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Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies

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Past, present and future in the Latin and Romance historiography of the medieval Christian kingdoms of Spain
Aengus Ward a a Hispanic Studies, University of Birmingham, Edgbaston, Birmingham, UK Online Publication Date: 01 June 2009

To cite this Article Ward, Aengus(2009)'Past, present and future in the Latin and Romance historiography of the medieval Christian

kingdoms of Spain',Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies,1:2,147 162

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Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies Vol. 1, No. 2, June 2009, 147162

Past, present and future in the Latin and Romance historiography of the medieval Christian kingdoms of Spain
Aengus Ward*
Hispanic Studies, University of Birmingham, Edgbaston, Birmingham, UK
A.M.M.Ward@bham.ac.uk AengusWard 0 2 100000June 2009 2009 OriginalofFrancis 1754-6559 (print)/1754-6567 Journal&Article 10.1080/17546550903136025(online) RIBS_A_413775.sgm Taylor andMedieval Iberian Studies Francis

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The present article provides an overview of recent developments in the field of medieval Christian Iberian historiography. It surveys the work produced in the field of philology and contextual studies in the last 30 years and aims to suggest ways in which the field may develop in the near future. 1 Keywords: historiography; chronicles; narrative; philology; critical editions

The notion of medieval historiography is an intrinsically ambiguous one. It can refer both to the study of written histories produced in the Middle Ages, on the one hand, and to the modern historical study of the period, on the other. The term most commonly refers to the latter, but in the absence of an appropriate alternative less cumbersome than medieval written history, it is the former that is the object of the current study. I confine my discussion in what follows to those medieval works of narrative history, most commonly known as chronicles, written in the Iberian peninsula between the twelfth and sixteenth centuries, which share a set of formal and thematic characteristics. The more conceptually challenging problem, however, concerns not terminology but the definition of historiography in this sense. This question would, no doubt, have caused great puzzlement among scholars of previous generations, for whom such historiografa self-evidently referred to written medieval texts, in a variety of forms (e.g. annals, chronicles) and languages, which aimed to write the history of the past and which could therefore be mined for historical information about the past they recounted. In an academic world in which the referential nature of language is constantly being questioned, however, the testimonial value of such manuscripts has come under scrutiny (or indeed, for the more radical, been eroded to nothingness), as has the whole notion that it is possible to have them constitute a separate genre of discourse. Medieval chronicles in fact appear on the increasingly blurred boundary between history and literature, and even if such categories respond more to modern than to medieval forms of organizing discourse, this makes them fertile material for analysis based on both the fundamentals of literary criticism and historical method. In Castile, it is also clear that the textual history of chronicles reveals much about the development of prose, both as politico-cultural phenomenon and discursive practice, and they have
*Email: A.M.M.Ward@bham.ac.uk 1 As this article was being written, the sad news of the death of Diego Cataln Menndez Pidal was announced. This article is therefore dedicated to the memory of the greatest scholar of his generation in his field.
ISSN 1754-6559 print/ISSN 1754-6567 online 2009 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/17546550903136025 http://www.informaworld.com

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also much to tell us about the development of official, authorized language. Chronicles therefore can be of interest to the political historian, the philologist, the literary critic, the historian of text, the analyst of discursive practices, the historian of literature and narrative and the linguist.2 The obvious set of questions to ask might therefore be: have such specialists undertaken these studies? Are the results of such studies necessarily fragmentary? Is it possible to take a truly comprehensive view of Iberian historiography by taking on board all of the above? And, ultimately, what, if anything, can we say of the genre of chronicles as a result? What does it mean to speak of chronicles? And, more crucially for the current study: what has been done, and what are the most fruitful lines of future enquiry? The exercise of taking stock of the field is far more complex now than it would have been thirty years ago. Interest in medieval narrative history was generally confined to a number of areas, philology being one and the relationship between chronicle and epic (with a significant tendency to the explanation of the latter by the former) being another. Of course, this is not to say that such work was not significant; after all, the philological investigations of first Ramn Menndez Pidal and subsequently Diego Cataln laid the foundations of all scholarly work that has followed, at least where vernacular texts are concerned; and if much of what Menndez Pidal established has since been nuanced or corrected (Catalns magisterial deployment of ecdotic method to correct Pidals view of the Estoria de Espanna being the most obvious case in point),3 this in no way devalues his work. Others, of course, also participated: for those of us working in the field, the names of Snchez Albornoz, Orduna, Kasten, Solalinde, Fraker, Lindley Cintra and Soldevila, among others, provided us with a base on which to build, or against which to react. The field, in 1978, could therefore be said to comprise broadly the following: (1) Monumental, scholarly, and not always complete, editions of the principal great chronicles: the Estoria de Espanna (still known then as the Primera crnica general) and a host of others produced by the Seminario Menndez Pidal, the centrepiece of chronicle scholarship for so long;4 the General estoria (1270s);5 the four great Catalan chronicles,6 and some others in Navarra, Aragn and Portugal. (2) A large number of less reliable transcriptions produced for document collections such as the Coleccin de documentos inditos para la historia de Espaa (CODOIN) and the Biblioteca de autores espaoles (BAE).
2As Jaume Aurell puts it las crnicas medievales son construcciones literarias, sociales y polticas que deben ser estudiadas en todas estas dimensiones [medieval chronicles are literary, social and political constructs which should be studied in the light of all these dimensions] (El nuevo medievalismo, 819). Aurells appeal for the use of the tools of postmodern literary analysis has not, as yet, had much response in the world of Iberian chronicle study. 3See, for example, Cataln, La Estoria de Espanna and De la silva textual. The Estoria was originally composed around 1270, and there were significant revisions made in 1274, 1282 and 1289. Dates in parentheses after text titles below refer to the first known date of redaction. 4Menndez Pidal, Primera crnica general; Cataln and de Andrs, Crnica de 1344; Cataln and de Andrs, Crnica del moro Rasis; Cataln, Gran crnica de Alfonso XI. 5Solalinde, General estoria, primera parte; Solalinde, Kasten, and Oelschlger, General estoria, segunda parte. 6See Soldevila, Les quatre grans crniques: the Llibre dels feyts (127176?), Bernat Desclot, Llibre del rei En Pere (128088), Ramon Muntaner, Cronica (132528), and Crnica del rei dArag En Pere el Ceremonis (1359?).

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(3) A substantial number of relatively narrowly focused analytical studies, with a considerable bias towards literary analysis. (4) A significant number of works of history employing chronicles as source material, not always in especially critical fashion. Thirty years on the panorama is very different. The choice of 1978 as date is, of course, a mischievous one. But however tempting it might be to attribute the explosion of studies (and methodologies of study) of chronicles to the heady air of capitalist liberal democracy, since a significant proportion of the best recent work comes from young scholars working in Spain, it is best to leave judgements on why to posterity, lest that air turns out not to have been quite so sweet, and concentrate on the how, and what. In the opening paragraphs of his 1992 book on the Judges of Castile, Georges Martin took stock of the situation as it then was.7 His judgement was that while philological studies were generally quite advanced, the quest to understand the product of philological analysis in the contexts of production and consumption, what Martin terms the history of the discourse of medieval historiography, were rather thinner on the ground.8 The following pages, then, represent an attempt to see how far scholarship has come in filling Martins gaps in both areas. Philology In one obvious sense, philological analysis must be prior, for without a reliable and coherent understanding of the only physical evidence that remains to us, any attempt to analyse the evidence will necessarily be flawed. In this field, scholarship dealing with the narrative histories of the Iberian Middle Ages, with its markedly Lachmannian leanings in the field of textual editing, can be said to be impressively advanced.9 And while not all philology leads to editions (nor are all editions based on philological principles) the production of critical editions seems to be a good place to take stock of the state of the evidence. Prior to editions, however, comes manuscript text itself, the necessary starting ground for any serious study. Although there is no catalogue devoted exclusively to manuscripts of medieval Iberian historiography,10 there can be no doubt
7Martin, Les juges de Castile. 8Although Martin does not refer

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to her work, his concerns could be considered analogous but not identical to those of Gabrielle Spiegel who, in a series of works, addresses what she terms the social life of the text with respect to French chronicles. Spiegels theoretical framework has been referred to in various studies (including some of my own), but it is Martins framework rather than Spiegels attempts to marry postmodern literary analysis with the tools of history that has tended to hold sway. See, for example, Spiegel, Romancing the Past. 9It could be said that all theoretical approaches to editing medieval manuscripts appear on a LachmannBdier scale, where the former represents the collation and comparison of manuscripts with a view to the restitution of text approximating to an authorial version or archetype, and the latter represents the privileging of individual manuscripts with little or no correction by reference to other manuscripts. Most editors take an approach that falls between the two poles I have so crudely represented here. 10This is not to denigrate the likes of Faulhabers Bibliography of Old Spanish Texts (BOOST) or PhiloBiblon, which aim to include as many medieval manuscripts as possible, irrespective of their content. I have in mind here a specific catalogue of historiographical manuscripts. Alvar and Luca Megass, Diccionario filolgico de literatura medieval espaola is useful in this respect, but there are still many gaps.

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that knowledge of, and access to, the raw materials of historiographical inquiry are now far more advanced than thirty years ago. If the difficulty of travel and limited catalogues obliged scholars in the past to have recourse to modern, printed editions, this is no longer the case, and given the readiness of many libraries to provide high quality images in electronic format, there can be little reason now not to access manuscript text in some format or another in the course of scholarly investigations. Indeed, given such tools as PhiloBiblon, the extensive transcriptions of the Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies (HSMS) and the marvellous collection of digitized manuscripts which form part of the Memoria Digital de Catalunya at the Biblioteca de Catalunya, it seems clear that access to resources is better than it ever has been, and will undoubtedly continue to improve.11 If the raw material question places scholars of the historiography of the Iberian peninsula on an equal (if not, dare one say, superior) footing to that of those working on the products of other European historiographical traditions, it remains to be asked quite what we have done with all this recently available manuscript text. In what follows the observation of trends is categorized according to language, chronology and place. It should be pointed out that the boundaries generated by such categorization exist only in our minds and not in the contexts in which the chronicles were produced. It will also be noted that there is one great absentee: Arabiclanguage chronicles. Their absence from what follows should not be construed as suggesting that they do not belong in the field of medieval Iberian historiography but should rather be placed at my lack of linguistic competence to comment on them. If Arabic chronicles were (and are) the great absentee in Peninsular chronicle studies, their role as ghost at the wedding could also have been claimed in the past by Latin-language chronicles. Such chronicles were thin on the ground in the Peninsula by comparison with elsewhere in Western Europe, and the absence of reliable editions suggested that those that did exist were considered of little importance, for even the works of Lucas de Ty and Rodrigo Jimnez de Rada were available only in centuriesold editions until recently. No longer do scholars have to rely on studies and editions of dubious scholarly practice for the principal texts. This is due, in great part, to the initiative represented by the Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Medievalis series published by Brepols.12 In addition to early medieval texts (such as Julians Historia Wambae Regis),13 the principal thirteenth-century Latin-language chronicles are now published in scholarly form. Thanks to the careful scientific editorial method employed, it is now possible both to access a reliable text and to follow the textual history of Rodrigo Jimnez de Radas De Rebus Hispaniae (1243/1247), Lucas de Tys Chronicon Mundi (1236) and Juan de Osmas Chronica Latina Regum Castellae (1236).14 The same could also be said for Estvez Solas 1995 edition of the Chronica Naierensis (after 1173) and the editions of the Historia Compostellana (110949?), the Gesta Roderici Campidocti (twelfth century), both edited by Falque Rey, and the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris (114749?), edited by Maya. And if we
11PhiloBiblon, http://sunsite.berkeley.edu/Philobiblon/phhm.html; Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, Spanish Series and Electronic Texts Series; Memoria digital, http:// mdc.cbuc.cat/cdm4/browse.php?CISOROOT=%2FmanuscritBC. 12A total of 251 volumes have been published in the Corpus Christianorum series between 1966 and March of 2008. 13St. Julian of Toledo, Historia Wambae regis. 14Rodrigo Jimnez de Rada, Historia de rebvs Hispanie; Opera omnia; Lucas de Ty, Chronicon mvndi; Charlo Brea, Estvez Sola, and Carande Herrero, Chronica Hispana saeculi XIII.

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have no updated edition of the Historia Silense (1118?) since Prez de Urbel and Ruiz Zorrillas 1959 edition, it is clear that with regard to philological and editorial questions relating to Latin-language chronicles of the late medieval period, we are light years ahead of our predecessors of some thirty years ago.15 If the situation regarding editions of vernacular chronicles was less disastrous than that of Latin chronicles thirty years ago, it is less promising today, and partially for the reason of the success of the principal editions. In the case of Castile in the thirteenth century it was, and still is to this day, hard to see beyond the Estoria de Espanna. Part of the reason for this is Menndez Pidals enormously successful edition of what he termed the Primera crnica general. As has now been generally accepted, this title is misleading. However, probably due to what Leonardo Funes terms the efecto libro of Menndez Pidals edition,16 the title persisted long after the more appropriate title of Estoria de Espanna became common currency. Within the community of scholars who deal with such matters, the fact that Menndez Pidals edition does not represent anything like an Alfonsine chronicle is taken as read, but this realization has been slower to sink in more widely. The resulting irony is that the text best known through a traditional edition, and the one that is considered to be the most canonical, is the one that is most regularly misunderstood. That we know this to be the case is the consequence of the application of all that is best in philological method contained in a series of works by Diego Cataln and Ins Fernndez Ordez.17 Their close analysis of the plentiful manuscript tradition of the Estoria reveals that in Alfonsos lifetime there were at least two major versions and one minor version of the Estoria, to be swiftly followed by another in the lifetime of his son Sancho IV, who reigned from 1284 to 1295. That numerous other versions were compiled in the two centuries that followed has also been demonstrated by the careful application of the techniques of textual criticism, as has the relationship between the Alfonsine texts and the many other chronicles that employed them as sources but reflect a world view very different from that which motivated the Alfonsine Estoria. A number of conclusions follow from all of this: (1) It is not possible any longer to speak of the Estoria de Espanna, and as a result the Menndez Pidal edition can no longer be employed for serious study, or at the very least, not without severe health warnings. (2) Textual criticism has in the study of the Estoria its greatest achievement to date, if only because the number of manuscripts and versions to be examined far exceeds that of any contemporaneous literary work. (3) Any serious study must begin with manuscript text, both in the sense of the examination of individual manuscripts and in the sense of the relationship between manuscripts. (4) The whole question of what might constitute a critical edition of the Estoria de Espanna must be reconsidered, for in the light of the evidence provided by Cataln and Fernndez-Ordez, and given the number of manuscripts
15Estvez Sola, Chronica hispana saeculi XII; Falque Rey, Historia Compostellana; Falque Rey, Gil, and Maya, Chronica hispana saeculi XII; Prez de Urbel and Gonzlvez RuzZorrilla, Historia Silense. 16Funes, Elementos para una potica. 17See Cataln, La Estoria de Espanna, and De la silva textual; and also Fernndez Ordnez, Versin crtica de la Estoria de Espanna, and Las estorias de Alfonso el sabio.

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involved, it would be difficult indeed to encapsulate all the versions of the Estoria in one modern printed edition. Biblical scholarship has shown the way here, and more recently electronic editions have resolved many aspects of the problem. In a way not previously thinkable, it is now possible to imagine an electronic edition of the Estoria which combines high quality images of most (if not all) relevant manuscripts, with transcriptions of individual manuscripts alongside an editorial apparatus incorporating all the recent philological advances. Such an edition would be a huge undertaking in the manner of the Digby Project or the Canterbury Tales Project but it should certainly be an objective for the coming decades, and one that would be widely welcomed.18 If the possibilities in this case are promising, the same could also be said for the General Estoria, the poor relation of Alfonsine chronicles, which still has no complete modern printed edition. Although the Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies microfiches provide a reasonable transcription of the text of some manuscripts of the chronicle, this does not take account of recent investigations in textual criticism which have overtaken Solalinde, Kasten and Oelschlgers admirable efforts. The General Estoria has begun to receive welcome detailed study, and the ongoing publication by the Biblioteca Castro of a critical edition, marked by a heavily Lachmannian editorial practice, is also a step forward.19 The absence until recently of theoretically sound studies and editions of other thirteenth- and fourteenth-century chronicles is gradually being filled; thus we have reliable studies and/or various translations of Rodrigo Jimnez de Radas chronicles, of some versions of the Estoria de Espanna, and, most notably, thanks to the initiative of the team of scholars associated with the foremost Hispanic journal dealing with textual criticism, Incipit, of the principal chronicles of Pedro Lpez de Ayala (1370?1400?).20 Perhaps the main lacuna in the philological sense relates to the chronicles of Alfonso X, Sancho IV and Fernando IV (134450), yet to be edited critically, and while the Gran crnica de Alfonso XI (137679) has its edition, yet to be surpassed, by Diego Cataln, the Crnica de Alfonso XI (1344) awaits one. Nonetheless, Catalns work on both leaves little to be done in the philological sense, at least. In the immediate future, with regard to Castilian chronicles at least, it is the fifteenth century that will most likely provide the greatest material for philologists and editors paradoxically, because it is precisely the chronicles of this period that are best known among scholars, and most often employed by historians. Thus, for example, although the relationship between manuscripts of many fifteenth-century chronicles has been revealed (most prominently in the Diccionario filolgico de la literatura medieval espaola, a valuable resource if ever there was one),21 nonetheless, much editorial work remains. For example, such important chronicles as the Crnica de lvaro de Luna (1432?/146468), Diego de Valeras Crnica de los reyes catlicos (1487?) and Fernando de Pulgars (1490?) similarly titled opus have not been critically edited in recent years, although Cristina Moya Garca edited the Valeriana as her doctoral thesis
18Digby Project, http://timaeus.baylor.edu/home/; Canterbury Tales Project, http:// www.canterburytalesproject.org/. 19Biblioteca Castro has announced the publication of the complete General Estoria, edited by Pedro Snchez-Prieto Borja in 10 volumes, of which the first two corresponding to the first book of the Estoria have already appeared. 20Estoria delos godos; Sumario Analstico de la Historia Gothica; Orduna and Moure, Crnica del rey don Pedro; and Fernndez Ordez, Versin crtica. 21Alvar and Luca Megas, Diccionario filolgico.

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(Universidad Complutense, 2007) publication is forthcoming and Mara Isabel De Piz Hernndez has announced the publication of Pulgars chronicle for 2010, and all have seen some philological attention. Outside Castile, the gaps also remain. In Portugal, Pedro Afonsos Crnica de 1344, while not solely being a chronicle of Portugal, is nonetheless the benchmark in editorial terms having benefited from Lindley Cintras keen critical eye.22 Nonetheless, the other versions of this chronicle remain unedited; perhaps electronic editing is the way forward here too, given the weight of codicological and philological information already gathered. Of the royal chroniclers it is, of course, Ferno Lopes who has received the most attention, Giuliano Macchis ongoing editions of Lopess chronicles serving as an important marker of textual criticism; Gomes Eanes de Zurara and Rui de Pina, on the other hand, await contemporary critical editions.23 Much has been done here, but much also remains. The same could also be said of Catalunya and Aragon. The four great Catalan chronicles are shortly to be produced by the Institut dEstudis Catalans in modern editions, the first of which, the Llibre dels feits del rei En Jaume, has already appeared.24 However, the editions in question, much like those that preceded them, are heavily interventionist in editorial stance, and as they therefore attempt to reach something like an authors archetype there may be much yet to do in the establishment of text. The question, of course, is rather different from that of the Estoria de Espanna; for since the Catalan chronicles are not general ones but rather confined to specific reigns, the thorny issue of versions and relationship between codices may be less complex. Other significant texts, among them the Gesta comitum barcinonensium (1180/1200/1260) await modern editions, although some progress is being made in the fourteenth- and fifteenth-century texts. In the case of Aragon, the chronicle of Fernndez de Heredia still has no complete edition based on sound philological principles,25 something that is also true of the chronicle known as the Crnica de San Juan de la Pea (136972).26 In the latter case, however, the complicated question of versions and the relationship between them has at least been satisfactorily resolved by Diego Catalns recent study.27 Navarre provides a different case again, first owing to the comparative paucity of narrative historical works and also owing to the fact that most of them had already been published in reasonably reliable form, thanks in great part to the efforts of Antonio Ubieto Arteta and Carmen Orcastegui Gros in particular.28 Nonetheless, there is undoubtedly room for further textual studies of such foundational works as the Liber Regum (1190s?) and the Libro delas generaciones (1260?), whose place in the
22Lindley Cintra, Crnica geral. 23Lopes, Crnica de Dom Pedro

I; Crnica de Dom Fernando. The Crnica de Dom Joo awaits a truly modern edition. All were composed during his tenure as royal chronicler between 1418 and 1450. Gomes Eanes de Zurara authored the following chronicles: Crnica da tomada de Ceuta (144950), Crnica dos feitos de Guin (1453), Crnica de Dom Pedro de Menezes (145863), and Crnica do conde Dom Duarte de Menezes (146268). Rui de Pina is the author of nine royal chronicles in the second half of the fifteenth century. 24Soldevila, Les quatre grans crniques. 25Regina af Geijerstams partial edition remains the only critical attempt to edit the text. 26There is an edition of the Aragonese text by Orcastegui Gros and various studies of the Latin text, but a comprehensive synthesis has not been made with an accompanying edition. 27Cataln and Jerez Cabrero, Rodericus romanzado, 151278. 28Ubieto Arteta, Crnica de los estados peninsulares; Crnicas navarras; Ward, Crnica dEspaya de Garcia de Eugui; Viana, Crnica de los reyes de Navarra; Lpez de Roncesvalles, Crnica de Garci Lpez de Roncesvalles.

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scheme of medieval Iberian historiography has always been appreciated but which have perhaps not received the critical attention they deserve.29 This survey does not, of course, pretend to be exhaustive and necessarily reveals the bias of my own specialties. In general, however, we can be confident that the place of philological work as the foundation of all other inquiry into medieval historiography is secure; no serious academic study would now pretend to base itself on anything other than manuscript text and the relationships between manuscripts. There remains much to be done, both in the sense of establishing relationships between versions and in that of producing what Jos Manuel Luca Megas terms working hypotheses represented by critical editions.30 Nonetheless, it is clear that Georges Martins comments still apply, and that the field has advanced greatly in the last twenty years or so. The production of electronic editions in the future will no doubt see a further leap in our knowledge and understanding, and may also bring such knowledge and understanding to a wider, non-specialist readership. As can be seen from the foregoing, philology is well served where Iberian chronicles are concerned. Indeed, chronicles have provided the raw material for some of the best work in the development of the theory of editing medieval texts from a traditional philological perspective, the work emerging from Germn Ordunas group associated with the journal Incipit being a case in point. There has, however, been an almost total absence of engagement with postmodern approaches to philology. Thus, Michelle Warrens notion of post-philology has not been entertained in any sense, and theoretical musings on philological analysis of chronicles has therefore been confined to discussion of approaches to editing rather than questioning the epistemological basis of philology.31 Engagement with the implications of postmodern approaches to medieval chronicles, even if only to reject or decry, may therefore be an area in which philological analysis will develop. Discourse The relationship between the remaining textual evidence for the chronicles in question, on the one hand, and the range of contexts in which they were produced and their reception and afterlife on the other, is less clear. The most obvious reason is that, unlike textual criticism, which has a clear body of evidence and means of analysis irrespective of content, as mentioned at the outset, it is not necessarily clear what the object of study is. Thus, while we would probably all recognize a chronicle if we saw one, we would also be hard-pressed to give a comprehensive definition. In what follows, I restrict the notion of medieval historiography to prose works of history generally composed in narrative form with chronology as a structuring device.32 In doing so, of course, I may raise more questions than I answer, for reasons related to almost every noun in the definition. There is no doubt that the last twenty years have seen an explosion in critical works dealing with Iberian medieval chronicles. In general, these have been the products of scholars working independently from, albeit in the knowledge of, each other. Exceptions to this rule would be:
29Cooper, El Liber regum; Libro de las generaciones. 30Luca Megas, La crtica textual. 31Warren, Post-Philology. 32The categories are broadly those identified by Given

Wilson in Chronicles.

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(1) Those working under the guise of the Seminario Menndez Pidal, the Madridbased grouping that emanated from the scholarship of Ramn Menndez Pidal and was maintained by Diego Cataln. Although the focus here has generally been textual criticism, it is noticeable that there has been a trend towards the extrapolation of historical context from the study of text in some recent works, although always on the basis of sound philological methodological principles. (2) Those working in SECRIT (Seminario de Edicin y Crtica Textual Germn Orduna) in Buenos Aires. Again, the background here is firmly that of textual criticism, although some members, most notably Leonardo Funes, use methodologies that underpin the seminar founded by Germn Orduna to engage in wider and more speculative research. (3) Those associated with the Sminaire Interdisciplinaire de Recherches sur lEspagne Mdivale (SIREM). Although not solely concerned with historiography, the SIREM, based originally at the cole Nationale Suprieure in Lyon, has organized colloquia and published studies on various aspects of medieval chronicles and chroniclers, and it and its associated publications, the Cahiers dtudes hispaniques mdivales and the electronic journal e-spania, have become a valuable proving ground for related research. The greatest value of the SIREM approach is its collaborative and thematic nature, thus, the ensuing research is organized systematically either by text/author or by general subject, and frequently in conjunction with other research groupings. The products of these research groups and those of individual scholars can be said to fall into a number of broad categories, in addition to the textual criticism mentioned above: those that seek to derive general principles of medieval historiography from a range of texts, those that relate medieval historiography to its social, political, ideological, discursive and/or cultural contexts and those that consider individual chronicles and/or their authors in an attempt to assign them to context or to mine them for information about the medieval contexts to which they relate. The last of these is perhaps the most familiar, since much of this work springs directly from the kind of traditional philology mentioned above. Frequently, this may mean drawing conclusions about the place and manner of production of individual chronicles on the basis of textual evidence derived from manuscript text and is often associated with the production of critical editions. The advantage of such extrapolation of context from text is that the methodology is usually transparent, and if the necessarily provisional conclusions may in time be overtaken by further information, the textual study permits the derivation of alternative conclusions. The principal disadvantage of such an approach, however, is its inevitably partial nature, for concentration on one chronicle alone risks losing sight of the totality of chronicles written in the period. Despite this drawback, much recent work has taken this form, and we are now much better informed about the relative importance of many chronicles, or, in the case of the Estoria de Espanna, fragments of it, than we were thirty years ago. Not all studies begin with individual chronicles, however, since many are concerned with the interplay between text and historical context from a different perspective; into this category falls much of the work of Georges Martin, Leonardo Funes and Peter Linehan, to name but three scholars who come to the question of medieval historiography from very different backgrounds. Martins abovementioned and groundbreaking 1992 monograph, dealing with the Judges of Castile material upon which he had previously published regularly, set the tone for much of what was to

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follow. Resolutely based on manuscript text, it took the approach of tracing what was ostensibly the same historical raw material through a series of medieval iterations. Rather than concentrate on the whole of one chronicle, Martins approach saw him analyse the Judges sections of a series of chronicles in three substantial sections covering the twelfth to the fourteenth centuries. Although the detail of the Judges legend is, in itself, fascinating, the main value of the study is its self-avowed aim of uncovering the conceptual architecture of the medieval historical imaginary; that is, combining philological information with that of the cultural, political, social, and therefore fundamentally historical contexts of his raw material in order to sketch the discourse of medieval historiography, and therefore implicitly its reception, in a way not possible with more narrowly focused methodologies. Another landmark in historiographical analysis followed in 1993, with the publication of Peter Linehans History and the Historians of Medieval Spain. As might be imagined from the title, the focus here was entirely different, as was the time frame involved, which covered the period from the 580s to 1350. The starting point here was not text but historian, as Linehan outlined the entire history of medieval historical writing in its historical context. Taken together, these two marked a turning point in the study of medieval Iberian written history, for, whether they might agree or disagree on the results obtained, no one working in the field could ignore the fruitful outcome of the interdisciplinary methodologies employed; a point emphasized by Roberto Gonzlez-Casanovass call to interdisciplinary arms in his 1997 survey of the state of affairs in Alfonsine scholarship. And so it has proved, as there has been a significant meeting of minds between historians, philologists and others ever since. With perhaps the single exception of Diego Catalns Rodericus romanzado, there has not been a monograph to rival these two published since, and even Catalns extensive work does not pretend to give a coherent, unified account but rather provides the collected results of detailed studies on individual histories. However, there has been a stream of articles and shorter works which, aware of the precedent set, has attempted to employ the tools of philology and history in a number of respects. In addition to short monographs on Alfonsine chronicles by Ins Fernndez-Ordez, Leonardo Funes and Francisco Bautista, to name but a few,33 there have been collected volumes of articles edited by Martin, Fernndez-Ordez and others,34 all of which have demonstrated awareness in some degree of the value of a multi-disciplinary approach which is now thoroughly embedded in most scholars consciousness and has meant that the last two of my categories covering contextual studies have all but collapsed into one. There is one notable absence, perhaps, and it parallels that mentioned above with respect to philology: there has been no significant engagement with the post-modern or postcolonial approaches to textual analysis which are so central to the study of medieval Iberian literature. In part, this may be because most of those involved in the study of chronicles come from a philological or historical rather than literary background; it may also be because most current scholarship derives from the Spanish- and French-speaking world. Whatever the reasons for this phenomenon, there can be no doubt that those involved have taken a very different route from that employed by

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33Fernndez Ordez, Las estorias; Funes, El modelo historiogrfico alfons; Bautista, La Estoria de Espanna en poca de Sancho IV. 34Fernndez Ordez, Alfonso X el Sabio; Martin, La historia alfons; Ward, Teora y prctica.

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scholars of literature and there has been little cross-fertilization between the two fields of study. Rude good health would seem to be the order of the day, in both textual criticism and contextual studies. There is one final area, however, which I have not yet covered and which may seem to be the least well investigated to date, that covered by the general theoretical question of the specificity of chronicle discourse. The closest we have come to understanding the general principles of medieval Iberian historical discourse is in Martin and Linehans works mentioned above, but these necessarily focus on one aspect of the question (that of the historian and his sources) or confine themselves to a small section of a limited number of texts (in the case of Martin). There have been fine surveys of the development of the discourse of history, Funess article in SECRITs volume on medieval textual variation being a case in point, and to a lesser extent Voness earlier article on the subject.35 There is also Fernando Gmez Redondos monumental Historia de la prosa medieval castellana, but although this gives detailed description and analysis of the subject, it is in the context of the development of prose generally, and not that of chronicles specifically. The forthcoming Encyclopedia of the Medieval Chronicle, to be published by Brill in 2009, will provide valuable, if short, information on a host of medieval chronicles and bring knowledge of Iberian chronicles to a wider audience but it does not, of course, set out to address the question of what chronicle discourse in Iberia might be. In Catalunya, the recent Diccionari dhistoriografia catalana, while not exclusively medieval in focus, does provide useful information about medieval Catalan chronicles.36 However, there is no equivalent in Iberia of Chris Given-Wilsons recent global view on late medieval English chronicles, or Antonia Gransdens Historical Writing in England, that is, nothing which takes an overview of the whole of chronicle discourse in medieval Iberia.37 Benito Snchez Alonsos Historia de la historiografa espaola can no longer be relied upon. Grand sweep overviews aside, there is certainly much work taking place on a lower level. The answer to the question of what a chronicle is has been provided, at least in part, by such works as Ins Fernndez-Ordezs on Alfonsos Estorias, and their place in Alfonsos overall political and cultural project clearly outlined by Georges Martin.38 The nature of chronicle discourse, and specifically that of prose as discursive practice, has been addressed by Leonardo Funes on various occasions, and the recently published volume, edited by Amaia Arizaleta, the director of the Textes historiographiques et criture (pninsule ibrique et France, XIeXIVe sicles) project in Toulouse, on the subject of the poetics of the medieval chronicle, is a promising step in a field in which much is yet to be done.39 If Brian Tates venerable Ensayos sobre la historiografa peninsular del siglo XV still remains something of a highpoint in fifteenth-century chronicle studies, there is much valuable work of this type in progress, not least in the regular productions of another of the principal research groupings, that of Medievalia in Mexico City. In all of this there is a meeting of the tools of historical, cultural, linguistic and literary analysis, a meeting which promises much in the near future.

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35Funes, Las variaciones del relato histrico; Vones, Historiographie. 36Simon, Casassas, and Pujol Diccionari. 37Given Wilson, Chronicles; Gransden, Historical Writing. 38Martin, El modelo historiogrfico. 39Arizaleta, Potique de la chronique.

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What then is the balance of current efforts and what remains to be done? There is no doubt then that the perspective has changed enormously in the last thirty years, and that the level of scholarship on historiography has improved with it. In the philological field, we are now much the wiser with regard to the relationships between chronicles and their manuscripts, and the dynamics of these relationships will no doubt continue to be explored, although this aspect of the field may cease to be dominant as the fundamentals of what is necessarily a finite body of evidence become ever clearer. If there is one growth area in the near future it is likely to be that of electronic editing, in which Iberian historiography lags somewhat. In the contextual field, we are also now better informed. As mentioned above, however, the greatest gap lies in what might be called questions of poetics, and this is a consequence both of the fact that scholars almost always take a bottom up approach (beginning with the textual evidence is of course a virtue in itself) and also of the nature of the object of study itself (those problematic issues referred to in my introduction). The challenge then is to respond to the questions: (1) Is there a separate genre comprised of narrative, prose, medieval histories? (2) What are the characteristics of that genre? (3) Is there a specific Iberian chronicle genre, or are there several manifestations of it at different times, places and in different languages in the Peninsula? Although these questions may seem to lend themselves to a formalized poetics of the medieval chronicle, the chronicle by virtue of both its manuscript nature and its discursive content does not fit easily into the hermeneutic/poetics form of analysis more normally associated with the study of literary genres.40 Such a categorization is, in any case, highly questionable in literary analysis, as Bakhtin says of verbal art, a division between formal and ideological approaches is guaranteed to miss the point, and if this is true of a self-avowedly literary form such as the novel, it is even more the case with a discursive form which shares many characteristics with the novel but which, although effectively analysable with the tools of literary analysis, is not literature.41 In order to deal effectively with the concept of chronicle as a genre then, any analysis must account (at least) for the highly contentious elements of my working definition above; that is prose, narrative history structured by chronology. That chronicles played an important role in the development of prose in Castile is scarcely in question, but the nature of that involvement has yet to be analysed. Of course, assessing a cultural form in the light of what was subsequently to happen to it is, at best, anachronistic. But given that there is a clear line of development of the chronicle form that runs through the Latin texts, and those of Alfonso X before branching out in many ways (the chronicle of individual kings being one, and the increasingly novelized general chronicles being another), the place of the chronicle as discursive practice remains under-analysed, despite Leonardo Funess efforts to the contrary.42 While the importance of the chronicle in this regard may be a specifically Castilian one, the issue is still a live one. Alongside this, the role of chronicles in the development of what Hayden White calls a universal cultural form, narrative, is also less than fully understood. However, the principal reason why literary analysis alone is not sufficient is that in the main, those who wrote chronicles did so in the
40See, for example, Paul de Mans introduction to Hans Robert Jauss, Towards an Aesthetic of Reception. The recent studies by Funes, Arizaleta, Lacomba and Jean Marie in Arizaletas Potique de la chronique are a considerable step forward in this regard. 41Bakhtin, The Dialogic Imagination, 259. 42Funes, El surgimiento de la prosa narrativa.

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knowledge that what they were doing was writing history. It is not, perhaps, objective history in the modern sense, but certainly an attempt to construct an understanding of the past, for a variety of possible aims. In this light, they are valuable not just as artefacts but also because, leaving aside those who take the view that language has no extra-discursive referential value, most would accept that what their composers wrote had referential meaning, both in the sense of meaning in context (Georges Martins categories of context certainly help in this regard) and in the sense that they attempted to say something about the past. In consequence, the products of each composer, whether sophisticated chronicler with a vast array of sources to hand or humble copyist, must be examined in the light of all these phenomena. As I mention above, some of this work is already done, but an overall view of the genre, which accepts all the possible elements of it and attempts a properly historical analysis of it in all its contexts is yet to be undertaken. In that the problem is one of delimitation, any such study runs the risk of self-fulfilling definitions (i.e., these texts display the following characteristics so they must therefore constitute a genre), but a genuinely historicized account ought to be able to avoid such pitfalls. The challenge to the scholars of medieval Iberian historiography is therefore to maintain the high standards of philological analysis that has characterized so much of the investigation in the field to date, while extending the reach of the discipline in recognition of the truly interdisciplinary nature of the raw material. In this regard, it will be important to ensure not that hermeneutics and poetics are given due attention in equal measure, but rather that form, understood in the sense of both the physical manuscript and the relationship between different codices, and content, understood as both the referential element of any linguistic code and the possible ranges of context which produce and are produced by them, are seen to be indivisible. Bibliography
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