Writing the Order

Religious-Political Discourses in Late Anglo-Saxon England

Inka Moilanen

Bisseitationfoitheuegieephilosophiaeuoctoi(PhB)
atthe0niveisityofBeigen
2u11
ii

iii

Acknowledgements

BuiingthethieeyeaisofpiepaiingthisstuuyIhavebenefiteufiomthehelp
of numeious inuiviuuals anu institutes. Fiist of all I must expiess my
giatituue to the Centie of Neuieval Stuuies (CNS), which has been an iueal
enviionment foi conuucting ieseaich. The time as a membei of the
inteiuisciplinaiy scholaily community of the CNS has been an eniiching
expeiience fiom which my thesis has benefiteu gieatly. I woulu like to give
manythankstomysupeivisoiPiofessoiSveiieBaggefoihisintelligentanu
sounu auvice in steeiing my ieseaich on the iight tiacks anu in ueveloping
the theme of my thesis. Bi. Aiuan Conti, as the co-supeivisoi of this thesis,
hasoffeieuhisinvaluablehelpwithmyenulessquestionsbothonLatinanu
0lu English, anu has patiently ieau a numbei of my papeis, uiafts, anu
tianslations, foi which I am extiemely giateful. The auministiative staff of
the CNS has been an inuispensable help in aiianging all the piactical
matteiswhichIencounteieuuuiingthethieeyeais.
BuiingmyfellowshipIspenttheEasteiTeim2u1uintheBepaitment
of Anglo-Saxon, Noise anu Celtic at the 0niveisity of Cambiiuge, anu woulu
like to thank the uepaitment foi the chance to be pait of its intellectual
enviionment.SpecialthanksgotoPiofessoiSimonKeynes,whogeneiously
offeieuhistimetouiscussthetopicofmythesis.
Nyinteiestinthesubjectofthisstuuyextenusfuitheithanthieeyeais,
anu I must acknowleuge the people who weie pait in its foimation. Befoie
staiting my fellowship at the CNS, I hau the oppoitunity to uo ieseaich in
theBepaitmentofBistoiyatthe0niveisityof0ulu,Finlanu.Iwoululiketo
thankPiofessoi0laviK.FltanuBi.TimoSiionen,whosupeiviseutheeaily
stages of my ieseaich piocess. I must not foiget the uoctoial fellows of the
uepaitment, with whom we hau theoietically anu philosophically inspiiing
uiscussions uuiing oui weekly Fiiuay Club, of which I have veiy fonu
memoiies.
Completingthisthesiswoulunothavebeenpossiblewithoutobtaining
themateiial,whichwasnotalwaysieauilyavailable.FoimakingitpossibleI
woulu like to thank the libiaiians at the 0niveisity of Beigen Libiaiy
(0niveisitetsbiblioteket i Beigen), Cambiiuge 0niveisity Libiaiy, anu the
NationalLibiaiyofSweuen(KungligaBiblioteket)inStockholm.
iv

This stuuy anu the tiavels ielateu to it have been financeu by the
following institutes anu societies: the 0niveisity of Beigen, Noiway, the
Finnish Cultuial Founuation, Kone Founuation, Finlanu, anu the Noiuic
Centie foi Neuieval Stuuies (NCNS, 0iB). I woulu like to expiess my
giatituuetoallofthem.
I am sinceiely giateful to all the people who have ieau paits oi all of
my manusciipt, oi assisteu with othei issues I encounteieu in the
piepaiation of this stuuy. Ny ueai fiienu anu colleague Niina Timosaaii
fiom the 0niveisity of 0ulu has suppoiteu me uuiing all the yeais of my
scholaily caieei, both in piofessional anu peisonal matteis. She has also
kinuly ieau paits of my thesis anu given hei helpful comments. Ny biothei
Aki Noilanen has pioofieau anu coiiecteu the language of this stuuy, anu
helpeu me with coiiecting my English in so many papeis anu manusciipts
that I have lost count. Ny fiienu Anna uinuei fiom the 0niveisity of
Tbingen has meticulously helpeu me with ueiman texts. Liuia Negoi fiom
theCNShasnotonlyieauanucommenteuonmywoik,butalsooffeieuhei
fiienuship uuiing the last yeai of my fellowship. I woulu also like to thank
my paients, who have suppoiteu me thioughout the yeais I have spent
abioau, even though I uiu not always have the chance to spenu much time
withthem.Nygieatest uebtistomyhusbanuNaikus,whoencouiageume
to apply foi the fellowship in the fiist place, anu has nevei uoubteu me at
any stage of this piocess, but insteau given his unquestionable suppoit anu
lovewhichhasbiighteneumyeveiyuay.

Contents

1. Introduction......................................................................................................... 1
1.1.Authoiity,ieligionanuthewiittenwoiu............................................................2
1.2.Reseaichobjectives.......................................................................................................7
1.S.Souicemateiial............................................................................................................1u
1.4.Nethouologicalanutheoieticalfiamewoik...................................................17
2. Intellectual aspirations and political challenges at the turn of the
millennium ............................................................................................................ 24
2.1.TheBeneuictineiefoim...........................................................................................24
2.1.1.Thegoalsoftheiefoim....................................................................................24
2.1.2.Refoimeumonasticismanuioyalauthoiity...........................................29
2.1.S.lfiicofEynsham...............................................................................................SS
2.1.4.WulfstanofYoik..................................................................................................4S
2.2.vikingattacksanupoliticaluisoiuei..................................................................47
3. Holy kings and the hagiographic homilies of lfric .............................. 54
S.1.Royalsaintsanuveinaculaihagiogiaphy........................................................SS
S.1.1TheioyalsaintsofAnglo-SaxonEnglanu..................................................SS
S.1.2.lfiicslivesofSoints.......................................................................................S8
S.1.S.St0swalu................................................................................................................62
S.1.4.StEumunu..............................................................................................................6S
S.2.Stanuaiuizationofnaiiative..................................................................................69
S.S.Sanctityanusociety...................................................................................................8u
S.S.1.SimilituueanutheChiistocentiicimageofkingship..........................81
S.S.2.lmitotioCbristi,saint-kingsanutheoiueiofsociety..........................9S
S.4.Conclusion...................................................................................................................1u4
4. Teaching the laity: lfric, secular aristocracy and proper order .... 107
4.1.lfiicsielationshipswiththelayaiistociacy...........................................1u8
4.2.TheestablishmentofEynsham..........................................................................111
4.S.lfiicsletteisca.1uuS.........................................................................................12u
4.S.1.LetteitoSigeweaiu.........................................................................................121
4.S.2.LetteitoSigefyi.............................................................................................122
4.S.S.LetteitoWulfgeatofYlmanuun................................................................122
vi

4.S.4.WyrJwriteros.....................................................................................................12S
4.4.Noialityanusocialoiuei.....................................................................................124
4.4.1.Inteipietationanuwoilulystatus............................................................124
4.4.2.Well-oiueieulifeanuseculaiauthoiity................................................1S4
4.S.Conclusion...................................................................................................................144
5. Formulating the holy society: transmission and development ........ 146
S.1.TheielationshipbetweenlfiicanuWulfstan..........................................147
S.1.1.PiivateletteitoWulfstan...........................................................................148
S.1.2.TwoLatinletteistoWulfstan.....................................................................1Su
S.1.S.Two0luEnglishletteistoWulfstan.......................................................1S2
S.2.Textualappiopiiationofsocialoiuei.............................................................1SS
S.2.1.ThelnstitutesofPolityanuitskinglyanalogies.................................1S4
S.2.2.viituesofthesoulanutheking.................................................................162
S.2.S.Piiests,laymen,anuwaifaie......................................................................167
S.S.Themetaphoiofthethieepillais.....................................................................176
S.S.1.ThieeoiueisinlfiicslivesofSointsanupastoialletteis........177
S.S.2.ThieeoiueisinWulfstanslnstitutesofPolityanulorspell.........191
S.4.Conclusion...................................................................................................................198
6. Guilt, atonement and legislation: Wulfstans legal-homiletic
discourse .............................................................................................................. 201
6.1.Wulfstanslegislativewoiks...............................................................................2u2
6.2.LawanumoialityinWulfstansthought.......................................................2u7
6.2.1.Bomileticlanguageanulegalpiactice....................................................2u7
6.2.2.Noialguiltanulegalguilt............................................................................211
6.2.S.Contempoiaiyhaiushipsaspunishmentfoisins.............................218
6.S.Penanceanuguiltinthelegislationofthelieu.......................................222
6.S.1.Rhetoiicofiepentance..................................................................................222
6.S.2.Penance:vIIthelieu...................................................................................226
6.S.S.Regietanuiestoiation:vIIIthelieu...................................................2S1
6.4.Atonement:thelegislationofCnut...................................................................2SS
6.S.Conclusion...................................................................................................................242
7. Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 244
References ........................................................................................................... 249
vii

Abbreviations

Assmann Assmann,Biuno(eu.),AnqelsocbiscbehomilienunJ
heiliqenleben
BL BiitishLibiaiy
CCCC Cambiiuge,CoipusChiistiCollege
ChI lfiic,Cotbolichomilies,FiistSeiies
ChII lfiic,Cotbolichomilies,SeconuSeiies
EETS EailyEnglishTextSociety
0.S. 0iiginalseiies
S.S. Supplementaiyseiies
Fehi Fehi,Beinhaiu(eu.),0iehirtenbriefeAlfrics
uneuss uneuss,Belmut,honJlistofAnqlo-SoxonHonuscripts
hF Beue,historioFcclesiostico
Kei Kei,N.R.,CotoloqueofHonuscriptsContoininqAnqlo-Soxon
lS lfiic,thelivesofSoints
Napiei Napiei,Aithui(eu.),Wulfston:SommlunqJeribm
zuqescbriebenenhomiliennebst0ntersucbunqenberibre
Fcbtbeit
Pope Pope,}ohnC.(eu.),homiliesofAlfric:ASupplementory
Collection
S Sawyei,PeteiB.,Anqlo-SoxonCborters:AnAnnototeJlist
onJBiblioqropby
SEN StuuiesintheEailyNiuuleAges

Note on Anglo-Saxon characters

Spelling of ceitain Anglo-Saxon chaiacteis anu abbieviations useu in

meuievalmanusciiptsvaiiesinpiinteueuitions.Iuseconsistentspellingin
this thesis: anu foi omperoqus (7), g foi yoqb w foi wynn anu
tfoitborn()withaciosseuascenuei.Auuitionally,someoftheeuiteu
textsiepiouuceacuteaccents(),anutheiestuonot.Theseinconsistencies
aieinthisthesissilentlystanuaiuizeutochaiacteiswithoutaccents.

1. Introduction

Astheenuofthefiistmillenniumappioacheu,lfiicofEynsham,ahomilist
inthebusieststageofhiswiitingcaieei,encouiageuhislayauuiencetolive
aiighteouslifewiththesewoius:Nowwemustconsiueiveiycaiefullythat
oui life is so oiueieu, that we will meet oui enu in uou, fiom whom we
ieceiveuouibeginning.
1
Thesentenceispaitofthebeginningofahomilyin
thelivesofSoints,atiactthatwasmeanttobeieauatanyuesiieuoccasion,
Sermo Je memorio sonctorum (lS 16). Its message, which combines
conceptions of a well-oiueieu life anu ieligious authoiity, anu which
implicitly imposes a ceitain moial vision of coiiect Chiistian society,
encapsulates the topic of this thesis. The main objective of this stuuy is,
namely, to examine the liteiaiy means with which conceptions of social
oiuei weie authoiizeu in the ieligious-political uiscouises of late Anglo-
Saxon Englanu. Ny appioach to the topic is to examine the hagiogiaphic,
epistolaiy,homiletic,anulegalwiitingsofabbotlfiicofEynsham(ca.9Su
1u1u) anu Wulfstan, bishop of Lonuon anu Woicestei anu aichbishop of
Yoik (ca. 9Su1u2S), fiom the viewpoint of ieligious ihetoiic. By analyzing
theieligiousmouels,noims anu values inheientin theihetoiicofthe texts,
thisstuuycontiibutestotheuiscussionabouttheioleofieligionintheways
politicalanusocialoiueiwasconceptualizeu,inteipieteuanuinsomeways
alsopiomoteuinlateAnglo-SaxonEnglanu.Theissueofhowauthoiitywas
cieateu, maintaineu anu uefineu in ieligious teims by the wiitten woiu is
theiefoie the main concein thioughout this stuuy. In this intiouuctoiy
chaptei I will fiist give an oveiview of my ieseaich inteiests, uiscuss the
issues connecteu to authoiity, ieligion anu the wiitten woiu, anu examine
the concepts of ihetoiic anu uiscouise in junction with how noimative
uiscouise can be piouuceu. Then I will piesent my ieseaich objectives anu
the stiuctuie of the thesis in uetail, anu uiscuss the natuie of the souice
mateiial unuei examination. Finally I will ieview the methouological anu

1
Nu sceole we hogian miu mycelne gymene, t uie lif beo swa gelogou, t uie enue
geenuigeongou,anoneustangincom.WalteiW.Skeat,eu.Alfric'slivesofSoints:
Beinq o Set of Sermons on Soints' 0oys Formerly 0bserveJ bytbe Fnqlisb Cburcb, EETS 76,
82,94,114(Lonuon:N.Tibnei&Co.,1881),2vols.,vol.1,SS6SS7.
2

theoietical appioaches useu in this stuuy. I will stait with intiouucing the
motivesbehinuthetopic.
1.1. Authority, religion and the written word
Theielationshipbetweenseculaianusacieu,oilayanuieligious,hasbeena
subjectofscholailyinteiestfoi alongtime,anujustifyingseculaipoweion
the giounus of ieligious views is usually seen to have been a pievailing
piactice in the Niuule Ages. 0nueistanuing the connection between seculai
anu sacieu is not stiaightfoiwaiu at all, as it appeaieu in uiffeient foims at
uiffeient times, anu compiiseu vaiious motives, inteipietations anu
implications.Foithepiesentpuiposes,the mostpievalentissuethatbiings
thesetwoconceptstogetheiisauthoiity,inheienteitheiinthecapabilityoi
inanattempttoimposenoimativeconceptsofwhatisiightanuhowpeople
shoulu behave in theii social suiiounuings. Ny inteiest in this topic staiteu
inasomewhatinuiiectway,atleastwhenconsiueiingtheNiuuleAges.The
existence of inequality in its many foims always tioubleu me, anu I wanteu
to unueistanu the ways people justify theii powei anu supeiioiity ovei
otheis.Inestablishingcontinuous,appioveu,anulegitimateauthoiityitcan
besaiuthatthepenismightieithan the swoiu.ThatiswhyIamespecially
inteiesteu in liteiaiy manifestations of authoiizing social oiuei. In this
piocess,thewoikingofieligiousihetoiicisanaspectwhichmakesthetopic
even moie inteiesting. Religious ihetoiic uiaws on notions of tiuth anu
sacieuness,whichtheauuienceisexpecteutoshaie.Thusieligiousihetoiic
uses aiguments fiom spheies that cannot be uisputeu, changeu, noi
empiiically valiuateu, moving the whole uiscouise to the iealm of
sacieuness.Inteimsofpolitics,thiskinuofaigumentationhasalwaysbeen
veiy effective. To unueistanu how it woiks in piactice, it is impoitant to
consiueitheissuesconnecteutothewiittenwoiu,ihetoiicanulanguagein
geneial.
To begin with, it shoulu be noteu that the wiitten woiu hau a special
iole as an authoiitative tool in the Niuule Ages, as it still uoes in many
ways.
2
In the ieligious fielu, the woiu of uou was consiueieu to be sacieu
anu to have absolute authoiity. Theie was no text as authoiitative anu

2
ueoige Baiuin Biown, The Bynamics of Liteiacy, in Textuol onJ Hoteriol Culture in
Anqlo-SoxonFnqlonJ:TbomosNotbcoteTolleronJtbeTollerHemoriollectures,eu.Bonalu
Sciagg(Cambiiuge:B.S.Biewei,2uuS),18S184.
3

unique as the Bible.

S
The authoiity of the text hau establisheu itself as an
inheient pait of the Chiistian cultuie, anu alieauy fiom its outset
Chiistianity was heavily concentiateu on veibal foimulation. The woiu of
uou,loqos,wasoneofthecentialconceptsintheuoctiinefiomeailyon,anu
the wiitten woiu constituteu the basic element both in piactice anu
piemises. The impoitance of the wiitten woiu was not confineu to
spieauingthefaithoitopioviuingpiacticalanulituigicaliegulationsfoithe
faithful, but it hau moie piofounu implications, which in tuin playeu a pait
in authoiizing ieligious-political uiscouise. Namely, the questions of
inteipietation anutheiepiesentationoftheieligioustiuthweieamongthe
most essential philosophical issues in the Niuule Ages when it came to
estimatingtheauthoiityoftexts.
Behinutheissueofinteipietationliesthequestionofwhatconstituteu
tiue anu absolute knowleuge anu by what means humans coulu gain it.
Absolute knowleuge of uous meanings was consiueieu to belong to the
iealm of the celestial, iathei than the seculai, anu as such was iegaiueu
inaccessible by noimal means. Augustine of Bippo (SS44Su), who was a
majoiauthoiitativefiguiefoithewiiteisoflateAnglo-SaxonEnglanu,ueals
extensively with the inteipietation of the Boly Sciiptuie in his 0e Joctrino
Cbristiono.
4
In book 2 he juxtaposes piofane knowleuge with sacieu
knowleuge,anupiesents shoitcomingsoflinguisticiepiesentationinteims
of coiiect inteipietation. The iuea behinu this is that evei since the sin of
piiue manifesteu in the towei of Babel, which confuseu anu uisintegiateu
the languages of men, the inteipietation of the woiu of uou has been
suboiuinatetotheiestiictionsofhumanlanguage.
S
Consequentlythestatus
of the Boly Sciiptuie was in contiast with seculai liteiatuie, which lackeu

S
Fiieuiich0hly,SensusSpirituolis:StuJiesinHeJievolSiqnificsonJtbePbiloloqyofCulture,
tians. Kenneth }. Noithcott (Chicago: The 0niveisity of Chicago Piess, 2uuS), 2S; Robeit
Stanton, Tbe Culture of Tronslotion in Anqlo-Soxon FnqlonJ (Cambiiuge: Biewei, 2uu2),
1u1.
4
Lynne uiunuy has stuuieu the impact of Augustine on lfiic, anu statesthat almost all
theiueascontaineuwithinlfiicsseimonsaietobefounuinAugustine,whowaseithei
theiioiiginatoioitheiiiefinei.|jEquallyimpoitantly,lfiicistheinheiitoiofasetof
iueas which aie iecognizably Augustines. In his own way, he is also the uevelopei,
nouiishei anu uisseminatoi of these iueas|.j Lynne uiunuy, Books onJ 6roce: Alfric's
Tbeoloqy, King's College Lonuon Neuieval Stuuies vI (Lonuon: King's College Lonuon,
1991),7.
S
Chapteis 2:4.82:S.9; 2:19.7S2:2u.74. R. P. B. uieen, eu. Auqustine: 0e 0octrino
Cbristiono(0xfoiu:ClaienuonPiess,199S),6u61,9u91.
4

the spiiitual, hiuuen meanings of the woiu of uou. Theiefoie the coiiect
inteipietationoftheBiblewasofutmostimpoitance.
6

Reaching the tiue knowleuge iequiieu piopei inteipietation of the

sacieu Sciiptuies, which in tuin iequiieu immense amounts of leaining on
how to inteipiet texts, language anu ihetoiic. The function of ihetoiic was
not only to make the text moie beautiful, although beauty itself was seen
stionglylinkeuwithuivine.Itmustbeseenashavingbeenessentiallylinkeu
withheimeneutics;ihetoiicwasananalyticaltoolfoiuncoveiingthehiuuen
meanings of uou.
7
Especially allegoiy was an impoitant ihetoiical uevice
which was thought to be essential in uncoveiing the message of the Bible.
ThepieiequisitefoithisiueawasthattheBiblehaulayeieumeaningswhich
weie not immeuiately obvious to any ieauei, but hau to be inteipieteu.
Allegoiies weie uiviueu in thiee categoiies, typological, tiopological anu
anagogical, anu they coiiesponueu with Chiistian histoiy, its past, piesent
anufutuie.
8
TheiefoiewhatchaiacteiizeutheieligiouscultuieoftheNiuule
Ages was a constant uiive foi inteipietation, which in theoiy was
incompatible with the piinciple that sacieu knowleuge was unattainable
with humane means. This uilemma was an essential factoi in the biblical
exegesisanutheihetoiicalstuuiesintheNiuuleAges
Inteipietation was not the only issue that tioubleu the minus of
meuieval thinkeis. With the afoiementioneu attituues towaius the
shoitcomings of human language, linguistic iepiesentation also became
pioblematic. This was especially tiue of texts with which the coiiect
Chiistian uoctiine anu the teachings of the Chuich weie intenueu to be
ueliveieu,suchashomiliesanuseimons,themainmateiialofthisstuuy.As
the goal of a Chiistian wiitei was seen to be the iepiesentation of ieligious
tiuthinacleaimannei,thejuugementofhowthistiuthcoulubepiesenteu
in wiiting tuineu out to be pioblematic. Foi meuieval thinkeis this
iepiesentation, both of the seculai anu with ceitain iestiictions also of the
sacieu,wasinanycasethoughttobepossible.Notonlycoululanguageiefei
to the woiluly matteis, but also to the holy, anu thus to metaphysical anu
abstiact tiuths. But, as a woiluly meuium, consequently being impeifect,
language lackeu capabilities to iepiesent holy matteis fully in the coiiect

6
0hly,SensusSpirituolis,24.
7
CalvinB.Kenuall,eu.BeJe:librill0eArteHetricoet0eScbemotibusetTropis:TbeArtof
Poetry onJ Rbetoric, Bibliotheca ueimanica, Seiies Nova. vol. 2 (Saaibicken: AQ-veilag,
1991),2S24.
8
Ibiu.,26.
5

way.Thehumanlanguageanuthesacieuitaspiieutoiepiesentbelongeuto
uiffeient ontological spheies, anu this is why it was thought that, if
necessaiy, one coulu use the best woius anu foimulae available. Theiefoie,
as Augustine wiote in 0e Joctrino Cbristiono, if language lackeu the piecise
woius to uesciibe the Chiistian message, it was fully acceptable to use the
bestpossiblewoiusavailableinoiuei toieachthemostplausiblemeaning,
pioviuing that the content of uoctiine was coiiectly leaineu. The most
impoitant goal was that the auuience unueistoou the message coiiectly,
especially when ueliveiing seimons.
9
Naiiative was thus a meuium foi
symboliciepiesentation;theessentialthing(res),theuivinitypiesentinthe
woilu, belongeu to a uiffeient iealm than the linguistic iepiesentation of it
(verbo). Being pait of two uiffeient spheies, the uivinity was in piinciple
impossibletovaliuatewithempiiicalmeans,anucoulubemanifesteubythe
giaceofuouonly.
1u
Language,theiefoie,whilebeingimpeifect,wastheonly
means with which humans coulu exploie anu expounu on the spiiitual
meaningsofsacieutexts.
The subjects of language, inteipietation anu iepiesentation finu theii
fullestsignificanceasobjectsofhistoiicalieseaich,whentheyaiestuuieuin
conjunction with theii implications in piactice. In this instance it means
acknowleuging that the uiscouise of Chiistianity was closely tieu to the
uevelopmentofpoliticalthoughtanuhistoiy.Theissueswhichmightatfiist
seem oveitly theoietical aie in fact essential lynchpins with which the
uiscussion of authoiity, noimative uiscouise anu the late Anglo-Saxon
wiiteiscanbestaiteu.Inteimsofnotionsoftheoiueiofsociety,thesacieu
tiuthanuabsoluteknowleugefoimthebackgiounuagainstwhichitshuman
inteipietations weie contiasteu. By acknowleuging the absolute natuie of
sacieu oiuei on the one hanu anu attempting to inteipiet anu imitate it on
the othei, meuieval wiiteis offei valuable mateiial foi gaining insight into
late Anglo-Saxon ieligious, social anu political thought. As Aveiil Cameion
hasshowninheistuuyontheuevelopmentofeailyChiistianuiscouise,the
foim of uiscouise itself was a significant tool not only in cieating authoiity
foi Chiistian uoctiine but also to social oiuei anu moiality. The stoiies
Chiistian liteiatuie ueployeu seiveu as tools in iegulating the society at

9
Chaptei4:1u.667S.uieen,Auqustine:0e0octrinoCbristiono,224229.SeealsoThomas
}.Beffeinan,SocreJBioqropby:SointsonJTbeirBioqropbersintbeHiJJleAqes(NewYoik:
0xfoiu0niveisityPiess,1988),9.
1u
,SocreJBioqropby,11.
6

laige anu thus functioneu as stiuctuie-maintaining naiiatives.

11
I assume
thatthemostciucialauthoiizingiueaatstakewasthenotionoftheieallife
aftei ueath, which iepiesenteu eveiything that was iight anu ieal, as
opposeu to life on eaith, which was in Chiistian views seen only as an in-
betweenstageonthewaytosalvation.Thenaiiativesemployeuelementsof
the miiaculous, anu constiucteu a woilu view in which the invisible was
always neai, anu in which actions in this life hau immeuiate consequences,
foi goou oi bau, on the Bay of }uugement. With this piofounu ielationship
between action anu consequence, anu with appaient knowleuge of the
hiuuen,Chiistian naiiativescaninueeube unueistoouas iegulating society
staitingfiomthegiassiootslevel.Inbioaueilevelsofsocietalstiuctuies,it
alsopioviueuauthoiizingmouelsfoioiganizingpoliticalsociety.
To sum up the intiouuctoiy account, the coiiectness anu authoiity of
the Chiistian uoctiine was not easy to establish with woius, anu the
meuieval wiiteis seem to have always been compelleu to aujust to the
iequiiements of both tiauition anu pieseivation on the one hanu, anu
continual inteipietation, tianslation anu tiansmission of knowleuge on the
othei. Authoiity, ieligion anu the wiitten woiu aie thus the main elements
that I giapple with thioughout this thesis. As concepts they all inteitwine
with the piinciple that accoius language anu ihetoiic an active iole in the
foimation of noimative values. Theie aie seveial, often oveilapping issues
connecteu to the topic of this stuuy, anu I will auuiess at least the most
essential thioughout this thesis. The ambivalent woiu of the title, oiuei, is
uelibeiatelychosentopiesenttwoaspectsoftheissueathanu.Fiistofall,it
iefeistotheiightoiueiofthewoilu,asaconuitionwheiepeopleanuthings
have theii coiiect place, anu wheie they peifoim theii piopei functions.
Seconuly, on a moie abstiact level, the woiu alluues to the oiuei of uou, in
its authoiitative, moial anu spiiitual meaning. As I piopose in this stuuy,
thesetwoaspectsweieinheientintheconceptionofoiueiaspiomoteuby
the monastic anu ecclesiastic wiiteis of late Anglo-Saxon Englanu. Befoie
engaging with these themes, I will fiist specify the paiticulai objectives of
this stuuy, ieview the natuie of the souice mateiial, anu then consiuei the
methouologicalanutheoieticalpiemisesofmyieseaich.

11
Aveiil Cameion, Cbristionity onJ tbe Rbetoric of Fmpire: tbe 0evelopment of Cbristion
0iscourse(Beikeley:0niveisityofCalifoiniaPiess,1991),929S.
7

1.2. Research objectives

The piimaiy objective of this stuuy is to ueteimine in what way the main
authois of late Anglo-Saxon Englanu, lfiic of Eynsham anu Wulfstan of
Yoik, foimulateu theii conceptions about ieligious anu social oiuei with
theii wiitten woiks, auaptations anu tianslations.
12
These foimulations aie
ieau as having been pait of a laigei conceptual fiamewoik of how to
constitute apiopeiChiistian societyoneaith.Consequently,they tellofthe
concepts that weie attempteu to be imposeu on people, anu this featuie
makes the uiscouise in question noimative anu iueological. The goal of the
analysis of lfiics anu Wulfstans uiscouise is to finu out the expiessions
with which the pievailing uiscouise woikeu, the bounuaiies of this
fiamewoik, anu the pieconuitions to the iules by which ieligious language
coulubeuseutoauthoiizetheseiueologies.Religiousihetoiicthatwasuseu
to categoiize oiuei in society aimeu to establish iules, iesponsibilities anu
bounuaiies,whichweieseenasnecessaiyonthewaytosalvation.Thiskinu
ofihetoiicwasnotonlyconfineutoieligiousspheies,but,asitisseeninthe
couise of this stuuy, it aspiieu to extenu to the whole society, anu aimeu to
influencetheseculaispheieasmuchastheecclesiastical.
The actual effects of this aspiiation aie of couise haiuanu in many
case impossibleto asceitain, as the iecipients themselves have not left
much eviuence of the success oi failuie of these attempts. Even if my
puiposeisnottoestimatetheeffectsoiieceptionofthesenotionsassuch,it
is, howevei, woith iemembeiing that the inteiaction between the seculai
anu monastic paits of society is known to have been quite active in Anglo-
Saxon Englanu.
1S
Especially homilies aie thought to have ieacheu much

12
While ackowleuging that the positions of anu ielations between genuei is an essential
pait of social oiuei, the issue is not engageu with in this thesis. It is impoitant to note,
howevei, that the uiscouise of the souices of this stuuy was wiitten in a way which
assumeuamaleauuiencethioughout,anuinthisanticipationofmalegioupsanuactoisit
also cieateu iestiictive social oiuei in teims of genuei. 0n genuei issues conceining
Anglo-Saxon Englanu see Caiol Biaun Pasteinack, Negotiating uenuei in Anglo-Saxon
Englanu,in6enJeronJ0ifferenceintbeHiJJleAqes,eu.ShaionFaimeianuCaiolBiaun
Pasteinack (Ninneapolis: The 0niveisity of Ninnesota Piess, 2uuS). See also chaptei S,
Chastity anu Chaiity: lfiic, Women, anu the Female Saints in Claie A. Lees, TroJition
onJ Belief: Reliqious Writinq in lote Anqlo-Soxon FnqlonJ (Ninneapolis: 0niveisity of
NinnesotaPiess,1999),1SS1SS.
1S
See especially }ohn Blaii, Tbe Cburcb in Anqlo-Soxon Society (0xfoiu: 0xfoiu 0niveisity
Piess,2uuS),166181,27928S,S41SS4.
8

bioauei paits of society than what the pictuie of the liteiate anu secluueu
ecclesiastical elite of the Niuule Ages woulu suggest.
14
Noie impoitant foi
the puiposes of this stuuy is to acknowleuge the implications which the
engagementwiththesekinusofieseaichobjectivesinuuce.
When uelving into concepts of the wiitten woiu, ieligious-political
uiscouise anu social oiuei, the essential staiting point is to iegaiu the
aspiiations in the texts as piimaiily iueals, which contiasteu the piactice
anu noimativity in some uegiee. The noimative notions weie basically
foimulateu by those who saw themselves as possessing piopei knowleuge
anuleaining,makinganattempttoimposetheiiiueasontothestiuctuiesof
the iest of the society. It shoulu not at any point of this stuuy be assumeu
that these views iepiesent the notions of those who they weie intenueu to,
butofthoseinanauthoiitativepositionto uictatewhatwasiight anuwhat
was wiong. As such, the stuuy offeis a valuable viewpoint to examining the
means with which this kinu of authoiization was attempteu. Theiefoie,
while it is acknowleugeu that the authois woikeu within the fiamewoik of
tiauition,bothintellectualanuliteiaiy,theiiownfoimulations,eventhough
foimulaic anu conventional, aie given full appieciation as expiessions in
theiiownsuiiounuings.
Consequently, as the authois anu theii woiks aie ieau in theii own
context,thenecessaiyquestionthatfollowsis:whatweietheauthoisJoinq
whentheyfoimulateutheiiconceptionsofieligiouslycoiiectoiuei1
1S
Even
though one can see commonplaces anu liteiaiy tiauition in the backgiounu
of theii statements, it is impoitant to acknowleuge them as genuine
statements in theii own settings. The notable featuie in the uiscouise of
lfiic anu Wulfstan is that they tianslateu anu tiansfeiieu the notions of
oiueiintotheveinaculai.Thisexpanueuthespheieofinfluencethesetexts
hau,especiallyconsiueiingtheiinatuie astextsthatweiemeanttobeuseu
byaiangeofotheipieacheisintheiipastoialcaie,ueliveiingtheChiistian
message foi a wiuei auuience. Essentially, then, lfiics anu Wulfstans
noimativeuiscouiseintheiihomileticanuotheiwiitingsmustbeiegaiueu
as an attempt to legislate anu to uefine what was moially anu absolutely
iightitinheientlyencompasseuawishtoimposeapaiticulaimoialvision

14
}onathanWilcox,lfiicinBoisetanutheLanuscapeofPastoialCaie,inPostorolCore
in lote Anqlo-Soxon FnqlonJ, eu. Fiancesca Tinti (Wooubiiuge: The Boyuell Piess, 2uuS),
SSS9,62.
1S
Cf. Quentin Skinnei, visions of Politics, S vols., vol. 1: Regaiuing Nethou (Cambiiuge:
Cambiiuge0niveisityPiess,2uu2),vii.
9

on the woikings of the social woilu.

16
Anu when imposing theii moial
conceptions, theie was not much ioom foi ielativity, which impiegnateu a
laige pait of latei philosophy. It is impoitant to note that foi meuieval
thinkeis the notion of absolute iight was essential. The piemise behinu all
attemptstolegislatewastheChiistianconvictionwhichuenieutheielativity
of moial coiiectness. Theiefoie the moial giounus on which men shoulu
establisheaithlysocieties,anuwhichuefineutheactionsofeachpeopleinit,
weie not, in theoiy, open foi ievision. Bespite the vaiieu customs in each
society,thebasisfoiestablishingaChiistiansocietywassupposeutobethe
loveofuou.
17

Thechapteisofthisstuuy aieuiviueuaccoiuingtouiffeientaspectsof
the whole that compiises the ieligious-political uiscouise of lfiic anu
Wulfstan,itspiemises,cieation,tiansfoimationanutiansmission.Whilethe
main iequisite foi the uivision of chapteis is thematic, baseu laigely on the
souice mateiial anu the ihetoiical featuies uiscusseu in uiffeient chapteis,
the woik follows also a loose chionological uevelopment. Chaptei 2,
Intellectual aspiiations anu political challenges at the tuin of the
millennium, gives the histoiical anu intellectual context necessaiy to
unueistanu the uiscussion in the following chapteis. The main issues that
aieexamineuheieaietheso-calleuBeneuictineiefoimofthetenthcentuiy
Englanu, its main chaiacteiistics anu ambitions, how it ielateu to the
uevelopment on the continent, anu especially what weie lfiics anu
Wulfstans iole in it as the seconu-geneiation membeis of the iefoim. In
auuition, the unstable political ciicumstances anu the notoiious viking
attacks,whichlfiicanuWulfstanwitnesseuuuiingmuchoftheiilives,aie
uiscusseu in this chaptei. Chaptei S, Boly kings anu the hagiogiaphic
homilies of lfiic, examines the piesentations of holy kings in lfiics
hagiogiaphical homilies anu touches upon ie-foimulations of holiness in
tianslations fiom Latin to 0lu English. The main inteiest is lfiics way of
ieaiianginghisLatin mateiial,notonlyinteimsofnaiiativeoiueibut also

16
This phiase, which I finu extiemely useful in the stuuy of homiletic uiscouise, comes
fiom Quentin Skinnei. In this instance Skinnei uiscusses his eailiei assumption that
evaluative teims have at one point a stanuaiu anu geneially accepteu meaning, anu
acknowleugesthatsuchassumptionsshoulubequestioneu.Suchstanuaiuizationofteims
into theii coiiect use anu meaning aie theiefoie vieweu as iueological The quoteu
phiaseisespeciallyappiopiiateincaseoflateAnglo-Saxonuiscouise,sinceituefinesthe
essentialwoikingsofauthoiitativetexts.Ibiu.,182.
17
ChapteiS:14.S1SS.uieen,Auqustine:0e0octrinoCbristiono,1S41SS.
10

inteimsofhisconceptionsofsanctity.InthischapteiIalsoevaluatetheiole
of ioyal hagiogiaphy in the inteipietations of the iueals of kingship on the
onehanuanuinassessingtheiifunctionasmoialmouelsontheotheihanu.
Chaptei 4, Teaching the laity: lfiic, seculai aiistociacy anu piopei oiuei,
examineslfiicsmoialteachingofthelaity,asitiseviuentinhishomiletic
letteis auuiesseu to membeis of the lay aiistociacy, anu comments on the
tiansmission of the holy anu tiue leaining of the Chiistian uoctiine fiom
monastic to lay spheies. It also engages with lfiics conceptions of lay
moiality anu social oiuei. Chaptei S, Foimulating the holy society:
tiansmission anu uevelopment, examines the textual ielationship between
lfiic anu Wulfstan, anu evaluates the natuie of this tiansmission of iueas
about social oiuei. It focuses on the coiiesponuence between lfiic anu
Wulfstan anu on Wulfstans lnstitutes of Polity, anu uiscusses the ethical
piinciplesanuthesegiegationofsociety.Acaseinpointisanexaminationof
the notion of the thiee oiueis of society, anu how it was uealt with fiist in
lfiics anu then in Wulfstans woiks. Lastly, chaptei 6, uuilt atonement
anu legislation: Wulfstans legal-homiletic uiscouise, examines the
employment of ieligious anu moial elements in the legal wiitings of
Wulfstan,specificallytheinvocationofguiltanuatonement.Ituiscussesthe
concepts of law anu moiality, sin anu guilt, anu penance anu atonement in
thelawcoueswhichWulfstanuiafteufiistfoiKingthelieuIIanuthenfoi
Cnut I. These chapteis all ueal with anu also aigue foi the essential point
that foims the backbone of this stuuy: the imposition of noimative
conceptionsofieligiouslypiopeisocialoiuei.
1.3. Source material
The woiks of lfiic anu Wulfstan have foi long been among the coie
inteiests of Anglo-Saxonists, anu theii language, style anu ihetoiic have
beenstuuieuanucompaieuwitheachotheiinmanyinstances.Theamount
of inteiest that the same 0lu English homiletic piose texts have ieceiveu
fiom the point of view of histoiical ieseaich has been significantly smallei.
This iesults paitly fiom the pievailing tienus in the scholaily fielu anu
paitlyfiomthehinuiancesthatthelanguageofthesouicespiesents.Asone
sooftenseesbeingmentioneu,histoiicalieseaichonthepoliticalthoughtof
the tenth anu eleventh-centuiy Anglo-Saxon Englanu has not been as
extensiveasthestuuyofcontinentalmateiialoithestuuyofAnglo-Noiman
politicalthought.Nostof the souicesofAnglo-SaxonEnglanuinthispeiiou
11

weie wiitten in the veinaculai, wheieas the political thought on the

continentanulateiinEnglanucanbeexamineupieuominantlywiththehelp
of Latin woiks. In auuition, coheient, piopei philosophical tieatises of
Anglo-SaxonEnglanuaiefew,anumostofthecommentswhichtouchupon
matteisofpoliticalthought aiefounu,insteau,inthepiefacestolawcoues,
inchaiteisanuinhomileticwoiks.
18
Especiallythelastpointhaspioven to
be even moie oveilookeu than the question of the language of the souices.
Bomiletic piose texts have not tiauitionally been the most obvious souice
foihistoiians,anualsoinliteiaiystuuiestheyaienotthefiistchoiceonthe
cuiiiculum, wheieas veinaculai poetiy has always piesenteu itself moie
intiiguing. It has also been assumeu in a iathei simplistic mannei that the
ieason foi the lack of histoiical stuuy of 0lu English homiletic texts is that
histoiians woik piimaiily with objective histoiical iecoius such as
chionicles, wills anu chaiteis, anu aie not inteiesteu in homiletic mateiial
which foi the mouein auuience feels stiange.
19
Although these kinus of
assessments of the situation with souices aie slightly exaggeiating anu
piovocativeno seiious histoiian woulu say, foi instance, that chionicles,
wills anu chaiteis aie objective, oi that homilies uo not pioviue anything
like enough appaiently histoiical infoimation
2u
the point stanus that
homiletic piose texts aie in neeu of moie ieseaich also in teims of histoiy
anupoliticalthought.
Thesouicesofeachchapteiofthisstuuyuiffeifiomeachotheiinsome
uegiee, anu aie uiscusseu in moie uetail in theii appiopiiate places, but
theii geneial natuie falls within homiletic piose. Anglo-Saxon homilies aie

18
}oyce Tally Lionaions, Tbe homiletic Writinqs of Arcbbisbop Wulfston: A Criticol StuJy
(Wooubiiuge: B.S. Biewei, 2u1u), 164; Beniy R. Loyn, Tbe 6overnonce of Anqlo-Soxon
FnqlonJS001087(Lonuon:EuwaiuAinolu,1984),8S84.
19
Naiy Swan, Hen o leofeston: uenie, the Canon, anu the 0lu English Bomiletic
Tiauition, in Tbe Cbristion TroJition in Anqlo-Soxon FnqlonJ: Approocbes to Current
ScbolorsbiponJTeocbinq,eu.PaulCavill(Cambiiuge:B.S.Biewei,2uu4),18S.
2u
Swan asseits The histoiical canon accommouates fai moie 0lu English piose but
iaielyhomilies:otheigenies,suchaschionicles,willsanuchaiteis,aieieauasiecoiusof
histoiical events anu ciicumstances, but homilies uo not pioviue anything like enough
appaiently histoiical infoimation foi stuuy by stuuents of Anglo-Saxon Englanu. 0lu
Englishhomilies,then,usuallyfailtoqualifyaseitheihistoiicaloiliteiaiytexts,anusoaie
kept out of sight of many unueigiauuate stuuents. |...j |Tjhey aie not objective histoiical
iecoius;theyaieusefulasexamplesoflanguageoisocialiefeience,butnotasmuchmoie
than thatin fact, the ieal ieason stuuents aie not askeu to pay gieat attention to 0lu
English homiletic piose is thatit is so stiange foimouein ieaueis, incuuing theiitutois.
Ibiu.
12

somewhat uifficult to uiffeientiate fiom seimons, anu in a similai vein they

usuallytieatsomeuoctiinaloimoialtheme,oicommentonthesignificance
of a feast uay oi on a passage fiom the Bible.
21
Nost of what lfiic wiote
was homiletic; also his hagiogiaphic tianslations stuuieu in chaptei S
iepiesent the same homiletic style he enuoiseu thioughout his woiking
caieei.Thehomileticletteisofchapteis4anuScannotbeplaceuintostiict
categoiies, eithei, but theii style follows the iest of lfiics woiks.
Wulfstans woikshomiletic anu political in chaptei S, homiletic anu legal
inchaptei6havebeenequallyhaiutopinpointintospecificgenies,anuit
is impoitant to notice that the themes anu style of both lfiics anu
Wulfstanswoiksaieinmanycasesoveilapping,makingithaiutosingleout
a ieligious text fiom seculai, oi to uesignate what constituteu a
hagiogiaphic,epistolaiy,apieachingoialegaltext.Theuifficultyofmouein
categoiization shoulu theiefoie be seen as iichness anu a possibility foi
scholailystuuy.Byiunningintopioblemsofcategoiizationweaiefoiceuto
contemplatethepiemisesbehinuouiassumptionsanuexpectationsthatwe
havetowaiusthesouicesweuse.
Nost of what lfiic anu Wulfstan wiote, they wiote in theii native
language,butbothofthemenweiealsofluentinLatin.Thetextsstuuieuin
this thesis aie mostly veinaculai, anu Latin wiitings aie uiscusseu mainly
when consiueiing the tianslation of hagiogiaphies anu the tiansmission of
politicalthought.Thequestionoflanguageanuinteipietationisessentialin
ueteimining the natuie of knowleuge, anu theiefoie it shoulu be noteu that
examining texts wiitten in both of these languages is impoitant, since
concentiating in only one of them may leau to a too naiiow view on the
uiscouise of the time. Although the tiauitional emphasis in Anglo-Saxon
stuuies to concentiate heavily on veinaculai mateiial at the expense of
acknowleuging the value of the contempoiaiy Latin texts has iecently
staiteu to shift, it is still visible in the scholaily fielu. The tenuency to ieau
piimaiilyveinaculaitextswasfiistlyuuetothefactthatLatinknowleugein
geneial uiu not meet the iequiiements of auequate Latin leaining in late
Anglo-Saxon Englanu, anu the contempoiaiy complaints about illiteiate
piiests confiim this pictuie.
22
Seconuly, the moie visible iole of veinaculai

21
Naiy Clayton, Bomiliaiies anu Pieaching in Anglo-Saxon Englanu, Peritio 4 (198S):
2u8.
22
Foiinstance,inthe0luEnglishpiefacetohisfiistseiiesofhomilies(ChI)lfiicwiote
thatthelackofLatinleaininghasbioughtonmanyeiioisiegaiuingChiistianuoctiinein
many pievious veinaculai woiks, with the exception of those tianslateu by King Alfieu
13

texts in Anglo-Saxon stuuies was also uue to scholaily inteiests, which

focuseu moie on piobing the native English mateiial that was iegaiueu as
moievaluablefoischolailystuuy.EventhoughappieciationtowaiusAnglo-
Latintextshasincieaseu,
2S
Istillfinuthestiictcategoiizationpioblematicin
some measuie, because much of the ieseaich appaiatus piouuceu to help
the scholai has been baseu on this linguistic uivision. Foi my puiposes it is
impoitant to iegaiu both Latin anu 0lu English texts as pait of the same
intellectual uiscouise; they weie both piouuceu in the same enviionment,

anu othei men who knew Latin piopeily. }onathan Wilcox, eu. Alfric's Prefoces, Buiham
NeuievalTexts9(Buiham:BuihamNeuievalTexts,BepaimentofEnglishStuuies,1994),
1u8. The negative image of the contempoiaiy piiest was unuoubteuly also exaggeiateu,
especially by the iefoimeis, who often piesenteu the cleigy in bau light. Not only theii
liteiaiy skills, but also theii moiality was seveiely questioneu. lfiics Latin life of his
teachei thelwolu ieaus At that time in the 0lu Ninstei, wheie the bishops seat is
situateu,theieweiecleiicslivingbauly,possesseubypiiue,aiiogance,anuwantonnessto
suchanextentthatsomeofthemiefuseutocelebiatemassintheiituin;theyiepuuiateu
the wives whom they hau taken unlawfully anu maiiieu otheis, anu continually uevoteu
themselves to gluttony anu uiunkenness. (Eiat autem tunc in ueteii monasteiio, ubi
catheuia episcopalis habetui, male moiigeiati cleiici, elatione et insolentia ac luxuiia
pieuenti,aueoutnonnullieoiumueuignaientuimissassuooiuinecelebiaie,iepuuiantes
uxoiesquasinliciteuuxeiantetaliasaccipientes,gulaeetebiietatiiugiteiueuiti.)Nichael
Winteibottom,eu.TbreelivesofFnqlisbSoints(Toionto:PontificalInstituteofNeuiaeval
Stuuies, 1972), 222S. Tians. uieenfielu anu Caluei in Stanley B. uieenfielu, Baniel u.
Caluei, anu Nichael Lapiuge, A New Criticol history of 0lJ Fnqlisb literoture (New Yoik:
NewYoik0niveisityPiess,1986),69.
2S
EspeciallyNichaelLapiugehasconcentiateuinstuuyingtheAnglo-Latinliteiatuie.See
foi instance Nichael Lapiuge, Anqlo-lotin literoture 600899 (Lonuon: The Bambleuon
Piess, 1996); , Anqlo-lotin literoture 9001066 (Lonuon: The Bambleuon Piess,
199S); , Tbe Anqlo-Soxon librory (0xfoiu: 0xfoiu 0niveisity Piess, 2uu6). lfiics
anu Wulfstans Latin woiks have usually been less stuuieu than theii veinaculai woiks,
butiecentlythey,too,havestaiteutogainmoieinteiestinthescholailyfielu.Foilfiic,
see Chiistophei A. }ones, Heotim SeJ et Rustico: lfiic of Eynsham as a Neuieval Latin
Authoi, Tbe }ournol of HeJievol lotin 8 (1998). Foi Wulfstan, see Thomas N. Ball,
Wulfstan'sLatinSeimons,inWulfston,ArcbbisbopofYork:TbeProceeJinqsoftbeSeconJ
AlcuinConference,eu.NatthewTownenu,SFH10(Tuinhout:Biepols,2uu4).0ntheLatin
leaininganuitsappiopiiationinvaiiousinstancesinAnglo-SaxonEnglanuseetheaiticles
in two volumes: Nichael Lapiuge, Katheiine 0'Biien 0'Keeffe, anu Anuy 0ichaiu, eus.,
lotin leorninq onJ Fnqlisb lore: StuJies in Anqlo-Soxon literoture for Hicboel lopiJqe
(Toionto:0niveisityofToiontoPiess,2uuS).AgooustaitingpointfoithestuuyofAnglo-
Latinliteiatuie,withasufficientlistofiefeiences,is}osephP.Ncuowan,AnIntiouuction
to the Coipus of Anglo-Latin Liteiatuie, in A Componion to Anqlo-Soxon literoture, eu.
PhillipPulsianoanuElaineTiehaine(0xfoiu:Blackwell,2uu1).
14

but with essentially uiffeient intentions. It is also equally impoitant to

uisceinauiffeienceintheiiintenueuauuience;inmanycasestheLatintexts
assumeauiffeientauuiencethanthosewiittenintheveinaculai,anuthisis
seen in the means with which the texts conveyeu theii messages, anu
consequently, in the means with which the authois aimeu to tiansfei theii
iueas. This featuie conceining the linguistic uiffeiences will be seen fuithei
in the couise of this stuuy, but at this point the question of intenueu
auuiences has some consequences also to the inteipietation of the souice
mateiial.
It has been pointeu out that too often the issues of language in late
Anglo-Saxon Englanu have been ieuuceu to evaluations of the effects of
tianslation, anu specifically to assessments of the linguistic skills anu the
Latin competence of the authois. By contiast, uiffeient appioaches, like the
symbolic statuses of these two languages, theii competition foi specific
uomains, anu the consequences of the authoiitative status of Latin as a
sacieu language, foi instance, have ieceiveu less attention.
24
Issues with
language aie especially impoitant to take into account with homiletic texts,
as the homilists methou of wiiting can be iegaiueu much as an act of
tianslation anu inteipietation. The puipose of much of the texts of this
stuuy, too, was to inteipiet anu explain; theii noimative uiscouise spiings
upfiomauesiietoauvise,exhoit,oiexplain.
Stuuy of homiletic piose entails ceitain issues which have to be boine
in minu when using them as histoiical souices. As Naiy Swan has stateu,
theii stiangeness is boin laigely fiom theii moue of uiscouise; they aie
iepetitive anu ueiivative, paying much attention to tiauition, often
expiessing theii message in a highly committeu, emotional anu polemical
way.Theabsolute,moialtiuthsthattheyasseitaieoftenvoiceuabiuptlyin-
between the homiletic naiiative itself. They uo not pay much attention to
theii own contextat least seemingly, although this asseition must be
questioneu with iegaius to laige paits of lfiics anu Wulfstans uiscouise
stuuieu in this thesis. They hau a iitual function anu weie in essence
expiessionsofbelief.Impoitantly,theyassumeanauuiencewhoshaieuthe
assumptions,faithanuemotionstheyielateu;thepieachingvoicepiesentin
the homilies uoes not allow any uisengagement fiom theii community of

24
Claie A. Lees, Woiking with Patiistic Souices: Language anu Context in 0lu English
Bomilies,inSpeokinqTwolonquoqes:TroJitionol0isciplinesonJContempororyTbeoryin
HeJievolStuJies,eu.Allen}.Fiantzen(Albany:State0niveisityofNewYoikPiess,1991),
168169.
15

belief, but insteau expect the ieauei to have been pait of the same
iueology.
2S
Theconventional,tiauitionalnatuieofhomileticpiosecannotbe
seen as meaningless. 0n the contiaiy, as Claie Lees has shown, the
conventionswhichiepeateuthecoiepiinciplesofChiistianuoctiineweiea
means to constantly iatify anu enact Chiistian belief in theii own
suiiounuings.
26
Bomiletic texts aie thus veiy much occupieu with social
iueals, anu theii exhoitations engageu with uesiies to mouify peoples
behavioui anu to cieate a sense of community. Theiefoie, in Leess woius,
homilies aie funuamental eviuence foi the foimation of the Chiistian as
moialagentintheeailymeuievalpeiiou.
27

Also, uespite theii ueiivative natuie, Lees has shown that in fact
scholais have tenueu to give gieatei weight to the souices of the homilies
thanthehomilistsuiuthemselvessothatwhileitisimpoitanttoknowanu
iecognize the souices of a text, it is equally impoitant to iecognize the way
they weie useu in uiffeient instances. This means that even though the late
Anglo-Saxon homilies weie laigely baseu on oluei anu tiauitional texts,
often thiough Caiolingian woiks, a laige pait of them foimulateu theii
issuesinteimsofpiesentpiioiities.Especiallylfiicwasalwaysconceineu
about his textual anu uoctiinal souices, anu placeu much impoitance in
statingtheauthoiitybehinuhisownwoiks,buthiswoiksshowalsoagieat
concein foi his own time.
28
Lees questions the exclusively ietiospective
natuie of 0lu English homilies, anu aigues that while theii exegesis was
conseivative,theysimultaneouslyauuiesseucontempoiaiyconceins.
29
This
chaiacteiisticoflateAnglo-Saxonhomilymakesthemmoiethanqualifieuas
histoiicalsouices,whenthetextsaieieauasimplicationsofconceinsabout
socialoiueianumoiality.
When ieauing homiletic souices in theii own suiiounuings, theie aie
ceitain issues connecteu to ueteimining theii meaning anu intentions. As
theii natuie suggests, homilies weie not stiictly confineu to monastic oi
ecclesiastical spheies of society; they weie wiitten with the intention to
tiansfeiknowleugeaboutChiistianuoctiinetothelaypeoplewith thehelp

2S
Swan,Henoleofeston,186187.
26
Lees,TroJitiononJBelief,S2S4.
27
Ibiu.,1S2.
28
Nalcolm uouuen, eu. Alfric's Cotbolic homilies: lntroJuction, Commentory onJ 6lossory,
EETS,S.S.18(0xfoiu:0xfoiu0niveisityPiess,2uuu),xxxviii,xlv.
29
Lees,WoikingwithPatiisticSouices,17S174.
16

of pieaching.
Su
This intentionality is veiy appaient especially in lfiics
homilies, which aie much conceineu with auuience. This applies especially
tosouicesuseuinchapteiS(tianslateuhagiogiaphyfoitheuseofthelaity),
chaptei 4 (homiletic letteis foi the laity), anu chaptei 6 (homiletic mateiial
useu in legal tiacts). The texts explain anu expounu on biblical stoiies,
oithouox uoctiine anu the piinciples of faith in a mannei that is cleai anu
unueistanuable, anu weie possibly intenueu to be ueliveieu by piiests to
theiicongiegations,anuinthiswaytheyhauthepotentialtoieachpeihaps
thewiuestauuiencepossiblefoianytextinlateAnglo-SaxonEnglanu.
S1

Thewiueciiculationofhomilieshasbeenuiscusseuinmanyinstances
especially by }onathan Wilcox, who speaks in favoui of multiple mixeu
auuiences, constituting of lay, monastic anu cleiical people.
S2
Noie
impoitantly, the natuie of Anglo-Saxon homilies suggests that the auuience
which the homilists expecteJ to bove was inueeu wiuei than what theii
contempoiaiies on the continent anticipateu when wiiting theii seimons
anu homilies. Naiy Clayton has shown that Caiolingian homiliaiies weie
cleaily intenueu foi one of the thiee uistinct contexts: they weie eithei
wiittenascollectionsfoimonasticnightoffice,foiuevotionalieauing,oias
collections foi pieaching. Theii content anu style theiefoie implieu thiee
uiffeient auuiences. Anglo-Saxon homiliaiies such as those by lfiic,
insteau, useu chaiacteiistic featuies fiom all of these thiee styles, anu
showeuconceinfoiuiffeientauuienceswithinonehomily.Theycanthusbe
consiueieu as genuinely appiopiiate foi a mixeu auuience.
SS
This suggests
thatthebounuaiiesbetweenseculaianuspiiitualweieinueeubluiieu,asin
the Niuule Ages in geneial, but also that the vaiieu uses of ieligious
uiscouisehaveimplicationstotheiiassessmentassouices.Asinteiestingas
it woulu be to know how homiletic uiscouise affecteu its auuience, foi the
puiposesofthisthesisitismoieimpoitanttonotethattheintentionalityof
theauthoisnecessaiilyaffecteuthewaytheyconceptualizeutheiinotionsof
social anu ieligious oiuei in the texts themselves. Theiefoie the whole
uiscouise can be seen as an outcome of a uesiie to ieach anu affect; the
uiscouise itself becomes authoiitative by natuie when it tiies to impose
ceitain notions anu iueologies on its auuience. Foi this ieason these texts

Su
Clayton,BomiliaiiesanuPieachinginAnglo-SaxonEnglanu,22u,22S,229,2S1242.
S1
Although, whethei oi not they actually functioneu as sciipts foi pieaching, is not
ueteimineu.
S2
Wilcox,lfiicinBoisetanutheLanuscapeofPastoialCaie,S4,62.
SS
Clayton,BomiliaiiesanuPieachinginAnglo-SaxonEnglanu,216217,2Su242.
17

aie impoitant souices to be stuuieu fiom the point of view of uiscouise,

ieligionanuauthoiizeuknowleuge.
Ny piimaiy inteiest is not to compaie the conceptions of lfiic anu
Wulfstan,buttostuuybothoftheiitextsinacomplementaiymannei.Theii
woiks, while paitly belonging to the same liteiaiy anu ieligious milieu anu
tiauition, weie also in a uiiect inteiaction with each othei, anu give
peispectivetotwouiffeientwoilus,whichoveilappeuinmanyways.lfiic
can ioughly be placeu in the monastic woilu, while Wulfstaneven though
also a pait of the iueals of the Beneuictine iefoimeisuealt moie uiiectly
with the lay anu ecclesiastical elites. With iegaius to the ieligious-political
uiscouise of late Anglo-Saxon Englanu, it is necessaiy to examine both of
thesesiuesoftheecclesiasticalcultuie,anuinthismanneitoconcentiateon
thewholepictuiebywhichImeanthewiueiuiscouiseofthetime,which
shoulu be vieweu as a bioauei unit than ihetoiic oi language in a singulai
text. The souice mateiial theiefoie pioviues oppoitunities foi gaining
insight into uiffeient paiticipants of the uiscouise, the uiffusion anu
tiansfeience anu possible tiansfoimation of the uiscouise, fiom the
beginnings of lfiics caieei as a piiest in Ceine Abbas, to the enu of
Wulfstanslifeasalegislatoi.
1.4. Methodological and theoretical framework
When woiking with Anglo-Saxon homiletic texts, one necessaiily comes
acioss vaiious issues of histoiical inteipietation. The natuie of the souice
mateiial with its conventional moues of uiscouise is among the most
impoitantoneswhichhavetobeauuiesseu.Fuitheimoie,theieaieseveial
complexquestionsconnecteutoueteiminingtheintentionsanumeaningsof
a histoiical text. Beie I will outline the methouological anu theoietical
consiueiations that aie most ielevant fiom the peispective of the souice
mateiialanutheieseaichobjectivesofthisstuuy.
The theoietical uiscussion in the uiscipline of histoiy has in iecent
yeais been much engageu with uiscouise anu context. As the objective of
this stuuy is to situate the souices in theii own suiiounuings anu use that
context as the point of uepaituie in histoiical inteipietation, it follows the
contempoiaiytienuinunueiliningtheimpoitancetocontextualizethetexts
inoiueitounueistanuthem.Thefocusofinteiestisnotontheoiiginsofthe
textual,iuealisticoiuoctiinalelements,whichisoftentheconceinofsouice
stuuies, but it has to be acknowleugeu that iuentifying the souices of the
18

texts is always a pieiequisite foi contextualistic appioach. The

contextualistic appioach, iepiesenteu laigely by Quentin Skinnei anu }ohn
Pocock in the fielu of political thought, has ieceiveu quite an amount of
ciiticism, especially conceining the status of iueas eithei as tightly
uepenuent on each specific context oi as tianshistoiical unchanging
inuepenuent units.
S4
With iegaiu to homiletic texts, ceitain obseivations,
especiallythoseiegaiuingintentionality,conventionsanupoliticaluiscouise
aiewoithcontemplating.
To make a connection between texts anu theii wiuei social
suiiounuings anu to explain how these contexts might shape the
inteipietation of a text is the basic piemise fiom which to appioach the
issues at stake.
SS
This veiy geneial staiting point coulu be saiu to be the
basisfoianykinuofhistoiicalanalysis,anufoithatieasonitiequiiessome
fuithei claiifications. Fiist of all, what uo we mean by context1 In oiuei to
use the context as the giounu foi an aigument, it has to be cleai what is
meantbyit.0ftenthewayweusetheteimimpliessomethingveiygeneial.
Foi instance, the backgiounu, often compileu with the help of seconuaiy
mateiial, can be useu in suppoit to contextualize the histoiical eviuence
founu in the texts we ieau. In othei woius, the context appeais as a stable
mateiial giounu in which to anchoi the uifficult, slippeiy anu ambiguous
meaning of a text.
S6
Context, theieby, seems to be iepiesenting the whole
in contiast to the texts we stuuy, anu as such it is often useu as a pait of

S4
Skinneihasbeenciiticizeuespeciallyfoihisuenialoftheexistenseofinuepenuentanu
ahistoiical iueas as units in theii own iights, but also foi his geneializations, the lack of
uiachionic peispective anu ueteiministic appioach, foi instance. Pocock has ieceiveu
similai ciiticism, especially in teims of being too ueteiministic anu ieuuctionistic, foi
employingconceptsinatooambivalentway,anufoiconfusingthestatusofinteipietation
asmethou,wheieasitcanmoieiightlybeseenas anaigumentoboutinteipietation.See
fuithei Petei L. }anssen, Political Thought as Tiauitionaiy Action: The Ciitical Response
to Skinnei anu Pocock, history onJ Tbeory 24, no. 2 (198S); Leiuulf Nelve, Intentions,
Concepts anu Reception: An Attempt to Come to Teims with the Nateiialistic anu
Biachionic Aspects of the Bistoiy of Iueas, history of Politicol Tbouqbt 27, no. S (2uu6);
Nelvin Richtei, Reconstiucting the Bistoiy of Political Languages: Pocock, Skinnei, anu
the 6escbicbtlicbe 6runJbeqriffe, history onJ Tbeory 29, no. 1 (199u); }ames Tully, eu.
HeoninqonJContext:uentinSkinneronJhisCritics(Piinceton,N.}.:Piinceton0niveisity
Piess,1988).
SS
Kieian 0'Balloian, Criticol 0iscourse Anolysis onJ lonquoqe Coqnition (Euinbuigh:
Euinbuigh0niveisityPiess,2uuS),2.
S6
Robeit N. Stein, Liteiaiy Ciiticism anu the Eviuence foi Bistoiy, in Writinq HeJievol
history,eu.NancyPaitnei(Lonuon:BouueiAinolu,2uuS),77.
19

aigumentation. The line of aigumentation must be cleai, howevei. Theie is

ceitain ambivalence in how, on the one hanu, context can be useu to
suppoithistoiicaleviuence,while,ontheotheihanu,thehistoiicaleviuence
can be useu to suppoit the iuea of the context. So the stableness of context
may actually enu up being uepenuent on the way we foimulate oui
aiguments.
Theie is a moie specific way to uefine context, too. Robeit Stein has
uefineu it in a way which is iathei suitable foi the stuuy of meuieval texts,
which aie often wiitten in a style that applies well to homiletic uiscouise:
ueiivative, iepetitive, uepenuent on textual authoiities anu liteiaiy
tiauition, anu engageu with uoctiinal issues. Also, the manusciipt cultuie
anuthealteiationstheuiffeientstagesoftextualtiansmissionpiouuceuaie
takenintoaccountinthisuefinition.Theieaiethieemainfactoiswhichaie
incluueu in the immeuiate context of Stein, anu to which the analysis of
ieligious-political uiscouise can be tieu. We shoulu pay attention to a set of
othei texts which alieauy ciiculateu in the cultuie of the time unuei
examination:1)textswhichsupplieuthewiiteiwithaconceptualappaiatus
anu a way of speaking (anu wiiting), 2) the souices the text unuei
examination comments on anu was uepenuent on, anu S) the ieception of
thetext,whichintuinwasinfoimeuwithotheiieauings.
S7
Inoppositionto
the wiue but vague concept of the context as eveiything else than the text
itself, I finu this uefinition moie manageable anu useful in the stuuy of
homileticuiscouise,asitsstaitingpointisthetextuallyoiienteucultuiethe
meuieval wiiteis weie pait of, which, in the enu, is the only channel by
which we can appioach the iueas of a meuieval authoi. The last point, the
ieceptionofthetext,whilealsoacknowleugingthatthemeaningofeachtext
vaiies with time anu situation, anu gives the auuience a laige iole in its
assessment, is not uevelopeu in this stuuy, but shoulu ueseive moie
attentioninfuitheiieseaich.
As Pocock has iemaikeu, the concepts of thought, language anu
uiscouisebeaiimplications tothewayhistoiyisinteipieteu.Be statesthat
what was foimeily, anu as a mattei of convention still is, known as the
histoiy of political thought is now moie accuiately uesciibeu as the histoiy
of political uiscouise.
S8
This means that while it is acknowleugeu that the

S7
Ibiu.,79.
S8
}.u.A.Pocock,PoliticolTbouqbtonJhistory:FssoysonTbeoryonJHetboJ(Cambiiuge:
Cambiiuge 0niveisity Piess, 2uu9), 87. The essay, The Concept of a Language anu the
mtierJbistorien:SomeConsiueiationsonPiactice,wasfiistpublisheuinTbelonquoqes
20

authois weie not voiu of thinking anu thought, on the contiaiy, it is also
iealizeu that in oiuei to stuuy them, they must be iegaiueu as pait of
activity, thus focusing moie stiongly on the context. To stuuy the ieligious-
political uiscouise, anu not thought, of late Anglo-Saxon Englanu, is to see
the texts as iesults of activity of the authois, while taking into account the
ciicumstancesanuconuitionsinwhichtheyweiepiouuceu.0neofthemost
impoitant tasks is theiefoie to iecognize the language, in Pococks teims,
which makes the utteiances possible. Theiefoie, what conceins a stuuy of
thiskinuisengagingwithiuioms,ihetoiic anumouesofuiscouise,oiways
of talking, which weie cieateu, uiffuseu anu employeu in the ieligious-
politicaltexts.
S9

Asapiinciple,thehomileticuiscouiseinouisouicemateiialisieauas
acts with actual intentions, not meiely as piouucts of tiauition, as
inuepenuent iueals of social oiuei, oi as isolateu textual peifoimances
without close connection to ieality. Although, it has to be emphasizeu that
texts aie not only iefeiences to inuiviuual choices of the authoi, but they
also ieflect the histoiically vaiiable value juugements which have a close
ielationship to social iueals of the time; theiefoie they often constitute the
assumptions anu values by which authoiity is maintaineu anu exeiciseu
ovei otheis.
4u
This is an essential point in my own piemise foi histoiical
ieseaich. The explanatoiyfactoiinhistoiy,asIseeit,cannotbe ieuuceuto
eithei inuiviuual action oi laigei stiuctuies, but aie constituteu within a
fiamewoik wheie inuiviuuals act accoiuing to the values, tiauition,
assumptions, moues of thought, knowleuge, piejuuices, attituues anu iules
whichaiecultuiallyanuhistoiicallyspecific.Inuiviuualactionisthusapait
of the stiuctuie. Action is not pieueteimineu, anu it is not the necessaiy
outcome of that paiticulai time anu cultuie. Theie can be uisciepancies in
inuiviuual action, when compaieu to othei events of the time. In this case I
speak of a uiscuisive fiamewoik, within which ieligious ihetoiic coulu be
useuinuiffeientwaystoauthoiizenotionsofpoliticaloiuei. Consequently,
ieligious uiscouise is not a single, unifoim anu coheient entity, but a seiies
ofuiscouisesinpluial,thatoveilapanualwaysauapt.
41
Thisisanimpoitant

of Politicol Tbeory in Forly HoJern Furope, eu. Anthony Paguen (Cambiiuge: Cambiiuge
0niveisityPiess,1987),19S8.
S9
Ibiu.,8789.
4u
Teiiy Eagleton, literory Tbeory: An lntroJuction (Ninneapolis: 0niveisity ofNinnesota
Piess,1996),14.
41
Cameion,CbristionityonJtbeRbetoricofFmpire,S.
21

point,asittakesasits staitingpointthe vaiiablenatuieofhuman actionin

histoiy. The uiscouises within this fiamewoik often weie similai, even if
inuiviuually aujustable. 0nly when the uiscouise extenus beyonu the
appioveubounuaiiesoftheuiscuisivefiamewoik,canwetalkaboutchange
inhistoiy.Theanomaliesinhistoiy,sotospeak,aiethusagenciesofchange,
when they extenu the noimal uiscouise beyonu these uiscuisive
fiamewoiks,outsiueitsbounuaiies.
Biscouise cannot exist without inteiaction; its meanings aie foimeu
onlywhentheuiscouiseitselfismanifesteuinaspeechactoiinwiiting,anu
also when the iecipient paiticipates in it. Foi example, the vast homiletic
piouuction of the late tenth centuiy was a foim of uiscouise in which the
texts in question weie useu to shape anu confiim the notion of the iight
oiuei of the woilu. It is impoitant to notice that uiscouise, oi language, is
oftenamatteiofauthoiity;instuuyingthemouesanuiulesofuiscouiseitis
uisceineuhowliteiatepiofessionalshave becomeinvolveuinuiiectingthe
affaiisofotheisanuhaveobligeuotheistouiscouiseinthelanguageswhich
they have evolveu.
42
At the same time, it is also noticeu how the same
uiscouise can be appiopiiateu anu employeu in uiffeient situations foi
uiffeientpuiposes.Theseobseivationsaieiighttothepointwithiegaiusto
the topic of this thesis; the conceptions of the iight oiuei anu noimative
uiscouise employeu in the texts of lfiic anu Wulfstan can be iegaiueu
authoiitativeintheveiymeaningofthewoiu.
The moue of uiscouise these homiletic texts convey was laigely
conventional anu baseu on acknowleugeu authoiities, using iepetitive
phiases, iueas, anu foimulations. The conventional natuie of meuieval
uiscouise can be a fiustiating factoi in the piocess of histoiical
inteipietation.Bowuoweuisceintheauthoianuthetextualconventionshe
oi she has useu1 It has been suggesteu, iightly, that in oiuei to ieconstiuct
thecontextofouiobjectofstuuy,oneoughttostuuyasmanycontempoiaiy
texts as possible. 0nly in this way can we make an attempt at inteipieting
the intentions of the authoi, especially when it comes to uelineating
politicaltheoiyamongstauthoisthatneveihauanyintentionofwiiting
political theoiy in the fiist place.
4S
This applies extiemely well to the texts
of lfiic anu Wulfstan, in which the iueas of social, political anu ieligious
oiueiaieoftenscatteieuthioughouttheiihomilies,letteisanusaintslives.

42
Pocock,PoliticolTbouqbtonJhistory,91.
4S
Nelve,Intentions,ConceptsanuReception,S8S,S91,4u1.
22

Nost of the texts stuuieu in this thesis uo not piesent oi even intenu to
piesent a coheient political exposition, with the exception of Wulfstans
lnstitutes of Polity, which is an unusual piesentation of political theoiy in
thistime.
This biings us to the last point of this biief uisposition of theoiy anu
methou, namely, the issue of intention anu meaning. Paitly this issue is a
mattei of uefinition. What is meant by meaning1 Neaning can uenote a
linguistic coiiesponuence, without iefeiences outsiue the text itself. 0i,
moie often in contempoiaiy philosophy of histoiy, the meaning of a text is
connecteu to the values of the authoi on the one hanu, anu to the values of
theauuienceontheothei.Thus,meaningsaieboinanewineachsituation.I
willnotuelveintoueciuingwhatthetexts meant foitheii auuiences,which
belongsmoietoieceptiontheoiy,butin anycasethisuistinctionshoulube
boine in minu thioughout the stuuy. Auuitionally, the meaning of a text is
not uetacheu oi autonomous but closely connecteu to its context; it uiaws
upon a seiies of pie-existent meanings, meanings of foimulae, tiopes,
clichs, conventions, genies, taxonomies, myths, chaiacteis, histoiies,
iueologiesanuotheihistoiical-cultuial-semanticitems.
44
Withoutasciibing
self-eviuentmeaningstothe texts,the taskofthehistoiiantoiecognizeall
the pie-existing moues of uiscouise anu then to place them in a specific
situation is a uaunting one, not least when uealing with meuieval souices.
Theiuentificationofmeaningbecomespioblematicwitholutexts,wiittenin
a foieign cultuie, social suiiounuings, anu language. In the scale that is
possible within the bounus of a stuuy like this, this issue is auuiesseu by
taking into account seveial texts of the authois, taigeteu to uiffeient
auuiencesinuiffeienttimesoftheiiwiitingcaieeis.
Whatconceinstheioleoftheauthoisthemselves,theiiintentionsfoim
an impoitant pait as taigets of inteipietation. Theii intentions weie
inheiently pait of theii uiscouise, anu can be seen as one of the most
impoitantfactoisincieatinganuconsoliuatingthenoimativeuiscouise.The
intentions of the authoi aie sepaiateu fiom the meaning of the text, if we
think of the meaning as asciibeu by the auuience. Theiefoie the ieceiveu
meaning shoulu be seen by its piemise as uiffeient fiom the intenueu
meaning, as they woik on uiffeient tempoial levels.
4S
Bowevei, when
thinking about late Anglo-Saxon wiiteisanu I shoulu assume that it

44
TimNuiphy,Biscouise,in6uiJetotbeStuJyofReliqion,eu.WilliBiaunanuRussellT.
NcCutcheon(Lonuon:Cassell,2uuu),S98.
4S
Nelve,Intentions,ConceptsanuReception,S88,S92S94.
23

applies also to othei meuieval authoisit is soon iealizeu that they

iepiesentbothintenueuanuieceiveumeanings,uepenuingonouiobjectof
inteiest. The main focus of the ieseaich is to sciutinize the woiks of lfiic
anu Wulfstan, anu to ueteimine the ways they expiesseu theii conceptions
about social oiuei. So theii texts iepiesent the intenueu meaning of the
abbotanuaichbishopthemselves.But,anextiemelyimpoitantpaitintheii
concepts was the way they interpreteJ onJ tronsloteJ the patiistic authois
anubiblicaltexts,sothatwhilepiesentingthemasauthoiitative,sacieuanu
immutable tiuths, they also iepiesent the ieceiveu meaning of patiistic
souices. The late Anglo-Saxon uiscouise, within the same souices,
iepiesentsthesebothsiuesofmeanings,anushoulubetakenintoaccountin
histoiical analysis. To concluue my position, the way uiscouise is useu in
uiffeient histoiical contexts tells of the ways knowleuge was foimeu,
conceptualizeu, anu in what categoiies the iueas weie placeu. This is in my
viewapiomisingappioachtogainingatleastapaitialunueistanuingofthe
epistemologicalanusocialuimensionsofhistoiicaltexts.

24

2. Intellectual aspirations and

political challenges at the turn of
the millennium

The monastic movement in tenth-centuiy Anglo-Saxon Englanu, often

iefeiieutoastheBeneuictineiefoimoimonasticievival,mustbeiegaiueu
as one of the most significant backgiounu factois when stuuying the
ieligious-political uiscouises of lfiic anu Wulfstan. The motives anu
intentions of both of these wiiteis cannot be seen as sepaiate fiom the
aspiiations of the movement, so in the following I will uiscuss the
pieliminaiiesthataieessentialinunueistanuingtheuiscouisesexamineuin
this stuuy, staiting with the iefoimeu monasticism, its goals anu
achievements, anu its connection with ioyal authoiity. Then I will piesent
themainauthoiswhosewoiksaieunueiexaminationinthisstuuy,lfiicof
EynshamanuWulfstanofYoik.Lastly the politicalsituationofAnglo-Saxon
Englanu is shoitly uiscusseu in junction with the pievailing viking attacks
anu theii outcome. As it will be seen, the peiiou was highly iich in liteiaiy,
ieligious anu political teims, anu this histoiical backgiounu will point out
thecomplexitiesinlateAnglo-Saxonieligious-politicaluiscouises.
2.1. The Benedictine reform
2.1.1. The goals of the reform
The Beneuictine iefoim has foi long been iecognizeu to have been an
impoitant featuie in the cultuial anu ecclesiastical life of tenth centuiy
even though the scale of its impact iemains continuously unuei uiscussion.
Thiee main figuies of this movement, Bishop thelwolu of Winchestei (u.
984),AichbishopBunstanof Canteibuiy(u.988)anu0swaluofWoicestei,
AichbishopofYoik(u.992),who allieceiveusaintly statussoonafteitheii
ueaths, weie inspiieu by Cluniac iueas of iefoimeu monasticism pievalent
25

on the continent at the time. The movement uiew stiongly on Caiolingian

texts anu iueas, anu this influence is seen cleaily in Anglo-Saxon liteiatuie
piouuceu at this time. The movement, while not unambiguously unifieu, in
any case influenceu the cuiient cultuie of Anglo-Saxon Englanu at least at
liteiaiy, scholailyanuaitisticlevels,anucieateuanew kinuofielationship
betweenthechuichanuthestate.
46

The iefoim was mainly baseu on the iuea that a uiastic change was in
oiuei toiepaiithecuiientstateof ecclesiasticalanumonasticlife, anu saw
thatthewaytouothiswastoietuintothestiictBeneuictinemonasticiules
anu iueals. The ihetoiic of iefoim playeu an impoitant pait in the liteiaiy
woiks of the movement; one of its essential featuies was to uepieciate the
contempoiaiy times anu the iecent past, anu to gloiify the moie ancient
past, especially that of sixth anu seventh centuiies. Nostalgic featuies anu
tiauition playeu a pait in the movements ihetoiical aitilleiy: it aimeu to
iestoiethefoimeimonasticepiscopacy,whichhaupievaileuinEnglanuin
Beues times, anu took piiue in the native, tiauitional element of the Anglo-
Saxon monasticism in geneial.
47
With this ihetoiic a concept of a ceitain
goluen age became an essential tool in emphasizing the cuiiently
uegeneiatestateofthechuich.Theiefoimeisjuxtaposeuthecontempoiaiy,
wiongconuuctofimpiouspiiestswiththatofthegoluenageoithouoxyanu
coiiect conuuct.
48
In piactice it was not always easy foi the iefoimeis to
justify theii policies with authoiitative texts, especially when it came to

46
AiatheicompiehensivecollectionofaiticleswhichfocusesontheiefoimisstillBaviu
Paisons, eu. Tentb-Century StuJies: Fssoys in Commemorotion of tbe Hillenium of tbe
Council of Wincbester onJ Requloris ConcorJio (Lonuon: Phillimoie, 197S). As Nicola
Robeitson points out in hei ieview, it iepiesents a somewhat uiffeient appioach to the
movementthancuiientscholaiship,whichfocusesmoieonthetextsoftheiefoim.Nicola
Robeitson,TheBeneuictineRefoim:CuiientanuFutuieScholaiship,literotureComposs
S,no.S(2uu6).Robeitsongivesanexcellentaccountofthecuiientscholaiship(although
at one point she mistakes St Wulfstan of Woicestei foi Aichbishop Wulfstan), anu the
bibliogiaphy of hei ieview is extensive. Also Catheiine Cubitts ieview aiticle, although a
bit oluei, is useful. Catheiine Cubitt, Review Aiticle: The Tenth-Centuiy Beneuictine
RefoiminEnglanu,ForlyHeJievolFurope6,no.1(1997).
47
ChiistopheiA.}ones,eu.Aelfric'slettertotbeHonksofFynsbom,CambiiugeStuuiesin
Anglo-SaxonEnglanu:24(Cambiiuge:Cambiiuge0niveisityPiess,1998),424S.Seealso
Patiick Woimalu, thelwolu anu Bis Continental Counteipaits: Contact, Compaiison,
Contiast,inBisbopAtbelwolJ:hisCoreeronJlnfluence,eu.BaibaiaYoike(Wooubiiuge:
TheBoyuellPiess,1988).
48
Antonia uiansuen, Tiauitionalism anu Continuity uuiing the Last Centuiy of Anglo-
SaxonNonasticism,}ournolofFcclesiosticolhistory4u,no.2(1989):16216S.
26

canon law, which uiu not give full suppoit foi theii actions.
49
Nouein
scholaiship usually now iecognizes that the past the iefoimeis wanteu to
ievive was laigely a cieation of theii own time. Iuealizing the past was in
anycaseanessentialpaitintheihetoiicoflfiicanuWulfstan,aswell.But
theiefoimeisnotonlyiuealizeutheiinativepast;theyhaualsoothei,moie
conciete means to impose change, which weie mostly baseu on continental
mouels.
The movement in Englanu was fiom its outset inspiieu by similai
uevelopmentsonthecontinent.Bunstan,foiinstance,haubeentooneofthe
centies of the monastic ievival neai uhent, befoie gaining the suppoit anu
favoui of King Eugai (9S997S) anu ietuining to Englanu. 0swalu, too, hau
spent time at Fleuiy, anu the ielationships between the English anu
continental monasteiies aie known to have been quite active at this time,
iesulting in inteichange of iueas, books, anu also people. The continental
iefoimeis lookeu back to the Caiolingian iefoimeis, especially those of
BeneuictofAniane,PaultheBeacon,BaymoofAuxeiieanuSmaiaguus,anu
both lfiic anu Wulfstan tuineu to these eailiei authoiities often in theii
ownwoiks.
Su
Nanyofthe neweiimpoitant texts,onwhich theBeneuictine
iefoim leaneu heavily, such as continental penitentials, the capitulaiy of
Aachen,pseuuo-Alcuins0eJivinisofficiis,anuwoiksbyTheouulfof0ilans
anu Amalaiius of Netz, weie chaiacteiizeu by a common featuie: a wish to
iegulate anu uefine the iight way of monastic lifeanu also the life of
seculaicleigy.
S1
Thisfeatuieisimpoitanttonoteheie,astheieligiouslyanu
moiallypiopeioiueipioveutobeanessentialguiuinglineinalloflfiics
anuWulfstanswoiks.
Pieviously the continental impact was consiueieu to have been iathei
peivasiveat theexpenseofnotiecognizingtheEnglishpieceuents.Antonia
uiansuen, most notably, questioneu the exclusive iole of continental iueas,
anu showeu that fiistly, the iefoimeis themselves weie on the foiefiont to

49
0nthecontinentBishopBuichaiuofWoimsevenmauechangestotextstogainsuppoit
foi the iefoim fiom them. Eiic }ohn, The Woilu of Abbot lfiic, in lJeol onJ Reolity in
Fronkisb onJ Anqlo-Soxon Society, eu. Patiick Woimalu, Bonalu Bullough, anu Rogei
Collins(0xfoiu:BasilBlackwell,198S),SuS.
Su
Wilcox,Alfric'sPrefoces,S,18.
S1
}oyce Bill, Nonastic Refoim anu the Seculai Chuich: lfiic's Pastoial Letteis in
Context,inFnqlonJintbeFleventbCentury:ProceeJinqsoftbe1990horloxtonSymposium,
eu. Caiola Bicks (Stamfoiu: Paul Watkins, 1992), 1u81u9. 0thei impoitant anu oluei
texts weie e.g. Rufinuss historio Fcclesiostico, Isiuoies Ftymoloqioe anu 0e ecclesiosticis
officisanuCaiolingianhomileticmateiial.
27

piomote the view of theii connections to the continent, anu seconuly, that
the iueas of iefoim weie not unknown in Anglo-Saxon Englanu, eithei. She
aigueuthattheiefoimwasbaseuasmuchonthetiauitionaliueasasonthe
continental influence.
S2
This image pievaileu foi long also foi ieasons of
scholaily inteiest, which concentiateu on uetecting the Caiolingian mouels
anu souices in the texts of the iefoim. While it is cleai that the continental
texts anu iueas hau a majoi iole in the uevelopment of the movement in
Englanu,theiueasthemselvesaieimpoitanttoconsiueialsofiomtheiiown
staiting points, which I will uo in this thesis foi the pait of lfiic anu
Wulfstan. In othei woius, iecognizing the liteiaiy influence anu textual
tiauition uoes not ieuuce the impoitance of the iueas to those who useu
them,inthiscasetheseconu-geneiationmembeisoftheiefoim.
0ne of the movements objects was the auvancement of euucation,
leaining,anuliteiacy.Thisgoalcanpaitiallybeseeninthevigoiousliteiaiy
activities of the enu of the tenth centuiy anu the beginning of the eleventh.
The movement hau a majoi impact on language, as well; especially
thelwolus school at Winchestei succeeueu in piouucing a stanuaiuizeu
veinaculai liteiaiy language in the foim of West Saxon.
SS
The question of
language is impoitant to note alieauy heie as an essential aspect of the
iefoim, since it will play an impoitant pait as an authoiizing tool in the
following chapteis. The iefoim has been chaiacteiizeu to have been
paiticulaily inteiesteu in questions of language anu its manipulation as a
means of cieating uiffeience.
S4
It hau thiee uistinct means to cieate
authoiity anu exclusivity. thelwolus school paiticulaily succeeueu in
ieplacing the tiauitional Anglo-Saxon sciipt with Caiolingian minuscule in
manusciipts. Seconuly, the heimeneutic Latin of the tenth-centuiy
iefoimeis, which uelibeiately useu neologisms anu boiiowings that weie
uifficult to unueistanu, cieateu a uivision between the leaineu anu
unleaineu.
SS
Thisuivisionwasvalue-lauen;thosewhocouluunueistanuanu
inteipietthislanguagecouluclaimceitainauthoiityoveipiopeiknowleuge

S2
uiansuen, Tiauitionalism anu Continuity uuiing the Last Centuiy of Anglo-Saxon
Nonasticism.
SS
See fuithei Nechthilu uietsch, Winchestei vocabulaiy anu Stanuaiu 0lu English: The
veinaculaiinLateAnglo-SaxonEnglanu,Bulletinoftbe}obnRylonJs0niversitylibroryof
Honcbester 8S, no. 1 (2uu1); Waltei Bofstettei, Winchestei anu the Stanuaiuization of
0luEnglishvocabulaiy,Anqlo-SoxonFnqlonJ17(1988).
S4
Cubitt,ReviewAiticle:TheTenth-CentuiyBeneuictineRefoiminEnglanu,89.
SS
Ibiu.SeealsoLapiuge,Anqlo-lotinliteroture9001066,1uS149.
28

anuuoctiine.Thiiuly, theway notonlyLatin,butalso0luEnglishwasuseu

imposeuspecificnoimsanustanuaiustothewiittencultuie.lfiicwasthe
mostvisiblepioponentofthisstanuaiuization,anuhewaswellawaieofthe
issues of inteipietation connecteu to the use of the wiitten woiu, as it will
becomeeviuentlatei.
lfiic anu Wulfstan weie not the only piose wiiteis of this time, even
though it sometimes might seem like that; othei wiiteis left theii tiaces in
books, too. Nost of them iemain anonymous, with the exception of
Byihtfeith of Ramsey (ca. 97u1u2u), whose name can be iuentifieu with
the help of signatuies that he left in two manusciipts. Be is most famous
fiom his scientific woik, FncbiriJion, but he also paiticipateu
contempoianeouslywithlfiicanuWulfstaninwiitinghomileticuiscouise,
bioauly speaking, in his vitoe of St 0swalu anu Ecgwine.
S6
It shoulu also be
mentioneu that all the foui majoi couices that foim the essential coipus of
0lu English poetiy suiviving to oui uays weie piouuceu at this time. This,
too,isaninuicationofthelaige-scaleliteiaiyactivitiesof thispeiiou.Nany
othei manusciipts weie copieu along with them, incluuing impoitant Latin
woiks. Nanusciipt illuminations, ivoiy-caiving, metalwoik anu sculptuie
flouiisheu, as well.
S7
In auuition to these enueavouis, which can be uefineu
ascultuial,thepoliticalpaitofliteiaiyanuotheiactivitiesuiunotfallmuch
behinu: the ieign of thelieu is unusually well iepiesenteu by law coues,
chaiteis,anucoinage.Itisthusimpoitanttonotethisextiemelyiichactivity
in teims of both cultuial anu political anu situate the uevelopment of the
liteiaiyexpiessionsofauthoiitytothisspecificpoint.
The iefoim has been a subject of vast scholaily inteiest in the iecent
uecaues,anusomeassessmentsofitsnatuiehavebeenieviseu.Thecuiient
scholaiship has staiteu to question the foimei suppositions of the unity of
the movement, anu the iesults of many iecent stuuies suggest that all the
thiee leaueis of the iefoim hau uiffeient appioaches to it, as Catheiine
Cubitt noteu in hei ieview aiticle on thiee volumes, Bisbop AtbelwolJ: his
Coreer onJ lnfluence, euiteu by Baibaia Yoik (1988), St 0unston: his life,
Times onJ lnfluence, euiteu by Nigel Ramsay (1992), anu St 0swolJ of

S6
Piinteu in Petei S. Bakei anu Nichael Lapiuge, eus., Byrbtfertb's FncbiriJion, EETS, S.S.
1S(0xfoiu:0xfoiu0niveisityPiess,199S);NichaelLapiuge,eu.ByrbtfertbofRomsey:Tbe
livesofSt0swolJonJStFcqwine(0xfoiu:ClaienuonPiess,2uu8).Byihtfeithwaslaigely
influenceu by the leaining of Abbo of Fleuiy uuiing his visit to Ramsey in 98S987, anu
piobablyalsobytheiefoimisticiueaswhichAbbospiesencemayhaveconveyeu.
S7
Wilcox,Alfric'sPrefoces,2S.
29

Worcester: life onJ lnfluence, euiteu by Nicholas Biooks anu Catheiine

Cubitt(1996).
S8
Afteithesevolumesweiepiouuceu,asubstantialamountof
ieseaich has been uone which confiims this view, but a compiehensive
stuuy of the iefoim, which woulu ueal with it fiom the point of view of
unueistanuing the movement as a whole, is still lacking. Fuitheimoie, as
Robeitson iemaikeu in a moie iecent ieview, theie is now a tenuency to
tieat each subject of the iefoim in ielative isolation, so that while the
inuiviuualtextsanuauthoisaiestuuieuinmuchuetailwithanemphasison
theii oiiginality, at the same time this is uone with a geneial assumption
that the iefoimeis weie woiking togethei to ieach the same goals.
S9
0ften
thetextsoftheiefoimaiestuuieuinuiviuually,anutheiefoietheiesultsaie
fiagmentaiy. Bespite this, new insights of the impoitance of the movement
aienecessaiywhenestimatingitsioleinlfiicsanuWulfstanswoiks,too.
The cuiient scholaiship has yet to ueteimine what the concept of iefoim
meant to the people in the tenth centuiy. Cuiient uefinitions anu
conceptions still suffei fiom the assumptions of the post-Conquest
assessments,anuitisnatuiallyhaiutoiiuoneselfcompletelyofthisbuiuen.
Iuonotpioposetooffeianansweitothemeaningoftheiefoim,butwishto
examinetheuiscouiseoflfiicanuWulfstanascompiehensivelyfiomtheii
own staiting points as is possible within the iestiaints of a stuuy of this
length. Fuithei ieseaich, in which the woiks of othei authois woulu be
takenintoconsiueiation,too,willbeiequiieutogainamoiecompiehensive
unueistanuingofthemovement.Itiscleai,howevei,thattheiueasofiefoim
weie a notable featuie in the uiscouise of both of the authois, also when it
cametopoliticalthought,towhichIwilltuinnext.
2.1.2. Reformed monasticism and royal authority
The ievival of Beneuictine monasticism gieatly influenceu the uevelopment
of political thought in the late tenth centuiy, anu it is mostly thiough the
iueas of the iefoimists that the views on monaichy aie piesenteu in the
souice mateiial. The impoitance of the Beneuictine iefoim foi the
uevelopmentofseculaiinstitutionswasgieatlyunueiestimateuinpievious
scholaiship, but has now been acknowleugeu, anu the movement itself has
gaineu iecognition as moie than an otheiwoiluly monastic phenomenon

S8
Cubitt,ReviewAiticle:TheTenth-CentuiyBeneuictineRefoiminEnglanu,9S94.
S9
Robeitson,TheBeneuictineRefoim,292.
30

withuiawn fiom society anu the goveinance of society.

6u
The political
uimensions of the iefoim have been stuuieu especially by Eiic }ohn, who
pointeuoutthattheiefoimalsohaupoliticalimplications,anuthatitgieatly
benefiteu the king.
61
While all of }ohns aiguments cannot be iegaiueu as
valiu anymoie, specifically conceining the iuea that the iefoim was a
unifoimattackagainstthelayaiistociacy,itiemainsanaccepteunotionthat
the alliance was mutually beneficial foi both ecclesiastical anu ioyal
authoiities.
62

The English iefoim uiffeieu fiom the continental movement

specifically in this close ielationship between the monks anu the king. The
key peisons of influence of the iefoim, Bunstan, thelwolu anu 0swalu,
weie closely tieu to the king, anu it was this ielationship that gave the
movement its special chaiactei in teims of ieligion anu the iueology of
kingship. The iefoimeu monasticism enjoyeu ioyal suppoit especially
uuiing King Eugais ieign (9S997S), anu the status of the king was in
ietuin enhanceu with full ieligious imageiy, ihetoiic, anu iituals. The king
maue it possible foi the monasteiies to exeicise authoiity on theii own
behalf, which in tuin ieuuceu the powei of the seculai, local aiistociacy to
inteivene in the affaiis of monasteiies.
6S
Simply put, the movement stiove
foicultivationofioyaloveilocalaiistociaticpationage.
With theii connections to ioyal authoiity, the iefoimeis authoiizeu
theii attempt to impose Beneuictine stanuaius to all monasteiies anu
insisteu them to ietuin to coiiect Beneuictine iueals anu piactices. The
iefoim wielueu haish polemic against seculai cleiks, which leu to the
expulsion of seculai cleigy fiom some monasteiies. Since the iefoimeis
piomoteutheviewoftheiiauthoiityanuoithouoxy,anuhauconnectionsto
ioyal powei, they coulu in some places authoiize this conuuct, anu ie-
establish new iefoimeu monastic communities in place of seculai cleigy.
Thepolicytoieplaceseculaicommunitieswasalsoseenaspaitofanattack
towaius the powei of seculai aiistociacy, who tiauitionally hau heieuitaiy
iightsoveimonasticofficesanupiopeity.
64
Basicallythisnotonlypioviueu

6u
Loyn,Tbe6overnonceofAnqlo-SoxonFnqlonJS001087,xv.
61
Eiic }ohn, 0rbis Britonnioe onJ 0tber StuJies (Leicestei: Leicestei 0niveisity Piess,
1966).
62
Cubitt,ReviewAiticle:TheTenth-CentuiyBeneuictineRefoiminEnglanu,86.
6S
}ohn,0rbisBritonnioeonJ0tberStuJies.
64
Ibiu. See specifically the chaptei titleu The King anu the Nonks in the Tenth-Centuiy
Refoimation,1S418u.
31

inuepenuence to monasteiies, but also extenueu the authoiity of the king

ovei laigei stietches of lanu, foiming a unifieu kinguom. In tuin, the
monasteiies uisplayeu allegiance to the king: piayeis on behalf of the king
anu his family weie incluueu in the Beneuictine office.
6S
It is likely that the
extent of this kinu of expulsion was exaggeiateu alieauy in its own times,
anu ceitain ievisions have been uone in iecent ieseaich that question the
scaleofthispiactice.Theconsequencesofthealliancecannotbeiegaiueuas
too unifoim anu wiue-ianging; unuoubteuly some membeis of the seculai
aiistociacy suffeieu fiom the establishment of new iefoimeu monasteiies
when they lost lanu oi estates to them, but this was not uue to social ianks
only. Recent ieseaich has shown that many iefoimeu monasteiies weie
connecteuwithanuuepenuentonthelaity,alsootheisthan the king.
66
The
iole of the laity in the iefoim must be consiueieu to have been moie
nuanceu than was pieviously thought, anu this will become eviuent
especiallywithinchaptei4,whichexaminestheielationshipbetweenlfiic
anu the lay aiistociacy, anu illustiates the impoitance of lay piety in
connectionwiththeiuealsoftheiefoim.
The link between political powei anu the monastic iefoim movement
was moie than piesenting the iueals in wiiting; it also manifesteu in actual
policies, in which the uiscouise of iefoim must have playeu a significant
pait.0ntilKingEugaisieigntheunityoftheEnglishkinguomwasnottaken
foigianteu,butitappeaisthatbythe97usceitainconceptionsofunityanu

6S
Be shall now go on to the seconu piayei in which he shall iecite the next two Penitential
psalmsfoitheKing,Queenanubenefactoiswiththiscollect|...jAfteiNoctuinstheyshall
saytwopsalms,0omineneinfuroretuoanuFxouJiotte0ominus,thefiistspeciallyfoithe
King, the othei foi the King, Queen anu benefactois, with these collects |...j Lauus of the
uayfollow,afteiwhich,inauuitiontotheHiserere,theyshallsaytwopsalmsfoitheKing,
Queen anu benefactois: Beoti quorum anu lnclino 0omine ourem tuom. (Inue ueniat au
secunuam oiationem ubi sequentes uuos uicat psalmos pio iege et iegina atque
familiaiibus, cum oiatione 0eus qui coritotis Jono |...j Peiactis Noctuinis uicant uuos
psalmos, 0omine ne in furore tuo et FxouJiot te 0ominus, unum uiuelicet pio iege
specialitei,alteium ueiopioiegeetieginaacfamiliaiibus,cum hiscollectis|...jPosthoc
sequantuiuieiLauues:postHisereremei0eusauuantuuospsalmospioiegeieginaqueet
familiaiibus,Beotiquorumetlnclino0omine[ouremtuom].)ThomasSymons,eu.Requloris
ConcorJioAnqlicoeNotionisHonocborumSonctimonioliumque:TbeHonosticAqreementof
tbe Honks onJNuns of tbe Fnqlisb Notion(Lonuon: Thomas Nelson, 19SS), 1214. Tians.
Symons.
66
Cubitt,ReviewAiticle:TheTenth-CentuiyBeneuictineRefoiminEnglanu,86.
32

political whole hau peimeateu the notions iegaiuing the English state.
67
In
his aspiiation foi unity Eugai stiove to set all Englanu unuei one iule. This
aspiiation encompasseunotonly teiiitoiialunitybutalsointegiityinothei
activities, which can be connecteu with the council of Winchestei anu the
Beneuictine iefoim. The iefoim of the coinage was one of the uisplays of
unifieu piactice. Eugais goal was to establish a piouuction of stanuaiuizeu
coins with set weight anu similai uesign. All the coins fiom this peiiou
uisplay the bust of the king on one siue anu a cioss on the othei, with the
insciiptionrexAnqlorum,pieviouslyuseuonlyiaiely.
68

ButthemostimpoitanteventwhichtellsofEugaisattemptstocieate
acoheientkinguom, anuwhichuemonstiatesthe alliancebetweenthe king
anu the monastic paities, was the meeting at Winchestei in about 97u. It
was agieeu that the monastic custom was to be piactiseu aftei a set of
unifieu,stanuaiuizeu iules,anuthemostimpoitantliteiaiyoutcomeofthis
agieement was the Requloris ConcorJio, uiafteu by Bishop thelwolu. It
aimeu to pioviue unifoim guiues foi lituigy foi all monasteiies in Englanu.
Assuchitwasmoiethanapiacticalguiue. Especiallybyitspieface,aswell
as by some of its othei paits, it is a witness of the ieligious anu political
iueology of the iefoim movement. In auuition to the unifoim obseivance of
theBeneuictineiule,thetextillustiates alltheaspiiationsofthemovement
in a cleai way. Accoiuing to }ones, the Requloris ConcorJio is an illustiation
of the intellectual iigoui which the iefoimeu bishops uisplayeu in theii
attempttostanuaiuizethemovementinthebestpossibleways.
69

The pieface to the Requloris ConcorJio, which staits with panegyiic

foimulations about the king, states that King Eugai calleu the meeting at
WinchesteianumoveubythegiaceofChiist,heuigeualltobeofoneminu
as iegaius monastic usage, to follow the holy anu appioveu fatheis anu so,
withtheiiminusanchoieufiimlyontheoiuinancesoftheRule, toavoiuall
uissension,lestuiffeiingwaysofobseivingthecustomsofoneRuleanuone
countiy shoulu biing theii holy conveisation into uisiepute.
7u
Remaikably,

67
Simon Keynes, The Bistoiical Context of the Battle of Naluon, in Tbe Return of tbe
vikinqs:TbeBottleofHolJon991,eu.B.u.Sciagg(Stiouu:Tempus,2uu6),82.
68
Ibiu.SeealsoNaikBlackbuin,thelieu'sCoinageanuthePaymentofTiibute,inTbe
Return of tbe vikinqs: Tbe Bottle of HolJon 991, eu. B. u. Sciagg (Stiouu: Tempus, 2uu6),
1S7.
69
}ones,Aelfric'slettertotbeHonksofFynsbom,S,1u.
7u
Chiisti compunctus giatia monuit ut concoiues aequali consuetuuinis usu, sanctos
piobatosque imitanuo paties, iegulaiia piaecepta tenaci mentis ancoia seiuantes nullo
33

this agieement coinciueu with King Eugais iefoim of the coinage anu his
belateuimpeiialcoionationin97S.
71
ItcanbeassumeuthatEugaiwasfiist
ciowneu king aiounu 96u, as was the custom, so his seconu coionation
unuoubteuly signifies celebiationanu affiimationof the kings iule ovei
Englanu which was now seen as a unifieu whole.
72
The alliance anu its
uisplays weie thus also symbols of powei foi the king anu the unifieu
kinguom.
KingEugaisueathin97Sputanenutothegoluenuayspiaiseubythe
lateiauthois.Thekinglefttwosons,Euwaiuanuthelieu,anualsoabunch
of uiscontenteu anu powei-hungiy followeis. These foimeu loosely two
opposing paities, which both piomoteu a uiffeient son to the thione. The
eluei son, Euwaiu, was electeu to the thione, thelieu being just a few
yeaisolu.Euwaiusieignwaschaiacteiizeubyiivallingpaitiestakingwhat
they appaiently thought they hau been uepiiveu of by King Eugai. The
monasticwiiteisiefei tothiswithuisappioval,anuthetimehaslateibeen
iegaiueu as an anti-monastic backlash when the monasteiies weie in tuin
uepiiveu of theii lanus anu piivileges. The veision B of the Anqlo-Soxon
Cbronicle, possibly ielateu to Wulfstan, states: In his |Euwaiusj uays
because of his youth, the auveisaiies of uou, Ealuoiman lfheie anu many
otheis, bioke uous law anu hinueieu the monastic life, anu uestioyeu
monasteiies anu uispeiseu the monks anu uiove away the seivants of uou,
whom King Eugai hau oiueieu the holy Bishop thelwolu to institute; anu
they plunueieu wiuows time anu again. Anu many wiongs anu evil lawless
acts iose up afteiwaius, anu evei aftei that it giew much woise.
7S
Also
WulfstanlamenteuthepiesentuaysincontiastwithKingEugaistimeinhis

mouo uissentienuo uiscoiuaient; ne impai ac uaiius unius iegulae ac unius patiiae usus
piobose uitupeiium sanctae conueisationi iiiogaiet. Symons, Requloris ConcorJio, 2S.
Tians.Symons.
71
Wilcox,Alfric'sPrefoces,S6.
72
Keynes,TheBistoiicalContextoftheBattleofNaluon,82.
7S
0n his |Eauweaiuesj uagum, foi his iugoue, uoues wiisacan uoues lage bicon
lfeie ealuoiman, anu oie manega, anu munuciegol myiuon, anu mynstia tostncton,
anumunecastouifuon,anuuoueseowasfeseuon,eEaugaikyninghetionehalgan
biscop Aalwo<l>u gestalian, anu wyuewan bestiyptan oft anu gelome, anu fela uniihta
anu yfela unlaga aiysan up sian, anu aa ftei am hit yfeloue swie. u. P. Cubbin, eu.
Tbe Anqlo-Soxon Cbronicle: A Colloborotive FJition: volume 6: HS 0 (Cambiiuge: B. S.
Biewei,1996),4647,s.a. 97S.Tians.WhitelockinBoiothyWhitelock,BaviuC.Bouglas,
anu Susie I. Tuckei, eus., Anqlo-Soxon Cbronicle (Lonuon: Eyie anu Spottiswooue, 1961),
78.
34

lnstitutes of Polity: It is iight that ieeves zealously pioviue, anu always

iightfully gain foi theii loius: but now it has been altogethei too much the
case, since Eugai uieu, as uou willeu it, that theie aie moie iobbeis than
iighteous; anu it is a giievous thing, that those aie iobbeis who shoulu be
guaiuians of a Chiistian people.
74
It has been estimateu, though, that the
uepiction is too biaseu in favoui of the monastic pait, anu that the
maltieatment of monasteiies might have been in fact miluei than what the
souicesleauustobelieve.Ratheiitshoulubevieweuaspiopaganuaofone
factionagainstanothei,anushoulunotbeiegaiueuasauichotomybetween
the laity anu the monks, but as a piimaiily political uispute between the
suppoiteis of Euwaiu anu thelieu, which consisteu of monastic anu
seculaiaiistociacyonbothsiues.
7S
InanycasetheieignofEuwaiuwasnot
successful,sincehewasmuiueieuonlyafteitwoyeaisonthethionein978,
possiblybytheopposingpaitieswhothenpiomoteuthelieutothethione.
thelieus mothei, lfthiyth, was nameu by latei wiiteis as the agent
behinu the muiuei, in oiuei to piomote hei own son to the thione. This
inteipietationcannotbeconfiimeuwithavailablesouices,anuwaspossibly
influenceu by the unfoitunate fame that the ieign of thelieu gaineu aftei
its known outcome.
76
The ueath of Euwaiu was in any case the uecisive
factoi in the accession of thelieu, anu he was now an unuisputeu heii to
thethione.Begaineutheecclesiasticalaffiimationfoihisiulewhenhewas
coionateuinaceiemonybyAichbishopBunstanon4Nay979.
77

Bespite the political uisagieements, which the leauing monastic

iefoimeis weie pait of, the monastic ievival continueu to flouiish unuei

74
Rihtis,tgeiefangeoinlicetyliananusymleheoiahlafoiuanstiynanmiuiihte.Acnu
hitisgewoiueneallestoswye,syanEaugaigeenuoue,swaswauouwolue,tmais
iaiypeiaonneiihtwisiaanuiseaimlicing,tasynuoniypeiasesceoluanbeon
hyiuas ciistenes folces. Kail }ost, eu. 0ie lnstitutes of Polity, Civil onJ Fcclesiosticol: ein
Werk Frzbiscbof Wulfstons von York, Schweizei anglistische Aibeiten 47 (Bein: Fiancke
veilag,19S9),81.Tians.byThoipeinBenjaminThoipe,eu.AncientlowsonJlnstitutesof
FnqlonJ(|Lonuonj:184u),vol.2,S21.
7S
B. }. v. Fishei, The Anti-Nonastic Reaction in the Reign of Euwaiu the Naityi,
CombriJqehistoricol}ournol1u,no.S(19S2):2SS,2S9,26827u.
76
SimonKeynes,Tbe0iplomosofKinqAtbelreJtbe0nreoJy,9781016:AStuJyinTbeir
0se As historicol FviJence, Cambiiuge Stuuies in Neuieval Life anu Thought, Siu Seiies
(Cambiiuge:Cambiiuge0niveisityPiess,198u),168174.
77
, Re-Reauing King thelieu the 0nieauy, in Writinq HeJievol Bioqropby, 7S0
12S0: Fssoys in honour of Fronk Borlow, eu. Baviu Bates, Saiah Bamilton, anu }ulia Ciick
(Wooubiiuge:Boyuell,2uu6),8284.
35

thelieuseailyieign;thewoiksoflfiic,foiinstance,aieanillustiationof
this success. The alliance between ceitain monastic paities anu the king,
which alieauy pieuateu lfiics anu Wulfstans times, is thus impoitant to
keepinminuwhenexaminingtheieligious-politicalihetoiic.Bythetimeof
King Eugais coionation, both of them woulu have been young men in theii
eaily twenties, thus awaie of the time befoie King Euwaiu anu thelieu II.
They both iefei to King Eugais times as anothei goluen age, to which theii
contempoiaiy, evil anu miseiable times aie compaieu with stiiking
contiast.EveniftheBeneuictineiefoimeisuiunotnecessaiilygainalasting
impact, theii aspiiations aie fully seen in lfiics, anu also Wulfstans,
continuous stiive foi oithouoxy anu oiuei. Next I will examine these two
figuiesinmoieuetail,staitingwithlfiicofEynsham.
2.1.3. lfric of Eynsham
lfiic, a piiest at Ceine Abbas in the 99us, anu abbot of Eynsham fiom
aiounu 1uuS onwaius, has foi long been iegaiueu as the most piouuctive
piose wiitei of the Anglo-Saxon peiiou, anu the most impoitant one foi
moueinieseaichon0luEnglishlanguageanuliteiatuie.Bavingbeentaught
by Bishop thelwolu at Winchestei, lfiic was an heii to the iefoimeu
Beneuictine monasticism, anu can be consiueieu as membei of the seconu
geneiation of the iefoim. Bis iole as a iefoimei was not, howevei, uiiectly
compaiabletothoseofthepieviousgeneiation.Recentieseaichhasshown
that lfiic uiu not silently confoim to all the views of the iefoim, but
coiiecteu anu alteieu them accoiuing to his own stanuaius.
78
As }oyce Bill
has aigueu, lfiics stanuaius weie in fact stiictei than those of the fiist-
geneiation iefoimeis, anu eviuently he also iuentifieu himself as a
iefoimei.
79
Theiefoie,hisuiscouisecannotbetieateuasauiiectcontinuum
of the iefoims iueologies, but must be iegaiueu as meaningful in its own
situation.

78
}ones,Aelfric'slettertotbeHonksofFynsbom,4S.RefeiiingtoNaiyClayton,TbeCultof
tbe virqin Hory in Anqlo-Soxon FnqlonJ, Cambiiuge Stuuies in Anglo-Saxon Englanu 2
(Cambiiuge: Cambiiuge 0niveisity Piess, 199u), 26u26S; }oyce Bill, Refoim anu
Resistance: Pieaching Styles in Late Anglo-Saxon Englanu, in 0e l'bomlie ou sermon:
histoire Je lo prJicotion mJivole, eu. }acqueline Bamesse anu Xaviei Beimanu
(Louvain-a-Neuve:199S),SSS8.
79
,RefoimanuResistance,S2S4.
36

The most iecent account of lfiics life anu woiks is founu in }oyce
BillschapteiinAComponiontoAlfric,avaluablecollectionofaiticleswhich
pioviues an oveiview of the contempoiaiy ieseaich on lfiic.
8u
Also
}onathan Wilcox pioviues a goou intiouuction to lfiic in his Prefoces of
Alfric,
81
anu Belmut uneuss moie biiefly in Alfric of Fynsbom: his life,
Times, onJ Writinqs.
82
lfiic was boin aiounu 9Su, although the exact yeai
ofhisbiithisnotknown.Theuateisbaseuonthefiistiefeiencetolfiicas
being a mass-piiest (a piopeily oiuaineu piiest with the iight to conuuct
masses, asopposeu tocleiicsinminoioiueis), foiwhich the ageofatleast
thiity woulu have been iequiieu at the time. Wilcox has suggesteu that
lfiicmayhavebeenboinalieauyin94uoi94S,baseuontheiefeienceto
Bunstan as his teachei in lfiics 6rommor.
8S
The uate of his ueath is not
known eithei, but it has been estimateu that he uieu aiounu 1u1u. The
events of his life can be estimateu only thiough the iefeiences in his own
wiitings,whichcanbefiustiatinglyvague.Itseemsthathisfiistexpeiiences
witheuucationweienotpaiticulailysatisfactoiy,ashestatesinthepieface
to the tianslation of uenesis, that he was taught by an unleaineu piiest at
one time (bwilon), who coulu unueistanu only little Latin (be cue be Jle
lyJen unJerstonJon). Foi this ieason the piiest uiu not unueistanu the
uiffeiencebetweenthe0luanuNew Testament piopeily,which iesulteuin
wiong inteipietation of uoctiine.
84
lfiics latei euucation, in contiast,
appeais to have been of completely uiffeient natuie. Be is connecteu with
the most impoitant peisons of the iefoimeu monasticism, especially
thelwolu. In seveial instances lfiic mentions having been a pupil of
thelwolu of Winchestei (iefeis to himself as olumnus AelwolJi in the
piefacetoChI,thepiefacetovitoS.AtbelwolJi,thepiefacetohis6rommor,
anu the lettei to the monks of Eynsham), anu wiites occasionally about his
expeiiencesatWinchestei.
8S

Fiom Winchestei lfiic was tiansfeiieu to Ceine Abbas, wheie he

wiotemostofhiswoik,thetwoseiiesofCotbolichomilies,thecollectionof

8u
, lfiic: BisLife anu Woiks, in A Componion to Alfric, eu. Bugh Nagennis anu
NaiySwan(Leiuen:Biill,2uu9),SS6S.
81
Wilcox,Alfric'sPrefoces,18S.
82
Belmutuneuss,AlfricofFynsbom.hislife,Times,onJWritinqs,0luEnglishNewslettei
SubsiuiaS4(Kalamazoo:NeuievalInstitutePublications,2uu9).
8S
Wilcox,Alfric'sPrefoces,7.
84
Ibiu.,116.
8S
Ibiu.,78.
37

saintslives,aLatingiammai(thefiistoneofitskinuwiitteninveinaculai),
the 6lossory, anu the Colloquy, also aimeu foi Latin teaching. Accoiuing to a
copy of the founuation chaitei, Ceine was founueu oi ie-founueu on an
alieauy monastic site by an aiistociatic layman, thelmi, as a iefoimeu
Beneuictine monasteiy in 987. The exact yeai of lfiics tiansfei is not
known, but it is estimateu that he was theie by 99u.
86
At the iequest of
thelmilfiicmoveutoCeinetoteachanuseiveasapiiest,ashestates
inthepiefacetothefiistseiiesofCotbolichomilies.
87

lfiics latei life anu caieei weie influenceu by the political

ciicumstances especially aftei 1uuS1uu6. At that time his pation,
thelmi, founueu anothei monasteiy with ioyal piivileges at Eynsham,
0xfoiushiie, anu electeu lfiic as its abbot. These uevelopments anu
lfiicsielationshipwiththelayaiistociacyaieexamineufuitheiinchaptei
4. At Eynsham lfiic is known to have wiitten pastoial letteis to the laity
anufoiAichbishopWulfstan.lfiicappaientlystayeuatEynshamuntilhis
ueath,aiounu1u1u.
To unueistanu the piemises behinu lfiics uiscouise, not only the
iueologiesoftheBeneuictineiefoim,butalsohisgeneialstyleofwiitinghas
to be fiist uiscusseu. It is impoitant to note that, fiistly, lfiics liteiaiy
piouuctionwasextiemelyvast, anu seconuly,thatthenotionoftextualanu
uoctiinalauthoiitywasveiyimpoitanttohim.Alaigepaitofhiswoikscan
beiegaiueuasloosetianslationoiauaptation;lfiicuseuavastamountof
authoiitative texts in compiling his own woiks. Bis choice of meuium was
most often veinaculai, anu when he useu Latin, he uiffeieu fiom the
monastic iefoimeis. lfiics Latin was cleai compaieu to the heimeneutic
Latin of the eailiei iefoimeis. As the notion of language, its potentials anu
uangeisweieintimatelypaitoflfiicsconceptions,Iwillnextexaminehis
piemisesbehinutheactoftianslationanuwiiting.
Tianslationsaiepaiauoxicalinnatuie,sinceatthesametimetheytiy
topieseivethetext,theyinevitablyuisplaceit.Whentianslatingatextfiom
one language to anothei, the tianslatoi uoes not meiely pass on the
knowleuge containeu in the text, but also inteipiets it at the same time,
cieating a new authoiitative account of the text. Robeit Stanton has aigueu
that a ceitain inteipietative mouel of knowleuge foimation uiffeientiateu
Anglo-SaxonEnglanufiomthecontinental aieas.Stantonhasuesciibeuthis

86
Ibiu.,11.
87
Ibiu.,1u8.
38

inteipietative mouel as a cultuie of tianslation. This means a heimeneutic

tiauition ueiiving fiom inteipietive mentality, which was inheient within
theelitesalieauybefoiethestionguiivetowaiusveinaculaitianslationsin
the enu of the ninth centuiy, cieateu by centuiies-olu Latin-baseu liteiaiy
cultuie.LiteiaiymentalitywasheavilyinfluenceubyLatingiammaticalanu
metiical, as well as exegetical theoiies, which in tuin influenceu the natuie
of tianslations.
88
The natuie of lfiics tianslations can thus be vieweu
against the long liteiate tiauition among the Anglo-Saxon liteiate, mostly
monasticelites.
lfiic himself useu the teims interpretotio anu tronslotio in Latin, anu
owenJon in 0lu English, when iefeiiing to his own woiks.
89
The mouein
English tianslation, when unueistoou as a liteial linguistic act, is not
sufficient to explain the piactice of meuieval tianslation anu inteipietation,
which encompasseu the acts of tiansfeiiing knowleuge fiom one linguistic
spheietoanothei.TheLatinanu0luEnglishwoiustronslotioanuowenJon,
howevei, both iefei to caiiying ovei, tiansfeiiing, tuining oi changing the
content into something new, anu as such aie completely sufficient in
uefiningthemeuievalpiacticeoftianslation.
As it was customaiy in the Niuule Ages, lfiics tianslations weie
seluomliteial,butmoieconceineuaboutpioviuingthecontentsoftheLatin
textsanuthe knowleuge theycontaineuin theveinaculailanguage,making
the act moie that of explanation anu inteipietation than tianslation. lfiic
states his piinciples of tianslation in many of his piefaces, which make it
cleai that he was awaie of the cognitive issues ielating to the change of
language in the tianslation piocess. Even if his statement that he uiu not
tianslate woiu foi woiu, but iathei sense foi sense was itself a
commonplace typical in meuieval tianslations, ueiiving fiom classical
tiauition thiough }eiomes biblical tianslation, it was the piinciple behinu
hisconceptualizationoflanguageanuknowleuge.Inthepiefacetohismost
liteial tianslation, the tianslation of uenesis, lfiic uiscusses the pioblems
of tianslation, especially the liteial tianslations, which he calls nakeu (o
noceJon qereceJnisse).
9u
The nakeu naiiatives weie tianslations without
commentaiy, anu as such uiu not pioviue any explanations foi the text,
which lfiic saw extiemely impoitant especially when tianslating sacieu
Sciiptuies. Be states in the pieface to the tianslation of uenesis that

88
Stanton,TbeCultureofTronslotioninAnqlo-SoxonFnqlonJ,91u,141S,2S26.
89
Wilcox,Alfric'sPrefoces,6S.
9u
Ibiu.,6S6S.
39

tianslating the woiu of uou iequiies liteial tianslation, but that is

impossible because of the vast uiffeiences in teims of iuioms in uiffeient
languages, anu woulu cause seiious misunueistanuings without piopei
commentaiy.
91
Be uiu not see it possible that people coulu unueistanu
liteial tianslations coiiectly as such because of uiffeiences in
conceptualizationwhenthetextwasiemoveufiomitsoiiginallinguisticanu
consequentlyalsofiomitscultuialspheies.lfiichimselfwasalwaysawaie
ofhisauuience, anuchangeucultuiallyanuhistoiicallyspecific teimsinhis
woikstothosehethoughthisauuiencewasfamiliaiwith.Thus,foiinstance,
he ieplaceu tiauitional examples in his 6rommor, changing the Roman
iefeiences (Romo, Tiberis, urbs anu flumen) to moie contempoiaiy teims
(FoJqorus, AelwolJus, rex, episcopus). Thus the connection between
meaning anu language was appaient foi lfiic, anu foi this ieason he was
especiallyconceineuwiththeuangeisoftianslation,aswell.
92

lfiicsmotives foiwiitingveinaculai ieligioustextsaie seenalieauy

inhispiefacetothefiistseiiesof Cotbolic homilies.Beemphasizesthatthe
main ieason foi him to take up the task of compiling the seiies was that
many veinaculai books available to those who coulu not ieau Latin
containeu ieligiously eiioneous mateiial, anu weie heietical. Be peihaps
meanttheeailieiveinaculaihomilies,similaitothosefounuintheBlicklinq
anuvercellibooks,whichcontaineuapociyphalmateiiallfiicuisappioveu
of.
9S
Theseanonymouscollectionsof0luEnglishhomiliesaieveiyuiffeient
fiom those by lfiic. Theii tone is moie moial, wheieas lfiics homilies
pioviue uoctiinal explanations. It is cleai that these anonymous homilies
weie not as inteiesteu in the use of patiistic anu Caiolingian mateiial, as
lfiic was, but insteau uiew on moie enteitaining anu effective themes,
suchasheaven,hell,oi theBayof}uugement.
94
0ithouoxy anu appiopiiate
leaining was, in contiast, lfiics gieatest concein, anu it becomes cleai in
compaiison with the homilies he uisappioveu of. The view that he saw

91
Ibiu.,117118.
92
Ibiu.,2S,S64u,6S6S.
9S
Piinteu in Richaiu Noiiis, eu. Blicklinq homilies, EETS 0.S. S8, 6S, 7S (Lonuon: 0xfoiu
0niveisityPiess,1967);B.u.Sciagg,eu.TbevercellihomiliesonJReloteJTexts,EETS0.S.
Suu(0xfoiu:0xfoiu0niveisityPiess,1992).
94
Wilcox, Alfric's Prefoces, 19, 22. Refeiiing to Nilton NcC. uatch, Eschatology in the
Anonymous 0lu English Bomilies, TroJitio 21 (196S); Paul E. Szaimach, The veicelli
Bomilies: Style anu Stiuctuie, in Tbe 0lJ Fnqlisbhomily onJ lts BockqrounJs, eu. Paul E.
SzaimachanuBeinaiuF.Bupp(Albany:State0niveisityofNewYoikPiess,1978).
40

leaining an impoitant featuie in the saving of ones soul becomes appaient

when he states that eveiyone may moie easily withstanu the futuie
temptation thiough uous suppoit, if he is stiengtheneu by book leaining,
foi they shall be pieseiveu who continue in faith to the enu.
9S
lfiic also
iecounts the haiuships of the time, anu sees the woilus enu coming neai;
thewoilusimminentenuanutheapocalypticexpectationspievalentinthis
timestiesseutheimpoitanceoftiuthfulfaithevenmoie.
The same concein is seen also in the lives of Soints; in the life of St
Hork tbe Fvonqelist (lS 1S) lfiic iefeiieu to the Latin tianslation of the
gospels by }eiome, anu iemaikeu that alieauy when the tiue gospels weie
wiitten, theie weie men who began to ie-wiite them in theii own way
without the uiiection of the Boly uhost anu the Savioui, anu accoiuing to
theiiownwillsaiuasitseemeufittothem(butonombolqonqosteonJs
blenJes wissunqe, onJ be beoro qewille sJon swo swo bim qeubte),
iesulting in eiioneous accounts of the faith.
96
Theiefoie, foi lfiic the
wiittenuiscouiseiepiesenteuahighlyvaluablemeuiumintiansmittinganu
keepingthemessageofuouinacoiiectstate.
Itisimpoitanttonotethattheimplicationofthisconceinisthatlfiic
sawhimselfascapableoftianslatingtheuoctiinesothatitwouluietainits
oithouoxy. The concein with tianslating the sacieu uoctiine fiom Latin to
veinaculai was highly unusual at this time, as }onathan Wilcox has pointeu
out. Wilcox has aigueu that thioughout lfiics piefaces theie is seen a
ceitain imposition of authoiity which tells of the confiuence to be able to
coiiectly piouuce an authoiitative bouy of uoctiine with his own
tianslations,anuthisisseenalsoinhisstiongiefusaltoassociatehiswoiks
with the eailiei veinaculai homilies. Insteau he saw his woik as continuing
inthefootstepsofthepatiisticanuCaiolingianwiitings.
97

Atthesametimelfiicwascautioustowaiusthetianslation actitself.
Inthepiefaceof the livesofSointshestateuhisieluctance intakingupthe
task, anu that he hau yielueu to it only because his pations hau insisteu.
Besiues being a liteiaiy commonplace of a humble wiitei, the statement
possibly contains a tiue concein about how the veinaculai tianslations can

9S
|ujehwamgeeaelicoiatoweaiuancostnungeacumanuihgoesfultum.gifhebi
uih boclice laie getiymmeu. foi an e a beo gehealuene e o enue on geleafan
uihwunia.PeteiClemoes,eu.Alfric'sCotbolichomilies:tbeFirstSeries:Text,EETS,S.S.
17(0xfoiu:0xfoiu0niveisityPiess,1997),17S.
96
Skeat,Alfric'slivesofSoints,vol.1,S28S29.
97
Wilcox,Alfric'sPrefoces,1,19.
41

convey the same message as the sacieu Latin ones. lfiic wiote that in his
opinion not eveiything shoulu be tianslateu to be available to the laity,
because of the uangei of misunueistanuing: I uo not piomise, howevei, to
wiiteveiymanyinthistongue,becauseitisnotfittingthatmanyshoulube
tianslateu into oui language, foi feai that the peails of Chiist woulu by
acciuent be helu in uisiespect. Anu theiefoie I keep silent about the book
calleu vitoe Potrum, which contains many subtle points that aie not
appiopiiatetobeievealeutothelaity,noiamIevenabletofulfilthem.
98

The ieluctance to biing knowleuge available to the laity unueilines

lfiics attituue towaius inteipietation. Spiiitual knowleuge was the
piopeityofthecleigy.Eveiyoiueihauitsplaceanuuiffeientfunctioninthe
society. Theiefoie, the tianslations shoulu only be limiteu to ceitain texts,
anu not iisk the possibility that laity woulu foim heietical opinions about
spiiitualmatteis.Thefactisthatlfiicuiutakeup thetaskofcompilingso
many woiks in the veinaculai; thus, the confiuence in his own abilities to
convey the tiue uoctiine in tianslations must have oveiiiuuen these
conceins in the enu. The methou which he saw as most efficient in
conveying the message as loyally as possible was to cut uown the
unnecessaiy textual featuies that uiu not auu to the tiue account. In the
opening woius to the lives of Soints, lfiic states that the natuie of
tianslation is to be simple enough anu open to those who ieau oi listen to
them.Fuithei,hemaueitcleaithathehauuelibeiatelyabiiugeuthelongei
passions,sothattheywoulunotbetooteuious.
99

lfiics methou of tianslation follows his oveiall style in wiiting; it is

cleai,conuenseu,anumattei-of-fact.Theiestiaineustyleisincontiastwith
both Latin piose anu eailiei veinaculai homilies. lfiic piefeiieu piecise
anu cleai uiscouise to the flouiishing, oinamental ihetoiic that can be seen
socleailyinotheiwoiksofhistime.Beaimeuatexactexpiessionwhichuiu
not convey with itself any confusing oi contiauictoiy messages.
1uu
This
featuie of his language can be seen as a pait of his oveiall appioach to

98
Nec tamen pluia piomitto me sciiptuium hac lingua, quia nec conuenit huic
seimocinationi pluia inseii; ne foite uespectui habeantui maigaiite chiisti. Iueoque
ieticemusuelibiouitaepatium,inquomultasubtiliahabentuiquaenonconuenitapeiiii
laicis,necnosipsieaquimusimpleie.Ibiu.,119.
99
Ibiu.,19912u.
1uu
Nalcolm uouuen, Aelfiic anu the veinaculai Piose Tiauition, in Tbe 0lJ Fnqlisb
homily onJ lts BockqrounJ, eu. Paul E. Szaimach anu Beinaiu F. Bupp (Albany: State
0niveisityofNewYoikPiess,1978),1u911u.
42

leaining, oithouox faith, the iight conuuct of the lituigical yeai, anu also of
his insistence on the iight oiuei of the society. Aftei the two seiies of
homilies, lfiics style uevelopeu into a foim which combineu piosaic anu
poetic elements. The alliteiative ihythmical piose with paiis of two-beat
phiases iesembles the ihythm of oial peifoimance. The choice that lfiic
maue in using this kinu of ihythmic style in this paiticulai collection is
piobably uue to his intentions of piesenting the woik to lay auuiences. The
style coulu pioviue moie effectiveness anu ieceptiveness among an
auuience who woulu have been familiai with listening to texts being ieau
alouu in public anu with the tiauition of oial poetic peifoimances.
1u1
It is
also plausible to assume that this kinu of style woulu be veiy effective in
ueliveiinghomilies.At thesametime,lfiicspioseishighlyliteiaiy,using
sentence stiuctuies as ihetoiic uevices, anu both figuies of thought anu
figuiesofspeechtoconveythepoint.
1u2

Although the scholaily focus on lfiic has been mostly linguistic anu
liteiaiy, also his theological notions have ieceiveu attention. Especially the
woik by Nilton uatch, Preocbinq onJ Tbeoloqy in Anqlo-Soxon FnqlonJ
(1977),
1uS
openeu the flooi foi this kinu of uiscussion. Latei the woik by
Lynne uiunuy, Books onJ 6roce: Alfrics Tbeoloqy (1991), showeu the full
spectium of lfiics coheient theological thought, which both theologically
anu politically speaking, was intimately baseu on Augustine. It is now
usually iecognizeu how innovatively lfiic useu his souices to foimulate
soliu anu pointeu theological notions, insteau of just iecycling woin-out
commonplaceswithoutcontiibutinganythingnew.
Also lfiics position with iegaiu to the political ciicumstances of his
timehaslatelygaineu muchscholaily attention,muchmoiethanituseuto.
The eailiei image of lfiic has gone thiough changes, as it is now
iecognizeuthathewasnotanisolateumonkconfineuwithinmonasticwalls,
butanactiveagentinthesociety,withimpoitantielationshipswithsomeof
the most influential peisons in powei at the time. lfiics iole in this

1u1
uabiiellaCoiona,lfiic's(0n)ChangingStyle:ContinuityofPatteinsfiomtheCotbolic
homiliestothelivesofSoints,}ournolofFnqlisbonJ6ermonicPbiloloqy1u7,no.2(2uu8);
uneuss,AlfricofFynsbom.hislife,Times,onJWritinqs,2u21;Nalcolmuouuen,lfiic's
Changingvocabulaiy,FnqlisbStuJies61(198u).
1u2
Roy N.Liuzza, Religious Piose, in A Componion to Anqlo-Soxon literoture, eu. Phillip
PulsianoanuElaineTiehaine(0xfoiu:Blackwell,2uu1),24424S.
1uS
NiltonNcC.uatch,PreocbinqonJTbeoloqyinAnqlo-SoxonFnqlonJ:AelfriconJWulfston
(Toionto:0niveisityofToiontoPiess,1977).
43

enviionment become eviuent thiough his wiitings which he aimeu at the

laity;thisisuealtwithmoiecloselyinchaptei4,whichexamineshisiolein
teachingtheseculaiaiistociacy.
It is cleai that with a bouy of woiks as vast as lfiics, ceitain ciiteiia
havetobeapplieuwithiegaiutowhattouseassouicemateiial.Theiefoie,
each chaptei focuses on a specific gioup of texts, which aie then
supplementeu with othei mateiial when necessaiy. In the next chaptei the
focusisonthehagiogiaphicaltianslationsofthetwoioyalsaints,anuinthe
two following ones on lfiics letteis wiitten foi the laity, anu on texts
wiittenfoiWulfstaniespectively.Thisbeingsaiu,myinteiestistoconsiuei
lfiics uiscouise as compiehensively as possible, anu not only to examine
inuiviuual texts in isolation. Accoiuingly, texts that ueal with similai issues
iaiseuin eachchaptei aieincluueuinthe analysis.AsIhaveinthischaptei
given a geneial account of lfiics woiks, the texts that aie examineu in
moie uetail aie intiouuceu moie compiehensively in the beginning of each
chaptei.
2.1.4. Wulfstan of York
Wulfstan of Yoik iepiesents a somewhat uiffeient siue of the Anglo-Saxon
societythanlfiic.Asafiguieholuingthehighestieligiousauthoiityanuas
an auvisei to the kings, Wulfstan iepiesents both the ecclesiastical anu
seculai woilus, wheieas lfiics iealm was almost wholly monastic.
Wulfstan was bishop of Lonuon (9961uu2) anu Woicestei, anu helu the
office of bishopiic of Woicestei simultaneously with aichbishopiic of Yoik
fiom 1uu2 until 1u16. Aftei that he gave up Woicestei anu iemaineu as
aichbishop of Yoik until his ueath in 1u2S. Besiues lfiic, he is one of the
two best-known 0lu English piose wiiteis. In auuition to veinaculai
homilies, his woiks incluue law coues, Latin seimons, letteis, two poems
occuiiing in the Anqlo-Soxon Cbronicle, anu the lnstitutes of Polity, which is
haiu to fit into any well-establisheu liteiaiy genies of the time. Similaily, a
seiies of texts have been iuentifieu as his woiks, but cannot be classifieu
easilythey have been chaiacteiizeu as legal tieatises, homilies, oi notes
foifutuieiefeiences.
1u4
NotmuchisknownofWulfstanseailylife.Evenhis

1u4
ReneR.Tiilling,SoveieigntyanuSocial0iuei:AichbishopWulfstananuthelnstitutes
of Polity, in Tbe Bisbop ReformeJ: StuJies of Fpiscopol Power onJ Culture in tbe Centrol
HiJJleAqes,eu.}ohnS.0ttanuAnnaTiumboie}ones(Alueishot:Ashgate,2uu7),61.
44

ieligious affiliation is unknown, but it is likely that befoie becoming the

bishop of Lonuon he was a monk. Theie is only post-Conquest eviuence
whichstatesthis,but asBoiothyWhitelockalieauypointeuout,itishaiuly
conceivablethataseculaipiiestwouluhavebeenappointeutothebishopiic
ofWoicesteioi totheaichbishopiicofYoikatthistimewhentheiuealsof
the iefoim weie seen paitly also in the wish to impose monastic stanuaius
toepiscopaloffice.
1uS

The image of Wulfstan has usually iemaineu that of a moial homilist

who was veiy skilleu in using foiceful ihetoiic on the one hanu anu as a
statesman on the othei. Wulfstan was, even moie than lfiic, an integial
pait of the influential aiistociacy of his time. Be attenueu the kings
meetings, anu as aichbishop of Yoik helu the highest powei in the
ecclesiasticalspheies.BewasalsoapiominentauviseiofKingsthelieuII
anuCnut,anuheuiafteulawcouesfoithelieufiom1uuSonwaiusanufoi
Cnut aftei his accession to the thione in 1u16. Pieviously Wulfstan was
iegaiueu as a minoi, although veibally poweiful figuie in the late Anglo-
Saxon Englanu, anu he is still best known foi his ihetoiically stiong,
iepiimanuingseimonSermolupioJAnqlos(1u14),whichisheluinesteem
especially as a witness to the seveie viking attacks in this time. As saiu,
Wulfstans iole as a homilist anu statesman has also foi long been
iecognizeu, but these ioles have usually been stuuieu sepaiately. Patiick
Woimalu,howevei,combineuthesetwoaspectsinhisieseaichonWulfstan,
anu placeu him in the fiont iank among eaily meuieval state-builueis. Be
wanteu to show that the pievious pictuie we hau of Wulfstan uiu not take
intoaccountthesouiceofpoweithatuiovehim,thatishisvisionofaholy
society.Woimalusviewsaiegieatlyaligneuwithmyinteiests,astheybiing
into uiscussion not only the essential anu vaiious questions of holiness in a
seculai society, but also the questions of how Wulfstan himself vieweu his
wiittentieatisesbeingcapableofbiingingthisholinesscloseitothesociety
he liveu in. As Woimalu has stateu, Wulfstan was moie than a skilleu
homilistwhohappeneutouiawlaw-coues.
1u6

1uS
BoiothyWhitelock,AichbishopWulfstan,BomilistanuStatesman,Tronsoctionsoftbe
RoyolhistoricolSociety24(1942):SS.SeealsoCubitt,ReviewAiticle:TheTenth-Centuiy
Beneuictine Refoim in Englanu, 848S; }oyce Bill, Aichbishop Wulfstan: Refoimei1, in
Wulfston,ArcbbisbopofYork:TbeProceeJinqsoftbeSeconJAlcuinConference,eu.Natthew
Townenu(Tuinhout:Biepols,2uu4),S11S12.
1u6
Patiick Woimalu, Aichbishop Wulfstan anu the Boliness of Society, in Anqlo-Soxon
history:BosicReoJinqs,eu.BaviuA.E.Pelteiet(NewYoik:uailanuPublishing,2uuu),192.
45

While the pievious pictuie of Wulfstan as a statesman anu a homilist

canbeconsiueieutobecoiiect,}oyceBillhaspointeuoutthattheiefoimist
impulse which is conveyeu in much of Wulfstans woiks shoulu be
consiueieutogetheiwiththefunctionsoflaw-makinganuhomileticwiiting.
ShehasshownthatthewayWulfstanuseutheiesouicesavailabletohim,in
content,styleanuintheiimentaloutlookcanbeconnecteutotheiuealsof
the iefoim.
1u7
While it is uncleai whethei oi not Wulfstan was euucateu in
one of the iefoimeu Beneuictine monasteiies, it can be seen that the woiks
whichhewioteuuiinghisbishopiicconveyastiongiefoimistmessage.The
pievious pictuie of Wulfstan has been that of a homilist anu a statesman,
following Whitelocks seminal ieseaich,
1u8
but his iole as a iefoimei has
usually been moie neglecteu. Bill has iecently ievieweu Wulfstans iole
moie compiehensively in ielation to the iefoim. Bills aiticle is pait of the
most iecent compiehensive collection of aiticles conceining the stuuy of
Wulfstan,Wulfston,ArcbbisbopofYork:TbeProceeJinqsoftbeSeconJAlcuin
Conference, euiteu by Natthew Townenu, which offeis a ielatively goou
oveiview of the cuiient stuuy on Wulfstan. Wulfstans iefoimist intentions
become appaient specifically in chapteis S anu 6, which ueal with his iueas
aboutsocialoiuei.
Compaieu to lfiic, Wulfstans homilies aie moie exhoitatoiy in tone
anu less explanatoiy in content.
1u9
The eailiei homilies of Wulfstan
concentiateheavilyoneschatologicalmateiial,anuaieassuchuesciibeuas
ieflectingtheinteiestsofyoungWulfstan.Lateihisemphasistuineucleaily
moie towaius piactical laws anu moial exhoitation, in the foim of uiawing
iules anu law collections foi the use of cleigy, although, as }oyce Lionaions
has shown, eschatological conceins aie still shown in Wulfstans latei
piouuction anu appaiently continueu to vex his minu until the enu of his
life.
11u
Wulfstans piose is highly ihetoiical, anu his language has ieceiveu
some attention fiom scholais, but as Richaiu Bance has iemaikeu in his
aiticle on Wulfstans language, in compaiison with lfiic the scholaiship

1u7
Bill,AichbishopWulfstan:Refoimei1,S24.
1u8
Whitelock,AichbishopWulfstan,BomilistanuStatesman.
1u9
Wilcox,Alfric'sPrefoces,192u.
11u
}oyce Tally Lionaions, Napiei Bomily L: Wulfstan's Eschatology, in Wulfston,
Arcbbisbop of York: Tbe ProceeJinqs of tbe SeconJ Alcuin Conference, eu. Natthew
Townenu,SFH10(Tuinhout:Biepols,2uu4).
46

has not been as extensive.

111
In the aiticle Bance ievieweu the state of
ieseaichonthelinguisticfeatuiesofWulfstanswiitingsanuconcluueuthat
although his language can be classifieu as late West-Saxon, in geneial it
uiffeis fiom the self-consciously scholaily tiauition which the Winchestei
school anu lfiics language can be saiu to iepiesent. Compaieu to lfiic
Wulfstansstylecanatfiistseemuninteiestinganucolouiless,butasBance
stiesses, it becomes inteiesting when examining what it was useu foi. The
mostchaiacteiisticfeatuieseeninWulfstansattituuetowaiuslanguageisa
stiongwilltoielatehismessageascleailyanuaccuiatelyaspossible.
112

In this sense Wulfstan iesembles lfiic, whose uiscouise was also

chaiacteiizeu by claiity, although in a somewhat uiffeient way. The most
notable uiffeience in theii attituues towaius language anu uiscouise is
peihaps seen in theii own positioning towaius the liteiaiy anu scholaily
tiauition, as well as in theii consciousness of linguistic iepiesentation.
Wheieas lfiic was always conceineu of textual anu uoctiinal authoiity,
anu placeu himself within the patiistic tiauition by iefeiences anu
comments, Wulfstans texts uo not tell of similai piioiities. It almost seems
asifthemessageitselfwhichWulfstanwanteutobiingfoithinanintensive
mannei oveiwhelms any iefeiences to his textual anteceuents, which have
been uiscoveieu only by mouein souice analysis.
11S
As Bill has stateu,
Wulfstansself-iuentificationisnot similai tothatofthepiincipal figuiesof
the iefoim, since his woiks aie not piesenteu in a uialogue with theii
souices,even thoughhecleailyhasuseu themincomposition.This methou
sepaiatesthetextualspheiefiomtheliveuiealityinamoiesignificantway
thanthatoflfiics.
114
Bespitethelackofiefeiencesinthetextsperse,most
of Wulfstans wiiting was altogethei uepenuent on pievious authoiities,
especiallyCaiolingianones.
Paitially because of his stiong ihetoiical style, Wulfstans homiletic
wiitingshavebeenthecentieof attention ofphilologicalieseaich,wheieas
his legal tiacts anu the lnstitutes of Polity have belongeu to the iealm of
histoiians. This uisciplinaiy uivision of inteiest was peihaps foi a time a

111
Richaiu Bance, Sounu, Fuiy, anu Signifieis; oi Wulfstan's Language, in Wulfston,
Arcbbisbop of York: Tbe ProceeJinqs of tbe SeconJ Alcuin Conference, eu. Natthew
Townenu,SFH10(Tuinhout:Biepols,2uu4),29.
112
Ibiu.,61.
11S
In this iespect the most impoitant woik was uone by Kail }ost, WulfstonstuJien,
SchweizeianglistischeAibeiten2S(Bein:A.FianckeAuveilag,19Su).
114
Bill,AichbishopWulfstan:Refoimei1,S1uS11.
47

factoi in making the image of Wulfstan haiu to evaluate. Lately a moie

compiehensiveappioachhasbeenmoiechaiacteiisticfoiWulfstan-stuuies,
anu my own stuuy follows this line, as I am examining both genies which
Wulfstan piouuceu, although it is alieauy woith mentioning that theie can
haiuly even be seen any ieal uiffeiences that woulu justify labelling his
wiitingsinuiffeientgenies.Thisfeatuieisuiscusseuespeciallyinchaptei6
whenexaminingthehomileticuiscouiseinWulfstanslegislation.
2.2. Viking attacks and political disorder
Thepeiiouofintellectualactivity,iefoimistiueologyanuliteiaiypiouuction
was coinciuently afflicteu with political haiuships anu eventually militaiy
uefeat. Fiom the 98us onwaius the viking iaius intensifieu aftei almost a
centuiy of ielative peace. At fiist, the impact of the iaius was piesumably
notasuiieasaftei991,whentheiaiusweieconuucteubyamoiecohesive
aimy. Accoiuing to Simon Keynes, the peiiou fiom 991 to 1uuS shoulu be
iegaiueu as a single peiiou when a single aimy iavageu the coasts of
Englanu. But it was only with the two successive iaius, fiist in 1uu61uu7
anu then again in 1uu91u12, that the viking iaius ieacheu theii peak in
teims of scale anu seveiity. These iaius, the fiist one leu by Tostig, the
seconu by Thoikell the Tall, bioke the English iesistance, anu cieateu
inteinal uissension among the leaueis of Englanu. In tuin, this easeu the
following laige-scale invasions fiist by the Banish king Sweyn Foikbeaiu in
1u1SanuthenbyhissonCnutin1u1S.
11S

It was unfoitunate foi King thelieu II that most of his ieign (978
1u16)waschaiacteiizeubythepioblemscauseubytheseiaius.thelieuis
inueeuinfamousfoifailingtowaiuoffthevikings.Bisieignwasafteiwaius
juugeu unsuccessful anu unfoitunate, anu thelieu himself as an
incompetent king with tieacheious subjects. This ieputation is laigely the
iesult of the eleventh anu twelfth centuiy wiiteis, who neeueu a scapegoat
to explain the uefeat of the Anglo-Saxons to the Banes.
116
It is now
unueistoou that the label of a weak anu poweiless king that thelieu has

11S
Keynes,Re-ReauingKingthelieuthe0nieauy,8u81,86,88,9S.
116
, The Beclining Reputation of King thelieu the 0nieauy, in FtbelreJ tbe
0nreoJy: Popers from tbe Hillenory Conference, eu. Baviu Bill (0xfoiu: BAR Biitish Seiies
S9, 1978), 22724S; Pauline A. Staffoiu, The Reign of thelieu II: A Stuuy in the
LimitationsonRoyalPolicyanuAction,inFtbelreJtbe0nreoJy:PopersfromtbeHillenory
Conference,eu.BaviuBill(0xfoiu:BARBiitishSeiiesS9,1978),S7.
48

ieceiveuis somewhatoveistateu,anu that theciicumstances,especiallythe

vikingattacksuuiingthelastuecaueofhisieign,weietoomuchtobeuealt
with even foi a moie poweiful king. In auuition to the viking attacks, theie
weieseiiousinteinaluisputeswhichafflicteuthepoliticalsituation.
It shoulu be noteu that the knowleuge of the viking attacks is laigely
baseu on the anonymous entiies foi the peiiou fiom 98S to 1u16 in the
Anqlo-Soxon Cbronicle. The entiies have been iecognizeu to have been
wiitten soon aftei thelieus ueath in 1u16, anu they show signs of
inteipietation of events seen fiom the peispective of someone who knew
theii uisastious outcome.
117
Theiefoie the knowleuge of the uetails of the
attacks shoulu be iegaiueu with ieseivation. Although the ieputation of a
weak king was constiucteu laigely aftei the actual ieign, when the uefeat
anu its political outcome alieauy influenceu the inteipietation, some of the
wiitings of the contempoiaiies aumitteuly ieflect the giim ciicumstances.
KeyneshasuemonstiateuthiswiththewiitingsoflfiicanuWulfstanaftei
thetuinofthemillennium,anuieflecteuthemtothemajoiattacksof1uu6
1uu7anu1uu91u12.
118

The incieasingly uifficult times biought on by the viking attacks aie

ieflecteu in both lfiics anu Wulfstans woiks, but most notably in
Wulfstans fieice ihetoiic in the Sermo lupi oJ Anqlos, uateu to 1u14.
119

Nalcolmuouuenhasexamineutheeschatologicalexpectationsinlightofthe
viking attacks in his aiticle Apocalypse anu Invasion in Late Anglo-Saxon
Englanu, anu shown that the way lfiic anu Wulfstan giapple with this
issue is tightly connecteu to theii theological conceptions of moiality, anu
also to the conception of Chiistian histoiy, which was coming to an enu.
12u

This means that, fiistly, they saw the viking attacks as a punishment fiom
uoufoithesinsofEnglishpeople,anuseconuly,thattheattacksweiealsoa
signoftheApocalypseanuthecomingoftheAntichiist.Thefiistnotionwas
commonmateiialin theliteiatuieoftheBiitishIsles,staiting fiomuiluass
seimon titleu 0e exciJio et conquestu Britonnioe, wheie the Saxon invasion

117
Keynes,Re-ReauingKingthelieuthe0nieauy,848S.
118
, An Abbot, an Aichbishop, anu the viking Raius of 1uu67 anu 1uu912,
Anqlo-SoxonFnqlonJS6(2uu7):onlfiicspecifically,see16u17u.
119
Boiothy Whitelock, eu. Sermo lupi oJ Anqlos, 2. eu., Nethuen's 0lu English Libiaiy B.
Pioseselections(Lonuon:Nethuen,19S2).
12u
Nalcolm uouuen, Apocalypse anu Invasion in Late Anglo-Saxon Englanu, in From
Anqlo-SoxontoForlyHiJJleFnqlisb:StuJiesPresenteJtoF.6.Stonley,eu.Nalcolmuouuen,
Bouglasuiay,anuTeiiyBoau(0xfoiu:ClaienuonPiess,1994).
49

was uepicteu as a punishment fiom uou foi not following the laws anu
customsofChiistianity.
121
Beuecontinueuwithpiomotinguiluassviews in
his historio Fcclesiostico.
122
Latei on Alcuin took up the same theme, when
he commenteu on the sack of Linuisfaine in 79S as a sign of uivine
juugement (iuJicium Jivinum) in his lettei to King thelieu I of
Noithumbiia. Alcuins iepioach is specifically taigeteu to the lifestyle anu
the sins of the nobility, the king incluueu. Be fiowns upon the nobility who
have staiteu to uiess up like the pagans, cutting theii haii in theii fashion
anu abanuoning the customs of theii foiefatheis.
12S
Inteiestingly anu in a
similai veinwithAlcuin,lfiiciefeis tosomepeopleauoptingthecustoms
of the Banish in one of his shoit texts, 0e sonquine, which uiscusses
piohibitions on the eating of bloou anu exhoits people not to abanuon the
native customs on behalf of the Banish ones, anu then iequests a biothei
Euwaiu,whomthetextauuiesses,totiytoputanenutoashamefulhabit
of uiinking anu eating in the outhouse, which some of the countiywomen
piacticeu at beei paities.
124
Be conuemns piacticing the heathen customs
butuoesnotinthisinstancelinkittotheciicumstancesthatfaceupeopleat
that time. Elsewheie the inteinal sins anu customs aie moie cleaily
connecteu to an exteinal thieat as a foim of punishment, but as Naiy
Clayton pointeu out, the similaiities between the times which Alcuin
uesciibes anu those of lfiic must have been appaient. It is fully possible
thatlfiicknewthispaiticulailettei, anu similaiiefeiencescanbe ieauin
Wulfstans woik, too, the Conons of FJqor anu his Conon low Collection, in
specific.
12S

121
Thethemeofsinanupunishment,thewietcheustateoftheBiitons,anutheiicontempt
towaius uous laws of which the conquest was the consequence, is a iecuiient theme
thioughout the whole woik. Piinteu in Nichael Winteibottom, eu. 6ilJos: Tbe Ruin of
BritoinonJ0tberWorks(Lonuon:Phillimoie,1978).
122
Beue uiaws on uiluas in his uesciiption anu inteipietation, anu uses a biblical
quotation (4. Reg. 2S:81u) to emphasize the natuie of uous punishment. Beitiam
Colgiave anu R. A. B. Nynois, eus., BeJe's historio ecclesiostico qentis Anqlorum (0xfoiu:
ClaienuonPiess,1969),S2SS.
12S
EinestBmmlei,eu.FpistoloeKoroliniAevi2:AlcuiniFpistoloe,Nonumentaueimaniae
Bistoiica(Beilin:Weiumann,189S),4244.
124
Naiy Clayton, An Euition of lfiic's letter to Brotber FJworJ, in Forly HeJievol
Fnqlisb Texts onJ lnterpretotions: StuJies PresenteJ to 0onolJ 6. Scroqq, eu. Elaine
Tiehaine anu Susan Rossei (Tempe, Aiizona: Aiizona Centei foi Neuieval anu
RenaissanceStuuies,2uu2),28u28S.
12S
Ibiu.,26927S.
50

The unstable political situation, anu the viking attacks, which giew
stiongei fiom the 98us onwaius, might have been the cause foi many
nostalgic piaises foi moie successful anu pious kings, especially with
iespect to King Eugai, who was connecteu to the monastic iefoimeis, anu
thus enjoyeu goou piestige among the ecclesiastical elites. A contiast
betweenthetimesofEugaianuthelieuismauebylfiicintwopiecesof
thelivesofSoints.InthelifeofStSwitbunlfiicpiaisesEugai,anuiefeisto
his uays as a blesseu anu uelightful time, when King Eugai auvanceu
Chiistianity, peace pievaileu, anu people uiu not heai about viking aimies
(ThetimewasblesseuanuuelightfulinEnglanuwhenKingEugaiauvanceu
Chiistianity anu establisheu many monasteiies; anu his kinguom was
flouiishing in peace, so that one nevei heaiu of any viking aimy, except foi
those of the people themselves who live peimanently in this lanu).
126

Anotheisimilaicontiastismaueinapiecefoimiu-lent,theProyerofHoses
(lS1S).Thelanuuseutouwellinpeace,anuthemonasticoiueisweiehelu
in honoui. lfiic laments that afteiwaius men iejecteu monastic life, anu
helu uous seivices in contempt. As a consequence pestilence, hungei, anu
the heathen aimy weie inflicteu upon people (hu ws bit o sion o o
mon toweorp munuc-lif onJ qoJes biqqenJos to bysmore bfJe buton t us
com to cweolm onJ bunqer onJ sion ben bere us bfJe to bysmre).
127

The viking attacks aie piesenteu as a punishment foi neglecting the

spiiitual siue of the society, anu consequently abanuoning the social oiuei
setbyuou.
Ceitainanalogiestothecuiienttimescanbeseenalsoinlfiicslives
of Soints, wiitten uuiing the eaily stages of the viking iaius in the 99us. In
the lives of Kings St Eumunu anu 0swalu, these analogies have been
inteipieteu to be iathei cleai. Both of the holy kings uieu in the hanus of
pagans,0swaluincombat,anuEumunuwithoutafight.Bothofthemcanbe
seen to have faileu to piotect theii people. Bespite this paiauox, theie is a
tenuency to state that piotection of the people was ciucial. This featuie, as
wellastheiueaofajustwaibecomeseviuentinseveialpassages,especially
in St 0swalus case. It is stateu that the king was killeu foi his peoples

126
|Sje tima ws geslig anu wynsum on Angelcynne, a a Eaugai cyning one
Ciistenuom gefyiioue anu fela munuclifa aiiue; anu his cyneiice ws wunigenue on
sibbe, swa t man ne gehyiue gif nig scipheie wie buton agenie leoue e is lanu
heoluon.NichaelLapiuge,TbeCultofStSwitbun,WinchesteiStuuies4.ii:TheAnglo-Saxon
NinsteisofWinchestei(0xfoiu:ClaienuonPiess,2uuS),S9uS91,6u66u7.
127
Skeat,AlfricslivesofSoints,vol.1,29429S.
51

piotectionuefence (be ofsloqen weor for bis folces wore).

128
Compaieu to
lfiics souice, Beue, the passage is one among the passages which aie
iewiitten anu ieoiganizeu. The weight which can be given to this kinu of
eviuence is not easy to ueteimine on the basis of the homily alone, since
Beue also states, biiefly, that 0swalu was killeu fighting foi his fatheilanu
(propotrioJimiconsopoqonisinterfectusest).
129
StEumunuisalsouepicteu
as uying foi his people, as it was seen pieviously. In his case the ueath is
voluntaiy, anu at fiist seems incompatible with the image of a waiiioi king
uying foi his people. But taken togethei with othei texts, wheie the
piotection becomes the mattei of utmost impoitance, it can be suggesteu
thatitplayeuapaitinlfiicschoicesofpiesenting the saint-kingsasthey
weie.Peihapslfiicsawtheappallingoutcomeofthevikingiaiusaftei991
anu wanteu to accentuate this featuie in his wiitings, even if theii puipose
was not piimaiily political, but ieligious. The moie political texts show a
fiimei appioach, anu they iepeat the moie conventional ihetoiic on the
seculai aspects of iuling, as well. The specific context of lfiics texts
becomes eviuent, foi instance, with iefeiences to the tumultuous times of
thevikingattacks,whichaieieflecteualsoinieligiouswiitings.Itshoulube
noteu that at the time when lfiic composeu his lives of Soints, the impact
ofthevikingactivitieswasnotasseveieasitwastobelateiafteithetuinof
themillennium.Auuitionally,itishaiueitofinuiefeiencestothehaiuships
of the time in lfiics woiks than in Wulfstans pounuing ihetoiic latei.
Theiefoie the viking attacks cannot be iegaiueu as the sole factoi in
influencinglfiicstoneanuchoicesoftopic.Amoiepiessingmatteimight
be the policy of buying off the enemy, which, as Keynes has ieminueu, can
neveihavebeenveiypopulai,eventhoughitwasnotunique,eithei.
1Su

lfiic anu especially Wulfstan uiew laigely fiom the same line of
thought as uiluas, Beue anu Alcuin, when they wiote about the state of
society in theii time. They both seem to auopt a stance of auvice anu
iepioach,withwhichtheytiieutosavethethingsthatweiepossibletosave.
Intheiiwoikstheygiveauvicetoallpaitsofsociety,incluuingthekinganu
hiscouncil.Theiiattempttofixthestateofsocietyisthusuonewithwiiting
theoiuei,whichuiunotjustmeantheoiueiofsocietyinthiswoilu,butalso
in the next. These authois liveu in a time when, the tuin of the millennium

128
ueoffiey I. Neeuham, eu. Alfric: lives of Tbree Fnqlisb Soints, Nethuen's 0lu English
Libiaiy(Lonuon:Nethuen,1966),SS.
129
ColgiaveanuNynois,BeJe'shistorioecclesiosticoqentisAnqlorum,24224S.
1Su
Keynes,TheBistoiicalContextoftheBattleofNaluon,991u2.
52

appioaching, stiong eschatological expectations pievaileuwhich in

Wulfstanscaseuiunot enuin1uuu,butcontinueulongafteithat, asitwas
mentioneuabove.Thebeliefthatthewoiluwascomingtoanenumeantthat
evenifthegoouconuuctoflifeanupiopeimoialoiueiwoulubeachieveuin
this woilu, anu even if the viking attacks woulu seize, it still uiu not save
people fiom the coming of Antichiist. The natuie of all this aspiiation foi
oiuei must thus be seen as being theological, as much as it was political.
Politicalanusocialoiueiwaspuisueuwithaneteinalsalvationinminu.
In 1u1S thelieu was foiceu into exile in Noimanuy with his family.
0n Chiistmas uay 1u1S Sweyn was ueclaieu the king of Englanu, but in
Febiuaiy 1u14 he suuuenly uieu, iesulting in the uecision of the leaueis of
Englanu to invite thelieu back fiom his exile, if he woulu govein them
moiejustly thanheuiubefoie.
1S1
Thisstatementis asignofuissatisfaction
thatpievaileuatleastintheclosingyeaisofhisieign,anuthekingsietuin
was appaiently tieu to ceitain conuitions, in which piomises of loyalty anu
impiovement of iule weie maue. In the spiing 1u14 thelieu ietuineu to
Englanu; on this occasion his piesumably last law coue, known as vIII
thelieu,wasuiafteubyWulfstan.0ntil1u16thelieucontinueutobattle
withtheBanishaimy,withCnutastheiileaueinow.

InApiil1u16thelieu
uieuofillness,leavinghissonanusuccessoiEumunuIionsiuetouefenuthe
countiy. The final stiuggles weie complicateu by inteinal uissension, anu
especially by the tieacheious acts of Ealuoiman Eauiic of Neicia, who
oppoitunistically changeu siues to Cnuts paity. Eauiic Stieona hau iisen
iapiuly in powei aftei 1uu6, alieauy then appaiently by some kinu of
scheming, anu at some point he also maiiieu King thelieus uaughtei
Euith. Because of his iepeateu betiayals, he has gaineu ieputation as an
aich-tiaitoi in the pens of latei chionicleis anu histoiians. Aftei Cnuts
accessionhewasiestoieuasealuoimanofNeicia,butwasthenexecuteuby
Cnut,infeaioffuitheibetiayals.
1S2
ItwasappaientlytheueseitionofEauiic
whichfinalizeutheuefeatoftheEnglishinthebattleofAssanuunin0ctobei
1u16. Eumunu anu Cnut agieeu to uiviue the kinguom so that Eumunu
wouluiuleWessexanuCnutNeicia,butEumunuuieusoonafteihisuefeat,
alieauy in Novembei 1u16, making it possible foi Cnut to seize powei ovei

1S1
a iuuon a witan ealle gehauoue anu lweue t man ftei am cyninge
elieue senue, anu cwuon t him nan hlafoiu leofia nie onne hyia gecynua
hlafoiu, gif he hi iihtlicoi healuan wolue onne he i uyue. Cubbin, Tbe Anqlo-Soxon
Cbronicle,s.a.1u14.AlsoinmanusciiptsCanuE.
1S2
Keynes,Tbe0iplomosofKinqAtbelreJtbe0nreoJy,21121S.
53

allEnglanu.Tosecuiehispoweiheuisposeuofpeoplewhomightchallenge
hisiule.
1SS

We uo not know how lfiic woulu have ieacteu to the political

outcome of the viking iaius anu the subsequent invasion of Englanu, since
he piesumably uieu befoie 1u1S, when Sweyn Foikbeaiu manageu to
invaue the countiy. Wulfstan continueu to act in the ecclesiastical anu
politicalmilieu, anuwecan ieausomeofhisiesponseinthelawcoues anu
homilieswhichhepiouuceuattheenuofhislife.Thesewillbeuealtwithin
moie uetail in chapteis S anu 6. The change of uynasty fiom thelieu to
Cnut uiu not biing on so many changes in the iueology of monaichy. It has
been often stateu that aftei his succession to the thione Cnut pioveu to be
moie English than the English.
1S4
Aftei some initial hostility among
ecclesiastical anu aiistociatic ciicles, Cnut seems to have auopteu the
Chiistian iueologies of kingship veiy quickly, anu to have built on these
notionstoconsoliuatehislegitimateauthoiity,anuthekinguominhisieign
is usually iegaiueu to have been ielatively poweiful anu uniteu, when
compaieu with the uifficulties thelieu faceu uuiing his ieign. Although,
thiskinuofimagewehaveofCnutmightbeaiesultofthenatuieofsouices
we have on oui uisposal; the ecclesiastical wiiteis, with whom Cnut hau
goouielationships,mayaswellhaveinfluenceuthelateiassessmentsofhis
ieign.
1SS
ItisnotablethatinWulfstanstieatmentthechangeofiuleappeais
not as much as an abiupt anu illegitimate change, but moie of one which
wasjustifieu,oievenueseiveu.Bislegaltiactscontinuethesamepiinciples
anu ihetoiic which he hau uevelopeu uuiing thelieus ieign. It is ceitain,
theiefoie,that foiCnutWulfstanpioveutobeanextiemelyhelpfulactoiin
establishing the iights foi iule also in piactice, when they weie laigely
uepenuent on the wiitten woiu anu the noimative uiscouise, consisting of
Wulfstans foimulations of a iighteous, ieligious-political oiuei which a
Chiistiansocietyshouluauheieto.

1SS
Ibiu.,226228;,TheBistoiicalContextoftheBattleofNaluon,9S.
1S4
Loyn,Tbe6overnonceofAnqlo-SoxonFnqlonJS001087,81.
1SS
N. K. Lawson, Cnut: Tbe 0ones in FnqlonJ in tbe Forly Fleventb Century (Lonuon:
Longman,199S),12S146.
54

3. Holy kings and the

hagiographic homilies of lfric

This chaptei engages with veinaculai hagiogiaphy on saint-kings in the

livesofSointsoflfiic.Thefocusisontwotextsinthecollection,thelifeof
St0swolJ(lS26,AugustS)anuthelifeofStFJmunJ(lSS2,Novembei2u).
Both of these aie auaptations fiom Latin, anu both ueal with Anglo-Saxon
maityikingswhosecultsweiepiominentinlateAnglo-SaxonEnglanu.The
lifeofSt0swolJisamajoiauaptation,baseuonBeueshistorioecclesiostico
qentisAnqlorum(ca.7S1).ThelifeofStFJmunJhasashoiteihistoiy,anuit
isauapteuanushoiteneufiomAbboofFleuiys(ca.94u1uu4)PossioSoncti
FoJmunJi, which was wiitten in 987988, only a few yeais befoie lfiics
veinaculai veision. The fact that both of the texts aie tianslations, oi moie
piopeily auaptations, enables the compaiison between the ihetoiic in the
Latinoiiginalsanutheihetoiicinlfiicsownwoiks.Aspecialemphasisis
given to the notion of oiuei as an authoiizing featuie in lfiics texts. I
aigue that the veinaculai uepictions of the holy kings ueviateu fiom the
Latin ones by piesenting a moie stanuaiuizeu piesentation of the ioyal
saintsbyhighlightingtheuniveisalnatuieofsanctityanubyieaiiangingthe
naiiativeoiuei.Iwoulualsoliketosuggestthatinsteauofseeingthesetexts
piimaiily as political tools in enhancing the ioyal authoiity by ieligious
assimilation, they aie best unueistoou in ielation to the iueals of the
Beneuictine iefoimontheonehanu, anutothemoialanu socialthoughtof
lfiic on the othei hanu. lfiics thought encompasseu much moie than
piesentingtheiuealsofkingshipinthelivesofioyalsaints.InthefollowingI
examine the uiscouise of lfiic in ielation to the Latin mouels he useu anu
to the political context of the late tenth centuiy. I begin with uiscussing the
issues with the souice mateiial. Aftei that, I uiscuss the aiiangement of
naiiative in ielation to the concept of sainthoou. Then I move on to ueal
with assimilative ihetoiic in uetail, wheie the eaithly powei is compaieu
with its heavenly counteipait, anu finally enu with a uiscussion about
imitation,moialmouelsanusocialoiueiinlfiicsuiscouise.Thusthemain
inteiest in this chaptei is how the ieligious uiscouises on holy kings act in
55

ielation to the oveiall notions of political powei of the time, anu how this
puisuit foi oiuei ielates to the inteipietations of ioyal sainthoou in late
Anglo-SaxonEnglanu.
3.1. Royal saints and vernacular hagiography
3.1.1 The royal saints of Anglo-Saxon England
The ioyal saints of Anglo-Saxon Englanu have been a populai subject of
stuuy,almostaspopulaiasweietheiicultsintheNiuuleAges.Anglo-Saxon
Englanu is inueeu paiticulai in this iespecttheie weie moie ioyal saints
than in any othei place in eaily meuieval Euiope, anu the cults appeaieu
with a special emphasis on maityieu anu muiueieu kings. They have
maintaineutheiipopulaiityuptothisuay,asthenewlypublisheubookson
St 0swalu (199S), St Eumunu (2uu9) anu St Euwaiu the Confessoi (2uu9),
anu the theme issue of Tbe heroic Aqe on St 0swalu (2uu6) ieveal.
1S6
The
oiigins of these cults aie usually inteipieteu to have been connecteu to
politics anu theii piomotion of the chuich policy. The woik of Susan }.
Riuyaiu,TbeRoyolSointsofAnqlo-SoxonFnqlonJ:AStuJyofWestSoxononJ
Fost Anqlion Cults (1988), is especially impoitant in pioviuing a
compiehensive analysis of both male anu female ioyal saints, although as
the title of the book inuicates, Riuyaiu uoes not ueal with Noithumbiian
cults, such as the cult of St 0swalu.
1S7
The woiks of Baviu W. Rollason anu
Alan Thackei, which focus moie on the eaily uevelopment of the cults
especially in Noithumbiia anu Neicia, incline to the political inteipietation
of these cults, too.
1S8
Accoiuing to the geneially accepteu view, one of the

1S6
Anthony Bale, eu. St FJmunJ, Kinq onJ Hortyr: Cbonqinq lmoqes of o HeJievol Soint
(Yoik: Yoik Neuieval Piess, 2uu9); Kent u. Baie, Beioes, Saints, anu Naityis: Boly
KingshipfiomBeuetolfiic,TbeheroicAqe,no.9(2uu6);RichaiuNoitimei,eu.FJworJ
tbeConfessor:TbeHononJtbeleqenJ(Wooubiiuge:BoyuellPiess,2uu9);ClaieStancliffe
anu Eiic Cambiiuge, eus., 0swolJ: Nortbumbrion Kinq to Furopeon Soint (Stamfoiu: Paul
Watkins,199S).
1S7
Susan }. Riuyaiu, Tbe Royol Soints of Anqlo-Soxon FnqlonJ: A StuJy of West Soxon onJ
FostAnqlionCults(Cambiiuge:Cambiiuge0niveisityPiess,1988).
1S8
B. W. Rollason, The Cults of Nuiueieu Royal Saints in Anglo-Saxon Englanu, Anqlo-
Soxon FnqlonJ 11 (198S); , Soints onJ Relics in Anqlo-Soxon FnqlonJ (0xfoiu:
Blackwell, 1989); Alan Thackei, Kings, Saints, anu Nonasteiies in Pie-viking Neicia,
HiJlonJhistory1u(198S).
56

most impoitant motives in piomoting the cults was a uesiie to uiscouiage

ioyal muiueis by conuemning the killeis, anu consequently to pievent civil
stiifeontheonehanu,anutostiengthentheieligiousgiounusofmonaichy
on the othei.
1S9
The exception in inteipieting the ieasons foi the cults of
holy kings is Catheiine Cubitt, who has suggesteu a populai, lay oiigin foi
ceitain cults of muiueieu anu maityieu kings.
14u
The saint-kings have
inueeuieceiveumuchattention,anuthecultshavebeenstuuieuinthelight
of the uevelopment of the cult of saints anu ecclesiastical policies, the
foimationoftheAnglo-Saxonkingshipanustate,oiasiepiesentationsofan
iueal,Chiistianking.
Itshoulubenoteu,thatbeingtheonlyioyalhagiogiaphiesuatingtothe
pie-Conquest eia, the texts examineu in this chaptei foim only a small pait
among the extant 0lu English veinaculai piose saints lives (2 %).
141

Accoiuing to A honJlist of Anqlo-Soxon Soints by }ohn Blaii, the numbei of

kings anu piinces among the saints was only six, with iespect to pie-
Conquest eviuence. Auuitionally, theie aie foui unceitain ones. In total the
saint-kings foim only appioximately thiee peicent of all the saints
veneiateu in Anglo-Saxon Englanu aie taken into account.
142
In many
instances the veneiation of saint-kings anu the piouuction of theii
hagiogiaphyaieattesteuonlyafteitheConquest.Bothofthesefiguiesshow
thattheieisieasontobeieseiveuaboutaspecificallyimpoitantcategoiyof
saint-kings at this time. Especially when taken into account the
categoiization the Beneuictine iefoimeis maue in teims of sanctitythey
classifieu saints into apostles, maityis, confessois anu viiginsit is
impoitant to ieau ioyal hagiogiaphy as pait of laigei fiamewoik of
sainthoouiatheithananexclusivecategoiyonitsown.
14S

1S9
Rollason,TheCultsofNuiueieuRoyalSaintsinAnglo-SaxonEnglanu,16.
14u
Catheiine Cubitt, Sites anu Sanctity: Revisiting the Cult of Nuiueieu anu Naityieu
Anglo-SaxonRoyalSaints,ForlyHeJievolFurope9,no.1(2uuu).
141
Calculateu fiom the list of 0lu English piose saints lives in E. uoiuon Whatley, An
Intiouuction to the Stuuy of 0lu English Piose Bagiogiaphy: Souices anu Resouices, in
holy Hen onJ holy Women: 0lJ Fnqlisb Prose Soints' lives onJ tbeir Contexts, eu. Paul E.
Szaimach(Albany:State0niveisityofNewYoikPiess,1996),47.
142
Calculateu fiom all the pie-Conquest Anglo-Saxon saints in }ohn Blaii, A Banulist of
Anglo-SaxonSaints,inlocolSointsonJlocolCburcbesintbeForlyHeJievolWest,eu.Alan
ThackeianuRichaiuShaipe(0xfoiu:0xfoiu0niveisityPiess,2uu2),49SS6S.
14S
AlanThackei,Hembro0isjecto:theBivisionoftheBouyanutheBiffusionoftheCult,
in 0swolJ: Nortbumbrion Kinq to Furopeon Soint, eu. Claie Stancliffe anu Eiic Cambiiuge
(Stamfoiu: Paul Watkins, 199S), 12S. Refeiiing to Anqlo-Soxon litonies of tbe Soints, eu.
57

Tiauitionally the veinaculai tianslateu piose texts have been stuuieu

fiom a liteiaiy anu philological point of view. They have often been
obseiveu in theii pie-textual enviionment, as a iesult of a long liteiaiy
continuum. Ny inteiest in these texts is histoiical, not just liteiaiy. What I
am inteiesteu in lies in the uses of seemingly conventional foims in a
specific histoiical anu social context. The late stages of Anglo-Saxon cultuie
aie often ieau thiough its enu anu afteilife in the Anglo-Noiman liteiatuie
anuhistoiy.Thisseeminglyabiuptuivisionbetweenthetwoeias,whichthe
Noiman Conquest symbolizes, is ueeply iooteu in oui peiceptions of the
eleventhcentuiy,anuaffectsalsointeipietationsoftheioleofsaint-kingsin
Anglo-Saxon Englanu. As it is known, the Noiman Conquest biought many
changestothestiuctuiesoftheAnglo-Saxonstateanumonasteiies,anuthe
iesentment towaius the Anglo-Saxon saints by the Noimans is a well-
establisheu conception. The cults of the ioyal saints uiu not, howevei, meet
theii enu with the Conquest. The continuity of the cults, even though
politically uiffeient, is attesteu in seveial instances, as Susan Riuyaiu has
shown.
144
Consiueiing the visible iole of the saint-kings in Latin liteiaiy
cultuie as well as in scholaiship, I woulu like to think that the woikings of
veinaculaiieligiousihetoiicinielationtotheiueologyofsocialoiueineeu
to be examineu staiting fiom theii own setting, as pait of the histoiical
contextbefoiethewiueiconflictabouttheiolesofseculaianuecclesiastical
poweis uuiing the Investituie Contioveisy. The issue shoulu also be
appioacheu without assumptions about an existing phenomenon of holy
kingship,piomoteubythescholailytiauition.
Nuch of the pievious ieseaich has concentiateu on ueteimining the
natuie of kingship that the cults of ioyal saints seem to piomote. Susan
Riuyaiu wiote that |tjhe Lives of the ioyal saints, it is cleai, aie wholly
iepiesentativeofeailymeuievalthoughtonthenatuieofkingship:theyaie
inueeu one of the most impoitant souices upon which analysis of that
thought can anu shoulu be baseu.
14S
I cannot completely agiee with the
assumptionthattheioyalsaintslivesaiewhollyiepiesentativesouiceson
whichtobasetheinteipietationsofAnglo-Saxonkingship,butwoululiketo
ieview some of the implications this assumption has hau to the stuuy of
politicalthoughtoftheeiainquestion.SuielyRiuyaiusownfoimulationof

Nichael Lapiuge (BBS 1u6, Lonuon 1991), 161, esp. on pages 2SSS, anu E. Bishop,
liturqicohistorico(0xfoiu1918),1S7164.
144
Riuyaiu,TbeRoyolSointsofAnqlo-SoxonFnqlonJ,67,17117S,2262SS,2S12S2.
14S
Ibiu.,81.
58

saints lives as one of the most impoitant saves a lot of ciiticism, but it is
chaiacteiistic to ieau them as exclusive souices of political thought. The
politicalaspectof thecultshasinueeuieceiveusomuch attentionthatthey
iaiely have been uiscusseu togethei with othei saints cults oi in
conjunctionwithlfiicsotheiwoiksoihisoveiallconceptofsocialoiuei.
Nyappioachtothisissuewillalsotakeintoaccountthepievailingiuealsof
kingship, especially as they weie connecteu to the inteiests of the
Beneuictineiefoim,butwillnottieatthemasasignofaphenomenonthatis
usually coineu as holy kingship. Insteau, with iegaiu to these paiticulai
texts,Iwouluiatheiseethemaspaitoflfiicsanuinsomewayalsothe
monastic iefoimeis in geneialieligious-political uiscouise, which was
conceineu with the whole society fiom a theological point of view. The
uiffeience to pievious ieseaich is theiefoie that I uo not want to tieat the
ioyal saints in isolation, but as pait of a moie geneial conceptualization of
the oiuei of the woilu. This emphasis will become cleai in the following
chaptei, but shoulu be kept in minu thioughout the whole woik, as well.
Theiefoie,Iwillnextengagewiththeissueofioyalsaintsinlfiicslivesof
Soints fiom the peispective of tianslation, anu tieat them as pait of his
wiueiinteiestsinapaiticulaihistoiicalcontext.
3.1.2. lfrics Lives of Saints
The lives of Soints uates to the peiiou when lfiic was iesiuing at Ceine
Abbey,anuitisthoughttohavebeencompileubetween994anu998,some
texts of the collection eailiei than otheis.
146
The lives of St 0swalu anu St

146
Clemoes anu consequently many othei Anglo-Saxon scholais assign the uate of the
collectionmoiebioaulyto9921uu2.PeteiClemoes,TheChionologyoflfiic'sWoiks,
in Tbe Anqlo-Soxons: StuJies in Some Aspects of Tbeir history onJ Culture PresenteJ to
Bruce 0ickins, eu. Petei Clemoes (Lonuon: Bowes & Bowes, 19S9), 222, 244; }oyce Bill,
TheBisseminationoflfiic'slivesofSoints:APieliminaiySuivey,inholyHenonJholy
Women:0lJFnqlisbProseSoints'livesonJtbeirContexts,eu.PaulE.Szaimach(NewYoik:
State0niveisityofNewYoikPiess,1996),2S6.FoiamoienaiiowuatingseeLapiuge,Tbe
CultofStSwitbun,S77.Theuate994998isbaseuonchaiteieviuence,accoiuingtowhich
Aichbishop Sigeiic, to whom Ch II was ueuicateu, uieu in 994. This uating assumes that
lfiic staiteu wiiting lS only aftei the completion of Ch II. lfiics ueuicatee of lS, his
pation thelweaiu uieu aiounu 998, befoie which the collection must have been
completeu.SeeNechthiluuietsch,AlfriconJtbeCultofSointsinloteAnqlo-SoxonFnqlonJ
(Cambiiuge:Cambiiuge0niveisityPiess,2uuS),16,n.71;21,n.11;1S71S8;Keynes,Tbe
0iplomos of Kinq AtbelreJ tbe 0nreoJy, 192, 2S12SS. 0n evaluating the place of
59

Eumunuweiepiobablyamongtheeailieioneslfiiccomposeu.Alltextsin
thelivesofSointsaiecomposeuinihythmicalpiosestylewhichlfiicuseu
incieasingly fiom his seconu seiies of homilies onwaius. The collection oi
paits of it aie extant in seven manusciipts, anu aie situateu mostly among
othei homilies, incluuing many by lfiic.
147
No authoiial copy, howevei,
iemainsfiomthissetoftexts.

Theeailiestcopy(Lonuon,BL,Cotton}uliusE.
vii) uates to the eaily eleventh centuiy.
148
Bespite its title, the collection
containsalsomateiialthatisnotstiictlyhagiogiaphical.Itcompiisespieces
that ueal with saints, uoctiinal issues, anu 0lu Testament stoiies, aiiangeu
accoiuing to the lituigical yeai. Also, theie is not always a cleai-cut
uistinctionbetweenahomilyanuasaintslifein0luEnglishliteiatuie;both
ofthemweieuseufoiexplainingbiblicallessons,anuoftenthe stiuctuieof
a saints life was veiy similai to that of a homily.
149
Thus they shaieu a
similaifunctionaswellasfoim.

composition, see uneuss, Alfric of Fynsbom. his life, Times, onJ Writinqs, S6. uneuss
points out that lfiic was sent to Ceine in about 987 to teach, but contiaiy to the
tiauitional opinion, which assumes that he stayeu theie foi the peiiou befoie he was
appointeu the abbot of Eynsham in 1uuS, theie is no eviuence that he stayeu theie foi a
longei peiiou. It is possible that he ietuineu to Winchestei. The wiue ieauing, which his
wiitings implicate, woulu have iequiieu using a substantially laige libiaiy, which
Winchesteicouluhavepioviueu.
147
Cambiiuge,QueensCollege,(Boine)7S(fiagments)(Kei81;uneuss146);uloucestei,
Catheuial Libiaiy SS (fiagments) (Kei 117; uneuss 262); Lonuon, BL, Cotton Caligula
A.xiv, fols. 9S1Su (St Naitin, St Thomas, an anonymous life of St Niluieu) (Kei 1S8;
uneuss S1u); Lonuon, BL, Cotton }ulius E.vii (Kei 162; uneuss SS9); BL, Cotton 0tho B.x
(Kei 177; uneuss SSS); BL, Cotton vitellius B.xvii, fols. 492 (many lost anu fiagmenteu)
(Kei 222; uneuss 4u6); BL, Royal 8.C.vii, fols. 12 (fiagments) (Kei 26u; uneuss 476).
Whatcomplicatestheciiculationoftheioyalsaintslivesfuitheiisthattheyappeai also
in manusciipts not otheiwise associateu with the lives of Soints. The life of FJmunJ is
extant in its full in Cotton }ulius E.vii, but also in 0xfoiu, Bouleian, Bouley S4S (Kei S1),
anu paitly in Cambiiuge, 0niveisity libiaiy NS Ii.1.SS (Kei 18). The life of St 0swolJ is
completeinCotton}uliusE.viianuCambiiuge,0niveisitylibiaiyNSIi.1.SS, anupaitlyin
BL,CottonvitelliusB.xvii.
148
The pioblem with the latei manusciipts is that they uo not iepiesent the oiiginal
contents of this collection. Alieauy the eailiest suiviving copy is alteieu anu it contains
somenon-lfiicitemsthathavebeeniecognizeuassomeoneelseswoiksonlymuchlatei
(SevenSleepeis,NaiyofEgypt,Eustace,EufiasiaEuphiosyne).Fuithei,}uliusE.viiisnot
thesouicefiomwhichallotheicopiesoftheitemsinitueiive.Bill,TheBisseminationof
lfiic'slivesofSoints,2SS2S6;Lapiuge,TbeCultofStSwitbun,S77.
149
Wilcox,Alfric'sPrefoces,17.
60

The collection was compileu at the iequest of lfiics lay pations,

ealuoimanthelweaiuofWessexanuhissonthelmi,anuwasueuicateu
to them. lfiic states both in the Latin anu the veinaculai piefaces to the
woikthathewisheutopioviuefoithelayauuiencethelivesofthosesaints
who weie veneiateu among the monks, but not among the laity.
1Su
Foi this
ieason it has been assumeu that the collection was intenueu as pious
naiiative ieauing foi laymen.
1S1
The contents of the collection suggest that
this might not have been the only inteiest lfiic hau. The themes that
iepeateulyoccuiinthelivesofSointsactuallysuggestabioaueiconnection
to the contempoiaiy political situation. Namely, besiues the histoiy of
English monasticism anu some uoctiinal pieces on the inteipietation of
uieams, the texts aie pieoccupieu with the uoctiine of justifieu waifaie,
ioyal anu militaiy saints lives, the kings of the 0lu Testament, as well as
with the pioblems causeu by the vikings, anu the pagan gous of the Banes
anuancientRomans.Inthisiespectthecollectionasawholeuiffeisfiomthe
pievious two collections of homilies, anu can be situateu in both lay anu
monasticsuiiounuings.
It is notewoithy that the lay anu monastic paits of society weie not
stiictlysepaiateuinpiactice,anuthattheieaiegoougiounustobelievethat
the homilies lfiic wiote at Ceine actually ieacheu both the laity anu the
monks.IthasbeenuiscoveieuthatthemonasteiychuichatCeineseiveuas
a place of woiship foi the suiiounuing lay community until ca. 1Suu, when
the fiist sepaiate paiish chuich of St Naiy outsiue the monasteiy was
built.
1S2
Theiefoie the auuience to whom lfiic woulu have anticipateu the
homilies to be ieau at seivices shoulu be consiueieu to have been mixeu,
constitutingbothoflaymenanumonks.
1SS
Thiswasespeciallythecasewith
thelivesofSoints,astheyweiespecificallytaigeteutomakethelaityawaie
ofthesaintsthatweiepieviouslyknownonlywithinmonasticcommunities.
Theioleofmonasteiiesinteiactingwiththelaigeicommunitieswasiathei
laige in Anglo-Saxon Englanu in geneial, as noteu in the intiouuction, but
lfiics intentions with wiiting the collection shoulu not be estimateu to
have been too wiuespieau, eithei. Nost piobably the laity he hau in minu

1Su
Ibiu.,11912u.
1S1
uatch,PreocbinqonJTbeoloqyinAnqlo-SoxonFnqlonJ,17,4849.
1S2
Wilcox, lfiic in Boiset anu the Lanuscape of Pastoial Caie, S8. Refeiiing to }.
Butchins,TbehistoryonJAntiquitiesoftbeCountyof0orset,Siueu.byW.Shippanu}.W.
Bouson,4vols.(186174),vol.4,29.
1SS
,Alfric'sPrefoces,12.
61

consisteuof thehigheipaitsoftheseculai society,withwhichheisknown

tohavebeeninfiequentcontact.
The subsequent ieception of the lives of Soints suggests a mixeu
auuience of both lay anu monastic, too. The auuience that has been
estimateu foi the texts is fai fiom stiaightfoiwaiu, anu cannot be simply
ieuuceu to eithei seculai oi monastic enviionment, as the manusciipt
eviuence uemonstiates. }onathan Wilcox has pointeu out the puzzling
ciiculationofthelivesofSointswithhisstuuyonafiagmentaiymanusciipt
ofunknownoiigin.
1S4
Beconcluuesthat theusesofthelivesofSointsweie
manifolu. Be finus eviuence of piivate ieauing by the liteiate anu pious
aiistociacy, such as thelweaiu anu thelmi, but also of its use in the
episcopalhouseholuanumonasticcommunities,anuofieauingthetextstoa
villagecommunitybyanisolateupiiest.
1SS
Theciiculationofthetextinsuch
wiueanuvaiieupaitsofsocietyintuiniaisesthequestionofthefunctionof
the ioyal saints cults in the veinaculai enviionment, anu points out the
uiffeiences in the Latin anu veinaculai liteiaiy cultuies. Theiefoie, too
naiiow uefinitions as to which genie these texts belong to uo not woik in
thiscase.Bothtextsaiehagiogiaphical,butnotintenueutobeieaualouuin
the lituigy. They aie also homiletic, but not intenueu to be ieau alouu in
pieaching.Anulastly,whateveitheintenueuauuiencewas,theieceptionof
these saints lives coulu of couise change the authois intenueu meaning.
The tiansmission of the text ieaches beyonu the initial intention, oi it can
change a couise uepenuing on copying. Without assigning too iestiictive
categoiies foi them, it is cleai that the uiscuisive fielu of these pieces
extenus beyonu the monastic enviionment, but is at the same time closely
tieu to the ieligious inteiests of the Beneuictine iefoimists anu theii
successois.
Since the collection compiises such a wiue scale of uiffeient pieces of
texts, anu since it cannot be placeu in just one enviionment, ceitain
questions iise about the iole of the ioyal saints lives. Bow closely, if at all,
can they be seen to iepiesent political inteiests1 In what way weie iueas

1S4
Lonuon,BL,CottonCaligulaA.xiv(Kei1S8;uneussS1u).Themanusciiptuatestomiu-
11thcentuiy,anuincluuestwosaintslives(StNaitinanuStThomas)bylfiic,aswellas
ananonymouslifeofStNiluieu.
1SS
}onathan Wilcox, The Auuience of lfiic's lives of Soints anu the Face of Cotton
CaligulaA.XIv,Fols.9S1Su,inBeotusvir:StuJiesinForlyFnqlisbonJNorseHonuscripts
in Hemory of Pbillip Pulsiono, eu. A. N. Boane anu Kiisten Wolf (Tempe, Aiizona: Aiizona
CenteifoiNeuievalanuRenaissanceStuuies,2uu6),24u,244,2S82S9.
62

about holy oiuei of society constiucteu in these texts1 Boes the

Chiistocentiicimageofthesaint-kingsielatetothecuiientimageofaniueal
king1Aiethechangesseeninlfiicsauaptationsielevantintheanalysisof
the ieligious-political uiscouise1 In oiuei to contemplate these questions, I
will next ueal with both lives of the saint-kings anu estimate theii iole in
lfiicscollection.
3.1.3. St Oswald
The two maityi-kings who make the subject of lfiics wiitings in this
chaptei have many featuies in common. Nost impoitantly, both kings weie
faceu with pagan enemies, anu met theii enu in the hanus of pagans. This
featuiewasemphasizeuinalltexts,bothLatinanuveinaculai,anuisinueeu
an inteiesting one, as the cuiient society in lfiics time was also gieatly
tioubleu with exteinal, pagan viking incuisions. Although the actual
ieligious situation among the viking iaiueis was not so simple, anu many
iaiueis weie most piobably Chiistians, too, the monastic wiiteis weie
specifically conceineu with uesciibing the vikings as pagans. Theiefoie
theie is a possibility that the enemies of the saint-kings coulu invoke
assimilation with the cuiient situation, anu some stuuies have inueeu
accentuateuthissimilaiity.
1S6
Consequently,anotheicommonfeatuieinthe
lives of St 0swalu anu St Eumunu is somewhat paiauoxical; both of the
saint-kings can be seen to have faileu to piotect theii people fiom the
attacking enemies. In both of the legenus, the kings aie uecapitateu by the
heathens. In St 0swalus legenu the uismembeiment of the bouy was moie
impoitantanupioveutobeanimpoitantelementinhiscultfiomapiactical
point of view, too, because it affecteu the uispeisal of his ielics.
1S7
Quite
conventional iueals aie piesenteu of the kings: each is a uevout anu
iighteous Chiistian, iesolute in his faith, well-manneieu, humble, geneious
tohissubjects,butfiiminiuleanuvigoiousinwaifaie.
1S8

Whilealive,ioyallyboinofthehouseofBeinicia,0swaluwas theking
of Noithumbiia in ca. 6S4642, anu uieu in the battle of Naseifielu against
the heathen king Penua of Neicia. Bis maityiuom anu the iole he hau in

1S6
See especially uouuen, Apocalypse anu Invasion in Late Anglo-Saxon Englanu, 1SS
142.
1S7
Thackei,Hembro0isjecto,11211S.
1S8
Winteibottom,TbreelivesofFnqlisbSoints,7u7S.
63

ChiistianizingNoithumbiiaplayeuanimpoitantpaitinhiscult.Bewasone
of the fiist Anglo-Saxon saints, anu his cult gaineu wiue populaiity also in
continental Euiope anu Scanuinavia.
1S9
The legenu of 0swalu was fiist
compileubyBeueinhistorioecclesiostico.Beuepiesenteu0swalucleailyas
asanctifieuiulei,butuiu notuenotehim a maityi.Itwas,howevei,exactly
the historio ecclesiostico which sealeu the long life of 0swalus cult, at least
inpait.BeuesSt0swaluisiegaiueuasanimageofaniuealChiistianiulei,
in whose ieign the aspects of both spiiitual anu seculai powei combine
effectively. St 0swalus conveision to Chiistianity, his euucation as a young
man at Iona, the achievement of gaining the Noithumbiian ciown as a
successful waiiioi, miles Cbristi, the accomplishment of conveiting his
subjects with the help of Bishop Aiuan, anu the chaiacteiistics of an iueal
king(pious,humbleanugeneioustothepooi);allthesequalitiesoftheking
aieloaueuwithieligiousimageiyofauthoiity.WiththesefeatuiesBeuelaiu
thefounuationsfoilateipiesentationsof0swalu.
vaiious auaptations anu tianslations of 0swalus maityiuom weie
maue thioughout the Niuule Ages.
16u
Biffeient piesentations of St 0swalu
seiveuuiffeientpuiposes.Bepenuingonthecontext,attimeshewasvieweu
asapeisoncontiibutingtothefounuationoftheNoithumbiian,oieventhe
whole English chuich, othei times as a pation of foieign Chiistians, as a
ciusauei, as a heio of veinaculai iomance, oi even as a peison iesponsible
foi goou haivests, feitility anu health. The lattei pait has iaiseu some
inteiest among scholais in a possible connection between the cult anu
populai piactice of ieligion, in which similaiities to the woiship of Wouen,

1S9
BewasveneiateuintheLowCountiies,ueimany,Austiia,Switzeilanu,paitsofEastein
Euiope, noithein Italy, Scanuinavia anu Icelanu. Annemiek }ansen, The Bevelopment of
the St 0swalu's Legenus on the Continent, in 0swolJ: Nortbumbrion Kinq to Furopeon
Soint,eu.ClaieStancliffeanuEiicCambiiuge(Stamfoiu:PaulWatkins,199S),2Su.
16u
Continental texts incluue, foi instance, seimons anu a vito by Biogo of Saint-Winnoc
(ca. 1uSu), a twelfth-centuiy poem situateu in couit ciicles, connecteu to Nunich anu
vienna, anu a text by Reginalu of Buiham (116S), who uepicts 0swalu as a king of the
goluen, almost mythical age with abunuant ciops anu feitility. }ansen uistinguishes two
kinus of texts baseu on 0swalus cult: a gioup of texts meant foi lituigical anu monastic
puiposes, e.g. Biogo of St-Winnocs seimons anu life, anu a gioup of texts that emeigeu
afteica.11uu,inwhichthekingisuepicteuasaheioofiomance.PeteiClemoes,TheCult
of St 0swalu on the Continent: The }aiiow Lectuie 198S, in BeJe onJ his WorlJ: Tbe
}orrow lectures 1979199S (Alueishot: Ashgate: vaiioium, 1994); }ansen, The
BevelopmentoftheSt0swalu'sLegenusontheContinent,2Su,2SS2S7.
64

foi instance, have been peiceiveu.

161
The cult, although being stiongly a
combinationofpoliticalanuieligiousinteiests,spieaualsoamongthelaity,
anu gaineu many populai featuies. Foi the piesent puiposes, it is
woithwhile to acknowleuge that the cult was nevei unchanging anu stable.
The vaiious iepiesentations of 0swalus cult unueiline the point of
uepaituie of this stuuy, anu ieminu that it is the peiception of the cult anu
thesaintthatpioviuesthemostfiuitfulmateiialfoihistoiicalassessments.
}ustasthecultof0swaluhauuiffeientmeaningsinuiffeientcontextsinthe
Niuule Ages, lfiics auaptation of it must also be iegaiueu in its own
suiiounuings.
The cult was alieauy seveial hunuieu yeais olu when lfiic wiote his
lives of Soints. In the late tenth centuiy the cult of 0swalu was gieatly
ieviveu by the Beneuictine iefoimeis, possibly because of the geneial
inteiest in ioyal maityi cults. Refoimist centies, such as Ramsey anu
Woicestei,aienoteutohavebeenthemainactoisintheievivaloftheioyal
maityi cults, incluuing St Eumunu, anu the piinces thelieu anu
thelbeiht,WystananuKenelm.

Theieiseviuenceofawiuespieaulituigical
cult of St 0swalu by the late tenth centuiy, anu he appeais in all but one of
the calenuais anu in seveial litanies that suivive fiom the pie-Conquest
eia.
162

ItisquiteceitainthatlfiicuseutheLatinhistorioecclesiosticofoihis
tianslation, anu theie is no ieason to believe that he useu the 0lu English
veision.Eventhoughlfiicceitainlyknewthe0luEnglishtianslationofthe
woik, quite possibly even hau a copy in his use, all the passages examineu
heieaie souiffeientfiomtheveinaculaihistorio,thatitseemstheyueiive
fiom the Latin oiiginal. Bowevei, the iuea of using an alieauy tianslateu
veision woulu not have been completely stiange to him, since theie aie
obviousboiiowingsfiomBeueshistorio,0luEnglishtianslationofuiegoiy
the uieats Postorol Core, anu the 0lu English Boethius in his eailiei
homilies.ButitseemsthatwhenwoikingwiththelivesofSoints,lfiicwas
usingonlytheLatintexts.
16S

161
Claie Stancliffe anu Eiic Cambiiuge, Intiouuction, in 0swolJ: Nortbumbrion Kinq to
FuropeonSoint,eu.ClaieStancliffeanuEiicCambiiuge(Stamfoiu:PaulWatkins,199S),1
2.
162
Thackei,Hembro0isjecto,12412S.
16S
lfiic mentions the tianslation of Beue in Ch II.9 (St 6reqory tbe 6reot). The 0E
tianslation was useu as a souice in this homily, anu possibly also in Ch II.1u (St
CutbbertbsJepositio)anuChII.2u(lteminletoniomoiore,feriotertio;Furseysvisionoftbe
65

3.1.4. St Edmund
The seconu saint of this chaptei, St Eumunu, was a king of East Anglia who
was killeu by the vikings in 869. Bistoiically, not much is known of
Eumunu.
164
Be was veneiateu as a saint not long aftei his ueath. The
suiiounuings of the cult weie not iestiicteu to East Anglia, anu cuiiously,
coinslabelleuwithStEumunusnameweiestiuckuuiingthevikingiegime,
between89uanu91u.PossiblythepopulaiityofthecultoftheEastAnglian
king was one foim of ieconciliation between the two tiauitions among the
newly conveiteu Scanuinavians in the aiea, as suggesteu by Naico
Nosteit.
16S
The cult of St Eumunu was an inteiesting featuie in the
legitimationofpoweiamongtheninth-anutenth-centuiyiuleis.Ithasbeen
suggesteu,althoughnotasceitaineu,thatbothKingAlfieuofWessex,anuhis
son,EuwaiutheEluei,piomoteuthecultofEumunu.InthecaseofEuwaiu
itisinteiestingthatthepiomotionwaspiobablyconnecteutotheconquest
ofEastAngliain917,anuthathealsonameuhissonEumunu.
166
Becauseof
thelackofwiittensouices,thefiistcontextofthecultisiegaiueutobelong
to oial suiiounuings.
167
Eumunu was also wiuely veneiateu in late Anglo-

ofterlife). Theie is a cleai boiiowing of a sentence fiom the Pastoial Caie in one of his
homilies (Ch II.28.1u61u9), anu anothei one fiom eithei the same book oi the 0E
Boethius(ChII.2S.186194).uouuen,Alfric'sCotbolichomilies:lntroJuction,Commentory
onJ6lossory,lxii.
164
0n the histoiical anu ciitical evaluation of the Passio, see Antonia uiansuen, Abbo of
Fleuiy'sPassioSanctiEaumunui,RevueBnJictine1uS(199S).
16S
Naico Nosteit, Tbe Politicol Tbeoloqy of Abbo of Fleury: A StuJy of tbe lJeos obout
Society onJ low of tbe Tentb-Century Honostic Reform Hovement (Bilveisum: veiloien
Publisheis,1987),41.
166
uboi Klaniczay, holy Rulers onJ BlesseJ Princesses: 0ynostic Cults in HeJievol Centrol
Furope,tians.EvaPlmai(Cambiiuge:Cambiiuge0niveisityPiess,2uu2),89.Noieabout
the cult of Eumunu, see Riuyaiu, Tbe Royol Soints of Anqlo-Soxon FnqlonJ, 6169, 211
2SS;Rollason,SointsonJRelicsinAnqlo-SoxonFnqlonJ,1SS1S7.0ntheuevelopmentof
the legenu see Thomas Ainolu, eu. Hemoriols of St. FJmunJ's Abbey, 2 vols. (Wiesbauen:
Kiaus Repiint, 196S), xvxix; Boiothy Whitelock, Fact anu Fiction in the Legenu of St
Eumunu,ProceeJinqsoftbeSuffolklnstituteofArcboeoloqyonJhistoryS1,no.S(1969).
167
CatheiineCubitthasbiieflyuealtwithoialfeatuiesinPossioFoJmunJi.Shequestions
the histoiical value of Abbo's account on authoiizing the text with oial tiauition, a view
that has pievaileu in the scholaiship since Whitelock. Insteau, she sees it as a liteiaiy
convention similai to Notkei's 6esto Koroli Hoqni. She also suggests that the
RamseyWoichestei school of hagiogiaphy may have been paiticulaily sympathetic to
local stoiies, wheieas lfiic, with typical taitness, was not fonu of using oial tiauition
as a souice foi his wiitings, thus iepiesenting moie elitist context. See Catheiine Cubitt,
66

Saxon Englanu, anu his name occuis in many litanies anu calenuais. St
EumunuscultseemstohavebeenmoielocalthanSt0swalus,butlituigical
souices suggest that the cult enjoyeu some populaiity in latei meuieval
Scanuinavia.
168
ThecultwasalsoiecognizeubyKingCnut,whowaspossibly
involveuintheestablishmentofaiefoimeuBeneuictinemonasteiyatBuiy-
St-Eumunu in 1u2u. This is an inteiesting event in teims of his
establishment of authoiity; as an act of ieconciliation anu atonement,
piomoting the cult of St Eumunu woulu have been a poweiful uisplay of
submittingtotheaccepteunoimsofChiistiankingship.
169

The fiist account of Eumunus maityiuom, apait fiom a shoit mention

intheAnqlo-SoxonCbronicle(NSA,87u)anuanappeaianceinAsseislifeof
Kinq AlfreJ (ch. SS), was wiitten moie than a centuiy aftei his ueath, when
Abbo of Fleuiy wiote the Possio FoJmunJi.
17u
Abbo compileu the local
legenuattheiequestofthemonksofRamseyAbbey,wheiehestayeu(asan
exile, aftei failing to be electeu the abbot) uuiing 98S987.
171
Whethei he
wiotethePossioalieauyuuiingthevisit,oiafteiheietuineutotheabbeyof
St.-Benot-sui-Loiie (Fleuiy) anu was appointeu the abbot is a mattei of
uebate.NaicoNosteitpieviouslysuggesteuauatingthatfallsafteithetime
AbbohaualieauyleftRamseybetween KingBughscoionationin autumn
987 anu Aichbishop Bunstans ueath in Nay 19, 988but latei ieviseu his
estimation of the uate to the time Abbo was still at Ramsey.
172
In any case
the piefatoiy lettei is auuiesseu to Aichbishop Bunstan, who uieu in Nay
988,soonafteiAbboleftEnglanu,whichsetstheterminusontequemof the
text.

Folkloie anu Bistoiiogiaphy: 0ial Stoiies anu the Wiiting of Anglo-Saxon Bistoiy, in
NorrotiveonJhistoryintbeForlyHeJievolWest,eu.ElizabethN.TyleianuRossBalzaietti
(Tuinhout:Biepols,2uu6),196198,2uS2u4,22u.0nthepossiblelayoiiginsofthecult,
on the giounus of chaiacteiistic motifs fiom populai ieligion, see , Sites anu
Sanctity:RevisitingtheCultofNuiueieuanuNaityieuAnglo-SaxonRoyalSaints,6S6S.
168
}ohnToy,TheCommemoiationofBiitishSaintsintheNeuievalLituigicalNanusciipts
of Scanuinavia, Kyrkobistorisk rskrift 1 (198S): 9697; , eu. Fnqlisb Soints in tbe
HeJievolliturqiesofSconJinovionCburcbes(Lonuon:Boyuell,2uu9),117128.
169
Lawson,Cnut,14u146.
17u
Winteibottom,TbreelivesofFnqlisbSoints,6768.
171
Aimoinus, vito S. Abbonis, Patiologia Latina Batabase: vol. 1S9; Nosteit, Tbe Politicol
TbeoloqyofAbboofFleury,4u.
172
Cf.,AbboofFleuiy,inTbeBlockwellFncyclopoeJioofAnqlo-SoxonFnqlonJ,eu.
Nichael Lapiuge, et al. (0xfoiu: Blackwell Publisheis, 1999), S; , Tbe Politicol
Tbeoloqy of Abbo of Fleury, 4S. Antonia uiansuen has aigueu that the Possio was wiitten
alieauyatRamsey.uiansuen,AbboofFleuiy'sPassioSanctiEaumunui,47S6.
67

Neveitheless, the lack of an exact uate bluis the inteipietation of the

uiscouiseinthattheyeais987988unuoubteulyinfluenceuAbbo'sposition
inpoliticalteims,anumaythushaveinfluenceuhismotivesfoichoosingthe
liteiaiyfeatuiesinPossio.Abbo'sconceinfoihismonasteiywascloselytieu
to the change of uynasty, since befoie his ueath in 986, King Lothaii hau
exeiciseucompleteauthoiityoveiFleuiy,anuwhenBughCapettookonthe
thione in }une 987, the questions of monastic inuepenuence iose to the
suiface. The uesiies of the movement hau namely aiisen out of feuual
uisintegiation, so an alliance with a stiong iulei who coulu piotect the
monkswasciucialfoiFleuiy.
17S
Theissuewasallthemoieimpoitantsince
one of Bugh's most impoitant auviseis was Ainulf, the bishop of 0ilans,
with whom Abbo hau hau a seiies of conflicts alieauy pieviously.
174
The
political views that aie moie cleaily unueilineu in Abbo's latei woiks,
Collectio Cononum anu liber Apoloqeticus, wiitten foi the kings Bugh anu
Robeit,aiethussituateuinuiffeient fiamewoiksthanthePossio,especially
whenassumingthatitwasalieauywiitteninEnglanu.
It has been attesteu that Abbo's visit to Ramsey influenceu his wiiting
about the eaithly iule. At Ramsey he woulu have encounteieu settings in
whichtheiefoimativeBeneuictinemonkshaualieauyfoiageneiationuealt
with the ielationship between monastic life anu seculai iealities, builuing a
balanceualliancewithioyalpowei.
17S
Bifficultieswiththelayanutheoluei
ecclesiasticaleliteswouluhaveiesulteuintheconstiuctionofanewliteiaiy
imageofkingship,inwhichtheieligiousaspectsweieemphasizeu,asakinu
ofuefenceofthemonasticclaims, anu as anunueiliningof theiiclosebonu
with the king, now piesenteu as the vicai of Chiist anu the piotectoi of
monks.
176
TheRequlorisConcorJio,thecustomaiysanctioneubythecouncil
of Winchestei in about 97S, makes the ielationship cleai, emphasizing
piayeisfoithekinganutheioyalfamily.
177
Thustheimageofahumbleanu
steaufastkingwhoiuleupiimaiilybythepoweiofhisfaith,highlightingthe

17S
PaulineA.Staffoiu,ChuichanuSocietyintheAgeofAelfiic,inTbe0lJFnqlisbhomily
onJltsBockqrounJs,eu.PaulE.SzaimachanuBeinaiuF.Bupp(Albany:State0niveisity
ofNewYoikPiess,1978),1S.
174
Nosteit,TbePoliticolTbeoloqyofAbboofFleury,S6S7.
17S
Fieueiick S. Paxton, Abbos anu Rex: Powei anu Authoiity in the Liteiatuie of Fleuiy,
9871u44, in Tbe Fxperience of Power in HeJievol Furope, 9S01SS0, eu. Robeit F.
BeikhofeiIII,AlanCoopei,anuAuam}.Kosto(Alueishot:Ashgate,2uuS),2uu.
176
}ohn, The Woilu of Abbot lfiic, SuuS16; Riuyaiu, Tbe Royol Soints of Anqlo-Soxon
FnqlonJ;Staffoiu,ChuichanuSocietyintheAgeofAelfiic,1S.
177
Symons,RequlorisConcorJio,S,1S,14,16,21,22.
68

view that the king was accountable only to uou, is seen fiom the monastic
siue as an affiimation of authoiity. Fiom anothei point of view, the Possio
hasalsobeenseenasastageofuevelopmentintheevolutionofthesanctity
of kingship which hau long ioots alieauy, anu which at the tuin of the
millennium succeeueu in the foim of the cult of uynastic saints.
178
Any
exclusive explanations aie of couise not necessaiy, anu both peisonal anu
political motives as well as factois of liteiaiy tiauition, hagiogiaphical
moues of wiiting, anu aspects of mentality aie all pait of the settings. Any
simplificationininteipietingtheexplanatoiyfactoisoffeisaone-siueuview
on the topic, anu it is this featuie that is in pait the staiting point of this
chaptei.
Foiinstance,aspoliticalasAbbosmotivesmighthavebeen,hiswiiting
containeu much moie than just tiansfei of political iueologies onto
paichment.Theliteiaiyfiamewoik,hiseuucationanuhissouicesmustalso
be iecognizeu in oiuei to make any attempts at histoiical inteipietation.
Abbos text consists of numeious iefeiences to classical authois, such as
Boiace, veigil anu Peisius. It also contains seveial biblical anu Patiistic
passages (Isiuoie, Sulpicius Seveius), anu the naiiative as a whole is
obviously influenceu by these iefeiences. It is cleai that Abbo intensely
useuifnotthewholewoiksatleastJossierswithcollecteupassages,anu
heis known tohave staiteucompilingone himself afteihis appointmentto
theabbacyofFleuiy.Itisalso known fiom thesamesouice,hisbiogiaphei
Aimoin, that he hau stuuieu ihetoiic, among othei, vaiious subjects.
179

Theiefoiehistextmightattimesseemlikeapatchwoikcompilationofwell-
knowncommonplacesgatheieufiomnumeiousotheitexts.
Because the two texts, Abbos anu lfiics, weie both pait of the
intellectual milieu of the Beneuictine iefoim, a compaiison between theii
tieatment of the saint-king is impoitant, anu in some ways ievealing,
consiueiing the uiffeient intenueu auuiences the Latin anu veinaculai texts
hau. The compaiison allows one to contemplate the choices lfiic maue,
anu ieview the iepiesentativeness of lfiic compaieu to the othei majoi
figuies of the iefoim. The homily is consiueiably shoitei than Abbos
oiiginal, anu ihetoiically uiffeient. It is cleai that the uiscouise of a
tianslateu text is essentially uiffeient than the uiscouise of the oiiginal,
since the ihetoiical tools anu the semantic fielu change substantially, anu

178
Klaniczay,holyRulersonJBlesseJPrincesses,626S.
179
Aimoinus,vitaS.Abbonis,ch.S,col.uS9uC.
69

consequently the meaning of a text changes at the same time. This

funuamental featuie of tianslation is self-eviuent, but it has also othei
implicationsfoiinteipietation.Theieisaconsiueiableuiffeienceinieauing
a hagiogiaphical text as a iesult of the liteiaiy tiauition, anu ieauing it as
paitofitsauthoiswiueiinteiestsinapaiticulaihistoiicalcontext.Inmany
cases analysis of hagiogiaphy fiom this point of view is not even possible,
since a laige amount of saints lives has iemaineu anonymous. Luckily in
lfiics case this uoes not apply, anu theiefoie it is possible to consiuei his
hagiogiaphicalpiouuctiontogetheiwithhisotheitheologicalanusocial
inteiests. Next I will tuin to a moie uetaileu analysis of the changes in
lfiics auaptations, staiting with patteins of stanuaiuization in both
naiiativeanuhagiogiaphicteims.
3.2. Standardization of narrative
It is notable that almost all of lfiics woiks, in one way oi anothei, ieflect
anattempttoachieveaceitainpatteinanuoiuei.Thestiuctuieofhisthiee
majoicollectionsofhomiliesanusaintslives(ChIanuII,lS),aswellashis
otheiwoiksoncomputation(a tianslation ofBeues0etemporibus),on the
uaily conuuct of monastic life (an abiiugement of thelwolus 0e
consuetuJine monocborum), anu even his manual of Latin conveisation (the
Colloquium),canbeieauinawaythatbetiays aceitainpuisuitofoiuei,in
wiiting anu with iegaiu to the hieiaichical ioles of uiffeient people in
society. The biith of these texts lies in lfiics wish to pioviue a
compiehensible account of the Chiistian lituigical yeai, both foi the use of
monasteiies, but also to instiuct the laity. As Nichael Lapiuge has pointeu
out, this funuamental aspect has often been oveishauoweu by othei
scholailyinteiests,whichmanytimeshaveconcentiateuonlexical,stylistic
oisouiceanalyses.
18u
NextIwilluemonstiatehowlfiicsioyalsaintsweie
ie-composeu into conventional mouels of sainthoou; thus uetaching
sainthoouingeneialfiomthespecifichistoiicalanupoliticalcontexts.Atthe
same time the texts pioviue an iueal, ahistoiical account of the sainthoou
that is eteinal anu oiueily, anu which the contempoiaiy auuience of lfiic
shoulustiivefoiwiththehelpofwiittenexamples.

18u
NichaelLapiuge,lfiic'sSonctorole,inholyHenonJholyWomen:0lJFnqlisbProse
Soints'livesonJTbeirContexts,eu.PaulE.Szaimach(Albany:State0niveisityofNewYoik
Piess,1996),11S116.
70

When compaiing the naiiative oiuei of Beues historio ecclesiostico

anulfiicslifeofSt0swolJ,itseemsthatlfiicsconstiuctionofnaiiative
ieflectshisoiueilyfashionofconceptualizingsainthoou,aswell.Beuestext
isauapteuanuchangeuconsiueiablybylfiic,anutheoiueiofnaiiationis
mouifieu.lfiicsoiganizeuminucanbeseenatwoikinthequitestiictanu
funuamentalie-oiganizingofthe lifeintoamoieconventionalnaiiative,in
the oiuei that it shoulu be fiom the hagiogiaphical point of view. Nost of
the accounts of 0swalu in Beues historio ecclesiostico aie situateu in the
beginning of book S. Fuithei iemaiks aie founu in a few places in book 2
(hF 2.S, 2.14, 2.2u), anu once in book 4 (hF 4.14).
181
lfiic has almost
completely iewoikeu anu ieaiiangeu the mateiial Beue pioviueu into an
appiopiiatestoiy thatisfoimeuof0swaluseaithlycaieei,hismaityiuom,
anuthemiiaclesafteihisueath.
lfiics stoiy of St 0swalu begins with contextualizing King 0swalu to
Noithumbiia, which back then consisteu of Beiia anu Beinicia, anu tells
about0swalusbaptismintheScottishkinguomofBlRiatawheiehespent
hisyouthasanexile.WhenKingEuwinofBeiiaanuhistwofolloweisweie
killeu by a Biitish king Cauwallon, 0swalu ietuineu fiom Scotlanu to meet
Cauwallon in battlethe fiist element of impoitance conceining 0swalus
saintly status. The uesciiption of the battle of Beavenfieu, which is situateu
close to the mouein-uay Bexham, caiiies both political anu ieligious
significance. King 0swalu, now a iighteous Chiistian, iaiseu a cioss to the
fielubefoiethebattletohonouiuou,anupiayeuwithhismentogainuous
help. Subsequently, they won the battle in the next moining. To stiengthen
the ieligious impoitance of the battle, a miiacle-stoiy which tells of the
healing poweis of moss sciapeu fiom the cioss iaiseu on the battle fielu, is
incluueuinthestoiy.Afteiwinningthebattle0swalucouluclaimthethione
ofallNoithumbiia,anustaiteutoconveithispeopletoChiistianity.
182

It is impoitant to note that the political anu ieligious significance that

this stoiy hau in Beues situation was veiy uiffeient fiom that of lfiics.
0iiginally this naiiative coulu not be seen sepaiate fiom the political
consequences of uniting Beiia anu Beinicia unuei one king, 0swalu, noi
fiom the ieligious consequences of the conveision of Noithumbiia to
Chiistianity. This element is stiongly emphasizeu in Beues historio, but
haiuly in a similai vein by lfiic. Foi instance, Beue states that eailiei

181
ColgiaveanuNynois,BeJe'shistorioecclesiosticoqentisAnqlorum,1Su1S1,186187,
2u22uS,2122SS,S76S81.
182
Neeuham,Alfric:livesofTbreeFnqlisbSoints,27Su.
71

Noithumbiia was uiviueu in two, anu that befoie King 0swalu, no sign of
Chiistianity, no chuich oi altai hau been iaiseu in the whole Beinicia,
stiessingtheioleofthekingintheconveisionpiocess.
18S
Thekingsiolein
the unification anu conveision of the kinguom is fuithei emphasizeu, when
BeuewiitesthatthekinguomsofBeiniciaanuBeiiaweiepeacefullyuniteu
anu became one by the effoits of King 0swalu, who was an heii of King
Euwin both in teims of ieligion as well as political powei.
184
In lfiics
veisiontheunityof the kinguomuoesnot playmuchpait, anueven though
conveision is an essential theme, it is not connecteu with its political
implications.ThefocusinlfiicshomilyonSt0swaluisonthekingsfaith.
Be stiesses the omnipotence of uou as the oiigin of eveiything, anu as the
tiueobjectofallactioninthewoilu,anuiepeatsanuinsistsonitbyauuing
conventional phiases like uou uniteu the kinguoms foi the meiits of
0swalu, who always honouieu him
18S
oi King 0swalu helu his kinguom
gloiiouslyfoithewoilu, anuwithgieatfaith,anuin allhisueeushonouieu
his Loiu.
186
These passages uo not oiiginally contain the conventional
auuitionalclausesinthesespecificsentences,butunueilinethepointthatall
authoiityueiivesfiomuou,anubyhonouiinguouapaitofitcanbegaineu
oneaith,too.Thesubstanceoftheseauuitionsisnot,howevei,incompatible
with the oiiginal Latin ones, but the same emphasis to uous authoiity is
seen in Beue, as well. As such the eailiest implications of conveision anu
political unification aie in lfiics tieatment tiansfoimeu into a
stanuaiuizeu naiiative of a saints life, inteiesteu mainly with the spiiitual
implicationsofconveision.
Auuitionally, the elements in the naiiative aie often placeu in a
uiffeient oiuei than in the oiiginal. lfiic has constiucteu the stoiy baseu

18S
Njam in has uuas piouincias gens Noiuanhymbioium antiquitus uiuisa eiat. |...j
nullum, ut conpeiimus, fiuei Chiistianae signum, nulla ecclesia, nullum altaie in tota
Beinicioium gente eiectum est, piiusquam hoc saciae ciucis uexillum nouus militiae
uuctoi, uictante fiuei ueuotione, contia hostem inmanissimum pugnatuius statueiet.
ColgiaveanuNynois,BeJe'shistorioecclesiosticoqentisAnqlorum,212,216.
184
Buius inuustiia iegis Beioium et Beinicioium piouinciae quae eatenus abinuicem
uiscoiuabant, in unam sunt pacem et uelut unum conpaginatae in populum. Eiat autem
neposEuuiniiegisexsoioieAcha,uignumquefuituttantuspiaecessoitalemhabeietue
suaconsanguinitateetieligionisheieuemetiegni.Ibiu.,2Su.
18S
Swaswaselmihtigauouhigeanlhtetoamfoi0swoluesgeeainugumebinefre
wuroJe.(AuapteufiomhFS.6)Neeuham,Alfric:livesofTbreeFnqlisbSoints,S2.
186
0swolu cyning his cyneuom geholu hlisfullice foi woiulue anu miu micclum geleafan
onJoneollumJJumbis0ribtenorwuroJe.(AuapteufiomhFS.9)Ibiu.,SS.
72

mainly on the oiuei of Beue, but at inteivals incluues auuitions fiom othei
paits of the book. Natuially the stoiy is shoiteneu consiueiably, anu this
alieauyaffectsthechoiceslfiichau tomakewhenaiianginghistext.This
iesults paitly fiom the uiffeient puiposes of the two texts. lfiic has ie-
mouelleu a histoiical naiiative into a hagiogiaphical one. All the histoiical
sceneswhichuonotuealwith0swaluhimselfaieomitteu.Incontiast,ofthe
accountsthatuealwiththesaintlystatusoftheking,almostallelementsaie
incluueu. Nost noticeably, lfiic has wiitten the kings maityiuom into a
moiecoheientstoiythanwhatcanbegatheieufiomBeuesaccount.
In lfiics stoiy the maityiuom of the king is placeu ioughly in the
miuule of the naiiative, combining passages fiom thiee uiffeient places in
Beues historio (S.6, S.9, anu S.12). lfiic, theiefoie, composeu a coheient
scene of the kings maityiuom of the elements that weie scatteieu in
uiffeient places in Beues stoiy. The kings maityiuom took place in the
battle of Naseifielu against King Penua of Neicia, in the ninth yeai of
0swalus ieign (in 642). King Penua knew nothing of Chiist (ne cue be
Criste non incq), neithei uiu his people. Without giving any uetails of the
battle, lfiic states biiefly that they fought until the Chiistians fell, anu
iealizinghisueathbeingimminent,0swalupiayeufoihispeoplebefoiehis
heau anu iight aim weie stiuck off anu placeu on a stake as a maik of
victoiy.
187
In this scene the elements of uate, place anu the opponent, the
piayei-moment befoie the kings ueath, anu the uismembeiment of the
kingsheauanuiightaimaiesmoothlywiitteninchionologicaloiuei.
InBeuestext,howevei,allthieeelementsappeaiinuiffeientplacesof
the naiiative, anu in uiffeient oiuei. The uismembeiment of the limbs
appeais fiist in Beues historio in a passage which tells of a piophecy of
Bishop Aiuan (chaptei 6). Because the king showeu iemaikable geneiosity
onanEasteiBaybyoffeiinghisownbountifulmealalongwithasilveiuish
as alms to the pooi, the bishop blesseu the iight hanu of the king, anu saiu:
Nay this hanu nevei uecay.
188
Beue tells that this piophecy was fulfilleu
latei, when the king was killeu anu uismembeieu in a battle, anu that his
hanuanuaimhauiemaineuuncoiiupteutothisuay(boctenusincorruptoe
perJurent).
189
Then Beue ielates othei things foi seveial chapteis length,
until he ietuins to the kings maityiuom again (chaptei 9). At this point he

187
Ibiu.,SSS6.
188
Numquam inueteiescat haec manus ColgiaveanuNynois,BeJe'shistorioecclesiostico
qentisAnqlorum,2Su.
189
Ibiu.
73

wiitesabouttheplaceofthebattle,anuaboutthemiiaclesassociateueithei
with the physical existence of the battlefielu itself oi with uiit uug up fiom
the site, anu tells that sick men anu animals aie even touay healeu in this
place.
19u
Aftei telling about two paiticulai healing-miiacleshealing a sick
hoiseanuapaialyzeugiilanuabouttheholinessoftheuiitiemoveufiom
the site, Beue wiites about the tiansfei of the saints ielics, which was also
associateuwithsignsfiomheaven.Fuitheiiefeiencestothehealingpoweis
of the saints ielics follow, anu finally aftei seveial tales of wonueis Beue
comes back to the kings ueath again, anu wiites about the piayei-event
uuiingthebattle(chaptei12).
191

This kinu of iauical ieaiiangement makes lfiics naiiative quite

uiffeient fiom the oiiginal, anu natuially cannot be tieateu as a uiiect
tianslation. It is notewoithy that lfiic has succeeueu in keeping the
contents of the stoiy iathei faithful to Beues historio, even if he has
shoiteneu anu simplifieu it quite iemaikably. This inuicates lfiics oveiall
attituue towaius textual authoiities: even though ceitain changes aie maue
which affect the inteipietation of the text, the essential mateiial has been
pieseiveutofoimacoheientsaintslife.
IfwethentuintolookatAbbosPossioFoJmunJi,anucompaieitwith
lfiicstianslation,itisseenthatlfiicswayoftianslationhasapaiticulai
connection with the inteipietation of sanctity. This becomes eviuent
paiticulailywiththeaiiangementofthenaiiativeintwopaits,theueeusof
thekinginlife,anuthemiiaclesafteihisueath,uiviueubyauepictionofthe
kingsmaityiuom.Naityiuomfunctionsastheuiviuinglineinthenaiiative,
asthemomentofgainingsanctity:thekingsinlfiicstextsaiecalleusaints
only aftei this event. As lfiics tianslation of Abbos text is moie
stiaightfoiwaiu than that of Beues, theii stiuctuie anu choices of
tianslationcanbecompaieuinamoieuiiectmannei.
lfiics tianslation of Abbos Possio contains all the ielevant elements
of the stoiy. It begins with a iemaik that he has tianslateu a text of a veiy
leaineu monk, who visiteu Aichbishop Bunstan thiee yeais befoie he uieu
(988), anu who wiote the stoiy of the saint as Bunstan hau heaiu it in his
youthfiomKingthelstansswoiu-beaiei.
192
Thebeginningofthestoiyisa
conventional account of the pious attiibutes of an iueal Chiistian king:

19u
Namque in loco ubi pio patiia uimicans a paganisinteifectusest,usquehouiesanitates
infiimoiumethominumetpecoiumcelebiaiinonuesinunt.Ibiu.,24u242.
191
Ibiu.,2Su.
192
Sum swye gelieu munuc Neeuham,Alfric:livesofTbreeFnqlisbSoints,4S.
74

Eumunu the blesseu, king of East Anglia, was wise anu honouiable, anu
woishippeu always with noble customs the almighty uou. Be was humble
anu viituous, anu peisisteu so iesolute that he uiu not yielu to shameful
vices, noi uiu he tuin astiay to eithei way in his customs, but was always
minuful of the tiue uoctiine.
19S
This uepiction follows the moie piosaic
pieface, anu staits the piopei life of Eumunu. It fieely auopts the familiai
ihythmofaveinaculaipeifoimance,anustiessesthewoiusblesseu(eoJiq),
honouiable(wurful),noble(el),anuhumble(eoJmoJ).Atthesametime,
the stiesseu woius iepeat the iueal featuies of a king familiai fiom othei
liteiaiyuepictions.Theeffectsofthisstylewoulubethegieatestwhenieau
alouu. This shoit anu conventional uepiction of the kings viitues is gieatly
summaiizeu,anuifcompaieutoAbbo,itcanbeseenthatlfiicemphasizes
loyalty to the tiue faith above all. All his choices aie connecteu to being a
tiue Chiistian, anu he uiu not incluue the moie conventional epithets fiom
seculaiioyalbiogiaphy,evenifAbbohaucleailyuoneso.lfiicomitsfiom
the stait the emphasis on the kings oiigins (ex ontiquorum Soxonum nobili
prosopio oriunJus; otouis reqibus oeJitus), the outwaiu appeaiance of a
noble king (erot ei species Jiqno imperio), anu even the kings ieluctance to
wielu powei, which is betiayeu by the choice of woius: the king uiu not
uesiie eaithly powei, but was iathei uiaggeu off to peifoim his uuties
(omnium comprouinciolium unonimi fouore non tontum eliqitur ex qeneris
successione quontum ropitur ut eis proeesset sceptriqero potestote).
194
The
openinglinesofthelifeofStFJmunJievealtheoveiallinteiestoflfiicin
the whole meaning of holy kings; the iight anu tiue Chiistian conuuct was
thekeytooiueithatoiiginateufiomuou.
ueneiosity, sense of justice anu loyalty to Chiistianity pave way to the
event which leu to the kings ueath. Banish iaiueis hau been haiassing the
kingslanuwiuely,killingpeopleastheiicustomis(swoswobeoroqewuno
is).TheleaueisoftheBanish,nameuBinguaianuBubba(vaiianu0bbiin
0lu Noise) anu uniteu by the uevil (qeonlbte urb Jeofol), hau lanueu in
Noithumbiia, anu gaineu victoiy with ciuelty (qewunnenum siqe miJ
wlbreownysse).
19S
Binguai then pioceeus to East Anglia anu continues his

19S
Eaumunuseeauiga,Eastenglacynincg,wssnotoianuwuifulanuwuiouesymble
miu elum eawum one lmihtigan uou. Be ws eaumou anu geungen anu swa
aniueuihwunouethenolueabugantobysmoifullumleahtium,neonnaiehealfe
heneahyluehiseawas,acwssymblegemynuigiesoanlaie.Ibiu.,4S44.
194
Winteibottom,TbreelivesofFnqlisbSoints,7u.
19S
Neeuham,Alfric:livesofTbreeFnqlisbSoints,4446.
75

evil habits of killing anu toituiing innocent Chiistians, women anu chiluien
like a wolf (swo swo wulf). Senuing a messengei to King Eumunu, Binguai
uemanus Eumunus submission to the Banes, anu tiies to claim him as his
unueiking. King Eumunu iefuses to submit to the pagans, anu ueciues to
stay iesolute, even if his bishop auvises that the king shoulu leave his
countiytosavehisownlife.Keepinghisminuiesoluteanuiefusingtoleave
like a cowaiu while his people aie being slaughteieu, the king is then
confionteu by Binguai, not in a battle but in his own hall. Theie is no
uepictionofanykinuofiesistance,butthekingistoituieuanukilleubythe
vikings, his heau cut off anu concealeu in the bushes so that he coulu not
ieceiveapiopeibuiial.
196

Theiestofthestoiyielatesthemiiaclesassociateuwiththesaint.The
fiist miiacle is an account of miiaculously finuing the kings heau: the heau
callsouttothepeopleseaichingfoiit,anuisfounupiotecteubyawolfthat
guaius the heau until it is piopeily caiiieu to a chuich neaiby. When the
saintsielicsaielateimoveutoanotheiplace,itisnoticeu thattheiemains
aie incoiiupt anu the neck healeu. Anothei miiacle tells about nine thieves
whoattempttostealthechuichstieasuies,butwhoaiestiuckimmobileby
the poweis of the saint, anu aie caught ieu-hanueu the following moining.
The last miiacle is an aumonition anu waining, anu tells about an
aiistociatic man calleu Leofstan, who was ignoiant towaius uou anu the
tiue faith, living an immoial life. In his aiiogance he questioneu the saints
incoiiuptstateanuuemanueutoseetheielics,butatthemomenthelaiuhis
eyesonthem,thelaymanciieuoutmonstiously,anumiseiablysuffeieuan
evilueath.
197
AsinthecaseofSt0swalu,theelementslfiicusesinwiiting
the life of St Eumunu aie all founu in Abbos Possio FoJmunJi. lfiics
faithfulness to the contents of the stoiy is specifically highlighteu in his
comment that theie aie also othei miiacle stoiies about the saint in the
populai uiscouise, but that he is not going to put them in wiiting, since
eveiyone knows them.
198
Thestiuctuieanucontentsoflfiicstianslation
theiefoie iesemble Abbos naiiative in geneial. The uiffeiences aie,
howevei,seenintheuetailsofvocabulaiyanuihetoiic.

196
Ibiu.,46S1.
197
a aweuue he sona anu wlhieowlice giymeteue anu eaimlice geenuoue yfelum
ueae.Ibiu.,S6.
198
Fela wunuia we gehyiuon on folclicie spice be am halgan Eaumunue e we hei
nellaongewiitesettan;achiwatgehwa.Ibiu.,S7.
76

In the ihetoiic of Abbo, it is cleai that iepetition plays an impoitant

pait, since in his text the phiase sonctus rex et mortyr is iepeateu with
vaiiations 17 times.
199
Repetitive allusions to sanctity gain moie impetus
when the auveisaiy of Eumunu, the viking chief Binguai is uesciibeu as
impious (impiissimus hinquor, impius Jux) son of the uevil (filius Jioboli),
tyiant (tyronnus), anu unaimeu of Chiists piinciples (Cbristi institutis
inermis).
2uu
Beue, when wiiting about St 0swalu, was iemaikably moie
limiteu in uepicting sanctity, anu useu the woiu sonctus only in foui
instances when iefeiiing to King 0swalu.
2u1
Even though Beues historio
ecclesiostico cannot be iegaiueu stiictly as hagiogiaphy, of couise, it is in
any case notewoithy that 0swalu is the only figuie who Beue
unambiguously piesents as saint while being a successful king.
2u2
lfiic
ueviateu fiom both of these texts, anu uiu not iepeat the same pattein, anu
uiunotiefeitoeitheiofthekingsasholyinpassagesthatconceinthetime
they still liveu. Insteau, he useu the title only when wiiting about the
accountsanumiiaclesafteitheiimaityiuom.
In both cases the fiist instance wheie the kings aie uesciibeu as holy
in lfiics texts is the exact moment of ueath oi shoitly pieceuing it. King
0swalu is calleu saint foi the fiist time just as he is about to uie in the
naiiative: They both came then to fight to Naseifielu anu joineu togethei
|in battlej until the Chiistians fell theie anu the heathens appioacheu holy
0swalu. Then he saw his lifes enu appioaching |...j. Then the heathen king
commanueu to stiike off his heau, anu his iight aim, anu to set them up as
tiophy.
2uS
Similaily,KingEumunuiscalleusaintinacompaiablesituation:

199
Winteibottom,TbreelivesofFnqlisbSoints,67,68,7u,74,78,79,8u,81,82,8S,84,8S,
86,87.
2uu
Ibiu., impiissimus hinquor, filius Jioboli, Cbristi instituti inermis: 76, tyronnus, impius
Jux:78.
2u1
hF S.7: sonctissimus oc victoriosissimus rex NorJonbymbrorum 0suolJus; hF S.1u:
sonctiorceterovir;hFS.11:sonctus;uirsonctus;hFS.1S:rexmironJoesonctitotis.
2u2
Stancliffe,0swalu,NostBolyanuNostvictoiiousKingoftheNoithumbiians,41.
2uS
BicomonatogefeohtetoNaseifeluabegenanufengontogueieotifeollon
a Ciistenan anu a henan genealhton to am halgan 0swolue. a geseah he
genealecanhislifesgeenuunge|...jahetsehenacynincghisheafouofaslean,anuhis
swiian eaim, anu settan hi to myicelse. Neeuham, Alfric: lives of Tbree Fnqlisb Soints,
SSS6. Cf. the maityiuom of St Alban in lS 19, a similai scene-type: The juuge becomes
angiyaboutthemaityisiesolutenessinhisfaith, oiueishimtobewhippeu,theblesseu
manisstiengtheneubyuou,thejuugeseeshecoulunottuinthemaityifiomChiist,anu
commanustokillhimbyuecapitation.Skeat,AlfricslivesofSoints,vol.1,418419.
77

WhileEumunustillcalleuouttoChiist,theheathenuiaggeutheholymanto
his ueath, anu with one stioke stiuck off his heau, anu his soul jouineyeu
happily to Chiist.
2u4
Befoie this, the kings hau been uepicteu with moie
munuaneteims.
ThefiguieonthenextpageshowshowtheLatinwoiusonctusanuthe
0lu English boliq occui in Abbos Possio anu in lfiics ioyal saints lives
iespectively. The puipose of the uiagiam is to illustiate in a conciete way
thenaiiativeoiueiinteimsofsanctity.Theupmostgiaphuepictsthelength
of Abbos Possio FoJmunJi, anu the two giaphs below it uepict lfiics
auaptations of the lives of St Eumunu anu St 0swalu. As it was saiu above,
Beues historio Fcclesiostico is by its stiuctuie veiy uiffeient fiom both
lfiics auaptation on the one hanu anu fiom othei conventional
hagiogiaphies on the othei, so a similai lineai piesentation cannot be
piesenteu in the same way heie, as the mateiial lfiic useu foi his
auaptation of St 0swalu was uiawn fiom seveial uiffeient paits of Beues
oiiginal. It shoulu be iemembeieu, howevei, that theie aie only foui
instances in Beues account in which King 0swalu is calleu saint, anu
compaieutolfiic,itthusiepiesentsaveiyuiffeientkinuofhagiogiaphical
text.Asitcanbeseeninthefiguie,thelengthoflfiicsauaptationsisabout
half of Abbos Possio. The maityiuom of the kings in all thiee accounts
happensmoieoilessinthemiuuleofthenaiiative,uiviuingthenaiiativein
two paits, anu this is uepicteu with black aiiows in the figuie below. The
fiistpait,ontheleftinthefiguie,compiisestheeventswhilethekingsweie
still alive, piactising piety anu uevoting themselves to piayeis anu to uou,
anu the lattei pait, on the iight, consists of the miiaculous accounts that
weie iepoiteu to have happeneu aftei the maityiuom at the hanus of the
heathen. The black lines in the figuie aie placeu on each occuiience when
thekingiscalleusaint.Asitcanbeseen,lfiichassystematicallyuseuthe
0luEnglishwoiuboliqstaitingonlyfiomthemiuuleofthenaiiative,atthe
time of the kings maityiuom. In St Eumunus case, theie is an auuitional
occuiience of saint, in Latin, in the pieface. Compaieu to Abbos naiiative,
itisvisiblethateventhoughtheusageofsonctusbecomesmoiecommonin
the lattei pait, he has useu it five times also when wiiting about the kings
ueeus in life; theiefoie it can be suggesteu that lfiic has systematically
omitteutheseoccuiienceswhentianslatingthesaintslife.

2u4
BetwuxameheclypouetoCiisteagit,atugonahenanonehalgantoslge,
anu miu anum swencge slogon him of t heafou, anu his sawl sioue geslig to Ciiste.
Neeuham,Alfric:livesofTbreeFnqlisbSoints,Su.
78

Fiqure 1: Tbe occurrence of worJs sonctus onJ boliq in Abbos onJ Alfrics
texts.BlocklinesJepicttbeworJsonJorrowstbeploceoftbemortyrJom.Tbe
scoleoftbeJioqromisboseJontbenumberoflinesinprinteJtext.

This featuie shows the impoitance of textual authoiity to lfiic. Bis

piesentation of sainthoou is not haphazaiu oi ianuom. But, is theie moie
than this in the stiict avoiuance of the woiu saint iegaiuing kings1 When
looking at othei saints lives in the same collection, we can see that theii
pattein of sainthoou is not similai to the one in the case of ioyal saints. All
butfouiitemsinthecollectionaiewiitteninthemanneithatthesaintsaie
alieauycalleuholywhile theyaieliving.Thosewhoaie not,in auuition to
the saint-kings, aie St Atbeltbrytb (lS 2u) anu St Hourice onJ bis
componions (lS 28). In the case of St Hourice onJ bis componions, the woiu
boliq is useu faiily eaily, but it still appeais foi the fiist time shoitly befoie
the maityis ueath, in a sentence that iefeis to killing: Then Naximian was
inflameuwithgieatangei,anutolutheheathengoanuslaythesaints.
2uS
As
faiasIcansee,thisistheonlycase,withmanyoftheeailyChiistianmaityis
inthecollectionbeingcalleusaintsthioughoutthenaiiative.Foiinstance,St
NaitinispiesenteuasasaintalieauybefoieconveitingtoChiistianityanu
whilestillbeingasoluiei(lSS1).
2u6
Inaccoiuancewiththis,theieisnocleai
patteinofuenotingsanctityinlfiicswiitings.Sincealltheueviatinglives,
withtheexceptionofStHourice onJbiscomponions,uealwithlatei,Anglo-

2uS
Naximianusweaiamiumicclumgiamanontenu,anuhetahenanfaiananua
halganofslean.Skeat,AlfricslivesofSoints,vol.2,16216S.
2u6
Ibiu.,22422S.
79

Saxon native saints, it coulu be inteipieteu as a conscious choice in some

uegiee,anucoulubeconnecteutolfiics geneialnotionsaboutthenatuie
ofChiistianhistoiyanusainthoou;theieaieinuicationsthathisconceptions
about sainthoou weie tieu to the notions about salvation histoiy, anu that
the outiight acceptance of the sainthoou of living peisons was acceptable
onlywhentalkingabouttheeailyChiistians.
Inpiinciplethepioblemofsanctitybecamemoieacutewhenuepicting
saints of a moie iecent past. lfiic seems to have thought that physical
wonueis hau ceaseu to occui with time, anu uiu not happen anymoie. Be
statesthisinhishomilyfoitheAscensionBay(ChI.21),whichisconceineu
with explaining the uiffeiences between liteial anu moial inteipietation of
the Sciiptuie, anu with the miiacles connecteu to the Ascension of Chiist
anu those peifoimeu by his followeis. Although he followeu uiegoiy of
uieat in much of what he wiote about miiacles, the iuea that physical
miiacles have ceaseu to happen, was appaiently his own, as Nalcolm
uouuen has stateu.
2u7
In the text, lfiic contiasts the piesent uay miiacles,
which aie by natuie spiiitual, affecting the moial self, with the oluei ones,
whichaffecteuthebouy.Besaysthatthephysicalmiiaclesweieanecessity
in the beginning of Chiistenuom, since they weie neeueu to peisuaue anu
conveitpeopleinthepagantimes.AfteitheChiistian faithhauspieauovei
thewoilu,thephysicalmiiaclesweienotneeueuanymoie.Insteau,spiiitual
wonueis continueu to exist, anu weie equivalent to the visible wonueis of
thepievioustimes.Spiiitualwonueisweieevengieateithanphysicalones,
since they healeu the soul, wheieas the oluei miiacles healeu only the
bouy.
2u8

Similaily, lfiic states that when Chiistianity was still young, uou hau
peifoimeu miiacles thiough living saints; touay the miiacles occuiieu on
the tombs of saints. Nost of the eaily Chiistian saints in the lives of Soints
inueeu peifoim miiacles anu aie calleu holy uuiing theii lifetime. Those
who aie not calleu saints aie assigneu only post-moitem miiacles.
2u9
This
uivision was not as simple as it might sounu heie; this pattein is bioken
immeuiately when looking outsiue the lives of Soints. Foi instance, in the

2u7
Nalcolm uouuen, lfiic's Saints'Lives anu the Pioblem of Niiacles, leeJs StuJies in
Fnqlisb16(198S):8S84.
2u8
Clemoes,Alfric'sCotbolichomilies:tbeFirstSeries:Text,S4SSSS,onpagesSSuSS2.
2u9
Theie aie uepicitions of miiacles conceining St Swithun, as well, but the piece is
paiticulai in that theie aie no iecoius of Swithuns own life, only the accounts aftei his
ueath.
80

Latin life of St AtbelwolJ, lfiic uesciibes miiacles that happeneu uuiing

his own lifetime.
21u
Theie is an inconsistency in lfiics tieatment of
miiacles, anu it is obvious that it poseu a seiious uilemma foi him, as
Nalcolmuouuenhasshown.
211
Itisielevantanunotewoithyinthisinstance
that the contempoiaiy miiacles weie miiacles peifoimeu by uounot by
the saints themselves as miiacle-woikeisanu weie always shown to
testify about uous powei anu meicy. A kinu of peisonal holy powei was
not iegaiueu by lfiic to exist in his own uays.
212
The piesentation of
sanctity in the lives of Soints can be thought to belong to the same line of
thought. The constiuction of the naiiative anu the constiuction of sanctity
within the naiiative coulu be linkeu to iueas accoiuing to which humans
coulu not any longei peifoim saintly miiacles while still being alive. This
iueaalsoputsemphasisonthethoughtthatalivingkingcannotyetbeholy,
butisgivenhisheavenlyciownonlyafteiueath.Thisintuinleaustolaigei
fiamewoiks of lfiics moial anu social thought uiscusseu in the following
chapteisfiamewoikswithinwhichhewasalwaysconceineuabouthowto
liveagooulifeoneaithinoiueitoieceivespiiitualiewaius.
Theaiiangementofnaiiativeanutheconceptofsainthoouaieclosely
ielateu to each othei in both cases of the ioyal saints. It seems that like in
the case of othei saints lives, also with iegaiu to the ioyal saints, lfiic
skilfullyiestiuctuieuhisauaptationofhisLatinsouices,mouluingtheminto
conventional, stiuctuieu hagiogiaphical accounts. Auuitionally, as I see it,
the stanuaiuization of naiiative was not only exteinal, but conveigeu with
the inteinal iueals of sanctity. Sanctity was seen as ultimately singulai anu
eteinal,anuitcoulubemanifesteuininuiviuuals,buttheiiinuiviuualitywas
not as impoitant as the sanctity itself. Foi lfiic this singulai sanctity was
impoitant, since it was iueal, stiiving towaius uou. A similai tenuency can
also be seen in his tieatment of ieligious analogies between the king anu
Chiist,towhichIwilltuinnext.
3.3. Sanctity and society
Nowthatitiscleaithatlfiichauapenchantfoiauaptinghissouicesintoa
stanuaiuizeu foim, it is necessaiy to look at how it affecteuif we assume

21u
Winteibottom,TbreelivesofFnqlisbSoints,1729.
211
uouuen,lfiic'sSaints'LivesanuthePioblemofNiiacles,848Sanupassim.
212
Ibiu.,8S.
81

thatituiuatallhisconceptualizationofsocialoiuei.AsIsuggesteuinthe
pieceuing section, lfiics way of ieoiganizing the naiiative was ielateu to
hisconceptionsofsanctity,oiatleasttohisconceptionsofwhattheliteiaiy
manifestationsofsanctityshoulubelike.Asthemainobjectiveofthisstuuy
uoesnotonlyconceinnaiiativestiuctuies,Iwillnowtuintoexaminewhat
implications lfiics iewiitings conveyeu in teims of his iueas about social
oiuei. The main point of what follows is to estimate the iole of ioyal saints
within the fiamewoik of lfiics political thought. 0ften ioyal saints lives
aie ieau as expiessions of the iueals of meuieval kingship, as analogies of
Chiisttheking,anusimilaiinteipietationshavebeenmaueoflfiicsioyal
saintslivesaswell.
21S
Iwoululiketosuggest thatinsteauofmeietell-tales
of a Chiistocentiic concept of kingship, lfiics auaptations of ioyal saints
conveyeu also a uiffeient message with them, closely connecteu to his
theologicalnotionsaboutsocialoiueianugooulife.Butfiist,tounueistanu
theiationalebehinuthejuugementsanuinteipietationsmaueuponlfiics
ioyalsaints,itisnecessaiytoexplainwhat kinuofbaggagetheassimilation
betweenkingsanuChiistcaiiieuwithit.
3.3.1. Similitude and the Christocentric image of
kingship
ItissomewhatcommontoiegaiueailymeuievalkingshipasChiistocentiic.
Chiistocentiic kingship is usually inteipieteu as iefeiiing to hieiaichical
equivalence of eaithly anu heavenly iuleis, in a fiamewoik of iueology
which saw the eaithly powei as an impeifect equivalent of Chiists iule in
heavenontheonehanu,anuthekingastheiepiesentativeofChiistspowei
on eaith on the othei. Chiistian imageiy that piesenteu the iulei as a goou
shepheiu, the man as the image of uou, oi uou as king, was common
language alieauy in Antiquity, anu alieauy then it ieacheu back to eailiei
theoiies of kingship. Chiistian wiiteis employeu assimilative imageiy veiy
effectively in establishing impeiial iule togethei with ecclesiastical
oiganizationinlateAntiquity,butitwastheCaiolingianswhouevelopeuthe
iueology of kingship in its full theociatic measuies. Assimilative uiscouise
waschaiacteiisticfoitheuevelopmentofChiistianpoliticalcultuie,anuwas

21S
E.g.}ohn,TheWoiluofAbbotlfiic, Su9;CailPhelpsteau,King,Naityianuviigin:
lmitotio Cbristi in lfiic's life of St FJmunJ, in St FJmunJ, Kinq onJ Hortyr: Cbonqinq
lmoqesofoHeJievolSoint,eu.AnthonyBale(Yoik:YoikNeuievalPiess,2uu9),passim.
82

oneofthewaystosacializepoliticalpowei.
214
Thestatusofaneaithlyiulei
was not, howevei, unpioblematic. Saint-kings in paiticulai can be
consiueieu somewhat paiauoxical, since the two categoiies which saint-
kingscombineweieintheoiyincompatible,especiallyinlateAntiquityanu
the eaily Niuule Ages. Accoiuing to eaily Chiistian thinking eaithly powei
was by uefault seen as negative anu false, in accoiuance with the iuea that
eaithly life was impeifect anu faulty, anu consequently saints weie inueeu
seen assupeiioitoeaithlyiuleis.EailyChiistianliteiatuieemphasizeu the
essential uiffeience between eaithly anu heavenly kings, anu at times even
questioneu the authoiity of eaithly loius altogethei, as they weie often
juxtaposeu in oiuei to uownplay seculai powei.
21S
By the ninth centuiy,
when Chiistian iueology was secuiely auopteu in political cultuie, the issue
of saint-kings hau cleaily changeu, anu the uisagieement about the
justification of eaithly powei hau waneu. By contiast, assimilation anu
paiallels between eaithly anu heavenly iuleis weie now often useu as
political tools to emphasize the spiiitual oiigins of seculai, albeit Chiistian,
powei.Caiolingianwiiteis,amongotheisSeuuliusScotusanuSmaiaguusin
specific, who weie among the most impoitant souices foi lfiic anu
Wulfstan, combineu Chiistian theology with the iueals of kingship, making
the pievious uisagieement basically non-essential. Seculai iuleis gaineu
powei,accoiuingtoCaiolingianpoliticalthought,fiomuou,anuacteuinhis
placeoneaith.
216
Inthiskinuofsettingassimilativeihetoiicwoikeuwellto
stiengthentheauthoiitativenotionsofseculaipowei.
It uoes, theiefoie, meiit iepetition to note that this kinu of political
thought, which the Caiolingian wiiteis passeu on, was the giounu foi late
Anglo-Saxon thought, as well. Not only uiu Anglo-Saxons ieau Caiolingian
woiks, but they also piouuceu a faii shaie of woiks of theii own which
uisplay a similai attituue towaius seculai powei. In this iegaiu the most
notewoithy aie the piouucts of the Beneuictine iefoimeis. King Eugais
chaitei in which he ie-founueu anu gianteu piivileges to the New Ninstei,

214
Cameion,CbristionityonJtbeRbetoricofFmpire,12S,1S2.Refeiiingtou.E.N.ueSte.
Cioix,ClossStruqqleintbeAncient6reekWorlJ(Lonuon,Buckwoith1981),S94ff.
21S
Such asthelifeofAntbony,whichstatesthatChiististheonlyking(v.Ant.81).Ibiu.,
127.
216
Waltei 0llmann, Tbe Corolinqion Renoissonce onJ tbe lJeo of Kinqsbip (Lonuon:
Nethuen, 1969), S961. Theie aie some, although few, signs of Seuulius Scotuss 0e
rectoribusCbristionisinbothlfiicsanuWulfstanswoiks,specificallyinthewaytheking
iscalleuthevicaiofChiist.
83

Winchestei,uateu966(BLCottonvespasianA.viii,uneussS82),uisplaysthe
king satuiateu with ieligious imageiy. In the pieface of the text the king is
illuminateuinafull-pageminiatuiestanuingbetweentheviiginNaiyanuSt
Petei, piesenting the establishment chaitei to Chiist above. The text
uesciibesthekingaswoikingonbehalfofChiistoneaith,anushowsatthe
same time the absolute souice of his authoiity anu the ecclesiastical
fiamewoikwithinwhichthekingwas supposeutoact.
217
AlsoKingEugais
coionation oiuo of 97S anu the Requloris ConcorJio fiom the same eia aie
among woiks which beai witness to stiong auvocacy foi political theology,
as was uiscusseu alieauy in chaptei 2. It is no wonuei to see the king
iefeiieu to as postor postorum, Cbristi vicorius, oi to be uesciibeu to have
been anointeu aftei the example of Chiist, consiueiing the iueologies of the
iefoimeis. In thelwolus case it is even expecteu. It is also conceivable, as
N. }. Silveiman has pointeu out, that lfiic was familiai with these woiks,
anuwouluhavebeenaccustomeuwithassimilativeihetoiic,too.
218

uiven all these iefeiences that pieceueu lfiics time, it is theiefoie

somewhatcuiiousthatlfiichimselfuseu thiskinuofassimilativeihetoiic
explicitly only in one of his texts, in a homily wiitten in 1uu21uuS, the
homily for SunJoy ofter Ascension (Pope 9). In this text lfiic uiscusses the
iesponsibilities of a king, saying that he is the iepiesentative of Chiist
himself(CristessylfesspeliqenJ).
219
Silveimanhasaigueuthatthisiefeience
shoulu be ieau in the light of the iefoimeis iueologies, as an inuication of
the uevelopments of the political thought of the time.
22u
While this is
unuoubteuly tiue in a laigei scale, it seems that Silveimanas othei
scholaishaveuone, aswellieauslfiictoomuchasauiiectcontinuation
oftheiefoimeisiueologies, not iegaiuing lfiicstextinitsowniights.As
}oyceBillhasshown,lfiicswoikscannotbetieateuasconfoimingfullyto

217
ThetextispiinteuinBoiothyWhitelock,eu.CouncilsonJSynoJswitb0tber0ocuments
Relotinq to tbe Fnqlisb Cburcb, l, A.0. 8711204, 2 vols., vol. 1: 8711u66 (0xfoiu:
ClaienuonPiess,1981),1191SS.Thechaiteimightbewiittenbythelwoluafteiwaius,
anunotexactlyin966.Auigitizeuimageoftheminiatuie(butnotthewholemanusciipt)
isavailableattheBigitiseuNanusciiptsiteoftheBiitishLibiaiy:
http:biitishlibiaiy.typepau.co.ukuigitiseumanusciipts2u11u6the-new-minstei-
chaitei.html
218
N. }. Silveiman, lfiic's Besignation of the King as Ciistes Sylfes Speligenu, Tbe
ReviewofFnqlisbStuJiesSS,no.1S9(1984):SSS.
219
}ohnC.Pope,eu.homiliesofAlfric:ASupplementoryCollection,2vols.(0xfoiu:0xfoiu
0niveisityPiess,1967),vol.1,S8uS81.
22u
Silveiman,lfiic'sBesignationoftheKingasCiistesSylfesSpeligenu,SS4.
84

the iueologies of his teacheis.

221
The only explicit eviuence that lfiic useu
this phiase occuis in a text fiom his latei caieei, while in the case of ioyal
saints this kinu of assimilation if haiuly piesent.
222
The most appaient
paiallel between the king anu Chiist in the lives of Soints is stateu in the
pieface,inwhichlfiiccompaiestheeaithlykinganuhisthegnstououanu
his holy thegns, saints: An eaithly king has many seivants anu uiveise
stewaius; he cannot be an honouieu king unless he has the state which
befits him, anu as it weie seiving-men, to offei him theii obeuience. So
likewiseisitwithAlmightyuouwhocieateuallthings;itbefitshimthathe
shoulu have holy seivants who may fulfil his will.
22S
As the issue seems to
be so ambivalent, the assimilative ihetoiic in the lives of Soints has to be
evaluateu,especiallysinceioyalsaintsliveshavesooftenbeeniegaiueuto
beexpiessionsofpoliticalthoughtanuitsieligiousimplications.
In the case of the iefoimeis iueology anu also Caiolingian political
thought,theauthoiityoftheeaithlykingswasinsomeuegieejustifieuwith
ieligiousassimilationbetweenthekinganuuou.Assimilationbetweenthese
two types of kingship was both conceptual anu ihetoiical. Technically
speaking, the ihetoiical tool which asseits similaiity is calleu similituJe
(porobole). SimilituJe aims to establish cieuibility anu it natuially woulu
have no effect if the compaiison was not baseu on an alieauy establisheu
authoiity. This is why ieligious analogies aie most effective within social
gioupsthatshaiethesameconceptionsofthesacieu,anuhavenoeffecton
auuiencesthataieinuiffeientaboutthepiinciplesofthefaith.Whenthetwo

221
Bill,RefoimanuResistance,SSS4.
222
Notably, the uate of Pope 9 coinciues exactly with lfiics coiiesponuece with
Wulfstan.WulfstanhasasimilaiphiaseintheeailiestveisionofthelnstitutesofPolityanu
in a law coue fiom vIII thelieu Ciistenum cyninge gebyia swie iihte the
syonfueistleciisteniaeoueanuonwaieanuonweaiueCiistesgespeliga,ealswahe
getealu is Polity I anu Foiam Ciisten cyning is Chiistes gespelia getealu (vIII
thelieu).}ost,0ielnstitutesofPolity,CivilonJFcclesiosticol,4u.Thisiefeienceisusually
asciibeu to Seuulius Scotus (86.6) as Wulfstans souice, but the connections between
lfiic anu Wulfstan must be kept in minu, as well, when consiueiing the immeuiate
souices anu the line of tiansmission of thought. Inthis instance this iuea must be left on
the level of speculation, although I will ietuin to the ielationship between lfiic anu
WulfstaninchapteiSwithiegaiutootheitexts.
22S
An woiulucynincg hf fela egna anu mislice wicneias: he ne mg beon wuiful
cynincg buton he hbbe a geince, e him gebyiia, anu swylce eningmen, e
eawfstnysse him gebeouon. Swa is eac am lmihtigan uoue, e ealle incg gesceop:
him geiis t he hbbe halige enas, e his willan gefylla. Wilcox, Alfric's Prefoces,
121.
85

paits in similituJe, such as a king anu his heavenly counteipait, Chiist the
king, aie closely associateu, the aigument is cleai anu iequiies no
explanation.
224
Inthiscasetheassimilationisthehieiaichicalequivalenceof
eaithlyanuheavenlyauthoiities.Theauthoiityoftheoneinthenaiiativeis
actuallygaineutbrouqbtheauthoiityoftheonetowhomtheassimilationis
maue. If the powei of the one who is alluueu to is iecognizeu as accepteu
tiuth,theanalogyperseiequiiesnojustificationoiexplanation.Inthiskinu
of setting, it can be agieeu that seculai leaueis coulu use the analogy to
enhance theii powei, as was the case with Abbos woiks. But when
examining the usage of similituJe in lfiics woiks, it ieflects anothei kinu
ofielationtothesacieu.Inoiueitomakethisaigumentcleai,itisessential
touiscussinuetailtheuiscouiseoflfiicstianslations.
lfiic uses assimilation in the lives of saint-kings in a way which has
uiffeient implications than the ones in Abbos woik. As it was mentioneu
befoie, the lives of Soints iepiesents a late text in the stages of the
Beneuictine iefoim. The time was ciucial in political as well as in ieligious
teims. The iueology of the eailiei phase of the Beneuictine iefoim hau
stiesseu the common inteiests of ioyal anu monastic paities, anu opposeu
some of the iights of the lay aiistociacy. A new, ieligiously satuiateu image
ofkingshipwasconstiucteuintheliteiaiypiouuctsoftheeailystagesofthe
iefoim.ThekingwasnowpiesenteuasthevicaiofChiistanuthepiotectoi
ofmonks.
22S
Theimageof ahumble anu steaufastkingwhoiuleupiimaiily
bythepoweiofhisfaithiscleailyconnecteutomonasticinteiestsofgaining
theappiovalofioyalauthoiityfoitheiicause.Theiueologycanbeuetecteu,
foi instance, in the Requloris ConcorJio, a customaiy sanctioneu by the
council of Winchestei in about 97S. It emphasizeu piayeis foi the king anu
theioyalfamilyonseveialoccasions.
226

Abbos account of St Eumunu followeu the gianu stages of the iefoim

about a uecaue latei (ca. 987), but it is still much in concoiuance with the
views of the English iefoimeis. The woik baiely pieceues Abbos
appointment to the abbacy of Fleuiy, anu as uo his othei woiks (especially

224
0n similituJe see Beiniich Lausbeig, honJbook of literory Rbetoric: o FounJotion for
literory StuJy (Leiuen: Biill, 1998), 42242S. The following is baseu on uefinitions in
thisbook.
22S
See e.g. }ohn, The Woilu of Abbot lfiic, SuuS16; Paxton, Abbos anu Rex, 2uu;
Riuyaiu,TbeRoyolSointsofAnqlo-SoxonFnqlonJ;Staffoiu,ChuichanuSocietyintheAge
ofAelfiic,1S.
226
Symons,RequlorisConcorJio,S,12,1S,14,16,2u,21,2S.
86

CollectiocononumanuliberApoloqeticus),itpleaustotheiuealsofkingship
foi the benefit of the iefoimeu monasticism. lfiics veinaculai homily on
the passion of Eumunu follows somewhat latei (992998), when the
political situation hau changeu consiueiably. The ielationship between the
chuich anu the seculai poweis hau ueteiioiateu aftei the ueath of King
Eugai in 97S, who was the main ally with the iefoimeis uuiing his ieign.
The succession uispute between Euwaiu the Naityi anu thelieu II aftei
Eugais ueath, anu the muiuei of Euwaiu thiee yeais latei in 978, hau
inueeubeenuiviuingfactoisininteinalpoliticalanumonasticielationships.
Nany anti-monastic setbacks as well as ie-asseitions of aiistociatic
piivilegeswhich in some cases iesulteu in the contiol ovei monastic
estateshau all changeu the ielationship.
227
When vieweu against this
uevelopment, it has to be ievieweu whethei lfiics texts on ioyal saints
iepiouucetheseconceptsofChiistocentiiciuealsofkingship,aswell.
St0swalucansuielybeiegaiueutoiepiesentaceitainkinuofaniueal
kinginBeuestext.Theiuealioleofthekinginhistorioecclesiosticoisbaseu
piimaiilyonthekingsioleintheconveisionofNoithumbiia,butinlfiics
auaptationitplaysonlyalittlepait. Theie is,howevei, aceitain elementin
lfiicstext,aswell,whichcanbeanalyzeuinteimsofassimilation,butnot
between the king anu Chiist, but between the king anu piiest. The kings
piiestlyioleispeiceivableintwoinstances.Thefiistiefeienceappeaisina
passage wheie the king has askeu the Scots to senu a bishop to the
Noithumbiians, who then senu Bishop Aiuan to him. Since the bishop uiu
not know the language of the Noithumbiians well enough, the king himself
inteipieteu the woiu of uou to his counsellois (wito, cf. Beues Juces et
ministri):Ithappeneuthatthebelieving|i.e.Chiistianjkingexplaineutohis
counselloisintheiiownlanguagethebishopspieaching,iejoicing,anuwas
his inteipietei, since he knew Iiish well anu bishop Aiuan coulu not yet
benu his speech to the language of the Noithumbiians.
228
This passage
confoimsquitefaithfullytotheoneinhistorioecclesiosticoS.S,ie-aiianging
only the oiuei of the elements, anu ieuucing Beues inteipietei of the
heavenly woiu (interpres uerbi |j coelestis) into an inteipietei

227
Seee.g.Fishei,TheAnti-NonasticReactionintheReignofEuwaiutheNaityi.
228
Bit gelamp a swa t se geleaffulla cyning geiehte his witan on heoia agenum
geieoiuesbisceopesbouungemiubliummoueanuwshiswealhstou,foianehe
welcueScyttyscanusebisceopAiuannemihtegebiganhisspicetoNoihymbiiscum
geieoiueswahiaeagit.Neeuham,Alfric:livesofTbreeFnqlisbSoints,SuS1.
87

(weolbstoJ).
229
Whenthe kingisuepicteu as aninteipietei anumeuiatoi of
thewoiuofuou,itassociateshimwiththetasksanupiivilegesofthecleigy,
eventhoughheuoesnotactaspiiesthimself.Thefunctionofinteipietation
howeveiembouiesthekingwithceitainspheieofsanctity,whenitistaken
intoaccountthatthewoiuofuou assuch wasassumeutobeholy;the king
himself uoes not cieate anything, but meuiates the tiue leaining anu
knowleugetotheauuience,makingitseemlikehehauapiivilegeuaccessto
uivinity.
Anothei passage inuicating the piiestly assimilation ielates the
conveisionoftheWestSaxonKingCynegils:Thenhe|BishopBiiinusjcame
to Wessex that was still heathen, anu conveiteu King Cynegils, anu all his
people with him, to believe |in Chiistj. It happeneu that the believing |i.e.
Chiistianj0swalu,kingofNoithumbiia,haucometoCynegilsanutookhim
to baptism |i.e. acteu as his goufatheij, glau of his conveision.
2Su
Wheieas
the pievious passage uoes not uiffei much fiom Beues stoiy, this one is
somewhat abiiugeu, but not in a way which woulu altei its ihetoiic
consiueiably.ThepassageisonlyalittlemoieelaboiateinBeue,anulfiic
has iemoveu the attiibutes sonctissimus anu victoriosissimus(ieplaceu with
qeleofful), anu the iemaik that 0swalu maiiieu Cynegilss uaughtei (Cf. hF
S.7): As he |Biiinusj pieacheu in the afoiesaiu piovince, the king himself,
having been taught in ieligion, was baptizeu togethei with his people, it
happeneu that 0swalu, the most holy anu victoiious king of the
Noithumbiiansbeingpiesent,ieceiveuhimashecame foithfiombaptism,
anu by an alliance most pleasing anu acceptable to uou, fiist auopteu him,
thusiegeneiateu,foihisson,anuthentookhisuaughteiinmaiiiage.
2S1
The
omissions, theiefoie, uo not imply any connection with the iueology of

229
ColgiaveanuNynois,BeJe'shistorioecclesiosticoqentisAnqlorum,22u221.
2Su
abecomhe|BiiinusjtoWestseaxanewsagythen,anugebigueonecynincg
Kynegils to uoue, anu ealle his leoue to geleafan miu him. Bit gelamp a swa t se
qeleoffullo 0swolu, Noihymbia cyning, ws cumen to Cynegylse anu hine to fulluhte
nam, fgen his gecyiieunysse. Neeuham, Alfric: lives of Tbree Fnqlisb Soints, S4. Italics
mine.
2S1
Itaque euangelizante illo |Biiinoj in piaefata piouincia, cum iex ipse cathecizatus,
fonte baptismi cum sua gente ablueietui, contigit tunc tempoiis sonctissimum oc
uictoriosissimum iegem Noiuanhymbioium 0sualuum aufuisse, eumque ue lauacio
exeuntem suscepisse, oc pulcberrimo prorsus et 0eo Jiqno consortio, cuius erot filiom
occepturus in coniuqem, ipsum piius secunua geneiatione Beo ueuicatum sibi accepit in
filium.ColgiaveanuNynois,BeJe'shistorioecclesiosticoqentisAnqlorum,2S22SS.Italics
mine.
88

Chiistocentiickingship,onlyanomissionofnaiiativeelementswhichlfiic
mighthaveconsiueieutobeiiielevantinthecompositionofthesaintslife
inashoiteneuveinaculaiveision.
Baseu on the compaiison between lfiics souice text anu his
auaptation, theie is little giounus to uiaw conclusions about the iole of St
0swalu in assimilative teims. lfiics tieatment of Beue is faithful when it
comestothecontentsofthesaintslife,uespitetheheavyieaiiangementof
naiiative elements. Assimilative ihetoiic which coulu be seen as a sign of
Chiistocentiicimageofthekingisiestiicteu.Thekingasapaiticipantinthe
heathen kings conveision aumitteuly occuis as an assimilating scene that
has ceitain ieligious uimensions, but only in teims of piiestly function anu
eveninthetianslateupassagesthisfunctionisnotlavishlyelaboiateu.
Inoiueitomakemy aigument aboutlfiicsiestiictiveihetoiicmoie
soliu, I woulu like to uiaw attention to othei auaptations of Beues St
0swalu. As I mentioneu in chaptei S.1.S., Beues historio seiveu as a mouel
foiseveialaccountsofSt0swalusmaityiuomthioughouttheNiuuleAges,
anu ceitain elaboiate stoiies about 0swalu weie wiitten ioughly at the
sametimewithlfiiconthecontinent,too.Theselegenusweie alsobaseu
on Beues historio, but they weie uevelopeu in anothei uiiection than the
life by lfiic. They piesent 0swalu as a peison contiibuting to the
founuation of the Noithumbiian, oi even the whole English chuich, as a
pationoffoieignChiistians,asaciusauei,asaheioofveinaculaiiomance,
oi as a peison iesponsible foi goou haivests, feitility anu health. In these
stoiies 0swalu goes thiough intiiguing anu imaginative auventuies, aiueu
bypoweifulmiiaclesanuueeuspeifoimeubyuouinthekingsfavoui.
2S2
In
one continental Latin seimon St 0swalu is even piesenteu, not only as an
iueal king, like Baviu, playing his haip anu uancing befoie the Aik of the
Covenant, but also piaiseu as a mouel foi piiesthoou, like Nelchizeuek.
2SS

Wheieas othei veisions of 0swalus maityiuom tenueu to place moie

emphasisonthenaiiativeanuenteitainmentbyfocusingonhumanagency,
elaboiate miiacles, the feai of sin oi conuemnation, it seems that lfiics
intentionwastotuintheattentiontououanutoaffectpeoplesmoialityina
moie iestiictive mannei. This emphasis is visible to an even gieatei extent
inlfiicsotheiauaptationofioyalhagiogiaphy.

2S2
}ansen,TheBevelopmentoftheSt0swalu'sLegenusontheContinent,2Su,2SS2S7.
2SS
Clemoes,TheCultofSt0swaluontheContinent,6.
89

Retuining to the life of St Eumunu, we see moie ieligious analogies

thaninthecaseofSt0swalu.Peihapsthestiongestihetoiicalelementwhen
consiueiing the ieligious uimensions is the assimilation between Chiists
passion anu Eumunus way of ueath. In Abbos text the kings fate is
uesciibeu in accoiuance with Chiists passion. In the naiiative, Eumunu
inuicatesthathewantstofollowinChiistsfootsteps,anusaysheisieauyto
uie at the hanus of the pagans. Be states this to the viking chief Binguais
messengei, who has come to uemanu King Eumunus submission to the
Banes.Eumunuiepliestothemessengei:Ceitainlyyouwoulubewoithyof
slaughtei now, but I uo not want to uefile my clean hanus with youi vile
bloou, because I follow Chiist, who has set us an example, anu I will glauly
be killeu by you if that is what uou pieoiuains.
2S4
Wheieas Abbo employs
an impeisonal clause (if it shoulu happen), lfiic emphasizes uous will (if
that is what uou oiuains).
2SS
The stoiy of St Eumunus maityiuom
continues;the messengeileaves,anutheBanesauvancetoEumunu,buthe
uoesnot fightback.Insteau,the king followsChiist'sinstiuctiontoPeteito
put away his swoiu when the soluieis came to aiiest }esus (Cf. }ohn 18.1-
11): King Eumunu, against whom Binguai auvanceu, stoou insiue his hall,
anuminufuloftheSavioui,thiewouthisweapons.Bewanteutomatchthe

2S4
Witoulice u wie wyie sleges nu, ac ic nelle afylan on inum fulum bloue mine
clnan hanua, foian e ic Ciistefolgie, e us swagebysnoue, anuic blielice wille beon
ofslagen uih eow gif hit swa gou foiesceawa. Neeuham, Alfric: lives of Tbree Fnqlisb
Soints,4849.
2SS
Cf.Abbo:|Eumunujsaiu:Soakeuwiththebloouofmypeople,youappeaitobewoithy
ofsuffeiingueath;but,cleaily,IfollowtheexampleofChiist,anuuonotwanttouefilemy
clean hanus, |butj in the name of |Chiistj, if it shoulu happen, I am ieauy anu willing to
meet my ueath in youi speais. (Nauefactus, inquit, ciuoie meoium moitis supplicio
uignus extiteias; seu, plane Chiisti mei exemplum secutus, nolo puias commaculaie
manus, qui pio eius nomine, si ita contigeiit, libentei paiatus sum uestiis telis
occumbeie.) Winteibottom, Tbree lives of Fnqlisb Soints, 76, cap. 79. This obseivation
shoulubestuuieuinmoieuetailinotheioccationinoiueitomaketheiesultscleai.The
choiceoftianslationcannatuiallybeonlyaminoi changeintheoveiallatmospheie,anu
possibly nothing to uiaw fuithei conclusions fiom, but the way foresceowion is useu in
otheipiecesinthecollection(StHouriceonJbiscomponions,tbeProyerofHoses,Auquries,
St Atbeltbrytb, AbJon onJ Sennes, tbe Hoccobees, St Hortin, St vincent) shows a similai
tiustinpieuestinationbyuou.Ifthechangesinthetianslateutextcanbeieauagainstthis
obseivation,theuivinefoieknowleugeofonesfate,anutheueathpieueteimineubyuou,
biingthecoieconceptsofieligiousauthoiitytothesuiface.
90

example of Chiist, who foibaue Petei to fight the ciuel }ews with
weapons.
2S6

Abbos veision uoes not explicitly iefei to this paiallel with St Petei,
but geneially places moie emphasis on the Chiistological aspects of
Eumunus behavioui than lfiic, uiiectly compaiing the fates of the king
anu Chiist. Eumunu is captuieu anu taken as an innocent victim befoie the
impious viking chief, just like Chiist was taken befoie Pilate (innocens
sistitur onte impium Jucem, quosi Cbristus onte Pilotum proesiJem, cupiens
eiussequiuestiqioquipronobisimmolotus estbostio).
2S7
lfiic,foihis pait,
uoes not incluue this compaiison. Noie paiallels between the passion of
Chiist anu the kings maityiuom follow. The viking soluieis mock Eumunu,
like the Roman soluieis mockeu }esus (Cf. Nt. 27.S1

). Be is tieu to a tiee
which is a piobable association eithei to the cioss oi the column at which
}esus was flagellateu.
2S8
The uepiction of the kings maityiuom, by Abbo
especially, can be ieau as stiongly manipulating the emotions of the
auuience(potbos)byimagesofviolenceanuphysicaltoituie.Theieissome
inuication of Abbos ihetoiical euucation, foi instance in the use of
onopboro, iepetition anu ontitbesis in the text, but also in the habit of
aigumentation, which is useu to uiiect the auuiences empathy towaius the

2S6
Bwt a Eaumunu cynincg miu am e Bingwai com, stou innan his healle s
Blenuesgemynuig,anuaweaiphiswpna,woluegefenlcanCiistesgebysnungum,e
foibeau Petie miu wpnum to winnenne wi a wlhieowan Iuueiscan. Neeuham,
Alfric:livesofTbreeFnqlisbSoints,49.lfiicusesthesimilewithStPeteialsoinanothei
homily of his, with almost the same woius. Cf. a similai scene-type in St Hourice onJ bis
componions (lS 28): Bwt a mauiicius se mia goues egn anu exupeiius miJ
eoJmoJnysse ofylleJe tihton heoia gefeian t hi unfoihte wion anu buon t hi
owurponbeorowpnohimfiam,anufoiciistesgeleafanheoiacwelleiumonbugonblie
toslge,swaswahesylfqebysnoJe,aabebetpetrumbebyJonbisswurJ.Skeat,Alfrics
livesofSoints,vol.2,16216S.Italicsmine.
2S7
Winteibottom,TbreelivesofFnqlisbSoints,79,cap.1u.
2S8
Ibiu. The teim in this passage is orbor, iathei than columno, which woulu have boine
moieappaientassociationstoChiist'spassion.Inlfiic'sauaptation,howevei,theteimis
treow, a living tiee, emphasizeu with eaith-bounu: |The soluieisj swa syan luuon
one geleaffullan cyning to anum eoifstum tieowe. Neeuham, Alfric: lives of Tbree
Fnqlisb Soints, 49. In othei veinaculai texts, especially in poetiy, the woiu was useu to
iefeitothecioss,too.
91

saint.
2S9
The king is piesenteu as an innocent victim, accepting his fate as
inevitable.
To the same ihetoiical fielu belongs Abbos compaiison of the fates of
ChiistanuEumunuwiththehelpofilleistealignment:
0eportinq from tbis life in tbis monner, followinq in tbe footsteps of bis
lorJ onJ Cbrist, tbe kinq fulfilleJ tbot Jeotb on tbe cross wbicb be boJ
suffereJ continuously witb bis boJy. Tbe one [ille. i.e. Cbrist], wbo
certoinly wos pure from sins, wos tieJ to o column, onJ os o siqn of bis
scourqinq be bleJ bis blooJ, not for bimselfbut for us;tbe otber [istei.e.
FJmunJ], to obtoin unfoJinq qlory, surrenJereJ to similor punisbments
byoblooJ-stoineJstoke.Tbeone[ille,i.e.Cbrist]wbowosimpeccoblein
life, in orJer to purify tbe stoins we bove moJe, in bis immense kinJness
enJureJ tbe bitterness of noils in bis bonJs onJ feet; tbe otber [iste, i.e.
FJmunJ] for tbe love of our lorJ, bis wbole boJy prickeJ full of poinful
orrows, onJ tbe fierceness of tortures sbreJJinq bim in pieces from tbe
insiJe,persisteJpotientlyintbeovowoloffoitb,wbicbbe,welcominqbis
Jeotbsentence,embroceJuptotbeenJ.
24u

In the passage above the juxtaposition between the king anu Chiist is
appaient anu efficient, anu uemonstiates the ihetoiical skills of Abbo. The
king suffeis iepetitive physical toituie, anu even the phiase, crucis
mortificotio, taken fiom the collect foi Luke the Evangelist, associates the
toituietotheciucifixionofChiist.Thecompaiisonuonewiththehelpofthe
pionouns ille iste twice in the text ieminus the auuience fiist about the
flagellationof}esustieuto acolumn,anuthenaboutEumunus similaifate.
Anu in the same way that Chiist bleu foi the people, Eumunu bleu foi the

2S9
Thisisthefunctionthattheihetoiicaltheoiiesassigntouefensiveaigumentation.Itis
of couise goou to acknowleuge at the same time that the emotional iesponse of the
auuienceisnotassumeutobeunifoimineveiyinstance.
24u
Talique exitu ciucis moitificationem quam iugitei in suo coipoie iex peitulit, Chiisti
Bominisuisecutusuestigia,consummauit.Illequiuempuiussceleiisincolumnaauquam
uinctus fuit sanguinem non pio se seu pio nobis flagelloium suoium signa ieliquit; iste
pio auipiscenua gloiia immaicescibili ciuentato stipite similes poenas ueuit. Ille integei
vitaeobueteigenuamiubiginemnostioiumfacinoiumsustinuitbenignissimusimmanium
clauoium aceibitatem in palmis et peuibus; iste pioptei amoiem nominis Bomini toto
coipoie giauibus sagittis hoiiiuus et meuullitus aspeiitate toimentoium uilaniatus in
confessione patientei peistitit, quam au ultimum accepta capitali sententia finiuit.
Winteibottom,TbreelivesofFnqlisbSoints,79.
92

love of Chiist.
241
Abbo has elaboiateu his liteiaiy eloquence by incluuing a
veiselinefiomBoiaces0ues(inteqervitoescelerisquepurus).Thisisbyno
means the only quotation fiom Boiace oi some othei classical authoi; the
whole text is filleu with them. Significantly, the explicit assimilation which
Abboelaboiatesinhistextiscompletelyabsentinlfiicsveision.
The maityiuom of St Eumunu has been iegaiueu somewhat
paiauoxicaliegaiuinghisioleasaking.RiuyaiuhassuggesteuthatAbbo,in
thefiistplace,uiunotintenutopiesentEumunuspecificallyasapeaceking,
since to uie fighting the heathen was an auequate claim to sanctity. She
believes that Abbos naiiative ieflects moie iealistically a situation wheie
theie was actually no battle between Eumunu anu the vikings. Theiefoie,
theuepictionofEumunusueathasanuniesistingvictimwoulubebaseuon
a tiue stoiy.
242
To complement this inteipietation, it is woith
acknowleuging the lengthy contemplations of St Eumunu in Abbos text,
wheiethekingfacestheoptionsoffighting,fleeing,submittinganuuying.0f
all these options militaiy iesistance is silently left out, anu the question in
the enu is, whethei to submit oi uie. Eumunu chooses ueath, as a saciifice
foihispeople.Eumunusaysthathewillnotyielutoseivetwomasteis,anu
will only seive Chiist, anu that he woulu only submit to the Banes if they
conveiteutoChiistianity.
24S
Thewholepointofthekingsueathispiobably
an allegoiy of a iesolute, Chiistian king, fiim in his faith. To yielu to the
vikings woulu be the same as to suiienuei to the Bevil. Abbo hau uepicteu
the vikings as the tools of the Bevil, anu even though lfiic uiu not follow
this imageiy as vehemently, but piesenteu the vikings in a moie humane
way, it can be thought that the maityiuom of the king woulu ieau as an
allegoiy of Chiists saciifice foi the people. In accoiuance with this, the
kings ueath woulu buy peace. The uepiction of his voluntaiy ueath might
well be a novelty uiafteu by Abbo, connecteu to the iueals of the monastic

241
Theieaiesimilaielementselsewheieinlfiicswoiks,too.Cf.foiinstancetheenuof
the homily on Kings Abuon anu Sennes (lS 24), which ielates a stoiy of two pious kings
who choose ueath ovei submittingto the heathen empeioi Becius: Now you have heaiu
how the holy kings ienounceu theii kinguom because of theii faithinChiist anu gave up
theiiownlivesfoihim.Takeexampleofthis,sothatyouuonottuinawayfiomChiistfoi
any uifficulty, so that you may have eteinal life. (ue habba nu gehyiou hu a halgan
cyningas heoia cyneuom foi-sawon foi ciistes geleafan. anu heoia agen lif foileton foi
hine.Nimaeowbysnene am.tgenebugonfiamciistefoinigieeaifonysse.t
getecelifhabbon.)Skeat,AlfricslivesofSoints,vol.2,S8.
242
Riuyaiu,TbeRoyolSointsofAnqlo-SoxonFnqlonJ,6667.
24S
Winteibottom,TbreelivesofFnqlisbSoints,7478.
93

iefoimists, but juuging fiom the omissions lfiic maue, this aspect uiu not
playasbigapaitinthe0luEnglishveisionthanituiuintheLatinoiiginal.
Cail Phelpsteau has iecently aigueu that lfiics text on St Eumunu is
uelibeiately mouelleu moie closely on |the poitiaitj of Chiists self-
saciificial ueath, than that of a fighting waiiioi-king, anu as such woulu
conveythepoliticaltheologyoftheBeneuictineiefoim.Phelpsteausuggests
thattheimageofEumunuasanon-violentmaityisubmittingvoluntaiilyto
ueath without engaging in battle with the vikings uiffeis fiom the image of
Eumunu that hau pievaileu in eailiei tiauitions.
244
Theie is no eviuence of
any uiffeiing image, since the fiist wiitten account iemains that of Abbos,
but it is not impossible to imagine a tiauition into which the monastic
iefoimists woulu have auueu featuies of a pious, ascetic peace-king. The
pioblemwiththeaigumentisnotthustheviewthatthenon-violent,Chiist-
like image was a new uevelopment, but the claim that it was lfiic who
mouelleu this kinu of poitiait uelibeiately. This can be counteieu on the
basis that the passages on St Eumunus maityiuom aie in fact moie
suppiesseuconceiningtheassimilationbetweenChiistanutheking.
InpiinciplethepaiallelwithChiistwouluimplythatthetextsinwhich
assimilative ihetoiic appeais woulu function as a legitimating foice, anu
woulu similaily authoiize the king with ieligious aiguments. This kinu of
ihetoiic coulu be useu as a political means in situations wheie theie weie
stiuggles foi powei between uynasties. The ieligious aiguments weie
efficient because as such they coulu not be counteieu. Accoiuingly, the
paiallelsweienottoolsfoisanctifyingkingshipassuch,butfoi authoiizing
the texts anu the aiguments in them. The assimilative function in lfiics
hagiogiaphic homilies on saint-kings is baseu stiongly on the conventional
anuiestiicteumouelofpiesentingasaintasaniuealChiistian,theimageof
Chiist. The mouel uoes not actually uepait fiom the othei hagiogiaphic
homilies, since they uo not ueal with kings as specific saints in theii own
iights. Aftei all the ultimate mouel foi a saint was Chiist anu his life, anu
thus the iefeiences to the passion of Chiist coulu be connecteu to this
allusioniatheithanieauingthemaspioofofthekingssaintlystatus(onthe
basis that he was a king). Insteau the sanctity of the kings is suppiesseu
compaieu with theii Latin counteipaits. The oiueily piesentation of
sanctity anu the suppiession of the seculai featuies fiom the naiiative
piesuppose an oiuei of which the society, both seculai anu spiiitual siues,

244
Phelpsteau,King,Naityianuviigin,S1S6,4S44.
94

consists. This featuie of lfiics wiiting, which can be seen as an oveiall

intentioninhiswoiks,isexamineuinthenextsection.
The meaning anu inteipietation of saint-kings cannot theiefoie be
ieuuceu tojustoneexplanation.Itiscleaithattheissueof ioyalsaintswas
muchmoievaiiableanutieutospecificoccasions,cultsanupoliticalaswell
as ecclesiastical ciicumstances, than what is commonly unueistoou when
talkingaboutioyalsaints as aphenomenon.lfiicslivesofSointsisacase
in point. The two lives of saint-kings uemonstiate that theii meaning must
be evaluateu in moie complex teims than only as inuicatois of assimilation
which testifies about Chiistocentiic iueology of kingship. The assumption
behinutheevaluationsof assimilationisthatthe analogybetweenkinganu
Chiistisbynatuie authoiitative,sothatitimpliesaceitainmysticalspheie
of sanctity which the kings in geneial weie pait of. This assumption tuins
outtobeattheveiyleastvagueanunon-analytical,whenwelookattheway
lfiichanuleuhissouices.Itishaiutofinuimplicationsthiskinuofpiemise
in the souices, which coulu be iegaiueu as eviuence of auvocating the
iueologyofChiistocentiickingship.Atfiistthoughtifweiegaiuthenatuie
of ioyal hagiogiaphy as expiessions of political thoughtthe ioyal saints
livesshoulupioviueampleeviuenceoftheassimilativeihetoiicwhichothei
texts of the time uiu. uiven the eviuence this cannot be saiu without
ieseivation about lfiics lives of Soints. Insteau, the omission maue with
iegaiustoassimilationiscleaiespeciallyinthecaseofStEumunu,inwhich
lfiic has ueciueu not to tianslate the flouiishing ihetoiic of Abbo. The
Chiist-like ueath of the saint is similaily suppiesseu anu the explicit
assimilationbetweenthekinganuChiistomitteu.Apossiblesolutionisthat
inlfiicssanctoiale, althoughuepictinga faiinumbeiofuiffeientkinusof
saints anu also uiffeient types of sanctity, ioyal saints uiu not enjoy special
tieatment, meaning that the message of lfiics hagiogiaphy was not to
exalt the status of kingship but that of Chiistian goou life. The ioyal saints
wouluthusnotfunction asinuicationsofChiistocentiickingshipwithinthe
iueologyoflatetenthcentuiy,butasmoialmouelsnotonlyfoikingsbutfoi
othei people, too. So, anothei point of view on saint-kings woulu be to see
them as moial examples, as objects of imitation, in line with othei
hagiogiaphy. This, too, has been a juugement that lfiics saint-kings have
ieceiveu. Next I woulu like to evaluate this inteipietation in the light of
lfiicsuiscouise.
95

3.3.2. Imitatio Christi, saint-kings and the order of

society
If lfiics uiscouise of assimilation cannot be iegaiueu solely as an
authoiizing featuie, it is possible to view it in the light of imitotio Cbristi, a
chaiacteiisticofmeuievalhagiogiaphyoftenseenasauniveisaltiaitsimilai
to all saints lives. In iecent scholaiship the univeisality of saints lives has
been showeu to be moie nuanceu, howevei, anu the locality of cults anu
theii uiffeient functions have been noteu to be moie vaiieu than what the
conceptofimitotioCbristiasauniveisalchaiacteiisticwouluatfiistsuggest.
In ielation to the inteipietation anu meaning of lfiics ioyal saints, I
woulu like to uiaw attention to Patiick ueaiys essay Saints, Scholais, anu
Society: The Elusive uoal, in which ueaiy questions anu almost outiight
uenies the intentions of hagiogiaphy as taigets of imitation.
24S
The basic
point which ueaiy makes is plausible: fiistly, that each hagiogiaphic text
must be ieau anu inteipieteu in its own suiiounuings, in ielation to othei
texts anu contexts, not only to the hagiogiaphic genie as liteiatuie, anu
seconuly,thathagiogiaphictextscannotbeiegaiueupiimaiilyaswitnesses
to somewhat geneial anu elusive abstiactions such as the values of theii
contempoiaiies, theii societies, theii age, oi least of all of the meuieval
minu.
246
Be emphasizes the intentionality of each wiitei anu copiei anu
uownplays the impoitance of timeless views of Chiistian peifection anu
eventheiuealsofsanctity.
247
Inhisviewthepuiposeofmosthagiogiapheis
(compiisingauthois,copieisanuuisseminatois)wasnottopioviuemouels
foi imitation, but foi aumiiation. ueaiy states: |Saints livesj gloiify uou;
theyuo notpioviuemouelsfoimoitals.
248
Even thoughsuchstatements at
timesseemsomewhatexaggeiateu,Iagieethatallhagiogiaphictextsshoulu
bestuuieuwithoutpiesuppositionslikethis,withoutassumptionsthatthey
all inueeu weie intenueu foi this puipose. It is tiue anu consistent with
ieasonable histoiical methous that each text must be consiueieu within its
owncontext.Inlfiicscase,howevei,itisexactlyhisowncontext,hisothei

24S
Patiick}.ueaiy,livinqwitbtbe0eoJintbeHiJJleAqes(Ithaca,N.Y.:Coinell0niveisity
Piess,1994),passim,esp.182S.
246
In this instance ueaiy ciiticises the concepts which Caioline Walkei Bynum, }oseph
ClauuePoulin,NichaeluoouichanuThomas}.Beffeinanhaveuseuintheiistuuies.Ibiu.,
21.
247
Ibiu.,2u.
248
Ibiu.,22.
96

wiitings, his auuience anu pations, anu the ielationship between his
hagiogiaphic texts anu othei genies which pioviue ieasons to ieview
ueaiysciitique.
Fiist it has to be emphasizeu that context was inueeu impoitant in
changing the meaning of a text that was auapteu into veinaculai fiom a
much eailiei Latin one in a uiffeient political anu ieligious enviionment. A
telling example of the impoitance of each context of each hagiogiaphical
stoiy in teims of inteipietation anu meaning is lfiics omission of a
specificpoliticalissueinSt0swaluslegenu.ThecultofSt0swaluwas,ifnot
inuisputably fiom the veiy beginning, at least veiy soon aftei 0swalus
ueath, tightly connecteu to the politics of Neicia anu Noithumbiia. 0ne of
the uisputes between the loius of these aieas was the contiol of Linusey,
oveiwhichNeiciafinallyclaimeucontiolbymilitaiyvictoiyinabout679.A
sceneinSt0swaluslegenu,inwhichtheiemainsofSt0swaluweiemoveu
fiomtheiioiiginaliestingplacein0swestiytothemonasteiyofBaiuneyin
Lincolnshiie, southofBumbei, tellsofthe hostilityinthis aiea.0swaluhau
alieauybeenveneiateuinNoithumbiiafoiaiounuSuyeais,anupaitsofhis
bouy hau been enshiineu in Beinician ioyal centies, Linuisfaine anu
Bamboiough.
249
Accoiuingtothestoiy,when0swalusniecetiieutouothe
same to his ielics in Baiuney, the monks uiu not want to accept them.
Initially in Beues text, the monks iefuseu to ieceive the bones because
0swalu was fiom anothei piovince anu hau pieviously conqueieu them
unuei his iule, anu the monks still maintaineu the olu hatieu towaius him.
Beuewiitesthattheyiefuseutheielicseveniftheyknewhewasasaint(etsi
sonctumeumnoueront,tomenquioJeolioprouincioortusfuerotetsupereos
reqnumocceperot,ueteroniseumoJiisetiommortuuminsequebontur).
2Su
The
following night a sign fiom Beaven, a column of light, maue it appaient to
the monks that the ielics shoulu have been ieceiveu. In the moining the
monksiealiseutheiimistakeanueageilyaccepteutheielics,saysBeue(hF
S.11).
lfiic, with his abbieviateu veision of the ueposition of St 0swalus
bonesinBaiuney,uoesnotincluuethepoliticaluimensionstothestoiy.The
olu political squabbles ovei Linusey weie ceitainly not ielevant to the
contempoiaiy people, anu consequently the scene is expecteuly changeu.
But the ieason behinu the monks iefusal of the ielics is also somewhat

249
Thackei,Kings,Saints,anuNonasteiiesinPie-vikingNeicia,2S.
2Su
ColgiaveanuNynois,BeJe'shistorioecclesiosticoqentisAnqlorum,246247.
97

uiffeientinlfiicstext.WheieBeuemakesapointaboutthelocaluisputes,
anu says that it was enough to iefuse the ielics of an alieauy known saint,
lfiic wiites uiffeiently. Be says that the monks uiu not want to accept the
bones because of human eiioi (oc o mynstermenn nolJon for menniscum
qeJwylJe one sonct unJerfon).
2S1
Nothing is saiu about the saint being a
king of a foieign piovince, noi of the monks hatieu towaius him. Insteau,
the heavenly light that appeaieu on the bones the following night, testifieu
that he was tiuly a saint (bwt o 6oJ qeswuteloJe t be boliq sonct
ws).
2S2
lfiic seems to shift the giounus foi the iefusal fiom political
uiscoiu to univeisal human eiioi. In the oiiginal the monks knew that he
was a saint, but still uiu not accept the ielics, while in the veinaculai
0swalus saintliness became cleai only aftei the miiacle. As the eaithly,
political uuties of the king aie not emphasizeu as much as the univeisal
saintly qualities, lfiics choices of tianslation enu up piesenting the ioyal
saint laigely in conventional teims. In this example lfiics way of
tianslation changes the emphasis of the text fiom political to spiiitual.
Theiefoie the timeless views of Chiistian peifection which ueaiy
questioneu, become moie impoitant in the context of lfiic than in the
context of his Latin souice. It is an illuminating example of a change of
meaning in the piocess of tianslation anu iewiiting. The uiffeient situation
of the late tenth centuiy anu specifically the uiffeient peison wiiting about
the saint make all the uiffeience in assessing the meaning of the cult, anu
showsinacleaiwaythatonesaintscultnecessaiilyhaumultiplemeanings
anuimplicationsinuiffeientstagesanuplacesofAnglo-SaxonEnglanu.
Afteithisexampleoftheimpoitanceofthecontextanuitsinfluenceon
meaning, I will ietuin to the concept of imitotio Cbristi. It is tiue that ioyal
saints lives have often been inteipieteu as political anu tieu to ioyal
inteiests, especially in teims of functioning as miiiois foi piinces. This
function woulu make them essentially moial mouels, exactly the function
ueaiywasieseiveuabout.AsIunueistanuit,themainpiobleminthisissue
is how to ueteimine what moial mouels of hagiogiaphy exactly meant. If
hagiogiaphictextsaieieauliteiallyasmouelsfoiexactimitationinteimsof
specific actions, oi as bluepiints foi eaithly society, then the ciiticism
towaius inteipietations of imitative mouels is inueeu in place. Liteial
ieauing is piobably the ieason foi the asseitions that saints lives uo not

2S1
Neeuham,Alfric:livesofTbreeFnqlisbSoints,S7.
2S2
Ibiu.,S7S8.
98

iepiesent the iueals of society as such. But when ieau not as liteial, but
moial (oi tiopological, as also lfiic himself uiffeientiateu between these
ways of ieauing) mouels, anu when taking into account the specific
ciicumstances anu lfiics geneial inteiests in othei texts of the time, we
mustaccoiuthemaceitainintentionofimitation,aswell.
Bistoiical inteipietation might sometimes feel like an attempt to
uncovei something hiuuen in the miust of the text, something between the
lines,sotospeak.Inthecaseofioyalsaintslives,aquestfoifinuingspecific
eviuence of the political ciicumstances of the time might also sometimes
faueouttheotheielementsofthetext.Whenlookingattheessentialsofthe
texts anu not specifically foi something uncommon, it is notable that both
the lives of St 0swalu anu Eumunu uisplay a stiong moial inteiest in
Chiistian viitues. 0ne might object to this by noting that this is nothing
specialallhagiogiaphyuoesit.Thisobjectionuoesnot,howevei,uiminish
the impoitance of the fact that lfiic chose to wiite his auaptations in this
way,anuthattheelementshechosetoiepiouuceoiomitmustbetieateuas
his choices of inteiest anu as inuicatois of his intentions. Also, theie is no
sounu ieason to question lfiics own woius in pioviuing ieasons foi
wiiting the saints lives; he stateu that he wisheu to pioviue euification of
thesespecificsaintsfoithelaity,inoiueitoimpiovefaith.TheLatinpieface
tothelivesofSointsbegins:
We bove olso tronsloteJ tbis book from lotin into tbe orJinory Fnqlisb
lonquoqe, Jesirinq, by eJifyinq in tbe foitb tbrouqb tbe reoJinq of tbis
norrotive, to profit ony otbers wbom it pleoses to qive tbeir ottention to
tbis work eitber by reoJinq or listeninq, for l Jo not reckon it to be
Jisoqreeoble to tbe foitbful. For l remember bovinq set fortb in two
previous books tbe possions onJ lives of tbose soints wbicb tbis people
commonlybonourwitbtbevenerotionofofeostJoyonJitbospleoseJus
in tbis little book to orronqe tbe possions onJ lives of tbose soints wbicb
tbemonksonJnottbeloitybonourwitboffices.
2SS

2SS
Bunc quoque couicem tianstulimus ue Latinitate au usitatam Anglicam
seimocinationem,stuuentesaliispiouesseeuificanuoaufiuemlectionehuiusnaiiationis,
quibuscumque placueiit huic opeii opeiam uaie, sive legenuo seu auuienuo, quia estimo
non esse ingiatum fiuelibus. Nam memini me in uuobus anteiioiibus libiis posuisse
passionesvelvitassanctoiumipsoiumquosgensistacaelebiecolitcumveneiationefesti
uiei,etplacuitnobisinistocouicellooiuinaiepassionesetiamvelvitassanctoiumilloium
99

Thioughout the life of St 0swalu the kings uevoutness anu piety is

iepeateuly piesent. Tiue faith, which is commenteu upon in a veiy
commonplace mannei, seems to be the most impoitant featuie
chaiacteiizing the life of a successful king. King 0swalu, who believeu
gieatly in uou (qelyfeJ swye on 6oJ),
2S4
began his ieign in the battle
against King Cauwallon. Bespite of enemies who outnumbeieu his aimy,
0swalu, stiengtheneu by his faith anu with the help of Chiist, slew his
enemies (bis qeleofo bine qetrymJe onJ Crist bim qefylste to bis feonJo
sleqe),
2SS
anu on account of the kings faith, uou gianteu him victoiy in
battle (onJ qewunnon r siqe swo swo se WeolJenJ bim ue for 0swolJes
qeleofon).
2S6
0swalu hau a successful ieign, uuiing which the almighty uou
uniteu foui kinguoms because of the meiits of the king, who always
honouieu him (se lmibtiqo 6oJ bi qeonlbte to om for 0swolJes
qeeornunqum e bine fre wuroJe).
2S7
The king helu his kinguom in a
ienowneumanneiinteimsofwoilulymatteisanualsowithgieatfaith,anu
inallhisactsalwayshonouieuhisLoiu,untilhewasslainfoithepiotection
of his people (0swolJ cyninq bis cyneJom qebeolJ blisfullice for worulJe onJ
miJmicclumqeleofononJoneollumJJumbis0ribtenorwuroJeotbe
ofsloqen weorforbisfolceswore).
2S8
Alltheseemphasesonthekingsfaith
aiemoieessentialthan anypoliticalnuancesinlfiicstext.Actingpiously
in this life biings iewaius both aftei ueath, but also in this life, as the
example of 0swalus victoiy shows. The expiessions uo not as such uiffei
fiom Beues oiiginal, but Beue auuitionally placeu moie impoitance on the
conveision of Noithumbiia anu political ciicumstances than lfiic, as was
uiscusseuinthepievioussection.
Biiectly fiom Beue comes also a phiase which lfiic employeu in the
enu of the text, anu which, as I see it, ieally explains lfiics own
compiehension of the meaning anu puipose of ioyal kings lives: Now, the
holyBeue,whowiote thisbook,saiu thatitisnowonuei that theholyking
heals illnesses now that he lives in Beaven, since he wanteu to help anu

quos non vulgus seu coenobite officiis veneiantui. Wilcox, Alfric's Prefoces, 119, 1S1.
Tians.Wilcox.
2S4
Neeuham,Alfric:livesofTbreeFnqlisbSoints,27.
2SS
Ibiu.,28.
2S6
Ibiu.,29.
2S7
Ibiu.,S2.
2S8
Ibiu.,SS.
100

pioviue foi the pooi anu weak alieauy when he was heie in life.
2S9
This is
substantiallythemessagethatiunsthioughalloflfiicsuiscouise:actions
in this life aie funuamentally impoitant in ieaching salvation. Expectations
oftheeventualBayof}uugementsteeilfiicswiiting,sothattheuiscouise
on social oiuei anu a goou life becomes noimative. This means that by
uefining the teims foi goou life, lfiic becomes involveu with social anu
political thought on a ueep level. The saints lives weie pait of his oveiall
inteiestinpastoialcaieanuimpiovingconuitionssothatthepeopleaiounu
himcoulubetteipeifoimtheiiChiistianuutiesoneaith.
Among the moial viitues, exemplifieu in the lives of ioyal saints, aie
humility, uevoutness, geneiousness, justice, wisuom, honoui anu
steaufastness in faith. In the life of St Eumunu his goou Chiistian
chaiacteiistics aielisteu iight at the stait, withceitainomissionsabout the
kings ioyal stock, as uiscusseu in the pievious section. To emphasize the
point that those in powei shoulu be humble, lfiic employs Abbos
quotation fiom Ecclesiasticus S2.1: Aie you set as a leauei1 Bo not iaise
youiself |above otheisj, but be among men like one of them.
26u
As goou
ueeus aie also uepicteu fiequent piaying, establishing chuiches anu
monasteiies. All of them weie common viitues of Chiistian kings, but not
exclusively so.Thechaiacteiisticsofsaint-kingspiesenteuingooulightaie
not tieu specifically to ioyal office, anu the ioyal natuie of the saints is not
highlighteu. The viitues of this kinu coulu be saiu to have been common in
uepicting any pious Chiistian, with the exception of the establishment of

2S9
Ibiu., 42. Cf. Beue, who makes the same comment in two places in a moie veibose
mannei:Noi is it to be wonueieu at that the sick aie cuieu in the place wheie he uieu foi
whilehewasaliveheneveiceaseutocaiefoithesickanuthepooi,togivethemalms,anu
offei them help. |...j It is not to be wonueieu at that the piayeis of this king who is now
ieigning with the Loiu shoulu gieatly pievail, foi while he was iuling ovei his tempoial
kinguom, he was always accustomeu to woik anu piay most uiligently foi the kinguom
which is eteinal. Nec miianuum in loco moitis illius infiimos sanaii, qui sempei uum
uiueiet infiimis et paupeiibus consuleie, elemosynas uaie, opem feiie non cessabat. |...j
NecmiianuumpiecesiegisilliusiamcumBominoiegnantismultumualeieapuueum,qui
tempoialisiegniquonuamgubeinaculatenensmagispioaeteinoiegnosempei laboiaie
acuepiecaiisolebat.)ColgiaveanuNynois,BeJe'shistorioecclesiosticoqentisAnqlorum,
24224S,2Su2S1.Tians.Colgiave&Nynois.
26u
ueaittoheafoumengeset1Neahefeue,acbeobetwuxmannumswaswaanman
of him. Neeuham, Alfric: lives of Tbree Fnqlisb Soints, 44. Abbo quotes the Bible:
Piincipem te constitueiunt Noli extolli seu esto in illis quasi unus ex illis.Winteibottom,
TbreelivesofFnqlisbSoints,71.
101

ieligious communities, which was an action exclusively iestiicteu to the

higheistiataofsociety.
Piayei plays an essential pait as a viitue especially in the life of St
0swalu. The king is uepicteu as a uevout anu humble Chiistian, piaying to
uou befoie engaging in battle, asking foi uous favoui foi his just battle
against pagans.
261
But as impoitantly, piaying to uou is emphasizeu as a
continuous action; the king sought uous meicy in eveiyuay-life, anu
iegaiueu the eteinal issues to be moie impoitant than the woiluly,
tiansitoiy things in life. lfiic wiites: |King 0swaluj labouieu foi the
heavenly kinguom with continuous piayeis much moie than he was
conceineu about how he coulu possess tempoiaiy honoui in the woilu,
which he loveu little.
262
Again the emphasis is on spiiitual iathei than
seculai puiposes of uiscouise, anu the intention of the text is haiu to
pinpoint to anything else than to pioviuing moial mouels foi moitals,
uespitetheciiticismbyueaiyanuotheis.Foiinstance,}ohnBamonseesthe
cult itself inextiicably bounu up with his function as saciificial victim, anu
uownplays the saints iole as a sponsoi of faith.
26S
Bamon iefeis to Alan
Thackeiwho himself iefeis to B. W. Rollasonin suppoit of the iuea that
by the enu of the tenth centuiy anu the Beneuictine iefoim, which showeu
unusual inteiest towaius ioyal maityis, St 0swalu was cleaily categoiizeu
among maityis anu not confessois.
264
Thus when lfiic is stateu to have
consiueieuSt0swalusmaityiialstatusasself-eviuent,eventhoughheuiu
not explicitly mention the king having been a maityi, it appeais to be a
iathei ouu statement, especially so when looking at the contents of lfiics
auaptation of Beue.
26S
Noie pioblematic is the inteipietation of lfiic as a
uiiect continuation of the iefoimeis who pieceueu him. As fai as the
emphasesinthesaint-kingslivesthemselvesgo,itseemsmoieplausibleto

261
Neeuham,Alfric:livesofTbreeFnqlisbSoints,2829.
262
Be swanc foi heofonan iice miu singalum gebeuum swioi onne he hogoue hu he
geheolueonwoiulueahwilwenulicangeingcuehehwonlicelufoue.Ibiu.,SS.
26S
}ohnEuwaiuBamon,TheKing'sFiagmenteuBouy:AuiiaiuianReauingofthe0iigins
ofSt0swalu'sCult,TbeheroicAqe,no.9(2uu6):11.
264
Rollason,TheCultsofNuiueieuRoyalSaintsinAnglo-SaxonEnglanu,122;Thackei,
Hembro0isjecto,12412S.
26S
Thackei wiites What it uoes uemonstiate is the saints high stanuing in iefoimeu
ciicles anu the fact that his maityiial status iequiieu neithei uiscussion noi pioof.
Although lfiic, who followeu Beue veiy closely, uiu not explicitly iefei to 0swalu as a
maityi,hepiobablyiegaiueuthematteiasself-eviuent.,Hembro0isjecto,12S.
102

aumit that they ieflect moie inteiest in the matteis of faith anu goou life
thanthoseofpoweifulioyaltyanuthekingssaciificialstatus.
Also the scene of 0swalus maityiuom with the king piaying has
ieceiveuceitainelaboiateinteipietationsabouttheChiistocentiicnatuieof
kingship anu its uevelopment in latei times. In historio ecclesiostico Beue
stateu that it was the kings custom to piay vehemently, anu that he also
enueu his life with woius of piayei (etiom inter uerbo orotionis uitom
finierit). Beue wiote that the kings last woius, uou have meicy on |ouij
souls,saiu0swaluwhenhe felltothegiounu,haubyhisowntimebecome
pioveibial in common pailance.
266
Bamon has inteiestingly iaiseu a
questionof the actualmeaningofonimobus.Was the puiposeof the kingto
piay foi 0swalus own mens (oui) souls, oi foi those of his opponents
(theiisouls)1SinceBeueuiunotincluueauiiectinuicationofwhose souls
weie in question, the passage coulu be ieau eithei way. Bamon has
suggesteuthatitwasinueeuthelatteimeaningwhichshoulubeconsiueieu
to be the oiiginal one. This woulu in tuin cieate a ceitain connection
betweenthekinganuChiist;thekingsuyingwoiusonbehalfofhisenemies
woulu thus be a iefeience to those of Chiist in Luke Fathei foigive
them,foitheyuonotknowwhattheyaieuoing(PoterJimitteillisnonenim
sciunt quiJ fociunt). Bamon aigues that this explanation is moie plausible
thantothinkthat0swaluwouluhaveiegaiueuhisown,Chiistian,peopleto
be in neeu of meicy, unlike his pagan opponents. Fuitheimoie, he
uistinguishestheoiiginalmeaningof the pioveib fiomthatofBeues,who
actually comments on the kings ueath anu piesents it as a saciifice on
behalf of his people. Bamons aigument is that in its eailiest stage the
pioveib was useu to uenote a univeisal sense of imitation of Chiist, in
contiast with the latei piesentations, which filleu the kings maityiuom as
nationalizinganusaciificialinteipietations.
267

The question of inteipietation in this instance is impoitant; wheieas

one coulu, like Bamon, contemplate the oiiginal meaning of the passage, it
uoes not change the fact that inteipietations aie uone in each situation by
the auuience, anu that the meaning of the kings oiiginal outciy, assuming
that it ieally happeneu, was alieauy uetacheu fiom the oiiginal context
when it was tiansfeiieu to wiiting. In othei woius, the intentions aie
sepaiateufiommeaning,sothatthewiittentextnowmeantmoiethanwhat

266
Beus miseieie animabus uixit 0sualu cauens in teiiam ColgiaveanuNynois,BeJe's
historioecclesiosticoqentisAnqlorum,2Su.
267
Bamon,TheKing'sFiagmenteuBouy,1S18.
103

the king (oi the authoi of the pioveib) meant in the oiiginal situation. The
uialogic ielationship of the oiiginal situation, which is always highly
situational,isessentiallychangeuwhenitiswiittenastext;wiitingchanges
the basis of this ielationship of iefeience, anu can also bioauen it. In this
instance it means that meanings weie assigneu anew in each situation of
tianslation.lfiic,foiinstance,cleailyieauthepassageasaiefeienceofthe
kingspiayeifoihisownpeople,ashewiote thathe piayeufoihispeople
whouieutheiefalling,anuentiusteutheiisoulsanuthatofhisowntouou,
anu in this way ciieu out on his fall: uou have meicy on oui souls!
268

Refeiences to the saciificial ueath of Chiist aie in lfiics text haiu to finu,
butthekingsexemplaiyfaithanupiousactionsaie,intuin,moiepiesent.
Even though ueaiys ciitique of stuuying hagiogiaphic texts as
univeisally iepiesentative of iueals of sanctity anu society is sounu anu
justifieu,inthecaseoflfiicsioyalsaintslivestheciiticismiequiiessome
mouification. While ieauing them as only geneial iueals of inuiviuual kings
oiasinuicatoisofthemeuievalminuwouluceitainlyhaveitsshoitcomings
in a stuuy like this, it has to be iecognizeu that lfiics texts, aftei having
beenieauthioughthemethouologicalpiincipleswhichueaiypinpointeu
taking into account the authoi anu his suiiounuings anu the textual
ielationships with his othei woiks as well as that with his pieuecessois
anu not as expiessions of a collective meuieval minuset, the iesult iemains
contiauictive to ueaiys ciitique. In lfiics hagiogiaphic homilies, as in his
othei texts even in a laigei scale, the intention cannot be ieau as explicitly
piopaganuist foi ioyal powei oi monastic cults. Insteau, I woulu iathei see
them as showing a iemaikable concein foi pioviuing moial mouels foi his
contempoiaiies. This uoes not necessaiily mean that all the inuiviuual
actions of a saint shoulu be blinuly consiueieu to have been imitative, but
thatthepiinciplesbehinutheactionsthemselves,moialanuethics,weiethe
uiiving foice foi lfiics wiitings anu foi his inteiest in pastoial caie in
geneial.Ibelievehewasgenuinelyinteiesteuintiyingtoimpiovetheoiuei
of society within the ieligious fiamewoik that he saw iight anu coiiect. In
the case of saints lives he puisueu this in a smallei scale than the latei,
theoietical political thinkeis. With ioyal saints lives he coulu pioviue
exemplaiy mouels not just foi kings but foi othei loius of the Anglo-Saxon

268
Be gebu foi his folc e i feallenue sweolt anu bethte heoia sawla anu hine
sylfne,uoue,anuusclypoueonhisfylle,uougemiltsauiumsawlum!Neeuham,Alfric:
livesofTbreeFnqlisbSoints,S6.
104

society, like his pations thelweaiu anu thelmi, anu also foi any othei
Chiistianinuiviuual.
3.4. Conclusion
Withiegaiutothe livesofStFJmunJ anu St0swolJ,lfiicswishtowiite
oiueibecomescleaiinthewayhetieatsthenaiiativestiuctuieinoiueito
cieatestanuaiuizeupiesentationsofthesaints-kingslives,whichconsistof
the kings ueeus in life, theii maityiuom, anu of the miiacles which uenote
theii sainthoou. The sainthoou of the maityi-kings was constiucteu with
textualmeansinasimilaiveinasitwaswiththechoicesoftianslation.This
means that when cieating stanuaiuizeu mouels foi sanctity, lfiic maue
ceitain changes to his tianslations, anu with textual means cieateu both
naiiative coheiency anu ieligious authoiity, anu concentiateu the oiuei of
the naiiative stiictly aiounu the iight themes, iight woius, anu iight
associations. It seems that lfiic was specifically conceineu with the
piopei stiuctuie of a saints life, since theie can be seen a systematic
avoiuance to use the teim saint in the eaily paits of the naiiative.
CompaiingtheLatinanuveinaculainaiiativesofStEumunuanuSt0swalu
witheachothei,itiseviuentthatlfiichasuelibeiatelyavoiueunominating
thekingasaintbefoiehegainshismaityiuominthenaiiative.
Theie aie moie ieasons to iegaiu the lives of ioyal saints as moial
mouelsfoimenkingsaswellasotheisthantoseethemaspioponentsof
Chiistocentiic,theociatickingship.BasicChiistianviituesthataieuisplayeu
in the lives incluue humility, uevoutness, honoui, tuining away fiom sins,
oithouoxy, geneiousness, justice anu meicy; all of which weie aumitteuly
viitues of a iulei but also viitues foi any othei Chiistian. Auuitionally, the
featuiesthatweieomitteufiomtheLatinmouelsinuicatethatmoieblatant
expiessions of Chiistocentiic oi panegyiic ihetoiic have in many places
been left asiue. In the case of St 0swalu the souice text itself uiu not offei
ample mateiial to begin with, but in the case of St Eumunu this was the
opposite. I woululike to suggest that the iole of ioyal saints lives, wheieas
in othei instances moie cleaily connecteu to ieal politics anu powei
stiuggles, cannot be saiu to be the main point in lfiics texts. Rathei, the
moialmouelspioviueuinthefoimofioyalhagiogiaphyaienotconfineuto
thehigheistiataofsociety,butalsooffeieutoanyChiistianinuiviuual.This
ielationship between the inuiviuual anu the society will tuin out to be a
ievealing featuie in lfiics othei texts, as will become eviuent in the
105

following chapteis. Boly inuiviuuals, saints, woikeu as examples in moial

teims,anuweiealsoapaitoflfiicspoliticalthoughtnotonlyiegaiuing
the king anu the loius, but the whole Chiistian society, the Chuich as
community.
To view the veinaculai accounts only as simplifications of the Latin
oiiginals is a simplification itself. The function of Latin anu veinaculai
liteiatuies aie uiffeient, but a stiict uichotomy between them as somehow
implying an elite anu populai spheies is not sufficient. The veinaculai of
lfiic, while simple in its claiity, is at the same time highly oiganizeu anu
leaineu.FiomthefactthattheLatintextsaieshoiteneuanuauapteu,ituoes
not in any way follow that the veinaculai texts coulu be unueistoou as
synonymous to the unleaineu oi somehow opposite to the tiue anu iight
peiceptionsofsainthoou.0nthecontiaiy,theveinaculaiaccountssuppiess
anyviewsthatmighthavebeeniegaiueuasunoithouoxoiambiguousinthe
theology of the late tenth centuiy. They uo not tiy to simplify theological
issues to an unleaineu auuience, although theie was a cleai ieluctance to
tianslate eveiy ieligious text into the veinaculai; howevei, this was moie
connecteutotheiightoiueiofthewoilu,yetagain.Theintenueuuseofthe
whole collection, the lives of Soints, was uiffeient fiom the beginning
compaieu to the eailiei two collections of Cotbolic homilies. Nalcolm
uouuenhasalsoquestioneutheassumptionthatveinaculailiteiatuiewoulu
imply a populai auuience. Be wiites that the collection was wiitten foi
bishopsanumonksanufoihighlyeuucateulaymen|...j,notjust(ifatall)foi
the oiuinaiy laity.
269
The staiting point in evaluating the function of
uiscouise shoulu of couise be the peiceptions of lfiic himself. The
intenueu anu factual auuiences may uiffei but only the intenueu one
influenceutheuiscouise.Theieceptionanumeaningofthisuiscouisecanof
couisevaiyuepenuingonanygivencontextbutthatis toaceitainextenta
matteiofspeculation.
lfiics woiks aie iaiely if evei inteipieteu as piimaiily political.
Auuitionally,whentheioyalsaintsinlfiicstextsaieuiscusseu,itisoften
uone in ielation to othei ioyal saints, not in ielation to lfiics othei texts,
suchashisexegeticalhomiliesoipastoialletteis.Theiefoietheioyalsaints
have equally iaiely been uiscusseu within lfiics wiuei fiamewoik of
social anu political thought. What else, othei than ueeply embeuueu with
social inteiests, can lfiics whole uiscouise be seen as1 The questions of

269
uouuen,lfiic'sSaints'LivesanuthePioblemofNiiacles,94.
106

whatisiightanuwhatiswiong,howmenshoululivetheiilivesoneaithin
aChiistiancommunity,anuwhichmoialmouelstheyshoululookupon,aie
all thoioughly embeuueu in lfiics texts. The saints lives aie pait of his
noimative uiscouise, which foims the ieligious-political iueas that he
intenueu to uelivei anu spieau bioauly within anu outsiue his own
community.
Foi lfiic, it seems, the analogy of an eaithly king anu the sacieu
suggests an all-embiacing similaiity of all saints, who aie pait of uous
oiueily,singulaisanctity.Religiousassimilationwasimpoitantnotbecause
it implieu a connection between the king anu his heavenly counteipait, but
because it implieu the similaiitybut not iuenticalnessof all saints anu
theuniveisalauthoiityofuou.Thisuoesnotmeanthatseculaielementsas
such woulu be consiueieu iiielevant. 0n the contiaiy, the whole oiuei of
society was built on the oiuei of uou, which lfiic accentuateu in his
wiitings. In oiuei to unueistanu the iole which the ioyal saints hau in the
foimulations of the oiuei of society, it is necessaiy to look also at othei
foimsoftheuiscouise,whichappioach theissuefiomanotheipeispective.
Foi these puiposes, I will next uiscuss the ielationship between lfiic anu
the lay aiistociacy, who weie iecipients of not only the lives of saints
examineuinthischaptei,butalso anumbeiofhisotheiwiitings,homiletic
letteisinspecific.
107

4. Teaching the laity: lfric,

secular aristocracy and proper
order

This chaptei continues with the theme of oiuei, but concentiates on the
peiioushoitlyafteithetuinofthemillenniumanuafteithelivesofSoints
the latei yeais of lfiics life. In the following I will tuin attention towaius
the iecipients of these hagiogiaphic homilies, the seculai aiistociacy. It
appeais that in puisuing his liteiaiy activities lfiics ielationship with the
laity coiiesponueu closely with his caieei. Biu the abbots uepenuency on
thelmiontheonehanu,anuhisconnectionstothelayaiistociacyonthe
othei,influencethe tieatmentof the natuieof authoiityanusocialoiueiin
his texts1 Beie I will examine the notions of authoiity, moiality anu social
oiueiastheyaieconveyeuinasetoftextswiittenbylfiicaiounutheyeai
1uuS, namely his letteis to membeis of the seculai aiistociacy. In geneial,
theseletteisteachthelaityaboutthetenetsoffaithanumoiality.Nyaimis
to consiuei the uiscouise of the letteis in conjunction with the ieligious-
politicaliueas,anutoestimatelfiicsioleintiansfeiiingtheiueasofajust
society fiom monastic to lay spheies, in teims of moial notions on how to
conuuct a goou life in oiuei to fulfil ones iole in society. This uiscussion is
not seen as isolateu, monastic uiscouise, but these views anu texts weie
inheiently pait of the contempoiaiy suiiounuings, not just the monastic
ciicles.Someofthesetextshau even fuitheiimpactonEnglishlegalcultuie
thiough Wulfstan, as will become eviuent in chapteis S anu 6. I will fiist
examine lfiics ielationships with the lay aiistociacy, anu the events
connecteutotheestablishmentofEynsham.ThenIwillgiveabiief account
of the letteis he wiote to the laity uuiing his abbacy of Eynsham. These
letteis iepiesent a uiiect link between lfiic anu the seculai aiistociacy,
anu tell of the ways lfiic wanteu to extenu the teaching of moiality fiom
the monastic to seculai spheies. Ny aigument is that the pioblem of
authoiity foi lfiic uiu not lie in the negotiations between seculai anu
spiiitual poweis, but in moiality anu the iight conuuct of life anu in ones
108

ability to fulfil theii iole in society. 0ne of my aims is to show how lfiic
wasinuiiectlyinvolveuinthefoimulationsoftheseculaisociety.
4.1. lfrics relationships with the lay aristocracy
Even though little is known about lfiics life, his ielationship with the
contempoiaiyaiistociacycanbeattesteuinsomemeasuiewiththehelpof
the iefeiences visible in his woiks. A faii numbei of the woiks lfiic
piouuceuuuiinghislifetimewaswiittenasaiesponsetolayiequests.Allof
these woiks show a gieat inteiest in teaching anu pioviuing piopei anu
oithouox answeis to ieligious questions that might concein oi puzzle the
laity. Theiefoie, lfiics ielationship with the highly influential aiistociacy
is one of the backgiounu factois which shoulu be taken into account when
estimatingtheioleofhiswiitingsatthetimeofhisabbacy,anuhisposition
asascholai,homilist,anuabbotistobeconsiueieufiomthisstaitingpoint.
Buiing his life he is known to have hau contacts with seveial men of
high iank, ecclesiastical as well as seculai. The ecclesiastical connections
incluue figuies like lfheah, bishop of Winchestei anu aichbishop of
Canteibuiy, thelwolu, bishop of Winchestei, Sigeiic, aichbishop of
Canteibuiy, anu of couise Wulfstan, bishop of Lonuon anu Woicestei anu
aichbishopofYoik. Biswiitings alsoiefei tocontactswithCenwulf,bishop
ofWinchestei,thelwoluII,aichbishopofWinchestei,anuWulfsige,bishop
ofSheiboine.
27u

In auuition to these seveial ecclesiastical contacts, lfiic was

connecteu with laymen of notable iank, of whom the most influential anu
the most highly iankeu weie his pations thelweaiu, ealuoiman of the
WesteinPiovinces,anuhisson,thelmi.
271
Theyweiepaitofasmallanu
piestigiouselitewhohauclosecontactswiththe kinganuhis auvisois.The
ealuoimen of Anglo-Saxon Englanu goveineu quite laige aieas foi the king,
anu weie iesponsible foi the militaiy uefence of theii aieas. Some
ealuoimen,suchasthelweaiuoihiskinsmanByihtnoth,famousfiomthe
poem Bottle of HolJon, weie notable benefactois of monasteiies.
thelweaiu anu thelmi weie ielateu to King thelieu, anu not only
weie they highly iankeu in seculai spheies, but they also took inteiest in

27u
Lees,TroJitiononJBelief,8788.
271
Catheiine Cubitt, lfiic's Lay Pations, in A Componion to Alfric, eu. Bugh Nagennis
anuNaiySwan(Leiuen:Biill,2uu9),16S.
109

leaininganuieligiousmatteis.lfiicueuicateuthelivesofSoints,butalsoa
tianslation of a pait of uenesis anu an abiiugeu tianslation of the stoiy of
}oshuatohislaypations.
272
thelweaiuhimselfwastheauthoioftheLatin
tianslation of the Anqlo-Soxon Cbronicle, which, when consiueieu togethei
with his inteiest in lfiics theological tianslations, shows the unusual
iange of his pieoccupation with scholaily matteis.
27S
Although engagement
withthematteisoftheBeneuictineiefoimanumonasticaffaiiswasnotthat
iaie among the elites of late Anglo-Saxon Englanu, it must be emphasizeu
that the kinu of tianslation activity which thelweaiu piouuceu was still
highlyunusualamongthelaitynottospeakoftheuiiectionoftianslation,
which was fiom veinaculai to Latin. These men playeu quite a significant
pait in contempoiaiy politics; thelweaiu hau been a peison of influence
alieauy uuiing King Eugais ieign, anu thelmi was one of King
thelieus closest lay associates thiough the 99us.
274
They weie also the
figuies most impoitant to lfiic himself. It was exactly these two figuies,
especiallytheyoungeithelmi,whoplayeuapaitinlfiicsowncaieei,
anu this makes the assessment of lfiics views on society all the moie
inteiesting.
Asetofhomileticletteisfiomthe timeofhisabbacy,uiscusseubelow,
canalsobeuiiectlyassociateuwiththelocal,layaiistociacy.The iecipients
of the letteis uiscusseu below, Sigeweaiu of Eastheolon, Wulfgeat of
Ylmanuun, anu Sigefyialthough not much eviuence of theii lives has
suiviveupiesumably weie laymen of lessei iank than the influential
ealuoimen thelweaiu anu thelmi, piobably piospeious local figuies,
belongingtothemiuuleianksofthegns.
27S
Withsuchasignificantamountof
contactstoseculaiaiistociacy,itiscuiiousthatanyexplicitiefeiencetothe
kingoitheioyalfamilyisabsent,asClaieLeeshaspointeuout.
276
Theieaie

272
PiinteuinS.}.Ciawfoiu,eu.Tbe0lJFnqlisbversionoftbeheptoteucb,AelfricsTreotise
on tbe 0lJ onJ New Testoment onJ bisPrefoce to6enesis, EETS, 0.S. 16u (Lonuon:0xfoiu
0niveisityPiess,1922).
27S
PiinteuinAlistaiiCampbell,eu.TbeCbronicleofAtbelweorJ,NeuievalTexts(Lonuon:
Thos.Nelson,1962).
274
SimonKeynes,Kingthelieu'sChaiteifoiEynshamAbbey(1uuS),inForlyHeJievol
StuJiesinHemoryofPotrickWormolJ,eu.StephenBaxtei,etal.(Fainham:Ashgate,2uu9),
4S14S2; Baibaia Yoike, "Aethelmaei: The Founuation of the Abbey at Ceine anu the
Politics of the Tenth Centuiy," in Tbe Cerne Abbey Hillennium lectures, eu. Katheiine
Baikei(CeineAbbas:TheCeineAbbeyNillenniumCommittee,1988),1819.
27S
Cubitt,lfiic'sLayPations,186187.
276
Lees,TroJitiononJBelief,88.
110

only two explicit iefeiences to King thelieu II by name in lfiics woiks,

bothofthemfoithepuiposesofuating.
277

It has been noteu befoie that towaius the enu of lfiics caieei his
woiksconveyanincieasingconcein foithecontempoiaiyissuesthat faceu
late Anglo-Saxon Englanu.
278
Theie aie seveial stuuies which contextualize
lfiics inuiviuual homilies, but iaiely have his woiks fiom the time of his
abbacybeentieateuasawhole.Foithepuiposesofthisstuuyitisessential
toexaminelfiicsuiscouiseinmoiethanonetext,butwithoutlosingsight
of the impoitance of a single text as such. Sometimes the inteipietations of
lfiics uiscouise, although baseu on seveial texts, have lost sight of the
specific context they weie wiitten in, meaning that the uiscouise in texts
wiitten at Ceinehavebeen tieateu togetheiwithtextswiittenatEynsham.
Byacknowleugingtheciicumstances,whichafteithetuinofthemillennium
weie quite uiffeient when compaieu to the situation in the 99us, lfiics
uiscouise can be contextualizeu bettei. I think this is the best way to
estimatehisviewsonsociety,anuespeciallytoevaluatetheuevelopmentof
his thought in a political situation that was itself pioblematic, to say the
least.Thechangesthatcanbeseeninhispost-abbacycoipusuiiecteutothe
seculaiaiistociacyasawholealsoconfiimthenotionthatlfiicwasnotan
isolateu monk wiiting foi a monastic auuience about meiely theological
matteis, but shows how closely he was pait of the suiiounuing woilu. It
seemsthatafteithetimeatCeine,lfiicbecamemoieanumoieinvolveuin
thematteisoftheseculaisociety.

277
In the pieface to Ch I lfiic states that he was sent to Ceine, at the iequest of
thelmi, in the uays of King thelieu. Clemoes, Alfric's Cotbolic homilies: tbe First
Series: Text, 174. In the Life of St Eumunu (lS S2) he also iefeis to thelieu only when
inuicatingauate,whenhestatesthatAbbocametoEnglanuintheuaysofKingthelieu.
Neeuham,Alfric:livesofTbreeFnqlisbSoints,4S.
278
SeefoiinstanceNaiyClayton,0fNiceanuNen:lfiic'sSeconuBomilyfoitheFeast
of a Confessoi, leeJs StuJies in Fnqlisb, New Series 24 (199S); , lfiic anu
thelieu, in Fssoys on Anqlo-Soxon onJ ReloteJ Tbemes in Hemory of lynne 6runJy, eu.
}ane Robeits anu }anet L. Nelson (Lonuon: King's College Lonuon, 2uuu); Bill, Nonastic
Refoim anu the Seculai Chuich; Robeit K. 0pchuich, A Big Bog Baiks: lfiic of
Eynsham's Inuictment of the English Pastoiate, Speculum 8S, no. S (2u1u). See also the
intiouuctionto}ones,Aelfric'slettertotbeHonksofFynsbom.
111

4.2. The establishment of Eynsham

thelmi appeais in lfiics caieei foi the fiist time when lfiic moveu
fiom Winchestei to Ceine Abbas in about 987. The lanu foi the ie-
establishmentofCeineasaiefoimeumonasteiywasgianteubythelmi,
who gave laige enuowments to uou, to the honoui of the viigin Naiy, St
Petei anu St Beneuict.
279
lfiic himself states in the pieface to the fiist
seiiesofCotbolichomiliesthathewassenttoCeineattheiequestofthegn
thelmi, whose natuie anu goouness is known eveiywheie.
28u
The
seconu move which piomoteu lfiics caieei was the ie-establishment of
Eynsham as a iefoimeu monasteiy in about 1uuS. The chaitei of Eynsham
(S 911), which confiims the founuation of the monasteiy by thelmi,
attests that the ealuoiman ueciueu to ietiie to the monasteiy himself. It is
stateuthatthelmiwoululiveinthemonasteiytogetheiwiththemonks:
Placingtheiemonkswholive accoiuingto theiule,himselfpeifoimingthe
authoiity of a fathei, anu living togethei with them, he |thelmij has
appointeuanabbotfoitheholycongiegationofmonks,inwhichhechooses
to live himself.
281
It is geneially assumeu that the abbot to whom the
chaitei iefeis is lfiic, even though he is not nameu. The uate of the
establishmentofEynsham,anuconsequentlytheuatingofthewoikslfiic
isknowntohavepiouuceutheie,isbaseuonthischaitei.Itwascustomaiy,
though, that chaiteis of this kinu weie uiafteu some time aftei the actual
establishment, anu not befoie. Also the tense in the chaitei (instituit)
inuicates that the appointment hau alieauy happeneu. The uate of the
establishment of lfiics monasteiy is thus somewheie between 1uu2 anu
1uuS.Theterminuspostquemmustbebaseuoniefeiencesinlfiicsletteis
to Wulfstan; in 1uu2 Wulfstan was appointeu aichbishop, anu is saluteu as
suchinthepiivateletteibylfiic(Fehi2a).Inthislettei,whichisthought
to be the eailiest extant lettei fiom lfiic to Wulfstan, lfiic iefeis to
himself still as biothei, inuicating that he was still a monk anu not an

279
u.B.Squibb,TheFounuationofCeineAbbey,inTbeCerneAbbeyHillenniumlectures,
eu. Katheiine Baikei (Ceine Abbas: The Ceine Abbey Nillennium Committee, 1988), 11
12.Thechaiteiispiinteuin}ohnNitchellKemble,CoJex0iplomoticusAeviSoxonici,vol.S
(Lonuon:EnglishBistoiicalSociety,184S),224226.
28u
Clemoes,Alfric'sCotbolichomilies:tbeFirstSeries:Text,174.
281
0ite igitui iegulaiis monachos inibi constituens, ipse patiis uice fungens uiuensque
communitei intei eos abbatem sanct monachoium congiegationi piefeiie se uiuente
instituit. B. E. Saltei, eu. Fynsbom Cortulory, vol. 1, 0xfoiu Bistoiical Society, vol. XLIX
(0xfoiu:ClaienuonPiess,19u7),2u.
112

abbot.
282
The fiist 0lu English lettei (Fehi II), foi its pait, which uevelops
fiomthepiivatelettei,isnowwiittenbyabbotlfiic.
28S
Theappointment
must have happeneu between Wulfstans appointment to the aichbishopiic
ofYoikanutheuiaftingoftheEynshamchaiteiin1uuS.
Anothei souice which can be associateu with the establishment of
Eynsham is lfiics letter to tbe Honks of Fynsbom, which belongs also to
thispeiiou.
284
lfiicwiotetheletteitohiscommunityofmonksafteibeing
appointeu abbot.
28S
Inthistextlfiicspecifiestheuaily anuyeailyconuuct
of life in his monasteiy. The title lettei is ueiiveu fiom the gieeting anu
faiewell in the text, but by natuie it is a monastic customaiy, oi
consuetuuinaiy, iathei than a lettei. The woik is a uetaileu anu piactical
guiueaboutlituigyanucustoms,meantto supplementtheBeneJictineRule,
anu it is baseu on the Requloris ConcorJio, composeu in the 97us by
thelwolu, lfiics mentoi. This lettei is uiffeient in natuie than most of
lfiicstextsuiscusseuheie,astheauuienceofthistextwasintenueutobe
stiictly monastic, anu it was not oiiginally intenueu to a wiuei, seculai
ciiculation. Bowevei, as iegaius the complex ielations anu textual
inteiactions between lfiic anu Wulfstan, it is still veiy inteiesting to note
that one of Wulfstans so-calleu commonplace-books has suiviveu in a
manusciipt that incluues the only suiviving copy of the letter to tbe Honks
of Fynsbom (CCCC 26S: Kei SS, uneuss 7S). Bill supposes that Wulfstan
gaineuacopyoflfiicscustomaiyuiiectlyfiomhim,anuwasinteiesteuin
itspecificallybecauseitpioviueu amouelfoimouifyingthe seculaichuich.
Anothei manusciipt which contains selective liteial quotations fiom the
Requloris ConcorJio, anu incluues Wulfstans commonplace book, is CCCC
19u (Kei 4S, uneuss S9). Accoiuing to Bill, the selections aie maue in line

282
Fiatei lfiicus salutem exoptat 0ulstano, veneiabili aichiepiscopo. Whitelock,
CouncilsonJSynoJs,247.
28S
AelfiicusabbasuulfstanoveneiabiliaichiepiscoposaluteminChiisto.BeinhaiuFehi,
eu. 0ie hirtenbriefe Alfrics: ln Altenqliscber unJ loteiniscber Fossunq, Repi. with a
supplement to the intiouuction by Petei Clemoes. (Baimstaut: Wissenschaftliche
Buchgesellschaft,1966),69.
284
Piinteuin}ones,Aelfric'slettertotbeHonksofFynsbom.
28S
But, as }ones points out, it is veiy uifficult to assign a uefinitive uate to eithei the
appointment oi the letter itself. The establishment chaitei of Eynsham is the only
uocument that can be uateu to 1uuS, anu it may not be contempoianeous with the
establishment,anuissueuonlylatei.Thebestthatcanbesaiuoftheuatingoftheletter,is
thatitwaswiittenafteitheestablishment,buthowlongaftei,isnotknown,anumightbe
anythingbetween1uu2anu1u1u.Ibiu.,S17.
113

with the same thoughtto pioviue mateiial foi the seculai chuich.
286
This
shows the wish to use the iueas of the iefoimeu monasticism moie
extensively than just within the walls of the monasteiies; a geneial
aspiiation to iegulate anu uefine also othei paits of the society in uous
piopeioiueicanbeseentobevisibleintheseactions.
The Eynsham chaitei, foi its pait, has suiviveu only as a copy, but
Simon Keynes has estimateu that in its oiiginal state it woulu have been a
highly impiessive single chaitei, anu as such woulu have been a valuable
uocument beaiing ioyal authoiity.
287
The chaitei makes it explicitly cleai
that monastic communities weie expecteu to have inuepenuent authoiity
oveiconuuctingtheiibusiness,suchaselectingtheiiabbots,whichbecomes
appaient in the foimulations about the compiehensive piivileges of libeity
thatKingthelieugianteutoEynsham:Attheiequestofthelmi,aman
veiy loyal anu ueai to me, I establish a full piivilege of libeity foi his
monasteiy.
288
Thesuccessoifoitheabbotwouluinthefutuiebeelecteu in
accoiuance with the iule, anu in consultation with the king (cum reqis
consilio eliqotur).
289
Fieeuom fiom seculai poweis, the ioyal powei
notwithstanuing, was one of the impoitant causes that the Beneuictine
iefoimeistiieutoestablishafewuecauesbefoie.Intheiiaspiiationstogain
inuepenuence foi monasteiies, the leauing figuies of the iefoimeu
monasticism hau leaneu on the authoiity of the king anu in tuin piomoteu
notionsoftheociatickingship.
29u

By the time of the establishment of Eynsham the alliance between the

king anu the iefoimeu paities hau changeu fiom its heyuay unuei King
Eugaisieign.TheielationshipbetweenKingthelieuanuceitainmonastic
paities hau suffeieu uuiing the eaily yeais of thelieus ieign when, foi
instance, the king himself hau violateu the iights of monasteiies by
inteivening in the affaiis of Abinguon by selling its abbacy in the 98us.
Similai wionguoings aie iepoiteu in chaiteis anu in the Anqlo-Soxon
Cbronicle,whichstates thatthekinglaiuwastetheuioceseofRochestei in

286
Bill,NonasticRefoimanutheSeculaiChuich,1u71u8.
287
Keynes,Kingthelieu'sChaiteifoiEynshamAbbey(1uuS),4S9.
288
thelmaio, uiio ualue fiuelissimo michi quoque uilectissimo, impetiante,
absolutissimum libeitatis piiuilegium constituo monasteiio eius. Saltei, Fynsbom
Cortulory,2u.
289
Ibiu.,21.
29u
Seechaptei2.1.2.Refoimeumonasticismanuioyalauthoiity.
114

986.
291
In a chaitei uiafteu in 99S (S 876) the king announces that he now
iegietteu the afflictions which hau happeneu aftei the ueath of thelwolu
(984),anuaumitsthat theyoccuiieupaitlybecauseofhis youthanupaitly
because of the gieeu of ceitain men who weie supposeu to auvise the
king.
292
Although the alliance between the king anu monasteiies is often
iefeiieu to in a way which implies a uichotomy between monastic anu
seculaioiioyalspheies,itiswoithwhiletoiemembeithatthiscategoiyis
foimeumuchfoithesakeofconvenienceanuwasnotthatsimpleinitsown
time. The monastic paities with which the king hau a clash of inteiests
cannot be iegaiueu as the whole monastic spheie of the time, but weie
limiteutoceitaininuiviuualmonasteiies.Thekinganuhisallies,Ealuoiman
thelweaiu incluueu, hau been in close anu amiable contact with Bishop
thelwolu, but the same cannot be saiu of Aichbishop Bunstan, anothei
majoifiguieoftheiefoim.WhenKingEugaiuieuin97S,Bunstanhausiueu
with those suppoiting the accession of thelieus half-biothei Euwaiu,
wheieas thelwolu hau suppoiteu thelieu himselfoi moie iightly,
thelwolusuppoiteuthelieusmothei,Queenlfthiyth,withwhomheis
known to have hau a long alliance thioughout lfthiyths ioyal office as
queen, possibly extenuing alieauy to the peiiou befoie that. When Euwaiu
wasmuiueieuanuthelieuenthioneuin 978,itappeais tohavebeenone
ofthelastoccasionswheieBunstanisknowntohaveacteuofficiallyinioyal
affaiis.
29S
ChaiteisiepoitthekinghavinguisagieementswithBunstanaftei
this, too.
294
Ealuoiman thelweaiu, foi his pait, might have helu an olu
giuuge on account of a maiiiage settlement of the pievious king, which
Bunstan hau effectively ciiticizeu.
29S
Because no contempoiaiy histoiical
eviuence has suiviveu which woulu testify to Bunstans own attituues, we
shoulupioceeuwithcautioninthismattei,butithastobeiemembeieuthat

291
Bei se cyning foiuyue t bisceopiice t Biofeceastie. Cubbin, Tbe Anqlo-Soxon
Cbronicle,s.a.986.0ccuisalsoinNSSCanuE.
292
AuiplomafiomKingthelieutoAbinugonAbbey,whichconfiimsitspiivilegesanuits
iight of election of a new abbot. Keynes, Tbe 0iplomos of Kinq AtbelreJ tbe 0nreoJy,
176187. Piinteu in S. E. Kelly, eu. Cborters of AbinqJon Abbey, 2 vols., vol. 2 (Lonuon:
0xfoiu0niveisityPiess,2uu1),47748S.
29S
Fishei,TheAnti-NonasticReactionintheReignofEuwaiutheNaityi,2SS,26827u;
Staffoiu, The Reign of thelieu II, 2126; Yoike, Aethelmaei, 1718; ,
thelwolu anu the Politics of the Tenth Centuiy, in Bisbop AtbelwolJ: his Coreer onJ
lnfluence,eu.BaibaiaYoike(Wooubiiuge:TheBoyuellPiess,1988),7677,8188.
294
Keynes,Tbe0iplomosofKinqAtbelreJtbe0nreoJy,178179.
29S
Yoike,Aethelmaei,1618.
115

ceitain actions on the kings pait, oi the liteiaiy assessments of theii

outcome, cannot always be seen as eviuence of a clash between monastic
anu seculai paits of society oi of a change in the iueology of kingship, foi
instance, since this kinu of entity which all monastic figuies woulu have
appioveuof,uiunotexist.Rathei,theinuiviuualactoisbehinuthesekinusof
assessmentsshoulubeiegaiueuintheiiowniights.
Aftei the kings announcement of iegiet anu the iestoiation of the
iights of Abinguon in 99S, the fiictions between him anu the paities in
questionseemtohaveimpioveu.Bowevei,scepticismtowaiusthekingmay
have iemaineu within ceitain monastic anu political ciicles. A ceitain
passage in the chaitei of Eynsham might point to this uiiection. It is stateu
that the kings loiuship ovei Eynsham woulu be piactiseu so that only the
king, not any othei kinu of seculai loiuship, hau uominion ovei the
monasteiy.Thisclauseensuieutheinuepenuenceofthemonasteiyfiomthe
local lay aiistociacy, but also authoiizeu the status of the king himself. It is
followeubyastatementthattheauthoiityofthekingwastobeexeiciseufoi
thepiotectionoftheplace,notfoitheexeiciseoftyianny(RexoutemnonoJ
tironniJem,seJoJmunimenlocietouqmentum,utimosest,superpostoremet
Cbristi qreqem Jominium sollerti uiqilontio misericorJiter custoJiot).
296
This
statement was most likely uiawn fiom the Requloris ConcorJio. Bowevei,
the ConcorJio pioviues only the lattei pait of the clause, not the pait about
tyianny, as }ones has obseiveu. The same sentence, with both paits, is also
founu in lfiics letter to tbe Honks of Fynsbom,
297
as well as in anothei
chaitei.
298
While auapting the Requloris ConcorJio to the monks of his
monasteiy, it seems that in the piocess lfiic suppiesseu almost all
iefeiences to the alliance between the king anu the monasteiies, on which
the foimei geneiation of the iefoim movement hau placeu so much
emphasis, anu which is appaient in the ConcorJio. While thelwolu hau
emphasizeutheioleoftheioyalfamilyanuiefeiieutothekingasthevicai

296
Saltei,FynsbomCortulory,21.
297
The customaiy also wains that no layman shall have uominion ovei |anyj monasteiy
wheie the holy Rule is obseiveu, save the king alone anu even he foi the piotection of
theplace,nottheexeiciseoftyiannyoveiit.(Nonetetiamconsuetuuoutnulluslaicoium
habeatuominiumsupeimonasteiiumubiiegulasanctatenetui,nisiiexsolusaumunimen
loci, non au tiianniuem.) }ones, Aelfric's letter totbe Honks of Fynsbom, 14u141. Tians.
}ones.
298
S 792, a giant of lanus issueu in King Eugais name to thelwolus monasteiy at
Thoiney,uateu97S,butpossiblyafoigeiy.Ibiu.,14,n.47;4S,n.111;21S.
116

of Chiist, lfiics auaptation iemains silent about these iefeiences. Baseu

ontheseuiffeiences,whichcanbeinteipieteuaspolitical,}oneshas aigueu
that theie can be seen a giauual change in the monastic theology of
kingship uuiing the time when lfiic was staying at Winchestei, anu that
theiehecouluhaveobseiveuthischangeuntilhistiansfeitoCeineinabout
987.
299
}onesaumitsthattheabsenceofpoliticalemphasesinthelettercan
be uue to the piagmatic minu of lfiic, who uiu not iegaiu it necessaiy to
incluue political polemic in the customaiy whose piimaiy puipose was to
iegulatetheyeailyiounuofwoikinhismonasteiy.Bespite this,heseesso
muchuownplayofall the iefoimmovementspoliticalfeatuiesin thelettei
that he suggests anothei inteipietation. }ones connects this kinu of
uownplay to the political ciicumstances of the time, to thelieu II anu to
thelmi. Be states that it is possible that the iealities of the new
millenniumuiunotconfoimtothepiaiseofaniuealkingasthepationanu
piotectoiofthemonks.ThefailuieofthelieuIItomakeasimilaialliance
with the monastic ciicles in which his fathei anu pieuecessoi, King Eugai,
hausucceeueu,wasappaient.Thecontiast betweenthelieus anuEugais
ieignswouluhaveattimesbeenevenoutiightembaiiassing tosomeeaily
eleventh-centuiy heiis of iefoim.
Suu
The uiffeiences between the Requloris
ConcorJio anu lfiics lettei can, howevei, be ieau in a way which gives
lfiic himself moie accountability foi his choices than what the change in
themonastictheologyofkingshipwhichhecouluobseiveatWinchestei
anutheniepiouucesuggests.Iwouluiatheiliketoseelfiicasanactive
paitinmakingtheseiueologies,asapaiticipantinuiscouisehimself.
Theexact ielationshipbetweentheestablishmentchaiteiofEynsham,
the Requloris ConcorJio, anu lfiics lettei to his monks is not known, but
Keynes anu }ones have concluueu that lfiic piobably uiew fiom the
chaitei, anu not vice verso.
Su1
}ones sees the inclusion of tyianny as
intentional on lfiics pait, anu iegaius it as a sign of lfiics quietly
skeptical view of the ioyalist anu polemical zeal that the pievious
geneiation of iefoimists hau embiaceu. I see this as plausible, uespite the
factthateviuenceoflfiicsciitiqueintheletteiisquiteciicumstantial.But
given the ceitain uegiee of uownplay in the uiscouise of the lives of Soints,
asitwasseeninthepieceuingchaptei, asimilaitenuencytoue-emphasize
iefeiences to the ieligious authoiity of the king anu the ioyal family in the

299
Ibiu.,4446.
Suu
Ibiu.,4S4S.
Su1
Ibiu.,444S,21S;Keynes,Kingthelieu'sChaiteifoiEynshamAbbey(1uuS),461.
117

lettertotbemonksofFynsbomfitstheoveiallimageoflfiicsuiscouise.It
is tiue that the auuience of this lettei is quite uiffeient fiom the seculai
auuience that the lives of Soints oi lfiics othei letteis imply, but the
anticipationofauuiencemightbealsotheieasonfoinotincluuinganyuiiect
ciiticism,anuonlyanimpiessionofuiscontent,byomittingalltheeulogistic
iefeiencestotheking.
Althoughthesituationwasaumitteulyveiyuiffeientfiomtheiuealistic
atmospheie of the eaily iefoimists, some of the omissions can just be seen
asexcisionofmateiialnotielevantintheiunningofEynsham.Auuitionally,
the natuie of the woik is uiffeient fiom othei texts that lfiic piouuceu in
thispeiiou.Itwasnotauuiesseutothelayaiistociacy,oieventobishopsoi
seculaicleigy,buttothemonksinhisownmonasteiy.Soitisexpecteuthat
a similai iepioach oi exhoitation to take caie of the state of society woulu
notbeincluueuinthismateiial.Itistiue,howevei,thatlfiicusuallywiote
his woiks with a laigei auuience in minu. Possibly the lettei, too, was
wiitten with the iuea in minu that it woulu possibly tuin out to pioviue a
mouel foi the conuuct of lituigy also in othei monasteiies. At least the
manusciipt eviuence that we have woulu point to this uiiection. As stateu
above,theonlycopyoftheletteiappeaisinamanusciiptthatisconsiueieu
to be one of Wulfstans commonplace books, a iefeience book of canonical,
lituigical anu homiletic mateiials.
Su2
The spheie of influence iemaineu
monastic in the initial stage, anu the expectations of auuience fiom lfiics
paitaiecleailymonastic.Assuch,theiewasneitheineeunoimotivationto
auuiesstheking(inoppositiontotheRequlorisConcorJio,whichwasmoie
intimatelytieutoaioyalmonasteiy).Butheieweencounteitheuistinction
between motives, intentions anu influence; lfiics motives foi wiiting (to
pioviueiegulations foihismonks),hisintentions(toimpiovethe state anu
conuuct of piopei iounu of life), aie quite uiffeient fiom the possible
outcome of his wiitings. The oiueily iules that he pioviues in this text
ieacheuWulfstan,anuatthatstagetheauuiencewasnotmonasticanymoie.
In fact, Wulfstan useu these same theological anu monastic notions on the
piopei oiuei when he uiafteu his own texts anu laws, which weie uiiecteu
to seculai cleigy anu seculai aiistociacy. Wulfstan was the next link aftei
lfiic in tianslating the ieligious notions of oiuei anu society into seculai
suiiounuings.

Su2
CCCC26S(KeiSS,uneuss7S).}ones,Aelfric'slettertotbeHonksofFynsbom.
118

Anothei ieason foi uownplaying iefeiences to the king in the lettei

mighthavesimplybeenthepiesenceofthelmiatEynsham,whichmight
haveaffecteuthewaylfiicwioteaboutioyalauthoiityingeneial.Namely,
it is somewhat uncleai whethei thelmis ietiiement was completely
voluntaiy, oi whethei it was connecteu to the contempoiaiy events anu
changesatthekingscouitatthetime.Foithelmi,ahighlypoweifulanu
influentiallayman,theuecisiontoietiietoEynshammusthavecaiiieuwith
it moie than a peisonal piefeience. It also meant withuiawal fiom politics.
Simon Keynes has speculateu seveial ieasons foi this uecision, such as
thelmisboieuomwiththelifein themiuuleofpoliticalaffaiis.Possibly
he was also uisillusioneu with the woikings of the kings council, anu
uisagieeuwithitsuecisions.
SuS
Wheieasseveialieasonsmayliebehinuthis
move,itisfaiilysafetoassumethatitwasaiesultofthechangeoffactionin
thekingscouit.
Su4
Thewitnesslistsof1uuS1uu6showasignificantchange
intheciiclesoftheking.Nanynamesthatuseutobepiominentlyuisplayeu
uisappeai at this time fiom the lists. At the same time as thelmi ietiies
to Eynsham, the kings uncle 0iuulf also ietiies, possibly to Tavistock, anu
othei men aie uisgiaceu, muiueieu, anu blinueu. All this is thought to be a
sign of a ceitain palace ievolution in King thelieus couit, engineeieu by
Eauiic Stieona, ealuoiman of Neicia.
SuS
Baibaia Yoike has suggesteu that
theestablishmentofEynshamanuthelmisietiiement tolivetheieasa
monkwasinueeuuuetothechangeofthekingsfavoui.Shehaspointeuout
thatuuetothelmisioyalbloouhewasalloweutoietiieanuinthisway
escapeu the fate of moie unfoitunate men. Be was not alloweu to ietiie to
Ceine, howevei, which was situateu within his ealuoimaniy, anu theiefoie
woulu have iemaineu within his suppoiteis in the Boiset aiea. Insteau he
hautofounuEynshamashisplaceofietieatoutsiuehistiauitionalaieaof
influence.
Su6
Consiueiing allthesefactoisconnecteu tothe establishment of
Eynsham,itisieasonabletothinkthelmiswithuiawalwasconnecteuto
theielationshipbetweenhimanutheking.
Bowevei, the position of Eynsham uoes not suggest an eiemitical
ietieat;itwasgeogiaphicallysituateuveiy centiallywhenitcametoplaces
of powei. It was close to the shiie-town of 0xfoiu, to seveial impoitant

SuS
Keynes,Kingthelieu'sChaiteifoiEynshamAbbey(1uuS),4S6.
Su4
Ibiu.
SuS
See Clayton, 0f Nice anu Nen, 192u; Keynes, Tbe 0iplomos of Kinq AtbelreJ tbe
0nreoJy,2u9214.
Su6
Yoike,Aethelmaei,192u.
119

monasteiies such as Abinguon anu Nalmesbuiy, anu to othei impoitant

placeswheiethekingisknowntohaveacteu.
Su7
ThefounuationofEynsham
ensuieu that a new piestigious, iefoimeu ieligious house with ioyal anu
aiistociatic ties emeigeu iight at the heait of thelieus kinguom.
Su8
It is
entiiely possible that thelmi coulu still paiticipate at some level in the
seculai politicallife,especiallyconsiueiing thatheietuineu topoliticslatei
on in 1u1S1u14. Bowevei, this comeback occuiieu just as Sweyn was on
the biink of conqueiing Englanu anu thelieu was fleeing to Noimanuy.
Wessex succumbeu easily to Sweyn, anu it seems that he uiu not face any
iesistanceintheSouthWest,whichis exactlythetimewhenthelmiie-
emeiges fiom his self-imposeu exile, as the leauei of the men of the South
West. This is the ieason why Pauline Staffoiu suspects that uisagieement
with the ciown must have been the ieason foi thelmis ietiiement in
1uuS.
Su9
Especially if the ietiiement of thelmi was a iesult of
uisagieement between the king anu thelmi, emphasizing the alliance
between the monks anu the king at the expense of uowngiauing lay
aiistociacy woulu piobably not have been the fiist thing in lfiics minu,
especiallywhentheveiyexistenceofthecommunityatEynshamwasuueto
thelmihimself.
The founuation chaitei of Eynsham uoes not, howevei, inuicate any
uisagieements between the king anu thelmi, noi uoes lfiics lettei to
his monks. Theiefoie the motives behinu thelmis ietiiement, as
plausibleasitistoassumethatitwaseitheiaiesultoianactofanticipation
of caution fiom his pait, can be aigueu foi only with ciicumstantial
eviuence. It must be saiu, though, that the chaiteis uiscouise cannot be
iegaiueuaseviuencetoanotheiuiiectioneithei;as}oneshaspointeuout,it
isentiielyconceivablethatthepiotestsofaffectionanupiousmotiveinthis
highlyconventional,publicuocumentuonottellthewholestoiy.
S1u
lfiics
caieei, incluuing his pastoial anu liteiaiy activities at Eynsham, was in any
case closely involveu with seculai aiistociacy, ealuoiman thelmi in
specific.Inauuitiontothelmi,lfiicieacheuoutfiomthemonasteiyof
Eynsham to teach also the wiuei seculai aiistociacy suiiounuing him anu

Su7
Seemap2.6whichshowstheioyallanusgianteuuuiing1uuS1u16,inKeynes,King
thelieu's Chaitei foi Eynsham Abbey (1uuS), 4SS4S9; Staffoiu, The Reign of
thelieuII,S2.
Su8
Keynes,Kingthelieu'sChaiteifoiEynshamAbbey(1uuS),4S9.
Su9
Ibiu.,4S6.Staffoiu,TheReignofthelieuII,"SS.
S1u
}ones,Aelfric'slettertotbeHonksofFynsbom,1S14.
120

his monastic community. Inuications of this inteiaction between the

monastic anu seculai spheies aie lfiics homiletic letteis that he wiote
uuiinghisabbacy,whichwillbeexamineunext.
4.3. lfrics letters ca. 1005
lfiics letteis aie usually less known than his famous two seiies of
homilies, possibly because the homilies have foi long been the centie of
scholaily attention, anu as such aie moie thoioughly euiteu anu easily
available foi ieseaich. lfiic is not piimaiily known foi his political iueas,
eithei.Lately,howevei,theviewoflfiichaschangeufiomasolitaiymonk
isolateu fiom the ieal woilu anu focuseu solely on theological anu
otheiwoiluly matteis, to a peison moie closely involveu with the seculai
anu political matteis of his uay. Nowauays his woiks aie being ieau in
conjunction with the political ciicumstances of the tuin of the fiist
millennium.
S11
In this iespect my stuuy belongs to the same tienu. The
letteis examineu heie coinciue with the establishment of Eynsham, anu aie
thus essential souices foi evaluating this eia fiom a wiuei political
peispective. The letteis aie wiitten in a homiletic style, anu cannot be
consiueieu as piivate letteis in mouein stanuaius, but moie as uesigneu
seimons uiafteu by lfiic, sometimes at the iequest of othei people. The
letteis as such aie an inuication of the inteiaction between monastic
inteiests anu seculai spheies. In specific, they tell of the iueals of the
monastic iefoim, with the inteiest of tiansfeiiing these iueas onto the iest
of the society.
S12
The letteis aie piesenteu below in theii ielative
chionologicaloiuei,asestablisheubyPeteiClemoes.
S1S
Sincethemeansfoi
exactuatingaieoftensomewhatinuefinite,thesequenceisnottobeseenas
absolutelyestablisheu.

S11
Clayton,lfiicanuthelieu,6S.
S12
Bill,NonasticRefoimanutheSeculaiChuich,1u6,11S116.
S1S
Biuno Assmann, eu. Anqelsocbsiscbe homilien unJ heiliqenleben, Repi. with
intiouuction by Petei Clemoes eu. (Baimstaut: Kassel, 1964), xixix; Clemoes, The
Chionologyoflfiic'sWoiks,2S824S;Fehi,0iehirtenbriefeAlfrics,cxlivcxlviii.
121

4.3.1. Letter to Sigeweard

lfiics lettei to Sigeweaiu, also known as libellus Je ueteri testomento et
nouo, was wiitten in about 1uuS to pioviue a teaching text about the
meaning of the 0lu anu New Testament to a layman calleu Sigeweaiu of
Eastheolon.
S14
Not much is known of Sigeweaiu, but his name piobably
iefeis to Asthall in 0xfoiushiie, which is locateu only eight miles fiom
Eynsham.
S1S
Thewoikisoneofthelatestoflfiicspiouuction,anuinithe
iefeis to many of his pievious woiks anu tianslations, to the Cotbolic
homiliesanuthelivesofSoints,makingthetextbasicallyaiun-thioughofall
his pievious wiitings which alieauy existeu in veinaculai conceining the
Bibleanutheuoctiine.Inthisletteilfiicsummaiisesanucommentsonthe
books of the Bible anu the meaning of the uoctiine. As such, it is a
iemaikable anu unique account of a uiscussion anu explanation of the
meaningof theBible,anuunusualfoiitsowntime.In thisletteilfiicalso
iefeistothecontempoiaiytimes,anuuiscusseshowmenoughttolivewell
accoiuing to Chiists teachings. It seems likely that lfiic baseu the
beginningofthistextonhishomilywithwhichthefiistseiiesoftheCotbolic
homiliesbegin,0einitiocreoturoe.
S16
Theletteialsogivestheaccountofthe
thiee oiueis of the society, as an extension to his aumonition to witon to
takeagooulookatthestateofsociety.Aiubiicinthetextshowsthatlfiic
intenueu this text not only foi piivate use of Sigeweaiu, but also foi wiuei
use, when it is stateu that this text was wiitten to one man, but it may
nonethelessbenefitmany.
S17

S14
RichaiuNaisuen,Tbe0lJFnqlisbheptoteucbonJAlfric'slibellusJeveteriTestomento
et Novo, vol. 1: Intiouuction anu Text, EETS, 0.S. SSu (0xfoiu: 0xfoiu 0niveisity Piess,
2uu8). Also Laiiy }. Swain has euiteu the lettei fully fiom its known foui manusciipts
(0xfoiu,BouleianLibiaiy,LauuNisc.Su9;0xfoiu,BouleianLibiaiy,BouleyS4S;Lonuon,
BL, Cotton vitellius c.v anu Lonuon, BL, Bailey S271), anu uefenueu the euition anu its
tianslation as uoctoial thesis in 2uu9. Laiiy }. Swain, Alfric of Fynsbom's letter to
SiqeweorJ:AnFJition,TronslotiononJCommentory.0niveisityofIllinoisatChicago,2uu9.
Retiieveu 0ctobei 1S, 2u1u, fiom Bisseitations & Theses: The Bumanities anu Social
SciencesCollection.(PublicationNo.AATSS6464u).
S1S
Cubitt, lfiic's Lay Pations, 186187; Bill, lfiic: Bis Life anu Woiks, 6S64;
Wilcox,Alfric'sPrefoces,1S14.
S16
viiginiaBay,TheInfluenceoftheCatecheticalNaiiatioon0luEnglishanuSome0thei
NeuievalLiteiatuie,Anqlo-SoxonFnqlonJS(1974):S8.
S17
is gewiit ws to anum men geuiht ac hit mg swa eah manegum fiemian. Swain,
AlfricofFynsbom'slettertoSiqeweorJ,227.Tians.Swain.
122

4.3.2. Letter to Sigefyr

Anothei lettei auuiesseu uiiectly to the local aiistociatic laity that lfiic
wiote uuiing his abbacy, is the lettei to a thegn calleu Sigefyi (Assmann
2).
S18
Sigefyi himself iemains uniuentifieu, but fiom the contents of the
letteiitcanbegatheieuthatheknewoflfiicswoiks,anuhauiequesteua
claiification on the issue of cleiical celibacy. Naiy Clayton thinks that the
lettei is closely uepenuent on the fiist 0lu English lettei to Wulfstan,
wheieas Clemoes states that it was wiitten aftei the fiist Latin lettei to
Wulfstan anu befoie the fiist 0lu English lettei to Wulfstan, that is 1uuS-6,
so the ielative uating of the letteis is somewhat bluiieu.
S19
The contents of
the lettei ciiculateu moie wiuely as a homily on viiginity, in a foim which
uiu not incluue the oiiginal beginning of the lettei. lfiic piesumably useu
this lettei foi compiling moie geneial homilies on this topic, as well.
S2u

Assmanns euition, which is so fai the only one of its kinu, uoes not
iepiesent the text as it is extant in any of its manusciipts; insteau, the
euitionisanamalgamofatitle,pieface,maintext,anuenuingthatallueiive
fiom uiffeient manusciipts, which Assmann iuentifieu in his notes. The
euition thus iepiesents the effoits of the nineteenth-centuiy philologist to
ieconstiuct unity out of fiagments. With this in minu, the following
examination of lfiics uiscouise has to take into account the specific
contextsinwhicheachpaitofthetextoccuis,whenielevant.
4.3.3. Letter to Wulfgeat of Ylmandun
Aiounu the same time as the othei letteis, lfiic wiote a lettei on moials
anu goou life to Wulfgeat of Ylmanuun (Assmann 1).
S21
Ylmanuun piobably
iefeistoIlmingtoninWaiwickshiie.
S22
LikeintheletteitoSigeweaiu,theie
is a iubiic which states its puipose of pioviuing mateiial foi a wiuei

S18
PiinteuinAssmann,AnqelsocbsiscbehomilienunJheiliqenleben,1S2S.
S19
Cf.PeteiClemoes,SupplementaiyintiouuctioninAssmann,Anqelsocbsiscbehomilien
unJheiliqenleben,xviii;Clayton,"0fNiceanuNen,"2.
S2u
}onathanWilcox,TheTiansmissionoflfiic'sLetteitoSigefyithanutheNutilationof
NS Cotton vespasian B. xiv, in Forly HeJievol Fnqlisb Texts onJ lnterpretotions: StuJies
PresenteJ to 0onolJ 6. Scroqq, eu. Elaine Tiehaine anu Susan Rossei (Tempe: Aiizona
CenteifoiNeuievalanuRenaissanceStuuies,2uu2),299.
S21
Assmann,AnqelsocbsiscbehomilienunJheiliqenleben,112.
S22
Cubitt,lfiic'sLayPations,186.
123

auuience.
S2S
The lettei staits with an account of the cieation anu the fall of
angels, anu moves on to ielate biief passages of the life of }esus anu about
the piopei inteipietation of the woiu of uou. This is a piepaiatoiy
intiouuctiontothemainthemeofthelettei,whichistopioviueinfoimation
aboutthemoiallyiighteousconuuctoflifetothelaity.Thebeginningofthis
lettei is thus similai to the beginning of the lettei to Sigeweaiu. This is an
inteiesting text fiom the point of view of my stuuy. It pioviues a lively
accountoflfiicsviewson theciucialielationshipbetweenthe moial anu
social oiuei. Theie has not been much ieseaich on this text, anu as such it
offeissomefieshviewpointsaboutlfiicsnotionsontheoiueiofsociety.
4.3.4. Wyrdwriteras
A text known as WyrJwriteros, while not inuisputably iuentifieu as a lettei,
asthesouicespiesenteuabove,isafiagmentaiytextwhoseiecipientisnot
nameu. Its contents suggest, howevei, that in its oiiginal state it was
possibly anothei homiletic lettei which lfiic wiote to some nobleman of
influence, hoping to ieach the king himself anu his chief ministeis.
S24
Pope
suspects that this exceipt was wiitten at the time of lfiics abbacy, but
theie is no ceitain pioof of it. It is faiily safe to assume that in any case it
belongs to the latei peiiou of lfiics life, because it contains iefeiences to
lfiicspieviouswiitings.
S2S
Thetextiswithoutatitle, anugetsitsmouein
title fiom the opening lines of the exceipt, wyiuwiiteias us secga (the
chionicleistellus).Thepieceuealswiththeuefenceanugoveinmentofthe
kinguom. As the text is an exceipt fiom some laigei composition,
inteipietingitsmeaningischallenging.Themessageofthepieceseemstobe
that the well-being of the kinguom is uepenuent on uous suppoit anu
piotection, which is paitly gaineu thiough the piopei conuuct of kings anu
theiigeneials.

S2S
This text is not wiitten foi just one man, but foi all. (Nis is gewiit be anum men
awiiten,acisbeeallum.)Assmann,AnqelsocbsiscbehomilienunJheiliqenleben,1.
S24
Pope,homiliesofAlfric:ASupplementoryCollection,vol.2,726.
S2S
Ibiu.,vol.2,72S7SS.
124

4.4. Morality and social order

4.4.1. Interpretation and worldly status
When compiling his woiks foi the auvice of the laity, lfiic was always
awaie of the questions of language anu wisuom, anu conceineu about the
limitsofknowleugethatshoulubemaue availablefoithem.Behesitateuin
tianslating ceitain texts fiom Latin into the veinaculai, since he was
woiiieuthatpioviuingtoomuchcomplexinfoimationfoiunleaineupeople
might leau them astiay.
S26
Piopei inteipietation of uoctiine was one of
lfiics biggest conceins. Bowevei, it is well known that lfiic himself
uigiesseu fiom his initial anu austeie intentions of not tianslating, foi
instance, the apociyphal legenu of St Thomas, by succumbing to
thelweaius insistence anu incluuing it in the lives of Soints (lS S6). Be
hau initially iejecteu this tianslation fiom the seconu seiies of the Cotbolic
homilies on the account that it was alieauy available in English, anu that it
was not stiictly oithouox, because St Augustine hau iejecteu a pait of it.
Latei he was appaiently peisuaueu by his pation to uo it anyway, as he
states in the pieface to the woik.
S27
This inuicates that the wishes of the
auuience weie pait of lfiics way of composition. Bespite this, lfiic was
constantlyciiticaltowaiushissouices,anuuiunotiepiouucethosepaitsof
theeailiei texts thathe iegaiueuasheieticalanueiioneous.
S28
Neitheiuiu
he want to tianslate the books of the 0lu Testament into the veinaculai,
becausehe feaieu that theymightsetup a wiongexample foithelaity, anu
even stateu that he woulu uesist fiom uoing so in the futuie. In the pieface
to the tianslation of uenesis he states that he will not tianslate moie fiom
Latin to English, anu asks thelweaiu not to iequest any moie of him, so
thathewillnothavetouisobeyhispation; oi,shouluheenuuptianslating
moie,topieventithappeningthatthisstatementwoulumakehim aliai.
S29

S26
}oyce Bill, The Beneuictine Refoim anu Beyonu, in A Componion to Anqlo-Soxon
literoture, eu. Phillip Pulsiano anu Elaine Tiehaine (0xfoiu: Blackwell Publisheis, 2uu1),
16u.
S27
Et iueo volo hoc the piece that Augustine iejecteu piteimitteieetceteiainteipietaii
qu in eius passione habentui sicut elweiuus veneiabilis uux obnixe nos piaecatus
est.Wilcox,Alfric'sPrefoces,122.
S28
Ibiu.,27S1.
S29
Ic cwee nu t ic ne ueaii ne ic nelle nane boc ftei isseie of Leuene on Englisc
awenuan Anu ic biuue e leof ealuoiman t u me s na leng ne biuue i ls e ic
125

Bespite this announcement, his woiks show a continueu engagement with

biblicalauaptationsanutianslations.
}onathanWilcoxhasstuuieulfiicsattituuestowaiustianslation,anu
aiguesthatinthecouiseofhislife,eventhoughalwaysbeingwaiytowaius
tianslations,lfiicleaineutoacceptthestatusofhisowntianslationsasan
authoiitative bouy of the uoctiine.
SSu
lfiics iefeiences to his eailiei
piouuctionintheletteitoSigeweaiushowshowmuchweightlfiicplaceu
onhisownwoiks.
SS1
CoiiectinteipietationofChiistiantenetspioveutobe
apeisistingconceinfoilfiic;hewasawaiethatnotallpeopleunueistoou
the Chiistian message coiiectly, anu tiieu to avoiu causing
miscompiehension with his own woiks. The amount of impoitance lfiic
placeu on piopei inteipietation anu piopei leaining cannot be oveistateu,
anu when examining the ieligious-political uiscouise in his woiks, this
conceinmustalwaysbekeptinminu,asitaffectsthewaywemakeouiown
inteipietations about his uiscouise as noimative anu authoiitative. lfiics
uneasiness with tianslation was often exemplifieu with the basic piinciple
about the meaning of the New Testament in ielation to the olu. Be often
iefeis to the typology between these two, anu emphasizes that the New
Testament hau annulleu ceitain wiong conceptions which still weie
inheient in the olu one.
SS2
Among the issues which weie in uangei of being
misunueistoou weie, foi instance, 0lu Testament conceptions of piiestly
maiiiage oi polygamy.
SSS
In his pieface to the tianslation of uenesis he
wiites about his own expeiiences with this kinu of common
misinteipietation among the contempoiaiy cleigy. In his own woius, his
fiist steps in Latin leaining weie guiueu by an unleaineu piiest, who coulu
ieau Latin pooily; this iesulteu in false inteipietation of the woiu of uou,

beo e ungehiisum oe leas gif ic uo Naisuen,Tbe0lJFnqlisbheptoteucbonJAlfric's

libellusJeveteriTestomentoetNovo,7.
SSu
Wilcox,Alfric'sPrefoces,S744.
SS1
Naisuen,Tbe0lJFnqlisbheptoteucbonJAlfric'slibellusJeveteriTestomentoetNovo.
lfiic iefeis to his own texts 1S times: 21u (Sigeweaiu's uifficulties to obtain lfiic's
texts), 2u2 (Isaiah's piophecy), 2u4 (typologies of 0T anu NT), 2u6 (the towei of Babel
anu iuolatiy), 2u9 (Leviticus, Numbeis, Beuteionomy), 2u9 (}oshua), 21u (}uuges), 211
212 (Kings), 21S (Baniel), 216 (}ob), 217 (Esthei), 217, (}uuith), 218 (Naccabees), 22u
221(foityseimonsaboutthefouigospels),22S(thefateoftheApostles).
SS2
Assmann,AnqelsocbsiscbehomilienunJheiliqenleben,1617;Naisuen,Tbe0lJFnqlisb
heptoteucbonJAlfric'slibellusJeveteriTestomentoetNovo,2u42uS,218.
SSS
As is eviuent in the lettei to Sigefyi. Assmann, Anqelsocbsiscbe homilien unJ
heiliqenleben,1617.
126

sincethepiiestuiunotunueistanuhowbiguiffeiencetheieisbetweenthe
olu anu the new law (bu micel toJol ys betweobx re eolJon onJ re
niwon).
SS4

lfiics uiscouise in the letteis uiiecteu to the laity suggests that his
concein about inteipietation hau wiuei implications iegaiuing the oiuei of
society. Bis ieckoning of who was actually able to make piopei
inteipietations conceining the uoctiine is not only a featuie of his wiiting
but also an inuication of his social anu political thoughtin othei woius,
thisiswhatlfiicsuiscouisewasuoinginitsowncontext.
SSS
Theissueof
inteipietation, tieu to capabilities enuoweu accoiuing to ones woiluly
status is appaient especially in the lettei to Sigefyi. The topic of the lettei
on cleiical celibacy was piompteu by a uilemma that the layman faceu;
Sigefyihau,accoiuingtothelettei,heaiuthatinhiswiitingslfiictaught
thatpiiestscannotmaiiy.Thelaymanwaspuzzleuaboutthissinceaheimit
hautoluhimthattheycoulu.
SS6
Theconfusionmusthave aiisen specifically
becauseinpiacticepiiestlymaiiiagewasstillcommonaiounu1uuu,anuit
was one of the aspects the iefoimeu monasticism tiieu to ioot out.
Refoimeis hau useu it as an excuse to expel seculai cleigy fiom ceitain
monasteiies,suchasthe0luanuNewNinsteisinWinchestei,Cheitseyanu
Nilton.
SS7
Chastity anu viiginity weie connecteu to the iueals of the
iefoimeu monasticism, anu they weie among the most impoitant aspects
that the Beneuictine iefoim movement emphasizeu, anu the lettei to
Sigefyi shoulu be seen in this light. Chastity was in lfiics minu, as
Catheiine Cubitt has shown, closely inteimingleu with his theological
notionsaboutmaityiuom anusainthoou, anuthelackof puiity,foiitspait,
withtheuevilanuheathenism.
SS8

The iueals of chastity anu viiginity that the iefoimeis piomoteu hau
some piactical implications foi the olu ieligious alliances. The new
Beneuictine houses weie piestigious establishments, founueu in
collaboiation with the king anu aiistociats (such as Ely, Abinguon, anu

SS4
Naisuen,Tbe0lJFnqlisbheptoteucbonJAlfric'slibellusJeveteriTestomentoetNovo,
S.
SSS
Cf.Intiouuction,chaptei1.2.
SS6
Assmann,AnqelsocbsiscbehomilienunJheiliqenleben,1S.
SS7
uiansuen, Tiauitionalism anu Continuity uuiing the Last Centuiy of Anglo-Saxon
Nonasticism,16917u.
SS8
Catheiine Cubitt, viiginity anu Nisogyny in Tenth- anu Eleventh-Centuiy Englanu,
6enJeronJhistory12,no.1(2uuu):passim.
127

Ramsey). When they emeigeu in the lanuscape they must have bioken the
olu alliances in a piactical way. Pieviously this lanuscape hau been
uominateubyoluieligioushouseschaiacteiizeubybloou-tieswiththelocal
aiistociacy anu seculai families, which was one of the implications of the
cleigy foiming alliances thiough maiiiage. The iefoimeu monasticism
attempteu to legitimize taking ovei of the olu houses by accentuating the
authoiity of the king anu theii own ties to the king, as well as by
emphasizing the neeu anu iighteousness that the cleigy shoulu iemain
celibate. In Cubitts woius, theie was a new ethos of ieligious viiginity,
which in effect left the olu ieligious houses outsiue of theii own ciiteiia of
sacieuness.
SS9
The new kinu of sexual moiality, which also tiieu to impose
iules foi the laity, woulu have appeaieu foi a common auuience a novelty
not always welcomeu.
S4u
So while piiestly maiiiage was not legally
foibiuuen at this time, it was not consiueieu iueal on the pait of the
iefoimeis, which maue the issue a conflict between the noims anu
aspiiationsoftheBeneuictinesanuthesocietysuiiounuingthem.
lfiic takes on a stiong giip to the issue, emphasizing the misfoitune
thatSigefyihaubeenleuastiaybyacitationfiomthe0luTestament. The
maiiieu piiesthoou in the 0lu Testament, lfiic explains, was necessaiy
unueiNosaiclaw,becausenootheithananheiiofAaioncoulubeabishop
(SebisceopomosteunJerHoysesbobbonwifonJcilJforreqesetnysse,
e non monn to om micclum boJe notesbwon becumon buton of Aorones
cynne,sformonbisceopes,beqoJesqesetnysse).
S41
Thiswasnottobehelu
as a pieceuent foi contempoiaiy piiesthoou. The stiong emphasis which
lfiic auopteu when explaining the issue imply a ceitain connection
between social moiality anu Chiistian histoiy; it was impoitant to
unueistanu coiiectly the meaning of Chiistian histoiy anu especially the
meaningoftheNewTestamentinoiueitocoiiectlyfulfilonessocialioleon
eaith. A liteial ieauing of the 0lu Testament coulu not suffice, but it was to
be unueistoou typologically, as lfiic explains in the lettei to Sigeweaiu,
too. The uangeis of pioviuing ieauings fiom the 0lu Testament to the laity
withoutexplanationweieeviuenttolfiic.Intiyingtocoiiectthiseiioihe
explaineuthestagesofChiistianhistoiyanuitseightages,anuhowtheyall
aie connecteu with each othei in theii tiue signification: Auam signifieu
Chiist, Eve the chuich of uou, the slaying of Abel the slaying of the Savioui,

SS9
,lfiic'sLayPations,18S.
S4u
}ohn,TheWoiluofAbbotlfiic,Su8.
S41
Assmann,AnqelsocbsiscbehomilienunJheiliqenleben,1617.
128

anu so on until the enu each holy fathei tiuly testifieu with woius oi with
ueeus about oui Savioui anu his life.
S42
In the same way ianuom passages
fiom the 0lu Testament coulu not be useu as examples foi the piesent-uay
people,buthautobeieauassymbols,oisignsoftenlfiicusestheveib
qetocnion anu noun qetocnunq when uiscussing the typological paiallels
betweenthe0luanunewTestaments.
S4S

What was at stake heie was not only a singulai instance of coiiecting
someones knowleuge of Chiistian uoctiine. In auuiessing the issue of
coiiect piiestly way of life in this mannei, lfiics uiscouise paiticipates in
cieatingnoimativestanuaius.}onathanWilcoxhasalieauynoteuthatinthe
piefacetotheletteilfiicusespionominaljuxtapositioninacleveiwayto
authoiize his own notions of the issue. Be shows how lfiic imposeu a
notion of authoiity by cieating a uichotomy between the iight
inteipietation, iepiesenteu by himself anu the holy teachings of the Loiu,
anu the wiong inteipietation, iepiesenteu by Sigefyi anu his anchoiite.
S44

This kinu of authoiization is not, howevei, iestiicteu to the pieface, but

continueswithihetoiicaltoolstypicaloflfiicthioughoutthelettei.
The homiletic text which follows the pieface offeis seveial iefeiences
tochastesaintsanuapostles,anutotheBolySciiptuiesanuchuichfatheis,
allsuppoitingthecauseofcleiicalcelibacy.Lateilfiicuevelopeuthispait
of the lettei into a moie geneial homily, taigeteu at a bioauei auuience.
S4S

As a suppoiting aigument lfiic piesents the thiee oiueis of chastity (ry

boJos), anu wiites that the laity is in gieat neeu to leain about the faith
fiom the teacheis of Chiist, anu to know how they liveu iighteously in the
chuich of uou.
S46
The thiee oiueis of chastity aie lawful maiiiage (ribt
sincipe),wiuowhoou(wuJewonboJ),anucelibacy(mqboJ),whichaiethe

S42
Anu swa foi o enue lc halig fuei miu woiuum oe miu weoicum cyuuon uine
Blenuanuhisfiwitoulice.Naisuen,Tbe0lJFnqlisbheptoteucbonJAlfric'slibellusJe
veteriTestomentoetNovo,2u42uS.
S4S
Ibiu.,2u42uS,216,217.
S44
Wilcox, The Tiansmission of lfiic's Lettei to Sigefyith anu the Nutilation of NS
CottonvespasianB.xiv,287288.
S4S
Thisisageneializeuhomilyonchastity,aimeuatabioauauuience,inwhichlfiichas
augmenteumateiialfiomhisotheiwoiks.Itappeaisinamanusciipt(BLCottonvitellius
C.v: Kei 22u, uneuss 4uS) as an auuition to the Ch I, acting as the thiiu homily foi the
assumptionfoitheviiginNaiy.Ibiu.,289.
S46
Is nu foi i mycel neou lweuum mannum thileoinionheoiageleafantCiistes
laieowum, anu hu hi lybbon on iiht on goues gelaunge. Assmann, Anqelsocbsiscbe
homilienunJheiliqenleben,19.
129

onlyiightfulstatesofbeingthatpleaseuou.
S47
Theiolewhichlfiicstexts
assigneutothelaityinteimsofchastityhasgaineuuiffeientinteipietations.
Noiecommonly,peihaps,itisthoughtthatlfiicsseimonsonlayviiginity
aie wiitten foi the puipose of encouiaging the laity to obey the chuich law
conceiningtheiegulationofmaiiiage,anualsotouigeonthemaniueology
ofliteialanufiguiativeviiginitywhichliesatthecoieof|lfiicsjnotionsof
a holy society anu his hope foi national unity, as Robeit 0pchuich has
aigueu.
S48
Accoiuingtothisview,lfiichopeutoinspiietheseculaisociety
to conuuct similai asceticism anu steaufast belief that was piopei in
monastic communities. Anothei peispective, not so often attesteu, is that
aigueu by Petei }ackson. }ackson has pioposeu that lfiic uiu not see
viiginity as a piopei state foi the laity. With the help of an auuition fiom
historio monocborum, which lfiic incluueu in his auaptation of the life of
Atbeltbrytb, }ackson suggests that the viigin saint thelthiyth uiu not
actually function as a liteial example foi the laity. Insteau, the iole of the
laity in a Chiistian society was to beai chiluien, not to stay abstinent foi
theii whole lives. Be states that in this iespect lfiic followeu the
Augustinian iueal of Chiistian maiiiage.
S49
}acksons views fit well with the
notionthatlfiicsuiscouiseuoesnotimplyauniveisaliolefoiallpaitsof
Chiistian society, anu also confiims the issue of inteipietation anu woiluly
status; in the same way as the laity was not supposeu to confoim to
monastic stanuaius of celibacy anu viiginity, they weie also assigneu
uiffeient inteipietative skillsanu iesponsibilities. What lfiic stiesses in
the lettei to Sigefyi, too, is the chastity of piiests anu monks, not the
viiginityofthelaity.
Apaitfiomthepiesentationofthethieeoiueisofchastity,theletteito
Sigefyilists seveialnames anu iefeiencestotheSciiptuie,withwhich the
authoiityofthe aigumentisstiengtheneutheaigumentbeingsimplythat
of cleiical chastity, clnnysse. Staiting fiom the fiist line, lfiic invokes the

S47
lfiichauuiscusseuthethieeoiueisofchastityacategoiizationwhichwasueiiveu
fiomAugustineinhiseailieiwoiks,too:ChI.9,ahomilyontbePurificotionoftbevirqin
Hory,anuChII.4,ahomilyfortbeSeconJSunJoyofterFpipbony.Chastityitself,withoutits
thieefolucategoiy,wasmoiecommonanuatopicofuiscussioninseveialofhishomilies.
SeePetei}ackson,lfiicanuthePuiposeofChiistianNaiiiage:AReconsiueiationofthe
lifeofAtbeltbrytb,lines12uSu,Anqlo-SoxonFnqlonJ29(2uuu):24124S.
S48
RobeitK.0pchuich,TheLegenuofChiysanthusanuBaiiainlfiic'slivesofSoints,
StuJiesinPbiloloqy1u1,no.S(2uu4):2S12S2,269.
S49
}ackson,lfiicanuthePuiposeofChiistianNaiiiage,2S8,2S72S9,26u.
130

examples of Chiist, }ohn the Baptist, }ohn the Evangelist, the apostles, anu
Chuich Fatheis, with an impiessive list of exemplaiy Chiistians, among
otheis St Naitin, uiegoiy, Augustine, Basil, Cuthbeit, Beue, }eiome, anu
many thousanus of monks anu nuns, as lfiic states.
SSu
The list is full of
aigumentativefoicewhosepuiposeistoconvincethelisteneioitheieauei
ofthemessagestiuthfulness.Inauuition,thebiblicaliefeiencesaieuseuin
such a way that they cieate a suiplus of sacieuness anu inuisputable
authoiity to lfiics notions. This is of couise not suipiising, as lfiic was
always veiy minuful about following coiiect uoctiine anu abolishing
heieticalviews,butwhatiswoithnoticingheieisthatthispolemic,too,was
inheiently connecteu to the ioles people weie supposeu to confoim to in a
Chiistian society. lfiic saw it as his task to uo his best to ensuie that the
ioles assigneu to uiffeient paits of society weie executeu coiiectly. Beie,
too, he says that we must tell anu uaie not conceal by silence the holy
uoctiinethattheSaviouitaught.
SS1
Again,thesocietalissuesofhowtoleau
alifeanuhowtoaiiange aChiistiansocietyweie tightlyinteitwineuin the
iueology of this time. Naiiieu piiests weie pioblematic not only because of
the piactical implications theii families anu ielatives poseu foi the eailiest
membeisoftheiefoiminteimsofmonasticpossessionsanuappointments.
Foi lfiic they also poseu a ueeply theological concein, since theii way of
lifeviolateuthepiopeioiueiineaithlyanuholysociety.
InthesamewaythattheletteitoSigefyipiesentsconceinfoipiopei
inteipietationanu explanation,italsofoimstheveiy essenceofbothofthe

SSu
0ie hlenu Ciist cyuue t he lufoue a halgan clnnysse on his eowum swutelice
|...jIohanneseac,sefulluhteie,eCiistgefulloue,heoluaclnnyssegecwemlicegoueon
moueanuonlichaman|jIohannessegouspelleie,egouewsgecweme,anuCiisthine
lufoue foi ie clnnysse |j Sume a apostolas, e siouon miu Ciiste on his
lieowuome,aa he heion lifews,hfuonhimgemacanfteiNoyses.Achisona
geswiconssinscipesfie,syanhiCiisteslaiegeleoinouonthim,swaswaPetius
sue on sumum gouspelle. |j We iua on bocum, t ungeiim bisceopa anu muneca
wion, swa swa ws Naitinus, uiegoiius anu Augustinus, Basilius anu Cuthbeitus, anu
manega oie, on micelie uiohtnunge Ciiste eowigenue on clnnysse fie. |j Eac
swylcemssepieostasmanegawionhalige,swaswawsBeua,semiaboceie,anueft
Bieionimus anu oie gehwylce wiue geonu as woiulu |j 0n westenum wuneuon a
wisan fueias Antonius anu Paulus, Bilaiion anu Nachaiius, Iohannes anu Aisenius,
Pafnutius anu Apollonius, anu fela usenua, swa swa vito Potrum seg, muneca anu
mynecena, on mycelie uiohtununge Ciiste eowigenue on moues clnnysse. Assmann,
AnqelsocbsiscbehomilienunJheiliqenleben,1S,14,222S.
SS1
We sceolon secgan anu foiswigian ne uuiion a halgan laie a se hlenu thte
Ibiu.,1S.
131

letteis to Sigeweaiu anu Wulfgeat. Wheieas the lettei to Sigefyi is moie

conceineu with the paiticulai issue of cleiical celibacy, the letteis to
SigeweaiuanuWulfgeataimtoexplainmuchwiueiconcepts,theuoctiineof
ChiistianityanuthemeaningoftheBible.Theypaitlyfallwithincatechetical
liteiatuie,anubothofthemshowtheimpoitanceoftiansmittingthecoiiect
inteipietation of uoctiinal anu moial piinciples to the laity. The mouel foi
thiskinuofwiitingwasAugustines0e cotecbizonJisruJibus,anuitiscleai
thatlfiicknewthetext,sinceheuseuitinhishomilyfortbeSeconJSunJoy
ofter Fpipbony (Ch II.4).
SS2
Bis tieatment of Chiistian uoctiine anu biblical
histoiy in 0e initio creoturoe (Ch I.1) also cleaily follows Augustines
instiuctionsonhowtoaiiangeapeuagogicnaiiativeanuwhichelementsit
shoulucontainwhenteachingtheunleaineu.Itseemsthatlfiicbaseuboth
letteisonthishomilyasitfollowsthesamelineofaiiangement.
SSS
Wheieas
0e initio creoturoe follows the line fiom cieation to fall, ieuemption anu
thenjuugement,thetieatmentintheletteiconcentiatesmoieonexplaining
the typological ielationship between these events.
SS4
Accoiuing to
Augustine,Chiistiannaiiativesshoulubebaseuontheiueaofieuemption,a
themethatlfiicemployswiuelythioughouthiswoiks.Bealsoauvisesthat
biblicalhistoiy,theessentialknowleugeofthe0luanuNewTestament,anu
the explanation of theii meaning shoulu be followeu by a iefeience to the
final uays, anu then by a moial exhoitation, also seen in lfiics letteis,
especially that uiiecteu to Wulfgeat. It is theiefoie impoitant to note this
textual anu uoctiinal example foi lfiics own tieatment of the topic of
moialoiuei.
Consiueiing this puipose of the letteis, it is eviuent that the texts
cannot be seen as a sign of a simplifieu unueistanuing of the uoctiine on
lfiics pait. Foi instance, it has been saiu that Augustine was too complex
anu too philosophical foi the latei wiiteis, who neeueu something simplei
foi theii use.
SSS
Insteau, it was lfiic himself who wanteu to explain the
uoctiine in simple teims foi the unleaineu laity to unueistanu. The simple

SS2
Recoius foi Souice Title: Catech. Ruu. Fontes Anqlo-Soxonici: WorlJ WiJe Web
Reqister.FontesAnglo-SaxoniciPioject.EnglishFaculty,0niveisityof0xfoiu.
http:fontes.english.ox.ac.uk.
SSS
ThiswasnoteubyBay,TheInfluenceoftheCatechetical Naiiatioon0luEnglishanu
Some0theiNeuievalLiteiatuie,S6S9.
SS4
Clemoes,TheChionologyoflfiic'sWoiks,22S.
SSS
Bay, The Influence of the Catechetical Naiiatio on 0lu English anu Some 0thei
NeuievalLiteiatuie,S2.
132

tieatment of the topic is in no way a sign of lfiics incapability to

unueistanu Augustine, but of his attempt to tianslate the moie complex
theological piinciples to a simplei foim. The tieatment thus tells of lfiics
conceptualization of what he thought the laity to be capable of
unueistanuing.Ashestatesintheletteito Sigeweaiu,hewanteutoexplain
whattheeventsofthe0luTestamentsignifieuinteimsofthenewoiueiset
by the ieuemption of Chiist, since he hau alieauy wiitten about all of this
withgieateiintellectknowleugeunueistanuingthanyouhavebeenable
to see examine.
SS6
lfiic saw himself thus in an authoiitative position
whenitcametotiansmittingthecoiiectknowleuge;hewasthemeuiatoiof
thetiuefaithtothelaity,anuaimeutouothiswithhistexts.
In the fiist pait of the lettei to Wulfgeat, lfiic offeis a biief biblical
histoiy anu a shoit explanation of Chiistian uoctiine. This moue of wiiting
falls close to the genie of norrotio, as Bay showeu in hei aiticle.
SS7
The
puipose of norrotio was to offei the basic tenets of Chiistianity in a
conuenseufoim.lfiicwiitesaboutthecieationanuthefallofangels,then
about the biith anu ueath of }esus, anu concentiates on explaining the
meaningofsalvationthioughtheueathanuiesuiiectionofChiist.Again,he
gives attention to the inteipietation of the woiu of uou, anu iefeis to the
uangeis of misinteipietations if one is half-taught (somlreJum monnum)
anu thus uoes not know the meaning of the Sciiptuie.
SS8
In contiast to this,
lfiictellsaboutStAugustineswisuomtointeipietanuexplainthewoiuof
uou in a coiiect way. lfiic sets the wiitings anu books of Augustine in a
highposition,thioughwhichthewisuomwasspieautootheipaitsofwoilu,
Englanuincluueu.Theauthoiityofthewiittenwoiubecomeseviuentinthis
passage, wheie lfiic appeals to the books of Augustine, anu how he was
abletouncoveithewoiuofuouanutiansfeiitintohisownwiitings,which
intuinfunctioneuasthemessengeisanupieseiveisofthetiueuoctiine.
SS9

SS6
Wesecganumiuofsteas enuebiiunisse,foianeweofthabbaymbeisawiiten
miu maian anugite (a u miht sceawian). Naisuen, Tbe 0lJ Fnqlisb heptoteucb onJ
Alfric'slibellusJeveteriTestomentoetNovo,2u4.
SS7
Bay, The Influence of the Catechetical Naiiatio on 0lu English anu Some 0thei
NeuievalLiteiatuie,S9.
SS8
Assmann,AnqelsocbsiscbehomilienunJheiliqenleben,S.
SS9
Augustinussewisausonwieahasueopnysse,seewsswawisongoueswisuome,
t he gesette uih his sylfes uiht an usenu boca be am soan geleafan anu be am
ciistenuome|...januabecsyansumebecomontous|...jgoueseowumtolaieanuto
geleafantiymminge.Ibiu.
133

Also othei woiks of lfiic fiom the same peiiou suggest that he hau
ceitain hieiaichical attituues towaius the laity. Naiy Clayton has examineu
his SeconJ homily for tbe Feost of o Confessor, which was composeu at the
iequest of Bishop thelwolu the Youngei, piesumably aiounu 1uu6, anu
shown that lfiics attituue iegaiuing the infeiioiity of the laity, anu the
consequent supeiioiity of piiests anu monks, becomes cleai with lfiics
foimulations anu tieatment of his mateiial. The piece in question shows
specific engagement with the cuiient affaiis in politics, anu taigets its
ciiticism specifically to the contempoiaiy laity, by fiist establishing its own
authoiity to pieach anu to coiiect, anu then pointing fingeis towaius the
lackofmoialsanuuishonouiableactsofthecuiientlayaiistociacy.
S6u
Even
thoughanyhieiaichicalsettingisnotpiesenteuinanyofhiswoiks,itcanbe
ieau that lfiic valueu the cleigy, especially the monks, as being the most
impoitant pait of society. This is saiu uiiectly in the Colloquy, in a fictive
conveisation between a mastei anu his pupils, intenueu foi use in Latin
teaching. Ceitain uiffeient occupations aie ievieweu with the help of Latin
uialogues, anu even though it is saiu that all the seculai occupations aie
impoitanttomake asocietyfunction,a specificpointismaue aboutmonks.
When a uisagieement aiises about the impoitance of vaiious seculai tasks,
the mastei asks a wise counselloi (sopiens) to juuge the mattei: What uo
yousay,wiseman1Which tiaue amongtheseseemstoyou tobesupeiioi1
The counselloi says: I tell you, the seivice of uou seems to holu the fiist
place among these ciafts, just as it ieaus in the uospel: Seek fiist the
kinguom of uou anu his iighteousness, anu all these things shall be auueu
untoyou.
S61

Theskillsintheinteipietationofthewoiuofuouweielimiteuwhenit
came to laymen, anu in an attempt to make suie they woulu not
misunueistanutheuoctiinalissues,anuconsequentlytheiimoialanusocial
iesponsibilities, lfiic maue a continuous effoit to pioviue the necessaiy
toolsfoicoiiectinteipietation alsofoithe laity.Theabilitytointeipietthe
woiu of uou was connecteu to the uiffeient tasks anu ianks of the society.
By thinking that the laity was not piopeily ieceptive to subtle anu peihaps

S6u
Clayton,0fNiceanuNen,S6,1114,1617,222S.
S61
Quiu uicis tu sapiens Que ais tibi uiuetui intei istas piioi esse Bico tibi, mihi
uiuetuiseiuitiumBeiinteiistasaitespiimatumteneie,sicutlegituiineuangelio:Piimum
queiite iegnum Bei et iustitiam eius et hc omnia auicientuiuobis.u.N.uaimonsway,eu.
Alfric's Colloquy (Lonuon: 0niveisity of Exetei Piess, 1947), S9. Tians. in Nichael
Swanton,Anqlo-SoxonProse(Lonuon:RowananuLittlefielu,197S),11S.
134

complex ieligious iueas, anu moie susceptible to wiong inteipietations,

lfiic piesents at the same time the bounuaiies between uiffeient social
gioupswhichhesawfitasbeingsepaiate.Intheassuiancethathewasable
to pioviue coiiect explanations about the sacieu texts, lfiics concein
seems somewhat uiscoiuant, since at the same time he questioneu the
capabilities of the laity to coiiectly unueistanu it. By theii outset, lfiic
attempteu to cieate texts which uiu not piouuce new knowleuge, but
seeminglyonlymeuiateutheChiistianmessage.This actentaileupiinciples
of the most funuamental natuie; inteipietation, tianslation anu inteiest in
pastoial caie cieateu authoiity ovei the whole uiscouise anu within this
uiscouiseuefineuthebounuaiiesbetweenuiffeientpeopleinsociety.
4.4.2. Well-ordered life and secular authority
As is eviuent fiom the issue of inteipietation, lfiic placeu significant
weight on the uiffeiences between the cleigy anu the laity. The supeiioi
position of the cleigy is appaient also when it comes to othei themes,
especially iegaiuing theii iole as the laitys teacheis, who aie consequently
iesponsiblefoitheiiwayoflife.Amongtheletteis foithelaity,theletteito
Wulfgeat of Ylmanuun is a case in point; it is intimately involveu with
teachingmoialoiueitoseculaiaiistociacy.Itscontentsaieonlyconceineu
with exhoitation to live a moially anu ieligiously well-oiueieu life. At the
enu of the lettei lfiic uevotes a consiueiable amount of space to what
seemstobeanexplanationofhismotivestowiitethelettei.Bestatesthatit
is necessaiy foi us teacheis to teach the unwise anu negligent people,
eithei publicly oi in piivate, because they (the piiests) have been tolu to
coiiecttheuniighteous,anuiftheyuonot,theywillbeiesponsiblefoitheii
sins.
S62
In the gieatest neeu of leaining aie the unwise anu neglecteu (o
JysiqononJoqymeleoson)laymen.Auuiessingtheiecipientsoftheletteis
inthisway,lfiicwaspiomotingasenseofhieiaichicaluichotomybetween
the teacheisweanu the unwise laymenyou. This uichotomy between
piiests,whopossesseuthecoiiectknowleuge,anuthelaymen,whouiunot,
is stiesseu with iepetitive positioning of the two gioups. lfiic enus the

S62
0s laieowum is neou t we lian sceolon openlice oe uigollice a uysigan anu a
gymeleasan miu ie uiihtenlican laie, anu to geleafan hi tihtan, foiam e se witega
ysumwoiuumusmana:uifuneltgeiihtlcan oneuniihtwisanweianuhimsylfum
secgan his uniihtwisnysse, ic wylle ofgan t e his bloues gyte, t is sawul, e uih
synnalosoue.Assmann,AnqelsocbsiscbehomilienunJheiliqenleben,12.
135

letteibystatingthatuouhaugianteuthepiieststheiighttopieachtheholy
teachings tothelaity,sothat theywoulubeobeuientanu tuintheiilessons
into useful ueeus.
S6S
This message establishes the bounuaiies of these two
gioups; even though the woiu of uou is meant to ieach all people, it is the
task anu piivilege of the teacheis to unueistanu the woiu coiiectly, anu to
spieauthecoiiectknowleuge.
Naiy Swan has stuuieu lfiics piefaces anu showeu how this kinu of
positional ihetoiic, as she calls it, cieates an iueological map of the
ielationships of uiffeient gioups anu theii hieiaichies, anu that these
paiticulai linguistic maikeis inuicate uistinctions, affiliations anu also
bounuaiies between them. She has concentiateu on the piefaces, in which
lfiic positions himself most cleaily, but this kinu of ihetoiic is not
iestiicteu to piefaces only, but extenus to lfiics oveiall uiscouise. Swan
has shown that lfiics positional ihetoiic uiffeis inteiestingly in the
piefaces that aie uiiecteu to the laymen in the letteis, fiom those which
weie taigeteu to his pations, thelweaiu anu thelmi. Wheieas the
woiks auuiesseu to the ealuoimen imply that the iecipients weie assumeu
to be pait of lfiics iueological ciicle, albeit uepenuent on his wiitings, in
the letteis fiom the time of his abbacy lfiic makes no attempt to
camouflage his supeiioi knowleuge anu insight.
S64
Swan suggests that
lfiic consiueieu his pations to be moie closely associateu with the iueals
of iefoimeu monasticism, anu closei to his iueals than the seculai
aiistociatic iecipients of his letteis, Sigeweaiu, Sigefyi anu Wulfgeat.
S6S

Anothei ieason foi the uiffeience in lfiics positional ihetoiic might be

that by the time he wiote the letteis at Eynsham, lfiics caieei hau
uevelopeu fiom that of a piiest anu monk to that of an abbot; peihaps this
anu othei uevelopments hau maue him moie conceineu with the issues of
society,anucompaieutothetimeofthelivesofSointsanuthetianslationof
uenesis, lfiic woulu now have gaineu even moie assuiance as to his own
positionasthesupeiioiteacheiofthelaity.
As a way of compaiison, the authoiitative position anu gieatei social
iesponsibility becomes eviuent also in an exemplaiy stoiy in lfiics lettei

S6S
uetiige usselmihtigagou,twemagoneowsecganhishalganlaieoft,anueow
gehyisumnysse,tgealaieawenuontoweoicumeowtoeaife,seeleofaanuiixa
atowoiulue.Ibiu.
S64
Naiy Swan, Iuentity anu Iueology in lfiic's Piefaces, in A Componion to Alfric, eu.
NaiySwananuBughNagennis(2uu9),268.
S6S
Ibiu.,2S42S6,26226S,268269.
136

toSigeweaiu.BewiitesalengthypassageaboutSt}ohntheEvangelistanua
young man who St }ohn hau entiusteu to the caie of a bishop in a city neai
Ephesus.
S66
The newly conseciateu bishop agieeu to teach anu auvise the
young man in matteis of faith, anu to take caie of him, while St }ohn
ietuineutoEphesus.Thebishopfulfilleuhisuutytoinstiucttheyoungman
atfiist,anuafteibaptizinghiminChiistianity,heiegaiueutheyouthwoulu
continuein faithanuspiiituallifewithout him,anuuiunotpayattention to
him anymoie. The youth, howevei, uiu not manage so well on his own, but
succumbeu to vices anu sins, uiunkenness, thieving anu othei vile anu
ueauly sins (swo ferJe se cnibt on bis froceJum JJum onJ on
morJJum).
S67
Aftei the youth hau abanuoneu the faith anu was living a
shameful life full of sins, St }ohn ietuineu to the bishop, to whom he hau
entiusteu the soul of the young man. The bishop was soiiowful, anu saiu:
Be is ueau to uou. St }ohn, howevei, uiu not give up but iepioacheu the
bishopofneglectinghis uuty toactas ashepheiufoithesoulof theonehe
was iesponsible foi. }ohn then went to meet the youth, who was soon
oveicomewithshame,anuwanteuto ietuinto tiuefaith.St}ohnpiomiseu
to piay foi uous meicy uiligently, anu saiu: I wish to make atonement foi
Chiistonbehalfofyouisoul,anuIwouluwillinglygivemyownlifefoiyou,
just like the Savioui gave himself foi us, anu my soul I woulu give foi
youis.
S68
St }ohn uiu not cease fiom consolation of the young man, fiom
piaying, noi fiom teaching, until meicy hau been ieceiveu. Apait fiom the
impoitance of penance, the passage stiesses that it shoulu have been the
bishopsuutytotakecaiethatthe youngmanstayeuon theiighteouspath,
butthathehau faileuinthatuuty.Toemphasizetheimpoitanceoftheiole
ofthepiiestsasteacheisfoithelaity,lfiiciepeatsthephiaseaboutblinu
teacheis leauing the blinu, aftei the naiiative of St }ohn anu the young
man.
S69
The stoiy is, accoiuing to lfiics woius, also supposeu to seive as
an example to Sigeweaiu to stiess the impoitance of goou ueeus in acting
out the piinciples of Chiistian teaching. lfiic states that he ielates this

S66
This stoiy comes, thiough Paul the Beacons homiliaiy, fiom Rufinuss tianslation of
EusebiusshistorioFcclesiostico,S.2S.Swain,AlfricofFynsbom'slettertoSiqeweorJ,6S
68,S29.
S67
Naisuen,Tbe0lJFnqlisbheptoteucbonJAlfric'slibellusJeveteriTestomentoetNovo,
22S.
S68
Ic wille agiluan gesceau foi iniesawleCiisteanuiclustlicewilleminliffoiesyllan,
swaswaseBlenusealuehinesylfnefoius,anuminesawleicsillefoiinie.Ibiu.,226.
S69
Ibiu.,22S227.
137

stoiy in oiuei to make Sigeweaiu believe that St }ohn spoke with acts (be
miJweorcumsprc).
S7u

As the stoiy takes up such a big pait of the text that is otheiwise an
abiiugeu iun-thiough of biblical wiitings anu Chiistian histoiyit fills
about one sixth of the whole text anu as such is the longest single stoiy
within the letteiwe must attempt to evaluate the ieasons behinu lfiics
choice to incluue it in the lettei. Laiiy Swain has suggesteu that lfiic hau
piepaieu the stoiy inuepenuently foi othei puiposes befoie compiling the
lettei, anu given the off the cuff natuie of the inclusion, he might have just
beenieminueu aboutthestoiywhenieachingtheenuoftheaccountofthe
New Testament, }ohn anu the Apocalypse. Swain states that since the stoiy
uoes not fit the theme of the lettei, its inclusion was not a well-thought-of
conclusion, anu as such inuicates that while lfiic still was inteiesteu in
Chiistian euucation in the latei stages of his caieei, he was also busy
ievisinghiswoiks anupiouucingnewoneswhichexplainanucommenton
thethemeshehaupieviouslytoucheuupon.
S71
Ifthiswasthecase,thestoiy
woulunotbeaianyspecificsignificancefoilfiichimselfwithiegaiutohis
intenueu auuience of this paiticulai lettei, but woulu be a ianuomly
associative choice. Whethei oi not the inclusion of the stoiy was well
planneu oi not, its existence in the lettei is not changeu by this
acknowleugement, meaning that its uiscouise was sepaiateu fiom the
oiiginal motives the instance it became a text. Bowevei, given the theme of
thestoiy,Iwoululiketopointoutthatitmusthaveplayeuasignificantiole
foi lfiic, if not in the instance of planning this lettei in paiticulai, then in
otheiinstances,whichfitswellwithinthefiamewoikofhiswholeuiscouise
conceiningsocialioles.Emphasizingtheiesponsibilityofthecleigyevenin
such a scale that they woulu saciifice themselves in the piocess cieates a
cleai hieiaichy of social oiuei. Anu incluuing this account in a lettei he
specifically auuiesseu to Sigeweaiu also fits well in his attempts to
aumonish the laity about the matteis of faith anu the pieiequisites it poses
foiuiffeientpeople.
Thiskinuofemphasiswhichlfiicplaceuontheioleoftheteacheisas
supeiioitothelaitywasamajoithemealsoinlfiicsSeconJhomilyfortbe
Feost of o Confessor (Assmann 4: Sermo in notole unius confessoris).
S72
Its
tieatmentisquitesimilaitotheletteishewiotetothelayaiistociacy,even

S7u
Ibiu.,22S.
S71
Swain,AlfricofFynsbom'slettertoSiqeweorJ,6S72.
S72
Assmann,AnqelsocbsiscbehomilienunJheiliqenleben,4964.
138

thoughitwaspiimaiilyauuiesseutoBishopthelwolu,aiounu1uu7.Naiy
Clayton has aigueu, howevei, that in this homily lfiics attituues anu
ciiticismtowaius theseculai aiistociacybecomeeviuent,anu suggeststhat
it was uone on puipose, in the assumption that it woulu be ieau alouu in a
situation wheie the auuience consisteu of the most influential political
peisonsoftheuay.Shehasspecificallyaigueuthatbyintiouucingasuuuen
change of topic fiom the necessity of pastoial teacheis anu theii
iesponsibility to pieach to one which wains of the ievenge of uou, lfiic
showeu his uiscontent with the events that took place at thelieus couit
shoitly befoie, anu which woulu have iesulteu in the situation wheie
lfiics pation anu the establishei of his monasteiy, ealuoiman thelmi,
wouluhavehautosuffeiafallfiomthegiaceoftheking.Theiefoielfiics
uiscouise implicitly juxtaposes the piety of thelmi with the wickeuness
of the othei men in powei.
S7S
In auuition to ciiticism, the homily shows a
similai kinu of positioning between cleigy anu the laity, lfiic himself in
specific.Bybeingconfiuentofhisioleastheaumonisheianutheinstiuctoi
ofthemeninseculaiauthoiity,hecieatesapositionwheiehehasthemoial
uppeihanuanutheiighttoauuiessthelaityinthismannei.
Similai tenuencies aie founu in lfiics iewoiking of his eailiei
homilies, specifically in a homily for tbe SeconJ SunJoy ofter Foster, as
uiscoveieubyRobeit0pchuich.lfiicmaueaconsiueiable ievisiontoone
ofhishomilies,oiiginallywiittenfoithefiistseiiesofthe Cotbolichomilies,
notablyatthesametimeastheletteisfoithelaityanutheSeconJhomilyfor
tbe Feost of o Confessor.
S74
With this ievision lfiic tiansfoimeu a geneial
tieatise of cleiical uuties into a politically chaigeu accusation of the
negligence of the cleigy anu the wickeuness of the iuling class which was
both gieeuy anu coiiupt. As in the case of the homily stuuieu by Clayton,
0pchuichsimilailyaiguesthathisseimonwasintenueubylfiictobeieau
by a poweiful bishop befoie an influential auuience uuiing Rogationtiue,
whenitwascustomaiythatthemeninpoweimettouiscusslegalmatteisof
the kinguom.
S7S
It is significant that Rogationtiue was a majoi peiiou of
pieachingtothelaity.Thieeuaysoffasting,piayeianupiocessionpieceueu

S7S
Clayton,0fNiceanuNen,S,1821.
S74
Clemoes, Alfric's Cotbolic homilies: tbe First Series: Text, S1SS16, SSSS42. Clemoes
uatestheievisionto1uu21uuS,butseealsououuenscomments,whichsuggestthatthe
ievisionwasmostlikelyuoneafteilfiicbecameabbotin1uuS.uouuen,Alfric'sCotbolic
homilies:lntroJuction,CommentoryonJ6lossory,1S6144.
S7S
0pchuich,ABigBogBaiks,SuSSu6,S1uS11,S1SS14,S18S24,S29SSS.
139

theAscensionBay,anujuugingfiomthe numbeiof0luEnglishhomilies
both anonymous anu those by lfiicit was also an impoitant one.
Compaieu to othei occasions, homilies foi Rogationtiue aie the most
abunuant. lfiic, foi instance, piouuceu one homily foi each uay of the
peiiouineachofhisseiies.
S76
AfteiEasteiitwascustomaiythattheseculai
anu spiiitual leaueis met to uiscuss anu ueciue on legal matteis anu on the
conuuctofthestate.Theiefoiethechancestotiytoimposethesenotionsto
the impoitant uecision-makeis of the time weie incieaseu uuiing
Rogationtiue.Bythisimplicationithastobeassumeuthatlfiicmostlikely
anticipateuanimpoitantauuiencefoihishomiliescompileufoithisspecific
time.
When consiueiing the context of the political situation uuiing lfiics
timeatEynsham,theuiscouiseofhisletteistothelaitycaninueeubeseen
asaninuicationofhisconceinfoithestateofthekinguom,notonlybecause
of the exteinal afflictions which the viking attacks causeu, but also, anu
peihaps piimaiily, because of the inteinal uisoiuei which pievaileuat
leastinlfiicsview.Aslfiicmakesitcleai,thefounuationfoithesuccess
of a kinguom is that its membeis act moially anu ieligiously piopeily, in a
coiiect anu iight way. If the fiagmentaiy text WyrJwriteros, which can be
uateu ioughly to the peiiou of lfiics abbacy, is assumeu to have been
taigeteu to the laity, like the texts uiscusseu above, it places even moie
weight on lfiics concein. In WyrJwriteros lfiic ielates with the help of
examples uiawn fiom biblical histoiy, how the kings useu to uelegate theii
buiuenstoealuoimenbysenuingthemtobattlesontheiibehalf,sothatthe
king himself coulu be wheie he was neeueu foi his people.
S77
With the
example of empeioi Theouosius II lfiic inuicates that one of the most
impoitant uuties of a king was to gain uous suppoitas he notes, he has
alieauy wiitten in a homily that ielates how Theouosius useu to senu his
aimy to fight on his behalf, while he himself was piaying anu putting his
tiust in uou. lfiic wiites that consequently uou piotecteu anu saveu his
people.
S78
Towaius the enu of the exceipt lfiic emphasizes this uuty by

S76
uouuen,Alfric'sCotbolichomilies:lntroJuction,CommentoryonJ6lossory,14S.
S77
Pope,homiliesofAlfric:ASupplementoryCollection,7287Su.
S78
Theouosius se gingia anu se wuifullacaseiesenueofthisheietogan,swaswausseg
seo iacu, to gehwylcum gefeohtum foi his leoue waie, anu he him sylf wolue singan his
gebeuu,anuuouebetcansymlehisfyiue,anuuouhimeacfylsteanuhisfolcbeweioue,
swaswaweawiitononsumonspellehwilon.Ibiu.,7Su7S1.
140

auuinganexampleofNosescontiollingtheoutcomeofthebattlebypiayei,
atopicheuseualieauyinthelivesofSoints(ProyerofHoses,lS1S).
S79

This aumonition to uelegate powei in WyrJwriteros has been seen at

least fiom two peispectives. Fiistly, it can appeai to be an exhoitation to
implementthiskinuofpolicy,inwhichcasetheiueabehinuthetiactwoulu
ieveal that King thelieu himself useu to paiticipate in battles, insteau of
uelegatingpoweitohisgeneials.Bowevei,thelieuisknowntohaveuone
thisonlyonthieeoccasionsuuiinghisieign,in1uuu,1uu9anu1u14.
S8u
Itis
theiefoiemoielikelytoseethisexceiptasauefenceofthelieuspolicy.In
thiscasethequestionis:whywoululfiicseetheneeutouefenutheking1
Naiy Clayton has suggesteu a solution foi this pioblem, which I also woulu
like to enuoise. Insteau of seeing the exceipt as a uefence of thelieu, she
connectstheuiscouiseontheuelegationofpoweitootheiinstanceswheie
lfiicuiscussesthistheme,concluuingthatWyrJwriterosshoulubeseenas
lfiics subtle ciiticism of thelieu anu his policies. The main iuea in this
text woulu thus be an exhoitation to choose anu iewaiu his geneials anu
ealuoimen bettei.
S81
Clayton uoes not ceitainly connect this uiscouise to
lfiics ielationship with thelmi, but iathei suggestively asks if lfiic
coulu have hau thelmi in minu when wiiting this piece. Bowevei, she
pointsoutthatitwasthelieuspolicynottoappointveiymanyealuoimen
uuiing his ieign, only keeping them effective in politically sensitive aieas.
Also, anu I woulu like to emphasize this fact even moie, it has not been
asceitaineu whethei oi not thelmi was officially appointeu ealuoiman
afteihisfatheisueathin998,oiiftheofficewasleftvacant.Theonly time
thelmiappeaisinthesouicesasealuoimanisfiom1u1S,anuthenonly
in the iole to submit the West Saxons to the Banes.
S82
The ciiticism to
choose his geneials bettei fits well with the situation of 1uuS1uu6, when
thelmi ietiieu oi was maue to ietiie fiom the kings couit, anu when
many of the kings counsellois seem to suuuenly have changeu. It is
plausible theiefoie to think that this tiact was pait of lfiics ciiticism, as
Claytonsuggests.
The piinciple of auministeiing the seculai kinguom has been left with
less impoitance in these inteipietations. As the enu of the piece is lost, its

S79
Ibiu.,7S1;Skeat,AlfricslivesofSoints,vol.1,282Su7.
S8u
Clayton,lfiicanuthelieu,84.
S81
Ibiu.,8S86.
S82
Ibiu.SeealsoKeynes,Tbe0iplomosofKinqAtbelreJtbe0nreoJy,197198;Staffoiu,
TheReignofthelieuII,29S1.
141

fullcontentscannotbeknown,butwhatcanbegatheieuisthatthetextenus
withathemewhichseemstobeanopeningtoachangeoftopic,butitisleft
unfinisheu in the exceipt. It states that in the enu all guiuance must be
sought fiom uou with tiuthful sinceiity anu a puie conscience. lfiic tuins
the attention to tiuth anu faithfulness (sofstnyss), anu iteiates a Latin
paiaphiase about how eveiyone who lies will peiish.
S8S
The uiscussion
about the uefence of the kinguom tuins thus to spiiitual iequisitions that
peoplemustconfoimtoinoiueitosecuietheeaithlykinguom,anupossibly
alluuestotheabiuptchangesinthekingscouit.Thechangeoftopic,asseen
inthecaseofSeconJhomilyfortbeFeostofoConfessor,asshownbyClayton,
anuinsomeuegieealsointhecaseoftheletteitoSigeweaiu,wasfoilfiic
a useful tool to piomote his cause. If we assume that the uelegation of
eaithlypoweiinteimsofbattlesanticipateuathemewhichtuineutheissue
to spiiitual significations, as it seems, it can be suggesteu that it follows a
similailineofaigumentationfoithecauseofatheologicallyoiueieusociety.
The uelegation of the authoiity of the king was one of the issues which
lfiic,again,knewshoulubehanuleuintheiightway.
Theiefoie, what tianspiies fiom lfiics exhoitation is not only the
attituue of the supeiioiity of the cleigy, but also a notion that seculai
authoiity itself was baseu on the moials anu the love of uou which the
pieacheis weie supposeu to uelegate to the laity, anu which the laity was
supposeu to act out in theii lives. The expectation of action anu its
impoitance in lfiics uiscouise foim a iational ielationship between the
woiu of uou, its messengeis, the action anu fiee will of its ieceiveis. It is
action anu goou ueeus which aie expecteu as the outcome of the moial
exhoitationpioviueuwiththeletteis.IntheletteitoSigeweaiulfiicstaits
the uiscussion with this veiy issue; the outcome of goou ueeusas in what
is iight anu noimative accoiuing to the stanuaius of his teachingsleau to
thejoysofheaven,wheieasbauueeusleautouamnation.Thenoimativityof
his uiscouise is appaient when he states that it is veiy wiong that uous

S8S
0ie wissung anu uie waiu sceal beon of uoue anu we sceolon secan t uoue sylfum
uineiumiuaniuummoue,anuoneoinostspiecan,tuiebehatbeonewebehata
uouefsteanugetieowe,tiumianonnestanweall;foianeuouissofstnyss,anuhe
sofastnysselufa,anuheealleafoiueeleasungaspieca,swaswahitonLeuenstent
ysum woiuum awiiten: Peiues omnes qui loquuntui menuacium. Pope, homilies of
Alfric:ASupplementoryCollection,7S17S2.
142

cieations, whom he himself maue, uo not obey him.

S84
lfiic uses heie the
woiu wolic, which means not only wiong, but peiveise anu evil, something
contiaiy to the natuial, iight way of things. The impoitance of the iight
oiuei of the woilu becomes eviuent in his concein to maintain the
noimative ioles people aie supposeu to have anu fulfil on eaith. Action,
consequently,isofutmostimpoitanceinthisaspiiation.lfiicstiessesthat
moiethansmoothwoius,whichaietiansitoiy,theSaviouilovesueeus,the
outcomes of which iemain.
S8S
The impoitance of action uoes not, howevei,
fully mean that woius as such woulu be meaningless; on the contiaiy, they
weiemeanswithwhichknowleugeofpiopeioiueianubehaviouicoulube
uelegateu.lfiicstiessesthisintheenuoftheletteitoSigeweaiu:
Now you moy properly know tbot oction speoks more tbon tbe nokeJ
worJ, wbicb Joes not bove ony effect. however, tbere is qooJ work in
qooJworJs,wbenomonteocbesonJinstructsonotberintbemottersof
foitb witbtrue knowleJqe, onJ wben o mon speoks wisJom, wbicb is for
tbebenefitonJcorrectionofmonyotbers.
S86

The point lfiic wishes to make foi the laity is that in oiuei to fulfil ones
task on eaith it is not impoitant to juuge otheis, but to take iesponsibility
foi ones own actions, anu to begin with humility anu obeuience to uou. Be
notes that some people tenu to punish haiuei those who aie unuei theii
commanu foi lessei ciimes than they woulu punish themselves foi biggei
sins.
S87
0ne shoulu insteau take heeu of uousanu of the pieacheis
woius,anutofocusontheiiownactions.Bestatesthatuouuiunottellmen
to woik wonueis oi iaise the ueauwhich is impossible anywaybut to
leau a moueiate life. If you (lfiic auuiesses Wulfgeat uiiectly as u) wish
to be poweiful anu piospei gloiiously, you must begin with humility, he
wiites. Bumility is the coineistone of life, on which eveiything else is

S84
Bit ys swie wolictagewoihtangesceaftaamnebeongehiisumeehigesceop
anu gewoihte. Naisuen, Tbe 0lJ Fnqlisb heptoteucb onJ Alfric's libellus Je veteri
TestomentoetNovo,2u1.
S8S
Se Blenu lufa swioi a uue onne a smean woiu a woiu gewita anu a
weoicstanua.Ibiu.,221.
S86
Nu miht uwel witan tweoic spieca swioionne a nacouan woiu, e nauua
nanefiemminge.Isswaeahgouweoiconamgouamwoiuum,onnemanoeineli
anu to geleafan getiim miu ie soan laie anuonne mann wisuom spiec manegum
toeaifeanutoiihtinge|...j.Ibiu.,229.
S87
Assmann,AnqelsocbsiscbehomilienunJheiliqenleben,78.
143

built.
S88
Foithoseinpoweilfiicstatesthatpeopleshoululoveanugovein
themselvesfiist,becauseonlythencantheytiulyloveuouswoiuanuothei
people, anu only then can they govein anu aumonish othei people.
S89
The
basisfoiexeicisingauthoiityoneaithisthusgieatlyuepenuentonieligious
moials.
0nesactionsinlifehavelastingconsequences,aslfiicuemonstiates.
Be makes an analogy of the cuiient life anu the afteilife with a biblical
example about King Solomons wise woius: A lazy man uiu not want to
ploughbecauseofcoluweatheiinthewintei.Inthesummeihewasbegging
foi foou, but was not gianteu any.
S9u
This passage ieveals not only a
conuemnation of laziness as such, but it seives as an analogy about the
ueeus in life anu theii consequences in teims of salvation. In his insistence
on coiiect oiuei, lfiic conuemns all action anu behavioui that is
uisoiueily, ill-manneieu, oi uissolute; uiunkenness, auulteiy, gieeuiness
anuueceitaieuisplayeuasevilpiacticesanuvices.
S91
Beieiteiatesthatbau
habitswillbiingsin.0pposingthisiseowfstness,auheiencetotheiulesof
iight conuuct, methou, uiscipline, obeuience to iule anu the iight way foi a
well-oiueieu, moial, anu viituous life. The puipose of all of lfiics
exhoitation was to pioviue means foi the laity to fulfil theii iole both as a
moial inuiviuual anu as a membei of a Chiistian society. Amiu this
exhoitation the issue of authoiity culminates in the iesponsibilities of
uiffeientpeople.lfiicieminushisauuiencethattheteachingsofChiistaie
meant foi all people, anu that the woiu of uou is the only lasting moial

S88
Ne het se leofa uiihten us leoinian to wyicenne oeine miuuangeaiu, ne a micclan
wunuiu, e he woihte on life on alefeuum mannum, ne a ueauan to aiienne, t t
weuonnemagon,achetusbeonlieonuieslifeseawumanueaumoueonheoitanftei
his gebysnunge. uif u mycel wylle beon anu milice geogen, onne most u hit
onginnan on ie eaumounysse. uif u encst to wyicenne stnen weoic miu cifte,
onne scealt u iest embe one giunuweal smeagan, t is, t u gelogie in lif on
eaumounysse,foianeseoeaumounysastihuptoheofonumtoieoisoiganieste,e
uiumsawlumbyfoigyfen.Ibiu.,1u.
S89
Ne lufast unagoueswoiu,gifunelufastesylfne,neunemihtnahteaeoeine
mann lufian, gif u e sylfne ne lufast, ne oium men styian, gif u e sylfum ne styist.
Ibiu.,7.
S9u
Piopteifiiguspigeiaiaienoluit.Nenuicabitaestate,etnonuabituiei.Ibiu.,9.
S91
Bulufastuiuncennysseanuuwolliceleofast,swylceetogamenes,acgoueswisuome
seg: Bwam becym wawa, hwam witoulice sacu, oe hwa by bepht, oe hwam
becuma wunua oe eagena blinunyss: buton am uneawfstum, e woulice uiinca
anu heoia gewitt amyiia swa t hi uwsia foi heoia uiuncennyssum Ibiu.,6.
144

founuation foi a goou life.

S92
As conventional as these asseitions aie, the
ethicalpiinciplesaie nottobeseenasinsignificantlamentonlfiicspait,
but as an essential topic in his attempts to oiganize both inuiviuual anu
socialoiuei.Bisfoimulationsalwayshaufuitheigoals:toachievesalvation
anu eteinal life. In choosing to employ these commonplaces anu
conventions,hisuiscouiseispaitincieatingnoimsanuauthoiity.
These notions of moiality came in the enu to theii wiuei anu moie
lasting consequences in teims of human histoiy; obeying anu following the
exampleofChiistanuthegospelswastheonlywaytoieachsalvation.Anuif
peopleweietiuetothewoiuofuou,theywouluieceiveiewaiusinheaven,
as lfiic stiesseu in the lettei to Sigefyi.
S9S
0ltimately this was the
messageofalloflfiicswiiting,butitisimpoitanttonoteheiethatfiistly,
theiueasofmoialoiueiweieiequisitesfoibothinuiviuualanusocietallife,
anu seconuly, that the way lfiic offeis moial guiuance shows how these
social ioles weie conceptualizeu. Even though it was the iesponsibility of
eveiyinuiviuualuniveisallytoauheietotheseiules,itwastheecclesiastical
pait of society who was iesponsible foi ueliveiing the message to the laity,
anu theiefoie iesponsible also foi theii failuies if theii teaching was
neglecteu.
4.5. Conclusion
lfiics letteis to the laity ieveal the elements of moiality that weie
communicateutothelayaiistociacybyaumonitionofpiopeiconuuctoflife
which the laity was supposeu to confoim to. Teaching the laity was an
integial pait of lfiics ieligious-political uiscouise, since it paiticipateu in
uefining the uiffeient statuses anu positions of uiffeient people in teims of
inteipietation, possession of tiue knowleuge anu piopei action. lfiics
letteis inuicate that this aumonition was attempteu to be caiiieu out much
fuithei than monastic walls. The categoiies of seculai anu monastic weie
cleaitolfiicwhenitcametoskillsanuiesponsibilitiesofuiffeientpeople,
buthismonasticiuealscannotbeconsiueieuasisolateufiomtheiestofthe
society. lfiics letteis to the lay aiistociacy show that he was pait of the

S92
Ibiu.,S8.
S9S
Anu lc ia e foilt on isum lifum nu fuei oe mouoi gebioiu oe
geswustiu,hiswifoeciluiu,husoeceiasfoiminumnaman,heunueifehameue
behunufealuumeuleaneanutecelif.Ibiu.,1S.
145

society suiiounuing him. The moial teachings of the letteis speak foi
lfiics intentions of ieaching a wiuei auuience foi the views about piopei
oiuei.
The uiscouise of the pastoial letteis can be seen as peisuasive anu
noimative in its classical sense; its aiguments aie baseu on the shaieu
notion of what constitutes the uivine, inuisputable anu unchanging tiuth.
Thatthelaitywassupposeutoobeythemoialexhoitationofthe pieacheis
entails the piesumption that piiests possesseu knowleuge on how the
societysmembeisweieexpecteutoactanuliveawell-oiueieulife.Theway
oflifeofthelaityanualsoseculaiauthoiitywasbaseuonthemoialitywhich
was pieacheu to them by those with gieatei knowleuge anu by those who
weie in a position to inteipiet the woiu of uou coiiectly. The cleigy was
thus maue iesponsible foi the gieatei pait of the society anu its fate,
althoughaceitainamountoffieewillanuinuepenuencewasasciibeutothe
laity when it came to executing theii actions in the iight way. The
iesponsibility of teacheis was to tiy to amenu the behavioui anu action of
the laity, anu in this attempt action, not woius, constituteu the uecisive
factoi in fulfilling the moial oiuei in society. In othei woius, the piopei
knowleugeanuaceitainamountofinteipietationweiepioviueu,butinthe
enuitwastheinuiviuualwhoueciueuwhattouowithit.Inthisiespectthe
ielationship between the wiitten woiu, iueals, anu noims on the one hanu,
anu the expectations of action anu piactice aie cleaily appaient in lfiics
uiscouise. Wheieas the letteis uiscusseu in this chaptei engageu uiiectly
with the laity, lfiic aspiieu to uelegate his message also moie wiuely by
offeiing aumonition to othei pieacheis. Next I will engage with the
tiansmission anuuevelopmentoflfiicsuiscouisefiomthepeispectiveof
hisletteistoAichbishopWulfstan.
146

5. Formulating the holy society:

transmission and development

Themainaigumentofthepieviouschapteishasbeenthattheoveiallmoue
ofuiscouise,fiistlyinlfiicsveinaculaiauaptationsofthesaint-kings,anu
seconuly in the pastoial letteis to the laity fiom his latei caieei, was
connecteu to the laigei ieligious scheme of moial anu social oiuei, anu to
lfiics aspiiation foi a just anu iighteous society. In the following I shall
examine the tiansmission anu uevelopment of ieligious-political uiscouise
fiom the woiks of lfiic to the woiks of Wulfstan, specifically to the
lnstitutes of Polity. The fiamewoik of uiscouise was thus uiffeient fiom the
one examineu in the pievious chaptei, since it stayeu within the
ecclesiasticalciicles,withoutaspecificintentiontoextenuitsmessagetothe
laity. Insteau, it entaileu both monastic anu episcopal spheies, with the
intention to ultimately auuiess the seculai cleigy. Ny focus will be on the
notionofuivisionofsociety,howitwasconceptualizeuanuuevelopeu,how
theuiffeientuutiesofeachpaitweietieateuinthepiocessoftiansmission,
anuhowthethemewasappiopiiateuinuiffeientcontexts.Attheenuofthis
chapteispecialattentionisgiventotheiueaofsocietyuiviueuinthieepaits,
alsoiefeiieutoastheuoctiineofthieeoiueisofsociety.Themaininteiest
lies in evaluating the natuie of the tiansmission of this concept, anu I will
examine the ways the iuea of the thiee oiueis was useu anu uevelopeu in
oiuei to authoiize ceitain views on the uuties anu iesponsibilities of
uiffeient people. The use of this iuea in uiffeient woiks shows that the
puiposes foi piomoting it coulu vaiy fiom monastic iueologies on cleiical
uuties seen in the pastoial letteis, thiough taigeteu ciiticism of the seculai
aiistociacy uuiing the time of seveie viking attacks, to attempts of
iegulationtosetestablisheuuutiesfoiallpaitsofsociety.
147

5.1. The relationship between lfric and Wulfstan

The unueilying theme that peivaues the wiitings of lfiic anu Wulfstan is
an aspiiation foi oiuei. In some way oi anothei, almost all of theii woiks
ieflectanoithouoxanuoiganizeuviewof theoiueiof thewoilu,anuinsist
on uous meicy as a constituting factoi in the success of society. The
aspiiation foi oiuei is visible thioughout theii woiks, anu it becomes
appaient in many foims, fiom the oiuei of naiiation anu insistence on
oithouox faith to the foimulations of social uuties anu iesponsibilities. It is
appaientalsoinWulfstansactionsofuiaftingbothecclesiasticalanuseculai
laws. It is now geneially believeu that Wulfstans views on society weie
uiawn paitly, but not insignificantly, fiom lfiic, but the line of
communication is quite complex, anu ceitain uiffeiences in the way these
menwanteutopiomotetheiueaofsocialoiueiaieseenintheiiwoiks.
The natuie of the ielationship between lfiic anu Wulfstan has been
uiscusseu wiuely, ianging fiom seeing lfiic as a close fiienu of Wulfstan,
supplying him with ample theological mateiial, to a moie ieseiveu view of
lfiic as a ieluctant, cool, anu even conuescenuing abbot who wiote to the
aichbishop not as a fiienu, but as a teachei who hauat least in his own
viewbettei commanu of Chiistian uoctiines than the aichbishop.
S94

Whateveithenatuieofthepeisonalielationshipbetweenthesemenwas,it
iemains cleai that Wulfstan useu a wiue iange of lfiics texts in his own
woiks.Notonlythepastoialletteisuiscusseubelow,butalsoalaigeamount
of lfiics homilies pioviueu ample mateiial foi Wulfstan to be useu in his
own seimons. In all cases it is not ceitain whethei Wulfstan ieceiveu his
souice texts in a foim intenueu by lfiic, anu pait of them may have been
ciiculateu alieauy in a manusciipt context uetacheu fiom lfiic. This
applies especially to lfiics homilies, which weie copieu as sepaiate texts
veiysoonafteitheiipublication.
The pastoial letteis, howevei, can be seen as a uefinite anu uiiect link
betweenlfiicanuWulfstan,anuaieeven moievaluable fiomthepointof
view that they weie wiitten specifically with Wulfstan in minu. This
coiiesponuenceisalsoaconcieteexampleoftheinteiactionanutianslation
of iueas anu notions in late Anglo-Saxon Englanu. In the peiiou just befoie
anu uuiing his abbacy, lfiic is known to have wiitten five letteis to

S94
ThelatteiviewispiomoteuespeciallybyNalcolmuouuen,TheRelationsofWulfstan
anu lfiic: A Reassessment, in Wulfston, Arcbbisbop of York: Tbe ProceeJinqs of tbe
SeconJAlcuinConference,eu.NatthewTownenu,SFH10(Tuinhout:Biepols,2uu4).
148

Wulfstan,thieeinLatinanutwoin0luEnglish.Thefiistonewasauuiesseu
uiiectly to Wulfstan in iesponse to his questions, anu it is assumeu that,
satisfieu by the answeis given in this coiiesponuence, Wulfstan iequesteu
lfiic to wiite moie mateiial foi him. Foi this puipose lfiic wiote two
homiletic letteis in Latin, which he soon tianslateu in 0lu English. These
letteis weie wiitten in a mannei as if the fiist peison speaking was the
aichbishop himself, anu as such coulu be intenueu foi (oial) ueliveiy by
Wulfstan. Next I want to pay attention to these paiticulai letteis anu the
coiiesponuence of thought on the matteis conceining the oiuei of society,
whichielateabouttheuiiectielationshipbetweenlfiicanuWulfstan,anu
then examine the way they anu othei lfiics woiks weie employeu in
Wulfstansowntexts.
5.1.1. Private letter to Wulfstan
The so-calleu piivate lettei is lfiics ieply to a lettei which has not
suiviveu. It auuiesses questions which Wulfstan piesumably hau about
ceitain piactical matteis conceining the conuuct of life of the cleigy. Nany
topics, but not all, fiom this lettei weie also uealt with in the subsequent
pastoial letteis, but in a moie piesciiptive way. The lettei can be uateu to
thepeiiou1uu21uuS,thatis,befoielfiicsabbacy,butafteiWulfstanwas
appointeuaichbishopin1uu2.Itisalsofaiilysafetoassumethatitwasnot
wiittenlongbefoiethefollowingLatinletteistoWulfstan.Compaieutothe
othei letteis, this text is wiitten in a uiffeient mannei than the following
ones which can be chaiacteiizeu moie closely as uesigneu seimons,
wheieas the fiist lettei auuiesses the aichbishop uiiectly. Foi this ieason
this lettei is usually calleu piivate. The lettei suivives as a copy of
coiiesponuence in a manusciipt consisting of a collection of texts compileu
by lfiic himself (Boulogne-Sui-Nei, Bibl. Nunic. NS 6S: uneuss 8uu) anu
can theiefoie faiily ceitainly be iegaiueu as piesenting the text in its
oiiginalfoim.Itisalsotheonlymanusciiptknowntocontainthislettei.The
lettei was fiist euiteu by Beinaiu Fehi (Fehi 2a),
S9S
but uue to the late
uiscoveiy of the Boulogne-sui-Nei manusciipt, the euition is consiueieu
unieliable.ItwaslateieuiteumoiefullybyBoiothyWhitelock.
S96

S9S
Fehi,0iehirtenbriefeAlfrics,222227.
S96
FoithisieasonincaseofletteisI,2,S,II,anuIII,IiefeitoFehiseuition,butincaseof
lettei2atoWhitelock,CouncilsonJSynoJs,2422SS.
149

Apait fiom some minoi matteis answeieu in this lettei, such as

questionsoncaesaieansectionspeifoimeuonueceaseuwomen(item2),
S97

oi on eating castiateu animals (item 6),

S98
theie aie two items that have
ieceiveu a moie thoiough tieatment anu moie space than anything else in
this lettei: items 14: Be bellico apaiatu, anu 1S: Be fuiibus. Item 14 fiist
piesentsthethieeoiueisofsociety,anuthenauussomeaiguments against
thepaiticipationofpiiestsinwaifaie.Item1Sconcentiatesoniepioaching
bishopswhopaiticipateinseculaimatteis,especiallyinjuugingthieves,anu
thenlamentstheiegiettablestateofgieeuybishopsintheseuays,whoset
abauexampletothelaity.
S99

Thepassageonpiiestsanuwaifaieoccuisonlypaitlypaialleleuinthe
Latinletteis,anutheuoctiineofthieeoiueisisnotpiesentinthem.Itwas,
howevei, useu by Wulfstan in his lnstitutes of Polity, but the souice foi this
was,accoiuingtoWhitelock,lfiicsletteitoSigeweaiu(seebelow,chaptei
S.S.).
4uu
This passage is also veiy similai to a section titleu Be militia in a
collection of canon laws, foimeily known as Fxcerptiones PseuJo-Fcqberbti,
butnowassigneutotheciiclesofWulfstan,anuiefeiieutointhefollowing
asWulfstansCononlowCollection.Theaichbishopisthoughttohave,ifnot
entiiely compileu, at least commanueu its piepaiation. When Whitelock
publisheu hei euition of the lettei, it was geneially assumeu that the Conon
lowCollectioninitsknownstatewassignificantlyoluei,anuthatlfiichau
useu it as his souice of composition of the lettei. The authoiship of the
collectionoi at least of its compilation as it is piesenteu in the
manusciiptshassincethenbeenie-evaluateu,anuithasbeenaigueuthat
Wulfstan took pait in compiling the collection with the help of many of
lfiics texts.
4u1
Consequently, the line of tiansmission must now be
consiueieu to be the opposite of the one pieviously assumeu; lfiic
piesumably uiu not use the Conon low Collection while wiiting his lettei,
but, on the contiaiy, pioviueu mateiial foi it. The implication of this is that
theioleoflfiicmustbeconsiueieutohavebeengieateithanthepievious
view woulu let one assume. That is, if lfiic was himself the souice of

S97
Ibiu.,247248.
S98
Ibiu.,249.
S99
Ibiu.,2SS2S4.
4uu
Ibiu.,24424S.
4u1
}ames E. Cioss anu Anuiew Bamei, eus., Wulfston's Cononlow Collection (Cambiiuge:
B.S.Biewei,1999),1728.
150

mateiialfoithelongeiiecensionofWulfstansCononlowCollection,hisiole
infoimulatingtheoiueiofsocietyiisestothefoiemostsignificance.
5.1.2. Two Latin letters to Wulfstan
Afteithecompositionofthepiivatelettei,lfiicpioviueufuitheimateiial
onpastoialcaiefoiWulfstan.BewiotetwoLatinletteiswhichcanbeuateu
moie oi less to the time when lfiic was appointeu abbot of Eynsham.
4u2

TheyaiewiittenasiftheyweiespokenbyWulfstan,thatis,heusesthefiist
peison on behalf of the aichbishop. The inuication of this style is that
Wulfstan hau most likely askeu lfiic to pioviue mateiial foi his use. This
was not the fiist time lfiic pioviueu homiletic mateiial foi bishops, as he
hau useu this style alieauy in his pastoial lettei to Bishop Wulfsige of
Sheiboineinabout992.
4uS

The Latin letteis suivive in manusciipts that can be associateu with

Wulfstan.
4u4
This means that they may have been alteieu by Wulfstan
himself,oibythemembeisofhisciicle.Itistheiefoieimpossibletosayfoi
ceitainwhetheiaphiasewasoiiginallyimplementeubylfiic,oiwhethei
the text was alteieu alieauy at the stage it was ieceiveu. This makes the
letteisgoouexamplesoftextualappiopiiationanutheiiuiscouiseshoulube
ieau with Wulfstans ieception in minu, anu not only as exclusive cieations
of lfiic. As the letteis appeai in thiee manusciipts associateu with

4u2
Accoiuing to Bill, Nonastic Refoim anu the Seculai Chuich, 1uS. But cf. Whitelock,
Councils onJ SynoJs, 242. Clemoes, Supplement to Fehis Intiouuction in Fehi, 0ie
hirtenbriefeAlfrics,cxlivcxlv.
4uS
Piinteuin,0iehirtenbriefeAlfrics,1S4.
4u4
The Latin letteis anu theii 0lu English tianslations appeai in paiis, the Latin ones in
CCCC19u(Kei4S,uneussS9),pp.1882u1(Fehi2)anupp.1S11S9(FehiS),CCCC26S
(Kei SS, uneuss 7S), pp. 16u17S (Fehi 2) anu pp. 17418u (Fehi S), anu Copenhagen
Kongelige Bibliotek, u.K.S. 1S9S (uneuss 814), ff. 67i74i (Fehi 2) anu ff. 74i77v (Fehi
S). The 0lu English letteis aie also in CCCC 19u, pp. S2uSS6 (Fehi II) anu pp. SS6S49
(Fehi III), but not in othei manusciipts with the Latin ones. The iest of the extant
manusciipts of the 0lu English letteis aie paitly associateu with Wulfstan in 0xfoiu,
Bouleian Libiaiy, }unius 121 (Kei SS8, uneuss 644), ff. 111i124i (Fehi III) anu Bouley
S4S (Kei S1), ff. 1SSi1S7i (Fehi II) anu ff. 1S7i14uv (Fehi III). 0thei manusciiptsnot
foi ceitain connecteu to eithei lfiic oi Wulfstan aie CCCC 2u1, Lonuon, BL, Cotton
TibeiiusA.iiianuCottonvespasianusC.xiv,whichalsocontainthe0luEnglishletteis.Bill,
NonasticRefoimanutheSeculaiChuich,117.
151

Wulfstan, it is cleai that Wulfstan appioveu the uiscouise as his own, as it

stanusextant.
The fiist Latin lettei (Fehi 2) ueals with the chastity of bouy anu soul,
anu touches upon the piacticalities of conuucting masses, baptism anu
communion. It also lists the books eveiy piiest was supposeu to have
although it can be uoubteu whethei the ieality liveu up to this iuealanu
iteiates othei basic things the seculai cleigy was expecteu to know. The
lettei is thus veiy basic by its contents, anu gives the impiession that its
taiget auuience was eithei quite young oi ignoiant of the tasks anu
iesponsibilities of the cleigy. Foi the puiposes of this stuuy it is especially
theenuoftheletteiwhichisofinteiest,wheie theoiueiof societyanu the
coiiect conuuct of life becomes the centie of attention. The lettei engages
with issues of chastity anu maiiiage in a lengthy passage, then lists the
sevenoiueisofthecleigy,anuuiscussestheimpoitanceofpiopeispiiitual
weapons a piiest shoulu have, compaiing it with the necessities of piopei
tools in a seculai piofession.
4uS
The piopei behavioui of the cleigy follows,
incluuing a piohibition to act as a meichant, to solicit piofit, oi to uiink
excessivelyoiintaveins;incontiast, apiiestshoulualwaysbepiepaieuto
uo what he was oiuaineu foi.
4u6
In the enu of the lettei the uiscussion
focusesonpiohibitingpiiestsfiomfighting(items178191).
4u7
Theissueof
piiests anu waifaie appeais to have been essential at this point, as will be
uiscusseuinmoieuetailbelow.
The seconu Latin lettei (Fehi S) is shoitei, anu it, too, ueals with
piactical matteis the piiests ought to know about theii oiuei. Basic tasks,
suchastheimpoitanceanumeaningofanointing,baptism,communion,anu
othei piiestly coues of conuuct aie uiscusseu in the lettei, anu many points
aiemaueinoiueitowainthepiiestsabouttheconsequencesofneglecting
theiiuuties.Itis alsomentioneu thatcelebiatingmassisnotalloweuin the
housesofthelaity(item2S),thatitisnotalloweutohaveaseculaifeastoi
meeting in the house of uou (item 24), that one shoulu not use wine foi
baptism, but holy watei (item 67), anu that piiests shoulu not sell
saciaments (items 8u81).
4u8
These iemaiks might in tuin tell of the
uiffeiencesbetweentheoiyanupiacticeoflifeintheNiuuleAges,butsince

4uS
Fehi,0iehirtenbriefeAlfrics,S1SS.
4u6
Seu opoitet eum sempei esse paiatum au hoc quou oiuinatus est Ibiu.,S4.
4u7
Ibiu.,SSS6.
4u8
Ibiu., 6u, 6S, 66. All of the points appeai also in Wulfstans iegulations, eithei in the
CononlowCollection(FxcerptionesPseuJo-Fcqberbti),oiintheCononsofFJqor.
152

they weie also pait of eailiei ecclesiastical legislation, they cannot be

pinpointeu to specifically Anglo-Saxon piactices. What seems to be an
oiiginal passage constitutes the enu of the lettei. In the final clauses of the
lettei the cuiient state of the negligent cleigy anu bishops, who weie
supposeu to be the pillais of the Chuich, is lamenteu; they aie ignoiant of
the woiu of uou, anu as such uo not teach well enough, but aie pione to
seculai honoui, gieeu, anu avaiice. In auuition, they pioviue bau examples
foithelaity.Theyuonothavecouiagetospeakofjustice,sincetheyuonot
peifoim oi value justice themselves.
4u9
The issue of gieeuy, negligent
bishopsanupiiestspioveu tobeaconstantcausefoiconceininWulfstans
subsequentwoiksanuiegulations.
5.1.3. Two Old English letters to Wulfstan
lfiic tianslateu his Latin letteis to 0lu English appaiently in the following
yeai,in1uu6.Asitwas thecasewiththe tianslateuhagiogiaphyinchaptei
S, the tianslations aie not liteial, but weie maue accoiuing to the custom,
sensum ex sensu. Because of these customs of tianslation, the ihetoiic of
theLatinanu0luEnglishveisionscanbecompaieuwitheachotheiinoiuei
toseeiftheyimplyanythingabouttheiueologiesofsocialoiuei,consiueiing
the uiffeient functions anu authoiitative statuses these two languages hau.
As }oyce Bill has pointeu out, theie aie omissions, auuitions, expansions,
explanations anu ieaiiangements in the 0lu English letteis. She suggests
thatbythesechangeslfiiciecognizeu auiffeientauuience anuauiffeient
intellectual milieu, anu expecteu the veinaculai letteis to have an auuience
consistingofpiiestswhocoulunotunueistanuLatin.
41u

Especially the 0lu English tianslation of the seconu Latin lettei (Fehi
III) was significantly alteieu, anu these changes make this lettei veiy
inteiesting,astheyimplyanawaienessof uiffeientauuiencesfoiLatin anu
veinaculai. It is consiueiably longei than the Latin lettei, as theie is an
entiie section (items 2S6S) that uoes not occui in the Latin one. Anu

4u9
Seu ualue uolenuum est quia his uiebus tanta neglegentia est in saceiuotibus et
episcopis qui uebeient esse column cclesi ut non autenuant uiuinam sciiptuiam nec
uocent uiscipulos qui sibi succeuant, sicut legimus ue sanctis uiiis, qui multos peifectos
uiscipulossuccessoiessibiieliqueiunt,seuhonoiessculaiesetcupiuitatesuelauaiitiam
sectantes,plusquamlaicimalaexemplasubuitispiaebentes.Nonauuentueiustitialoqui,
quiaiustitiamnecfaciantnecuiligunt.Ibiu.,67.
41u
Bill,NonasticRefoimanutheSeculaiChuich,1u4.
153

because this auuition occuis in all of the extant 0lu English manusciipts of
thislettei,anuinnoneoftheLatin,itcanbesuspecteuthatthisauuitionwas
maue by lfiic himself when he auapteu the lettei to Wulfstan.
411
This
extensive passage contains the lituigical piactices foi the Boly Week,
ueiiveu fiom the Requloris ConcorJio. Both Fehi anu Whitelock supposeu
thatlfiicbaseutheseconuletteitoWulfstanonthelettertotbeHonksof
Fynsbom, iathei than uiiectly on the Requloris ConcorJio.
412
Bill, howevei,
thinks that both of the letteis aie mouifications of the Requloris ConcorJio,
withoutanyveinaculaiin-betweens.
41S
Itshoulubenoteu,too,thatthefiist
0luEnglishlettei(FehiII)beaismuchiesemblancetotheletteitoSigefyi
(Assmann 2), uiscusseu in the pievious chaptei. Thus the ielationship
between these texts is quite complex. Nany of the iueas piesenteu in these
letteisweieauuitionallytiansfeiieuonto Wulfstansownwoik,suchasthe
CononsofFJqor,theCononlowCollection,alawcouefiomtheyeai1uu8(vI
thelieu),anutheNortbumbrionPriestslow.
414

It is cleai, theiefoie, that the textual ielationship between lfiic anu

Wulfstanwasactiveanuuiveise.Thepastoialletteiswhichlfiicpioviueu
foi the use of Wulfstan tell of the influence which the iefoimeu monastic
iueologies coulu pioviue foi an aichbishop with similai inteiests. Wulfstan
woulu fiom theieon aim to uisseminate the iueas of the iefoimeu
monasticismfuithei,inanattempttohainesstheseiulesinpiacticeamong
the seculai cleigy. Within the scope of this stuuy anu the souice mateiial
available it is impossible to make any fuithei estimation about the actual
effect of Wulfstans mission, but it is impoitant to note this aspect anu the
foiceful intention in the natuie of tiansmission. Next I will examine
Wulfstans way of applying the souices lfiic pioviueu in his own wiitings
inuiffeientcontexts.
5.2. Textual appropriation of social order
lfiicpioveutobeanimpoitant pioviuei ofsouices foiWulfstan,notonly
in teims of the letteis uiscusseu above, but also passively, in teims of
homilies anu othei wiitings. lfiics textual influence has been obseiveu in

411
Ibiu.,1u6.
412
Fehi,0iehirtenbriefeAlfrics,lxiv;Whitelock,CouncilsonJSynoJs,2S9.
41S
Bill,NonasticRefoimanutheSeculaiChuich,1u7,note11u.
414
Whitelock,CouncilsonJSynoJs,24S247.
154

seveialofWulfstanswoiks,incluuinghisownhomilies,legaltiactsanualso
the political tiact known as the lnstitutes of Polity. In the beginning of this
thesis I stateu that in oiuei to make inteipietations about the meaning of
iueasoithought,thetextswhichfoimulatethemmustbeconsiueieuwithin
theii own specific context, both histoiically anu textually speaking. In
auuition, one shoulu not anticipate a unifoim meaning to an iuea in each
situation (see chaptei 1.4). To emphasize this theoietical piinciple I woulu
like to uiaw attention to thiee specific instances in which commonplace
iueas weie useu in lfiics anu Wulfstans woiks, anu which hau eithei
common souices oi a uiiect textual ielationship. I will begin with the
tieatmentofanalogiesassigneutothekinginthelnstitutesofPolityanuthen
ieflectittolfiicsviewsaboutthetheologicalpieiequisitesfoiauthoiity.
5.2.1. The Institutes of Polity and its kingly analogies
Buiing his caieei Wulfstan wiote uiafts of what seems to have been an
attempt at a compiehensive analysis of the uuties anu iights of uiffeient
paits of society. This woik on political thought, oi iathei on political
moiality, has been given the title lnstitutes of Polity, but it is somewhat
misleauing to think of it as a single woik, since it was iewiitten anu euiteu
byWulfstanmany times,anuitwaspossiblyneveicompleteuinawaythat
he woulu have been happy with. The lnstitutes of Polity foims the most
aiiangeu anu compiehensive account of Wulfstans conceptions about the
oiuei of society anu of Chiistian anu seculai law. Bespite its exceptional
natuieitiemainsoneoftheleaststuuieutextsinthe0luEnglishcoipus,anu
a full-length stuuy on it is still lacking.
41S
The woik belongs to the latei
stages of Wulfstans wiiting caieei, anu it uiaws heavily on his eailiei
wiitings,especiallytheCononlowCollection.Theinteitextualityconceining
these wiitings is impoitant, since the Conons aie foi theii pait heavily
influenceu by the coiiesponuence between lfiic anu Wulfstan, as was
mentioneuabove.TheCononsbaseseveialitemsonlfiicspastoialletteis
toWulfstan.Theuiscouiseofthelnstitutesisthustobeseeninthislight,as
aiesultofiueasuevelopinginliteiaiyanupeisonalielationships.

41S
Tiilling, Soveieignty anu Social 0iuei: Aichbishop Wulfstan anu the lnstitutes of
Polity,6u;PatiickWoimalu,TbeHokinqofFnqlisblow:KinqAlfreJtotbeTwelftbCentury,
vol.1:LegislationanuitsLimits(0xfoiu:Blackwell,1999),4S8,n.1SS.
155

It was chaiacteiistic of Wulfstan to iewiite his woiks; as Nalcolm

uouuen has stateu, Wulfstans constant tinkeiing with his own woik
suggests a man obsessive about the best foimulation but incapable of
satisfyinghimself.
416
Theiefoie,althoughIspeakofthelnstitutesasasingle
woik, it shoulu be noteu that it was not a coheient, set text, but alive anu
changeable, with uiffeient veisions wiitten in uiffeient stages of Wulfstans
caieei.
417
Foi the same ieason the lnstitutes, anu consequently the texts
which uiaw mateiial fiom it, aie haiu to uate. The eaily uiafts of the
lnstitutes(ofteniefeiieuto asthePolityI)belongtoatimequite soonaftei
Wulfstan iose to the aichbishopiic of Yoik (1uu2), anu the latei veisions
(Polity II) to the time aftei Sweyns conquest anu Cnuts accession to the
thione. Woimalu has compileu a ielative chionology of Wulfstans woik, in
which Polity I is placeu to a time aftei the coiiesponuence with lfiic
(1uuS1uu6),anuthelateiveisionsofthelnstitutestothetimeafteiCnuts
coionation in 1u18.
418
The uiffeient veisions of the lnstitutes belong to
funuamentally uiffeient stages of Wulfstans caieei anu the political
situationofthekinguom,thefiistoneiepiesentingthetimewhenWulfstan
begantotakepaitinthelegislationofthelieu,wheieasthelateiveisions
must be ieau in a veiy uiffeient political situation aftei the evei escalating
viking attacks, invasion, anu the change of iule. By this time Wulfstan hau
acteuasthepiincipallegalauvisoifoithekingfoialongtime,anuhiswoiks
in geneial show a moie legally-oiienteu point of view on the oiuei of
society.

416
uouuen,TheRelationsofWulfstananulfiic,S74.
417
Theieaiefivemanusciiptswhichincluuepassagesfiomthelnstitutes:CCCC2u1(Kei
49, uneuss 6S.S), BL, Cotton Neio A.i (Kei 164, uneuss S41), 0xfoiu, Bouleian Libiaiy,
}unius 121 (Kei SS8, uneuss 644), BL, Cotton Tibeiius A.iii (Kei 186, uneuss S6S) anu
Cambiiuge,0niveisityLibiaiy,AuuitionalNSS2u6(Kei11,uneussSu).Impoitantly,none
of them piesent the woik as a whole Insteau the passages aie scatteieu anu give the
impiession that Wulfstan wiote them as notes which he coulu latei use in composing
otheiwoiks,homiliesfoiinstance.Themanusciiptcontextofallthemanusciiptssuggest
thesame,asthepassagesinthieeofthefiistmentioneumanusciiptswhichpioviuemost
mateiial fiom the lnstitutes have been inteipieteu as Wulfstans commonplace-books oi
his hanubooks foipastoial caie. I suspect that thiswas veiy much the case withthe way
Wulfstancomposeuhislatestlegalhomiliesinwhichheuseupassagesfiomthelnstitutes
extensively.Toveiifythis,thecontextofeachhomilyiequiiesmoieuetaileuexamination,
anuwillbeauuiesseuinfuitheiieseaich.
418
PatiickWoimalu, AichbishopWulfstan:Eleventh-CentuiyState-Builuei,inWulfston,
Arcbbisbop of York: Tbe ProceeJinqs of tbe SeconJ Alcuin Conference, eu. Natthew
Townenu,SFH10(Tuinhout:Biepols,2uu4),2627.
156

lfiicpioviueuessentialmateiialfoiWulfstantouseinhislnstitutesof
Polity.
419
Among the texts Wulfstan useu aie lfiics homily on tbe lorJs
Proyer(TuesuayinRogationtiue:ChI.19),
42u
ahomilyonbiotheilyloveanu
social uuty (Nonuay in Rogationtiue: Ch II.19),
421
the pastoial lettei to
Bishop Wulfsige (Fehi I),
422
the letter on tbe 0lJ onJ New Testoment foi
Sigeweaiu,
42S
the pastoial letteis foi Wulfstan (Fehi 2, S, II, III),
424
anu
possibly also 0e JuoJecim obusivis, a tiact on the twelve abuses of the
woilu.
42S

The lnstitutes of Polity is a systematic piesentation of the

auministiation of society, in which all people aie oiganizeu in a stiict
hieiaichy.Theiightsanuiesponsibilitiesofeachsocialgioupaieuealtwith,
staitingwiththekingwhointhelatesteuitionofthelnstitutesispieceueu
by uouanu moving thiough his counsellois, bishops, eails anu ieeves to
piiests, abbots, monks anu nuns anu finally to laymen anu all Chiistian
people. Wulfstans piemises foi the social oiuei, iesponsibilities anu iights
cannot be saiu to have been unusual, since they aie stiongly uepenuent on
conventional statements anu tiauitions. 0iuei is baseu on the iuea that
obeuience to uou anu the king is the key to salvation. Bespite its
conventionalchaiactei,asReneTiillinghasstateu,itisthebishop,notthe
king, who iises to the ciucial iole in ieaching salvation, peace anu unity.
Tiilling has aigueu that this featuie in the uiscouise of the lnstitutes
suggests a funuamental contiauiction at the heait of Wulfstans Polity, in
thatitconveysaniueaoftheultimateiiieconcilabilityofseculaianuuivine
soveieignty. The ielationship between seculai anu sacieu authoiities is

419
Piinteu in }ost, 0ie lnstitutes of Polity, Civil onJ Fcclesiosticol. The list follows uouuen,
The Relations of Wulfstan anu lfiic, S6SS64. Fxcerptiones PseuJo-Fcqberbti is not
consiueieubyuouuentobeunuoubteulybyWulfstan,soitisnotincluueuinthelist.
42u
Clemoes, Alfric's Cotbolic homilies: tbe First Series: Text, S2SSS4. Commentaiy in
uouuen,Alfric'sCotbolichomilies:lntroJuction,CommentoryonJ6lossory,1SS1S8.
421
, eu. Alfric's Cotbolic homilies: tbe SeconJ Series: Text, EETS, S.S. S (Lonuon:
0xfoiu 0niveisity Piess, 1979), 18u189. Commentaiy in , Alfric's Cotbolic
homilies:lntroJuction,CommentoryonJ6lossory,S19S29.
422
Fehi, 0ie hirtenbriefe Alfrics, 1S4. Piinteu anu tianslateu also in Whitelock, Councils
onJSynoJs,191229.
42S
Naisuen,Tbe0lJFnqlisbheptoteucbonJAlfric'slibellusJeveteriTestomentoetNovo,
2u12Su.
424
All piinteu in Fehi, 0ie hirtenbriefe Alfrics. The 0lu English letteis also in Whitelock,
CouncilsonJSynoJs.
42S
RichaiuNoiiis,eu.0lJFnqlisbhomiliesonJhomileticTreotises,EETS,0.S.29,S4(New
Yoik:uieenwoouPiess,1969),1u1119.
157

foimulateuinawaywhichgivesthebishopapiimaiyioleintheoiueiingof
not just the ecclesiastical oiganization but also eaithly society. Tiilling
aigues that the lnstitutes iepiesent a view which iauically iethinks the
ielationship between seculai anu uivine powei, especially when applieu to
theuealingsofkingsanubishops.
426
Atthispointitcanbementioneuthata
similaitenuencyisvisiblealsoinWulfstanslawcoues,towhichIwillietuin
inthenextchaptei.
Withthe exceptionoftheveisionofthetextwhichisconsiueieu tobe
its latest uevelopment, the lnstitutes begins with a passage Conceining the
king(Becinincqe,cynqe,eorlicumcyninqe)whichpositionsthekingasa
zealous anu iighteous piotectoi of his people.
427
The king is supposeu to
showjustice, piuuence,moueiation,patienceanuwisuominhis iule,anuit
is stateu that he is iesponsible foi his people, anu foi the piotection of the
Chuich.
428
Althoughtheuesciiptionofthekingsuutiesisveiyconventional
anufullycompatiblewiththeiuealsof the Beneuictineiefoim,theuiffeient
veisions show some vaiiations in Wulfstans foimulations. I woulu like to
uiaw attention to the iefeience of the king as a fathei foi his people, as a
shepheiufoihisheiu,anuastheiepiesentativeofChiistoneaith.
vaiiant foimulations in the uiffeient veisions of a wiitten woik may
sometimes affect the histoiical inteipietation of the meaning of the text.
This is eviuent especially in the case of the lnstitutes, which has often been
ieau as a single cohesive text with one meaning. Foi instance, Petei
Richaiuson has aigueu that the lnstitutes can be as a text ueeply engageu
withtiauitionalAnglo-Saxonvaluesofkinshipanufamily.Beaiguesthatthe
ihetoiic of kinship inheient in the text woulu be a tool to invoke iespect in
Wulfstans auuience, in oiuei to gain foice foi his aim to establish fiim
powei stiuctuies in society. Richaiuson states that the impoitance of
kinship is eviuent in the opening passage in which Wulfstan iefeis to the
king as a fathei to the Chiistian people: It is veiy iight anu fitting foi a
Chiistian king that he acts in place of a fathei to the Chiistian people,
guaiuing anu watching ovei them, as he is assigneu to uo as the
iepiesentative of Chiist.
429
Richaiuson states that the pateinal analogy

426
Tiilling,SoveieigntyanuSocial0iuei,6u.
427
The veision in NS X }unius begins with a passage Conceining the heavenly king
(Bebeofonlicumcyninqe).}ost,0ielnstitutesofPolity,CivilonJFcclesiosticol,S9.
428
Ibiu.,4uS4.
429
Ciistenumcyningegebyiaswieiihte,thesyon fderstleciisteniaeoueanu
onwaieanuonweaiueCiistesgespeliga,ealswahegetealuis.Ibiu.,4u.
158

iefeistotheolunotionsoftheimpoitanceoffamilyanukinshipties,making
the analogy an inuication of a time in which the tiansition fiom a moie
piimitivesocietyintoamoieoiganizeuanucentializeustateiseviuent.
4Su
In
his ieseaich Richaiuson has stuuieu the liteiatuie of Anglo-Saxon Englanu
moie bioauly, concentiating on imaginative wiiting, such as poetiy. As his
staitingpointisthatliteiatuienotonlyieflects,butcieatessocialieality,he
analyzesliteiatuieasafactoithatwaspaitofshapingthevaiioussocialanu
political piocesses that took place uuiing the tenth anu eleventh centuiies.
Be aigues fuithei that ceitain patteins of iuentification, which not only
auuiess but also cieate the social anu moial complexities of the time, aie
visibleintheliteiatuieofthetime.
4S1

Richaiusons conclusion fiom this passage is that the pateinal

iefeience is not only a ihetoiical oinament, but a peivasive conceptual
metaphoithatmapsfamilyielationshipsontopoliticalanuspiiitualones.
4S2

AnalogytothefamilyisjuxtaposeutotheuiscouiseoftheSermolupi,which
complainsaboutueteiioiatingfamilyvalues;Richaiusonstatesthatbyusing
the analogy in this way Wulfstan was able to mouel his auuiences political
anu ieligious obligations, by invoking ancient anu unueniable kinship
uuties.
4SS
The iefeience to family ties is thus seen as a metaphoi foi
conceptualizing a society in which the ecclesiastical anu political stiuctuies
weie unueistoou in teims of family ielationships. This obseivation is
impoitant, anu I agiee that it woiks especially within the uiscouise of the
monastic spheies, wheie the same figuie of speech was foi long useu foi
abbots anu bishops, uenoting the spiiitual family ties that ieplaceu the
eaithlyones.Itfallswellwithintheiueologyofkingshipthatwaspiomoteu
uuiingtheBeneuictineiefoim, aswell,whenthekingwasassigneuwithall
themoieieligiousanubishop-likefeatuiesinliteiatuieanuait.
But the impoitance, meaning anu consequence of this metaphoi is not
as stiaight-foiwaiu as Richaiuson implies. I woulu like to point out that
fiistly,onesentenceselecteufiomasinglewoikoi,inthiscase,fiomasetof
textsthatweiechangeuanuauapteuuuiingWulfstanscaieei,shoulunotbe
useu as eviuence in the aigumentation foi the meaning of the whole woik.
Seconuly, this paiticulai metaphoi appeais only in one veision of the

4Su
Petei R. Richaiuson, Naking Thanes: Liteiatuie, Rhetoiic anu State Foimation in
Anglo-SaxonEnglanu,Pbiloloqicoluorterly78,no.12(1999):221.
4S1
Ibiu.,216.
4S2
Ibiu.,221.
4SS
Ibiu.
159

lnstitutes, anu it is changeu into anothei foim in its othei veisions. This
meansthateitheiWulfstanhimselfwasnotcontentwithitsinitialfoim,anu
uevelopeu the text into a uiiection that he consiueieu to be bettei, moie
convincinganueffectivein stylisticstanuaius,oi thattheuiffeientveisions
weie taigeteu to uiffeient auuiences. The manusciipt context of each
veisionuoesnot,unfoitunately,giveanyuefiniteexplanationfoiWulfstans
intentionsiegaiuingthetwoveisions,astheiinatuiecanbeiegaiueuquite
similai;allCCCC2u1(iepiesentingthefiistveision),}unius121anuCotton
Neio A.i (iepiesenting the seconu veision) have been chaiacteiizeu as a
ceitain kinus of hanubooks, consisting of homilies, laws, ecclesiastical
institutes,canonsanupenitentialpassages.
4S4

In oiuei to emphasize my point, I woulu like to uiaw attention to the

contextofthemetaphoi.0fthefouiinstancesinwhichthesectionappeais,
only one of them uses the pateinal metaphoi (CCCC 2u1, }osts B2). This is
thought to be the eailiest one, uating to the time Wulfstan began his caieei
as the legislatoi of King thelieu. The latei veisions have been mouifieu
iatheicompiehensively, anuthefathei-metaphoiiemoveu anuieplaceuby
a moie pastoial metaphoi of the king as the shepheiu foi his Chiistian
heiu.
4SS
Theclauseissimilaiinallthieelateiveisions; twoofthemappeai
in Lonuon, BL, Cotton Neio A.i (}osts u1 anu uS), anu one in 0xfoiu,
BouleianLibiaiy,}unius121(}ostsX).Italsoappeaisin thisfoiminoneof
his homilies (Napiei Su), to which I will ietuin in chaptei S.S.
4S6
As the
uesignation of the king is changeu in all the latei veisions of the text, its
significance must also be ie-evaluateu. Rathei than emphasizing the
tiauitional, appioveu family values of the lay Anglo-Saxon society, I woulu
say that this metaphoi is soliuly built on ecclesiastical, moie specifically
iefoimeu monastic iueological notions of kingship, anu uses its language to
piomote a ieligiously satiateu etbos about the iight oiuei of the woilu.

4S4
FoithecontentsofeachmanusciiptseeN.R.Kei, CotoloqueofHonuscriptsContoininq
Anqlo-Soxon(0xfoiu:ClaienuonPiess,19S7).Itemnumbeis:CCCC2u1:Kei49(homilies,
lawsetc.),}unius121:KeiSS8(ecclesiasticalinstitutesanuhomilies,etc.),CottonNeioA.i:
Kei 164 (ecclesiastical institutes, laws, etc.). Item numbeis in uneuss: 6S.S, 644 anu S41
iespectively.
4SS
Ciistenum cyninge gebyie on ciistenie eoue, t he sy, ealswa hit iiht is, folces
frofer and rihtwis hyrde ofei Ciistene heoiue. }ost, 0ie lnstitutes of Polity, Civil onJ
Fcclesiosticol,4u41.
4S6
Aithui Napiei, eu. Wulfston: Sommlunq Jer ibm zuqescbriebenen homilien nebst
0ntersucbunqenberibreFcbtbeit,Repi.withasupplementbyKlaus0stheeien.(Bublin:
Weiumann:NaxNiehansveilag,1967),266.
160

Baseu on Chiistian piinciples, the metaphoi actually alluues to the

impoitantielationsbetweenthechuichanuthestate,anunottotiauitional
familyties.InthesameveinwithcontinentalCaiolingianiueology,Wulfstan
thus piomoteu the view of society os the Chuich, as the community of
Chiistians. In Wulfstans iuealistic vision society was not uiviueu in two
poweis, but was coheiently woiking towaius Chiistian unity anu peace,
baseu on piopei anu iight Chiistian piinciples. This aspect of Wulfstans
thoughtisallthemoiehighlighteu,wheninthesameinstancethefiistuuty
assigneu to a king is the piotection of the chuich.
4S7
I woulu like to suggest
that the changes in Wulfstans foimulations in the uiffeient veisions of the
lnstitutes can be connecteu with his incieasing inteiest in the spiiitual
aspectsoftheoiueiofsocietyanulegislationtowaiustheenuofhislife.
0thei changes that Wulfstan maue to the eailiest veision of the
lnstitutes inuicate a similai tenuency. When wiiting the latei ieuactions of
the woik, Wulfstan auueu a passage on the heavenly king to the beginning
(NSS X anu u), uiawing moie ieligious analogies between seculai anu
sacieupoweistowaiustheenuofhislife.Theiefoiethewholebeginningof
the text is changeu to stait with a iefeience to the highest authoiity, on
whichtheauthoiityofaneaithlykingwasthenbaseu.
4S8
Itshoulubenoteu,
too,thatthepassageonthekinginitslateistagesisiemaikablysimilaitoa
passageinoneoflfiicshomilies.lfiicuseutheanalogyofthekingasthe
iepiesentative of Chiist in 0ominico post oscensionem 0omini (ca. 1uuu),
wiitten foi the Sunuay aftei Ascension. The homily uoes not emphasize the
kingspateinalioleoifamilyties,butonthecontiaiyusesfulliefeiencesof
theociaticiueologies.Afteitheopeninglinesittuins touealwiththeuuties
oftheking.lfiicwiitesthatthekingneeustocalluponhiscounselloisfoi
auviceanunotielyonsecietsuggestions(rununqwhispeiing).Theking
is calleu the vicai of Chiist, sanctifieu as the guaiuian of the Chiistian
people. It is his utmost uuty to piotect his people fiom the attacking aimy.
lfiiciepeatsthateveiykingwhopiotectsuouspeopleisholy,anuagoou
kingshoulugivehislifefoihispeople,shoulutheiebeneeu,justlikeChiist
gavehislifefoimankinu.Beieisanotheianalogybetweentheheavenlyanu

4S7
uoues cyican ghwai geoine weoiige anu weiige |latei veisions use: fyiiie anu
fiiiejanuealciistenfolcsibbigeanusehtemiuiihteielage,swahegeoinostmage.}ost,
0ielnstitutesofPolity,CivilonJFcclesiosticol,4u4S.
4S8
The passages in NSS B2 anu u1 aie uiffeient, anu NS uS is closei to NS X Polity II,
wheieasNSB2staitsthesamewayasu1,butthenu1continuesinthesamewayasNSS
uSanuX.
161

eaithly kings, stating in uiiect woius the same thing that coulu be
anticipateu in the case of the lives of Soints. The paiallel is maue heie to
explicitly stiengthen the ihetoiic with ieligious imageiy, anu with that to
unueilinetheuutiesoftheking.
AnJtbekinqneeJstocolluponbiscounsellors{forbelp),onJoctoccorJinq
to tbeir oJvice, not occorJinq to secret suqqestions, becousetbe kinq istbe
vicor of Cbrist bimself, over tbe Cbristion people wbo Cbrist bimself
JelivereJ, {onJ tbe kinq is) sonctifieJ {to be) os tbe quorJion , sbepberJ,
{so) tbot be sboll protect tbem, witb tbe belp of tbe people, oqoinst tbe
ottockinq ormy, onJ osk for tbe victory for bimself from tbe true Soviour,
wbo qove bim tbe power unJer bimself, just like oll tbe kinqs wbo pleoseJ
6oJ JiJ. Focb kinq wbo protects 6oJs people is boly, onJ {wbo) qoverns
witblove,notwitbcruelty, onJ olwoysriqbteously,notwitbobstinocy, onJ
{wbo)olsowontstoqive,sboulJtberebesucboqreotneeJ,finollybisown
life for tbe protection of bis people, just os tbe Soviour qove bimself for us,
oltbouqbbemiqbtbovesoveJollmonkinJ,witboutbisownJeotb,onJtoke
owoyfromtbeJevil,bisownbonJwork,boJbewonteJtoJoso.
4S9

The phiase in lfiics text, even though not asciibeu as Wulfstans uiiect
souicefoithecompositionofthelnstitutes,usessimilaiteimsinpositioning
the king, especially when compaieu with the latei veisions of the woik.
Whiletheultimatesouiceofthisanalogyfoibothisusuallythoughttohave
been Seuulius Scotuss 0e rectoribus Cbristionis,
44u
theie aie similaiities in
the choice of woius between lfiic anu Wulfstan. Wheieas the analogy of
thekingasthevicaiofChiist appeaisonly inWulfstansfiistveisionofthe

4S9
Anu s behofa se cyning t he clypige to his witum, anu be heoia iue, na be
iununge faie, foi an e se cyning isCiistes sylfes speligenu ofei am Ciistenan folce e
Ciist sylf alysue, him to hyiue gehalgou, t he hi healuan sceol|ej, miu s folces
fultume, wi|j onfeohtenu|nje heie, anu him sige biuuan t am soan Blenue, e him
one anwealu unuei him sylfum foigeaf, swa swa ealle cyningas uyuon e gecwemuon
uoue. lc cyning bi halig e gehylt uoues folc, anu miu lufe gewissa, na miu
wlhieownysse, ac fie ftei iihte, na miu anwilnysse, anu wyle eac syllan, gif hit swa
micel neou bi, his agen lif tnextan foi his leouewaie, swa swa seBlenu sealue hine
sylfne foi us, eah e he mihte eall mancynn ahieuuan butan his agenum ueae, anu of
am ueofle |gejniman his agen hanugeweoic, gif he swa uon wolue. Pope, homilies of
Alfric:ASupplementoryCollection,vol.1,S8uS81.
44u
0poitet enim Beo amabilem iegnatoiem quem uivina oiuinatio tanquam
vicaiiumsuuminiegimineEcclesiaesuaeesse.
162

Institutes, the subsequent veisions employ the same metaphoi of the

shepheiu (ribtwis byrJe) as is seen in lfiics text. The veision in Cotton
Neio A.i (uS) employs teims similai to lfiic but which aie absent in the
eailiei veisions of the lnstitutes. Foi instance, the king was supposeu to
iightfully piotect (ribtlice beolJe, cf. t be bi beolJon sceol[e] in lfiics
text) the Chiistian people (Cristen folc, as opposeu to cristenre eoJe in
othei manusciipts, but Cristen folc in lfiics text). The teiminology is so
similaiinthesetwocasesthatsomekinuofielationshipofinfluencecanbe
suspecteu,althoughnotasceitaineu.WulfstanuseutheteimvicaiofChiist
also in one of his law coues,
441
but in that instance it was not uevelopeu
fuithei.
The analogies connecteu to the king can all be seen to employ a
monastic moue of uiscouise, in my opinion also in the case of the pateinal
metaphoi. They all assign ceitain episcopal assimilation to the tasks of the
king, which also makes the king seem veiy uepenuent on the Chuich. The
societyas ChuichwasoneofWulfstansaspiiations,anuinhistasktobuilu
this society he useu spiiitual uiscouise togethei with political aspiiations
incieasingly as he auvanceu in his caieei. The way Wulfstan useu this
spiiitual uiscouise uigiesseu, howevei, fiom the theological piinciples
which lfiic assigneu as the giounus foi social oiuei. To examine the
uiffeiencesintheiitheologicaltonesIwillnexttuintotheviituesofthesoul
anutheking.
5.2.2. Virtues of the soul and the king
The uuties of uiffeient people in an eaithly society weie not uiscusseu in
such a systematic way by lfiic as they weie by Wulfstan in the lnstitutes.
Nonetheless,lfiicsiueasbecomeeviuentthioughouthiswoiks,anusome
of them, especially the pastoial letteis, hau an influence on Wulfstan, as it
wassaiubefoie.lfiicshomilyfortbeHonJoyinRoqotiontiJe(ChII.19)is
one of his homilies much conceineu with contempoiaiy social issues.
Wulfstanknewthishomily,anuuseuitinwiitingthelnstitutes.Itstaitswith
a theme of biotheily love, but then tuins to piesent the uiffeient uuties of
the membeis of the society. Even though the homily is not baseu on any
specific mouel, the piesentation iesembles the legenu of the maityiuom of
StPeteianuPaul,whichconceinsthenatuieofpieaching,anuwaspossibly

441
vIII thelieu Foiam Ciisten cyning is Chiistes gespelia getealu
163

useuasabasistouiscussthesocialclasses.
442
Ingeneialthetextisanactive
composition by lfiic, ieaiianging known mateiial to a new foim anu
puipose.Afteitheopeningpassagelfiiclaysoutthethemethatfollowsin
the iest of the text, anu biings out the impoitance of the piopei oiuei of
society: Eveiyone shoulu now consiuei what is fitting foi his iank, since
men in eveiy oiuei aie able to please the Almighty with the uiligence of
soul.
44S
Whentuiningtouiscussthemoialuutiesofeachsectionofsociety,
the homily employs the same iuea that is seen in the 0e JuoJecim obusivis,
especiallywhenbiieflycommentingontheuutiesoftheking.Righteousness
anu wisuom aie stateu as piopei qualities of the king, anu the king shoulu
leau his people with justice anu piuuence. A wise king piofits the people,
wheieas an unwise king causes many misfoitunes.
444
Bespite the change of
topic, the opening theme of the homily shoulu not, in my view, be seen as a
uiveision. The uiscussion on love cieates a pieamble foi what is, in lfiics
view, the basis anu most impoitant iequiiement foi a moially iighteous
Chiistian society. The oiuei is not impoitant just foi the sake of iules anu
oiuei, but has as its pieiequisites the piinciples of Chiistian love. The
uiscussion of love fiist anu not aftei the uuties of society highlights exactly
thispoint.
This homily is, as it was mentioneu, one of the texts Wulfstan most
likely useu in his lnstitutes.}ost has pinpointeu a passage on the uuties of a
king in which Wulfstan mentions the unwise king in the same mannei as
lfiic uiu in his homily for tbe HonJoy in RoqotiontiJe. The similai
foimulationinthesetextsisalikelyinuicationofWulfstansuepenuencyon
lfiic.
44S
Thethemeofjustanuunjustkingswasofcouisesocommoninthe
meuieval liteiatuie, that a uiiect ielationship between these two texts is
uifficult to establish, but Nalcolm uouuen has iuentifieu especially two
collections that may pioviue the souices foi almost all of lfiics mateiial

442
uouuen,Alfric'sCotbolichomilies:lntroJuction,CommentoryonJ6lossory,S19S2u.
44S
Smeage nu gehwa hwt his haue geuafnige. foi an e menn magon uih moues
gecnyiunysse on lceie enuebyiunysse am lmihtigan gecweman. , Alfric's
Cotbolichomilies:tbeSeconJSeries:Text,18S.
444
Cyningegeiist.iihtwisnyssanuwisuom.himisnamagesettofsoumieccenuome.t
hehinesylfne.anusianhisleouemiuwisuomewissige.anuwelgeiihtlce;tfolcbi
gesliguihsnoteinecyning.sigefst.anugesunuful.uihgesceauwisneieccenu;Anuhi
beogeyimeueuihunwisnecyning.onmanegumungelimpum.foihismisiue.Ibiu.
44S
uih unwisne cyning folc wyi geyimeu foi oft ns ne foi his misiue uih
cynincges wisuom folc wyi geslig anu gesunuful anu sigefast. }ost, 0ie lnstitutes of
Polity,CivilonJFcclesiosticol,47.
164

thatWulfstanuseuapaitfiomthepastoialletteis.
446
AsWulfstanwasalso
familiai with 0e JuoJecim obusivis anu Seuulius Scotus, this ielationship
shoulu not be ovei-emphasizeu; the theme was stanuaiu mateiial foi
ecclesiasticalwiiteis.Similaiuiscouisewasthusuiawnfiomeitheilfiics
tiacton0eoctouiciisetJeJuoJecimobusiuisoithehomilyfortbeHonJoyin
RoqotiontiJe,oiboth.Theiefoie,Wulfstansaccountoftheuutiesoftheking
in the lnstitutes is a composition of seveial commonplaces assigneu to an
iuealChiistianking.
Thesamepiinciplesanuuutiesthataiepiesenteuinthelnstitutesweie
tieateu alongsiue viitues anu vices also in lfiics 0e octo uiciis et Je
JuoJecim obusivis.
447
It is a composite text which ueals with vices anu
viitues, anu piesents the twelve abuses of the woilu, one of them being an
unjust king.
448
The iemeuies foi this abuse aie then piesenteu with a
conventional list of the viitues of a goou king; a iighteous king shoulu
govein his people with wisuom, suppiess all wiong ueeus, anu suppoit the
Chiistian faith anu the Chuich, as well as wiuows, oiphans anu the pooi. A
justkingshoulubesteininjuugingciiminals,anujuugeallmeninanequal
mannei iegaiuless of theii wealth. Be shoulu appoint loyal men foi his aiu,
anu take caie to listen to theii auvice, anu he shoulu nevei be passionate,
angiy,oiimpatient(weomoJ).Beshoulubiavelyfight againsttheattacking
aimies,anuingeneialleauagoou,moiallife,piayiegulailyanuholufastat
appointeu times. If he holus on to these commanus (beboJon), the kinguom
will piospei, anu foi his faithfulness in this life the king will be gianteu a
iewaiuofeteinallife.
449
Coiiesponuingly,ifheuoesnot,hiskinguomwoulu
bestiuckbywai,famine,uisease,bauweatheioiwilubeasts.Itisieminueu
that if a king is uniighteous, he will meet his enu in the uepths of toiment,

446
Acollectionofhomiliesin0xfoiu,BouleianLibiaiy,Batton11Sanuanotheicollection
allbylfiicinCCCC178.uouuen,TheRelationsofWulfstananulfiic,S66S69.
447
lfiicsauthoishipofthistexthasbeenaigueubyNaiyClayton,lfiic'sBeAuguiiis
anuCambiiugeCoipusChiistiCollege178,inlotinleorninqonJFnqlisblore:StuJiesin
Anqlo-Soxon literoture for Hicboel lopiJqe, eu. Katheiine 0'Biien 0'Keeffe anu Anuy
0ichaiu (Toionto: 0niveisity of Toionto Piess, 2uuS), vol. 2, S76S94. Clayton is
piepaiinganeweuitionofthistext.
448
e nihgee uneau is t e king beo uniih|tjwis. Noiiis,0lJ Fnqlisb homilies onJ
homileticTreotises,11S.
449
ennebihisiicheisunufulonliue.Anuefteiisseliuehescalfaiantoanecheliue
foihistieowscipe.Ibiu.
165

evenifheisnowexalteuonthioneaboveotheimen.
4Su
Thetieatmentofthe
kingsviituesisveiysimilaitoWulfstansinthelnstitutes,anubothofthem
stiess justice, wisuom anu iighteousness as impoitant qualities of a
Chiistianking.
The piinciples of the uuties anu viitues of a iighteous king aie
stiikingly similai to the viitues of the soul, which lfiic uiscusseu in the
homily for tbe Notivity of Cbrist in the lives of Soints (lS 1). This homily
uiaws mainly on Alcuins 0e onimoe rotione, anu auapts the passage on the
caiuinal viitues of the soul following Alcuin.
4S1
These virtutes aie the
stiength anu powei (mibt anu mqen) of the soul, with which humans aie
able to fight evil. The foui foiemost aie pruJentio, that is wisuom
(snoternysse),thioughwhichthesoulunueistanusitscieatoi,loveshim,anu
iecognizes goou fiom evil. The seconu stiength is iustitio, that is
iighteousness (ribtwisnys), with which the soul honouis uou anu lives
iighteously.Thethiiuoneistemperontio(qemetequnq),whichmoueiatesall
things to achieve a state of being that is not too excessive oi too slight. The
fouithviitueisfortituJo,thatisstiength(strnqoeonreJnys),toenuuie
haiushipsanutoiesisttheuevil.
4S2

Inthisinstancelfiicexaminesonlythenotionofsoul,butthesesame
piinciplesaietieateuasqualitiesofaiighteousiuleibothin0eoctouiciiset
JeJuoJecimobusivisanuinWulfstanslnstitutes.Thefiistone,wisuom,was
natuially one of the most impoitant anu common featuies in piesentations
of an iueal king, anu much useu also in Anglo-Saxon Englanu especially in
theliteiatuieofKingAlfieusieign.
4SS
Thepassagesaboutthekingswisuom
in lfiics tiact (be sceol wission miJ wisJome bis folke onJ unribt oleqqen

4Su
Wite ec e king hu his is icween on boken gif he iihtwisnesse ne halt et swa swa he
is on heuene on his kine setle to-foian oei mennen; swa he bi eft inieieu on an
neoemestepinanunueianuniihtwiseueouleeheeiiheiuanuicwemue.Ibiu.,117.
4S1
RecoiusfoiAnglo-SaxonText:Lives1(NativityofChiist).FontesAnqlo-Soxonici.
4S2
Skeat,AlfricslivesofSoints,vol.1,2u.Cf Alcuin Cujus excellentioies viitutes quatuoi
essemanifestumest,iuest,piuuentia,qua|Al.,quaejagenuavelnonagenuauisceinit;et
justitia, qua Beus colitui, et amatui, et iecte vivitui intei consocias animas; tempeiantia,
quae concupiscentiam vel iiam gubeinat, ne uefinitos honestatis teiminos
tiansgieuiantui; foitituuo, qua auveisa hujus vitae quaecunque contingant, constanti
animotoleiat.Alcuinus,0pusculumsextum:0eonimoerotioneliberoJFuloliomvirqinem.
PatiologiaLatinaBatabase:vol.1u1.
4SS
See Baviu Piatt, TbePoliticol Tbouqbt of Kinq AlfreJ tbe 6reot (Cambiiuge: Cambiiuge
0niveisityPiess,2uu7).
166

onJeneileoueoreren),
4S4
inthehomilyfortbeHonJoyinRoqotiontiJe,seen
above,anuconsequentlyinWulfstanwhocloselyauaptsthislfiicshomily
inthelnstitutes(lurbcynincqeswisJomfolcwyrqesliqonJqesunJfulonJ
siqefost. AnJ y sceol wis cyninq cristenJom onJ cyneJom miclion onJ
mrsion, onJ o be sceol benJom binJrion onJ byrwon)
4SS
aie
commonplacesanuiepeatthepievailingtiauition.
Itisnotewoithythatalloftheotheiviituespiesenteuintheuiscussion
onthesoulaiealsopiesentinthesetexts.}usticeinpaiticulaigaineumuch
impoitance in Wulfstan, which is unueistanuable consiueiing his sustaineu
inteiest in the legal piinciples of society. }ustice, ribtwisnys, is the basis foi
peace anu oiuei, anu thiough justice the king is iesponsible foi the
piotection of the weak anu the punishment of the wickeu. Be shoulu be
meiciful towaius goou people, anu seveie towaius the evil. Basically, he is
iesponsible foi puiifying his lanu in the sight of uou anu the woilu, as
Wulfstan vehemently foimulateu.
4S6
This theme is impoitant in 0e octo
uiciis, natuially, as the text ueiives fiom a tiact on an unjust king, but it is
not so much emphasizeu in lfiics homily for tbe HonJoy in RoqotiontiJe.
Wulfstan concentiates on justice, iighteous law, anu coiiection as the most
impoitant featuie anu almost leaves the othei featuies oveishauoweu by
this accentuation. The fouith viitue, stiength, is also closely tieu to justice,
whichthekingshouluexeicisewithgieatfoitituue.
Theiefoie, the viitue of tempeiance, even though mentioneu also by
Wulfstan, gains much less space in his text than it uoes in lfiics. Patience
(moJwrnes)ismentioneuin the followingpassage,conceining kinguom
(be cyneJome), but ueiives fiom a uiffeient souice, Seuulius Scotus, iathei
than fiom lfiics auaptation of 0e JuoJecim, anu the woiu to uenote the
viitue is uiffeient fiom lfiics text.
4S7
In lfiics auaptation anu in the
homily for tbe Notivity of Cbrist, howevei, tempeiance is mentioneu
explicitly as the most impoitant viitue of all. 0e octo uiciis staits by
mentioning that moueiation is the mothei of all viitues, anu that all things

4S4
Noiiis,0lJFnqlisbhomiliesonJhomileticTreotises,11S.
4SS
}ost,0ielnstitutesofPolity,CivilonJFcclesiosticol,47.Wulfstannoimallyseemstohave
useu wisJom insteau of snoternysse when uiscussing piuuence. }osts list of Wulfstans
typicallexicalchoicesisalsoseeinBance,Sounu,Fuiy,anuSignifieis,4S.
4S6
Anu uo swa him eaif is clnsige his eoue foi uoue anu foi woiulue }ost, 0ie
lnstitutes of Polity, Civil onJ Fcclesiosticol, Su. Wulfstan useu thisphase also in one of his
lawcoues,vIthelieu,7.
4S7
Ibiu.,S2.
167

uone in excess aie haimful.

4S8
Also in the passage on the unjust king, it is
saiuthatakingshouluneveibeimpatient,anuthatheshoulubeunmoveu
inhaiushipsanuhumbleinpeace.
4S9

Asitisseen,theiefoie,thepiincipalviituesof the kingweiethesame

astheviituesof thesoul.Wisuom, iighteousness,foitituue anutempeiance
uisplay themselves in both theological notions of the stiengths of the soul
anu in the featuies of an iueal Chiistian king. This similaiity between the
ethical piinciples of an inuiviuual human being anu those connecteu to a
political office was essential alieauy in classical philosophy, anu pioveu to
beasessentialalsolateiintheNiuuleAges,butiaielypeiceiveuoistuuieu
intheAnglo-Saxonhomileticmateiial.Iwoululiketosuggest,howevei,that
seeing this connection is essential also in unueistanuing the late Anglo-
Saxon political thought, especially that of lfiic. In Wulfstans case we
cannotsayfoiceitainifheconnecteutheviituesofthekingasueeplytothe
theological notions than lfiic uiu, but his textual anu iueological
uepenuence on lfiic was eviuent also in this instance. The inuiviuual soul
anu its impoitant featuies cannot be seen as sepaiate fiom the concept of
thepoliticalentity;whatwasimpoitantinlivingagooulifeasaninuiviuual
was as impoitant in conuucting piopei oiuei as a society. The same
piincipleshauacommongoal,tocaiiyoutamoiallyiighteouslifeasapait
oftheChiistiancommunity,foiachievingsalvationanueteinallife.
5.2.3. Priests, laymen, and warfare
The theological piinciples behinu the oiuei of society anu its hieiaichy
toucheu also upon a mattei which was peihaps painfully familiai foi the
people living in the beginning of the fiist millennium: waifaie anu its
paiticipants. As it has become eviuent, in seveial instances uuiing his
wiiting caieei lfiic pointeu out the uiffeient uuties of laymen anu cleigy,
especially when uiiecting seculai cleigy in theii pastoial uuties, but also
when instiucting the lay aiistociacy on how to leau a moially piopei life.

4S8
0mnia nimia nocent et tempeiancia matei viitutum uicitui t is on englisc alle ofei
uone ing uena. anu imetnesse is alie mihta mouei. Noiiis, 0lJ Fnqlisb homilies onJ
homiletic Treotises, 1u1. The souice foi this clause is not ceitain, but Naiy Clayton has
suggesteu that lfiicuiew it fiom Baymo of Auxeiie. Naiy Clayton, Tempeiance as the
Notheiofviituesinlfiic,NotesonJueriesSS,no.1(2uu8).
4S9
Be ne scal beo nefie wemou |...j anu beon on eifenesse anieu anu eumou on
stilnesse.Noiiis,0lJFnqlisbhomiliesonJhomileticTreotises,11S.
168

0ne of the uuties stiictly tieu to the seculai spheie was waifaie, anu this
theme is piesenteu anu commenteu upon iepeateuly in lfiics pastoial
letteis. Next I will uiscuss how this theme was useu in lfiics eaily
piouuctioninhisletteitoBishopWulfsige(FehiI)inabout992,anuhowit
wasuevelopeuinhispastoialletteisfiomthetimeofhisabbacy.Thesetexts
also pioviueu mateiial foi Wulfstan to use in his Conon low Collection, the
lnstitutesofPolityanulegaltiacts.
The ethics of wai hau been a continuous subject of uiscussion in eaily
meuieval theology, anu the uisagieement between Chiistian uoctiine anu
waifaie hau been tieateu togethei with biblical exegesis anu bioauei
theologicalanulegaliueas.
46u
Theissueofpiieststakingpaitinwaifaiewas
theologically pioblematic, as it bioke the holy oiuei of society anu uefileu
theii task as the meuiatois between uou anu people. As seen fiom the
monasticpointofview,theuutyofthelaitytotakecaieofwaifaiewasthus
both a piactical anu spiiitual iesponsibility. In ieality the ioles of waifaie
weie not so cleai, anu it coulu happen that among the paiticipants in wai
weie also chuichmen, not only unleaineu seculai cleigy, but specifically
thoseinthehigheipositionsofecclesiasticalhieiaichy.Thefiguiesinthese
positions weie most often membeis of aiistociatic families who weie
iesponsible foi waifaie anu militaiy piotection. As Belen Nicholson has
pointeuout,thetheoiyanupiacticeofmeuievalwaifaieuiunotoftenmeet
each othei, anu especially bishops weie even expecteu to engage in the
waifaie of theii auministiative aieas.
461
The uiscouise of lfiic anu
Wulfstan has to be iegaiueu in this light, not as uesciiptions, but
piesciiptionsas attempts to actualize iueals into piactice baseu on theii
knowleugeonthepiopeiconuuctofwaifaie.
Foialeaineumonklikelfiicitwasimpoitanttostiesstheiueathatit
waswiongfoithecleigytopaiticipateinseculaiwaifaie,anuassuchtheie
is nothing peculiai in lfiics tieatment. lfiics close ielationship to the
seculai aiistociacy, howevei, makes his comments inteiesting, since
ealuoimenweieiesponsiblefoiwaifaieintheiiassigneuiegions.Wulfstan,
foi his pait, was as an aichbishop even closei to the affaiis of waifaie; he,
too, was iesponsible foi the people of his aiea, anu peihaps even awaie of
the militaiy ieality. What makes the issue of waifaie in theii woiks

46u
0njustwaianuAugustinesinfluenceintheNiuuleAgesseeFieueiickB.Russell,Tbe
}ustWorintbeHiJJleAqes(Cambiiuge:Cambiiuge0niveisityPiess,197S).
461
Belen Nicholson, HeJievol Worfore: Tbeory onJ Proctice of Wor in Furope S001S00
(Bampshiie:PalgiaveNacmillan,2uu4),646S.
169

inteiesting is the uevelopment of the theme in uiffeient texts, uuiing the

timewhenthevikingattackshauintensifieuanupoliticalciicumstanceshau
becomepioblematic,tosaytheleast.
Even though the theological piinciples conceining the cleigy anu
waifaie shoulu have been cleai, especially if lfiic was conceineu, some
biblicalpassagesoffeieucausefoimisunueistanuing.Thisappliesespecially
to a passage in the Bible (}ohn 18:1u) in which St Petei succumbs to using
violence in an attempt to uefenu Chiist at the moment of his aiiest. As St
Petei was the piincipal saint anu example foi the cleigy, the passage coulu
be ieau in a way which entitleu the piiests use of the swoiu. It seems that
lfiic hau inueeu encounteieu this issue anu anticipateu that some piiests
might aigue against this iule. Be states in his pastoial letteis that some
piiests neveitheless say that the apostle Petei useu weapons.
462
lfiic
explains that this example is not to be ieau as a justification to caiiy
weapons, but on the contiaiy it valiuates the point of not to. To countei
thesekinusofmisunueistanuings,lfiicuiscussestheioleofpiiestsasnon-
violent, spiiitual fighteis of the Chiistian society. The impoitance of piopei
inteipietationanulfiicstenacitytouisseminateitaiealsointhisinstance
atthefoiefiontoftheuiscouise.
Thepioblemofpiieststakingpaitinseculaiaffaiiswasfiistuiscusseu
in lfiics pastoial lettei to Bishop Wulfsige, wiitten soon aftei 992.
46S
In
this lettei lfiic uealt bioauly with the uuties of piiests, anu uiew heavily
on the Caiolingian capitulaiy of Aachen, the fiist capitulaiy of uheibalu of
Liege (luro quoe socerJotes Jebent bobere), wiitten in ca. 8u2.
464
The
ielationship between the cleigy anu the laity is piesenteu as custouial; it
was the uuty of the piiests to make suie that the laity knew the iight
Chiistianuoctiineanu,aboveall,behaveuaccoiuingtoit.Theiightconuuct
of life anu the coiiect knowleuge of the Sciiptuie weie seen as means to
cieatepiopeioiuei,anuintheaspiiationtoieachthisoiueithecleigyhau
agieateiiesponsibilitythanthelaity.Theiigoiousoiueiofsocietybecomes
eviuentwhenlfiiclistssevenianks(boJos)ofpiiestsbutnotofmonks
oinuns,asthisletteiwaswiittenwiththeseculaicleigyinminu.Theianks,

462
Bicunt tamen quiuam cleiici Petium apostoloium usum fuisse aimis, eo quou
absciuissetauiiculamNalchi.Fehi,0iehirtenbriefeAlfrics,SS.
46S
Clemoes,Supplement,inFehi,0iehirtenbriefeAlfrics,cxlivcxlv.
464
Whitelock, Councils onJ SynoJs, 19S. Euiteu in Petei Biommei, eu. leqes, Copitulo
Fpiscoporum,vol.1,TheBigitalNonumentaueimaniaeBistoiica(Bannovei:Nonumenta
ueimaniaeBistoiica&BayeiischeStaatsbibliothekNnchen,1984),S21.
170

boJos,weiesacieu,anuinaccoiuancewiththeiestoflfiicsuiscouiseon
oiuei,itisstateuthatthosewholiveaccoiuingtotheiulesthataiesetupon
them,aiesaveuanushallgotoheaven.
46S
Intheletteilfiiciepiimanusthe
piiests foi wanting to paiticipate in seculai affaiis anu bieaking the iules.
The piiests aie iepiimanueu foi wanting to act as ieeves anu wishing to
leavethechuichinfavouiofseculaiaffaiis.
466
Whenengagingwiththeissue
of waifaie lfiic uses the metaphoi of holy books as weapons foi spiiitual
woik (o wpno to om qostlicum weorce).
467
This metaphoi seives as a
tiansition to the uiscussion of waifaie, but theie is no explicit ciiticism
about caiiying weapons oi taking pait in waifaie. In this lettei lfiic uoes
not yet expounu on the issue of piiests anu waifaie, anu only biiefly states
that piiests shoulu not caiiy weapons noi stait stiife (ne be wpno ne
weriqe, ne ne wirce soce).
468
Nost of the iules imposeu on the cleigy in the
lettei weie ueiiveu fiom luro quoe socerJotes Jebent bobere, anu this
passage seems to me to be a uiiect, abiiugeu tianslation of it (Nemo ex
socerJotum numero ormo puqnontium umquom portot nec litem contro
proximum ullom excitot).
469
Theiefoie, since this tianslation is not
commenteuuponfuithei,itisplausibletothinkthatatthisstagelfiicuiu
not see it necessaiy oi ielevant to engage with this issue. As it was stateu,
thepeiiouinthe99uswasstillfaiilypeacefulinteimsofthevikingattacks.

46S
as hauas synuon halige anu to heofenum gebiinga ia pieosta sawla e hy
syfeilicehealua.Whitelock,CouncilsonJSynoJs,2uS2u6.
466
Bowuaieyounowuespisetheoiuinanceofthemall,whenmonkskeeptheoiuinances
ofoneman,theholyBeneuict,anulivebyhisuiiection,anuifanywheietheybieakit,they
atonefoiitagainbytheuiiectionoftheiiabbotwithallhumility1You,too,haveaiule,if
youweiewillingtoieauit,inwhichyoucanseehowitislaiuuownconceiningyou;but
you love seculai conceins anu wish to be ieeves anu ueseit youi chuiches anu the
oiuinancesentiiely.Wewillneveithelesstellyoutheoiuinances,lestweouiselvespeiish
alongwithyou.(Buuuiiegenufoiseonheoiaealiagesetnyssa,onnemunecashealua
anesmannesgesetnyssa,shalganBeneuictus,anubehisuihtelybba,anugyfhyhwi
hit tobica, hi hit gebeta eft be heoia abbuuues uihte miu ealie eaumounysse1 ue
habba eac iegol, gyf ge hine iuanwoluan, on am ge magon geseon, hu hit geset is be
eow.Acgelufiawoiulu-spicaanuwyllabeongeiefananufoiltaeowiecyicananu
agesettnyssamiuealle.Wewyllaswaeahsecganagesetnyssaeow,elsewesylfe
losigon foi miu eow.) Fehi, 0ie hirtenbriefe Alfrics, 2S; Whitelock, Councils onJ SynoJs,
216217.Tians.Whitelock.
467
Be sceal habban eac a wpnato am gastlicum weoice, i an e he beo gehauou,
tsynuahalganbec.,CouncilsonJSynoJs,2u62u7.
468
Ibiu.,212.
469
Biommei,leqes,CopituloFpiscoporum,2u.
171

This biief statement that he hau auopteu fiom the Caiolingian capitulaiy
latei uevelops into moie elaboiate uiscussions about coiiect moial anu
societaloiuei.
In his latei compositions on the same issue lfiic elaboiates on the
passageanuintiouucestheexampleofStPetei.Fiistly,theexampleappeais
in the piivate lettei fiom lfiic to Wulfstan (Fehi 2a), following the
metaphoi of thiee pillais, anu then also in the fiist Latin (Fehi 2), anu the
fiist0luEnglishlettei(FehiII),fiomwhichitwastiansfeiieutoWulfstans
CononlowCollection.Inthepiivateletteitheissueisnotuevelopeufuithei
than stating, by quoting the Bible, that }esus hau tolu Petei to put away his
swoiu.
47u
In the fiist Latin lettei anu its 0lu English tianslation, it is
anticipateu that as a counteiaigument the piiests coulu use the example of
StPetei,whocaiiieuaswoiuanustiuckofftheeaiof}esussenemy.
471
The
fiist0luEnglishlettei(FehiII)states:
he is not to be quorrelsome; onJ be is not to stir up strife; but be must
reconcile tbe quorrelsome, if be con. he moy not beor weopon nor qo to
bottle, for tbe conon tells us: if be is sloin in wor or becouse of some
Jispute, on no occount moy moss be celebroteJ for bim or proyers be
offereJ for bim; but yet one moy bury bim. Now some priests soy tbot
Peter boJ o sworJ wben be struck off tbe eor of tbe wickeJ mon, tbe
}ewisbservont,oswereoJoboutit.Butwesoyintrutbtbottberiqbteous
Soviour, onJ tbose wbo followeJ bim, JiJ not qo ormeJ or witb ony
worfore; os it is written obout bim, tbot be went tbrouqb tbe lonJ,
teocbinq tbe foitb, Joinq qooJ onJ beoleJ tbe insone onJ beoleJ oll
infirmity onJ sicknesses. he JiJ not strive nor sbout, nor proceeJ witb
fierceness, but wos brouqbt to slouqbter just os on innocent lomb. Yet
tbere come suJJenly tbere omonq tbem, wben tbe }ews bounJ bim, two
sworJstobonJ, ositissoiJ:0eorlorJ,bereoretwosworJs.lftbeyboJ
beentberebefore,tbeywoulJnotbovespokentbus;onJifPeterboJbeen
ollolloweJtokilltbemon,CbristwoulJnotbovecommonJeJbimtobiJe
tbe sworJ. he soiJ: Put tbe sworJ into tbe sbeotb. he JiJ not wisb to
injuretbeimpiousmon,butbeotoncebeoleJbimintbeofflicteJeor.Tbe

47u
Et Bominus uixit Petio cainalitei auhuc sapienti: Nitte glauium in vaginam. 0mnes
quiaccepeiintglauium,glauiopeiibuntNonuixitglauioocciuuntui,seuglauiopeiibunt.
Whitelock,CouncilsonJSynoJs,2S2.
471
Fehi, 0ie hirtenbriefe Alfrics, SSS6. Cf. Wulfstan iec A. 7S anu iec. B. 16S. Cioss anu
Bamei,WulfstonsCononlowCollection,99,169.
172

somePeter,wbostruckofftboteor,loterwosbonqeJonocrossforfoitb
intbeSoviour,onJbeJiJnotresist,neitberbyworJnorbyJeeJ.
472

When compaieu with the Latin lettei, the 0lu English tianslation is faiily
similai, but shows some minoi changes with the way this example is
authoiizeu. Wheieas in the Latin lettei lfiic hau appealeu to the
authoiitative examples of maityi saints
47S
anu St Naitin
474
in establishing
theaigumentsagainstcaiiyingweapons,inthe0luEnglishtianslationonly
biblical examples aie given. This might suggest that when tianslating the
Latin lettei lfiic expecteu the veinaculai lettei to have a less euucateu
auuienceinteimsofthestoiyofStNaitin,butgiventheinteiestthathehau
shown towaius this paiticulai saint in his eailiei texts, this may not be a
sufficient explanation.
47S
Yet, the example of St Petei was in both cases
elaboiateu on in the texts wiitten at the time of his abbacy. Be emphasizes
thepointthatwithinthisstoiy,whichtheunleaineupiiestsmightuseasan
aigumentfoitheuseofweapons,}esusimmeuiatelytoluPeteitoputuown
theswoiu,anuhealeuthemanseai.

472
Nehesacfulnebeo;neheceasteneastyiige;achescealasacfullangesibbian,gifhe
mg. Ne mot he wpnu weiian ne to gefeohte faian, foion e se canon us seg: gif he
ofslagen bi on folces gefeohte oe foi sumeie ceaste, t man nateshwon ne mot him
mssian foie ne him foie gebiuuan; ac bebyiian swaeah. Nu secga sume pieostas t
Petiushfuesweoiuaaheofaslohsfoiscyluiganeaie,siuueiscaneowan,swa
swa we iua be am. Ac we secga to soan t se sofasta Blenu, ne a e him
folgouon,nefeiuongewpnoue,nemiunanumwige;swaswahitawiitenisbehim,t
hefeiuegeonulanu,geleafantcenue,gouwyicenue,anuawitseocangehlueanuealle
untiymnysse anu aula gehlue. Be ne flat, ne ne hiymue, ne miu hienysse ne feiue, as
ws gebioht to slege swa swa unscig lamb. i coman eah filice, swa swa hit
gecweuenis:Bomine,ecceglauiiuuohic.Biihtenleof,hesynuontwassweoiu.uifii
wion,necwuonhinaswa;anugifPetiusmosteonemanfulslean,onneneheteCiist
hinebehyuantsweoiu.Becw:Botsweoiuintoiesce.Benoluegeyfelian
amaileasanmenn,achehinesonagehlueonbesettumeaie.SeylcaPetiuseft,et
eaieof asloh,weai ahangenoniouefoisBlenuesgeleafan,anuheongeannewan,
naei miu woiue ne miu uue. Whitelock, Councils onJ SynoJs, 269299. Tians.
Whitelock.
47S
Nullus igitui sanctoium umquam pugnanuo saeculaiibus aimis aueptus est iegnum
coeloium, seu potius maitiiium patienuo aut pie et iuste uiuenuo. Fehi, 0ie hirtenbriefe
Alfrics,S6.
474
Sanctus Naitinus quoque uixit Iuliano, peifiuo impeiatoii: Chiisti enim sum miles;
pugnaiemihinonlicet.Ibiu.
47S
lfiic wiote a homily on St Naitin in Ch II.S4 anu lS S1. uouuen, Alfric's Cotbolic
homilies:tbeSeconJSeries:Text,288298;Skeat,AlfricslivesofSoints,vol.2,219S1S.
173

Theimpoitanceoftheexamplefoi thecleigyiosefiomthestatus that

St Petei hau; he was not only the symbol of papacy, but as the fiist apostle
alsothepiimaiysaintofthecleigy.Thewoikofpiiestsassuccessoisofthe
apostles culminateu in St Petei, who was thus an example also foi piiestly
life anu behavioui. But St Petei was pioblematic in two aspects, especially
foi the iueology of the Beneuictine iefoim movement. Fiistly, St Petei hau
been maiiieu befoie he began to follow Chiist. This uiu not agiee with the
stiict insistence on chastity anu viiginity of the cleigy that the movement
vinuicateu.Seconuly,asthepassageonpiiestsanuwaifaiemakesitcleai,St
Peteihauuseuviolenceagainstaman.Bothoftheseaspectsweieimpoitant
themesinthepastoialteachingofthateia.
476

Wulfstan is thought to have ieviseu lfiics lettei in one of the

manusciipts (CCCC 2u1).
477
The changes anu auuitions show minoi
alteiationstothetheme,butnotsignificantuiffeiencesincontent.Wulfstan
auueu some moie aigumentation against piiests caiiying weapons, anu
expanueuthelastchapteioftheletteiwhichmentionsStPeteismaityiuom
anuueathontheciosswithoutiesistance,confiimingthenon-violentnatuie
of the cleigy. Wulfstan stiesses that it was not the task of the cleigy to
fight.
478
When estimating the ielationship between lfiic anu Wulfstan on
the issue of piiests anu waifaie, it is notewoithy that lfiics main souice
foi his composition, the capitulaiy of Aachen, appeais in thiee manusciipts
that aie consiueieu to be connecteu to Wulfstan.
479
All of the manusciipts
continue with the shoitei iecension of Wulfstans Conon low Collection
(Fxcerptiones PseuJo-Fcqberbti). CCCC 26S also contains lfiics Fiist anu
Seconu Latin letteis foi Wulfstan (Fehi 2 anu S), anu lfiics letter to tbe
monksofFynsbom.Alaigepiopoitionofthecollectionconsistsofnumeious
ecclesiastical exceipts on vaiious piactical matteis on how to conuuct
ecclesiastical life, anu touches upon matteis such as the piopei conuuct of
bishops, anu the exemplaiy powei of piiests who teach iight but live

476
0n the impoitance of viiginity foi the iefoim movement see Clayton, Tbe Cult of tbe
virqin Hory in Anqlo-Soxon FnqlonJ; Cubitt, viiginity anu Nisogyny in Tenth- anu
Eleventh-CentuiyEnglanu.
477
Thiswasestablisheuby}ostinieviewofFehiinFnqliscbeStuJien,iii(1918),1uS112.
Whitelock,CouncilsonJSynoJs,2SS.
478
Ibiu.,299.
479
CCCC 26S (Kei SS, uneuss 7S); BL, Cotton Neio A.i (Kei 164, uneuss S41); 0xfoiu,
BouleianLibiaiy,BailowS7:6464.
174

bauly.
48u
It also contains issues of penance, maiiiage, confession, anu
excommunication, anu implements eailiei texts which weie useful foi
Wulfstansowncomposition,suchasKing Eugaisfouithlawcoue,exceipts
fiomAmalaiiusofNetzsliberofficiolisonpiiestsvestmentsanutheoiuei
of vaiious masses, Wulfstans own homily on baptism, anu the Copitulo of
Theouulfof0ilans.
481
Wemust,howevei,bewaiyofassigningatoouiiect
ielationship of influence between lfiic anu Wulfstan on this mattei, since
the actual ielationship between lfiics use of the Capitulaiy of Aachen in
Fehi I, on the one hanu, anu Wulfstans use of both lfiics lettei anu
uheibalus capitulaiy in his woiks, on the othei, is veiy complicateu. Fehi I
is, in auuition to the Conon low Collection (veision B), the most impoitant
souice foi Wulfstans Conons of FJqor, a collection of veinaculai episcopal
statutes. The manusciipts that can be connecteu to Wulfstan, in which this
capitulaiy appeais, iepiesent a uiffeient manusciipt tiauition than the one
lfiicseemstohaveuseuinhisletteitoWulfsige.
482
Inthislightitappeais
that lfiic anu Wulfstan both useu the text inuepenuently, anu that lfiic
wasnottheonlysouicefoiWulfstaninthismattei.
48S

48u
IsiuoieofSeville,exceiptsfiombookSofSententioe,ch.S6S8.
481
0npages12116u.NanusciiptuesciiptioninthePorkerlibroryontbeWeb,NSCCCC
26S. Coipus Chiisti College, the Stanfoiu 0niveisity Libiaiies, anu Cambiiuge 0niveisity
Libiaiy.AccesseuS.9.2u1u.
http:paikeiweb.stanfoiu.euupaikei
482
Biommei,leqes,CopituloFpiscoporum,S.
48S
SeealsoNichaelElliot,uheibalu'sFiistCapitulaiy,theExceiptionesPseuuo-Ecgbeihti,
anutheSouicesofWulfstan'sCanonsofEugai,NotesonJueriesS7,no.2(2u1u):16S.In
lfiics seconu Latin lettei to Wulfstan, he useu only ch. 12 of the capitulaiy, which
conceineusellingbaptismoisaciaments.Fehi,0iehirtenbriefeAlfrics,64.Thepassageis
not wiitten at all veibatim. In fact, the only similaiity in uetail is the auapteu quotation
fiomNatth.21:12oiNaik1S:11inbothofthetexts:...nevenuentesetementesintemplo
columbas imitentui (uheibalu); quia ipse eiecit ue templo cum flagello uenuentes et
ementesinillo(FehiIII).Cf.Natth.21:12:EtintiavitIesusintemplumeteiciebatomnes
venuentes et ementes in templo, et mensas nummulaiioium eveitit et catheuias
venuentiumcolumbas.Naik1S.11:Etcumintioissetintemplum,coepiteiceievenuentes
et ementes in templo et mensas nummulaiioium et catheuias venuentium columbas
eveitit.Itmightbesuspecteuthatifthisistheonlytiaceofuheibalusfiistcapitulaiyin
Fehi III, it was not actually useu foi wiitingthis passage, as the uiffeiences aie so big. It
mightbemoieplausibletothinkthatlfiicuseuthisbiblicalpassageasacommonplace
fiomotheisouices,oithatitwassocommontopictochoosewhenwiitingaboutselling
saciaments,thatitwouluhavenoteveniequiieuauiiecttextualmouel.
175

Fuitheimoie, the ciiticism anu the imposition of monastic stanuaius

make it cleai that the seculai cleigy was iegaiueu to be infeiioi to the
monkswholiveubytheiule.Inthecouiseofthepastoialletteistheseculai
cleigywasassociateuwithfeatuieslikelackofLatinknowleuge,lackofself-
uiscipline, lack of chastity, anu even lack of knowleuge of what theii
assigneu iole in the holy society was. Catheiine Cubitt has shown how the
pationizing attituues towaius the cleigy weie similai to attituues towaius
women,anubothweieiegaiueuinfeiioibecauseoftheiifailuietoconfoim
tomonasticstanuaiusofsexualpuiityanuleaining.
484
Thisisanimpoitant
notion,anuIwoululiketoauutothisthatnotonlychastityanuleaining,but
also the willingness to paiticipate in seculai matteis tainteu the cleigy anu
theiiieligiousiesponsibilitytopeifoimtheiiuutiesinsociety.Likechastity
at all times, waifaie was also a veiy piessing issue in this paiticulai time,
anuagiowinginteiestinthisissueisappaientthatuevelopsfiomtheshoit
iemaiks in the lettei to bishop Wulfsige, to the long explanations in the
letteisthatuatetothetimeoflfiicsabbacy.
Inhispastoialletteislfiic, anuconsequentlyWulfstan, iepeateu this
iueal of the iefoim. They insisteu that as heiis to the uisciples of Chiist,
contempoiaiy piiests shoulu nevei caiiy weapons with them, but shoulu
only pieach anu heal people. The contempoiaiy cleigy is scolueu foi
wanting to take pait in seculai affaiis anu waifaie. In uoing this, they
ueseciatethemselvesanutheiioiuei,puttingfutuiesalvationatiisk.0nthe
iueological level this was, in lfiics view, moie than a bieach of
conventional social tasks; it was a theological mattei which conceineu all
humankinu.Itappeaisthatlfiicplaceumoieemphasisonthisaumonition
intheenuofhiscaieei;intheletteitoWulfsigeheuiunotelaboiateonthe
mattei at all, insteau just biiefly iepeating the clause fiom the Caiolingian
capitulaiy.Intheletteisfiomhislateicaieeitheissuewaselaboiateuonby
auuingalengthypassageoftheexampleofStPetei,makingtheissueaveiy
piessing conclusion foi the letteis. This uevelopment shows a connection
betweentheliteiaiyuiscouiseonpeaceanuienunciationfiomviolence,anu
theiealpoliciesofthetime,whichinthe99usweieuefinitelymoiepeaceful
than the situation at the time of lfiics abbacy aftei 1uuS. The issue of
waifaie biings us to the coie of the next section, which continues with
textual tiansmission, anu uevelops fiom the theme of waifaie into a
piesentationofsocietyuiviueuinthieepaits.

484
Cubitt,viiginityanuNisogynyinTenth-anuEleventh-CentuiyEnglanu,19.
176

5.3. The metaphor of the three pillars

NextIwillexaminethetiansmissionofpoliticalthoughtwiththehelpofthe
metaphoi of the thiee pillais of kinguom, which appeais fiist in lfiics
lives of Soints anu pastoial letteis, anu was theieaftei useu by Wulfstan in
hislnstitutesofPolityanuinahomilywhichwasoneofhislastwoiksbefoie
his ueath, lorspell (Napiei Su). Fiist I will examine the notion in the woiks
of lfiic, anu then uiscuss theii tiansmission to the woiks of Wulfstan.
Lastly I will evaluate the natuie of tiansmission anu the wiuei implications
oftheuseofthisiuea.Themaintaskistospecifytheieligiousihetoiicuseu
intheuiscouise,anuthioughthistoevaluateitsmeaninganufunctioninthe
given histoiical ciicumstances. In some cases the linguistic spheie changes
fiom Latin to 0lu English, anu in otheis the tianslation is uone within the
veinaculai, auapting the foim anu content of the text, thus giving it a new
angle.Thepointisnotonlythatthesameiueacanbeuseuinuiffeientways,
making the iuea veisatile, but that this also implies the effectiveness of
woius.Theuiscouiseitselfisinthepiocessofmakingtheconceptofsociety,
notieflectingtheexistingciicumstances.
The iuea of a tiipaitite society, those who piay (orotores), those who
woik (loborotores) anu those who fight (bellotores), is mostly known fiom
its feuualistic connections, anu it has gaineu inteiest especially as an
expiessionofinequality pievailingin astagnant systemwheiepeopleweie
assigneu to theii place accoiuing to theii piestige. The woik by ueoiges
Buby, Tbe Tbree 0rJers: FeuJol Society lmoqineJ, is still the most
compiehensive account of the iuea anu its uevelopment fiom an imagineu
concept to an accepteu notion of a thiee-layeieu society. It concentiates
heavily on eleventh-centuiy Fiancia, anu sees the woiks by the bishops
Aualbeio of Laon (u. 1uSu oi 1uS1) anu ueiaiu of Floiennes (bishop of
Cambiai) (ca. 97S1uS1) as the coineistones in piomoting the iuea.
48S

Bubysappioachtotheiueashowsthatheconsiueieuitsuevelopmenttobe
quite evolutionaiy; he saw the iuea as an unueilying stiuctuie in the
mentality of the eleventh centuiy. Consequently anu as a iesponse to Buby,
eailiei iefeiences to the iuea in Anglo-Saxon Englanu weie tieateu by
Timothy Powell in his aiticle The Thiee 0iueis of Society in Anglo-Saxon

48S
ueoiges Buby, Tbe Tbree 0rJers: FeuJol Society lmoqineJ (Chicago: 0niveisity of
ChicagoPiess,198u).0iiginallypublisheuaslestroisorJresoulimoqinoireJufoJolisme,
1978.
177

Englanu.
486
Powell iesponueu to Bubys appioach by accentuating the
vaiieu applications of the iuea in uiffeient contexts. Be also ie-evaluateu
some of Bubys iueas about the oiigins of the concept. Ny puipose heie is
not to take pait in the uiscussion of the oiigins anu uevelopment of the
concept, but to examine its usage in a specific histoiical context, anu show
bow the concept is tieateu in the piocess of tiansmission fiom lfiic to
Wulfstan.Nyexaminationalsotakesintoaccounttheappeaianceoftheiuea
in one of Wulfstans homilies (Napiei Su), which both Buby anu Powell
uismisseu. The goal is theiefoie to uiscuss the meaning of ihetoiic anu
liteiaiy uiscouise, anu the implications of the tiansmission piocess itself.
Simplyput,thetiansmissionofaniueafiomonetexttoanothei,oifiomone
authoi to anothei can be seen as an act of inteipietation; the way the
concept was useu anu iewiitten uefines the attituues the authois hau
towaius this specific iuea anu its authoiity. The examination of the
tiansmission, auaptation anu iegulation of this iuea helps to ueteimine the
teims in which it was seen appiopiiate anu possible to tiansfei a concept
like this into anothei spheie, be that linguistic oi genie-ielateu.
487
This
appioach also points out that the meaning of a text is not iestiicteu to one,
unchanging concept, noi is it iecoveieu only by tiacing the textual
anteceuents anu mouels fuithei back in histoiy, but that meanings aie
piouuceuineachinstanceofinteipietation.
5.3.1. Three orders in lfrics Lives of Saints and pastoral
letters
The notion of the uivision of society in thiee paits, a uoctiine of thiee
estates, those who piay, those who fight, anu those who woik, occuis in
thiee texts of lfiic, anu is closely tieu to the issue of waifaie. lfiic uses
this iuea to comment specifically on the iole of piiests anu laymen, anu foi
this puipose the metaphoi was useu as an exemplifying anu categoiizing
featuie to segiegate the uuties anu iesponsibilities of uiffeient paits of
societyinasimpleway.
The iuea that a kinguom is uepenuent on all thiee paits of society
occuisinAnglo-SaxonliteiatuiefoithefiisttimeinKingAlfieus(871899)

486
TimothyE.Powell,The'Thiee0iueis'ofSocietyinAnglo-SaxonEnglanu,Anqlo-Soxon
FnqlonJ2S(1994).
487
Cf.Stanton,TbeCultureofTronslotioninAnqlo-SoxonFnqlonJ,1S.
178

tianslation of Boethiuss 0e consolotione pbilosopbioe. It uoes not appeai in

the Latin oiiginal.
488
lfiic ceitainly knew of the tianslation, as he useu it
extensivelyinhishomilies0nAuquries(lS17)anutheNotivityofCbrist(lS
1). Some tiaces aie seen also in his seconu seiies of Cotbolic homilies (Ch
II.2S),
489
but it uoes not seem to be a uiiect souice foi the concept of thiee
estates, noi has one been establisheu so fai.
49u
The metaphoi of society
uiviueu into thiee oiueis like a thiee-leggeu chaii was not that common in
the liteiatuie of Westein Euiope at the time lfiic wiote. It became moie
populai only latei, especially in Fiancia, togethei with theological
uiscussions on inequality, but the fiist instances when the iuea was
becoming moie populai aie coeval with lfiic.
491
uiven the unceitainty of

488
0ntheuevelopmentofthisnotion,seePowell,The'Thiee0iueis'ofSocietyinAnglo-
SaxonEnglanu.NB.tiacesof0econsolotionepbilosopbioeaieseenpeculiailyalsoinKing
thelieuschaiteiofEynsham(S911),anuinthieeotheichaiteis(S4S8,429,47u):Buo
quippe sunt quibus omnis humanoium actuum constat effectus, uoluntas scilitet et
potestas, quoium si alteium uesit, nichil est quou explicaii quis queat: uoluntate autem
uefficiente, ne aggieuitui quiuem quisque quou non uult; ac si potestas uesit, uoluntas
omninonecesseestutfiustiasit.Saltei,FynsbomCortulory,192u.
489
RecoiusfoiSouiceTitle:0EBoeth.FontesAnqlo-Soxonici.
49u
The ieason foi not assuming that King Alfieu was the souice foi lfiic is the
vocabulaiy. Alfieu pioviueu the veinaculai teims (qebeJmen, fyrJmen, weorcmen),
wheieaslfiicalwayspioviuestheLatinteims,asiftianslatingfiomaLatinsouice.The
vocabulaiy of lfiic when expanuing the function of these paits is also uissimilai.
Wulfstan, howevei, in two out of thiee teims, useu the same veinaculai teims as Alfieu
(qebeJmen, weorcmen), but in place of waiiiois, wheie Alfieu useu fyrJmen, Wulfstan
useuwigmen.Powell,The'Thiee0iueis'ofSocietyinAnglo-SaxonEnglanu,11S.
491
WhilethefiistinstancesinwhichthisspecificiueainthisfoimwasuseuinFianciaaie
eailyeleventh-centuiybishopsAualbeioofLaonanuueiaiuofFloiennes,similainotions
canbeseenalieauyintheninthcentuiy,inthewoiksofBaymoofAuxeiie(u.866), anu
hissuccessoiBeiiic(u.877x 88S),buttheteimsaieuseuuiffeientlyinthem.Ibiu.,1uS-
1u9. lfiic knew anu useu both Baymos anu Beiiics woiks; possibly he got the iuea to
use this uivision fiom them. It is woith noting, howevei, that Aualbeio, in his satiiical
poemtaigeteuagainstthecontempoiaiymonasticiefoim,auuiesseutoKingRobeitIIthe
Pious,useuthesamenotionsaslfiicuiu,anualsomentioneuthatalltheoiueissuppoit
the whole, which occuis in both lfiic anu Wulfstan. (Aualbeio Lauuunensis Episcopus,
CaimenauRotbeitumFiancoiumRegemPL141,u771u78S.)ueiaiuofFloiennesuseu
the iuea in his theoiies of society as well, anu saw the uivision anu inequality as a
necessaiy evil in uous oiuaineu natuial law. See fuithei on ueiaiu anu Aualbeio: Buby,
Tbe Tbree 0rJers. It shoulu also be noteu that Abbo of Fleuiy useu the iuea in his liber
Apoloqeticus,auuiesseutotheKingsBughanuRobeit.TheinteiactionbetweenFleuiyanu
Ramsey,foiinstance,amongotheiconnectionsbetweentheiefoimeumonasteiiesbothin
Englanuasinthecontinent,pioviuethesimplestlinkwhenitcomestotheincieaseofthis
179

lfiicssouicetext,anutheiaieoccuiienceoftheiueainthecontempoiaiy
liteiaiymilieu,itisnotablethatlfiichaschosentouseitinhiswoiks.
lfiicfiistpiesenteutheuoctiineofthieeoiueissometimebefoiehis
abbacy,inthe99us.InahomileticpieceinthelivesofSoints(Hoccobees,lS
2S), which was wiitten at the iequest of his lay pations thelweaiu anu
thelmi, lfiic uiscusses the natuie of waifaie anu its meaning in uous
plans.ThepieceontheNaccabeesisanauaptationfiomthe0luTestament,
anu it is maitial in tone anu subject mattei. The heioic viitues of a gieat
leaueiaiecelebiateuinthepieceinasimilaimanneiasinBeowulfoiinthe
Bottle of HolJon. The naiiative thus iesembles seculai poetiy moie than
piousliteiatuie.Theuoctiineofsalvationuoesnotplayapaitinthemiustof
the celebiation of }uuas Naccabeuss maitial viitues. Theiefoie it is a
cuiious piece in lfiics piouuction. When tieating his mateiial, lfiic has
aiiangeu anu mouifieu the ihetoiic anu style to intiouuce the piopei
inteipietation. Be has omitteu maitial mateiial, ieuefines the sense of
heioism accoiuing to Chiistian ethics, anu in the enu emphasizes the
uiffeience between the 0lu Testament law anu the new Chiistian law.
492

This last featuie seives to illustiate the point of figuial ieauing; the battles
of heioism anu maitial piowess shoulu be ieau as allegoiies of the cuiient
spiiitual fight. lfiic thus manages to combine the heioic etbos with a
ieligiousmeaning.Thepiecethatisuealtwithheie followsthestoiy,anuit
was auueu in oiuei to claiify the point maue in the enu of the stoiy of the
Naccabees. lfiics inteipietational schemes aie allegoiy anu typology; the
common theme, as Bethuium stateu, in all of the lives of Soints, is the
tiiumph of Chiistianity ovei paganism.
49S
The battles of the 0lu Testament
weie piefiguiations of Chiists tiiumph, anu aie iepeateu in contempoiaiy
timesinthegoouwoiksoftheChiistiansthisisthetypologyinteipieteuin
the stoiy.
494
Petei Clemoes has obseiveu that with this kinu of
inteipietation lfiic stiove to extiact fiom the stoiy its tiue, spiiitual

iuea in this time. It is not, howevei, my inteiest to ueciue wheie the iuea was useu fiist,
butituefinitelyisnotAualbeiooiueiaiu,whoBubypaysmostattentionto.
492
See in uetail }ohn Balbiooks, lfiic, the Naccabees, anu the Pioblem of Chiistian
Beioism,StuJiesinPbiloloqy1u6,no.S(2uu9).
49S
BoiothyBethuium,TheFoim oflfiic'slivesof Soints,StuJiesinPbiloloqy29,no.4
(19S2):SSS.
494
Balbiooks,lfiic,theNaccabees,anuthePioblemofChiistianBeioism,267.
180

meaning,asopposeutoitsliteial,histoiicalmeaning.
49S
Thiscoiiesponusto
exegetical theoiies, foi instance Beues theoiy of inteipietation in his 0e
scbemotibus tropis, when he uiscusses the liteial, typological anu moial
meaningsofallegoiies.
496
Thismeansthatlfiicpiomotesasimilaiviewon
textual inteipietation, anu that piopei inteipietation iequiies piopei
knowleuge.Balbiooksconcluues fiom this thatitwasthisviewon exegesis
that maue lfiic woiiy about tianslation anu wiiting in geneial. Because it
wasalsopossiblefoianuninitiateuieaueitointeipiettextswiongly,itwas
the iesponsibility of the wiitei to piouuce coiiect content in a foim that is
unueistanuable anu cleai. In auuition, the wiitei oi the inteipietei must
pioviue guiuing help foi the ieauei anu iemain tiue to the authoiitative
souices.
497

The stoiy of the Naccabees is tieu to contempoiaiy events by a

iefeience to the viking iaius, anu possibly this paiticulai uiscussion was
even piompteu by them. Namely, lfiic iefeis to the uefensive waifaie
againstthevikingsasjustwai,theonlyacceptablefoimofwaifaie(iustum
bellumisribtlicqefeobtwioreonflot-menn,oewioreeoJoeeorJ
willo forJon).
498
The message of the stoiy of the Naccabees was to show
howuouhasoftenpiotecteupeoplefiomtheiienemies,iftheywoishippeu
him.
499
This is a notion that lfiic iaises also in the lettei to Sigeweaiu in
about 1uuS, in which he states that the book of }uuges cleaily says that as
longasthepeople(ofIsiael)woishippeuuouanusoughttiuepenance,they
weie piotecteu fiom the pagans who liveu aiounu them (in this passage
lfiic iefeis to his foimei tianslations, anu mentions to Sigeweaiu that he
believes this account woulu seive as an example foi him).
Suu
It was also in

49S
Ibiu.,268.BalbiooksiefeistoPeteiClemoes,lfiic,inContinuotionsonJBeqinninqs:
StuJiesin0lJFnqlisbliteroture,eu.E.u.Stanley(Nelson,Lonuon1966),188.
496
Kenuall,BeJe:librill0eArteHetricoet0eScbemotibusetTropis,1962u7.
497
Balbiooks,lfiic,theNaccabees,anuthePioblemofChiistianBeioism,268.
498
Skeat,AlfricslivesofSoints,vol.2,114.
499
0ft is geswutelou hu gou gescylue t folc wi heoia wiei-ascan gif he wuiouon
hine.Ibiu.,12u.
Suu
Seo boc us seg swutollice be am folce t hi on sibbe wuneuon swa lange swa hi
wuiouon one heofonlican uou on his bigengum geoine, anu swa oft swa hi foileton
one lifienuan uou, onne wuiuon hi geheigoue anu to hospe geuonne fiam henum
leouum e him abutan eaiuouon. Eft onne hi clipouon on eoinost to goue miu soie
uubote,onnesenuehehimfultumuihsumneuemanewisetteheoiafeonuumanu
hi alisue of heoia yime. Naisuen, Tbe 0lJ Fnqlisb heptoteucb onJ Alfric's libellus Je
veteriTestomentoetNovo,2u921u.
181

that lettei that lfiic ietuineu to the Naccabees, in his iun-thiough of the
books of the 0lu Testament. Again he emphasizeu the impoitance of
followingthelawsofuou;inthe0luTestamentitwasshownhowthewiath
ofuoubioughttheheathenenemiesanuwaiontothepeople,butthatwhen
the Naccabees obeyeu uou, he gianteu them victoiy ovei theii enemies.
Su1

Theie is, howevei, a ueepei lesson in the stoiy than this. The connection
between peoples sins anu the uissatisfaction of uou was an impoitant
theme also to Wulfstan, as it will be seen especially in the next chaptei, but
lfiicwentbeyonuthis toexplainhowthisstoiy shoulubeieau.Thestoiy
itself shoulu,inlfiicsview,be seen as anallegoiy;inthetimesofthe0lu
Testamentpeoplehautofightwithiealweapons,butafteithenewoiueiset
by Chiist anu the New Testament, people shoulu tuin to theii innei selves,
anu fight against the Bevil with theii spiiitual weapons.
Su2
The fact that
lfiic tuins the whole issue of waifaie into an allegoiical anu theological
uiscussionemphasizeshispointoftheimpoitanceofthewoikofthecleigy,
whoweiemostofalliesponsiblefoithewell-beingofsociety,incluuingthe
laity. Aftei finishing the stoiy lfiic claiifies his point on waifaie by
uigiessingtouiscusstheoiueiofsociety.Begivesanaccountoftheuivision
ofsocietyintoloborotores,bellotoresanuorotores.Befocusesonthe ioleof
theorotores,anuaccentuatesthatthelaysoluieisshoulunotfoice(neoJion
tocompel,foice)themonkstopaiticipateinseculaiwaifaie.
You sboulJ know, bowever, tbot tbere ore tbree orJers in tbis worlJ, set
inunity.Tbeseoreloborotores,orotores,onJbellotores.loborotoresore
tbosewbotoilforourfooJ,orotoresoretbosewbointerceJewitb6oJfor
us, bellotores ore tbose wbo quorJ our towns, onJ JefenJ our lonJ
oqoinst on ottockinq ormy. Now, tbe former toils for our fooJ, onJ tbe
worlJly worrior must fiqbt oqoinst our enemies, onJ tbe servont of 6oJ
must constontly proy for us, onJ fiqbt spirituolly oqoinst invisible
enemies. Now, tbe struqqle of tbe monks oqoinst tbe invisible Jevils tbot
loy snores orounJ us is tberefore qreoter tbon tbot of tbe worlJly men
wbo struqqle oqoinst flesbly [foes], onJ fiqbt oqoinst tbe visible
[enemies]. Now tbe worlJly solJiers sboulJ not compel tbe servonts of
6oJ to tbe worlJly bottle owoy from tbe spirituol fiqbt, becouse it will

Su1
Ibiu.
Su2
t ealue goues folc sceolue feohtan a miu wpnum anu heoia gewinn hfue haligia
manna getacnunge, e to-uifa a leahtias anu ueofla heom fiam on ie niwan
gecynysseeciistsylfastealue.Skeat,AlfricslivesofSoints,vol.2,112.
182

benefit tbem more tbot tbe invisible enemies ore overcome tbon tbe
visible. AnJ it is severely bormful tbot tbey leove tbe lorJs service, onJ
turn to worlJly bottles, wbicb Joes not befit tbem ot oll. }ulion, tbe
opostote onJ cruel Coesor, wonteJ to compel priests to worlJly bottle,
onJolsotbebolymonks,onJorJereJtobrinqtbemtoprison.
S0S

Thespiiitualbattlesoftheseivantsofuou aiegieatei thanwoilulybattles,

anu the piayeis of the monks will in the enu piofit the seculai waiiiois
moiethantheiipaiticipationinthefightsagainstfleshlyenemies.Theways
ofuealingwiththemilitaiycampaignsshoulualso,inlfiicspointofview,
be coiiecteu to theii piopei oiuei. The inteiest heie is thus not to justify
inequality in the woilu, but to use the mouel to emphasize the uuties that
the cleigy is expecteu to fulfil. The tone heie implies that the cleigy was
foiceu to take pait in waifaie, anu lfiic uses the example fiom Sulpicius
Seveiuss life of St Hortin to illustiate his point of how bauly this offenueu
theiulesofuou.
The piivate lettei (Fehi 2a) fiom lfiic to Wulfstan (ca. 1uu21uuS)
auuiessesthisquestionalsoinacleaimanneiinasectionheaueuBebellico
apaiatu. The iuea of thiee oiueis follows immeuiately the aiguments
againstthepaiticipationofpiiestsinwaifaie.lfiicstatesthatitistheuuty
ofcleigytopiay,pieach,anutakecaieofpeople,anuthattheyaieelecteuto
wage spiiitual wai, which is moie impoitant than seculai waifaie, because
the battle with the uevil is moie impoitant anu moie ieal than eaithly

SuS
Is swaeah to witenne t on ysie woiulue synu ieo enuebyiunysse on annysse
gesette,tsynulaboiatoies,oiatoies,bellatoies.Laboiatoiessynuaeuinebigleafan
beswinca, oiatoies synu a e us to uoue geingia, bellatoies synu a e uie buiga
healua,anuuineeaiubeweiiawionwinnenuneheie.Nuswincseyilincgembeuine
bigleofan, anu se woiulucempa sceall winnan wi uie fynu, anu se uoues eowa sceall
symlefoiusgebiuuan,anufeohtangastlice,wiaungesewenlicanfynu.Isnufoiymaie
ia muneca gewinn wi a ungesewenlican ueofla e syiwia embe us, onne sy ia
woiulumanna e winna wi a flsclican, anu wi a gesewenlican <gesewenlice>
feohta.Nunesceolonawoiulucempantoamwoiululicumgefeohteauoueseowan
neauian fiam am gastlican gewinne, foian e him fiema swioi t a
ungesewenlican fynu beon ofeiswyue onne a gesewenlican; anu hit bi swye
ueiigenulicthiBiihtneseowuomfoiltan,anutowoiulugewinnebugan,ehimnaht
to ne gebyiia. Iulianus, se wieisaca anu se wlhieowa caseie, wolue neauian pieostas
towoiululicumgecampe,anueacahalganmunecas,anuhethioncweaiteinegebiingan.
Ibiu.,vol.2,12112S.
183

uisputes,anuitisitsoutcomewhichmatteismoie.
Su4
Thetoneinthistextis
uiffeient than in the pievious one; he ciiticizes the piiests who have taken
up aims in waifaie, not the seculai leaueis who have uemanueu the cleigy
totakeupaims.
lsupposetbotitbosnotescopeJtbenotice ofYour6rocetbottbereore
tbree orJers intbe Cburcb of6oJ: tbose wbo work, tbose wbo fiqbt, onJ
tbose wbo proy. Tbose wbo work, obtoin nourisbment for us, onJ tbose
wbofiqbt,bovetoJefenJourlonJwitbweoponsfromtbeossoultsoftbe
enemy.AnJtbosewboproytbotispriests,monks,onJbisbops,wboore
cbosen for tbe spirituol ormy bove to proy for oll people, onJ olwoys
pursue for tbe services onJ offices of 6oJ, onJ to preocb tbe universol
foitb,onJtoqrontbolyqiftsfortbosewbobelieve.AnJollwbobovebeen
orJoineJ into tbis [spirituol] ormy, even if tbey bove previously corrieJ
seculorweopons,mustloytbemJown,onJtokeupspirituolweopons,tbe
cootofjustice,tbesbielJoffoitb,onJtbesworJoftbespiritwbicbistbe
worJ of 6oJ onJ fiqbt brovely oqoinst spirituol wickeJness. ls not be,
wboboscometotbisormy,onJofterworJswontstouseseculorweopons
oqoinst cornol enemies, on opostote, retreotinq from tbe ormy of 6oJ to
seculor one? Tbus be connot be simultoneously in botb ormies, since tbe
bonJ tbot bos sbeJ o mons blooJ connot be wortby of sonctifyinq tbe
cboliceoflorJ.
S0S

Su4
Cuiiously, this section is only paitly incluueu in the pastoial letteis, in which the
uoctiine of thiee oiueis is not piesent. Whitelock, Councils onJ SynoJs, 24424S. Cf. this
with a section in Wulfstans Conon low Collection: Be militia. Both of the texts have
similaiuesciiptionofStPeteicuttingtheeaiofftheseivant.CiossanuBamei,Wulfston's
CononlowCollection,99,169171.
SuS
Suspicoi non lateie almitatem tuam ties oiuines foie in ecclesia Bei: laboiatoies,
bellatoies, oiatoies. 0iuo laboiatoium auquiiit nobis victum, et oiuo bellatoium uebet
aimispatiiamnostiamabincuisibushostiumuefenueie,etoiuooiatoium,iusuntcleiici
etmonachietepiscopi,quielectisuntauspiiitalemmilitiam,uebentoiaiepioomnibuset
seivitiis seu officiis Bei sempei insisteie et fiuem catholicam pieuicaie et sancta
chaiismata uaie fiuelibus. Et omnis qui au istam militiam oiuinatus, etsi antea seculaiia
aimahabuit,uebeteaueponeietempoieoiuinationisetassumeiespiiitaliaaima,loiicam
iustitiae et scutum fiuei et galeam salutis et glauium spiiitus, quou est veibum Bei, et
bellaie viiilitei contia spiiitalia nequitia. Qui au istam militiam peivenit et vult postea
seculaiibusaimisuticontiahostescainales,nonneeiitapostata,ieceuensamilitiaBeiau
militiamseculaiem1Eigononpotestinambabusmilitiissimulstaie,quiaillamanusquae
humanum sanguinem effuueiit non potest uigne Bomini calicem sanctificaie. Whitelock,
CouncilsonJSynoJs,2S2.
184

As opposeu to the fiist account in the lives of Soints, it can be seen that in
thislateilettei,fiomaiounu1uuS,lfiicbynomeansciiticizesthelaityfoi
compellinq piiests to take up aims, but blames the piiests themselves foi
wontinq to fight. lfiic has appaiently changeu his minu about laymen
foicingthecleigytofight,sincehestatesthatifapiiestlateiinhislifewonts
tousewoilulyweaponsagainstcainalenemies,anuietuintowoilulywais,
he is an apostate. A man cannot be in two aimies at the same time. As
affiimingpleaslfiicoffeisbiblicalpassagesfiomEphesians6.14anu6.16,
foiinstance.Beielfiicenteisintotheuiscussionaboutthetwopoweisin
the woilu, spiiitual anu seculai, which was common to the uiscouise of
Wulfstan, too. With this juxtaposition lfiic foicefully ieiteiateu the
sepaiateu uuties of the cleigy anu the laity. This can be seen as haishei
ciiticism towaius a much moie seiious ciime, because the piiests weie, as
lfiicieminushisieaueismanytimes,iesponsiblefoithemoialityanuthe
iight conuuct of the laity, anu this being so, the cleigy was chaigeu with
muchmoieaccountabilityinsocietythanthelaity,whichwasexpecteutobe
faultyanususceptibletoeiiois.
Theissueofpiieststakingpaitinwaifaieseemstohavebeenofsome
impoitance, anu as I believe, to wiite about this was not only to iepeat olu
woin-out commonplaces. The contents anu the intenueu auuience of the
piivateletteialsosuppoitthisview.uiventhatthematteisauuiesseuinthe
lettei, as well as theii fuithei examination in the following pastoial letteis
which lfiic wiote to Wulfstan, appeai also in a veinaculai collection of
canons that Wulfstan compileu (Conons of FJqor), it can be assumeu that it
was uuiing the piepaiation of the canons that Wulfstan neeueu auvice on
these matteis. Anu as the mattei of piiests anu waifaie takes up a
consiueiable amount of space in the lettei, it must ieflect the genuine
conceinofthetime.
Powell has maue an impoitant point about piiestly waifaie anu the
iueology of kingship of this time, anu has uemonstiateu that the kinu of
theociatic kingship which the Beneuictine iefoim enuoiseu bluiieu the
conceptions of spiiitual anu seculai waifaie. Refoimeu monasticism
piomoteu the status of the king as uous vicai, anu consequently seivice to
the kinguom was seen as seivice to Chiistianity. Accoiuing to Powell this
kinu of ioyal iueology causeu many piiests, especially those in highei
positionsinthe ecclesiasticalhieiaichy, to takepaitinwaifaie.Similaily,it
185

was this misuse of monastic iueologies that lfiic battleu against.

Su6
This
woulumakelfiicsuiscouisesimilaitothatofAualbeioofLaon,whoinhis
satiiical poem attackeu the Cluniac iefoimists anu iiuiculeu theii iueas of
the battling monks.
Su7
I agiee with Powell in that spiiitual anu seculai
notionsweieveiymuchinteimingleuwhenitcametopoliticalthought,anu
thatthealliancebetweenthekinganuiefoimeumonasticismhauitseffects
on the stiongly ieligious uiscouise in the liteiatuie of the time. Bowevei, I
woulu explain lfiics intentions when auuiessing this issue slightly
uiffeiently. These paiticulai pieces weie taigeteu most of all to the seculai
cleigytoinstiuctthemintheiicleiicaluuties,anunottotheuppeiechelons
ofthechuichhieiaichy.Itisquestionablehowwiuespieautheiueologiesof
the iefoimeu monasticism weie among the seculai cleigy. Theie aie also
seveial othei instances in lfiics woiks in which the issue of piiestly
waifaieistieateumoiethoioughly,anutheintensityoftheuiscouisegiows
stiongeiwiththepoliticaltuimoilofthetime.Iwouluthusiatheiseethisas
aiesponsetotheeffects thattheviking attackshaubiought about,anunot
see the paitaking of piiests in waifaie as a uiiect iesult of the iefoimeu
monasticiueologies.ItwasiatheilfiicsAugustinianthoughtonoiueianu
piopei conuuct of life, with theological consequences, that this uiscussion
wasconnecteuto.Thefinalexampleinwhichthethieeoiueisaieuealtwith
fuithei claiifies my point, as it tuins the uiscouise to anothei uiiection,
awayfiompiiestlywaifaie.
The thiee oiueis aie founu foi the last time in lfiics lettei to
Sigeweaiu of Eastheolon in aiounu 1uuS. lfiic gives the account of the
thiee oiueis as an extension to his aumonition to the kings counsellois to
take a goou look at the state of society, anu intiouuces the metaphoi of a
thiee-leggeu chaii to iefei to society. Beie lfiic talks about the kingly
thione(cynestol),wheieasbefoiehehautalkeuaboutoiueisinthiswoilu
(on ysre worulJe synJ reo enJebyrJnysse) oi in the Chuich of uou (tres
orJinesforeinecclesio0ei).Beuigesthekingscounselloistofixthebioken
leg, but it is not so cleai anymoie that it is the orotores that shoulu be
menueu. As in pievious instances, they uo meiit auuitional iemaik, but in
thistextalso thewaiiiois,bellotores, aiegiven attention, asiftoencouiage
thewitontoaiiangethemilitaiyuefenceofthecountiybettei.

Su6
Powell,The'Thiee0iueis'ofSocietyinAnglo-SaxonEnglanu,124129.
Su7
Buby,TbeTbree0rJers,S4SS.
186

TbecounsellorssboulJtbinkwitbwiseconsiJerotion,[now]wbentbereis
toomucbevilomonqmonkinJ,wbicboftbepillorsoftbetbroneisbroken
onJsboulJfixitsoon.TbetbronestonJsontbesetbreeleqs:laboiatoies,
bellatoies, oiatoies. Laboiatoies ore tbose wbo proviJe fooJ for us,
formersonJserfs,committeJtotbisonepurpose.0iatoiesoretbosewbo
interceJe witb 6oJ for us onJ promote CbristenJom omonq Cbristion
people in 6oJs servituJe witb spirituol lobour, committeJ to tbis one
purpose,wbicbisnecessoryforusoll.BellatoiesoretbosewboquorJour
towns onJ olso our lonJ oqoinst tbe opproocbinq ormy, fiqbtinq witb
weopons, just like Poul soiJ, tbe teocber of tbe people, in bis teocbinq:
Non sine causa poitat miles glauium et ceteia. Tbe worrior Joes not
corry bis sworJ witbout o couse. he is 6oJs tbone, wbo for bis own
benefit is set to punisb evil-Joers. 0n tbese tbree leqs stonJs tbe kinqs
tbroneonJifoneisbrokenJown,itinstontlyfollsJown,certoinlyruininq
[olso] tbe otber leqs. But wby woulJ tbis belonq to us to tbink on? Tbis
sboulJ be reflecteJ upon by tbose wbo ore responsible for tokinq core of
it.
S08

The theme that lfiic intiouuces heie is just waifaie, anu uesignates the
woiluly soluieis as uous thanes (6oJes en), a teim that was usually useu
of saints oi of the apostles. Nilitaiy ihetoiic is useu extensively in the New
Testament as metaphois of spiiitual haiu woik of Chiistians, anu lfiic
himself useu similai ihetoiic in his pievious passages on the thiee oiueis,
anueven the exactsamemetaphoiinthestoiyof theNaccabees.Theiethe
metaphoi was useu of the waiiiois of the 0lu Testament, who shoulu be

Su8
Witansceoluansmeagan miuwislicumgeeahteonneonmancinnetomicelyfelbi
hwilciastelennaaescinestoleswietobiocenanubetanonesona.Secinestolstynt
onisumiimstelum: laboiatoies,bellatoies,oiatoies.Laboiatoiessinueusbigleofan
tilia yilingas anu hte men to am anum bethte. 0iatoies synuon e us inga to
uoueanuciistenuomfyiiiaonciistenumfolcumonuoueseowuometoamgastlican
gewinne, to am anum bethte us eallum to eaife. Bellatoies sinuon e uie buiga
healua anu eac uine eaiu wi one sigenune heie feohtenue miu wmnum, swa swa
Paulussueseeoualaieowonhislaieowuome: Nonsinecausapoitatmilesglauiumet
ceteia.Nebyinasecnihtbutanintinganhisswuiu.Beysuouesenesylfumtoeaife
onamyfelumwyicenuumtowicegesett.0nisumiimstelumstyntsecynestolanu
gif an bi foiuu he fyl auun sona amm oium stelum to uneaife gewiss. Ac hwt
gebyia us embe is to smeagenne is sceolon smeagan e s giman sceolon.Naisuen,
Tbe0lJFnqlisbheptoteucbonJAlfric'slibellusJeveteriTestomentoetNovo,228;Swain,
AlfricofFynsbom'slettertoSiqeweorJ,266,S8uS81.
187

seen as allegoiies of the spiiitual battles that aie fought aftei the
uispensation of Chiist, as lfiic ieminus.
Su9
But in this last iefeience to the
thiee oiueis in the lettei to Sigeweaiu the setting has tuineu aiounu, anu
the seculai waiiiois aie uenoteu as uous thanes, which at fiist seems
paiauoxical, since eveiywheie else in lfiics woiks woiluly waifaie is
conuemneu anu peace piomoteu. This kinu of ihetoiic about woiluly
soluieis as uous thanes even biings to minu the usage of miles Cbristi foi
seculaisoluieiswhobattlefoithejustcauseofuouagainstheathens.
To claiify this paiauox, I woulu like to aigue that both issues,
conceining piiests anu waifaie as well as militaiy uefence, aie in lfiics
thought connecteu to his theological notions on the oiuei of the woilu, anu
thatinbothinstancestheneeufoiamenumentwasbioughtonbytheviking
attacks.Itisunlikelythatlfiicwanteutopiomotethestatusofthewaiiioi
withthisieligiousiefeience,butiatheitopointoutthesamepiincipleasin
pievious instances, that the uuties of each pait of society, also of the laity,
aie holy anu shoulu be tenueu to. It is the bellotores, seculai loius, who
shoulu see to the secuiity of the lanu, anu that is theii sacieu task. So fai it
seems that they have faileu in theii task to waiu off the enemies.
Fuitheimoie,theciiticismisnotlimiteutowaifaie.Becontinuestoexplain
thatthesameuousthanes,iftheyaietofulfiltheiiuuties,setbyuou,must
also take caie that the juugements they make aie iighteous anu not
influenceubybiibes.
S1u
Biibeiy,wiongjuugements,anusinsaiesignsofan
evilstateofsociety,anutheseculailoius mustiectifytheiiconuuctbothin
aiiangingthemilitaiyuefence anuthe iighteousauministiationoflaws,foi
thebetteiofthewholesociety.

Su9
0n am uagum was alyfeu to alecgenne his fynu, anu swiost a henan e him
hetole wion, anu se ws goues egen e a swiost feaht wi heoia onwinnenuan to
waieheoia|leouaj.ac ciistonhistocymeuscyuueoie incg,anuhetushealuansibbe,
anu sofstnysse fie, anu we sceolon winnan wi a wlhieowan fynu, t synu a
ungesewenlican,anuaswicolanueoflaewillaofsleanuiesawlamiuleahtium.Skeat,
AlfricslivesofSoints,vol.2,112.
S1u
Se iihtwisa uou lufa iihte uomas, ac meusceattas awenua wolice to oft a iihtan
uomas ongean Biihtenes willan anu seo yfelnyss becym ofei eallum folce, i i se
uneaw oisoihlice iixa. Se e uoues egen bi sceolue ueman iihtlice butan lcum
meusceattemiusofstnysse.onne wuioue he uou miu amgouaneaweanuhismeu
wie micel foi uoue, se e leofa anu iixa a to woiulue. Naisuen, Tbe 0lJ Fnqlisb
heptoteucb onJ Alfric's libellus Je veteri Testomento et Novo, 228229; Swain, Alfric of
Fynsbom'slettertoSiqeweorJ,266267.
188

Compaieutothefiistanuseconuinstanceofthethieeoiueis,thistext
intiouuces a moie tangible connection to the natuie of lfiics times.
Wheieas in the two foimei texts the concept seiveu as a tool to aumonish
piiests in theii conuuct of life, this last example tuins the aiiangement in
anothei uiiection. The outspoken juugement of the state of society is laiu
upon the iesponsibility of the laity. It is the counsellois, the witon, who
shoulu contemplate the state, anu act accoiuingly. Nowheie else is the
iesponsibility of the waiiiois laiu out as openly as in this text. Especially
when seeing the enu of the passage, it cannot be uoubteu that this text was
wiitten as an aumonition to the lay aiistociacy in high powei. As lfiic
statesintheletteihimself,anuasitwastypicalofhimingeneial,itwasnot
only Sigeweaiu that he hau in minu when wiiting this piece, but a wiuei
auuience: This text was wiitten to one man, but it may nonetheless benefit
many.
S11
0fthethieetextsthatpiomotetheiueaofthieeoiueis,thisisthe
one that lfiic coulu expect to be heaiu by the men in powei. The two
pievious ones builu on the veiy same notion, but emphasize the
iesponsibilityofthe clerqy, notthelaity,in theiiwoikfoitheiightoiueiof
society. The spiiitual battles of the piiests aie not piominent heie; this
showsbiilliantlyhowlfiiccouluusethesameiueatoimposehisauviceon
two uiffeient paits of society. Also, it is eviuent that he was awaie of the
uiffeient auuiences, anu changeu the nuances of the notion of thiee oiueis
accoiuingly.
The giounus to encouiage a ceitain oiuei anu a ceitain action aie
baseu on the authoiity of examples anu the wiitten woiu, anu the
exhoitation is maue authoiitative by incluuing iefeiences to the Sciiptuies.
lfiicusesieligiousihetoiicanuespeciallybiblicalexamplestoconfiimthe
notion of a just anu holy society as a segiegateu community with uiffeient
iolesassigneutouiffeientpeoplethough,thegiounusfoiwbypeoplehave
tbose ioles specifically, aie not exploieu anywheie. Biblical examples aie
given to pioviue lessons foi the contempoiaiy auuience, anu in some cases
theexamplesaieconnecteuwiththepoliticalciicumstancesoftheuay,like
in the fiist use of the iuea in the Naccabees, wheie the waifaie of the 0lu
Testamentwasseenasanallegoiy,anuinwhichtheexamplefiomSulpicius
Seveiuswasuseutoemphasizelfiicspointoftheoiueiofsociety.Similai
instancesinhisotheitextsconfiimthisnotion;foiinstance,hestatesinhis

S11
is gewiit ws toanummengeuihtachitmgswaeahmanegumfiemian.Naisuen,
Tbe0lJFnqlisbheptoteucbonJAlfric'slibellusJeveteriTestomentoetNovo,2u1;Swain,
AlfricofFynsbom'slettertoSiqeweorJ,227.
189

letteitoSigeweaiuthathehauwiittenhisstoiyof}uuithasanexamplefoi
you people, that you shoulu uefenu youi lanu with weapons against the
invauingaimy.
S12
Thepoweiofexamples,inteimsofihetoiicaleffects,lies
in theii capacity to cieate geneializing coues of behavioui. Examples
function as geneializing aiguments; by piesenting one instance of piopei
conuuct, they suppoit geneial notions on iight oiuei. Even though the
examples themselves weie tieu to iestiicteu ciicumstances in a specific
biblical naiiative, theii effect was not bounu to any specific context, but
coulu be seen as oveiall iules.
S1S
The powei of example was stiengtheneu
fuitheiwiththeauthoiityofsacieutexts, making the notionon piopeianu
moially iight conuuct inuisputable. Consequently, fiom this kinu of use of
biblical examples it follows that the geneialization that was maue fiom
examples was not only a statement (e.g. this is the way people useu to
behaveinpievioustimes),butanexhoitationtocoiiectthecuiient,wiong,
conuuctoflifeofboththelaityanuthecleigy(thisishow allofyousboulJ
behave). This kinu of ihetoiic is seen in seveial instances, anu useu
systematically as justifying language in almost all the occasions wheie the
iolesofuiffeientpaitsofpeopleaieuiscusseu.
Theuutiesofeachpaitweienotpiesenteuinanysystematicway,anu
thusthismetaphoicannotbeconsiueieutobeaniueologyofahieiaichical
society.Rathei,itwasuseutopointoutthatthekinguomwasuepenuenton
all of its paits, anu cannot stanu upiight without each of them filling theii
uuties(which aienotspecifieuinuetail).Thepuiposewas nottopiesent a
systematic political iueology of a tiipaitite society. The iuea itself was,
howevei,veiyeffectiveasanexamplebecauseofitsconvenientmetaphoiic
level. Noieovei, by using this metaphoi lfiic gaineu convincing foice foi
his aumonition to fix the state of society. The wiong conuuct of life anu
impiopeibehaviouiofthecontempoiaiypeoplewas thusbothacause anu
an implication of the bau state of the kinguom, which was bioken like a
chaiiwithoutitsoneleg.
The uivision of society into thiee categoiies uiu not ieflect the
contempoiaiy ieality eithei; the status anu ianks weie moie complex both

S12
Seoyseaconenglisconuiewisangesetteowmannumtobyinetgeeoweineeaiu
miu wmnum beweiian wi onwinnenune heie. , Alfric of Fynsbom's letter to
SiqeweorJ,248.Tians.uouuen,inuouuen,ApocalypseanuInvasioninLateAnglo-Saxon
Englanu,14u.
S1S
Cf. }ames }asinski, Sourcebook on Rbetoric: Key Concepts in Contemporory Rbetoricol
StuJies(Thousanu0aks:SagePublications,2uu1),S1S2.
190

in seculai anu in spiiitual paits of society, as becomes eviuent fiom canon

law collections which uefineu the uiffeient ianks anu iesponsibilities of
piiesthoou,butalsoincompilationsofseculaitieatiseswhichuiffeientiateu
betweenlaypeople.
S14
Theuivisioninthiee,theiefoie,wasnotasimpoitant
astheiueaofoiueiitself.Thustheimplicationofthemetaphoiisnotthatit
iepiesenteu oi anticipateu the stiict social bounuaiies in these specific
ianks.Itwastheoiueiitself,notthenumbeioievenwhattheyiepiesenteu,
that was impoitant foi lfiic. This kinu of uivision coulu also associate the
woiluly ianks, as they weie piesenteu in these texts, with allegoiical,
spiiitualmeanings.Especiallyinthecaseoflfiicitmightbesuggesteuthat
he useu the metaphoi as an allusion to the Boly Tiinity, as his veibal
foimulation in the passages on the thiee oiueis set in unity (reo
enJebyrJnysse on onnysse qesette) is veiy similai to his foimulations of the
BolyTiinityinanumbeiofhishomilies.
S1S
AsLynneuiunuyhasshoweu,it
was unusually impoitant foi lfiic to unueistanu the concept of Tiinity.
Even though lfiic uealt with the subject much less than the eaily Chuich
Fatheis,whencompaieuwithhiscontempoiaiiesincluuingWulfstan,who
only ueuicateu a few lines to the uoctiinehis engagement with the
uoctiine of the Boly Tiinity is notable. Also the Blicklinq anu the vercelli
homilies aie mostly quiet oi extiemely biief about it. lfiic, howevei, was
conceineu about the concept anu tiieu to explain it in seveial instances.
S16

Theuoctiine,ofcouise,haunothingtouowiththepiacticaloiganizationof

S14
0fthesethecollectioniefeiieutoasthe6eyncugioupisthemostievealing.Piinteu
in Felix Liebeimann, eu. 0ie 6esetze Jer Anqelsocbsen, S vols., vol. 1 (Balle: Niemeyei,
19uS1916; iepiint, Scientia Aalen, 196u), vol. 1, 4S6469. Tianslation in Boiothy
Whitelock,eu.Fnqlisbhistoricol0ocuments1:c.S001042, 2.eu.(Lonuon:EyieNethuen,
1979),468471.
S1S
Foi instance on annysse s halgan gastes, in the homily for Cbristmos. Clemoes,
Alfric's Cotbolic homilies: tbe First Series: Text, 197. 0ton gelyfan on ie halgan
rynnysse&onsoieannysse,inthehomilyforTbirJSunJoyofterFpipbony.Ibiu.,248.
Segouwunaonrynnysseuntouleulic.&onannysseaniegoucununysse,inFeriollll
Je fiJe Cotbolico. Ibiu., SS6. uou solice. fuei. & sunu & halig gast uihwuna on
rynnysse.haua:&onannysseaniegoucununysse,inthesamehomily.Ibiu.,S42.tis
se ana lmihtiga gou on rynnesse anu on annysse, in the Notivity of Cbrist. Skeat,
AlfricslivesofSoints,vol.1,SS.Beiismicelswutelungssoangeleafan,huseBlenu
sylf hit sue, anu beau t ealle eoua sceoluon swa beon gefulloue on a halgan
rynnysseanusoeannysse;anuesangeleafaiseallumtohealuenne,ammannume
habba nigne myne to uoue, in 0ominico post Ascensionem 0omini. Pope, homilies of
Alfric:ASupplementoryCollection,vol.1,S8S.
S16
uiunuy,BooksonJ6roce,2S46.
191

society, anu cannot be unueistoou as a specific analogy, but the way lfiic
foimulateu his thiee oiueis can tell of his conceptualization of oiuei which
wasbaseuonstiictlyieligiouspiinciples.
The ciiticism towaius the seculai cleigy anu lay society iose fiom
imposingmonasticstanuaiusonotheipaitsofthesociety.When thecleigy
was iepioacheu foi caiiying weapons, the uiffeient stanuaius foi uiffeient
ianksofcleigy,suchasbishops,piiests,acolytes,ieaueis,anuotheiswhich
weie noteu in lfiics othei woiks, weie not uefineu.
S17
Even though the
ciiticismwas taigeteu specificallytotheseculaicleigy,anunot tomonks
who in lfiics minu weie the bettei pait of the societyit still auuiesseu
theauuienceasawhole,anutheiefoie,uiunotattempttoestablishuetaileu
iules foi each pait of society. In ieality the stanuaius foi how to conuuct
ones life woulu not have been so unifoim, as the lowei ianks of the cleigy
weie not iequiieu to maintain a lifestyle that was iequiieu fiom the highei
ianks of piiests, anu especially fiom bishops. Foi its pait, this coulu leau to
vaiieupiacticeiegaiuingthecaiiyingofweapons,aswell.Inauuition,inan
age of the viking attacks anu political tuimoil in geneial, the thiesholu to
giasp a weapon foi ones uefence was unuoubteuly lowei. The ihetoiic of
ienunciationfiomweaponstheiefoiesimultaneouslysimplifieutheuivision
ofsocietyintolaigei,uistinctunits,anutiieutoimposestiictlymonasticanu
ieligiousstanuaiusofbehaviouiontothesethieepaits.Thiskinuofusageof
the iuea of thiee oiueis was thus stiictly situational, anu as such it uiffeieu
fiom the way Wulfstan useu it. Next I will examine how the iuea was
tiansfeiieuanuuevelopeufiomlfiictoWulfstan.
5.3.2. Three orders in Wulfstans Institutes of Polity and
Larspell
Itisthethiiuanulasttextoflfiic,theletteitoSigeweaiu,whichisthought
tobetheonefiomwhichWulfstanuiewthenotionofthieeoiueis.Beuses
it in the vaiious veisions of the lnstitutes of Polity. The uoctiine of thiee
oiueis is similai in all of its veisions, with uiffeiences that extenu only to a
fewwoius,whichaiemaikeuwithpaienthesesinthequoteupassages.The
passage Conceining the thione (Be cynestole) follows lfiics tieatment
quitefieely:

S17
Whitelock,CouncilsonJSynoJs,2uS2u6.
192

Fvery{lowful)
S18
tbronetbotstonJsfullyupriqbt,stonJsontbreepillors:
oneisorotores,onJtbeseconJisloborotoresonJtbetbirJisbellotores.
0rotores ore proyer-men, wbo must serve 6oJ onJ eornestly interceJe
botb Joy onJ niqbt for oll people. loborotores ore workmen, wbo must
supply tbot by wbicb tbe entire notion sboll live. Bellotores ore solJiers,
wbo must JefenJ tbe lonJ by fiqbtinq witb weopons. Fvery tbrone {in o
Cbristionnotion)muststonJoriqbtontbesetbreepillors.AnJsboulJony
of tbem weoken, tbe tbrone will immeJiotely totter; onJ sboulJ ony of
tbemsbotter,tbentbetbronewilltumbleJown,onJtbotisentirelytotbe
Jetrimentoftbepeople.ButlettbembeJiliqentlyfixeJonJstrenqtbeneJ
onJ moJe firm witb tbe wise teocbinq of 6oJ {onJ witb worlJly justice);
tbotwillbetotbelostinqbenefitoftbepeople.
S19

Thebeginningofthepassageisveiy similaitothepassageinlfiicslettei
to Sigeweaiu. They both holu the view that all thiee pillais aie neeueu to
suppoitthethione,thesameiueathatisseeninthecontempoiaiywoiksof
the Fiankish bishops Aualbeio anu ueiaiu. But Wulfstans account is not
completely equivalent with lfiics, anu uepaits fiom it in the enu. It uoes
not auuiess the witon explicitly, anu uoes not iefei to the contempoiaiy
situation as being a time, when theie is too much evil among mankinu
(onneonmoncinnetomicelyfelbi),aslfiicuiu.ThestanceofWulfstanis
moie iegulatoiy; it states that all the pillais must be kept fiim with uous
laws.Beuoesnotsaythatthe thioneisbioken(tobrocen),oithatisshoulu
be fixeu iight away (beton one sono), like lfiic. Theie is a noticeable
uiffeience in tone wheie Wulfstan states that the thiee pillais shoulu be
fixeu.lfiicsveib,beton,uenotesinastiongwayanactofiepaii.Itsusage
assumesabiokenstate,whichmustbeimpioveu,amenueu,compensateuoi

S18
TheauuitioninNSX(0xfoiu,BouleianLibiaiy,}unius121)aiegiveninpaientheses,as
specifieuby}ost.
S19
lc (iiht) cynestol stent on iim stapelum, e fullice aiiht stent: An is 0iatoies, anu
oeiisLaboiatoies,anuiiuueisBellatoies.0iatoiessynuongebelumen,euouesculon
eowian anu uges anu nihtes foi ealne eouscipe ingian geoine. Laboiatoies sinuon
weoicmen, e tilian sculon, s e eal eouscipe big sceal libban. Bellatoies synuon
wigmen,eeaiusculonweiianwiglicemiu|wjpnum.0nisumiimstapelumsceallc
cynestol stanuan miu iihte (on ciistenie eoue). Anu awacige heoia nig, sona se stol
scilf;anufoibeisteheoianigonneiistsestolnyei,anutwuiaieeoueealto
uneaife. Ac staelige man anu stiangige anu tiimme hi geoine miu wislicie uoues lage;
(anu miu iihtlicie woiululage) t wui am eouscipe to langsuman iue. }ost, 0ie
lnstitutesofPolity,CivilonJFcclesiosticol,SSS6.
193

iestoieu.
S2u
Bowevei, the veib Wulfstan uses, stoolion, also means to fix,
but in a uiffeient way. It uoes not assume a bioken state, but it is useu to
uesciibe an act of establishment, founuing, oi settlement. It also iefeis to
making things steaufast anu fiim.
S21
It is followeu by iepetitive veibs
stronqion (to make stiong, confiim) anu trymmon (to make fiim oi stiong).
It is also noticeable that in the latei veisions of the lnstitutes, Wulfstan has
auueu that not only uous law, but also the woiluly law (worulJloqo) is
neeueutoupholuthekinguom.Thistieatisemakesitalsocleaithatwithout
oiueithenationwillcollapseanuthemetaphoiofachaiiwiththieelegsis
anexplicitexample.
Somewhat like lfiic, Wulfstan continues loosely with the theme of
unjust uecisions, but uoes not explicitly mention coiiupt juuges oi biibeiy,
insteau closing the passage on the thione with a geneial statement on the
connectionofChiistianfaithanuthewell-beingofthekinguom.
AnJitistruewbotlsoy:sboulJtbeCbristionfoitbweoken,tbekinqJom
willimmeJiotelytotter;onJsboulJboJlowsoriseonywbereintbelonJ,
orviciousbobitsbetooqreotlycberisbeJonywbere,tbotwillbeentirely
totbeJetrimentoftbepeople.ButletwbotisnecessorybeJone,injustice
putJownonJ6oJslowroiseJup;tbotmoybeofoJvontoqeintbesiqbt
of6oJonJtbeworlJ.Amen.
S22

ThelatesttextinwhichWulfstanuseutheiueaofthieeoiueisishishomily
lorspell(NapieiSu;homily,tieatise),whichismostlycomposeuofmanyof
his eailiei wiitings (the lnstitutes of Polity, vI thelieu, I Cnut, lfiics 0lu
English letteis, the Sermo lupi oJ Anqlos, anu thiee of his eschatological
homilies).
S2S
Wulfstanspioclivitytoconstantlyiewiiteanufoimulateanew
his own wiiting is seen stiongly also in the homily lorspell, in which the
thiee oiueis of society occuis foi the seconu time aftei the lnstitutes. This

S2u
}oseph Boswoith anu T. Noithcote Tollei, An Anqlo-Soxon 0ictionory: BoseJ on tbe
Honuscript Collections of tbe lote }osepb Boswortb (0xfoiu: 0xfoiu 0niveisity Piess,
1898),s.v.beton.
S21
Ibiu.,s.v.stoolion.
S22
Foiamsois,tissecge:awacigeseciistenuom,sonascylfsecyneuom,anuaiie
manunlagaahwaionlanueoeunsiua(lufige)ahwaitoswie,tcymaieeoueeal
touneaife.Acuoman,swahitea|ijfisalecgemanuniihtanuaiieupuouesiiht;t
mg to eaife foi uoue anu foi woilue. Amen. }ost, 0ie lnstitutes of Polity, Civil onJ
Fcclesiosticol,S8.
S2S
Lionaions,NapieiBomilyL,417.
194

text is not taken into account by Powell inhis aiticle on the thiee oiueis of
societythenatuieofthetext,beingheavilycompileufiomotheitexts,has
most likely causeu it to have been oveilookeu as an unoiiginal anu
meaninglesssouice.Itsclassificationhaspioveupioblematicfoithemouein
euitois, anu Bethuium, foi instance, uiu not incluue it in hei euition of
Wulfstanshomilies,becausesheuiunotseeitasahomily,butasaveision
of the lnstitutes.It is, howevei, moie than a simple iestatement of the topic
anu actually not veiy close to the lnstitutes aftei all, even if it aumitteuly
employs much mateiial fiom it. It can be seen as a woik in which Wulfstan
gatheieumateiialhehauaccumulateuuuiinghislife,anuieaiiangeuitinto
the most meaningful whole he was able to at the enu of his caieei. The
passageonthethieeoiueisinthishomilyisalmostiuenticaltothepassages
in the latei veisions of the Institutes. The only auuition is an explicit
mention of the king, when uefining the iole of the orotores, who must
eainestly inteiceue both uay anu night for tbe kinq anu foi all people, in a
passagethateailieimentionsonlypeople(eoJscipe).
S24
Thewholehomily
is quite political in natuie. It is auuiesseu to an aiistociatic auuience, both
seculai anu ecclesiastical. It auuiesses King Cnut as oui loiu the king, anu
then tuinsto auuiessseculailoius,juuges,anuieeves, anuthenthecleigy.
The woik can be uateu to a peiiou soon aftei King Cnut hau iisen in powei
anu the calamities causeu by the viking attacks hau ceaseu. }oyce Tally
Lionaions has pointeu out that this is seen in the way Wulfstan iepeateuly
iefeistothepasteventsbystatingthatbefoiethisevilthingshappeneu.
S2S

Also the quotations fiom Cnuts law coue (I Cnut) point to a uating aiounu
1u2u. Woimalu has suggesteu that the homily coulube connecteu to Cnuts
0xfoiu coue fiom 1u18, anu that this coulu be a possible souice text foi I
Cnut, iathei than vice verso.
S26
This woulu mean that the seimon was
intenueutobepieacheuatthemeetingin0xfoiu,peihapsasapieliminaiy
announcementofthelawsthatWulfstanwanteutobeenacteu,asLionaions

S24
0iatoies synuon gebeumen, e goue sceolon eowjan uges anu nihtes foi ne
cyngc anu foi ealne eouscipe ingjan geoine. Napiei, Wulfston: Sommlunq Jer ibm
zuqescbriebenenhomiliennebst0ntersucbunqenberibreFcbtbeit,267.
S2S
Lionaions,NapieiBomilyL,419.
S26
Woimalu, Tbe Hokinq of Fnqlisb low, SSS, SS6S6u. Pauline Staffoiu has suggesteu
that thistextwas a uiaft of a homily that was meantto be pieacheu at the coionation of
Cnut.PaulineStaffoiu,TheLawsofCnutanutheBistoiyofAnglo-SaxonRoyalPiomises,
Anqlo-SoxonFnqlonJ1u(1982):17918u,186.
195

hassuggesteu.
S27
Thecontentofthispieceistheiefoieimpoitantanutelling.
It ueals with the iesponsibilities anu iights of each pait of society, at least
the highei paits which it auuiessesas usual, the woiking pait of the
society is left without uiscussion. Aftei this, a shoit note is maue on piopei
weights anu measuies, followeu by a ieminuei of the piopei obseivance of
feasts anu fasts. The homily enus with an exhoitation to piepaie foi the
appioachingageofAntichiist.
In this final piece the iuea of thiee oiueis is piesenteu in a foim anu
context quite uiffeient fiom its oiiginal context in lfiics letteis, but also
uiffeient fiom its context in the lnstitutes. The whole piece can be seen as
Wulfstans intentional anu final effoit to influence the oiuei of society,
thiough aumonition to the king anu othei men in high powei. The
aumonition is uone in a conuenseu, pointeu, anu in a moie iegulatoiy way
thaninthepievioustexts.Theieisnofoicefulblametaigeteutothemenin
powei, oi an uigent auvice to the witon to fix the state of society; the
passageismoieastatementthananexhoitation.Thiskinuofchangeisseen
alsoinotheitextsthatWulfstanauapteuinthelatestagesofhiscaieei.Foi
instance,}onathanWilcoxpointsoutthatoneofhislateiseimons,Toeollum
folce (Napiei 27), which ieuses anu abbieviates the Sermo lupi oJ Anqlos,
placesalltheiefeiencestothevikingiaiusanueviltimesinthepast.Thisis
piobablyalsothehomilythioughwhichpassagesfiomtheSermolupiweie
tiansfeiieutoNapieiSu.
S28
Thefoicefulihetoiicoftheoiiginalhauheavily
uepenueu on exactly the oppoitunity to tie togethei the cuiient political
peiils anu moial uegiauation of the people. The latei seimon hau thus,
accoiuingtoWilcox,tuineuintoaveisionofpessimisticapocalypsethathas
lost some of its foiceful punch thiough auaptation to the appaiently moie
optimistic times of Cnuts Englanu.
S29
The same coulu be saiu of lorspell
when estimating the notion of thiee oiueis in it. The geneial context of the
textshowsthattheiueawasuseuveiyuiffeientlyinuiffeientinstances.The
analysesuonebyBubyoiPowelluonottakethisintoaccount,buttieatthe
iueaasaninuepenuententity,anutheyuonotuiscussthetextualcontextof
the iuea, which, as it has been uemonstiateu above, coulu vaiy. The iuea is
not uetachable fiom the othei iueas that suiiounu it in the text it appeais,

S27
Lionaions,NapieiBomilyL,418419.
S28
}ost,WulfstonstuJien,2Su.
S29
}onathan Wilcox, Wulfstan's Sermo lupi oJ Anqlos as Political Peifoimance: 16
Febiuaiy 1u14 anu Beyonu, in Wulfston, Arcbibisbop of York: Tbe ProceeJinqs of tbe
SeconJAlcuinConference,eu.NatthewTownenu,SFH10(Tuinhout:Biepols,2uu4),S9S.
196

but must be ieau togethei with them. This is why it is somewhat stiange
that Powell, when analyzing the meaning of the iuea in Anglo-Saxon
Englanu,completelyuisiegaiusthistextpossiblyhe,alongwithBethuium,
iegaiueu it as a veision of the lnstitutes anu as such not woith mentioning.
Theiefoie, fai fiom being a common iestatement of the topic, Napiei Su
iepiesents an impoitant uevelopment anu shoulu not be omitteu fiom the
uiscussionofthethieeoiueis.
Fiom the point of view of tiansmission anu tianslation of political
thought fiom one spheie into anothei, the appeaiance of the concept of
thiee oiueis is quite inteiesting. The text as a whole iepeateuly calls foi
iepentance, anu uiaws mateiial fiom laws anu homilies. It is somewhat
unlike the lnstitutes, because heie it can be seen employeu togethei with a
poweiful ihetoiic of atonement anu guilt, anu when compaieu with the
lnstitutes, this text is cleaily moie moially inclineu. It staits with a shoit
exhoitation to upholu uous law, confess sins anu make amenus, a theme
that continues thioughout the homily. Then it intiouuces an abiiugeu
passage that conceins the uuties of a Chiistian king, taken fiom the
lnstitutes. Alieauy heie Wulfstans puiposes foi this seimon aie seen;
wheieas in the lnstitutes a iighteous Chiistian king was to seveiely coiiect
withwoilulypunishment, anuloathe anusuppiessiobbeis,plunueieisanu
uespoileis of woiluly goous,
SSu
now he was to extenu his coiiecting hanu
not just on iobbeis anu plunueieis, but on muiueieis, tiaitois anu
peijuieis, manslayeis anu fiatiiciues, peisecutois of the chuich anu piiest-
slayeis,injuieisofmeninholyoiueisanuauulteieis,thievesanuciiminals,
iobbeisanuplunueieis,liaisanuueceiveis,tiaitoisanutioth-bieakeis.
SS1

Aftei this pounuing iepetitionone of Wulfstans classic ways to

nominatesinneis,whichsuielyueliveishomethemessagethataiemeuyis
neeueuthe homily piesents the thiee pillais that suppoit the thione anu
exhoitstheauuiencetostiengthenthem.Ituoesnotfullyemploytheenuof

SSu
Bescealmanuuemennieaganeailemiuwoiululiciesteoie, anuhescealiypeias
anu ieafeias anu as woiulustiuueias hatian anu hynan anu eallum uoues feonuum
styi|njlicewistanuan.}ost,0ielnstitutesofPolity,CivilonJFcclesiosticol,4S.
SS1
Be sceal manuue men ieagan eaile miu woiolulicie steoie, anu he sceal
moiwyihtan, hlafoiuswican anu manswaian, mannslagan anu mgslagan, cyiichatan
anu saceiubanan, haubiecan anu wbiecan, eofas anu eousceaan, iypeias anu
ieafeias, leogeias anu liceteias, weulogan anu wilogan hatjan anu hynan anu eallum
goues feonuum styinlice wistanuan. Napiei, Wulfston: Sommlunq Jer ibm
zuqescbriebenen homilien nebst 0ntersucbunqen ber ibre Fcbtbeit, 266267. Cf. v
thelieu,242S,p.SS6.
197

Becynestole,butenusshoitlyanumoie ihetoiically:Anuitistiuewhat
we say: shoulu the Chiistian faith weaken, the kingship will immeuiately
tottei.
SS2
Then it moves immeuiately to some shoit iemaiks about seculai
loius (coiiesponus to Be eoilum in the lnstitutes), anu tuins the whole
uiscussion into anothei level, beginning to pounu upon sins, unlawfulness,
anu atonement, with ihetoiically poweiful passages taken fiom the Sermo
lupioJAnqlosanuthehomilyToeollumfolce.Thesinsofthepeople,wiong
conuuct of life, anu contempt foi uous laws have pievaileu in the lanu foi
toolonganuhavebioughtonuestiuction.Nowisthetimetoiemeuy,make
amenus,anucoiiecthabits.
SSS
ThesamewoiusthatWulfstanuseutopieach
inthetimeofthemostpiessingvikingattacksanupoliticaltuimoilin1u14,
justonthebiinkof thecollapseofthelieusieign, aieheieuseu ata time
whenCnutwasestablishinghisiuleanulegitimacyfoitheEnglishthione.In
this instance they aie useu in an attempt to establish oiuei with
seimonizingihetoiicbaseuoniepentanceanutheconceptofiighteousness.
Inauuitiontothetextsexamineuheie,theiueaofoiueiwasimpoitant
alsoelsewheieinWulfstanswoiks,especiallyinagioupoflegaltiactsthat
Woimalu calleu the 6eyncu gioup.
SS4
The collection of shoit tiacts ueals
with status anu social mobility, anu was possibly wiitten aiounu the same
time as the fiist veision of the lnstitutes, but befoie thelieus exile.
Woimaluaiguesthattheuiscouiseinthis collection,whichaccentuatesthe
oiueiliness of ianks, ieflects Wulfstans oveiall iueas about society. Be ties
theconceintogetheiwiththesocialuisoiueithatwascauseubytheevents
of1u14,thechangeofiuleanupoliticalupheaval.ItisattesteuintheSermo
lupi that some of the slaves became vikings anu acquiieu the werqelJ of a
thegn, while thegns weie enslaveu with no werqelJ payable foi them.
SSS

Accoiuing to Woimalu, this compilation of texts sought to iestoie past

piopiieties,asoithouoxlegislationtaigeteuotheisocialills.
SS6

SS2
Anusois,tissecga:awacygeseciistenuom,sonascylfsecyneuom.Ibiu.,267.
SSS
Bit ws nu lange, t wion to wiue goues laga lae anu laia foisawne, anu
woiolulaga synuan innan ysan eaiue wiae foihwyifue onghwylcan enue; anu t is
gesynewiueanusiue,tmangougiemeuemiuamuniihteeallestolange.betananu
geoine, a e ysseie eoue nu sceolan iuan, swa swa goue wyle, gif hig goue willan
iihtlice cweman anu on am myclan uge heom sylfum gebeoigan bet, onne a uyuon,
ebeofianwion,euniihtaiiuantofoiwyiueheomsylfum.Ibiu.,268.
SS4
Woimalu,TbeHokinqofFnqlisblow,S91S94.
SSS
QuotingSermolupi1u48,12u1.Ibiu.,S94.
SS6
Ibiu.
198

ThecontextwheieWulfstanuseutheiueawasthusveiyuiffeientfiom
lfiic. Both in the lnstitutes anu in lorspell the bioauei fiamewoik of the
concept conceins goou goveinment anu the establishment of a Chiistian
kinguom.Inbothwoikstheuoctiinefollowstheaccountofthekingsuuties,
not the uuties of seculai cleigy oi just waifaie. In this iespect Wulfstans
tieatment iesembles his Fiancian contempoiaiies, especially Aualbeio. As
Bubyhasshown,Aualbeiosiueasconcentiateonissuesofgoveinmentanu
the sacieu uuties of the king to enfoice the law anu pieseive oiuei.
SS7
Like
Aualbeio,Wulfstanwasanauvisei totheking,anuhisgeneialinteiestisin
politicaloiuei,whichisestablisheubothonspiiitualanuseculaipiinciples.
Theie is thus a uiffeience in emphasis anu viewpoint between lfiic anu
Wulfstan,buttheybothshaieuaconceptthatthecontempoiaiysocietywas
notinitspiopeioiuei,anutheybothtiieutoamenuit.Inthisattemptthey
founu the uivision of society a convenient tool to aigue foi theii point. As
someoflfiicshomilies,Wulfstanswoiksiepeateulyconveyaconceinfoi
the state of society. Elsewheie Wulfstan even lamenteu about the excessive
social mobility that coulu be seen in his times, as Woimalu has pointeu
out.
SS8
This concein is also seen in those instances wheie he tieateu the
thiee oiueis, especially in lorspell, anu shoulu be seen togethei with his
attemptstoestablishoiueiwithhisnumeiouslawsanuhomiliesthatpounu
uponthemoialityofthetime.
5.4. Conclusion
The texts uiscusseu in this chaptei suggest textual appiopiiation in vaiious
cases. They show that uespite theii conventional anu ueiivative natuie, the
themes anu tiopes coulu be useu selectively in uiffeient situations,
uepenuingontheintenueuauuienceoitheaspiiationsoftheauthoihimself.
The constituting piinciple behinu the inteiest in the natuie of tiansmission
fiom lfiic to Wulfstan is a notion that iueas uo not tiansfei oi passively
spieauintimeoiplaceasaiesultofcultuialoitextualinfluence.Whenthe
existence of iueas as inuepenuent factois in histoiy is questioneu, the focus
of attention necessaiily shifts to human action that always lies behinu any
iuea. Thus, I see that iueas as such uo not uevelop, but aie uevelopeu.
Similaily, iueas oi iueologies as such aie not the foices that change histoiy,

SS7
Buby,TbeTbree0rJers,S2SS.
SS8
Woimalu,TbeHokinqofFnqlisblow,461.
199

butpeopleaie.Consequently,alsopoliticalthoughtisalwaystieutospecific
histoiical instances, always has a ieason, anu is always a iesult of human
action. This, in my view, is an appioach with which aspects of both theoiy
anu piactice can be examineu to a satisfying uegiee, anu one with which it
can be uemonstiateu that vaiieu meanings can be assigneu to uiffeient
usages of the same iueology. The aigument of this chaptei is that this is
exactlywhatisseenintheinstanceoftiansmissionofthoughtfiomlfiicof
EynshamtoWulfstanofYoik.
Bothwiiteisaccentuateuthecoiiectnessanuoiueiofsociety.Asithas
become eviuent fiom lfiics woiks thioughout, it was impoitant foi him
that eveiyone hau theii pieoiuaineu place in society, anu following
Augustines thought, the oiuei of society was immutable anu sacieu.
Bieiaichywasbaseuonviitues anumeiits,anuinoiueitogainpiospeiity,
allthemembeisofthesocietymustactaccoiuingtotheiiplace.Thepiopei
conuuctoflifewas theway togain uousfavoui,anuthisistheieasonwhy
iegulation, instiuction, anu teaching weie so impoitant. Bowevei, wheieas
lfiics appioach can be uesciibeu to ieflect the issue fiom a moie
theologicalpointofview,Wulfstanfocuseuheavilyonmatteisinthiswoilu,
anu ieacheu out to influence people to take action in a veiy conciete way.
Themotivesweiethesameaslfiicsto stiive foi asocietywhichwoulu
imitate the oiuei set by uou, anu in this way woulu ease the way to
salvationbuttheuiscouiseitselfislessotheiwoilulythaninlfiicscase.
Thefiistiefeiencetothethieeoiueisbylfiiceveniesemblesuesciiptions
of the Boly Tiinity. lfiics uiscouise is baseu on notions of eteinity,
salvation,anusacieuoiuei,whichwoulubesaciilegioustobieak.Wulfstan
concentiates on balance, moial oiuei, anu the establishment of a lawful
kinguomanuChiistianfaith.
The auaptation that is seen in these texts is also inteiesting when
consiueiing the authois themselves anu theii own attituues towaius
tianslation anu textual tiansmission. As it is well known, lfiics views on
tianslation anu tiansmission weie stiictei than those of Wulfstan. lfiic
believeuintheexistenceoftiuthinthewiittenwoiu,anutextualauthoiities
playeu an impoitant iole in his woik. Even when tianslating himself, oi
whenusingotheitextsashissouices,hewanteutopieseivetheoiiginalas
much as possible, anu wanteu to piouuce oithouox texts fiee of eiioi. Bis
concein extenueu beyonu his own times; he was painfully awaie of sciibal
piacticeswhichtenueutochangetheoiueianucontextoftexts,anutiieuto
pievent this by incluuing instiuctions foi all the sciibes to copy the text as
200

accuiately as possible. Wulfstan tieateu mateiial available to him moie

fieely.Bisinteiestwaspiacticalanuiegulatoiy.AnuasNalcolmuouuenhas
pointeu out, Wulfstan useu lfiics mateiial in a way that lfiic woulu not
have appioveu.
SS9
The paiauox in this is that lfiic, tooat the same time
insisting on textual oithouoxy, the coiiect oiuei, anu the piopei
inteipietation anu knowleugeieaiiangeu anu iewiote seveial texts
himself.Anuinthethieeinstancesinwhichheuseutheiueaofthieeoiueis,
they, too, weie subject to change uepenuing on the auuience anu political
situation.Inthisinstancetheiueaofthieeoiueiswasuseuinthesewoiksin
uiffeient ways; auapteu by lfiic to ciiticize the cleigy anu then the lay
aiistociacy anu tiansfeiieu fiom theie to Wulfstans attempts to iegulate
theoiueiofsocietytoestablishamoiallyiighteousChiistiankinguom.

SS9
uouuen,TheRelationsofWulfstananulfiic,S7S.
201

6. Guilt, atonement and

legislation: Wulfstans legal-
homiletic discourse

In the following I examine the ieligious ihetoiic of guilt anu atonement in

Wulfstanslegalanuhomiletictextsconcentiatingonthewaysthesenotions
weie useu to authoiize anu implement ieligious moues of thought into
establisheu legal iegulation. I concentiate mainly on the law coues wiitten
byWulfstanfoithekingsthelieuIIanuCnut,anuieauthemtogetheiwith
homilies which convey similai moues of uiscouise. These woiks aie pait of
anextiemelycomplicateuanuinteimingleubulkofmateiial,iepiesenteuin
vaiious manusciipts, often in a uiffeient mannei. The texts aie ielateu also
to his Conon low Collection (Fxcerptiones PseuJo-Fcqberbti) anu the Conons
of FJqor, which emphasize his scheme foi the iight oiuei of society, anu
especiallythepiiests ioleinguiuingtheieligiouslifeofthelaypeople.The
centialconceinheieistheiegulatoiyuiscouiseofWulfstan,whichwasuseu
toconstiuctiueasofapoliticallyunifieu,coheient,anusacieusociety.Nuch
has been alieauy saiu about Wulfstans style, language anu ihetoiic, anu
about the homiletic elements in his legal texts, so the notion of the
peimeating ieligious tone in his iegulatoiy texts is haiuly new oi
suipiising.
S4u
Foi my pait, I will concentiate on one aspect of his ieligious
ihetoiicthatIseeasanimpoitantpaitintheieligious-politicaluiscouiseof
late Anglo-Saxon Englanu. The penitential moue in Wulfstans legal texts is
uevelopeu fiom the homiletic uiscouise, but enteis anothei social
fiamewoik, anu assuchuiveigesfiomthe uiscuisivefielusexamineuinthe
pieviouschapteis.

S4u
Seefoiinstance}onathanBavis-Secoiu,RhetoiicanuPoliticsinAichbishopWulfstan's
0lu EnglishBomilies, Anqlio 126, no. 1 (2uu8); N. K. Lawson, Aichbishop Wulfstan anu
theBomileticElementintheLawsofthelieuIIanuCnut,TbeFnqlisbhistoricolReview
1u7,no.424(1992);Woimalu,AichbishopWulfstananutheBolinessofSociety.
202

6.1. Wulfstans legislative works

Wulfstanslegislativewoiksweienotinanysystematicfoimofwiiting,anu
theii iecognition anu categoiization has often been pioblematic. Wulfstan
staiteuhislegislativeactivityaiounu1uu8,whenthefiistcouewhichcanbe
iecognizeuasbeingwiitteninhisstylewasuiafteutouisplaytheuecisions
maue by the council of Enham (v, vI |0Ej anu vI |Lat.j thelieu).
S41
This
occasion maiks a cleai uivision in King thelieus legislation, which is
usually uiviueu into two stages; pie-Wulfstan anu Wulfstans laws. This
uivision is baseu on the notable uiffeiences in the uiscouise of legislative
tiacts. thelieus laws befoie Wulfstans involvement weie iemaikably
uiffeientthantheonesaftei1uu8.Foiinstance,thelawcouesofWooustock
(I thelieu) anu Wantage (III thelieu), which can be uateu to aiounu oi
befoie 997, aie as iesolutely seculai as Wulfstans weie oveiwhelmingly
ecclesiastical.
S42
Patiick Woimalu has uiscusseu the change in the tone of
the law coues, anu uesciibeu Wulfstans legislative texts as a iamble
thioughthepiinciplesofChiistianlife,whosecauencesweieashomileticas
itssanctionsweiefew.
S4S
Thechangeinthewiittenlawofthelieucleaily
inuicatestheioletheaichbishophauinthepiomulgationsoflawinthelatei
stages of the kings ieign. It is notable that almost all of the suiviving
manusciipts of thelieus latei law coues can be uiiectly oi inuiiectly
linkeu to Wulfstan.
S44
Theiefoie Wulfstan plays an impoitant pait also in
oui inteipietations of the legal cultuie of late Anglo-Saxon Englanu, as he
has uominateu the souice mateiial available fiom this eia. Consequently,
histoiical juugements of the legal anu auministiative cultuie of the enu of
thelieus ieign have been influenceu by Wulfstans texts. The highly

S41
The numbeiing of the law coues is baseu on Liebeimanns euition. The oiuei of the
coues anu theii uiffeient veisions is much moie pioblematic than what the
stiaightfoiwaiu assignation of numbeis suggests. Foi the sake of convention anu
ieauability I ietain Liebeimanns numbeis, but the incoheient natuie of Wulfstans
legislationshoulubekeptinminuthioughouttheuiscussion.Allthelawcouesiefeiieuto
heie aie piinteu in Liebeimann, 0ie 6esetze Jer Anqelsocbsen. In auuition I use the moie
commenteuWhitelock,CouncilsonJSynoJs.InthecaseofCnuts0xfoiucoueIiefeitoA.
u.Kenneuy,Cnut'sLawCoueof1u18,Anqlo-SoxonFnqlonJ11(1982).
S42
Woimalu,TbeHokinqofFnqlisblow,S28.
S4S
Ibiu.,4Su.
S44
The manusciipts of the legal texts have been thoioughly stuuieu by Patiick Woimalu.
Seeibiu.,16226S.
203

ecclesiastical anu homiletic tone of the law coues shoulu fiist anu foiemost
beanalyzeuasWulfstanschoiceofuiscouiseanuihetoiic.
Wulfstans foimulations conceining the councils meeting at Enham in
1uu8 aie ieflecteu in thiee coues (v, vI |0Ej anu vI |Lat.j). Auuitionally, a
fiagment of a coue labelleu as X by Liebeimann is thought to belong to this
gioup. The fiist coues seiveu as a base foi the coues Wulfstan uiafteu latei
on, incluuing those of Cnuts ieign.
S4S
It is thought that v iepiesents the
uecisions of the meeting most accuiately, but at the same time it is to be
noteu that none of the coues that Wulfstan uiafteu can be seen as uiiect
ieflectionsofthewitonsinteiestsoiasuiiectfoimulationsofthemeetings.
The piominently uiffeient veisions of the same meeting at Enham suggest
thatmoiethan actualfoimulationsof thewiton,thecouesaietobeseen as
Wulfstans iepiesentations of what he consiueieu to be impoitant to
tiansmit of that meeting.
S46
Wulfstans fiist coue is alieauy highly
ecclesiastical in tone, anu as Whitelock pointeu out, theie aie only a few
matteis which ueal with stiictly seculai business, such as the builuing of
biiuges anu foits, oi minting coins.
S47
Wulfstan appaiently intenueu the
couetobeasgeneialaspossible,anutobeieusablefoithefutuie,sincethe
coueisfaiilyanonymousanunotcleailypinpointeutoanyspecialoccasion.
thelieu,foiinstance,isnotnameuinthe 0luEnglishveisionofvI, anuin
the enu of the Latin veision the kings name is wiitten in Wulfstans hanu
above the line in a passage which employs an impeisonal N in thiee
occasions insteau of piopei names.
S48
This is a stiiking example of
Wulfstansintentionsofmakinghismessageasgeneialanuasapplicableas
possible,anushowshiswishestoieachawiueauuiencealsointhefutuie.
Theie weie two othei occasions in thelieus ieign which can be
connecteuwithWulfstanslegislativewoik:ameetingatBathin1uu9afteia
seveie attack of Thoikells aimy (vII |Lat.j anu vIIa |0Ej thelieu), anu a
meetingin1u14,whenthewitonhauueciueutoinvitethelieubacktothe
English thione aftei Sweyns ueath (vIII thelieu). The iesult of the
meeting at Bath was an unusual coue which calls foi a geneial thiee-uay
fastinganupenanceasacounteimeasuiefoitheuevastatingiaiuingactivity

S4S
See a chait of the ielative oiuei of Wulfstans legal texts in , Aichbishop
Wulfstan:Eleventh-CentuiyState-Builuei,2627.
S46
Lawson, Aichbishop Wulfstan anu the Bomiletic Element in the Laws of thelieu II
anuCnut,S7S.
S47
Whitelock,CouncilsonJSynoJs,S4uS41.
S48
Ibiu.,S7S.
204

ofthevikings.ThelatestcouefiomKingthelieusieignisanecclesiastical
coue which ieiteiates many points fiom pievious legislation. These two
couesaieexamineuintheiiowncontextshoitly(chaptei6.S).
Aftei thechangeofiegimeWulfstancontinueuhiswoik asaichbishop
anu legislatoi foi King Cnut. Theie aie foui extant coues which aie now
thoughttobethewoikofWulfstan.Thefiistone(BCn)isappaientlyauiaft
iight aftei the change of iule, anu can be uateu to a meeting at 0xfoiu in
1u18.
S49
This text boiiows much fiom thelieu vI (1uu8), anu can be saiu
tobeanextenueuveisionofthecoueuiafteuafteithemeetingatEnham.It
iesemblesCnutslateicouestosuchanextentthatWhitelockaigueufoiits
ioleasasoitofanin-betweenafteivIthelieuanuCnutsfullcoues.
SSu
Itis
piobablethatthis veisionwasuoneinhasteanuthatWulfstanuseuitlatei
asthebasisfoiIanuIICnut.ThiseailieiuiaftofCnutscouessuivivesonly
in one manusciipt (CCCC 2u1), anu because of its unfinisheu anu
fiagmentaiy contents, was not foi a time iegaiueu as an inuiviuual
composition but as a selection uiawn fiom othei law coues. Whitelock
howevei iuentifieu it as Wulfstans composition anu placeu it in this
paiticulaioccasion,inwhichpeacewasnegotiateubetweentheEnglishanu
theBanes.AletteifiomCnut,whichhesentfiomBenmaikinaiounu1u2u,
can also be associateu with Wulfstan. Although he might have not wiitten
thetexthimself,theieaiecleaisignsofhishanuievisinganucommentingit.
WulfstanuseuthefiistuiaftsasthebasisfoithelatestcouesfoiCnut,which
have been uesciibeu as the highest point anu consummation of all of
WulfstansiuealsaboutChiistianstateanulegislation.
SS1

ThelatestlawcouethatWulfstanuiafteufoiCnutconsistsoftwopaits,
whichaiegiventhetitlesIanuIICnut.Theyiefeitothesameoccasion,anu
the numbeis uenote the ecclesiastical (I) anu seculai (II: seo worulJculJe
qerJnes) paits of the coue. The coue was issueu at Winchestei, uuiing
Chiistmas, as it is stateu in the text (t ws on re bolqon miJewintres
tiJeonWinceostre),anuisuateutoa time justbefoieWulfstansueath.The
uating is baseu on the knowleuge that since Cnut was not in Englanu in
1u192u noi in 1u22S, anu that since Wulfstan uieu in 2S Nay 1u2S, the
coue was piesumably issueu at Chiistmas 1u21 oi 1u22. The actual coue
uiffeis fiomthe0xfoiuuiaftinthatitisuiviueuintoanecclesiasticalanu a

S49
Kenneuy,Cnut'sLawCoueof1u18.
SSu
Whitelock, Councils onJ SynoJs, 4S2; , Wulfstan anu the Laws of Cnut, Tbe
FnqlisbhistoricolReview249(1948):4SS4S6.
SS1
Woimalu,AichbishopWulfstananutheBolinessofSociety,2u6.
205

seculai section, a mouel that piesumably was auopteu fiom King Eugais
legislation.
SS2
Thecouesuivivesinthieemanusciipts.
SSS
Woithyofmention
is especially Cotton Neio A.i, which is thought to be a compilation by
Wulfstanintheveiylatestagesofhislife.
SS4
Thewholemanusciiptieflects
the conceins Wulfstan hau about social oiuei anu law. }onathan Wilcox has
uesciibeuthepeiiouafteitheestablishmentofCnutspoweiuntil1u2Sasa
peaceful time when Wulfstan coulu foimulate his iueas about society
fuithei,anuiewiiteanuassemblehiseailieiwiitingsanew,asisseeninthe
caseofthisspecificmanusciipt.
SSS
AccoiuingtoWhitelock,Cnutslawsweie
heluinhighiegaiu,anutheytellaboutAnglo-Saxonlegalcultuiemoiethan
anyotheieailieicoue.
SS6

When uiafting this coue, Wulfstan useu his lnstitutes of Polity anu his
lateihomilies,inauuitiontotheeailieilaws.PatiickWoimaluhasanalyzeu
the souices of Cnuts legislation, anu pointeu out that almost 7S % of the
mateiial was ueiiveu uiiectly oi inuiiectly fiom eailiei mateiial.
SS7
When
compaieu to the 0xfoiu coue, the seculai pait of Cnuts coue has moie
auuitions than the ecclesiastical one uoes. It is possible that this is an
inuication of Cnuts inteiest in the seculai pait of the coue, anu that he hau
iequiieu ceitain changes to it.
SS8
Bespite its heavy uepenuence on eailiei
English legislation, theie aie seveial clauses which aie not known fiom
eailieilaws.Thesetopicsincluuethekingsiights(IICnut121Sa),payment
of militaiy equipment (7171.S), iepossession of piopeity (1919.2), anu a
uemanu that eveiy man must be in a tithing (2u2ua). In auuition, the
seculaicouecontainsquitealotofmateiialthatatfiistsightwouluseemto
belong to the ecclesiastical pait of the coue, such as an account of cleiics
who weie guilty of ciime. It also makes a statement about ieligious feasts

SS2
Whitelock,CouncilsonJSynoJs,469.
SSS
BLCottonNeioA.i(Kei164,uneussS41),fos.S41;Lonuon,BL,BaileySS(Kei226),
fos. S1S; CCCC S8S (Kei 6S, uneuss 1u2), pp. 4S72. The beginning, up toI Cnut 14.2 is
lost.PiinteuinLiebeimann,0ie6esetzeJerAnqelsocbsen,278S71.
SS4
Beniy R. Loyn, eu. A Wulfston Honuscript Contoininq lnstitutes, lows onJ homilies:
Britisb Huseum Cotton Nero A.l, vol. xvii, Eaily English Nanusciipts in Facsimile
(Copenhagen:RosenkilueanuBaggei,1971);Wilcox,Wulfstan'sSermolupioJAnqlosas
Political Peifoimance, S79. The manusciipts of the legal texts have been thoioughly
stuuieubyPatiickWoimalu.SeeWoimalu,TbeHokinqofFnqlisblow,16226S.
SSS
Wilcox,Wulfstan'sSermolupioJAnqlosasPoliticalPeifoimance,S79.
SS6
Whitelock,CouncilsonJSynoJs,47u.
SS7
Woimalu,TbeHokinqofFnqlisblow,SSSS61.
SS8
Whitelock,CouncilsonJSynoJs,46947u.
206

anu fasts, anu penalties ielateu to theii incoiiect obseivation. It touches

upon penalties that aie appiopiiate in case someone violently iesists the
collection of chuich uues, oi when someone has maue injuiies against
cleiics, committeu auulteiy oi incest. Also the maintenance of
excommunicateu peisons is uealt with. All these issues aie supposeu to
belong to the ecclesiastical pait of law, but theii inteimingling shows that
theie was not such a cleai-cut uivision of what constituteu puiely seculai
matteis in Wulfstans minu. The uivision of two poweis, seculai anu
ecclesiastical,ismoievisibleineailieilaws,anupeihapsalsoinlateiones.
In auuition to ioyal legislation, Wulfstan paiticipateu in uiafting
ecclesiastical anu local legislative woiks. These incluue the ecclesiastical
CononsofFJqor,
SS9
CononlowCollection(FxcerptionesPseuJo-Fcqberbti),
S6u

the so-calleu lows of FJworJ onJ 6utbrum,

S61
anu a set of vaiious 0lu
English legal tiacts known as 6eyncu, NorleoJo loqo, Hircno loqo, A,
hoJbotanu6ri.
S62
Itshoulualsobekeptinminuthatseveialofhishomilies
incluuelegislativemateiial,anuviceverso, anutheiefoietheseassignations
ielateutogenieshoulunotbeieauinastiictmannei.
The aichbishops own tone is fully visible in the uiscouise of the legal
woiks,bothinihetoiicanutheieligiousunueicuiientthatpeimeatesallthe
legal piinciples piesenteu in the coues. Thus the uiscouise is best seen as
Wulfstans iepiesentation of what he consiueieu to be the essence of law-
making in a Chiistian society. Foi this ieason Wulfstans legal foimulations
complement the stuuy of the ieligious-political uiscouise in an impoitant
way. Wulfstans legal texts, while iepiesenting the seculai legal tiauition of
Anglo-Saxon Englanu, aie simultaneously pait of anothei uiscuisive fielu,
which iose fiom monastic anu ecclesiastical thought, anu which Wulfstan
attempteu to biing into piactice. As his othei woiks, all the legal texts of
Wulfstan aie baseu on the piesumptions of sacieu oiuei; this piesumption
peivaues the legal uiscouise anu biings about authoiity-oiienteu ihetoiic.
The holy oiuei of society was the basic piinciple on which all of his
homiletic, legal anu political texts weie uepenuent. The impoitance of
piopei social oiuei is eviuent in the Enham coue (v thelieu), in which

SS9
PiinteuinRogeiFowlei,eu.Wulfston'sCononsofFJqor,EETSno.266(Lonuon:0xfoiu
0niveisityPiess,1972).
S6u
PiinteuinCiossanuBamei,Wulfston'sCononlowCollection.
S61
This text was asciibeu to Wufstan by Boiothy Whitelock, "Wulfstan anu the So-Calleu
LawsofEuwaiuanuuuthium,"FnqlisbhistoricolReviewS6(1941).
S62
Liebeimann,0ie6esetzeJerAnqelsocbsen,4S647S.
207

Wulfstanstatesthatitistheuecieeofouiloiuanuhiscounselloisthatmen
of eveiy oiuei aie each to submit willingly to that uuty which befits them
both in ieligious anu seculai conceins, implying that it is the uuty of each
membei of society to act accoiuing to the iules that aie seen as fit to theii
paiticulaiboJ(iank,office,estate).
S6S
Theiueaaboutoiueiwaspointeulyin
conflict with the ieality of the time, as the viking attacks anu political
uissonancebioughtaboutanythingbutoiuei.Foithisieasontheneeutotiy
to fix the state was piobably even moie accentuateu in the wiitings of this
eia. Theie aie two aspects in the ihetoiic of Wulfstans legal anu homiletic
texts that aie of inteiest fiom the point of view of ieligious-political
uiscouise.Fiistly,astiongemphasisisonthethoughtthatthelackofmoials
anu the sins of people weie the cause foi the miseiable state of society at
piesent times, anu that uou hau sent the vikings to punish the English
people. This follows the ihetoiic alieauy seen in uiluass sixth-centuiy
account of the Saxon invasion of Biitain, a text Wulfstan himself knew anu
iefeiieu to.
S64
Seconuly, the othei aspect of impoitance is the ihetoiic of
penance, which aims to fix the ielationship with uou, anu consequently the
stateofsociety.Initsspiiitualanuhomiletictone,Wulfstanslegaluiscouise
isiemaikablyuiffeientfiomthepieviouslanguageoflegislation.
6.2. Law and morality in Wulfstans thought
6.2.1. Homiletic language and legal practice
Wulfstansconceinfoithebestofthesocietywasultimatelyaieligiousone,
anu the ieligious-moial chaiactei in his wiitings is the base foi all his legal
wiitings, aswell.
S6S
Thisstaitingpointofmy examinationismuchinuebteu
to the woik of Patiick Woimalu, who in seveial instances, especially in his
bookTbeHokinqofFnqlisblow(1999),aswellasinhisaiticleAichbishop
of Wulfstan anu the Boliness of Society (2uuu), showeu how closely
togethei we shoulu see the ieligious anu seculai categoiies of Wulfstans
time. Ny uiscussion continues anu uevelops fiom this notion. The

S6S
Anu uies hlafoiues geiunes anu his witena is t lces haues menn geoine gebugan
foi uoue anu foi woiolue, lc to am iihte e him to gebyiige. Whitelock, Councils onJ
SynoJs,S47.Tians.Whitelock.
S64
,SermolupioJAnqlos,S1.
S6S
Woimalu,TbeHokinqofFnqlisblow,S42.
208

assessmentsofWulfstanswiitingshavebeenbluiieuby thecategoiization
by mouein euitois, in the case of homilies by Boiothy Bethuium
S66
anu
Aithui Napiei,
S67
anu in the case of laws especially by Felix Liebeimann,
S68

who selectively categoiizeu what they ueciueu to piint as homilies oi laws.

Bowevei, Wulfstans homilies anu laws iesemble each othei so much,
especiallyinthelateistagesofhiscaieei,thatthemoueincollectionsgivea
wiong impiession of his inteiests. Foi instance, some of the items
consiueieu as only legal weie omitteu fiom Bethuiums homiletic
collections, which, as Woimalu points out, is actually without manusciipt
justification.
S69
Consequently, mouein uefinitions anu uifficulties in
categoiizationmayleauusastiaywhenwetiytofoiceeachtextintoeithei
homileticoilegal,exclusivespheies.
Woimalu has stiesseu that the unueistanuing of these texts must
ueiive fiom the manusciipt contexts in which they weie assembleu uuiing
theii own times. The manusciipts in which Wulfstans legislation aie
pieseiveu,inuicatecleailyhowcloselytogetheithehomileticanulegaltexts
weie associateu. 0ne of the most telling examples is Cotton Neio A.i, which
nowconsistsof twopaits,ofwhichthelatteiisconsiueieutobeconnecteu
to Wulfstan, as the Wulfstan hanu occuis in the manusciipt seveial times.
BeniyLoynconcluueuthatifnotaltogetheiwiittenbyWulfstan,heatleast
planneu,oiueieu,supeiviseu,anualsocoiiecteuit.
S7u
Thefiistpaitincluues
acollectionoflaws,incluuingthoseofCnut,alsouiafteubyWulfstan,butthe
paits weie bounu togethei aftei theii completion. The pait associateu
uiiectly with Wulfstan has been uesciibeu as a kinu of theological
commonplace book, especially intenueu foi a bishops use in auvising a
king.
S71
The contents aie mainly ecclesiastical institutes anu laws, but
cannot be ieuuceu to a coheient entity at least fiom a mouein peispective.
Thepuiposeofthemanusciiptishaiutoestimateifitisthoughtasastiictly
legal collection. In assessing the vaiious manusciipts of Wulfstans woiks,
Woimalu has aigueu that Wulfstans homilies became incieasingly
legislative in theii content towaius the enu of his caieei. At the same time,

S66
BoiothyBethuium,eu.TbehomiliesofWulfston(0xfoiu:ClaienuonPiess,19S7).
S67
Napiei, Wulfston: Sommlunq Jer ibm zuqescbriebenen homilien nebst 0ntersucbunqen
beribreFcbtbeit.
S68
Liebeimann,0ie6esetzeJerAnqelsocbsen.
S69
Woimalu,AichbishopWulfstananutheBolinessofSociety,2u42uS.
S7u
Loyn,AWulfstonHonuscriptContoininqlnstitutes,lowsonJhomilies,46.
S71
Ibiu.
209

the uiscouise of his legal texts staiteu to auopt a homiletic, seimonizing

stance. The eaily texts, such as the Enham coue of 1uu8 (v thelieu), aie
still quite uistinguishable fiom his homilies. By the time of his late caieei,
the uiffeience is no longei so notable, anu his legal texts also pieach the
consequences of sins, as if he was pieaching fiom the pulpit. In Woimalus
woius, Wulfstan hau bluiieu the uistinctions between meuia in his feivent
puisuitofthemessage.
S72

This uoes not mean, of couise, that Wulfstans tieatment of legal

mateiial woulu be completely uiawn fiom ieligious texts. 0n the contiaiy,
Wulfstan was extiemely inteiesteu in anu conceineu about eailiei Anglo-
Saxon legal piactice anu canon law, as his own foimulations anu the
manusciipts he hau at his uisposal suggest. Wulfstans legal wiitings weie
also heavily inuebteu to Caiolingian legislation, which he useu extensively,
anu the manusciipts associateu with him often incluue laige amounts of
Caiolingian mateiial. As such, Wulfstan continueu the uevelopment in
Anglo-Saxon legislation which hau alieauy begun many uecaues ago; as
BaviuPiatthasiecentlyshown,theimpoitanceofCaiolingianpieceuentsin
the uevelopment of the tenth-centuiy law in Anglo-Saxon Englanu was
significant. Wulfstans legal piactices anu especially the heavy manusciipt
collections which concentiate on law shoulu be vieweu against this
backgiounu. Piatt states that the tenth centuiy, especially the legislation of
King thelstan (9249S9) was extiemely impoitant in teims of long-teim
piocesses of change in the legal cultuie.
S7S
Piatt thus emphasizes the
giassioots, genuine natuie of the piocess of legal iefoim, which took place
in the tenth centuiy, anu which best explains the vast inteiest in legal
matteisatthistime.
S74

N. K. Lawson, foi his pait, has aigueu that the homiletic element in
Wulfstans legal texts is a sign of the continuous tiauition of chuichmen
puiposefully tiying to set theii iuleis feet on the path of iighteousness. Be
aiguesthattheseculaiaffaiisWulfstaniefeistoweieintentionallyselecteu
by the ecclesiastic ciicles, anu in piesenting his ieligiously sateu views on
theking,witonanuseculaisociety,Wulfstanattempteutoinfluencetheking

S72
Woimalu,AichbishopWulfstananutheBolinessofSociety,2u6.
S7S
Baviu Piatt, Wiitten Law anu the Communication of Authoiity, in FnqlonJ onJ tbe
Continent in tbe Tentb Century, eu. B. Rollason, C. Leysei, anu B. Williams, SFH S7
(Tuinhout: Biepols, 2u11), SSS. I wish to expiess my giatituue to Bi. Piatt foi kinuly
pioviuingmewithhischapteibefoieitspublication.
S74
Ibiu.,SSu.
210

withhiswiitings.Inhisviewtheuiscouisewasthusmoieanoutcomeofthe
aichbishopsieligiousinteieststhananexpiessionofthepiousnatuieofthe
iuleisthemselves.
S7S
Lawsonsviewisplausible,anuIwoululiketoauuthat
it was not only the king that Wulfstan hau in minu, but the whole Chiistian
society.Theihetoiicofthelawcoueswas nottaigeteuonlytothe king,but
to eveiyone, at least the highei paits of the society, lay aiistociacy anu
especiallythebishopsanucleigy.0uiinteipietationofWulfstansuiscouise
is theiefoie laigely uepenuent on how much emphasis we want to place on
the kingship as the constituting factoi in the oiuei of society on the one
hanu, anu how much we want to examine the society as a whole, not only
iepiesenteu by the king, on the othei. Foimeily the focus of scholaily
inteiestwasplaceumuchontheioleofthekingineailymeuievalsocieties,
asitbecameappaientespeciallyinchapteiS.Followingthislineofthought,
the iuea of the sacieuness of the king anu his office tenueu to oveishauow
othei aspects of political thought. Refeiences to the status of the king weie
soughtpossiblyatthecostofseeingthatthewholeoiueiofthesocietywas
stiesseu with the veiy same foimulations anu uiscouises of sacieuness.
Thus it is easy to see why Lawson, foi instance, inteipiets Wulfstans
ihetoiicasintenueufoithekingwhichitwas,butnotexclusivelyinsteau
of ihetoiic uiiecteu foi all of society. In his inteipietation of Wulfstans
intentions Lawson uevelops fiom the thought of Boiothy Bethuium, who
estimateuthatWulfstanhauchangeuhisviewconsiueiingthesacieunessof
kingship, anu that towaius the enu of his life he placeu moie authoiity on
the chuich than on the seculai powei.
S76
Lawson figuies that Wulfstan
believeuthatthelawfulkingcoulunotbeuethioneu,anuthatthisiueawas
the ieason that he suppoiteu thelieu until the enu.
S77
This view becomes
pioblematic when taking into account the appaient ease with which
Wulfstan auopteuanu not just auopteu, but was pait in establishingthe
iule of Cnut. The pioblem with ueteimining the intenueu iecipient of
Wulfstans uiscouise anu the pioblem of the ielatively smooth attituue

S7S
Lawson, Aichbishop Wulfstan anu the Bomiletic Element in the Laws of thelieu II
anuCnut,S77,S82,S86.
S76
Boiothy Bethuium Loomis, Reqnum anu SocerJotium in the Eaily Eleventh Centuiy,
inFnqlonJBeforetbeConquest:StuJiesinPrimorySourcesPresenteJto0orotbyWbitelock,
eu. Petei Clemoes anu Kathleen Bughes (Cambiiuge: Cambiiuge 0niveisity Piess, 1971),
1S41S7,14214S.
S77
Lawson, Aichbishop Wulfstan anu the Bomiletic Element in the Laws of thelieu II
anuCnut,S72.
211

towaius the change of iulei, aie both explaineu with a shift in the
inteipietativeviewpoint;itwasnotonlythestatusofthekingthatmatteieu
in Wulfstans iueological fiamewoik of social oiuei, but the coiiect, moial
piinciplesfunctioningasthecoineistoneofeveiyinuiviuualintheChiistian
society.
6.2.2. Moral guilt and legal guilt
The ihetoiic of moial guilt is a peivauing moue in much of Wulfstans
uiscouise, but fiom the mouein peispective it is somewhat unusual to see
this kinu of ihetoiic employeu in legal wiitings as an integiateu pait of
authoiizing political oiuei. What constitutes the iight conuuct of life,
moiality anulaw aie,ofcouise,closetoeachothei,butnotiuentical.Noial
guilt is not a iequisite foi legal guilt, noi uoes legal guilt necessaiily have
anything to uo with ones moiality. Noial guilt is always tieu to the
inuiviuual,anuisieal,notcieateubyjuugementsfiomoutsiue,aslegalguilt
might be. In meuieval penitential anu legal piactice, howevei, especially
consiueiingthecanonlaw,thesenotionsaieinteitwineu.Theiefoieitisnot
suipiising to see that in Wulfstans case theie is little uiffeience between
legal anu moial guilt, anu that theii affinity becomes even cleaiei when
moialityisseenieflectingtheieligiouspiinciples.AsPatiickWoimaluaptly
noteu, Wulfstan uiu not uiffeientiate between sin anu ciime, but foi him
theyweieessentiallythe same.
S78
ThismeansthatWulfstansconception of
lawwasnotunusuallyfoihistimeveiymuchieligious,anuthathistexts
cieateuanimageofcloselytieuseculaianusacieupoweis.
Theie weie pieceuents foi Wulfstans uiscouise; King Alfieus
legislation was tightly committeu to woiking within the Nosaic tiauition of
law, anu useu full Chiistian symbolism in establishing the basis foi seculai
law.
S79
Wulfstans souices on Caiolingian legislation also ieiteiateu the
necessity of uivine law as the souice foi seculai law. Bincmai of Reims
(8u6882), who most cleaily foimulateu the iueas behinu this connection,
wiote that uous law was the giounu on which humans laws must be built,
but simultaneously acknowleugeu that humans aie incapable of living

S78
Woimalu,TbeHokinqofFnqlisblow,S42.
S79
Piatt,TbePoliticolTbouqbtofKinqAlfreJtbe6reot,214241;Woimalu,TbeHokinqof
Fnqlisblow,416429.
212

puiely by uous law because of tiansgiessions.

S8u
Theiefoie seculai law
must always be auapteu accoiuing to the neeus of the society. This
acknowleugement iesembles the piinciples of inteipietation alieauy
uiscusseuinchaptei4.Asinthecaseofinteipietingthewoiuofuou,human
natuie cieateu ceitain hinuiances in fully unueistanuing anu executing the
will of uou. Consequently, it affecteu the conceptions of how the iules of
society shoulu be establisheu. This notion makes the examination of
Wulfstanspenitentialihetoiicinhislegalwoiksessentialfoiunueistanuing
the ieligious-political uiscouise of late Anglo-Saxon Englanu as an act of
inteipietation. While holuing to the piinciples of uous laws as the giounu
foi legislation, they hau to be implementeu with paiticulai seculai iules.
This, at least in piinciple, was the basis on which Wulfstans
conceptualizationoflegislationwasalsogiounueu.Theacknowleugementof
these two spheies of law was theiefoie connecteu to the issue of Chiistian
histoiy anu the fall of man. In teims of seculai legislation, Wulfstan most
fullyuseuthisconceptastheessentialpiinciplefoihislegalwoiks,inaway
which paitly continueu the language of iuealizeu peiceptions of society,
manifesteu in the legislation of the tenth centuiy,
S81
but extenueu the
ihetoiic of legislation to encompass a gieatei homiletic uimension than his
pieuecessois hau uone. It is not, theiefoie, the inteiielateuness of spiiitual
anu seculai law that makes Wulfstans legislation unusual, but the ihetoiic
he chose to employ in conveying his message of the geneial state of
sinfulness of his contempoiaiies. Bis legislation not only emphasizes the
common goals of the two laws oi piesciibes penitential punishments foi
ciimes oi sins, but also exhoits his auuience in geneial, unuefineu moue of
iepentance, which almost expects people to live up to the iueals of uivine
law.
In seveial instances thioughout Wulfstans legal texts it is not always
cleaiwhetheitheissueathanuconceineu thespiiitualoitheseculaisense
of guilt. In the 0lu English coue which iepiesents the meeting at Enham in
1uu8 (vI thelieu) Wulfstan wiites: Anu always the mightiei a man is in
teims of woiluly matteis oi on account of the piivileges of his iank, the
ueepei he shall make amenus foi his sins ciimes (synno qebeton) anu the

S8u
PaiaphiasingStPaul.Woimalu,TbeHokinqofFnqlisblow,424.
S81
Ibiu.,4Su449.
213

moieheavilyshallhepayfoieachmisueeu.
S82
Ifthenatuieofaciimeisnot
whollycleai,neitheiisthenatuieoftheamenument,whichisleftunuefineu
inmanyplaceswheiesimilaiwoiuingisuseu.Cnuts0xfoiucouefiom1u18
makes the insepaiable natuie of the two concepts cleai, when it states that
|it isj the ueciee of the councillois |j that, although a peison sins (oqilte)
anu commits seiious offences, the punishment be piesciibeu as is
appiopiiate befoie uou anu acceptable to men.
S8S
The same tiact, when
commentingonmuiueieis,peijuieis,violatoisofthecleigyanuauulteieis,
says that they shall eithei submit anu make amenus (qebeton) oi uepait
fiom theii countiy with theii ciimes sins (miJ synne qewiton).
S84
The
connecteuness of the concepts sin anu ciime is eviuent in that the 0lu
English woius that mean sin, ciime, fault anu offence (synn anu qylt) aie
useuinteichangeably.Themeaningoftheconceptsthataietouaysocleaily
sepaiateu into seculai (ciime) anu ieligious (sin) categoiies weie in Anglo-
Saxon Englanu almost iuentical. The way Wulfstan uses these concepts in
legislation shows that the conceptualization of this aspect of moiality
conceineu at the same time both seculai anu spiiitual guilt. Fuitheimoie,
guilt(qylt)isnottobeconsiueieuonlyasapeisonalemotionwhenitcomes
to these texts, but as a bioauei concept which encompasses the piofounu
faultinonesactions.6yltwasboththeactanuthemoialoutcomeofoffence
againstthesocietyanuuou.
What tianspiies fiom Wulfstans uiscouise in the legal tiacts is that in
his thought the concept of moiality entaileu both seculai anu spiiitual guilt
insepaiably. Bis theological conception of the human natuie can theiefoie
be seen as an inheient pait of his political thought. The geneial state of the
sinfulness of humans was apait fiom specific acts of sin peifoimeu by
inuiviuuals.Theiefoie,inpiinciple,beingincluueuinthecallfoipenanceuiu
not iequiie any specific sinning on the pait of inuiviuuals. The analogy
betweenthefallofmananucontempoiaiylawmightatafiistglimpseseem
like an ovei-inteipietation, but it shoulu be noteu that seen fiom a
theological peispective, this was the cause foi all impeifectness anu

S82
Anu a swa man bi mihtigia hei nu foi woiulue oonuihgeingaheaiiaonhaue,
swascealheueoppoisynnagebetananulcemisuuaueoioiagyluan.Liebeimann, 0ie
6esetzeJerAnqelsocbsen,2S8.ThisstatementwasuseualsoinIICnut.
S8S
Anu witena geiunes is t eh hwa agilte, anu hine silfne ueope foiwyice, onne
meuemige man a steoie, swa hit foi goue sy gebeoihlic, anu foi woilue abeienulic.
Kenneuy,Cnut'sLawCoueof1u18,7S.Tians.Kenneuy.
S84
Ibiu.,74.
214

lawlessnessoneaith.Auamhaubeencieateuastheimageofuou,peifectin
knowleuge anu viitue, but hau bioken his laws, which then iesulteu in the
loss eveiything peifect. This analogy can be ieau especially in lfiics
woiks, wheie he ieiteiates the Chiistian ciicle togethei with moial
exhoitation,butasimilaitypologicalconnectioncanalsobeseenintheway
Wulfstan tieats the legal mateiial available to him. Thus it is not suipiising
to see that Wulfstans law coues uwell on geneial iefeiences on faultiness
anu sin even moie than on specific penalties foi specific ciimes, which
woulu at fiist be expecteu fiom legal tiacts. In auuition to the examples
givenabove,theieaienumeiousplacesinWulfstanslegaltiactsinwhichhe
onlyiefeistosynnoiqyltinaveiygeneialmannei,withoutuefiningspecific
sinsoiciimesinuetail.Consequently,thecallfoiatonementanuiemoiseis
equally vague, often without any specific uetails foi punishment, which,
consiueiing the puipose of law coues, iaises questions about theii
functionality.
In many cases Wulfstan calls foi the piotection of the seculai law foi
offences that might be consiueieu spiiitual. Foi instance, the way in which
Wulfstan speaks of the foimei legislatois who auueu seculai punishments
foithepiotectionofthechuichisacaseinpoint.ThetiacttitleuhoJbotin
the enu of the compilation on status in one of the manusciipts associateu
with Wulfstan (CCCC 2u1) ueals with compensation foi the offences maue
against those in holy oiueis. The piece bluis the bounuaiies of seculai anu
spiiitual punishment, anu states that in auuition to legal werqilJ one must
pay a monetaiy compensation, anu also to engage uiligently with uivine
iepentance.
S8S
Nateiial compensation is to be paiu if one wishes to eain
uous meicy.
S86
The seculai means of penalty aie thus justifieu with a
spiiitualgoal.Thetiactenuswithacommentonfoimeilegislatois:Anuthe
seculai councillois weie wise who auueu to the ecclesiastical iight laws
theselawsfoithecontiolofthepeople,anuhonouieuielicsanuholyoiueis
foi the love of uou, anu gieatly piivilegeu uous houses anu uous
seivants.
S87

S8S
Anu miu goucunuie bote ingige geoine Liebeimann,0ie6esetzeJerAnqelsocbsen,
466;Whitelock,Fnqlisbhistoricol0ocuments,471.
S86
|ujifhegouesmiltsegeeainianwille.Liebeimann,0ie6esetzeJerAnqelsocbsen,466;
Whitelock,Fnqlisbhistoricol0ocuments,47u.
S87
Anu wise wian woiluwitan e to goucunuan iihtlagan as laga setton, folce foi
steoie anu haliuon anu hauas foi uoues lufan wuiouon anu uoues hus anu uoues eowas
215

A legal tiact which uates eailiei than those issueu at Enham in 1uu8,
the so-calleu laws of Euwaiu anu uuthium, ieiteiates a similai attituue.
Although the specific uate of composition is unknown, the text must have
been wiitten between Wulfstans appointment as aichbishop in 1uu2 anu
the laws uiafteu at Enham in 1uu8.
S88
This is the only coue uiafteu by
Wulfstan in thelieus ieign incluueu in the latei, twelfth-centuiy
collections of Anglo-Saxon laws.
S89
This text also uisplays the uivision of
seculai anu ecclesiastical law, in the same way as uesciibeu in the texts
above, anu as such is an eaily example of Wulfstans conceins to establish
seculaipenaltiesfoiecclesiasticaloffenses.
AnJ tbey oppointeJ seculor punisbments olso, for tbe reoson tbot tbey
knewtbottbeycoulJnototberwiserestroinmonymen,notwoulJmony
men otberwise submitto ecclesiosticol penonce os tbey sboulJ; onJ tbey
oppointeJtbeseculorcompensotiontobeJiviJeJbetweenCbristonJtbe
kinq,wbereveronyonewoulJnotsubmitriqbtlytoecclesiosticolpenonce
ottbeJirectionoftbebisbops.
S90

The theme appeais in vaiious instances in Wulfstans wiitings,

S91
anu
Whitelock has noteu that Wulfstan useu some of the teiminology of this
passage also in vIII thelieu, which employs the exact same passage as
quoteu above fiom hoJbot.
S92
Also the Nortbumbrion Priests low iefeis to
the payments to Chiist anu the king, although, accoiuing to Woimalu, it is
unlikely that Wulfstan was the authoi of this paiticulai law text.
S9S
0thei

ueoplice giieuon. Liebeimann, 0ie 6esetze Jer Anqelsocbsen, 468; Whitelock, Fnqlisb
historicol0ocuments,471.Tians.Whitelock.
S88
,CouncilsonJSynoJs,Su2SuS.
S89
TextusRoffensis,fos.4u41v,anuCCCCS8S,pp.71u.Thetextisalsopiinteufiomboth
manusciipts along with Latin veision in uoJriportitus in Liebeimann, 0ie 6esetze Jer
Anqelsocbsen, 1281SS. 0nly this tiact anu vII thelieu aie in uoJriportitus. Consiliotio
CnutihaspaitofvIIIthelieu.Whitelock,CouncilsonJSynoJs,SuS.
S9u
Anuhiggesettonwoiolulicesteoiaeac,foiamingumehigwistan,thigellesne
mihtonmanegumgesteoian,nefelamannanoluetogouculuieboteellsegebugan,swahy
sceoluen;awoiulubotehiggesettongemneCiisteanucynge,swahwaiswamannolue
goucunue bote gebugan miu iihte to bisceopa uihte. , Councils onJ SynoJs, Su4
SuS.Tians.Whitelock.
S91
Cf.hoJbot11,6ri24.Liebeimann,0ie6esetzeJerAnqelsocbsen,468,472.
S92
Ibiu.,267.
S9S
Woimalu,TbeHokinqofFnqlisblow,S96S97.
216

tiacts, such as 6eyncu, invoke nostalgic feelings of goluen foimei times,

when it was the concein of the bishop onJ the king, if someone injuieu an
ecclesiasticpeison.
S94
ThisisacontinuousthemeinWulfstanswoiks;itwas
the uuty of the seculai pait of the society to pioviue piotection foi the
chuich,monksanupiiests.
S9S

A shoit homiletic piece, with a iubiic possibly given by Wulfstan

himself (her is qyt ribtlic wornunq, Napiei S4; Bethuium 21), shows a
similai concein foi the piinciples of eaithly society. This shoit exhoitatoiy
homilyisthoughttobeoneofWulfstanslateiwoiks.Woimaluschionology
places this piece togethei with the Sermo lupi, aiounu 1u14.
S96
Its
manusciipt contexts inuicate that it was connecteu with othei pieces with
similai concein; in CCCC 2u1 it is uiiectly followeu by texts calleu Be
6oJcunJre wornunqe (Napiei 28; Bethuium 19), Be mislicum qelimpum
(Napiei SS), her is qit oer wel qoJ eoco (Napiei S8), anu lis mon qerJJe
osemiceleberecomto lonJe(NapieiS9). These texts aieintuinfolloweu
byavaiiantfiomlfiicsseconupastoiallettei.Inthieemanusciipts(twice
in CCCC 2u1; Batton 11S; BL Cotton Neio A.i) it follows the Sermo lupi, as
anotheiwaininganuaumonition.
S97
Thethemeanumessageofthepieceis
that ieligious piety is the coineistone of seculai life, anu that well-being in
this woilu is uepenuent on not only seculai laws anu conceins, but
ecclesiastical as well. Bethuiums comments on the piece state that the
integiity of the chuich was essential, but I woulu say that it was the whole
human community that shoulu be seen as the chuich, not only the
ecclesiastical institution, unueistoou as sepaiate fiom the seculai one.
S98

The main foice of Wulfstans aumonition oiiginates fiom the impoitance of

tuining oneself fiom wiong ueeus to iighteousness, fiom sin to the love of
uou. It shows concein foi the cuiient times, which aie filleu with many
misueeus anu tieacheiy.
S99
The piece accentuates that the only lasting
iesolutionfoiasuccessfullivingoneaithwasbaseuonthejointeffoitsanu
mutualpiinciplesofspiiitualanuseculailaws.

S94
Liebeimann,0ie6esetzeJerAnqelsocbsen,4S84S9.
S9S
Whitelock,CouncilsonJSynoJs,Su4SuS.
S96
Woimalu,AichbishopWulfstan:Eleventh-CentuiyState-Builuei,26.
S97
}oyceTallyLionaions,TextualIuentity,BomileticReception,anuWulfstan'sSermooJ
Populum,ReviewofFnqlisbStuJiesSS,no.219(2uu4):16S.
S98
Bethuium,TbehomiliesofWulfston,S64S6S.
S99
Ibiu.,276277.
217

Taking into consiueiation the vast ecclesiastical iegulation which

Wulfstanpiouuceuanucollecteu,itisnowonueithathisseculaiiegulations
echothesameiueasanuvalues.AllenFiantzenhasnoteuthatastheauthoi
oi compilei foi the Conons of FJqor, the lnstitutes of Polity, the
Nortbumbrion Priests low
6uu
anu othei ecclesiastical legislation, Wulfstan
maue penance a systematic piogiam in the English Chuich.
6u1
Be states
thatWulfstanslegislativeactionsenableuthepenitentialpiacticetobecome
customaiy in Anglo-Saxon Englanu.
6u2
Theiefoie it is expecteu that his
seculai laws woulu iepeat the penitential uiscouise, anu Fiantzens
statement that Wulfstan aimeu at the establishment of Chiistian ethics
within the seculai law coues is not suipiising.
6uS
Fiantzen concluues that
thestatementsinthelawcoueswhichechothepenitentialsmustintheenu
be seen meiely as veibal accomplishment, as we cannot know how
Wulfstans society liveu up oi ieacteu to these stanuaius.
6u4
Caiole Bough
has ieviseu some of Fiantzens views anu questioneu especially a specific
use of penitential hanubooks in the foimulations of seculai law. As she
pointsout,oftenacleaiuistinctionisnotmauebetweengeneialallusionsto
penanceanu specificiefeiencestothe penitentialhanubooks.
6uS
Inthecase
ofWulfstanslawcoues,eventhoughtheconceptsofsinanuguiltontheone
hanu, anu spiiitual anu seculai accountability on the othei, aie wholly
inteimingleu,hislegaltiactscannotbeequateuwithpenitentialhanubooks,
as they essentially cannot be uesciibeu as systematic manuals of penance
containing long scheuules, oi taiiffs, of specific penances foi coiiesponuing
lists of sins.
6u6
Bough also makes an impoitant point of the function of
penitentialuiscipline,anuaiguesthatthepenitentialtonesinlawcouesaie
nottobeseenassuppoitfoiaweakseculaiauthoiity,butinsteauitseems

6uu
As it was stateu above, it is not ceitain whethei this collection is one of Wulfstans
woiks.Itisinfluenceubyhistexts,ceitainly,butincluuestiaitsunchaiacteiisticofhim.A
plausible explanation is that it was compileu by one of his successois at the see of Yoik.
SeeWoimalu,TbeHokinqofFnqlisblow,S96S97.
6u1
Allen }. Fiantzen, Tbe literoture of Penonce in Anqlo-Soxon FnqlonJ (New Biunswick,
N.}.:Rutgeis0niveisityPiess,198S),144.
6u2
Ibiu.,14S147.
6uS
Ibiu.,146.
6u4
Ibiu.,147.
6uS
CaioleBough,PenitentialLiteiatuieanuSeculaiLawinAnglo-SaxonEnglanu,Anqlo-
SoxonStuJiesinArcboeoloqyonJhistory11(2uuu):1SS.
6u6
Ibiu., 1S4. Quoting T. P. 0akley, The Penitentials as Souices foi Neuiaeval Bistoiy,
Speculum1S(194u):21u22S,at211.
218

like they coulu only be enfoiceu by meons of seculai law.

6u7
Wulfstans
uiscouiseonspiiitualanuseculaisinsanuciimesshoulu,theiefoie,beieau
piimaiily as ihetoiic, not as implications of the pievailing piactice, oi as
uiiect inuications of the use of penitential hanubooks in compiling seculai
laws.
Wulfstanslawcouesieflectaueepengagementwithmoiality,anuthis
featuiebiingsthelegaluiscouisenotonlytothespheieofsacieuness,butto
thespheieofinstitutionalizeusacieuness.Thetextssecuietheiipositionas
authoiizinginstancesinlegalpiactices,anuthustietogetheithesacieuanu
seculai.Thismeansthatwhentheieligiousihetoiicofmoialguiltwasuseu
inlegaltiactsinoiueitocieatefeelingsofiemoiseintheauuience(potbos),
itwas away toinfluencetheauuiences ieceptivenessanuattituuetowaius
the tiacts anu the authoiity behinu them. The tools foi cieating authoiity
weie ihetoiically poweiful; by invoking guilt with ieligious language
Wulfstanbluiieuthebounuaiiesbetweenlawanumoiality.
6.2.3. Contemporary hardships as punishment for sins
ThemainmessageofWulfstanslegislativewoikswasthatthewell-beingof
the iealm, its militaiy uefence, anu its political success was possible to
achieveonlythioughieligiouslyanumoiallycoiiectanupiousactionwithin
society. This piinciple has ceitain implications in teims of Wulfstans
thought, which I will uiscuss in the following. The assumption that
behaviouihaubothlegalanuspiiitualconsequenceswas,inmyview,ueeply
connecteu with Wulfstansanu lfiics, as it became eviuent in the
pieceuing chapteisconcept of Chiistian histoiy. This means that ones
choices of action on eaith not only hau immeuiate consequences, but also
thoseofeteinalnatuie.Inauuition,Wulfstansuiscouisemakesitcleaithat
also the cuiient miseiable situation was an outcome of peoples sins, anu
that by acting iighteously the cuiient state of being coulu be amenueu. Foi
instance, in the Enham coue fiom 1uu8 Wulfstan states: But uous law is
hencefoith to be eageily loveu by woiu anu ueeu; then uou will at once
becomegiacioustothisnation.
6u8
Thisclausewaskeptinthefiistuiafts of
Cnuts laws, anu in I Cnut, as well. The supposition of moiality as the cause

6u7
Ibiu.,1S7.
6u8
Ac lufige man uoues iiht heonanfoi geoine woiues anu uue; onne wyi ysse
eouesonauoumilue.Whitelock,CouncilsonJSynoJs,SS7.Tians.Whitelock.
219

foi ceitain effects is visible in the law coues, but also in his homilies, the
SermolupioJAnqlosinspecific.
Among the homilies of Anglo-Saxon Englanu Wulfstans homilies aie
themostfoicefultoemploythethemeinwhichsinsaieseenasthecausefoi
the contempoiaiy bau ciicumstances. The theme appeais in the most
famous of Wulfstans moially pounuing wiitings, anu piobably even the
most famous of all Anglo-Saxon texts fiom this time, the Sermo lupi oJ
Anqlos.
6u9
Auuitionally, the cuiient times with the viking attacks aie
compaieuwithuiluassaccountofthesinsoftheBiitonsasthecauseofthe
Saxon invasion in the sixth centuiy.
61u
This homily is full of negative
moiality anu invocation of guilt anu penance. Its ihetoiical foice has been
acknowleugeu many times, anu it has been the favouiite subject of stuuy
when consiueiing Wulfstans language. Anu since it is one of the texts fiom
this eia most cleaily tieu to the viking attacks, it has also gaineu moie
histoiicalinteiestthantheiestofWulfstanswoiks.
}onathanWilcoxhasstuuieuthepoliticaluimensionsoftheseimonanu
aigueufoiuatingtheseimontoaspecificinstance:theimmeuiatetimeaftei
Sweynsueathanutheuecisionofthewitontoinvitethelieubackfiomhis
exile. Wilcox uates the peifoimance of the seimon to 16 Febiuaiy 1u14
quite convincingly, anu foi the puiposes of this stuuy theie is no neeu to
question this uate. Ny inteiest in the ihetoiic of the seimon as political
uiscouise is wiuei than the initial peifoimance of the seimon on that
specific uay, as its uiscouise iemaineu in piactice even aftei that, anu
Wulfstanuseutheseimonoipaitsofitinhislateipiouuction,aswell.
The geneial moou of the seimon is that the viking attacks aie a
punishmentfiomuou;peoplessinshavebioughtonmiseiy,anutheymust
iepentanucoiiecttheiiways,asuouhasoiueieu.Thecuiientlypooistate
of peoples moiality was theiefoie seen as the cause foi the equally pooi
stateofsociety,as thecausefoibothinteinalanuexteinalhaiushipswhich
afflicteuEnglanu.Consequently,theactsofpeople,foigoouoifoibau,weie

6u9
Piinteuin Bethuium, Tbe homilies of Wulfston, 2SS27S; Napiei, Wulfston: Sommlunq
Jer ibm zuqescbriebenen homilien nebst 0ntersucbunqen ber ibre Fcbtbeit, 1S6167;
Whitelock, Sermo lupi oJ Anqlos. Woith noting aie also homilies 19 (Be qoJcunJre
wornunqe): on the uisobeuience anu iepentance of Isiael; 11 (viJit super luJom et
hierusolem):onsinanuiepentance;1S(SermoJeceno0omini):onexcommunicationanu
penance;21(herisqytribtlicwornunq):onuivineanuseculailaw.Thenumbeisiefeito
homiliesinBethuium,TbehomiliesofWulfston.
61u
Whitelock,SermolupioJAnqlos,S1S2.
220

seenasactiveagentsinthecouiseofhistoiy;moialityhauanimpoitantiole
intheoutcomeofhistoiy.Aniueaofaceitainmoialcause-anu-effectwasan
effective anu peivasive element in Wulfstans uiscouise at laige. In the
seimon Wulfstan useu a typical juxtaposition of the past anu the piesent,
piesentingthepastasgoouanugloiious,anuthepiesentasevilanumoially
coiiupt. In one of the manusciipts the seimon places emphasis on the
uiffeiencebetweentheieignofEugaianuthecontempoiaiytimes,aslfiic
uiu in his woiks, anu notes that aftei Eugai things have gone bauly: But
what I say is tiue: theie is neeu foi that iemeuy because uou's uues have
uiminisheutoolonginthislanuineveiyuistiict,anulawsofthepeoplehave
ueteiioiateuentiielytoogieatly,|sinceEugaiuieuj.
611

Wulfstans concein about unjust laws is ieflecteu in the Sermo lupi,

whenheiefeistothecontempoiaiysocialuisoiuei.Belamentsthecuiient
unlawfulness anu uisiegaiu of the piopei social oiueis, anu notes
iegiettablythatsomeoftheslaveshavetuineuintovikings,betiayingtheii
foimeiloius, anuinthiswayhave escapeufiompayingthepiopei werqilJ,
wheieastheloiusaietopayafullwerqilJfoithelivesoftheiifoimeislaves.
This uisoiuei upset Wulfstan, since it bioke the social oiuei that was
intenueubyuou.Thepievailinghieiaichyhaubeentuineuupsiueuown.
Altbouqb it boppens tbot o slove escope from o lorJ onJ, leovinq
CbristenJom becomes o vikinq, onJ ofter tbot it boppens oqoin tbot o
bostile encounter tokes ploce between tbone onJ slove, if tbe slove kills
tbe tbone, be lies witbout werqilJ poiJ to ony of bis kinsmen; but if tbe
tbonekillstbeslovetbotbeboJpreviouslyowneJ,bemustpoytbeprice
of o tbone. Full sbomeful lows onJ Jisqroceful tributes ore common
omonq us, tbrouqb 6oJ's onqer, let bim unJerstonJ it wbo is oble. AnJ
monymisfortunesbefolltbisnotiontimeonJoqoin.
612

611
Ac so is t ic secge, eaif is ie bote, foiam uoues geiihta waneuan to lange
innan ysse eoue on ghwylcan nue, anu folclaga wyiseuan ealles to swye, |syan
Eaugai geenuoue.j Ibiu., S6, note S9. The iefeience to Eugai occuis only in 0xfoiu,
Bouleian Libiaiy, Batton 11S (foimeily }unius 99: Kei SS1, uneuss 6S7), fol. 84 v. ff.,
which was wiitten at Woicestei in the lattei pait of the 11
th
c. by the sciibe Wulfgeat.
Tians.NelissaBeinsteininTbeFlectronicSermolupioJAnqlos.
http:englishS.fsu.euu~wulfstannofiames.html.
612
Beh ila hwylc hlafoiue thleape anu of ciistenuome to wicinge weoie, anu hit
ftei am eft geweoie t wpngewiixl weoie gemne egene anu ile, gif il
neegenfulliceafylle,licgegylueealiehismge;anu,gifseegenneilehe
iahtefulliceafylle,gylueegengylue.Fuleaihlicelagaanuscanulicenyugyluuihuoues
221

Alice Cowen has stuuieu the vocabulaiy of sin in Wulfstans Sermo lupi oJ
Anqlos, anu aigueu that the way the viking attacks aie useu in the seimon
canbelinkeutoametaphoithatwascommoninthepenitentialtextsofthat
time, namely the wounus of sin.
61S
She follows Allen Fiantzen in seeing the
seimonaspiimaiilypenitentialliteiatuie.
614
Theanalysisofthewaysinanu
shameaietieutogetheiwiththeliteiaiyimagesofthevikingattacksshows
in an inteiesting way how the ihetoiic of Wulfstan woikeu to achieve a
ceitain effect among his listeneis. The seimon is not alone in invoking this
kinuofihetoiic,even thoughthe exactvocabulaiyisnotpievalentin many
otheiwoiks. Cowenieaustheihetoiicspecificallyasihetoiicofshame,not
ofguilt,makingauistinctionbetweenshame,asconsciousnessofhowones
actions aie peiceiveu by otheis, anu guilt, which iests on a concept of an
inteiioi moial ieality.
61S
She connects the ihetoiic of the Sermo lupi with
the public anu with the community, anu concluues that the theme of the
seimon aimeu to invoke shaieu iepentance in the fiamewoik of shaieu
shame.
616
I woulu like to auu that the puipose of penance, if seen fiom a
theological point of view oi fiom the peispective of Wulfstans oveiall
uiscouise, was not only to inflict public shame foi the sake of humiliation.
The motive behinu Wulfstans exhoitation was ultimately to achieve
coiiection, anu to steei the sinning inuiviuual towaius iight behavioui anu
uou. The piemise behinu the acts of penance was the thought that humans
weie by natuie faulty anu pione to sin anu theiefoie hau to constantly
contemplate anu coiiect theii actions. Thus, I woulu be moie cautious in
statingthatthiskinuofuiscouisewoulubeaninuicationof anAnglo-Saxon
cultuie of shame, but woulu like to connect it to the same iueological
fiamewoik that has been the focus thioughout this stuuy, the insepaiable
connectionbetweenmoials,iightconuuctoflifeanutheoiueiofsociety.

yiie us syn gemne, unueistanue se e cunne; anu fela ungelimpa gelimp ysse eoue
oftanugelome.Whitelock,SermolupioJAnqlos,444S.Tians.Beinstein.
61S
AliceCowen,ByrstosanuBysmeros:TheWounusofSinintheSermolupioJAnqlos,in
Wulfston,ArcbbisbopofYork:TbeProceeJinqsoftbeSeconJAlcuinConference,eu.Natthew
Townenu,SFH10(Tuinhout:Biepols,2uu4),S97S98.
614
Fiantzen,TbeliterotureofPenonceinAnqlo-SoxonFnqlonJ,176178.
61S
Cowen,ByrstosanuBysmeros,4uS.
616
Ibiu.,4u4411.
222

6.3. Penance and guilt in the legislation of

thelred
6.3.1. Rhetoric of repentance
By 1uuu, penance hau foi long alieauy been piactiseu as a foim of both
spiiitual anu seculai punishment. Exiles into monasteiies, public
confessions of ones ciimes, anu othei actions hau been useu as political
penalties since the seventh centuiy.
617
Caiolingian canonists hau maue an
attempttoimplementaiuleofuiviuingthepiacticeofpenanceaccoiuingto
thenatuieofthesinintotwofoims,piivate(oiseciet)anupublic;piivate
sinscoulubeatoneuwith piivatepenance assigneubyaconfessoi,butsins
of a moie public natuie, peitaining to ecclesio-political issues, foi instance,
woulu consequently iequiie a public uisplay of penance anu was always
auministeieubyabishop.
618
Theiefoiebothieligiousanupoliticalaspectsof
social authoiity aie inheient in penitential piactice. Whethei the actual
piacticeliveuuptotheseiuealsisamattei ofuebate, anuithasbeennoteu
that both in Caiolingian anu Anglo-Saxon mateiial the uivision of penance
into public anu piivate was not always cleai-cut, but that both foims weie
piactiseu in some way oi anothei. Bowevei, Wulfstan himself was
appaientlyveiymuchinteiesteuinemployingthisiuleinpiactice.
619
Asthe
piactice of penance was one of the most poweiful tools especially foi
bishops, who hau majoi iesponsibilities in contiolling the local authoiity
bothinspiiitual anulegalteims,Wulfstanschoicesofincluuingpenitential
ihetoiic in legal wiitings becomes a mattei of gieat impoitance when
consiueiinghisowniole as an aichbishop. Foithepuiposesof thisstuuyit
is essential to iecognize the natuie of the souices which ielate the
aspiiations of penance, especially when speaking in teims of legislative
wiiting. As Saiah Bamilton has shown in hei stuuy, the souices foi

617
NaykeBe}ong,PoweianuBumilityinCaiolingiansociety:thePublicPenanceofLouis
thePious,ForlyHeJievolFurope1,no.1(1992):4S47.
618
BiauBeuingfielu,PublicPenanceinAnglo-SaxonEnglanu,Anqlo-SoxonFnqlonJS1
(2uu2):226229;SaiahBamilton,TbeProcticeofPenonce90010S0(Wooubiiuge:The
BoyuellPiess,2uu1),29.
619
Beuingfielu,PublicPenanceinAnglo-SaxonEnglanu,22S224,2SS2S7;Catheiine
Cubitt,Bishops,PiiestsanuPenanceinLateSaxonEnglanu,ForlyHeJievolFurope14,
no.1(2uu6):S2SS;SaiahBamilton,RitesfoiPublicPenanceinLateAnglo-Saxon
Englanu,inTbeliturqyoftbeloteAnqlo-SoxonCburcb,eu.BelenuittosanuN.Biaufoiu
Beuingfielu(Lonuon:TheBoyuellPiess,2uuS),6S68,718S,879u.
223

penitential piactice weie mainly piesciiptive wiitings telling about the

aspiiations of the cleigy anu about theii ielationship with, oi attituue
towaius, the laity.
62u
Wulfstans legislative uiscouise of penance shoulu be
vieweuwithsimilaiconceinsinminu.The penitentialtoneinhislawcoues
fiom the enu of thelieus ieign cannot, as a iule, be seen as ieflecting an
unusual shift in inteiest towaius sin anu punishment in Anglo-Saxon
Englanu in geneial, but shoulu be ieau piimaiily as eviuence of Wulfstans
own inteiest iathei than as a sign of a shift in legislative mentality, so to
speak. Wulfstans wiitings hau stiong pieceuent; in the pievious Anglo-
Saxon anu Caiolingian legislation, in which penance hau been useu as a
penalty foi seculai ciimes, too.
621
But Wulfstans woiks also beai a ceitain
uegieeofuniquenessinthewayheapplieupenitentialuiscouiseinhisown
legalwiitings.
TofullyunueistanuthepenitentialtoneofWulfstanslegislation,afew
woius about its pieceuents in the eailiei stages of thelieus ieign shoulu
be stateu. The uiscouise of Wulfstans homilies anu laws gains fuithei light
when it is compaieu with the language of the chaiteis of the ieign of
thelieu.Aseiiesofioyaluiplomasinthe 99ushavebeennoteutoshaie a
ceitain penitential tone similai to Wulfstans ihetoiic of iepentance in the
latei stages of thelieus ieign.
622
Keynes has stateu that the ieligiously
satuiateumoouinthechaiteiswasemployeuinoiueitoiepiesentthegoou
intentions of the king anu his counsellois, but also to aveit fuithei
punishment anuevenueseiveuivineassistanceintheiistiuggleagainstthe
heathen aimies.
62S
Pauline Staffoiu, foi hei pait, has suggesteu that the
chaiteis piouuceu uuiing thelieus ieign ieflect an attempt to iepaii the
kingsbauieputationbycieatinganimageofthekingsyouthasapeiiouof

62u
Bamilton,TbeProcticeofPenonce90010S0,12.
621
,RitesfoiPublicPenanceinLateAnglo-SaxonEnglanu,8S87;Bough,
PenitentialLiteiatuieanuSeculaiLawinAnglo-SaxonEnglanu.
622
LeviRoach,PublicRitesanuPublicWiongs:RitualAspectsofBiplomasinTenth-anu
Eleventh-Centuiy Englanu, Forly HeJievol Furope 19, no. 2 (2u11): 19S199. The
followinguiscussionismuchinuebtfoithisaiticle.
62S
Keynes, An Abbot, an Aichbishop, anu the viking Raius of 1uu67 anu 1uu912.
Refeiiingto,Tbe0iplomosofKinqAtbelreJtbe0nreoJy,9S114,198199;
,Re-ReauingKingthelieuthe0nieauy,9u96;PaulineA.Staffoiu,PoliticalIueasin
Late Tenth Centuiy Englanu: Chaiteis as Eviuence, in low, loity, onJ SoliJorities: Fssoys
in honour of Suson ReynolJs, eu. Pauline Staffoiu, }anet L. Nelson, anu }ane Naitinuale
(Nanchestei:Nanchestei0niveisityPiess,2uu1),6882.
224

ignoiance anumistakes.
624
Bothoftheviews aieplausibleinexplaining the
puipose of the chaiteis, but I woulu like to pay some fuithei attention to
them anu especially to theii ihetoiic that was similai to Wulfstans
uiscouise. Keynes has also ieminueu us that the impact of the viking
piesence in the 99us anu the eaily yeais aftei the tuin of the millennium
shoulu not be exaggeiateu as the explaining factoi in thelieus acts of
amenument. Rathei, it shoulu be taken into account that when the king
uetacheu himself fiom those who hau influenceu his actions in his youth,
anu who may have guiueu his stance towaius ceitain monastic paities, he
uiu it in the influence of otber men, iathei than piompteu by the viking
attacks only. Theie aie no signs of a bieakuown of the functionality of
goveinmentfiomthispeiiou,asiswitnesseubyseveiallawcoues,coinsanu
chaiteis.
62S
Theiefoie, the uiscuisive anu ihetoiical natuie of these acts is
allthemoieimpoitanttoiecognize.
The main uocument that ielates the use of penitential uiscouise in
ioyal uiplomas is King thelieus chaitei fiom 99S, which gianteu
piivileges to Abinguon Abbey (S 876).
626
In the chaitei the contempoiaiy
vikingiaiusaiepiesenteuasuouspunishmentfoithesinsoftheEnglish,in
asimilaiveintoWulfstansuiscouiseexamineuinthepievioussection.King
thelieuuesciibeshowhehau succumbeutomanywionguoingsanubeen
misleu by gieeuy men aftei the ueath of Bishop thelwolu. Now, howevei,
he hau iealizeu his wionguoings, anu wisheu to publicly aumit them at the
meeting he hau calleu to Winchestei at Pentecost of 99S.
627
It is not
explicitly stateu that he peifoimeu foimal penance, but the ihetoiic of
iepentance is cleai enough. 0thei uiplomas, such as a chaitei iestoiing the
iights of Rochestei in 99S (S 88S), 0lu Ninstei, Winchestei in 997 (S 891),
anu Rochestei again in 998 (S 89S), ieiteiate the iepentance of the king on
hisuniighteousactionsinhisyouth,anuexpiesshiswishtoiectifythem.
628

Thelatestof thesechaiteisismostcleaiinitsexpiessionsofpenance;init
the king is saiu to fully iepent (cum flebili corJis contritione pniteo) his
wiong ueeus, wishing to ieceive the teais of iemoise (sperons pnitenti

624
,PoliticalIueasinLateTenthCentuiyEnglanu:ChaiteisasEviuence.
62S
Keynes,TheBistoiicalContextoftheBattleofNaluon,9899.
626
Kelly,CbortersofAbinqJonAbbey,47748S,no.124.
627
Ibiu.,47748S.
628
Roach,PublicRitesanuPublicWiongs,194198.
225

me locrimos suscipi).
629
Withthese examples ofihetoiicofiepentancethat
the uiplomas testify of, Wulfstans uiscouise uoes not appeai veiy unusual
foithetime.
thelieus penitential uiscouise hau pieceuents in the Caiolingian
cultuie.Themostnotableexampleis Louis thePious(77u84u),whomaue
a public confession foi his sins anu foi neglecting his sacieu task as the
empeioi.Thepublicuisplayofhumilitywasessentially a iecognitionofthe
empeioisiesponsibilitytououfoithemoialwell-beingofhissubjects,who
in failing his uuty, must unueigo a spiiitual punishment. The fact that this
uisplay was public was fiist anu foiemost a uisplay of episcopal powei to
inteipiet anu execute the will of uou, but it coulu also stiengthen the
ieligiousgiounusof authoiityoftheempeioihimself.
6Su
thelieusactions
mightbeieauin asimilaivein, asecclesiasticalexpiessionsof theuutiesof
theking,anuasuisplaysoftheauthoiityofboththebishopsanutheking.It
isnotablethatthelieuwasnotaccuseuofciimes,likeLouisthePiouswas,
but expiesseu his iegiet voluntaiilyat least in the language of the
uiplomas, albeit not necessaiily without a nuuge fiom the monastic paities
involveu. Noi was explicit public penance iequiieu in any of the chaiteis,
but the penitential tone ueiiveu fiom the kings own confession, which, of
couise,canaswellhavebeenacalculateuactfiomhisownpait.Thiskinuof
acquiescence to iemoise anu penance must have been a poweiful
peifoimance of authoiity on behalf of the monastic ciicles, but on behalf of
the king, as well. With this act thelieu gaineu ieligious authoiity foi
himselfbysubmittingseeminglytohighei authoiity.Ithastobeconcluueu,
then, that the use of penance anu humility was not extiaoiuinaiy, anu as
such hau been a significant tool also in the Caiolingian empiie.
6S1
Wulfstan
wasveiyfamiliaiwith Caiolingian penitentialmateiial,ashisownwiitings
as well as his manusciipts piove. Theiefoie his uiscouise is not uifficult to
connecttothegeneialliteiaiyenviionmenthewaspaitof.
The way thelieus uiplomas ueal with uivine punishment anu
penance is similai to the way Wulfstan piesenteu the connection between
the sins of people anu the viking incuisions as theii outcome.
6S2
Religious

629
Alistaii Campbell, eu. Cborters of Rocbester, Anglo-Saxon Chaiteis 1 (Lonuon: 0xfoiu
0niveisityPiess,197S),4S,no.S2.
6Su
Be}ong,PoweianuBumilityinCaiolingiansociety,S94u.
6S1
Accoiuing to the saciamental tiauition it was the bishops task only to issue public
penance.Piivatepenancecoulubeassigneubypiiestsofloweiiank.Ibiu.
6S2
SeeKeynes,Re-ReauingKingthelieuthe0nieauy,9u9S.
226

ihetoiic, which iepeats the aspiiations foi uivine assistance in haish times,
is as cleaily visible in these official chaiteis as they aie in Wulfstans
homilies.Itispossiblethatthelanguageanuiueasinthechaiteisinfluenceu
Wulfstan when he uiafteu the law coues, in which he iepeateu the same
etbos of uivine ietiibution, penance anu the close ielationship between sin
anu punishment.
6SS
Theiefoie, when explaining the uiscouise of Wulfstan,
they shoulu not only be seen as iesponses to the cuiient viking attacks,
6S4

butalsoaspaitofthepievailingmouesofuiscouiseinwhichthenotionsof
sin,moiality,anupunishmentcombine.
What makes the ihetoiic of iepentance impoitant foi this stuuy is its
auaptationanuuseinthispaiticulaiinstance.Whenpenanceisemployeuos
law anu oiuei, its implications aie bounu to cieate authoiity fiom ieligious
moiality.Rhetoiicofpenanceaimstocieatefeelingsofconflictingloyaltyin
itsauuiencethatis,betweenonesloyaltytohimselfanutohiscommunity
anulaw.Themoialbuiuenthatwassoughtwithpenanceiosenotfiomthe
actual ciicumstances, but fiom the consciousness that ones conuuct has
been wiong anu has hau implications.
6SS
Similai to the language of the
chaiteis was the uiscouise employeu in two specific law coues by Wulfstan
(vIIanuvIIIthelieu),towhichIwilltuinnext.
6.3.2. Penance: VII thelred
In the autumn of 1uu9 the kings counsellois met in the afteimath of the
notoiiousattackbyThoikellsaimy,which,accoiuingtoKeynes,wasoneof
the most catastiophic events of thelieus ieign.
6S6
The outcome of the
meeting was an unusual coue, which Wulfstan uiafteu in iesponse to the
uevastatingvikingattacks.Theiubiicinoneofthesuivivingmanusciiptsof
the tiact states the ciicumstances by iefeiiing to a gieat aimy (is mon

6SS
,Kingthelieu'sChaiteifoiEynshamAbbey(1uuS),4S8.0ntheiesemblance
between the uiscouises of uiplomas anu legal tiacts, see the pieface to X thelieu in
Woimalu,TbeHokinqofFnqlisblow,SS6SS7.
6S4
SeeKeynes,AnAbbot, anAichbishop, anuthevikingRaiusof1uu67 anu1uu912,
1SS1S4.
6SS
Cf.WaynePiouufoot,6oJonJtbeSelf:TbreeTypesofPbilosopbyofReliqion(Cianbuiy,
New}eisey:Associateu0niveisityPiesses,1976),2u22uS.
6S6
Keynes,Tbe0iplomosofKinqAtbelreJtbe0nreoJy,217.
227

qerJJe o se micele bere com to lonJe).

6S7
Because of its stiong call foi
iepentancethecoueissometimesknownasthelieuspenitentialeuict.It
suivives in two veisions, Latin anu 0lu English (vII anu vIIa), of which the
0lu English one was most uefinitely wiitten by Wulfstan, anu the Latin one
might be, although not inuisputably. Even though the Latin text suivives
only in a twelfth-centuiy law collection known as uoJriportitus, Woimalu
placeu the 0lu English anu Latin veisions chionologically close to each
othei.
6S8
The supposition is that two coues weie issueu aftei the meeting,
one in veinaculai anu the othei in Latin, anu that the text in uoJriportitus
is a copy of the Latin tiact. The uiffeiences in these two languages show
Wulfstans unmistakeable authoiship in 0lu English, but it is uifficult to say
the same about the Latin one. Also, the Latin veision is much longei anu
employs mateiial that is moie geneial anu not tieu to any paiticulai
instance. It is of couise always possible that the two veisions weie uiafteu
aftei the meeting, anu that the uiffeiences in the two veisions aie an
inuication of two uiffeient intenueu auuiences, like Boiothy Whitelock
supposeu.
6S9
Theii uiffeiences may be also explaineu by Wulfstans habit of
iewiitinganumouifyinghisowntexts,asWoimaluhaspointeuout.
64u

The penitential coue is an exhoitation foi all people to iepent. It is

peculiaiamongtheotheilawcouesofthistime,sinceitimposesauniveisal
thiee-uayfastingwithbieau,vegetablesanuwateifoiallpeople(Nuwillwe
teolfolc[fste] qemneliqe JJboteriqJoqosbeblofeonJ wirtumonJ
wtere).
641
The iuea behinu this mass penance was that it was supposeu to
seive as an act to achieve help fiom uou to withstanu the enemies, as the
piologueofthe0luEnglishveisionstates:Itisnecessaiyfoiallofustoeain
the meicy anu compassion of uou, so that we aie able to withstanu oui
enemies with his help.
642
The puipose of the coue seems to be to invoke
iemoise in the auuience, anu to piesciibe a geneial act of penance,
iesemblingtheactsfamiliaifiompenitentialpiactice.Peopleaietolutofast,

6S7
This is stateu in CCCC 2u1, in which the 0lu English veision of the coue appeais. The
manusciipt is associateu with Wulfstan, anu the statement of the gieat aimy consiueieu
contempoiaiy.Whitelock,CouncilsonJSynoJs,S79.
6S8
Woimalu,AichbishopWulfstan:Eleventh-CentuiyState-Builuei,141S,2627.
6S9
Whitelock,CouncilsonJSynoJs,S74.
64u
Woimalu,AichbishopWulfstan:Eleventh-CentuiyState-Builuei,141S.
641
Whitelock,CouncilsonJSynoJs,S79.
642
Ealle we beuifan t we geoinlice eainian t we uoues miltse anu his
miluheoitnessehabban motonanutweuihhisfultummagonfeonuumwistanuan.
Ibiu.
228

to go to chuich with baie feet anu without any kinus of oinaments on

themselves, to confess theii sins, to piay anu call foi Chiist. Anu
significantly, among all this, payment of tithes anu alms foi the Chuich is
oiueieu.Allpeopleaie topayuues totheChuich,anu toevenuonate away
the foou that they woulu have otheiwise eaten uuiing the fast. They aie
iequiieu to attenu masses anu to sing psalms, especially Psalm S (uiJ
multiplicoti sunt), which, in quite a violent way, auuiesses the issue of
oveicoming enemies with tiust in uou.
64S
An extia seivice to uou is to be
helu in each minstei, until things get bettei (o t bit betere wure).
644

Thecoueenusasitstaiteu,anuiepeatsasitsclosingwoiustheneeutotuin
to uou in oiuei to oveicome the enemies: Anu all in common, ecclesiastics
anulaymen,aietotuineageily tououanutoueseivehismeicy.Anueveiy
yeai hencefoith uous uues aie to be paiu at any iate coiiectly, to the enu
that Almighty uou may have meicy on us anu giant that we may oveicome
oui enemies. uou help us, Amen.
64S
These aie haiuly measuies that seem
like effective militaiy stiategies in waiuing off the viking aimies, but this
coue is a fine example of the peimeating anu all-inclusive association of
ieligiousmoialitytotheeventsinhistoiyanucontempoiaiytimes.
The authoiity to execute such a wiue-scale penanceat least on
paichment if not so thoioughly in piacticeiaises questions about the
natuieofthetiact.Themeasuieswhichollpeopleweiesupposeutotakein
oiuei to giapple with the viking iaius aie punitive anu humiliating. The
ihetoiicofthewholecoueisconcentiateuoninvokingguiltinpeople.Thus
moiality anu the acts of people aie seen as the cause foi the cuiient,
miseiable,ciicumstances anu foithevikingiaius,in asimilaiway thatwas
alieauy seen in the pieceuing section. The message seems to be that by the

64S
Ibiu., S79S82. Cf. Psalm S: Bomine quaie multiplicati sunt hostes mei multi
consuiguntauveisusmemultiuicuntanimaemeaenonestsalushuicinBeosempeitu
autem Bomine clipeus ciica me gloiia mea et exaltans caput meum voce mea au
Bominumclamaboetexauuietmeuemontesanctosuosempeiegouoimivietsopoiatus
sum evigilavi quia Bominus sustentavit me non timebo milia populi quae
ciicumueueiunt me suige Bomine salvum me fac Beus meus quia peicussisti omnium
inimicoium meoium maxillam uentes impioium confiegisti Bomini est salus supei
populumtuumbeneuictiotuasempei.
644
Ibiu.,S82.
64S
Anueallegemnelice,gehauoueanulweue,bugantououegeoineanugeeainianhis
miluse.Anughwilcegeaieheononfoigelstemanuouesgeiihtahuiuiihtlice,wiam
eusuoulmihtiggemiltsigeanuusgeunnetweuiefynuofeicumanmotan.uouuie
helpe.Amen.Ibiu.Tians.Whitelock.
229

acts of penance anu humility the state of affaiis can be changeu; the viking
incuisions can be waiueu off not only with effective militaiy actions, but
witheffectiveiemoiseanuiepentance.
It is notable that two of Wulfstans homilies (Napiei SS: Be mistlicon
qelimponanuS6:Toeollumfolce)employthesamemateiialthatWulfstan
useuinthepenitentialcoue;bothofthemcallfoiathiee-uayfasting,going
tothechuichwithbaiefeetanusingingpsalmstoplacateuou,exactlyinthe
same way as the coue. These homilies uo not specify the iemeuy to the
vikingattacksonly,butfoianykinuofmisfoitune:Ifithappens,thatagieat
misfoitune falls on people on account of theii ueeus, be that an aimy oi
hungei, fiie oi bloousheu, failuie of ciops oi bau weathei, plague with a
suuuen ueath among cattle oi men, then men must always seek iepentance
(bote)fiomuouhimself.
646
Asthesehomiliesemploymateiialsimilaitothe
coue,Wulfstanmusthaveuseuthehomileticmateiialinuiaftingupthecoue
to inciease the penitential tone of the tieatise. The penitential foimulation,
which in the law coue was situateu in a specific instance, was in these
homilies wiitten to apply to any kinu of situation. The law coue, as unusual
asitisas auecieeoflegalpiactice,wasthusfaifiombeing theonlytext to
invoke guilt as a tool of authoiization. The implication of this textual
connection is that the means which Wulfstan offeieu foi the iemeuy of the
situationin1uu9cannotbeseenasuiiecteviuenceoftheactualexecutionof
ageneialthiee-uaypenance,butiatheiofWulfstansoppoitunitytousethis
kinu of ihetoiic in an attempt to actualize his iueas of the connecteuness of
thesinsofpeople,theiiconsequences,anuactsofspiiitualiemeuy.
Yet, theie must have been some soit of consensus among the
ecclesiasticalanuseculaiuecision-makeisinoiueitoimplementthesekinus
ofuiasticmeasuiesinpiactice.Asawayofcompaiison,weshoulunotethe
unusual issuing of the so-calleu Agnus Bei silvei penny. 0n one siue the
coinuisplaysafiguieoftheLambofuou,anuafiguieofaBoveontheothei.
Keyneshaspointeuoutthatitwashighlyunusualnottouisplaythepoitiait
of the king, anu that the ieasons foi this uecision must have been
stiessing.
647
Noie notably, Keynes has associateu the piomulgation of vII

646
uyf hit geweoie t on eouscype becume healic ungelimp foi manna gewyihtan
heie oon hungei biyne oon blougyte unwstm oon unweuei oifcwealm oon
mancwealm uih filice uncoa onne sece man a bote aa to goue sylfum Napiei,
Wulfston: Sommlunq Jer ibm zuqescbriebenen homilien nebst 0ntersucbunqen ber ibre
Fcbtbeit,16917u.
647
Keynes,AnAbbot,anAichbishop,anuthevikingRaiusof1uu67anu1uu912,19u.
230

thelieu with issuing this paiticulai coin. As he has stateu, the issuing of
thiscoinwas notsomuchauisplayof ioyalpowei.Insteau,thecoincanbe
seen as an expiession of the pievailing conceins, which sought political
outcome fiom ieligious action. The pievailing uesiie foi peace may have
iaiseutheinteiestinthefiguieasthesymbolofChiistanupeace,butitmay
also be connecteu to the eschatological inteiests of the timeoi both.
648
It
shoulualsobenoteuthatthefactthatthewitonanuthekingueciueutomint
this coin, even if the iuea itself came fiom ecclesiastical paities, shows the
connecteuness of ieligious symbolism anu politics. Theie must have been
some soit of an agieement, at least to an extent, that by implementing this
act something ielevant coulu be gaineu. That Wulfstan was able to incluue
his homiletic call foi a wiue-scale penance in a ioyal coue in this paiticulai
instancemightwellbeanexpiessionofsimilaiconceinsasinthecaseofthe
AgnusBeisilveipenny.
As the coue is so unusual, the implications of penitential uiscouise in
the law coues anu homilies ueseive some fuithei thought. As the ieligious
cultuieoftheCatholicChuichintheNiuuleAgeshasoftenbeenjuugeufiom
a mouein, often post-Refoimation point of view as oppiessive, ceitain
piejuuice still iemains towaius the penitential piactice of the chuich as a
foim of social contiol. Penitential call foi iegiet has tenueu to be seen as
foiceusuppiessionwith athieatofpunishment,bothtempoial anu eteinal.
Allen Fiantzen has pointeu out that these juugements aie almost always
focuseuontheuseofpenitentialsiatheithanontheiicontent,focusingthe
attention to the vaiious, often seveie foims of punishment. Be has stateu
that the inteipietations of meuieval penitential wiitings have exaggeiateu
theii iestiictive natuie, anu equateu the texts with manipulation anu
mouification of peoples behavioui. Bis own aigument focuses on the
content anu on the conceptualization of penance; penance shoulu not be
seen as meie punishment in negative teims, but as a cuie. Fiantzen states
that the cential puipose of penance was not to make the penitent a moie
obeuient anu uutiful membei of his society, but that it was only its siue-
effect.Beseesthe piimaiypuipose asconveitingthesinnei away fiomsin,
makingtheactofpenanceanactofleainingatthesametime.
649

Fiantzens views aie impoitant anu plausible, especially when

consiueiing the ieligious piejuuices helu towaius the meuieval ieligious

648
Ibiu.,19S.
649
Fiantzen,TbeliterotureofPenonceinAnqlo-SoxonFnqlonJ,S4.
231

cultuie.Bowevei,Wulfstansinteiestinsocietyshoulunotbeseenasmeiely
a siue-effect. What has been eviuent in his woiks thioughout is that his
uiscouise was consistently baseu on the iuea about actualizing the moial
piinciplesofsocialoiuei,anuinmyopinionhispenitentialuiscouiseinthe
lawcouesshoulualsobeseeninthislightasaumonitiontoinstiuctpeople
away fiom sins anu to oiganize a piopei Chiistian communitos. Thus the
inteipietation of whethei penance was a foim of oppiession anu social
contiol appioaches the question fiom a slightly twisteu siue; social contiol
asiepiesenteubypenitentialactionsshoulunotbeseen asiestiictiveiules
inwhichanuppeipaitofsocietybishopsanupiiestsoppiesstheiestof
the people. No uoubt inuiviuual oppiessive actions can have happeneu in
situationswhichcalleufoiiepentanceanupunishment,astheyalwaysuoin
human societies, but it was not theii coie puipose. In Wulfstans case the
thought of iegiet anu penance was ultimately tieu to both inuiviuual
moiality anu oiganization of society, without negative connotations placeu
onlyoncontiolfoiitsownsake.Thiscaseueepenstheunueistanuingofthe
inteiielationsbetweenauthoiity,society,anuieligion.
Thepenitentialcoueisa stiiking example whichtellsof themouesof
thought of Wulfstan. The neeu foi iepentance is seen as a wayoi tbe
wayto eain uous meicy thiough which the viking attacks coulu be
waiueuoffanufuitheimisfoitunesavoiueu.Thegoalofiepentancewasnot
only to affect the exteinal ciicumstances anu fix the situation. 0n the
contiaiy, thevikingattacksweieuseuin Wulfstanslanguageastools; they
weietheconsequenceofpeoplessins.Theyweienottheultimatepioblem,
but the pioblem was the behavioui of the people themselves. In Wulfstans
uiscouise the impiovement of ones moial conuuct was the means foi
gaining a just society. In this instance the exteinal situation was tightly
woven into Wulfstans ihetoiic of iepentance, as it was to be in his latei
coues. A few yeais aftei the issuing of the penitential coue, the political
situationinEnglanuhauchangeuuiastically,anuitwasthenextcouewhich
tookupthethemesofinteinaltieacheiy,iegietanuiestoiation.
6.3.3. Regret and restoration: VIII thelred
Aftei the coue of 1uu9 the political ciicumstances quickly expeiienceu an
upheaval. In 1u1S Sweyn Foikbeaiu finally manageu to uiive thelieu anu
his sons to exile into Noimanuy, aftei a long campaign of iaiuing Englanus
coasts. Be claimeu the thione of Englanu anu accoiuing to the Anqlo-Soxon
232

Cbronicle was accepteu as king.

6Su
Bis iule enueu abiuptly in 1u14 in his
ueath, leaving his two sons in powei in Benmaik anu Englanu. Appaiently
the intention was that Cnut was to holu powei in Englanu, anu Baiolu in
Benmaik. The situation was complicateu when the English insteau ueciueu
toinvitethelieubacktotheEnglish thione.ThecouevIIIthelieuis the
outcome of this uecision, anu it ieflects a geneial theme of betiayal anu
loyalty. This theme was impoitant in this paiticulai situation, which saw a
faii shaie of swapping siues anu tuining coats. The coue ueals laigely with
ecclesiastical matteis, anu it has been estimateu that it was oiiginally
accompanieu by a seculai coue.
6S1
Because of its conceins, it is also calleu
theecclesiasticalcoueofthelieu.
Bespite this title, the coue is also highly conceineu with ioyal powei.
The impoitance of the collaboiation of seculai anu spiiitual authoiities is
eviuent in many of the clauses of the coue, in the same vein as in othei of
Wulfstans coues. This is not suipiising, as the coue uses the eailiei legal
tiactsanuhomiliesasitssouices,anufoiitsownpaititalsofunctioneuasa
souice foi the legislation of Cnut. It pays attention to werqilJs to be paiu
both to the king anu Chiist (item 2) anu to piomoting uous uues (6oJes
qeribto) uiligently (item 14). If one shoulu iefuse to uo that, he is to be
compelleu to uo iight by seculai punishments; anu that is to be uiviueu
between Chiist anu the king, just as it was foimeily.
6S2
Anu as the only
Wulfstans law coue to uo so, it employs the phiase the iepiesentative of
Chiist(Cristesqespelio)wheniefeiiingtotheuutiesoftheking.
6SS
Asitwas
uiscusseu in chaptei S, Wulfstan useu this phiase also in the lnstitutes of
Polity, but this is the only occasion he has ueciueu to incluue it in the
foimulationsoflegislation.Itis notuseuin theeailieioiconsequentcoues.
In the context of iestoiation of thelieus powei, it iaises inteiesting
questions about whethei Wulfstan useu the phiase on puipose to
accentuatethespiiitual,sacieunatuieofkingshipanutheiesponsibilitiesit
incluueu,inoiueitogaintheuppeihanu,sotospeak,inie-establishingthe
poweiielationsinthissituation.

6Su
Cubbin,TbeAnqlo-SoxonCbronicle,s.a.1u1S.
6S1
Whitelock,CouncilsonJSynoJs,S87.
6S2
Anu gif hwa t nelle gewilue man hine to iihte miu woilulicie steoie anu t si
gemneCiisteanucyninge,ealswahitiuws.Ibiu.,S9S.Tians.Whitelock.
6SS
Foiam Ciisten cyning is Ciistes gespelia on Ciistenie eoue; anu he sceal Ciistes
abilgewiecanswiegeoine.Ibiu.,S88.
233

In the enu of the coue Wulfstan engages with a ceitain sense of iegiet
anu iestoiation, when he piesents the cuiient times as an unhappy time,
which has pievaileu aftei the ieign of King Eugai, who foi the monastic
iefoimeis iepiesenteu the goluen example of the haimonious alliance
between the ioyal anu monastic authoiities. Be laments that aftei Eugais
ueaththecustomsanulawsweienotuphelupiopeily.
But in tbese ossemblies, oltbouqb tbey took ploce JesiqneJly in fomous
ploces,sincetbeJoysofFJqor,CbristslowsbovewoneJonJtbekinqs
lows JwinJleJ. AnJ tben wos seporoteJ wbot before boJ been JiviJeJ
between Cbrist onJ tbe kinq in seculor penolties; onJ ever tbinqs qrew
tbeworseinecclesiosticolonJseculoroffoirs;moytbeynowimprove,if
it is 6oJs will! AnJ yet improvement con still come if one will beqin it
zeolouslyonJineornest.
6S4

The piesentation of the kings laws in junction with uous laws is

ihetoiicallypoweiful,anusuggeststhatbothaspectsaietobeconsiueieuas
impoitant anu equal in a Chiistian society. Basically, what Wulfstan was
sayingthattheieasonfoitheeveiwoiseningconuitionswasthatthewiton
hau uisiegaiueu uous law as the piinciple foi eaithly iule. Be employs a
passagesimilaitoapassageintheSermolupioJAnqlos,anujuxtaposesthe
waning of Chiists laws (Cristes loqe wonoJon) with the uiminishing kings
laws (cyninqes loqe litleJon), which useu to be joint togethei.
6SS
With this
positioning Wulfstan contiasts the gloiious past anu the evil piesent, but
also seems to impose a ceitain authoiity ovei the seculai uecision-makeis,
witon. Wulfstan, being pait of the uecision-makeis himself, invokes in the
auuienceafeelingthattheiipieviousconuucthasbeenwiong,anuthatthey
shouluamenutheiiways,anukeeptheChiistianuoctiineasthebasisfoiall
legislation. The enuing of the passage implies a stiong call foi iestoiation,

6S4
Ac on am gemotan, eah iulice wuiuan on namcuan stowan, ftei Eaugaies lif-
uagum, Ciistes lage wanouan anu cyninges laga litleuon. Anu a man getwmue t i
wsgemneCiisteanucynincgeonwoiluliciesteoie:anuahitweaiewiisefoiuoue
anufoiwoilue;cumenutobote,gifhituouwille!Anugitmgeahbotcuman,willehit
mangeoineoneoinostaginnan.Ibiu.,4uu.Tians.Whitelock.
6SS
Cf eaif is ie bote foiam uoues geiihta waneuan to lange innan ysse eoue on
ghwylcan nue, anu folclaga wyiseuan ealles to swye , Sermo lupi oJ Anqlos,
S6.
234

anuconveysaceitainsenseofhopefoianewbeginning,pioviuingthatitis
executeupiopeilyaccoiuingtotheoiueiofuou.
0theiiefeiencestoasimilaikinuofcallfoiiegietanuiestoiationwas
issueu in an entiy foi 1u14 in the Anqlo-Soxon Cbronicle. It states that
thelieuwascalleubackfiomexile,ifonlyhewoulupiomise toiulemoie
lawfullythanhehaubefoie.Thekingagieeu,anusaiuthatallthepastwoius
anuueeusagainsthimshoulubefoigiven,ifallthewitonwoulusuppoithim
without tieacheiy.
6S6
Lawson has inteipieteu this passage as a sign foi
thelieusJefoctoacts,anuseesthemaspioofthatthekinghaunot,infact,
coiiecteuhisbehavioui aftei99S,eventhoughhehaupiomiseutouosoin
theuiplomasissueuinthe99us.Bealsostatesthatthispiovesthattheking
was helu peisonally iesponsible foi all the tioubles that vexeu the lanu.
Lawsonsinteipietationthusconfiimsthepictuieoftheunsuccessful,unjust
king, who was pione to succumb to bau auvice, anu faileu in his uuty as a
Chiistian king to piotect his people.
6S7
This moie oi less confoims to the
pictuie that thelieu gaineu among latei inteipieteis, seen fiom the point
ofviewoftheoutcomeofhistoiy.
It is tiue that theie must have been uiscontent towaius the king
alieauy uuiing his ieign, anu both lfiic anu Wulfstan iefei to that seveial
times, as Lawson also states.
6S8
The statements that have this specific
natuie, howevei, aie moie than Je focto iefeiences to the kings actions.
They aie pait of the uiscouise pievalent at the time, with which the powei
ielationsbetweentheking,theaiistociacy,anuthechuichweienegotiateu.
The theme of humility in the uiplomas, the Cbronicle, as well as in homilies
anulaws,wasinitselfbaseuontheChiistianiueologicaltiauition,especially
that of the Caiolingian ioyal penitential liteiatuie. It is thus impoitant not
only to iecognize that the penitential motives aie a ieflection of the kings
actions anu the uiscontent towaius themwhich I uo not uoubt that they
weiebut to also iealize theii use when the actions anu theii implications
weie expiesseu in wiiting. The wiitten uiscouise itself was an act of
authoiization; it hau the possibility to tiansmit notions of what constituteu
the piopei oiuei anu piopei behavioui of those in powei. Implicitly, those
whocouluuefinetheiightwayoflifeauthoiizeunotonlytheconceptionof
the iight oiuei but theii own iole in the piocess. Without iegaiu to how

6S6
Cubbin,TbeAnqlo-SoxonCbronicle,s.a.1u14.
6S7
Lawson, Aichbishop Wulfstan anu the Bomiletic Element in the Laws of thelieu II
anuCnut,S7uS71.
6S8
Ibiu.,S71S72.
235

successful Wulfstan was in this quest, he himself cannot be blameu foi not
tiying to tie the ieligious piinciples togethei with seculai laws, as it can be
seeninallthewoiksexamineuheie.
6.4. Atonement: the legislation of Cnut
Wulfstan manageu to iemain in a high place of powei even aftei Sweyns
conquest anu Cnuts accession to the thione. Be tuineu out to be a highly
valuablepeisoninestablishingthelegitimatepoweiofCnut,anuheuiafteu
Cnuts law coues in the same vein as he hau uone with thelieu, anu
ievieweu his eailiei veisions of law coues into new piesentations of social
oiuei.ThelegislativewoikofWulfstanuevelopeuinitsfulllengthinCnuts
law coues, in which Wulfstan intenueu to set the social oiuei into its holy
fiamewoik, anu to establish the new ioyal powei on these fiim piinciples.
Following the examination of the ieligious ihetoiic of guilt, this section
concentiates on the aspect of atonement; the legislation of Wulfstan can be
seen to iepiesent an attempt to cieate oiuei thiough penance anu
atonementofthepieviousfalseueeusinasituationwhenachancefoianew
establishmentofaChiistianiighteoussocietyappeaieu.
WulfstanscouesfoiCnutcanbesaiutoiepiesenthisattempttofounu
aChiistiansocietyanewafteiapeiiouofhaiuships.Withthechangeofiule,
Wulfstan was able to piomote his views of a just society thiough
authoiitative legal wiitings. The latest coue of Cnut is the fullest
iepiesentation of late Anglo-Saxon law, anu its tone is even moie homiletic
thanthecouesofthelieu.Eventhoughthecoueisuiviueuintwopaits,the
lattei is in tone almost as ecclesiastical as the fiist pait. The stiess is on
politicalloyalty,athemethatwassuielyofcuiientinteiestatthebeginning
of Cnuts ieign. Both paits enu with a homiletic passage in which Wulfstan
calls foi the neeu to piay, feai the Loiu, follow uous law, anu obey the
ieligiousteacheis.
6S9

The piologue of the seculai oiuinance (II Cnut) uemonstiates the

theme of this section; it staits with calling foi the establishment of just
piactices,abolishmentofillegalpiactices,anuazealousupiootingofallevil,
anuiaisingupuouslaw:Fiist,namely,thatitismywish,thatjustpiactices
be establisheu anu all illegal piactices abolisheu, anu that eveiy wiong be
weeueuoutanuupiooteu,aszealouslyasonecan,fiomthislanu,anuuous

6S9
Whitelock,CouncilsonJSynoJs,Su4Su6.
236

lawiaiseuup.
66u
Theecclesiasticaloiuinance(ICnut)foiitspaitstaitswith
theassimilationofieligiousanuseculaiiuleis,withitstypicalanufoimulaic
piologue mouelleu on eailiei Anglo-Saxon law (6oJe to lofe onJ bim sylfum
to cynescipe onJ to eorfe), auopteu fiom eailiei legislation (II Eugai). The
fiistthingaboveeveiythingelse,thecouestates,istohonouianuloveone
uou, to unanimously keep one faith, anu to love King Cnut with tiue
fiuelity.
661
Again, Wulfstan hau useu this foimula in his eailiei laws, but
uespiteitsheavilyfoimulaicnatuie,itwas typicalfoiWulfstantostiessthe
basic iuea that all oiuei anu law on eaith is baseu on this simple thing.
Eveiything that follows, in teims of the iules anu aumonitions on what
constitutes a goou anu piopei life on eaith anu in the kinguom, has no
beaiingunlessitsfounuationsaielaiuontiuefaithinoneuouanuonefaith.
Thiskinuofihetoiichelpeutoauthoiizethepoweioftheking,aswell,asit
accentuateu the assimilation of powei on eaith with powei in heaven; one
tiuefaithwithonetiuekingiepiesentingitwasthepiopeiinteipietationof
howtoaiiangethepoliticalsociety.
AuaptingaclausefiomthecoueofEnham,Wulfstanstiessesthebiggei
iesponsibility of those in highei powei: Anu the mightiei oi of the highei
iank a man is, the ueepei shall he make amenus foi uou anu foi the woilu
foihiswionguoings.
662
Piotectionofchuichesgainsalotofattentioninthe
law, anu is stiengtheneu with vaiious ieligious clauses assembleu foi
instancefiomtheInstitutes,thelawsofEuwaiuanuuuthium,the6ri,anu
fiom thelieus laws. The stiengthening ihetoiical tools abounu; the
chuiches aie to be piotecteu foi the salvation of the soul anu foi oui own
neeu (soulum to ble onJ us sylfum to eorfe).
66S
The kings authoiity anu
iesponsibility to place his piotective hanu ovei chuiches is stiengtheneu
with assimilation; all the chuiches aie unuei Chiists own piotection, anu
thisspecialpiotectionistobeiespecteubyallpeople.Theclosestpaiallelto
this piotection is that of the king (forom 6oJes qri is eolro qrio selost to

66u
t is onne iest t is wylle t man iihte laga upp aiie anu ghwylce unlaga
geoineafylle,anutmanaweouigeanuawyitwaligeghwylcuniiht,swamangeoinost
mge, of ysum eaiue anu aiie up uoues iiht. (Fiom vI thelieu 88.1) Ibiu., 486.
Tians.Whitelock.
661
t is onne iest t hi ofei ealle oie ingc nne uou fie woluan lufian anu
wuiian anu nne Ciistenuom anu iulice healuan, anu Cnut cingc lufian miu iihtan
getiywan.(Cf.EuuuPiol.1,vthelieu1)Ibiu.,471.Tians.Whitelock.
662
Anuswamanbymihtigiaoemaianhaues,swasclheueoppoifoiuoue anufoi
woiulueuniihtgebetan.Ibiu.,491.
66S
Ibiu.,471.
237

qeeorniqenneonJqeornosttobeolJenne,onJrnebstcininqes),anuthisis
why it is iight that the piotection gianteu by a Chiistian king iemains
equally inviolate as that of uous.
664
This is a typical justification of the
authoiity of the king with an allusion to uous inuisputable powei. The
authoiity is constiucteu by tiansfeiiing the ieveience felt towaius uou, to
that of the king, anu by implication the powei of the king is to be seen
equally inuisputable. Wulfstan useu this same clause in many of his texts,
incluuing the lnstitutes anu thelieus law coues. But in one instance
Wulfstan has seen the neeu to omit an aspect of assimilation in Cnuts coue
that he eailiei hau useu in thelieus legislation; namely, a copy of
thelieus law coue fiom 1u14 (vIII thelieu), examineu in the pievious
section follows this passage in Cnuts coue. The tiact continues with the
issue of sanctuaiies, anu is otheiwise faiily faithful to its souice, but omits
thepaitwhichsaysthatthekingisChiistsueputy(vIIIthelieu2.1).
The atonement which Wulfstan puisueu with his wiiting was
essentiallyenableubythechangeofiule.FoiWulfstansagenuafoiapiopei
Chiistian social oiuei, this situation offeieu a chance to polish his views of
the giounus of ieligious anu political establishment. This situation offeieu
also a chance foi Wulfstan to imply that the foimei wiong-uoings anu sins
weie to be uispenseu with new ciicumstances, iepentance, anu moially
betteibehavioui.Insteauofintimiuatingtheauuiencewithuivinewiathanu
uestiuction like in his eailiei homilies, the coue of Cnut shows a uiffeient
kinuofieligiousihetoiic.Itseemstotuinthesituationtoanotheiuiiection,
to that of atonement anu impiovement. Amiu the iegulations, the
ecclesiastical coue exhoits all people to loyalty, on the giounus that suiely
uouwillbegiacious(bolJ)totheonewhoisloyal(bolJ)tohisloiu.
66S
The

664
onne is swie iihtlic t uoues ciiicgii binnon wagum anu Ciistenes ciningces
hanugiistanueefenunwemme.(Cf.Euuu1,uii2,vIthelieu14,anuIPolity,1uu=II
Polity,2uS.)Ibiu.,472.
66S
Letusalsobehaveeageily,aswewishtoenjoinfuithei:letuseveibeloyalanufaithful
toouiloiuanueveiwithallouimightexalthisuignityanuuohiswill.Foiallthateveiwe
uo out of just loyalty to oui loiu, we uo it all to oui own gieat benefit, foi assuieuly uou
will be giacious to him who is uuly loyal to his loiu. Anu also eveiy loiu has veiy gieat
benefitfiomtieatinghismenjustly.(0tonuoneacgeoine,swawegytlianwylla:utan
beon a uium hlafoiue holue anu getiywe anu fie eallum mihtum his wuiscipe iian
anuhiswillangewyican.Foiamealtwefiefoiiihthlafoiuhelueuo,eallwehituo
us sylfum to mycelie eaife, foiam am by witoulice uou holu, e by his hlafoiue
iihtlice holu. Anu eac ah hlafoiua gehwylc s foimycle eaife t he his men iihtlice
healue.)Ibiu.,482.Tians.Whitelock.
238

woiu-play with the 0lu English bolJ which Wulfstan has chosen to use to
make his point is clevei. Repeating the woiu that can mean both giacious,
favouiableoikinuontheonehanu,anutiue,faithfuloiloyalontheothei,
uemonstiates the inheient connecteuness between uous benevolence anu
mens loyalty. Wulfstan has auopteu the passage fiom his homiliesoi vice
verso.
666
As a way of compaiison, the themes of goou anu bau counsel,
tieacheiy, anu uniighteous uecisions weie accentuateu also in many of
lfiics woiks; some featuies seen alieauy in the lives of Soints (Proyer of
Hoses,lS1S;AbitopbelonJAbsolom,lS19).
667

BetiayalfeatuiespiominentlyalsointheSermolupi,whichappeaisin
the same manusciipt, Cotton Neio A.i, with laws anu homilies that uisplay
theieligiouslysatuiateulegal-societalinteiestofWulfstan.
For tbere ore in tbis notion qreot Jisloyolties for motters of tbe Cburcb
onJtbestote,onJolsotbereoreintbelonJmonywbobetroytbeirlorJs
invoriouswoys.AnJtbeqreotestofollbetroyolsofolorJintbeworlJis
tbotomonbetroystbesoulofbislorJ.AnJoveryqreotbetroyolofolorJ
it is olso in tbe worlJ, tbot o mon betroy bis lorJ to Jeotb, or Jrive bim
livinqfromtbelonJ,onJbotbbovecometopossintbislonJ:FJworJwos
betroyeJ, onJ tben killeJ, onJ ofter tbot burneJ; [onJ AtbelreJ wos
JrivenoutofbislonJ].
668

The last passage about thelieu was omitteu in thiee manusciipts. It is

impossibletosaywhetheitheomissionwasuoneonpuipose,oiwhetheiit
was an acciuent oi iiielevant, but if it was uone alieauy uuiing the ieign of
Cnut, it woulu fit the pictuie of the establishment of powei. Refeiences to
thefoimeiiuleisexile,bioughtonbytheattacksuonebythecuiientiulei,
woulunotbeappiopiiate.
669
Wilcoxseestheomissionasintentionalanu as

666
Napiei24anuS8.Napiei,Wulfston:SommlunqJeribmzuqescbriebenenhomiliennebst
0ntersucbunqenberibreFcbtbeit,119,299Suu.
667
Skeat,AlfricslivesofSoints,vol.1,282Su7,4244S1.
668
Foiam hei syn on lanue ungetiywa micle foi uoue anu foi woiolue, anu eac hei
synoneaiueonmistlicewisanhlafoiuswicanmanege.Anuealiamsthlafoiuswicesebi
on woiolue t man his hlafoiues saule beswice; anu ful micel hlafoiuswice eac bi on
woioluetmanhishlafoiu oflifefoiiue,oonof lanuelifienuneuiife;anugeiis
gewoiuenonysaneaiue:Eauweaiumanfoiiuue,anusyanacwealueanufteiam
foibinue, |anu elieu man uifue ut of his eaiuej. Whitelock, Sermo lupi oJ Anqlos,
4142.Tians.Beinstein.
669
Ibiu.,42.
239

pioof foi uating the longei veision of the seimon to 1u14. Accoiuing to
Wilcox, Wulfstan omitteu the clause some time between 1u14 anu 1u16,
when this kinu of pointeu inuictment foi the betiayal of ones loiu woulu
have felt somewhat awkwaiu, as the witon hau ueciueu to invite thelieu
backtoEnglanu.
67u

In iebuking the iest of the society anu uefining the piopei iequisites
foi the establishment of Cnuts ieign, Wulfstan implicitly imposes his own
episcopal authoiity. Pointeuly, the seculai coue of Cnut enus with a
homiletic passage which aumonishes eveiyone to tuin to uou anu to think
often on what he shoulu uo anu foiego (oft onJ qelome smeoqe swye
qeornebwtbimsiqtoJonneonJbwttoforqonne).
671
Theexhoitationwas
alieauy incluueu in the uiaft of 1u18, anu is woith citing in its full length,
since it has sometimes been left out of uiscussion of Cnuts law foi the
ieasons of being meiely homiletic. The enuing of the coue is, as I see it, as
impoitantasitsbeginning,sinceitwiapsuptheconnectingthemevisiblein
allofWulfstanslegaliueologies.Itplacesmuchemphasisontheloveofuou
as the coineistone of Chiistian society, anu stiesses the impoitance of
spiiitual teaching. While uoing so, it iaises the iole of the teacheis to the
utmost impoitance, as it states that it is the teacheis who will leau the
people to salvation on the Bay of }uugement, when each man shall ieceive
the consequences of his life on eaith. The shepheiu is blesseu, who with a
goou conscience can then leau his flock into uous kinguom, as is the flock
thathasfolloweuitsshepheiuanuobeyeuhisteachings.
Now l eoqerly proy, onJ in 6oJs nome commonJ, every mon tbot be in
bisinmostbeortturntobislorJonJoftenonJfrequentlymeJitotevery
eoqerly on wbot be ouqbt to Jo onJ wbot be ouqbt to foreqo. Tbere is
qreot neeJ for us oll tbot we love 6oJ onJ follow 6oJs low onJ eoqerly
obey reliqious teocbers. For tbey sboll leoJ us fortb ot tbe juJqement,
wben 6oJ sboll juJqe eocb mon occorJinq to bis former JeeJs. AnJ
blesseJwilltbesbepberJbewbotbenmoyqloJlyleoJtbeflockinto6oJs
kinqJomonJtbebeovenlyjoy,becouseoftbeirformerJeeJs;onJwellfor
tbe flock wbicb follows tbe sbepberJ wbo Jelivers tbem from Jevils onJ
ocquires tbem for 6oJ. let us oll tben witb unonimous beort eoqerly
pleoseourlorJriqbtlyonJeverbencefortbsbielJourselveseoqerlyfrom

67u
Wilcox,Wulfstan'sSermolupioJAnqlosasPoliticalPeifoimance,S89S9u.
671
Whitelock,CouncilsonJSynoJs,Su4.
240

tbe bot fire wbicb surqes in bell. AnJ now olso let oll teocbers onJ
reliqious berolJs Jo, os is riqbt onJ o necessity for oll men: preocb
frequently spirituol neeJs. AnJ let eocb wbo is reosonoble listen to tbem
eoqerly, onJ let eocb bolJ reliqious teocbinq very firmly in bis minJ, for
bis own benefit. AnJ olwoys let eocb mon ever Jo qloJly wbot qooJ be
contotbebonourofbislorJbyworJonJJeeJ;tbenwill6oJsmercybe
tbe reoJier for us oll. Fver be 6oJs nome eternolly blesseJ, onJ proise
onJ qlory onJ bonour to bim for ever into eternity. 6oJ Almiqbty bove
mercyonus,osbiswillmoybe.Amen.
672

Biu Wulfstan think of himself as the shepheiu who will leau the people of
Englanu into salvation1 It woulu at least fit his oveiall agenua seen in his
woiks. Befinitely he must have iegaiueu his own iole as the teachei of the
kings anu the oiganizei of the kinguom veiy impoitant. Also, the iuea of
Wulfstan as the shepheiu of the Chiistian people fits well with the notion
that the peison of the king oi his lineage was not as impoitant to Wulfstan
as the Chiistian kingship as an office was. The pictuie that Wulfstan hau in
minu was biggei, one compiising the whole nation anu its uestiny, ieacheu
onlyafteiueathontheBayof}uugement.Thesamethemeuominatesmany
manusciiptsassociateutohim,whichhaveimmenseamountsofmateiialon
thebishopsuuties,anusomeofitcanbeseenielateutohisconceinsofhow
toauviseseculaileaueistoaiiangethepoliticaloiueipiopeily.
The iole of the bishop as the moial leauei of the people becomes
eviuent in the ecclesiastical coue of Cnut, when Wulfstan ponueis upon the
uutiesanuwiueiimplicationsofthebishopswoik.Beieminushisauuience

672
Eallum us is mycel eaif t we uou lufian anu uoues lage fylgean anu goucunuan
laieowan geoinlice hyian. Foiam hi sceolon us luan foi t am uome, onne uou
uem manna gehwylcum be iian gewyihtan. Anu geslig by se hyiue e onne a
heoiue into uoues iice anu to heofonlicie myihe blie mot luan foiiian gewyihtan;
anu wel ie heoiue e gefolga am hyiue e hig ueoflum twene anu uoue hig
gestiyme. 0tan onne ealle anmouie heoitan geoine uium Biihtne cweman miu iihte
anu heonanfoi symle scyluan us geoine wi one hatan biyne e wealle on helle. Anu
uonnueaclaieowasanugoucunuebyuelas,swaswahitiihtisanuealiamannaeaifis:
bouian gelome goucunue eaife. Anu lc e gesceau wite, hlyste him geoine, anu
goucunuelaiegehwaongeancehealueswyefste,himsylfumtoeaife.Anuamanna
gehwylc to weoiunge his Biihtne uo to goue t he mge woiues anu uue glulice
fie; onne by us eallum uoues milts e geaiwui. A sy uoues nama ecelice gebletsou,
anu lof him anu wuluoi anu wyimynt symle fie to woiulue. uou lmihtig us eallum
gemiltsige,swahiswillasig.Amen.Ibiu.,Su4Su6.
241

thatitisiightfoi allChiistianmentopiotectthechuichesanuthecleiical
oiueis, anu honoui them accoiuingly, because theii iole in the society
conceins all people. Even if Wulfstan assumeuly hau the gieatei
consequences of eteinal salvation in minu, heie he employeu a uiffeient
stiategy of aigumentation, anu iefeiieu to the exoicising poweis that uou
meuiateu thiough the piiests, who weie able to uiive away uevils anu help
thepeopleheieoneaith.
67S
Whenthecouetuinstouiscusstheuutiesofthe
bishop, it auopts a metaphoiical anu stiiking tieatment of the topic, anu
emphasizes that the bishops shoulu leau theii flock by pioviuing them an
example, anu to uefenu them fiom all haim. The passage is not law-like at
all, but tuins almost to intimiuate the auuience with uangeis that the uevil,
heie metaphoiically piesenteu as the iavening weiewolf (se woJfreco
werewulf) who may teai asunuei anu uevoui the uivine flock if the piiests
anu bishops aie not on constant guaiu.
674
By incluuing this kinu of foiceful
ihetoiic of pastoial caie in the law coues, Wulfstan was paitly constiucting
thehieiaichiesofsocialoiueibetweenthe laityanuthecleigy,inthesame
veinasheuiuwithhisotheiwoiksuiscusseuinchapteiS,anuaslfiicuiu
especiallywithhispastoialletteitothelaity,uiscusseuinchaptei4.
The coue of Cnut is one of Wulfstans last pieces, in which he
extensivelyuseumateiialfiomeailieiwoiksanulaws.Thepuiposebehinu
his methou of composing can be seen similai to the one that was aigueu in
the pievious chaptei, conceining the lnstitutes. Beie he coulu uiaw oll the
impoitant points which he saw as essential in oiganizing a pious Chiistian
kinguom. Eveiything heie is ielateu to his big scheme to leau the people to
salvation. This shows how closely tieu the ieligious conceptions of life anu
moialsweiewithactualpoliticalpiactices.ItcanbeaumitteuthatWulfstan
was unusually occupieu with ieligious matteis, anu that the pievious laws
uo not uisplay such a wiue usage of ieligious ihetoiic. This is tiue, anu
Wulfstans iole as an aiuent pieachei anu aichbishop has to be boine in
minu,butatthesametime thefactthathe wasabletohavesuchabigiole,
foialongpeiiouoftimeoveitheieignsoftwokings,oneofwhichincluueu
a complete change of iegime, cannot have happeneu without some kinu of
geneial consensus towaius what he was wiiting anu pieaching. Anu as a

67S
Whitelock,CouncilsonJSynoJs,471474.
674
t synuan bisceopas anu mssepieostas e goucunue heoiua bewaiian anu
beweiian sceolon miu wislican laian, t se woufieca weiewulf to swye ne slite ne to
felaneabiteofgoucunuieheoiue.Ibiu.,48S486.
242

consequence,hispounuingofmoialityanuChiistianuutiesmayhavehauan
impactofsteeiingthepoliticaletbosintoamoieieligiousuiiection.
The aspect which I woulu see as a connecting featuie in Wulfstans
latest woiks can be uesciibeu in similai teims as the uiffeience between
lfiics anu Wulfstans uiscouise conceining the state of the kinguom,
uiscusseu in the pievious chaptei. As in the lnstitutes, in which Wulfstan
stiesseu the strenqtbeninq of the kinguom insteau of fixing it, his latest
legislation can essentially also be seen as an establishment anu
stiengthening of a Chiistian society. The contiast is similai in this case,
when in his latest woiks the call foi iepentance has tuineu to hope foi a
bettei society. Even with the change of uynasty, Wulfstan uiu not see it as
pioblematic to continue his aiuent woik towaius a holy Chiistian society
anu kinguom, even if the piincipal actoi in the seculai goveinment was
changeu. Again, the univeisal iuea behinu the piopei social oiuei helpeu to
maintainthiscontinuity.
6.5. Conclusion
The main focus of this chaptei has been on the element of penance, which
was ueeply embeuueu in Wulfstans ihetoiic, not only in his exhoitatoiy
homilies,butalsoinhispoliticalanulegalwiitings.Thepiesumptionbehinu
thispeimeatinginsistence toiepentwasthattheactsofthecuiient society
weieinheientlywiong,anuthatthepiesenttimesweieevilbynatuie.This
assumptionwasassociateuwithWulfstanseschatologicalexpectations,but
wasnotiestiicteutothem.Insteau,theiueaofiepentanceencompasseuthe
whole political thought of Wulfstan, anu was seen in the way he uealt with
tiying to establish an oiueily Chiistian society. The society itself hau faileu
tofulfilitsowntaskoneaithtoimitateuousoiueianustiivefoigoou.The
politicaluisoiueiwastheoutcomeofpeoplessins,butitcoulubefixeuwith
penanceanuatonement.
InWulfstanswiitingsitcanbeseenhowcloselytieutheinvocationof
penance was with justification of authoiity, anu how this in tuin was
intimately linkeu with moues of communication anu ihetoiic. The
connection between ieligiously justifieu moial coues anu legally valiu,
authoiizeu law coues shows that the seculai anu sacieu oiueis weie
insepaiable. In many instances it is uifficult to sepaiate spiiitual sin anu
seculaiguiltfiomeachothei,anuitseemsthatWulfstansconceptsofthese
two weie iuentical. Bis moial engagement with legislation was pait of his
243

visionofChiistianhistoiy,inwhichthecontempoiaiymisfoitunesweiethe
iesult of a lack of moiality anu piopei oiuei. Legislation offeieu the most
poweiful means foi Wulfstan to impose his iueas about how to aiiange a
piopei Chiistian kinguom. What this tells of Wulfstans legislationothei
than that it iepiesenteu his incieasing vision of a holy societyhas to be
estimateu. Noie than just an amalgam of homilies anu laws, Wulfstans
penitential ihetoiic must be iegaiueu also as a foim of uiscouise; it was an
act with which he engageu with the iealities of his time, anu attempteu to
paiticipate in cieating ieligiously coiiect social oiuei. The effect of
Wulfstans ihetoiic foi subsequent geneiations is, howevei, haiu to
estimate, but his wiitten woiu liveu on foi a while, until the uiscouise
becameimpiacticalbecauseofthechangeoflanguage.Cnutscoue,asitwas
mentioneu,wasthemostcompiehensiveAnglo-Saxoncoue,anuisknownto
havebeenuseuasabasisfoithesubsequentnewiule.Inthiswayitcanbe
saiu that by secuiing his aiuent pieaching about moiality anu law in the
wiitten woiu, Wulfstan took pait in conceptualizing the iequisites foi a
functionalChiistiansociety.
244

7. Conclusion

IsetoffthisstuuybyquotinglfiicsSermoJememoriosonctorum,inwhich
he expiesses the impoitance of a iegulateu life foi the sake of ones own
eteinal salvation. The funuamental iuea behinu this quotation, which binus
the concepts of ieligious authoiity anu social conventions togethei, is the
guiuing line in all of lfiics wiiting which conceineu social oiuei. In this
stuuyIhavelookeuueepeiintotheieligious-politicaluiscouisesoflfiicof
Eynsham anu Wulfstan of Yoik, anu have singleu out uiffeient instances in
theiiwoiksinwhichtheiueaofsocialoiueiwasconveyeu.In thesewoiks,
what uiives the iuea of oiuei most pievalently is the moial aspect of social
life, anu this aspect iesults in committeu, noimative, anu iueological
attempts to iegulaiize the behavioui of people. It also causes the uiscouise
tobehighlyconceineuwithfixeusocialbounuaiies,whichweieconsiueieu
tobesetbyahigheiauthoiity,uou.Religiousauthoiity,whichpeivauesthe
iueas on social oiuei, was the pillai on which all the inteipietations of a
coiiect state of being weie baseu. In othei woius, ieligion was
conceptualizeuasthesouicefoiethics.
The main objective that this stuuy auuiesseu was to ueteimine the
ways lfiic anu Wulfstan foimulateu theii conceptions about ieligious anu
social oiuei. As my staiting point foi the stuuy was that while iueological
notionsoi ieligionhave a ceitain heuiistic value in unueistanuing the
motives behinu the texts, they shoulu not be seen as a stiaightfoiwaiu
explanation as such, I have examineu a bioau set of texts by both of the
authois,anustuuieutheiiwoiksasuiscouisesengageuwiththeiiowntime.
To stuuy a wiue vaiiety of texts has been, fiom the methouological point of
view, necessaiy in oiuei to ieconstiuct the context of the texts anu the
fiamewoiks within which the uiscouise unuei stuuy functioneu. The
uiscouise of the texts of lfiic anu Wulfstan also uemonstiates that the
piinciples which guiueu the moue of wiiting weie often similai anu even
insepaiable fiom each othei. Theiefoie, the stuuy confiims the cuiient
impiession that the histoiical ieseaich of the souices of Anglo-Saxon
Englanu may suffei if we concentiate too naiiowly on specific liteiaiy
genies. Insteau, the mateiial stuuieu in this thesisianging fiom
245

hagiogiaphic tianslations, homiletic letteis, seimons anu pastoial letteis to

ecclesiastical institutes anu seculai lawsinuicates that in theii own time
theiifunctionanufoimwasnoteasytouistinguishfiomeachothei,anuthat
theyallweiepaitofthesameuiscuisivefieluanuiueologies.
The conceptions of lfiic anu Wulfstan cannot be sepaiateu fiom the
iueologies of the Beneuictine iefoim. They can be iegaiueu to have
continueu the goals of the iefoim especially in teims of theii insistence to
impiove the cuiient state of ecclesiastical anu monastic life, but they also
extenueu thisgoalanuapplieumanyofits piinciples totheseculaipaitsof
society.Thecuiienttimes,whichatthechangeofthemillenniumweieveiy
unstable,aiealsoieflecteuintheiiwoiks.Thepiinciplesofsocialoiueiaie
an incieasing concein in the uiscouise of lfiic anu Wulfstan, anu the
authois engage with the contempoiaiy political ciicumstances especially
towaiustheenuoftheiicaieeis.Wheieaslfiicsconceinfoipiopeioiuei
is appaient at the time of his abbacy of Eynsham, Wulfstan continueu to be
pait of the political ieality of his time also aftei the change of ieign when
King Cnut iose to powei. Wulfstan appeais as an inuispensable figuie foi
establishingalawful,justifieuanucoiiectChiistiankinguomatatimewhich
in ieality was a iesult of the escalating viking attacks which enueu with a
Banishinvasionanuachangeofuynasty.
The examination of lfiics tianslationswhich can moie aptly be
calleu auaptationsof ioyal hagiogiaphy shows that in the piocess of
wiitingthelivesofSt0swolJanuStFJmunJlfiiciemouelleunotonlythe
naiiativecoheiencebutalsotheiuealsofsanctityintoastanuaiuizeufoim.
Auuitionally, the way this iewiiting was uone gives ieason to evaluate the
iole of the veinaculai accounts of the holy kings. What consequences
lfiics stanuaiuization of sanctity hau in teims of his conceptualization of
society become cleai when his tieatment of the analogies between the king
anu Chiist on the one hanu anu the concept of imitotio Cbristi on the othei
aie compaieu with the Latin souices he hau at his uisposal. They show a
iemaikable iewiiting anu omission of the most obvious expiessions of the
ieligious piestige of ioyal powei. It is moie plausible, theiefoie, to see the
veinaculai ioyal saints lives as moial mouels foi all men in a bioau sense
anuasanintegialpaitofhismoialanuieligiousteaching,thanasauvocates
ofChiistocentiic,theociaticnotionsofkingship.
The letteis to the seculai aiistociacy, which lfiic wiote uuiing his
abbacy of Eynsham in aiounu 1uuS, ielate the active ielationship between
themonasticanuseculaipaitsofsociety.They,too,ieflectueepconceinfoi
246

pastoialteaching.WiththeuiscouiseofhisletteisaletteitoSigeweaiuof
Eastheolon, a lettei to Sigefyi, anu a lettei to Wulfgeat of Ylmanuun
lfiic cieates a stiong, hieiaichical uivision between the seculai anu
ecclesiastical paits of society. Be iepeateuly iefeis to the impoitant task of
piieststointeipietanumeuiatethewoiuofuoutothelaity,anuinthisway
uelineatesthebounuaiiesofsocialoiuei.Theissueofpiopeiinteipietation
pioveu to be an impoitant aspect in lfiics uiscouise; his supposition that
thecleigyhauaccesstoagieateiknowleugeonhowthelaitywasexpecteu
tolivetheiilifewasinteimingleuwiththenotionoffieewill.lfiicstiesses
the iesponsibility of the cleigy to instiuct anu aumonish the laity, but
ultimately he acknowleuges that even with this iesponsibility it was in the
hanus of the laity itself whethei oi not they ueciueu to act upon the
instiuctions of the cleigy. The pastoial letteis, theiefoie, witness a
complicateu issue of the ielationship between the wiitten woiu, teaching,
inteipietationanumoiallyiighteousactioninlfiicsthought.
An essential aspect in the ieligious-political uiscouises of late Anglo-
Saxon Englanu, theiefoie, conceins the issue of inteipietation. When we
look at the line of tiansmission of thought fiom lfiic to Wulfstan, then, it
can be agieeu that inteipietation anu appiopiiation playeu an impoitant
paitinthepoliticalthoughtofthetime.Inoiueitoaccentuatethenecessity
of ieauing the texts in theii own context, I have examineu lfiics anu
Wulfstansuseofthesameiueasintheiiiespectivetexts,anualsouiscusseu
Wulfstanstextualuepenuenceonlfiic.Themostuiiectlinkbetweenthese
two men aie the five pastoial letteis which lfiic wiote to Wulfstan, thiee
of them in Latin anu two in 0lu English. Wulfstan useu the mateiial lfiic
pioviueu foi him in the composition of seveial of his own woiks, anu also
useu lfiics othei texts as souices. The way Wulfstan anu lfiic engage
withissuesofsocialoiuei,especiallyinthecaseoftheso-calleuuoctiineof
thieeoiueis,showsthattheyplaceuasomewhatuiffeientemphasisonthe
piinciples of eaithly society. lfiic appioaches the issue fiom a ueeply
theologicalpointofview;theieisaceitainconnectioninthewayhetieateu
theviituesofthesoultothathowtheviituesofthe kingweiepiesenteuin
thewoiksofbothlfiicanuWulfstan.Wulfstansuseofthismateiialshows
that he was moie inteiesteu in executing the coiiect oiuei piopeily in this
woilu;althoughthegiounusfoisocialoiueiweiesacieufoihimaswell,he
was not conceineu with the philosophical oi theological piinciples behinu
them.
247

Wulfstans legal-homiletic uiscouise was also pait of his intentions of

constiucting a ieligiously anu moially iighteous Chiistian society. I have
uiscusseu the penitential tone in his legal texts, anu pointeu out that his
concepts of legal anu moial accountability weie insepaiable. Rhetoiic of
iepentance,whichhe employsbothinhishomiliesanulegal texts,isoneof
hisstiongesttoolswithwhichheattemptstoimposenotionsofoiuei,social
bounuaiies, anu the absolute, sacieu piinciples behinu seculai laws. The
implication of Wulfstans use of penitential ihetoiic in legal texts is that
wheieas lfiics uiscouise is baseu on (ieligiously) logical oiuei, Wulfstan
employsalanguagethatisessentiallybaseuonpotbos,affectingthefeelings
of the auuience. As Wulfstan was a ihetoiically skilleu oiatoi, this is haiuly
suipiising,butwhatmakethisnotionimpoitantaieitsgeneialimplications.
lfiicacteuanuieacheuoutpiimaiilyfiommonasticspheies,withinuiiect
influence on political society aiounu him thiough thelweaiu, thelmi,
anu Wulfstan. Bis influence on Wulfstans social anu political thought was
also not insignificant. But the way of this tiansmission was not so stiaight-
foiwaiu. Even if impoitant elements weie tiansfeiieu fiom lfiicsanu
otheiauthoistextsontoWulfstanslegaltiacts,canonlawcollections,anu
social-political tieatises, theii effect was changeu significantly. The foim in
which these notions gain theii ihetoiical foice is not baseu on loqos, but
potbos.Theattempttoconvincetheauuienceoftheiightoiueiofthesociety
isbaseunotonlogic,butonfeelings.Thewaytotheiightoiueiofthewoilu,
inthewoiusofWulfstan,isgaineubyaueeplymoialactofatonement.The
staitingpointofthisieseaichwasnottocompaielfiicanuWulfstan,asis
sooftenuone,buttoexaminetheuiscouiseofthelatestagesofAnglo-Saxon
Englanu as a whole, acknowleuging the inteiaction between lfiic anu
Wulfstan. Bowevei, the iesults inuicate a majoi uiffeience at the veiy base
oftheiinotions.
The notion of coiiect social anu political oiuei was given a ieligious
justification by connecting them to the notions of uou anu Chiistian
uoctiine.Consequently,inoiueitofinuoutwhatwasmoiallyiight,onehau
to finu out what the will of uou was. In this sense the ieligious-political
uiscouisebothieflectstheiueasaboutcoiiectoiuei,butalsonoimalizesit;
theuivinewillispeiceiveuastheonlynatuialanucoiiectethicalpiinciple.
This biings the issue to the concept of piopei inteipietation, anu implies
thatthetheologicalnotionscannotbesepaiateufiomthepoliticalnotionsof
oiuei on the one hanu oi fiom the philosophical issues of language,
iepiesentation anu inteipietation on the othei. What the authois weie
248

uoing with theii wiitten uiscouise was inteipietation anu imposition of

conventional, coiiect iueals of ieligious anu political oiuei. While
conventional, the choices uisplayeu within the wiitten uiscouise must be
iegaiueu as equally oiiginal in theii own context. In othei woius, even the
iepetition of commonplace notions of the faith anu uoctiine, was a choice
maue in the act of wiiting itself. Theiefoie, conventionality woikeu in an
active ielation with the contempoiaiy times. With theii inteipietations on
social oiuei lfiic anu Wulfstan concentiateu on establishing anu
confiimingthenotionsofsacieuiesponsibilitiesofanubounuaiiesbetween
peopleoneaith,whichmauethetextssimultaneouslyfoimalanufunctional.
The conventional foimulations of the ieligious-political uiscouise
paiticipateu in cieating anu ie-cieating the social anu pastoial conceins of
lateAnglo-Saxonwiiteis.
249

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