Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual Foster Parents: Strengths and Challenges for the Child Welfare System

A. Chris Downs and Steven E. James Historically, a shortage of skilled and dedicated foster parents has existed in America. Lesbian, gay, or bisexual (LBG) foster parents have received little attention in the published literature. This article documents the challenges and successes of a group of 60 LGB foster parents. All participants provided foster parenting for public (state or county) agencies. The primary successes of this group included meaningful and gratifying parenting and successful testing of whether adoption might be a natural next step after foster parenting. The primary challenges included insensitive, inappropriate, and difficult social workers; state or local laws that worked against successful foster parenting by LGB adults; failure to recognize parents' partners; and lack of support by the system to acknowledge the important role of LGB parents. Numerous recommendations are identified for improving how LGB foster parents are supported within child welfare systems including foster parent and social worker training in LGB issues.

A. Chris Downes, PhD, is a Developmental Psychologist and Director of Practice Assessments and Web-Based Tools, Casey Family Programs, Seattle, WA. Steven E. James, PhD, is a Clinical Psychologist and Chair, Psychology and Counseling Department, Goddard College, Plainfield, VT. 0009-4021/2006/030281-18 $3.00 2006 Child Welfare League of America 281

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very year, a very large number of children enter the foster care system in the United States. On September 30, 2003, 523,000 youth were in the system. On average, they were 10 years old and stayed 31 months in foster care. Many (46%) were placed with adults who were unrelated to them. A high and disproportionate percentage of them were youth of color: 35% African American and 17% Hispanic. Little change has occurred since 1999 in the numbers, characteristics, or lengths of stay for youth entering care (U.S. Children's Bureau, 2005). Most youth enter foster care because they experience neglect or abuse from their parents (Child Welfare League of America [CWLA], 2005). Foster care systems often compound earlier traumas by placing youth in more than one foster home over time, thus increasing instability. A recent longitudinal study documented that foster home stability is linked with more positive outcomes after exiting foster care. In contrast, placement disruptions lead to less desirable outcomes. Overall, long-term outcomes for foster youth are discouraging because as adults, they experience higher levels of mental health challenges and post-traumatic stress disorder (Pecora, Williams, Kessler, Downs, O'Brien, Hiripi, & Morello, 2003). A chronic and critical shortage of foster homes exists (Rhodes, Orme, Cox, & Buehler, 2003). In 2000, only 174,000 licensed kinship and non-relative foster homes were in the United States (CWLA, 2005). This shortage is fueled by the fact that many families discontinue fostering within the first six months and foster parents often are asked to provide homes for more youth than they deem optimal and eventually burn out (Rhodes et al.). The urgent need for safe, quality foster homes is obvious. Characteristics of adults who are successful foster parents have been documented before. Among these are a deep concern for youth, positive attitudes toward children in need, and good psychological and physical health (Buehler, Cox & Cuddeback, 2003; Tyebjee, 2003). While political, religious, and environmental factors appear unrelated to willingness to provide foster parenting, the sexual orientation of prospective parents may be a

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factor: Gay and lesbian adults show much higher than average interest and willingness to foster and adopt (Tyebjee). Logic would suggest that because LGB adults may be more interested in being foster parents, they would be recruited more actively by public agencies eager to provide safe, welcoming homes. Societal resistance to LGB parents, however, is well documented: Homophobia, political reactivity, and social stereotyping abound (Donovan & Wilson, 2005; Ferrero, Freker, & Foster, 2005; James, 1998; Mclntyre, 1994). A growing and substantial body of evidence indicates that LGB adults are equivalent to heterosexual adults in the quality and aptitude of parenting their own and adoptive children, and that their offspring are as personally and socially successful as children of heterosexual parents (Kurdek, 2004; Patterson, 1992,1996,2003; Patterson & D'Augelli, 1998; Stacey & Biblarz, 2001). Given this evidence and the chronic shortage of adults available for foster parenting, it is ironic that some states still ban foster parenting by LGB adults and other states have considered such bans (Ferrero et al., 2005). Brooks and Goldberg (2001) provide some clarification as to why. They find that a small sample of child welfare workers did not welcome LGB prospects for foster parenting because of the belief that "gay men and lesbians are unfit to raise adopted and foster children" (p. 152). They also report that a small sample of actual and prospective LGB parents felt overscrutinized and overscreened by the system. Ricketts and Achtenberg (1990) provide the only published investigation of lesbian and gay foster parenting. They present case studies that characterize the homophobia and stigmatization in child welfare systems.

Method
To better understand the challenges and successes of LGB foster parents, the authors gathered information from active, not former foster parents. Given the exploratory nature of the study, they formulated no a priori hypotheses, using a structured interview

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protocol that permitted a great deal of latitude in respondents' answ^ers to explore their experiences as foster parents. Sample Recruitment As with most LGB research, drawing a random sample of LGB foster parents was impossible. Consequently, the authors contacted foster parent associations, posted notices at community bulletin boards, made announcements at relevant conferences, and placed printed and Internet-based advertisements in lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning (LGBTQ) media. These methods yielded a large but not random sample; given the exploratory nature of the study, this approach was deemed acceptable. Only those adults with the following characteristics were included in the final sample: Those currently fostering one or more youth, Those w^ho self-identified as LGB, and Those working for a state rather than private agency. These delimiters were used to minimize differences because of compounding variables such as parents who were only adopting versus only fostering, LGB-identified versus straight, and experiences working with a public versus private agencies. Informed Consent and Interview Protocol After prospective participants contacted one of the authors, a phone interview was arranged. One of the authors or one of three associates conducted the interviews. The conversation began with an explicit informed consent that guaranteed all protections outlined by the American Psychological Association, including confidentiality and safeguarding of data. No remuneration was provided for the interview. Institutional Review Board approvals for the informed consent and interview protocol were granted by Goddard College. The 30-minute interview covered demographic characteristics, characteristics of foster youth in care, self-assessments of effectiveness as foster parents, sources of social support, relationships with

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their foster youth's biological kin, satisfaction and challenges with the foster parenting role, legal challenges, personal challenges, and guidance for prospective LGB foster parents. For questions eliciting subjects' own free responses, those responses were recorded exactly and subjected to a two-stage coding and interrater reliability procedure. Specifically, in Stage 1, all recorded responses for each question were submitted to five adult raters who were unaware of the purpose of the investigation. These raters were tasked with coding responses into meaningful categories. In Stage 2, three new adult raters coded all originalrepliesto all questions according to the categories generated in Stage 1. Interrater reliabilities were calculated for the Stage 2 coders for all response sets using an agree divided by agree + disagree formula and ranged from .92 to 1.0. The coding of the responses was deemed reliable.

Results
Sample Characteristics and Demographics A total of 60 adults who were active foster parents for 12 state and 2 county public foster care agencies located in 13 geographically diverse U.S. states participated in the present investigation. Characteristics of the sample are shown in Table 1. Participants came from all major racial groups in the United States and generally were in their 30s and 40s. Two-thirds of participants were partnered. While some of their partners were interviewed, those data were not included with this report to avoid duplicating information on specific foster homes. Participants who were partnered had been so an average of 10 years, with women partnered longer than men. The sample was well educated, with more than 55% possessing a bachelor's degree or completing some graduate work and 21.7% holding a master's degree or doctorate. While 100% of men identified as gay, 83.3% of women identified as lesbian and 16.7% of women identified as bisexual. Unfortunately, because of the small sample size, separately analyzing the subsample of 5 bisexual

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women with the 25 lesbians or 30 gay men was not possible. Casual inspection of the data suggested no obvious differences in replies between the bisexual women and lesbians. This sample included "veteran" foster parents. While national statistics indicate that many foster parents do not continue parenting beyond one year (Rhodes et al., 2003), the current sample had fostered an average of 5.4 years, with women (M = 6.8, range = 1-19 years) showing longer average tenure than men (M = 4.1, range = 1-10 years). Women in the sample (46.7%) also were more likely than men (26.7%) to have parented other children, including biological, adopted, or stepchildren. Characteristics of Foster Youth Participants were asked about the numbers, genders, and ages of foster youth in their homes (Table 2). Generally, women in this sample provided for more youth than men. Both women and men provided care for more male than female youth, whose average age was 7 years, although the range was 1-21 years. When asked if they knew or suspected their youth were LGBTQ-identified, most indicated that their youth either were not gay (51.7%) or probably too young to have identified with a sexual orientation (46.7%). Self-Assessments of Effectiveness Participants were asked to offer a 1 (lowest) to 5 (highest) selfrating of their effectiveness as a foster parent. Both women (M = 4.5) and men (M = 4.5) gave very high self-ratings of foster parenting effectiveness and no one used scores of 1 or 2. When asked about reasons why they believed they were effective, a majority (51.7%) indicated that they were more tolerant of the differences and unique qualities of foster youth. Others (28.3%) indicated they were more honest and open with their foster youth than they believed traditional parents are. Others (16.7%) felt it was because they had actively chosen to foster a child. Women (26.7%), but not men (only 6.7%), believed they were more effective because they had more parent training classes, while men

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TABLE 1
Sample Characteristics

All Participants N Ethnicity Caucasian Hispanic African American Asian American Native American Multi-Ethnic MAge(Yrs) Age Range Percentage Partnered M Years Partnered 60 45.0% 11.6% 26.6% 6.6% 5.0% 5.0% 41.2 28-55 66.6% 10.05

iVIen 30 40.0% 13.3% 30.0% 10.0% 3.3% 3.3% 39.0 28-50 66.6% 8.05

Women 30 50.0% 10.0% 23.3% 3.3% 6.7% 6.7% 43.4 29-55 66.6% 12.05

TABLE 2
Foster Youth/Home Characteristics

Aii Participants M Number of Foster Youth in Home Homes with 1 Youth Homes with 2 Youth Homes with 3 Youth Homes with 4 Youth Homes with 5 Youth Percentage of Male Youth Percentage of Female Youth Average Youth Age (Years) 1.95 48.3% 23.3% 15.0% 11.6% 1.6% 58.0% 42.0% 6.86

iVIen 1.67 50.0% 33.3% 16.7% 0.0% 0.0% 56.6% 43.4% 7.17

Women 2.23 46.7% 13.3% 13.3% 23.3% 3.3% 59.4% 40.6% 6.55

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(30.0%) more often than women (16.7%), believed their communication skills helped make them more effective foster parents. Participants also were asked to talk about reasons that made them feel less effective as foster parents. Most men (63.3%) and a minority of women (36.7%) did not offer any reasons on what made them feel less effective. Among the reasons offered, however, were obstacles inherent in parenting a child of a different gender (16.7% men, 23.3% w^omen) and lack of parenting experience in general (16.7% men, 10.0% women). Sources of Social Support Participants were asked to name their primary sources of social support for their roles as foster parents (Table 3). The largest percentage named friends as their primary source of social support. Sources of social support were somewhat different for men and women, with men more likely to gain support from friends, school, and the community while women were more likely to gain support from friends, family, church, the foster care agency, therapy, and support groups. Both women (90%) and men (93%) indicated that at least one of their sources of support was LGBaffiliated. Relationships with Biological Kin of Foster Youth Participants were asked to characterize their relationships with their foster youth's biological relatives, kin, or homes of origin. Among men, the largest percentage (40%) had no relationship at all with the foster youth's family. Smaller percentages of men characterized their relationship with the birthfamily as hiding their sexual orientation from them (13.3%); as knowing that their sexual orientation made the birthfamily uncomfortable (13.3%); as okay, but inconsistent (16.7%); or as strained (6.7%). Only 10% of men characterized their relationship with the birthfamily as "close." Among women, only 16.7% said they had no relationship at all with the birthfamily. While none of these women characterized their relationship with the birthfamily as hiding their sexual

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TABLE 3
Primary Sources of Sociai Support Source Friends Family Schooi Community Church Partner Co-workers Foster Care Agency Other Foster Families Therapy Support Groups All Participants 68.3% 43.3% 18.3% 16.6% 23.3% 8.3% 18.3% 11.65% 16.6% 10.0% 16.7%

Men
73.3% 40.0% 23.3% 20.0% 16.7% 6.7% 16.7% 3.3% 13.3% 3.3% 6.7%

Women
63.3% 46.7% 13.3% 13.3% 30.0% 10.0% 20.0% 20.0% 20.0% 16.7% 26.7%

orientation, 30% indicated that the fact that they were bisexual or lesbian made the birthfamily uncomfortable. Others characterized their relationship as strained (13.3%), inconsistent (6.7%), or positive but only with specific birthfamily members (6.7%). Many more women than men characterized their relationship with the birthfamily as close (26.7%). Satisfaction and Challenges with the Foster Parenting Role Participants were asked to name the most satisfying aspect and the most difficult aspect of being a foster parent. Both men (50.0%) and women (46.7%) offered statements of satisfaction about watching their foster child grow and develop; these statements often included watching behavioral improvement and intellectual growth. Among men, other aspects of foster parent satisfaction included helping to make a difference in a child's life (20.0%), enjoying the child's happiness (10.0%), taking pride in doing a good job as a foster parent (10.0%), teaching values and moral

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education (6.7%), and seeing the potential in each child (3.3%). Among women, the other aspects of satisfaction included enjoying the child's happiness (16.7%), making a difference in the child's life (16.7%), and taking pride the parenting role (13.3%). Fewer numbers of women cited teaching values and moral education or seeing the potentials in their children (3.3% each). While participants were asked to name only one satisfying aspect of foster parenting, many named a second aspect that often overlapped with those already mentioned. However, 50.0% of men and 33.3% of women made secondary comments about using foster parenting as a means to test out adoption in their future. Clearly, many of these adults were using foster parenting as a means to ensure that adopting a child in the future was appropriate for them. Among women, the more challenging aspects of fostering were spread across six categories: the previous harm done to the child (20.0%), the child's behavior problems (20.0%), uncertainty over the child's future (20.0%), relationship with their foster agency (16.7%), inequalities experienced because of being lesbian or bisexual (13.3%), and labeling of their youth as different because they were in foster care (10.0%). In contrast, men emphasized that dealing with the previous harm done to their children was the most challenging aspect of foster parenting (40.0%). For instance, one man said "seeing the harm that's been inflicted on my child is the hardest part of all." Smaller percentages of men cited the child's behavior problems (10.0%), uncertainty over the child's future (13.3%), relationship with their foster agency (10.0%), inequalities because of being gay (16.7%), or labeling of their foster youth (10.0%). Legal Challenges Participants were asked if they had encountered legal challenges to being or remaining foster parents because of their sexual orientation. A minority of both men (36.7%) and women (30.0%) had experienced such challenges. Among women who had encountered legal challenges, 44.4% had problems associated with the

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original application and subsequent investigation to become a foster parent, while the other 55.6% originally had been denied the right to provide a foster home, but challenged that denial successfully and went on to become foster parents. Among men, none of the legal challenges were connected with the original application and subsequent investigation. Rather, 72.7% had originally been denied the right to foster parent, but legally challenged that denial with success. Other legal challenges included birthfamily protests over the placement of their child with a gay man (18.2%) or agency concerns with placing a youth in a home with two adult men who were partners (9.1%). Personal Challenges Participants were asked whether they had experienced personal challenges in working with the foster care system because of their sexual orientation. Both women (66.7%) and men (63.3%) indicated that they had experienced such challenges. When asked to characterize these challenges, women cited agency discrimination (35.0%) as the chief challenge. Other challenges for women included lack of acceptance by other foster parents (15.0%), failure of others to recognize the partnership (15.0%), complexities of working with the child welfare system (10.0%), the initial coming out process with agency personnel (10%), and having to prove oneself as an exceptional parent because of being lesbian or bisexual (10.0%). Men's primary challenges included agency discrimination (31.6%) and having to prove oneself as an exceptional parent because of being gay (31.6%). Others included lack of acceptance by other foster parents (15.8%), working with the complexities of the welfare system (10.5%), and the coming out process with agency persormel (10.5%). The 36.7% of men and 33.3% of women who indicated that they had not encountered personal challenges associated with the foster care system were asked to speculate why. Women cited self-advocacy and determination (60.0%) as the chief reason. Some

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women said they had had a sympathetic LGB or straight ally social worker (10.0%) or a support group (10.0%). Other women (20.0%) said they had managed well by using a "don't ask, don't tell" approach to the child welfare systemthey did not share their sexual orientation with agency personnel. Men who had not experienced personal challenges also cited self-advocacy (45.4%) as an important reason. They also cited support groups (27.3%) as an important factor. Fewer men indicated that they had a sympathetic social worker (9.1%). Similar to women, about a fifth of men (18.2%) who had not encountered problems with the system had done so by a "don't ask, don't tell" approach. Guidance for Prospective LGB Foster Parents Participants were asked what they would say to a prospective foster parent who was LGB. Women were more likely to tell prospective parents to be prepared for the complexities of the agency and the child welfare system (33.3%), understand that the process can be much harder than one anticipates at the beginning (26.7%), and that despite the fact that there are many youth awaiting placement, the wait may be long and difficult (26.7%). Men also were more likely to tell prospective parents to be prepared for the complexities of the agency and the system (43.3%). But they also emphasized the importance of being clear that fostering is a long-term commitment (33.3%), that it is much harder than one would anticipate (23.3%) and one should be very clear about why one wants to be a parent in the first place (23.3%). Some women and men offered other advice to prospective parents, including knowing their rights and those of their foster youth, insisting that the child welfare system treat LGB foster parents in identical ways as it treats straight foster parents, and trying to forecast the best matches of youth with homes. At the end of the interview, participants were asked if there was anything else they wanted to tell about their foster parenting experience that had not been asked. Among men, 40.0% noted that both child welfare agencies and social workers were badly

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in need of improved LGB sensitivity, and another 40.0% indicated social workers needed better training on working with LGB foster applicants and parents. Another 16.7 % of men indicated they were considering foster parenting for a private agency because of a lack of support from their current public (state or county) agency. Women's responses emphasized the importance of changing the system itself (33.3%) to improve the ways it attracts, screens, and retains qualified LGB adults. Another 30.0% of women indicated they had seriously considered foster parenting for a private agency because the public one had not been supportive enough.

Discussion
The failure rate for first-time foster parents is appalling, with many not lasting six months (CWLA, 2005). Often the reasons are that prospective foster adults do not fully understand the rigors of fostering, are overwhelmed by the complexities of the child welfare system, or consider fostering for the wrong reasons (e.g., financial gain). In contrast, characteristics of successful foster parents have been documented and include a deep concern for positive youth development, healthy attitudes toward children, good psychological and physical health, and a solid understanding of the history and unique characteristics a foster youth brings (Buehler et al., 2003; Tyebjee, 2003). While the participants in the present investigation did not complete a diagnostic inventory, they did offer very clear selfassessments that indicated that they were effective because of the factors that make adults good foster parents in the tirst place. With an average of Hve years of foster parenting at the time of the interview, these were "veteran" foster parents. Relationships with the biological kin of foster youth were similar to those reported elsewhere in the literature (e.g., Haugaard & Hazen, 2002) except for one very prominent factor: the minority sexual orientation (LGB) of the foster parents. Nearly 27% of

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men and 30% of women said their sexual orientation was a concern to the birthfamily. Foster parents' relationships with the child's birthparents can affect the child's long-term behavioral and developmental success, especially with respect to attachment issues (Haugaard & Hazen, 2002). Birthparent concerns over the foster parents' sexual orientation must be better managed for the welfare of the foster child, the foster parents, and the relationship between the child and his or her birthfamily. Helping birthfamilies to understand the value of positive parenting experiences in LGB foster homes can reduce the tensions between these families and their children, who have enjoyed such experiences. The areas where the present participants believed they were less effective foster parents had to do with fostering a child of a different gender and with a lack of general parenting experience. These could ultimately be factors leading to placement disruption. Ongoing support and training to undergird good youth-parent matches is a primary key to long-term foster parent success (Redding, Fried, & Britner, 2000). Child welfare workers should consider bolstering existing foster parent training to cover these areas, with special sensitivity to the issues facing qualitied LGB foster parents. Earlier evidence with very small samples (Brooks & Goldberg, 2001; Ricketts & Achtenberg, 1990) indicates that child welfare systems and social workers within those systems are very homophobic and stigmatizing of LGB adults. The present investigation supports and extends those findings. Although only a minority of participants had encountered legal challenges to foster parenting, these challenges were significant and involved denial of fostering because of being LGB. One parent said "the biggest barrier we had was waiting for a placement because of our sexual orientation. We waited and waited and waited! No straight parent we knew had to wait for their placement." While only a minority of the sample had encountered actual legal challenges, many of them had encountered agency discrimination, failure to recognize their partnerships, and having to come out to the agency. Numerous participants also said they had to prove

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themselves as exceptional parents. As one foster parent put it, "I'll never be June Cleaver and that's who they expected me to be!" Sadly, among those who had not encountered personal challenges, 20% of women and 18% of men said they had avoided challenges with the child welfare system by hiding their sexual orientation. In one poignant instance, a lesbian participant reported that every time she knew that the social worker was coming for a visit, her partner retreated to a trailer parked at the back of their property. This action was to avoid termination of their foster placement, a placement the social worker characterized as "stellar." While a possibly successful coping strategy, the fact some parents had to hide is disappointing and troubling. It also sends the wrong message from the agency to children in such homes:
We value this home enough to praise the care you receive here, but we treat these foster parents in ways that threaten and demean them.

The present investigation suggests that LGB men and women may differ in the numbers of youth they foster, with men providing for no more than three at a time and w^omen providing for up to five. This finding may be because of the fact that the women in this sample were far more likely than the men to have parented other children already, and they may have gained comfort or confidence in parenting. The reasons why the present sample was more likely to provide care for male children is unclear. Race or ethnicity of the youth and the overrepresentation of youth, especially boys, of color in the child welfare system may be a factor. Unfortunately, the authors did not ask for the race of the foster youth to assess this possibility. The child welfare system is not a friendly or welcoming place for many prospective or active LGB foster parents. A participant noting a positive or welcoming social worker was rare. One put it like this, "straight families don't have to work as hard. They're handed a kid. But with a gay couple, whoa, here comes the inquisition!" Foster parent screening, training, and retention practices that are LGB-affirmative and inclusive are in the best interests of foster children and the public child welfare agencies that serve them.

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The fact that 17% of men and 30% of women in the present, foster parent veteran sample were strongly considering moving from the public to a private agency underscores the need for public agencies to change the way they attract, train, and retain both LGB and straight foster parents. One parent said, "The people in the state system are sick, the system is sick, and I don't know how they'll fix it. A private agency can do better." Only when the public systems change will larger numbers of prospective LGB adults come forward to share the challenges of foster parenting. Their involvement also may be a promising avenue for larger numbers of adoptions, given the finding that almost half of the present sample indicated that one of their motives in fostering was to "try out" parenting, for adoption in the future. Future research should directly compare LGB adults who are successful foster parents with those who discontinue fostering. Research also should directly compare the experiences of LGB foster parents with straight foster parents to detect whether the findings on LGB parents in general (Patterson, 1996) extend also to LGB foster parents. Given that many women in this sample believed they were more effective because they had sought out more parent training classes suggests that access to and completion of training should be a variable in any research comparing different types of parents. Another area for future research is the contention of the participants that they believed they were more effective because they understood foster youths better and were more honest and open with their foster youths because they are members of a sexual minority. One basic question in this area of inquiry is this: Can a gay, lesbian, or bisexual adult be a good foster parent? The longevity of the current participants and their responses suggest that the answer is a solid "yes." Later research, however, should include third party perspectives from the youth in those foster parents' homes, their social workers, and perhaps from agency representatives. Only then will the positive self-assessments found here receive confirmatory evidence.

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In the meantime, what is clear from this study and those cited here is that LGB foster parents, well-trained and well-supported, offer agencies in need of new foster homes an opportunity to better fulfill the promise they make to their communities and the children in need of such positive parenting experiences. Such LGB foster parents also offer the children placed with them the opportunity to see how people who are not members of the majority can succeed in the face of discrimination and prejudice, even official oppression, with love, dignity, and resilience. These lessons should be encouraged, expanded, and explored as more and more LGB foster parents enter the foster care system.

References
Brooks, D., & Goldberg, S. (2001). Gay and lesbian adoptive and foster care placements: Can they meet the needs of waiting children? Social Work, 46(2), 147-157. Buehler, C, Cox, M. E., & Cuddeback, G. (2003). Foster parents' perceptions of factors that promote or inhibit successful fostering. Qualitative Social Work, 2(1), 61-83. Child Welfare League of America. (2005). Quick facts about foster care. Accessed July 13, 2005, at www.cwla.org/programs/fostercare/factsheet.htm. Donovan, C, & Wilson, A. R. (2005). New parenting: Opportunities and challenges. Sexualities, 8(2), 131-136. Ferrero, E., Freker, J., & Foster, T. (2005). Too high a price: The case against restricting gay parenting. New York: American Civil Liberties Union. Haugaard, J., & Hazen, C. (2002). Foster parenting. In M. H. Bornstein (Ed.), Handbook of parenting. Vol. 1: Children and parenting (2nd ed.) (pp. 313-327). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. James, S. E. (1998). Fulfilling the promise: Community response to the needs of sexual minority youth and families. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 6S(3), 447-454. Kurdek, L. A. (2004). Are gay and lesbian cohabiting couples really different from heterosexual married couples? Journal of Marriage & Family, 66(4), 880-900. Mallon, G. P. (2005). Gay men choosing parenthood. New York: Columbia University Press.

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Mclntyre, D. H. (1994). Gay parents and child custody: A struggle under the legal system. Mediation Quarterly, 12(2), 135-149. Patterson, C. J. (1992). Children of lesbian and gay parents. Child Development, 63,1025-1042. Patterson, C. J. (1996). Lesbian and gay parents and their children. In R. C. Savin-Williams & K. M. Cohen (Eds.). The lives of lesbians, gays, and bisexuals: Children to adults (pp. 274-304). Orlando, FL: Harcourt Brace College Publishers. Patterson, C. J. (2003). Children of lesbian and gay parents. In L. D. Garnets & D. C. Kimmel (Eds.). Psychological perspectives on lesbian, gay, and bisexual experiences (2nd ed.) (pp. 497-548). New York: Columbia University Press. Patterson, C. J., & D'Augelli, A. R. (Eds.). (1998). Lesbian, gay, and bisexual identities in families: Psychological perspectives. New York: Oxford University Press. Pecora, P. J., Williams, J., Kessler, R. J., Downs, A. C, O'Brien, K., Hiripi, E., & Morello, S. (2003). Assessing the effects of foster care: Early results from the Casey national alumni study. Seattle, WA: Casey Family Programs. Redding, R. E., Fried, C, & Britner, P. A. (2000). Predictors of placement outcomes in treatment foster care: Implications for foster parent selection and service delivery. Journal of Child & Family Studies, 9(4), 425-447. Rhodes, K., W., Orme, J. G., Cox, M. E., & Buehler, C. (2003). Foster family resources, psychosocial functioning, and retention. Social Work Research, 27(3), 135-150. Ricketts, W. (1991). Lesbians and gay men as foster parents. Portland, ME: University of Southem Maine. Ricketts, W, & Achtenberg, R. A. (1987). The adoptive and foster gay and lesbian parent.In F. W. Bozett (Ed.), Gay and lesbian parents (pp. 89-111). New York: Praeger Press. Ricketts, W., & Achtenberg, R. A. (1990). Adoption and foster parenting for lesbians and gay men: Creating new traditions in family. Marriage and Family Review, 14(3/4), 3-118. Stacey, J. & Biblarz, T. J. (2001). Does the sexual orientation of parents matter? American Sociological Review, 66,159-183. Tyebjee, T. (2003). Attitude, interest, and motivation for adoption and foster care. Child Welfare, 82(6), 685-706. U.S. Children's Bureau, (2005). AFCARS Report #10. Washington, DC: Adoption and Foster Care Analysis and Reporting System (AFCARS) Accessed July 14, 2005, at www.acf.hhs.gov / programs / cb / publications / afcars / reportl0.htm