Irish Historical Studies Publications Ltd

Rowland White's 'Discors Touching Ireland', c. 1569 Author(s): Nicholas Canny Source: Irish Historical Studies, Vol. 20, No. 80 (Sep., 1977), pp. 439-463 Published by: Irish Historical Studies Publications Ltd Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30006692 Accessed: 17/11/2010 20:50
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XXXIV ROWLAND WHITE'S 'DISCORS

TOUCHING IRELAND', c. 1569

INTRODUCTIO N
1571, but it was probably composed some years previously, and almost certainly before the Irish parliament of 1569-7I had assembled. It is transcribed from a copy, bearing the name of Secretary Thomas Wilson, which survives among the State Papers, Ireland in the
Public Record Office, London (S.P. 63, vol. 31, no. 32, ff 73-117). The

his selected document was forwarded to Sir William Cecil in March

piece is considered worthy of presentation because it is the most comprehensive analysis of the social and political condition of sixteenth century Ireland made by an Irish-born contemporary; because it indicates how the author's perception of the world differed from that of the majority of Englishmen who commented on Ireland; and because it can be established that White's opinions were shared by other articulate people within the Pale. The document, which is disposed of in nine lines in the Calendarof state papers Ireland, 1509-73, also serves to illustrate how grossly inadequate is that series for the sixteenth century.1 The 'Discors' itself is testimony to the fact that Rowland White was an educated man, but the absence of classical allusions suggests that, unlike Edward Walshe2 and Richard Stanihurst, he had not attended a grammar school. The facts that are available show that White led an unusually varied career, and his observations can be taken as based principally upon practical experience. White always considered the interests of the New English to be identical with those of the merchants, officeholders and gentry of the Pale, and he saw his special role to be that of harmonising the views of these groups. 'Cal. S.P. Ire., 1509-73 p. 440. 2'Edward Walshe's "Conjectures" concerning the state of Ireland 439

[1552]', ed. D. B. Quinn, in I.H.S., v, no. 20o (Sept. 1947), pp 303-22.

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Rowland White was the son of Baron White of the Dufferin in northeast Ulster which, down to the early sixteenth century, was an outlying part of the Pale, threatened equally by Scottish intrusion and Gaelic Irish resurgence.3 His experience there would explain his bitter hostility towards, and intimate knowledge of, Gaelic institutional life, while the inability of the Whites to maintain their foothold was probably responsible for Rowland's shrill calls upon the English government to assist in the social reformation of Ireland. White never lost hope of recovering the Dufferin, but he seems to have transferred his interest to Dublin by the 1540s, when there is mention of his concern over pirates who had appeared off Lambay and Howth head.4 This suggests that he had already, by I548, become involved with trade, his entry into which was seemingly made possible by his marriage to a daughter of Sir John Rawson, an English-born soldier and pensioner of the crown.5 This match, it was alleged, brought White 'gret substance . . . whereby he came of great credit bothe in Spane, France and Flanders'.6 Involvement in the Flanders trade was exceptional for a Dublin merchant, but there White made the acquaintance of Sir Thomas Gresham who introduced him to the London merchant community where he became a member of the Mercers' Company.' This period of prosperity ended as suddenly as it had begun, and 'fortune brought him down by seas and otherwayes' until he spent three years as a debtor in Ludgate.8 The knowledge of trade and manufacturing which White displayed in his treatise probably owes much to this phase of his career, and his breadth of vision possibly resulted from his foreign exploits. His setback in trade may explain why White renewed his claim to the Dufferin. In I567 he sought to interest English merchants and manu3D. B. Quinn, 'Anglo-Irish Ulster in the early sixteenth century' in BelfastNatur. Hist. Soc. Proc. (I933-4), PP 56-78; the details on White's career come from John Denton to Cecil, I6 Jan. 1567 (P.R.O., S.P. 63,

John Denton' (B.L., Cotton MS Titus B xii, 4-I1 ). I wish to thank Mr CiarAn Brady for drawing my attention to the second document. 4John Goldsmyth to Bellingham, 22 Aug. 1548 (Cal. S.P. Ire., 1509-73, p. 86). 5Brendan Bradshaw, The dissolutionof the religiousordersin Ireland
under Henry VIII (Cambridge,

vol. 20, no. I I, i), and 'The generall services by sea and land . . . by

note 3, f 9.

6Denton to Cecil as in note 3. 7'The generall services by sea and land . . . by John Denton', as in 8Denton to Cecil as in note 3-

I974), pp 28-9, 89-91;

122-3.

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facturers in the timber resources of the region, and it is possible that he was involved in the efforts then afoot to introduce colonies of Englishmen to north-east Ulster since he seems to have been resident there in 157o.9 White also sought to recoup his fortune in mining, in which he displayed an interest throughout his life.

The courseof White'scareerwasdivertedin waysotherthaneconomic for was probablyresponsible his marriage.His wife or father-in-law by and he appearsto have been a conhis joining the establishedchurch, vinced protestant and not a mere conformer; duringQueen Mary's of reign he was 'as well knowen as susspected'to be 'a professor the gospell'.'0 Another bequest of his marriagewas the 'innumerablebokes and monuments'whichJohn Rawsonhad accumulated,and these provided White with 'the knowledgeof the stat of this countrie'which servedhim well when writingon the 'refformacion the same'." White composed of four treatisesin all, and the present,which was his last, is the only one which has so far been identified.His first two, seeminglywrittenin the early i550s, were addressed respectively to John Dudley, duke of and to Sir William Cecil. Neither was then sent to Northumberland, England, and the third, which was composed during Queen Mary's by reign, was suppressed White himselfwho 'fearedbelike ratherto be forcedto denie his conscience'.These three workstreated of 'the numof ber of plowes and plowe lands in Ireland';the disposition the 'Irish 'to nacions'with a prescription preventthere naturalemalice and disof obedienceto the crowneof England';the commodities the country,and adviceon fortifying mostknowenrivers'to facilitatethe collectionof 'the customs. All three documents were forwardedto Cecil in January 1567,and they seem to have arousedhis interestsince he requestedtheir author to visit him in England. Accident preventedWhite from then acceptingthe invitation,but we can safely assumethat the writing of his 'DiscorstouchingIreland'was promptedby Cecil'sinterest,and the into of description his earlierworksindicatesthat they were incorporated his final treatise.The 'Discors'howeverhas a dimension,which seems not to have been included in the others, where White obliquely states with the reformprogramme which had recentlybeen his disagreement
9Thomas Lancaster to Leicester, 5 Mar. I566 (P.R.O., S.P. 63, vol. 16, no. 45); John Denton to Cecil, i6 Jan. 1567 (P.R.O., S.P. 63, vol. 20o,nos i i and i I, i); Rowland White to Burghley, 23 Mar., 1571 (P.R.O., S.P. 63, vol. 31, no. 31). 10Denton to Cecil, as in note 3x"Ibid.
E

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launched by Lord Deputy Sir Henry Sidney and his adherents in Ireland.12 White was again invited to England in April 1571, and in the following year, having first forwarded his 'Discors', he himself went to London where he renewed acquaintance with his friends Sir Thomas Gresham and Sir Lionel Duckett, who indicated their respect for him by addressing him as father. White had also hoped to meet Cecil, by then Lord Burghley, the earl of Sussex and Sir George Stanley, but he was frustrated in this because of their absence on a royal progress. Sir Thomas Smith, who had recently been engaged upon the plantation attempt in the Ards, had his brother consult with White in London, and this brother together with White's son, John, followed the progress to make contact with Burghley. In the meantime Rowland White succumbed to plague in London and died at Michaelmas in 1572 without ever having had an opportunity to meet Burghley. The notes and papers which Rowland had brought with him from Ireland were subsequently forwarded to the lord treasurer.13 On his death John White, his son and heir, was
appointed ward to Sir Thomas Smith with 'the intention . . . to wyne

the Ards and Duffer to affynitie as they are in vicinitie'.,4 White's 'Discors' seems to have been valued by all who then had a business or colonising interest in Ireland and several copies are likely to have been made of it. The document speaks for itself, but it remains to establish the point, made at the outset, that White's views and assumptions were representative. His depicting the Gaelic system as barbaric was a commonplace among all elements of the Anglo-Irish, even the great feudal lords, but his assumption that the common people in provincial Ireland were inclined towards civility, and would cling to it if guaranteed security in their property, was peculiar to the dominant element in the coastal areas of the Pale.1s When arguing that insecurity in their possessions was also the principal explanation of the depravity of the ruling element in Gaelic Ireland, White was merely reiterating the assumption behind the policy of surrender and regrant which was 12Ibid, and Denton to Cecil, 16 Jan. 1567 (P.R.O., S.P. 63, vol. 20, no. I1); on Sidney's programme see Nicholas Canny, The Elizabethan 1565-76 (Hassocks, 1976), IPP45-65conquest Ireland:a pattern established, of 13 'The generall services by sea and land .. .by John Denton', as in note 3, ff8v-9r. 14NicholasWhite to Burghley, io May 1573 (P.R.O., S.P. 63, vol. 40,
v, no.

no. 31).

'SSee, for example, 'Edward Walshe's "Conjectures" ' in I.H.S.,

20

(Sept. 1947), PP 318-19.

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favoured by the Palesmen for the reform of the country.16 William Birmingham, from County Meath, also considered possessive individualism to be the key to any reform programme: 'There is no such mean to conquer an Irish man', wrote Bermingham in I563, as to bringe him to riches and cyvilyte, for then the feare for the losses of his goods and the spoylinge of his followers is such a terror unto him. Yea his veary followers will cut his thrott rather then they will suffer ther owne distruction17. The merchants of the Pale would certainly have endorsed White's assumption that towns, trade and manufacturing were the symbols of a properly ordered commonwealth, and much of the legislation suggested by White was enacted in Sidney's parliament of 1569-71.18 This, incidentally, implies that the merchant community, whose representatives supported Sidney in parliament, still exerted considerable influence over the drafting of bills dealing with trade and industry. White also echoed the sentiments of the merchants and gentry of the Pale when he supported the continuance of an English lord deputy; when he advanced the notion of a 'generall reformacion' of the country through the extension of English law, education and religion to the Gaelic Irish; when he advocated the intensive settlement of the outlying parts of the Pale; and when he called for the introduction of English ploughmen as tenants under the existing proprietors in Ireland."1 The provincial presidency scheme was also generally favoured in the Pale, although White seems to have been unique in recommending Englishmen to serve as presidents, sheriffs, and provost-marshals in the provinces. He was extremely cautious on this issue, however, and favoured for office only those of 'notable credit and worthynes there' who were 'vertuous and learned, suche as feare God, and are hable to instructe from tyme to tyme'. Furthermore he described the two existing presidents as 'dissorderly'.20 White's outlook was, therefore, a representative one. Those who were dominant in Counties Dublin and Meath preferred Englishmen '6Brendan Bradshaw, 'The beginnings of modern Ireland' in The Irish parliamentary tradition,ed. Brian Farrell (Dublin, 1973), pp 68-87. "Bermingham's memorial of advices for the government of Ireland,
24

1sVictor Treadwell, 'The Irish parliament of 1560-71' in R.LA. Proc., sect. c, lxv (i966), pp 55-89; Nicholas Canny, The Elizabethanconquest
of Ireland, pp

Sept. 1563 (P.R.O., S.P. 63, vol. 9, no. 27)-

19Nicholas Canny, The formation of the Old English Clite in Ireland (O'Donnell lecture, Dublin, 1975), PP 9-1520White's'Discors', ff looV, 0o5v.

140-2.

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to Anglo-Irish lords as governors; they were ready to accept into their confidence English officials who accepted and endorsed their views, and some were ready to follow the dictates of the English government to join the established church.21 Their principal concern was that English

officialsshouldbe guided by them in formulating policy, and White was

following a well-established tradition when he criticised the actions of the government in Ireland. His objection was, however, more fundamental than any which had previously been voiced, since he questioned the philosophy behind the schemes advanced by such as Edmund Tremayne, the mouthpiece of Sidney.22 White could comprehend that some of the New English should think that the Gaelic Irish were so steeped in barbarism 'that to alter their old demeanors semeth in maner a vehement suppression of their naturall inclynacions, as it weare the forcynge of a new nature in them', but he was convinced that this was a mistaken view. He was still satisfied that education could reform them: 'neither olde, nor yonge, wilfull nor ignorante ... but maie be refourmed by theis appearances'. His 'Discors' was built around this fundamental theme, and White thus introduced a new dimension to the debate on how Ireland should be reformed. That his stand was a popular one in the Pale is suggested by the subsequent endorsement of his argument by Richard Stanihurst.23 In a sense White is the only writer who spelled out the implications of implementing the surrender and regrant programme, and since that was the Palesmen's most cherished scheme his 'Discors' can certainly be taken as a representative document. Perhaps the most tantalising point is that White cited the 'profe of other contreis in almoost as saulvage sort'24 in support of his views, which suggests that he recognised that the debate in which he engaged was a universal one, and that the issues were the same as those debated in I55o-5I at Valladolid. For this alone Rowland White's 'Discors touching Ireland' deserves to be rescued from obscurity. The text is clearly written in secretary hand, and presents no technical problem. The tract was originally bound, and the title appears on the cover; the document had independent pagination but the folio numbers presented here are those of the State Paper volume. The 'Discors' ends on f. Io5v, and is followed (ff Io6-9) by a synopsis and by details of the 21Nicholas Canny, The formation of the Old English elite, pp 28-9. *2Edmund Tremayne, 'Notes and proposition for the reformation of Ireland as the substance of his lordship's own speeches brought together and written down' (P.R.O., S.P. 63, vol. 32, no. 66). 23White's 'Discors', ff 1oo, 77; Nicholas Canny, Theformationof the Old English elite, pp 26-8. "White's 'Discors', f. 76v.

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costs involved (ff 109-I7), but these have not been reproduced because they are repetitious. The document does not bear White's signature, which proves that it is a copy. Pressureon space does not permit the presentation of the document in its entirety, but summarising (distinguished from White's text by being numbered within square brackets) has been confined to those passages which seem least vital to the philosophical base of the discourse. The spelling and use of capitals are reproduced as in the original, but contractions have been silently expanded, the punctuation has been modernised where necessary to help the sense, excessively long sections have been broken up into paragraphs, and headings have been set in a standardised form. The title 'Discors touching Ireland' appears on what was originally the outside cover of White's treatise. The transcript of this crown-copyright document appears by permission of the controller of H.M. Stationery Office.
NICHOLAS CANNY

TEXT
[P.R.O., S.P. 63, vol. 31, no. 32, ff 73-117]

[f. 73]

ACTS AND ORDERS FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF IRELAND AND THE REFORMATION THEREOF

[f. 75] To the right honorable Sir William Cecill knighte principall secretarie to the Quenes Majestie and of her highnes moost honorable prevy Counsell: Rowland Whyte his humble orator wisheth encrease of honor in the favor of god for the furtherance

of his glorye

Consideringe honorable sir the dutie of everie true christen subject is not onelie dischardged in usinge outwarde obedience towardes his soveraigne but also in covetinge, sekinge, shewinge, and faithfullie fulfillinge to his uttermoost power whatsoever mighte sounde to the open settinge forthe of gods glorie, the honor and welthe of his prince, and the comon proffet of his people whereof his enformacion mighte any wise geve lighte or his care and studie understandinge. Althoughe for me, one of the meanest to enterprise the devisinge of any suche godlie reformable direction wherein the same might be encreased, semeth a matter of more prudencey, then my symple knowledge and slender discresion is able to reache unto: yet beinge faithfullie desirous to utter and shewe my self to my power, as the respects aforesaid hathe bounde me, good advisemente biddes me boldlie presente to your honor my poore opynyon, trustinge your honor will not onelie accepte my service therein, but also (beinge once perused) move the quenes Majestie towchinge the same, in suche sorte, as throughe your honors forwardnes, and favour thereunto: It maie please her highnes of godes providence to determyne the meanynge hereof, by a more parfection, as the Lordes will in the conferred wysdomes of her Majestie and counsell shall illumynate their discresions to do upon due skannynge of their contents fullie to be accomplished. Wherefore seinge nowe is a tyme of tranquyllitie (praysed be God) wherein her highnes is neyther troubled with forreyn warres, nor interiour comocions whereby thordenancs of cyvill policies mighte be the lesse loked unto. And that also as it hath pleased the celestiall governor to geve her Majestie the right and worthie governance of thimperiall crowne of Englande. So yf her highness mighte therewithall enter as a stronge puyssante princess by a vertuous victorie quietlie into the won harts of her subjects throughe all Irelande accordinglie. It weare the greatest glorie to God, the highest honor to her Majesty the moost proffit to her crowne and unyversall comynaltie that ever colde be wroughte (in my judgemente) for the joynte helpe and utilitie of the realmes aforesaide: I have therefore (as it weare to wyshe the preparacion thereof) taken here in hande to treate of the reformacon of Irelande beinge a poore subjecte of the same borne, whereby some thinge the better I understande and perceyve the state of the Lande bothe what are thinormyties, and (by the experience of other realmes)
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what mighte be the remedies of likelihood: and the rather [f. 75V] (as the truthe is) because I have occupied my mynde in the searche thereof longe sithens, as one that alwaies desired the prosperitie of my naturall contrie with obedience to the crowne of Englande as apperteynynge so that aswell by markinge, as by ymagynynge in castinge one cause with an other agreinge with gods moost holie worde, the incedents dailie declare to me on this proporcon the onelie reformacion to reste. Whiche worke I am the boulder to your honor for that it towcheth the weightie service of her highnes wherein the profe of your godlie procedings and favor to the furtherance of the comonwelthe comfortablie perswadeth me to offer it into your honors hands as apperteynynge to youe in that regarde. The settinge forward whereof, as it is the notabalest service that maie be to the crowne of England so it is most worthie of memorie and countynewall consideracions. And since your honor maie so accomodate the thinge, that it shall take effecte the soner it semeth this tyme hath speciallie chosen you hereunto for the greate benefyte of her Majestie and successours and countynewall comfort to your honor and posteritie forever. To thintente therefore your honor maie have the better occasion by a playne present viewe of the said lande here brefelie towched to tender the furtherance thereof. It maie like you this to consider. The Realme of Irelande beinge a region that althoughe it be as frutefull a country as lightlie any other contrey in both of wood, water grasse and come grounde with all other delectable pleasures to the earthe water and ayre comonlie belonginge, besids inestymable treasures within the grounde of sondrie kindes so that in effecte no thinge wanteth profitable in one place, or soyle, that an other largely fulfilleth not, so richelie scytuate, and bewtefied with vaynes of all comodities plentifullie springinge, and of such pleasante prospect withall, that lightlie (for the quantetie) earth can geve no greater fartilitie naturall in many places is almoost desolate and waste by the idlenes and disobedience of the people, so as the greatest sorte in maner lyvinge under no lawe be saulvage and their contreys fruteles throughe the same by which means the Quenes Majesties regall duties are verie skante and they them selves naked in all cyvill welth and abilitie, as men more brute than reasonable. Where her highness is nowe greatlie chardged with the stayinge thereof not onelie consumynge her whole revenewe there, but also her gracs treasure out of England ordenarelie, losing her highnes subjects and souldiours [f. 76] still, and yet the contrey never broughteto quiet civilitie: neither the correction of one fearinge an other from offendinge, nor yet the subjection of some procuringe the rest to obedience, but that under pretence thereof, (as far as the libertie of their uncertayne civilities shall upon any wilfull occasion provoke them) they of the Irishrye maie and do dailie stirre outragiouslie to the doble detrymente of her Majestie and thinglishe pale everie waie whereby appereth planielie the remedie of this parcell [partial] redresse, assurithe but small subjection certaynelie. By the generall reformacion of the saide realme all this maie be halpen whereof the chardges in full parfitinge the whole contrey and

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like staie of the same ever after male be borne, so as her Majestie shall not onelie be dischardged thereof reservinge her graces revenues to her cofers yearelie, and encreasinge the same asmuche as maie growe of the cyvill inhabytinge the grounds nowe waste, or rawlie inhabyted belonginge or that hereafter shall belonge to her highnes But also gayne and augmente thereby wardships, tenures, teritories with other comodities certayne by waie of civility besides all casualties appropriate to her crowne as speciallie and as dulie, as the same are had and accustomed in England which now throughe wante of suche reformacion are wantinge also or litle worthe at all to her Majestie. Furthermore generall reformacon weare the waie to wynne the subjects to the knowledge of almightye god, by thorders here provided cawsinge them obedientlie to use them selves orderlike towardes her Majestie, as in all other realmes of cyvilitie thorder is. And therewith all (throughe knowledge and experience of true christen conversacion mutuallie, to leane unto all suche lawdable customes, practises and usages, as godlie cyvylitie bringeth in, makinge the whole realme in short tyme, comparable to other cyvill countries in welth, quyetnes and ryches springinge so an universall felicitie more and more encreasinge amongest them that when the bodie of the Lande is once fulfilled with inhabitoures forreyn merchandise shalbe as usuallie traded thether, as lightly to any other contrey by reason of the many and good havens [f. 76v] belonginge to the same so that there maie be suche store of all thinges betwene England and Ireland (and speciallie of the fruites and comodities of the self contreis growthes) that no skarsetie can chaunse to thone, but thother male helpe it. Then the contrey prosperinge in this wise idlenes wilbe had in hatred as utter enemye to the comon welthe by thappoyntmente folowinge, so narowlie oversene that none (able to work wantinge lyvinge) but shalbe dryven to geve their bodies to travell to some service or honest exercise voluntarilie. For when the lawe shall threaten punyshmente and deathe to thoffendours assuringe the laborsome and weldoers quietlie to enjoye their owne (as is mente) then the let of the saulvage lyfe shall enforce men to cyvilitie, whereof the swetenes once felte every where amongest the people, the rote of unrule can then growe no longer, and so shall prosperitie springe. This must come of common justice, and straight orders, the quenes Majestie beinge the strongest in civill strength thoroughe the whole lande, as followeth afterwarde, whereby her highnes maie be hable to chastice the people at her pleasure, as the Master of the famylie his howshold without chardge or disquietnes kepinge the contrey thoroughlie in a mercifull order of due obedience moost fitt for the proffit of her grace and her realme whereunto it is to be supposed they willbe the rather inclynable, because they shall in so doinge obteyne greate welthe, quyetnes and estymacion where nowe is muche myserie, disquyetnes and adversitie (in respecte of any lawdable order of lyvinge) they leade their lyves. But yf some wolde saie they are so naturallie rooted therein, that to aulter their condicions semeth impossible. The profe of other contreis in almoost as saulvage sort denyes that argumente: Therefore

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sins they be men reasonable (as no doubte they are in felinge though not in folowinge) where hitherto lackinge the lawe they colde not lawfullie lyve, everie man sekinge as lawlesse libertie as an other for the best certentie to hymself when that shalbe foredone and geven them in choise whether in folowinge the law they will take prosperitie, favour and lyfe, or by forsakinge the same susteyne displeasure [f.77] penurie and deathe: Trulie it is to be thoughte there is verie fewe but will soner seke welthe, then woe, and rest then troble howe longe soever they have lyved otherwise or haunted the contrarie yea and in those whose yeres be almoost paste, the harme is the lesse, because they are weaxinge aweywarde. Then for the youthe and infancye whiche yet be flexible, to all facions, the olde saying is to be remembered ascrybynge the maner of the man rather to his educacion then to his naturall disposicion, and that is moost true by proveable credit daily so as neither olde, nor yonge, wilfull nor ignorante (theappoyntment followinge considered) but maie be refourmed by theis appearances. Wherefore seinge suche comodytie standes thereon as aforesaid whereof the renowne (consideringe the longe tyme theis people have lyved so farre from the feare and knowledge of god, and their prince, as they and their forefathers have done) wolde be so honorable to her Majestie, and the dede so acceptable in goddes sighte it is to be faithfullie desired of all her highnes subjects that it may please her grace to perfourme the same: which being once brought to passe, then hath her Majestie assured her self such a treasure of her owne, as moost certenlie and necessarelie belongeth to her supremacye which is (in fewe) the harts of her people, the surest strength and wealth of her kingdome chaunginge warre into peace, chardges to gayne, disobedience to parfect subjecton, skarsenes to plentie: Feblenes to strengthe, uncertaynetie to assurans, and in sume vice to vertue fynallie parfitinge such a godlie concorde in the said subjects towardes her Majestie their soveraigne leige Ladie, that goddes glorie shalbe muche magnefied by the same. So that in this earthe cannot be a more joyfull matter for her highnes to procede in consideringe that where none of her gracious progenytours ever had the realme of Irelande in a thoroughe civilitie, her Majestie maie see the same prosper and florishe of her verie speciall worke appoyntmente yea and (by the helpe of God) in her owne tyme so parfyted that both her Majestie and successors maie enjoye it as a frutefull jewell and assured strength forever. The devise hereof, sheweinge the likely assurance [f. 77v] to come alwaies hereafter whereof thoughe the conveyannce be not verie curious, but a bare begynnynge as all foundacons be at the firste yet the same comprehends such service (in my judgemente) as the like cannot otherwyse well be wroughte, but either the chardges must be so greate, as the commodities shall not be hable to counterpase the certentie of subjection so variable, thexpedicion thereof so slack or the realme so feble in strengthe, that her Majestie cannot stande sure thereof, as reasonne wolde her highnes at all tymes sholde. And therefore have I foreseene as nere as I can whereon civilitie might be moost raysed with least chardges, and thereupon (where the sum leviable is not suffyciente to

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compile my conceipte) I have purposed the performance in suche sorte also as the longer the more constantilie maie remayne in all parts convenyentlie beinge once put in execucion and governed accordinglie. And that her grace may the playnelier perceive the same, where occasion serves, in every chapiter folowinge, the harme and the helpe appeares together certefyinge whether my meanynge be serviceable or not wherewithall I have thought it my dutie even nowe to presente your honour consideringe the aptnes of the tyme as aforesaid so requyreth reckonynge with my self that where so many worthie famous and victorious kings of Englande have had longe propertie in the realme of Irelande wonderfullie wynnynge and valiantlie conqueringe the meane tyme in other foreyne contreys and regions, and yet leavinge this little Lande of their owne hitherto unrefourmed or subdued to perfit subjection whereby it hath byn ever a previe pickepurse to the crowne where it mighte have byn aswell a pryncelie proffytt. The Lorde nowe the more evidentlie to shewe his moost glorious power and mighte inexplicable hath geven the mynystracion of his service therein to a mayden magistrate, markinge her Majestic from the begynnynge to magnefie his name, by making this forwarde saulvage sortes, faithfull cyvill subjects to the open shynynge of his glorye the more brightlie in all mens sightes, seinge thoperacon thereof hath byn hetherto thus with holden and to this her gracious raigne thereby specially preordynate provinge his moost highe pleasure in her apyntment [f. 78] righte notable and movinge her Majestie the more ferventlie to followe the same consideringe her highnes is thereunto thus singulerlie assigned. But where there be divers nowe deservinge her Majesties displeasure: It is meete firste (in respect of her honor) that they know their faults, susteynynge the owrthynes of their deserts, to thende the rest (by example thereof) maie have terror of like offence, generallie submyttinge them selves to her gracious mercye, and thereuppon (being setteled as subjects) to receyve the regymente of this reformacion in humble obedience, wholie turnynge to truth, and faithfull subjection, as those that thereby maie rightlie clayme, their porcions in this godlie purpose, and so the same to procede accordingly and for as muche as this realme is so plentyfull a place for rewarde of service, as lightlie longeth to none other kingdome Thordenarie nomber nowe here remaynynge and they that shall hereafter come for the better establyshmente of this intente, may be placed thoroughe the Lande for their helpe and prefermente mynyshinge the chardge to her Majestic in bestowinge them selves one after an other as the appoyntmente shall take parfeccon, whereby her highnes maie be dysburdened, they that deserve be well rewarded; and the contrey in civilite strengthened, besides the nomber of this proporcon speciallie appoynted and determyned. As for the descripcon of the contrey seinge there hath byn sundrie advertisements made thereof thither before tyme and that also it towcheth not muche (in my mynde) the reformacion of the realme to discourse in the circumstaunce of the same: I medle not withall: for it is no part of the service that I am apoynted of But where this devise seemeth to be verie chargeable in performance (as it is in dede) I humblie affirm to your

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honor. There is nothinge of chardge conteyned in this booke, but the coste thereof shalbe clerelie borne chargelesse to the quenes Majestie without hinderance to any her highnes subjects, and yet done in her graces name so levied and by such an extraordenary meane that they shall all rejoyce thereat, hartelie praysinge god therefore, so it please her highnes to appoynte the thynge [f.78v] to go forwarde for by that the sums muste be levied which shall dischardge the chardge, bothe in buyldings, yearelie fees and all other payments that this booke ymportes. But how the same shalbe levyed I omytt here to expresse, because I cannot be there my self (accordinge to my dutie) to declare the same thinkinge therefore not mete by any other meane to open my knowledge sins it is the moost speciall and singular service of this myne enterprise which (as I doubte not) your honour can consider, I maie the boldelier kepe undisclosed, till suche tyme as I be called before the Quenes Majestie or her previe counsell for the utterance of the same, and as it shall please her highnes to commaunde me herein to be redie I shall moost obedientlie (notwithstandinge my weightie busynes) refuse all by warrant of her Majesties speciall comaundemente repayre thether parsonallie to folowe this entente till which tyme I humblie askinge leave that I maie here dispach my busynes for the better creditt hereof I have with myne owne hande in the laste ende of this booke signed the same for my promyse concernynge the dischardge accordinglye.

[f. 791

A SHORTE SHEWEOF THE MEANYNGE AND INTENTE

OF THE WHOLE REFORMACION

Because it is necessarie that the devise of this reformacion stande upon suche considerations as maie be the easelier compassed to the glorie of god: the honor to the quenes Majestie, and without eyther detrymente to any her highnes subjects, or yet against their faithfull consents voluntarely (as to the respect of this godlie purpose is requysyte) althoughe it be speciallie apoynted by her Majesties Ymperiall power and aucthorytie soundinge to the parpetuall renowne and glorious fame of her highnes forever yet the rather to drawe their hartie affections thereunto (whose wilfulnes and ignorances, longe saulvage lyves and detestable customes striveth muche to the contrarie without this circomspecte meanes) It is foreseene that every poynte singulerlie and generallie of this reformation tende to theise endes and effects that is to saie: To serve god and to advance his worde To contente and comforte the people: To redresse and amende abuses To strengthen and enriche the realme. To forbidde inconvenients and vanyties. To extende her Maiesties bountifull liberalitie. And at last to assure good order and faithfull subjeccion thimportance of all as the table following declareth by distincte division combyned and as the rate of the booke runes severallie devidinge eche kynde of this conveyance accordingly.

452

WHITE'S ROWLAND C. 'DISCORS',

1569

OF TO [f. 79V] THE SWERINGE IRISHMEN THEQUENESMAJESTYE Nowe to prepare the waye of this reformacion like as thintente thereof seketh the universall staie and establishmente of cyvill subjeccon. So before the manyfest and full procedinge therein it is convenyente that the first passage leadinge thereunto be made playne in the begynnynge wherein this is moost speciallie to be considered: The Irishmen have a customary Lawe amongest them called their brehonnes lawe repugnant to the Lawes of the realme confirmynge suche unlawdable orders as taketh muche away their cyvill subjeccion and namely thus That custome determynes the eldest of the name and strongest of power and best hable to defende shall succede after the deathe of thinheritor, so as the sonne (the father beinge deade) can clayme no propertie in the Landes by lyneall discente nomore than a straunger. This Lawe and custome will not that any woman have either Inherytance or Dowrie and for all offences both fellony, murder and all other faultes parpetrable thoffendours shallbe clerelie remytted, for certayne fynes determyned by tharbitramente of this lawe and custome accordinge to thinportance of the cryme without daunger of death or Just execucion of Indifferencye or equytye So as the transgressouresare thereby little feared from offendinge, but rather encoraged, specially those that have abilitie to be fyneable many other unconvenyent customes they use, but since the whole course must be abolyshed I omyt the nedelisse rehersall thereof. Theis sorts of men weare yet never sworne to the kings of Englande, accomptinge therefore (as maie be supposed) their dueties of obedience the lesse, and their unlawfull liberties the more large by daily proofe. [f.8o] Therefore for their entrie into the first degree of perfecte subjection. It behoveth that they be all sworne to be faithfull leige people to her highnes and successours kings of Englande forever accordinge to thorder in that case, and the circomstaunce thereof devysed by such a meane as shall best fitt for that purpose by thauctoritie of them thereunto appoynted and then (their unyversall subjeccion so begonne, as the corporacion of an unyforme faith and obedyence) they maye the worthier be participate, accepted, and allowed, in the affaires of her Majestie concerninge that foloweth as it maie please her grace to vouchesafe their admission, and as the necessitye of this said reformacion requyreth where otherwise in suche cases of her Majesties service as (for the common welth of the realme) they sholde be called unto: they are not worthie nor mete to be previe nor chosen notwithstandinge the comon convocacion afterwarde appoynted for the relief helpe and succor of them all. But albeit this said custome of the brehonnes must be clerelie anulde by thonelie appoyntmente of civill Justice universallye as shall appear followinge yet till the same be established, so as the lawles men maie be ledde by the line of parfit lawe and rule. It cannot convenientlie be prohibited and therefore as it is nevertheles expedient and nedefull to sweare them first of all. So have I thoughte good to deferre the forbiddinge of this unlawfull use and custome, till it maie be with mooste oportunetie moost lawfullie dissolved, whether it be after the parliamente ymediatlie, after thappoyntment and placynge of the precidents or whensoever shalbe thoughte otherwyse moost convenyente.

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[f.8ov]

A PARLIAMENTE

The subjects thus being sworne to her Majestie whereby they geve them selves in faithfull loyaltie to their soveraigne ladye havinge propertie thereby in the common utilitie of her highnes procedings for the welthe and civilitie of the realme as the frute and benefyt of their newe reconcylemente. It weare verye expediente at convenyent leysure after to ordeyne and holde a parliamente for the full determynacion and appoyntmente of all thactes hereafter followinge. And forasmuche as this devise soundeth to the hinderance of no parson, but to the generall proffit and comoditie of all thinhabitoures aswell as to her graces strength and assurance. To thende that they maie be the better encoraged to their dueties of obedience and the humble ymytacion thereof (If it seme good to her Majesty and counsell) It sholde be necessarie that (accordinge to thorder of Englande) they be called from every parte of the realme suche as be mete therefore to congregate at the said parliamente for the service of her hignes and the comon helpe of them selves. And so when they shall parceyve her Majesty dothe mercifullie seke thereby the parpetuall benefit of them, and their posteryties makinge them participate of her moost prudent purposes therein, in takinge their consents, as her trustie and welbeloved subjects. They will not onlie of likelyhoode embrace the same with diligence but also frame their wills ever after gladlie to followe all lawes and ordenancs that shall growe of this induccion. And thus shall both her grace be assured of their willinge myndes towarde her what they can fynde in their harts to consente unto voluntarely. And they also be bounde to chuse or refuse the mercyfull offer of her Majestye which once undoubtedlie knowne her highnes may then use her pleasure and pryncelie pollicye by her Majesties counsailours as to thinfallible parformance of this godlie intente shall seme moost expediente.
AN ACTE FOR INHERITOURESTO TAKE THEIR LANDES OF THE QUEENS MAJESTY

[f.8I]

Where there is many possessioners in this realme that yet never toke their landes of any kings of England as their soveraigne lordes occasionynge muche discorde with wronge emongst them selves and disobedience to her grace. Since the reformacion thereof might both procure her highnes greate advantage and also quyet securities to the right inheritoures by due observacion of the nexte acte followinge therewithall upon full skannynge of that cause. It wold passe by acte of parliamente that all suche Inheritoures as have not taken their landes of the kings of Englande havinge right to the possessions that they presentlie enjoye shall take the same of her highnes knowledginge her to be their onelye Quene and governor with all circomstaunces thereunto apperteynynge, as in other christen kingdomes is accustomed and to understande by ample declaracion (by them that shalbe thereunto authorysed) of the chardge belonginge to her Majesty in that soverayntie how thereby

Because it is expediente that betwyxte the Queenes Majestie and her highnes subjects matters be mocioned first and brought to parfection.

454

ROWLAND

wHITE's 'DISCORS', C.

1569

her highnes taketh on her the protection and defence of all her true subjects they beinge bound as her faithfull leige people to obey her and her Lawes accordinglye.

[f.8iv]

AN ACTE ORDEYNYNGE THAT THE NEXT HEIRE OF BLODE

SHALL INHERYTE LYNEALL BY LEGITYMATE DISCENTE

Thus the landes beinge taken of the Quenes Majestic to confirm the same lyneall discente must followe accordinge to thorder in Englande. Therefore where inherytance never discended lyneallie with them that onelie lyved under the customarye lawe of the Brehounes formerlie towched whereof spronge muche iniquytie as debate, slaughter, and conspiracie from one to an other, the strongest by the sworde ever sekinge to dispossesse the right inherytour without any just clayme or tytle thereunto, by which meanes many deteyne at this daie their possessions wrongfully both the right inheritors susteynynge unrighte thereby and for lacke of heires the quene in some case by this unlawfull libertie thoroughe which also the possessioners for the tyme take occasion to be come carelesse of their demeanures in suffringe their landes to become waste desolate and ruynous, the father consideringe and knowinge that his owne sonne can not have his propertie and liveloode, but rather his enemy desiringe his distruction to thintente to obteyne his lyvinge. It were very requysite to be enacted that the nexte heire of bloode legitymate by lyneall discente inheryte thoroughe all the realme, and then the father will become carefull of his behaviour, ever studienge which waie to governe hym self in godlie feare and due obedience for the proffit and welth of his posteritie, buyldinge, repayrynge and plentifullie inhabytinge his groundes with quyet and profitable manurers, and also moost gladlie covetinge to fall to all suche facions as mighte be furtherance to hym or his tyme comynge by declynynge from all wickednes and loke what benefyt the Quenes Majestie hath by meanes of this order in England, the same shall happen unto her here by execucion of this acte from tyme to tyme openynge the righte and wronge towchinge the state of the possessioners in the meane tyme wherein her Majestie maie both trye out the truth of her owne propertie to muche advantage and thereby procede the more certenlye in the meane tyme by appearance thereof as shall stande best with her gracious pleasure to do. [f.82] All this formerlie tendes to the contentacion and comforte of the people accordinge to the prescripcon in the table sekinge fidelitie to the Quenes Majesty and felycitie to them selves. A PREAMBLE And nowe seinge the redresse and restraynte of things abused within the realme maie helpe well to the furtherance of cyvilitie althoughe it be no newe invencion to amende old faultes openlie sene yet because there maie be founde out strength to the Quenes Majestie plentie to the people rychesse to the realme, and civill inhabitacion to the contrey,

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in onelie amendments. It serveth well (me thinke) for this purpose, to spye and use that conveyance and the rather because it asketh no chardges Wherefore to bringe that to passe, to upholde craftesmen (whereon a good staye of the comon wealthe stands in other contreis) to repayre ruyn before the new buyldings begynne, or at least to parfight one with an other so as both maie go forwarde at once. It semeth good to restrayne from forreyn contreys the comodyties of this region in sorte as followeth: [Under this heading (ff 82-5) the author proposes five items of legislation to prevent the exportation of green and untanned hides, linen yarn, all kinds of fell and skins, and raw wool. White expects the ending of this trade to boost manufacturing within the country, thus stimulating the 'habitation of the wilde and waste contreys', and providing supplementary income to the poor people thereby drawing them 'towarde cyvilitie by true laboringe for their lyvings'. According to White's estimate 'at the least ten thousand dicker of grene hides untanned' were exported annually 'out of this realme into other forreyne realmes as France, Flanders, Spayne and Italye'; and 'two hundred thousand weight of lynen yarns' were passing each year through two havens. The trade in raw wool was, seemingly, even more extensive because Rowland White saw this as most responsible for 'the comen welths decay' since Ireland 'in many places much standeth by making of ffreese'. This consideration persuaded White to propose that persistence with the trade be declared felony, and he looked forward to the manufacture of frieze being restored 'to the prystine state'. The document also suggests (ff 84-84v) an act to prohibit the importation of wine in foreign ships as a means to stimulate ship-building thus simultaneously creating employment and saving Irish merchants the Io,ooo which White estimated they paid in freight charges to foreign merchants. This too, it was thought, would provide merchants with the means for their own defence in the event of war. Finally (f. 85) in the interest of the greater self-sufficiency of the Pale White requires an act compelling those holding land there from the queen to maintain sufficient tenants on their property.] Theis tende to the redresse and amendmente of abuses as the table declareth seking specially by thonlye mayntenance of occupacions and civil inhabytynge of howsholders strength and plentie to the realme.
A PREAMBLE [f.85v] The contentacion of the comens thus procured and the redresse of abuses for their more comforte thus determyned in the begynnynge gevinge them hope of welthe, quyetnes favor rather than fear of the contrarye. Consideringe the acts and orders followinge touche their consents tendinge to such requests as (for the straungenes thereof) peradventure they wolde not willinglie condescende unto without former knowledge of the Quenes Majesties meanynge therein. Therefore least they shold eyther murmer or marvell thereat and so drawe backe from the godlie intente hereof (so it stand with her gracious pleasure) it cannot be amysse (in my judgemente) that they be put out of doubte towdhing her Majesties

C. ROWLAND 'DISCORS', 1569 WHITrrE' determynacion by such advised deliberacion, as the discresion of them thereunto appoynted shall well weyghe and ponder aforehande and thereupon theis said acts and orders to come in question whereunto by encouragement of that, that is formerlie past, and the great bountyfull benygnytie after appoynted in her highnes name of likelyhood they willbe faithfullie inclynable, the conveyance whereof I have thus conceyved and brought in order in my booke as myne owne conceipt hath argued to my self by ymagynacion metest not presumynge to warrante this way the moost expediente as towchinge what shold be mocioned first what wrought nowe and what perfighted then but onlie (as the true service of my subjection hath bound me) uttered all in this myne humble enterpryse that I am able to geve any light of concernybge this reformacion humbly and wholie referrynge that orderinge to her gracs prudent pleasure in the foresight of her Majesties councellors by overlokinge the whole. [In this section (ff 86-89v) the document proposes legislation providing the queen with title to all the havens in Ireland as a guard against sudden invasion, to prevent trespass, such as that made by the Scots in north-east Ulster, and to guarantee the more efficient collection of customs. In considering internal security, White recommends an order to construct, at the cost of 8,ooo, sixteen holds or four principal manors throughout the realm, and he further favours, in the interest of the 'welthe and estymacion of the realme', that castles be built in Cork, Galway, Waterford and Drogheda. The writer is conscious that such endeavours in time of peace might be misinterpreted by the Irish lords and to cater for this possibility the document recommends that an effort be made to convince them that the queen was] [f. 88] moved in conscyence to refourme the lawlesse lyves of the people and subjects (over whome she is) by the speciall vocacion of god appoynted to rule and governe, whereby her graces chardge is to converte them unto her rather by an amyable meanes of favorable reconcylemente than by any other force of her power yf they wold willingly obey her Lawes and ordenances. So tenderinge the unyversall welthe of them all in bodie and spyrite her majestic hath devysed aswell for the comon strength of the realme againste outwarde invasyons, as also for their assistance in the nedefull causes of their ignorances as towchinge their dueties to god and their obedience towardes her highnes in reformynge of them selves indifferente officers of her owne to leade counsell and conducte them like lovinge subjects thereunto for their comodyties at her Majesties onely proper costs and chargs as thus. To be redie alwaies in her Majesties name to put things in order of cyvilitie accordinge to the usages of Englande wherein the said Lordes (throughe wante of experyence beinge unacquaynted) can not parfightlie procede, withou suche ayde counsell and redynes and so to guyde the same from thence forth in rule and order alwaies overlokinge vigylantlie the prosperytie thereof, least the lacke of such lokinge to, geve libertie at any tyme afterwarde to some wicked men to fall agayne to their olde wontes alwayes indifferentlie threatninge [f. 88v] the carelesse with the terrour of the Quenes majesties lawes and comfortinge the well disposed to thobedience of the same by just execucion of his offyce, as her graces cheif constable in the circuyte 456

SELECT DOCUMENTS XXXIV

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where he resydeth. On thother parte aswell to be wytnesses of the said Lordes towardnes for their favour and preferment at her Majesties handes (yf their deserts be thereafter) as also presenters of their iniquytie (being frowarde) to the next presydente, or to the L. Deputie accordinge to thimportance of the cause to thende that before their outrage or studines stirre further, then can be easely appeased, the matters may be stayed in tyme, the parties answerable to their faults by the order of the lawe and the punyshement appoybted by tharbytrament of the same, as thoffendor shalbe founde culpable, so theis said officers being spredde abrode where most nede is, placed where they maie oversee and perceive the condicions of the countreis and the diversitie of their demeanors maie both kepe pease amongest the people procure cyvilitie by theyre discresions, and so entreate and quyet causes betwene parties both men of power and other (or at least seake the meane) that by thestablyshement of thintente followinge (wholie tendinge to this effecte) they shall not nede to kepe menne of warre, for thonely lawe shall geve and attrybute to all men as they are worthye and ought to have....
[f.9o]
ORDER FOR FFARMOURS TO BE SENT OUT OF ENGLANDE TO INAHBYTE AND TILL THE WASTE GROUNDES

Althoughe the realme be thus strengthened as before is provided, for the toward service of the Quenes Majestie yet is the cyvill strength not prepared hable to counterpoise the incyvilitie of the realme. Therefore for the provision thereof yf it shall please her highnes to sende over ffowre thowsande skylful plowmen such as be yonge begynners and wold be glad for thobteynyng of worldlie welthe and proffyt to come hither and take wast landes to inhabyte and tyll, as fermoures to the possessioners of the groundes for their reasonable rents where they that be there well and welthelie settled wold be loth to leave the certayne for thuncertayntie, consideringe the contrey is yet out of order. Then within a whyle by meanes of their inhabytacion cyvilitie will onelie beare the stroke, supplantinge all wild and idle lyvinge, for where the next acts tende to the outrootinge of wickednes the provision of plowmen (as good sedes) must be planted in place thereof, to the ende their frutefull travels over growinge the weedes of incyvilitie maie bringe the contreys to plentie and welthe that hitherto harth byn (for lacke of such occupacion) poore and desolate whereat the Irishmen (after they be berefte by thorder followinge the libertie of their old lyves and bound to labor in semblable sorte) will take light and learnynge for their own succor whose perfeccion in good husbandrye (althoughe they be skilfull amongst them) is nothing [f.gov] comparable to those of England comonlie. Wherefore theise englishe plowemen maie both proffyt them selves muche and also provoke other to the furtherance of the comon welth and the utter contempte of the contrarie, when by their good example of true travell the comodytie that comes thereby shall openlie appeare drawinge together and joyntlie procedinge toward cyvilitie of all handes by such an integryty that the favor of the conF

458

ROWLAND

WHITE',

'DISCORS', C.

I569

trarye shalbe cleane forgotten and for thinglishe tonge: where so many Englishmen are spredde abroade thoroughe the lande housekepers the same must nedes come in use all over, as ripelie as the naturall language of the contrey in tyme, so that accomptinge the facion of cyvilitie, the frowardnes of good husbandrye, the comon custome of humanytie, and the sure cyvill strength to her Majestye, there can be no better ground then theis same husbandmen with home furthermore after the Irishmen be once knyt in comon conversacion of quyet felicytie (where unto all sorts saulvage and else must facion them selves at last). Then shall the lord lacke his men of warre, for his kerne Galloglasse and horsemen which erst was wont to serve hym with their weapons strayinge abroade at the wild adventure not carynge where, are nowe become cyvill and sober sekinge to holde that they have and loth to lose the lyvinge, that by their honest care and labor they have wonne and paynefullie gathered to maynteyne their famelies withall. This is the strength for by this meane yf the Lord hym self weare disposed to follie, he shold fynde but fewe partakers consideringe hereby the comon consente is cast an other way. Every man beinge surelie settled in a toward staye of welthe [f.9I] peasablie where before lyvinge lawlesse without any felycyty other than cheifelie came of warres, havinge none occasion to covett peace while they had nothinge to cheryshe nor care for the losse of. They as men carelesse hange all upon distruccion gapinge so for gaynes for lacke of other releyf neither for favour nor feare of theyr Lord or any affeccion in suche sort to lyve, but rather lothesomelie of force so bounde to do thoroughe onely nede in the maner of the contrey as aforesaid. Therefore when this shall be altered gevinge all men propertye in proffitt as owners preparinge to their posteryties also partakinge thereof howe gladly will they then leave their myserable lyves howe greatlie will they despise their detestable doings and howe faithfullye will they ymbrace the following of the lawe which as a fortresse of their defence shall ever helpe and defend them. Doubtles they will consider the cause of their comforte, and cleave onely to that in dreade and love fearinge to offende her Majestye from whence the same procedes so that it followes unfayned faithe to the crowne of England must nedes growe of this favorable fondacion fixed so firmlie that they will never tome to the contrary knowinge that nothinge comes of warre and disobedience but utter desolacion wherefore to feeble the evell and fortefie the good the plentyfull placynge of plowemen as the state of this realme standes is the best begynnynge which broughte to passe the fruts must followe, whereof thexamples be so manyfest that to reherse them is nedelesse. But beinge suche service to her highnes, succor to her subjects, and one of the strongest roots of this reformacyon, althoughe the nomber foresaid seme greate to be spared out of England [f.9Iv] for the establyshement hereof yet to be ymployed about so good a purpose as this, whereby they male be of asmuch strength and as serviceable to her Majestye here as there they might be levyed the more lightieyf it stand with the pleasure fo her highnes. And where to the nede of such a company this contrey is not well furnyshed to serve them at once of such things as they must occupye as iron, salt, all kinde of victuals and corne also for sede, till the

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first cropp be gathered. Order may be taken for the provysyon thereof as appearith in the last ende of the booke, emongest other things of like reckonyngs, so as from all the parts of the realme they maie be sarved convenyentlie from tyme to tyme. To plant theis is suche an offer, as all the Lords Inherytoures and others will moost gladly submytt them selves unto, seinge her highnes spareth her naturall subjects out of Englande to fornyshe their contreys not as men of warre to feare hynder or scorge them but as quyet tenants to paye them rente, where they never had any before other then cosshery coyney and livery as in the next chapiter followith. Theise tende to the strengthenynge and enrichinge of the realme accordinge to the table, sekinge to the quenes Majestie just securitie in civil power & riches to the said realme by manuall occupacion of the earth.
A PREAMBLE [f.92] all that is written hitherto tendeth to the certayne establisheSeinge mente of cyvilitie, by appoyntinge of loyall fydelitie redressinge of abuses and strongelie enrychinge the realme. It is nowe moost convenyente to forbid suche inconvenyents, as might be ympediment thereunto. And also suche fond vanyties as in any wyse maie hynder the same either in effecte fourme or facyon varyinge from the sorte of England as nere as maye be convenyentlie brought to passe. And where it is in verie dede difycult to alter every poynte nedefull to be amended in the Iryshe use yet to reforme the moost notable most principally behoveth that the rest maie davlie dye dependinge thereof even as by the faylinge of the roote, the branches must of force consume wyther and fall away at the last. [In this section (ff 92-6) the document favours the substitution of penny rent, 'as in all other contreys for the most part', for uncertain exactions such as 'cosshery, coyney and lyvery' paid by Irish tenants to their lords. The end of private armies is also proposed, as is the introduction of English modes of dress and hair style in place of those of the Gaelic fashion. Such legislation was intended to provide greater security to the tenant, thus contributing to the general prosperity, but it was also proposed to encourage lords 'to mavnteyne a porte in all respects Englyslike'. The account of Gaelic practices is the most detailed contemporary description available, and it makes interesting reading not least because it shows that White considered the overthrow of the Gaelic order as a prerequisite to the introduction of 'cyvil law and christen order'.] Theis tende to the forbiddinge of inconvenyents and vanyties as in the table seekinge to supplant and foredo all rebellious strength and vayne abuses by mynyshnge unlawfull power of subjeccion is mete and apperteynyth. A PREAMBLE [f. 96v] Nowe all that specially nedeth to the furtherance of this reformacion concernynge the contreis abuse determyned thoroughlye both in

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appoyntinge and forbiddinge The quenes Majestie to extend her gracieus bountyfull liberalitye toward the mayntenance and godlie upholdinge of this preparacion must be the chefest pollicye and the greatest comforte to cause the unyversall subjects covet moost gladlie and desyrouslie to inclyne thereunto yea the surest ground to stand on stedfastlie hereafter by meanes of the godlie instrucions folowinge devysed for theducacion [of] yonge children, the comon instruccon of the people and the releif of the poore wherefore as followeth
THE FOUNDACION OF TWELVE FREE SCHOLES TO BE MAYNTEYNED IN THE QUENES MAJESTYS NAME CONTYNUALLY

The order of cyvilitie thus determyned and brought in way of reformacion by the vygilant oversight of offycers to be governed accordinge to thappoynted followinge. To thintent that all inconvenyents maie be hensforth had in hatred the wonted disposicion of the people being prevented in tyme comynge by the good order and godlie brynginge upp of youth growinge forward as their auncestours do dailie decay and consume in whome (as afore exprest) the comon welth and cyvill subjeccion must stand when the other are worne and gone. Order wold be geven that twelve free scholes be kepte in the quenes Majestys name, to every one whereof by this proporcion may be appoynted a [f. 971 scholemaister with an ussher and xxiiii tie suche poore scholers of her graces fyndinge as their frendes are not hable to kepe to schole. Theis schollers to be taught their prynciples and rules in the Inglyshe tonge and suche like other erudicions as maie trayne them to the better understandinge of Englishe and lattyn togeather whereof the frute appearinge in the children by this meanes shall cause the fathers to favour such good lawdable rule and towardnes as they shall perceyve thus to springe of good documents and learnynge in childhood and so (besides theis of her Majesties coste) further the mayntenance of other schooles at their owne chardges, for the better and more redye helpinge of the whole contrey in semblable sorte. And trulie one of the chefest things to be regarded in this proporcion is, that like as in all creatures lightly the educacion of the tender yeares muche leadeth the rest of the lyfe so this godlie order of vertuous discipline must facion the Iryshe care toward good and parfect subjection in suche sorte that by the open lighte thereof in tyme they shalbe clearelie blynd and forgetfull what their auncetours olde disposicions had byn to the contrarye, as men utterlie ignorant therein, berefte the memorye and recorde thereof forever. Theise scholes maie be kept in those parts of the realme where her Majestye and counsell shall thinke moost metest for that purpose.
[f.97v]
THE FOUNDACION OF ONE UNYVERSYTIE TO BE MAYNTEYNED

NAMECONTYNEWALLYE IN HER MAJESTIES

Likeas the institution of the free scholes is specially ordeyned for thentrie of yonge children in their prynciples inducynge them to suche furder understandinge as their tymes and tender capacyties can industryuslie

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overcome for the more profundytie of parfit learnynge knowledge and judgement concernynge the light of literature generallye, it weare also a very profytable foundacion to ordeyne one unyversytie to be kepte contynewally in the quenes Majesties name in some place of the realme where her highnes and counsell shall thincke moost expediente. By thappoyntment whereof moost men wilbe allured to sett their children to schole, consideringe the parfeccon of learnynge within the realme so ordeyned cawsinge men of yeres also to become studious in serchinge out the secret sapience that rests in the depenes of intellexion, of whose proffett the comon people shalbe participate for (beinge favorers and followers of the truth) by them wilbe defaced the wicked wontes of old orders lawles lyves, saulvage sorts and enormyties to their powers the very naturall men of the contrey (thoroughe their wisdome thus wonne) reprovinge the vicious affeccions thereof provokinge with their examples and skilfull perswasions the contrarye which wilbe a good helpe to subdue synne, and the rayther pervayleable, because of thinward repugnance, that by this meane shalbe wrought betwene well aughte vertuusly disposed and the wilfull ignorante frowardlie geven of one [f. 98] region yea peradventure of one kindred or famylie, so that thus contention and discorde maie bringe comodytie and do good wheare nowe the rawe realme leanes one way moost parte without instruccon true tteachinge or disswasion from wilfull demeanors, then to those that with humylitie be willinge to learne, the credit oof their prynce with love to theyr neybhbours as chrysten men be bound to doe.
THAPPOYNTMENT OF TEN PREACHERS TO BE PLACED ABRODE IN THE REALME OF THE QUENES MAJESTYS FYNDINGE CONTYNUALLY

Seinge it is mooste speciallye the livelie word of god that alters the conscyence and also turnes by grace thinward affections of all men from evell to good when the sharpe threatnynge and joyfull promyses thereof penytrate the harts of the hearers wherein procedeth the surest meane of amendmente. It weare the moost godlie pollycie that can longe to this reformacion, to order preachers to instructe and teache the people, the devyne will of the celestiall judge touchinge their duties who maie be in nomber by this accompt ten of the Quenes Majestys fyndinge, besides so many more, as hereafter will [f. 98v] growe by this meanes the rather in the contrey. They to be placed abrode in the contreis where it shalbe thought most mete to preache in English latyn or Iryshe as thawdience shalbe best able tunderstand wheare any of their charges shall lye, teachinge the people sincerelye and directlie howe to feare god and obey their prynce having playnelie pronounced unto them by their mouthes of the plags that is promysed in the scriptures for donge the contrary so farre fourth that they maie perceive the daunger of their synfull lyvinge appoynted in this lyfe and in the lyfe to come (whereof many of them have had hitherto but little intelligence) so that throughe crienge and cawlinge of the said preachers by suche a prudent consideracion of their disposicions as maie fynd out the nerest waye to mollefye their harts they maie be converted to goodnes, and theyr lyves amended in dede, being led and guyded from tyme to tyme like true christen men in obedient sub-

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jeccion by their earnest care and diligence. Then the faith that so is fixed and the humble obedience that so is confirmed wilbe found infallible whereof as the want hath byn hetherto a lacke of lighte to subjeccion so maie hensforth the open knowledge of goddes wyll in discoveringe their owne faults leade their lyves to obedience accordingly. [f.99] THE
FOUNDACION OF TWELVE HOSPYTALLS FOR THE RELIEF OF THE POORE TO BE MAYNTEYNED BY THE QUENES MAJESTY

For the more playne performance of open charytie and greater comforte to the contrey in the Queens Majesties pityfull consideracions to the pore people of this realme. It weare a gracious dede to ordeyne twelve hospytalls in her highnes name for the releif of such as be ympotente decaied, or greved with infirmyties, not hable to helpe them selves specially those that have lyved trulie, to thintente that none have hope of succor thereby but suche as for their well doings in laboringe for their lyvings shalbe thought worthie of pytie and almouse yff in age povertie shoulde fortune to assayle them which wilbe a meane to comforte men to worke and take payne, seinge their remedie so provided mercifully onelie for honest demeanor stirringe the harts of the people comonlie toward her highnes, praysinge god that so hath mocioned her Majestie to be carefull over them and thereupon dispose them selves to seke moost hartely her gracious favour accordinglie. Thappoyntment and placynge wherof alwaies referred to the discresion of her highnes and counsell foresaid when after the survey of the whole realme taken, it maie appeare [f.99V] where most nede is by consideracion of thinhabytants as also where moost convenyent places shalbe found for the foundacion of theise said howses for the mete and necessary furnyture of this intente. Theis tende to thextendinge of the Quenes Majesties bountifull liberalitye sekinge by vertuous leadinge of youth godly instruccon of the comon people and mercyfull regarde to the pore the sure foresight and perpetuall stay of cyvylitye and thextirpinge of incyvilitie forever. A PREAMBLE Notwithstandinge the reformacion be thus resolved and determyned: without thobservacion of suche good acts orders and instytucions as for thaccomplishment thereof is ordeyned. The preparacion and appoyntment of the same is clearelie void and of none effecte. Wherefore as the kepinge is the cheifest confirmacion and assurance of all so must it be cheiflie regarded weyghed and ordered by suche a circomspecte care and [f. ioo] deligence that throughe the oversighte power and auctye [authority] of the rulers the fulfillinge of altogether maie (as it doth wholie conciste) be surelie perfourmed straightlye executed and justlie mynystred accordynge to the ordenances followinge.... [Continuing in the spirit of this preamble the document recommends [ff ioov-o5v the erection of provincial councils in Munster, Connacht and Ulster, as a means of introducing English justice to fill the void left by the banishment of brehon law. It is also proposed that two

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lawyers be appointed to plead, free of charge, the causes of the poor, and following on this the document recommends the shiring of the entire country, the nomination of justices of peace, sheriffs, constables, and sergeants who would provide information on surviving Gaelic practices to the presidents. The necessity of severe measures to deal with surviving men of war is acknowledged, and to this end it is proposed that a provost marshal, having a retinue of twenty horsemen and vested with powers of summary execution, be appointed to each of the four provinces. White ends his discourse:] If. I05v] And so humblie wyshinge those speciall offycers of charge which must have the regyment of the realme in their rule to be meare Inglishei men vertuous and learned, suche as feare god and are hable to instructe from tyme to tyme of suche notable credit and worthynes there that they shalbe both bound by occasion thereof the more faithfullie here to fulfill their duties and also her Majestie thereby be the better assured of their trustie service ever holding their chefest hope of favourand their greatest cause of feare in her owne hands as a right reward of their deserts whereby their earnest care of her gracious speciall contentacion maie be thonelie comforte of certayne felicitie to them selves yf her highnes conceave and allowe this to be the very way and meane of the reformacion of Ireland being pleased to put the same in proofe accordinglie. The tyme nowe approcheth to take yt in hand wherefore it maie please her Majesty to addresse her said speciall comyssionershither for the survey of the realme and the full searche of all suche other causes concernynge the state thereof as is requysyte to her Majesties intelligence by advertisemente from the L. Deputie and counsell here to thend that by playne credable appearance of suche certificats her Majesty maie the more parfitlie prepare procede and perfourme this godly purpose in appoyntinge the begynnynge of her gracious enterprise herein (yf all things maie be wrought correspondent) the next springe tyme of the yere drawinge fast forward here this proporcion is ended. [ff lo6-17. See above p. 445-1]