care o consider punctul de pornire n apropierea de subiectul Iosif al II-lea.

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prin conexiunile interdisciplinare pe care se construiesc: istorie, psihologie politic, sociologie. Ca prim reper n seria monografiilor, ne-am oprit asupra lucrrii lui Saul K. Padover, The Revolutionary Emperor: Joseph II of Austria, ediia 1967. Lucrarea reprezint una dintre cele mai complete biografii ale mpratului al crui nume devine sinonim cu reforma politic a secolului XVIII53. Un rol important n cadrul lucrrii este dat de capitolele referitoare la educaia primit, ca principal instrument de modelare a personalitii, din copilrie i pn la primele trepte ale maturitii (Cap. I-II). Portretul creionat de autor surprinde amestecul dintre duritatea mamei sale (Maria Tereza), nclinaiile despotice ale acesteia i simplitatea tatlui su despre care Iosif amintea n corespondena sa privat: a fost nvtorul i prietenul meu54. La vrsta de 8 ani mprteasa a ncredinat educaia viitorului conductor unui general i unui preot, Contele Carl Btthyany i Franz Joseph Weger, indicndule acestora liniile directoare: [] tiai viciul i rul n general, s nu vorbeasc aspru cu nimeni, nici mcar cu inamicii naiunii, s fie un bun cretin i un suflet bun55. Lucrarea, care se bazeaz pe un segment consistent de material documentar, scoate la lumin un tnr serios, singuratic i nclinat spre introspecie, despre care Batthyany afirma: [] nu e ceea ce pare, nu este nici un pic de veselie n el, nu a flirtat, nu s-a jucat ci a citit lucrri serioase, n special militare, politice i economice. Pasiunea devoratoare pentru lectur, n care un loc important va reveni istoriei universale, dublat de un program de munc asiduu, sunt elemente care vor forma viitorul mprat, conferindu-i fundamentele solide ale artei guvernrii: []muncesc n fiecare zi pn la cinci-ase seara, cu excepia unui sfert de or cnd cinez singur; i cu toate astea nimic nu pare s fie terminat56. Monografia lui Padover constituie o oglind fidel a dezvoltrii progresive a personalitii viitorului conductor al Imperiului, prin acoperirea unei arii extinse de problematici: educaia, relaiile cu mama sa, concepiile despre stat, biseric, societate, care se dezvolt prin valorificarea materialelor documentare i a bibliografiei anterioare.

53 54

Saul K. Padover, op. cit. Ibidem, p. 25. 55 Ibidem, p.45. 56 Ibidem, p. 62.

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Un alt biograf major al lui Iosif al II-lea este considerat Derek Beales, cu lucrarea Joseph II, aprut n anul 198757. Este o lucrare bazat pe o abordare meticuloas a materialelor, de la sursele edite pn la documentele de arhiv (corespondena Iosif-Maria Tereza), care relev att relaiile politice, ct i pe cele personale. Biografia se ncadreaz n tiparele genului, prin urmrirea cronologic a subiectului: copilrie, adolescen, familiarizarea cu problemele politice, cltorii, relaiile interne i externe, reformism. n volumul, In the Shadow of Maria Theresa (n umbra Mariei Tereza), avem de-a face cu o investigaie detaliat a vieii lui Iosif n postura de prin i co-regent, strns legat de personalitatea dominatoare a Mariei Tereza, care beneficiaz astfel de o reevaluare58. Lucrarea se evideniaz prin deplasarea accentului de la simpla nregistrare a evenimenialului, la analiza psiho-istoric a personalitii lui Iosif al II-lea i prin redeschiderea discuiei asupra conceptului de iosefinism. Lucrarea lui Beales, completat de un studiu la fel de interesant, The False Joseph II59, confirm nc o dat faptul c studiul marilor conductori, deintori ai puterii absolute de decizie, rmne oricnd un areal important al cercetrii. Pe aceeai direcie se nscriu i contribuiile semnate Franois Fejt, Joseph II un Habsbourg revolutionnaire60 sau T.C. W. Blanning, Joseph II,61 selectate drept repere de orientare istoriografic n abordarea subiectului prin noutatea interpretrilor, a lrgirii orizontului prin conexiunile cu o alt personalitate simbol a vremii, cancelarul Kaunitz. Istoriografia romneasc nu putea rmne neutr n faa unui astfel de subiect, chiar dac, pe acest segment nu operm cu lucrri strict monografice. Majoritatea abordrilor, concretizate n lucrri i studii de specialitate au vizat n principal implicaiile reformismului pentru romnii din Transilvania, pe o arie extins de domenii: societate biseric, coal. Parcurgerea atent a materialelor surprinde la George Bariiu, chiar dac la scar mai redus, creionarea portretului mpratului:

Derek Beales, Joseph II. In the shadow of Maria Theresa, 1741-1780, vol. I, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1987. 58 Grete Klingenstein, Revisions of Enlightened Absolutism: The Austrian Monarchy is like no Other, n The Historical Journal, vol. 33, Nr. 1, 1990, p. 155-167. 59 Derek Beales, op. cit. 60 Franois Fejt, Joseph II un Habsbourg rvolutionnaire, Paris, Librairie Acadmique Perrin, 1982. 61 T. C. W.Blanning, Joseph II, London, Longman Press, 1994.

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[...] mpratul Iosif II ca om tnr i pe ct nu avuse a lupta prea mult cu grijile domniei, cu rutatea claselor privilegiate i cu stupiditatea gloatelor, a fost unul din contemporanii cei mai frumoi i totodat simpatici. Statur mijlocie, frunte frumoas boltit, pr castaniu ceva deschis, sprncene dese, nas vulturiu, ochi albatri, la cari germanii le zic ochi de albastru mprtesc, faa albea i puin rumen, iar de la patruzeci de ani nainte i se cam ntunecase. Acesta a fost nemuritorul mprat Iosif II care a devenit victim a conviciunilor sale62.

Istoriografia romneasc a ultimelor decenii s-a deschis unor abordri interdisciplinare, cu implicaii benefice n sfera lrgirii cmpului interpretrii. Volumul masiv al lucrrilor i studiilor care, direct sau indirect s-au oprit asupra lui Iosif al II-lea a determinat, i n acest caz, o selecie, realizat pe criteriul recunoaterii de care s-au bucurat acestea. De la sinteza lui David Prodan63, care a accentuat analiza ideilor politice, istoriografia romneasc s-a mbogit considerabil, deschizndu-se spre o varietate a domeniilor i abordrilor, dintre care istoriei mentalitilor i revine o poziie aflat n plin ascensiune la momentul actual. n domeniul istoriei mentalitilor s-au impus n ultimul deceniu contribuiile asociate lui Toader i Simona Nicoar sau Petre Din. Analiznd din perspectiv teoretic, dublat de ilustrarea prin exemple a genezei mitului bunului mprat n societate, Simona Nicoar, n lucrarea Mentaliti colective i imaginar social, vizeaz, chiar dac nu n mod detaliat, personalitatea mpratului Iosif al II-lea64. Ulterior, n lucrarea Transilvania la nceputurile timpurilor moderne (1680-1800) Societate rural i mentaliti colective, Toader Nicoar65 include un capitol de sine stttor dedicat mitului bunului mprat n sensibilitatea colectiv a romnilor din Transilvania, ncepnd de sub primii Habsburgi i ncheind cu Iosif al II-lea. Mitul bunului mprat a constituit de altfel subiectul unei teze de doctorat, investigare finalizat de Petre Din n anul 2003 prin lucrarea Mitul lui Iosif al II-lea n sensibilitatea colectiv a romnilor ardeleni66.
George Bariiu, Pri alese din Istoria Transilvaniei pe dou sute de ani din urm, Ediia a II-a ngrijit de tefan Pascu i Florin Slvan, vol. I, Braov, 1993, p. 488. 63 David Prodan, op. cit., p. 275-286. 64 Simona Nicoar, Mentaliti colective i imaginar social, Cluj-Napoca, Editura Presa Universitar Clujean, 1996. 65 Toader Nicoar, Transilvania la nceputurile timpurilor moderne (1680-1800), ClujNapoca, Editura Dacia, 2001, p. 349-372. 66 Petre Din, Mitul lui Iosif al II-lea n sensibilitatea colectiv a romnilor ardeleni, Cluj-Napoca, Editura Napoca Star, 2003.
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Cercetrile n jurul personalitii mpratului nu s-au oprit n istoriografia romneasc aici. O problem investigat detaliat a fost reprezentat de cltoriile lui Iosif al II-lea n Transilvania, ca surse ale genezei mitului bunului mprat, ilustrate prin contribuiile recente ale lui Doru Radosav, Artarea mpratului. Intrrile imperiale n Transilvania i Banat (secolul XVIII-XIX) Discurs i reprezentare67 i ale Ilenei Bozac i Teodor Pavel, care reconstituie cltoria din anul 1773 a mpratului n Transilvania68. Abordarea personalitii mpratului Iosif al II-lea, rmas n contiina colectiv romneasc drept bunul mprat, n oglinda istoriografiei europene i americane invocate, s-a dovedit a fi inseparabil de timpul care l revendic, Secolul Luminilor. Masivitatea produciilor colilor istoriografice care lau avut n obiectiv, s-a rsfrnt asupra limitelor studiului de fa, care realizeaz numai o incursiune n lucrrile considerate repere de orientare pentru familiarizarea cu acest subiect, pentru nelegerea cadrelor epocii i fixarea principalelor coordonate de aciune. Tratat direct, n cadrul monografiilor, sau indirect, n cadrul lucrrilor i studiilor de specialitate concentrate n sfera reformismului austriac, Iosif al II-lea, ca una din cele mai puternice personaliti politice a timpului su, se dovedete a fi un subiect cu o prezen constant, inepuizabil nc. Simpla nregistrare a tuturor meniunilor numelui su n paginile de istoriografie dezvluie dimensiunile copleitoare ale mpratului care i-a lsat amprenta inconfundabil asupra ultimelor decenii ale veacului XVIII.

Joseph II (1780-1790) and the Josephinism. Historiographic introduction to a elaborated file - Abstract After centuries, the emperor Joseph II known as the most reformative personality of the House of Habsburg remains a much debated and periodically re-examined subject. It has been the case both in the universal and in the national historiographies; the Romanian one could not make an exception, on the contrary, it represented a very prolific milieu. Anticipating upcoming
Doru Radosav, Artarea mpratului. Intrrile imperiale n Transilvania i Banat (sec. XVIII-XIX) Discurs i reprezentare, Cluj-Napoca, Editura Presa Universitar Clujean, 2002. 68 Ileana Bozac, Teodor Pavel, op. cit.
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studies based on the vast documentary sources focused on the personality of the revolutionary Habsburg, in the present study we propose a historiographic review of the most important literature dedicated to this controversial figure. In order to succeed in our limited attempt we gradually refer to the climate within which different works had been produced, going on from general to particular achievements.

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STUDENI DIN TRANSILVANIA LA ACADEMIA MILITARLUDOVIKA DIN BUDAPESTA (1883-1893) CORNEL SIGMIREAN Reconstituirea listei cu tinerii ardeleni care au frecventat Academia Militar Ludovika de la Budapesta are drept perspectiv ntregirea tabloului istoric al formrii intelectualitii transilvnene n epoca modern1. Un demers pe care am dori s-l asociem att proiectului de cunoatere n detaliu a mediilor universitare de formare a intelectualitii, ct i ca introducere, iniiere n fascinanta lume a ofierilor fostei armate cezaro-crieti. (Ne gndim la romanele lui Haek, Bravul soldat vejk i Joseph Roth, Marul lui Radetzky, dar, n primul rnd, la studiile mai recente ale istoricilor Gnther E. Rothenberg2 i Dek Istvn3). Am optat n cercetrile noastre pentru Academia Ludovika pentru c aceasta a reprezentat, alturi de Academia Militar Maria Teresa, principala instituie de formare a ofierimii din fostul Imperiu austro-ungar. Fondat la 18724, cnd s-a deschis pentru prima dat tinerilor

Pentru istoria intelectualitii transilvane, vezi: Szab Mikls, Szgi Laszl, Erdlyi peregrinusok, Targu Mures, Editura Mentor, 1998; Cornel Sigmirean, Istoria formrii intelectualitii romneti din Transilvania i Banat n epoca modern, Cluj-Napoca Presa Universitar Clujean, , 2000; Szgi Laszl, Magyarorszgi dikok nmetorszgi egyetemeken s fiskolkon 1789-1919, Budapest, ELTE Levltr, 2001; Szgi Laszl, Kiss Jzsef Mihly, Magyarorszgi dikok bcsi egyetemeken s fiskolkon 18491867, Budapest, ELTE Levltr, 2003; Patyi Gbor, Magyarorszgi dikok bcsi egyetemeken s fiskolkon 1890-1918, Budapest, ELTE Levltr, 2004; Szab Mikls, Erdlyiek magyarorszgi egyetemeken, Marosvsrhely (Trgu-Mure), 2005; Ioan Chiorean, Intelectualitatea din Transilvania n epocile premodern i modern, Trgu-Mure, Editura Universitii Petru Maior, 2008 2 Gnther E. Rothenberg, The Army of Francisc Joseph, West Lafayette, Indiana, 1976 3 Dek Istvn, Beyond nationalism, A Social and Political History of the Habsburg Officer Corps, 1848-1918, New York, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1990, p. 179180. 4 Pentru istoria Akademiei Ludovika vezi: A Magyar Kir. Honvd Ludovika Akadmia trtnete, szerkesztette Dezsri Bach Lszlo; A Magyar Kir. Honvd Ludovika Akadmia trtnete, szerkesztette Dezsri Bach Lszlo; A Magyar Kirly Honvd Ludovika Akadmia Kiadsa, Budapest 1930; Dr. Lengyel Ferenc, A magyar tisztkpzs trtnete. Budapest, 2000; Egyetemi Almanach. A Zrinyi Mikls

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care doreau s urmeze o carier militar, apariia ei pe harta instituiilor de nvmnt superior din Ungaria a fost mplinirea unui mai vechi deziderat al societii maghiare, exprimat pentru prima dat la 1808. La 1848, guvernul maghiar (format la 11 aprilie 1848) a nsrcinat Ministerul Aprrii cu organizarea Liceului Militar Ludovika. Cursurile s-au deschis n octombrie, la Facultatea de tiine a Universitii din Pesta. Cursul ns nu s-a finalizat. Ideea unei academii militare s-a reactualizat dup anul 1867. Prin articolul 11 al nelegerii din 1867 s-a nfiinat armata ungar, ca parte integrant a celei imperiale, faimosul K.U.K. Avea n schimb uniforme, nsemne i limba de comand maghiar. Dar, armata ungar nu avea n componena ei uniti de artilerie sau, mai trziu, de blindate i aviaie5. n acest context s-a fondat Academia, deschis iniial cu un curs de un an pentru pregtirea ofierilor. n anul 1883 durata cursurilor s-a stabilit la 4 ani, Academia Militar Ludovika devenind o instituie similar celorlalte institute militare din monarhie. Dup o nou reorganizare, n 1897, Academia a putut oferi o pregtire echivalent celei de la Academia Maria Teresa din Viena. Menionm c la Budapesta se asigura doar pregtirea n specializrile infanterie i cavalerie, ofierii de artilerie i tehnic fiind colarizai la Academia vienez. Deschiderea unui curs de artilerie s-a aprobat doar n 1912, cnd iminenta izbucnire a rzboiului i-a convins pe austrieci de necesitatea unei artilerii performante. Astfel, aa cum am mai artat, pentru peste 4 decenii, de la deschiderea ei i pn n 1918, Academia Militar Ludovika a reprezentat principala instituie de formare a ofierilor din Ungaria istoric. Deschiderea ei nu a ntrerupt ns afluena tinerilor din estul monarhiei, din Transleithania, spre Academia de la Viena. Pe baza listei cu studenii care au frecventat Universitatea i colile superioare din Viena ntre anii 1890-1918, publicat de istoricul Patyi Gbor, rezult c, n perioada respectiv, peste 1.185 de tineri din Ungaria istoric au frecventat Academia Militar Maria Teresa6. Dintre acetia, 305 proveneau din Transilvania, printre care, lund n considerare limba matern i confesiunea, 46 au fost romni. Dar, indiscutabil, la sfritul secolului al XIX-lea i nceputul secolului XX, Academia Militar Ludovika a reprezentat principala instituie militar de nvmnt din Ungaria, unde au absolvit majoritatea viitorilor ofieri. ntre anii 1873-1918, la Academia
nemzetvdelmi Egyetem s Jogeld intzmnyei Fennllsnak 85. vforduljra, Budapest, ZMNE, 2005. 5 Liviu Maior, Habsburgii i romnii. De la loialitatea dinastic la identitate naional, Bucureti, Editura Enciclopedic, 2006, p.110 6 Vezi Patyi Gbor, Magyaroszgi dikok bcsi egyetemeken s fiskolkon 1890-1918.

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Militar din Budapesta au absolvit peste 4.753 de viitori ofieri. n ceea ce privete prezena tinerilor din Transilvania la Academie, n studiul de fa vom analiza doar perioada 1883-1893. Pe baza cercetrii matricolelor, rezult c pe durata unui deceniu la Academia Ludovika au urmat cursurile de ofieri 243 de ardeleni, dintre care 85 au absolvit cursurile de 4 ani7. Majoritatea absolvenilor cursurilor de 4 ani au urmat specializarea infanterie, respectiv 80%, iar 20% specializarea de cavalerie. Analiza originii geografice a celor 243 de transilvneni de la Academia Militar ne indic o reprezentare integral a arealului transilvan, respectiv a tuturor comitatelor; vezi tabelul de mai jos. Repartizarea studenilor pe comitatul de origine Comitatul Alba Arad Bihor Bistria-Nsud Braov Cara-Severin Cenad Ciuc Cluj Fgra Hunedoara Mure-Turda Odorhei Satu Mare Sibiu Solnoc-Dbca Timi Trnava Mare Trnava Mic Torontal
7

Numr de studeni 13 29 34 4 8 13 1 5 17 3 8 6 2 18 3 5 22 1 6 26

Magyar Hadtrtneti Levltr Budapest Fond. A Magyar Kirlyi Honvd Ludovika Akadmia, dosarele 323, 324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 329, 330, 331.

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Turda Arie Trei Scaune

9 8

Sigur, reprezentarea este inegal. Grupnd comitatele pe regiuni istorice, remarcm preponderena celor care provin din vestul Transilvaniei i din comitatele bnene. Interesant e c aproape o situaie similar se constat i n cazul frecventrii de ctre tinerii ardeleni a Academiei Teresiene de la Viena. Probabil factori de ordin social, ascendena economic a comitatelor din Vest fa de cele din Transilvania, gradul de urbanizare a zonei, distana, tradiia (n cazul Caraului) sau factori militari (o mai mare militarizare a zonei?) au putut contribui la respectiva reprezentare pe comitate. Deosebit de interesant i cu explicaii suplimentare n ceea ce privete originea geografic a studenilor este reprezentarea confesional: 48,78% sunt de religie romano-catolic, 19,9% reformai, 13,82% evanghelici, 8,13% izraelii, 1,62 unitarieni, 6,50% ortodoci, 1,2% greco-catolici. Aici cred c putem remarca faptul c majoritatea provin din comitate cu o reprezentare mai mare a confesiunii catolice. Dar, ne putem gndi i la faptul c religia catolic a reprezentat ntotdeauna n strategiile Vienei un factor de coeziune, un liant al imperiului multietnic. Credem, ns, c mult mai relevant pentru ncercarea de radiografiere a condiiei viitoarei ofierimi o reprezint originea social a acesteia. ntruct n cazul celor 243 de studeni ardeleni am ntlnit o situaie foarte variat ca profesie i condiie social (peste 83 de ocupaii), am luat n considerare 12 mari categorii sociale, n care originea social, se prezint astfel: Agricultori (rani cu proprieti mici i mijlocii): 4,49%; Muncitori necalificai (zilieri, portari, supraveghetori): 0,56%; Meseriai (croitori, osptari, ceasornicari, bijutieri, blnari etc.): 3,37%; Muncitori n industria siderurgic, minerit, transporturi: 3,37%; Comerciani: 10,67%; Funcionari publici (notari, ajutor de notari, revizori, funcionari la pot, casieri, arhivari, preceptori, grefieri, contabili, funcionari la banc, asesori etc.): 20,22%; nali funcionari publici (prefeci, preedini de tribunal, consilieri oreneti, judectori, ofieri, primari etc.): 23,59%; nali funcionari n economia privat, 0,56%; Profesii libere (avocai, ingineri, medici, preoi, protopopi, profesori): 6,17%;

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Antreprenori (proprietari de ntreprinderi, bnci, hoteluri etc): 11,23%; Mari proprietari de pmnt: 11,23%. Sigur, o asemenea clasificare n categorii socio-profesionale are o cot ridicat de relativitate, fiind greu de asociat n fiecare situaie venitul familiei cu statutul social. De exemplu, n cazul nalilor funcionari publici puteau exista diferene mari de venit, sau n cazul marilor proprietari, de la sute la mii de iugre de pmnt. Sunt ns cteva concluzii care se pot desprinde: circa 12% dintre studenii ardelenei de la Academia Militar Ludovika provin din familii cu condiie modest. Armata, cariera de ofier nu mai reprezint n secolul al XIX-lea un monopol al aristocraiei, cum se ntmpla n secolele anterioare. De la faimosul Ordin Maria Teresa, conferit ofierilor indiferent de originea social i confesional, cariera militar a devenit accesibil tinerilor provenii din straturile inferioare ale societii. Admiterea tinerilor n acest tip de nvmnt, n rile multietnice, cum a fost Imperiul austro-ungar, a nsemnat accesul lor la filierele de emancipare social, uneori chiar la titluri nobiliare. Dar se detaeaz evident, cu toat diversitatea grupurilor de origine social, proveniena majoritii viitorilor ofieri din mediul burghez i din clasele de mijloc ale societii, aceste categorii reprezentnd principalul bazin social de selecie al ofierimii din secolul al XX-lea. Au reprezentat o excepie n aceast situaie cei care proveneau din familii de mari proprietari, din familii nobiliare, atrai de cariera militar n virtutea tradiiei familiale, Academia Militar fiind prin excelen o coal de educaie a sentimentelor dinastice. Ar merita, cred, s ncercm o definire a profilului intelectual al absolvenilor Academiei Militare, chiar s convenim dac ofierii aparin sau nu categoriei intelectuale din imperiu. Parcurgnd programa, planurile de nvmnt de la Academie, realizm c pregtirea militar reprezenta o component esenial, dar figurau i discipline ca limba maghiar, limba german, limba francez, geografie, matematic, geometrie descriptiv, istoria artelor, istoria armatelor etc., discipline care asigurau formarea unui orizont cultural respectabil viitorilor ofieri. Ne putem gndi la un exemplu arhicunoscut: unul dintre cei mai mari scriitori romni, creatorul romanului modern n literatura romn, este absolvent al Academiei Militar Ludovika ofierul de infanterie Liviu Rebeanu (Rebrn Oliver n matricole)8; un produs prin excelen al colilor militare. Iniial, el a studiat la coala Real Superioar de Honvezi n Sopron. n cadrul pregtirii se detaeaz educaia militar n
8

Cornel Sigmirean, Liviu Rebreanu-student la Akadmia Ludovika i ofier la Gyula, n vol. Simpozion. Comunicrile celui de-al XV-lea simpozion al cercettorilor romni din Ungaria, Giula, 2006, p. 8-17.

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spiritul loialismului fa de mprat i stat, n cunoscutul dinasticism manifestat la ofierii imperiului. Dac vom ncerca s ne explicm miracolul Imperiului dunrean creat de Habsburgi, cu o istorie de 400 de ani, n mod obligatoriu va trebui s cunoatem istoria militar a Imperiului. n fond, Imperiul nu a sucombat n 1918 din cauza nfrngerii armatei sale, micrile naionale de secesiune din interior au reprezentat principala cauz a prbuirii sale9. Sunt argumente n plus pentru aprofundarea studiilor privind formarea ofierimii din Imperiul austro-ungar, att pentru ntregirea tabloului intelectualitii transilvane ct i pentru cunoaterea frmntatei istorii a popoarelor care alctuiau monarhia dunrean.

Students from Transylvania at the Ludovika Military Academy of Budapest. 1883-1893 - Abstract Established in 1782, the Ludovika Military Academy of Budapest represented the main higher education institution for training officers in historical Hungary. Between 1883 and 1918, the Military Academy had 4753 students. Our present study gives an account of only 10 years in the history of the institution, the period between 1883-1893, when 243 students from Transylvania attended the institution. In what social origin is concerned, most of them belonged to the city bourgeoisie, but to more modest social categories as well. This comes to prove that for many young men, the military career represented an important means of social progress. The history of the AustroHungarian Empires army and training of professional military personnel offer multiple suggestions for knowing and understanding the officers loyalty towards the emperor and the state.

Liviu Maior, Romnii n armata habsburgic, Bucureti, Ed. Enciclopedic, 2004, p. 211.

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Recenzii i note de lectur Anthony Kaldellis, Hellenism in Byzantium: The Transformations of Greek Identity and the Reception of the Classical Tradition, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2007, 480 pp.

Relund tema att de controversat a elenismului, ultima carte a lui Anthony Kaldellis, intitulat Hellenism in Byzantium: The Transformations of Greek Identity and the Reception of the Classical Tradition, merit o discuie special. Autorul, bizantinist cu renume n lumea academic contemporan, profesor la The Ohio State University, este cunoscut i pentru alte cteva titluri, dintre care amintim: Mothers and Sons, Fathers and Daughters: The Byzantine Family of Michael Psellos (Notre Dame University Press, 2006) i Procopius of Cesarea: Tyranny, History and Philosophy at the End of Antiquity (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004). Lucrarea avut n vedere este adresat mai ales bizantinitilor i celor interesai de istoria Antichitii trzii. Totui, att tema ct i abordarea special a lui Kaldellis o fac accesibil i interesant unui public mult mai larg. Ea poate fi citit i finalmente evaluat drept o lucrarea paradigmatic pentru tratarea unui subiect conex problematicii identitilor. Mai mult, Kaldellis are puterea de a defini concepte i de a le elucida pe cele care, adeseori, au fost folosite nu tocmai cu sensul i n contextul adecvat chiar de ctre specialiti. Ceea ce Kaldellis nelege prin elenism, explicaia acestui concept stnd la baza demersului su, poate fi redat printr-una dintre formulrile axiomatice pe care autorul le-a exprimat n text i anume: Hellenic identitya constantly evolving historical construct, reinforced by discourses that served the needs and ambitions of the moment (p.16). Aadar, n opinia lui Kaldellis, elenismul a reprezentat pentru perioada care se ntinde de la nceputurile legendare ale istoriei elene pn n epoca modern o inepuizabil surs de justificare prin recurgerea la puterea de convingere a argumentelor istorice. El susine c elenismul a reprezentat o unealt retoric folosit n scopuri politice i de trasare a identitii celor care se considerau a fi eleni fie datorit sngelui (prin descenden) fie datorit culturii (prin formarea lor n concordan cu principiile paideiei elene). Cartea este structurat n dou pri ce analizeaz nelesul care poate fi asociat termenului elenism n antichitatea trzie, respectiv n perioada

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Imperiului Bizantin. Dac din antichitate elenismul era asociat cu mprtirea valorilor pgne i, prin urmare, combtut de apologeii cretinismului, mai trziu, n Imperiul Bizantin, elita intelectual se considera elen datorit mprtirii valorilor culturale ale Greciei clasice, ceea ce i distingea pe membrii si de majoritatea contemporanilor lor, etichetai drept barbari. Ideea directoare a lui Kaldellis, pe care o argumenteaz redundant n aceast carte, este c elenismul nu a avut implicaii politice pn in epoca modern, cnd a nceput s desemneze, n discursurile naionalitilor greci, pe cei care locuiau teritoriul a ceea ce cndva formase Elada antic. Pn n timpurile moderne elenii s-au considerat a fi, din punct de vedere politic, romani, ceteni activi politic ai Imperiului roman. Aadar, Kaldellis afirm c elenismul a dobndit conotaie etnic doar n perioada modern, cnd a fost utlizat ca justificare ideologic pentru aciunile politice ale naionalitilor greci. Abordarea lui Kaldellis este interdisciplinar, pornind de la utilizarea surselor literare n scopul stabilirii unui model de evoluie istoric a unei identiti specifice, cea elen. Indiscutabilele caliti de filolog ale autorului aduc un important aport lucrrii datorita capacitii sale de a surprinde i valorifica nuanele, de a reda sensul corect unor concepte care au fost utilizate uneori cu nelesuri neadecvate chiar n scrierile de specialitate. Autorul are precizia termenilor, pe care o pune n slujba unei analize lucide, neangajate, a identitii elene. Argumentele anterioare privind aceasta lucrare mi permit s consider c ea va deveni paradigmatic pentru studiile dedicate istoriei culturale, servind ca model de analiz nu doar bizantinitilor, ci tuturor cercettorilor care caut s valorifice izvoarele prin explorarea valenelor lor ca discursuri culturale construite. Valentina Covaci

Averil Cameron, The Byzantines, Malden, Oxford, Victoria, Blackwell Publishing, 2006, 275 pp. Pentru cei mai muli istorici, incluznd aici i specialitii istoriei Bizanului, aceasta rmne o societate obscur, ambivalent i puin inovatoare, de cele mai multe ori de neneles. ncpnarea de a analiza Bizanul ntr-o venic comparaie cu alte culturi, fie drept un continuator palid al Imperiului

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Roman, fie comparat cu o Europ Occidental n plin proces de afirmare, l-au plasat adeseori pe o poziie inferioar dnd natere unor serii de prejudeci i stereotipuri din care Bizanul iese nedreptit. ncercarea eliminrii acestora individualizeaz importana studiului unuia dinte cei mai respectai bizantologi contemporani. Fr pretenia de a aduce puncte de vedere finale, Averil Cameron analizeaz detaat istoria bizantin ntr-o ncercare de a o prezenta drept o civilizaie a lumii egal cu celelalte i de sine stttoare. Cine erau bizantinii care ddeau natere acestei civilizaii? Studiul ofer rareori sentine, fiind mai degrab n cutarea unor noi metode de analiz. Explicaia rezid n refuzul de a aplica analiza cantitativ, n lipsa unui numr de documente suficiente, favoriznd o analiz de tip calitativ. Istoricul atrage atenia spre bizantinul aa cum el ar trebui sa fie definit ntr-o structur statal complex i bine stabilit, difereniindu-l de bizantinul de zicu-zi, reacia lui i posibilitile lui de reacie att la cerinele interne ct i la cele externe. Bizantinii nu sunt un popor n sens etnic, educaia n limba greac funcionnd fr implicaii etnice; teritorii erau pierdute i rectigate stabilindu-se un raport de difuzare a propriei culturi i de asimilare a celei nou integrate. Astfel, acest imperiu funciona dup o ideologie creat pe dou axe: puterea imperial i religia ortodox; aplicarea lor, n lipsa altora viabile, prin diplomaie i rzboaie dure fiind posibiliti de atragere, reprimare i nchegare. Momentele de flux i reflux n materie teritoriala i schimbrile structurilor civice nu sunt vzute de Averil Cameron n culorile obscure n care au fost prezentate de o mare parte a istoriografiei de pn acum, ci drept o reacie energic de reinventare a imperiului, menite s le asigure existena. Societatea bizantin este radiografiata n strns legtur cu dramaticele schimbri interne i externe. Cartea urmreste mobilitatea vertical, abil ncurajat pentru asigurarea fidelitii fa de curte, chiar daca de multe ori ea a avut rezultate contrarii dramatice. Luxul i interaciunile existente n palat contrasteaz cu societatea laic agrar supus taxrii excesive i cu mnstirile bogate care jucau un rol economic important i care scpau controlului mpratului. Bizanul nu era un stat n care mpratul controla Biserica sau n care Biserica dispunea pe cale liber de toate cele ntreprinse, iar bizantinii (att la nivelul curii basileului ct i la nivelul omului de rnd) nu erau copleii de sentimentul religios, amestecnd practici cretine cu practici pgne. Probabil aceasta este cauza pentru care bizantinii nu au avut o Inchizitie i nu s-au manifestat represiv la adresa micilor grupuri eretice religioase.

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Desigur, istoricul tinde spre o normalizare a situaiei Bizanului prin analiza unui vast material: produciile literare sau religioase ale elitei intelectuale, scrierile apocrife, dovezi arheologice, producii artistice, sigilii i puinele dovezi documentare. Depite rmn punctele de vedere potrivit crora filozofia este doar un rspuns erudit la scrierile antice, literatura doar o imitare a celei clasice, exagerat ornat de retoric, iar arta este vzut doar n contextul asemnrilor sau deosebirilor de arta clasic. Sabina Cizma

Ana Dumitran, Poarta ceriului. Cu un studiu introductiv de preot Jan Nicolae, Alba Iulia, Editura Altip, 2007, 495 pp. Lucrarea de fa, inclus n programul de editare al grantului Cod CNCSIS 756/005, Religiozitate i atitudini n faa morii n spaiul transilvan din premodernitate pn n secolul XX, ntre care se numr, printre altele, volumele de studii Reprezentri ale morii n Transilvania secolelor XVI-XX, coordonat de Mihaela Grancea (Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Casa Crii de tiin, 2005) i Discursuri despre moarte n Romnia. Secolele XVI-XX, coordonat de Mihaela Grancea i Ana Dumitran (Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Casa Crii de tiin, 2006), reprezentativ pentru diversitatea preocuprilor istoriografice actuale este, totodat, o recuperare de natur documentar a universului spiritual al lumii transilvnene romneti din perioada pre-modern. Volumul se ncadreaz n domeniul studiilor de thanatologie, care au adus contribuii semnificative n istoriografia romneasc de dup 1990, marcate de originalitate metodologic i abordare transdisciplinar. Diversificarea tematic rezultat ncurajeaz revizuirea coordonatelor cunoaterii istorice a discursului asupra morii i a diverselor sale ipostaze. Evoluia practicilor funerare, revizuirea semnificaiei fondului de religiozitate pre-cretin, reanalizarea discursurilor oficiale i populare despre moarte, plasate n context confesional sau devoional ca posibilitate de cunoatere a universului cotidian, a religiozitii, a procesului de instituionalizare a morii i a vieii de dincolo, a reprezentrilor artistice, ca modalitate de articulare a unui anumit discurs ecleziastic, a raportului moarte-boal, evaluat att n gndire ct i ca fenomen biologic, a implicaiilor procesului de modernizare asupra discursului despre moarte, a problematicii sinuciderii, a raportului ideologie-moarte sau chiar din

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perspectiva retoricii formulate asupra morii ntr-un anumit context politicosocial sunt doar cteva dintre aceste ipostaze care au stat recent n atenia istoricilor preocupai de thanatologie. Ana Dumitran aparine acestei serii de istorici prin una din direciile spre care sunt focalizate recent investigaiile sale, n mare parte continuare a preocuprilor anterioare. Autor, mpreun cu Gudor Botond i Nicolae Dnil, al volumului Relaii interconfesionale romno-maghiare n Transilvania: Mijlocul secolului XVI primele decenii ale secolului al XVIII-lea (Alba Iulia, Muzeul Naional al Unirii, 2000) sau Religie ortodox religie reformat. Ipostaze ale identitii confesionale a romnilor din Transilvania n secolele XVI-XVII (Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Nereamia, 2004), coordonator i editor de volume colective de studii, ea este cunoscut n mediul istoriografic actual prin preocuprile sale legate de recuperarea complexitii evoluiei societii transilvnene n perioada secolelor XVI-XVII, urmrind o palet diversificat de tematici istorice. Raporturile interconfesionale, identitatea confesional a romnilor, antecedentele Unirii cu Biserica Romei, profilul cultural i socialeconomic al preoimii romneti n secolul XVII, evoluia instituional a Bisericii Ortodoxe din Transilvania pre-modern sunt doar cteva din direciile spre care i-a ndreptat investigaiile istorice, cercetrile sale acordnd un interes deosebit problematicii reconstituirii interferenelor ortodoxe-calvine. Obiectivul principal al cercetrii de fa l constituie punerea la dispoziia celor interesai a unui repertoriu de predici funebre, cu circulaie n societatea romneasc din perioada secolelor XVII-XVIII, att din spaiul intracarpatic, ct i din celelalte teritorii ce aparineau de monarhia habsburgic, Banat, Partium i Maramure, care sunt reproduse aici textual, cu multe din versiunile posibile, inclusiv cele abreviate sau hibride. Fr a oferi o analiz detaliat a semnificaiei coninutului filosofico-teologic sau a se dedica stabilirii surselor care au stat la baza alctuirii produciilor de acest gen, considernd c reprezint un demers ce depete formaia sa profesional, Ana Dumitran are n vedere, n schimb, identificarea textelor predicilor (pe baza unui numr de 70 de manuscrise consultate n bibliotecile din ar), redarea unei cartografieri a circulaiei acestora i a permanenei lor n uzul clerului romnesc, cu alte cuvinte, a impactului lor ntr-un anumit context socio-spaial. Printre principiile pe baza crora a optat pentru editarea lor n aceast formul se numr caracterul lor de organisme vii, aflate n permanent restructurare i revizuire, dar i interesul deosebit manifestat fa de omiletica funebr n acest spaiu, comparabil cu restul teritoriului romnesc, fie ca lectur individual sau colectiv, fie n legtur cu preocuprile creative originale ale preoilor.

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Extinderea acestei investigaii pn n a doua jumtate a secolului al XVIII-lea, cnd valorile iluministe au impus necesitatea restructurrii lor eseniale, att n ceea ce privete coninutul, ct i revalorizarea valenelor educativ-religioase atribuite acestora, este justificat de existena multora dintre ele doar n versiuni de secol XVIII. La acestea se adaug caracterul conjunctural al preocuprilor legate de analiza i cunoaterea omileticii funebre, multe dintre ele venite dinspre istoria crii, a literaturii i a predicii n general, dar care, n schimb, au perpetuat o forma mentis caracteristic referitoare la ipostazele morii i au evideniat ponderea care trebuie acordat literaturii de provenien bizantino-slav n detrimentul elementului creator original, dar i imaginea negativ perpetuat n legtur cu personalitatea lui Ioan Zoba din Vin n istoriografie, chiar dac predicile sale au avut o circulaie intens, mai ales n secolul XVIII. Prin urmare, istoricul pleac de la puine antecedente istoriografice care s fie focalizate pe analiza acestor predici, cum sunt: Dan Horia Mazilu, Cristina Dobre-Bogdan sau Marius Rotar i va relua proiectul de identificare a acestor texte n componena manuscriselor, iniiat de Atanasie Popa cu decenii n urm, dezideratul propriu al revalorizrii activitii lui Ioan Zoba din Vin fiind prilejul oferit n acest sens. Volumul Anei Dumitran se constituie aadar dintr-o analiz explicativ a problematicii abordate, precedat de un studiu introductiv al Pr. Jan Nicolae (Ars moriendi n lumea romneasc din Transilvania secolelor XVII-XVIII. O micro-istorie a predicii funebre, pp. IX-XIX) - urmat de analiza critic i prezentarea manuscriselor utilizate pentru identificarea textelor (Repertoriul manuscriselor consultate, pp. 29-54), i apoi Repertoriul omiletic propriu-zis (pp. 55-486), n care se regsesc toate cele trei genuri ncadrate literaturii funebre: predici (termenul, neutilizat deloc n epoc, era suplinit de: (s)cazanie, nvtur, cuvnt, ertciune, propovedanie n cazul textelor mai elaborate), iertciunea i versurile funebre. n partea final a volumului sunt editate cteva predici care le-au precedat pe cele tiprite de Samuil Micu, tocmai pentru a releva bogia i originalitatea preocuprilor de acest gen ntr-o societate n care, ncepnd cu mijlocul deceniului XVIII, predica a devenit o prezen cotidian, permanent, indisociabil de ritualul nmormntrii la romni. Contribuiile sale anterioare i-au permis s remarce deja dificultatea presupus de o recuperare istorico-documentar de o asemenea anvergur, la fel ca i pericolul la care se expune n general scrisul istoric centrat pe realiti din lumea ortodox pre-modern, lipsa de surse documentare fiind generatoare de direcii interpretative stereotipale greu de depit. Perspectiv recuperatorie din care Ana Dumitran a abordat problematica morii, omiletica funebr,

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introdus astfel n circuitul cercetrii tiinifice actuale, este nu numai o contribuie semnificativ de natur documentar la literatura romneasc veche, ci mai ales o incursiune n universul spiritual al comunitilor romneti i al formaiei mentale a autorilor copierii sau alctuirii acestor texte i a clerului n general, cruia i revine sarcina promovrii i asigurrii funcionalitii sociale a acestui tip de produs cultural. Printre funciile eseniale pe care acestea le-au ndeplinit, Ana Dumitran menioneaz valenele lor catehetice i aculturante, rolul lor de transmitere a informaiei, de comunicare cultural a unui discurs, a crui semnificaie i componen este dependent exclusiv de cerinele exprimate n mediile sociale n care circula revers al receptrii lor ntr-o societate care, dup cum se relev acuma, era dornic de a instrumenta aceast oportunitate n lipsa accesului la o pregtire instituionalizat. Importana omileticii funebre, aadar, aici trebuie cutat i este necesar s fie recunoscut rolul care i revine n pregtirea i formarea elitelor ecleziastice viitoare, care dup Unirea cu Biserica Romei intr mai uor n sistemul educaional al monarhiei. Metodologic vorbind, relevana lor const nu att n corpusul de informaii de natur teologico-literar pe care l transmit, ct n calitatea lor de a da vizibilitate unui anumit tip de comportament cultural sau a raportrii la necesitile comunitii din care face parte cum este de exemplu cazul lui Ioan Zoba din Vin, sau a altor preoi care transform practica copierii textelor n profesie (Popa Ursu din Cotiglet sau Popa Petru din Tinud). Cu alte cuvinte, importana lor consta tocmai n existena lor pentru o lume foarte puin cunoscut, dar care se face cunoscut acum, prin interesul deosebit manifestat foarte repede pentru acest tip de texte (sunt binecunoscute cererile repetate ale clerului romnesc de a i se pune la dispoziie predici, printre alte produse necesare oficierii i eficientizrii aciunii lor, nc din secolul al XVI-lea), ea fiind una mult mai puin imobil i nchis la influenele venite din afar dect s-a apreciat mult vreme. n timp, omiletica funebr va deveni una din principalele ci de transmitere a informaiei culturale. Discursul interpretativ propus de Ana Dumitran n acest caz este similar celui propus de Robert Wuthnow, care atribuia produsului cultural valene empirice relevante pentru un anumit tip de comportament cultural, la fel ca i schema tripartit pe care acesta o propune pentru nelegerea procesului de articulare a actului cultural, care difereniaz ntre criteriile care stau la baza producerii, selectrii i instituionalizrii unui discurs i a produselor sale (Communities of Discourse. Ideology and Social Structure in the Reformation, the Enlightenment and European Socialism, Harvard University Press, 1989). Ampla bogie de texte

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i numrul mare de versiuni ale aceluiai text se explic, n opinia Anei Dumitran, prin opiunea clerului romnesc de a se implica cu ntregul aport creativ de care era capabil n aciunea de selectare a surselor, de metisare, alctuire i formulare a noii versiuni a unui text, nu de puine ori impus de necesitatea mbuntirii receptrii sale citit n aceiai formul, mai ales ntro societate confruntat cu prezena cotidian a morii, exista posibilitatea de a provoca plictiseal, sinonim cu limitarea drastic a impactului social al predicii -, sau de a asigura accesul acolo unde aportul la redactarea textului nu exista. Aadar, valoarea acestor producii culturale este departe de a putea fi identificat cu cea a unei simple compilaii. De aici i atenia deosebit manifestat n analistica la care supune manuscrisele utilizate ca suport al cercetrii sale i textele identificate pentru contextualizarea apariiei lor i stabilirea, acolo unde a fost posibil, a criteriilor care au stat la baza produciei i promovrii sociale, ncercnd prin cuantificarea acestei literaturi s contribuie la reconstituirea istoric a prezenei Bisericii n viaa cotidian sau cel puin a strategiilor pe care reprezentanii acesteia le-au stabilit n acest scop. Reprezentarea universului mental al clerului romnesc, rezultat din analiza textual a predicilor, are ns i alte valene pentru discursul promovat de Ana Dumitran. Atent la problematica interferenelor de natur confesional romno-calvine, tipologia pe baza creia a editat acest volum de predici este tributar n parte dezideratului propriu istoriografic de a ntri argumentaia interpretrii date evoluiei Bisericii Ortodoxe din Transilvania, mai ales pentru perioada secolului XVII, i expuse pe larg n Religie ortodox religie reformat. Ipostaze ale identitii confesionale a romnilor din Transilvania n secolele XVI-XVII (Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Nereamia, 2004), iar ca efect adiacent la aceast intenie a mbuntirii imaginii reale care trebuie atribuit lui Ioan Zoba din Vin i activitii sale creatoare, a crei originalitate n ceea ce privete omiletica promovat a demonstrat-o aici. Din aceast perspectiv, influenele negative rezultate de pe urma interferenelor romno-calvine trebuie limitate, sau oricum nuanate semnificativ. Introducerea obligativitii predicaiei n perioada lui Gabriel Bethlen nu a fost perceput ca duntoare pentru identitatea confesional ortodox, dovezi n acest sens fiind generalizarea lor pn la a deveni o lectur la mod n mediul clerical romnesc din a doua jumtate a secolului XVII i ulterior instituionalizarea lor, ajungnd s reprezinte parte component din ritualul bisericesc. Ea recunoate ns c apariia sa este legat de evoluia dialogului cu Reforma i pune creterea semnificativ a numrului textelor de aceast natur n legtur cu reluarea prozelitismului ncepnd cu a doua jumtate a secolului XVII. O

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prim lecturare a coninutului acestora i-a prilejuit Anei Dumitran ns s remarce c ponderea elementelor calvine prezente n economia coninutului predicilor nu justific existena unui prozelitism activ care s instrumenteze acest tip de literatur vezi n acest sens, numrul mare de preoi nnobilai pentru merite crturreti -, de unde i rolul lor de intensificator al ataamentului fa de valorile Ortodoxiei. Literatura bizantino-slav i-a pus amprenta asupra coninutului predicilor i a estompat n timp influenele venite dinspre produciile de natur calvin evoluie dependent ns de intensitatea raporturilor ntreinute cu calvinii. Cu excepia lui Ioan Zoba din Vin, Ana Dumitran nu se pronun cu privire la traductorii acestor texte, dei recunoate calitatea superioar a celor traduse din limba slavon. Toate acestea ar confirma astfel traversarea de ctre Biserica ardelean romneasc a unei perioade fertile, de regenerare, de reform n ultim instan, stimulat, inspirat, patronat, subsumat Reformei protestante (p. 27). Ct privete problematica circulaiei i rspndirii acestui gen de producii culturale, Ana Dumitran identific specificitatea i o oarecare tendin de extindere spre spaiul intra-carpatic a textelor redactate n comitatul Bihor, o zon ns mult mai expus influenelor rezultate din convieuirea cu calvinii, influene care se regsesc n interesul pentru cartea de cult, aici iertciunile i verurile la oameni mori, fiind mult mai frecvente. Fie c se vorbete despre valenele culturale ale acestor produse, de utilitatea lor pentru cunoaterea unui cadru social asupra cruia acioneaz, prin calitatea de auditor i receptor al acestora, sau de capacitile lor n calitate de agent de comunicare a unui mesaj cultural, ele constituie un important instrument de lucru pentru cei preocupai de reconstituirea imago mortis, altfel spus a ipostazelor diferite n care era perceput moartea n societatea romneasc pre-modern. Imaginarul lumii de dincolo, eshatologiile individuale i colective, semnificaia teologic a coninutului lor, raportul cuvnt scris/oralitate i identitatea religioas, nivel cultural i religios al preoimii romneti, sunt doar cteva din tematicile pe care investigaiile centrate pe necesitatea mbuntirii cunoaterii i explicrii evoluiei istorice a societii ortodoxe romneti n perioada pre-modern le pot aborda i pentru care acest corpus al omileticii funebre romneti este indispensabil. Carmen Maria Dorlan

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Laura Stanciu, ntre Rsrit i Apus. Secvene din istoria bisericii romnilor ardeleni (prima jumtate a secolului al 18-lea), Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Argonaut, 2008, 242 pp. (Documente. Istorie. Mrturii). [Coord. Nicolae Bocan, Refereni tiinifici Ernst Christoph Suttner, Iacob Mrza, Lector: Tudor Rou] Component definitorie a scrisului istoric i istoriografic romnesc cu precdere cel transilvnean , Unirea cu Biserica Romei, acceptat n anii 1697-1701 de ctre o mare parte a clerului romnesc ardelean, i mai ales implicaiile sale de natur ecleziologic, social-confesional, politic, economic i cultural din perioada ultimelor trei secole de experien istoric, au fost i continu s reprezinte o adevrat surs de antiere de cercetare. Contextul tiinific actual ncurajeaz aceast stare de fapt prin promovarea investigaiilor de natur pluridisciplinar i a studiilor interconfesionale, completate de e o extindere a cadrului cercetrii pentru a pune n eviden similitudinile, influenele i interconexiunile cu alte zone ale spaiului european, facilitnd astfel accesul la realitatea istoric, cu att mai mult cu ct nc nu au putut fi anulate definitiv efectele negative ale spiritului polemic care a marcat interpretrile i natura investigaiilor istorice i istoriografice ale problemei. Toate acestea au fcut ca n perioada ultimelor trei decenii, dosarul Unirii religioase a romnilor ardeleni cu Biserica Romei s cunoasc nu numai mult ateptate ntregiri i reconstituiri, ncepnd cu efortul de a readuce n discuie i a pune la dispoziia cercettorilor a corpusului documentar al Unirii, i de editare a unor surse de o importan capital pentru cunoaterea modificrilor survenite la nivelul discursului identitar greco-catolic, dar, pe de alt parte, i s impun un nou cadru interpretativ, n egal msur necesar i stringent att pentru nelegerea experienelor i reprezentrilor istorice, ct i pentru aprecierea adecvat a contextului confesional trecut i actual. Rezultatele, devenite indispensabile pentru orice tip de investigaie relaionat cu problematica Unirii romnilor transilvneni cu Biserica Romei, i care reprezint, n marea lor majoritate, o materializare a dezideratelor istoriografice i a direciilor de investigaie istoric promovate anterior de istorici precum Pompiliu Teodor, consacr definitiv o nou generaie de istorici, printre care se numr: Remus Cmpeanu, Greta Monica Miron, Ovidiu Ghitta, Mihai Ssujan, Iacob Mrza, Gheorghe Gorun, Ioan Vasile Leb sau Daniel Dumitran, Ana Dumitran, Cristian Barta, Ciprian Ghia, Paul Brusanowski .a., pentru a aminti numai civa dintre cei care i-au focalizat cercetrile pe problemele primului secol de existen a greco-catolicismului. Ele confirm de

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asemenea importana care trebuie acordat factorului istoric i a necesitii contextualizrii pentru cunoaterea evoluiei religioase, relevat att n ntreprinderile venite din partea istoricilor ct i a reprezentanilor istoriei ecleziastice greco-catolici i ortodoci. Cercettor n cadrul Centrului de Excelen pentru Studii Istorice i Politologice Iuliu Maniu, din cadrul Universitii 1 Decembrie 1918, Alba Iulia, confereniar i cancelar n aceiai instituie, Laura Stanciu i-a ctigat un loc binemeritat n cadrul acestei serii de istorici, prin publicaiile i articolele aprute n nenumrate reviste de specialitate. Lucrarea de fa, ntre Rsrit i Apus. Secvene din istoria romnilor ardeleni (prima jumtate a secolului al 18-lea), este precedat de Orientri n studiul discursului istoric: aspecte semantice. O propunere pentru istoria Transilvaniei (Alba Iulia, Ed. Aeternitas, 2005, 158 p.), Biografia unei atitudini: Petru Maior (1760-1821) (Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Risoprint, 2003, 630 p.) i de volumele Semantic politic iluminist n Transilvania (secolul XVII-XIX): Glosar de termeni, Alba Iulia, Ed. Aeternitas, 2002, 767 p, publicat mpreun cu Pompiliu Teodor i Iacob Mrza i Sens i reprezentare n dinamica gndirii politice din Transilvania (secolul XVII-XIX). Dicionar terminologic explicativ. Baz de date, 12 cm, Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Argonaut, 2005, publicat mpreun cu Iacob Mrza. S-a ngrijit de asemenea de editarea lucrrii lui Petru Maior, Protopopadichia (Alba Iulia, 1998, 120 p.) i a lui Gherontie Cotore, Despre articuluurile ceale de price (Alba Iulia, 2000, 230 p.) i a coordonat, printre altele, volumele de studii colective Cum scriem istoria. Apelul la tiinele i metodele auxiliare. Actele simpozionului Tinerii istorici, Alba Iulia, 28-30 noiembrie 2002 (Alba Iulia, Ed. Aeternitas, 2003, mpreun cu Radu Mrza), Reconstituiri istorice. Idei, cuvinte, reprezentri. Omagiu Prof. Iacob Mrza (Alba Iulia, 2006, editat de Ana Maria Roman-Negoi i Tudor Rou) i numerele 6/II, 2002, 9/II, 2005, 10/II, 2006, 11/II, 2007 din Annales Universitatis Apulensis. Series Historica, cu lucrrile conferinelor romno-vieneze Unirea Religioas a romnilor ardeleni. Prin urmare, ncadrate n problematica mai larg a semanticii politico-istorice, a limbajului i a reprezentrii, a sursologiei istorice, obiectivele sale au gsit aplicabilitate att n procesul de modernizare a societii romneti ardelene, n incursiunile ntreprinse n scrisul istoriografic modern i contemporan, ct i n domeniul mai larg al istoriei bisericeti n spaiul european rsritean, pe un interval cronologic cuprins ntre secolele XVII-XIX. ntre Rsrit i Apus. Secvene din istoria romnilor ardeleni (prima jumtate a secolului al 18-lea) reunete contribuiile Laurei Stanciu n cadrul

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proiectului de cercetare i colaborare tiinific pe care un grup de cercettori transilvneni, de formaie multiconfesional i pluridisciplinar, l are cu Institutul de Istoria Bisericii Rsritene de la Facultatea de Teologie Catolic a Universitii din Viena (2000-2009) cu susinere din partea Fundaiei vieneze Pro Oriente, pentru studierea fenomenului Unirii religioase cu Roma a Bisericilor rsritene din Ucraina, Ungaria i Transilvania. Acest demers i prilejuiete Laurei Stanciu posibilitatea focalizrii investigaiilor ntreprinse pe perioada primei jumti a secolului al XVIII-lea, interval marcat de ample transformri ale procesului de construcie identitar la romnii ardeleni. Structurat n trei pri: Despre Unire. 1697-1701, Despre tradiie i Despre dogm, ntreprinderea sa ofer, respectnd un raport echitabil ntre discurs i reprezentare, aciune i intenionalitate, printr-un demers analitic regresiv i deconstructiv, o investigaie critic asupra istoriografiei Unirii religioase i a semnificaiei istorice a principalelor componente ale discursului identitar al uniilor. Modelul urmat a fost de altfel propus i anterior de Cesare Alzati sau Pompiliu Teodor i se constituie n principiu de baz al cercetrii n cadrul proiectului menionat, ei plednd pentru regndirea ntregului proces al catolicizrii dintr-o perspectiv istoric, lipsit de orice efect al partizanatului confesionalizant, i care s evite pericolul devierii de la critica intern a documentului, difereniindu-se astfel ntre istorie i teologie pentru a se ajunge la o nelegere adecvat a semnificaiei reale a gestului ntreprins de elita romneasc. Dintre documentele Unirii pe care le aduce n atenia mediului tiinific se numr codex manuscriptus, un codice vechiu latinesc, descoperit n Arhiva din Alba Iulia, cunoscut anterior n istoriografie dar fr a fi identificat i analizat (textul latin este reprodus n Anexa, pp. 40-67). Laura Stanciu realizeaz un excurs istoriografic asupra documentelor cuprinse n acest grupaj care urmrete poziia manifestat fa de existena i validitatea documentelor, felul n care au fost utilizate i redate n istoriografie, o analiz critic a semnificaiei acestora, nsoit de reproducerea unei serii de fragmente atribuite copistului, care faciliteaz contextualizarea documentelor i a grupajului n sine. Cellalt document care a stat n atenia sa este Mrturisirea de credin, semnat pe 21 martie 1697 de episcopul Teofil, n urma desfurrii sinodului din februarie 1697, trimis ulterior mpratului i cardinalului de la Viena, asupra cruia ntreprinde o analiz critic intern. Identific cele trei variante ale documentului, ultima, semnalat de Greta Miron anterior, aflat n Arhiva Istoric a Congregatia de Propaganda Fide, cu diferene de coninut confirmate i de un alt concept, descoperit n Arhiva Arhiepiscopiei Romano-

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Catolice din Alba Iulia, redactat la scurt vreme dup moartea episcopului Teofil, n vederea prezervrii validitii deciziei clerului romnesc i n care, pe lng reafirmarea angajamentului respectrii celor patru puncte florentine, era menionat disponibilitatea vicarului de a fi subordonat arhiepiscopului de Strigoniu n toate aspectele. Evoluia practicrii postului la clerul unit din Transilvania pe parcursul secolului al XVIII-lea, ca element cu rol de difereniere confesional, de marcare a frontierelor religioase sau de afirmare i asumare a apartenenei la o anumit form de identitate, utilitatea sa pentru facilitarea disciplinrii sociale, dar i ca instrument de cunoatere a schimbrilor produse la nivelul atitudinilor i mentalitilor este vizat n partea a doua a acestei lucrri (ntre abstinen i abunden sau n cutarea identitii. Despre alimentaia clerului bljean n secolul al 18-lea, pp. 86-118). Demersul i prilejuiete ns Laurei Stanciu abordarea problematicii importanei care revine tradiiei n prima etap a existenei Bisericii Greco-Catolice, primele semne de slbire a stricteii acestui ataament i ale conturrii unei evoluii proprii, mai atent la influenele venite din restul lumii catolice, devenind vizibile doar ncepnd cu a doua jumtate a secolului. Laura Stanciu relaioneaz apoi n Semnificaia discursului identitar unit i neunit n Transilvania anului 1746 (pp. 119-153) - conflictele interconfesionale romneti i evoluia opiunilor identitare cu efectele reglementrii introduse de Congregatia de Propaganda Fide n 1729, care interzicea orice form de communicatio in sacris, i cu implicaiile literaturii polemice generale din epoc, considerate importante i neremarcate suficient n istoriografie. Este vorba att de literatura venit din partea Contrareformei, care acioneaz asupra elitei clericale unite, cu precdere n centrele de instruire catolice, cazul lui Gherontie Cotore fiind cel mai cunoscut, ct i de cea venit din Principatele Romne, de multe ori clandestin, purttoare a mesajului anticatolic al ntregii Ortodoxii, i asupra creia Laura Stanciu ntreprinde un demers analitic regresiv pn la perioada de sfrit a secolului XVII i la condiiile apariiei lucrrilor de acest gen, ca rezultat al programului de editare impus de Patriarhul Ierusalimului Dosithei Notara. n acest context, Laura Stanciu analizeaz sursele i modelele autolegitimante utilizate de ctre elitele unite i neunite, criteriile selective care au stat la baza acestora i rolul avut n accentuarea intoleranei religioase, remarcnd importana care trebuie acordat anului 1746 n cunoaterea evoluiei identitare romneti. Stabilete rolul deinut de Visarion Sarai n promovarea discursului anticatolic, pe direcia polemic deschis de Maxim Peloponeziacul, recupernd traseul acestei

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influene n lucrarea pstrat n manuscris a egumenului Visarion de la Smbta. De cealalt parte, reprezentative pentru sursele uniilor sunt lucrrile lui Gherontie Cotore, care valorific, din raiuni educativ-propagandistice, o ampl literatur catolic, specific Contrareformei, cu larg circulaie n epoc, creia i menioneaz rolul de furnizor a modelelor urmate n structurarea scrierilor sale. Sesizeaz ns i implicaiile care trebuie atribuite influenei exercitate de contactul cu mediul i literatura polemic ortodox. Considerat una dintre prghiile fundamentale pentru nelegerea gestului elitei romneti de acceptare a posibilitii nnoirilor dogmatice, la sfritul secolului XVII (pp. 155-156), importana gndirii teologice pentru identitatea religioas colectiv este analizat de Laura Stanciu n continuare din perspectiva problematicii prezenei celor patru puncte florentine n discursul unit (ntre aderare i asumare. Punctele florentine pentru uniii transilvneni n secolul al 18-lea, pp. 154-202). Investigaia este canalizat de aceast dat pe trei direcii, care urmresc reprezentarea lor n documentele oficiale ale Unirii i n literatura de autodefinire a Bisericii Unite, pe parcursul secolului XVIII, nsoit de o sondare a percepiei acestora n mediul unit al epocii, fiecare dublat, pe principiul Auditer et altera pars, de evaluarea inteniei autoritilor catolice de la Viena i de la Roma, cu privire la semnificaia Unirii realizate. Promovnd o metod de analiz strict istoric i comprehensiv, studiile cuprinse n acest volum deschid o nou perspectiv asupra evoluiei interne a comunitilor romneti pe parcursul primei jumti a secolului XVIII confirmnd importana deceniului 1744-1754. Complementare acestui aport de cunoatere sunt contextualizrile pe care Laura Stanciu le are n vedere, care repun n discuie importana conexiunilor cu spaii mai largi, cum este cel catolic, marcat profund de spiritul Contrareformei i de dezideratul aplicrii politicilor confesionale tridentine dar i spaiul ortodox, definitoriu pentru a justifica importana recunoscut tradiiei n economia discursului romnesc. Pe de alt parte, ele confirm utilitatea i funcionarea raportului reprezentare-intenionalitate ca metod de reconstituire a realitii istorice. Grupajul de documente publicat este datat imediat dup anul 1772, i n legtur cu producerea acestuia sunt naintate dou ipoteze. Acesta ar aparine fie mediului iezuit alba-iulian, fiind redactat din raiuni de propagand confesional, fie ar fi o ntreprindere realizat de unul dintre cei nsrcinai cu realizarea programului istoric cerut de episcopul Grigore Maior n vederea participrii la sinodul tuturor bisericilor unite din monarhie de la Viena (1773), el fiind considerat totodat o dovad important a contientizrii utilitii

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politice a documentelor Unirii n epoc. n egal msur, textul Mrturisirii de credin a lui Teofil din 21 martie 1697, redactat la Cluj, i nu la Alba Iulia cum se credea anterior, versiunea pstrat la Roma fiind singura pstrat ntr-o instituie arhivistic nc din perioada redactrii sale, nu numai confirm validitatea istoric a acceptrii Unirii n cadrul sinodului general din 1697, dar i faptul c att autoritile de la Roma, ct i cele de la Viena erau la curent cu evenimentele desfurate n Transilvania. Conceptul diferit cu privire la caracterul unirii acceptate la care fac trimitere diferenele de coninut ale documentului este confirmat i de ntreaga evoluie a procesului de construcie identitar din deceniile care au urmat. Acest ataament fa de ideea unirii n credin i nu n rit a constituit unul din suporturile majore ale meninerii componentelor tradiionale ale identitii religioase romneti, de unde i reticena manifestat pn dup criza confesional din deceniile de la mijlocul secolului fa de orice schimbare la acest nivel, perceput ca motiv de distanare de legea strmoeasc. La fel, reconstituirea traseului celor patru puncte florentine n documentaia i istoriografia perioadei, - pe baza unei structurri analitice n trei etape, de la aprobare, acceptare/proclamare pn la interiorizare i promovare social -, confirm poziia elitei clericale romneti, meninut de altfel pe tot parcursul secolului, de acceptare a acestor concesii n schimbul pstrrii identitii liturgice i a disciplinei canonico-disciplinare, i nelegerea unirii exclusiv n spirit florentin, fr a contientiza sau a-i exprima acordul pentru trecerea la o alt biseric. De cealalt parte, conceptul de unire nu are nimic n comun cu ecleziologia Conciliului de la Florena, la Roma unirea fiind neleas ca o preluare canonic a episcopului i a credincioilor si. n opinia Laurei Stanciu, acest orizont diferit de ateptri constituie o explicaie a confuziei ulterioare, mai ales n timpul crizei de la mijlocul secolului, i perpetuarea imaginii eronate asupra strii de fapt n politica elaborat la Curtea habsburgic fa de romnii transilvneni. Criza identitar de la mijlocul secolului, alimentat de spiritul intolerant i de polemizarea excesiv a Celuilalt, va determina ns o revizuire a strategiilor identitare n deceniile ulterioare, pentru care promovarea social activ a celor patru puncte florentine, ca element definitoriu pentru construcia identitii religioase asumate, se impunea ca necesitate, cu dou consecine majore: revitalizarea discursului legitimant unit i renfiinarea Bisericii Ortodoxe. Acestea justific i propunerea Laurei Stanciu conform creia pot fi stabilite dou etape majore n procesul de construcie a identitii unite. Una este cuprins n intervalul 1697-1744, cealalt se extinde de la 1744 la sfritul episcopatului lui Ioan Bob (1782-1830), perioad n care elitele clericale unite

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stabilesc i pun n aplicare un adevrat program de renatere, de reform intern, comparabil cu modelul Reformei Catolice de dup Conciliul de la Trento (p. 192). Ct privete perioada propriu-zis care constituie obiectul cercetrii sale, pentru Unire ea presupune un proces de trecere de la exclusivism la confruntare ncepnd cu jumtatea secolului XVIII fr nici o urm de spirit tolerant fa de Cellalt. n plus, remarc existena unor similitudini, neremarcate n istoriografie, n ceea ce privete raportarea la Cellalt, la modelul proxim, pentru care gsete corespondene n situaia din Ucraina, situaia n care se afla Biserica Catolic sau chiar Biserica Ortodox din Transilvania. De aici i imaginea Bisericii Unite din Transilvania de a fi n permanent criz, n conflict perpetuu n ceea ce privete adoptarea noului sau a pstrrii elementelor tradiionale. n tot acest proces elita clerical a uniilor i a neuniilor din prima jumtate a secolului XVIII, mediul monahal n spe, sufer o puternic influen formatoare de opinii, atitudini i comportamente din partea literaturii de provenien catolic i ortodox, care a ntreinut intolerana religioas. n acest context social, Gherontie Cotore i egumenul de la Smbta nu sunt dect exponenii unei elite, ale crei convingeri deocamdat nu pot fi retrasate dect de la produciile pstrate de la cei doi menionai anterior. Pentru Laura Stanciu, Visarion Sarai nu este dect exponentul acestui discurs, care a avut ca principal merit popularizarea mesajului polemic al literaturii de provenien ortodox. Valorificnd ampla cunoatere a istoriografiei problematicii, imaginea reconstituit de Laura Stanciu a evoluiei discursului identitar romnesc pe parcursul secolului XVIII deschide noi perspective pentru nelegerea transformrilor cunoscute de ctre lumea romneasc ardelean i a realitii istorice. La fel de viabile sunt pledoariile pe care le face pentru realizarea unui corpus documentar complet al problematicii Unirii cu Biserica Romei, ct i pentru contientizarea i reconstituirea implicaiilor care revin contactelor i interferenelor pe care acest proces le presupune, un fenomen marcat de oscilaii, tradiionalisme, pentru care doar n momentele de criz colectiv apare posibil schimbarea, inclusiv la acest nivel al asumrii unei identiti. Toate acestea permit identificarea contribuiilor sale cu un progres semnificativ pentru cunoaterea istoric actual. Carmen Maria Dorlan

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Ion Crja, Biseric i societate n Transilvania n perioada pstoririi mitropolitului Ioan Vancea de Buteasa (1869-1892), Ed. Presa Universitar Clujean, 2007, 406 pp. n studiile de filosofia istoriei, Arnold J. Toynbee demonstra c toate culturile, mari sau mici, pornesc i sunt ntemeiate de anumite structuri religioase. Acest fapt este, credem, valabil i n cazul romnilor, toate reconstituirile istorice meritorii asupra culturii romne au pus n eviden paradigma istoric religie-cultur. Din aceast perspectiv merita analizat i cartea istoricului Ion Crja, Biseric i societate n Transilvania n perioada pstoririi mitropolitului Ioan Vancea (1869-1892), aprut la Ed. Presa Universitar Clujean, n anul 2007. Indiscutabil, opera mitropolitului Ioan Vancea, din ceea ce ne relev studiul domnului Crja, se nscrie pe dou coordonate fundamentale: instituionalizarea Bisericii Greco-Catolice n matricea religioas a catolicismului rsritean i fixarea definitiv a ei ntr-o identitate culturalnaional romneasc. O via de ierarh care a fost marcat de dou momente din biografia sa: formaia intelectual n prestigioase instituii de nvmnt catolic i prezena la Conciliu Ecumenic I Vatican. Dup studii n gimnaziul clugrilor premonstratensi (premontrei) de la Oradea, I. Vancea i-a desvrit studiile la Sancta Barbara i la Institutul Sf. Augustin din capitala Imperiului habsburgic. Instituiile n care a studiat i contextul cultural din imperiu, din prima jumtate a secolului al XIX-lea, i-au inspirat viitorului ierarh al Bisericii Greco-Catolice opera n plan cultural, social i eclesiologic. Cadrul cultural i mental al epocii, produs al mbinrii complexe a elementelor de iluminism, romantism i Biedermier i-au formulat proiectul cultural, concretizat de viitorul mitropolit n domeniul nvmntului. Aa cum remarc I. Crja, n teza de doctorat susinut de I. Vancea la Universitatea din Viena n 1848, putem surprinde poziia teologic a naltului ierarh. Tratat istoric, dogmatic despre purcederea Spiritului Sfnt de la Fiul, abordeaz un subiect centrat pe identitatea Bisericii Greco-Catolice romneti, n care-i mrturisete comuniunea cu Roma pe baza modelului florentin de unire. Din ambiana cultural de factur Biedermeier i s-au nscut preocuprile pentru coal, o idee care a reprezentat leitmotivul activitii sale ca ierarh, modul cum a conceput rolul preotului, relaiile dintre individ i comunitate sau raportul dintre interesele locale i cele generale. n prima circular trimis n calitate de episcop de Gherla, recomanda preoilor: cea

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dinti datorie a preotului e s-i nvee poporenii adevrurile de credin. Aceasta s-o fac nu numai de pe amvon i n scaunul sfintei mnstiri, ci i n coal. coala s-o cerceteze de mai multe ori pe sptmn i anume, nu numai cnd trebuie s catehizeze, ci i alt dat, fiind ei n timpul acesta directorii lor deci, direct rspunztori de bunul lor mers! coala, cultura, concepia lui Vancea n raport cu politica colar din Transilvania reprezint subiectul capitolului Biserica i coala confesional. Aici ni se dezvluie anvergura de mecena a mitropolitului, cu origini nobiliare, Ioan Vancea de Buteasa: strategiile didactice exprimate n documentele sinoadelor provinciale din 1872 i 1892 i la congresul colar din 1873, edificarea a 307 cldiri colare n timpul pstoririi sale ca mitropolit, modernizarea colilor elementare, a gimnaziului, a colii de fete, suplimentarea programei colare de la Institutul teologic, producia editorial a cadrelor didactice de la Blaj, toate punnd n eviden uriaa realizare n teren cultural a mitropolitului. La toate acestea se adaug ridicarea Internatului Vancea de Biei, edificat pe cheltuiala mitropolitului. Realizat dup toate regulile unui institut catolic modern, el exprima modul cum Vancea a transpus n practic una din prevederile conciliului tridentin, de ridicare a unor institute de educare i formare n spirit catolic a tineretului. Realizrile n domeniul nvmntului l aeaz pe I. Vancea n galeria marilor fondatori ai colilor bljene, alturi de Petru Pavel Aron i Vasile Suciu. Studiul monografic al cercettorului I. Crja se focalizeaz n continuare pe activitatea clericului, teologului i a arhiereului Ioan Vancea de Buteasa, ncadrat de trei evenimente : a) constituirea provinciei bisericeti de Alba-Iulia i Fgra la 1853, cu diecezele sufragare de Oradea, Lugoj i Gherla, prin bula papal Ecclesiam Cristi, b) prezena mitropolitului la Conciliul Ecumenic Vatican I cu proclamarea infailibilitii papei i c) poziionarea Bisericii Greco-Catolice din Transilvania fa de autonomia catolic din Ungaria. Conciliul Ecumenic Vatican I a reprezentat un eveniment epocal n istoria Bisericii Catolice i pentru relaiile sale cu bisericile orientale. La mijlocul secolului al XIX-lea, prin politica de secularizare propus de guvernele liberale din Europa, prin interzicerea ordinelor clugreti, aezarea colilor catolice n subordinea statului, obstrucionarea legturilor cu Vaticanul i ncurajarea autonomiei bisericilor naionale, papalitatea se vedea n pericolul de a pierde monopolul deinut anterior. Drept rspuns la aceste provocri, Vaticanul s-a repliat, ncercnd s refac centralizarea administrativ a bisericii universale, sancionnd politica liberalismului politic prin enciclica Quanta

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Cura, creia i asociaz apoi Syllabus Errorum. n prelungirea acestei politici, credem, c s-a convocat Conciliul Ecumenic Vatican I. Prezena nalilor ierarhi romni Ioan Vancea i Iosif Papp Szilagyi la Conciliu Ecumenic I Vatican a reprezentat pentru Biserica Greco-Catolic o pagin de istorie universal fr precedent n trecutul su. Interveniile lui Vancea n Congregaia general din 30 martie 1870, respectiv 2 iunie 1870 asupra proiectului despre Biserica lui Hristos, rspunsul dat de mitropolit cardinalului Pitra, autorul operei Juris Eclesiastici Graecorum Historia et Monumenta, n ziua de 14 iunie 1870 reprezint pagini de referin pentru eclesiologia catolic oriental. Indiscutabil, n aprecierile sale privind drepturile distincte ale Bisericii catolice orientale, poziia sa n privina primatului i a infailibilitii Suveranului Pontif pun n eviden marea personalitate teologic a mitropolitului de la Blaj. n prelungirea imediat a lucrrilor Conciliului Vatican I, istoricul I. Crja analizeaz sinoadele provinciale din 1872 i 1882, care au avut meritul special de a alinia Biserica Greco-Catolic la eclesiologia latin. Putem spune c prin actele celor dou sinoade, aprobate cu rectificri prin decretele S. Congregaiei de Propaganda Fide pentru Afacerile Ritului Oriental din 1881, respectiv 1884, Biserica Unit cu Roma a dobndit identitate att n plan naional ct i n raport cu biserica universal. Decretele sinodale reprezint din aceast perspectiv acte cu valoare de cultur eclesiologic i canonic pentru istoria bisericii. O analiz extins este dedicat n studiul monografic raportului dintre Biserica Greco-Catolic i Autonomia Catolic din Ungaria, un capitol mai puin cunoscut i cercetat n istoriografia noastr. Concluziile la acest capitol privind relaiile dintre cele dou confesiuni sunt foarte bine surprinse de I. Crja: ... dialogul dintre Biserica Greco-Catolic i Autonomia Catolic din Ungaria s-a datorat n mod indiscutabil i faptului c ambele proiecte de autonomie, latin i greco-catolic, se pliau pe paradigme naionale diferite; suntem n secolul al XIX-lea, o perioad n care naionalul constituie pentru cultura politic i mentalitatea colectiv central-estic european, o valoare cu for i prestigiu simbolic superioare apartenenei confesionale. Apreciem n mod deosebit efortul autorului de a defini identitatea confesional din perspectiva structurilor i politicii eclesiastice i de configurare a sentimentului religios. Un capitol care pune din nou n eviden lucrarea naltului ierarh, att prin documentele sinodale ct i prin pastoraie, pentru fixarea n termeni clari i normativi a ipostazei oficiale a credinei i, n

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acelai timp, de a stabili modalitile prin care structurile eclesiastice vor impune practicarea i respectarea ei la nivelul comunitilor. Cartea cercettorului Ion Crja se nscrie printre reconstituirile remarcabile asupra societii transilvane din secolul al XIX-lea. Biografia mitropolitului Ioan Vancea putem spune c reprezint un prilej pentru radiografierea epocii, a aproape a unei jumti de secol de istorie a Transilvaniei, o reconstituire n cazul creia modelul propus de K. Hitchins n monografia dedicat mitropolitului A. aguna a putut reprezenta un reper metodologic. De altfel, credem c Ioan Vancea, prin construcia instituional, reprezint o personalitate eclesiastic din lumea Bisericii Greco-Catolice comparabil cu a mitropolitului aguna n Biserica Ortodox. Studiul monografic se remarc n primul rnd prin efortul de a reconstitui epoca lui Vancea, att din perspectiva istoriei naionale, ct i din aceea a Europei Centrale i a universalismului catolic. O reconstituire care s-a bazat pe consultarea unei bogate literaturi de specialitate, i a unui material documentar inedit, rezultat al cercetrilor ndelungate n arhivele Vaticanului sau n ar. Remarcm n acest sens informaia i analiza asupra raporturilor Bisericii Greco-Catolice cu Vaticanul i cu Biserica Romano-Catolic din Ungaria (Transleithania). Mitropolitul Ioan Vancea de Buteasa ilustreaz limpede, cristalizat, felul n care politica naional i o religiozitate serioas, mpletite, pot nruri n mod decisiv soarta unei ntregi comuniti, pe o perioad ndelungat. n timpul pstoririi lui Vancea, Biserica Unit a devenit o adevrat biseric grecocatolic, reprezentnd un factor de conjuncie ntre cele dou arii de cultur i civilizaie ale cretintii, catolicism i ortodoxie. Mitropolitul Vancea a reuit apoi s fac mai mult dect oricare dintre predecesorii si n crearea unei culturi n planul sentimentului religios. Citind cartea istoricului Crja am putut nelege mai bine unde trebuie cutat rezistena intelectual i spiritual a comunitii greco-catolice n faa utopiilor de stnga ale regimului comunist. n concluzie, prin studiul monografic Biseric i societate n Transilvania n perioada pstoririi mitropolitului Ioan Vancea (1869-1892) s-a reconstituit un capitol important din istoria bisericii, al vieii religioase i, implicit, al societii transilvnene din a doua jumtate a secolului al XIX-lea. Cornel Sigmirean

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Steven Grosby, Nationalism, A Very Short Introduction, Oxford, New York, Oxford University Press, 2005, 161 pp. De dou secole, apariii dedicate temei semnate de nume unul mai sonore dect altul au creat o literatur masiv i divers ca orientare metodologico-paradigmatic. Lucrurile par a nu fi ncetat n ciuda emergenei unor structuri de tipul Uniunii Europene sau a fenomenului globalizrii, doi factori care preau s fi condamnat la dispariie, s fi proscris domeniul n sensul marginalizrii sale n agenda politic sau educaional. Evenimenialul demonstreaz ns contrariul, vitalitatea subiectului fiind astfel reactivat. Curentele fundamentaliste din spaiul asiatic, imaturitatea naiunilor noi, rezultat al post-colonialismului, schimbri de sistem politic ca cele din estul Europei, toate acestea sunt cadre care ne permit s remarcm vitalitatea paradigmei naionale manifest sub diferite feluri. De regul, micile sintezele obinuiesc s rezume un set de informaii consacrate, chiar s reproduc un discurs agreabil autorului. Nu este ns i cazul lucrrilor de dimensiunea unui eseu mai extins propus de Oxford University Press, care n seria deschis i intitulat foarte scurte istorii i propune s popularizeze discuia de la nivel academic n rndul maselor. Dimpotriv, prin oferta editorului, volumele din aceast serie au capacitatea nu doar de a introduce studenimea sau cititorul interesat n vastul spaiu al studiilor naionale, ci i de a deschide noi piste de lectur, ba mai mult, dau ansa autorilor ca ntr-un spaiu restrns s sugereze noi posibiliti de analiz a unor subiecte aparent discutate n exces. ncredinnd misiunea elaborrii unor scurte introduceri unor nume deja consacrate, editorul spulber dubiile cu privire la seriozitatea unor asemenea sinteze. Steven Grosby activeaz ca profesor la universitatea Clemson, sfera sa de activitate fiind Orientul Apropriat, relaiile dintre religie i naionalitate, filosofia social i politic, respectiv hermeneutica Bibliei ebraice. Aceste preocupri sunt mai mult dect directoare pentru demersul su n discursul dedicat naionalismului, dezvoltat att n articole anterioare, ct i n lucrarea de fa. Lucrarea despre care discutm nu e ntmpltor intitulat Naionalismul, interesul autorului concentrndu-se asupra naiunii n aciune, fapt ce legitimeaz opiunea pentru curentul ideologic. ncercnd o definiie a naionalismului, Grosby l vede ca o tendin a oamenilor de a se separa unul de altul n acele societi distincte numite naiuni (p.7). Aadar o viziune organicist cu ferme implicaii la nivelul organizrii macro-sociale. De

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altfel aceast premis individualizeaz demersul su axat pe relevarea similitudinilor, filiaiilor naiunii din structurii microsociale precum familia, legturile de rudenie etc., susinut i de factori sociali concrei sau simbolici antrenai. Cum definiia clasic a naiunii presupune recursul la un factor esenial ca cel teritorial, exprimat de o retoric elaborat, uznd de tropi discursivi precum motherland, fatherland sau homeland accentul demersului lui Grosby cade asupra filiaiei naiunii din legturile de rudenie. Maniere discursive de acest fel aduc cel puin n apropierea organicismului; totui, autorul apeleaz i la teoriile constructiviste care par a plaseaz naiunea pe terenul modernitii i al teoriei inventrii naiunii. Un proiect idealist de tip hegelian pare s fie compatibilizat, cu cea elitist care leag acest proiect de ultimele dou secole i infrastructura pus la dispoziie de modernitate. Esenial mi se pare ns accentul pus pe calitatea negociativ i relaional a noiunii de naiune. Un fapt important ce revine periodic n discuie ca argument este funcia agregatoare a paradigmei naionale i influena sa asupra auto-definirii individuale. Dei pare ndatorat teoriilor moderniste, demersul lui Steven Grosby fiind susinut de apelul la structuri specifice cercetrilor din spaiul psiho-social, la structurile motivaionale care pot susine platforma naional, volitiv, autorul neag ferm noutatea proiectului naional i i susine punctul de vedere cu argumente din spaiul antropologiei politice i a celei religioase. Totui admite realizrile specifice discursului francez reprezentat de Dominique Schnapper ce stabilea o legtur intrinsec dintre naiunea modern i dezvoltrile conceptelor democratice ale participrii politice. Definitoriu e totui c demersul su arunc naiunea ntr-un trecut antic, medieval sau dup caz premodern, fapt ce aduce aminte de paradigma intermediar avansat de Anthony D. Smith n The Ethnic Origins of Nations, ambii fiind convini c identitile teritoriale nu reprezint un fenomen modern, ci o caracteristic uman veche, de durat avnd valoare universal. Desigur acest crez poate contraveni aparent discursului naional care se vrea o expresie particular a universalului uman, iar faptul este susinut de relaiile ncordate dintre majoritari i minoritari cu privire la drepturile civice ce teoretic decurg din apartenena la un cadru teritorial naionalizat. Argumentele sale sunt de factur instituional, juridice i religioase, sau legate de apartenena la un teritoriu, toate aceste condiionnd comportamentul uman. Interesant este faptul c n funcie de actanii n diferite

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secvene temporale sau regionale asistm la scenarii extrem de particulare ce contribuie la configurarea naiunii i articularea discursului naionalist. n grade diferite, fiecrui factor i revine un rol mai mult sau mai puin important fapt ce confirm c apariia i continuitatea naiunii nu e un proces istoric uniform ce poate fi atribuit unei cauze unice (58). ntre factorii formativi n procesul formrii naiunilor premoderne, Grosby enumr: formarea unui extins i relative uniform teritoriu, religia i rzboiul, fiecare contribuind la dezvoltarea unei culturi distincte, lor adugndu-li-se existena unei limbi comune. Dei admite faptul c n anumite cazuri rzboiul a putut avea funcie coagulant a unor mase rurale mobilizate, cu un ochi mereu ndreptat asupra percepiei personale a apartenenei la o structur naional paralel celei rurale, regionale, Grosby admite c efectul acestui fenomen e aproape imposibil de msurat. Aportul su interpretativ const n repunerea n drepturi a unei perspective regresive n care miturilor, memoriei, simbolurilor le e oferit un rol central. Opiunea pentru o perspectiv etno-simbolic l individualizeaz pe terenul cercetrii naiunii i naionalismului, fapt ce l plaseaz iar n tabra primordialitilor. Un rol important n cartea sa este rezervat relaiei dintre religie i naiune. Faptul se justific n mai multe feluri dac ne gndim la sacralizarea eroilor naionali sau la retorica milenarist, adesea fcnd uz de un limbaj de factur religioas. Cadrul european premodern i modern fiind profund ndatorat fondului iudaic, nu putea dect s favorizeze att prin legitimare de la tradiiile vechi testamentare sau din contra prin exprimarea adversitii fa de alteritatea iudaic din diaspora - naterea (pre)naionalismului. n economia lucrrii locul rezervat cazului israelit este motivat de stabilitatea n decurs de secole a reperului religios ce a jalonat proiectul naional. Cheia n relevarea legturii dintre religios i naional conex cazului iudaic rezid i n sublinierea rolului jucat de monoteism n toat aceast arhitectur; n acest sens reflexiile n spaiul cretin sau ne-cretin sunt argumentate prin analiza exemplelor romano catolice sau budiste corespunznd experienelor poloneze, respectiv sri-lankeze. Conexiunea care individualizeaz i plaseaz demersul lui Grosby n tabra primordialitilor rezid n locul special rezervat legturilor de rudenie, familiei ca structur care nu doar protejeaz ba mai mult asigur vitalitate biologic, care extins la un teritoriu mai vast capt valoare simbolic cu implicaii societale. Obsesia factorilor geografici concrei sau simbolici joac dup prerea sa un rol fundamental n definirea naiunii, fcnd ca teritoriul s

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capete nu doar valoare referenial identitar, fapt ce explic disponibilitatea de a te jertfi n rzboi pentru cauza naionala (p. 120), ci i funcie psihologic individual esenializat. Concluziile sale c naiunea/naionalismul rmn expresia unei tendine omeneti de a se diviza e un fapt demonstrat de dezbaterile prezente sau trecute din spaiul tiinelor sociale sau biologie. Naiunea este astfel o form mai elaborat ce deriv dintr-o (pre)dispoziie intrinsec uman, primar, de a opera maniheist, i a considera drept organic distincia dintre noi i ceilali ca baz a relaiilor interumane. Tot acest cadru, necesitatea de a depista un cellalt cu care se confrunt identitatea demonstreaz, dup Grosby, rolul esenial, specific uman al memoriei unor origini comune, fr de care asigurarea perpeturii propriului grup ar fi imposibil. Legtura strns dintre biologic i social (exprimat de kinship), teritoriu, genealogie demonstreaz c n ciuda unei globalizri mioape la diferene, proiectul naional nu este pur i simplu un contract emergent din dinamicile specifice modernitii, ci are un parcurs cumulativ ce poate cobor adnc ntr-un trecut medieval. Propensiunea ntr-un trecut ndeprtat, fie ea real sau simbolic, are capacitatea de a hrni i mai ales confirma stabilitatea i vitalitatea grupului naional. Marian Zloag

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ACTIVITATEA TIINIFIC A INSTITUTULUI DE CERCETRI SOCIO-UMANE GHEORGHE INCAI N ANII 2003-2008

Cri publicate 1. Carmen Andra, Romnia i imaginile ei n literatura de cltorie britanic. Un spaiu de frontier cultural, Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Dacia, 2003, 450 pp., ISBN 973-35-1562-0. 2. Adrian Husar, Gesta deorum per Romanos. II. De la Maximinus Thrax la dinastia lui Constantin, Trgu-Mure, Ed. Ardealul, 2003, 386 pp.+10 plane, ISBN 973-8406-12-9. 3. Nicoleta Slcudeanu, Patria de hrtie. Eseu despre exilul literar, Braov, Ed. Aula, 2003, 240 pp., ISBN 973-8206-92-8. 4. Cornel Sigmirean (coordonator), Emanuil Gojdu. Bicentenar, Bucureti, Ed. Academiei Romne, 2003, 203 pp., ISBN 973-27-1040-3. 5. Corina Teodor, Coridoare istoriografice. O incursiune n universul scrisului ecleziastic romnesc din Transilvania anilor 1850-1920, Cluj-Napoca, Presa Universitar Clujean, 2003, 517 pp., ISBN: 973-610-203-3. 6. Cornel Sigmirean, Preoii Blajului, 1806-1948, Trgu-Mure, Ed. Universitii Petru Maior, 2004, 300 pp., ISBN 973-7794-18-4. 7. Vasile Cernat, Psihologia stereotipurilor, Iai, Ed. Polirom, 2005, 284 pp., ISBN 973-46-0078-8. 8. Olosz Katalin, A rkaszem menyecske. Kovcs gnes ketesdi mesegymnye (Poveti populare din Teti (jud. Cluj) adunate de Kovcs gnes), Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Kriterion, 2005, 372 pp., ISBN 973-26-0808-0-39. 9. Nicoleta Slcudeanu, Pasiene, Bucureti, Ed. Fundaiei Culturale Ideea European, 2005, 172 pp., ISBN 973-7691-05-9. 10. Adrian Husar, Relaii internaionale n lumea antic. Sistemul Amrna, Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Napoca Star, 2006, 317 pp. + 3 plane, ISBN 10: 973-647397 X; ISBN 13: 978-973-647-379-5. 11. Novak Csaba (co-editor), Revoluia din 1956 i maghiarii din Romnia, Miercurea Ciuc, Ed. Pro-Print, 2006, 432 pp., ISBN: 10973-8468523. 12. Maria Costea, Simion Costea (coordonatori), Integrarea Romniei n UE: provocri i perspective, Iai, Institutul European, 2007, 300 pp., ISBN 978973-611-446-5.

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13. Adrian Husar, Gesta deorum per Romanos. III. De la Valentinieni la regatele barbare din Occident [Publicaiile Institutului de Studii Clasice, 9], Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Napoca Star, 2007, 520 pp., ISBN: 978-973-647-478-1. 14. Grigore Ploeteanu, Receptarea operei i a personalitii lui Dimitrie Cantemir n Europa, (vol. ngrijit i editat de Maria Ploeteanu), Editura Veritas, Trgu-Mure, 2007, 250 pp., ISBN 973-8116-06-6. 15. Cornel Sigmirean, Intelectualitatea ecleziastic. Preoii Blajului, TrguMure, Ed. Universitii Petru Maior, 2007, 417 pp., ISBN 978-973-779418-5. 16. Cornel Sigmirean (coordonator), Intelectualii i societatea modern. Repere central-europene, Trgu-Mure, Ed. Universitii Petru Maior, 2007, 454 pp., ISBN 978-973-7794-63-5. 17. Carmen Andra, Geografii simbolice ale diferenei ideologice, Iai, Ed. Institutul European, 2008, 194 pp., ISBN 978-973-611-567-7. 18. Ioan Chiorean, Intelectualitatea din Transilvania n epocile premodern i modern, Ed. Universitii Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, 2008, 530 pp., ISBN 978-973-7794-68-0. 19. Novak Csaba Zoltn (coautor - expert istoric), Kincses kpesknyv. Marosvsrhely. Koinonia-Projectograph, Cluj Napoca, 2008, ISBN 978-97388903-0-5 20. Grigore Ploeteanu, Paul Vasici. Viaa i opera, (vol. ngrijit i editat de Maria Ploeteanu), Trgu-Mure, Ed. Veritas, 2008, 337 pp., ISBN 973-811608-2.

Lucrri tiinifice publicate fr cotaii ISI 1. Carmen Andra, Olivia Manning i Bucuretiul interbelic, n Caietele Echinox, vol. 4, (Restrictions and Censorship), 2003, ISSN 1582-960X. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 2. Carmen Andra, Romania in British Travel Literature. Discursive Geography and Strategies for Liminal Space, n Caietele Echinox, vol.5 (Symbolic Geographies), Cluj-Napoca, Dacia, Babe-Bolyai University, Central European University, Budapest, 2003, ISSN 1582-960X. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 3. Carmen Andra, Romania and its Images in 19th Century British Travel Literature. In-between Peripherality and Cultural Interference. TRANS. Internet Journal for Cultural Sciences, a peer reviewed journal, No. 14/2003. http://www.inst.at/trans/14Nr/andras14.htm, Research Institute for Austrian

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and International Literature and Cultural Sciences, Vienna, ISSN 1560/182X. Revist internaional necotat ISI. 4. Ioan Chiorean, Intelectualitatea academic i societatea transilvnean ntre anii 1872-1900, n Studia Universitatis Petru Maior, seria Historia, vol. III, Trgu-Mure, 2003, ISSN 1582-8433. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 5. Adrian Husar, Aspecte ale fiscalitii n Imperiul Roman Trziu (sec. IV p. Chr.), n Studia Universitatis Petru Maior, seria Historia, vol. III, TrguMure, 2003. ISSN 1582-8433. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 6. Novk Csaba, Lucian Boia. Romnia: ar de frontier a Europei, n Regio, 2, Budapesta, 2003, ISBN: 963-07-6825-9. Revist internaional necotat ISI. 7. Grigore Ploeteanu, Noi contribuii privind receptarea Istoriei Imperiului Otoman de Dimitrie Cantemir, n Studia Universitatis Petru Maior, seria Historia, vol. III, Trgu-Mure, 2003, ISSN 1582-8433. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 8. Corina Teodor, Chiriacodromion (Alba Iulia 1699). An Orthodox Book From the Years of Ecclesiastical Union, n Studia Universitatis Petru Maior, seria Historia, vol. III, Trgu-Mure, 2003, ISSN 1582-8433. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 9. Marian Zloag, Aspecte privind evoluia demografic n cadrul parohiei greco-catolice din Trgu-Mure ntre1824-1880 n Studia Universitatis Petru Maior, seria Historia, vol. III, Trgu-Mure, 2003, ISSN 1582-8433. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 10. Adrian Husar, Istoriografia Antichitii Trzii. Retoric i Istorie (I): Tradiia literar latin, n Studia Universitatis Petru Maior, seria Historia, vol. IV, Trgu-Mure, 2004, ISSN 1582-8433. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 11. Vasile Cernat, Efectele percepiei factorilor economici asupra identitii europene n Psihologia social, Buletinul Laboratorului Psihologia cmpului social, nr. 12, Universitatea Al. I. Cuza, Iai, Ed. Polirom, 2004, p.65-76, ISSN 1454-5667. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 12. Novk Csaba, A Magyar Autonm Tartomny politikai elitjnek kialalkulsa s megszervezse, n Anuarul Instituiei Teleki Lszl, Budapesta, 2004, ISBN: 963 7081 02 X. Revist internaional necotat ISI. 13. Cornel Sigmirean, Clerul romnesc din Transilvania secolului al XVIII-lea i al XIX-lea format la universitile din Vest, n Studia Universitatis Petru

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Maior, seria Historia, vol. IV, Trgu-Mure, 2004, ISSN 1582-8433. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 14. Grigore Ploeteanu, Receptarea Istoriei Imperiului Otoman de Dimitrie Cantemir n Italia, n Studia Universitatis Petru Maior, seria Historia, vol. IV, Trgu-Mure, 2004, ISSN 1582-8433. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 15. Corina Teodor, Keith Hitchins i pasiunea unei viei: istoria Romniei, n Studia Universitatis Petru Maior, seria Historia, vol. IV, Trgu-Mure, 2004, ISSN 1582-8433. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 16. Marian Zloag, ntre istorie i studii sociale. Un examen al iganologiei romneti al ultimului deceniu, n Studia Universitatis Petru Maior, seria Historia, vol. IV, Trgu-Mure, 2004, ISSN 1582-8433. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 17. Carmen Andra, Familia, statutul femeii i moralitatea n reprezentrile britanice despre romni i Romnia, n Sud-Estul i Contextul European Familia, Revista de Studii Sud/Est Europene, Buletin XI, Bucureti, 2005, pp. 37-67, ISSN 0035-2063. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 18. Ioan Chiorean, Tehnologia cultivrii pmntului i evoluia eptelului de animale n localitile din Cmpia Transilvaniei n a doua jumtate a secolului al XVIII-lea, n Studia Universitatis Petru Maior, seria Historia, vol.V, Trgu-Mure, 2005, pp.23-48, ISSN 1582-8433. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 19. Novk Csaba, Szocialista nemzet s kisebbsg a Romn Kommunista Prt vezetsgnek diskurzusban a Ceauescui hatalomtvtel utn, n Korunk, Cluj-Napoca, 2005, pp. 65-79, ISBN: 963908274 0. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 20. Novk Csaba, "A prt szolglatban. Kdersors a Szkelyfldn, n Mltunk, 4, Budapesta, 2005, pp.100-127, ISBN: 963908274 0. Revist internaional necotat ISI. 21. Nicoleta Slcudeanu, La mort du ralisme-socialiste et la renaissance de lexprimentalisme. Le mouvement onirique, n Seine et Danube, vol. 6, Paris, 2005, pp. 85-92, ISBN 2-84 272-236-1. Revist internaional necotat ISI. 22. Simon Zsolt, Dietele din Trgu-Mure din epoca Principatului, n Vatra 32 nr. 9-10 (414-415), Trgu-Mure, 2005, pp.133-135, ISSN 1220-6334. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 23. Anca incan, Ecumenism as Politics, Patterns in the Solution of Romanian Orthodox Church Romanian Greek Catholic Church Crisis in the Early 1990s, n Studia Universitatis Petru Maior, seria Historia, vol.VI, Trgu-

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Mure, 2005, pp. 245-257, ISSN 1582-8433. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 24. Marian Zloag, Discurs aboliionist n Principate i ideea modernizrii (18371856), n Studia Universitatis Petru Maior, seria Historia, vol.VI, Trgu-Mure, 2005, pp. 95-109, ISSN 1582-8433. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 25. Carmen Andra, The Concept of Travel: Images and Counter - Images of West and East, n Donau. The Dutch quarterly magazine for Southeastern Europe, nr. 1, University of Groningen, 2006, pp. 9-17, ISSN 1873-8656. Revist internaional necotat ISI. 26. Carmen Andra, Imagining Niagara: Victorian British Lady Travellers in North America, n Caietele Echinox, nr. 10, 2006, pp. 163-83, ISSN 1582960X. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 27. Carmen Andra, British Travel Literature in the 19th Century. Transdisciplinarity, Genre and Gender Crossing. http://www.inst.at/trans/16Nr/096/andras.16.htm, TRANS. Internet Journal for Cultural Sciences, a peer reviewed journal, No. 16/2006. http://www.inst.at/trans/16Nr/096/andras.16.htm, Reviewed Journal, Research Institute for Austrian and International Literature and Cultural Sciences, Vienna, ISSN 1560/182X. Revist internaional necotat ISI. 28. Ioan Chiorean, Politica colar a guberniului i dietei Transilvaniei n epoca luminilor, n Studia Universitatis Petru Maior, seria Historia, vol.VI, 2006, pp. 3642, ISSN 1582-8433. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 29. Maria Costea, Consecinele Pactului Ribbentrop-Molotov asupra relaiilor romno-bulgare, n Studia Universitatis Petru Maior, seria Historia, vol.VI, 2006, pp.165-174, ISSN 1582-8433. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 30. Adrian Husar, The idea of Europe in the Later Roman Empire and the Early Middle Ages, n Studia Universitatis Petru Maior, seria Historia, vol.VI, 2006, pp. 11-22, ISSN 1582-8433. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 31. Novk Csaba, RKP-kderek 1956-os meglstrtnetei (Momentul 1956 i activitii de partid), n Mltunk, Budapesta, 2006, pp.122-133, ISBN: 963908274 0. Revist internaional necotat ISI. 32. Novk Csaba, 1956 Romniban: egy irat a politikai megtorls elksztsrl (1956 n Romnia: un document privind pregtirea represiunii

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politice), n Leveltari Szemle, Budapesta, 2006, pp. 54-60, ISSN: 0457-6047. Revist internaional necotat ISI. 33. Grigore Ploeteanu, Dr. Pavel Vasici i Astra, n Studia Universitatis Petru Maior, seria Historia, vol.VI, 2006, pp.111-125, ISSN 1582-8433. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 34. Simon Zsolt, A baricsi s klpnyi harmincadok a 16. szzad elejn (Tricesimele din Barics i Kupinovo la nceputul secolului al XVI-lea) n Szzadok 140, Budapesta, 2006, pp.815-882, ISSN 0039-8098. Revist internaional necotat ISI. 35. Anca incan, Inventing Ecumenism? Inter-confessional Dialogue in Transylvania, Romania in the 1960s, n Religion in Eastern Europe, vol. XXVI, Issue 3, (Princeton Theological Seminary, Princeton, New Jersey, SUA), 2006, pp. 1-16, ISNN 1069-4781. Revist internaional necotat ISI. 36. Anca incan, Debating the truth, history of the church in the hand of the lay historian? n Studia Universitatis Petru Maior, seria Historia, vol.VI, 2006, pp. 233-242, ISSN 1582-8433. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 37. Marian Zloag, Mobilitatea iganilor: despre implicaile politicoideologice i practice ale unor concepte, n Studia Universitatis Petru Maior, seria Historia, vol.VI, 2006, p.42-57, ISSN 1582-8433. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 38. Carmen Andra, Fascinaia mitologiei, n Vatra, nr. 7 (436), 2007, pp. 68-70, ISSN 1220-6334. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 39. Maria Costea, Romanian-Bulgarian Relations after the Munich Agreement-1938/ Consecintele Acordului de la Munchen asupra Relatiilor Romano-bulgare-1938 n Tyragetia, nr.2, Chiinu, 2007, p. 295-301, ISSN.1857-0240. Revist internaional necotat ISI. 40. Adrian Husar, Stat i Biseric n Imperiul Roman Trziu: Valentinian, Valens i criza arian, n Tyragetia, s.n., vol. I [XVI], nr. 1, Chiinu, 2007, pp. 115-120, ISSN 1857-0240. Revist internaional necotat ISI. 41. Novk Csaba, Magyarok az RKP-ban 1944-1948 (Maghiari n PCR 1944-1948), n Pro Minoritate, 1, Budapesta, 2007, pp.62-78, ISBN 963379384X. Revist internaional necotat ISI. 42. Novk Csaba, Fiatal trsadalomkutatk Marosvsrhelyen (Cercettori tineri n domeniul socio-uman la Trgu Mure), n Korunk, 10, 2007, pp.110111, ISSN 1222-8338. Revist naional cotat CNCSIS, categoria B. 43. Carmen Andra, Divizarea simbolic a Europei, n Observator Cultural, nr. 157 (415), 20-26 martie, 2008, pp. 14-15, ISSN 1454 9883.

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44. Ioan Chiorean, Dinamica i structura intelectualitii didactice din Transilvania ntre anii 1900-1918, n Studia Universitatis Petru Maior, seria Historia, Trgu-Mure, nr. 8/2008, ISSN 1582-8433. Revist recunoscut CNCSIS categoria B+. 45. Novak Csaba Zoltn, A nyits ve, 1968. A romniai magyar rtelmisgiek tallkozja Nicolae Ceausescuval (Anul deschiderii. ntlnire intelectualilor maghiari cu Nicolae Ceauescu), n Mltunk, 2/2008, Budapesta, pp. 229-266. ISSN 0864-96OX. Revist internaional necotat ISI. 46. Novak Csaba Zoltn, A romniai magyar kisebbsg helyzete. Petru Groza politikjnak magyar tmogatsa (Situaia minoritii maghiare. Sprijinirea politicii lui Petru Groza), n Kisebbsgi magyar kzssgek a 20. szzadban. (Comuniti minoritare maghiare n bazinul carpatic), Budapest, 2008, pp. 2004-210. ISBN 9789636930820. Revist internaional necotat ISI. 47. Novak Csaba Zoltn, A Brezsnyev doktrna s a szovjet nemzetisgpolitikai fordulat kelet-kzp-eurpai kvetkezmnyei (Doctrina lui Brejniev, politica sovitic fa de naionaliti i efectela sale n partea estic i central a Europei) n Kisebbsgi magyar kzssgek a 20. szzadban, Budapest, 2008, pp. 274-278. ISBN 9789636930820. Revist internaional necotat ISI. 48. Nicoleta Slcudeanu, Senzualismul spiritului, n Vatra, Trgu-Mure, nr. 6-7/2008, pp. 135-136, ISSN 1220-6334. Revist recunoscut CNCSIS categoria B. 49. Anca incan, Church state relations in communist and post communist Romania, n Studia Universitatis Petru Maior, seria Historia, TrguMure, nr. 8/2008, 4 pp., ISSN 1582-8433. Revist recunoscut CNCSIS categoria B+. 50. Corina Teodor, Patrimoniul cultural i tentaia redefinirii. O perspectiv istoriografic, n Studia Universitatis Petru Maior, seria Historia, TrguMure, nr. 8/2008, ISSN 1582-8433. Revist recunoscut CNCSIS categoria B+.

Capitole i articole n volume publicate la edituri recunoscute de CNCSIS sau edituri din strintate 1. Adrian Husar (coautor), Turda castrul de la Potaissa, n Mircea Victor Anghelescu (editor), Cronica cercetrilor arheologice din Romnia. Campania 2001, Bucureti, CIMEC Institutul de Memorie Cultural, 2002, pp. 227-228, ISBN: 973-85287-6-3.

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2. Adrian Husar, Norico-pannonii, Zusammenfassung: Die Noriker und die Pannonier, n M. Brbulescu (coord.), Funeraria Dacomana. Arheologia funerar a Daciei romane, Cluj-Napoca, Presa Universitar Clujean, 2003, pp. 350-393; pp. 513-516, ISBN 973-610-167-3. 3. Adrian Husar (coautor), Turda castrul de la Potaissa, n M. V. Anghelescu (editor), Cronica cercetrilor arheologice din Romnia. Campania 2002, Bucureti, CIMEC Institutul de Memorie Cultural, 2003, pp. 207-208, ISBN: 973-7930-02-9. 4. Grigore Ploeteanu, Revoluia de la 1848 din ara Romneasc reflectat n ziarul Die Constitution din Viena, n Identitate naional i spirit european Academician Dan Berindei la 80 de ani, Bucureti, Ed. Enciclopedic, 2003, pp.375-384, ISBN 973-45-045-1. 5. Cornel Sigmirean, Odiseea Fundaiei Gojdu 1918-2002, n Cornel Sigmirean, Emanuil Gojdu. Bicentenar, Bucureti, Ed. Academiei Romne, 2003, pp.175-183, ISBN 973-27-1040-3. 6. Adrian Husar (coautor), Turda castrul de la Potaissa, n M.V. Anghelescu (editor), Cronica cercetrilor arheologice din Romnia. Campania 2003, Bucureti, CIMEC Institutul de Memorie Cultural, 2004, pp. 201-202, ISBN: 973-7930-06-1. 7. Carmen Andra, Europeanness and Non-Europeanness in British Discourses about Contemporary Romania under the Sign of (East)Euroskepticism, n Simion Costea (coord.) For a Stronger and Wider European Union, Cluj Napoca, Napoca Star Publishing House, 2005, pp. 231247, ISSN 973-647-288-4. 8. Adrian Husar (coautor), Turda castrul de la Potaissa, n M.V. Anghelescu (editor), Cronica cercetrilor arheologice din Romnia. Campania 2004, Bucureti, CIMEC Institutul de Memorie Cultural, 2005, pp. 229-230, ISBN: 973-7930-03-7. 9. Adrian Husar, The Pre-History of the Idea of Europe, n Simion Costea (coord.), For a Stronger and Wider European Union, Cluj-Napoca, Napoca Star Publishing House, 2005, pp. 13-32, ISBN 973-647-288-4. 10. Olosz Katalin, Irodalom folklr kzkltszet hatrn. (Poezii ntre folclor i literatur n coleciile unor manuscrise de cntece din secolul al XIXlea), n Folklr s irodalom, Budapesta, Akadmiai Kiad, 2005, pp.40-46, ISBN 963058311-9. 11. Carmen Andra, Romania and its Images in Contemporary British Literature, n Carmen Andra, Steven Totosy de Zepetnek i Magdalena

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Marsovszky (co-editor), The New Central and East European Culture, Aachen: Shaker Verlag GmbH, 2006, pp. 7-20, ISBN 3-8322-5143-X. 12. Adrian Husar (coautor), Turda castrul de la Potaissa, n M. V. Anghelescu (ed.), Cronica cercetrilor arheologice din Romnia. Campania 2005, Bucureti, CIMEC Institutul de Memorie Cultural, 2006, pp. 377-378, ISBN: 973-7930-07-X. 13. Nicoleta Slcudeanu, n contra spiritului gregar i tradiiei rele, n Problema evreiasc. Perspective romneti (ediie alctuit i ngrijit de Aura Christi), Bucureti, Ideea European, 2006, pp. 150-153, ISBN (10) 973-769123-7; ISBN (13) 978-973-7691-23-1. 14. Anca incan, De la ce credeau bunicii la ce credem noi. Impactul perioadei comuniste i post comuniste asupra identitii religioase cteva consideraii teoretice, n Identitate cretin i dialog n noul context European, Alba Iulia, Ed. Rentregirea, 2006, p. 628-641, ISBN 973-7879-406. 15. Marian Zloag, Identitatea etnic a iganilor transilvneni n cultura sailor transilvneni n secolele 18 i 19, n Laura Stanciu (coord.), Sub semnul istoriei: idei, cuvinte, reprezentri, Alba Iulia, Ed. Aeternitas, 2006, pp. 285-309, ISBN 978-973-7942-56-2. 16. Carmen Andra, Praising or Blaming Communism in Romania from British Perspectives, n Andi Mihalache, Adrian Cioflanca (ed.), In media res. Studii de istorie cultural, Iai, Ed.Universitii Al. I. Cuza, 2007, pp. 469475, ISBN 978-973-703-278-2. 17. Carmen Andra, Spectrele lui Marx i (de)construirea Europei divizate, n Simion Costea (coordonator), Integrarea Romniei n Uniunea European. Provocri i perspective, Iai, Institutul European, 2007, pp. 91-107, ISBN 978-973-611-446-5. 18. Adrian Husar (coautor), Turda castrul de la Potaissa, n M.V.Anghelescu (editor), Cronica cercetrilor arheologice din Romnia. Campania 2006, Bucureti CIMEC Institutul de Memorie Cultural, 2007, pp. 384-385, ISBN: 978-973-87004-9-9. 19. Adrian Husar, Autocraie, magie i religie sub Valentinian I i Valens, n S. Nemeti (editor), Dacia Felix. Studia Michaeli Brbulescu oblata, ClujNapoca, Ed. Tribuna, 2007, pp. 462-470, ISBN 978-973-87264-8-2. 20. Novak Csaba Zoltn, membru expert la capitolul Minoritatea maghiar din Romnia n perioada comunist n Vladimir Tismneanu, Dorin Dobrincu, Cristian Vasile (editori), Comisia Prezidenial pentru Analiza Dictaturii

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Comuniste din Romnia. Raport final, Bucureti, Ed. Humanitas, 2007, pp.332351, ISBN 978-973-50-1836-8. 21. Cornel Sigmirean, Intelectualitatea transilvan i mediile de contact cu cultura european, n Cornel Sigmirean, Intelectualii i societatea modern. Repere central-europene, Trgu-Mure, Ed. Universitii Petru Maior, 2007, pp. 282-291, ISBN 978-973-7794-63-5. 22. Anca incan, Romania the exceptional case? Mechanisms of state control over the religious denominations, in the late 1940s and early 1950s, 17 pp., n Balazs Apor, Peter Apor and Arfon Rees, New Perspectives in the Sovietization and Modernization of Central and Eastern Europe, 1945-1968, Washington, DC: New Academia Publishers, 2007. 23. Anca incan, membru expert la capitolul Regimul comunist i cultele religioase n Vladimir Tismneanu, Dorin Dobrincu, Cristian Vasile (editori), Comisia Prezidenial pentru Analiza Dictaturii Comuniste din Romnia. Raport final, Bucureti, Ed. Humanitas, 2007, pp.258-287, ISBN 978-973-501836-8. 24. Marian Zloag, The demise that made the difference. Self - and hetero reflection of dying and death in Transylvanian Saxons Culture of the 18th and 19th centuries, n Death and Civilisation, coord. Mihaela Grancea, Cluj, Ed. Crii de tiin, 2007, pp. 450-501, ISBN 978-973133-166-9 25. Marian Zloag (colaborator), subcapitolul Romii n Vladimir Tismneanu, Dorin Dobrincu, Cristian Vasile (editori), Comisia Prezidenial pentru Analiza Dictaturii Comuniste din Romnia. Raport final, Bucureti, Ed. Humanitas, 2007, pp. 390-394, ISBN: 978-973-50-1836-8. 26. Carmen Andra, La frontiera dintre Orient i Occident. Romnia n literatura de cltorie britanic, n Romania Constantinescu (coord.), Identitate de frontier n Europa lrgit. Perspective comparate, Iai, Ed. Polirom, 2008, pp. 215-224, ISBN 978-973-46-1234-5. 27. Carmen Andra, Recreating Romantic Sublimity: British Lady Travellers in North America, n Andi Mihalache i Alexandru Istrate (editori), Romantismul ipostaze, reevaluri, polemici, Iai, Ed. Universitii Al. I. Cuza, 2008, (volum predat la tipar). 28. Nicoleta Slcudeanu, n volumul Arcade, Antologie de texte ale membrilor Uniunii Scriitorilor din Romnia, Filiala Trgu-Mure, Trgu-Mure, Ed. Ardealul, 2008, pp. 165-169, ISBN 978-973-8406-55-1. 29. Anca incan, From Bottom to the Top and Back: On How to Build a Church in Communist Romania n Bruce Berglund, Brian Porter (editori), Eastern European Christianity, Budapest: CEU Press, 2009, 32 pp.

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30. Cornel Sigmirean, Elitele intelectuale romneti din Transilvania (17011918), n Mihai Gheorghiu, Mihi Lupu (coord.), Mobilitatea elitelor n Romnia secolului XX, Piteti, Ed. Paralela 45, 2008, pp.109-124, ISBN 978973-47-0339-5. 31. Simon Zsolt, Brass kereskedelmi elitje az 1503. vi huszadnapl alapjn. (Elita comercial a Braovului pe baza socotelii de vigesim din 1503), n Urbs. Magyar Vrostrtneti vknyv 3, Budapesta, 2008, ISSN 1787-6753. 32. Simon Zsolt, Az els szebeni nyomtatvnyok 1525-bl (Primele tiprituri din Sibiu din 1525) n Magyar Knyvszemle 124, Budapesta, 2008, ISSN 00250171. 33. Marian Zloag, Die 'Zigeunerin' als 'Hexe'. Eine Analyse der gegenwrtigen und historischen Dimension eines Diskurses und seiner Bedeutung fr Identitt, in Uerlings, Herbert / Patrut, Iulia-Karin (Hrsg.) 'Zigeuner' und Nation Reprsentation - Inklusion - Exklusion, Frankfurt am Main, Berlin, Bern, Bruxelles, New York, Oxford, Wien, Peter Lang Verlag, 2008, p. 551-569, ISBN 978-3-631-57996-1.

Lucrri tiinifice prezentate la conferine internaionale cu comitet de program 1. Carmen Andra, Romania and Its Images in Contemporary British Literature la Conferina Internaional The Cultures of Post-1989 Central and East Europe, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, al Academiei Romne, de Universitatea Petru Maior din TrguMure i de Universitatea Martin Luther din Halle-Wittenberg, Germania, Trgu-Mure, 21-23 august 2003. 2. Carmen Andra, Looking for Romania. Psychological Quest and Detective Investigation in Contemporary British Fiction, la Conferina The Unifying Aspect of Cultures, the Research Institute for Austrian and International Literature and Cultural Studies, Viena, noiembrie 2003. 3. Vasile Cernat, Dynamics of ethnic Stereotypes in post-communist Romania, Conferina Internaional The Cultures of Post-1989 Central and East Europe, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, al Academiei Romne, de Universitatea Petru Maior din TrguMure i de Universitatea Martin Luther din Halle-Wittenberg, Germania, Trgu-Mure, 21-23 august 2003.

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4. Ioan Chiorean, Pledoarie pentru studiul tradiiilor istorice comune ale popoarelor din spaiul post-comunist, Conferina Internaional The Cultures of Post-1989 Central and East Europe, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, al Academiei Romne, de Universitatea Petru Maior din Trgu-Mure i de Universitatea Martin Luther din HalleWittenberg, Germania, Trgu-Mure, 21-23 august 2003. 5. Grigore Ploeteanu, Istoriografia romn i istoriografia de dup 1989 privind revoluia de la 1848-1849, Conferina Internaional The Cultures of Post-1989 Central and East Europe, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, al Academiei Romne, de Universitatea Petru Maior din Trgu-Mure i de Universitatea Martin Luther din HalleWittenberg, Germania, Trgu-Mure, 21-23 august 2003. 6. Grigore Ploeteanu, Dimitrie Cantemir - personalitate de renume european, Sesiunea internaional a Institutului de Cercetri al Romnilor din Ungaria, Gyula, Ungaria, noiembrie 2003. 7. Nicoleta Slcudeanu, The New Conditions of the Exile in Post-communist Societies Conferina Internaional The Cultures of Post-1989 Central and East Europe, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, al Academiei Romne, de Universitatea "Petru Maior" din TrguMure i de Universitatea Martin Luther din Halle-Wittenberg, Germania, Trgu-Mure, 21-23 august 2003. 8. Corina Teodor, Istoria bisericii ortodoxe (sec.XVIII-XX) n istoriografia romn i bulgar a anilor 1990-2000, Conferina Internaional The Cultures of Post-1989 Central and East Europe, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, al Academiei Romne, de Universitatea Petru Maior din Trgu-Mure i de Universitatea Martin Luther din HalleWittenberg, Germania, Trgu-Mure, 21-23 august 2003. 9. Marian Zloag, Reformismul iosefin n istoriografia sseasc n secolele XVIII-XX. Cteva repere, Conferina Internaional The Cultures of Post1989 Central and East Europe, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri SocioUmane Gheorghe incai, al Academiei Romne, de Universitatea Petru Maior din Trgu-Mure i de Universitatea Martin Luther din HalleWittenberg, Germania, Trgu-Mure, 21-23 august 2003. 10. Carmen Andra, Balkanist Stereotypes, Gendered Nations and Literarization of Romania in Contemporary British Literature la Conferina internaional Bonnes et Mauvaises Moeurs dans les Socits des Balkans, New Europe College, cole Doctarale en Sciences Sociales, Bucureti, martie 2004.

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11. Adrian Husar, Dona, donaria: forme specifice de exprimare a devoiunii n religia roman din Dacia, la Sesiunea tiinific internaional (ed. a III-a) Identitate naional spirit european, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai i Catedra de Istorie a Universitii Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, mai 2004. 12. Novk Csaba, Manifestarea identitii naionale n perioada instaurrii comunismului n Romnia, la Sesiunea tiinific internaional (ed. a III-a) Identitate naional - spirit european, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai i Catedra de Istorie a Universitii Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, mai 2004. 13. Grigore Ploeteanu, Relaii tiinifice ntre Academia Romn i Academia Ungar de tiine n sec. al XIX-lea, Sesiunea internaional a Institutului de Cercetri al Romnilor din Ungaria, Gyula, Ungaria, noiembrie 2004. 14. Cornel Sigmirean, Preoii romni din Transilvania secolului al XVIII-lea i al XIX-lea i receptarea spiritului european al epocii, la Sesiunea tiinific internaional (ed. a III-a) Identitate naional - spirit european, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai i Catedra de Istorie a Universitii Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, mai 2004. 15. Anca incan, Inventing Ecumenism? Inter-confessional Dialogue in Transylvania, Romania in the 1960s, Intercultural Communication. New Perspectives in European History, European University Institute, Florena, Italia, iunie, 2004. 16. Anca incan, The state of the art: how Church and State related in communist Romania, Third Jerusalem School in Comparative History Political Religions from Antiquity to Post-Modernity, Hebrew University, Ierusalim, Israel, iunie 2004. 17. Corina Teodor, Raiuni de stat i strategii matrimoniale n Moldova lui tefan cel Mare, la Sesiunea tiinific internaional (ed. a III-a) Identitate naional - spirit european, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai i Catedra de Istorie a Universitii Petru Maior, TrguMure, mai 2004. 18. Marian Zloag, ntre istorie i sociologie. Un examen. al iganologiei romneti din ultimele dou decenii, la Sesiunea tiinific internaional (ed. a III-a) Identitate naional - spirit european, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai i Catedra de Istorie a Universitii Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, mai 2004.

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19. Carmen Andra, British Travel Literature in the 19th Century: Transdisciplinarity and Genre Crossing, Innovations and Reproductions in Cultures and Societies, the Research Institute for Austrian and International Literature and Cultural Studies, Viena, decembrie 2005. 20. Carmen Andra, Pentru o definire a elitelor culturale din perioada comunist, Sesiunea tiinific internaional (ed. a IV-a) Elite culturale, prioriti politice o reconstituire istoric, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai i Catedra de Istorie a Universitii Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, mai 2005. 21. Ioan Chiorean, Traian Horia Pop: medalion biografic, Sesiunea tiinific internaional (ed. a IV-a) Elite culturale, prioriti politice o reconstituire istoric, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai i Catedra de Istorie a Universitii Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, mai 2005. 22. Ioan Chiorean, Politica colar a guberniului i dietei Transilvaniei n epoca luminilor, Conferina internaional Integrarea european - ntre tradiie i modernitate, organizat de Universitatea Petru Maior, TrguMure, septembrie 2005. 23. Adrian Husar, Elite sociale i politice n Dacia roman, Sesiunea tiinific internaional (ed. a IV-a) Elite culturale, prioriti politice: o reconstituire istoric, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai i Catedra de Istorie a Universitii Petru Maior, TrguMure, mai 2005. 24. Adrian Husar, Ideea de Europa n Antichitatea greco-roman, Conferina Internaional Integrarea european ntre tradiie i modernitate (IETM I), organizat de Universitatea Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, septembrie 2005. 25. Novk Csaba, Formarea i organizarea elitei politice n Regiunea Autonom Maghiar, la sesiunea Naiunea n societate, Institutul Central European Teleki Lszl, Budapesta, Ungaria, septembrie 2004, 26. Novk Csaba, Intelectuali maghiari n conflict cu noile autoriti comuniste, Sesiunea tiinific internaional (ed. a IV-a) Elite culturale, prioriti politice: o reconstituire istoric, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai i Catedra de Istorie a Universitii Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, mai 2005. 27. Grigore Ploeteanu, ntre politic i cultur destinul unui intelectual transilvnean n a doua jumtate a sec. al XIX-lea Anania Trombita, Sesiunea tiinific internaional (ed. a IV-a) Elite culturale, prioriti politice: o reconstituire istoric, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-

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Umane Gheorghe incai i Catedra de Istorie a Universitii Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, mai 2005. 28. Grigore Ploeteanu, Atitudinea Guvernului de la Pesta fa de revoluia din ara Romneasc (iunie-septembrie 1848), Sesiunea internaional a Institutului de Cercetri al Romnilor din Ungaria, Gyula, Ungaria, octombrie 2005. 29. Nicoleta Slcudeanu, Moartea realismului socialist i renaterea experimentalismului. Micarea oniric, la Sesiunea tiinific internaional Elite culturale, prioriti politice o reconstituire istoric, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai al Academiei Romne i Universitatea Petru Maior, mai 2005 30. Nicoleta Slcudeanu, Sincronismul postbelic, European Integration: Between Tradition and Modernity, Universitatea Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, septembrie 2005. 31. Cornel Sigmirean, Profilul intelectual al elitei politice romneti de la 1918, Sesiunea tiinific internaional (ed. a IV-a) Elite culturale, prioriti politice o reconstituire istoric, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri SocioUmane Gheorghe incai i Universitatea Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, mai 2005. 32. Cornel Sigmirean, Des Fondations destinees a stipendier le Romains de Transilvanie, Des Fondations destinees a stipendier le Romains de Transilvanie, iunie 2005. 33. Anca incan, Mechanisms of State Control over Religious Denominations in Romania in the late 1940s and early 1950s, New Perspectives on Sovietization and Modernity in Central and Eastern Europe 1945-1964, Sixth East European Regional Seminar in Recent History, Pasts Inc., Center for Historical Studies, Budapesta, Ungaria, iunie 2005. 34. Anca incan, Ecumenism as Politics Patterns in the Solution of Romanian Orthodox Church Romanian Greek Catholic Church Crisis in the Early 1990s, Faith-based Radicalism: Christianity, Islam and Judaism between Constructive Activism and Destructive Fanaticism, Universitair Centrum SintIgnatius Antwerpen, Belgia, septembrie 2005. 35. Anca incan, From public to private and back institutional religion in communist Romania, The impact of Social and Cultural Theories on Historical Approaches to the European Public Sphere, Culture and Politics, BKVGE, Free University Berlin, Germania, octombrie 2005. 36. Anca incan, For God and the Motherland The nationalist discourse of the Romanian Orthodox Church during the Second World War, The Orthodox

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Churches in Eastern and Southeastern Europe during the World War II, Ionian University, Corfu, Grecia, noiembrie 2005. 37. Corina Teodor, Din universul elitei ecleziastice romneti: A.aguna, la conferina internaional Integrarea european - ntre tradiie i modernitate, organizat de Universitatea Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, septembrie 2005. 38. Carmen Andra, British Travel Literature about Romania in the 18-19th Centuries, Sixth European Social Science History Conference, International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam, martie 2006. 39. Carmen Andra, Between modernity and primitivism, barbarity and civilization: British Representations about Romania in the 18-19th centuries, Modernity: Crisis of Value and Judgment, Universitatea Bucureti, Facultatea de litere, Secia limba i literatura englez, Bucureti, iunie 2006. 40. Carmen Andra, ntre utopie i distopie: imagini ale Romniei din perioada comunist n literatura de cltorie britanic, la sesiunea internaional Cltoria: spaiu al cunoaterii i comunicrii culturale, The travel: a space of knowledge and cultural communication, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, Trgu Mure, iunie 2006. 41. Ioan Chiorean, Cltoriile de studii n Boemia i Moravia ale economistului transilvnean Ioan Neagoe, la sesiunea internaional Cltoria: spaiu al cunoaterii i comunicrii culturale, The travel: a space of knowledge and cultural communication, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai i Catedra de Istorie Relaii Internaionale a Universitii Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, iunie 2006. 42. Grigore Ploeteanu, Viaa, activitatea i opera lui Augustin Maior, Sesiunea internaional a Institutului de Cercetri al Romnilor din Ungaria, Gyula, Ungaria, noiembrie 2006. 43. Cornel Sigmirean, Europa de la sfritul secolului al XIX-lea i nceputul secolului al XX-lea vzut de studenii romni de la universitile europene, la sesiunea internaional Cltoria: spaiu al cunoaterii i comunicrii culturale, The travel: a space of knowledge and cultural communication, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai i Universitatea Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, iunie 2006. 44. Anca incan, From Bottom to the Top and Back: On How to Build a Church in Communist Romania, Religion and the Challenges of Modernity: Christian Churches in 19th and 20th century Eastern Europe, organized by the German Historical Institute, Varovia, Polonia, iunie 2006.

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45. Marian Zloag, Between self confessional identity and state policy. Saxons and Habsburgs on the Transylvanians Gypsy religious customs (from 17th to first the 19th Century), Power, State, and Society: Interdisciplinary Approaches to Discourses, Social Groups And Agency in Central and Eastern Europe, CEU Graduate Conference in the Humanities and Social Studies, Central European University Budapesta, mai 2006. 46. Marian Zloag, Comportament cultural sau strategii de supravieuire. Consideraii teoretice privind nomadismul iganilor, la sesiunea internaional Cltoria: spaiu al cunoaterii i comunicrii culturale, The travel: a space of knowledge and cultural communication, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai i Universitatea Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, iunie 2006. 47. Novk Csaba, Momentul 1956 i activitii de partid, la Sesiunea internaional organizat de Institutul de Istorie Politic din Budapesta, octombrie 2006. 48. Novk Csaba, Magyarok az RKP-ban 1944-1948 (Maghiari n PCR 19441948). Al V-lea Congres internaional de Hungarologie, Debrecen, Ungaria, 2006. 49. Novk Csaba, Efectele revoluiei maghiare din 1956 n Romnia, Sesiunea internaional organizat de Muzeul Judeean Zala din Zalaegerszeg, Ungaria, noiembrie 2006. 50. Novk Csaba, Elita maghiar din Transilvania i momentul 1956, Sesiunea internaional organizat de EME din Cluj-Napoca, noiembrie 2006. 51. Marian Zloag, Rasa utilizarea i funcia unei mrci identitare la igani/ rromii din Romnia contemporan, la work shop-ul Identitate n constructie in spatii multiculturale, organizat de Institutul de cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai i Asociaia Present Unlimited, Trgu-Mure, septembrie 2006. 52. Carmen Andra, Nation, Gender and Inter/war Romana in British Literature, la sesiunea tiinific internaional Continuitate i discontinuitate n relaiile Est-Vest/Continuity and discontinuity in East-West relationships, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai i Universitatea Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, mai 2007. 53. Carmen Andra, Why come to Romania. The image of communist Romania in British literature, -seciunea organizat de Carmen Andra: The travel: knowledge, communication and/or power (Cltoria: cunoatere, comunicare i/sau putere) pentru Conferina internaional Knowledge, creativity and transformations of societies, The Research Institute for Austrian

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and International Literature and Cultural Sciences, decembrie 2007. http://www.inst.at/kctos/sektionen_a-f/andras.htm 54. Ioan Chiorean, Rolul mediilor cultural-tiinifice europene n formarea primelor elite culturale din Transilvania, la sesiunea tiinific internaional Continuitate i discontinuitate n relaiile Est-Vest/Continuity and discontinuity in East-West relationships, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai i Universitatea Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, mai 2007. 55. Ioan Chiorean, Tradiie i modernitate european n politica cultural a Transilvaniei n perioada principatului autonom, Integrarea european - ntre tradiie i modernitate, ediia a II-a, Universitatea Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, septembrie 2007. 56. Maria Costea, Between Berlin and Moscow. Romanian-Bulgarian Relations after the Munich Agreement-1938, la sesiunea tiinific internaional Continuitate i discontinuitate n relaiile Est-Vest/Continuity and discontinuity in East-West relationships, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai i Universitatea Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, mai 2007. 57. Adrian Husar, Roma i Antiochia: Politic i religie sub Valentinian I i Valens, la sesiunea tiinific internaional Continuitate i discontinuitate n relaiile Est-Vest/Continuity and discontinuity in East-West relationships, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai i a Catedrei de Istorie i Relaii Internaionale a Universitii Petru Maior, TrguMure, mai 2007. 58. Adrian Husar, Politic i toleran n Imperiul Roman Trziu: Valentinian I i Valens, Conferina Internaional Integrarea european ntre tradiie i modernitate (IETM II), Universitatea Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, septembrie 2007. 59. Cornel Sigmirean, Studeni ai Diecesei de Alba Iulia i Fgra la instituiile de nvmnt superior din Roma (1854-1948), Sesiunea tiinific internaional Continuitate si discontinuitate n relaiile Est-Vest/Continuity and discontinuity in East-West relationships, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai i Catedra de Istorie i Relaii Internaionale a Universitii Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, mai 2007. 60. Cornel Sigmirean, Dilemele modernitii. Studeni romni la Budapesta (sfritul secolului al XIX-lea - nceputul secolului XX), Integrarea european - ntre tradiie i modernitate, ediia a II-a, Universitatea Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, septembrie 2007.

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61. Anca incan, Managing mischief authority and control in the State Church relationship, European Consortium for Political Research Workshop, 'Religion & Politics', Helsinki, Finlanda, mai 2007. 62. Anca incan, Turning Greek Catholics Into Orthodox: Church-Building in a Transylvanian Village in the 1980s, Revisiting South Eastern Europe: Comparative Social History of the 19th and 20th Centuries, Institut fr soziale Bewegungen Ruhr-Universitt Bochum, Germania, ianuarie 2007. 63. Marian Zloag, Two Worlds - There Perspectives. Which Place Do Gypsies/Romanies Belong(ed) To? Short Historiographical Considerations, Sesiunea tiinific internaional Continuitate i discontinuitate n relaiile Est-Vest/Continuity and discontinuity in East-West relationships, organizat de Institutului de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai i Catedra de Istorie i Relaii Internaionale a Universitii Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, mai 2007. 64. Marian Zloag, Past and present in analyzing Gypsies/ Rromanies witchcraft. Discursive coordinates and identity implications, Conferina internaional organizat de Universitatea Trier, Muzeul Naional Astra, Sibiu, iunie 2007. 65. Mariana Ploeteanu, Mereu n Europa. Mesaje de tron i scrisori ale Principelui Carol I, la sesiunea tiinific internaional Continuitate si discontinuitate n relaiile Est-Vest/Continuity and discontinuity in East-West relationships, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai i Catedra de Istorie i Relaii Internaionale a Universitii Petru Maior, Trgu-Mure, mai 2007. 66. Mariana Ploeteanu, Queen Marie's travels abroad. In search of beauty and diplomatic relations, - seciunea organizat de Carmen Andra: The travel: knowledge, communication and/or power (Cltoria: cunoatere, comunicare i/sau putere) pentru Conferina internaional Knowledge, creativity and transformations of societies, The Research Institute for Austrian and International Literature and Cultural Sciences, decembrie 2007. http://www.inst.at/kctos/sektionen_a-f/andras.htm 67. Novak Csaba Zoltn, Criza regimului comunist din Romnia vzut de diplomaia maghiar la conferina internaional Criza regimurilor comuniste din Europa de Est, Piteti, 2008. 68. Nicoleta Slcudeanu, Literatura la prezentul continuu la Festivalul Internaional Zile i nopi de literatur, Colocviul Viitorul literaturii, literatura viitorului, Anul european al dialogului intercultural, Mangalia-Neptun, 7 11 iunie 2008.

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69. Anca incan, So all could be one. Turning Greek Catholics into Orthodox: From central policy to local solutions in Communist Romania, la 13th Annual World Convention of the Association for the Study of Nationalities Nation, Identity, Conflict, and the State, Columbia University, New York, US, 10-12 Aprilie 2008. 70. Cornel Sigmirean, Rolul Academiei militare Ludovika din Budapesta n formarea ofierilor, la sesiunea tiinific internaional Arhivele i cercetarea istoric, organizat de Ministerul Administraiei i Internelor. Arhivele Naionale i Universitatea Petru Maior, Sovata, 22 mai 2008. 71. Cornel Sigmirean, Preot romn n Austro-Ungaria, la Simpozionul anual al cercettorilor din Ungaria, organizat de Institutul de Cercetri al Romnilor din Ungaria, Gyula, 29-30 noiembrie 2008. 72. Simon Zsolt, The fiscal obligations of the Transylvanian Saxons during the reign of Matthias Corvinus, la conferina internaional Between Worlds. Matthias Corvinus and his Time, Cluj-Napoca, 23-26 octombrie 2008. 73. Simon Zsolt, Wages in Salt-mining in Medieval Hungary. la conferina internaional VIII. European Social Science History Conference, Lisabona, 27 februarie 1 martie 2008. 74. Simon Zsolt, The commercial relations between the Hungarian Kingdom and Wallachia and Moldavia during the reign of Mathias Corvinus, la conferina internaional Matthias and his legacy. Cultural and political encounters between East and West, Debrein, 18-19 septembrie 2008. 75. Corina Teodor, Lectura la feminin. O analiz dinspre societatea romneasc a sec. XVII-XVIII, la colocviul internaional Cartea. Romnia. Europa, Bucureti, 20-23 septembrie 2008. 76. Marian Zloag, German Tziganologie and Transylvanian feedbacks: Saxons and Romanians productions on homeland Gypsies in the 18th and 19th centuries la Germany and Romania: Academic, Cultural and Ideological Transfers. Conference and Summer School, Rumnisches Kulturinstitut "Titu Maiorescu" Berlin, 2008.

Cri elaborate n cadrul unor proiecte de cercetare 1. 2004, Nicoleta Slcudeanu - coordonator de program. Lucrarea de referin: napoi la proletcultism, n cadrul grantului oferit de Ministerul Culturii i Cultelor i de Uniunea Scriitorilor. 2. 2005, Nicoleta Slcudeanu, Studiul: La mort du realisme-socialiste et la renaissance de l'experimentalisme. Le mouvement onirique realizat n cadrul

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grantului oferit de Ministerul Afacerilor Externe prin Ambasada Romn la Paris i Institutul Cultural Romn. 3. 2006, Carmen Andra, Cartea: The New Central an East European Culture, (coeditor Carmen Andra, Steven Totosy de Zepetnek i Magdalena Marsovszky, Aachen: Shaker Verlag GmbH, 2006, ISBN 3-8322-5143-X, 400 pp., n cadrul contractului internaional Comparative Central and East European Culture and Media Studies. 4. 2006, Nicoleta Slcudeanu - coordonator de program. Lucrare de referin: "Pelerinajul i cltoria n realismul socialist", n cadrul grantului oferit de Ministerul Culturii i Cultelor i de Uniunea Scriitorilor. 5. 2007, Nicoleta Slcudeanu - coordonator de program. Lucrare de referin: "Keith Hitchins i istoria romnilor", n cadrul grantului oferit de Ministerul Culturii i Cultelor i de Uniunea Scriitorilor. 6. 2007, Maria Costea coordonator. Cartea: Integrarea Romniei n UE: provocri i perspective, Iai, Institutul European, 2007, 300 pp., ISBN 978973-611-446-5 (elaborat n cadrul "Jean Monnet Project"). 7. 2007, Cornel Sigmirean - cartea: Intelectualii i societatea modern. Repere central-europene, Trgu-Mure, Ed. Universitii Petru Maior", 2007, 454 pp., realizat n cadrul grantului CNCSIS Intelectualii romni i receptarea valorilor politice, culturale i economice ale Europei secolului al XIX-lea. 8. 2008, Carmen Andra (editor), Cartea: New Directions in Travel Writing and Travel Studies, Aachen, Ed. Shaker, 2008, 560 pp. (volum predat la tipar).

Contracte de cercetare naionale i internaionale finanate din fonduri publice, respectiv din fonduri private 1. Proiectul internaional Comparative Central and East European Culture and Media Studies (Studii comparate privind culturile i mass-media Europei Centrale i de Est), (http://clcwebjournal.lib.purdue.edu/cecms.html ) derulat de ctre Universitatea Martin Luther Halle-Wittenberg, Germania i Universitatea Purdue, Canada i SUA. Director: Steven Totosy de Zepetnek (Profesor, Universitatea din Halle-Wittenberg, Germania i Universitatea Purdue, Canada i SUA). Proiectul este n derulare ncepnd cu anul 2003. Am participat la acest proiect n calitate de co-organizator al Conferinei internaionale The Cultures of Post-1989 Central and East Europe (Culturile Europei Centrale i de Est dup 1989), Trgu Mure, 2003, Institutul de Cercetri Socio - Umane Gheorghe incai fiind instituia organizatoare din Romnia.

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(http://clcwebjournal.lib.purdue.edu/library/centraleuropeconference(2003).htm l). Tot n cadrul proiectului, cercettoarea dr. Carmen Andra este co-editor, mpreun cu Steven Totosy de Zepetnek (Canada) i Magdalena Marsovszky (Germania), al volumului The New Central and East European Culture, Aachen: Shaker Verlag GmbH, 2006, 400 pp., coninnd lucrrile conferinei susmenionate (http://www.shaker.de/). Organizarea Conferinei The Cultures of Post-1989 Central and East Europe, i-a revenit Institutului de Cercetri Socio - Umane Gheorghe incai, prin participarea la proiect, finanarea conferinei a revenit Consiliului Judeean Mure (20.000 RON), n timp ce publicarea volumului (10.000 Euro) i diseminarea informaiilor au revenit prin contract, Universitii Martin Luther Halle-Wittenberg, Germania i Universitii Purdue, Canada i SUA, prin directorul de program, Steven Totosy de Zepetnek. 2. Dr. Carmen Andra face parte din proiectul internaional The Politics of Culture: Nationhood, Citizenship and Interculturalism in the New Europe (Politici culturale: naiune, cetenie i interculturalism n noua Europ) 20072013, coordonat de Universitatea Complutense, Madrid, Spania mpreun cu Northeastern University, Boston, S.U.A. Responsabilii de program: Prof. Dr. Dmaso Lpez Garcia (Coordonator, Decan al Facultii de tiine umane, Universitatea Complutense, Madrid), Prof. Dr. Asuncin Lpez-Varela Azcrate (Secretar al proiectului), Profesor, Universitatea Complutense, Madrid, Spania) i Steven Totosy de Zepetnek (Profesor, Universitatea HalleWittenberg, Germania i Northeastern University, Boston, S.U.A.). http://www.ucm.es/info/comparativeculturalstudies.org/pcnic.html . n cadrul acestui proiect, dr. Carmen Andra va publica o carte de autor Romania and Its Images in British Literature and Film i va edita i coordona volumul intitulat New Directions in Travel Writing and Travel Studies. Ambele volume vor aprea la Editura Shaker, Germania, n colecia Books in Comparative Culture, Media and Communication Studies http://www.shaker.eu/catalogue/booklist.asp?Reihe=451 i vor fi finanate de organizatorii internaionali ai proiectului n colaborare cu Editura Shaker. 3. Maria Costea particip la aciuni de implementare n Trgu-Mure a JEAN MONNET PROJECT (European Module), grant aprobat i finanat de Comisia Europeana de la Bruxelles pe anii 2003-2008 n Universitatea Petru Maior din Trgu-Mure. Identificare: ref.C03/0105, contractul nr.2003-3376/001 JMO JMO. Beneficiar: Universitatea Petru Maior Trgu-Mure. Directorul

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proiectului este conf.univ.dr. Simion Costea. JEAN MONNET PROJECT este un prestigios program academic prin care Comisia European de la Bruxelles finaneaz i promoveaz studiile de integrare european la nivel de excelen n universitile din UE i din lume: predarea de cursuri, publicarea de cri, organizarea de simpozioane. In procesul de implementare a proiectului, m-am implicat activ n organizarea de manifestri tiinifice i didactice la TrguMure. 4. 2008/2011: Dr. Carmen Andra, director de proiect Dicionarul imagologic al oraelor din Romnia reprezentate n literatura de cltorie britanic, CNCSIS, Program Idei, Proiecte de cercetare exploratorie, domeniul 14, nr. crt. 82, Cod CNCSIS 1656, n valoare de 700 000 RON. Proiectul reprezint o abordare interdisciplinar a reprezentrii spaiului locuit al alteritii, respectiv spaiul urban al Romniei n viziune britanic. Acesta va realiza n premier o imagine sintetic a civilizaiei urbane din Romnia reprezentat de cltorii britanici ai secolelor XVIII - XX. Rezultatele proiectului, constnd n publicarea de articole, capitole n cri, organizarea i participarea la conferine i, n final, publicarea dicionarului la Editura Shaker, Germania, vor fi diseminate n mod eficient datorit resurselor umane i materiale ale Institutului de Cercetri Socio-Umane Gheorghe incai, lund n considerare faptul c cercetarea, elaborarea de cri i diseminarea lor constituie activitile principale ale sale.

Programe de cercetare 2002-2003 - Program de cercetare nr. 1: Dacia postaurelian n epoca migraiilor, responsabil: conf. univ. dr. Adrian Husar, cercettor tiinific gr. II; - Program de cercetare nr. 2: Intelectualitatea i societatea transilvnean n epocile modern, responsabil: dr. Ioan Chiorean, cercettor tiinific gr. I; - Program de cercetare nr. 3: Romnia i integrarea european. Tradiii i continuitate, responsabil: dr. Grigore Ploeteanu, cercettor tiinific gr. I. 2003-2004 - Program de cercetare nr. 1: Antichitatea trzie, responsabil: conf. univ. dr. Adrian Husar, cercettor tiinific gr. II; - Program de cercetare nr. 2: Elita i societatea romneasc pe calea modernizrii, responsabil: dr. Ioan Chiorean, cercettor tiinific gr. I;

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- Program de cercetare nr. 3: Romnia i integrarea european. tradiii i continuitate, responsabil: dr. Grigore Ploeteanu, cercettor tiinific gr. I. 2004-2005 - Program de cercetare nr. 1: Dicionare biografice, responsabil: dr. Grigore Ploeteanu, cercettor tiinific gr. I.; - Program de cercetare nr. 2: Antichitatea trzie, responsabil: conf. univ. dr. Adrian Husar, cercettor tiinific gr. II; - Program de cercetare nr. 3: Intelectualitatea n istoria modern a Transilvaniei, responsabil: dr. Ioan Chiorean, cercettor tiinific gr. I; 2005-2006 - Program de cercetare nr. 1: Dicionare biografice, responsabil: dr. Grigore Ploeteanu, cercettor tiinific principal gr. I; - Program de cercetare nr. 2: Antichitatea trzie, responsabil: conf. univ. dr. Adrian Husar, cercettor tiinific gr. II; 2006-2007 - Program de cercetare nr. 1: Dicionare biografice, responsabil: dr. Grigore Ploeteanu, cercettor tiinific principal gr. I; - Program de cercetare nr. 2: Antichitatea trzie, responsabil: conf. univ. dr. Adrian Husar, cercettor tiinific gr. II; 2007-2008 - Program de cercetare nr. 1: Dicionare biografice, responsabil: dr. Ioan Chiorean, cercettor tiinific principal gr. I; - Program de cercetare nr. 2: Antichitatea trzie, responsabil: conf. univ. dr. Adrian Husar, cercettor tiinific gr. II; 2002-2005 Cercettoarele Dr. Carmen Andra, Dr. Nicoleta Slcudean i Olosz Katalin au fost autoarele unui numr important de articole legate de presa literar din Romnia, la Dicionarul General al Literaturii Romne, lucrare fundamental aprut sub coordonarea Academiei Romne, din care au fost deja publicate 5 volume: 1) Academia Romn, Dicionarul general al literaturii romne, vol. 1, A-B, Bucureti, Editura Univers Enciclopedic, 2004, ISBN 973-637-071-2; 2) Academia Romn, Dicionarul general al literaturii romne, vol. 2, C-D, Bucureti, Editura Univers Enciclopedic, 2004, ISBN 973-637-072-0; 3) Academia Romn, Dicionarul general al literaturii romne, vol. 3, E-K, Bucureti, Editura Univers Enciclopedic, 2005, ISBN 973-637-111-5; 4) Academia Romn, Dicionarul general al literaturii romne, vol. 4, L-O, Bucureti, Editura Univers Enciclopedic, 2005, ISBN 973-637-111-5;

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5) Academia Romn, Dicionarul general al literaturii romne, vol. 5, P, Bucureti, Editura Univers Enciclopedic, 2006, ISBN 973-637-138-7.

Premii 1. Nicoleta Slcudeanu, Pentru volumul Patria de hrtie. Eseu despre exil: - nominalizare la Premiile Uniunii Scriitorilor, la seciunea critic, eseu, istorie literar, pe anul 2003 - Premiul Uniunii Scriitorilor, Filiala Mure, pentru critic i istorie literar - Premiul Dafora, pentru istorie literar, 2004 2. Carmen Andra, Premiul Asociaiei pentru Literatur General i Comparat din Romnia pentru cartea Romnia i imaginile ei n literatura britanic. Un spaiu de frontier cultural. (2004) 3. Carmen Andra, Premiul Uniunii Scriitorilor din Romnia pentru cartea Romnia i imaginile ei n literatura britanic. Un spaiu de frontier cultural. (2004) 4. Carmen Andra, nominalizat pentru Marele Premiu Prometheus (Opera Prima) pentru cartea Romnia i imaginile ei n literatura britanic. Un spaiu de frontier cultural. (2004) 5. Adrian Husar, Premiul Emil Condurachi al Ministerului Culturii i Cultelor Comisia Naional de Arheologie pentru proiectul Castrul de la Turda (mpreun cu Prof. Dr. Mihai Brbulescu i Dr. Ana Ctina). (2004) 6. Corina Teodor, Premiul George Bariiu al Academia Romn pentru cartea Coridoare istoriografice. O incursiune n universul scrisului ecleziastic romnesc din Transilvania anilor 1850-1920. (2005) 7. Nicoleta Slcudeanu, nominalizat la Premiile Uniunii Scriitorilor, seciunea critic, eseu, istorie literar, memorialistic, pentru volumul Pasiene. (2005) 8. Grigore Ploeteanu, Ordinul Meritul pentru nvmnt n grad de ofier. 9. Grigore Ploeteanu, Diplom de excelen a judeului Mure. 10. Grigore Ploeteanu, Diplom de excelen a Municipiului Reghin. 11. Novak Csaba Zoltan, Locul II la Revista Multunk din Budapesta la secia cei mai buni debutani.

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12. Simon Zsolt, Premiul de debut al Societii Muzeul Transilvan (Cluj, 2006) 13. Simon Zsolt, Premiul I al Asociaiei Naionale a Doctoranzilor, secia tiine sociale (Budapesta, 2007). Raport ntocmit de Paula Matei

Not: Raportul a fost efectuat dup criteriile impuse de ANCS cu adugarea, de ctre noi, a unor criterii suplimentare.

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