AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECONNAISANCE OF RUKA ABANDONED SETTLEMENT AT KIDANDAN IN GIWA LOCAL GOVERNMENT OF KADUNA STATE-NIGERIA BY UMARU YUSUFU CHAPTER ONE

1.1 INTRODUCTION Archaeology is the study of man from his most remote past using the them es of time and material remain that survived. It is the investigation of the cho ices made by man from the earliest time, as he evolves in to the historical pres ence (Bentley R.A. et al, 2006). Archaeologist do this because they believed that the past form some basis of und erstanding human culture through the study of the material remains left behind b y those who lived in that past and that is why they concerns themselves with ret rieval of those material remains a process that always commences with reconnaiss ance. Both environmental determinist and those that believe in open system view as nat ural imperative for articulating past human societies, (Odofin, 2012) agree that environment strongly influence cultural materials which those societies had use s their intellect to shape so as to solve their day to day problem. These artefacts found in archaeological context can therefore tell a lot about t he behaviour of those that made them or uses them. It can also tell us whether t hese materials were obtained through contact with another culture or indicate mi gration or its route. Archaeologist uses these remains, sometimes utilizing the nowledge of ethnography and logic of analogy borrowed from geology (Ba inde, 2 012) to infer their behavioural context because certain aspect of archaeological remains li e language and other behaviours are not concrete li e artefact and c an only be inferred from ethnographic context because if coincidently the ethnog raphic presence is a continuity of the archaeological past, then you will see ho w the people are using a particular archaeological remains you found or as ed th e people to give an oral explanation. Ru a abandoned settlement is situated between two approximately parallel horizon tal hills. According to Per. Com. Ahmed Umar 2012, the name Ru a, originated fro m a name of a woman called Baru a or Mabaru a, who at the down of the 16th centu ry migrated from Turun u the ancient capital of Zazzau Emirate to the site. She is either the youngest daughter of Ba wa Turun u and a sister to Zaria and the l egendry Queen Amina of Zazzau or according to another version, Per. Com. Nuhu Um aru 2012, a sister to Ba wa Turun u. It is also clear that people were living in the place before her arrival because there is such an evidence (Monolith stones) but the legend could only recalled that she settled there with her husband when she got married. However, according to Per. Com. Za ari Yau Muhammed 2012, the area was abandoned due to the activit ies of Fulani jihadist shortly before the arrival of British colonialist into th e Northern Nigerian territories (1900-1904). 1.2 REASONS FOR THE RESEARCH The site, RUKA abandoned settlement, contained archaeological evidences such as grinding stones, granary foundations, iron melting furnace, dye pits, defensive walls and iron slag, that can be used for the reconstruction of a human past, no one in the resent past nown to researcher had conducted any archaeological wor on the site. Therefore the research is an attempt to initiate one, so as to ad d to human nowledge on mans past experiences. 1.3 AIMS AND OBJECTIVES This research wor is aim to identifying as well as documenting the archaeologic al remains of RUKA ABBANDONED SETTLEMENT, and at the same time to investigate th e possible cultural practices of the people that once inhabit the site. The above aim is to be achieved through the following objectives: (i) Survey and documentation of the archaeological evidence that could be fo und. (ii) Accessing the treat by man or by nature. (iii) Finding out how man in that past interact with nature and in the proc

ess investigate what ma e the site convenient for settlement. (iv) Exposing the archaeological potentials of the area by documenting t he available human past, through the use of oral tradition, ethnographic data co llection and examination of the available written document. 1.4 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY Archaeology li e any other discipline has its unique ways of enquiry and analysi s, as such, the methodology to be adopted for this research includes; 1.4.1 ORAL TRADITION These refers to the preservation of personal and cultural past in the oral commu nication of stories, songs and poems by retelling or re-enacting a tale learned from another so as to eep it alive for posterity. Oral tradition can when systematically analysed, indicate past migratory routes and social contacts which can aid the reconstruction of that past. Accordingly i t was through this method that the researcher was able to now about the existen ce of site with the absence of any written document on the site, the method was the most important means apart from the archaeological evidence that the researc her could use to reconstruct the past. 1.4.2 ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECONNAISSANCE Archaeological reconnaissance can be refers to as a systematic search for a site (Odofin 2012), while a site could be any place, large or small, where there ar e to be found traces of ancient occupation or activity, the usual clue to a site is the presence of artefact. It is limited by evidence left by pre-historic man and the condition of preservation (Heizer 1969). Locating a site is one of the major wor s of archaeologist, reconnaissan ce being the systematic attempts to find one is thus one of the preoccupations o f the profession and the methods employed includes aerial, and ground and comput er aided surveys. In this wor , ground survey was used, resulting from oral tradition that indicat es the existence of the site. Photograph was used to record the features and som e of the finds in their context while some artefacts were collected for analysis . 1.4.3 ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA COLLECTIONS Ethnography includes the study of the surviving traditional industries such as b lac smith, pot ma ing, weavings dye production etc., which in an archaeological wor li e this can indicate either cultural continuity or modifications as well as portrays comparative relations with other cultures, and so in this wor the r esearcher had collected oral ethnographic data of dye pit construction and indig o dye production because in the site under study a dye industry was discovered. This is done as a means of recollection of behaviour part of the archaeological past that is not concrete and therefore not evidence amongst the remains left be hind by those that once lived in the site. This is done for benefit of those th at might be opportune to come across the dye pit in its archaeological context b ut do not have opportunity to see it in its systematic context. The researcher a lso records the process because in future, we may li e to resuscitate the art th at is fast fading.

CHAPTER TWO GEOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 2.1 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION Kidandan, shown in Map 1, is located at Lat. 7 10 East of the Greenwich Meridian a nd Longitude 11 2 North of the equator. It is currently one of the districts of Za

zzau Emirate in Kaduna state, of Nigeria (Encarta maps 2009). 2.2 CLIMATE AND WEATHER The climate of the area is that of the tropical summer rainfall nown as tropica l savannah climates, which occur north of the tropical wet zone, it is usually m ar ed by well defined dry season of about seven month and annual rainfall of clo se to 1,500 mm (60 inch) and the average daily temperature of about 30 degree Ce ntigrade over the course of the year, though in the winter (from late December t o late March) periods it is much lower (Stoc , Robert 2008). In terms of its economic significance to the people the vegetation coverage of t he land may be divided into woodland and the farming zone. The former being char acterised by a variety of trees with the ground below the canopy of trees being carpeted by tall grasses and creepers as seen in plate 1. Some of the prominent trees identified includes Mar e (Anogemssus schimperi) and Gamji Ficusplatyphylia), others are Taura (Deterium), Maje (Pardaniellia alieri) and Kiry pis africana) (Na-dama G. 1977) which was commonly used as the fuel for smelting iron!

Plate 1, showing the typical grassland vegetation of the guinea savannah There are also some shrubs and shorter trees li e Geza (Cambretum micramthus), Kalgo uhimia veticulatu) and Sabara (Guinea senegalansis) (Na-dama 1977). These last two o f the shrub list are still commonly used in Hausa land for ma ing ropes and as a medicine respectively. During the raining season grasses Karam aban (Andropogon), Tofa (Imperata arumclinac blossomed, and so also are creepers li e Tsamiyar Kasa (Netsonia gampestris) and Duma n ada (Logeneria) (Na-dama 1977) which is used for eeping water. However with th e onset of the dry season, the grasses get dry and yellowish while the trees, ex cept for some few species shed their leaves revealing their hard bar s and bare branches (Na-dama 1977). This tropical savannah is also a resort for games but w hich hunting activities and agricultural encroachments into the zone is now dri ving them into remoter portion. The woodland is also exploited Masassa a woodcarvers and Magori (Medicine men) (Na-dama 1977) in addition to constant activities of thos e who cut for use as fuel for daily coo ing in virtually every home. On the other hand, farming zone of the settlement extends to the Daji (woodland) are to be found farms and abandoned farms (bush fallowing type of agricultural prac tice) the grazing and cattle trac s for Fulani cattle headers. 2.3 SOIL Soil, li e vegetation is closely lin ed to climate. Rainfall and temperature det ermine the growth of vegetation, which inhibits soil erosion and enriches soil w ith nutrients from decaying organic material, called humus. In typical savanna t ype of vegetation, li e that of Kidandan, humus extends to a greater depth in th e soil, and with rainfall and temperature determining the intensity of chemical weathering, physical weathering, and leachingthe development of soil types is det ermined (Stoc , Robert 2008). Again soils formed in areas of younger volcanic bedroc li e the types we saw in this place, tend to have high clay and mineral content, and are therefore ferti le. Relief plays a major role in soil erosion, especially by water. Erosion remo ves topsoil from upper slopes and deposits eroded materials down slope. These er osion and deposition processes often create a gradation of soil types along a sl ope. The farmers thus I believe must have ta en advantage of these variations in soil fertility by planting different crops. In a dry climate, li e this, physical weatheringthe brea up of parent material by the force of moving water and windis more important than chemical weathering, an d because of the moderate levels of seasonal rainfall, chemical weathering is le ss pronounced and as such calcification occurs where calcium carbonate levels ar e high. The resulting soils are called alfisols. The organic content of alfisols is relatively high, and they are generally quite fertile (Stoc , Robert 2008). 2.4 DRAINAGE PATTERN The area is drained by River Kubanni and its tributaries, this river eventually joined with River Galma near Zaria and emptied into River Kaduna that together w

ith others in the North Central area of Northern Nigeria, feeds River Niger in i ts final journey towards the Atlantic Ocean (Encarta map 2008). 2.5 SETTLEMENT The settlement is a typical Hausa village type in which individual houses either walled or surrounded with corn stal s to veiled the women in a typical Muslim t radition with Zaure (waiting rooms) for receiving guests which also serves as the e ntry rooms into the Hausa compound. The respective compounds were built either j oining each other or in isolation. The houses were built grouped together while their farms surround the duelling. They build with mud that is made into bric s and joined together with mud also. The roofing is also made with mud covered woods but sometimes thatched or nowada ys roofed with corrugated iron sheets. In typical compound a grandfather, a father and grandsons may live together as f amily compound but those that can afford to go out may build their abodes as sim ple as a young couple with or without any issue. 2.6 THE PEOPLE AND RELIGION Most of the people that lived in this area are Hausa, Fulani and Gwari (Gbagi), who have now almost blended with the Hausas but spea ing the Hausa language, tho ugh few Hausa people spea the two other languages but they relate well and inte r marry with each other. The original traditional religion could have been the w orship of Is o i (spirits) or Bori, but they are now virtually all Muslims. 2.7 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND According to oral tradition, Ru a, was found by Baru a who was either an aunt of Queen Amina of Zazzau or her younger sister from a different mother, sa id to be the youngest wife of Queen Aminas father, Ba wa Turun u or a nice accord ing to the version that claims she was a sister to Ba wa Toran a. This time corr esponds to about middle 15th century because that was when Ba wa Toron a ruled Z azzau. As a princess it was said that Baru a, found her own city to settled wit h her husband when she got married and moved away from Turun u, just li e Zaria, who also moved to Kufena-Mada achi area almost at the same period that was rena med after her (Zaria) and later made the capital of Zazzau Emirate by her sister Queen Amina, when she inherited the realm of power. The surroundings of Ru a was and still is endured with rich agricultural land that might have supported the population within the enclosure of the tripl e walled city which the evidence of iron smelting and dying also provide another prove of specialisation an indicative of urbanisation and probable long distanc e trade in that lost past we are attempting to reconstruct. The iron implements produced could have been used to improve agriculture and defence while dyeing, an indicator of textile production, is also a special isation that could arise due to surplus of agricultural produce that ta e care o f the specialist, though in Africa virtually everybody is a substantive farmer a nd that any other trade was just secondary just as in the present ethno traditio nal settings. In the course of time however many wars had been fought according to the tradition in an attempt to overran the city. There is for example this legend o f a woman who at an unspecified time was caught unawares when an attac was laun ched in the city, while she was wor ing (pounding grains) in the outs ate of cit y, normally in the events of any hostile attac , people use to ran into the city and the gates will then be loc ed while warriors defends the city. The legend had it that, when a warrior from the opposing side met this w oman, he ordered her to pound the child together with the grain for his horse to it! Afraid of the warrior this woman drop the child into the mortar but three times consecutively when she rises the pestle to pound, the child thin ing that she was playing with him will burst into an innocent laugh, and the mother will be able to ill him. The warrior then shouted at her to immediately finish the job, but as reflex action to his crazy shouts she raises the mortar and smashed it into the head of the warrior illing him instantly! Another legend was of a man seriously wounded in a battle near Kofar Gal adima (one the city gates named after a title holder called Galadima) and who th

e cannibalise enemy decided to slaughter for a meal. His son called Wa ili, was hiding behind some roc s armed with bow and arrows saved him by shooting who eve r goes near the body until about ten of them lay dead by the old man before they gave-up. In another tale, during an encounter, a Ru a warrior, observed that, the re was this attac ing warrior, whom arrows short at him usually passes through h im, because a gap always opens between his body as the arrow approaches him, ma ing a sort of a window through which the arrows simply passes! To counter the charm, the Ru a warrior ordered the arrow her short to st op in between the gap created in the body of the enemy and it does! When the att ac ing warrior realized that the arrow short at him did not pass through, he tur ned to the direction it was short from and his eyes met the Ru a warrior that or dered the arrow to stop within the window created by his body. Not nowing what to does he began to beg him. The Ru a warrior then ordered the arrow to pass thr ough but direct the attac ing warrior to leave the scene. Per. Com.Sale Dahiru 2012 also narrates another tale of a well nown Hau sa Myth called Ba in Wa e. There was a prince of Ru a who once said that he was tired of using the conventional animals of burden li e a camel, don ey or horse, and instead he will from then on be using human beings and so it was! Every hou se in the town was designated a day it will provide the man to transport the pri nce to were ever he will go on his bac li e a baby. On the day it was for the f amily of Ba in Wa e to provide the person to carry the prince, Ba in Wa e was ch osen. Un nown to anyone Ba in Wa e had decided to end the humiliation of this p rince once and for all. A day to the day he was to be the princes animal of burde n, Ba in Wa e, being a dyer set fire in an abandoned dye pit overnight nowing t hey will pass near to the industries. Thus on that day, as he was passing near t he burning dye pit carrying the prince on his bac , he held the prince tightly a nd run towards the pit. Before his intention could be understood, he jumped into the burning fire to commits suicide together with the prince! This martyrdom of Ba in Wa e is nown is nown in all Hausa nations as Kunar Ba in Wa e. Today, the E nglish words suicide bombers are translated in Hausa language as Yan unar Ba in wa e ch literally means those who commits suicide in the manner of Ba in wa e! These were but only some recollection of the life of site once called Ru a city. The city was only to be sac ed with the activities of the Jihadist at th e closing end of the 18th century by Muhammadu Lawal Tu unyan Gwari, Sar in Fula nin Fati a shortly before the British conquest of the So oto Chaliphet, accordin g to Per. Com. Ahmed Umaru 2012. The Fulani chiefs of Fati a to the west of Zaria were recognized vessels of Zazz au, and it was said that at one time when the Mada in Kan arro planned to assass inate a Habe ing (before the Jihad period) and seize the throne, the Fulani chi ef of Fati a warned his liege and received as reward a fief within the city of Z aria itself called Anguwan Fati a (the ward of Fati a) (Smith M.G. 1960). Howeve r, Per. Com.Abbas Ahmed Fati a 2012, a grandson of Muhammadu Lawal Tu unyar Gwar i, and the current Sar in Fadan Zazzau, said that actually, it was a sort of a r ebellious war or adventures that too one time Fulani chief Fati a with war in t he city of Zaria, and that he even succeeded in capturing Anguwan Fati a before truce was reached to which that portion of Zaria city was left to him as a fief. One thing about the personality of Muhammadu Lawal, (the man that was said to ha ve sac ed Ru a city) that should be included here is that according to Per. Com. Ahmed Umaru Lawal 2012, Muhammadu Lawal Tu unya Gwari, was once dethrone withou t the nowledge of the Emir, because he had refused an order to go to war with A buja, he was therefore replaced by a man that come to be nown as Maje-Abuja (th e one that went to Abuja). It was said that Tu unyar Gwari an astrologer and tha t he correctly forecast that the forces of Jihadist will be defeated by that of the Sara unan Zazzaun Abuja. Maje Abuja who replaced him was illed, and so also was ing of Zaria, Malam Yaro dan Abdullahi himself! The Fulani chiefs of Fati a to the west of Zaria were recognized vessels of Zazz au, and it was said that at one time when the Mada in Kan arro planned to assass inate a Habe ing (before the Jihad period) and seize the throne, the Fulani chi

ef of Fati a warned his liege and received as reward a fief within the city of Z aria itself called Anguwan Fati a (the ward of Fati a) (Smith M.G. 1960). Howeve r, Per. Com.Abbas Ahmed Fati a 2012, a grandson of Muhammadu Lawal Tu unyar Gwar i, and the current Sar in Fadan Zazzau, said that actually, it was a sort of a r ebellious war or adventures that too one time Fulani chief Fati a with war in t he city of Zaria, and that he even succeeded in capturing Anguwan Fati a before truce was reached to which that portion of Zaria city was left to him as a fief.

Smith M.G. in his boo "Government in Zazzau 1800-1950" had records that: "Yero suffered a major defeat at Abuja which he attac ed in 1893, on the advice of his Maaji Kau, who lived and ruled at Jere in Kagoro, and had been pressed by Abuja to become their vassal and pay tribute. It is said that Yero assaulted Abu ja with over 2,000 cavalrymen, and was repulsed by the Habe of Abuja at little c ost. The Fulani of Zazzau, on the other hand, lost heavily in this attac , and m any office-holders were among the slain. Fulani rationalize the defeat as their punishment for disobedience. They say Musa (the first flag bearer sent to Zazzau by Shehu Dan Hodiye) had forbidden the Fulani of Zaria to attac the Habe after Ma au had retreated to Zaria, and had prophesied that if the Fulani of Zaria di sobeyed this order, they would suffer heavily. Yero died at Majeriri near Keffi after a raid on the Amawa tribe nearby". It was said that before he died, Malam Yaro dan Abdullahi, had as ed of Tu unyar Gwari, and when it was replied to him that Muhammadu Lawal Tu unyar Gwa ri, was dethroned because he had said he will not followed them to a war they wi ll not succeed, the King, Malam Yero, before he died on their way bac home, had repeatedly eep on saying "why was I not told? Women in the days Ru a and even afterwards were very important in the s ociety, as indicated by the fact that even the founder was a woman, but again th at does not altered their feminist role in every time and space. According to Pe r. Com. Sai Lawal 2012, women before the coming of the Europeans use to beautify themselves by in woven textiles that were beautifully designed and that they per fumed their dresses to smell good. The perfumes were made from the sweat of a pa rticular cat specie Magen Juda nown as Turaren Juda (Juda perfume), the also plate t r hair and dye their feet. In those day li e now, in most Hausa society, women gets married as early as about the age of sixteen, according to Per. Com. Hajiya Mairo (Kande) 2012, recollecting when her grandmother told her she got married. CHAPTER THREE ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECONNISSANCE OF RUKA ABANDONED SETTLEMENT SITE 3.1 INTRODUCTION Archaeological reconnaissance being the systematic identification of a typical s ite, involves some times wal ing to a site in search of evidence of past human a ctivities and its recordings, this could have come as a result of an oral tradit ion that indicate the site to which this research is a typical example. 3.2 LOCATION OF THE SITE Ru a abandoned settlement is located about two (2) ilometres west of Gi ndin-Dutse in the realm of Maidaro which is in the district of Kidandan (11 02 No rth and Longitude 7 11 East) 35.1 miles west of Zaria the capital of Zazzau emirat e but this site is administratively under Giwa local Government area of Kaduna S tate of Nigeria (Encarta map 2008). 3.3 AIMS AND OBJECTIVES OF THE RECONNISSANCE The reconnaissance of Ru a is intended at verifying the oral tradition about the site through identification, recording by photographs and documentation, as wel l as the collection of retrievable material evidences for analysis and reconstru ction of the human past associated with the site. 3.4 SITE DESCRIPTION Ru a is situated between two mountains that horizontally ran almost parallel to each other but also which eventually semi cycled the abandoned settlement, in wh at could described as the valley but which in actual sense is just the space bet ween this mountains. The people that once occupied this place made a home of it

and it seems at the time when people are still using the site as a living space, many people, has duelled there. The researcher identified many features that in clude thic walls that once fortified the site, wells and ponds that provide the water to the community, graves, foundations of once living quarters of the King , gates, grinding stones, potsherds, dye pits and iron smelting industries. To the east of the abandoned settlement in the plains, there is an isolated moun tain to which traces of one of three city walls that once connect it with remain ing mountains chains, creating a wide space for cultivation, could still be seen . From hence thereof as the researcher wal ed towards the middle of the abandoned settlement we also saw the traces of two other walls before entering abandoned c ity through a pass. The only reason that could have made people to live in such a place which at that time, must had been security considering the protective n ature of the site and the fact that the oral tradition recollected is connecting the site Queen Amina period or there about which was around the middle of the fifteenth century when slave raiding ta es a new dimension because of the high demand for the Africans slaves in the New lands of America to till the land for the rising capitalist Europe in its earliest stage. Plate 2, Showing a monolith in the vicinity of the supposed site of an ancient M osque However the site as could be seen might have been used by others before the desc endants of the last occupiers, because when the researcher was ta en to a place that was said to be a Mosque (plate 2 above), the researcher noticed that the ex act sport was once a place for another type of religious worship to which monoli th was the religious symbol which in its original arrangement seems to have form ed a cycle but which later generation pull down part of, to create a mosque out of the former place of worship. The Fulani Jihadist, that forcefully removed Hausa rulers, do so because, the Ji hadist regards them as Habe (impidels), or their practices simply fell below the req uired standard of Islam or even because they do not belong to the denomination the Fulanis belongs to, Wahabism that was on the rise in Arabian peninsula at that t ime (Toth, Anthony B 2008). 3.5 OBSERVABLE FINDS AND FEATURES Finds and features in archaeology are the usual facts used to evidence past huma n activities in a site. Those organic and inorganic material remains believed to have bearing with human past and which could be lifted from where they are foun d without damage are the once archaeologists called finds, and those that cannot be removed without damage are the once they referred to as features. In this wor , several of this finds and features were found and recorded through both photography and hand written documentation base on the oral tradit ion supplied by the guides that went with me. Also few of the finds found in the surface were collected for analysis. 3.5.1 FINDS The finds are potsherds and iron slag li e these seen in plates 3 and 4 respecti vely. Plate 3 above showing potsherds Plate 4, showing a tree growing out of an iron smelting furnace 3.5.2 FEATURES The features found include defensive walls and or fortifications, wells, house f oundations, grinding stones etc. First, was a part of a defensive wall shown in plate 6, which was built with stone bric s but joined with mud! It is very close to what was supposed to be an entrance to the site shown in plate 5, very clos e to the ings palace used by the ing or some times by his closest officials. A ccording to my informants, who ever passed that place without prior nowledge of those in charge will be automatically illed.

Then the next was the sport where the chief security uses to eep watch which wa s just within after passing the small gate show between the ranging poles in pla te 5. Plate 5, showing the position of once a gate to the palace in between the rangin g poles It was said that, in those days, the rulers usually galloped through this gate a t high speed when celebrating victory. One of the informants then remembered how Ru a Umaru the father of the current Ru a (the title of the present day chiefs of Kidandan), rode on a horse to re-enact the past practices about 50 years ago when he was ma e the chief. Just to the left of this gate we sighted a stone fortification show in plate 6. Plate 6, showing a stone fortification just to the left of the gate Next, a foundation of a granary that measured about 1.3m in diameter shown in pl ate 7, this is an indicator of surplus in food production and storage utility it necessitate as a result. Plate 7, showing a foundation of a granary Not far from there two grinding stones were sported which indicates cereal consu mption, as shown in plates 8 below. Plate 8, showing a grinding stone Then just about a meter to the left of the grinding stones we come across this stone builder associated with some hollows, the widest measured 12cm and a depth of 0.4cm while the smallest measured 4cm and a depth of 0.65cm believed to be u sed for plying a popular game in Hausa land nown as wado, as could be seen in Plate 9, and southwards as we proceeds the researcher was shown a fond show in p late 10 near what was identified as ings living space, use for wor ing the mud for buildings. Plate 9, showing a stone builder associated with some hollows Plate 10, showing a pond near to the royal compound Then as we proceed about four meters away towards the south, we come across this flat piece of stone (plate 11) nown as Filin Fadi son a (Freedom square) a desig nated area where the rulers allow the ordinary people to voice out their minds e ven if against the authorities without fear of being prosecuted! I later come to realised there is a similar place designated for the same purpose in Kwarbai, Z aria city. This is an indicator of how liberal the rulers could be even if they so wish whe n one reflect the legend of Ba in Wa e. Plate 11, showing the freedom square After flat surface going further southwards we again come across another part of a once city wall that fortified the abandoned settlement shown in plates 12, 13 , and 14 after which about 100 meters the potsherds indicated in plate 15 part o f which the researcher pic ed some were sighted. Plate 12, showing the remains of city wall Plate 13, showing another part of the city wall From this point, the informants too the researcher to a now collapsed fortified section of Ru a that was made with stones (plate 16). Plate 14, also showing the city wall from another angle Plate 15, showing some pot shreds of unusual thic ness

Plate 16, showing a collapsed fortification made of stones We then went eastwards to see another fortification; this mud fortification was photographed from different angles as shown in plates 17 and 18. Plate 17, showing another but this time a part of a mud wall or fortification Plate 18, showing the fortification from another angle rising from the bottom to mountain top! Plate 19, showing western side of mountain submit across the valley that forms t he site The fortification seems to have begun from the mountain foot at the eastern side and rose up to the top! Then from this eastern side of the mountain submit, the western side of mountain across the valley could be seen (plate 19) Coming down, the researcher was ta en to a once dyeing industry probably where B a in Wa e had wor ed! There were many dye pits (one of which measured 40cm inter nally and 42cm externally in diameter) indicating the inhabitants of the site ma de cloth which they dye to further beautify it. The pit and plant (Indigofera) c alled Baabaa in Hausa language that is still used as the main ingredient for both th e dye and the contraction of the pit could still be seen in close proximity are shown in plates 20 and 21. Plate 20, showing an abandon dye pit Plate 21, showing Genus Indigofera, a native to the tropics and the main dye ing redient After living Ru a, we wal ed bac to Gindin Dutse said to be part of the Ru a, a nd were some of descendants of those who once occupied the site now lived, about two ilometres, east of Ru a, the researcher was ta en to an iron smelting indu stry shown in plates 22 and 23 separated by an interval of about 40-50 cm. The t wo iron smelting furnaces loo ed similar. Both are circler but there is a tree g rowing from the centre of one (plate 22) with outer diameters of about 50 cm and a thic ness of about 11 cm. The furnaces, also loo s as if in some parts the wa lls are smoothened and very close to one the researcher saw an iron slag indicat ed in plate 23. Then we proceeds to about a ilometre north of the iron industry , to a mountain the people called Gataye, hawan i sai dan gata, (the mountain of th e favourites whom only the favoured mounts)! Shown in plate 24, to the Ru a Cave ! Plate 22, showing a tree growing out of an iron furnace Plate 23, showing an iron slag However I only made these surface observations and photo recordings. Plate 24, showing mountain the Ru a cave is located Plate 25, cave showing one the entrances to the of Plate 26, showing the other entrances to the cave When the researcher wanted to enter the cave however, the guides (Za ai Yau Muham med, aged 40 and Sale Dahiru aged 85) prevented it, because we were not armed an d that dangerous animals could be in. It is said that in those days, in the events of war, when gates of Ru a city was closed, those was left outside, could ta es refuge in the cave, and tha t it can ta e as much as much as over thousand (1000) people. Nowadays occasion ally farmers use to enter to collect the decayed lives carried into the cave by wind because it ma es good manures according to Per. Com. Kabiru Dogari 2012. This could as well be an old practice that continued into the ethnographic prese nce.

CHAPTER FOUR CLASSIFICATION, ANALYSIS AND INTERPRITATIONS OF FINDS AND FEATURES 4.1 INTRODUCTION This chapter classified, analysed and interpreted the finds and features for easy understanding of the cultural material recovered as well as identifica tion of such attributes li e type of technology and styles which could enable co mparative study of the recovered items. We should note however, that lac of archaeological laboratory in this p art of the world is a big hindrance to archaeological research that limit our sy stematic effort to understand the past to mere identification, observation and t he eventual logical hypothesis. In this research both finds and features were identified. The finds includes iro n slag and potsherds while the features includes iron smelting pots and slag def ensive walls and or fortifications, wells, house foundations and grinding stones . 4.2 CLASSIFICATION AND ANALYSIS OF POTTERY Pottery is very important in archaeological investigations due to the an tiquity of its origin and un-corrosive nature, meaning it has high survival rate . Once discarded, it has the capacity to survive in almost all weather and soil condition. For example as far bac as 5th millennium BC there survived the Egyp tian pottery made with graceful, thin, dar , highly polished ware with subtle co rd decoration. This is because pottery or clay once heated up to 500 degree cent igrade, it becomes irreversible to its former state, because the chemical compos ition had been irreversibly altered and clay has become highly resistance to bot h fire and water conditions ("Pottery" Encarta 2009). . Pottery has been used by archaeologist to reconstruct the cultural past of the society we are studying. It established trade patterns amongst various so cieties as well as serves as a source of information about the society that prod uces it. It established a date about a particular site and estimates the duratio n for a particular technology and society being studied as well as establishes t he ecstatic values of the people. Pottery can also tell for example the type of crops the people or culture you are studying are growing or eating, it can also tell about trade or their cultural practices (Ba inde 2011). There are two methods of analyzing pottery; the physical and the biolog ical methods. Pot has four prominent part the understanding of which ma es classification easi er, and these are; the rim, the nec , the body and the base (Shepard 1965 pg 226 ). II. CLASSIFICATION BASED ON VESSEL PARTS When classifying potsherds therefore the analysis should be based on the followi ng subheadings; the vessel parts, the vessel forms, the surface finish the decor ative motive and finally base on its paste characteristics. When classifying a pot based on its parts, you are classifying the potsherds the various prominent parts that were mentioned above that together ma es up the wh ole pot, namely the rim, the nec , the body and the base. Though a handle for li fting it may exist but it is always regarded as part of the body. Out of all thi s however the rim is the most important when an attempt is going to be made to e stimate or reconstruct the vessel. TABLE 1 SHOWING A SUMMARY OF CLASSIFICATION BASED ON VESSEL PARTS S/N VESSEL PARTS QUANTITY PERCENTAGE 1 BODY 52 83.87% 2 BASE 8 12.90% 3 RIM 1 1.61% 4 NECK 1 1.61% TOTAL 62 100% III.

CLASSIFICATION BASED ON RIM FORMS Rims could be classified in forms according to its curvature and can ta

e any of these three forms; namely averted when it points outwards, inverted whe n it points inwards and straight when it stands at 90 degree with the base. Ever y rim also has a lip which could be one of the following four basic types; (a) Tapered lip (b) Round lip (c) Flat lip (d) Squad lip For a reconstruction of how a pot might have loo s li e only the rim is required . In which the diameter and probable shape can be mathematically deducted using appropriate diagram. TABLE 2 SHOWING A SUMMARY OF CLASSIFICATION BASED ON RIM FORM S/N RIM FORM QUANTITY PERCENTAGE 1 VERTICAL RIM WITH TAPERED LIP 1 100% TOTAL 1 100% IV. CLASSIFICATION BASED ON SURFACE FINISH In this classification attempt is being made to examine the state of the artifact at the time of retrieval from the field. All vessels will either have a smooth or burnished finish at the point of manufacture, however, the moment a pottery is incorporated into the archaeological nature, a number of chemical act ivities began to ta e place through the agency of thing li e rain and could affe ct their mode of preservation thus ma ing it greasy, so if an archaeological pot sherds are smooth when one feels it, it is called burnished and when it bristled it is called un-burnished, and all could be either decorated or not. TABLE 3 SHOWING A SUMMARY OF CLASSIFICATION BASED ON SURFACE FINISH S/N SURFACE FINISH QUANTITY PERCENTAGE 1 BURNISH UNDECORATED 1 1.69% 2 BURNISH DECORATED 7 11.29% 3 UNBURNISH DECORATED 4 6.45% 4 UNBURNISH UNDECORATED 50 80.65% TOTAL 62 100% V. CLASSIFICATION BASED ON DECORATIVE MOTIVE The decorations in a pottery can be viewed as the signature of the ma er and som etimes indicate the geographical location and the ecstatic value of the pot prod ucer. It also indicates the use it is made for or simply made to prevent it from being slippery. A decoration is a type of mar that is made on a pot when it is in its leather h ard or green stage (in between wet and dry stages), and various instruments in t he past had been used to achieve this. Some could be drawn along the surface eit her horizontally or vertically nown as incision or grooving depending on blunt the impression is. A groove ta es U shape while incision ta es V shape. The desi gns could also be starvation form, wavy or oblique. They could also be either ba nded when more than one nown as channeling groove or it can come as a single gr oove. The impression also could be made by stamping using objects li e combs and cunei form. It can also be achieved by rolling an object along the surface, a system nown as Rolex. This method is widely applied in the West African sub-region. A n umber of intricate designs could be depicted using this system. Corn was also us ed at given time in the human past, and the type of the decoration produced in nown as corn roulette. Other materials used include fine stitch and wooden roulettes. This system of de coration helps in estimating dates of cultures and sometimes even migration rout es, for example corn roulette indicate periods after introduction of corn into A frica (Ba inde 2012). Another type of decoration is by perforation. In West Africa, most societies do so for sibling things li e locusts beans or dry-smo ing fish and meat. Notching i s also another type of decoration, but it should be noted that decorations defer

s amongst societies. TABLE 4 SHOWING A SUMMARY OF CLASSIFICATION BASED ON TYPES OF DECORATION S/N TYPES OF DECORATION QUANTITY PERCENTAGE 1 SINGLE DECORATION 5 45.45% 2 MULTIPLE DECORATION 6 54.55% TOTAL 11 100%

TABLE 5 SHOWING A SMMARY OF CLASSIFICATION BASED ON SINGLE DECORATIVE MOTIF S/N DECORATIVE MOTIVE VESSEL PART QUANTITY PERCENTAGE 1 WAVY GROOVE BASE 3 75% 2 INCISION BASE 1 25% TOTAL 4 100% TABLE 6 SHOWING A SMMARY OF CLASSIFICATION BASED ON MULTIPLE DECORATIVE MOTIFS S/N DECORATIVE MOTIF VESSEL PARTS QUANTITY PERCENTAGE 1 ROULETTE, INCISION AND GROOVING RIM 1 20% 2 INCISION AND ROULETTE BODY 2 40% 3 ROULETTE, INCISION AND NOTCHING BODY 2 40% TOTAL 5 100%

4.3 INTERPRITATION OF FINDS AND FEATURES INTRODUCTION Interpretation in archaeological wor is imperative otherwise the data before th e archaeologist might be meaningless because the material evidence left by the p ast inhabitants might have been altered by either later generation or natural ag ents, therefore a form of inference, reasoning that if two things are ta en to b e ali e in one way, they could as well be ali e in many other ways nown as anal ogy, is normally use for the tas of interpreting finds and features, when the d ata is carefully classified (Odofin 2011), so as to explain when, where and how things happened in both its descriptive and explanatory aspects, because it is n ot possible to observe past event (Share and Ashmore 1979). THE USE OF ANALOGY IN THE INTERPRITATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL DATA In an attempt to understand the meaning of some things inference can be made out of what had been understood by a reasoning nown as analogy. This is ba sed on the premise that if two things are similar in one aspect, they may be as well similar in many other aspects (Baird, Robert M. 2009) In archaeology this is done by comparing the remains of the past culture with the similar phenomena documented in contemporary society, when doing so ho wever, care should always be ta en when doing so, so as not to assume that ethno graphy can always explains archaeological phenomena, because sometimes changes d o ta e place either through diffusion or climatic-change induced innovations. For example, the traditional architecture in Hausa land uses mud to erect houses in the past, and the ethnographic practices is still the same, but the now squa re bloc imitated from European styled bloc s had replaced the archaeological co nical type used in the past. With as bac ground, attempt will therefore be made to inferred meanings to the a rchaeological finds and features documented in Ru a. INTERPRITATIONS OF FINDS PORTSHERDS There is evidence that shows that man, had been using pots in as antiquity as 26 ,000 years ago in Doln Vstonice, of the Czech Republic; And amongst the oldest surviving art objects of western Africa are fragments of No terracotta (ba ed clay) sculptures found in central Nigeria; these wor s dat e from 500 BC to AD 200 (Schic et. el. 2008). The fragments are primarily from human and animal figures, some of which were pr

obably attached to large pots. The human figures range in size from about 10 cm (4 in) to more than 120 cm (47 in) with patterns in that clay represent elaborat e hairstyles, jewelry, and clothing. These can explain why potsherds exist in th e site where this research is conducted. Out of the pottery fragments the researcher examined, one aspect appeare d to be common, the thic ness of the potsherds were unusually larger than the co ntemporary sizes and while in those identified as the base, can be assumed to be intended for a utility that required its being ept erect if at all used by the ma ers it is not used for coo ing but probably storage. The last item in table 4 and all the items of table 5 belong to the same pot that was found at a roc s helter. According to Per. Com. Sale Dahiru 2012, the pot was once filled with co wries and silver rings, when he last visited the shelter less than a year ago. A lso the reddish colored purity of some of the potsherds indicates it has not be en utilized for coo ing purposes which could have dar en it, and secondly, the h eavily rimed circular stand base, found could indicates that they were made to b e ept in a standing position. IRON SLAG The presence of iron slag in the site is an indication of iron wor ing in the pa st, but iron wor ing anywhere in Hausa land today, survives only in the form of blac smithing. Historically, however, metallic iron was nown and used for ornamental purposes and weapons since prehistoric ages; the earliest specimen still extant, a group of oxidized iron beads found in Egypt, dates from about 4000 BC ( Encarta 2009). So far evidence shows that the first metal wor ed in Africa was copper, smelted and forged in Egypt before its unification in 3100 BC. Copper and stone remained the main tool-ma ing materials in Egypt until the 17th century BC, when the Hy sos invasion from the Middle East brought bronze, a harder alloy, to North Afric a. During Egypts New Kingdom, gold was forged into jewelry and elaborate furnitur e to decorate the pharaohs palaces and tombs. Far to the west of Egypt, in the Ar Mountains of what is now Niger, copper wor ing was independently invented someti me after 3000 BC. These early metalwor ers probably spo e a Nilo-Saharan languag e, perhaps ancestral to modern Songhai. By 1500 BC their copper-wor ing techniqu es and furnaces were well developed and the technology had spread to other coppe r-bearing areas of the southern Sahara. ( Encarta 2009) This again might explain the presence of iron smelting industry in the area of m y study. Iron smelting practices; come to an end with the coming of easily obt ainable European type of iron imported by the colonial rulers according to Per. Com. Dahiu dan sar in Gahu 2012. Prior to that, iron smelting capability and the production of farming and defens e implement should be one of the major factors for the survival of the Ru a cult ure in that remote past, because with it, more land could be put into cultivatio n than otherwise possible and defense capacity will be enhanced. This can suppor ts and encourage lager population and thus more labor potentiality which when ha rnessed could be put into so many labor intensive programs li e the ones evidenc ed by the huge defensive walls of the site. Similarly, the iron wor s could provide better weapons that will enable coercive organizations required for state building, li e soldiers and other form of inte rnal security systems. Farming and security could stimulate intensive economic activities and specializ ations also evidence by dye pits which is an indicator of other activities that necessitates it, textile production for instance, which is also another speciali zation and the thread production associated with it. Another special profession evidenced by the defensive walls is architecture utilizing earth to build mud ho uses which will also indicate the possibility of another specialty namely carpen try or wood wor ing for ma ing roofs, doors and windows as well as the carving o f things li e pestles and mortars for founding grains. These again could only but led to other human activities li e social interaction between the wood wor ers and iron smiths as well as other chains of activities! INTERPRITATION OF FEATURES

DEFENSIVE WALLS AND FORTIFICATIONS Fortifications and Siege Warfare are related branches of the art of military eng ineering and wars of the time when modern artillery was not conceptualized. Thus while fortification deals with the design and construction of defensive structu res; siege warfare on the other hand involves systematic efforts to attac and c apture such structures ("Fortification and Siege Warfare" Encarta 2009). Defense wor s involving city walls li e those still standing in the site under s tudy, which requires the construction of permanent defensive structure for the p rotection of political, economic, and military interests is associated with stra tegic requirements in warfare. This will usually enable foot soldiers to throw e nemy cavalry into confusion under arrows short at them from wall tops. The primary aim in fortifying a fixed position is to erect a physical barrier th at cannot be suddenly overrun and that is strong enough to enable the defending force to hold the position for a period of time. In African village warfare, a t hic thorn hedge might serve this purpose, especially if it were green enough no t to catch fire but Ru a was a city not a village therefore its requirement was a city wall. Attac on and defense of such city walls, involved three basic concepts that remained unaltered until the age of gunpowder. In order to reach the defend ers, the attac ers had to scale the wall, brea a passage through it, or burrow underneath it. The techniques of siege warfare were directed toward the accompli shment of these aims, singly or simultaneously, and the techniques of fortificat ion were aimed at preventing such accomplishment. These opposing techniques interacted, with fortifiers see ing to build the impre gnable fortress while besiegers strove to develop the irresistible siege; the ef fectiveness with which these aims were pursued varied widely through history. Na tural defensive strength was the criterion for selection of city sites (Encarta 20 09). The art of fortification developed through local necessities and, as the wealth and power of the cities grew, often became undermined by complacency. The art of attac by siege, on the other hand, was stimulated by the efforts of those who would be conquerors ("Fortification and Siege Warfare" Encarta 2009). Defensive walls and fortifications are made in the days when such can prevent th e enemy from entering a city or protect the people its inhabitants from easy pen etrations and surprised attac s. It also serves as shields during combat engagem ent involving arrows. The fact that there are three such walls that once existed at the same time indi cating serious security problem of the time, a time (15th to 18th centuries) cor responding to high demand of enslaved people of the African descent to wor in t he conquered lands of America for the rising European powers (Wright, Donald R. 2009). GRINDING STONES One of the important technological developments of the Neolithic period that sur vived until our contemporary period was the grinding stones. It is use for the p rocessing of cereal foods. Others includes widespread use of pottery for surplus food storage and coo ing, the construction of granaries for storage of grains, the use of domesticated plant fibers for textiles, and weaving technology. (Schi c , et, el.2008.) All these or associated elements are amongst the features that were documented i n Ru a abandoned settlement. Grinding stones indicate cereal consumptions and th is may indicates continuity of food types because the basic contemporary food of the ethnographic presence are guinea corn, millet, maize and beans while the in gredients includes things li e pepper, groundnut, ginger etc all of which requir e grinding before use. Before the introduction of grinding machines with the coming Europeans, grinding the cereals was in addition to its poundings using mortars and pestles amongst the most important pre occupation of women, it is normally accomplished amidst s ongs according to Per. Com. Guggo Maria 2012.

GRANARY FOUNDATION Amongst the items we identified in the sits includes granary foundations, granar y is simply a warehouse or storeroom for grain; on the other hand it proves stor age capability arising from food surpluses that resulted from lager scale food p roduction, which be due to the use of iron implements that will enable clearing of larger area, in addition to the better and more efficient agricultural practi ces than possible in the Stone Age era. IRON SMELTING INDUSTRY There is also an abandoned iron smelting industry, indicating that the inhabitan ts of the site had been extracting iron out of the ore for the manufacture of to ols and weapons that historically is nown to have changed many societies since its discovery and subsequent replacement of stone tools (which man had been usin g for ages). Iron extraction indicate among other things, an agrarian society an d a statehood because it allow improve tools efficiency that permits subjugation of environment for agricultural purposes and its associated human preoccupation s as well as the production advance weaponry that could enabled efficient defens e capability and coercion that sustains the formation and maintenance of complex society and the commercial activities associated with it (Asa 2012). DYE INDUSTRY Lastly textiles and weaving technology evidenced by the presence of dye industri es, is another specialization which together with those mentioned above, and als o others li e monumental city walls (also seen at the site) further indicates ur banization which in essence refers to the gathering of people into large urban c enters that mar s as one of the fundamental transformations in human history, st arting about 6,000 years ago in various parts of the world when large towns, and eventually cities, grew out of what were formerly agrarian village societies (C harles L. Redman, 2009) . This process, often called the urban revolution, involved much more than just an increase in the size of communities. It also included mar ed changes in the w ay people interacted, in peoples relationship with the environment, and in the wa y people structured their societies. The processes and institutions that emerged at this time have continued to evolve, forming the basic structure of urban soc iety today. (Charles L. R. 2009.) RUKA CAVE Ru a cave is natural chamber or hollow beneath the surface of the mountain. It h as two openings close to each other at the surface and because cave caves are na tural shelters, offering shade and protection from wind and rain, it was said th at it provides a hiding place during wars aaccording to Per. Com. Sahanunu, in t hose days when wars were frequent over a thousand people could crowd themselves in it when the Ru a city gates were loc ed. As archaeological sites, caves are easy to locate and often provide cond itions that encourage the preservation of normally perishable materials, such as bone (Jochim, Michael A. 2009), as a result, the archaeological exploration of a cave li e the Ru a cave can contribute significantly to the reconstruction of the human past.

CHAPTER FIVE ETHNOARCHAEOLOGICAL DATA COLLECTION ON DYE PIT CONSTRUCTION AND INDIGO-DYE PRODU CTION 5.1 INTRODUCTION In this Ethnographic study the researcher described the production process of on e of the archaeological evidence found during the reconnaissance of the site, n amely the dye pit which the researcher found out at the end of the study that th e Hausa use to called Tu unyar Rini or Tu unyar Baabaa. The ethno-archaeological data s collected orally from now late Alhaji Lawal Ibrahim Na-zara, at Anguwan Juma Z aria City. Plate 27, showing a man wearing an indigo-dyed turban

The research had shown that Indigo was the foundation of centuries-old textile t raditions throughout West Africa. From the Tuareg nomads of the Sahara to Camero on, clothes dyed with indigo signified wealth. Women dyed the cloth in most area s, with the Yoruba of Nigeria and the Mandingos of Mali particularly well nown for their expertise. Among the Hausa male dyers, wor ing at communal dye pits wa s the basis of the wealth of the ancient city of Kano, Katsina and Zaria, where this profession is still being practiced, the method used for the construction o f the pit as I come to understand still remains as in the archaeological past. T his thus, has evidenced continuity in a production method of one of the archaeol ogical remains found. Historically, Indigo was used in India, which was also the earliest major center for its production and processing. The Indigofera tinctor ia variety of Indigo was domesticated in India. Indigo, used as a dye, made its way to the Gree s and the Romans, where it was valued as a luxury product ("Indi go Plant" Encarta 2009), it was among the oldest dyes to be used for textile dyein g and printing. Many Asian countries, such as India, China, and Japan and South East Asian nations have used indigo as a dye (particularly sil dye) for centuri es. The dye was also nown to ancient civilizations in Mesopotamia, Egypt, Greec e, Rome, Britain, Mesoamerica, Peru, Iran, and Africa (Nguyen, Huy X. 2008). India is believed to be the oldest center of indigo dyeing in the Old World. It was a primary supplier of indigo to Europe as early as the Greco-Roman era. The association of India with indigo is reflected in the Gree word for the dye, the Romans Latinized the term to indicum, which passed into Italian dialect and eve ntually into English as the word indigo ("Indigo Plant" Encarta 2009). In Mesopotamia, a Neo-Babylonian cuneiform tablet of the 7th century BC gives a recipe for the dyeing of wool, where lapis-colored wool (uqnatu) is produced by repeated immersion and airing of the cloth. Indigo was most probably imported fr om India. The Romans used indigo as a pigment for painting and for medicinal and cosmetic purposes. It was a luxury item imported to the Mediterranean from Indi a by Arab merchants. Indigo remained a rare commodity in Europe throughout the M iddle Ages ("Indigo Plant" Encarta 2009). The nearest place to Ru a were this tradition is still being preserved is coinci dently Zaria, a second city that sprung at the same period and originating from another family member of the founder of Ru a which is also named after the found er Zaria, a sister to legendry Queen Amina according to Per. Com. Ahmed Umar 201 2. 5.2 DYE PIT CONSTRUCTION AND INDIGO DYE PRODUCTION Dye pit are still being constructed in the same manner it use to be over a centu ry ago in some places but the only two dye industries Karofi, nown to me in Zaria c ity are no more functioning though there are still very few people who practice the profession in their homes. Than s to cultural imperialism! According to Per. Com. late Alhaji Lawal Ibrahim Na-Zara 2912, who once lived in Anguwan Juma Zaria city, and who though not a professional was yet well acquain ted with the art, the pit, is referred to as; the pot, Tu unyar Rini (dye pot) or Tu u nyar Baabaa (Indigofera pot), the shrub, that ma eup the main ingredient for the p roduction of the dye. To ma e the pot a pit of about 1.7 meters deep is dug, and the inner part of the pit is cemented with what is called Laso. But what is Laso? To now what Laso is, let e with the description of how the dye is made because Laso is a by-product of a dye production and wor s said Per. Com. Alhaji Lawal Ibrahim Na-Zara 2012. To produce dye, the plant Indigofera, called baba, in Hausa language, is obtained an d then cut into pieces. It is then covered with either a mat or a sac , and left for about two wee s to ferment at which it use to be so hot that if a hand is p laced in it, it can get burnt! This is done in order to convert the glycoside in dicant present in the plant to the blue dye indigotin (Nguyen, Huy X 2012). Then a strong base such as pure ash of burnt wood is then added to the precipita te from the fermented Indigofera solution into the dye pit dug earlier and now f illed with water. The mixture is then stirred using stic s to. The stic s are m ade in such a way that a sort of cross are made at end that will be deepen into the mixture for proper mixing. About three strong men usually do the turning. Th e turning is done as the mixture is added. After it is well turned, it is covere

d with stic s and thatch place above the pit and left for about two wee s by whi ch it will be uncovered and turned again until it began to produce a shinning fo rm. The forms it ma es is removed to be made into a special dye called Shiuni drying it in to a powder. The pit is then covered again for two or three more days. At this stage it is ready for use. As time progresses, it began to fades with use, The adhering power is then replaced by adding ash to it and then re-u sed until it finally and completely lost its dye adhesiveness even when the ash i s added (this is in about a year usage depending on the quantity of wor done). The watery part called Dagwalo is then removed. This is said to be medicinal curing sic ness li e smallpox as well as helps both a pregnant mother and her u nborn child. It usually emits a foul smell. The muddy down is also removed and dried, and it is this that is referred to as the Laso used for cementing a new dye pit! It was said that, before the coming of the European cement, that was mix ed with animal hair the Hausa called Gashin Majema removed in the process of tanning animal hides and s in together with another stic y substance called Itacen Dargaz a, in Hausa language, to produced a stronger type of Laso used by the rich and Kings t o cement roofs and walls of their mud houses according to Per. Com. Alhaji Lawal Ibrahim Na-Zara 2012. Indigo dye is an organic compound with a distinctive blue color. Historically, a s demonstrated above indigo was a natural dye extracted from plants, and this pr ocess was important economically because blue dyes were once rare, but nearly al l indigo dye produced today and which is unfortunately replacing the traditional ly produced ones amounting to several thousand tons each year is synthetic (Ngu yen, Huy X 2008). Variety of plants have provided indigo throughout history, but most natural indi go was obtained from those in the genus Indigofera, which are native to the trop ics. The primary commercial indigo species in Asia is Indigofera tinctoria also nown as Indigofera sumatrana, and a common alternative used in the relatively c older subtropical locations such as Japan s Ryu yu Islands and Taiwan is Strobil anthes cusia. In Central and South America the two species Indigofera suffrutico sa (Ail) and Indigofera arrecta (Natal indigo) were the most important. In temper ate climates indigo can also be obtained from Woad (Isatis tinctoria) and dyes n otweed (Polygonum tinctorum), although the Indigofera species yield more dye (Ng uyen, Huy X 2008). It was said that Newton, had once used "indigo" to describe o ne of the two new primary colors he added to the five he had originally named, i n his revised account of the rainbow in Lectiones Opticae of 1675, and because o f its high value as a trading commodity, indigo was often referred to as Blue Go ld (Nguyen, Huy X 2008).

CHAPTER SIX SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION 6.1 SUMMARY The research wor intended to show the archaeological relevance of Ru a abandone d settlement and cafe shelter using both oral tradition and reconnaissance. The wor is subdivided into chapters one to six. The first chapter deals with the reason for the research and the methods employed

, chapter two then deals with the geographical and historical bac ground, these includes climate and weather, soil, drainage and settlement patterns then finall y people and religion. Chapter three on the other hand deals with actual reconnaissance of settlement a nd the location of the cave. In so doing, I briefly tal ed about the aims and ob jectives of the reconnaissance then the site description, then the observable fi nds and features. Chapter four, deals with the classification analysis and interpretations of find s and features while chapter five delve on ethno archaeological survey of dye pi t construction and dye production, then finally, chapter six that ends the wor with the summary, conclusions and recommendations. 6.2 CONCLUSIONS In conducting this archaeological study of Ru a, using the themes of time changi ng and material remain that survived, we have seen how the people that inhabited the site in the past have made choices from earliest time, as they evolves in t o the historical presence, it is therefore hoped that this wor has added nowle dge into the human past by its investigation of the cultural practices of the pe ople through this attempt of the reconstruction of its past. This is only achieved through the survey and documentation of the archae ological evidence that was found at the same time as well as the accessing of th e treat if that pose to it by both man and nature. The research also had shown h ow the people that once lived in Ru a, had in that past interact with nature in order to ma e the site convenient for settlement. This has therefore exposed the archaeological potentials of the area as well as led to the documentation the human past of the area through the use of oral trad ition, ethnographic data collection and in the absence of the any available writ ten document. 6.3 RECOMMENDATION In the process of conducting this research I had become more convince that the t raditional dye production li e iron smelting and cloth weaving is amongst the in digenous technological innovations that the incorporation of Africa into the cap italist fold beginning with the periods of the so called legitimate trade, colon ization, neo-colonialism and now globalization had eventually succeeded in eradi cating because of western machine made substitutes. My recommendation is thus to call on our indigenous entrepreneurs and th e government to selvage this heritage production s ill so as to advance our econ omic interest through what I may call a renaissance of our past glory. We can only progressed by loo ing inwardly and developing what we inherit but al so at the same time exploiting the accumulated nowledge of the time so we can b e able to leap forward because we are far left behind in the race of technologic al advancement. The great sage of our time Karl Marx says that progress and positive change is o nly achieved through internal innovations and contradictions not through externa l influence.

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ublication Vasina, J. (1960). Recording the Oral History of the Ba uba. Journal of History. 1(1)pp.45-53. Amage, J. Traditional iron wor ing in parts of the No culture area; notes and pos ers from the preliminary investigations. "Iron" Encarta 2009 [DVD]. Redmond, WA: Microsoft Corporation, 2008. Schic , Kathy, and Toth, Nicholas. "Stone Age"Encarta 2009 [DVD]. Redmond, WA: Mic rosoft Corporation, 2008. Jochim, Michael A. "Cave Dwellers"Encarta 2009 [DVD]. Redmond, WA: Microsoft Corpo ration, 2008. http://en.wi ipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Indigo dye&oldid=468199276 Magbogbuje, Urbanization in Nigreria. Bentley R.A. et al. Handboo of Archaeological Theories, Rowman &Littlefield pub lishers, Inc. New Yor . Stoc , Robert. "Nigeria" Encarta 2009 [DVD]. Redmond, WA: Microsoft Corporation, 2 008. Toth, Anthony B. "Saudi Arabia" Encarta 2009 [DVD]. Redmond, WA: Microsoft Corpora tion, 2008. "Fortification and Siege Warfare" Encarta 2009 [DVD]. Redmond, WA: Microsoft Corpo ration, 2008. Na-dama G. "The rise and collapse of a Hausa State: A social and political histo ry of Zamfara" a PhD. Thesis, 1977. "Indigo Plant" Encarta 2009 [DVD]. Redmond, WA: Microsoft Corporation, 2008 Nguyen, Huy X. "Dyeing" Encarta 2009 [DVD]. Redmond, WA: Microsoft Corporation, 2008. Charles L. Redman "Processes That Led to Early Urbanism" Encarta 2009 [DVD]. Redmo nd, WA: Microsoft Corporation, 2009 Baird, Robert M. "Analogy" Encarta 2009 [DVD]. Redmond, WA: Microsoft Corporation, 2008. "Pottery" Encarta 2009 [DVD]. Redmond, WA: Microsoft Corporation, 2008 Wright, Donald R. "Atlantic Slave Trade." Encarta 2009 [DVD]. Redmond, WA: Microso ft Corporation, 2008. Smith M.G. "Government in Zazzau 1800-1950" London, 1960

APPENDIX S/N NAME OF INFORMANTS DESIGNATION OCCUPATION AGE SEX 1 ALHAJI LAWAL IBRAHIM NA ZARA NIL FARMER 92 MALE 2 AHMED UMARU (MALAM) A PRINCE OF KIDANDAN BUSSINESSMAN AND FARMER 37 MALE 3 SAHANUNU UMARU MAI DARO (CHIEF OF MAIDARO) TRADITIONAL RULER 32 MALE 4 SALE DAHIRU MAI ANGUWA (DAN SARKIN GAHU) FARMER 85 MALE 5 ZAKARI YA U MUHAMMED SCRIBE TO MAIDARO FARMER 40 MALE 6 ALH. NUHU UMARU KAIGAMAN ZAZZAU FARMER AND TRADITIONAL RULER HAKIMIN (DISTR ICT HEAD OF) KIDANDAN 42 MALE 7 LATE KABIRU DOGARI DOGARI (GUARD) FARMER 54 MALE 8 HAJIYA MAIRO (KANDE) PRINCESS WIDOW 92 FEMALE 9 HAJIYA GWAMMA NIL WIDOW 76 FEMALE 10 SAI LAWAL NIL WIDOW 80 FEMALE 11 HAJIYA JAMILA NIL TAILOR 30 FEMALE

12 GWAGGO MARIYA NIL WIDOW 68 FEMALE 13 HAJIYA FATHIMA YUSUF (BINTA) NIL HOUSE WIFE & PETTY TRADER 54 FEMALE 14 ALH. ABBAS A. FATIKA SARKIN FADAN ZAZZAU TRADITIONAL RULER & CIVI L SERVANT 39 MALE 15 NUHU AHMED GALDIMAN ZAZZAU TRADITIONAL RULER 42 MALE