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ROMANIAN EVANGELICAL CHRISTIANITY:
HISTORICAL ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT
PRIOR TO THE COMMUNIST PERIOD
by
Adrian Stanculescu
B.S., Politehnica University of Bucharest, 1994
M.Div., Tyndale Theological Seminary, The Netherlands, 2000
A THESIS
Submitted to the Faculty
in partial fulfillment ofthe requirements
for the degree of
MASTER OF THEOLOGY
Concentration in Church History
at Trinity International University
Deerfield, Illinois
May 2002
Accepted:
l First Reader
~ J ( ~ - ~
Third Reader
11
ABSTRACT
Eastern Europe with its Eastern Orthodox form of Christianity never
experienced a Protestant Reformation. It is argued, though, by non-Orthodox historians that
beginning with the sixteenth century the movement initiated by Luther, Calvin, and the other
Reformers had certain impact over the people of this area. Moreover, over the last one
hundred and fifty years various non-Orthodox Christian groups have spread and developed in
many Eastern European countries. In the second part of the nineteenth century Romania
entered the process of modern nation building, a course that facilitated the emergence of new
religious movements.
This project will examine the historical development ofthe Romanian
Evangelical movements from their origins (including their Western roots) to the
establishment of the communist regime when new laws concerning the freedom of religion
were issued. The five main evangelical movements that represent the object of our study are:
the Baptists, the (Plymouth) Brethren, the Pentecostals, the Tudorist Movement tMiscarea
Tudoristii), and the Evangelical wing of the Orthodox Church known as the Lord's Army
(Oastea Domnului).
Intended to provide a comprehensive introduction to the history of Romanian
Neo-Protestantism, this thesis is an attempt to understand the historical roots ofthese
movements and to emphasize their doctrinal unity and orthodoxy. Our study begins with
early nineteenth-century European revivalism (revival of Pietism among Baptists and
111
Brethren) and its influence on Eastern European regions, and centers on the history of the
twentieth-century evangelical and revival movements in Romania. It also touches on areas
related to the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century history of Romania and of the
Romanian Orthodox Church.
IV
To my lovely sister Emma, and to her suitable life companion, Emanuel.
The demonstration of your constant love and care made possible
the completion of this project. Your genuine Christian
example inspired me throughout
my stay in Chicago
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure
1. Early Christian Evidence on Lower Danube
(2d and 3d Century AD) 18
2. Romania between 1866 and 1918 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
3. The Origins ofRomanian Baptists. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 90
4. The Distribution of the Baptist Churches in 1919 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 100
5. Baptist Growth in Romanian Provinces from
Their Origins to 1942 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 141
6. The Origins of the Romanian Brethren 189
7. The Development ofthe Brethren Assemblies in the Mid 1930s 219
8. The Roots of Romanian Pentecostalism 232
9. Pentecostal Churches in 1940 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265
10. Early Development ofOastea Domnului
(Compared with Pentecostal Growth) 351
VI
LIST OF TABLES
Table
1. Timeline: Romanian Evangelical Christianity in Context. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 52
2. The Baptists of Greater Romania in 1921 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 111
3. The Distribution of the Baptists in 1942 140
4. The Distribution ofthe Baptists before World War II 399
5. Brethren Assemblies before 1938 401
VB
CONTENTS
ABSTRACT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. iii
LIST OF ILLUSTRAnONS vi
LIST OF TABLES vii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ix
PART I. SETTING THE STAGE 1
Chapter
1. Introduction........................................................ 1
Introduction to the Historical Issues Employed in this Study
Preliminary Definitions of Terms: Who Are the Evangelicals?
Research Questions
Purposes, Limitations, and Presuppositions
2. Historical Christianity in Romania " 14
The Origins of Christianity on Dacian Territory
The Initial Form of Christianity on Lower Danube
The Introduction of Slavonic Christianity North of the Danube
Romanian Christianity under Ottoman Domination
The Impact of the Reformation on the Romanian People
The Greek Influence and the Phanariot Regime
Winds of Change over Romania
Concluding Remarks
Timeline: Romanian Evangelical Christianity in Context
viii
PART II. WESTERN ORIGINS OF EVANGELICALS AND
THEIR EMERGENCE IN ROMANIA. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 54
3. The Baptists 62
British Baptist Origins
Germany: The Cradle of Continental Baptists
Baptist Beginnings in Romanian Provinces: 1856-1918
The Development of Romanian Baptists from 1919
to the Communist Takeover
Conclusion
4. The Brethren. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 158
Brethren Origins in the British Isles
The First Brethren on the Continent of Europe
Romanian Beginnings: 1889-1918
The Development of Romanian Brethren prior to 1948
Conclusion
5. The Pentecostals 227
The Roots of Modem Pentecostalism
Pentecostal Origins in America: Charles Parham and William Seymour
Pentecostal Teaching and Practice
Pentecostal Beginnings in Romania: 1922-1945
Romanian Pentecostal post-War Development: 1946-1950
Conclusion
IX
PART III. TWENTIETH CENTURY RENEWAL MOVEMENTS
WITHIN THE ROMANIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH 274
6. Understanding Romanian Orthodoxy 276
Orthodox Doctrine and Practice
Romanian Orthodox Church from 1866 to 1925
7. The Tudorist Movement " 304
Dumitru Comilescu and the Translation of the Bible
Teodor Popescu and the "Reformed" Church Practices
The Development of the Tudorist Movement prior to 1946
Conclusion
8. The Oastea Domnului Movement 334
Fr. IosifTrifa and the Beginning of the Oastea Domnului
Major Emphases in Trifa's Writings
Trifa's Conflict with the Orthodox Hierarchy
The Development of the Oastea Domnului prior to 1948
Conclusion
PART IV. TOWARDS A SYNTHESIS OF ROMANIAN
EVANGELICAL CHRISTIANITY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 362
9. Conclusion 362
Summary of Research
Implications and Reflections
APPENDIX 1 378
SELECTIVE BIBLIOGRAPHy 402
x
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank Dr. John Woodbridge and Dr. Scott Manetsch from the
department of Church History at Trinity Evangelical Divinity School for their availability,
guidance and encouragement during the development of this project. Their timely advice and
insights were invaluable. Dr. Paul Michelson and Dr. George Hancock-Stefan helped me
greatly with their expertise and suggestions in the area of Romanian and Evangelical history.
I would also like to thank my Romanian friends and colleagues who made
available to me important information and resources. I would only mention here Mariuca
Mihalache in Bucharest and Rev. Valentin Popovici in Chicago. A word of appreciation to
Adina Stoia who read most of my thesis several times and corrected my English. To my dear
mother who faithfully supported me in her prayers through the years.
Finally a special thanks to the many Romanian Christians and brothers who
remained faithful to God and His Word throughout times of difficulties and persecution,
giving me a chance to write about them. They are great examples to the Romanian church
and their lives and faithful witness have enriched my life. Slavit sa fie Domnul!
Xl
I. SETTING THE STAGE
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Evangelical Christianity was the most dynamic religious development of
twentieth-century Romanian society, and continues to playa significant role in the spiritual
life of the country in the new millennium, as Romania attempts to find its place among
European nations. Unprecedented spiritual revival and impressive Evangelical growth in the
land of Ceausescu and Dracula have prompted Christian analysts to describe Romania as a
South Korea of Europe. 1 These remarkable events create the necessity for a close look into
the origins and the development of the Evangelical movements in Romania.
The main concern of this thesis is to answer the following primary question:
What are the historical origins of Romanian Evangelical Christianity? One of the important
issues that concern members of various denominations in post-Communist Romania is
exactly this: Who are the Evangelicals and how did they appear in Romanian society, which
is predominantly Eastern Orthodox? This study will examine the historical development of
the Romanian Evangelical movements from their origins to the establishment of the
Communist regime (roughly to 1948), taking into consideration the larger historical context
(political, social, and religious).
1 Peter Kuzmic, "Why Romania Has Become the Korea of Europe," Global Church Growth
Magazine 20 (Sep-Oct, 1983): 12.
2
Preliminary Definitions of Tenns:
Who Are the Evangelicals?
A definition of the term "Evangelical" proves to be a challenging task.
"Evangelical" is not a modem designation or concept that emerged in the nineteenth century.
Beyond the definitions suggested by sociologists, philosophers or anthropologists, the
Scripture helps us understand the meaning ofthe term "Evangelical." A more general sense
of "evangelical" (from the New Testament Greek euangelion, "good news") is simply
pertaining to the Gospel. Followers of Christ with "evangelical" convictions go back
throughout history to the early church.
Prominent Evangelical leaders like Kenneth Kantzer, Carl Henry, Francis
Schaeffer, and John Woodbridge are among those concerned with defining and defending
modem Evangelicalism.
2
In Evangelicalism & the Future a/Christianity, Alister McGrath
gave one of the clearest descriptions of Evangelicalism from a European perspecnve.' The
following pages rely on their descriptions ofthe term.
In the sixteenth century the word "Evangelical" identified the early leaders of
the Reformation (especially Lutherans) who emphasized the message ofthe Scripture and
rejected the official interpretation of dogma by the Catholic Church.
4
By the 1530s the term
2
See K. S. Kantzer and C. F. H. Henry, ed. Evangelical Affirmations (Grand Rapids,
Michigan: Zondervan, 1990); J. D. Woodbridge et al., The Gospel in America: Themes in the Story of
America's Evangelicals (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1979); D. Wells and J. Woodbridge, The Evangelicals:
What they Beliebe, Who they Are (Grand Rapids: Baker Book, 1977); and D. G. Bloesch, The Future of
Evangelical Christianity: A Calljor Unity Amid Diversity (New York: Doubleday, 1983).
3
See Alister McGrath, Evangelicalism & the Future ojChristianity (Downers Grove:
InterVarsity Press, 1995).
4 The Treaty of Westphalia in 1648, and the Corpus Evangelicorum of 1653 recognized the
Reformers as "Evangelicals." By 1817 the union of Lutheran and Reformed churches in Germany referred to
both groups as "Evangelicals." In recent times, in most predominantly Catholic countries the term
"Evangelical" is used to identify Protestants. See H. V. Synan, "Evangelicalism," in Stanley M. Burgess and
Gary B. McGee, eds. Dictionary ofPentecostal and Charismatic Movements, (Grand Rapids: Zondervan,
1988), 281-84.
3
"Protestant" became more significant than "Evangelical" in referring to the movement
initiated by Luther. Protestantism, interpreted broadly as a protest against the beliefs and
emphases of the established religion, influenced Eastern Europe through the Radical
Reformation, through German Pietism and especially through a number of Neo-Protestant
movements. As precursors of the Evangelical movement, German Pietists taught the
necessity of personal saving faith rather than routine membership in the national church, and
stressed the importance of personal devotional life, evangelism, and church reform. Losing
its original meaning, in our days the German term evangelisch has increasingly become
equivalent to "Protestant.,,5
The English word "evangelical" is regularly found in seventeenth-century
Puritan and Anglican devotional works meaning "to be grounded in the gospel." In the
1700s, Evangelicalism came to describe religious revivals such as those led by the English
preachers John Wesley and George Whitefield. These religious leaders emphasized the need
for a personal conversion experience through a special act of God's grace. They also stressed
the importance of leading a holy and disciplined life.
According to McGrath, the three major sources of modem Evangelical
thinking are: the magisterial Reformation initiated by Luther and Calvin with an emphasis on
the doctrine ofjustification by faith alone and the authority of the Scripture, English
Puritanism spelled out by writers like John Wesley and John Owen stressing a "religion of
the heart," and German Pietism in the writings of August H. Francke that placed considerable
emphasis on a personally appropriated faith, which was understood as a "reborn" and
5
McGrath, Evangelicalism & the Future ofChristianity, 19-23.
4
"personal" living relationship with Christ.
6
Due to the tremendous growth among
Methodists and Baptists in nineteenth century England in America, Evangelicalism emerged
as an influential movement in modem Protestantism."
In their theology all Evangelicals agree on Christian cardinal doctrines based
on the first ecumenical creeds. At its heart, Evangelicalism is historic Christian orthodoxy.
On matters of secondary importance there is significant diversity in Evangelicalism.
However, Evangelicals are not completely defined by the sole emphasis on doctrine. For
most of them orthodoxy cannot be separated from orthopraxis. Several controlling
convictions that constitute distinctive Evangelical characteristics developed by McGrath will
be summarized in the following section.
8
First of all, Evangelicals are committed to the supreme authority of Scripture.
As John Stott has stated, "Evangelicals are Bible people.,,9 The Bible is treated as more than
6
McGrath, Evangelicalism & the Future ofChristianity, 19-26. In order to provide "a
complete portrayal ofthe movement [nee-Evangelicalism],' Sweeny emphasizes the tandem between the
Reformed and the Wesleyan traditions. D. Sweeny, "The Essential Evangelicalism Dialectic," in Church
History 60: 1 (March 1991), 76. To David Bebbington, English Evangelicals of the eighteenth century were
characterized by (what he calls) conversionism, activism, biblicism, and crucicentrism. D. Bebbington,
Evangelicalism in Modern Britain: A History from I 730s to the 1980s (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1992), 2-17.
7 Synan, "Evangelicalism," in Stanley M. Burgess and Gary B. McGee, eds. Dictionary of
Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, 282.
8
These essential "evangelical affirmations" developed by McGrath in Evangelicalism, 53-87,
are also set out in Evangelical Affirmations, ed. K. S. Kantzer and C. F. H. Henry (Grand Rapids, Michigan:
Zondervan, 1990),27-38, and James I. Packer, The Evangelical Anglican Identity Problem: An Analysis
(Oxford: Latimer House, 1978),20-23. In "The Evangelical Denomination," in Evangelicalism and Modern
America (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1984), vii-xix, George Mardsen identified five defining characteristics, as
follows: (I) the Reformation doctrine of the final authority of Scripture, (2) the real, historical character of
God's saving work, (3) eternal salvation only through personal trust in Christ, (4) the importance of evangelism
and mission, and (5) the importance of a spiritually transformed life.
9 John R. W. Stott, What Is an Evangelical? (London: Church Pastoral Aid Society, 1977),5.
5
a theological source of knowledge of God; it is the basis of Christian life and devotion. The
knowledge of God is capable of transforming both the heart and the mind.
Secondly, for Evangelicals Jesus Christ is the focal point of Scripture. The
whole system of evangelicalism is the outworking of the gospel of Jesus Christ. He alone is
"true God and true man," born of a virgin, sent by God as a perfect sacrifice to bring man's
salvation, resurrected from the dead, and promised to return in power and glory. Our
knowledge of God and our hopes of salvation are totally dependent on the identity of Jesus
Christ as our Savior and Lord, the only Son of God, God incarnate. Christian worship and
adoration focus on Jesus Christ's majesty and humility. Because Christ Jesus is the gospel of
God, evangelicalism is Christ-centered, and evangelism centers on the proclamation of
Christ.
Thirdly, Evangelicals stress the importance ofthe Holy Spirit, as the One who
applies the Word of God to our minds and our lives, causing faith to be born from
understanding, making our conversion possible through spiritual rebirth, and working to
conform us to Christ. The rise of the Pentecostal and charismatic movements gave new
emphasis on the role ofthe Holy Spirit, placing the issue of the experience and gifts of the
Spirit firmly on the Christian agenda.
Fourthly, under the influence of German Pietism, Evangelicals believe that
each individual has a need for personal conversion through spiritual rebirth and commitment
to Jesus Christ as Savior and Lord. Evangelicalism should be seen as an intermingling ofthe
Reformed emphasis on the right doctrine with the Pietist concern for a "living faith"
expressed in such terms as "a personal relationship with Christ." According to McGrath,
"Christian faith, in the deepest meaning of the phrase, is to be thought in relational and
6
personal, not simply propositional, terms. God is One who is known, not simply known
about, he is One who is encountered personally, not just read about in theology textbooks."IO
Fifthly, the Evangelicals emphasize the priority of evangelism (expressed in
verbal proclamation of the gospel) and of mission. This sharing of good news arises from
their joy of knowing Christ and His transforming power, and from their concern to remain
faithful to the Scripture's command to proclaim Christ's gospel to the whole world.
Lastly, at its heart, Evangelicalism has a strong awareness of the importance
of the Christian community to the duties of spreading the good news of salvation, teaching
and making disciples. Evangelicalism is committed to the church as the body of Christ that
makes possible the Christian life. Stressing the importance of the church for the Christian
life, Calvin (like Cyprian in the third century) wrote that, "for those to whom God is Father,
the church shall also be their mother."
11
Evangelicalism is not restricted to a particular denomination, or to a specific
view of the church; it is therefore a transdenominational movement. There are Roman
Catholic evangelicals, Lutheran evangelicals, Reformed evangelicals, Anglican evangelicals,
Baptist evangelicals, Pentecostal evangelicals, Eastern Orthodox evangelicals, and so on.
12
Evangelicals are better described by their open commitment to the gospel than to a particular
denominational label. They believe that the truth should lead to unity and seek to have
10
McGrath, Evangelicalism & the Future ofChristianity, 73.
11
Calvin, Institutes, 4.1.1.
12
Robert H. Krapohl, and Charles H. Lippy, The Evangelicals: A Historical, Thematic. and
Biographic Guide (Westport, Conneticut: Greenwood Press, 1999), 10-11. Krapohl points out that certain
groups-such as the Mennonites, the Pentecostals, and the American Southern Baptists-could be identified as
"unintentional Evangelicals." They meet the doctrinal and behavioral criteria, but are less self-conscious with
their association with the Evangelical subculture.
7
fellowship with other New Testament Christians. Due to a natural affinity given from their
common commitment to a set of shared beliefs, we can even talk about an ecumenical
movement among Evangelicals. 13
In a narrower sense pertaining to our study, Evangelicals or Neo-Protestants is
the term used for a number Christian groups that emerged in Romania at the end of the
nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century: the Baptists, the Brethren, the
Pentecostals, the Tudorist Movement, and the Lord's Army. These are Bible-believing
Christians who had a personal conversion experience, and who attempt to bring Christianity
into effective contact with the current needs of society and culture. It is true that in the early
days ofthe Romanian Neo-Protestant movements, these groups did not use the term
"Evangelical" as self-description. However, after the Communist breakdown the Baptists,
the Brethren, the Pentecostals and a fraction of the Lord's Army formed the so-called
Romanian Evangelical Alliance, while the Tudorists employed the name the Romanian
Evangelical Church. In this paper the words Neo-Protestant and Evangelical are used
interchangeably.
Research Questions
The primary research question proposed by this thesis will be: "What are the
historical origins of the Romanian Evangelical movements?"
Through the development of this study we will also attempt answer a number
of subsidiary questions:
13 Prominent Evangelical leaders such as Carl F. H. Henry (Baptist), Billy Graham (Baptist),
John Stott (Anglican), and Francis Schaeffer (Presbyterian), demonstrate the Evangelical willingness to
transcend denominational barriers in the name of the gospel and for the sake of unity in the name of Christ.
8
1. In what circumstance and by whose efforts did Evangelical Christianity arise in
Romania?
2. What role did the political, socio-economic, and religious factors of late
nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Romanian society play in the emergence of the
Evangelical movements?
3. What were the causes of the emergence and the development of the Neo-
Protestant movements in early twentieth-century Romanian society?
4. What were the most important events and who were the major figures in the
early development of Romanian Evangelicalism?
5. Why do the various Evangelical groupings show up where they do and why are
they weak in various other parts of the country?
6. What social sectors of society does each group draw members and why?
7. What reactions did the governmental leaders and the Orthodox clergy have to
the early developments of the Neo-Protestants?
8. What were the major elements in the emergence and early development of the
renewal movements known as the Tudorists and the Lord's Army?
9. What was the nature of the twentieth-century revival movements within the
Romanian Orthodox Church?
10. What were the causes of the substantial growth of the Romanian Evangelical
churches in the first part of the twentieth century?
11. Can we speak of an Eastern European Reformation?
12. What impact did the Romanian Evangelicals have on the development of the
spiritual and moral life of the Romanian people?
9
Purposes, Limitations, and Presuppositions
Purposes
One major purpose of this thesis is to introduce the reader to the history of the
Romanian Neo-Protestant movements. Our intent is to give a responsible answer to the
question "Who are the Romanian Evangelicals"? To this end, our objectives will be:
1. To identify the historical beginnings of the Baptists, Brethren and Pentecostals in
Europe and the United States and to situate these movements in the larger scheme of
Christian history.
2. To trace the historical origins ofthe Romanian Baptist, Brethren and Pentecostal
movements, identifying the contribution of foreign missionaries.
3. To investigate the major elements in the development of the Romanian Baptists,
Brethren and Pentecostals prior to the Communist regime.
4. To understand the origins and the initial development of the twentieth-century
renewal movements within the Romanian Orthodox Church and to identify the nature of
these movements.
5. To establish the role of the Romanian Evangelicals in Romanian society of the
first half of twentieth century, and their contribution to the development of Romanian
spiritual and moral life.
By the end of this study we hope to demonstrate the following:
1. The values of the Protestant Reformation had significant impact on the
Romanian people, especially in the transmission of the Scripture in the vernacular. The
Western roots of Romanian Evangelicalism reshaped by nineteenth-century European
10
revivalism and internal renewal within Romanian Orthodoxy resulted in a dynamic
expression of Christian faith.
2. The Tudorist movement and the Oastea Domnului originated as independent
renewal movements within the Romanian Orthodox Church and through their doctrinal
emphases belong to the Evangelical tradition. Among the leaders of these movements,
Dumitru Cornilescu produced the best translation of the Bible in modem Romanian, and Iosif
Trifa initiated a remarkable movement of moral renewal within Romanian Orthodoxy. A
number of ostasi ("soldiers") from the Lord's Army emerged as creators of valuable
Romanian Christian hymnology.
3. Developed in favorable sociopolitical circumstances of their country, Romanian
Evangelicals are loyal Romanians, even though they belong to the Protestant Christian
tradition. They have made a major contribution in distributing the Scripture among the
people, have proclaimed the biblical message of forgiveness through faith, and have
participated in a moral cleansing of Romanian society.
4. The extensive growth of Romanian Evangelicalism in the first half of the
twentieth century shows the power of the Scripture to transform human hearts, and came as a
direct consequence of the sociopolitical dynamics of the period, the Latin character of the
Romanian people, and the shortcomings of the Orthodox Church.
5. Neo-Protestants have a positive role to play in Romanian society through their
emphasis on Scripture, on the changed life of the individual through the new birth, on the
personal responsibility before God, and on the practicality of Christianity. Diversity of
Christian expressions is a necessity in contemporary Romanian society.
11
6. As a reaction to the development of the Neo-Protestants, the Orthodox Church
undertook a process of revitalization and engaged in important theological discussions.
7. Romanian Evangelicals should learn to live in the context of Eastern Christianity
and value the legacy of two thousand years of Christian history in this part of Europe. The
importance of the fathers (leaders) of the Church throughout history and the role of the
Christian faith in the formation of the Romanian nation cannot be ignored.
Limitations
Our research will be limited in several ways: First of all, temporally: we will
only cover the historical development of the Evangelicals from their origins to the
Communist period when, at the installation of the Communist regime, most of them were
already recognized as legal denominations. Further, from a denominational and ethnic
perspective, there are three other churches that will not be included in this study: the
Adventists for theological reasons,14 and the Reformed and Lutheran Churches because they
14 Adventist theology generally has Evangelical tenets, but includes a number of deviations.
Stressing prophetism and millennial expectations, in the 1840s William Miller developed a series of predictions
concerning the precise date of the Second Coming of Christ which proved to be incorrect. Ellen G. White, one
of the founders of Seventh-Day Adventism (SDA), was considered a messenger from God gifted with the spirit
of prophecy. Her writings (such as the Spirit ofProphecy, The Great Controversy, and The Testimony ofJesus)
are regarded to be "a continuing and authoritative source of truth," (Dallas Statement) revealed to her as
post-canonical outpourings of the Spirit. In The Great Controversy White asserts that Christ's atonement on the
cross is only completed in the heavenly sanctuary, where he ministers as the great High Priest. Her
contradictory teachings seem to affirm a salvation by grace and works. Christ's death was "provisionally and
potentially for all men," yet efficacious only for those who avail themselves of its benefits. White stated that
our sins will ultimately be placed on Satan. To the Adventists Jesus is Michael the Archangel. They deny the
immortality of the soul and of the eternality ofhell fire: the dead do not exist anymore, they experience an
unconscious state of "soul sleep," and the wicked are annihilated. SDA observe the seventh day of the week
interpreted as a part of God's eternal law, a sign of sanctification, and the seal of his people, and maintain that
before the Rapture those worshipping on Sunday will receive the mark of the beast. See G. P. Damsteegt,
Foundations ofthe Seventh-Day Adventist Message and Mission (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1977).
Seventh-Day Adventist Encyclopedia, 2d rev. ed. (Hagerstown, MD: Review and Herald Publishing
Association, 1996), F. S. Mead, 10th ed. The Handbook ofDenominations (Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press,
1995),37-40, and Walter Martin, The Kingdom ofthe Cults (Minneapolis: Bethany House, 1985),409-500. See
also Ion Baldea, Ratdcirea Adventista (Bucuresti: Miracol, 1996).
12
are almost exclusively of Hungarian and German make-up. Another difference is that the
Lutherans and Reformed were part of the pre-twentieth-century religious establishment.
Other smaller groups like the Nazarenes, or the Betanists, who share similar Evangelical
convictions but did not have the same level of influence in Romanian religious life, will not
be the object of our study. Finally, the completion of this project in the United States will
also limit our access to many ofthe primary sources that could be found in Romania, or in
other parts of Europe.
Presuppositions
Convinced that Biblical theology is the foundation of the true faith, I believe
that there is no authentic religious "exclusivism." God's children, the true followers of Jesus
Christ, are not confined within a particular group or denomination. I am not advocating
religious relativism by any means. Even though I feel close kinship with the Brethren and
Baptists, I do not intend to magnify these groups or to put down others. I believe that for two
millennia the message of the gospel was preserved and transmitted through the historical
Church (the historical churches had true believers who carried the Christian message to our
generations).
Christianity is essentially a historical religion. God revealed himself to his
people not simply in doctrinal statements, nor in theoretical studies, but in action, in the
outworking of a series of events that took place in certain periods and places. During the
progress of this study I started to see myself as a disciple of Luke, the "beloved physician"
and the first historian of the Church, who gave us an accurate record of the life of Christ and
His apostles. His prologue to his Gospel is a standard objective for any Christian historian.
13
Since many have undertaken to set down an orderly account of the events that have
been fulfilled among us, just as they were handed on to us by those who from the
beginning were eyewitnesses and servants ofthe word, I too decided, after
investigating everything carefully from the very first, to write an orderly account for
you, most excellent Theophilus, so that you may know the truth concerning the things
about which you have been instructed. (Luke I: 1-4, NRSV)
I consider this project as an exercise in modem Christian history. Like Luke
in the first century, my first concern was to present the facts with historical objectivity. I
tried to remain faithful to the truth, accurately presenting the historical facts as the available
data permits. Moreover, my intention was to provide both a history and descriptive analysis
of the Romanian Evangelical movements. As I started to view the writing of history as the
fusion between art and science, I attempted to combine the modem academic research with
personal creativity. Last, but not least, I believe that history witnesses to a divine purpose
and is moving towards a divine goal. The idea of time moving towards a goal (linear time) is
clearly a Judaic and Christian idea, as against older arbitrary or cyclical views.
I am convinced that Christian history helps us to learn from the twentieth-
century legacy of Christianity in order to be better equipped to live in the present and face the
future. I stand by Winston Churchill's side who said, "the deeper you can look into the past,
the better you can understand the present."
CHAPTER TWO
HISTORICAL CHRISTIANITY IN ROMANIA
Christianity has had a long and sustained history on the territory inhabited by
the Romanians. Between the second and the eighth centuries, the spread of Christianity
among the Dacian descendants overlapped with the process of formation of the Romanian
people. A Latin language and the Christian faith became the main elements contributing to the
identity of the new people. Throughout the centuries, the Romanian Church became a solid
defender of Orthodox faith in Eastern Europe and contributed to the preservation of
Romanians' national identity.
The purpose of this chapter is to provide a summary of the most significant
aspects in the development of Christianity in the Romanian provinces prior to the emergence
of the Evangelical movements. The subject matters introduced in the following section will
include the origins of the Christian faith on Dacian territory and the influence of Slavonic and
Greek Christianity in the formation of Romanian Christianity, the impact of the Protestant
Reformation on the Romanian people, and the religious milieu in which Romania emerged as a
modem nation in the last part of the nineteenth and the first part of the twentieth century.
14
15
The Origins of Christianity on the Territory of Dacia
The origins of Christianity on the territory of Dacia is a much debated issue
among historians. The popular slogans "the Romanians have been Christians for two thousand
years," or "the Romanian people was born Christian" have not gained a scholarly consensus.
In the first century A.D., Geto-Dacians-which occupied the Carpathian
Mountains and Transylvania-formed one of the most well-organized and well-administered
"barbarian" states, and posed a great challenge to Rome's ambitions in the region. Trajan's
predecessor, Domitian (81-96) was unable to defeat the Dacians, arriving to a peace that was
humiliating for Rome. Between A.D. 101 and 106 emperor Trajan launched two military
campaigns and eventually defeated the mighty Dacians led by king Decebal. The importance
of the conquest was shown in the building of Trajan's Column in Rome, a monument
commemorating the Roman-Dacian wars. After the conquest, the Romans colonized the
regions in the South and West of the Carpathians, living alongside native Dacians. Once
Roman rule was established in Dacia the historical development of the native population was
fundamentally affected. The development of numerous cities by the Roman colonists, and the
spread ofthe Latin language led to intense Romanization of Dacia province and its rapid
integration into the empire. The ethnic and cultural synthesis between native Geto-Dacians
and their Roman conquerors ultimately led to the formation of a new people: the Romanians. I
1 Kurt W. Treptow, ed. A History ofRomania (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996),
23-28, and Keith Hitchins, "Balkan States: Romania", in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th ed. vol. 14 (Chicago,
1998), 655-56. In this article Hitchins offers an excellent summary of Romanian history. See also Vlad
Georgescu, Istoria Romdnilor: De la Origini pina in Zi/ele Noastre. [History of the Romanians: From their
Origins to Present Days] Fourth edition. (Bucuresti: Humanitas, 1995), 19-21, based on Eutropius' Breviarum ab
Urbe Conduita (368). Eutropius recorded that the Roman conquest left an exhausta Dacia-a province shorten
depleted of its inhabitants. This does not imply a complete extermination of the native population. According to
Giurescu, the continuity of the Geto-Dacian population is proven by literary sources, archeological evidence,
provincial toponyms and hidronyms, and the preservation of words ofGeto-Dacian origin. This makes the
Romanians one of the oldest inhabitants of Southeastem Europe. C. C. Giurescu and D. Giurescu. Istoria
Romdnilor: Din cele mai Vechi Timpuri pind Astazi. [The History of Romanians], 2d ed. (Bucuresti: Editura
Albatros, 1975), 147-55. See L. Barzu and S. Brezeanu, Originea si Continuitatea Romdnilor: Arheologie si
Traditie Istorica [The Origins and Continuity of the Romanians] (Bucuresti: Editura Enciclopedica, 1991).
16
A number of records preserved by patristic writers point to the emergence of
Christianity on the Black Sea coast took place early in the first two centuries. Around A.D. 60
the Apostle Paul mentions: "from Jerusalem and as far around as Illyricum I have fully
proclaimed the good news of Christ" (Romans 15:19, NRSV). Divided between the Roman
provinces of Dalmatia and Pannonia, Illyricum extended from the Danube River southward to
the Adriatic Sea, neighboring the territory of Dacia. According to the ecclesiastical history of
Eusebius, the inhabitants of Scythia received the Gospels from Apostle Andrew and his
disciples, in the first through the third centuries A.D. Old traditions also mention that Andrew
continued his mission southward to Greece where he died as a martyr in Patras? "Scythia" is
identified by some historians with the territory north of Danube and west of the Black Sea,
including modem day Dobrogea province, known as Scythia Minor.
3
Due to the paucity of
conclusive historical data, the opinion that places the origins of Christianity in Dacia in the
first century remains for modem historians a hypothesis.I
There is evidence that points to an early disappearance ofthe old cult of
Zalmoxis coupled with the emergence of Christian faith on lower Danube as early as the
2
The Ecclesiastical History ofEusebius Pamphilius (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book
House: 1974),82. Eusebius, III, 1, -3. The same record of the apostolic mission is preserved by Hipolit the
Roman in On the Twelve Apostles, I. For details on patristic records see Dan Gh. Teodor, Crestinismul la Est de
Carpati: De la Origini pina in secolul al Xll/-lea [Christianity East of the Carpathians] (Iasi: Editura Mitropoliei
Moldovei ~ i Bucovinei, 1991), 49-51.
3 Both the Roman poet Ovid, and Greek geographer Strabo identify Scythia with Dobrogea
province, and the Scythians as the inhabitants of Dobrogea. In the epistle to the Colossians the Apostle Paul
contrasts Scythians with the barbarians, implying that the former received the Gospel of Christ during his
lifetime: "In that renewal there is no longer Greek and Jew, circumcised and uncircumcised, barbarian, Scythian,
slave and free; but Christ is all and in all" (Col 3: 11, NRSY).
4 Mihai Barbulescu, "De la inceputurile Civilizatiei la Sinteza Rornaneasca," in Mihai
Barbulescu, et. al. Istoria Romdniei [The History of Romania] (Bucuresti: Editura Enciclopedica, 1998), 104. See
also the new synthesis ofN. Zugravu, Geneza Crestinismului Popular al Romdnilor, (Bucuresti, 1997).
17
second and third centuries.I Like other historians, Giurescu believes that there may have been
some among the Roman colonists who had already adopted the Christian faith, particularly
soldiers from the fifth legion Macedonica, present for a time in Palestine.
6
One Romanian
tradition speaks of a Roman soldier who, "fighting with the Barbarians [the Dacians],
overpowered them through the power ofChrist.,,7 In Adversus Judaeos, Tertullian mentions
that in the second and third century the Christian faith reached various people in Galia and in
the territories ofthe Germans, Scythians, Dacians, and other remote people. In his
Commentary on the Gospel according to Matthew written around A.D. 250, Origen also
speaks about the barbarian Dacians and Sarmatians from whose number only few heard the
8
Word of the Gospel.
5 See Kurt W. Treptow, "A Study in Geto-Dacian Religion: The Cult of Zamolxix," East
European Quarter/y21:4 (1998): 501-15.
6
C. C. Giurescu and D. Giurescu, Istoria Romdnilor, 163.
7
See "The Life of St. Eustatie Plachida" related by Petre P. Panaitescu in Introducere /a Istoria
Cu/turii Romdnesti [An Introduction to the History of Romanian Culture} (Bucuresti: Editura Stiintifica ~ i
Enciclopedica, 1969), 96.
8
Giurescu, Istoria Romdnilor. vol. I, 139-40.
18
Apulum
A

.+
....
AO
Porolissum
o Communities
X Bishops
t Martyrs
Christian pottery
... Christian gems
- Burrial places
Other evidence
" Micia
"', 0
...

o Napoca
o Potaissa
Figure 1. Early Christian Evidence on Lower Danube (2d and 3d Century AD.).
Archeological finds clearly support the existence of a Christian community on
the territory of present-day Romania in the third century, and prove that by the end ofthe
fourth century church life was widespread.I Several burial places containing inscriptions
witness ofthe first Christian martyrs in the vicinity of the Black Sea. Numerous religious
abodes, fragments of pottery, gems and lamps bearing the image of the "Good Shepherd" and
the sign ofthe cross, Roman altars and burial places carved with Christian symbols, have been
discovered in ancient Roman centers in the area between the Carpathians and the Danube. A
9 N. Gudea and I. Ghiurco, Din Istoria Crestinismului fa Romani: Mdrturii Arheologice
[Archeological Evidence on Romanian Christian History] (Oradea: Editura Episcopiei Ortodoxe, 1988).
19
third-century gem found at Potaissa with the inscription YXell: is particularly valuable.
Another important discovery is the fragment of a bronze candelabrum dating from the fourth
century with the Latin inscription ego Zenovius votum posui ("I, Zenovius, made a votive
offering,,).10 One fourth-century amphora found at Sucidava with the Greek inscription "Of
Lunkonobu, son of Likatiu, the presbyter", points to the earliest known churchman in the
territory of Dacia. 11 In 290, Evangelicus is recorded as bishop of the Greek colony Tomis, on
the Black Sea coast.
As a symptom of Roman decline and under the constant pressure of the attacks
of the Goths, the emperor Aurelian ordered a peaceful withdrawal of the Roman army and
administration (271-75), reestablishing the Danube as the frontier of the empire. The
withdrawal of the Roman upper classes and army did not end the Roman life and influence,
which were preserved by the majority of the population, mostly peasants, who stayed behind
and mixed with groups of free Dacians descended from the mountainous regions. 12
It is generally concluded that the Romanian people was formed, together with
the Romanian language, between the first and the seventh centuries A.D. The present data
suggest that Christianity also developed progressively in the territory of Dacia during the first
centuries of our era, possibly beginning with the first and second centuries. The Romanians
10 Georgescu, lstoria Romdnilor, 24. Barbulescu, "De la lnceputurile Civilizatiei la Sinteza
Romaneasca," 104-105.
II
Panaitescu, lntroducere fa lstoria Culturii Romdnesti, 100.
12
Hitchins, "Balkan States: Romania", in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 602-603, 656.
20
are therefore among the oldest Christian peoples in Southeastern Europe. 13 The historical
evidence points to a certain connection between Christianity and Romanian ethno-genesis. We
cannot speak of a "baptism of Clovis" north of the Danube. As Georgescu pointed out, "Daco-
Roman Christianity was not officially imposed through missionary work or mass
Christianization, but rather of a developed popular faith, spread spontaneously among the
numerous Christian communities along the Danube River.,,14
The Initial Form of Christianity in Dacia
It is generally agreed that the main forces at work contributing to the flowering
of Daco-Scythian Christianity were of Latin and Greek origins. Under the influence of the
Romans, the people of Dacia adopted the Latin language and the Christian faith, and the
country was considerably developed. As Vasile Parvan demonstrated, crucial evidence that
the initial stage of Christianity in Romania had a Latin form, though in embryonic form, is the
fact that the primary religious words in the Romanian Church were of Latin origin. Romanian
words like Dumnezeu (Domine-Deus), a boteza (baptisare), bisericii (basilica),popa (popa),
crestin (Christianus), cruce (crux), inger (angelus), rugdciune (rogationem), Sdnt (sanctus),
pacat (peccatum), pagan (pagan us), duminica (Dominica), a raposa (repausare), Rusaliile
13
Treptow, ed. A History ofRomania, 47. See the work of the Orthodox scholar Bota loan,
Istoria Bisericii Universale $i a Bisericii Romdnesti [The History of the Universal Church and of Romanian
Church] (Cluj-Napoca: Editura Viata Crestina, 1994).
14 Georgescu, Istoria Romdnilor, 24. Due to the paucity of the evidence some historians
believe that the true history of the origins of Daco-Schythian Christianity still remains to be written. See E.
Lozovan, "Dacia Sacra", in History ofReligions 7 (1968),209-10.
21
(Rosalia), have all clear Latin origin. 15 Treptow asserts that "the Romanians preserved the
essence of Christianity as they had inherited it from their ancestors, the Daco-Romans, who
had received it from Rome, in Latin." 16
For the first three centuries of our era, Christianity was a religia ilicita in the
entire Roman Empire. Only after 313, when Constantine the Great issued the Edict of Milan,
were Christians granted the right to practice their religion openly, on an equal basis with the
pagan cults. Constantine later enacted numerous laws relating to Christian practice: for
instance, he abolished the penalty of crucifixion and the practice of branding certain criminals,
suppressed private sacrifices and ritual prostitution, and extended privileges to the clergy.
Christianity's new position of favored religion also had negative effects through
the incorporation of pagan elements. By the late third century there were attempts to adopt
features of pagan religions, and eventually to absorb them into Christianity: churches took
over for temples, the cult of saints and martyrs replaced the popular devotion to the old gods,
and festivals of the Christian year took the place of the holy days of paganism. Since his
previous religion was the worship of the Unconquered Sun, in 321 Constantine declared the
first day of the week a holiday, and called it "the venerable day of the Sun" (Sunday, lat.
Domenico). In the same period Christ's birth started to be celebrated on the twenty-fifth of
December, the birthday of the Sun. The veneration of the Virgin Mary-which appears to have
15
Vasile Parvan, Contributii Epigrafice fa lstoria Crestinismului Daco-Roman [Epigraphic
Contributions to the History of Daco-Roman Christianity] (Bucuresti, 1911),201. See also N. Iorga, lstoria
Bisericii Romdnesti si a Vietti Religioase a Romdnilor vol. 1, (Bucharest, 1929), 14-15. Other Romanian words
such as: Vagura (virgo, virgula+ Fecioara), altar, timpla, sarbatoare, Craciun, Paste, ajun, preot, cuminecatura,
inchinare, cislegi, cirnelegi, lege, credinta, zau, raposat, priveghi, rnormint, cimitir, martor, urare, juramint,
binccuvintare, blestem, drac, all have clear Latin origins.
16
K. W. Treptow, ed. A History ofRomania, 88.
22
parallels with the worship of the Egyptian goddess Isis and of Artemis of Ephesus-became a
id d . 17
WI esprea practice.
Constantine initiated the development of a Christianized imperial governing
class that served as the basis of the Christianization of the entire Roman Empire and opened a
new age in the church-state relationship. Likewise, he set the foundation for the first
hierarchical structures of the Christian Church, organizing metropolitans for each political
province of the Empire. Treptow points out that one important factor that helped spread
Christianity among the people living on the territory of the former Dacia were the bishoprics
established along the Danube in the fourth century, after Christianity became a state religion in
h
. 18
t e empire.
Only sporadically present in old Dacia, Christianity was propagated widely in
the area between the Carpathians and the Danube once Constantine's reincorporated the
Dacian territory into the empire. 19 This led to a syncretism between the Christian faith and the
popular religions practiced in this territory. The assessment of Petre P. Panaitescu-a
Romanian historian and Slavonic specialist-demonstrates the mixture of faith, tradition, and
folklore that characterizes even in our day the religion of the Romanians:
Our history did not know a dramatic uprooting of the old deities, but a retaining of the
popular paganism, with some adjustments to Christianity.... For instance, burying the
clay doll, caloianul, the veneration of the prehistoric idols of clay. Even today we have
17 Richard A. Todd, "Constantine and the Christian Empire," in The History ofChristianity ed.
Tim Dowley (Oxford: Lion Publishing, 1996), 138-151. See also Andreas Alfoldi, The Conversion of
Constantine and Pagan Rome (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 1998).
18 Treptow, A History ofRomania, 45.
19 According to some Hungarian scholars, during this period the Romanized Dacians withdrew
south of the Danube River, only to return to the Romanian plains and to Transylvania during the Middle Ages.
Hitchins, like most Romanian scholars, argues that "a substantial Romanized population maintained itself
continuously in old Dacia and that the ethnogenesis of the Romanian people occurred precisely there." See K.
Hitchins, "Balkan States: Romania", in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 656.
23
the sacrifices of the white roosters which are given to the priests at burial ceremonies,
symbolizing sacrifices on the altars of different gods. The celebration of the nature
when children dress in green leaves, like in pantheist religions, the ritual dance around
the fire, are traces of this pagan popular cult.. .. There were not demolished temples,
nor broken idols, there was no conflict here, not even in people's conscience, as the
inhabitant of the villages, keeping his old traditions, did not see any contradiction
between the old and the new faith. He bowed down before the new herald that was
brought, and entered the church bringing his prehistoric rituals before the altar?O
(Translation mine)
After the division of the empire in 395 and the separation of the two major
spheres of medieval Christianity led by Rome and Constantinople, the Romanian lands became
a border between Eastern and Western churches, and a disputed area between Orthodoxy and
Catholicism. Beginning in the fifth century, the territory of former Dacia became a part of the
Byzantine administration. This led to the intensification ofthe Greek presence north of the
Danube (which was constant during the first centuries of Christianity on the Black Sea coast)
and of the missionary efforts from the Byzantine Empire.
Despite the fact that the Latin form of the core religious vocabulary proves that
Christianity took early roots among the Daco-Roman population, some Russian historians
suggest that Romanians became Christians after the conversion of the Bulgars, late in the ninth
century. The linguistic argument demonstrates that the adoption of a Slavonic language and
liturgy into the cultic life came later, with the development of ecclesial organizational forms
under the influence of Byzantine Christianity. All church-related terms of Slavonic origin
describe cultic life and church services, instruments and objects used in the church, priestly
20 Panaitescu, Introducere la Istoria Culturii Romdnesti, 102-103. In his article "Dacia Sacra",
in History ofReligions 7 (Feb. 1968), 209-10, Lozovan argues that Danubian Christianity was also nourished by
other sources than those of Greek and Latin missionary centers. He believes that the multilingual atmosphere on
the shores of the Danube was favorable to religious syncretism. These multiple origins made Danubian
Christianity a living reality immersed in history, myth, and folklore.
24
garments, and hierarchical terminology?
1
As most scholars agree, the conclusion points to a
continuity of Romanian Christianity from the first centuries to the Middle Ages. Most
historians agree that Latin was the initial form of Christianity on the territory of former Dacia,
the Slavonic influence being a later development. "The seal of Rome," as Iorga called the
signs of Latinity on the Romanian people, gave the name, the language, and the faith of the
R
. 22
omaruans.
The Introduction of Slavonic Christianity
North of the Danube
The Romanians pride themselves in being the only Latin nation surrounded by
the Slavs and Hungarians.
23
They feel that their mixed Dacian and Roman heritage gives
them this historical uniqueness. "We are a Latin island in a Slavic sea." But the process of
getting into this big "sea" does not seem to be a luminous part of Romanian history.
In 602, Slavs descended from north of the Black Sea and occupied much of the
Balkan Peninsula, cutting Dacia off from the Byzantine world. Despite their undeveloped
civilization, by the eighth century the Slavs achieved political and social domination in Dacia.
While on right bank of the Danube the Slavs assimilated one of the most Romanized provinces
21
These are Slavonic related words like: mitropo/it, staret, caiugar, vladicii, molifta, utrenie,
cristelnita.fastante. ciidelnifil, clopot, strand, tdmiie, precista, schimnic, mucenic. potcap, moaste, spovedanie,
capiste, sobor, prohod, propoviiduire, pristavire, blagoslovenie, pogribanie, pravoslavnic, bogdaproste,
saracusta, sarindar, moschior, cofac, etc. See D. Draghicescu, Din Psihofogia Poporului Roman: Introducere
[On the Psychology of the Romanian People] (Bucuresti: Editura Albatros, 1907, 1995),223-25.
22 Treptow, A History ofRomania, 45-46, 74. Panaitescu even suggests that since the
Romanians adopted the Christian faith much earlier, they contributed to the Christianization of the Slavs. P. P.
Panaitescu, Introducere fa Istoria Culturii Romdnesti, 104-105.
23 It is at the same time the only Latin nation that embraced the Orthodox faith (contrasting
with Poland, which is the only Slavic nation subject to the Roman Church).
25
of the empire, on the left bank they were assimilated by the more numerous native
I
. 24
popu anon,
In the 860s, Cyril and his brother Methodius worked as missionaries among the
Slavs, using for the first time Slavonic in the liturgy. Despite Roman Catholic opposition they
translated the Holy Scriptures into the language later known as Old Church Slavonic and
invented a Slavic alphabet based on Greek characters establishing the liturgical and literary
language of the Balkans.
25
For their religious and cultural influence on all Slavic peoples,
these outstanding theologians, and linguists received the title "the apostles of the Slavs."
By the ninth century when the first Bulgarian Empire extended its control over
Dacia, the Vlachs (i.e., ethnic Romanians) adopted a Slavonic liturgy and Bulgarian
ecclesiastical jurisdiction. In their homes the Romanians spoke a Latin language, but their
language of worship was the imposed Slavonic, which the priests could barely read. Dumitran
maintains that despite the aura of mystery produced by the adoption of Slavonic, the
Romanians were kept in great darkness about spiritual realities?6 A prominent Romanian
historian, A. Xenopol writes that the Slavonic language "completely penetrated church
services and governmental offices; for this reason, all books used in the church in the thirteen,
fourteenth, fifteenth, and most of the sixteenth century are written in Slavonic language; all
24
C. C. Giurescu and D. Giurescu. Istoria Romani/or: Din ce/e mai Vechi Timpuri pinii
Astazi, 177, and Georgescu, Istoria Romdnilor, 24. See also Barbulescu, "De la Inceputurile Civilizatiei la
Sinteza Romaneasca,' 121-22.
25 Hitchins, "Balkan States: Romania", in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 603, 656. In its final
Cyrillic form their alphabet is still in use in modem Russian and a number of other Slavic languages.
26Ana Dumitran, "Reforma ~ i Romanii din Transilvania In Secolele XVI-XVII" [The
Reformation and the Romanians of Transylvania in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries]. Ph.D. diss., (Cluj-
Napoca: 1993),47-60.
26
documents we have from these ages are redacted in the same language.T" For close to a
millennium the Orthodox hierarchy defended the Slavonic language for church worship. This
not only kept Romanians in spiritual ignorance, but also hindered the development of the
vernacular language. The translation of Scripture and liturgical texts into Romanian was not
completed until the nineteenth century.28
As defenders of the Eastern tradition, the Orthodox partisans argue that the
Slavonic language that dominated the Churches until the time of Coresi was the bulwark of the
church against the incursion of the West.
29
Taking a similar position Cartojan asserts that,
"the continuation of the Slavonic language in the life of the Church was a measure imposed
not only from our tradition inflicted from our forefathers, as much as a necessity for
maintaining intact the ethnic unity.,,30 At the same time they also claim that the Orthodox
Church introduced the Romanian language into the worship service, but clearly it cannot be
both ways.
Many historians, philologists and theologians see the continuation of the
Slavonic language as bondage and imprisonment in the development of the Romanian
27
A. Xenopol, lstoria Romdnilor din Dacia Traiana, vol. 2 (Bucuresti: Editura Stiintifica ~ i
Enciclopedica, 1899, 1986), 184.
28K. A. Hitchins, "Balkan States: Romania", in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 656.
29M. Sesan, "Introducerea Limbii Romane in Biserica,' [The Introduction of the Romanian
Language in the Church] in Studii Teologice 11 (Jan 1959): 60.
30
N. Cartojan, lstoria Literaturii Romdne Vechi [The History of the Old Romanian Literature]
(Bucuresti, Minerva, 1980), 158-60. To Cartojan the positive aspect is that it realized a complete separation from
the Protestant and Catholic people.
27
31
people. Moldavian prince Dimitrie Cantemir showed that Slavonic had been introduced
through an excess of Orthodox zeal and had been a cause of cultural regression, while the use
of Romanian in the church and in printing meant that a revival was beginningT D.Onciul
asserts that, "through the Bulgarians, and during the same period, we were separated from the
Roman Church; from them we received the Slavonic language in Church and State, which
dominated thereafter our intellectual life until the seventeenth century. This was our fatalist
d
. . h' ,,33
estmy m istory.
It can be concluded that not Christianity, but the official Christian Church is
what Romanians borrowed from Bulgars. The Slavonicization of Romanian Christianity was a
process that kept the message of the Scripture away from the people, hindered the
development of the national language, and the cultural enrichment experienced by the other
Latin countries of Europe.
Romanian Christianity under
Ottoman Domination
Medieval society of the Romanian principalities of Moldavia and Walachia was
profoundly shaped by the Byzantine religious and cultural world. The Romanians developed
as an agrarian and rural society, paying ecclesiastical allegiance to the Patriarchate of
Constantinople, drawing written laws from Byzantine codes, and following Byzantium in art,
31
Xenopol, Istoria Romdnilor din Dacia Traiana, 122; Vlad Georgescu, Istoria Romdnilor,
134; Iosif Ton, Credinta Adevarata [The True Faith] (Societatea Misionara Romana, 1988),24-48. See also
Adolf Ambruster, La romanite des Roumains: histoire d'une idee (Bucharest, 1977); Ion Ghetie and Alexandru
Mares, Origini/e Scrisului in Limba Romdnd [The Origins of Writing in the Romanian Language] (Bucuresti:
Editura Stiintifica si Enciclopedica, 1985).
32
Dimitrie Cantemir, Descriptio Moldavie (1716), ed. G. Gutu (Bucuresti: Editura Minerva,
1973),371-73.
33
D. Onciul, Papa Formosus in Omagiu lui T. Maiorescu (Bucuresti, 1903),631.
28
literature, and customs. To describe Romanian medieval society Iorga coined the phrase
"Byzantium after Byzantium." However, the Byzantine world was not the only factor of
influence in the Romanian principalities of the fourteen and fifteen centuries. Georgescu
points out that archeological digs in Curtea de Arges, Baia and Suceava show that Romanian
boyar artifacts were originally more similar to those of Buda and Krakow than to
Constantinople's. The early portrait of prince Mircea the Old from Curtea de Arges shows
him dressed as a typical European knight, while Constantin Brancoveanu is depicted in
B
. 34
sumptuous yzantme costume.
During the Middle Ages, the primary impediment in the development of the
Romanian principalities was the four hundred years of Ottoman domination. During the
Turkish domination between the fifteenth and nineteenth centuries the Romanian principalities
confronted the Ottoman armies in an attempt to achieve independence and to remain a part of
Christendom. Every Balkan nation now claims recognition for keeping the rest of Europe free
from the Muslim yoke. The illustrious prince of early sixteenth-century Moldavia Stephen the
Great, was called by Pope Sixtus IV "Athleta Christi," a major defender of Christianity. 35 In
contrast with their neighbors south of the Danube, by recognizing the suzerainty of the sultan
and by paying heavy annual tribute, the Romanians were permitted to manage their own
internal affairs and avoided direct incorporation into the Ottoman Empire and potential
I I
. . 36
s amization.
In the second part of the fourteenth century the Metropolitanates of Wallachi a
and Moldavia were organized and recognized by the patriarch in Constantinople. The
34
Georgescu, Istoria Romdnilor, 75-76.
35
Seton-Watson, A History ofthe Romanians: From Roman Times to the Completion ofUnity
(London: 1934),41-45.
36 Hitchins, "Balkan States: Romania", in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 603.
29
Romanian princes and boyars (nobles) erected a number of churches and monasteries during
this period?7 It has been shown that beginning with the fifteen century the Orthodox Church
fell victim to the institutionalized corruption promoted by the Ottoman system of government.
The combining of civil with religious power in the hands ofthe ecumenical
patriarchate and the upper reaches of the hierarchy prompted furious competition for
high office. This was encouraged by the Ottomans, for it was soon the norm for a huge
peshkesh [known also as kharaj], or bribe, to be paid to the grand vizier, the sultan's
chief minister, on each occasion that a new patriarch was installed. Thus, despite the
fact that, in theory, a patriarch was elected for life, there was a high turnover in office.
Some even held the office more than once.
38
The instability of Orthodox leadership and vision was due to the fact that the
Ottoman Porte frequently changed the Patriarchs of Constantinople. This is illustrated by the
fact that during 1555-1690 there were 18 popes in Rome and 51 patriarchs in
C
. 1 39
onstantmop e.
During the Middle Ages the Orthodox Church did not make a significant
contribution on the theological arena. This is what Russian theologian John Meyendorffwrote
in this respect:
The 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries were the dark age of Orthodox theology. Neither in
the Middle East nor in the Balkans nor in Russia was there any opportunity for
independent theological creativity. Since no formal theological education was
accessible, except in Western Roman Catholic or Protestant schools, the Orthodox
tradition was preserved primarily through the liturgy, which retained all its richness
and often served as a valid substitute for formal schooling. Most doctrinal statements
of this period, issued by councils or by individual theologians, were polemical
documents directed against Western missionaries.
40
37
See Treptow, A History ofRomania, 88-93.
38 Richard R. M. Clogg, "Greece: History," in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th ed. vol. 20, 195.
39
S. Runciman, The Great Church in Captivity: A Study ofthe Patriarchate ofConstantinople
from the Eve ofthe Turkish Conquest to the Greek War ofIndependence (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1968), 281-83.
40
John Meyendorff, "Eastern Orthodoxy," in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th ed. vol. 17
(Chicago, 1998),850. Movila's Confession of is among the very few exceptions of theological achievenments.
30
During the Ottoman domination many Romanian rulers became national heroes
and Christian martyrs, demonstrating their loyalty to their people and their faith in Christ.
Wallachian Constantin Brancoveanu was one of the most outstanding Romanian princes ofthe
early Modem Age. Brancoveanu proved himself a skilled diplomat and introduced fiscal
reform, which helped the people in a time when the Ottomans imposed high tributes. During
his rule education and culture flourished in Wallachia, as he opened schools, established
printing presses, and created a new architectural style. During his rule Radu and Serban
Greceanu published Biblia de fa Bucuresti (The Bucharest Bible, 1688), the first Romanian
version of the Bible, whose translation was initiated by prince Constantin Cantacuzino. In
1714 Brdncoveanu was taken to Istanbul, together with his family and was asked to deny
Christianity and accept Islam for himself and his people. He refused to deny his faith and was
tortured and decapitated together with his four sons.
41
The Turkish influence and domination had negative effects on the Romanians,
as the Principalities became impoverished economically, and many people adopted a fatalist
conception of a passive life. However, there were also views that "the Ottoman Empire was
part of the divine dispensation granted by God to protect Orthodoxy from the taint of Roman
Catholicism and of Western secularism and irreligion.,,42 The peak of Ottoman domination
took place in the eighteenth century, during what is generally known as the Phanariot regime.
41
Treptow, A History ofRomania, 182. See also C. C. Giurescu and D. Giurescu. Istoria
Romani/or: Din ce/e mai Vechi Timpuri pina Astdzi, 439-45.
42 Such was the position of Anthimos, the patriarch of Jerusalem, expressed in 1798. See
Richard R. M. Clogg, "Greece: History," in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th ed. vol. 20 (1998), 195.
31
The Impact ofthe Reformation
On the Romanian People
The impact of the Reformation on the Romanian people was manifested
particularly in the provinces of Transylvania and Moldavia. Transylvania was incorporated
into the Kingdom of Hungary at the end of the eleventh century. On the frontier between East
and West, Transylvania aroused the interest of Hungarians, Ottomans, Austrians, and
Romanians becoming the meeting point of different cultures. In order to strengthen their
position, the Hungarian kings settled Szeklers and Saxons along the southern and eastern
borders of Transylvania. Beginning with the sixteenth century, the administrative and
economic life of Transylvania was dominated by the Hungarian and Saxon upper classes,
while the Romanians-mostly peasant and Orthodox-were excluded from public affairs and
"1 43
pnvi eges.
In the eleventh century Transylvanian society became the target of persistent
Catholic missionary efforts under the Habsburg sponsorship. These efforts of "Romanization"
of the Romanians had little success among a people that remained staunchly Orthodox.
44
Besides retaining its characteristic traditions, Orthodoxy became a means of preserving the
ethnic and linguistic identity of the Romanians. However, with the installation of the Catholic
rule, the Orthodox Church was only a tolerated religion in Transylvania.
43
Viorel Roman and Hannes Hofbauer, Transi/vania: Romdnii la Incrucisarea Intereselor
Imperiale [translation ofTranssilvanien-Siebenbilrgen: der Volker am Rande der Reiche] (Bucuresti: Editura
Europa Nova, 1998), 73-118.
44
Georgescu, Istoria Romdnilor, 73-74; Nicolae Iorga, Istoria Bisericii Romdnesti si a Vietti
Religioase a Romdnilor, vol. 1, 169-70. See also Maria Craciun, "Orthodox Piety and the Rejection of Protestant
Ideas in Sixteenth Century Moldavia." in M. Craciun and O. Gitta ed. Ethnicity and Religion in Central and
Eastern Europe (Cluj: Cluj University Press, 1995), 70-91. Craciun suggests that dissent from Orthodox belief
was considered the gravest sin of all, and was condemned as heresy.
32
The first half of the sixteenth century brought major changes to the European
religious scene. Protestant Reformers such as Martin Luther in Germany, John Calvin in
Geneva and Ulrich Zwingli in Switzerland, called for a return to apostolic, New Testament
Christianity. Besides the use of the vernacular in church services, sola scriptura, sola gratia,
and solajide were the major theological principles taught by the Reformers. Reformation
thought was brought to Moldavia and Transylvania largely by German settlers who emigrated
eastward because of the Catholic persecution. In the sixteenth century Romanian princes and
boyars started to study at Western universities, or opened their own schools. Despot-Veda,
prince of Moldavia from 1561 to 1563, founded a college at Cotnari with German professors
and a program of studies influenced by the Reformation which was later transformed into a
Latin school with Jesuit professors.Y
A land of religious toleration and liberty, sixteenth- and seventeenth-century
Transylvania became a bulwark of Protestantism in Eastern Europe. Between 1550-71 four
Transylvanian denominations received full liberties to function as receptae (recognized)
religions: Catholicism, Lutheranism, Calvinism and Unitarianism. The Orthodox faith
remained a tolerated religion until 1780s.
46
Meanwhile, Orthodox theology became
increasingly receptive to Protestant ideas and concomitantly adverse to the challenging Roman
47
Church.
45 Randall H. Balmer, "Sola Scriptura: The Protestant Reformation and The Eastern Orthodox
Church" Trinity Journal 3: 1 (Spring 1982): 51-56.
46 Pompiliu Teodor, "Tolerance and the Transylvanian Romanians: From Maria Theresa to
Joseph II," in M. Craciun and O. Ghitta, ed. Church & Society in Central and Eastern Europe (Cluj: European
Studies Foundation, 1998), 184-206.
47
Harold Brown, Heresies (New York: Doubleday, 1984),336.
33
An important effect of the Reformation in the Romanian provinces was the
advent of the first writings in the vernacular. In 1544, under the influence of erudite Johannes
Honterus, the Lutheran Catechism was translated and published in Romanian. This document
attested the Lutheran tradition of publishing catechisms, and established the importance of
preaching from the Scripture.
48
During this time, at the initiative of the Reformed leaders of
Transylvania, deacon Coresi became the first publisher of religious works in the vernacular.
49
Eftimie writes that "the Romanian Orthodox steadfastness was so great that they went so far
that they did not allow the liturgy to be made in Romanian but in Slavonic, being afraid that
the Romanian language will Calvinize them.,,50
Eastern Christendom faced a serious dilemma in the 1630s, when the
Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople Cyril Lucaris became one of the most receptive
Orthodox champions of Reformation ideas. 51 The patriarch's movement toward Wittenberg
and Geneva grew out of his aversion to the Latin Church, primarily because of Jesuit
missionary efforts in the Orthodox East. Influenced by ambassadors from Reformed countries,
Lucaris' theology took a decidedly Calvinist tum and culminated in his Eastern Confession of
48
Ion Ramureanu, Istoria Bisericii [The History of the Church] (Bucuresti, Editura IBM al
BOR, 1992), 380. On Protestant influence on Romanian Orthodoxy see also E. Lovinescu, Istoria Civilizatiei
Romdne Moderne [The History of the Modem Romaian Civilization] vol. 1, (Bucuresti: Ancora, 1924).
49
Like the Sibiu Catechism, and Palia de la Ordstie, the first translation ofthe Old Testament
in the Romanian language.
50
Andrei Eftimie, "Au Existat Episcopi Canonici in Transilvania in Veacul al XVI-lea?" Studii
Teologice (1955), 97.
51 A sympathetic treatment of Lucaris' life, particularly the political intrigues that surrounded
his ecclesiastical career, is presented in Germanos, Kyrillos Loukaris, 1572-1638: A Strugglefor Preponderance
between Catholic and Protestant Powers in the Orthodox East (London: S.P.C.K., 1951). See also George
Hadjiantoniou, Protestant Patriarch: The Life ofCyril Lucaris (1572-/638) Pathiarch ofConstantinople
(London, 1961). It appears that Lucaris followed the steps of another prince of Greek origin and Lutheran
convictions, Iacob Heraclid, who ruled in Moldova in the second part of the sixteenth-century, and had Protestant
ideas. See Serban Papacostea, "Hegernonia Otornana," in Mihai Barbulescu, et. al. /storia Romdniei, 222.
34
the Christian Faith, published at Geneva in 1629 and at Constantinople in 1631.
52
Lucaris'
Confession contains such Reformed ideas as predestination, justification by faith, and innate
depravity. He emphasized the priority ofthe Scriptures which "are infallible and have
perpetual authority," and maintained that "the witness of the Sacred Scriptures is of higher
authority than that ofthe Church." Therefore, they are to be "read in the vulgar tongue by all
Christians.,,53 At the same time, he rejected the notion of purgatory and posited that the
number of holy sacraments was two, not seven, as both the Latin and the Eastern Churches
held. 54
After his murder in 1638, Lucaris' theological views were anathematized by the
Synod of Constantinople, and he was described by the Orthodox hierarchy as "an intruder into
the throne of Constantinople, abounding with the poison of the deadliest heresy.,,55 In 1642,
at the Synod of Iasi, Lucaris' confession together with Calvinism were condemned. Moreover,
in 1672 at the Synod of Bethlehem, the confession and Calvinism were condemned again, and
the synod denied that Lucaris authored the confession, asserting that such teaching could not
have come from the patriarch of Constantinople. 56
After some delay, Orthodox hierarchs produced quality answers to the
Reformed catechisms. The Patriarch of Kiev, Peter Movila, and the Metropolitan of Iasi,
52
George A. Maloney, A History ofOrthodox Theology since 1453 (Belmont, MA: Nordland,
1976) 125-27, and 100-101. See also Jaroslav Pelikan, The Christian Tradition: A History ofthe Development of
Doctrine, vol. 2: The Spirit ofEastern Christendom (600-1700) (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1974) 282-85.
53
Synod ofJerusalem 186-87, 208.
54Lucaris, Eastern Confession: chap. III on predestination; chaps. IX and XIlI on justification
by faith; chap. VI on depravity; chap. XVIlI on purgatory; chaps. XV-XVII on the sacraments.
55 Walter F. Adeney, The Greek and Eastern Churches (Edinburgh: T & T Clatk, 1908),320.
56 Ibid., 320-21.
35
Varlaam, were the two major Orthodox figures involved in this theological debate. In 1632,
Peter Movila (also spelled Mogila and Mohyla)-a Moldavian Orthodox of noble family-
became the Metropolitan of Kiev where he established the first Orthodox academy according
the Western standards.
57
To bring order to Orthodox theology in its two-fronted controversy
with the Roman church and with Protestant reformers, Movila composed The Orthodox
Confession ofFaith ofthe Eastern Orthodox Church (1640) and the Small Catechesis
(1945).58 It was immediately approved at the Iasi Synod by the four Eastern patriarchs and
then ratified at the Synod of Jerusalem in 1672. This Confession of Faith-translated in all the
major European languages-remains one of the primary outlines of Eastern Orthodox doctrines
as set forth in refutation of Roman Catholic and Protestant claims.
Varlaam was an Orthodox monk at Secu Monastery, a gifted linguist and
orator. Because of his ability to speak several languages, Varlaam was employed by the ruling
princes in various diplomatic expeditions. In 1632, he was elevated to the position of
Metropolitan of Moldavia. He was evidently influenced by Movila, and in 1639, in the time of
Vasile Lupu, built an academy in lasi with professors from Kiev. Among his numerous
writings, Varlaam gave in 1645 an answer to the Calvinistic Catechism published by Coresi.
57 A descendant of Moldavian prince Ieremia Movila, young Peter migrated to the Polish
Ukraine. After receiving his education in Jesuit schools in Lvyv, in 1627 he became the superior of the famous
Monastery of the Caves at Kiev. Elected metropolitan of Kiev in 1633, Movila made great efforts to improve the
education of his clergy and laity. He developed the theological college of the Kiev monastery into an influential
school of humanities and theology of Western type and established a number of schools, hospitals and
monasteries. See Mircea Pacurariu, Istoria Bisericii Ortodoxe Romdne [The History of the Romanian Orthodox
Church] vol. 2 (Bucuresti: Editura IBM al BOR, 1981),31-45.
58 Despite his outstanding achievements, Movila was often criticized for his Latinizing
tendencies, evident in his major works. In the first version of his Confession-reviewed by a commission of
theologians from Constantinople-he admits the existence of Purgatory and accepted Latin sacramental theology
(as evidenced in the moment of consecration at Eucharist). Through his Trebnik, based as well on Latin sources,
Movila implemented a series of liturgical reforms introducing new rites and changing existing ones. See Paul
Meyendorff, "The Liturgical Reforms of Peter Moghila: A New Look," in St. Vladimir's Theological Quarterly
28 (1984): 101-114.
36
This Answer was considered the most important work of Romanian dogmatic literature after
Movila's Confession.
59
As Hancock-Stefan pointed out, the extent of the Reformer's
influence among the Romanians is evidenced by the considerable amount of Orthodox
writings against them.
60
The translation of the Bible (1688) was realized as well under the
stimulus of the European Humanism and Reformation.
Some evidence exists that in the seventeenth century in Transylvania there were
Romanian communities of Calvinist faith, opposed by both Orthodox and Catholics.
61
The
Orthodox interpretation is that the Romanians who became Calvinist (or Lutheran) did so
strictly for political gains.
62
After the instauration of the Habsburg regime in Transylvania,
the Romanian Protestant communities disappeared, gradually joining the Greek-Catholic or the
Hungarian Reformed communities.
The Religious life of Transylvanian Romanians was described by Pompiliu
Teodor as "popular religion impregnated by superstitions, sorcery, divinations, magic, and
archaic customs. These defined the so-called experienced religion. ,,63 Characterized by poor
theological and cultural preparation, the Romanian clergy of Transylvania was incapable of
communicating to people the Christian message as it is expressed in the Scripture. The
59
Iorga, Istoria Bisericii Romdnesti, vol. 1,302-14, and Chitescu, "Trei Sute de Ani", 620.
60 George Hancock-Stefan, "The Impact of Reformation on the Romanian People from 1517-
1645 (Wittenberg to Iasi)." Ph.D. diss., (Trinity Evangelical Divinity School, 1997),265. Hancock-Stefan even
maintains that Reformed Romanians were among the most advanced nationalists in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, giving the Romanian language its proper role.
61
Serban Papacostea, "Hegemonia Otornana," in Barbulescu, et. al. Istoria Romdniei, 222-23.
62
M. Pacurariu, Istoria Bisericii Ortodoxe Romdne vol. 1 [The History of the Romanian
Orthodox Church] (Bucuresti: Editura Institutului Biblic ~ i de Misiune a1 Bisericii Ortodoxe Romane), 506.
Pacurariu notes that even after the fall of the Communist system there was a Romanian Calvinistic church in the
village of Turdas.
63 Pompiliu Teodor, "Secolul Luminilor in Tarile Romane," 316.
37
contribution of the Reformation was to give Romanians access to the Bible by stressing the use
of the vernacular.
Attempting to present the Anabaptists as precursors of Romanian Baptists,
Popovici has suggested that seventeenth-century Transylvanian Anabaptists preserved their
faith despite persecution and formal conversion to Catholicism, and had a lasting impact on the
native population.
64
Due to fierce persecution during the sixteenth century, groups of
Anabaptists spread towards Central and Eastern Europe, reaching Moravia, Poland, and
eventually Transylvania and Wallachia. In order to stimulate agriculture and attracted by their
craftsmanship in pottery, in 1621 prince Gabriel Bethlen of Transylvania colonized a number
of persecuted Hutterites in the southern parts of Alba-Iulia.
65
A group of 185 Anabaptist
Brethren left Moravia and settled initially in the Southern region of Transylvania, among the
Saxons. Following subsequent migrations, by 1623 the group reached almost 1,100 persons.
66
It appears that in the second part of the sixteenth century, David Francisc-the first Lutheran
64
See Alexa Popovici, Istoria Anabaptistilor din Romania [The History of the Anabaptists in
Romania] (Bucuresti, 1965), 191-214. Present-day Anabaptists can be traced to three distinct groups: the
Hutterites from South Germany and Austria, the Mennonites from the Netherlands and north Germany, and the
Swiss Brethren from Switzerland and south Germany (also known as Mennonites because of the similarities of
their beliefs). John A. Hostetler, Hutterite Society (Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press, 1974),8.
65 J. A. Hostetler, Hutterite Society, 50-51. Cardinal Dietrichstein who determined many
Hutterites to recant conducted the Catholic persecution. The main Hutterite Bruderhofs in Transylvania were at
Alwinz (Vintul de Jos in Romanian), Hermannstadt, Kreuz, and Stein (north of'Brasov),
66 See J. A. Hostetler, Hutterite Society, 72-73, and the article on "Transylvania," in The
Mennonite Encyclopedia vol. 3, (Hillsboro, Kansas: Mennonite Brethren Publishing House, 1955), 744-45.
Eighteen Anabaptist codices containing dogmatic tracts, hymnals, Bible exegesis and pedagogical writings are
preserved in two Transylvanian university libraries in Alba Julia and Cluj.
38
bishop of Transylvania-eonverted to the Unitarian faith,67 and then to Anabaptist doctrine
through the influence of Jacob Paleologu.
68
There is evidence of early Anabaptist influence in
Transylvania among the German and Hungarian population,69 but the historical continuity of
the Anabaptist faith in Transylvania needs further investigation.
Anabaptist historians assert that due to intense persecutions from the Habsburg
state under Maria Theresa and the opposition ofthe Jesuits, after 1767 Anabaptism
disappeared from Transylvania. Many of the Hutterites suffered martyrdom, under the
accusation of the violation of civil law, heresy, and rebellion. Some of them converted to
Catholicism and were assimilated by the local populations, and some crossed the mountains
into Wallachia to migrate shortly after to the Ukraine, northeast of Kiev.
70
The Anabaptists
(the Hutterites and especially the Mennonites) would continue to play an important role in the
nineteenth century in spreading the Evangelical faith in this area of Europe.
Taking into consideration the historical facts, the Orthodox assertion that no
other group had any degree of influence in the development of the Romanian language and
67
For understanding Unitarianism see Earl M. Wilbur, History of Unitarianism 2 vols.
(Boston: Beacon, 1945) 1.4. See L. F. Dean, "The Withering of Unitarianism," Gordon Review 5:1 (1959) 15.
68
See A. S. Unghvary, The Hungarian Protestant Reformation in the Sixteenth Century under
the Ottoman Impact, Text and Studies in Religion 48(Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen, 1989). In 1570 Wiliny
Sandor gave David Ferenc an Anabaptist writing on adult baptism. Popovici, Istoria Anabaptistilor, 55.
69It is worth mentioning that the Hungarian Baptists maintain an ideological historical
connection with Swiss Anabaptists from the sixteenth century. See Bertalan A. Kirner, Baptista Kronika
(Budapest, 1935).
70J. A. Hostetler, Hutterite Society, 77-90. After 1771 several Hutterite delegations came from
Vishenka in Russia to Transylvania to rescue their imprisoned or apostate brethren. They relocated later to
Molotschna, among the Mennonites. Following the decrees of Catherine II of Russia, after 1788 more than 2,000
Mennonite families immigrated from Danzig and Prussia to Russia and established important settlements at
Chortitza, Molotschna, and Samara. See "Russia," in The Mennonite Encyclopedia vol. 3, (Hillsboro, Kansas:
Mennonite Brethren Publishing House, 1955), 381-93.
39
culture besides the Romanian Orthodox Church needs to be challenged.
7
1 The positive
influence ofthe Reformation in the development of the Romanian people is generally
overlooked by the Orthodox, but it is largely admitted among historians and linguists.
Papacostea maintains that the expansion of Luther's ideas in Romanian lands "precipitated if
not initiated a sustained effort of introduction of Romanian language in church life, and
replaced the Slavonic monopoly over church writing and liturgy."n Hancock-Stefan asserts
that the Protestant Reformation's contribution to the development of the Romanian people was
multifaceted: promoted the usage of the Romanian language in worship, developed
educational, cultural, and linguistic centers, reaffirmed the Latin origins of the Romanian
people, and forced the Orthodox Church to deal with important doctrines.Y
The Greek Influence and the Phanariot Regime
The nature of Greek influence on the Romanian people during the eighteenth
century is another issue debated among historians. After the fall of Constantinople in 1453,
the Romanian Principalities became a place of refuge for many Greek officials, monks and
hierarchs. The Romanian princes and their boiars (nobles), out of their devotion for the
Church and its servants, and desiring to benefit from Greek wisdom and culture, received them
warmly and gave them privileged positions in their monasteries and courts. The Greek
Patriarchs Nifon and Pahomie are among those who found refuge in Wallachia and Moldavia
during the sixteenth century.
71
See Mircea Pacurariu, Istoria Bisericii Ortodoxe Romdne vol. 1-2.
72
Serban Papacostea, "Hegemonia Otomana," in M. Barbulescu, et. al. Istoria Romdniei, 219.
73 G. Hancock-Stefan, "The Impact of Reformation," ii-iii.
40
The Greek influence on the Romanian people culminated with the eighteenth-
century Phanariot regime installed in the Principalities, when the administration, the church,
the culture, and the army were generally controlled by the Greeks.
74
Recruited mostly from
the influential Greek families of Constantinople, the Phanariots ruled in Moldavia and
Wallachia as the viceroys ofthe sultans (as hospodar, or prince), living luxurious lives in their
sumptuous courts in Iasi and Bucharest. 75 The Ottoman government changed Phanariot
princes frequently: between 1711 and 1821 there were 36 in Moldavia and 40 in Wallachia.
Several rulers who promoted a series of reforms distinguished themselves
among the Phanariot princes: Constantin Mavrocordat abolished serfdom and regulated
ecclesiastical life, and Alexandru Ipsilanti initiated extensive administrative and legal reforms.
However, a number of Romanian historians and linguists consider that the Greeks' influence
on the Romanian people did not have the expected results. In describing the religious life of
the Romanians in the eighteenth century, Pompiliu Teodor shows the incapacity of Romanian
clergy to transmit the spiritual light to the masses, since they themselves did not have that
light.
The religious life in the two principalities was dominated by traditions, lacking the
accuracy of theological precepts, delineated by superstitions, myths and pagan festivals
that pointed to a popular religion practiced in communities. The fact is explained by
the rudimentary instruction of the lower clergy, which from the beginning ofthe
74 Romanian princes Neagoe Basarab and Vasile Lupu were among the first who exposed their
courts to the influence of the Greeks. The Phanariotes were "a small caste of Greek (and Hellenized Romanian
and Albanian) families who took their collective name from the Phanar, or Lighthouse, quarter of Constantinople,
the home of the ecumenical Patriarchate." See "Balkan States: Romania", in Encyclopaedia Britannica (Chicago,
1998),656.
75 Pompiliu Teodor, "Secolul Luminilor in Tarile Romane," in Mihai Barbulescu, et. al. Istoria
Romdniei,299-305.
41
century had vague knowledge of writing and reading in the Slavonic language.i"
(Translation mine)
Most Romanian historians characterized the Phanariot Regime as a period of
political, economic and cultural decline.
77
One reason is that after the middle ofthe fifteenth
century the Byzantine world lost its previous splendor. By 1453 the Byzantine Empire was
but a pathetic shadow of its former glories. This is how G. M. Ionescu evaluates the Byzantine
influence:
The influence ofthe Greek culture on the Romanians cannot be compared with that
produced by the Italian Renaissance over France in the sixteenth century, nor with the
later French influence over the Romanian spirit .... The Byzantine writers ceased to
create original works, and rather summarized and compiled the classical masterpieces.
A decadent civilization cannot possess the influence ofthe Renaissance.
78
(Translation
mine)
At the installation of the Phanariots in the seventeenth century, Greek language
penetrated religious and economic life of the Principalities, the Romanian princes founded
numerous Greek schools, and encouraged marriages with the Greeks. The Greeks came to
monopolize the Romanian monasteries and their lands, exploiting what was left from the
Turkish vandalism and robbery. Greek monks and hierarchs conquered the Romanian
principalities through religious means, becoming from the oppressed, the oppressors.
Xenopol maintains that the modem Greek language-just like the Slavonic
before it-had a negative effect on the Romanian people, darkening minds rather than opening
them, and hindered the development of the Romanian language. In 1821, When the Phanariot
76 Pompiliu Teodor, "Secolul Luminilor in Tarile Romane," 315.
77
C. C. Giurescu and D. Giurescu. Istoria Romdnilor, 492-96.
78
G. M. lonescu, Irfluenta Culturii Grecesti in Muntenia si Moldova [The Influence of the
Greek Culture in Muntenia and Moldavia] (Bucuresti, 1900), 16, 18-19,20-22.
42
regime was overthrown there was no sign of visible progress in the way of thinking and the
cultural development of the Romanian people. At the beginning of the nineteenth century
Romanian principalities were closer to Byzantium than in the seventeenth or eighteenth
. 79
centunes.
Winds of Change over Romania
Beginning with the revolutionary, national, and social movements of 1821
Romania entered the Modem Age. The uprising against the feudal and Phanariot yoke led by
Tudor Vladimirescu, coupled with the independence war ofthe Greek Etaireia, forced the
Ottoman Porte to cease nominating Phanariot princes and to reestablish native rulers.
Western-educated boyars and other intellectual leaders of the 1848 revolution witnessed the
reassertion of such political values as individual freedom and equality, national progress, and
socio-political reforms, paving the way to independence from foreign domination and the
union of Romanian principalities in a single national state. 80
Politics
The period between the latter half of the nineteenth century and the Second
World War is dominated by the efforts of the Romanian political and intellectual elite to form
a national state encompassing all Romanians, and to build a modem nation having modem
political institutions and an economy and social structure based on industry and the city, rather
than on agriculture and the village. This process of modem nation-building implied a period
of transition, as "the Romanians of the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia moved away
79 Xenopol, vol. 10, 202-203. See also Vlad Georgescu, Istoria Romdnilor, 88-96.
80
C. C. Giurescu and D. Giurescu. Istoria Romdnilor, 548-51. See also Treptow, A History of
Romania, 227-29.
43
from the patriarchal traditions of the Byzantine-Orthodox South-east toward the dynamic
innovations of the West.,,81 Meanwhile, the Orthodox Church continued to serve as a bulwark
of national consciousness, but it no longer played a direct role in political affairs. 82
The Treaty of Adrianople of 1829, which ended another Russo-Turkish war,
established a virtual Russian protectorate over the principalities and reduced Ottoman
suzerainty to a few legal formalities. After the shaking of the old order in Vienna and the
proclamation of political and civil freedom in Buda-Pest in 1848, Romanian intellectuals of
Transylvania initiated a campaign of their own to gain recognition of their people as an
autonomous nation, and to preserve ethnic identity. In the absence of political institutions they
relied on the Orthodox and Uniate (Greek Catholics, most of whom were Romanians)
churches to provide an infrastructure and to rally the population at large to their cause.
83
Russia played a decisive role in obstructing the brief Romanian experiment in liberalism, as
Tsar Nicolas I sent his troops into Wallachia in September 1848, and dispersed the provisional
government from Bucharest.
In the 1850s, after the victory of the European Allies over Russia in the
Crimean War, the forty-eighters achieved the union of the Romanian Principalities, by electing
the same man, Alexandru Cuza, as prince in both Moldavia and Walachia in 1859. The decade
in which Romania achieved independence began in 1866 with the overthrow of Prince
Alexandru Cuza and the installation of Charles of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen as the new
81 Hitchins, Rumania: 1866-1947 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), 1-10.
82
Hitchins, "Faurirea Romaniei Mari," in Mihai Barbulescu, et. at. 1storia Romdniei, 384-99.
83 Uniate Petru Maior published in 1813 one of the earliest books on the religious history of
Romanians: 1storia Bisericii Romdnilor (Bucuresti: Viitorul Romanesc, 1995).
44
prince, and later as king. The reign of Charles I (1866-1914) coincided with new
achievements in nation building: a constitution based in large part on Western models,
political groupings coalesced into two major political parties. Formal independence was
achieved through Romanian participation in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78, and
culminated with the recognition by the Great Powers of Romania as a kingdom in 1881. By
the end of Charles' reign Romania emerged as a more modernized and Europeanized kingdom,
in the process of affirmation as a Balkan nation. 84
..To Ruula, 1878
~ From Ottom.,"
W Empire, 1878
Figure 2. Romania between 1866 and 1918 (From Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1998).
84 Hitchins, "Faurirea Romaniei Mari," in Mihai Barbulescu, et. al. lstoria Romdniei, 384-99.
45
Society and Economy
From an ethnic and religious standpoint, before 1914 the population of
Romania was remarkably homogenous. In 1899, out of a population of 5.95 million, 92.1 per
cent were Romanian (5.49 million). By religion, Orthodox constituted 91.5 per cent, the
overwhelming majority being Romcanian. Jews formed the only significant minority in
R
. duri h' . d 85
omama unng t IS peno .
As an outcome of World War I, Greater Romania emerged as an expanded
nation-state comprising the majority of Romanians. The resulting territorial expansion more
than doubled the size of the country through the acquisition of Transylvania and the Banat
from Hungary, Bucovina from Austria, and Bessarabia from Russia. Romania's population
also doubled to more than 16 million, including substantial minorities, particularly Hungarians
in Transylvania and Jews in Bessarabia. Choosing to stay in Transylvania rather than emigrate
to Hungary, the Hungarians resisted integration into the broader Romanian society. 86
As Hitchins put it, "Romanian society and economy between the wars offered
striking contrasts between persistent underdevelopment and growing industrialization and
urbanization.Y'" The land reforms following the war reinforced peasant agriculture by
transferring extensive properties from large landowners to small holders. Meanwhile, the
Liberals focused their attention on industry as the most certain way of bringing Romania into
the modem world and provided favored industries with numerous advantages, including direct
85
Buletinul Statistic al Romdniei, [The Statistical Bulletin of Romania] 12/40 (1915)
(Bucuresti, 1915), 703-4, 710-13, 728-30.
86
Hitchins, "Balkan States: Romania", in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 658.
87
Hitchins, "Faurirea Romaniei Mari," in Mihai Barbulescu, et. at. Istoria Romdniei, 437.
46
financing. After the war impressive increases were registered in metallurgy, coal, and oil
d
. 88
pro uction.
Beginning in the early nineteenth century, the cultural revolution fueled by the
Enlightenment and Romanticism became a major force for modernization in Romanian
society. Influenced by the Transylvanian School, scholars like Gheorghe Asachi and
Gheorghe Lazar developed new educational centers at Iasi and Bucharest with instruction in
R
. d Romani . I hi 89
omaruan, an omaman natrona istory.
Religious Life
After the achievement of the independence the Romanian Orthodox Church
experienced a time of profound transformation culminating in the reforms of Metropolitan
Andrei Saguna in Transylvania and a series of laws legislating religious life in the Romanian
Kingdom.
90
The secularization of political institutions endorsed by the Constitution of 1866
led to increasing domination of the Church by the State. The Law Governing Clergy and
Seminaries (1893) enforced the development of theological education improving substantially
the level of theological learning of Romanian priesthood. It also improved the material
condition of the clergy by allocating state salaries, but increased the subservience ofthe
Church to the State and political interests. As a national institution, deeply rooted in the
nation's struggle for ethnic survival and important factor in the development of Romanian
88 Hitchins, "Faurirea Romaniei Mari," 437-43.
89
Treptow, A History ofRomania, 230-31.
90 Among Saguna's remarkable achievements were the improvement of theological education
and the issuance of the Organic Statute of Transylvanian Orthodox Church (1869) that stipulated the separation of
church and state and lay participation in church leadership. Mircea Pacurariu, Dictionarul Teologilor Romani
[Dictionary of Romanian Theologians] (Bucuresti: Univers Enciclopedic, 1996),431-33. See K. Hitchins,
Orthodoxy and Nationality: Andreiu Saguna and the Rumanians ofTransylvania. 1846-1873 (Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press, 1977).
47
culture, the Orthodox Church, designated "the dominant church" in 1866, exercised a powerful
influence over the masses, particularly in the countryside where the pace of change and
progress was slow.
91
After the formation of Greater Romania, the Orthodox Church claimed
14 million adherents, becoming the second largest church in the Orthodox world, after that of
R
. 92
USSla.
At the same time, the capacity of the Church to maintain high moral standards
among the people and the integrity of its leadership were challenged by widespread decadence
and by a series of scandals that ended episcopal careers. In these circumstances, a number of
devout Orthodox priests transformed by the message of the Scripture initiated unprecedented
revival movements within the Romanian Orthodoxy in the early 1920s: the Tudorist
movement in Wallachia, and the Lord's Army in Transylvania.
In the context of increasing influence from Western Europe in the last decades
of the nineteenth century, corroborated with the decline and reorganization ofthe State
Church, new groups enriched Romanian religious life. Among the Neo-Protestants who
emerged in the Romanian provinces before World War I, the Baptists, the Brethren, and the
Seventh-Day Adventists were the most energetic in their campaign of spreading their faith. In
order to defend the Romanian Orthodox Church from "foreign propaganda," the association of
91 George Ursul, "From Political Freedom to Religious Independence: The Romanian
Orthodox Church, 1877-1925," in Romania Between East and West: Historical Essays in Memory ofConstantin
c. Giurescu, ed. Stephen Ficher-Galati, Radu R. Florescu and George R. Ursul (New York: East European
Monographs, 1982),217-44. See also Gheorghe Moisescu, lstoria Bisericii Romine [The History of the
Romanian Church] vol. 2, (Bucuresti: Editura IBM al BOR, 1957).
92 Mircea Pacurariu underlines the role of the church in the formation of Greater Romania in
"Contributia Bisericii la realizarea actului unirii de la 1 Decembrie 1918," in Biserica Ortodoxii Romdna, no. 11-
12 (Bucuresti, 1978), 1250-63.
48
a more defensive nature iAsociatiunea Ortodoxii Romiinii) was founded in 1885.
93
After the
Union of 1918 the more radical Orthodox accentuated the idea of incompatibility between
non-Orthodoxy and national identity in phrases like, "we are Orthodox because we are
Romanian, and we are Romanian because we are Orthodox.,,94
The East-West Controversy
Romania stands at the crossroads of East and West. There are numerous
studies over national identity of modem Romania and its place in Europe known as the
interwar "Great Debate." A constant preoccupation in recent intellectual discourse was to
answer the questions "Who are the Romanians?" and "What is their relationship to the West?"
After 1848 Europe represented a source of inspiration for liberals and an alarming matter for
conservators. Intensified in the early twentieth century and especially after the creation of
Greater Romania, the controversy between "Traditionalists" and "Europeanists"-as it was
described by Hitchins-led to extensive intellectual debate that included the role of the
Orthodox Church in society.95
The "Traditionalists" represented by the clergy and the Peasantists insisted that
the country could become a prosperous, modem state by following the "laws" of development
specific to agrarian societies, and by remaining true to its Eastern Orthodox spiritual heritage.
93 G. Ursul, "From Political Freedom to Religious Independence", 240-46.
94 Nae Ionescu's axiom is but one well-known example in which nationality is equated with
religion. Nae Ionescu, Roza Vinturilor, 1926-1933 (Bucuresti, 1937),205.
95Keith Hitchins, "Historiography in the Countries of Eastern Europe: Romania," American
Historical Review 97, no. 4 (Oct-Dec 1992): 1064-83, and "Faurirea Romaniei Mari," in Mihai Barbulescu, et. al.
Istoria Romdniei, 389-95. See also Z. Omea, Traditionalism si Modernitate in Deceniul al Treilea
[Traditionalism and Modernity in the Third Decade] (Bucuresti: Editura Eminescu, 1980), and Paul Michelson,
"Myth and Reality in Rumanian National Development," International Journal ofRomanian Studies vol. 5, no. 2
(1987),5-33.
49
Their world-view was patriarchal, they were wary of change, and embraced views that
assumed a dichotomy between Romania and the West.
96
Erudite historian Nicolae Iorga, the
principal animator of Samanatorism, called for an emphasis on national traditions and customs
and protested against the use of French in academic discussions. Considering the Romanians
as the heirs of Rome, passing through the Byzantine Empire,97 Iorga argued that any break
with traditions could only be at a nation's peril, since every people had of necessity to follow a
course of development determined by the "national spirit," which had formed slowly and
through experience over many centuries. Iorga named the 1866 constitution "a calamity," and
considered the process by which modem Romania came into being as an artificial "exercise in
ideology" imposed arbitrarily upon a people who until then had followed a "natural, organic
evolution." As a remarkable historian, Iorga opposed the methods, but understood the
irreversibility of the process in which Romania entered. Other influential exponents of
traditionalism were Titu Maiorescu, a major exponent of Junimea (fromjunime, youth),
Constantin Stere, the leading theorist of the Poporanists (from popor, people), professor Nae
Ionescu, theologian Nichifor Crainic, writer Lucian Blaga, and economist Virgil Madgearu.
98
On the opposite side were the "Europeanists" who linked the development of
Romania as a modem nation with Western Europe. After the 1830s numerous Romanians
studied at Western universities, especially in Germany, Austria, and France, emerging as a
96The main issues dividing traditionalists and Europeanists are discussed in Kenneth Jowitt,
ed. Social Change in Romania, 1860-1940: A Debate on Development in a European Nation (Berkeley: Institute
of International Studies, University of California, 1978).
97 ..
N. Iorga, The Byzantine Empire (London: J.M. Dent & Co., 1907).
98 Hitchins, and "Faurirea Romaniei Mari," in Mihai Barbulescu, et. al. Istoria Romdniei, 392-
93. See P. Michelson, "Romanian Perspectives on Romanian National Development," Balkanistica vol. 8(1981-
82),92-120.
50
generation "preoccupied with becoming European. ,,99 The "Europeanists" were mainly
liberal, who had formulated a new image of Romania anchored in two ideas: nation and
Europe. They promoted industrialization, and insisted that Romania must align with Western
model to become strong and secure. Historian Alexandru D. Xenopol, a member of Junimea
Society, was convinced that industrialization was imperative if Romania was to escape from
economic and cultural backwardness. Other exponents of the process of "Westernization" and
industrialization were Constantin Dobrogeanu-Gherea, the Liberal economist Petre Aurelian,
1
.. E L' d . c c. Z 1 . 100
iterary entre ugen ovinescu, an economist Steran e etm,
Despite the ideological division of the two camps, the dominant elements of
Romanian political and cultural life between 1918 and World War II championed Western
models.
10
I As the process of westernization penetrated Romanian society, in 1907 Caragiale
remarked that, "Europe has been accustomed to thinking for many years that the young
Romanian Kingdom is the most solid element of civilization among the Balkan states. 102
99
Paul Michelson, "Romanians and the West" in Romania and Western Civilization ed. Kurt
W. Treptow (Iasi: The Center for Romanian Studies, 1997), 13-14; Georgescu, Istoria Romdnilor, 224-25.
100 Hitchins, "Faurirea Romaniei Mari," 394-95, 423-28.
101 See Keith Hitchins, Rumania, 1866-1947, 292fT.
1021. L. Caragiale, "1907 din primavara plna'n toamna, ctteva note," in Opere, vol. 5, edited
by Serban Cioculescu (Bucuresti: Fundatia pentru Literatura ~ i Arta Regele Carol II, 1938), 167.
51
Concluding Remarks
It is true that the Protestant Reformation did not have in Eastern Europe the
same impact as it did in the West. In God's providence, though, the great values of the
Reformation with the Scripture as the supreme authority, salvation by grace through faith
alone, and universal priesthood, reached this part of Europe as well. Between the second part
of the eighteenth century and World War I, Romanians turned away from the East toward the
West. Commercial exchanges and foreign investment expanded, and the penetration of
Western ideas and institutions obliged Romanian politicians and intellectuals to consider new
models of development. Romanian nationalism began to rise in the mid-nineteenth century
leading to the independence of Wallachia and Moldavia and the formation of a new nation.
In this context, a significant Neo-Protestant presence emerged and developed in
Romanian lands beginning in the later part of the nineteenth century. It was fueled by
missionary work from Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Switzerland and the distribution of the
Scripture in Romanian, and spread through the testimony of various Romanians who
encountered the good news of the Gospel in a new and vibrant way. At the beginning of the
twentieth century God raised up a number of devout Orthodox priests who were transformed
by the message of the gospel and initiated unprecedented revival movements within the
Romanian Orthodox Church. Two movements of considerable significance sprang up as a
result oftheir spiritual renewal: the Tudorist Movement and the Lord's Army.
52
Table 1. Timeline: Romanian Evangelical Christianity in Context.
Year Evangelical History Political Events
1856 First German Baptists arrived in Bucharest and
organized private gatherings.
1859 January: The union of
Wallachia and Moldavia under
prince A. I. Cuza.
1866
May: Charles ofHohenzollern
was installed the new prince of
Romania.
June: the new constitution was
issued.
1875
August: Heinrich Meyer baptized several
Hungarians and established the first Baptist
church in Salonta, Crisana,
1877 The War for Independence.
1886 Mihaly Kornya initiated the first Romanian
Baptist church in Chess, Crisana,
1889 October: The opening of the first Brethren
assembly in Bucharest led by Francis Berney and
the Swiss missionaries.
1905
The Baptists are recognized as a denomination in
the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
1907 The great peasant revolt in
Moldavia.
1912 December: Constantin Adorian initiated the first
Romanian Baptist church in Bucharest.
1916 August: Romania declared war
on Austria-Hungary.
1917 Spring: While translating the Bible young
Orthodox scholar D. Cornilescu experienced an
Evangelical conversion and initiated at Stancesti
in Moldavia) private religious gatherings.
First Brethren assembly in Iasi,
1918
Greater Romania was formed.
1920 Fr. Teodor Popescu initiated a dynamic spiritual
revival at St. Stefan Orthodox Church in
Bucharest.
1921 Dumitru Cornilescu completed the translation of
the Bible in contemporary Romanian language
1922 September: Gheorghe Bradin established the first
Pentecostal church in Paulis (Arad).
Sustained opposition against the Neo-Protestants.
53
1923 On the Eve of New Year Fr. Iosif Trifa initiated a March: the new Romanian
popular renewal movement within the Orthodox Constitution named the
Church. Orthodox Church as
"dominant Church" and the
Neo-Protestant groups and
"tolerated sects."
1924
January: Accused of Protestant deviations Fr.
Popescu was dismissed from the Orthodox
priesthood. The beginning of the Tudorist
movement.
1928
January: Transylvanian Baptists were recognized
as a legal confession (association).
1929 February: Pentecostal leaders organized "The The Great Depression
Apostolic Church of God" with loan Bododea as (1929-33).
president.
1938 Accused of rebellion and doctrinal deviations Fr.
losif Trifa was defrocked from the Orthodox
priesthood. Oastea Domnului emerged as a
distinct movement.
1939 September: In order to be officially recognized,
the Tudorists agreed to a formal union with the
Crestini dupa Evanghelie.
1941 Romania entered the war on
Germany's side and attacks
Soviet Union.
1942
The apex of persecution against Romanian All Neo-Protestant groups
Evangelicals. All minor religious groups were were banned under
outlawed. Antonescu's regime.
1944
August: the Baptists were recognized as a legal August: Romania joined the
denomination (cult). Allies and participated in the
war against Nazi Germany.
1946
November: Romanian Brethren became a legal The Moscow Agreement
religious denomination known as Crestini dupd conferred religious liberty to
Evanghelie. all minor groups.
Various Pentecostal groups receive provisional
recognition.
1948 The Oastea Domnului was declared an illegal The new adopted constitution
movement and many of its leaders were completed the installation of
imprisoned. the Soviet regime.
1950
The union of the three major Pentecostal groups: November: the Pentecostal
The Apostolic Pentecostal Church of God, the church was acknowledged
Christians Baptized with the Holy Spirit, and the under the name The Romanian
Disciples of Jesus Christ. Apostolic Church of God.
PART II
WESTERN ORIGINS OF EVANGELICALS
AND THEIR EMERGENCE IN ROMANIA
The Protestant Reformation ofthe sixteenth century, aiming initially at the
internal renewal of the Roman Church, reshaped Western Europe ever since. Among the
causes of the Reformation were the growing authority of the pope during the Middle Ages,
and the abuses of the Catholic Church. The large administrative structure of the church
required a great deal of money to finance it. To obtain this money, the church used many
devices, including selling important positions in the church (simony). Besides immorality
and ignorance among the clergy, one of the greatest abuses of the Catholic Church concerned
the selling of indulgences. This was the practice of paying for the remission of the temporal
punishment for sins in purgatory. Critics of church decay included the religious reformers
John Wycliffe in England, John Hus in Bohemia, and Girolamo Savonarola in Italy. These
men protested the abuses but could not stop them, paying the price of suffering and
martyrdom for their Christian convictions.
1
Another impetus for the Reformation was the revival of learning and art, and
of classical studies-the literature, history, and philosophy of ancient Greece and Rome,
brought by the Renaissance. The study of Hebrew and Greek pioneered by scholars like
Erasmus gave access to the Holy Scriptures in the languages in which they originally had
1
Owen Chadwick, The Reformation (London, Penguin Books, 1990), 11-39. See also Ion
Bria, "Protestantism," in Dictionar de Teologie Ortodoxd (Bucuresti: Editura IBM al BOR, 1994), 319-25.
54
55
been written. Guttenberg's invention of the printing press in the mid-1400s helped spread
learning and new ideas through printed books all over Europe?
When Martin Luther launched the Protestant Reformation he protested against
the abuses regarding the "holy" trade of indulgences? By the end of his life, Luther
formulated several key doctrines of Reformation. The first essential issue developed by
Luther concerned the source of authority in matters of faith. As a biblical theologian, Luther
believed in sola Scriptura denoting the supreme authority of the Bible above popes,
Tradition, and church councils and the sufficiency of Scripture. He argued that believers had
the right and duty to read the Bible in their own language. A second crucial issue in Luther's
writings was the doctrine of salvation. Luther became convinced of the principle of solafide,
maintaining that only the faith ofthe believer makes him right before God: the doctrine of
justification by faith in Christ alone was the heart of Luther's theology. Luther's
understanding ofjustification took legal in the sense of imputation: the believer is "declared
righteous" and not "made righteous.',4 Linked with this was his emphasis on sola gratia:
salvation comes by Grace alone, which eliminated the role of good works. Man's salvations
is associated with God's sovereign plan and work in history rather than with man's
responsibility. Another important development in Luther's theology was the priesthood of
all believers, which rejected the distinction between two levels of Christians, spiritual and
2
Philip McNair, "Seeds of Renewal," in The History ofChristianity ed. Tim Dowley
(Oxford: Lion Publishing, 1996),352-365. See also Steven Ozment, The Age ofReform (1250-1550): An
Intellectual and Religious History ofLate Medieval and Reformation Europe (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1980).
3 One of the best studies on the development of Luther, the man and the theologian, is found
in Heiko A. Oberman, Luther: Man Between God and the Devil (New York: Image Books, 1992).
4 Timothy George, Theology ofthe Reformers (Nashville: Broadman, 1988), 69-70. See also
Alister McGrath, Reformation Thought: An Introduction. 2d ed. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993); Jaroslav Pelikan,
"Orthodox Theology in the West: The Reformation." In The Legacy ofSt. Vladimir, ed. J. Breck, J. Meyendorff,
and E. Silk, 159-65. Crestwood: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1990.
56
lay. He sought to eradicate the Roman Catholic distinction between priest and layman and
discarded the ideas of priest as mediator and sacramental priesthood. Man has therefore a
direct contact with God, emphasizing his own, individual piety and forms of worship.
5
Luther, Zwingli, and the other reformers also eliminated the cult of the Virgin
Mary along with the mediation of the saints, purgatory and prayers for the dead, sacrificial
Eucharist, celibacy of the clergy, the use of Latin in services, images and candles,
simplifying church ceremonial. The two accepted mysteries ofthe church instituted by
Christ were the baptism and the Eucharist.
6
This is how Lindsay summed up Huldrych
Zwingli's teaching:
All claims made by the Romish hierarchy to come between Christ and His people,
and to add or to take from the gospel are mere pretensions and are insulting to Jesus
Christ, our sole High Priest. Christ died on the Cross, once for all for the sins of His
people, and, therefore, the Mass, which professes to continue that sacrifice, is false,
and the Eucharist is only a commemorative rite. Jesus Christ is the only mediator
between God and man and, therefore, saint-worship is idolatry. The Holy Scriptures
say nothing about purgatory, and there is none. Nothing is more displeasing to God
that hypocrisy; it follows, therefore, that everything which assumes sanctity in the
sight of man is folly; this condemns cowls, symbols, vestments and tonsures.I
There were other groups ofmore radical sixteenth-century Christians who had
significant impact on the development of Protestant and Evangelical thinking. The
Anabaptists (the left wing of the Reformation) decided that the Scriptures taught believer's
5
T. George, Theology ofthe Reformers, 95-98. Steven E. Ozment: The Reformation in the
Cities (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1975), 118-31; See also Ion Bria, "Protestantism," in Dictionar de
Teologie, 324-25.
6 A recent introduction to the life of Calvin was produced by Alister McGrath, A Life ofJohn
Calvin: A Study in the Shaping of Western Culture (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1990). A more advanced work
is that ofJaroslav Pelikan, The Christian Tradition vol. 4: Reformation ofChurch and Dogma (130D-1700)
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984).
7
T. M. Lindsay, A History ofthe Reformation, vol. 1 (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1948),21.
57
baptism not infant baptism, and were therefore called "rebaptizers" (Anabaptists).8
Following Zwingli's views, they held that infants were not punishable for sin until an
awareness of good and evil emerged within them, and that then they could exercise their own
free will, repent, and accept baptism. They took more literally the teaching of the Bible,
withdrew from religious and secular life and formed their own communities. Most
Anabaptists argued for a separation between church and state, as distinct entities. A
revolutionary faction (sometimes called "the spirituals") under the leadership of Thomas
Muntzer believed that they were living at the end of all ages and became the key players in
9
the German Peasant's Revolt of 1525.
A more Evangelical Anabaptist group were the so-called the Swiss Brethren,
who formed their first congregation in 1525 in ZOrich. Under the leadership of Konrad
Grebel they argued that members of the church could only be those who submitted to the
authority of Christ, as the Lord of the church. Furthermore, they stressed that the body of
Christ receives its guidance from Christ himself through the Scriptures and the Holy Spirit,
not from or through the civil magistracy. They had a strict view of practicing faith,
emphasizing holy living and separation from the world. Some introduced foot-washing as a
sacrament, and some even advocated communal living. They protested against images, the
mass, rejected the alliance of Church and State, and practiced the community of goods.
10
8
William R. Estep, The Anabaptist Story: An Introduction to Sixteenth-Century Anabaptism,
3d ed. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1996).
9 J. H. Yoder and A. Kreider, "The Anabaptists," in The History ofChristianity ed. Tim
Dowley (Oxford: Lion Publishing, 1996),401-405.
10 Estep, The Anabaptist Story, 135-50. A more detailed documentary history on Grebel and
the Swiss Brethren is Leland Harder, The Sources ofSwiss Anabaptism, ed. (Scottsdale, PA: Herald, 1985).
58
Another group influenced by the Swiss Brethren found political freedomin
the Netherlands, and having Menno Simons as their leader (a Dutch priest whojoined the
Anabaptist movement in 1536), they became known as the Mennonites. Persecuted by both
Catholics and Protestants, various Anabaptist groups migrated to Central and Eastern
II
Europe.
The Protestant Reformation stimulated a series of reforms within the Catholic
Church as well, which gained new purity and strength. In an effort to regain influence, some
Catholics admitted the need to reform the Church without leaving it. To renew Catholic
worship, the pope and other Catholic bishops called an ecumenical council at Trent (1545-
63). The council defined Catholic doctrine on questions disputed by Protestant theologians:
original sin, grace, free will, the seven sacraments, the Mass, and the relation between
Scriptureand tradition. The bishops also stressed the role of human effort in achieving
salvation. Even though reconciliation was not possible, the council suppressed pluralism,
immoralityand simony among clergy, and facilitated their education, and forbade office of
indulgencesalesman.12 However, the Catholic position remained that outside the visible and
infallibleChurch and without complete submission to the Pope of Rome there was no
salvation. When Lutherans and the Calvinists refused to submit, the prospect of
'1" c. d d 13
reconci ration ra e away.
II
See H. S. Bender ed, The Mennonite Encyclopedia, vols. I-IV (Scottdale, PA, 1955-59).
12
Robert D. Linder, 'The Catholic Reformation," in The History ofChristianity, 410-28.
See also A. D. Wright, The Counter-Reformation (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1982) and John
Meyendorff, "The Significance of the Reformation in the History of the Christendom," Ecumenical Review (Jan
1964): 164-79,
13 Chadwick, The Reformation, 367.
59
The tendency of the reformers was to simplicity in forms and traditions. In
contrast with the rich traditions of Catholic piety involving the emotions of their adherents,
the Reformation radically simplified religious life. 14 The reformers did not see themselves
as innovators, as the papacy was so often to allege, but renovators. What they removed were
the medieval innovations of Rome, in favor of the doctrines of the Bible and the early
Christian theologians. Accordingly, most Protestants assented to the idea that ecclesia
reformata semper reformanda, in the sense that the church was always reformed and always
in need of further reformation according to the Word of God. In order to be freed of human
innovations, Christianity has to be constantly judged by the standard of the Scripture.
Western Europe was profoundly transformed as a result of the Reformation.
Luther gave impetus to some of the most powerful ideas in Christianity, such as using the
language of the people (rather than Latin) for worship. His German translation of the Bible
helped more than any other single source to form the modem German language. Luther and
other Protestants regarded life in the world as the "sphere of faith's works," underlined the
importance of family life, and stressed personal holiness. Protestant ethics and
industriousness contributed to the development of industry and commerce during the 1700s
and 1800s. Protestant leaders also emphasized education, revived the interest in classical
literature, and developed Christian hymnology. 15
A negative consequence of the Reformation was the division of Western
Christendom between Catholics in the south and Protestants in the north followed by a series
14 S. Ozment, Protestants: The Birth ofa Revolution (London: Fontana Press, 1993),215-16.
15 Ozment, "The Reformation," in World Book (2001). See also S. Ozment: The Reformation
in the Cities.
60
16
of wars that ended through the Peace of Augsburg (1555). Further church divisions
occurred as many Protestant denominations developed, and were organized in a variety of
ways, creating the necessity of religious toleration and a respect for the importance of the
individual conscience. One of the debated issues among Protestants had to do with Luther's
understanding of the relationship between church and state. His position of exalting the state
and subordinating the church to "the powers established by God" was repeatedly contested.
The Reformation of the sixteenth century should be seen as a continuation of
the quest for the Church that had begun long before Luther and continued long after. 17 As a
consequence of the Reformation, the Peace of Westphalia (1648) conferred Protestants
limited recognition, announcing the beginning of a new era in Christian history.
European Christianity was revitalized in early nineteenth century by a series
of movements, which attempted through revivalist methods to carryon the values of the
Protestant Reformation to a society transformed by industrialization and urbanization. A
number of independent Christian communities belonging to nineteenth-century revivalism
came to similar evangelical convictions under the influence of the Holy Scripture and strove
to revitalize the spiritual fervor of their members and win new adherents. Under different
circumstances and having a variety of religious backgrounds, they reached the same
conclusions concerning the authority of the Bible, the importance of personal conversion and
holy living, the priesthood of all believers, and the nature of the church. 18
16 Chadwick, The Reformation, 365-74.
17 Timothy George, Theology ofthe Reformers, 31.
18 See J. C. Godbey. "Protestantism: Revivalism in the 19th Century," in Encyclopaedia
Britannica (1996). Among the most renowned nineteenth-century revivalists were the English Baptist preacher
Charles H. Spurgeon who attracted large crowds in London, or the former Methodist preacher, William Booth,
the founder of the Salvation Army. In the United States the Great Awakening (1725-50) had powerful
consequences and made American Protestantism exceptionally strong. In the nineteenth-century, famous
evangelists like Charles G. Finney and D. L. Moody adapted revivalist preaching to the needs of the cities.
61
The Baptists and the Brethren are two such groups that arose in a time of
intense spiritual revival and made important contributions to European Christianity. The
Pentecostals-probably the most dynamic movement within Christendom-emerged in
Romania in the second decade of the twentieth century under the influence of American
Pentecostalism. In favorable historical conditions these three Evangelical bodies reached the
Romanian lands through their witness and Romanian Christianity was never the same
thereafter. The Baptists, the Brethren and the Pentecostals will be the subject of the
following three chapters.
CHAPTER THREE
THE BAPTISTS
The purpose ofthis chapter is to trace the origins of the Baptist movement in
England with the development ofthe two major branches that flourished in the same period:
General and Particular Baptists. We will emphasize the emergence of the movement in the
1830s in Germany and the contribution of the German Baptists to its Eastern European
development. The focus will be on the beginning of the Baptists in Romanian provinces and
their development prior to the Communist period (1948).
British Baptist Origins
Shaped by the Puritans and the Dutch Mennonites, the Baptist movement
developed as a wing of English separatism during the early 1600s.
1
Highly biblical and
evangelistic in orientation, the English Baptists, Christians who like some earlier Christian
groups, opposed the baptism of infants, insisting that baptism should be restricted to believers
who are old enough to make their own declaration of faith. They promoted the separation of
church and state and stressed the autonomy of the local church. According to Baptist
theologian Timothy George,
Baptists are evangelical Christians who affirm with Martin Luther and John Calvin
1
Leon H. McBeth, The Baptist Heritage (Nashville: Broadman Press, 1987), 21. Most Baptist
historians agree to such description. McBeth's work represents one of the best and most comprehensive general
histories of the Baptists. Important primary sources are provided in McBeth's A Sourcebookfor Baptist
Heritage (Nashville, TN: Broadmann Press, 1990).
62
63
both the formal and the material principles of the Reformation: Scripture alone and
justification by faith alone.... We are heirs of the evangelical awakening that
swept across the eighteenth century, producing Pietism in Germany, Methodism in
England and the first Great Awakening in the American colonies.
2
Seventeenth-Century English Baptists
In seventeenth-century England conditions were right for the emergence of
more individualistic forms of religion. As a reaction against the decadence ofthe established
church, the Puritans intended to bring reforms in the area of worship, church leadership, and
the doctrine of atonement without breaking with the Church of England. Unable to purify the
Church, many churchmen eventually determined to withdraw from Anglicanism and
established their own independent congregations.i They were called dissenters, or
f . 4
noncon orrmsts.
One of the pioneers in the history of Separatism was Robert Browne, the
founder of the Pioneer Church. He came to the conviction that pastors should not be
appointed by bishops, but elected by local churches. He also objected to the worship practices
of the Anglican Church, and in 1581 formed at Norwich a Separatist church meeting in
private houses and conventicles. Henry Barrow and John Greenwood, two of Browne's
followers, wrote in 1587-88 Four Causes ofSeparation, and The True Church and the False
2
T. George, "New Dimensions in Baptist Theology," in New Dimensions in Evangelical
Thought: Essays in Honor ofMillard J Erickson (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1998), 143.
3
McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 24-25.
4
According to Encyclopaedia Britannica, nonconformist (or dissenter) is a label given to any
Protestant who "does not conform to the doctrines or practices of the established Church." The word
Nonconformist was first used in the 1660s to describe the places of worship ofthe congregations that had
separated from the Church of England, which were also named Separatists. Because of the movement begun in
the late nineteenth century by which Nonconformists of different denominations joined together in the Free
Church Federal Council, they are also called Free Churchmen. The term Nonconformist is applied to various
Protestant groups: Baptists, Methodists, Plymouth Brethren, English Moravians, the Salvation Army, and others.
Encyclopaedia Britannica (1998).
64
Church, treatises in which they listed several marks of the false church, and identified all of
them with the Church of England.
5
Intending initially to refute Separatism, Francis Johnson
became convinced that Separatism was both viable and biblical, and became a convinced
Brownist. In 1592 he was appointed pastor of the London Separatist congregation, but soon
after had to leave England. One year later, most of Johnson's London congregation migrated
to Amsterdam, where they came in contact with Anabaptist groups. While in Amsterdam,
they became known as the "Ancient Church.,,6
Vedder was right when he said that, "with the first decade of the seventeenth
'7
century we reach solid ground in Baptist history.'" The history ofthe Baptists practically
begins at the dawn of the seventeenth century with John Smyth, a Cambridge graduate. While
studying at Cambridge, Smyth was greatly influenced by Francis Johnson, who was one of his
teachers. In 1608 Smyth and other Brownists considered several doctrines and practices of
the Church of England to be contrary to the Bible and called for purification ofthe church and
a return to the New Testament Christian example.
8
According to McBeth, Smyth came to
believe that many Anglican priests were "too papist;" he equated infant baptism with spiritual
5 Among the reasons that constitute the ground for separation they mentioned "false worship,
false ministry, false discipline, and a false basis of membership in the Church of England." McBeth, The Baptist
Heritage, 28.
6
McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 28-31. McBeth asserts that the contribution by English
Separatists to the Free Church Tradition included a high view of the importance of the Scripture, the idea of a
"gathered church" composed only of the redeemed, a simple worship liturgy, and some form of participatory
church government (congregational or presbyterian).
7
Henry C. Vedder, A Short History ofthe Baptists (Philadelphia: American Baptist
Publication Society, 1907),201.
8 In Shapers ofBaptist Thought (Valley Forge, PA, 1972), James Tull makes a distinction
between Independents and Separatist within the Puritan movement (the majority in both groups being
Calvinists). He notes that Independents wished to reform the Church of England, while the Separatists believed
the Established Church was beyond reformation.
65
adultery, and started to rebuke prominent sinners by name from the pulpit.
9
Smyth joined
initially a Separatist group that originated at Norwich in 1581, under the leadership of Robert
Browne.
Because of persecution, Smyth resigned his position as priest and left the
Anglican Church in 1609, forming a congregation in Nottinghamshire. The group decided to
reconstitute the Church by entering into a covenant-a pledge between themselves and God "to
walke in all his wayes, made known, or to be made known unto them, according to their best
endeavours, whatsoever it should cost them." 10 When persecution against unauthorized
religious gatherings became apparent, John Smyth along with Thomas Helwys and his group
of almost forty Separatists sought asylum in Holland. After arriving in Amsterdam, Smyth
gradually came to the conclusion that his earlier baptism was not valid because it was
performed upon infants by a false church, the Church of England. 11 Based on the Separatist
contention that "churches of the apostolic constitution consisted of saints only," Smyth
concluded that baptism should be administered to believers only.I2 He published his views in
The Character a/the Beast (1609), and contested the validity of the Separatists' baptism. In
the same year he proceeded to baptize first himself and then Helwys and their followers. It is
9
McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 32.
10 William T. Whitley, ed., The Works ofJohn Smyth (Cambridge: The University Press,
1915), I :lxii, as quoted in McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 34.
11 McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 32-37. There were actually two groups that had fellowship
initially: A contingent settled in Amsterdam with Smyth as their minister, while another group known as the
Ancient Church moved to Leiden under the leadership of John Robinson. In Smyth's new congregation the
church leaders not only were elected by the members of the church, but were altogether accountable to the
congregational body. For this reason, Smyth is remembered as the first egalitarian among the Separatists.
12 See W. S. Hudson, "Protestantism: Baptists," in Encyclopaedia Britannica, (1998), 249.
66
based on this act that historians conclude Smyth's group became the first English Baptist
church in Amsterdam. 13
Soon after, Smyth joined a Dutch Mennonite church embracing Arminian
convictions (he rejected the doctrine of personal and unconditional election, and taught that
God's grace is for everyone, and not just for predestined individuals) and recommended union
with them. He also regretted his self-baptism, considering it hasty and disorderly since there
were other true churches from which a valid baptism could have been obtained. Helwys and
other members ofthe group opposed Smyth's decisions and the small congregation split.
Smyth died shortly after and the parent group in Amsterdam soon disappeared. 14 Baptist
historians appreciate that Smyth's theological wanderings resulted in the founding of the
Arminian General Baptist denomination. 15
Baptist beginnings were continued by Thomas Helwys and his group who
returned to England and established near London the first Baptist church on English soil. 16
Helwys was imprisoned in 1612 by King James I after writing A Short Declaration ofthe
Mystery ofIniquity, in which he boldly pleaded for freedom of conscience and complete
13 Robert G. Torbet, A History ofthe Baptists (Philadelphia: Judson Press, 1952),63-66.
14
McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 37-38.
15
See A. C. Underwood, A History ofthe English Baptists (London: The Baptist Union
Publication Dept., 1947), 33-48.
16
Torbet, A History ofthe Baptists, 66.
67
religious liberty. Helwys argued that the king and the government should not be involved in
spiritual matters and criticized the Church of England. 17
It appears that the Smyth and Helwys' group left England in 1608 as Calvinist
Separatists to become in 1613 Arrninian Baptists. Brackney points out that this congregation
"was made up entirely of laypersons with the officers and pastors also laity.,,18 By 1626,
Helwys' followers grew from one to five churches and by 1650 there were almost fifty
congregations. These congregations came to be known as the first General Baptists,
upholding the doctrine of a general atonement (that Christ died for all people and not only for
the elect) of Dutch theologian Jacobus Anninius.
19
They believed that the death of Christ had
general application, bringing salvation to everyone who voluntarily believed in Christ. This
theology made room for free will and also taught the possibility of "falling from grace."
While originating a generation after the General Baptists, Particular Baptists
were destined to become the larger of the two groups. A number of Baptist historians agree
that it is more appropriate to speak of different origins (at different times and places, and with
different leaders) of the two groups than of a "division" between the two groups. In fact, the
two groups differed not only on the doctrine of atonement, but also in their view of
ecclesiology, eternal security, and church-state relationship?O
17
Keith Parker, Baptists in Europe: History and Confessions ofFaith (Nashville, TN:
Broadman Press, 1982), 31.
18 William Henry Brackney, The Baptists (New York: Greenwood Press, 1988),5.
19
McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 39.
20
Torbet, A History ofthe Baptists, 70, and McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 39. Emphasizing
the discontinuity between General and Particular Baptists, some historians speak about a second and independent
Baptist origin in 1638-44. See Glen H. Stassen, "Anabaptist Influence in the Origins of the Particular Baptists."
The Mennonite Quarterly Review 36(1962): 323.
68
The name Particular Baptists was adopted based upon their belief in particular
atonement, under the influence of Calvinism. They believed that Christ died not for all
mankind, but only for "particular" ones, namely the elect. Like Calvin, they believed that
God had elected some to salvation, that the elect inevitably would be saved, and that the saved
would never become "unelect" or lose their salvation. One major debate relative to Baptist
origins is whether or not the first Baptists were actually Calvinists.
21
The Particular Baptists stemmed from a more moderate semi-Separatist
congregation that was established in 1616 by Henry Jacob, an Oxford graduate, at
Southwark.
22
While Smyth required total separation from the Church of England, which he
regarded as the Antichrist, this second group of semi-separatists and Henry Jacob himself
accepted the Anglican Church as in some sense a true church and asked for freedom to follow
alternate forms ofworship.23
If the doctrine of believer's baptism was "recovered" by Smyth and Helwys in
1609, the practice of immersion came to be adopted three decades later. 24 Around 1629,
certain members within Jacob's church were studying the New Testament on the matter of
baptism and after concluding that infant baptism was unscriptural, they sought a believer's
baptism. The Particular Baptist were first recognizable as a separate group, with their own
doctrine and practice in 1638, when several members of Henry Jacob's congregation
21 Although Baptists have certainly been influenced by Calvinism they have been just as much
influenced by Anninianism, and nowadays a good number of Baptists hold to a middle position between the two.
22In A History ofthe Baptists, 70, Torbet agrees that while the General Baptists had emerged
from the English Separatists, the Particular Baptists had their roots in non-Separatist independency.
23
McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 40-4I.
24
McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 44.
69
recovered the doctrine of believer's baptism under the leadership of John Spilsbury and
William Kiffin.
25
Acording to McBeth, in 1640-41 the Baptists "restored the ancient mode of
baptism by immersion," as a renewal ofthe symbols of death and resurrection.T' Based on
the authority of Scripture, Spilsbury also came to understand baptism by immersion. This
recovery (some say "innovation") of baptism by immersion became a prime characteristic of
true Baptist churches, an act the earlier General Baptists had not achieved.f" For the Baptists,
immersion of believers is the only biblical form of Christian baptism. The "Kiffin
Manuscript" (1640) gives both biblical and theological arguments for immersion?8
An important event shaping Baptist identity was the issuance of the London
Confession of Faith in 1644, signed by seven Particular Baptist churches?9 This came as a
response to the growing association of the early Particular Baptists with the radical wing of
Continental Anabaptists, or with Pelagianism. In response, the London Confession sought to
link the Baptists with the mainstream of English Protestant life. Among the signers were
William Kiffin, John Spilsbury, Thomas Patience, and Samuel Richardson. In this statement
25
Crosby seems tobe the first topoint out this view. See Thomas Crosby, The History ofthe
English Baptists from the Reformation to the Beginning ofthe Reign ofKing George J (London, 1738-40).
26
McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 44, and W. H. Brackney, Historical Dictionary ofthe
Baptists (London: The Scarecrow Press, 1999), 317.
27
Brackney, The Baptists, 6.
28 The famous "Kiffin Manuscript" gives church minutes from the Jacob church in 1640 and
states that baptism should be "by dipping ye Body into yeWater, resembling Burial & riseing again. 2 Col:2.12
Rom: 6.4." Champlin Burrage, The Early English Dissenters in the Light ofRecent Research: 1550-1641
(Cambridge: University Press, 1912),2:302-303, asquoted in McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 46.
29 Besides the London Confession Brackney notes two other important points insubsequent
Baptist history that helped shape Baptist identity: the establishment ofthe Baptist Missionary Society in1792,
(this appeared asa response toWilliam Carey's plea for world evangelistic outreach, and gave birth tothe
numerous twentieth-century Baptist missionary organizations), and the formation ofthe Baptist Bible Union in
1923, as afundamentalist reaction tomodernization in polity and the intellectual life ofthe denomination.
Brackney, The Baptists, xix-xxi.
70
it was agreed that every single church is "a compact knit city in itself." This tended to favor
independent, autonomous congregations that freely interpreted the Bible, and represented the
root of a genuine denominational spirit. 30
Identity and Designations
The issues of origins and identity constitute major subjects of debate among
Baptists. McBeth points out to several different views concerning the origins and
composition of the Baptists.
31
Some Baptists believe that there has been an unbroken
succession of Baptist churches from the days of John the Baptist and the Apostles of Christ
(transmitted through groups as Donatists, Cathari, Waldenses, and Anabaptists). Commonly
referred to as "Landmarkism" or the "Trail of Blood" theory,32 this view declares that those
churches which stood outside the influence of the Roman Catholic Church at various times in
church history were Baptist churches, although in actuality were not named so. Although no
reputable church historian has ever affirmed this belief, it was a popular doctrine and
interpretation of church history among Baptists.
33
More convincing are those who see in the
30
Brackney, The Baptists, xx.
31 These four major sources of Baptist life are extensively presented by McBeth in The Baptist
Heritage, 49-60.
32 J.M.Carroll wrote a book of supposed Baptist history by this name, The Trail ofBlood
(1931), having as subtitle "The history ofthe Baptist Churches from the time of Christ, their founder, to the
present day." See also Torbet, A History ofthe Baptists, 59.
33 Representative writers of the "Organic Successionist School" include J. M. Carroll, G. H.
Orchard and J. M. Cramp. In April 1861, at the opening ofthe Metropolitian Tabernacle Charles Spurgeon also
declared "we believe that the Baptists are the original Christians." James McGoldrick provides an extended
refutation ofthis view in Baptist Successionism: A Crucial Question in Baptist History, (Metuchen, N.J.: The
Scarecrow Press, 1994). In trying to draw to a successionist resolution, some Baptists deny categorically that
they are Protestants and that the history of their churches is related to the Reformation.
71
Baptist faith a continuation of biblical teachings. Advocates of this view believe that Baptist
principles (not organized Baptist churches) can be traced throughout Christian history.34
Others (some Romanian Baptists among them) trace their origin to the
sixteenth-century Continental Anabaptists. The influence of the Dutch Mennonites upon John
Smyth and the General Baptists is a key point for this position.
35
Among the similarities
between the Dutch Mennonites and the General Baptists, McBeth notes: believer's baptism,
religious liberty, separation of church and state, and Arminian views of salvation,
predestination and original sin. His conclusion is that since the relationship between Baptists
and Anabaptists centers on "a rather narrow point of contact,,,36only a handful of historians
hold to a direct succession from the Anabaptists.f"
34Some representative writers include H. C. Vedder, Thomas Crosby, A. H. Newman and
David Benedict. McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 56. The various groups who resemble the Baptists are called by
Torbet their "spiritual ancestors." Trobet, A History ofthe Baptists, 11.
35 Parker suggests that the early influence of continental Anabaptists appears clear in the
earlier Baptists confessions. Keith Parker, Baptists in Europe, 19. Older historians such as Withley promoted the
idea that "the General Baptists are an English outgrowth of the Continental Anabaptists." W. T. Withley A
History ofthe English Baptists: Minutes ofthe General Assembly ofthe General Baptist Churches in England, I:
ix, xi, but revised it after further research. See McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 50 and Torbet, A History ofthe
Baptists, 60.
36To McBeth, the connection is made "through some (the General) English Baptists who may
have been influenced by some of the Anabaptists (the Dutch Menonites), at a specific time (the early
seventeenth-century)." McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 53. Among the most significant Anabaptist
characteristics that are not shared by the Baptists are their aversion to oath-taking and holding public office, their
tendency towards extreme pacifism, their communal sharing of earthly goods, and an unorthodox optimistic
view of human nature. Torbet, A History ofthe Baptists, 62, and McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 52-56. Most of
the Anabaptists' successors became the Mennonites, Amish and Quakers.
37 Representative writers include A. C. Underwood and William R. Estep. In a notable article
Huston firmly rejected Anabaptist influence upon Baptist origins. He argues that early Baptists themselves
repeatedly denied they were Anabaptist, they rejected the distinctive features of Anabaptist life (such as
opposition to civil magistracy, holding public office, military service, going to court, soul sleep, Hofmanite
Christology, and confidence in man's goodness), they had been Separatists before they adopted Baptist views,
and finally, when John Smyth moved toward the Anabaptists, he was repudiated by the Baptist remnant. See
Winthrop Huston, "Baptists Were Not Anabaptists" The Cronicle (1953): 171-79.
72
In recent times, most scholars have tended to agree that Baptists, as an
English-speaking denomination, originated out of seventeenth-century Puritanism as a result
of separatism from the Church of England. 38 The earliest Baptist church that separated from
the Anglican Church is traced back to 1609 in Amsterdam, with John Smyth and Thomas
Helwys as main leaders. Vedder came to the conclusion that "after 1610 we have an
unbroken succession of Baptist churches, established by indubitable documentary
evidence.,,39 Having the most solid historical support, this view of Baptist origins that "fits
the facts best" is shared by the majority of modern Baptist historians.
40
Concerning the designations given to the new churches, McBeth suggests that
during the first three decades of their existence the name Baptist was not applied to these
original churches. Often called by their foes "Anabaptists," they rather preferred designations
such as "Brethren," the "Baptized Churches," and "Churches of the Baptized way." By 1650s,
they adopted the name "Baptists" which had been given to them earlier, a label that was
41
generally accepted and used by the members of the churches after a full century.
38
Torbet, A History ofthe Baptists, 60-61.
39
Vedder, Short History ofthe Baptists, 201.
40 Torbet, A History ofthe Baptists, 62. Besides Leon McBeth, other representative writers
include William H. Whitsitt, Robert G. Torbet, Winthrop S. Hudson, William G. McLoughlin, and Robert A.
Baker. McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 52.
41
McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 48.
73
Distinctive Baptist Teachings
According to Timothy George, "Baptists are orthodox Christians who stand in
continuity with the dogmatic consensus of the early church on matters such as the scope of
Holy Scripture (canon), the doctrine of God (Trinity), and the person of Jesus Christ
(Christology).,,42 In their "Orthodox Confession" of 1678 the Baptists incorporated the
Apostles', Nicene, and Athanasian, creeds, declaring that all three of them "ought thoroughly
to be received, and believed. For we believe, that they may be proved, by most undoubted
authority of Holy Scripture and are necessary to be understood of all Christians. ,,43
Despite the diversity of modem Baptists, their unity and coherence is based on
several distinguishing convictions they all have in common.
44
Most Baptist teachings fall
into the larger set of beliefs held by Protestants and Evangelicals. For them the two
ordinances of the church-believer's baptism and the Lord's Supper-have nonsacramental
character. The Lord's Supper is regarded in a Zwinglian manner, maintaining a symbolical
interpretation of the elements. Most Baptists accepted as their doctrine a slightly modified
version of the Westminster Confession of Faith formulated by the Puritans in the 1640s. The
necessity of evangelism and witness is another important element of Baptist teaching.
45
42
T. George, "New Dimensions in Baptist Theology," in New Dimensions in Evangelical
Thought, 142.
43
W. L. Lumpkin, ed., Baptist Confessions ofFaith (Valley Forge: Judson Press, 1959),326.
44
Good summaries of Baptist doctrines are found in Timothy George, "New Dimensions in
Baptist Theology," in New Dimensions in Evangelical Thought, 137-47, Winthrop S. Hudson, "Protestantism:
Baptists," in Encyclopaedia Britannica (1998), 251-52, and Torbet, A History ofthe Baptists, 15-34. See also
Henry Cook, What Baptists Stand For (London, The Kingsgate Press, 1950).
45 For a detailed discussion ofthe Baptist tradition and their distinctive characteristics see
Brackney, The Baptists, 23-122.
74
The foremost contribution of British Baptists is the fact that they formulated
the distinctive Baptist doctrines of believer's baptism by immersion, the supreme authority of
the Scripture, church membership of baptized believers, freedom of conscience, belief in the
personal and voluntary nature of true religion, the autonomy of local churches, and the
separation of church and state.
46
According to McBeth, "the seventeenth-century Baptists did
not invent these doctrines; they rediscovered and articulated them afresh for a new era.,,47
First of all, the Baptists believe tha the ultimate source of authority for faith
and practice is the Holy Scripture (sola Scriptura). Based on the practice of the apostles and
the Church Fathers, the Baptists view the Bible as the supreme norm in all matters of faith and
practice.
48
At the Council of Trent, Catholics defined Scripture and tradition as two distinct,
but equal authorities. While Roman Catholics and Eastern Orthodox magnified the authority
of tradition, Protestants maintained that the Bible "contained all things necessary to
salvation." Baptists are a non-creedal people who do not regard any humanly devised
statement or confession of faith as being equal to the Bible. Their confessions of faith are
"always accountable to the Holy Scripture and are revisable in the light of that divine
46
See E. F. Kevan, "The Baptist Tradition," in Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, ed.
Walter A. Elwell. (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House, 1987), 122-24. Most of these principles are
underlined in the Declaration of Principle of the British Baptists, issued in 1873. Parker, Baptists in Europe, 36.
See also "Cine Sunt si Ce Cred Baptistii," in Indrumatorul Crestin 5/6 (April, 1946),7-10.
47
McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 61.
48
Torbet, A History ofthe Baptists, 16.
75
revelation.,,49 Baptists believe in the competency of regenerate believers to interpret the
Scripture under the guidance of the Holy Spirit. 50(2 Tim 3:16; Acts 17:11; 2 Pet 1:21)
Secondly, the Baptists practice believer's baptism by immersion only. This is
arguably the dominant Baptist conviction, based primarily on their understanding of the
spiritual nature of the church. The Baptists maintain that baptism rightly administered must
be a baptism of believers only. Baptism is the mark of a Christian, understood as a believer
who professes his faith in Chri st.
5
I An important Baptist contribution to the life of the church
is "the recovery of the early church practice of baptism as an adult rite of initiation signifying
a committed participation in the life, death and resurrection of Jesus Christ.,,52 Because of
this theological meaning Baptists insist upon immersion as the apostolicform of the rite. The
doctrine of believer's baptism is fundamental in viewing Christianity as a personal
responsibility and not a state matter. The stress on a personal relationship with God led to the
personalization of religion.
Thirdly, the membership of the church comprises baptized believers only. The
Baptists considered the local congregation to be the most vivid expression of the Christian
community comprised of the redeemed who have a spiritual relationship of faith and devotion
49T. George, "New Dimensions in Baptist Theology," 146.
50H. W. Tribble, "Individual Competency and Use of Creeds," in The Chronicle 2 (April,
1944), 90-95.
51
W. S. Hudson. "Protestantism: The Baptists," in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 252. Henry
Cook, What the Baptists Stand For, 107-38.
52T. George, "New Dimensions in Baptist Theology," 145.
76
to their Lord, and therefore stressed the principle of regenerate church membership. 53 The
church is not, or ought not to be, an official institution, a part of the state apparatus. The
Baptists reject the concept that equates the church with a nation and repudiate the Anglican
definition of church membership by birth in a Christian family (illustrated in the formulation
"together with their children"). The church is the fellowship, the congregation ofbom again
Christains who have been brought to personal faith in Jesus Christ. Thus the membership of a
church is restricted to those who give clear evidence oftheir Christian faith and experience.
(Acts 2:38; John 3:5; Acts 2:41-42) Baptist ecclesiology closely resembles the Anabaptist
emphasis on the church as "an intentional community composed of regenerated and baptized
believers who are bound to one another and their Lord by a solemn covenant.,,54
Fourthly, the Baptists promote the equality of all Christians in the life of the
church. The doctrine of the priesthood of all believers affirms that each believer saved by
grace has free access to God the Father through the one and only High Priest, Jesus Christ. 55
(Heb 9: 11-28) Furthermore, Baptists believe that the individual Christian may serve as a
minister and that each church member has equal rights and privileges in the life of the church.
This implies the equality in status for all members of the church, although those gifted for
pastoral ministry have special responsibilities, but no unique priestly status. 56 Baptists
53Torbet, A History ofthe Baptists, 20. Henry Cook, What the Baptists Stand For, 44-50.
54T. George, "New Dimensions in Baptist Theology," 145.
55
Torbet, A History ofthe Baptists, 24.
56w. S. Hudson. "Protestantism: Baptists," in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 252.
77
generally agree in defining the church as "an organized body of baptized believers equal in
rank and privileges, administering its affairs under the headship of Christ.,,57
Fiftly, the Baptists promote a type of church government that maintains the
autonomy of the local church. They believe that churches should be self-governing bodies
that do not derive their authority from any source, other than Christ as the head of the church.
The autonomy of the church does not mean isolation from other churches. As individual
Christians rely on fellowship the individual churches demonstrate their unity in Christ by
forming associations and conventions. 58 Baptists argue that monarchical episcopacy and
sacerdotalism were late developments modeled after the Jewish Temple system of priesthood
and deprived apostolic Christianity of its simple expression.59
And finally, the Baptists hold to separation of church and state, as the logical
corollary of the doctrine of religious liberty. Baptists believe in the Biblical teaching that
each individual is responsible to God alone for his eternal destiny, and that Christian religion
should be free to every man's conscience.
60
Beginning with the writings of Smyth and
Helwys, Baptists have insisted that a church has the freedom before God to determine its own
life in obedience to Christ without outside interference.
6
I It is claimed that, "more than any
king or Parliament, the Baptists set the heart and mind of England free." Their claim for
57G. W. McDaniel, The Churches a/the New Testament (New York, 1921),23.
58
W. S. Hudson. "Protestantism: Baptists," in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 252. See also
Henry Cook, What Baptists Stand For, 77-78.
59
Torbet, A History a/the Baptists, 26.
60
Torbet, A History a/the Baptists, 28, 30.
61
See Henry Cook, What Baptists Stand For.
78
complete religious liberty announced the end of the medieval synthesis of a Christian state.
62
(Mat 23:10; John 8:32; Gal 5:1)
Germany: The Cradle of Continental Baptists
Baptists in continental Europe emerged in the midst of revolutionary times,
about two centuries after the British Baptists. The beginning of the nineteenth century was
under the impact of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars. The Industrial
Revolution played a substantial role on the old continent. It was a time when Rationalism was
challenged by Romanticism and when controversial theories like socialism and evolution
arose. Following in the tradition initiated by French theologians of the Enlightenment,
German scholarship started to develop historical and biblical criticism.
In the midst of such revolutionary developments Europe experienced a general
spiritual renewal influenced by the pietistic and revivalist movements that emphasized holy
living and protested against established church systems that seemed excessively sacramental,
priestly, and worldly.63 Following in the Anabaptist and Puritan tradition, German Pietism
delineated by Philip Spener, August H. Francke, and Count N. Zinzendorfbrought a new
emphasis upon personal religion, Bible study, prayer, and a personal relation with God
through conversion. This period brought about Baptists beginnings in Germany, the
emergence of the (Plymouth) Brethren movement in the British Isles, and the Revell in French
62
W. H. Brackney, The Baptists, 5.
63
Parker, Baptists in Europe, 19.
79
Switzerland. In such providential times, in many European churches "the age of reason
64
became the age of renewal."
While British Baptists are rather linked with the Protestant traditions through
Puritanism and Separatism,65 European Baptists consider themselves in close kinship with the
earlier Anabaptists, particularly the Mennonites.
66
Some evidence of Anabaptist influence is
seen in the fact that many Mennonite groups in Europe have joined Baptist Churches, as is
evident in Russia.
67
Keith Parker speaks of Baptist "re-beginnings" in Europe due to the lack
of clear continuity between the two movements, but admits the Anabaptist influence:
Some Baptists in Europe, especially in Eastern Europe where masses of Anabaptists
fled during the Reformation, make closer historical connection with that early
movement in Zurich in the sixteenth-century than do most Anglo-American historians.
Their point is that those refugees made a long-lasting impact upon society and
spirituality in their lands, a fact that cannot be denied.
68
As in England centuries before, European Baptists emerged in times of
persecution and have continued to experience in many places long and severe opposition. The
64
A. S. Wood, "Awakening" in The History ofChristianity ed. Tim Dowley, 436-52.
McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 466-67.
65
This is McGoldrick's position expressed in Baptist Successionism: A Crucial Question in
Baptist History, 124, 141.
66 McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 465. On the other hand, some European citizens consider
the Baptists a radical sect and some connect them with the Munster revolution that broke out in central Germany
during the 1530s. This identification with revolutionary Anabaptism proved a major handicap to Baptist
advance in the nineteenth century, particularly in Germany.
67 McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 465. However, McBeth maintains that the evidence falls
short of proving clear historical continuity between the Anabaptists and the nineteenth-century Baptist
movement.
68
Parker, Baptists in Europe, 21-22.
80
two major opponents spearheading the effort to eradicate Baptists on the Continent were state
churches and civil governrnents.
69
Originating in England in early 1600s, the Baptist faith spread to the Continent
of Europe reaching Germany in the 1830s.
70
This development did not imply a major
contribution of the English Baptists. As McBeth observed, Continental Baptists "are less a
product of Puritanism and more an outgrowth of the Pietist awakenings which swept the
Continent in the early 1800s. That heritage has stamped European Baptists with a Christian
life-style more inward and quietist, often more reflective than activist.,,71
The pioneer of Baptist work both in Germany and on the Continent was Johann
Gerhard Oncken (1800-84), rightly known as "father of the Continental Baptists.,,72 Born in
1800 in Varel, Northern Germany, and brought up in the Lutheran Church, Oncken lived and
worked for several years in Scotland where he came in contact with evangelical Christianity
and experienced a personal conversicn.T There is little evidence of direct contact or
influence from the English Baptists at his conversion. Very zealous in sharing his evangelical
69McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 467. The persecution of Russian and Romanian Baptists
(especially during the Communist period) surpasses imagination.
70 A few Baptist churches originated elsewhere (France) at an earlier date, but Germany itself
provided the major center of Baptist expansion. Vedder, A Short History ofthe Baptists, 394-96.
71
McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 464. While the reflective and quietist attitude may
characterize German Baptists, it does not accurately represent Romanian or Russian Baptists.
72 J. H. Rushbrooke supplies detailed data on Oncken's biography and the European Baptists
in The Baptist Movement in the Continent ofEurope (London: Carey Press, 1923), 17. See also Parker, Baptists
in Europe, 53-55.
73
McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 471. His father was exiled to England for being involved in
one of the patriotic uprisings against Napoleon.
81
faith with others, in 1823 Oncken became a missionary-teacher for the Edinburgh Bible
Society and British Continental Society. In 1835 Oncken was described as:
A German, a little more than thirty years of age, married in England, has two children,
is perfectly master of the English language, ... and though not a man ofliberal
education, has a very strong, acute mind, has read much, is a man of much practical
knowledge, and is very winning in his personal appearance and manners.
74
Studying the Scripture himself, Oncken came gradually to the conviction that
the New Testament teaches the baptism by immersion ofbelievers.
75
By 1826 he confessed
that he had doubts concerning infant baptism and refused to present his own infant for that
ceremony. Refusing to baptize himself as Scottish revivalist James Haldane advised him, for
several years Oncken waited for a "Philip" who would come to baptize him in his new faith.
In April 1834 American Baptist professor Barnas Sears of Boston visited Germany on his
sabbatical. In a short time he baptized Oncken, his wife, and five others in the Elbe River,
under the cover of night. Following that event, the first German "church of baptized
Christians" was constituted in Hamburg, with Oncken as pastor. This is the oldest surviving
Baptist church on the Continent of Europe. From this rather insignificant beginning emerged
a decisive and unexpected development. 76
A period of severe persecutions followed for the German Baptists, Oncken
himself being imprisoned a number of times. Lutheran clergymen called Oncken and his
church "a fanatical Anabaptist sect," identifying them with the sixteenth-century
74 Barnas Sears, Proceedings (Baptist General Convention: 1835), 26.
75
McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 471; 1. H. Cooke, Johann Gerhard Oncken: His Life and
Work (London: S. W. Partridge, 1908),57. See also H. Luckey, Johann Gerhard Oncken und die An/tinge des
deutschen Baptismus [Johann Gerhard Oncken and the Beginning of the German Baptist Faith] (Kassel: J. G.
Oncken, 1958) 12-13.
76
Rushbrooke, The Baptist Movement in the Continent a/Europe, 17-27; McBeth, The
Baptist Heritage, 471-73. See also Joseph Lehmann, Geschichte der Deutschen Baptisten [The History of the
German Baptists] (Hamburg: J. G. Oncken, 1896), 46.
82
revolutionaries of Munster. Another disturbing issue was Oncken' s concept of "gathered
church" that stood out in bold contrast to the "territorial church.,,77 In spite of the difficulties,
remarkable progress was made among the Baptist churches as baptisms took place under
cover of night. In 1842, when Hamburg suffered a devastating fire that destroyed much of the
city, the helpful spirit shown by the Baptists to the homeless gained the respect of officials
78
and brought them temporary success.
Unlike their Mennonite forerunners, the German Baptists proved to be very
concerned for mission and evangelism. Under the influence of Sears who had ordained him,
Oncken became an influential missionary ofthe American Baptist Missionary Society and
planted churches throughout Europe. He adopted the motto "Jeder Baptist ein Missionar"
(every Baptist a missionary), and put it into practice traveling with the good news of the
Gospel not only in Germany, but also in Switzerland, France, Prussia, Scandinavia, Hungary,
Russia, and the Balkan states.
79
One ofOncken's habits was to contact Mennonite and other
evangelical groups (especially in Eastern Europe), in an attempt to harmonize them to Baptist
views. For this practice he was called Sammler, or collector of existing Christians.
80
Animated by great missionary vision the German Baptists sent missionaries to most of the
countries on the Continent. Oncken worked much of his life as a Bible colporteur, and
77 Wayne Alan Detzler, "Johann Gerhard Oncken's Long Road To Toleration," in Journal of
the Evangelical Theological Society 36/2 (June, 1993): 231-35.
78
McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 472-73.
79
Brackney, Historical Dictionary ofthe Baptists, 312.
80
McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 475.
83
valuing the power of the printed word to spread the Gospel, in 1848 he helped to found the
Baptist paper Das Missionblatt (The Missionary Reporter).
8
I
With a fairly conservative, Calvinistic theology, Oncken always put priority
upon spiritual gifts and preparation, rather than academic training, preferring lay preachers to
educated pastors or priests.
82
Oncken's view about the Reformation was that while it rejected
an old, rigid tradition, it forced Germans to adopt a different one:
It [the Reformation] did not go far enough: the Reformation stopped too soon; and the
Reformers instead of leaving open to their successors the path of enquiry and
investigation which they had opened, stereotyped for future generations their own
views of truth; and Luther's Catechism and the Augsburg Confession ofFaith have
been from that day to this, the creed in which every orthodox German must
b
ib 83
su sen e.
Two ofOncken's most able associates were the "songful theologian" Julius W.
Kobner, and hymn writer and preacher Gottfried W. Lehmann, a colleague from Oncken's
time with the Edinburgh Bible Society. The son of a Danish rabbi, Kobner had converted to
Lutheranism in 1826 when he married a Gentile, and ten years later was baptized by Oncken.
Known for his hymns and preaching abilities, Kobner contributed to the establishment of the
theological seminary in Hamburg, and played a major role in spreading the Baptist faith in
Denmark and throughout the Scandinavian Peninsula.
84
81
McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 472-73.
82
McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 472-73.
83 J. G. Oncken, in Das Missionblatt (April 1857), as quoted by Fredk A. Tatford in That the
World May Know: West European Evangel, vol. 8 (Bath: Echoes of Service, 1985),481.
84
See the biography of Kobner daughter, Ruth Barasel, Julius Kobner: Sein Leben [Julius
Kobner: His Life] (Kassel: 1. G. Oncken, 1930),45-59. See also McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 473-74;
Rushbrooke, The Baptist Movement in the Continent ofEurope, 28-31.
84
After his father's business failure in Berlin, young Lehmann moved to the
Netherlands, where he came under the influence of Mennonites. Returning to Berlin he
gathered a small group in his home for Bible study and devotions and in 1836, convinced by
Oncken, most of them accepted Baptist views. Lehmann became the pastor of the Berlin
Church and traveled widely throughout Europe to spread the Baptist faith.
85
During the time
of Oncken Hamburg became the center of European Baptist life. The key role played by the
three leaders in the early development ofthe German Baptists was evidenced in almost every
aspect ofteaching, preaching, organization, and missionary endeavor into many other
E
. 86
uropean countnes.
Stimulated by the significant Mennonite presence in the northern regions of the
Black Sea, the German Baptists viewed Russia as an important missionary field. The soil for
the Baptist success in Russia was prepared by several factors such as the Pietist movement,
the Stundist movement,87 the Russian Bible Society, and the Molokan sect.
88
A first root of
Baptist beginnings in Russia is constituted by the Stundist movement. German immigrants of
Pietist and Mennonite background settled in the area of Kiev used to practice their "hours"
85
McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 473-74. See R. Donat, Das wachsende Werk [The Growing
Work] (Kassel: J. G. Oncken, 1960), 13.
86
Parker, Baptists in Europe, 54.
87 Greatly influenced by German Pietists and Mennonites, the Stundists were mostly
Ukrainian Orthodox from the region of Kiev who wanted to revive their church. Their name came from the
German Stunde (hour) due to their practice to hold meetings of about an hour for Bible study, prayer and
testimony. Walter Sawatsky, Soviet Evangelicals Since World War Jl (Scottdale, PA: Herald, 1981),34-35.
88 McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 490-92. The Molokans (milk drinkers) were a group
concentrated especially in the region of Caucasus who separated from the Orthodox Church in the eighteenth
century and sought to recover the practices of the early church. Klibanov considers that by 1900 "almost half of
today's Baptists consisted of yesterday's Molokans." A. I. Klibanov, History a/Religious Sectarianism in
Russia, 1860s-1917 (Elmsford, New York: Pergamon Press, 1982), 153-54. Other important leaders that came
into Baptist life from the Molokans were V. Pavlov and I. Prokhanov. W. Sawatsky, Soviet Evangelicals, 27.
85
(Stunde) of prayer and Bible study. After 1835 the Stundists initiated unprecedented revival
movements within the Russian Orthodox Church. After Efim Tsymballed the Stundists into
water baptism many of its leaders were persecuted and arrested and the movement organized
itself into a distinct faction.
89
A second source of Baptists faith developed in the region of
Caucasus where the wealthy merchant Nikita 1. Voronin embraced Baptist views and was
baptized in August 1867. Voronin baptized himself other Molokans who began to call
themselves Baptists. An influent leader emerged from that group was Vasilii G. Pavlov who
studied under Oncken in Germany and in 1876 became a Baptist missionary in Russia.
90
In 1943 German Baptists represented by Hans Luckey joined together with a
group from the Open Brethren tradition represented by Erich Sauer (the director of the
Wiedenest Bible School) and the Pentecostal Elim Fellowship, and formed Bund der
Evangelisch-Freikirchlichen Gemeinden in Deutschland (the Union of Evangelical Free
C
.. G )91
ongregations In ennany.
Baptist Beginnings in the Romanian Provinces:
1856-1918
Baptist beginnings in the Romanian Provinces are indisputably associated with
the early German Baptists, as exponents of nineteenth-century European revivalism. They
represent a major Baptist source for the development of the movement in the Romanian
principalities. McBeth mentions two groups that contributed to the beginning of the Baptists
in the Austro-Hungarian Empire: Hungarian carpenters converted in Hamburg in the 1840s
89 See Hans Brandenburg, The Meek and the Mighty (New York: Oxford University Press,
1977), 46, 89.
90
Rushbrooke, Baptists in Europe, 132-43; Parcker, Baptists in Europe, 149-53.
91
Parker, Baptists in Europe, 56.
86
and British-sponsored missionaries who began to minister in Austria-Hungary in the 1870s.
92
By the middle of the nineteenth century, the Baptist faith reached from Austria-Hungary in
the capital of Bucharest and found fertile soil into the Western Romanian provinces.
German Debut in Bucharest: The German
Baptist Source
The initial development of the Baptist movement took place rather
independently in each Romanian province in the second half of the nineteenth century. The
oldest Evangelical denomination in Romania, the Baptists emerged in a time when the
principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia were still under Turkish suzerainty. With the
support of France, between 1859-61 the Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia achieved
union by electing a single native prince, Alexandru loan Cuza, a leader of the 1848
revolution. Cuza's reform program included the development ofthe universities of Bucharest
and Iasi, the secularization of monastic property, and the issuance of an agrarian law that
eliminated serfdom and forced labor and allowed peasants to acquire land. The decade in
which Romania achieved independence began in 1866 with the installation of Charles I as the
new prince, and later as king. The new constitution issued in July 1866 established a
bicameral legislature, proclaimed equality before the law, and contained guarantees of
freedom of religion, speech, and assembly. The later part of the nineteenth-century was also a
time development and increasing prosperity, as Romania developed economic relations with
other European countries, particularly with Germany.93
92
McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 487.
93 Hitchins, "Faurirea Romaniei Mari," in Mihai Barbulescu, et. al. Istoria Romdniei, 384-99.
87
According to Baptist historian A. Popovici, Baptist beginnings in Bucharest
are associated with the German carpenter Karl Johann Scharschmidt and with preacher
August Liebig.
94
Under the direct supervision of Oncken, Scharschmidt and his wife Augusta
came to work in Bucharest in 1856. Scharschmidt had gone to Hamburg as carpenter in 1843,
joined the Baptist church there, and left in 1846 as a missionary to Hungary where he had
lived for several years prior to his arrival in Bucharest. Embracing Oncken' s slogan "each
Baptist a missionary," Scharschmidt became very active in literature distribution, and proved
to be a very gifted person-to-person evangelist.
95
Other German Baptists who came to work
in the Romanian capital joined him and in a short time the little group had regular meetings in
Scharschmidt's own workshop. In the beginning, since Scharschmidt himself was not capable
of preaching, the small group only sang together from Kobner's new hymnbook. When their
number increased, Oncken advised Scharschmidt to conduct the Lord's Supper. This is
considered to be the starting point of the first Baptist church in Romania.
96
At Scharschmidt's request, in 1863 Oncken sent the German preacher August
Liebig (who had studied at the Baptist Seminary in Hamburg) to assist the church in
Bucharest. In September 1864 Liebig baptized four new converts in the Dambovita River and
94
Alexa Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 1 [The History of the Baptists in Romania]
(Chicago: ed. Bisericii Baptiste Romane: 1980), 14. His two-volume work is well researched and packed with
details, and represents the best source for the history ofthe Baptists in Romanian provinces prior to 1944.
95 Scharschmidt made reference to eight families who in 1859 supported him in publishing
and distributing 3,000 tracts among the 20,000 Germans in Bucharest. Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 1, 14.
96
Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 1, 14-17.
88
97
the church grew to fifteen members. Liebig organized a Sunday School, a youth group, and
an association for the distribution of German and Romanian tracts. In a short time, the
German Baptists were able to build a chapel. In 1865 Liebig was commissioned by Oncken
to extend his ministry to Cataloi, in Dobrogea, where he eventually moved two years later,
becoming the pastor of a German Mennonite group who arrived from Russia. Lacking the
contribution of an experienced pastor, the church in Bucharest went through a period of
stagnation after Liebig's departure. Returning from a trip in Russia, Oncken himself visited
the new church in 1869.
98
Until the end of the century the German Baptists in Bucharest had a rather
insignificant development. In 1896, under the leadership of Johann Hammerschmidt the
church was relocated to Popa Rusu Street, in the heart of the city. Here, with the financial
contribution of a prosperous German, a new building and a pastor's office were erected.
99
After 1910 the church in Bucharest experienced substantial growth under the leadership of
Berg (Benjamin) Schlipfwho came from the United States. He organized youth and women's
associations, started a choir, established a library, and maintained fellowship with other
97
Alexa Popovici, lstoria Baptistilor, vol. 1,13-20. One of the persons baptized during this
period was Franz Tabory of Novi Sad, who became a Baptist pioneers in modem Yugoslavia. Both Parker and
Wardin consider this event as the beginning of the German church in Bucharest. Parker, Baptists in Europe,
216-17; Albert W. Wardin, ed. Baptists around the World: A Comprehensive Handbook (Nashville, Tenn.:
Broadman & Holman Publishers, 1995), 264-66.
98 Popovici, lstoria Baptistilor, vol. I, 18-20. Most of the information about the Baptist
beginnings in Bucharest were preserved in the correspondence between Oncken and Liebig. Oncken also visited
southern Russia in 1867 and spread the Baptist faith among the German colonies of Mennonites, and among the
Stundists.
99 Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 1, 21. Popovici mentions that in 1869 were baptized the
first two Romanians, Stefan Pirvu and Nicolae Manole.
89
German churches in Romania. However, the German Baptists in Bucharest only shared their
faith among fellow Germans and had very little impact on the Romanian population. 100
Due to official opposition, until the beginning of the twentieth century
Bucharest remained the only city ofthe Old Kingdom with a Baptist church. One of the first
Romanians who began the work among his own people in the capital was the young druggist
Constantin Adorian (baptized by Johann Hammerschmidt in the German church in September
1903). With the support of the German congregation, in 1909 Adorian went to study at the
theological seminary in Hamburg. At his return, he extended the Baptist witness in the
vicinity of Bucharest and Dobrogea. The first Romanian Baptist church in Bucharest was
started in December 1912 with the help of loan Branea and a handful of other believers who
used to attend the meetings of the Brethren. 101 It should be noted that Adorian's ground-
breaking efforts, though modest, were significant due to the fact that being a Romanian
Baptist in the Old Kingdom in that period gave one a precarious status.
In December 1913 Adorian organized the first Romanian Baptist Conference
in Bucharest, inviting delegates from the flourishing churches in Transylvania. During the
event Gheorghe SHiv and Teodor Sida from Curtici ordained Adorian and Branea as pastor
and respectively, deacon. At that time, according to Adorian's report, there were four
Romanian churches (and stations) in the Romanian Kingdom (Bucharest, Cernavoda, Jegalia,
100
C. T. Byford, Peasants and Prophets: Baptist Pioneers in Russia and South Eastern
Europe. 2d ed. (London: The Kingsgate Press, 1912), 55-62. Popovici, lstoria Baptistilor, vol. I, 21-22, based
on Adorian's paper "Despre Baptismul German din Romania."
101 Branea, who had been baptized in1910 in the Brethren assembly (led by Ion Petrescu),
used to fellowship as well with groups of Adventists and Hungarian Baptists in Bucharest. Among those who
joined Branea and formed the Romanian Baptist church were Gavrila Ianculescu, N. Serbanescu, Campeanu, and
I. Haralambie. Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 1, 119-123 based on Adorian's notes and Branea's
autobiography. A more recent history published under the Communist supervision is that of loan Bunaciu,
Istoria Riispindirii Credintei Baptiste in Romania [The History of the Development of Baptist Faith in Romania]
(Bucuresti : Editura Uniunii Comunitatilor Crestine Baptiste din R. S. Romania, 1981), 25-26, 216.
90
and Arabagii) with a total of74 members and 78 attendees. 102 One year later, Adorian edited
the First Statement ofFaith of the Baptists in the Old Kingdom. A Christian bookstore
("Libraria Sf. loan") and a youth association were organized in the same year as part ofthe
Bucharest church.
British
Baptists
American
Baptists
Figure 3. The Origins ofRomanian Baptists.
Anabaptists
Mennonites
19th Century
Revivalism
Romanian
Orthodoxy
Crisana, Transylvania, and Banat: The German
And Hungarian Baptist Source
The first known Baptist church in the Romanian lands started with a group of
Germans in Bucharest, but the cradle of Baptist faith in the Romanian provinces was the
Western province of Crisana. From Germany the Baptist faith had spread throughout the
102
Bunaciu, lstoria Riispindirit, 27-28.
91
Austro-Hungarian Empire, reaching the Romanian provinces in a time of sociopolitical
diversity. Baptist beginnings in the Austro-Hungarian Empire can be traced to two
independent groups: Austrian and Hungarian carpenters who converted in Hamburg in the
1840s (while working after the Great Fire of 1842), and British-sponsored itinerant
booksellers who came to Hungary and Transylvania in the 1870s. 103 In addition to the
Germans, the Hungarian Baptists constituted another important source in the development of
the movement in Transylvania.
In Transylvania, Crisana, and Banat (three provinces which had been annexed
to Hungary in 1867, sometimes viewed altogether as "Transylvania") the new faith spread in
the 1870s with the contribution of Baptist Bible distributors. 104 One of them was Johann
Rottmayer Jr., an agent of the British and Foreign Bible Society. In 1866 Rottmayer moved
from Budapest to Cluj, where he organized a Bible storehouse. During the following years he
distributed a large number of Bibles and religious brochures among Germans, Hungarians and
Romanians of Transylvania. 105 The real Baptist pioneer in Transylvania was Johann Antal
Novak, a German tailor by trade who was baptized by E. Millard in 1870, in Vienna, where
103
J. Lehmann, Geschichte der Deutschen Baptisen, Part I, 210-14. Note: Occasional1y
"Transylvania" is used as a generic term for the three Romanian Western provinces.
104 According to Bunaciu, there is some evidence of German Baptists in Brasov around 1837,
with a believer named Roth who arrived from Germany. That group was visited by Oncken in 1869. Meyer
baptized several persons in 1877 and in 1885 Mihai Gromen becomes the pastor ofthe church in Brasov.
Bunaciu, Istoria Riispindirii, 84-87.
105 C. T. Byford, Peasants and Prophets, 1-9. See Oncken'sjournal in Das Missionblatt
(Nov, 1868). In early 1890, Rottmayer met Adventist missionary L. R. Conradi and converted to Seventh-Day
Adventists faith being rebaptized. One of his daughters became active in tract translation and distribution at the
Hamburg Publishing House. See "Romania," in Seventh-Day Adventist Encyclopedia (Washington D.C.:
Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1976), 1227.
92
he started to work as a Bible colporteur. In 1873, Novak joined Rottmayer in his efforts and
focused his work in the region of Crisana, 106
The first recipients of the Baptist faith in Transylvania and Crisana were
Hungarians. A dominant figure in the development of the Baptist movement in this region
was Heinrich Meyer (1842-1918), one of the first Germans sent by Oncken to minister in
Austria-Hungary and Transylvania. Initially involved with the British Bible Society, Meyer
settled in Budapest, and in 1874 he reorganized the German church that had been founded
several years earlier in the city but did not have a sustained development. His pioneering
work and determined character made him known as "pastor of the Baptists in Hungary."
1
07
Romanian Baptist historians speak of several older Baptist groups at Brasov,
Cisnadie, Orastie, and Cluj (formed primarily of Bible colporteurs and their families), 108but
the first functioning churches of Transylvania started in 1875 among the Hungarians of Gyula
and Salonta Mare. Since 1871, Novak had been meeting in these places with a number of
people from the Reformed Church who were dissatisfied with the spiritual state of their
church. One of the subjects discussed in the house of ironsmith Janos Lajos from Salonta
Mare was believer's baptism. The revelatory conclusion that faith must precede baptism
brought fundamental changes in the life of these simple Hungarian folk. After Novak
communicated the desire of the Salonta group to accept the believer's baptism, in August
106 Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 1,30. Bunaciu considers 1873 as the beginning of the
Baptist church in Cluj with the families of Bible colporteurs Rottmayer and Novak. Bunaciu, Istoria Riispindirii,
85-87. See also Andreas Udvarnoki's history of the Hungarian Baptists.
107
Rushbrooke, The Baptist Movement in the Continent ofEurope, 151-56, and Popovici,
Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 1, 31.
108
Bunaciu, Istoria Riisplndirii, 84-89.
93
1875 Meyer came to the neighboring town of Gyu1a, and baptized eleven Hungarian converts
establishing the churches in Gyula and Salonta. The Church in Salonta led by Mihaly Toth
became in a short time a center of missionary work in Transylvania. Due to their religious
background, most of the Hungarian Baptist pioneers were of Calvinist convictions, stressing
the teachings of divine election, predestination, and severe church discipline. 109
Among the first persons baptized by Meyer at Gyula was Mihaly Kornya
(1844-1917, spelled Mihai Cornea in Romanian), who became the greatest Baptist evangelist
of Transylvania. As the coachman ofa Hungarian lawyer in Salonta he traveled extensively,
learning from his journeys. This simple man of the people possessed a considerable gift of
eloquence and inexhaustible vigor. Ordained by Meyer as an elder (who could officiate
baptisms) in 1881, it was reported that Komya baptized until his death in 1917 over eleven
thousand converts, including large numbers of Romanians from Transylvania and
He helped establish the first Romanian Baptist churches in the Crisana region beginning in
1886. As Meyer's close associate working for the Hungarian Baptist Mission, Komya also
trained a large number of peasant preachers who became missionaries to other villages in
T I
. III
ransy varna.
109
Popovici, /storia Baptistilor, vol. I, 30-34. Popovici asserts that the church building
erected in Salonta in 1875 was the oldest in the entire Transylvania and Hungary.
110
Rushbrooke, The Baptist Movement in the Continent ofEurope, 150-53, also mentioned in
McBeth 488. Popovici suggests that Komya was of Romanian origin, even though he could not preach in
Romanian. The figure given by Popovici is 8,000 baptisms. Popovici, lstoria Baptistilor, vol. 1, 34-35
III
Bunaciu, lstoria Raspindirii, 216-7 based on the biography of Attila Csopjak. Due to their
great zeal for the gospel in spite of the lack offormal education, Mihaly Komya and Mihaly Toth became known
as the "peasant prophets" of the Hungarian Baptist Mission. McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 488.
94
First Romanian Baptists
Early Baptist communities in Romanian provinces had the character of family
gatherings, in which the participants would read the Bible, pray, and sing hymns. The
influence of the German Baptists gave Transylvanian Baptists a vision of sharing their faith
and intense missionary impetus. Komya initiated the first Romanian church in 1886, in Chess
(Chesa), in Crisana. Some of the first converts were Pavel and Teodor Eremia, Florian
Babau, Teodor Todinca and Petru Mot. During the 1880s, the Baptist faith spread rapidly in
many Hungarian and Romanian villages in the vicinity of Salonta. Among the churches
founded in early 1890s, those in Taut, Talpos, and Tulca proved to be the most significant.
112
An important beginning for subsequent Baptist history took place in the early
1890s in Curtici, north of Arad. The initiator was the young shoemaker apprentice Mihai
Brumar who, after being baptized in Budapest by Meyer, started a Bible study and prayer
group among the workers of his master's ranch. The church in Curtici founded in 1892
became in a short time one of the strongest Baptist center in Crisana. As a ministry of the
church, Vasile Berbecar founded in 1896 the first Sunday School of the Romanian Baptists,
which would eventually become a norm for most of the churches.
I l3
Great spiritual revival
came over the village, and in 1912 a large church building was erected. Important Baptist
leaders such as Mihai Brumar, Radu Tasca, loan Socaciu and Petru Truta, are associated with
the Curtici church. Among the first Romanian Baptists with theological training Radu Tasca
112 Popovici, lstoria Baptistilor, vol. 1,37-45. Less than ten years later the church was
confronted with Nazarene teachings promoting a looser lifestyle and the use of alcoholic beverages.
113
Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. I, 56-60.
95
studied at the Baptist Theological Seminary in Budapest and became the pastor of the church
in 1919. By 1923 the church in Curtici was the largest in the country, with 500 members. 114
The second major Baptist center in Crisana developed in the village of Buteni,
west of Arad. In 1895, Teodor Sida-who was the guardian of the Orthodox Church-attained
a clearer understanding of the way of salvation through the personal reading of the Bible.
Following a series of conversations with Baptist believers, Sida became convinced of the truth
of the gospel and in 1897 accepted the Baptist view of New Testament baptism.
115
The
Evangelical witness progressed through his preaching and throughout the whole many people
joined the Baptist movement. By the beginning of the new century the Baptists of Crisana
attracted large crowds becoming the center of public attention. In August 1904, when Komya
and Gheorghe Florian baptized 36 new converts in Crisul Alb, there were about 2,000 persons
di h . 116
atten mg t e service.
Buteni became not only a missionary center in the area, but also a nucleus of
literary production. One of the first Romanian Baptists involved in writing and publishing
was Gheorghe Slav, the village confessional schoolmaster. For the Baptists in Buteni and
Curtici, music was of great importance: choirs, brass bands, training sessions, and musical
symposia became an important part of church life. From these two centers in the early 1900s
the Baptist witness reached the city of Arad where a several churches were formed in a short
114
Radu Tasca, "Jubileul din Curtici," in Farul Mdntuirii 3 (March, 1922),4-5.
115
Popovici, lstoria Baptistilor, vol. 1,61-65.
116 Popovici, lstoria Baptistilor, vol. 1, 204.
96
time. Sida and SHiv were among the most influential Romanian Baptists in the Arad area
before the war.
117
The province of Banat proved to be another fertile soil for the development of
the Baptist movement in the region. Under the supervision of the German church in
Budapest, in the early 1880s Kornya officiated several baptisms among Germans and
Hungarians of Timisoara. Some of the early workers and pastors of the new founded church
(such as Max Kuss and Georg Teutsch) received their training at the Hamburg Seminary and
became exponents ofOncken's principles into the province of Banat. Unlike other German
churches, this one proved to be a missionary center and extended its witness in Jebel, Parta,
Jimbolia, Paulis, and Novi-Sad (in Serbia), among other places. I 18
Before 1919, the general movement of the Baptist faith among Romanians was
from the Northern provinces of Crisana and Transylvania to Banat and other Southern
regions. Some of the early Baptists from Banat received the new faith in America and
returned to their native land. A prominent figure in this region was Vasile Berbecar, one of
the first Romanians converted to the Baptist faith, baptized by Meyer in 1897.
119
He
emerged as one of the Baptist leaders of the Western provinces, introduced choir singing in
the churches, and worked as editor of the first journals. Another influential Baptist leader was
Stefan Ignea (1865-1935). Baptized in Paulis in 1902, Ignea was ordained in 1904 and soon
became a zealous missionary in Banat, Crisana, and Transylvania. Like Kornya, Ignea
117 Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. I, 61-65.
118 Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 1, 183-96.
119
Bunaciu, Istoria Riispindirii, 136-37.
97
practiced severe church discipline. It was recorded that in 1911, 98 persons under church
discipline from the area of Banat were reaccepted to fellowship. 120
Due to an open attitude ofthe Austro-Hungarian authorities Baptist growth
was rapid in the Western provinces before World War I, reaching among the highest rates on
the Continent. In Crisana, from 11 churches in 1893, by 1910 there were 147 Baptist
churches (with 2,237 baptized members), both Hungarian and Romanian. 121
Organization, Division, and Recognition
The end of the nineteenth century represented a turning point in the
development of the Baptist movement in Hungary and Transylvania. Before 1895 the Baptist
faith did not have formal recognition in Austria Hungary and developed as an "illicit
religion." However, the Austro-Hungarian government was rather open towards the followers
of the new faith. An important Decree that regulated the religious life in the Austro-
Hungarian Empire, known as Law 43/1895, stated that, "anyone can freely preach and follow
any kind of faith or religion, which can be practiced in accordance with the laws ofthe
country and good manners. No one can be hindered in practicing his religion."I22 As the
representative of the Hungarian Baptists, Meyer immediately forwarded a request for
recognition, which for various reasons was not accepted by the Hungarian officials. One
120 Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. I, 185-88.
121 Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. I, 52-53. Probably misinformed, Davies attributed the
same figures to the Transylvanian Baptists. R. E. Davies, "A Hundred Years of Baptist Life in Romania," in The
Baptist Quarterly 6 (1990): 265-74.
122
Constantin Cuciuc, Atlasul Religiilor si al Monumentelor Religioase din Romania [The
Atlas of Religions and Religious Monuments in Romania] (Bucuresti: Editura Gnosis, 1997), 59. See also
Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. I, 203-204.
98
factor that influenced the denial of the recognition was the fact that the churches under
Meyer's supervision rejected organization as an official institution and maintained a
centralized ecclesiastical system dependent on Budapest. 123 While Meyer's substantial
contribution in the development of the Baptist movement in Hungary cannot be denied, some
maintained that his authoritarian attitude and failure to adapt to the Hungarian culture brought
him in conflict with his Hungarian disciples. 124
A breach within the central church in Budapest took place in 1893-94, after the
young seminary graduates Andreas Udvoranki and Lajos Balogh returned from Hamburg.
The Hungarian Baptists from Budapest who had been striving to be more independent from
the German-speaking churches elected the two pastors as their leaders. 125 Most of the
Hungarian churches in Hungary, Transylvania and Crisana united forces with the emerging
Budapest church, and in 1897 formed a Baptist Union led by Udvoranki and Atila Csopjak.
At the congress of the Hungarian Baptists organized in September 1905 (and presided over by
Csopjak) they adopted a new statement of faith and statute, formed the Baptist Organization,
and made a new request for recognition. 126 Through Decision 77092 issued in December
1905, the Hungarian Minister of Religion granted official recognition to the Baptists as a legal
123 According to Popovici, the rejection was due to the lack of necessary documents and to
Meyer's German citizenship and inability to speak Hungarian. Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 1, 206.
124
Rushbrooke, The Baptist Movement in the Continent ofEurope, 151-56. Rushbrooke
points out that toward the end of his ministry, Meyer's "sectarian" propaganda forced him to resign his
connection with the Bible Society. See also Popovici, lstoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 206.
125
C. T. Byford, Peasants and Prophets, 10-14. Parker, Baptists in Europe, 185-86.
126 According to Law 45/1895, the president or leader of any religious community had to be a
member of that community who was trained in the country, who was a citizen of the country having full civil
rights, and an outstanding morality. Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2,54, and Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 1,207-
209. In September 1905 the Hungarian leaders of the Baptist Church Organization forwarded to the Ministry of
Religion "The Statement of Faith of the baptized Christians commonly named Baptists."
99
denomination. The new status of receptae (recognized) religion gave the Baptists the right to
hold meetings, organize Bible courses, pastoral conferences and congresses, and other
governmental benefits (like tax reductions). The functioning authorizations were no longer
required for the Baptists. This new regulation extended to the German and Romanian Baptists
of the provinces governed by Austria Hungary. 127
Meyer's disagreement with the new leadership of the Hungarian Baptists and
his rejection of official recognition led to a spilt between the "Recognized" and "Free"
("Unrecognized") Baptists. While a number of the Romanian churches around Cluj and Arad
agreed with recognition, most of the churches in Crisana (affiliated to Budapest), and most of
the German churches denied the recognition, being known as "Free" Baptists. It was reported
that by 1917 in Hungary and Transylvania there were 10,360 Recognized Baptists and about
12,000 Free Baptists. 128 This division, which extended until of 1919, substantially weakened
the fellowship among the Baptists of the Western provinces. 129
127 Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 1,207-14. See also Attila Csopjak, Egyhaztortenet
(Budapest, 1922), 195. In 1917 the Hungarian Community of Oradea led by Attila Csopjac was also legally
recognized.
128 Brooks Charles, and J. H. Rushbrooke, Baptist Work in Europe (London: Baptist Union
Publication Dept., 1920), 47-48, according to the figures given by Udvamoki and the Hungarian Baptists.
129 . . I he Conaress i B . . h
POpOVICI, Istoria Baptisti or, vol. 1,84,211. At t e Congress In utem 10 1920, appy
about the prospect of a new union, Radu Tasca exclaimed, 'Praise God it's over with the "recognized" and
"unrecognized" Baptists!' Affected by this malign inheritance, Romanian Baptists went later through a further
division.
100
A U S T R I A ~
HUNGARY

SERBIA
BULGARIA
Romanian church
Ilungarian church
German church
... Russian church
Baptjst center
Figure 4. The Distribution ofthe Baptist Churches in 1919.
101
Bucovina and Dobrogea: The German
Mennonite and Baptist Source
Another source of Baptist faith in the Romanian provinces came through the
German Anabaptists (Mennonites) from Russia and Ukraine. Popovici stresses the idea of
historical continuity between early Transylvanian Anabaptists and twentieth century
Transylvanian Baptists. 130 His main thesis is that the Anabaptists who colonized
Transylvania in the second part of the sixteenth century and in the 1620s and at later stages
preserved their faith despite persecution and formal conversion to Catholicism and joined the
Baptist churches in the last decades of the nineteenth century and early 1900s.
131
Popovici' s
conclusion is that "the same people that we call Anabaptists prior to 1856, are called Baptists
after that date.,,132
Anabaptist historians show that in the 1760s, as a result of the Jesuit
oppression under Maria Theresa's rule, most of Transylvanian Hutterites immigrated to
Russia while the remaining ones adopted Catholicism and were assimilated by the local
populations, or joined the Russian based colonies at a later time.
133
Since there is no
130 According to Popovici, theprayer hall built bytheHutterites in 1622 inVintul deJoswas
"thefirst documented Baptist prayer house inTransylvania." Istoria Anabaptistilor, 103. Anumber of German
groups from thearea of Sibiu (Turnisor, Apoldul deSus, andChristian) that joined theBaptist church inthe
early 1900s were supposedly descendants of theAnabaptists. Istoria Anabaptistilor, 208-209; Istoria
Baptistilor, vol. I, 168-69. Pointing to theemergence ofthe Romanian Baptists, Bunaciu takes a similar
approach speaking of "thetransformation of theAnabaptists into Baptists." Bunaciu, Istoria Riispindirii, 13
131
See Popovici, Istoria Anabaptistilor, 191-214. Popovici tackles with thepremise that the
apostate Anabaptists (those converted toCatholicism under persecution) preserved their identity. Alarge
number of German names characteristic toTransylvanian Anabaptists were preserved among twentieth century
Saxons. They only formally adopted Catholicism, but kept their faith inside thefamily. Some refused to have
their new born babies baptized. Ingathering hisdata, Popovici relies heavily onBertalan A. Kirner, Baptista
Kronika (Budapest: Kirner Karoly Bertalan, 1935).
132 Popovici, Istoria Anabaptistilor, 214.
133 J. A. Hostetler, Hutterite Society Society (Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press,
1974), 77-90; "Transylvania," inThe Mennonite Encyclopedia vol. 3, (Hillsboro, Kansas: Mennonite Brethren
Publishing House, 1955), 744-45.
102
compelling evidence that would point to a preservation of Anabaptism in Romanian
provinces, the theory of direct continuity between Transylvanian Anabaptists and Baptists
remains a hypothesis. From the existing evidence, it appears that the Anabaptist connection
should be primarily seen in the Mennonite Brethren from Russia who embraced the Baptist
faith in the last decades of the nineteenth century. Russian Stundists who adopted believer's
baptism (known as Stundo-Baptistst and itinerant preachers and booksellers contributed as
well to the spread of the Baptist faith in this region.
In 1788, following the edicts of Catherine II, groups of German Mennonites
areas north of the Black Sea.
134
It appears that two
scattered Anabaptist companies settled about the same period in Cernauti and Fratautii Vechi,
in a time when Bucovina was under Austrian administration. 135 In the early 1800s
Mennonites from Russia influenced by the Pietists and the Moravian Brethren began to
promote spiritual revival through evangelism, prayer meetings, mission festivals, and a
personal acceptance of salvation. One Mennonite group, known as the Mennonite Brethren
Church, proved to have many similarities with the Baptists, including the introduction of
134 Peter M. Friesen, The Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia (1789-1910). Translated from
German by J. B. Toews et. at. (Fresno, CA: Board of Christian Literature, General Conference of Mennonite
Brethren Churches, 1978), 87-92. See "Russia," in The Mennonite Encyclopedia vol. 3, (Hillsboro, Kansas:
Mennonite Brethren Publishing House, 1955),381-93. After the edicts of Catherine II promising freedom of
religion (1788), the first contingents of German Mennonites, composed of over 450 poor families, left Danzig
and located in Chortitza, on the Shores of Dnieper in New Russia. Other groups followed shortly after. Among
the privileges granted to them were loans for building houses in the occupied settlements, exemption from
military and civil service, and free exercise of religion including the right to do missions among non-Christians.
See also S. D. Bondar, Sekta Mennonitov v Rosii [The Mennonite Sect in Russia] (Petrograd, 1916), 17.
135 . . . A banti hat arri d fr A . B ., 6
POpOVICI mentions two na aptist groups t at arrive om ustna to ucovma In 17 3.
In the early 1900s there were in Fratautii Vechi twelve families that kept their faith secretly. One of the old
German colonists related to Silvestro Ungureanu that he had been baptized as a youth. Popovici,Istoria
Anabaptistilor.Etis-V, Bunaciu calls these German colonists "Baptists." Bunaciu, Istoria Rdspindirii, 61.
103
baptism by immersion. 136 Gradually, the more solid organization of the Baptists absorbed the
ecclesiastically uprooted Mennonite groups from Bessarabia and Bucovina.
The Mennonites located in Bucovina also came under the influence of the
Baptists. According to Popovici, in 1865 the Baptist preacher M. Kovalski from Cataloi,
Dobrogea, came to Fratautii Vechi and baptized Mennonite Ferdinand Massier. For about
four decades this Mennonite congregation kept the faith among the members of the
community.137 Renewed Baptist work developed throughout Europe following the 1908
Congress in Berlin that stressed the New Testament command to preach the Gospel "to all
nations." Joseph Toller, who studied at Hamburg Seminary, became the new pastor in
Fratautii Vechi after Massier's death in 1912. He reorganized the church, employed the name
"Baptist," and began to apply Oncken's principles, preaching the gospel among the Romanian
I
138 A b th . G . formed i C - .
popu ation, t a out e same time, a erman congregation was rorme III emauti
through the contribution of Bible distributor Johann Malishevsky. Working for the British
Bible Society, in 1910 Malishevsky established a warehouse in Cernauti, distributing Bibles
in German, Ukrainian, Russian, and Romanian throughout the province. 139
The first Romanians Baptists from Bucovina were Gheorghe Paduche and
Onofrei Calancea who accepted the new faith in 1911, while working in Transylvania, in
Nadas, Cluj. Two years later Toller baptized eleven persons in Patrautii de Jos and
136 The Mennonite Brethren Church experienced the strongest increase between 1890-1930,
primarily from winning members from the traditional Mennonites. See "Russia," in The Mennonite
Encyclopedia vol. 3, 389-90.
137
Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. I, 148. Since the Mennonite group from Cataloi was
baptized in November 1865, this event probably took place at the end of 1865 or the beginning of 1866.
138 . . I
POpOVICI, Istoria Baptist! or, vol. I, 151.
139 Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. I, 148-49.
104
established the first Romanian Baptist church. A peculiarity of the Romanian churches in
Bucovina was that they did not have ordained pastors until after the Union of all Romanian
. 140
provinces.
In the 1860s, German Mennonites became an important source of Baptist faith
in the province ofDobrogea, at that time under Turkish administration. 141 Due to religious
persecution in the region of Crimea one group settled in Tulcea around 1860 and built a
prayer house, but immigrated to America in 1870. Between 1862-64, another Mennonite
contingent established a colony in the village ofCataloi, near Tulcea.
142
Oncken visited the
group from Cataloi in 1865 and decided to send August Liebig to be their pastor. In
November of 1865, Leibig baptized 22 persons establishing the first Baptist church in Cataloi
and remained to expand the work in the region. As a result ofOncken's second visit in 1869,
a number of young believers were sent to study and became involved in Bible distribution,
and the church was motivated to witness among the Russians. 143
140 Popovici, lstoria Baptistilor, vol. I, 148-52, based on Motrescu's paper "Evanghelia in
Bucovina,' published in Farul Mdntuirii (March, 1922),6 and the notes of Motrescu and Ungureanu.
141 Because of the loss of their "privileges" granted by Catherina II, a third of all Mennonites
from Russia moved to the United States and Canada between 1874-80. "Russia," in The Mennonite
Encyclopedia vol. 3, 384.
142 P. Friesen, The Mennonite Brethren Church, 327. Friesen gives the name oftwo Germans
who arrived from Neu Danzig in 1862: Stulberg and Heringer. Popovici (Bunaciu follows) asserts that from
1862 at their arrival they already constituted a "Baptist church." Popovici, lstoria Baptistilor, vol. I, 101-102,
Bunaciu, lstoria Rasplndirii, 34-35. This comes in contradiction with his previous statement that "in November
1865 [A. Liebig] baptized 22 converts in Cataloi." Popovici, lstoria Baptistilor, vol. I, 19. This demonstrates
that the German Mennonites had only adopted immersion baptism after their contact with Oncken and Liebig.
143 Popovici, lstoria Baptistilor, vol. 1, 19-25,101-104. Describing the German Mennonites
from Russia and their close cooperation with the Baptists in the I860s, Rushbrooke points out that "The
Mennonites were energetic evangelists, but were largely forbidden to admit converts to their churches; they
therefore encouraged them to join the Baptists." Rushbrooke, Baptists in Europe, 131. Another Baptist center
developed among the German Russians from Tarution in Bessarabia in 1875, sponsoring many mission starions
in the early 1900s. Wardin, Baptists around the World, 254-65.
105
The existing evidence suggests that an identification of the German
Mennonites with the Baptists is inappropriate. A hint to the "pre-Baptist" identity of the
German Mennonites from Cataloi resides in the fact that they kept their faith in the family and
were not involved in missionary work, the only growth being through new immigrants. 144
Another important observation is that the practice of the German Baptists to rebaptize the
"rebaptizers" (i.e. the Anabaptists) shows the great importance they placed on baptism by
. . 145
immersion,
The religious persecution in the Russian Empire extended to the Russian
religious minorities as well and as a result, in the late 1860s groups of Russian Baptists who
received the new faith from German missionaries emigrated from Odessa and settled in
Tulcea. A number of documents show that the newly arrived Russian Baptists gathered in
various locations until 1870 when they occupied the building used by the Mennonites. In
1888 when the Baptists from Tulcea inaugurated a new church building there were about 40
members led by Mennonite Ivan Viller, one of those who did not depart to America. 146 Other
influential Baptist leaders who worked in Dobrogea during the persecution that took place in
Russia in the 1890s were Vasili Pavlov and Crimean Nikita Voronin. Under the pastorate of
Evghenie Gherasimenko (1890-94) and Vasili Pavlov (1895-1901), the Russo-German church
144 Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 1, 104. In 194I the entire German colony from Cataloi
was deported to Germany.
145 For Oncken and the first German Baptists even one who had been baptized as an adult was
required to be rebaptized by immersion in order to become a Baptist. See R. Donat, Das wachsende Werk
(Kassel: J. G. Oncken, 1960), 43- 44, and the biography of Kohner's daughter, Ruth Barasel, Julius Kobner:
Sein Leben, 45. See also W. A. Detzler, "Johann Gerhard Oncken's Long Road To Toleration," in Journal ofthe
Evangelical Theological Society 36/2 (June, 1993): 235, and Friesen, The Mennonite Brethren, 284-311.
146
Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. I, 105-108. Bunaciu states that the first baptisms among
the Russians in Tulcea took place in 1870. Bunaciu, lstoria Rdspindirii, 36.
106
in Tulcea grew considerably. 147 In the early 1900s, when entrepreneur Adam Sezonov
became the new pastor in Tulcea, the Baptists started to have greater impact among
Romanians. Beginning with 1910 he extended his pastoral work to Braila, traveling regularly
between the two towns. Adam Sezonov and later Lucasa Sezonov played important roles in
the development of the Baptist movement in Romania. 148
The Romanians ofDobrogea received the new faith in 1902, from
Transylvanian Baptists. The Baptist pioneer among the Romanians of this province was the
young man Radu Tasca from Pecica (Arad). After a short stay in Bucharest he came in 1902
to Cernavoda to work at the new bridge constructed by King Charles over the Danube. A
group of Baptists from Pecica and Arad joined him in a short time.
The Baptists in Dobrogea were often persecuted for their faith before World
War I. With the participation of the Orthodox priests, in 1903 Radu and Nicolae Tasca were
arrested and beaten on their bare feet by gendarmes in Medgidia. In spite of severe
persecution Radu Tasca and Maxa Cornlosan spread their faith among Dobrogean Romanians
and after 1903 organized the first Baptist churches in Cernavoda, Arabagii, and Jegalia.
149
In
1909 Maxa Cornlosan and other witnessing Baptists from Jegalia, were beaten with belts by
147 Voronin was a wealthy Russian merchant who belonged to the Russian Molocan sect,
accepted the Baptist faith in 1867, and made the Caucasus a center of the Russian Baptist movement. See J. A.
Hebly, Protestants in Russia (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1976), 56. Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. I, 108-111;
Rushbrooke, Baptists in Europe, 136. The religious persecution in Russia ended in 190I.
148 Popovici vol. I, 139-42. Bunaciu, Istoria Raspindirii, 35-37.
149 Popovici, vol. I, 111-I 17 and Bunaciu, Istoria Riispindirii, 37-40. See Radu Tasca,
"Dobrogea ~ i Hristos," Farul Mdntuirii (May, 1920),43.
107
the gendarmes in Calarasi, and soon after Comlosan was banned from the region. 150 After his
departure, Cornlosan asked Swiss Brethren missionary Francis Berney to follow up the group
of believers. In the spring of 1909 (at Silistra, by the Danube River), Berney baptized several
men from Jegalia and ordained Haralambie Dumitru and Dobre Toanca as presbyters, giving
them the mandate to officiate other baptisms. 151
Until 1919, the relationship ofthe Baptists with the authorities was different
from one region to another. Even though the laws guaranteed freedom of worship, the
Baptists of the Eastern provinces faced serious discrimination. Under the instigation of the
Orthodox clergy, state representatives carried out persecutions against smaller denominations
that remained unique in Europe. According to Rushbrooke, the Romanian gendarmerie
comprised of ill-educated people shaped by Oriental customs allowed to "a free and habitual
resort of physical violence unknown in more advanced civilizations.,,152 Military
commanders, prefects, and gendarmes assaulted, imprisoned, and fined preachers and
worshippers, closed chapels, seized properties, and persecuted the children ofNeo-Protestant
families in schools. However, such persecution of Romanian Baptists helped spread their
faith by calling attention to the group and creating public sympathy for individuals who were
able to give testimonies of faith and Christian character in the midst of suffering. 153
150
Bunaciu, Istoria Raspindirii, 39-40. In 1910, Haralambie Dumitru and two other Baptists
from were sentenced to ten days of prison on the basis of Art. 180 C. Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 1, 138.
The persecution in Dobrogea took different forms: believers were arrested, beaten, or denied their civil (land)
rights, and children were expelled from school.
151 Popovici, /storia Baptistilor, vol. I, 136.
152
Rushbrooke, Baptists in Europe, 161.
153
See McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 467-68.
108
Even in the Western provinces the Baptists experienced opposition at times.
Most of the first baptisms in Transylvania officiated by Kornya in the 1880-1890s were held
at night. In 1892, Lazar loan from Talpos (Bihor) was brutally beaten by a village
schoolmaster incited by the local priest and then thrown into jail. He died soon after he was
released, but his suffering and death led to many conversions. 154 Local priests from Banat
did not allow the Baptists to bury their dead in the village cemeteries, which were reserved for
the Orthodox. In 1914, in Potoc (Caras), Vasile Enascu was not permitted to bury his dead
baby in the village cemetery. The burial took place in a field. As a result of his steadfast
witness in persecution many accepted the Baptist faith. In April 1919, after five days of
opposition by the priest, the funeral service of an old Baptist believer took place under the
protection of the French army. 155
First Publications
The large majority of the first Baptists were simple peasant folk with little
formal training. 156 One of the first Romanian Baptists of intellectual capacity was Gheorghe
Slav (1869-1919), a schoolmaster at the Orthodox school in Aciuta. He converted to
Evangelical faith in 1902 by his own study of the Scripture and listening to the message of the
gospel brought by Baptist preachers. After becoming a Baptist, Slav was fired from his
school position and devoted himself to spreading the good news of salvation through faith.
He was a fervent preacher and Bible teacher. In 1903 Slav and Mihai Brumar started
154
Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. I, 41.
155
Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. I, 193-94, 199.
156
Rushbrooke, The Baptist Movement, 7.
109
producing the monthly paper Steaua Diminetii (The Morning Star). In 1904 SHiv issued the
journal Lumina Lumii (The Light of the World), subtitled "the journal of those baptized
Christians named Baptists," containing sermons from Spurgeon and Christian news. He also
produced in 1906 the first Baptist publications such as the polemic writing Evanghelia si
Focul (The Gospel and Fire), and the apologetic posters Mai Este 0 Lume (There is Another
World), and Trebuie sa Tina Crestinii Sabatul? (Should Christians Keep the Sabbath?) He
later translated (from German?) the doctrinal work Pasiunea Credintei (The Passion of Faith).
Together with Vasile Berbecar, he edited The Calendar ofthe Christian People. 157
Other Baptists involved in writing and publishing were the young student
Gheorghe Sirnonca who issued in 1900 the monthly paper Adevdrul (The Truth), Radu Tasca
who wrote Introducerea Biblicd (Biblical Introduction), and Brumar and Berbecar, who
reissued Adevarul in 1908 (later renamed Solul Piicii). After 1919 the major Baptist
periodical was Farul Mdntuirii (The Salvation Lighthouse).
From the beginning of their history, music played an important element in the
development of Romanian Baptists. Music and poetry define the Romanian soul, a
characteristic that witnesses to their Latinity. The first hymnbook Cantarile Sionului (The
Songs of Zion) edited by Simonca in 1897 (and published initially in 3,000 copies) had 200
hymns translated from German and Hungarian. A revised and expanded edition of Cdntdrile
Sionului was issued by SHiv in 1903. Four years later the third edition was produced by Mihai
Brumar and Vasile Berbecar comprising 410 hymns. loan Socaciu expanded it with 200 new
songs in 1919. The effort of the translators was appreciable, but many of the hymns included
157 In 1907 SHivrejoined the Orthodox Church for a time and was under church discipline
before being reaccepted by the Baptists. Popovici, lstoria Baptistilor, vol, 1,235-244.
110
in the first editions were-as Constantin Adorian noted-"in bad Romanian and sadly
unpoetic.,,158 Out of respect for the "tradition" passed on by the Baptist pioneers, the hymns
were preserved in their initial form for decades.
The Development of Romanian Baptists from 1919
To the Communist Takeover
The end of the war fulfilled the centuries-long Romanian dream of uniting all
Romanians in a single country and brought significant changes as the nation experienced an
increasing period of economic and political liberalism that exposed the country to Western
influence. With the formation of Greater Romania the population and the territory doubled,
and Romania became a somewhat religiously pluralistic country. This change from a
homogenous to a multi-ethnic and multi-denominational country generated two significant
trends: modernism and nationalistic traditionalism.
159
As the government struggled to face
the challenges of a pluralist society, the ethnic and religious minorities were confronted with
hostility and discrimination.
After the acquisition ofthe new territories, the Baptist churches of Greater
Romania were strengthened and increased in membership. The regaining of the provinces of
Crisana, Transylvania, and Banat brought a massive transfer of membership from Hungary.
An important factor in the progression of the gospel in the northeastern provinces had been
the war prisoners who accepted the evangelical faith in Russian prison camps and returned
158
Charles Brooks and J. H. Rushbrooke, Baptist Work in Europe, 58.
159
Hitchins, "Faurirea Romaniei Mari," in M. Barbulescu, et. al. Istoria Romdniei, 389-95.
III
home with new convictions. 160 Although the number of Baptists from the Old Kingdom was
relatively small in 1919, after the union there were a total of 598 churches with 18,751
members, but only 51 preachers.
161
The momentous growth of the Baptist faith in the
Romanian provinces, prompted observers to note that, "Romania is in all probability one of
the greatest Baptist lands in the future.,,162
Table 2. The Baptists of Greater Romania in 1921.
163
Nationality Churches Baptized Members Pastors Preachers
Romanian 426 14,000 38 644
Hungarian 192 6,223 29 18
German 10 670 6 2
Russian 17 300 4 4
Total 645 21,193 77 668
A simple analysis of the above chart shows that by 1921 over 66% ofthe total
Baptist population were Romanians. The Hungarian section represented 29%, while the
Germans comprised only 3% of the total number. With the events leading to World War I,
the number and influence of the Germans in the Romanian lands showed steady decline, and
later conditions only accelerated this process. After 1919 the German churches started to lack
the vision and dynamism that characterized Oncken's generation. Because of emigration, the
160 th b 0 .. f'war i d I'
It appears at a out 20 RUSSian pnsoners 0 war in Hungary an Transy vama had been
converted and baptized during the war and returned home with new religious convictions. Brooks and
Rushbrooke, Baptist Work in Europe, 48.
161 . . B I I 8
POpOVICI, Istoria aptisti or, vo . 2, I .
162 Brooks and Rushbrooke, Baptist Work in Europe, 18.
163 According to the figures provided by Popovici in Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 326.
112
German work diminished substantially in the inter-war period and became insignificant after
1944.
164
Missionary Zeal and Opposition
After the formation of Greater Romania the religious minorities resumed their
activities with renewed missionary zeal, evangelizing and strengthening the smaller churches.
Despite recurring opposition, the period following the war proved to be a very successful one
for the spreading of the gospel. In 1922 alone a total of 2,265 baptisms took place. 165
Tension arose once the members of the minority populations became suspected ofdisloyalty
to their new government. Due to their association with the Hungarians and Germans, the
Transylvanian Baptists were frequently asked questions like, "Are you Romanian?" and
"What kind of Romanians are you?,,166
In an attempt to reduce "religious propaganda," the Minister of Religion
Octavian Goga issued in April 1921 a decision which stipulated that religious preachers could
minister only if they were Romanian citizens, and their activity was limited to certain
authorized communities. Consequently, a number of Baptists who dared to preach and
worship in other localities were arrested and persecuted. In order to obtain such legal status,
164 Wardin, Baptists around the World, 264-65.
165 The report of Constantin Adorian at the Baptist World Congress in Stockholm in 1923, in
F. Townley Lord, Baptist World Fellowship: A Short History ofthe Baptist World Alliance (1955), 49.
166 . . I I 2 3
POPOVICI, Istoria Baptisti or, VO. , 4 .
113
Romanian Baptists organized in local communities (Rom. comunitate, regional administrative
. . ) b .. . h 1922 167
orgamzation), egmnmg WIt .
Seeking to fulfill their mandate as "the salt ofthe earth and the light of the
world," Romanian Baptists participated during the 1920s in the national campaign against
alcoholism and opposed corruption, injustice and prostitution. Beginning in 1931 they were
influential in overseas missionary work, establishing ethnic congregations in Serbia (later
Yugoslavia). In 1935-36 they organized their own Foreign Missionary Society, in spite of
vigorous persecution from the Orthodox Church. Avram Balgradeanu served as missionary in
Yugoslavia for an extended period. 168 Home mission work was also in progress among the
. fR . 169
gypsies 0 omarna.
Leadership, Conferences, and
Theological Education
Baptist pastors and preachers devoted to their call played an important role in
the development of the movement, but not without difficulties. Before World War I the
Baptists had very few preachers with formal training. Some of the older believers shared
Oncken's earlier suspicions of "priestcraft" and opposed any tendency to set educated
preachers apart from lay preachers. Another postwar difficulty had to do with the fact that in
the Western provinces all full-time pastors were remunerated through a central system led by
Meyer in Budapest. After 1919 the new regional organizations (filiale) proved to be difficult
167 Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2,56-57. The Arad Community was established in April
of 1922, under the leadership of loan Popa, and three years later the Oradea Community was organized, led by of
Petru Bale. In 1924 the Baptists of Bessarabia formed the Chisinau Community.
168 See Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 396-97, and Farul Crestin, 2 (I5 Jan, 1936),5.
169
Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 209.
114
to be implemented and led to financial disorder. Since earnings obtained from their churches
were inadequate, most of the Romanian pastors and lay workers were also small farmers. 170
At the international level, the new conditions following the formation of
Greater Romania brought intensified relations with American and British Baptists and
increasing independence from the Germans and Hungarians. The education of Romanian
Baptists that came initially under the influence of German Baptists, was enhanced after 1922
with the support ofthe American Southern Baptists. A local Bible school was started in
September 1921 under the initiative of loan Socaciu and Vasile Berbecar. The school
functioned initially in Buteni and Arad, but had to be closed after a short time due to
Orthodox opposition. Following prolonged discussions between Transylvanian Baptists and
those from the Old Kingdom, it was agreed to move the Seminary to Bucharest, as a more
. I . 171
strategic ocations.
After the London conference of 1920, American Southern Baptists accepted
responsibility for mission in Romania. 172 The Southern Baptist Convention agreed to provide
funds for the development of a theological seminary at Bucharest, and in 1923 a large
seminary building was erected consisting of a number of classrooms, a dormitory, and several
apartments. 173 Having the seminary in the capital gave students the advantage of easy access
to big libraries and universities. I. Socaciu and C. Adorian were involved in the early
170 .. I / I 8
POPOVICI, storia Baptisti or, vo . 2, I -19.
171
Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 77-81.
172 Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 350. A property on Berzei Street designed for the
building of a seminary was purchased in 192I by Dr. Everet Gill.
173 The support of the Southern Baptists also consisted in training of leaders, publication
work, and the building of prayer houses. Among the American missionaries who worked in Romania were Dan
and Ida Hurley, as instructors in the seminary and girl's school, Earl Trutza, directress of the girl's training
school, Ruby Daniel (Udvarnoki), Everett and Emma Gill, instructors. See Earl Trutza, "Mission in Romania,"
in Encyclopedia ofSouthern Baptists, vol. 2 (Nashville, TN: Broadmann Press, 1958), 1173.
115
development of the seminary and taught there for a number of years. 174 Adam Sezonov, Jean
Staneschi, Everet Gill, and Dan Hurley were also among the faculty at various times. Other
young men who pursued theological studies in the United States (Lucasa Sezonov and Peter
Trutza at the Baptist Theological Seminary in Louisville) contributed to the formation of the
fi
. f Romani 175
irst generations 0 omaruan pastors.
Besides the formal seminary training, Baptists organized periodic Bible
courses for lay preachers at Bucharest or in one of the Transylvanian Baptist center such as
Buteni, Curtici, or Arad. Such intensive training sessions with the participation of seminary
professors took place in 1923, 1926, 1928, 1929, 1934, 1937, and 1938, most of them during
the winter season. 176 The Baptists organized a Sunday School in each mature church in order
to enhance biblical education of their members. By 1920 there were about 170 Sunday
Schools in the western provinces acquired from Austria-Hungary. 177 A set of periodicals
edited by V. Berbecar (Cdrmuuorul, Calauza Scoalelor Duminicale, and Calendarul Crestini
contained the schedule and the content of the biblical lessons. 178
In order to develop strong and united young followers of Christ, a Baptist
Youth Union was organized in September 1925 under the leadership ofToma Slev and loan
Socaciu. The monthly journal Glasul Tineretului Baptist had already been commenced
earlier, in January 1925. The young Baptists organized conferences, choirs and instrumental
174 See The Voice of Truth (Romanian Missionary Society), vol. 21, no 5, 1989,4.
175 Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 197-98.
176
Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 338-39. An event of international significance was
the Baptist Regional Conference held between 2-5 of October 1930 hosted in the theatre of Arad, hosting
representative Romania, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Hungary. See Farul Mdntuirii 21/22 (Nov, 1930), 3-4.
177 ,
Brooks and Rushbrooke, Baptist Work in Europe, 48-49.
178 Popovici, lstoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 334.
116
bands, were involved in Sunday Schools and planned the construction of Youth Center (Casa
7" I ') 179
1 ineretu Ul .
Romanian women also had a special role in the development ofthe Baptist
movement after 1919. During the war when many Baptists pastors and preachers were
mobilized, a number of women became involved in church ministries (such was the case in
Ghirisul Negru, Bihor or in Braila). With the financial support of Mrs. W. C. James, a
Missionary Training School was opened in 1929 to prepare young women for church and
missionary service, 180 In the 1920s a number of young women who received Biblical
training in Bucharest founded an Association of the Baptist Women. They became involved
in social projects and Sunday School teaching. I 81 Organized in 1926 in a Union, the Baptist
women held their first conference in 1928 at Curtici.
182
A division among Romanian Baptists appeared in 1932 during Socaciu's
mandate as the president ofthe Union. According to Popovici, the conflict emerged one year
earlier when loan Ungureanu, the general secretary of the Baptist Union and pastor in Curtici,
"manifested dictatorial tendencies" in the region and decided to move the headquarters to
Curtici. During a conference of the Baptist leaders held in Timisoara in September 1932, a
number of Transylvanian pastors rejected Socaciu's leadership, created a breach, and elected
179 Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 333-34.
180
Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2,84-89. The Romanian Missionary Society Newsletter
(1968). Maria Jurenta, Eva TArAu, Leana Babau from Ghirisul Negro, Bihor were among those involved in
church ministry during the war. After studying in America, Ludovica Cristea initiated in the 1920s a women
ministry in Braila, while Eva Lupescu, who was trained at the Seminary in Bucharest, worked as a missionary.
181 Particular cases when the Baptists were prompt in making donations and giving practical
help were situations of calamities or drought (like in 1925 in Bessarabia). Farul Mdntuirii 19 (Oct, 1925),8.
182
Farul Mdntuirii 10 (May, 1928), 6. Among those proposed in leadership positions at the
Curtici conference were Esfira Slev, Eliza Alexandratos, Elena Sezonov, and Anuta Costin. In 1938 Earl Trutza
developed plans for the reorganization of the Baptist Women Union. Farul Crestin 8 (26 Feb, 1938).
117
C. Adorian as president of the second Union. Adorian was assisted in leadership by
L. Sezonov, A. Sezonov, G. Simonca, and others. He edited the magazine Monitorul Baptist,
and resided in Bucharest. The old Union continued to be led by the couple I. Socaciu and I.
Ungureanu, who edited Glasul Adevarului, and moved its headquarters in Curtici. The two
unions functioned separately until November 1935.
183
As a result of the spilt a new journal
Farul Crestin edited in Arad was commenced in at the end of 1933 under the leadership of
Lucasa Sezonov and loan Cocut. The Youth Union had to be reorganized as well. A side
effect ofthis division was that the process of official recognition slowed down even for the
T I
. B . 184
ransy varuan aptIsts.
Attempts at reconciliation were made on several occasions but without success.
In September 1935 a conference was convoked at Bucharest with the purpose of "achieving a
durable union and contributing to the reconciliation of all brothers from the different groups,"
which eventually was realized. 185 Reconciliation was achieved toward the end of 1935 with
Rushbrooke's arbitration as the representative of the Baptist World Alliance. The new
leadership of the reunited Union included I. Socaciu and Jean Staneschi.
183
Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, val. 2,366-68. See Glasul Adevarului 12-15,17,19 (1932).
184 See Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 387.
185 As a result of the discussions the participants released the following resolution: to cease
criticizing other brothers and end any polemics through journals; those involved in current court cases (procese)
were requested to suspend them; all preachers and leaders were asked to steadfastly support the process of
reconciliation through word and deed; and to appoint a committee of unity and reorganization led by loan Dan
and Jean Staneschi. See Farul Crestin 20 (15 Oct, 1935),3-4. Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 369-70.
118
Organization and State Relationship
Following the war, the legal status ofthe Neo-Protestant denominations
differed from one region to another. In the Old Kingdom, the Constitution of 1866 stipulated
that "Romanians have freedom of conscience, freedom of education, freedom to publish and
to organize meetings.... The freedom of conscience is absolute. All religious denominations
(Rom. culte) have the freedom to practice their faith as long as it does not contravene to the
public order or to proper behavior.,,186 However, the action of the authorities evidenced
increased caution and nervousness as to possible Bolshevist and pro-Hungarian propaganda.
The Baptists' connection with their German, Hungarian and American counterparts produced
continuous suspicion on the part of governmental officials.
Despite differences in origins, ethnicity and membership, the Baptists of
Romanian provinces sought to unite. In 1919-20, following a series of conferences organized
at Buteni, the nation-wide Romanian Baptist Union was formed under the leadership of C.
Adorian, G. Florian, V. Berbecar, and T. Sida as the elected executive committee. 187 In an
attempt to bring together the Baptist from the entire country, by 1921 the Union included
members of all nationalities.
188
By 1924 the unity was still a goal to be achieved. Political
prudence did not permit the inclusion of the Hungarian Baptists who were suspected of
186 The fact that during the 1920s, a number of Baptists in Transylvania acted asvillage
mayors and in other administrative orjudicial capacities, shows the existing relative liberty. Brooks and
Rushbrooke, Baptist Work in Europe, 56. In1926 there were four Baptist mayors inthe Arad district, and two
others in Bihor, and Alba, respectively. Faru/ Mdntuirli 3/4 (Feb, 1924), 7.
187
Rushbrooke, The Baptist Movement in the Continent ofEurope, 160.
188 ABaptist Convention organized in 1923 was comprised of four language groups:
Romanian, Hungarian, German, and Russian, a fact that caused some internal dissension over leadership.
Rushbrooke's letter printed inFarul Mdntuirii 3/4 (Feb, 1924),2.
119
disloyalty to the Romanian government, and therefore two distinct Unions were created in
1922.
189
In 1920 the Baptist World Alliance, at its first Conference after the Great War,
had appointed J. H. Rushbrooke as its first European Commissioner. He made several tours
to the various countries of Eastern and Central Europe, and reported his findings to the
Conference.
190
After the London Conference, the American Southern Baptist Convention
took responsibility for cooperating with and assisting the Baptist groups in Romania,
Hungary, the Ukraine, and parts of Russia. 191
Like their English and German predecessors, Romanian Baptists tenaciously
engaged in the struggle for religious rights and liberties. During the 1920s Rushbrooke
organized and led many Baptist deputations to Romanian government ministers, seeking to
ease the oppressed situation of their churches. In 1921, he and Dr. Glover of Cambridge met
Prime Minister Take Ionescu and other ministers in order to obtain official recognition. 192 As
an argument for their demands, the Baptists emphasized the benefits of religious freedom and
of Protestant morality in Western developed nations. 193 After a series of interventions in
189 Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 363-66. See also Charles Brooks and J. H.
Rushbrooke, Baptist Work in Europe, 59. Wardin asserts that in 1920 the Hungarians in Transylvania and the
Russians and Ukrainians in Bessarabia established their own unions. Wardin, Baptists around the World,265.
190
Ernest A. Payne, James Henry Rushbrooke, 1870-1947: A Baptist Greatheart (London:
Carey Kingsgate Press, 1954),34-41. See also Brooks and Rushbrooke, Baptist Work in Europe.
191 Payne, James Henry Rushbrooke, 39-41, J. H. Rushbrooke, "European Baptist
Reconstruction," Baptist Quarterly) ) (1942-5): 355-6.
192
Payne, James Henry Rushbrooke, 44.
193 The fact that important political figures in England and the United States shared or were
sympathizers of the Baptist faith (Lloyd George in England, and Harding, Charles Hughes, Davis, and Green in
the United States) contributed in giving credibility to Romanian Baptists. Farul Mantuirii 7/8, 9 (April, 1927).
120
British publications (such as The British Weekly and The Baptist Times) and to Romanian
minister in London Nicolae Titulescu, the Minister of Public Worship and Arts issued a
decision that conferred "absolute liberty to the Baptist denomination (the word cult, used for
recognized religions, was employed).,,194
Although the Constitution stipulated that the laws ofthe annexed provinces
retain their validity until new regulations were issued, the Baptists were not granted the legal
status obtained in 1905. Consequently, there were periods of severe persecution and
discrimination for the Baptists, as it will be emphasized in the following sections. The
opposition of the Orthodox hierarchy increased after the Constitution of 1923 designated the
Orthodox Church as "dominant.,,195 By 1924, the Orthodox hierarchy (led by G. Comsa who
was a director in the Minister of Cults) insisted that the Neo-Protestants should be treated as
"religious associations," and not as recognized Christian denominations or confessions
(culte). In Decision 5734 from January 1925 it was stipulated that "the Baptist and Seventh-
Day Adventist associations continue to benefit of the rights and liberties granted by the
Constitution to religious associations."I 96 The Orthodox clergy attempted to interdict the
Baptists using designations such as "Baptist believers," Baptist churches," and the "Baptist
194 Popovici, istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 130-31. The Decision 2164111924 was published in
Farul Mdntuirii 12 (15 June, 1924),7.
195 Even though Article 22ofthe 1923 Constitution maintained absolute equality of treatment
of members of all religious denominations, four types ofreligious groups were set forth: the "national" religions,
such as the Orthodox and the Greco-Catholic, the recognized cults (Catholic, and Reformed), the tolerated
associations or cults (the Baptists, the Adventists, and the Brethren), and prohibited sects (the Pentecostals, the
Jehova's Witnesses).
196 Popovici, istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 139-40.
121
denomination" (cult). And even if recognized, the Baptists would just be a cult tolerat
197
(tolerated cult).
Due to increasing complaints of cases of religious persecution and
discriminations in Transylvania, in the summer of 1924 the American Committee on the
Rights of Religious Minorities sent a commission in Romania. Composed of reputable men
belonging to different denominations, the commission reported a number of fines given by
local officials, arrests of Reformed pastors, numerous cases of closings of confessional
schools, and denial of religious freedom in schools. Most of the complaints were related to
Hungarians of Transylvania. 198 Minister of Foreign Affairs Ion G. Duca admitted that
although the government accepted wholeheartedly the principle of the rights of minorities laid
down in the Covenant of the League of Nations, certain abuses occurred in the past, especially
in the imperfect administration of minor officials. 199 The American Commission reported
that, "unless a solution can be found for the present problems, racial and linguistic, religious
and economic, it [Transylvania] will continue to be one of the saddest lands in Europe, and a
menacing danger-spot for the peace of the world. ,,200
197
Farul Mdntuirii 9 (Jan, 1927),6.
198 The reply ofthe Romanian officials was that Hungarian irredentists and many cases of
unrecognized house schools. Another source of tension was the fact that after 1920 the government insisted that
in order for the minorities to become loyal citizens of the Romanian State, they should acquire the Romanian
language. This policy seemed to be difficult to implement in Transylvanian confessional schools.
199'
Louis C. Cornish, ed. The Religious Minorities in Transylvania (Boston, Mass.: Beacon
Press, 1925), II. The report was compiled by L. C. Cornish in collaboration with other members of the
commission.
200
Cornish, ed. The Religious Minorities in Transylvania, 22.
122
Christians in England and the United States lead the Western campaign
against religious persecution in Romania. During the official visit of Queen Mary in the
United States in the spring of 1927, a large group of Americans requested in a petition the
exercise of religious freedom in Romania. One fragment reads: "Taking advantage of your
presence [in the United States] we forward to Your Majesty the request to devote Your
Highness' personal attention to those religious minorities in Romania that are presently facing
detrimental treatment: Roman Catholics, Evangelical and Reformed Protestants, Unitarians,
Jews, and Baptists.,,201 The American Committee for the rights of religious minorities led by
Henry Atkinson made a six week visit to Romania in the summer of 1927 and pointed out
several cases of religious discrimination and persecution against Catholic, Reformed, and
Baptist minorities. The commission took note of the discrepancy between the adopted
Constitution and its practical implementation by the Romanian officials in various regions.
202
Relations with the state were difficult particularly prior to 1928 and then again
between 1937 and 1944. Through a series of petitions forwarded by Rushbrooke and the
Bucharest leaders, the Baptists requested the reformulation of Decision 5734/1925 and a
restoration ofthe status of denominations gained by Transylvanian Baptists before 1919?03 A
period of relief for most religious minorities came by the end of 1927 after the reinstallation
of Alexandru Lapedatu as the new Minister of Religion (Public Worship and Arts). Despite
numerous protests ofthe Orthodox clergy, in January 1928 Minister Lapedatu granted
201 Published in Dimineata (May, 1927) and "Americanii ~ i Libertatile Minoritatilor
Confesionale," in Adevarul (13 May, 1927). See also The Independent 3991 vol. 117 (1927), 605-606.
202
Report published in Adevdrul (Jan, 1928) and also in Farul Mdntuirii I (Jan, 1928), 7-9.
203
Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 146.
123
Transylvanian Baptists recognition as a legal confession (comunitate) according to the laws of
1895 and 1905, while those in the Eastern provinces remained under the category of tolerated
religious association.
204
In February 1927 the Baptists were waived of religious classes in
schools and of the requirement of participating in the Orthodox liturgy.205
However, the Baptist successes in the process of recognition did not last for
long. Political instability resulted in frequent alterations of the status and rights of Baptists in
Romania. Like in 1933,206a new decision issued in April 1937 and slightly modified in June
1938 designated again the Baptists as "religious association" and many oftheir liberties were
declined. In order for a church to function the new decision required having at least 100 (later
50) families, which was unrealistic for most Neo-Protestant churches.
207
In early 1938 Carol
II established the Royal Dictatorship and abolished all political parties and associations in the
country. Patriarch Miron Cristea was appointed prime minister and Bishop Nicolae Colan
204 Decision No. 53049 issued in 12 of January 1928. The Law was published on the 22
nd
of
April in Monitorul Ojicial 89/1928. The recognized historical cults (churches) were: the Orthodox, Roman-
Catholic, Reformed, Evangelic-Lutheran, Unite, Armeano-Gregorian, and the Mozaic cult. In order to receive
recognition all new religious groups were required to submit their statute and confession of faith. See also Farul
Mdntuirii 10 (May, 1928), II (June, 1928),4-7, and 13 (July, 1928),5, and Farul Mdntuirii7/8 (Oct, 1927), 13.
Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 160-61.
205 According to the decision of the Minister ofInstruction published in Farul Mdntuirii 9
(April, 1927), 3.
206 Under Dimitrie Gusti the Decision 114119/1933 designated again the Baptists as a
"religious association." Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 381, 402-410.
207 The New Decision 26208/1938 (based on the previous one 4781/1937) of the Minister of
Cults and Arts was published in Monitorul Ojicial 133 (14June, 1938) and reprinted in Farul Crestin 9 (I May,
1937),1,12. See also "Noua Decizie Ministeriala," in Farul Crestin 25(25 Jun, 1938), I.
124
coordinated the Minister of Religion. By December 1938 all Baptist churches were closed
and sealed and many preachers were arrested and imprisoned?08
After a new change of the government in November 1939, Minister of Cults
loan Nistor granted the Baptists full rights by endorsing their functioning statute as a religious
denomination and canceling the older restrictive decisions?09 By 1940 the All Romanian
Union of Baptist Churches was established.
With the precipitation of the events leading to the Second World War, in the
summer of 1940 Soviet Union occupied Bessarabia and Northern Bucovina, while Hungary
was awarded the northwestern part of Transylvania. Popular outrage led to the abdication of
Carol II and Romania was proclaimed a "National Legionary State" led by General Ion
Antonescu. In 1941 Romania entered the war on the side ofthe Axis powers.
2l O
By
September 1940 all religious associations were outlawed and all their properties were
confiscated.
211
Placed again among the religious associations in February 1941, the Baptists
endured severe persecutions, especially in Moldova and Bucovina where Baptist pastors were
accused of collaborating with the Soviets? 12
208 . . I
POpOVICI, Istoria Baptisti or, vol. 2, 381, 4]3-20.
209 The Decision 5657 issued in February 1940 was published in Monitorul Oficial34 (10Feb
]940),566-67. See also Farul Crestin 8(24 Feb 1940), and Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2,429-33. The
three Baptists institutions mentioned by the approved statute were: the church, the regional community and the
Union, intended to represent the interests ofthe Baptists.
210
Kurt Treptow, A History ofRomania, 473-83.
211 Decision 42352/1940 published in Monitorul Oficial216 (17 Sep, 1940), 5438.
212 Decision 10091/] 942 published in Monitorul Oficial45 (Feb, 1942).
125
With the fall ofthe military dictatorship in August 1944 the Neo-Protestants
regained their religious liberties and received back their prayer halls. A new set of Decrees
issued in Octomber-November 1944 dissolved Antonescu's law and recognized the Baptists
as a legal denomination.
213
In 1945 the Romanian Baptist Convention had an important
meeting in the city of Arad to consolidate its new status.
From 1945 onward the country came under Soviet influence. This brought
initially a period of freedom and growth among the Evangelicals, since the new government
denied the Orthodox any preferential treatment.
214
King Michael continued to rule as
constitutional monarch unti11947, when he abdicated and Romania became a People's
Republic. The new constitution of Socialist Romania in 1948 granted "freedom of religious
worship" stating that, "the religious denominations shall be free to organize themselves and
may freely function.,,215 However, some of the Baptist leaders started to be influenced by the
Communist regime. At the Congress in Resita, after the singing of the Soviet anthem with
everyone standing, the new elected Baptist President praised Stalin as a great teacher of the
Bible who did nothing but fulfill the commandments ofGod.
216
After 1948, the Romanian
213 The Decree 548/1944 reinstituted the law issued in 1928 for the functioning of religious
associations and returned the meeting halls to each association. The Decree 533/1944 signed by Mihai I in
October 1944 recognized the Baptists as and official denomination (cult) with full rights. See Monitorul Oficial
253 (Oct, 1944),7029-30.
214Iosif Ton, 'The Evangelicals of Romania," Exploits 33(Eastbourne: Slavic Gospel
Association), 4.
215
Bunaciu, Istoria Rdspindirii, 217.
216 Richard Wurmbrand, Tortured/or Christ (Middlebury, 1969, 1990), 16.
126
Communists assumed control of the churches by gaining authority over property, finances,
and church leadership, and by cutting bonds with church groups in foreign countries.
217
For the first ten years after the war the new government promoted a policy of
religious liberty and toleration. During the Communist period, the Baptist Cult functioned on
the basis of its Statute and Statement of Faith issued at the Baptist Congress held at Buteni in
1948 and authorized by the Romanian government through the Decree 1203/1950. The
statute confirms the Holy Scriptures as the source of doctrine of the Baptist Cult and states
that all Baptist churches of Romania comprise a dogmatic and administrative entity.218 The
Baptist magazine Indrumatorul Crestin Baptist (The Christian Baptist Guide) started to
appear in 1946. Enrollment in the seminary reached its peak in 1951 with 118 students?19
The Reaction of the Dominant Church
The Orthodox response against the proliferation of the Neo-Protestants
developed from constructive counteraction to open persecution. By the beginning of the
century a number of Orthodox priests believed that the best way of contending with the spread
of proselytism would be the example and vitality of the parish clergyman. One Wallachian
priest wrote that " ... the surest weapon against these 'spiritual wanderers' can only be the
word of God coming from the mouth of priests on all occasions, in church, at home, on the
217
See Richard F. Star, The Communist Regimes in Eastern Europe: An Introduction
(Stanford, California: Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace, 1967), p. 207. Raoul Bossy, "Religious
Persecutions in Captive Romania," Journal ofCentral European Affairs XV (July 1955): 179.
218
Bunaciu, lstoria Rdspindirii, 235.
219
I. Ton, "A History of the Baptist Seminary in Romania:' Sparks 2 (April-June, 1982): 5.
127
street, or wherever there is an opportunity.,,220 The reaction changed rapidly to vehement
opposition to the threat of "foreignization" posed by the Neo-Protestants, with many
Orthodox radicals supporting openly persecution of different forms. To the Orthodox leaders
the idea of independent churches represented a national threat. 221
After 1920, the Orthodox hierarchs engaged in extensive propaganda against
the Baptist and other Neo-Protestant groups, producing large quantities of apologetic writings.
One of the chief persecutors and anti-Baptist militants was Grigorie Comsa, installed as new
bishop of Arad beginning in 1927. In an interview published in Curentul, Comsa made
known his lifetime vocation: "I make a profession in fighting against sectarians.,,222 Through
numerous writings he accused the Baptists of being disloyal citizens who were destroying the
unity of the nation and the public order, instruments ofthe Hungarian plot to undermine the
Romanian nation.
223
He was scandalized that the Adventists and the Baptists were involved
in "illegal propaganda" with Western support. Comsa and other Orthodox officials suggested
that all the Baptists from the Romanian provinces are illegal religious groups. In 1926 Comsa
repeatedly made the request to the Minister of Religion under the mandate of Vasile Goldis
not to renew the authorizations of the Baptist preachers, and to use the phrase "Baptist
220
Inocentiu Stefanescu, Pericolul Propagandei Adventiste $i Combaterea Concubinajului in
Judetul Prahova (Ploiesti, 1915),20.
221 C. Soldan using the writings ofN. Dobrescu wrote "Baptismul e 0 Primejdie Nationala,"
in Universul (20Feb, 1927).
222 "Problernele Ortodoxe," in Curentul (7 March 1929).
223
G. Comsa, Biserica Noastrii si Cultele Minoritare (XXX). As a prolific writer, Comsa
published an impressive number of books, articles, and brochures against the Baptists and other sects. See
Grigorie Comsa, Pentru Neam $i Lege: Patruzeci de Cuvdntari de invii/liturii impotriva Adventistilor ~ i
Baptistilor (Caransebes, 1923); Baptismul in Romania (Arad, 1927); Noua Calauzii Pantru Cunoasterea $i
Combaterea Sectelor Re/igioase; Lupta Baptistilor lmpotriva Preotimii Romdne (Arad, 1927); Primejdia
Baptismului (Arad, 1928).
128
association" instead of "Baptist church or denomination.,,224 His request was granted by
Goldis who was quick in supporting the cause of the Orthodox. Comsa's overall call was to
resist the Baptist propaganda by all power and means of the clergy.
In the 1920s, the Orthodox anti-Baptist reaction extended to the media. In
March 1927 in a series of articles published in Cuvdntul, Nichifor Crainic criticized a number
of publications that revealed aspects of Baptist persecution and alarmed that that Romanian
Baptists received from the West large amounts of money (5,000 USD) for each new
convert.
225
In a Transylvanian newspaper issued in Arad there were scandalous articles
insinuating that "Baptism is a national threat" introduced by Hungarians with antagonistic
purposes and maintaining that the Baptists were uneducated and disloyal individuals who
engage in religious propaganda with foreign finances and endorsed social anarchy and
rebellion against the state order.
226
In Universul the Baptists were repeatedly portrayed as
"an organization with hidden political intentions, preparing a socio-religious revolution. ,,227
224
Comsa mentions his achievements in Noua Calauza Pantru Cunoasterea si Combaterea
Seetelor Re/igioase. Farul Mdntuirii 18 (Nov, 1927),3 and reproduces several documents (1866/1926,
2464/1926, and 49205/1926) from the Minister of Cults and Arts.
225 I h . b . .
In Cuvdntu (15 Marc , 1927) also mentioned y Rushbrooke III "Rumanian Papers and
the Baptists' Claim for Freedom," in The Baptist Times (Apr, 1927),266. In "Obraznicia Baptistilor," in
Calendarul 469 (10Sep, 1933), N. Crainic maintained that the liberties achieve by the "sectarians" were
obtained through western pressure upon the government leaders who abdicated their national obligations and
dignity.
226 In Cuvdntul Ardealui 34(1927) the Baptists were charged by an anonymous writer for a
local revolt that took place among Transylvanian peasants in 1926 and were considered hinderers of social
development who opposed the introduction of the new calendar system. See also Farul Mdntuirii 5 (March,
1927), 1-4.
227 In a series of articles in Universul 39(19 Feb, 1928) C. Soldan accused the Baptists of
organizing protest manifestations, endorsing social isolation, and promoting hatred towards the Orthodox
believers. It was said that the Baptists allocated thousands of dollars to extend their religious propaganda. See
also Universul42 (21,22,26 Feb, 1928). The article "Baptismul in Descornpunere?" in a harsh tone shows the
discrepancy between the Baptist faith and the Orthodox dogma and maintains that Baptism is a "parasitary sect"
in a state of disintegration. See Universul 287 (9Dec, 1927).
129
The Orthodox fury intensified in 1928, after the recognition of Transylvanian
Baptists as a legal comunitate (denomination). In a meeting of protest the General
Association of the Orthodox Clergy of Romania stated: "With a last breath (energy) we
protest against the recognition of the Baptist cult. This is an unforgivable mistake on the part
of the government and an enormous danger for the Romanian State." The text went on to say
that in Romania, where Orthodoxy is the dominant religion, "a cult that would exist
parasitary, stealing by deceit members of any church ... is anti-constitutional and therefore
inadmissible.... It is dangerous for the state because, recognizing the Baptists, would be
obliged to acknowledge any other requesting sects.,,228
The recognition of the Baptists stirred extensive debates in the Romanian
Senate. Arguing that the Baptists were a Hungarian political maneuver to create a gap
between the people and the clergy and to destabilize the Romanian nation, Bishop Comsa
said: "In our country the Baptists have absolutely nothing, absolutely no organic connection
with the spirit of the age or with the social, economic, and political necessities, or with any
other trait of the age.... The Baptist faith is an exotic plant in Romania, whose appearance we
can only explain by political means.,,229 The Orthodox spokesman D. Turcu agreed:
Concerning the newer sects, in the past they could not have a destructive role, but now
they sadly endanger the Romanian spirit (romiinismul). Adventism, Sabatarianism,
Baptism with all its branches, are perilous manifestations both for romdnism and for
Orthodoxy as well. These sects make deadly strikes to our entire ecclesiastical
tradition in which we developed, they discard the priesthood and all sacraments,
rejecting all Orthodox liturgical richness.
230
(Translation mine)
228
"Intrunirea Rornanilor Ortodocsi," in Biserica si Scoala 11-12 (1928), 6-7. See also the
Orthodox magazine edited at Cluj Renasterea (12 Feb, 1928).
229 "Marea discutie parlamentara in jurullegii cultelor," in Biserica Noastra (Bucuresti,
1928), 145-48.
230 "Marea discutie parlamentara in jurullegii cultelor," 29.
130
The conclusion of Minister Lapedatu was that the government had the
obligation to recognize the rights and liberties achieved by the citizens in a democratic nation.
As for the Baptists, he maintained that "today they are a confession recognized worldwide.
There is no European country in which its adherents do not have legal status.,,23I The
promulgated royal decree 1093/1928 stipulated that, "the rights granted to the Baptist
community in November 1927 are maintained.,,232
In their answer to the Orthodox calumnies the Romanian Baptists leaders
assured the Romanian public oftheir commitment to advance the interests ofthe country?33
denied any political involvement and collaboration with anarchist groups, and emphasized
their independence at the executive level of any foreign-based organization. They admitted,
however, that after 1921 they received financial support from American Baptists with the
. f d I . h . . B h 234
pnmary purpose 0 eve opmg t e semmary m uc arest.
In an interview undertaken by loan Cocut in the fall of 1935, the general
secretary of the World Baptist Alliance J. H. Rushbrooke made several pertinent comments
related to the accusation that the Baptists are a "national treat":
What can I say except that the one who says this reveals his ignorance? Was England
endangered by having a Baptist prime minister? Did the United States fall into ruin for
having a Baptist president, and now the president ofthe highest American court of
justice is Baptist as well? Do these critics know what Baptist William Carrey (who is
one ofthe greatest names in history) did for India? Where is the Baptist from any
231 "Marea discutie parlamentara in jurullegii cultelor,' 360-61.
232 Published in Monitorul Oficial 89 (22 Apr, 1928), 3607-13.
233 . . d h fu ., hori . he" d h
The Baptists were instructe to respect t e nctionmg aut onties, t e onsntunon an t e
existing laws, to participate in the social and economic development of the nation, to be ready to defend their
country from her enemies, and to contribute to the moral and spiritual development of the people. See Farul
Mdntuirii 12 (May, 1927), 5.
234 See the answer of loan Popa and loan R. Socaciu in Farul Mdntuirii 7/9, 9 (April, 1925).
131
country in the world who conspired against the state? The only country where this
accusation was raised is Russia. Only there the Baptists were accused and punished as
enemies ofthe state because they did not accept to worship before the atheist
bolshevism. I confess that I have difficulties to talk calmly when I know that this
accusation against my Baptist brothers has no basis. The Baptists are good citizens of
their country wherever they are. They are honest and industrious, they obey the laws
and fear God. They fulfill their national duties: serve in the army, occupy positions of
clerks, judges, policemen, etc., and they have won the trust of the pUblic?35
(Translation mine)
The large amount of literature drawn up against sectarians reveals the great
concern of the Orthodox clergy regarding their growth and influence. However, it appears
that in many cases Comsa mislead the readers with his writings, or at least proved to be
misinformed?36 Contrary to any expectation, the anti-Baptist campaign led by Comsa had as
a result making the Baptist faith more popular and their numbers grew. According to figures
provided by Popovici, in 1920 the number of Baptist members was 19,901 and by 1930 there
were 44,828 Baptists in Romania.
237
During World War II the Orthodox Church developed an intensified campaign
to reconvert the heretics to the "mother church" with the intention that the formal eradication
235J. H. Rushbrooke, "The Baptist Denomination Worldwide," interview recorded in Farul
Crestin 20 (15 Oct, 1935), 1,5.
236 Bartolomeu (Anania), "In frunte eu baptismul, ereziile Crestine nu sunt decit rataciri si
primejdii pentru sufletul omenese." I1arion Felea, Critica Ereziei Baptiste (Sibiu, 1937); V. G. Ispir, Curs de
lndrumart Misionare: Studiul Sectelor (Bucuresti, 1926); T. M. Popescu, Cum Falsified Baptistii Istoria
Crestinismului (Arad, 1931); S. Siclovan, Sfinta Traditie si Baptistii (Arad); Anon., /coane din Viata Fa/arnica a
Baptistilor (Arad, 1927). Cornsa maintained that Oneken was baptized three times!!! Baptismul in Romania 13-
14. Dan Hurley was the director of the seminary in Bucharest. Baptismul in Romania, 9. Cornsa maintains that
from all 910 Baptist preachers 800 were baptized by Hungarians (especially Komya), which is overstated.
Baptismul in Romania, 18.
237 . . I I 48
POPOVICI, Istoria Baptisti or, vo . 2, .
132
of the sectarians would be transformed in reality?38 After the reorganization of Baptist
leadership in 1935, loan Ungureanu lost his position and moved to Hungary where he was
arrested on political reasons. Following his return in Romania Ungureanu started to develop
close relationship with the Orthodox Bishop of Arad, Andrei Magieru. In 1942 Ungureanu
and Alexandru Ruja, another former Baptist pastor, engaged in pro-Orthodox propaganda
calling the Baptists to return to the Orthodox church, published tracts, and preached in several
Baptist churches creating confusion. Another strategy was to invite Baptist preachers or
singers to participate in religious gatherings- resembling the meetings of the Oastea
Domnului-sponsored by Orthodox priests.
239
Popovici maintains that the Transylvanian
Baptists were too deep-rooted in their faith so that no one returned to Orthodoxy. However,
one well-known case of group re-conversion took place in September 1943 in the Cemauti
penitentiary. Being promised freedom if they go back to "the true faith," forty-four Baptists
capitulated and signed their agreement to return to the Orthodox Church. Their re-conversion,
release, and financial recompense became a festive event widely presented by the media?40
This seems to prove their spiritual wavering and the fact that their condemnation had strict
religious ground.
238 Among the "missionary" publications were "Baptistii vor sa reintre in Biserica Nationala,"
in Curentul 5086 (15 Apr, 1942), "Se darima zidul, veste buna de la Baptistii Aradani,' in Stirea 2914 (9 Apr,
1942).
239 . . I I
POpOVICl, Istoria Baptisti or, vo . 2, 454-56.
240
Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 458-60. See also "Solemnitatea Crestineasca de la
Penitenciarul Cernauti. Patruzeci ~ i patru de rataciti de la dreapta credinta au revenit la credinta stramoseasca,"
in Timpul2281 (16 Sep, 1943).
133
Waves of Persecution
For the first ten years after the First World War, the persecution against the
Neo-Protestant groups in Romania was without parallel in any other European country, and
created fervent international reaction. Its form varied from arbitrary prohibition to savage
assault and prolonged imprisonment. The military and civil authorities treated with suspicion
the religious minorities from the transferred territories (such as the Reformed, the Unitarians,
and the Baptists), and launched open persecution and discrimination.
241
One reason for the
increasing persecution was the position of "dominant" Church gained by the Orthodox
Church in 1923. Neo-Protestant propaganda was always viewed as proselytism. Another
reason was the fact that most of the officials in Greater Romania came from the Old Kingdom
and had not been exposed to cultural and religious pluralism.
Fueled by Orthodox opposition, local magistrates from Crisana and
Transylvania supported the interference of gendarmerie in Baptist services in the early 1920s.
There were periods in which Baptist worship services were restricted to two hours on Sunday
mornings. Many elders and preachers were beaten and incapacitated for several days or
arrested. Bibles and hymnbooks were confiscated and children were forced to deny their faith
and to participate in Orthodox religious classes or services in order to be promoted in
241
Charles Brooks and J. H. Rushbrooke, Baptist Work in Europe, 17.
134
242
schools. In some places the Baptists were not permitted to hold religious services in
private houses, nor to buy or build new church buildings?43
The American Committee on the Rights of Religious Minorities stated in the
mid-I 920s that the Baptists were "bitterly persecuted" under the liberal leader Ion
Bratianu.
244
While most religious groups were granted freedom of worship after the war, the
Baptists were usually excluded. They were not allowed to hold worship services, burials,
property, or to sell Bibles. The Baptists were not allowed to use the village cemetery, but
forced to bury their dead in fields and in horse cemeteries?45 In many cases Baptists were
fined, assaulted, and imprisoned. In 1928, when the National Peasant Party of Iuliu Maniu
came to power, the Romanian Parliament passed a bill allowing freedom of worship to the
Baptists. Transylvania was granted increased rights, which led to substantial growth among
the Baptists in the late 1920s.
The reaction against religious persecution was extensive and sustained.
Romanian Baptists wrote numerous letters of protest to the Minister of Religion, but the
desired results did not follow since the official position favored traditional Orthodoxy. The
Baptist World Alliance protested through several articles against the persecution of Romanian
Baptists and communicated their concerns to the Romanian Minister in London, Nicolae
242 Popovici, istoria, vol. 2,98-99. In March 1920 agroup ofbelievers from Lupeni who met
for prayer during the week were beaten bloodily beaten bythe police. Their leaders, G. Oltean and I. Patachi
were condemned toone year of prison, and eight others between three and six months. Alexandru Leahu from
Avram lancu was put 15 days toprison in 1924 because he was found reading the New Testament. In1926 four
students were expelled from the Carmen Sylva high school inTimisoara. Farul Mdntuirli 10 (May, 1926),5.
243
loan Popa, "Apel," in Farul Mdntuirii 1/2 (Jan, 1927), 3.
244 Roumania Ten Years After, 7-8, cited in Funderbruck, op.cit., 138. The Decree no. 15831
issued in April 1st, 1921, and signed bythe Minister ofCults Goga, isa well known incident. It was later
revoked by Take lonescu.
245
Farul Mdntuirii 9(April, 1927),2.
135
Titulescu?46 In Dimineata, M. Sevastos criticized the lack of reaction on the part of the
government to the numerous complaints of persecution. He concluded, "Imagine the
discreditable impression that would be produced in England and especially in America by the
news that a Romanian war council condemned several Baptists to prison for their
b
. ,,247
aptism,
The period of political instability during the 1920s and ambiguity on the part of
the Minister of Religion (that maintained the description of the Baptists as a religious
association in subsequent decisions and regulations) led to the continuation of persecution in
various forms. In 1925 Ilie Matei was condemned to 30 days of prison for preaching the
gospel in the village of Balaci. During the same period in Transylvania groups of Baptists
gathered for prayer were beaten, chained and put into jail.
248
Dobrogea was the region with
the highest number of religious persecutions in this period. Nicolae Sava and five other
Baptists from Balaci were arrested in September of 1932, brutally beaten by the gendarmes,
and escorted in chains to the Tumu Magurele tribunal. In September of 1927 Florica
Pestenariu, a student from Orsova, was expelled from high school because of her refusal to
participate in the Orthodox liturgy?49 Similar cases happened in 1934-35. By the end of
246
See Times from 25, 26, and 27July 1922. By the end of 1923, Rushbrooke wrote several
articles in The Baptist Times and The British Weekly. The Baptist Times (26 Dec, 1923). The international
reaction was illustrated in Romanian newspapers. See "Baptistii in Romania," in Dimineata (4April, 1926).
247 M. Sevastos, "0 Greseala," in Dimineata (Feb, 1927).
248
Farul Mdntuirii 15/16 (August, 1927),4.
249
Farul Mdntuirii 19120(Oct, 1927),8.
136
1934 and the beginning of 1935 a number of Transylvanian churches were closed and sealed
on the charge of "religious propaganda," and Baptists in public positions were fired?50
A new era of persecution began in 1937, as Fascism came to dominate
Romanian government under Ion Antonescu. loan Mirauta from Alba was imprisoned in
1937 in Dorohoi and tortured in an inhuman manner for about a month. In June 1938, all
churches were required by King Carol's government to "present to the Minister of Cults a list
of 100 heads of families" in order to receive authorization and register with the new cult
ministry.25I Since the Baptists had numerous small churches, this new law threatened to
close many of them.
Following the instauration of the Royal Dictatorship and the appointment of
Patriarch Miron Cristea as prime minister the situation of the Baptists worsened. From
December 1938 to April 1939 all the Baptist churches were officially closed, persecution and
arrests increased, and many the preachers stopped from fulfilling their functions. Not only
baptisms and the Lord's Supper, but also wedding ceremonies and burial services were
prohibited. Night gatherings or under the protection of forests and hills were became a
1
. 252
norma ity.
In 1940 when the Russians invaded the country, Romania sought German
protection, resulting in increased influence of the Fascist Iron Guard and a restoration of
religious persecution against Jews and other religious minorities. A "holy war" was launched
250 Popovici, lstoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 386.
251. . .
Article 4 of Decision No. 26,208/1939.
252
Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2,418-20. See also Rufus W. Weaver, The Romanian
Crisis (Washington: American Baptist Survey Commission, 1938),3. Torbet, A History, 190.
137
against the Baptists (among others) in 1942 by dictator Antonescu and the Orthodox bishops,
which culminated in a law that decreed the closing of all the Baptist churches, and called for
"the abolition of the Baptist cult" (Decree No. 972/1942). Most religious activities took place
underground and many were imprisoned for their insubordination. A period of intense
persecution followed when all properties were confiscated and their meeting halls were
transformed into dorms, dancing halls, store rooms or stables. The Evangelicals were
forbidden to bury their dead in cemeteries and used instead remote places in commons and on
hills. In Bucovina the officials did not perform marriage ceremonies for Baptist couples and
refused to record many births of their babies. Beside that, a significant number of believers
were sued by the Military Law Courts and harshly condemned; many died in jails. The sound
of religious hymns or having dust on your knees, were sufficient motives for
imprisonment,253 A plan for deportation in Transnistria (East of Bessarabia) was also
prepared for the Neo-Protestants, but it was not fulfilled.
Multiple cases of physical violence and arrests were multiple in the early
1940s. the prisons in Cernauti, Chisinau, Brasov, Caransebes, Mislea, Arad, Timisoara, and
Craiova were packed with religious detainees. Accused of collaboration with the Russian
Communists, the Bucovinan Baptists had a bigger portion of suffering. loan Lazarescuand a
group of five Baptists from the Hategarea were arrested in the summer of 1941, imprisoned,
and released in the summer 1944.
254
In September 1942 Samuel Moloci from Calafindesti
(Bucovina) was sentenced to ten years of prison and his wife Domnica to three. She died in
the Brasovprison after eight months, and he was released in August 1944, but lost one of his
253
Bunaciu, Istoria Rdsptndirii, 79.
254
Bunaciu, Istoria Raspindirii, 173.
138
feet due to wounds received in prison?55 In August 1943 the military tribunal (in Iasi)
condemned Pavel Antonese from Ipotesti, father of eight children, to ten years of prison and
the confiscation of his possessions. In 1942 Vasile Enascu from Potoc spent five months in
jail in Arad. In 1943 three Baptists from Cerna were sent to the Military Tribunal in
Timisoara, They were charged with religious activity (prayer) and condemned to one to six
months of prison?56 Costache Burlacu and Nicolae Tofa were arrested in 1944 and
sentenced to 25 years ofjail. Tofa was released after several months, but Burlacu died in a
. . C' 257
pnson in raiova,
Some relief was granted in 1944 when American Baptists and the Baptist
World Alliance exerted pressure upon Romanian government and the right of legal existence
of the Baptists was regained. The decree signed by the King Michael on October 1944
granted legal status to Baptists, Jews and Moslems. In 1945 the Romanians joined the Allies
and fought against the Germans until the end of the war, suffering some 150,000 casualties.
At the conclusion of hostilities, Romania received back the area of northern Transylvania lost
during the war, but was forced to cede Bessarabia and northern Bucovina, both with a large
number of sizable Baptist churches to the Soviet Union.
The atrocious persecution of the Romanian Baptists created strong reactions in
the civilized world. In the Sermon on the Mount the Lord Jesus considered those who are
persecuted as blessed ones, "for theirs is the Kingdom of Heaven." (Matt 5: 10, 11) Throughout
suffering, the Baptists experienced God's providential intervention, which turned evil into
255
Bunaciu, lstoria Riispindirii, 68.
256
Bunaciu, lstoria Raspindirii, 139-40.
257
Bunaciu, lstoria Rdspindirii, 82.
139
blessing. Many believed not in spite of, but because of persecution. By the end of the war the
total number of Baptist believers was not smaller, but higher than in 1942 when they were
outlawed. They learned what every Christian should learn: since suffering is a testimony to
Jesus we should not ask God to take it away, but to grant us the power to endure it.
Development throughout the Country
Prior to 1918 Baptist growth in the Old Kingdom was barely noticeable.
Significant expansion took place in the Habsburg regions of Transylvania, Bucovina, and the
Banat. After the war the Baptists experienced constant growth in spite of (or because of)
persecution. Initially, many Germans and Russians (Ukrainians) were included in their
numbers, but by 1930s membership was predominantly ethnic Romanian. In analyzing the
growth of the Baptists in the interwar period we note that the restrictions imposed by the state
and the persecution against them did not diminish their development. On the contrary, in
about twenty years the Baptists experienced an increase of over 400% in membership and
over 250% in the number of churches. From a total of 645 churches and 21,193 baptized
members in 1921, the Baptists reported 1, 684 churches and 93,843 members in 1942.
140
Table 3. The Distribution of the Baptists in 1942?58
Province Churches Members Attendees Leaders
Banat 243 14,091 15,679 S. Igna, V. Berbecar
Crisana 457 35,783 45,381 R. Tasca, 1. Ungureanu, 1. Socaciu
Transylvania 438 19,303 26,623 P. Karoly, 1. Mirza
Bucovina 67 1,870 2,708 D. Hodoroaba, S. Ungureanu
Bessarabia 337 17,775 24,434 A. Ivanov, B. Busila,
Moldavia 22 757 869 N. Sava, 1. Bododea
Dobrogea 21 588 585 D. Baban, J. Staneschi
Muntenia 48 2,187 2,365 C. Adorian, A. Sezonov
Oltenia 3 115 128 N. Sava
Total 1,684 93,843 120,645
An analysis of the Baptist geographical distribution before the Second World
War shows that over 73% ofthe total Baptist population was located in the western provinces
(Transylvania, Crisana, and Banat), while the Old Kingdom comprised only less than 4%.
The general growth of the Baptists from their origins to the end of World War II is illustrated
in the following chart. It should be observed that the most spectacular growth took place after
the formation of Greater Romania.
258
According to the figures provided by Popovici in Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 330-31.
141
90000
80000
70000
60000
50000
40000
30000
20000
10000
o
1860 1893 1902 1909 1917 1921 1925 1930 1936 1942
Figure 5. Baptist Growth in Romanian Provinces from Their Origins to 1942.
259
C r i ~ a n a . . Transylvania, and Banat
The western provinces of Crisana, Transylvania, and Banat produced the most
dynamic Neo-Protestant groups in Romania, if not on the Continent. Known throughout
history as a land of religious liberty and a haven for Protestants and Anabaptists, Transylvania
(and the neighboring provinces) became the cradle of the Baptist movement in Romania and
Hungary. Especially the province of Crisana, from the dawn ofthe century the Baptists had
259 According to the information provided by Popovici in Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 330-31
and elsewhere in vol. 1. The figures prior to 1921 represent only the Romanian Baptists from the Western
provinces.
142
large churches, energetic preachers, Sunday Schools, choral and instrumental groups, and
youth and women organizations.
For the first years after the formation of Greater Romania the Baptist work was
coordinated from Curtici and Buteni, two of the strongest centers in the country. Radu Tasca,
Vasile Berbecar, loan Ungureanu, and loan Cocut were among the most influential Baptist
leaders of the region. Another leading figure was loan Popa who received baptism while
studying at Cluj. He was a public notary of the village of Siria, near Arad and, due to his
position, he became later on the president of the Baptist Union?60 The city of Arad emerged
soon as a third important center, eventually gaining prominence. Church music, choirs, and
brass bands played an important role in the life of the Baptists believers. These churches
hosted numerous regional and national conferences. From a quantitative standpoint, by 1942
the province of Crisana still retained its position of leader among the Romanian provinces
with 457 churches and 35.783 baptized members.
261
After the Diktat of Vienna (30 August 1940), northern Transylvania,
Maramures, and a large portion of Crisana were occupied by Hungary. Although the
Romanian Baptists remained connected to the Oradea community, they had closer
connections with the Hungarian Baptists. Many Romanian Baptists migrated to Muntenia.
Between 1942-44 when all Neo-Protestant churches in Romania were closed, those in
Transylvania retained their freedom?62
Transylvania was the home of a large number of Hungarian Baptists, the
largest communities being in Salonta, Oradea, and Cluj. Pop Karoly was one of the leaders in
260Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. I, 77-78.
261 Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 253-73
262 Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 300.
143
Cluj, In 1921 the Hungarian Community of Oradea organized an orphanage and a home for
the elderly, In the southeastern region there were still a number of German churches in and
d
.. lik B d Sibi 263
aroun cities I e rasov an I lU.
The first Romanian church in Cluj was founded in 1921. The large number of
students who studied in the schools and universities of the city enriched the life of the church
(loan Popa, Toma Slev). In order to obtain recognition, the Cluj Community was organized
in 1930 under the leadership of loan Dan, Later on he becomes the President of the Baptist
Union. In 1950 loan Dan issued the Baptist Confession and the Statute. The Transylvanian
Baptists established orphanages in Lupeni (1925) and Simeria (1936), both of them
functioning until 1942. By 1940, before the Hungarian occupation, the Baptists of
Transylvania claimed 438 churches and stations with a total of 19,303 baptized members?64
Starting among Germans and Hungarians of Timisoara through the witness of
missionaries and preachers from Crisana, the Baptist faith spread throughout the province of
Banat reaching into Serbia. Stefan Ignea made the village of Lalasin] the center of the Baptist
faith in the region. Gradually, toward the middle of the century, the old city of Timisoara
became the Neo-Protestant heart of the province?65
In Timisoara the Baptist witness intensified after 1922 when Georg Teutch
came from Hamburg and became the new pastor. The Romanian church split in the same
263
Bunaciu, Istoria Raspindirii, 84-98.
264
Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2,277-301.
265
Bunaciu, lstoria Raspindirii, 136-59.
144
year, and the Hungarian congregation one year later?66 Danila Goga was an influential
leader in the region of Banat, being elected President of the Almaj Community in 1933, and
later becoming the president of the Baptist Union. Besides Biblical training, the churches in
this region practiced centralized administration and financial contribution, which helped their
development. An orphanage run by the Baptists was organized in 1927 in Prelipeti in Caras
district. When the orphanage was closed in 1948, about seventy children were being cared
for?67 In 1942 the Baptists reported in Banat 243 churches and 14.091 believers?68
Bucovina, Moldavia and Bessarabia
Vestiges of the old Anabaptists, the German Mennonites were a source of
Baptist faith in Bucovina in the last part of the nineteenth century. An early Baptist influence
in this area took place between 1865-67, when August Liebig traveled several times to Iasi
and in Bucovina to preach in a number of Mennonite communities. Scharschmidt and his
wife lived for a year in Iasi and in 1867 returned to Bucharest.
269
The church in Patrautii de Jos was the center of the Baptist faith in Bucovina,
and Silvestru Ungureanu, Loghin Motrescu, and Dumitru Hodoroaba were some of the most
prominent pastors in the region. In 1920 there were nineteen small churches among
Romanians, having together about 100 baptized members, and eleven German churches and
266 Popovici, /storia Baptistilor, vol. 1, 183ff.
267
A. Popovici, "Orfelinatul din Prilipeti," in Faru/ Mdntuirii 24(15 Dec, 1925),5. Bunaciu,
/storia Rasplndirii, 162-63.
268 Popovici, /storia Baptistilor, vol. 2, 229-47.
269
Popovici, /storia Baptistilor, vol. I, 18-19.
145
missionary stations with about 90 members.
270
After the war a number of Bucovinan soldiers
who served in Russia returned home with Baptist convictions. Until March 1922, baptism
and communion services were performed by lay preachers Gheorghe Paduche, Silvestro
Ungureanu, and Loghin Motrescu. Northern expansion was taken in 1927, when Dumitru
Hodoroaba opened a church in Cernauti.271 By 1942 there were in Bucovina 67 churches
totaling 1870 baptized members.
From Bucovina the Baptist faith spread to northern Moldavia reaching Iasi and
Botosani, but only later, in the 1930s. An earlier beginning took place in Braila, southern
Moldavia, where entrepreneur Adam Sezonov gathered a group of believers in 1919 and built
a prayer house in 1924. During the 1920s Jean Staneschi, loan Bododea and Vasile Gaspar,
were among the most active pastors in the region. They initiated new churches in Galati,
Lascar Catargiu, and other places. Prior to 1942 the Baptists only flourished in the northern
and southern parts ofthe province. By that time there were in Moldova 22 churches with 757
272
members.
Troubled times in the Baptist camp came in 1928 when the church in Braila
together with pastor Bododea embraced the doctrines of Spirit baptism and speaking in
tongues and joined the Pentecostal movement. Sent from Bucharest to settle the issue, Vasile
Gaspar initially wrote a brochure against Pentecostalism, but one year later he accepted
270
Brooks and Rushbrooke, Baptist Work in Europe, 50.
271
Bunaciu, Istoria Rdsplndirii, 72-77. His son leremia Hodoroaba studied at Ruschlikon
Baptist Theological Seminary in Switzerland became the pastor of the Romanian church in Paris and Christian
radio producer and speaker.
272
Popovici, lstoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 312-18.
146
Pentecostalism and attracted many others with him.
273
After 1929 Simion Voia managed to
reestablish the church and bring back some of those who went astray?74 After 1928
Pentecostalism affected a number of Baptist churches from Bucovina as well. Popovici
observed that despite their missionary commitment, the Bucovinan preachers lacked solid
doctrine and maturity and were easily influenced by new teachings. 275
In Bessarabia there were in 1920 several Russian and German churches, the
older ones being in Chisinau, Balti, and Tighina. During the 1920s the most dynamic activity
took place in Chisinau and in its vicinity where A. Ivanov, C. Tafratov, and Boris Busila
carried out a sustained evangelistic work. Unprecedented spiritual revival in the region in
1942 the Baptists claimed 347 churches and stations with a total of 17,955 members?76 In
1940 Bessarabia and northern Bucovina were incorporated into the Russian territories.
Muntenia, Oltenia and Dobrogea
After the creation of Greater Romania the evangelistic work in the Old
Kingdom was increased by numerous Transylvanian Baptists who came to work in Bucharest,
Constanta, Ploiesti, and other places. Although smaller that in the western provinces, the
Baptist population in the southern region was in 1924 23 times higher than in 1921 (the
273 Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 312-13. See also G. Bradin, "Miscarea Penticostala,"
in Vestitorul Evangheliei (June 1, 1946), 6.
274
Bunaciu, Istoria Raspindirii, 54-55.
275 Popovici, lstoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 305-306.
276 Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 318-20. A certain connection between the
Bessarabian Baptists and Brethren is seen in the fact that the elder of the church in Nova Kirgane described
himself as an "Evangelical Christian" who belonged earlier to Prokhanoff's Russian Union. See Charles Brooks,
and J. H. Rushbrooke, Baptist Work in Europe, 51-52.
147
growth was from 124 members in 1921 to 2,890 in 1942). Numerical stagnation was only
recorded in the German churches?77
In 1920 the Romanian church in Bucharest of which C. Adorian was pastor,
numbered about 100 members. The church supported three missionary stations in Jegalia,
Craiova, and Braila?78 The installation of the seminary was essential in subsequent Baptist
development in the capital city, most of the students being involved in the local churches.
Baptist growth in Bucharest between the wars was constant, both in membership, and in
number of churches. From two churches in 1919, by 1942 in Bucharest there were ten
churches with about 1,300 members. Most of these churches had been started as house
churches with lay leadership. In the province of Muntenia by 1942 there were 48 churches
and 2,187 baptized members.
279
The Baptist faith developed in Dobrogea in the first decade of the twentieth
century through the pioneer work of Radu Tasca and Maxa Comlosan. Following a period of
persecution, Dumitru Baban from Arabagii developed the work especially after 1924 when he
graduated from the seminary in Bucharest. Baban became soon a dynamic defender of the
persecuted Baptists. In his various articles published in local newspapers Baban asks for
freedom of faith and the enforcement of the laws, presenting the Baptists as loyal citizens who
were unjustly imprisoned for their faith.
280
A strategic place in the province of Dobrogea was
277 . . I I 2
POpOVICI, lstoria Baptisti or, VO. ,195.
278
Brooks and Rushbrooke, Baptist Work in Europe, 51.
279 . . I I
POpOVICI, Istoria Baptisti or, vo . 2, 195-205.
280 See "Cateva Precizari ale Uniunii Baptiste" in Dimineata (1 927), "Baptistii si StatuI" in
Dobrogea Noua (3 Sep 1938).
148
the city port Constanta, where the first church was established in 1924. One year later Baban
and Jean Staneschi were appointed as the pastors of the Constanta region. In 1942, the
province of Dobrogea numbered 21 Baptist churches with 588 adult believers?81
In 1935 the Baptists in Tulcea formed a group of volunteers joined by a
medical doctor and started to work among the lepers community comprising over 100
members in the village of Tichilesti, The team of volunteers collected donations to provide
clothing and practical help?82 All of the lepers in Tichilesti were former fishermen and many
of them were Russians. A group of 15 lepers accepted the message of salvation in Jesus
Christ, were baptized in 1937, and started to witness among their fellow lepers and in short
time the new church had about 80 members. Despite the fear of being contaminated, Teodor
Cenusa performed several baptismal services. With the financial contribution of several
churches, in 1938 the lepers mobilized themselves and built a prayer house?83
The first evangelical witness in Oltenia was that of Bible distributor Karol
Krijanovsky who in the 1890s started to gather in his house groups of people for prayer and
discussions based on the Scripture. By 1918, the church--eomprised mostly of Germans-lost
membership and remained disorganized?84 A new beginning took place in 1927, with the
involvement ofNicolae Sava, but the ministry in Oltenia remained small.
281 Popovici, lstoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 215-22.
282 Earl Hester, "Misiunea intre Leprosi," in Farul Crestin 2 (15 Jan, 1935), 5. According to
the testimony of the lepers from Tichilesti, before the involvement of the Baptists in the community there were
already five Neo-Protestant believers connected with the Crestini dupii Evanghelie. See also Farul Crestin 24
(18 Jun, 1938),3, and F. Tatford, Thatthe World May Know: Red Glow over Eastern Europe, vol. 9, lSI-56.
283
Popovici, lstoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 217-18.
284
Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. I, 142-45.
149
Faith and Practice
Theologically, the first Confessions of Faith of Romanian Baptists showed a
strong dependence on the authority of the Scripture and maintained the traditional divisions
under theological and ecclesiastical categories, being classified by Parker as a "traditional"
confession.
285
The main doctrinal divisions are as follows: the Bible, God, man, sin
salvation, church, the last things and so on. The Confession also shows the importance of
baptism and the Lord's Supper, and appropriate obedience to authorities (See the Appendix).
Generally speaking, there was uniformity of practice and faith among the first
Baptists, but minor variations existed in some of the churches. Although the first
Transylvanian Baptists had strong Calvinist convictions concerning divine predestination and
church discipline, after 1920, under Southern Baptist influence, Arminian theological trends
(responsibility of the individual before God) started to be emphasized as wel1.
286
In their attempt to restore the faith and practices of the apostolic church, the
Baptists promoted simplified "liturgical" elements in their church services. Most of the
ceremonies, traditions, and rituals of the established churches were considered medieval
innovations and rejected as such.
The gatherings of Romanian Baptist pioneers were family gatherings for the
reading of the Scripture, singing and prayer. In smaller congregations there were long
individual prayers in which others were involved by saying "Amen!" The (three-hour long)
Sunday morning prayer meetings were times of fellowship, sharing and joining together in
285
Parker, Baptists in Europe, 23-24.
286
Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 392.
150
praise, thankfulness, prayers, confession, and supplication. After two sets of prayers for the
men and the women, in many churches there was a time of corporate prayer in whispered
voice. After 1925 this practice, which seemed to have "Pentecostalist" connotations, started
to be abandoned. Visitors who used to come and kneel together with the believers in prayer
were often transformed during this service and that remained in the church?87
Over time, as the churches grew and more capable preachers emerged, the
sermon became the central point of the service. Believers followed along in the text from
their own copy of the Bible. Later, the Sunday morning services included the Sunday School
in which a passage from the Scripture was first explained by the preacher, and then other
members of the congregation could share their own understanding of the text. The Sunday
Schools were eventually divided by age groups. Over the years, the Sunday morning message
became targeted to believers' spiritual growth, and the evening meeting was focused on
explaining the gospel to unbelievers.
The two symbols (called symbols or ordinances rather than sacraments) were
baptism and the Lord's Supper. Early baptisms were performed in rivers or ponds, attracted
many people and were occasions for sharing the faith and giving public testimonies. In times
of persecution baptisms were performed by night or in remote places. After the baptism the
new members received their first communion and the prayer of blessing with the laying of
hands.
Groups of smaller churches had one pastor or preacher and a number of local
elders and deacons. The communion represented a special, solemn event for the Baptists
performed by ordained preachers who spoke first of the sufferings of the Lord. In early times
287 Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor, vol. 2, 394-96.
151
Saturday evening was a time of confession of sins. During the Lord's Supper, which was
interpreted as a memorial service, each believer took a piece of bread from a common loaf
and drank from one cup. Later on the number of cups increased.
Understanding the importance of religious music, many Baptists trained
themselves as good singers and musicians. Mihai Brumar and Vasile Berbecar organized the
first choirs in Curtici and Timisoara, without using music books with notes. Many large
churches had full choirs and brass bands, and used organs. The first hymnals with notes
Haria Coristilor and Cdntdrile Evangheliei, were published after 1905. In 1925 Jean
Staneschi edited Cdntdrile Triumfului. In some cases the first Baptists used to sing songs
used in the Orthodox services. Haria Coristilor (The Singers' Harp).288
288
Bunaciu, Istoria Raspindirii, 96.
152
Conclusion
Although generalizing about Baptists may seem a difficult task, several
concluding remarks can be made. The Baptists are intensely biblical and highly evangelistic
Christians, who hold high standards for membership as a result of a notable conversion
experience, and emphasize purity in personal life. Through their zeal for spreading their faith,
the Baptists contributed to the foundation the modem missionary movement and to a revival
of the old Anabaptist tradition in Eastern Europe. Their call for the primacy of Scripture and
total dependence on the Word of God led to the saying "Leave an open Bible, and there would
b B
. ,,289
e aptists tomorrow.
Although genuinely Evangelical in their doctrinal understanding, as McBeth
and George pointed out, the Baptists belong to the Protestant camp, since essential
Reformation doctrines such as justification by faith alone, the authority of Scripture, and the
priesthood of all believers form essential elements of Baptist theology?90 Through their
beliefs in the separation of church and state, religious liberty, believer's baptism, the gathered
church, and a non-creedal system of beliefs, they appear to be closer connected with the
Anabaptist tradition (the Radical Reformation).
Under the influence of Pietism and revivalism, the roots of Continental
Baptists should be understood in the light of a general, very broad, and spontaneous spawning
of Bible-study or prayer groups spread all over Europe, which were discovered or gathered
together by traveling Baptists. The new faith spread due to Western influence, especially that
289 John H. Shakespeare, Baptist and Congregational Pioneers (London: National Council of
Evangelical Free Churches, 1906), 4.
290 McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 62. To McBeth the Baptists belong to "the left of the
English Protestant Reformation." See McBeth, A Sourcebookfor Baptist Heritage, 13. T. George, "New
Dimensions in Baptist Theology," in New Dimensions in Evangelical Thought, 143.
153
of the German Baptists. A personal conversion experience and believer's baptism by
immersion were fundamental requirements for Baptist membership.
As followers of the Anabaptist tradition, the Baptists introduced in modern
civilization the concept of freedom of conscience. In a society where the state and the church
were closely connected, infant baptism was important to almost everyone. With it came a
Christian name, a recognized family and community relationships. For the Orthodox Church
it meant another communicant who would obey its teaching and support it financially.
Through their stress on believer's baptism and personal conversion, the Baptists altered the
traditional understanding of church membership associating it with a voluntarily decision
resulted through the free exercise of each individual's liberty of conscience. Believer's
baptism was an act that no parent, guardian or sponsor could do on one's behalf. It was a
personal, public witness of faith. For the Orthodox clergy the public spectacle of immersion
was an outrageous affront to church tradition, control and authority, and certainly the
continued well-being of both church and state.
As Romanian Baptist leader Paul Negrut suggested, it appears that Romanian
Baptists are defined by religious activism rather than theological formulations and conceptual
clarifications?91 This is confirmed by the fact that early Baptists in the Romanian lands were
characterized by strong evangelistic zeal, living Oncken' s legacy that regarded every Baptist
as a missionary. The evangelistic ministry of Mihaly Kornya that contributed to the rapid
growth of Transylvanian Baptists, remains unique in this part of Europe. The energetic
witness of early Baptist pioneers found in the Romanian principalities a fertile soil in a time
291 Paul Negrut, according to Valentin Lupu, "Study of the Perceptions of selected Pastors
and Lay Peple Living in the Western Region of the Country in the Romanian Baptist Church with Regard to
Evangelism," M.A. Thesis (Deerfield: Trinity International University, 1999), 5.
154
when the Romanians became more Western oriented. The great hunger for the written Word
of God and the decay of the established churches contributed to the success of the Baptists.
Another distinctive feature of Romanian Baptists is their concern for highly
organized structures that would reflect their unity and would facilitate their church and
missionary activities. Besides the Union and the regionalfiliale, the Baptists organized
Sunday Schools, youth and women associations, and orphanages.
Like their western forerunners, Romanian Baptist leaders were major
exponents of religious liberty and the doctrine of the believers' church. Based on the
principle ordinance of their faith, adult baptism by immersion, the Baptists maintained that
God alone is the Lord of the conscience. In the Romanian context, the Baptist claim for
complete religious liberty was a direct challenge to the medieval synthesis of a Christian state.
German, Hungarian, and Romanian Baptist preachers stressed individual
accountability before God and the responsibility of congregations of believers to Jesus Christ,
the head of the church. For Baptists not the church, but each individual is the bearer of faith.
Through the principle of independence of the local church the Baptists implied that the church
is complete in itself, without interference of external orders or councils. Church decisions
were made by group consent, and churches could be organized wherever a small band of
believers agreed to meet regularly. While this autonomy of the local church not necessarily
lead to isolation from other churches, it encouraged interpretative diversity and divisiveness.
Generally speaking, Romanian Baptists valued theological education. The
theological seminary established in Bucharest with the support of the American Southern
Baptists proved to be crucial in the subsequent development of native pastors and leaders.
However, during the first decades of their existence, a high percentage of Baptist ministers
155
were lay workers. In a society where there were few educational opportunities for a learned
ministry, Baptists placed high value upon a personal call to the ministry and evidence of the
gifts of preaching and teaching.
Although young believers increasingly pursued higher education especially
after 1920, among the first Romanian Baptists there were "not many mighty, not many
noble." (l Cor 1:26) The initial response came predominantly from the common folk, the
peasant and lower classes of Transylvania, Crisana, Banat, and Bucovina. Villages without
importance became centers of Baptist faith achieving public attention.
Among the factors that contributed to the emergence of the Baptist faith in the
Romanian lands we should note the development of economic relations with other European
countries, particularly with Germany. German workers who arrived in large numbers to the
Romanian Kingdom brought not only their skill but also their new form of Christian faith.
The increasing industrialization and development of the Romanian provinces created new
employment possibilities and brought people on the move, facilitating the spread of new
ideas. The first Romanian Baptists in Dobrogea were Radu Tasca and a group of
Transylvanian young workers. In Bucovina, the first Romanian Baptists were as well people
who accepted the new faith while working in Transylvania.
From the beginning of their development in Romanian provinces the Baptists
observed a strict Puritan code, rejecting alcohol and tobacco, or the wearing ofjewelry, and
observing strictly the Lord's Day. Under Calvinist influence, the Transylvanian Baptists
practiced severe church discipline condemning immoral behavior and apostate tendencies.
The accusation that Baptists engage in "religious propaganda" should be
understood in the light of the nature and the role of the church. The Scriptural view of the
156
church as the community of the believers, of those who willingly profess their faith in Christ,
as well as the New Testament mandate of preaching the gospel explains the Baptists' intense
commitment to missions. The attraction of the people to the Baptist movement was a result of
the spiritual vacuum of a people characterized by traditions and superstitions, but who had not
encountered the message of the gospel of Christ. It was also a reaction to the formalistic
character of a traditional church in which membership was a certain necessity for every
Romanian.
After the acquiring of the western provinces, the large number of Baptists
transferred to Greater Romania brought new spiritual life and hope, even as they experienced
new challenges. The German and Hungarian origins of the Baptist churches led to the idea of
"foreignization" of Romanian Christianity. Because of association with Hungarian and
German Baptists, Romanian Baptists were often described as disloyal members of their
nation. The Orthodox interpretation that the Baptists were a Hungarian political device to
destabilize Romania does not have any pertinent support. It should be pointed out that
whereas the Lutherans have been largely of German origin, and the Calvinists, Roman
Catholics, and Unitarians predominantly of Hungarian stock, from the beginning of the
twentieth century the Baptists have been mostly Romanian. Consequently, they cannot be
dismissed as ethnic aliens in Romania. Although they cooperated with American and German
Baptists who facilitated their theological education and intervened in obtaining their religious
liberties, the Romanian Baptists were not dependent on foreign organizations or leadership.
Fueled by the idea that religion confers national identity, the Orthodox
partisans unjustly claimed that the Baptists were not good Romanians. Romanian Baptists
consistently respected the laws and the authorities of their country, served in the army,
157
engaged in charitable actions, and participated to the welfare of Romanian society. The
traditional association between national loyalty and religious identity is to be seriously
challenged.
In the first quarter of the twentieth century European Baptist leaders noted that
the Baptists "have given to Romania the strongest and most helpful religious elements it
possesses. The number of the Baptists is not yet relatively considerable, but they are of the
quality that turns the world upside down.,,292 From the beginning of their existence
Romanian Baptists were among the fastest growing religious groups on the Continent.
Wardin describes them as "one of the most successful and effective Baptist bodies in
293
Europe."
292
Brooks and Rushbrooke, Baptist Work in Europe, 53.
293 Wardin, Baptists around the World,264.
CHAPTER FOUR
THE BRETHREN
A large number of Western historians and theologians insist that during the
early centuries of Christianity the churches departed quickly from the apostolic pattern given
in the New Testament. I The attempt to recover the original or apostolic Christianity was a
permanent concern of the followers of Christ since those times, and became a major aspiration
for the group of Christians known as the Brethren (or sometimes "Plymouth Brethren" in
order to be distinguished from others). The Brethren consider their movement as one episode
within this constant movement within Christianity? Since they aim at maintaining the
principles of New Testament times as far as possible, the Brethren commonly argue that their
spiritual roots are in the apostolic age.
3
I Alfred Kuen, "Who are the Brethren?" in Fredk A. Tatford, That the World May Know: West
European Evangel, vol. 8 (Bath: Echoes of Service, 1985),513-17.
2
F. Roy Coad, A History ofthe Brethren Movement: Its Origins, its Worldwide Development
and its Significance for the Present Day (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1968),91. See E. H. Broadbent, The Pilgrim
Church (London: Fleming H. Revell, 1931), and J. P. Callahan, Primitivist Piety: The Ecclesiology ofthe Early
Plymouth Brethren (London: The Scarecrow Press, 1996). Callahan's thesis is that the Brethren should be
identified as a primitivist movement (Darby's view), concerned with obeying the authority ofthe primitive
church, rather than a restorationist movement (Grove's view), seeking to restore apostolic Christianity in the
contemporary world.
3 F. F. Bruce, in his "Foreword" to W. T. Stunt, et aI., Turning the World Upside Down: A
Century ofMissionary Endeavour, 2d ed. (Bath, England: Echoes of Service, 1973),5. A revised version of this
article was published in F. F. Bruce, In Retrospect: Remembrance of Things Past (Grand Rapids: Baker,
1993),313-17.
158
159
The purpose of this chapter is to trace the origins of the Brethren movement in
the British Isles and on continental Europe during the great Evangelical awakening of the
beginning ofthe nineteenth century. The theological contributions of some of the most
representative Brethren pioneers such as A. N. Groves and J. N. Darby will be highlighted.
We also bring into the discussion the development of the Brethren on the European continent.
particularly in Switzerland. Germany. and Russia. The center of attention will be on the
missionary origins of the Romanian Brethren. and their development as a Neo-Protestant
denomination known as the Crestini dupa Evanghelie (Christians According to the Gospel).
Brethren Origins in the British Isles
The period following the Napoleonic Wars brought in Great Britain a revival
of confidence among people. increasing colonial power. and laws opposing slavery. The
Victorian age with its powerful moral spirit had its roots in the late eighteenth-century
Wesleyan Methodism and Evangelical movement. The beginning ofthe nineteenth century in
Britain was also a period of great interest in the revival of Christianity. Disillusioned with the
established churches. small groups of Christians started to form independent congregations.l
The French Revolution with its Reign of Terror. followed by the Napoleonic Wars had
awakened considerable interest in the biblical prophecies of Daniel and Revelation. as well as
in the role of the Holy Spirit in Christian experience.
In this context. a group of influential British Christians initiated the movement
known as the Brethren. This was a community of Christians whose first congregations were
established in the 1830s in Dublin. Plymouth. and Bristol. by groups of well-educated
4
Harold H. Rowdon, The Origins a/the Brethren: 1825-1850 (London: Pickering And Inglis,
Ltd., 1967),2-3. See also Wayne A. Detzler, "Europe in Revolt," in The History a/Christianity ed. Tim Dowley
(Oxford: Lion Publishing, 1996), 508-11.
160
Christians who "tried to find a way in which they could come together for worship and
communion simply as fellow-Christians, in disregard of denominational barriers.,,5 In their
meetings for fellowship and the study of Scripture they often emphasized Biblical prophecy
and the second coming of Christ. The two guiding principles ofthe movement were to be the
breaking of bread every Lord's Day, and ministry based upon the call of Christ and spiritual
gifts rather than formal ordination.
6
They were not seeking to start a movement of any kind,
but they could not feel at home nor find spiritual food and fellowship in the Anglican Church,
and disagreed with some of the practices of the nonconformist churches.
Even though the common terminology of designating this group is Plymouth
Brethren, they refer to themselves as Brethren, Christians, or Believers, and the usual
terminology for their churches is simply assemblies or Brethren assemblies. In this study the
simple name "Brethren" will be employed.
In the Beginning: Groves, Darby,
MUller, and Craik
One of these groups comprised of members of the established church was
patronized by Anthony Norris Groves (1795-1853), a dentist who had practiced in Plymouth
and Exeter (England), and had become quite prosperous.I As a result of reading the Bible, he
5
F. F. Bruce, in his "Foreword" to W. T. Stunt, et aI., Turning the World Upside Down, 5.
6
Harold H. Rowdon, The Origins ofthe Brethren: 1825-1850 (London: Pickering And Inglis,
Ltd., 1967); F. Roy Coad, A History ofthe Brethren Movement: Its Origins, its Worldwide Development and its
Significance for the Present Day (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1968),37. Rowdon and Coad are the best
specialists on Open Brethren history. Rowdon identifies three initial groups: Plymouth, Dublin, and Bristol but
some authors speak also of a fourth one at Bamstaple under Robert Chapman. See R. H. Baylis, My People: The
Story ofthose Christians sometimes Called Plymouth Brethren (Wheaton: Harold Shaw, 1995),25.
7
Coad, A History, 15-24, and Rowdon, The Origins, 38-41. An extended biography is that of
G. H. Lang, Anthony Norris Groves: Saint and Pioneer (Miami Springs, Florida: Schoettle Publishing Co., 1939,
1988). See also Frederick A. Tatford, "Anthony Norris Groves: The Man and His Principles," in Missions (June,
1979): 14-16,19; (July-August, 1979): 17-19.
161
was convicted that following Christ means to "labor hard, consume little, give much, and all
to Christ." These principles embodied in a booklet (Christian Devotedness, 1825) led him
first to give all his income away, apart from what was essential for his family's needs.
8
Henry Craik, who had begun to tutor Groves' childem in 1826, recorded a quite enthusiastic
impression of his godly employer: "He is a most interesting, a most noble character. The
chief features of his mind are generosity, heavenly-mindedness, great talent, persuasive
eloquence, gentleness, humility, learning.,,9
Out of a desire to become a missionary to Baghdad, Groves began studying at
Trinity College in Dublin for the Anglican ministry. When he prepared for his first mission to
Asia, the Church Missionary Society informed him that in the absence of an ordained
clergyman the missionaries would not have the possibility to celebrate communion with any
of their converts. There in Catholic Dublin, at the beginning of 1827, he met with a few
Christian friends on Sunday evenings for prayer, Bible study, and discussion in private houses
10
(among them were J. G. Bellet and J. N. Darby).
From his passionate study of the Word of God, Groves understood that all
believers are equally priests before God, and thus there is no need for a separate class of
"clergymen", which had resulted in the division of Christendom into "clergy" and "laity."
This was one of his first momentous discoveries: "Believers meeting together as disciples of
Christ, were free to break bread together as their Lord admonished them; in as far as the
practice of the apostles could be a guide, every Lord's Day should be set aside for thus
8
W. B. Neatby, A History ofthe Plymouth Brethren (London: 1902), 5.
9
W. Elfe Tayler, Passages from the Diary and Letters ofHenry Craik ofBristol (1866), 81.
10
Coad, A History, 15-24, and Rowdon, The Origins, 38-41.
162
remembering the Lord's death, and obeying His parting command." II The small group with
whom he gathered accepted this belief, and thus an important step was taken towards
separation from the existing churches. Groves also believed that the Scripture did not require
human ordination in order to preach the gospel and to be God's missionary. 12 In 1829 Groves
withdrew from Trinity College, giving up all thought of ordination. In the same year he
received believer's baptism and traveled to Baghdad for his first mission overseas.
To Groves, the things that unite Christians were immeasurably more important
than the things that divide them. When talking about people with whom he disagreed, Groves
said, "I would infinitely rather bear with all their evil than separate from their good.,,13 His
consecration to God, advocacy of the "faith principle", simple lifestyle, and compassion for
the poor had a lasting impact. Because of his significant influence among the first leaders of
the movement, Groves is regarded by some of the Brethren writers as the real founder of the
movement.Y' This is what F. F. Bruce wrote in this regard: "As the story of the [Brethren]
missionary enterprise begins with Anthony Norris Groves and his associates, the story of the
Brethren movement as a whole also begins with them.,,15
John Nelson Darby (1800-82) is among those considered to be closely linked
with the movement and its initial development. Darby was a remarkable man of a particularly
11
Rowdon, The Origins, 40.
12Coad, A History, 15-24 based on Grove's Memoir (2d ed., 1857),42.
13 di b
Accor 109to a letter Groves addressed to Dar y. See Coad, A History, 287-90 in
Appendix A.
14
Rowdon, The Origins, 38, citing Croskery and Whately. Coad begins his History with
Grove's biography and spiritual discoveries.
15 F. F. Bruce, in his Foreword to W. T. Stunt, et al., Turning the World Upside Down, 5.
163
complex personality. Brilliant in his approach to many Biblical truths, a literary giant with
volumes of writing to his credit, a hymn-writer and poet, an indefatigable traveler, preacher
and teacher-a genius, yet a man dogged by controversy owing to his intransigent nature. 16
Born at Westminster, London, in 1800, Darby studied at Trinity College in
Dublin, graduated as Classical Gold Medallist, but turned from law to seek ordination and in
1826 became a cleric in the Irish National Church. 17 He was shocked when the Archbishop
of Dublin demanded that every convert from the Roman Catholic Church must swear loyalty
to the King as the head of the Church of England. After only about two years with the
Anglican Church, thoroughly dissatisfied with what he viewed as "rampant Erastianism and
clericalism", Darby sought fellowship and ministry outside the established church. In 1827
Darby joined one of the little groups that started in Dublin for fellowship, prayer and Bible
study, and shortly after, he devoted himself full-time to forming and feeding similar small
gatherings both in Ireland and England. He was convinced both that the organized church
was in a state of ruin and that Christ's return to rapture the saints and establish the millennial
k
d .. 18
mg om was immment.
From 1832 to 1845 Darby was in fellowship with and ministered occasionally
to the thriving Brethren assembly in Plymouth, at the invitation of Benjamin W. Newton, a
graduate of Exeter College, Oxford, who left the Church of England, accepted Calvinist
doctrine, and started to preach in several chapels in Plymouth. The introduction of the Lord's
16 W. B. Neatby, History ofthe Plymouth Brethren, 308-309. Coad, A History, 105-108.
17 Darby's conflicting thoughts intensified in a time of convalescence, which took place in
1827 after his horse threw him against a doorpost. Coad, A History, 25-34. Rowdon, The Origins, 44.
18
Coad, A History, 25-30. See W. G. Turner, John Nelson Darby (London, 1944).
164
Supper on each Sunday morning had mostly frightened the local clergy in Plymouth, Harold
Rowdon asserts that before 1840 Darby became the foremost of the early Brethren in Ireland,
whereas B. W. Newton was his counterpart in England. 19 Plymouth became in a short time
the center ofthe Brethren movement and grew to number some 1,200 communicants. During
the first years of spiritual revival in Plymouth, many donated money, jewelry, and expensive
furniture to help those in need.
During his more than fifty years of leadership among the Brethren, Darby
wrote insightful theological material in the form of personal and pastoral letters, tracts,
magazine articles, and books. He translated the Bible into English, French, and German, and
the New Testament into Italian, and composed a number of hymns with rich biblical content.
Between 1830 and 1845, Darby also engaged in an extensive itinerant ministry on the
Continent helping to form new assemblies and teach and encourage existing ones.
Many called Darby the father of modem dispensational theology, a teaching
made popular first by the Scofield Reference Bible and later the Ryrie Study Bible?O His
teachings on dispensationalism and eschatology (Synopsis ofthe Books ofthe Bible in five
volumes) were heartily embraced in theological schools as "the standard of appeal" and
provided much of the substance for the Bible conference movement of the late nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries. Today, however, Darby's theological distinctives have virtually
been reduced to his doctrine of the church in ruins, the premillennial return of Christ-with
19
Rowdon, The Origins, 58.
20 Dispensationalism as a system of interpreting the Bible, is based on the idea that God's
plans for humanity had special purposes in each historical time-period, or dispensation.
165
special emphasis upon Israel and the church's role in that kingdom age-and the rapture of the
21
church.
Another influential spiritual revival took place in the 1830s under the influence
of Henry Craik and George MUller who made Bristol a center of Brethren influence similar to
that of Plymouth and Dublin. Born in 1805, Henry Craik (1805-66) prepared at the
University of S1. Andrews for a clerical career in the Presbyterian Church of Scotland. With a
real inclination for New Testament Greek and Old Testament Hebrew, he became a tutor in
Groves' family. He was profoundly touched by Groves' example of Christian humility,
generosity, and noble character, and influenced by his new understanding of Christian faith.
Under the influence of a college friend, Craik was converted to Evangelical faith in December
1825, while studying the Scriptures to remove his doubts about the Christian faith. Rejecting
infant baptism, he preached frequently at a small Baptist chapel in Shaldon, and became its
pastor in 1831.
22
George MUller (1805-98) was a German born in Prussia and trained for
Lutheran ministry at Halle University, the center of German Pietism. In 1825 MUller
experienced an evangelical conversion during the course of a prayer meeting in a private
home. Soon after, he determined to go to London for further training with the intent of
21 Larry V. Crutchfield, John Nelson Darby: Defender ofFaith. C. H. Mackintosh is
considered to be the man most responsible for popularizing Darby's works.
22 Rowdon, The Origins ofthe Brethren, 111-19, based on Craik's Diary and Letters edited
by W. E. Tayler, who was not one of the Brethren. In 1829 he met William Carey in Exeter to discuss the
prospect of joining him in India, but nothing came of this. Carey became a very influential missionary and
linguist in India, known as the "father of modem mission."
166
becoming a missionary to the Jews.
23
He became acquainted with Groves and Craik and in
1829 moved to Teignmouth, becoming pastor of Ebenezer Chapel. In 1830, shortly after he
married Mary Groves (Anthony's sister), Muller understood the Scriptural importance of
believer's baptism, of breaking bread every Sunday (Acts 20:7), and the need to forego his
regular salary and depend upon free-will offerings for his support. While in Teignmouth
Muller and Craik individually developed Scripture-based convictions against ordination, pew
rents and pastors' boxes, infant baptism and other practices that did not have a Scriptural
basis. Grove's influence was decisive in the development oftheir Scriptural understanding of
.. 24
rmrnstry.
With a new understanding of church ministry, in 1832, both Craik and Muller
renounced their Baptist pastorates in Teignmouth to become coworkers at Bethesda Chapel, in
Bristol. While their work started to follow "a recognizable Brethren pattern," the preaching
of the two men attracted over a thousand people every Sunday?5 Through the great revival of
Bethesda Chapel in Bristol the two young men became major exponents Evangelical
revivalism on the British Isles. A Baptist pastor from Barnstaple, Robert C. Chapman, was
soon influenced by Craik and Muller and introduced in his church a weekly Lord's Supper
23
Coad, A History ofthe Brethren Movement, 37.
24
George MUlier, A Narrative ofSome ofthe Lord's Dealings with George Muller, 6 vols.
9th ed. (London: James Nisbet & Co., 1895), 1:44-57,67-68. See also Rowdon, The Origins, 114-17, based on
Muller's Narrative. In 1830 MUlier was baptized (by Craik) by immersion as a believer.
25 Rowdon, The Origins, 119-26. Among the practices observed in Bristol were: weekly
communion, receiving support through freewill gifts, promoting other "accredited" believers in pastoral
ministries, and renouncing making believer's baptism as a condition for membership. In 1837 the two churches
Bethesda and Gideon were incorporated into one.
167
with an open format to allow others to instruct publicly?6 In Bristol Muller set up a
Scriptural Knowledge Institution for Home and Abroad aiming to provide Day Schools and
Sunday Schools, to distribute Bibles and New Testaments at low cost, and to support
missionaries. In 1836 he opened the first of his orphan homes in a rented house in Bristol,
and in 1849 built his first orphanage in Ashley Down followed by four more large buildings
for the same purpose by 1870. With a strong belief in the power of prayer, for over thirty
years Muller carried on this work entirely by faith in the Lord, without engaging in any appeal
for funds. Throughout the years, MUller and his orphans experienced God's daily faithfulness
and provision through gifts and donations to the extent that no debts were incurred, although
at times his family was in difficult straits.T" Meanwhile, Craik and MUller's church practices
in Bristol followed a recognizable Brethren pattern, as they abolished pew rents, renounced a
fixed salary, and introduced weekly celebration of the Lord's Supper as well as an open form
ofministry.28 Further developments in their ecclesial understanding would make Groves,
MUllerand Craik to be regarded as the founders of the so-called "Open Brethren.,,29
26
William H. Bennett, Memorials ofthe Life and Ministry ofRobert C. Chapman
(Kilmarnock: John Ritchie, n. d.), 23-36.
27
See Roger Steer, George Muller: Delighted in God (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1975),
and Rowdon, The Origins, 129-35.
28
MUller, A Narrative, 1:44-57,67,68.
29
Frederick A. Tatford, "Anthony Norris Groves: The Man and His Principles," Missions
(June, 1979): 14-16, 19; (July-August, 1979): 17-19. According toR. H. McLaren, the value ofemulating these
three, particularly Groves, has been a center of focus since the publication ofG. H. Lang's biography ofGroves
and F. Roy Coad's history ofthe British Open Brethren. G. H. Lang, Anthony Norris Groves: Saint and Pioneer.
A Combined Study 0/a Man ofGod and ofthe Original Principles and Practices ofthe Brethren with
Application to Present Conditions, 2ded. (London: Paternoster Press, 1949). See Ross Howlett McLaren, "The
Triple Tradition: The Origin and Development ofthe Open Brethren in North America" inEmmaus Journal 4:2
(Winter 1995),169-208 and 6:1 (Summer 1997),129-52. Another well-known figure isthe young Brethren
preacher and evangelist Henry Moorhouse who had a powerful influence on D. L. Moody and his church in
Chicago in 1868 when he preached an entire week from John 3:16. Some ofthe prominent "Exclusive" writers
include C. H. Mackintosh, renowned for his Notes to Pentateuch, and W. Kelley who wrote commentaries toall
ofthe books ofthe Bible and edited Darby's Collected Writings.
168
At the beginning of the Brethren movement there was no intention of
beginning a new denomination with emphasis on a particular doctrine, but to come together
simply as disciples in unity out oflove for the Lord, taking the whole Word of God as their
guide, with no creeds, or confessions or articles of faith.
30
By 1830, the movement was
already taking contours in different parts of the British Isles and during the following decade
the Brethren already gained international reputation.
Division Between Open and Exclusive Brethren
The first major dispute took place in Plymouth in 1845 when Darby-who had
spent most of his time initiating new Brethren gatherings in French-speaking Switzerland-
found that Newton had been attempting to establish the large and influential group from
Plymouth as an independent church with himself as pastor.
31
To Darby the church at
Plymouth had abandoned the original practices and instituted "the rule of man" in the place of
"the rule of the Holy Spirit." Doctrinal controversy also played an important role as Newton
maintained that the rapture of the Church would happen after the millennium, and expressed
disdain for Darby's dispensationalism and distinction between Israel and the Church.
32
After
30 It is interesting to observe that that in 1830, when the movement already developed in
various British cities, most of its influential leaders were under 30 years old: Groves was 35, Darby and Cronin
30, Chapman 27, Craik and MUlier 25, Newton 23.
31 An extended summary of Newton's life and theological development is found in Rowdon,
The Origins, 58-65. Newton was introduced to the study of unfulfilled prophecy by his private tutor, Francis
Newman, who showed great appreciation for the "Irish Clergyman," namely, Darby.
32
Rowdon, The Origins, 230-31, and Coad, A History, 105-12, 128-36.
169
many stormy sessions and writing of papers in an effort to heal the breach, Darby and a
number of other sympathizers withdrew from the Plymouth assembly.33
Another significant point of disagreement (known as "the Bethesda Question")
that divided the Brethren into "Open" and "Exclusive" wings appeared in 1848 between
Darby and the group from Bristol. After Newton's excommunication from the Plymouth
assembly, several Plymouth members applied for fellowship with Craik and Miiller's
Bethesda gathering in Bristol. Upon examining the persons in question the Bristol leaders
decided that they were not involved in Newton's errors and therefore received them into the
fellowship, stressing the autonomy of each local church. The Open Brethren accepted
fellowship with other born again followers of Christ, without any sectarian distinction?4
Groves expressed his liberty of taking the Holy Communion outside the Anglican Church
with the words: "I ... am ready to break the bread and drink the cup of holy joy with all who
love the Lord and will not lightly speak evil of His name. I feel every saint to be a holy
person, because Christ dwells in him, and manifest Himself where he worships.,,35
In contrast, "Exclusive" Brethren followed J. N. Darby in holding that faithful
believers have been called out from the ruined church to testify against the errors of the last
33 In 1847 Newton's teaching was considered heretical, due to an unpublished manuscript in
which he spoke of Christ in mere human terms, as an Israelite on earth. For a fulI discussion of the controversy
from the Open perspective, see Coad, A History, 105-53, and Rowdon, The Origins, 227-66.
34 Henry Craik, New Testament Church Order: Five Lectures (Bristol: W. Mack, 1863), 3-4,
24-26, 66-67. Craik argues that there should be no separation because of differences of church polity.
35
Coad, A History, 23-24, quoting from Memoir ofAnthony Norris Groves containing
extractsfrom his letters andjournals (2d edition, 1857),6, compiled by his widow, Harriet Groves. According
to F. F. Bruce, "the people called Brethren are often so described because they prefer to be known by a
designation comprehensive enough to embrace all their fellow-Christians along with themselves." F. F. Bruce,
in his Foreword to W. T. Stunt, et al., Turning the World Upside Down, 5.
170
36
days. They maintained that the lapsed could not be accepted in any Brethren gathering,
otherwise the unity of the one Body will be destroyed since "a little leaven leaveneth the
whole lump." He demanded that, "no one defending, maintaining or upholding Mr. Newton's
views or tracts, should be received into communion.T" There were also divergences on the
matter of baptism, as Darby and some of his followers remained paedobaptists.3
8
They had
modified the notion of infant baptism to "household baptism" so as not to teach baptismal
regeneration. As for the Bethesda group, by 1830 they had come to accept believers' baptism
as the duty of all disciples, but after 1836 they refused to make an issue out of it and would
. 11 Chri 39
recerve a istians.
These controversies over doctrine and church government had a profound
influence on the future of the movement, splitting the Brethren in two major fractions.
Darby's followers formed a closely interrelated federation of churches known as Exclusive
Brethren. Based on Darby's system of interpretation, they promoted separation from any
local church which tolerated practices and beliefs disapproved by Darby, on the premise that
36 Coad, A History, 105-53. For the "Exclusive" perspective, see Roy A. Huebner, Precious
Truths Revived and Defended through J N. Darby, vol. 2: Defense of Truth, 1845-1850 (Morganville, NJ:
Present Truth, 1994),99-156.
37
Andrew Miller, The Brethren: Commonly So-Called; A BriefSketch ofTheir Origin,
Progress, and Testimony (London: 1879),85-90. For the Exclusive perspective of the controversy, see Roy A.
Huebner, Precious Truths Revived and Defended through J N. Darby, vol. 2: Defense ofTruth, 1845-1850
(Morganville, NJ: Present Truth, 1994),99-156.
38 According to Ironside, Exclusive Brethren practiced and allowed for both infant and adult
baptism. John Gifford Bellett, William Kelly, C. H. Mackintosh, Andrew Miller, and James G. Deck
represented the believers' baptism side. H. A. Ironside, Baptism: What Saith the Scripture? 3d ed. (New York:
Loizeaux Brothers, Bible Truth Depot, 1930), Appendix.
39
George MUller's letter in Johannes Warns, Baptism: Studies in the Original Christian
Baptism, Its History and Conflicts, Its Relation to a State or National Church, and Its Significance for the
Present Time, trans. U. H. Lang (Minneapolis: Klock and Klock, 1980 reprint), 321-322. See also Rowdon, The
Origins ofthe Brethren, 123; Coad, A History ofthe Brethren Movement, 123-24; T. Pierson, George Muller of
Bristol and His Witness to a Prayer Hearing God (Old Tappan, NJ: Fleming H. Revell, 1889),413-17; Steer,
George Muller: Delighted in God, 147 and Craik, New Testament Church Order, 81.
171
"separation from evil is God's principle ofunity.,,40 The premise was that disciplinary action
taken by one assembly was binding on all. The others, called Open (or Independent)
Brethren-based on the principles set by Groves, Muller, Craik, and Chapman-maintained a
congregational form of church government and less rigorous standards for membership and
considered each of their assemblies to be independent of the others as to its government and
actions, while relying upon a spiritual unity with its fellow-assemblies.
41
Because of their
subsequent controversies and separations over the years, the Brethren were sometimes
described as a remarkable people who rightly divided the Word of Truth and wrongly divided
themselves.
Distinctive Teachings ofthe First Brethren
The British Brethren established most of the doctrinal principles that
characterize the movement worldwide. Generally speaking, the Brethren subscribe to the
fundamental doctrines commonly held by Protestants and Evangelicals: the Trinity, Christ's
divinity and His bodily resurrection, His return in Glory, His atoning sacrifice, the supreme
authority of the Scripture, salvation by grace through faith, universal priesthood, and so on.
Following the Protestant convictions, the Brethren rejected the role of Tradition in doctrinal
formulations, eliminated the cult of the Virgin Mary and the intercessory role of the saints,
and accepted only the baptism and the Communion as Scriptural ordinances for the church.
Although the Brethren do not have a confession of faith of their own, they agree with the first
40 Memoir ofAnthony Norris Groves, 2ded. (1857), 409-10. See Coad, A History, 121,
according toone of Darby's pamphlets.
41 Baylis, My People, 7. See also G. H. Lang, The Local Assembly: Some Essential
Differences Between Open and Exclusive Brethren Considered Scripturally and Historically (Miami Springs,
Florida: Conley & Schoettle Publishing Co., 1955, 1985), 15-35, 78-83.
172
Confessions of faith (Apostle's Creed, Nicene and Chalcedonian Creeds) and the modem
Evangelical declarations offaith.
42
Their distinctive teachings and practices, based on
Scripture rather than on theological formulations of ecclesiastical traditions, stress the
centrality of the Lord's Supper and the priesthood of all believers, which led to the rejection
of church hierarchy and of human ordination.
43
Their theological contribution is extended by
Darby's dispensationalist theology and interest in the coming of the Lord.
First of all, the Brethren hold to the centrality of the Lord's Supper. One of the
foremost characteristics of the Brethren is the weekly hour-long celebration ofthe Lord's
Supper in open, non-liturgical worship. Groves was the first to discover several principles
related to the Lord's Supper that became distinctive features of the Brethren. The Lord's
Supper (rather than the clergyman's sermon) is the central point of worship. The Lord's
Supper should be observed weekly on every Lord's Day, as the example ofthe apostles and
early disciples suggested. Only believers should break bread, and each one is to break it for
himself rather than let the clergyman do it for him.
44
(Matt. 24, 1 Cor. 11)
Secondly, the Brethren churches are characterized by an absence of church
hierarchy and formal ordination. To Groves and the first Brethren the local assembly was to
be the only biblical pattern for the gathering of God's children. The words of Jesus recorded
42 See Alfred Kuen, "Who are the Brethren?" in Fredk A. Tatford, That the World May Know:
West European Evangel, vol. 8 (Bath: Echoes of Service, 1985),513-17.
43
See F. F. Bruce, in Retrospect: Remembrance of Things Past (Baker, 1993), 313-17.
Among more recent authors who defend Brethren principles are: J. R. Littleproud, The Christian Assembly
(Grand Rapids: Gospel Folio Press, n. d.); William MacDonald, "Christ Loved the Church": An Outline ofNew
Testament Church Principles (Kansas City, Kan.: Walterick Publishers, 1973); G. Fred Hamilton, Why? Why
Practice New Testament Principles Today? (Spring Lake, N.J.: Christian Missions in Many Lands, 1985);
Arthur G. Clarke, New Testament Church Principles (New York: Loizeaux Brothers, 1962).
44
F. F. Bruce, in his "Foreword" to W. T. Stunt, et al., Turning the World Upside Down: A
Century ofMissionary Endeavour, 6.
173
in Matthew 18:20 "Where two or three are gathered together in my name, there am I in the
midst of them," are the heart of the Brethren theology (1 Cor. 12:7). The church is not
defined by affiliation to established ecclesial institutions, but by the gathering of believers,
few or many, in the name of the Lord and under the guidance of the Holy Spirit. In Brethren
assemblies "free exercise is afforded for every spiritual gift.,,45 From this premise, the
Brethren conclude that there is no hierarchy in the church-all are equal as believers, disciples,
and brethren. There is no class distinction between "clergymen," and "laymen." All are the
Lord's people-all (including the "clergy") are "laity" (laos = people in Greek). The Brethren
sought a return to less institutional and more "charismatic," in the sense of "gifts-based,"
f h
d .. . 46
orms 0 wors ip an participation.
Darby went a step further: his belief of the Church in ruin, led him to the
conclusion that the offices of the Church no longer exist. Gifts such as evangelists, pastors,
and teachers are still available from Christ the head for the church in all parts, but bishops
(elders) and deacons, the local offices appointed by apostles, no longer were.
47
Darby's
45 Rowdon, The Origins, 124-27. Groves' understanding of the church was essentially the
conception of Ignatius of Antioch, "Where Christ is, there is the Catholic Church;" and oflrenaeus of Lyons,
"ubi Spiritus, ibi ecclesia." Coad, A History, 120.
46
Horton Davies, Worship and Theology in England vol. 4 From Newman to Mertineau,
1850-1900 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1962), 139.
47 It appears that later in his life Groves had a more positive perspective on Church offices. In
1847 he wrote that "recognized pastors and teachers are essential to the good order of all assemblies, and as such
are required and commanded of God." Quoted in Lang, Departure, 48 and G. H. Lang, The Local Assembly:
Some Essential Differences between Open and Exclusive Brethren Considered Scripturally and Historically, 5th
ed. (Dorset: Oakley, 1955), 41. Craik and MUller, after going into seclusion to study the matter, emerged with
the affirmative policy they followed at Bristol. See T. Pierson, George Muller ofBristol and His Witness to a
Prayer Hearing God (Old Tappan, NJ: Fleming H. Revell, 1889),418-19 and R. Steer, George Muller, 147.
Craik maintained that the development of elders in the early church as being the mind of God and rejected any
suggestion that apostles were needed to appoint them.
174
emphasis on the "church in ruin" and the work of the Spirit led to extreme reticence in
appointing and developing human leadership among the Exclusive Brethren.
48
Groves was among the first who maintained that the ministry of preaching the
Word of God and administering the Lord's Supper is not the monopoly of those who have
studied theology and have been ordained for the "holy ministry." In fact all believers are, or
should be, God's messengers and missionaries, without human ordination. All believers are
authorized by Christ to administer the Lord's Supper and preach the gospel without human
ordination as they obey the commands of the New Testament.
49
(l Cor. 11:2-16; 23-32; 1
Cor. 14:26-40; 1 Tim. 2:8-12; Titus 2:1-10) Academic or theological education is not a
requirement to serve the Lord. Consequently, the Brethren rejected names such as
"Reverend" or "Minister."
Thirdly, the Brethren believe in a plurality of elders in church leadership. The
ministry of elders (who are fitted for service, appointed by the Holy Spirit, and recognized as
such by fellow believers) are necessary for leading and ministering to the congregation. Like
the primitive churches, Brethren assemblies are led by a body of elders and deacons who
make collective decisions. They are plural in number (as there is no Scriptural basis for a
one-man ordained ministry), are among the flock and not above them, and guide by example
48 1. N. Darby, "Reply to Two Fresh Letters from Count De Gasparin," in The Collected
Writings ofJ. N. Darby, ed. William Kelly (reprint ed., Sunbury: Believers Bookshelf, n.d.), 4: 368. Out of his
aversion for the structures of the established Churches, Darby rejected any outward forms as hindering the work
of the Spirit. By 1845 Darby had reacted against the formal recognition of elders, because to him to choose
presidents or pastors is to organize a church, which is not possible in the present fallen dispensation. The only
government of the church was the acknowledgement of the Spirit of God. He eventually came to draw a
distinction between the actions "of men," which were arranged and formal, and the actions "ofthe Spirit," which
were spontaneous and informal. Coad, A History, 124-27.
49
Coad, A History, 15-24 based on Grove's Memoir (2d ed., 1857),42. Groves argued that
eldership was taught in Scripture. Cf. G. H. Lang, Departure: A Warning and an Appeal (2d ed., London: C. J.
Thynne and Jarvis, 1926), 48.
175
rather than "lording it over" the others. 50 They are called "overseers" (bishops from the
Greek episkopoi) or "elders" (presbyters from Greek presbuteroi), but do not have a title.
(Acts 14:23; 15:2-6,22-23; 20:17,28; Phil. 1:1; 1 Peter 5:1-4; James 5:14; 1 Tim. 3:1-7; 5:17;
Titus 1:6-9; 1 Thess. 5:12,13; Heb. 13:7; 17).
The Holy Spirit (rather than a man) leads the brethren in Christian living and
corporate worship. The brethren participate corporately in exercising the gifts bestowed on
them by the Lord in preaching the Word, and worshipping through prayer and singing. This is
what Kuen calls "a biblically charismatic church.,,51
Fourthly, Darby and the first Brethren contributed substantially to the
development of Dispensationalist theology. Based on a literal interpretation of the Bible,
Darby developed an elaborate philosophy of history based on biblical prophecy called
Dispensationalism.
52
This rests on the view that God's dealings with men have proceeded
through "well-defined time-periods" (dispensations), in each of which God reveals a
particular purpose to be accomplished in that period, to which men respond in faith or
unbelief. 53
50
Coad, A History, 75, 154-55; Rowdon, The Origins, 125-26, and Muller's Narrative, 276-
78. See also A. Kuen, "Who are the Brethren?" in F. A. Tatford, That the World May Know: West European
Evangel, vol. 8, 516.
51 A. Kuen, "Who are the Brethren?" in F. A. Tatford, That the World May Know: West
European Evangel, vol. 8, 515.
52Darby's dispensational scheme is found in his essay, "The Apostasy of the Successive
Dispensations," in The Collected Writings of1. N. Darby, ed. William Kelly, 34vols. (London: G. Morrish,
1867; reprint, Oak Park, IL: Bible Truth, 1971), 1:124-30. This essay first appeared in The Christian Witness 3
(1836): 359-66. See "The Hopes of the Church of God," in The Collected Writings of1. N. Darby, 2:374-75.
53 S. B. Ferguson and D. F. Wright, New Dictionary of Theology, (Downers Grove, IL:
InterVarsity Press, 1998); Charles C. Ryrie, Dispensationalism Today (Chicago, 1973), and W. Kelly, ed.
Collected Writings of1. N. Darby.
176
The main points of Darby's dispensationalist teaching can be summarized as
follows: First, Darby made a clear distinction between Israel and the Church. He held that the
promises to Israel were unconditional and irrevocable and, thus, must be literally
accomplished. Second, the church exists in a parenthesis in time between the Old Testament
Jews and the fulfillment of the promise prophesied to them. Third, each period of time, or
dispensation, began with God's creatures in a favorable position from which they thereafter
fall due to infidelity. Fourth, in all dispensations a remnant or nucleus of believers who are
not contaminated separate themselves from the practice of others and remain true to God.
Finally, God never restores a fallen situation but always removes it and makes something
H b
. d . 54
new- e egms a new ispensation.
One important implication of this new theological system is that the Church is
in ruins and cannot be restored.
55
Darby believed that the falling away ofthe Church had
begun in apostolic times, a period called in the epistle of Jude "the history or revelation of
apostasy." The seven churches in Asia in Revelation 1-3, understood not only as historical
churches but also as a prophetic outline of church history, were further proof for this view
since they "foreshadow what was to come." His conclusion was that in the present
dispensation the church is in ruins and cannot be restored; rather a faithful remnant must
separate itself and "renounce every tie that is not connected with Christ."
54 In the first part of the twentieth century American Congregationalist, C. I. Scofield
popularized Dispensationalism through the widespread Scofield Reference Bible (1909). Scofield's sevenfold
series of dispensations are: (l) Innocence (Gen I:28) to the loss of Eden; (2) Conscience or moral responsibility
(Gen 3:7) to the Great Flood; (3) Human government (Gen 8: 15) to the call of Abraham; (4) Promise (Gen 12:1)
to the covenant at Sinai; (5) Mosaic Law (Exod 19:1) to the death of Christ; (6) The Church, the dispensation of
the Holy Spirit (Acts 2:1) to Christ's return; (7) The millennial Kingdom to eternity (Rev 20:4).
55
Darby, Reflections on the Ruined Condition ofthe Church (London: Walther, 1841),2-10.
See Coad, A History, 126. A second important development in Darby's ecclesiology was that the local church is
a gathering of all believers in a locality.
171
Fifthly, eschatology and the Lord's coming were main doctrinal themes for the
early Brethren. Due to a series of international crises in the early decades of the nineteenth
century, groups of Christians in Western Europe developed an intense interest in the Lord's
Return. Darby's contribution to the understanding of eschatology (the doctrine of the end of
times) was substantial. In 1840 Darby gave a series of eleven lectures in Lausanne where he
expressed his full and mature insight on eschatology. Darby was the first to assert that the
second coming of Christ would occur in two stages: an invisible "secret rapture" of the true
believers, and Christ's glorious return to establish a literal thousand-year kingdom of God on
earth, that would involve the restoration of Israel. He was the first to set out very clearly
God's revealed plans and purposes for the Church, the Jews and the Gentiles, the 70th week
of Daniel, the difference in purpose and time of the Rapture of the Church and the return to
56
the earth, and many other features.
56 J. N. Darby, "The Doctrines of Early Brethren" in The Witness (October 1929).
178
The First Brethren on the Continent of Europe
The first decades of the nineteenth century brought spiritual revival in many
parts of Europe. The resurgence of Pietism on the Continent led to the formation of different
Brethren groups in Switzerland and Germany (and later to the emergence of the German
Baptists). From the beginning of the movement the Brethren placed great emphasis on
overseas missionary work. From the assemblies of Great Britain alone hundreds of dedicated
men and women have poured into every part of the world, bringing the gospel of Jesus Christ.
Darby, MUller, and F. W. Baedeker were the principal proponents used by God to spread the
principles of the Brethren on the Continent of Europe.
Reveil in Switzerland and the first Freres Larges
Many members of the Reformed Church in Swiss Romande experienced
profound spiritual renewal at the beginning of the nineteenth century, under the influence of
the Scripture and as a reaction against the rationalist philosophy that characterized the State
church. This led to the Free Church movement in Switzerland. Moravian influence had
persisted in Switzerland since Count Zinzendorfhad lived there in the 1740s. In 1810 a group
of young students (including Ami Bost, Henri Pyt, and Emile Guers) formed a group called
"the Society of Friends" and organized prayer and evangelistic meetings outside the Church.
In 1817, influenced by the teaching of Scottish revivalist Robert Haldane,
Henry Drummond formed in Bourg-de-Four, Geneva, a nucleus of Swiss dissenting pastors
who established the first independent church (known as "le petite eglise") in Switzerland. In
1824 Charles Rochat (and his brother Auguste) founded another similar assembly at Vevey, in
the canton ofVaud. The dissenting pastors taught justification by faith, personal piety, and
the freedom of each assembly to administer its own affairs. They became involved in the
179
distribution of Bibles and created Societe Biblique du Canton de Vaud. The radicalism of this
group nicknamed les m6miers (the bigots), stirred the people to violence. As a reaction, the
Council of State banished C. Rochat from the canton and issued laws against the religious
gatherings ofthe sectarian m6miers whose activities were considered contrary to public order
and religious peace. Stressing the principle of separation of church and state these
congregations proved to have similar principles with those of the Open Brethren (believer's
baptism, relationship with other churches). These were the earliest evangelical independent
churches in Switzerland, known as 1'ancienne dissidence (lit. the old dissenters, or "the
assemblies of the old separation"). 57
Between 1837-45 J. N. Darby contributed substantially to the early
development of l'ancienne dissidence in French-speaking Switzerland (Geneva, Lausanne,
and Neuchatel). His visits to Switzerland were motivated by the news that he would find
there men of convictions similar to his own.
58
Shortly after Darby's arrival at Lausanne, the
popular dissenting pastor Henry Olivier (who had shared some of Wesley's views on
Christian perfection) reacted against his ecclesiological teachings. Olivier was eventually
purged of his perfectionist ideas and in 1841 he "united his flock with DarbY's.,,59 While in
57Paul Perret, Nos Eglises Dissidentes: Assemblees de Freres Larges; Apercu de Leur
Histoire et de leurs Principe (Nyon: Editions "Je Seme", 1966),33-53. See also Eduard Recordon and Philippe
Tapernoux. L'Eglise, une Esquisse de son Histoire Pendant Vingt Steele, vol. 3 (Vevey: Editions Bibles et
Traites Chretiens, 1980).
58
See Coad, A History, 84-90 and Rowdon, The Origins, 204-14. Darby also established
Brethren assemblies in Southern France, at Lyon and Montpellier.
59Neatby, A History, 79-80. See J. J. Herzog, Les Freres de Plymouth et John Darby (The
Plymouth Brethren and John Darby) (Lausanne: Librairie de Georges Bridel, 1844). Professor ofthe state
church theological college in Lausanne and editor of the Real Encyclopadie, J. J. Herzog gives an ample and
authoritative, though hostile, contemporary report of Darby's activities in Switzerland, Herzog appreciates
Darby's Christian character and his pastoral activity, but strongly disapproves his endeavors "to unite under his
direction souls already converted." Herzog therefore concludes that "il est decidernent inferieur alui-merne" (he
definitely falls below his level). Neatby states that for the later stage of Darby's life and career, "both the light
and the shade in Herzog's picture require to be intensified."
180
Laussane, Darby administered the Lord's Supper every Sunday to all without distinction who
attend his meeting, being viewed by Herzog as "extremely broad, '" and he does not even
insist that they should leave the National Church.,,60 Through a series oflectures and in a
pamphlet entitled Divine Mercy in the Church and Towards Israel, Darby stirred the
expectation of the Lord's return and expressed some of the principles of the Brethren. He
maintained that each believer is authorized by Christ to administer the Lord's Supper and
preach the gospel without any human ordination.f ' Darby's teachings had become firmly
established among the Swiss dissenters in the heat of persecution and repression. By 1842
about sixtymembers of the assembly of Bourg-de-Four and a goodnumber of dissenters from
the Canton de Vaud, north of Lake Geneva, abandoned the ancienne dissidence and took
Darby's side (forming the Closed Assemblies, les Assemblees de Freres Etroits or
62
Darbystes).
Toward the end of his stay in Switzerland, Darby met some opposition.
During a Conference Fraternelle in September 1842, Auguste Rochat and Francois Olivier
repudiated his extreme teaching of "the ruin of the Church," arguing that the Scripture did not
speak of the apostasy of the true Assembly. Consequently, some ofthe dissenting ministers
who opposed Darby's ecclesiastic isolationism formed the Assemblees de Freres Larges (or
Assemblees Evangelique Libre).63
60 Neatby, A History, 82-83, quoting Herzog.
61
Rowdon, The Origins, 209-10. In On Ministry: its Nature, Source. Power, Darby describes
ministry as the result of divinely implanted love which impels a man to activity, and the call of God who
sovereignly communicates the required spiritual gifts. Darby, Collected Writings I, 327,28.
62 In 1855 there were about 50 Darbyst assemblies. Recordon, L'Eglise. 330.
63 . .
Perret, Nos Eglises Dissidentes, 45-49, and Coad, A History, 84-85. Herzog admits that
even before Darby's arrival there was in Vaud an extensive predisposition to Darbysme. "People had already
begun to regard the Church as destroyed, and its relations with the State as incompatible with the very idea of the
Church; to regard the ordination of ministers as a mere matter of human expediency that had no connection
whatsoever with a divine ordination." Herzog, Les Freres de Plymouth et John Darby, 22.
181
In spite of initial disagreements and the persecution of 1845,64 the Brethren
movement spread throughout Switzerland, and in Herzog's words "Darbyism robbed the
pastors of the elite of their flocks." After the conflict between Darby and Bethesda in 1848,
some ofthe Swiss Darbystes adopted a more open position regarding communion and joined
the assemblies of the Freres Larges.
65
The Brethren of the Assemblees de Freres Larges
initiated the production of Christian literature, a monthly publication Semailles et Moisson
(Seeds and Harvest), new hymnals (the Songs of Zion), and a theological school at
Lausanne.
66
Toward the end of the century, members of these assemblies came to understand
the importance of missionary work and thus started to send social workers and missionaries to
North Africa and Eastern Europe. The impact of the Geneva revival also influenced Henri
Dunant who in 1863 became the founder of the Red Cross International Committee.Y These
groups of churches can trace their traditions back to the gatherings of I 'ancienne dissidence
and to roots that antedate Darbyism and the movement in Britain.
64 In the early months of 1845 the Pays de Vaud was convulsed by a revolution brought about
by Jesuit intrigue. Since the Plymouth Brethren were among the persecuted ones, Darby wisely resolved to leave
the country. Neatby, A History, 93. In 1848, the constitution of the Swiss Confederation provided religious
freedom for "recognized Christian confessions," and in 1874 a revised constitution expanded that provision to
guarantee complete "freedom of faith and conscience" for all citizens.
65
Fredk A. Tatford, That the World May Know: West European Evangel, vol. 8 (Bath:
Echoes of Service, 1985), 456.
66 The Swiss Darbystes established their own magazine, Temoignage de la Parole (The
Testimony of the Word).
67 According to the Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th ed. (Chicago, 1998), the Red Cross arose
out of the work of Jean-Henri Dunant, a Swiss humanitarian, who, at the Battle of Solferino, in June 1859,
organized emergency aid services for Austrian and French wounded. In his book Un Souvenir de Solferino
(1862; "A Memory of Solferino") he proposed the formation in all countries of voluntary relief societies, and in
1864 the first societies came into being. The Geneva Convention of 1864, the first multilateral agreement on the
Red Cross, committed to care for victims of battle in time of war but later agreed to aid in the prevention and
relief of human suffering generally. The International Committee of the Red Cross tComite International de la
Croix-Rouge) organized itself as an independent council of 25 Swiss citizens with headquarters at Geneva. See
also Calea Credintei, (Sep-Dec, 1999), 12-15 from Jacques Blandenier's report on the history of the Swiss
Brethren.
182
The Bruderbewegung in Germany
An indigenous Bruderbewegung (Brethren movement) with Mennonite
influence behind it developed in Germany. Emphasizing the similarities between the Baptists
and the Brethren, Tatford considers that Oncken and the first German Baptists "met on very
similar lines with those of brethren assemblies.,,68
In late 1830s MUller traveled several times to Germany, with the intent to
recruit co-workers for Groves' mission to India. In 1843-44 MUller visited Germany and
established a Brethren assembly in Stuttgart on the lines of Bethesda. Most of the members of
the new congregation came from a Baptist church that taught a form of baptismal regeneration
and rejected fellowship at the Lord's Supper with un-baptized believers or members of any
State Church.
69
MUller rejected the idea spread by the extreme Baptist party that truth was
only to be found among them, who were the true Church, all others being in error and in
Babylon, and a part of the church took his position establishing a new congregation.Y
Lutheran Carl Brockhaus (1822-99) was among the first Germans who
developed similar principles to those of the Brethren and in 1852 established an assembly at
Elberfeld. Darby who visited Germany in 1854-55 influenced him and in the 1860s several
Elberfelder Brudern assemblies (or Darbyite) were formed. By 1870, most of the first
German assemblies adopted the "exclusive" position. In 1870 Carl and his brother Rudolph
68
F. A. Tatford, That the World May Know: West European Evangel, vol. 8,483-85.
69
Coad, A History, 52, and Rowdon, The Origins, 201-204, based on MUlier's Narrative.
70
Neatby, A History, 96-99.
183
founded the Brockhaus Publishing House in Wuppertal. Late in his life Carl Brockhaus
himself renounced some exclusivist ideas and became associated with the OfJenen Briidern.
71
A number of Brethren leaders and missionaries established strong links
between the English and the German Brethren. A German by birth who lived in England,
Frederick Wilhelm Baedeker made a special contribution to the advancement of the ministry
of the Brethren after the 1870s. His work and witness impacted a number of cities and towns
such as Berlin, Dusseldorf, Lubeck, Hamburg, Constance, Wiesbaden, and Karlsruhe. After
1876 Muller preached Christ widely in his native land, often to large audiences. His
preaching tours included places like Frankfurt, Cologne, Barmen, Darmstadt, Bonn,
Monchengladbach, Viersen, Krefe1d, Duisburg, and others. Occasionally Muller addressed
groups of Lutheran pastors or university students. Muller's dedicated involvement in this
"most blessed work" in the evening of his life brought new impetus to the Brethren movement
in Germany.72 Beginning in 1896 English missionary E. H. Broadbent ministered in
Germany and as a result a number of Brethren leaders renounced the practice of separation
from other churches and several "open" assemblies came into being. Two other influential
Brethren leaders and missionaries in Germany were Jean E. Leonhardt and Julius Rohrbach. 73
The German Brethren had a strong missionary vision. As early as 1894 Julius
Rohrbach was involved in teaching in a Bible Mission School in Berlin. In 1905, at the height
of the Russian persecution of Evangelicals, a group of German aristocrats associated with
Fraulein von Blucher founded in Berlin the Allianz-Bibleschule for home and foreign mission.
The Bible School was focused on the preparation of missionaries and evangelists for Russia
71
See Gerhard Jordy's three volume history of the German Brethren, Die Briiderbewegung in
Deutschland vol. I (Wuppertal: R. Brockhaus Verlag, 1979), 73-80. See also the newer biography Carl
Brockhaus: ein Lebenfur Gott und die Bruder (Wuppertal: R. Brockhaus Verlag, 1994), by Rolf-Edgar Gerlach.
72
F. A. Tatford, That the World May Know: West European Evangel, vol. 8,486-88.
73
F. A. Tatford, That the World May Know: West European Evangel, vol. 8,485-91.
184
and East Europe. The first teachers were Christoph Kohler and Johannes Warns, who later
traveled widely through Eastern Europe. The missionary journal O.fJene Taren (Open Doors)
was begun in 1909. In 1919 the school was transferred to Wiedenest, in West Germany, and
became the teaching center of the renowned Erich Sauer.
74
Government restrictions imposed on the independent churches of Germany
during the Nazi regime led to a forced union of Darbyite, Baptist, and independent Brethren
churches in a Bund, together with some other minor groups.75 According to Tatfrod, the
number of exclusive assemblies in recent times was less than twenty per cent of the number of
76
Open Brethren churches.
Russian Evangelicals
The development of the Brethren movement in Russia shows the remarkable
influence of Brethren missionaries among the Russian aristocracy in major cities, and the
great impact of the movement in a country where the Orthodox Church dominated religion.
The connection between the Brethren and the Baptists in Russia is also quite significant. The
emergence of the Evangelical movements in Russia was enhanced by several interconnected
74
F. A. Tatford, That the World May Know: West European Evangel, vol. 8, 502-504.
Sauer's volumes on biblical theology were prized by Evangelicals in the German-speaking world: The Dawn of
World Redemption, From Eternity to Eternity, The Triumph ofthe Crucified, and King ofthe Earth. Besides
training a large number of German missionaries and Christian workers, Wiedenest Bible School became a
learning place for Russian, Ukrainian, and Romanian students as well.
75
Coad, A History, 194-97. See also Keith Parker, Baptists in Europe: History and
Confessions ofFaith (Nashville: Broadman Press, 1982),56.
76
F. A. Tatford, That the World May Know: West European Evangel, vol. 8, 500.
185
factors: German Pietism, the Russian Bible Society, the Molokan sect, and the Stundist
77
movement.
One center of Brethren faith in Russia emerged in the capital city of
St. Petersburg, under the influence of English nobleman G. A. Waldegrave (1833-1916),
better known as Lord Radstock. He converted to Evangelical faith as a young officer while
serving in the troubled Crimean area. In 1874 Lord Radstock, who shared the principles of
the Open Brethren, preached the gospel in the aristocratic circles of St. Petersburg and
several assemblies were formed.
78
Among the "Lord Apostle's" most important converts
were Count Modest M. Korf, the Tsar's Maitre de la Cour, Count A. P. Bobrinsky, former
Minister ofInterior, and Colonel Pashkov. As a result of the revival, these men built hospitals
and schools on their estates and cheap lodging houses and tea rooms in St. Petersburg and
published millions of religious tracts and pamphlets. Russian writers Leo Tolstoy, F. M.
Dostoievsky, and N. S. Leskov were also familiar with the revival meetings in St. Petersburg
and spoke about Lord Radstock some with delight, others in derision and laughter. 79
77 The Stundist movement (from the German stunde which Pietist circles referred to the
fellowship hour) arose in mid nineteenth century within the context of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church. The
historical roots ofStundism go back to German Pietism and the influence of its founder Jacob Spener. The
German pastor Johannes Bonekemper was a key figure in the revival between 1835-36 brought by the Stundist
movement within the Russian Orthodox Church. After 1870, following the arrest of several Stundist leaders, the
movement was expelled from the Orthodox Church and organized itself into a distinct sect. They did not want
any doctrinal authority other than the Bible, and emphasized baptism and the breaking of the bread. See Hans
Brandenburg, The Meek and the Mighty (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977),46,89.
78 H. Rowdon, "Breaking Down Barriers in Russia: Frederick W. Baedeker," in John
Woodbridge, ed. Ambassadorsfor Christ (Chicago: Moody, 1994),244-47; Parker, Baptists in Europe, 150.
79 In his book Resurrection, Tolstoy relates how the main character visited a revival meeting
in St. Petersburg at the home ofa countess where a certain Englishman named Kiesewetter, spoke about God's
only Son who out of love poured out His blood for us and brought forgiveness of sin. Dostoievsky wrote in his
Diary ofa Writer (1876) that despite Radstock's common speeches, "he performs miracles over human hearts;
people are flocking around him." In Velikosvetski Raskol (The Separation in High Society) Leskov ridiculed
Radstock's dry sermons and limited knowledge of theology, but showed appreciation for his personality and
godly character, which contributed to his success. See the work of the Dutch theologian J. A. Hebly, Protestants
in Russia (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1976),62-64.
186 .
Vasili Aleksandrovich Pashkov (1831-1902}-a wealthy man, former officer in
the imperial guard-became such a zealous and effective leader that the movement was
eventually named "Pashkovism." Pashkov-whom George Muller baptized in 1882 in
St. Petersburg-engaged in distribution of Bibles and evangelistic tracts, organized Sunday
schools, encouraged charitable works showing great generosity, and brought the movement to
ordinary people.
80
Initially they called themselves "Christians According to the Gospel", but
later they chose the name Evangelical Christians, based on Acts 11:26 and Philippians 1:27.
Like the English Brethren, they practiced believer's baptism and rejected
church positions and ecclesiastical organizations, and emphasized the priesthood of all
believers and liberty of ministry.
8
I In 1884 Pashkov sponsored a conference and attempted to
form a union of all the baptizing groups in Russia (Stundists, Baptists, and Evangelical
Christians), but his efforts came to naught. 82 Their association with the Stundists led to fierce
opposition from the Orthodox clergy who put pressure upon Tsar Alexander III and in a short
time Pashcov and Korf were exiled from Russia.
83
The majority of the evangelical leaders
were persecuted, enchained and imprisoned as common criminals, and exiled to Siberia,
Transcaucasia, and other barren confines of the Empire. The effect was similar to the first
80
Hebly, Protestants in Russia, 67-68.
81
Walter Sawatsky, Soviet Evangelicals Since World War Il (Scottdale, PA: Herald, 1981),
34. See also Bunaciu, lstoria Riispindirii, 18.
82 When during the conference the Baptists insisted on the validity of immersion baptism
alone, and refused to partake in the communion service with the paedobaptists, Lord Radstock intervened
promptly asking them to bow on their knees and stressed their unity in Christ. S. Durasoff, The Russian
Protestants (Rutherford, 1969), 45-46.
83 The Over-Procurator of the Holy Synod, Konstantine Petrovich Pobedonostsev who became
known among the Stundists as "the Russian Saul", led the Orthodox opposition. Pashkov and Korfwere exiled
after their refusal to sign a promissory statement in which they would agree to discontinue preaching, abstain
from conducting services, abandon informal prayer, and terminate their fellowship with the Stundists and other
religious societies. Durasoff, The Russian Protestants, 47.
187
days of the church: the movement (which had an underground character up to the Toleration
Act of 1905) gradually continued to spread among the people, reaching the less educated
folk.
84
Friedrich W. Baedeker (1823-1906)--one of Radstock's converts and friends of
German descent-engaged in evangelism throughout Eastern Europe and especially Russia
between 1875 and 1894. With a mandate from the Tsar's officials, he traveled thousands of
miles in several visits, right across Siberia to the Sakhalin Islands, into every comer of Russia,
visiting prisoners, distributing Bibles, and preaching in schools and universities, in prisons
and in royal houses, to poor and rich alike.
85
He usually began his messages with the text
Bog yest lyubov (God is love), which was later written in many Evangelical Christian and
Russian Churches. Tolstoy wrote of him in Resurrection that "he speaks in such a way that
the most hardened criminals sink on their knees, and weep, and repent.,,86 Many Evangelical
prisoners were encouraged, fellow sufferers were won to Christ, and new assemblies were
formed.
A second stream of Russian Evangelicalism centered in the region of
Caucasus, in Southern Russia, among the Molokans (milk drinker).87 Ivan Stepanovich
84
Hebly, Protestants in Russia, 67-70. See also 1. C. Pollock, The Faith ofthe Russian
Evangelicals (New York, 1964),67-71.
85Rowdon, "Breaking Down Barriers in Russia: Frederick W. Baedeker," in Ambassadorsfor
Christ, 244-47. See also E. Heier, Religious Schism in the Russian Aristocracy: 1860-1900 Radstockism and
Pashkovism (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1970); Robert Sloan Latimer, Dr. Baedeker and His Apologetic
Work in Russia (London: Morgan & Scott, 1907).
86Pollock, The Faith, 71-72, Coad, A History, 193. Baedeker received his doctorate in
philosophy at Freiburg University in the 18705.
87The Molokans were historically connected with the British Quakers. Rushbrooke, The
Baptist Movement in the Continent ofEurope. (London: The Carey Press, 1923), 130.
188
Prokhanov (1869-1935) came from a Molokani family that had joined the Baptist movement.
In 1888 he went to S1. Petersburg as a student, started a renewal movement among some
Orthodox Christians, and then joined the Brethren congregation. After study at different
theological colleges in Western Europe, Prokhanov became involved in evangelism,
published periodicals, edited a collection of hymns, and developed congregational life. In
1907, despite all the differences that existed, Prokhanov united the Caucasus movement with
the Evangelical Christians from S1. Petersburg into the Russian Union of Evangelical
Christians. Begun in the salons of S1. Petersburg, the Evangelical Christians grew into a
popular movement, as a reaction against the shortcomings of the State Church. In 1944 the
Evangelical Christians were imposed by the Stalinist regime to unite with the Baptists, and
Prokhanov became the most characteristic and influential figure among Russian
1
1 88
evange ica s.
88
Hebly, Protestants in Russia, 70-73; Durasoff, The Russian Protestants, 50-60;
Rushbrooke, Baptists in Europe, 137-43; Despite the fact that Prokhanov functioned as vice-president of the
Baptist World Alliance (elected in 1911), he was in sharp disagreement with the Russian Baptist leaders.
McBeth, The Baptist Heritage, 492, 810.
189
Romanian
Orthodoxy
Berney, Buhrer, Perret
Crestini dupa Evanghelie
19th Century
Revivalism
F. Stuckemann
E. Sauer
Figure 6. The Origins ofthe Romanian Brethren.
Romanian Beginnings: 1889-1918
An early Brethren influence in the second part of the nineteenth century took
place through the distribution of biblical literature in Transylvania, Wallachia, and Moldavia.
Since the 1870s, German and Swiss missionaries or distributors of the British Bible Society
traveled to Transylvanian cities (such as Cisnadie) and formed family gatherings for the study
of the Scripture.
89
There is evidence of an early Brethren-type group established at Ploiesti
about 1882. In 1893, Israel I. Aschkenasi, who traveled extensively throughout Eastern
Europe to propagate Christ among the Jews, came also to Moldavia accompanied by his
89
For the study of this section, beside the English, Swiss, and German sources consisting
primarily of reports from missionary periodicals, I relied heavily on the unpublished manuscript of Gheorghe
Oprea and Marin Ionescu, two of the early Brethren who knew the first Swiss and German missionaries and were
personally involved in the development of the Romanian Brethren movement Gheorghe Oprea-Teodorescu and
Marin Ionescu. Istoricul Adundrilor Crestine dupa din Romania: Perioada J899- J945 (Unpublished, 1994), 18.
f90
brother Charles, and spread the gospel at Iasi, Bacau, and in other cities, as well as in
90
Bucharest.
The initiator of the Brethren movement in the Romanian Kingdom was the
English missionary Edmund Hamer Broadbent (1861-1945). Born in Manchester in 1861,
Broadbent was a follower of the biblical principles of Groves and MUller, and can be regarded
as a missionary of Eastern Europe following in the steps ofF. W. Baedeker. He had a small
farm in Suffolk, which contributed support for his family of eight children. In 1896 he left his
secular calling for the work of the Gospel and traveled with his wife to Stuttgart, where
George MUller had started a church in 1835. Master of German and French and filled with
the desire to spread the message of the gospel he gave fifty years of his life to missionary
work. He worked as a pioneer, establishing new churches in regions where there was no
1
I' 91
evange tea WItness.
As the associate editor of Echoes ofService, Broadbent sent periodical reports
of his missionary activity.92 In 1931 he published The Pilgrim Church tracing the history of
90
Fredk A. Tatford, That the World May Know: Red Glow over Eastern Europe vol. 9, (Bath:
Echoes of Service, 1986), 149.
91 George Lang, Edmund Hamer Broadbent: Saint and Pioneer: Recollections and Reflections
(London: The Paternoster Press, 1946), 10-13. According to Lang, Broadbent's call was more in the direction of
quiet and personal work, and short periods of Bible courses and Bible studies. With diplomatic abilities and a
pastoral heart, Broadbent often encouraged lonely and persecuted missionaries and Bible distributors wherever
opportunity offered. See also the section describing Broadbent's contribution as an associate editor of Echoes of
Service in W. T. Stunt, et aI., Turning the World Upside Down: A Century ofMissionary Endeavour, 63-65.
92 His opposition to transforming Echoes ofService into a missionary organization, led to
disagreements with its leaders (William E. Vine and William R. Lewis) and his dismissal in 1928. W. T. Stunt,
et aI., Turning the World Upside Down, 64. See also G. H. Lang, The Local Assembly, 61. See W. E. Vine in
the December 1928 issue of Echoes ofService.
191
gathered churches up to those of the British Brethren.
93
Having a different understanding
than what dispensationalists proposed, Broadbent maintained in his book that throughout the
history of the Church there were groups of Christians who have either kept to the teachings
and pattern of the New Testament, or have returned to those Scriptures as to a sure and
bidi id 94
a 1 mg gur e.
The Work of Pioneer Missionaries
When Broadbent arrived in Bucharest in 1899, he became familiar with the
German Baptist church in the city,95 but realized with sadness that there was no Romanian
congregation of an Evangelical nature.
96
In this context, Broadbent knelt in the center of the
city and prayed with fervor that the Lord would raise up men of varied gifts: evangelists,
teachers and shepherds, who would come to Romania as voluntary missionaries.
Accordingly, he made a warm appeal through an article written in a Swiss missionary
magazine, describing the great need for the gospel in Romania.
97
His main contribution for
93 E. H. Broadbent, The Pilgrim Church (London: Pickering and Inglis, Ltd., 1974),2. See
also Coad, A History, 91 and N. Noel, The History ofthe Brethren, 269.
94
E. H. Broadbent, The Pilgrim Church, 379.
95It appears that another Christian gathering was already present in the Tei quarter in
Bucharest, with Marcu Petre responsible for the ministry of preaching (in the Hungarian language). Tatford,
That the World, vol. 9, 149.
96
Ernst Nikesch, Die Deutschen Briidergemeinden in Rumanien: Ihre arfange in der
Dobrudscha und in Siebenbiirgen [The German Brethren Assemblies in Romania] (Seidel, 2000), 174. The
work is based mainly on the records found in OfJene Turen, the publication ofthe Missionshauses Bibleschule
Wiedenest. Oprea places this event in 1899. Oprea, Istoricul Adundrilor, 8.
97
Oprea, Istoricul Adunarilor, 8. Lang, Broadbent, 10-13. Lang mentions that besides being
the associate editor for Echoes ofService, Broadbent also worked as a governor of the British and Foreign Bible
Society from London.
192
the Romanian Brethren movement was that of a visionary and initiator, as well as coordinator
as he visited the country on a regular basis.
An answer to his prayers came in September 1899, when Swiss missionary
Francis Berney (1869-1939) arrived in Bucharest accompanied by his wife Madeleine, and his
associate Charles Aubert (and Marc Muller), all of them connected with the Swiss Freres
Larges.
98
If Broadbent can be considered the visionary and initiator, Berney became the
pioneer of the Brethren movement among Romanians. Berney was a schoolmaster born in
1869 in Vaud. He and Aubert worked for a time as missionaries amongst the Jews ofNorth
Africa, teaching for the London Jews Society in Tunis.
99
On the Sunday of October 1st 1899, Berney and his associates organized in
Bucharest the first of their reunions evangeliques francaises for prayer and preaching of the
Gospel in the French language. This is considered to be the first Brethren gathering in the
Romanian Kingdom attended by several persons. 100 For the first two years the preaching and
the discussions were in French. These first gatherings were more like a family meeting, in
which the sermon was followed by discussions and a snack with tea and sandwiches. By the
end of 1901, after the conversion and water baptism of five persons, the services started to be
98
Oprea, Istoricul Adundrilor, 8; Ernst Nikesch, Die Deutschen Brudergemeinden, 175-86.
See also the article in Crestinul (Fall 1939).
99
Fredk A. Tatford, That the World, vol. 9, 149-50, and Tatford, That the World May Know:
West European Evangel, vol. 8 (Bath: Echoes of Service, 1985),457.
100 David mentions Mr. Negruzzi and Mrs. Brailoiu as two of the well-known exponents of
Bucharest's "bonjurist" society of the beginning of the century who attended the first meetings of the Brethren.
See P. 1. David, Invazia Sectelor, 157.
193
held in the Romanian language. 1
01
This event constituted the birth of the first Romanian
Brethren congregation in a time when the only Evangelical Christians in the Old Kingdom
were German Baptists.
Francis Berney was a gifted teacher, linguist, and organizer. He published
several journals such as the early La Reunion des Croyants pour Ie Culte, followed by Buna-
Vestire (Good News) in 1908.
102
He also compiled a hymnbook and organized the first Bible
courses for Romanian preachers. Like the Apostle Paul in the first century, Berney set the
foundation ofthe Brethren movement in Romania.
The Swiss group of missionaries in Romania expanded through the work of
other missionaries (such as Charles Aubert and his wife Marie Guye) who had been initially
involved in tract distribution and visits to hospitals in Bucharest, and Campina. In 1901 they
started to minister in Constanta and Cernavoda, in Dobrogea, where some evangelistic work
had already been done through the initiative of Frederick Baedeker, who came from
Russia.
103
While Berney and Aubert strengthened the witness of the gospel in the cities,
influenced by Broadbent, German Herman Koenig toured the German villages of Dobrogea.
10
1
Oprea, /storicul Adunarilor, 8-10. Popovici states that in 190 I when the two Baptist
brothers, Nicolae and Radu Tasca from the Arad County came to Bucharest to look for better jobs, they initially
found the small Brethren assembly. Filled with missionary zeal, they attended the gatherings of Berney, but
after a short period of time they joined the German Baptist church in Popa Rusu Street. In 1902, the Tasca
brothers moved to Cernavoda, to work at the new bridge erected by King Charles over Danube. Popovici,
/storia Baptistilor, vol. 1, 111-12, 117. See also Bunaciu, /storia Rdsptndirii, 24-25.
102
Tatford, That the World, vol. 9, 151. It appears that Berney and the first Brethren were
supported by a believing princess ofthe Royal Family.
103
Tatford, That the World, vol. 9, 153-54.
194
Meanwhile, Madeleine and Sarah Berney and the other women engaged in Sunday school
work and took the gospel to several hospitals of the capital. I 04
At the same time, the Berneys initiated a ministry among the German
population in Bucharest and especially in Southern Transylvania. The majority of Saxons
from Transylvania were Protestant preserving a traditional admiration for Luther. However,
to the astonishment of the Brethren missionaries, the ancient Schwarzkirche (Black Church) in
Brasov, which could hold several thousand worshippers, was practically empty on
Sundays. lOS The ministry among the Germans developed after the arrival of Paula Hoffman
from Germany in 1903, with the help of Sarah Berney and Henrietta A. Eoll, the daughter of a
Swedish missionary to Egypt and Germany. Their evangelistic methods in smaller towns
involved distribution of tracts to every house. In 1905 Paula Hoffman moved to Galati, while
Henrietta Eol and Sarah Berney went to Zarnesti and Codlea where they opened Sunday
Schools for the Saxon children of the town. Later the group of missionaries moved to Brasov
where large numbers of people expressed their interest in the gospel. This initiative became
the groundwork for the first Brethren assemblies among Transylvanian Saxons. 106
Beginning in 1904, Francis Berney was warned by the Minister of Education
that he would be expelled from the country unless he discontinued his religious activities,
which were considered to be "contrary to the Orthodox religion." In July 1909, as a result of
the machinations of the Orthodox Church, he was accused of "religious propaganda" and
expelled from the country by an order of the Council of Ministers of State as one whose
104 Tatford, That the World, vol. 9, 150-54. Because of Marie's severe illness the Auberts
returned to Switzerland in 1903, where she died after about one year. Charles married Emilie Bovay in 1907, and
eventually became the editor of the Swiss magazine Semailles et Moisson.
105
F. A. Tatford, That the World, vol. 9, 103.
106
Oprea, Istoricul Adundrilor, 18.
195
presence was "dangerous to public order and security.,,107 Other foreign missionaries were
forced out of the country as well, and the small groups of native Brethren experienced a time
of crisis.
Two other significant persons among the Brethren pioneers were Jean Buhrer
and Paul Perret. The Swiss architect Jean (Johann) Buhrer (1880-1964) belonged to the
FreresLarges assemblies in Switzerland. He joined the missionary work in Bucharest in
1902,108 learned the Romanian language, and collaborated with Broadbent and Berney
working in Bucharest, Dobrogea, and around Brasov (including Codlea, Sercaia, and Soars).
In 1909 Buhrer married the German missionary Elisabeth Genteh and three years later the
Biihrers moved to Ploiesti where they lived and worked for 40 years. He contributed both to
the spiritual enrichment of the believers by editing doctrinal materials and hymnbooks, and to
the construction of several church buildings around the country. 109
Paul Perret (1895-1961) from Vaud who married Zelie Berney, settled down at
Brasov in 1922 and later moved in the Romanian capital. Perret renounced a promising
business career to work for twenty years in the ministry of the gospel in Romania. A man of
vast culture, Perret, became the ideal replacement of Berney, as he closely resembled his
father-in-law in his natural abilities for music and in his extraordinary linguistic endowments.
He cultivated the work started by his forerunners. He became responsible with the theological
training in Bucharest, published numerous doctrinal articles, and visited regularly the
107 Tatford, That the World, vol. 9, 151-52; Oprea, lstoricul Adunarilor. II, and Nikesch, Die
Deutschen Brudergemeinden, 180. Another decree of the Romanian government banished Hermann Koenig
from Romania in 1915.
108
Nikesch, Die Deutschen Briidergemeinden, 187-94. OfJene Titren (May 1917),40.
109
Oprea, lstoricul Adunarilor, 16. Tatford, That the World, vol. 9, 105. See also OfJene
Turen (Feb. 1913),16.
196
churches throughout the country encouraging an'd strengthening the believers. I 10 In 1927
Zelie died following the birth of a daughter Ruth, but Paul was able to continue his ministry
for the gospel. After 1943, when he was forced to leave the country, Perret taught Old
Testament at Institute Biblique Emmaus in St-Legier, Switzerland. Good friends and team-
workers, Broadbent, Berney, and Perret formed the missionary triad used by God in bringing
the light of salvation in many places ofthe Romanian Kingdom. III
First Romanian Brethren
After Berney's departure the church in Bucharest had a period of
reorganization and training of new preachers. Ion Petrescu-a butcher who gained a good
knowledge of the Word of God and was filled with enthusiasm for the Lord-initially assumed
the responsibility for the work in the Bucharest assembly. I 12 After his conversion he
advertised his shop with he words La Miicelarul Credincios, and therefore became known in
the neighborhood as ''the godly Christian butcher." I 13
A more important role in the early development of the Brethren movement was
played by Grigore Fotino Constantinescu (1890-1976), the son of an army officer led to Christ
as a young man by the efforts of the Berneys in 1908. At Berney's initiative, ten years later
Constantinescu went for biblical studies in Switzerland, becoming the first Romanian born
110 . _ .
Oprea, Istoricul Adunarilor, 31-34, and Tatford, That the World, vol. 9, 108-109.
III
Lang, Broadbent, 58.
112 Oprea, Istoricul Adunarilor, II. Among the first Romanian Brethren in Bucharest were
Vasile Ionescu, Gheorghe Motoi, Nicolae Drll.goi, and Gheorghe Giuvelea. P. I. David, Invazia Sectelor, 158.
II3
OfJene Turen (Dec. 1910), 14-17.
197
Brethren "pastor." I 14 After his return, he soon trained a group of young men for evangelistic
and pastoral work, and within a short time two more churches were founded in Bucharest.
The son of an army officer, Constantinescu demonstrated noticeable leadership abilities and in
a short time was regarded as "chief preacher." Following World War I Constantinescu had a
major contribution in the formation of Christian groups in Moldavia, Bucovina, and
Bessarabia in places where the gospel had never before penetrated. In 1922 Grigore married
Swiss missionary Henrietta Eoll who proved to be a suitable partner for missionary work. I 15
From 1907, Gheorghe Giuvelea carried out an extended work among the
Brethren from the city of Ploiesti, proving to be a good teacher and shepherd. He and Jean
Buhrer contributed financially to the erection of a large assembly building in Ploiesti. As a
representative of the Brethren Assemblies Delegation, Giuvelea was helped by Paul Perret in
the writing of the 1924 Short Statement of Faith (Memoriu sau Scurta Expunere a Adunarilor
Noastre), requested by the Minister of Religion for the recognition process. 116
In 1916 when David Teodorescu visited the church in Bucharest (on Pallade
67) there were about 25 persons attending the meetings. After the message shared by Ilie
Georgescu, the young man decided to follow God in this new way. I 17 Soon after, Teodorescu
became a Brethren pioneer in different Moldavian regions.
114
Oprea, lstorieul Adunarilor, 29.
us Fredk A. Tatford, That the World, vol. 9 (Bath: Echoes of Service, 1986), 149, 155; P. I.
David, lnvazia Seetelor, 158-59.
116
Oprea, lstoricul Adunarilor, 17.
117
Oprea, lstoricul Adunarilor, 13.
198
The Development of Romanian Brethren
Prior to 1948
Publications
Berney's linguistic abilities were very valuable in spreading the good news of
the gospel among Romanians. Besides thousands of tracts posted all over Romania, he
produced in 1908 the first issue of Buna-Vestire (Good News), a monthly paper intended "to
spread and extend moral instruction to the people ... to cultivate the heart, awake the
conscience, and form people's character" through the Holy Scripture. I 18 Focused on biblical
teaching, Buna-Vestire was the only periodical of its kind published in the country.119 Over
the years, Berney became a master of Romanian style, both literary and rhetorical. After the
war Constantinescu edited Buna-Vestire in Iasi, Berney and Jean Buhrer edited the first
Romanian hymnbook Buna-Vestire, a compilation of 100 hymns with words and music. 120
In 1910, Florea Moisescu, a godly cantor (dasciil) of an Orthodox church in
Bucharest, visited Berney's assembly. He was very impressed with the breaking ofthe bread,
practiced as the New Testament described. Once he determined to read the Bible more
carefully, Moisescu started to notice the discrepancies between the teaching of the Scripture
and his old popular traditions. Soon after, he accepted the doctrine of the Brethren and joined
the church in the capital. 121 Encouraged and supported by Berney, Moisescu studied for a
year in a Bible school in Switzerland. Between 1928 and 1941, he and Gheorghe Oprea
118 Buna- Vestire I (March, 1908), I. The paper was filled with biblical quotations from the
Romanian version of the Bible issued in 1856.
119
Tatford, That the World, vol. 9, 150-51. Oprea, 10.
120
Oprea, lstoricul Adunarilor, 16.
121
Oprea, lstoricul Adundrilor, 12.
199
published the two Brethren publications: the evangelistic journal Via/a si Lumina (Life and
Light), and the doctrinal and devotional periodical Crestinul (The Christian). Florea
Moisescu became a pillar among the Romanian Brethren. 122
Early publications were produced during the war by the Transylvanian
Germans. In 1919 a group of German brothers from the area of Sibiu opened the Betel
Christian bookstore in Cisnadie, and issued the weekly paper Der Evanghelist in
Siebenburgen (The Evangelist in Ardeal) later renamed Der Evanghelist in Gross Rumanien
(The Evangelist in Greater Romania). 123
Leadership and Biblical Education
Among the distinctive teachings of the Brethren that were transmitted to the
Romanian assemblies is the priesthood of all believers. Because of this teaching, the Brethren
have no pastor or paid clergy, but depend for their leadership upon the shared ministry of
gifted men called by the Holy Spirit. Although the Brethren rely on the work and inspiration
of the Holy Spirit, they realize the need for biblical and theological education. Most churches
sent one or two workers to participate in an annual weekend-long Bible Conference. There
were also periodical regional conferences and Bible studies organized and led by the major
churches in each province.
Francis Berney initiated the first Bible course in 1910. After their expulsion
from Romania and a short stay in Switzerland, the Bemeys settled at Rusciuk (Ruse), in
Bulgaria, across the Danube, from where he maintained close contact with the work of the
122
Oprea, Istoricul Adunarilor, 30-31.
123 Cuciuc, Atlasul Religiilor, 62.
200
newly formed Romanian churches (and with Madeleine Berney who was permitted to return
to Bucharest). While in Rusciuk, he continued the work of translating and publishing tracts
for use in Romania. In the summer of 1910, Berney organized at Rusciuk a twenty-five day
Bible course, for the training of Romanian leaders and workers. 124
Annual Bible conferences organized by the German Brethren took place in
Rasnov in 1911, 1912, 1914, under the teaching of Dr. Schimert and Johann Schlosser and
occasionally Broadbent and Berney. 125 After 1920, annual Bible conferences were held in
Sibiu and Cisnadie, with Viktor Kolle and Fritz Stuckemann as main speakers. Among the
Romanian participants there were loan Giurea, Mocanu, Gheorghe Giuvelea, Mardare,
Dumitru Priscu, Ciortan, and Ilie Hamaliuc.
126
Hundreds of Brethren believers participated
in the 1924 national conference that took place in Bucharest. Other conferences and Bible
courses took place in Ploiesti during 1929, 1933, and in Medias in 1930.
The connection with the German Brethren facilitated extended partnership in
theological education with the leadership of Wiedenest Bible School. In 1927, when the
Bible conference took place in Sibiu, Erick Sauer, the director of Wiedenest Bible School also
124
Tatford, That the World, vol. 9, 151-52. Oprea, lstoricul Adundrilor, 11,23. See also
Nikesch, Die Deutschen Briidergemeinden, 180, and Offene Turen (Feb. 1910),5-6. Ion Petrescu, Florea
Moisescu, Stan Segerceanu and David Teodorescu were among the participants to the course in Rusciuk.
Nikesch, Die Deutschen Briidergemeinden, 2012. Berney wrote a detailed report of the events published in
Offene Taren (Dec. 1910), 14-17.
125
Nikesch, Die Deutschen Briidergemeinden, 54-62. Broadbent gave reports of the
missionary activity in Offene Tiiren (Jan. 1913),8-12 and Offene Turen (Feb. 1913),8.
126
Nikesch, Die Deutschen Briidergemeinden, 93.
201
participated.
127
Later on, Johann Warns became involved in the teaching of the short-term
B
' bl 128
1 e courses.
Several Brethren leaders from Bucharest and Ploiesti that had studied abroad
had a significant influence in the development of the Brethren movement. 129 Other examples
of internally educated ministers were two former Orthodox priests-Alexandru Panaitescu and
Nicolae Tonoiu-educated at the Theological Seminary in Bucharest and converted to Brethren
principles in the late 1920s.
130
In 1936 a general conference ofthe Brethren Assemblies took place in a newly
erected building at Siret, in Bucovina. Among the main speakers were Alexandru Panaitescu,
Florea Moisescu, Ilie Georgescu, Teodor Schipor, and Hie Hamaliuc. After 1936, Siret
became the customary host for the annual Brethren conferences and Bible studies.
131
Relationship with the Government
Although the constitution of Romania granted liberty of religion to all citizens,
the government imposed certain restrictions. Most restrictions were achieved subtly by
administrative means rather than by force of law. After 1919 every evangelist was required to
obtain state licensure to preach, and gatherings were permitted only in certain buildings
127
Nikesch, Die Deutschen Brudergemeinden, 155.
128 h . . C /(
See t e article In restinu 1937)
129 At Berney's initiative Grigore Constantinescu and Florea Moisescu from Bucharest, and
Dumitru Tita from Craiova studied in a missionary Bible school in Switzerland, while loan Giurea from Ploiesti
and Dumitru Priscu from Brasov were trained at Wiedenest Bible School, in Germany.
130 Panaitescu and Tonoiu were converted through the work of Fr. Teodor Popescu during
their studies in Bucharest.
131
Oprea, /storicu/ Adunarilor, 64.
202
specified by the Minister of Religion, making house gatherings illegal. A license was issued
only when fifty (and at times 100) heads of houses joined in a petition for a license. This
meant that the existence of churches in small towns and villages was almost impossible. To
the early Brethren it seemed that accepting the implementation of licenses and the union of
churches, would concede the whole principle of religious liberty, since the state was assuming
the right to rule over the work of the gospel and control the churches. 132
A Short Statement of Faith (Memoriu sau Scurta Expunere a Doctrinei
Crestilor dupa Evanghelie) compiled by Giuvelea, Buhrer and Perret in 1924 was handed
over to the Minister of Religion for the recognition of the Brethren assemblies as religious
associations, which was not granted at that time (by Minister V. Ispir).133 With the
reinstallation of Alexandru Lapedatu as Minister of Religion in 1927, a new law for the
regulation of all religious denominations (cults) was issued. The law recorded the historical
cults and stipulated that in order to receive recognition all new religious groups were required
to submit their statute and confession of faith and to fulfill a series of other conditions related
to number of members, education of the leaders, etc. 134
In a period of restrictions and prohibitions of most religious sects, in the early
1930s the Minister of Religion (Cults) and Arts requested the Brethren to complete their
organizational procedures and to appoint some representative with whom the Government
132
Lang, Broadbent, 30.
133
Oprea, Istoricul Aduniirilor, 17.
134 The Law was published in Monitorul Oficial89 (1928). The historical cults (churches)
are: the Orthodox, Roman-Catholic, Reformed, Evangelic-Lutheran, Unite, Armeano-Gregorian, and the Mozaic
cult. In order to receive recognition all new religious groups were required to submit their statute and confession
of faith.
203
could treat concerning recognition.
135
Through Decision 114119/1933 the Minister of Justice
and the Minister of Religion and Arts authorized the functioning of the religious association
Adunarile Crestine dupa Evanghelie (The Christian Assemblies according to the Gospel),
officially represented by a group of delegates led by Alexandru Panaitescu (elected by a
General Conference). The decision stipulated the obligation of each religious association and
its preachers to have written authorization, restricted the religious activities to the location of
the church, and required every six months the figures of membership and new converts. 136
Political instability resulted in the establishment of the Royal Dictatorship in
early 1938 and the appointment of Miron Cristea as prime minister. In this context the
activity of most religious associations was rigorously restricted. In Apri11937, Decision 4781
banned most sects and religious associations (including the Baptists), while allowing the
Brethren and the Adventists to continue their activity until May 1938.
137
The requirement of
the new Decision 26208/1938 that every authorized church should have at least 100 (later
reduced to 50) families, besides other imposed restrictions, was practically impossible to be
135
Oprea, Istoricul Adundrilor, 70.
136 Decision 11411911933 issued under the mandate of Dimitrie Gusti and Petre Andrei
stipulated in Art 2 the three recognized religious associations: the Baptists, the Seventh Day Adventists, and the
Crestini dupii Evanghelie. The decision was published in Monitorul Oficia/193 (24 Aug, 1933).
137 The New Decision of the Minister of Cults and Arts published Monitorul Ojicial and
reprinted in Farul Crestin 9 (I May, 1937), I, 12. See Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor vol. 2,412.
204
satisfied.
138
By the end of 1938 most of the prayer halls were closed and sealed and many
preachers were assaulted and arrested with a brief period of relief in the spring of 1939.
139
Following the institution of Antonescu's fascist regime, in September 1940 all
religious associations were outlawed and all their properties were confiscated. Reinforced in
1942 through the Decree 972 the decision outlawed all Neo-Protestant associations. 140 In his
report to justify the decision Minister of Culture and Religion Minister Ion Petrovici claimed
that the Neo-Protestants constituted a continuous threat not only for the dominant church, but
also for national unity. He insisted that, "the Baptists, the Adventists and the Crestini dupa
Evanghelie are of foreign origins, transplanted in our country through actions of proselytism
developed at international level by those whose aim is the obliteration of our national
unity." 14I The period of prohibition and suffering lasted until August 1944 and reached its
climax in Moldavia and Bucovina.
After August 1944 the Brethren regained their rights and liberties and received
back their meeting halls. During the initial period of transition and reorganization the
Minister of Religion enforced the requirement of all churches to unite in a federation of
churches, with a President, Secretary, Committees, and the usual organization. This plan
designed by the communist regime in order to gain easy control over the churches eventually
138 The New Decision 26208 signed by Bishop Nicolae Colan was published in Monitorul
Oficiall33 (14 June, 1938) and reprinted as "Noua Decizie Ministeriala,' in Farul Crestin 25 (25 Jun, 1938), I.
139 The order No. 26003/1939 issued by the Minister of Internal Affairs and signed by Eugen
Bianu stated vaguely that the prayer halls with a "significant" number of members should be reopened.
140 Decision 42352/1940 signed by Minister Radu Budisteanu was published in Monitorul
Oficial216 (17 Sep, 1940),5438. The prohibition was reinforced by Antonescu two years later through the
decree 927/1942 and 10092/1942 (20 Feb 1942).
141 Petrovici's report 6858011942 was published in Monitorul Oficial305 (30 Dec, 1942).
205
had to be accepted by the Brethren leadership. Through the Decree 883 issued in November
1946, the Brethren were officially recognized by the Minister of Religion as a legal religious
denomination (cult) led by Uniunea Cultului Crestin dupa Evanghelie (The Union of the
Christians According to the Gospel), having the same status as other official
denominations.Y" Decree 120311950passed the Statute of the Brethren (Statutul Cultului
Crestin dupii Evanghelie), regulating the organization and functioning of local communities,
and of the Brethren Union and their relationship with the state. The Department of Cults (i.e.
religious affairs) was charged with overseeing the activities of religious groups.
Hostility and Persecution
Until 1919, despite the constitutional laws that guaranteed freedom of worship,
the Brethren faced serious discriminations, enhanced by the accomodation between the
Orthodox Church and the state. Military commanders, prefects, and gendarmes assaulted,
imprisoned, fined preachers and worshippers, closed chapels, seized properties, and
persecuted in the schools the children from Neo-Protestant families. However, despite
persecution the faith of the first Brethren spread in central Wallachia and southern
Transylvania.
In most cases, the opposition was initiated and sustained by the Orthodox
Church with the assistance ofthe local administration. From the beginning ofthe Swiss
missionary work, the Orthodox clergy opposed it vehemently and accused Francis Berney of
proselytism, labeling his activities as "contrary to the Orthodox religion." The Orthodox
schemes succeeded in 1909 when Berney was accused of "religious propaganda" and forced
out of the country by governmental order as one whose presence was "dangerous to public
142
Oprea, Istoricu/ Adundrilor, 1, 72.
206
order and security." Another decree of the Romanian government expelled Hermann Koenig
from the country in 1915.
143
According to the records kept by Echoes ofService, in 1907 when the Swiss
missionaries commenced the work around the city of Brasov, a leading newspaper
complained about the appearance of the sect of Pocaiti (the "Converted," or "Repenters"),
The local priest attributed the bad weather to God's anger against the sectarians, which could
only be quieted down by a mass pilgrimage to a mountaintop, upon which stood a cross. A
large crowd of faithful responded to his call, climbing the mountain on foot while the priest
went on horseback. About the same period, Frederick Butcher who helped expand the
missionary work in Rasnov was summoned before the chiefjustice of Brasov, but after
answering to the accusations and complaints ofthe local priests he was permitted to continue
. .. h 144
vismng t e country.
In 1908, Johann and Mary Schlosser who formed a cluster of Evangelical
believers in Victoria had to face the hostility of the local priests. On one occasion a group of
men dressed in national costume threatened to expel them from the town by force, but the
senior local judge protected them. The fury of their enemies turned on the local believers,
breaking their windows and killing two children. The opposition to the evangelistic work
increased to such extent that the local clergy requested the Minister of the Interior to banish
143
Tatford, That the World, vol. 9, 151-52. Oprea, Istoricul Aduniirilor, 11. Nikesch, Die
Deutschen Briidergemeinden, 180. A leading newspaper Adevarul de Dimineata published grossly inaccurate
articles about Berney based on anonymous letters denouncing the assembly meetings and Bible classes.
144
Tatford, That the World, vol. 9, 103-104.
207
the "foreign missionaries." However, the ministry of the Brethren missionaries prospered and
the attitude of the people in the district of Victoria changed remarkably over the years. 145
The relationship the Evangelicals developed with Western Christians (and the
receiving of financial help) led to the accusation that they represented a foreign religion and a
foreign power. In the mid 1910s after Buhrer joined the assembly in Ploiesti, increasing
opposition against the Evangelical believers resulted in the plundering of the meeting-room.
Although the action was reported to the police and the German consulate, little was done.
Eventually two individuals responsible for the robbery were tried and fined by the city
procurator, while the main instigator of the opposition strangely died. 146
loan Severa, the chief of the Amnas gendarmerie (a village east of Sibiu), was
an honest but harsh man who often persecuted the Baptists and the Brethren. His life was
changed in 1922 after his wife's conversion to the new faith. Persuaded by the beauty of her
life and character, Severa experienced a spiritual rebirth and became a brother of the
persecuted, losing his job for his religious convictions. Many were converted through his
work and testimony for the gospel of Christ. In a short period of time, loan Severa became
known as the "Apostle Paul" of the Brethren in the Sibiu area. 147
After the formation of Greater Romania there were numerous other cases of
persecution, fines, arrests, physical violence, and trials that the first Brethren had to endure for
their faith. One well-known case occurred in 1927 in Gauriciu, a village south of Bucharest,
145 Tatford, That the World, vol. 9, 105-106. The fierce opposition of Johann Fretschkes, a
principal ecclesiastic who opposed the assembly missionaries, was recorded in a Hungarian State newspaper.
146
Tatford, That the World, vol. 9, 154-55.
147
Oprea, Istoricul Adundrilor, 45-46.
208
when a group of people dared to read the Scripture and pray in the privacy of their home.
Under the directive of the Orthodox priest, a band of village hooligans entered the house and
had Florea Moisescu and Costea Fitu severely beaten. The two Brethren believers eventually
escaped through the window. After the violent encounter, Moisescu was left with severe head
injuries, while Fitu was unable to walk for two weeks due to his multiple body wounds. In
spite of this harsh opposition-or maybe because of it-the testimony of the gospel went
aflame, as in the days of the apostles. God's love and the light of salvation through faith in
Christ Jesus extended to many neighboring villages. 148 Another circumstance of severe
persecution was the case of the powerful preacher and evangelist Dumitru Tita from Craiova.
Arrested for open air preaching in 1928, Tita was severely beaten and transferred in chains
f darmerie stati h 149
rom one gen armene station to anot er.
The climax of the persecutions took place between 1942 and 1944, when all
types of Evangelical meeting was banned. Through a decision issued in September 1940 all
religious associations were outlawed and all their properties were to be confiscated. 150 Their
churches and meeting halls were transformed into dorms, storerooms or stables. In addition, a
significant number of believers were sued by the Military Law Courts and harshly
condemned; many died in jails. Antonescu's fascist regime designed in 1942 a plan for
deportation of all Neo-Protestants in Bug in Transnistria (a district east of Bessarabia
148
Oprea, Istoricul Adundrilor, 40-41.
149
Oprea, Istoricul Adundrilor, 59.
150 Decision 42352/1940 published in Monitorul Ojicial216 (17 Sep, 1940),5438.
209
conquered by Romania from the Soviet Union and occupied in the years 1941-1944) in the
151
same manner as happened for the Jews.
The position of the Orthodox Church toward the Brethren was critical and
hostile, as illustrated in a number of publications issued after 1920.
152
Most writings have an
attitude of disdain and contain numerous inaccuracies. Obviously uninformed, P. David
repeatedly identifies the Crestini dupa Evanghelie (and the British Plymouth Brethren) with
h P
" 153
t e ietists.
Relationship with other Christian Denominations
The Brethren worked in partnership with the Baptists to bring to many the
message of salvation. 154 There were also occasional transitions of members from one group
to another. The first case, which proved to be of importance in subsequent Baptist history,
took place in 1910. Recently baptized in the Brethren church in Bucharest, loan Branea
became very active in witnessing his new faith. After a disagreement with the presbyters
151 Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor vol. 2, 445-46, according to the Order 10892 issued in June
1942 by the prefect of the Muscel district, Teodor Nicolau. The deportation project was designed by General
Vasiliu with the support of Archbishop Veniamin Pocitan, but due to the unfavorable development of the war
Antonescu hesitated to sign it.
152
Grigorie Comsa, Sectele Religioase din Romania (Bucuresti, 1924); A. N. Constantinescu,
Sectologie 3d ed. (Bucuresti, 1943),41-43; E. Mantunea, CO$ Contemporan at Ereziilor (Atena, 1985),98-108;
P. Deheleanu, Sectologie (Arad, 1948), 57-66; A. C. Cosma and C. Popescu, Sectele din Romania (Adjud,
1933); E. Capitan, Oglinda Pocditilor (Arad, 1930); "Pocaitismul in Bucovina," in Revista Teologicii 4 (1923),
136-37; P. 1. David, Invazia Sectelor (Bucuresti: Editura Crist-I, 1997); P. 1. David, Calauza Crestind:
Sectologie (Ed. Episcopiei Argesului, 1994), 165-71.
153 P. David, lnvazia Sectelor, 65-88. There are other Brethren denominations and groups
without any connection with the Plymouth Brethren. The best known are the German Brethren (or Dunkers),
authentic Pietists, and the descendants of early German Protestants. A major source for the history ofthese
groups is Carl F. Bowman, Brethren Society: The Cultural Transformation ofa "Peculiar People." (Baltimore:
The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995).
154
Viato si Lumina 11 (Nov. 1936), 16.
210
(especially Ionescu) concerning his qualification for evangelistic work, Branea left the church.
Five others joined him after a short period, and in 1912 they established a Baptist church
under the leadership of Constantin Adorian, a recent graduate of the seminary in Hamburg. 155
In the 1920s there were several cases of Baptists from Transylvania and Banat
who disagreed with the organizational practices and form of leadership of the Baptists and
formed Brethren type congregations named "free Baptist Christian assemblies" (Adunarile
Crestine Baptiste/Evanghelice Libere). A group of Hungarian believers from Cluj left the
Baptist church in 1930 and formed a congregation of "free Baptists." After four years, they
merged with the Crestini dupii Evanghelie in order to obtain legal authorization. 156
There were also cases of fusion among different evangelical groupings and
transfers of membership. The first one took place in 1902, when Marcu Petre left for
. d h' a T'" d Bernev' . 157
America, an IS group rrom er, joine erney s congregation,
A significant union among the Romanian evangelical bodies took place in the
late 1930s, when the movement led by the former Othodox priest Tudor Popescu sought
official recognition as a religious association under the name Crestini dupa Scriptura
(Christians According to the Scripture). The Minister of Religion denied their request
because they did not have the required membership. Since the doctrine of Popescu's
followers was not essentially different than what the Romanian Brethren believed (with the
exception of baptism and other minor practices), a fusion with the Christians According to the
155 Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor vol. 1, 120-21. Branea used to fellowship as well with a
group of Hungarian Baptists in Bucharest. Among those who joined Branea and formed the Baptist church were
Gavrila Iorgulescu, Campeanu, and (Dumitru) Haralambie. See also Bunaciu, Istoria Raspindirii, 25-26, 216.
156
Oprea, Istoricul Adunarilor, 51.
157
Oprea, Istoricul Adunarilor, 10.
211
Gospel was suggested. After preliminary talks and agreement, in September 1939 the
leadership of both parties agreed to a formal union of the two movements in the Asociatia
C
"1 d ~ E h I' 158
restini or upa vang e Ie.
The issue of a union of churches in which one would have control over the
others became a subject of concern for the Romanian Brethren. In The Pilgrim Church,
Broadbent defined the Church of Christ as consisting of all those followers of Christ scattered
throughout the world who are born again through faith in the Son of God, and who gather
together in His Name (Matt. 18:20; 1 Cor 12:7). Concerning the relationship between these
different assemblies, Broadbent wrote:
Each of these churches stands in direct relationship to the Lord, draws its authority
from Him and is responsible to Him (Rev. 2 and 3). There is no suggestion that one
church should control another or that any organized union of churches should exist,
but an intimate personal fellowship unites them. 159
The Brethren had close relationships with various groups of Christian Jews
located primarily in Moldavia and Bessarabia. In the early 1900s, the Berneys started
teaching in a Jewish Girls' School in Bucharest opened by the London Jews Society in 1902.
Through this, they became acquainted with 1. Aschkenasi and his work among the Jews. 160
In the 1880s Chisinau became a center of Christian missionary work among
the Jewish population of Bessarabia. In the following years the lawyer, IosifRabinovici who
belonged to the London Union of the Christian Jews, opened the so-called "Betel" house,
preaching in Hebrew, Russian, and Romanian that Jesus is the Messiah. Berney and Perret
158
Oprea, lstoricul Adundrilor, 72.
159
E. H. Broadbent, The Pilgrim Church, 2.
160 Fredk A. Tatford, That the World. vol. 9, (Bath: Echoes of Service, 1986), J49. See
Oprea, Istoricul Adunarilor, 68-70.
visited "Betel" in 1933 and enjoyed a warm fellowship with the many Jews, Russians and
Romanians who lifted up the name of Jesus.
Another Jew-Christian in close connection with the Romanian Brethren was
Isaac Feinstein, who after attending the meetings of Fr. Tudor Popescu, in the early 1930s
started work for the Norwegian Evangelical Mission. During the religious restrictions of
1930-32, his congregation in Galati was attended by Christians from different backgrounds,
among them a large number of Brethren believers. In the late 1930s Feinstein was the pastor
of a Jewish congregation in Iasi and visited regularly the Brethren assembly in Sibiu.
161
Feinstein edited Prietenul (The Friend), the Messianic Jews journal, and Prietenul Copiilor
(The Children's Friend), a Christian magazine for children and the only one of its kind during
that period. He died in 1941, suffocated in a "death train" during the pogrom of the Jews.
162
It was through the testimony of an old Messianic Jew from Rasnov in connection with the
Brethren that young Richard Wurmbrand came to faith in Jesus Christ in 1940.
163
Concerning some other religious groupings the Brethren categorically rejected
any fellowship. When discussing the union of marriage, Moisescu taught that it could only
take place between Christians who accept that salvation is received through faith in Christ
alone, who keep the teaching of the Gospel separated from human traditions, and who live
separate from the sins of the world. "There cannot be a marriage union with an Adventist,
161
loan Fulea, Comori Ingropate . . . si Dezgropate: Cu/egere de Texte de /a Oastea
Domnu/ui, [Hidden ... and Revealed Treasures: A Compilation of Documents on Oastea Domnului] (Bucuresti:
ed. Stephanus, 1993), 85-86. Fulea noted that after 1934 whenever Feinstein was in Sibiu, Fr. Iosif Trifa, the
founder of the Lord's Army, would go to hear his message or would send someone to take notes.
162
Oprea, Istoricu/ Adundrilor, 70-71.
163
R. Wurmbrand, Tortured/or Christ, 18.
213
Jehova Witnesses, or Pentecostal, ... since these heretical sects damage the Word of God,
1
h 1 Co dati f salvati ,,164
rep acmg t e on y loun ation 0 sa vation.
Growth and Geographical Distribution
The Romanian Brethren movement emerged at the beginning of the twentieth
century in Bucharest and extended in a short time to Ploiesti and the neighboring areas.
Before World War I the Brethren shared their faith with the Germans of Southern
Transylvania, and after the war spread to the regions of Moldavia, Bucovina, and Oltenia. It
is evident that a great deal of blessing among the Romanian Brethren resulted from the joint
labor of missionaries from Switzerland and Germany, and of native Romanian workers.
At his brief return to Romania in 1919, Berney was pleased to find that the
work had grown and developed greatly; thus realizing the importance of delegating
responsibility to other believers. During the next ten years the new faith spread particularly
through the southeast and central part of the country, which after the First World War reached
the northeast, in Moldavia. 165 Fritz Stuckemann surmised that in 1936 there were about 150
Brethren asemblies throughout the country. 166 The official figures show that in 1958, before
the communist restrictions (arondare), 668 Brethren Assemblies were registered throughout
167
the country.
164 Florea Moisescu gives answers to questions in Viala si Lumina 11 (Nov. 1936), 16.
165 P. I. David, lnvazia Sectelor (Bucuresti, 1997), 156-72.
166
Tatford, That the World vot. 9,153.
167 di M' C" h hi f
Calea Credintei (Sep-Dec, 1999), 12, accor mg to ircea ioata s report on t e istory 0
the Romanian Brethren.
214
Muntenia (and Dobrogea)
Early Brethren work in Dobrogea had been carried out by the Swiss and
German missionaries, but did not have lasting impact. As a result of the wars many of the
German converts from Constanta and the neighboring region emigrated. For a time
substantial aid was given to the lepers' camp at Tichilesti, where a number oflepers had been
168
converted.
The assemblies in Bucharest and Ploiesti developed over the years as the
missionary centers of Brethren work in Muntenia. Bucharest was not only the capital of the
country, but also a focal point in the history of the Romanian Brethren. After 1920, Grigore
Constantinescu, Gheorghe Oprea and Florea Moisescu became the leaders of the Brethren
work in Bucharest. After his return from Switzerland, Moisescu took an active part in the
ministry of the Gospel undertaking evangelistic tours throughout the country. 169 The
Brethren witness spread in the 1920s from Bucharest to other towns and villages in southern
Muntenia.
A major disagreement took place in the church in Bucharest at the end of 1925,
when Grigore Constantinescu and Aurel Cupfer-a lawyer converted in Iasi in 192o-proposed
a Baptist type ministry, with paid offices, committees and hierarchical organization. The
conflict resulted in a split of the congregation. After about a year, some ofthe dissenters
170
returned to the church.
168
Tatford, That the World, vol. 9, 151-56.
169
Oprea, Istoricul Adundrilor, 30-31.
170
Oprea, Istoricul Adundrilor, 35-36.
215
The industrial city of Ploiesti was another important center for the
development of the Brethren movement in the southern regions of the Carpathians. The work
in Ploiesti started in 1907 with Gheorghe Giuvelea and a small group of young seekers who
heard about salvation through faith in Christ. They met together for prayer, the reading of the
Bible, and singing. Subsequently, a strong congregation was developed after 1912 with the
help of Jean and Elisabeth Buhrer and later participation by David Teodorescu.
171
A great renewal movement took place in the early 1920s in Bucharest among a
number of Orthodox priests led by Dumitru Cornilescu and Tudor Popescu. The former
translated the Bible into the modem Romanian language, and the latter introduced various
reformed practices into the Orthodox liturgy. 172 Among those influenced by Popescu's
movement who later became involved among the Brethren in Ploiesti were the young
Orthodox priests Alexandru Panaitescu (1899-1981) and Nicolae Tonoiu. Panaitescu
followed Popescu's teaching until 1928 when he understood believer's baptism and joined the
Brethren assembly in Ploesti. A good exegete of the Scripture, Panaitescu had a fruitful
teaching ministry, strengthening the churches for three decades. One of his particular
teachings that created frequent disagreements was that the Lord's Table should include a
regular dinner, an agape feast, 173 according to the example set by Jesus himself in the
gospels, and followed by the first apostles. After 1932, as one of the leaders of the Brethren
171 Oprea, Istoricul Adunarilor, 15. The meetings joined among others by Vasile Ionescu,
Gheorghe Motoi, Nicolae Dragoi were hosted by Mrs. Heltzer, a German lady who later came in contact with the
German missionaries Hamburg and Fritz Stuckemann. See also the reference to the work in Ploiesti made by
Nikesch, Die Deutschen Brudergemeinden, 202.
172 The Tudorist movement initiated in Bucharest in 1920 is the subject of the eighth chapter
of this thesis.
173 .
Valeriu Ionescu, Viata si Lucrarea lui Nae Ionescu: Incepatorul Miscarii Evanghelice la
Tqrgoviste si in Judetul Ddmbovita. (Targoviste, 2000), 115.
216
Assemblies Delegation, he boldly represented the interests of the Brethren before the state
h
.. 174
aut orities,
Transylvania
The old cities of Brasov and Sibiu were the two centers of the Brethren
movement in Transylvania. Before 1918, Transylvania was incorporated in the Austro-
Hungarian Empire and a large Saxon population inhabited the southern cities and towns. In
1902 Broadbent visited the growing assembly in Bucharest and then traveled with Berney in
the Brasov area, sharing the faith with the Saxons from Rasnov.175 In the following years
Sarah Berney and Henrietta Eoll helped lay the foundation of the work at Rasnov and
Zamesti, followed by Buhrer and Stuckemann who initiated many home groups that led to the
development of the first Brethren assemblies in the region.
176
After finishing his missionary training in England, the young Friedrich K.
Stuckemann came to Romania in 1906, at a time when only a few small assemblies were
known in the country. Initially established in Constanta, he later helped develop the work
amongst the Germans in Transylvania, especially in Rasnov, In 1909 Fritz Stuckemann
married Sarah Berney and settled in the city of Brasov in the Romanian quarter. Their work
174
Oprea, Istoricul Adundrilor, 38-39.
175
Oprea, lstoricul Adundrilor, 18.
176 Lang describes an episode that took place in 1908, when the witness of the gospel
increased after the conversion of some notorious drunkards. When an elderly man in his eighties was taken by
the police before a judge because he had gathered a few neighbors in his house, he defended himself saying: "I
have been almost all my life a thief, a drunkard, a blasphemer, but they never brought me here. But now that in
my last days I have left my wicked ways and turned to God; and now that I am reading God's Word to my
neighbors and trying to get them to lead good lives, I am brought here!" For very shame, the judge set him free.
Lang, Broadbent, 31.
217
in the Romanian provinces was largely among Romanians. 177 A strong spiritual revival took
place in Brasov during the second decade of the twentieth century, when the Lutheran pastor
Scherg came to a new understanding of the faith in the living God through the acceptance of
the gospel. This revival among the German Lutherans extended to other parts of Transylvania
as well. 178
The work among both Saxons and Romanians of Transylvania extended in the
following period. In 1907 (the same year as the great peasant Revolt in Moldavia) Johann and
Mary Schlosser began evangelistic work at Victoria despite serious opposition and threats
coming from the Orthodox priests. Through house to house visitation a considerable number
of people received the message of the gospel and a Sunday School of60 children was
established. From 1908 they distributed the monthly magazine Buna Vestire. The local
priests threatened with excommunication all who visited the Brethren gatherings. 179
In the 1910s Victor Kolle became the pioneer of the Brethren work in the area
of Sibiu. After a period of studies in the Allianz-Bibleschule mission school in Berlin, Kolle
who had been raised in a German Catholic family joined for a while the Baptist church in
Sibiu. Around 1908, he became involved with Crucea Alba, a small Christian association that
encouraged the study of the Bible and the morality oflife. Together with Friederich Hemmert
who studied at St. Crischona Theological School in Switzerland, Kolle opened in 1910 a
Brethren type congregation in Cisnadie. The Evangelical believers faced strong opposition
177
Tatford, That the World, vol. 9, 104-105.
178
Oprea, /storicul Adunarilor, 19-20.
179
Tatford, That the World, vol. 9, 104-105
218
particularly in the villages where children of those who attended the gatherings were excluded
from the Lutheran schools. 180
Among the Hungarian-speaking population evangelical activity gained
momentum between 1920 and 1924 in Vulcan. Bogya Iosif accepted the message of the
Gospel in 1922 following an explosion in a coalmine. With the conversion of about sixteen
Hungarian Reformed persons, his house became a Brethren assembly. They later joined the
religious association Betania.
181
The Betanist movement-initiated in Cluj by Prof. Istvan
Kecskemety who edited Kistukor (The Little Mirror}-spread widely among the Reformed
population of Transylvania and Hungary. Both the Orthodox and the Reformed clergy
persecuted their followers. The intensity of persecution carried out by the authorities against
h B
.. d b f h . H' . 182
t e etamsts Increase ecause 0 t eir unganan connection.
180
Oprea, Istoricul Adundrilor, 20-21, and Tatford, That the World, vol. 9,106-107. During
Kolles' ministry in the Sibiu area, a teacher who lost his position for Christ's sake commenced serving the Lord
in connection with a Christian countess.
181 The Betanist movement started at the beginning of the twentieth century as a reaction
against liberal theology and formalism that characterized the Reformed church. Also known as the Christian
Endeavor Society, the Betanists' motto was "for Jesus and His Church." They practiced the confession of sins,
Christian witness, and an ascetic life. One of the most prominent Betanist leaders Ferenc Visky was imprisoned
during the communist period. P. David, Calauzii Crestina: Sectologie. 61-63.
182
C. Cuciuc, Atlasul Religiilor, 62.
219
BULGARIA
Romanian church
German church
Hungarian church
Rn::thren center
Figure 7. The Development ofthe Brethren Assemblies in the Mid 1930s.
Oltenia
The Oltenia region experienced a powerful Christian witness through the work
of Stan Segarceanu, who for the first time came into contact with the teaching of the Bible in
1906 during a period of sickness in a hospital. Later on, he read Berney's publication Buna
Vestire and started to attend the Brethren assembly in Bucharest. Segarceanu experienced an
evangelical conversion in 1910, during the Bible training course organized by Berney at
Rusciuk, in Bulgaria. As a result of a decisive encounter with the Word of God, his life was
changed and he became a colporteur ofthe British Bible Society in Bucharest.
220
Unprecedented hunger for the Word of God throughout the province of Oltenia made his
labor very successful, to the extent that even the Orthodox priests encouraged his endeavor.
By spreading the Word of life, Segarceanu became a living witness of the power of the gospel
. 01 . d M . 183
III tema an untema.
A key player for the development of the work in Craiova after the war was
Dumitru Tita who came in contact with the teaching and the principles of the Brethren in
1925, in Bucharest. After two years of biblical training, Tita efficiently used his Bible and his
bicycle to minister the Word of the gospel throughout the province of Oltenia. For his work
as a preacher and evangelist, Dumitru Tita was on different occasions beaten and arrested, but
through all these hardships he remained a faithful servant to his Lord and Savior. 184
Moldavia and Bucovina
World War I lead to the diffusion of the Brethren from the large cities of
Bucharest and Ploiesti, to northern areas of Moldavia, as a large part of Romanian territory
was seized by the German troops. The growth of the Romanian Brethren in Moldavia and
Bucovina was a result of the mass movements and the spiritual openness generated by the
war. A significant number of conversions resulted from war prisoners who encountered the
message of salvation in various Russian prison camps and returned home born again. Others
183
Oprea, Istoricul Adundrilor, 21-23.
184
Oprea, Istoricul Adunarilor, 59-60.
221"
engaged in agrarian work on Mennonite and Baptist farms (settlements) received the Gospel
from German believers known as Evangelical Christians. 185
After the war Grigore Constantinescu established many Christian groups in
Moldavia, Bucovina, and Bessarabia. Constantinescu's work in Iasi started in 1917, when
accompanied by David Teodorescu, he initiated several Brethren type meetings. The young
soldiers, Florea Moisescu and Gheorghe Oprea, joined the work in Iasi, and the group grew
rapidly. In the fall of 1918, Constantinescu baptized eleven persons in the Nicolina River,
including David Teodorescu, Gheorghe Oprea, and Alexandru Losneanu.
186
The Moldavian capital experienced great spiritual revival during 1918 and
1919. A strong Brethren center was established at Iasi after 1919, as more educated persons
such as an engineer named Cihodaru and the lawyer Aurel Cupfer converted to God and
helped the work of the Gospel. In 1921, Sarah Stiickemann wrote to the Echoes ofService
about "conversion by the dozen." Whole villages, even their authorities and priests, were
turning to the gospel and requested Bibles and preachers. Tracts were distributed in great
numbers and Constantinescu translated from French a booklet entitled The Heart ofMan. It
was said that one tract left in a village near Iasi led to nearly thirty conversions. 187
Teodor Schipor experienced an earlier encounter with the teaching of the
Gospel in 1914, while a student in Cernauti, when a German Stundist lady shared with him
185
Oprea, lstoricul Adunarilor, 67. Brooks and Rushbrooke mention the existence of groups
of Christians in Bessarabia who had connections with Prokhanoffs Russian Evangelical Christians but were
incorporated into the Baptist Union after 1920. See Brooks Charles, and J. H. Rushbrooke, Baptist Work in
Europe (London, 1920), 51-52.
186
Oprea, lstoricul Adunarilor, 25-26.
187
Tatford, That the World, vol. 9, 153-55.
222
the salvation that can be found through faith in Jesus Christ.
I 88
Particular growth was also
recorded at Barlad and Bacau, with groups of Orthodox believers who gathered for prayer and
the reading of the Scripture. The group in Barlad led by Vasile Cradinaru adopted the
principles of the Brethren in 1918, when Florea Moisescu visited the town and explained to
them the teaching of the New Testament.
189
. With the return ofseveral converted war prisoners from Russia, the northern
city of Siret became after 1920 a Brethren missionary center for Bucovina. Teodor Schipor
and Ilie Hamaliuc had major roles in spreading the gospel in the area and in the development
of the growing Siret assembly. A testimony of the substantial growth in this area was the
construction of a large building with a capacity of 700 people, erected in Siret in 1936 by the
architect Jean Buhrer with the support of the American missionary J. Hill.
I90
188
Oprea, lstoricul Adundrilor, 62.
189 Oprea, lstoricul Adundrilor, 24.
190
Tatford, 154-55. Oprea, lstoricul Adunarilor, 63-64.
223
Conclusion
A good characterization of the Brethren would include their search for
apostolic Christianity and their radical commitment to sola scriptura that resulted in a
distinctive ecclesial identity. According to Callahan, the people called Brethren are "a
popular example of the desire to recover the primitive or apostolic Christian church." 19 I
Rowdon described the Brethren movement as "essentially an attempt to take the Protestant
stress on the authority of scripture seriously.,,192
At an international level, the Brethren legacy consists of a rich tradition of pre-
millennial theology of Dispensationalism established by the original founders ofthe
movement, particularly by 1. N. Darby, which helped shape twentieth century Evangelicalism
and Fundamentalism.
193
Through his ministry and writings the sovereignty of God, election,
assurance, acceptance, and unconditional eternal security were built into the movement's
foundation. Many of the early leaders of the Brethren were very well educated, a fact that
was mirrored in their subsequent influence.
1
94 Faith ministry was another essential feature of
the Brethren that revealed their beliefs in practice. George MUller is best known as a man of
191
Callahan, Primitivist Piety, ix, 212-13. Attempting to link the Brethren with similar
movements in Christian history, Broadbent showed that Brethrenism was one chapter in a succession of revivals
of evangelical devotion and dissent. E. H. Broadbent, The Pilgrim Church, 394-95.
192 H. Rowdon, "The Brethren Concept of Sainthood," Vox Evangelica 20(1990): 101.
193 A number of historians and theologians such as Henry A. Ironside, John F. Walvoord, and
Ernest R. Sandeen emphasize a distinct connection between the doctrines of the Brethren and American
Fundamentalists who rose to challenge modernism shortly before and especially after the tum of the twentieth
century. H. A. Ironside, A Historical Sketch ofthe Brethren Movement (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1945), 7.
See also Ernest R. Sandeen, "Toward a Historical Interpretation of the Origins of Fundamentalism," Church
History 36(1967), 66-83, Sandeen, The Roots ofFundamentalism: British and American Milleniarism 1800-
1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), and George Marsden, Fundamentalism and American
Culture (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980).
194 American theological schools like Moody Bible Institute, Dallas Theological Seminary,
and Regent College in Canada, bear the marks of Brethren principles and of dispensational theology.
224
prayer and faith due to the famous Bristol Orphan Homes that were built and developed
without soliciting financial support, but depending on God alone. His orphanages in Bristol
are a witness to the power of prayer in an age of unbelief and materialism.
The first missionaries established a clear connection between the Crestini dupii
Evanghelie in Romania and the Open Brethren from Switzerland, England, and Germany.
Most of the principles developed by the British Brethren were transmitted to the Romanian
assemblies. The assemblies were not led by persons with a special grace or human ordination,
but by the "elderly council" recognized by the whole congregation. They officiated at
baptisms, the Lord's Supper, marriages, and funeral ceremonies. From the beginning of the
movement, the Romanian Brethren have had no pastor or paid clergy, but had depended for
their leadership upon the shared ministry of gifted men called upon by the Holy Spirit. In
most of the assemblies participation in church services through message or singing has been
open to the leading of the Spirit.
The strong emphasis that the Brethren place on the knowledge ofthe
Scriptures was especially displayed among the first missionaries. Due to their convictions in
opposing the development of clergy and of paid ministry, many of the native believers
showed suspicion regarding education. Thus, the regional and national conferences became
the primary means of promoting theological and pastoral education.
Whereas the Baptists excelled in developing associations and organizations,
the core of Romanian Brethrenism remained the assembly. The Communist authorities
imposed the creation of a central organization with representative function, but the
independence of each local church was maintained. The heart of the assembly is the weekly
breaking of bread that commemorates Christ's atoning sacrifice and stresses the unity of all
225
believers. The Brethren value a simple style of worship, without prayer books and elaborate
ceremonies, and agree to the usage of musical instruments in their services.
Several methods for spreading the gospel proved to be very effective in the
initial period. The Brethren started by organizing family gatherings for reading of the Bible,
prayer, and singing. It was through these kinds of meetings that many Romanians had their
first encounter with the Scripture in their own language. Groups of sincere seekers from all
over the country showed an unparalleled yearning for the written Word of God. Literature
and tract distribution also had an important role in advancing the movement. Berney and his
team translated portions of the Gospels and tracts and distributed them to seekers, families, or
in hospitals. Bible colporteurs spread the message of salvation through faith in other areas of
the country.
Among the missionary strategies employed the development of missionary
centers must be noted. The first Brethren in Romania employed the apostolic strategy of
beginning the work with the capital and other central cities. The large assemblies in
Bucharest, Ploiesti, Sibiu, Brasov, Iasi, and Siret became "mother churches," where intense
evangelistic work was developed. It is also commendable that the first Brethren missionaries
focused on areas without any Evangelical church. In a time when the Baptists developed in
the western provinces of Crisana and Transylvania, the Brethren worked especially in the Old
Kingdom, Bucovina, and southern Transylvania. Moreover, the more educated Brethren
missionary from Switzerland and Germany had significant influence among people from
higher social status.
John F. Walvoord, president emeritus of Dallas Theological Seminary, is
certainly correct in saying that "much of the Truth promulgated by fundamental Christians
226
today had its rebirth in the movement known as the Plymouth Brethren. '" 195 We shall
conclude this chapter with a description of the Brethren given by renowned New Testament
Professor F. F. Bruce:
The Open Brethren have no doctrinal peculiarities. They hold the historic Christian
faith, because they find it plainly taught in the Bible, which is to them, as to other
heirs of the Reformation, "the only infallible rule of faith and practice." They are
wholeheartedly evangelical in their understanding and presentation of Christianity. 196
195 John F. Walvoord, review of An Historical Sketch ofthe Brethren Movement, by H. A.
Ironside, in Bibliotheca Sacra (1942),378.
196 F. F. Bruce, in his "Foreword" to W. T. Stunt, et aI., Turning the World Upside Down: A
Century ofMissionary Endeavour, 2d ed. (Bath, England: Echoes of Service, 1973),6.
CHAPTER FIVE
THE PENTECOSTALS
Pentecostalism is a worldwide phenomenon that became one of the most
important religious movements in modern times. Eminent sociologists project that by early in
the twenty-first century "Pentecostals in all their variegated manifestations around the world
will outnumber both Catholics and Protestants." I Due to the phenomenal growth of their
movement, Pentecostals claim recognition as a major Christian tradition alongside the Roman
Catholics, Orthodox, and Protestants.
According to the World Christian Encyclopedia, Pentecostalism is defined as:
A Christian confession or ecclesiastical tradition holding the distinctive teaching that
all Christians should seek a post-conversion religious experience called the Baptism
with the Holy Spirit, and that a Spirit baptized believer may receive one or more of the
supernatural gifts known in the early church: instantaneous sanctification, the ability
to prophecy, practice divine healing, speak in tongues (glossolalia), or interpret
2
tongues.
The purpose of this chapter is first to identify the roots of modern
Pentecostalism and to trace the origins of the movement in America. We will also underline
its distinctive teachings such as the baptism of the Holy Spirit, the speaking in tongues, and
I H. Cox, "Some Personal Reflections on Pentecostalism," Pneuma 15 (1993):39-44; David B.
Barrett, "Annual Statistical Table on Global Mission 1997," International Bulletin ofMissionary Research 21.1
(1997), 24-25. In The Century ofthe Holy Spirit: 100 Years ofPentecostal and Charismatic Renewal (Nashville:
Nelson, 2001), ix, Vinson Synan estimated that in 2001 there were over 500 million people involved in
Pentecostal or Charismatic revivals, constituting the second largest Christian family after the Roman Catholics.
2
D. B. Barret, ed., World Christian Encyclopedia (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1982), 838.
227
228
the divine healing. The focal point will be on the emergence of Pentecostalism in Romania in
the 1920s and its development prior to 1948.
The Roots of Modem Pentecostalism
Many Pentecostals trace the beginning of their movement to the day of
Pentecost described in the book of Acts. The experience of Spirit baptism corresponds to the
first outpouring of the Holy Spirit upon the twelve disciples of Christ gathered in Jerusalem
on the day of Pentecost, as recorded in Acts 1:12-2:4, and it is accompanied by the same sign:
the gift of glossolalia, or "speaking in tongues". Pentecostals believe that the experience of
Spirit baptism and the practice ofthe gifts of the Spirit described in Acts were meant to be
normative in the life ofthe church and of each believer.
One important issue for Pentecostal historians is to identify the continuities and
discontinuities of Pentecostalism with nineteenth century holiness and evangelical revivals.
Some Pentecostals attempt to identify their roots in the early Christian Church. They maintain
that although the charismata ceased in the main body of the church soon after the apostolic
age, one can trace an intermittent history of charismatic practices among sectarian groups like
the Montanists, Anabaptists, Camisards, Shakers, Irvingites, and various nineteenth-century
Holiness groups. The twentieth-century Pentecostal movement would therefore mark the
restoration of the charismata to the church.
When it comes to solid historical evidence, most scholars recognize that early
American Pentecostalism shared many doctrinal beliefs, leadership and organizational
polities, behavioral practices, and social thought with nineteenth-century holiness and
229
evangelical movements. This approach stresses the continuity of twentieth-century
Pentecostalism with nineteenth-century religious and social developments.f
It was suggested that the most important immediate precursor to
Pentecostalism was probably the Holiness movement that issued from the heart of Methodism
at the end of the nineteenth century. John Wesley is considered as "the spiritual and
intellectual father of the modern holiness and Pentecostal movements.,,4 From Wesley, the
Pentecostals inherited the idea of a subsequent crisis experience variously called "entire
sanctification,'''' perfect love," "Christian perfection," or "heart purity.,,5 It was Wesley and
his colleague John Fletcher, who first introduced the theology of a "second blessing," calling
it a "baptism in the Holy Spirit," an experience which brought spiritual power to the recipient
as well as inner cleansing. Like no one before him, Wesley made a clear distinction between
the sanctified, or those who had been baptized in the Spirit, and ordinary Christians.
6
Despite
the claim of thousands of nineteenth-century Methodists to have received the Spirit baptism
experience, no one at the time saw any connection with this spirituality and speaking in
tongues or any of the other charisms. By the l830s, Edward Irving suggested the possibility of
a restoration of the gifts of healing and tongues in the modern church. Tongues and prophecy
3 H. V. Synan, "Classical Pentecostalism," in Stanley M. Burgess and Gary B. McGee, eds.
Dictionary ofPentecostal and Charismatic Movements (Grand Rapids: Regency, 1988), 220.
4
Vinson Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal Tradition: Charismatic Movements in the
Twentieth Century (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1997), I. The writings of two ofthe most prominent Pentecostal
scholars-Vinson Synan and Walter Hollenweger-were fundamental in shaping the first part of this chapter.
5 Wesley was the first to posit such a possibility in his influential tract, A Plain Account of
Christian Perfection (1766).
6 Hollenweger believes that Wesley himself was strongly influenced by Catholic and Anglican
devotional literature. See Walter J. Hollenweger, The Pentecostals (Massachusetts: Hendrickson Publishers,
1988),21.
230
were manifested at a Presbyterian church on London's Regents Square where Irving
.. d 7
rmrnstere .
Another Pentecostal root is identified with the Keswick "higher life"
movement. The concept of Keswick holiness was developed through the teaching first
institutionalized at the Keswick Convention in England, founded in 1875. According to
Synan, "Keswick teachers changed the goal and the content of the 'second blessing' from the
Wesleyan emphasis on 'heart purity' to that of an 'enduement of spiritual power for
service. ",8 They preached about victory over sins through the cross of Christ and full
surrender to Him. In the moral battle one must not strive against one's sinful impulses
directly, "in one's own strength," or defeat will follow.
9
Another distinctive feature concerned
the Second Coming of the Lord and prophetic events that originated in Britain with J. N.
Darby and the Plymouth Brethren, and were developed into dispensationalist theology. This
doctrine was spread to North America through a host of Bible prophecy conferences and the
widespread usage of the Scofield Reference Bible, which provided annotated notes of Darby's
7 Synan, The Century ofthe Holy Spirit, 15-24.
8
Synan, The Century ofthe Holy Spirit, 3.
9 Sinclair B. Fergusonand David F. Wright, New Dictionary ofTheology (Downers Grove, IL:
InterVarsity Press, 1988). Exponents of some or all of Keswickprinciples have included Phoebe Palmer,
William E. Boardman, Robert Pearsall Smith and Hanna Whitall Smith, Evan H. Hopkins, H. C. G. Moule, F. B.
Meyer and AndrewMurray. Evangelistssuch as D. L. Moody, Charles Finney and F. B. Meyer helped
popularizethe "overcoming life" taught at Keswick, which become very influential in many Americanchurches.
Synan, The Century ofthe Holy Spirit, 3.
231
scheme. By 1900 these threads were all present in the religious life of various American
groups and individuals who became the founders of the Pentecostal movement. 1
0
Hollenweger was one of the first to describe Pentecostalism in non-western
categories. He stresses the "black origins" of American Pentecostalism maintaining that, "the
origins of the Pentecostal movement go back to a revival amongst the negroes of North
America at the beginning of the twentieth century." The Pentecostal revival was therefore "a
contribution from the Black community to the white one.,,11 The argument of the proponents
of this interpretation is that Pentecostalism flows out of the black-led Azusa Street Revival of
1906, which exhibited a form of spirituality including the ring shout, spirit possession, and
sacred dance, derived from black slave and postbellum religious belief and practices, many of
which had their origin in West African folk religion. 12 Hollenweger continues by saying:
Pentecostalism is the only worldwide Christian denomination at whose
foundations one black man stands and which has-although never properly recognized-
learned more from his tradition than any other church. It is also one of the few
worldwide movements-for this very reason-that has incorporated many elements of
Third World culture. 13
10C. M. Robeck Jr., "Azusa Street Revival" in Stanley M. Burgess and Gary B. McGee, eds.
Dictionary ofPentecostal andCharismatic Movements, 31. The significant difference between the Holiness
movement and Pentecostal movement was the insistence on glossolalia as the necessary evidence of a person's
Spirit baptism.
II
Hollenweger, "A Black Pentecostal Concept: A Forgotten Chapter of Black History: The
Black Pentecostals' Contribution to the Church Universal" Concept 30 (June 1970): 9,16-17.
12 Anderson suggests that as a result of the revival at Azusa Street, Seymour and other black
Pentecostals preached the revolutionary message that the twentieth-century outpouring of the Holy Spirit was
God's way of creating a new egalitarian community where divisions based on race, gender, and class would
disappear. Pentecostalism developed as a movement that appealed primarily to the poor farmers, the working and
lower class city dwellers, the uprooted, the politically powerless, the socially dislocated and culturally deprived,
new immigrants, blacks, Hispanics, and other minorities in a rapidly industrializing and urbanizing America. R.
Anderson, Vision ofthe Disinherited; and also L. Lovett, "Perspective on the Black Origins of Contemporary
Pentecostal Movement," The Journal ofthe Interdenominational Theological Center 1 (1973): 36-49.
13 Hollenweger, The Pentecostals, xxviii.
232
British Keswick
"Higher Life"
Afro-American
Slave Religion
Black Oral Roots
American Pentecostalism I.... ~ I - -..J
Romanian
Baptists
Romanian Pentecostalism
Romanian
Orthodoxy
Figure 8. The Roots of Romanian Pentecostalism. 14
It seems appropriate to acknowledge certain continuity between Pentecostalism
and the nineteenth century holiness and evangelical Pentecostal revivals. Grant Wacker
rightly described Pentecostal antecedents in terms of the "fusion" or "confluence" ofthe
Wesleyan doctrine of entire sanctification, the Reformed idea of a baptism of power for
Christian service, the Plymouth Brethren notion of dispensational premillennialism, and the
evolving evangelical theology and practice of faith healing. 15 Hollenweger's "black root"
stresses the integration of both white and African-American Christian traditions in the
makeup of the Pentecostal movement.
14
Based on Walter J. Hollenweger, Pentecostalism: Origins and Development Worldwide
(Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1997),2.
15
Grant Wacker, "Pentecostalism," in Encyclopedia ofthe American Religious Experience,
vol. 2, ed. Charles H. Lippy and Peter W. Williams (New York, NY: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1988),933-45.
233
Pentecostal Origins in America: Charles Parham
And William Seymour
Various revival movements took place in the United States at the beginning of
the twentieth century, when the search for understanding the Holy Spirit gave birth to
scattered incidences of people speaking in tongues and physical manifestations of the Holy
Spirit's powers, such as gifts, signs, and wonders.
Most Pentecostals are taught or teach that the history of the Holy Spirit
expressed among the Pentecostal tradition began with Charles Parham in Topeka, Kansas in
1901 and continued later on at the Azusa Street revival in Los Angeles led by William J.
Seymour. Pentecostal historians are actually divided in associating the beginning of the
movement with Charles Parham on the one side, and William Seymour, on the other side. 16 In
answering the question of American Pentecostal origins, it must be noted that we have no
conclusive contemporary sources from 1901-1905, and we must chiefly rely on the first issues
of the early magazine the Apostolic Faith from the autumn of 1906, which contains
sympathetic descriptions ofthe events colored by the dogmatic interpretation of the source.
The American Pentecostal story starts in the fall of 1900, with Charles Fox
Parham (1873-1929), generally recognized as the formulator of Pentecostal doctrine and the
theological founder of the movement. A former pastor in the Methodist Episcopal Church,
Parham was influenced by the Holiness movement. 17 As a firm believer in the doctrine of
divine healing, Parham established a small school in Topeka (Kansas), called the Bethel Bible
16 H. V. Synan, "Classical Pentecostalism," in Dictionary ofPentecostal, 220-21.
17
The definitive biography of Parham is that of James R. Goff Jr., Fields White Unto the
Harvest. Charles Fox Parham and the Missionary Origins ofPentecostalism (Fayetteville: University of
Arkansas Press, 1988). See also D. Nelson, "For Such a Time like This," Ph. D. Diss. (University of
Birmingham, 1981).
234
School and Healing Home. Parham believed that the complacent, prosperity-ridden, and
coldly formalistic American congregations of the era needed to be revived, and that such a
revival could only be achieved by another outpouring of the Holy Spirit. He therefore
instructed his students to pray, fast, study the Scriptures, and await an endowment of
Pentecostal blessing and power, a reenactment of the events described in the book of Acts.
One of the assignments passed by Parham to his students by the end of 1900, was to
investigate the "baptism of the Spirit" in the second chapter of the book of Acts. Their new
understanding and experience came to be known as the Pentecostal Blessing. 18
After returning from a speaking engagement, Parham was astonished to learn
that all of his students shared the same conviction: the proof of Spirit baptism should be the
speaking in other tongues, an experience they immediately began to seek. On January 1, 1901,
after Parham's laying of hands, Miss Agnes Ozman, was the first of the students who
experienced a Spirit baptism and began speaking in an unknown tongue (which was thought
to be Chinese) and was unable to speak English for three days. A few days later, many others,
including Parham himselfhad similar experiences of speaking in foreign languages they never
studied before. Shortly thereafter the school closed and the little band of "Pentecostals" began
preaching that every Christian should be baptized in the Holy Spirit and speak in tongues. In
this way Christian missionaries would have no further need of language training. 19 These
recurrences of Pentecost also had prophetic overtones that Parham and his students interpreted
18 J. R. Goff, "Charles Fox Parham" in Stanley M. Burgess and Gary B. McGee, eds.
Dictionary ofPentecostal and Charismatic Movements, 660-61.
19
J. R. Goff. "Charles Fox Parham" in Dictionary ofPentecostal and Charismatic
Movements, 660-61. Menzies argues that since Parham's new understanding developed in a Bible school, it
received theological substance. William W. Menzies, Anointed to Serve: The Story ofthe Assemblies ofGod
(Springfield, Mo.: Gospel Publishing House, 1971),38-39.
235
as a sign of the last days. Infused with a zeal for missions, and imbued with the sense of
urgency, Parham and his first disciples proved to be successful in evangelizing the American
20
Southwest.
Charles F. Parham is considered the theological father of the Pentecostal
movement by a number of historians such as Synan and Goffbecause he was the first to
formulate the "initial evidence" doctrine: the speaking in tongues was the evidence of "the
true Baptism in the Spirit." He also coined the names associated with modern Pentecostalism
including "Pentecostal movement," "Later Rain movement," and the "Apostolic Faith
movement.,,21 Tongues as evidence provided Pentecostals with an identity significantly
different from that of the Holiness movement by making Holy Spirit baptism a demonstrable
experience?2 This was not considered a twentieth-century innovation, but rather the recovery
of a doctrine forgotten by the Church for centuries. Moreover, Parham preached a Pentecostal
full-gospel message, that included the themes of conversion, sanctification, Holy Spirit
baptism, divine healing from all sickness and the premillennial rapture of the saints. Believing
that glossolalia was actually xenolalia (known foreign language), Parham surmised that the
20 There were different attempts to explain the initial growth of American Pentecostalism.
Tracing the social sources of Pentecostalism, Goff suggests that the immediate success of the movement was a
consequence ofthe failure of the Populist party to answer to the economic and social problems of the poor and
the socially deprived. As a result, a good number of rural dwellers and farmers, especially from Kansas and
Appalachia, turned to religion in the form of the holiness movement and the new Pentecostalism. This seems a
rather naturalistic explanation, excluding God's work of producing real spiritual revival. See J. R. Goff, Fields
White Unto the Harvest. Synan also maintains that the Pentecostal movement arose, in part at least, as a genuine
expression of the Populist movement which appeared on the American scene near the turn of this century, and
that the Pentecostal movement was virtually the only truly interracial social grouping in the American South
during the earlier clays of the revival. See Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal Tradition, 9-21.
21
Synan, The Holiness Pentecostal Tradition, 89 and The Century ofthe Holy Spirit, 42-45.
22 1. R. Goff, Fields White Unto the Harvest, 1988. And in Goff, "Charles Fox Parham" in
Dictionary ofPentecostal and Charismatic Movements, 660-61.
236
gift of Holy Spirit power foreshadowed a period of unequaled missionary activity. He viewed
xenolalic tongues as proof of Spirit baptism, since it made all recipients instant
.. . 23
rmssionanes.
Most Pentecostal writers agree that Pentecostalism achieved worldwide
attention in 1906, through the Azusa Street revival in Los Angeles led by the one-eyed
African-American preacher William Joseph Seymour (1870-1922).2
4
Raised as a Baptist,
Seymour learned about the tongues-attested baptism by attending a Bible School that Parham
conducted in Houston, Texas. In April of 1906 Seymour was called to pastor a small holiness
mission on Azusa Street, in Los Angeles. Having Parham's blessing and financial support
Seymour started to preach the new doctrine-which became the central feature of Azusa
Mission-even before he had received the tongues experience himself.2
5
Elder Seymour spoke
the common language of the uneducated class, but considered his new mission as a "divine
call" and his message was burning like a fire. For the next three years, an unprecedented
revival was experienced at the "Apostolic Faith Mission," on Azusa Street. Thousands of
23 This teaching holds that speaking in tongues (glossolalia) unknown to the speaker is the
necessary first sign that one has received the Pentecostal experience of being Spirit-baptized. The effect of this
doctrine was to deny the "cessation of the charismata" at the end of the apostolic age, that had been the standard
teaching of the Western churches since the days of Saint Augustine.
24
See Hollenweger, Pentecostalism: Origins and Development Worldwide, 18-24 and H. V.
Synan, "William Joseph Seymour," in Dictionary ofPentecostal and Charismatic Movements, 778-81.
25 Frank Bartleman had prophetic words in 1905, when he wrote in The Way ofFaith, a small
holiness paper that "Los Angeles seems to be the place and this the time, in the mind of God, for the restoration
ofthe Church." Quoted by Synan in The Century, 45.
237
people sought to be baptized in the Spirit, and to obtain the evidence of speaking in tongues,
and experienced other religious manifestations.
26
In April 1906, the Los Angeles Times sent a reporter to an evening meeting
during the first week ofthe events at Azusa. These are the headlines recorded on April, 18th:
"Weird Babel oftongues; New sect of fanatics is breaking loose; Wild scene last night on
Azusa Street; Gurgle of wordless talk by a sister.,,27 The paper further reported that:
Breathing strange utterances and mouthing a creed which it would seem no sane
mortal could understand, the newest sect has started in Los Angeles. Meetings are held
in a tumble-down shack on Azusa Street, near San Pedro Street, and the devotees of
the weird doctrine practice the most fanatical rites, preach the wildest theories and
work themselves into a state of mad excitement in their peculiar zeal. Colored people
and a sprinkling of whites compose the congregation, and night is made hideous in the
neighborhood by the howlings of the worshippers, who spend hours swaying forth and
back in a nerve-racking attitude of prayer and supplication. They claim to have the
"gift of tongues" and to be able to comprehend the babel.
28
At the Azusa Mission services were long, and spontaneous: sermons were
generally unprepared in advance, there were prayers for the sick, and a search for the baptism
in the Spirit and the gift of speaking in tongues?9 The worship services consisted in a
cappella singing (both in English and unknown languages), shouting, and ejaculatory prayers.
Despite public criticism followed by several attempts to shut down the meetings, the Azusa
26C. M. Robeck, Jr, "Azusa Street Revival," in Dictionary ofPentecostal, 31-36. See Frank
Bartleman, How Pentecost Came to Los Angeles (1925, reprinted as Azusa Street [1980]).
27
Synan, The Century ofthe Holy Spirit, 58-59.
28Los Angeles Times, April 18, 1906, quoted by Synan in The Century, 58-59.
29
C. M. Robeck, Jr, "Azusa Street Revival," in Dictionary ofPentecostal and Charismatic
Movements, 32-33.
238
Street Mission became the cradle of the new Pentecostal movement.
30
Despite public
criticism followed by several attempts to shut down the meetings, the Azusa Street Mission
became a Pentecostal Mecca, where rich and poor, blacks and whites, seekers and skeptics
flocked to receive spiritual guidance.
When he realized that something important and new was happening at the
mission, Seymour sought to acknowledge its relationship with the work of Charles Parham, as
the originator of the Pentecostal essentials preached and practiced at Azusa Street. According
to Pentecostal historians, when Parham visited Azusa in October 1906 he repudiated that
revival. For Parham the worship style on Azusa Street was too emotional, its racial comradery
disgusting, and its tongues speech glossolalia, and not xenoglossa. He made efforts to correct
the "extremes and fanaticism," which he felt had gone "beyond the bounds of common sense
and reason." Theological, racial, and power issues all entered into his assessment and the
resulting rupture.
31
This was the first event that contributed to Parham's split with his
disciple.
According to Robeck, Parham's reputation among the Pentecostals was
irreparably damaged in 1907, when he was arrested in San Antonio, Texas, on charges of
sodomy?2 This incident of committing "an unnatural offense", which was eventually
dismissed without a formal indictment, greatly altered Parham's ministry and subsequent
30
Synan, The Century ofthe Holy Spirit, 57-60.
31 Robeck points out that Seymour ultimately rejected the "initial evidence" teaching as
providing "an open door for witches and spiritualists and free loveism." He associated the Spirit baptism with
being "flooded with the love of God and power for service" and interpreted the gift of tongues as a sign that
would follow this baptism. Robeck, "Azusa Street Revival," in Dictionary ofPentecostal, 36.
32 C. M. Robeck, Jr, "Azusa Street Revival," in S. M. Burgess and G. B. McGee, eds.
Dictionary ofPentecostal and Charismatic Movements, 34.
239
place in Pentecostal history. Hollenweger points to another weak aspect of Parham's
biography: as a sympathizer of the Ku Klux Klan, Parham excluded Seymour from his Bible
classes in Houston allowing him only to listen outside the classroom through the half-open
33
door.
The first Pentecostal churches in the world were an outcome of the holiness
movement prior to 1901. Once established as a new denomination, they still retained most of
their perfectionistic teachings. At the forefront were: the predominantly African-American
Church of God in Christ (1897), the Church of God with headquarters in Cleveland,
Tennessee (1906),34 the Assemblies of God formed by E. N. Bell and W. H. Durham in
1914,35 and the International Church of the Foursquare Gospel founded by Aimee Semple
McPherson in 1927. Most Pentecostal scholars believe that nearly every American
Pentecostal denomination can trace its roots in some way or another to the Apostolic Faith
Mission at 312 Azusa Street.
33 Hollenweger, "The Black Roots of Pentecostalism," Pentecostals After a Century: Global
Perspective on a Movement in Transition (1999), 40.
34The Church of God (Cleveland, Tennessee) is one of the oldest and largest Pentecostal body
in the world. It started in 1908 with members of Methodist and Baptist churches (A. J. Tomlinson) who joined
the fire-baptized movement and developed under Gaston B. Cashwell of North Carolina. See C. W. Conn,
"Church of God," in Dictionary ofPentecostal and Charismatic Movements, 197-202.
35 After receiving his tongues experience at Azusa Street in 1907, William H. Durham
returned to Chicago, where he led thousands of mid-western Americans and Canadians into the Pentecostal
movement. His "finished work" theology of gradual progressive sanctification, which he announced in 1910, led
to the formation of the Assemblies of God in following a "general council" in Hot Springs, Arkansas (1914). In
time the Assemblies of God church was destined to become the largest white Pentecostal denominational church
in the world, claiming by 1993 over 2 million members in the U.S. and some 25 million adherents in 150 nations
of the world. See E. L. Blumhofer, "Assemblies of God," in Dictionary ofPentecostal, 23-28.
240
After a time of insignificant development and criticisms,36 Pentecostalism
spread rapidly throughout the world and thus began its advance toward becoming a major
force in Christendom.
37
The first persons to receive the Pentecostal experience were poor and
disinherited people from the mainline churches, primarily from the Methodist and Holiness
movements that flourished in the late twentieth century.
Pentecostal Teaching and Practice
Believing that the church had seriously neglected and misunderstood the work
of the Holy Spirit, Pentecostals view their movement as a new and necessary Reformation.
38
Pentecostalism is therefore understood as a faithful reproduction ofthe apostolic Christianity,
hence the frequent use of "apostolic" in denominational titles. Despite the doctrinal diversity
among Pentecostals, Spirit baptism and the practice of charismata (gifts of the Holy Spirit)
remain two distinguishing features. A stress on experience, healing and other miraculous
signs were also at the heart of the movement from its earliest days. The Pentecostal
Fellowship of North America summarized the Pentecostal distinctive characteristics in the
following affirmation, We believe that the full gospel includes holiness of heart and life,
36Pentecostalism gave rise to considerable controversy among Evangelicals in the first half of
the twentieth century, especially over baptism in the Spirit as a second experience after conversion and the
availability today of the supernatural gifts of the Spirit, especially speaking in tongues and divine healing.
Although it originated in the holiness movement, the majority of holiness leaders rejected Pentecostalism,
although some joined the growing movement after contact with those influenced by the Azusa Street mission.
John MacArthur, Charismatic Chaos (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1992); Roy L. Aldrich, "Is the Pentecostal
Movement Pentecostal?" in Bibliotheca Sacra 429 (Jan-Mar, 1951): 44-50 and 430 (Apr-Jun, 1951): 172-88.
37 In 1998 it was estimated that about 25 percent of the world's Christians were Pentecostal or
charismatic (450 million adherents). See Christianity Today (November 16, 1998).
38
See W. W. Menzies, Bible Doctrines: A Pentecostal Perspective (Springfield, MO,: Logion,
1993); P.S. Brewster, ed. Pentecostal Doctrine (Cheltenham: Grenehurst Press, 1976); N. Bloch-Hoell, The
Pentecostal Movement: Its Origins, Development, and Distinctive Character (Oslo: Universitetforlaget, 1964).
241
healing for the body, and baptism in the Holy Spirit with the evidence of speaking in tongues
as the Spirit gives the utterance.,,39 In other respects, Pentecostalism tends to adhere to most
all of the other fundamental doctrines of the Christian faith, functioning in the parameters
defined by Protestantism and Evangelicalism.
Spirit Baptism
Pentecostals teach that distinct from and subsequent to the experience of new
birth (regeneration) and conversion is the baptism in the Holy Spirit. The Spirit Baptism is
related to the full reception or release of the Spirit in one's personal being, emotional
exuberance, glossolalia, and the bestowing of different gifts for ministry, including prophetic
and healing gifts. The primary purpose of Spirit baptism according to the Book of Acts is
power for Christian witness and service and the basic requirement for receiving the Holy
Spirit is faith and obedience. (Acts 1:8; 11: 17)40
To support this doctrine Pentecostals maintain that the disciples of Jesus were
already regenerate before Pentecost and the Samaritan converts and the Ephesian disciples
were "born again" before they were baptized in the Spirit. At Pentecost the disciples were
baptized in the Holy Spirit (Acts 1:5), endued with power (Luke 24:49; Acts 1:8), filled with
the Spirit, enabled to speak in other tongues, and empowered for effective and boldly witness
to the risen Lord (Acts 2:4,37,41,43). Pentecostal theologians argue that "to receive the
39The Statement of Faith of the Pentecostal Fellowship of North America, as quoted in J. R.
Williams, "Baptism in the Holy Spirit," in Dictionary ofPentecostal and Charismatic Movements, 40. See also
Donald W. Dayton, Theological Roots ofPentecostalism (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1987).
40
J. R. Williams, "Baptism in the Holy Spirit," in Dictionary ofPentecostal, 40-47.
Interestingly enough, Hollenweger pointed out that Pentecostal hermeneutics is based "almost exclusively on the
Gospel of Luke and the Acts of the Apostles." Hollenweger, The Pentecostals, 336.
242
Holy Spirit" (Acts 2:38; 8: 15, 17, 19; 10:47; 19:2) is "the same gift" (Acts 11:17; 15:8) as the
baptism by Jesus in the Holy Spirit (Acts 1:5; 11:16) that the disciples received at
Pentecost.
41
Therefore, in addition to being baptized into Christ by the Spirit Christians are
baptized by Christ with the Spirit when the Holy Spirit comes personally into our hearts and
lives, bringing to us the charismata. This experience of Spirit baptism and its initial evidence
in tongue speaking must be earnestly sought by believers who totally yield themselves and
cleanse their hearts of all known sins.
42
Speaking in Tongues
Pentecostals have traditionally claimed that speaking in tongues is the "initial
evidence" of the baptism in the Holy Spirit (Acts 2:4; 10:46; 19:6), but many now recognize
other gifts as signs of this experience. "The baptism of believers in the Holy Ghost is
witnessed by the initial physical sign of speaking with other tongues as the Spirit of God gives
them utterance. ,,43 Considering the manifestation of glossolalia as the "initial evidence" of
Spirit baptism, Menzies asserts that, "The experience of an enduement with power, called the
"baptism in the Holy Spirit," is believed to be evidenced by the accompanying sign of
41 J. W. Ward, "Pentecostalist Theology," in Sinclair B. Ferguson and David F. Wright ed.,
New Dictionary of Theology (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1988),502-505.
42 J. R. Williams, "Baptism in the Holy Spirit," in Dictionary 0/Pentecostal, 40-48. See also
1. R. Williams, The Gift 0/the Holy Spirit Today (1980); M. M. B. Turner, "The Significance Of Receiving the
Spirit in Luke-Acts: A Survey of Modern Scholarship," in Trinity Journal 2: I (Fall 1981): 131-158. From
Turner's article it appears that after the careful research, the problem of what "to receive the Holy Spirit" means
for the author of Luke-Acts does not reach general consensus.
43 Assemblies ofGod Statement ofFundamental Truths, article 8.
243
"speaking with other tongues as the spirit gives utterance.,,44 The tongues movement
presupposes that communication with the spiritual realm is more direct when it is apart from
h
. d 45
t emm .
In Pentecostal circles prophetic speech is often connected with glossolalia.
Although most Pentecostals do not seem to place the prophetic gift on the same level of
authority as the Bible, they affirm that in our days "God continues to speak.,,46 To Williams
the prophetic gift "it comes not in a 'heavenly language,' but in the native tongue ofthe
person speaking and with his accustomed inflections, cadences and manners. Indeed, the
speech may even be coarse and ungrammatical; it may falter as well as flow-such really does
47
not matter."
It is generally agreed upon by Pentecostals that "speaking in tongues" is a
miraculous act in which a believer, with the aid of the Holy Spirit, reaches a state of ecstasy
with no control over his faculties and speaks in a language without having knowledge of it.
Pentecostals acknowledge that other Christians may share this experience without using the
Pentecostals' terminology to describe it. Pentecostal authors point out that over the centuries
various Christian groups experienced speaking in "tongues:" Irenaeus, Tertullian and the
44 William Menzies, Anointed to Serve (Springfield, MO: Gospel Publishing House, 1971), 9.
45
Gordon Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1987),655-70.
46J. R. Williams, "Opinion," Logos Journal 7 (May-June 1977): 35.
47
J. Rodman Williams, The Era ojSpirit(Plainfield, NJ: Logos, 1971), 16. Noncharismatics
adopted a cessationist view, arguing that prophesy and other miraculous gifts ended with the apostolic age.
Charles C. Ryrie, The Holy Spirit (Chicago: Moody Press, 1965), 86. See also John F. Walvoord, The Holy Spirit
at Work Today (Chicago: Moody Press, 1973) and MacArthur, The Charismatic Chaos.
244
Montanists, the Quakers, and the Methodists.
48
However, many actually prefer to regard
today's phenomena as "a latter-day pouring out of the Spirit.',49 It is agreed however that, as a
human phenomenon, glossolalia is not limited to Christianity, not even to religious behavior
. 1
50
m genera.
Divine Healing
Another distinguishing mark of Pentecostalism rooted mostly in African
religion is a corporate worship which, besides speaking in tongues and prophesying, is often
characterized by healings, the "casting out of devils" (exorcism), hand-clapping, shouting and
being "slain in the Spirit." Prayer for the sick with the laying on of hands has been a regular
practice of Pentecostals in both regular church services and evangelistic campaigns. 51 In
religious services miracles are reported and testimonies to conversion and healing are
encouraged. To most Pentecostals, "deliverance from sickness is provided for in the
48
A strong argument for the validity of the speaking in tongues and other New Testament
miraculous gifts in our days would be their continuous existence throughout the history of the church. For critics
of Pentecostalism the miraculous gifts ofthe New Testament age did cease and did not occur for almost 1,900
years of church history. See F. Stagg, E. G. Hinson, and W. E. Oates, Glossolalia (Nashville: Abingdon Press,
1967),45--46; Thomas R. Edgar, "The Cessation of the Sign Gifts," Bibliotheca Sacra 145 (Oct 1988): 371-86.
Grudem has proposed a mediating position between cessationist and noncessationist views. He defines prophecy
as "a human-sometimes partially mistaken-report of something the Holy Spirit brought to someone's mind."
Wayne Grudem, The Gift ofProphecy in the New Testament and Today (Westchester, IL: Crossway Books,
1988),14-15.
49
D. Dayton, Theological Roots ofPentecostalism, 26-28.
50
R. P. Spittler, ""Glossolalia," in Dictionary ofPentecostal, 335-41. The mainline
Evangelical understanding is that "tongues shall cease" after the apostolic period. Tongues and the other
miraculous gifts, healings, etc., suddenly are no more in the church because they are designed by God to serve as
a sign. D. A. Carson, Showing the Spirit (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1987).
51
R. M. Anderson, "Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity." in Mircea Eliade ed. The
Encyclopedia ofReligion (New York: Macmillan, 1987), 11 :229-35.
245
atonement, and is the privilege of all believers." (lsa 53:4-5; Matt 8: 16-17)52 However, in the
larger, white Pentecostal denominations these practices tend to disappear.
Experiential Christianity
"Experiential Christianity" was a key concept for Puritanism and Pietism.
Experience became a principal determinant of Pentecostalism, often in detriment of doctrine.
A result of adapting theology to experience was that theological studies and careful biblical
53
tended to be overlook. As F. D. Bruner wrote,
Pentecostalism wishes, in brief, to be understood as experiential Christianity, with its
experience culminating in the Baptism of the believer with the Holy Spirit. ... It is
important to notice that it is not the doctrine, it is the experience of the Holy Spirit
which Pentecostals repeatedly assert that they wish to stress.54
Early Pentecostal leaders were largely evangelistically orientated activists with
little concern for academic biblical scholarship, formal theological education or social care.
Most Pentecostal groups have now their own biblical scholars and church historians.
55
52 Assemblies ofGod Statement 0/Fundamental Truths, article 12. See George Mallone, ed.
Those Controversial Gifts (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1983).
53 See 1. R. Williams, The Era ofthe Spirit (Plainfield, N. 1.: Logos, 1971),55.
54 Frederick D. Bruner, A Theology ofthe Holy Spirit (Grand Rapids: Eedrmans, 1970),21
(emphasis in original).
55 J. W. Ward, "Pentecostalist Theology," 505.
246
Pentecostal Beginnings in Romania: 1922-1945
By the end of World War I, the revival originated at Azusa Street catapulted
Pentecostalism into an international religious movement. Among the first who brought the
new faith on the European continent was Thomas Ball Barratt of Norway, a Methodist pastor
56
later to be known as the Pentecostal apostle to Northern and Western Europe.
The first hint of Pentecostal activity in Eastern Europe and Russia dates around
1910, when Eleanor Patrick who had worked with Pentecostals in Germany, established a
church among the German Mennonites. Speaking in tongues and prophecy were known
among members of the Molokan sect. The Pentecostal movement got a major boost in the
Slavic world through the ministry of a Russian Baptist pastor, Ivan Voronaev who received
the Pentecostal experience of Spirit baptism in New York City in 1919. Influenced by
prophecies, he took his family with him to Odessa in the Ukraine in 1922, where he
established the first Pentecostal church in the Soviet Union. He also preached in the 1920s at
Varna (Bulgaria) where his family stayed for a time, introducing Pentecostalism in Southern
Dobrogea. Since the Baptist churches rejected his message, Voronaev traveled extensively
evangelizing and organizing Pentecostal churches, being assisted financially by the Russian
and Eastern European Mission (REEM) with headquarters in Chicago. Due to his connection
with REEM, Voronaev was arrested in Odessa in 1929 on the charge of being a tool of
"American imperialists." He was shot and killed in a communist labor camp in Siberia in
1943 (in what was alleged to be an attempted escape), but the Pentecostal churches
56 Receiving a glossolalic baptism in the Spirit in New York City in 1906, Barrat returned to
Oslo where he conducted the first Pentecostal services in Europe in December of 1906. His church, Kristiana
Bymission, became the center ofa revival in 1907 from which Pentecostalism spread throughout Western
Europe and the British Isles, spreading especially among the evangelical and Holiness believers of the poorer
classes. Synan, The Holiness Pentecostal Tradition, 130-31.
247
established by him survived incredible persecution to become a major religious force in
Russia and the former Soviet Union. 57
Romanian Pentecostal Pioneers
Romanian Pentecostalism originated shortly after World War I with a group of
Baptists from Transylvania. They came in contact with American Pentecostals in a time of
sickness and suffering, of economic and spiritual crises, and embraced the teachings of divine
healing, Spirit filling, and speaking in tongues. Romanian Pentecostal historian Trandafir
Sandru sets the beginning ofthe movement in the early 1920s, in Paulis village, near Arad.
58
Gheorghe Bradin (1895-1962) was a young Romanian countryman from Cuvin
(near Arad), who grew up in the tradition of the Orthodox Church. In January of 1914 he
started to read the New Testament and to attend the services of the village Baptist church.
59
Bradin records in his journal that shortly after, he decided to learn how to play the church
organ, but he had a dream in which it appeared that Jesus came to him saying, "I did not
choose you to play or sing, but to preach the Gospel." Following this event, in March 1914, he
started to proclaim the good news of God. Two months later Bradin understood the necessity
57
Synan, The Century, 76-80.
58
Sandru, Biserica Penticostala in Istoria Crestinismului [The Pentecostal Church in the
History of Christianity] (Bucuresti: Editura Bisericii lui Dumnezeu Apostolice din Romania, 1992), 125-127.
There were other independent Pentecostal manifestations in different parts of the country about the same period,
but the developments in the Arad county gained preeminence.
59 Bradin had an early influence from the Seventh Day Adventists in his village.
248
of being born again through faith, accepted baptism by immersion, and become a member of
the Baptist church in Cuvin.
60
With the precipitation of the events of 1914 culminating with the Austro-
Hungarian declaration of war on Serbia, Bradin was sent to the front in Galicia and in
September 1915 became a Russian prisoner of war. After the war, Bradin settled in the village
of Paulis, near Arad. The postwar crises, political, economic, and social, deepened the
suffering of the people throughout this part of Europe. His marriage with Persida was
performed in 1918, in the village Baptist church. Early in their marriage the Bradins
experienced a series of troubles. In 1919 their first child died soon after birth and then they
were struck with rheumatism and tuberculosis. As if that was not enough, their cow, the only
source of income, died soon after. These events contributed to the Bradins' search for a divine
intervention. In the midst of suffering the Bradins recommitted their lives to God and devoted
their time to missionary activity. In January 1922, Gheorghe Bradin was appointed pastor
(preacher) of the Baptist church in
Bradin's spiritual journey took a different course in May of 1922, after he read
in Adevarul Biblic (Biblical Truth}-a small booklet printed in Cleveland, Tennessee-about the
baptism of the Holy Spirit, which appeared to resemble that of the early Christians. He also
learned from a letter about different cases of divine healing that were occurring in an
American Pentecostal church through the ministry of the famous evangelist Aimee Semple
60
Sandru, Biserica Penticostala, 125-26. loan Ceuta, "The History of the Pentecostal
Apostolic Church of God in Romania." D.Min. project, (Columbia Biblical Seminary: 1990),29. In describing
the beginnings of Romanian Pentecostalism Ceuta strongly relies on Bradin' s journal. Ceuta and those who
follow him are separated from the main Romanian Pentecostal body.
61 Ceuta, "The History," 28-31.
249
McPherson from Los Angeles.
62
With renewed hope, the Bradins decided immediately to
pray to receive the Holy Spirit, and for a healing of their sickness. Bradin also established a
correspondence with Romanian Pentecostals from Cleveland, through Pavel Budeanu, who
instructed him in the doctrine of the Holy Spirit. In his journal Bradin relates how in June
1922 his wife was healed from tuberculosis as a result of their prayers through faith. Bradin
asked further details concerning the new religious movement, and kept correspondence with
Budeanu. In September of 1922, after reading Budeanu's letter on the Holy Spirit, Bradin
decided to stop attending the Baptist congregation, embrace the new teaching and open a new
church. Sandru marks this event as the birth of Romanian Pentecostalism: "having complete
light concerning biblical teaching, on the 10th of September, Bradin's family constituted the
first Pentecostal church at their residence in By the end of the year, after hearing
about the new faith and the extraordinary experience of healing shared by the Bradins, about
62 f'the most nromi I' h . I
One 0 the most prormnent woman leaders Pentecosta Ism as produced, Aimee Semp e
McPherson (1890-1944) was an extremely gifted communicator and organizer, preacher of divine healing, a
competent musician, a prolific writer, and in many ways a servant of the poor. She was licensed as a "preacher-
evangelist" by the Assemblies of God, by the Methodists and Baptists, and had the ability to hold
interdenominational and ecumenical meetings. "Sister" McPherson was also a controversial figure who lost her
first husband in 1910 while on a mission in Hong Kong, divorced from the second in 1921, after years of
ministry together, and entered a third ill-fated marriage in 1931, after suffering a nervous breakdown. In 1926,
when she had become a highly publicized international figure as the founder of the International Church of the
Foursquare Gospel, she was severely ridiculed and ordered to stand to trial for an alleged affair in California
with a former employee of Angelus Temple. Hollenweger mentions that McPherson like Parham, had close ties
with the Ku Klux Klan in the 1920s. Aimee Semple McPherson died suddenly in a 1944 crusade in Oakland,
California, from what was apparently an accidental overdose of a medical prescription. C. Robeck, "McPherson,
Aimee Semple," in Dictionary ofPentecostal, 568-71, See also Edith Blumhofer's Aimee Semple McPherson:
Everybody's Sister (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1993), and Hollenweger, Pentecostalism, 44, The Pentecostals,
487-88.
63
Sandru, Biserica Penticostala, 126-27.
250
thirty Baptists from Paulis joined the new Pentecostal congregation.T' After a short while, a
second church was started in the house of Vasile Sernenascu in Cuvin, and the new converts
started to pray to receive the baptism of the Holy Spirit.
65
The experience of speaking in tongues started to be manifested in the winter of
1923, when a woman from Cuvin named Sida Semenascu, received the so-called baptism with
the Holy Spirit. The event produced great excitement among the new converts to
Pentecostalism, happy to see and hear what they had believed and prayed for.
66
During the
same year, many of them received the same experience, including Persida and Gheorghe
Bradin themselves, and the new faith continued to spread to other villages in the Arad
region.
67
However, when one of the believers fell under demonic influence, a certain
confusion spread among the first Pentecostals concerning the baptism of the Spirit and
speaking in tongues, finding Bradin unprepared to deal with those challenges.
68
Another key player of Romanian Pentecostalism was Pavel Budeanu (1886-
1958), who embraced the Pentecostal faith and became a Pentecostal minister, after he had
immigrated to America. In 1923 Budeanu joined the Assemblies of God in Akron (Ohio), and
64 The Baptist perspective is that Bradin left the Baptist church in Cuvin because the pastor
Dimirtie Cheres postponed his ordination as a preacher. Popovici places the Pentecostal rupture in 1925 when,
influenced by Budeanu, Bradin convinced most of the Baptists from Cuvin-together with the choir director
Dumitru Stoiu-to join his cause. See Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor vol. 2, 397-98, and 1. Ungureanu
"Penticostalismul," in F'arul Mdntuirii (21-22, 1927), 10-11, and (24, 1927), 8.
65
Sandru, Biserica Penticostala, 127.
66
Cuvdntul Adevarului (May 1, 1931), I.
67
Ceuta, "The History." 36-7.
68 Ceuta, "The History," 57.
251
after 1943 became connected with the Church of God in Cleveland.
69
According to Lascau,
Budeanu "represented the American fundamentalist Pentecostalism, as opposed to the
modernist stream.,,70 He continued to keep in touch with the group of seekers from the Arad
County, being himself a native ofthat region. The following year, Budeanu visited Romania
and organized during the night the first water baptism for the new converts in the Mures
River, outside of Paulis. The photograph of the first Romanian Pentecostal Church has the
inscription "Biserica lui Dumnezeu" (The Church ofGod).71 Budeanu represented a bridge
between Romanian Pentecostals and the Church of God founded in the United States. His last
.. R . . 1956
72
VISIt to ornarua was In .
It appears that apa..-t fromthe developments in the Arad region, there were
other independent Pentecostal beginnings in Transylvania and Bucovina. In 1919, some
German Baptists from Darlos (close to Medias), experienced a Pentecostal revival when a
woman returning from America shared with her community about Spirit baptism. Mihail
Thelmann converted to the new faith in 1923, and was ordained in 1927 by George Steen, a
Swedish Pentecostal missionary. Few other Pentecostal churches were opened in the vicinity
of Darlos through the work of Thelmann. 73 Cuciuc makes reference to a third independent
69
John Tipei and Trandafir Sandru, Trezirea Spirituala Penticostala din Romania, [The
Pentecostal Spiritual Revival in Romania] (Bucharest, 1997),91-92.
70
Petru Lascau, Biserica in Asediu (1992), 162.
71
Sandru, Biserica Penticostala, 127, 129.
72
Sandru, Biserica Penticostala, 156.
73
Sandru, Biserica Penticostala, 130.
252
Pentecostal beginning in 1926 in Bucovina, when a woman who returned from America
started to spread Pentecostal ideas.
74
Initial Development and Attempts to Recognition
In 1924, following the pressure of several Orthodox priests, government
officials interdicted the activity of the new Pentecostal groups from Paulis and Cuvin. That
situation forced Budeanu, Bradin, and the fifty other Baptist-Pentecostal believers to send a
petition to the Ministry of Religion (Cultelor) in Bucharest, asking for state recognition as a
religious association, on the grounds that the new doctrine was widely practiced in America.
In that letter, recorded in Bradin's journal, the new denomination was called the "Baptist-
Pentecostal church," and had Gheorghe Bradin as "president," and Dumitru Stoiu as "general
secretary." The Declaration of Faith of the General Council of the Church of God, published
in a fourteen-page booklet called Declararea Fundamentului Adevarat (The Declaration of
the True Foundation) was also included with their petition?5 The Minister of Cults forbade
the activities of the Pentecostals in Romania through the Decision No. 5734/1925, mentioning
that their doctrine was not shared by all its members, but only by a few "initiates", and did not
provide sufficient guarantee for the requirements stipulated in the Romanian Constitution.
However, since the Pentecostals did not violate the laws and displayed proper behavior, their
activity was tolerated.
74
Constantin Cuciuc, Atlasul Re/igii/or si al Monumentelor Re/igioase din Romania [The
Atlas of Religions and Religious Monuments in Romania] (Bucuresti: Editura Gnosis, 1997),66.
75 See the first Pentecostal declaration of faith in the Appendix.
253
Unexpectedly, the publication of this decision-the first official document
mentioning the existence of Pentecostalism in Romania-eontributed to familiarizing the
general public with the new faith, and many became interested in the new religion.
76
By
1926, six Pentecostal congregations were established in the Arad County, with most of the
new converts from the Baptist churches.
77
After 1927, the Pentecostal faith spread to different
areas in the Banat region, and in Bihor and Mures counties. Alexandru Isbasa converted to the
Pentecostal faith after witnessing an unusual healing in his village of Birchis, near Timisoara,
In 1928, the Pentecostal doctrine reached the cities of Braila and Galati, in Southern
Moldavia, through the conversion of Solomon Borlovan, Mihail Radu, and loan Bododea-a
Baptist pastor.
78
One year later, Vasile Gaspar, another Baptist minister, wrote a brochure
against Pentecostalism, but became himself a Pentecostal in a very short time. 1928-29 was
the period when Pentecostalism appeared in some parts of Bucovina and Suceava, through the
conversion of Christian Gavrila among others.
79
After 1930, the Pentecostal faith spread to
the areas of Cluj, and in Bistrita and Maramures.
A general meeting was held in the fall of 1928 at Paulis, in Bradin's house,
with the objective of organizing the activity of the Pentecostal churches and discussing the
76 Bradin, "Miscarea Penticostala din Romania," in Vestitorul Evangheliei (June 1, 1946),5.
77 Ceuta, "The History," 39-40. Popovici asserts that in this period of opposition Bradin did
not completely dissociate himself from the Baptists, and sent flyers to different Baptists in the Arad region in an
attempt to prove that he was still a "true Baptist." See Popovici, lstoria Baptistilor vol. 2, 398, and Titi Oprescu,
"Cornediile Penticostalilor," in Farul Mdntuirii (14-15, 1929), 10.
78 Gh. Bradin, "Miscarea Penticostala din Romania," in Vestitorul Evangheliei (June 1, 1946),
6. Between 1923-28 Rdodea was one of the most influential Baptist pastors serving in Braila. See Farul
Mdntuirii 3/4 (March, 1924),8.
79
Sandru, Biserica Penticostala, 131.
254
new Declaration of Faith. The outcome of this council was the election of Gheorghe Bradin as
president, Mihai Olariu as secretary, and the appointing ofIoan Bododea as editor of the first
Pentecostal magazine, Glasul Adevarului (The Voice ofTruth), later renamed as Cuvdntul
Adevdrului (The Word of Truth). The name of the new religious association was The
Apostolic Church of God (Pentecostal). 80
After realizing the impossibility of obtaining recognition for an association
labeled as "Pentecostal," Bradin, Bododea and their followers made another attempt to obtain
official recognition in February 1929. The strategy was to organize the growing churches
from the Braila and Galati area as a different association named "The Apostolic Church of
God" with headquarters at Brailita, Braila district. In the case of governmental recognition, all
Pentecostal churches would have joined this new association. With Bradin's blessing loan
Bododea was appointed president and Mihail Radu secretary. With authentic managerial
abilities, Bododea introduced among the Pentecostals a new administrative system based on
grouping the churches from a large region in regional branches (/iliale) coordinated by an
Executive Committee.
81
The new leadership forwarded a new petition of recognition as a
religious association to the Ministry of Cults, admitting the agreement in practice and faith
with the Declaration of Faith of the Apostolic Pentecostal Church of God. After what initially
seemed to be a favorable answer, the governmental decision No. 3114/1930 denied the
Pentecostal freedom of worship once again, under the objection that the doctrine of the
80 Pavel Bochian, "Biserica Penticostala intre 1925-) 930" [The Pentecostal Church Between
1925-1930], in Buletinul Bisericii Penticostale No 6, (Nov-Dec 1989), 8.
81
I. M. Popescu, Istoria # Sociologia Religiilor Crestinismului [The History and Sociology of
Christian Religions] (Bucuresti, 1996), 231.
255
religious association The Apostolic Church of God is "Pentecostalistic.,,82 In 1933 the
Pentecostals were again placed among the "prohibited sects," in spite of the exclusion of the
term "Pentecostal" from their official name.
83
From the regions of Braila and Galati the
Pentecostal faith spread to the northern areas of Moldavia and Bucovina.
State and Religious Persecutions
Early Romanian Pentecostals went through a long series of persecution and
suffering, which came from the government, local authorities, and the Orthodox Church. The
chief accusations had political, religious, and moral grounds. Consequently, early Pentecostals
were often charged of being Communist agents and a disease on society. Their faith was
considered heretical teaching imported from the West. Due to their night-time prayer
meetings and emphasis on spiritual manifestations, they were often accused of immoral
conduct and occult activities.
Bradin records in his journal how in 1926, Bishop Grigore Comsa of Arad sent
a petition to the governor of the city charging that Pentecostals don't eat for forty days, and if
they eat at all, they only eat bread with salt and drink water. The Pentecostals were described
as "a plague for the Romanian society" and "communist agents.,,84 In 1933, the same
82 Cuvdntul Adevarului (Jan 1931), 1. Gh. Bradin, "Miscarea Penticostala din Romania," in
Vestitorul Evangheliei (June I, 1946),6.
83 Two leading newspapers Dimineata (Nov 20, 1931) and Adevarul (Nov 21, 1931) describe
the liberty of religious activities (propaganda) granted to all neo-Protestant groups: Baptists, Adventists, and
Pentecostals (apostolici), but shows that persecution stilJ continued, fueled by Orthodox priests. Severe fines
were stipulated for worship outside the Orthodox Church, or for the change of religion.
U d -
Ceuta, "The History," 49. San ru, Biserica Penticostala, 135. See Ur. Cornsa , Noua
Cii/iiuzii Pentru Cunoasterea si Combaterea Sectelor (Cemica, 1925), 74, 75, 77. See also the second edition
published in 1927 at Arad, 106-107.
256
Orthodox official requested from the authorities of Arad the interdiction of any Pentecostal
activity and the repression of Pentecostal followers, attacking the "destructive Pentecostal
publications" printed at Lipova, and labeling Bradin as an "illicit propagandist". Due to
persecution, most ofthe early Pentecostal meetings took place under cover of darkness, in
houses with carefully covered windows, or in forests and other remote places.
85
In order to be admitted to school or promoted the Pentecostal students were
required to bring a certificate from the Orthodox church that they participated in church
services and the liturgy. In August 1927 the Orthodox periodical Biserica si Scoala issued in
Arad admitted the discriminatory sanctions against unrecognized religious groups and came
out triumphantly with the title: "It has been forbidden to sectarian's children to register to
school." The order was revoked in September 1927 with the arrival ofthe new official
86
Lapedatu.
In the Decision 114119/1933, the Ministry of Religion (Cultelor) designated
all Pentecostal groups as "illegal sects." The Pentecostals suffered a long period of
humiliation, severe fines, physical abuse, and even prison sentences. Sandru mentions the
case ofPartenie Pera from Lipova, who died in 1927, days after he was beaten with a chain by
a policeman, who was as a result both fined and promoted in rank.
87
One major newspaper
shows how a number of Pentecostal believers were physically humiliated and persecuted by
being forced to carry large wagons of rocks and gravel around the streets of Ilva Mare (near
85
Sandru, Biserica Penticostala, 135.
86
Biserica si Scoala 30 (August, 1927). The revoked direction was published in "Gazeta
Oficiala" of the Inspectoratul Scalar Regional Timisoara from September 29, 1927.
87
Sandru, Biserica Penticostala, 136.
257
Arad), and how children were beaten before their parents' eyes.
88
Bradin and Olariu were
imprisoned for a month in November of 1936. During that time the persecutor Comsa died.
89
The Romanian Orthodox Patriarch and Prime Minister at the same time, Miron
Cristea returning from the great ecumenical council in Geneva, bitterly persecuted the
Romanian Protestants and evangelicals. His reasoning was that since the Orthodox Church
was recognized by Catholics as a sister movement, the Neo-Protestants did not have the right
to come and make proselytes among the Romanians as though they were pagans.
Consequently, during the authoritarian regime of Carol II before World War II, the
evangelicals were beaten, imprisoned, and locked out of their churches. Pavel Bochian from
Mocrea (Arad) was one ofthose imprisoned in 1938, during that period ofpersecution.
90
Persecution of all the Evangelical movements culminated after 1942, under the
regime of Antonescu, when the religious associations of the Baptists, Adventists, Crestini
dupa Evanghelie, and Pentecostals, were all banned by the Decree No. 9270/1942. One
motivation was that these "sects" were sustained by America and Great Britain, and their
members refused to participate in the war. The Neo-Protestants were forced to join the
Orthodox Church in order to escape persecution. Many of those who refused to deny their
faith and return to the Orthodox Church were arrested, sent to the Russian front, and
threatened with deportation to the Russian region of Transnistria.
91
Numerous Pentecostal
88 ihai S /
Mi ai avastas, Dimineata 44 21 (Nov 1931).
89
Sandru, Biserica Penticostald, 136-37, based on Bradin's Journal.
90
Pavel Bochian, Viata unui Pastor din Romania (Bucuresti, 1997),39-47.
91 Bochian, Viata unui Pastor, 48.
258
believers were imprisoned in jails from Timisoara and Craiova. Because he did not accept to
deny his Pentecostal faith, Rusin Voicu from Lascar Catargiu (Galati county), was
condemned in September 1942 to 25 years of disciplinary labor. On the 24th of August 1945,
Voicu died in prison, under heavy bombardment. 92 Even in these oppressive conditions the
Pentecostal faith continued to spread throughout the country as a clandestine movement.
Doctrinal Controversies and Internal Divisiveness
Sandru' s claim that "the Romanian Pentecostal movement came forth as a
unitary endeavor/work and retained this characteristic" cannot be validated.
93
The evidence
rather points to independent origins and substantial divisiveness among Romanian
Pentecostals who were eventually forced to seek union by the communist regime. Prior to the
Second World War the Romanian Pentecostal movement was highly fragmented and
disorganized, a period considered to be the "black page" of their history.
The Apostolic Church of God-Pentecostal (Biserica lui Dumnezeu Apostolica)
was the largest Pentecostal faction, having close ties with the American Church of God.
94
Bradin and his followers represented the more conservative branch of Romanian
Pentecostalism. Influenced by legalist teaching Bradin maintained that abstinence from
alcohol and simple dress are necessary conditions for salvation. He rejected the idea of paid
92
Sandru, Biserica Penticostald, 137-8. The cases of Pentecostals sentenced to prison during
this period are numerous. Frant Michiticiuc and Ivan Bosovac from Serauti (Cernauti) spent two years in jail,
three members of the Ardelean family from Graniceri (Arad) were imprisoned in April 1943 and served from 10
to 16 months.
93
Sandru, Biserica Penticostala, 139.
94 In their first petition to the Romanian government, Bradin used the Declaration of Faith
approved by the General Council of the Church of God. See Ceuta, "The History," 36, 39.
259
ministry, promoting the dependance upon God and His Spirit. Bradin thought that glosolalia
was a condition for receiving the Holy Spirit baptism and advocated the monthly foot washing
following the Lord's Supper, viewed as an act of fellowship. The practice of foot washing
caused several divisions among the early Romanian Pentecostals, which continued over the
years. In 1932, following the conflict with Bododea, Bradin and his followers moved their
base from Braila to Lipova. After Bradin's return to the Baptists in 1938, this group
. 11 di . d 95
practica y isintegrate .
The Pentecostal church founded in Northern Moldavia with Christian Gavrila
as leader, evolved in April 1930 as a separate branch (/iliala) of the Apostolic Pentecostal
Church of God.
96
They practiced monthly foot washing following the Lord's Supper, used
unleavened bread and juice for the Lord's Supper, and regulated the practice of speaking in
tongues by the text in 1 Corinthians 14.
97
By the mid 1930s, most of the churches of
Bucovina renounced the practice of foot washing.
98
Over the years, Bucovina became the
province with the most pronounced Pentecostal presence.
"The Apostolic Church which is of God or Christians Baptized with the Holy
Spirit" (but who don't practice foot washing) (Biserica Apostolica a lui Dumnezeu sau
95
Valeriu Andreiescu, Istoria Bisericii Penticostale din Romania [The History of the
Pentecostal Church in Romania] (Bucuresti: Institutul Teologic Penticostal, 1999) Unpublished notes, 15-17.
96
CuwintulAdeviirului(Jan 1, 1931), 1.
97
Cuvdntul Adevdrului (June I, 1930), 1 published the decision of the Pentecostals from
Bucovina and Northern Moldavia. Ceuta, "The History," 44-45.
98
Cuvdntul Adevarului (Nov, 1934),2.
260
Crestini Botezati eli Duhul Slant) was the second Pentecostal division.
99
Crucial divergences
among Pentecostals appeared in 1930 in Timisoara when two members of the Russian and
Eastern European Mission (REEM, sponsored by the American Assemblies of God) came to
Timisoara and got involved with the church of Alexandru Isbasa. The two Pentecostal
missionaries-Janos Lerch and the superintendent Gustav Smith-were associated with the
Danzig Bible Institute from. Poland. They provided m.onthly financial support and faciiitated
biblical education for some of the Romanian Pentecostals, but tried to impose their views in
100
exchange.
In 1931 loan Bododea and Eugen Bodor came as well in contact with the
REEM and in a short period a new Pentecostal group emerged. It was called "Christians
Baptized with the Holy Spirit (but who don't practice foot washing)." In 1931 Eugen Bodor
from Suceava was sent for studies at Danzig Bible School, but was excommunicated (together
with Gheorghe Catargiu) on the charge of inappropriate moral behavior. For a short period
this faction published the paper Credinta Apostolica (The Apostolic Faith). At the Medias
conference in 1933 Bododea and Bodor were proved unable to justify the lack of money and
were excommunicated by the other congregations. In this circumstance Vasile Gaspar and
Gheorghe Catargiu assumed leadership and attempted to unify with Bradin's group. 101 Other
controversies concerning correctness of human leadership kept the situation fluid. When
99 When describing the two major Pentecostal factions, Ceuta speaks of "the wars between
two denominations." Ceuta, "The History," 59.
100
Dictionary ofPentecostal and Charismatic Movement. (Grand Rapids, 1988), 276. Donald
Gee was among the professors at Danzig Bible Institute. Ceuta, "The History," 58.
101
Andreiescu, Istoria Bisericii Penticostale, 17-18. Sandru, Biserica Penticostala, 139. The
Baptists maintain that both Bododea and Gaspar who renounced their Baptist faith had bad subsequent
testimonies as Bododea became an alcoholic and Gaspar changed his faith several times. Bunaciu, 54-55.
261
Gustav Smith heard about this possibility of unity he started again to send financial
support. 102 One step toward unity took place in 1935, when Isbasa and his group from
Timisoara-who had been excommunicated by Bradin's faction-affiliated with the Christians
Baptized with the Holy Spirit. In the following years Timisoara became the center of this
group and the new leader Isbasa started to publish Lumina Evangheliei (The Light ofthe
103
Gospel).
Non-Pentecostal writers pointed out these divisions in Pentecostalism as well:
Since 1930, some ofthe Baptist preachers recently converted [to Pentecostalism]
manifested a nonconformist attitude. In 1931 Romanian Pentecostals divided; the
divergences denoted some leaders' attempt to introduce modernist behavior (modern
fashion, flexibility concerning marital relations, the freedom of renouncing the foot
washing ritual, and to establish various contacts with the worldwide Pentecostal
movement). 104 (Translation mine)
The Christians Baptized with the Holy Spirit represented the more modernist
Pentecostal fraction, as evidenced in their emphasis on a more modem life-style, clothing, and
the use of alcoholic beverages. The attempts for unity within these factions were thwarted by
controversial issues such as the teaching that even the believers who do not speak in tongues
will eventually be baptized with the Holy Spirit, the correctness of appointing human
presidents of the Pentecostal church, and the practice of drinking alcoholic beverages. 105 This
group was considered to be connected with the American Assemblies of God.
102
Ceuta, "The History," 60.
103 "Din Istoricul Bisericii Elim," Elim (Oct-Dec, 1998), 14-15. See also Andreiescu, Istoria
Bisericii Penticostale, 16-17.
104 Cuciuc, At/asu/ Re/igii/or, 67.
105
Vestitorul Evanghe/iei [The Herald of the Evangel] (Oct, 1946),6.
262
A third but much smaller group called "The Disciples of the Lord Jesus Christ"
emerged in Bucharest possibly before World War I under the leadership ofIon Jiloveanu.
They promoted a more indigenous form of Pentecostalism, rejecting foreign interventions.
Influenced by the Adventists, they maintained that prophecy is more important than the
Bible. 106 Popescu maintains that this group was influenced by Jehovah's Witnesses as
II
107
we .
Relationship with Other Christian Denominations
From the early 1920s, the Orthodox Church initiated an aggressive and
continued campaign against all Pentecostal groups. In 1927 Bishop Gheorghe Comsa of Arad
who led the crusade, spoke of the connection between Pavel Budean and other Romanian
Pentecostals from America and the sect known as the Evangelists ("secta Evanghelistilor")
from Iasi, linked with the Pentecostal beginnings in Bucovina. 108 Romanian Pentecostals
were received with suspicion by other Neo-Protestant groups as well. However, there was a
widespread interest in the new movement and Romanian Pentecostalism experienced a
substantial and continuous growth before the instauration of the Communist regime.
The initial period in the life of the movement was characterized by significant
transfer of membership between Pentecostals and Baptists. As has been shown, the first
106
Andreiescu, 18, based on Petru Ardeu, Istoria Biserieii Romanesti, 79.
107
I. M. Popescu, Istoria si Sociologia Religiilor, 231. Popescu mentions another group
named "the shakers."
108
Gh. Comsa, Noua Calauzd Pentru Cunoasterea si Combaterea Seetelor (Arad, 1927),
106-107. The Evangelists from Iasi could be also identified with the Crestini dupa Evanghelie, since there was
already a Brethren assembly in Iasi , started by Grigore Constantinescu during the war.
263
Pentecostals from the Arad region were originally Baptists. The reaction of the Baptists from
Crisana came without delay. In an article published in 1927 the Baptist pastor loan Ungureanu
from Curtici maintained that out of his aspiration for leadership unfulfilled in the Baptist
church Gheorghe Bradin from Paulis decided to establish a new congregation. He also
considered that the Pentecostal claims for speaking in foreign languages and performing
miraculous healings were not justified, arguing that the only "speaking" promoted in their
churches was no more than babbling, and no proven case of miraculous healing was
known. 109 In a series of articles, another Baptist, loan Cocut, challenges the connection
between signs and wonders or the speaking in tongues and the baptism or the fullness ofthe
S
. it 110
pint.
In Galati there were also Baptists who converted to Pentecostalism in 1928-30,
under the influence ofIoan Bododea and Vasile Gaspar. Sandru admits that due to internal
disagreements, financial difficulties, and fierce persecution, from 1938 to 1945, Bradin
changed denominations returning to the Baptists, followed by some of the churches such as
those from Paulis and Lipova.
I I I
Popovici mentions that Bradin and Mihai Olariu renounced
their Pentecostal practices by signing a Baptist declaration of faith and functioned as Baptist
109
loan Ungureanu, "Penticostalismul" in Farul Mdntuirii 2l/22 (Nov, 1927), 10-11, Farul
Mdntuirii 24 (Dec, 1927), 8, and F'arul Mdntuirii I (Jan, 1928), 6.
11
0
See also loan Cocut, "Semne ~ i Minuni," in Farul Crestin 13 (I July, 1935), 1 and
"Vorbirea in Limbi," in Farul Crestin 16 (I5 Aug, 1935), 1.
III
Tipei, Trezirea Penticostald, 89-90. Sandru, Biserica Penticostald, 139, 142. For a short
period Bradin joined the Uniunea Baptistilor Independenti (The Union of Independent Baptists) led by
Alexandru Szaday, and then with the Arad Baptist Community. See also Vestitorul Evangheliei (The Herald of
the Evangel), (June, 1947),6.
264
pastors in Arad between 1939 and 1945.
112
The more recent Pentecostal position is for
cooperation with the Baptists, since both have similar doctrine.
113
Growth and Geographical Distribution
Started as a movement of the poor and uneducated peasants from Crisana
(primarily Arad) and Banat, Romanian Pentecostalism spread in Northern Moldavia, the area
of Braila and Galati, and throughout Transylvania.
112 Popovici maintains that the actions ofthe first Pentecostals disturbed the life of numerous
Baptist churches throughout the country. See Popovici, Istoria Baptistilor vol. 2, 398, and and Titi Oprescu,
"Comediile Penticostalilor," in Farul Mdntuirii (14-15, 1929), 10.
113
Andreiescu, Istoria Bisericii Penticostale, 4.
265
- - - - - ~ .
Romanian church
IJungarian church
. ~ Pentecostal center

';:Iu;

Alba-tulia

M e d i a ~

BilC<l\l

Ploicliti.

BULGARIA
Figure 9. Pentecostal churches in 1940.
Romanian Pentecostal Post-War Development
New Beginnings: Recognition and Unity
The Moscow Agreement issued in 1946 facilitated liberty for all religious
groups in Romania. 114 This led to the recognition and restructuring ofthe three major
Pentecostal fractions. In 1945 Bradin was persuaded to rejoin the Pentecostals and at a
114 "Autoritatile politienesti si administrative din tara au fost rugate sa lase libere adunarile
religioase premise sau nepermise, eu seopul de a-si desemna official delegati la Ministerul Cuitelor in vederea
elaborarii noii legi de libertate religioasa." Universul (22 Feb 1946).
266
conference in Arad he was reinstalled as president, while Olariu became vice-president. In
May 1946, the religious association The Apostolic Church of God centered in Arad received
temporary recognition. Sandru who had been involved in the process of recognition
functioned as general secretary and editor of the new paper Vestitorul Evangheliei (The
Herald ofthe Gospel). Decision 25411/1946, signed by the director for minor denominations
within the Ministry of Cults, Nicolae Grosu, allowed provisional freedom of worship to the
Pentecostals and the election ofleaders to participate in elaborating the new Law ofCults.
115
The Pentecostal Declaration of Faith and the Statute of the Church were approved in
December 1946, with decision No. 64803/1946. At a general conference that took place in
August 1946 in Arad, sevenfiliale were created: Arad, Bihor, Turda, Cluj, Bucovina,
Southern Moldavia, and Muntenia. To these, one year later other regional branches were
added: Salaj, Timis, Maramures, Alba and S o m e ~ . 1 1 6 The total membership of the Pentecostal
churches after the war was considered to be around 15,000.
117
In 1946, the newly installed regime granted temporary recognition to the
Christians Baptized with the Holy Spirit. Following a conference at Radauti, Isbasa and Bodor
convinced a good number of churches (particularly from Bucovina and Northern Moldavia)
that did not practice the ritual of foot washing to join with The Apostolic Church of God
(Arad) retaining their particular features. By 1949 Isbasa's group agreed to union with The
Apostolic Pentecostal Church of God. The Disciples ofthe Lord Jesus Christ centered in
115
Vestitorul Evangheliei (June 1946), 1-2.
116
Vestitorul Evangheliei (Sep 1946), 10, (July 1947), and (Sep, 1947).
117
Sandru, The Pentecostal Apostolic Church, 35.
267
Bucharest was also recognized in 1948.
118
In 1948, the Pentecostals had together roughly
30,000 members grouped in about 600 churches.
119
After the war followed a period in which the new government recognized and
granted relative freedom to all religious denominations in Romania. In February 1950, the
Ministry of Cults presided over by Stoian Stanciu recognized only the Apostolic Pentecostal
Church of God as a legal denomination. Consequently, the Christians Baptized with the Holy
Spirit and the Disciples of Jesus Christ decided to unite with the main group led by Bradin,
forming a single Pentecostal denomination. In November 1950, the Pentecostal church was
acknowledged by the presidential Decree 120311950 under the name The Romanian Apostolic
Church of God. A general Congress took place in July 1951 at Arad. At the 1950 unification
of the three factions, the total number of Romanian Pentecostal believers was of 31,91o.
Under the communist supervision, the following years witnessed to a more detailed
organization of the Romanian Pentecostal churches, with a General Assembly of 45 members,
a Central Council formed of 15 members with central leading role, and an Executive
Committee of six members representing the permanent leading body. 120 In order to
strengthen the dependence of the local churches to a centralized system, the communist
regime facilitated the establishment of a Pension and Assistance Office.
118
Sandru, Biserica Penticostala, 143.
119
Sandru, Biserica Penticostala, 145; Tipei, Trezirea Penticostala, 100; Cuciuc, Atlasul
Religiilor, 67.
120
Sandru, The Pentecostal Apostolic Church, 38-39.
268
Even though the Pentecostal movement experienced severe persecution (and
subsequent divisions) during the Communist period, it proved to be among the fastest
growing Christian denominations in Romania. 121
Doctrine and Practice
As it was pointed out, in their postwar Statement of Faith Romanian
Pentecostals retained the distinctive teaching that all Christians should seek a post-conversion
religious experience called the Baptism with the Holy Spirit, and that a Spirit baptized
believer should receive the supernatural gift of speaking in tongues. 122 Other supernatural
manifestations such as interpreting tongues, the ability to prophecy, and the practice of divine
healing, are emphasized as well. A striking feature for visitors, concert prayer with everybody
praying out loud simultaneously is a typical manifestation in Romanian Pentecostal churches.
In most of the churches, the sermon represents the main point of the service. 123
Lack of biblical training and experience combined with internal conflicts led to
the proliferation of abnormal practices and false doctrines among the first Pentecostals. In
1923 some level of confusion spread concerning the baptism of the Spirit and speaking in
tongues, when one of the first believers fell under demonic influence. A year later a
Pentecostal woman started to pray for the sick and for receiving the baptism in the Spirit and
121
Sandru, Biserica Penticostald, 205-10.
122
See Scurta Expunere a Principii/or de Credinta a Bisericii lui Dumnezeu Apostolice
(Arad: Editura Cuviintul Evangheliei, 1947).
123 Sandru, Biserica Penticostala, 17-20.
269
declared that she was chosen by God to lead the church and to administer the Lord's Supper.
There were also cases of immorality among the preachers of Spirit baptism. 124
The Pentecostal journals-the only sources in this respect-abound with
descriptions of spiritual manifestations and divine healings among the first Romanian
Pentecostals. Usually the name and circumstance of those baptized with the Holy Spirit
accompanied by speaking in tongues (even known languages like Russian, German, Slovak)
is mentioned. There are also described cases of visions, exorcisms, prophetic messages, and
divine healings. Mihai Sarhenti from Brusturi (Bihor) is mentioned among those who
possessed the gift of healing and performed many miraculous healings. Andreiescu-himself a
Pentecostal leader-admits the subjectivity of these stories, concluding: "it is not easy to
confirm all these and to separate the authentic from folklore.,,125
The first Bible course took place in February 1948, under the direction of
Bradin. In 1950 Sandru and Bradin led a training session in accounting and biblical studies.
Most of the doctrinal issues were clarified at the Bible Courses in 1951 and 1952 led by
Bradin, Sandru, Cornel Gitana, and sister Maria Manea. 126
124 Ceuta, "The History," 57based on Bradin's journal.
125
Andreiescu, Istoria Bisericii Penticostale, 10-11.
126
Sandru, Biserica Penticostala, 145-47.
270
Conclusion
Pentecostalism has become the fastest growing family of world Christianity. It
is growing at a rate of 13 million a year, or 35,000 a day. With nearly a half billion adherents,
it is, after Roman Catholicism, the largest Christian tradition.
Originating as a protest against the increasing formalism, "modernism," and
middle-class character of the mainstream denominations, Pentecostalism centers on the
emotional, non-rational, mystical, and supernatural: miracles, signs, wonders, and the "gifts of
the Spirit", speaking in tongues, faith healing, and exorcism. Hollenweger outlines the main
features of Pentecostal spirituality as an oral liturgy, a narrative theology and witness, the
maximum participation of the whole community in worship and service, the inclusion of
visions and dreams into public worship, and an understanding of the relationship between the
body and the mind manifested by healing through prayer. 127 The early American Pentecostals
were markedly ascetic, with prohibitions against tobacco, alcohol, dancing, gambling, movies,
coffee, tea, Coca-Cola, cosmetics, and jewelry. 128 Although European Pentecostals have
generally taken a more liberal position, many of these prohibitions characterized the first
Romanian Pentecostals as well.
It appears improper to view the Pentecostal movement in a holistic manner,
since the Pentecostals comprise very diverse groups. Hollenweger affirms that
127 Hollenweger, "After Twenty Years' Research on Pentecostalism," International Review of
Mission 75 (1985), 3-12.
128 R. M. Anderson, "Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity," in Mircea Eliade, ed. The
Encyclopedia of Religion, 229-35.
271
"Pentecostalism is in itself an ecumenical movement.,,129 This diversity was a characteristic
of Romanian Pentecostalism as well. The differences between individual groups are
substantial and have their importance. What is the common factor? Most Pentecostals would
say that the distinguishing feature is the experience of the baptism of the Spirit with the
'initial sign of speaking in tongues.' It can be rather said that the Pentecostals profess at least
two religious crisis experiences: the baptism or the rebirth, and the baptism ofthe Spirit, the
second being subsequent to and different from the first one, and is usually associated with the
akinz i 130
spe mg in tongues.
On the Romanian scene, the Pentecostal movement developed without a
sustained involvement of foreign missionary organizations, but rather through a number of
simple peasant folk from the vicinity of Arad, who in times of crisis adopted new doctrines
and practices under the influence of American Pentecostals. The Pentecostals recruited their
members mostly from the countryside and the laborers who recently moved into the cities. As
a consequence, their worship style is often closer to Romanian folk music.
We notice a twofold connection of Romanian Pentecostals with the Baptists.
Firstly, there are significant doctrinal similarities, the main difference being in their
understanding of pneumatology (the experience of receiving the Holy Spirit joined by
speaking in tongues and other the spiritual gifts). The theology of Pentecostalism-which is
129 Hollenweger, The Pentecostals, xxviii.
130 Hollenweger, The Pentecostals, xxii.
272
usually considered fundamentalist-is drawn principally from Baptist and Methodist tenets. 131
Secondly, from a historical perspective, there were various connections between the two
groups. Besides the fact that many of the first Romanian Pentecostals were initially converted
to Baptist faith, in their 1924 petition to the Ministry of Cults, they called their new grouping
the "Baptist-Pentecostal church." The fact that in 1939 Bradin and Olariu (among others)
were readmitted as Baptist pastors in the Arad Community is another indication of this
connection.
Despite their lowly social position and lack of economic power, the lack of
trained leaders with proper theological training, and the numerous conflicts and divisions, the
Romanian Pentecostals experienced substantial growth in their development before World
War II. Among the reasons that generated this evolution of primary importance is the fact that
spiritual needs were answered by Pentecostals in a more personal and radical manner as
compared to the Orthodox Church, accused of religious formalism and apathy. The
experience of Spirit baptism accompanied by speaking in tongues and prophecy attracted
other Neo-Protestant believers in search of a deeper spiritual life. Another decisive factor was
the experience of supernatural healings in times of war and lack of proper medical care.
Moreover, the emotional manifestations through corporate participation in church services fit
131 Synan argues that the parentage of the Holiness movement was Wesleyanism, which in its
origins owes a greater debt to Anglo-Catholicism than to the Reformed tradition for its true identity. The
Baptistic-type of Pentecostal denomination was not the original motif, but must be seen as a subsequent
development following the initial phase of the Pentecostal revival. See Synan, The Century, 15-18.
273
the Latin character of the Romanian people. The high birthrate, particularly in Moldavia was
. ~ 11 132
an Important factor as we .
The first Romanian Pentecostals showed sustained interest not only in
receiving the Holy Ghost and the gift of speaking in tongues, but also in organizational
matters like appointing "presidents," and "secretaries," and organizing training courses in
accounting and management. Even in more recent times there was a certain reservation of
Pentecostal believers, especially among the older generations and Pentecostals from the
Eastern provinces, towards accepting pastors who were theologically trained and paid by the
congregation.
Concerning the historical evolution of post Reformation Christian history,
Sandru suggests that Luther and the other Reformers recovered for the Christian Church the
doctrine of salvation by faith, the Methodists the teaching on sanctification, and the
Pentecostal movement the teaching on Holy Spirit baptism and the gifts of the Spirit. 133
132 See Philip Walters, World Christianity, "Eastern Europe" (Great Britain: Keston College,
1988),252.
133
Sandru, Biserica Penticostald, 106.
PART III
TWENTIETH-CENTURY RENEWAL MOVEMENTS
WITHIN THE ROMANIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH
Motto: Tradition is the livingfaith ofthe dead.
traditionalism is the deadfaith ofthe living: (Jaroslav Pelikan)
During the two thousand years of Christian history, the Church (both in the
West and in the East) experienced many renewals, revivals, and reforms. Without these
occasional awakenings, the church might well have drifted into corruption, dead ritualism,
and ultimate insignificance. However, being defined by long-standing traditions, the two
major historical churches boast for their uninterrupted capacity to resist renewal.
The Orthodox Church, which dominates Eastern Europe, characterizes itself as
being the continuous follower of the apostolic church, its liturgy, and its territorial churches.
The Eastern Orthodox Church claims to be the true Church of God that preserved the faith
and practices defined by the first seven ecumenical councils.f Despite the fact that Eastern
Christianity never experienced a Protestant Reformation, it is argued by non-Orthodox
historians that the movement initiated by Luther, Calvin, and other sixteenth-century
)
J. Pelikan, The Vindication ofTradition (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984),65.
2 An excellent summary of Eastem Orthodox history and doctrine is in John Meyendorff,
"Eastern Orthodoxy," in Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. 17, 15th ed. (Chicago, 1998), 842-56. S. Bulgakov, G.
Florovsky, and J. Meyendorffare three representative figures ofthe Russian theological intelligentsia who left
Communist Russia and emigrated to the West. Some of their celebrated theological works were essential in
writing this chapter.
274
275
Reformers had considerable impact over the Romanian people. Most importantly for our
study, two twentieth-century revival movements within the Romanian Orthodox Church
contributed substantially to new dynamics within Eastern Christianity and its history.
This section contains historical considerations regarding the emergence and the
dynamic development of the Tudorist and the Oastea Domnului (the Lord's Army)
movements, and some conclusions regarding the nature of these renewal movements and their
impact on the Romanian people.
CHAPTER SIX
UNDERSTANDING ROMANIAN ORTHODOXY
In order to understand the renewal movements within Romanian Orthodoxy,
we need to first take a closer look into Byzantine dogma and tradition. This chapter contains a
summary of the major theological distinctiveness of Orthodoxy and some of the most
important aspects in the life of Romanian Orthodox Church between the end of the nineteenth
and the beginning of the twentieth century.
Orthodox Doctrine and Practice
According to John Meyendorff, one of the leading scholars of Russian
Orthodoxy, the Orthodox Church strongly affirms in its doctrinal statements and liturgical
texts that it holds the original Christian faith, which was common to the East and the West
during the first millennium of Christian history. More particularly, it recognizes the authority
of the ecumenical councils at which the East and West were represented together?
In Destinul Ortodoxiei (The Destiny of Orthodoxy), Romanian theologian Ion
Bria pointed to a number of distinctive characteristics of Eastern Christianity. To him
3 The seven important councils considered by the Orthodox authoritative were at Nicaea 1
(325), Constantinople 1(381), Ephesus (431), Chalcedon (451), Constantinople II (553), Constantinople III
(680), and Nicaea II (787). J. Meyendorff, Byzantine Theology: Historical Trends and Doctrinal Themes (New
York: Fordham University Press, 1983),80-81. Sometimes the Fifth and Sixth Councils are considered together
as the Quinisext Council. Later doctrinal affirmations by the Orthodox Church-for instance, the important
fourteenth-century definitions concerning communion with God-are seen as developments of the same original
faith of the early church.
276
277
Orthodoxy is a world of theology that attempts to protect the impenetrable mystery of the
Word of God rather than to verbalize and systematize faith in conceptual form. As a highly
sacramental and liturgical expression of Christianity, in Orthodoxy the emphasis is placed on
"doxological dogmatic." Very critical of Western individualism, Orthodox theologians
emphasize the importance of ecclesial community (described as sobornosty.' There are other
important characteristics that define the Eastern Christendom. The authority of the Byzantine
Church is derived from "tradition," which includes both the Scriptures, decisions of the
councils, especially the Nicene Creed, and the Greek fathers. Also important is the testimony
of the liturgies, unchanged for over a thousand years, and the veneration of icons, which is
much more "theological" in tone than any comparable devotion in the West.
5
The Issue of Authority
The fundamental issue in any religion is that of authority.
6
To describe the
nature of theological authority in Orthodoxy, one should consider the relationship between
Scripture and tradition, and between Scripture and the church.
The Holy Tradition
For the Orthodox, "Tradition" is the concern for loyalty to the past, its sense of
living continuity with the Church of ancient times. In the words of Romanian Orthodox
theologian Dumitru Staniloae, "if Scripture is Christ manifested in words, tradition is Christ's
4 Ion Bria, Destinul Ortodoxiei (Bucuresti: Editura IBM al BOR, 1989), 367-68.
5 Daniel B. Clendenin, "What the Orthodox Believe: Four Key Differences Between the
Orthodox and Protestants," in Christian History 54 (1997): 32-35.
6 See P.T. Forsyth, The Principle ofAuthority, (London: Independent Press, 1952) 1-2. Many
Eastern Orthodox theologians do not necessarily agree with this statement.
278
permanent communication to men.I" A tradition is commonly understood to signify a belief
or custom handed down from ancestors to posterity (1 Cor 15:3). Timothy Ware, an
influential Orthodox theologian in the West, explains that Tradition means "the books of the
Bible, the Creed, the decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, the writings of the Fathers, the
Canons, the Holy Icons-in fact, the whole system of doctrine, Church government, worship,
spirituality and art which Orthodoxy has articulated over the ages." 8
Since Scripture has been differently interpreted by individuals, the Church has
to rely on Tradition in order to retain its orthodoxy. Tradition is, as Georges Florovsky put it
commenting on Irenaeus, "Scripture rightly understood.,,9 From analyzing the use of
Tradition in the Early Church, Flesseman has pointed out that, "Scripture without
interpretation is not Scripture at all; the moment it is used and becomes alive it is always
interpreted Scripture.... Real interpretation of Scripture is Church preaching, is tradition." 10
7
D. Staniloae, Teologia Dogmatica [Dogmatic Theology] vol. I (Bucuresti: Editura IBM al
BaR, 1978),60. Dumitru Staniloae (1903-93) is recognized as the most influential and creative Romanian
theologian of the twentieth century. He studied theology at the Faculty of Cernauti and had a long career as
professor and then rector at the Theological Faculty in Sibiu, Transylvania, and then at the Theological Institute
of Bucharest. Among his numerous theological works, in 1948 Staniloae started producing a Romanian version
ofthe Philocalia, the well-known compendium of patristic writings on prayer. His three-volume Dogmatic
Theology is one ofthe best presentations of Eastern Orthodox doctrine. See Pacurariu, Dictionarul Teologilor
Romani [The Dictionary of Romanian Theologians] (Bucuresti: Univers Enciclopedic, 1996),418-23.
8 T. Ware, The Orthodox Church (London, New York: Penguin Books, 1993), 196-97.
9
G. Florovsky, Bible. Church, Tradition: An Eastern Orthodox View. vol. I in Collected
Works (Belmont, Mass: Nordland Publishing Company, 1972),75. See also G. Florovsky, "The Function of
Tradition in the Ancient Church," in Greek Orthodox Theological Review 9:2 (1963): 181-200.
10
E. Flesseman-van Leer, Tradition and Scripture in the Early Church (Assen: Van Gorcum,
1954), 92-96.
279
Generally speaking, the Orthodox maintain that they take seriously the old
Vincentian Canon (A.D. 434): Quod ubique quod semper quod ab omnibus creditum est ("We
must hold what has been believed everywhere, always and by all"). II From an Orthodox
perspective, there is simply no such thing as "dogmatic development." It is one and the same
faith that has been believed from the beginning-the continuity of the correct interpretation of
Scripture. And for this reason, the Councils, as Meyendorff pointed out, never formally
endorsed any aspect of theology as dogma which is not a direct (and correct) interpretation of
the history of God described in Scripture: only those aspects were defined as dogma which
pertain directly to the Gospel. 12
Based on St. Basil's idea of "unwritten mysteries ofthe Church," Eastern
theologians emphasize the existence of many other "unwritten traditions" of great authority
and significance for the Church, which became "indispensable for the preservation of the right
faith.,,13 One other such extra Biblical source of authority that became essential in
establishing Byzantine ecc1esiological structure is found in the canons (regulations and
conciliar decrees) of the Church. 14
II Vincent of Lerins, Commonitorium, 2. However, authors like Florovsky speak about "the
inadequacy of the Vincentian Canon," pointing out to its vague formulation and practical inapplicability.
Florovsky, Bible, Church, Tradition, 51-54.
12
Meyendorff, Living Tradition (Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1978), 18.
13
Florovsky, Bible, Church, Tradition, 85-89.
14 John Meyendorff, "Eastern Orthodoxy," 850. Among the most authoritative extracanonical
regulations and decrees of the Orthodox Church are the canons of the first seven ecumenical councils; the canons
of several local or provincial councils, whose authority was recognized by the whole church; the so-called
Apostolic Canons (originated in Syria in the 4th century); and the "canons ofthc Fathers," or selected extracts
from prominent church leaders considered of canonical importance. See also Meyendorff, Byzantine Theology:
Historical Trends and Doctrinal Themes, 79-82.
280
Russian theologian John Meyendorff states that from the Orthodox
perspective, both Catholics and Protestants differ from the Orthodox in their view of tradition
by seeking to ground theological authority in an external norm. In Catholicism this external
dogmatic authority resides in the teaching magisterium of the church as expressed in the
primacy and infallibility of the papacy. In Protestantism sola scriptura became the major
principle of church life and doctrine. I
5
Evangelical author Daniel Clendenin explains that in
contrast to both Catholics and Protestants,
Orthodoxy offers a view of theological authority that is internal and pneumatic rather
than external and dogmatic. The Spirit of God himself, realizing the sacramental
presence of Christ in the church, speaks to us in tradition. Thus Georges Florovsky
once referred to tradition as "the witness of the Spirit.,,16
Greek theologian John Karmiris writes, "Scripture and Tradition are equally
valid, possess equal dogmatic authority, and are equal in value as sources of dogmatic truth...
. This conception lessens the validity and value of the Holy Scriptures as the primary source
of Christian dogma." I
7
However, contemporary Orthodoxy repudiates the old "two source"
language, and rather affirms a single source of revelation, holy tradition, of which Scripture is
the preeminent among several forms. 18 Clendenin also pointed out to the equality of Scripture
and Tradition as authoritative sources of Orthodox doctrine:
One can find Orthodox statements that ascribe a unique authority to Scripture over
tradition, but these are few and far between, and they speak of tradition in a narrower
than usual sense. Put more starkly, Orthodoxy explicitly rejects the historic Protestant
IS
Meyendorff, Living Tradition. 20-21. See also Meyendorff, Byzantine Theology, I-II.
16
D. Clendenin, "Why I'm Not Orthodox," in Christianity Today 41: I (January 6, 1997): 38.
17 J. Karmiris, A Synopsis ofthe Dogmatic Theology ofthe Orthodox Catholic Church
(Scranton: Christian Orthodox Edition, 1973) as quoted by Daniel Clendenin in "Why I'm Not Orthodox," 38.
18 Kallistos Ware, "Eastern Christianity," in Mircea Eliade, ed. The Encyclopedia ofReligion
vol. 4 (New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., 1987),570-71.
281
idea of sola scriptura. John Meyendorffwrites that, "the Christian faith can in no way
b
ible wi h th . i sola scrt ,,19
e compati e WIt e notion 0 so a scrzptura.
The Bible: A Part of Tradition
In Orthodox perspective, the Scripture is the supreme expression of God's
revelation to the human race. Even though there are diverse opinions in terms of the
relationship between Scripture and tradition, Ware does not treat them as two distinct sources
of Christian faith, but only as one, since Scripture exists within tradition?O In other words,
there is no qualitative distinction between the books of the Bible and other facets of Orthodox
d
. . 21
tra ition.
It is true that a number of Orthodox theologians argue for the supremacy of
Scripture, but all of them point out that only the Church can interpret the Scripture properly.22
In their view, the Holy Bible does not contain all the doctrine and teaching of Christ. An
important part of doctrine continues to be present and handed down to new generations
19 Daniel B. Clendenin, "Orthodoxy on Scripture and Tradition: A Comparison With
Reformed and Catholic Perspectives," in Westminster Theological Journal 57:2 (Fall 1995): 383-402. It is true
that the Reformers did not reject Tradition as a help to wisdom, but they argued that Tradition is submitted to the
higher authority of the Scripture. Luther spoke of the necessity that everyone would understand the difference
between the divine Scripture and human teaching or custom.
20 Ware, The Orthodox Church, 196-97. See also Ion Bria, "Biblia,' in Dictionar de Teologie
Ortodoxa (Bucuresti: Editura IBM al BOR, 1994),50-54.
21 Bulgakov, The Orthodox Church, 12, based on Basil the Great, On the Holy Spirit. Another
important observation is that for the Orthodox, the Bible is the book of the Church. It has no proper standing in
itself apart from those who have defined it, evaluated it, and interpreted it. See G. Florovsky, "Revelation and
Interpretation," in A. Richardson and W. Schweitzer, ed. Biblical Authorityfor Today (London: SCM Press,
1951),163-64.
22 Lossky and Ware place Scripture on the same level with tradition, while Bulgakov and
Clapsis give Scripture priority among Church traditions. See Bulgakov, The Orthodox Church (Crestwood, NY:
St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1988), 18, and E. Clapsis "Scripture, Tradition, and Authority: Conceptions of
Orthodoxy", article presented at the Eastern Orthodox and Evangelical Traditions Annual Meeting in 26
September 1992.
282
through other means which are also part ofthe life of the Church. Ware points out that the
Bible is not regarded as something set up over the Church, but something that lives and is
understood within the Church. It is from the Church that the Bible ultimately derives its
authority, for it was the Church which established the canon, and it is the Church alone which
can interpret Holy Scripture with authority.23 This is what Bulgakov writes about the
importance of interpreting the Scripture within the Church:
No reader of the Word of God can comprehend for himself the inspired character of
what he reads, for to the individual there is not given an organ of such comprehension.
Such an organ is available to the reader only when he finds himself in union with all in
the Church. The idea that one can himself discern, at his own risk and peril, the Word
of God, that one may become interlocutor of God, is illusory: this Divine Gift is
received only from the Church.
24
To the Orthodox, the Bible is viewed as history, not a system of belief, and
therefore should not be used as a summa theologiae. The Scriptural message has been
summarized by the Church in creeds, and is precisely the "doctrine of the creeds" that needs
25
to be preached to our contemporary world.
It is exactly the stress of the Church on the importance of Tradition and its
unyielding insistence on the indispensable role of tradition in theology that makes Orthodoxy
strong. For instance, John of Damascus (675-749), Orthodoxy's most famous systematic
theologian, epitomized the Orthodox ethos when he wrote in his The Orthodox Faith, "we do
not change the everlasting boundaries which our fathers have set, but we keep the traditions
23 Ware, The Orthodox Church, 199. Florovsky takes a similar position, concluding that since
the Church established the Canon and preserved God's revelation, the Bible and the Church cannot be separated.
"The Church is the proper and primary interpreter of revelation." Florovsky, Bible, Church, Tradition, 18-26.
24
Bulgakov, The Orthodox Church, 13.
25
Florovsky, Bible, Church, Tradition, 11, 29.
283
just as we have received them.,,26 Consequently, words like modernism and liberalism are not
found in the Orthodox vocabulary.
The Church: Its Unity and Infallibility
"The Church is one and the Church is infallible." Eastern Orthodox claim to
represent the one true church of Christ on earth, which alone has guarded right belief and true
worship in absolute identity and unbroken succession with the apostolic church. The
Orthodox Church is "one holy Catholic and Apostolic.,,27 According to the Romanian
Orthodox Catechism, "the truth that brings salvation is found in the Holy Orthodox Church,
In the light of the Patristic writings, Christ as the head of the Church is not
complete without his members. St. John Chrysostom explained: "The Church is the
fulfillment of Christ in the same manner as the head completes the body and the body is
completed by the head. Thus we understand why the Apostle sees that Christ, as the Head,
needs all His members.,,29 The unity between Christ and his Church is effected above all
through the sacraments. Inherent in this claim, of course, is the charge that both Catholics and
26John of Damascus, The Orthodox Faith, quoted by Daniel Clendenin in "Why I'm Not
Orthodox," 33.
27
Bulgakov, The Orthodox Church, 1-5; Ware, The Orthodox Church, 245-48.
28 Credinta Ortodoxa [The Orthodox Faith] (Iasi: Editura Mitropoliei Moldovei ~ i Bucovinei,
1996),7.
29
John Chrysostom, Ephesians Homilies, 3:2 (Migne, P. G. Ixii. c. 26), as quoted in
Florovsky, Bib/e, Church, Tradition, 38.
284
Protestants have lapsed from the true faith into error, if not outright heresy.30 The argument is
that there can be schism from the Church, but not schism within the Church. It follows that
"outside the Church there is no salvation (extra Ecclesiam nulla salus), ... because salvation
is the Church.,,31 Whether a non-Orthodox person can even be saved is an open question in
Orthodox theology.
For Orthodox theologians, "the Church had the authority to interpret the
Scripture, since she was the only authentic depositary of Apostolic kerigma. It follows that
outside of the church there is no 'Divine Gospel,' but only human substitutes.,,32 Daniel
Clendenin explains the rapport between the Scripture and the church from a Protestant
perspective:
In biblical interpretation the Reformers placed the Scriptures above the church. They
insisted that the Bible interprets itself, and through the Holy Spirit, God instructs its
readers in a direct and individual manner rather than binding their consciences to the
teaching of the church. It is precisely this view that elevates Scripture above the
church and actually encourages private interpretation that the Orthodox theologian
Georges Florovsky once called "the sin of the Reformation." Instead, Orthodoxy
believes that the church stands above the Scriptures, which is why, as noted, Orthodox
believers agree to "accept and understand Holy Scripture in accordance with the
interpretation that was and is held by the Holy Orthodox Catholic Church of the East,
33
our Mother."
Russian theologian Sergei Bulgakov maintains that the Church as a whole
should have priority over Scripture (which is a product of the Church's life), otherwise
30It is true that some of the best Orthodox scholars-such as S. Bulgakov, G. Florovsky and J.
Meyendorff-who played leading roles in the ecumenical movement, allowed for a more lenient interpretation. J.
Meyendorff, "Eastern Orthodoxy," 850, 855.
31
Florovsky, Bible, Church, Tradition, 37-38, and Ware, The Orthodox Church, 247, based
on the ecclesiology developed by Origen and Cipriano See Origen, On the Unity ofthe Church 6: "No one can
have God as Father ifhe does not nave the Church as mother," and Ciprian, Epistolae 73, who stresses the
sacramental character of the Church, especially the baptism and the Eucharist.
32
Florovsky, Bible, Church, Tradition, 89-91.
33 Clendenin, "Why I'm Not Orthodox," 38.
285
different people would interpret Scripture differently.34 As a result, the Bible becomes one of
the several forms by which tradition is expressed, rather that the source oftheology itself.
From the indissoluble unity between God and his Church, since Christ and the
Holy Spirit cannot err, it also follows the infallibility of the Church. Where the Roman
Catholic Church stresses papal infallibility, Orthodoxy stresses the infallibility of the Church
as a whole. Ware explains: "Human sin cannot affect the essential nature of the Church. We
must not say that because Christians sin and are imperfect, therefore the Church sins and is
imperfect; for the Church, even on earth, is a thing of heaven, and cannot sin.,,35 The belief
that truth is inseparable from the life of the sacramental community provides the basis for the
Orthodox view of the apostolic succession.
34Bulgakov, The Orthodox Church, 21. After studying in Moscow, Berlin, Paris, and London,
Bulgakov taught at the universities of Kiev (1901-06) and Moscow (1906-18). Highly influenced by Marxist
ideology, Bulgakov eventually converted to the Orthodox faith and described this experience in The Undying
Light (1917). In 1923 he was expelled from the Soviet Union, and eventually became professor of theology and
dean of the Russian Orthodox Theological Institute of Paris, where he taught until his death in 1944. Among his
numerous theological works are The Unburning Bush (1927), The Ladder ofJacob (1929), The Lamb ofGod
(1933), The Comforter (1936), and The Wisdom ofGod (1937).
35 Ware, The Orthodox Church, 244. See also Dositheus, Confession, Decree xii.
286
Via negativa and Via positiva: Apophatic
And Cataphatic Epistemology
In the Eastern tradition theological knowledge is fundamentally different than
philosophical knowledge. The theologian would therefore employ gnosis in his search for
God instead of philosopher's episteme. To Lossky, authentic gnosis is inseparable from
charisma- an illumination by grace which transforms our intelligence-and implies faith. He
defines revelation as a "theocosmic" relationship which includes us in a personal way.36
The negative (apophatic) way-the only way of knowledge applicable to the
essence of God-focuses on the mystical union with God and refuses any attempt to formulate
and organize concepts about God.
37
Starting with the assumption that the transcendent God
cannot be comprehended in His essence, apophaticism proceeds by a series of negations of
that which God is not. Lossky explains apophatic theology as an attempt to know God not in
what He is (in relation to our experience as creatures) but in what He is not. The negative way
of knowing God is an ascending action of human mind in which speculation is replaced by
36Vladimir Lossky, Orthodox Theology: An Introduction (Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir's
Seminary Press, 1978), 13-14, 31.
..,.,
.) I Lossky, The Mystical Theology ofthe Eastern Church (Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir's
Seminary Press, 1976),28. See also Ion Bria, Dictionar de Teologie Ortodoxa [Orthodox Theology Dictionary]
(Bucuresti: Editura Institutului Biblic si de Misiune al Bisericii Ortodoxe Romane, 1994),29.
287
contemplation, and knowledge by experience.
38
Lossky considers apophaticism as the
fundamental characteristic of the whole theological tradition of the Eastern Church.
39
God is transcendent in His nature and immanent in his works (manifestations).
He is knowable and unknowable at the same time. The positive (cataphatic) way stands
therefore side by side with the negative way. The via positiva originates in Scripture which
contains revealed truth about God and describes Him in human terms. Lossky practically
maintains that rational capacities and conceptual thinking cannot really participate in the
process of knowing God. He affirms: "God Who is the hidden God beyond all that reveals
Him, is also He that reveals Himself.... But His nature remains unknowable in its depths, and
that is exactly why He reveals Himself. ,,40
According to Meyendorff, a purely apophatic theology does not lead to
agnosticism because "God reveals himself personally-as Father, Son, and Holy Spirit-and
also in his acts, or 'energies.' Thus, true knowledge of God always includes three elements:
religious awe; personal encounter; and participation in the acts, or energies, which God freely
bestows on creation. ,,41
Contemporary Orthodox theologians-and particularly those located in the
West-propose a synthesis between apophatic and cataphatic epistemology, a combination
38 Lossky, Orthodox Theology, 31-32. For example, a theologian who says "God is not finite;
He is not limited in time or space" is practicing apophatic theology.
39 Lossky, The Mystical Theology ofthe Eastern Church, 23-37. For a brief summary of
Lossky's understanding of apophatic and cataphatic epistemology, see Orthodox Theology, 31-35. See also
Lossky, In the Image and Likeness ofGod (Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1985), 13-29.
40
Lossky, Orthodox Theology, 32-33.
41
Meyendorff, "Eastern Orthodoxy," 850.
288
between the mystic and rational ways of knowing God. For Staniloae, the apophatic way-
even though it is the highest form of knowledge-is not sufficient in itself because it may
neglect the supernatural revelation and focus on impersonal experience. On the other hand
apophatic knowledge cannot be communicated to others and degenerates in an individualist
. li 42
expenmenta Ism.
Salvation as Theosis
The purpose of revelation (gnosis) is theosis. Orthodox teaching asserts that
man's major purpose is that of theosis (deification). This doctrine is based on the statement in
Gen. 1:26, that man and woman are created in the image and likeness of God. Theosis as a
concept comes from the phrase "partakers of the divine nature" (2 Peter 1:4). The purpose of
theosis is to become divine in the sense of partaking of God's immortality and incorruption
and acquiring qualities which characterize Him (such as love, justice and mercy).43
The general framework of this understanding of the God-man relationship is
clearly different from the view that became dominant in the Christian West.
44
In the East,
man is regarded as fully man when he participates in God; in the West, man's nature is
42
Staniloae, Teologia Dogmatica, (Bucuresti: Editura Institutului Biblic ~ i de Misiune al
Bisericii Ortodoxe Romane, 1978), 114-16. See also V. Kesich, "The Orthodox Church and Biblical
Interpretation", in St. Vladimir's Theological Quarterly, 37:4 (1993): 343.
43 A good article on the topic is that of Daniel B. Clendenin, "Partakers Of Divinity: The
Orthodox Doctrine OfTheosis," in Journal ofthe Evangelical Society 37:3 (September 1994): 365-79. See also
Christoforos Stavropoulos, Partakers ofthe Divine Nature (Minneapolis: Light and Life, 1976), 17-38.
44 It should be said here that even though it is true that Orthodoxy has many parallels with
Roman Catholicism, the categories in which ideas are expressed and many of the theological emphasis are not
the same. In terms of its dominant emphases, Protestantism is much closer to Roman Catholicism than either
Western group it to Eastern Orthodoxy. Even so, in the areas of Trinitarian theology and Christology,
Evangelicals owe a tremendous debt to the Eastern Church.
289
believed to be autonomous. In the West, the aim of the Christian is justification, but in the
East, it is rather communion with God and deification. The Eastern Fathers developed this
concept: Basil described the human person as a creature who has received the order to become
a god; and Athanasius of Alexandria said that, "God became human that we humans might
become Gods." "In My kingdom", said Christ, "I shall be God with you as gods.,,45
Consequently, based on the Eastern Fathers, Orthodox theologians view man as "god by
grace," and do not hesitate to equate salvation (soteria) with theosis.
46
Because Orthodoxy views theosis or deification as the main purpose of
humanity, it follows that Eastern Christianity regards the word "salvation" as a synonym for
"deification." This does not imply any form of pantheism, or becoming gods, but it does
includes acquiring godly characteristics, gaining immortality and incorruptibility, and
experiencing communion with God. In Orthodox theology, the Holy Spirit who proceeds from
the Father rests on the Son and becomes his energies. Ware underlines that "the idea of
deification must always be understood in the light of the distinction between God's essence
and his energies. Union with God means union with the divine energies, not the divine
essence.,,47The energies of God radiate from his essence and share its nature making us
partakers of the spiritual power that belongs to Christ. However, the deified person retains his
personal integrity and is not absorbed into the essence of God, which remains forever hidden
45See Athanasius, De incarnatione Verbi, 54and Canon for Matins of Holy Thursday,
Ode 4, Troparion 3.
46
Ion Bria, "Indurnnezeire" [Theosis), in Dictionar de Teologie Ortodoxd, 217-19. See also
D. Staniloae, "Invatatura Ortodoxa despre rnintuire ~ i concluzile ce rezulta din ea pentru slujurea crestina in
lume," Ortodoxia24:2 (1972): 195-212.
47
Ware, The Orthodox Church, 232.
290
from his eyes. "The human being does not become God by nature", concludes Ware, "but is
merely a "created god", a god by grace or by status.,,48
To the Orthodox, the primary means by which the Holy Spirit works to give
grace and to deify people are the Church's sacraments and human works. According to the
Greek theologian Stavropoulos, divine grace strengthens people to walk the road to theosis,
and this grace is transmitted and actualized in the sacraments, especially baptism, penance,
and the Eucharist. Baptism is the means by which God begins the process of deification in a
believer, penance is the continual act by which a person returns to the life that the Church
possesses, and the Eucharist is the supreme means of theosis, because the people become the
body of Christ.49 Human effort in deification (prayer, fasting and other works) are not the
purpose of life, but they are necessary means to earn deification, representing personal
participation in achieving salvation.
Intended for every Christian without exception, deification is a process that
does not exclude consciousness of sin and the need for continued acts of repentance.
However, the doctrine of salvation as justification or judicial (Anselmian) satisfaction as a
result of faith and repentance is not developed in Eastern theology. 50 Because theosis is a
lifetime process, the Eastern understanding of salvation carries with it the corollary that
people will not be completely deified by the time they die, but they will continue to progress
in this process after death. There is a possibility of a state of purification after death, similar to
48
Ibid.
4<)
- Christoforos Stavropoulos, Partakers ofthe Divine Nature, 32.
50
Ion Bria, "Mintuire," in Dictionar de Teologie Ortodoxd, 261-63.
291
purgatory. Therefore, prayers for believers who have died can help them to complete the
process of theosis.
The Icons
The beauty and richness of its ceremonial worship is the most striking
characteristic of Eastern Orthodoxy. Icons-formal paintings of Christ, the Mother of God, and
the saints-play an important role in Orthodox worship, and are viewed by Orthodox
Christians as a form of pictorial confession of faith and a channel of religious experience.
Since the icons of Christ and the saints provide direct personal contact with the holy persons
represented on them, these images should be objects of "veneration" (proskynesis), even
though "worship" (latreia) is addressed to God alone. The icons are also to be considered
different from tridimensional images or statues, which were reminiscent of pagan idolatry. 51
51 Leonid Ouspensky, Theology ofIcons (Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir's Seminary, 1978),
1:150-65. See also L Ouspensky and V. Lossky, The Meaning ofIcons, 2d ed. (Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir's
Seminary, 1982); Jaroslav Pelikan, Imago Dei: The Byzantine Apologia/or Icons (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 1990).
292
Orthodox theologians maintain that this veneration of icons results necessarily
from Christian belief that God became man in the person of Jesus Christ, thereby divinizing
52
human nature. As Meyendorff observed,
The theological issue between the Orthodox and the iconoclasts was fundamentally
concerned with the icon of Christ, for belief in the divinity of Christ implied a stand on
a crucial point of God's essential indescribability and on the Incarnation, which made
Him visible. Thus the icon of Christ is the icon 'par excellence' and implies a
confession of faith in the Incarnation.
53
The icon is not a picture of a mere man, but is a picture of God Himself-it
depends upon the Incarnation. The icon is a "confession of faith against doceticism," it is a
confirmation and expression of the right reading of Scripture. 54 According to the Second
Ecumenical Council of Nicea in 787, icons are not mere objects of art, but a source of
revelation, of equal benefit as Scripture in presenting the gospel message. What Scripture
proclaims by word, the icon proclaims by image. This is why the holy icons and the Holy
Gospels are to be venerated in the same way.55 There is not much emphasis on scriptural
teaching in the Orthodox tradition, precisely for the fact that the icons teach the faithful all
52 The central place of religious images in the Orthodox tradition received its full definition
following the end of the iconoclastic movement in Byzantium, after a long Iconoclastic Controversy (725-843).
The iconoclasts invoked the Old Testamental prohibition of graven images and rejected icons as idols. The
Orthodox theologians led by John of Damascus, based their arguments on the specifically Christian doctrine of
the incarnation: God is indeed invisible and indescribable in his essence, but when the Son of God became man,
he voluntarily assumed all the characteristics of created nature, including describability. The victory of this
theology over iconoclasm led to the widespread use of iconography in the Christian East and also inspired great
painters-most of whom remain anonymous-in producing works of art that possess spiritual as well as artistic
value. See Jaroslav Pelikan, The Christian Tradition: A History ofthe Development ofDoctrine, vol. 2, The
Spirit ofEastern Christendom (600-1700) (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974),91-145.
53
Meyendorff, Byzantine Theology, 51.
54
MeyendorfT, Christ in Eastern Christian Thought (Crestwood, NY: S1. Vladimir's
Seminary, 1975), 178.
55
Pelikan, The Christian Tradition: A History ofthe Development ofDoctrine, 93-104.
293
they need to know. Icons are, quite literally, a "theology in color.,,56 To reject these icons,
therefore, is to reject the whole economy of God. Therefore, the Seventh Ecumenical Council,
adopted the cult of images, declaring them the object of veneration, or honor:
[We declare] that one may render to them the veneration of honour: not the true
worship of our faith, which is due only to the divine nature, but the same kind of
veneration as is offered to the form ofthe precious and life-giving Cross, to the holy
gospels, and to the other holy dedicated items. 57
Staniloae's viewpoint is that the icon represents the means given by God to
preserve the constant presence of Christ's human image among us. Since there is an
ontological connection between the representation and the represented reality, the worshipper
has the confidence that "looking to the icon he talks to Christ, and worshipping the icon, he
worships before Christ." Staniloae asserts that the face of Christ as the vivid representation of
His words contributes to the spiritual development of the believer according to the authentic
image of Christ. His conclusion is that "to believe in Christ without gazing at His glory
manifested through His icon, is to miss the possibility of partaking to the glory of Christ's
image and to experience the spiritual transformation through Him, is to enormously diminish
the efficiency of Christ' work in one's life.,,58
Alongside the icon of Christ, the Seventh Council also refers to icons of the
Theotokos (the "one who gave birth to God"), the angels, and the saints. However there is
more to the inclusion ofthe Theotokos and the saints as suitable subjects for iconographic
representations. As the lives of the Orthodox saints display the virtue and charity of God
56Clendenin, "Why I'm Not Orthodox," 37.
57 See The Seventh Ecumenical Council in Mansi, Collectio, 6th ed., 13.340ff.
58See D. Staniloae, "Icoanele in Cultul Ortodox," in Ortodoxia 3 (1978): 475-87.
294
Himself, they are worth reflecting upon, but more importantly, in their "deified" humanity, we
see Christ who lives in them and they in Him: they are living icons of Christ. This is a theme
which goes all the way back to the martyrologies ofthe second century.59
The Cult of Mary and the Veneration
Of the Saints
In the Orthodox liturgy the priest and the faithful consistently address prayers
to the Virgin Mary as Theotokos. According to Meyendorff, this term is the only
"Mariological" dogma accepted in the Orthodox Church. Since Theotokos reflects the
doctrine of Christ's divinity, Mary is venerated or honored (not worshipped) only because she
is the mother of God "according to the flesh." Mary's intercession is invoked because she was
closer to the Savior than anyone else and is, therefore, the representative of fallen humanity
and the most prominent and holiest member of the Church.
60
Bulgakov asserts:
Love and veneration for the Virgin is the soul of Orthodox piety, its heart, that which
warms and animates its entire body. A faith in Christ which does not include His
virgin birth and the veneration of His mother is another faith, another Christianity
61
from that of the Orthodox Church.
59
Daniel Clendenin gives a detailed account of his impressions about the Russian Orthodox
understanding of icons in the article "Why I'm Not Orthodox," 32. As a unique feature of Byzantine
Christianity, icons are found in every Orthodox church. Worshipers prostrate themselves before them and kiss
them. Besides the spoken word, what the Orthodox believer sees in the visual images of icons is extremely
important.
60Meyendorff, "Eastern Orthodoxy," 848-49. Further Mariological developments, however,
such as the more recent Western doctrine of the immaculate conception of Mary, are foreign to Orthodoxy. A
comprehensive resource on the Theotokos is that of the Irish theologian Michael O'Carrol1, Theotokos: A
Theological Encyclopedia ofthe Blessed Virgin Mary(Wilmington: Michael Glaizer Inc., 1983). See also E.L.
Mascall, ed. The Mother ofGod: A Symposium (London: Dacre Press, 1949); G.A. Maloney, "Mary and the
Church as Seen by the Early Fathers," Diakonia 9(1974): 6-19.
61
Bulgakov, The Orthodox Church, 116.
295
The rationale for the veneration of Mary is twofold. The first is that she is "the
all-pure Virgin," the greatest ofthe saints and therefore deserves the most veneration, since
she already completed the process of deification due to her perpetual virginity, and the second
concerns her unique position as the Mother of God, the Temple of Christ, and being also in
complete union with God.
62
Orthodox Christians invoke in prayer not only Virgin Mary, but also the saints
and the angels, particularly the guardian angel. The Orthodox theologians insist that the saints
are not mediators between people and God, instead, they are intercessors who pray for the
believers on earth, just as believers on earth pray for each other. Consequently, when a
believer invokes the aid of a departed saint, this is no different from asking another believer to
pray for him or her.
63
In the corporate understanding of reality, veneration of the saints is not
considered a threat to the unique place of Christ, but is actually an affirmation of Christ. This
practice does not constitute worship of others besides God or an attempt to introduce
mediators between humanity and God, but rather points to the unity between Christ and His
64
people.
A consequence of the cult of the saints is the veneration of their relics, based
on "a special connection between the spirit of the Saint and his human remains, a connection
62 Bulgakov, The Orthodox Church, 117-18. See also D. Staniloae, "Maica Domnului ca
mijlicitoare," Ortodoxia 4: 1 (1952): 79-129; Hie Moldovan, "Invallitura Sfintei Scripturi despre Fecioara Maria,"
Ortodoxia 3 (1980): 469-92.
63 George Bebis, "The Saints of the Orthodox Church," in F. K. Litsas, A Companion to the
Greek Orthodox Church: Essays and Reference (New York: Greek Orthodox Archdiocese, 1984),86.
64
Bulgakov, The Orthodox Church, 119-23.
296
which death does not destroy.,,65 More than this, Ware states that "in God and in His Church
there is no division between the living and the departed, but all are one in the love of the
Father.,,66 The consequence is that Orthodox Christians have a duty on earth to pray for the
departed, with the confidence that the dead are helped by such prayers.
67
The doctrine about
the condition of the souls after death is unclear and diverse among the Orthodox theologians
at different times, most of them rejecting the idea of Purgatory. 68
65 Bulgakov, The Orthodox Church, 123-24. Bulgakov explains that in the case of the Saints
the power of death is limited and their souls do not altogether leave their bodies. They have the same nature as
the body of Christ in the tomb.
66
Ware, The Orthodox Church, 254.
67From studying from the church paintings in Moldavia, Craciun showed that the family and
the church function as human intercessors who assume responsibility for the soul of the dead. Maria Craciun,
"Orthodox Piety and the Rejection of Protestant Ideas in Sixteenth Century Moldavia," in M. Craciun and O.
Gitta ed. Ethnicity and Religion in Central and Eastern Europe (Cluj: Cluj University Press, 1995),70-74.
68
Ware, The Orthodox Church, 255.
297
The Sacraments and the Liturgy
Orthodox spirituality gives central prominence to the sacraments.
Contemporary Orthodox catechisms and textbooks usually recognize seven mysteria of the
Church, although there had been frequent disagreements concerning the number of the
sacraments. They are: Baptism, chrismation (confirmation), Communion, holy orders,
penance, anointing of the sick (the "extreme unction" of the medieval West), and marriage.
69
They are all called mysteries, but are not equal in importance, Baptism and Eucharist
occupying a special position. Baptism is understood as the "new birth," and is considered to
69 I. The Eucharist is celebrated according to one of the four major liturgical services. As the
words of the Epic/esis (the invocation of the Spirit on the Holy Gifts), the bread and wine become in very truth
the Body and Blood of Christ. Without a major controversy on the issue, the nature ofthe mystery that occurs in
the bread and wine is signified by the term metabole ("sacramental change"). The Orthodox believe the
Eucharist to be a sacrifice of Christ for all, and therefore the text of the Liturgy reads: "Your Own from Your
Own we offer You, in all and for all." The Eucharist is therefore a mystery of real "participation" in the glorified
Body of Christ.
2. The Holy Baptism is normally performed by triple immersion as a sign of the death and
Resurrection of Christ and is followed by admission to the Holy Communion. Known as "the bath of
regeneration," the baptism signifies the gift of new life, our nature being renewed into the divine image, and
implies free self-determination of the baptized (which is a call to freedom in the case of infant baptism).
3. Chrismation (Confirmation) is the second sacrament of initiation in which the priest anoints
the child with the "holy chrism" immediately following the baptism. Through this sacrament the child receives
the gifts of the Holy Spirit and becomes a full member of the people of God.
4. The Orthodox Church recognizes three major Holy Orders (monastic tonsures}-the
diaconate, the priesthood, and the episcopate (bishop}-as well as the minor orders of the lectorate and the
subdiaconate.
5. The sacrament of Penance in the early church was a solemn and public act of reconciliation
to the Church after sins committed following the baptism and confessed to the priest. Historically it has evolved
into a private act of confession symbolizing a periodical renewal of membership and devotion to the Church.
6. The Holy Unction (Anointing of the sick}-frequently associated with penance as a
sacrament-is a form of healing by prayer based on James 5: 14. In the Byzantine Church it is performed annually
in church for the benefit of the entire congregation on the evening of Holy Wednesday.
7. Marriage is understood not only as a state of nature, but as a state of grace. As a sacrament it
reflects the union between Christ and the Church (Eph 5). Orthodox canonical legislation admits married men to
the priesthood and lower clergy. Bishops, however, are elected from among celibate or widowed clergy.
The number of seven sacraments was generally accepted after the issuance of Movila' s
Orthodox Confession of the seventeenth century. Influenced by Catholic doctrine, the Confession was directed
against the Reformation. Other authorities include the service of burial and the consecration of a church among
the sacraments. For a detailed description of the mysteria of the Church see Karmiris, A Synopsis ofthe
Dogmatic Theology ofthe Orthodox Catholic Church 100-112; and Meyendorff, Byzantine Theology: Historical
Trends and Doctrinal Themes, 191-211. See also Credirua Ortodoxa, 144-57.
298
confer full forgiveness of sin, whether original or actual, while the Eucharist represents the
major means of the Church in the process of theosis. The Church has the power to invoke the
Holy Spirit in the Sacraments through the priests.
70
To Karmiris, "the sacraments, when they
are worthily received, become instruments, means of transmission, of divine grace....
enabling faithful participants to become communicants in the redemptive work of the
Savior.,,71
Orthodox faithful claim not only a conscious continuity with the historic,
apostolic past, but also a richer experience of God's majesty and mystery through a more
liturgical worship setting.
72
In the Greek tradition the Eucharist is understood in sacrificial
terms, as a "mystical sacrifice" or a "sacrifice without blood," but it is not viewed as a
repetition of Christ's sacrifice on the Cross?3 The most frequently used Eucharistic rite is
traditionally attributed to St. John Chrysostom. Another Eucharistic liturgy, celebrated only
ten times during the year, was created by St. Basil of Caesarea. In both cases, the Eucharistic
prayer of consecration culminates with an invocation of the Holy Spirit (epiclesis) upon the
bread and wine. Thus, the central mystery of Christianity is seen as being performed by the
prayer of the church and the action of the Holy Spirit, rather than by "words of institution,"
pronounced by Christ and repeated vicariously by the priest, as is the case in Western
70
Bulgakov, The Orthodox Church, 110.
71 Karmiris, A Synopsis ofthe Dogmatic Theology, 100.
72 Admitting the importance of the patristic writings, Protestant authors like Thomas Oden,
Donald Bloesch, and others, have shown that one need not join Orthodoxy to immerse oneself in the patristic
past. Oden, who refers to his theological method as "paleo-orthodoxy," has started to work on a comprehensive
patristic commentary on the whole Bible. Clendenin, "Why I'm Not Orthodox," 36.
73 Ware, "Eastern Christianity," 573.
299
Christendom. A major characteristic of Orthodox worship is the great wealth of Byzantine
hymns, which mark the various liturgical cycles.
74
In The Meek and the Mighty, German Evangelical Hans Brandenburg made
several interesting observations concerning the relationship between the Orthodox liturgy and
the spiritual life of ancient Greece:
The Eastern Church is uniquely a liturgical Church.... Its liturgical service, even its
church interior betrays its relationship to Greek drama. Indeed pious Russians describe
their liturgy, without any irreverence, as the 'drama of salvation.' In fact, the theatre in
ancient Greece was not a place of amusement, but a place of worship.... Each liturgy
is the presentation of a spiritual drama. There is a dialogue between priest and deacon.
And as in ancient Hellas, there must also be a chorus. The content ofthe liturgy is the
salvation story in Old and New Testament.
The Greek desires a visual presentation of the truth of God.... [The secret things of
God] cannot be grasped by reflection, but only through the five senses, to which they
are presented in symbolic form: in the icons on the icon wall-the iconostasis, and in
the magnificent priestly robes; in the wonderful singing of the priest and the choir; in
the rich smoke of the incense and in the cross held out by the priest. In kissing the
cross, the worshipper feels the presence of God. This is Eastern piety. Its worship is
the theatron pneumatikon, the theatre of the spirit, as one of the Church Fathers called
h I
75
t e iturgy.
It is important to point out that the Orthodox Church recognizes that liturgical
forms are changeable since the early church itself admitted a variety of liturgical traditions.
However, the Church has always been conservative in liturgical matters attempting to avoid
any reform. Meyendorff maintains that through the promotion of this conservative position,
74
Meyendorff, "Eastern Orthodoxy," 851-53.
75
Hans Brandenburg, The Meek and the Mighty: The Emergence ofthe Evangelical
Movement in Russia (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977), 1-3.
300
"the Orthodox liturgy has preserved many essential Christian values transmitted directly from
the experience of the early church.,,76
The Romanian Orthodox Church from 1866 to 1925
A brief excursus in the history of the Romanian Orthodox Church at the end of
the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century is necessary in order to understand
the context in which the Tudorist and the Oastea Domnului revivals took place.
Following centuries of foreign control by Bulgarians, Turks, Greek-
Phanariots, and, more recently, Russians, the Romanian Orthodox Church proclaimed itself
autocephalous in 1865, even against the violent protests of the Phanar. The Romanians of
Transylvania, still in Austria-Hungary, remained under the autocephalous metropolitan of
Sibiu and others under the church of Cemauti.77
In the 1850s, the Metropolitan of Ardeal (i.e. Transylvania) Andrei Saguna
initiated a period of profound development in the life of the Transylvanian Orthodox Church
as he reorganized the educational system and promoted Romanian literature and culture. 78
Saguna's constitution (Organic Statute) for the Orthodox Church issued in 1868 provided a
system in which the Episcopal synod controlled doctrine, ritual, and discipline, but all levels
of the hierarchy were elected by synods in which there was strong lay representation (two
thirds of lay members). Most of his achievements were re-implemented after the formation of
76
Meyendorff, "Eastern Orthodoxy," 852.
77
Meyendorff. "Eastern Orthodoxy," 845.
78
Kurt Treptow, ed. A History a/Romania (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1996),342.
301
Greater Romania. Pacurariu considers Saguna as the most influential hierarch of the
Transylvanian Orthodox Church.
79
Between the achievement of the independence and the establishment of the
Patriarchate (1925) the Romanian Orthodox Church experienced a period of transition and
renewal. It was a time of increasing domination of the Church by the State, of major
improvements in theological education, and of adaptation to the new status of a dominant
church in a modem nation. In 1863-64, Cuza's government implemented a series of reforms
including the development of the universities of Bucharest and Iasi, the secularization of
monastic lands and properties controlled by the Greek clerics, and the issuance of an agrarian
law that eliminated serfdom and forced labor and allowed peasants to acquire land. The new
legislation replaced the Greek language with Romanian in church services and diminished the
role of the Orthodox clergy in civil affairs (the responsibility for the birth and death, marriage
and divorce records was transferred to the civil authorities). Despite the secularization of
political institutions endorsed by the Constitution of 1866, there was no complete separation
of state and church since the political leaders participated in the election of the high
hi hi 80
ierarc res.
The 1866 Constitution had declared Eastern Orthodoxy to be "the dominant
religion" of the country. This meant that the Orthodox Church had been inextricably bound up
with the historical development ofthe Romanian nation and was the faith of the great majority
79
Mircea Pacurariu, lstoria Bisericii Ortodoxe Romdne vol. 3 (Bucuresti: Editura IBM al
BOR, 1981),92-112.
80 Treptow, A History ofRomania, 287-95. George Ursul, "From Politieal Freedom to
Religious Independence: The Romanian Orthodox Church, 1877-1925," in Romania Between East and West:
Historical Essays in Memory ofConstantin C. Gil/resell, ed. Stephen Fieher-Galati, Radu R. Florescu and
George R. Ursul (New York: East European Monographs, 1982),217-44.
302
of the population, being entitled to precedence over the other churches in the country. In
1872, the Church was declared "autocephalous" under the Metropolitan of Bucharest, a status
recognized by Constantinople in 1885. The 1872 law stated that the interests of the state were
paramount, it allowed political interest to predominate in the election of metropolitans and
bishops, and also established the Holy Synod as the principal governing body of the
"Romanian national church." Metropolitan Nifon established a seminary in Bucharest in the
same year and founded the official journal of the Orthodox Church, Biserica Ortodoxa
R
A v 81
omana.
A law issued in 1893 regulated the material life and education of parish clergy
by instituting the regular payment of salaries to priests by the central government and by
making the curriculum in the seminaries more rigorous, a fact that contributed to the
formation of a more educated priesthood.
82
As a national institution, deeply rooted in the
nation's struggle for ethnic survival and important factor in the development of Romanian
culture, the Orthodox Church exercised a powerful influence and hold on the masses,
particularly in the countryside where the peace of change and progress was slow.
After the formation of Greater Romania the Orthodox Church undertook a
process of unification and reorganization. Having over 13 million faithful, the Romanian
Church became the largest Orthodox body after that of Russia. The Constitution of 1923
declared the Orthodox Church as "dominant," while the Greek Catholic Church had
81
Pacurariu, lstoria Bisericii Ortodoxe Romdne vol. 3, 130-34.
82 Keith Hitchins, Rumania: 1866-1947 (Oxford: 1994), 91. The first comprehensive survey
of the Church was that ofNicolae Iorga, Istoria Bisericii Romdnesti si a Vietti Religioase a Romdnilor
(Bucuresti: Editura Ministerului de Culte, 1928, 1932), 296-98.
303
"precedence" over all other denominations (culte). In 1925 the Romanian Orthodox Church
was elevated to the rank of Patriarchate having Miron Cristea as its first primate (1925_39).83
By undertaking a national crusade against alcoholism, the Church attempted to
solve a major social problem, which reached alarming proportions in the first part of the
twentieth century.84 At the same time, there occurred a sharp decline in the moral authority of
bishops as a series of scandals ended episcopal careers and questioned the integrity of
Orthodox leadership.
According to Pacurariu, the Orthodox Church was seriously prejudiced by a
series of regulations enacted in 1927-28. The 1927 Vatican Concordat placed the Catholic
Church under the direct jurisdiction of Rome. The new Law of Cults of 1928 concerned with
regulating the "national" churches (those identified with a particular ethnic group within the
state) conferred new privileges to the numerous Catholics of the western provinces,
challenging the Orthodox position as the undisputed state church.
85
It also granted the Neo-
Protestants freedom to exercise their faith as religious associations.
83
Treptow, A History ofRomania, 404. Pacurariu, Istoria Bisericii Ortodoxe, vol. 3,391-96.
84Ursul, "From Political Freedom to Religious Independence," 235-36.
85
Pacurariu, Istoria Bisericii Ortodoxe Romdne vol. 3, 389-410.
CHAPTER SEVEN

During the first quarter of the twentieth century Romanian society was defined
by interrelated political, ethnic, and religious tensions, and increasing moral and spiritual
vacuum among the masses. This is how Gala Galaction-writer and member of the Orthodox
clergy-described the decaying religious situation of the Eastern Church of his time:
Individuals who only come to Church on special holidays, once a year, who don't
even know the Ten Commandments or the symbol of the faith, who never go to
confession or Eucharist, who do not believe in the Father, nor in the Son, nor in the
Holy Spirit, these individuals are in charge of the Romanian Church. I (Translation
mine)
In this context, God raised at the beginning of the twentieth-century a number
of devout Orthodox priests who took the message of the Bible seriously and initiated
unprecedented revival movements within the Romanian Orthodox Church. Of special
importance are Wallachians Dumitru Cornilescu and Teodor Popescu, the originators of the
Tudorist movement, and Transylvanian IosifTrifa, the founder of the Lord's Army. The
movements initiated by them have substantial doctrinal and historical resemblances with
major Evangelical groupings, and are similar in a number of key theological points with the
sixteenth-century European Reformation.
1
Grigore Pisculescu, in Noua Revista Bisericeasca (1923), as quoted in A. Maianu, Viata si
Lucrarea lui Dumitru Cornilescu [The Life and Work of Dumitru Comilescu] (Bucuresti: BER, 1981, 1995),
81. Maianu published in exile in the 1980s two biographical works on Comilescu and Popescu. Note: Gala
Galaction was Pisculescu's penname.
304
305
Dumitru Comilescu and the
Translation of the Bible
The person who is considered the originator of the Romanian revivalist
movements was the young deacon Dumitru Comilescu (1891-1975). Dumitru was born in
1891 in a small village in Western Oltenia. His father was a schoolteacher, and both of his
grandfathers were Orthodox priests. Following his family tradition, in 1912 Comilescu
enrolled for the theology program at the Orthodox Seminary in Bucharest. As a passionate
reader, he frequented all of the major libraries ofthe capital and also ordered books from
abroad. He was particularly gifted in linguistics, studying both classical and modem
languages. As a top student, Comilescu worked as a seminary assistant and tutored in
different influential families in Bucharest, such as that of Prince Callimachi?
While at seminary, he started to read and translate Christian works by Western
authors such as Frank Thomas, R. A. Torrey, S. D. Gordon, F. Bettex, George Muller, and C.
H. Mackintosh.
3
Highly impressed by the vividness of the Christian life portrayed in these
books, Comilescu rediscovered his mission in life, "to make known to my people this kind of
life." He immediately published some brochures sincerely expecting "the new life to come."
But the revival did not come.
4
2
Maianu, Dumitru Cornilescu, 14-22. Horia Azimioara and Stefan Azimioara, "0 Lucrare a
Evangheliei" (Bucharest: 1988), in Daniel Cuculea ed. Reforma Sufletului: Dumitru Cornilescu si Istoria Bibliei
Romane, vol. 2. [Human Soul Reformation: Dumitru Comilescu and the History of the Romanian Bible],
(Bucuresti: Editura Adevarul Crestin, 2000), 22-23. Azimioara's excellent study on the development of the
Tudorist movement (from an insider's perspective) was recently edited by Cuculea.
3
Maianu, Dumitru Cornilescu, 73.
4 .
Dumitru Comilescu, Cum M-am Intors la Dumnezeu si am Spus si Altora (Bucuresti: 1940,
1998),5.
306
During his studies in Bucharest, Comilescu attended the Orthodox Church S1.
Stefan (known as "Cuibul cu Barza") where the devout priest Tudor Popescu appointed him
as deacon. The two became coworkers in the ministry of their parish as well as close friends.
In his search for a vibrant and abundant spiritual life, Comilescu began to study the Scripture.
Like many of his fellow seminary students, he had never read the Scripture before. He
admitted that at first he did not like the Bible because the available Romanian translations
were old and very difficult to understand. He said: "If our nation is to receive a new Christian
life from the Bible, it must have an understandable translation. If! don't understand this
translation, how would they be able to understand itT'S When reading the Word in other
languages, he found it surprisingly clear and revelatory. He understood that the spiritual life
of his people could only be improved by having access to the Bible in the vernacular. The
young scholar thus planned to produce a new translation of the Scripture into the modem
Romanian language.
In 1914, Princess Ralu Callimachi (one of Queen Maria's court ladies married
to Cantacuzino Pascaru), who had friends among the Swiss Brethren in Geneva, decided to
participate in spreading the Bible in Romania by initiating a contemporary translation. She
heard about Comilescu's linguistic abilities, and asked him to translate the Bible into modem
Romanian.
6
He realized that this was the opportunity for his dream to come true. During the
S .
Comilescu, Cum M-am Intors, 6.
6
Azimioara, "0 Lucrare a Evangheliei," in Reforma Sufletului, vol. 2, 22-3.
307
last two years of seminary, Cornilescu focused intensely on improving his knowledge of
Greek and Hebrew, and also of German, French, and English.
7
After his graduation in 1916, Cornilescu declined the option of taking spiritual
leadership of a parish church in the capital and dedicated himself to monastic life. Soon after,
with the help of Metropolitan Nicodim of Moldavia, the young scholar moved to
Callimachi's residence in Stancesti (close to Botosani) to start the important work of
translation. The old princess who had studied in England provided him with the best versions
of the Scripture in English, German and French, and with some ofthe finest modern
dictionaries and lexicons. He was very industrious and fully devoted to the "great work". At
the time, Comilescu considered himself a devout believer, but while working on the
translation he grew hungry for a personal faith. Like Wycliffe, Luther, and Wesley before
him, it was the study of Paul's letter to the Romans that enabled him to find the answer to his
.. I d 8
spmtua nee s.
Aside from the linguistic difficulties, the meaning of different Hebrew and
Greek words often puzzled Comilescu for they were different from what he previously knew.
One of the major issues that troubled him during the work on the book of Romans was the
gravity of sin. He could not understand how the statement "all have sinned" (Rom. 3:23)
could be true because he considered himself to be a good Christian. When he came to the
verse "for the wages of sin is death" (Rom 6:23), Comilescu planned to give up on the
translation of Romans, being convinced that "it is a book that does not make any sense."
7 Azimioara, "0 Lucrare a Evangheliei," in Reforma Sufletului, vol. 2,23
8
Maianu, Dumitru Cornilescu, 32-36.
308
Towards the end of the New Testament, Comilescu discovered in the twentieth chapter of
Revelation that in the terrible lake of fire will be sent not only all murderers, thieves,
adulterers, and so on, but also liars. Profoundly troubled and even frightened by this message
he realized that he had not properly understood the way of salvation in spite of his sincerity
and training. After resuming the work on Romans, Comilescu struggled with the concept of
justification by grace (Rom 3:24). After allowing himself to accept these new ideas, he began
to understand the relationship between man's sin and God's condemnation, and between
Christ's righteousness and death. From that moment, the light from above began to shine in
his life.
9
By translating the Bible, the young theologian Dumitru Comilescu was able to
understand and accept God's gift of salvation through faith in Jesus Christ and the
forgiveness of sin. After his spiritual discovery he felt that he needed to revise his previous
work in order to translate with the light of the new man. By the end of 1916 his life and mind
were completely renewed. He confessed: "I had then that extraordinary, unmistakable joy of
those born again through the Holy Spirit who gives life from God." 10 The authority of the
Scripture gave him the assurance of making the right decisions.
When I will go to [God's] judgment, I will tell God, "Lord, I only know this Book.
You say this is Your Word. I read in it that Christ died for me, and I accepted this
forgiveness for myself; but if You will condemn me, it will not be my fault because I
have believed what Your Word says. 11 (Translation mine)
9 .
Comilescu, Cum M-am lntors, 8-13.
10 Azimioara, "0 Lucrare a Evangheliei," in Reforma Sufletului, vol. 2, 28.
11 .
Comilescu, Cum M-am Intors, 11.
309
He was also convicted that the Bible is the source of authority for both
theological epistemology and ecclesiastical praxis. He realized that his Savior was not dead,
and that He wanted to have fellowship with His people, not only as Savior but also as Lord.
He started to believe in the importance of the new birth and in justification by faith through
the acceptance of the atoning work of Jesus Christ. 12 From the moment of his illuminating
discoveries, Cornilescu considered himself a new person, and began to share with others his
new discoveries. The first persons impacted by the renewed Orthodox monk were a group of
soldiers and officers who, as they prepared for the war, accepted the message of salvation
through Jesus Christ. In the early months of 1917 Comilescu started to organize at Stancesti
small gatherings for prayer, singing and the reading ofthe Scripture. Azimioara considers
those meetings as the beginning ofthe new Christian movement revived by the power of the
S
. 13
cnpture.
At his return to Bucharest, he immediately spread his new findings in
Popescu's parish, St. Stefan Church. With a new understanding concerning the authority of
the Scripture, the two friends changed their focus to Biblical preaching to the extent of
eliminating from the Orthodox liturgy what seemed to come into conflict with the Word of
God. Comilescu's preaching was dynamic as he focused on God's judgment against sin. In
1921 Comilescu started the publication of a Christian magazine called Adeviirul Crestin (The
Christian Truth), which was immediately warmly welcomed even within clerical circles. 14 In
12
Comilescu, Cum Msam Intors, 55-6.
13 Azimioara, "0 Lucrare a Evangheliei," in Reforma Sufletului, vol. 2, 28-31.
14
Maianu, Popescu, 49-50.
310
1922 Comilescu translated and published numerous tracts, such as What Should I do to
Become a Real Christian?, The Life ofGeorge Muller, and Life in Christ, which were
distributed among the faithful of St. Stefan. For all seekers in their parish the two friends
organized private gatherings for discussion, prayer, and the study of the Scripture. To
improve the quality of their meetings Comilescu translated from English a number of
Christian hymns, edited a little hymnbook and formed a small choir. 15
By 1920, after four years of assiduous work, Comilescu completed the
translation of the Bible in the modem Romanian language and in 1921 published the first
edition. During the process of translating and revising, he wrote the entire Bible four times,
resulting in an infirmity of his right hand. His achievements were initially received with
commendation in Orthodox circles, and this gave him the chance to meet with important
people of the time, particularly Callimachi' s family and their circle of friends. At that time,
Comilescu was the only Romanian scholar who knew Aramaic, the dialect spoken by Jesus
and his disciples. However, the Orthodox hierarchy accused him of upholding a destructive
Protestant perspective that was illustrated in his translation.i ' Even so, he maintained that a
correct interpretation of the Scripture is more important for salvation than the decisions of the
Church. As a consequence, he experienced many tribulations from the "mother" Church
culminating with the rejection of his Bible translation and sustained opposition that led to his
exile. This is how Comilescu speaks about his translation:
15 Azimioara, "0 Lucrare a Evangheliei," in Reforma Sufletului, vol. 2.23. See also Maianu,
Cornilescu.B'r.
16 Azimioara, "0 Lucrare a Evangheliei," in Reforma Sufletului, vol. 2. 31-32.
311
In my translation I did not take into consideration the particularities that any
denomination would impose upon the text. I attempted to understand what the text
says, and only the text, no matter what a denomination or other would say. 17
(Translation mine)
In addition to the increasing tension with the Orthodox hierarchy, in 1923
Cornilescu had a controversy with army general Russescu, after he accused the general of not
being a genuine Christian. The conflict increased, and when threatened with death,
Cornilescu was forced into exile. I
8
For the rest of his life, he lived and served the Lord
abroad, mostly in Switzerland, never to return to Romania. In 1928 he revised the translation
of the Bible and added full references. The British Bible Society selected his translation as
the standard Romanian text. 19
Named "the brilliant child of Romanian clergy," Cornilescu can be described
as a William Tyndale of Romanians.
20
His academic stature, his outstanding Bible
translation, his meteoric work in his own country followed by his exile, set him on the same
stage with the great English scholar who was known as "the father of the English Bible. ,,21
During the 1520s, facing the ignorance of Catholic cleric concerning the Holy Scripture,
17 .
Maianu, Popescu, 23.
18 Azimioara, "0 Lucrare a Evangheliei," in Reforma Sufletului, vol. 2, 41.
19 The British Bible Society had proposed to publish the Romanian Bible as a compilation
between Cornilescu's version and the translations ofNicodim Munteanu for the Old Testament and luliu
Scriban for the New Testament, but Cornilescu refused this option. See Maianu, Corni/escu.
20 William Tyndale was an Oxford graduate and an erudite scholar. His translation of the
Scripture from Greek and Hebrew brought him both worldwide reputation and fierce opposition from those who
opposed the spread of Reformation ideas. Exiled from his country he completed his work in the Low Countries
in the 1520s. Betrayed and arrested in 1535, Tyndale was martyred being strangled and burnt one year later.
William Tyndale's translation became the basis for the celebrated King James Version. See Encyclopaedia
Britannica.
21
Tony Lane, "William Tyndale and the English Bible," in The History ofChristianity ed.
Tim Dowley (Oxford: Lion Publishing, 1990),398.
312
William Tyndale set the translation and distribution of the Bible as his life's goal, saying: "If
God spare my life, ere many years pass, I will cause a boy that driveth the plough shall know
more of the Scriptures than thou dost.,,22 Comilescu was indeed an instrument used by God
to give the Romanian people the Bible in a clear and tasteful language.
Like in the time of the Protestant Reformation, Comilescu's achievement
came in a context of rediscovering the importance of the Bible as it was written in the
original languages. In To the Councilmen ofAll Cities in Germany Luther wrote about the
importance of the original languages in understanding the Scripture and argues that sixteenth
century theologians had a closer grasp of the meaning of the Word of God than the Church
Fathers did. He pointed out to the fact that before the rediscovery ofthe Holy Scripture in the
original languages the Church Fathers "frequently erred in the Scriptures.,,23
Immediately after the days of the apostles, when languages [Greek and Hebrew]
ceased, the Gospel, the faith and the whole Church gradually declined, until they sank
under the pope to the lowest depth; and after the languages declined very little that is
excellent was witnessed in the Church, but a great many dreadful abominations arose .
. . On the other hand, since the languages have been restored, they bring with them so
bright a light and accomplish such great things that the whole world wonders and is
forced to confess that we have the Gospel quite as purely as the apostles had it, and
that it has altogether attained to its original purity, far beyond what it was in the days
of St. Jerome or St. Augustine?4
22William Tyndale, as quoted by Tony Lane in "William Tyndale and the English Bible," in
The History ofChristianity ed. Tim Dowley (Oxford: Lion Publishing, 1990), 398.
23 Martin Luther, "To he councilmen of All Cities in Germany," in Works ofMartin Luther
with Introductions and Notes (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1990), 116. In that passage Luther noted
that St. Augustine erred frequently in the Psalter and in other expositions of the Scripture, while Jerome's
translation of the Psalter had to be revised when the Jews claimed that the Christian version did not agree with
the Hebrew.
24
Martin Luther, "To he councilmen of All Cities in Germany," in Works ofMartin Luther
with Introductions and Notes (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1980), 115.
313
Comilescu married a Swiss nurse in 1940 and continued to serve his God
through the written and spoken word.2
5
Dumitru Comilescu died in 1975 in Montreaux,
Switzerland, but his Bible continues to live and to bring abundant spiritual life. His
translation became a classic biblical text used by millions of Romanians worldwide for more
than eight decades. Beginning with 1921, the British Bible Society printed and distributed
over 500,000 copies annually of Comilescu' s Bible.2
6
Many ofthese copies penetrated
communist Romania in mysterious ways and became for many a candle for their path.
Teodor Popescu and the "Reformed"
Church Practices
The son of an Orthodox priest, Teodor (Tudor) Popescu (1887-1963) was born
in 1887 in the Ploiesti vicinity. While a boy in his parent's home, he was troubled with many
questions that not even his father could answer. Although a village priest, his father could not
guide Teodor in theology because he was not well equipped himself. After finishing the
Orthodox Seminary in Curtea de Arges (1907) and the Theological Institute in Bucharest
(1912), Popescu married and became a priest in the capital in the St. Stefan Church (known
as Cuibul cu Barzii). He was a devout minister of the altar, whose passionate preaching
attracted large crowds, giving him a sense of pride and fulfillment.
27
25 Many of his sermons were published in Luminatorul [The Illuminator] (1965-75) a journal
of the Romanian-American Baptists.
26
Maianu, Dumitru Cornilescu, 126-28.
27 Maianu, Popescu, 5-18. He also undertook doctoral studies at Cernauti, but did not
complete the program.
314
In 1918, his wife died after a lengthy period of suffering. It was a crisis that
caused Teodor to ardently seek the purpose of his life. When Comilescu came to Bucharest,
he tried to encourage Popescu in his hardship and suggested that he look for answers in the
Word of God. Because of his strong personality, Popescu rarely accepted any advice, but
became open toward the young scholar. Their conversations often pointed to "the need for a
return to God.,,28 This is how Popescu shares his struggles to understand the meaning of
"returning to God",
I knew the word, which is often used in the Scripture, but I did not know its meaning.
I always asked myself 'What is turning to God?' .... I noticed in the New Testament
that forgiveness and salvation are always connected with the faith... A very precious
discovery was when I found in the New Testament that I can be sure of my Salvation
if I only trust in Jesus Christ, holding finn to Him as my Savior and Lord, whose will
is to be my only rule for living?9 (Translation mine)
Fr. Popescu converted in 1920 to a new life through the direct work of God in
his life, without any external influence. His search for truth began by reading the Scripture
and various books supplied by Comilescu. Consequently, he started to treasure the Bible and
to absorb it with a new passion. He remembers: "The reading of the Word of God became
now a need and a special pleasure for me.... Having changed my heart and life, my speech
and my sermon were also changed.,,30 Filled with the desire to live a new life, he renounced
lying and compromising. Soon after, Popescu began to preach what he personally had
learned: the importance of new birth, of repentance, and salvation by personal faith in Christ.
28
Maianu, Dumitru Cornilescu, 64.
29
Maianu, Popescu, 28, 34. Based on Popescu's own testimony "0 marturisire care poate fi
unora de folos," in Noua Revista Bisericeascd (Aug, 1923).
30
Maianu, Popescu, 35.
315
His preaching was clear, calm and convincing, stressing God's love and grace, and the need
for a personal Savior. With all these inward changes, in 1922 Popescu was considered among
the intellectuals in Bucharest, a very popular Orthodox priest. 31
Popescu began to organize-at the beginning in his house and then in a school
nearby the church-prayer meetings and Bible study groups for his parishioners in what
became known as the religious circle fa si Citeste (Get and Read). This is how Comilescu
describes one of those meetings:
At the school ... we started by singing one ofthe new Christian hymns, then Tudor
Popescu read a psalm, read the scheduled section from the Gospel of John and
explained it for an hour. ... The theme was almost always the same - though placed
in the context of the reading - and aimed to the necessity of a personal decision: What
are you doing with your sins? Are theyforgiven? Are you a child ofGod? Do you
have peace? Are you content? Where will you go after death?32 (Translation mine)
Following Popescu's spiritual renewal, hundreds of people flocked to St.
Stefan church, creating jealousy among other priests. Many persons were touched by his
godliness and gift of preaching, becoming spiritually transformed as a result of this work.
Among them were large numbers of intellectuals, businessmen, and even theological students
and clergymen.
33
Encouraged by their professor Archimandrite Iliu Scriban, young
seminarian students like Emil Constantinescu, Alexandru Panaitescu, Vasile Moisescu, Ilie
Enea, and Nicolae Tonoiu started started to be interested in Fr. Popescu's work and became
31 Octavian Goga describes the impressions after his 1922 visit at Cuibul cu Barza showing
that after he had finished the liturgy, "the silver-tongued priest" began to preach from the Gospel. At the end of
the service the young Comilescu came out from the rows of mesmerized people and began to hand out small
booklets which contained the outline ofthe subject of the last six sermon. See Octavian Goga, Furtuna de la
Cuibu cu Barza,' [The Storm at the Stork's Net] in Tara Noastrii 2 (13 Jan, 1924).
32
Maianu, Dumitru Cornilescu, 68-70.
33 . I
Maianu, Dumitru Corni escu, 74.
316
involved in the meetings?4 Renowned intellectuals like Nicolae Iorga, Constantin C.
Giurescu, Simion Mehedinti, Metropolitan Nicolae Balan, and poet Dimitrie Nanu
appreciated the work of Fr. Popescu to different degrees.
35
During the weekly Bible studies with his faithful, Popescu came to the
conclusion that there were certain inconsistencies between his new understanding of
Scripture and various aspects of the Orthodox liturgy. "The most stringent issue was related
to the prayers and adoration towards the saints and Virgin Mary.,,36 Popescu started to stress
what the New Testament teaches: "there is only one mediator, Jesus Christ. Why so many
intermediary 'saints'?" The Orthodox liturgy and chanting consisting of old Slavonic
terminology was deemed irrelevant in bringing to people the message of the Gospel. Instead
of "Most holy Mother of God, save us," at the end of the liturgy Fr. Popescu coined the
phrase "May Christ, the true God, have mercy on us and save us. Amen." Consequently, Fr.
Popescu started to teach that God's salvation can only be accepted by faith in the sacrifice on
the Cross. People coming for confession were astonished when Fr. Popescu told them about
the need to kneel and confess their sins to the Lord who can forgive, not to a man.
After a short time, Popescu's deviations from the Orthodox rule were found
objectionable by the Church authorities. As a result, Popescu was forced to defend his
positions before Miron Cristea, the Metropolitan of Bucharest.
37
The repeated praises
34Azimioara, "0 Lucrare a Evangheliei," in Reforma Sufletu/ui, vol. 1, 31.
35 Maianu, Popescu, 46-47.
36
Maianu, Dumitru Cornilescu, 79.
37
Negrut, Revelatie, 163-4.
317
presented by Popescu's sympathizers to the Metropolitan did not seem to be of any help. In
January 1924, when asked by the Orthodox Consistory to explain his views regarding the
Virgin Mary, the icons, and the role of the saints, Popescu admitted that he had excluded
them from the liturgy. Other areas of controversy included: the authority of Scripture over
Tradition, the sufficiency of Christ for Salvation, and the difference between true and false
tradition. His views were considered heretical by the Orthodox Church, and as a result,
Popescu was dismissed from the priesthood on the grounds of becoming "a Protestant who
deviated from Orthodoxy", and "a blind and darkened, evil spirit who led the people
astray.,,38
In his word of defense addressed to Metropolitan Miron Cristea in December
1923, Fr. Popescu presented his understanding of being a servant of God:
I never lost sight that Christ did not send me to minister, but to preach; to not read
prayers, but to teach. I have considered that my first duty is to preach the Gospel and I
will consider it as such all of my life. If preaching the Gospel means to deviate from
Orthodoxy, then yes, I am a deviator, a stray. However, I believe that all who do not
believe in the Gospel, live after it, and preach it, are lost.
39(Translation
mine)
In response to the accusation that he was "a Protestant who deviated from
Orthodoxy," Fr. Popescu replied:
I am not a Catholic, nor Protestant, nor Adventist, nor anything else, but an Orthodox
that took the Gospel of the Lord seriously. If this is not what I would be, I would
have long ago left the Orthodox church, publicly testifying it. On the contrary, I had
the conviction that by fulfilling my service and retaining the existing practices, I will
be able to work with the Gospel of the Lord in the midst of my church.. .I am not
seeking to reform the Romanian Church, but rather to reform the human spirit of the
individual through the Gospel.
38 Maianu, Popescu, 79, 80.
39Teodor Popescu, "Defense to the Metropolitan," in Memoriul Protest No.1 (Bucharest,
Dec 1923),42-43.
318
...Without the reformation of each individual human soul, without a new birth
received as the Gospel presents it, nothing will have been done and nothing will
become of it. ... I believe that God did not wholly abandon this poor Romanian
people, who are bitterly suffering because of their many sins and evil, He did not
abandon them forever, but will raise from their midst people who will be fully
devoted to Him, that will serve Him and preach the Gospel, and serve their nation.
Only by preaching the Gospel does salvation reach man and the nation, and through
nothing else.
40
(Translation mine)
In his perspective, what the Romanian Church needed was not an importation
of Protestant theology, but "the reformation of the human spirit" that comes through the
Word of God. About his relationship with the Orthodox Church, Popescu says:
If by the Romanian Church it is understood the church of today, dull and dead, in
which those who enter in it as servants do not seek anything but a mode of living or
their gain-then certainly I see myself as apart from it. If God, through his unlimited
goodness brought me to a new spiritual state, to an uprooting from under the bondage
of so many sins that haunt those who believe themselves to be something in this
Church, then this tore me apart from the church. If by the church oftoday it is
thought of religious society controlled by men who do not follow Christ, then yes, I
am outside ofit.
41
(Translation mine)
In December 1923 and January 1924, a number of periodicals and publications
of Bucharest reported the conflict between Popescu and the Orthodox Synod. Dem
Theodorescu wrote in Cuvdntul Liber: "Luther was the initiator of a real and beneficial
dissent for the spread of light ... There have been several days since we have a Romanian
Luther! He is the eloquent and interesting priest from the Cuibul cu Barza church, Teodor
42
Popescu."
40 Teodor Popescu, "Defense to the Metropolitan," 46-47.
41 T. Popescu, "Defense to the Metropolitan," in Memoriul Protest No.1 (Bucharest, Dec
1923),27.
42
Oem Theodorescu, Cuvdntul Liber (Jan 26, 1924).
319
In a different publication, former Minister of Religion Octavian Goga wrote an
extensive article in which he recalls his first visit at St. Stefan:
The media writes about the godly priest how a special evolution in his thinking
determined him to depart from the dogmatic truths of the Eastern Church, and how in
his most recent sermons and especially through certain unacceptable changes of ritual
he went beyond the responsibilities specified by rules and canons. Father Tudor
appears therefore as a dissenter against our church order, a reformer alienated of the
duties of his cast.
43
(Translation mine)
Historian Nicolae lorga considered the shutting down of the St. Stefan church
as "a shame.,,44 In the midst ofthe conflict, university professor Gheorghe Tasca wrote about
Popescu:
I saw a beam of light, a ray of hope concerning the resurrection of this institution [the
Church], on the day when Fr. Tudor Popescu gathered around him all of us who had
forgotten the paths of the Church. The word of God spoken by the inspired voice of
Fr. Tudor Popescu started to penetrate our souls.,,45 (Translation mine)
A number of Orthodox priests were intrigued by Popescu's dismissal and
came to his defense. Fr. Ion Popescu from Balesti, Gorj, wrote in an Orthodox publication:
Woe to you, poor Peter and Paul, and the other apostles who did not have the chance
to learn from us what Orthodoxy means, who did not know that to be the Lord's
apostles means to officiate sumptuous liturgies, adorned with gleaming garments. If
your ministry would take place in our days, we, the true defenders of Orthodoxy
would only consider you as lost on the sectarian valley.46 (Translation mine)
43. . d I lb I " . (3 2
Octavian Goga, "Razvratirea e a CUI u cu Barza, In Tara Noastra Jan I , 19 4).
44
N. Iorga, Neamul Romdnesc (Dec, 1923).
45
Gh. T a ~ c ; 1 , Dimineata, Dec. 1923.
46 Ion Popescu, Crucea (1924), as quoted in Maianu, Popescu, 60.
320
Talking about the authority of Scripture, Teodor Popescu said in his defense:
The Church long ago went beyond "what is written," by disregarding the Scripture.
They placed tradition on the same level as Scripture, blended the two and the result is
what we see today. Anyone who becomes convinced that the Bible is the Word of
God must obey either the Bible, or the tradition. If one follows the tradition, he
remains as it was. If one only obeys the Bible, he finds the Lord Jesus.,,47 (Translation
mine)
The magnitude of the situation was intensified by the fact that, as Goga said,
"Father Tudor's rebellion is not an individual act. It is complicated by the united revolt of the
parishioners who expressed their opinion in solidarity with their spiritual shepherd.',48 In the
midst of the conflict, the faithful parishioners from Cuibul cu Barza stood by their spiritual
shepherd and refused to accept a new priest, choosing to follow Fr. Popescu to the end.
In The Struggle between Logic and Sophism, and between the Gospel and
Form (1924), poet Dimitrie Nanu gave a defense of Fr. Popescu answering to the accusations
of the three hierarchs, Gala Galaction, Popescu Malaiesti, and Iuliu Scriban.
It is written black on white "there is only one mediator." On what basis (aberration)
do you come with 11,000 mediators and cancel this definitive statement that logically
cannot have another interpretation. Are we so naive not to see how the old papal
indulgences were transformed in Orthodox practices (sarindare si acatiste), which do
not have any connection whatsoever with the salvation of the sinner? ... The tradition
of worshipping the saints is only a ghost of polytheism, an avatar, an organic iniquity
(if not an arrangement toward priestly benefit), from which one cannot easily escape
because the church, unfaithful to its great apostles, educated him in this way.49
(Translation mine)
Following the dismissal of Teodor Popescu, a number of sympathizers mostly
from Bucharest joined together in a committee of defense. They forwarded protesting appeals
47 .
Maianu, Popescu, 58.
48
Goga, "Razvratirea de la Cuibul eu Barza," in tara Noastra (Jan 13, 1924).
49
Dimitrie Nanu, Lupta intre Logicii si Sofism, intre Evanghelie si Tipic (Bucuresti, 1924).
321
to the Metropolitan and published a series of brochures documenting the conflict.
50
A protest
movement developed in the years to come particularly in the southern part of Romania.
The Development of the Tudorist Movement
Prior to 1946
When Teodor Popescu was dismissed from his priestly office at St. Stefan, he
was 37, a widower with three little children and without any means to meet the needs of his
family, but with the certitude of having part of God's providence. "I don't want the heaven if
You are not there. Nothing on this earth interests me, if You are not with me. When I have
You I have the supreme good.,,51 His sisters helped with the children until January 1926
when Popescu married Natalia Zaharia, a widowed nurse who had recently joined the
52
assembly.
Initially he and his followers organized meetings in private homes and in other
locations. For some time the gatherings took place at the residence of an engineer named
Pastia, in the center of Bucharest. About 400 people crowded into two large offices to listen
to Popescu's sermons. Later on, the old pastor Adeney who worked for a mission among the
Jews, made his meeting hall available on Olteni Street. Isaac Feinstein contributed to the
services during that period. In order to have a legal status for the movement, the Trezirea
(Awakening) association was founded in 1925, with Dimitrie Nanu as president. The purpose
of Trezirea was to spread the Gospel and to facilitate the building or renting of assembly
50See Memoriul Protest No.1 and No.2 by a committee (Comitetul de Actiune Crestineasca)
led by E. Demtrescu Mirea, Dimitrie Nanu, lng. D. A. Pastia and others.
51 Azimioara, "0 Lucrare a Evangheliei," in Reforma Sufletului, vol. 1,87.
52 Azimioara, "0 Lucrare a Evangheliei," in Reforma Sufletului, vol. 1,97-99.
322
halls. In 1926 a large building was erected on Carol Davila Street in Bucharest with the
support of the old friend, Princess Challimachi and Miss Ghica. Required to have a legal
status, in 1926 the new movement was transformed into an association named "Christians
according to the Scripture. ,,53
Help on the Way
In January 1924 Popescu wrote:
I believe that the God of our fathers and forefathers did not completely abandon our
deprived Romanian nation that bitterly suffered due to its great sin and iniquity. No,
He did not completely abandon us, but He will raise from this people fool men for
Christ, who even by serving Christ and preaching the Gospel, would be a benefit for
h
. 1 54
t elf peop e.
Cornilescu's contribution was essential in the defining of the new movement
and its initial development. He kept regular contact with Popescu through letters and sent
articles, brochures, and new hymns. He was often consulted in deciding doctrinal issues.
Cornilescu advised Popescu to consider Darby's commentaries, maintaining that, "what lorga
is for [Romanian] history, Darby is for the Gospel.,,55
In the following years after the scandal at St. Stefan, God raised a number of
prominent leaders who assisted and consolidated the work initiated by Cornilescu and
Popescu. One of them was Gheorghe Cornilescu (1898-1967), Dumitru's younger brother.
Inclined toward languages and literature, after he graduated from seminary, Gheorghe
decided to study languages at the university. His life was completely transformed during the
53 Azimioara, "0 Lucrare a Evangheliei," in Reforma Sufletului, vol. 1,97-99.
:'54
Teodor Popescu, Adevarul, (Jan 25, 1924).
55 . P 8
Maianu, opescu, 16 .
323
First World War, when he participated in the revival meetings organized by his brother at
Sancesti. After 1924 he became involved in the ministry of preaching in Bucharest and other
Wallachian towns and proved to have a shepherd's heart. After 1930 he worked as a high
school professor and edited several literature textbooks. 56
Emil Constantinescu (1901-68) was another active participants in the revival
and the development of the Tudorist movement. The son of a Wallachian Orthodox priest,
Emil Constantinescu decided to continue the tradition of his family and become a minister of
the altar. In 1918 young Emil, a gifted church singer and lover ofliterature, graduated from
the Central Orthodox Seminary in Bucharest (where he had full scholarship). As a seminary
student, he participated in the revival at St. Stefan in 1922, and was profoundly moved by
Popescu's sermons. His decision to read the New Testament and to faithfully maintain a
prayer life, led to a fundamental renewal of his mind and life. His association with Popescu's
movement led to his dismissal as a tutor (pedagog) at the Central Seminary and determined
him to give up his theological studies at the Orthodox Institute. 57
In 1924 he graduated from the University of Bucharest, becoming professor of
Romanian language and literature in some of the best high schools in Pucioasa, Giurgiu, and
the capital. Constantinescu's close connection with the "sectarians" made him a target of
persecution and discrimination. In the mid 1930s he and his wife were brought to court and
charged with "activities that are incompatible with the status of a professor and educator."
Consequently, for a long period he was not promoted in his profession even though he was
56 Azimioara, "0 Lucrare a Evangheliei," in Reforma Sufletului, vol. I, 173-80.
57 Azimioara, "0 Lucrare a Evangheliei," in Reforma Sufletului, vol. I, 163-66.
324
one of the most capable of his field.
58
One of Popescu's faithful associates in the ministry of
preaching, Constantinescu was known as a man of peace, with a gentle speech. In his
ministry he tried to bring together faith and reason. He wrote and translated a number of
booklets, developed the collection of hymns, and composed several popular Christian songs
such as "Cand Drumul meu E-ntunecos" (When My Road is Dark), which was written during
59
World WarII.
Another very dynamic preacher who emerged in Bucharest during the war was
the young Aurel Popescu. In 1939 the young Aurel from Targoviste had just been expelled
from high school after he embraced the teaching of the Gospel being totally transformed in
his understanding of salvation and Christian life. He came to Bucharest to seek guidance
from Tudor Popescu and realized that he just started to walk "on a path with no return."
Convinced that it is better to die than to deny Jesus after deciding to follow him, Aurel
determined to follow His Lord to the end. And he did it, but not without paying a high price.
He proved to be a very gifted preacher and after 1945 he ministered regularly in Carol
Davila, becoming a close associate of Mr. Popescu. His contagious dynamism coupled with
his gift of evangelism brought waves of revival in Bucharest.60
There were several Western authors who had influence on Popescu's
subsequent theological development. One of them was the German pastor Ernst Modersohn,
58 Azimioara, "0 Lucrare a Evangheliei," in Reforma Sufletului, vol. I, 167-69.
59 Azimioara, "0 Lucrare a Evangheliei," in Reforma Sufletului, vol. 1, 163-73.
60 Maianu, Popescu, 180-81, 192. Maianu asserts that being influenced by the writings of C.
Meitert, in )949, Aurel Popescu started to promote universalist teachings: "he preached a universal salvation
and neglected God's judgment."
325
the leader of the Gemeinschaft movement within the Reformed (Lutheran) Church, who
invited Popescu and Cornilescu to a Bible conference in Blankenburg, Germany. Since the
summer of 1923 strong bounds developed between the three men concerned with preaching
the message of Scripture without compromise. One of Popescu's popular publications, The
Plan ofSalvation was adapted from Modersohn's writings.
61
Greatly inspired by Charles H.
Spurgeon who became one of his favorite authors, Popescu published several volumes of
sermons such as [sus va Cheama, Veniti la [sus (1922). With continuing respect for the great
English preacher, by the end of his life Popescu said, "It is not a Spurgeon that stands before
you ... we only did what we were capable of.,,62 Among the Brethren writers, Popescu
appreciated C. H. Mackintosh the most and often used in his studies his Notes on Pentateuch.
When Cornilescu recommended him to read Darby's works, Popescu was not so eager to do
it, appreciating that they were like "dry pretzels.,,63 However, the new movement was visibly
influenced by becoming connected with Darbyist groups from Switzerland and Germany.
The opposition of the Orthodox clergy continued long after Popescu's
dismissal. In a meeting that took place in April 1937, the Orthodox society Patriarhul Miron
requested "all prayer houses of the Tudorist sect to be closed and all their books to be
bumed.,,64 The main accusations against Popescu and the Tudorists were:
They do not consider the Orthodox Church as a normative authority; do not accept the
Holy Tradition as divine revelation; do not believe that salvation is obtained through
61 SM'
ee aianu, Popescu.
62 Azimioara, "0 Lucrare a Evangheliei," in Reforma Sufletului, vol. I.
63
Maianu, Popescu.
64
Farul Crestin 8 (15 Apr, 1937), I.
326
the Orthodox Church; do not consider the intervention through prayer of the saints
and the angels before God as being necessary; maintain that salvation is obtained
through faith alone, without good works; have different opinions than our Church
regarding the Holy Liturgy.65 (Translation mine)
Distinctive Doctrines
The Tudorists share basic Evangelical beliefs, shaped not by external
influence, but by the power of the Word of God in the context of Eastern Orthodoxy. Their
similarities with the Crestini dupa Evanghelie was not only concerning their name, but also
doctrinally, a fact which was remarked by the officials of from the Minister of Religion.
One of Popescu's favorite subjects for sermons was salvation through faith in
Jesus Christ. In The Plan a/Salvation he maintains that attempting to achieve one's salvation
through good works and keeping a set of laws gives one no hope of forgiveness. "By what
you can do there is no possibility to escape the past sins or to live according to God's will.,,66
To Popescu the necessary and satisfactory condition to receive God's forgiveness for sin is to
believe that Christ died and was resurrected in order to bring salvation. He took upon himself
the punishment for our sins. Popescu's conclusion is that one's faith in Christ brings
forgiveness of sins. The consequence of this act of faith in Jesus Christ and His atoning
sacrifice is reconciliation with God and a new relationship with Jesus as Savior.
67
65
Farul Crestin 8 (15 Apr, 1937), I.
66 Teodor Popescu, Planul de Mdntuire [The Plan of Salvation] (Bucuresti: Editura
Stephanus, 1997), 39-40.
67
T. Popescu, Planul de Mdntuire, 41-48, 59-63. See also T. Popescu, Isus, Miintuitorul
Lumii [Jesus the Savior ofthe World] (Bucuresti: Editura Stephanus, 2000), 119-30.
327
Popescu retained from Orthodoxy the practice of infant baptism, maintaining
that the parents' faith is what matters and gives baptism validity. But he did not consider
baptism as synonymous with the new birth as in Orthodox dogma.
68
The Tudorists only
celebrated the Lord's Supper and baptism as symbols and rejected the Orthodox sacraments.
The communion service was restricted to members only. Popescu would personally talk with
new converts who wanted to partake of the Lord's Supper.
In terms of church ministry and the idea of universal priesthood, the Tudorists
came to similar conclusions as the British Brethren. Comilescu proposed a model of church
that would promote the involvement of a plurality of preachers, elders and gifted men to
openly contribute to the service, according to the teaching given by the Apostle Paul in
1 Corinthians 14.
69
Popescu adopted the conviction that the New Testament church does not
have priests as a special caste, but rather is made of believers which are all priests, having no
need for other mediators. Those who served as presbyters did not accept any title or official
position, and ministered on a voluntary basis. When a subject was debatable, Popescu's
opinions were generally followed, but as a rule they sought for consensus among the elders.
70
The place of women in the congregation represented a subject of concern for
the Tudorists. Initially, women were involved in the church service by praying aloud, in a
personal and emotional manner. Mila Manolescu was one of the most active ladies especially
68 .
Maianu, Popescu, 162.
69 .
Maianu, Popescu, 104-105.
70 Azimioara, "0 Lucrare a Evangheliei," in Reforma Sufletului, vol. 1.
328
in smaller gatherings. Through some letters from Comilescu the issue of woman's place in
the church was settled in 1927 by the New Testament teaching that the women should be
silent in the church. Consequently, they were only allowed to participate in corporate singing
in the assembly, but not to pray or to speak publicly.
Popescu never claimed that his group was the only true church. He regarded
all who follow Jesus as brothers, as "clusters of pilgrims to heaven", and "industrious bees"
who will continue to belong to their own beehive. Popescu identified his assembly (and the
entire movement) with the church in Philadelphia (Rev 3:7_13).71
Once Popescu established a new group, the movement ceased to have a direct
influence within the Orthodox Church. Negrut asserts that over the years, from being a
charismatic community, the movement shifted towards an institutionalized ecclesiology
marked by strict discipline and legalism. 72
Later in life Popescu's stress on biblical teaching rather than on evangelism
created a latent spiritual potential among the members of his congregation. While some other
Evangelical groups stressed evangelism and organizational development, his focus seemed to
remain quality rather than quantity. He lacked the vision of training well-equipped disciples
who would continue the work at a similar level.
71
, Maianu, Popescu, 109.
72
Negrut, Revelatie, 168.
329
Development in the Region
Beginning with 1922, Popescu participated in house gatherings in Ploiesti
where he found a close partner in Alexandru Panaitescu. In the beginning they both wore
priestly garments but were later forbidden to make use of them. Threatened by hostile priests,
Popescu often had to be protected by a group of followers during his journeys. After a
conflict with a group of young believers, Panaitescu separated from the assembly in Ploiesti
in 1928, and later adopted the believer's baptism and joined the Crestini dupa Evanghelie.
Vasile Moisescu and Nicolae Tonoiu followed the same road. As a great teacher, Tonoiu was
often welcomed by Popescu to preach in Bucharest.73
In Campulung Popescu preached initially in the house of General Grigorescu.
The work in Campulung prospered with the approval of the regional (city) prefect. Many
intellectuals from the town participated in those meetings. 74
The movement initially spread in central Wallachia, reaching the regions of
Bucharest, Ploiesti, Brasov, Pitesti, and Barlad. With the involvement ofthe Orthodox
hierarchy the opposition against Tudorists increased, particularly in rural areas.
75
However, it
is estimated that in 1939 the Tudorists had about 150 assemblies, many of them being small
73 M . 6
aianu, Popescu, 1 1.
74 . 6 6
M111anu, Popescu, 5 -57, 11 .
75 The Decision No. 4781 issued in April 1937 banned most sects and religious associations,
including the Tudorists. The Decision of the Minister of Cults and Arts published Monitorul Oficial and
reprinted in Farul Crestin 9 (1 May, 1937), 1.
330
groups.76 According to Maianu, by the mid 1940s there were about 30 assemblies in the
vicinity of Bucharest and about 40 in the Ploiesti region. 77
Since the beliefs of the Tudorists were similar with those of the Crestini dupa
Evanghelie, in 1939 Popescu opted for a union of the two groups. He wrote a circular letter to
all congregations, explaining that their common goal of achieving governmental recognition
was at that point more important than their spiritual and cultural differences. The union was a
formal one, each group retaining its particularities.Y
During Antonescu's government hundreds of believers who continued to
assemble together were imprisoned. Some were condemned to forced labor for life tmunca
silnicai. In 1941 the assembly hall in Bucharest was transformed into a military depot.
Conclusion
Several remarks concerning the nature and the impact of the Tudorist
movement are appropriate as a conclusion. To Popescu and his followers, Orthodoxy does
not achieve the message of God through its observation of a set of Church traditions. This
was possible only by keeping the Spirit of the Gospel. It was necessary to cling to the
message of salvation through Christ and his Cross; this meant preaching the necessity of the
new birth, the spiritual transformation experienced by any sinner who wants to come to terms
with God and to live a pure life.
76
Maianu, Popescu, 164.
77 . P I
Maianu, opescu,2 2.
78
Cuciuc, Atlasul Religiilor, 65. In a letter published in 1956, Florea Moisescu underlined the
various dissimilarities between the two groups.
331
Not of special importance numerically, the Tudorist movement became
momentous through its emphasis on the Scripture, implementing the ideas of the Reformation
in an Eastern Orthodox context. The Tudorists had significant impact among the intellectuals
of Muntenia, particularly in the Capital city.
Following the dramatic conflict with the Orthodox hierarchy and the exclusion
of Fr. Popescu from the priesthood in 1924, a new faction separated from the Orthodox
Church. The Tudorist movement demonstrates clear Evangelical characteristics, and despite
its independency from any Western religious grouping, came to be quite close in doctrine
with the Exclusive Brethren of J. N. Darby. One of the elements retained by Popescu from
Orthodoxy was infant baptism.
Comilescu and Popescu was each named "a Romanian Luther",79 but in spite
of certain similarities with the German Reformer, this labeling seems rather to be an
anachronistic association. Neither of them had the magnitude of influence the German
Reformer had in Germany and throughout Europe. Popescu was indeed one of the greatest
Evangelical theologians of his time, but Azimioara's contention that through his writings
Popescu is a Calvin of Romanians is rather hyperbolic language. What cannot be denied is
the fact that Comilescu's Bible made a huge contribution in bringing a contemporary,
delightful Romanian translation to a people who practically did not have access to the Word
of God. As Azimioara showed, subsequent Orthodox translations-like those of Gala
79
Maianu, Cornilescu, 48, 127. Also by Oem Theodorescu in Cuvintul Liber, 26 Jan. 1924.
332
Galaction and Nicodim Munteanu-made substantial use ofComilescu's work but lacked in
beauty and clarity. 80
The Orthodox position is that Popescu and his "flock" represent "the only
schismatic tendency within Romanian Orthodoxy.,,81 Comilescu is considered to be
responsible for setting off the schismatic tone in the Romanian Church by supplying Popescu
with a "Protestant" Bible, which became the foundation of his "theological confusion," The
main accusations ofthe Orthodox hierarchy were the exclusion of the liturgical elements
from his services, the abandonment of the Church traditions (the cult of icons, the cult of the
Virgin Mary, the intercessory role of the saints, the prayers for the dead, the seven
sacraments, the holy bones of the saints [moao}"te]), and the adoption ofNeo-Protestant
practices (house meetings, religious hymns, spontaneous prayers, and shallow interpretations
of the Scripture).82 Comilescu's Bible is considered a heretical translation, with explicit
"reformed" alterations such as: justification as a transaction rather than a transformation, the
stress on sola fide, the idea of a universal priesthood, a deformed representation of Mary and
f h
. f culti 83
o t e Importance 0 cu tic images.
80See Azimioara's analysis of the different Romanian versions in "0 Lucrare a Evangheliei,"
in Reforma vol. 2,41-60.
81
Ilie Cleopa, Ciiliiuzii in Credirua Ortodoxa [A Guide to Orthodox Faith] (Galati: Editura
Episcopiei Dunarii de Jos, 1991),31. See also P. David, Invazia Sectelor, 159-61.
82
David, Ciiliiuzii Crestina, 153; Cleopa, Ciiliiuzii in Credinta Ortodoxa, 32-33.
83
David, Ciiliiuzii Crestina, 426.
333
The Tudorist schism from Eastern Orthodoxy was fueled by their "Protestant"
understanding of the nature and means of salvation. 84 By stressing Jesus Christ as the only
mediator between man and God, and the important need of a new birth, Cornilescu and
Popescu turned out to be very Evangelical in their soteriological understanding. The
Orthodox concept of theosis, of working out your salvation, was replaced by a new biblical
understanding, which proved to be very close to the historical Protestant formulation. Also,
the role of works in the process of salvation and Marian cult and the role of the saints in
bringing people in union with God were other sensitive points in which Popescu
demonstrates a consistent deviation from the Orthodox dogma, but at the same time,
associated with a more Reformed / Evangelical theology. Azimioara correctly describes it as
"an independent Protestant movement."
84 To the Orthodox, the Protestant understanding ofjustification is "false and treacherous"
because it only confers to the sinner a change of position before God, without a real transformation of character.
Luther's position it only declares the sinner justified, but it does not make him righteous.
CHAPTER EIGHT
THE OASTEA DOMNULUIMOVEMENT
Initiated in the 1920s in the Transylvanian city of Sibiu, the Oastea Domnului
(the Lord's Army) is considered to be the greatest revival movement ever within the
Romanian Orthodox Church. The initiator and doctrinal formulator of this movement of
spiritual renewal was IosifTrifa (1888-1938), a godly Transylvanian Orthodox priest.
Fr. Iosif Trifa and the Beginning
Of the Oastea Domnului
Born in a poor peasant family in Certeje (Turda county), Trifa studied at the
Orthodox Theological Academy in Sibiu (1906-10) and in 1910 he was named parish priest in
the village ofVidra de Sus, where he ministered for ten years. During this time Trifa
experienced great personal tragedy, as his wife, Iulia, and three of their four children died to
an accident and severe illness. It appears, however, that this period of trials and suffering
played an important role in Trifa's own spiritual rebirth several years later.
1
In 1921, the Metropolitan of Ardeal (i.e. Transylvania), Nicolae Balan called
Fr. Trifa to Sibiu and appointed him "professor priest" at the Institute of Theology and editor-
in-chief of the Orthodox paper Lumina Satelor (Light to the Villages). Among Balan's
1
loan Fulea, Comori Ingropate . . . si Dezgropate: Culegere de Texte de la Oastea Domnului,
[Hidden ... and Revealed Treasures: A Compilation of Documents on Oastea Domnului] (Bucuresti: Ed.
Stephanus, 1993), 1-13.
334
335
declared motives were improving the morality of the Orthodox population in the Sibiu area
through religious education and strengthening Orthodoxy against the Catholic and Greco-
Catholic Churches of Transylvania.f Moreover, it seems that being upset by the "Neo-
Protestant proselytism," the Orthodox hierarchy hoped to counteract the growth of the
Evangelical movements through the revitalization of its churches.
As a way of strengthening Orthodoxy, the magazine Lumina Sate lor was
intended to increase the moral and spiritual life of the people. Trifa's vision was to instill a
new "spirit" into the Orthodox Church by putting "the knowledge of Christ above the dogmas
3
of the Church."
Oastea Domnului started with a spiritual crisis in Trifa's life that took place on
New Year's Eve in 1922. It was about midnight and Trifa was in his room preparing an
article for the next edition of Lumina Satelor when a group of drunkards milling about on the
street stopped under his window. The decision Trifa was about to take came in the context of
alarming moral decadence and drunkenness that affected Romanian society, reaching the
proportions of a national epidemic.
4
This is how Trifa recalls the event, lamenting about the
lack of impact and fruit in his years of ministry:
2
Balan, Cii/iiuzii Crestind, 167; Fulea, Comori Ingropate, 16. This tendency probably
amplified after the Vatican Concordat (1927) when the Catholic Church was placed under the direct jurisdiction
of Rome gaining new privileges and liberties. See Pacurariu, Istoria Bisericii Ortodoxe Romdne vol. 3, 389-410.
3
Thomas Keppeler, "Oastea Domnului: The Army of the Lord in Romania," in Religion,
State and Society, 21:2 (1993): 221-22.
4 To deal with this mounting problem the Orthodox clergy steered by the Primate Miron
Cristea undertook in early 1920s a national campaign against the evils of drinking. See Miron Cristea, fmpotriva
Betiei (Bucuresti, 1923).
336
On the Eve of New Year 1923, I was reflecting on all my activities of the last ten
years as a village priest as well as the past year as editor of Lumina Sate/or. I was
thinking with sorrow about the vanity of the past eleven years of shouting in the desert
without a trace of fruit. It was late at night. Under the window of my house, just then,
passed a boisterous group of drunkards. This only increased my sorrow. I fell to my
knees crying and I prayed to the Lord to help me in the year that lay ahead to labor
with more success. In this night, the Spirit of the Lord inspired me with the idea of a
resolution. A resolution that we would publish in the following edition of the gazette
Lumina Sate/or. In this edition, I would call my readers to enter this New Year with a
decision, a resolution to fight against drunkenness, profanity and other sins. Through
the signing of a declaration, we would call our readers to make a decision to fight
against sin. We would call them to volunteer to fight a king of fiery battle against sins.
With this beginning came what developed into the movement "Oastea Domnului.,,5
Recommitting himself to Christ and to a new life of dedication, Trifa wrote an
article in which he called his readers to make a resolution to fight against the sins of
drunkenness, profanity, and other vices, and challenged them to sign a decision in which they
committed themselves to a pure life and resolved to be good ostasi (soldiers) of Christ. This
challenging article published in Lumina Sate/or was the initial catalyst, which helped give
birth to the new movement.
6
As Trifa himself declared, 1923 was a year of profound transformation in the
life of the young priest. During his theological studies, Trifa was not a serious reader of the
Scripture. One reason was the fact that by that time the Orthodox schools still used the
Saguna version of the Bible, printed with Cyrillic characters.I After ten years of priesthood
Trifa began to read the Bible with a new sense of seriousness, and shortly after his life started
to be spiritually renewed. He reported "a transformation resulted from the decision to live
5 IosifTrifa, Ce Este Oastea Domnului? [What is Oastea Domnului?] (Sibiu: Editura ~ i tiparul
Tipografiei Oastei Domnului, 1934), 231.
6 .
Fulea, Comori Ingropate, 18-20.
7 .
Fulea, Comori ingropate, 35.
337
with Christ" that brought him exceeding peace andjoy.8 This is what he wrote in the summer
of 1923:
I spent two months [June and July] in the countryside, in reading and meditating
deeply on the Scriptures and I am returning now to my publishing duties with a
renewed decision for Christ and for proclaiming His Gospel. I am coming back to
Sibiu changed, namely I am returning committed to live for Christ and to help others
walk on this way of righteousness (indreptare) and spiritual salvation.
9
(Translation
mine)
Before the end of 1923, the focus of the movement shifted from waging war
against drunkenness and profanity to calling people to Jesus Christ. Trifa's declared new
vocation was "to blow the trumpet that calls people to Christ," and to preach the Word of God
and the remaking of individuals who are in darkness and ignorance. 10 Through the reading of
the Scripture Trifa started to associate the needed spiritual transformation with the new birth.
Comparing his family tragedy with a divine message like a wind from God, Trifa wrote:
"[God] repeatedly shouted to me: you have to be born again, but I-like the pitiful
Nicodemus-did not understand this heavenly voice.,,11 Realizing that despite calling
themselves "Christians," most people were far from the knowledge of the Gospel of Christ,
Trifa wrote, "The Oastea Domnului is first and foremost a movement concerned with
evangelism and with consolidation and spiritual edification." 12
8
Lumina Sate/or 46 (1923).
9
Lumina Sate/or 37 (1923).
10Trifa, "Intrati in Oastea Domnului," ed. 4, 3-4; Fulea, Comori lngropate. 19-20.
II Trifa, "Vantul eel Ceresc," (1936), 17-19.
12
Lumina Sate/or, 43 (1929).
338
Gradually, Fr. Trifa's understanding of salvation started to be associated with
a personal encounter with Jesus Christ. More than a mere historical person, or even the risen
Son of God, Christ was perceived by Trifa as a personal Savior who wants to fellowship with
him and to change his life:
I only found the Lord when He revealed to me that He is alive and has fellowship with
me. In life's trials and storms, the Lord repeatedly showed me and confirmed to me
His resurrection, until I understood that He is alive, that He is my Savior, and that He
knocks at the door of my life wishing to dine with me. 13 (Translation mine)
In order to expand his publishing work, in 1931 Trifa sold his property and
purchased a new printing press from Germany. Iosif Trifa himself wrote numerous booklets
about the nature and the purpose of Oastea Domnului and about his own spiritual
transformation.
14
Ce Este Oastea Domnului? (What is Oastea Domnului?), published by
Trifa in 1934, is in many respects the blueprint for the Lord's Army. The main description of
the movement that became a mission statement over the years was "Oastea Domnului este
aj/area # vestirea lui Isus eel rdstignit" (Oastea Domnului is finding and proclaiming Jesus,
the crucified One), 15 In 1933 Trifa wrote in one of the Oastea'sjoumals:
Jesus crucified. This was my program throughout the years with the Oastea. This is
not a new program. I have got it just like this from the saint apostle Paul. The power
of the Oastea is Jesus the crucified One. If we have Him in us and among us, we have
everything. When we lose Him, we lose everything. 16 (Translation mine)
13
Oastea Domnului 5 (1931), I.
14 Trifa's writings and booklets: Ce este Oastea Domnului? (1934), Spre Canaan (1936),
15 Trifa, Ce este Oastea Domnului?, 181.
16
Oastea Domnului I (1933), 1. See also Ce este Oastea Domnuluir, 197-98.
339
According to Fulea, joining the Oastea Domnului took place through a
covenant undertaken before the gathered assembly of the ostasi (soldiers of Christ) (Jer.
31:31). The covenant involved repentance for the past sinful life, a testimony about the way
God worked in the life of the new convert, and a public prayer. 17
Major Emphases in Trifa's Writings
Trifa's writings were not deep doctrinal works, but rather practical and
instructional brochures, intended to motivate and instruct believers. However, several major
emphases that shaped the character of the movement can be identified in Trifa's writings. The
most important ones are: the value of Scripture as the major source of doctrine and spiritual
nourishment, the necessity of a new birth and a personal relationship with God, the
development of Oastea Domnului as a lay voluntary movement, and the great emphasis on
moral purity and Christian holiness. 18
The Scripture
Beginning in the early 1930s, Trifa started to consider the Scripture as "an
accomplishing part of my life, ... just like the water I drink, the air I breath, and the bread I
eat.,,19 Throughout the rest of his life he demonstrated a fervent love and genuine
commitment to the Scriptures, which were viewed as the weapon of the Oastea Domnului,
living, active, and sharper than a two-edged sword.
17
Fulea, Comori lngropate, 27.
18 Fulea and Keppeler developed themselves some of the distinctive doctrines and practices
underscored by Fr. Trifa. See Fulea, Comori fngropate, 35- 49; Keppeler, "Oastea Domnului," 222-24.
19
Oastea Domnului 41 (1931).
340
The Holy Scripture is not just a book like any other book. It is a book of God.... The
Bible to the Christian is like the plough to the farmer, the scissors to the tailor, the
hammer to the blacksmith, the pen to the writer.... An ostas of the Lord without the
Bible is like a soldier without a gun.
20
More than simply owning his books and magazines, Fr. Trifa recommended
that people purchase a Bible and make use of it for their own spiritual life. He said, "The
Bible, the Book of God, worked and works in the world and in souls in an extraordinary
fashion. The Bible has mysterious and heavenly power to change a person, to perfect him, to
make him a true person. ,,21
It should be pointed out that Trifa's high emphasis on the Scriptures came in
the context of a general reticent position of the Orthodox Church concerning the role of the
Bible for the people. This is what he wrote in 1936:
In our [villages] every [priest] shouts on every road: Do not give the Bible to the
ignorant people ... reading by themselves they are going to be led astray. Very well,
but the question is how can they be mislead when in every village is a priest, a teacher
an interpreter of the Scriptures, since this is what the priest is supposed to be. This is
his duty and his plough. The truth is that ... there are so few who help the people in
reading and understanding the Scriptures.
22
(Translation mine)
One more important observation should be made at this point. Prior to his
spiritual transformation Trifa used Saguna's version ofthe Bible and Nitulescu's New
Testament.
23
After 1935 it appears from his writings that Trifa used extensively Cornilescu's
20 Trifa, Ce Este Oastea Domnului? 93-94.
21 Trifa, Munca si Lenea (Sibiu: Tipografia Oastea Domnului, 1991).
22
Isus Biruitorul47 (1936).
23 .
Fulea, Comori Ingropate, 35.
341
translation ofthe Bible, a fact that played an important role in his understanding of the Word
of God.
The New Birth
The mission statement developed by Trifa was "to rebirth Jesus Christ in the
Orthodox Church", and "finding and proclaiming Jesus Christ, the crucified One". The
centrality of Christ and the cross, and the importance of the new birth as a personal spiritual
experience for every Christian were clearly emphasized in his writings. According to
Keppeler, "for Trifa the nonnative and determining factor for salvation was not the
administration of the sacraments, but the emphasis he placed on the new birth. ,,24
Oastea Domnului seeks to bring sinners to the source of righteousness and power ...
to Jesus the Savior. ... Through the sacrifice of the cross at Golgotha, Satan was
defeated definitively. The victory of the Lord was a definitive victory. But the victory
of the cross for us has no value if we do not receive Jesus who brings us the gift of
. 25
VIctory.
The new birth, my dear brethren, is a total break with the world, with the spirit of this
world; a total dedication of our lives to the Lord, and the beginning of a new life with
Him.... Without this beginning and without this new life boundary, all our struggles
d I
.. 26
towar sa vation are m vam.
In Corabia lui Noe (Noah's Ark) Trifa maintains that the nonnative factor for
a person to become a part of the church is the spiritual rebirth. Using the ark as a symbol for
the Christ's Church, Trifa suggests that the spiritual rebirth is the means of entering the "ark:"
24 T. 1. Keppeler, "Beliefs and Assumptions About the Nature of the Church and its
Leadership: a Romanian Case Study." (Ed.D. diss., Trinity Evangelical Divinity School, 1996),38-9.
25 Trifa, Ce Este Oastea Domnului?, 7.
26 Trifa, Ce Este Oastea Domnului", 14.
342
After entering the ark, Noah no longer had to ask where his home was. He began a
totally new life which had nothing to do with his life before the flood. That kind of a
total change is what the spiritual rebirth must make in our life. The sign and proof that
someone has passed through spiritual rebirth is his life.
27
Unlike the traditional Orthodox dogma, Trifa points out that without a clear
conversion, a person cannot truly know the church, nor can one take part in or benefit from
the sacraments or the official Church teaching.
28
Based on the teaching of John Chrysostom,
he wrote: "it is not sufficient to be born a Christian, each and every one needs to become one.
This means to have a living relationship with the Savior, to understand and to accept the gift
of the cross on Golgotha and as a result "to crucify the old man with Christ." (Rom. 6:6)29
The development of Trifa's view of spiritual rebirth came out of his
understanding ofthe centrality ofthe cross of Christ, perceived as the beginning and the end
of one's salvation. In Ce Este Oastea Domnului? he maintains that the symbol of the cross
has no significance if a person has not come to the foot of the cross to personally receive the
sacrifice of Golgotha and its gifts.
30
27 Trifa, Corabia lui Noe [Noah's Ark] (Piatra Neamt: S. C. Poicromia S. R. L., 1930), 69.
28 Trifa, Sa Crestem in Domnul, (Simeria: Tipografia Ed. Traian Dorz, 1993), 12-13; Trifa,
Munca si Lenea (Sibiu: Editura Oastea Domnului, 1991),7.
29 Trifa, Ce Este Oastea Domnului", 160-61.
30 Trifa, Ce Este Oastea Domnului", 71.
343
A Voluntary Lay Movement
While maintaining that the leader of Oastea Domnului is Christ, the head of
the Church, Trifa emphasized the importance of the laity and their voluntary ministry in
evangelism and preaching. Fr. Trifa did not encourage introducing salaries for the editors,
workers, and missionaries of the Oastea Domnului. In supporting his arguments he appealed
to Scripture, to the teaching of John Chrysostom and to the theological arguments spelled out
by Bulgakov, who affirmed the right of all the faithful to teach.
31
To Trifa, the teaching
office ofthe church does not entirely belong to the priests. This came in sharp contrast to
Orthodox doctrine of the Church, and with the priestly-oriented Orthodox practice.
We who are with Oastea Domnului work more according to the so-called "lay
apostolate." We therefore call lay people to be responsible in proclaiming the Lord
and His salvation. This is not a new thing. The lay apostolate is the command of the
Scripture. Beginning with the two women, the Samaritan woman and Mary
Magdalene, who proclaimed Jesus after hearing of Him.... Every soul that truly finds
the Lord is made His witness. This practice dating from the beginning of Christianity
32
should go on today.
Trifa pointed out that Oastea Domnului does not become involved in priestly
and ecclesial duties, but rather works in the context of the lay apostolate in cooperation with
the priests?3 When Orthodox officials required through statutes that each local Oastea
Domnului assembly would have a priest as leader, Trifa responded by emphasizing the
importance of the new birth and the voluntariate of the movement. Any imposed official
31 Trifa, Ce Este Oastea Domnului?, 129-37; According to Bulgakov in The Orthodox
Church. See also Fulea, Comori lngropate, 28.
32 .
Trifa, Ce Este Oastea Domnului?, 129; Fulea, Comori Ingropate, 31.
33 Trifa, Ce Este Oastea Domnului?, 85.
344
structures would kill the movement.
34
According to Negru], Trifa's concern was to preserve
the freedom of the movement from the institutionalized control of the Orthodox Church.
35
The major means proposed by Trifa in expanding the movement were
literature distribution and personal evangelism. He underlined the responsibility of every
Christian to confess the name ofthe Lord and tell others about the faith: "Every soul that has
truly discovered the Lord is one of his preachers.,,36 Consequently, in addition to regular
Orthodox services, in every village Trifa's followers gathered together in the church building
or in private homes with the purpose of reading the Bible, praying and singing.
Christian Morality
The morality ofthe Christian life, both at the individual and national level is
obtained through the "war" the Army wages against Satan and sin. To Fr. Trifa, "an
enrollment in the Oastea Domnului without a life transformation has no use.,,37
I have written much about these two sins, drunkenness and profanity, which Satan has
used to murder many a soul. But I must add that Oastea Domnului does not fight only
against these two sins ....Oastea Dornnului is a movement of cleansing, of renewal
and oftotal change of those who enter this army. With Oastea Domnului we preach a
renewal of the soul, we preach a change of life's foundation, we preach a new life?8
"Entering the Lord's Army" presupposed a written commitment in which the
desire to renounce sin and to live a godly life were clearly expressed by the believer.
34
Trifa, Ce Este Oastea Domnului?, 202.
35
Negrut, The Development ofthe Concept ofAuthority, 245.
36
Trifa, Ce Este Oastea Domnului?, 129.
37
Trifa, Ce Este Oastea Domnului?, 160-61.
38
Trifa, Ce Este Oastea Domnului?, 122.
345
Thousands of letters of dedication to Oastea Domnului and its cause were received at Lumina
Sate/or's headquarters in 1923.
The Oastea Domnului Adunare
Trifa used the term adunare (assembly) to distinguish between the official
Orthodox Church, and the unofficial Lord's Army. He viewed the assembly as a return to the
spirit of the early church where believers gathered in the name of Christ for prayer,
fellowship, and spiritual edification. 39
The reading and instruction from the Scripture, hymn singing, and communal
spontaneous prayer were the main activities associated with the Oastea's assemblies
organized in churches, or in houses. Small group gatherings, starting with two or three, were
considered to be the most effective meetings. Referring to the practice of the early church,
Trifa noted: "When they assembled together-and they assembled regularly-one had a song,
another a teaching, another an interpretation and in this way they built one another up (I Cor
14:26).,,40The assembly service was normally unplanned ahead of time, but under the
inspiration and guidance of the Holy Spirit.
Oastea Domnului assemblies must first of all be a school of the Bible, a biblical
school. ... An ostas of the Lord must be a hardworking researcher of the Bible. In the
Oastea Domnului assemblies all ostasi are to have a Bible.
41
(Translation mine)
39 Trifa, Ce Esfe Oastea Domnuluir, 175.
40 . .
Tnfa, Ce Este Oastea Domnului", 175.
41 Trifa, Ce Este Oastea Domnului", 178.
346
Trifa's Conflict with the Orthodox Hierarchy
The Oastea Domnului started with the initial blessing and under the
supervision of the Orthodox officials represented by Metropolitan Nicolae Balan. The first
gatherings in Sibiu took place in the lecture hall of the Theological Academy Andreana,
while the printing press functioned in the Metropolitanate's buildings.
42
However, Balan's
vision for the Oastea to be more active against the Uniate Church was not shared by Trifa
who wanted to maintain the spiritual character of the movement.
The conflict deepened in early 1934 when Trifa was accused by Metropolitan
Balan of attempting to move the printing press to Bucharest in order to remove himself from
the control of the Transylvanian hierarchs. The interpretation was that Fr. Trifa seeks to "set
Oastea Domnului apart from the supervision of the Church.,,43 Moreover, the Metropolitan
maintained that Oastea Domnului represented his creation and Trifa only had an auxiliary
role.
44
Consequently, by the end of December 1934 Trifa presented his resignation as a priest
of the Metropolitan Cathedral and editor-in-chief of Lumina Satelor. Surprisingly enough, the
very next day he was released from all his priestly duties.
45
In order to maintain his
connectedness with the members of the movement, in February 1935 he issued a new
42 A
Fulea, Comori Ingropate, 72.
43
Marini, Istoria Documentard, 86-69. It seems that Trifa's goal was to come under the direct
control of the Patriarchate and to make the Oastea Dornnului a national movement. Isus Biruitorul (9 June,
1935). See also Marini, Istoria Documentarii, 81-82. Balan also brought a civil case against Trifa, which
resulted in the confiscation of Trifa's printing press. Fulea, Comori lngropate. 71-72.
44
Marini, Istoria Documentara, 83-84.
45 .. 8
Marini, Istoria Documentard, 5-86.
347
publication Isus Biruitorul (Jesus, the Victor). This was the reaction of Petre Chiricuta, a
priest from Bucharest, following Trifa's dismissal:
Father Trifa is resigning, he is asking for resignation of his post at the Cathedral-the
Metropolitan considers him resigned from his function as priest from the
Archiepiscopate of Ardeal. An overreaction was evident: the Metropolitan grants him
more, immensely more than the priest Trifa had asked for, and allots him something
otherwise than the priest Trifa requested. But especially here, there is in this case a
simultaneous overreaction and degradation, of the classic Orthodox ecumenical
tradition: the priest cannot resign. Not from his place of service, as Fr. Iosif
requested-neither from his priestly function, as the Sibiu Chancellery hastily offered
him.
46
(Translation mine)
Fr. Gheorghe Secas who took over the responsibility for editing of Lumina
Satelor instigated a denigrating campaign against Trifa. He suggested that due to his
prolonged illness, Trifa himself declined his role as the leader of Oastea Domnului. Accusing
Trifa of division in the Church, and bringing confusion among the people, Secas demanded
that Isus Biruitorul be ceased immediately.Y
However, as he himself declared, Trifa never intended to break with the
Orthodox Church.
Those who unleashed against me know one thing: that I have a positive influence
among the ostasi and the people. So then, something was sought to scare the people.
And so, alarm was dispersed among the people that I have left the church... that I am
a sectarian... and a wolf dressed in sheep's clothing.
All of these are mere suspicion. I have loved and still love my Church. And not only
by word but also by my actions. I have done for my Church all of the good that one of
its servants can do. My ostasi brothers that fill the churches are proof of this. I have
loved my Church and still love my Church, not with empty words, but with work and
46
Nationalul Nou (I Feb, 1935).
47
Marini, Istoria Documentara, 50-51.
348
sacrifice. I AM AND WANT TO REMAIN TO THE END A DEVOTED SERVANT
OF THE CHURCH.
48
(Translation mine)
Trifa's decision to issue a new publication and to call the ostasi to follow him
was considered "an open declaration of war against the Church." Charged with "changing the
dogmas of the Church," violating the canons of the Church, defying his superiors, and having
sectarian and heretic attitudes, Trifa was expelled from the Orthodox Church in May 1935
and was ordered to cease any activity within the Oastea Domnului.
49
His sectarian tendency
appeared clear to the Metropolitan by the fact that "Trifa does not teach anything about the
Church, but mostly about Jesus, the crucified One, a clear sectarian mentality.,,50
Fr. Trifa disagreed with his accusers' resolution and pleaded innocent.
Convinced that his founding role in the Oastea Domnului was a divine charge, Trifa argued
that only God could remove him from this task.
51
Despite interventions of a number of
influential sympathizers of Oastea Domnului, the decision of Trifa' s expulsion from
priesthood was approved by the Holy Synod ofthe Orthodox Church.
Despite Trifa's desire to remain within the Church, any attempts to
reconciliation proved to be fruitless. Attempting to curb the lay role in the leadership of the
48 Ostasul Domnului 3-4 (Feb 1935), edited by Trifa's close friend Fr. Vasile Ouatu from
Bucharest. Nicolae Marini, Istoria Documentara a Oastei Domnului: Corflictul Dramatic Pro los ifTrifa-Mitr.
Nicolae Balan [The Documentary History of the Lord's Army: The Dramatic Conflict between Fr. losifTrifa
and Metropolitan Nicolae Balan] (Bucuresti: SER, 1999),54. This recent publication edited by one of the early
ostasi (loan Marini's brother) contains numerous valuable documents and journal articles on the conflict
between Trifa and Balan and the early development of Oastea Domnului.
49
Marini, Istoria Documentara, 13,63-78. Marini published the entire document ofthe
process and the accusations against Fr. Trifa. The document was signed by the priests Pavel Borzea, N.
Carpinisanu, loan Ludu, and deacon loan Dinu.
50 ..
Marini, Istoria Documentarii, 75.
51 ..
Marini, Istoria Documentarii, 68.
349
movement, by the end of 1936, the Metropolitan initiated a restructuring process of the
Oastea Domnului appointing new leaders and developing new statutes that gave the
movement a highly structured and organizational form.52Evidently disappointed with the
"new face" ofthe Oastea given by the new statutes, Trifa and his close followers rejected
Balan's reorganization. At the beginning of 1937 Trifa wrote:
In the way these statutes are made, they indicate a new Oastea, that is established on a
totally different basis, and in another spirit.
According to these statutes, The Oastea refrains from being a voluntariate of priests
and laymen, because the statutes hand over total leadership of the Oastea in the hands
of the priests; and it is known that in most cases the priests do not even have pleasure
or attraction for the Oastea; some are even against it and hate it.
53
(Translation mine)
Another issue that widened the gap between Trifa and his former colleagues
was his radicalism in condemning the dancing parties organized by various priests motivated
by the desire "to win the youth for the Church" and to use the "clean income" for renovating
the church buildings. Trifa's reply was that "the church of Christ cannot be an organizer of
dancing nights, games, and parties.... The entire Bible, all of the teachings of the church, all
of the holy Fathers, and all ecclesiastical codes oflaw describe dancing as an idol.,,54 He
concluded:
Consequently, the matters are clear. I have been asked to reconcile with the dancing
and I refused. Having refused the dancing parties and the Statutes, I was accused of
declaring myself "against the sanctity of the Church," and that I cannot reconcile with
the Orthodox spirit and the "Church."
52
See Ostasul Domnului 3-4 (Feb 1935). Marini, lstoria Documentara, 57.
53
Isus Biruitorul (Jan, 1937) as quoted in Marini, Istoria Documentarii, 128.
54
Marini, Istoria Documentara, 168.
350
I have refused dancing because I cannot imagine that innocent dancing can exist. ...
Is a person able to keep a clean heart when the music band plays aloud, drinks are
poured out, hands are grasped, and passions are kindled?
Yes! I have refused dancing and its acceptance into Oastea Domnului, because this
compromise is a new Gospel, it is "another Gospel," and I have preached to my
brothers the Gospel of Christ the crucified.
55
(Translation mine)
Despite attempts to diminish Trifa's influence around the country, the Oastea
Domnului continued to grow in the following years; According to Nicolae Marini, following
Trifa's dismissal and the official reorganization of the movement, Oastea Domnului split up
into two factions: the "Statutists" (the followers of Balan) led mostly by priests who adopted
a close preservation of the Orthodox traditions, and the "Trifists" who carried on Trifa's
principles. It appears, however, that before 1938 most of the ostasi returned their allegiance
to IosifTrifa.
56
Mocked and persecuted, Fr. Trifa died in February 1938, after a long period of
illness and suffering. Among those who came to pay respect and address a farewell message
during the funeral service were loan Opris, Fr. Bujoreanu, loan Tudusciuc, and Fr. Vladimir
Popovici. His close followers and faithful spiritual disciples loan Marini and Traian Dorz
continued the publication of Oastea Domnului' s magazines in the same spirit. 57
55
lsus Biruitorul I (14 Feb, 1937).
56 ..
Marini, Istoria Documentard, 132.
57 .
Fulea, Comori Ingropate, 78. See Glasul Dreptatii 9-12 (1938). One of his close friends
and comforters during the last years was Isaac Feinstein, the pastor of the Messianic Jews in Iasi, Fulea noted
that after 1934 whenever Feinstein was invited to preach in the Brethren assembly in Sibiu, Trifa would go to
hear his message or would send someone to take notes. Fulea, Comori lngropate, 86.
351
The Development ofthe Oastea Domnului
Prior to 1948
During the first fifteen years of its existence, Oastea Domnului experienced
rapid growth under the leadership ofIosifTrifa. From 300 members in 1923, there were well
over 100,000 ten years later, and in 1938 there were about 300,000 ostasi enrolled in the
Oastea. Inthis period Trifa wrote many books and supervised the printing of over one
thousand editions of various religious journals, and distributed over 100,000 Bibles from the
British Bible Society. 58
350000
300000
250000
'"
I-<
200000 QJ
..0
a
QJ
~
150000
100000
50000
o
1923 1925 1927 1929 1931 1933 1935 1937 1938 1940
Figure 10. Early Development of Oastea Domnului (Compared with Pentecostal Growth). 59
58 '
Fulea, Comori Ingropate, 102.
59 According to the records published in Trifa's magazines. See Fulea, Comori, 43.
352
Trifa's most capable disciple and continuator of his ministry was loan Marini.
Marini was a schoolmaster born in a large family in the village of Sasciori, in Transylvania.
After Trifa's death and the confiscation of the printing press Marini tried to find other ways
of continuing the publishing activities and maintain the connection with the ostasi in the
country. In 1939 a Greek-Catholic priest from Cluj agreed to make his journal Viata Crestina
(The Christian Life) available as a Oastea Domnului publication and Marini edited it for
about two years.
60
In his writings Marini continued to proclaim Jesus Christ as the core
program for the Oastea. To him Christian life begins with the new birth worked by the Spirit
of God as a result of faith. "Knowing Christ by grace and accepting Him by faith brings in
one's life the atoning blood, the removal of sin and the renewal of life.,,61
The power and the victory of God's work stands on the sacrifice of the cross of
Golgotha. If this banner is removed, then the shadows of death come down over our
work and life.... When in place of this banner ... the worldly nature lifted up its
banners of human teachings and traditions, we get a "mixture." God wants complete
separation from the world, from sin, darkness, and any uncleanness.Y
Not long after, Marini himself became a subject of great concern for the
Orthodox officials. This is the official address Metropolitan Balan sent to loan Marini in
November 1942:
As a spiritual father, I have waited many years for your return to obedience of the
Church. By publishing the gazette and the calendar Familia Crestina (The Christian
Family), as well as other writings and brochures, without our approval, and militating
in those publications in favor of the former priest Iosif Trifa who was expelled from
the Church, you have become blameworthy of the same guilt.
60 Fulea, Comori [ngrapate, 125-26. Other short-term publications issued between 1939-46
were Ogorul Domnului, Misionarul Vietii Crestine, and Familia Crestind.
61
Familia Crestind 4 (1941), 2 and 5-6 (1941), 9-10.
62
Familia Crestina 6-7 (1942), 3-4.
353
The fourth Canon of the Antioch Synod specified that those who communicate with
the expelled ones will be expelled from the Church. Then, punishment will come
more vigorously on those who militate for a banned priest, seeking to acquit him
before the people, thus furthering his rebellious stance toward the authority of the
Church.
63
(Translation mine)
Expelled from the Orthodox Church, loan Marini was repeatedly arrested and
imprisoned between 1940-43 (sometimes as a consequence of the interventions of the priest
from Sasciori). He died in 1947 after a long illness.
64
However, a number of priests carried
on Trifa's principles despite persecution: Vasile Ouatu in Bucharest, Vladimir Popovici in
Cluj, Cornel Avramescu in the Simeria region, Teodor Gavris in Beius and others.
65
From the beginning ofthe movement Oastea Domnului became an authentic
source of Romanian music and poetry. Besides loan Marini who published several small
volumes of poetry, two exceedingly gifted and creative ostasi were poet Traian Dorz, and
composer Nicolae Moldoveanu.
Traian Dorz (1914-80) was another of Trifa's close disciples and a subsequent
leader of the Oastea Domnului. Dorz was born in 1914 in Rituri, the Bihor county in a poor
peasant family and in 1930 came in contact with the new movement and enrolled himself in
the the Oastea Domnului.
66
As a continuator of Trifa's publishing ministry, Dorz's key
message was "a living Savior." He wrote: "This is our program, this is our objective. It is not
a system, a ritual, or a organization, but Christ. This was the Apostle's Paul program as well:
63 Marini, Is/aria Documentara, 207. The address of the Metropolitan issued on the 17th of
November, 1942.
64 Marini, Is/aria Documentara, 133-34.
65 -
Fulea, Comori Ingropate, 77.
66 T. Dorz, Hristos Marturia Mea, 22-52.
354
'For I determined to know nothing among you except Jesus Christ, and Him crucified.' (l
Cor 2:2),,67
The spiritual renewal initiated by Fr. Trifa and his brave ostasi gave Romania
one ofthe greatest Christian composers: Nicolae Moldoveanu. Born in 1922 in Movileni
(Tecuci county), Moldoveanu grew up in a large peasant family. From childhood he showed a
genuine pursuit for godliness and a remarkable interest for music. In 1934 he was enrolled in
a military band and started his long journey into the art of music. One year later, he came in
contact with the newly formed Oastea Domnului group in his village, and was greatly
impressed by what he read in their publications, and especially by the songs they sung.
Transformed by the message he recently encountered and filled by the desire to serve his
Lord, in 1938 Moldoveanu wholeheartedly joined the movement.
68
After the war Moldoveanu composed the music for the Book of Psalms and
the Songs of the Bible on lyrics by Dorz. Besides his partnership with Dorz and his own
versifications, Moldoveanu wrote music for lyrics by loan Marini, loan Tudusciu, Costache
loanid, and others. A very prolific songwriter, Nicolae Moldoveanu has given the Romanian
Christians thousands of spiritual songs of extraordinary inspiration. This is one of his songs
d
hile i . 69
compose w 1 e In pnson.
67
The Calendar Familia Crestina 1946, 93-95.
68
N. Moldoveanu, "Biographical Note," in Clntarile Harului [The Songs of Grace]
(Stephanus, 1990), iii-vii.
69 Accused of sectarian religious propaganda through music, Moldoveanu spent five years in
Communist prisons. During this time he composed 350 songs without pencil and paper, and he managed to
memorize all of them except one until his release. Moldoveanu, "Biographical Note," vi.
355
Oh, do not doubt your Savior, though clouds be dark as night,
Victorious still behind them the sun is sweet and bright.
The clouds will soon be passing; the sun will still remain,
Bright master all triumphant throughout his vast domain.
Look not your own weakness nor on your murderous foe;
Though enemies be deadly, they cannot bring us low.
Consider not your prison, gray walls and steely gates;
Let not its hatredgrindyou, but look where Heaven waits.
All evil turns to blessingfor those whose faith is strong
The night gives place to morning, and weeping turns to song.
For moment still by moment, God guardeth still His own.
Trust on, in hardest trial! You will not be alone.
70
Following 1947, the Lord's Army leaders requested recognition by the Church
and State as a part of the Orthodox Church or even as an independent religious association
(denomination), but this was not granted. Different strategies were employed by the Orthodox
hierarchy in order to stop the activities of Oastea Domnului. In 1948, Fr. Gheorghe Secas-
who represented himself as the more traditional branch of the Lord's Army-announced that
the Lord's Army had been dissolved, although no official decree to this effect had yet been
published. In the 1950s there were attempts to make Orthodoxy the official state religion. It
appears that the communist regime wanted to use the Orthodox Church as a missile with
which to strike other denominations that caused them trouble. The tactic was to fuse together
the concepts of "good Romanian" and "Orthodox."
The position of many Orthodox hierarchs was that "Oastea is a 'perilous'
movement that leads people astray." Good Orthodox folk were strictly commended "not to
follow the 'lost' ostasi, otherwise they might lose their souls.,,71
70 Nicolae Moldoveanu "Nu te-ndoi ci crede," Translated by Mariana Curtean and Lois
Kempton.
71 ISIIS Biruitorul40 (Nov 1936), I, in an article signed by loan Marini.
356
After 1948, when the communists took power, the printing house was
definitely shut down, the movement was declared illegal, and numerous members ofthe
movement were imprisoned. Popular poet Traian Dorz spent seventeen years in Communist
prisons and was under house arrest after 1965. However, Oastea Domnului continued its
activities underground, and the movement increased even after the Second World War in
spite ofthe anti-religious communist campaign. In 1974 Fr. Stefan Gavrila was suspended
from the priesthood for having introduced in his parish the greeting "Praise the Lord!,"
commonly used among the Lord's Army members. Fr. Gheorghe Calciu, one of the
professors at the Orthodox Seminary in Bucharest, was arrested in 1979, being accused of
supporting the Lord's Army in his sermons.
357
Conclusion
Oastea Domnului is an extremely complex movement, which cannot be
analyzed in a paradigmatic manner. The Orthodox Church itself does not consider Oastea
Domnului a cult (distinct denomination), but a renewal movement that has not fully submitted
to the discipline ofthe Church and that in several respects manifests Neo-Protestant
tendencies.l" Before and during the communist regime, the common Orthodox position was
to consider Oastea Domnului more like a separated daughter ofthe Church which embraced
practices that were common to the evangelical sects: house meetings, simplistic Scriptural
sermons and interpretation, spontaneous prayers, hymns similar to those used by the Neo-
Protestants, and the omission of making the sign of the cross.
73
A personal appropriation of faith and the emphasis on new birth were
important doctrinal developments in the Oastea Domnului. For a typical twentieth-century
Romanian Orthodox believer drunkenness, corruption, and sincere piety were not conflicting
categories. The confession "I am a great sinner" comes easily from the lips of a pious
Orthodox, but "a forgiven sinner" would be considered as a unpardonable presumption. This
is where the Oastea Domnului operated. By the reading of the Scripture and accepting the
message of the Gospel, many realized that as a result of faith, they are forgiven by God. Trifa
emphasized holy living and a personal relationship with Christ started through the new birth,
72 .
Fulea, Comori Ingropate, 166.
73
David, Calauza Crestina, 166-7. Fr. David even considers Metropolitan Balan as the real
founder of Oastea Domnului, but on the following page agrees that Trifa was the actual founder and leader of
the movement.
358
which came in contrast with the traditional Orthodox system that seemed excessively
sacramental, priestly, and formal.
After 1948 the Communist officials cooperated with the Orthodox hierarchy in
order to obliterate the Oastea Domnului. Their gatherings were forbidden while the active
ostasi were accused of being, as Fulea noted, "anarchists, parasites, evildoers, sectarians who
are against the Church and the state." Many of their leaders were subject to heavy fines,
arrested, beaten, deported to labor camps or imprisoned for long terms. 74
Since the fall of Communism, the Orthodox Church changed its attitude
toward this group by rehabilitating Iosif Trifa posthumously and by giving official
recognition to Oastea Domnului. Many within the movement believe that this arose out of a
desire by the church hierarchy to exercise control over the movement and to eventually
absorb and diffuse it.
75
The present Orthodox position is that Oastea Domnului is a
movement of renewal within the Church, through the holy sacraments, intense reading and
preaching of Scripture, prayer in the Spirit, and communal singing.
76
Fr. Gheorghe Stan
asserted that Oastea Domnului cannot be a sect because the movement is recognized by the
Holy Synod of the Romanian Orthodox Church and is active in the Church and together with
74
Fulea, Comori Ingropate, 69. Marini, Istoria Documentara, 133. See also Dorz's historical
records Istoria Unei Jertfe.
75 Keppeler, "Oastea Dornnului," 221-227.
76 S. Fagarasanul, "Lucrarea Oastei Domnului in Biserica", in lsus Biruitorul t (Jan. 1990),4.
359
the Church. He even concludes that there exist no theological or dogmatic differences
between the emphases of Oastea Domnului and the Orthodox Church.I"
From an insider's perspective, the relationship between of the Orthodox
Church and the Lord's Army is a sensitive issue. Within the movement there is a component
that is more traditional which contends that Oastea Domnului is being fully within and
submitted to the authority of the Church. The other side is pro-Evangelical in orientation and
relatively independent of Orthodox Church authority. The more Evangelical members of
Oastea Domnului continue to stress the importance of being born again,78 and the difference
between the living church as the community of believers and the church as a building.
79
The importance Trifa placed on new birth and a personal encounter in the
economy of salvation, stands in contrast with the classical Orthodox emphasis on the role of
the sacraments, the centrality of the liturgy, and the importance of good works. For him, the
normative and determining factor for salvation and entrance in the church is the new birth
rather than the sacraments. However, as Negrut noted, his relative silence on some of these
issues intensifies the debate between the conservative and the progressive wings of the
movement and leaves open the Spirit-institution tension. 80
77
G. Stan, "Este Oastea Domnului 0 Secta?" in Isus Biruitorul 1 (Oct. 1991),2-4.
78 Ille, "Isus Biruitorul," (1995), 5,
79 I' di I 'Co , dl
See Fu ea, Comori Ingropate, 63. Accor ing to Fu ea, Twa s posinon was a mid e one,
attempting to balance the traditionalist with the Neo-Protestant extremes.
80
Negrut, The Development, 246.
360
Keppeler seems to be correct when he says that, "Trifa was to the Romanian
Orthodox Church what Wesley was to the Anglican Church.,,81 In regard to calling people to
a holy life, of stressing the preaching of the Word, and of intending to bring new spiritual life
within the Church with no sectarian inclination, Wesley and Trifa definitely agree. In a much
shorter time frame than Wesley, Trifa and Oastea Domnului had a similar impact on the
people in its call to holiness and commitment to God. Where local Oastea Domnului
fellowships are preaching and living the Gospel, there is spiritual life and vitality.82 The
actual number of ostasi enrolled in the Lord's Army today is difficult to be known, but is
estimated between 400,000-500,000. The growth of the movement following the Communist
period was extraordinary. Keppeler's assertion that "Oastea Domnului represents a kind of
reformation movement within the Orthodox Church" needs more explanation.Y The
connections between Oastea Domnului and the sixteenth-century European Reformation are
limited to a number of moral and practical transformations.
Both Oastea Domnului and the Tudorist movement can therefore be viewed as
renewal movements within the Romanian Orthodox Church, which originated with the
reading of the Scripture and as a reaction to the lack of spiritual vitality within the Orthodox
community. Without direct influence from western Christianity, they resemble major
Protestant and Evangelical bodies through substantial doctrinal similarities. Cornilescu's
translation of the Bible was important in the Romanian revival ofthe 1920s. These
81 Keppeler, "Oastea Domnului," 222.
82 ..
See Marini, Istoria Documentard.
83 Keppeler, "Oastea Domnului," 226.
361
movements played a significant role in the spiritual renewal oftwentieth-century Romanians,
and also raised among the Orthodox a series of theological and practical questions, many of
which are still unanswered.
The Orthodox tend to consider the Reformation as a purely Latin phenomenon
or even as the logical disaster of an already decaying Rome.
84
These contentions are clearly
disproved by a good number of representative of Eastern Christianity such as Cyril Lucaris,
Teodor Popescu, Dumitru Cornilescu, IosifTrifa, and their numerous followers enlightened
by Scripture to a new theological understanding.
84 .
TImothy Ware, The Orthodox Church, 10.
PART FOUR
TOWARDS A SYNTHESIS OF ROMANIAN
EVANGELICAL CHRISTIANITY
CHAPTER NINE
CONCLUSION
Evangelical believers represent a segment of the Romanian population whose
historical identity and beliefs are relatively unknown to the larger public. Our primary
concern in this study was to identify the historical origins and the early development of
Romanian Evangelical Christianity. The five movements that represented the object of our
study were the Baptists, the Brethren, the Pentecostals, the Tudorists, and the Oastea
Domnului. The general tendency among Orthodox authors has been to present these
movements as "dangerous sects," foreign to the Romanian spirit, and to downplay their
contribution to the larger social spectrum. The Orthodox position concerning the Neo-
Protestants came in a context of direct antagonism and apparent misinformation. The
opposition and the confusion created in the past both by the authorities and by the Orthodox
leaders determined many people to be suspicious towards the Evangelicals. Our goal
throughout the development of this thesis was to take a more responsible and objective look
into the history and the faith of Romanian Evangelicals and to provide a different perspective
concerning their place in the larger scheme of Christian history.
362
363
Summary of Research
From Western Influence to Internal Renewal:
A General Assessment
A proper characterization of Romanian Evangelicalism would have to include
two overarching developments: the western origins of the Neo-Protestants based largely on
missionary work and influence, and the twentieth century internal spiritual renewals within
the Orthodox Church. From our analysis it can be asserted that Romanian Evangelicals are
heirs of the nineteenth century European revivalism, influenced especially by the Pietist
awakenings of the early nineteenth century. The western roots of Romanian Neo-
Protestantism together with the internal renewal within Romanian Orthodoxy resulted in a
new and dynamic expression of Christian faith. However, the Pietist heritage of an inward
and quietist, often more reflective than activist Christian life-style was especially carried over
by the Brethren and the Tudorists.
The primary causes or factors that contributed to the development of the
Evangelical movements in Romania were of various natures. There were first of all political
causes such as a clear western orientation in Romanian politics as a part of the process of
modem nation building. This Europeanist orientation brought ideas of political pluralism and
freedom of conscience. A direct consequence that followed the endorsement of the 1866
Constitution was the secularization of political institutions and a diminished role of the
Orthodox clergy in civil affairs. An important factor in increasing the receptivity of the
people towards religious and spiritual matters was the First World War. Both revivals within
the Orthodox Church and the beginning of the Pentecostal movement came in close
connection with the outcome of the war.
364
Among the socio-economic factors we should note the development of
economic relations with other European countries, particularly with Germany. The increasing
industrialization and development of the Romanian provinces created new employment
possibilities and brought people on the move, facilitating the spread of ideas. German
workers brought to Romania not only their skill but also their new form of Christian faith.
Moral corruption, vulgarism, and especially alcoholism affected Romanian society reaching
alarming proportions in the first part of the twentieth century.
As for religious factors, we should first note a great spiritual hunger among
Romanians who for the first time had the chance to read the Word of God for themselves. In a
time when the Orthodox Church printed the Scripture in a very limited manner, Cornilescu's
translation of the Bible in modem Romanian language played an important role in providing a
clear understanding of the message of salvation through faith. 1 As a part of the western
influence on the Romanian people, the early development of the Baptists and the Brethren
came through sustained missionary efforts from Germany and Switzerland. The moral and
spiritual vacuum of the Romanian society was amplified by the large numbers of Orthodox
believers and even priests defined by traditionalism and formalism but with very little
knowledge of the content of their faith as it is expressed in the Scripture.
The attraction of the people to the Evangelical movements was a result of the
spiritual vacuum of a people characterized by traditions and superstitions, but who had not
encountered the message of the gospel of Christ. It was also a reaction to the formalistic
character of a traditional church in which membership constituted a certain necessity for
I
Paul Negrut, Revelatie, Scriptura, Comuniune: 0 Interogatie Asupra Autoritdtii in
Cunoasterea Teologica (Oradea: Editura Cartea Crestina, 1996), 135-37.
365
every Romanian. In a major newspaper, after talking about the persecutions dispatched
against Neo-Protestant believers in the 1930s, Romanian writer Mihail Sevastos describes the
religious vacuum of the people and their new search for spirituality. His insights are
especially valuable due to the fact that he himself was an Orthodox believer:
Our land did not know Christian uprisings, probably due to the fact that the peasants'
religion (where the sects direct their action) was far from the Christian faith. The
Bible and evangelism did not penetrate our people's soul. Deep among simple folk
there was fetishism, paganism, sorcery, anything but Christian faith. Even the priest
wasn't much different than the sorcerer ... who exorcized the cattle.
In these circumstances we can easily understand the absence of religious persecutions
from our past. It wasn't due to tolerance, but to indifference. Yet the peasant's mind is
on the move ... The dominant religion does not make efforts toward teaching its
faithful and toward mass propaganda. This is what the sectarians do. They answer to a
spiritual need of the crowds. They lead the minds and souls of those who live in
unrest. They give explanations and show new ways-whose outcome could be a
salvation we failed to find so far. It is only today that among our people authentic
Christians develop. The pagan shadows are discarded and Christianity comes forth.
2
(Translation mine).
From analyzing the geographical distribution of the Evangelicals we must
remark that the Baptists and Pentecostals were stronger in the Western provinces and in
Bucovina. The missionary efforts of German and Hungarian Baptists were focused to the
western provinces. On the other hand, Transylvania's long tradition of religious pluralism
facilitated the emergence of new Christian expressions of faith. Out of their close connections
with the Baptists, the Pentecostals tended to be grouped in the same areas. The Brethren and
the Tudorists were concentrated in the Old Kingdom and especially around major cities like
Bucharest, Ploiesti, and Iasi, In the case of the Brethren this distribution came as a result of
the missionary strategy of Brethren pioneers who targeted major Romanian cities in the Old
Kingdom and especially in regions with no Evangelical witness. As for the Tudorists, their
2
Mihail Sevastos, Adeviirul (Nov 21, 1931).
366
influence had to do more with the circle of Teodor Popescu that focused in the areas of
Bucharest and Ploiesti.
If one examines the social strata from which each group drew its members, it
should be noted that the large majority of the early Evangelicals were simple folk, peasants
and common laborers. Both the Baptist and the Pentecostal movements emerged from among
Transylvanian peasants and maintained their main sphere of influence in the same social
sector. The Oastea Domnului was from the beginning concerned with a revival of the
Romanian village, a fact that is confirmed by the title of their first publication, Lumina
Sate/or (Light to the Villages). An exception was the Tudorist movement that had early
influence among a number of intellectuals and Orthodox priests, mostly from Bucharest.
While the Baptists and the Pentecostals valued organized structures that would
facilitate their church and missionary activities, the Brethren, the Tudorists and the Oastea
Domnului did not show much concern for organizational aspects. There was even an
expressed fear, as in the case of Iosif Trifa, that the organizations and statutes would
obliterate the spiritual character of the movement. As it was observed, the Baptists and the
Pentecostals appear to have been defined by religious activism rather than theological
formulations.
Concerning education and theological training, each of the Evangelical
movements inclined toward promoting lay ministry. Due to their tendency to oppose the
development of clergy and of paid ministry, the Brethren and the Tudorists evidenced
suspicion regarding formal education. With the support of the American Southern Baptists,
after 1920 the Baptists enjoyed superior possibilities for theological training.
367
The Tudorist movement and the Oastea Domnului originated as independent
renewal movements within the Romanian Orthodox Church. Through the examination of
their doctrinal emphases such as the role of the Scripture, the necessity of a personal
conversion through new birth, and the priesthood of all believers, it can be concluded that
both movements correspond to the Evangelical tradition. The importance of these
movements can be summarized in the production of the best translation of the Bible in
modern Romanian, and Trifa's initiation of the greatest renewal movement within Romanian
Orthodoxy. A number of members of the Oastea Domnului emerged as creators of genuine
Romanian Christian hymnology.
Theological Considerations: The Orthodoxy
Of Romanian Evangelicals
From a theological point of view, Romanian Evangelicals should be seen as
orthodox Christians who stand in continuity with the dogmatic consensus of the early church
on fundamental matters such as the divine inspiration of the Holy Scripture, the doctrine of
God, and the person of Jesus Christ. The Evangelical faith comes in complete agreement with
the theological formulations of the first ecumenical councils. All variations are concerned
with later doctrinal or ritualistic developments. Believing in the competency of regenerate
believers to interpret the Bible under the guidance of the Holy Spirit, Romanian Evangelicals
regard the Holy Scripture as the ultimate source of authority for faith and practice. Most other
teachings fall into the larger set of beliefs held by Protestants and Evangelicals. Romanian
Neo-Protestants can be described as displaying unity in basic Evangelical affirmations and
diversity in matters of indifference. To them a plurality of possibilities is legitimate if
Scripture does not make an issue clear. The Reformer Phillip Melanchthon describes such
368
issues as adiaphora, "matters of indifference," on which disagreement can and should be
3
tolerated.
Romanian Evangelicals can be characterized by their attempt to recover the
original or apostolic Christianity. They accepted the premise that the period of the incarnate
Christ and of the apostolic eyewitness of his resurrection is crucial to Christian
understanding. The writings of Paul and John stand in a quite different category from those of
John Chrysostom, Basil of Caesarea, Augustine, or John of Damascus, for example, or even
Meyendorff or Staniloae, however important they may be as theologians.
Accused of rejecting the traditions of the Church, Evangelicals claim
allegiance not to the Medieval but to the apostolic tradition and the teaching of the New
Testament. Their argument is based on the sixteenth century rediscovery of the Scripture in
its original form. As heirs of the Reformation, the Evangelicals always stressed the
importance of studying the Scriptures in the original languages, and were proud of their
accuracy in biblical interpretation. In To the Councilmen ofAll Cities in Germany Martin
Luther argued that since the church fathers did not have access to the Scriptures in the
original languages, their expositions of the Word of God were frequently distorted.
Thus it has come about that since the days of the apostles the Scriptures have
remained obscure and no trustworthy and enduring expositions have anywhere been
written. For even the holy fathers frequently erred, as it has been said, and because of
their ignorance of the languages [Hebrew and Greek] seldom aggress; one says this,
4
another that.
3
Melanchthon in Loci Communes (1535).
4 Martin Luther, "To he councilmen of All Cities in Germany," in Works ofMartin Luther
with Introductions and Notes (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1980), 117.
369
In contrast with the rich traditions of Orthodox piety, the tendency of the Neo-
Protestants was to simplicity in forms and traditions. The Evangelicals had the merit of
bringing the values of the Protestant Reformation to an area of Europe affected to a lesser
extent by western theology, into a society transformed by the process of modern nation
building. In the case of the Tudorists, their desire to return to apostolic Christianity as it is
emphasized in the New Testament resulted in a removal of Orthodox "innovative" dogmas
and practices.
The Biblical message is many-voiced. It has been said that Peter is the teacher
of the Roman Catholic Church, Paul the teacher of the Reformation, and John the teacher of
Orthodoxy. Building on this one might say that Romanian Evangelicals within the Johannine
form of Christianity allowed the Pauline note to sound through: the justification of the sinner
through faith in the saving act of God in Jesus Christ.
Emphasizing the voluntary nature of true religion, Evangelicals hold high
standards for church membership as a result of a conscious faith-decision and a personal
salvation experience. Their pursuit of purity was channeled toward the observance of a strict
moral code, rejecting alcohol and tobacco, or the wearing ofjewelry, observing strictly the
Lord's Day, and practicing severe church discipline.
Romanian Evangelicals developed as lay movements. The Baptist and
Pentecostal ordination was understood as an investiture to spiritual ministry rather than as a
recognition of a distinct class of Christians. Even the Tudorists and the Oastea Domnului,
although initiated among the Orthodox clergy, were transmitted through massive lay
involvement. They benefited from the apathy and the rigid traditionalism (abuses) of the
Orthodox clergy and deliberately encouraged lay activity.
370
Romanian Evangelicals hold to the equality in status of all members of the
church, although those gifted for pastoral ministry have special responsibilities, but no unique
priestly status. They promoted church governments that maintain the autonomy of the local
church. Their churches or assemblies are to derive their authority from no other source than
Christ as the head of the church.
Romanian Evangelicals promoted a dynamic and witnessing approach to
Christianity. One ofthe most prominent features ofthe twentieth-century Romanian Neo-
Protestantism was the development of evangelistic and revivalist methods to meet the needs
of a changing society. Thus, some of the evangelistic power in Romanian Evangelicalism was
drawn away from the Orthodox Church and created forms of church life and organizations
that had been unknown in the Romanian society.
Implications and Reflections
Causes of Evangelical Growth
The massive growth of Romanian Evangelicalism can be attributed to a
number of causes. Twentieth-century Romanians proved to be a people characterized by great
spiritual hunger for the Word of God. The rise of Evangelical currents within Romanian lands
largely parallels the distribution of the Bible and shows the power of the Holy Scriptures to
transform human hearts. For priests and common people alike, discovering the Word of God
became the major source of their spiritual transformation. When an Orthodox lady was asked
why she was attending so often the Baptist church services she replied: "Because here my
soul finds better nourishment from the living Word of God."
371
Another important factor was the Latin character of the Romanian people,
which appears to be consistent with a more personal and enthusiastic way of worship,
involving deep feeling and emotions. There is an old popular saying that each Romanian is
born to be either a poet or a singer. The significant growth among the Baptists, the
Pentecostals, and the Oastea Domnului could be viewed, perhaps, as a direct consequence of
the Latinmakeupof the Romanian people.Jn
experienced one of the highest growth rates and spiritual revivals in Eastern Europe.
A third cause of Evangelical growth came as a direct consequence of the
sociopolitical dynamics ofthe period and the increasing openness towards the West
beginning with the second part of the nineteenth century. The process of modem nation
building implied the adoption of notions such as freedom of conscience, political and
religious pluralism, religious tolerance, and so on. The Orthodox interpretation that the Neo-
Protestant propaganda was a Hungarian political device of "Magyarizing" Transylvania does
not have any hard evidence. It might be argued that some Evangelical conversions came out
of a general interest for the West, and especially for America.
The shortcomings of the Orthodox Church seemed to create a certain
reservation among the people concerning the role of the priests as spiritual shepherds. While
the Orthodox service was largely based on the liturgy, on forms and traditions, the
Evangelicals promoted a Biblical based Christianity and provided better Scriptural answers
concerning salvation and Christian live.
Among other causes of the Evangelical revival and growth we could mention
the Wars (especially World War T) that created the need for renewed religious and spiritual
372
manifestations. One could also point to the high birthrates, especially among Moldavian
Pentecostals (and Brethren).
The Place of Evangelicals in Romanian Society
Developed in favorable sociopolitical circumstances, Evangelical believers
were loyal Romanians who contributed to the spiritual development of Romanian society.
The traditional slogans that equate Orthodoxy with Romanian identity need to be abandoned.
The impact of Romanian Evangelicals on the development of the spiritual and moral life of
the Romanian people is apparent in several ways.
First of all, from the beginning Romanian Evangelicalism has been a Bible
movement. By promoting the values of the Protestant Reformation, Romanian Evangelicals
became a major force in distributing Scripture to the Romanian people. Among the
Evangelicals a deep longing was felt to make the Bible central in their lives and in the life of
the church. As a result of his own spiritual search Dumitru Cornilescu discovered for himself
the importance of the Scripture in the economy of salvation and gave Romanians a modem
and accurate translation of the Bible. Romanian Evangelicals maintain that each person has
the right and duty to read the Scripture and-under the illumination of the Holy Spirit-the
ability to correctly interpret it.
Secondly, out oftheir emphasis on the importance of Scripture, Romanian
Evangelicals have proclaimed the biblical message of forgiveness through faith in Jesus
Christ. In a society that declares itself "Christian" but without really knowing who Jesus
Christ is and why He had to die on the Cross, the Evangelicals have had the merit of
expounding the core message of Christianity and proclaiming it to the Romanian people. In
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fact, all Romanian Evangelicals had as their main objective precisely this: "to find and
proclaim Jesus Christ, the crucified One."
Thirdly, Romanian Evangelicals view Christianity as a personal appropriation
of faith that implies a "birth from above" and spiritual transformation. Through their stress on
the changed life of the individual through the new birth Romanian Evangelicals have
genuinely attempted to mirror the Biblical standards of Christian living, of purity and holiness
into their own lives, and have participated in a moral cleansing of Romanian society. Their
increased standards of Christian living came out of their understanding of the personal
responsibility before God, and of the practicality of Christianity. Recent studies show that the
rate of divorce, physical violence and drunkenness are much lower among Evangelical
Christians than for the rest of the population.
5
However, the notion of a personalized religion that gave the individual the
responsibility to decide his own religious identity came in sharp contrast with the concept of
"national faith." According to Ton, the idea of an inherited "ancestral religion" and "the
religion of the nation," widely spread among Romanians often led to a lack of personal
inquiry and understanding of the content of Christian faith and to religious nominalism.
6
And yet another important result was that as a reaction to the development of
Evangelicalism, the Orthodox Church undertook a process of revitalization. Orthodox
5 Dana Serban, "Etica Crestinismului Evanghelic ca Mod de Prevenire a Alcoolismului,"
(Bucuresti, 2002). See also Gheorghe Lupascu and Iosif Stefanuti, "Contributia Cultelor Evanghelice la
Dezvoltarea Spiritualitatii Romanesti" [The Contribution of the Evangelical Denominations to the Development
of Romanian Spirituality]. Mesager nos. 1-10 (199]).
6
Iosif Ton, SiJ Ne Cunoastem Crezul (Oradea, Editura Cartea Crestina, 1998),9-12. In a street
survey that I personally realized in 1993 in Bucharest for Radio Voice of the Gospel, when asked "Who was
Jesus Christ?" many individuals replied "I don't know" or suggested answers that implied the same thing. Only
a few Romanians knew that, according to the teaching of the New Testament, Jesus was the Son of God, the
Messiah, and the Savior of the world.
374
ministers of the altar reevaluated the role of the sermon in the life of the church. The
Romanian Orthodox Church was profoundly awakened in the 1920s through the initiative of
priests like Cornilescu, Popescu, and Trifa. The Orthodox also engaged in important
theological discussions such as the role of the Bible in the life of the their believers, the
importance of the icons and the cult of saints. Overall, their main concern was toward the
"preservation of Orthodoxy" with its longstanding traditions. However, it appears that in most
cases the Orthodox are rather inclined to stick with "the national faith" instead of the "true,"
biblical faith.
7
The Future of Evangelicalism
As McGrath pointed out, Evangelicalism has a vital role to play in the century
ahead.
8
In the twentieth century Evangelicalism emerged as a major force within
Christendom and will presumably continue to play an important role in the future of
Christianity. However optimistic, one should also take into consideration certain weaknesses
within contemporary Evangelicalism.
One of the questions that still concern Romanian secular and religious analysts
is whether or not the East and West controversy should go on. In recent theological discourse
the church has been challenged to find a balance between tradition and modernity. Hans
Kung pointed out recently that the church "must find a way between a modernity without
7
See Iosif Ton, Credinta Adevarata.
8
A. McGrath, Evangelicalism and the Future ofChristianity (Downers Grove, IL:
InterVarsity, 1995), 188-90.
375
foundations and a fundamentalism without modernity.,,9 To our judgment, the invitation
extends to Orthodox and Evangelicals likewise. Due to their stress on sola scriptura, many
Protestants and Evangelicals became guilty of neglecting tradition altogether. It is dangerous
to suggest that the Holy Spirit was inactive in a particular period of history. Some Evangelical
theologians and historians (Baptists, Brethren, and Pentecostal among them) attempted to
trace the work of the Holy Spirit from the time of Constantine to the Protestant Reformation
in an "apostolic succession" of schismatic (or even heretical) movements, even though some
of them could be regarded as reform movements. Radical Evangelicals err in denying the
activity of the Spirit of God throughout history. Moreover, an overemphasis on modernity
seems to lead to subjectivism and relativism. As Timothy George observed, 'under the
seduction of modernity ("whatever is latest is best"), Evangelicals face the danger of
pragmatism ("whatever works is right"), indifference and inconsistency.' 10 Romanian
Evangelicals should learn to live in the context of Eastern Christianity and value the legacy of
two thousand years of Christian history in this part of Europe.
Westerners and Eastern Europeans have quite different worldviews: for
Americans, reality is simple and structured; for East-Europeans, it is complex and
unstructured. Placed at crossroads between East and West, Romanian Evangelicals should
learn to value both worldviews and to come to a point of equilibrium.
Despite real benefits, one ofthe Evangelicals' greatest handicaps is their
foreign origin. The Orthodox accusation that the Neo-Protestant denominations are a western
9
Hans KUng, "Against Contemporary Roman Catholic Fundamentalism," in Fundamentalism
as an Ecumenical Challenge, ed. Hans KUngand Jurgen Moltmann, Concilium 1992/1993 (London: SCM Press,
1992),124.
376
importation, estranged from the spirit of the Romanian nation and culture is legitimate to a
certain extent. It should be admitted that in many cases the Neo-Protestant theology,
"liturgical" practices, music, and missionary activities, were hastily imported with very little
effort of cultural adaptation. As a result of western influence, the religious manifestations of
Romanian Evangelicals tended toward rationalism, leaving the devotional and the emotional
aspects of Christian living as secondary. The Romanian soul will never be satisfied with a
religious experience that is devoid of mystical, emotional, and relational aspects. However,
despite its history that generated certain isolation from the West, Romania is a European
country and could never completely shut itself off from the influence of foreign currents and
ideas.
Diversity of Christian expressions and open dialogue among Christians is a
necessity in contemporary Romanian society. Romanian Evangelicals should continue to
reveal an attitude of understanding and respect for other Christian traditions. Most of the
Orthodox partisans consider Neo-Protestants to be lost and perverse sectarians, even traitors.
Most of the Neo-Protestants (especially those who entertain dispensational eschatological
convictions or are just showing open resentment) consider that a true ecumenical dialogue
with the Orthodox is totally unacceptable. They describe the Orthodox as formalist,
idolatrous, superstitious, and corrupt. The question arises: "can there be any dialogue between
the two?"
Beginning with the 1990s Romanian Evangelical leaders pointed out to the
benefit and the importance of exploring, understanding, respecting, and learning from the
Romanian Orthodox tradition. Since God's Kingdom is bigger than a particular church or
10 Timothy George, "The Renewal of Baptist Theology," in Timothy George and David S.
Dockery, Baptist Theologians (Nashville, TN: Broadmann Press, 1990), 13.
377
tradition, Evangelicals should learn the value of establishing sincere theological dialogue with
the Orthodox. As Talos put it:
The Orthodox Church labels Evangelicals as sects (i.e., "cults"), and Evangelicals
consider Orthodoxy to be a lifeless religion without Good News. A new ideal of
Christian mission must prevail for people to be evangelized and proselytism to be
avoided. This ideal might be The King and His Kingdom. Each church should
acknowledge that the Kingdom of God is larger than any denomination. 11
Not only God's Kingdom, but also Romanian society as a whole would benefit
when Orthodox and Evangelicals would learn to cooperate rather than hurt each other. We are
aware of the fact that this assertion would challenge the Orthodox Church to expand its
definition of the church and to accept ecumenical dialogue with other Christians who are as
much devoted to their Lord as they are and who serve God as the Scripture demands.
In the Protestant / Evangelical traditions there was often impatience with the
"visible church" and its rigid structures, and a call for direct dependence upon the promptings
of the Holy Spirit. History indicates that structures cannot be totally avoided. The point is to
determine those structures that allow the Spirit freedom through which he may work.
Another sensitive issue for Evangelicals is that of fragmentation and
denominationalism. Neo-Protestants were far more concerned with bringing the individual to
conversion and little concerned with church order, and were sometimes content if they could
draw a soul to Christ without worrying if it were drawn into a historical Christian community.
Consequently their tendency was to identify Christianity with individualism and to encourage
the emergence of a variety of new religious associations and separate denominations. The
future challenge for all Biblical Christians is this: by keeping "the truth in love" to learn how
to cooperate in fellowship to see the Kingdom of God extended and the name of Jesus Christ
glorified.
11 Vasile Alexandru Tales, "Religious Pluralism in the Romanian Context," in Religion in
Eastern Europe 18 (Aug 1998), 33.
APPENDIX 1
THE APOSTLES' CREED
According to Kelly, this creed arose out of the early Western church and
should be thought of as a summary ofthe Apostles' teaching rather than directly attributable
to them. Originally it was essentially a baptismal confession and had several variations. The
form in use today dates from the eighth century.l
I believe in God the Father almighty, creator of heaven and earth;
And in Jesus Christ, His only Son, our Lord, Who was conceived ofthe Holy Spirit, born
from the Virgin Mary, suffered under Pontius Pilate, was crucified, died, and buried,
descended into hell, on the third day rose again from the dead, ascended to heaven, sits at the
right hand of God the Father almighty, thence He will come to judge the living and the dead;
I believe in the Holy Spirit, the holy Catholic Church, the communion of saints, the
forgiveness of sins, the resurrection of the flesh, and eternal life.
Amen.
I
J. N. D. Kelly, Early Christian Creeds 3d ed. (New York: David McKay Company Inc.,
1972),368-69.
378
THE ROMANIAN ORTHODOX CREED
Known as the Nicene (or the Constantinopolitan) Creed, this declaration of
faith was first formulated at the First Ecumenical Council, held at Nicea (325), as a response
to the Arian heresy, which denied the divinity of Christ. It was revised at the Second
Ecumenical Council, held at Constantinople in 381 as a response to the Macedonian or
Pneumatomachian heresy, which denied the divinity of the Holy Spirit.
2
We believe in one God, the Father almighty, maker of heaven and earth, and of all things
visible and Invisible;
And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the only-begotten Son of God, begotten ofthe Father before all
ages, light from light, true God from true God, begotten not made, of one substance with the
Father, through whom all things came into existence, who because of us men and for our
salvation came down heaven, and was incarnate from the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary and
became man, and was crucified for us under Pontius Pilate, and suffered and was buried, and
rose again on the third day according to the Scriptures and ascended to heaven, and sits on the
right hand of the Father, and will come again with glory to judge living and dead, of Whose
kingdom will be no end.
And in the Holy Spirit, the Lord and life-giver, who proceeds from the Father, with the Father
and the Son is together worshipped and together glorified, who spoke through the prophets; in
one holy Catholic and apostolic Church. We confess one baptism for the remission of sins; we
look forward to the resurrection of the dead, and the life of the world to come.
Amen.
2
Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, 296-98.
379
THE PRINCIPLES OF FAITH OF THE BAPTIST
CONFESSION OF ROMANIA
The following Statement of Faith translated by Adina Stoia is a part of the
Baptist Statute approved at the general Baptist Congress held in Cluj on the 14th of April
1936?
Principles ofthe Baptist Faith
Art. 4 a) Baptists believe in God the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit; in the incarnation of the
Lord Jesus Christ. in His atoninz death. in His 210rious resurrection. in His second cominz, as
~ ~ --, ---- ....--------- -- - ---,----------------------0;1'--
well as the work of the Holy Spirit. They believe that the Scriptures, Old and New Testament,
contain the revelation of God and of His will.
b) Baptists believe that a Christian church is composed of born again individuals who are
faithful to God, and that admission in the church is possible through repentance and personal
testimony as well as baptism that follows this testimony.
c) The cultic activity of the Baptist church is exercised through:
Worship before God and fulfillment of the symbols,
Spiritual edification of the members,
Preaching the Gospel worldwide.
d) Concerning the points included in Art. 4, part c; Baptists sustain that:
1. Worship consists of: vocal and instrumental singing, prayer, reading and interpretation of
the Bible, as well as the voluntary offering of gifts for the cause of the Gospel.
There are two symbols of the New Testament: first, baptism, which is the one-time
immersion in water of the believer (a person who gave a personal testimony of his repentance
and faith), in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit; and the second is the Lord's
Supper, in which all members with a proper standing of the Baptist churches receive the bread
and wine.
2. The spiritual edification of the believers includes the instruction in all spheres of Christian
life, as much as the negative to depart evil from the conscience and deeds, as the positive to
cultivate the faith, hope, and love which is the greatest of all. The positive aspect of the
3
See Farul Crestin 15 (l Aug, 1936),3-4,8.
380
381
Christian life includes the faithful fulfillment of all duties toward the country's laws and
obedience toward the authority ofthe state in which they live in.
3. Preaching the Gospel verbally and by written means is the right of any Baptist believer and
is aimed at: strengthening the inner life and imparting Christian discipline to Christians,
guiding persons, both far and near, to a personal faith in the Lord Jesus Christ and His Gospel
(local and foreign mission), as well as the application of Scriptural principles in all relations
so that God's will may become effective and the Kingdom of Righteousness, Peace, and Joy
in the Holy Spirit may be established.
The following section of the Baptist Statute deals with the Baptist Church and
its leadership. The local Baptist church is viewed as a voluntary gathering of a group of2-3 or
more Christians. It is sovereign and has as the single authority-in matters of faith, practice,
and Christian life-the teachings of the Holy Scriptures. The local Baptist church has the right,
according to the Holy Scriptures, to authorize its own servants: pastors, presbyters (elders),
preachers, missionaries, evangelists, teachers, deacons, deaconesses, and other servants, as
they deem adequate and necessary. Servants of the church may be chosen as well from
rightful members of other Baptist churches. It also has the right to take care of catechizing the
children in schools, the spiritual education ofthe members under the flag, as well as form
organizations for the religious education of youth and children (Sunday schools etc.), for
helping the poor and for other religious and philanthropic scopes, as they deem necessary and
adequate. The Baptist church has the right to exercise discipline over its members in
conformity with the teachings ofthe Holy Scriptures.
The qualifications of the spiritual personnel: pastors must have the qualities
required in 1 Tim. 3; 1-7, and Tit. 1; 5-9, and to fulfill the conditions required in art. 10 in the
law of cults. Deacons must have the qualities required in 1 Tim. 3; 8-11, qualities that are
obligatory for the other spiritual personnel. Attributions of the spiritual personnel are: pastors
(preachers) will lead the divine services, shepherd the members of the church, administrate
baptism and the Lord's Supper, as well as other services needed by the cult. They will also
catechize the children of the Baptists in the State's schools and private schools where
authorized. Spiritual servants, chosen and authorized by the churches, have the right to visit
churches, stations, and members that have chosen them.
CONFESSION OF FAITH OF THE ROMANIAN
BAPTIST CHURCHES
The Baptist Confession of Faith reflects its historical context and was included by
Parker in his Baptists in Europe: History & Confessions ofFaith. This version translated by
Nicolae Gheorghita was issued in 1974.
4
1. The Doctrine of the Bible - God's Word
We believe and affirm that the Holy Scripture of the Old and New Testament are inspired by
the Holy Spirit. They are the written word of God, a godly revelation to mankind, the
unmistakable source of the awareness of God. (Gal. 1:11; 1 Pet. I: 12; 2 Tim. 3: 16; John
10:35; Joel 2:28; Matt. 10:20; 1 Cor. 2:10; 11:23; Eph. 1:13; 2 Tim. 1:13; Rom. 10:17; Ps.
119:105)
The Bible - the word of God written by the inspiration of the Holy Spirit - is the only rule and
norm of faith and behavior in this life.
In religious matters, the Bible is the only authority; it is sufficient for our teaching and there is
no need for support from tradition. (Matt. 15:6; John 17:17; 5:39; Isa. 34: 16; Acts 17: II; John
20:31)
2. The Doctrine of God
We believe and affirm that there is one God the Creator, the Sustainer and the Ruler of all
things.
In the Bible we discover God as the Father, Son and Holy Spirit, completely one in their being
and not separated in their being and not separated in their oneness.
( I) God the Father
(2) God the Son, Jesus Christ
(3) God the Holy Spirit
(Gen. 1:1; Eph. 4:6; Mal. 2:10; John 13:15; Rom. 1:14-20; 11:36; Ps. 94:9; Acts 17:24; I Cor.
13:14; Matt. 28:19; 1 John 5:7; John 6:27; 1 Pet. 1:2; Matt. 11:25; Mark 14:36; Luke 22:42;
23:34,45; Acts 2:33; Rom. 15:6; 1 Cor. 8:6; Matt. 16:16; John 1:1; Luke 3:32; Acts 8:37;
4
Keith Parker, Baptists in Europe: History & Confessions ofFaith (Nashville: Broadmann,
1982),218-30.
382
383
9:20; 2 Cor. 1:19; 1 John 2:24; 3:23; 4: 15; John 20:31; John 4:24; 2 Cor. 3:3,17; Job 33:4; Isa.
48:16; 1 Cor. 2:12; John 15:26; 14:26; Luke 11:13; Acts 5:32)
3. The Doctrine of Man
We believe and affirm that God created man after his own image. The human body's material
part is from the dust of the earth; the spiritual part is from God. God made man perfect and
without sin, but with a free will to choose between good or evil. (Gen. 1:27; 2:7)
Through the fall into sin man is under the curse and he became unable to do the will of God.
Through natural birth everyone inherits the seed of sin, an inclination toward sin, and a sinful
nature. Man is now free and is thus responsible to God for all his actions, words and thoughts.
All men must die, but after death follows judgment and eternal reward. (Gen. 1:31; Eccl. 7:29;
Gen. 2:13; Ps. 107:17; Deut. 30:15; Rom. 5:12,19; 7:17-18; 5:6; 7:20-23; Rom. 14:12; Matt.
12:36; 2 Cor. 5:10; Heb. 9:27)
4. The Doctrine of Sin
We believe and affirm that man was created by God in His own image to give Him glory and
a happy life in Him, and that man was lured by the devil, becoming disobedient to the
command of God and, consequently, sin and the curse entered the world. Sin is
nonconformity to the moral law of God in action, disposition or attitude. (Gen. 3: 13; I John
5:16; Rom. 14:23; Jas. 4:17; John 8:34; Rom. 6:13; Eccl. 7:29; Ps. 51:4; Eph. 2:1-3; Deut.
9:7; I John 3:7)
(1) The Universality of Sin: All Men are Sinners (Rom. 3:23; EccI. 7:20; John 15:16; Rom.
5:12; 1 John 1:8; 1 Kings 8:46)
(2) The Consequence of Sin: Spiritual Death (Rom. 6:23; 5:12; Gen. 2: 17; Jas. 1:15)
5. The Doctrine of Salvation
We believe and affirm that salvation is the deliverance of persons from the consequences of
their breaking divine law. It involves human nature and acts done by Him. Man cannot save
himself. He cannot wash himself clean of sin; he cannot hide himself from the consequences
of sin. (Jer. 2:22; Rom. 1:20; Amos 9:2-3; Rom. 3:20; Isa. 64:6; Jer. 13:23)
He cannot earn merits through good deeds to cover his guilty past and to earn salvation.
Salvation is by God's grace. It is a free grace without merit; good deeds are salvation's fruits.
(Titus 1:11; Eph. 2:8-9; Acts 15:11; Titus 2:5)
The means of salvation is our Lord Jesus who was crucified in our place. There is no other
means (crucifixes, mysteries, saints). (Acts 4:12; I John 2:2; Isa. 52:5; Eph. 1:7,2 Cor. 5:18;
Rom. 3:24-25; 1 John 2:2; Titus 1:11; I Tim. 2:4)
This salvation which was accomplished on the cross can be freely obtained and is for all
people, all nations and all social classes.
For a sinner to experience this salvation he must fulfill two conditions: repentance and faith.
These are eternally inseparable. .
384
-Repentance means to recognize the sin, to be sorry about it, although having it, as well as to
confess it to God and to tum back to Him.
-Faith means the sinner's receiving the grace of God through Jesus Christ to salvation and
everlasting life. (Mark 1:15; Luke 13:3; Acts 2:38; 17:30; 16:31)
6. The Doctrine of the New Birth
We believe and affirm that the new birth is the regeneration of life which gives us a holy,
spiritual attitude and mood. It involves the entire character: intellect, feeling and will. Thus,
every sinner must be born again to become a true believer. Man cannot be born again or
changed by his own power. (John 3:7)
Without being born again all the efforts to do good deeds for which God will reward on the
Judgment Day cannot have any meaningful result. By way of natural birth we inherit a carnal
inner state which produces sin's fruits. We are like a wild tree which cannot bring forth good
fruits. It does not matter how much care it has; its fruits are wild. Only by being in Christ will
the natural mind change. (Jer. 13:23; John 15:5; Matt. 6:16-18; Rom. 8:7; Matt. 12:36)
The new birth is a divine work done by God in a sinner's life enabling him to do His will. For
a sinner to be born again he has to repent, to believe and to receive salvation through grace.
Then God accomplishes the work of the new birth through his word and through the Holy
Spirit. (l Pet 1:23; Isa. 1:18; John 3:5; Eph. 2:10)
The new birth is not a superior life but a radical change of life. It is not the change of effect
but of determinant cause. It is not the cleansing of the exterior but of the interior life. (1 Cor.
5:17; Rom. 6:4; Col. 3:9-10)
The new birth offers us the traits of God's children; we have the same Godly mind and are
able to live according to God's will. As it is in our normal life so it is with the new birth, the
second mind, the old mind continues to exist: the old flesh is crucified - stopped to act - and
the new mind is developing and produces good fruits. The new state is quite different from the
old one. This is the situation with those who are born again and who will show the quality of a
child of God. (John 3:6; Gal. 5:22-23; Matt. 7: 17)
Through the new birth we become heirs of God. The right to an everlasting inheritance is
founded on the new relationship with God. Whoever is not born again is not a child of God
and does not have right to an everlasting inheritance. (Rom. 8: 17; John 3:3)
7. The Doctrine of the Church
We believe and affirm that according to the New Testament, the Church of Christ is made up
of the totality of all believers, from all races, nationalities, social states and from all history.
This is the universal church. The universal Church is not an earthly organization which can be
seen, but is a living spiritual body made up of those who are saved, ofthose who have
believed in Jesus Christ and have been born again. (Heb. 12:23; Acts 20:28; Matt. 16:18; Eph.
1:22-23)
In the Greek language the word "church" (ekklesia) meant a gathering of those called to be
interested in public matters. This word was adopted not only for the universal Church but also
385
for the local church, independently organized by the followers of Christ in a town who
gathered together for worship.
According to the New Testament teaching the local church is a voluntary union of a group of
believers from a locality, born again, and baptized on the basis of their personal witness of
their faith in the Jesus Christ as their Saviour. They come together to worship God, to build
themselves up spiritually and to keep the Christian faith by Christian teaching (according to
New Testament teaching) and to cooperate in spreading the word of God. (Matt. 18:20; Rom.
16:5; 1 Cor. 16:19; Col. 4:15; Acts 8:1; Gal. 1:22; 1 Cor. 1:2)
In the beginning the church gathered in private homes.
The direct leadership ofthe church belongs to Jesus Christ through the Holy Spirit. Hierarchy
is not recognized. Those who have specific tasks are only servants of the church and not rulers
for ordaining. (Col. 1:18; Eph. 1:22-23; 1 Pet. 5:3)
The right to be a member is not inherited but is received individually through a new birth.
Acceptance in a local church is on a voluntary and personal basis after baptism which in turn
is based on a testimony about one's faith in Jesus Christ. Members call each other "brothers"
and are equal with each other in terms of rights and obligations with no consideration
whatsoever to which race, nationality or social level they belong. (Matt. 23:8; Eph. 5:3; Acts
2:41)
The local church organization is based on the principle of autonomous democracy. The
program has as its aim the establishment of the kingdom of God in human hearts; the churches
are means chosen by God by which this aim is fulfilled. The churches are responsible for
glorifying God, for spreading the gospel and for helping in the spiritual growth of each
member through brotherly fellowship. (Mark 16:15; Eph. 4: 12; 1 Cor. 14:4-5, 12; Eph. 3: 19)
8. The Servants of the Church
We believe and affirm that in the New Testament churches there were several kinds of special
servants, but that they had only two classes of servants who led in the spiritual and material
matters ofthe churches: elders (presbyter, pastors, bishops) and deacons. (Phil. 1:1)
(I) The titles of "bishop," "presbyter," and "pastor" were given to the highest servants of the
New Testament churches. All of their callings are for one and the same duty: spiritual
supervision and ruling the church. To be able to have such responsibility one must have the
qualities described by Paul in I Timothy 3:1-7 and Titus 1:5-9. (Acts 20:17, 28; 1 Tim. 3:1-7;
Titus 1:5-9)
The method of election is shown by the Greek word heirotoneo which means to vote by
raising the hand. This election is made by the church when it is together for this purpose.
(Acts 14:23)
The pastor can be disciplined also when his guilt is very well founded. (I Tim. 5:19)
(2) The deacons have the duty of helping the pastor in managing the material affairs of the
church. They are responsible for cultivating financial giving and for calling for philanthropic
actions. They are to have the qualities mentioned in 1 Timothy 3:8-13.
386
They receive their task by the laying on of hands. (Acts 6:6; 13:3; I Tim. 4: 14; I Pet. 2:5, 9;
Rev. 1:6)
We believe and affirm, according to the New Testament, that the priesthood is not a special
class but a quality for every believer; it is universal. Every believer is a priest. Everyone has
the right to come directly to God through Jesus Christ without any other intercessor. Everyone
has the right to offer spiritual sacrifices.
9. The New Testament's Symbols
We believe and affirm that the New Testament church has two symbols: Baptism and the
Lord's Supper. They are not sacraments.
(l) Baptism.
The Greek word for baptism is baptizo, which means immersion and indicates the means of
baptism as being immersion and in no way sprinkling with water. Immersion is done only
once and in the name of the Trinity. (Matt. 28:19)
Baptism is the symbol of the burial of the old man and the resurrection of the new man so that
he may walk in newness of life. (Rom. 6:4)
Baptism does not cleanse sins; this is done only by the blood of Jesus Christ. Baptism is a
public witness of one person that he is already cleansed. (Acts 8: 13-21; 1 Pet. 3:21)
A person must receive salvation before baptism to have a good conscience; he has to fulfill
salvation's conditions: repentance and faith. Children cannot affirm that they have fulfilled
these conditions and therefore cannot be admitted to baptism. (Mark 16:16; Acts 2:38; 8:36-
37)
(2) Lord's Supper.
The Lord's Supper is the symbol of the Lord's death in our place. It is composed of bread and
wine but not mixed. The broken bread reminds us of the body of Christ which was broken for
us; the wine reminds us of his blood shed for the cleansing of our sin. The Lord's Supper does
not have the effect of forgiving sins. It only reminds us that for the forgiveness of our sins the
Lord's body had to be broken and his blood shed. For this reason he commanded us to have
Holy Communion. The Lord's Supper can be taken by all those who have confessed their
faith in the Lord Jesus and have been baptized. At each Lord's Supper the believer is to
examine himself. (Matt. 26:26-28; Luke 22: 19; 1 Cor. II :24-25; Acts 2:41-42; I Cor. 11:28)
10. The Lord's Day - Sunday
We believe and affirm that Sunday is a Christian practice which must bekept continually and
which must be spent in worship, in spiritual meditation both publicly and at home.
Distinguishable from the Old Testament Hebrews who kept the seventh day, the Christians
belong to the New Covenant and have to keep the first day of the week (Sunday) which was
sanctified by God by the resurrection of his Son from the dead, and by the sending of the Holy
Spirit. (Mark 16:9; Luke 24: 1-6; John 20: 1; Acts 2: 1-4; Rev. 1:10; Acts 20:7; I Cor. 16:2; Ps.
118:24; Lev. 23:15-16)
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The early Christians kept it as a day of worship. On this day we are to rest from work and
bodily pleasure; we are permitted to do only the necessary things and to have pity on others.
We do not have festivals for saints.
II. Discipline in the Church
We believe and affirm that the church has the right to exhort brotherly discipline to members
who have gone astray from Christian teaching of the word of God - in attitude, teaching and
life. Discipline includes admonishing, removal of church rights and exclusion from the
church. One is invited back into fellowship only after a personal testimony. (Matt. 18:15-17;
Titus 3:10; 2 Thess. 3:6; I Cor. 5:11-13)
12. Prayer
We believe and affirm that prayer is a close fellowship of man with God. It is a matter of
personal honesty, opening our innermost being to the Lord. For this reason we do not have
prayer books and do not encourage others to commit prayers to memory. (Ps. 62:8; 142:2;
Phil. 4:6)
Prayers can be for thanksgiving, supplication and intercession. Prayers are addressed to the
Father in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ. He is the only mediator between man and God.
We do not believe in prayers to the saints. Such are not according to the Holy Scriptures.
Prayer is absolutely necessary to the spiritual life, to upbuilding and strengthening, for facing
temptation and for overcoming the enemy (Satan). (I Tim. 2:1; Eph. 5:20; John 16:23; 1 Tim.
2:5; Matt. 6:6; 14:23; 26:26, 39; Acts 2:42; 12:5)
Prayers for the dead were not practiced in Christian churches. We believe that they have no
value because the dead have gone to their appropriate place immediately after death and that
there is no possibility of changing from one place to another. (Luke 16:26)
13. Holiness
We believe and affirm that sanctification is a progressive work done by God through the Holy
Spirit in the life of the saved. It begins at the new birth and by means of it we remain in his
will. It means the cleansing of sin and a life for God through a separation from the world. The
cleansing of sin is accomplished by the blood of the Lord Jesus Christ. (1 Thess. 4:33; 1 Pet.
1:16; I Thess. 4:7; I John 1:7; I Cor. 6:11; Heb. 13:12)
Being separated from the world and being kept for God is done by the word of God and
through the Holy Spirit who gave us power to resist temptation and to live according to his
will. Sanctification has two parts: God's and man's. God, through his Holy Spirit, influences
our will and gives us power; man accepts for himself the will and power of God. (John 17:17;
Acts 2:40; 2 Cor. 6:17; 1 Pet. 1:2; 2 Cor. 3:18; Phil. 2:13; Heb. 13:20-21; Col. 4:12; 1:22-23;
2 Thess. I: 11)
14. Marriage
We believe and affirm that, according to the Scriptures, marriage was constituted by God.
Marriage is an act of free will through which a man and a woman agree to live together their
whole life. The man is allowed to have only one woman as wife; likewise the woman is
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allowed to have only one man as husband. After the death of one, the other can marry again.
(Gen. 1:27-28; 1 Cor. 7:39)
Bearing in mind that marriage is also a civil act it is done according to state law and after that
follows the blessing of the church. We believe that Christians should be married only with
other Christians. Marriage is not to be broken by divorce; divorce is forbidden for believers.
We believe that the Holy Scripture allows for divorce in the case of proven adultery or when
one tries to leave the home. Inthis case Scripture allows the other one to marry again. (2 Cor.
6:14; I Cor. 7:39; Matt. 2:16; 19:6; Matt. 19:9; I Cor. 7:15)
IS. Christian Giving
We believe and affirm that, according to the teaching of the Word of God and the practice of
the early church, church members have the obligation morally to give freely to the work of the
kingdom: (2 Cor. 9:6-7; Ex. 25:2; 35:5; 1 Cor. 2:5; Rom. 12:8)
(1) To sustain the workers of the kingdom so that they lack nothing,
(2) To help poor orphans and widows, and
(3) To build the churches.
(Phil. 4: 16-18; Titus 3: 13; 2 John 6; 1 Cor. 9: 14; Matt. 10: 10; 1 Tim. 5: 18; Acts II :29; Rom.
15:27; 1 Cor. 16:1; John 12:7-8; Matt. 25:40; Deut. 4:29; Jas. 1:27; Ex. 35:21; I Chron.
29:19; Ezra 2:68-69)
16. Our Mediator Before God
We believe and affirm that Jesus Christ is the only divinely appointed mediator between God
and man. He took on human nature but was without sin. He suffered and died on the cross for
the salvation of sinners. He was buried and rose on the third day. He ascended to the Father
and sits at His right hand where he is living forever, mediating for His people. He is the only
mediator, prophet and king of His church. (1 Tim. 2:5; Heb. 8:7; 9:15-24; 12:24; Heb. 7:25;
Acts 7:25, 56; Ps. 110:1; I Pet. 3:22; Rom. 8:34; 1 John 2:1)
17. Keeping the Saints in Grace
We believe and testify that a believer saved by the sacrifice of the Lord Jesus Christ, after
repentance and belief, is kept in this state of grace by the power of God until the moment of
disbelief (when he freely chooses to leave this keeping). For this purpose He gave the Holy
Spirit to believers to comfort them, to enlighten them, and to bring them to maturity. This
collaboration of the Holy Spirit and man can be seen in all parts of his life as long as he
remains in grace. The will of such men is filled by the divine will; their battle with temptation
and sin is supported by the power of God. (Isa. 41:10-13; Jude 2:4; I Pet. 1:5; 2 Pet. 2:9; 1
Cor. 10:13; Phil. 1:6; John 10:28; Rom. 8:26)
18. Church and State
We believe and affirm that the authority of the state is clothed by God with power for
maintaining order and for punishment for wrongdoing. According to the teaching ofthe word
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of God we are to obey civil laws, to fulfill our duties as citizens and to pray for all authorities
ofthe state. (Titus Rom. 13:1-7; 2 Pet. 1 Tim. 2:1-3)
19. The Hereafter
(1) The Intermediary State (the situation ofthe soul after death).
We believe and affirm that at physical death the body, which is but dust, is buried in a tomb
but the soul, which is from God (spirit), goes to heaven. In that "world" there are two states
completely different and completely apart: one ofjoy, rest and happiness called heaven,
Abraham's bosom, "heavenly house," etc., and another of anguish and suffering called hell,
the place of anguish. After death the souls of those who were saved and have peace with God
go to heaven; the souls of sinners go to hell. Both states are conscious and awaiting the
judgment. They do not have bodies.
The state of the saved. (Luke 16:22; 1 Cor. 5: 1,7-8; Rev. 7:9; 14)
The state of sinners. (Luke 2 Pet. 2:4,9; Matt. 8: 12; 13 2 Pet. 2: 17)
(2) The Second Coming.
We believe and affirm that, according to the teaching of the New Testament, our Lord Jesus
Christ ascended to heaven and he will come again in glory and radiance for the judgment of
both the living and the dead. His coming will be seen by all but the exact time is known only
by God the Father. At his coming the dead will be raised, the living believers wil1 be changed
in the twinkling of an eye and will be raptured to meet the Bridegroom. (Acts I: 11 Matt.
24:30; Mark 13:26; Luke 21:27; John 1 Thess. 1:10; 4: 16; Rev. 1:7; Matt. 24:36)
(3) The Resurrection of the Dead.
We believe and affirm that at the second coming of the Lord the dead will rise to go to the
judgment seat. The resurrected body wil1 bea new one like the resurrected body of Jesus.
With this body they will inherit everlasting life - for those who were saved, everlasting
happiness, for sinners everlasting punishment. (John Acts 24: 15; 1Cor. 15:42, 52-
53; Phil. Rev. 20:13)
(4) The Last Judgment.
We believe and affirm that every person will be judged by God through our Lord Jesus Christ
and will receive a reward or punishment according to the kind of life he led on earth. (Acts
17:30-31; Rom. 2:16; 2 Cor. Rev. 20:12; Acts 24:25)
(5) The State after Judgment.
We believe and affirm that according to the New Testament teaching the saved will inherit
everlasting life but the sinners will be sent to everlasting anguish, to eternal punishment in
their entire being, body and soul.
The state of the saved. (Matt. 25:46; Rev. 21:3,7; Matt. 25:34)
The state of the sinners. (Matt. 25:46; 26:41; Rev. 14: I0-11; 21 20: 15)
PRINCIPLES OF CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE OF
THE ROMANIAN BRETHREN
The following Statement of Faith, together with the Statute of the Romanian
Brethren was issued in Monitorul Oficial 178 / 4 Aug. 1948 and translated by Adina Stoia.
Regarding the leadership of the Crestinii dupa Evanghelie, the Statute
mentions that each local assembly is to be lead by a group of2-5 elders (presbyters) who
display a godly life and have a good knowledge of the Scripture. Their minister on a
voluntary basis, but in special cases they may be supported through church donations. They
are also the legal representatives of the Brethren community before any state authorities. A
number of delegates from each local assembly participate once a year in a regional
5
conference.
Art. 1 The Crestinii dupii Evanghelie have as scope to believe and live the truth of the Gospel
and preach the Lord Jesus Christ. Acts 2:38, 11 :26
Art. 2 The Crestinii dupa Evanghelie:
Believe in God the Father, the Creator of the heavens and earth. Gen. 1:1
Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, the only eternal Son of God, of the same being as the Father,
through whom all things were made and who through the power of the Holy Spirit, for our
salvation, became man, being born of the Virgin Mary. He suffered under Pontius Pilate, was
crucified and buried, resurrected on the third day, and ascended into heaven. He sits at the
right hand of the Father from where He will come once again.
Believe in the Holy Spirit, who is also a Person, and is part of the Godhead.
Believe that there is one Church (Ecclesia) composed of born again persons, believers who
are redeemed by the blood of the Lord Jesus Christ. 1 Peter 1:18-19
Believe and proclaim the forgiveness of sins through faith in the atoning sacrifice of the Lord
Jesus Christ on the cross.
Believe in the resurrection of the dead.
Art. 3 The Crestinii dupa Evanghelie believe that:
a. Because Adam sinned, all men are henceforth sinful. Gen. 6:5, Rom. 5:9-12
5
According to the Statuteof the Romanian Brethrenpublishedin Monitorul Oficial Nr. 178 /
4 Aug 1948.
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b. The Lord Jesus Christ, by descending from heaven and becoming incarnate, through His
sacrifice on the cross reconciled with God all men who admit they are sinful and believe in
the sacrifice of the Lord Jesus Christ, becoming therefore sons of God, a born again people.
John 1:12; 2:13-16
c. These truths being proclaimed to the people make up the Good News of salvation. Lk.
1:16-19,2 Cor. 5:17-20
d. Man is free to receive or reject the Gospel. John 6:6. Whoever repents and receives the
Lord Jesus as Savior and Master has forgiveness of sins and eternal life, and will not come to
judgment but will pass from death into life. John 5:24,17:1-3
e. Repentance (returning to God) is the total transformation of a man. Such a person prays to
God in spirit and truth and finds in the Holy Scripture-which is wholly inspired by God-food
and joy for his soul. 2 Cor. 5:17, John 4:25,2 Tim. 3:16-17
f. That the goal of each believer is sanctification, righteousness, peace, truth, and love through
the power ofthe Holy Spirit. His main concern is to live such that he may mirror the life of
the Savior. Rom. 6:22, 2 Tim. 2:22, 1 Pet. 2:21
g. That all men, believers and unbelievers, will be resurrected to receive a rightful reward of
their deeds. John 5:28, Matt. 16:27
h. That the group of gathered believers in one location constitute the Assembly (the Church)
of that place, that is, a Community (local Assembly). Rom. 16:5, I Tess. 1:1
i. They recognize the Lord Jesus Christ as their Head, and as a Guide the Holy Spirit. Col.
1:la, John 16:13
j. The Holy Scripture is the only standard for the life and faith of the believer. John 17:17, 2
Tim 3:16
k. They keep Sunday, the first day ofthe week, as a day of rest, of spiritual encouragement,
and for remembrance of the resurrection of the Lord Jesus. John 20: 18-26, Acts 20:7
I. They fulfill the two ordinances established by the Savior:
Baptism in water by submersion; baptizing only those who have first repented,
believed in God, and have received the Lord Jesus Christ as their personal Savior.
Mark 16:16. The Christians according to the Scripture (Crestinii dupii Scripturd) that
have fused with our group baptize their infants.
The breaking of bread is done in remembrance of the death of the Lord Jesus until His
return. Only those who are saved and live a life in accordance with Scripture take part
in the Lord's Supper. Lk. 22: 19, I Cor. 11:25-29
m. The children, conform with Scripture, are raised in the teachings and discipline of the
Lord.
n. The Crestinii dupd Evanghelie live in peace with all people, guided by the Lord Jesus
Christ's Spirit of love and Truth.
THE FIRST DECLARATION OF FAITH OFTHE APOSTOLIC
CHURCH OF GOD OF ROMANIA
This first Pentecostal statement of faith was by introduced Pavel Budeanu in 1924 and
seems to be identical with the Declaration of Faith of the General Council ofthe Church of
God in Cleveland.
6
We believe in God: Father, Son and Holy Spirit. We believe in Jesus who was crucified, died,
was buried and raised from the dead.
We believe God showed His kindness by sending His Son into the world as a sacrifice for
mankind's redemption. God's grace is embodied by His unlimited kindness and love which
teaches us to forsake heathenism and worldliness and lead a temperate, just, and holy life.
We believe the new birth is a spiritual transformation.
We believe in baptism in water and living according to Scripture and possessing the fruits of
the Holy Spirit (Gal 5:22-23). Speaking in tongues is a sign of the Baptism of the Holy Spirit.
We believe in the resurrection of the dead. We believe in a secret coming of Jesus to take his
bride (Rapture).
We believe in the second coming of Jesus Christ. The Lord Jesus Christ will reign over the
earth a thousand years. In the second resurrection, dead people who did not rise in the first
resurrection, when Jesus comes, will rise.
We believe in a great judgment at the white throne resulting in everlasting life for the just and
eternal punishment for the wicked. God will establish a new heaven and a new earth and we
will live for eternity in joy and happiness.
The Pentecostal exterior practices are: water baptism, the Lord's Supper, foot washing,
prayer for sick people and anointing with oil.
6 loan Ceuta, "The History of the Pentecostal Apostolic Church of God of Romania," 36.
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THE APOSTOLIC PENTECOSTAL CHURCH OF GOD OF
ROMANIA DECLARATION OF FAITH
This is a short form ofthe Pentecostal Declaration of Faith, as it was given by
Trandafir Sandru in The Pentecostal Apostolic Church ofGod.
7
I. The Bible (or the Holy Scriptures) is verbally inspired by God and is the revelation of God
to man; the infallible, authoritative rule of faith and conduct (II Tim. 3.15-17).
2. There is only one God, eternally existing in three Persons: The Father, Son and Holy Spirit
(the Holy Trinity) (I John 5.7).
3. Jesus Christ is the only begotten Son of the Father, conceived of the Holy Spirit and born of
the virgin Mary. He was crucified, died, was buried, and raised from the dead. Forty days
after His resurrection He ascended to Heaven and now stands at the right hand of the Father,
interceding for us (Luke 1.31-35; Acts 2.29-33; 1John 2.1).
4. God created both the material world and the angels, which are spiritual beings. God is the
Creator and the Architect of the whole universe (Gen. 1.1; Ps. 104.4).
5. After the creation of the angels, Lucifer's rebellion entailed the fall of a third of the angels.
The cause of the Fall was the sin of pride (Is. 14.12-14; Jud. 6; Rev. 12.4-9).
6. Man is the crown of creation and God's personal work. Man was created in God's image
and likeness (body, soul and spirit) (Gen. 2.4-7).
7. Since the first man disobeyed God's commandment, sin entered into the world (Rom. 5.12).
Man is endowed with freedom of choice meaning that he can either serve God willingly or
follow another way. Sin brought about serious consequences, the curse falling upon the whole
of mankind (Gen. 2.16; 3.14-24).
8. God showed His kindness by sending His Son into the world as a sacrifice for mankind's
redemption. God's grace is embodied by His unlimited kindness and love which teach us to
forsake heathenism and worldliness and lead a temperate, just, and holy life (John 1.17;
Ephes. 2.5-9).
9. Repentance means the acceptance of God's grace through the sinner's turning back to God.
It is accompanied by the confession of sins (Mark 1.5; John 15.7; Acts 17.39).
7
Trandafir Sandru, The Pentecostal Apostolic Church ofGod (Bucharest, 1982), 9-15.
393
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The receiving of the Lord Jesus Christ as personal Saviour brings about j ustification (Rom.
10.9-10; 5.9-11).
10.The new birth is a spiritual transformation produced by the Holy Spirit and the Word of
God (John 3.3-5; II Cor. 5.17). It entails the renewing of mind, soul, and the whole life.
11. In the name of the Holy Trinity, baptism is granted to those persons who forsake their sins
and accept the redemption offered through the sacrifice of Jesus Christ. Baptism is subsequent
to the confession of a clean heart (Math. 28.19-20; Acts 16.30-33; I Pet. 3.2I).
Believers' children are given a blessing (Mark 10.16) according to Num. 6.24-26.
12. Sanctification, namely the thorough observance of a holy life, has to be the constant aim
of all believers. Sanctification includes the rejection of anything that may stain our thoughts,
heart, eyes and ears. "But the fruit of the Spirit is love, joy, peace, longsuffering, gentleness,
goodness, faith, meekness, temperance. Against such there is no law" (Gal. 5.22-23).
Sanctification begins at conversion and continues throughout the believer's life. Smoking and
alcoholic drinks are strictly forbidden (Prov. 20. I; 23.29-32; Is. 28.7; 55.2; I Cor. 5.11; 6.10;
10.31-32; II Cor. 7.1; Ephes. 5.3-9; John 1.21).
13. Prayer and fasting are ways of communicating with God (Acts 2.42) through which the
believer may enjoy God's promises (Luke 11.13; Mark 17.21; Acts 14.23; I Cor. 11.27).
14. The Lord's Supper was instituted by the Saviour in remembrance of His death and it
consists of unleavened bread and nonalcoholic wine (Math. 26.26-29; I Cor. 11.23-26). The
two elements ofthe Supper have the value ofthe body and blood of the Lord Jesus (I Cor.
11.27-29).
15. After the Holy Supper, the Lord washed the disciple's feet. It is recommended that
believers observe this practice, showing humility and brotherly love, and their obedience to
the Lord's commandments (John 13.1-I7). It is called "washing the saints' feet" (I Tim. 5.10).
16. Baptism in the Holy Spirit took place at Pentecost. It is a personal experience with God
which consists of receiving heavenly power (Acts 1.4-5). "And they were all filled with the
Holy Ghost and began to speak with other tongues, as the Spirit gave them utterance" (Acts
2.4). The baptism with the Holy Spirit was promised to all believers (Acts 2.39).
17. There are nine gifts of the Holy Spirit, as follows: "For to one is given by the Spirit the
word of wisdom; to another the word of knowledge by the same Spirit; to another the working
of miracles; to another prophecy; to another discerning of spirits; to another diverse kinds of
tongues; to another the interpretation of tongues" (I Cor. 12.8-10).
18. Prayer for the sick and anointing with oil were instituted by Jesus Christ and His apostles.
These methods are not incompatible with medical science. "Is any sick among you? Let him
call for the elders of the church; and let them pray over him, anointing him with oil in the
Name of the Lord. And the prayer offaith shall save the sick, and the Lord shall raise him up;
and ifhe have committed sins, they shall be forgiven him" (James 5.14-15).
19. The Church is a divine institution, founded by the Saviour; it consists of all believers. The
term has two meanings: local church and universal Church (I Cor. 1.2). It represents the
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kingdom of God on earth, striving to apply its principles at the level of human relationships
(Acts 20:28; Hebr. 12.23; Ephes. 1.22; 5.23-25; Rom. 14.17).
20. The ministers of the Church are the pastors, also called presbyters or bishops, and
deacons. They are ordained through prayer and the laying on of hands (Ephes. 4.11; I Tim.
4.14). The deacons assist the pastors (Acts 6.3-6).
21. The discipline of the Church requires the observance of Christian morality and the judging
of members whose guilt is proved. They can be deprived of certain rights, i.e. participation in
the Lord's Supper and can even be excluded from the Church (Math. 18.15-17).
22. Tithing is a biblical principle. Each believer has to support the church and work of God (I
Cor. 16.1-2; Hebr. 13.16). God is entitled to a tenth of our income (Gen. 14.20; II Chron.
31.5; Math. 3.10; Luke 18.12).
23. Sunday is considered the day of the Lord, when all believers should attend the divine
services of the local church (John 20.19; Acts 20.7; Rev. 1.10). In addition to Sunday the
Church has services on Thursday, and on special occasions during the year (New Year, the
Lord's Baptism, Easter, the Resurrection, the Ascension, Pentecost, and Christmas).
24. The religious wedding ceremony succeeds the civil ceremony marriage. Divorce and
remarriage are permitted only upon the conditions set forth in the Bible (Mat. 19.3-9).
Concubinage is forbidden.
25. Modesty is a biblical command that teaches us to dress decently, avoiding the ornaments
and the make-up which discredit the Church of God in the eyes of the world (I Tim. 2.9-10; I
Pet. 3.1-16; Rom. 12.2; James 4.4).
26. Eschatology: The Holy Scriptures speak of the second coming of the Lord Jesus Christ.
Two stages can be distinguished:
a) The Rapture of the Church
b) The appearance of Jesus Christ in the clouds of the sky.
The Lord Jesus Christ will reign over the earth a thousand years. Satan will be bound.
finally, the universal resurrection, the judgment at the white throne, and eternity, everlasting
life for the just, and eternal punishment for the wicked (I Thes. 4.13-17; Rev. 20.5-15; 21.1-
27).
27. The government is established by God, and must be respected and observed
(Rom. 13.1-7; Tit. 3.1-3).
AN EVANGELICAL STATEMENT OF FAITH
by the Evangelical Alliance ofthe V.K.
8
1. An evangelical believes in God as sovereign in three Persons: God the Father, God the Son,
and God the Holy Spirit, being three Persons but one God, sovereign in creation, providence,
revelation, redemption and final judgment.
2. An evangelical believes in the divine inspiration of the Holy Scripture and its consequent
entire trustworthiness and supreme authority in all matters of faith and conduct.
3. An evangelical believes in the universal sinfulness and guilt offallen mankind, making him
subject to God's wrath and condemnation.
4. An evangelical believes in the substitutionary sacrifice of the incarnate Son of God as the
sole and all-sufficient ground of redemption from the guilt and power of sin, and from its
everlasting consequences.
5. An evangelical believes in the justification of the sinner solely by the grace of God through
faith alone in Christ crucified and risen bodily from the dead.
6. An evangelical believes in the illuminating, regenerating, indwelling, sanctifying, and
empowering work of God the Holy Spirit.
7. An evangelical believes in the priesthood of all believers, who form the universal Church,
the Body of which Christ is the Head and which is committed by His command to the
proclamation of the Gospel throughout the world.
8. An evangelical believes in the importance of the local church for spiritual growth,
fellowship and service.
9. An evangelical believes in the divine institution of the ordinances of baptism and the Lord's
Supper.
10. An evangelical believes in the expectation ofthe personal, visible return ofthe Lord Jesus
Christ in power and glory.
We set forth these affirmations as the non- negotiable points of an evangelical confession. We
therefore encourage evangelicals to reaffirm their belief in and their practical commitment to
these fundamentals and to base all they set out to be, to say, and to do upon them.
8
From the World Evangelical Fellowship website. Extract from a paper produced by
ACUTE-the Alliance Commission on Unity and Truth among Evangelicals-as a contribution to the significant
debate during the UK National Assembly of Evangelicals in 1996 on the subject of Evangelical identity.
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However, the sole emphasis on doctrine, does not completely define an Evangelical.
Alongside what an Evangelical believes there should be a corresponding life-style. To be true
to history as well as to Scripture we must recognize that evangelicalism is not just about
orthodoxy, but also about orthopraxis. Where there is a heartfelt commitment to evangelical
doctrine, we should expect to see a corresponding evangelical lifestyle with the following
characteristics.
1. A love for, and a study of Scripture.
We reject any suggestion that a love for the Bible as God's inspired and authoritative word is
incompatible with being filled with, led or empowered by the Spirit. Such suggestions are
being made - that evangelicals are slaves to a book, or even guilty of bibliolatry. In fact the
evangelical doctrine we have set out is ample safeguard against such errors. To suggest
however that it actually encourages such error is to be divisive and schismatic. Far from the
Spirit and the written word being incompatible, or in opposition, they belong together
indivisibly in an evangelical lifestyle.
2. A regular life of prayer.
Evangelicals should be praying people, a people in communion with the living God. For
prayer to become neglected is like a married person ceasing to communicate with their partner
- it indicates a serious and fundamental breakdown in the relationship. Commitment to our
evangelical beliefs will lead to a practice of prayer.
3. A genuine pursuit of holiness.
To seek to be holy is equally fundamental, for God is fundamentally holy (1 Peter I: 14-16).
Any amount of noise in the name of evangelicalism that is not accompanied with holiness is
just hot air.
4. A passionate concern for spiritual life and revival.
To be evangelical should never be dull. Some have been happy to be known as evangelical,
but their spiritual lives, and their churches, have been desperately lacking in spiritual life and
vitality. Dead orthodoxy is a poor advertisement for the gospel. However, we must not set up
another set of fundamentals as an essential prerequisite for spiritual renewal or revival. We
believe the fundamentals we have set out, if really believed, are a full basis for real spiritual
life, and under God's providence, even for revival.
5. An active concern for evangelism expressed in verbal proclamation of the gospel.
To have no practical commitment to evangelism is to exclude oneself from being an
evangelical. The very word 'evangelical' oozes such concern. One cannot be evangelical and
yet not be evangelistic in spirit and lifestyle; it is a contradiction in terms. But there is a real
and long-standing problem among us. Much heart-ache has been caused when some
evangelicals have wished to draw onto their mission committees of platforms those who are
not evangelical, or have joined in broader-based evangelistic projects which their friends feel
they cannot join with integrity. But equally troublesome has been the stubborn refusal to join
with other evangelicals because there has been disagreement over secondary issues which one
of the parties has insisted on making primary.
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6. A humble openness and honesty in our dealings with each other.
At the heart of the evangelical spirit is humility. Our concern for the evangelical world today
is that it has become grey with internal politics and hidden agendas. No alliance of Christians
must ever become like the European Union, where each member appears to defer to the others
but only so long as it suits their interests to do so, and where each member aims to infiltrate its
own agenda into the wider body in the hope that theirs will become the controlling agenda.
Evangelicals should not be empire builders nor in the business of personality cults.
Evangelicals must be honest and open ("transparent" is the meaning of the word the Apostle
Paul used in Philippians 1:I0... "that you may be... sincere and without offence. "). Whether
as individuals, churches, denominations, or alliances, all evangelicals must be sincere and
honest.
7. Finally an infusion of evangelical love in action.
Since God is love (l John 4: 16), love is fundamental to the evangelical spirit. This love will
proceed in the same two directions as God's love - towards a lost world (John 3:16), and
towards His people (John 15:13-14). Both are indispensable to being an evangelical. First is
love in action towards the lost world, by proclaiming the Gospel but also by evangelical social
action. Evangelicalism at its high points in history has always brought such active love into
the world, hence the legacy of social benefit in the UK as a consequence of the evangelical
revivals of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. This has become the accepted agenda for
secular political parties and social organisations, and its evangelical origins should not be
forgotten.
Secondly, evangelical love must be shown in our attitudes towards one another as
evangelicals (and towards non-evangelicals too). On this, history gives grounds for despair.
We fear too that nothing will improve until we realise how important is agreement on and
commitment to those fundamental truths set out in this paper. They are the only foundation for
evangelical love and unity. If evangelicals cannot agree on them, or if we wish to make
secondary issues of primary importance, then we will struggle when it comes to love in action
with one another.
APPENDIX2
Table 4. Baptist Churches before World War 1I.
9
Crisana Salonta (H, 1873), Arpasel, Taut, Ginta, Tinea, Tamasda, Oradea (H, 1895),
Diosig, Episcopia Bihorului, Biharia, Spinus, Burzuc, Cermei,
Arad (H, 1897), Camar (H, 1898), Nusfalau, Ip, BorJa, Perecei, Crasna, Boghis,
Valcau, Simleul Silvanei, Samsud, Lesmir, Horovatul Crasnei, Sarmasag, Iliusa,
Zalau
Tulca, Talpos, Batar, Ucuris, Oradea (1912), Sanicolaul Roman, Alpare, Tinaud,
Topa de Cris, Orivisele, Sacuieni, Suplacul de Bargau, Ortireag, Balaia, Tileag,
Vadul Crisului, G r o ~ i , Beznea, Pestia, Viisoara, Curtuis, Secuieni, Ghereghiu,
Valea lui Mihai, Chesereu, Cadea, Carei
Curtici (1892), Arad (1901), Nadlac, Pecica, Brebi (1905), Jeac, Cuceu, Brusturi,
Prodanesti, Jibou, Somes Odorhei, Domnim, Galpaia, Sangeorzul de Mezes,
Bogdana, Bodia, Buciumi, Bocsa, Pecei Pausa, Cehei, Simleul Silvaniei, Marca,
Buteni (1896), Targusor, Beliu, Barsa, Macea, Varfuri, Radesti, Almas, Sebis,
Bocsag, Rapsig, Saljeni, Berechiu, Somosches, Cherelus, Sicula, Gruba, Seleus,
Coroi, Tauti, Drauti, Araneag, Minis, Siclau, Paiuseni, Tarnova, Maderat, Agris,
Siria, Pancota, Graniceri, Socodor, Nadab, Pi\. Varsand, Chisineu
Banat Timisoara (G, 1887), Jebel, Parta, Jimbolia
Timisoara (1923), Igris, Pesae, Valcani, Saravale, Cenad, Sanicolaul Mare,
Checea Romana, Beregsau, Ghertenis, Vermes, Gataia, Cerna,
Lalasint, Visma, Crivobara, Bara, Sintesti, Jupanesti, Faget,
Lugoj, Crieiova, Jidioara, Crivina, Gavojdia, Slatina Timis, Teregova, Gole],
Caransebes (1909), Borlova, Garbovat, Bolvasnita, Boutar, Buchin, laz,
Petrosnita, Valisoara, Otelul Rosu, Ciuta, Glimboca, Obreja, Voislova, Anina,
Potoc, Socolari, Mldova Noua, Pesear, Sichevita, Liubova, Moldavia Veehe,
Sfanta Elena (Cehi), Stinapari, Carbunari, Moldovita, Pojejena, Oravita, Ciclova,
lam, Vrani, Racasdia,
Resita (1919), Rudaria (1912)(Eftimie Murgu), Prilipet, Lapusnicul Mare,
Bozovici, Moceris, Bania, Globul Craiovei, Dalboset, Sopotul Nou, Sopotul
Vechi, Orsova, Mehadia, Valea Bolvasnita, Anina, Dognecea, Bocsa Romana,
Farling, Valea Mare, Visag, Vermes, Valea Pai, Fizes, Ghertinis
Dobrogea
Tulcea (R, 1870), Cataloi (G, 1862), Tari Verde, Cogilac, Mangalia
Cernavoda (1903), Arabagii, Viisoara, Cioara-Doicesti, Fetesti, Constanta, Stefan
eel Mare, Valullui Traian, Cogelac
Bucharest (G, 1856)
9 G = German, H =Hungarian church or mission station. The year represents the beginning of
the church.
399
400
Muntenia Bucharest (1912), Jegalia (1909), Falcoianca, Buturugeni, Mihai Voda, Tamas,
Butimanu, Peris, Lucianca, Turnu Magurele, Lila, Segarcea Vale, Olteanca,
Brancoveanca, Nenciulesti, Stoborasti, Balaci, Tecuci-Kalinderu, Raca, Floru,
Ploiesti (1926), Valeni de Munte (1923), Drajna de Jos, Filipesti de Padure,
Braila (1919)
Transylvania Cluj (1874), Brasov (H, 1903), Herman (1897), Bixad, Aita Seaca, Lutita, Darju,
Maresti, Purcareni, Sibiu (G, 1906), Cisnadie, Orastie, Dumbraveni, Petresti-
Alba, Talmaciu, Apoldul de Sus, Vurpar, Slamnic, Cenade,
Covasna (H, 1908), Batanii Mari (H, 1897), Oraseni, Ionesti, Cernatul, Martinis,
Nicolesti, Odorheiul Secuiesc, Targu Mures, Sfantu Gheorghe, Sarateni, Eliseni,
Crizbav, Chibed, Huedin (H, 1890), Sancrai, Demos, Macau, Dumbrava, Mera,
Capusul Mic, Bicalat, Lona
Cluj (1924), Dretea (1895), Garbau (1899), Sancrai, Bedeci, Calatele, Margau,
Bucea, Negreni, Ciucea, Morlaca, Poeni, Topa Mica, Gilau (turned Adventist in
10), Somesul Rece, Sacel, Deus, Fiurdeni, Vultureni, Panticeu (turned
Pentecostal in 46), Jula, Sanicoara, Desmir, Barai, Cara, Jucul de Sus, Rascruci,
Gherla, Dej, Capalnea, Chiuesti, Campia Turzii, Viisoara, Turda, Tureni,
Calarasi, Gligoresti, I1va Mare (turned Pentecostal), Rodna Veche, Lechinta,
Milas, Negrilesti, Dumbraveni, Ciceu Giuresti, Ciceu Poeni,
Deva (1923), Brad (1905), Ormindea, Lupeni, Petrosani, Vulcan, Petrila, Leonea,
Rau cu Mori, Carnesti, Sanpetru, Valea Dalghi, Ciula Mare, Ostrov, Nalati,
Unciuc, Balomir, Rachitova, Negoi, Lunca Cerni, Valea Lupului, Barul, Serel,
Buciumi,
Hateg, Bretea Romana, Livadia de Camp, Silvas, Unciuc, Paclisa, Hatiigel,
Malaiesti, Pesteana,
Alba Julia (1914), Simeria, Avram Iancu, Sebes Alba, Partes, Aiud, Hapria,
Acmar,
Sibiu (1926), Racovita, Carta, Avrig, Cisnadie, Gura Raului, Jina, Fagaras,
Brasov (1927), Eliseni, Toplita (1924), Negrilesti, Sarmas, Corbu, Bicaz
Oltenia Craiova (G, 1895), (Karol Krijanovsky)
Craiova (1926), Cetate Dolj, Segarcea Dolj, Manastireni Valcea, Calimanesti,
Corabia Romanati, Turnu Severin
Moldavia
Galati (1925), Cioara-Doicesti, J a ~ i (1929),
Bucovina Cernauti (G), Fratautii Vechi (G),
Patrautii de Jos (1913), Calafindesti, Vicovul de Sus (turned Pentecostal),
Patrautii Sucevei, Bosanci, Ipotesti, Campulung (tongues), Serbauti, Pojorata,
Radauti (tongues)
Bessarabia Chisinau
Maramures Satu Mare (1918), Lelei, Nadis, Bogdand, Archid, Diosod, Remetea Oas, Carei,
Andrid, Baia Mare (H)
Oarta de Sus (1920), Corni, Baia Mare, Salistea de Sus, Iapa, Sat Sugatag,
Basesti, Sighet, Saliste, Sarasau, Ardusat, Apa, Comarzan, Ardud
401
Table 5. Brethren Assemblies before 1938.
21
Muntenia Bucharest (1902), Balotesti (1932), Brezoaiele,
Gauriciu (1921, Izvoarele), Giurgiu (1928), Cervenia, Pielea, Grosu,
[torobaneasa (Beiu, 1930), Schitu Poienari, Marzanesti (1932), Dragodana,
Silistea (Toporu), Beiu, Pucioasa, Balenii Sarbi si Romani, Domnesti, Cazaci,
Ploiesti (1910), Tintea (1920, Baicoi), Nedelea (1924, Aricestii Rahtivanii),
Floresti, Campina (1928), B a t ~ e ~ t i , Brazi (1930), Busteni (1933), Zarnesti,
Nehoiu, Darmanesti, Targusoru Vechi, Bertea, Moreni, Bratasanca, Boldesti
41
Scaieni, Strejnicu, Popesti, Filipestii de Targ, Filipestii de Padure, Ploiestiori,
Breaza, Sinaia
Transylvania Brasov (G, 1905, 1911), Rasnov (G, 1904), Vulcan, Dumbravita (Tantari, Sinca
Veche), Holbav (1920), Codlea (1925), Tohanul Nou, Cristian, Tohanul Vechi,
Zarnesti, Ghimbav, Toderita, Poiana Marului,
Sibiu (G, 1908; 1926, Rosia), Cisnadie, Amnas (R,G, 1910), Dobarca (1914),
Boian, Malancrav, Talmaciu (1927), Medias (RG, 1928, Brateiu), Rasinari,
Drasov, Spring, Vingard, Pauca, Arpasu de Sus, Ocna Sibiului, Bogatul Roman,
Cugir, Starciu,
Sighisoara (RG, 1925), Cris, Cugir, Sebes, Calnic, Bampotoc, Cetatea de Balta,
Micasasa, Bencecul de Jos, Remetea Mare, Vulcan (H),
Miercurea Sibiului (G, 1908), Apoldul Mare (G), Dobarca (G), Ungurei (G),
Cluj (HR, 1930), Chidea, Nusfalau (H), Crasna (H), Mociar (H), Hunedoara
52 (Vetel), Banpotoc
Dobrogea 2 Tulcea (I 848?), Furcenii Vechi,
Oltenia Craiova (1925, Sarbatoarea, Italieni, Trepezita, Laza), Goicea Mare (1922,
Galicea Mare, Cama, Plosca), Tuglui, Ghindeni, Secui (Teascu, 1933, Malu
12
Mare), Sarbatoarea, Caruia, Leamna, Breasta, Almajel, Prigoria, Tg-Jiu
Moldavia lasi (1918), Veresti (1918), Bacu (Ipatele, Vulturesti, Suceveni, Bogdana),
Roman (1922), Solonet, Scheia, Ciohorani, Muncelu de Sus (Mogosesti),
Vanatori, Obroceni, Cozmesti, Targu Frumos, Miroslavesti, Dorohoi (1920,
Enescu), Durnbravita, Ibanesti, Sarata, Hiliseu Closca, Varfu Campului, Comi,
Barlad (1920), Zorleni, Salcea, Negreni, Bucecea, Vladeni (Mandresti), Odaia,
Lipovat, Vaslui (1925), Chitoc, Broscauti, Romanesti, Corjeuti (Pomaria),
Berezeni, Draxeni, Dresca, Banesti, Dumbraveni, Vutcani (Valia), Tufestii- Jos,
49
Adjud (1934), Buzau (1938), Beciu, Sarata, Corni-Albesti, Bacau,
Chisinau, Galati (1933), Trusesti
Bucovina Siret (1918, Bancesti, Vascauti), Veresti (1918, Probuta), Negostina, Granicesti,
Luncusoara, Banesti, Salcea (Lisaura), Bursuceni (1924), Chiliseni, Balcauti,
Todireni, Treblecea, Starcea, Dumbrava, Prelipca, Mihoveni, Tureatca,
21
Crajvana, Varful Campului, Suceava, Cemauti
Banat, Tatcaia (1906), Timisoara (Bencecul de Jos, 1924, Salbajelul Nou), Deva,
Crisana, and
Simeria, Remetea Mare,
Maramures
Salonta (H, 1922), Oradea (H, 1930), Seleus
8
183
21 According to the data provided by Oprea and by the Brethren Union. The localities in the
parentheses were stations of a main church. G = German, H = Hungarian church.
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